195.	Tunisia is particularly happy to see such an eminent statesman as Mr. Illueca presiding over the work of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. He represents Panama, a friendly country and a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries which has distinguished itself by its active support for just causes throughout the world. In conveying to him the warm congratulations of the Tunisian delegation, which in the past has had occasion to appreciate his distinguished personal qualities, we find it a pleasure to be working under him again. We assure him of our wholehearted support and co-operation.
196.	His predecessor as President, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, discharged his important functions with an acute sense of responsibility and objectivity, allied with great competence and unfailing courtesy. We were very appreciative of that, and we should like today to pay him the sincere tribute due him.
197.	In undertaking last year an evaluation of the situation in the world, all of us agreed with the Secretary- General that the world was "perilously close to international anarchy".
198.	More than six months ago the heads of State and Government of the non-aligned countries, at their seventh Conference, solemnly reconfirmed the details of that view. What we called the "New Delhi Message" contained an urgent appeal for a general heightening of awareness. It advocated at the same time concerted action to restore peace and security and to promote development in harmony.
199.	We see today that although the diagnosis was confirmed, it has not been followed by any concerted action. We see absolutely none of the changes we had hoped for in the attitudes and conduct which in fact originally led to the state of disorder and anarchy which we are living through today. On the contrary, we note a decline in the world situation and an exacerbation of the dangers threatening mankind as a whole. We see that there is an upsurge of violence in all its forms, in terms of a systematic recourse to force on the pretext of security, ideology, retaliation, pre-emption or plain intimidation; a recrudescence of localized conflicts, declared or latent, gravely threatening regional equilibrium; and the undertaking of military operations which are as dangerous as they are futile.
200.	We know that force cannot provide a lasting solution of any dispute, and that in any case it has never provided a solution for deep-rooted problems which remain complete and intact.
201.	We know that there is a people still condemned to wandering, that another is still groaning under the yoke of colonialism and segregationist, and that in various places on all the continents the rights of States, peoples and individuals are being violated, that insecurity reigns everywhere, even on board civilian aircraft of regular airlines.
202.	We note that within this context and within this kind of logic, arms become the expression and the means of a policy becomes a so-called imperative necessity, while at the same time hunger, disease and poverty are stalking throughout the world and the economic crisis, with its particularly disastrous consequences for developing countries, is assuming global dimensions.
203.	It is for all the world as if the powerful protagonists in this world have adjusted themselves to the prevailing anarchy on the international scene, exploiting it to strengthen their own positions, to consolidate their gains, to expand their zones of operation, interest or influence, to organize anarchy to their own advantage, to arm themselves and over-arm themselves, invoking various pretexts or theories, each one less convincing than the last, disregarding the coming holocaust, giving precedence to selfish national concerns and immediate interests over any consideration of ethics or respect for the unanimously acknowledged principles of law. During this period, when confidence has disappeared from international relations, this is what seems to determine the attitudes and conduct of the most powerful.
204.	We are even impelled to consider whether the world has not finally entered a stage when the levers of command are pulled at the dictates of circumstance rather than as the result of deliberate policy. This is a frightening thing in the nuclear age.
205.	The time has come for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to which all of us here have subscribed, to be brought back into force and scrupulously observed. The time has come to accept that the United Nations is the sole instrument which can save us from chaos, anarchy and war. We must give the widest possible hearing to the appeal of the Secretary-General, who, shouldering his responsibilities with a courage and frankness to which I should like to pay tribute, did not hesitate in his report to this session in calling us to recognize our responsibilities and inviting us to renew our faith in the principles of the Charter and our commitment to the Organization.
206.	But over and above this profession of faith to which we have been invited, we must of course give deeper thought to specific measures that could restore to the United Nations its prestige and credibility.
207.	It is necessary for the members of the Security Council, particularly the permanent members, to recognize that their responsibility in the matter of international peace and security is as much a collective as an individual responsibility. They are responsible to all the Members of the Organization and to the international community for the use they make of the powers conferred upon them.
208.	It is necessary for the permanent members to accept the fact that improvements in the functioning of the Council are necessary to ensure that its action is effective. It is also necessary that the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization apply itself seriously to its work and at last present us with its recommendations with a view to rationalizing our working methods and enabling the Organization to fulfil its responsibilities properly, particularly with regard to international peace and security.
209.	In pleading once again the cause of the strengthening of the United Nations and strict respect for the principles of the Charter, Tunisia is simply acting in accordance with its profound convictions, the first of which is that the United Nations constitutes the sole and ultimate recourse for those of us that are the victims of any violation of the principles which underlie the conduct of international relations. It is also our conviction that it is this Organization that establishes the law and creates international legality, that very legality of which my country has made a watchword and which President Bourguiba—desirous of giving his own thinking and action the necessary legitimacy—has always advocated as a basis for the settlement of conflicts throughout the world. Finally, it is our conviction that it is within the framework of the Organization, the objective of which is universality, that the interdependence of our interests, our common destiny, in short, our indispensable solidarity, can find expression and concrete form.
210.	This solidarity, which we have always believed to be essential within our own frontiers, is something which we consistently propose beyond our frontiers as the best means of ensuring stability, development and peace, first and foremost in our own region, for our brothers and neighbours in the Arab Maghreb.
211.	In this world of disorder and ever growing tension we are happy to note that the action undertaken in our Maghreb region for almost a year now is designed to bring about the easing of tension and the narrowing of differences in a spirit of concord, harmony and complementarity.
212.	Thanks to the wisdom of the leaders of the Maghreb, we can assert that it is now generally conceded that the relations between our countries can be based only on the principle of interdependence, that conflicts and crises which affect some inexorably have an effect on the interests of others, and that therefore we must show solidarity concerning the way in which we want to mold our own world for ourselves and for future generations.
213.	It is in this spirit, in a process of development, aware of the need to lay the foundations of a solid and lasting edifice, open to all our partners in the region, that we view the Treaty of Friendship and Concord between Tunisia and Algeria, signed on 19 March 1983 by President Habib Bourguiba and President Benjedid Chadli.
214.	This act, which we believe to be of historic significance, opens to our eyes the path towards a common future. Freely entered into by the various partners in the whole of the Maghreb, this could constitute a precedent for African, Arab or other regions.
215.	In this context, the OAU—which at the nineteenth session of its Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983, proved to the world its ability to pull itself together and overcome its transient difficulties—will find less difficult its work in dealing with the conflict which persists in the north-west region of the continent. Tunisia, for its part, while subscribing to the resolutions of the heads of African States on the question of Western Sahara, which it considers to be important steps in the right direction, will be ready to undertake at any time any action that may be deemed useful.
216.	It is in the same spirit and with the same readiness that Tunisia views the other conflicts which have shaken the African continent, and in particular the conflict which is raging in Chad.
217.	Bearing in mind that war has been ravaging that brother country for nearly two decades, Tunisia can only exhort the people of Chad to try to act so as to spare themselves the horrors of war, desolation and death and not to allow themselves to be deflected from their proper course, which is that of devoting their efforts to the social and economic development which they so sorely need. It is essential that the language of guns and bombs be replaced by the language of dialogue and negotiation between the parties concerned, on the basis in particular of respect for the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States.
218.	In this regard, the OAU offers a framework which will make it possible to bring back peace and harmony in this sensitive region of our continent. No sign of goodwill should be rejected and no efforts should be spared to achieve this goal.
219.	On the African continent there still persists an anachronistic problem which threatens ultimately to become the most resounding failure of this Organization, of the principles it advocates and indeed of international legality itself. This is the question of Namibia, which is still under the yoke of illegal occupation and the worst type of colonialism.
220.	After so many concessions by the Namibian people and its sole representative, the South West Africa People's Organization, after proofs of impartiality and balance by the United Nations, no pretext or subterfuge—certainly not one which would make of the sacred struggle of the Namibian people an East-West issue—is any longer acceptable. We expect of those who bear special responsibility for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and who so far have not been able to keep the promises they have made us, explanations and indications of their intentions.
