195.	Allow me, first of all, to extend my congratulations to you on your election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I sincerely wish that, under your presidency, the current session may achieve positive results.
196.	Allow me also to express, on behalf of the Chinese delegation, our warm welcome to the delegation of Saint Lucia on its admission to membership in the United Nations, believing that it will play its part in international affairs and in the work of the United Nations.
197.	The current session is the last session of the General Assembly in the 1970s. We are about to enter the 1980s. Looking back on the past and forward into the future, we feel encouraged and are also aware of our grave responsibility.
198.	The past 10 years were no ordinary years. The growth and further strengthening of the third world marked a significant change in the international situation over the period. An additional number of oppressed nations won national independence after waging protracted struggles. The people of the newly emerging States firmly oppose foreign aggression and interference and defend their national independence and state sovereignty. They not only want complete political independence, but are determined to lift themselves from economic dependency and backward-ness. They have worked hard to develop the national economy and build up their countries and have achieved marked successes in this regard. Acting in concert and strengthening their co-operation, they are striving tirelessly for the establishment of a new international economic order. They have waged an extensive struggle for world peace against the ever more intensified arms race between the big Powers and against the imperialist and hegemonist policies of war and aggression and have made important contributions. Strengthening their unity and persevering in struggle, the third-world countries have played an ever greater role in international affairs. They have become a decisive force on the world political scene, and the outlook of the United Nations has undergone a tremendous change. It will be impossible for one or two big Powers to manipulate the destiny of the world as they wish.
199.	Along with the awakening of the people of the third-world countries and the growth of their forces, Western Europe, Japan and other developed countries, faced with the hegemonist threat of aggression and expansion, have heightened their vigilance and strengthened their unity and defence capabilities to safeguard their state sovereignty and security. They, too, are exerting a positive influence in maintaining world peace and security and promoting a favourable development of the international situation.
200.	But we must not lose sight of the disquieting aspect of the developing situation. In the past decade, the ever fiercer rivalry between the two super-Powers has caused continued turbulence in the international situation. Particularly overbearing is the late-coming super-Power, whose inclination to aggression and adventure is visibly growing. Waving the slogans "disarmament" and "detente", it is engaged in frenzied arms expansion unprecedented in scale and speed. It is seeking to achieve an overwhelming superiority in nuclear as well as conventional arms and in every sphere, land, sea and air. Relying on its fast growing military strength, it is pushing a global "offensive strategy". More and more frequently it is using proxies and organizing mercenaries to launch unscrupulous armed invasions and military coups in other countries. With a view to encircling Europe, controlling strategic routes, seizing strategic resources and speeding up its expansion and strategic deployment for global hegemony, it has increasingly directed the spearheads of its aggression to Africa, the Middle East, the Gulf area and South-East Asia. Facts prove that the late-coming super-Power is the main source of threat to world peace and security and is the most dangerous source of a new world war. In the face of this harsh reality, more and more people are talking about "the more turbulent 1980s" and the possibility of a new world war. Such talk is not groundless,
201.	Now, this very super-Power which is pushing its policy of hegemonism everywhere has the effrontery to propose at this rostrum an item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". Obviously, this is the habitual clumsy tactics of a thief crying, "Stop thief!" and of gaining fame by demagogic means. Its aim is to pursue hegemonism even more unscrupulously under the guise of opposing hegemonism. However, the term "hegemonism" has its precise meaning that brooks no wilful interpretation. In the world today, who is practising hegemonism and who is against it is an objective fact known to everyone. No subtle rhetoric can alter it.
202.	We are optimists with regard to the future of mankind. The 1980s pose a new challenge, but also promise new hopes. We believe that ultimately the people are masters of their own destiny. Historical experience tells us that, while it is necessary to face up to reality, it is more important to change the reality. The harsh facts tell us that hegemonism means aggression and war. Peace is not secured by waiting or begging; it can only be secured through struggle and defended by action. Opposing hegemonism and defending world peace are two sides of the same coin. We believe that the just cause of world peace will continue to be victorious so long as all the peace-loving countries and peoples unite and, through hard struggle and solid work, persevere in opposing hegemonism and frustrating its strategic moves. The future of mankind and the world is bright.
203.	The broadly-based non-aligned movement is an important force in the contemporary international arena. At the Sixth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which concluded not long ago, the divisive and disruptive schemes were frustrated, and the basic principles of the non-aligned movement and the unity of the movement upheld thanks to the joint efforts of the great majority of the member countries and after acute and complex struggles. This is a significant achievement scored by the non-aligned movement along a road beset with difficulties. In recent years, the super-Power that claims to be the "natural ally" of the non-aligned movement has used and collaborated with its agents in an attempt to bring the movement into the orbit of its own global strategy. But their line of action is most unpopular, and their clumsy performance only serves to reveal their true colours more clearly to the non-aligned countries.
204.	China has always highly appreciated the independent, sovereign and non-bloc principles of the non- aligned movement and supported its just position of opposing imperialism, colonialism and foreign domination and hegemonism of all forms. The Chinese Government and people sincerely hope that the non-aligned countries will unite and co-operate and eliminate outside interference so that their movement will play a greater role in the struggle of all nations to safeguard sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and develop national economies and cultures, and in the struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order and for world peace.
205.	Indo-China is now one of the centres of world tension that attracts the close attention of the international community and causes it grave anxiety.
206.	As is well known, the crux of the Indo-Chinese situation lies in the brutal aggression imposed on Kampuchea. Towards the end of last year, Viet Nam brazenly mounted an armed invasion against Democratic Kampuchea, a sovereign State, occupied large tracts of its territory and set up a puppet regime there, plunging Kampuchea into unheard-of calamities. This naked aggression by Viet Nam is not only an act against the Vietnamese people's desire for recuperation, rehabilitation and peaceful construction after the war but also a gross violation of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and a direct threat to the peace and security of the South-East Asian countries. It tramples underfoot the United Nations Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Earlier this year the United Nations Security Council held urgent meetings to discuss this grave situation." At the meetings, the overwhelming majority of the member States strongly condemned Viet
Nam's act of aggression and demanded an immediate withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea. It was only because of the veto arbitrarily used by one permanent member that the Security Council failed to adopt resolutions and take effective action. Now the best part of the year has passed, but instead of stopping its aggression against Kampuchea, Viet Nam is sending more troops there and stepping up its deployment in preparation for a new massive dry-season offensive to wipe out the patriotic Kampuchean armed forces at one blow and then threaten the whole of South-East Asia, The disaster that today befalls the people of Kampuchea may befall those of other countries tomorrow. How can such practice of power politics be allowed to go unchecked in this contemporary age? We are pleased to note that the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, summing up experience and readjusting its policies, is uniting extensive patriotic forces under the banner of the patriotic and democratic front of great national union and fighting heroically to drive all the Vietnamese aggressors from Kampuchean territory. Historical experience has repeatedly proved and will continue to prove that no foreign aggression and oppression can vanquish a whole nation and that the just cause of a nation against alien domination is invincible,
207.	It should be pointed out here that the so-called Heng Samrin regime is nothing but a puppet propped up by the Vietnamese aggressors at bayonet point. Playing the jackal to the tiger, that regime has helped the Vietnamese aggressors to suppress the Kampuchean people in cold blood. Naturally, such a puppet regime is spurned by the Kampuchean people, opposed by the Governments and peoples of the South-East Asian countries and condemned by world opinion. On the other hand, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, which has been holding high the banner of national independence and persistently fighting a national war of self-defence, is the sole legal representative of the Kampuchean people. Democratic Kampuchea is a State Member of the United Nations. To support and safeguard the legitimate rights of Democratic Kampuchea fully accords with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. It is the solemn and bounden duty of each of us Member States to uphold the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The recent decision taken by the General Assembly on accepting the credentials of the representatives of Democratic Kampuchea is a manifestation of the just position of the international community against foreign armed aggression and another indication that the aggression committed against Democratic Kampuchea by Viet Nam with the backing of its behind-the- scenes boss is most unpopular.
