O believers, we created you male and female and have made of you nations and tribes that you should know one another. Lo, the noblest of you in the sight of God is the most righteous."
196.	Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The unanimous vote of this body in your support is a tribute to Africa, to your country and to you personally.
197.	I should also like to express my respect for Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, whose continuous search for world peace ought to be an example for all peace-loving nations.
198.	Permit me to convey to this Assembly the greetings of the Iranian people, of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan, and of the great leader of our revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
199.	I should also like to note that this is not the first time I have addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations, although this is the first time the Assembly is actually hearing me. As an Iranian who has come here from out of the ranks of a 30-year-old revolutionary movement, I have enjoyed the satisfaction of screaming the outrage of my people at you on several occasions from the sidewalks in front of this building. While from the outside, the wails of this complex seemed difficult to penetrate, I never questioned the necessity of appealing to the conscience of the world in our struggle against tyranny.
200.	Now that we have penetrated the walls and this Assembly can hear me loud and clear, I should like to state categorically that this is the first time since the coup engineered in Iran by the Central Intelligence Agency in 1953 that the Iranian delegation to the United Nations has represented the true preference of the Iranian people. It is an undeniable fact that during the past 25 years the Shah of Iran was a puppet of imperialism and Zionism. While our people identified with the liberation movements of the third world, the Iranian delegation to the General Assembly sided with the racist or imperialist oppressors. While the Iranians felt a deep sense of solidarity with the people of Palestine and their sole and legitimate representative, the PLO, the Iranian delegation voted with the Zionists, whose repression of the Palestinians and the Lebanese has become comparable to Nazi criminal acts.
201.	It is a source of immense pleasure for me to announce to this session of the General Assembly that from now on the Iranian delegation to the United Nations will act and vote on the basis of the true preferences and aspirations of the Iranian people. It is intrinsic to the Islamic Republic of Iran that our representatives in the world Organization should always side with the victims of colonialism, imperialism, exploitation, racism and Zionism.
202.	The Iranian revolution is committed to a fundamental transformation of Iranian society, on the basis of the Koranic principles of justice, equality and participation. Revolution is a quest for freedom and, from the perspective of Islam; freedom involves the unchaining of human beings from economic oppression, exploitation, political and cultural manipulation, mental slavery, egocentrism and all other causes of alienation. In the Islamic world view, one is capable of recognizing God only after one has unchained oneself from the conditions of one's alienation. The final goal of all revolutions is the destruction of the sources of human alienation, whether they he found in capitalism, totalitarianism or exploitation.
203.	The goal of the Islamic revolution is to create a society in which all people may fulfil their potential, regardless of race, religion or sex. The end of the Shah's regime was the first step towards this goal by the Iranian revolution. Needless to say, the destruction of the Pahlavi rule was the less difficult part of our task; the more complex revolutionary work is ahead of us. For example, we have to restructure the society at a time where our agriculture, by reason of the neglect and irresponsibility of the old regime, can feed no more than 30 per cent of Iran's population.
204.	The moral explosion of the Iranian masses in 1978 was greatly inspired by the doctrines of the Koran and the efforts of Prophet Mohammed to transform the wealthy and class-dominated societies of his time into egalitarian and democratic communities of the Islamic faithful. The doctrines of the Koran and the Prophet's tradition will continue to guide and inspire our revolution. One of the most popular slogans of the demonstrators during the last phase of the revolutionary struggle was "Neither East nor West: only Islamic Republic".
205.	It is indeed true that both the Western and the Eastern worlds have difficulty understanding the nature of the Iranian revolution. The difficulties of the West are rooted in a number of misperceptions.
206.	In the first place, in the West religion is defined as a relationship between man and the supernatural. There is no room in that definition for political, economic and social considerations. Islam, however, consists of a set of doctrines based on a world view. The Islamic doctrines define and conceptualize both man and the social universe with the purpose of transforming them in accordance with the Islamic world view. Seen in this light, the religion of Islam has its own political, economic, social and cultural perspectives. It is the imposition of the Western definition of religion on Islam which prevents most Western observers from comprehending our revolution.
207.	Secondly, the development of secular scientific culture in Europe was opposed by the organized Church. This was not the case in the Islamic societies simply because Islam has no organized and centrally controlled Church. The Western intellectuals, as a class, developed their distinction in opposition to the Church, particularly the Catholic Church. They were perceived to be rational rather than emotional, and committed to the doctrine that knowledge is the product of pure reason. During the dark ages, which, in the specific sense, were exclusively a Western phenomenon, the Church rejected the existence of non-religious or non-theological knowledge. The Christian clergy's attitude of resentment and contempt towards the early scientific discoveries is well known.
208.	In pre-Renaissance Europe, the papal system had transformed religion into a stagnant institution closely connected with the ruling classes of the time. A principal function of theology and religious literature was to comfort the oppressed masses with the promise of heaven. With the Renaissance, science and philosophy broke away from the bondage of papal totalitarianism and began their free and independent inquiry. With the passage of time, this sense of liberation, along with the scientific reasoning brought about by the Renaissance, became the weapon of the intellectuals against organized religion, which fought back with all its resources.
209.	In such a situation, it was logical for the scientists and secular thinkers to distinguish their activities as separate from, or opposed to, religious doctrines. When the clock, which was invented by the Moslems, was introduced into the French Court, the priests deemed it to be the work of the devil and ordered their servants to destroy it. Thus when the Western intellectuals began to advocate the separation of Church and State they were actually choosing freedom over the arbitrary power of organized religion. They were against superstition and denial of natural joy, not against ethics or morality. Consequently, the antagonism of the intellectuals to the Church in the West made a significant contribution to social and scientific advancement. However, when Western secularism was transmitted to the colonized societies, particularly Islamic societies, and popularized among the educated elements of the people, the results were not social and scientific advancement but the alienation of the intellectuals from themselves as well as from the masses.
210.	The West moved toward secularism as a way of solving this problem. The separation of Church and State was the outcome of this movement, which served the progressive interests of science and society. The Islamic world has never had such an experience. Those Western observers who assume their experience with religion has universal application are often confused when they see a religious leader has become the leader of a great political revolution.
211.	Thirdly, the Western experience with religion also contributed to the development of philosophical materialism. When Karl Marx described religion as the "opium of the people", he had the history of Western Europe in mind. He knew very little about Islam or the African or Asian societies. In the Islamic societies, when the intellectuals opposed religion and religious values, echoing either Marxism or Western liberalism, the result was the destruction or weakening of the moral force capable of confronting colonial aggression and imperialism, particularly in its cultural form.
212.	The prejudice of the colonial scholars was, and continues to be, heavily influenced by the imperialist interests, while the misperception of the Marxist writers has been a logical extension of the assumption that "religion is the opium of the people", a contention that could have been true in one society or region but not necessarily in other societies and regions of the world. Instead of using Marxism as a tool of analysis, many Western and Eastern thinkers have substituted the Marxist doctrines for an independent study of third- world societies within their own native socio-historical context. It is unfortunate that too many of the contemporary liberal and socialist observers of the third world are still pursuing the framework developed by their nineteenth-century predecessors.
213.	The fourth factor in understanding the Iranian revolution is that the works of the so-called Western orientalists on Islam are, for the most part, so prejudiced that even those who wish to learn about the reality of Islam as a revolutionary ideology have difficulty finding adequate literature. Most students of Middle Eastern affairs in Western universities study with teachers who have a built-in antipathy towards Islamic cultures.
214.	Finally, the fifth factor; for a quarter of a century the deposed Shah spent millions of dollars in order to present a progressive image of himself to the Western world. A component of this undertaking was to present his opponents as either Marxists or religious extremists opposed to his modernization programs.
215.	Given such pre-conceived notions and prejudices, it is no wonder that many observers of socialist and liberal persuasion have as much trouble appreciating the radical and progressive nature of the Iranian revolution as do the apologists for imperialism,
216.	All societies have their own organic development, regardless of what the ethnocentric social theoreticians would like to believe. It was the consequence of this reality that, in February 1979 after 100 years of struggle, enabled the Iranian people to force their illegitimate monarch into permanent exile and to welcome home their most popular leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Those events were a culmination of more than a year of nation-wide demonstrations, protests and strikes against the Pahlavi regime and United States imperialism. The dominant slogans of the protest demonstrations and mass marches were: "Death to the Shah", "Independence, Freedom and Islamic Republic" and 'Neither East, Nor West, only Islamic Republic".
217.	The swiftness with which the Islamic Republic of Iran acted against Zionist Israel and South Africa exemplifies the ideals embodied in the international stand taken by our revolution. It demonstrated our unequivocal commitment to the right of all peoples to a sovereign and independent life free of oppression, domination and exploitation in all their manifestations.
