I
am pleased, Sir, to congratulate you and your friendly
country, Gabon, on your well-deserved election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session. We remain convinced that your great skills and
rich experience guarantee the success of our work. I
would also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Julian
Hunte, who so ably guided the work of the previous
session. I should like also to express my sincere
congratulations to Secretary-General Kofi Annan and
to his entire team, on the immense efforts they have
exerted to achieve the noble ideals of our Organization.
Allow me to express our deep satisfaction at the
activities undertaken since the last Assembly session,
notably the high-level segment of the Economic and
Social Council, held in New York in June, on the theme
of “Resources mobilization and enabling environment
for poverty eradication in the context of the
implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2001-2010”.
My country had the privilege of hosting the
preparatory meeting for our subregion last April,
bringing together government sectors and international
partners, as well as regional civil society organizations.
We hail the efforts to define priorities and the
measures needed to implement the recommendations of
the Monterrey Conference on Financing for
Development, the decisions taken at the Johannesburg
Summit on Sustainable Development and the
Millennium Development Goals. I should note here
that those Goals will be reached only if the Group of
Eight and the other industrialized countries pursue
their joint efforts to provide greater support and
assistance to developing countries. In this regard, I
would also like to reaffirm my country’s support for
the New York Declaration on the Action Against
Hunger and Poverty.
The achievement of the Development Goals and
ensuring security and stability are closely linked to
how we address the problem of violence and terrorism.
Terrorism is a global problem, and its solution must
also be global. The fight must be based on an
intellectual and cultural vision of the complementarity
of civilizations and on an absolute rejection of
confrontation between countries.
It is important also to note the unjust disparity in
the level of development between rich and poor
countries, because poverty and social, scientific,
technological underdevelopment are among the main
causes of tension, violence and extremism. The growth
of terrorism, and its resulting fear and destruction,
obliges the international community to engage in closer
dialogue, increased coordination and a concerted effort
to face the dangers that threaten all humankind.
My country, Mauritania, firmly condemns
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, including
the taking and killing of hostages, and we reaffirm our
commitment to combat that phenomenon, which is
alien to our society and to our sacred Islamic values,
which reject violence and extremism and which call for
dialogue, understanding, tolerance and the acceptance
of others.
It is clear that the repeated failure of the
international community to fulfil its commitments with
regard to the establishment of a comprehensive, just
and lasting peace in the Middle East and the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State
living side by side with Israel, remains the main cause
of insecurity and instability in the region and of the
growth of the extremism and violence from which we
all are suffering.
That is why it is high time that the international
community — represented by the Security Council, the
General Assembly and all relevant regional and
9

international actors, including the Quartet — work
together to bring about peace and stability in the
Middle East, which, together with the rest of the world,
has suffered for so long from the destructive effects of
war.
It is high time that we implement the Arab peace
initiative, under which the Arab States guarantee
comprehensive peace and the promise of normal
relations to Israel in exchange for a complete
withdrawal from all Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese
territories up to the borders of 4 June 1967, the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with
East Jerusalem as its capital, and a just, consensual
resolution of the refugee issue. Clearly, there is no way
to achieve that noble goal except to carry out the peace
process and to resume the negotiations on all tracks, in
keeping with the Madrid terms of reference, the
principle of land for peace, the road map and the
relevant provisions of international law.
We are following with interest the development
of the situation in Iraq, and we reaffirm our
commitment to the unity, territorial integrity,
sovereignty and independence of Iraq and to non-
interference in its internal affairs. My country also
reaffirms its support for the brotherly Iraqi people, its
Interim National Council and its Interim Government
in their efforts to overcome the difficulties hampering
their aspirations to security, stability and the
establishment of State institutions.
We are also following with interest the
development of the situation in Darfur. We welcome
the commendable efforts of the Sudanese Government,
in cooperation with the African Union, the League of
Arab States and the United Nations, with a view to
resolving the humanitarian, security and political
aspects of the crisis. We call upon all regional and
international actors to support those efforts and to
accord to the Sudanese Government the time it needs
to honour its commitments without threats of armed
intervention, the imposition of sanctions or any
tendentious propaganda aimed at giving the Darfur
problem an ethnic or sectarian dimension. In that
regard, I welcome the positive results achieved
following the peace negotiations held at Abuja and
N’Djamena, sponsored by the African Union. I
encourage all the parties to continue the dialogue and
the negotiation process, since that is the only way to
resolve the crisis.
I now turn to Western Sahara. Mauritania
supports the efforts undertaken by the United Nations
and its Secretary-General to arrive at a definitive
settlement that brings stability to the region and enjoys
the agreement of all the parties.
My country is strongly committed to contributing
to relations of cooperation and solidarity within the
framework of our integrated regional affiliations. We
are deeply convinced of the need for the Arab Maghreb
Union, which remains an indispensable strategic option
and an ambitious project aimed at enabling the peoples
of the region to achieve greater complementarity and
solidarity. My country seeks to deepen dialogue,
understanding and cultural contacts among
civilizations through the five-plus-five approach and
the Barcelona approach.
At the level of the African continent, we
commend the solidarity and complementarity within
the framework of the organization on the use of the
Senegal River and the brotherly and friendly bilateral
relations with West African countries. My country also
welcomes the decisions taken recently by the
institutions and organs of the African Union,
particularly the formation of an African Parliament and
a Peace and Security Council, which will constitute a
framework that will enable us to transcend all current
difficulties.
At the international level, Mauritania reaffirms its
support for the People’s Republic of China as the sole
and legal representative of the Chinese people. In that
regard, we appreciate the efforts of the Chinese
Government aimed at achieving its reunification by
peaceful means.
My country has the honour to preside over the
current session of the League of Arab States at the
level of Ministers for Foreign Affairs. I should like to
stress that the Arab Summit reaffirmed at Tunis the
resolve of all Arab States to pursue the reform process
by deepening democracy, expanding political
participation and promoting respect for human rights,
the advancement of women and the understanding that
such reform must be progressive, gradual and adapted
to social and cultural traditions specific to the States of
the region, not imposed from outside.
Mauritania is pursuing its efforts in that direction
under the leadership of the President of the Republic,
His Excellency Mr. Maaouya Ould Sid’Ahmed Taya,
and continues to work to establish the rule of law, good
10

governance and pluralistic democracy that promotes
human rights, freedom of expression, and personal and
general freedoms.
At the socio-economic level, we have adopted
significant new laws, such as those dealing with labour
and trafficking in persons and the introduction of broad
reforms that would enable us to make progress in
modernizing public administration to improve its
performance, liberalizing private enterprise, promoting
investment and providing basic services for our
citizens, such as education, health and potable water.
The Charter of the United Nations reflects the
common aspiration of the world’s peoples to attain
their fundamental development objectives and to
ensure international peace and security. Clearly, the
sweeping changes now taking place in the international
arena call for the reform of United Nations structures
with a view to expanding representation on the
Security Council, thereby opening it up to key regions,
such as Africa and Latin America, as well as
significant groups, such as the Group of Arab States,
and important industrialized countries that provide
substantial contributions to the Organization, such as
Germany and Japan, in order to respond to the new
changes taking place and to enable the Council, thus
restructured, to better reflect the realities and diversity
of today’s world.
We sincerely hope to see the international
community work together to consolidate international
solidarity in order to establish a new, just and more
equitable world order that safeguards peace and
security and provides a life of freedom and dignity for
everyone.


It is a
pleasure for me, on behalf of the people and the
Government of Haiti and on my own behalf, to express
to you, Sir, my heartfelt congratulations on your
election on 10 June to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth regular session. The
outstanding qualities that have won you this distinction
undoubtedly constitute a guarantee that our work will
progress well. I am convinced that advances will be
made in the search for viable and lasting solutions to
the different problems confronting the international
community. I also wish to express our gratitude to
Minister Julian Hunte of Saint Lucia, whose far-
sightedness and sense of balance gave decisive weight
to his initiatives to give new dynamics to the work of
the General Assembly during the last session.
I also want to pay tribute to the Secretary-General
of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to reiterate
to him, on behalf of the Haitian people, our deepest
9

