I should like at the outset to extend my
warmest congratulations to Mr. Ganev of Bulgaria on his election as President
of the General Assembly at its forth-seventh session. I am sure that with his
experience and skill he will guide the Assembly to a successful conclusion.
I should like also to take this opportunity to express my deep
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Samir S. Shahibi, who carried out his
tasks with dedication and commitment. He made an invaluable contribution to
the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly.
It is also a pleasure for me, on behalf of Malaysia, to extend a warm
welcome to the delegations of those countries that recently joined us as
Members of the United Nations.
. In the last two to three years we have seen dramatic developments and
changes around the world. In many ways we are at a historic point, where we
must make fateful choices that will determine the future of mankind. There
are opportunities to develop a new era of international cooperation based on a
collective desire to seek social and economic progress in a peaceful and
stable environment. There are renewed hopes in the ability of the United
Nations to play a central role in the maintenance of peace and security, while
at the same time being the catalyst for the revival of international
develolpment cooperation.
The end of East-West rivalry and the success of the role of the United
Nations in settling a number of regional disputes understandably gave rise to
euphoria about a new world order. Unfortunately, events of the last two years
prove that such euphoria has been rather short-lived. Numerous and complex
challenges, as well as uncertainties, are still unfolding.

Sadly, the dawn of the new post-cold-war era is looking more and more like the
old world order, characterized as it was by open conflicts based on clashes
between competing nationalists and ethnic forces. Certain parts of Europe are
once again becoming areas of tension and destruction, with ugly ethnic and
nationalistic strife in the former Yugoslavia and a number of component States
of the former Soviet Union. There are also disturbing unresolved local
conflicts in other parts of the world in Afghanistan, Liberia, Mozambique
and Somalia.
Indeed, our initial hope and confidence that the end of the cold war
would encourage and bring about better cooperation at the United Nations are
on the wane. Experience over the last several months has raised serious
concern about certain developments at the United Nations. Too much emphasis,
for instance, is given to the role of the United Nations in the maintenance of
international security, and there is less focus on the social and economic
dimensions of peace. There is also concern over the dominant role of certain
permanent members in the decision-making process in the Security Council,
pushing the scope of the Council's activities into areas considered by many to
be beyond its mandate.
There is also growing concern that the Security Council particularly
the permanent members - has a tendency to select when and where to apply
collective measures under the Charter to uphold the rule of law and restore
international peace and stability. One obvious example of such selectivity is
the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Council has yet to respond to
requests by a number of countries of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference for an emergency meeting, with formal debate, to consider the
situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, much less to invoke Article 42 of

Chapter VII of the Charter. To uphold the rule of law, the Council should
reverse the aggression by Serbia-Montenegro against Bosnia and Herzegovina and
should initiate legal proceedings against Serbian leaders and individuals
responsible for "ethnic cleansing" and other war crimes against Bosnian
Muslims and Christians.
The London Conference has yet to prove effective, and even the latest
Security Council action, expanding the size and mandate of the United Nations
Protection Force in Bosnia is limited to the protection of humanitarian
relief. It is Malaysia's strong belief that humanitarian relief, however
effective it may be, will not bring an end to aggression and atrocities, which
are causing so much destruction and loss of life, as well as outflows of
refugees to neighbouring countries.
The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina has highlighted the need for, and the
importance and validity of, preventive diplomacy. If the United Nations is
expected to play an effective role in the maintenance of international peace
and security, there must be greater recourse to preventive diplomacy.
Selectivity or double standards in dealing with potential conflicts and with
the parties involved would lead us nowhere and would only make a mockery of
the United Nations.
We are all conscious of the fact that the grave situation in Somalia was
largely ignored by the Security Council until the Secretary-General took the
Council to task. Millions of Somalians have been suffering for months, and
many are dying by the day in a tragic civil war that is raging out of
control. Somalia is in many ways a casualty of cold-war politics and is now
left to struggle on its own. In this instance the United Nations must assist
not only in bringing humanitarian relief as is being done - but also in

restoring normality. Continuation of the civil war in Somalia is of no good
to any party, and we urge the warring parties to settle their conflicts
speedily and peacefully for the sake of their people and country. There is a
Malaysian proverb that aptly describes the futility of such a situation: "The
victor becomes charcoal, and the loser the ashes."
Two international issues that have long been on the agenda of the United
Nations are Palestine and South Africa. The current Middle East peace process
is showing signs of progress as, for the first time, negotiation, begin to
enter into substantive questions touching on the principle of land for peace.
The time has come for the United Nations to be involved in confidence-building
measures in the occupied territories, including the dispatch of observers, as
well as the extension of social and economic assistance beyond the current
limited efforts of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) to help the Palestinians during the period
of transition towards self-rule and independence.
Similarly, in South Africa, the process of change towards democracy and
majority rule has reached a critical impasse, which calls clearly for a more
assertive and tangible United Nations role. Malaysia welcomes the decision of
the Security Council to send observers to help to create confidence and to
facilitate the process of change. But we believe that the United Nations
should be able to do more in extending confidence-building measures
particularly in restoring law and order as well as in looking at the needs
of black South Africans living in squalid conditions, long neglected under the
apartheid system.

On the question of Cambodia, Malaysia, being part of the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the region, has a special interest in
Cambodia's peace, stability and economic well-being. Bilaterally, Malaysia
stands ready to join hands with its Cambodian neighbours in economic and
technical cooperation. We are also fully supportive of the United Nations
role in Cambodia and we are doing what we can to both assist and support the
United Nations peace-keeping efforts. To date we have already contributed a
total number of 1,060 men to the United Nations Transitional Authority in
Cambodia (UNTAC). The task before UNTAC is certainly not an easy one in
facilitating the process of national reconciliation and paving the way for the
setting up of a freely elected democratic Government. Actions of some
Cambodian parties could well threaten the Paris peace Agreements. Clearly,
the Paris Agreements must be fully implemented and the United Nations is there
to ensure such a course. Also the United Nations, as represented by UNTAC on
the ground, in its unique role in Cambodia, must gain the full confidence of
all parties in order to facilitate implementation of the Agreements in the
peace process.
The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in Somalia, is a serious
test of the credibility of the United Nations concept of collective security.
At a time when there is such enormous expectation concerning, and reliance on,
the United Nations collective security system to ensure the maintenance of
international peace and security, there is an urgent need to examine the
Charter and functioning of the collective security system. Under Article 24
of the Charter, Members of the United Nations confer the responsibility for
maintaining international peace and security on the Security Council

and the Council acts on their behalf. The general membership of the United
Nations surely has the right to expect transparency and accountability in the
work and actions of the Council. A major reform of the Council to achieve
such transparency, accountability and democracy is overdue.
The Council's present membership of 15 must be increased to a level that
is more representative of the United Nations general membership, which has now
grown to 179 countries. The representation of Europe in the Council far
outweighs the size of Europe. The present constitution of the permanent
membership largely reflects the situation immediately after the end of the
Second World War and has now become untenable and anachronistic. The veto
power which guarantees the exclusive and dominant role of the permanent five
in the Council must be examined anew. Malaysia will contribute to examining
in all aspects the structures of the United Nations. We regard as timely the
decision of the recent tenth non-aligned summit meeting in Jakarta to
establish a high-level working group to pursue the restructuring,
revitalization and democratization of the United Nations and will give it our
full support.
Malaysia would also support a collective effort by the General Assembly
to study the content and conseguence of the extremely valuable contribution of
the Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace". We hope that a
collective examination in a democratic fashion will help to define clearly the
important principles contained in the document and the actions contemplated as
a programme of action for the United Nations in a changing world order.