208.	While carrying on aggression and expansion abroad, Viet Nam has practised a policy of genocide at home and created the world-shocking tragedy of Indo- Chinese refugees. Over the past year or more, as a result of the massive persecution and expulsion by the Vietnamese authorities, nearly a million innocent people were forced to leave their homes and drift from place to place. Countless refugees were drowned in the sea or perished in the wilderness. Their tragic plight and serious case were something rarely seen since the Second World War. Such actions on the part of Viet Nam not only violate the basic humanitarian principle but have created tremendous economic burdens and grave social problems for the South-East Asian region and affected the tranquillity and stability of the countries there. At the international meeting on the question of Indo-Chinese refugees last July, Viet Nam, under the pressure of world opinion, orally undertook to control the exodus of refugees, but in fact continues to persecute and export them. We hold that the key to a solution of the Indo-Chinese refugee problem lies in a complete change by Viet Nam of its reactionary policy of cruel persecution and export of refugees. If the problem is not tackled at its source, this human tragedy will continue.
219. There is a deep-rooted cause for the deterioration of the Indo-Chinese situation to its present state. It is the result of the aggressive and expansionist policies pursued by the big and small hegemonists. As is well now, under President Ho Chi Minh's leadership, the Vietnamese people fought heroically over long years to win national liberation and defend national independence and so won praise and admiration from the people of all countries. But after the passing of President Ho Chi Minh, the Vietnamese authorities betrayed his political line step by step and feverishly pushed a policy of expansion. With Soviet backing, they committed armed invasion and military occupation of weaker neighbours in an attempt to realize their dream of regional hegemony by establishing an "Indo-Chinese Federation" totally under their thumb. Exploiting the Vietnamese authorities' ambition for expansion, the Soviet Union has used Viet Nam and Indo-China as its "strategic base" in South-East Asia and, through the instrumentality of Viet Nam, has sought to control the region and then establish an "Asian collective security system" so as to link up its strategic deployment in the Pacific with that in the Indian Ocean. People have come to realize more and more clearly that Vietnamese invasion and domination of its neighbours are by no means a local issue but an important component of Soviet attempts to establish an "Asian collective security system" in furtherance of its strategy of seeking world hegemony.
220.	It is also well known that in the course of the Vietnamese people's struggle for independence and liberation, the Chinese Government and people, sharing their weal and their woe, firmly stood on their side and gave them all-out support. The two peoples forged a deep revolutionary friendship in their long-term common struggles. But now China is regarded by the Vietnamese authorities as an enemy simply because it does not approve of their present policies of aggression and expansion. They carried out frenzied hostile anti-China activities and even committed incessant armed provocations and made intrusions into China's border areas, so that the Chinese side was compelled to make a counter-attack in self-defence. This just action of ours punctured the aggressive arrogance of the expansionists; it was also in the interest of safeguarding the peace and security of South-East Asia and the whole world.
221.	The three Indo-Chinese States are China's neighbours. The Chinese Government and people have consistently supported the people of these countries in their just struggle to win or safeguard national independence and build up their countries. The Chinese Government and people cannot but feel grave concern over the deterioration of the Indo-Chinese situation. We hold that the United Nations has an unshirkable responsibility to take effective measures, first to make Viet Nam withdraw forthwith all its troops from Kampuchea, stop its aggression and military occupation in Kampuchea and then to solve the other related questions. At the suggestion of the five countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, the United Nations General Assembly is going to consider the Kampuchean situation at the current session. We firmly support the just demand of the Association and all other justice-upholding countries for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchean territory, for this is the key to a solution of the Indo- Chinese question. The Indo-Chinese question must be solved by the Indo-Chinese peoples themselves on the basis of respect for their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and free from all foreign interference.
222. The peaceful reunification of Korea has an important bearing on peace in east Asia and the Pacific region. The Chinese Government and people firmly support the Korean people's sacred cause of independent and peaceful reunification of their country and are firmly opposed to acts aiming at creating "two Koreas" and perpetuating the division of Korea. The resolution on promoting the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at its thirtieth session should be implemented in earnest. The United States should withdraw all its troops and armaments from, and stop its military aid to, South Korea. The "United Nations Command" must be disbanded. These steps will help to maintain peace on the Korean peninsula and achieve the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea. In our view, the proposal of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on holding Korea-United States talks and replacing the armistice by a peace agreement is reasonable and should meet with a positive response. As for the discussion of the reunification of Korea through a North-South dialogue, it is purely the Korean people's own business which brooks no foreign interference. We support the three principles and the five-point programme President Kim II Sung put forward for solving the Korean question, and we support dialogue between the North and South and hope that this dialogue will yield positive results.
223.	The people of the world are now watching the Middle East situation with anxiety. The developments in the Middle East since the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly show that the crux of the Middle East question still lies in the struggle between the super-Powers for oil resources and strategic areas and the expansionist policy of Israel. One super-Power sticks to its position of partiality to Israel. The other has used all opportunities to carry out infiltration and expansion, split Arab unity and undermine the stability and peace of the Middle East. The Israeli authorities remain adamant in obstructing and opposing an over-all settlement of the Middle East question. They have kept making armed attacks on southern Lebanon and have subjected the Palestinian and other Arab peoples to new war threats and provocations. There is a long way to go towards an over-all and just settlement of the Middle East question.
224.	Of late, more and more countries and world opinion have come to agree that, in order to have stability and peace in the Middle East, it is essential to respect the Arab national interests and the Palestinian people's national rights. Such is the truth and the general trend. It should be pointed out that this growing tendency is the result of the just struggle which the Palestinian and other Arab peoples have persistently carried out over long years. The ultimate realization of the national aspiration and objectives of the Arab people mainly depends on the solid unity and sustained struggle of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples. However, the United Nations should also play its due role in promoting a settlement of the Middle East question.
225.	Here, we would like to reiterate that the Chinese Government and people will unswervingly support the just struggle of the Arab and Palestinian peoples. We strongly condemn the expansion and rivalry of the super-Powers in the Middle East and are firmly opposed to the sinister super-Power attempt to sow discord among the Arab countries and Israel's peremptory attitude of obstructing an over-all settlement of the Middle East question. Occupied Arab territories must be recovered and the Palestinian people's national rights, including their right to their homeland and to establish their own State, must be realized. We sincerely hope that all parties of the Arab world will show mutual understanding, rebuild their unity and work together to speed up their victory.