221.	Similarly, we expect explanations of the action undertaken or to be undertaken to put an end to that major aberration of our time, the inhuman practice of apartheid which the Pretoria regime continues to elevate to the status of a system. We believe that this scourge of mankind constitutes a political, economic and social problem, but also and above all a problem of civilization. To those who are relentlessly waging a genuine struggle for liberation and civilization, to the people of South Africa and its leaders from the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, we would like to reaffirm here our active support and solidarity.
222.	As I said at the beginning of my statement, in this era of tension and conflict no continent is spared.
223.	In South-East and South-West Asia there persist conflicts which are a challenge to the Organization and the principles of its Charter. To this day, foreign troops continue to occupy Afghanistan and Kampuchea. The peoples of those two countries are still being prevented from freely exercising their right to decide on their own system of government. It is time for the Afghan and the Kampuchean peoples, as for other peoples, to have restored to them the right to speak.
224.	In the Gulf region, for three years now we have witnessed the continuance of a fratricidal and unjustifiable war between Iraq and Iran, with an increase in the cruel loss of human life and property and an exacerbation of the danger to stability and equilibrium throughout the region. In Tunisia we are extremely sensitive to the effects of this murderous confrontation between two peoples which are both so close to us. We call on the leaders of those two brother and neighbour countries to have recourse to peaceful means of settling conflicts, as advocated by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, and in the Charter of the United Nations. We exhort them to bring about peace, peace with honour and dignity, in which there will be no victor and no vanquished.
225.	Central America cannot remain outside this interminable list of hotbeds of serious tension throughout the world. We would remind those who are tempted to resort to a show of force and violence that lasting solutions can be brought about only by means of political negotiations between the parties concerned. That is what it will take for this disturbed region of the world to recover peace and stability and for its peoples to consolidate their gains on the way to liberty and independence.
226.	If these many conflicts, and others, are a heavy burden on international relations, there is one particular one which from our own standpoint constitutes the most direct and most serious threat to international peace and security. That is the tragedy of the Palestinian people and of that brazier which is the Middle East. That explosive situation is of the gravest concern to us. Indeed, ever since its foundation Israel has constantly and relentlessly pursued the same policy of permanent and systematic violation of the principles and rules of the Charter. The may be resolutions, decisions and recommendations adopted in the United Nations system have remained dead letters, which is very eloquent testimony to the arrogance and disrespect which Israel has ceaselessly shown to the international community.
227.	The tragic situation in which Lebanon now finds itself is nothing but the direct consequence of this policy, which is based upon invasion, the occupation of territory and the expulsion of the inhabitants. The most recent phase in the plot concocted against this country is the redeployment of troops by Israel, aimed at making it possible to retain its grip on the south of the country. The previous phase of that plot consisted in sowing the seeds of discord and division among the inhabitants of Lebanon, which has nevertheless so often set us an example of perfect coexistence of communities and religions.
228.	That is why we learned with the greatest satisfaction of the cease-fire brought about thanks to considerable and praiseworthy efforts. We hope that the cease-Ore will be consolidated definitively in the Held and that it will be possible to begin on that basis dialogue and negotiations within the framework of national harmony. We also hope the parties will strive to make it possible for this brother people to recover its unity and liberate its territory from Israeli occupation.
229.	The same policy is being systematically applied in the occupied Palestinian Arab territories, where the Tel Aviv authorities are feverishly building settlements, and regarding the Arab populations of the territories under Israeli control, whose rights are being violated and whose lands are being requisitioned and expropriated. Everything seems to follow the logic, a logic with implacable objectives: to bring the Palestinian people to their knees by the military elimination of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] and to realize the dream of David Ben Gurion by creating "the third Kingdom of David", which would extend from the Nile to the Euphrates.
230.	Today, Israel's intentions are secret to no one. Every day brings us further striking proof that the Israeli policy of fait accompli is meant to be irreversible and that this end justifies any means.
231.	The destruction of the Iraqi atomic reactor, the annexation of the Golan Heights, the doubling in the space of three years of the number of settlements in occupied Arab territories, the brutality against the Palestinian people and the denial to them of their fundamental rights, the invasion of Lebanon with its train of victims and destruction and the massacres of Sabra and Shatila are all milestones on the path of aggression trod by Israel and are all part of a systematic plan and a deliberate policy. The ultimate objective of Israel is to Judaize the occupied Arab territories before annexing them and to deprive the just cause of the Palestinian people of its strength and meaning and to reduce them to wanderers.
232.	If the situation in the Middle East has seen no progress over the last 30 years that is because the international community has not been capable of considering it reasonably or in its objective reality or of stripping it of the emotional attitudes and feelings which have always constituted the backdrop to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
233.	So long kept outside the political arena, the Palestinians have been the victims of a fallacious concept of the true dimensions of the problem, which has been reduced to a conflict between Israel and the Arab States. Today the Palestinian problem can be seen in its true geopolitical context, and there is a broad consensus which now places it at the very heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
234.	Unfortunately, however, some people persist in trying to impose their own concept or the overwhelming majority of the international community, thus placing themselves outside universally acknowledged norms. Equating the occupied Arab territories with a res nullis, they are engaging in the use of force, repression and oppression in order to achieve their own objectives, thus defying the Charter and decisions of the United Nations as well as the most elementary rules of international law. This flagrant defiance, based upon blind force, has reached such a level that the Israeli leaders seem no longer to believe in anything but the language of force. Israel has recourse to that language of force on the fallacious pretext that its security is threatened, whereas according to the most enlightened observers Israel is the fourth- ranking military Power in the world.
235.	It is scarcely necessary to recall that security is the constant, legitimate concern of all the countries of the region.
236.	Just as my country is devoted to international legitimacy, it deplores the extent to which the values reflected in the Charter have eroded. That erosion today causes a State Member of the Organization to act with impunity. We appeal to those who bear the greatest responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security to stand alongside us as vigilant guardians of the values defended by the Charter. We repeat our conviction that any acquiescence or siding with Israel which could promote its policies of aggression, annexation and destabilization in the region strengthens that feeling of impunity, encourages that attitude of defiance and does the greatest possible damage to the Organization.
237.	Resolutions adopted by the United Nations provide the elements of a just, comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict.
238.	We are convinced that the United Nations provides an irreplaceable forum to negotiate a lasting peace between the parties concerned. In this context, the appeals for negotiation which have from time to time been made to the Arab countries must, if they are to be realistic and sincere, be addressed above all to the PLO, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, which is the principal party in the conflict.
239.	The Arab countries and the PLO have constantly repeated that their desire for peace is sincere and that they are open to any proposal based on justice and right. This desire has been reflected in the past in many statements by Arab and Palestinian leaders. It was made clear again last year, immediately after the tragic events in Lebanon, with the publication of a series of peace initiatives.
240.	The Arab world has never refused to consider these initiatives, whether the Franco-Egyptian draft resolution, the Reagan plan" or the Brezhnev plan," thus putting a favourable construction on the intentions of their authors.
241.	What has been the reaction of Israel, in contrast? It has been a categorical, unreserved refusal to all, a stinging slap in the face to the international community, on the pretext that the Bible confers upon Israel a divine proprietorial right over Palestine.
242.	In the face of that refusal, we stand by the resolutions of the United Nations, upon which the Arab States drew abundantly in order to present to the world on 9 September 1982 their initiative known as the Fez plan. That plan, which is based upon international legality as it appears in General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, reaffirms, in different words, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the creation of its own State, and entrusts to the Security Council the role of guaranteeing the security of all the States of the region so that they may live in peace and security.
243.	Tunisia is convinced that along these lines may be found the way to a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the Middle East conflict, as was confirmed by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983.
244.	For the third year in succession the world economy is in the throes of crisis, the most serious since the great recession of the 1930s. It has paralyzed growth and slowed down development. Its consequences are serious for the developing countries. In all of them, production ha& failed to increase for the first time since the war, and per capita income has fallen by about 3 per cent. The prices of commodities, the main expense of many developing countries, and sometimes their only exports, have fallen in real value to their lowest level since 1945. The developing countries' terms of trade, already very precarious, have continued to deteriorate for the fifth year in succession.
245.	The contraction of international trade and the proliferation of protectionist measures have had a very bad effect on the most dynamic export sectors of the developing countries, thus worsening their trade deficits and aggravating their balance of payments difficulties.