218.	We are committed to the view that the maintenance and propagation of bloc alliances based on a military network serves only the cause of imperialism and tyranny. The policy of dismantling military bases and dissociating Iran from military alliances, which cater to the imperialistic game-plan, was one of the initial foreign policy decisions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It was also a logical step for revolutionary Iran to join the ranks of the non-aligned States. The ideals represented by the non-aligned movement reflect many of our own. Our recent participation in the Havana Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries signalled the beginning of what we hope will be a very active membership in the non- aligned movement. Our beloved national hero, and Prime Minister from 1951 to 1953, the late Mohammad Mossadegh, was one of the original advocates of non- alignment. He championed the cause of non-alignment from the tribune of the United Nations in 1952, at a time when Stalinism and United States imperialism did not even respect the legitimacy of non-alignment, The coup engineered by the Central Intelligence Agency against Mossadegh was, in part, due to his advocacy of non-alignment, exemplified by his refusal to join the military alliance sponsored by the United States which came to be known as the Baghdad Pact.
219.	We are all too familiar with the facts of the Middle East conflict. For us, the most important fact is the displacement and suffering of the Palestinian people. Three million human beings either have been expelled from their ancestral homes or live under the Nazi-fied terror of the Israeli military occupation simply because they are not Jews. I know such a formulation of the problem may sound over-simplified, but it is nevertheless the naked truth. This is why Zionism has to be regarded as one of the most vicious forms of racism in recorded history; it displaces and terrorizes human beings simply because they do not belong to a particular race and religion.
220.	Poor people have always used less sophisticated means of killing their enemies than have the rich. This inequality of means in warfare, which is tremendously intensified by the industrial and technological advances of the past century, has enabled the rich to distort the reality of their actions and intentions. When the Israeli bombers rain death on the impoverished Palestinians and Lebanese, their media apologists in the Western countries, particularly in the United States, describe their genocidal aggression as defensive aerial attacks on Palestinian military bases. No correspondent goes to the Palestinian refugee camps or to the Lebanese villages to report on the plight of the victims. But when the Palestinians blow up a bus in occupied Jerusalem or assassinate an Israeli secret agent, they are described as terrorists. This hypocrisy is characteristic of systems of oppression that deny the rights and human dignity of their victims.
221.	My Government is proud to have taken concrete steps in contributing to international efforts aimed at unmasking such deceptions and at undoing the violations and criminal acts committed by Israel.
222.	Nowhere are the vestiges and remnants of colonialism and imperialism more apparent and stark than in southern Africa. In keeping with our conviction that we must seek for others the same dignities and freedoms that we have sought for ourselves, the Iranian Government took prompt action regarding the abhorrent policies of apartheid and racial discrimination on the African continent. This action resulted, among other things, in the total cut-off of Iranian oil shipped to South Africa. That measure was adopted with the intention of applying economic pressure on the Pretoria regime and, indirectly, upon the equally racist and illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia.
223.	Five months ago the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples held a series of plenary meetings in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. Iran participated in those de-liberations and enunciated its views on apartheid and decolonization in greater specificity and detail. We mentioned then, and we repeat the view now, that the Iranian Government finds the situations existing in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia disgraceful and deplorable. We add our voice to those that have already made themselves heard through the channels of the United Nations as well as elsewhere, denouncing any solution not entailing the right of the majority to self-determination and freedom without qualification. It is our hope that the Security Council in particular will further contribute to this end by strengthening all existing sanctions against Southern Rhodesia, and that all Member States will cease and desist from violating the letter and spirit of these prohibitions.
224.	In the case of South Africa, our policy is predicated on the same tenets of anti-imperialism and anti- colonialism that combined to form the moral underpinnings of our position on Southern Rhodesia. As mentioned earlier, the existing racist nature of the apartheid regime of South Africa remains in direct opposition to Iran's policy of supporting efforts aimed at creating an international society free from the evils of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racial discrimination in all their forms. As such, South Africa has done little to ameliorate its present posture in either style or substance, as witnessed by its continuing discriminatory, exploitative and provocative policies in Namibia, all pursued in defiance of the unanimous call by the international community for a peaceful and just settlement in that Territory. We believe, then, that it is high time that the United Nations adopted more effective economic and other measures, including the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations against the Government of South Africa.
225.	Although the revolutionary government is only eight months old, the Provisional Government of Bazargan, under the moral guidance of Ayatollah Khomeini, has made it abundantly clear that Iran has proudly joined the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist forces. However, what is distinct about our revolutionary posture, in both the domestic and international realms, lies in our conviction that the struggle for justice, independence and freedom should in part be directed against our own habits and perceptions. It is certain that the racists and exploiters of this world will not treat the nations and peoples of the third world any better than the way we treat our own people and relate to one another across national boundaries.
226.	Until recent decades the rulers in the official or unofficial colonies of Africa, Asia and Latin America did not need the assistance of colonial or imperialist Powers in order to maintain their privileged position. In fact, in many cases the traditional rulers attempted to resist the Western penetration of their societies not only for political but also for cultural and ideological reasons. Until the outbreak of the Second World War, the cultural and ideological orientation of the typical traditional ruling class in the under-developed world was not too different from that of its own general population.
227.	Today the situation is completely changed. The peasants are still living under the same conditions or have moved to urban ghettos, but the owners or controllers of the means of production have adopted a cultural and ideological orientation that mystifies the general population. The privileged few, whether they belong to the commercial, bureaucratic or military sector of the governing class, have little socio-cultural contact with the exploited many. In terms of their concrete aspirations and ambitions, they identify with the West to the point of being alienated from their own roots.
228.	Thus as the economic gap between the privileged few and the wretched many increases, so does the cultural gap. The enclaves of wealth and power in many under-developed countries are also enclaves of imported cultures and life-styles. The rapid growth of international finance, the movement of goods and services, travel and communication have led to a global standardization of values, goals and aspirations among those who benefit from these activities. Since the technology and the ideology of this dramatic phenomenon are the product of organic socio-economic growth in the West, the standardization of values, goals and aspirations among the ruling classes of the world has added a new dimension of cultural domination to the evolving character of imperialism in the contemporary world. Today, even the liberal education, the manners, the dress fashion, the fads and the consumptive norms of the ruling classes in the subordinated societies are similar to those of their counterparts in the advanced industrial world.
229.	In our time imperialism has produced an unprecedented amount of resentment among the populace in the subordinated societies. This resentment, which is a response to exploitation, coercion and consumption- oriented manipulation, has resulted in an intensified and expanded revolutionary challenge from below. Thus installation of repressive technology in the dominated society and militarization of its state have become necessary in order to maintain the status quo. And yet it is a mistake to think of the export of manipulation, repression and militarism to the developing countries as a reaction to the resentment of the wretched. Since the resentment itself is a product of imperialism, the response to it is also a product of imperialism. Seen in this light, manipulation, repression and militarism are the organic commodities of imperialism in search of global markets.
230.	Sad to say, too many of us are eager customers for the latest commodities of imperialism. Too many of us spend the precious resources of our people in a parasitic and paranoia-producing arms race. Too many of us are more responsive to the greed of the few for luxury goods than to the essential needs of the many. The arms race and the insatiable hunger for luxury goods are integral parts of the imperialist design for the contemporary world. Too many of us are the unconscious victims of imperialism. The perceptions which were imposed on our fathers by colonialism and imperialism have gradually become so internalized by us that we think they are the product of our own thinking. Cultural imperialism has penetrated the deepest levels of our psyches. Too many of us use the imported instruments of repression and oppression against our own peoples more effectively than their producers intended for us. Too many of us spend more of our resources on the institutions of coercion than on education or public health. The deposed Shah of Iran was perhaps the most irrational ruler in this category, but we all know that there are too many smaller shahs in this world.
231.	Why did China have to teach Viet Nam a lesson? What justification was there for the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia to pursue a course of action that resulted in the death of more than 2 million of its own citizens? Why did Viet Nam find it necessary to invade Cambodia? If the new regime in Cambodia is popular and legitimate, why are foreign troops compelled to continue their presence in the country?
232.	The rebellion in Afghanistan has produced thousands of deaths and tens of thousands of refugees, who are pouring into the Iranian and Pakistani territories. Irrational and alienated elements justify such actions in the name of an imported 'ism'. It does not matter if the natives reject the imported formula or do not wish to be represented by those who arrogate to themselves a scientific mission.