appreciation for the constant interest that he has shown
in Haiti. This is also an opportunity for me to express
to you, Mr. President, and to the United Nations family
my deepest thanks for the expressions of sympathy
towards — and solidarity with — the Haitian people,
once again struck by terrible floods on 18 and
19 September 2004.
Since 1945, our Organization has given proof of
its capacity for survival and renewal. Nonetheless, the
recent course of events in certain parts of the world is
of constant concern. The imposing of terror as a form
of political expression is completely unacceptable. In
this regard, Haiti endorses the relevant resolutions of
the Security Council. The spiral of violence, which
tragically affects civilian populations here and
elsewhere, is an attack on human dignity and on the
culture of peace that the United Nations embodies. The
United Nations must necessarily play its role in the
forefront, in accordance with the United Nations
Charter, in the settlement of disputes that threaten
international peace and security. The Republic of Haiti
wishes to reaffirm its commitment to the ideals and to
the principles of universality of our Organization and
to the objectives of peace and development to be
attained through international cooperation.
While the Republic of Haiti celebrates, this year,
the bicentenary of its independence, it has had to
request the solidarity of the United Nations to help in
the stabilization of the situation in the country,
following the events of 29 February 2004. The Haitian
people express their appreciation to the Security
Council, which, at my request, gave the international
community the mandate to help Haiti in the process of
political transition by virtue of Security Council
resolutions 1529 (2004) and 1542 (2004).
Seven months after the major political events that
took place in Haiti, I have come here to bear witness to
the hopes that democratic renewal is inspiring in the
Haitian population. I am also here to say, on behalf of
the Haitian people and their Government, that the
Republic of Haiti has never felt as close to the
principles and the objectives of the United Nations,
which, at the height of our distress, showed its interest
in a future of freedom, democracy and collective well-
being in Haiti.
On 29 February 2004, in accordance with the
principles of the Haitian Constitution and in my
capacity as Chief Justice of our Supreme Court, I took
my oath as interim President of the Republic. Fifteen
days later, a Government of transition was established,
with the participation of the political and social forces
of the country. The transition over which I am
presiding is designed to be inclusive. The democratic
process has begun. Political parties are forming, and
others are reorganizing themselves. A constant and
fruitful dialogue has begun between the authorities of
the State, the political class and civil society
organizations in the country. In that same spirit, a
mutually satisfactory agreement was reached on
18 September between the Government authorities and
the representatives of the demobilized military. This
thus spared the nation a bloodbath and a pointless
fratricidal struggle.
I pledged, before the Haitian nation, to put an end
to the political transition that dated back some 20
years. May this transition put an end to the transition.
General elections will be organized in 2005. The
Government resolutely supports this process, and, on
7 February 2006, I must and will hand power over to a
democratically elected President.
I thank those States that made the deployment of
the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti
(MINUSTAH) possible, particularly those that have
made or will make contingents available to the
mission. I invite MINUSTAH to work more closely
with the Haitian authorities for genuine disarmament in
the country. It is not admissible that armed groups
commit their misdeeds with impunity, without being
the least disturbed by the presence of MINUSTAH.
The Haitian national police is steadily strengthening.
The transitional Government counts on international
cooperation to make that strengthening not only
quantitative, but qualitative, in terms of training and
equipment.
Without the active and sustained support of the
international community, the objectives of the
transitional Government might not be achieved. That
failure would mean a return to anarchy and chaos in
Haiti and would be a grave setback to the United
Nations.
However, Haiti has a fresh look. All freedoms are
guaranteed, international commitments are respected
and justice again prevails. Unfortunately, the
Government of Haiti and its intentions were recently
questioned, following a verdict in which no member of
the executive branch had any role whatsoever, and that,
10

in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the
Republic.
The necessary reform of the Haitian judicial
system is clearly an imperative. But it is fundamentally
unjust to blame the present Government of brazen
interference in judiciary proceedings or to
systematically bleed magistrates and the civil servants
in charge of establishing the law.
The Government of Haiti is extremely sensitive
to the comments and remarks of its friends and partners
with whom it is cooperating in all fields of political,
economic and social governance; but it refuses to be
associated with or connected to decisions that involve
only one organ of the State, which acted completely
independently, even if those decisions might raise
certain questions.
What must not be forgotten is that I am still
President of the Court of Appeals, provisionally
exercising the function of President of the Republic.
Therefore, I cannot tolerate any arbitrary action, nor
can I tolerate any interference of the political authority
in the judiciary system. Justice must be independent.
Guaranteeing security, promoting freedom and
human dignity, promoting economic growth and social
development, preparing the provisional electoral
council for the holding of honest, credible and clean
elections — those are the objectives that the
Government of Haiti intends to achieve through its
programme of action, within the current climate of
exceptional difficulties.
For that reason, I make a solemn appeal from this
rostrum to the international community, to friendly
countries, to the specialized agencies of the United
Nations system, and to all of those for whom solidarity
is not just word that special attention, beyond symbolic
gestures, be given to the Republic of Haiti so that a
substantial and well-directed cooperative effort may
help mobilize the necessary resources, with a view to
immediate and long-term action, and may promote the
return of sustained growth in Haiti following years of
stagnation.
The people of Haiti are starting anew, and it is
natural that at this time they should turn to the United
Nations. Based upon the values and objectives that we
share, Haiti seeks the understanding of its natural
partners so that it can at last break the infernal cycle of
violence and isolation in which it has lived for too
long.


I would
like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session. This election is a tribute to Africa and to the
brotherly State of Gabon. I am sure that you will carry
on the commendable work initiated by your
predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, with a view to
revitalizing the role played by the United Nations and
to enhancing its prestige.
I should also like to pay tribute to Mr. Kofi
Annan, the Secretary-General, for his untiring efforts
to achieve the objectives of our Organization. I want to
assure him, once again, of our trust in him and of our
full support.
The world today is faced with major risks and
perils of such magnitude that a renewed multilateral
system is required. In that regard, we must ask
ourselves if the United Nations system, in its present
form, is capable of providing effective solutions to the
numerous problems that are disrupting the international
order.
The end of the cold war, along with progress in
science and technology and the opening of markets,
should have led to greater security and prosperity, but,
instead, the world is still encountering distressing
conflicts, which cause considerable human and
material loss, to the detriment of development. Human
values and ideals are on the decline, while fanaticism,
extremism and terrorism are on the rise. The gap
between a rich North and a poor South is widening.
It is Africa that suffers the most from the
scourges of poverty, hunger, desertification and deadly
epidemics, in addition to the problems of illegal
immigration, refugees and forced displacement. The
countries of the South cannot effectively cope with
these scourges on their own without successful
regional and international coordination, as well as
effective support for local development efforts.
These problems, and their pernicious impact,
which is compounded by ethnic strife as well as by
regional tensions and conflicts, not only cause terrible
suffering but also hamper progress, development,
regional integration and the transition towards
democracy. The international community is therefore
called upon to pool its efforts so that the logic of
dialogue and negotiation may prevail over that of
force, destruction and war. It must give fresh impetus
to preventive diplomacy, at the regional and
international levels, in order to preserve peace and
security on our continent.
In that regard, Morocco considers that the
artificial dispute over the Sahara is, regrettably, still
hindering the establishment of the Arab Maghreb
Union. I should like to reiterate my countryís readiness
to cooperate in a sincere and determined way with the
United Nations and all the parties concerned in order to
achieve, within the framework of international legality,
a final, negotiated political solution that would
guarantee the sovereignty, national unity and territorial
integrity of the Kingdom of Morocco, and enable the
inhabitants of its southern provinces to manage their
regional affairs by themselves, in a democratic, stable
environment conducive to integrated development.
Such a solution would spare the area the risk of
becoming a hotbed of tension. It would also foster
Maghreb integration and enable the region fully to play
its role in the Mediterranean and in its relations with
African countries of the Sahel, thereby sparing the
whole of north-west Africa the risk of Balkanization
and the threats of international terrorism.
As an active member of the African family and of
the international community, the Kingdom of Morocco
is keen to continue cooperating with the United
Nations and the world community to settle disputes
through peaceful means, volunteering to participate in
United Nations peacekeeping missions, as is currently
the case in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
in CÙte díIvoire. Morocco is also eager to help bring
about reconciliation and the settlement of disputes
through peaceful means, as illustrated by the mediation
undertaken by my country to resolve the crisis in the
Mano River region.
Morocco takes pride in contributing to African
endeavours designed to meet the challenge of
achieving peace, development, progress and good
governance ó the very objectives of the New
Partnership for Africaís Development. Since the
accomplishment of those ambitious goals exceeds the
capabilities of African countries and requires
considerable resources, I urge the international
community to support this initiative and to find
generous and effective solutions to the debt problem.
Morocco has already taken steps in that direction.
As far as the Arab-Israeli conflict is concerned,
my country is as determined as ever to work with the
international community to find a just, comprehensive
23

