Allow me, Sir, to
congratulate you on your well-deserved election to the
office of President at the sixty-fifth session of the

10-55122 24

General Assembly. Your career as a leader and
diplomat speaks for itself. I assure you of my
delegation’s support during your tenure of office. I
should also commend your predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, for a job well done.
 The choice of theme for this session of the
General Assembly, namely, reaffirming the central role
of the United Nations in global governance, is not only
apt but inspired. The founding of the United Nations
was propelled by the determination to save future
generations from the scourge of war. It was driven by
the desire to reaffirm faith in fundamental human
rights, the rule of law and, not least, to promote social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.
 For the past 65 years, this Assembly of nations
has been convening here every year in pursuit of the
lofty ideals of the United Nations. Yet for 65 years, the
achievement of these ideals has eluded us.
Unilateralism and war remain the order of the day.
Disrespect for international law, vast economic
inequities, injustice and suppression of basic freedoms
are the challenges we face today, just as we did 65
years ago. In addition, we have climate change,
financial and economic crises, terrorism and religious
intolerance to contend with. Needless to mention, such
challenges have heightened threats to world stability
and international peace and security.
 Let the events of the first decade of this
millennium be a lesson for all of us to learn and
treasure. We have learned a lesson in the futility of
unilateralism, intolerance and war; that selfishness in
world relations is suicidal. We have learned a lesson in
the value of collective decision-making and inclusive
development, if our planet and its inhabitants are to
survive. These lessons say to us that mankind must turn
away from the path of self-destruction. The route to
peace and stability is clear to all of us, yet we continue
to lose ourselves in the wilderness of instability and
poverty, because we are blinded by ulterior motives.
 If we value the lessons of the past decade, we
must accept that war is brutal, destructive and
unacceptable. The founding fathers of the United
Nations were right when they affirmed the centrality of
the United Nations in global decision-making and
governance. We must admit that great injustices are
being committed during our times and that human
rights are being trampled upon as we stand by silently.
 In this regard, for decades now, the people of
Western Sahara, Cuba and Palestine have been calling
on this august body for help in reversing the injustices,
humiliation and atrocities that are visited upon them by
colonialism, unilateral economic blockades and brutal
occupation. Even today, the people of these territories
are still calling. They are calling to you. Will you listen
and respond, or will you look or walk away? Surely we
cannot condone injustice and yet hope for peace.
Sustainable peace can only be based on justice and the
protection of basic freedoms for all.
 By the same token, Zimbabwe must be freed from
unilateral sanctions, as her people work together under
the unity Government to determine their own future
under the leadership of their own choice. In addition,
external interests must not be allowed to take
precedence over the desire of the people of Madagascar
for democracy and stability in their country.
 Somalia is a festering wound on the African
continent. Let us rise to the appeal that was made by
the President of the Transitional Federal Government
of Somalia to the Assembly a few days ago. He urged
us to assist the people of Somalia to join the
international movement for the achievement of peace,
the rule of law and the Millennium Development Goals
(see ).
 Planet Earth is the only world in which we can
live in shared prosperity and peace. In the wake of the
devastating effects of climate change, we all converged
in Copenhagen with optimism, but left with mixed
feelings following lack of international consensus and
the necessary political will. In the meantime, climate
change continues to wreak havoc, particularly in those
vulnerable developing countries that do not have the
means to adapt to or mitigate the impacts of global
warming. Lesotho signed the Copenhagen Accord
because we believed that it represented a step forward,
even though it did not fully satisfy our aspirations. It is
our hope that, the forthcoming Conference in Cancún,
Mexico, will achieve international consensus, leading
to a legally binding regime on the management of
climate change.
 The just-ended High-level Meeting on the
Millennium Development Goals confirmed to us that
the recent economic and financial downturn has
disrupted our strategies for achieving the Millennium
Development Goals by 2015. Despite this fact, we
appeal to our development partners to fulfil their

25 10-55122

official development assistance commitments to help
accelerate our progress in the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
 The world is still grappling with terrorism. For as
long as this menace exists, there will not be peace on
Earth. Terrorism knows no boundaries and does not
respect human life. There is neither a country nor an
individual who can claim immunity from terrorism.
Terrorist groups are benefiting from globalization by
decentralizing their operations, building new
partnerships with armed groups, and using advanced
technology to further their cause. This menace will not
be eradicated until we address the root causes, not the
symptoms, of terrorism.
 Religious intolerance is closely related to
terrorism. We must acknowledge that religious
tolerance is a prerequisite to international peace and
stability, and that the world’s diversity of cultures and
religions must be respected and tolerated, as it
represents the strength and collective heritage of
humankind. Cultivation of the culture of religious
tolerance must be inscribed high on the agenda of the
international community.
 One of the fundamental conditions for
maintaining international peace and security is our
commitment to the disarmament and non-proliferation
agenda. More than six decades after the founding of the
United Nations, disarmament sadly remains a major
challenge for the international community. Today we
see a steadily growing list of de facto nuclear-weapon
States. Proliferation of the weapons of mass
destruction must stop. So must the development of new
generations of nuclear weapons by nuclear-capable
States. We must strive for a nuclear-weapon-free
world. It is the responsibility of those States to stop
threatening the use of nuclear weapons as an option in
the pursuit of their foreign policy interests. Lesotho
will continue to join hands with all peace-loving
nations to support international disarmament and
non-proliferation regimes.
 While the international community has registered
some successes in consolidating peace in some parts of
the world, a significantly large number of conflicts
remain unresolved. Some of these conflicts are in
Africa. As African leaders, we purposefully declared
2010 as the Year of Peace and Security in Africa. We
resolved to find African solutions to African problems.
However, we have acknowledged our shortcomings in
terms of capacity in peacekeeping and peacebuilding.
Consequently, we look to the international community
to complement our efforts and resources in this regard.
Conflict-affected countries must also have the
necessary political will to accommodate and facilitate
legitimate external intervention that is intended to
resolve conflict. At the same time, they must not
abandon their primary responsibility as Governments
to protect all their citizens.
 In conclusion, it is my considered view that all
these challenges can be overcome, if we accept that the
United Nations is a place where a better and more
secure life for humankind must be championed. But its
structures should be reformed to efficiently fulfil this
noble mandate. Multilateral diplomacy should supplant
the traditional unilateral path in the resolution of
disputes. The United Nations must not be held hostage
to the desires of any single country or group of States.
Its actions should reflect as wide a consensus of
Member States as possible.
 Let us continue to reaffirm the central role of the
United Nations in global governance. Let us remember
that might can never be right and can never defeat
collective resolve. It is only then that collectively we
shall be able to promote progress and better standards
of life in larger freedom.


At the
outset, allow me to extend my congratulations and
those of the Togolese people to Mr. Joseph Deiss on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-fifth session and to wish him every success in the
accomplishment of his great task. My delegation will
spare no effort in working at his side towards the
successful achievement of his mandate. Like him, we
are firmly convinced that the values that lie at the heart
of the United Nations remain very relevant today to
successfully meeting the challenges facing humankind.
 I also congratulate his predecessor for his
invaluable efforts during his term of office to advance
the agenda of the General Assembly in many diverse
and different areas, in particular those of peace and
security, human rights and the development of our
nations.
 I would like to renew my personal support and
that of my country to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
for the dynamism he has shown over the course of the
past four years at the head of the United Nations. I also
take this opportunity to congratulate him on the
important report that he introduced to us yesterday on
the work of the Organization (A/65/1).
 The theme that the President of the General
Assembly has proposed for the current session,
“Reaffirming the central role of the United Nations in
global governance”, eloquently translates the
aspirations of our States, particularly the developing
countries. The theme implies that the United Nations
must remain at the heart of multilateralism and that the
institutions of our Organization must therefore be
reconsidered, beginning with the long-awaited reform
of the Security Council, in order to bring greater
democracy and equity and, above all, to respond more
effectively to the many challenges to our world.
 In its own search for better governance and the
well-being of its people, my country, Togo, has
tirelessly and irreversibly continued its march towards
greater democracy, freedom and justice in an
environment of peace and stability. Seeking to turn the
page once and for all on the dark years of our
democratic deficit, the Head of State has established a
new policy of openness. In August 2006, this
commendable initiative led to the signing of the
Comprehensive Political Agreement among the main
political actors in Togo and to the establishment of a
Government of national unity and the holding in
October 2007 of legislative elections that were
universally recognized as free and transparent and, for
the first time, without violence. These elections, which
established a pluralist National Assembly, are without a
doubt the emblem of our democratic renaissance.
 The Government has since initiated political and
economic reforms leading to the adoption of a statute
of the opposition and of a law on the financing of
political parties; the consensus appointment of
members of the National Independent Electoral
Commission; and the creation of a security force for
the presidential elections, the members of which are
trained according to universally recognized standards
and have maintained security throughout the electoral
process in an exemplary fashion. All of these efforts
naturally allowed Togo to hold, on 4 March 2010, a
presidential election that was democratic, peaceful and
widely praised by the international community.
 I reiterate here the profound gratitude of the
Government and people of Togo to all of our partners,