233.	We will betray our own commitment to peace, justice, independence and freedom if our answers to these questions are superficial, evasive, self-serving and one-dimensional. It was not class struggle or economic considerations which caused the latest tragedies in Indo-China. And it is not enough to claim that subjective factors are at work without pursuing the question of what we mean by "subjective factors' and what should be done to remove them. It is our responsibility to analyze these conflicts with as much vigour and commitment to truth as we apply to unmasking the nature and consequences of traditional imperialism.
234.	The Marxist theory of conflict falls short of explaining all the problems of our time; and when it does explain a particular conflict situation, it is a mistake to perceive such an explanation as final. There is an abundance of historical evidence that materialist categories of explanations or prescriptions, whether rooted in Marxism or capitalism, neither fully comprehend the nature of human conflict, nor sufficiently satisfy human aspirations.
235.	The revolutionary experiences of this century are once again demonstrating the ancient truth that the struggle for justice, freedom, peace and independence requires a moral dimension which is separate from and beyond the material structure. Nuclear weapons and the real possibility of a global holocaust have intensified the need for this recognition in an unprecedented manner. Nineteenth century conditions of growth and industrialization made morality subservient to materialism in social theories and political actions. Contemporary revolutionary movements can no longer continue this unnatural situation. They have to recognize that imperialism, war and oppression cannot be defeated by materialism alone.
236.	The problem in the third-world countries is not just the political and economic domination by the alien forces of super-Powers, but also their cultural domination.
237.	Many of the third-world countries are dominated by the ideological, philosophical and cultural tendencies which are alien to the native societies. As a result, many intellectuals in the third world are alienated not only from themselves, but also from their own people. This situation has produced an unprecedented crisis among intellectuals in the third world, to the extent that communication between them and the masses has be-come extremely difficult, and at times impossible.
238.	Many of the educated elements in the third world speak the native language; they might even dress like the natives. But they think, feel, taste, see and hear in a Western or Eastern way. In other words, their sense perceptions are taken over by alien forces. This is the worst kind of slavery human beings can be subjected to. This mental slavery is the most distinct consequence of imperialism in the contemporary world, and it seems to be a cheap and effective tool for perpetuating imperialist domination.
239.	The global problems diversely analysed from this podium during the past 10 days have a cultural dimension the comprehension of which is at least as crucial as their economic, political, commercial and military components. The multifaceted crisis confronting us all can be reversed if our attention is not limited to the objective conditions of oppression and exploitation. We must also confront the habits and perceptions which we have inherited and internalized without thought or reflection. The problems of development, poverty, inequality, insecurity and violence in the third world can be effectively dealt with only in native socio-cultural contexts; otherwise we will continue to be, however unwittingly, the tools of the super-Powers.
240.	The producers and sellers of arms live in a few advanced industrial societies, but increasingly those who use the ever more sophisticated weapons are the impoverished peoples of the third world. This is a new but less visible form of domination and exploitation to which the wretched of the earth are subjected. The poor have become the fighters of the proxy wars of the rich, and this is why the militarization of politics in the third world has reached a sorry stage. In the name of security and with the dubious claim of knowing what is good for their people, many rulers of third-world countries have substituted forced submission for civil society and voluntary association. Nationalism, once a source of solidarity against imperialism, is now becoming an excuse for militarized societies to engage in civil and regional wars. Both the East and the West are exploiting the misperceptions and militarization of the third-world countries in accordance with their imperialistic game- plans, which include the expansion of their own self- serving arms race.
241.	It is the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran that the United Nations should be as active in combating the new forms of imperialism as it was in the struggle against colonialism. The cultural domination and militarization of the third world can be as destructive of the rights and humanity of nations as violation of their sovereignty. The confrontation between the oppressed natives and the rulers whose alienated consciousness has placed them at the service of imperialism is as inevitable as was the confrontation between the natives and their colonial masters. Whenever the United Nations has had an opportunity to play a constructive role in the confrontation between colonial oppressors and the forces of national self-determination, it has been instrumental in reducing the violence of the confrontation.
242.	In the past decade the United Nations has played a significant role in unmasking the deceptiveness of Zionist Israel or arousing the conscience of the world against the racist regimes of southern Africa, The Western mass media have a near monopoly of information and communications facilities and it is extremely difficult for the poor or the oppressed to appeal to world public opinion. The plight of the oppressed is not sensational enough for the monopolists of information and communications facilities. The United Nations can be more helpful in this regard than it has been in the past.
243.	For a quarter of a century half a million Iranians served time in prison; more than 65,000 of them were killed by the Shah's armed men; over 2,000 of them, all young men and women, were publicly executed and an unknown number were tortured to death; yet not a word about these hideous crimes was uttered in this Assembly. There are other peoples in the world who are being killed, imprisoned and tortured by other shahs. The United Nations should heed their cries and reflect them in its public deliberations.
244.	The crimes of the shahs cannot be ignored by the world Organization simply because they take place within national boundaries. If the oppressors have to get their arms, ammunition, spies, advisers, and repression technology from outside their national boundaries, then concern over their crimes cannot be confined within their national boundaries either.
245.	The legitimacy of the United Nations can be deepened if this challenge is taken seriously. The oppressors, the monopolists of information and communications facilities, those who benefit from proxy wars and cultural domination, whether they live inside or outside certain national boundaries, will certainly advise the United Nations to tolerate the crimes of those who rule by coercion alone. But if we are to serve the cause of peace and justice in the world, we cannot ignore the plight of the oppressed without losing our legitimacy, The Islamic Republic of Iran is committed to the proposition that the most sacred mission of the United Nations is to support, within a realistic framework, the rights and human dignity of the oppressed at all times and under all circumstances.


Mr. President, I wish to express the sincere pleasure of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. You are a son of Africa, a continent which is tied with the Caribbean countries by an umbilical cord. You represent a country which shares the common desire of our peoples for freedom. You have already made your own distinguished contribution to many facets of international affairs, including your service to the cause of decolonization. We hold you in the highest esteem as a friend, and believe that your outstanding abilities as a diplomat equip you admirably for the exacting office of President.
108.	Permit me also to record the appreciation of my Government for the work of Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano Aguirre of Columbia, who so ably conducted the affairs or our thirty-third session.
109.	My Government expresses its thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dedicated and untiring service to the cause of peace. We recall with pleasure his visit to our country early this year, a visit which helped to strengthen further Jamaica's close association with, and unwavering support for, this institution and its work.
110.	Jamaica takes particular pride in welcoming our sister Caribbean country, Saint Lucia, which has recently gained its independence and has now been admitted to membership in this body.
111.	The peoples of the Caribbean have recently experienced a series of natural disasters which have been among the worst in our history. There have been volcanic eruptions in St. Vincent, floods have ravaged Jamaica, hurricanes have devastated our sister countries, Dominica and the Dominican Republic. Large areas of our countries have been destroyed, and we will need the understanding and material support of the international community in our urgent task of reconstruction. I should like at this stage to express Jamaica's appreciation for the assistance which we have already received from States Members of the United Nations and from several international organizations.
112.	The Caribbean remains one area of the world where the process of decolonization is not yet complete. For centuries our region has been the scene of incessant conflict between colonial Powers in their struggle for supremacy. Our history has been a turbulent one, as we have been moved like pawns on a political chess-board.
113.	In the light of all this it should not be surprising that the desire of all our peoples now is to make the Caribbean a region free from the scourge of great- Power rivalry, free from military conflict and free from any form of external domination. The Caribbean yearns to be an area of peace, not of confrontation, to be an arena of co-operation and tranquillity, not one of tension and conflict.
114.	We are small States without the military capacity to initiate or resist aggression. We require a climate free from conflict and super-Power confrontation in order to enable us to wipe out the legacy of neglect and to undertake the mammoth task of social, political and economic transformation.
115.	Jamaica recognizes that our size and location may tempt the powerful to take advantage of our vulnerability. It should never be forgotten that we are a resilient people zealous for the rewards of our struggles and impatient to continue on the path to genuine independence and complete freedom. We intend to continue playing our part freely in the affairs of the world.
116.	We are not pawns and we refuse to be surrogates.
117.	We end the decade of the 1970s with much less of the confidence and certainty with which we began. Despite the welcome signature of the second SALT agreement, the nuclear menace remains. The General Assembly proclaimed the 1970s the Disarmament Decade, but the cruel irony is that the 1970s have seen unprecedented growth in the sophistication, volume and sale of weapons—all this when the social and economic needs of the vast majority of mankind have been growing increasingly urgent.
118.	Detente has not spread world-wide. Regional conflicts continue to simmer and in some areas have broken out into open warfare as the major Powers stand at one remove, and the contending parties exhaust themselves.
119.	In the Middle East a comprehensive settlement continues to elude us. The attainment by the Palestinian people of their legitimate rights is the key to lasting peace in the area. Yet the Palestinian people remain in effect outside the mainstream of the peace process.
