It gives me
pleasure to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Udovenko,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, on his unanimous
election to the presidency of the current session of the
General Assembly and to wish him success in the discharge
of his important responsibilities and duties. May I also
thank Mr. Razali, Permanent Representative of Malaysia,
the outgoing President, for his able stewardship and for the
initiatives he undertook during the past session.
The disintegration of the bipolar world structure and
the end of the cold war are creating favourable conditions
for realizing the goals and principles enshrined in the
United Nations Charter. Globalization — vigorous
economic integration and interdependence — is becoming
a prevailing tendency throughout the world. The
fundamental changes that international relations are
undergoing, as well as the new challenges and global
agendas, demand from the United Nations, its specialized
agencies and the Member States new visions and collective
efforts and actions commensurate to these realities. I wish
to underline that the overwhelming majority of the
international community recognizes these changes, is
adjusting accordingly and is contributing to this process. It
is hardly possible to visualize our common future if we do
not jointly solve the socio-economic problems and the
questions posed by underdevelopment, unemployment,
hunger, poverty, disease, crime natural disasters.
Mongolia stands for making the United Nations an
effective and efficient organization able to meet the
challenges of the new millennium — a political, economic
and legal instrument capable of safeguarding the interests
of all nations, especially the small ones, on the basis of
equality and justice.
United Nations reform has been a subject of
substantive debate in recent years. It is therefore natural
that the reform agenda, in particular the Secretary-
General’s report on a programme for reform, is at the
centre of attention at this session. Mongolia duly
commends the constructive efforts of the Secretary-
General to reform the United Nations and overcome its
present financial crisis. It thus welcomes the reform
programme he submitted to the General Assembly. We
believe that thorough consideration should be given to the
specific proposals, such as a reasonable reduction of the
staff of the Secretariat, allocation of the resulting savings
to acceleration of development, establishment of the post
of Deputy Secretary-General and creation of a United
Nations Development Group so as to improve
coordination and management. It is clear that United
Nations reform is not an event, but rather a process. We
share the view that it is a continuous process, the end
result of which should be measured by the increase in the
efficiency and effectiveness of the United Nations.
Mongolia supports the view that the expansion of the
Security Council’s permanent and non-permanent
membership should provide equal regional representation
and that the Council’s activities should be democratized
and made more transparent. Despite the enlargement of
the Council membership, the overwhelming majority of
Member States will still not be directly represented.
Therefore, Mongolia’s proposal to institutionalize the
fuller participation of Member States in the Council
proceedings, including its formal meetings, is finding
increasing support within the Organization.
Mongolia appreciates and supports the Secretary-
General’s efforts to give priority to socio-economic
questions, to invigorate United Nations development
activities and enhance international cooperation for
development. To this end it is vital that the United
Nations and its specialized agencies and international
trade and financial institutions intensify their activities in
this area and better coordinate their interactions.
Today it is universally accepted that sustainable
development could be attained if it were approached in a
comprehensive manner, and that sustained economic
growth is closely linked with social development and
environmental protection. It is gratifying to note that the
Agenda for Development, adopted this year, has been
drawn up precisely in this spirit. We consider it an
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important document that defines the strategy of international
cooperation for development, and we believe that
implementation of its provisions is vitally important.
The special session of the General Assembly held last
June reviewed and assessed the implementation of the Rio
summit decisions and outlined future actions. Since Agenda
21, adopted five years ago in Rio de Janeiro, has not been
fully realized, the international community should accord
greater attention to its complete implementation.
Mongolia believes that implementing the important
decisions and recommendations of the summit conferences
held under United Nations auspices in the early 1990s is
crucial for consolidating the positive trends in world social
development and redoubling international cooperation for
poverty alleviation, human rights protection, food security,
the environment, advancement of women, protection of the
rights of the child and sustainable human settlement.
While fostering international cooperation for
development, it is important to accord high priority to
addressing the problems of the most disadvantaged
developing countries that have unfavourable locations,
severe climate and underdeveloped infrastructure.
Landlocked developing countries, handicapped by their
geographical location and remoteness from world markets,
face tremendous obstacles and hardships in their efforts for
development and advancement. Reality shows that these
countries risk becoming marginalized from the ongoing
globalization process in the world economy and
international trade. Therefore, it is imperative for the
international community to increase its support of and
cooperation with these countries, as envisaged in the
Agenda for Development.
It is gratifying to note that landlocked developing
countries are taking concrete steps to develop transit
transport cooperation with their transit neighbours. My
Government believes that the first-ever North-east Asia
Subregional Consultative Meeting on Transit
Transportation, held in Ulan Bator this year, has laid the
groundwork for the development of such regional
cooperation.
The notion of and criteria for defining international
peace and security are undergoing changes. With the
improvement of the international political climate, the
dangers posed by nuclear war and the arms race are
receding, while prospects for taking concrete steps on
practical disarmament are improving. The very concept of
security based primarily on the size of armed forces and
military alliances or associations has also been changing.
It now includes the level of development and progress,
wealth and the well-being of peoples, as well as the
extent to which human rights and fundamental freedoms
are insured. All this must find due reflection in United
Nations activities.
I am pleased to inform the General Assembly that
last July Mongolia ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty. Given the paramount significance of the
Treaty, Mongolia believes that there is an urgent need to
have it enter into force as soon as possible, to implement
its provisions strictly and to make operational its
international verification system.
The international community must take specific
measures designed to act on the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice on the obligation to pursue
and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear
disarmament under strict and effective international
control.
The Government of Mongolia is pleased with the
entry into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of
the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of
Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. Its
ratification by the United States of America and a pledge
by the Russian Federation — these being the two major
Powers possessing substantial arsenals of these weapons
of mass destruction — to ratify that Convention are
important prerequisites for subsequent successful
enforcement.
In the past few years the trend to establish nuclear-
weapon-free zones has been gaining momentum.
Mongolia is pursuing a policy of maintaining the size of
its armed forces and its defence expenditures at the lowest
possible level and of ensuring its independence and
national security primarily by political and diplomatic
means. In 1992 Mongolia declared its territory a nuclear-
weapon-free zone, and it is now seeking to institutionalize
this status internationally. Within this framework, we
presented to the last session of the United Nations
Disarmament Commission a working paper on the basic
principles and elements of the concept of the single-State
nuclear-weapon-free zone. I take this opportunity to
express our firm support for the proposal to establish
nuclear-weapon-free zones in other regions, particularly
in Central Asia, and our readiness to work actively for
realizing this.
20

It is regrettable that sources of tension and conflict
persist in some regions of the world. International peace
and security would be strengthened if the parties concerned
were to display political will and utmost restraint in
resolving their differences by negotiation and other peaceful
means.
Bearing in mind the importance of strengthening the
rule of law in international relations, the international
community declared the United Nations Decade of
International Law and has taken a series of related
measures. It is gratifying to note that on the initiative of
Mongolia, the current session is to consider the question of
drafting guiding principles for international negotiations.
Mongolia believes that the adoption of a document defining
guiding principles for international negotiations would not
only meet the purposes and principles of the Decade but
would also promote the definition of international criteria
for conducting international negotiations on the basis of
justice and the sovereign equality of States, irrespective of
their actual power.
Mongolia continues to support the convening in 1998
of a diplomatic conference on the establishment of the
international criminal court. We believe that the jurisdiction
of the court should cover, inter alia, crimes of aggression
and grave environmental crimes.
The Government of Mongolia is consistently pursuing
a policy of democratization, embracing a market economy
and opening up to the world. In the last year the new
Government has undertaken a series of very important
measures to accelerate political and economic reforms,
stabilize the country’s economy and ensure economic
growth. To cite an example, we have introduced a zero
per cent import tariff and accelerated the pace of
privatization. These are important steps to attract foreign
direct investment and expand trade with our major partners
and the world at large.
Full membership in the World Trade Organization
(WTO) early this year greatly contributed to the forward-
looking development of Mongolia. We seek to cooperate
constructively with WTO as the main multilateral trade-
rule-setting mechanism.
As part of our policy of actively joining global and
regional economic integration, Mongolia is striving to
pursue a policy aimed at strengthening peace and security
and developing cooperation in Asia and the Pacific. We are
focusing our attention on North-East Asia in particular and
are committed to increasing our cooperation with the
countries of the region, both on a bilateral and a
multilateral basis.
I should like to express our hope that Mongolia’s
interaction with the United Nations, its agencies and other
international organizations and our bilateral cooperation
with Member States will continue to play a valuable part
in overcoming underdevelopment, in dealing with the
hardships inherent in our transitional period and in
meeting pressing socio-economic challenges. In this
connection, I wish to express the gratitude of my
Government to the donor countries, the United Nations
and other international institutions for the support and
assistance they have given my country.
Mongolia has always viewed the United Nations as
an important instrument for safeguarding international
peace and security and for promoting social and economic
development, and has always supported it. We remain
committed to strengthening the United Nations and
enhancing its efficiency and effectiveness collectively
with all Member States.


