Our organization is 40 years old. It has come of age. And the world should celebrate a happy anniversary today, in exalting the lofty ideals of peace and security, harmony and co-operation among nations. But the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations will take place in a particularly uncertain, tense and sombre atmosphere, in which the United Nations is prevented from acting effectively by the unimaginable consequences of war and the difficulties and adversities of the present.
However, through its vital and dynamic character, the Charter could have helped to cope with future changes. Things have not always been as they are, as the state of the world shows, which sometimes reminds us of the climate which prevailed on the eve of the second world conflagration. The coalition that was formed to defend the cause of freedom quickly broke up due to the strains of the struggle. Freedom itself rightly belongs to every man and every people, freedom for which so many men and women, regardless of race or religion, have fallen, is only the result of bargaining, if not outright conquest, often at a heavy price for some peoples of Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America.
When we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, it is as if, with respect to the fate of the Namibian people and the South African people, the international community should merely confine itself to a ritual condemnation of the absurdity of occupation and apartheid practiced by the Pretoria regime.
Namibia must gain independence unconditionally. The courageous action being carried out at present can promote the democratization of South African society and the emergence of racial equality.
The Palestine question, which is at the heart of the situation in the Middle East, is not improving either. The Republic of Central Africa, believes that the Palestinian people must enjoy all their inalienable rights, including the right to a homeland. In the same way, all States in the region must live in secure and recognized boundaries.
The situation in Democratic Kampuchea calls for an overall solution that would guarantee the withdrawal of all foreign forces and respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Kampuchean people and their right to self-determination without any outside interference.
The legitimate aspirations of the Korean people to peaceful and independent reunification of their country, and the admission, in the meantime, in the interest of the universality of the world Organization, of the two Koreas, whether simultaneously or not, still cannot be realized owing to the threats to peace in the region.
Co-operation among nations in accordance with the Charter, which was intended to prevent return to the prewar conditions chafe had led to the breach of the peace under the League of Nations, also quickly gave way to contempt and indifference, so that today what we are witnessing is a genuine crisis of multilateralism. Thus, the third-world countries are confronted with many difficulties which could not have been foretold from the development of the international situation. These factors can only jeopardize the reign of peace and security desired by the founding fathers of the United Nations. That is the reality of the world at this moment as we gather to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nation But, no matter how bitter this reality may be, we should not give way to excessive pessimism, because there is at least one reason for satisfaction. It is that the United Nations exists and that the peoples of the world feel that its existence is necessary.
It is not for us to draw up a detailed balance sheet of the 40 years of existence of the United Nations, to condemn it for its failures when so much was expected of it or to give our stamp of approval when it had distinguished itself by positive action. It is much more important to determine, based on what exists, what can be done to improve things - that is, how the United Nations can play its role in a world which, we all agree, is in the course of profound change.
This can only begin with consideration of the future of the Organization.
However, before inviting this Assembly to consider this, I wish, on behalf of the delegation of the Central African Republic, to congratulate Mr. Jaime de Pinies on his election to the Presidency of this session of the creation of our Organization, in which the people of the Central African Republic place so much hope. His experience as a statesman and his prodigious knowledge of international affairs are a sure guarantee of the success of our work. He can rest assured that our delegation is ready to co-operate fully with him. •
As for his predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, we wish once again to express our thanks to him for presiding so successfully, and in a particularly difficult international context, over the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
Finally, the determination and dedication with which the Secretary-General, . Javier Perez de Cuellar, serves the cause of the Organization has won our admiration and support.
We have been able to measure the path traveled by the United Nations in its 40 years of existence and also to highlight what has prevented it from fully  attaining the objectives assigned to it by its supporters through the Charter. Customs, events, interests and privileges of yore continue to frustrate the spirit of the Charter and sometimes, in certain situations, we have found that there have been several interpretations of its relevant provisions. The vision of a better world based on the application of the Charter - that is, on the preservation of peace and international security, understanding and better relations among peoples - can only be distorted by this.
Thus, the United Nations is confronted with a series of problems which will have a profound effect on its future. Blackmail, intimidation, subversion, terrorism, the division of the world into blocs, the absence of democracy in relations between States, the unbridled arms race and unequal development, because of their implications, are a permanent threat to peace. As for development, how can we imagine that the United Nations can accomplish its mission while two thirds
of mankind, because of their condition, are virtually deprived of the right to development and thus the right to life.
When we look at the economic conditions of the third-world countries, and particularly those of Africa, the first question which comes to mind is why there has been such a retardation of their development. There are various answers.
It is, however, certain that the future of the economy of those countries is in their own hands and that they are primarily responsible for taking action in this area. They have understood this and on the basis of coherent planning are mobilizing their resources in a rational manner. They have also understood that the improvement of their situation, in view of the fact that in economic terms they are often very small, requires efforts not only at the national but also at the subregional, the regional and even the continental level. That is the case in our subregion of the Economic and Customs Union of Central Africa and the Economic Community of Central African States. Meetings organized under each of these bodies clearly highlight the fact that the question of development is at the center of the concerns of those countries. Unfortunately, the success of all these efforts is uncertain.
Hunger, sickness, malnutrition and illiteracy continue to be the daily lot of the majority of the people of the third world. The various strategies adopted to achieve a minimum of development are often doomed to failure, derailed in many cases by the combined and cumulative effects of the international economic crisis, the unjust and inappropriate structure of the present economic system, the decline in export revenue, the difficulty of access to sources of financing and the stagnation of official development assistance.
Some of these countries, particularly those of Africa, are confronted with a new problem: drought and desertification.
The solution to these problems goes beyond the national and regional level, because the economic trends are much more intense between developing countries on the one hand and developed countries on the other than in the relations between developing countries. This solution can only be found through co-operation on the international level, where the United Nations provides, the main forum and a framework.
It is necessary for the developed countries, in a spirit of solidarity and social justice, to help to sustain the development efforts of the least developed countries. This should be done, first, by giving effect to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, which have established the genuine right to development of the economically backward countries and have set the guidelines for it. Since financial aid plays an important role in the process of the acceleration of development, the industrialized countries should also make efforts to increase official development assistance. They should also give financial support to United Nations activities of interest to the third-world countries, such as the program for the universal immunization of children, to which some countries - and the Central African Republic would like to take this opportunity to thank them - have contributed substantially. There can be no doubt that this action, which should be widely supported by the developing countries, can only further the campaign to ensure the survival of children.
Particular attention should also be given to the demands of the third-world countries for the initiation of global negotiations with their partners of the Northern Hemisphere on a redefinition of international economic relations on a completely new basis.
Finally, there is the question of foreign indebtedness, because if nothing is done by the international community of which the countries of the third world, and those of Africa in particular, can no longer have any hope of participating in development. We consider it necessary, therefore, that an international conference be convened to examine this question. Such a conference would reaffirm the principle of repayment of private debts and envisage the possibility of transforming into grants the public indebtedness, the blame for which, from the historical point of view, falls partly on the developing countries.
