On behalf of the Government and people of Togo, I should
like to convey very sincere condolences and feelings of
compassion to the people and the Government of India, who
have been so harshly afflicted by a cruel catastrophe.
Allow me first of all to discharge the pleasant duty of
expressing to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations
of the Togo delegation on the unanimous confidence that has
been invested in you by dint of your assumption of the lofty
and noble task of conducting the debates of the current
session. You can count on my delegation’s full cooperation
in the performance of the weighty responsibilities that fall to
you.
My delegation also congratulates the outgoing
President, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev, who with great
mastery and skill led the work of the forty-seventh session
to success.
To our Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, I also wish to pay a well-
deserved tribute for the remarkable work he has been
carrying out since his election to the head of our
Organization. I should also like to reiterate to him our very
sincere gratitude for his constant and tireless efforts to
enhance the effectiveness of the Organization, particularly in
the field of peace-keeping and the maintenance of
international peace and security. The firm determination he
has displayed in the restructuring of the United Nations to
better adapt it to present-day realities has also won our
admiration.
Our Organization is growing steadily, bringing us ever
closer to the goal of universality envisaged in the Charter of
San Francisco. Togo bids welcome to the new Members
that have joined the Organization this year, and we express
to them our willingness to work in concert with them in
building a world of greater justice and solidarity.
The prevailing situation in the world today does not live
up to the expectations engendered by the changes that
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 25
took place at the beginning of this decade. The hope of
universal renewal characterized by the building of a world
of peace, prosperity and justice, marked by reliable solidarity
and more active cooperation among nations, has been slow
in taking concrete form.
The grim picture seen in the tragedies unfolding before
our eyes in Somalia, Liberia, Angola, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and elsewhere, as well as the persistence of the
international economic crisis, leads one to believe that the
future of the world is not as rosy as we had hoped. The
new order is still rather nebulous.
Nevertheless, we welcome the growing involvement of
the Organization in settling the various crises facing the
world. This bears witness to its new vitality and reflects the
growing confidence that Member States place in multilateral
cooperation.
A year ago we noted from this same rostrum the
upheavals that had occurred in recent years throughout the
world, particularly in Europe, Asia and Africa. Those signs
of the times were then said to exemplify the determination
of peoples to gain more freedom and full participation in the
management of political affairs.
Today, more than ever before, those peoples are still
searching for that era of freedom, peace and justice that only
democracy, stripped of all disguise and based on clearly
understood and assimilated multi-party systems, can provide
them, with the support of the international community,
though without the need to yield to the temptation of
imposing a uniform model.
This emancipation movement, to which the African
peoples did not hesitate to adhere, has met with different
fortunes in its various manifestations. While in certain
countries the transition towards democracy has unfolded
somewhat smoothly and has made it possible to bring about
genuine changes, in others the process has hardly achieved
the objectives so earnestly desired. This is true in some
countries of the African continent that, because of a lack of
understanding between the various players, face enormous
difficulties that rend the fabric of society. Because of this
lack of understanding, the aspiration of the African peoples
to more freedom and democracy, though a legitimate one,
has unfortunately given rise here and there to a new type of
problem, on top of the continent’s usual troubles.
It is unfortunate that my country, Togo, has surely paid
a heavier price than others in the ineluctable march towards
democratization. Indeed, no one can know the pain and
sorrow of our people’s path in its progress towards
democracy. Many difficulties arising from serious
misunderstandings between the players in national political
life regarding what democratization involves have dealt a
heavy blow to the democratic process, which we had all
hoped with all our hearts would be a peaceful one. This has
led to a rare outbreak of political violence, which has
ravaged the whole of the national territory, unleashed serious
disruptions in the nation and displaced populations.
In the face of this worrisome situation that was
threatening national cohesion, the Government, anxious to do
everything it could to bring the transition to culmination as
quickly as possible, has made numerous efforts to find a
solution to the political crisis in which our country was
plunged. In this spirit, it has done everything it can to
combat violence and insecurity by deploying the public
security forces in order to ensure, throughout the territory,
the peace and order that are indispensable for the free
movement of peoples and goods and the proper conduct of
social, economic and political activity before, during and
after the electoral consultations.
However, I hardly think it necessary to go on at great
length on this situation, because we were offered the means
of a solution, and we did not fail to seize it. Thus, the
people of Togo have regained the hope and calm they so
needed in order to regain their confidence.
The elections of last 25 August - which were held, by
and large, in a calm and serene atmosphere and transparency
and in the presence of international observers - allowed our
people democratically to appoint the first President of the
Fourth Togolese Republic. Re-elected with a large majority
of the votes cast, the outgoing President, General Gnassingbé
Eyadema, set as his main task to work tirelessly, in full
respect of human rights, for national reconciliation and the
recovery of the country’s economy, ruined by more than two
years of turbulent transition. He therefore called upon the
sons of the nation to start with a clean slate, to forgive
themselves and unite in the struggle for the democratic
process and the restoration of the country, in the interests of
all. Certainly, some problems remain, but such problems are
inherent to any apprenticeship. It is thus possible now to
hope that Togo will be restored to its former health.
26 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
In this connection, I am pleased to point out that, with
regard to the forthcoming legislative elections, the
Government has already taken steps to resolve all the
technical problems connected with the organization of the
elections so as to ensure that they are held in the greatest
possible transparency. Aware that democracy requires the
cooperation of all in the management of the polity’s affairs,
the Government intends to spare no effort to ensure the
opposition’s participation in the forthcoming legislative
elections.
Our delegation should emphasize here the very useful
role played by friendly countries in the search for a
successful solution to the crisis in our country. I therefore
take the opportunity to thank from this rostrum all those
who, from near or far, contributed to our achievement of that
result. Our feelings of deep gratitude go out particularly to
the people, the Government and the Head of State of
Burkina Faso, Mr. Blaise Compaoré, who applied all their
talents to bring about that which, several months earlier, still
seemed impossible: bring our Togolese brothers around a
negotiating table and lead them to reach agreement.
I also wish to welcome the sustained action undertaken
by France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United
States of America, whose mediation contributed to the
favourable outcome of the initiatives. My Government is
particularly grateful to the United Nations and to the
Organization of African Unity, whose observers in the field
made a very valuable contribution to the proper holding of
the elections of 25 August 1993. It is to be hoped that the
result of this process will be the restoration of national
cohesion, allowing the Togolese henceforth to enjoy their
rights fully and in all tranquillity, including their right to
fundamental freedoms and to development.
The World Conference on Human Rights, held in
Vienna from 14 to 25 June 1993, seems to have been an
effort to produce international consensus on the further
promotion, protection and defence of human rights. That
meeting enshrined the axiom, henceforth shared by all, that
development, democracy and human rights form an
indissociable triad.
But can we speak objectively of the effective enjoyment
of human rights in the case of a population whose standards
of living are below the necessary minimum? The rights to
food, education and adequate health care are in fact denied
to the citizens of our developing countries, above all because
of an unfavourable international economic situation. The
first among human rights is the right to life - a decent life.
Therefore, in the framework of promoting and protecting
human rights, it is necessary to redouble efforts to help the
developing countries to assume their responsibility to
contribute to the full flowering of the individual.