Mr. President, at the outset allow me to take this
opportunity to congratulate you on your election to preside
over the work of this, the fifty-second session of the
General Assembly. Your unanimous election reflects the
active role of your country, Ukraine, with which my
country, the Sultanate of Oman, enjoys relations of
friendship and cooperation. We are fully confident that your
diplomatic capabilities and skills will stand you in good
stead in managing the work of the Assembly at its present
session. My delegation assures you of its fullest cooperation
in making this session a success and in achieving its
desired objectives.
I would also like to pay special tribute to Ambassador
Razali Ismail of friendly Malaysia for his successful and
constructive efforts in steering the work of the General
Assembly at its previous session.
By the same token, I wish to stress our continued
support for the genuine efforts of the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, in restructuring the
United Nations and in revitalizing its role in all areas of
endeavours.
Owing to the arbitrary policy of the current Israeli
Government since it came to power in late May of last
year, the peace process in the middle East is going
through a difficult phase. The rigidity of the Israeli
Government has manifested itself in the non-
implementation of what had been agreed upon with the
Palestinian National Authority in Oslo and in its non-
recognition of the land-for-peace formula, a principle on
which the whole of the Madrid Conference was built and
a measure which was accepted by all the parties as a
foundation for reaching a just and lasting peace.
Israel’s failure to comply in good faith with its
international commitments and its continuation of building
settlements in occupied Arab Jerusalem and other
occupied Palestinian territories have resulted in the
disruption of the peace process. Therefore, we fully
understand the awesome responsibility that falls on the
two sponsors of the peace process. We are confident that
they, as well as other peace-supporting nations,
particularly those of the European Union, are capable of
narrowing the existing chasm between the Government of
Israel and the Government of the Palestinian National
Authority on the basis of justice and equity that will
produce substantial progress which will restore a climate
of trust and cooperation between the Israeli and
Palestinian Governments and that will renew hope once
more among the fraternal people of Palestine as well as
among the people of Israel for life in peace and harmony.

My delegation wishes to recall that the status of
Jerusalem was one of those issues that were agreed to be
deferred to the final stage of negotiations. However, the
measures being taken by the Israeli Government in
Jerusalem and its vicinity totally run counter to what was
agreed upon in Madrid in 1991.
We therefore call upon the international community to
express solidarity with the Government of the Palestinian
National Authority in resisting these Israeli policies which
lead to more tension, violence and bloodshed.
Proceeding from its conviction of the importance of
the peace process in the Middle East and the need to
contribute to giving it impetus for further progress, my
country, the Sultanate of Oman, has actively participated in
supporting that process. It continues to adhere to the goals
of establishing peace in the Middle East in accordance with
the relevant resolutions and agreements which have been
concluded. Therefore, we demand that those agreements be
implemented, since peace is an imperative, and is in the
interests of all peoples in the region, ridding them of all
forms of repression, terror, poverty, and hunger.
The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its solidarity with the
fraternal people of Palestine and supports the peaceful
position of the Government of the Palestinian National
Authority, which aims at Israeli withdrawal from the
Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.
We call upon the international community to enhance
the peace process by providing its support to the
Government of the Palestinian National Authority, both
materially and psychologically, thus enabling it to establish
the foundations for stability and security in the Palestinian
territories and to build the necessary infrastructures for the
Palestinian economy, which is an important factor that will
safeguard what has been achieved and what we hope will
be achieved in the future.
We also call upon the people of Israel and all political
actors in that country to promote and defend the peace
process. We also reject all forms of terror, repression and
fear, which have had an adverse impact on the national
interests of all the peoples in the region, including Israel
itself.
We reaffirm the desire of Syria to establish a just and
comprehensive peace, a desire it has always reiterated in all
international forums. We support the Syrian position calling
for the resumption of the negotiations with the current
Israeli Government from where they ended with the
previous Israeli Government, based on full and complete
Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Syrian Golan to the
boundaries prior to 4 June 1967, with the concomitant
mutual obligations to guarantee the establishment of a just
and comprehensive peace between Syria and Israel and in
the region at large.
We would also like to reaffirm the importance of
Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Lebanese territories
to internationally recognized borders, in accordance with
Security Council resolution 425 (1978). The world has
witnessed the increased tension between Israel and
Lebanon over the past two years, which has inflicted
tremendous financial losses on the Lebanese economy,
not to mention the killing of innocent civilians and the
spread of terror and destruction, which is a natural result
of the continuation of Israel’s occupation of a part of
Lebanese territory.
The phenomena of violence and terrorism that target
the lives of innocents require strengthened international
efforts and a firmer will to stand against these heinous
acts. In this regard, I reiterate my country’s condemnation
of these phenomena and its absolute rejection of all forms
of violence and terrorism. We call on the international
community to coordinate its efforts to put an end to these
acts and to guarantee that those who commit or advocate
such crimes be brought to justice.
With regard to the situation between the United
Nations and Iraq, we believe that the implementation of
resolution 986 (1995) and its further extension are
important steps that deserve the acknowledgement and the
commendation of the international community, for it will
alleviate some of the sufferings endured by the brotherly
people of Iraq. My country has welcomed this and
expresses its satisfaction that the cooperation between Iraq
and the Special Commission is being built on a
foundation of trust that will certainly enable its new
Chairman, Ambassador Richard Butler, to submit an
appropriate final report on the future of the economic
sanctions imposed on Iraq.
Despite these encouraging indicators between the
United Nations and Iraq, some fundamental issues remain
that have yet to register any progress, particularly the
question of Kuwaiti prisoners and detainees of other
nationalities, and the return of Kuwaiti properties. This
question is of particular importance and we would
reaffirm here the urgent need for the United Nations to
make greater efforts and to establish further contacts with
2

