Austria takes great pleasure in welcoming seven new Members to the United Nations. Estonia. Latvia and Lithuania displayed admirable courage and persistence over more than half a century and were finally able to recover their independence. We also hope that the joint admission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to the United Nations - something we had supported for several years - will facilitate the unification process. Similarly, the admission of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia has brought us closer to the ultimate goal of attaining true universality of membership in the United Nations.
We seldom have an opportunity such as the one we have today of witnessing profound changer all over the world. We all still have fresh in our minds the historic events that occurred in Moscow, resulting in what we hope will be a decisive victory of democracy, human rights and pluralism over dictatorship and totalitarianism. The breakdown of totalitarian ideologies offers vast opportunities for shaping a new universal consensus on international cooperation and peace. We are entering a new era in international relations. At the same time, we must respond to new challenges while the world is still bedevilled by old, chronic problems.
Human rights and fundamental freedoms have now been generally accepted as central principles for the future institutional evolution of the society of nations. In many societies, we can observe a basic reorientation towards broad participation by the people in decision-making processes, towards a free eco-social market economy and towards democracy and political freedom.
Within the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the principle has been established that interest shown in the safeguarding of human. rights and fundamental freedoms cannot be rejected as interference in the internal affairs of another country. Austria has always vigorously supported this position. We shall endeavour to have this principle applied on a universal level as well.
Violations of human rights, wherever they occur, cannot be tolerated. The United Nations should have the possibility to react quickly to serious human rights abuses and to prevent any escalation of such abuses. I propose that the Commission on Human Rights adopt an emergency procedure based on a permanent register of experts - who could be called "white helmets" - at the Commission's disposition.
Such an international emergency procedure could contain the following elemental Upon the receipt of information on gross, massive human rights violations, the Bureau of the Commission on Human Rights would send a team of "white helmets" into the country in question as quickly as possible, which would be asked to examine the situation rapidly. The team of "white helmets" would submit a report to the Bureau of the Commission together with conclusions and recommendations, in order to initiate speedy action on the basis of existing mechanisms. Finally, the report of the "white helmets" and the comments of the Government concerned would be inscribed on the agenda of the next session of the Commission, which would decide on follow-up measures.
I feel encouraged to make this proposal by the very important address delivered by the Secretary-General at the University of Bordeaux earlier this year. There, as well as in his annual report to the General Assembly, Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar referred to a shift in public attitudes owing to heightened international interest in universalizing a human rights regime.
The question of human rights and fundamental freedoms has become essentially international; it is of fundamental importance for the community of nations. Respect for human rights must be one of the pillars of the international order. Therefore, concerns over human rights violations and inquiries with a view to safeguarding these rights cannot be considered interference in the internal affairs of a State. On the contrary, expressing concern in the area of human rights constitutes an important and legitimate element of international dialogue.
Article 1 (3), in conjunction with Article* 55 and 56 of the Charter not only permit* but obliges the United Nations to monitor respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in all parts of the world. The practice of the United Nations to intervene in the case of serious human rights violations as they occur In many countries corroborates that view.
The Security Council, in an unprecedented resolution, has thus described the repression of the civilian population in Iraq as a threat to international peace and security. This decision is in my view a milestone in the history of our Organisation. It will set an important precedent for our future work.
Major progress has been achieved during the past 12 months with regard to making our global system of collective security more effective. Austria has actively cooperated with the international community in promptly implementing the Security Council's decisions with regard to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. In this context, Austria allowed coalition forces to fly over and transit through Austrian territory.
The liberation of the individual now under way in Central and Eastern Europe is accompanied by the rising quest for national identity. Liberation from an oppressive system must not, however, be followed by renewed subjugation to the destructive forces of nationalism and ethnic hatred. He deeply deplore the bloodshed, human suffering and destruction caused by the fighting over the past months in Yugoslavia, especially in Slovenia and Croatia where the peoples have pronounced themselves in a democratic vote in favour of independence. He demand that the escalating spiral of violence, which may also be reaching Bosnia-Herzegovina, be stopped without further delay. The initiatives of the European Community, which has taken the lead to contain the crisis, have our full support. Ultimately, however, the entire international community shares in the responsibility to bring the armed conflict in Yugoslavia to an end.
In the years 1987 to 1989, Austria, together with the other members of the European Free Trade Association, supported the Yugoslav efforts to reform their economy, which was to be the fundamental basis for a democratic State. Regrettably this process of democratisation has unfolded at uneven speed. Its advancement was speedier in the various republics than it was at the federal level, where it was not possible to hold democratic elections. Thus, already in early 1991, Mr. Jovic, then Chairman of the Yugoslav Presidency, had to state that the constitutional organs of Yugoslavia were no longer functioning.
