Mr. President, I should like first of all to
congratulate you on your election as President of
the current session of the General Assembly. It
is my particular pleasure to welcome you, the
representative of a neighbouring country with
which Yugoslavia has been developing friendly
relations and comprehensive good-neighborly
co-operation, to this important and responsible
post.
93.	I should also like to pay a tribute to
the Secretary- General for his high personal and
statesmanlike qualities, as well as far the
selfless efforts he exerted during the short but
very dynamic and difficult period since his
election. We are very pleased to see the
representative of friendly and non-aligned Peru
in this high and exceptionally important post.
His election also honors the whole Latin American
continent, as well as being recognition of the
growing influence of the policy and movement of
non-alignment in international relations.
94.	I avail myself of this opportunity to
point out our particular gratitude and
appreciation to the President of the thirty-sixth
session Mr. Ismat Kittani, the representative of
Iraq, a country with which Yugoslavia has firm
friendly ties, for the outstanding efforts,
objective attitude and skill with which he guided
the thirty-sixth session of the General
Assem¬bly, the second special session on
disarmament and other meetings of the General
Assembly in the course of the past year, which
was fraught with numerous problems and
difficulties.
95.	Although there are certain differences in
the assessments of the causes of the present
state of affairs in the world, we believe that
there is almost no dispute that we are now
witnessing one of those crucial turning-points in
the history of international relations, when a
choice has to be made between a perilous downhill
slide caused by the increase of tension, and a
halting of this dangerous trend by reversing the
developments and directing them towards the
renewal of international confidence and
respon¬sibility, which have been so badly eroded.
This would pave the way for a process of
equitable and peaceful negotiation on a number of
conflict situations and crises present in the
world. There is no doubt that the situa¬tion in
all spheres of international relations has
deterio¬rated to such an extent that the whole
international community is faced with that
choice, which is all the more dramatic since
there are no signs of improve¬ment. On the
contrary, many things are getting out of control
and are acquiring their own momentum which, in
turn, produces more tension.
96.	There are three phenomena which
constitute an inseparable whole and which are the
major causes of negative developments. These are
the unabated and spiraling arms race, which has
acquired unforeseen proportions; the denial to
countries and peoples of their right to free
social development and self-determination; and
increased rivalry, based on positions of
strength, in establishing new boundaries of
spheres of interest and influence and shifting
the existing boundaries. All this is being done
in the name of a self-arrogated right to protect
social systems, to impose foreign models of
development and to declare entire regions as the
inviolable zones of security of big Powers. The
use of force tends to become a legitimate form of
behavior aimed at imposing the blocs as sole
arbiters in international affairs. To this end,
bloc policy resorts to the use of the most
diverse methods of destabilization, ranging from
interference in internal affairs and economic
pressure to military intervention and direct
aggression.
97.	The Secretary-General was, therefore,
right when he said in his thought-provoking
report on the work of the Organization that "The
past year has seen an alarming succession of
international crises as well as stalemates on a
number of fundamental inter-national issues".
This is a grave but regrettably true and
irrefutable observation. This situation is less a
result of cyclical aggravation than of the
profound crisis of the post-war bloc system based
on the balance of terror. The entire development
of international relations since the Second World
War has shown that the historic processes of
emancipation and the striving for independent and
undisturbed develop¬ment are deeply rooted and
universal. In spite of all attempts to the
contrary, the policy of the division of the world
into blocs, aimed at controlling those processes
and at preserving the system of domination and
the policy of rivalry, has failed. This could not
be achieved either through the cold war or by
limited detente, by outbreaks of situations of
conflict and other forms of interventionism or by
attempts to crush the resistance of peoples to
foreign domination and their will to establish
their own national and social identities. In
short, the arms race, limited wars and military
interventions have not given any substantive
advantage to either bloc, nor have they
strengthened their internal cohesion. On the
contrary, the bloc perception of international
relations not only has failed to remove the
possibility of global war but has constantly led
the world to its brink.
98.	The blocs cannot solve in the old way the
crises existing both within their own ranks and
in inter¬national relations and they are not
willing to do so on the new basis; they are
trying to overcome them at the expense of small,
economically and militarily weak countries. All
this undoubtedly points to the obsolescence of
the existing system of international political
and economic relations, which is caught today in
a web of mutual contradictions. The blocs are
attempting to find a way out by intensifying and
expanding their power. They are incapable of
com¬prehending the altered structure of the
international community and the growing awareness
of nations and peoples, which have never been
stronger, better organized and more committed to
changing the existing international relations.
Never has the gap been wider between the old
relations and the new needs and possibilities for
changing the existing state of affairs for the
better, nor have the dangers threatening the
world ever been so immediate and so far beyond
control. There is practically no field in
political and economic relations in which serious
aggravation of difficulties has not occurred. The
relaxation of tensions and the efforts to settle
disputes by peaceful means are giving way to
increased manifestations of the cold war and the
use of force. Major channels of negotia¬tion,
whether bilateral or multilateral, have been
blocked, and communication for the purpose of
negotiation has been reduced to the lowest level.
The security and independence of many nations, as
well as the most essential conditions of economic
development, are threatened daily. The
manifestations of such a state of affairs are,
unfortunately, very numerous.
99.	The arms race, with the unrestrained and
uncon¬trolled growth, quantitative and
qualitative, and stock¬piling of weapons,
constitutes today a most direct threat to world
peace and an instrument for preserving the
existing inequitable system of international
relations. Negotiations on specific aspects of
the limitation of the arms race or its control or
on disarmament have for years been bogged down,
while the Programme of Action contained in the
Final Docu¬ment of the Tenth Special Session of
the General Assembly, unanimously adopted at the
first special session devoted to disarmament, has
not been implemented. At the second special
session on disarmament the Assembly was not only
unable to do further work on an international
strategy for a long-term process of disarmament,
but, in a way, took a step backwards. Detente not
only failed to become a coherent strategy for
peace but, as the transition from cold war to
peace, experienced a crisis precisely at the
moment when it was about to achieve the most
durable results, particularly in Europe.
100.	The existing focal points of crisi are
constantly becoming linked with new ones in an
uninterrupted chain stretching from the
Mediterranean, through the region of the Gulf,
the Indian Ocean, southern Africa and South
America to the Caribbean and Central America.
101.	The longstanding practice of tolerating
Israel’s aggressive policy in the Middle East has
brought about a situation which has no precedent
in recent history, and for which it would be hard
to find a parallel even in the Second World War.
Not only does there seem to be no end to the
Israeli policy of expansionism and its violation
of all the decisions of the United Nations and
all the norms of inter¬national behavior, but
Israel has resorted to genocide against the
Palestinian people and keeps encroaching upon the
independence of Lebanon, A premeditated and
cold-blooded massacre of helpless Palestinian and
Lebanese people is carried cut before the eyes of
the whole of mankind, which is unable either to
prevent the crimes or to punish the perpetrator.
It has become obvious that this is a continuous
and premeditated policy of aggression against and
extermination of the Palestinian people and an
attempt to find a "final solution" to the Middle
East crisis without it or against its will. Such
a policy is based on the illusion that the
Palestinian question can be resolved without
fulfilling the aspirations of the Palestinian
people, which are, like those of any other nation
in the region, to live in peace and security on
its own territory and in its own independent
State; without recognizing the PLO as the
legitimate representative of the Palestinian
people; and without Israel's withdrawal from all
territories occupied in the 1967 war.
102. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez,
adopted a constructive plan, the implementation
of which should be supported by the entire
international community. It is encouraging, also,
to see a positive development even among those
elements that until yesterday supported Israel
automatically in all mani¬festations of its
aggressive policy. It is high time to put a stop
to this policy of extermination of the
Palestin¬ian people and to enable it to exercise
its inalien¬able rights. From the latest
developments we should draw the lesson that it is
no longer sufficient to express anger,
disappointment, abhorrence or guilty conscience
and to engage in the rhetorics of propa¬ganda but
that it is indispensable instead to take resolute
action. No one can avoid responsibility for the
latest brutal atrocities in Beirut, least of all
those that could have prevented it.
103.	In South-East and South-West Asia the
state of crisis persists unchanged. The peoples
of Afghan¬istan and Kampuchea are prevented from
exercising their right to a free life and are
still subjected to foreign intervention. The
international community has, through United
Nations resolutions and the positions taken by
the conferences of the non-aligned countries,
laid down the basis for a peaceful political
solution of these problems, which can be achieved
only through the withdrawal of foreign troops and
the elimination of all forms of outside
intervention.