10-54965 42

to regional and international institutions, and to the
friendly countries that supported us throughout the
electoral process, making it a success and a good
example. Our gratitude goes to the United Nations for
its many forms of support throughout the process of
democratization and consolidation.
 I would also encourage the United Nations to
invest even more in preventive democracy by,
inter alia, beginning to envision mechanisms that could
lead all parties to accept the results of elections that are
recognized as credible and transparent by the
international community. That is a challenge we have
to take up, particularly in our young democracies, and
especially the African democracies, so that the post-
electoral period is no longer a nightmare or a source of
division among our peaceful populations.
 Notwithstanding his outstanding victory, and
faithful to his policy of reaching out to his opponents,
President Faure Gnassingbé appealed to all persons of
good will to take part in the building of the Togolese
nation. It was in this vein that an historic political
agreement was concluded in May between the
presidential majority and the Union des Forces de
Changement, the main opposition party in Togo, which,
with seven ministerial posts, has for the first time
joined a Government after 40 years of political
fighting.
 Moreover, the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation
Commission, which seeks to promote reconciliation
among the Togolese people by shedding light on the
political violence that took place in Togo between 1958
and 2005, is currently in the depositions phase. My
country will work tirelessly to consolidate the
achievements of democracy and peace, while devoting
increasing efforts and energy to the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in order to
bring human and sustainable development to the entire
population. Now that Togo has reconciled with itself, I
have faith in our capacity to fully renew our relations
with all of our bilateral and multilateral partners and to
open up new horizons in the vast field of solidarity that
is international cooperation.
 Although there are some positive signs of the
recovery of the world economy, it is no exaggeration to
say that the path to stabilization and the suppression of
the disturbing effects of the crisis is still long, perilous
and uncertain.
 The new problem of climate change has brought
in its wake catastrophes linked to rainfall phenomena,
such as floods, drought and landslides. Without a
doubt, all of these phenomena will have a negative
impact on global economic growth in general and,
more specifically, a tragic effect on the least developed
countries in particular. Despite this threat, we still
hesitate to reach agreement, as was demonstrated
recently by the Copenhagen Conference on innovative
and proactive strategies to significantly reduce
greenhouse gas emissions, on the one hand, and, on the
other hand, to pursue discussions to adopt as soon as
possible a schedule for concluding a new agreement to
succeed the Kyoto Protocol. The time for speeches is
over; the time to act is now.
 The High-level Plenary Meeting that we have just
held here on the implementation of the Millennium
Development Goals revealed once again the intrinsic
link between aid and development, on the one hand,
and development and political will, on the other, at the
national and international levels. The modest results
my country has achieved with respect to the MDGs
could have been better, and we would have been closer
to attaining them within the deadlines set if we had not
been deprived for far too many years of the precious
help afforded by development aid.
 The peaceful political climate being enjoyed by
my country will also enable us to effectively pursue the
improvement of the management of our public finances
so that we are able to devote more domestic resources
to achieving the MDGs. However, the efforts
undertaken by poor countries to consolidate the bases
of sustainable development will be a genuine success
only if developed countries provide them with their
various forms of assistance and if they honour their
commitments. Let us not close our eyes to this fact. We
need better aid in terms of quantity and quality.
 Although the international community can
welcome the fact that the number of armed conflicts in
the world has fallen, we cannot forget that several
peacekeeping operations of the United Nations are still
under way. That is undeniable proof that we are still far
from the ideal of international peace and security that
the founding fathers of the United Nations envisaged.
Civil wars and terrorism continue to plunge many
families into mourning throughout the world. More
than wars, terrorism today is the most murderous form
of violence inflicted upon people because it attacks
indiscriminately, killing children, men, women and the

43 10-54965

elderly. The eradication of terrorism in all its forms is a
long-term task and the responsibility above all of
States and the international community acting in
solidarity. They are obligated to find the best way to
fight this phenomenon. In this regard, prevention,
protection, prosecution and punishment, as well as
international cooperation, must remain the main focus
of State action.
 While Member States struggle to find a definition
of terrorism in order to better fight it, the scourge is
affecting an increasing number of countries because of
the support that terrorists receive, particularly from
drug trafficking networks. In West Africa, all leaders
have become aware of the threat posed by drug
trafficking and are engaged in a fight to the death
against the phenomenon. I call on wealthy countries to
help fight drug trafficking in my subregion in order to
prevent it from becoming an unstable zone of
unrestrained violence.
 The purposes and principles for which the United
Nations Organization was created are noble, but
65 years after its birth the work that remains to be done
is immense because the social situation of the
inhabitants of the planet does not always follow the
development that our world has achieved. Poverty and
destitution are not mere words; they are oppressive
realities experienced day by day. They lead to violence,
instability, conflicts and other scourges that we, today,
are not fighting successfully. Only international
solidarity will allow us to overcome the evils of this
world.


This great body has been
in existence for two thirds of a century — three times
longer than its predecessor body, the League of
Nations, and longer than previous attempts to fashion a
continuing collective approach to the common
problems of nation States. The question we must ask
ourselves today is whether the United Nations remains
effective in confronting the challenges of our time.
 The United Nations was established in the grim
aftermath of the two deadliest conflicts in human
history, in which close to 80 million people were killed
and entire families and almost entire generations lost
for all time. The world came together out of necessity.
There had to be a better way, and in the decades since
we first met at San Francisco, we have managed to
avoid another world war, although at times that seemed
less than certain.
 Today, we are faced with a different set of
challenges and in different strategic, political and
economic circumstances. We now live in a world that is
more multipolar and more interconnected than ever
before. We are confronted with the double-edged sword
of globalization. The transformation of the global
economy has increased living standards and lifted
many hundreds of millions out of poverty.
 At the same time, the increased interdependence
of global financial markets ensured that no country
connected to the world economy was spared the impact
of the global financial crisis. Furthermore, the rapid
transformation of global communications and the
radical increase in global people movements have
improved the well-being of all humankind. But equally,
they have created or at least amplified a new set of
security threats to all humankind: pandemic diseases,
transnational organized crime and the continuing threat
of global terrorism. There is also the global challenge
of climate change. The unconstrained carbon emissions
of one State impact on the long-term survival of all
States. Climate change respects no national or
geographic boundaries and thus simultaneously
demands both national and integrated global responses.
 So two thirds of a century after our formation, we
the United Nations now face increasingly complex
global challenges in an increasingly fragmented world
and a much more contested international space. These
new global realities create an imperative for
responsive, representative and, most critically,
effective systems of global governance.
 If we fail to make the United Nations work and to
make its institutions relevant to the great challenges we
all now face, the uncomfortable fact is that the United
Nations will become a hollow shell. Nation States may
retain its form, but will increasingly seek to go around
it and deploy other mechanisms to achieve real results.
 And that is the question we all face today. It is a
question of our collective political will to make the
existing institutions work and combine the existing and
unique legitimacy of the United Nations system with a
new-found effectiveness on security, development and
climate change.
 The United Nations has most of the essential
structures in place, but if the structures are to work we
must harness the political will necessary to make them
work. In other words, we must enable the institutions
we have created to do the job for which they were
created. Put even more starkly, we must do that which
we say. If we have a Conference on Disarmament, it
should do disarmament — not pretend. If we have a
convention on climate change, it must do the job to
tackle climate change — not just talk about it, and
similarly with development. Otherwise, the credibility
of the United Nations in the eyes of the world and our
own citizens will eventually collapse. The international
community can no longer tolerate the actions of a few
dissenting States to roadblock the common resolve of
the many.
 The international community faces the continuing
challenge of international terrorism. Terrorism knows
no geographic or political boundaries. We are now in
the tenth year since terrorists launched their murderous
attack on this great city of New York. The threat of
international terrorism remains alive. It continues to
challenge civilized norms, to generate fear and
insecurity, and to take innocent civilian lives in many
parts of the world.

