204. Allow me through you Sir, to express to Mr. Amerasinghe our most sincere and warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of this thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are convinced that his outstanding qualities as a diplomat, well known to all, the wide experience he has acquired at the service of the international community and the historic commitment of his country to the defense of the principles of peace, international co-operation and independence of peoples are a certain guarantee of the full accomplishment of the lofty and honorable mission entrusted to him.
205.	It is also with great respect that we pay a tribute to the outgoing President, the Prime Minister and Minister for. Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, whose intelligence, equilibrium and competence lived up to the expectations that we had placed in him last year at the time of his election.
206.	May we also extend to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, our gratitude and our most sincere appreciation of the admirable work he has been carrying out in the faithful fulfillment of the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and, in particular, in the framework of the struggle against colonialism, racism and apartheid in Africa.
207.	We also wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to greet the representatives of the Republic of Seychelles and express to them our great satisfaction at seeing them occupy today their rightful place in this Assembly of free and sovereign nations.
208.	A year ago, at a historic moment for our country, that of our admission to this the highest international body, we had occasion to outline the general principles underlying our foreign policy.  We come here to reaffirm them because our experience in this short span of time as a sovereign State has proved the justice of those principles. They are fully in keeping with the legitimate interests of the Members of this Organization and the objective realities that we have inherited from colonialism and thus serve the sacred interests of our people.
209.	Objectively, we cannot fail to note the enormous progress that has been achieved along the path leading towards the realization of the specific objectives of the United Nations Charter.
210.	In fact, self-determination and independence have become established principles of international law and the peoples of the whole world are moving irreversibly towards full emancipation and sovereignty.
211.	The victory of the peoples of Indochina (Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea), the great march towards independence by the African peoples which dominated the decade of the 1960s, and the recent independence of the former Portuguese colonies, after a long and victorious political and armed struggle for national independence, are important milestones in the history of man's liberation.
212.	We applaud in particular the great victory of the Vietnamese people, who achieved one of their fundamental objectives, namely the reunification of Viet Nam. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam conquered with heroism and tenacity a place of honor in our Organization. The liquidation of these bastions of colonialism and racism, apart from opening new prospects of peace, progress and social justice in the world, has served to catalyze again and decisively in Africa the general struggle against the vestiges of colonialism and the shameful realities of racism and apartheid.
213.	We witness, without the slightest shadow of a doubt, a clear effort to establish concord and co-operation among nations, which in turn help to promote initiatives towards international detente.
214.	Proof of this is the progress achieved in the negotiations on disarmament and the development of relations of co-operation among countries with different social systems which entail the relaxation of the climate of confrontation between blocs and ushers in to the benefit of the peoples an era of peaceful coexistence that replaces the bleak phase of the cold war.
215.	We would be remiss if we were not to highlight the important contribution made by the enlargement and gradual consolidation of the non-aligned movement and OAU.
216.	While OAU, through its higher bodies, has seriously considered the crucial problems of Africa and has found an answer and solution to many of them, as borne out by the recent results obtained in Mauritius, the non-aligned movement inspired by similar principles and objectives but with a broader platform has carried out similar tasks at the third-world level. The last Conference in Colombo, Sri Lanka, adopted declarations and resolutions [see Af31/197] which bear out this assertion.
217.	We can say that today, in its struggle for the Creative implementation of the principles enshrined in our Charter, the African group and the broader platform of the non-aligned countries in the United Nations represent a decisive factor in the establishment of a new policy among nations.
218.	Our State, as a fully fledged member of both OAU and the non-aligned group, firmly supports all the decisions taken and resolutions adopted by these two international organizations, which meet the aspirations of the peoples of the third world.
219.	However, our State, as an integral part of the international community, cannot fail to express its concern at the flagrant violations of fundamental human rights, at the attempts to perpetuate anachronistic colonialist, racist and apartheid regimes, at acts of aggression, interference and violation of the territorial integrity of sovereign States and at subversive maneuvers aimed at overthrowing legitimately constituted Governments which endanger international peace and security.
220.	The accession to independence of the former Portuguese colonies and the assumption of power by the national liberation movements which led to the establishment of the People's Republic of Angola, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and the Republic of Cape Verde-all this is not only a victory for the peoples of Africa and peace-loving and progressive forces in the world, but it is also a significant victory for the United Nations, where the fate of these peoples had been debated over a period of 20 years.
221.	The beneficial consequence for Africa of the independence of these countries escapes no attentive observer. The independence of these countries has substantially changed the relations of force in the struggle against colonialism and racism in southern Africa.
222.	Once apartheid's protective belt, Portuguese colonialism, was destroyed, the minority regimes in southern Africa saw in these anti-colonialist, anti-racist republics of Angola and Mozambique their closest enemies. Despite the important contribution made by the struggle of these peoples to the cause of the United Nations, we still witness acts of unquantifiable aggression by the unlawful Rhodesian regime and the racist regime in South Africa against the young republics of Angola and Mozambique.
223.	Those peoples which, like the Angolan people, after long years of cruel and bloody fighting, at the expense of untold suffering and sacrifices, at long last broke the shackles of slavery, exploitation, poverty and ignorance, deserve the respect and solidarity of all the nations inspired by the principles of the United Nations. For this reason we believe it is the duty of all the Members of this Organization to support whole-heartedly the application for admission of the People's Republic of Angola, which fulfills all the requirements for membership of the United Nations.
224.	In Rhodesia, in Namibia, in South Africa, we continue to witness the maneuvers of the racist and apartheid regimes which, in a desperate attempt to stem the tide of history, seek to perpetuate systems that the international community, irrespective of political system or ideology, regards as obsolete and inhuman.
225.	In our view, the solutions proposed by OAU and supported by the non-aligned movement are valid. All these solutions unmask and condemn attempts to undermine the true liberation of those peoples. By way of flagrant example, we have the pseudo-independence of Transkei, which is no more than one racist maneuver to divide the people of South Africa.
226.	We are convinced that the desperate challenge launched by the racist regime of South Africa against Africa and the peace-loving and progressive forces, and which is reflected in the recrudescence of massacres against the defenseless population, that have aroused a wave of indignation throughout the world, will only strengthen, we are sure, the determination of the heroic people of South Africa to carry their struggle to final victory.
227.	We associate ourselves with all those who appeal to the common sense of the Powers which obstinately insist on aiding that regime by financing means and by supplying war materials, including materials capable of being used for weapons of mass destruction.
228.	In the Comoros, although that country has acceded to independence and been admitted to full membership in OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations, we still witness the flagrant violation of the principle of territorial integrity, namely, the occupation of Mayotte, which has always been an integral part of that former colony.
229.	With reference to Western Sahara, although this is a clear case of decolonization similar to so many others that we have witnessed on the African continent, we note an attempt by the administering Power to evade its responsibilities by concluding agreements that violate the sacred principle of self-determination and independence, and that might ultimately lead to the disappearance of Western Sahara as an entity.
230.	In our view, the people of Western Sahara, like any other colonized people, are entitled to self-determination and independence. We believe that the Frente POLISARIO, which embodies the legitimate aspirations of the Saharan people, has the inalienable right to seek out the ways and means that will lead to true emancipation.
231.	Another tragic situation, which has existed for so many years, still prevails in the Middle East. We reaffirm here our unconditional support of the Palestinian people in their struggle for the recovery of their usurped lands, and of the Arab countries who see a part of their territory unlawfully occupied by foreign forces. We also believe that the satisfaction of the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people is the key to the solution of the serious problem that still exists in the Middle East and dangerously threatens international peace and security.
232.	Any manoeuvre or arrangement aimed at disregarding the claims of the martyred people of Palestine, represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization, will simply prolong indefinitely and aggravate the problem. Our own experience has taught us that massacres, such as those now taking place in Lebanon, will never break the will or determination of the people or destroy a just cause.