The time has also come for us to treat the financial crisis facing the
United Nations as a matter of utmost urgency if the Organization is to be the
foundation and centrepoint of the post-cold-war world order. The increasing
demands on the United Nations to undertake peace-keeping operations around the
world are overstretching its scarce resources. Arrears for both regular and
peace-keeping budgets now stand at around US$1.75 billion and they are
affecting adversely the ability of the United Nations to perform its tasks.
Of particular concern is the fact that more than half of the total arrears is
owed by two of the five permanent members.
Malaysia, like many other developing countries, welcomes the bilateral
agreements reached between the United States and Russia on nuclear-weapons
reduction and arms control. As a strong proponent of a universal disarmament
process within the United Nations framework, Malaysia welcomes the positive
work of the Conference on Disarmament on the proposed chemical weapons
Convention and we are happy to cosponsor a draft resolution on it at this
session of the General Assembly. Malaysia also believes that the process of
transparency and confidence-building would contribute to the general goal of
disarmament and peace, and we support the idea of a United Nations register on
armaments. Such a register, however, should not be limited only to the sale
and transfer of conventional weapons but should also include the production
and stockpiling of conventional weapons and in due course cover
non-conventional weapons.
The suitability of the United Nations as the focal point for
international cooperation to build a new world order is its noble objectives
and universal character. For it is here that sovereign States are equal

partners, and hence the Organization provides a good starting point for
instituting democracy in inter-State relations and multilateral diplomacy.
Unfortunately, since the collapse of communism there has been an increasing
tendency on the part of the victors of the ideological rivalry to dictate
their values relating to human rights and democracy to others, not only in the
conduct of their bilateral relations but also in their activities at the
United Nations and in its bodies. Malaysia believes that a comprehensive and
constructive treatment of human rights issues must certainly take into
consideration the cultural and religious values that influence the national
outlook and development of Member States. We look forward to participating in
the World Conference on Human Rights next year.
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is an important
instrument for the maintenance of law and order in maritime affairs and for
international cooperation. As a littoral State, Malaysia would like to draw
the Assembly's attention to the use of the Straits of Malacca as a waterway
for international shipping. Larger and faster vessels capable of carrying
cargoes of a previously unimaginable magnitude now ply the Straits in record
numbers. Most of them are expected to share the same narrow waterway with
fishing boats and the ever-growing number of pleasure craft.
The increasing international traffic and the passage of large
sophisticated vessels through our waters have certainly landed us with new
problems, risks and responsibilities. In particular, the passage of tankers
carrying dangerous and hazardous cargo adds to our worries and the risks to
our environment. There have already been cases of collisions and spillage in
the Straits, polluting our sea and shore and affecting our marine resources.

The latest collison, last weekend, between two vessels in the Straits,
involving an oil tanker and a container is a glaring example. When such
accidents occur we have to do the clearing up, which is a financial burden,
and endure the sudden harm and destruction to our marine resources caused by
pollution. This is too much for the poor littoral States to bear alone.
Obviously there is an urgent need to take a fresh look at existing
international maritime law and regulations applicable to the Straits and find
a mechanism to share the responsibility of ensuring the safety of navigation,
as well as collectively to combat the growing piracy with effective
surveillance through the use of advanced eguipment and with the improved
resources at our disposal. To meet such objectives Malaysia is not suggesting
the introduction of levies or collection of dues but is asking for the
operational and financial responsibility for this to be shared eguitably among
the maritime nations, users of the Straits and the littoral States.

Any attempt at building a new world order must address the increasing
inequity in the international economic system resulting in a widening
North-South gap. The 1992 United Nations Pevelopment Programme human
development report, for instance, in highlighting the increasingly difficult
external economic environment and its adverse repercussions for developing
countries, has stressed that the North must be held primarily responsible for
this situation. The report pointed out that protectionism and subsidies in
the developed countries resulted in a loss of $500 billion a year for the
developing countries, ten times what they received in foreign assistance. The
total external debt of developing countries has multiplied thirteenfold in the
last two decades, from $100 billion in 1970 to around $1,350 billion in 1990.
While the deadlock in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
Uruguay Round has yet to be resolved, recent tendencies towards unilateral
protectionist trade actions, the creation of new trade blocs and instability
in the major currency markets would only worsen the already difficult global
economic environment. Nothing short of a major reform and restructuring of
the world economy, including the financial system, is required in order to
bring about a strong revival and ensure its long-term stability.
In recent years some progress has been made towards revitalizing and
restructuring cooperation in the economic and social fields at the United
Nations. But those changes, no matter how constructive and well-meaning, are
not sufficient to revive international economic cooperation and to allow for
global social development for as long as the developed countries are not

prepared to initiate concrete changes at the policy level and to fulfil their
obligations, particularly in terms of meeting the official development
assistance targets.
The Rio de Janiero summit on environment and development has raised the
hopes of many that we have, within the context of the decisions of the summit
and the establishment of the Commission on Sustainable Pevelopment, set the
framework for launching a new global partnership with a view to economic
development and the protection of the environment. However, real success is
dependent upon the availability of new and additional resources as well as on
the transfer of technology from the North to the South. As agreed at Rio, we
are expecting our partners in the North to make their pledges during this
session of the General Assembly.
The world today has reached a defining moment in history. The
imperatives of global interdependence require that we members of the
international community work closely together in a new global cooperative
spirit to move away from the past decades of ideological confrontation towards
the building of a better world for all. In this regard the United Nations
remains the best forum and vehicle for bringing about a new global consensus
for international peace, security and development. Together, as a family of
nations, we must have the vision and courage to address our common interest
and future.


I congratulate
His Excellency Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its forty-seventh session. I am sure he will guide us well.
I should like also to thank the outgoing President, His Excellency
Mr. Samir Shihabi. His valuable contribution to the work of the United
Nations was much appreciated.
I wish also to thank the Secretary-General for his efforts on behalf of
peace in the world. His report, "An Agenda for Peace", should be given urgent
attention by Member countries. I offer the Secretary-General my continued
support in all his demanding work.
This year, we are very pleased to greet the new Members of the United
Nations. Their admission should further strengthen our Organization.
Since last year's session we have continued to see great changes in the
world. Brunei Darussalam welcomed most of them. However, we have approached
others with caution. This is because we are not yet sure what they will lead
to. Generally, though, we feel that the Members of the world body are now in
a better position than ever before to build a just and lasting peace in the
world.
However, we believe that certain things must be in place before any
United Nations action can have a good chance of success. These are strong
bilateral relationships between individual countries which lead to
multilateral cooperation through regional associations. We feel that these
two structures are essential. It is our view that, if they exist, the United
Nations will be able to function well in terms of both peace-keeping and
peace-building. We think they are required because no one nation or single
organization is able to stand alone.
That is why my country, like many others, has been engaged in intense
diplomatic activity over the past year. We feel we have to establish a wide
range of bilateral relations and participate fully in regional and
international organizations. We think that, in this way, even small nations
such as ours can contribute a great deal to the success of this Organization.
We would like to see United Nations action complementing regional and
international institutions.
I feel that this is illustrated by the part the Association of South-East
Asian Nations (ASEAN) has played in finding a solution to the Cambodian
problem. ASEAN's hard work and patience in the initial stages was crucial.
So were the efforts of other concerned and interested parties. Also, the
willingness of the Cambodians themselves to seek a peaceful solution was a
most significant factor. The peace accord sponsored by the United Nations was
built on this foundation.
The situation in Cambodia today may offer a further illustration. We
believe it shows that peace-building does not necessarily end when an
agreement is signed. The effort must still go on. A continuing spirit of
cooperation among all parties to any international settlement must be
encouraged.
We, therefore, see reasons for optimism in our own part of the world.
But we do not overlook realities elsewhere. We are glad to note that, even in
some very difficult situations, individual countries are trying to play their
part in bringing peace and stability to their regions.
We are particularly glad to see this happening in the Middle East. The
peace talks sponsored by the United States and Russia are providing the
countries concerned with the means to make peaceful progress. Certainly, the
core problem of Palestine has not yet been resolved, and we regret that the
Israelis still defy Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
But in spite of all this, we see some progress. For this reason, we urge
everyone involved to try to make the talks succeed. At the same time, we feel
that the United Nations still has an important role to play in the search for
a solution.
We believe that the world body should increase its effort to help bring
about peaceful change in South Africa. This would strengthen the considerable
efforts made by institutions such as the Commonwealth and the Organization of
African Unity.
In our opinion, there are sound reasons for the United Nations to be
involved in Cambodia, the Middle East and South Africa. This is because
certain favourable conditions have been created by those directly involved.
Unfortunately, this cannot always be the case. The situation in the
Balkans seems likely to be typical of the dilemmas the world body may be
forced to face in the future. On the one hand, there is a need to act because
of our moral and human obligations. On the other hand, there may be no
framework of good sense, reason and peaceful intent established at all
levels. Calls for United Nations action in similar circumstances may multiply.
That is why I do not feel we can consider peace and security only in
their political context. We see them as closely linked with economic
development. Here I refer to the grave social and economic problems faced by
a great number of developing nations. They pose a considerable threat to
those countries' internal security and, therefore, to international stability.
If present conditions continue, developing countries will be in no
position to undertake peaceful cooperation. This could mean that the United
Nations is called upon time and again to try to solve local conflicts under
very difficult circumstances.
We therefore think it is vital that developing and developed countries
engage in peace-building together. We feel there is an urgent need to provide
the building blocks of international peace today. These take the form of
cooperative international trading relations.
In my view, the first test we all face is whether we can bring about a
successful conclusion to the current Uruguay Round. Other things should then
fall into place, such as open markets and the free transfer of modern
technology to developing nations.
Those seem to me to be the most practical ways in which we all can engage
in preventive diplomacy. They will ensure that the primary role of the United
Nations is not only to solve political crises but also to help individual
nations and regions build their own peace in their own way.


