I believe that the natural disaster of such terrible extent that has just afflicted Mexico has moved each and everyone of us here. I would therefore like to join my voice with those of other heads of delegation in expressing the deep sympathy of Burundi to the Government and the people of Mexico, particularly in view of the friendly relations that link our two countries. I extend to them our greatest sympathy.
The united Nations is about to commemorate its fortieth year of existence with an exceptionally high level of participation by its Members, it is not merely a question of drawing up the balance-sheet of the successes achieved here and there and of the shortcomings of the Organization since its founding, but it is, above all, a question of taking advantage of what we have learned in order better to ensure its future, which is bound up with that of mankind itself.
The Head of State of my country. His Excellency Colonel Jean Baptiste Bagaza, his Government and the people of Burundi attach particular importance to this session, which should be the session at which all States Members come together to ensure the survival and progress of mankind. It is for that reason that Burundi was one of the first this year to organize, at the domestic level, a series of activities to heighten the awareness of public opinion with regard to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
It is undoubtedly fortunate that this session of the General Assembly, which will, I trust, have an effective and historic role to play, should be presided over by a man such as the Permanent Representative Spain, a lean with the irreplaceable qualities of ability and broad experience, My delegation welcomes the fact that a son of Spain - a country rich in age-old traditions and a founding Member of our Organization, a country with which my own enjoys excellent relations is guiding our work.
I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the President of the thirty-ninth session. His Excellency Ambassador Paul Firmino Lusaka, the Permanent Representative of Zambia to cur organization, for the outstanding work he carried out during his term of office. In the exercise of his duties he performed difficult tasks and lived up to the trust the international community had unanimously placed in him by electing him President last September. That distinguished diplomat is indeed the pride of Africa and of the sister Republic of Zambia.
Lastly, I should like to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar,. for the many positive, untiring efforts he has made throughout this past year to encourage the international community to maintain or restore a climate of international peace and co-operation. His devotion, his availability and his eclectic spirit, demonstrated at critical moments some of which saw the future of humanity endangered, deserve to be highlighted here.
Even a superficial analysis of the present international situation reveals a world in disarray, marked by various tensions and conflicts, a universe being crushed beneath the burden of innumerable economic difficulties, a hostile environment characterized by the arms race, the persistence of the policy of blocs and, as a corollary, the gradually dwindling hope of maintaining permanent detente and the inexorable growth of the specter of war. These are the three main concerns of my delegation at this time: conflict and tension throughout the world, the critical economic situation and the threat which the arras race poses to development. Since the thirty-ninth session, there has been no real improvement in these three areas.
This sombre picture is the complete antithesis of the goals and aspirations laid down for the United Nations by its founders 40 years ago.
Arising out of the ashes of a devastating war which had sown hatred and desolation throughout the world, the survivors of the Second World War hoped only to make peace and collective security last for ever, to do away with dependence, exploitation and the denial of right and justice in order to rebuild a more viable world in which interdependence and respect among nations would establish new relationships of co-operation and mutual assistance.
Forty years of experience - some good, some so good - has led to a United Nations which is very different from the vision that the founders entertained in 1945.
From this viewpoint of history, it is certainly significant that the establishment of the United Nations was the logical outcome of close co-operation between the major Powers and many other countries in a period of armed conflict. The differences in their political systems and the disparity in their levels of social organization were major constraints, but they did not interfere with the hopes of achieving victory during that temporary coalition born in a time of trouble. This proves that the international community was able and still is able today to establish beneficial co-operation to save future generations from the threat of war.
It was this noble idea that inspired the signers of the San Francisco Charter, who committed themselves on behalf of all the peoples of the earth. All the principles and plans adopted at that time retain their full importance today as some of us have already stressed.
If we glance back over the past 40 years of our Organization we have to say that in a world torn and divided the United Nations has not been able to prevent a whole series of armed conflicts in various parts of the world. It has, however, been able to help to avert a world-wide cataclysm by repeatedly acting as a buffer between the various protagonists, offering them an adequate forum in which to discuss differences between nations and machinery that has at times been useful in mediating between belligerents.
There is increasing agreement that the United Nations is still the ideal framework for the peaceful settlement of differences and conflicts between Meabers. The major problems that arise are the result of the main weakness of the system: the structures and machinery in place would be largely operational if the political will exited among States, particularly the most powerful States, to find a peaceful settlement to disputes.
The Security Council has the primary role in the maintenance of peace. Severe criticism has often been voiced regarding its effectiveness in putting an end to conflict situations and some have advocated a review of the Charter to bring it up to date. Many nations could play a more important role them they do at present and equality between the different nations could be achieved - a sacred tenet of the Charter of our Organization.
It has become clear as time has passed that this vision of the world will unfortunately remain confined to the realm of pious wishes as long as certain members of the international community remain self-centered, thus weakening the multilateral role of international relations.
Dissatisfaction with regard to multilateralism is mainly due to States that are basically concerned with their own interests, relegating to second place the ideals that were unanimously accepted in 1945. This is a matter of serious concern to my delegation, because that attitude is aggravating the crucial problems of today's world, particularly those of international peace and security, justice and dignity among peoples and nations, international co-operation and the progress of the human race.
Forty years after the United Nations was founded we have come to understand that we shall never attain these objectives without the combined efforts of all Member States, particularly in guaranteeing the socio-economic development of the States of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the preservation of the ecological equilibrium of the planet, the exploration and peaceful use of the seas and of outer space, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinctions as to race, sex, language or religion.
Turning to current concerns at the international level, we should first of all highlight the fact that wherever one looks the international political situation, even viewed through a distorting viewpoint of optimism, still contains many areas of deep concern, the most important of which are in the continent of Africa. I refer to the denial of human rights in South Africa and the incomplete decolonization of Namibia and Western Sahara. Having long defied the numerous appeals of the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Non-Aligned Movement to end the abhorrent practices of apartheid. South Africa systematically defies the universal consensus and steps up its system of racial oppression, which is almost as old as our Organization.
Strengthened by.the almost overt support of certain powerful allies which enable it to act with impunity, the Republic of South Africa continues to wage armed aggression against independent neighboring States, in flagrant and deliberate violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the elementary norms of international law that govern the conduct of all States. The intention has been to destabilize those States and to set up puppet regimes in its service. In this context, we condemn the recent attacks on Angola and Botswana, which have shocked the conscience of mankind.