120.	In Africa the successful elimination of the remnants of Portugal's colonial empire brought new and dynamic countries into the family of nations; but there still remain white racist minority regimes on the continent.
121.	Some of us had supported the display of viable international co-operation and positive action to achieve the liberation of Namibia from South African occupation in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations. The efforts of the five Western countries have apparently lost their momentum and the initiative has been ceded to Pretoria.
122.	The efforts for the liberation of Zimbabwe from minority racist oppression spearheaded by the struggle of the Patriotic Front have been buttressed by a notable and encouraging degree of international co-operation. Out of the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka has come the recognition that the farcical situation which exists in Zimbabwe must come to an end and that a Government truly representative of the people of that country must be instituted. We hope that everything will be done at the Conference now taking place in London to ensure that the people of Zimbabwe enjoy the peace, freedom and independence through genuine majority rule that they have so long sought.
123.	The long, hard years of struggle by the peoples of South-East Asia have not yet led to the peace hoped for; the region is again enmeshed in conflicts because of rivalry and competition among the major Powers; the people continue to suffer economic and social deprivation; and some have even been forced to become unwanted refugees, thus contributing a new and disquieting dimension to the problems of the area.
124.	Elsewhere, small countries remain threatened and insecure. Lebanon is fragmented and still visited with death and destruction; Cyprus at the end of the 1970s is still divided and a victim of foreign occupation; Belize is prevented from attaining its independence because of the continuing threat from a neighbouring State; and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic is still denied its rightful place in the international community and unable to exercise its sovereignty over the whole of its territory.
125.	Nor is this all. The greater awareness of human rights has not been matched by greater observance; the benefits of the unprecedented technological advances have not yet filtered through to the broad masses of our peoples; the promise of a significant increase in food production in developing countries has not been fulfilled and, as a result, world food stocks are critically low.
126.	The prospect is bleak.
127.	The efforts of the developing countries during this decade have had as their most important objective economic liberation. The pressures of poverty, deprivation, hunger, unemployment and social turmoil have exposed the inescapable truth that the achievement of political independence without a corresponding attainment of economic independence is a hollow victory. Without economic independence we can never improve the quality of life of our peoples.
128.	The decade of the 1970s has clearly shown that the world economic system must be restructured if we are to achieve economic liberation, equity and justice in relations among States; that this process entails, among other things, a transfer of resources from the developed to the developing world; and that these things require a global consensus.
129.	Early in the present decade the developing countries enunciated a coherent set of principles and objectives for the establishment of the New International Economic Order. As we near the close of the 1970s, our objectives remain unfulfilled and our monumental efforts have resulted in only marginal advances.
130.	The international economic agenda of the 1970s constitutes the most elaborate annotation of the roots of world, poverty and distorted development. The pathways towards the restructuring of a world economic order are clearly discernible. We have undertaken the most rigorous examination of the problems besetting money and finance, raw materials, energy and other major development issues. Yet, even after this, our last lingering memory as we close this decade is the frustrating experience of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the lack of any clear perception of the way forward. With the phenomenon of "stagflation" there has been a resurgence of protectionism and the developed countries are obdurate in ignoring our cries.
131.	It cannot be claimed that the thought and effort expended in the preparation and delivery of our statements in general debates have contributed as much as we would have hoped to the easing of international tensions, or to resolution of the specific issues which confront us.
132.	Perhaps the clearest indication of this is the fact that the agenda from one session of the General Assembly to the next preserves a disconcerting sameness. Identical issues, be they political, economic, or social, recur each year for consideration and debate. I fully recognize and acknowledge that these issues are extremely complex and that it is difficult to reconcile the diverse interests of countries and of peoples. But while each year our delegations strive mightily to reach agreement on resolutions, we the Member countries have not spent sufficient time or exerted sufficient effort to implement them.
133.	We can ease the burden of these sessions and advance the work of the Assembly by reducing the number of items on our agenda. I am aware, Mr. President, of the efforts made by you, by the Secretary- General and by a number of delegations to introduce in the work of this session some much-needed changes.
134.	A fundamental objective of the Charter in its Article 1, paragraph 3, is:
"To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character ...".
It is clear that the failure of the international community to tackle successfully the problems of poverty, starvation and inequitable international economic relationships now contributes significantly to the increase in global tensions and to an erosion of international peace and security. Suffering, tension and instability now present the greatest threat to world peace and continue only because people themselves feel locked into a situation of despondency and despair.
135.	Having missed or ignored opportunities in the present decade, the international community will in the next one have to deal with old and new issues in what appear to be less propitious conditions. But the quest for peace and development must go on, for both are mutually reinforcing.
136.	The agenda for the 1980s will be formidable: we will begin another development decade; there will be a special session in its first year, a United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy in the next, and there are prospects for a global round of negotiations.
137.	As we seek for the third time to chart the course of a development decade, we should be concerned that even at this late stage the international community is still without a consensus on the approaches towards the international development strategy: in other words, on such questions as who it is for, what are its aims and objectives and how the process of development should be implemented.
138.	We believe that the international development strategy should be formulated within the framework of the New International Economic Order. It follows from this that the accord which eluded us in our negotiations on the basic principles for restructuring the international economic system will have to be achieved in the coming decade if the developing countries are to secure any advances.
139.	Energy is basic to human existence. It is a pre-requisite for the survival of mankind. Failure to achieve a coherent world energy policy will make a mockery of all our efforts to reduce the levels of poverty, hunger and unemployment. It will make a mockery of all our plans, targets and strategies. Without adequate supplies of energy we do not have the capacity to produce goods and services consistent with the requirements for a rational and equitable pattern of global economic development. Energy is therefore a unique input into the developmental process. Its availability and its price affect profoundly the prospects for economic development in the developing countries which have no significant indigenous energy supplies, and which have limited foreign exchange from which to allocate funds for its purchase.
140.	Two years ago, in 1977, Jamaica proposed to this General Assembly the creation of an international energy institution that would be charged with the task of addressing many facets of this complex subject.  Since then we have watched with satisfaction a growing international recognition of the urgency attending this problem. We have also noted with pleasure the initiatives of a number of oil-exporting developing countries.
141.	The President of Mexico has presented a penetrating analysis of the global energy situation [11th meeting]. He has focused on the crux of the issue and laid before us a comprehensive set of proposals which could usefully guide this Assembly in the quest for a global energy policy.
142.	Countries like my own are faced with very serious and immediate problems which cannot await probable long-term global solutions. Last year Jamaica spent 23 per cent of its foreign-exchange earnings on energy imports; in 1979 these expenditures are expected to exceed 35 per cent. Obviously, there is less for imports of critical raw materials to support economic activities, less for machinery and capital equipment and, above all, less for vital commodity imports to sustain the health and welfare of our people. My delegation hopes that the analysis of the energy issue in this General Assembly will motivate the international community to seek earnestly for solutions to immediate problems such as these.
143.	The 1970s made a positive contribution to the analysis and understanding of the basic problems in money and finance, trade, industrialization, the transfer of technology and other development issues. From this analysis have emerged a number of cogent proposals. In the coming decade we must implement them to ensure improvements in the quality of life of our peoples.
144.	On the solution of those problems which I have discussed hangs the very survival of mankind. Not only must we confront these issues with global solidarity, but we must also ensure that every segment of our national populations is brought fully into the developmental process. We must recognize the debilitating effect on our efforts to achieve the New International Economic Order of actions and policies which prevent the effective utilization of human resources.
145.	In this regard we cannot continue to treat human rights violations, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid, discrimination against women and non- recognition of the rights of the child as issues which are to be isolated from our basic thrust for economic justice. The international community must realize once and for all that the challenges of development and of economic transformation at the global level cannot be met—will not be met—unless we successfully resolve the critical political problems which have bedevilled the international community for so long.
146.	We are all aware of and familiar with the various areas of crisis on our planet. They are symptomatic of a deeper malaise, of more fundamental problems with which we must come to grips if the decade of the 1980s is to be a decade of hope and optimism.
147.	No human being and no society can flourish and achieve its full potential in that milieu of spiritual de-basement, human degradation and economic exploitation which characterizes the system of apartheid and all human societies organized upon or tolerant of the ideology of racial superiority. The international community must continue its assault upon this ultimate indecency with renewed vigour, and in particular upon its bastions—the racist regimes of South Africa and Namibia.