233.	By way of confirmation of the threat that hangs over the small countries and of the desire nurtured by many to restore the law of the strongest, we have the case of East Timor-a classical example of a colony occupied by foriegn forces in flagrant violation, again, of the sacred principles of self-determination and independence.
234.	We have come here today to reaffirm solemnly our support of every just cause, and in particular of all national liberation struggles, the purpose of which is to liberate man from all forms of subjection. May we also reaffirm our readiness to support every effort in favor of disarmament, in particular the neutralization of weapons of mass destruction, for the benefit of peaceful coexistence, concord among nations and the utilization of the conquests of science and technology for the well-being and progress of man.
235.	We shall continue to adhere to the principles of non-alignment, which advocate independence of action and thinking; the practice of a policy which serves peoples; the constant upholding of equality and fraternity among nations; non-aggression and non-interference; the inviolability of territorial integrity; and the consistent implementation of the principle of peaceful coexistence, which guarantees to all States the right to devote themselves to primary tasks so as to achieve their economic independence by establishing the bases for progress. Thus, we shall always be open to frank co-operation with all the peoples and Governments of the world on the basis of mutual advantage and non-interference in internal affairs.
236.	This determination will be our modest contribution to the process of instituting a new and more just and equitable economic and social order so that together, in the service of our respective peoples, we may be able to face the disasters still afflicting many parts of the world: poverty, hunger, ignorance, and social, cultural, scientific and technological backwardness.
237.	In referring to these disasters, and having defined the position of the Republic of Cape Verde on the fundamental problems that concern our Organization, allow me to draw the attention of this Assembly to the difficult, not to say dramatic, economic and social situation besetting the people of Cape Verde at the present time, to which we shall be referring in greater detail in due time in the Second Committee.
238.	The Cape Verde archipelago, which is situated in the well-known desert zone of the Sahel and which conquered its national independence a little more than one year ago, inherited from its long colonial past a precarious economic and social situation characterized fundamentally by a total lack of productive infrastructure.
239.	Periodically, our country, subject to the whims of the weather and to haphazard and scarce rainfall, must face long periods of devastating drought, which bring famine and unemployment and sow consternation among the population. During the last two centuries of colonial domination-or, rather, between 1744 and 1974-Cape Verde had over half a century of acute famine, which took a toll estimated at more than 200,000 lives.
240.	Since 1968, Cape Verde has had eight consecutive years of drought, aggravated by the mass return of immigrants-in particular, from Angola.

241.	Although subject to the uncertainties of the weather, agriculture has always been, the main productive sector of the Cape Verde economy and the one providing the largest amount of employment for the active population.
242.	As for industry, it is in the artisan stage and thus very shaky, being limited essentially to the mining of salt, the extraction of pozzolana and the small-scale processing of a small number of foodstuffs, especially those derived from fishing. According to provisional estimates for 1973 prepared by a mission of the Economic Commission for Africa, the industrial sector accounts for barely 6.47 per cent of gross domestic product.
243.	An analysis of foreign trade reveals the precariousness and degree of dependency of the Cape Verde economy. It shows a substantial deficit, which has been exacerbated between 1966 and 1974 by the prolonged drought, leading to a heavy increase in imports of agricultural produce and the stagnation, or even decline, of exports.
244.	Thus, in 1974, exports covered only 3.3 per cent of imports. It may reasonably be supposed that this percentage is currently of the same order of magnitude.
245.	It should, further, be pointed out that imports of food-stuffs account for approximately 55 per cent of total imports.,
246.	Per capita gross domestic product in 1973 was $US 127, according to the estimates of the Economic Commission for Africa. Today, this figure can reasonably be estimated to be substantially lower, because of the prolonged drought, the increase in population brought about by strong demographic pressure and, especially, the mass return of emigrants.
247.	As for public finance, the regular budget for 1976 shows a deficit representing 45 per cent of total expenditures. The investment budget is almost non-existent.
248.	As a result of this especially difficult economic situation, the social situation is characterized by chronic unemployment affecting a sizable segment of the active population. Of the active population employed in 1970, 57,000 persons were doing assistance work for the victims of the drought, financed by the colonial authorities which were concerned by the possible repercussions on world public opinion of the announcement of drought victims. This kind of work, which had no precise national development objective, was suppressed when Cape Verde achieved independence, with gradual reconversion to more useful work such as the construction of dykes to channel water, the construction of infrastructure and the stockpiling of food-stuffs. The source of financing having been removed, the Government is in fact having great difficulty in: implementing this policy. As a result, the present unemployment rate (jobless and underemployed) is much higher* and must amount to about 75 per cent of the active population.
249.	With the prospect of a bad harvest as a result of insufficient rainfall for 1976, the number of unemployed will increase considerably.
250.	Confronted with this situation, the President of the Republic, Aristides Pereira, spoke on national radio asking the people to prepare themselves to face vigorously a new crisis situation. Noting that as at 15 September, rainfall was almost nil in all the islands, President Pereira confirmed that the harvest for this year would be almost totally lost.
251.	President Pereira, a few days prior to the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC], observed that, in fighting for independence, the PAIGC had been aware of the difficulties that the people of Cape Verde would have to face, deriving from the inclement natural elements and the consequences of the virtually complete abandonment of the islands by the colonial Power.
252.	Despite this initial handicap, President Aristides Pereira expressed his conviction that the people which, through its Party, the PAIGC, had already accepted 20 years of sacrifice, would take up the challenge of nature and create a prosperous Cape Verde no longer at the mercy of rainfall.
253.	President Aristides Pereira concluded his address by launching an appeal to the entire people of Cape Verde- workers, technicians, civil servants, peasants, emigrants and Party activists to carry out the emergency measures to be taken by the Government, so as once again to show world public opinion their capacity to work and accept sacrifice, which are the necessary conditions for the mobilization of international solidarity -a solidarity which, it is fully confident, will assist the people of Cape Verde to surmount this difficult emergency situation, which calls for a rapid and effective response by this august Assembly.


Mr. President, permit me first of all to convey to you the warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma on your election as President of this General Assembly. We wish you every success in the discharge of your high office and assure you of our support and co-operation.
54.	To our outgoing President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, we take this opportunity to pay a tribute to his energetic efforts in presiding over the last Assembly.
55.	We should also like to take this opportunity to extend to the delegation of the Republic of Seychelles a very warm welcome to our Organization.
56.	At the same time, we regret that our friendly neighbor, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has not yet been able to send a delegation to participate in the work of the General Assembly. The consistent view of our Government is that each application for membership should be decided strictly on its merits in accordance with the provisions of Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations. Since last year, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has clearly established itself as a reunified nation of national independence with a Government exercising effective control over the entire country. Clearly it is entitled as of right to be represented in the United Nations according to the principle of universality of this Organization and on the same basis as every other Member State. The delegation of Burma looks forward to welcoming soon the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam into our family of nations.
57.	Likewise, we very much regret that the People's Republic of Angola which has been accorded de jure recognition by more than two thirds of the States Members of the United Nations is still denied admission to our world Organization. This is contrary both to the spirit of the United Nations Charter and to the principle of universality.
58.	The addition of each new Member implies the growth of this world forum in both strength and stature. It also implies the Organization's continuing validity and efficacy. Despite its short-comings and despite its apparent inability to make an impact on some of the most vital issues facing the world today, the United Nations remains a basic necessity of our times and the best hope of mankind.
59.	In recent years, the tendency of the great Powers to have recourse to negotiations, dialog and contact in the search for political solutions to their differences has resulted in the relaxation of tensions among them and has been instrumental in giving a positive direction to their relations. The fact remains that this is chiefly a bilateral process based on mutual interest and security. It cannot be meaningful for other countries unless the same great Powers limit their involvement in the areas of the world where their competing interests tend to interpose.