Iraq with the aim of putting this issue to rest, since it is
largely related to humanitarian and social matters.
My country attaches primary importance to the peace
and security of the Gulf region, cooperation and coexistence
among its nations and peoples in accordance with the
principles of international law, peaceful neighbourly
relations, mutual respect and non-interference in each
other’s internal affairs. On this understanding, we have
been striving, in the context of the combined efforts of the
Gulf Cooperation Council, to solve all disputes and sources
of tension, whatever they may be, between the countries of
the region through dialogue and peaceful means. Thus, the
question of Lesser Tunb, Greater Tunb and Abu Musa
islands constitutes a dispute that might jeopardize the peace
and stability which we are seeking. In this regard, we
support all efforts aimed at solving this question through
direct peaceful dialogue and legal means between the
concerned parties, the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic
Republic of Iran, in a manner that will safeguard
neighbourly relations, stability, security and peace in the
region.
With regard to the situation in Somalia, my country
applauds the efforts recently made by Egypt that led to the
signing of an agreement between the leaders of the Somali
factions. We call on those factions to pursue the peace
dialogue among them in order to attain Somali national
unity. We call upon the United Nations to render concrete
support to Egypt’s efforts to help the Somali factions to
implement their national programme.
My country has continuously supported international
efforts aimed at strengthening international peace and
security. In this regard, my country’s announcement at the
previous session of the General Assembly of its accession
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT) emphasizes our policy, which was followed by other
steps represented by its deposit of the instrument of
ratification in early 1997 and its initiation of negotiations
with the International Atomic Energy Agency to finalize a
safeguards agreement, in accordance with our obligations as
set down in the Treaty.
The Sultanate of Oman, while taking this historic step,
certainly hopes to bestow more strength and credibility on
the Treaty, which it considers to be the most important
multilateral disarmament treaty, by encouraging all
countries that have not yet joined the NPT to do so. In this
regard, we call on Israel in particular to expedite its
accession to the Treaty and to place all its nuclear facilities
under international supervision, which we believe will
create an atmosphere of trust and confidence and limit the
level of armament in the Middle East — a move that
would bring about just and permanent peace to the region.
The Chemical Weapon Convention is no doubt an
important multilateral disarmament treaty prohibiting a
whole category of weapons of mass destruction amenable
to verification measures. All of us have an obligation to
uphold these measures for the benefit and welfare of
humanity at large. In order to avoid a similar fate for the
NPT, we believe that all nations should accede to it.
Preserving the universality and comprehensive nature of
this Treaty should constitute one of the highest goals on
the international community’s list of priorities.
At a time when the international community is
preparing to enter the twenty-first century, the African
continent continues to suffer the blight of endless,
successive wars. These wars have taken the lives of
hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians and created
more than 6 million refugees and about 12 million
displaced persons in the continent.
We add our voice to those who have called on the
African nations within areas of conflict to exert every
possible effort, including regular negotiations, to provide
an environment conducive to national reconciliation
among the warring factions and to enable the refugees to
return securely to their lands through safe passages.
My country supports the United Nations role in
coordinating worldwide efforts — through international
donor agencies, the regional efforts represented by the
work of the Organization of African Unity, and countries
that border those areas of conflict — aimed at achieving
progress and development for the individual in Africa,
who has and continues to suffer from deprivation, despair,
poverty, natural disasters and other man-made
catastrophes.
The environment is a gift from God, the Almighty,
to man. Its preservation is a collective responsibility
which is not limited by political boundaries. This fact has
been proven repeatedly. Therefore, wherever man lives,
he should do his share to protect the environment and to
treat it with wisdom and logic, and be aware of the
diverse causes of pollution. We are called upon to commit
ourselves constantly to the implementation of Agenda 21
and its principles declared at the Earth Summit. Such
actions and principles constitute the foundation upon
which a global partnership and a collective responsibility
have been erected. Their goal is to end poverty and
3

hunger and to prevent a decline in health standards and the
degradation of environmental systems. All of these are
necessary preconditions to obtaining sustainable
development, which is the only option open to humanity
that guarantees the future of coming generations and offers
prosperity and progress to the present ones.
The Sultanate of Oman has prepared a national
strategy to protect the environment that aims at achieving
balanced and sustainable development, a strategy that would
treat economic, social and environmental considerations on
an equal footing. My country has also prepared a national
plan to combat desertification in the Sultanate in due
implementation of the United Nations Convention to
Combat Desertification. Furthermore, the Sultanate has
established an integrated network of natural reserves
throughout the country that will accord with the objectives
of the Convention on Biological Diversity. The Sultanate of
Oman has supported various environmental bodies,
introducing new legislation and updating old environmental
laws in order to meet the requirements of environmental
protection from the dangers of pollution resulting from
diverse development activities with a view to guaranteeing
the full implementation of regional and international
environmental agreements. It has also declared every 8
January as Omani Day of the Environment.
On the regional level, the Sultanate of Oman, in its
efforts to implement the recommendations that stem from
the Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by
Dumping Wastes and Other Matter from ships at sea, has
declared its intention to build a bunkering port for ships on
its shores in preparation for their adoption in other
countries of the Gulf region.
On the international level, the Sultan Qaboos Prize for
Environmental Preservation, set up by UNESCO, is a true
testimony to the effort by the Sultanate of Oman and its
leader to translate the concept of collective responsibility
for environmental protection into a practical reality.
Protecting the environment and striking a balance between
the needs of development and the environment form a
cornerstone of the declared policy of the Sultanate of
Oman. My country looks forward to complementing its
effort with that of the international community in the areas
of training, transfer of technology and exchange of
information and to getting acquainted with the latest
modern techniques and scientific discoveries in the
environmental field. In this regard, we call on the
international community, in particular the developed
countries, to provide the necessary financial and technical
resources to rescue our planet and its natural resources.
Since the individual is the centre of development and
the moving force behind the renaissance of modern Oman
and is the real support of all development operations, the
Sultanate of Oman, as of the inception of its modern
development, has focused its attention on improving the
welfare of Omani citizens.
In the social domain, the national plans for the
development of the family and of women have been
accorded the highest priority. Our social development
plans accord special attention to issues relating to the
family and to projects that aim at providing the best care
for women and children. The efforts of the Government
in this regard have culminated in the establishment of
women’s rehabilitation centres in different parts of the
Sultanate. These centres aim to develop women’s
potential and to promote their cultural and social standing.
Moreover, the Government has played its part by
introducing new laws and legislation that are geared to
achieve social security for the family in cases of old age,
disability and handicap, in order to allow those with
disabilities to be reintegrated in society and to rehabilitate
them for participation in society’s development.
The Government has also established development
plans for women and children with a view to their
preparation for the future through setting up women’s
organizations based on volunteerism and through
launching children’s social services in remote and rural
areas of the country.
In this regard, we are happy to note that international
agencies such as the United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF), have praised the efforts of the Government. In
its report entitled The Progress of Nations 1997, UNICEF
illustrated the accomplishments achieved by the Sultanate
of Oman in child protection and the country’s
commitment to ensuring the rights of the child through its
accession in 1996 to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child. The Sultanate of Oman is the number-one country
in the world in terms of reducing infant under-five
mortality by 74 per cent between 1980 and 1995. The
report notes:
“The proportion of children who reach their
fifth birthday is one of the most fundamental
indicators of a country’s concern for its people.
Child survival statistics are a poignant indicator of
the priority given to the services that help a child to
flourish: adequate supplies of nutritious food, the
availability of high-quality health care and easy
access to safe water and sanitation facilities, as well
4

as the family’s overall economic condition and the
health and status of women in the community.” [See
The Progress of Nations 1997, page 28]
The UNICEF report for the year 1994 also notes that,
based on the 1992 indicators, the Sultanate of Oman ranked
as the number-two nation in the Middle East and North
Africa region in terms of girls’ enrolment in primary
education.
Recently, the achievement of modern development in
the Sultanate of Oman has culminated in the significant
achievement of the introduction of the Basic Law of the
State, which is considered a milestone in the Sultanate’s
modern history. Other serious steps are also under way to
strengthen the participation of women in the legislature, the
Majlis Al-Shura.
On the economic level, achieving balance and stability
in macroeconomics and encouraging private enterprise in a
competitive and free environment constitute the future
vision that will guide the Omani economy for the next 25
years.
We believe that the reaffirmation of the previously
mentioned Basic Law of the State and the adherence to
these principles will be the guiding factor in the country’s
policy of openness that should engender confidence in our
economy and create the necessary conditions for
investments.
In the area of diversifying the sources of its national
revenue, the Sultanate of Oman is in the process of
implementing several other major projects that are expected
to capitalize on its natural gas discoveries and reserves. In
this respect, we would like to note in particular that the
liquefied natural gas project should begin operation with the
first shipment in the year 2000. Work has also begun on
building the container port in Raysút, in the south of the
Sultanate, with a view to its becoming a regional and
international port. It is our hope that this port will serve as
a regional focal point for exporters and transitional trade.
In addition to these efforts, the Omani Government is
in the process of implementing various privatization
projects through careful study. It is also updating its tax and
investment laws in accordance with the new spirit of global
partnership prevailing throughout the world.
In accord with this global partnership, the Sultanate of
Oman has adopted important measures to implement the
necessary requirements for its membership in the World
Trade Organization (WTO). It is our fervent hope that these
measures will be finalized in order to allow Oman to
assume its rightful place in the organization in the near
future. Here I would like to recall that, in compliance
with the guidelines of the WTO in the area of intellectual
property, Oman has completed the formal procedures for
becoming a member of the World Intellectual Property
Organization (WIPO). In this vein, the Convention signed
at Stockholm on 14 July 1967 has been in force in Oman
as of 19 February 1997.
On the regional plane, the economic cooperation
among the States members of the GCC is being
strengthened every day. Moreover, there is agreement
among them with regard to international treaties and
organizations. The member States of the GCC are
seriously striving to join the WTO. Coordination between
the GCC and other regional and international economic
groupings is something that ought to be noted here as
well.
The Sultanate of Oman adheres to a free-market
economy and vigorously promotes foreign investments.
And in this regard, it has introduced various incentives,
created the appropriate environment and enacted flexible
legislation in order to eliminate all the barriers and
impediments that might stand in the way of attracting
foreign investors and protecting their rights.
Based on this conviction, given our national
economic strategies and in response to international
developments that attest to the importance of economic
groupings, the Sultanate of Oman participated in the first
Ministerial Meeting for the formal launching of the Indian
Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-
ARC) which was held in Mauritius in March 1997. As a
result of many years’ work, in which my country had the
honour to initiate and take part in formative meetings, the
Indian Ocean Rim Economic Association was officially
established. This has paved the way for its members to
work together towards strengthening economic and trade
cooperation between them in one of the important regions
of the world in accordance with the goals and objectives
enshrined in the Association’s charter. These goals
include increasing economic linkages, cooperation and
interdependence between the member States and their
peoples. Besides working with the private and academic
sector, members of the Indian Ocean Rim Economic
Association are working towards establishing stronger ties
in the areas of technical and scientific cooperation and
also promoting the exchange of investment opportunities
and mutual economic benefits.
5

