I participate in this debate of the General
Assembly in our dual position as President in Office of
the African Union and President of the Republic of
Equatorial Guinea. I do so in the full conviction that
the passage of years and the experience accumulated in
the 66 years of the life of this world Organization will
inspire the international community morally and united
in social and political solidarity around universal
norms and principles in order to address any threat or
situation that may affect the planet. With this conviction in mind, I should like to
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser, Permanent Representative of Qatar, on his
recent election as President of the General Assembly at
its sixty-sixth session. He represents an ancient culture
that has contributed much to the development of
humankind, and hails from a peaceful country that
demonstrates solidarity and contributes to the
maintenance of peace, stability and development in the
world. We are certain, that under his leadership, the
United Nations will be able to solve the serious
problems affecting our countries.
 We would also like to congratulate the Secretary-
General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, on his
re-election to the helm of this world Organization, in
recognition of the work that he has done over the past
five years despite the various political, economic and
social crises that our planet has faced and is continuing
to face.
 On the basis of that conviction, the United
Nations, given the current trend whereby it is being
converted into a club for the powerful, must
reconfigure itself so that it can resume its place as the
most representative and equitable organization in the
world — one in which those whose problems it is
endeavouring to resolve can participate and have their
voices heard. That would ensure the democratization of
all of the organs of this universal institution.
 With respect to peace and security, Africa, which
is witnessing various fratricidal conflicts caused, in
most cases, by internal and external factors and by
third parties, has firmly stated that it is in favour of the
peaceful resolution of conflicts, wherever they may be
taking place, through dialogue, mediation and
negotiation.
 Africa, a continent whose countries and peoples
have been exploited for centuries by foreign Powers,
today is experiencing a new iteration of
neocolonialism, involving the intervention of forces on
the basis of humanitarian principles and democratic
freedoms. In this connection, Africa must bring to the
fore its international political personality so that the
African Union is respected, moving beyond internal
differences caused by unspoken interests.
 Intervention by force, internal or external, has
never provided a lasting solution to conflicts since the
creation of the United Nations, as has been seen in the
various conflicts that have taken place in the past
50 years. Unfortunately, we can see that the United
Nations is being used dishonestly, under the pretext of
humanitarian interventions, when in fact those
interventions have served only to further violate the
human rights of the peoples affected. The use of force
in a conflict is not a unifying factor but rather one of
division and destruction.
 The African Union recognizes the victory of the
National Transitional Council of Libya in its fight
against totalitarianism and recommends that its
Government undertake a programme of transition
aimed at the holding of free and transparent elections,
ensuring their legitimacy through the participation of
all of the groups that constitute the community of
Libyan people.

11-50692 36

 With regard to the situation in Tunisia and Egypt,
we also call on their Governments to adopt the legal
and administrative structures necessary for democratic
processes and State institutions.
 I should like to take this opportunity to
congratulate the State of South Sudan on its accession
to membership of the United Nations and to express
our wish that the peoples of the Sudan and of South
Sudan will live in peace and harmony with all of their
neighbours and with the international community.
 Today’s world is suffering from an economic and
financial crisis whose consequences are unpredictable.
It is the result of the irrationality of the current
political, economic and social world order, which has
moved away from the social and humanitarian
principles of equality, justice and fairness.
 In the political realm, we cannot transplant the
cultural values of a country or a group of countries to
others simply because the world, and policies
themselves, are becoming increasingly globalized.
Rather, we must promote dialogue and coexistence
among cultures and civilizations, because, if we do not
do so, the principle of the self-determination of peoples
will automatically disappear.
 It is true that democracy is a noble principle and
applies to any cultural value that is practiced and
accepted by peoples. To say otherwise would be to
betray the spirit of democracy that must develop in
consonance with the cultures of respective peoples.
 On the economic front, the social dimension of
peoples must manifest in the form of productive
activities that benefit humankind. In that context, we
cannot see any justification for the barriers, blockages
and discrimination that we see in current economic,
scientific and technical exchanges among nations,
which only perpetuates the impoverishment of some
and the ever-increasing enrichment of others.
 Indeed, the level of participation of the African
continent in world markets is ridiculous, not even
topping 1 per cent despite its economic and human
potential, which studies have described as representing
the future salvation of humankind. Africa calls on the
developed countries to show solidarity and help us to
develop our economy so as to become an integral part
of this planet.
 Africa is not asking for a handout. Africa requires
a level of economic and technological support that
would enable it to process its vast resources, which,
while contributing to accelerating its development,
would also have an effect on the economic stability of
its partners. All of this requires profound changes in
the way in which we think about the current system
and a readjustment of the methods and procedures used
in international economic trade.
 The social order is determined by the political
and economic order, but the political cannot develop
properly unless the economic does as well. In that
respect, Africa is making great efforts to develop its
national democracies, and many African States have
adapted their political, legal and administrative
structures to the basic requirements of democracy.
 Nevertheless, in order to translate theory into
practice, certain basic requirements must be met that
meet the material needs of humankind. Thus many
countries failed in this respect. Instead of their plans
coming to fruition, they became engulfed in fratricidal
conflicts because they did not meet such basic needs.
 Moreover, the African continent is facing, in
addition to the economic crisis, the devastating effects
of climate change, natural disasters, drought, famine
and communicable diseases, which claim millions of
victims. In that respect, the African Union recently
organized a donors conference to support victims in the
Horn of Africa, with Somalia being one of the
countries most affected. The African Union has
honoured its commitment to tackle this emergency.
However, the helping hand of the international
community is still needed.
 We believe that developed countries whose
industries are responsible for atmospheric warming
should meet their commitments under the Kyoto
Protocol and compensate developing countries for the
damage and harm resulting from the effects of
atmospheric warming.
 The groups at greatest disadvantage in this crisis
are women, children and young people. However,
young people without physical, intellectual and moral
development cannot take up the mantle from the
current generation to ensure the future of nations.
Hence there is a need to provide the necessary moral
and material assistance to young people to ensure the
development of the continent in the future.
 In that regard, the African Union Summit held in
Sipopo, Equatorial Guinea, adopted a programme for

37 11-50692

promoting the employment of women and young
people and the fight against underemployment, as well
as to provide professional and academic training. This
programme needs the support of the international
community.
 In my own country, the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea, we are committed to the Millennium
Development Goals set for 2015. During the national
economic conference held in 2009 to plan for the
rational use of our oil resources and others, the
Government adopted a national economic development
programme, with the aim of ensuring that Equatorial
Guinea joins the ranks of emerging economies by
2020.
 In parallel to this programme, the Government is
carrying out political, legal and administrative reforms
in order to optimize the development of democracy and
ensure control, transparency, good economic and
political management and guarantee maximum respect
for human rights.
 The political environment in my country is
optimal for promoting peace, stability and
reconciliation among all political forces, who work
together in harmony with a unified set of consensual
political criteria.
 Finally, Equatorial Guinea is participating in
these discussions with a good measure of optimism,
based on our belief that, contrary to the selfishness that
prevents many States from joining their efforts to
tackle the problems facing our world, what we are
seeing every day is a growing awareness and
international moral determination that the United
Nations should be a veritable centre for the unity and
cohesion of the international community.
 Indeed, while Africa was isolated in the past,
today the groups of countries who trust in Africa, its
States and the contribution they can make to the global
development continue to grow. We wish the sixty-sixth
session of the General Assembly every success.


