173.	First of all, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Zaire and on my own behalf, I warmly congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
174.	It gives me particular pleasure to see you presiding over the work of the General Assembly because you are a son of the third world, a statesman well versed in the arena of international life and closely acquainted with the United Nations. Your political and diplomatic experience, together with your thorough knowledge of the workings of the United Nations, are, we believe, an earnest of the success of our deliberations, which are taking place in an international context which is complex and difficult in all respects. I assure you of the wholehearted co-operation of the delegation of Zaire.
175.	I should also like to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, for the distinction with which he conducted the work of the thirty-seventh session.
176.	Lastly, I should like to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his outstanding report on the work of the Organization. It contains a lucid and detailed analysis of the major problems of international concern, of positions taken and of courageous suggestions made. It bears the imprint of special concern for international peace and security, law, co-operation and particular attention to the development of the countries of the third world. Indeed that is so because he is convinced that the prosperity of the North, and indeed the recovery which has been glimpsed in the industrialized countries, cannot continue without an increased effort for the benefit of the developing countries in the southern hemisphere.
177.	We have noted with particular satisfaction all the efforts made by the Secretary-General to enable the United Nations to fulfil the vital role it is called on to play to safeguard peace and security in the world and to bring about a new ethic based on greater sensitivity, solidarity and harmony in relations among nations and peoples.
178.	I should also like most warmly to welcome the new State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, which has joined the United Nations family as the 158th Member State. We should like to assure it of our friendship and cooperation.
179.	There is no need to recall that the work of this session of the General Assembly is commencing in an international atmosphere characterized by the continuation of wide-ranging crises and the exacerbation of tension and contradictions in international relations.
180.	The world in general, and the United Nations in particular, are thus faced by a dual challenge: the challenge to law and to the values of humanism, and hence a challenge to the primary mission of the United Nations; and the challenge to co-operation conceived as a rational and equitable organization of the interdependence of States, and to international solidarity. The first compounds the second and the second explains the first, although in no way justifying it.
181.	Peace and security in the world, the Fine non for progress and development, indeed for the survival of civilization and the restoration of confidence in international relations, can be secured only if we are prepared to pay the price to meet that double challenge, and first of all, the challenge to law and to the values of humanism.
182.	There is a challenge to law and to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations in the case of Chad, in Namibia, in South Africa, in the Western Sahara, in the Middle East, in Afghanistan, in Kampuchea, in the case of the destruction of a Boeing of the South Korean civilian air transport company and so forth. There are many sources of tension that draw the concern of world opinion and rightly provoke all sorts of questions concerning the future of mankind, at a time when we are less than 20 years from the end of the twentieth century.

183.	In Central Africa, and more particularly in Chad, we witness the dramatic calling into question of the principles of international law, principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in the charter of the Organization of African Unity, particularly with respect to sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, non-use of force in relations between States and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
184.	That situation constitutes a serious threat to peace, stability and security in central Africa but, above all, it is a threat to the maintenance of the necessary balance throughout the African continent.
185.	The present problem in Chad is neither more nor less than a challenge to law, to the Charter of the United Nations and to that of the OAU, because even recourse to Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations by a legitimate Government which is the victim of blatant outside aggression has been criticized by certain States Members of the United Nations, illogically, since any of them could be attacked tomorrow by an outside force.
186.	I say illogically because at present States other than Chad are also partially occupied by armed forces supported and equipped from outside, inspired by a determination, which they in no way conceal, to overthrow the established governments. If we are unanimous in recognizing that such de facto occupations are illegal and constitute threats to peace and security, why should anything be different in the case of Chad?
187.	We noted with satisfaction the recent statement by Mr. Hissein Habre, President of the Republic of Chad, in which, on behalf of the State and people of Chad, he made a moving appeal to all the nations of the world to help Chad preserve its territorial integrity, sovereignty and national unity. The head of State of Chad furthermore said he was fully ready to establish the conditions to enable Chad, with the assistance of all its sons, to set about the restoration of peace and reconciliation so as to ensure the development of the country.
188.	We, in turn, appeal to all the sons of Chad and address our encouragement to the OAU in order that no honest effort be spared to find a peaceful solution to the drama of Chad, taking into account the rights of that country.
189.	Speaking of the withdrawal of foreign troops, I take this opportunity to note that Zaire dispatched its troops to Chad at the request of the legitimate Government recognized by the United Nations, because uninvited forces had intervened there illegally, thereby threatening its security, territorial integrity and sovereignty. If those forces were to leave, the troops from Zaire would not remain in Chad one day longer.
190.	Since the adoption in 1966 of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), which put an end to South African administration in Namibia and placed that Territory under the jurisdiction of the United Nations, defiance of the rights of that African Territory continues with quasi- impunity.
191.	The United Nations plan for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question, accepted by the whole international community, has been particularly difficult to apply, especially by those who initiated it and whose influence over the South African regime is, as everybody is aware, enormous.
192.	However, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is fully consistent with the spirit and letter of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
193.	In May 1983, on the initiative of the group of non- aligned countries, the Security Council, after debating the question of Namibia, adopted resolution 532 (1983), inviting the Secretary-General to undertake further efforts with the parties concerned to guarantee speedy implementation of Council resolution 435 (1978).
194.	However, it does not seem that the response of South Africa to the recent approach by the Secretary- General, who went to that country, is likely to accelerate the accession of Namibia to independence.
195.	We should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the sole basis for negotiations for the peaceful settlement of the Namibian problem. For the five members of the contact group which initiated the United Nations plan to resolve the Namibian problem, there is a question of credibility. They must implement the plan and not set aside its objectives.
196.	Africa intends to keep out of power rivalries, and it is for that reason that it asks that the Namibian problem be seen as a problem of decolonization and that all the parties abstain from introducing into the Namibian question extraneous elements which could distort the problem and present it in Manichean terms as part of the East- West conflict.
197.	We hail the heroic struggle being waged by the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, and we appeal to all nations of the world to contribute to the rapid implementation of the United Nations Plan for the settlement of the Namibian question and to lend their support and assistance to SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people.
198.	We reiterate our condemnation of the repeated acts of aggression carried out from Namibian territory by South Africa against neighbouring African States, and in particular the violations of the territorial integrity of our sister republic of Angola, which have resulted in enormous damage to the economy of that developing country.
199.	South Africa's continuing illegal occupation of Namibia, coupled with its denial of the rights of the Namibian people and use of Namibian territory as a base for attacks against neighbouring countries, constitutes a serious threat to peace and security in that sensitive region of southern Africa.
200.	In South Africa itself, the perpetuation of the policy of	condemned by the international community as a crime against humanity, is repugnant to the conscience of all right-thinking people, to all men devoted to peace and justice throughout the world. Although apartheid has been unanimously condemned as a crime against humanity, there are some who refuse to draw the logical conclusions of that condemnation both with regard to their own attitudes towards the Pretoria regime and with regard to the actions of that regime and the legitimate struggle for national liberation being waged by movements recognized by the United Nations.