The usefulness of an Organization like the United Nations depends upon the interest invested in it by its Member States and upon their will to ensure it has the means necessary to carry out its mission. It also depends upon the use such States make of the various mechanisms provided under the Charter to bring about co-operation, understanding and good relations among States on the basis of law and through a collective defense of peace.
Any thoughts about the future of such an Organization obviously entail study of its ability to adapt itself to changing times and, at the same time, an attempt to strengthen its means of action in every area of international life, and especially with regard to areas in which its intervention has hitherto been limited. These include the question of Charter revision and the development of third-world countries.
May this commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of our Organization provide us an opportunity to renew our faith in the Charter and reaffirm our will to uphold its purposes and principles. That is the wish of His Excellency Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of State and Government, who wishes us great success in our work.


Mr. President, may I on behalf of the Malaysian Government congratulate you on your election to the presidency of this fortieth session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election to preside over this historic session of the General Assembly reflects the high regard in which you are held as a diplomat of outstanding ability and experience. I am confident that, like your predecessor, your adroit leadership will effectively chart the course of this fortieth session. I should also like to pay tribute to our esteemed Secretary-General who has shown that the most impossible job in the world can indeed be done creatively and effectively.
The United Nations is an assembly of sovereign States and the world is its constituency. At the outset, then, in the full glare of questions and expectations on the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, may I without hesitation state that the United Nations has done well and although it can do better, the world is certainly a better place today than it was in 1945. But there is indeed need to do more as we confront challenges which threaten the United Nations as an open forum of multilateral diplomacy.
The effective functioning of the United Nations is difficult enough without detractors. Those that cannot get their own way compound that difficulty through propaganda. Propaganda claims that many Member States vote with or vote against one or the other of the two super-Powers. This is presumptuous and a slur on the Member States' right and ability to vote. To me, the coincidence of our voting patterns with one or other of the two super-Powers depends on the attitude of these super-Powers themselves. We reject the allegation.that the United Nations is controlled by an automatic majority and that the automatic majority pushes through extreme and unrealistic resolutions. These allegations fail to consider the responsible and painstaking efforts made to work for a consensus on major issues. Surely it must be appreciated that we vote on issues rather than on whom to please, or to displease for that matter.
While the polemics between the two super-Powers are issues that they themselves must address, we who are not involved will stress the need for reasoned and rational dialog which is, after all, what diplomacy is all about, and what the United Nations is, or should be, all about. Certainly we will do all we can to ensure that debates will throw light rather than heat, and that resolutions will be arrived at, to the extent possible, by a broad consensus.
There is, however, one aspect of this matter which we must not forget. For much of the world, the outlook is desperate and almost hopeless. We are merely raising our voices in the hope that they, and we, may be heard. We seek to express our appeal and our indignation on behalf of the wretched of the world, the poor, the dispossessed, and the alienated, who are all part of our common humanity. We seek to remind the callous and the complacent of the indecency and horror of apartheid, of the cruel disregard for the rights of the Palestinian people, and of the continuing struggle of so much of humanity to ensure minimally decent lives for themselves and their children. I venture to suggest that the tone of the international dialog will be transformed beyond recognition if on these three issues we can all be seen to pull together.
We are outraged at the perversity of the apartheid system itself, which seeks to strip forever every fundamental right of the vast majority on the basis of color, and at the brutality and cruelty of the South African regime which makes war on everyone who dares to challenge its dogma of white supremacy. This is a regime which openly invades, destabilizes and intimidates its neighbors of which the aggression against Angola in the past week is only the latest example.
It clings to Namibia in defiance of the international community. But we are also outraged at the complacency and the double-talk of those who, having finally uttered words of condemnation, then go on to find all manner of excuses to do . nothing effective. The apartheid regime is a moral evil and a threat to the world. We must collectively give clear notice of our resolve to work for its dismantlement and within a conceivable time-frame.
Turning to Palestine, what we insist on is a commitment to an independent State of Palestine. It is beyond comprehension to me how it can be asserted that the Palestinians, an ancient and historical people, should be denied the right to their own independent homeland. Hence, we raise our voices in outrage at Israeli intransigence, at the Israeli policy of annexation, invasion of neighboring countries, and brutal treatment of its victims. We are outraged by Israeli brand of "justice", which was seen most recently and shamelessly in its act of aggression against Tunisia only three days ago. But we are also outraged by those that continue to give Israel unquestioning support, which only encourages its intransigence. Is it any wonder, then, that we are disenchanted?
I referred earlier to the continuing struggle of so much of the world to improve its economic lot, which is sometimes no more than a struggle to move up one notch from going to bed hungry every night, which is the lot of some 800 million people on this earth. Here I plead for a sense of urgency and of shared purpose. We must address ourselves with equal vigor to a world of massive unemployment in which the debt problem threatens the survival of the international financial system, in which commodity prices have fallen in real terms to their lowest levels for 50 years, in which protectionism has raised its head even more dangerously. But positive action at the multilateral level has been conspicuously wanting. There is, alas, no international forum in which North-South dialog is being seriously conducted today.
The economic development of the developing countries must, of course, remain their own primary responsibility. But our efforts against great odds must be matched by the developed countries in terms of financial flows and supportive trade, monetary and economic policies. This is not a plea for charity or benevolence. It is only a reminder of the interdependence of the contemporary world, of shared interest and, therefore, of shared responsibility. Yet the experience of the last few years has been disquieting. We have seen too much of trade barriers, of market manipulation at the expense of primary producers, of exclusive economic clubs, and of aid in the form of military hardware, which benefits the provider more than the receiver * The challenge is urgent and fundamental. The outlook is indeed gloomy unless we can rise to that challenge together.
We all also face a common challenge, and we all also share a common interest in the survival of the human race. History would have taught us nothing if we ignored the fact that the two world wars were caused in part by the failure of the great Powers to achieve the limitation and reduction of national armaments by international agreement. We recognize that no progress towards nuclear disarmament can be made unless proposals originate from the major nuclear Powers themselves and unless there is mutual acceptance by the major Powers of the need for real and qualitative improvements in their relations. We therefore hope that the meeting soon to take place between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev, would usher in a spirit of true co-operation which will open the road to nuclear disarmament.
The threats to the world stem not only from nuclear annihilation but, more immediately, from limited, local wars and conflicts. Sadly, there are too many examples, but here I will refer only to the situations in Central America, in
Afghanistan and in South-East Asia. In each instance, important principles of the Charter - the non-use of force., the territorial integrity of States, the right of self-determination of peoples and the peaceful settlement of disputes - are at stake.
In Central America the situation is fast approaching a critical point: either the Contadora process will move forward or a dangerous downward spiral will be set in train, with tragic consequences. Malaysia supports the Contadora countries, which are undertaking truly regional efforts to resolve regional issues free from East-West ideological conflict. These efforts to ensure that the struggle of peoples for freedom, development and justice can be managed solely in their own interest, without external interference, deserve the support of us all.
