On behalf of the Malawi delegation, I should like to extend to Mr. von Wechmar our warmest congratulations on his election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. In extending our congratulations to him, I wish to take the liberty of recording our satisfaction at seeing him preside over the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
2.	In this connection, we wish to recall that the friendly Government which he so ably represents, that of the Federal Republic of Germany, was the first to promise economic aid to Malawi when, in 1963, our Government served notice to quit the now defunct Central African Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. We also wish to recall that, since then, not only have the two countries enjoyed the most cordial bilateral relations, but these relations have waxed from strength to strength. Therefore, it is only natural that our delegation should assure him of our fullest co-operation and support in the discharge of the responsibilities of his presidency that lie ahead. It is in this spirit that we salute him and convey to him our great personal pleasure in seeing him preside over the Assembly.
3.	Our delegation would be remiss if an appropriate public tribute were not paid to his predecessor Ambassador Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who acquitted himself so ably and with such total dedication that the special sessions over which he presided not only added to his stature as a seasoned diplomat but also did tremendous honour to his country in particular and Africa in general. Our delegation is indebted to Ambassador Salim for his outstanding contribution to the work of the United Nations. We salute him for an excellent job of work, which he accomplished for the good of the entire international community.
4.	The Government of the Republic of Malawi continues to follow with very keen interest the efforts deployed by the Secretary-General as he attempts to give positive expression to the resolutions of both the Assembly and the Security Council. Our Government has taken special note of his visits to several parts of the world—including South-East Asia and the Middle East—in his quest for a peaceful settlement of explosive situations which seem to undermine international peace and security. Accordingly, on behalf of the Malawi Government, we wish to record our sincere thanks to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for those efforts and to congratulate him and his dedicated staff for their invaluable service and contribution to the cause of international peace and stability. Our Government also commends the Secretary-General on his report on the work of the Organization, on the objectivity of the annual report and its careful analysis of the international political developments during the past year. Indeed, we take pride in the very high standard of performance that he has set for the entire United Nations system.
5.	The Government of the Republic of Malawi, in concert with other Commonwealth Governments, joined the international community in welcoming the advent of the two newly independent sovereign States of Zimbabwe in Africa and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines in the Caribbean. Both States were former possessions of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and were admitted as the one hundred and fifty-third and one hundred and fifty- fourth Members of the United Nations, respectively. With the admission of these two new Members, the United Nations took bold and positive steps towards its desired objective regarding the fulfilment of the principle of universality of its membership. It is in recognition and appreciation of this achievement that we wish to take the liberty of extending our delegation's sincere and heartfelt congratulations to the Governments and peoples of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We also wish to congratulate Her Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom on facilitating the independence of its two former colonies. The Malawi Government has noted with complete satisfaction and jubilation the removal, for the first time, from the agenda of the General Assembly of the item entitled "The situation in Southern Rhodesia". Accordingly, it is the hope of my Government that similar items that still remain on the agenda of the Assembly might equally be dropped, sooner rather than later.
6.	At the seventeenth ordinary session the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], held at Freetown, last July, agreed to authorize Mr. Siaka Stevens, current chairman of the Assembly of the OAU and head of State and Government of the Republic of Sierra Leone, to convene the Ad Hoc Committee on Western Sahara, with a view to reconciling the parties to the conflict and seeking a peaceful and lasting solution to that problem. Accordingly, the fourth session of the Ad Hoc Committee was convened in Freetown early last month. My Government notes with considerable interest the fact that since the establishment of that Committee, the parties to the conflict not only now appear willing to discuss the issues, but also have participated in at least one such meeting which formed the basis for current recommendations which have been forwarded to the heads of State and Government of the OAU. The decision to participate in an exercise of this nature would seem, in our view, to augur well for the future. Accordingly, we wish all the participants and the Committee every success in their determined search for a peaceful solution to this African problem. Above all, we commend the OAU for its determination to attempt to contain and even resolve the problem within the framework of its charter.
7.	During the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the international community expressed both dismay and disappointment at the negative turn of events when agreement on a formula for resolving the Namibian problem initially submitted by the five Western Powers through the Security Council eluded the feuding parties. This disappointment notwithstanding, efforts to maintain the search for a peaceful solution to the problem have been stepped up by the Secretary-General and as a result we hear that all outstanding issues militating against the settlement proposal approved by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978) have now been resolved. However, we are unable to understand and appreciate the apparent reluctance of the Government of the Republic of South Africa to facilitate the immediate implementation of the formula that not only has been carefully worked out but also has been exhaustively examined by all concerned. We believe that the assurances given by the Secretary-General are genuine and that they are aimed at ensuring the peaceful transfer of political power to the Namibians themselves. We believe that under United Nations auspices not only would free and fair elections be feasible, but the participation of each Namibian in any such election would be guaranteed.
8.	In this connection, we wish to recall our Government's belief in the Western initiative, which has now culminated in what has been agreed to by all parties. Addressing the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly last October, the then Chairman of our delegation, Mr. D. T. Matenje, Minister of Education, had this to say about our Government's reaction:
"My Government is convinced that this is still the way that offers the most hope of leading to a just and internationally acceptable solution to the Namibia question. It is therefore encouraging to note that efforts are under way to pursue the Western initiative, and I would appeal for good faith among ... the parties concerned so as not to lose again an opportunity to bring this problem to a successful conclusion."
9.	Accordingly, it is in the same spirit that we would venture to reiterate our Government's appeal to all parties, in particular to the Government of the Republic of South Africa, to facilitate the implementation of the formula currently under active consideration. Time is running out, and the time to resolve the problem is now.
10.	We would venture to submit that the views of our Government on apartheid and racism and what they connote arc well known, not only to the Assembly but also to the Government of the Republic of South Africa. It will be recalled that last year the leader of our delegation had this to say on the policies of apartheid and racism espoused by the Government of the Republic of South Africa:
"My Government remains resolutely averse to the policies of apartheid and the methods used to enforce it, including the establishment of 'homelands'. This is a stance that is well known to the Government of the day in South Africa. But my Government remains equally convinced that the best way to induce the white people to the south of us to change is by contact and example, by engaging in a dialogue with them."
11.	The black people of South Africa continue to challenge the legal instruments of their oppression because for upwards of three centuries they have been reduced to the status of aliens in the country of their forebears. Alas, even black school children, too, have for quite a spell now shown utter defiance, and this in broad daylight, of the armoury that has been assembled there for what appears to be their perpetual political subjugation. The black people of South Africa abhor the creation of Bantustans, which they perceive as a summation of apartheid and downright racism. They resent the balkanization of beautiful South Africa and rather yearn for its unification. Their desire for the total integration and cohesion of their land prompts them to step up the fight for freedom and prosperity for all its people, irrespective of colour or creed. Therefore, the continued balkanization of South Africa can only mean an affront to the dignity of sovereignty, aimed at entrenching the enduring myth of baaskap.
12.	The black people of South Africa will continue to insist on respect for their lives and dignity. For, as long as those basic human rights continue to be ignored, the fight not only to participate in but also to govern, the affairs of their land will not cease. Therefore we, like the international community, believe that there is merit in the people's quest for social justice and political emancipation. We believe that they loathe violence just as they abhor political injustice and racism. We believe that neither confrontation nor intransigence is in the best interests of the racial groups in that land. We believe that the black people of South Africa are crying out for and committed to the building of a united, dynamic, strong and prosperous nation capable of providing enlightened leadership in the African continent.