The balance sheet of the current tragedy in Yugoslavia amounts to 220,000 refugees; numerous towns and villages have been destroyed) the aggression by Serbian irregulars in collusion with the federal army has caused untold suffering to the civilian population in Croatia. The army is no longer under the political control of the Government, as was stated by Mr. Markovic, Prime Minister of the federal Government.
Faced with this intolerable situation the current Chairman of the Presidency, Mr. Stipe Mesic, felt obliged to turn to the President of the United Nations Security Council asking for the intervention of the world Organisation.
This state of affairs led us to conclude that this situation constitutes a threat to international peace and security. On 19 September 1991 Austria therefore brought the matter before the Security Council. The unanimous adoption of resolution 713 (1991) confirms once again, after the Gulf conflict, the capacity of the Security Council to act quickly in the case of a grave international crisis. The supreme organ of collective security decided to impose an embargo on all arms shipments to Yugoslavia. It also issued an urgent appeal to all parties to the conflict to observe the cease-fire. This strict observance of the cease-fire is essential since it makes it possible for the European regional mechanisms to continue their efforts towards a peaceful settlement of the crisis. Thus the Security Council has also indicated that its action cannot relieve the European regional organisations of their responsibility.
The swiftness and determination with which the Security Council took its decision in this matter confirm that the Austrian initiative to bring the heart-rending crisis of Yugoslavia before the world organ of collective security was well-founded.
We are convinced that the future coexistence of the peoples of Yugoslavia will have to be based on the following principles! absolute priority for strict compliance with the obligation regarding the non-use of force; realisation of the right to self-determination in line with the desires expressed by the Yugoslav peoples; renunciation of any change by force of borders between the Yugoslav republics; full and integral application of the obligations contained in the Paris Charter for a Hew Europe concerning pluralism and democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights; and binding agreements concerning protection for all minorities and effective guarantees for the equal participation of all sectors of the population in the political process.
Austria supports the efforts to launch the peace process in the Middle East and especially welcomes the announcement made by the Presidents of the United States and the Soviet Union that they intend to convene a peace conference in the coming month. At this stage, where there are still important obstacles, we must redouble our efforts to overcome them. We deem it vitally important to develop a positive dynamism towards peace. For this reason we appeal to all parties concerned to become part of this process and to show a maximum amount of flexibility and responsibility.
We are perfectly aware that such a conference would constitute only the first step on the way to a comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In our view, in addition to the core issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question, a lasting solution would have to include the following elements: a discussion of all problems in the region in a broadly based political dialogue; efforts towards arms control and disarmament in the field of conventional arms, as well as the elimination of weapons of mass destruction; endeavours to control and reduce international arms exports; and renewed efforts to revive the dialogue between the European and Islamic worlds.
I should like to turn now to our relations with our neighbour Italy, and specifically to the application of the Agreement between our two countries signed on 5 September 1946 in Paris, concerning the protection of the German-speaking minority in South Tyrol. On the basis of resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI) adopted by the General Assembly at its fifteenth and sixteenth sessions, Austria and Italy agreed in 1969 to adopt a new autonomy status for South Tyrol. The two countries agreed upon 137 measures to be taken in favour of the minority, of which three essential measures still await implementation, furthermore, agreed solutions remain to be found to several basic claims that originated after 1969, and that, in view of internal developments which occurred in Italy, have an impact upon the effectiveness of the 1946 Agreement.
Over the last years, I was able to inform this Assembly that Italy had given proof of an increasing understanding of the aspirations of the South Tyrolean minority. During the last months, however, very little substantial progress towards bringing this controversy to a formal end was made.
There are many voices in Europe today calling for self-determination and increased regional autonomy. Therefore, it is all the more necessary to implement those last measures which I have just mentioned and which have been so often promised. If we take into consideration the profound changes that have occurred elsewhere in Europe, it should be possible, on the basis of the mutual confidence between Italy and Austria, which has grown stronger over the years, to create autonomy for South Tyrol and to secure it against any unilateral modification. Austria would then finally be able to certify to the United Nations that the controversy dealt with in the aforementioned resolutions has been resolved. This model for the protection of an ethnic group could serve as an inspiration for the settlement of similar problems, as has just been mentioned by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy, Mr. Gianni de Michelis.
The new atmosphere of cooperation which we are witnessing in international relations, especially in East-West relations, offers additional opportunities for multilateral disarmament negotiations. Me have welcomed the initiatives taken this year in the field of chemical weapons. The unconditional renouncement of any use of chemical weapons upon entry into force of the chemical weapons convention will represent an important step towards the global abolition of this category of weapons. Austria has intensified its efforts with a view of contributing to the conclusion of the negotiations in Geneva by the middle of next year. In this context, I should like to reiterate that Austria would be pleased to be host to the organisation on the prohibition of chemical weapons. Conventional disarmament efforts will be globally effective only if the resulting excess stocks of conventional weapons do not enter the international market. Austria supports, therefore, the initiative taken by member States of the European Community to establish within the United Nations a register of conventional arms transfers, Austria stresses the non-discriminatory character of such registers. By contributing to confidence-building, such a register would also make for greater transparency in the international arms trade.