The establishment of a state of emergency and the statement made last August by President Botha on the future of the blacks have further complicated the already complex problem of South Africa. Despite many pertinent statements from all sides calling on the Security Council finally to exercise its authority and impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, strategic interests and the prospect of losing the enormous benefits that the allies enjoy as a result of the maintenance of the apartheid regime seem unfortunately to have prevailed. This can be seen in the placatory provisions of Security Council resolution 556 (1985) and the fate that awaited the recent French initiative, which had aroused a great deal of hope.
The international community should take the opportunity presented by this session to require Pretoria to put an end to repression, to bantustanization, to the system of banning people and harassing the black leaders who are struggling for their independence. They should halt the harassing and killing of freedom fighters, and they should immediately start a constructive dialog with the oppressed black population, so that their rights will finally be recognized.
The active and broad-based support of the international community and the tireless struggle of the South African people themselves will inevitably lead to the abolition of apartheid. Now is the right time to act and to positively influence events. The territory of Namibia, which is under the responsibility of the united Nations, will soon be marking the twentieth anniversary of its illegal occupation by South Africa. During this period the Pretoria regime has developed colonialism, apartheid, aggression, State terrorism, the system of having mercenaries, all of these practices that have been condemned by the international community as a serious threat to international peace and security.
At the same time foreign economic activities and interests have been obstructing the path toward complete independence of the valiant Namibian people, under the enlightened leadership of their sole representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), and these activities have been accelerating the systematic plundering of the natural wealth of the Territory in flagrant violation of the provisions of the relevant resolutions of the united Nations and Decree No. 1 on protecting the natural resources of Namibia.
My country trusts that the legal proceedings now underway in the courts of States of origin against the multinational corporations that are involved in this plundering, will be speeded up and will include all registered companies.
The United Nations Council for Namibia has initiated these actions and they enjoy the full support of my country.
Last June, the Republic of Burundi strongly condemned the establishment by the racist regime of South Africa of a puppet government in Windhoek. My country will never recognize such a government, whose appointment is just an additional obstacle set up by Pretoria on the path to the independence of the Namibian people. We believe that no viable solution can be found outside of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which outlined a coherent plan for the immediate independence of Namibia. We would deplore and condemn once again the persistent attempt to link that independence to considerations which are alien to the real issue of Namibia.
Since that memorable date of 14 December 1960, which saw the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), the right to self-determination has become a cardinal principle of contemporary international law. Many countries have taken up their seat in the concert of nations thanks to the wide implementation of that resolution.
For more than a decade our Organization has been strongly reaffirming the right of the Sahraoui people to independence and sovereignty. It is still to be hoped that the recent contacts entered into by the Secretary-General of the United Nations with the Moroccan authorities, and other initiatives, will make it possible to give practical effect to resolution AHS/104 which was adopted at the twentieth conference of Heads of state or Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and we hope that it will be possible swiftly to implement the provisions in General Assembly resolution 39/40.
The outbreaks of violence and escalation of aggression by Israel against the Arab and Palestinian peoples in the Middle East, Israel's denial of the universally recognized right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, have been plunging the peoples of that region into indescribable suffering. Israel's intransigence and stubbornness in flaunting the injunctions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council compel us today to express our strong condemnation.
The Palestinian people cannot live indefinitely as refugees in their own ind. They wish to live in peace with other peoples in the region. They wish to establish their own state under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole and authentic representative. Moreover, occupying a territory belonging to another country by force is illegal and contrary to the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations, withdrawal from all the occupied territories, including Jerusalem, must be the firm demand of our Organization and a condition for the restoration of peace and stability in that region.
Not far from that area, the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, along with the Lebanese crisis which has lasted too long now, impose on the peoples of that region of the world unjust and cruel suffering. These are matters of serious
concern to the international community. All efforts must be made to ensure a return to peace.
Only respect for the norms of law governing international relations, including the non-use of force in relations with one's neighbors, can put an end to this tragedy, which so agonizingly jeopardizes the socio-economic development of peoples in the Middle East.
On the other end of the planet, we cannot endorse the invasion of any country by foreign troops. The crisis in Afghanistan and Kampuchea derive from a failure to respect the principles that I have just mentioned. We should take this opportunity to put an end to these anachronistic situations and leave it up to the countries involved to determine the best means of government that would be in keeping with the aspirations of their own peoples, free from untimely interference in their internal affairs.
As for the Korean peninsula, my country deplores the fact that the presence of foreign troops in the southern part, hampers the peaceful and independent reunification of that people, which share the same culture of an age-old historical past, and it artificially shatters family ties. Burundi has always maintained and will continue tirelessly to support any proposal which would restore to the Korean people their dignity which has been trampled on and their unity that has been destroyed.
As for Latin America and the Caribbean, another area that is subject to instability, we would support the independent path of peoples in the region and we would condemn all forms of foreign domination and interference in the internal affairs of those States.
While the conditions of peace and security throughout these parts of the world still remain precarious, the critical economic situation of many countries is the second major concern of the world today.
First of all, Z would just deplore the disenchantment felt towards all the multilateral institutions at a time when we should in fact be strengthening international economic co-operation for the benefit of all. The provisions of Chapters IX and X of the Charter of the United Nations gave this Organization a paramount role in promoting progress in the economic and social development of peoples. After all, is there any other place that is more appropriate than the United Nations for discussing supranational natters concerning the means of co-ordinating national and international measures in a world where we no longer have to demonstrate that economic interdependence is a reality.
Taking account of the extent and complexity of the problems facing countries in the area of international trade, monetary instability, financial questions, indebtedness, we must show imagination, we must make use of the Charter and strengthen the spirit of dialog and harmonization, which is indeed sadly lacking today.
How can we understand that resolution 34/138, dealing with global negotiations for the establishment of a new International Economic Order, which was adopted unanimously seven years ago, has remained a dead letter? In the Bean time there has been a dangerous deterioration in the economic situation of many developing countries.
