Permit me, first of all, to
congratulate Ambassador Insanally on his unanimous
election as President of the United Nations General
Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I am confident that,
under his dynamic and wise leadership, coupled with the
support of that able and consummate diplomat, His
Excellency Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, the deliberations of this Assembly will
produce constructive and fruitful results in meeting some of
the major challenges our world is facing at this time and in
laying a sound foundation for international relations in the
foreseeable future.
Our appreciation is also extended to His Excellency
Stoyan Ganev, the President of the General Assembly at its
forty-seventh session, for his successful conduct of that
session of the Assembly.
I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome
the new Member States that have joined us. I expect that
their participation at this session will contribute significantly
to international peace and cooperation.
The world has witnessed phenomenal changes within
the last two or three years. With the collapse of Soviet
communism, many new independent States have emerged,
and several countries whose citizens lived unwillingly behind
the Iron Curtain for almost half a century have rejoined the
free world. The bipolar world has disappeared and the cold
war has practically ended. These great changes provide an
opportunity for us to reduce international tensions, to attain
true parity among nations, to put an end to wasteful
investments in destructive and devastating armaments and to
free up our resources for more productive use by all our
citizens.
On the other hand, however, we also see that these
changes in the world have created substantial uncertainties
and in many instances have given rise to extremely tragic
regional, local, ethnic and religious conflicts which, unless
addressed by the international community, will endanger
world peace. These conflicts, combined with the continuing
problems of poverty, the widening gap between the rich and
the poor, and the scourge of drug use and drug trafficking
could offset the advantages we all hope to gain from the
recent changes. Do we have the vision, the creativity and
the resolve to ensure that the world takes positive advantage
of the new realities for the benefit of all countries and
peoples? Or will we continue to be myopic, dogmatically
blind and self-centred, and risk losing this great opportunity?
The Afghan people have a special stake in the choice
we collectively make. We wish to ensure that our choice is
the right one and that all countries, including Afghanistan,
share fully in the benefits that should flow from the new
realities. Our special stake is based on our belief that the
changes that have taken place in the world are partly the
result of the enormous sacrifices made by our nation during
the 14 years of struggle against Soviet occupation and
communist rule.
In this context, I would like to say a few words about
some of the issues confronting the world community today,
issues which we must address in this Assembly. I will then
discuss the situation in Afghanistan and state what our
expectations are of the United Nations and the world
community.
One of the issues confronting us is that of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The country’s situation is indeed tragic, and
will be a test case to determine whether we in the
international community have the sense of justice and can
muster the resolve to end this tragedy successfully and
Forty-eighth session - 11 October l993 21
justly. The continuing occupation of Bosnian Muslim
territories by the Serbs, backed by the armed might of
Serbia, the intransigence of the Serbians vis-à-vis the
Security Council resolutions, and the untold atrocities
committed against the innocent Bosnian Muslim population
is not only an affront to this Organization but also an insult
to humanity. The delegation of the Islamic State of
Afghanistan believes that aggression must not be rewarded
and that any territorial gains that were made as a result of
force should and must be rectified. A definitive time limit
should be set by which the Serbs should agree to the terms
of the London Conference and withdraw from the seized
territories. Otherwise, the current arms embargo against
Bosnia should be lifted and other urgent and effective
measures, including the use of force, should be considered
by the United Nations and the international community to
ensure that the Bosnian tragedy is ended and the Serbian
aggression repulsed.
The Palestinian people have suffered long. The Islamic
State of Afghanistan would like to see peace finally achieved
for these people in a way that meets their national objectives
and satisfies their right to self-determination. We believe
that the declaration of principles on Palestinian self-rule
signed in Washington on 13 September 1993 will serve as
the basis for a long-term solution to the Palestine problem
and ensure peace and stability only if it is followed by
earnest negotiations that lead first, to the withdrawal of
Israeli forces from the occupied territories; secondly, to the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State that
includes the Holy City of Jerusalem, one of the three most
sacred cities of the Islamic world; thirdly, to the return of
the Palestinian refugees; and fourthly, to a resolution of the
problem of Israeli settlements in a manner acceptable to the
new Palestinian State.
Kashmir is another tragic issue that requires urgent
attention. This issue has not only caused substantial
suffering to the people of Kashmir, but has become the
source of friction between two important neighbouring States
in South Asia and has prevented the full realization of the
economic and trade potentials that exist within and outside
the region. The Islamic State of Afghanistan therefore urges
the resolution of this issue by these two States through
negotiations under United Nations auspices or under any
other arrangements that may be acceptable to both sides,
taking into account the wishes and aspirations of the people
of Kashmir.
In the case of Somalia, the Islamic State of Afghanistan
is distressed by the chaos which has resulted from increasing
civil upheaval. We support the peace-keeping efforts of the
United Nations and hope that international participation can
ensure a safe end to the turmoil in Somalia and the
establishment of a viable government to protect the interests
and rights of the Somali people. We believe all peaceful
avenues that might help in solving this problem should be
explored.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan supports every
equitable international effort to prevent the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. However, given that most of the tragedies
around the world are caused by the massive increase in the
availability of conventional weapons, my delegation would
welcome and support a resolution to control the production
and sale of such weapons. Such a resolution should also
provide for effective arms collection programmes in
countries which are saturated with weapons that are causing
internal and regional instability.
Now I would like to focus the attention of the
Assembly on my own country, Afghanistan. As all of you
know, Afghanistan has suffered enormously within the past
15 years. I do not wish to go into the details of the
destruction that has taken place, but I would like to highlight
a few points very briefly.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has
aptly summarized the tragedy of Afghanistan:
"Few countries in history have suffered to the
extent Afghanistan has over the past fourteen years.
Aside from the physical destruction, which was often
nothing short of cataclysmic, the results of the war
include well over a million people killed, over 2 million
disabled, nearly 6 million refugees in neighbouring
countries, and 2 million internally displaced persons."
Almost the entire transportation, communication, and
power infrastructure in Afghanistan has been either wiped
out or severely damaged. The agricultural system is in total
disarray, with the irrigation system destroyed, much
livestock killed and the agricultural credit and extension
services totally defunct. The placement of millions of mines
throughout the country makes it impossible to revive the
agricultural sector. Forests are denuded and the environment
spoiled. Attempts to provide health care, medicine,
immunization and so on are stymied by the destruction of so
many hospitals and clinics. Mental health problems resulting
from many years of war and bombings have no relief. In
addition, thousands upon thousands of amputees require
artificial limbs. Thousands of schools have been destroyed
and many of our teachers and professors have been killed or
exiled. Indeed, illiteracy has overtaken almost our entire
population. A whole generation of Afghans has no
experience of normal life or of education in any form.
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The other two urgent problems we have are both linked
to the lack of jobs and of economic alternatives within
Afghanistan: the problem of large numbers of weapons in
private hands and the problem of illicit drugs. I shall return
to both of these matters a little later.
Let me describe the plight of one individual, Abdul
Rahim. This man escaped to Pakistan from the war in
Afghanistan nine years ago. He was newly married, with
one baby, and during his years in Pakistan he had two more
children. Two of his brothers were killed in battle, and the
third died of disease that went untreated because of poor
medical facilities. He is responsible for two of his widowed
sisters-in-law and their five children. Thus, as he returns to
his village in Afghanistan he is the head of a family of
twelve. He finds that his parents, who had refused to leave,
are no longer there. It will be some time before he learns of
their fate. His home is reduced to a pile of rubble, as,
obviously, are those of his neighbours. The shops of the
village are gone. The once-paved road that came almost to
the village is an unrecognizable path of dust and rocks.
There is no water and no electricity. Worse, there are no
trees or source of wood, and winter’s shadow grows longer
with each cold night. In his once productive fields lie
burned tanks and odd pieces of metallic rubble. His cousins
nervously talk of land mines, one of which killed an old
neighbour the day before his return. His family is concerned
about lack of flour, tea and sugar. This person is just an
example; there are millions of people like him in
Afghanistan.
One of the most damaging legacies that Afghanistan
has inherited from Soviet occupation, Communist rule and
the long, drawn-out war is a substantial break-up of our civil
and military administration and the virtual collapse of our
economic and financial institutions. In the past year the
Government has taken substantial steps to correct the
situation. Indeed, progress has been made in re-establishing
central authority and in reviving public and private economic
and financial institutions. None the less, considerable work
and much assistance will be required before we begin to
overcome those shortcomings.
In addition, given the destruction that has taken place,
we are in need of a massive reconstruction programme
which we are unable to undertake unless we are assisted by
the international community. Last year the General
Assembly adopted a resolution calling for reconstruction
assistance to Afghanistan. Not much has happened since
then. A similar draft resolution will be presented to the
Assembly this year, and we hope that it will be supported
and that many can take part in putting it into effect.