We welcome the national-level initiatives to set up
programmes to pay arrears to the United Nations. The
adoption of such measures will revitalize the work of the
Organization in all areas, particularly in those areas relating
to organization, administration and finance. This should
strengthen the performance of the Organization in the years
1998 and 1999 in accordance with the practical framework
established by the General Assembly. At the same time, we
urge all States to refrain from setting conditions for the
United Nations during the payment of their late dues. Such
conditions ignore the will and interests of the international
community, and are characterized as focusing entirely on
short-term national interests of the States involved. Such
conditions could lead to the further escalation of old and
existing tensions in the world, until appropriate solutions
for their radical elimination are found. Here we advocate
caution and deliberateness in connection with the
elimination of some of the United Nations missions — such
as the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization,
presently stationed in Jerusalem, and the United Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon. These cutbacks might have
negative political and legal implications.
Through the United Nations the international
community has proved its ability to renew its determination
and muster the necessary political will for serious collective
work and cooperation in fostering international peace and
security. In this regard the Organization has shouldered
huge responsibilities and faced complex challenges in its
efforts to restructure its system for the next millennium
through the adoption of less costly and more effective
mechanisms for attaining the desired goals.
In our view, after all the debates and deliberations in
the General Assembly, the time has now come to have a
final vision of how to expand the Security Council and to
restructure it, that Council being the most important
political body charged with the maintenance of international
peace and security. While bearing in mind the global
economic and political realities, which cannot be ignored,
the reforms should be of a holistic nature, based on equality
among nations and equitable geographic distribution. There
is also the need to establish democracy in the work and
decision-making of the Security Council. The Council’s
work also encompasses the development of an actual and
precise picture of the new international order, which should
be characterized by justice, security and peace.


May I first say, Sir, how pleased my country is at your
election as President of the fifty-second session of the
United Nations General Assembly. I should also like to say
to the Secretary-General that France welcomes the action he
has already taken and assure him that he has our support
and confidence.
I shall begin my statement by expressing a conviction
on behalf of my country: the world needs the United
Nations more than ever. No, the United Nations did not
lose its raison d'être with the end of the cold war, the end
of the arms race between the two blocs and the head-on
clash of differing ideologies.
On the contrary, the need for a universal regulating
body has never been so apparent. The reasons are known to
all. Without regret, we left the era of bipolar confrontation
to enter, in 1991, a new, global, evolving world in which
185 States cooperate, make alliances with one another or
compete in stable or, conversely, unstable combinations.
In this world, States are no longer the sole players. The
giant conglomerates, the financial markets, the media,
opinion groups and non-governmental organizations all
play an increasing role. Because of this, there is an
overriding need for clear, fair and predictable ground
rules to establish a framework for settling conflicts or
mere differences. For, nowadays, no serious problem can
be resolved by one country, even the most powerful,
entirely on its own.
Unless we take care, unless we manage to build a
world in which the rule of law prevails among all States,
a world in equilibrium between its major centres of
power, other scenarios will ensue: the absence of a
counterweight will encourage the predominance of a
single Power, and, inevitably, that Power will be tempted
to engage in unilateralism; for want of organized regional
entities, globalization will exacerbate the economic — and
sometimes political — struggle of each against all; States
will find themselves further weakened, and some will
implode under the effects of aggressive nationalism,
which is often contagious. Fierce competition will render
virtually impossible environmental conservation, however
urgent, however vital in the true meaning of the word, as
well as the fight against drugs and crime; greater respect
for human rights will be compromised.
Our common task must be to forestall such dangers
and, at the same time, to consolidate, together, the
achievements of recent years. For this, regional groupings
are one of the best possible foundations. Europe, which
has been the crucible of so many wars, has been showing
the way for half a century. The growth rates achieved by
many countries in Asia, in Latin America and now in
Africa, announce the emergence of new centres of power
and prosperity. Political and economic entities are being
organized and institutionalized: South-East Asia meets in
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN);
in Latin America, the Southern Cone Common Market
(MERCOSUR) is developing, as are the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) in southern Africa and
the Economic Community of West African States
19

(ECOWAS) in the west of that continent. To some extent,
one might also include cultural and political entities, such
as the Commonwealth and la Francophonie. This is a
sensible way to adapt to globalization.
However, at the global level we need a coherent,
effective United Nations with the resources necessary to
carry out its missions. It is the task of this body to facilitate
the smooth organization of international relations and to
determine universally recognized rules of law. To be sure,
other organizations exist in various sectors, and these have
their own, very important areas of authority. But none of
them can take the place of the United Nations in giving the
world of tomorrow a set of comprehensive rules. True to its
tradition, France will support all the Organization's efforts
to that end.
I come now to the main object of the session which is
beginning. To carry out the major role we expect of it, the
United Nations must retain or reacquire the means to take
decisions and to act. For this, we must resolve two matters:
United Nations reform and the financing of the
Organization. The ability of the United Nations to act in the
years ahead will depend on the solutions we find together.
France approved of the move by the new Secretary-
General at the outset of his mandate to continue the study
initiated by his predecessor, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
The main lines Mr. Kofi Annan has proposed for the work
and the impetus he has given to the process of revamping
the Organization have received France’s full support, a
support shared by France’s partners in the European Union.
The remarks made from this rostrum by its current
President, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg,
illustrate this. I should like to comment more specifically
on three points: the Security Council, financial reform and
restructuring.
The current composition of the Security Council no
longer accurately reflects the political geography of today’s
world. Clearly, it has to be reformed — that is to say,
enlarged — to become more representative.
In this connection, we must take into account the
Security Council’s indispensable role in peacekeeping and
thus elect countries able to contribute to this task, whether
they are from the North or the South.
Accordingly, my country is in favour of the accession
of Germany, Japan and three countries from the South to
permanent seats and the establishment of new
non-permanent seats. For a Security Council composed
solely of the principal countries of the North would not
be representative. Nor should we forget that, once it is
enlarged, and hence more representative, the Council will
still have to be effective. That is essential.
The proposals that have been submitted to us should
make it possible to move forward. However, we are all
aware that no consensus has yet been reached and that
debates on this matter will be difficult. National interests
and the concerns of regional groups must be given due
consideration. In any event, I welcome President Razali’s
perseverance throughout the fifty-first session of the
United Nations General Assembly, which made it possible
to draft a solid working basis from which we must now
proceed to work to find a solution.
Furthermore, financial reform of the United Nations
is a particularly complex issue. It is shocking that the
United Nations should be in a precarious state and
therefore in a situation of financial and budgetary
dependence with respect to its debtors. I believe that we
will be able to move towards a solution on the basis of
three principles: what is owed to the United Nations must
be paid in full, on time and without conditions. Finally,
the payment of contributions should not be a way of
exerting pressure on the Secretary-General and the other
Member States.
With these rudimentary principles as a basis, France
is open to discussion on all aspects of the problem. We
will have to decide on the scale for apportioning
assessments among all States. There is no perfect scale,
but some are not as bad as others. The concept of each
State’s ability to pay, which has enjoyed consensus since
the outset, still seems simple, logical and fair today. On
that basis, a solution can be found that takes account of
the needs and interests of each State. France will do its
utmost to facilitate the settlement of the financial crisis.
We can be both imaginative and conciliatory — like the
European Union’s plan. But our efforts will succeed only
if there is respect for the rules I have just recalled, which
reflect our Organization's impartiality and credibility. If
the United Nations were forced to comply with the
unilateral demands of one among us, in regard both to its
financing and its functioning, then how could it convince
anyone in the future that it is impartial and faithful to the
principle of the equality of all under the Charter, and
generate respect for its decisions?
I come now to restructuring. The Secretary-General
has undertaken to restructure and regroup the
Organization’s institutions. France appreciates the logic of
20