Allow me to congratulate Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at this session. I wish him
every success in his efforts to promote the interests of
our international Organization. I also pay tribute to his
predecessor, Mr. Joseph Deiss, and express to him our
gratitude and appreciation for his successful presidency
of the Assembly last year.
 It is only natural that I should start by addressing
the current situation in Syria, our position in that
regard and the circumstances and events unfolding
inside and outside of our country. There is no doubt
that States’ positions and circumstances are governed
by their geopolitical realities, related problems and
demands stemming therefrom. At the same time, they
are influenced by repercussions and the price they have
to pay, whether high or low, resulting from positions
they take in response to those issues.
 The Syrian Arab Republic is located at the heart
of the Middle East region. Syria’s location has
determined its major role in the politics and balances
of the Arab world and the region in general. For many
decades, Syria faced major challenges and difficulties
with a firm stance against attempts to limit its role and
influence and divert it from the national course it had
charted. It is no secret that Syria has stood firm in
support of national sovereignty and independence in its
national decisions — a position that has remained a
primary pillar of Syrian foreign policy.
 Syria has spared no effort in support of the
legitimate struggle of the Palestinian people and in
championing resistance movements. Syria has upheld
its inalienable right to liberate the entire occupied
Syrian Golan to the line of 4 June 1967. At the same
time, Syria has extended a hand of friendship to all
States and established its international relations based
on mutual respect and mutual interests. Through
leverage, it has promoted the centrepiece of Syria’s
national priorities and established policies, namely on
the Middle East question, in efforts to liberate the land
and restore the rights of the people.
 Syria was dragged into another confrontation
following the occupation of Iraq. It had to choose
between enduring political siege and isolation or
submitting to demands. Again Syria summoned all of
its might to overcome such a policy, despite the
exorbitant price we had to pay at the expense of our
domestic priorities and interests. We emerged stronger
from that battle, having preserved our independent
decisions and safeguarded our national priorities.
 There are two sides to the problem that Syria
faces today. On the one hand, the country needs
people-driven political, economic and social reform.
President Bashar Al-Assad has already declared that
those reforms are needed and timely. He has expressed
a strong desire to accomplish them. But the force of the
political circumstances to which I briefly alluded to
earlier forced internal demands — important as they
were — to take a back seat to other priorities. Our

53 11-51384

overriding priority was to address external pressures
that at times were tantamount to blatant conspiracy.
 On the other hand, popular demands and needs
have been manipulated to further objectives alien to the
interests and expressed desires of the Syrian people.
Those demands have become stepping stones used by
armed groups to sow discord and to sabotage our
security, eventually becoming a new pretext for foreign
intervention.
 Syria has assumed its responsibility to protect its
citizens through actions to guarantee safety and
stability. It remains vigilant against the danger of
foreign intervention, which takes on different forms
with each passing day. Challenging that does not
diminish our concern for popular demands that were
already accommodated prior to the recent events. In
our view, the needed reforms are those that are now
due, many elements of which have been already met.
They are a work in progress that will continue through
national dialogue and in the context of national unity,
sovereignty and independence.
 To shed more light on the situation, I would recall
at this juncture the statement made by President
Al-Assad on 20 June. In his statement, the President
announced many reform measures based on the
following new laws: the political parties act to
guarantee political pluralism; the information act to lay
the ground for free and independent media; the
parliamentary elections act and the local administration
act. The proposed reform measures were to be finalized
by a thorough examination and review of the Syrian
Constitution. The review could eliminate certain
articles to allow for political pluralism and democratic
practices. It could even lead to the framing of a new
Constitution that would guarantee all of these things.
 The constitution is the backbone of the political,
economic and social life of all States. That reform
measure will definitely respond to popular demands
and needs. Furthermore, the President left the door
open to different views and proposals on the reform
effort in general. In the televised interview that
followed, the President announced that a timeline had
been set to agree on and implement the proposed
reforms in no more than six months. That is an
extremely important position that requires a serious, in-
depth national dialogue in order to achieve the desired
mechanisms and results.
 A comprehensive dialogue started a few weeks
ago in various Syrian governorates. Representatives of
various sectors of Syrian society, including opposition
figures, are participating in the process to examine the
comprehensive political, economic and social
components of the proposed reform package.
 We deeply regret the surge in foreign-inspired
activities of armed groups in Syria, which have not
waned and have instead continued to gain momentum.
That is the other side of the coin. We would have liked
for those countries that advocated the need for reform
and change to have supported the official Syrian
position instead of having opted for incitement and
defiance. In fact, the more ground we have covered
towards stability and reform, the stronger the foreign
incitement has become. Armed violence has surged in
tandem with multiple economic sanctions. By targeting
the Syrian economy with sanctions, the United States
and the European Union have jeopardized the interests
and basic daily subsistence needs of the Syrian people.
 This course of action cannot in any way be
reconciled with pronouncements about concern for the
interests, security and rights of the Syrian people.
Furthermore, it runs counter to the basic principles of
human rights, in defence of which those States base
their interference in our internal affairs. It must be
recalled that the Charter of our Organization states that
“Nothing contained in the present Charter shall
authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters
which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction
of any state”.
 Syria provided our region with a model of
peaceful coexistence among the different segments of
the Syrian population, a model which deserves to be
emulated. Syria opted for secularism to promote its
national unity in view of the religious and ethnic
diversity of the region to which it belongs, a region
that is the cradle of divine religions and the birthplace
of human civilization.
 Any objective and realistic analysis of the events
in and around Syria will demonstrate clearly that one
of the purposes of the unjust anti-Syria campaign
currently under way is to attack this model of
coexistence, which has been a source of pride to our
people. How can we otherwise explain media
provocations of financing and arming religious
extremism? What purpose could that serve other than
total chaos, which would dismember Syria — and

11-51384 54

consequently adversely affect its neighbours? What
else could this course of action achieve other than to
spread Western hegemony throughout the countries of
the Mediterranean and to serve Israel’s expansionist
interests?
 I assure the Assembly that our people are
determined to reject all forms of foreign intervention in
their internal affairs. We shall continue to achieve
security and stability and to implement the
comprehensive programme of reform through national
dialogue so that, within months, Syria will become a
model of political pluralism and an oasis for peaceful
coexistence among the different segments of its
population.
 From this rostrum, I call on the States that have
participated in the unjust campaign against Syria to
reconsider their positions. To them I say, “Our people
will not let you implement your plans and will foil
your schemes”.
 I also express our appreciation to the countries
that have stood by our people’s side in this crisis,
pre-empting any harm that could have befallen their
interests and encouraging them to pursue their
aspirations.
 For many years, the international community has
considered the two-State solution as the basis for
establishing peace between the Israelis and the
Palestinians. The negotiations between the two sides
that have continued for years have failed to achieve
any progress towards a solution owing to Israel’s well-
known positions and measures. Therefore, the
international community’s pursuit of the recognition of

a Palestinian State on the Palestinian territories
occupied in 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, is
legitimate. It is a positive step towards restoring all
Palestinian rights. Syria calls on the international
community to support that request. We also condemn
the Israeli blockade of Gaza and call on the
international community to shoulder its responsibility
and force Israel to lift the blockade.
 Our position on declaring the Middle East a
nuclear-weapon-free zone is well established and well
known. We continue to call for bringing pressure to
bear on Israel to implement international resolutions
that have called on it to accede to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and to
submit its nuclear facilities to the International Atomic
Energy Agency’s comprehensive safeguards regime.
This measure is of extreme importance to the security
and stability of our region. At the same time, we stress
that all States have the right to acquire nuclear
technologies for peaceful purposes. That right is
guaranteed under the NPT.
 We strongly renew the call to lift the embargo
that has been enforced against Cuba for decades.
 We all aspire to a more just and secure world.
This international Organization has a major role to play
in that regard. It can do so more competently if some
powerful States gave up attempts to further their own
agendas. Nevertheless, we still hope that the
international community, through this Organization,
will be able to follow the right course so as to bring
about a better world, to which our peoples aspire.