When we raise the question of assistance for
reconstruction and revitalization of the economy, our request
is gently dismissed with the reply that once security is
established, Afghanistan will be helped. While granting that
security is important for a full-fledged reconstruction
programme, I would suggest that a reasonable degree of
peace and security does exist in large parts of Afghanistan.
In these areas reconstruction is possible and, if started, could
serve as a catalyst in revitalizing the entire Afghan economy.
There are only a few areas where tensions exist and where
there may be intermittent fighting. We should also bear in
mind that it may not be possible to have full peace and
security in the country unless we are able to start the process
of reconstruction and provide people with productive
economic opportunities to make it attractive, and indeed
possible, for them to give up their arms. The vicious circle
of security first and then reconstruction or economic revival
first and then security must be broken if we are to make any
progress.
Another dimension of security is obviously political.
To ensure that the entire Afghan nation participates in
determining the country’s future political structure, we plan
to hold elections in the course of the coming year. We have
therefore requested the United Nations to help organize and
supervise the election process.
Now I should like to come back to the two or three
points which I mentioned earlier.
One issue worth mentioning here and which has had
both regional and international implications is that of
narcotic drugs. At the present time the illicit cultivation,
production, stocking, smuggling of and trafficking in narcotic
drugs are without a doubt critical problems that face
humanity. Regrettably, one of the legacies of the long war
is the transformation of some parts of our country into
staging areas for illicit drug activity. This phenomenon,
which is the result of the unavailability of economic
alternatives, is a source of great pain to us. The Islamic
State of Afghanistan, despite its scarce resources, has
undertaken serious measures in the struggle against illicit
drugs. We shall spare no efforts in combating these illegal
activities. However, we must not overlook the reality that
Afghanistan, with its extremely limited means and massive
economic and financial needs, is not in a position to
accomplish effectively this task on its own. Afghanistan
needs urgent support from the international community to
intensify the struggle against cultivation and of trafficking in
drugs.
Another area where we require cooperation is that of
land mines. Last year the Secretary-General’s report brought
Forty-eighth session - 11 October l993 23
to the attention of the world the fact that there are more than
10 million land mines in Afghanistan. It should also be
mentioned that, on average, about 300 people fall victim to
land mines each month. The agricultural sector, the
traditional base of the Afghan economy, will never be
revived until these mines are cleared. We of course express
our gratitude for the past and ongoing mine-clearing
programmes of the United Nations and experts from other
countries. However, there is an urgent need for greater
assistance by interested countries both in actual
mine-clearing operations and in training Afghan citizens so
as to enable us to complete this task in as short a time as
possible. In this connection, the delegation of the Islamic
State of Afghanistan wholeheartedly supports the new item,
introduced by the European Community, on the current
agenda of the General Assembly concerning mine-clearing
programmes for war-stricken countries.
We Afghans want to reconstruct our country and to
heal the wounds of the war that was imposed upon us. We
look forward to a normal life in which all our citizens
participate fully in the political, economic, and social life of
the country, without any prejudice and without
discrimination based on ethnicity, religious sect, language or
gender. Here we consider it particularly important that
Afghan women play an effective and positive role in the
process of rebuilding Afghanistan. We want to raise the
standard of living of our people. We want to live in peace
with all our neighbours and to cooperate fully with them so
that we can use the vast resources of our region to the
maximum advantage of all our peoples. Indeed, we want to
serve as a transit and trade route in our region. To this end,
the Islamic State of Afghanistan intends to devise a
reconstruction and development strategy that takes into
account not only Afghanistan’s own requirements, but also
the requirements of the region.
We are of course distressed by the recent upheavals in
Tajikistan. We have made every effort to ensure that
tensions along the Tajik-Afghan border are reduced. For this
purpose, official visits at the highest levels have been
exchanged between the two countries. These visits have
resulted in mutual understanding on important issues.
Appropriate communiqués to this effect have been issued in
Kabul and Dushanbe. We welcome the decision of the Tajik
authorities to solve their internal political problems through
negotiations so that the Tajik refugees now in Afghanistan
can return to Tajikistan voluntarily with confidence, in
security and with honour, in accordance with international
norms. To this end we are planning to reach a trilateral
agreement between Afghanistan, Tajikistan and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan stands firm in support
of human rights. This we consider not only an international
commitment, but also a religious conviction. The fact that
after the collapse of the communist regime in Afghanistan
and the takeover by the Mujahideen, no policy of revenge
against the former regime members was pursued is a good
indication of this commitment. It is true, however, that due
to the massive number of weapons now in private hands in
our country some individual incidents of human rights
violations have taken place, and skirmishes between different
armed groups have regrettably led to the loss of innocent
lives. Therefore, the Islamic State of Afghanistan is taking
measures to collect heavy arms from various armed groups.
We seriously hope that these efforts will bear fruit in the not
too distant future.
I also want to make it clear that, having been the
victims of terrorism ourselves, the Afghan nation opposes
terrorism in any form or shape. We will never tolerate
terrorism or allow Afghan territory to be used for such acts.
Terrorism and the killing of innocent people is abhorrent to
our religious beliefs and to our traditions. God Almighty
condemns the killing of innocent people and says that when
anyone kills an innocent person, it will
"be as if He slew the whole people". (The Holy Koran,
V:35).
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The world is also witness to the fact that throughout the
unequal war against the former Soviet Union the Afghans at
no point carried out any acts of terrorism against Soviet
citizens or Soviet property.
I would like to conclude by stating that the international
community will draw maximum advantage from the changes
that have taken place in the world if we assume
responsibility for, and become committed to, working
collectively towards improving the lives of all peoples, while
each country maintains its full independence and enjoys
equal rights and privileges as a separate nation. All
countries represented in this body should be thinking not
only of the prevention of conflicts, but also of engaging our
energies to uplift the economic, social, and political lives of
every nation and citizen so that all are safe, secure and free.
It is with such vision, such commitment, such sense of
sharing, that we will be able to realize the objectives for
which this Organization was founded. For the attainment of
these goals, we must ensure that new opportunities in the
world are not wasted and that the sacrifices of millions of
people who gave their lives for freedom and dignity, as well
as the silent suffering of those who despaired under years of
poverty and oppression, were not in vain.
For our part, I would like to assure the Organization
and the international community that Afghanistan will be a
full and cooperative partner in all constructive collective
efforts aimed at ensuring international peace, stability,
progress, freedom and justice.
May God bless everyone present and help us all in our
efforts.


First of all, I join
previous speakers in warmly congratulating Mr. Samuel
Insanally on his election as President of the forty-eighth
session of the General Assembly, and wish him success in
performing this highly responsible function. At the same
time, I address sincere thanks to Mr. Stoyan Ganev for the
14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
competent manner in which he led this great forum during
his presidency.
I also take great pleasure in expressing my gratitude to
the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
tireless efforts aimed at enhancing the efficiency of the
United Nations.
I take this opportunity to convey cordial congratulations
to the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic, The Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Eritrea, Andorra and
Monaco on their admission to the United Nations.
Recent political developments in a number of States
and at the international level brought about the end of the
cold war, the abatement of the danger of a nuclear
catastrophe and some other positive changes. Unfortunately,
we are compelled to note at the same time the emergence of
some negative phenomena, such as disastrous regional and
inter-ethnic conflicts. The end of this century presents a
terrible picture: countries and people torn apart by fierce
fratricidal wars, towns and villages set on fire, thousands of
displaced people and refugees, innocent victims, tearful
women and children.
The serious and complicated problems of our times -
for example, those rooted in history or border disputes, and
those with ethnic and religious, political and economic,
social and spiritual origins, have generated various conflicts
with grave consequences. These problems may lead to the
outbreak of new violent confrontations in Europe that could
endanger international peace and security. Under these
circumstances, which are indisputable, the United Nations
and other international organizations, such as the Conference
on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Western European
Union (WEU) and the European Economic Community
(EEC) have a crucial role in stopping these unfavourable
developments by the peaceful settlement of conflicts, thus
leading to the strengthening of peace, international stability
and security.
While appreciating the European efforts to find an
adequate response to new challenges to security and stability,
both at the global and regional levels, we consider that the
role of the United Nations in this respect remains decisive.
In order to meet the new imperatives, the United Nations
ought to undergo a profound reorganization and a careful
reassessment of its means. The report of the
Secretary-General, "An Agenda for Peace", represents a
reference point in the modern history of the United Nations
and the starting-point of these necessary changes. We
welcome the continuation and broadening of the debates on
this matter.