41 10-55103

 The outlawing of terrorist organizations under the
provisions of the relevant Security Council resolutions,
together with the individual and cooperative measures
taken by Member States, reflect the unprecedented
levels of international collaboration in responding to
the worldwide threat of terrorism.
 As part of the effort to combat terrorism, many
Member States have their armed forces and other
personnel committed to Afghanistan, again sanctioned
by Security Council resolutions. These brave soldiers,
police officers and aid workers, representing so many
of the countries represented here in the General
Assembly, including Australia, remain in Afghanistan
following many years of conflict.
 The result is that Afghanistan no longer
represents an unimpeded base for the global operations
of terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaida. The result
is also that we are all contributing to the security and
stability of Afghanistan as a nation. This has been a
difficult war, but our collective resolve is strong
enough to prevent Afghanistan from once again
becoming a base for the export of terrorism.
 Beyond Afghanistan, terrorism continues to
remain a threat to people of all faiths and civilizations.
We must remain nationally and internationally vigilant
against the possibility of further terrorist attacks. The
threat remains real.
 We must equally be concerned about the
continued challenge of nuclear proliferation. Violations
of the non-proliferation regime by States such as the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran
represent a potent and potential threat to us all. It is for
this reason that Australia provides robust support to the
United Nations sanctions regime against both the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran.
 The United Nations has played a critical role in
promoting the goal of a world without nuclear
weapons. Non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament
are mutually reinforcing processes and cannot be
separated.
 Australia’s activism on arms control and
disarmament remains undiminished. And there remains
much urgent work to be done. In 1996, Australia
sponsored the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
in this Assembly to ensure its adoption. Since then,
182 States have signed the Treaty and 153 have ratified
it. Nine more States are needed to ratify in order for the
Treaty to enter into force. Australia welcomes recent
statements by Indonesia and the United States
concerning their intention to ratify the Treaty, and we
would urge all States that to date have failed to indicate
their intention to ratify the Treaty to do so in order to
enable it to enter into force.
 The most recent Treaty on the Non-proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) Review Conference was
held earlier this year. Australia and Japan worked
closely together in the lead-up to the Conference,
including through the jointly sponsored report of the
International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation
and Disarmament (ICNND), prepared by the former
Foreign Minister of Australia, Gareth Evans, and his
Japanese counterpart, Yoriko Kawaguchi. This
significant report provided substantial momentum in
the lead-up to the Review Conference. We believe that
the Evans-Kawaguchi report of the ICNND also
represents the most comprehensive, practical and
contemporary blueprint for the international
community to both consider and adopt a
comprehensive arms control and non-proliferation
agenda.
 The Review Conference agreed by consensus on
64 sets of actions. And Australia and Japan took the
initiative this week in New York to jointly host a cross-
regional meeting of Foreign Ministers, with the aim of
working towards the implementation of those 64
actions. The potential catastrophe of nuclear conflict
means that the status quo is not an option. We must
move ahead with the negotiation of a fissile material
cut-off treaty, and we must ensure that the United
Nations disarmament machinery is doing its job.
 On the wider question of security, the Australian
Government, under Prime Minister Gillard, warmly
welcomes the statement to this Assembly by the
President of the United States concerning his efforts to
achieve a comprehensive, just and sustainable peace in
the Middle East (see ). Australia’s position
remains constant: such a settlement must allow both
Israel and a future Palestinian State to live side by side
in peace and security. Australia calls on all parties to
put their shoulders to the wheel, to seize the historic
opportunity that now presents itself to bring about a
lasting peace. All States members of the General
Assembly should welcome the prospect of both an
Israeli and a Palestinian State being represented at the
sixty-sixth session of the Assembly, to be held next
year.

10-55103 42

 Over the past several years, Australia has
promoted the concept of an Asia-Pacific community
involving the active membership in the future
architecture of our region of both the United States and
the Russian Federation. Australia therefore welcomes
the imminent membership of the United States and
Russia in the East Asia Summit. The East Asia Summit
leaders will take this historic decision in Hanoi in
October. Australia, as a founding member of the East
Asia Summit, looks forward to contributing to the
evolution of this wider sense of community across this,
the most dynamic region of the world.
 On questions of wider human security, Australia
remains fully engaged on international and regional
challenges, including irregular movements of people,
organized crime and people-smuggling.
 The most immediate and pressing threat to the
physical security of Australia’s wider region lies in the
scourge of natural disasters. The Asia-Pacific region
has seen tsunamis, earthquakes, volcanoes and floods
on a massive scale. Australia proposes that the
international community consider afresh our capacity
to respond rapidly, coherently and proportionately to
large-scale natural disasters.
 Within our own region, Australia argues that this
would also represent an effective benefit to the peoples
and countries of our region, which are particularly
prone to natural disasters. It would also in time
constitute a valuable confidence- and security-building
measure among the armed forces, emergency services
and security agencies of the various nation-States of
the Asia Pacific. The magnitude of what I witnessed
last week when I was in Pakistan underlines the
importance of better planning, preparation and
coordination to deal with natural disasters on a mass
scale. We cannot afford simply to wait for another such
disaster to occur before realizing that the resources of
the United Nations and its agencies are simply
incapable of meeting challenges of such an order of
magnitude.
 The challenges to global economic stability
remain significant. The full impact of the global
financial crisis is not yet clear. There are still systemic
problems within the global financial system. These
must be dealt with through the appropriate national and
international institutions if we are to remove the
underlying causes of the crisis that began in the United
States in September 2008 and then proceeded to ravage
the economies and the working people of the world.
 Beyond the specific reforms necessary in the
global financial system, the parallel problem of global
financial imbalances must also be addressed. These
have formed part of the Group of 20 (G-20) agenda, in
which Australia is active. The objectives of the
Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced
Growth agreed to by the G-20 States at their Pittsburgh
summit in September 2009 remain essential and must
be implemented if we are to act on the causes of the
recent crisis.
 Last December, the nations of the world
assembled in Copenhagen for the Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Australia was an
active participant at Copenhagen. Together with a
number of other States, Australia worked tirelessly to
produce the Copenhagen Accord. The Accord did not
represent all that the international community needed
then in order to bring about a comprehensive response
to the continuing challenge of climate change. It did,
however, represented four significant advances.
 For the first time, the Accord entrenched 2°C or
less as the limit beyond which global temperatures
could not be allowed to rise in order to avoid
irretrievable climate change for the planet.
 For the first time, both developed and developing
countries accepted that they had responsibilities to
bring about this outcome.
 For the first time, developed and developing
countries agreed to develop a framework for the
measurement, reporting and verification of mitigation
actions.
 And for the first time, developed countries
committed themselves to mobilizing an amount
approaching $30 billion in international public
financing for immediate action in developing countries
to 2012, and to work towards a goal of mobilizing
$100 billion annually by 2020 in funding from all
sources.
 Much, however, remains to be done. Australia
believes the international community must urgently
address the particular climate-change adaptation needs
of the world’s most vulnerable States, in particular the
island countries of the Pacific, the Caribbean and the
Indian Ocean.

43 10-55103

 One significant area of progress in the period
ahead lies in the proper protection, preservation and
reforestation of the world’s rainforests. Collectively,
rainforest degradation and deforestation in developing
countries represents about one fifth of global
greenhouse gas emissions. Australia stands ready to act
with other States, including Norway, to build on the
work already done, in order to achieve an effective
outcome in this area as rapidly as possible. The
international community needs to see an early sign of
real success in our international efforts to combat
climate change. We believe that action on rainforests,
through what is called the REDD-plus set of
initiatives — on reducing emissions from deforestation
and forest degradation in developing countries —
represents one such area of possible early advance.
 Australia is now active on both the Secretary-
General’s High-level Panels, on global sustainability
and on climate change finance. This, added to our
continued participation in the UNFCCC, means that
Australia will continue to be among the most globally
active States in global forums for bringing about a
comprehensive and effective global response to climate
change. In doing so, the Governments of the world will
have to closely consider new growth models that
incorporate both the concept and the reality of lower-
carbon economies.
 For the economies of the world, this
transformation — which some have called the next
industrial revolution — also represents an
unprecedented opportunity for investment and
employment as the global economy embraces new
efficiency measures and new renewable energy
strategies. The international community needs to
embrace a new way of looking at climate change,
which sees action on climate change providing new
industries, new investment and new job opportunities
for the future.
 All Governments represented in the Assembly
participated in the High-level Plenary Meeting on the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Australia
fully embraces the MDG framework.
 This week, in New York, we said that our aid
programme has doubled over the last five years and is
projected to double again by 2015. Over time, more of
our aid will go to the least developed countries, and we
will continue to give high priority to assisting the
world’s small island States, particularly our Pacific
neighbours, in recognition of their special needs.
 We expect to invest some $5 billion in education
by 2015, including support for universal primary
education. Australia also expects to invest at least
$1.6 billion in women’s and children’s health up to
2015.
 Australia applauds the initiative to create a new
institution entitled UN Women, under the capable
leadership of the new Under-Secretary-General,
Michelle Bachelet, former President of Chile. Australia
looks forward to working with UN Women on the vast
array of challenges which half of humanity faces and
for which our existing international frameworks have
been found wanting. The education of women and girls
and the security of women and girls from violence and
sexual abuse and exploitation must now become a core
part of our global campaign for a fairer world.
 Human rights abuses and humanitarian crises in
failing States continue to plague us. We must enhance
the negotiations on the responsibility to protect and
support the mandate of the International Criminal
Court. We must also continue to speak out against
flagrant abuses.
 Often it is the indigenous peoples of the world
who suffer most. I am proud of Australia’s apology to
our own indigenous peoples and our policy of closing
the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous
Australians. I am also proud of Australia’s support for
the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Australia is making a major effort in the treatment of
our indigenous peoples, although we still have a long
way to go.
 Australia is a founding Member of the United
Nations. We have been active in this institution for the
last 65 years.
 We are also a candidate for the Security Council
for the 2013-2014 term. Australia has contributed
65,000 of our number to 52 different peacekeeping
missions across the world. We remain active in several
such peace operations today, including in Cyprus,
Sudan, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan.
 Over the years, Australia has a led a number of
significant United Nations initiatives, including the
Cambodia peace settlement and the conclusion of the
Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty and the Chemical
Weapons Convention, as well as leading the force that