Being present at this forum is very important to express
what we think, what we feel and what we work on, but
it is also important to express major differences
between Presidents and between Governments, our
differences on policies, programmes, projects,

11 11-50847

principles and values with some countries in this
world.
 This morning we heard the statements of some
Presidents, and I realized that there are enormous
differences between the so-called small countries,
developing countries, underdeveloped countries,
compared with some Powers. For example, in the
debate here at the United Nations there is a clear
difference between the culture of life and the culture of
death, between truth and falsehood and between peace
and war.
 Of course, we all have the right to have our
differences. We have a right to deep differences about
life, but I believe that our Organization, the United
Nations, has a duty to make it possible to align the
constant work of Governments to guarantee peace and
the equality and dignity of all those living on plant
Earth.
 When I say that there is a deep difference
between the culture of life and the culture of death, I
feel that it will be difficult for us to come to an
understanding with economic policies that concentrate
capital in the hands of a few. Data show that 1 per cent
of the world’s population holds 50 per cent of its
wealth. If there are such deep differences, how can we
resolve the problem of poverty? And if we cannot put
an end to poverty how can we guarantee lasting peace?
 Furthermore, imperialism seeks to control the
sources of energy throughout the world, and to that end
it has instruments to impose, control and constantly
invade. And it is not just now; it has always been so. I
remember when I was a child seeing rebellions of
peoples against the capitalist system, against economic
models that involved the permanent pillaging of our
natural resources. Left-leaning union leaders and
political leaders were accused of being Communists in
order to arrest them. There was military intervention
against social forces. People were confined, exiled,
killed, persecuted and jailed, accused of being
socialists, Maoists, Leninists and Marxist-Leninists.
 I feel that that has ended. We are no longer
accused of being Marxists or Leninists, but now drug-
trafficking and terrorism are given as excuses. In
countries with many natural resources, particularly
related to energy, we are threatened by foreign
intervention, when Presidents, Governments and
peoples are not pro-capitalist or pro-imperialist.
 And then there is talk about a lasting peace. How
can there be a lasting peace where there are United
States military bases? How can there be lasting peace
when there are military interventions?
 I believe that our United Nations is subordinate to
the Security Council. What is the use of the United
Nations if a group of countries decides on
interventions, on killings? It is a Security Council for
whom? It is a Security Council for Presidents,
Governments, peoples who are pro-imperialist or
pro-capitalist. But it is the Insecurity Council for
Presidents, peoples or Governments who seek
liberation — not only cultural liberation, but also
economic liberation: the recovery of their economic
resources. Those are the deep divisions between the
Presidents from the various continents who are taking
part in our debates.
 If we want the Organization to have the authority
to see that its resolutions are respected, we should
think of founding afresh the United Nations. We cannot
continue on the current footing.
 Why do I say that? Every year at the United
Nations, almost 100 per cent of the Member States —
the United States and Israel being the exceptions —
decide that the economic blockade of Cuba should be
ended. Who ensures that that decision is respected?
The Security Council will never ensure that such
United Nations resolutions are respected; the United
Nations cannot ensure respect for that decision of the
whole world to lift the blockade against Cuba.
 I cannot understand how the resolutions of an
Organization of all the countries of the world are not
respected. What, then, is the United Nations? It is time
for an in-depth debate on founding afresh this great
Organization, the largest in the world. We should
debate its role so that the United Nations is recognized
and respected by the peoples of the world. That can
happen only with the re-establishment of the United
Nations as a body which fights for the equality of all
the inhabitants of planet Earth, for the dignity of all
those whom we represent at the United Nations.
 I have heard a number of interventions about
Palestine. Of course, Palestine has our full support.
Bolivia not only supports recognition of Palestine at
the United Nations, but also wishes to welcome
Palestine to the United Nations. Here I have a profound
observation. When Israel bombs, attacks, kills and
takes Palestinian land, there is no Security Council for

11-50847 12

that; there is no international organization that can stop
those bombings and killings, the genocide in Palestine.
 When there was a coup d’état in Honduras, where
were the military bases to defend a President elected by
the Honduran people? Where was the Security Council
or the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to
defend democracy in Honduras?
 It is time for us to think deeply about this. When
there are anti-imperialist Presidents with anti-capitalist
Governments, the empire tries to create internal
conflicts with what appear to be major confrontations,
making it appear in the media that a certain President
should fall, or it tries to divide a country to justify
intervention.
 When there was a coup d’état in Honduras and
there were killings in Palestine, where was NATO?
Where was the Security Council? They were nowhere
to be found.
 For those and many other reasons, it is important
to think again about re-establishing the United Nations.
 How can we Presidents and Governments face
our responsibility of freeing our countries? Let me
speak of some important aspects of my experience as
President.
 First, our natural resources can never be
privatized. They can never be handed over to
transnational companies, whether they be minerals, oil
or other natural resources. Before I became President,
hydrocarbons were in the hands of transnational
companies. What did the contracts say? They declared
that the owner assumed the right of ownership at the
mouth of the well. Governments told us that as long as
the resource — gas, oil — was underground it
belonged to all Bolivians, but the minute it came out of
the ground it belonged instead to the transnational
companies. In the contracts they concocted the idea
that the contract holder acquired ownership at the
mouth of the well; as soon as the oil and gas came out
of the ground they no longer belonged to Bolivians.
That was a constant pillaging of our natural resources.
 On 1 May 2006, we nationalized and recovered
our natural resources through a supreme decree. From
then on our national economy began to change. From
then on Bolivia stopped being a beggar State. Before
2006 — I say this very sincerely — Bolivia was a
small country sometimes considered an
underdeveloped or developing country; it does not
matter what term is used.
 We have just 10 million inhabitants. Investment
in Bolivia in 2005 was only $600 million, and more
than 50 per cent of it was credits or international
cooperation. Less than 50 per cent consisted of our
own resources. How much investment has there been
this year? The answer is $3.6 billion, with 20 per cent
or 30 per cent of that being through international
cooperation or credits, while almost 80 per cent is our
own resources, thanks to our recovery of hydrocarbons,
gas. How our economy has changed!
 From 1948 until 2005 Bolivia never had a fiscal
surplus; it was in deficit. In our first year in charge —
2006 — we achieved a fiscal surplus. We also created
bonds for children and the elderly. We started to
democratize our economy, apart from increasing
investment. For the 180 years after Bolivia was
founded in 1825, what international reserves did we
have until 2005? The answer is $1.7 billion. Over
180 years, Governments of all kinds — liberal, military
dictatorships, neo-liberal — were able to save for
Bolivia only $1.7 billion. In less than six years we have
saved over $10 billion; Bolivia now has $11.7 billion
in international reserves.
 In 2005, we were the next to last country in terms
of international reserves. Now we have improved,
thanks to the recovery and nationalization of
hydrocarbons. Recovering natural resources, having
them in the hands of the State, is very important for
improving the economy; we cannot privatize natural
resources and hand them over to the transnationals.
 We can have partners. That is fine. But
companies cannot be the owners of our natural
resources. The State, the people, must be the owner. I
mention this experience because thanks to our
decision, responding to the call of the Bolivian people,
we started to change the national economy.
 I have a second point. Basic public services can
never be provided by private businesses. I am speaking
of water, energy, electricity and the telephone service.
This morning, someone said that the prices of
agricultural products are rising by 25 per cent or 30 per
cent — even 50 per cent in some cases — and have
been doing so for four or five years. Prices are going
up because we do not yet control agricultural
production. Since the State has controlled basic
services in Bolivia, electricity, telephone and drinking