In Afghanistan, a vicious and bloody war continues, and the victims are the brave people of that ancient nation. The United Nations must let them know that the cause of their freedom is not forgotten and thereby send a message to nations, powerful or weak, that we shall never allow force to be the arbiter of any nation's fate. Malaysia calls upon all to assist in practical ways the Mujahideen freedom fighters in their valiant struggle, as well as to support the efforts of the Secretary-General to seek a durable political solution.
The occupation of Kampuchea by Viet Nam persists in defiance of the will of the international community so clearly and repeatedly affirmed by resolutions passed by this Assembly. Seven years have indeed passed, but this Assembly must show that its stamina and its attention span will last as long as necessary to ensure that peace, freedom and self-determination return to the Kampuchean people. This Assembly should neither dilute its principles nor fall prey to all manner of subterfuges to avoid consideration of the essential issues, namely, the withdrawal of Vietnamese occupation forces and the exercise by the Kampuchean people of their right to choose their own government.
While remaining firm on principles, Malaysia and other countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have always shown our flexibility and our sincere desire to bring the present conflict to an end by peaceful means. Most recently, we have proposed that proximity talks be held as a means of breaking the present impasse. Unfortunately, Viet Nam's response has been negative. Malaysia and the other ASEAN countries have repeatedly stated that we are committed to a political, not a military solution to the present conflict. We are pleased that conversations do take place between Viet Nam and ASEAN and other countries for that purpose. Unfortunately they have been fruitless, and the most graphic demonstration of Viet Nam's intentions so far is the massive military offensive during the last dry season.
Looking to the future, Malaysia would like to make its contribution to a more safe and orderly world by raising issues which are of global concern and on which action is both necessary and possible. That is why my country, together with some others, has raised the two issues of narcotic drugs and Antarctica.
The immensity of the drug problem is vividly illustrated by a finding in a recent study that in one major country alone the earnings of traffickers in cocaine, heroin and marijuana have been estimated at between $US 90 and $US 100 billion per year, a sum which may well exceed the national budgets of most of the developing countries combined.
Aside from the human costs of drug addiction, which are tragic, these tremendous resources in the hands of drug traffickers are the best illustration of the changed dimension of the international drug problem, which cannot be regarded any longer as a social or humanitarian problem but must be regarded as one which threatens the stability, development, security and very survival of States and Governments. That is why my Government, together with others, is insisting that the international drug problem must be met with a heightened sense of urgency. It is with this sense of urgency that this session of the General Assembly should unanimously endorse the proposal by the Secretary-General to convene an international conference on drugs in 1987 so that preparatory work can proceed expeditiously.
The facts about Antarctica are well known: it covers one tenth of the globe; there is no agreement on sovereignty; it occupies a strategic location, it has a fragile ecosystem, it is of enormous scientific interest, and it possesses rich marine and mineral-resources. The question, therefore, is: how should such a region of the globe be managed in the best interest of all mankind? Why should the United Nations be excluded from involvement?
In dealing with Antarctica, my Government does not seek to confront the Antarctic Treaty parties or to destroy what they have successfully created. Rather we seek to build upon what they have achieved. Bearing in mind the characteristics of Antarctica, we wish to see that the system for the management of that continent is one which would be accountable to the international community, which would make it possible for the relevant international agencies to be more directly involved and which would ensure that the fruits of the exploitation of its resources could be .more equitably shared as the common heritage of mankind but taking into account the position of the claimant States. In other words, accountability, involvement and equity should be the elements of the system for managing Antarctica.
In dealing with this matter we recognize that the issues involved are legally complex and politically delicate. That is why Malaysia continues to believe that a committee of the United Nations should be established to examine in particular the relationship between the Antarctic Treaty system and the United Nations system so as to reconcile the interest that the international community undoubtedly has in Antarctica with what exists and what has been achieved under the Antarctic Treaty system.
The last four decades have seen the evolution of international institutions so that today we have in place the necessary tools to deal with the many problems which face us. Increasingly, however, the question is whether we want to use them, whether we still believe that the way forward lies in multilateral co-operation. The road to multilateralism is fraught with frustration, not only for the major Powers, which are no doubt often tempted to take the short-cut of the unilateral solution, but for many others as well, who see so little progress on issues of vital significance to them. But in the long term, it is the only feasible road to advance our common interest in a world of peace and freedom, development and human justice. In this, the fortieth anniversary year of the United Nations, Malaysia pledges to do its utmost in all practical ways to strengthen the spirit of multilateralism, to build upon what exists and always to push forward the frontiers of international co-operation.


Let me first join those who have congratulated Mr. de Pinies on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Our affairs could not be in better or more experienced hands. It is a source of pleasure and pride to my country that we should have as President at this fortieth session the representative of a country shortly to become a full member of the European Community.
It is in the same spirit that I express our thanks to the outgoing President, Paul Lusaka, the distinguished representative of a Commonwealth country, for the impartial and skillful way in which he conducted the Assembly's affairs over the past 12 months.
I should like also to renew my tribute to our Secretary-General. I salute his dedication and persistence in seeking solutions to the world's problems. His latest report, like its predecessors, is another eloquent and persuasive testimony to the importance of this Organization. We shall continue to lend his efforts our fullest support.
In a few weeks we shall mark the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. In doing so we shall reaffirm the insight defined by the then British Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, at the first session of the General Assembly, in London, as follows:
"the realization by all nations that without co-operation for peace there can be no security for any nation". That thought is just as valid today as when he spoke to a world then riven asunder by the second global conflict in 30 years, a world in which war had brought the international trading system almost to a halt, a world in which many of the greatest cities lay in ruins, a world in which some of today's greatest nations had yet to be born.
In the years since then the membership of this Organization has grown dramatically. Together we can take credit for much of the progress that has been achieved, we have moved away from the sharpness and the savagery of world conflict and undertaken a massive task of reconstruction. We have managed a period of unprecedented economic growth alongside an enormous population explosion. We have welcomed and fostered the emergence of over 100 new sovereign nations. We have fashioned and developed a range of effective institutions for international co-operation.
Britain is proud, too, to belong to two very different groupings which each in its own way demonstrates the growing pattern of interdependence. This year in the Bahamas, Commonwealth Heads of Government representing 49 nations from all continents and outlooks will be meeting together. By the end of this year, too, the membership of the European Community will have expanded to 12 with the
accession of Spain and Portugal. It is now substantially the world's largest trading bloc, and its role on the world stage is becoming steadily store significant. In his statement yesterday the Foreign Minister of Luxembourg gave eloquent expression to the shared values and common approach of all the members of the European Community.
Tomorrow the commemorative meeting of the Security Council will give us a chance to take stock of all that has been achieved over the past 40 years. We should at the same time acknowledge the scale and complexity of the tasks that still challenge us. We must not underestimate the efforts the international community still has to make if our actions are to achieve the goals sat by the founding fathers.