60.	Peace and security are indivisible. It is important to stress here that in the closely linked world of today, peace and security cannot be confined only to a few Powers. It is our fervent hope that it will be equally possible for other parts of the world to benefit from the favorable trends in great Power relations, so as to achieve the greatest possible spread of peace and security.
61.	The longstanding areas of crisis in southern Africa, the Middle East and the Korean peninsula, continue to constitute a threat to international peace and security. Over the past 30 years, the General Assembly has been preoccupied with many of the problems of these crisis areas. Yet there is no discernible prospect of fruitful advance towards their resolution. Today, the situation in these areas is marked by acute tensions. The issues have become more intense and complicated than ever as time and history overtake events.
62.	We meet at a time of grave forebodings in southern Africa. Dark clouds of war hover menacingly as the people of the region mobilize for armed struggle to liquidate colonialism, racism and racial discrimination. The collective efforts of the United Nations to assure the peaceful fulfillment of the aspirations of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa have long been up against the solid wall of open defiance by the minority regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa.
63.	South Africa persists in its intransigence by continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia, as well as by its unabated policy of apartheid, in defiance of countless resolutions of the United Nations. In Zimbabwe, the situation has been escalating rapidly with the intensification of the armed struggle against minority oppression. There is now a belated recognition by the illegal regime of the principle of majority rule. The situation is, however, still extremely tenuous and would require greater efforts to ensure a transition from the threat of war to prospects of a peaceful solution.
64.	If the minority regimes are to be induced to change their course, this can be accomplished only through united action on the part of the international community to dispel such illusions in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
65.	So long as the Korean problem eludes settlement, it will remain a source of world tension. Burma regards the joint North-South communique of 4 July 1972  as an act of statesmanship opening the door to dialog to facilitate conditions for a peaceful solution of the Korean problem. Given the spirit which moved Korean statesmen to agree on the three principles of the joint communique, may we be permitted to express the hope that they will overcome their present differences and prove equal to the commitment to seek national unity and the peaceful reunification of Korea. It is our view that the Korean people themselves should work out, without any outside interference, acceptable positions that could be adopted as a basis for eventual reunification. It also stands to reason that any process directed towards resolving the Korean problem must involve the active participation of both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea.
66.	The crisis in the Middle East continues to command world attention. The situation there has, in fact, become more confused and complex with recent happenings in Lebanon. The lack of a lasting and permanent homeland for the Palestinian people is the underlying cause of the problems of the Middle East. The basic prerequisite for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region is obvious: it is the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to establish their own State. It is also clear that the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of all States in the region and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized borders cannot be ignored and must be respected.
67.	Burma is, in principle, opposed to any territorial acquisition by war. We consider the rectification of the problem of the Israeli occupation of Arab lands of 5 June 1967 to be of the utmost importance.
68.	Allow me to turn briefly to the region in which my country is situated. The end of the war in Kampuchea, Viet Nam and Laos last year was highly welcome in South-East Asia. It was a great relief to the region, which had not known peace and tranquility since the beginning of the Second World War. Now, after 30 long years of arduous struggle by its people, Viet Nam has emerged as a reunified nation. Kampuchea and Laos are also proud to stand once again as united independent nations.
69.	As a result, the whole region is undergoing a process of far-reaching political, economic and social change and, of late, there have emerged trends towards establishing new relationships among the countries in the area. There is a growing awareness among these countries that they themselves have to play an increasing role in creating conditions under which peace and security can be maintained, and co-operation for economic and social advancement promoted. We view these positive factors as providing the countries of the region with an opportunity to work together for their common objectives of safeguarding national independence and promoting peace and social progress.
70.	Let me now turn to another area in which resolute and co-ordinated international action is urgently required. For over 30 years now, the world has been concerned with the problem of disarmament, but nations are engaged in rearmament. Indeed rearmament has been pursued so ruthlessly that, over the past decade alone, world military expenditures have more than doubled to the staggering annual rate of $US 300 billion at constant prices. What is perhaps even more alarming is that an end to this escalation of military spending is nowhere yet in sight. Along with military expenditures, military arsenals-particularly those of the major armed Powers are continuing to grow unchecked in size and in diversity. New and even deadlier weapons systems are being developed. Massive arms transfers are taking place on an unprecedented scale. In short, the uncontrolled arms race is threatening to become uncontrollable.
71.	To quote the words of our Secretary-General "in a world increasingly preoccupied with the problems of social justice, hunger, poverty, illiteracy, disease, development and an equitable sharing of resources", in this situation, such continued diversion to armaments of creative human energies and productive resources on a colossal and ever- increasing scale is both tragic and intolerable while keeping the world in a constant state of insecurity and tension.
72.	My delegation cannot fail to stress that the ominous implications of nuclear weapons continue to impinge upon our lives. No progress has been made in nuclear disarmament despite the priority assigned to it in negotiations for the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. Nuclear testing continues. At the same time, ever newer and deadlier types of nuclear weapons and systems are being devised and produced. The number of nations possessing technological capability to produce nuclear explosives has increased and the possibility of its misuse is becoming a matter of grave concern.
73.	The armaments race has thus become one of the greatest scourges of humanity, and failure to act wisely and effectively at this juncture in order to halt and reverse it is bound to confront the world with an unpleasant and irreversible reality.
74.	That is why my delegation would urge the General Assembly to give due consideration to the call made by the
recent Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo, for the holding of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament as early as possible and not later than \91S [see A/31/197, annex I, para. 139]. A special session will not only focus the attention of international public opinion on this age-old and pressing problem, but will also enable Governments to explore and devise ways and means whereby our common goal of universal disarmament can be pursued more methodically and with a greater sense of purpose and direction in the decades ahead than in decades past. My delegation is most gratified that our distinguished Secretary-General has lent his valuable support to the proposal of ' the non-aligned nations.
75. We have often stated in the General Assembly that Burma strongly favors the governing of the oceans and their uses by generally acceptable and universally applicable rules of international law, elaborated through multilateral dialog and consensus. We have stated that if multilateral dialog should fail, or become unduly protracted, necessity would compel nations to resort to unilateral action in establishing national maritime zones along their coasts. This is precisely what is happening now in various parts of the world, including our own.
76.	As some of my colleagues present here are probably aware, the Prime Minister of Burma in his report to the Pyithu Hluttaw (Parliament) on 10 March 1975, stated that arrangements were under way to establish Burma's exclusive economic, zone at 200 miles. Till now we have kept faith with the negotiations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. However, faced with the prospect of even further protraction of those negotiations, we in Burma consider that the time has now arrived for us to judge what measures are needed to protect our national maritime interests and act accordingly. We must, however, hasten to add that the historic international effort to elaborate a new convention on the law of the sea has not been an exercise in futility. It can fairly be said that, as a result of the Third Conference, new legal concepts have already emerged as principles and rules of international maritime law which will provide a sound and viable basis for inter-State relations with respect to the sea.
77.	I would now like to say a few words on the state of the international economy. As the representatives present here are fully aware, one of the basic aims of the United Nations is to promote social progress and better standards of life in greater freedom and, towards this end, to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples.
78.	To what extent has this objective been achieved? Over the past three decades, numerous consultations have indeed been held both within and outside the United Nations with a view to resolving the economic problems facing the world today. As a result of these consultations, many important issues have been clarified and useful approaches to the solution of the problems involved have also been identified. The large number of resolutions adopted and recommendations made, particularly the recommendations contained in the International Development Strategy, testify to this.
peoples. The reason for this state of affairs is that these resolutions and recommendations, like many resolutions on political issues, have largely remained unimplemented.