201.	What the Africans are demanding is the emergence in South Africa of a truly democratic multiracial society governed by the majority and respecting the rights of all minorities. In an era when the defense of human rights is on the agenda of international gatherings as well as bilateral meetings, particularly between the countries of the North and those of the South, how can we explain the silence of one side in the face of the most serious violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of all time, namely, apartheid

202.	It is dear that a State is entitled to organize the repression of crimes, offenses and other breaches in the law in order to protect law and order and the common weal. apartheid, which is a crime, is at the core of national life as organized by the Pretoria regime, and it forms the basic notion upon which the constitution and all official activities of that country are based. Therefore, apartheid is a crime unpunishable in South Africa, and South Africa is not a State based upon and governed by law, since its constitution must be regarded as being the instrument par excellence of a crime against humanity. Is there a Nuremburg Tribunal or a Tokyo Tribunal to punish this crime, which is unpunishable in South Africa, as there were for the crimes of nazism that were unpunishable in Hitler's Germany? If we are unwilling to punish the crime of apartheid what are we to do, since the idea of with a human face is incorrect, as apartheid has been defined as a crime against humanity? These are questions that demonstrate once again that any approach employing double standards is not calculated to strengthen trust in international relations and undermines the credit of those nations the adopt a compliant attitude towards apartheid.
203.	What meaning can we give to this contempt for law on the part of States based upon and governed by law that do not hesitate to preach humanism and democracy—indeed, respect for human rights—to the States of the third world? Does it reveal the predominance of a unilateral and therefore totalitarian, monopolist and monopolizing approach to human rights, or does it reveal a deliberate indifference to the humiliation of and denial of basic human rights to the black man of Africa or to the so-called coloured of the third world?
204.	South Africa's timid approach to this issue, which takes the form of granting some rights to certain mixed or Indian communities or by granting limited trade-union rights to the black mine workers, must be replaced by a clear policy aimed at restoring to the blacks all their rights in the interest of peace in South Africa and of trust and co-operation among all nations and races throughout the world.
205.	As it did with other regional organizations, the United Nations, in keeping with Article 52 of the Charter, recognized the competence of the OAU with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security in Africa. On many occasions we have noted that, when either the Security Council or the General Assembly is faced with an important African political problem involving peace and security, it does not hesitate to refer it to the OAU. This happened in the case of Western Sahara. Yet at the same time certain Member States are attempting to impede the actions of OAU by adopting positions contrary to law and to unanimous OAU resolutions.
206.	Just and lasting solutions to the problem of Western Sahara can be found only through respect for the decisions adopted at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, as reaffirmed at the nineteenth session held at Addis Ababa last June, namely, by organizing a referendum for self-determination in Western Sahara and through the implementation of the measures drawn up by the Implementation Committee of the OAU. If we wish to achieve real progress on the basis of those measures it is essential that they be scrupulously implemented by the OAU.
207.	We therefore appeal to all nations of the world to support the efforts of the OAU in this area. We have noted with satisfaction recent developments in the Arab Maghreb, and we hope that the political thaw and detente emerging there can contribute to the restoration of peace in that important region of our continent.
208.	In the Middle East there is obviously a problem of peace. Peace is indeed the crucial element in a region that has known no peace since 1947.
209.	The recent International Conference on the Question of Palestine, at Geneva, in addition to seeking to create a better awareness of the underlying causes of the Palestinian problem—the underlying causes of one of the oldest and most serious hotbeds of tension and war— and to finding ways of enabling the Palestinian people, through a comprehensive international effort, to exercise their legitimate rights, also embodied the will of the international community to achieve peace and called for a comprehensive international effort to enable the protagonists to overcome the psychological, historical, legal and other obstacles to the exercise of the rights of the Palestinians.
210.	Peace presupposes, first justice and equity, because the Arab people of Palestine, like the people of Israel, are entitled to a homeland, to a State. The General Assembly understood this at an early date when, on 29 November 1947, :t set forth the principle of a Jewish State and a Palestinian Arab State by adopting resolution 181 (II) containing the Plan of Partition for Palestine.
211.	Secondly, peace presupposes respect for law, namely, for the principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States, or, in other words, of the recognized principles of peaceful coexistence. The Security Council understood this when it adopted resolution 242 (1967) on 22 November 1967, which set forth the conditions for the establishment of a just and lasting peace and the principles for a comprehensive peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis.
212.	Peace presupposes, thirdly, recognition of the rights of the Palestinians, because it is the breach of those rights that lies at the very heart and origin of the Middle East conflict. The General Assembly recognized this, first in 1969 when, in resolution 2535 (XXIV), it turned its attention towards the search for a comprehensive solution recognizing that the question of Palestine was at the heart of the Middle East conflict, and later, in 1974, in resolution 3236 (XXIX), when it reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
213.	Fourthly, peace presupposes the adoption by all parties of the spirit of dialogue and negotiation. This has been the view of the Security Council since 22 October 1973, when it adopted resolution 338 (1973), deciding that negotiations between the parties concerned should start immediately.
214.	Within the framework of a comprehensive international effort the United Nations has a vital role to play, based on its historic responsibilities. The United Nations gave a State to the Jews of the Diaspora and decided upon a Palestinian Arab State. It must now succeed in giving that State to the Palestinians.
215.	The United Nations, whose work in establishing rules has become part of the heritage of international law, must ensure the triumph of law and justice in the Middle East. The United Nations, whose mission is to preserve present and succeeding generations from the scourge of war, must replace the spirit of war and confrontation with that of dialogue and co-operation. The United Nations, which is the catalyst of the aspirations of peoples to self- determination, must provide all necessary assistance in order to make the Palestinian entity a reality and to foster its economic and social development.
216.	If the protagonists were able to solve this thorny problem by themselves we would hot be discussing it here.

Each member of the international community must lend its assistance, in keeping with its own approach, resources and conscience, because this is a tragedy that contains the seeds of a serious threat to world peace. If such contributions are to be positive and useful, they must be supportive of efforts made in the spirit of peace, supportive of law, justice and equity, dialogue and co-operation. Then and only then will our debates mark a new and decisive stage in the painful history of Palestine since the end of the Mandate era.
217.	Today it seems to us that all the ingredients for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the crisis are present, for all the essential resolutions are mutually complementary.
218.	General Assembly resolutions 181 (II), 194 (III) and 2535 (XXIV) and Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), to cite only those, taken together and linked to all the plans, agreements and peace initiatives put forward to date, offer, we feel, a consistent and integrated approach and contain all the elements of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace plan. On these bases the Security Council can, or could, either draw up a plan for the settlement of the Palestinian question or mandate the Secretary-General to attempt to formulate a proposal for consideration by the Security Council and by Member States.
219.	Given the fact that since 1947 war has not provided a solution, we conclude that no strategy based on force can make it possible to resolve the thorny problem of the Middle East and Palestine, and that everybody should refrain from becoming involved.
220.	What is the problem that arises, objectively speaking, in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, other than the right of all peoples freely to make their own choices and to live as they wish, free from pressure and acts of force, aware that their rights and liberties stop where the rights and freedom of other peoples begin?
221.	It is without any doubt the violation of the principles of the sovereign equality of States, respect for the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of States, non-interference non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes—the violation of the very principles of the Charter of the United Nations, of which we are all Members—that underlies these conflicts.
222.	Hegemonist expansion and the desire of some people for political and cultural uniformity throughout the world, with all the disorder, clashes of interest and frustration that would provoke, are possible only through the violation of these principles. We say this to stress the vital importance of these principles and of law in relations between nations and peoples, because the purpose of these principles is precisely to prevent hegemonist expansionism and the desire for domination and political and cultural standardization of the world in the name of peace, international security, trusting co-operation among nations and peoples and the survival of universal civilized values. That is why these principles are impersonal, general and universal.
223.	It was the spirit of lawlessness which developed in the world and led to the economic and financial crisis, which gave rise to the crisis of humanism, which we must light together in order to overcome the demons of insecurity, instability and mistrust in international relations.
224.	Otherwise, let us have the courage, after the failure of the idealistic conception of history, to proclaim the failure of the rule of law and justice and yield the Held to the excesses of the forces of irrationality.