We still live in a world wracked by continuing violence and conflicts, by economic and social hardships and by famine and disease. Last week's massive natural disaster which has brought such tragic suffering to the Mexican people is a grievous reminder of man's vulnerability to his environment. We all pay a tribute to the courage with which the Mexican Government and people have responded to this catastrophe.
In the Secretary-General's own words,
"We face today a world of almost infinite premise which is also a world of
potentially terminal danger." {A/40/1, p2), As he so rightly argues, the solution lies in our own hands, in our will and determination to decide the kind of world we wish to see in the years ahead and to take the steps necessary to achieve it. So this special anniversary is an occasion on which we should not just reflect on our past but, much more important, look ahead to the questions that will face us in the future and start shaping our policies now.

The need for such foresight applies with particular force to our economic agenda. The appalling famine in sub-Saharan Africa has shown how a series of problems - some natural, some man-made - can case together to bring unimaginable suffering: long-run degradation of the environment, progressive failure of agricultural production and prolonged drought. This disaster has evoked a dramatic response from many countries. The West has led the way, The United Kingdom alone last year contributed a quarter of a billion dollars. Almost half of that came from private donations, the gifts of individual men and women. Moreover, we have not stopped providing funds. We have made sure through the provision of aircraft of the Royal Air Force that our supplies reach those most in need as quickly as local conditions will permit.
But spontaneous generosity even on this scale offers no long-term solution because we live in a world of paradoxes. Some areas of the world still face acute hunger and are unable to feed themselves. Other parts - astonishingly more and more - face mounting problems of over-production. The pattern of this development is itself remarkable. The vast populations of China and India, despite all the prophecies of doom, are now more them self-sufficient in food. Increasing reliance on the enterprise of individuals and on the incentives of the market place has in many cases provided the spur to growing efficiency. By contrast, other countries, some of them better endowed with natural resources, still face the need to import food. And in some regions natural resources are being threatened or destroyed by over-exploitation while nearby, sometimes even in the same country, they are underdeveloped and under-used.
If we are to resolve these contradictions, ensure a more balanced development of the world economy and secure a rising standard of living for all our citizens, we must create a wider understanding of the reasons for success and failure.
We must identify ways to exploit and yet preserve our resources more effectively. We must train our people more imaginatively, deploy our common technological knowledge more skilfully. We must shape our institutions and societies so that the natural forces of economic change and growth are encouraged and not stifled. As has been shown in Ethiopia, the United Nations can play a vital role in matching resources to needs.
Sustainable economic growth is essential if we are to secure a reduction in the present crippling burden of debt in many countries. Last year the world economy grew by 4.3 per cent, the fastest rate for six years. Many countries have acted courageously in meeting the economic and social pressures of adjustment. We have heard in this debate why it is necessary for this difficult match of problems to be handled sensitively. That is why there is a duty on us all, as we respond through the international institutions on a case-by-case basis, to take account of the very real problems faced by debtor countries. We must try to create the stable framework that will enable them to pursue their policies of adjustment. That is the importance of the continuing need to reduce deficits in some of the industrialized countries.
Almost three years ago I had the privilege of presiding as Chairman of the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) over a substantial increase in IMF quotas. Last year, at the Economic Summit in London, we were able to encourage the introduction of multi year rescheduling agreements where appropriate. We need new to address ourselves to the level of resources available to the World Bank. Britain would like to see early agreement in principle to a general capital increase for the World Bank and stands ready to play its part.
An urgent and continuing need is for us to support and strengthen the open trading system. This is essential if we are to resist protectionism and ensure that
our trade contributes to the prosperity of all countries, particularly those in the developing world. We welcome the forthcoming meeting of the Contracting Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to discuss a new round of negotiations. Without such a new round the forces of protectionism will gain in strength. Time is running out.
We need not simply preserve the open trading system but also see that it works more openly and more widely. Open trading needs to be broadened to include the service industries and the expanding economies of those countries that are' increasing their industrial base. Greater stability in world currency markets is essential. In particular, we need stability at rates that will promote the expansion of world trade rather than increase protectionist pressures. That is the importance of the agreement reached in this city only three days ago at the meeting of Finance Ministers and central bankers of the major industrialized countries.
But the need to look ahead is not confined to economic issues. We need the same approach in tackling the complex political and security issues that face us. The Secretary-General has reminded us of the extent to which the fundamental architecture of this Organization has been flawed by what he refers to as "the lack of that unanimity of the permanent members which was to have been its main driving force". Nowhere is this more evident than in the division between East and West. Perhaps the most important question facing this Organization during its fifth decade is whether we shall be able to record positive steps that will narrow this crucial gap.
I believe we can. The last two years have seen a considerable increase in contacts between East and West. I welcome that. Since becoming Foreign Secretary I have made a point bf visiting every one of the countries in Eastern Europe and getting to know their leaders. In the same spirit we welcomed Mr. Gorbachev's important visit to Britain at the end of last year. The first meeting between
President Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev will take place this November. That will be an important opportunity for searching and substantive discussions which can lay the
foundation for greater mutual confidence between East and West. It should demonstrate that the leaders of the world's largest Powers are serious in their desire to overcome the difficulties between them.
But contact alone is not enough. The true foundations of understanding cannot be laid in an atmosphere of mistrust. Mr. Gorbachev has said "there is no fatal inevitability of conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States". In that he echoes President Reagan's belief that "the Soviet leaders have much to gain from joining the West in mutual arms reductions and expanding co-operation". The Soviet Union and its leaders need have no doubt about the sincerity of the Western commitment. The people of Britain would like nothing better than a reduction in tension and an increase in co-operation. The task for statesmanship roust be to transform common aspirations into the substance of agreement.
The world needs this most urgently in the field of arms control. We warmly welcomed the resumption of the Geneva negotiation on nuclear and space arms between the United States and the Soviet Union. We support their aim of preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth.
Our overriding objective must be to obtain security at the lowest level of armaments. We do not believe that either side should strive for superiority. The aim must be mutual balance, taking account of current developments. The outcome of the process should enhance and not undermine deterrence. The negotiations must be on the basis of compliance with existing obligations. These talks present a forum for hope, a chance for constructive negotiations, and a potential for real and verifiable progress. It is only at Geneva that public declarations can be transformed into agreements that are seriously intended. Megaphone diplomacy leads only to a dialog of the deaf. But a genuine wish to serve the cause of peace will meet a swift response from our side.
Recently Mr. Gorbachev told the world that his country trusts the United States no more than the latter trusts the Soviet Union. Mrs. Thatcher made much the same point when she said that neither side looks at each other through rose-tinted spectacles. Verification provides one of the essential elements in any arms control agreement. In itself, it breeds the confidence essential to the preservation of a regime of arms control. Equally, verification requires a measure of confidence on both sides in the good faith of the other.