13 11-50847

water tariffs have not risen, because they are basic.
Public utilities must be the responsibility of the State,
and not of the private sector.
 How can we allow water, the stuff of life, to be in
private hands? I welcome the support we have received
from the General Assembly for water to be a human
right and express thanks on behalf of the people and
Government of Bolivia. It is our responsibility to
implement throughout the world the concept of water
as a human right, thus supporting the least privileged
when it comes to water.
 My third point concerns the constant struggle of
peoples for dignity and sovereignty. In Bolivia I too
have to put up with a United States military base. And
what do the uniformed United States outsiders do?
They command the national police and the armed
forces, because of political decisions of former
Presidents, those who preceded me in the Palacio
Quemada, as it is known in some sectors of society.
The Chimore airport could not be used without the
permission of the United States embassy. That woke us
up to the importance of defending the dignity and
sovereignty of our peoples.
 What I have described gave rise to a great
movement, not only social and cultural, but also
electoral. It led to a political liberation movement, a
movement to return dignity to all Bolivians, and to my
attaining the presidency.
 When I became President, I closed the military
base. How is it possible in this new millennium, in the
twenty-first century, for there still to be foreign
military bases all around the world? How is it possible
for there still to be interventions decided upon by the
Security Council? That situation is a threat to
humanity, an attack on the dignity of all the countries
of the world. That is why we must develop proposals
for the United Nations that will make it possible not
only to free all the people living on this planet, but to
restore dignity to them.
 My fourth point concerns international financial
institutions. I remember that when I was a union leader
Governments could never obtain the resources for
investment. We were told that Bolivia did not have the
capacity to borrow. Bolivia did not have easy access to
international loans. But what did the International
Monetary Fund do? It made loans conditional. It told
Governments that if they privatized refineries and
telecommunications they would give credits of
$30 million to $40 million.
 A usurious bank, conditional credits and credits
requiring security are no solution. No credits were
given to States, or to the productive sector. They were
all for services and trade. Above all, they went to the
transnationals.
 When I became President, one of the
transnational oil companies told me that the
Government would have to guarantee a credit of
$100 million to build a pipeline. I wondered about the
purpose. Finally, the oil company, Transredes, was
conspiring politically, and we therefore decided to
nationalize its properties — oil and gas pipelines. We
expelled it. Then we began to invest through the State
company, Yacimientos, without borrowing a single
dollar, and the Carrasco Cochabamba pipeline is now
under construction. But if the transnational had
continued to be responsible, we would certainly have
had to guarantee a loan for it.
 As the Assembly is aware, I come from the
indigenous peasant movement. When our families talk
about a company, they think of it as something that has
a lot of money and is made up of millionaires. So I
could not understand how a company could ask the
Government to lend it money for an investment.
 The international financial institutions deal
through companies, but who has to pay? It is the
peoples, the States. So we must create other financial
institutions. Fortunately, we are making good progress
in South America. The Bank of the South will be
completely different from the usurious banks that
feather their own nests and make money through
speculation. That must end. Regional integration will
free us from the domination of those banks.
 It is important for us to go further in that
integration. In Bolivia we have barriers to overcome,
and other countries of the Union of South American
Nations (UNASUR) also have problems. For example,
we have a historic demand upon Chile for a sovereign
corridor to the Pacific. We decided to have recourse to
international tribunals to ask for that access.
Resolution 37/10 of 15 November 1982 establishes in
its annex, the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful
Settlement of International Disputes, that recourse to
an international tribunal to settle disputes between
States should not be considered an unfriendly act.

11-50847 14

 Bolivia has right and reason on its side in going
to an international tribunal, because our landlocked
state results from an unjust war, an invasion. For
Bolivia, calling for a solution in the international
sphere means for Bolivia redressing a historic injustice.
 Bolivia is a friendly, peaceful State which gives
priority to dialogue with its neighbours. We therefore
keep open channels for bilateral negotiation with Chile,
without, however, renouncing the right to go to an
international court. There is regional involvement as
well, since this is not just a bilateral problem, but is a
regional problem as well.
 Peoples are not responsible for the landlocked
state of Bolivia. Those responsible are, as always, the
oligarchies, the transnationals, which wish to protect
their access to natural resources. The 1904 Treaty did
not lead to either peace or friendship, because for more
than a century Bolivia had no access to a sovereign
port of its own. I take this opportunity to call on the
United Nations, other international organizations and
especially the region to support us, so that we can
return with sovereignty to the Pacific Ocean.
 In addition, there is another movement of
countries taking place, that of the countries of Latin
America with the Caribbean. I would say that it is a
new Organization of American States, without the
United States, in order to free us of certain impositions,
with the benefit of our experience in UNASUR. I say
that because we no longer find ourselves obliged, when
there are conflicts between countries and within
democracies, to have somebody coming from outside
and above to re-establish order. Presidents and
Governments meet to resolve internal problems. This is
a great liberation for us.
 I also take this opportunity to touch on a central
topic: the fight against drug trafficking. United States
imperialism is using the war on drugs for political
ends. The United States Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA) in Bolivia was not fighting drug
trafficking; it was controlling it for political purposes.
The DEA would implicate union leaders or anti-imperialist
political leaders.
 Many politicians have been saved from that dirty
work of the empire in attempting to implicate us in
drug trafficking, which still goes on. Last week some
parts of the United States media said that my aircraft
had been detained in the United States with traces of
cocaine. How false! They are trying to confuse the
people, trying to conduct a dirty campaign against my
Government and against the State of Bolivia.
 What does the United States do? It decertifies
Bolivia and Venezuela. What moral authority does it
have to certify or decertify nations of Latin America,
when the United States is the world’s leading drug
consumer, when the United States is one of the world’s
producers of marijuana — in some years the biggest?
What authority does it have to certify or decertify any
country? This is another way of trying to scare
countries or punish them.
 However, Bolivia, very responsibly, continues to
fight drug trafficking. A report by the State Department
recognizes that there has been a net reduction in coca
cultivation, with improved interdiction. Where is the
market? The market is what drives drug trafficking,
and the market is here. Who is decertifying the United
States because it has not cut down the market? This
morning President Calderón of Mexico said that the
drug market continues to grow. Why is no
responsibility taken for eliminating the market? As
long as there is a market coca leaves and other
products will be turned into drugs.
 A great responsibility must be borne. Here I make
an appeal. Let us fight with shared responsibility. Why
do we not put an end to banking confidentiality? The
biggest drug traffickers put their millions of dollars not
in briefcases or backpacks but in the banks. Why is
there fear of banking secrecy? In Bolivia we are not
afraid. Banking confidentiality must be ended if we
want to fight drug trafficking head on.
 One of the crises on the margin of the crisis of
capitalism is the food crisis. New international
financial structures give opportunities to people with
low incomes by providing microcredits to small
producers. We have some experience in Bolivia, where
credits at zero interest have been given to producers of
rice, wheat, corn and soy at zero interest. Food
producers can even pay their debts with their products.
Soft credits are given to encourage food production.
 Yet the international banks never take the small
producer into account; they never pay any heed to
cooperatives, to associations, which can very well
contribute if given the chance.
 There are new ways to encourage production
through fair trade. We have to put an end to the
so-called competitive market. In a competition who