226.	The people of the African countries are increasingly demanding a speedy end to the racist rule and apartheid in southern Africa. In the past year, with the support of the people of Africa and the world at large, the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania have made new progress in their struggle for liberation and have dealt increasingly heavy blows to the racist forces of South Africa and Rhodesia. In their last-ditch struggle, these racist forces are intensifying their Fascist military repression at home while launching armed attacks against neighbouring countries. They have kept playing political tricks in an attempt to maintain their racist rule in disguised forms and preserve their vested interests.
227.	In recent years, various proposals and suggestions for a negotiated settlement of the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia have been put forward internationally. Many African States have made great efforts towards this end, and their efforts have won sympathy and support from the international community. But so far these negotiations have not made substantive progress because of the intransigence of the racist forces. Facts fully show that the racist regime of South Africa and the racist forces of Rhodesia are the fundamental obstacles to a settlement of the questions of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which is long overdue. All countries which uphold justice should exert effective pressure on the racists and give energetic support to the liberation struggle of the people in southern Africa. An early end to the racist rule in Zimbabwe and Namibia and the attainment of independence based on a genuine majority rule will help to stabilize the situation in southern Africa, exclude external meddling and interference and push forward the struggle against apartheid and racial discrimination in South Africa. The Chinese Government and people will, as always, firmly support the just struggles of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania. The current international situation is very favourable to the liberation struggle in southern Africa Although there may be difficulties and twists and turns on their way to progress, the people in southern Africa persisting in unity and struggle, guarding against external interference and sabotage, and supported by African and all other countries and peoples which uphold justice, will certainly foil the heinous acts of the racist forces of South Africa and Rhodesia and win complete liberation for the whole African continent.
228.	We are pleased to note that, since the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was held on disarmament last year, the role of the United Nations and of the small and medium-sized countries have been strengthened in the struggle for genuine disarmament. This year, in the United Nations framework, there were held the first session of the Disarmament Commission, the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean and a series of other meetings, at which relevant resolutions were adopted. The convening of these meetings reflected the strong dissatisfaction of the peace-loving countries with the super-Powers' arms expansion and war preparations. It also shows that the control of the disarmament machinery by a few countries is being broken up. This undoubtedly is of positive significance. Chinese delegations took an active part in these meetings and put forward documents, including the Chinese proposal on the elements of a comprehensive disarmament programme.  We have always held that all countries, whether big or small, strong or weak, and whether with or without nuclear weapons, are entitled to take part in the consideration and settlement of disarmament issues on a completely equal footing. It is no longer permissible for anybody to use the United Nations as a platform to sing the praises of certain bilateral negotiations or make the disarmament machinery a ploy at his disposal.
229.	Nuclear disarmament is a matter of great concern to everyone. We have always held that the complete prohibition and total destruction of nuclear weapons are the fundamental way to nuclear disarmament and the elimination of the threat of a nuclear war. Pending this, all the nuclear countries should undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear countries and nuclear-weapon-free zones. As for the way to apply concrete measures of nuclear disarmament, an important principle must be followed, as was rightly pointed out by the representatives of many countries: namely, the two super-Powers with the largest nuclear arsenals should be the first to reduce their nuclear armament.
230.	When substantial progress has been made in this regard, the other nuclear countries shall join them in reducing nuclear armaments according to reasonable ratios until finally nuclear arms are totally destroyed. We consider this principle to be fair and reasonable. However, those who cling to their nuclear superiority and are bent on seeking nuclear over-lordship are obdurately opposed to this principle. They are fervently advocating the idea of all nuclear countries "simultaneously" reducing their armaments by the same quantity and quality. This is obviously a demagogic trick. Now that the super-Powers enjoy a tremendous nuclear superiority and are in a position to fight a nuclear war at
any time with the huge number of nuclear weapons at their disposal, would any nuclear disarmament plan make our world safer if it does not change this state of affairs? It is obvious that only a genuine nuclear disarmament will contribute to international security, and a genuine nuclear disarmament must begin with the substantial reduction of the nuclear arsenals of the superpowers. The second SALT Treaty signed by the Soviet Union and the United States neither calls for a significant numerical reduction of the strategic arms nor provides for a substantive qualitative limitation. No wonder that people have pointedly commented that the treaty has nothing in common with genuine disarmament. We hope that the Soviet Union and the United States will take practical measures to carry out genuine nuclear disarmament, as called for by many other countries.
231.	The reduction of conventional arms is another matter calling for attention. In view of the growing danger of a massive conventional war, we hold that conventional disarmament and nuclear disarmament should be given equal importance, and that the two should be carried out in conjunction.
232.	This is the last year of the United Nations Dis-armament Decade. Regrettably the objective of the Dis-armament Decade, on which many countries placed their hopes, has not been attained; on the contrary, this past decade has been one of massive arms expansion by the super-Powers. What is the reason? As rightly put by the representatives of some countries, the crucial reason is that the super-Powers have no sincere desire for disarmament. This shows that we still face arduous and complicated tasks in the field of disarmament.
233.	So far as China is concerned, we are always for genuine disarmament. We firmly support all reasonable proposals conducive to genuine disarmament and are prepared to make unremitting efforts for its realization.
234.	The steady deterioration of the international economic situation is one of the important factors making for international turbulence. Some developed countries, especially the super-Powers, have used various means to shift the consequences of their economic crises and difficulties on to the developing countries so that the latter face worsening trading terms, mounting foreign debts and great difficulties in their economic development. The energy problem is an increasing concern of most countries. Many developing countries have pointed out that the root-cause of all evils of the present international economy lies in the existing inequitable and irrational international economic order. Therefore, they strongly demand a fundamental re-structuring of the international economic system. This demand is entirely just, being in the interest of the overwhelming majority of the people of the world.
235.	Five years ago, thanks to the efforts of the developing countries, the sixth special session of the General Assembly adopted the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order which constitutes a basic document guiding economic negotiations and dialogues. Five years have passed, but how much progress has been made in these negotiations and dialogues? Very limited progress. They are mostly at an impasse. The reasons are clear to all. The most important reason is that the two superpowers have set up obstacles of all kinds. The obstacles have multiplied especially since the beginning of this year. At the fifth session of UNCTAD and other international economic forums, many reasonable proposals made by the developing countries on changing the outdated international economic relations have thus been stalled. This unreasonable state of affairs cannot be allowed to continue. The developing countries have come to realize more and more that, in order to achieve progress in the negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order, they must strengthen their unity, uphold principles, persevere in struggle and energetically promote mutual economic assistance and co-operation. The Arusha Programme for Collective Self-Reliance and Framework for Negotiations,  adopted at the ministerial meeting of the Group of 77 held last February, and the economic documents adopted at the recent Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries provide clear guidelines for promoting the economic co-operation among the developing countries and strengthening their negotiating positions with the developed countries, and they give expression to the common will and desire of the third-world countries. Thanks to the efforts of the developing countries, the recent United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development registered some preliminary results. We believe that the united struggle of the third-world countries will secure continuous progress for the just cause of establishment of a new international economic order.