225.	It is because we are all aware that in a world without law no one is safe from anything that we are so anxious to attempt to justify the frequent violations of law, in the name of narrow interests, thus giving rise to the phenomenon of the automatic rejection of anything coming from the other side, hostile propaganda, hysteria, disinformation, pressure of all kinds, the attempts to force weaker States to become clients and satellites.
226.	Even the spirit of Yalta and the division of the world into spheres of influence which flowed from that— and only God knows whether we had a hand in that or opposed it—is no longer respected by those responsible for it, so that peoples are left to their own devices, prey to new dangers.
227.	That is why in Zaire we believe that a just and lasting settlement of the Afghanistan crisis and the crisis of Kampuchea necessarily entails the withdrawal of all foreign troops from those territories, which they entered in disregard of law and the principles of the United Nations.
228.	Without wishing to associate itself with any campaign or political propaganda gratuitously hostile to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, but in all objectivity and quite calmly, the Executive Council of the Republic of Zaire was outraged at the attack which occurred on 1 September 1983 over Sakhalin Island on a South Korean civil airliner, with hundreds of innocent victims, in defiance of the rules of international law and morality.
229.	Over and above the massacre of 269 innocent civilian passengers, the gravity of this act, repugnant as it is to our consciences, lies in the fact that if such a precedent, which no appeal to national interest can justify, were to become more general, this would be a deadly blow to international relations and trustful cooperation among States.
230.	This act, which occurred in a tense international context, dominated by the resurgence of mistrust, violence and insecurity in relations among States, must be condemned unambiguously by all right-thinking people in the world and by all Governments that cherish peace, if we are to have any confidence in the future.
231.	The fact that this act was committed by a superpower which bears international responsibilities for peace in the world and which is a permanent member of the Security Council is something we find particularly troubling.
232.	Here again it can be seen that it is respect for law and humanistic values which has dictated our stand regarding a country with which we maintain excellent diplomatic relations, and we hope that the USSR will make amends for this act and preserve its prestige in the world.
233.	Latin America, which has so many affinities with Africa, needs peace and security in order to develop autonomously. We are in full solidarity with the peoples of that region in their desire for peace and to safeguard their own identity in order to create the conditions necessary for growth and bring to the building of a more just and equitable new world order the fruit of their genius. Here again, peace can only be achieved for us all through respect for the principles of international law and of the United Nations.
234.	As if all the sufferings of humanity at the present time were not enough, the senseless arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race—a true threat to life of apocalyptic dimensions—adds every day to our distress, indeed our anguish.
235.	While the alarming decline in the quality of life is becoming more perceptible from day to day in vast regions of the world, the race in engines of death is
accelerating and swallowing up, as frequently repeated, more than $800 billion a year. Of course, the stench of the corpses of the victims of hunger, malnutrition and endemic disease is overpowered by the sulphurous fumes of gunfire.
236.	It would seem that we have already forgotten the Programme of Action and the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament.
237.	The sound of the feet of the thousands of citizens of the world who invaded the United Nations Headquarters during the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament to protest the arms race, the appeals of scientists, philosophers, public figures throughout the world, people from the world of art, letters, religion, economics and politics, the entreaties of those crippled in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, underlining the senseless nature of the arms race, seem already to have been consigned to oblivion or to the indifference of those whose power today is measured by the number of their guns, missiles and nuclear warheads.
238.	Yet all of us belong to a civilization which teaches us that man is superior to the animal by virtue of his spirit and that true immortality is innate in thought.
239.	Yet a consensus had already emerged among all the nations of the world at the end of the tenth special session that the arms race is the centre of the present world crisis, when we perceive it, as we should, from the standpoint of peace, security, development and the measures necessary to establish confidence in international relations.
240.	It is for this reason that the General Assembly has called for special studies on the relationship between disarmament and security, disarmament and development, and disarmament and confidence-building measures to make everyone more aware of the many dangers inherent in the arms race and to create the necessary conditions for halting and reversing this race to death.
241.	Our common concern to educate man in the spirit of peace and to include peace studies in national programmes has led us to agree to the establishment of a University for Peace in one of our Member States.
242.	Now, what is happening today? Have the great Powers forgotten that, in terms of peace, security, progress and development, the arms race is at the centre of the present crisis in the world and is jeopardizing civilization's essential values? Could it be that this race is designed to challenge the values upon which the United Nations is based, values from which certain great Powers seem to wish to depart ever further?
243.	The arms race constitutes a powerful lever of the policy of the resort to force in international relations, the policy of intimidation, subjugation, hegemony and expansionism. More weapons no longer provide more security. Since the end of the last world war, how often has a great Power used its sophisticated weapons against another? But then the question arises: against whom are these weapons being manufactured?
244.	The arms race widens the gap between the developing and the industrialized countries. It wrecks the efforts to establish the new international economic order, which the industrialized countries are so reluctant to join.
245.	Without overlooking the danger of conventional weapons, weapons that have indiscriminate and excessively harmful effects—bacteriological or toxic weapons, chemical weapons which we see being increasingly used in the third world countries, where proxy wars are going on—Zaire wishes to reaffirm its attachment to the philosophy of the Final Document of the Tenth Special
Session of the General Assembly, which gives high priority to nuclear disarmament.
246.	We express again our determination to see the nuclear-weapon States give explicit and solemn guarantees to the non-nuclear-weapon States, or States that have renounced the acquisition of nuclear weapons, that they will never use them or threaten to use them against such States.
247.	The ease with which weapons are circulating in the world today, either because of the profit motive—without any considerations being given to the use to be made of them, even if that use is known in advance—or to serve the designs of power and illegal causes, must be a subject of concern to the United Nations and the international community.
248.	We very much hope that the negotiations on the reduction of strategic arms will prove successful as soon as possible. Zaire also appeals to the conscience of all those concerned; we ask them to respect the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons , particularly in regard to zones of peace and co-operation and nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world.
249.	Confronted by all the political problems and problems affecting the maintenance of international peace and security to which I have just referred, we have the duty to meet the challenge to law, to eradicate the flouting of law in international relations. And "law" here means the ensemble of positive rules and norms governing relations between States, but also the ensemble of acknowledged rules of conduct which entail only moral obligations in relations between men and peoples. For the erosion of the essential values of civilization and of humanistic values benefits the various conflicts confronting us. The present crisis in the world is a political crisis, because the rules upon which the human city is based are sustaining severe blows today. And if they are finally swept away, what alternative do we have to offer our children?
250.	Man is a reasonable being and is innately motivated to enter into society with his peers. This need to live in a society satisfies, above all, a moral feeling for the welfare of others; it responds to the desire for a condition in which we can at one and the same time find our own satisfaction and ensure that of others.
251.	I therefore share the opinion of the Secretary- General that we are now witnessing the collapse of a number of agreements concluded over the years as the result of arduous and lengthy negotiations and that it is vital to reverse this trend, not only in order to confront immediate conflicts but also in order to build a lasting framework of life for future generations.
252.	We in Africa can live very comfortably with the principles of international law and of the United Nations. The third world, which is forging the instruments to master its destiny and its future, needs these principles. The small, medium-sized and weak States, which are the majority in this Organization, and which do not produce weapons or have the means to buy them, shelter their sovereignty, their independence, their integrity, their own identity behind these principles of international law, because they know that in a world without law it is essentially they, not the powerful and the rich, who will be the losers. Has Europe turned its back on the rays of light coming from ancient Greece and its own gods?
253.	No subject other than that of the arms race could have served as a better introduction to the second challenge of today's world: co-operation and solidarity.