15 11-50847

wins? It is the most powerful, those with the greatest
advantages. Transnational companies are always the
winners. The losers are the small producers, families
wanting to rise through their own efforts. Therefore,
we are trying in the region to implement policies of
complementarity and solidarity, and not of competition.
With naked competition we shall never be able to solve
the problem of poverty.
 Finally on this matter, the crisis of capitalism has
no exit. When I was a young boy much mention was
made of the foreign debt of poor countries. It was said
that it could never be paid. Now the situation is quite
the opposite: the debts of the poor countries can easily
be settled, but the crisis of capitalism is a bottomless
hole. The crisis of capitalism is not just because of
circumstances; it is structural.
 What do capitalist or imperialist countries do?
They seek any pretext to invade a country and make off
with its natural resources. This morning the President
of the United States said that Iraq was already free and
would govern itself. The Iraqis will be able to govern
themselves, of course, but in whose hands is the oil
now?
 The fall of autocracy in Libya was hailed, and
now there is democracy, but in whose hands is Libyan
oil? The world and the Libyans have come to realize
that reason for the invasion and the bombings was not
to bring about the fall of Al-Qadhafi by rebels but a
desire for Libyan oil. Next year we can review the
situation and see which countries have their hands on
Libyan oil.
 There is a desire to overcome the crisis of
capitalism by making off with our oil, gas and other
natural resources. But we also have the great
responsibility of defending the rights of Mother Earth.
I continue to be convinced that the best way to defend
human rights is to defend the rights of Mother Earth.
 Here we have the great responsibility of looking
after the rights of Mother Earth. Only 60 years ago the
Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights; it was only 60 years ago that the United
Nations realized that the human being also has rights.
After political rights, economic rights, the rights of
indigenous peoples, now we have the enormous
responsibility of defending the rights of Mother Earth.
 We are also convinced that infinite growth on a
finite planet is unsustainable and impossible. The limit
to growth is the regenerative capacity of the planet’s
ecosystems. We therefore call for a new 10 commandments
concerning social demands, financial systems, natural
resources, basic services, production, and dignity and
sovereignty. On that basis we should begin to re-
establish the United Nations so that it can be the
highest instance to settle issues of peace, poverty,
dignity and sovereignty.
 I hope that my experience as President of Bolivia
will be useful to all those present. At the same time, I
come to learn from many of them so that I may
continue working for the equality and dignity of the
Bolivian people.


Allow me, Sir, to
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser on his election to preside over the Assembly
at the sixty-sixth session. Let me also commend his
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss, for his
leadership in guiding us over the Assembly’s sixth-fifth
session. May I take this opportunity to congratulate
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment.
 Indonesia would also like to welcome South
Sudan as a Member of the United Nations.
 Our world continues to be full of challenges,
political and military tensions and conflicts, as well as
threats of nuclear weapons and of acts of piracy and
terrorism. There is the financial and economic crisis.
Worse and more fundamental still, in many corners of
the world there is abject poverty and hunger,
environmental threats and natural disasters, energy and
food insecurity, intolerance and discrimination. There
are authoritarian regimes bent on suppressing the
clamour for democracy and respect for human rights.
 We believe that in convening in this historic Hall,
as we do every year, we must seek more than simply to
review the past year, to lament opportunities lost and to
congratulate ourselves on the gains made. Rather, we
must ensure that, moving forward, as nations we stand
united — United Nations — in addressing and
anticipating the challenges ahead.
 In particular, we must stand united in
transforming challenges into opportunities for nations
to forge mutually beneficial partnerships, anchored in
the principles of the United Nations Charter. We must
change challenges into opportunities to promote a new
kind of international relations that accentuates
partnership rather than confrontation, and that places
primacy on the building of bridges rather than the
deepening of fault lines and divisions, and on nations
aggressively waging peace and development.
 Waging peace and development in the Middle
East must, first and foremost, entail correcting the
historic injustice to the Palestinian people that has been
allowed for too long. Indonesia’s support for the
legitimate aspirations and rights of the people of
Palestine to live in freedom, peace, justice and dignity
in their own homeland has been steadfast and will
continue unabated.
 Indonesia therefore strongly supports Palestine’s
present quest for full membership in the United
Nations. Such membership is consistent with the vision
of the two-State solution and of a just and
comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Indeed, the
recent heightened worldwide focus on the issue of
Palestine can, and must, be channelled in a
constructive way towards the promotion of an inclusive
partnership among nations that leads to the fulfilment
of the historic responsibilities shouldered by our
United Nations.
 The continued denial of the most basic rights of
the Palestinian people becomes all the more glaring in
the face of the welcome democratic transformation that
is under way in parts of North Africa and the Middle
East. Like many, Indonesia has been deeply concerned
by the untold losses and casualties suffered by innocent
civilians. The bloodshed and use of force must be
brought to an immediate end, for, ultimately, political
solutions must be found. That means that conditions
conducive for people to shape their own future must be
promoted. Thus in Libya, for example, Indonesia

11-51390 28

supports the National Transitional Council in its efforts
to promote a peaceful and democratic transition.
 A decade or so ago now, Indonesia too went
through a tumultuous process of democratic change.
Today, as the third largest democracy, Indonesia is
reaping the democratic dividends of such change. That
is why we believe that political development and
democratization should constitute a priority item on
our agenda, to allow States to share lessons learned and
experiences in their unique paths towards
democratization. That is why we took the initiative of
launching the Bali Democracy Forum — the only
intergovernmental forum for the sharing of experience
and cooperation on political development in Asia. It is
a forum for partnership in the promotion of democracy.
 Global partnership is particularly key in
addressing the challenges of development in order to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals and to
prevent the recurrence of famine, which we are
currently witnessing in the Horn of Africa. Thus we
must act in concert and in a focused and sustainable
way to ensure food security for the most vulnerable.
That means increased investment in the agricultural
research and development sector and increased
production and productivity.
 I wish to highlight one particular driver of
economic growth and development. An enhanced role
for women in the economy is not only right, but also
smart, leading to both increased growth and more
balanced, sustainable and equitable growth.
 Achieving food security also requires that we
confront the reality of climate change. The
international community must find the political
commitment to generate momentum for climate
change, towards a new climate regime after 2012. The
forthcoming seventeenth Conference of the Parties to
the Climate Change Convention in Durban and the
Rio+20 Conference on Sustainable Development in
Brazil next year must deliver.
 However, let us not wait. In Indonesia, we are
committed to being proactive and to being part of the
global solution to climate change. Through the REDD-
plus programme — Reducing Emissions from
Deforestation and Forest Degradation — we are using
our natural rainforests as an important part of our
mitigation efforts.
 Our commitment to work in partnership in
addressing climate change must not founder before the
looming and renewed threat of the global financial and
economic crisis. In the face of that challenge, we must
take bold measures. The reform of international
financial and economic governance must be expedited.
Enhanced coordination of national economic policies is
essential. We must learn to step out of our comfort
zone and address those critical needs in concert. As
emerging economies are now an important engine of
global economic growth, they must have a greater
opportunity to contribute to promoting solutions.
 The challenges confronting us are persistent and
formidable, but we have the opportunity and the
capacity to address them and, most of all, to turn
challenges into opportunities. For a start, since those
challenges defy national solutions, they can at the same
time motivate countries to strike partnerships and build
cooperation. In that regard, allow me to highlight two
basic points.
 First, we need to strengthen multilateralism in
order to address global challenges. That means the
central role of the United Nations. To be able to
address new and emerging challenges, and, not least, to
identify new opportunities, full support for and reform
of the United Nations are key. That is the only way that
the United Nations can remain relevant and to ensure
that multilateralism flourishes.
 Through reform, we must ensure that the United
Nations and its decision-making processes are more
effective, efficient, transparent and inclusive. We must
persevere in strengthening the General Assembly, the
Economic and Social Council and their subsidiary
organs, as well as the Human Rights Council. We must
support the Peacebuilding Commission as it helps
countries emerging from conflict.
 The Security Council must better reflect the
current world situation. It should become more
representative, more transparent and, thus, more
effective. All key issues of United Nations reform
should be addressed as integral parts of a
comprehensive package.
 Secondly, cooperation and partnership between
the United Nations and regional organizations are key
to addressing today’s global challenges. Thus, there
should be synergy between global and regional efforts.
That is particularly true in conflict prevention and
resolution, linked to the theme of this year’s General