236.	In order to bring about effective solutions to international economic problems, the recognition of the developing countries' full rights and true equality in decision-making in international economic affairs is essential. The correct way to settle pressing economic problems is for the developed countries and the developing countries to sit together for all-round consultation, break the present impasse, explore and adopt effective measures to narrow down the gap between the rich and poor countries and establish a new international economic relationship that is equitable, rational and based on equality and mutual benefit.
237.	Having realized the importance of a constructive dialogue with the third-world countries, a number of developed countries have in their bilateral or multilateral relations adopted positive measures, such as increasing their economic and scientific technical aid and supporting the establishment of an Integrated Programme for Commodities and its Common Fund. These measures are welcome. It is in the interest of the developed countries themselves to strengthen their cooperation with third-world countries on the basis of respect for independence and sovereignty and genuine equality. Moreover, this will help advance the common cause of world peace and stability. We hope that more developed countries will understand the situation and favourably respond to the demands of the developing countries.
238.	The Chinese Government sincerely hopes that the special session of the General Assembly scheduled to be held in 1980 at the suggestion of developing countries will make an important contribution in helping the economic development of the developing countries, establishing a new international economic order and formulating a new international strategy for development. The Chinese Government will work together with the other developing countries to that end.
239.	This year witnesses the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. These days the Chinese people are warmly celebrating this festival of historic significance.
240.	The birth of New China terminated once and for all the age of imperialist enslavement and oppression of the Chinese people and ushered in a new era in the history of China. By making arduous efforts in the 30 years since then, the Chinese people have achieved great successes in all fields of national construction and aid a good foundation for future development. Our cause has enjoyed the sympathy and support of many friendly countries and the people of the world. On behalf of the Government and people of the People's Republic of China, I would like to take this opportunity to express to them our heartfelt thanks.
241.	China today is vastly different from what it used to be in the old days. However, China is still a developing country, and our industry, agriculture, science and technology are not yet developed. With a view to bringing about a complete change to this state of affairs, we are determined to turn China into a modern socialist country by the end of the century in accordance with the behests of Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai. As from this year, the focus of our work throughout China has been shifted to socialist modernization. The task before us is beyond doubt an arduous one. But we are confident that, relying on the joint efforts of the entire people, we will be able to fulfil our historical mission successfully.
242.	In international affairs, China has consistently pursued a foreign policy of peace, which is China's fundamental policy in its relations with other countries. The Chinese people are engaged in gigantic socialist construction. China is a country with a large population and a vast territory. To turn China into an advanced, modern and powerful socialist country calls for the hard struggle of several generations. We are thus required to secure a lasting peaceful international environment China has in the past 30 years made unremitting efforts to oppose the imperialist and hegemonist policies of aggression and war and to win or safeguard world peace. In the present turbulent world situation, in which the danger of war continues to grow, China will as always, work together with all other peace-loving countries and peoples of the world to oppose hegemonism and safeguard world peace.
243.	The just struggle of the people of all countries support each other and advance the cause of progress of mankind as a whole. The Chinese Government and people adhere to the principle of internationalism, support all the oppressed nations and peoples in their struggle against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism and for liberation and social progress. We have done so in the past and will continue to do so in the future. We will always stand together with the people of all countries. A modernized China will certainly contribute to the preservation of world peace, to the furtherance of friendship and co-operation among all peoples and to the advancement of the cause of human progress.
244.	The People's Republic of China first sent its delegation to take part in the activities of the United Nations in the early 1970s. In the past eight years the Chinese delegation has worked together with the delegations of other Members to enable the United Nations to play its due role in maintaining world peace, supporting various countries in their endeavour to win or safeguard national independence, State sovereignty and territorial integrity, establishing a new international economic order and promoting international co-operation. With the advent of the 1980s, the Chinese delegation sincerely hopes that the United Nations will give full expression to the common will of the people of all countries, faithfully apply the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and play a more effective and active role in international affairs. China is prepared to work to this end together with the other countries which love peace and uphold justice.


Sir, permit me, first of all, to express the genuine satisfaction of the Bulgarian delegation at seeing the responsible post of President of the General Assembly this year being entrusted to you, the representative of the friendly United Republic of Tanzania, a worthy son of the African continent and a tireless fighter against colonialism, and one of the most experienced and respected diplomats in the United Nations.
42.	It is particularly gratifying for us to note that the recently concluded visit of your President, Mr. Julius Nyerere, to Sofia and his talks with the Chairman of the Council of State, Mr. Todor Zhivkov, were an important incentive for further extending relations between our countries in the interests of peace, co-operation and social progress on earth.
43.	I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lievano, for his devoted efforts at the last session.
44.	The Bulgarian delegation would like to welcome the newest Member of our Organization, Saint Lucia, and to wish its people success in their development.
45.	We share the profound grief of the Angolan people over the tragic loss they have suffered in the untimely passing of President Agostinho Neto. The Bulgarian people knew and regarded him highly as a committed revolutionary and convinced patriot, a brave fighter against imperialism and colonialism, and a tireless champion of social progress. With his death, Africa has lost a great and worthy son.
46.	At present, despite existing difficulties and negative manifestations, detente continues to affirm itself as a durable trend in international relations. Life itself has" proved that the policy of reducing tensions is the only way completely to remove and ultimately eliminate the danger of a devastating global thermonuclear conflict.
47. An exceedingly important step in this respect was the successful talks held between L.I. Brezhnev and President Carter in Vienna, which ended in the signing of the Treaty resulting from the conclusion of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT], as well as other important instruments, between the Soviet Union and the United States. The SALT Treaty is generally recognized as being the most significant act taken for curbing the nuclear arms race in the period following the Second World War. Once again it has been reaffirmed that even the most complicated problems of international relations can find mutually acceptable solutions when approached with a high sense of responsibility, wisdom, far-sightedness and political realism. We are deeply convinced that the new Treaty can and must become a starting-point for future steps directed towards a genuine reduction of nuclear weapons, and that it will play the role of a catalyst in negotiations on other disarmament issues. It will contribute to a considerable improvement in the general international climate, that is why we hope that this Treaty will be ratified in the very near future, in the interests not only of the peoples of the Soviet Union and the United States, out of all mankind as well.
48.	World developments unequivocally confirm that detente not only affects East-West relations but constitutes an invaluable achievement of universal significance for all mankind and for progress on our planet. The interests of all nations require that insurmountable barriers be raised against attempts to undermine the process of detente and bring international relations back to the days of the "cold war". This need was re-emphasized at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries. The Final Declaration adopted there reaffirmed the desire of the non-aligned countries to rally all forces to preserve peace and security in the world. The People's Republic of Bulgaria highly values the non- aligned movement as an important factor in international affairs and supports its struggle and efforts for the establishment of lasting peace in the world.
49.	As a result of the policy of detente, lasting and favourable changes have occurred in the political atmosphere on the European continent. In conformity with the principles and agreements in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, political contacts are being further promoted, economic and cultural co-operation is developing, and the process of mutual acquaintance among European peoples is being broadened. The Madrid meeting of the States which participated in the European Conference is designed to produce further positive changes in the political climate in Europe and the world at large. That meeting must contribute to deepening the process of detente and to strengthening security on the continent.