The concept of security has long transcended the narrow definitions of military security. Economic, social and environmental factors play an increasingly important role.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development is of eminent importance in this context. The acceptance of environmental considerations not only as a constraint but as a central objective of development will have a profound impact on our economies, energy use systems and economic relationships. It will, therefore, be helpful to concentrate on concrete proposals in the preparation of this conference. I am thinking, for instance, of our proposal made during the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly to send "Green Helmets" to intervene under a system of dispute prevention and settlement concerning the environment.
We understand the appeal of "returning to San Francisco" as an invitation to look store creatively at the basic provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Secretariat plays an important catalytic role as the very soul and spirit of the world Organisation. I wish to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, who has most skilfully steered the United Nations to a central position in the community of nations.
The General Assembly would need a better scheduling and organization of its work, a reduction of its agenda and an improved institutional response to the growing need for the intersectoral and interdisciplinary analysis of issues. We highly appreciate President de Marco's initiatives in this respect and hope that they will be followed up. The Economic and Social Council has been the subject of reform efforts for a long time. Important improvements have been achieved. New opportunities may offer themselves for considering and monitoring the issue of "environment" and "development". Imaginative thinking and constructive policy will be required in the context of the Rio Conference.
In view of the challenge that man-made and natural disasters constitute to mankind, it is essential that the United Rations machinery be made store responsive to these needs. Austria is reviewing its own national structures in order to provide more effective support to United Nations operations.
Austria welcomes the enhanced role the United Nations has recently assumed in the area of social development, crime prevention and, above all, international drug control. Drug problems in particular afflict all members of the international community and all classes of society. Comprehensive and determined measures are required to combat this curse of modern society.
In order to facilitate a further extension of the United Nations activities in Vienna, Austria has decided to construct at its own expense additional office space in the Vienna International Centre for the use of the United Nations.
In conclusion, I should like to offer my congratulations and very best wishes to you, Mr. President. I am certain that under your able leadership the Assembly will accomplish its important deliberations most efficiently.


At the outset I should like to congratulate Ambassador Samir Shihabi on his election to preside over the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that under his leadership we shall address the items on our agenda successfully.
I should also like to express the gratitude of the Government of Mexico to Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar for the way in which he has conducted the affairs of our Organisation since he took office. Over the past 10 years, the international community has undergone a radical transformation. From a situation of bipolar tension we have entered a period of dialogue and cooperation. Under his leadership, the Secretary-General has contributed significantly to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in this new stage.
We welcome the seven new Member States. The entry of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea constitutes an important step towards the full attainment of the universality of the United Nations. We congratulate the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, whose membership constitutes a renewed expression of the right of self-determination of peoples. We also welcome the admission of the States of Micronesia and the Marshall Islands.
The current session is being held under the sign c* change. Transformations within States are having repercussions on the nature of world relations and on the very structure of the international system. The United Nations today reflects the new political map, and this is a factor which contributes to its dynamic change.
In a rapidly changing world, past political and Ideological frames of reference are no longer valid. However, the principles of objectivity of the United Nations do retain their full validity: today, we have an opportunity to achieve the objectives promulgated in San Francisco almost half a century ago. However, we cannot ignore the fact that there are serious dangers of instability looming on the horizon: we are witnessing the breakdown of the political and military order in eastern and central European countries. Added to popular demands for new democratic institutions and practices, we see nationalistic aspirations that are reviving conflicts long thought to have been overcome.
The arms race and the irrational use of scarce resources that should be channelled to the task of development still persist. Although regional conflicts have been freed from, the bipolar struggle, their solution demands that options be put forward which are based on local realities. These are challenges that the United Nations must face at this time.
Change in the economic sphere has also been intense. We have moved forward towards trade integration, expanded markets and enhanced productivity; nevertheless, there is still a real danger that the new trade groups will be closed to the outside and will revive protectionist tendencies, hindering real expansion in international trade. Those of us who are participating in arrangements of this nature, in common or free markets, must shoulder the commitment to remain open to trade with other regions. This is Mexico's firm position.
Disparities between North and South are becoming increasingly evident. Faced with the risk that the gap between development and poverty may widen even further, it is indispensable for the trend towards the concentration of growth and technical development in just one small group of countries to be reversed. If the deepening economic asymmetry between nations is not corrected, its effect will be to create greater Instability for all countries.
For Mexico today, the exercise of sovereignty demands a greater participation in an increasingly interdependent world. Only in this way will we be able to bolster the course we project for our nation and accomplish the objectives of development and prosperity we have set for ourselves. Mexico is determined to contribute, decisively, to determining the shape of the changes that are transforming the globe. For this reason, we are open to all facets of diverse and complex international life. For this reason, Mexico is promoting new forms of political understanding, economic cooperation and multilateral collaboration. For this reason, it favours concerted action and negotiated solutions to conflicts. Mexico's support for multilateral organisations is part and parcel of its active and diversified foreign policy: it is active because it espouses all initiatives that foster understanding between nations; it is diversified because its efforts are focused on more than one geographical area or organisation.