246.	The external indebtedness of practically all the developing countries has reached, and in some cases passed, the danger point, placing certain developing countries—not only the poorest—on the edge of bankruptcy. Faced with declining export earnings and contracting foreign exchange holdings, most developing countries have been compelled to reduce their imports of capital goods, thus seriously affecting their development programmes.
247.	The poor countries of Africa continue to languish in sordid conditions of absolute poverty, hunger and malnutrition, and a large proportion of their populations do not have even the necessary minimum for survival and human dignity.
248.	The international environment is far from favourable to strengthening international economic co-operation for development. Certainly, signs of economic recovery have begun to appear in some major industrial countries, but their effects do not yet seem to have made it possible to overcome the prevailing difficulties in the economies of those countries.
249.	Inflation, unemployment and recession are the major concerns of the industrial countries, and they are giving rise in those countries to reactions of economic nationalism and protectionism, reflected in a whole array of protectionist regulations and measures improvised to adjust to the prevailing situation. This is also reflected by a contraction in the volume of public development aid, the real value of which, expressed as a percentage of gross national product of the donor countries, was still lower in 1982 than it was at the end of the 1960s.
232. The worsening in the terms of trade, the monetary disorder and the rise of protectionism are illustrative not only of the extent of the crisis but of the present system's failure to adapt to the new realities of the interdependence between the economies of different countries.
253.	It is undeniable that a global solution must be found to this global economic crisis, a solution which takes account of the legitimate interests of all countries, particularly the weakest, within the framework of a common endeavour and dialogue on an equal footing.
254.	We do not believe that market forces, however magical they may be, can overcome the structural crisis through which the world economy is now passing. Nor do we share the optimism of those who believe in the "automatic fall-out" from the growth in the industrial countries on the economies of developing countries.
255.	We believe that the current recovery can be sustained only if it is supported by a powerful dynamism which takes into consideration, in an equitable manner, the well-understood interests of all countries. This will make it possible to ensure growth and full employment for the industrialized countries and to guarantee to the developing countries conditions for true development within the framework of their legitimate aspiration to establish a new international economic order that is just and equitable.
256.	I should like to recall in this regard that the approach advocated at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, constitutes in our view the most appropriate response to break the deadlock in the North-South dialogue that has existed over the past few years. While envisaging the adoption of a programme of immediate measures to meet the urgent economic difficulties of the developing countries, this approach aims at lumbering global negotiations in two stages, to define and adapt long-term structural measures and reforms, within the framework of a global, egalitarian dialogue.
257.	It is for the international community to seize the opportunity, during this session, to launch seriously a constructive dialogue, bringing together developed and developing countries in a common endeavour matching the seriousness of the situation.
258.	This is particularly urgent because the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, in which such great hopes were placed, unfortunately generated nothing but frustration and disappointment. Most of our partners in the developed world have in fact refused to debate seriously the new approach proposed. In this regard, the report of the Secretary- General on the work of the Organization	quite rightly notes: "The opportunity of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was to a large extent allowed to lapse, thus exacerbating political tensions on a range of economic issues". We believe that it is not too late to remedy this failure, but we have to want to do so and therefore to act by means of a true dialogue, which is the best way of bringing about a settlement of the grave and urgent problems of the world economy, particularly the problems of the developing countries.
259.	The continuation of the efforts to launch the North-South dialogue and to ensure its success does not prevent South-South co-operation from being strengthened and diversified further. The developing countries are today fully aware of that. They recently again confirmed this at the second meeting of the Group of 77's Intergovernmental and Co-ordination Committee, of which Tunisia had the honour to act as host at the beginning of this month.
260.	We are convinced that the decisions taken on that occasion will have a positive effect not only on co-operation among developing countries but also on international co-operation in general.
261.	We are concerned about this mood of disaffection about multilateralism which has grown up over the past few years. The most alarming illustration of this is the ever more serious reduction in the contributions to financing operational activities for development, and particularly to UNDP. We think that the present serious financial crisis of UNDP will—if some large-scale action is not undertaken by the contributor countries to ensure UNDP financing on a foreseeable, sure and regular basis—deal a fatal blow to this irreplaceable instrument of multilateral co-operation for development.
262.	We are happy to take note of the agreement reached on setting up the United Nations Financing System for Science and Technology for Development, and we hope this will encourage all countries to make financial contributions in order to accelerate its entry into force.
263.	At a time when the state of the world has aroused concern and anxiety, we are pleased to see the United Nations admitting its 158th Member Stale Saint Christopher and Nevis. We welcome it to our midst. Its admission is a timely occasion to recall the universal nature of the Organization and to strengthen our conviction that it is by means of this international body that the world will find its salvation.
264.	Indeed, it is this conviction that the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has expressed in making itself the champion of the multilateral approach and the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations; it is this conviction that is reflected in the fortunate initiative of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the chairman of the seventh summit conference at New Delhi, in inviting her counterparts to come here and consult together at the very highest level on the state of the world and this international society, which we should like to see capable of respecting a discipline freely agreed to. Let us hope that we can gird ourselves to restore faith and vigour to this international system, which was established on the basis of so much hard work. Let us be convinced that development, independence, disarmament and peace are closely linked together and that they are our only means of salvation.


 Mr. President, it is my privilege to address
to you today, on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, our warm congratulations and sincere wishes for success. We know your talents as a jurist and a diplomat and your qualities as a statesman which you have so often and so successfully used in the service of your country and of your region, of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and of the United Nations, and they augur well for our present session.
1.	To your predecessor, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Hungarian People's Republic, our colleague of long standing, Mr. Imre Hollai, we renew our great respect and special thanks for the calm, rational and effective way in which he conducted our work.
2.	We reiterate our confidence in and support for the Secretary-General, whose reports on our activities have provoked clear and salutary thought on the state of international relations and the role befitting our institutions.
3.	Lastly, we are pleased to welcome among us Saint Christopher and Nevis.
4.	It has been said that the delegations from the third world come to the United Nations to present their demands, describe their difficulties and explain their concerns and then go home with reassurances and promises that are sometimes not kept, because reality determines otherwise. We detect this general feeling of frustration at every session, as it is true that the hopes for the improvement of the world situation are dashed by events and incidents the seriousness of which we recognize.
5.	Indeed, wherever we look, we see only disorder and confusion. Economic, monetary and financial disorder! Disorder in political relations and confusion in ideological relations! Disorder and confusion in assigning responsibility for ensuring peace and understanding among nations and for ensuring full development for peoples in the best possible conditions.
6.	This year again, we are far from the global security provided for by the Charter, because we cannot reach agreement on the methods to be used, on the procedure to follow or even on the meaning of the concept. Generalized war, we are told, has so far been avoided, but regional conflicts continue to be manipulated and the great fear of nuclear war grips all peoples without exception.
7.	Furthermore, since recovery seems to be confirmed in certain countries, statements are being made advocating a dialogue to deal with the crises of growth and development, while nevertheless encouraging the maintenance of several grey areas concerning the objectives, content and format of such a dialogue.
8.	One should not therefore be astonished if peoples, particularly the peoples of the third world, seek new ways to ensure peace and development, in the absence of a security system whose establishment has been prevented by obstacles arising from mistrust, the promotion of selfish interests, the determination to perpetuate an outdated state of affairs and the decline of what the Secretary- General, in his latest report on the work of the Organization, calls multilateralism and internationalism.
9.	Our peoples are hardly familiar with the cryptic language of politico-military circles concerning ballistic missiles, strategic bombers or intermediate nuclear forces. But can one really wish them to be other than particularly interested in the peace movements and in initiatives advocating the non-use of force, the non-use of nuclear weapons and the demilitarization and denuclearization of zones of peace and outer space?
10.	Can we be blamed too for insisting that it is essential to continue disarmament negotiations and not to use them as mere window-dressing or as one more pawn in the East-West confrontation?
11.	We have the night and the duty to insist on this, all the more so because we are all concerned by the over- armament of the great Powers and because cold-war animosities are re-emerging. The situation is such that we have the unpleasant impression that we have become the hostages of concepts which primarily serve selective strategies.