My country, which is deeply devoted to respect for the
human person and determined to build a State of law, has
assumed as its own - by including them in its new
Constitution, adopted by referendum on 27 September 1992 -
the fundamental principles of democracy and those linked
to the protection and promotion of human rights. Once
again, I should like to affirm before this Assembly that Togo
is firmly committed to all universal values encompassing the
protection and enjoyment of rights inherent to the human
person. It is thus with faith and conviction that I aver that
the difficulties of adapting national legislation to
international norms and the various approaches available in
no way detract from the duty of each State to contribute to
the tangible and irreversible progress of the cause of human
rights throughout the world.
The end of the cold war and the disappearance of
ideological antagonisms have not yet made it possible to
usher in the genuine era of peace to which the world aspired,
despite the encouraging prospects these changes seemed to
offer. Indeed, narrow nationalism, religious fanaticism,
ethnic rivalry and hegemonism have resurfaced,
unfortunately plunging certain parts of the world into
turmoil.
Thus, in Africa, the situation remains disquieting
despite the praiseworthy efforts of the United Nations and
the Organization of African Unity to settle the conflicts
ravaging the continent. In Angola, it is unfortunate that war
persists and continues to claim many victims, despite the
initiatives made to induce the belligerent brothers to lay
down their arms. I express the hope that both protagonists,
overriding all other considerations, make as their main goals
the re-establishment of peace and the higher interests of the
Angolan people, and renounce the use of force and find a
final and negotiated solution to the conflict.
In South Africa, the positive progress achieved -
particularly the fixing of 27 April 1994 as the date for the
holding of the first multiracial elections - clearly demonstrate
that the emergence of a democratic non-racial society in that
country is near at hand. In that spirit, Togo welcomes the
adoption in Cape Town on 23 September by the three houses
of the South African Parliament of a bill instituting a
transitional executive council entrusted with helping and
controlling governmental activities up to the elections.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 27
However, the noteworthy progress made recently
towards the complete and final dismantling of the apartheid
system has been unable to disguise the various acts of
violence, aggression, confrontation and assassination that
have become daily features of South African political and
social life. This increased violence, inspired and cunningly
maintained by groupings opposed to change, should prompt
the international community to do all in its power to ensure
the irreversibility of the process under way.
The Togolese Government takes note with interest of
the appeal made on 24 September by the President of the
African National Congress, Mr. Nelson Mandela, for the
lifting of economic sanctions against South Africa. It is our
hope that this measure will help to accelerate the democratic
process in that country.
In Somalia, the deployment of the United Nations
Operation has made it possible to alleviate the suffering of
the population. My delegation, while welcoming the efforts
of the United Nations to restore normal living conditions,
expresses its grave concern at the enormous loss of life
among the civilian populations and the Blue Helmets alike.
Given the present delicate situation there, it is
important, as the Security Council unanimously urged on 22
September, to redouble efforts to reach a political settlement.
To that end, we cannot overemphasize the need to do
everything possible to fulfil the objectives of the United
Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II), namely, the
"facilitation of humanitarian assistance and the
restoration of law and order, and of national
reconciliation in a free, democratic and sovereign
Somalia ...". (Security Council resolution 865 (1993),
para. 4.)
As for Liberia and Rwanda, which have for a number
of years been arenas of cruel, fratricidal upheavals, Togo is
pleased to see that, thanks to the courage, farsightedness and
determination of the parties concerned, there are finally some
indications of genuine prospects for a final settlement of
those conflicts through, respectively, the Cotonou and
Arusha Agreements.
In the case of Liberia, in particular, my delegation
welcomes the arrangements made by the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the
United Nations for the implementation of the Agreement of
25 July so that the people of Liberia can once again live in
peace and security and set about rebuilding their country in
regained national unity.
In that connection, we believe that the role to be played
by the United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia
(UNOMIL), established by the Security Council on 22
September of this year, will be a very decisive one.
With regard to the situation in Western Sahara, Togo
welcomes the efforts of the Secretary-General as set forth in
his report of 28 July 1993 (S/26185) on that question and
urges him to pursue dialogue with the parties to the conflict
in order to achieve implementation of the United Nations
settlement plan.
There are other regions of the world in which conflicts
also demand our attention and call for further efforts on our
part to come up with adequate solutions.
In the case of the Middle East and the Israeli-Arab
conflict, Togo welcomes the signing of the agreement on
mutual recognition between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) and hails it as an important
first step towards peace in the region. Today, that
agreement and the one relating to Palestinian autonomy in
the Gaza Strip and Jericho are indications that things are
finally on the right track. My country is more than ever
convinced that only the final settlement of the Palestinian
problem can lead to peace in the region.
True, there is still a long way to travel down the road
to peace. In reaching that goal, the protagonists, both Arab
and Israeli, need our material and moral support. The
consolidation of the process that has been set in motion
depends on the international community’s ability to respond
effectively and urgently to the economic and social
development needs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, for
only viable development can ensure lasting peace in the
region.
As for the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I
should like, on behalf of the Togolese Government, to repeat
here our hope for the success of all the initiatives taken by
all sides to end the tragedy in that country. No one in the
world can sleep peacefully in the knowledge of the anguish
of the innocent victims of that conflict. To the protagonists
we say: Enough! Enough of dying! Be flexible, be
reasonable.
28 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Finally, with regard to Cambodia, Togo welcomes the
inestimable peace-keeping efforts made by the United
Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC),
which made it possible for free and democratic elections in
that country, under United Nations auspices, to be held in
May 1993.
The various conflicts that beset the world are directly
related to the arms race. All countries are in duty bound to
increase their efforts to halt that race. At stake are the
survival of mankind and national, regional and international
peace and security.
General and complete disarmament - genuine
disarmament - for which all mankind so ardently hopes,
requires a substantial contribution from all Member States
and the creation of appropriate structures. In this
connection, the action of the United Nations in this area
should be stepped up in order that the objectives of
disarmament can be achieved. The mission of the Regional
Disarmament Centres should be viewed in the same context.
It is essential that they be made more operational by
providing them with adequate human, material and financial
resources to enable them fully to discharge their duties.
The effectiveness of our Organization obviously
depends on restructuring and revitalizing it. My delegation,
while welcoming the efforts already exerted in this
connection, believes that a review of the Charter is an
imperative need in order to enable all the organs of the
United Nations to participate fully in the implementation of
its purposes and principles.
The time has come for the Organization to hew more
closely to the spirit of the Charter. My delegation therefore
warmly welcomes the proposals that there should be a
rethinking of the membership of the Security Council with
a view to its expansion. In that endeavour it is important
that serious consideration be given to equitable geographical
representation of various regions so as to endow the
universal Organization with a broader international consensus
that would provide a solid basis for its actions and make it
more dynamic, more active and more efficient.
As far as relations between States are concerned, the
Government of Togo, in keeping with its policy of openness,
dialogue and concerted action, firmly adheres to the
principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States
and the non-use of force. Furthermore, we believe that,
given the present state of international relations, the
Organization should help its Members to create domestic
conditions that can contribute to the elimination of tensions
capable of leading to war either within or between States.