148.	More than any other issue perhaps, disarmament is one on which the longer we take to make meaningful progress the more certain we can be that we will bear the painful consequences of our folly and delay. To put it simply, our luck cannot hold forever. The arms race—the fondness for new weapons of destruction- sustains and feeds among nations and peoples a bellicosity of nature, a predisposition to confrontation, to psychic fatalism and insecurity, and above all a tragic misplacement of priorities, which cannot augur well for the international community.
149.	What, I must ask, is there in store for a world which is constantly threatened by the very existence of armaments which already are capable of destroying it several times over? Yet there are a growing number of countries which, in pursuit of absolute security, not only seek additional and more sophisticated nuclear weapons but also by that very desire stimulate others to do likewise. Surely we have a right to look forward to a time when man will become so aware of the futility of that search in the present structure of international society and in the, present system of inter-State relations that Governments will abandon this phantasm. If we are to avoid the holocaust, the 1980s must see a major change in the predisposition of peoples and Governments towards one another and their perception of one another.
150.	One of the challenges of the 1980s must be a reassertion in practice of the basic principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs and peaceful coexistence, which must guide States if anarchy is not to prevail at the international level. We firmly believe that, if the challenges can be met in these areas, then the 1980s could be a decade of optimism and accomplishment Jamaica believes that the international community must pledge itself to making of the 1980s a watershed decade. It can do this only by recognizing the limitations of policies based upon narrow self-interest and the flexing of muscles. It can do this by beginning now to implement the pragmatic measures and by beginning now to inculcate the philosophical and psychological orientations which are essential to the spirit of cooperation and accommodation with which we need to confront the decade of the 1980s.
151.	Spanning the 1970s and the 1980s is the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and [Peace. An important achievement of the Decade has been the establishment of the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women, from which many developing countries, including my own, have benefited. While congratulating the Secretary-General on the effective management and operation of the Fund, we must express our hope that its future operations will be maintained at least at the present level. Jamaica also looks forward to the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace. In most of our societies women have for too long been relegated to secondary or marginal roles, their capabilities underestimated and their talents ignored. Clearly they need to be encouraged to participate fully in the process of development. We expect the forthcoming Conference to help to do that and thereby contribute to the establishment of the New International Economic Order.
152.	The current stage of negotiations in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea points to the possibility of an early resolution of the outstanding issues. These negotiations are intimately related to the ongoing deliberations on the New International Economic Order and encompass some of the most enduring concerns in the political, economic and juridical relations among States. We confidently expect that the management of the resources of the sea-bed and ocean floor and the juridical regime that we agree to establish will represent for the 1980s a singular and extraordinary demonstration of international cooperation in what has been often described as the last frontier of man. The success of the Conference is therefore of special importance for the future of the world.
153.	A review of the 1970s compels us to admit that the early promises of the decade have not been realized. We end in a mood of deep disappointment at our failures and real concern over the dangers for the coming years.
154.	The frustration and disillusionment of the past must now give way to a new era of hope and fulfilment. The 1980s beckon us to new challenges of leadership, of vision and of creative action. We require a new summons to our will to establish a world free from fear, free from poverty and free from exploitation. We are challenged to create a lasting peace which goes beyond the mere absence of war and to usher in a new age where injustice and exploitation are no more. Our experience demonstrates that our future is inextricably intertwined. We are driven to the recognition that we may belong to several nations and several peoples but that, despite our differences in size, in wealth and in power, we all belong to one race—the human race—and that the earth we must all inhabit is one and indivisible.


41.	On behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic and on my own behalf, I wish to express our gratification at the confidence that has been shown in Mr. Salim by the General Assembly in electing him unanimously to preside over the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His election is further evidence that this Assembly fully recognizes his political competence and his experience as a diplomat, which will guarantee the success of this session. He may be assured that my delegation will fully co-operate with him in the carrying out of his great responsibilities, so that we shall be able to achieve our common goals of finding acceptable solutions to the problems before the present session.
42.	My delegation wishes to express its admiration of Mr. Lievano, the head of the delegation of Colombia, for the extraordinary skill with which he presided over the last session of the Assembly.
43.	We are very happy to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the efforts he has made and the devotion he has shown in the service of the cause of strengthening peace and stability in the world. We particularly appreciate the role he has played and the initiatives he has taken for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East based on the reaffirmation of the national rights of the Palestinian people.
44.	My delegation warmly welcomes the admission of Saint Lucia to our Organization. We are convinced that the admission of that newly independent State will further strengthen the effectiveness of the United Nations in all its efforts to encourage justice, peace and progress.
45.	The yearly sessions of the General Assembly prove to us the continuity of the struggle against war and the factors of under-development and oppression. They reflect man's innate attachment to peace, freedom, and progress. We feel that this session of the General Assembly, too, will enable us to assess the work being done by the United Nations—with its successes and its failures—since its creation at the end of the Second World War.
46.	The Charter of the United Nations reflects the desire of the peoples of the world to see peace and progress reign in the world. Thus, we are convinced that the General Assembly must go beyond the stage of discussion in accordance with the parliamentary procedure governing the items before it and adopt an attitude based on positive and constructive criticism and the commitment of all Member States to implement the resolutions and recommendations of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Only thus shall we be able to strengthen the role and the effectiveness of the Organization as an instrument for peace, save mankind from the horrors of war and destruction, and ensure the triumph of the purposes and principles of the Charter.
47.	The existence of the United Nations is a unique experience in the world of today, because, to the extent that its existence has contributed to preventing the tragedy of a third world war, it has undoubtedly created in the minds of all peoples the conviction that the United Nations is the natural and most appropriate framework for the structuring of international relations on democratic bases, with a view to enshrining the principle of coexistence and co-operation in a better world, where prosperity and stability will prevail, a world freed from the state of under-development inherited from the colonial era. So we believe that continued assistance to national liberation movements must be at the forefront of the efforts that the United Nations must deploy in order to achieve the purposes of the Charter.
48.	The United Nations has before it one basic subject which has been of concern to the international community for 32 years—namely, the cause of the Arab people of Palestine, who have continued to experience an unprecedented tragedy because of the Zionist conspiracy with imperialist circles to expel them from their homeland and occupy their lands. The Arab people of Palestine submit their cause again today to this international gathering, confident of the justice of that cause and convinced that the United Nations as an organization embodying international legitimacy is the international forum that can best examine all the aspects of the problem with the participation of the PLO, the only legitimate representative of the embattled Arab people of Palestine, on a footing of equality with the other parties concerned. In that way, a just and lasting peace must be achieved, and it must include the following elements: first, the complete withdrawal of the Israeli forces of aggression from all the occupied Arab territories, and above all from Jerusalem; secondly, the guaranteeing of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, sovereignty and national independence on the territory of Palestine, under the leadership of the PLO, the only representative of that people; thirdly, the cessation of the establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories and in Jerusalem, since those settlements are an obstacle to a just peace and violate international law and the United Nations Charter, as well as the many relevant United Nations resolutions; and, fourthly, the dismantling of all the Israeli settlements that have been established in the occupied Arab territories, and the cessation of archaeological excavations and of construction designed to change the cultural, religious and demographic features of the occupied Arab territories.
49.	The international community unanimously recognizes that a just and lasting peace cannot be achieved if it does not include the basic elements that we have just set forth. But the Zionist entity, which professes to want peace, arrogantly and obstinately opposes this unanimous will of the international community and continues its aggression and its occupation of Palestine and other independent and sovereign Arab countries neighbouring Palestine. Moreover, the decision taken on 16 September last by the Council of Ministers of Israel, under which Israelis will be allowed to acquire Arab lands and property on the West Bank and in Jerusalem, again confirms Israel's determination to pursue its policy of Occupation and aggression and to undermine the chances for a just and lasting peace in the area.
50.	The bombings, the air raids, the land and sea attacks by the Zionist enemy against southern Lebanon and the Palestinian refugee camps are further proof that Israel is challenging the international community and intends to pursue its aggression and terrorism in order to perpetuate its occupation of Palestine and neighbouring Arab territories and its conspiracy against the independence and sovereignty of the Arab nation.
51.	Israel, born of aggression and terrorism, has opposed every sincere effort to establish a just and lasting peace, based on the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and to set up an independent State in Palestine, a peace guaranteeing the total and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces of aggression from the occupied Arab territories and the city of Jerusalem.
52.	The separate peace treaty that resulted from the Camp David agreements signed by the Egyptian regime and the Zionist enemy has encouraged Israel to pursue its expansionist policy of settlement and has strengthened its hold on the occupied territories, by means of every method of terrorism and repression. Israel's repeated acts of aggression against the civilian population in southern Lebanon and the Palestinian refugee camps, since the signature of the Camp David agreements, prove to international public opinion how incompatible those agreements are with the sincere international efforts to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. They confirm the connexion between the separate peace treaty and the plans to annex southern Lebanon and liquidate Palestinian resistance, thereby enabling the aggressive Zionist authorities to put into effect their expansionist policy, to the detriment of the Arab territories and Palestinian Arab rights.