80.	In recent years, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly, the fourth session of UNCTAD, and the recently concluded Colombo Conference of non-aligned countries have highlighted the tasks ahead. It is imperative that the international community address itself urgently and resolutely to these tasks if any appreciable progress is to be made towards the achievement of the objective set out in the Charter of the United Nations.
81.	The resolutions and decisions taken at various United Nations forums have not had the political impact we had hoped for. This should not, however; make us lose sight of the useful work the United Nations and its agencies are performing in the economic and social field. In this regard, we are glad to note that the activities that the regional commissions, the specialized agencies and other United Nations bodies have undertaken in support of the development effort of many developing countries have met with a considerable degree of success.
82.	Obviously, we are in favor of increasing the effectiveness of this role of the United Nations. We therefore welcome the present attempt to restructure the United Nations and to make it a more effective instrument for economic development and international co-operation.
83.	I have so far dealt with the problem of economic development and social progress in the international context. This is because in our increasingly integrated world, the interdependence of the interests and well-being of developed and developing countries is a factor of growing significance.
84. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that, although a favorable international setting can be conducive to promoting economic progress, the main effort for development must be made by the developing countries themselves. International assistance and co-operation can, at the same time, play a useful supplemental role in aiding such efforts. The assistance thus provided, at present and in the future, should be expanded and made more effective. This, we feel, is a responsibility which the developed countries should undertake in co-operation with the developing countries.
85.	These are in general the reflections of the delegation of Burma ?n reviewing the world situation.


Mr. President, the Government of Australia warmly congratulates you upon your election to the presidency of this session of our Assembly. Your charm, your manifest international experience, your innovative skill and sage judgment, all combine to make you a welcome and popular holder of the highest office of what we all hope will be a constructive and fruitful session of the General Assembly.
156.	Your country and mine, Mr. President, have for long been associated in the Commonwealth-a concept and a structure which have much to contribute to this Organization.
157.	We have welcomed to membership in the United Nations at this session another Commonwealth country, the Republic of Seychelles. This brings us closer to our goal of universality. Australia has been glad to see growing contact between the United Nations and the Commonwealth Secretariat; and we heartily endorse the proposal, which is being made to this Assembly, that the Commonwealth Secretariat should be given observer status [A/31/191].
158.	Our relationship with the United Nations is a relationship not only with its Members but with its staff. That staff, is led by our Secretary-General, and I should like today to express our appreciation for his outstanding service to the United Nations.
159.	The Government of which I am a member came to office in December last year. This is our first opportunity to reaffirm in this meeting-place of nations the dedication of Australia to the principles and purposes of the United Nations and to their implementation. We remain resolved to contribute in every way we can to the work of this Organization.
160.	As a new Government, naturally we have had to make our own assessment of the international scene, including the role of the United Nations. The international system has entered a period of profound change, and some of the key assumptions of recent decades no longer hold true. Some of the issues which have dominated events are now receding, while new ones are crowding on to the international agenda. Structures, as well as attitudes and values, are changing. The distinction between the political and the economic aspects of international politics is being rapidly narrowed. If these multiple changes are not to constitute a multiple crisis, they require a constructive, co-operative and imaginative response on the part of us all-a response which thinks in terms strategically and of decades, rather than tactically and in terms of instant solutions.
161.	The Australian Government believes that the United Nations can and should play a key role in shaping this response. Its future importance will depend on how it meets this challenge. Because of this, we believe that now is a time when all of us could well consider how the Organization's great potential can be more fully realized. If we are to construct a new international order-and the magnitude of the changes confronting us suggests that nothing less is required-then a realistic reappraisal of the tasks and methods of the United Nations is surely timely in order to ensure that it makes the fullest contribution.
162.	In this respect, we believe that one important requirement is that the General Assembly should shape concepts and establish priorities and principles which are relevant to its changing environment. Only then will it be able to concentrate its energies and resources where they are most needed and where they can be most effective. Unless we have a clear sense of which issues have priority and which issues can be realistically tackled with a hope of success, those energies and resources will be largely wasted.
163.	We also believe that the United Nations will only make its full contribution at this critical time if its Members recognize that one of the principal sources of its strength lies in its moral authority. This in turn derives from the fact that it expresses -however imperfectly- some of the deepest, most fundamental aspirations of mankind.
164.	It is this moral authority which constitutes the vital capital of the Organization and which gives it a purchase on events. Deprived of that authority it will become little more than an empty structure of institutional arrangements and procedures that governments can ignore with impunity. It is crucial, therefore, that it should not be deprived of that authority. Ultimately the. case against arbitrary, unrealistic or discriminatory action within the framework of the United Nations rests on this. It can be stated not in terms of duty or obligation, but of good sense and foresight. As Members of the United Nations, we have an interest in maintaining its moral authority and rejecting courses of action inconsistent with it, because otherwise we shall destroy the effectiveness of the very instrument in which we have declared our faith.
165.	Let me stress that none of these observations means that the Australian Government does not understand or sympathize with the desperate human problems and urgent needs which frequently underlie the actions of Members within this Assembly. On the contrary, it is precisely because we consider the solution of these problems to be so important, because we believe that far-reaching changes are required, and because we wish to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations role in that process of change, that we are concerned to make these points.
166.	In the context of structural changes and the emergence of a new international order to which I have referred, primacy must be accorded to economic questions. The complex problems posed by global shortages of food and energy, the population explosion, the gap between rich and poor countries, inflation and the recession in world trade, are major sources of tension, They present the developed and developing worlds with a crucial challenge in international co-operation.
167.	I was forcibly impressed at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi by the growing anxiety of developing countries that greater progress should be made towards the realization of the new international economic order. My Government recognizes the aspirations of these countries. We shall contribute willingly to the building of a stable and just international structure and we shall work for changes in the world's economic system that are practicable and viable. We believe that a satisfactory new order can be evolved only if the path is planned and realistic. To this end we must all work together through consultation and co-operation. Developed countries should stand ready collectively to subordinate some short-term economic advantages to the overriding longer-term advantage of creating and maintaining a viable international order. Australia is ready to play its part in this process. An order in which poverty, hunger and disease on a massive scale threaten the peace of regions, cannot be endured.
168.	The obligations which we are willing to assume complement the enormous efforts which developing countries themselves undertake. My Government has followed with interest the attempts by developing countries to stimulate greater economic and technical co-operation among themselves. This field has barely been touched. When tilled, it is bound to be productive. A good example is the effective work of the Association of South-East Asian Nations.
169.	Australia agrees on the need for improvement in the conditions of world commodity trade and recognizes that a concerted effort is necessary for progress to be made in this area. The program of negotiations agreed to at the fourth session of UNCTAD represents a significant advance towards the resolution of the traditional problems which affect international trade in commodities of concern to developing countries. To ensure the success of these negotiations all countries must make a realistic assessment of what can be achieved before the end of 1978. Negotiated solutions must take account of all aspects of the trade and production of particular commodities, of the interests of both consumers and producers, and must be both comprehensive and equitable. Our approach to individual commodity arrangements must be flexible if we are to establish efficient mechanisms for the stabilization of commodity trade.
170.	The Conference on International Economic Co-operation represents a major initiative in international relations which has Australia's strong support. Australia will continue to work - that Conference as well as else- where-towards the evolution, by co-operative means, of a sound basis for future international economic progress.
171.	Australia, as a significant trading nation, has also emphasized the importance of the sound recovery of the world economy and the growth of world trade as important determinants in improving the economic and social prospects of developing countries.
172.	The problem of food is a particularly vital one in a world whose population is increasing so rapidly. While there has been an improvement in food production, the situation for many developing countries remains insecure. It is unacceptable that chronic starvation and malnutrition should persist in a world which has the capacity to produce enough food. We have yet to devise machinery to ensure that each human being is adequately fed. Australia supports efforts which would lead to the establishment of an effective international system of food security.