It was in that spirit that we welcomed last year the
highly pertinent recommendations formulated by the
Secretary-General in his report, "An Agenda for Peace",
which were aimed at the maintenance and restoration of
international peace and security. Today more than ever
before, the United Nations must strengthen its capacity to
maintain and preserve that peace and security, to ensure
respect for human rights and to promote economic and social
progress.
The economic and social gap between rich and poor
countries is growing wider by the day, and the economies of
the developing countries, particularly the least developed
among them, are prey to chronic recession.
In Africa the situation is even more tragic. The peoples
of Africa, already the victims of undernourishment, famine
and all kinds of other ills, are also bearing the full brunt of
the constant decrease in export prices, the continuous
deterioration of terms of trade, the obstacles imposed on
trade, and the burden of indebtedness.
In the area of international trade, relationships are ruled
by the law of the jungle. The persistence of protectionism
and the adoption of Draconian measures against exports
from developing countries continue to hamper the efforts
they are making to achieve growth through exports.
In the light of what I have just said, it is urgent for the
international economic environment to be improved by
designing a more open and transparent trading system. The
system will have to protect and support the trading
relationships of the third world countries with the
industrialized countries and, moreover, make it possible for
countries with weak economies to come away from the
sidelines and be fully integrated into the world economy.
My Government therefore wishes trade liberalization to
lead to the establishment of principles of fair play that would
impel the countries of the North to buy the South’s products
at remunerative prices. Towards this end, it is our hope that
the multilateral negotiations of the Uruguay Round will take
into account the concerns of the third world.
The debt problem remains a source of serious concern
for the African States, which are already being sorely tried
by the effects of the world economic crisis. Africa, which
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 29
is allocating more than half its income to servicing its debt,
as required by the structural adjustment programmes, has
been struggling for more than a decade now under an
economic shock therapy that leaves it no chance of success.
Unfortunately, the many initiatives that have been taken to
promote our countries’ development have so far not had
positive results, as most of them have been implemented
only half-heartedly. This is particularly true of the United
Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the
1990s and the Paris Programme of Action for the Least
Developed Countries for the 1990s.
In view of these considerations, my delegation would
like to recall that it is for the international community to
adopt steps designed to alleviate the debt burden. These
steps should include, inter alia, writing off debt for
developing countries or, failing that, reducing it substantially,
making repayment conditions more flexible, and setting up
and paying into a diversification fund to transform the
commodities sector and stimulate economic growth in
Africa. There should also be a call for a considerable
increase in official development assistance.
As the 1980s were a lost decade for Africa, during the
1990s the industrialized countries should agree to an increase
in financial flows to the poorer countries sufficient to
support their activities and programmes for development,
economic expansion and diversification, because it is a
shame to see aid levels falling just when the African
countries are making major efforts to promote democracy
and manage their economies in a sound and rigorous
manner. Of course, no one opts for democracy in the
expectation of preferential treatment, but particular attention
should be paid to our countries, which are already shaky as
a result of the general crisis that is rocking the world.
Although we should stick to the rules of good economic
management, it would be a good thing if our countries,
which are already in trouble, were not forced to submit to
long-drawn-out economic therapies that are quite likely to
kill their efforts to become more democratic.
So, are we right to hope that the Tokyo Conference on
African development, which is going on right now, will
make it possible for us to drive it home to the major world
political and economic players that there is a crying need to
make a massive, collective effort for African recovery,
because Africa’s economy has fallen into wrack and ruin?
Forty-eight years after the Second World War, the world,
which is still characterized by an attitude, on the part of the
strong, of moral indifference and hardness of heart towards
the weak, is still living in fear of what the next day will
bring.
However, despite the tough political, economic and
social realities that all mankind is facing, we all do feel the
commonality of our peoples’ destiny and, without a doubt,
the relevance of the purpose and principles of our
Organization. Thus, we must turn the upheavals since the
end of the cold war to advantage by building a new world
order based on collective security on three levels - the
political, the economic and the humanitarian - so as to bring
about better living conditions in greater liberty.
Towards this end, the United Nations would gain by
being reformed, made more democratic and revitalized in
order to live up to its universal vocation and take up the
many challenges that a changing world is imposing on it.


On behalf of the Lesotho
delegation and on my own behalf, I wish to congratulate
Ambassador Insanally on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. His
election is a well-deserved tribute to his great personal
qualities and also to the dynamic role that the Republic of
Guyana has always played within the United Nations and in
world affairs. We are also indebted to the dedication and
the effective manner in which his predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev of the Republic of Bulgaria,
guided the deliberations of this lofty body during the forty-
seventh session of the General Assembly.
Allow me also to extend our congratulations to that
distinguished son of Africa, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of the United Nations,
whose untiring global efforts for peace continue to inspire us
all. My delegation wishes to reiterate once more its
readiness to continue to cooperate with him in every way
that would promote international cooperation and
understanding, in conformity with the Charter of our
Organization.
On behalf of my delegation, allow me also to express,
like those who have spoken before me, deepest condolences
to the Government and the people of the Republic of India
for the tragic loss of human lives resulting from the recent
earthquake in that country.
Since 1945 the membership of the United Nations has
increased dramatically, lending credence to the universality
of this Organization and bearing out the wisdom of the
founding fathers. Today we welcome the new Members to
a United Nations whose numerical strength is matched by
the broadened scope of its vision, the depth of its
commitment to global issues and the capacity of its
operations world wide which, more than ever before, it
behooves us all to enhance further. We also look forward to
welcoming back into the fold a free, democratic and
non-racial Republic of South Africa in the very near future.
With the emergence of the new world order, we are
today at a high tide of opportunity to realize the vision of
global peace that inspired the United Nations Charter in
1945. The original design for peace, as outlined in the
Charter in 1945, seems to be in sight with the emergence of
that new world order.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 11
The commendable efforts made by the
Secretary-General towards the promotion of international
peace and security and for the consolidation of peaceful
coexistence among nations are about to bear results.
Following the period characterized by international relations
of confrontation between the military blocs of East and
West, we see around us today an increasing recognition
among nations of the need for the settlement of international
and regional problems by peaceful means, that is, through
negotiation and dialogue. All these developments augur well
for the realization of the goals and objectives we set for
ourselves in San Francisco in 1945.
Recent developments, however, continue to test our
Organization’s capacity to make the initiative of 1945 a
reality. New challenges have emerged and continue to
confront us. Though different in nature and content from
those of the past, they are no less important in their bearing,
scope and influence on peace and the future of mankind.
The beginning of this last decade of the century held
out hope for international peace and stability. The world
community lifted itself from the trenches of the cold war,
pledging to build for mankind a new world order firmly
based on legitimacy, cooperation and respect for the rights
and dignity of the human person. The residual tendencies to
confrontation were also collectively suppressed by the united
world action in the Gulf.
The euphoria of a world finally at peace has not,
regrettably, been universal. From Angola to Somalia to
Bosnia and Herzegovina and, recently, in the political
standoff in the Russian Federation, we witness a world
haunted anew by disputes originating from legacies of the
past. The destructiveness and brutality of internal wars are
threatening to unweave the very tapestry on which
civilization is based.