The General Assembly stands poised at a
vital watershed. It is a time of opportunity and challenge, of promise and
uncertainty, of hopes and unfulfilled expectations. In many ways we are
entering new and uncharted territory. We must beat out our own track with
caution, deliberation and conviction. We must, above all, invoke and nurture
that spirit of commonality, commitment, innovation and imagination that is so
uniquely manifest today, as we confront together the unprecedented transition
in world affairs.
We are all conscious of the significance of this moment in history. We
are in the last decade of a tumultuous century and millennium. We are
straddling the threshold of a new century a new era carrying with us the
aspirations of our people for a better, more prosperous, peaceful and
fulfilling life. Three years from now the United Nations will celebrate its
fiftieth anniversary. Our efforts in the interim will surely determine its
course for future generations.
There is no doubt that the United Nations is but a reflection of the
wishes of its component parts. It is in a real sense the collective
instrument for promoting the interests of all States, weak or strong, rich or
poor, large or small. At the heart of its success or failure is the
contribution to its purposes and principles that each individual country must
make. It is the sum total of these individual efforts that is the real
foundation of the success of the United Nations in maintaining peace, securing
justice and human rights, and promoting the key Charter prerogative of "social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
I reaffirm today the total commitment of Bangladesh to furthering the
objectives of the United Nations Charter and the cause of multilateralism.
Indeed, this is a constitutional commitment. In doing so, I would like to
underscore the dominant theme of my statement: How can a relatively small
State contribute towards making this Organization a viable instrument, capable
of dealing effectively and comprehensively with all aspects of human
development, be they political, economic, social or environmental?
Mr. President, before I proceed further, let me join my voice to the
well-deserved tributes paid to you. Sir, on your election to the high office
of President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. Your
knowledge and experience will, I am sure, guide us well in these challenging
times. I am confident that you will do great honour to the legacy left by
your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi, of Saudi Arabia, to whom we
are all deeply indebted.
We extend our warm tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. He has taken charge and is steering the course of
our Organization at perhaps its most daunting period of renewal, revival and
resurgence. We pledge to him our unstinted support and cooperation in the
furtherance of his endeavours.*
I would also like to welcome in our midst the many new countries that
have taken their seat in the General Assembly this year, swelling our ranks to
179 Member States. Most of them represent peoples who have recently gained
freedom. Their" presence strengthens not only our common goal for universality
but adds a new forceful voice that gives meaning to the expression of the very
first words of the Charter of the United Nations: "We the peoples of the
United Nations". We look forward to working with them in close and friendly
cooperation.
Previous speakers have discussed at length the nature of the contemporary
world setting, the massive pressures that have radically changed relationships
between States and individuals, and the resulting positive and negative trends
that have emerged. It is not my intention to repeat this analysis. Suffice
it to say that one paramount task emerges: how to tilt the balance of
contradictory forces in favour of the evolution of a new, more beneficial,
more just and peaceful world order.
At the heart of the issue is the creation of an environment of peace.
Ironically, the sources of conflict are rooted in the absence of progress in
objectives we most seek to promote the enhancement of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, the promotion of sustainable economic and social
development for wider prosperity, the alleviation of human distress, and the
curtailment of the existence and use of weapons of mass destruction.
Of real concern to third world countries are certain negative impulses.
A prime factor is continuing anxiety that their interests are being
marginalized both politically and economically. Insularity and internal
domestic preoccupations of the major Powers open up prospects of a power
vacuum and of the consequent danger of regional competition and hegemony.
Diversion of resources along an East-West axis can leave the South starved of
political resources and investment.
These fears are multiplied by the emergence of new constraints that
circumscribe development cooperation standards of good governance, rigid
structural adjustment measures, environmental criteria and scrutiny of
military intentions and preparedness.

What is basically at issue is a degree of perception. It is not opposition to
these recognizably needed changes, but resistance to any form of dictation
with regard to how they should be achieved. A flexible attitude is perhaps
the best prescription. Too often the role of people has been ignored to the
peril of the world community. One extreme manifestation is that national
self-assertion has resurfaced. It has brought realization to the right of
self-determination, but it has also released long-suppressed ethnic, cultural,
linguistic and cultural rivalries and has unleashed bigotry, extremism and
violence. This is at a time when, after years of patient pressure, racism and
racial discrimination were being isolated and apartheid dismantled. They have
generated powerful centrifugal forces that threaten established boundaries.
At the same time, poverty, disease, famine and repression have joined together
to produce a massive movement of people within and beyond national borders
17 million refugees and 20 million displaced persons worldwide all of which
have combined to create a new dimension of insecurity that must be addressed
in all its ramifications.
The pre-eminent task before us is to forge a new, more focused and
action-oriented world agenda to promote peace, tolerance, justice and
development. It is of crucial import that this should be time-targeted,
prioritized, fully-funded and cost-efficient.
The structure and shape of this agenda has already assumed significant
substance. The first-ever summit of the Security Council members took place
in January 1992. The outcome of that meeting concentrated on an agenda for
peace encompassing preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and what
the Secretary-General characterized as post-conflict peace-building. Other
substantial inputs have been made or are envisaged including, inter alia:
the 1990 World Summit for children; the special session of the United Nations
General Assembly on narcotic drugs; the 1992 Rio de Janeiro Conference on
Environment and Development; the 1993 summit on human rights; the 1994
conference on population and development; the 1995 world conference on women
and a world summit for social development. These accompany far-reaching
proposals that are under way to reform, strengthen and streamline the
Organization to enable it to fulfil its responsibility as the central organ
for the cooperative management of the world's problems.
If the world Organization is to succeed and flourish, it will depend as
much on the resilience of its Member States to prosper individually as on
their ability constructively to contribute to its great goals and purposes.
Positive efforts by each country cumulatively strengthen the sum total of the
United Nations mandate. What then is Bangladesh's contribution to this grand
design?
The quest for a new world order must begin with putting our own house in
order. In our region, Bangladesh has sought actively to maintain the momentum
and credibility of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation
(SAARC) and by promoting its essentially socio-economic mandate to create a
broad-based climate of confidence-building, to reduce tension in the region
and to resolve outstanding bilateral differences by dialogue and negotiation.
It is on us, as Chairman of the forthcoming seventh summit of SAARC, that the
onus of responsibility has fallen to promote these aims in more productive and
tangible ways, especially as SAARC stands poised to enter its second cycle of
annual summit meetings.
Bilaterally, the democratically elected Government of
Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, has initiated concerted steps to bolster a

new chapter of positive interaction with our immediate neighbours, following
years of inactivity. The upsurge of democracy throughout the region has
significantly contributed to this objective. In recent months official visits
by the Prime Minister to Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan have been motivated by
one major determinant to eschew past inhibitions and look to the future.
Some issues remain complex and sensitive but approaches to solutions are being
forged through continuing and pragmatic dialogue.
The exodus of Myanmar refugees to Bangladesh since November 1991 imposed
a heavy additional burden on the new government, coming as it did in the wake
of the devastating cyclone of May 1991 and the cumulative adverse impact of
the aftermath of the Gulf War. The option of confrontation loomed large. Yet
through circumspection, restraint and a conscious defusion of tension, the
groundwork was laid for an eventual solution by mutual agreement in April 1992.
Despite this agreement, some 270,000 Myanmar refugees still remain in our
territory as efforts continue to repatriate them in honour, safety and dignity
and above all on a voluntary basis. Given the dire compulsions under which
the refugees fled, the process of persuading them to return is a difficult and
drawn-out one. Time targets are at best approximate and increase the
liabilities of the Government in terms of costs, environmental damage and
tension with and among the local population. The critical catalyst for
guaranteeing safe repatriation and resettlement remains an impartial United
Nations presence. Efforts continue to overcome Myanmar's reticence on this
score. Yet, bilaterally the two countries are cooperating positively. I am
happy to announce that the first minimal step has been taken with the
voluntary repatriation of some 49 refugees on 23 September 1992. It is hoped