254.	We have repeatedly said that the present economic system is unfair and that, if we are not to wreck our
world, we must replace it by a new economic order that is more just and better adapted to the new requirements of the times. Facts confirm this every day. Our protagonists in the North—also facing this crisis, which is the reflection of a profound disarray in structures—have not succeeded in proving the contrary. But they seem to wish to resist—not all of them, happily—change and the establishment of the new international economic order.
255.	Certainly, the United Nations has undertaken considerable efforts to this end. Thus, the relevant resolutions adopted at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly—containing the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and concerning development and international economic co-operation —as well as the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States fully justify the international community's desire to face up to the present crisis in the world together and responsibly. Democratization of international economic relations is an imperative of our time.
256.	Zaire continues to believe that the crisis now afflicting the world results primarily from the policies pursued by the industrialized countries, despite what is often proclaimed by those who have an interest in ensuring that we create no industries of any kind, no steel plants, no airports, no large-scale transport infrastructures. This crisis is the result of basic inadequacies of a world economic system that no longer responds to the requirements of a world in constant evolution, and of the structural gaps and the imbalance in interdependent spheres of which we are all aware—that is, commodities, trade, development, energy, currency and finance.
257.	The developing countries have been the most severely shaken by the effects of this crisis because of the decline in international trade caused by inflationary pressures imported from the developed countries and the resurgence of protectionism in those countries; a sharp decline in commodity prices, the principal source of export earnings—a $20 billion-net loss in export earnings for the year 1981-1982; an appreciable reduction in development aid, increasingly weighed down by unacceptable political conditions; a sizeable decline in the inflow of international capital to the developing countries; a disturbing increase in the indebtedness of the developing countries, which in 1982 reached the sum of $630 billion for the whole of the third world; and, finally, the tendency on the part of financial circles and international financial institutions to harden their positions and concern themselves more with the establishment of harsh programmes of economic and financial adjustment in the countries with the greatest indebtedness, without any regard to the social obligations of our States. The international financial institutions are becoming agencies for the recovery of the public and private debts of the States of the third world.
258.	The economic crisis which has now gone on for almost a decade has attained such a scope that sectoral or partial solutions will not work.
259.	Thus, the new international economic order that we seek implies a radical break with the laws and principles that have regulated the economic world since the end of the Second World War. The solutions to this crisis must be global and laid down in a spirit of complementarity and interdependence, for the greatest good of all.
260.	This economic crisis, in the face of the unaccommodating attitudes we have noted, calls for our commitment to solidarity and interdependence and our ability to adapt to change.
261.	It calls, first of all, for solidarity. We have in many of our statements in the past stressed this aspect of the problem. Solving the world crisis requires the commitment of all. It is not a question of winning at the expense of anyone else; we shall win together or we shall lose together. We have to share equitably in world prosperity. We must be sensitive to the suffering and misfortunes of others and give each people, each nation and each region of the world the opportunity to take part in the recovery of the world economic situation. If we agree that it is only the North that can put the world economy back on its feet, must we also agree that the salvation of the world will come from the North?
262.	Interdependence, in our view, is based on mutual interest. In spite of the acceptance of the principle of the interdependence of the States of the North and South, we note with regret that the developed countries, since the fifth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Manila in 1979, have shown a marked hardening of their positions and turned their backs on any constructive and mutually advantageous dialogue. The deplorable results of the sixth session stem from this negative attitude of the rich countries.
263.	We are told of the economic recovery taking place in the Northern countries, which is going to increase the volume of world trade by about 4.5 per cent. For our part there can be no doubt that the success of the North and its recovery can be sustained only with an extra effort to help the countries of the South. It therefore depends largely on consistent efforts to help the developing countries. Much is said about the magic of market laws, and we are asked to contribute to the expansion of world trade, to produce more and to export more. We are told that we should have fewer loans and more trade and commerce. With what are we going to produce if capital and development aid are so parsimoniously doled out to us? Why export unless commodity prices are stabilized? These are questions which militate in favour of a coherent, integrated and global approach in the search for appropriate joint solutions to the present crisis.
264.	We in Zaire do not see interdependence as the subjugation of some to the interests of others but rather as an awareness of the fact that the fate of the North is intimately connected with that of the South. The present prosperity of the North is certainly due to the labours of its own people but everyone knows it is also in many respects due to the labours of the people of the South.
265.	I turn now to adaptation to change, for the world is in a state of constant evolution.
266.	Adaptation to change means for the North its capacity to understand that the maintenance or improvement of the development of its economies necessarily entails the abandonment of certain privileges born of the Bretton Woods system, which no longer exists except in name. If they fail to understand this truth and seek refuge in delaying tactics, the rich countries will only be maintaining ambiguity and creating a desperate situation with no way out—at least, no satisfactory way out for us all.
267.	As for the South, adaptation to change means its capacity fully to assume its new role as an equal partner of the North in the search for and the taking of decisions concerning world matters. In the view of Zaire, this harmonious understanding constitutes the essence of international co-operation, for without real co-operation we should be calling in question the very principles of sovereignty and interdependence. We must therefore revise the tendency towards the erosion of multilateral co-operation and curb the excesses of politically inspired bilateralism.

268.	It was to face all these problems responsibly that the North-South dialogue was started and the new international economic order was conceived.
269.	Today, we must note with regret that very little progress has been made in the face of the obduracy and, sometimes, the selfishness of the rich countries.
270.	The virtual indifference of the Summit of Industrialized Countries at Williamsburg with regard to the concerns of the developing countries, the recent failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade, and the scanty results achieved by the mini-summit organized by Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India and chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries— to whom we should like to pay tribute for her initiative— do not give any grounds to hope for a reversal of these trends in the near future.
271.	We must therefore continue to show imagination and alter this state of affairs because, as we were quite rightly reminded by the Secretary-General:
"Unresolved economic conflicts can be, and usually
are, a breeding ground for dangerous political tensions.
"A major economic imperative of our times is the
accelerated development of the developing countries."
272.	The Organization must always embark upon its debate on the question of divided countries with the utmost circumspection and responsibility so as to highlight common ground and seek ways and means which could bring the parties to the negotiating table in an atmosphere of trust. Acrimonious debates and maximalist positions which strengthen the division of peoples are contrary to the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.
273.	We have in mind particularly the questions of Korea and Cyprus.
274.	The reunification of the two Koreas, desired by all the Korean people, must be brought about on the basis of the patient and determined continuation of the negotiations begun in 1972 between the North and the South. For our part, we do not reject any peaceful initiative in keeping with the Charter which could help to bring this about. In this context we have noted with satisfaction certain suggestions put forward in this general debate, particularly by the representative of Luxembourg meeting. We must avoid the crystallization of opposing positions. We must think about this and show collective imagination.
275.	Similarly, if we are to bring about a lasting solution of the question of Cyprus, acceptable to all parties, it must be tackled in a comprehensive and impartial manner, because we must guarantee to the two communities the same right to existence. In this context Zaire favours a continuation of the inter-communal talks on an equitable settlement under the auspices of the Secretary-General. The auspices of the Secretary-General means, going beyond mere form, that those talks must be aimed at objectives and must be conducted in conformity with the principles of the Charter. Here again, as can be seen, if sides have to be taken the only side we can take is that of law.
276.	I cannot pass over in silence the painful problem of some 13 million refugees in the world who are living in extremely precarious conditions and for whom the future is most uncertain. Most of these refugees are in Africa and Asia, that is in developing countries which are in the most dire straits in view of their poverty.