12.	In this connection, we recall that a five-point plan was recently proposed for the Mediterranean, providing for the limitation of naval activities, the reduction of naval equipment, confidence-building measures, the withdrawal of vessels equipped with nuclear weapons and the non-deployment of nuclear weapons in coastal and hinterland States. Of course, we maintain the specific nature of the Indian Ocean. But if this plan is good enough for the Mediterranean then it is also good enough for the Indian Ocean; it could even be applied to other regions that wish to be zones of peace. In this connection the great Powers and blocs should decree a moratorium, with the idea of subsequently limiting, reducing and eliminating all military activity there.
13.	It would be naive of us, however, to believe that nuclear disarmament will help make our peoples more secure. Indeed, what security can there be when we see the transfer and the crystallization of international tensions in regions regarded, rightly or wrongly, as strategic?
14.	In the case of Chad, for example, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, which recognizes the legitimacy conferred by the Lagos agreements concluded with the endorsement of the Organization of African Unity [AU], is opposed to any attempt to internationalize a conflict that primarily concerns the Chadians themselves. However, it was seen fit at one time to resort to means out of all proportion to the African dimension of the problem. We can understand, nevertheless, the recourse to machinery in an agreement for co-operation between the Chadian movement and a foreign Power. An argument has been put forward by our regional organization
to promote reconciliation and reconstruction through negotiations. It would be more advantageous, we believe, to help the Chadians to explore the feasibility of this approach rather than to insert the problem of Chad within the context of possible great Power confrontation.
15.	The same argument applies to Namibia. The right of the Namibians to peace and security must be attained through independence and not through the establishment of an arbitrary link between the return to international legality and the imposition on the People's Republic of Angola of conditions incompatible with its sovereignty. If we want to talk about security—although the South African regime is scarcely concerned about the security of its neighbouring States, near or far—if we really want to talk about security, my Government advocates dispatching a pan-African or international peace-keeping force to Namibia's frontiers, once independence has been obtained in keeping with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) or, in default of that, proclaimed by the United Nations under the aegis of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO].
16.	It is ironic that certain circles attach importance to the requirements of the apartheid minority regime, which is only concerned with human rights and the rights of people in order to Rout and repress them. We cannot agree that this regime, which does not recognize any right of the African majority, should become the regional policeman. Hypocrisy has become accommodating. The cause of Africa should not be further betrayed, and we reiterate our support for the African National Congress in its struggle for national liberation.
17.	Lastly, in the Western Sahara, which remains the key to peace and security in the sub-region, the efforts of the OAU have had their ups and downs. The interests of the Saharan people, whom we fully support in their quest for freedom and justice, must prevail. The OAU has committed itself to preserving these interests by recommended direct negotiations between Morocco and POLISARIO o establish a cease-fire and a referendum free from military or administrative pressure—in other words, after the withdrawal of the Moroccan troops and administration. We have no ambition to make or rewrite history, but to ignore the consensus which arose around this problem during the last Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity would endanger the already difficult task of the Implementation Committee, and the credibility and future of the OAU.
18.	To reduce tension and eliminate regional conflicts through political settlements strictly conceived outside any East-West confrontation and with due consideration for the rights of peoples and nations to peace and security, as well as for the fundamental principles of sovereignty, mutual respect and non-interference—this is still our position on the other problems before us.
19.	Thus, we continue to support the just proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on the reunification of the Korean homeland which would be independent, peaceful and free from outside interference. We also call for the implementation of the declaration on South-East Asia, issued by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries a declaration that the
countries of Indo-China and those of the Association of South-East Asian Nations	have already accepted as a basis for dialogue. We follow with interest developments in the talks on the situation in South-West Asia, in keeping with the guidelines set forth by the special representative of the Secretary-General, which is an approach already advocated by Afghanistan itself. We call on Iraq and Iran to put an end to a fratricidal and senseless war, and we support the initiatives of the Contadora Group and of other States to ensure that democracy, security and stability shall be enjoyed by the peoples of Central America.
20.	The questions of the Middle East and Palestine have distinct characteristics, if only because of the responsibility directly assumed by the United Nations with respect to the State of Palestine and the Palestinians for the last 40 years.
21.	Conditions of peace will not be met as long as the Palestinians remain a people without land or rights, as long as Israel persists in its politically and legally unfounded argument that its sovereignty over the occupied territories is an established fact, and as long as domination and fragmentation of the Arab environment on the political, economic and social levels persist.
22.	The multiplication of treaties and always partial agreements, the proliferation over decades of often partial plans lead us to think that it is time to call, as advocated by the recent International Conference on the Question of Palestine, an international conference on the Middle East in which Palestine, represented by its liberation organization, would necessarily take part.
23.	We shall refer again to Lebanon, not to treat it as a separate issue but to express the hope that the unity, stability and preservation of the territorial integrity of Lebanon will be achieved thanks to the recent cease-fire which was agreed to by the parties involved.
24.	In connection with the economic section of my statement, I will not go into a detailed analysis of the causes and effects of the crisis because these were dealt with masterfully by senior authorities at New Delhi, Buenos Aires, Belgrade, Geneva and Washington, as well as in other places. It is commendable that it was possible to adhere to the timetable of meetings and that major questions were debated. Nevertheless, the results of this succession of multilateral meetings failed to come up to expectations, perhaps because we entertained too many illusions or were unduly ambitious. The more likely reason is that it is still hard to reconcile our differences.
25.	Be that as it may, since optimism is a human quality, we are condemned to persevere and to succeed. However, there are intolerable situations which cannot await the result of complex negotiations. We have in mind, in particular, Africa, a continent which stands most in need of development but which development seems to have forgotten.
26.	A brief look at the facts suffices: the average rate of growth in African countries has fallen over the last three years from 4.4 per cent to 0.6 per cent; the annual income of the inhabitants today is lower than it was 20 years ago; the terms of trade have worsened by a total of about 20 per cent over five years; the overall current deficit is estimated at $12 billion and the foreign debt has increased nearly seven-fold in over 10 years, while the average debt-servicing ratio has more than doubled.
27.	Given that plainly gloomy state of affairs, our concern will undoubtedly be shared by the industrialized countries, whatever their economic and social system. The economic recovery which has been forecast will have no effect or will be feeble at best, because the economic and financial difficulties of the African countries will reduce the demand for the exports of the industrialized countries and will thus increase unemployment in some of them.
28.	It is in the interest of all, therefore, to launch the emergency programme for Africa now in order to avoid the economic collapse of the most seriously affected
countries. That programme would supplement the structural adjustment measures agreed to by our countries at the cost of additional sacrifices but which can be achieved only with co-operation on the part of the whole international community, given the fact that the origin of most of our problems lies outside our countries.
29.	The programme could include the provision of additional financial resources by increasing official development assistance and by organizing the programmes and procedures for the provision of loans by international financial institutions; continued support for the African Development Bank group, in particular with regard to the fourth general replenishment of the resources of the African Development Fund; withdrawal of protectionist measures, lowering trade barriers and opening markets to our goods; and new measures of debt relief, which would include the rescheduling of all our debts and the extension of repayment periods with no penalties for late payment.
30.	That programme would have prospects of succeeding if it were accompanied by a reduction of the interest rates of the main international financial centers and the limitation of fluctuations in interest rates.
31.	Those are only short-term measures concerning a particular region which is beset by exceptional circumstances. But our solidarity with the rest of the third world cannot be qualified and we cannot sufficiently emphasize the important and urgent need to restructure international economic relations on a democratic, just and equitable basis. We remain convinced that this profound change can be brought about only within the framework of global negotiations, which have been delayed for four years by the negative political will of certain of our partners. In the mean time, initiatives have been taken, such as the organization of an international conference on monetary and financial means of development or the convening of an international monetary conference at the highest level.
32.	We support these two conferences and these initiatives, but we believe they should not be considered preconditions for launching global negotiations but rather integral parts of the negotiations after the negotiations are under way.
33.	Furthermore, it would be abnormal and contrary to our position on collective self-reliance for us to stake everything on the North-South dialogue. South-South co-operation is important, because countries of the third world are determined to preserve their economic independence, strengthen their negotiating power and harmonize their diverse interests.