10-55103 44

stabilized Timor-Leste after its people voted for
independence.
 Australia remains intimately engaged in all the
funds, programmes and specialized agencies of the
United Nations. We are also active in other
international institutions, including the
Commonwealth.
 Australia is the twelfth largest source of funding
for the United Nations budget. Australia pays in full
and on time. We always seek to do that which we say
we will do.
 Australia wants to be part of the solution to the
many challenges that the international community now
faces, not just point to the problems. Australia believes
in the power of creative ideas and active diplomacy to
solve long-standing international problems. Australia
values good international citizenship. It is for these
reasons that Australia has been committed to the
United Nations since the very beginning.
 The United Nations is inevitably imperfect. As
the Organization’s second Secretary-General — the
great Swede, Dag Hammarskjöld — famously said,
“The United Nations was not created in order to bring
us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell”.
 Our responsibility today is to fulfil the vision that
our forebears had for this great institution 65 years
ago. Our responsibility is to make the United Nations
fulfil its mission — to make the United Nations work
through the combined political will of all Member
States.


I would first like to congratulate you, President Deiss,
on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at it sixty-fifth session. I wish you every
success.
 For Kyrgyzstan, 2010 has been a year of
profound changes and serious challenges to our
continued existence, unity and statehood. In April,
having overthrown the authoritarian system of State
governance, with its flagrant corruption and illegality,
the Kyrgyz people resolutely chose a path to renewal
and genuine democratic development.
 Nevertheless, in May and June, the world
witnessed acutely destabilizing situations in the south
of Kyrgyzstan, where radical forces of the former
Government and criminal and extremist groups sought
revenge. Accordingly, they provoked bloody clashes

41 10-55122

between Kyrgyz and Uzbek communities, who have
lived and worked in peace side by side for centuries.
 Those extremist forces insidiously played the
ethnic card by knowingly exploiting the precariousness
of such socio-economic problems as poverty, high
unemployment — especially among youth — corruption
and unequal access to economic and financial resources,
which were ignored by the former Government.
In that difficult period, the interim Government
succeeded in consolidating all positive and patriotic
forces among the people. With the assistance of the
international community, the interim Government was
able to stabilize the situation and thereby prevent a
return to the past.
 On 27 June, a new Constitution was adopted by
national referendum that provided the basis for
parliamentary Government in the country. Today, we
can in good conscience declare that all the necessary
political, economic and organizational conditions have
been established for the holding of transparent
parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan on 10 October
2010. Kyrgyzstan has a unique opportunity to build a
truly democratic parliamentary State based on the rule
of law and human rights. I am confident that the people
of Kyrgyzstan will show wisdom and a high level of
political involvement and not miss this chance.
 In order to move successfully along the path of
democratic development and prevent future political
and socio-economic disturbances, we intend to
thoroughly analyse the origins and reasons behind the
apparent conflicts that took place in our country in the
past year, and more specifically over the past six
months.
 At present a State commission to investigate the
reasons for the conflict is at work. The commission
consists of prominent political activists, scientists and
experts, of Kyrgyz, Uzbek and other nationalities that
make up multinational Kyrgyzstan. An international
independent commission has also begun its work,
supported by the United Nations, the European Union,
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE) and Nordic countries. We should
identify the organizers of the bloody clashes, seek what
lessons can be learned, try to comprehend and
eradicate the causes of friction and seek ways to reach
inter-ethnic accord in the society.
 But most important, the realization of the tragic
and futile nature of the results of extremist actions
must become established in the minds of the peoples of
the various ethnic communities living in Kyrgyzstan.
An unshakable commitment to national unity and
nationhood must become the cohesive element and
uniting force in the country.
 We are expanding the various forms of
cooperation with regional international organizations in
order to further stabilize the situation in Kyrgyzstan.
Thus, with a view to rendering assistance to law
enforcement staff and restoring confidence between
people and local administrations, the negotiations on
engaging the OSCE police advisory group are
concluding. In line with agreements reached, the
partner countries of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization render procurement and advisory
assistance.
 The Kyrgyz Republic highly appreciates the
position and actions of the leadership of the Republic
of Uzbekistan, and of President Islam Karimov
personally, in stabilizing the situation in the south of
our country, especially in the first days of the unrest.
We are also grateful for the support and invaluable
assistance rendered by the Government of that
brotherly country to citizens of Kyrgyzstan displaced
into Uzbekistan, and for facilitating their return.
 We are sincerely grateful to all those who
responded to the call for help and assistance in the
framework of the flash appeal for Kyrgyzstan launched
by the United Nations, and also for comprehensive
support provided on a bilateral basis.
 The immediate humanitarian assistance from
friendly countries, international organizations and
agencies and United Nations institutions has been vital
in stabilizing the crisis situation and overcoming the
destructive consequences of a humanitarian
catastrophe. As of today we have received 40 per cent
of the required help within the framework of the
appeal. It is obviously not sufficient, given the urgent
need of the population on the streets of the affected
cities and settlements. People still need housing, the
wounded need medical care, and schools and social
service buildings need to be rebuilt.

10-55122 42

 At present our Government is focusing its basic
efforts on post-conflict reconstruction of the country’s
social and economic infrastructure, especially in the
southern regions. Therefore, timely and practical
implementation of commitments made at the donor
conference on Kyrgyzstan held in Bishkek this July is
extremely important.
 Kyrgyzstan supports the position of Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon, stated on 23 September at the
Security Council Summit (see S/PV.6389), on
strengthening the role of the United Nations in
responding to humanitarian catastrophes and resolving
crisis situations.
 The establishment of the United Nations Regional
Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia was
an important and necessary step on the part of the
United Nations. We consider it essential to expand and
strengthen its operations, which will allow it to
implement a package of preventive measures and to
activate mediation services. We also welcome the
launch of a counter-terrorism strategy for the Central
Asian region and are ready to strengthen cooperation
aimed at adoption of a joint action plan by 2011.
 The Security Council summit prompts us to
consider more seriously the problem of terrorism. The
events of June of this year in the Kyrgyz Republic —
when various terrorists groups attempted to enter the
territory of Kyrgyzstan by mountain paths from
neighbouring countries — testify to the presence of
real threats of terrorism to the peace and security of the
States bordering Afghanistan.
 Terrorist groups joining forces with drug barons
and other criminal elements is a great concern. Such
combustible hybrids should be eliminated by the most
drastic measures. Therefore, the Kyrgyz State drug
control agency, which was liquidated a year ago, has
recently been restored. As we intensify our efforts in
the fight against illegal drug trafficking, we are
extremely interested in furthering a strategic
programme for the countries of Central Asia to oppose
illegal drug trafficking and fighting international
crime. We must further strengthen the activity of the
Central Asian Regional Information and Coordination
Centre in fighting illegal trafficking of psychotropic
substances and their precursors under the aegis of the
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.
 The action plan of the European Union and the
Central Asian countries for 2009-2013 should become
an important part of international efforts to fight illegal
drug trafficking, along with coordinated actions within
the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent
States and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. We
continually call upon the United Nations to improve
coordination of the fights against drug trafficking and
transnational organized crime.
 In Afghanistan, the fragile process of
peacekeeping and reconciliation and the development
of the institutional structures are points of special
concern. The recent parliamentary elections in that
country inspire some optimism about strengthening
civil society and creating a parliament of national
unity. The construction of a stable economy and
effective support of Afghanistan’s State institutions
will serve as the basis for a durable peace in that
country and will reduce the threat to security in the
Central Asian region. Kyrgyzstan supports
international programmes for Afghanistan’s economic
reconstruction and is ready to contribute material and
personnel and to work closely with the anti-terrorist
coalition.
 The Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference
last May demonstrated the possibility of achieving an
understanding in the critical sphere of nuclear
disarmament. My country is also contributing to that
effort. Kyrgyzstan has been designated as the
depositary of the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free
Zone in Central Asia. Thus it promotes regional
security while broadening collaboration with other
nuclear-weapon-free zones.
 The ecological dimension is a special feature of
the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central
Asia. That is because there remains a large quantity of
uranium tailings in Kyrgyzstan, which poses a serious
risk to human life and to the environment in general.
On this matter, we are grateful to the United Nations
Development Programme for its increased attention to
those zones of high ecological risk and for conducting
an international meeting in 2009.
 We would like to call delegates’ attention to item
97 (i) on the Assembly’s agenda for this session,
entitled “Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone
in Central Asia”, and we ask them to support it.
 United Nations peacekeeping operations are a key
tool in preserving and maintaining peace on our planet.
Kyrgyzstan is the only country in the region that is
contributing more than 30 peacekeepers to United