173.	External assistance can be a valuable complement to the efforts of the developing countries to achieve self- sustaining economic growth. Australian aid is provided in response to requests from developing countries, in accordance with their priorities and within the limits of Australia's own financial and technical capacities. In the fiscal year 1976/1977 Australia's development assistance-which continues to be overwhelmingly in the form of grants, not loans-will total just under $US 500 million: an increase of 15 per cent over that of the past year. We shall, of course, continue and seek to extend this aid effort; but we shall do so fully recognizing that aid is ultimately no substitute for the structural changes which will in fact render aid largely unnecessary and that the best and most acceptable aid is that which eliminates the need for its own continuation.
174.	I turn now to the problems of southern Africa, on which the attention of the international community is centered as never before.
175.	The United Nations has played a crucial role in keeping before us the plight of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and has reminded each of us of our obligation to work for an early end to minority rule.
176.	The Australian Government regards the dramatic development in relation to Southern Rhodesia during the last week as most significant and hopeful. The likelihood of achieving majority rule quickly and without bloodshed is now real. On behalf of my Government, I congratulate the
(many parties which have contributed to this break-through and hope that it' will receive the widest support in this Assembly. We can appreciate the reasons for the reservations and caution with which some approach these proposals for a peaceful settlement, but we sincerely hope that a concern for absolute certainty where, in the nature of things, certainty is not possible, will not result in a failure to grasp an opportunity which the United Nations has been seeking for so long and which even a few months ago seemed unattainable. It will be a tragedy if a demand for a perfect, fool-proof solution becomes the enemy of the best available one. We urge all parties to give these proposals every possible opportunity to work.
177.	Australia views with concern the Republic of South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia. This concern has been demonstrated by our active participation in the work of the United Nations Council for Namibia. A constitutional settlement must be achieved peacefully and must involve SWAPO.
178.	We have also watched with increasing concern events in South Africa itself over the past year. We deplore the racial violence in South Africa, which is the inevitable result of policies based on inequality between peoples. The system of apartheid and the exploitation of one race, by another are abhorrent to us. Ultimately the iniquity of apartheid must be seen and the policy abandoned. Unless there are genuine and urgent moves made to redress the well-founded black African grievances in South Africa, there can be little hope for the abatement of violence there,
179.	However, our concern for the assertion of the protection of fundamental human rights is not limited to the rights of those who live in southern Africa-though we recognize that their plight is perhaps the most urgent facing us at this moment. We see importance, too, in the more general reassertion of the cause of freedom of the individual and the elimination of the indignities which man still heaps upon man: torture, forced labor, discrimination and inequality, to mention but a few. When these are associated with racism the evil is compounded, but we should never forget that they are evil in themselves and must be condemned and opposed wherever they occur.
180.	Terrorism is a subject which involves fundamental issues of human rights. Regardless of the justification that its proponents advance for it, it remains a completely unacceptable form of political pressure. It is unacceptable because it is barbarous and haphazard. It undermines the general fabric of lawful and decent behavior. Those who pursue it deliberately and flagrantly violate the right to life, liberty and protection from injury of those who are made the innocent victims of their pressures. We condemn terrorism and will join in efforts to eliminate it. Nothing would be more certain to destroy that moral authority of which I have earlier spoken than a failure to do so. We can surely muster the will and the resources to deal with this repulsive crime. We welcome the initiative of the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany in bringing before the General Assembly a draft convention on the taking of hostages [see A/31/242].
181.	I turn now to peace keeping and disarmament, both matters of deep concern as change produces new strains and tensions within the international system. Despite the failures of our Organization to do all that is expected of it in the maintenance of peace and security, it has had real successes in its peace-keeping operations. These are supported at present by some 9,000 men in the five current operations. Australia has made a contribution to these activities.
182.	I have spoken of some of the successes of the United Nations, limited though they are, in peace-keeping. This leads to consideration of the wider goal of reduction or control of conventional and nuclear armaments. This is an urgent matter and, if success is not achieved soon, it may not be achieved at all. If we fail the prospects for a viable international order in the last quarter of this century will be bleak.
183.	Three central and fundamental areas where Australia looks and hopes for early progress are: first, the strengthening of measures to .prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons; secondly, the termination of nuclear-weapons testing in all environments; and, thirdly, further progress in strategic arms limitation agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union.
184.	We are concerned not only to see the trend towards universal acceptance of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] maintained but also to ensure that all its provisions are carried out. Those nuclear-weapon Powers which are parties to the Treaty have obligations to reduce their arsenals. Other nuclear States must ratify the Treaty and accept the same obligations; and the international community as a whole must accept the application of adequate safeguards on the peaceful uses of nuclear materials in order to prevent their diversion to non-peaceful uses. Increased attention to safeguards and further multilateral efforts to strengthen the non-proliferation regime will receive our support.
185.	Australia believes that nuclear-weapons testing in all environments should be terminated. Recognizing that this objective will be difficult to achieve, we welcome the study to be made, under the auspices of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, by a group of government experts to investigate international co-operative efforts for the detection and identification of nuclear explosions. We hope that these activities will help to establish a climate conducive to the negotiation of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
186.	Australia considers that the limitation of existing nuclear arsenals depends essentially on continued progress in strategic arms limitation negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union. We look to an early conclusion of an agreement at the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between those two countries and to further agreements placing restraints on nuclear armaments.
187.	One of the principal activities of the United Nations family is the preparation of multilateral treaties. It is an integral part of the vital and dynamic role which inter-national organizations play today.
188.	The importance of the legislative function is nowhere better evidenced than in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. This is the largest single legislative project which the international community has ever undertaken. It is essential that it should not fail, especially as its implications for the restructuring of the international economic order are profound.
189.	My Government is fully committed to the achievement of a just and equitable convention on the law of the sea. But, although we recognize the complexities of the issues involved, we were disappointed at the slow progress made at the recent fifth session of the Conference. We consider it essential that the negotiating momentum be maintained during the intersessional period so that delegations can come to the sixth session in New York in May next year with the feeling that agreement is within reach. My Government will play its part in the process of negotiations and consultations to find solutions to out-standing problems.
190.	A loss of will or lack of resolve now could put at risk the Herculean efforts of the last few years and usher in an era of uncertainty and difficulty, as nations may feel compelled to take unilateral action to preserve important economic interests. Success, on the other hand, will set an example and encourage a climate of optimism which will be of immense value in encouraging further co-operation in international legislation.
191.	The difficulties which we are experiencing in the Conference on the Law of the Sea reflect a broader problem of which we ought to take note. Last year we suggested in the Sixth Committee during the debate on the report of the International Law Commission  that the time was ripe for the United Nations to review the process by which the international community legislates. The ways in which we approach multilateral treaty-making are varied, chancy, frequently experimental and often inefficient. They place great burdens upon the Governments of Member States; especially upon the developing countries, and it is open to question whether the community could not find more economical and efficient methods of drafting conventions.
192.	In closing I return again to the theme I developed earlier. If I may restate it briefly, we believe that, in a world which is changing rapidly and profoundly and which must restructure its political and economic priorities and mechanisms to meet these changes, the United Nations has a crucial role to play. We believe that it will play that role effectively only if we its Members exhibit the moderation, the sense of priorities and the realism commensurate with the gravity of the problems. We recognize, of course, that the United Nations is essentially a political body and that it will act in political terms. Our concern is that in doing so it should show a sense of practicality and restraint which reflect an awareness both of the realities of the wider international scene and of its own character. If the United Nations fails in these respects, it will strengthen the forces of cynicism and pessimism and damage its own integrity and effectiveness. If it succeeds, it will immeasurably strengthen that moral authority which provides its unique character and which is the true source of its effectiveness.