104.	3n Africa, particularly southern Africa,
racist and colonialist strongholds still exist,
while attempts are being made to tum that
continent into an arena of bloc rivalry. These
neo-colonialist tendencies threaten the
independence and security of the coun¬tries of
the continent and obstruct the positive role
played by the Organization of African Unity. It
is high time that the question of Namibia was
solved, and the long-expected final agreement on
its accession to full independence should be
reached at this very session of the general
Assembly. We believe that this is indispensable
and will be possible if we exert additional
efforts and show greater resolve. Success in
solving the outstanding problem of Namibia would
show that the most complex issues can finally be
resolved through negotiations. It would help to
reawaken the shaken faith in the United Nations.
On the other hand, procrastination would
undoubtedly bring the already tense situation in
this part of the world to the brink of explosion,
with wider inter¬national implications. The
liberation of Namibia on the basis of Security
Council resolution 435 (1978), as well as the
creation of conditions enabling the people of
Western Sahara to express its will freely within
the framework of the right to self-determination,
would be of the utmost importance for the
strength¬ening of the independence and the faster
economic and social development of all African
countries. The people of Korea has net yet
exercised its right to unification, in spite of
the position of the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea, which de¬serves international support.
105.	Cyprus remains divided. United Nations
efforts based en clearly formulated positions on
the establish¬ment of an independent, united and
non-aligned Cyprus have yielded no results. We
welcome the continuation of the intercommunal
talks and hope that they, together with all the
other efforts being exerted, will bring about a
just and lasting solution.
106.	In Central America and in the Caribbean
peo¬ples are fighting for their national and
social identity and for liberation from all kinds
of patronage and foreign interference.
107.	The deterioration of the situation in
Europe is manifested primarily through the
escalation of the arms race, the introduction and
deployment of new types of weapons and the
obstruction of the channels of eco¬nomic,
cultural and other forms of co-operation among
European countries. In addition, European
security is directly affected by the situation
and security in the broader region of the
Mediterranean, including the Middle East, as well
as by the relations between blocs in all parts of
the world. Therefore, we attach great importance
to the resumption of the Madrid follow-up meeting
to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in
Europe, the successful outcome of which would
most certainly have a positive impact on
international relations in general.
108.	Our efforts in the Mediterranean are
directed to transforming this sea and its
hinterland from a region of confrontation and
constant sabre-rattling into a region of overall
co-operation, security and mutual interaction of
the cultures of Mediterranean countries and
peoples. In a word, our efforts should be
directed towards creating the conditions of
peace, co-operation and progress for all.
109.	The economic situation is becoming ever
more critical and a prolonged crisis is
permeating all areas of the world economy and
international relations. Although no country is
immune to certain difficulties, the developing
countries, which are victims of both the crisis
in the world economy and the inequitable system
of international economic relations, are hardest
hit by such a situation.
110.	The critical situation in the world
economy is accompanied by ever more frequent
severing of economic ties, retrogression of
multilateral economic co-operation and withdrawal
into one's own narrow boundaries. International
economic co-operation is stagnating and giving
way to unilateral and bilateral moves which do
not lead to solutions but provoke even sharper
conflicts. The causes of the present crisis lie
above all in the structure and the existing
imbalance and inequality of the current system of
international economic relations. That is the
source of the constant widening of the economic
gap between developed and developing countries,
which not only further destabilizes the world
economy but also constitutes an increasing danger
to peace and security in the world.
111.	The greatest responsibility for such a
state in the world economy is borne by the
industrially most developed countries. Their
extremely restrictive eco¬nomic and monetary
policies have not only led to deep recession and
increased unemployment but also hampered economic
growth in developing countries, considerably
increased their indebtedness and criti-cally
aggravated their balance of payments.
112.	The present financial crisis which is
shaking the world economy and the international
financial system is a direct consequence of the
longstanding stagnation of the world economy and
international economic relations. Many countries,
particularly the developing ones, have found
themselves in a critical financial situation. The
fact that the developed countries show
insufficient understanding of the efforts of
developing countries to overcome these
difficulties seriously threatens the economic
growth and development of the latter, and this
could have far-reaching political and social
consequences.
113.	The way out of the present particularly
difficult economic situation can be found only in
the strength¬ening of multilateral economic
co-operation and the establishment of the new
international economic order. The solution of the
accumulated economic problems would be in the
interest not only of developing coun¬tries but
also of the entire world economy and of progress
in general. In the context of the present
situation, which is fraught with a number of
problems and uncertainties, global negotiations
within the United Nations system and progress in
general appear to be the only possible course.
The launching of global negotiations has never
been so urgent.
114.	The general unfavorable development of
the situation in the world has blocked the work
and the functioning of international
organizations and almost all multilateral
institutions. Particularly disquieting is the
situation in which the United Nations finds
itself. The Organization is becoming ever more
helpless in its efforts to play the role of an
effective guardian of peace, the protector of the
independence of countries and peoples and a forum
for solving major inter¬national issues by
promoting co-operation. The impotence of the
Security Council was manifested recently in
connection with the Lebanese crisis, as in
similar cases in the past, owing to the lack of
political readiness on the part of the big Powers
and the abuse of the right of veto. Victims of
aggression can rely less and less on the United
Nations for effective support.
115.	The constant deterioration of
international rela¬tions calls for a most urgent
global response from the world community. It is
becoming ever more obvious that the key issues of
the present-day world cannot be dealt with and
even less resolved in a bilateral context,
between blocs and the big Powers. These issues
can be solved only on the basis of equal
par-ticipation and joint responsibility of all
members of the international community in their
defense of peace as the common heritage of
mankind, and within the framework of a new system
of international relations. The movement and
policy of non-alignment—which is constantly and
actively contributing to the develop¬ment of a
new concept of international community and to the
solving of international issues—have always
advocated the need for such global responses.
There¬fore, a strong and independent non-aligned
movement, which is constantly limiting the areas
of bloc con¬frontation, narrowing the room for
the creation of spheres of interest and widening
the basis for inter¬national co-operation, is
essential not only to the non- aligned countries
but also the entire international community.
H7. The non-aligned countries will urge once
again at the current session that the existing
tensions be overcome through a dialogue in which
all countries would participate on equal terms.
Their assessment that peace cannot be built on a
balance of terror, the arms race, bloc division,
spheres of interest, imposition of foreign will
and diktat upon peoples and countries, has been
fully confirmed. Not only would such peace be
fragile but it would also condemn the world to
perpetual instability. Only such peace enabling
all countries and peoples to exercise the right
to free development and equal security can be
stable and lasting. Those positions of the policy
and movement of non-alignment are more important
and crucial today than ever before.
118.	Such a conception of non-alignment is
founded on the irrepressible aspiration of
peoples to participate in international life
freely and on a footing of equality. The validity
of such an approach is also confirmed by the fact
that the number of non-aligned countries in the
world has never been larger, that it constitutes
today two thirds of the international community,
that they have neverbeen more determined to
oppose any policy of force and that resistance to
the suppression of freedom and equality has never
been more resolute than now. Indeed, owing to
non-alignment inde¬pendence today does not amount
to mere balancing between the blocs or to
neutrality, but to active involvement in
international affairs. That is the basis for our
optimism that a way out of the current crisis can
be found and that the international community
must not be engulfed by desperation.
119.	At this session we are confronted with
the major and responsible task of opposing
energetically any further deterioration of
international relations and to begin solving
issues on which agreement can already be reached.
The dangers are too imminent and the priorities
too well-known to allow any hesitation which
could have irretrievable and unforeseeable
con-sequences. AH the States Members of the
United Nations should be actively involved along
these lines, regardless of ideological, bloc,
regional and other orientations, and irrespective
of the level of economic development. Special
responsibility is borne by coun¬tries which have
certain special rights due to their military and
economic power. There is a solid basis of common
interest for such an effort. Resolute political
action should be taken for the purpose of
changing the present state of affairs, broadening
the foundations of co-operation and returning to
detente. That would be beneficial to all
countries.
120.	In order to achieve this, it is necessary
to proceed to broad political negotiations, aimed
at halting the arms race and controlling it
within the framework of the process leading to
general and complete disar¬mament. Each step
toward that end would be welcome; it could be
taken without any danger of diminishing security,
since the leading nuclear Powers possess a
sufficient quantity of weapons for multiple
mutual destruction. If this is not done, the race
against armaments will be lost. No question of
prestige or illusory political advantage anywhere
in the world should prevent talks on the halting
of the arms race.