The recent outbreak of regional conflicts - the Yugoslav
crisis in particular - reveals certain deficiencies in the
international machinery dealing with peace and security
issues, and indicates an urgent need for improvement.
The Republic of Moldova supports the reforms initiated
within the framework of the Organization and is confident
of its ability to adapt itself to the new political climate.
The appointment of an Under-Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs strengthens this confidence. In our
opinion, the programme of reforms should include the
following three priorities: restructuring the Secretariat,
rationalizing the work of the Main Committees and their
working mechanisms, and reinforcing the role of the
Secretary-General in his relations with the subsidiary bodies
and specialized agencies.
I should like to point out that our delegation has been
pursuing with great interest the debates on the agenda item
entitled "Question of equitable representation on and increase
in the membership of the Security Council". We consider
that an increase in the membership of the Council aimed at
ensuring wider representation would be in full consonance
with the major changes that have occurred lately in the
international arena and would reflect to a much greater
extent the present level of democratization in international
relations. At the same time, we share the opinion that any
changes should maintain and increase the efficiency of this
vital organ of the United Nations, taking into account a
further possible recourse to the remarkable contributions by
major Powers.
Over two years have passed since the Republic of
Moldova proclaimed its independence. Our aspiration to
become a democratic State with a market economy is
absolute, notwithstanding the difficulties of transition. Our
country has taken the first steps in this direction, irreversibly
engaging itself on the path towards democracy. This
resolute choice is reflected in our endeavours to join in
international cooperation, an integral part of which is respect
for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The Republic of Moldova has ratified the international
conventions on human rights. The Government has
consistently come out in favour of assuming new
commitments to adapt the Republic’s internal legal
framework to international standards.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 15
This position of principle on human rights on the part
of the Republic of Moldova was reiterated at the World
Conference on Human Rights. Unfortunately, this
constructive approach has been vehemently challenged by
the separatist forces in Transdniestra, which are being
inspired and supported from abroad. Shortly after the
proclamation of independence, the pro-imperial forces started
hostilities that resulted in great losses of innocent lives and
flagrant violations of the basic rights of the native
population, who were born and bred in areas controlled by
separatists.
The allegations by certain political forces and mass
media in the Russian Federation that the conflict is an inter-
ethnic one are simply not true. In fact, it is a political
conflict aimed at rebuilding the imperial structure. These
accusations by the pro-imperial forces are meant to lead
people to the conclusion that human rights are being violated
in the Republic of Moldova and that ethnic groups had been
subject to discrimination. In this respect, I should point out
that these accusations were not confirmed by the United
Nations and Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE) missions that visited my country on several
occasions.
Those same accusations were the pretext for the
Russian Federation’s decision to keep up a presence by its
armed forces on my country’s territory. The conditions
imposed for the withdrawal of the Russian Fourteenth Army,
namely that special legal status must be granted to the
eastern districts of Moldova, is an attempt to keep that
geographical area - including the Republic of Moldova - in
Russia’s sphere of influence.
The presence of foreign military forces on the territory
of the Republic of Moldova is the principal source of
insecurity and instability for my country. As was so rightly
pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on the
work of the Organization, the question of the withdrawal of
the Fourteenth Russian Army is a major stumbling-block
along the way to a settlement of the conflict.
In this context, I should like to thank the European
Community which, in their memorandum to the General
Assembly, called for an early withdrawal of foreign troops
from Moldova. In fact, the Fourteenth Army has huge
amounts of military hardware and enormous weapons
stockpiles in Transdniestra that could easily be taken over by
separatist forces: this is what happened during the escalation
of hostilities in 1992.
Moreover, many residents of the eastern districts
continue to be illegally drafted into the Fourteenth Army.
This is another example of crude interference in the internal
affairs of the Republic of Moldova, and is a serious violation
of international law.
Thus, with the political, logistic and moral support of
the Fourteenth Army, the separatist leaders are still doing
everything they can to impede the talks on a political
settlement of the conflict. This has prevented the
implementation of the Moldovan-Russian agreement of
21 July 1992 on the principles for a peaceful settlement of
the military conflict in the eastern districts of the Republic
of Moldova.
The high degree of politicization of the foreign military
forces stationed on my country’s territory and their support
for the anticonstitutional regime in Transdniestra are the
main threats to the independence, integrity and security of
the Republic of Moldova. At the same time, the presence of
a foreign army in Moldova is the major obstacle to a
peaceful settlement of the conflict in the eastern districts.
We therefore consider unacceptable the Russian Federation’s
insistent proposals for it to be entrusted with a United
Nations mandate for peace-keeping operations in conflict
zones throughout the former Soviet Union.
First, we are convinced that neither the CSCE nor the
United Nations have exhausted possibilities for solving these
regional conflicts.
Secondly, one of the basic criteria for participation in
peace-keeping operations is impartiality. In view of Russia’s
obvious interest in these zones and its insistence on
assuming the role of peace-keeper, it is clear that these
efforts are aimed at continuing and justifying its military
presence on the territories of independent and sovereign
States Members of the United Nations. Russia’s final goal
is obviously the revival of the old imperial structures with
the blessing of the international community.
The acceptance of the 14th Army’s presence on the
territory of the Republic of Moldova as a precedent will
certainly be very dangerous, not only for the territories of
the newly independent States but also for all the adjacent
areas.
The negotiations between the Governments of the
Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation - which
began last year - on settling the terms for the withdrawal of
the 14th Army have not attained any significant results. The
Russian side obstructs the negotiations and displays no
16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
willingness to withdraw its military forces. In these
circumstances, the CSCE mission in the Republic of
Moldova suggested that it participate in these negotiations.
While the Moldovan party supported this initiative, the
Russian party rejected it on every occasion. We note with
deep concern that the constructive attitude in favour of
compromise taken by the leadership of the Republic of
Moldova is being repaid with a policy of fait accompli
meant to separate the Transdniester area from Moldova and
place a "Trojan horse" in my country.
The recent developments are relevant in this sense and
deepen this concern. General Alexandr Lebed, the
commander of the 14th Army was recently elected, with the
tacit consent of Moscow authorities, a deputy to the
so-called Supreme Soviet in the "partial elections" that took
place in the self-proclaimed "Dniester Republic". In this
way General Lebed has proved once again his lack of good
faith and his total disregard for the provisions of the
agreements signed by Presidents Mircea Snegur and Boris
Yeltsin.
The Government of the Republic of Moldova considers
that the defiant and cynical actions of General Lebed, who
is a Russian citizen and the commander of a foreign army
temporarily stationed on the territory of my country,
constitute blatant interference in the internal affairs of a
sovereign State. This action is a new attempt by certain
conservative forces in Russia to recognize de facto the
so-called Dniester Republic.
It would probably be enlightening to recall that the
self-proclaimed authorities in Transdniestria applauded with
enthusiasm the putsch against Mikhail Gorbachev in August
1991. Moreover, during the recent events in Moscow, troops
from Transdniestria were sent to the Russian capital to join
the Communist hardliners in their fight against President
Boris Yeltsin. The active participation of Transdniestrian
fighters in the Moscow rebellion was a logical consequence
of the close ties between the Tiraspol leadership and the
reactionary Russian parliament, which violated all
international norms under the false slogan of "defending the
Russians" by means of the so-called Dniester Republic and,
in practice, created a bridgehead in Moldova for the
restoration of the Soviet empire.
In this context, I should like to inform the international
community that the situation in the area of conflict continues
to be tense and is very likely to become unstable.
We have all accepted the general principle that a
foreign army cannot be stationed on the territory of another
State without the consent of the Government of the host
country. I should also like to recall the appeals contained in
the documents of the CSCE and the North Atlantic
Cooperation Council, stating the need for complete,
immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the 14th Army.
In this spirit, we urge United Nations Member States to
examine, with understanding and good will, a possible
request for the inclusion of an additional item on the agenda
of the General Assembly, on the question of the complete
withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territory of
the Republic of Moldova.
It is my belief that the same laudable solidarity
expressed by the international community with the Baltic
States is urgently needed by my country, which is prevented
from achieving real independence and pursuing its firm
choice of democracy and freedom. We reiterate our support
for resolution 47/21, on the complete withdrawal of foreign
military forces from the territories of the Baltic States, and
we welcome with great satisfaction the encouraging
achievement of the Lithuanian people, which has finally seen
its territory free of foreign troops. We deem that only the
concerted action of international bodies, especially that of
the CSCE and the United Nations, can ensure peace and
security in our region and protect the territorial integrity and
independence of the Republic of Moldova.