34.	The attainment of those goals presupposes that we can choose the institutional means and set up the appropriate operational instruments. In this context, the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar took the initiative four years ago of proposing the establishment of three funds to promote effective solidarity in the monetary, development and raw material fields, in order to strengthen the complementary links between our economies and ensure for ourselves a role at the international level.
35.	It is not a question of organizing the South against the North or of competing with existing international institutions. Our efforts are complementary but not mutually exclusive, because unless we want the new economic order to remain a mirage of the ?970s and 1980s, we must all heed the appeal made at New Delhi by the heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries for collective action to bring about world-wide prosperity.
36.	By their permanence or recurrence and because we have not been able to overcome them, the political and economic crises have exacerbated the climate of insecurity in international relations and kept the peoples in a state of uncertainty concerning their right to well-being and social progress. However, they have had the merit of giving the concepts of peace, security and development new dimensions, in keeping with the requirements of shared responsibility, and of provoking a salutary reaction to attempts to impose on multilateral relations an approach inspired by bilateral relations.
37.	Whatever the motives for this latest development, it can only stiffen the confrontation and make the breach inevitable and final by relegating to the margins those of us that cannot agree to become pawns in a game carried on without our knowledge. In a world which is divided and stratified, only firm adherence to multilateralism will enable us to appreciate the facets of divergent interests, to resume a dialogue on which the credibility and effectiveness of our institutions will depend and to ensure the attainment of a world in peace with itself, thanks to the establishment of a just, democratic and equitable new order.
38.	Here lies the essence of non-alignment, which cannot be reduced to a mere balancing act but rather presupposes the rejection of all forms of subjection, dependence, interference, intervention or pressure in international relations, in order to be able to judge according to merit on the basis of national independence and commitments based on universally accepted principles. In other words, if we have to be aligned, let us be aligned with just causes, the aspirations of our peoples and the purposes and principles of the Charter.


It is an immense pleasure for me to congratulate Mr. Illueca, on behalf of my delegation, on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the Assembly. His election is a tribute to his country and decisive proof of the profound confidence which his remarkable qualities as a skilled diplomat have inspired in his colleagues. We are convinced that he will be able to exercise the necessary skill in conducting the work of the Assembly, which has the difficult task of resolving at this session the complex issues before it. I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, whose efforts and devotion assured the success of the preceding session. May I also pay a particular tribute to the Secretary- General for his constant and unceasing efforts to discharge the difficult and sometimes dangerous duties incumbent upon him in safeguarding the lofty ideals on behalf of which the Organization was founded. My delegation is pleased to congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on its independence and most warmly welcomes its admission into the always growing family of the United Nations. We wish Saint Christopher and Nevis every success and we look forward to working in close co-operation with this country.  Every year we meet in the Assembly to review our experiences and exchange views on current international questions in order to try to determine a course of action which could promote international peace and security. We are concerned and uneasy at the extremely unfavorable situation in which the world finds itself because of the escalation of hostilities and the aggravation of tension on practically all continents. We are taking part in the work of the United Nations in the profound conviction that the Organization can and should be the best possible forum for bringing about a climate of tolerance and justice and creating the foundations for a new harmony in international relations. It is in this spirit that the Republic of Djibouti remains firmly devoted to the principles and purposes of the United Nations and that my country joins other States in proclaiming its readiness to co-operate and work in full solidarity for the success of this session. We are convinced that if all countries were more resolutely devoted to the Organization and its Charter, they could make progress towards peace and justice and that co-operation would be based on the principles of independence, equality and human dignity. Thanks to the Almighty, the Republic of Djibouti and its Government, guided by the political experience and wisdom of President Hassan Gouled Aptidon, have adopted a policy aimed at granting to all, within the available resources, the exercise of basic social, economic, political and religious rights, as well as full enjoyment of freedom. The Republic of Djibouti is resolved to create and develop the bases of its economic and social structures, in keeping with the principle of collective self-sufficiency, in order to achieve its national objectives. My Government is endeavoring to resolve the very serious economic difficulties impeding progress towards those aims. The economy of the Republic of Djibouti consists mainly of the service sector. This service economy is entirely dependent on trends in international trade, which are beyond our control. The urgent need to offset the risks of the dependence involved in this kind of economy has prompted the Government of Djibouti to launch a comprehensive programme to revitalize and modernize its tertiary sector and to create a sound foundation for the development of a productive but diversified economy by promoting new sectors, such as industry, agriculture, livestock farming and fisheries. The recent inclusion of Djibouti on the first of least developed countries emphasizes the fact that it is urgently necessary to help Djibouti overcome its economic difficulties. In order to resolve its economic problems the Government of Djibouti has decided to adopt a development strategy with various goals. The development targets of the Republic of Djibouti are set forth in the Economic and Social Guidelines Law and comprise the development of Djibouti as a major maritime port, efforts to combat poverty in urban and rural areas, industrialization and reduction of food dependence and energy dependence. If these targets are met, Djibouti will have not only the solid foundations so essential for developing its economic activities but also a better chance of reaching a level of economic viability that will enable it to contribute to efforts to achieve collective self- sufficiency, as reflected in the action being undertaken to bring about viable economic co-operation among the developing countries. The Republic of Djibouti cannot, however, successfully carry out this development strategy solely by its own means, without the financial, material and technical support of the international community. In this connection the Government of the Republic is organizing a pledging conference, to be held in the city of Djibouti from 21 to 23 November 1983, in order to set out its development programme and its financing needs in the hope of winning the support of Member States and international organizations. The Republic of Djibouti is pinning all its hopes on the success of this conference for the launching of its socio-economic development programme and the consolidation of its national independence. The implementation of its development programme will also help Djibouti to play a full regional and international role in efforts to promote peace and stability. I now turn to the question of refugees. Efforts to find a solution to this problem have always been a major concern for my Government, since there is practically no capacity to absorb refugees in Djibouti. The actions now being taken as a result of an agreement between the Governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in order to find a lasting solution to the refugee problem are encouraging. Repatriation freely consented to by refugees is the most appropriate solution. The process of repatriation on a strictly voluntary basis is backed up by a programme to rehabilitate refugees in their countries of origin. The programme is spread over several months. Initial operations started on 19 September 1983, and 700 refugees have already been resettled in their villages of origin. Since the achievement of our own objectives has taught us to coexist with all countries in a genuine spirit of co-operation and understanding, we are equally devoted to the principle of good-neighborliness, and we reaffirm our desire to maintain a prudent policy of positive neutrality in our international relations. We respect and fully support the tireless efforts being made by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to preserve the principles and fundamental ideals on which it was founded, in the teeth of the constant tensions engendered by the international crisis. We are convinced that these ideals are in complete harmony with the principles to which the non-aligned countries intend to adhere both nationally and internationally. We call upon all countries to respect the sovereign and inalienable rights of other countries which are free to choose, without foreign influence, the nature of their political, economic and social systems, as well as the kind of relations they want to have with other States and international organizations. We vigorously oppose and condemn the oppression of one people by another and the denial of the exercise of the fundamental rights of a people. We equally condemn all policies of segregation and racism, including Zionism, racial discrimination and apartheid. We are deeply concerned by the constant rivalry between the super-Powers, which are vying for various spheres of influence in many parts of the world. We are convinced that this rivalry fosters tension in these areas, and we make a pressing appeal to them to refrain from undertaking any actions and initiatives which would aggravate an already extremely perilous international situation. Regarding the international economy, the events of recent years have increased the tensions which beset international economic relations, and we are very concerned about the deterioration of the world economic situation. The speed and extent of the effects of the deterioration of the international economic situation have taken on catastrophic proportions and threaten the peace and stability of the most seriously affected regions. To face the present difficulties affecting the world economy and the structural and adjustment problems in all sectors of the national economy, we must seek the best possible way of working out a new order of international economic relations which will help to promote economic and social stability. No one can gainsay the vital need for economic recovery at a time when three quarters of the world population are in an extremely difficult economic situation, with very dubious economic prospects, and when one third of this population live in a state of poverty and deprivation. The world cannot stand idly by while vast human and material resources are wasted on the arms race. There can be no equitable and viable system of international economic co-operation without a radical change in existing structures. Furthermore, the countries of the third world can no longer accept a status which does not involve them on an equal footing in world efforts to promote genuine economic development in conditions of stability that will give every citizen of these countries the opportunity and the right to enjoy a decent social, economic and political life. The crisis at present besetting the world has highlighted the interdependence of nations, and growth can be ensured only through close international co-operation. The Republic of Djibouti is convinced that only joint action on the part of all countries will make it possible to restructure the world economy and to establish more equitable and sound relations. We are very pleased to see that the international community has been pursuing a constructive and serious dialogue in various international forums in various capitals and other important cities of the world, as part of those efforts designed to resolve equitably the difficulties in international economic systems. We are convinced that the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held at New Delhi in March 1983, the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, at Buenos Aires in April, the Summit of Industrialized Nations at Williamsburg the following month and the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade in June, have all provided excellent opportunities for seeking better solutions to the international economic crisis. Despite all these valuable efforts, we have noted that the prospects for economic recovery are not very encouraging, particularly in the developing countries, and even less in the least developed countries. Nevertheless, we have not lost hope. In this connection, we would like to give our full support