and lasting solution within the framework of
international legality - a solution that guarantees
Israelís withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories
and the establishment of a viable, independent
Palestinian State, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital,
living side by side, in peace and concord, with the
State of Israel.
I should like to stress that, as Chairman of the
Al-Quds Committee, I am always ready to undertake
whatever initiatives are needed and to support
meaningful endeavours to restore peace to this region,
warning anew of the negative implications of the
violation of religious sanctities.
Morocco hopes that no effort will be spared to
help brotherly Iraq out of its current predicament and
to support its Interim Government in its efforts to
ensure stability and security for Iraqis and to create the
right conditions to initiate constructive dialogue and
organize elections which will enable all components of
the Iraqi population to choose their institutions freely
and peacefully.
In order to meet the challenges at this turning
point in history, the international community has no
alternative but to revitalize the current multilateral
system.
After the First and Second World Wars, nations
realized that it was necessary to establish a global
system to govern international relations, within the
framework of law and legality. Setting up an
alternative global system would not resolve the
problem of the fierce trade wars currently raging
worldwide, nor the ethnic conflicts, ideological
fanaticism and perils of terrorism, whether latent or
apparent. I am convinced that the United Nations,
which has helped solve countless crises, is perfectly
capable of managing the current international situation
in a peaceful and civilized way, by revitalizing the
multilateral system.
Such an objective, however, can be achieved only
if the United Nations is provided with the kind of
resources and means needed to meet the geo-strategic
requirements of the twenty-first century, and if its
working methods and its organs ó including the
Security Council ó are reformed and invigorated. The
United Nations system would then become an ideal
forum for negotiation and interaction between cultures
and religions. Furthermore, it would be effectively
instrumental in upholding human ideals, enhancing
security and stability and promoting sustainable
development.
Morocco, through its chairmanship of the Group
of 77 and China and its participation in various
regional and international events, including the Doha,
Monterrey and Johannesburg conferences, has sought
to contribute effectively to building this multilateral
system, as a top priority on its diplomatic agenda. My
country will continue to work for the implementation
of the Millennium Goals, urging countries as well as
international financial and trade institutions to honour
their obligations. Morocco reaffirms its commitment to
support the emergence of a new multilateral system
built on international legality, justice and equity and
cooperation in social and economic relations, and
based on an efficient and dynamic United Nations
system.
This is the course of action to be taken to enhance
trust in the United Nations as the conscience of
humankind and the bedrock of a new world order,
where the values of peace, global security, joint
development, equality, tolerance, democracy and
solidarity prevail.


I am honoured to address the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session on behalf of
the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
Allow me to extend my congratulations to you,
Mr. President, on your election, and to wish you well in
your endeavours throughout this session.
This year has seen important landmarks for the
Marshall Islands at the domestic level. On 1 May we
celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption
of our Constitution. The same day also marked the
entry into force of our amended Compact of Free
Association with the United States. The renewal of that
agreement reaffirms the special relationship between
our two countries.
At the regional level, we continue to place great
importance on our membership in the Pacific Islands
Forum. Over the past year, the Forum has conducted a
comprehensive review of existing regional
mechanisms. Last month Pacific leaders met in Samoa,
where they endorsed the terms of reference of a new
Pacific Plan, which will develop a strategy for broader
regional cooperation based on the key goals of
economic growth, sustainable development, good
governance and security.
At the international level, the Marshall Islands
reaffirms its solidarity with the Alliance of Small
Island States (AOSIS), which continues to act as a
powerful voice for small island developing States.
It has long been recognized that small island
developing States suffer from unique vulnerabilities
and disadvantages. In January 2005, the international
community will meet in Mauritius to conduct the
10-year review of the Barbados Programme of Action
for the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States. Over the past year, members of
AOSIS have been engaged in a detailed process of
preparation for the international meeting. At an
interregional meeting in January, small island
developing States adopted the AOSIS Strategy for the
Further Implementation of the Barbados Programme of
Action, which addresses critical issues including
climate change and sea-level rise, renewable energy,
trade access and others.
It is vital that we maintain the momentum in the
lead-up to Mauritius in order to ensure a successful
outcome for small island developing States. I
encourage the international community to become
engaged in the ongoing preparatory process and to
participate in the international meeting at the highest
level. It is our fervent hope that the meeting will
produce practical outcomes that will assist small island
developing States in implementing the Programme of
Action to benefit people at the local level.
In this increasingly globalized world, the
Marshall Islands faces challenges shared by many
other small island States. Our environment is extremely
vulnerable to the effects of climate change and natural
disasters; our small population faces the challenge of
managing high levels of major diseases such as
diabetes, and the risk of the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS
and other sexually transmitted diseases; and our limited
resource base and remoteness restrict our ability to
integrate into the global economy.
With these challenges in mind, the Marshall
Islands is particularly concerned about the following
issues.
First, regarding sustainable development, the
Marshall Islands has developed a national sustainable
development strategy, and we are in the process of
establishing a task force to ensure that the Millennium
Development Goals are fully integrated into our
national strategy. In striving to achieve internationally
agreed development goals, we are severely constrained
by our lack of human and technical resources. Thus we
continue to seek to form partnerships that will assist us
through capacity-building and technology transfer.
We were pleased that the twelfth session of the
Commission on Sustainable Development focused on
water, sanitation and human settlements. We in the
Pacific region are working hard to improve access to
fresh water and to develop environmentally responsible
waste-management systems. We seek the support of the
international community to assist us in the
implementation of regional projects such as the Pacific
Regional Action Plan on Sustainable Water
Management. We look forward to the thirteenth session
of the Commission’s providing further policy guidance
in these areas.
23

An ongoing issue of the utmost concern for the
people of the Marshall Islands is that of nuclear-
weapon testing. Between 1946 and 1958, the United
States conducted a series of nuclear tests in the
Marshall Islands, which included the detonation of 23
atomic and hydrogen bombs. On 1 March this year we
commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the Bravo
test at Bikini atoll. The Bravo blast was 1,000 times
more powerful than Hiroshima, and its fallout spread
radioactive debris across the neighbouring islands.
Today, many of our people continue to suffer
from the long-term health effects, while others remain
displaced from their homes because of ongoing
contamination. We urge the United States Government
to fully address the issue of adequate compensation for
populations affected by the nuclear testing programme
and to fulfil its responsibilities regarding the safe
resettlement of displaced populations.
On broader issues of disarmament and non-
proliferation, we urge the international community to
retain a focus on disarmament by the nuclear-weapon
States, as well as on non-proliferation measures. We
look forward to next year’s Review Conference of the
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, and we hope that the Conference
will produce substantial progress on the 13 steps
towards complete nuclear disarmament.
I wish to reiterate our critical concern regarding
climate change. Along with other low-lying island
nations, we are most vulnerable to the impacts of
climate change. We are already experiencing these
dramatic effects: sea levels are rising, weather patterns
are changing and coral reef systems are being harmed.
Urgent action is needed at the global level to halt and
ultimately reverse the devastating impact of climate
change. Without such global action, our national efforts
at sustainable development will ultimately be rendered
meaningless.
While we are committed to playing our part,
strong leadership is required by the major
industrialized countries. We renew our support for the
Framework Convention on Climate Change and the
Kyoto Protocol, and we call upon all States that have
not yet done so — in particular the major emitters — to
ratify the Protocol without further delay. We also call
upon the international community to assist small island
developing States in developing and implementing
comprehensive adaptation strategies.
As a nation whose livelihood depends on the
resources of the sea, we are becoming increasingly
concerned about the state of the world’s oceans and
fish stocks. At the regional level, we cooperate closely
with other members of the Pacific Islands Forum to
ensure that the oceans and marine resources in our
region are managed in a responsible and sustainable
manner. The Pacific Islands Regional Ocean Policy,
adopted in 2002, will be implemented throughout the
region under a recently developed framework for
integrated strategic action. Another notable
achievement in the region is the entry into force of the
Convention on the Conservation and Management of
Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and
Central Pacific Ocean.
While such developments are encouraging, we
reiterate our concerns regarding the prevalence of
illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. Like many
other small island developing States, we rely on
fisheries resources as a primary means of survival, yet
we lack the capacity to adequately monitor our
exclusive economic zone. Regional and international
cooperation must focus on addressing the problem of
illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing and
assisting small island developing States by building
capacity for monitoring and surveillance.
I have briefly mentioned a few of the major
priorities for the Marshall Islands. There are, of course,
many other important issues to be addressed during the
upcoming session.
International terrorism is obviously one of the
biggest challenges facing the global community today.
The reality is that no State or region is immune. All
States must take action at the national level and must
cooperate at the regional and international levels to
ensure that we combat terrorist threats with
comprehensive and unified action. Within the Pacific
region, we continue to cooperate closely to ensure that
effective regional action is taken to combat threats to
peace and security. At the national level, we are in the
process of implementing the 12 core anti-terrorism
conventions and the relevant Security Council
resolutions, and we have taken many steps to combat
money laundering and terrorist financing.
The Marshall Islands, as a State party to the
Rome Statute, welcomes the ongoing progress of the
International Criminal Court. We are pleased that the
Court is now fully operational and has begun its first
24

investigations. We are confident that the Court will
play a valuable role in the administration of justice at
the international level, and we urge those States that
have not yet done so to become parties.
Another issue requiring action by this body is the
continued exclusion of Taiwan from the United
Nations. Taiwan is a peace-loving, sovereign State, and
only its democratically elected Government can be the
legitimate representative of the interests of the people
of Taiwan within the United Nations. The Marshall
Islands reiterates its full support for the ongoing quest
of the people of Taiwan to be granted membership in
this global body and in various other international
organizations.
Finally, the Marshall Islands reiterates its support
for the expansion of the Security Council in both
categories of membership. We support the allocation of
a new permanent seat to Japan, and we believe that the
representation on the Council of developing countries
must be increased. Such expansion is crucial if the
Council is to retain its legitimacy.
My delegation looks forward, Mr. President, to a
productive session under your able leadership.