On the basis of its foreign policy principles and of precise objectives attuned to the times, Mexico has forged political and economic links with all regions of the world. It has thus expanded its commercial ties with a variety of countries in the Americas, Asia and Europe while at the same time participating in regional and subregional concerted action. In Latin America, Mexico has promoted significant efforts to define common positions on issues of major interest for the region; initiatives such as the Group of Three, in which we participate along with Colombia and Venezuela, and the Rio Group have enabled us to establish cooperation programmes with neighbouring countries and have promoted understanding between us and similar bodies in other regions of the world.
Within this context, special reference should be made to the first Ibero-American summit last July, which was attended by the Heads of State and of Government of the 21 Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries in Latin America and Europe; in Guadalajara, they adopted a resolution to establish an Ibero-American conference to promote cooperation and exchange views on the major challenges of our times. Ibero-America is thus affirming its identity and renewing its will to contribute to shaping a more participatory, more equitable and, in short, a less exclusive global structure.
Maintaining international peace and security continues to be a fundamental priority of the United Nations. In view of the rapid transformations taking place in the world and the renewed possibilities for negotiation, Mexico reiterates its view that all conflicts can be settled peacefully. In this context, the role of the United Nations in achieving settlements of regional conflicts leading to definitive accords, as in the case of Cyprus, Cambodia and Western Sahara, takes on special importance.
Nearer to Mexico, in Central America, Mexico has taken part in developing negotiation processes aimed at achieving stable and lasting peace. We give our decisive support to the steps taken by the Secretary-General in the peace-making process in El Salvador; we offer him our gratitude for his efforts towards solving these conflicts.
Recent events in Central America are contributing to a new climate of trust and cooperation. Mexico attaches special importance to the recently-established diplomatic relations between the two sister countries of Belize and Guatemala.
We harbour the hope that the initiatives under way in the Middle East will result in a peaceful settlement based on respect for the legitimate rights and interests of the parties Involved and on observance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The negotiation processes under way provide a model for peace-keeping in the years to come. They are laying the groundwork for a view of international security based on the commitment to avoid military confrontation and its enormous social cost.
The new conditions in international politics must be reflected in the disarmament field. The grounds formerly used to justify an unbridled arms race and to foster the indiscriminate proliferation of all types of weapons no longer exist. At the dawning of the twenty-first century, the world community should have a universal system of non-proliferation and reduction of weapons of mass destruction, of the ballistic missiles each side has, and of conventional arsenals. Priority should be given in the United Nations to examining recent initiatives aimed at achieving these objectives.
Mexico reiterates its call for an end to nuclear testing and for control of the transfers of conventional arms and weapons of mass destruction, in so doing, it emphasises its commitment to all measures that encourage progress towards general and complete disarmament.
As the East-West confrontation fades away and progress is made towards settling regional conflicts that for so many years were high on our agenda, matters of global importance, surpassing any one State's ability to deal with, are becoming especially relevant. The polarization of wealth and extreme poverty, the promotion of human rights, the protection of the environment, cooperation for development, the eradication of the drugs traffic and the impact of population movements are on all our minds. Some of these issues will be themes of international conferences hold under the auspices of the United Nations during this decade. In dealing with them, the principle of shared responsibility and the strengthening of cooperation based on a comprehensive outlook, with full respect for the sovereignty of States and for non-intervention, should prevail.
International cooperation in the most disparate areas is based on commitments which are freely entered into, and mutually agreed upon, by the Members of the United Nations. This involves legal instruments which are compatible with the basic norms of international law.
We cannot agree with the argument that in today's interdependent world it is anachronistic to refer to the legal equality of States or to respect for their sovereign rights. The Government of Mexico is concerned about a dangerous tendency in international forums to promote, on the basis of what are claimed to be universal values, initiatives that undermine principles as fundamental as the self-determination of peoples and non-intervention.
International events following the tragic aftermath of the armed conflict in the Persian Gulf have led to the raising of a central issue going beyond that tendency. There is a danger that, in contradiction to the United Nations Charter, international organisations will, in advancing arguments of humanitarian need, weaken the sovereignty of States. That would set precedents that we could not accept. We urgently need to strike a balance between international cooperation, the responsibility of States and respect for their internal jurisdiction.
It is worth noting, in regard to human rights, that problems such as extreme poverty, suffered by at least half the inhabitants of the planet, are overlooked, while new emphasis is being placed on mechanisms to monitor internal political processes, which it is claimed in some quarters should be handled by the United Nations. Mexico strongly reiterates its position that this area is the exclusive jurisdiction of States. Any multilateral assistance in political matters is admissible only at the express request of the Governments concerned. Abandoning this basic precept would be a serious backward step when possibilities are being opened up for a new harmony in international relations, to which Mexico is committed.