13.	South Africa has always been, is and will continue to be part and parcel of the African continent. Therefore we are unable to understand why the white minority that now governs that country should insist on creating a mini- Europe there while at the same time justifiably insisting on being called Africans themselves. We would, as in years gone by, urge those who have influence over the white population and Government of South Africa to prevail on them to come to the conference table with a view to resolving the country's political, social and economic problems, which have not only bedevilled racial relations within the country but have also succeeded in isolating it from the international family of man. My delegation's prayer is for a quick resolution of the problem so that that country may return to this forum and occupy its legitimate place.
14.	No instant solution to the Middle East problem capable of commanding the immediate support of all parties seems feasible. But Malawi believes that, given a suitable political climate and willingness to engage in meaningful discussions among all the feuding parties, a solution might be found sooner rather than later. Unfortunately, the tendency in recent times to assail the efforts of the United Nations in the region, the most recent decision to take unilateral action on certain disputed aspects of the problem, the continued acquisition of weaponry of death and mass destruction, which goads the feuding parties into acts of violence, the refusal to recognize and accept each other's existence, the temptation to ignore the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, the unwillingness that has been demonstrated so far to give effect to the myriad resolutions of the United Nations calling for withdrawal from occupied territories, and so on, seem in our view to have succeeded only in undermining the credibility of United Nations peace initiatives in that region. Naturally the Malawi delegation deplores this negative development. We believe that the region can ill afford to continue to bleed itself to death, because to do so is to set itself on a course of self-destruction and create general world instability and insecurity in its wake. Consequently, we submit that the Secretary-General made a very pertinent and timely observation to this body when he said in his report:
"Any progress in the Middle East requires in the first place a vastly improved degree of communication and understanding at many levels. There can be no hope of peaceful progress if the peoples of the region and their leaders do not recognize and accept each other's ... right to exist. Conditions must be created in which positive and agreed solutions can be developed."
15.	We see no concealed innuendos or provocative epithets in that observation, which to us seems to be a fundamental truism that reflects the reality of the situation. We discern nothing in it that might incur the wrath of the gods of the Middle East. Accordingly we would urge the international community to join the Secretary-General in attempts to bring suitable pressure to bear on all the parties in the area to facilitate the creation of the type of conditions envisaged in that quotation and to facilitate the development of "positive and agreed solutions" aimed at a peaceful resolution of the Middle East conflict.
16.	In the view of our delegation, the Secretary-General has made what seems to be a very intriguing proposal concerning the situation in Afghanistan. According to him,
. . the only way that appears open is to initiate a process of negotiation among all the parties concerned with a view to finding a political solution of the problem with
full regard to the principles of the Charter and the decisions of the Organization".
As far as we are aware, the Afghan representatives regard any such proposals as wanton interference in their domestic affairs. They have even objected to the inscription of an item on the subject on the agenda of the Assembly. As far as they are concerned, the foreign troops that have inundated their country are there by invitation because their sovereignty was allegedly threatened by imperialists and neo-imperialists in concert with their foster-cousins the colonialists and neo- colonialists. However, the international community still has not been informed why the Afghan people, on whose behalf the foreign troops are alleged to have been invited into their country, seem to be taking to the bush, and some even seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. If the question of the invitation cannot be discussed by the Assembly, at least that of thousands of refugees would seem to merit consideration. Therefore we would hope that the Assembly—which is already involved by being looked to for material support for the well-being of the Afghan refugees—might be permitted to review the situation there before it deteriorates beyond redemption. It is in this light that we perceive the Secretary-General's constructive proposal, which would seem to merit prompt and positive consideration by the international community.
17.	The situation in Kampuchea, like that in Afghanistan, is said to remain dangerous. We have been informed that even humanitarian relief operations carried out by the United Nations system in concert with voluntary organizations for the benefit of the uprooted and displaced Kampuchean men, women and children have run into serious political and military difficulties. We are concerned that hardly any progress appears to have been made in giving effect to General Assembly resolution 34/22, which does not merely deal with the situation in Kampuchea, but also specifically calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops from that land, which has literally been bleeding to death since the hostilities of recent years. We believe that the withdrawal of those foreign troops would certainly facilitate the search for a mutually acceptable political solution.
18.	In this regard we have taken note of the Secretary- General's efforts in using his good offices to assist the parties to the conflict to try and come to some accommodation Although those efforts have not yielded any spectacular results, the Secretary-General seems to have succeeded in getting at least two of the Foreign Ministers to continue the dialogue during the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly here in New York. We wish them every success in their endeavour, and for our part we shall watch their efforts with keen interest.
19.	The meeting held on 9 August this year concerning the situation in Cyprus is said to have culminated in an agreement between the two communities to start discussing substantive issues pertinent to the dispute. But both parties are said to be lacking in an essential ingredient: the necessary political will and commitment to negotiate and compromise. In the absence of such essential political chemistry, it is proving difficult to get down to really serious business. In this connection we would once again appeal to the two communities to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the general search for a peaceful resolution of the dispute.
20.	During the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly the Malawi delegation expressed the hope that the successful conclusion of the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, SALT II, might induce the big Powers to deploy the type of experience gained through the long drawn out negotiations in efforts geared to the achievement of general disarmament in the world. Unfortunately, this does not appear to have been the case.
21.	In this regard it is pertinent to observe that the disarm-ament strategy elaborately worked out at the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament has not in fact been translated into substantive action as expected. Instead, the international community has witnessed further escalation of the arms race. The international community has, during the past year, seen Governments giving priority to military preparedness while at the same time espousing the principle of disarmament. This mental attitude has resulted in meagre progress on this problem. The bottom line of all this would seem to be that by the end of the current year, according to the report of the Secretary-General, world military expenditures will exceed $500 billion, or roughly 6 per cent of total world output. We are horrified by the findings of a comprehensive study on nuclear weapons, commissioned on behalf of this General Assembly some two years ago, which has just been completed and which highlights the dangers of those weapons in the arsenals of major Powers. According to the Secretary- General, "In 13 years the total number of strategic nuclear warheads has reportedly almost tripled. Can the international community afford further nuclear proliferation—has the international community become so obsessed with technology that the objective is now to annihilate itself from the surface of the Lord's earth?
22.	The Malawi delegation agrees with the view expressed by the Secretary-General that "There must be tangible demonstrations of renewed commitment to the objectives outlined in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session". Our delegation also supports the Secretary-General in his assertion that "The Second Disarmament Decade, which began this year, offers a suitable framework for setting politically attainable concrete targets and making substantive progress in that direction" The Assembly has had more than enough of its share of empty professions flowing from those who claim never to have violated any international agreements on disarmament and arms control. Such professions cannot impress anyone in the Assembly as long as they are not related to what actually goes on in the backyards of those who advance them.
23.	The development of the essential political will among nations at the highest levels of Government conducive to the transformation and restructuring of the current international economy seems to have eluded the participants in the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to development and international economic co-operation. Consequently, yet another opportunity to give effect to the proposed establishment of the new international economic order appears to have been lost last month. However, our delegation joined the other members of the Group of 77 in taking note with satisfaction of the consensus reached on the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which is scheduled to come into effect in January 1981. But we were both dismayed and disappointed by the failure to reach total agreement at that session on procedures and a time-frame aimed at launching the global negotiations. However, that failure to reach total agreement notwithstanding, we still cherish the hope that by the beginning of 1981 the three important Western delegations will, after careful reflection on what has been achieved thus far, reverse their original decision and facilitate the launching of the global negotiations on target.