53.	The resolutions of the Ninth Arab Summit Conference,  held in Baghdad in November 1978, and of the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held in Fez in May, as well as the Final Declaration of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana in September, unanimously condemned the Camp David agreements because they deny Arab rights, and particularly the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment of a State on their national land. That condemnation is a clear and resounding reply to the manoeuvres and misleading campaigns engaged in by Zionism and its new allies to legitimize these unacceptable agreements.
54.	The delegation of my country wishes to warn the Assembly that Israel's policy, based on expansionist settlements, and the annexation of territories by force and terrorism will lead our region to the brink of total war, the consequences of which will not be limited to the Middle East but will inevitably engulf the Mediterranean basin, thus posing a grave threat to international peace and security. Our warning is based on our understanding of the responsibility that the United Nations has in the maintenance of peace and security, and particularly the responsibility of the Security Council, which must fulfil its task of establishing peace by taking strict measures against Israel to oblige it to bow to the will of the international community, in conformity with the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter and in the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
55.	The maintenance of colonialist regimes in southern Africa is a blemish on the human conscience. The policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa is one of the most hateful aspects of persecution and exploitation; it is contrary to the principles on which the United Nations is based.
56.	The occupation of Namibia by the racist South African regime and the maintenance of the illegal racist regime in Rhodesia are other elements in the struggle between the imperialist forces and the national forces struggling for their freedom and their right to self- determination, and to shape their future in conformity with their free will.
57.	Just as my delegation, last year, welcomed the initiative of the five Western countries towards a just settlement of the problem of the occupation of Namibia by South Africa, we now fear that that initiative will fail because of the colonialist and racist attitude of the Pretoria authorities, who refuse to respond to the efforts of the United Nations to ensure Namibia's attainment of independence and territorial integrity.
58.	It has therefore become all the more imperative that we adopt binding sanctions against the Pretoria regime in accordance with the terms of Chapter VII of the Charter. My delegation would appeal to all Western States that still have contacts with the racist Government of South Africa to implement the resolution on sanctions and thus help the United Nations in its efforts to grant the Namibian people the right to self- determination, national independence and territorial integrity under the leadership of SWAPO the sole legitimate representative of the people. This would be in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
59.	On the question of Rhodesia, my delegation welcomes the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference, convened in London by the United Kingdom Government and attended by all the parties concerned in accordance with the agreement reached at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka. My delegation reiterates its support for the legitimate claims of the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe that the white minority racist regime be ended and that a new constitution be drafted providing for free and democratic elections and guaranteeing the rights of the indigenous majority of the population.
60.	We wish here to reaffirm that for such efforts to succeed the following elements must be taken into account: first, recognition of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front as the sole legitimate representative of Rhodesia, and of its programme for the independence of the Territory; and secondly, the organization of free and fair elections on the basis of the new constitution guaranteeing majority government. This will defeat any attempt to maintain domination by the white minority based on a spurious internal settlement rejected by the Zimbabwe people and its leadership, represented by the Patriotic Front.
61.	As a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean entrusted with its preservation as a zone of peace, my country wishes to reaffirm its opposition to any military presence or to the signing of any pact in the area of the Indian Ocean and its natural prolongations like the Red Sea. At the last meeting of that Committee in March, in which the littoral and hinterland countries of the Indian Ocean participated, we reiterated the need to keep the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea free of all foreign military bases. My country advocated cooperation by all members of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean in drafting a convention by which the signatories would commit themselves fully to respect and implement General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) containing the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
62.	In many international forums, and most recently at the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries at Havana, my country has defined its position on the question of Cyprus. We fully support the initiative taken by the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, embodied in the 10 points he suggested.  We stand by the United Nations in its efforts to promote a dialogue between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities aimed at a solution to the problem that would put an end to the suffering of the friendly Cypriot people within a framework of the unity, independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the island of Cyprus. Such a solution would guarantee in full equality the political, civil and religious rights of the two communities constituting the people of Cyprus.
63.	With regard to the Korean question, my delegation reiterates its firm position that the Korean people must be entirely free to unite North and South Korea without any foreign interference or pressure, in accordance with the three principles set forth in the joint Declaration of the two parties of 4 July 1972,  namely independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity.
64.	The arms race and the stockpiling of conventional and nuclear weapons, their development and production, continue to threaten international peace and security all over the world. It is an important factor contributing to increased tension in international relations. Disarmament has become a matter to which the international community, represented by the United Nations, attaches the greatest importance. Consequently, specific and serious measures must be adopted in order to achieve that aim, ensure general and complete disarmament, and divert the manpower and funds spent on armaments, their stockpiling, development and manufacture, to solving the economic crises besetting the world, and more particularly the developing countries. My country welcomed the signing of the agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States of America reached as a result of the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT].  We consider it to be a first step, to be followed by other more positive steps that would lead to disarmament and spare mankind the risk of a third world war and of a nuclear confrontation which would destroy all man's great achievements in the field of culture, civilization and construction. That is why we renew our sincere appeal to the great Powers, particularly the super-Powers, to place the enormous resources being devoted to arms and instruments of destruction at the service of the peoples, particularly those of the developing countries, in order to help them raise their standards of living and thus strengthen the chances of peace and security in the world.
65.	We have, since its first session, followed very closely the discussions in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and participated in the work of its resumed eighth session, held in New York from 19 July to 24 August 1979. We also took part in the meetings held by the negotiating groups 6 and 7—set up by the Second Committee, We wish, in this connexion, to make the following comments. First, the resumed eighth session of the Conference, despite the difficulties that had accumulated from previous sessions, did chalk up certain successes with regard to the rewording of the composite text and formalizing it to ensure its adoption as the final text of the Convention. Secondly, the Arab delegations, in the course of the sixth session, held in New York, submitted a proposal that the continental shelf be limited to 200 nautical miles. Our delegation and the Arab group were disappointed that the proposal was not included in the revised composite text. Thirdly, the shabby attempt by some delegations to cast doubt on the legal claim of liberation movements to sign and ratify the convention is contrary to the tenets of international law reaffirming the sovereign rights of non-independent territories over their natural resources. This principle has been endorsed by the United Nations in its resolutions on the subject, particularly the resolution on the right of peoples to permanent sovereignty over their natural resources.
66.	The present state of international economic relations is a reflection of the unhealthy economic structure. This has had negative repercussions on the rates of economic growth in the developing countries. It has led to a constant widening of the gap between the developing and the developed countries. This situation has had repercussions also on the negotiations for the restructuring of international economic relations on the bases of equality and justice. Our delegation wishes to state again that the industrialized countries that continue to export the problems of inflation and unemployment to the developing countries must exercise maximum control over those problems and must be receptive to the sincere appeal for co-operation made by the developing countries, particularly the constructive proposals they submitted during the fifth session of UNC- TAD for the establishment of a new international economic order on the bases of justice and equality.
67.	In regard to the invitation extended to the General Assembly to hold a special session in 1980 on the question of international development and then to declare the beginning of the third development decade, my country believes that there must be intense and sincere efforts by Member States, and particularly by the developed countries, to achieve the aims of a third development decade. In that respect, we would point out that the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 has not yet made any significant progress because of the negative attitude of some industrialized countries. In our opinion, that is an obstacle to the efforts to declare the year 1980 the beginning of the third development decade; it will ensure that there will be no end to the stifling economic crisis from which the international community is suffering.
68.	We have noted with some satisfaction that there is a consensus on the fact that the new international development strategy must form a common framework for all the national efforts made by the developing and the developed countries and must serve as a field for international co-operation. In our opinion, the new strategy should include the elements contained in General Assembly resolution 33/193. In particular, stress must be placed on the methods for the economic restructuring of the developing countries, in conformity with the principles of the new international economic order. The new strategy must also be designed to achieve the aims of that new order.
69.	We wish to state the following once again. First, economic relations must be reorganized on the bases of justice and equality. Secondly, the developing countries must be given the opportunity to participate effectively in the drafting and application of resolutions concerning development and financial and technical co-operation. Thirdly, there must be respect for the principle of the right of States to exercise complete control over their natural resources. Fourthly, there must be a reaffirmation of the principle of collective participation and of the promotion of the role of women and youth in the process of local and regional development. Fifthly, the price of manufactured products exported by the developed countries must be stabilized, and some equality must be established in trade relations, through the abolition of protectionist policies. Sixthly, a study must be made of practical methods for settling the debt problem of the developing countries. Seventhly, the international monetary situation must be corrected through a review of the special agreements, special drawing rights, and so forth.