43 10-55122

Nations missions in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean,
and it is ready to increase its participation in United
Nations peacekeeping operations.
 The delegation of Kyrgyzstan has repeatedly
come out in favour of fully optimizing the management
of peacekeeping operations. It supports the
comprehensive strategy for field support and its
reform, as documented in “A New Partnership Agenda:
Charting a New Horizon for UN Peacekeeping”. We
are convinced of the vital importance of involving such
authoritative regional organizations as the European
Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe and the Collective Security Treaty
Organization in peacekeeping activities and post-
conflict reconstruction.
 Kyrgyzstan is devoted to the purposes and tasks
of strengthening international peace and security, and,
as a candidate for non-permanent membership on the
Security Council, is ready to contribute to the cause of
peace, especially by participating in the work of the
Council and its committees.
 We wish to focus the Assembly’s attention on the
issues of environmental safety and hydropower. Recent
studies have confirmed the loss of more than 20 per
cent of Kyrgyzstan’s glaciers and snowfields, which
requires urgent efforts to preserve our river headwaters
and restore our forests. Kyrgyzstan is interested in the
rational exploitation of its resources, an attractive
investment climate, preserving ecological security and
developing alternative energy sources. We need to
launch regional projects within the framework of the
Central Asia/South Asia Regional Electricity Market,
starting with the construction of a Kyrgyzstan-
Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan electric power line.
 We pledge our full support to developing concrete
measures at the forthcoming sixteenth Climate Change
Conference in Cancún in November. Among the
practical steps to be taken in this area, I will mention
that the forthcoming International Conference of
Mountain Countries, on climate change, to be held in
Kathmandu, will be making broad proposals for the
Cancún meeting.
 Kyrgyzstan is studying significant projects on
sustainable development and supports Mr. László
Borbély in his work for the nineteenth session of the
Commission on Sustainable Development. Our
imperative is achieving the agenda of the twenty-first
century and making the Johannesburg Plan of Action a
reality.
 In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that the
activity of the United Nations must respond fully to the
expectations of people throughout the planet and that
we, countries both small and large, must not forget the
responsibility we bear for our actions. I also wish for
all the wisdom and courage that will help us in
achieving the enduring purposes and values of our
Organization in building a better peace.


The
beginning of the sixty-fifth session of the General
Assembly coincides with the preparations of the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), chaired by my
country, to celebrate 50 years of achievements. During
those years, the Movement has greatly helped to
reinforce international and multilateral action under
changing regional and international circumstances. The
Movement’s work over those years has demonstrated
the ability of developing countries to contribute
effectively to the maintenance of international peace
and security, make progress in development, and
promote human rights, basic freedoms and the
furtherance of good governance at the international
level.

37 10-55103

 This week’s NAM ministerial meeting represents
the point of departure for a major celebration, to be
hosted by Indonesia in April or May 2011. The meeting
will chart a clear and integrated future course, drawing
on past achievements as an impetus for future
endeavours. It will define the elements of the
Movement’s future commitment to greater openness
towards and interaction with the international
community, in the context of fairness and mutual
interest, to ensure that the aspirations and hopes of our
countries and peoples are met.
 Egypt appreciates the main theme that the
President proposed for discussion at this session.
Global governance touches on many political,
economic and social issues. Egypt believes that the
elected organs of the United Nations should handle the
principal tasks in that area. We must all ensure that the
United Nations discharges such roles effectively and
wisely.
 In the political field, for example, it is no longer
acceptable for permanent membership of the Security
Council, the main organ entrusted with maintaining
international peace and security, to continue to operate
under obsolete rules of an era long past. Similarly, it is
unacceptable for the work of the Council or its
mechanisms to continue to be characterized by a lack
of transparency or balance.
 A serious approach to current historic challenges
requires more balanced, conscious and responsible
management of this core issue. The Security Council
has made numerous grave mistakes, resulting in the
loss of innocent lives. Many resolutions that have been
blocked by the Council would have corrected the
disparities, returned rights to victims and restored the
confidence of world public opinion in the Council’s
performance and impartiality.
 Turning to the economic sphere, we note that the
United Nations, and even the key Bretton Woods
international financial institutions, no longer lead in
managing the top international economic issues. Other
international bodies are now beginning to assume that
role.
 At its summit last year, the Group of 20 declared
itself the forum to coordinate global economic policy.
Such a development prompts us to be cautious of its
repercussions, since that forum or any other assuming
such a responsibility should have the geographical
representation necessary to ensure the fair airing of all
trends and approaches prevailing in the international
community. It must also ensure fair participation in
formulating policy and in providing a balanced
approach to current challenges. Marginalization is no
longer acceptable. Countries of the South have rights
and must have a voice and participate in any forum that
deals with the international situation.
 Egypt will continue its tireless work to achieve
the wider and more balanced participation of the
developing world in international economic decision-
making. Our world has experienced successive years of
poor economic performance and stubborn crises. That
has aggravated the current inequities and heightened
the challenges faced by all countries, developing
countries in particular. It requires us all to support
coordinated and joint action to address the
shortcomings and inequities and to achieve sustainable
and balanced global growth.
 In that context, we welcome the outcome of the
recent High-level Plenary Meeting of the General
Assembly on the Millennium Development Goals, at
which the delegation of Egypt expressed its view on
the Goals and the extent to which we will be able to
achieve them. We hope that the conclusions of the
summit will provide us with the necessary momentum
to speed up the achievement of the Goals ahead of the
final review in 2015.
 The fact that Egypt is part of the Islamic world is
common knowledge. We feel the pain of Muslims
wherever they are. We share their joys and
celebrations; we grieve with them and we feel their
pain. There is no doubt that regrettable and appalling
incidents against Muslims and Islam are increasingly
frequent, and systematic in certain cases. They have
ranged from attacks on the symbols and sanctities of
the faith to the harassment of Muslims. In general, we
find the West being drawn into a clash with the Muslim
world. Such a clash would serve no one except
extremists and those who hold perverse ideas on both
sides. It would not be in the interest of security and
stability in the world. It would not be in the interests of
moderates. In such a clash, the winner is a loser and
the victor is defeated.
 Need I remind this gathering of the need for
coordinated action among the influential advocates of
religious, civilizational and cultural moderation in
order to eliminate the threat before it becomes more
ominous and destroys much of everything? We can no