I wish to assure this body that my Government is fully
committed to doing its utmost to protect the rights of
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 17
minorities in the Republic of Moldova and is ready to
receive any international monitoring mission to ascertain the
real situation.
I cherish the hope that the fresh spirit emerging at the
United Nations will help us to identify, by consensus, the
necessary solutions for various problems the international
community is facing now. My delegation is ready to make
its contribution to the carrying out of efficient cooperation
with other Member States in order to achieve the lofty goals
of the United Nations that we are all striving for.


On behalf of the
Government and people of the Republic of Suriname, I take
great pleasure in welcoming you, Sir, to the presidency of
the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You bring
to your high office great experience as a skilled diplomat,
experience which will be useful in this epoch-making period
for the Organization. Indeed, your election is a fitting
tribute to you personally and an honour to your country. We
are therefore most gratified to see a skilled and a
distinguished son of our good neighbour, Guyana, presiding
over our deliberations.
We thank your predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev of
Bulgaria, for the excellent manner in which he conducted the
affairs of the last session of the General Assembly.
We also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless efforts in consolidating
international peace and security.
Before proceeding, I should like to express the feelings
of sincere sympathy of the Government and people of the
Republic of Suriname to the Government and people of the
Republic of India on the sad occasion of the tragic
earthquake disaster in which so many lives were lost. I
appeal to the international community to render the
necessary effective support to India to alleviate the sorrow
and suffering of the people involved.
I should like to take this opportunity to add to what
numerous previous speakers have already said on behalf of
the many people living in areas whose development
difficulties, and their consequences, do not receive enough
attention, because of the high priority given to issues of
international peace and security. I am referring to
developing areas that risk being forgotten, though they are
inhabited by people who truly pursue welfare, well-being
and prosperity, and seek true participation in the world
community, where the principle of power will ultimately
make way for the principle of interdependence within the
international system.
Countries in the developed North usually succeed in
strengthening their mutual relations in political and economic
areas, and they are becoming increasingly interdependent.
Thanks to a greater environmental awareness, we are
becoming increasingly conscious that North and South
depend strongly on one another. This interdependence,
unfortunately, has not yet evolved sufficiently with regard to
political and economic questions, and the views held by the
North and the South on many essential issues, such as the
alleviation of poverty and economic development, are still
strongly divergent. Moreover, the interests of the North in
many ways still prevail over those of the South.
In particular, the financial and technological dependence
of the South on the North causes serious divergences. The
discriminatory regulations that make it difficult for the South
to gain access to international markets and the ever-changing
conditions that make the flow of funds to the South almost
impossible are, inter alia, factors that make the gap with the
North almost unbridgeable.
In the past, agreements on multilateral and international
cooperation, such as the International Development Strategy
for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade, the
Cartagena Commitment, Agenda 21 and the United Nations
New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s,
have been approved by the international community. Those
commitments constitute a solid basis for strengthening global
partnership for development. However, various programmes
could not be implemented, and much still remains to be done
to enhance multilateral cooperation.
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 19
Like many developing countries, Suriname has a serious
shortage of external funds for its development process,
despite its relative wealth of mineralogical and biological
resources.
Certainly, we have succeeded, through maximum
mobilization of our national forces, in coping with the
political crisis that dominated the country in the 1980s, and
Suriname has been able to join the countries of Latin
America and the Caribbean that have managed to give
meaning to the process of democratization. It is our joint
responsibility to see that this momentum is preserved and
that the euphoria of the victory of democracy over
dictatorship, particularly in our region, does not have adverse
effects.
Without broad-based development in our countries we
shall not be able to provide democracy with a sound basis.
For the democratic ideal is not an isolated political
phenomenon, but one that is closely interwoven with the
whole of the social and economic reality in our part of the
world.
Without alleviation of the pressing debt burden, without
an appropriate recompense for our most important export
products, without credit facilities for the necessary
production inputs, without an expansion of export
possibilities and without the financial support of the richer
countries, endeavours to realize a stable democratic
constitutional State will prove to be in vain. We have
noticed - not without concern - that in their attitudes towards
developing countries some developed countries ignore the
specific circumstances of those countries, which have fallen
seriously behind in their development.
The political crisis which Suriname went through in the
1980s, and Suriname’s related isolation from the important
donors, caused a serious decline in the economic
development of the country, which was further aggravated
by the drastic reduction of the country’s income from its
main export products - more specifically, alumina and
aluminium.
In order to meet the resulting financial, economic and
monetary crisis, we drafted a structural adjustment
programme, which is now being implemented. We are
aware that, despite the many theories and analyses in this
field, there exists no blueprint for the resolution of economic
crises that can be applied smoothly inasmuch as the object
of adjustment is a very complex reality.
My Government is also aware that achieving economic
recovery and furthering development while at the same time
safeguarding political stability is no easy task and must be
approached quite prudently. It is a process which will entail
increased poverty, and can lead to a serious disruption of
social life in the short term. Unfortunately, the divergent
views held by Suriname’s authorities and by the donors on
the proper way to implement the adjustment programme puts
great pressure on the space necessary for a policy which
focuses primarily on the well-being of the nation as a whole.
The failure, in many countries, of stringent adjustment
programmes undoubtedly relates to a perspective which fails
to recognize sufficiently the reality of developing countries
at the present time and ignores the real aspirations of
humankind. In such a state of affairs, dialogue between
North and South is difficult and strained. The North itself
has succeeded in developing a number of mechanisms to
solve differences, in which the consistent application of the
principles of equality and mutual respect commands our
attention. Such consistent use of these principles could also,
perhaps, open the way to fruitful dialogue with the South.
In 1992 Suriname and the Kingdom of the Netherlands
signed a Framework Treaty. This Treaty, together with the
1975 Treaty, provides a basic framework for substantial
support from the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the
developmental aspirations of the Republic of Suriname. It
is with pleasure that we can announce here that, within the
framework of these treaties, positive cooperation was
realized last year, which contributed substantially to the
successes in consolidating the restored democracy in
Suriname, strengthening the constitutional State and
protecting human rights, as well as in establishing and
maintaining peace after the end of the armed struggle in the
interior of the country.
However, some questions have been raised as to the
motives for this cooperation in the light of the recent attitude
of the Treaty partner regarding support for the recovery of
our country’s economy.
Despite many efforts on the part of the international
community, the Uruguay Round negotiations of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which could
provide the framework for a comprehensive and sound basis
for future trade relations, are still ongoing. The Government
of Suriname looks forward to an early and balanced
conclusion of the Uruguay Round with a view to promoting
the establishment of a just and equitable multilateral trading
system.
20 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Recession in the world economy, stringent budgetary
policies in donor countries, trade problems and domestic
factors in a number of countries have dampened the hope in
many developing countries for a steady flow of development
aid. Concurrently, new claims on external financial
resources are being made, so that allocations for future aid
can further cloud the outlook for multilateral aid. The
general trend at present is a marked increase in contributions
to peace-keeping operations and a clear decline in funds for
operational activities.
The annual peace-keeping budget has increased
fivefold, and is expected to be $3,673,000,000 for 1993,
while voluntary contributions to the United Nations
Development Programme, the United Nations Fund for
Population Activities and the United Nations Children’s
Fund have declined by about 10 per cent. In one of his
reports, the Secretary-General noted that very serious
problems caused by civil unrest and other sources of strife
affect an increasing number of people who are often among
the most vulnerable groups of the population, placing
particularly difficult demands on United Nations operational
activities.
Failure to address issues such as the alleviation of
poverty, underdevelopment, unemployment, illiteracy and the
threat to the environment because of a lack of financial
resources can cause social tensions. This, in turn, can
generate social disintegration and, eventually, the
destabilization of the political system. Hence, an agenda that
tends to reflect mainly international peace and security
problems is not constructive. More and more it is
recognized that favourable economic and social conditions
can help strengthen peace and security. Therefore, we
favour a programme based on a combination of political,
economic and social factors together with global security.
The social crisis of the 1990s may be considered a
result of, inter alia, world-wide growing poverty, particularly
in the developing countries, unemployment and social
upheavals. It is therefore gratifying to note that preparations
are being made for a World Summit for Social Development
in 1995. It is our hope that the core issues of the Summit
directed towards the strengthening of the process of overall
social development will be addressed during the preparatory
process and that agreement can be reached, in a spirit of
consensus, on matters of such vital human importance.
Agenda 21, adopted during the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de
Janeiro, and the subsequent establishment of the Commission
on Sustainable Development, are important guides for the
international community in achieving sustainable
development. UNCED also underscored the need to provide
developing countries with adequate resources and to
acknowledge the urgency of making technology, especially
environmentally sound technology, available to that end.