If that objective is to be achieved it is vital that countries comply with the treaties and commitments which they have undertaken. Particularly important are those treaties between the United States and the Soviet Union which govern strategic relationships: the strategic arms limitation agreements and the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile System. These agreements form the foundation for the present structure of mutual security.
Concern for international stability was of course a prime motivating force behind the Non-Proliferation Treaty. For that reason, we were particularly pleased with the successful outcome of the recent Review Conference and the substantive final document agreed by consensus. We share fully the Conference's conviction that the Treaty is essential to international peace and security. We support unreservedly their determination to enhance its implementation and further strengthen its authority.
There is no doubt that this result reflects the renewed commitment of the international community to use the Non-Proliferation Treaty to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons. We call upon those who remain outside the Treaty especially those with significant unsafe-guarded nuclear facilities - to accede to the Treaty is soon as possible and so help to protect the world against the potential horrors of nuclear war.
But equally we must not overlook the importance of the Non-Proliferation Treaty in promoting the safe use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, particularly in the developing world. We have announced our intention to double, between now and 1990, the funds we contribute to developing countries party to the Treaty through the technical assistance projects administered by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). By these actions we shall continue to demonstrate our commitment to check uncontrolled nuclear proliferation.
It is right that we should concentrate our attention on the global issues that threaten all nations' security. But in this world of close interdependence, more specific regional issues also affect our interests. I think in particular of southern Africa, where the growing crisis in South Africa and the continuing threats to her neighbors cause us grave concern.
We strongly condemn the incursion into Angolan sovereign territory by South African defense forces. We have joined with the rest of the Security Council in giving force to this condemnation. Such acts can only undermine the stability of the region and damage efforts to achieve Namibian independence. South Africa should be in no doubt of our determination that Namibia must be brought quickly to independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978)j this resolution remains the only internationally accepted basis for a Namibian settlement.
Southern Africa has seen major changes in recent years with the coming to independence of Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe. It is essential that all the countries of the region should be freed from the present tensions and allowed to concentrate on building a peaceful and prosperous future in harmony with their neighbors.
In South Africa itself we deeply deplore the failure of the South African authorities to lift the state of emergency, the continuing repression of peaceful protest, and the detention of citizens without trial. More fundamentally, we reject the system of apartheid - which is so contrary to the values of the United Nations Charter and which undermines much of real value in South Africa. He call upon the South African Government urgently to move beyond mere words to actions which are long overdue: to end apartheid, and to establish a system of government acceptable to the people of South Africa as a whole.
Britain is united with other countries in its determination to see fundamental changes made. We have consistently brought pressure to bear on the South African Government to achieve this. We comply fully with the United Nations arms embargoes, we do not collaborate with the South Africans in the development of their nuclear program, civil or military. Our guidelines for the disposal of North Sea oil exclude sales to South Africa. We operate controls on a wide range of sensitive exports to South Africa. We fulfill our obligations to discourage sporting contacts. We have fully applied the European code of conduct to British companies operating in South Africa to ensure that they contribute as effectively as possible to the crucial changes we wish to promote.
Where we differ from some is not in our willingness to apply pressure but in our judgment of the likely effectiveness of mandatory economic and trade boycotts. I understand the passions that prompt calls for such measures. But we are not persuaded that measures of this kind would achieve the aims of those who call for them. They would diminish rather than increase effective pressures on the South African Government to introduce fundamental changes, and would bear most heavily on the weaker sections of the population and neighboring countries. We believe that all those with longstanding political, economic and diplomatic contacts with South Africa have a responsibility to use such links to promote fundamental change.
In keeping with this approach, we have reached agreement with our European partners on a number of measures which we believe will strengthen the forces for change in South Africa. I have today announced our adoption of all the measures agreed at Luxembourg on 10 September. These measures build on the recent visit of my three Community colleagues which clearly demonstrated European concern. In recent weeks there have been signs of movement by the South African Government. These must now be translated into firm decisions to dismantle apartheid. To this end there is now an urgent need for dialog with genuine representatives of the African majority.
In the Middle East tension has too often flared into violent conflict. It is a sad reflection that in no single year since the United Nations was founded has this area been at peace. Nowhere are negotiated settlements more urgently needed.
In Lebanon there can be no peace until the communities there themselves work together to rebuild their country free from outside interference. Israel must withdraw all its forces from Lebanese territory as soon as possible. And the Lebanese themselves must put an end to the appalling cycle of violence in that country. We condemn without reservation the kidnapping of innocent hostages, including the British United Nations official, Mr. Alec Collett. His kidnappers should release him without delay. In the Gulf, we are all appalled by the tragic and wasteful conflict between Iran and Iraq which has now lasted almost as long as the Second world War. We deplore the use of chemical weapons. And we entreat both sides to refrain from attacks on civilian targets - particularly those on merchant shipping in international waters. An early initiative to end the war is desperately needed. The Secretary-General's eight-point proposals offer the best way forward. We will continue to give him our full support.
A solution of the Arab/Israel dispute has been a major goal of this Organization almost from its foundation. That in itself testifies to the exceptional difficulties in securing a balanced settlement. But I believe that this year there are signs of readiness to seek peaceful solutions to the dispute. I think in particular of the constructive moves by King Hussein of Jordan, for v. \ch Mrs. Thatcher has recently reaffirmed our active support. The world community must give firm backing to all those who eschew violence in favor of patient diplomacy. That is the way towards a just and lasting peace based on the principles long espoused by the United Nations.

Only the parties directly concerned can negotiate such a peace. But if they are to have the confidence to enter what are bound to be difficult and delicate negotiations; they will need strong encouragement and support from the entire international community so fully represented here in the United Nations. This Organization is based on confidence in the power of diplomacy, negotiation and dialog. Hy Government shares that faith. The vital necessity is for the process of dialog to get urgently under way in this area where for so long minds have failed to meet.
I am conscious that it is only too easy for speakers addressing this Assembly to call on other countries to put their house in order. I should therefore like to turn to two issues where Britain is making a direct and positive contribution.
The tragic divide in Cyprus continues. The Secretary-General has shown skill and determination in seeking to bring the two parties together after the failure of talks in January. We wish his current initiative every success, and hope that President Kyprianou and Mr. Denktash will agree to meet as soon as possible. The British Government continues to do everything it can to assist the Secretary-General. An agreement has been tantalizingly close before. All the parties have a responsibility to see that it does not evade us again.
Over the past year we have kept up our active search for ways to restore more normal relations with Argentina. Since the conflict, we have removed financial restrictions, and offered talks on a series of practical issues. On several occasions we have pressed for the reciprocal lifting of restrictions on trade. In the absence of an Argentine response we took yet another unilateral step last July - to improve trading relations by lifting our ban on Argentine imports. Argentina has failed to reciprocate.
We shall continue to look for ways of improving relations with Argentina. At the same time we shall maintain our firm commitments to the people of the Falkland Islands.