121.	Far-reaching decisions on starting the
nego¬tiating process on all problems are also
necessary, taking into account that they should
not infringe upon the legitimate right of all
peoples and countries to security and an
independent development. Any com¬promise in this
sense would be not only amoral but also
destabilizing. Therefore, such negotiations
should deal not only with the arms race, because
the halting of the arms race, and even the
launching of the process of disarmament, in spite
of its significance for the problem of world
peace or war, could not bring about peace and
security for all peoples unless the use of force
is restrained.
122.	It is an illusion that stability and
development can be limited to one part of the
world, while other parts remain hunting grounds
and spheres of rivalry and exploitation. It is
confirmed every day that the big Powers cannot be
sole arbiters even in their own backyards. That
is why fundamental changes should take place not
only in their mutual relations, but also in their
relations with the rest of the world, proceeding
from the perception that the world has changed,
that peace is indivisible, that peoples are not
ready to accept positions of passive resignation
or to live in permanent political, economic and
cultural sub-jugation.
.123. The non-aligned countries have always
under¬lined the particular importance of and the
need for the strengthening of the role of the
United Nations as an irreplaceable forum for the
maintenance of peace and security in the world
and for the solving of major international
problems. The principles and the goals of the
policy of non-alignment are in their essence
linked with the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations, with which they constitute an
indivisible whole. For this reason the
non-aligned countries are deeply interested in
the full implementation of the Charter and of the
role of the United Nations that inspired its
creation.
124.	We believe that it is never redundant to
emphasize that all countries in their
international behavior should strictly comply
with the obligations they undertook when signing
the Charter. We are thinking here above all of
non-interference in the internal affairs of
State, the absolute inadmissibility of the use of
force in international relations, full respect of
independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity,
as well as the right of all peoples to decide on
their own destiny.
125.	The United Nations should become an
instru¬ment which will enable these principles to
become everyday practice. The Organization,
namely its Member States, must strive for the
establishment of a system of collective security
which will guarantee freedom and opportunity for
independent development to every country. The
present very dramatic moment in international
relations is the consequence of nu¬merous
violations of obligations undertaken on the basis
of the Charter and of the non-implementation of
the decisions adopted by the General Assembly and
the Security Council.
126.	A system of international relations
should be established which would fully secure
respect for and implementation of decisions
adopted by the main United Nations bodies. The
primary responsibility for this is borne by the
Security Council, which according to the Charter
is the principal organ for the main¬tenance of
international peace and security. We consider
that particular obligations of the permanent
members of the Security Council for the
main¬tenance of international peace, respect for
the principles of the Charter and the
implementation of the decisions of the United
Nations should again be pointed out. As a first
step in that direction we should secure at least
the full implementation of decisions adopted
unanimously in the Security Council.
127.	We propose that comprehensive and
con¬crete action be undertaken for the
realization of the effective role of the United
Nations in solving major international issues. We
consider that there is enough room for the
promotion of such a role for the United Nations.
Perhaps this is the right time for a
com¬prehensive review of the functioning of the
United Nations, namely, of ways of improving its
effec¬tiveness. To that end, the experience
gathered during almost 40 years of existence and
work of the United Nations should be studied.
Article 109 of the Charter could serve as the
basis for such an endeavor, embracing all efforts
of the Member States and the organs of the United
Nations. In this way, concrete and practical
measures for the future could be elaborated.
128.	We believe that a particular role should
be played by the Secretary-General, who in his
report has pointed to the existing problems and
difficulties. We should request him to devote
particular attention to the effective functioning
of the United Nations and to suggest adequate
measures. His efforts can, of course, yield
results only to the extent to which he will be
given support by the Member States.
129.	Let me now add a personal note in this
playdoier on the urgent need to undertake
concrete measures to strengthen the role of the
United Nations. There are now assembled in this
Hall many represen¬tatives with considerable
experience of the work of the Organization.
Speaking for myself, in the many years of my deep
and active involvement in the work of the United
Nations I have looked to this rostrum where 1 am
now standing from all possible angles in this
Hall, from all different vantage points, as a
member of a delegation, as a permanent
representative and even as President of the
General Assembly. We have wit-nessed here many
historic events and heard the addresses of so
many statesmen and distinguished figures from all
over the world. In all those years I have
listened, probably, to more than a thousand
speeches and addresses in the general debates of
the general Assembly alone. Many representatives
gathered here have done the same. Why should we
not benefit from our own experience, from the
many lessons we have been taught, by advancing
many suggestions on how to strengthen the role of
the United Nations by improving the organization
of the work of the General Assembly and its main
bodies, by improving the procedures and
effectiveness of the work of this unique world
organization?
130.	The role of the United Nations and the
effective¬ness of its work can be strengthened
and improved first of all by influence from
outside, with the political willingness of the
Member States and their Govern¬ments, but it
could be strengthened also from inside, with a
better atmosphere for work and a more dedicated
involvement of all representatives and members of
the Secretariat. At this historic moment in
international affairs, with aggravations and
escalations of all kinds, the time is coming to
review again the experiences of the past in the
work of the United Nations and to design new
moves for strengthening the role and
effec¬tiveness of the Organization, which, with
its place in the history of mankind, should never
be doomed to failure.
131.	In conclusion, may I say that we expect
the Assembly at this session to contribute to the
non-use of force against independent countries
and to securing their free national and social
development; to render collective resistance to
the arms race; to contribute to the establishment
of a universal relaxation of tension; to
contribute to the launching of global
negotiations, for which, in spite of all
difficulties and ambiguities, favorable
conditions have been created proceeding from the
fact that all sectors have publicly acknowledged
that global negotiations are a political and an
economic necessity of the world today; to give
impetus to the resolving of crises, primarily
those which involve the liberation of peoples
under foreign and colonial domination as well as
all other crises where security, territorial
integrity, indepen¬dence and the
self-determination of countries and peoples are
jeopardized; and to prevent any encroach¬ment
upon the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
independence of peoples and to undertake resolute
measures against all those who have violated the
widely accepted principles and goals of the
United Nations as well as the decisions adopted
by its bodies.
132.	Otherwise, we should find ourselves faced
with chaos and world catastrophe. The imposition
of the policy of faits accomplis as practice in
international relations must not be allowed.
133.	The delegation of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, together with the
delegations of non- aligned countries and all
other countries offering their co-operation, will
make its full contribution to the achievement of
that goal.
134.	We are aware that the differences in the
per¬ception of the world will remain, that they
are constant and ever-enriching elements of its
pluralistic nature but, in our opinion, they
should not be incompatible with our common
interest in maintaining universal peace, which is
increasingly becoming the pre-condition for the
survival of humanity.


As we come to this session of the General
Assembly, the international situation is in some
respects more serious than it has been since the
end of the Second World War and the establishment
of the Organization. The quantity of armaments is
much greater, weapons are more devastating,
hunger more severe, destitution more extensive,
and the curse of unemployment more far- reaching
than ever before since the establishment of the
Organization. We have certainly made some gains
and that we must not forget. But much more
glaring are the cases where success has been
limited, or when no results at all were achieved.
I intend to deal with a few of those aspects here.
283.	When I addressed the General Assembly in
September 1981 meeting, I referred to a number
of provisions of the Charter and of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. I compared the
words to the deeds. In the past year there has
been a continual deterioration in these matters
in many parts of the world. Amongst the most
serious events are those in the Middle East and
in Poland, although they are different in nature.
But, regrettably, a number of further examples
could be cited.
284.	In his report on the work of the
Organization, the Secretary-General raises a
matter of great concern, namely, the increased
lack of respect for Security Council resolutions.
I endorse whole-heartedly his words of warning
that we are perilously near to international
anarchy. The structure of the Organization, and
in particular the veto, has been both its
strength and its weakness. Changes in that basic
structure could result in the collapse of the
Organization, and therefore I do not regard such
changes as being open to debate. But it is
evident that the ability of the United Nations to
promote the peaceful settlement of disputes is
virtually non-existent when a State with veto
powers perceives its direct or indirect interests
threatened by actions of the Organization. Such
situations occur more and more frequently. In
addition, there is an increasing tendency by
other States to feel that they are strong enough
to defy the unanimous decisions of the Security
Council. They are confident that the unity of
purpose of the Organization is not such that
words will be translated into action. That trend
must be reversed. It cannot be achieved by
amending the Charter of the United Nations but,
rather, as a result of nations becoming
increasingly cognizant of the danger to world
peace if those developments continue.