50.	The further affirmation and promotion of the positive trends in Europe requires the implementation of effective practical measures in the field of military detente on the continent. That is precisely the aim of the proposals put forward by the States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty in order to break the deadlock in the Vienna talks on the reduction of armaments and armed forces in Central Europe.
51.	To these measures should be added the proposal for the conclusion, among the States attending the European Conference, of a treaty on not being the first to use nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as the proposal for holding a political-level conference with the participation of European countries, the United States and Canada for the purpose of discussing and adopting measures for the strengthening of mutual confidence, the lessening of military confrontation in Europe and the subsequent reduction of the concentrations of armaments and armed forces on the continent.
52.	Although we note with satisfaction that these constructive proposals have met with understanding and interest on the part of a number of countries, it is also obvious that tangible progress in military detente on the continent requires joint efforts by all countries concerned. We hope that agreement will be reached in the very near future to proceed in concrete terms towards the solving of these problems.
53.	As for the Balkans, we have every reason to be 4 Signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975 satisfied with the considerable positive changes which have occurred in that region. The active and constructive policies of the People's Republic of Bulgaria are aimed at strengthening detente in the Balkans, at reaffirming good-neighbourly relations, friendship and broad, equitable and mutually beneficial co-operation. This is a policy of principle which is consistent and unchanging. It is our desire that the Balkan peninsula be transformed into a region of lasting peace and stability and that we live in an atmosphere of confidence and mutual respect, in close co-operation and friendship with all our neighbours. The Government and people of Bulgaria firmly believe in this noble cause and are working persistently and consistently for its implementation, despite the difficulties resulting from the heritage of history and the complex multifaceted nature of today's realities.
54.	The world today is living through a complex and dynamic epoch. It is confronted by many problems which transcend the boundaries and interests of individual States and nations, and which rather concern mankind and are of a world-wide nature. It is these problems that, in our opinion, have the first claim on the attention of the United Nations, not only because they most fully coincide with its international character, but also because they focus upon and comprehend, by their very nature, the necessity for forward movement, and because their proper solution would create the conditions and prerequisites for successfully resolving a number of other international issues.
55.	Among global problems a key place is naturally occupied by the reduction, the prevention and, in the final analysis, the complete elimination of the danger of a new world war through the attainment of genuine disarmament, which is a fundamental prerequisite to this. The achievement of this end is important both in itself and also because it paves the way for solving major problems such as overcoming economic underdevelopment in the world, doing away with hunger, developing new sources of energy, eradicating the most dangerous diseases, preserving the environment, conquering the world's oceans and outer space, using the achievements of scientific and technological progress for the benefit of all mankind, awakening the potentially creative forces of the human individual, and pursuing the all-round development of man and human society to its highest point of perfection.
56.	This is the direction in which the efforts of the socialist and all peace-loving countries tend.
57.	In their declaration of 23 November 1978, the member States of the Warsaw Treaty Organization proposed practical ways for the termination of the arms race. The aim of these proposals is to transfer the question of halting the further qualitative and quantitative increase of armaments and armed forces from the realm of good wishes and resolutions to the sphere of actual practical solutions. In their communique adopted last May in Budapest, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty reaffirmed the determination of their Governments to carry on the struggle for the attainment of genuine progress in this field.
58.	A central place in disarmament efforts belongs to a range of proposals aimed at the limitation and elimination of nuclear weapons. Such proposals represent a completely logical approach, for the main threat facing the world stems from the increase in nuclear armaments. This approach and clear-cut stand of the socialist countries on this matter are set forth in their proposal submitted to the Committee on Disarmament last February. The primary task now is to begin talks on ending the manufacture of nuclear weapons in all their diversity and on the gradual reduction of nuclear stockpiles, until such weapons are completely removed from the arsenals of States.
59.	In the light of the exceptionally complicated nature of the problem of disarmament, negotiations in this field can in our view be facilitated if at the same time, there are continued efforts to strengthen the political guarantees and guarantees under international law for the security of States. That is why we attach such great importance to the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force, which would strengthen confidence among States and provide a strong impetus to the process of genuine disarmament.
60.	In emphasizing these issues, the Bulgarian delegation is far from underestimating in any way the other items on the agenda of the current session. We attach particular importance to accelerating work on the drafting of a convention on strengthening guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States, as well as the adoption of measures such as the cessation of all nuclear weapons tests; the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons as well as the destruction of existing stockpiles; the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons; the reduction of military budgets, and so forth.
61.	The Committee on Disarmament should take up without delay the drafting of a treaty banning radiological weapons, elements relevant to which are to be found in the draft submitted by the Soviet Union and the United States
62.	At the same time, we should like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the importance of universalizing international treaties and agreements concluded in the field of disarmament. We believe that it is imperative for our Organization to make its own timely contribution to the practical solution of this important question.
63.	A World Disarmament Conference will play an exceptionally important role in the series of measures directed towards the mobilization of the efforts of States for real disarmament.
64.	We welcome the initiative of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in proposing that the General Assembly should include in its agenda an item entitled "Adoption of a declaration on international cooperation for the purposes of disarmament’’, this would undoubtedly contribute to further progress in this field.
65.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria also attaches great importance to the conversion of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. That would be an important step towards further strengthening international peace and security and peace on earth.
66.	In assessing the present situation in the field of detente, one cannot but take into account also the negative stand and impact of those forces which are opposing the positive developments which have occurred in international relations. For instance, at a moment when there exist genuine conditions for curbing the arms race, new steps are being taken in precisely the opposite direction: to intensify the arms race and to increase military budgets.
67.	A further negative factor is the policy of hegemonism, which leads to the undermining of the process of detente, the creation of sources of tension and the provocation of military conflicts. This policy is incompatible with the development of the positive trends in. international life and with the task of, strengthening mutual confidence among nations and the principles of equal rights and the sovereign equality of States.
68.	The interests of peace, detente and international co-operation require resolute resistance to the exponents and instigators of this policy of hegemonism, which is so dangerous for mankind.
69.	That is why we welcome and fully support the new Soviet proposal for the inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". It is time for hegemonism to be condemned and for effective barriers to be raised against it. We believe that the renunciation of this policy should not only be elevated as a fundamental principle of international relations but should also be embodied in an international agreement.
70.	There is no doubt that efforts to ensure a lasting peace in the world are inseparable from the struggle to remove the sources of tension and conflict which exist in various regions of our planet.
71.	The security and stability of South-East Asia have been subjected to new trials. The freedom-loving Vietnamese people have been obliged again to defend their inalienable and legitimate rights to a peaceful and independent existence.
72.	Socialist Viet Nam, however, which has become a symbol of valour and self-denial in its struggle for independence, has already given a worthy answer to the aggressors. It has also replied to the slanderous campaign which has been whipped up against Viet Nam in connexion with the problem of refugees from IndoChina. That is indeed a serious problem but it must not be used in order to increase tension in that part of the world or to conceal those who are really guilty for the suffering of tens of thousands of people in the region.