to a positive, world-wide dialogue designed to evolve a concerted and global programme of action which could revitalize the world economy and give it new impetus, while at the same time contributing to the accelerated development of the countries of the third world. I turn now to the Horn of Africa. Since independence the Republic of Djibouti has always felt that only dialogue among the parties involved could establish a peace process in that region and has observed a constructive neutrality in this conflict. We have supported all efforts to bring about direct negotiations between the belligerents. We remain convinced that it is only dialogue among the parties to the conflict which will make it possible to reduce tensions and to find a just and peaceful solution to the problems which prevail in that region. As to the region of the Indian Ocean, the Republic of Djibouti, a littoral State, is particularly concerned at the growth of tension in that part of the world. The Republic of Djibouti attaches great importance to the aim of making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace because we are aware of the security questions raised by that concept, particularly for the littoral and hinterland States. This is why we fully support the desire expressed by these States as well as by other peace-loving countries which intend to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, as clearly provided in the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly. We commend the efforts of the Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to convene the Conference on the Indian Ocean at Colombo in the near future. In this respect, we should once again like to make an appeal to all Member States to co-operate in ensuring the success of this Conference. The situation in the Middle East continues to threaten the stability of the countries in the region, as well as international peace and security. The premeditated actions of the Israeli aggressors against Arab countries and the Palestinian people have taken on alarming dimensions which have unmasked the true face of Zionism. Israel, protected by its faithful allies, has not balked at committing increasing acts of violence against the inhabitants of the occupied Arab territories, particularly by pursuing its expansionist policies by setting up illegal colonies and by endeavoring to modify the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem. It is extremely regrettable that all solutions hitherto proposed to resolve the crisis in the Middle East have not touched the root of the problem of the Middle East. The entire world is convinced that there can be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East as long as the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are not fully recognized and exercised, including its right to return to its homeland and to establish its own independent Palestinian state. All the efforts to resolve peacefully the question of the Middle East should involve the full association of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in all negotiations which directly or indirectly affect the fate of the Palestinians. The final declaration of the Third Islamic Summit Conference, which was held at Mecca-Taif in January 1981, as well as the peace plan adopted at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, in September 1982 at Fez,'" indicate how anxious the Arab and Islamic world is to find a peaceful solution to the problem of the Middle East. This plan takes into account the real intentions of the Arab and Muslim peoples and is in harmony with the resolutions of the United Nations on the question of Palestine. In view of this situation and all the peace efforts, the Security Council should meet its responsibilities towards the Palestinian people and make the necessary arrangements to endorse and to follow up the Geneva Declaration on Palestine and the Programme of Action adopted at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine held in September." Lebanon is agony, seeing its sons dying in a war which is not of its own making. The situation which prevails in this country is, simply, the obvious consequence of the repeated aggression to which this State has been subjected. The whole of international opinion has many times condemned Israel's efforts to undermine Lebanese sovereignty. We stand aghast at the magnitude of the bloody events which are destroying the human and material resources of Lebanon. We stand amazed at the interference which has plunged this country into the shadows. It is high time that the voice of wisdom prevailed and that the carnage was ended. It is high time for ail sides to take into account the major and legitimate interests of the Lebanese people. We welcome the efforts made by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia together with the Lebanese and Syrian brothers which have led to a cease-fire. It is our hope and our desire that this laudable action will be crowned with success and that these efforts will make it possible to resolve the Palestinian problem and will lead to lasting peace and stability in the Middle East. The Republic of Djibouti, which supports all efforts at negotiation and dialogue, is fiercely opposed to all those who want to use this tragic situation as a pretext for splitting up this State. Lebanon must preserve its integrity; Lebanon must maintain its sovereignty; Lebanon is one and indivisible. We are extremely troubled by the fact that the conflict between Iran and Iraq continues. This has inevitably resulted not only in a depletion of the material and human resources of those two fraternal Islamic countries, but in a threat to peace and security in that region and in the rest of the world. Once again we reiterate our full support for the efforts and the good offices of the United Nations, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Gulf Co-operation Council in the search for a peaceful solution to this unhappy problem. We urge them once again to redouble their efforts to reach a cease-fire agreement which will make it possible to re-establish peace in that region. We wish to pay a tribute to the Government of Iraq for having taken the positive initiative of proposing a suspension of military operations against Iran and ending the war. We urge the other party to undertake the same commitment. We appeal to those two fraternal Islamic countries to realize the need to resolve their disputes in accordance with the principles of the Islamic fraternity and the solidarity of States members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, in order to prevent any further bloodshed and destruction. The prevailing situation in southern Africa is a subject of grave concern to the international community and, more specifically, to Africa. The constant tensions and conflicts in this region cannot be eliminated as long as the apartheid system of South Africa is not abolished and as long as Namibia is not completely rid of the illegal occupation of the South African regime. Maintaining its intransigent attitude, the Pretoria regime has not changed its policies or its methods of repression of the African majority in South Africa. Although it has been an object of universal censure, the Pretoria regime continues to defy international public opinion, as well as the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. We are profoundly convinced and persuaded that no peaceful change can take place until global economic sanctions are imposed as part of a concerted international plan and until a total embargo on weapons is rigorously applied against South Africa, in accordance with the recommendations of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, which was held in Paris in May 1981." The deadlock in Namibia may well have unfortunate repercussions and may permanently endanger peace and security in that region. It has become clear that the South African regime is no longer prepared to accept a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question on the basis of the implementation by the United Nations of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), including the organization of free and fair elections in Namibia under the supervision and control of the United Nations. Despite the intensive consultations aimed at facilitating the speedy execution of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, South Africa is deliberately trying to deflect the attention of the world public from these objectives and unilaterally puts forward unacceptable pre-conditions in order to thwart any efforts and to prolong the negotiation process which is supposed to lead to the independence of Namibia under the aegis of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. It is regrettable that the Security Council cannot fulfill its basic responsibility by preventing South Africa from continuing to subject the Namibian people to this barbaric treatment and consolidating its policy of occupation of the Namibian territory. We condemn the criminal acts of terrorism and armed aggression of South Africa against the independent States surrounding it, that is, the front-line States. The tragedy in Chad has, to our great regret, become a dangerous situation which may well threaten peace and security in Africa. We have been following with grave concern and great exasperation the vicissitudes of this ill-fated and fratricidal war, which is draining the material and human resources of that country and destroying the infrastructure so necessary to it. We are alarmed at the escalation of the conflict which continues to prolong the suffering of the people of Chad and which may well lead to a serious conflict that could take on unforeseeable dimensions. We consider that any initiative on Chad must be aimed at achieving an immediate cease-fire and the withdrawal of foreign troops to make it possible for the various factions among the people of Chad to become reconciled and to repair the damage done. We urge these factions to work together to bring about the national reconciliation that would provide a sound foundation for lasting peace in Chad. We insist that any agreement concerning the people of Chad should protect them from any intervention, interference or domination from abroad. Regarding Western Sahara, we reaffirm the right of the Sahraoui people to self-determination. In this connection we welcome the efforts of the OAU to promote a just and final settlement of the problem of Western Sahara. We urge the members of the Implementation Committee, together with the parties to the conflict and in co-operation with the United Nations, to take all the necessary steps to ensure that the recommendations of the OAU are properly applied. It is our hope that the recent diplomatic efforts which have been relentlessly pursued by the Maghreb States will also make an effective contribution to what is already being done by the OAU and the United Nations to resolve the question of Western Sahara. The situation in Afghanistan is a subject of grave concern to us ail, and a solution must be found for this crisis. We profoundly regret the fact that the occupying Power has as yet not seen fit to comply with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 37/37. In that resolution the vast majority of the international community called for the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. Military intervention and domination have created a tragic situation in Afghanistan, threatening peace and security in that part of the world and thus contributing to the deterioration in international relations. The continuing presence of these forces has created a precedent jeopardizing the principles of non-intervention and noninterference, as well as the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the States of the region. We are convinced that the only way to put an end to the tragedy of Afghanistan is to respect those principles and to call for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan so that the people of that country may once again enjoy the right to choose their own political, economic and social system free from outside intervention and so that the Afghan refugees may return freely to their homes in peace and in dignity. The situation in Kampuchea has not changed, despite repeated appeals by the international community and the General Assembly for a speedy, comprehensive settlement of this conflict. The Republic of Djibouti reiterates that it is essential for all foreign forces to withdraw from Kampuchea and that there should be an overall political settlement of this question. With regard to the question of Korea, the Government of Djibouti is firmly convinced that inter-Korean negotiations are the only political course for that country to follow. It is essential that this dialogue, in which neither party imposes its views on the others, be resumed as quickly as possible, given the urgent need to reduce present tensions, to re-establish trust between the parties and to bring about a lasting peace in the Korean peninsula. In conclusion, we hope and trust that peace and prosperity will prevail over tension and war. The Assembly, we are quite certain, will respond to the hopes of millions of human beings who wish to build the future of their nation in peace and to construct a better world, where human life will be more real, more concrete. Human beings, wherever they may be, have not been put on earth to make war but to enjoy peace in justice and equality. Compromise, dialogue and co-operation should be our guiding values in helping us to break the equilibrium of terror and fear. We must all concert our efforts and our actions in order to realize the legitimate aspirations of our peoples.