In parallel with the intense processes of change that have occurred in recent months, a general conviction has emerged that the United Nations needs to be strengthened and revitalized. Mexico is willing to participate in a process of reforms that contributes to improving the efficiency of our Organisation and enabling it to measure up to the new international situation. It will not be an easy task. The opportunity that we have today to strengthen the United Nations could be wasted if we are not clear about the objectives to be pursued and about the most suitable ways of dealing with the priority items on the multilateral agenda.
A great deal of thought must be given to the areas opening up for the United Nations. Its organs - and particularly the Security Council - have great potential for action. This has made it possible for negotiated solutions to be found for some regional conflicts. However, there is a grave risk that such concerted action will in time conceal unilateral initiatives.
One of the objectives of reform of the United Nations should be to preserve the balance between its various organs. The Security Council, the General Assembly, the International Court of Justice, the Secretariat and the Economic and Social Council should give each other mutual support in advancing towards the common objectives: the preservation of international peace and security and the promotion of economic and social development.
The United Nations has become more relevant as the central element in ordering and guiding international relations. It faces the challenge of creating just and equitable ties between nations, through the democratic participation of its Members.
Intimately related to what I have just said is our concern that a reform process could promote some topics to the detriment of others. It would be a mistake to suppose that the Organisation should concentrate on the so-called new issues or emergency problems and neglect issues that have been on the agenda for a number of years and that are also fundamental. The development and codification of international law have been, and should continue to be, a priority of the United Nations.
We recognise that encouraging steps have been taken towards global peace. However, world stability will not be guaranteed while the contrast persists between well-being and abject poverty, both within nations and between them. He should devise realistic and pragmatic ways to put the topics of economic development and international cooperation at the top of the multilateral agenda. Democracy and development are intimately linked. He must work on both for the economic and social development of our peoples.
Mexico has demonstrated its loyalty to the cause of the United Nations during the Organisation's 46-year history. We reiterate our commitment to its principles and purposes. There is talk of a new world order. But little has been done to give serious collective thought to the matter, thought from which could emerge the shape of such an order, which can be stable only to the extent that it reconciles the ideas and interests of the whole international community.
That is why the current session of the General Assembly is important. It is perhaps the first to give us an opportunity to bring together the many different visions of the future and arrive at proposals outlining the profile of the United Nations of tomorrow. Let us not miss the opportunity we have at this exceptional juncture to carry out our responsibilities.


Sir, I should like to congratulate you upon your election as President of the Assembly at this session. I am very pleased to see such a distinguished office held by a representative of our close friend, Saudi Arabia. May I also express my appreciation to the outgoing President, Guido de Marco. At the same time, I particularly wish to thank the Secretary Genera] for the excellent work he has done, often under very difficult circumstances.
Brunei Darussalam would also like to welcome seven new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
Brunei Darussalam still maintains what I described here last year as "cautious optimism". However, we have seen a number of problems which demand early solution. We cannot put them off until a later date. They are bound to affect the positive trends which have started to bring about a new order in Europe. Unless we can try to do something about them urgently, they are going to become very grave indeed.
We can see that there is already much uncertainty in many parts of the world. The start of a new world order has perhaps helped to remove some of the outward signs of long-term problems; but it has not. yet shown us how to go about dealing with the problems themselves. Their basic causes are still with us. I am very much encouraged by the many positive efforts which have been made to create a peaceful and stable world. Nevertheless, I also think that there is a real need to prevent old problems recurring.
The cold war may indeed be over, but we can see that many nations are still very worried about their security. Noted political gains must be balanced against continuing violence, social unrest and grave civil strife in several regions.
Moreover, three specific global issues present themselves. I refer here firstly to the risk that certain development programmes may lead to great environmental damage. Secondly, I note that the drug menace is presenting a lasting threat to the welfare of the young people who constitute the productive sector of all nations. Finally, I add to these our ever-increasing ability to cause human and material destruction. I am worried most of all by the fact that we do not seem to have found a way to control the development and spread of such technology.
These issues represent security problems which are just as dangerous as any act of open hostility. They reflect a disturbing level of uncertainty. Despite positive global changes, they add up to a host of problems which no one country can solve alone. They are all likely to lead to disputes. The only way we can stop these turning into open war, I believe is for us to act in unity. Therefore we need to identify security concerns in a global context. If that can be done, then we must work together to find solutions. I see those two needs as crucial.
As I have said, I do not overlook the positive developments we have seen in the post-cold-war period. They have offered signs that it is possible for us to move forward together. I think that the recent announcements made by the Presidents of the United States and the Soviet Union about reducing nuclear arms are most welcome initiatives. So are the encouraging responses given by other nuclear Powers. They indicate that a new process is under way. I believe that it may start to answer the repeated calls for action in this area which have been made by many United Nations Members.