73.	There is not a shadow of doubt in the opinion of the People's Republic of Bulgaria that the seat of Kampuchea in the United Nations must be occupied by the legitimate representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and not by those representing the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which was overthrown by the Kampuchean people and which imposed a policy of genocide upon its own people for a number of years. We also emphatically object to attempts to have the United Nations interfere in one way or another in the internal affairs of the sovereign People's Republic of Kampuchea.
74.	We express our solidarity with the people and Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic in their struggle to protect the independence, territorial integrity and peaceful co-existence of their country.
75.	Recent events in the Middle East region have furnished new evidence that the separatist deal between Israel and Egypt does not lead to peace but to an aggravation of the conflict. Attempts to settle the fate of the Palestinian people without their participation have yielded no result whatever. A true lasting and just peace in that region is possible only if Israel withdraws from and liberates all the Arab territories which it has occupied since 1967; if the Palestinian people, headed by their sole and legitimate representative, the PLO, are ensured their right to establish their own State; and if all nations in that area are guaranteed an independent and peaceful existence. That is the only kind of peace which as any future.
76.	The Cyprus question still remains open. This problem must be resolved in a peaceful way, as envisaged in the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, while preserving the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus in the interests of the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, and while respecting the non-aligned policy of the Republic of Cyprus in the interest of international peace and security.
77.	In recent years, the peoples of a number of countries have scored historical victories in the struggle for national and social liberation from imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and reactionary and Fascist regimes.
78.	We welcome the peoples' revolutions in Afghanistan, Nicaragua and other countries, and we wish the nations of those countries success along the road to the construction of a new life.
79.	The struggle against colonial domination has entered its final and decisive phase. One of the most acute problems now is to complete the genuine liberation of southern Africa from colonialism, racism and apartheid. At the same time, however, there is an intensification of imperialist and neo-colonialist manoeuvres designed to impose puppet regimes on the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in order to shield attempts to preserve the economic interests of capitalist monopolies and corporations on a neo- colonialist basis. The People's Republic of Bulgaria condemns those manoeuvres and firmly supports the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front and SWAPO, for genuine freedom and independence.
80.	The majority of newly liberated and developing countries continues to suffer from the exploitation of those who formerly exploited them, and particularly from the multinational corporations, which try in every way to preserve the existing machinery of unjust trade and economic relations. We fully support the valid demands of the developing countries for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. In the struggle for such a restructuring, the role and importance of the norms and principles of economic co-operation established between the socialist and the developing countries are becoming increasingly emphasized. Those norms and principles based on mutual respect of the rights and interests of all States, emphasize a new approach which is being taken towards the international division of labour, economic exchanges and scientific and technological cooperation. Favourable political and economic conditions exist for the further development of this cooperation. Its realization, however, requires a persistent struggle against all those forces which are opposed to co-operation and unity of action between socialist and developing countries. There is no doubt that the objective advantages and the future will be on the side of those forces which are struggling for independence, equality, stable economic development and social progress.
81.	The contribution which the current session will make to solving some of the basic problems facing mankind will be, at the same time, a contribution to achieving those goals which the United Nations has set in proclaiming 1979 as the International Year of the Child. For without detente, without disarmament, without lasting peace and co-operation, and without economic development and social progress, it will be impossible to ensure the kind of present and future which we all desire for children.
82.	Children in socialist Bulgaria are the subjects of priority care and attention. They receive the best of everything; they are provided with everything needed for harmonious development and education in a spirit of peace and friendship among nations.
83.	Guided by these lofty objectives, Bulgaria initiated and played host to the International Children's Assembly "Banner of Peace" that was held last August and was one of the outstanding events held during the International Year of the Child. As the first forum of its kind devoted to children's creativity, and directly linked as it was with mankind's natural quest for continuous creative development and for improving the human individual, the Assembly became a symbol of friendship and solidarity among children of all continents. Under the motto "Unity, Creativity and Beauty," the efforts and aspirations of our planet's youngest citizens were united in order to make them the worthiest of creators and better builders of the future. We are deeply convinced that such events open new perspectives and give increased dimension to die noble ideal of solving the over-all range of problems, both present and future, not only of the coming generation, but of the whole of mankind.
84.	For four decades, mankind has been spared the nightmare of a world war. There can be no doubt of the contribution the United Nations has made in this respect.
85.	Peace and international co-operation are cherished ideals of the Bulgarian people. For the 35 years following the victory of the socialist revolution in Bulgaria, my Government has been pursuing a consistent policy of peace, good-neighbourly relations and co-operation. As Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and Chairman of the Council of State of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, said recently:
"As a Communist Party, as a socialist State, as a nation confidently marching towards its Communist future, we have a hundred reasons to demand peace and to fight for peace in the world, and we have not one single reason to want international tension, distrust, hostility, or 'cold' or 'hot' wars among nations."
86.	That is why the People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue, as it has done heretofore, to make its contribution toward enhancing the role of our world Organization in the common endeavours of nations in order to strengthen peace, promote international cooperation and affirm the progressive processes on our planet.
87.	With this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the United Nations is stepping out of the present decade and is moving on to the next. The manner in which the United Nations upholds and reaffirms its place in international life as a factor that integrates the efforts of States and nations towards the strengthening of international peace will determine the extent to which it will be able effectively to discharge its noble mission. We are confident that it will in fact be able to accomplish this mission in a worthy manner.


This is the first time that I have had the honour of addressing the United Nations. But no one who has lived through the last 34 years can fail to have been conscious of the United Nations or to be aware of what it has achieved and of what it has yet to achieve.
219.	There were 51 founder Members of the United Nations. Now there are 152 Member States. Last week, we welcomed Saint Lucia, formerly a British Territory, as the one hundred and fifty-second Member. I congratulate the Government and people of Saint Lucia on their achievement of full independence. This near- tripling of the membership is largely due to the dissolution of the great colonial empires. The United Kingdom worked with, and not against, that trend. This month, we in my country have mourned the death of Lord Mountbatten, who was a pioneer of decolonization. Since last year's General Assembly, besides Saint Lucia, the Republic of Kiribati has achieved full nationhood. We look forward to Saint Vincent joining them on 27 October. It remains our policy to respect the wishes of the peoples of our few remaining dependent Territories. It is for them to determine their own future in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. We shall therefore continue to give every support and encouragement to any of them who seek independence. When there are difficulties, we will do our best to overcome them. In particular, we want to bring Belize to secure independence as soon as possible.
220.	The dismantling of the British Empire has led us either to join or create two new institutions, the European Community, whose President spoke earlier on this afternoon—and whose remarks I warmly endorse—and the Commonwealth, an institution sometimes referred to as a talking shop. If you are looking for an example of how valuable a talking shop can be, you need go no further than the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka two months ago. Talk there led first to greater understanding between the countries concerned, and then to action to try to solve the problems of Rhodesia.
221.	During the last two weeks, the British Government has engaged in intensive negotiations on Rhodesia, and these negotiations are continuing. But I thought it right to come to New York to inform the General Assembly of the stage that we have now reached.