However, the progress achieved to date in obtaining new and
additional financial resources is disappointing. Hence, we
welcome the Commission’s decision to establish two
working groups to tackle the two issues.
My Government supports a timely and strict
implementation of the Agreement signed by President
Aristide and General Raoul Cedras, containing arrangements
made with a view to reaching a political solution to the
Haitian crisis. The United Nations and the Organization of
American States are playing a major role in implementing
the Agreement reached at Governors Island in New York.
We are deeply distressed by the recent developments in
Haiti, which could jeopardize the return of President
Aristide. We strongly appeal to the military leaders in Haiti
to uphold their promises and to create the atmosphere of
calm required for the full application of the Agreement.
My delegation has always stated that the principles of
the United Nations Charter and the relevant United Nations
resolutions, particularly those of the Security Council,
provide the best concrete basis for the achievement of a
comprehensive, just and durable peace in the Middle East.
We are therefore moved that the State of Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) have finally started
a negotiating process which could create the conditions for
peace. The Agreement that was mutually recognized and
signed is a courageous step in that direction. We
congratulate both Israel and the PLO on this historic deed
and we appeal to the international community to use this
momentum to bring peace and prosperity to the whole
region.
My delegation welcomes the progress made so far by
the multilateral party negotiating process to a negotiated
settlement and national elections in South Africa. A political
settlement will lead to the end of apartheid and establish a
new, united, non-racial and democratic South Africa. The
destructive character of apartheid has caused so much harm
to the people that it is only fair that in this new era, every
effort must be made to overcome social and economic
disparities so that peace and stability can be established. We
therefore expect the international community to fully and
generously support the new South African Government with
assistance for the reconstruction and development of the
nation.
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 21
Like many others in the world, my country is troubled
by the continuing horrifying events taking place in Angola
and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We cannot let the suffering
and degradation continue. The bloodshed, hatred and
hostilities must end now, for the people concerned have the
right to live in peace.
World-wide drug abuse and trafficking remain a matter
of deep concern, not only in our region but in the world as
a whole. Despite measures and strategies geared towards
the elimination of drugs, it is sad to note that drugs can be
obtained for illicit purposes virtually everywhere in the
world. This is, indeed, an unfortunate development, since it
was expected that after the Global Programme of Action was
adopted, together with the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary
Outline of Future Activities in Drug Abuse Control, the
situation would improve substantially. We thus support the
view that efforts against drug abuse and trafficking must
continue in a balanced and concerted manner.
The end of the East-West confrontation has resulted in
a slowdown of the arms race and reduced the threat of
armed conflict. We regret to observe, however, that the
spread of conventional arms continues to take on a
dangerous magnitude, while at the same time armed
conflicts are increasing, causing the tragic loss of numerous
innocent human lives. Ongoing conflicts have already
resulted in more than 100 million refugees world wide, 30
million displaced persons and hundreds of millions of
unexploded mines. It is time to recognize that trade in
conventional arms should be drastically curbed.
In the context of global security, the question of the
non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction continues
to be an important one. My delegation is in favour of a
universally applicable and internationally verifiable
comprehensive test-ban treaty. Such a treaty would
strengthen international security and would represent a
further step towards nuclear disarmament.
The set of principles contained in the report of the
Secretary-General "An Agenda for Peace" provides a
comprehensive framework for the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security. My delegation follows with keen
interest the activities of the United Nations in the fields of
preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping and post-conflict
peace-building. We are aware that at present some 70 areas
of conflict or potential conflict exist throughout the world.
In this respect, we welcome the involvement of regional
organizations that can render valuable assistance in the
maintenance of international peace and security, including
the peaceful settlement of disputes.
According to the Charter of the United Nations,
Member States have entrusted to the Security Council the
primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security. The balance of political and economic
power in today’s world has drastically changed.
Consequently, the premise that brought about the structure
of the Security Council is no longer valid. The general
debate last year on the issue of equitable representation and
an increase in membership of the Security Council, which
led to the adoption of resolution 47/62, can, it is hoped,
contribute to a more equitable geographical representation
in the Council and to enhancing the democratization process
of the work of the Council by making its deliberations more
transparent.
The expectations in the developing world that the
post-cold-war era would create new development
perspectives have not yet materialized. However, the
increasing pauperization of large parts of the world demands
the taking of urgent and decisive action to offer those people
prospects for change and improvement in their daily living
conditions. To this end, our Organization will have to
strengthen its prominent role as a factor for development and
will have to make the appropriate mechanisms effectively
operational.
It is important for all Member States to provide the
United Nations with legitimate room for that purpose.
Suriname will, to the extent possible, make its contribution.


Please accept my warmest congratulations, Sir,
upon your election to preside over the General Assembly at
its forty-eighth session. I am certain that your election will
contribute to its success.
This session of the General Assembly takes place two
years before we are to celebrate the Organization’s fiftieth
anniversary. We long had to navigate through the stormy
waters of the cold war and ideological confrontation. It was
not an easy task. However, today’s world is different from
that of the signatories of the United Nations Charter. East-
West détente has given us renewed hopes, though we have
still not won the war against poverty and social
marginalization. Our main goal should be to make those
hopes a reality, if we wish to build a society where not only
a just peace but peaceful justice prevail.
Obviously, the reorganization of the Security Council
is not an easy task, and it becomes even more difficult if we
take into account the fact that, since the very moment the
San Francisco Charter was signed, the Council has been
made up of permanent and non-permanent members, and that
the right of veto extended to the permanent members has
given rise, among other things, to their being accused, with
some justification, of attacking the principle of the legal
equality of States.
The Republic of Panama is of the opinion that if the
Security Council is to be reorganized, the reorganization
must be carried out in such a way that the representation on
the Council of all United Nations Members is equitable.
Therefore, any reorganization must promote fair participation
for the developing States, as the situations that used to be
given as explanations for the way the Council was composed
and for the right of veto have disappeared now that there is
East-West détente.
Drug addiction has become the main scourge of
humanity. The Republic of Panama, like all States, therefore
has the duty to repress drug trafficking and the resulting
money-laundering activities on its territory, and to help
repress these illegal activities in all States. Panama, aware
of these responsibilities and of the fact that the effective
repression of drug-related crimes makes international
cooperation necessary, on 11 April 1991 Panama and the
United States of America signed a Treaty on Mutual
Assistance in Criminal Affairs, which was ratified by the
Panamanian Legislative Assembly on 11 July 1991. The
Treaty is currently awaiting the consent of the United States
Senate before the effects we expect from it can begin to be
felt.
On 1 March 1993, Panama and the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland signed the Agreement on
Mutual Legal Cooperation on Drug Trafficking, which must
first be approved by the Panamanian Legislative Assembly
before it too can be ratified. In addition, and at Panama’s
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 5
request, the Central American countries have agreed to sign
a similar treaty, which will be opened to accession by all the
Latin American countries. Also, the Panamanian Executive
Branch has submitted the United Nations Convention against
Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances
to the Panamanian Legislative Assembly for its
consideration; we are convinced that, once it is ratified, we
shall have at our disposal a valuable instrument in our
struggle against drug-related crime.
Human rights and fundamental freedoms do not come
as a generous concession from a State or its authorities.
They are inherent to the human person, regardless of
political, social, racial, religious or any other factor. Those
rights and freedoms are therefore inseparable, and must be
recognized and respected. The fact that those rights and
freedoms are inherent to the human person affords them a
universality and indivisibility that must be strengthened.
Violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms
do not only attack the person whose rights and fundamental
freedoms have been trampled on; they also attack
institutional stability, the constitutional order and the rule of
law. This is so because the person whose rights and
freedoms have been disregarded is inclined towards
insurrection or at least towards personal revenge, the private
vengeance of the eye-for-an-eye principle.
Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, or
violations of them, must therefore be examined not only as
a problem that affects individual interests but rather in a
much wider context, as a problem that affects society in
general. This is why most of the insurrections, rebellions
and fratricidal conflicts have their origins in violations of
human rights and fundamental freedoms to the detriment of
large swathes of the population. Such violations often stem
from a lack of democracy, from the absence of the rule of
law, from extreme poverty and from social marginalization.
While on the subject of lack of democracy, I wish to
state that, under the United Nations Charter, a purpose of
this Organization is
"To develop friendly relations among nations based
on respect for the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples ...".
In conformity with the principle of self-determination, all
countries can adopt the form of government that best suits
them. However, by allowing dictatorial regimes to exist, the
international community takes away all the principle’s force.