I fun also particularly glad about the way in which the United Nations has become involved in trying to help solve regional conflicts. I am pleased to see us beginning to address global Issues together. However, the final success of the United Nations depends on the attitude of its Member countries and organisations. It is up to all of us to contribute to building up the type of United Nations we want to see. Every Member of this body should take an active part, in helping to define its role. In this way, we can be confident that the United Nations will not see solutions to problems from limited perspectives.
The post-cold-war period is a time to call upon Member States to do everything possible to reach a shared understanding on how bilateral and regional problems are to be resolved. It is perhaps our most urgent need. Without it there can be no agreement on what must be done to address the problems of social and economic development; there can also be little common ground when it comes to deciding what we must do to protect the environment.
Other moves call upon us to recognize that the scope of our current problems demands a broad approach. To this end, we must encourage better understanding, cooperation and interdependence. As the Persian Gulf war has shown, the end of the cold war will not mean the end of regional disputes which affect international peace. More positively, however, it has demonstrated the need to cooperate. It has shown that we are capable of working together towards United Nations goals when a common threat to our global community arises. It has also shown that we can do that even though bilateral and multilateral disputes may continue to disrupt regional peace.
In this regard, I think that regional Institutions have a most Important role to play in making aura that regions remain stable. Over the past two years we have been pleased to observe this taking place in Europe, America, Africa, Asia and the Pacific.
In particular, we welcome recent developments in Cambodia as the parties and countries concerned with the conflict work towards its final comprehensive settlement.
In Korea, we believe that the regional framework for International cooperation which has promoted North-South dialogue has been most valuable.
In South Africa, we have seen how countries and international organisations finally persuaded the Pretoria regime to set about removing apartheid.
Similarly, in the Middle East, the initiatives taken by the United States, together with the actions of the International community and regional institutions, have brought us some renewed hope. We feel that a lasting peace and a just settlement within the terms of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) may ultimately be achieved.
There are of course many other areas of pressing concern. I think that countries can contribute much towards improving them through their various regional or international associations. I feel that it is important to recognize that regional dialogue serves to increase the sense of security felt by all parties. It will certainly help to ensure that one nation's security concern does not become another's security threat. In summary, I believe that a situation whereby regional bodies assert increasingly important roles in support of United Nations objectives is a realistic vision.
Today I have offered some thoughts on problems which are still outstanding security concerns despite a new political climate. In their light I have also stressed that we have already in place some practical means of addressing them. We need to use them. He should accept that common global problems require unified action. He should not have to wait for bilateral or regional differences to be settled before taking such action. Responsible regional organizations can be of great assistance in deciding what form it should take. This situation, however, can only be brought about if nations demonstrate their political will when it comes to supporting international principles.
If this is done, a climate of cooperation and negotiation can truly emerge from a common perspective. I contend that the welfare and security of all people are increasingly served by a strong United Rations in which regional organizations play vital supporting roles. I believe that the means I have outlined are available to us. He can indeed create a situation whereby individual Member nations see solutions to problems in terms of collective security. Brunei Darussalam will lend its fullest support to all moves designed to encourage such a process.


I stand before this Assembly with a sense of pride and humility - pride, because I represent a Government freely elected and armed with the mandate of a people revitalized and dignified by the overthrow of an entrenched autocratic regime; humility, because I represent a country comparatively new on the world stage and still beset by the problems of underdevelopment.
What message can I convey to this world body that is relevant to our rapidly changing times and can meaningfully contribute to its goals of peace, justice and development?
I am emboldened by the consideration that the vast segment of the world's population and a majority of nation-States fall in the same category as Bangladesh. The new world order we all aim at cannot be realised without addressing our problems and reflecting our hopes and aspirations in the global decision-making process.
Before proceeding further, I should like to say how happy I am to see Ambassador Samir Shihabi presiding over the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, not only because of his known skill and abilities but also because he belongs to a country with which we have the most cordial and fraternal relations. As always, we are indebted to our Secretary-General for his vision and tireless endeavours over a full decade in the cause of peace. We pay him our warmest tributes.
I should like also to welcome warmly the seven new nations which have been admitted to membership of our Organization. We look forward to working in close cooperation with representatives of both Koreas, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
To our mind, the heart of the great experiment we call the United Nations is about or should be about people. Their yearning for peace, respect and dignity, tolerance and  good-neighbourliness, social progress and a better quality of life in larger freedom are the critical ingredients that the founding fathers have incorporated into the Preamble of the United Nations Charter. They form the essence of partnership, of human solidarity and interdependence that gives meaning to the expression of the very first words of the Charter, "We the peoples of the United Nations".