24.	Permit us to recall that during the closing hours of the eleventh special session, Canada took the first step in announcing that
". . . the Government of Canada has decided to reverse the trend of the last few years under which Canadian official development assistance was declining as a proportion of our gross national product. We shall now move upwards once again and our official development assistance will reach a level of 0.5 per cent of gross national product by the middle of the decade. Our intention thereafter is to accept the need to reach an official development assistance level of 0.7 per cent of gross national product by the end of the decade, and we shall employ all our best efforts to reach this objective".''
Clearly, once again Canada has taken the initiative in setting the pace for the major traditional donors. Accordingly, my delegation commends Canada for that gesture.
25.	The Government of the Republic of Malawi is pleased to note that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea last August completed its ninth session, at Geneva, on an extremely hopeful note. In terms of the reports that we have received, it is hoped that a convention might be adopted early in the new year and that it might be ready for signature by April 1981. Accordingly, we should like to record our thanks and indebtedness to all the participants for their outstanding contribution to the draft constitution for the seas. We hope and pray that the final conference, scheduled for early next year, will contribute positively to the advent of the new international economic order.
26.	The Malawi delegation wishes to be among the first to salute the United Nations system and to commend its loyal, dedicated and hard-working personnel at all levels for the invaluable services that they continue to render and which have sustained the smooth administration of the entire system. We would wish to pay a particular tribute to the secretariat of UNCTAD for their determination to give positive expression to one of the objectives of the international community—the establishment of the new international economic order. In this regard, we would recall that, through UNCTAD at Geneva, yet another major step towards the realization of that goal was taken when on 27 June this year the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities adopted the Agreement establishing the Common Fund.  It may further be recalled that the Final Act of the Conference was signed by more than 90 States. Thereafter, a Preparatory Commission consisting of representatives of 28 States was set up and charged with the responsibility of preparing draft rules and regulations and other related policy instruments for consideration by the Governing Council.
27.	As the Assembly might already be aware, it is intended that the Fund should serve as a key instrument in the attainment of the objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities as enshrined in UNCTAD resolution 93 (IV).  It is our understanding that the Fund will also facilitate the conclusion and functioning of international commodity agreements or arrangements, particularly concerning commodities of special interest to developing countries.
28.	From our perspective as a developing country, the significance of the Fund would seem to affect at least six major areas, as follows.
29.	First, the Common Fund can be regarded as an important element of the new international economic order and the Programme of Action for the establishment of that order. The Programme of Action envisaged the need for the regulation of world trade in primary commodities with the objective of producing greater benefits to developing countries in terms of prices, earnings, opportunities for processing and marketing and control over their natural resources.
30.	Secondly, the Fund represents the first major change that has taken place since the end of the Second World War in the organization of international economic relations. Unlike the immediate post-war financial institutions, that is, IMF and the World Bank, the Common Fund would permit developing countries to play a decisive role in the management of the world economy. The universal membership of the Fund would bring together countries with differing economic and social systems. It is hoped that the problems created by payments made by countries in either convertible or non-convertible currencies might be a non-issue, eliminating the current double standards within the United Nations system which adversely affect developing countries.
31.	Thirdly, the operations of the First Account of the Common Fund, that is, activities related to stocking, would make for greater price stability for many commodities exported by developing countries. Price instability, as experience has shown, does affect the export earnings of developing countries. It contributes to inflation and in some instances it could hamper the planning of production, especially agricultural production in the developing countries. Price stability would eliminate these problems and contribute to greater security of investments in raw materials.
32.	Fourthly, the operations of the Second Account, that is, activities other than stocking, such as productivity improvement, product development, marketing and distribution, would generate resources for developing countries to finance long-term developmental projects associated with the commodity sector. These projects will improve the competitive position of natural products exported by developing countries vis-a-vis synthetics and substitutes. It will also assist these countries in the processing, marketing and distribution of their commodities.
33.	Fifthly, the capital structure of the Fund is such that developing countries should be able to subscribe to it without unduly straining their economies. The ratio of the subscribed to the borrowed capital of the Fund, as agreed, that is, one third subscribed to two thirds borrowed, would enhance the credit-worthiness of the Fund and maintain its financial integrity. For developing countries this is important, as the ability of the Fund to enter into capital market operations could directly affect its stocking operations.
34.	Sixthly and finally, the voting structure of the Fund— 47 per cent of voting power for the Group of 77,42 per cent for Group B, 8 per cent for Group D and 3 per cent for China—established a new principle of power sharing in international financial institutions. If all developing countries ratify the Articles of Agreement, they will constitute the largest voting bloc in the management of the Fund.
35.	To us, the establishment of the Common Fund is recognition by the international community of the growing political and economic tensions which tend to undermine international relations and which must be addressed at the earliest available opportunity. The establishment of the Fund, we believe, introduces a new economic partnership in a world of increasing interaction and interdependence. Therefore, mindful of the myriad advantages of the newly created Fund, we would venture to urge all States Members of the United Nations to consider the immediate ratification of the Articles of Agreement, and let us move forward together thereafter. We commend the Common Fund to all Governments of the international community.
36.	In conclusion, we would appeal to the Assembly to heed the overriding preoccupation of the African continent with the peaceful uses of the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean. Africa's commitment to peace and mutual international friendship is a matter of record. Therefore, mindful of that commitment, one of Africa's distinguished statesmen, the President of Madagascar, in a letter dated 22 June 1980 to the Secretary-General, made a specific proposal aimed at maintaining the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Accordingly he has called for a summit meeting of both littoral and hinterland States and of the major maritime users, including the five world major Powers, to be held at Tananarive, the capital of his country. As far as the timing is concerned, it has been suggested that it be held either at the end of 1981 or in early 1982. Therefore my delegation would urge the international community to give that proposal the consideration it merits with the urgency it deserves. Africa is for lasting peace and stability; hence Madagascar's initiative down that path, and we owe it to ourselves to commend and salute the President of that great African and Indian Ocean Republic.


It is a great pleasure for me to convey to you, Sir, our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I avail myself of this opportunity to stress the satisfaction of the Romanian Government at the development achieved during the last few years in relations between Romania and the country which you represent, the Federal Republic of Germany.
95.	This session of the General Assembly is carrying out its work in the context of a particularly complex international situation. The Romanian Government considers that the threats to international peace and security and to the independence and free development of peoples, more than ever in the past, call for the United Nations and for all States, irrespective of their size, to take action in a spirit of high responsibility to settle, on just and equitable bases and in the interest of all peoples, the problems today confronting mankind.
96.	The peoples of the world expect this session of the world forum to open new prospects for the prevention of growing international tension, for the resumption and continuation of the policy of detente, independence, peace and cooperation; for the complete elimination from international relations of the policy of force and threat of force; for the settlement, exclusively by peaceful means, of all disputes among States; for the cessation of the arms race and the urgent adoption of practical measures of disarmament, primarily nuclear disarmament; for the eradication of underdevelopment and the establishment of a new international economic order; for the democratization of international life in its entirety; and for the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and its contribution to the consolidation of peace and cooperation among nations.