The thing is that sovereignty - and the same can be said
of self-determination - can be harmed otherwise than by the
acts of outside States. They can also be violated by a
State’s own nationals, when they place themselves above the
popular will, as has often occurred; dictatorships have
disregarded just this principle of self-determination and have
so violated human rights. This is so because the only source
of public power is the people.
When a dictatorship disregards the principle of self-
determination or the peoples’ sovereignty - which occurs
every time a people is denied its inalienable right to adopt
the form of government that best suits its interests - it
violates sovereignty, and the principle of self-determination,
inasmuch as the State’s power to act does not have its
source in the people: it has its source in those who hold
public power with no more legitimacy - if it can be called
"legitimacy" - than the force of arms. In addition, when a
dictatorship disregards human rights, it deprives the
inhabitants of the State, the people, from whom sovereignty
and self-determination flow, of rights that every State must
accord its citizens simply because they are human persons.
I have allowed myself to briefly address the principle of
self-determination because I am convinced that a clear
understanding of this principle will contribute towards
strengthening its legal force, to the benefit of democracy and
the rule of law.
The situation Haiti is going through is worrying. The
Governors Island Agreement provides that, by the 30th of
this month, the constitutional President, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, must once again occupy the presidential throne.
However, the de facto Government would appear to be more
intent on provoking violence than promoting the re-
establishment of the constitutional order. Since 3 July,
11 people have been given their quietus, including the pro-
democracy activist Antoine Izmeri, whose struggle merits
recognition throughout the Americas.
The Republic of Panama believes that the agreement
between the constitutional Government and the chief of the
Haitian Army must be fulfilled, and hopes that the
Organization, striving to live up to the principles that inspire
it, will ensure that it is.
Recognition of the State of Israel within secure and
recognized borders and the establishment of a Palestinian
State are acts of justice restored which international peace
and security make essential. Therefore, the Republic of
Panama cannot be indifferent to the Declaration of Principles
signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
(PLO) on 13 September, or to the agreement on provisional
autonomy for the Gaza Strip and Jericho.
Since the formation of the State of Israel, Israelis and
Palestinians have been victims of all the damage that
incomprehension and intolerance can cause. The
confrontational relationship between these two peoples
blinded by hatred is summarized in the 45 years of tears,
pain and death. However, the wars and exoduses of 1948,
1956, 1967 and 1973, with their consequences of grief and
suffering, should now serve as evidence of the benefits of
peace. Therefore, a peace agreement between Israelis and
Palestinians should become a goal for the United Nations.
The atmosphere of détente to which I have already
referred should foster the universality of representation in
this multilateral Organization. Consequently I am gratified
to see that many States that have never traditionally had an
active international life, such as Andorra, Liechtenstein,
Monaco and San Marino - to mention only a few States
enclaved in the European continent - have felt the need to
join and support us in the important tasks we are resolved to
accomplish. It is in that spirit of universality that Panama
has supported and continues to support the initiative
designed to study now and in the future, with innovative
ideas and goodwill, the situation of the largest human group
that has no voice in this body: the 21 million inhabitants of
the island of Taiwan.
The Central American countries are striving to build a
peaceful, free, democratic and developing region. For that
reason, the efforts to bolster peace that have been initiated
require actions capable of solving our economic, social,
cultural and humanitarian problems in order to strengthen
our peoples’ faith in democracy.
The endeavours to achieve democracy, national
reconciliation and development in the region are obvious.
But in order to continue making these efforts we require the
cooperation of all States that believe in democracy, justice
and freedom. Therefore, associating myself with the
initiative presented by the Ibero-American Heads of State
and Government in Salvador, Brazil, I call on States and
international organizations to cooperate effectively with the
Central American Integration System (SICA) so that it can
promote and strengthen sustained subregional cooperation
and attain its fundamental goal.
The ability of we who inhabit the vast territories south
of the Rio Bravo to communicate with each other and with
Spain in the same language - a Nicaraguan poet once called
them the countries that love Christ and speak Spanish - has
created an Ibero-American community which today, in
meetings of Heads of State and Government, and together
with Brazil and Portugal, is determined to focus its strength
on the future, guided by the desire to take full advantage of
the similarities which bring us together to consolidate
opportunities for cooperation and solidarity.
This should be gratifying to the whole of the
Ibero-American community, since our faith in the future is
becoming increasingly obvious at each Summit. The first
Summit, in Guadalajara, created the forum of Heads of State
and Government; at the second and third Summits, in
Madrid and Salvador, respectively, we saw the initial results
of these commendable initiatives. It is also appropriate here
to note that the Final Document of the third Summit states:
"Without prejudice to the spheres of competence of
specialized international forums, the United Nations
General Assembly should focus its international
development cooperation policy on securing greater
access for developing countries to world markets,
adequate forms of finance and modern technology.
This will make it possible to overcome the obstacles to
development and, while benefiting the developing
countries, will also open up economic opportunities for
the industrialized countries, thereby easing the
migratory pressures exerted on them by those
legitimately seeking ways to improve their standard of
living." (A/48/291, para. 14)
I would feel most fortunate if the General Assembly
were to listen attentively to the demands of the
Ibero-American community, which feels that most of the
products of its member States have been repeatedly denied
increased access to markets which have been traditionally
accessible, as in the case of bananas in the European
Community, as well as access to financing and modern
technology. For our part, the Ibero-American States should
be resolved to put our financial situations in order and not
depend on the marketing of a few products, and we should
improve the quality of our educational systems, in order to
attain greater economic stability. The Ibero-American
countries should also resolve to turn the cooperation and
solidarity mentioned in the Final Document into sincere and
honest cooperation and solidarity, and not mere rhetoric, as
is so often the case. Only in that way will we be able to
profit to the full from the affinities that we share.
Panama will be the host country of the Summit of the
Ibero-American Heads of State and Government in the year
2000. This event will unquestionably have great significance
for my country. It will take place precisely at a time when
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 7
the Panamanian people have attained their most important
legal and political objective: recovering their rights over the
Panama Canal and freeing their territory from the
jurisdictional limitations imposed by the ill-fated Hay-Bunau
Varilla Treaty. That is so because the present Panama Canal
Treaty will expire on 31 December 1999. Consequently, the
Republic of Panama will then manage, operate and maintain
the Panama Canal. All the real estate, fixture improvements
and equipment that the United States of America will be
using until the end of the validity of the Treaty will revert
to Panama. One of the Panamanian people’s greatest wishes
will thus come true on 31 December 1999.
However, as important as achieving this legal and
political objective may be, it is the good or bad use we make
of the Canal and the areas that revert to us that will mark
our future in a positive or negative way. Thus, it is our duty
as a nation to manage the Canal wisely and to use in the
best possible way the areas that revert to us.
For that reason Law No. 5 of 1993 created the
Authority of the Panamanian Interoceanic Region, with the
objective of improving the use of the assets that are
reverting and will revert to Panama between now and the
year 2000. Similarly, on 6 September 1993 a draft bill for
constitutional reform was submitted to the Panamanian
Legislative Assembly; it is designed to add a new article to
Panama’s political Constitution which will create the Panama
Canal Authority, whose main function will be to manage and
operate the Canal. That will ensure that the Authority will
not be affected by any political shifts. Thus, the Republic
of Panama is preparing to manage, operate and maintain the
Panama Canal from 31 December 1999. This task will be
all the easier because the current Canal Administrator, and
87.7 per cent of the Panama Canal Commission employees
are Panamanians, not counting those with dual nationality.
On the basis of the Panama Canal Treaty, Panama and
the United States agreed in 1982 to create the Preparatory
Commission to prepare the points of reference for the
feasibility studies of a sea-level canal in Panama and other
alternatives to the Panama Canal. They also agreed to invite
Japan to be a full member of this Commission, an invitation
Japan accepted. These three States created the Commission
for the Study of Alternatives to the Panama Canal.
On 20 September last, this Commission presented its
final report, a Joint Statement of Commission Members,
which indicates that the "current Panama Canal with the
widening of the Gaillard Cut seems to be able to meet the
needs of international maritime trade until the end of the
second decade of the twenty-first century. However," the
statement continues, "before the year 2000 measures should
be taken to prepare the canal for the time when the current
Panama Canal will not be able to take care of the projected
traffic." Such measures include "future studies to firmly
establish the dates when improvements will become
necessary in order to start planning the required
environmental studies involved in the final engineering
design and the initiation of the construction".
According to the aforementioned report, the results of
the study indicate that the alternative of high-level locks,
with one lane of maritime traffic at the Gaillard Cut,
operating jointly with the current canal and capable of
handling ships of 200,000 dead-weight tonnage, is
marginally feasible.