The least favored nations, whose fragile economies are further worsened by the present international economic situation, are to be found in Africa. There we find intolerable poverty and devastating famine. There, agriculture, industry, transport and communications do not benefit from the technological advances of this age. It is this continent that has had the most unjust and humiliating fate in history.
The international community recognized this reality when at its last session the General Assembly adopted resolution 39/29 on the critical economic situation in Africa. The annex to that resolution specifically called for a commitment by the international community to support the Governments and peoples of Africa in their struggle for survival. There were three stages in that difficult task: emergency aid for peoples suffering from famine and malnutrition, medium-term assistance for the rehabilitation of agriculture and livestock rearing, and long-term aid to make African economies growth-oriented. Africa has tremendous economic potential, which only needs to be exploited for the well being of its people. But the financial, technological means and human resources are lacking. At the present time the African countries are unable on an individual level to take up the challenge.
That is why the Heads of State and Government, at the twenty-first Conference of the Organization of African unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa last July dealt primarily with the economic situation in Africa, and reaffirmed their faith in the Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos which for us is a basic reference document for the economic and social development of our continent. They adopted a five-year emergency program for the recovery of African economies. This program, entitled the Joint Action-Oriented Platform, is an effort to vitalize sub-regional and regional co-operation and to mobilize outside inputs to support our own efforts. The priority areas are agriculture and food, transport and communications, industry, trade and finance, science and technology, and lastly, as the main point, human resources.
The African countries have collectively committed themselves to strengthening their unity and solidarity in implementing this program. They count on the active support of the international community, particularly that of the United Nations system. Taking account of the technological backwardness of Africa, the specialized agencies should provide us with special treatment, particularly in the areas of technical co-operation, training and research. Other major handicaps have to be taken into consideration also: 26 of the 36 least developed countries are African, some of them are also land-locked and stricken by drought and desertification, and most of the other African countries have extremely low incomes.
To deal with all these dangers, the support of the international agencies should be directed towards the following priorities: in the field of agriculture and food, increasing the capacity for agricultural output. The financing bodies for development should provide liquidity at levels compatible with the needs of the developing countries, particularly the African ones. Those that have resources should take action in accordance with the established priorities and should provide flexible loan conditions. In this connection, the reconstitution of the International Development Association (IDA) at a level equal at least to $12 billion, and the provision of Africa's share in allocating the resources of that institution, should be a major priority. The reconstitution of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) at a level consonant with the agricultural development needs of third world countries is also very necessary. Easing the external Indebtedness of Africa and respecting the commitments entered into by the developed countries towards the least developed countries are also essential measures for the economic growth of Africa.
However, as long as the terms of trade and the prices of commodities maintain their present trend, the major problem of the African countries will remain untouched. He must establish fair remunerative and stable prices for commodities so as to increase export earnings and limit the deterioration in the terms of trade. This is obviously the key issue of development and stability for our economies.
And lastly, I must emphasize that some specific actions undertaken within the context of international co-operation, for example, the vaccination campaign to immunize all children of the world by the year 1990, are indeed commendable and should enjoy the support of our States.
Naturally, Africa also counts a great deal on South-South co-operation. It will participate actively in the joint projects in this co-operation, particularly in the global system of trade preferences among developing countries, the multi-sector information network, the South-Bank Project, the exchange of appropriate technology, and so forth. But here, what is needed more than the program is the political will of the States.
Against this background, we feel that the request of the twenty-first summit of Heads of State and Government of Africa to convene a special session of the General Assembly to take up questions relating to the critical economic situation in Africa should be given the support of this Assembly. Apart from problems of peace and security, and the major concerns arising out of the economic situation, the third major concern of our Organization is the arm race, and more specifically the nuclear arms race which continues to loom over us.
Because of the threat to the survival of mankind presented by nuclear and chemical weapons, which are now being extended to cuter space, the question of negotiating arms limitations and disarmament is a matter that is of concern not only to the major Powers that are directly involved, although it is their primary responsibility. The entire world, including the populations of the nuclear Powers themselves, must exercise constant pressure for a freeze in the development, production, storage and deployment of nuclear and chemical weapons, the first stage in a process aimed at the reduction and total destruction of stockpiles of these weapons. This is a question not only of the survival of mankind, but also of the welfare of mankind, since the human and material resources that would be freed because a freeze could then be developed to ensure the well-being of mankind. This is a dream which this Organization and each one of our countries must try to transform into a reality over the years to come.
In Burundi this is a dream for us also because we believe in the common future of mankinJ, and because it is increasingly clear that the world, despite its diversity, despite the conflict in the ideas, beliefs and interests of our various States, constitutes a single whole as far as many problems are concerned.
On the eve of the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must make a decisions either States consider it as an instrument to ensure that their views prevail to the detriment of others, and thus it would be a forum for confrontation and antagonism; or else States make of it a political system for harmonization, solidarity and interdependence, and thus a forum for the search for peace and collective security, justice and balance, economic and social well-being. It is the latter option that we must take; that is the option which my country will pursue within the United Nations.
Let us therefore strengthen the machinery provided in the Charter of this Organization, as proposed by the Secretary-General, particularly the collective system for the maintenance of international peace and security. Let us here enter into the commitment to try to reduce tension, to use our Organization as a forum for multilateral disarmament, taking note of the link between disarmament and development. Let us resolve and be sufficiently politically responsible to recognize that this Organization has the mandate to promote the economic and social well-being of all its Members by establishing fairness and balance in international economic relations.
That is the only way for this session to make the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations a historic milestone.


It is ray pleasure warmly to congratulate the President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly on his election. I am confident that the vast and deep experience which
he brings to this great post will be of the utmost help in ensuring the success of this session - this session at which we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations and in which all peoples of the world place great hopes. Our pleasure is all the greater on this occasion because he represents Spain, a friendly country to which our country is bound by relations of friendship and respect. Spain has had close historical contacts with our Arab world, contacts that still have a positive effect on the development of relations between the Arab peoples and the people of Spain.
I also express with pleasure my deep appreciation to Mr. Paul John Lusaka, the President of the last session, whose wisdom, knowledge and firmness gave depth and smoothness to the work of that session. This was evident in the excellent way in which he led the work of the thirty-ninth session and in the manner in which the General Assembly completed that work.