10-55103 38

longer accept pretexts to condone practices against
Islam and its followers — such as the right to freedom
of expression — which are surprisingly naïve,
excessive in essence and offensive in nature.
 Egypt will continue to do its utmost at the
political, cultural and religious levels to address such
threats. We call on all countries, in particular
Governments, to play their part in highlighting the
potential horror of a terrible clash of faiths and
civilizations. We call on them to spread a culture of
enlightenment based on tolerance, respect for
differences and the renunciation of fanaticism, hatred
and zealotry. Laws must be enacted to protect
minorities and their beliefs from the aggression of
extremists and promoters of strife.
 With regard to matters of international peace and
security, disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation are
priorities on Egypt’s agenda. Only a few months ago,
the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons successfully
concluded its work. It adopted an important document
on the Middle East that included an action plan and
measures to implement the 1995 resolution on the
Middle East. Egypt will closely follow all steps taken
to implement that plan, including the serious
preparations for the 2012 conference.
 Once again, let me reiterate Egypt’s position that
adopting double standards on the question of
non-proliferation will result in a continued threat to
world stability. In the Middle East particularly, we note
increasing efforts to add to the commitments of
non-nuclear-weapon States that are signatories to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,
while the need for the Treaty to become universal in
our region and for all nuclear installations in the
Middle East to be subjected to the comprehensive
safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy
Agency is disregarded. This uncomfortable situation is
a source of concern to us. We will work with all like-
minded parties to address and redress this situation in
relevant international forums.
 Year after year, we return to the United Nations
to debate the question of Palestine and the ongoing
Arab-Israeli conflict. Every year, our words swing
between the hope for a complete but unrealized
breakthrough, and the fear of a deterioration and an
explosion that would compound the pain and suffering
of the Palestinian people and aggravate the dangers of
overreaching extremism, militancy and violence faced
by our region.
 This year is no different. It is true that there is
hope in the wake of the start of direct negotiations
between the Palestinian and Israeli sides; however,
chances for success remain slim. Despite the agony of
the road to negotiations, Egypt believes that their
relaunch may represent an important opportunity that
should not be squandered.
 It is important for the Israeli side to realize that
negotiations are not an end in themselves. They are
neither a game nor a waste of time. A serious approach
must be the basis and distinguishing mark of the
negotiating process. Without the required seriousness
and credibility, the process will soon lose the little
support it enjoys from the public on both sides. Egypt
believes that these negotiations should seek to end the
Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and the
implementation of the two-State solution through the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with
East Jerusalem as its capital and its borders based on
the lines of 1967, as has been confirmed by the United
States, the sponsor of the negotiations, and the
international Quartet on all occasions and mentioned
by President Obama a few days ago.
 During the first round of negotiations in
Washington, D.C., and later in Sharm el-Sheikh, we
heard Israel’s assurances of its commitment to the
required seriousness. Therefore, we call on the Israeli
side to take the difficult and necessary decisions, as
President Mubarak said two days ago, to achieve a just
political settlement that would allow the peoples and
countries of the region to transcend decades of conflict,
victimization and wasted resources.
 There is no doubt that a freeze in Israeli
settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian
territories has become a major factor in determining
the intentions of the Israeli side and its level of
commitment to the success of the negotiations. Should
Israel fail in its commitment to prolong the moratorium
on its settlement activities, it would expose the
negotiation process to collapse and bear full
responsibility before regional and world public
opinion, as well as the sponsor, for wasting a valuable
opportunity afforded by a major United States effort.
Israel would also bear responsibility for any negative
consequences. Were Israel to pass this test, we would
look forward to a quick resolution by both parties of

39 10-55103

the question of borders between them. The solutions in
this respect are known to all. Settling the matter of
borders would enable us to take important steps
towards settling the conflict as a whole.
 Egypt also supports any serious effort to resume
direct negotiations on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks
in a way that would allow both countries to regain their
occupied territories and consequently reach a
comprehensive peace, implement the Arab Peace
Initiative and end the Arab-Israeli conflict once and for
all.
 Brotherly Sudan is currently facing the most
difficult juncture since its independence. In addition to
developments in Darfur, the referendum on self-
determination for Southern Sudan is drawing near.
Egypt follows this situation with the greatest interest,
given our common border with that country. Our
interest is based not only on the close brotherly
relations between our two peoples, but also on our
anticipation of any possible consequences of the
referendum. Egypt will pursue its efforts to preserve
the unity of the Sudan as long as that is the choice of
the majority in that country. But if the wish of the
Southern Sudanese, who are also our brothers, were
any different, Egypt would respect the outcome and
work with all parties in the interests of development
and stability.
 The security of the Arab Gulf is one of Egypt’s
major concerns and foreign policy priorities. Apart
from our age-old relations, Egypt understands that it is
of strategic importance for its Arab brethren in the
Gulf. Egypt will therefore continue to work with the
Gulf Cooperation Council countries for the
maintenance of Arab national security in the region and
to ensure that any security arrangements reached are in
consonance with the requirements and concerns of
Arab countries.
 Egypt affirms the urgent need to reach a political
settlement on the Iranian nuclear issue, especially since
its dangerous escalation would threaten an eruption of
the situation that could endanger peace and stability in
that vital region of the world. While it is true that
threats against a State member of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference are not acceptable, we
nevertheless ask Iran to refrain from any measure that
could exacerbate the situation in the region, and
specifically in the Gulf area, and lead to a
confrontation with different forces in the international
community. All parties must adhere to negotiations as a
way to a peaceful, political settlement of this issue.
Such a settlement would guarantee Iran’s legitimate
right to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and enable
the international community to verify that Iran is in
compliance with its obligations under the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. No evidence
has yet been seen to suggest otherwise.
 The southern strait of the Red Sea is an area of
strategic importance for Egypt. It leads to the Suez
Canal, a vital waterway at the centre of the world.
Securing this critically important area is at the heart of
Egyptian interests. On that basis, Egypt has
participated extensively in all international efforts to
combat piracy off the Somali coast and in the Arabian
Sea and the Indian Ocean. Egypt has also provided
support to some countries of the region in areas such as
the development of coast guard capacity, raising
awareness about the prevention of piracy, and the
implementation of a media and communications
strategy to combat piracy. In the same vein, continued
fratricidal fighting in Somalia has consequences for
stability in the Horn of Africa and, as such, remains a
source of concern to us.
 Egypt is pursuing its efforts, including in
outreach, to further raise international interest in
Somalia with a view to achieving a ceasefire and
proceeding to a comprehensive and peaceful political
settlement. Such a settlement will be conditional on the
existence of the political will of the Somali parties to
achieve peace and on the commitment of external
parties to refrain from interfering in Somali affairs
while seriously participating in efforts to achieve a
political settlement.
 In conclusion, Egypt is a country of many
civilizations, features and characteristic, from its Arab
nationalist to its deep-rooted Islamic and Coptic
identities, and from the genuine African to the
historical Mediterranean. All have intermingled over
the years and left their mark on Egypt’s foreign policy.
All these influences define our overlapping interests
and guide our thinking and action in addressing
problems and crises.
 Egypt will continue to work for the achievement
of peace and stability in the Middle East and the world.
It will do its utmost for the well-being of its people,
nation and region. We will continue the struggle for
balanced and sustainable development. We will also

10-55103 40

pursue our serious work for the benefit of the countries
of the South.
 Our delegation looks forward to working with
Members in a spirit of openness to ensure the
successful outcome of this session. We extend our hand
to all countries, with an open mind and a sincere desire
to achieve the international agenda before us.


It is an honour to
lead New Zealand’s delegation this year. The opening
of the General Assembly’s new session is the best
example there is of the capacity of the United Nations
to bring us all together. Our discussions here will be
wide-ranging, but inevitably settle on two main issues:
global security and sustainable economic development.
 We want to make our world safer, more secure
and more prosperous. These goals will require strong
collective action with a focus on practical outcomes.
New Zealand is seeking every opportunity to
contribute. We are a young, small and fair-minded
country. We depend upon a United Nations that is
effective and credible.
 New Zealand takes pride in its diversity. In
addition to our indigenous Maori population, we are a
mix of people from Europe, Asia and the Pacific. Our
links with Europe are built on history and tradition.
Within Asia, we are developing ever-stronger economic
and security relationships. Our future is closely tied to
both of these regions. We have an equally strong focus
on our closest neighbours in the South Pacific. New
Zealand is a Pacific country. Auckland is the largest
Pasifika city in the world, and a number of Pacific
countries have more citizens living in New Zealand
than at home.
 The security and development of the region is
New Zealand’s constant preoccupation. It is a matter of
grave concern that the South Pacific is second only to
sub-Saharan Africa in terms of lack of progress
towards the achievement of some of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). We want to see the
MDGs achieved, and we want to see the wider Pacific
prosper through good governance and sustainable
economic development. That is why New Zealand is
increasingly deploying our development resources
within its region, since that is where they are most
needed and where they can be most effective.
 The development challenges in the Pacific are
extremely complex, with vulnerable economies and
challenging environmental circumstances. New
Zealand has increased and will continue to increase our
overall level of development assistance, despite
challenging times for our domestic economy. A higher
percentage of that larger budget will be focused on our
region.
 But money alone is not enough; aid effectiveness
and donor coordination are vital. Progress will also
depend on good governance within the region.
 Next year we will mark the fortieth anniversary
of the Pacific Islands Forum, the central body for
regional engagement in the Pacific, which held its first
meeting in New Zealand in 1971. We will welcome
leaders from around the region back to New Zealand
next September to celebrate our achievements over
40 years and to take stock of the challenges we must
face in the future.
 The past year has reinforced the need for better
disaster management. Just three weeks ago, residents in
Christchurch woke to the most destructive earthquake
in New Zealand in 80 years. Miraculously, there was
no loss of life, but the damage runs into billions of
dollars and people’s lives and livelihoods were
affected. Significant aftershocks are still affecting the