222.	I do not intend to go back over the history of the Rhodesian dispute, now some 14 years old, apportioning blame to this party or absolving that. I would like to emphasize at the outset one point: throughout the vicissitudes of the Rhodesian problem, Britain has never succumbed to the temptation to abandon its responsibilities towards that unhappy country, leaving majority and minority alike to endless war. The whole approach of the present British Government is indeed based on a determination to fulfil our responsibilities towards the people of Rhodesia.
223.	When my government came to power in May this year, we were confronted with a new situation, though there were also some depressingly familiar features. The reality of change for the better had been symbolized in the elections which had taken place in April of this year on the basis of the principle of "one man, one vote. “Those elections have had many critics, but the plain fact is that they have led to the emergence of a parliament and an administration, most of whose members belong to the majority community and which is led by a member of that community. This represented a substantial step forward towards the abandonment by the white community of its privileged position, and my Government was determined to build on that, so as to make a further effort to bring Rhodesia to legal independence in a context of wide international recognition and acceptance.
224.	But the Patriotic Front did not participate in the April elections, and the war continued. The constitution under which those elections took place was marred by certain deficiencies. But to decry and dismiss the elections would have been to discourage further change. There was a need for urgent and imaginative action to exploit the opportunity which had been created to achieve a settlement that would gain wide international acceptance and, we hoped, bring an end to the war. Past efforts to solve the Rhodesian dispute showed, however, that it was essential to proceed step by step to build a solid foundation for negotiations.
225.	We therefore immediately engaged in an extensive series of consultations with all the parties concerned in the conflict in order to identify the elements for a solution. We spoke to the leaders of the Commonwealth, of the front-line States, of the Patriotic Front, and of the Salisbury parties. We also remained in close touch with our other friends and allies and took account of their views. These consultations were invaluable, and formed a sound basis for our present approach to a settlement.
226.	From these consultations two main conclusions flowed. The first was a general recognition of the extent of the changes which had taken place in Rhodesia, despite the short-comings of the Salisbury constitution. The second was the unanimous conviction that there should now be a further attempt to involve all the parties to the conflict in an attempt to find a solution, and that any solution should emanate from Britain as the responsible Power.
227.	The next stage was the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries as Lusaka in August, and it was here that the foundation of our present approach to a solution was laid. In Lusaka our proposals for a settlement were discussed and endorsed by a very important cross-section of the world community, including three of the front-line States. I wish to pay a tribute to the Heads of Government present at Lusaka for the helpful and constructive attitude which they all displayed during our discussions on Rhodesia, and especially to the wise chairmanship of President Kaunda of Zambia, which made a huge contribution to the successful outcome. The essence of the Lusaka agreement on Rhodesia was the acceptance by the Commonwealth of the British Government's constitutional responsibility to grant legal independence to Rhodesia on the basis of genuine majority rule.
228.	In our negotiations with the Salisbury parties and the Patriotic Front, we have continued to be guided by the principles defined at Lusaka. Our first task has been to seek agreement on an independence constitution comparable with the constitutions on which we granted independence to other former British dependent territories. It would be idle to pretend that in the special historical circumstances of Rhodesia, such a task is proving easy. Compromise on both sides is essential. We have already secured from the Salisbury parties agreement in principle to British proposals on the constitution. This was a bold decision by Bishop Muzorewa's delegation.
229.	Significant progress on certain points has also been made in discussions with the leaders of the Patriotic Front. All parties must sustain their efforts to continue the momentum of the Conference if the gains so far made are not to be eroded. A heavy responsibility will lie on any who fail to respond to this opportunity to achieve for the people of Rhodesia a fair settlement which will bring international acceptance and an end to the war. Much difficult negotiation undoubtedly lies ahead before the foundations of an independent and democratic society," in which all the people of Rhodesia will be able to live in security and at peace with each other and with their neighbours, are laid. I do not underestimate the difficulties which remain to be overcome, but I dare to hope that the moment may not be too far away when the British Government and Parliament will be able to grant legal independence to Rhodesia on the basis of genuine majority rule. Many attempts to solve the Rhodesia problem have failed in the past. I hope that it may be our privilege before too long to welcome an independent Zimbabwe to this Assembly as a full member of the United Nations.
230.	Namibia is another Territory where we must try to find an internationally acceptable solution through free and fair elections and not through bloodshed. The five Western countries, in close consultation with the Secretary-General, are pressing on with the search for a solution which would open the way to the arrival of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia. Discussions are now concentrated on the detailed arrangements, which will need to be carefully worked out with the parties concerned, for a demilitarized zone. The idea of such a zone was proposed by the late President Neto of Angola, whose death we all deeply mourn. Our aim is to achieve early and complete agreement so that a date can be fixed for a ceasefire and the beginning of the transition to independence. Given goodwill and flexibility on the part of all concerned, this goal should not be beyond our reach.
231.	Namibia and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia are the immediate issues in southern Africa. But in the longer term it is on South Africa that the stability of this troubled region will depend. We share the international community's distaste of apartheid. It is neither just nor workable. But will threats and isolation bring about the changes we all wish to see? We in the British Government doubt it. We believe that the better course is to accept that the Republic's plural society gives rise to unprecedented problems and to offer our help to the leaders of all races to work together to find just solutions. In this way we can all contribute towards peaceful change in South Africa. Otherwise the future promises only violence and misery for all the people of South Africa, whatever their race.
232.	In the Middle East, the British Government greatly welcomes what has so far been achieved through the process begun at Camp David. It is in the interests of all parties to explore fully the opening which was created there. We hope that these continuing negotiations will lead to transitional arrangements which will lighten the burden of occupation in the West Bank and Gaza and help to create a climate of confidence and co-operation in practical matters. But the ultimate goal must remain a comprehensive settlement, based on the effective application of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts. This involves the acceptance by all parties of Israel's right to live in peace with its neigh- ours within secure and recognized boundaries. And, equally, it requires the withdrawal of Israel from territories occupied in 1967.
233.	There is one area in which a broad international consensus has recognized that resolution 242 (1967) is incomplete—that is, in the handling of Palestinian rights. The resolution takes no account of the legitimate political rights of the Palestinians, which go well beyond their status as refugees. Nor does it take any account of the Palestinians ' belief that they are a separate people with a right to their homeland. This, I believe, is an area in which resolution 242 (1967) may be supplemented—not, I emphasize, replaced, amended or distorted, but supplemented—to meet this point.
234.	My Government believes that a settlement which does not command the broad assent of the Palestinian people cannot last. But if the Palestinians are to exercise the right to determine their own future as a people, this must be in the context of a negotiated peace settlement which guarantees Israel's right to a peaceful and permanent existence within secure borders. Only if both parties recognize the legitimate rights of each other will it be possible to achieve the durable peace which all the peoples of the Middle East so desperately need.