I also take this opportunity to express my appreciation and admiration to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the efforts he has made since assuming that post. We wish him all success in his tasks, which everyone realizes are both difficult and complex. We express to him our support for his efforts, as well as our support for the goals of this international Organization, and our firm belief in the necessity of preserving its strength so that it can play its leading role in eliminating the specter of war and can contribute effectively to the solution of international problems.
I take this opportunity also to express, through the delegation of Mexico, our deepest sympathy to the people and Government of Mexico in connection with the tragic earthquake they have experienced. It has caused great loss of life and destruction of property, and we hope that international solidarity will help Mexico to bear the burdens of this tragedy.
As we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we renew our commitment to the principles and purposes of its Charter and to the endeavor to strengthen further the role of the United Nations, which is the only international forum through which all countries seek the achievement of peace, progress and justice.
We live today in a world where events change at an unprecedented pace. The crises and challenges faced by some countries and peoples reverberate in various parts of this globe. We live as one international family, in which crises intertwine, each one affecting the other. Our Organization can in no way remain isolated from those crises.
In spite of the continued existence of hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world, the United Nations has remained the international forum to which countries involved in conflicts resort - taking shelter under its umbrella - in order to bring about peace among them. The United Nations has been able to contain regional wars, preventing them from turning into world wars. It has also proved itself able to achieve solutions commensurate with the questions of world peace and development and to pursue a balanced approach towards the present international issues.
The Sultanate of Oman has adopted clear and well-known positions towards the hotbeds of major political tensions facing the international community. The foreign policy of the Sultanate is community to working towards the solution of international disputes through dialog and understanding. This policy is based on moral and legal standards, guided by the principles and purposes of the United Nations, and is committed to the resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations.
Every year we revive and assess past achievements, and then address ourselves to the large number of international questions still on the agenda of the General Assembly.
If we compare the international situation today to that which prevailed a year ago, we see that in spite of the tireless efforts that have been made the international situation is still characterized by increasing tension and disputes and by escalating conflicts, in addition to the economic crisis that is strangling many countries.
On the agenda of this session are the same questions that the General Assembly has dealt with at previous sessions. The inability of the United Nations to find viable solutions for the various problems that it faces is the result of the disregard by some countries of the resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations. The question of Palestine is the clearest example of this.
The cause of the Palestinian people is the oldest and most important question that the United Nations has dealt with since its inception. This year, when we are celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we find Israel still imposing its occupation on the Arab territories and refusing to allow the Palestinian people to exercise their right to live peacefully in a stable and secure homeland.
The real obstacle faced by the international community in seeking to find a solution to the Palestinian question is Israel's refusal to comply with and implement the resolutions Adopted by the united Nations, and its rejection of all initiatives aimed at reaching a just settlement of the Palestinian question.
The question of the Palestinian people does not lack initiatives; there have been several, such as the Venice declaration by the countries of the European Economic Community, the Brezhnev initiative, President Reagan's initiative, the Fez Arab summit declaration, the Geneva declaration of 1983 and, most recently, the Palestinian-Jordanian initiative, which was hailed by the last extraordinary Arab summit meeting, held in Casablanca. That latter initiative could be an instrument for achieving a just and lasting peace.
The Arabs, by accepting those peace initiatives, have proved that they advocate security and peace, not the peace that Israel is trying to impose by force and the policy of fait accompli, but peace based on justice and international legitimacy, represented in united Nations resolutions calling on Israel to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories and calling for the establishment of a national homeland for the Palestinian people so that the two peoples can co-exist: the Palestinian people in its independent State and the Israeli people.
Time has proved beyond any doubt that Israel will not be able to achieve security and stability so long as it persists in denying the rights of the Palestinian people and so long as it continues to occupy the territories of the neighboring Arab countries, thereby violating their sovereignty and stability. It has also become clear that the logic of Israeli military might will not create stability and calm in the region.
Dialog is the ideal way to achieve peace and stability in the Middle East. The Sultanate of Oman, believing in that approach, has supported all efforts aimed at achieving a just peace.
Israel must for once show the same courage and wisdom as the Arabs and Palestinians have already shown and provide concrete proof that it seeks peace -just, firm and lasting peace for all. The countries friendly to Israel should play an important role in prevailing upon it and encouraging it to take those steps before it is too late.
The Gulf region has witnessed for the cast five years one of the most destructive wars, which has claimed so many lives and caused destruction of, and damage to, property and installations. We appeal to all countries to pay more attention to the matter and speed up efforts to find a reasonable solution to end this raging war between two neighboring countries, Iraq and Iran. The continuation of the war on its present scale requires concerted efforts to put a firm end final end to it.
If the war has been confined so far to the territories of the two warring countries, that does not guarantee that it will not in the future spill over their borders. The fact that neither country is able to inflict military defeat on the other must not lull the international community into believing that the war no longer poses a threat to international peace and security.
Tension, confrontation, instability of relations between countries, conflicts of interests and international alliances may transform the Gulf war into a hotbed of international conflict threatening the security and stability of all the Gulf States, disrupting international navigation in the Straits of Hormuz, thereby inflicting damage not only upon the economies of the countries of the region, but also upon the world economy, especially the economies of developed countries.
Proceeding from our realization of the dangers of that war and the need to put an end to it, the Sultanate of Oman has taken part in all efforts to that effect, whether those of States members of the Co-operation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, the Organization of the Islamic Conference or the Non-Aligned Movement. We also affirm the importance of the role of the United nations and the Security
Council as well as the good offices of the Secretary-General, through which he has been able recently to achieve some relative progress in containing the conflict. He realize that much more must be done to put an end to the war, and we believe that it is important to co-ordinate the efforts of the United Nations and other international efforts.
Iraq has adopted a clear position accepting the principle of negotiations with a view to achieving a just and peaceful solution, while the Islamic Republic of Iran has set pre-conditions to end the war. He believe that those countries with strong relations with either or both parties to the conflict have not made enough efforts to persuade them to resort to negotiations to solve the conflict before they reach a point of no return in the war and before reconciliation becomes impossible.
As for Afghanistan, we still see, despite the passage of five years and the adoption of any General Assembly resolutions, the foreign presence hovering over the territories of a Moslem, non-aligned people. The events in Afghanistan provide the most glaring example of foreign interference in the internal affairs of other States, and the use of armed force to impose a fait accompli that the Afghan people cannot accept, denying a whole people the exercise of its legitimate right to select its own system of government, compatible with its religious beliefs and social traditions.