this will constitute a crack in the wall towards the voluntary return of the
remaining refugees.
Globally, Bangladesh supports all measures to strengthen the United
Nation's capacity to prevent war and resolve conflicts and to extend this
capacity in new and imaginative ways. It is of key importance to preserve the
security of small States and to promote the concept of preventive diplomacy,
especially to anticipate and contain damage in times of man-made or natural
disasters. It is a matter of some satisfaction that the role of the United
Nations in helping to resolve the Myanmar refugee problem was the first
objective test of preventive diplomacy in action. The visit of
Mr. Jan Eliasson, the Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, to Bangladesh and
Myanmar respectively, was to trigger the agreement between the two countries
for repatriation of the refugees.
We believe that there is a real chance today that collective security can
be achieved through promotion of the unrealized premises of the United Nations
Charter, including the fostering of regional security arrangements under
Chapter VIII. Regional groupings can and must concentrate on harnessing
durable structures of stability, starting at the base and working through
confidence-building measures and broad-based socio-economic cooperation.

Reduced reliance on military security must be buttressed through
monitoring, regulating and limiting the growing traffic in arms. At the
national level, doctrines of minimum defence self-sufficiency equated with the
innovative use of armed forces as human development investment could lead to a
realistic release of a peace dividend. One recent measure of note in
Bangladesh is that budget allocations for defence this year are less than
those for education. At the same time, we have purposefully contributed to
United Nations peace-keeping efforts through the despatch of military and
civilian contingents to monitor the elections in Namibia, to police cease-fire
lines in the Gulf, to help clear mines and support the restructuring effort in
Kuwait, and to assist the United Nations peace processes in Cambodia,
Yugoslavia and Western Sahara. We strongly support the strengthening of the
financial and institutional base of peace-keeping and its growth in new and
imaginative directions.
We have striven, through specific initiatives, to participate
constructively and with moderation and pragmatism in all socio-economic
forums, especially to project the concerns of the least developed countries
and to keep alive the commitment to preferential treatment of the poorest of
the poor. The critical socio-economic situation in Africa deserves special
attention.
In Bangladesh we have learnt one fundamental lesson: there is no
shortcut to progress, no matter how reliable or generous our friends may be.
Whether it relates to achieving freedom from political oppression, vindicating
human rights or seeking social and economic emancipation, a country must
ultimately depend on itself.

Three consequent goals have emerged: first and foremost, to bolster
individual self-reliance and move away from aid-centricity to more defined
development cooperation; secondly, to intensify South-South cooperation and
collective self reliance in such specific and practical areas as food
production, manpower planning, trade, investments and joint ventures and
modalities to implement them; and finally, to reactivate constructive
North-South dialogue and the creation of an external environment conducive to
the revitalizing of growth and the targeting, in particular, of the reduction
and elimination of poverty.
There has been a growing convergence of strategies to redress the
critical issues of falling investment, reduction and restructuring of debt,
trade promotion and the transfer of technology. Successful conclusion of the
Uruguay Round remains a pressing priority. These goals must be pursued to a
logical and urgent conclusion.
Another crucial element must be stressed: the development objective must
be put in sharper focus than the theme of adjustment that has long
overshadowed it; structural adjustment measures are necessary, but must avoid
undue hardships which often lead the poorest sections of the population to
bear a disproportionate part of the burden.
At home, a crucial policy imperative has been the drawing up of a vision
and strategy for the future that would align participatory democracy with the
country's development needs. This new development perspective focuses on
human development, participatory planning, and greater induction and
involvement of women in development and the alleviation of poverty. It
recognizes the need to raise investment so as to achieve growth in excess of
5 per cent per annum, and identifies efficiency improvement as one of the

important means of attaining this end. It aims at achieving a symbiosis
between agriculture and industry that will address the needs of growth,
employment generation and poverty alleviation. To ensure that this link is
sustained and can lead to a take-off for the economy, investment in the social
sectors is given central importance.
The factors I have mentioned highlight one basic reality: the fabric of
self-reliance is intimately woven out of three strands democracy,
development and human rights.
Our own experience has underlined certain basic truths. Without
democracy, a people's potential for socio-economic progress cannot flower.
Equally, without improved standards of living and a vision for the future that
can sustain hope, democracy will wither. Human rights become meaningless in
the face of the dire constraints of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy.
No other right can take precedence over the amelioration of this condition.
Bangladesh fully reaffirms that basic human rights and fundamental
freedoms are of universal validity. We believe that a human rights culture
embracing all freedoms must evolve in a uniform way. Perhaps the most vital
aspect of this that has yet to find universal acceptance is recognition of the
right to development. Surely, peace and stability cannot be achieved unless
conditions are created to remove the root causes of war and conflict, that is,
economic and social deprivation.
We look forward to participating in the second World Conference on Human
Rights, in June 1993, and to ensuring that the Conference addresses all
aspects of human rights on the basis of universality, indivisibility and
impartiality.

Since the only real protection of small and weaker States is firmly
rooted in the rule of law, Bangladesh has constantly striven to promote its
progressive development and codification internationally and regionally, and
to promote its due reflection at home through enabling legislation. We shall
remain active in pursuing these endeavours, especially in promoting such
priority areas as the non-navigational uses of international water-courses,
the international law of the sea, environmental protection and the status of
refugees, economic migrants and displaced persons. No one can doubt the
serious potential for conflict that the absence of law holds in these areas.
They remain a pressing priority for concentrated movement forward.
Through national legislation, its regional extension and international
participation, we have also contributed to addressing solutions to global
problems of drugs, terrorism and protection of the environment. We welcome in
particular the outcome of the Rio Conference, which has addressed the issues
of environment and development, which are inextricably linked. Sustainable
development calls for a new global partnership, including the provision of new
and additional financial resources to developing countries and adequate access
for them to environmentally sound technology.
Social aspects must also remain at the heart of our endeavours,
especially concentration on disadvantaged groups that the pursuit of economic
growth tends to bypass. We therefore wholeheartedly support the convening of
the World Summit for Social Development.
Bangladesh supports the view that the full integration of women in the
development process at all levels is of critical importance. We stand
committed to promoting the success of the World Conference on Women to be held
in 1995.

Equally, the rights and status of children remain a paramount priority.
This year the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, along with the
United Nations Children's Fund, is focusing particular attention on the rights
of children in South Asia, in keeping with the commitment of the countries of
the region to the full implementation of the Declaration and Plan of Action of
the World Summit for Children.

No statement is complete if we do not address ourselves to some of the
outstanding conflict and tension points around the globe. Since the creation
of the United Nations, over 100 major conflicts have taken a toll of some
20 million dead. The cold war imposed its own peculiar threat to security.
With its demise, vital new possibilities have opened up for forging a new
security regime. The United Nations has emerged as a central instrument for
the prevention and resolution of conflicts. Bangladesh is determined to
contribute in whatever ways it can, directly or indirectly, to making it more
effective and responsive in new and creative ways.
I turn now to the critical political issues on our agenda.
Bangladesh's consistent and categorical position on the Middle East
question and the issue of Palestine needs no reiteration. We believe the
Palestinians' cause to be founded on justice. We welcome the convening of the
peace conference and the start of substantive parallel negotiations over the
framework of a peaceful settlement. We believe that this should be
comprehensive, should include Palestine, and must be based on a serious
commitment by Israel to abide by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),
338 (1973) and 425 (1978), and the principle of returning land for peace. It
is our hope that Israel will show sincerity of purpose and greater flexibility
and will refrain from delaying the peace process.
It is our fervent hope that all parties in Afghanistan will respect the
cease-fire and faithfully implement the Peshawar Accord of April 1992, which
reflected a broad consensus of all Afghan leaders. This would lay the
groundwork for holding free and fair elections so that a permanent government
could emerge reflecting the wishes and aspirations of the Afghan people. At
the same time, it would ensure much needed political, economic and social
stability. There is vital need for the world community to contribute