277.	While appreciating the considerable humanitarian work of the United Nations in this field, we believe that all Governments in the world, particularly those of the rich countries, and also the charitable agencies, must redouble their efforts by devoting particular attention to the elimination of the political causes underlying this phenomenon. These refugees, victims of racism and discrimination, intolerance, poverty because of economic conditions, apartheid and  political conflict, today weigh heavily on the conscience of the world.
278.	The organization of a second international conference on African refugees should, we believe, command the attention of the international community.
279.	After having reviewed the disconcerting picture of the present world economic, political and social situation, I cannot conclude my statement without saying something about the role of the United Nations in international relations.
280.	At a time when the concepts, notions and ideas which have hitherto governed the life and relations of societies seem to be increasingly challenged, the United Nations stands as the last outpost of great humanistic principles and civilized values against the assaults of intemperance and the claims of the irrational which are born of the present world crisis. For Zaire, the United Nations remains an irreplaceable instrument in the search for and the safeguarding of peace, the centre for peaceful coexistence, a guarantee and a bulwark of the weak against the powerful and of the poor against the rich, the ideal place for dialogue among national differences in the search for a true policy of international co-operation where each can find some advantage and each, with due respect for his right to be different, can contribute to the search for equitable solutions to the many problems facing the international community.
281.	The United Nations has existed for 38 years now. If its record is not one of unqualified success, let us give it credit for giving rise to, if not supporting, the positive changes in the world and sustaining all just causes. The failure of the United Nations flows essentially from the inconsistency of States, certain shortcomings in its functioning and a certain lack of adaptability of its machinery to world development. Its principles remain valid and its primary mission remains as noble as ever. Machinery in the service of those principles and that mission can and must be adapted to the lightning speed of the evolution of the world over the last thirty years. The report of the Secretary-General to the thirty-seventh session identifies very clearly all aspects of the problem and thus makes it unnecessary for me to dwell on them.
282.	Zaire will always support the multilateral approach and the purposes and principles of the Charter. Despite our difficulties, our limitations and our modest means, we shall always resist fragmentation and the erosion of an international instrument which has all the necessary tools and resources to bring peace, security, stability, progress and justice to humanity.
283.	Let us therefore make the United Nations the instrument capable, as it was 38 years ago, of preserving present and future generations from the scourge of war and the indescribable sufferings which would result there from and the appropriate framework for defining a new world order.
284.	To the extent that we strengthen the role of the United Nations and translate its decisions into national realities within our States shall we come closer to the advent of a more reassuring world order.
285.	This new world order involves a profound restructuring of the relations of production and distribution of wealth at the planetary level within the framework of international solidarity.

285. International solidarity will consist, for the developed countries and for the others, of their active participation in the historic task of establishing a more just and equitable world, transcending short-sighted national interests and compensating for any inequalities, in order to improve, on this earth on which mankind lives, the condition of all.


135.	Mr. President, I have the honour of addressing the General Assembly on behalf of the European Community and its 10 member States. It is with particular pleasure that I congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the Assembly. For many years you have distinguished yourself at the service of both your country and the international community, thus earning general esteem and respect. I am sure that you will carry out your duties with efficiency, objectivity and dexterity, thus contributing to the success of an Assembly which meets at a critical juncture. I take this opportunity to express the appreciation of the European Community to the outgoing President, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the great skill with which he has guided the deliberations of this body over the past 12 months.
136.	We also wish to commend the Secretary-General for his intellectual and moral probity, the high concept he has of his mission and his dedication to peace and to the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
137.	Finally, let me extend our warmest congratulations to the new Member of the Organization, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
138.	The European Community was born of the desire of several States, cherishing the same democratic values, to base their relationship on new forms of solidarity, in order to face challenges which would have been difficult to take up in isolation. This is why the 10 countries for which I speak today are fully committed to respect for the Charter and view the United Nations as a vehicle for creating a better and safer world. Through regular consultation on international problems and constant efforts to define a common policy, the 10 countries, as individual States and as a Community, intend to continue to strengthen their co-operation with the United Nations and the Secretary-General.
139.	At the thirty-seventh session, speaking from this rostrum on behalf of the Community, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark painted the situation prevailing in the world in somber colors. At the start of the thirty-eighth session it must be admitted that this assessment unfortunately remains valid.
140.	How, it might be asked, could the situation basically improve as long as Member States continue to violate the most fundamental principles of the Charter and to ignore the repeated appeals addressed to them by the Organization to refrain from the use or threat of use of force and to put an immediate end to the conflict in which they are engaged? It should not come as a surprise, therefore, that none of the old conflicts has been resolved and that ominous signs of new tensions are looming on the horizon.
141.	Relations between East and West have been gravely affected these past years by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the situation in Poland, as well as by the continued Soviet military buildup. A further cause of aggravation has been the shooting down of the Korean airliner by a Soviet fighter. The European Community deeply deplores this act, which resulted in the loss of many innocent human lives. The 10 members have asked that the appropriate international organs undertake a thorough investigation of the circumstances of the incident. They welcome the decisions of the ICAO Council adopted at Montreal on 16 September. They support the proposals submitted to ICAO for ensuring greater safety of civilian aircraft in future, including the prohibition of the use of armed force.
142.	Our countries, peoples and Governments are ready to improve relations with the Soviet Union and its allies, provided they abide by internationally accepted standards of behaviour, so that international confidence can be restored. Only then could there be a better understanding among the European peoples and an atmosphere conducive to the consolidation of peace and stability on our continent.
143.	It is in this light that we have viewed and continue to view the situation in Poland. The Community has taken note of the measures adopted by the Polish Government on 22 July 1983, some of which go in the right direction while others provide the authorities with the legal means to suppress possible dissident activities more effectively. In a spirit of friendship towards the Polish L people, the Community hopes that these steps will be followed by further measures leading to reconciliation, dialogue and reform, in accordance with the aspirations. of all the national and social elements of the population.
144.	The successful conclusion of the negotiations at Madrid of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is a cause of satisfaction to the members of the European Community. Our approach at the Conference was guided by the endeavour to promote respect for the Helsinki Final Act to ensure its full implementation and to pursue the aims of the Conference process through dialogue and co-operation. The presence of all our foreign ministers at Madrid bore testimony to this commitment although the Concluding Document does not represent he maximum that could have been achieved, it was substantial and balanced. We attach as great an importance to the human dimension of that document as to its provisions concerning the convening of a conference on disarmament in Europe.
145.	That brings me to the wider issue of disarmament. It is an issue of the utmost importance to the Community and of increasing public opinion, since it affects the survival of mankind. It is also a very complex problem. Expenditure has shown how difficult it is to achieve disarmament in an atmosphere of distrust, fear and prejudice. To preserve peace it is necessary not only to reduce armaments but to remove the causes of conflict as well.
146.	This applies as much to Europe as to other parts of the world. The 10 countries of the European Community are making every effort to reduce the level of military forces in Europe while maintaining undiminished security for all States. Hence the importance they attach to the full range of ongoing or scheduled negotiations, particularly the talks between the United States and the Soviet Union at Geneva on strategic and intermediate nuclear forces. Given the size of the nuclear arsenal of these two countries, it is generally recognized that progress on nuclear disarmament is closely related to their agreeing on substantial and verifiable reductions.
147.	The European Community, therefore, gives full support to both the strategic arms reduction talks and the intermediate nuclear forces negotiations. It is our sincere wish that it will prove possible for the two major nuclear Powers to come to an agreement in the near future. The objective of such an agreement should be to strike a balance at the lowest possible level.
148.	While nuclear arms control negotiations are taking place in order to halt the vertical proliferation, the maintenance and strengthening of the present non-proliferation regime, which so far has been successful in halting the further spread of nuclear weapons, is a very significant element in the disarmament equation.