In this context, we affirm our support for the talks going on under the supervision of the special representative of the Secretary-General between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Kabul Government. We hope that they will lead to a just settlement of the Afghan question which will promote the right of the Afghan people to self-determination and guarantee the safe and dignified return of the Afghan refugees to their homeland. We also hope that the talks will lead to a political settlement that will preserve the relations of good-neighborliness and non-interference between the Afghan people and other neighboring peoples.
He should also like to commend the positive position of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and its constructive efforts aimed at making the negotiations succeed. In addition, we express our appreciation to it for its humane role of serving as host to and sheltering millions of Afghan refugees.
In South-East Asia, the continued presence of Vietnamese military forces in Democratic Kampuchea has led to insecurity and instability in that area. The situation there presages a wide confrontation in the region that will have an adverse effect on international security and stability. Therefore, we renew once again our demand that united Nations resolutions which call for the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchean territory be implemented. At the same time, we affirm our continued support for the efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to find a just solution to the Kampuchean question - a solution that will achieve unity for that people, and enable it to enjoy the right to self-determination and to choose its own system of government.
Our concern about the events in the Horn of Africa is due to the historical and geographical links between our country and that region. He believe that the instability there is due to the fact that the Horn of Africa has been continuously subjected to foreign intervention. The rivalry among the interests of States in the region leads more often than not to con fr cm tat ion. We are closely following developments - which naturally represent a source of concern to us. He call for an end to all attempts at interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region.
There is another problem, in southern Africa, which is a source of concern to us, namely, the question of Namibia. In that connection, we reaffirm our support of the Namibian people's achieving independence and self-determination and make clear that the central approach for the solution of this problem lies in accelerating the process of terminating the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa through the implementation of the relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization, particularly Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
We reiterate our denunciation of the policy of apartheid pursued by the Government of South Africa which runs counter to all noble aims, principles, divine laws and proper human behavior, we affirm the necessity of complying with the resolutions adopted every year by our Organization on this question. If those resolutions were implemented they would assist the black African majority in attaining its legitimate rights.
My country, owing to its geographical location which overlooks the Indian Ocean and being a member of the Ad Hoc Committee cm the Indian Ocean established by the General Assembly, follows closely the situation in the region, we also participate in the work of that Committee, which is preparing the convening of an international conference that aims ultimately at the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of Peace. We do not want to be pessimistic about progress in that Committee's work; however, the facts do not leave much room for optimism. The Committee is still pursuing its work very slowly and that will not lead us speedily to the desired goal. In that regard we appeal to the member countries, particularly to the two super-Powers, to give greater momentum to the Committee's work so that it can achieve the desired result and hold the conference in the first half of 1986.
The situation in Central America deserves our attention. Tension and violence are escalating in ways that raise concern and make it imperative that a solution of the disputes, domestic or foreign, be found quickly. The ideal approach for solving those conflicts must be based on respect of the rights of peoples and sovereignty of States so that no opportunity for interference in the internal affairs of States of the region is given to the great Powers.
We support the efforts of the Contadora group and believe that they are the best guarantee for achieving peace in Central America. We wish it success in its good offices and call upon all States of the continent to choose co-operation and coexistence in peace instead of conflict and war.
The escalating arms race and the possession of lethal destructive weapons in the past few years have gone beyond anything imagined. In spite of all its efforts, this international organization has been unable so far to put an end to this terrible race. Disarmament is no longer just a political issue, for its human side has become more important. Those weapons do not pose a threat to only one aspect of human life; they are a grave destructive danger to the very existence of our globe - not to mention the economic aspects which are of no less importance than the others, since arms expenditures could solve the economic problems facing the world, particularly the developing countries.
In this connection, we express our satisfaction at the resumption of negotiations between the two super-Powers at Geneva. We hope that they will lead to putting an end to those destructive weapons. Peace and security for humanity are the main goals we must strive to achieve. My country supports all efforts aimed at limiting nuclear weapons. It also supports the efforts being made to proclaim the Middle East and the Indian Ocean zones of peace, free from destructive weapons.
We welcome the forthcoming summit meeting between President Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev and hope that they will be able to reach positive results that will help reduce international tension, solve various crises and remove obstacles that face mankind.
The international economic situation is not much different from that of security. There is continued regression in the following areas: shrinking international trade, instability of commodity prices and their continuous decreasing trend while the prices of manufactured goods are increasing, creeping protectionism, imposition of barriers against the outflow of capital, rising interest rates, and declining transfer of technology.
This economic situation is also reflected in the chaos prevailing in the international monetary system. The countries of the third world, which depend on limited resources, although not alone are the hardest hit by the present economic situation. This has been demonstrated by the increasing imbalance in their foreign trade, their increasing indebtedness and their inability to service such debts owing to rising interest rates. The continuance of this abnormal situation without any attempt to check it will lead to increased suffering by the peoples of third-world countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
It would be unfair to ourselves to accept this situation as a matter of fact and not work to find viable solutions for it. If the situation deteriorates further it will affect all of us, including the rich countries. We realize that the present economic system cannot deal with this crisis. Therefore we in the Group of 77 call for the establishment of a new international economic order based on more clarity and justice for all countries of the world, rich and poor.
In spite of the deterioration of the international economic situation we should not give way to despair. We should follow the example set by international initiatives to confront the famine and the deteriorating economic situation in Africa, initiatives that demonstrated what the international will, when properly directed, can achieve. The excellent international spirit that confronted famine and drought in Africa should be an incentive for the initiation of a constructive dialog between North and South that can lead to the establishment of a new economic edifice in harmony with the hopes of the peoples of the world on this fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
Our world is witnessing increasing terrorism in the form of the kidnapping of individuals, the hijacking of aeroplanes, the bombing of civilian installations and the killing of innocent people, we deplore terrorism in all its forms; we find it contradictory to lofty human and moral ideals and contrary to the teachings of our religion, Islam, and other revealed religions. We belong to a nation that takes pride in its civilization, ideals, traditions, religion and human heritage, and we consider terrorism and violence to be a phenomenon that reflects ideological bankruptcy.