70.	My delegation believes that the use by the developing countries of their resources, and co-operation among them, must form the basis of the establishment of a new international economic order, to complement co-operation with the developed countries. The least developed countries must have priority in the assistance to developing countries, through the drawing up of a plan of action and practical measures to, improve the economy of those countries and help them to develop their own resources. Thus they will be assured of at least a minimum standard of living and of assistance in overcoming the problems of inflation and mounting prices.
71.	Before concluding this statement, I wish to draw attention to what the political leadership in my country has been doing to ensure stability and guarantee a free and dignified life for every citizen. In co-operation with the southern part of the Yemeni homeland, my country is making efforts to achieve the unity of Yemen, through the creation of economic bodies and a democratic atmosphere propitious to such unity. That was one of the objectives of the 26 September revolution in my country. From 2 to 4 October this year, the Presidents of the two Yemens met at San'a and reaffirmed the determination of the two parts of the country to spare no effort to put into effect the Cairo agreement of 28 October 1972, the Tripoli communiqué of November 1972 and the Kuwait communiqué of 30 March 1979 concerning the methods to achieve the peaceful unity of Yemen on sound democratic bases. We seek to intensify our common efforts to achieve economic integration, to ensure co-ordination and the harmonization of our development plans, and to encourage Arab and foreign investment, in conformity with our development plans, which are in the interests of Yemen and are designed to increase the well-being of our people.
72.	I would stress here that the joint commission set up in accordance with the Cairo agreement and the Tripoli communiqué is continuing its intensive efforts and is making considerable progress towards the achievement of our noble national objective and the establishment of conditions that can lead to the unity of the two Yemens: an aspiration of the masses of Yemeni people in the two sections of the country.
73.	In the Yemen Arab Republic, our political leadership is convinced that our brothers and friends throughout the world will co-operate with us to ensure the success of the efforts being made by the Yemeni people and their national leaders to achieve this desired unity, which will serve as an element of stability and peace in the region and thereby contribute to the struggle of the Arab nation for its unity and for the recovery of all the occupied territories in Palestine and in other Arab countries now under the control of zionism and settler- colonialism.
74.	The Yemen Arab Republic is devoting all its attention to the improvement of its economy and the living conditions of the people, but at the same time it recognizes that it has responsibilities in regard to the questions before the international community. For we have faith in the Charter and we hope to see the role and effectiveness of the United Nations strengthened so that all the problems may be solved and the cause of all the peoples may triumph, and so that those peoples may be enabled to exercise their rights to self-determination and national independence.


On behalf of my delegation, and in my own name, I should like to extend to Ambassador Salim sincerest congratulations upon his election to the high and demanding office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, and to express our confidence and conviction that under his wise guidance and direction this thirty-fourth session will bear fruitful results.
148.	I also wish to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, our appreciation and esteem for the able and effective manner in which he fulfilled the difficult task of conducting and steering the thirty-third session of the Assembly.
149.	The Somali delegation extends its best wishes of welcome to Saint Lucia on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations.
150.	I want also to express our profound appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in the promotion of the effectiveness of this world body and in his search for solutions to the intricate problems facing humanity. We assure him that we shall give him our whole-hearted co-operation in the future as we have given it in the past.
151.	May I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the late President of the People's Republic of Angola, Mr. Agostinho Neto, whose untimely death has deprived the brotherly people of Angola of a valiant freedom fighter and great statesman. I wish to extend my delegation's heartfelt condolences to the family of the late President and to the Government and the people of Angola.
152.	The policies and points of view I wish to express on behalf of my Government arise from three sources. The first is our involvement with the principles and issues of deep concern to our regional organization— the OAU. The second is our adherence to the principles of non-alignment, and the third is our belief that international peace and security can only be assured by a democratized system of international relations, operating within the framework of the United Nations.
153.	I shall speak first of questions which affect the Somali Democratic Republic as an African State and as a member of the OAU.
154.	I must emphasize, first of all, our confidence in the ability of the OAU to continue to develop its cooperative efforts in the political, economic, technological and social fields. Too often the positive aspects of African co-operation are overlooked and the inevitable failures of our comparatively young organization are given prominence. We believe that the OAU will be able to face up to the challenges before it by taking account of the realities of the present while remaining true to the spirit of the Charter.
155.	Let me state here our conviction that the cooperation that exists between the OAU and the United Nations strengthens both organizations and contributes to international peace and security.
156.	The OAU rightly gives pre-eminence to questions related to the right to self-determination, decolonization and independence, and it is natural that this should be the case since it is on the basis of this right, proclaimed in the United Nations Charter, that the vast majority of African countries achieved their independence. Therefore we continue to be in the vanguard of the struggle to eliminate the last vestiges of colonial rule and to complete the process of self-determination and independence on the African continent.
157.	Our commitment to the cause of the total liberation of the African continent remains firm and unequivocal. The explosive situation in southern Africa arouses our grave concern and calls for more determined effort against the unjust policies posed by the racist minority regimes, which further escalate the current reign of terror and violence in flagrant violation of OAU and United Nations resolutions and international public opinion. Of late, South Africa has taken the dangerous step of installing a puppet regime in Namibia. Any attempt, overt or covert, to impart a semblance of legitimacy to an unrepresentative government is bound to be doomed to failure. The South West Africa People's Organization, as the sole representative of the people of Namibia, deserves our full moral and material support.
158.	In Zimbabwe, despite the recent cosmetic changes and developments, the situation remains as tense as ever. As long as the people of Zimbabwe do not attain real independence on the basis of universally accepted democratic principles, the liberation struggle will continue with full force and vigour. We pledge to the valiant people of Zimbabwe our full support and urge them to stand fully united in this moment of unprecedented crisis.
159.	In South Africa itself the abhorrent practice of apartheid continues and the rights of the majority of African people are openly trampled upon. Our solidarity with our oppressed brothers and sisters remains firm and unshakeable. They should intensify their legitimate struggle against the racist minority regime until final victory is won.
160.	International concern has rightly focused on the well-known colonial situations in southern Africa, but attention should also be paid to other areas in Africa where peoples are being deprived of the right to self- determination and independence and where the consequent tensions and conflicts endanger regional and international peace and security. This is certainly the case in the Horn of Africa, where colonial struggles have been intensified and internationalized through foreign intervention.
161.	The peoples of Western Somalia and Abbo, who constitute a distinct national group with a strong sense of national identity, are fighting a legitimate liberation struggle against oppressive colonial rule. As in other colonial situations, they have had to resort to armed struggle because their attempts to obtain their freedom through peaceful means have been consistently and often brutally opposed. Their struggle has been temporarily set back by the introduction into the Horn of Africa of the armed presence, on a massive scale, of a super-Power and its surrogates. But the fundamental causes of that struggle remain, and there will be no lasting peace in the area until the people have been allowed to exercise their inalienable right to self- determination and independence.
162.	In the case of Eritrea, whose autonomy had been established on the basis of an international (decision, it is a terrible indictment of our Organization that there was only apathy and indifference towards Ethiopia's illegal ending of Eritrea's autonomy. Today there is also indifference towards Ethiopia's ongoing, brutal war against the Eritrean people, waged with the help of foreign mercenaries armed by a super-Power,
163.	The settling of African conflicts within Africa and through the machinery of its regional organization is one of the fundamental reasons for the existence of the OAU, which has a respectable record in this regard. My Government, along with many other African Governments, is deeply concerned over the precedents for foreign intervention in African affairs that have recently been set. We hope that the majority of African States will guard against this retrograde trend which heralds a return to imperialist domination and undermines the positive role of the OAU in the mediation of African conflicts.
164.	We also deplore intervention by one African State in the affairs of another because of opposition to the policies of its Government. Where the pre-eminent right to self-determination is not involved such intervention can only damage the structure of African peace and security built on the principles of the OAU.
165.	With regard to the approach that should be taken to African political problems, particularly those of the Horn of Africa, my Government maintains that neither the African nor the international community should believe that the causes of deep-seated disputes based on unjust, callous or thoughtless decisions of colonial and imperial times can be glossed over, or the destiny and identity of whole peoples erased by simplistic resolutions aimed at preserving the status quo. The desire Peoples for freedom will always come to the surface, and the attempt to deny their aspirations will always cause tension and conflict. We believe that the sensible course, and one which follows the principles of the Charter and the logic of history, is to set in motion, preferably under United Nations auspices, the processes leading to self-determination and independence.