In order to handle the projected traffic with the same
efficiency during the twenty-first century as it has been
handled since the opening of the Canal on 15 August 1914,
if not with even greater efficiency, the aforementioned
system of high-level locks will have to be built in time to
begin operating by the year 2020. As it does not have the
necessary resources to complete such a project, Panama
believes that the cooperation of the members of the
international community - primarily those who use the Canal
- is essential. We hope to receive that cooperation, for the
sake of the well-being of the Panama Canal users who so
urgently require it.
At the beginning of my statement I referred to the fact
that we are two years from the golden anniversary of this
Organization. We should prepare to celebrate that great
event by affirming, as its founders in San Francisco wished,
"faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth
of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women
and of nations large and small" and by promoting "social
progress" and "better standards of life in larger freedom".


Allow me to begin by
congratulating you, Your Excellency Ambassador Samuel
Insanally of the Republic of Guyana, upon your election to
the presidency of the General Assembly for this forty-eighth
session. Your well-known diplomatic skills and your
country’s long-established positions of principle augur well
for the successful conduct of the work of this session.
I also wish to pay tribute to His Excellency Mr. Stoyan
Ganev of Bulgaria for the able manner in which he steered
the work of the Assembly during a particularly challenging
forty-seventh session.
May I also take this opportunity to say a special word
of congratulations to the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, on his outstanding stewardship
of the United Nations during these critical times, when the
world body is increasingly being called upon to respond
promptly and effectively to complex situations all over the
world.
As the fiftieth anniversary of our Organization
approaches, there is great merit in our taking stock of what
the United Nations has achieved in the maintenance of peace
and security and in fostering international cooperation for
development. It is also our duty at this session to explore
ways and means of further strengthening this body so that it
is better equipped to fulfil its purposes and principles as
enshrined in the Charter.
The admission of new States to the community of
nations upholds the principle of universality that we so much
cherish. In this connection, it is important for us to take
note of and applaud the historic agreement that has been
signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization,
which heralds a period of peace after more than four decades
of bitter and destructive fighting. It is our hope that one day
the State of Palestine will earn its deserved place as a
Member of this Organization. We would, at the same time,
like to pay tribute to those countries and organizations that
were instrumental in bringing the negotiations to a fruitful
conclusion.
The fact that the membership of this Organization has
increased dramatically to 184 surely suggests an urgent need
to restructure it so that it serves the world community better
in the vastly changed circumstances. The end of the cold-
war era has finally placed the United Nations at centre stage
of international affairs for the maintenance of peace and
security and the strengthening of international cooperation in
social and economic development.
However, the arrangements made for the maintenance
of international peace and security need a thorough review.
At a time when great emphasis is being placed on the
principle of democracy at the national level, there is no valid
reason for not extending the same principle to the sphere of
international relations.
The principle of sovereign equality among States is an
important provision of the Charter. The General Assembly
and its style of work represent the embodiment of this
important principle. It is the only organ that enjoys
universality of membership; therefore, its relationship with
other organs of the Organization should reflect this pre-
eminent status. Consequently, in the revitalization and
restructuring process, the end product should be a
reinvigorated General Assembly capable of asserting itself in
its relationship with other organs of the United Nations.
The Security Council is assigned by the Charter the
primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security. The recent proliferation of situations of
conflict, instability and tension around the globe calls for
greater participation and involvement of the general
membership in the workings of the Council. There is
therefore need to adjust its membership, structure and
methods of work to reflect the changes which have occurred
in international relations since 1945.
The first obvious change in our Organization is the
dramatic increase in its membership. Consequently, the ratio
between the General Assembly and the Security Council has
progressively declined from 5 to 1 in 1945, through 8 to 1
in 1965, to 12 to 1 in 1993. Clearly, the Security Council
has become less representative and needs to be enlarged.
The second change relates to the configuration of power
in political, economic and military terms which created the
notion of permanent membership and the veto in the
Council. Present realities dictate that the privileges enjoyed
by the permanent members of the Security Council be
modified and that the composition of the Council be altered,
but with due regard to the provisions of Article 23,
paragraph, 1 of the Charter, which accords due importance
to
"the contribution of Members of the United Nations to
the maintenance of international peace and security and
to the other purposes of the Organization",
subject, of course, to membership that is democratically
elected and fully accountable to the total membership of the
Organization on whose behalf the Security Council acts. It
will take time to negotiate and put the changes in place.
However, in the intervening period there is nothing to
prevent the Organization from implementing interim
measures which may go some distance towards redressing
the present discrepancies.
The mere expansion of the membership of the Security
Council will not amount to much for Africa, Latin America
and Asia unless the question of equitable geographic
distribution is adequately addressed. At present, these three
regions are grossly underrepresented, in terms of both non-
permanent and permanent members. Africa and Latin
America do not even wield a single veto, whereas the Group
of Western European and Other States, and Eastern Europe,
now wield four of the five vetoes in the Council. Moreover,
the Group of Western European and Other States, and
Eastern Europe, are allocated 7 of the 15 seats, leaving
Africa, Asia and Latin America to share the remaining 8, an
arrangement that is totally inequitable and therefore
unacceptable.
It is clear that the Security Council, through a liberal
interpretation of the concept of international peace and
security, has encroached on the jurisdiction of other organs
in the system. We are concerned by the apparent impression
often created by the Council that majority votes in the
Council constitute international law, regardless of the
provisions of the Charter and other relevant international
statutes.
The Security Council acts on behalf of the entire United
Nations membership. Therefore, any tendencies or practices
that may be interpreted as contradicting the norms and
principles of transparency, accountability and democracy
should be avoided. To this end, we should evolve a system
that would ensure more participation by interested Member
States that are not members of the Security Council. This
will make it possible for such Members to have a
meaningful input during the informal meetings of the
Security Council. It is also desirable that the Council keep
the general membership well informed regarding the stage
and nature of discussions and negotiations undertaken.
If we have addressed ourselves at some length to the
issue of the Security Council it is because the responsibilities
it shoulders have manifestly increased in number and
complexity. It is our view that only through a process of
internal institutional reform, which we believe is long
overdue, can the moral authority and effectiveness of the
Forty-eighth session - 28 September l993 3
Security Council in discharging its mandate be enhanced and
acknowledged. It is our hope that the current negotiations
on this matter will be successfully concluded to coincide
with the celebrations marking the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations in 1995.
I now turn to the vital role of the Assembly as the
central and universal forum for deliberation. Africa fully
supports the efforts under way to revitalize and rationalize
the work of the General Assembly. We believe that the
exercise must be comprehensive, taking into account the
expanded membership of the world body as well as the
principle of sovereign equality of all States. The reform
process must also fully address the need for the other
principal organs of the United Nations system to report to
the General Assembly, as provided in the Charter.
As I have already noted, the tasks facing the United
Nations today have increased with the unprecedented
mushrooming of peace-keeping operations all over the world.
Bitter armed conflicts continue to ravage lives and destroy
property, stretching the much-needed administrative and
financial resources of the Organization to the limit. Let us
therefore redouble our efforts in support of the increased
commitment and responsibilities of our Organization.
The recent successes of the United Nations in bringing
peace to Cambodia, El Salvador and Haiti and in facilitating
the referendum in Eritrea are testimony to what can be
achieved by our Organization acting in a concerted manner.
It is in this context that we particularly welcome the
Secretary-General’s proposals in his report "An Agenda for
Peace", relating to cooperation between the United Nations
and regional organizations in resolving conflicts, in
peacemaking as well as peace building. We in Africa have
taken a positive step in this direction. At the thirtieth
summit meeting of the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU),
held at Cairo in June this year, we adopted a mechanism
whose primary objective is the anticipation and prevention
of conflicts. Its mandate will be guided by the principles of
the OAU Charter, in particular the sovereign equality of
States. Where conflicts have already occurred, the function
of this mechanism will be peacemaking and peace building.
Even with our meagre resources, we are proud to say that
Africa has already established a Special Fund to support
OAU activities in conflict prevention and settlement.
In southern Africa we continue to be bedeviled by
conflicts in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa. In
Mozambique, however, we welcome the recent talks between
President Chissano and RENAMO leader Afondo Dhlakama,
which have cleared some of the major obstacles to the peace
process. We therefore urge the United Nations to continue
its efforts to put the peace process back on schedule to
enable elections to be held in October 1994.
In Angola we are gravely concerned at the continued
escalation of fighting between UNITA and the legitimate
MPLA Government. This has caused untold loss of life and
property. We believe that the efforts of the United Nations
and the OAU should be aimed at achieving a cease-fire
between the two warring parties and creating favourable
circumstances for the deployment of United Nations peace-
keeping operations while negotiations for peace take place.