We call for a commitment to the principles of right and justice to achieve the goals we seek, for reliance on legitimate means of defending ideologies and national interests and for respect for the differences that exist between individuals and peoples.
We will support every international or regional effort to combat terrorism, in whatever form it may take, and we call upon all States to co-operate closely in confronting and combating this dangerous political disease.
In spite of all the difficult problems and crises faced by our world today we should not underestimate the progress achieved by the United Nations since its foundation. We still have hope that the United Nations will seek and find just and appropriate solutions for the different crises and problems that confront us.
We appeal to all Members of this Organization to work together in this endeavor so that security and trust may prevail in our international community and confidence between States and peoples be strengthened.


On behalf of Canada, I congratulate you. Sir, on your election as President of this milestone session of the General Assembly. Your long career of devotion to the principles of the United Nations is recognized by this election, as is the vitality of the democratic institutions of the Government you represent.
On behalf of Canada, I join other spokesmen in expressing grief at the suffering caused by the massive earthquakes in Mexico. In connection with this tragedy we have seen arising spontaneously across national boundaries a rallying of forces to complement the Mexican Government's own extraordinary rescue operations. In times of such natural disasters the world truly becomes a neighborhood, and our people extend both their prayers and their practical help. We were pleased to join yesterday in the consensus on the resolution adopted in this Assembly expressing our common solidarity with the Mexican people.
It would be remiss of me as a Canadian if I did not sadly recall that last week Canada and the United Nations lost one of our greatest soldiers and statesmen, the late General E.L.M. Burns. Canada is particularly proud that he was the first commander of the united Nations Emergency Force and that he was a practical architect of peace-keeping. General Burns was also one of Canada's most thoughtful proponents of disarmament. His contributions truly embodied the best ideals of the Charter, we mourn his passing, but in reflecting on his dedication to the high principles and purposes of the united Nations we find an example that is inspiring for the years ahead.
At the age of 40 some people have what is termed a mid-life crisis, but this description certainly does not apply to the United Nations. There may be multiple crises in the world system today, but at the age of 40 the United Nations is a long way from mid-life. In fact, viewed in the long range of history the United Nations is still very much in its early years.
This perspective helps us to establish a more balanced and fair assessment of the United Nations in this important anniversary year. Optimists would like to see the United Nations as the flowering of a world that has come together. Pessimists decry it for not having brought peace. Realists recognize that the United Nations has persisted successfully in its global strategies for human security despite the divisions among nations.
In its first 40 years the United Nations has made an inestimable contribution to building a framework for a global system that responds to the technological interdependence and vulnerability of modern society. Technology has revealed the common qualities of the entire human family. Everyone wants to avoid the scourge of war. Everyone wants the opportunity for economic development. Everyone wants the guarantee of full human rights. The tackling of these common demands is the daily work of the United Nations.
If there are frailties in the united Nations, and there are, If there is some ineptitude, and there is, let us this year celebrate the United Nations endurance and accomplishments while resolving to improve its procedures.
In conflicts prevented, in disputes mediated, in the eradication of diseases, in world-wide development progress, in the saving of countless human lives, the United Nations has enriched human existence. It has done all this on a budget that is less than $1 per.year for every inhabitant of the planet. The United Nations should not need to be defended, but it does, and I emphasize that Canada not only defends the united Nations but will work to strengthen it and work to strengthen other parts of the multilateral system. This is the way towards the peace and the growth, the freedom and the justice, which the world needs.
The challenges facing the multilateral system reach beyond this institution. Questions are being raised about whether the States of the world will work together or whether nations will draw back to their individual devices. Whether the issue is debt or trade or culture, whether the nations are rich or poor, large or small, there is a renewal of doubt about the international system. Developing countries again this week in this Hall threatened to.abandon an international monetary system which they believe has abandoned them. Trade protectionist pressures are rampant, and dates are delayed for a new round of multilateral trade negotiations. Expenditures on arms increase; so does terrorism; so have regional conflicts.
If that continues we will all be the victims. Certainly a country like Canada is imperiled if nations cannot agree on the rules of trade or the relief of debt or the control of arms. Twenty-four years ago only 12 per cent of our gross national product was based on exports; today this figure has more than doubled. When the United Nations began Canada was relatively unaffected by violent sectarian disputes in other countries; today we, like the world, are targets of terrorists. Forty years ago drugs c technology or the economic policies of other countries had relatively little direct impact on Canada; today they can intrude directly on the life of every Canadian community. So it is with all communities, in all countries. In so small a modern world, we are exposed, inescapably, to common problems which none of us can solve alone. Instead of retreating inward, the world must reach out - not only to celebrate an anniversary but to cope with the inescapable reality of modern times.
Today, I renew the commitment made by successive Canadian Governments to the United Nations ever since its birth in the ashes of the Second World War. Prime Minister Mulroney has already personally reaffirmed to the Secretary-General during the letter's much appreciated official visit to Canada earlier this year, Canada's aspirations with regard to the United Nations. Next month, the Canadian Prime Minister will be meeting here with numerous other world leaders to proclaim yet again the importance of the United Nations.
This session of the General Assembly will thus provide us with an opportunity to recall the achievements of the last four decades: the virtually complete elimination of colonialism; the recognition of human rights at the international level; a commitment to general and complete disarmament; a program to strengthen the worId's\financial and commercial systems; a Convention on the Law of the Sea; treaties on a whole range of questions; important progress in the fight against illiteracy; and the promotion of the status of women.
We particularly welcome the consensus that emerged from the Nairobi Conference, which marked the end of the Decade for women. The nations of the world came to an agreement on a plan of action for the promotion of women, to be implemented over the next 15 years. Canadians are proud of the role played by our delegation in helping bring about a consensus, and our Government intends to define specific ways of carrying out the Nairobi strategies. It goes without saying that in the implementation of its programs and in its recruitment policies at senior levels the Organization must fully respect the objectives enunciated in the Forward-looking Strategies. At the present time women fill less than 6 per cent of senior professional posts, and it is beyond dispute that the United Nations still has much progress to make in the movement towards equity.