29 11-51390

Assembly session, “The role of mediation in the
settlement of disputes by peaceful means”.
 In South-East Asia, as Chair of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Indonesia has
worked ceaselessly to develop the region’s capacity to
prevent and to manage potential conflicts, and to
resolve them. Our efforts have been focused not only
on the further development of ASEAN’s conflict
prevention and resolution mechanisms, but also on
developing and nurturing the necessary comfort level
among ASEAN member States to resort to such
mechanisms.
 As a result, we expect South-East Asia to remain
a net contributor to international peace and security, as
well as to economic development and prosperity.
Beyond its own subregion, anchored in a strong
ASEAN Community, we are indeed set to attain those
achievements by 2015. ASEAN continues to be the
driving force in promoting a regional architecture
throughout Asia-Pacific that is conducive to the
maintenance of regional peace and stability, which is
precisely the kind of conditions that have enabled
countries in the region to pursue a development path
uninterrupted by wars and conflicts.
 In the current regional setting, in Indonesia we
describe that as conditions that are marked by a
dynamic equilibrium, where dominant power is absent
owing to a lack of the promotion of block politics and
often self-fulfilling geopolitical fault lines. Rather,
there exists a new kind of international relations, with
its emphasis on common security, common prosperity
and common stability.
 This November, a revamped East Asia Summit
will convene in Bali, Indonesia, with the participation
of the Russian Federation and the United States for the
first time. That will be part of an important regional
architecture.
 As ASEAN builds its Community and continues
its central role in maintaining a stable and peaceful
environment in the Asia-Pacific region, it sets a new
challenge and a new vision for itself, that is, to develop
greater cohesion and a common platform on global
issues - an ASEAN that is a net contributor to the
solution of many of the world’s ills and challenges.
That is in keeping with ASEAN’s theme for 2011,
“ASEAN Community in a Global Community of
Nations”.
 To conclude, I wish to assure Members of the
United Nations that Indonesia will be relentless and
unceasing in promoting the ideals embodied in the
Charter of the United Nations in promoting peace.


First of all, I would like to
align myself with the statement made by the President
of the European Council, Mr. Herman van Rompuy, on
behalf of the European Union (see ).
Denmark appreciates the adoption earlier this year of

11-51687 10

resolution 65/276, giving the European Union (EU) the
opportunity to address the General Assembly at this
juncture of its deliberations. The Lisbon Treaty marks a
new phase of European cooperation that will benefit
the United Nations as well.
 The past year has once again demonstrated how
quickly events can unfold and how unexpected crises
can break out in different parts of the world. These
include a violent conflict in Côte d’Ivoire before a
democratically elected president could finally take his
rightful place; devastating earthquakes and tsunamis in
Japan, followed by nuclear contamination; the current
and still more severe humanitarian crisis in the Horn of
Africa; and Pakistan being struck by overwhelming
floods.
 There have also been events of historic
proportions that are still unfolding in North Africa and
the Middle East. From Tunisia to Egypt, from Libya to
Syria, from Bahrain to Yemen and beyond, people are
demanding their rights and their freedom. They are
standing up for core human aspirations and values.
They want to shape their own lives, economically and
politically. Theirs is a call for political participation,
for freedom of speech and for the right of peaceful
assembly; a call for dignity, for accountability, for
justice and for jobs. It has sparked hope for a better life
for the people of the region. The international
community, with the United Nations in the lead, has a
strong responsibility to support these historic
aspirations.
 The winds of change currently sweeping across
the Middle East and North Africa have confirmed once
again that the desire for freedom, democratic reforms
and respect for human rights is universal. A few days
ago, countries met under the auspices of the Secretary-
General to express their admiration for the courage of
the Libyan people in their struggle to take control of
their own future. Denmark is proud to have supported
the legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people and to
have contributed to the protection of the lives of
Libyan civilians.
 A few days ago, the Assembly welcomed the
National Transitional Council (NTC) as the
representative of Libya. Being here today with the
NTC in the seat of Libya is tangible evidence of the
progress achieved by the Libyan people in determining
their own destiny. Along with the international
community, Denmark continues to support the
aspirations of the Libyan people. It is encouraging that
the Security Council has now authorized a new United
Nations Mission to support Libyan national efforts.
 Developments across the Middle East and North
Africa make it clear that in the twenty-first century,
Governments must be politically accountable, respect
people’s rights and dignity, and deliver economic
opportunities. The only credible response to those
legitimate popular demands is sustainable political and
economic reforms.
 Unfortunately, we sometimes witness countries
fail to live up to their responsibility and obligations as
members of the international community. As we speak,
events continue to unfold across the region, including
in Syria. More than 2,600 people in Syria have died
during the popular uprising. We strongly condemn the
violence and the killings of peaceful demonstrators. It
is high time to respect the right of peaceful protesters
and their legitimate demands. To increase the pressure
on the Syrian regime, we have adopted sanctions and
hope others will join us.
 Some of the prerequisites for a sustainable
transition to a flourishing democracy are free, fair and
transparent elections, free media, the protection of
minorities, a functioning government and an
independent judiciary that upholds the rule of law.
Democratic change must come from within. It has to be
home-grown and based on local leadership, ownership
and participation. Surely, this does not exclude
international assistance, including from the United
Nations.
 Afghanistan has come a long way since the fall of
the Taliban regime. We hope that Afghanistan will take
yet another step in its transition process at the
upcoming Conference in Bonn in December. Moving
towards 2014, the United Nations system, in close
cooperation with the Afghan authorities, will also have
to undertake a thorough review of its activities in
Afghanistan in order to continuously maximize its
contribution to good governance, anti-corruption and
sustainable socio-economic development.
 What we see around the world is not only a call
for political reforms; it is also a call for inclusive
economic development, for jobs pure and simple, and
for improved standards of living. And not least, it is a
call from and about youth. Governments will need to
strengthen economic and social reforms, ensuring that

11 11-51687

they generate inclusive growth and shared prosperity
for all and not just for the few and already privileged.
 The Millennium Development Goals have
succeeded in galvanizing action, not least in health and
education, and all countries have a joint obligation to
ensure that the goals we agreed in 2000 will actually be
fulfilled by 2015. The development challenge is
pressing in sub-Saharan Africa, a region long marked
by poverty and conflict, but in recent years also
characterized in many countries by strong economic
growth and optimism.
 National ownership and clear political
commitments remain the keys to success. But for many
of the poorest countries, development cooperation
continues to be an important tool and a catalyst in their
efforts to ensure that the poorest people will also be
able to enjoy the full potential of globalization.
Denmark is doing its part to assist, based on a sound
track record in international development cooperation.
We are one of only five countries which at present
fulfil the internationally agreed development goal of
delivering at least 0.7 per cent of gross national
product as development assistance. We would like to
welcome others to this “point-seven” club.
 We shall not succeed, however, without focusing
in particular on countries affected by conflict or
fragility. We especially look to the United Nations to
coordinate efforts in those countries. That is where the
United Nations can make a real difference.
 The advancement of women’s equality and the
empowerment of women are important aspects of this
process. We welcome the creation of UN-Women and
look forward to working closely with that new entity in
the area of gender mainstreaming. No less important is
the issue of sexual and reproductive health and the
rights of women.
 The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), to be held in Rio de Janeiro in
June 2012, presents a unique opportunity to revitalize
the discussion and understanding of sustainable
development. Rio+20 will be an opportunity to put
sustainable development at the top of the global
development agenda.
 Denmark welcomes the focus on green economy
and the institutional framework for sustainable
development. Transitioning to a green economy is
necessary if the world is to cope with the multiple
challenges of resource scarcity, poverty eradication and
climate change. Economic growth will be crucial in the
decades ahead, but it will have to be green. Today,
1.4 billion people are without access to modern sources
of energy. Universal access to energy will contribute to
lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty.
 Poland and Denmark, as part of the EU trio
presidency for 2011 and 2012, are working jointly to
strengthen the green growth agenda and contribute to
the global objective of sustainable development, in
accordance with the trio presidency programme. Next
month, Denmark will host the first Global Green
Growth Forum in Copenhagen. The Forum will lend
new momentum to public-private cooperation on
concrete initiatives that will inspire regulatory
interventions, remove key barriers and identify
opportunities and solutions for a renewed push to
advance green growth globally.
 Earlier this year, we witnessed the birth of a new
State as we welcomed the 193rd Member of the United
Nations. The Republic of South Sudan is the fulfilment
of the democratically expressed will to self-
determination by the overwhelming majority of the
South Sudanese people. We congratulate the people of
South Sudan on their historic achievement.
 The Palestinian cause and quest for statehood are
high on the agenda here in New York, and rightly so.
The present regional context reminds us all, including
the two parties, that direct political peace negotiations
must now be resumed. Within a specific time frame,
they must produce a lasting peace and an end to
conflict based on the two-State solution, with both
States living side by side in peace and security.
 Let me also take this opportunity to congratulate
the Secretary-General on his appointment to a second
five-year term. We have all been inspired by his tireless
efforts in the field of peace and security and human
rights and by his strong leadership on climate change
and sustainable development. At a time when the
United Nations is ever more relevant, Denmark lends
its full support to the Secretary-General and to his
stewardship of the Organization. The challenges we
face call for international resolve and for joint action.
In the Secretary-General’s own words, “We need
results that people can see and touch, results that
change lives and make a difference” (A/65/PV.101,
p. 9). That is why we turn to the United Nations.