235.	In the meantime, it is our earnest hope that all parties will avoid doing or saying anything to make it harder to establish the minimum trust without which successful negotiations would be impossible. We call on the Israel Government to cease its policy of settlement in occupied territories. That Government's present policy prejudices the chance of progress in the autonomy talks and makes the achievement of a comprehensive settlement much more difficult. We deplore' its recent decision to allow Israeli citizens to buy land in the occupied territories. And moreover, while we understand the Israel Government's preoccupation with security, we urge it to refrain from its present policies in south Lebanon. These undermine the authority of the Lebanese Government and frustrate the efforts of UNIFIL to fulfil its mandate. In that context, I pay a tribute to the dedication and courage with which the officers and men of UNIFIL are carrying out their dangerous and difficult task.
236.	Another area of dangerous tensions is IndoChina, where suffering due to natural causes has been made worse by the regimes which took power in 1975. I refer first to the Vietnamese Government, which, as I said on 20 July at the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, in Geneva, has driven so many people to flee its shores that the problem has become one of international concern. I was in Hong Kong in May. I saw there the misery of the people who had risked perilous journeys in unseaworthy craft to escape the tyranny in their own country. It is not an experience that I shall ever forget. Nor can I forget the tens of thousands of those unhappy people who were simply lost at sea. The Secretary-General chaired, with his customary skill, the Geneva Meeting, which my Prime Minister had suggested should be held. As a result, a start has been made to resettle the refugees who did not perish. Most of them came either to Hong Kong or to the ASEAN countries. My Government fully understands the problems which the refugee influx posed for those countries. But the problem is likely to remain until the Vietnamese Government stops bearing down harshly on elements of its population. Meanwhile, I hope that that Government will abide by the undertakings it gave in Geneva about future action.
237.	Yet the most serious problems in Indo-China are perhaps to be found in Cambodia. The years of suffering to which that unhappy country was subjected by the Pol Pot Government are well known. That regime s human rights record is among the worst of any country in the world. The then British Government was among the first to draw attention to it. Then the country was brutally invaded by the armed forces of one of its neighbours. Now it is prey to starvation while fighting continues with the occupying forces. Unless those on the spot allow large-scale relief operations to start soon, the people of Cambodia will face yet another catastrophe. Food must get to these people soon, and those who want to help should not be asked to pay a political price for being allowed to do so. I shall only say now that in the British Government's view the Cambodian people has the same right as any other to live in peace under a Government freely chosen by itself. Without a settlement in Cambodia, stability and peace in South-East Asia will not be possible.
238.	In Europe itself possible sources of tension remain. The maintenance of stable East-West relations remains a foremost priority for us and for our allies, most notably the United States. We welcome the signature by the United States and the Soviet Union earlier this year of a second Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms and hope that it will soon be ratified. That agreement is an example of the kind of detailed and verifiable arms control arrangement that is needed; mere talk of a desire for peace and co-operation is not enough.
239.	Meanwhile, the scale of the military build-up of the countries signatories of the Warsaw Treaty is a matter of serious and legitimate concern to all other European countries. So far the Warsaw Pact has shown little willingness to allay these concerns in any practical way, so we on the Western side have no alternative but to respond. Otherwise, the balance on which detente depends will be lost. Nor can we accept that detente should be a principle applied in Europe but ignored in the rest of the world. Detente, if it is to work anywhere, must work everywhere. The British Government is ready to work for greater confidence, stability and real co-operation. But this must be a two-way process, with give and take coming from both sides. It is certainly in that spirit that we shall approach the review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in Madrid next year.
240.	But work to reduce the threat of war must go wider than East-West relations. Above all we must avoid the spread of nuclear weapons, while at the same time permitting access to the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy. The 1968 Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons now has 111 parties. I much regret that it has not won universal adherence. I hope that further progress can be made before the Review Conference next August. If universal membership of the Treaty could be achieved, it would halt the spread of nuclear weapons.
241.	As members know, a comprehensive test-ban treaty is being negotiated between the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. We still have difficult problems to overcome. But when the treaty is completed, it will, I hope, meet the objections of those who argue that the non-proliferation Treaty discriminates in favour of the nuclear-weapon States. The latter have also, of course, given the non-nuclear- weapon States various assurances that nuclear weapons will not be used against them.
242.	Progress is important, too, in the field of conventional arms control. For this reason my Government supports the work of the Committee on Disarmament. We shall continue to take the position that measures to curb the nuclear arms race must go hand in hand with measures to reduce conventional weapons.
243.	This year this Assembly's deliberations take place against the sombre background of tension in several different parts of the world. The economic background is grim too. The large and sudden increases in the price of oil this year have serious and damaging implications for the world economy. They will lead certainly to higher inflation and to balance-of-payments difficulties for very many countries. The oil-importing developing countries will be the hardest hit. But we are all affected.
244.	The world's reserves of oil are not limitless. We all need to do what we can to use them properly and to reduce our consumption of oil. The British Government stands by the recent decisions of the International Energy Agency, the European Community and the Tokyo Economic Summit. These should have an important impact on the oil market by reducing demand for oil and by encouraging the development of other sources of energy, new and renewable.
245.	But we cannot solve our problems by acting in isolation. In energy, almost more than anywhere else, the world is one world. There needs to be joint consideration of world energy problems and closer contacts between those who produce oil and those who import it, whether developed or developing countries. A number of proposals to this end have recently been made. We are certainly ready to consider all these proposals sympathetically in the hope that we can agree on the way ahead.
246.	Finally, I should like to say something very shortly about the North-South dialogue. At a time when both developed and developing countries are struggling to stave off the effects of recession, it is hardly surprising that progress should be slow. I have spoken of the dangers of rhetoric. In this field of international economic relations, the dangers of rhetoric are perhaps at their greatest. We must all guard against the creation of new bodies whose primary function is the exchange of rhetoric. The first step has to be a substantial improvement in the shape and state of the world economy. It is increased production, not increased words, which creates resources. And without increased production how can there be a transfer of resources from rich to poor, whether at home or overseas, through increased aid, trade and investment? So our first priority must be to bring about the right framework in which more resources can be produced.
247.	That is why my Government has taken steps to cut public expenditure right across the board. That is inevitable, if we are to put our economy in order and if we are to be able to help the less developed countries to achieve prosperity. We are no less concerned than others about the large proportion of the world's population that is unacceptably poor. Nor are we turning our backs on the North-South dialogue, despite its frustrations. On the contrary, we recognize that in an interdependent world Britain has a vital interest—both economic and moral—in bringing prosperity to the poorer nations. That is why we have made it abundantly plain that we are in favour of maintaining the open trading system and of increasing overseas investment. Indeed, to encourage the latter, my Government has introduced considerable relaxations in exchange control. Provided the climate is right, these relaxations should be of direct benefit to the developing countries. Increased trade and increased investment are contributions we can make now. In due course increased growth should make it possible to provide more aid. But there
are no easy short-cuts. The road back to greater prosperity—for North and South—is unlikely to be either easy or short. It will be even harder if each country or grouping tries to make it separately.
248.	We are one world, bound to support each other if we are not to undergo greater hardships on our own. This is true of our search for prosperity and it is true of our search for peace and security. In both fields the United Nations provides an essential forum for discussion which can lead to useful action. The tasks of the 1980s are formidable and they face us all. We can overcome them, but only if we allow our common interests to bring us together and work out our solutions as one community.