108.	 Mr. President, it is a pleasure for me to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, and I wish you every success in your task. At the same time, I should like to pay a tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai, the outgoing President, for his efforts, as well as to the Secretary-General for all that he has done during the past year.
109.	I should also like to congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on its independence and its accession to membership in the United Nations.
110.	The world today is facing serious dangers and is exposed to complex crises which jeopardize international peace and security. They threaten the detente and cooperation which followed the Second World War. Apart from the Palestine question and the Middle East problem, the occupation of Lebanon by Israeli troops, as well as the problems of South-East Asia, Namibia and southern Africa, fighting is raging in Central America and the Caribbean basin.
111.	That state of tension in various regions of the world is accompanied by a failure to reach an agreement on strategic disarmament. The attempt to deploy missiles in Europe and other parts of the world is a grave set-back to international detente and has returned the world to an atmosphere of tension, heralding the re-institution of the cold war with its negative effects on the international situation and its direct threat of propelling the world into a new stage of direct confrontation among the great Powers.
112.	It is imperative to point out, in particular, the world economic situation and its repercussions not only on the welfare of the peoples of the developed world, but also on the peoples of the third world that are suffering more than others because of their social and economic structures inherited from the colonialist eras. All that is bound to have grave consequences on the development of international life and the future of all nations of the world.
113.	I should like to point out a number of major problems facing the peoples today.
114.	Despite the United Nations resolutions on racism in southern Africa, on the question of Namibia and on the independence of the peoples of southern Africa, the racist regime still occupies Namibia, attacks Angola and Mozambique and threatens the African front-line States. The continuation of such a situation is not only a tragedy for the peoples of that region of the world, who have suffered during many centuries of injustice and oppression, but also an affront to the entire world. We stand by the side of the African peoples in their staunch struggle to bring down the racist regime and to achieve the independence of the peoples of southern Africa. Their struggle is part of the struggle of the third world for liberation, independence and sovereignty.
115.	In another part of the world, the problem of Cyprus remains unsolved. That situation has led to the continuation of the suffering of the Cypriot people. It is therefore necessary to seek a quick and just solution of that issue, based on United Nations resolutions, through negotiations between the two Cypriot communities and on the basis of guaranteeing the unity of the island and its non-alignment. We hope that negotiations will continue under the auspices of the Secretary-General.
116.	The Korean issue also remains unresolved. We support the unity of Korea and the implementation of the joint communiqué signed by the two parts of the peninsula in 1972.
117.	In Central America, threats against Nicaragua, Cuba and Grenada are escalating day by day as United States involvement continues to increase in that region, making the situation even more complex and posing the danger of a conflict that would have serious consequences for the international situation.
118.	We support Nicaragua, Cuba and Grenada in their just struggle to maintain their national sovereignty and independence and ensure non-interference in their internal affairs.
119.	The General Assembly is still considering an item concerning Afghanistan. We believe that the Afghan Government is entitled to defend the independence of Afghanistan against all kinds of outside intervention in its internal affairs. We have strong historical and cultural links with the Afghan people. Afghanistan is also a fellow member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and we are anxious that it should remain so. The Afghan people have the right to choose its own system of government. Consequently, we attach a great deal of importance to the need to conduct negotiations between the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and its neighbours in order to achieve peaceful solutions that would guarantee the peace and security of that region and safeguard the unity, independence and non-alignment of Afghanistan.
120.	In such a tense international situation, the Non- Aligned Movement represents an international approach seeking to realize peace, justice, progress, welfare and non-confrontation for all peoples of the world. The latest Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, dealt with the international problems facing the world. It did so with a deep sense of responsibility towards the future of mankind and the right of the peoples to self-determination. The resolutions adopted at New Delhi constitute an important basis for maintaining international peace and security and keeping evolution of the international situation under control. The Conference also advanced proposals for dealing with the world economic situation.
121.	However, the problem does not lie with that just and comprehensive approach of countries that constitute the great majority of the members of the international community. It rather lies with the intransigent attitude adopted by the forces of imperialism, injustice, racism and Zionism.
122.	Among the most volatile and tense international problems is the situation in the Middle East. This is true because of the location of the area and its strategic, historic and economic importance. The unique characteristics of the Middle East have placed a heavy burden on it throughout history; it has been the object of colonialist designs for centuries. What is unfolding today in the region is but a modern version of past stages of development.
123.	In the eleventh century the area was exposed to colonialist invasions called the Crusades. The Napoleonic expedition was another version, followed by frequent resort to military threats in the nineteenth century, especially during the events in Lebanon between the years 1840 and 1860. Western colonialism again reared its ugly head during the First World War, bringing to the region a scheme to seize Palestine and hand it over to the Zionist movement. A number of events followed, and the racist entity was created in that region, nurtured and supported by the United States and its Western allies. Because of that support in the military, political and economic fields, that entity was able to occupy Palestine and parts of Syria, Egypt and Lebanon.
124.	The gravity of the situation in the Middle East region is due to the following reasons.
125.	First, the usurpation of Palestine and parts of other Arab territories by the Zionist movement and the establishment of an entity based on racism, discrimination, despotism and domination, displaying an ideology that somehow linked the colonialist and expansionist objectives of the Zionist movement with mythical illusions to furnish a pretext for the brutal crimes that Israel has perpetrated and is still perpetrating in Palestine and the Arab territories exposed to aggression. The policy of displacement, annexation and alteration of the demographic structure in Palestine and the occupied Arab territories, as well as the violation of United Nations resolutions, the Charter and international law, and the foiling of all peace initiatives proposed through the United Nations—all those policies and acts reflect the nature of the strategy of the Zionist movement and its aggressive and expansionist objectives and purposes.
126.	Secondly, another reason for the explosive state of tension in the region is the renewal of greedy colonialist designs on the resources of the region and its strategic location. Our region's experiences in various historic eras are recurring today. The American and other aircraft carriers and warships are but a modem version of the colonialist expeditions and Crusades to which our Arab nation has been subjected at various stages of its history. We are confident that our Arab nation will defeat the new invaders, just as it has defeated all colonialist invasions throughout its long history. Nothing remains of those invasions but scattered ruins, which are visited by tourists who are the descendants of the previous invaders.