285.	At the recent meeting of the Nordic
Foreign Ministers, the strong support of the
Nordic countries was reaffirmed for the United
Nations and for measures aimed at settling
international disputes by peace-ful means, in
accordance with the principles of the Charter
concerning respect for the territorial integrity
and political independence of all States. In that
context an appeal was made to all States to
respect the internationally accepted rules
guiding relations between States. It was declared
that the Nordic countries would continue to work
to strengthen the United Nations as a universal
organization for peace. Further-more, the
ministers were in agreement on the need to
examine and to discuss with other States measures
which could strengthen the ability of the
Organization to act in conflicts and crises. I
draw attention to those statements of the Nordic
Foreign Ministers and reiterate the appeal
contained therein.
286.	The situation in the Middle East has been
discussed in the United Nations from its
inception. But still we seem far from a peaceful
solution of these disputes, which constantly
poison the atmosphere and cause the inhabitants
of the region suffering and death. That tragedy
culminated in the massacre in the refugee camps
in Beirut earlier this month. All those who wish
to uphold respect for the Charter must insist on
an independent investigation of that crime as
soon as possible.
287.	The invasion of Lebanon by Israel is one
more episode in a long history of revenge and
retaliation in the Middle East. At the same time,
it is a tragic example of the disrespect for
Security Council deci-sions to which I have
referred. I declare my full support for the
United Nations resolutions condemning the
invasion and occupation of Lebanon by Israel and
its refusal to abide by the Security Council
resolutions.
That behavior increases the difficulty of
attaining a comprehensive, just and lasting
solution of the disputes in this area. Such a
solution must be based on Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and must
safeguard the security of all States in the
region, including Israel, and ensure justice for
all peoples, including the Palestinians. In that
connection, I would also emphasize in particular
the necessity for realizing the legitimate
national rights of the Palestinians through the
exercise of their right to self- determination,
including their right to participate in
negotiations on their own future.
288.	I welcome the proposals for a solution of
the major problems in the Middle East which have
been put forward by the President of the United
States and the Arab Summit Conference. It is
still too soon to predict whether those proposals
can form a basis for negotiations by all the
parties, but I sincerely hope that they will.
Indeed, many elements of both proposals are
worthy of further consideration.
289.	I should like to turn briefly to a number
of other questions, questions which are the most
blatant examples of the disrespect for the
equality, sovereignty and political independence
of all nations. These are principles which should
be respected under the Charter of the United
Nations but which are in fact disregarded in
practice when the more powerful States perceive
their interests to be better served thereby.
290.	The situation in Afghanistan has not
improved since we met here one year ago. The
military occupation has now lasted nearly three
years. Efforts continue with limited success to
force the submission of the people and compel
them to resign themselves to the situation.
Repeated United Nations resolutions are
disregarded. Much the same can indeed be said of
war- torn Kampuchea.
291.	Just over two years ago, new waves of
freedom spread through Polish society. The people
sought a greater voice in their own affairs.
Agreements were reached with the authorities on a
slight relaxation of controls and the
establishment of free trade unions was allowed.
These tendencies towards freedom were to be
short-lived. They ended with the imposition of
martial law on 13 December 1981.
292.	A list of this kind could be long. There
are many States which suffer under
totalitarianism and oppression where the
principles of the Charter are ignored.
293.	While such situations recur at short
intervals, it is extremely difficult to lower the
tension in international relations and to
proceed to effective and realistic measures to
promote and preserve peace and security in
accordance with the fundamental aims of the
Organization. Such measures are indeed essential
now.
294.	The quantity of armaments is of a much
greater dimension and weapons are more menacing
than those the world has ever seen before; but
still the frantic arms race continues. The debate
on who is the most powerful could no doubt go on
a J in/M/Mm. In fact, the debate would probably
not be resolved unless the unthinkable should
happenóthat the big Powers put the matter to the
test. It is not likely that many would be left to
judge the outcome, and the winner would not be in
a very much more enviable position than the
loser. The weapons of mass destruction can at any
time bring total devastation to mankind. The
nuclear Powers carry a heavy burden. They are,
indeed, responsible for the fate of the world.
295. Mankind has but one option. The only
alternative which would not sooner or later lead
to destruc-tion is effective and genuine
agreements on arms reduction as a first step on
the long road to total disarmament, which should
beóindeed must beóthe vision of those who believe
in the high principles of the Charter.
2%. The demand for realistic action on
disarmament is more pronounced now than it has been
for a long time. In that light, it is tragic to
have to admit that the second special session on
disarmament yielded practically no results. We
must therefore hope and trust that concrete
results will be achieved in the negotiations
between the United State s and the Soviet Union
on reducing stockpiles of a number of the main
types of nuclear weapons, in the negotiations on
mutual and balanced force reductions and in the
work of the Committee on Disarmament and, of
course, at the Madrid Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe, should it result in an
agreement on a conference on confidence-building
measures and disarmament in Europe. The
implementation of disarmament must be based on
reciprocity. Anything else would be neither
realistic nor justifiable. The aim should be to
achieve a balanceónot a balance of terror, but a
balance based on a reduction, not an increase, of
arms.
297.	As a representative of an island nation
which depends for its existence on the living
resources of the sea, I am bound to express grave
concern about the increased armaments in the
oceans and, in particular, the enlarged fleets of
submarines armed with nuclear weapons. Even in
peacetime, an accident under adverse conditions
could destroy the economic basis of such nations.
Thus I would emphasize that the proper response
to the opposition of people in continental
Europe and America to an even greater increase in
the number of nuclear missiles in their countries
is not to move these weapons to the oceans but,
rather, to agree to a real reduction. Only thus
will the threat posed by such weapons be
diminished.
298.	As regards the law of the sea, I would
call on those countries which are still not
prepared to agree to the Convention to reconsider
their position. Through the participation of all
nations in the Convention on the Law of the Sea,
we can avoid severe conflicts between individual
States on various law-of-the-sea issues and thus
take an important step towards the world
structure to which we aspire in the Charter.
299.	Earlier, I dealt particularly with States
and their relations with other States and the
lack of respect which is all too often evident in
those relations. It is a fact that it is usually
the individual human being who is the victim in
such circumstances, although in the name of
safeguarding the interests of one State against
another. But it is the responsibility of each
Stateóand indeed an obligation undertaken by all
the States Members of the United Nationsóto
ensure respect for the individual and for human
rights. That obligation is unfortunately not
complied with by a large number of Governments
which here represent the inhabitants of their
countries. This is even true of many Governments
which in other respects abide by their
international obligations.
300.	In referring to fundamental human rights,
I include therein the right of every human being
to an equitable share in the world's resources.
Other human rights are of little avail to those
with no prospects but starvation. It must
therefore be one of the principal aims of the
Organization to strive to ensure that every child
bom in this world has sufficient food and health
care and education in accordance with his or her
ability. The mottes of this session of the
General Assembly might, indeed, be decreased
hunger, lower military expenditures and increased
respect for international obligations.


  Your election, Sir, to the presidency of the
thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly is
a tribute to your outstanding qualities as a
diplomat and recognition of your vast experience.
It is also a guarantee that the work of this
Assembly will be conducted effectively and with
wisdom. Please allow me to congratulate you most
warmly. On this occasion, I should like also to
express my warmest wishes to the outgoing
President, Mr. Ismat Kittani. He has earned the
gratitude of this Assembly for the exemplary way
in which he guided its work, for his constructive
initiatives and for enhancing the prestige of his
high office. It also gives me particular pleasure
to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier
Perez de Cuellar. In this first year of his term
in office he has carried out his mission with
dedication and unusual skill, thereby justly
winning for himself great trust and high esteem.
173.	The President of the Council of Ministers
of the European Community, Mr. Ellemann-Jensen,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, has
presented to the Assembly, at the 8th meeting,
the views of the 10 members of the Community on
the main international problems. I should like
to state here, however, that the foreign policy
of the Greek Government is basically guided by
absolute respect for the principle of the non-use
of force in international relations.
Consequently, we attach great importance to the
promotion of detente and disarmament as well as
of international co-operation. We also support in
the strongest possible terms any effort towards
enhancing respect for human rights all over the
world. At this point, I should like to analyze in
detail the position of my Government on problems
which are of particular interest to Greece.
174.	In the first place, there is the problem
of the Middle East. Apart from its major
international importance, it is of special
interest to Greece, not only because of our
geographical proximity to the region where the
crisis is evolving, but also because of the
traditional bonds which link us to the Arab
world. This explains the many initiatives taken
by my Government in the past few months, within
the European Community as well as other
international forums, with a view to promoting
the Palestinian cause and restoring peace in
Lebanon.