UNITA should accept the results of the September 1992
democratic elections, which were declared free and fair by
international observers, including the United Nations.
On South Africa, we applaud and support the current
negotiations to bring about democratic change in that
country, particularly the recent agreement regarding the
future, and indeed ongoing, establishment of the Transitional
Executive Council. We are, however, dismayed to note the
intensification of violence and the withdrawal of the Inkatha
Freedom Party and the white conservatives from the
negotiations. These actions threaten the smooth progress
towards the goal of democratic elections currently set for
April 1994. We therefore urge the two parties to return to
the negotiating table, as this is the only way forward. The
United Nations should also seriously consider a more active
role in the prevention of violence.
The President of the African National Congress (ANC)
has appealed to the United Nations for the ending of
sanctions against South Africa, and we are glad that there
has been response from a number of countries to that appeal.
Zimbabwe fully supports the appeal, and we are glad that a
stage has now been reached when we can judge the process
to be more or less irreversible.
In Somalia we commend the efforts of the United
Nations in the difficult mission to restore normalcy to that
tortured country. In Liberia and Rwanda, while peace has
remained elusive, we are glad that current OAU and United
Nations efforts to resolve the crises have begun to bear fruit.
It is our hope that recent positive developments on the long-
standing question of Western Sahara will result in a just and
equitable settlement. The untiring efforts of the Secretary-
General and the United Nations in seeking lasting solutions
to these conflicts on our continent and elsewhere,
particularly those emanating from the disintegration of the
former Yugoslavia and Soviet Union, deserve our
unqualified support.
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
As equal members of this family of nations, we believe
that peace-keeping, peace-building and peacemaking must
not be the preserve of a few economically or politically
powerful countries. We stand ready to cooperate with the
international community in seeking solutions to the many
problems facing the world today, by participating in peace-
keeping operations or mediation efforts, or by providing any
facilities or expertise at our disposal. However, unless all
Member States commit themselves to timely payments of
their assessed contributions for these efforts, some countries
will find continued participation difficult.
We are fully aware that issues involving violent
disputes or armed conflicts are not the only concerns of the
international community. Other issues, such as trade and
economic growth, as well as international cooperation for
development, are matters of primary concern. We note with
concern from the World Economic Survey, 1993 that for the
third year in succession the rate of growth of world output
in 1993 will be below that of world population. It is also
evident from the Survey that the end of the East-West
ideological divide has not brought with it a commensurate
narrowing of the economic disparities between North and
South. Instead, these disparities have become more
pronounced than ever before.
The problems confronting the developing countries
today are manifold. Terms of trade continue to deteriorate,
as high prices of imported manufactured goods and rising
protectionism in developed countries become the order of the
day. The socio-economic crisis in the developing countries
has been further exacerbated by the crippling burden of debt.
The flows of official development assistance, upon which
they are dependent, has declined in recent years, while direct
investment has constituted only a marginal percentage of all
inflows to these countries, particularly those in Africa.
In Africa, the least developed and most marginalized of
all the world’s regions, the majority of countries are
undertaking economic reform measures. They have made
great sacrifices and encountered untold difficulties in
implementing these reforms. In southern and eastern Africa
in particular, the capacity to implement and keep these
economic reforms on course was further undermined by the
devastating drought which swept the region in 1991-1992.
Yet these countries have continued to demonstrate their
commitment to the reforms aimed at improving the standard
of living of their people.
Our sacrifices alone are not enough to ensure the
success of our economic reform programmes. In this regard,
we must once again reiterate the imperative need for an open
and equitable international trading system and the provision
of adequate financial resources. We therefore call for an
early conclusion of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade
Negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT). We also call again on the developed countries to
achieve without further delay the target of 0.7 per cent of
their gross national product for official development
assistance that was set over 24 years ago by this very
Assembly.
Africa’s economic and social progress in general, and
in the context of the implementation of the New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s in particular, will
remain severely hampered as long as the continent’s debt
burden continues to be as acute as it is today. Standing at
close to $290 billion at the end of 1992, the continent’s debt
is equivalent to 100.1 per cent of its gross national product,
while it is an alarming 108 per cent for sub-Saharan Africa.
With Africa continuing to be a net exporter of financial
resources, is it any wonder that many of our human
development needs and social services have gone unmet?
We believe that there is a clear and compelling need to
find a lasting solution to Africa’s indebtedness. While we
welcome some of the positive steps taken by some creditor
countries towards debt relief, as well as the important
initiatives of the Bretton Woods institutions in this regard,
we believe that an unacceptable gap still remains between
rhetoric and action, and that more decisive measures can be
taken to address this crisis.
Africa believes that the commitment it made together
with the international community, when the New Agenda
was adopted in 1991, must be renewed and translated into
concrete action. Fully cognizant of the fact that Africa’s
development is primarily our responsibility, we have
proceeded courageously to implement our side of the
commitment, particularly in the promotion of regional and
sub-regional economic cooperation and integration and the
creation of an enabling environment for foreign and
domestic investment. We therefore call upon the
international community to buttress our efforts by addressing
in a concerted manner the major constraints which I have
highlighted.
Africa does not seek charity. Mindful of the need to
promote sustainable and self-sustaining development on the
basis of self-reliance and the interdependence of Member
States, the countries of Southern Africa signed in August
1992 a regional treaty establishing the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC). Foremost among our
objectives are the achievement - through regional
Forty-eighth session - 28 September l993 5
integration - of development and economic growth, the
alleviation of poverty, the enhancement of the standard and
quality of life and the support of the socially disadvantaged.
Through the various regional economic organizations
such as the Eastern and Southern African Preferential Trade
Area (PTA), the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), and the Arab Maghreb Union, African
countries are trying to further their aim of achieving self-
sustaining development. These efforts will eventually
culminate in the formation of an African Economic
Community, whose foundations have already been laid.
Furthermore, it is our objective to evolve common political
values, systems and institutions, and to promote and defend
peace and security in the region. It is our earnest hope that
the international community as well as organs of the United
Nations system and the multilateral financial institutions will
continue to render their invaluable and generous assistance
in order to ensure the success of our regional integration
efforts.
Zimbabwe is fully committed to achieving the
sustainable utilization of our natural resources and the
protection of our environment in order to attain sustainable
development. In this context, we note with appreciation the
progress made so far in establishing the institutional
mechanism for the follow-up of the decisions taken during
the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in June last year. In
particular, we commend the Commission on Sustainable
Development for the constructive and positive manner in
which it conducted its work during its first substantive
session in June.
We welcome the stress that the Commission has placed
on some of the areas critical to the successful
implementation of Agenda 21, including the urgent need to
support national efforts to achieve sustainable consumption
and production patterns and lifestyles and the need for a
supportive international economic environment.
Issues such as the alleviation and reduction of poverty,
the creation of remunerative and productive employment and
social integration are at the core of the endeavours of all
countries, but more urgently of developing countries. It is
appropriate that these constitute the basis of our deliberations
when we convene in Copenhagen, Denmark, in March 1995
for the World Summit for Social Development.
These themes are all equally vital. It is gratifying that
the international community has pronounced itself on them
on many occasions as indeed have States individually and
severally. The theme of social integration, for example, was
addressed in a special way when two years ago we held a
summit meeting on children here in New York. We adopted
principles and guidelines which should govern the treatment
and development of children in all our countries. We
should, in translating these principles into practice, work to
remove the status and stigma of society’s marginal people
from our children. The children are our future. We have a
duty to the future for them by the positive and practical
measures we take today for their protection, education and
development.
Of great importance to us also are issues of population
and the advancement of women. In this context we
welcome and support the convening of the World
Conference on Population and Development in 1994 in
Cairo, Egypt, and of the World Conference on Women in
Beijing, China, in 1995.
In this regard let me underscore the conclusion of the
World Economic Survey 1993 that the social concerns of
developing countries, and the major issues of development
in other areas of the world, cannot be resolved in the
absence of world economic growth. It is our fervent hope
that just as the United Nations has considerably strengthened
its role in the political and humanitarian fields, its role in the
economic, social and related fields will likewise be
strengthened in order adequately to meet the emerging new
realities and their impact on the developing countries.
Let me conclude by calling upon all Member States to
remember that just as the new international situation dictates
the need to strengthen, democratize and streamline the
operations of the United Nations and its constituent bodies,
so also is it incumbent upon us to make an exceptional
contribution in pursuit of the noble goals of justice, peace
and development. This we believe can be achieved only if
all Members live up to their obligations under the Charter.