127.	The American involvement in Lebanon and the direct interference of United States naval units in the civil war in support of one side represent a danger to the region and are a serious indication of the beginning of the "Vietnamization" of Lebanon. The United States Administration and its allies should read ancient and modern history, learn its lessons and cease to embroil their peoples and interests in wars of which they cannot be the winners.
128.	We warn the United States Administration that the military involvement in the Middle East will prove as ill- fated as its involvement in Viet Nam. We remind its allies that have hastened to send their fleets and war-planes to that region that we threw them out the door following a long, bloody struggle, and we shall not give them the opportunity to return through the window. Let them be sure that through our determination and ability we have closed not just the doors, but also the windows, in the faces of the invaders. They can be sure that their aircraft- carriers and fleets will not intimidate us or weaken our determination to defend our land and future and exercise our right of self-defence.
129.	The Atlantic m' '1ary presence in the Mediterranean is a challenge not only to us but to the entire international community, as it is a threat to security and peace. It is an expression of the rejuvenation of the aggressive colonialist spirit against the peoples and their right to self- determination, as well as against the peoples and Governments concerned. Our nation, which has defeated all invaders by its struggles and determination throughout history, will defeat the new invaders.
130.	In talking about the ambitions of United States imperialism and some of the Western allies, it is imperative to point out the interrelation of the objectives, interests and ambitions of those forces and those of the Zionist entity, which they consider their eastern military flank and use as an advanced forward base. This explains the volume of military, political and economic aid extended to Israel.
131.	The gravity of the situation results from Israel's aggressive intransigence, which is enjoying all-out support and backing from the United States. After proceeding to annex the Golan and embarking on a comprehensive programme of building settlements in the occupied territories, Israeli forces invaded Lebanon. The invasion of Lebanon has served aggressive expansionist Israeli interests. It is worth recalling here the memorandum submitted by Chaim Weizmann to the World Peace Conference in Versailles in 1919, in which he defined the political boundaries of Palestine, and not of the State of Israel. According to those proposed boundaries, the northern limit starts at a line near Sidon, crossing the eastern mountain range of Lebanon and passing through Syrian territories up to a particular point in those territories.
132.	The invasion has also served United States interests within a strategic framework aimed at imposing United States hegemony on the Middle East region, but such hegemony can be imposed only by oppressing the peoples of the region.
133.	The United States, as a super-Power, should have fulfilled its special responsibility for security and peace in the world and should have opposed the aggression and taking appropriate measures against Israel. Instead, however, together with Israel, it imposed, under the fire of aggression during the siege of Beirut, an agreement effected by the United States envoy, Mr. Philip Habib. Under the shadow of occupation and contrary to the Vienna accords and the Charter of the United Nations, the United States succeeded in imposing an agreement on Lebanon that threatens its national unity, violates its sovereignty, undermines its national independence, isolates it from its Arab nation and constitutes a threat to the security, the interests and the future of Syria and the Arab world.
134.	There was manifest exploitation and evident blackmail in regard to the particularly painful situation suffered by the brotherly people of Lebanon because of the civil war and the national divisions imposed on them with a view to ensuring that Israel would gain as much as possible, regardless of the sufferings, the dangers and the damage inflicted on a United Nations Member State which has always been in the forefront of peace-loving States.
135.	Despite the difficult situation in Lebanon—on which I do not wish to dwell, since there is no room here to discuss such issues—the Lebanese patriotic resistance confronted the Israeli occupation with great heroism, notwithstanding the difficult and complex circumstances our brothers in Lebanon are experiencing. The great majority of the Lebanese people also oppose the agreement imposed on Lebanon and do not recognize it. They have firmly declared that they will continue to oppose the agreement until it is dropped.
136.	Our position on all these issues is clear and is based on the following principles. First, Lebanon's unity, independence and sovereignty are among the principles whose violation or infringement can never be accepted by Syria and the other Arab States. The Arab States will keep working towards that end and assisting the brotherly Lebanese people to recover their national unity and independence and sovereignty over all their territories. In this regard, we contributed to the achievement of the agreement concluded a few days ago between the opposing sides in the civil war in Lebanon. Secondly, Israel must withdraw unconditionally from Lebanon, in accordance with Security Council resolution 509 (1982). Thirdly, the agreement imposed on Lebanon must be overturned, since this agreement was imposed under the shadow of occupation. Any agreement imposed under occupation or through the use or threat of force is considered null and void. In this connection, it must be pointed out that no attempt of any kind to bring about the implementation of this ill-omened agreement can succeed. We shall stand by our people in Lebanon in their struggle until that agreement is thwarted. Fourthly, the multinational forces must leave Lebanon, because they have gone beyond their declared objectives and are posing a grave threat to peace and security in the region. They remind us of the colonialist expeditions in previous stages of the history of our region.
137.	Despite this complex and grave situation, the Arabs have remained committed to the principle of establishing a just and comprehensive peace, based on and within the framework of the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations, because they appreciate the repercussions of such an explosive situation on world security and peace, inasmuch as they consider their peace and security part of the peace and security of the entire world. Appreciating their regional and international responsibility, the Arab heads of State, at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, approved a new peace initiative Israel, however, responded by rejecting it and by intensifying its aggression in the territories occupied in the war of 1967 and in Lebanon.
138.	We believe that the attainment of a just peace requires fulfilment of the following conditions.
139.	First, American involvement in the Middle East must cease. They must desist from the plans of hegemony aimed at controlling the resources of the region or its strategic location. The Arabs, who reject hegemony and aggression aimed at devouring their resources, likewise reject their resources' being used as a factor in the complication of the world economic situation, especially as they are willing to co-operate on an equal footing with all countries and peoples of the world. As they confronted colonialism in all its forms throughout their long history, the Arabs will also resist attempts to impose domination. As they are determined to keep their countries free, sovereign, independent and active in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, they equally reject subservience and alignment and the use of their countries as bases for aggression against other States and nations.
140.	Secondly, a strategic balance must be maintained in the region between the parties to the conflict, since with military superiority the superior party would remain intransigent while the weaker party would become more adamant in its attitudes. In this respect we call on the United States to halt all types of aid and support to Israel, especially in the military field.
141.	Thirdly, there must be a declaration of commitment to the Charter and to resolutions on the question of Palestine and the situation in the Middle East. This would mean that the Israelis should accept the following: total withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967; recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian Arab people, including their right to repatriation, self-determination, the establishment of their own independent State on their national soil, as well as the recognition of the PLO, their sole legitimate representative; and unconditional withdrawal from Lebanon in accordance with Security Council resolution 509 (1982).
142.	These conditions constitute the basic prerequisite for halting the further deterioration of the situation, lest there come a time when it gets out of control, with all the serious implications that may entail not only in the region but also in the world as a whole.
143.	Any survey of Israel's history of aggression would show it to be replete with all kinds of crime and violations of the Charter and United Nations resolutions. I do not wish to dwell on the resolutions which Israel has violated, rejected or refused to recognize, but I must raise again the question we have raised in previous sessions, namely, that of sanctions against this Member State, one of whose basic characteristics has become violation of the Charter and continuous use of force and aggression.
144.	Therefore, once again we raise the following two issues: Israel's membership in the world Organization, following its violation of its own commitments undertaken at the time of its admission to the United Nations and the decision that Israel should abide by the Charter and by resolution 273 (III), adopted by the General Assembly in 1949; and secondly, the imposition of sanctions by the Member States against this Member, which has become an odd, unique phenomenon in international life, no less infamous than the Nazi phenomenon.
145.	The gravity of the situation in our region, with all the dangers of increased involvement by the United States and some of its allies, makes it incumbent upon the world Organization to take decisive positions, not only in the interests of security and of Member States, but also to safeguard the security and the interests of all countries in the world.
146.	We shall remain loyal to the Organization's Charter and resolutions. This loyalty to the Charter and our commitment to international peace and security make it imperative for us always to use our legitimate right to self-defence to protect our interests, the independence of our countries and our national sovereignty. 155. We call upon all States and peoples of the world to realize the seriousness of the situation and to stand by our side, for ours is the cause of right and justice.
.