It is a source of pride for
Africans and our friends alike to see you, Sir, presiding
over the demanding business of the fifty-ninth session
of the General Assembly. You bring to your high office
the immense wisdom and experience you have gained
over the years as a dedicated public servant and
Cabinet minister of the Gabonese Republic. You hold
in your capable hands the mandate given to you by the
Charter of the United Nations to give new impetus to
the promotion of peace, human security and sustainable
development throughout the world. I congratulate you
warmly and pledge Namibiaís full support to you
personally and to your Bureau.
You will recall, Mr. President, the renewed spirit
and firm resolve for change demonstrated by African
leaders in July 2002 in Durban, South Africa. There,
we stressed a new beginning for Africa in transforming
the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and
launching the African Union and its development arm,
the New Partnership for Africa's Development
(NEPAD). We also reiterated our commitment to
embrace the African diaspora in consolidating and
transforming our continent.
I am, therefore, delighted to note that the
outgoing President of the General Assembly, His
Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte, hails from the sister
country of Saint Lucia in the Caribbean. I pay tribute
to him for his excellent and successful service to the
United Nations. During his tenure of office, he showed
leadership and dedication to world peace, security and
sustainable development.
We are gathered once again at United Nations
Headquarters to reaffirm the precious ideals, principles
and purposes of the Organization, and to transform
them into action towards ending armed conflict, saving
our children and investing resources to eradicate
hunger, disease and poverty in the world.
Our illustrious and hardworking Secretary-
General, my dear brother Kofi Annan, has left no stone
unturned in his tireless efforts to exert his authority in
conflict situations. His insistence on the centrality and
legitimate responsibility of the Organization to be on
the side of the poor, the weak and the needy in the
world should be commended. In his annual report on
the work of the Organization (A/59/1), the Secretary-
General once again reminds Member States of the
terrible state of the world, and offers real alternatives
for world peace and security, social development
financing and the mitigation of the effects of the
HIV/AIDS pandemic and other infectious diseases. I
commend the Secretary-General for his worthy
interventions and effective leadership.
During the 1999-2000 period, Namibia had the
rare honour and privilege of serving the Organization
in two capacities. My country served both as a non-
permanent member of the Security Council and,
simultaneously, as President of the fifty-fourth session
of the General Assembly, whose task, among others,
was to prepare for the Millennium Summit and the
adoption of the historic Millennium Declaration. I was
thus called upon to co-chair that Summit together with
my Finnish counterpart, Her Excellency Ms. Tarja
Halonen.
At that memorable Summit, the largest ever
gathering of world leaders unanimously endorsed the
far-reaching Millennium Development Goals and
targets. Today we all remain bound by that historic and
unique undertaking. Member States collectively
pledged, among other things, to eradicate extreme
poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary
education; promote gender equality and empower
women; reduce child mortality and improve maternal
health; combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and
other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability;
and develop a global partnership for sustainable
development.
By endorsing those Development Goals and
targets, our Governments have made a serious and
irrevocable commitment, through reliable public policy
interventions, to care for the millions of our children
all over the world who are asking for nothing more
than love, protection and a peaceful childhood.
In this undertaking, we cannot ignore the ever-
widening income gap between the rich and the poor,
between the industrialized North and the developing
South. This situation represents a dangerous time
bomb, which the world can ill afford to let take its own
course. Our planet Earth is too small to perpetuate the
unacceptable juxtaposition of abject poverty and
abundant prosperity. We will deal with this situation
effectively only when we promote mutually beneficial
commercial trade between the North and the South
within the framework of North-South and South-South
cooperation.
I would like to emphasize that the Millennium
Development Goals and targets by themselves are only
7

declarations of intent. Our Governments must translate
them into sustainable policies, buttressed by adequate
financial and technological resources, to make a real
difference in the lives of our peoples.
For its part, Namibia, in cooperation with the
relevant United Nations agencies, has adopted a
countrywide programme to implement the Millennium
Development Goals and targets. In addition to
deploying our own resolve and capabilities, we call
upon other development partners to assist us in our
national efforts towards nation-building, reconciliation
and transformation.
At the initiative of President Luiz Inacio Lula da
Silva of the Federative Republic of Brazil, world
leaders converged at United Nations Headquarters on
20 September 2004 to exchange views and find
workable solutions aimed at bringing an end to hunger
and poverty in the world. We commend him for that
important initiative, in which we participated. At the
end of the meeting, a declaration was adopted, which
Namibia fully supports. We call upon Member States
and other stakeholders to implement it with due
urgency.
The world has enormous resources with which to
fight and defeat poverty, hunger and
underdevelopment. In this process of dialogue, we
must insist on a realistic balance between the total
world spending on war and weapons technology on the
one hand and the implementation of the Millennium
Development Goals and targets on the other. What is
required is political will and compassion on the part of
world leaders. The debate on weapons of mass
destruction must not divide United Nations Member
States, but should lead nations to find and enhance
peaceful coexistence and cooperation. Developed
countries should consider their support to the countries
of the South as an act of enlightened contribution to
regional and global stability, and as a purposeful
incentive to encourage increased mutually beneficial
commercial trade and investment among all nations.
I wish to underline the significance of my
presence at the current session of the General
Assembly. Attached to my attendance are a long
history, a personal journey and an unbroken link
between Namibia and the United Nations over many
years. I entered this building for the first time in 1960,
as a petitioner before the Fourth Committee of the
General Assembly.
That was my first humble but determined
emergence on the diplomatic scene. I have spent many
years since then, attending various United Nations
debates and conferences that dealt with the
decolonization of Namibia and negotiations on self-
determination and independence. During those many
years, I addressed some of the Security Council
meetings held in respect of the question of Namibia,
starting in 1971, as the first freedom fighter accorded
such an opportunity.
I got to meet and know many distinguished
statesmen, diplomats, fellow petitioners and eminent
international civil servants in New York, Geneva, Paris
and other important conference venues. My Namibian
colleagues and I will always treasure the advice,
support and solidarity we received from the United
Nations family, and from friends the world over. Many
friendly nations of the world stood firm and rendered
moral, material and diplomatic support to the noble
cause of our freedom and independence.
Many world-renowned revolutionaries,
particularly on the African continent, rendered selfless
sacrifices, not only towards the independence of our
motherland, but also to free the African continent from
colonial exploitation and apartheid.
I therefore would like to salute and pay homage
to the visionary leaders of the African continent who
shaped the vision of African unity and the continentís
emancipation from the yoke of colonialism, foreign
occupation and apartheid. Among them, I pay special
tribute to Kwame Nkrumah, the first President of
Ghana; Ahmed Ben Bella, the first Prime Minister of
Algeria; Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt; Julius
Kambarage Nyerere of Tanzania; Kenneth Kaunda of
Zambia; General Murtala Mohammed of Nigeria;
Antonio Agostinho Neto of Angola; and other African
leaders and pan-Africanists.
Namibiaís protracted liberation struggle was
bloody and bitter. It caused the untold suffering and
sacrifices of our people inside the country and those of
us who were forced to spend many decades in exile.
After many years of struggle, the international
community finally recognized and endorsed the
legitimacy of our cause for freedom, equality and
justice, led by our national liberation movement, the
South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) of
Namibia.
8