generously and actively towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of
Afghanistan and towards the safe and voluntary return of refugees to their
homeland.
The implementation of the 1991 Paris Agreement on a comprehensive
settlement in Cambodia has progressed apace, despite obstacles raised by one
of the four factions to move into the second phase of implementation. We
welcome this advance and commend the intense and diverse attempts by the
United Nations to nurture national reconciliation to foster the democratic
process and to build peace and stability. In our own small way, as a part of
the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Bangladesh is
committed to end the suffering of the Cambodian people and to allow them to
determine freely their own destiny.
The vicious cycle of starvation, factional fighting, the break-down of
central authority, the violence and the exodus of refugees in Somalia has
shocked the world. The response has been belated. We fully support the
Security Council decision to strengthen the United Nations peace-keeping
presence so as to break this cycle through a comprehensive programme of action
that could reach vital relief assistance, consolidate the cease-fire, curtail
violence and bring about national reconciliation. We also welcome the efforts
of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Organization of the Islamic
Conference (OIC) and the Arab League to convene a conference on national
reconciliation and unity in Somalia.
The upheaval in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a
cause of utmost concern. It has unleashed a bitter mix of conflict, ambition,
hatred and ethnic brutality. The August 1992 London Conference and the
mechanisms it has instituted remain a vital hope for the intensification of

the search for solutions in all aspects and on a continuous basis. Meanwhile,
the world is appalled by the Serbian aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by
the massacre of innocent civilians, the systematic persecution and even
annihilation through the abhorrent policy of "ethnic cleansing".
Bangladesh has taken a forthright stand in all international forums to
condemn these acts. It has joined in the call for more decisive and resolute
action that would reverse the aggression, stop the brutality, and ensure the
unhindered supply of relief. We have also denied the claim of Serbia and
Montenegro to be the successor State of former Yugoslavia in the United
Nations and other international bodies. We believe that much more needs to be
done to end the bloodshed and fully restore the sovereignty, independence and
territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We remain steadfast in our support for the people of South Africa in
their struggle to achieve their cherished goal of equal rights and majority
rule. There can be no compromise until we have achieved the complete
dismantling of apartheid. The international community must remain vigilant in
its efforts to bring an effective end to the recent outbreak of violence and
create conditions for negotiations leading towards a peaceful transition to a
democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.
Bangladesh welcomes the intensification of efforts to find a just and
viable solution to the Cyprus problem. We commend the Secretary-General for
his personal initiatives a¬ªid role in the difficult process of reaching
agreement on a broad-based set of ideas leading towards an overall framework
agreement. We hope that the leaders of the two communities who are to meet on
26 October 1992 will pursue direct and uninterrupted negotiations to reach an
amicable and durable solution that will serve the legitimate interests of both
communities.

In Western Sahara, we fully support the Secretary-General's initiatives
to reactivate the implementation of the settlement plan and to help overcome
differences over criteria of eligibility to vote. We hope that the referendum
can be effectively organized and supervised and thus bring about an early end
to this long-standing dispute.
In other parts of the third world, bilateral, regional and international
efforts have seen many positive initiatives and advances. It is the combined
solidarity and sustained moral pressure of the world community that has
created a climate conducive to peaceful change. The enhanced role and
contribution of the International Court of Justice also now assumes much
greater relevance and credibility and must be strengthened.
Let me say in conclusion that the world has reached a critical point in
its struggle to advance stability and well-being. No doubt violence,
aggression, foreign occupation, narrowly conceived nationalism, racial and
religious discrimination and gaping social and economic disparities still
persist. Yet there is today greater confidence and conviction that a better
world is truly within our reach. We are faced with an opportunity rare in the
history of civilization to carry forward the momentum to resolve disputes
peacefully, to promote partnership and responsible relations among States, to
strengthen the rule of law and uplift the quality of life of all peoples in
greater freedom. We must surely move with deliberation towards the
realization of what the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, calls
"the vast potential of this unique Organization to bring new life to the
world of the Charter." (A/47/1, para. 170)


Let me begin by congratulating the
President upon his election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of
the General Assembly.