As it stands on the eve of celebrating the golden jubilee
of the Charter, the world body must recognize the need for
increased resources and more balanced burden-sharing
among Member States in order to strengthen the capacity of
the United Nations to fulfil effectively its peacemaking and
peace-keeping obligations. It must continue to pursue more
resolutely the objectives of the Charter, all of which stipulate
that the realization of peace and development are legitimate
aspirations of all peoples.
In the past we have talked about the urgent need for the
democratization and restructuring of the United Nations. In
this regard, we take note of the commendable efforts which
are being made by the Secretary-General to strengthen the
structures of the other organs of the Organization within the
context of "An Agenda for Peace" and through regional
commissions.
In the aftermath of the cold war and at a time when
international relations are being reshaped, it is necessary that
the imbalances inherent in the present United Nations system
be reviewed and corrected. Such an exercise should take
into account the principles of decentralization of resources
and equitable geographical representation in the decision-
making organs of the world body. Like a world parliament,
the United Nations must reflect in its structures the same
democratic values that it advocates, the values of fairness,
transparency and equitable representation, in order to
validate the principle of equality of States.
The need for democratization extends, in particular, to
the Security Council. The African continent accounts for
almost one third of the United Nations membership. In the
spirit of reflecting the regional diversity of our Organization,
we must consider positively the interest of Africa in being
allotted at least two permanent seats on the Security Council
and an increased number of non-permanent seats.
Never before in the history of the United Nations has
the world been presented with a greater opportunity for
peace. The challenge of this opportunity will require us to
conduct international relations with the vision and realism of
people who recognize how near, in the past, the world has
been to the edge of the precipice.
The United Nations global peace-keeping missions are
a beacon of hope and a source of inspiration to peace-loving
communities world wide that are ravaged by war and strife
and in many cases have nowhere else to turn. But even in
these trying times, a great opportunity exists, an opportunity
possibly greater than any the world community of nations
has seen since the founding of this Organization for the
creation and maintenance of global peace.
Notwithstanding the positive initiative taken by the
major nuclear Powers since the end of the cold war, there is
still a need to establish a close link between disarmament
and international peace in the years ahead. This is the ideal
formula to fulfil the aspirations of mankind for a life that is
free from the threat of war. To be effective towards this
end, disarmament must be universal and embrace all
categories of weapons, including conventional weapons.
We also recognize that the global reduction of military
expenditures could enable the world to redirect its resources
to development and to meet the challenge of reversing the
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
environmental degradation of our planet on the eve of the
twenty-first century.
The hopes of the world were placed last year in the
United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (UNCED). The Earth Summit broke fresh
ground in addressing global environmental and development
crises. While it did not solve these problems, it at least
succeeded in building a large amount of goodwill for the
global economic partnership that is so vital if addressing the
many environmental problems that the UNCED process
recognized and, indeed, highlighted, are to be addressed.
More than a year after the Rio Conference, the
establishment of the high-level Commission on Sustainable
Development remains the most tangible development so far.
The majority of the commitments made by world
Governments in Rio are yet to be matched with actual deeds.
The global trends towards the reduction of aid budgets by
the developed countries and the intensifying commercial and
political pressure on aid administration contrast sharply with
the commitments made by these countries in Rio to reach
the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national
product in aid towards assisting the developing countries
make a transition to sustainable development.
Another source of great disappointment is the
continuing decline in voluntary contributions to the United
Nations operational activities. The United Nations system
has a central role to play in channelling assistance to
developing countries, capitalizing on its comparative
advantages of neutrality, widespread field-level presence and
rapid response.
The least developed countries are continuing to
experience a deterioration of their socio-economic situation
owing to profound structural constraints and handicaps which
reduce their ability to overcome the negative impact of
external factors. The issue of the stalemate in multilateral
trade negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT) is a matter of great concern to the
developing countries. Further delays towards successful,
balanced and comprehensive GATT negotiations will render
the principle of trade as the engine of growth and
development an illusion. These basic economic structural
problems, coupled with a proneness to natural disasters,
seriously hamper these countries’ efforts towards meaningful
economic growth.
The recent drought which struck the countries of
eastern and southern Africa was the worst ever. In Lesotho,
the Government has had to declare a state of continuing
drought emergency and to extend provision of drought-relief
measures for another year, until June 1994. We wish to
express our gratitude to the Secretary-General and his team
for their efforts in convening, jointly with the Southern
African Development Community, a donors’ conference in
Geneva last year to address the drought problem. Similarly,
we wish to thank the international community for its
demonstration of solidarity with our region at a time of
desperate need.
The Kingdom of Lesotho welcomes the Secretary-
General’s report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
This document contains far-reaching recommendations on
peacemaking, peace-building and peace-keeping. However,
the implementation of these recommendations will fall short
of attaining the intended results fully if they are not
complemented with efforts to harness and reverse the further
deterioration in peoples’ socio-economic situations. It is on
this basis that my delegation lends its full support to General
Assembly resolution 47/181 on the "Agenda for
Development". We stand ready to engage in constructive
debate on the Secretary-General’s preliminary report on "An
Agenda for Development".
The world today faces profound changes, which are
fuelled by the deep desire of people across the globe for
respect for their basic human rights, for democracy, for
public accountability and good governance. The
democratically elected Government of the Kingdom of
Lesotho embraces the idea and concept of national
reconciliation, for which the people of Lesotho have yearned
for so long. The Government has also embarked on a
vigorous campaign to inculcate and nurture the culture of
democracy, respect for basic human rights and popular
participation, which should, in turn, have an impact on social
mobilization for development, democratic institution-
building, political stability and national prosperity.
The new Government views the 1993 general election
and the overwhelming popular mandate it received for the
stewardship of the nation’s affairs as a golden opportunity to
address, with fresh impetus, the urgent national issues of
poverty, ignorance and disease. We therefore wish to make
a special appeal to the donor community to lend a helping
hand to our efforts in this regard, in the considered belief
that democracy and development are complementary.
On behalf of the Government and the peace-loving
people of Lesotho, I wish to express our gratitude for the
prompt and generous support and assistance we received
from the international community towards the success of our
return to democratic civilian rule.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 13
The situation in South Africa is always a cause for
concern in Lesotho, as South Africa is our only immediate
neighbour. Despite our concern with the ever-rising levels
of violence and the increasing resolve by the right-wing
elements to engage in sabotage in South Africa, we are
encouraged by what has been achieved through negotiations
in that country. In particular, we applaud the agreement
reached by the negotiating parties on the date of the end of
April 1994 for the holding of the first democratic elections
as well as the establishment of the Transitional Executive
Council to oversee the transitional arrangements prior to
elections. While we acknowledge and support the call for
the lifting of economic sanctions against South Africa, we
urge the United Nations to upgrade the United Nations
monitoring team in South Africa in order to give effective
meaning to the Secretary-General’s report "An Agenda for
Peace" and its central message of preventive diplomacy,
peace-building and peacemaking.
It is our fervent hope that the lessons of the Kingdom
of Lesotho’s peaceful transition to democracy will not be
lost on the citizens of South Africa, whose own chance to
elect a Government of their choice for the first time seems
within reach.