Namibia became principally the legal
responsibility of the United Nations, and in that way a
unique partnership was forged for a common cause
between the world Organization and the struggling
Namibian people, which endured for 30 daunting and
eventful years.
On 21 March 1990, His Excellency Javier Perez
de Cuellar, then Secretary-General of the United
Nations, swore me in as President of the Republic of
Namibia. Later in September of the same year, I
returned to the United Nations to address the General
Assembly and, on behalf of my people, to thank the
United Nations for the special partnership and the
principled support in various forms that eventually
gave birth to the 160th State Member of our
Organization.
I paid tribute to those United Nations civil
servants and members of the United Nations Transition
Assistance Group (UNTAG) who served diligently to
ensure the full implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978). I also paid homage to those who
died in the course of their duty in Namibia.
I wish to recall with appreciation that my initial
access to the United Nations was made possible by
non-governmental organizations, church groups, a
handful of United Nations staff members and
concerned diplomats from friendly countries. I
sincerely thank them all. The Namibian people salute
them and will forever honour the memories we shared.
Among those many organizations, I wish to
particularly single out and pay deserved tribute to the
Africa-America Institute for its exceptional dedication
to provide and expand educational opportunities to
Africans across our continent, including Namibians,
both before and after our independence. I join other
African leaders in welcoming the Africa-America
Instituteís fiftieth anniversary education partnership
campaign, which I wholeheartedly recommend for
global support.
By my own decision and in compliance with our
Constitution, I will be serving as President of the
Republic only until 20 March 2005. I will then bid
farewell to my State duties and public functions. I am
looking forward to a less hectic life, but I will remain a
fully engaged private citizen. I intend to undertake
certain causes that are dear to my heart and be ready to
assist national, regional and international efforts,
especially in the areas of poverty eradication, people
with disabilities, food production and infrastructure
development.
At the beginning of my statement, I referred to
the launch of the African Union, NEPAD and Africaís
resolve to pursue a new beginning. I now want to add
another crucial dimension, that of gender equality and
the empowerment of women in decision-making and
their election to national, regional and international
institutions.
Our subregional organization, the Southern
African Development Community, spearheaded this
new thinking, and we are happy that the African Union
has also started implementing this progressive and
forward-looking agenda.
The recent inauguration of the Pan-African
Parliament, which is hosted by South Africa, is a
litmus test for Africaís renewal. We must not delay or
fail in our joint venture to achieve the total integration
of our continent.
The recognition and the full participation of
women in decision-making are fundamental to Africaís
transformation and industrialization. With that in mind,
we proudly acknowledge the election of Mrs. Gertrude
Mongella of Tanzania, who became the first President
of the Pan-African Parliament. There is no shortage of
competent and experienced African women to lead the
way forward. The African Union Commission includes
female commissioners from various African countries.
Africa must place at the top of its agenda the
involvement and support of women as leaders and role
models.
Since the days of the Organization of African
Unity, the United Nations and Africa have been true
partners. In the process, they have offered one another
mutual support and ever increasing cooperation in the
vital fields of conflict resolution, peace-building,
humanitarian relief and social development. Now that
the African Union has established its Peace and
Security Council, in addition to NEPAD, we envisage a
wider scope for cooperation and resource mobilization
to plan for the prevention of armed conflicts and
human suffering in Africa.
With the attainment of sustained peace and
stability, Africaís economic growth and poverty
eradication will become a reality and the hopes and
aspirations of our people will be realized. To that end,
9

we need continued and strong partnership with the
United Nations.
From this podium and in various other forums,
we have reaffirmed our belief in a peaceful,
democratic, transparent and just international system.
We have advocated a system that would bring the poor
and the rich of the world together to save the lives of
millions and pursue sustainable development and
human security.
To achieve that noble objective, the United
Nations, in particular the Security Council, cannot
continue operating on the basis of undemocratic
structures of decision-making. The Council should be
reformed without delay; political will is what is
lacking. We can do better. Now is the time. Africa
needs its place as a key player in this world body. We
demand our share of responsibility.
The current war in Iraq has divided the world,
causing enormous human suffering and undermining
international peace and security. There is widespread
distrust among nations, and the danger of nuclear
proliferation makes the situation even more alarming.
Millions of people in Africa, especially in the
Great Lakes region and the Sudan, continue to
experience untold suffering due to conflict and war.
Namibia is deeply concerned about the killings and the
human rights violations against innocent women,
children and the elderly in the Darfur region of the
Sudan. We call on all parties concerned, in particular
the Government of the Sudan, to implement without
delay all the agreements and commitments they have
made.
Against that background, my Government fully
supports Security Council resolution 1564 (2004) of
18 September 2004. While we support the efforts of the
African Union to find a peaceful solution to that highly
volatile situation, we feel strongly that the Security
Council should assume full responsibility in
accordance with the Charter. This problem can be
resolved only through a Security Council resolution
establishing a peacekeeping mission for Sudan, in
particular to deal with human suffering in Darfur. In
that context, as a product of the United Nations
ourselves, and in the light of our commitment to the
maintenance of international peace and security,
Namibia is prepared to contribute a battalion to such a
United Nations mission.
The United Nations Settlement Plan for Western
Sahara must be implemented immediately. Likewise,
the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people must be
realized. We, the international community, owe it to
them.
Namibia reiterates its call for the immediate and
unconditional lifting of the United States embargo
against Cuba in order to allow the people of the two
countries to coexist peacefully.
The global security situation is being further
threatened by the emergence of mercenaries, who
undermine legitimate Governments. The African
continent has not been spared by this ugly
phenomenon, which should be condemned by the
international community.
The United Nations is the ideal place for finding
solutions through multilateral negotiations and
compromise. The Secretary-General needs the
unwavering support of all Member States in order to
play an effective role in the Middle East and Africa
and in conflict situations around the world. Whether
fighting poverty, HIV/AIDS or terrorism, the
international community must act as one. We must stop
human suffering and promote security and prosperity
for all.
Namibia stands for peace, unity, stability and
mutually beneficial economic partnership. Our
Constitution is the primary guide we rely on in those
pursuits.
My Government is implementing Vision 2030
and the successive national development plans in
stages, with a view to further enhancing economic
growth and improving the living conditions of our
people, including by transforming our villages into
viable socio-economic participants. Poverty, education,
health care, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, skills
development, the empowerment of women, the
protection of children and assistance to people with
disabilities are among the urgent national priorities
covered in those people-centred government
interventions.
We carry them out in partnership with business,
labour and those representing civil society. Happily, the
competent United Nations agencies and international
experts based in Namibia are working closely with my
Government to bring prosperity and transformation to
Namibia and the subregion. When we succeed, Africa
10

will benefit and the world, too, will acknowledge the
shared rewards of development partnerships.
I conclude my statement in the confidence that,
through the United Nations, humanity will triumph
over the challenges that confront us today so that the
future generations will live in peace, free from the
scourges of war, poverty, hunger and disease. I believe
strongly that our common goals and objectives are
achievable because a people united, striving to achieve
a common good for all members of society, will always
emerge victorious. Long live the United Nations!


An
overall and realistic review of the current developments
in international relations reveals that our world today
faces the formidable challenge of extremism.
Extremism has two distinct and yet
interconnected faces: the violence and terrorism of
non-State actors and the unbridled militarism of States.
The former leads to increasing insecurity and the latter
to increasing lawlessness. Insecurity is manifested in
horrendous acts of extreme violence and terrorism,
whether it is in Iraq, Afghanistan or Russia.
Lawlessness is manifested in acting outside of
international law and the United Nations Charter and
relying on the glorification of force and the blatant use
of military might. Lawless militarism of the powerful
has given rise to increasing violence and terrorism and
is also marketed as their panacea. We must be
relentless against the former in a truly collective and
all-inclusive manner, and we will muster the courage
and national discipline to guard against the latter and
remain within the confines of international law.
The increasing insecurity and escalation of acts
of violence and terrorism in different parts of the world
are a matter of serious concern to all of us. The recent
tragic incidents in Iraq, in the school in Beslan in the
Russian Federation’s North Ossetia, and State terrorism
in occupied Palestine have shocked and outraged all
peoples worldwide. No rationale can justify the killing
of children and the innocent.
As terrorism has become an international
challenge, an effective fight against it requires a global
approach based on collective cooperation under the
provisions of the United Nations Charter as well as the
principles of international law. We must rise above
business-as-usual politics and avoid discrimination,
double standards and selectivity in our approach to
fighting this global menace. As a victim of terrorism,
the Islamic Republic of Iran strongly condemns
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, and we
have demonstrated our strong commitment to fighting
terrorism by the arrest and handover of the greatest
number of Al Qaeda members apprehended by any
single State to date. Our commitment fighting terrorism
is unwavering. However, the prevailing international
approach, which is primarily a law and order approach,
is clearly failing to curb terrorism. We need to revisit our
premises and try to develop a genuinely collective,
inclusive, well-rounded and multidisciplinary approach,
if we are serious about this fight. No State can even
come close to doing it alone.
The increasing lawless militarism, the second
face of the challenge we encounter, is the use of brute
and unsanctioned military force to achieve some
political goals, albeit desirable goals. A clear example
of this lawlessness is the attack against Iraq. The attack
33