97.	Since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, particularly in the first part of this year, international life has been fraught with tension which has seriously endangered the policy of detente, peace and national independence. This situation, which is the result of the intensification of a policy of division and consolidation of zones of influence and spheres of domination, the sharpening of contradictions between States and groups of States, the acceleration of the arms race, and the deepening of the gap between the rich and poor countries. This situation has been aggravated by the deepening of the economic crisis and by the energy crisis, particularly as it affects oil, and by the delay in the settlement of situations of tensions and conflict, including existing hotbeds of war, because of the emergence of new confrontations.
98.	At present, as a result of the peoples' struggle and the vigorous reaction of world public opinion and the progressive forces on all continents, we are witnessing some alleviation of tension. However, given the fact that the problems that have led to the aggravation of the international situation have not yet been settled, particularly great dangers continue to threaten the independence and freedom of peoples and the peace and security of all mankind.
99.	Developments in world affairs have convincingly shown that international peace and cooperation depend essentially on respect for the right of each people to decide its own destiny, strict and consistent observance of the principles of independence, sovereignty, and equality of rights, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual advantage in relations among all States. Everyday life constantly offers fresh proof that the observance of those principles is the cornerstone of international peace and security and that the main cause of tension, conflict and upheavals around the world can in the main be traced to violations of those principles. Those situations are the result of the manifestations of the anachronistic imperialist policy of force and diktat, and interference in the internal affairs of other peoples.
100.	As was recently pointed out by President Nicolae Ceausescu:
"Romania has declared and declares itself firmly against the policy of tension and force. Our country strives for the settlement of matters in dispute by political negotiations only, on the basis of observance of each people's independence and of non-interference in internal affairs. We are convinced that the peoples, the progressive anti-imperialist forces, have the capacity to prevent the worsening of the international situation, to ensure the resumption of the policy of detente, peace and respect for national independence and to bring about conditions in which all peoples can focus their energies on economic and social development."
101.	In this spirit, the Socialist Republic of Romania and President Ceausescu carry out wide-ranging intensive activities on the international scene. Proceeding from the right and duty of each country, irrespective of its size, strength or social and economic system, to take part in the settlement of problems of concern to the international community as a whole, the President of Romania has maintained and maintains direct dialogue with a great number of heads of State or Government, and with political leaders in socialist, developing and developed countries. Romania's international activity has constantly been designed to foster the peaceful approach to problems confronting mankind and the achievement of solutions through negotiations in accordance with the interests of the freedom and independence of peoples, peace, security and cooperation among nations.
102.	Romania is developing relations of friendship, solidarity and cooperation with all socialist States, strengthening the multisided cooperation with developing and nonaligned countries, extending its relations with all countries of the world, and taking an active part in the world exchange of values. Romania's international relations are part of the universal process of free and independent affirmation of nations, a contribution to the promotion of the policy of peace, detente, understanding and equal cooperation among all countries of the world.
103.	The Romanian Government considers that the United Nations and all peoples in the world should firmly condemn any manifestation of the policy of force and of threat of force in international relations. History has shown that whatever was built on force, diktat and pressure of any kind finally crumbled under the vigorous blows of the just struggle of the peoples. Recourse to force and war in relations between States has never led to a settlement of the problem, but rather has brought about huge human and material losses, poisoned international relations, made the quest for solutions more difficult and generated a grave threat to peace in the respective areas and in the world as a whole. The way of force and military might is the main threat to peace and the freedom of peoples, and represents a dangerous anachronism of the contemporary world which must be completely eliminated from international life.
104.	Serious and difficult as the problems between States may be, nothing can justify the avoidance or abandonment of political means of settlement; nothing can justify recourse to force or the threat of force. Reality is a forceful factual witness that, when the path of negotiations has been chosen, appropriate solutions have been found to the most thorny problems, or at least a diminution of tension has been achieved.
105.	In this context, I should like to stress that last year, in requesting the inclusion in the agenda of the General Assembly of the item entitled the "Settlement by peaceful means of disputes between States",  Romania proceeded from the need to make use of the possibilities provided by the United Nations and its Charter to act more effectively to prevent and settle conflicts between States on just and durable bases. The extensive debate on this item revealed wide adherence by States to this basic principle of the Charter, and a consensus on the importance of preparing a declaration of the General Assembly on the peaceful settlement of disputes between States was reached. We consider that such a declaration, as a first step towards the adoption of a world treaty embodying firm commitments in this field, would have a positive impact on world political life and would help to enhance international legality.
106.	The setting up of a permanent commission of the General Assembly for good offices and conciliation, which would function in close connexion with the Security Council in order better to fulfil the responsibilities of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security, would be a substantial contribution to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the peaceful settlement, and particularly in the prevention, of disputes between States.
107.	As a representative of a European country, I should like to refer to the new prospects opened up by the Helsinki Conference and the Final Act adopted five years ago. Unfortunately, subsequent developments in Europe have not lived up to the expectations of peoples; in the past five years the arms race has continued and intensified, the accumulation of weapons of increasingly destructive capacity has continued without interruption, and foreign troops and military bases are still stationed on the territories of many States on the continent. Two opposing military blocs arc facing each other in Europe, which is indeed the main arena from which a new devastating world war could break out.
108.	Romania, like other European States, has a vital interest in putting an end to the deployment on the continent of new medium range nuclear missiles. For this reason, we strongly support the opening of negotiations on this issue. We consider that the proposals put forward in this respect by the Soviet Union are good, and on that basis negotiations for the cessation of the deployment of new missiles could start. The Romanian Government also supports the earliest possible ratification of the SALT II Treaty.
109.	Attaching great importance to the careful preparation and smooth functioning of the Madrid meeting, we are endeavouring to ensure that that meeting will give a new and strong impetus to the policy of detente and to the implementation in full of the documents signed at Helsinki, reaffirm the principles contained in the Final Act, agree on the convening of a European conference on the strengthening of trust and disarmament, adopt measures aimed at expanding cooperation in various fields such as energy, transport, the environment and industrial cooperation, as well as in the fields of cultural and artistic exchanges, and at the same time reach an agreement to ensure the continuity of meetings dealing with European security.
110.	Romania is striving for the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation among the Balkan States and for the transformation of the Balkans into a region of peace, good neighbourliness and confidence, into a zone free of nuclear weapons, as an integral part of the efforts devoted to detente and European security.
111.	Allow me to express from this rostrum the deep concern of the Romanian Government and people at the dangerous situation caused by the continuation and intensification of the arms race, which has acquired huge dimensions and leads to greater and greater waste of financial, material and human resources and to a further increase of insecurity and the danger of war. In the circumstances, where so many grave problems still remain to be settled in order to ensure the economic and social progress of each country, the burden of armaments on all peoples has become unbearable. Such a situation cannot last any longer.
112.	In the present international situation, the cessation of the increase in military expenditures and the adoption of firm measures to reduce military budgets, armaments and armed forces represent a task of the utmost urgency and importance. This would save each year resources amounting to dozens and dozens of billions of dollars which could be used for the economic and social development of each nation, particularly for achieving more rapid progress in the developing countries.
113.	Romania, acting in accordance with its concerns and its stand on this matter, recently decided—for the third time—to reduce its military expenditures for 1980 by 16 per cent and to devote the funds thus saved to the implementation of the programme designed to raise the living standards of the people.
114.	The interests of peace and the progress of all peoples require that the military balance and the guaranteeing of the security of individual States be achieved not through the escalation of the arms race, the increase of the military expenditures and the accumulation of arms but, on the contrary, by reduction of military budgets, armed forces and armaments, by disarmament measures. It is necessary, more than ever, for the United Nations, for all the States of the world, to act with the utmost resolution to bring about a genuine process of disarmament and, first of all, nuclear disarmament. Everything must be done, before it is too late, to halt the arms race, to defend the fundamental rights of peoples to peace and disarmament.