This session will be a time to pursue serious reform of the procedures of the United Nations. In the harsh Canadian winter houses that slip into disrepair are eventually abandoned precisely because they offer none of the protection they were designed to provide. The house of the United Nations must not be allowed to slip into disrepair, and we must note that disrepair is showing. Divisive political issues intrude too often into specialized agencies. The agenda of the Assembly and its Committees is overloaded regularly with ritual debates. Some rich countries refuse to pay their dues, while others threaten to reduce their share. The Secretary-General has courageously and repeatedly identified these weaknesses.
Changes and reforms are central to the existence of the United Nations. He must restore to this Assembly the authority given to it by the Charter. He must accordingly review our efforts and in a systematic fashion lay out for ourselves realizable goals and objectives.
He have sent Canadians to Cyprus, the Golan and other trouble-spots because we want the world system to work. What Canadians have helped secure in crisis we intend to preserve now. Delegations will be aware that Canada, with others, has been working in past months to devise and carry through a pragmatic and feasible set of measures with this purpose in mind, we will continue our co-operative efforts with all interested delegations in this search, which is made doubly urgent by the critical substantive issues before us, to which I now turn.
Surveying the landscape of world affairs on this fortieth anniversary, we find that no field is bleaker than that of arms control and disarmament. We must face the fact that not a single substantive agreement has come out of the multilateral arms-control process during the first half of the Second Disarmament Decade - not at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, not at the mutual and balanced force reduction talks in Vienna, not at the Stockholm Conference cm Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe.
But I have come here not to lament but rather to offer the encouragement and support of Canada in building the climate of confidence necessary for disarmament agreements. No matter what the frustration, we must never give up in our determination to construct a world security system that depends on fewer arms, not more. If more political will is necessary, then let us assert that political will, particularly as we move into 1986, which has been designated the International Year of Peace.
In the complex process of arms control and disarmament, priorities must be set straight.
First, Canada believes that deep and verifiable reductions in the existing arsenals of nuclear weapons is the highest priority. Moving to lower levels of arms while preserving the stability of the balance at each successive stage of reduction is the only practical way to make progress. Thus we give our full support to the bilateral negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union now taking place in Geneva. The summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev in 55 days time provides an opportunity to chart a new course for the future leading to practical steps to unblock the disarmament impasse.
Secondly, for Canada the achievement of a comprehensive test-ban treaty continues to be a fundamental and abiding objective. Our aim is to stop all nuclear testing.
Thirdly, the early conclusion of a chemical weapons treaty is now within reach in the Conference on Disarmament.
Fourthly, the prevention of an arms race in outer space is now on the world agenda.
Thus we know where we are going in arms-control and disarmament measures. The Final Document of the first special session on disarmament, in 1978, should continue to be our guide. The remarkable consensus achieved by the world community on that occasion must again be renewed as we look towards the third special session on disarmament.
The success of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which completed its business last Saturday in Geneva, represents an important step forward. States participating in the Conference reaffirmed, on the basis of a consensus, the viability and the vitality of that Treaty, to which has been endorsed by 130 nations have acceded and which prevents the spread of nuclear weapons while at the same time bringing to the whole
international community the benefits of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The spirit of international co-operation that characterized the review of the Non-Proliferation Treaty showed that the multilateral process can and does contribute effectively to the strengthening of world security.
Canada will continue to play an active role in all multilateral bodies and will contribute further to the building of confidence. In this respect Canada has drawn up a program of action for the second part of the current Disarmament Decade. By means of this program we shall intensify our work in the sphere of the improvement of the verification procedures necessary to ensure compliance with agreements entered into.
In order to advance the work on verification of compliance with a complete ban on nuclear tests we shall strengthen our capacity for analysis in seismic research, we shall improve our seismic research facilities in northern Canada and enhance our capacity to distinguish minor earthquakes from underground nuclear tests.
Within the framework of this program of action we shall be conducting practical studies on the use of chemical weapons. We shall submit these studies to the United Nations and also make Canadian experts available to the Organization for inquiries into allegations of the use of chemical weapons.
Moreover we shall work towards the conclusion of a multilateral agreement prohibiting the possession and use of radiological weapons. I appeal to the United States and the Soviet Union to conclude an effective, verifiable treaty prohibiting radiological weapons. Canada is prepared to sign such a treaty immediately.
The Canadian delegation will be reporting to the First Committee on the day-to-day efforts made by Canada to lay a foundation for lasting treaties.
The relationship between disarmament and development must also be considered constructively and in greater depth. The current level of military expenditures, now in the region of a trillion dollars, at a time when many parts of the world are experiencing destitution, poverty and famine is unacceptable. The Canadian people, which enjoys a wide representation in an increasingly broad network of non-governmental organizations, is particularly sensitive to this imbalance. It aspires to the establishment of genuine human security, characterized by increasing food stocks and a decline in military arsenals.
Another important lesson of our 40 years' experience concerns economic growth. We now know that the well-being of everyone depends on the financial, trade and other linkages among our economies. We understand better the challenges of the global market place. And we appreciate better the critical role that developing countries play in the expansion of the world economy.
The partnership between developed and developing countries - a partnership of shared responsibilities and commitments - must be enhanced. Canada is very pleased that consensus agreement was reached yesterday, in the Committee to Review and Appraise the International Development Strategy, on a statement of agreed conclusions. This is a significant step. It reflects the serious effort made by all concerned to express the current economic realities in common language. We believe it augurs well for future co-operation.
When we look at the problems of the developing world, no case is more poignant than the suffering of sub-Saharan Africa. The global humanitarian response to the crisis in Africa has succeeded in saving thousands, and perhaps millions, of lives, but the experience of this crisis has also identified longer-term challenges.
Relief is not enough. Action for permanent development - in partnership with African nations - is essential. African Governments must resolve to give priority to the agricultural sector and to unleash the productive forces in their own societies. But this effort must be matched by a real and sustained commitment by developed nations and indeed by the entire international community. The African crisis will not end until the valiant efforts to relieve the tragedy of today are buttressed by a sustained commitment to building the Africa of tomorrow.
The heavy external debt, which afflicts so many countries, is another crippling burden in the developing world. Some progress has been achieved in dealing with the debt situation, thanks to co-operation among creditor Governments, debtor countries, commercial banks, and international institutions. The strategy of adjustment, financing, and rescheduling has demonstrated an impressive flexibility in helping debtors. But, obviously, more adaptation is needed to meet the special needs of debtor nations.