against Iraq was illegal. I wish to thank our
distinguished Secretary-General for making this
statement a few days ego and courageously defending
the Charter of the United Nations and the rule of law. If
we, in this body, do not collectively defend the rule of
law, we have helped to send the United Nations Charter
to oblivion, thereby serving domination and militarism.
We in Iran benefited greatly by the removal of
Saddam Hussein. Many in Iran are joyous to see the
murderer of their sons behind bars. However, as a
matter of principle, and as a principle of the United
Nations Charter, this cannot be regarded as anything
but the fruit of the forbidden tree. The international
community has demonstrated that it will not celebrate
achieving this desirable goal through the illegal means
of glorifying military power and rushing to use force
without the approval of the United Nations.
The increasing lawlessness of States constitutes
even a greater danger to our security. It undermines our
collective ability to contain terrorism and violence. It
offsets our efforts to promote justice, equality,
freedom, dignity and prosperity for all, because, if
continued, it will lower everyone’s quality of life and
devalue our humanity. The prevailing world realities
illustrate that unbridled militarism and blind terrorism
are mutually reinforcing. The international community
must work together to find a way to liberate itself from
this vicious cycle.
In this context, one particular area that requires
resolute action by the international community is the
existence and proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. As the only victim of the unbridled use of
these weapons in recent years, Iran feels very strongly
about the absolute imperative of a collective and rule-
based multilateral campaign to eradicate all such
weapons and to prevent the proliferation of nuclear
weapons as an interim measure. This must be done by
the universal application of disarmament and non-
proliferation instruments in a comprehensive and non-
discriminatory manner. The relevant multilateral
instruments must become truly universal and the rights
and obligations of all must be scrupulously enforced.
Access to technology for peaceful purposes is the only
true incentive for the universality of those instruments.
At the same time, the legitimate disarmament and non-
proliferation concerns of the international community
must be addressed through transparency and the
vigorous application of monitoring mechanisms. Iran
has always been prepared to contribute actively to that
global effort. While we insist on our right to
technology for peaceful purposes, we have left — and
will leave — no stone unturned in order to provide
assurances of our peaceful intentions.
Iran has been in the forefront of efforts to
establish a zone free from weapons of mass destruction
in the Middle East. This initiative, which has received
the repeated approval of this Assembly and the Security
Council, has been systematically obstructed by Israel’s
intransigence and its rejection — regrettably, with
impunity — of all multilateral instruments. All countries
of the region and beyond are unanimous in considering
the Israeli arsenal, including its weapons of mass
destruction, combined with its policy and record of
aggression and State terrorism, as the single greatest
threat to regional and global peace and security. Israel
cannot hide these facts behind smoke screens. It is time
for the international community to show its resolve to
maintain the credibility of multilateral disarmament
instruments by taking action to compel Israel to
comply.
Next year will mark the sixtieth anniversary of
the entry into force of the United Nations Charter. The
next General Assembly will receive the report of the
High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change.
Now in the final stages of preparing its report, the
Panel would be well-advised to go beyond the
generally advertised perceptions of threats and
challenges, and to address the more fundamental
malady of our age — that is, violence and the
glorification of military might. Obviously, the
prescription that the Panel will provide will very much
depend on its own perception of threats.
In that context, the paradigm of Dialogue among
Civilizations, presented by President Khatami of the
Islamic Republic of Iran and warmly received by the
international community, continues to provide the only
vehicle to help promote mutual understanding and
facilitate cooperation among States in the pursuit of
peace, tolerance, freedom and prosperity.
In 2005, coinciding with the sixtieth anniversary
of the adoption of the United Nations Charter, the
implementation of the Global Agenda for Dialogue
among Civilizations will be reviewed. Based on the
international experience gained in the period from
2001 through 2005, such a review can help the
international community to further advance that
paradigm as a long-term process towards promoting
34

peace, democracy and development — the real principles
and objectives of the United Nations Charter.
We condemn all acts of violence and terrorism in
Iraq. We stress the need for promoting security and
preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political
independence of Iraq, promoting democracy through
drafting a new constitution, holding free and fair
elections as scheduled and accelerating the
reconstruction of Iraq, as well as the speedy
withdrawal of foreign forces from that country.
We welcomed the formation and supported the
operation of the Iraqi transitional government as a
positive step towards the restoration of the Iraqi
people’s sovereignty. We emphasize that the United
Nations has a pivotal role to play and substantial
responsibilities to discharge in the transitional period.
We also welcome the position of the United
Nations Secretary-General on the important role that
the neighbouring countries to Iraq can play in the
restoration of peace and stability in Iraq and in its
reconstruction.
In the Palestinian lands, the world is witnessing,
with much regret and concern, the continued gross
violation of human rights and the Israeli policy of
occupation and repression against the oppressed
Palestinian people.
A durable peace in Palestine will only be possible
if it is based on justice and guarantees an end to the
occupation of the Palestinian lands, restoration of the
inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, return of
the people of the Palestinian diaspora to their
homeland, participation of all in a democratic process
and the establishment of a Palestinian State with Al-
Quds Al-Sharif as its capital.
We are of the view that the enlightened
Palestinian people are capable of independently
deciding their political and social affairs and we
respect their free decisions on the future of Palestine.
We welcome the valuable efforts by the
Government of Afghanistan to consolidate peace,
security and stability in the country. In addition,
holding fair and free presidential and legislative
elections and establishing a broad-based representative
and multi-ethnic government, will be vital steps in the
process of democratization and reconstruction in
Afghanistan.
Realization of the Millennium Development
Goals is inseparable from viable international peace
and security. Otherwise the political, social, economic
and cultural problems of our world will continue to
increase cumulatively, leaving us in a more desperate
situation. In our view, the only option available to us is
to foster closer international cooperation under
internationally recognized rules and instruments in the
light of dialogue, justice and democracy.


I wish to greet you all and
express my great pleasure at having this opportunity to
address this Assembly. I also wish to thank the United
Nations, once again, for everything it has done and is
doing for my country. Specifically, I would like to
stress the importance of giving support to the returnees
who were expelled from their homes.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is a multi-ethnic country
in which Bosnian Muslims, Orthodox Serbs, Catholic
Croats, Jews and many other ethnicities lived in peace
and tolerance for hundreds of years. In Sarajevo and in
most other Bosnian towns, one can find mosques,
Orthodox and Catholic churches and Jewish temples
that have stood side by side for hundreds of years. For
this reason, Sarajevo is called the Jerusalem of Europe.
Preserving the multi-ethnic structure of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, with all its characteristics and
diversities, presents an historic challenge, not only to
Europe, but to the whole world. Bosnia and
Herzegovina is the foremost meeting point of world
cultures and religions. It therefore refutes the theory of
the clash of civilizations.
I would like to update you on the situation in my
country, which has made significant progress over the
last nine years.
The infrastructure destroyed in the war has been
rebuilt and macroeconomic stability has been achieved,
with only 1 per cent inflation. The banking system has
been consolidated and foreign debts are being paid off.
Since the post-war period, the gross domestic product
has increased three times over and national reserves
have increased 14 times over. Foreign currency
reserves and savings are constantly increasing as well.
We are on the right path to meeting all the
requirements for starting negotiations with the
European Union (EU) on stabilization and association
agreements. Due to the Republika Srpska entityís
failure to cooperate with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), we have
been unable to gain Partnership for Peace membership,
although we meet all of the requirements.
Strong reforms are under way in the areas of
education, customs, taxes, security and the defence
2

system. Many new central institutions have been set
up, such as the Defence and Security Ministry, the
intelligence service, the Bosnia and Herzegovina Joint
Military Command and others. Compared with the
approximately 500,000 soldiers of the three separate
armies in 1995, the Bosnia and Herzegovina military
forces now have 12,000 soldiers. The North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) had some 70,000 soldiers
in Bosnia in 1996, and the Stabilization Force (SFOR)
now has about 7,000. The security situation is stable;
the peace has never been broken. Since the Dayton
Peace Accords were signed, not a single foreign soldier
has been killed in Bosnia. Instead of being a consumer
of international aid, Bosnia and Herzegovina is
increasingly becoming a participant in international
peace missions, such as those in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, Liberia,
Timor-Leste, Haiti and others.
The common foreign, security and defence
policies of the European Union have enabled the EU to
take the leading role in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By
the end of this year, EU military forces will take over
from SFOR in Bosnia.
The positive stabilization process - as well as
the overall progress made not only in Bosnia, but also
in the other countries created after the dissolution of
the former Yugoslavia - is being slowed down by an
inappropriate attitude towards war crimes and war
criminals. Some public and political officials are trying
to find an excuse for the war crimes, saying they were
committed in the interest of vital ethnic protection. Yet
war criminals are treated as national heroes. This must
be changed. Only on the basis of truth and justice can
we build confidence and reconciliation among the
people and friendly relations among our respective
countries.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia has an irreplaceable role to play in
that process. We deeply appreciate the work it has done
so far. In our view, it must finish the trials that have
already begun, particularly those of the highest-level
officials. Some of the cases not yet completed can be
transferred only to courts of countries where the crimes
happened. This can be done only when those countries
are prepared to guarantee fair and correct trials.
Full cooperation with the ICTY must be an
unavoidable requirement for accession to Euro-Atlantic
institutions. Moreover, it is not enough to arrest and
prosecute only war criminals on the ICTY's list. Local
courts in our respective countries must prosecute
thousands of other war criminals who are still at large,
who constitute a destabilizing factor, who hinder
positive processes, and who are often connected with
organized crime.
In my country, we are going to establish within
the Bosnia and Herzegovina Court a war crimes
chamber. The chamber will take over some of the
Hague Tribunalís cases, but it will also prosecute many
other criminals. It is going to be The Hague in
miniature. We will therefore need technical and
financial support, and we will have to involve
international judges and prosecutors with experience in
such trials, above all those who have worked at The
Hague Tribunal.
Next year will be the tenth anniversary of the
genocide against Bosnian Muslims in the United
Nations safe havens of Srebrenica and Zepa. The
people most responsible for that genocide, as well as
for all other war crimes committed in Bosnia and
Herzegovina - Radovan Karadzic and Ratko
Mladic - have not yet been arrested. Those two men
are responsible for the death of about 200,000 people.
From this rostrum, I call on all in authority to arrest
them.
The outstanding issue of about 15,000 missing
persons, whose bodies are spread among numerous
mass graves throughout the country, 320 of which have
been found so far in Bosnia, presents a big problem for
my country. We need help in finding the missing and
identifying them.
The political system set up by the Dayton and
Washington Agreements played a positive role in
establishing peace, reconstruction and progress in my
country. However, they are now increasingly becoming
an obstacle to further development and progress. The
current administration in Bosnia, with a federation
composed of 10 cantons, a republic and a district -
strong entities and a weak State - is an obstacle in our
way towards Euro-Atlantic integration. It is an
extremely complicated and expensive system that is
barely operational. The people, both in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and outside, are aware of this to varying
degrees.
I believe the time is coming for domestic political
representatives to start to discuss the revision of
Bosnia's constitution and its compliance with
3