I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. His able and efficient leadership of the United
Nations since he took office only nine months ago has impressed us all and I
wish to assure him of Denmark's full support of his continuing efforts to
reform and streamline the Organization.
During the past year the world Organization has become more nearly
universal than ever. What in 1945 started out as an organization of 51 Member
States has now become an organization consisting of 179 Members. This year 13
new States have joined the United Nations. All the new States of the former
Soviet Union, as well as Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and
San Marino, have now joined the Organization.
Let me take this opportunity to welcome all the new Member States and to
express my hope for future fruitful cooperation in the spirit of the United
Nations.
The very deplorable developments in the former Yugoslavia have
demonstrated how fragile the situation is in many parts of the world in the
post-cold-war era and have led to the largest refugee crisis in Europe since
the Second World War. The international community has reacted with great
responsibility to the intensified crisis in the former Yugoslavia and the
overwhelming humanitarian needs it has caused. We have made very large
resources available for monitoring, mediation and peace-keeping operations, as
well as for humanitarian assistance. I welcome the enlarged role of the
United Nations in the peace efforts in the area as well as the central role of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the provision of relief,
where coordination remains of paramount significance in ensuring that the
relief work is carried out with maximum speed and efficiency.
Denmark has worked closely with the High Commissioner in providing very
substantial humanitarian assistance, both financially and otherwise. Lately
we have accepted a more direct involvement in the provision of accommodation
and shelter for refugees and displaced persons. We intend to continue our
efforts.
The Yugoslav crisis is a crisis in Europe, and Europe is willing and able
to take its part of the international responsibility, but the United Nations
as the international, global actor has its important role to play as well.
The international Conference in London on the former Yugoslavia assembled all
the main actors involved in the crisis and war in the region. The results
were encouraging. The framework for the absolutely necessary political
dialogue and for the negotiations was established, including the structure and
the principles upon which any peaceful solution must be based.
Developments in the first month after the London conference have shown
that the conference was able not only to produce very good documents but also
to establish the follow-up mechanism enabling us to turn words into deeds.
Denmark wholeheartedly supports the efforts in Geneva under the
co-chairmanship of Mr. Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen.
Under the impact of all the combined international efforts - the United
Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), the European Community Monitoring Mission
(ECMM), the Geneva talks we must not forget that the main responsibility for
bringing an end to the cruelties and violence lies with the conflicting
parties. All the peoples, groups and minorities and their leaders must
realize that the only way their communities can flourish is through a
negotiated, commonly accepted political settlement of their disputes.
Diverging interests can coexist peacefully only through compromise. The basic
principles for a political solution will not change: the inviolability of the
borders which can be changed only by mutual, peaceful agreement; the human
rights and the rights of minorities must be respected; the sanctions against
Serbia-Montenegro will be upheld until the acts of aggression have stopped;
the so-called "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" is not the sole successor to
the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; humanitarian help to all in
need shall be possible; persons who have committed crimes against
international humanitarian law shall be prosecuted individually, if possible
by an international court under the United Nations.
The situation in the former Yugoslavia is still grave, but I think we
have created the foundations for a possible improvement and eventual
settlement. There will be difficulties and backlashes ahead. As Prime
Minister Major said at the London Conference, it will be a long haul. But
nobody should doubt that Denmark, nationally as well as in its capacity as the
next holder of the Presidency of the European Community, will devote all its
strength to the international efforts aimed at obtaining a political, peaceful
settlement in the former Yugoslavia.
After a period of impressive progress, the reform process in South Africa
came to an unfortunate standstill in the middle of this year because of new,
tragic outbreaks of violence. The high level of violence remains one of the
major obstacles to a resumption of negotiations.
The Secretary-General took an important step by sending his Special
Representative to South Africa. As a result, a number of United Nations peace
observers have been deployed in violence-stricken areas. After a visit
earlier this month by the Troika of European Community Foreign Ministers, the
European Community has also decided to send peace observers to South Africa.
In addition, European experts will support the work of the Goldstone
Commission and other efforts to curb the violence in South Africa.
At the end of the day, however, only the South Africans themselves can
bring about the new, democratic South Africa that we are looking forward to.
We stand ready to provide our fullest support. For more than 25 years,
Denmark has granted humanitarian assistance to the victims of the apartheid
system, and it is prepared to initiate a programme of transitional assistance
to South Africa once an interim government is in place. We encourage the
international community to join in the efforts to redress the social and
economic imbalances in South Africa, and to contribute to the creation of a
non-racial and democratic South Africa.
The tragedy in Somalia amply illustrates the need for a process of
national reconciliation in that country leading to the re-establishment of a
legitimate government. Following the visit to Mogadishu by the troika of
European Community Foreign Ministers in early September, the European
Community Foreign Ministers stressed this, as well as the particularly
important role of the United Nations, in their declaration of 13 September.
In the Middle East the parties involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict and
the Palestinian question have embarked on a negotiating process that gives
grounds for hopes of a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement. Denmark,
together with its European Community partners, fully supports, and remains
committed to the peace process.
The policy adopted by the new Israeli Government has given a new impetus
to this process. The subsequent response of the Arab countries and the
Palestinians bodes well for the future. I sincerely hope that all parties
will now engage in substantive negotiations by building incrementally on the
progress achieved so far. Pragmatism is what counts at the present stage. I
therefore call on all parties to translate good intentions into concrete
proposals and open-mindedness.
In Iraq the Baghdad regime continues to ignore its obligations under
international law by obstructing the work of United Nations inspection teams.
The regime is continuing its flagrant violations of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, in particular by victimizing Kurds and Arab Shiites
living in the marshes. And Baghdad is actively impeding the efforts of the
United Nations and non-governmental organizations to relieve the plight of
those suffering. The harassment of United Nations peace guards, the refusal
to renew the Memorandum of Understanding and the rejection of the food-for-oil
arrangements laid down in Security Council resolutions 706 (1991) and
712 (1991) are all cases in point.
Saddam Hussein's strategy, however, is doomed to failure. In no
circumstances will the international community relax the United Nations
sanctions imposed on the Baghdad regime unless it fully and unconditionally
complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions.
In my speech last autumn I pointed out how Security Council
resolution 688 (1991) might become a turning point as to the balance between
the principle of national sovereignty and that of humanitarian intervention.
The question of humanitarian intervention has had a considerable impact on
international debate during the last year. The course of events in Somalia,
the former Yugoslavia and recently, anew, in Iraq has shown the relevance and
importance of the concept.
There seems to me to be growing support for the point of view that the
principle of non-intervention in the internal jurisdiction of States cannot be
taken as a shield behind which massive violations of human rights can be
allowed to take place, especially not where the human rights situations have
been characterized by the Security Council as a threat to peace. A new
balance between sovereignty and international intervention is being struck, in
favour of international intervention. My Government welcomes that
development. We should insist on recognition of the basic principle that
Governments have to cooperate fully to ensure access to all persons in need of
assistance. Far too often political motives continue to prevent humanitarian
assistance from entering a country or from reaching population groups in need
of such assistance.
It has been appalling to witness the continuing disregard for
humanitarian conventions shown by Iraq during the Gulf War, and, most
recently, by parties to the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The
perpetrators of these criminal acts are individually responsible, and must be
prosecuted individually.
In this connection I welcome the work of the International Law Commission
on the question of establishing an international criminal tribunal. The
Danish Government is ready to contribute constructively in these efforts
during this and the coming session of the General Assembly.
The Secretary-General's report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277)
contains a number of interesting proposals, some of which Denmark can support
wholeheartedly: for example, the proposal to make wider use of good offices,
the proposal to establish a reserve fund for peace-keeping operations and the
proposal to make wider use of the International Court of Justice. However,
both the use of the good offices of the Secretary-General and the use of the
International Court depend on the political will of the parties involved.
The United Nations is facing steadily growing demands for peace-keeping