115.	The Romanian Government considers that the concluding of international agreements on the freezing and reduction of military expenditures would be an important step in that direction and therefore it has presented practical proposals to that end. Of great importance would be the achievement of international agreements under which States, particularly those heavily armed, would commit themselves, until new agreements on the freezing and reduction of military budgets had been concluded, to show self-restraint with regard to increases of military expenditures.
116.	We regard as positive the fact that the Disarmament Commission at its last session began a more thorough examination of the problem of military budgets. Romania will at this session present a draft resolution. It is our hope that at the next stage the United Nations will embark upon the identification and drafting of principles which would govern the activities of States in the matter of the freezing and reduction of military budgets.
117.	In the view of Romania, among the disarmament measures absolute priority must be given to the matter of nuclear disarmament. We are, obviously, aware that disarmament is a complex, long-term process. Therefore we believe that it would be particularly important to adopt partial measures, such as the abolition of foreign military bases, the withdrawal of all troops and armaments within national borders and the dissolution of military blocs. Such measures would strengthen confidence among States and would open the way to general and complete disarmament.
118.	In the opinion of the Romanian Government, the tenth special session, the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, established a more democratic organizational framework for the consideration and solution of these problems. Certain positive results achieved in the work of the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva confirm this assessment. It is essential now to use this framework, and, first of all, the Committee on Disarmament, for the negotiation and adoption of practical measures of disarmament.
119.	Taking into account developments in weaponry, which are increasingly dangerous to world peace, it is necessary to do everything to ensure that the preparation for the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament and the work done at that session will produce a radical improvement in the endeavours of the entire international community to achieve disarmament.
120.	The conclusion, without the expected results, of the recent eleventh special session of the General Assembly on the new international economic order places before the international community, with even more acuity and urgency, one of the gravest problems of the contemporary world—namely, the perpetuation of the condition of underdevelopment in which most of mankind live and the division of the world into rich and poor countries.
121.	The existing and deepening gaps between the rich and poor countries are not unavoidable. The situation is perpetuated by the present structure and machinery of the world economy and by the maintenance of inequitable relations and a system of international economic relations in which the rich become increasingly richer and the poor increasingly poorer.
122.	It is an undeniable fact that the developed countries have accumulated the riches they have today not only through their own efforts, but also through the exploitation over centuries of dozens and dozens of other peoples. Another fact, which cannot help but cause anxiety, is that the rich countries are not only opposed to radical changes that need to be made in the existing machinery for international cooperation, but they resort, on a large scale, to new and insidious forms of exploitation of the weaker countries and obstruct the access of those countries to the achievements of contemporary progress.
123.	The persistence and deepening of the phenomenon of underdevelopment, the grave implications of the economic, energy and raw materials crises and of the monetary and financial crises, have very adverse effects on the economies of all countries and especially on those of the developing countries. Those factors undermine their programmes of national development, aggravate distrust and contradictions, conflict and tension, and represent a direct threat to international peace and security.
124.	The liquidation of underdevelopment certainly implies above all the efforts of the developing countries themselves and broadening of cooperation among them, together with radical changes in current international economic relations and machinery which should ensure the development of relations based on equity and equality. The active participation of the rich countries in this process and the substantial support that those countries should give the developing countries are not questions of charity, but of justice and international morality, an imperative demand of progress in a world of increasing interdependency, an essential prerequisite of international economic and political stability.
125.	Experience has clearly shown that the problems of underdevelopment, of the normal functioning and stability of the world economy, cannot be solved through superficial measures, but rather call for far-reaching changes, both in the economic structures and the international flows and machinery and in the transfer of technology and the granting of technical assistance, and at the same time, in the mobilization, for development, of all material, financial and human resources. We should like to stress, in this respect also, Romania's proposal, made together with other States, that the savings effected through a 10 to 15 per cent reduction in military budgets be reallocated for the social and economic development of each country, and particularly of the developing countries. That is why it is so urgent, in this area as well, to proceed from words to deeds, to effective measures of real significance in the field of disarmament.
126.	Romania, together with the other States members of the Group of 77, submitted at the eleventh special session considerations and proposals stressing the urgent need to embark purposefully on the negotiation of practical measures, in accordance with the requirements of the new international economic order.
127.	The Romanian Government considers that the basic objective of the present session remains the launching in 1981 of comprehensive negotiations and the concentration of efforts on reaching integrated and worldwide solutions within the framework of the United Nations and, with the participation of all Member States. These solutions should provide answers to the urgent problems and, at the same time, respond to the long-term interests of the progress of the developing countries and of a healthy and stable expansion of the world economy as a whole. In order to prevent grave implications both for the developing and the developed countries, and for international economic and political life, it is imperative to carry through rapid and resolute actions to deal with the problems of energy, external debt, access to financial markets, reform of the international monetary system and the campaign against protectionism, in order to establish a new international division of labour and new economic relations.
128.	It is necessary to understand that stability and lasting peace in the world, the independent affirmation of peoples, require the elimination of the serious anomaly of underdevelopment which keeps the majority of the world's population in a state of poverty, hunger and backwardness.
129.	Romania, like other States, is deeply concerned by the maintenance and worsening of tension and conflict and by the emergence of hotbeds of war and armed confrontations in different parts of the world, since they endanger international peace and security.
130.	We should like to reaffirm Romania's unshakeable view that all States should direct and intensify their efforts, and do their utmost to bring about, as quickly as possible, settlement of disputes between States by political means only, through negotiations, completely avoiding armed confrontation and the use of force.
131.	In this spirit, Romania has constantly declared itself, and does so again, in favour of a political settlement of the problems of the Middle East and of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in that part of the world. That would require Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including Arab Jerusalem, settlement of the question of the Palestinian people on the basis of their right to self-determination, the establishment of a national independent State, and a guarantee of the independence and territorial integrity of all States in the area. We consider it necessary that, after wide consultations, an initiative be taken leading to the creation of a new framework, a new basis for negotiations, in the form of a conference under the auspices, and with the active participation of, the United Nations. Such a conference should provide for the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, the USSR and the United States, as well as other States that can make a positive contribution to the efforts directed towards a peaceful comprehensive settlement of the Middle East situation.
132.	Romania stands for a political settlement of the situation in Afghanistan, leading to the cessation of all external assistance to the antigovernmental forces and, at the same time, to the withdrawal of Soviet military units from that country. It stands for respect of the independence and sovereignty of Afghanistan, for the respect of the right of the Afghan people freely to decide their own development, in accordance with their own national will and interests. We want to see direct negotiations started between the Afghan Government and the Governments of neighbouring States, which should lead to the settlement of the problems, to the normalization of the situation in the area and to the development of good neighbourly relations among all States in that region of the world.
133.	We are also in favour of a political solution to the question of Cyprus by negotiations between the two communities, which should ensure the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and nonalignment of the Republic of Cyprus, cooperation and the peaceful coexistence of the two Cypriot communities.
134.	We wish to reaffirm, on this occasion too, our full solidarity with the just struggle of the Korean people to fulfil their national ideal—the independent, peaceful and democratic reunification of the country by the Koreans themselves—on the basis of the constructive proposals put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and of the provisions of resolution 3390 (XXX) adopted by the General Assembly on 18 November 1975.