The people of Angola, another sister country in the
subregion, continue to be denied a chance for peace by
UNITA. We condemn UNITA for the escalation of the
military actions and for the continued massacre of innocent
civilians and the destruction of the infrastructure in Angola.
We appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General and take
note of Security Council resolution 851 (1993), which
imposes a number of sanctions intended to limit the ability
of UNITA to continue with its war effort.
We also wish to applaud the decision by the United
States to recognize and establish diplomatic contact with the
Government of Angola, as well as the subsequent positive
initiatives for peace taken by the United States in Angola.
Mozambique is currently enjoying relative peace. The
General Peace Agreement signed in Rome is holding, and
the parties have continued to exercise restraint. We appeal
to the parties concerned to implement the peace accords
without delay and to cooperate with the Secretary-General’s
Special Representative in full, including the timely
implementation of the mandate of the United Nations
Operation in Mozambique.
In Liberia, we are optimistic that the collaboration
between the United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia
(UNOMIL) and the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) Military Observer Group (ECOMOG),
together with the Peace Agreement signed in Cotonou in
July 1993, will bring lasting peace and that the warring
factions will stop hostilities and agree on a transitional
arrangement to lead the country to democratic elections.
Last, but not least, it is heartening to see real hope of
a solution to one of the bloodiest, most impassioned and
most obdurate conflicts of our time in the Middle East. The
signing last month of the peace accord between the State of
Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization is a victory
for common sense and the validation of peaceful methods in
resolving disputes between States. The virtue of this mutual
achievement is that it puts coexistence to a test in reality and
not in mere exchange of rhetoric.
None of this, however, should distract the world from
the reaffirmation of the right of the Palestinian people to
nationhood in accordance with the relevant Security Council
resolutions.
During the World Conference on Human Rights, held
in June this year, the whole world converged in Vienna to
discuss human rights issues. Although the World
Conference was inundated with diverse interpretations of
human rights, a great deal of progress was made. My
delegation believes that the international community should
rededicate itself to the Vienna Declaration and Programme
of Action as the central document in the effective
implementation of existing human rights instruments and
commit itself to the principles enshrined in the Charter of
the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.
In conclusion, my delegation would wish to emphasize
once again that it remains for us to join hands and strive
resolutely in all spheres of human endeavour to ensure the
very survival of current and succeeding generations. Let this
Organization remain the burning light of hope and
inspiration for all mankind. For all its differences, and for
all its diversity, ours is a world of interdependence and
destinies inextricably joined. Let us renew our resolve to
pursue to the end the lofty purposes and principles of the
Charter of our Organization.


The delegation of Belize takes
immense pride, Sir, in your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. This is the
first time in the history of the Organization that a
Commonwealth Caribbean national has been chosen to
superintend the deliberations of the General Assembly. Your
election is, thus, not only the highest tribute that could have
been paid you, but is also the accomplishment of your
country, Guyana, and of the wider Commonwealth
Caribbean. As a part of the latter, Belize may be forgiven
for any note of self-congratulation that creeps into the
encomiums we heap upon you today.
In that regard - and we say this only slightly with
tongue in cheek - we note that almost your first act of
wisdom upon assuming office was the selection of a very
excellent Belizean as presidential spokesperson.
Let me at this time also record my delegation’s
appreciation of the most able manner in which the outgoing
President, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, conducted the work of the
General Assembly at its forty-seventh session.
14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
In addition, may I take the opportunity to welcome
formally to the United Nations family the six countries - the
Czech Republic, Eritrea, Monaco, the Slovak Republic, The
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Andorra -
which have joined the Organization this year.
Allow me also to offer, on behalf of the people and the
Government of Belize, our deep sympathy to the people and
the Government of India for the heavy death toll and
considerable material loss caused by the devastating
earthquake on 30 September.
Over the five years since I last appeared in this Hall,
many things have changed in the world. In Belize we, too,
have experienced change. On 30 June 1993 the people of
Belize voted, through peaceful elections, for a new
government. Once more we have demonstrated the stability
of our democratic institutions and the maturity of our polity.
In an age when the so-called global trend towards
democratization seems at times to be a process that moves
one step forward and two steps back, we in Belize are justly
proud of our record.
In these five years, some of the changes occurring in
the global prospect have been favourable, and many of these
are attributable to this Organization, which, under its
distinguished Secretary-General, has been striving to fulfil
the mandate of its Charter and find ways and means to cope
with problems not necessarily envisaged by the framers of
that Charter.
In the brief tour d’horizon of the international scene
which I shall undertake today, the first matter I wish to
address is peace and security. We are very gratified by the
positive developments that have occurred in several places.
Uppermost in our minds is our own subregion of Central
America. There we have been heartened by the movement
of several of our neighbours towards reconciliation and
social justice.
In particular, we note with satisfaction that the brief
hiccup of the events in the Republic of Guatemala in May
and June does not appear to have seriously flawed that
country’s efforts at permanent redemocratization. We are
happy that the new government there has publicly confirmed
Guatemala’s recognition of sovereign and independent
Belize. Diplomatic relations between our two countries can
once again proceed apace; and we shall continue the work
for the preservation of bilateral and regional security and the
search for a lasting solution to the issues that still bedevil us.
In accordance with the principles enunciated by this
Organization, such a solution must be on the basis of mutual
respect for peace, for the rights of both countries to
self-determination and for the integrity of each other’s land
and sea territory.
In the Caribbean we have hopes that the long-suffering
people of Haiti will be rewarded by the return of its
legitimate government.
Recent developments in South Africa are clearly very
encouraging, and we are confident of the success of the
transition to majority rule, which will be heralded by the
non-racial elections scheduled for April 1994.
Then, in the midst of continued strife in the Middle
East, we believe we see positive signs of the way forward
with the dramatic opening between the people of Palestine
and the State of Israel. At long last there seems a real
possibility of the Palestinian people’s right to self-
determination coexisting with the State of Israel’s right to
safe and secure borders.
We welcome the finalization of the demarcation of the
boundary between Kuwait and Iraq, which was accomplished
by the Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission on
20 May 1993. We also welcome the adoption by the
Security Council of resolution 833 (1993), in which it
guaranteed the inviolability of the boundary between the two
States.
Encouraging, too, has been the consolidation of the
broad consultative mechanisms for confidence-building,
security, human rights and cooperation originally established
for Europe in the Helsinki Conference and now substantially
expanded. Such structures have considerable value, and we
understand that our colleagues in the countries members of
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are
in the process of developing a similar mechanism with a
distinct ASEAN character. Above all, we commend the
Secretary-General for his vision in "An Agenda for Peace".
Despite all these promising developments, however, the
overall outlook for world security remains bleak. In far too
many places the peace is disrupted by fratricidal struggle.
Everywhere the crushing burden of armaments - to employ
a famous expression used by President Roosevelt and
Winston Churchill in 1941 - bids to drive our planet off its
established course. The Second World War was partly
fought, and this great Organization was largely established,
to eradicate programmes of ethnic genocide. Now, nearly
50 years after the birth of the United Nations, we are
experiencing several such programmes on a massive scale.