efforts, and the scope of these efforts is increasing. Suffice it to mention
Cambodia, Somalia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since the United Nations is
already heavily overburdened, we welcome the Secretary-General's call upon
European regional organizations to carry out peace-keeping functions in
accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter, as in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Despite the substantial Danish contribution to the United Nations
Protection Force, we remain committed to further contributions to United
Nations peace-keeping operations, both in Europe and in other parts of the
world. Let me add, however, that a peace-keeping operation must be seen as an
interim offer to the parties to a conflict, and thus must be limited to a few
years. A peace-keeping operation must never, by the mere length of its
existence, turn out to be an excuse for the parties not to seek a negotiated
settlement of their dispute.
In fulfilling its mandate as the guardian of peace, the United Nations
has an important role to play by contributing to social and economic
development and the eradication of poverty. The significant role that the
United Nations has acquired in efforts to solve political conflicts should not
overshadow its responsibilities in the economic and social field. As pointed
out by the Secretary-General, no lasting peace can be achieved while the
existing gap between rich and poor nations persists.
The improved international political climate, the breakup of the old
power blocs and the reductions in military expenditures offer a unique
opportunity to promote social development.
We must now face our responsibility to improve living conditions for the more
than one billion people living in absolute poverty, and for the even larger
number of people suffering under unemployment and social insecurity. If we do
not, problems will multiply and put global stability at risk.
The solutions to those problems must be based on respect for human
rights, the rule of law and political institutions that are effective,
accountable and enjoy democratic legitimacy. It is time to face, discuss and
tackle these interlinking aspects of social development.
Denmark welcomes the proposal adopted by the Economic and Social Council
to convene in 1995 a world summit for social development. We intend to
propose Copenhagen as venue for the world social summit, thereby confirming
Denmark's commitment to social development and our wish to make the summit an
important event in the mobilization of all efforts to attain the ultimate
objective to improve the quality of life of man.
This year, the General Assembly will undertake a review of the
operational activities of the United Nations system. It will give us an
opportunity to assess the functioning of the development activities of the
United Nations system during the past three years, and establish new
guidelines and priorities for the coming three years. At the same time,
discussions of fundamental reforms of the United Nations system as such have
entered an important stage which gives an excellent opportunity for a
comprehensive discussion of the demands of the emerging new world order as
they relate to the. structure and functioning of the United Nations and its
Secretariat.
At the centre of the reform discussions is the need for a clearer
definition of the role of the United Nations system in development activities,
including better distribution of work and improved coordination among the
various organizations. The United Nations must also show leadership in this
field and carry out its own operational activities in a consistent and
coherent manner.
Progress in the discussions of reforms of the United Nations operational
activities was made at the recent session of the Economic and Social Council.
It is our hope that at this year's session the General Assembly will bring the
process forward from the level of discussing principles to that of concrete
action. The proposals contained in the Nordic United Nations project would,
in our view, enable the United Nations to regain its rightful leading role in
operational development activities. Only through substantial changes in the
governance and financing of United Nations funds and programmes will it be
possible to ensure a more effective and efficient role for the United Nations
in this field, to the benefit of developing nations.
During the last few years, we have seen a succession of natural and
man-made disasters of unprecedented frequency, scope and complexity. After
the extraordinary events of last year, we all hoped to see a reversal of this
trend in 1992. Unfortunately, such hopes have not been fulfilled.
The adoption of resolution 46/182 on emergency assistance at last year's
session was seen as a major step forward in the direction of improved
coordination within the United Nations system and increased efficiency in the
delivery of humanitarian emergency assistance. It was an important step.
However, much more needs to be done to translate the aims of that resolution
into reality.
The public criticism which has been raised in many countries, including
in Denmark, of the response of the United Nations system to the large-scale
tragedy in Somalia is an example which makes it clear that this year the
General Assembly must give increased and renewed attention to the issue of
improved performance by the United Nations. A determined effort must now be
made to ensure that sufficient humanitarian assistance is given in time, with
maximum speed, and in a well coordinated manner. We appeal in particular to
the organizations of the United Nations family to try harder to cooperate, act
jointly and compete less.
The World Conference on Human Rights, scheduled to take place in June
next year, will provide an opportunity to review progress made in the field of
human rights since the adoption of the Universal Declaration. Obstacles to
further progress will be identified, and specific measures which can assist
individual countries in their efforts to promote respect for human rights will
be outlined.
The Danish Government is committed to ensuring a successful outcome to
the Conference, and will work for a balanced result containing both political
benchmarks and operational guidelines for corresponding implementation
activities. In this regard, special attention should be paid to the
interlinkages between democracy, human rights and development and to the need
for a concentrated assistance effort in this area, based on the principle that
violations of human rights are a legitimate concern of the international
community.
Democracy, respect for human rights, equal status for men and women and
principles of good governance play an essential role in development efforts.
This has been increasingly recognized in recent years, and reflected both in
the wide-ranging reforms undertaken in a number of countries and in the
continued policy dialogue aimed at supporting development efforts. At the
same time, the process towards broadening public participation in the
decision-making processes is bound to continue.
The Danish Government will seek to assist countries undertaking policy
reforms in establishing administrative and political structures which are
conducive to development for instance, by setting up new democratic
institutions and by strengthening the rule of law.
Equally we attach great importance to the question of military spending.
Excessive military spending not only reduces funds available for other
purposes, but can also contribute to increased regional tensions and
violations of international law, and can in some cases compromise moves
towards democracy and the rule of law at the domestic level.
Denmark stands ready, through its programme for development assistance,
to provide substantial support for specific activities aimed at consolidating
human rights, democracy and good governance, and we shall seek our future
partners in development from amongst countries which are making a genuine
effort in this regard.
Next year has also been designated the International Year of the World's
Indigenous People. The Danish Government looks forward with great interest
and high hopes to that Year, and plans are well under way both in Greenland
and in Denmark on how to work actively towards increasing the understanding of
the special situation facing these peoples and how to further the respect for
the cultures and rights of indigenous peoples.
It is well known that the Inuit, the inhabitants of Greenland, have
chosen the status of home rule within the Danish realm, and at the domestic
level we will cooperate closely with the representatives of the home-rule
Government of Greenland in our preparations for the Year.
The results the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
recently achieved in Rio provide a good basis for a new global partnership
based on common responsibility for the Earth, even if it did not meet all our
expectations. The Rio Declaration, Agenda 21 and the Conventions on climate
change and biodiversity are far from being the end result: they are
instruments to mobilize governments and peoples from all over the world in a
joint effort towards sustainable development in the future.
The most significant institutional recommendation of the Conference to be
followed up at the international level is the high-level Commission on
Sustainable Development. It is important that the Commission's scope of work
be oriented towards the future in order to ensure a dynamic approach to future
technological and economic developments.
Implementation of Agenda 21 and the conventions requires financial
resources and thus calls for partnership and real burden-sharing among
nations, not only between North and South but also among the donor countries
themselves.
From the very beginning, the Danish Government has been committed to the
process of the United Nations Conference and Environment and Development. We
are prepared to provide our fair share of the necessary resources, and would
like to see similar firm commitments from as many countries as possible.
At this session we are marking the end of the United Nations Decade of
Disabled Persons. The disabled remain among the most vulnerable groups, in
particular in the developing countries. During the Decade awareness of the
problems and difficulties facing disabled persons all over the world has been
increased. Much however, still remains to be done. The development
organizations of the United Nations should play an important role in this
respect by integrating the needs of disabled persons more strategically in the
regular programming of their activities.
Let me end by stating the obvious: we all wish the United Nations
success in the reform process and in carrying out its many tasks. But that
wish must be accompanied by a willingness to live up to our legal obligation
to pay our contributions to the Organization and to do so in full and on time.