Unfortunately, this fact and these elements were obscured as the world turned to grapple with the more immediate compulsions of great-Power rivalry: regional conflicts, the division of ideology and the self-destructive arms race they fuelled. The ruling elites in the different countries have taken cover under the doctrines of State sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction to circumscribe the access of individuals to world forums. The perceptions, priorities and aspirations of peoples are more often than not clouded or forgotten.
The danger this poses is now all too apparent. Nationalistic, ethnic, communal and cultural rivalries have resurfaced virulently. They have generated powerful centrifugal and other forces that threaten established boundaries and have unleashed bigotry, extremism and violence in many countries and regions. Unprecedented numbers of terrified and vulnerable people in Europe, Asia and Africa have fled across national boundaries driven by oppression, discrimination and civil war. Economic and social deprivation has been a prime mover of discord leading to alienation between and within nations. Poverty and indiscriminate waste have damaged ecosystems world-wide. Drugs and terrorism have invaded all societies. Worst of all are the huge resources that continue to be diverted to means of destruction.
These realities are balanced by positive impulses that underscore the real potential of people for the good of the world. It is a time of rare opportunity to ensure that the benefits of human solidarity and cooperation outweigh the negative factors. There is now greater appreciation of - true interdependence. This is not based on any ideal vision of world government but on the practical realization that science and technology have closed the information and communication gap; that the economic forces and markets, especially the mobility of capital business and labour, have bound us irrevocably together.
There is a real chance today that common and collective security can be achieved by promoting the unfulfilled promises of the Charter; that nuclear and conventional disarmament can be advanced in all regions with resulting peace dividends; that the military culture and psychosis of comparative insecurity can be contained through reliance on economic strength and social cohesion.
Yet all these advances will remain aspirations unless we start at the beginning - the human condition. There is resurgent awareness that no social or political dispensation can or should endure that does not respect the dignity and worth of the human person, the equal rights of men and women, and nations, large and small. Human rights are no longer a subsidiary theme. It has assumed a dominant position in world affairs. It is no longer trite to say that the rope of our global society is as strong as its weakest strand. The real strength of society, and one that has enlightened human civilization, is the indomitable spirit of the human being.
In Bangladesh we have learned one paramount lesson: there is no short-cut to achieving progress, no matter how reliable or generous our friends may be. Whether it relates to achieving freedom from political oppression, vindicating human rights or seeking social and economic emancipation, a country must ultimately depend on itself. There is no substitute for action by peoples themselves. The fabric of self-reliance is thus intimately woven by three critical strands: democracy, development and human beings. The choice of democracy for us was not based on the goodness of the system, which may be debatable, but on the evil of dictatorship which was certain. The previous regime, which seized power illegally, was pre-doomed to isolation and ultimate failure. Without legitimacy its policies became atrophied. Efforts to short-circuit the mandate of the people through bribery or artificial devices proved in-fructuous. Economic and social activities were distorted to reflect the whims of the ruling elite and the preservation of its powers and privileges were exposed. Corruption permeated all levels. Overall deprivation was camouflaged by projects of high visibility. The inevitable result was alienation between the Government and people and marginalization of different segments of society. The absolute poor were distanced beyond the reach of any development.
Bangladesh's experience has been replicated in country after country. The myth that only an authoritarian government can ensure efficiency and take bold and decisive steps has been exploded. It is now plain that without mass participation in decision-making, without transparency, accountability and responsibility, for which democracy stands, economic growth and the core values and priorities of society cannot be effectively realized. The road to democracy for us was a difficult and painstaking process. Yet we have been fortified in this transition by tangible achievements. Uncompromising resistance, mass upsurge and a momentous agreement to restore democracy by all the major opposition parties enabled us to replace an entrenched dictatorship with a neutral care-taker government charged with the sole task of holding democratic elections.
The election that was held within the constitutional limit of 90 days was universally acknowledged as an exemplary model of peaceful democratic expression - this despite deep scepticism that a free, fair and peaceful election could be held at all given severe constraints of time, the formulation of acceptable procedures encompassing a vast electorate of 30 million voters and a past history replete with examples of violence, fraud and vote rigging.
Many believed that the new Government would also seek to accrue power. Yet through consensus, forged among all parties, a historic transfer was effected from the presidential to the parliamentary system of government to curb any such tendency.
A nation-wide referendum has now endorsed this change. Meanwhile, the Parliament is following through the task of ensuring checks and balances, weeding out bad laws, buttressing the rule of law and unshackling press controls.
This prelude to establishing democracy is all the more remarkable in the face of the coalescing crisis faced by the nation. Many believed that the new Government would not be able to handle or even survive the combined impact of the repercussions brought about by the aftermath of the Gulf war and the devastating cyclone disaster of April 1991.
Yet, this too was overcome with drive and determination, spontaneous humanitarian assistance from abroad and the courage and resilience of our people.