this approach. It therefore welcomes the establishment in
Vienna of a centre to deal specifically with combating new
transnational dangers such as organized crime, drug
trafficking and terrorism, problems that we must fight with
ever-increased vigour. It is also very much in favour of
integrating the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights and the Centre for Human Rights into a single entity
in Geneva where the main humanitarian aid services are
already established. It also hopes that the main issues
involving disarmament can continue to be addressed in
Geneva.
From this rostrum, I applaud the appointment of
Mrs. Mary Robinson to the post of High Commissioner for
Human Rights. Her very strong personality is
commensurate with the challenges her task entails. The
commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, starting on 10 December this
year, will provide an opportunity to reaffirm, in the face of
persistent violations and ever-recurring acts of barbarism,
the universality of these rights. But we will also have to ask
ourselves, in addition to making the usual declarations that
are still necessary, what political and economic actions are
needed to make real headway, in specific situations,
towards respect for human rights, and how the emergence
of democracies can be encouraged from outside.
The United Nations, while adapting, must remain the
preferred instrument for taking action in the interests of
peace. At this time, the United Nations is really the only
organization that can try to bring order to an international
society which is becoming fragmented and globalized at the
same time. The United Nations is faced with both a
resurgence of every kind of micro-nationalism and the
strengthening of regional entities. Most conflicts are now
not between States but within them. Given these new
challenges, the United Nations has already demonstrated
how adaptable and flexible it is. But we must continue. To
ensure the lasting settlement of conflicts, consciences have
to be assuaged and justice needs to be done to put an end
to the endless cycle of revenge. The perpetrators of the
most serious crimes must be tried impartially, with respect
for the rights of the defence, and after an exemplary
investigation which reveals the facts in full. This is why
France supports the action of the international criminal
tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and hopes
that the forthcoming conference on an international criminal
court will be a success.
Since the beginning of the decade, the Organization’s
actions to promote peace and international stability have
changed radically. The time has passed when large-scale
peacekeeping operations were mounted solely under the
blue flag of the United Nations, in Cambodia and the
former Yugoslavia for example, in order to take on
massive challenges alone. Today, the United Nations
intervenes more and more frequently in conjunction with
other organizations or by authorizing the action of
regional actors. In Europe, the United Nations is pooling
its efforts with those of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization in sensitive theatres of operation, and even
with those of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. In Africa, for the first time, the
Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) have in the past
year appointed a joint special representative in the person
of Ambassador Sahnoun, in the Great Lakes region. It is
good that these two organizations are working together.
This development must be encouraged. We must also help
African States and organizations to strengthen their own
peacekeeping capabilities. To this end, countries outside
the African continent must pool their efforts and not
multiply the number of rival and sometimes redundant
initiatives. For instance, the Government of France, the
United Kingdom and the United States recently agreed to
act together with all those who wish to do so to
strengthen the peacekeeping capabilities of African
countries, under the auspices of the United Nations, of
course, and in cooperation with the OAU.
But, in France's view, encouraging Africa to become
more involved in resolving crises certainly does not mean
that the international community should relinquish its
other responsibilities with regard to the African continent.
It is therefore essential that the United Nations be ready,
once the declared conditions are met, to act in Congo-
Brazzaville. By the same token, the many recent tragedies
in the Great Lakes region make sustained international
involvement indispensable. This United Nations
commitment to promote peace and development must also
serve to further human rights. That is why it is important
for the humanitarian investigative task force in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo to be able to carry out
its mission. I might add that by spending too much time
talking about crises in Africa, one might forget the
essential point, namely that the African continent is taking
off in quite an unprecedented way. My country believes
in this.
We are all still mobilized by the situation in the
Middle East. The peace process, set in train on the
initiative of clear-sighted and courageous men on both
sides, raised tremendous hopes. We can clearly see the
increasingly tragic consequences to which the current
21

stalemate would lead, were it to last. The peoples of this
region are once again stuck in an impasse, in a situation of
humiliation, resentment, and the fear of terrorism. New
efforts are therefore necessary so that these two peoples,
Israeli and Palestinian, which are matched in terms of
insecurity and fear of the future, can together find justice
and security. France gave its full support to the action by
the American Secretary of State, who recently went to the
Middle East. Indeed, the United States has a special
responsibility and special means to attempt to reinvigorate
the peace process and effectively combat the deadly acts of
extremism. France and Europe are ready to take part in any
constructive move to this end.
What can the United Nations do? It cannot take the
place of the parties concerned, which have the primary
responsibility. It is up to the Organization to state, or
restate, the law and to recall the principles which must be
the basis for any peace if we want it to last. I refer here to
the resolutions adopted by the Security Council on the
conflict in the Middle East, not forgetting resolution 425
(1978), which deals with the integrity of Lebanon in
particular.
Many other crisis situations where the wounds have
not healed could be mentioned from this rostrum — so
diverse is the work of the United Nations. In particular, I
am thinking of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
where security has been restored but where the construction
of a State with viable democratic institutions remains
uncertain; and of Albania, where the new stability, thanks
to resolute European action authorized by the United
Nations, is giving rise to new hopes. I am also thinking of
the tenacious efforts of the United Nations to contain or
defuse the crises in Haiti, Cyprus, Georgia, Afghanistan,
Tajikistan and elsewhere.
Finally, let us not forget, now or ever, much-needed
development assistance.
Of course, the insertion of emerging economies,
including the former underdeveloped economies, into the
global economy is an excellent thing; indeed, past efforts in
this regard have proved to be well founded. But this must
not be a selfish excuse for the rich countries to give up
their effort to provide development assistance, which is
equally necessary. In any event, this is very much an
imperative for the leaders of the member States of the
Francophone community. The summit of these States in
Hanoi in November will attest to their interest in more
balanced development and also to their commitment to
respecting the multiplicity of cultures and languages.
I will say no more, however — other than to draw
one single conclusion. While the world has changed so
much over the past 50 years, and even more over the past
six years, its inhabitants still voice the same needs. The
rule of law must be continually consolidated and the
democratic ideal put into practice, faced as we are with
the temptations of oppression and the use of force, for
which new pretexts are constantly being invoked. How
can we be sure that the factors that make for war and
chaos are banned for ever from all continents, including
Europe?
At this moment of our Organization's reform, let us
not forget the lessons of history. Only international
dialogue, the common management of crises, beginning
with their prevention, and the wise conservation of the
earth’s resources make it possible for the voice of reason
and peace to prevail and for confidence in progress to be
rebuilt. The United Nations is the right and the only
legitimate forum for such international discussions, and
the only one where they are universal. Our Organization
is an irreplaceable framework and a vital necessity for us
all. In the past, it has often been able to deter, address,
resolve and prevent. Let us reform it so as to make it
even more useful.