11-51687 12

 That is the end of my prepared statement, but I
am aware that I am the last speaker in the general
debate of the sixty-sixth session of the General
Assembly. Let me therefore also take this opportunity
on my own behalf — and I am sure also on behalf of
speakers before me — to thank the conference service
staff and the interpreters for their tireless efforts and
long working days, which have facilitated this unique
international debate.
 The exchange of views that we have during the
general debate allows each and every one of us a
privileged glimpse into the positions, the values and
the political priorities of all 193 Member States. The
debate provides a strong and clear indication of what
issues really engage Governments. It demonstrates
what parts of the very broad United Nations agenda
each and every Government is most preoccupied with,
what their concerns are and which outcomes and
solutions they seek. From this debate, we get a unique
and straight look into the soul of global politics. It
helps us understand each other, including when we
disagree, and it informs our work together in the
Assembly in the months to come.
 So we may congratulate each other on a job well
done, now at the end of the debate, but it is only the
beginning. The true value of this debate will be seen
only later, and it will depend on all of us coming
together to find common ground and workable
solutions.


More than 10 years ago,
we decided to set eight concrete goals to free
humankind from extreme poverty, from hunger and
disease, and from illiteracy. We called them the
Millennium Development Goals. These Goals have
been powerful. They have helped the international
community to monitor and mobilize resources for
development cooperation.
 And important progress has been made. We have
seen poverty decline in many countries. By 2015, the
global poverty rate is expected to fall below 15 per
cent. We have seen some of the poorest countries make
the greatest strides in education. Child mortality has
been reduced. New HIV infections are declining
steadily. Access to clean drinking water has increased.
But we still have a long way to go in other areas in
order to raise standards of living and offer equal
opportunities to people around the globe.
 Today I would like to focus on one key area
where progress is still very slow. But since it affects
half of the world’s population and half its human
resources, it is of crucial importance. I am referring to
maybe the most important human rights failure of all,
or at least the one that affects the largest number of
human beings. I am referring to the unmet human,
economic and social rights of 3.5 billion women and
girls. They make up half of the world, but they are not
allowed to fulfil their potential as powerful drivers of
economic development as well as of peace and
security.
 Let me just fill members in on the situation we
have today. Women perform 66 per cent of the world’s
work and produce 50 per cent of its food, but they earn
only 10 per cent of its income and own one per cent of
its property. Seventy per cent of the world’s poor
population are women or girls. Every day,
approximately 1,000 women die from causes related to
pregnancy and childbirth. That adds up to about
350,000 deaths each year.
 This week we witnessed a historic step in the
history of the United Nations, when Brazilian President
Dilma Rousseff became the first woman ever to open
the general debate. At the same time — standing here,
mid-2011 — there are still countries that do not allow
women to vote. And only in 28 countries has women’s
parliamentary representation reached a critical mass of
30 per cent or more. Only 19 women lead their
countries as elected Heads of State or Government.
This is not fair. It is not just. And, frankly, it makes no
sense.
 To me, gender equality is first and foremost a
question of ensuring equal rights for women and men.
It is about giving all individuals, irrespective of gender,

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the same possibilities of education, economic
opportunity and participating in society. In 2011, there
are women who still do not enjoy equal rights. They
are refused the rights to vote, to inherit, to work and
even to drive a car. And at the far end of the spectrum,
women are subject to gender-based violence and rape
as a weapon of war.
 But gaps in these rights are not only a loss for the
women affected; they are a loss to society as a whole
and, I must say, very bad economic policy for the
countries concerned. Not least in these times of global
economic crisis, it seems obvious that we should
realize the full potential of all human resources.
 I will give a few examples. Closing the gap
between male and female employment rates would
have huge implications for the global economy. It
would boost the United States gross domestic product
(GDP) by as much as 9 per cent, the eurozone GDP by
13 per cent and Japanese GDP by as much as 16 per
cent. But increased gender equality does not merely
have immediate economic benefits; it is also an
investment for the future. The evidence from a range of
countries is clear. When women take greater control of
household income, more money is spent on children’s
needs, such as food, health and education. Children
grow taller, are ill less often and are likely to get better
jobs. Moreover, when women play a greater part in
society by shaping institutions or taking leading roles
in politics or business life, there are clear
improvements for the public good, and corruption is
lessened. When they are present at the building of
peace, results improve.
 In short, I see gender equality not only as a
crucial human rights issue, but also as a question of
smart economics. I would urge all representatives
sitting in this Hall today to imagine what it would
mean in terms of economic growth for their countries if
women were allowed to participate fully in society.
 As technology develops, the world is changing.
In one minute I can use my mobile phone to get hold of
a friend on the other side of the globe or my children
back home in Sweden. That is, of course, amazing. But
in one minute, we can also get a first-hand report on
the situation in troubled parts of the world. We can get
first-hand access to pictures of abuse and violence,
taken by hidden mobile phones and for the whole
world to see. Today, ideas of freedom and democracy
are spreading at the speed of sound. We have seen it in
North Africa. We are seeing it in the Middle East. The
Internet and new technology have laid out a high-speed
motorway heading towards democracy and freedom.
We can see that some are trying to put out roadblocks;
repressive Governments try to quash the rights they
fear.
 The United Nations must play a leading role in
embracing and maintaining those new roads to
democracy and freedom. The United Nations Special
Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the
right to freedom of opinion and expression recently
concluded that there must be as little restriction as
possible of online freedom of expression. He called it
an enabler of other human rights. Sweden, together
with 40 other nations around the world, strongly
supports his conclusion. We want to build an alliance
for the freedom of the Internet, and we have launched a
special initiative for democratization and freedom of
expression so that we can urgently support human
rights activists and agents of democratic change. The
Internet is the new front line in the fight for freedom
across the world.
 In many countries, my own included, we take
freedom for granted. In other countries, it is still a
dream. This year, we have witnessed courageous
people in North Africa and the Middle East taking to
the streets to fight for their dream; to fight for freedom,
openness and democracy. For this, they must have our
support. When there are threats of genocide, war
crimes, ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity —
when autocratic rulers, as in Syria, turn their guns on
their own citizens — then the international community
has a responsibility to protect civilians.
 Sweden hopes to play its part in this decisive
phase in the region. We are contributing to the
implementation of Security Council resolutions 1970
(2011) and 1973 (2011) in Libya. We are providing
substantial humanitarian support to several countries in
North Africa and the Middle East. And when the new
Governments turn to the crucial task of establishing
democratic principles, the rule of law and respect for
human rights, we will be ready to continue our support
and do more to see the Arab Spring turn into a
blossoming summer.
 The European Union is firmly committed to
Israel and a Palestinian State living side by side with
each other in peace and security. We all want to see the
peace process resume. Violations of international law