175.	The opening of the thirty-seventh session
of the General Assembly has been marked by an
appalling crimeóthe massacre of hundreds of
innocent Palestinians in the camps of Beirut.
The precise circumstances of this cold-blooded
slaughter will not be known until an appropriate
inquiry into the matter is conducted.. However,
it is an undisputed fact that the massacre
occurred in an area under the firm control of the
Israeli army. Therefore, Israel cannot escape the
blame for what has happened.
176.	My Government has repeatedly condemned in
the strongest terms the Israeli invasion in
Lebanon. When the special United States envoy,
Mr. Habib, managed to arrange a peaceful lifting
of the siege of west Beirut, we felt hopeful that
events in the Middle East might take a
constructive turn. Our optimism was short-lived,
since in the aftermath of the assassination of
the President-elect of Lebanon the Israeli
forces, violating the Habib agreement, invaded
west Beirut, throwing the door open to the
appalling massacre of Palestinian civilians that
followed. My country was quick to request the
Security Council to take adequate and effective
measures to safeguard the civilian population in
Lebanon.
177.	However, there are still a few
encouraging signs. I am referring to the Reagan
plan, which could be considered as the first step
of a process which might lead to a solution to
the Palestinian problem. I should also like to
stress in this context the proposals of the
Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez, which were
announced a little later. I emphasize the fact
that the Arab countries which participated in the
Conference were unanimous in putting forward a
series of constructive proposals aimed at a
comprehensive solution which would be
satisfactory for the Palestinians.
178.	This is a time for action, not only by
the parties to the conflict but also by the
international community as a whole. The position
of the PLO should be enhanced to enable it to
play a more meaningful part in the peace process
if we do not wish to see the strong feelings of
frustration and despair of the Palestinians after
their recent experiences in Lebanon find their
expression in a new wave of international
violence. In this connection we think that along
with the recognition of the right of
self-determination of the Palestinian people,
including the right to establish their own
independent State, the PLO should be recognized
as their representative, with the right of full
participation in the peace negotiations. In
stating this we think that Israel's right of
existence should be affirmed beyond any doubt,
together with its right to live in peace along
with the other States of the area within
recognized and secure boundaries. Israel should
realize that it will achieve its security not
through the use of force but only through
dialogue and nego-tiations.
Recent events have proved that stability in
Lebanon has a direct bearing upon the search Mr a
peaceful settlement of the Middle East question.
For that reason, as well as for the sake of
solidarity with Lebanon, the population of which
has suffered so cruelly, we must encourage all
steps leading to a stable Lebanon through the
return of normality in that country and the
restoration of the authority of the Lebanese
Government over the whole of its territory. It is
in that spirit that we greet the election of a
new President and earnestly hope that this
development will mark the beginning of a new era
in that country.
180. The problem of Cyprus is of paramount
importance to the Greek Government, both because
of the well-known links between the peoples of
Greece and Cyprus and because Greece is one of
the guarantors of the sovereignty, independence
and territorial integrity of the Republic of
Cyprus under the terms of the 1960 Treaties.
181.	The main components of this problem could
be summarized as follows: More than 36 per cent
of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus is
occupied by Turkish troops. Consequently, the
Government of the Republic of Cyprus is unable to
exercise its sovereign rights over the whole
territory of the Republic. Thousands of Greek
Cypriots have been displaced and live as
refugees in their own country. On the other hand,
the Turkish Cypriot minority expresses deep
concern over its own security. Similarly, the
Greek Cypriots are deeply concerned over their
own security because of the permanent threat
which materialized in a dramatic manner through
the Turkish invasion and subsequent occupation of
the island. Moreover, we cannot overlook the
determining factor of the Cyprus problem, namely,
that 80 per cent of the population of the
Republic of Cyprus are Greek Cypriots whereas
only 18 per cent are Turkish Cypriots. Although
eight years have already elapsed since the 1974
invasion, the intercommunal talks, which have
been going on ever since under the auspices of
the Secretary-General, have failed to produce any
results.
182.	Faced with those realities and with such
an ominous deadlock, the Prime Minister of
Greece, Mr. Andreas Papandreou, made a
constructive proposal a few months ago the
substance of which is the withdrawal of all
foreign troops from the territory of the Republic
of Cyprus and the expansion of the United Nations
peace-keeping forces, in an effort to allay the
fears that the Turkish minority might otherwise
feel for its security. In this regard the Greek
Prime Minister specified that Greece is prepared
to make a substantial financial contribution in
order to meet the additional expenses that such
an expanded peace keeping force would require.
Once the foreign troops are withdrawn and an
expanded United Nations force is in place, the
conditions will be set for truly constructive
talks to start between the two communities with a
view to achieving a just solution to the Cyprus
problem acceptable to all. The final goalis the
safeguarding of the independence, territorial
integrity, unity and non- aligned character of
Cyprus, in accordance with the relevant
resolutions of the Assembly.
183.	The Middle East and Cyprus problems are
not the only ones which have resulted from the
resort to force in contravention of the
principles and obligations of the Charter. Other
major international crises are also the result of
the illegal use of force which has led to the
continuing occupation of the territory of other
countries, notwithstanding the repeated unanimous
condemnations of the Assembly and its calls to
put an end to such occupation, as in the case of
Kampuchea and Afghanistan. Greece has
consistently and firmly condemned all acts of
invasion and foreign occupation, regardless of
who the aggressor is.
184.	What I have just said does not mean that
we do not sympathize with the struggle of peoples
which have been denied their fundamental right to
self- determination. It is in this context that
my Government lends its moral support to national
liberation movements. I wish at this point to
express more particularly the concern of the
Greek Government at the situation in Central
America and more specifically in El Salvador and
Nicaragua and at the threat of regionalization of
the conflict in El Salvador. Greece calls for a
negotiated political settlement in El Salvador
and expresses its firm belief that the Frente de
Liberacion Nacional Farabundo Marti and the
Frente Democratico Revolucionario should be
included in such a settlement as representative
political forces.
185.	In the same spirit, we condemn in the
strongest terms the continued illegal occupation
of Namibia by South Africa, express our firm
support for the efforts of the Western countries
which make up the contact group and urge them to
do whatever they can to enable Security Council
resolution 435 (1978) to be implemented without
any further delay. It is encouraging that these
efforts have recently led to encouraging progress
and that as a result the independence of Namibia
has come much closer than it has ever been before.
186.	The Secretary-General submitted to the
Assembly his courageous, comprehensive and fore-
sighted report on the work of the Organization.
He refers, in no uncertain terms to the decline
of the Organization, and I fully share his
assessment. I feel compelled at this juncture to
express the profound disappointment of my country
at the fact that the United Nations has failed to
contribute to the maintenance of peace and to
protect the sovereignty of Member States. I am
afraid that I am stating the obvious when I say
that if this trend continues the Organization,
which was created to fulfill the hopes and
expectations of mankind, which had been
devastated by the Second World War, will be
transformed into a decorative international
bureaucracy. This is not the moment for me to
deal with the causes of the crisis. However, all
agree that the responsibility of the great Powers
for the decline of the Organization is not small;
nor is that of many States which demonstrate
their contempt for the fundamental principles of
the United Nations.
187.	Greece, a traditionally peace-loving
country, has followed with genuine interest
recent developments concerning disarmament, and
particularly the proceedings of the special
session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament which was convened a few months ago.
Unfortunately, despite the fact that nobody
denied the urgent need for disarmament, the
special session did not produce the results for
which we all hoped. Nevertheless, it should not
be forgotten that it demonstrated the
determination of all peoples to live in peace,
without the scourge of war. All Governments, and
especially those of the super powers, should
understand the real meaning of this message and
increase their efforts. Practical steps should be
taken urgently to promote detente and
cooperation among States and to open the way for
the adoption of effective measures of arms
control and disarmament. The efforts should be
directed to both nuclear andconventional
disarmament. It is essential to remember that the
former cannot be achieved satisfactorily unless
it is coupled with disarmament in conventional
weapons and other weapon;, of mass destruction.
188.	In this spirit we welcome the
negotiations which are currently going on in
Geneva between the United States of America and
the Soviet Union. We earnestly hope that they
will result in positive developments. For our
part, we are opposed as a matter of principle to
the division of the world into antagonistic
blocs. It is an integral part of our long-term
policy to overcome this division. In this
connection we express our appreciation to the
non-aligned movement for its role in furthering
the cause of peace. We cannot but congratulate
its members on their decision to keep away from
the military blocs.