May
I first of all congratulate you, Mr. President, most sincerely
on your outstanding election to the presidency of the United
Nations General Assembly at its fifty-second session. I have
no doubt that thanks to your eminent qualities and your rich
experience you will carry out remarkably well the mission
entrusted to you. You may be assured of the complete
support of the delegation of Mali.
I also want to express our appreciation and thanks to
your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the
important contribution he made to the last session as
President of the General Assembly.
To the new Secretary-General of the Organization,
Mr. Kofi Annan, I would like to express my fraternal and
warmest congratulations. His election on 17 December
1996 was a tribute to the eminent qualities of a man who
has devoted his life to the service of the United Nations.
While wishing him every success in the difficult mission
conferred upon him, it is my firm conviction that he will
do honour to his continent, Africa, in guiding our
Organization towards the next millennium.
As this fifty-second session of the General Assembly
opens this year, the United Nations is at a crossroads.
Two years ago in this very Hall, on the occasion of the
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, 128 Heads of
State or Government forcefully reaffirmed their faith in
the United Nations in its principles and its objectives.
They unanimously appealed for profound reflection on the
role and resources of the world Organization so that it
might be given the human, material and financial
capacities that are vital to its mission, and so that it might
be able to enter the twenty-first century with
determination and professionalism.
This appeal was not in vain. Under the dynamic
leadership of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
whose courage and lucidity I wish to commend, our
Organization has today embarked on an ambitious
programme of reform. On 14 July last Mr. Kofi Annan,
continuing the work of his predecessor, submitted to the
General Assembly his report on the reform of the United
Nations. Like other Member States, Mali is now
considering the proposals contained in that report and will
without delay submit its observations thereon. My
delegation is delighted at the political will expressed by
all to initiate the appropriate reforms in order to make our
Organization better able to respond to the needs of our
day and to the aspirations of the peoples for which it was
created.
While on the topic of reform, I cannot gloss over the
substantial progress made by Member States in the
different working groups of the General Assembly. 1997
will mark the crowning of sustained efforts, including the
fulfilment of the mandates given to the Working Groups
on, respectively, the Agenda for Development and the
strengthening of the United Nations system. The
unanimous adoption by the General Assembly of the
documents that endorsed the often difficult and
painstaking deliberations of these two Working Groups
11

eloquently reflects our shared will to succeed, by
consensus, in laying the groundwork for the restructuring
and modernization of our Organization in the priority fields
of development and economic cooperation.
As for the reform of the Security Council, the high-
level Working Group established to study this issue has
made considerable progress, although concrete measures
have not been adopted on such fundamental items as the
expansion and composition of the Council, and thee use of
the right of veto.
However, I welcome the many constructive and often
complementary proposals that have enriched the debates
this year. I am convinced that by redoubling our efforts we
will be able to benefit from the momentum that has been
created, and that we will succeed in restructuring and
modernizing the Security Council by making it more
democratic and credible as well as more legitimate and
transparent.
The maintenance of peace and security, we know,
requires the prevention, management and settlement of
crises — of which there unfortunately are still a large
number, often pernicious. These crises are currently sources
of grave concern to the entire international community, and
particularly to Africa, where some countries continue to be
afflicted by multifaceted conflicts. In this respect, it is
gratifying to note that significant advances have been made
here and there towards the restoration of peace and security.
My delegation is gratified at the dynamic process that
led on 20 July to the holding of general, free and credible
elections in Liberia, marking the end of a long and brutal
civil war and the establishment in that country of
democratic institutions. This victory, which is above all that
of the people of Liberia themselves, must be welcomed as
a successful example of the settlement of a regional conflict
and should serve as a source of inspiration for the
settlement of other crises.
Mali, which has played an active role in the settlement
of the Liberian crisis in both the Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) and its Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG), would like to recall here that assistance for
the reconstruction of Liberia is the only means of
consolidating the peace won at such cost. The results
obtained by the Inter-African Mission to Monitor the
Implementation of the Bangui Agreements are a good
example of the virtues of direct dialogue and of
international mediation.
My country welcomes the positive evolution of the
crisis in the Central African Republic as a result of the
commendable efforts of the International Mediation
Committee established by the Nineteenth Summit Meeting
of Heads of State and Government of France and Africa.
As regards Western Sahara, my delegation is pleased
with the progress achieved at the end of the fourth round
of private contacts on the implementation of the United
Nations Settlement Plan, with a view to the organization
of a referendum for self-determination.
Conversely, the existence of other centres of tension
and breaches of democratic order are of grave concern.
This is the case in Angola, where the delaying tactics of
the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola
(UNITA) are putting a severe strain on the peace process
under way. My country supports without reservation the
measures recently decided upon by the Security Council
relating to this party to the conflict.
Likewise, in Sierra Leone, the situation is extremely
confused because of the obstinacy of the leaders of the
military coup d’état in holding on to power in spite of the
pressure exerted by the United Nations, the Organization
of African Unity and, more particularly the Economic
Community of West African States whose select
ministerial committee has courageously and selflessly
undertaken difficult negotiations in order to achieve the
re-establishment of constitutional order with the return of
the democratically elected president.
My country, which is a member of the International
Mediation Committee in the Republic of the Congo, is
gravely concerned by the situation of widespread civil
war prevailing in that country. Once again, we appeal to
the sense of responsibility of the parties and ask them to
engage resolutely and very quickly in a political
settlement of the crisis so that the mediation process can
be brought to a successful conclusion.
This crucial moment for Africa is equally crucial for
the Middle East, where the dynamic of peace that began
with the Madrid Conference is increasingly being called
into question by the recent serious events. This is the time
and place to call urgently on the co-sponsors of the peace
process and the international community as a whole to
take further initiatives to safeguard the peace process,
inter alia by persuading the parties to resume the
negotiations as a matter of urgency with a view to the
application of the agreements that have been concluded.
12

My country, Mali, also remains concerned by the
persistence of the sanctions against Member States of our
Organization, in particular the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and
by the suffering the sanctions cause for the peoples of these
countries.
For more than 50 years, the realization of the ideal of
disarmament has been at the centre of our constant concern
to build a system of collective security, free of weapons of
mass destruction. From this viewpoint significant progress
has been made towards, in particular, the reduction and
ultimate elimination of nuclear arsenals. In this respect,
Mali welcomes the entry into force on 29 April 1997 of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Development,
Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and
on Their Destruction.
Nevertheless, the objective of general and complete
disarmament has still to be achieved. On the basis of this
conviction, Mali has demonstrated its commitment to this
goal by taking concrete initiatives at the international,
regional and national levels. Evidence of this is the
resolution initiated by my country in 1994 and co-sponsored
by about 20 Member States, regarding “Assistance to States
for curbing the illicit traffic in small arms and collecting
them”. This initiative by Mali, which contributed to
initiating the now well-known concept of
“microdisarmament” within our Organization, is aimed at
drawing the attention of the international community to the
disastrous consequences of small arms, particularly in the
developing countries where, as we know, they play a large
part in fuelling conflicts.
All this emphasizes how important it is urgently to
support the efforts of the countries of the Saharo-Sahelian
subregion in order to stem the phenomenon of the
proliferation of small arms, especially through effective
control of borders and the review of legal instruments
regarding the bearing of arms.
Along the same lines, from 24 to 28 March 1997, the
Government of Mali organized, together with the United
Nations Department of Political Affairs, the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO), a “Week of Peace” to commemorate the first
anniversary of the “Flame of Peace”. The international
forum, held on that occasion, which brought together the
representatives of the countries of the subregion and of the
institutions and bodies to which I have just referred, gave
an opportunity to analyse the factors that led to the
restoration of peace in the northern regions of Mali and to
identify ways and means of ensuring lasting peace and of
promoting a real culture of peace.
I would like here to echo the fervent appeal made at
that forum for good governance, which favours
participation over exclusion and dialogue over
confrontation, and which assures respect for democratic
principles and human rights. I also wish, from this
rostrum, to make an appeal to the international
community to give its full support to the proposal for a
moratorium on the import, export and production of light
weapons that was formulated during the consultations
held at the same time as the “Week of Peace”. In addition
to the countries of the West African subregion, these
consultations brought together representatives of the
United Nations, OAU, the ECOWAS/Togo agreement on
non-aggression and defence assistance (ANAD), and our
development partners.
Furthermore, the conflicts in recent years have
shown that conventional weapons can also cause mass
destruction. For that reason my country welcomed the
adoption on 18 September 1997 of the Convention on the
total ban of anti-personnel mines, and supports the
international efforts, including the Ottawa process, to
achieve the total elimination of anti-personnel mines at
the global level.
The values of peace, freedom and economic and
social justice which inspired the founding fathers of the
United Nations must remain today, more than ever, the
foundations of the joint action incumbent on us in the
quest for a decent life for everyone. In this respect, we
must, together and in a united way, seek concerted
solutions to the persistent problems of underdevelopment.
Thus, from New York in 1990, with the World
Summit for Children, to Rome in 1996 with the World
Food Summit, the great international conferences of the
decade have contributed remarkably to the preparation of
a new design for human society at the dawning of the
third millennium. The paradigm of sustainable
development, based on economic growth that is sustained,
socially equitable and ecologically viable, constitutes the
common denominator on which the international
community now agrees in order to give new direction to
the collective search for the economic and social well-
being of our peoples. The mixed results of last June’s
special session of the General Assembly devoted to an
overall evaluation of the implementation of Agenda 21
are a sharp reminder of the vital need to think for our
13