51 10-54965

population. But less than a month after the earthquake
hit, roads and buildings have been repaired, tourism
infrastructure is at almost full capacity, and people’s
lives are being rebuilt.
 Others have not been so lucky. The earthquakes
in Haiti and Chile and the recent flooding in Pakistan
are reminders of the devastating scale of such disasters.
The Pacific has been hit hard, too. This month will
mark the first anniversary of the Pacific tsunami that
took the lives of 184 people in Samoa, American
Samoa and Tonga.
 These events and others demonstrate the
importance of disaster preparedness, management and
recovery. New Zealand’s experience with major
earthquakes has taught us how to mitigate risks,
enforce strong building codes, and implement effective
recovery plans. But there will be lessons we should
learn from this recent experience. We will work with
the United Nations system, non-governmental
organizations and other international agencies to
ensure that those lessons are shared and help others to
prepare.
 While development and disaster management are
crucial to our quest for a safer world, underpinning
both is security. Peacekeeping is a key responsibility of
the Organization. Indeed, it is its peacekeeping
operations that shape perceptions of the United Nations
for many people around the world.
 New Zealand is committed to supporting global
security and United Nations peacekeeping. That is why
we have been engaged in peacekeeping and peace
support operations since the 1940s. New Zealand’s
soldiers, police, engineers, corrections and customs
officers, doctors and other personnel are today
involved in 12 operations that span the globe from
Africa, Afghanistan and the Middle East to Asia and
the Pacific.
 One of the clearest examples of New Zealand’s
commitment to the principles of collective
responsibility is through the United Nations effort in
Timor-Leste. Since 1999, New Zealand has been a part
of every United Nations mission that has served in
Timor-Leste. We have played a major role in the
United Nations-sanctioned international military
operations that restored order there in 1999 and again
in 2006. Over 6,000 New Zealanders have served in
Timor in the past decade — a significant undertaking
for a country of only 4.4 million people.
 Of course, helping ensure peace and stability in
our region alone is not enough. New Zealanders are
among those who have been affected by terrorism,
killed in the attacks that took place just a few blocks
away from here in September 2001, and more recently
in Bali, in London and in Jakarta.
 The need to respond decisively to those who
perpetrate such atrocities is a key reason why New
Zealand has led the provincial reconstruction team in
Bamyan, Afghanistan, since 2003. We have redeployed
our special forces to work alongside the Government of
Afghanistan and the international community to ensure
that that country does not return to being a safe haven
for Al-Qaida. We must address the conditions in which
terrorism thrives. We are increasing our development
spending in Bamyan and recently placed the Provincial
Reconstruction Team under civilian leadership for the
first time.
 New Zealand is also strongly supportive of
peacekeeping reform. The expansion in peacekeeping
since 1990 has been dramatic. Never before has this
Organization deployed so many missions to such
complex environments. This expansion has opened up
discussion of the way the United Nations conducts its
peacekeeping operations. Clear and achievable
mandates are needed, progress needs to be better
monitored, and efficiency needs to be improved.
 We are also contributing to United Nations efforts
to strengthen peacebuilding in practice, including the
need for better participation of women in
peacebuilding. Of course, the response of the United
Nations to crises has not always been successful. It is
for this reason that New Zealand has strongly
supported the responsibility to protect (R2P). We were
pleased to contribute to the proposed joint Special
Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide/R2P office and
look forward to the more comprehensive
implementation of R2P throughout the United Nations
system.
 Effective pursuit of these goals — countering
terrorism and maintaining peace and security —
demands coordinated, collective action. The United
Nations is the best vehicle for that action. New Zealand
has been, and remains, proud to be a part of that
community of collective action. In line with that
commitment, New Zealand is seeking a seat on the
Security Council for the 2015-2016 term. In doing so,

10-54965 52

we will work with others here who want the world to
be a safer and more prosperous place.
 This year significant gains have been made in
global disarmament. New Zealand welcomes the action
plan adopted at this year’s Non-Proliferation Treaty
Review Conference, the groundbreaking nuclear
security summit, and the entry into force of the
Convention on Cluster Munitions. These are tangible
and practical successes. But we still face some
significant challenges. New Zealand is concerned by
the continuing inertia of the Conference on
Disarmament. The Secretary-General’s High-level
Meeting on disarmament this morning was a valuable
step in acknowledging this problem and trying to find a
way forward.
 As a country that prides itself on sustainable
development, New Zealand is also greatly concerned
about global environmental issues. As well as working
towards an outcome in Cancún, we are involved in
practical projects for addressing climate change. One
such project is the Global Research Alliance on
Agricultural Greenhouse Gases. Fourteen per cent of
worldwide greenhouse-gas emissions come from
agriculture. At the same time, there are projections that
world food production needs to increase by 50 per cent
in the next 20 years, and to double in the next 40 years,
to feed a growing world.
 Clearly, we need a scientific breakthrough to help
meet the challenge of producing more food while
reducing emissions. New Zealand formed the Alliance,
which now includes more than 30 agricultural nations,
to find ways to address this problem. Scientists and
researchers are now linking up across the world to try
to balance the need for increased agricultural
production with the need to address climate change.
This is just one example of how countries can come
together to address climate change in a very real way.
 When I was here a year ago, we were watching to
see whether the world would be able to climb out of
the global economic recession. Much progress has been
made and key economic indicators are generally
pointing in the right direction. The rapid and
coordinated international response, including by the
Group of 20, has been effective. The World Trade
Organization’s rules-based trading system has held up
well. But, like many countries, New Zealand is
frustrated that the conclusion of the Doha Development
Round still eludes us.
 Over these last few days, especially in the context
of discussion of progress towards the Millennium
Development Goals, I have heard many fine words
spoken in support of the world’s disadvantaged. I take
this opportunity to remind those speakers and countries
that the single most effective step that could be taken
to advance the position of the world’s disadvantaged
would be to create a framework within which they can
trade themselves to a better future.
 I want to strongly endorse President Obama’s
statement, made yesterday, that there is no viable
alternative to the resolution of conflict in the Middle
East other than two States, Israel and Palestine, living
side by side in peace and security. We believe that
direct negotiations, with both parties at the table, are
the only way to resolve the conflict. We congratulate
President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu on
having the courage to negotiate in very difficult
circumstances. We ask that Israel heed the international
community’s unanimous call to extend the moratorium
on settlements and create the enabling atmosphere that
will allow direct negotiations to continue.
 We also agree with President Obama that
resolution of the Middle East conflict is not just the
responsibility of Israel and Palestine. Countries in the
region especially, but also countries elsewhere, must
work towards Middle East peace. New Zealand, as a
friend of both Israel and Palestine, will play its part. I
recently visited the Sinai, where a New Zealand officer
has command of the Multinational Force and
Observers. I was reminded that there has been peace
between Israel and Egypt for more than 30 years, a
prospect once unthinkable. With the commitment of the
two parties and the support of the international
community, Israel and Palestine can enjoy the same
freedom from conflict. We all have a huge stake in
achieving that objective. Resolution of the Palestinian
question would tear out the fuse that threatens to ignite
conflict in the Middle East and beyond.
 So today we add our voice to that of President
Obama and of others who believe that this dispute can,
and must, be solved. And we call on all Members of
the United Nations to lend their support to this process
in the critical weeks ahead.


I did not attend the High-
level Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs), as I was not yet in New York. Nevertheless, I
would like to inform the General Assembly that
Uganda will definitely achieve the following MDGs:
Goal 1, on the eradication of extreme poverty and
hunger; Goal 2, on achieving universal primary
education; Goal 3, on the empowerment of women and
the promotion of gender equality; Goal 7, on ensuring
environmental sustainability; and Goal 8, on creating a
global partnership for development.
 It is only in the areas of maternal and child health
that we may not achieve by 2015 the targets set.
However, in Uganda, we have developed a national
road map to accelerate the reduction of maternal and
child mortality and morbidity, which is a
comprehensive strategy that clearly spells out our
national priorities in this area. In this strategy, we have
given priority to four key intervention types, namely
effective antenatal care, skilled attendance at birth,
emergency care for women who experience
complications in childbirth and family planning. We
have also given priority to creating infrastructure that
supports and strengthens the health-care system.
 Regarding MDG 6, Uganda has made tremendous
efforts with respect to HIV/AIDS prevention and
control. We are now renewing our efforts to deal with
the challenges of the HIV/AIDS epidemic.
 It is noteworthy that, overall, Uganda was
recently ranked among the middle performing
countries according to the United Nations
Development Programme’s Human Development
Index. However, in Uganda, we have never believed in
donor-anchored responses to the MDGs as a
sustainable solution. Responses to the MDGs should be
anchored in the growth and transformation of the
economies of the target countries. I am therefore glad
that the cloud of Afro-pessimism is dispersing. The
opinions of the Afro-pessimists are being consigned to