149.	However, we should not lose sight of the fact that the control of nuclear forces is only one side of the coin. It is of the utmost importance to reduce the level of conventional armaments. The spectre of nuclear annihilation should not lead us to underestimate the terrible casualties and material destruction which these weapons can cause. Since 1945 this has been borne out by more than 100 conventional wars.
150.	That is one of the reasons why we look forward to the conference on disarmament in Europe, soon to be convened at Stockholm. Its first stage will be devoted to the negotiation and adoption of confidence- and security- building measures which will be militarily significant, binding, verifiable and applicable to the whole of Europe.
The members of the European Community reiterate their conviction that the building of confidence among States not only in Europe but world-wide plays a significant role in facilitating progress in arms control and disarmament.
151.	At the same time, those members of the Community participating in the negotiations at Vienna on mutual and balanced force reductions remain firmly committed to reaching an effective agreement which would genuinely enhance stability and strengthen security in Europe and pave the way to other important developments in the Held of disarmament.
152.	The Community also stands fully behind every substantial and realistic effort made at Geneva by the sole multilateral negotiating body, the Committee on Disarmament. The members of the Community therefore strongly plead for the intensification of current negotiations in the Committee. They underline the importance of early progress towards a comprehensive and reliably verifiable ban on all chemical weapons, in order to eliminate this whole category of weapons. They also support the examination by the Committee on Disarmament of questions related to the prevention of an arms race in outer space.
153.	Finally, the European Community considers the United Nations to be an essential and most valuable forum for discussion at world level of disarmament and arms control matters. It believes that the dialogue aimed at security and peace for all peoples must be pursued vigorously.
154.	Before concluding my remarks on this vital issue I would like to stress our firm conviction that, in parallel with disarmament efforts, all States, big and small, powerful and weak, nuclear and non-nuclear, should adhere to the provisions of the Charter and of international law in general, to ensure the renunciation of force and the threat of force and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. In this context we consider the adoption by the General Assembly last year of the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes to be a positive step. The European Community hopes the goals of the Declaration, vitally important to international peace, may be achieved through the joint efforts of all Members of the Organization.
155.	In the Middle East the consequences of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which the 10 members of the European Community have vigorously condemned, are still with us. The country has found itself in the throes of a conflict which could have led to its disintegration. The civilian population has suffered greatly in the crossfire of the warring factions and by the intervention of foreign elements. The members of the Community, who have always supported the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and the authority of its Government, welcome the cease-fire which was put into effect yesterday. They hope that the dialogue about to be initiated will lead to national reconciliation and ensure the unity of the country. They also stress the need for early progress towards the complete withdrawal of all foreign forces with the exception of those whose presence might be required by the Lebanese Government. They are ready to work for these objectives, jointly and individually.
156.	A direct consequence of the stalemate in Lebanon is that no progress has been made towards the solution of the broader Arab-Israeli conflict. It is the view of the European Community that peace will not prevail unless the security and legitimate interests of alt States and peoples are taken into account. To be more specific, a lasting peace can be built only on the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to a secure existence and on justice for all peoples, including recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, with all that this implies.
160. A way to peace was indicated by President Reagan's initiative of 1 September 1982/ and the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, demonstrated a readiness for it. The Community appeals to all the parties in the conflict to move forward from a readiness for peace, which all of them have expressed in the past, towards mutual recognition as partners in genuine negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). These negotiations will have to embrace all the parties concerned, including the Palestinian people, and the PLO will have to be associated with them. The threat or use of force must be renounced by all.
 161. In the interest of the search for peace, the European Community asks Israel to abandon its policy of gradual annexation and of unilaterally creating new facts in the occupied territories, in particular its settlement policy, which is contrary to international law and a major and growing obstacle to peace efforts.
162.	For their part, the members of the Community are closely associated with such efforts, as demonstrated by, among other things, their continuing support of the peace-keeping role of the United Nations and the multinational forces. Having a deep interest in the future of the area, they intend to maintain their contacts with all parties and to use their influence to encourage movements towards compromise and negotiated solutions.
163.	Another aggravating factor in the Middle East is the continuing war between Iran and Iraq. The members of the Community strongly deplore the lack of progress towards the solution of this conflict, which constitutes a serious threat to the stability of the region and to international security and entails heavy suffering for the two peoples involved. They appeal urgently to the two belligerents to spare the civilian population and to abide by all international conventions applicable in time of war. In this respect they welcome the report of the United Nations mission's which visited areas subjected to attacks. On the other hand, the Community deeply regrets that none of the peace initiatives undertaken hitherto has succeeded in bringing the fighting to an end. It takes this opportunity to call once more for a cease-fire, the cessation of all military operations and the withdrawal of forces to internationally recognized frontiers, and for a just and honourable settlement, negotiated in accordance with the resolutions of the Security Council and acceptable to both parties. The members of the Community confirm their readiness, if requested by both parties, to participate in the efforts aimed at restoring peace in the area.
164.	If in the Middle East the situation has deteriorated over the past 12 months, little or no progress has been registered on a number of other international problems.
165.	In Afghanistan the Soviet occupation continues in spite of the successive resolutions adopted by the overwhelming majority of the United Nations. The European Community remains deeply concerned by this continuing violation of the independence of a traditionally neutral and non-aligned country. Its members condemn the attacks on Afghan civilians by Soviet forces and remain gravely concerned at the plight of the Afghan refugees who have been driven from their homeland as a direct result of these actions. These persons represent the largest concentration of refugees in the world, and their suffering must not be forgotten.
166.	The members of the European Community stress the urgent need for the withdrawal of Soviet troops and a negotiated settlement which will permit Afghanistan's independence and non-aligned status to be restored, allow the Afghan people to exercise fully their right to self- determination and enable the Afghan refugees to return home in safety and honour. They follow with great interest the indirect contacts between Pakistan and Afghanistan, held under the auspices of the United Nations, with a view to finding a solution in accordance with the Assembly's resolutions. While recalling their proposal in June 1981, the Community members are prepared to support any constructive initiative aimed at a satisfactory political solution. But the key requirement of any such solution remains the withdrawal of Soviet forces.
167.	Kampuchea was invaded five years ago and is still occupied by Vietnamese troops, which not only suppress all resistance but also attack the camps of refugees and displaced persons with increasing frequency and intensity. All efforts to end this occupation, with all its consequences for the present and the future, have foundered on the refusal of Viet Nam to comply with the relevant United Nations resolutions. The European Community wishes to congratulate the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations on their initiative concerning the convening of the International Conference on Kampuchea. It considers that the Declaration adopted by the Conference with whose principles it agrees, constitutes a very good basis for a genuine political settlement. The Declaration calls, as we all know, for the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces, recognition of the right of the Kampucheans to determine their own destiny through free elections supervised by the United Nations, respect for the independence, neutrality and non-aligned status of Kampuchea and a commitment by all States not to interfere in its internal affairs. The European Community regards the establishment of the coalition of Democratic Kampuchea under the presidency of Prince Norodom Sihanouk a significant step.
168.	In Korea the stalemate persists, 30 years after the armistice agreement was signed. The European Community believes that the peaceful reunification of Korea should be pursued by means of dialogue and negotiations based on the 1972 South-North Joint Communique.
169.	The situation in Cyprus constitutes a potential danger to the peace and stability of the whole area. The members of the Community reaffirm their position as reflected in General Assembly resolutions 3212 (XXIX) and 3395 (XXX), which call for respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. They hope that no action running counter to these principles will be undertaken. They have consistently supported the efforts of the Secretary-General, under whose auspices intercommunal talks were established on a regular basis. They welcome his renewed personal involvement in the search for a just and viable solution.