Mr. President, it is a privilege for me, on behalf of the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, to congratulate you most warmly on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Your eminent qualities, your long experience in the United Nations and the many important services which you have rendered to the Organization are well known.
5.	The seventh special session of the General Assembly was a manifestation of goodwill and harmony leading to consensus through negotiations. It reaffirmed the unique potential of the United Nations for co-operation. Although the subsequent regular session of the General Assembly yielded positive results, it was overshadowed by a number of decisions which have contributed to a deterioration of the political climate in the General Assembly and also in some of the specialized agencies.
6.	I feel bound to sound a serious warning on the dangers which would threaten the United Nations if countries whose support is indispensable were to be alienated from the Organization. The strong and powerful countries could possibly tend to themselves, but the weaker and less privileged nations could not. The latter are most in need of the protection and support of a strong United Nations; they would have few other possibilities if an effective world organization were to founder. It is high time that all of us made an effort to stop these dangerous tendencies towards disintegration.
7.	But what are the underlying causes of these tendencies? The Secretary-General pointed to one of them in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization when he rightly underlined that the North- South relationship has virtually replaced East-West problems in the debates of the General Assembly [see A/31 fl/ Add.l, sect. II].
8.	The North-South issue reflects the determination of the third world to overcome the injustices of the past and the persisting poverty and unequal distribution of wealth. This, indeed, is one of the main underlying causes of many of the tensions and controversies in the United Nations.
9.	We may deplore some of the majority decisions of the thirtieth session, but condemning automatic majorities -will lead us nowhere unless we are prepared to attack the basic injustices which still prevail in the world. Collective self-reliance may create temporary substitutes for global solutions, but those substitutes will necessarily remain of a limited nature.
10.	The Kingdom of the Netherlands continues to consider the United Nations to be an indispensable instrument for co-operation at the global level. But progress and a constructive approach to global problems are possible only if Member States move from confrontation to dialog and if decisions on fundamental political and economic issues are taken on the basis of a negotiated consensus. Strengthening the role of the United Nations depends on the strength and the sincerity of the political will of the Member States in understanding and respecting the interests and aspirations of others. It depends on their willingness to subordinate national ambitions and short-term interests to common interests and the common yearning for peace.
11.	That requires- it must be repeated again and again- wider and easier recourse to the instruments of the Charter for the settlement of disputes, in particular the Security Council and the International Court of Justice.
12.	The promotion of peace and security is a vital task of the United Nations, but developments in the past year give
little reason for optimism. Satisfaction with the absence in recent months of armed conflict between States is overshadowed by the sharp awareness of internal violence in many countries and places in the world. I am thinking of the suffering of the people in Lebanon. I am thinking also of the victims of repression in Soweto and Capetown. The persistence of many sources of conflict as a result of the failure to solve the underlying issues of injustice implies that, unless the United Nations or the parties concerned succeed in defusing the perils, the risks of armed conflict between States will increase, with all the implications for world-wide peace and security.
13.	The threat of local and regional causes of conflict is intensified by the continuing and excessive increase in armaments all over the world, conventional as well as nuclear. Our world would hardly survive a war in which nuclear weapons would be used, even on a limited scale. Absence of war under this deadly shadow cannot possibly be called peace. It is imperative to intensify our efforts to stop and to turn back this vicious spiral of the arms race.
14.	The world is going to face critical choices in the remaining years of the 1970 s. Dissemination of nuclear technology, if uncontrolled, is fraught with danger. The risk of nuclear proliferation is increasing. The unabated arms race in conventional weapons is also a matter of deep concern. Unless vigorous action is taken now and unless we reset our priorities in the disarmament debate, it may soon be too late.
15.	I wish, first of all, to make a special appeal to the United States and the Soviet Union earnestly to seek the implementation of their obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. Though I do not doubt their sincerity in striving for a successful outcome of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] and though I do not underestimate the complexity of the issues, I do consider the early conclusion of the second round of these Talks to be of the greatest importance. It would provide a badly needed stimulus for measures for world-wide nuclear arms control. Such measures are all the more urgently required in the light of the rapid spreading of nuclear knowledge and technology. This puts a severe strain on the fragile non-proliferation regime. The use of nuclear technology for military purposes must be prevented. The Netherlands Government has joined others in adopting a stringent policy on exports of nuclear materials, equipment and technology. But that is not enough. All countries will have to exercise restraint with regard to sensitive installations like those for enrichment and reprocessing. To ignore the risks to peace of enrichment or reprocessing installations in individual countries would be foolish. This cannot be a matter of national prestige. The efforts of the International Atomic Energy Agency towards plutonium management on a regional basis must be vigorously pursued.
16.	In accordance with its responsibility under the Charter, this General Assembly should act on the vital issue of nuclear proliferation. It should appeal to the United States and the Soviet Union to bring the SALT negotiations to a speedy conclusion. It should call again for a comprehensive test-ban treaty, which is long overdue, and should give further, strong impetus to the ongoing discussions on the control of peaceful nuclear energy and on peaceful nuclear explosions,
17.	While the danger of nuclear proliferation must be uppermost in our minds, the rapidly increasing sales of conventional weaponry is equally a matter of grave concern. Of all the problems of arms control, the trade in arms seems to be one of the most difficult to discuss in view of its implications for national sovereignty and security. However, it cannot be justified that, both in the highly industrialized countries and in many developing countries, scarce resources are diverted from the promotion of prosperity to the provision of arms for destruction beyond what is legitimately needed for their security and self- defense. It will require political courage and wisdom to tackle this problem. The export of conventional arms should be subjected to the necessary restraint. Consideration should be given to the possibility of measures to regulate and control the international arms trade. This would, of course, require a joint effort of exporting and importing countries. If a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament is convened, the issue of conventional arms and the arms trade should have a priority.
18.	Detente in Europe is an important policy objective of the Netherlands Government. The Final Act of Helsinki represented a step forward in that direction. While there remain important unsettled issues in East-West relations, particularly with regard to human rights and in the military field, nevertheless we seem to be moving slowly towards co-operation. The Netherlands Government, in preparing with its partners for the meeting in Belgrade, will actively seek more progress on implementation of all the interrelated sectors in the context of our over-all policy of peace, human freedom and economic co-operation.
19.	Three years ago I stressed in this Assembly that detente must take the interests of the third world into account. Today I am more than ever convinced that in our efforts to consolidate and intensify detente and co-operation between East and West we cannot turn away from the South. East and West are both responsible for securing a more rational and more equitable economic relationship between North and South.
20.	In the search for a new international economic and social order, the seventh special session marked the beginning of a new constructive dialog between all industrialized and developing countries. While, on balance, the results so far achieved at the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD]  and the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation have been limited, the necessity for this dialog to be continued on the basis of common interests is still there.
21.	Our commitments should extend beyond words and conferences and should be geared towards effective implementation of what was previously agreed upon. The
Netherlands Government shares the concern and frustration of developing countries recently expressed at Colombo about the extent to which concrete results have been produced in these and in other international forums in implementing the resolutions adopted at the sixth and seventh special sessions. Of essential importance, therefore, is the mobilization of the political will of all parties. The Netherlands Government, for its part, wishes to reiterate its pledge to implement the decisions of the seventh special session and of the fourth session of UNCTAD.
22.	Apart from the continuing dialog and negotiations in Paris, the first test case will be the forthcoming UNCTAD negotiations on the integrated program for commodities and the common fund. Other negotiations, such as those on multilateral trade, debt relief, monetary reform and the fifth replenishment of the International Development Association will equally require a political effort from all Members of this Organization. These are fundamental issues of equal opportunity and justice.. Failure to act and agree may have serious political implications. The appeal from Colombo should not remain unheeded.