135.	One imperative of our times is the complete eradication of the vestiges of colonialism, of the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid. We welcomed with satisfaction the proclamation of the new State of Zimbabwe and its admission into the great family of the United Nations and, under the new conditions, we wish to develop further the relations of friendship and solidarity already established between the Romanian people and the Zimbabwean people during the long struggle of the latter against colonial domination and to achieve independence. We give our full support to the struggle of the Namibian people, led by the South West Africa People's Organization, for the earliest possible achievement of its full national independence.
136.	We support and feel full solidarity with the peoples of southern Africa in the struggle they are waging to put an end to the policy of apartheid and all racial discrimination, and to stop the acts of aggression being committed by the South African regime against neighbouring independent countries. We consider that the United Nations and all the States Members of the Organization should do their utmost to put an end to manifestations of colonialism and to any policy of oppression of a people by another people and to bring about the complete liquidation of imperialist, colonialist and neo colonialist policies throughout our planet.
137.	For some time problems connected with the free and full development of the human personality have held the attention of the international community.
138.	The Romanian delegation believes that debates on human rights should place a particular emphasis on the fundamental right of people and nations to life, peace and a free and independent existence, which are supreme values to which all nations aspire and on whose fulfilment depend respect for and the exercise of all the other fundamental human rights and freedoms.
139.	The Romanian delegation will support the further consideration by the General Assembly of the universal implementation of the right to education, since it is deeply convinced that the development of education and the training of national personnel, particularly in the developing countries, are primary requirements for ensuring the broad development of the human personality and for the overall progress of society.
140.	With regard to the decision of the General Assembly on the designation of 1985 as International Youth Year, with the theme of participation, development and peace, we believe that it is necessary to make thorough preparations for this in order to encourage the intensification of United Nations activities for and concern with youth, which is an important social force for progress, democracy and peace.
141.	The solution of the complex problems of our times requires the participation on a basis of equality of ail States, irrespective of size or social system, and especially that of the small and medium sized countries, the developing countries and the nonaligned countries, which constitute the great majority of our world.
142.	It is necessary that the United Nations and other international organizations should play an increasingly active role in the democratic and equitable solution of the problems confronting mankind by promoting a policy of peace and detente and of respect for the national independence of all peoples. Romania is in favour of intensifying the efforts of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization to identify new ways and practical measures to enable the United Nations to discharge its great responsibility for the defence of international peace and security and the development of cooperation among all States.
143.	The Romanian delegation is participating in this session of the General Assembly in the conviction that, given the present international circumstances, the United Nations should involve itself more directly in the prevention and elimination of crises and conflicts and in the promotion of effective action capable of furthering understanding and peaceful cooperation among all countries.
144.	I wish to express from this rostrum, on behalf of the Romanian Government, Romania's determination closely to cooperate with other States and peoples in the peaceful settlement, in the interest of all nations, of the great problems confronting mankind today, in ensuring the fulfilment of the aspirations of peoples to live in full freedom and independence, peace and security, and in the establishment of a better and more just world.


The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is being held at a time of growing tension in international relations. This situation is hindering the efforts and the prospects with regard to the need for a climate of dialogue essential to the solution of the basic questions facing mankind on the threshold of the year 2000.
45.	This assertion prompts us to reflect on the role of the United Nations in the context of the major problems of our day. The ideal forum in which peoples can come together; the United Nations is also the catalyst for the hopes of most of mankind, which is working tirelessly to realize the ideals of freedom, peace and dignity.
46.	In this context, the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Zimbabwe represents a twofold victory. On the one hand, it demonstrates once more that the determination of a people is the fundamental factor in the struggle to win its right to manage its own destiny; on the other, it crowns the efforts of the international community.
47.	Thus, in welcoming the delegation of the Republic of Zimbabwe as the one hundred and fifty-third full-fledged Member of the United Nations, we greet all those who, united by the principles and ideals of our Organization, contributed to the triumph of justice and freedom.
48.	We also welcome the republic of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to our Organization.
49.	In the context of the contradictions and changes of our time, the United Nations assumes a primary role as a forum for the condemnation of situations and actions which aim to stifle the rebellious outcry of peoples resolved to burst the chains of injustice and humiliation. In this connection, we cannot disregard the tragic situation in Chile, El Salvador and Bolivia, where the peoples find their basic human rights stifled by successive waves of repression and terror. Our silence would constitute a complicity hardly compatible with our commitment to defend man—the subject, object, end and raison d'etre of our Organization's existence—by every means at our disposal.
50.	Finally, the United Nations is above all the most appropriate forum for seeking constructive and essential dialogue among nations and peoples sharing a common concern to build a future worthy of mankind. Yet developments in the international situation prompt us to observe with apprehension another dimension of the United Nations.
51.	Have we succeeded in using the United Nations truly to bring the peoples of our planet together?
52.	The difficulties faced by our Organization in realizing the ideal of bringing peoples together for the achievement of well-being for all might lead us to believe that the path of dialogue has not been embarked upon equally by all the Members of our Organization and that we are running the risk of diverting dialogue from its true end, that of uniting and bringing closer together peoples and countries in defence of shared ideals.
53.	There is a tendency in the United Nations to turn dialogue into a diversionary exercise, which leads us to a constant postponement of solutions commensurate with the seriousness of problems and the expectations they raise. This constant postponement of adequate solutions might, if senselessly prolonged, make peoples lose faith in the strength of dialogue, which would lead to growing feelings of despair in the context of the expectations of nations and peoples yearning for redress.
54.	In this context, what can be said of the situation in Namibia? The right of the people of Namibia to independence has continued through the years to be the subject of long—interminable—scrutiny. Despite the sacrifices made by the Namibian people, led by SWAPO, and despite our efforts, that heroic people has had as its sole reply repression and terror.
55.	Only the irresponsible blindness of the apartheid regime in the face of the progress of history and the shameful interests of a group of Member States can explain the systematic rejection of the solutions proposed by our Organization. The United Nations considers apartheid to be a crime against humanity. Yet, in spite of the heroic struggle of the people of South Africa, under the auspices of the African National Congress, and in spite of our repeated condemnations millions of people continue to live in conditions unworthy of human beings.
56.	And in this context, what can be said of the aggressive and criminal policies of that racist State against the People's Republic of Angola and against other sovereign States of the region? What is the meaning of dialogue in these circumstances?
57.	The problem of Palestine has been discussed in our Organization for some four decades. The solution to this question involves, first of all, recognition of the right to self-determination, the establishment of an independent State and the Palestinian people's return to its homeland.
58.	The PLO is today an essential factor for peace in the Middle East. Whenever the need for peace in that region is felt with greater urgency and a comprehensive solution appears urgently necessary, we witness attempts to disregard the legitimacy and representative nature of the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. If we envisage a solution which serves the circumstantial—and therefore ephemeral—interests of the moment, to a problem which requires the effective participation of the United Nations and all the concerned parties, we are inevitably doomed to failure.
59.	What explanation can be found for the obstinacy of Israel and its supporters in their rejection of a dialogue which would spare mankind the risks of a crisis with unforeseeable consequences?
60.	Is the systematic policy of taking unilateral and aggressive measures—such as the recent transformation of Jerusalem into the capital of Israel and the acts of aggression perpetrated against southern Lebanon—a measure leading to dialogue?