170.	In southern Africa Namibia continues to be illegally occupied by South Africa in defiance of international law and United Nations resolutions. The European Community has firmly and repeatedly expressed its conviction that the people of Namibia must be allowed to determine their own future through free and fair elections held under the supervision and control of the United Nations, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We reiterate this conviction today and express our full support for the efforts of the contact group, thanks to which a settlement has been within reach for some time now. We also wish to express appreciation for the efforts of the front-line States.
171.	The Community members also thank the Secretary- General for his efforts in fulfilling his mandate under Security Council resolution 532 (1983) and will continue to support his contacts with the parties. They urge all parties concerned to facilitate the conclusion of the negotiations without further delay and to refrain from any action which could endanger an agreement.
172.	I might add that the problem of Namibia should be viewed strictly as a problem of decolonization—in fact, of eradicating the last remaining vestige of colonialism in Africa. The people of Namibia must be given an opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination without delay. Their independence has been denied them for far too long and should not be delayed further because of extraneous problems.
173.	In South Africa itself the country's black majority unfortunately continues to be the victim of blatant oppression. The European Community wishes to reiterate its unequivocal and vigorous condemnation and rejection of the system of institutionalized racial discrimination known as apartheid and its determination to use its collective weight, as in the past, to influence South Africa, in order to help put an end to that inhuman system and establish a society in which everybody without exception will enjoy equality, freedom and justice. The Community remains concerned about many aspects of South African policies. In particular, it has condemned the homeland policy and the violation of human rights resulting from bannings and other similar measures.
174.	In other parts of Africa internal strife is sometimes an obstacle in the long and difficult road to economic and social development. Such strife is too often exacerbated by outside factors.
175.	One such case is Chad. The 10 members of the European Community are gravely concerned by the outside intervention to which this country has fallen victim, and the consequences of that intervention. They firmly support its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and are against any kind of interference in its internal affairs. They believe this problem is an African affair and, consequently, should be settled by the Africans themselves, in order to avoid an escalation of the conflict into an international crisis. They underline the role which the OAU could play in restoring peace. This, of course, should not preclude similar action by the competent organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council, and by the Secretary-General.
176.	As I have mentioned the OAU, I should like to pay a tribute to that organization, which is celebrating this year its twentieth anniversary. In the course of the past 20 years it has proved to be a very important factor for political stability and progress in Africa and for world peace.
177.	The 10 countries of the European Community are historically linked by close human, economic and cultural ties with Latin America. I wish to stress the importance we attach to further promoting these ties. A few months ago we celebrated the bicentenary of the birth of Simon Bolivar. We pay a tribute to that great man and his struggle for the independence and freedom of the Latin American peoples. We also welcome the growing trend towards democracy in the continent, while deploring the continuing and grave abuses of human rights and restrictions of political freedom in certain countries.
178.	I should now like to turn to the serious situation in Central America, which could have repercussions extending well beyond the region itself. The endemic social inequalities, injustice and economic underdevelopment are at the root of the present crisis, which is aggravated by outside interference. In some countries violence and the violation of human rights have become facts of everyday life. Last June, at Stuttgart, the 10 heads of State or Government dearly stated the principles for remedying this situation. They include those of non-interference, the inviolability of frontiers, the establishment of democratic conditions and the strict observance of human rights. The European Community is convinced that the problems of Central America cannot be solved by military means but only through a political settlement springing from the region itself. The Community is prepared to contribute in whatever way it can to this end. It fully supports the Contadora initiative. It notes that the Cancun Declaration of 17 July contains many useful suggestions. It also recalls the endorsement of the efforts of the Contadora Group by Security Council resolution 530 (1983), which was adopted unanimously.
179.	The protection of human rights is a cause to which the European Community is deeply committed, because respect for those rights lies at the very foundation of all truly democratic societies, which are the best guarantee of international peace and stability. We must acknowledge that during recent decades nations with different traditions, ideologies, cultures and political systems have moved towards the adoption of common standards, as well as of appropriate, although not altogether adequate, procedures for putting these standards into effect.
180.	It is, however, a matter of deep regret to the European Community that the implementation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 35 years after its adoption, is far from satisfactory. The number of serious and massive violations of these rights in various parts of the world is growing. Many countries seem to have made arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, torture, disappearances, killings and political executions an integral part of their political system. Human beings are persecuted solely on ideological, religious or racial grounds, or even simply because they have the courage to defend the cause of human rights. Large numbers of political prisoners, including trade union activists, remain under detention and are denied respect of their status, as well as their right to defence. Others are denied the right to leave their country or to return to it. Faced with such serious abuses, the United Nations has a duty to secure compliance with the obligations of the Universal Declaration and to react promptly to all violations of human rights. The Community stands ready to approach the Governments of the countries where violations of this kind occur, in order to try to alleviate the human suffering.
181.	All States should adhere to and implement legally binding international instruments on human rights and take appropriate measures for their enforcement. The members of the Community are taking an active part in the elaboration of new such instruments and, in particular, the draft convention against torture.
182.	Moreover, it is their view that, together with civil and political rights, social and economic rights need to be guaranteed as essential elements of an integral system for protection of the individual.
183.	A major event this year has been the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held at New Delhi last March. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, with some 100 members, has become a powerful influence in international affairs. This is fully recognized by the Community, which appreciates the important role the Movement plays.
184.	One of the main preoccupations of the third world is the present economic crisis and the measures that should be taken with urgency to help developing countries overcome the difficult, and in some cases desperate, situations they find themselves in.
185.	The world economy is at a critical juncture. There are some signs of recovery in a number of major industrialized countries, most notably the United States of America and Japan, whereas in Europe the prospects are less certain.
186.	More specifically, unemployment remains high and is increasing, its effects being felt mostly by young and urban workers. The uncertainty of the future and the prospect of high public deficits are among the elements which maintain real interest rates at high levels, thus diverting resources from productive investment to financial management. This reduces the prospects for a synchronized upturn in economic activity and an investment-led and sustainable recovery. Exchange rates continue to be volatile, and this increases uncertainty and limits the room for a consistent economic policy.
187.	The global recession has left its mark on developing countries. Their debt has increased sharply, their development efforts have been undermined and their capacity to participate fully in the international economic system has been impaired. They face a severe reduction of their imports and are confronted with sluggish markets for their exports, unfavourable terms of trade and sharply higher debt servicing costs.
188.	It is with a clear understanding of these realities and a sense of deep commitment to the need for coordination and co-operation that the Community has participated during the past year in international negotiations with all its partners. The difficulties we have been experiencing over the past few years have made clear to all of us the extent to which our economies are interdependent. The ministerial meeting in May 1983 of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development highlighted this point very clearly. It recognized the powerful economic links between all parts of the world, which imply a collective responsibility to shape policies so as to strengthen the international trading and monetary and financial systems and to recreate the conditions for sustainable non-inflationary growth. The Williamsburg Summit of Industrialized Nations in May 1983 adopted the same approach in recognizing that "we must act together and that we must pursue a balanced set of policies that take into account and exploit relationships between growth, trade and finance in order that recovery may spread to all countries, developed and developing countries alike".
189.	The open world trading system embodied in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade has served the world economy well during more than three decades. Therefore it ought to be preserved and further strengthened. At the ministerial meeting of the Parties to the Agreement in November 1982, the European Community reaffirmed its commitment to resist protectionist pressures in the formulation and implementation of trade policy, a commitment which was further reinforced by consensus at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. In this context, it has always been a principle of the Community that differential and more favourable treatment should be extended to less developed countries.