23.	The recent world employment Conference  and Habitat  have added wider dimensions to the development problem, in recognition of the fact that social justice, income distribution and meeting the basic needs of the people are fundamental to development. The results of these and other conferences must be integrated into a new strategy for a third development decade which should be more action-oriented and more binding on both developed and developing countries than the Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade. We must use the remaining years of this Decade and take the first steps for such a new undertaking. I propose that this session set in motion the preparatory work.
24.	The coherence and effectiveness of the United Nations system for development are essential conditions for a new economic relationship between North and South and for the effort to eradicate poverty. The Netherlands Government is concerned about the tendencies towards disintegration and the lack of cohesion in the systems. Vigorous efforts should be made to reverse these trends with major emphasis on strengthening the Economic and Social Council, the negotiating capacity of UNCTAD and the Secretariat.
25.	One of the basic purposes of the Charter and of the obligations of Member States is the promotion and encouragement of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Large groups of people, organizations and action groups not only claim their own rights but, in a spirit of humanity and solidarity, also come out in favor of the human rights of others, both within and beyond national borders. Human rights are today a matter of international concern and preoccupation.
26.	Human rights do not function in isolation. Violations of human rights are often the symptoms of deeper causes of injustice expressed through exploitation, discrimination, repression and intimidation. There are standards below which no society may fall without offending fundamental values. I am referring to such practices as wide-scale murder and imprisonment, torture and gross and systematic oppression of racial, religious, political or ethnic groups. The Declaration on torture adopted last year by the General Assembly is very explicit on this score, for it states that:
"Exceptional circumstances such as a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency may not be invoked as a justification of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment."
27.	The Netherlands Government and the Netherlands people are deeply concerned as the systematic and institutionalized practice of torture continues to be reported from various sources. The fact-finding groups of the Commission on Human Rights on southern Africa and Chile, for instance, have brought distressing information to our attention, revealing the role of security agencies which operate beyond judicial control and inflict upon human beings the most inhuman treatment and even death. Similar information from other regions and areas comes to our knowledge. I appeal to this world Organization, Member States and all national and international institutions to make energetic efforts to bring such practice of torture and other forms of inhuman and degrading treatment to an end, wherever it occurs,
28.	The United Nations has made a great contribution in proclaiming human-rights standards in terms of guarantees and aspirations, in terms of political freedoms and economic and social justice, in terms of individual and collective concerns. The question is how to transform these standards into a living reality in the international and national communities, how to move from enunciation to implementation and effective protection.
29.	Implementation of human rights should first and foremost have its effects at the grass-roots level, where people need adequate shelter, food, employment and also political rights, including the right to dissent and the right to freedom of religion or belief. They need their right to life, liberty and personal security. They need to be free from arbitrary arrest and detention. In sum, they are entitled, as article 28 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights puts it, to a social and international order in which their rights and freedoms can be fully realized. The full realization of civil and political rights is not possible without the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights.
30.	From its inception the United Nations was envisaged as an advocate for peoples and groups suffering from discrimination. In that light, actions undertaken at the international and national levels towards the emancipation of women deserve our full support. May I stress that such actions should not be limited to legal measures since equality in law is only a part of real and full equality. As a matter of priority, policies of information to change traditional attitudes, as well as measures of implementation aimed at bringing about changes in the still existing inequalities between men and women, are called for. In developing countries particular attention should, in my view, be given to measures to secure adequate educational opportunities for women. The promotion of such policies and measures should be a prominent part of the present United Nations Decade for Women, which was proclaimed under the theme "Equality, development and peace" [see resolution 3520 (XXX)].
31.	While the primary task for the promotion and protection of human rights rests within the national societies, the international community-and notably the United Nations has a complementary responsibility. The Netherlands has favored through the years the strengthening of the capacity of the United Nations to deal with general human rights problems and with concrete human rights situations in cases of a serious and urgent nature. We will continue to advocate the creation of a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, or similar institutions and proper fact-finding devices. One of the fundamental and inherent problems of the United Nations is that its intergovernmental structure functions in many cases as a barrier for the voices of the oppressed to be heard and to be acted upon. For this reason, I support a stronger role for the non-governmental element in the United Nations so that more weight can be given to the opinions, the appeals and the petitions of non-governmental organizations, groups of people and individual persons.
32.	Finally, the General Assembly should take energetic steps for the speedy adoption of the draft declaration on the elimination of all forms of intolerance and of discrimination based on religion or belief [see A/31/158].
33.	I should now like to address you as President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community and as president of European political co-operation.
34.	In today's world the European Community is a living political and economic reality. Our union has yet to be completed, but we are determined to unite. We naturally realize that the further unification of Europe-whose variety of culture has proved so vital and fruitful-will be a complex process, but we know that we have embarked upon a project of fundamental importance. The radical reorganization of one part of the world community of nations will have an effect-in my view, a beneficial one-on the whole of that community. The Europe we are building is one in which material welfare will rest upon social justice, a Europe which will be democratic and soon have its own freely elected parliament, a Europe which must be outward-looking to the whole world.
35.	As it develops, our internal policy, based on steady growth, social justice and democracy, must also make its contribution to growth, justice and freedom elsewhere in the world, to a close and productive relationship with countries outside the Community and, in particular, with the developing countries.
36.	Structural changes in the world economy are a necessary condition for improvement of the social and economic situation of millions of people throughout the world. In view of its own economic, financial and technological strength and capabilities, the Community, which has already proved to be one of the most dynamic factors of the world economy, recognizes the need for increasingly coherent policies for development co-operation based on generally agreed objectives and policy measures. It is with this objective in mind that, for example, the Community applies and continues to improve its generalized system of preferences for developing countries.
37.	During the seventh special session the countries of the European Community showed their readiness unitedly to make a positive contribution towards the building of a more just and equitable international economic order. Today on behalf of the nine members I wish to reiterate that pledge and our will to carry out the commitments that we undertook at that special session. The negotiations that took place at the fourth session of UNCTAD, and those continuing at the Paris North-South dialog are ample proof that, while there seems enough common ground for real progress, wide divergencies of opinion remain on important issues. The members of the European Community, while following the path of conciliation and dialog, are determined to spare no effort to implement the pledges we gave last year in New York, and recently in Nairobi, and to make a success of the Paris dialog.
38.	Let me assure you, there will be no retraction of previous promises. On the contrary, the members of the Community, recognizing the interests of the world economy as a whole, remain committed to a structural improvement of the position of the developing countries in the world economy, taking particular account of the urgent problems of those countries most in need. It is in this spirit that we will approach the forthcoming negotiations and discussions which will take place in conformity with the relevant resolutions as adopted at the fourth session of UNCTAD. Moreover, the participating countries at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation are back at the negotiating table, and it is our sincere hope that all efforts will be made for a successful conclusion of the ministerial meeting in December. For its part, the European Community is determined to contribute to a concrete outcome of the Paris Conference. In Paris we speak with one voice; our joint participation reflects the increasing involvement of the European Community and its increasing weight in the North-South relationship.
39.	The Community welcomes the entry into force in April of the Convention concluded between the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group [ACP] and the European Economic Community [EEC] in Lome on 28 February 1975. The importance of this Convention-which relies upon a certain number of new ideas is without precedent in relations between developing and developed countries. It concerns more than half a billion human beings. Its objective is to establish and develop, in a spirit of friendship, economic relations between the Community of nine members and more than 50 developing countries. Furthermore, the importance of the Lomé Convention rests upon the fact that all its members are placed within an "equal partnership" on a basis of complete equality between the partners. This implies a mutual responsibility. The Community, for its part, will most seriously and constructively consider the wishes of the ACP countries voiced at the first meeting of the ACP-EEC Council of Ministers at which I had the honor to represent the Community.