world globally and act collectively to meet the challenges
confronting our planet.
Regardless of the angle from which we approach
them, the problems at the end of this century cannot be
resolved except through concerted and integrated action —
action capable of managing harmoniously the upheavals
accompanying this changing period of history. The
consensus achieved in the Agenda for Development shows
our shared faith in the virtues of a new global partnership
for development, based on the imperative of
interdependence and on mutually beneficial action.
Since the conceptual framework has been defined and
accepted by all, it is now time — and high time — to move
to action through a rational mobilization of resources in
keeping with the generous goals formulated in the Agenda
for Development.
The settlement of the debt crisis, just remuneration for
commodities, the renunciation of trade barriers and an
increase in official development assistance — this is
essentially the direction that needs to be taken in order to
build a world that is more accommodating to all, so true is
it that our global village cannot be built in a lasting way if
the majority of its members are excluded. The fight against
poverty in this context has absolute priority, because it is
simply unacceptable at the dawning of the third millennium
that millions of men and women throughout the world
should continue to lack the minimal conditions for a decent
life. The aspiration of peoples for a better life is a
legitimate quest which cannot be ignored.
As Mali sees it, any work towards sustainable
development is above all a national responsibility, through
the effective definition and application of sound
macroeconomic policies, based on transparency, the pre-
eminent rule of law, the practice of democracy, respect for
human rights, social justice, and the participation of all in
the effort of national development. For my country, this is
the surest path to follow in our quest for the shared ideal
assigned to us by the United Nations Charter:
“to promote social progress and better standards of life
in larger freedom”.
We are on the eve of a new millennium, which will
see the emergence of new challenges and new threats, but
also of great dreams and hopes for humankind.
As responsible leaders of our States, we have an
obligation to seek ways and means to meet these
challenges. But we also need to guide in the right
direction the aspirations of our peoples to live in peace,
liberty, progress and active solidarity.
Fifty-two years ago the founding fathers of our
Organization cleared the way for us to attain these noble
objectives, which are still relevant. If we apply the terms
of the Charter, we will be able to respond to particular
uncertainties and put an end to the climate of doubt, fear
and suspicion that characterizes present day international
relations.
We must also agree to do more and to do better in
our quest for a better future for the human race. We
believe in the United Nations as the institution to help us
achieve this.
The President of the Republic of Mali, His
Excellency Mr. Alpha Oumar Konaré, is convinced that
a restructured, modernized United Nations, endowed with
the essential capacity to act, can help to resolve our
disputes, ensure more orderly management of world
affairs and eliminate the injustice, disparity and egoism
that threaten humankind.
That is why my country, Mali, will continue to work
with enthusiasm and determination to ensure the
emergence of a United Nations that is truly united in its
diversity, at peace with itself and resolutely committed to
the service of all peoples.


May I begin with a verse from
the Holy Koran:
(spoke in Arabic)
“To each is a goal
To which God turns him;
Then strive together
Towards all that is good.
Wheresoever ye are,
God will bring you
Together. For God
Hath power over all things.” (The Holy Koran, II:148)
(spoke in English)
I convey to you, Sir, and to the nations assembled
here the greetings of our people in this golden jubilee year
of Pakistan’s independence.
Soon after achieving its independence, Pakistan was
admitted to the United Nations. The half-century of
Pakistan’s and the United Nations existence has been
eventful. Through years of upheavals and dislocations,
through turbulence and brief moments of tranquillity, we
now stand at the threshold of a new century and a new
millennium. The theme of world affairs has been
transformed.
During these 50 years, Pakistan has demonstrated its
commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter
of the United Nations in word and deed. We have
fulfilled our obligations to this Organization. We have
adhered to its resolutions. We have contributed politically
and materially to its collective endeavour to build peace
and promote prosperity. We are especially proud of our
contribution to United Nations peacekeeping operations
worldwide.
I wish to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, for his determination and vision in carrying out
his responsibilities. I would like to assure him that
Pakistan will, as always, support all initiatives for the
realization of the objectives set out in the United Nations
Charter.
We are fortunate to have a person of your stature
and experience, Sir, to guide this session of the General
Assembly. The items on its agenda are important and
consequential, particularly the crucial issue of United
Nations reform. I wish you every success.
Doctrines of confrontation and containment are no
longer valid. The new idea of our times is that of global
partnership between the North and the South, the East and
the West. The United Nations must forge this global
compact. The creed of our era is peace and development.
This is what the United Nations must focus on as it
strives to bring about organizational reform. We support
the process of reform in the United Nations. In pursuing
this objective, we must bear in mind our successes and
failures of the past 50 years. The centrality and sanctity
of the Charter must be preserved as we move towards
reconfiguring the United Nations.
The United Nations today stands at the brink of
bankruptcy. The reform cannot and must not be victim to
the narrow strategic, political and administrative
preferences of a chosen few as a means of regaining the
Organization’s solvency. True reform has to take into
account the interests of all. The United Nations is a
universal Organization of 185 States and their 6 billion
people. The purpose of its creation was to serve the
interests of all humankind. This should be the guiding
principle for its reform.
There is undoubtedly need for reform. The map of
the world has been redrawn. Many new States have
emerged since 1945, when the United Nations was
established. The reform that is envisaged must be
designed to facilitate the objectives for which the United
7

Nations was created: to promote global peace, security,
cooperation and prosperity.
More than mere lip service must be done to the
principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, such as
the sovereign equality of all its Members and equal rights
for all nations, large or small. The emergence of five veto-
wielding permanent members of the Security Council was
the consequence of an unfortunate afterthought. It was
completely incompatible with the democratic ethos of the
United Nations Charter. The result was the impotence and
inaction of the United Nations during the cold war years.
The legitimization and enlargement of the privileged club
of veto powers would deal a crippling body blow to the
ability of the United Nations to carry out its responsibilities.
The contours of a multipolar world are gradually
emerging. In the event of a resumption of great-Power
rivalries, the proliferation of the veto will once again freeze
the Security Council into irrelevance.
It is ironical that the countries which practice
democracy at home and advocate it abroad should want to
create a new aristocracy of States. Any decision on Security
Council reform that is not backed by the consensus of all
the Member States of the United Nations will erode the
credibility and undermine the legitimacy of the Council and
of the United Nations.
The Charter of the United Nations rejects hegemony.
International peace and security have to be built through
cooperative efforts. This entails the resolution of disputes
through negotiations, mediation and arbitration. It means
removing the causes of war and conflict. It involves the
promotion of global prosperity and development. It
necessitates adherence to the resolutions of the United
Nations, particularly those of the Security Council.
The enforcement of peace should be undertaken only
in response to actual acts of aggression or breaches. It must
be pursued collectively and fairly, not imposed arbitrarily
by the strong over the weak. Nowhere does the Charter
provide for pre-emptive penalties against States for arms
proliferation or presumed threats to peace.
A central weakness of the United Nations is that some
members are expected to pay their contributions to its
budget fully, unconditionally and on time, while others
delay payments. The principle of capacity-to-pay-is fair; it
should not be unilaterally discarded. At the same time,
alternate sources of funding have to be explored in order to
make the United Nations immune to pressure, unhealthy
influence and hostile onslaughts.
The intention of the Charter was to place the United
Nations at the apex of the system of international
organizations that were created at the end of the Second
World War. The Charter rightly perceived political,
security, economic, social, cultural and humanitarian
issues to be interrelated. It therefore called for
coordinated approaches and policies to address those
issues. To achieve this, it is essential for the United
Nations to become the central link for the entire family of
international organizations, without exception. Only then
will the world community be able to address successfully
the host of diverse, complex and interrelated problems it
confronts.
On its fiftieth anniversary, Pakistan — like the
United Nations — has embarked upon the course of
reform and renewal. In this endeavour, we are inspired by
the eternal ideals of Islam in which justice, equity and
human rights, especially those of women and minorities,
are the central pillars. Islam draws no distinction between
creeds. It accepts all religions. Thus, the Holy Koran
declares:
(spoke in Arabic)
“Say ye: We believe
In God, and the revelation
Given to us, and to Abraham,
Isma¯ ı¯l, Isaac, Jacob,
And the Tribes, and that given
To Moses and Jesus, and that given
To (all) Prophets from their Lord:
We make no difference
Between one and another of them:
And we bow to God (in Islam).'” (The Holy Koran,
II:136)
(spoke in English)
My Government is vigorously addressing the
political, economic and social problems we inherited from
the past. We have taken measures to consolidate
parliamentary democracy through constitutional means; to
restore financial equilibrium through austerity and
structural adjustments while enhancing business incentives
and economic liberalization; to combat corruption, drugs
and terrorism — which is often sponsored from abroad —
through effective law enforcement and speedy and fair
justice.
8