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 15
I urge that during this session we take the first major
step to right these imbalances, which affect global peace and
security. Just as the Helsinki model is one way forward, we
hope that another is the International Tribunal on war
crimes, the judges of which this Assembly recently elected.
Among other steps which might be taken are the
following: Governments must forswear profiteering from
the sale or sponsorship of the sale of armaments. There
must be an expansion of regional and subregional systems of
cooperation and coordination in the cognate areas of
security, narcotics interdiction and counter-terrorism. This
body must make firm recommendations for the development
and rigid enforcement of domestic neutrality laws
everywhere. Likewise, the international law relating to
neutrality must be thoroughly modernized to proscribe and
severely punish trafficking in arms. This must be not only
in situations of belligerency, but also in cases of insurgency,
rebellion and other armed conflict, both internal and
international. The recent salutary reinvigoration of this
Organization’s peace-keeping mechanisms must be furthered.
This is a time when the United Nations is increasingly
being called upon to act as a peacemaker in troubled and
turbulent regions of the world. It is to the Organization’s
credit that it has risen to the occasion by undertaking
complex and challenqinq assignments around the globe.
There was a time when United Nations peace-keeping
forces could successfully be composed of contingents from
the so-called third world countries. But recent experience
has now shown that large and difficult operations of the
Bosnia and Somalia type stand little chance of success
without the active participation of major Powers. In this
context, we welcome President Clinton’s speech in this
session of the Assembly, offering to commit United States
troops to the United Nations Bosnia operation under certain
conditions.
Yet there is still a role for small States. And we in
Belize would be prepared to offer training facilities to the
Organization as a contribution to increasing the efficiency of
peace-keeping forces. This would be in accordance with
Article 43 of the Charter, which calls for member
Governments to make available to the Security Council
"assistance and facilities ... necessary for the purpose of
maintaining international peace and security". Needless to
say, we would be happy to make our contribution in concert
with other countries in our area. Either pre-existing regional
security mechanisms and/or new bilateral and multilateral
arrangements might serve as the vehicle for small country
efforts at cooperation.
As a backdrop to all this, the provisions of the Charter
relative to peacemaking must be strengthened. In particular,
a standing United Nations force under unified United
Nations command should be considered and the Military
Staff Committee must be made fully operational. In keeping
with the Secretary-General’s quest to improve efficiencies,
strict military discipline of United Nations forces must be
established and there must be improved coordination at
Headquarters and in the field.
The most important of the steps which my Government
believes should be taken is reform of the Security Council.
It is self-evident that in these times of turmoil and increased
United Nations activity the agenda item of equitable
representation on, and increase in membership of, the
Council looms large. Belize has recently submitted a paper
to the Secretary-General, detailing our ideas on this
all-important topic.
I wish to turn next to international cooperation. I
believe that there exists an international legal obligation to
cooperate in good faith. It is anticipated in the Articles on
principles and purposes and other provisions of the United
Nations Charter, and is reiterated in such Declarations as the
friendly relations Declaration of 1970 and the 1974 Charter
of Economic Rights and Duties of States. I will address the
question of economic cooperation at a later stage in my
remarks. At this point, I wish to train the spotlight on
cooperation in the area of ecospheric concerns.
As regards the ecosphere, Belize considers that the
early and universal ratification of the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea is of paramount
importance. It will be recalled that the Convention imposes
myriad duties of cooperation. In that way, the weak, and not
only the strong and mighty, will inherit the Earth and its
waters.
We have seen two recent examples of successful efforts
at cooperation in the ecosphere. The first involves the ozone
layer. In that connection, intensive cooperation by
Governments and by private industry, pursuant to the
Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone
Layer, as amended, has led to a significant decline in the
rate of expansion of the hole in the ozone layer.
My other example is the cooperation of foreign and
domestic agencies with the Governments of my country,
Belize and Costa Rica, which has contributed to substantial
16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
success in our conservation efforts. Cognizant of these
successes, we appeal for intensive cooperation in all aspects
of the ecosphere, including the termination of ocean and
terrestrial dumping, the halt of desertification and the
reduction of the causes of global warming. We also hope for
a concrete programme of action at next April’s Global
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States to be held in Barbados.
One area in which we must redouble our efforts at
cooperation is the moral environment. In numerous Member
countries the people have clamoured for cessation of corrupt
practices in government and business, both national and
international. Now, we are extremely happy to observe that
the Secretary-General has established the new post of
Assistant Secretary-General for Inspections and
Investigations. In so doing, he has made it clear that the
moral environment of our organization must be sanitized.
We must support him in this endeavour. At the same time,
we lend our voice to those who call for the accountability of
all inter-governmental organizations to independent auditors
and inspectors.
My Government attaches the greatest importance to
integrity and decency in public life. We applaud such
international efforts as the forthcoming anti-corruption
conference to be held in Mexico later this year to plan
national strategies for fighting corruption. And we in Belize
have recently taken our own action to strengthen the legal
infrastructure necessary to banish the scourge of political
corruption. In just three months since taking office, we have
introduced four major pieces of legislation in our Parliament.
They are the Prevention of Corruption in Public Life Bill,
the Ombudsman Bill, the Contractor General Bill and the
Freedom of Information Bill. This last, as far as we can
determine, is the only one of its kind in the entire
Commonwealth Carribean. These measures bear testimony
to my Government’s determination to wage a total war on
corruption and to make Belize the model of a just, honest
and democratic society.
I turn next to issues relating to international
development and economic relations. For over 30 years, the
Organization has painstakingly sought to spell out that the
right to development and the duty of the privileged to assist
the underprivileged are firmly based in international law and
public policies. This right and duty were part of the
"freedom from want" principle, one of the founding
principles of the 1942 wartime coalition that was the first to
be called the "United Nations". Freedom from want had
nothing to do with ideology and great-Power rivalry.
Nevertheless, there have been dramatic ideological,
geopolitical and economic changes during the late 1980s. As
these changes have occurred, needs have increased but
resources have not. Yet we have heard rumours that various
initiatives to bring economic justice to this planet are no
longer necessary.
I respectfully suggest that nothing could be further from
the truth. In fact, such controversial movements as the one
to establish a new international economic order were merely,
as we have intimated, the reiteration of an established
principle. That is, those initiatives were the renewal of an
order, not a new order. Furthermore, in the original Somalia
intervention, we see strong confirmation of the continuing
vitality of the principle of "freedom from want" - for all of
us will remember that the avowed objective of the current
exercises in that beleaguered country was to bring food,
comfort and succour to its suffering people.
Thus, I believe, we are seeing the reaffirmation of
freedom from want as a human right. At the same time, I
would urge the Assembly to take firm steps to ensure that
food no longer be used as a weapon by parties to civil and
international conflicts.
In all this we are acutely aware of the shift in world
trading patterns brought on by the formation of new trading
blocs. The most recent and prominent of these are of course
the North American Free Trade Agreement among Mexico,
the United States of America and Canada, and the Single
European Market. And so, in some areas at least, the march
towards wider trade liberalization and true market economy
moves inexorably forward. But we in the South also see that
our economies and life as we know them are threatened by
these developments; our preferential access to markets
steadily erodes and our terms of trade consistently worsen.