189.	Peace would not be complete, however, if
it were not accompanied by respect for human
rights and by the development of economic
co-operation between countries. Democratic
Greece, because of its age-old cultural and
national traditions, is strongly and unshakably
committed to respect fbr human rights. Nobody has
ever been persecuted in Greece because of race,
religion or creed. It is with deep regret,
therefore, that we note that in several
countries people are being tortured, disappear
without leaving a trace or are deprived of their
fundamental rights. Furthermore, some countries,
on the pretext of resisting interference in
their internal affairs, refuse to co-operate with
the appropriate international organs for the
control of human rights violations. Greece
condemns any form of racial discrimination, in
particular the policy of apartheid pursued by the
South African Government notwithstanding the
persistent demands of the international
community that it be ended immediately.
190.	The adverse economic situation prevailing
throughout the world has caused a serious setback
as regards North-South issues. The recessionary
tendencies in the developed market economies,
which are far from being resolved, preclude any
immediate relief for the developing countries,
whose already weak and vulnerable economies
should be propelled forward at an acceptable
pace. The North-South dialogue appears to be
moribund. Immobility and stalemate have become
the norm.
191.	Thus, it is all the more to be hoped that
at this session the Assembly will finally bring
about the agreement on the launching of the
global negotiations that has eluded us for so
long. The meetings of Cancun in October 1981 and
Versailles in June 1982 represent serious
attempts to give impetus to the global
negotiations. Endeavors in that direction must
continue within the United Nations and should be
the responsibility of all Member States. The
developed world in particular must assume its
appropriate share of that responsibility. My
Government will lend its support to any effort to
that end. It is more than obvious that failing to
narrow the gap between the rich and the poor
nations will only increase political instability
and endanger peace all over the world.
192.	The United Nations Conference on New and
Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi,
represents a global challenge in trying to find
new ways for increased utilization of such
sources of energy. The meeting of the Interim
Committee, which was held in June in Rome, has
created a positive climate for the continuation
of the consultations regarding the implementation
of the Nairobi Programme of Action.?
193.	A strong and more vibrant United Nations
should carefully examine possible solutions to
the multitude of economic problems facing the
world today, and the Organization needs to be put
to more practical use.
194.	It would be an omission if I did not
refer to the Third United Nations Conference on
the Law of the Sea. Greece, being a maritime
nation, welcomes the conclusion of the work of
the Conference. We consider this an important
development, which will, we hope, greatly
contribute to the solution of existing
differences between countries and strengthen
international co-operation. We urge all States
to sign and ratify the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea?
195.	In the course of this statement I have
expressed the disappointment of my country over
the poor per-formance of the United Nations, and
particularly its failure to discharge its major
missionónamely, to help maintain world peace and
protect the sovereignty of its Member States.
However, I feel compelled also to express the
warm wish that the United Nations shall gradually
overcome its weaknesses, so that it manages to
fulfill the mission entrusted to it by mankind.
Despite its many shortcomings, the Organization
remainsóshould remainóa great hope of
peace-loving people the world over. In this
context I assure the Secretary-General that he
will have the earnest support of my Government in
his noble endeavor to restore the prestige and
effectiveness of the Organization.


First of all, Sir, I should like on behalf of the
delegation of Venezuela and on my own behalf to
congratulate you on your well- deserved election
as President for this session of the General
Assembly.
In addition I should like to express our
apprecia¬tion to Mr. Ismat Kittani for the
effective manner in which he carried out his
duties.
I should also like to congratulate Mr. Javier
Perez de Cuellar on his election as the fifth
Secretary- General. His credentials, his personal
qualities and his search for solutions to complex
problems all indicate that his course of action
as head of the Secre¬tariat will be a wise one.
We wish him every success in his major aspiration
to reactivate the political role which it is
within the competence of the Secretary- General
to fulfil.
At the same time it is our duty to transmit to
Mr. Kurt Waldheim our appreciation for the
com¬mendable work he did during the 10 years he
held the post in promoting the United Nations as
an absolutely essential institution which we need
to maintain, develop and strengthen.
The report of the Secretary-General oh the work
of the Organization raises questions of great
importance and dramatic urgency for Member
Staffs. Venezuela wishes to praise the frankness
and direct style reflected in the report and at
the same time to confirm our absolute adherence
6o the Charter and our hope that the political
will of nations will be expressed without
reticence in favour of collective action for
peace and security, as stated in that document.
If, as the Secretary-General states in the
report, we are "perilously near to a new
international anarchy", that is largely due to
the constitutional role of the international
organizations, which has led and leads to
conflicts between national aims and the goals of
the Organization, as is pointed out in the report.
Resort to confrontation, violence and war in the
pursuit of national interests has not
infrequently been encouraged by the historical
practices of powerful States and the growing
scepticism regarding the results of measures
taken by multilateral organizations whose actions
towards peace are halted by the very States which
enjoy privileges within the United Nations.
We believe that the tragic conflict In the South
Atlantic would not have led to such bloodshed if
there had been multilateral action towards peace
and timely attention to the just claims of
peoples which had suffered from the unpunished
aggression of the empires that were all-powerful
in an international order which no longer exists
today.
The States with the greatest relative power in a
world living in conditions of a balance of fear
and the constant risk of a nuclear war can hardly
expect to consolidate their privileges by
considering overall relations among peoples in
terms of their own specific interests. These
privileges in many cases were acquired at the
expense of the dignity and the resources of the
weaker people. As long as justice and respect for
the nations which represent two thirds of all
mankind are not reflected in resolute action by
United Nations organs constant disappointment
will merely foster a phase of absolute cynicism
in international relations,.
The consequences of colonialism and
neo-colonialism have been devastating for peace.
Venezuela maintains that the continent of Latin
America should be a reserve of peace. We share
the feeling of all the fraternal people of our
hemisphere that the elimination of the colonial
strongholds which still exist in our hemisphere
brooks no delay. There is no valid argument for
any European nation to retain territories,
authority or troops in America.
In order "to reinforce the protective and
pre-emptive ring of collective security", as the
Secretary- General urges in his report, we, the
Member States without hegemonistic ambitions,
would like the United Nations machinery to be
respected and imposed upon ail States equally,
for disappointment regarding he effectiveness of
the Organization and the lack of hope of any
future improvement are caused by the belief that
the powerful accept mechanisms and deci¬sions
only when it suits them, and that when it does
not they create obstacles to them or ignore them.
Serious consideration of practical ways for the
United Nations to develop its capabilities and to
be used as a positive institution in the
promotion of the free and peaceful progress of
mankind in our time forms part of the
Secretary-General's plan of action. Venezuela
considers that his report contains coura¬geous
ideas and is prepared to respond constructively
within the possibilities open to it.
My country wishes to point out that the ability
to use properly the means available today to the
Organization to tackle the grave problems which
mankind faces depends decisively on the States
which have the privilege of being permanent
members of the Security Council.
We are convinced that the Assembly will adopt
sensible and just resolutions on the Malvinas,
the Middle East, apart/ten/ and Namibia,
ratifying and strengthening previous resolutions
on those delicate subjects, to mention only some
of the more striking matters referred to in the
Secretary-General's report.
If hope and confidence in the United Nations are
to be restored, ways must be found to make those
resolutions effective, with the full support of
the international community, ways which will make
it possible to overcome the obstacles which
selfishness and injustice are undoubtedly raising
in order to prejudice the harmonious coexistence
of peoples.
The statement made by the President of Venezuela,
Mr. Herrera Campins, at the thirty-sixth session
of the General Assembly had as its motto "Faith
in the United Nations and hope for peace. At
that time he affirmed that "This is an
Organization of peace-loving countries'. In that
spirit it was created, and in that spirit it
should continue. That is the spirit that imbues
Venezuela's foreign policy in all situa¬tions."
Venezuela is attending this most important yearly
exercise of the United Nations at a time when the
Organization's reputation and effectiveness have
been shattered. International crises succeed one
another and continue. One of the problems which
causes most concern is the situation in the
Middle East, which has been exacerbated by recent
events in Lebanon. We are following closely the
tragic events there, realizing that we live in a
world in which important and far- reaching events
cannot be viewed as isolated facts. Violence in
all its forms is rampant in the region. What has
happened in Lebanon has shown the extreme cruelty
to which some will resort
Mass crimes have become a new practice in the
face of which the international community has
found itself unable to act. Today the world is
the victim of an evil game which threatens to
bring it to catastrophe and chaos, in the absence
of effective machinery to enable all States to
live together harmoniously.