These policies have yielded dividends. We look to the
future with hope and optimism. Our economy is open and
dynamic. Domestic and foreign investment is growing
rapidly. Our people are imaginative, skilful and hard-
working. We have demonstrated that we can master the
most advanced technologies. We can now deter external
aggression. With confidence in ourselves, we seek
friendship and cooperation with all our neighbours on the
basis of equality.
Pakistan strives for peace and stability in its region.
We seek an early end to the conflict in Afghanistan; a just
and fair settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in
accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations; an
end to the wasteful arms race in South Asia; and the
development of the immense economic and commercial
potential of South and Central Asia.
We have the courage to strive for peace and the
wisdom to know that it is essential for development. South
Asia, with one-fifth of the world’s population, remains
mired in poverty and deprivation. I call upon India to join
us in liberating our peoples from the dreadful grip of
poverty. This can only be achieved by removing the causes
of conflict and hostility.
The conflict that has ravaged Afghanistan for almost
two decades must be brought to an end. No country in the
world has suffered more than Pakistan as a consequence of
the turmoil. We therefore have a vital interest in the
restoration of durable peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Towards this end we have been in contact with all Afghan
groups in support of the efforts of the United Nations
aimed at promoting an intra-Afghan peace process.
We favour no faction in Afghanistan. We have
recognized the present authorities in Kabul, as we did the
previous entities that controlled the capital. We have
encouraged moderation and dialogue so that a stable, multi-
ethnic Government can emerge. We request the Secretary-
General of the United Nations to take specific initiatives for
the early restoration of peace and the preservation of the
sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Afghanistan.
My Government has also taken initiatives to resume
the stalled dialogue with India. We had agreed last June on
a comprehensive agenda and a mechanism to deal with all
issues, including the core issue of Jammu and Kashmir, in
a sustained manner. We have, unfortunately, not yet
succeeded in setting up the agreed mechanism to launch
substantive negotiations on all the issues on the agenda of
our dialogue. We hope that India will reciprocate our
sincerity of purpose in substantively addressing all the
issues and carrying forward this process of dialogue to a
positive outcome.
The resolutions of the Security Council define
Kashmir as a disputed territory whose accession to either
Pakistan or India is to be determined through a plebiscite
supervised by the United Nations. Under the Simla
Agreement of 1972, India agreed to a final settlement of
the Jammu and Kashmir dispute with Pakistan.
The existence of the Kashmir dispute cannot be
denied. The right of self-determination is sacrosanct. It
has repeatedly been affirmed by the United Nations. The
people of Kashmir are justified in asking why this pledge
by the international community has not been honoured as
yet. The Security Council cannot be selective in the
implementation of its resolutions.
The Kashmiri people have risen against Indian
occupation. Their resolute struggle for the restitution of
their fundamental rights belies the claim that Kashmir is
an integral part of India.
I am sad to say that the repression of the people of
Jammu and Kashmir continues unabated. More than
600,000 Indian troops in Kashmir continue to brutalize
the people. Custodial killings, disappearances, arbitrary
arrests and summary executions are daily occurrences.
Thousands of Kashmiri civilians have been killed, while
32,000 languish in detention centres. I learned just this
morning of the shelling of Arin in Kashmir by the Indian
forces yesterday, a mortar attack in which 11 persons
were killed and 12 injured. Six children and three women
were among the dead. This is an altogether familiar
occurrence in occupied Kashmir.
If India is serious in its allegation that the conflict in
Kashmir is being stoked by interference from Pakistan it
should have no hesitation in allowing the United Nations
observers present in Kashmir to verify this claim. We
hope that the United Nations will increase the number of
these observers and ask India to allow their stationing on
its side of the line of control as well.
The international community has a responsibility to
bring about a just settlement of the Kashmir dispute. The
pledge of self-determination given to the people of
Jammu and Kashmir has to be redeemed. On our part, we
welcome the offers made by the Secretary-General, the
United States and others to help in resolving the Kashmir
dispute.
9

My Government will persevere in the dialogue with
India for the sake of our people and the peoples of South
Asia. We hope that India can be persuaded to take some
steps to create a climate conducive to the success of the
talks. These could include, first, a halt in its campaign of
repression against the people of Kashmir; secondly, the
withdrawal of at least those Indian troops which are
engaged in internal repression in Kashmir; and, finally, the
evolution of a mechanism to take into account the wishes
of the Kashmiri people, as stipulated by the United Nations,
for a final settlement.
It is imperative now to negotiate arrangements to
strengthen peace and security between India and Pakistan.
Since 1974 Pakistan has pursued its proposal for a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in South Asia. On the other hand, India
has taken successive steps to escalate its nuclear and
missile capabilities. What does India mean when it
repeatedly asserts that its nuclear option is “open”? Does
this imply that, like chemical weapons, India has already
manufactured nuclear weapons? In the absence of any
assurances to the contrary, Pakistan will have to assume the
worst.
India’s nuclear-capable Prithvi missile is being serially
produced. These missiles specifically target Pakistan. They
have been moved adjacent to our borders. This creates a
hair-trigger security environment. The development and
possible deployment of the medium-range Agni missile and
India’s planned acquisition of theatre missile-defence
systems will further aggravate this tense security
environment. It will evoke the natural response from
Pakistan to safeguard and augment its security and
deterrence capability. India must be persuaded to reverse its
missile programme.
To preserve peace and stability in South Asia and
beyond, we propose that Pakistan and India should reach
agreement for mutual and equal restraint in the nuclear and
ballistic fields. In this context, we are deeply concerned
about India’s acquisition of missiles and its plans for the
acquisition of anti-missile systems. We also propose a
similar arrangement for mutual and equitable restraint on
conventional weapons which ensures equal security to both
Pakistan and India.
We are prepared to conclude and strengthen
confidence- building measures. As a first step, we could
agree on a set of principles to guide future bilateral arms-
control arrangements.
We believe that a just settlement of the Jammu and
Kashmir dispute and progress on the issues of peace and
security will usher in an era of amity and progress in
South Asia. To facilitate the realization of this objective,
I offer today, from this rostrum, to open negotiations on
a treaty of non-aggression between Pakistan and India.
There are many areas in which we can cooperate for
mutual benefit. Trade liberalization can take place on an
equitable basis. Significant foreign investment can be
drawn to the region.
In the expectation that the Pakistan-India dialogue
will have made a heartening advance by next year, my
Government intends to host a regional economic summit
in 1998, which could help to open new vistas for
economic progress and prosperity for our region.
All this and much more can be achieved if India
joins us in pursuing our current dialogue to its successful
culmination. We have demonstrated our sincerity of
purpose. It is for India to reciprocate.
Located at the nexus of Central Asia, South Asia and
the Middle East, Pakistan can contribute to and gain from
the economic growth and interaction between these
dynamic regions. The United Nations and its family of
organizations have a crucial role to play in generating
prosperity and restoring peace with justice to these vital
regions of the world.
Today, I wish to renew Pakistan’s commitment to
the United Nations, to its purposes and principles and to
its vision of a world where genuine peace reigns and
prosperity is universal. The vision of the founding fathers
of the United Nations must continue to serve as a beacon
guiding us across the uncharted waters of the coming
millennium. The Charter of the United Nations and its
timeless principles provide us the anchor to weather
turmoil and turbulence. Let us renew our determination to
defend and preserve this anchor of hope and faith. Let not
political expediencies infringe or erode the fundamentals
of international cooperation enshrined in the Charter.
We in Pakistan, who had dared to dream of freedom
50 years ago, are resolved to defend freedom — freedom
from war, oppression, injustice, poverty and deprivation.
Let us all move together towards realizing the vision of
the United Nations.
10