What we are in fact concerned about here is the
pressure to open up our borders prematurely to the free flow
of agricultural and other products from the more developed
countries. It is a bitter pill to swallow, even as we watch
the protectionist squabbling among developed countries that
has prevented the successful conclusion of the Uruguay
Round of Multilateral trade negotiations under the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Of course, it
would also result in massive economic dislocation followed
inevitably by social and political unrest in our countries.
Nevertheless, we acknowledge that we must in the long
run identify alternative commodities that we can produce
efficiently and with comparative advantage. I must stress,
however, that we are hard pressed to find the resources
required for comprehensive research, development and
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 17
promotion programmes for new products. We must be
afforded an adequate transition period to adjust our
economic and production activities. I would wish, therefore,
to take this opportunity to call on the countries members of
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development to identify and dedicate significant financial
and technical resources to assist small countries in
developing alternative products. Of course, current trends in
official and private financial flows to the developing world
suggest that this is a cry that will fall largely on deaf ears.
On a more positive note, permit me at this juncture to
applaud the apparent resolve of the United Nations organs
for development assistance to improve their efforts at
coordination. In this connection, I single out for special
mention the Secretary- General’s ongoing formulation of an
agenda for development and the determined spirit of the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to
strengthen its mission and revamp its machinery. This,
however, is but a beginning of what must be a crusade for
development.
The last set of issues I shall address are social, political,
cultural and humanitarian. First, we must do much more to
ensure that women are accorded their proper rights in the
domestic and international orders. No longer should we
merely echo the litany that women’s development is
indispensable for economic development. We must ensure
that women are accorded equal rights in all spheres.
Furthermore, they must urgently be given equal
representation in our political, social, cultural and other
institutions. Again, I take note of the recent efforts of this
Organization to improve the position of women in the upper
echelons of the United Nations Secretariat.
As regards refugees, it would be disingenuous to call
for their enhanced protection without acknowledging the
severe problems which host countries increasingly face. For
instance, we in Belize do the best we can, but overcrowding
a slender raft - even in a relative haven of calm - can bring
dire consequences to all its occupants.
Nevertheless, I am happy to report to this Assembly
that Belize’s record of human rights is good and worthy of
emulation. Our Constitution is founded on the principles of
justice and respect for the fundamental freedoms of all our
people, and our laws and practices fully conform to the
mandate of our Constitution.
The international scourge of narcotics continues
unabated. Again, we add our voices to those who urge that
at least the same degree of attention be given to curbing
demand and improving public health, as to addressing
supply. Narcotics, terrorism and urban violence are all gross
manifestations of an awful cancer seeking to engulf our
planet. One clear contributor to this is the mass and
universal culture, or what passes for culture, purveyed by the
moguls of television. While we welcome the utility of the
new global news channels, we lament the other, baneful,
influences to which our people are subjected by some
aspects of worldwide programming. It is high time that this
Organization tackle this problem.
Finally, as regards human riqhts and humanitarian law,
even over the brief period of five years since I last addressed
this body, we have witnessed significant expansion in the
activities of the Commission on Human Rights and the
bodies established under the various United Nations
instruments for the protection of fundamental rights and
freedoms. We have seen this Organization, on invitation,
participate in monitoring and conducting elections and, in the
unprecedented case of Cambodia, actually administer a
country prior to the holding of democratic elections. Yet the
basic rights of human beings in numerous places are still
seriously impaired. Many of those who should protect, in
fact violate. And conferences, tribunals and conventions
bring scarce relief.
In the realm of humanitarian law, we are hopeful that
the International Tribunal on war crimes will set a healthy
precedent. Nevertheless, we view with increasing concern
the flouting of the Geneva regime, especially the 1977
Protocols applicable to various forms of civil strife. That
regime is the other side of the coin of human rights.
Whichever side comes up when that coin is tossed, it comes
up tarnished.
Clearly, despite a somewhat mixed record, the United
Nations is no moribund organization. Nevertheless, as it
nears its golden jubilee, it does require additional impetus,
a more focused consensus for reform and revitalization. Let
all of us, then, as we go about the business of this forty-
eighth session, bear well in mind the words of the Preamble
to the Charter and accordingly pledge our rededication to the
task of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of
war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and
equality, and creating the moral climate in which justice and
international law will finally prevail.


It is both an honour and a pleasure for me to extend to
representatives the warm greetings of the people of Chad
and to express their sincere wishes for peace.
Before conveying to Members the message of the
Transition Government of the Republic of Chad, I should
like to extend to you, Sir, my delegation’s congratulations on
your election as President of the General Assembly at its
forty-eighth session. I assure you that, in the discharge of
this difficult task, you will have the ready and full
cooperation of my delegation.
I should like also to express to your predecessor,
Mr. Stoyan Ganev, our gratitude for the dedication with
which he conducted the work of the General Assembly at its
forty-seventh session.
Our thanks go also to our dynamic Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his continuing commendable
and tireless efforts in the cause of peace and development
throughout the world.
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
It is also a pleasure to welcome the delegations of the
Czech Republic, Slovakia, The Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia, Eritrea, the Principality of Andorra and the
Principality of Monaco.
The forty-eighth session of the General Assembly is
beginning at a time when clear hopes for peace in certain
regions are emerging, yet war continues to cause
unspeakable suffering elsewhere. Misery is increasing
throughout the world, and the gap between the richest and
the poorest continues to widen. Given these problems, the
United Nations is increasingly called upon for assistance.
Consequently, its capacity to react and to intervene is
reduced.
Concerted action by people of good will who love
peace and freedom and who work to reduce poverty and
misery and to advance democracy and human rights could
help to limit the number of calls for assistance that are now
being made on this Organization.
Within this framework, Chad set out on the road to
democracy in 1990. This deliberate choice was made in the
light of the recent history of our country and the profound
aspirations of our people to peace and social well-being. In
this regard, the Sovereign National Conference that was held
from 15 January to 7 April 1993, and brought together
nearly 1,000 delegates from all regions and all social strata
of the country, enabled us to lay the basis for the
establishment of stable democratic institutions and to ensure
lasting peace and good management of the country’s affairs.
This National Conference, which instilled much hope in the
hearts of the citizens of Chad, took the following steps in
implementation of the Transitional Constitution: the
President of the Republic, who is the guarantor of national
sovereignty, was confirmed in office; the Prime Minister,
who is the elected Head of Government, was put in charge
of implementing the programme of action; the Supreme
Council of Transition, the elected legislative body, was put
in charge of follow-up action in connection with
implementing the programme of action and was given the
job of providing arbitration in the case of any disputes
occurring during the transition.
The National Conference intended, through this
restructuring process, to give new direction to public life in
Chad, providing transparent administration in public affairs,
full freedom of the press and scrupulous respect for human
rights. These indispensable corollaries of any democratic
system are among the major concerns of the delegates.
Here, the Supreme Council for Communication and the
National Commission on Human Rights, which will be
established soon, will guarantee freedom of the press and the
fundamental rights of citizens.