By insisting that Britain must first commit itself to negotiations on sovereignty before there can be discussion of any aspect of our bilateral relations, Argentina has blocked progress. Ours is the sure realistic approach to the re-establishment of confidence between the peoples of the United Kingdom and Argentina and the reduction of tension in the South Atlantic.
There are many areas where mutually beneficial co-operation is possible, for example, in the increasingly urgent task of conserving the South Atlantic fisheries. Informal discussions in the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have shown that an international effort will be required to deal with this. We are ready to give our support to the FAO's constructive initiative and hope that the Argentines will be equally prepared to work with the FAO.
This international approach to the conservation of fish stocks has been seen to be effective in other contexts. We were encouraged, for example, by the progress made at the recent meeting in Hobart of the Commission set up under the Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources.
Fisheries are only one aspect of the complex task of managing the resources of the continent of Antarctica. This has been successfully achieved under the Antarctic Treaty for a quarter of a century. The Treaty has preserved the continent as a zone of peace, free from nuclear explosions and dumping, militarization, or active territorial disputes. We firmly believe that an attempt to apply a common heritage regime would upset this proven system, risk destabilizing the region and jeopardize the present close international scientific collaboration in Antarctica. We shall maintain our support for the Antarctic Treaty system.
In Central America there is widespread agreement on a number of objectives: the need for greater stability, for economic progress and for the reinforcement of democracy. These objectives are clearly set forth in the Con tad or a documents. The Contadora process has our firm support. The path to peace must lie through the strengthening of democracy and the limitation of arms; above all through the ending of cross-border subversion and interference. The present tense situation calls for the greatest possible restraint on all sides. The planned meeting in Luxembourg later this autumn between the Foreign Ministers of the Ten, plus Spain and Portugal, the Central American States and the Contadora countries will be a further demonstration of our support for peace efforts.
In recent months, there have been a number of direct contacts between North and South Korea, contacts which are continuing and broadening. It is my profound hope that these may lead to a peaceful and lasting solution to the Korean problem, and that the people of Korea may shortly be represented at this forum.
Viet Nam's illegal occupation of Cambodia is a continuing affront to international law. It jeopardizes regional stability. It flies in the face of international opinion. We give our firm support to the efforts of the members of he Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to persuade the Vietnamese Government to reach a political solution based unequivocally on the principles approved by the United Nations.
The sixth year of Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has witnessed intensified Soviet efforts to subdue the Afghan people and to put pressure on Pakistan, where some 3 million Afghan exiles have found refuge. We hear much from the Soviet Government about its support for the oppressed peoples of the world. Yet in Afghanistan they are the oppressors. Why do they not honor their principles and signal their support for the admirable effort of the Secretary-General to achieve a solution, by agreeing to withdraw their troops? Only this concrete action will satisfy the demands of the world community and bring peace to Afghanistan.
It is clear that in founding the United Nations our predecessors were as much concerned to promote the interests of individuals as to further those of their Governments. It is therefore particularly deplorable that 40 years later the rights, liberties and well-being of so many individuals should be at risk: not just from poverty, hunger and disease, but also from the policies and actions of Governments.
We must all do everything we can to give force to our fine words about human rights. I said in Helsinki last July that while the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) had lit a beacon, the future strength of its light would depend entirely on the performance of the signatory States.
That holds good in the United Nations context as well. The United Nations Commission on Human Rights and other United Nations organizations have a major role to play in making the existing human rights instruments more effective. But to achieve their targets they must have the full co-operation of the Member States.
The United Nations finds itself today deeply involved in threats to our societies undreamed of by the founding fathers. The modern problem of drug abuse continues to take on new and more horrifying forms. This is a vice that particularly threatens our young people - and hence our future societies. Britain is increasing the resources devoted to the war against drugs and introducing new measures designed to strip those involved in drug trafficking of their ill-gotten rewards. Every Member State needs to take firm national action. But national efforts are only a part of the solution. Effective international co-operation to eradicate production, trafficking and the illegal harboring of offenders is urgently required. The Venezuelan initiative for a possible United Nations convention is a useful start. But we must all make a sustained and united attack on this vicious problem.
Equally effective co-operation is required if we are to halt the spread of terrorism. Every attack on an innocent individual, every hijacking and every bomb is an attack on us all. Britain has taken steps to tighten control of unacceptable activities by members of diplomatic missions. In order to reduce the scope for aircraft hijackings Britain has also put forward specific proposals for extra international action to take sore stringent security measures at airports and in civil aviation operations. As the Secretary-General has pointed out, many of the necessary international agreements are in place. They need to be enforced. We must all sake it clear that we will not submit to blackmail, that we will not tolerate terrorist acts and that we will not harbor terrorists.

The agenda of international problems is long and complicated. But if we are to take the right measures, we need to have the right mechanisms. On the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should undoubtedly look again at the way in which this Organization works: to learn from its failures and to build on its successes.
There are many ways in which this Organization can be improved. We must get better value for money throughout the united Nations systems. We must look for more effective co-ordination. We must prevent politicization of the technical bodies. We must try to streamline and make more relevant the work of the political organs. Many sensible and practical suggestions have been made. I think in particular of the recent proposals put forward by past Presidents of the Assembly on how this body can be more effective. But we must act on them.
I have today concentrated on the challenges that still remain after the efforts of 40 years and on the dangers of complacency and inaction. But I am heartened by the evidence I see of a more practical and pragmatic approach to co-operation between our peoples. The General Assembly played a part with its economic declaration of last year. This year's human suffering in Ethiopia has prompted encouraging examples of international co-operation: British and Soviet aircraft worked side by side; united Nations and voluntary agencies pooled their efforts.
Most striking of all was the moving response of our young people. The Live Aid concerts touched the hearts of millions of young men and women around the world.
Their reaction showed that idealism and energy can rise above the barriers that divide us. It showed, too, the vigor of free societies, where individual initiative can still set a standard for Governments to match and can remind us of the real brotherhood of man.
We who hold the responsibility of political leadership have to show that we are capable of rising to that challenge.


I congratulate the President cordially on his election to the important post of President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and I wish him success in his responsible work.
At the beginning of my statement I would like to convey the sincere condolences of the Bulgarian people to the people of Mexico for the natural disaster which has resulted in loss of life and has inflicted heavy material damage.
Our Organization stands on the threshold of its fortieth anniversary. Born in the course of the historic common struggle against German fascism and Japanese militarism, it emerged as the expression of the common resolve of nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to unite their strength to maintain international peace and security. The progressive and democratic purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are of enduring importance. They include the maintenance of peace, co-operation, equality of peoples and their right to self-determination, prohibition of the use of force and the threat of force, respect for territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, and so on. These principles embody the idea of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems and are the very core of universally recognized norms of international law. Unfailing adherence to them is the true path to a peaceful future and the progress of mankind.