166- The current situation in the Middle East is another matter of grave concern to this Organization. We should adopt positive and practical measures in support of the legitimate cause of Arab people under Israeli domination and oppression. We are fully committed to the fundamental position that the national rights of the Palestine people, including the establishment of a State of their own, must be fulfilled. We continue to condemn Israel unreservedly for its intransigence and demand that it must cease its acts of continued aggression and withdraw from all Arab lands occupied since 1967, including the holy city of Jerusalem. Only if these fundamental elements are complied with can the danger to peace and stability in the region be eliminated.
167.	The denial of human rights in the Middle East, in southern Africa, in the Horn of Africa and in many other areas of the world points to the tragic discrepancy between the development of the concept of human rights in this century and the frequency with which those rights are violated on a large scale. In recent days the attention of the international community has turned to the plight of hundreds of thousands of the people of South-East Asia who have become refugees because of their ethnic background. The Somali Government and people deplore the enforcement of policies which contravene several provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and which have contributed directly to the deaths and cruel suffering of so many Asian men, women and children.
168.	The refugee problem is not, of course, confined to South-East Asia. It has also assumed gigantic proportions in Africa. While African countries have an outstanding record for the provision of emergency aid, long-term hospitality and the assimilation of refugees, the refugees within their borders often undermine development efforts and place heavy burdens on the economic, political and social structures of developing or severely under-developed countries.
169.	The Somali Democratic Republic is still providing food and shelter for hundreds of thousands of people who became refugees as a result of the war of liberation in Ogaden. The present refugee population in Somalia, based on realistic assessments, exceeds 500,000—and the number is increasing daily in alarming proportions. The Government of the Somali Democratic Republic, in fulfilment of its heavy responsibility for providing the necessary care and protection for such a massive number of refugees, has recently launched an emergency national campaign to cope with this grave situation. We are grateful for the international assistance we have received in this task, but our refugee problem causes great difficulties for a small and underdeveloped country like our own.
170.	My Government hopes that the international community will bring pressure to bear on all Governments whose inhuman policies of repression and tyranny contribute to the refugee problem. These Governments should be induced to provide guarantees of the human rights of people who wish to remain in their homelands, who wish to leave in an orderly and humane manner, and who wish to return voluntarily.
171.	I turn now to my Government's position on wider questions of international concern, which we view from the perspective of non-alignment. We believe that the non-aligned movement can be justly proud of its achievements. Through its strict adherence to authentic principles, and its firm opposition to military alliances and power blocs, the movement has clearly established itself as a countervailing force in a world still troubled by super-Power confrontation, and it has made a significant contribution to the relaxation of international tension.
172.	The unremitting opposition of the non-aligned States to all forms of colonialism and imperialism has been a significant factor in the liberation of millions of people from colonial domination and in their enjoyment of the rights to self-determination and national sovereignty.
173.	Believing as we do in the value of the non-aligned movement's contribution to international peace and security, my Government sincerely hopes that the movement will remain true to its original character as an independent force in international relations, free from great-Power rivalry and influence. Indeed, we believe that the movement will continue to be an effective force in international affairs only if it proceeds with a firm belief in the continuing relevance of its established principles.
174.	We are therefore very much disturbed over attempts being made both from outside and from within the movement to divert it from its true course and to channel its policies in one direction. We have made very clear our opposition to this attempt to change the essential nature of the movement, and we are happy that our position is shared by the majority of the members of the non-aligned group of States. It is indeed gratifying to note that this correct line of the non- alignment policy has been fully endorsed and reaffirmed by the majority of member States at the recent Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana .
175.	The question of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, is especially relevant to the nature and goals of the non-aligned States. Whatever influence non-alignment has had on the world scene has not been based on military power, but rather on the rejection of militarism as the moving force in international affairs. My Government is convinced that, unless significant steps are taken to implement the disarmament programme which was inspired by the non- aligned group and approved by the tenth special session of the General Assembly, all efforts of the world community in the political, economic and social and technological spheres will prove fruitless, and mankind's very survival will be in doubt.
176.	The most urgent disarmament priority is, of course, that of nuclear disarmament. The tragic aspect of the senseless spiralling of the nuclear arms race is that billions are spent each year on nuclear weapons, while the majority of the world's people suffer from hunger, poverty and disease.
177.	The non-nuclear-weapon States view with a deep sense of frustration the failure of the nuclear Powers to conclude a comprehensive test-ban treaty and to approach in earnest the task of achieving a mutual and balanced reduction of nuclear weapons.
178.	The non-aligned effort to preserve the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace has been severely undermined by the actions of nuclear Powers. The increasing use of the Indian Ocean by those Powers to further their global strategies severely jeopardizes the right of Indian Ocean States to determine their prerogative to dispose of their natural wealth and resources as they see fit. In short, it endangers their hard-won independence and national sovereignty.
179.	Unfortunately, in recent times both of the superpowers have consistently increased their military presence in the Indian Ocean in the context of their global rivalry. I have already referred to the massive introduction by one super-Power of military equipment and foreign forces, including foreign mercenaries, into the Horn of Africa. This flagrant violation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace can lead only to further escalation of great-Power military rivalry and the increased de- stabilization of the area.
180.	The military presence of the nuclear Powers in the Indian Ocean also introduces a dangerous element into the struggle for self-determination and for the elimination of racism, colonial rule and foreign domination, which have long been major concerns of the countries of the area.
181.	My Government supports what we are sure is the universal wish that the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea will be able to complete the long and difficult task of drawing up a treaty on the law of the sea at its next session. The successful conclusion of that task would indeed be an outstanding example of international co-operation and one with significant implications for the strengthening of friendly relations between States and the strengthening of international peace and security.
182.	The question of the nature and powers of the sea-bed authority continues to be one of the problems which remain outstanding. We hope that the Conference will reach an agreement on the establishment of a sea-bed authority which will be able to ensure a wide and just distribution of the benefits accruing from deep sea-bed mining.
183.	My Government believes that another urgent priority of the international community is the establishment of a new international economic order. We regret that the efforts of the third world over the past five years to set in motion a constructive and co-operative process leading to fundamental changes in the world economic situation have met with very little success.
184.	The recent general agreement between developed and developing countries on the main elements of a Common Fund to stabilize commodity prices and the debt relief extended to some of the poorest countries by a small group of developed States are indeed valuable accomplishments. However, it is evident that the developed countries, by and large, have not yet committed themselves fully to the task of closing the widening gap between rich and poor countries, nor have they accepted the thesis that their own prosperity is inescapably linked with that of the developing countries which contain the vast majority of the world's people.
185.	Unfortunately, a psychological barrier, largely composed of persistent colonial attitudes, still divides the nations of North and South. Recent developments in several international forums and the over-all results of the fifth session of UNCTAD have served to show the dimensions of this barrier. They have also shown that the principle of interdependence, which had gained acceptance for a brief period, has been negated by isolationist attitudes and policies.
186.	The developed countries are understandably preoccupied with the problems of inflation and the slowing of economic growth, problems that also have serious repercussions in the developing world. But these problems cannot be divorced from the world economic situation as a whole.
187.	The World Bank's estimate that by the year 2000 constant hunger and low life-expectancy will be the lot of 600 million people should underline the humanitarian dimension of the task ahead.
188.	While my Government is aware of the external factors which need changing or improvement so that development can be more speedily promoted, we are fully conscious of the heavy responsibility of third- world countries for their own development. The Somali Government and people are committed to a policy of national self-reliance carried out within a strong framework of regional co-operation. We believe that co-operation between developing countries in technical and other fields is an essential component of the new world economic order and that one of the most important goals of this co-operation must be increased food production, both for national self-sufficiency and for money-earning exports.
189.	My Government fully supports the joint OAU- ECA development strategy for Africa, and we attach particular importance to the proposal for an African common market. We are glad that in the formulation of the African development strategy prominence is being given to the view that African peoples must evolve patterns of development that can borrow from other societies without alienating us from our indigenous cultural heritage.
190.	Whatever may be its weaknesses and divisions, the United Nations family of organizations has embarked on great political, economic and humanitarian ventures, and it is obvious that no one would want it to turn back. My Government believes that the world community can indeed go forward towards peace and progress if it adheres to the principles of collective security and the interdependence of States, which underlie the provisions of the Charter. With renewed dedication to the Charter principles, we should work together positively in a spirit of global solidarity towards the enhancement of international peace and cooperation and to combat colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, hegemonism and other forms of domination, which today constitute potential sources of conflict and tension in the contemporary international situation. Only through a genuine commitment on our part to the universally accepted democratic concepts of justice, equality and human dignity, both at the national level and in the field of international relations, can we make a meaningful contribution towards the creation of a better world that is responsive to the persistent demands and expectations of mankind as a whole.