For all the participants in the National Conference, as
for all the people of Chad, the time has come to make peace,
to seek new solutions to the country’s problems, so that it
will be possible to achieve genuine national reconciliation
among all the sons of Chad. The Transition Government,
which I have the signal honour of heading, is making
sustained efforts to realize these objectives. Thus, it is
trying to create the conditions necessary to the building of
confidence among the people in the future of their country.
The restructuring of the national army of Chad that is
now taking place will eventually open the way to better
control of public expenditure and will make possible the
channelling of the country’s limited resources into the most
productive sectors. Nor can any democratization be
undertaken and made stable without security services capable
of ensuring respect for the territorial integrity of the country.
Above all, there is a need for a disciplined army that
respects the Constitution of the Republic.
My Government lacks the financial and other material
means to succeed in this transformation of the national army
of Chad. First and foremost we need to encourage elements
of the army from the outset by financing projects for
military reconversion and for reintegration into civilian life.
In that connection, we warmly thank the French Republic for
its assistance over the past three years. I wish also to renew
our appeal to all countries that wish Chad to be genuinely
transformed to help us with all possible assistance in this
difficult task.
Beyond the question of the success of the
demobilization operation is the question of the future of
democracy in Chad. Our democracy will be unable to
withstand for long the many pressures resulting from all the
various problems besetting our country.
Hence, my country is working tirelessly to conclude
agreements of reconciliation with the remaining opposition
politico-military organizations. My Government is
developing initiatives in the area of human rights, bolstering
freedom of the press and establishing political parties and
civic organizations. Despite that progress, cases of human
rights violations continue in my country. This proves, if
proof were needed, that it takes time to change ways of
thinking, no matter what the clear will of the highest
national authorities may be.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 5
There is no lack of obstacles for any young democracy.
As it is said, democracy, poverty and insecurity are not good
neighbours. At the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly, my delegation drew attention to my country’s
precarious economic situation. Apart from problems linked
to uneven rainfall over our territory, to the threat of locusts
and to fluctuations in the world economic situation, our
economy is experiencing difficulties linked to poor
administration. The resources of the State are insufficient to
pay salaries and growing military expenditures. There is no
guarantee that we will be able to afford the cost of materials
and State contributions for investment in priority projects
relating to infrastructure, health and education.
The basic imbalances that characterize financial
management in Chad - which explain the continued
deterioration of our country’s social fabric - reflect those in
other Central African economies covered by the Central
African Customs and Economic Union (CACEU). Those
countries had achieved notable growth in 1985, but since
then have been in an unprecedented crisis. In the
circumstances, my country - current Chairman of the
CACEU Council of Heads of State - fully subscribes to the
plan for subregional adjustment and economic recovery
drawn up by the Central African States Development Bank,
and hopes to benefit from the greater understanding and
support of the international community. That support will
give our Government a sound basis on which to implement,
as it has declared its wish to do, a consistent programme of
macroeconomic adjustment and structural reform, with the
support of bilateral and multilateral donors.
Already we can say that the major thrust of the reforms
will be in the areas of improved public financing, the
resumption of productive activities through reductions in the
cost of the elements of production, rationalization of
management, elimination of arrears in State debt, the
promotion of a well-functioning private sector, and the
implementation of monetary, fiscal, customs and institutional
measures drawn up within the subregional framework of
CACEU and the customs zone.
My country, which has experienced the throes of war,
cannot remain insensitive to the many conflicts that are
tearing today’s world apart, claiming innocent lives
everywhere. In Africa, we are concerned at the exacerbation
of the situation in Somalia and Angola. Chad hopes that the
firm position adopted by the United Nations on those two
conflicts will help make those most responsible for the
tragedies respect agreements they have signed.
With respect to Mozambique, we are following with
interest the peace process under way in that country, and we
urge the two parties to cooperate fully and in a
straightforward way to achieve peace. We also welcome the
peace process that has begun in Rwanda, Liberia and South
Africa, where in the months to come multiparty negotiations
will lead to general elections, which we hope will be free
and transparent.
In the Middle East, the signature of a declaration of
principles on Palestinian autonomy in Gaza and Jericho and
mutual recognition by the Palestine Liberation Organization
and the State of Israel give us hope that the peoples of that
region will at last be able to live in peace. Dialogue and
cooperation should guide future relations among the peoples
of the region.
Chad is convinced that only dialogue can restore peace
to Central and Eastern Europe; we fully subscribe to the
action taken by the international community to bring about
a just and peaceful settlement of all the conflicts raging
there.
Today’s world economy is characterized by a structural
crisis in the developed countries and by increasingly delayed
development in the developing countries, particularly those
of Africa. My country welcomes the convening of the
international conference on African development, which is
now under way on the initiative of the Government of Japan.
We hope that the results of that meeting will be positive for
Africa. On behalf of my Government, I convey deep
gratitude to the Japanese Government for its initiative.
My delegation hopes that the restructuring and
revitalization of the economic and social structure of the
United Nations will contribute to strengthening the
Organization’s capacity to act.
My delegation reaffirms its strong conviction that only
dialogue and cooperation will enable us to overcome the
numerous obstacles to the establishment of peace and
harmony among peoples.
It is in that spirit that my country has appealed to the
International Court of Justice to settle its border dispute with
the Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. Both parties
have committed themselves to respect the judgment.
Members will know from my remarks that my country
is passing from a long, dark night of instability, dictatorship,
human rights violations and economic set-backs. They will
also know that the heroic struggle of the people of Chad has
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
led it onto the path of democracy; we want at all costs to
stay on that road. My delegation affirms that forcefully.
My people earnestly desires to make achievements
leading to a major recovery in its political, economic and
social situation, and has adopted an ambitious programme of
change, which we did not have the means to implement fully
in the six months remaining in the transition period. As they
tirelessly pursue implementation, my country’s officials
intend to focus all their efforts on certain pivotal objectives,
which I shall enumerate now.
First, we must ensure unswerving respect for human
rights by guaranteeing the security of citizens; we must
ensure freedom of communication, along with all individual
freedoms and, above all, respect for the value of human life.
We must banish the concept of impunity from our judicial
system. To that end, and to ensure the safety of our citizens
through a major reorganization of the police, we require
support from the international community both in devising
the action to be taken and in providing the means to do so.
My Government’s second objective is the holding of
free, open and democratic elections.
The social crisis we have just described is creating
inextricable problems for my Government, problems with
serious and pressing implications. A country cannot be
governed when there is constant pressure from the streets,
nor can decisive efforts be focused on carrying out economic
recovery if there is not a Government elected on the basis of
a programme containing needed beneficial measures and if
it does not have the support - or at least the understanding -
of the people with regard to an economic and social plan.
Thus, our Government intends to work on preparing for and
holding free, open and democratic elections within the time-
frame set out in the recommendations of the Sovereign
National Conference. Here too, and above all, we will need
the support of the international community.
On that note, in evoking the basic aspiration of my
people, I shall leave this rostrum today, having transmitted
my country’s message of peace to the international
community. Our aspiration to democratic change is, I feel,
realistic and its implementation is, I believe, inevitable.
Long live peace and dialogue between peoples!