We note with satisfaction that the United Nations has stood the test of time. Over the course of its existence it has made a substantial contribution to the cause of strengthening peace and security, of furthering co-operation and promoting friendly relations among nations. The United Nations has become the natural forum for the discussion of the most important political, economic, social and other problems of the world today and for seeking solutions to them. At the same time, it is obvious that the United Nations has far from exhausted its potential. It can and must play an even greater role in international affairs. An important precondition for the attainment of this goal is strict and unswerving observance of the Charter of the United Nations and the implementation of the decisions adopted in accordance with its provisions.
History is a great teacher and makes it imperative for us today,, 40 years after the end of the Second World War, not only to remember the bitter experience of it, but also to learn clear lessons for the future. Co-operation within the anti-Hitlerite coalition was a good example of how States with different social systems can, in spite of the ideological and political differences between them, act together in the name of a common goal, namely, that of ensuring lasting peace on earth.
Today, this goal is even more urgent. Mankind is threatened with extinction. This could be the only possible result of a nuclear catastrophe.
The United Nations approaches its anniversary in a tense international situation. The acceleration of the arms race and actions which lead to its possible spreading into outer space, the policy of attaining world supremacy, gross interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States, the raising of obstacles to the peaceful settlement of conflicts - all of this is leading to a sharp increase in the danger of nuclear war.
The military-industrial complex is spending vast sums of money on the development and stockpiling of new types of weapons, including space weapons, for the purpose of gaining military superiority over the socialist countries. The experience of history confirms, however, that this exercise is a futile one. This has been true in the past and is even more certain in today's circumstances. Military strategic parity will unquestionably be maintained, although at the cost of raising the level of armaments and increasing the threat of war.
For four decades now the undying echo of the nuclear explosions over Hiroshima and Nagasaki has been appealing to the conscience and common sense of mankind to take resolute measures for the limitation and reduction of nuclear arms until they have been totally and finally eliminated. Today, the question we face is this: either mankind destroys nuclear weapons, or nuclear weapons will destroy mankind.
We are firmly convinced that the strengthening of peace and international security, the curbing of the arms race, the limitation and reduction of armaments, the lowering of the level of military confrontation, can only be achieved through constructive negotiations aimed at producing effective and mutually acceptable agreements based on the principles of equality and equal security. This is the basis on which all negotiations should be conducted, whether in Geneva or in Vienna, Stockholm, and indeed at all international forums.
The world today needs the concerted and honest efforts of all States and social forces in order to halt the juggernaut of the arms race and to put into effect the practical measures designed to improve the international situation and to restore detente.
In our view, this imperative is paramount today.
Taking into consideration the crucial role of the relations between the USSR and the United States the overall state of the political situation in the world, the People's Republic of Bulgaria welcomes the forthcoming summit meeting between the leaders of the two countries. We express the hope that at that meeting agreements will be reached which will contribute to the revival and consolidation of trust and mutual understanding.
My country attaches primary importance to the disarmament talks between the USSR and the United States. The new Soviet-American talks in Geneva have given rise to hopes that effective solutions will be found for the whole complex of issues concerning space and nuclear weapons. Strict adherence to the agreement reached on the subject and goals of the negotiations is a prerequisite for their successful conclusion. In order to contribute to achieving success at those negotiations, the USSR suspended the deployment of medium-range missiles and the introduction of other retaliatory measures in Europe until November this year. Regrettably, however, the actions of the American side so far have raised serious doubts abouts its willingness for and interest in achieving positive results. Not only has there been no readiness to give up the so-called Strategic Defense Initiative, but work on that project has been speed up. The development, production, testing and deployment of space strike weapons will make impossible the limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons and will, on the whole, accelerate the pace of the arms race in all areas and increase the danger of nuclear war.
The question of preventing an arms race in outer space has literally become decisive for the fate of mankind. The acid test of realism or adventurism in the approach to resolving the key issues of peace and war is precisely the attitude adopted towards that question.
In the face of the growing threat, the Soviet Union has taken an important step. It has proposed the inclusion in the agenda of the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations an item entitled "International co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization". The response of the United States was the first military testing of an anti-satellite weapon. It is worth recalling that in August 1983 the USSR announced its decision not be the first to launch an anti-satellite weapon in outer space.
A new, decisive and bold step by the USSR was its unilateral suspension of all nuclear explosions and its call upon the United States side to follow its example. Testimony to the exceptional significance and timeliness of the Soviet moratorium is the considerable response with which it has been met throughout the world. An opportunity appeared for the joint implementation of a concrete and effective measure aimed at curbing the nuclear-arms race. Once again, however, the answer was a peculiar one of further nuclear explosions.
I think that the contrast between the actions of the two sides is evident. Constructive initiatives and concrete actions, rather than empty statements of good intentions and peaceableness, are needed for the removal of the nuclear peril. It is precisely at such concrete actions that the proposals of the USSR and the other Socialist countries are directed. Included among them are the initiatives for the assumption by all nuclear-weapon States of the obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, for a nuclear-weapon freeze, for a total ban on the testing of such weapons and for nuclear disarmament.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria reaffirms the position of the socialist countries that the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various regions of Europe and in other parts of the world would greatly contribute to lessening the nuclear danger. It is within this context that one should also consider our efforts for turning the Balkan peninsula into a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
The achievement of positive results on the other disarmament issues as well is of great importance for curbing the dangerous and ruinous arms race. He are convinced that with good will and persistent efforts by all States a total ban on chemical, radiological and a number of other weapons could be achieved. The proposal that the Governments of the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic made to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany for the establishment of a chemical-weapon-free zone in Europe is yet another example of the presence of such good will on the part of the socialist countries. However, such actions as the decision to manufacture binary chemical weapons, coupled with plans for their deployment in Europe, raise most serious obstacles to the reaching of an agreement on this question.
Measures must also be taken to limit and reduce conventional armaments. A matter of serious concern is the escalating race in naval armaments and the increased naval presence and activities which directly endanger the security of many countries, peaceful navigation and the exploitation of the world's oceans. It is our firm conviction that the time has come for honest, businesslike and constructive talks which could lead to the concluding of mutually acceptable agreements. On this basis, Bulgaria will again submit a draft resolution on this question at the current session.
We can state with satisfaction that the overwhelming majority of States in the world resolutely oppose the arms race and the growing threat of war and are sincerely striving for lasting peace.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria highly appreciates the contribution of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to the cause of maintaining peace, of ending the arms race and of achieving disarmament. Bulgaria's positive attitude towards the Joint Declaration of the six Heads of State and Government is yet another confirmation of our readiness to strengthen our co-operation and unity of action with all countries in the struggle for peace and disarmament.
Another positive factor is the growing involvement of the broadest circles of. the international community in questions of peace and disarmament. Their will has become a factor which can no longer be disregarded in establishing the policies of States on these vitally important questions.