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must cease. Only then can a true and lasting peace be
achieved.
 The Horn of Africa is suffering its worst famine
in 60 years. We are faced with a huge humanitarian
disaster. The international community must respond
faster and better, now. Disasters such as those in Haiti,
Pakistan and now in the Horn of Africa show the
central importance of the United Nations in
humanitarian action. The United Nations needs our full
support to further improve the international response
capacity.
 In a globalized world, we are not just
interconnected online; together we share a planet with
finite resources. And yet we consume as if there was no
tomorrow. I believe that sustainable development
requires global solutions. In this respect, the United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development to be
held next year in Brazil will be very important. I am
really hoping for a strong renewed political commitment to
sustainable development.
 We are also looking for concrete progress at the
Durban Climate Change Conference in November. We
know what we need and we have known it for some
time — further reductions of greenhouse gas
emissions. If we do not achieve that, we are simply not
going to be able to reverse the trend of global warming.
 These are turbulent times. Some countries are
suffering from financial and economic crises; others
are suffering from the severe consequences of global
warming; yet others are building new societies as
freedom and democracy have replaced dictatorships
and repression. More than ever, there is a need for a
well-functioning global arena for international
cooperation and conflict resolution and for the pursuit
of sustainable economic, social and environmental
development. The need for a strong United Nations,

based on political legitimacy, justice and human rights,
is as strong as ever. Sweden will do its utmost to
support a strong United Nations through substantial
contributions to humanitarian and development
assistance and to its work for peace, security and
human rights.
 We also want to help revitalize the work of the
United Nations on disarmament and non-proliferation.
Together with Mexico we will, as co-Chairs of the
seventh Conference Facilitating the Entry into Force of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, work
hard on advancing the Treaty’s entry into force.
 We have also presented our candidature for a seat
on the Human Rights Council for the period
2013-2015. As a member of the Council, Sweden
would contribute actively to making it a more efficient
and active body and to promoting the universal
enjoyment of human rights — making rights real.
 This week we commemorate the fiftieth
anniversary of the death of the Swedish Secretary-
General Dag Hammarskjöld. He played an important
role in reforming and shaping the United Nations as we
know it today. Let me conclude with these words from
Dag Hammarskjöld:
 “The pursuit of peace and progress, with its trials
and its errors, its successes and its setbacks, can
never be relaxed and never abandoned”.
That was true then and it is true today.


It is an honour to return once
again to this historic setting. May I warmly
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser. Jordanians well remember his distinguished
tenure as Qatar’s Ambassador to Jordan. I also express
my warm congratulations to the Secretary-General on
his election to a second term.
 This year, in my region and everywhere in the
world, leaders are being asked to listen and to act; to
solve today’s serious global crises in the economy, the
environment, and peace; to uphold the equal dignity of
all persons and, as provided for in the Charter of the
United Nations, the equal rights of our nations; to
create more inclusive political and economic life,
especially including young people; and to prove that
global justice, by peaceful process of law, is more than
words: it is achievable, and achievable now.
 The challenge has come to my region, and
historic transformations are under way. This year, we
have witnessed vast changes, both orderly transitions
and tumultuous events with a high price in bloodshed
and loss. But those of us who have welcomed and
championed reform are hopeful. We believe that the
Arab Spring can be an opportunity to institutionalize
positive change — change that is necessary for a
strong, secure and prosperous future. We can build on
the pioneering achievements of Arab-Islamic
civilization, with its core values of compassion,
responsibility, tolerance and respect for others.
 For my country, these opportunities are opening
the door to a major revitalization of our reform effort.
We want it to be an inclusive, national effort that can

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reach our goal of parliamentary Government. The
irreversible democratic change we seek means more
than establishing new structures. It means embedding a
way of life: the active responsibility of participating in
political parties; creating political, economic and social
platforms; and working with others to realize the future
our people need. It also means building reform right
into reform, including the rule of law, justice and the
rights and freedoms of democratic political life.
 Early on, Jordan began a review of the
cornerstone of our political life, the Constitution.
Parliament is currently putting the final touches on
amendments for ratification by both chambers. Among
these key provisions are an independent constitutional
court and an independent elections commission.
 We in Jordan are also working with our partners
to address another global danger, namely, the immense
negative impact of regional conflict. The central — the
single greatest driver of division and instability — is
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
 We are today at a dangerous impasse. The
opportunities of a year ago to move talks forward to a
clear-cut endgame failed to gain momentum.
Negotiations have come to a halt. Frustrations are at a
peak. Even as we speak, Israeli settlement activity is
ongoing, despite every ruling of international law and
in the face of strong international protest.
 We are seeing settlement activity in Jerusalem,
although that is one of the key final status issues that
can only be resolved through negotiations. It is a global
concern. In my great-grandfather’s words, a sacred
chain binds Muslims around the world to that holy city.
I cannot overstate the crisis that would arise from harm
to the holy sites of any faith or from efforts to
annihilate the Arab character of East Jerusalem.
 A two-State solution that ends the conflict by
meeting the needs of both sides is, and can be, the only
secure and lasting peace. A solution comprised of two
States — a sovereign, independent and viable Palestine
and Israel, accepted and secure — is the core of all
major international proposals, including the Arab Peace
Initiative.
 All are agreed that negotiations must go forward,
and soon, resolving the final status of all four key
issues — borders, Jerusalem, refugees and settlements.
Only then will the conflict cease to be a flashpoint for
global violence, and people on both sides will be able
to get on with their future in peace.
 President Obama recognized that strategic
imperative when he set the parameters for a solution on
19 May. The Arabs viewed these parameters positively.
Israel built settlements. The Quartet, the European
Union, President Sarkozy and other representatives of
the international community have put workable ideas
on the table. The Arab States welcomed them. Israel
built settlements. That is where we find ourselves
today.
 We cannot teach the next generation respect for
law and mutual acceptance if they see law and
compromise repeatedly fail. Yet we must uphold the
law, or civilization falls. We cannot teach the value of
peaceful process if peaceful process repeatedly fails.
Yet we must uphold peaceful process, or humankind is
lost.
 In this impasse, Jordan and the Arab States are
holding fast to our principles of peace and law. We
have come here - to the house of nations - to seek the
justice of nations.
 We will continue to strongly support the
inalienable right of the Palestinian people to Statehood,
in fulfilment of their aspirations, in accordance with
United Nations resolutions and within a comprehensive
and just settlement, including the resolution of all final
status issues. It is their right to seek it here, in the
home of nations, the United Nations. That we must all
support.
 We seek a new and vigorous international push,
with concrete steps toward the endgame. We seek not
words, not process, but a decisive end to conflict and a
new beginning in peace — the peace that comes from
real Statehood. We seek recognized rights for
Palestinians — the rights that allow people to look
forward in dignity and hope. We seek a peace that
brings real security for Israelis — who will put aside
their fortress mentality and achieve acceptance in their
neighbourhood and the world.
 Men and women everywhere share basic
concerns — a better life for themselves and their
families, security to plan for the future, a say in how
society is organized and rights they can depend on. For
too many, these hopes have been unanswered. But a
new era is beginning in my region, with new

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opportunities to move forward in democracy, security
and peace.