Venezuela considers that at this session, more
than any other, because no other session has been
held in the shadow of such painful and complex
circum¬stances, the General Assembly must make an
effective contribution and find a valid solution
which will put an end to war and map out as soon
as possible the road leading to peace. The
escalation of acts of retaliation seems to be
uncontrollable, encouraging and increasing the
use of violence.
As Mr. Herrera Campins said in his speech at the
thirty-sixth session with regard to the Middle
East, "peace cannot be achieved nor kept until
there is a global solution to the conflict
accepted by all the parties involved and until
the legitimate rights of both the Palestinian and
Israeli peoples to live in peace and freedom are
recognized" [%?/<?., para. PR].
In its international conduct, Venezuela has
consistently followed a policy of decolonization.
This attitude is demonstrated by its constant
support for the innumerable resolutions that have
been submitted on the subject. Puerto Rico has
been a special concern of Venezuelans ever since
the beginning of the struggle for the
emancipation of Latin America led by our
Liberator Simon Bolivar. Venezuelans share, with
a deep-rooted feeling, his ideal that Puerto Rico
should be a member of the Latin American family.
We recog¬nize the existence of democratic
freedoms in that sister island, and we expect
that its sovereign future will be an expression
of its people's legitimate right to
self-determination.
The Government of Venezuela recently took a step
of great significance in the Held of
decolonization when it recognized the Democratic
Arab Sahraoui Republic as a sovereign and
independent State, one closely linked to Hispanic
culture.
Venezuela has formally applied for full
member¬ship in the movement of non-aligned
countries. Venezuela shares the fundamental
principles and objectives which brought that
movement into being and recognizes it as a forum
in which the majority of the countries of the
world are represented, thus constituting a force
to promote peaceful coexistence, economic and
social development and the political independence
of its member States.
The twelfth special session of the General
As¬sembly, which was held at United Nations
Head¬quarters this year, ended in virtual failure
because of the Assembly's inability to adopt the
comprehensive programme for disarmament. The
results of the special session should serve as a
lesson for States, particularly nuclear-weapon
States, which bear the greatest responsibility in
this field, and they must redouble their efforts
in the cause of disarmament and see to it that
those efforts are reflected in concrete action in
the Committee concerned.
Venezuela is persevering in its policy of
co¬operation with the countries of Central
America and the Caribbean. Accordingly, the
programmes derived from the San Jose Agreement
remain fully in force. Our commitment to the
institutionalization of freedom and democracy in
the area has been maintained without interruption
and with absolute clarity, as has our rejection
of interference by bloc politics.
We support the effort of the Government of El
Salvador, which bore fruit with the exemplary
civic testimony of the elections held on 28
March. The people of El Salvador went to the
ballot boxes in numbers unprecedented in their
history, bearing witness to their desire for
peace and their repudiation of violence.
Venezuela welcomes the happy out¬come of the
democratic process in Honduras and expresses its
hope that complete normalization will soon become
a reality in Guatemala and in Panama.
We reaffirm our unswerving determination to
co¬operate in the strengthening of peace,
freedom, justice and a pluralist democracy in an
area in turmoil where nothing that happens is
alien to us. In this respect, the President of
Venezuela, the only head of State invited to
attend the celebrations marking the third
anniversary of the Nicaraguan revolution,
recalled on that occasion the international
commit¬ment to respect pluralism that the leaders
of that country had entered into.
The efforts of Venezuela and Mexico with regard
to the tension between Honduras and Nicaragua are
being made in the context of a striving for
peace, freedom and democracy within Latin
American channels without recourse to foreign
action.
Venezuela, like many other developing coun¬tries,
views with profound concern the persistent
deterioration and swift decay of the
international economic situation. Nobody is
unaware of the extreme gravity of those
developments and their inevitable social and
political consequences, which are the most
serious threats to stability, progress and peace
in the world. It is noteworthy that the most
recent analyses of the world economy by
international organizations shows such agreement.
From a broader and universal perspective, the
United Nations itself in the 1981¬1982 economic
survey, when referring to the wide¬spread
stand-still in the world economic expansion,
stated that this "slow-down affected all major
regions and groups of countries, independent of
their level of development or economic structure.
The decel¬eration was particularly intense in the
developing countries".'
Taking a similar view, the report by the UNCTAD
secretariat categorically affirms that "the
developing world is facing the gravest economic
crisis since the Great Depression," and that
"this is the product of the malfunctioning of the
economies of developed market-economy countries,
and has been intensified by the growing disarray
in the trade and financing systems".
For their part, organizations and specialized
agencies such as GATT and IMF confirm those
evalua¬tions. The symptoms of this situation can
be summarized by the following indicators: low
growth rates in production, the collapse of
prices for commodities, the contraction of
international trade, the revival of protectionism
and counter trade practices, monetary and
exchange instability, extensive and sudden
fluctua¬tions in the balances of payments,
extraordinarily high levels of indebtedness and
soaring debt- servicing costs, a pull-back in
productive investments and a flare-up of
financial speculation, alarming and rising
unemployment rates, lowering of expenditures for
social purposes, growing military costs and an
acceleration of the arms race by the great Powers.
The situation I have just described is the result
of contradictory and mistaken economic policies,
as well as of the disorganization and
malfunctioning of the world economy in its three
basic aspects, commercial, financial and
monetary. The increasingly blatant absence of
rules and growing arbitrariness make forecasting
impossible and thus sustain widespread unrest.
Thus, we see how the developed countries, instead
of strongly encouraging the development of
exports by the developing countries by just
remunera¬tion for their commodities, which in the
long run would have led to a healthy expansion of
interna¬tional trade for the benefit of all, have
preferred to finance the imports of the third
world on scandalously exorbitant terms. The
effects of those actions are striking: after a
phase of expansion of international trade, which
was artificially and pathologically sustained, in
large measure, by the rising indebtedness of the
third world, the burden of the corresponding
financial charges is now being turned against the
industrialized countries themselves as a result
of the drastic curtailment of the import capacity
of the developing countries, which virtually
eliminates them as factors promoting
international trade.
The total debt of the developing countries will
be far in excess of the incredible amount of$6P0
billion by the end of 1982. This debt imposes
intolerable burdens on the foreign exchange
earnings of the developing countries and makes
them increasingly insolvent. In Latin America
alone the debt will amount to $280 billion by the
end of this year. The amortiza¬tion of this debt
represents the equivalent of 56 per cent of Latin
American exports. This situation, which in the
context of traditional conditions is now to be
reinforced for strategic purposes, could have
grave political and social consequences.
The situation I have described is an
unpre¬cedented challenge to the international
financial system. The developing countries will
have to make constant efforts to revitalize their
economies, increase their productivity and
improve their efficiency in the management of
financial resources. All this will have to be
done in a way that will be socially and
politically bearable.
The developed world must accept its
responsi¬bilities, not only for the sake of the
principle of justice, but also in its own
interest. Financially, it will be necessary to
preserve the capacity of international
organizations which supply funds on preferential
terms. This implies the need to review
contributions to IMF, the World Bank, the
Inter-American Develop¬ment Bank and similar
institutions so that their resources bear some
relation to the size of existing problems. There
is one fact which cannot be ques-tioned: the
economies of the industrialized countries cannot
be sustained without the support of strong
development in the third world.
The time for major decisions is drawing near and
we cannot afford to let slip any opportunity to
have our voice heard. We, the developing
countries, must reaffirm by our presence and
active participation the importance of forums
such as UNCTAD and must be attentive to what
might happen at the next GATT ministerial meeting.
We have been fighting for a complete
restruc¬turing of the international economy, and
we have denounced the policy of making the
developing coun¬tries bear the brunt of that
readjustment. All this has brought the world
economy to the critical situation in which it
finds itself today. It would be senseless to
expect that the steps the situation calls for
will be taken overnight, just as it has been
senseless to postpone the essential dialogue. An
atmosphere of mutual trust must be established to
contribute to the charting of a new course for
the world economy. This is a pre-condition of the
lessening of international tension and the
building of a more rational and more humane
world, in which harmony, justice and peace will
prevail.
The developing countries promoted the idea of
global negotiations and the international
community endorsed it when resolution 34/138 was
adopted by the Assembly in 1979, but so far the
momentum needed to make them a reality has been
lacking. Despite all the efforts made—not only by
the Group of 77 but by practically the entire
international com¬munity—hesitation, mainly on
the part of the United States, has prevented the
launching of global negotia¬tions although these
were approved at Cancun with the agreement of the
head of State of that important country, without
which the negotiations would lose their true
scope and meaning.