Deliberations in the United Nations help in fostering a better understanding of these economic problems and further the activities of various international institutions dealing with them. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have played a key role in this regard. We should ensure that they can and will continue to do so, taking due account of the particular problems facing individual States. The strains facing the multilateral economic system and facing its leading institutions must be dealt with. Bilateral relations between countries on the one hand, and the multilateral system on the other, ought to be mutually complementary and reinforcing.
Similarly, protectionism, which threatens the prosperity of developed and developing countries alike, must be resisted. The industrialized countries must keep their markets open to third-world products if the developing countries are to maintain the export earnings necessary to service their external debt and to improve living standards. All of us will lose if our borders close. All therefore have an important stake in ensuring that the multilateral trading system remains open and health/. That is why Canada has been at the forefront in calling for a new round of multilateral trade negotiations, and why we have been working to liberalize trade and resist protectionism in many other ways'.
By joining in the preparations for a new trade round now, the developing countries can be joint architects of a revitalized General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) system. Canada is anxious to work with developing countries to identify areas of common interest which could be pursued in the next round.
Economic development is critical, but its benefits will be fully realized and enjoyed only if the Member states of the United Nations co-operate together in a concerted plan to tackle the preeminent social and human rights issues of our day.
Illicit trafficking and abuse of narcotics and other drugs is a major social challenge on every continent.
I am pleased that the United Nations has set out a plan of action in this vital field. Last year, Canada joined others in co-sponsoring a resolution which set in motion the drafting of a new convention to combat the illicit drug trade. It constitutes a key element in current international efforts to deal with this social problem. The convention must aim at strengthening enforcement measures against illicit drug trafficking.
We welcome the Secretary-General's proposal for the convening of a drug conference in 1987 at the ministerial level. We commend the link it makes between initiatives needed to cut down on the supply of illicit drugs and the steps required to reduce demand. We will be working actively with other interested countries to develop a resolution to carry this idea further forward at this session.
Forty years ago, the Charter made the rights and freedoms of all persona a matter of legitimate concern to the whole international community. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights itself is nearly four decades old. Yet our work has only just begun. As the Secretary-General notes in his current report:
"Massive violations of human rights continue to take place, often of tragic proportions."
We must, therefore, expand the frontiers of United Nations activities in the human rights field. This will entail completing the work on the Convention on the Rights of the Child, ensuring that the new Convention against torture is properly implemented, extending the Commission's program of advisory services, encouraging other countries to offer technical assistance in the human rights field, assisting the Working Group on the Disappeared. Moreover, the United Nations must continue to focus attention on the fate of prisoners of conscience, ensure that the disabled are not deprived of their basic rights, protect the special interests of indigenous populations around the world, and take steps to protect the rights of those who themselves promote human rights.
I cannot fail to take note of the wide range of political confrontation and open warfare that so lamentably haunts this planet from Asia, to Central America to the Middle East, we will have ample opportunity to approach these issues as this session of the Assembly goes about its business. In my view, however, and in the view of my Government, South Africa presents a situation which challenges the world community like no other. It is the most striking example today of what can happen to a country when human rights are systematically violated and abused. It is not the only country where discrimination takes place on the basis of race; much less is it the only country to deny the great majority of citizens access to the political process.
But South Africa is the only country where racial discrimination is a first principle of State policy. Human rights violations are written into the Constitution, and the majority are denied their political rights because of the color of their skin, we are all cast down by the lives lost and the people injured, by the repressive measures undertaken by the authorities and by the harsh and callous pressure applied to those who campaign against apartheid.
The pity and the shame is that this rich country of enormous human and natural potential could contribute so much to the continent of which it is a part. Instead, its unconscionable violation of fundamental human rights does not stop at its borders.
But the South Africa monolith has been shaken. Demonstrations, strikes and acts of resistance against the regime are widespread. Economics have proved to be an engine of change. A wave of disinvestment has taken place and the exchange rate on the rand has dropped significantly.
The message in all of this is clear: 40 years after the United Nations Charter came into existence and 35 years after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was promulgated, change must come to South Africa, apartheid must be dismantled. Measures to make all South Africans equal within their State must be pursued to the end.
Nor can we ignore Namibia. Not only does South Africa hold that Territory in gross violation of United Nations wishes and international law and use it as a springboard for attack on its neighbors but it perpetuates its oppressive practices in that emergent land. Such contempt and continued denial of justice cannot be tolerated by the international community. The community of nations must continue to pressure South Africa to change its offensive policies.
Canada has acted steadily and deliberately to add to the pressure for change. We hope that the response of South Africa will allow economic and diplomatic relations between our two countries to continue, but that will require real progress against apartheid. We are consulting and co-operating with our friends in the Commonwealth, in the front-line States and elsewhere to find the most effective means to end a system which is repugnant to Canadians.
Yet another growing violation of civilized conduct, terrorism, must be dealt with in more detail by the United nations. As we Canadians have learned in the past year, terrorism is a menace to which no nation is immune. At this Assembly we shall actively seek new ways, through new international instruments if necessary, to deal effectively with this scourge. Canada, already a party to all the international air security conventions, will ratify the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages. We were heartened that the Seventh united Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders supported the efforts of the International Civil Aviation Organization to promote universal acceptance of and strict compliance with international air security conventions. The international community has shown that it has the political will to act.
Finally, the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations must be remembered as a time of a united call for the peace that will come from effective disarmament and economic development for all.
An organization that embodies the cry to peace of "We, the peoples of the United Nations" cannot be irrelevant now or 40 years from now. The gravity of the threat to global survival must be matched by the intensity of our efforts to build the conditions for lasting peace. The peoples of the United Nations have the right to expect to find their hopes fulfilled by the actions of every Government that comes to this rostrum.
We know that the challenges are huge; we will not be daunted by them. We know that the problems are infinite; we will not be intimidated by their complexity. We know that international relationships are frayed; we will not be deterred in our efforts for their repair.
To put it simply, Canada, along with all other sovereign countries of good faith, will use the United Nations to pursue indomitably the quest for peace, security and social justice.