The mobilization of world public opinion in support of disarmament efforts has become an important part of United Nations activities. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to contribute to the achievement of the objectives of the World Disarmament Campaign.
When speaking of disarmament questions, we must stress that in no circumstances must we allow the positive results achieved in the 1960s and 1970s to be undermined. It is in the interests of all countries that those results should be reaffirmed and strengthened. A positive example of this was the recent Review Conference on the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The elimination of hotbeds of tension and conflict in various parts of the world is also of vital importance to peace, together with the struggle to avert the nuclear threat. It must be noted that certain imperialist circles, for the sake of their selfish strategic goals, continue to flout the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence, interfere flagrantly in the internal affairs of sovereign States, resort to political pressure and economic blackmail, and employ the methods of State terrorism. Striking examples are the aggressive actions against Nicaragua, the threats against Cuba, and the armed interventions in the affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. It would be in the security interest of all countries for such policies and practices in relations among States be halted forthwith.
Particularly dangerous for international peace are the hotbeds of tension and conflict which for so many years have been smoldering or actually flaring up one after another, taking their toll of innocent life. This applies, first and foremost, to the conflict in the Middle East. The situation in that region continues to be explosive. Encouraged by its "strategic ally", Israel has not ceased its aggressive actions against Lebanon, as well as against the Palestinian people, and continues its illegal occupation of Arab territories. In our opinion, a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be brought about only through the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including their right to establish an independent State, and the guaranteeing of the right of all countries in the region to exist in conditions of peace and security. Such a peace can be achieved only through collective efforts within the framework of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine.
There must also be an end to the war between Iran and Iraq, and the controversial issues existing between the two countries must be settled through negotiations.
It is becoming increasingly urgent to find a peaceful and just solution to the Cyprus problem by ensuring the independence, sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, the withdrawal of all foreign forces, and the dismantling of foreign military bases, while respecting the interests of both the Greek and Turkish Cypriots.
The unabating tension in Central America continues to cause serious concern. There is a growing threat of open military intervention against Nicaragua. We support the proposals of the Sandinista Government and their readiness for talks with the United States of America, as well as the efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group to find a political solution to the conflict without outside interference.
Bulgaria supports the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the withdrawal of foreign forces from South Korea and the peaceful, democratic unification of that country.
The present tense international situation requires even more active efforts to strengthen the role of the United Nations as an effective instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. Fifteen years after its adoption, the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security continues to point to the right way to undertake concerted efforts to establish an effective system of collective security.
Many regional proposals have created considerable opportunities for the strengthening of international security. In Europe, through the collective efforts of the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation, the groundwork has been laid for detente, which has demonstrated its indisputable advantages and benefits for all. The tenth anniversary of the signing of the Final Act of Helsinki confirmed its viability and its great importance for the maintenance of peace and the promotion of co-operation in Europe. The conclusion of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe with meaningful results would make a substantial contribution to the cause of detente on the continent and throughout the world. A good basis for this are the proposals put forward by the socialist countries, such as those for the conclusion of a treaty embodying a mutual agreement on the non-use of military force, for the conducting of negotiations on freezing and reduction of military expenditure, and so forth.
Objective conditions exist for the strengthening of security in Asia. The basis for this has been laid by the USSR proposal for the working out of a joint comprehensive approach to the security problems of that continent. Equally topical now are the proposals of the IndoChina countries designed to enhance stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, the proposals by the Mongolian People's Republic* the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, India and other States of the region. The implementation of those proposals, and of the idea of turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, is in keeping with the interests not only of the people of Asia but of all peoples in the world.
The United Nations should complete its work of eradicating colonialism. The twenty-fifth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples should serve as an incentive for resolute action to terminate the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa, grant independence to the Namibian people and eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism. We support the just struggle of the Namibian people for freedom and independence under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and call for the speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We categorically condemn the aggressive actions of South Africa against the People's Republic of Angola and other States in that region.
The latest events in South Africa unequivocally reveal the profound crisis gripping the Pretoria regime - one which, with the support of its protectors, survives only through terror and violences It is high time that the criminal system of apartheid in South Africa was ended. categorically condemn this policy and vigorously call for the imposition by the United Nations of mandatory sanctions against South Africa.
Tensions in the political area are also accompanied by the intensification of negative processes in the sphere of international economic relations. Fundamental principles of international economic co-operation are being increasingly violated. Sanctions, blackmail, threats, diktat, embargoes, trade restrictions, and so on, are being used for essentially political purposes. The question of restoring confidence in international relations, including international economic relations, and of solving existing grave economic, financial and social problems in the developing countries has now become an urgent matter.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria views with understanding the problems of developing countries that are struggling for economic independence. The causes of the serious difficulties they continue to encounter are rooted in the colonial past of these countries, in the continuing dependence of their economies and the neo-colonial exploitation of their material and human resources. The developing countries have been adversely affected by the "open door" policy to foreign capital forced upon them by the developed capitalist States and their monopolies, as as by the practice of protectionism and restrictions and the attempts to exploit the difficulties of the developing countries for the purpose of their economic and financial enslavement. The intensifying of neo-colonial exploitation has been most strikingly demonstrated in the sphere of international financial and credit relations. The problem of foreign debt has emerged in recent years as one of the main destabilizing factors within the system of international monetary and financial relations of capitalism. This grave and pressing problem can and must be solved by means of a radical restructuring of the system itself.
My country has repeatedly expressed its support foe the basic documents of the United Nations relating to the establishment of a new international economic order. Together with the other member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, Bulgaria has been unremitting in its efforts to promote equitable and mutually advantageous economic, scientific and technological co-operation in relations between East and West, as well as with all States, including developing countries.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria has made a worthy contribution to United Nations activities designed to foster broad international co-operation in the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. Bulgaria has also contributed to the accomplishments of the United Nations in the social area, including the holding of the International Youth Year and the United Nations Decade for Women.
At the same time we consider that even more active and resolute action is necessary for the elimination of the mass and flagrant violations of human rights in various parts of the world.
In conclusion I should like to stress that the solving of global problems, such as the elimination of economic underdevelopment, hunger, poverty, disease, illiteracy and others, is closely related to the strengthening of peace and security and to the cessation of the arms race, something that would release vast resources for improving the living conditions of every individual and the whole of mankind.
December of this year will mark the thirtieth anniversary of the admission of the People's Republic of Bulgaria to membership of the United Nations. For us this is an occasion once again to state that our country, together with the other countries of the socialist community, will continue to pursue an active and consistent policy designed to strengthen international peace and security and to further co-operation in the Balkans- in Europe and in the entire world.
This policy of ours was recently reaffirmed by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov, who stated:
"We have pointed cut on many occasions that, given the existence of opposing social systems, the only sensible basis for building international relations are the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. We support the efforts of all those who are seeking and are prepared to seek ways of removing the threat of nuclear war and ways of expanding international co-operation in the interests of all peoples on Earth."