In these circumstances, we, the developing
coun¬tries, have been thinking about the need to
be less vulnerable to the dealings of the
countries of the North and, in any case, to
stimulate effective co¬operation among ourselves
as a consequence of our solidarity.
Barely a month ago the Intergovernmental
Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee, a key
organ which was established in 1981 in the
Caracas Pro¬gramme of Action,3 held its first
meeting in Manila. The results of the meetings of
experts were reviewed there, and on that basis
important recommendations were made, to be
submitted shortly to the ministerial meeting of
the Group of 77. Without any doubt, it can be
concluded that the Caracas Programme of Action is
functioning. It is complementary to efforts which
might be made in North-South negotiations and a
contribution to the establishment of the new
international economic order.
In the last quarter century Venezuela has
succeeded in consolidating a genuine democracy
solidly rooted in the conduct and beliefs of the
Venezuelan people, a democracy which endeavours
increasingly to play its part within a philosophy
of social justice and respect for the freedom and
dignity of all citizens. The promotion and
effective defence of and respect for human rights
have been important tenets in the foreign policy
of Venezuela. These form the basis of our support
for people that are struggling to gain, maintain
or recover their right to freedom, as a
contribution to the solution of present conflicts
which affect and bar the progress of mankind in
its quest for peace and well-being for all.
It is of the utmost importance for Venezuela to
seek a peaceful and practical solution to the
terri¬torial controversy with the Co-operative
Republic of Guyana.
Venezuela is a country in which the mixture of
the indigenous peoples of America with the
Spanish conquistadors and African groups has
created a population which rejects all forms of
racial discrimi¬nation and in which political,
social and economic democracy is practised, thus
setting an example of coexistence and pluralism.
It is fitting to recall that Venezuela in its 172
years of independent life has never had a single
war, not even an armed encounter, with any of its
neighbours. This is an assertion which few
countries in the world could make, and it is a
source of satisfac¬tion and pride for
Venezuelans. The land borders of Venezuela with
Colombia and Brazil were established by peaceful
means. The maritime borders with four countries
have already been set by common agreement, and
Venezuela is at all times opento negotiations
with its neighbours to solve all matters of
common interest.
For 16 years now Venezuela has been tirelessly
repeating its invitation to Guyana to negotiate,
to seek mutually acceptable solutions to the
dispute. The cause of the dispute is the
mutilation of our territory by the British
Empire. During the last century, starting from
the Esequibo River, which was the boundary with
the sector of Guyana which they had taken away
from Holland, the British advanced from year to
year, almost day after day, over the territory of
defenceless Venezuela, making a mockery of its
protests, until this culminated in an
unprecedented legal farce, in which a so-called
Arbitration Tribunal, with no Venezuelan judge or
lawyer, imposed a totally arbitrary demarcation
line. It did not even take the trouble to give
any kind of justification, reason or explanation,
however spurious or unprecedented, of what was
from every point of view an unbridled plundering.
The history of this humiliating mutilation cannot
be forgotten by Venezuelans. Our entire tradition
and all our instincts move us to desire to
maintain and develop with the Guyanese people the
closest relations of friendship, co-operation and
solidarity. In truth, like ourselves, they were
the victims of British impe¬rialism and, like
ourselves, they are a people which is trying to
achieve development. For this very reason v":
have insisted tirelessly on holding real and
sincere negotiations, inspired by justice and
equity, which will lead us to overcome this
problem that we have inherited, in a satisfactory
and practical way.
The obligation for Venezuela and Guyana to
negotiate their differences is not only a moral
imper¬ative, not only a duty under international
law, but, in this specific case, a commitment
freely entered into in the Agreement signed at
Geneva on 17 February 1966/ In fact, although the
Venezuelan territorial claim naturally preceded
the independence of Guyana, Venezuela, faithful
to its tradition and to its principles, was most
careful to do nothing which would in any way be
used as a pretext to thwart or delay
decolo¬nization for its neighbouring people.
Shortly before the proclamation of indepen¬dence,
Venezuela and the United Kingdom, with the full
participation of the Government of what was then
British Guiana, negotiated and signed the Geneva
Agreement, designed to seek satisfactory
solutions for the practical settlement of the
dispute. This international instrument is the
legal and political framework for the pursuit of
solutions to the dispute and Venezuela has
adhered to it in all its actions. A is
regrettable that thus far the Government of
Guyana has failed to comply with its obligation
to negotiate seriously and sincerely.
Nevertheless, Venezuela has insisted that, within
the peaceful procedures provided in the Geneva
Agreement, the injustices of the past should be
corrected, and thus lay more solid founda¬tions
for a fruitful and lasting co-operation between
the peoples of Venezuela and of Guyana.
Guyanese spokesmen have for years been carrying
out a systematic campaign to incite feelings of
sympathy, by presenting their country as a small
and poor nation whose territory is the object of
the covetousness of a rich and powerful
neighbour, and trying to create an image of
Venezuela as an aggressor country, indifferent to
the laws, to justice, and to the solidarity that
should exist between countries which are
struggling to develop. This kind of assertion,
repeated relentlessly, tends to produce
prejudices among those who have not had an
opportunity to know and analyse the facts. For
almost two decades international forums have been
hearing Guyanese assertions about an imminent
aggression, and yet it is an obvious fact that
there has been no aggression.
We have explained the conduct of Venezuela from
its birth to independent life and regarding the
dispute that we are dealing with. There is not
the slightest basis for asserting that the
Venezuelan terri¬torial claim is prompted by
coveting of present or potential riches which the
people of Guyana could have used to achieve
prosperity and development. Before the
independence of Guyana, British companies were
exploring for and exploiting oil on a large scale
both in Venezuela and in Trinidad. British
companies went mining gold in Venezuela and
bauxite in Demerara. It will be easily understood
that the British, before liberating their colony,
had thoroughly eval¬uated the potential oil and
valuable minerals of the lands that they
controlled. Although prospecting has continued
since the date of independence, no exploitable
mineral resource has been found on the territory
which Venezuela claims.
The truth is crystal clear: Venezuela's claim is
based neither on territorial ambition nor on
covetous- ness of the wealth of others. Had it
been so based, our claim could never have
received, as it has, the unanimous support of
Venezuelans of the most varied political
tendencies under all democratic Governments,
which, during the last five presidential terms,
within a system of complete freedom of
expression, have defended the rights of our
country. That is because this unanimity of the
Venezuelan people has its origin in a very deep
wound. For this reason, we fail to under¬stand
those who, representing the Guyanese people, take
the stand as heirs to the fruits of British
colonial imperialism and defenders of its
unjustifiable abuses.
After repeated rejections of our formal
invita¬tions to the Government of Guyana to begin
negotia¬tions which will provide a satisfactory
and practical solution, Venezuela will submit to
the Secretary- General 3ts decision to indicate a
means to settle the dispute; thus our conduct
will be in accord with the letter and the spirit
of the international treaty signed between the
parties, known as the Geneva Agreement, with a
view to finding a solution to the dispute by
peaceful means.
Venezuela would like Guyana to participate as the
continent moves towards integration. Venezuela
wishes to have a positive relationship with its
neigh¬bour. We feel certain that the people of
Guyana share that desire. We greet all Guyanese,
convinced as we are that an appropriate solution
to the differ¬ences we have inherited from
colonialism will spur us on our way to
convergence toward progress and development.
Venezuela wishes above all to win the battle for
peace and brotherhood with Guyana, because we are
neighbours and because in large measure we are
born of the same American history.
On 24 July 1983 it will be two centuries since
the birth of the Father of our Venezuelan nation,
Simon Bolivar, one of the great liberators of
America. The United Nations, with appropriate
solemnity, commemorated in 1976 the one hundred
and fiftieth anniversary of the convening by the
Liberator Bolivar of the Amphictyonic Congress in
Panama and in 1980 the one hundred and fiftieth
anniversary of his death. My country wishes to
express its gratitude in advance for the tribute
which will be paid to the Liberator in this
political forum of the nations of the world on
the occasion of the bicentenary of his birth.
His prophetic thinking on the need for a
uni¬versal organization in which matters
regarding the peaceful coexistence of nations
could be dealt with has a particular significance
and pertinence today. Bolivar's bicentenary
brings all Latin America together in harmony on
the international scene. It demands that we make
a constructive effort to make the new hemispheric
dialogue a shining success. It leads us to
strengthen our ties with all peoples, especially
those who have faced historical and political
challenges similar to those faced by us.
Venezuela reaffirms its absolute loyalty to the
ideals of Bolivar and commits itself to pursue a
positive policy in all its actions as regards
both our hemisphere and the world as a whole.