61.	The invasion and occupation of East Timor since 1975 by Indonesian forces have tragically interrupted the process of decolonization in progress in that Territory.
62.	The international community should pay particular attention to the struggle of the Maubere people for its right to self-determination and independence under the aegis of its legitimate representative, FRETILIN.  We also hope that Portugal will more clearly assume its position as administering Power.
63.	The distressing division of Cyprus and the obstacles in the way of the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea only reinforce our desire for peace and co-operation among peoples.
64.	Likewise, the presence of military bases is a source of concern for the Government of Sao Tome and Principe. In spite of repeated declarations by the United Nations, the non-aligned movement and the OAU aimed at making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, we find that new bases have been set up in that region. These manoeuvres endanger the integrity, security and sovereignty of nearby States and contribute not at all to the establishment of an atmosphere of harmony in the world.
65.	It is with a sense of urgency that we reiterate the support of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe for the peoples of these countries and appeal to our Organization to assume all the responsibilities demanded by each of these issues so as to prevent the prolongation of situations of flagrant injustice which are so costly in human lives. In this connection, it would be remiss of us not to mention the situation of Western Sahara. We hope that the course of dialogue and understanding will triumph in order to enable the Democratic Sahraoui Arab Republic to join the great family of the United Nations.
66.	The situations which we have mentioned by no means constitute an exhaustive list of the problems facing mankind which require us to take a specific position.
67.	There is, in fact, a fundamental question at issue for our Organization. If we persist in the present course of fruitless and frustrating dialogue, we could compromise the essence of our Organization, namely its great moral force as the spokesman for the conscience of mankind. This immense storehouse of trust and hope which our moral force represents must be preserved and protected against the attempts at erosion to which it is subjected.
68.	Indeed the forces that persist in disregarding the role of the United Nations by consistent and repeated rejection of its decisions recognize, in their attempts to evade the implementation of our decisions, often by unjustifiable means, the power of our moral force.
69.	The impasse which characterizes our debates and initiatives concerning the need for a new international economic order and general and complete disarmament under effective international control is for us and for the majority of the peoples of the world a source of constant and growing concern.
70.	Day by day the incidence of death, destruction, misery and disaster increases and spreads. Is it our role to watch that increase?
71.	Rendered powerless by our limitations and by the interests of a selfish, necrophil minority, are we to allow man to destroy mankind?
72.	Is it not time to put an end to this dangerous situation by introducing into our process of dialogue the real, concrete dimension of our resolve, commitment, determination and responsibility to do all in our power to ensure that the fundamental rights of peoples and nations are respected and defended?
73.	By acting in this way we may avoid a situation in which the feeling of frustration caused by the lack of response to the urgent and vital problems of our day might lead to despair and insidiously substitute itself to the feeling of hope in the heart of man.
74.	We believe that the major responsibility lies with the United Nations if it is to remain faithful to the noble principles set forth in its Charter.
75.	Within the framework of the responsibilities which our Organization is called upon to assume, the Secretary- General plays a primary role.
76.	We are therefore very happy to congratulate Mr. Kurt Waldheim on the persistent efforts which he has made to implement our decisions and on his relentless search for viable solutions to the delicate and complex problems that require his constant intervention. We are convinced that the example of his dedication will go down in the annals of our
Organization and that this will be a source of additional encouragement in our collective commitment.
77.	Your own qualities, Sir, as a diplomat and a man of action, demonstrated throughout a long career characterized by your great competence, are a guarantee of the success of our work.
78.	We wish to take this opportunity to congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, on the brilliant manner in which he discharged his responsibilities in the search for solutions to the problems of our time. The efficiency, care and commitment with which he dealt with the problems considered by the General Assembly only served to confirm the qualities and merits that contributed to his election.
79.	We cannot conclude without expressing the concern of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe with regard to the recent conflict between two fraternal non- aligned countries, Iran and Iraq. We are convinced that those two countries will demonstrate tolerance and understanding in order to make it possible to reach through dialogue an appropriate and definitive settlement of their dispute.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you on your election to preside over the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and assure you of our full cooperation for the success of the session, which we hope will contribute to the realization of the aspirations of peoples and strengthen the struggle for international peace and security,
134.	I am equally pleased to express our gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who successfully guided our deliberations at the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions and the eleventh special session, as well as the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
135.	This session acquires special significance in view of the current dangerous and complex developments in the world. International imperialism, led by the United States, has accelerated its intensive propaganda campaign against States and peoples struggling for their freedom and independence. It continues its efforts to reinforce its military presence by the establishment of new military bases and the dispatching of its naval and other forces to launch its aggressive wars, aggravate the world situation by creating new hotbeds of tension and threaten the peace and security of the peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
136.	Our people in the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen continues its national democratic struggle to consolidate its progressive system, its freedom, its sovereignty and its independence. We are endeavouring to proceed speedily to dismantle the pillars of the old society, to build a new one and implement our comprehensive economic and social development plans, despite all the problems of underdevelopment inherited from a colonial past and despite all foreign imperialist and reactionary conspiracies against us.
137.	We are also exerting all efforts to reunite Yemen. To this end, we are earnestly endeavouring to strengthen contacts and brotherly dialogue between the Governments of the two parts of Yemen and intensify the activities of the joint committees in an effort towards achieving the early completion of their tasks in accordance with agreements between the two Governments. We are working together with our brothers in Sana to develop means of cooperation and coordination in the fields of trade, development plans and economic integration for the unification of our Yemeni people on a peaceful and democratic basis.
138.	We are confident of our success, thanks to the solid commitment of the Yemeni people to its independence, national sovereignty and the restoration of its unity against all forms of foreign interference and imperialist and reactionary attempts to create a climate of tension in Yemen.
139.	Since the signing of the treasonable Camp David accords by the United States, the Zionist entity and the Egyptian regime, the imperialist and Zionist conspiracies continue to mount and to escalate in the Middle East. They have been unfolding at a rapid pace in an attempt to complete the imperialists' full control over the whole area and liquidate the national cause of the Arab peoples and in particular the national cause of the heroic Palestinian people. The Zionist enemy has practised the most brutal forms of repression, terrorism and genocide against the Palestinian people in addition to its settlements policy in the Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories, which culminated in the declaration of Jerusalem as the eternal capital of the Zionist entity. Lebanon is suffering continuous acts of aggression designed to uproot the Palestinian resistance and the nationalist Lebanese movement and undermine its security, independence, territorial integrity and Arab character. The conspiracy of the imperialist and reactionary circles extends far beyond these boundaries. They attempt to sow the seeds of division, to break the unity of the Syrian internal front and thus weaken the steadfast Syrian stand against the Zionist enemy. What is more, we are faced with Egyptian military reinforcements on the borders of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
140.	Yet the conclusions of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly represented an important political achievement for the Palestinian revolution at the international level. The widening support for the Palestinian cause was clearly demonstrated at a time of increasing isolation of Israel, the United States and the Egyptian regime. The adoption of Security Council resolution 478 (1980) was a further step in that direction. It declared the annexation of Jerusalem null and void. However, in spite of that increasing world recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, a process that started in the United Nations when the General Assembly adopted its resolution 3236 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974, the imperialist Zionist alliance still persists in denying that right, overlooking the fact that the Palestinian question is the core of the conflict in the Middle East. Any solution that does not address itself to that question cannot provide permanent and just peace in the area.