10-54965 30

where they have always belonged — to the dung-heap
of history.
 Some groups in the West, where Afro-pessimism
abounded in the past, have now started talking of the
African lions, no doubt equating in their minds the
performance of the African economies with the Asian
tigers of yesteryear. Groups like the McKinsey Global
Institute are beginning to group the African
economies — which collectively recorded a growth
rate of 4.9 per cent of gross domestic product in the
gloomy years of the recent global depression,
compared with the mere 2 per cent of gross domestic
product that the countries of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development recorded in
the same period — into four categories. Those
categories are: diversified economies, oil-exporting
economies, economies in transition and pre-transition
economies. Uganda was put in the group of transition
economies.
 Although the McKinsey group needs to improve
their statistical base and some of their insights, they are
among the first Western groups to recognize what
we — who have been working on African issues for a
long time, on goals we set out to achieve in the years
after independence — long knew was possible: to make
Africa move from Third World to First World, in the
words of Lee Kuan Yew, the former Prime Minister of
Singapore.
 Although there are 53 economies of Africa being
managed by the respective national authorities, reform
trends and ideas are sometimes shared. The McKinsey
group estimates that the consumption level of Africa,
which stood at $860 billion in 2008, will grow to
$1.4 trillion by 2020.
 What one needs to add is the fact that those
economies have become roaring lions, underdeveloped
infrastructure notwithstanding. What will happen when
the infrastructure bottlenecks are resolved? That is the
question that one should ask oneself. What will happen
when there is cheap and abundant electricity, cheap
road transport and cheap rail transport? Those areas
had been neglected for a long time. The study by the
McKinsey Global Institute revealed that there are now
316 million new mobile phone subscribers since the
year 2000 in Africa, more than the entire population of
the United States. In other words, there are now more
mobile phones in Africa than there are American
people living in the United States.
 There are 600 million hectares of uncultivated
arable land in Africa. If our partners could concentrate
on assisting infrastructure development, Africa’s
transition would be that much faster. All the same, a
country like Uganda is transitioning. Aid in relevant
sectors is welcome, but even without aid we are
moving forward.
 I know the theme of the general debate is
“Reaffirming the central role of the United Nations in
global governance”. In my short address I have not
talked directly about this. I have instead spoken about
Africa’s economic reawakening as a roaring lion. Was I
irrelevant? I do not think so. It is those strong building
blocks that will strengthen the United Nations.
 Africa has been a weak link in the chain of the
struggle for improved governance in the world over the
last 50 years. Improved economic performance in
Africa is, therefore, good for the continent and also
good for the rest of the world.


I would like
first to extend my hearty congratulations to you, Sir, on
your unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fifth session. With your rich
experience in international affairs, we believe you will
succeed in your task. I would also like to pay tribute to
your predecessor, Mr. Ali Abdussalem Treki, for his
commitment and skill in discharging his challenging
functions during the previous session, and I convey to
him my special thanks.
 I also wish to thank Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon and his aides for their untiring efforts in the
service of peace and development throughout the
world, particularly in the least developed countries.
 As the first decade of the twenty-first century
draws to a close, it is certainly worthwhile to review
the ground covered since we proclaimed, some
10 years ago in this very Hall, our common resolve to
cut poverty in half by 2015, worldwide. We all recall
the enthusiasm engendered by that solemn
commitment.
 Today, we are forced to note that we are still
quite far off the track. More than one billion people are
still living in extreme poverty. The development gap
between the countries of the North and those of the
South continues to widen instead of narrowing.
International assistance is stagnating and remains
below the level of commitment made by developed
countries to devote 0.7 per cent of their gross national
product to it. The results in the eight priority areas of
the Millennium Development Goals are disappointing,
even unsatisfactory, while the deadline of 2015 is just
around the corner.
 So what happened? The economic crisis caused
by the recent upheavals in financial markets is
certainly to blame. The slowdown in activity
worldwide — and, in some cases, recession —
monopolized the attention of the countries of the
North. They gave priority to reviving their own
economies and solving their own social problems.
However, even though we can understand that, it does
not explain everything.
 In fact, the awareness shown at the turn of the
century of the disastrous consequences of deepening
poverty in the third world seems to have waned
significantly. Yet the situation has not only failed to
improve, it continues to deteriorate. On several
occasions, from this rostrum and elsewhere, I have
drawn the attention of the international community to
the problem posed by the growth in poverty worldwide.
I have pointed out that, for ethical reasons, it behooves
us all to express solidarity with the most
underprivileged. I have further indicated that this is, of
course, in everyone’s interests, for the ever-widening
gap between the rich and the poor can only exacerbate
tensions and jeopardize international peace and
security.
 I will be pardoned, I am sure, if I dwell a little on
the case of Africa. It is undeniably the continent most
affected by extreme poverty, which is generally
accompanied by food shortages, epidemics, population
movements and insecurity. Is it any wonder, then, that
such profound misery sometimes explodes, as was the
case two years ago during what were dubbed the food
riots? The international community cannot remain
indifferent to such a threat, which could undermine our
efforts to advance democracy and ensure our
development.
 Let me make myself clear. It is not a matter of
engaging in recriminations for the sake of any
ideology, of ascribing motives to this or that country or
group of countries, or of sermonizing. I am the first to
acknowledge that the United Nations and its agencies
have provided assistance and guidance to our continent
since independence; that most countries of the North
have, through their cooperation, financial assistance
and debt cancellation, lent and continue to lend
irreplaceable support to Africa; and that emerging
countries have taken over. We are, of course, grateful
to all of them.

10-54833 24

 However, that obviously is not enough. I am not
trying to apportion blame for this state of affairs. I
merely want to say that the solutions applied were
perhaps not the best. I would add that from the African
perspective, we have been burdened with too many
historical handicaps — slavery, colonization, economic
dependence and internal and external conflicts — and,
of course, that we have lacked toughness and
steadiness of mind.
 For reasons of mutual interest mentioned earlier, I
think we should review the issue thoroughly, without
ulterior ideological motives or political or economic
prejudices. No matter what is said, Africa has changed
significantly over the past 50 years and seems to me to
be ready for a wide-ranging ideological debate on the
issue, provided that it is conducted in a true spirit of
partnership. Through this approach we can realize the
famous Marshall Plan for Africa, which is often
mentioned but has yet to see the light of day.
 That concern led Cameroon to organize an
international conference — Africa 21 — in Yaoundé on
the occasion of the celebration of the fiftieth
anniversary of its achieving sovereignty. At that
conference the 50 years of African independence were
objectively assessed and the future opportunities for
our continent were evaluated. The conference was
attended by several Heads of State and Government,
former Prime Ministers, high-level representatives of
international organizations, experts of world renown,
major corporate executives and Nobel Peace Prize
winners.
 The final declaration of the conference, which my
delegation has made available, can serve as a kind of
guide for the rehabilitation of Africa, with regard to
both its economic recovery and its participation in
international life. That is what it is all about —
ensuring that our continent does not remain forever
aid-dependent and that it plays its rightful role in
international affairs.
 Allow me, in this Hall, to emphasize the second
point. How can we today explain why Africa is the
only continent without a permanent member on the
Security Council? How can we explain that Africa is
unable to make its voice heard when its problems are
examined in global economic and financial bodies
while the decisions made there will be imposed on it?
At a time when emerging countries are rightly calling
for a seat on the Security Council commensurate with
their economic and political weight, Africa as a whole
should not be forgotten.
 For a long time our continent has been treated, I
dare say, as an object of international relations. Yet, it
is directly affected by most of the major problems
confronting humanity today, be they migratory flows,
global warming, economic and financial regulation,
terrorism, et cetera. In short, it is sometimes the victim
of phenomena for which it is not responsible. From
that standpoint also, there is a need to get out of the rut
in which major negotiations appear to be bogged down.
 Africans seek more understanding and sympathy
in the true sense of the words. The delayed
development from which they suffer cannot be reduced
to the Millennium Goals. Admittedly, they want to be
less poor and to eat their fill, but above all, to be
protected from fear and want, to be freer and to
imagine a future without anxiety. In short, they want to
live in a society that guarantees them those minimum
conditions for existence and well-being.
 Most African countries have embarked on this
path. For its part, over the last decades Cameroon has
set up representative institutions, established the rule
of law and ensured respect for human rights. On the
economic and social front, significant progress has
been made in the areas of public finance, education and
health. Should this trend continue, our country can
expect, in the medium term, to attain the status of an
emerging country.
 That to me seems to be the mindset of most
African countries. Certainly, the international
community has a role to play in supporting them in
their effort to join the global society. To that end, the
international community needs to show more
understanding, solidarity and, of course, more
fraternity.