40.	Finally, we welcome the increase in the number of participants in the Convention: Surinam, the Comoros and Seychelles have all deposited their acts of accession. Negotiations have begun with Sao Tome and Principe, Cape Verde and with Papua New Guinea for their accession.
41.	The nine members of the Community also attach particular importance to the United Nations. They have proved this so far by endeavoring to plan an active and constructive role, both individually and collectively. During the last few years, their co-operation has manifested itself repeatedly in this Assembly in common statements and declarations of vote and by their votes being cast on the basis of a common or at least a co-ordinated position. We shall continue to use our joint influence and weight for the purpose of strengthening the United Nations as the principal instrument for international security and co-operation.
42.	The situation in southern Africa remains a matter of deep concern. In Rhodesia the acceptance of the Anglo-United States proposals by Mr. Smith's cabinet represents a significant step forward. The Community expresses the hope that this will indeed prove to be a turning-point in the history of Rhodesia. If all sides show good faith, with Africans and Europeans working together, the foundations could be laid for an independent Zimbabwe which will then take its rightful place among the family of nations.
43.	On 23 February of this year, the Foreign Ministers of the nine members of the Community reaffirmed in a joint declaration their basic positions with regard to southern African issues. We condemn South Africa's policy of apartheid and we advocate the right to self-determination and independence of the peoples of Rhodesia and Namibia. We respect the independence of all African States and their right to define their national policies in complete sovereignty and without foreign interference. Our countries support actions by the Organization of African Unity promoting African co-operation. We are ready to co-operate with the African States and reject any action by whatever State aimed at establishing a zone of influence in Africa.
44.	Until fundamental changes come about, there can be no peace in southern Africa. Therefore our countries welcome the present efforts to find peaceful solutions of the problems of the area. Our nine countries remain willing to contribute to these efforts.
45.	As regards Namibia, the nine members of the Community stated in their message to the Secretary-General on Namibia Day that negotiations should take place with representatives of all political groups in that Territory, including the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], in order to pave the way for Namibia's independence in the near future. The United Nations should, in our view, focus its own contribution to the solution of the question of Namibia on the promotion of self-determination by the Namibian people in a manner both democratic and peaceful.
46.	Our Governments do not intend to recognize the Transkei on the occasion of its purported independence. False solutions to the problems of apartheid in the Republic of South Africa, such as the establishment of "homelands" or "bantustans" as at present pursued by the South African Government, promote, rather than diminish, racial discrimination. The popular upheaval and resistance to apartheid should have convinced the South African Government that apartheid has no future and constitutes an insupportable violation of human dignity. South Africa is a multiracial society in which all people, irrespective of their race or color, should have the right to live peacefully together on the basis of equality. Apartheid is in flagrant contradiction with this fundamental right and should be eliminated. As long as it is practiced, it will be resisted by those whose basic human rights are denied. Our nine Governments are unequivocal in their firm belief that justice and freedom for all people should prevail in South Africa.
47.	In the Middle East, the tragic events in Lebanon have brought untold suffering to the inhabitants of that strife- torn country. The nine countries of the European Community deplore the tragic bloodshed which has claimed and continues to claim so many victims. On a number of occasions, members of the European Community have shown their concern over the situation in Lebanon and have expressed the hope that all involved will do everything possible to bring that conflict to an end.
48.	The nine members of the Community are prepared to support all meaningful efforts of conciliation and welcome those which are in progress in the inter-Arab context. They underline their continuing commitment to the independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon. I should like to assure President Sarkis, on his assumption of office as the new Head of State of Lebanon, of the goodwill of the members of the European Community in the fulfillment of the difficult tasks which lie ahead of him.
49.	With regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the members of the European Community are convinced that negotiations based on a minimum of consensus among all the parties concerned are essential for the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. In this respect they reiterate their continuing firm attachment to resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council and to the principles which are the basis of their position and which I repeat: first, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; secondly, the need for Israel to end the territorial occupation which it has maintained since the conflict of 1967; thirdly, respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of every State in the area and its right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; and fourthly, recognition that in the establishment of a just and lasting peace account must be taken of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.
50.	I should like to emphasize that a solution of the conflict in the Middle East will be possible only if the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to give effective expression to its national identity is translated into fact.
51.	For their part, the countries of the European Community are prepared to assist, to the best of their ability and to the extent desired by the parties, in the achievement of a settlement, and, as soon as the settlement is approved by all parties, to help in making it a reality. In this connexion, they would be prepared, as they have stated earlier, to consider participation in international guarantees for the implementation of a peace settlement.
52.	Cyprus is a problem of deep concern to our nine countries. It involves three countries associated with the European Community. That is the reason why we have spared and will spare no effort to bring the parties concerned to the conference table and to advocate restraint to all sides. We are convinced that this problem can be solved solely through negotiations. Our basic position that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic of Cyprus should be maintained and safeguarded remains unchanged. We welcome and support the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General and his representative on Cyprus to assist the parties concerned in finding a solution of the conflict.
53.	The nine members of the Community are aware that peace, detente and human freedom are indivisible and inseparable, in the world and in Europe. They acted together in negotiating the Final Act of Helsinki and are striving together for the implementation of that Act. It is too early to judge the follow-up of Helsinki. I wish to state, however, on behalf of our nine countries that if we are earnest in our quest for peace and security in Europe, the Final Act must be implemented in its entirety, in all its interrelated component parts. It is in that spirit and in good faith that we approach the meeting to be convened in Belgrade next year.
54.	On behalf of the nine countries of the European Community I wish now to speak about a matter of deep concern to them: international terrorism and in particular the increasing frequency of acts of violence which endanger or take innocent human lives, particularly when such acts of violence take on international dimensions and can only be tackled effectively by international action. In this respect the taking of hostages constitutes one of the most heinous crimes against human life, liberty and the security of the person as guaranteed in article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, regardless of political ends, regardless of motives, regardless of the identity or affiliation of its perpetrators. The member States of the European Community, as they have stated most recently in their declaration of 13 July 1976, regard this inhuman method of taking hostages as absolutely unacceptable and they condemn it in the strongest possible terms.
55.	Without overlooking the fact that the solution of the issues underlying certain forms of international terrorism would undoubtedly contribute to the suppression of this evil, and without neglecting or impeding all the efforts being made to this effect, it nevertheless remains an illusion to assume that the problem of terrorism in its broad sense would be solved only by tackling any one underlying issue. Furthermore, there are serious indications that we are confronted with a growing danger of a world-wide network of professional criminal terrorism ready to strike at any moment against any State and its citizens. In this unsettled world, new burning issues of conflict are bound to arise time and again, but international actions to stamp out terrorism cannot wait.
56.	It must by now be clear that no country, no people, no Government can hope to be spared from acts of terrorism, kidnapping and hijacking against its own citizens and interests, unless all countries agree on taking, individually and jointly, decisive action. None will be spared unless all take action. The failure to oppose insidious violence against the innocent, the defenseless and the unprotected is deeply regretted by our nine countries. We feel it is in the interest of all Governments to take resolute action. We feel it is in the interest of all Governments to co-operate in combating all acts of international terrorism. This Assembly must live up to its responsibilities in this respect and should initiate appropriate measures.
57.	In their declaration of 13 July, the members of the European Community have given ample evidence of their willingness and determination to co-operate with other countries in setting up effective worldwide measures to eradicate and prevent international terrorism, kidnappings and hijackings. We consider effective measures against the taking of hostages a matter of special urgency, and I should like in this context to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that my colleague, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, will submit an important and timely proposal on this issue. I invite this Assembly to give this proposal due consideration and to take positive action.
58.	It is our sincere wish that this thirty-first Assembly session may produce results commensurate with the expectations cherished by all our peoples, all over the world.