141.	The international community has reaffirmed its solid support for the Palestinian cause. The General Assembly has recognized the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and its right to establish its independent State; it has recognized the PLO as its sole legitimate representative and has refused to accept the Camp David accords and the policy they represent. With mounting United States support, Israel continues to oppose the world consensus and violate United Nations resolutions. It consolidates its occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories. It concentrates on liquidating the Palestinian question and establishing a Zionist imperialist reactionary alliance to serve the expansionist ambitions of Israel and United States interests and to threaten the independence, sovereignty and social progress of the Arab peoples.
142.	In an attempt to ensure the success of its designs in the Middle East, international imperialism has provoked crises in Afghanistan, Southeast Asia and the horn of Africa to divert world attention from the aggressive conspiracy it has been orchestrating in those areas.
143.	Together with all these rapid actions in the Arab region today, we are also witnessing extremely dangerous developments. These include the imperialist military presence, in the form of war fleets, in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, and the expansion and strengthening of the American base in Diego Garcia. A new political situation of particularly dangerous dimensions arose this year following the agreement of the United States with Oman, Egypt, Somalia and other States for the establishment of aggressive bases and the granting of military facilities in their territories. It is part of an all-out American effort to flex its military muscle whereby, in our area, it aims to control international waterways and guarantee an imperialist capacity for rapid and direct interference to suppress and abort peoples' efforts to uphold their right to independence and sovereignty over their national wealth.
144.	Such imperialist military presence, which forms part of a comprehensive design, goes hand in hand with the objectives of the Camp David conspiracy. Its goal is to exacerbate tensions in the Middle East, Africa and Asia and subvert peaceful relations between States so as to keep them under the consul threat of imperialist interference and obstruct international efforts to make the Indian Ocean and its natural extensions a zone of peace, cooperation and stability.
145.	We regret the war that is currently raging between Iraq and Iran. We appeal to both sides to solve the problem by peaceful means and to mobilize their energies against the Zionist enemy.
146.	Democratic Yemen is particularly anxious to cooperate, and deeply committed to such cooperation, with the other countries in the region against imperialist Zionist designs, in the interests of freedom and prosperity for its peoples. Our policy is based on mutual respect for the independence and national sovereignty of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and mutual benefit, for the security and stability of the region. We also emphasize our firm stand behind the just Palestinian cause and the struggle of brotherly Arab peoples against imperialist and reactionary conspiracies. We support the struggle of the Omani people, under the leadership of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, against the imperialist military presence and for sovereignty and true independence; we believe that the unity of Syria and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will serve to strengthen opposition to those designs. We shall also support the national struggle of the Egyptian people until Egypt joins the Arab ranks and shoulders its responsibilities in the struggle against imperialism, Zionism and reactionary forces. In addition, we extend our support to the just struggle of the Saharan people for self-determination.
147.	In Africa, imperialist designs have proved unable to protect the white minority regime in Rhodesia. The people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, won its final victory. Zimbabwe today is amongst us, playing its role in supporting the struggle of peoples and strengthening the purposes and principles of the Charter. We are confident that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, will similarly win its heroic struggle against the policy of apartheid in South Africa, which country continues its occupation of Namibia in violation of United Nations resolutions. Such a situation requires that the United Nations shoulder its responsibilities to isolate that regime and impose sanctions against it until the final elimination of racism.
148.	More than once we have had the opportunity to express our firm support for the struggle of the people of Afghanistan and its legitimate Government against the imperialist and reactionary conspiracies aimed at flagrant interference in its internal affairs. We also support the struggle of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea to preserve peace and stability in Southeast Asia and foil imperialist designs. We demand that the legitimate Kampuchean representative, the Revolutionary People's Council, should occupy its seat in the United Nations. We also support the struggle of the people of Cyprus for its independence, security, territorial integrity and nonalignment and reiterate our firm stand with the Democratic Republic of Korea in its peaceful efforts to reunite Korea.
149.	With regard to Latin America, we support the resilient struggle of the Cuban people against the blockade imposed by the United States and its struggle to eliminate the American military base in Guantanamo. We also salute the victorious revolutions in Nicaragua and Grenada and condemn the imperialist conspiracies against the people of El Salvador; and we extend our support to the just struggle of the Puerto Rican people for self-determination.
150.	The policy of international imperialism aims at subverting peace and detente by escalating tension and instability in a number of areas in the world, opposing people's movements of national liberation and democracy, feeding the enmity against the socialist States, particularly the Soviet Union, and sowing division and disunity between the developing and socialist countries. We condemn this policy and, at the same time, express our appreciation for the role that the socialist countries, led by the Soviet Union, play in supporting the struggle of peoples, strengthening detente in international relations and preserving peace and security in the world.
151.	The world's economic crises are worsening and assuming critical proportions. The developing countries, which live mostly in poverty, hunger and sickness, bear the brunt of their negative repercussions. They are still the victim of the vicious circle of backwardness, in spite of the international development strategies and other inadequate world efforts. Yet the capitalist industrialized countries, regardless of their problems, enjoy affluence and luxury consumption and squander resources at the expense of the developing countries. It is clear now that these capitalist countries do not shoulder their responsibilities, except to preserve their selfish short-term interests, without due regard for the global interest of genuine interdependence and the establishment of the new international economic order.
152.	Only two weeks ago, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on development and international cooperation, was concluded. It bore witness to the futility of dialogue in the absence of political will. It appears as if the capitalist countries are after dialogue for its own sake. But dialogue is not an end in itself if it does not lead to the expected structural changes in the world economy. In spite of their flexibility, understanding and positive initiatives, the developing countries are deeply disappointed by the conclusions of the session, as a result of the hardening position of a few developed capitalist countries. The capitalist countries, in fact, have not improved their position to any substantial degree since the Declaration on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order and during the last six years of negotiations. They are concerned primarily with preserving the existing framework of the world economic relations which guarantee their dominance and control over the international economy. Consequently, they resort to any pretexts and delaying tactics. Even before the start of the global negotiations, and during negotiations on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, they created numerous obstacles to weaken both the global negotiations and the strategy so that they would not lead to the expected positive results. On the global negotiations they posed problems, thus preventing any consensus on the procedures and agenda.
153.	Economic crises in the developing countries require radical and effective measures in all fields and activities of development. This is particularly true with regard to the least developed countries that are most in need of a massive transfer of real resources and the united assistance of the rich countries and international and regional financial institutions and funds. Regrettably, even the Immediate Action Programme under UNCTAD resolution 122 (V) of 3 June 1979 has not yet been implemented. It is imperative that this Programme, as well as the programme for the 1980s, should be implemented urgently. In addition, adequate preparations should be made for the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, to be held in 1981, in order to ensure its success. Undoubtedly, the establishment of the new international economic order will mean a long and hard struggle before the industrialized countries recognize their responsibilities and establish relations based on equality, without exploitation or domination. Economic cooperation among developing countries constitutes a fundamental aspect of this new order in view of the importance of the principle of collective self-reliance. Those countries recognize their role. Yet, to break the deadlock of the global negotiations, they should adopt concrete measures and take practical steps to achieve the tangible results they hope for.
154.	Since its inception the United Nations has been able to save humanity from the disaster of world wars, contribute to dismantling the old colonial system, achieve some economic and social goals and contain a number of world crises. We call for respect for United Nations resolutions in the interest of international peace and security.
155.	In conclusion, I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary General for his continuous and tireless efforts to solve world problems and strengthen the principles upon which this world Organization was established.