I congratulate Mr. Ganev on his unanimous
election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly. We are certain that his diplomatic skills and considerable
experience will lead us to historic conclusions.
I also wish to pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Samir S. Shihabi,
Permanent Representative of Saudi Arabia, for the excellent manner in which he
presided over the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
In his short time in office our Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has inspired our confidence that he has the
qualities essential to perform the duties of chief executive of the United
Nations. I take this opportunity to congratulate him on his appointment to
this high office last year. I assure him of the continued cooperation of the
Commonwealth of the Bahamas during this session of the General Assembly, as he
leads a United Nations challenged to reaffirm its fundamental purposes and
principles, and obliged to redefine its role and function in this world of
unprecedented change.
The Bahamas warmly welcomes those States that have joined the United
Nations since our last session of the General Assembly.
In just six days on 12 October we who live in the Western Hemisphere
will mark the five-hundredth anniversary of the encounter between the old
world and the new, which comes at a most pivotal time in modern history. It
all began on one of the many islands of the Bahamas, now called San Salvador,
and we are pleased to mark this historic occasion.
On a number of occasions during that 500-year interval these worlds
referred to as East and West have encountered each other in angry and even
bloody disagreement, and sometimes those disagreements have resulted in a cold
separation of peoples, countries and cultures.
The quincentennial presents an opportunity and an invitation to East and
West to re-enact that initial encounter in a way that is relative and
meaningful to the nations and the cultures of the twentieth and the
twenty-first centuries for mutual benefit and for global preservation.
The present-day inhabitants of the Bahamas, like those of 1492, are a
peace-loving and hospitable people. Small though we are in population, we
firmly believe in the significance of the role we can play in achieving the
peaceful coexistence of nations and environmental preservation. In that
belief, I extend a warm and cordial invitation to all the nations represented
here to come and see and experience the peace and tranquillity of the country
where that encounter took place 500 years ago.
Today I address the Assembly on behalf of the Government and the people
of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas to reaffirm our commitment to the
purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to pledge my
Government's cooperation as we seek to ensure that our Organization maintains
its objectives and enhances its effectiveness in international affairs.
The winds of political change, stirred by the innate desire of the
electorate for democratic representation and the concomitant responsibility of
those elected, did not bypass the Bahamas. The Bahamian people once again
demonstrated their long tradition of, and unswerving commitment to, the
democratic process when in the most dramatic yet tranquil manner, in the words
of Aldous Huxley, a "brave new world" was ushered into the lives of Bahamians,
and a new administration, the Government of the Free National Movement (FNM),
was democratically elected only seven weeks ago, on 19 August. That signal
event heralded a new era in Bahamian history. It is a reinvigorated Bahamas
that is now poised to take its place in this emerging new political arena.
Our vision is of a world free of tension, thus enabling us to deliver to
our people a new kind of freedom and social and economic justice.
This year natural disasters have occurred worldwide, exacting high tolls
on human life and the destruction of property and natural resources.
Just recently the Bahamas endured the ravages of Hurricane Andrew, which
caused severe damage $250 million-worth to several islands of the Bahamas,
resulting in a tragic loss of life and leaving more than 1,200 persons
homeless.
I wish on behalf of my Government to thank all those countries and
international organizations, as well as many, many individual friends, for
coming to the aid of the Bahamas as we begin the task of reconstruction. At
the same time, we extend our sympathy to the Governments and people of the
United States of America, China, Nicaragua and Pakistan for the devastation
and loss of life inflicted upon their countries by recent natural disasters.
All our countries face potential natural hazards. But natural hazards,
no matter how great, need not result in natural disasters. We often spend too
much time and money recovering from disasters and too little on prevention.
Widespread upheavals and conflicts, within States and between States,
have been responsible for the mass movement of persons from one country to the
other. This phenomenon not only threatens the security and stability of the
affected countries, but also creates competing demands for attention and vital
resources. This Organization must not be perceived as selective in mediating
problems of a political nature, nor as elevating the suffering of one group of
people over that of another.
In our region, the critical situation in Haiti demands urgent
international attention.
Almost two years ago, the people of Haiti spoke for democracy. But the
unconstitutional seizure of power by the military has subverted the popular
will. The great expectations which the world had for Haiti under a
democratically elected Government were dashed. Political unrest, economic
deprivation and poverty have caused a mass exodus of its people, who are
fleeing their homeland in unprecedented numbers and thereby placing an
unacceptably high burden on neighbouring countries, particularly the Bahamas.
I now make a plea for the people of Haiti. We call on the international
community to come to the aid of Haiti.
It must be appreciated that no matter how grave our disillusionments over
the plight of the Haitian people, no matter how solicitous our efforts to
understand and to help, and no matter how expansive our Christian charity in
this whole unfortunate affair, the Bahamas has a priority responsibility for
the welfare of the Bahamian people.
In the comprehensive Manifesto on which the Governing Party in the
Bahamas was swept into power in August this year, we reaffirmed our commitment
to that priority, and it is necessary that our sister nations in this
Organization fully understand the Bahamas' position on the matter.
For almost three decades the Bahamas has been subjected to this serious
problem of illegal Haitian immigration. The presence of large numbers of
illegal immigrants in the Bahamas has created unexpected demands on the
country's economic, health and welfare agencies. This situation cannot
continue, and the Bahamas :an no longer afford to be penalized by the
situation simply because of our geographical position.
The Bahamas supports the efforts of the Organization of American States
(OAS) to negotiate a settlement to the situation in Haiti. Fully appreciative
of the practical limits to action by the OAS, the Bahamas advocates and
supports United Nations efforts aimed at strengthening OAS initiatives and
finding a solution to this problem.
The Bahamas wishes to place on record its deep appreciation for the
continuing assistance which the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees has rendered to us in the difficulties caused us by this
problem. We implore all concerned to continue to pursue all peaceful means to
reach a comprehensive settlement of the Haitian situation.
I should also like to decry the problems of drug abuse, drug trafficking
and the illicit production of drugs, which continue to haunt the international
community with their catastrophic effects on our individual societies.
The creation of the United Nations International Drug Control Programme
has been our most recent collective step to strengthen, improve and
rationalize the legal and institutional framework for control of the
production, trafficking and abuse of narcotic drugs and psychotropic
substances. My Government wishes to affirm its support for the Programme and
its efforts in providing valuable assistance to countries fighting this menace.
However, a most significant element in the fight against the drug trade
is the requisite cooperation between States. My Government pledges to
continue its collaboration with our neighbours to fight against the drug
menace. In this regard, we wish to thank the Governments of the United States
of America and Canada for the assistance they have rendered to the Bahamas.
The world breathed a sigh of relief earlier this year when it appeared
that talks between the Government of South Africa and the African National
Congress gave promise of establishing a political solution to the problems of
South Africa. The Bahamas deeply regrets that the process of dialogue has
been interrupted. We condemn the massacre at Boipatong and other massacres of
innocent civilians, as we equally condemn the efforts by the South African
Government to delay the realization of majority rule in South Africa.
The United Nations has been a critical force in opposing the abhorrent
system of apartheid in South Africa and in moving that country towards a
non-racial, unitary and democratic society. The role of the United Nations is
even more critical since the lifting of sanctions by many influential States.
The United Nations must not fail the people of South Africa at this critical
moment. My country strongly supports the phased lifting of sanctions agreed
by States members of the Commonwealth, and it firmly supports the effort that
the United Nations is making to encourage the resumption of negotiations
towards a new constitution for South Africa and ending the violence which
threatens a total disruption of these negotiations.
The Earth Summit held in Rio in June of this year was a historic
beginning. The fact that wore than 118 world leaders attended is a measure of
the seriousness with which the global community is viewing the question of the
environment.
It is perhaps a trite truism to observe that the survival of the human
family depends to a great extent on how this generation protects the natural
environment. The positive results achieved by the Summit were due in large
measure to the cooperation fostered by the United Nations. Real success,
however, will be judged by the abilities of countries to carry out programmes
at the national level. Tins can come about only when national capacities are
strengthened and additional resources are available. We must therefore
continue to maintain the vision and basic principles of multilateral
cooperation.
The Bahamas therefore welcomes the decision to establish a United Nations
commission on sustainable development to monitor the follow-up action after
Rio. The Bahamas, an archipelagic State of pristine aquamarine water, with a
vibrant tourist industry, is committed to the protection of its own natural
environment as well as the promotion of the global environment. My Government
sees eco-tourism as a powerful instrument for sustainable development of the
Bahamas, and we are fully committed to protection of the environment. The
Bahamas therefore gives its assurance that it will scrupulously abide by the
conventions signed at Rio, and its commitment to sustainable development
remains absolute.
The World Economic Survey of 1992 indicates that world output has
declined for the first time since the Second World War. World trade has
experienced slow growth. Countries continue to wrestle with economic
recession and the decline in world financial markets. Failure to complete the
Uruguay Round of negotiations will undoubtedly lead to increased
protectionism. These are areas of concern to us all, as are the uncertainties
prevailing in world markets with regard to the future course of interest
rates. These introduce many constraints on investment capital flows and
consequently on the growth of developing countries in particular.
In spite of all these problems and uncertainties, the performance of the
world economy can be improved through the enhancement of international
cooperation and policy coordination, which must now be a principal objective
of the United Nations.
The United Nations has become the centre of a diplomatic revolution, one
that mirrors the revitalization of national political institutions in many
countries. Fundamental changes not only promise greater personal freedom and
more dynamic societies, but frequently provide new challenges which create
uncertainty in international relations. The United Nations will have to adopt
a new strategy for addressing these challenges.
Today, we live in a world of much lowered ideological tension, a world in
which representative democracy is of fundamental importance. Indeed, the
renewal in many parts of the world of the democratic process implies greater
respect for human rights. In that regard, the United Nations must play a
catalytic role in ensuring that human rights are assured.
We have also come better to understand the relationship between respect
for human rights and our search for economic and social development, and we
must measure that development by actual improvements in human lives and not
exclusively in monetary terms.
We are hopeful that the greatly changed international environment and the
renewal of interest worldwide in human rights will contribute to the success
of the World Conference on Human Rights scheduled for 1993. In this regard my
Government has undertaken to give early consideration to all of the human
rights conventions to which the Bahamas is not yet a party, including the
Covenants relating to economic, social and political rights.
The pace of change in international politics is straining mankind's
capabilities of assimilation and assessment. In Western Europe the outlines of
super-nationalism have become visible. In Central Europe the echoes of history
are heralded again after more than 40 years of silence. And in Eastern Europe
communism is in full-scale retreat under the implacable pressure of the
recognition of its limitations and of rising expectations. In Asia countries
that could scarcely feed themselves a generation ago have become tigers of
economic competition. Meantime, the spectre of famine remains over the Horn
of Africa, demonstrating that not all change is positive. Almost everywhere
pluralistic democratic values are surfacing and tending to dominate.
In a world of tinder, fire-breaks are needed. The United Nations
peace-keeping operations can be considered just such fire-breaks. The support
of the international community, both political and material, remains an
essential characteristic of peace-keeping operations, regardless of their
size. Political support by Governments can mean the difference between a
party's compliance with the terms of an agreement and serious infractions that
jeopardize lives and progress towards peace.
The price of United Nations peace-keeping is, by monetary standards, a
bargain. But the United Nations is more than just good value. The
contributions of the membership are certainly a more cost-effective and humane
solution to international disputes than the conflict and human suffering that
occur when States feel that they are unable, or are unwilling, to use the
machinery offered by the United Nations and resort to war.
We welcome the recent pronouncements of the Presidents of the
United States of America and of the Russian Federation of 17 June 1992 to
reduce their nuclear arsenals below the numbers agreed to last summer during
the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty Talks (START) and their joint statement on
chemical weapons in which they reiterated their commitment to the global
elimination of such weapons. The recently concluded negotiations on a
convention banning chemical weapons is a further important step forward in
curtailing the use of weapons of mass destruction. Further progress in this
area will be determined by the political will of Member States, their
commitment to their obligations under existing disarmament agreements, and the
more recent agreements, such as the United Nations universal and
non-discriminatory Register of Conventional Arms, which became operational on
1 January 1992. The Bahamas remains totally committed to general and complete
disarmament.
The bedrock for action by the United Nations lies in States adhering to,
and consistently applying, the principles of the Charter. It costs money to
put principles into practice. Expanded responsibilities translate into greater
costs, which must be borne by the States Members of the Organization.
In the coming decade it is vital to use in the most effective and
efficient manner this Organization, which has demonstrated the importance of
its promotional and catalytic role, particularly in bringing to the surface
issues which are likely to assume importance in coming years.
The creation of a stable and more favourable international environment is
fundamental to the strengthening of multilateral policy coordination within an
enhanced framework, especially if we are to realize our new vision for an
improved new world order. This requires the collective resolve of the giant
nations as well as of tiny nations, such as the Bahamas, to work together to
remove constraints and to allow for optimum growth and development. The new
world order can be lasting only if all constituent elements grow in harmony.
A multilateral, concerted and comprehensive approach is vital for the
implementation of effective and lasting solutions to global problems.
As I noted at the outset, this year's commemoration of the quincentennial
in the Bahamas and in the Western hemisphere offers a unique opportunity to
make real and meaningful and mutually beneficial that original encounter of
the old and new worlds. There are those who condemn that encounter but
Columbus did come and as a result a medley of old and new cultures and
civilizations emerged.
It was fitting that with the coming into being of the United Nations in
San Francisco in 1945 the Preamble to our Charter reaffirmed our determination
to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and our faith in
fundamental human rights, and established conditions under which justice and
respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of
international law should be maintained.
In those 47 years, many swords have been beaten into plowshares, and many
spears into pruning hooks. It is now left for us to make abidingly true the
end of that refrain, that nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
neither shall we learn war any more.