190.	The major event in the North-South dialogue this year has been the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which the Community approached with a positive, constructive and pragmatic attitude, recognizing that the economic crisis threatens the smooth and effective functioning of the multilateral economic system as well as world prosperity. At Belgrade the Community, aware that there is a growing interdependence between developing and developed countries, declared that "there can be no lasting recovery without resumption of the development process and that there can be no new impetus to the development process without real recovery". In our view, and despite the occasional disappointments and frustrations, the outcome of this Conference was important. We agreed on quite a number of resolutions, which were adopted by consensus and which cover substantial issues of common interest. We succeeded—which is politically most important—in keeping the lines of communication open and the international dialogue alive.
191.	In the field of commodities the Community throughout has supported the Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for Commodities." We therefore welcome the recent increase in the number of signatures and ratifications, which we hope will lead to its early entry into force. At the sixth session of the Conference we also took an active part in the important decision to start work on compensatory financing of export earnings shortfalls.
192.	In the field of trade the Community supported the adoption of resolution 159 (VI), which highlighted the importance of the open trading system, and agreed to follow policies that would facilitate structural adjustment based on a dynamic pattern of comparative advantage. Increased trade is especially vital for the developing countries. The generalized system of preferences scheme has improved access to the Community's markets for all of them. The Community will—as was stated at the sixth session of the Conference—maintains and further develop its generalized system of preferences scheme until at least 1990.
193.	On monetary and financial affairs, the sixth session of the Conference adopted several resolutions. The Community joined in the consensus on resolution 161 (VI) on the crucial issue of the external debt of the developing countries. We declared that we were ready to consider appropriate measures to alleviate the servicing of the debts of developing countries on a case-by-case basis and within the existing institutions. The Community supported the renewed commitment to official development assistance targets, especially VM-a-v/s the least developed countries. We advocated the rapid replenishment of the resources of the International Development Association to a substantial level, and we consider that an adequate level of funding of the development financial institutions is essential. The Community also recognizes the importance of an adequate supply of liquidity for world economic growth. We stressed at Belgrade that a financially strong IMF is in the interest of all, in order that that institution may fulfil its role in meeting its members' financing and adjustment needs.
194.	As I said before, the sixth session of the (Conference was the major event this year in North-South relations, but the global dialogue between industrialized and developing countries is an ongoing process. It is based on the recognition of increasing links between the different economic sectors such as growth, trade, finance, development and the fight against the hunger in the world. In this spirit we continue to support the launching of global negotiations to cover all major issues in the field of the world economy. We hope that it will be possible to reach an early agreement on launching such negotiations. In this respect we have noted with interest the declarations of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at New Delhi and of the Group of 77 at Buenos Aires" earlier this year. In this context I would recall that the Community has over a long period developed an active partnership with the countries in the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States, and we shall soon be entering into negotiations for a new convention.
195.	Another basic feature of the development policy of the Community is to pay special attention to the specific and urgent needs of the least developed countries.
196.	Finally I should like to refer briefly to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was opened for signature in December last year. The Community and its member States believe that this Convention constitutes a major effort in the codification and progressive development of international law in various fields. This Convention has so far been signed by five member States of the Community. Some concern persists with respect to the deep-sea-bed-mining regime of the Convention; it should be dealt with in such a manner as to make the Convention universally acceptable. In fact, we attach great importance to the work of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. I hope the Convention will become a useful instrument for the promotion of co-operation and stable relations between all countries in this field.
197.	The international economic climate is still far from satisfactory, but history teaches us that times of crisis can be turned into times of fresh and constructive initiatives. The economic crisis still confronting most of us presents a challenge: to promote international co-operation; to promote social welfare; to improve living conditions in the world; and to re-establish confidence in the working of our international system by adapting to changing realities, accommodating diversity and promoting common aspirations.
198.	We sincerely believe that, despite the occasional disappointment and frustration at the lack of a consensus, we have succeeded in keeping the lines of communication open and the international dialogue alive. There are clearly differences in experiences, in perceptions of the problems and in proposals for their effective solution. However, it is only through a process of continuous and frank exchange of views that we can better define and come to accept our common interests as well as our differences. We in the Community are hopeful that the international dialogue will lead to a better economic environment in the future.
199.	In the midst of a world torn by discord and fraught with fear, the Secretary-General was led to sound the alarm with the report he submitted last year to the Assembly. I wish to assure him that the members of the European Community have given both that report and the one this year all the attention they deserve. They share his concern that the United Nations system of collective security often has not been used effectively and that the provisions of the Charter have frequently been disregarded. At the same time, the members of the European Community share the view that this weakness is not a result of institutional or structural deficiencies but a consequence of a lack of political will of the parties involved in disputes and confrontations.
200.	While fully aware of the previous and ongoing discussions about the need to strengthen the United Nations, we believe that the political impulse of the report should be sustained. We share the view of the Secretary- General that his report should not be dealt with bureau- critically or as a matter of routine. The large echo this report received, going far beyond the usual reaction, testifies to the soundness and correctness of its analyses and observations. As a partial remedy to the present disquieting situation, the Secretary-General has suggested a series of practical measures aimed at increasing the effectiveness of the Organization in preventing conflicts. It is encouraging that these suggestions have been thoroughly examined and discussed by the Security Council, which is the organ primarily responsible for ensuring peace and security.
201.	We, members of the European Community, believe that the principles of the Charter, which gives expression to the universality of the Organization, provide the framework for the peaceful settlement of disputes all over the world. It is in this positive spirit that we have already initiated a dialogue with several third countries and some regional organizations or groups. They are ready to extend this dialogue to include any new partners who would wish to join in it. The principles which are the very raison d'etre of the United Nations cannot continue to be violated with impunity without leading to the further decline of the Organization, which would become totally irrelevant. Unchecked by the constraints of law, the world would become increasingly torn by violence and wars until the Herniate nuclear catastrophe became inevitable. It is our most pressing duty to do whatever lies in our power to prevent such an appalling development, by reversing the present trend. We therefore appeal to all Members of the Organization, without exception, to comply and ensure compliance with the obligations freely undertaken under the Charter. What is at stake is more than the survival of the United Nations; it is the survival of mankind itself.
202.	I wish now, in my capacity as Foreign Minister of Greece, to come back to the problem of Cyprus. In 1974, as is well known to all the Members of the Organization, Turkish armed forces invaded the Republic of Cyprus. This flagrant violation of all norms of international law brought with it death and destruction, and as a result 200,000 Greek Cypriots live as refugees in their own country, while the fate of some 1,600 missing persons is still unknown, for lack of co-operation by the occupying authorities. It is, therefore, obvious that the continuing presence of the forces of occupation in the island renders a political solution almost impossible.
203.	Both the General Assembly and the Security Council, in a series of resolutions adopted either unanimously or by an overwhelming majority, have set out the principles which should govern any settlement, if we want it to be just and viable. These principles are: the withdrawal of foreign troops; respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus; and the return of the refugees to their homes. Clearly, the meaning of these resolutions is that the problem should be settled by the two communities without outside interference. It is in this light that the Greek Government views the latest effort of the Secretary-General to explore new possibilities for an arrangement that would be mutually acceptable. We hold Mr. Perez de Cuellar in high esteem. Apart from his other outstanding qualities, he has a deep knowledge of the problem, a problem to which he has devoted tireless efforts in the past. He is, therefore, the person most qualified to help the two communities in their endeavours. We wish him every success.
204.	Cyprus may be a small country, but the issues at stake are big. If the international community cannot show that it has the power to enforce the principles of the Charter in such a blatant case of their violation, then it will have failed in its task very sadly indeed.