international conventions. We have to create an
efficient State with institutions and mandates that will
enable us to become a full member of the EU and
NATO. I hope we will get support and help from
friendly countries and the international community as a
whole. A good opportunity for this will be next year,
the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Dayton
Peace Accords. It is time for Bosnia to turn from the
Dayton phase to the Brussels phase.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is sincerely and firmly
committed to strengthening friendly relations with the
neighbouring Republic of Croatia and the State Union
of Serbia and Montenegro on the basis of mutual
respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and
equality. Our geographical location, history, ethnic
composition and economic and infrastructure
connections are leading us towards overall cooperation.
We are aware that, without a resolution of disputed
issues, we cannot proceed further to European
integration; we already have achieved some progress in
this regard.
The countries of South-Eastern Europe have
made huge individual and joint efforts to achieve great
progress in changing the stereotype of the region as a
backward, problematic and conflict-ridden area of the
European suburbs. Regional cooperation is being
promoted in the areas of defence, security, border
control, free markets, visa regimes, combating
corruption and organized crime and the protection of
ethnic and religious minorities.
The issue of borders in the region cannot and
must not be opened again. We have to arrange such
matters in compliance with European standards.
However, we have to open the issue of cooperation
with respect to borders, since it is in our common
interest.
I think that the Iraqi crisis needs to be resolved
simultaneously with the Palestinian issue. We therefore
support the initiative of the Quartet and the road map
as a basis for setting up a sincere dialogue between the
two States, with United States mediation. We also
strongly condemn all terrorist acts, as well as execution
without trial of Palestinian religious leaders. We
strongly condemn the Israeli side's construction of the
protection wall.
We are happy with the consensus among Security
Council members on the transfer of sovereignty from
coalition forces to the legitimately elected legal and
executive authorities in Iraq. We think the United
Nations should take the leading role in shaping the
future of Iraq. The Iraqi people need to govern their
own country, and the military forces that control the
territory must respect the Geneva Conventions and
humanitarian law. The territorial integrity and
sovereignty of Iraq must be preserved, including
sovereignty over its natural resources. We call for
protection of Iraq's world heritage civilization and holy
places, such as Karbala and the Imam Ali mosque in
Najaf. With a view to helping the people of Iraq and
contributing to the establishment of peace there,
Bosnia and Herzegovina has sent a unit to Iraq to
destroy mines and unexploded devices.
My country is sincerely committed to combating
international terrorism and is an active participant in
the international anti-terrorist coalition. Terrorism is
not only a threat to peace and security; in our view, it is
immoral and counterproductive. It is immoral because
innocent people are killed, and it is counterproductive
because terrorism cannot resolve problems. It only
produces new ones. In that regard, I would like to
highlight here the example of Bosnian Muslims, since
we were the major victim of the aggression against
Bosnia between 1992 and 1995. We managed to defend
ourselves, but both during and after the war we never
turned our hands to revenge or terrorism.
Allow me to review the issue of Security Council
reform, as well as that of strengthening the efficiency
of the mechanisms of the United Nations. The citizens
of Bosnia and Herzegovina know from their own
experience what a lack of proper and efficient United
Nations action can mean. If United Nations
mechanisms were more efficient, the aggression
against Bosnia and Herzegovina would not have
happened or, at least, the war would not have been so
long. If they were more efficient, then genocide would
not have been committed in the United Nations safe
havens of Srebrenica and Zepa. For that reason, I want
to remind everyone of the Organizationís obligation to
assist the survivors in those areas.
When considering the situation in the world
today, the question of efficient cooperation in the area
of security is inevitably raised. The Security Council
needs to be the leading factor for peace and stability in
the world. It has to have at its disposal mechanisms
that can be operated with efficiency and speed in order
to prevent conflicts from becoming military clashes.
4

Among other proposals, we support the initiatives
to enlarge the Security Councilís membership.
Bosnia and Herzegovina wants to become a non-
permanent member of the Security Council. In terms of
Security Council efficiency, our experience has been
mostly a negative one. Through our participation in the
work of the Council, we hope to prevent a repetition of
our experience elsewhere in the world. Therefore, we
take this opportunity to confirm our intention of
putting forth our candidature for the 2010-2011 term.
Bosnia and Herzegovina deserves that honour and we
are determined to prove our worth.


It is with
pleasure that I congratulate you, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency at the fifty-ninth session
of the General Assembly.
It is also a pleasure to speak to the Assembly
today as the Prime Minister of a fully sovereign State
that seeks to recover its place among the community of
nations. Iraq has been isolated from the international
community for a very long time. It was deprived of the
very important role it should play in the community of
nations. The Iraqi people aspire to recover that role
today.
Iraq is a nation rich in cultural heritage and
history, as the cradle of civilization. But the oppressive
regime of Saddam Hussein cast a long, sinister shadow
over Iraq. It traumatized and suppressed the people of
Iraq for decades. With the fall of Saddam Hussein’s
11

oppressive regime, our country and the world have
been made safer. New horizons for fruitful and
constructive cooperation with the world have emerged.
A new situation has emerged in Iraq, which is
now experiencing a conflict of far-reaching
consequences for the country’s future and its relations
with the world. It is the struggle of the Iraqi people —
and its vision for future peace and democracy —
against the terrorists and extremists and the remnants
of Saddam Hussein’s regime, who are targeting that
noble dream long nurtured by our people. It is the
struggle of all civilized nations against those working
to destroy civilization and world culture. I therefore
appeal to the representatives of the countries assembled
here to help Iraq to defeat the forces of terrorism and to
build a better future for its people.
The President returned to the Chair.
The brutal dictatorship imposed by Saddam
Hussein on Iraq brought destruction to Iraq and
brutalized and traumatized the Iraqi people. The regime
killed hundreds of thousands of Iraqi citizens. It
arrested and tortured many thousands more and drove
millions of Iraqis to leave their country after depriving
them of the most fundamental human and civil rights.
It also ruined relations among Iraqis by sowing the
seeds of religious, ethnic and other divisions.
My words today cannot adequately convey the
oppression and suffering endured by the Iraqi people
over three decades. We have discovered 262 mass
graves, and we continue to find more; they prove the
corruption of the Saddam regime and its lack of
compassion and respect for life.
During the brutal era of Saddam Hussein, the
dream of the Iraqi people was to build a democratic,
federal and free Iraq that would ensure a dignified life
for its citizens. Today, we have a genuine opportunity
to make that dream come true. Iraq has now become a
country of laws that ensure respect for human rights
and freedoms. It has a Government that embodies the
diversity of the Iraqi people within the framework of
genuine national unity.
Today, we are also preparing to hold democratic
elections next January under the timeline set in the
Law of Administration of the State of Iraq for the
Transitional Period and in Security Council resolution
1546 (2004). We are committed to that timeline despite
the complexities and difficulties involved, and, with
the Assembly’s help, we can meet the deadline.
Holding elections is a vital and necessary step towards
improving the security situation in Iraq. We hope that
all Iraqis will participate in the elections and contribute
to the completion of the political process.
Nonetheless, there is a tiny extremist minority
that seeks to deprive Iraqis of the opportunity to fulfil
their dream of building a democratic future in Iraq.
Like all terrorists everywhere in the world, those who
are responsible for terrorism in Iraq hate democracy,
freedom and humanity. They are abetted in their
criminal endeavours by a number of foreigners who
have infiltrated Iraq from neighbouring countries.
There are also criminals from the previous regime, who
aim at destroying our country and impeding progress.
They are not freedom fighters, as is claimed by some
biased circles. They do not mean to liberate our
country; rather, they want to spread chaos, violence
and terror and jeopardize the security of citizens and of
the country. They target the dreams and aspirations of
the Iraqi people.
In fact, our goal in the ongoing conflict is to
restore stability and the rule of law and to enable the
men, women and children of Iraq to live free from fear.
The aim of the terrorists, on the other hand, is to
destroy the aspirations and will power of our people
through mass killings and the destruction of Iraq’s
infrastructure, and to stop economic life in Iraq and
create a state of tension, panic and instability in order
to undermine peace and security. They want to destroy
human civilization in our region and, indeed,
throughout the world.
For all those reasons, my Government’s top
priorities are to defeat the terrorists’ schemes, to
establish security throughout Iraq and to hunt down the
terrorists and bring them to justice. We have developed
plans to promote security as a vital precondition for the
reconstruction of Iraq, the restoration of economic
progress, the completion of the political process, the
achievement of national reconciliation and the
promotion of a culture of tolerance among all citizens
of Iraq.
Perhaps members now appreciate the daunting
task we are facing. We look forward to assistance from
our neighbours and all of our friends in the
international community in order to achieve security
and stability in Iraq. I recognize that some countries
here objected to the war that brought down the
12

oppressive regime of Saddam Hussein and liberated the
people of Iraq. And that is their right. However,
differences over this issue should not remain an
obstacle to establishing new cooperative relationships
that would allow Iraq to receive serious international
support to consolidate security, freedom and
democracy in our country and to forge ahead on the
path of development and progress.
Iraq welcomes international support for the
objectives of the Iraqi people as outlined in Security
Council resolution 1546 (2004), which was adopted
unanimously. That resolution reaffirms the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Iraq and endorses the
formation of the national Government. It also affirms
the international community’s commitment to support
the Government in fulfilling the will of the Iraqi people
by holding elections and establishing the proper legal
framework for political parties and civil society. In
addition, it places emphasis on the re-establishment of
an effective governmental structure, the application of
the principle of social justice, and the promotion of a
climate of tolerance, dialogue and human rights.
We need more assistance from our neighbours
and from the international community as a whole to
meet all those objectives and to translate the
aspirations of the Iraqi people into realities after so
many decades of suffering under the oppression of the
previous regime and its excessive practices. We are
proud of our membership of the League of Arab States,
the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, and
we have started a fruitful dialogue with the European
Union. We hope that all that will lead to concrete
positive results in the near future.
Also, I am pleased to announce here that the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has agreed
to assist Iraq in the training of its security forces. I
especially welcome the upcoming conference of
neighbouring countries and other friendly countries,
with the objective of empowering the Iraqi people to
face its challenges and dangers and of establishing
stability in Iraq.
It is our duty to coordinate our efforts in the fight
against terrorism and to exchange information. It is
also our duty to ensure that our national borders are
more secure, so that we can halt the infiltration of
terrorists into Iraq and put an end to their destructive
activities. In that context, we call upon all friendly and
peace-loving nations to stand by Iraq; we need their
immediate assistance. We need more assistance from
the multinational force, and we need a broadening of
the base of countries contributing troops to that force,
so that it will be better equipped and more determined
to confront terrorism and to provide security protection
for the United Nations and its agencies when they
return to Iraq.
My Government is committed to the
reconstruction and development of the national
economy and is working with the World Bank, the
United Nations system and the International Monetary
Fund to complete the reforms under way and enhance
Iraq’s prospects for welfare and prosperity, so that it
can become effective as a trading partner of other
nations. The problem of foreign debt has emerged as
the most serious obstacle on that road. Our debts
amount to billions of dollars, which is beyond our
capacity to repay. This places an unjust burden on the
Iraqi people, since those debts arose from the
prohibitive costs improperly incurred by the former
regime in its unjustified wars, its support for
international terrorism, its acquisition of weapons of
mass destruction and its plunder of our national
resources.
With good intentions and rational management,
Iraq hopes to reach agreement with the Paris Club by
the end of this year in order to achieve substantial
reductions in our debts. Here, I would like to express
our gratitude to those countries that have decided to
write off their loans to Iraq, and I appeal to other
creditor nations to show the same generosity. Without
their assistance, we will not be able to reconstruct Iraq
and attract the foreign investment that would enhance
our ability to defeat terrorism and improve security for
the Iraqi people, ensuring increased economic benefits
for the region and entire world. Also, I appeal to donor
countries that have pledged generous financial
assistance to fulfil their obligations in order to help us
reconstruct our country. We welcome the meeting of
donor countries scheduled to be convened next month
in Tokyo. Such financial assistance will create an
atmosphere of optimism that will allow us to leave the
past totally behind and will help us finance reforms and
development projects on the ground. In addition, we
hope that Iraq’s friends will provide financial
assistance to ensure the success of our democratic
elections.
13

We seek international assistance from the United
Nations for the special Iraqi court in order to ensure
that all defendants, whatever serious crimes they may
be charged with, receive fair trials within the justice
system. That would help Iraq free itself from the
pernicious shackles of the past.
We stress that the efforts and resources
committed by the international community to promote
Iraq’s democracy and revive its economy shall not have
been committed in vain. They may even have a
positive impact on the entire region and the world as a
whole, creating a climate conducive to peace, security
and international and regional cooperation on the basis
of respect for mutual interests.
We highly appreciate the role and good offices of
Secretary-General Kofi Annan in helping us lay the
foundations of freedom and democracy. We also pay
tribute to Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, former Personal Envoy
of the Secretary-General, for his work on the
constitution of the interim Iraqi Government. We also
welcome the appointment of Mr. Ashraf Qazi as
Mr. Brahimi’s successor. We further welcome the
assistance team dispatched by the United Nations to
help us meet our obligation to convene general
elections in January.
We look forward to welcoming United Nations
personnel in Iraq to help see us through an effective
political process and reconstruction. We warmly look
forward to the return of all United Nations agencies to
fulfil their noble mission in Iraq.
On this occasion, I wish to recall with deep
anguish and sorrow the destruction of the United
Nations headquarters in Baghdad just over a year ago
in a brutal and barbaric terrorist attack that claimed the
lives of Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, a brilliant
international figure, and of other United Nations staff
members in the international compound. Their memory
will remain a vivid testimony for the promotion of
democracy and stability in Iraq. I stress our
determination to defeat the cowardly terrorists who
target the lives of foreign workers who come to Iraq to
help us fulfil our noble mission.
Iraq follows closely the challenges that face the
countries of the world, including the emergence of new
forms of terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, the need to reduce poverty, the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals,
respect for human rights and the consolidation of
democracy and equality. In that regard, Iraq appeals to
the United Nations in particular to strive even harder,
to combat and eradicate the horrendous scourge of
terrorism. That struggle calls for new ideas and firmer
resolve to implement the existing agreements. It is
important that we affirm the commitment of the
Government and people of Iraq to succeed in this
battle.
Terrorism is a disease that is spreading
throughout the world, employing misleading slogans.
Terrorists have killed numerous people in the name of
Islam in New York, Turkey, the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, Bali, Madrid, Baghdad and elsewhere. They
are criminals who commit their evil acts without mercy
and evince only a taste for barbarism and bloodshed.
Today, they have chosen Iraq as their battleground
because they fear the success of the Iraqi experience
and the restoration of Iraq’s stability, development and
democratic institution-building. They will reap nothing
but failure and total defeat.
Thus, our struggle is the United Nations struggle,
our victory will be its victory and our defeat will be its
defeat. Indeed, the values of democracy, freedom,
justice and equality for all, irrespective of gender,
colour, faith or race, are common human values. There
is no room or excuse for those who seek to divide our
world by making a distinction of Muslims, which is
extremely damaging to the unity of human society,
peace and security.
Furthermore, we believe in the importance of
consolidating peace and stability in the Middle East on
the basis of United Nations resolutions, of respect for
mutual rights and of a just and comprehensive peace.
Let me appeal today before the international
community, both to those who supported the war in
Iraq and to those who opposed it, as well as to the
United Nations itself, not to remain neutral or idle in
the struggle, but to join us for our sake as well as for
their own. The fulfilment of the Iraqi people’s dream of
a free, stable and prosperous Iraq, with good standing
in the family of peace-loving nations, will strengthen
our capacity and resolve to achieve justice and peace,
to defeat terrorism and violence, and to end all forms
of division and hatred among nations. Let us stand side
by side as one international family in order to achieve
our noble cause.