Indeed, the 200 days that the Government has been in power have vindicated our faith in our ability to build upon democracy. It has reinforced our belief that solutions to the problems of democracy call for more democracy. That is true because our people have demonstrated that there are extraordinary possibilities in ordinary people. They remain our real strength tempered and tested by recurrent trial.
Our own experience has underlined certain basic truths. Without democracy a people's potential for socio-economic progress cannot flower. Equally, without improved standards of living and a vision of the future that can sustain hope, democracy will wither. Human rights become meaningless in the face of constraints of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy. No other right can take precedence over the amelioration of this condition.
For Bangladesh, the fight against poverty and steps to unlock growth remain the foremost challenge to shore up democracy. In this task we cannot follow any role model or set prescription. We must beat our own track.
The task ahead of us is profound. Poverty, rapid population growth and environmental degradation torment our people and our development prospects. They are superimposed on an economy with a narrow resource base, low productivity and savings, further compounded by lack of capital, technology and skilled manpower. Half the population is trapped below the poverty line and 80 per cent operate in an informal sector with very low levels of monetization. Annual per capita income growth has remained at a static 0.5 per cent over 20 years. These statistics alone highlight the plight of the absolute poor, long by-passed by development. Happily for us, the poor have proved they are an efficient group who provide us with an opportunity to tap their productivity and creative energies. One proof is that, despite these constraints, the spirit of freedom has not withered but instead burned into flame.
Democracy has influenced certain key perceptions that have influenced my Government's search for remedial action on the problems of development. We have taken concerted steps to provide a supportive policy environment that allows us to move gradually towards a free market economy. There is a vital recognition that to succeed, governments must spur productivity by intervening less, allow competition to govern prices and to concentrate on quality rather than quantity of investment.
Our core strategy revolves around human resources development, a concept that combines peoples' participation, poverty alleviation, environmental supportive growth and advancement of human rights and welfare. Its fundamental goal is to bring the deprived and disadvantaged from the periphery to the centre of development.
In pursuit of this strategy, we have identified a number of areas for priority action. These include agriculture and small enterprises which generate the largest number of jobs and promote distributive justice; productive use of labour - our most abundant resource; targeting imaginative programmes to reach the poorest, and extend to them the basic social services, and building a physical infrastructure, especially communications. Most important of all is the need to invest in people - particularly to strengthen the rights and role of women.
Our experience in microcosm bears certain lessons of validity for the larger community of nations. Perhaps the most important is that standards however ideal, cannot always be imposed from above but must evolve indigenously from within each country and its people. Certainly double standards can erode the whole edifice of truth since we should not preach what we ourselves do not follow.
As we turn to the great goals of this Organisation, this perception assumes some credibility. Peace with justice demands that each country and its people determine their own destiny without outside interference; that they be free to choose their own governments and follow their own political, social and economic systems. This has been dramatically brought home as Afghanistan and Cambodia move towards resolution of their problems. It is equally true that the right of self-determination of peoples under colonial rule or foreign occupation is an inherent right that cannot long be denied.
One look around this Assembly Hall bears out this fact, especially as we focus on Namibia and the newest incumbents of membership in our Organization. One major void remains: that of Palestine.
The Gulf war unambiguously demonstrated the unique convergence of action among the world community to reject attempts to usurp or compromise the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of a Member State. It also increased awareness of the danger of using differing standards by allowing Israel to continue its illegal occupation of Arab territories in the Middle East.
Hopes for disarmament have been raised by spectacular cut-backs in nuclear weapons, by the accession of France and China to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), by the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and by the means being used to establish a durable security regime in Europe. The unilateral initiative taken by President Bush for further reduction in nuclear weapons is another vital milestone. Yet the over-kill factor is more than prevalent in both nuclear and conventional weapons and massive resources continue to be diverted to unproductive means of destruction.
While recognition grows that human rights must extend beyond the domestic plane, a universal culture embracing all the basic freedoms, including freedom from fear and want, freedom of expression and of participation and freedom from discrimination of all kinds on a global basis - such as a human rights culture - still has to evolve uniformly.
In South Africa, despite momentous changes, the struggle continues to dismantle the edifice of apartheid and to pursue negotiations that will result in a new constitution based on the freely expressed will of the people, the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
In the Middle East, Israel continues unabated its policies to change the economic, social, cultural and demographic situation of the occupied Arab territories, to encourage Jewish immigrants, to expand settlements and pursue a brutal policy of repression against the Palestinian intifadah. These are glaring examples of the infringement of human rights that must be redressed.
However, perhaps the most vital aspect of human rights that has yet to find universal acceptance is recognition that the right to development is the most fundamental right of all. Surely, peace and security cannot be achieved unless conditions are created to remove the root cause of war and conflicts - economic and social deprivation. Certainly, this requires us to eradicate poverty, tackle indebtedness, reverse environmental degradation, fight drug abuse and improve social justice and the quality of life of all peoples on Earth.
I have already underscored the fact that development is the primary responsibility of each country itself. Yet, this approach can succeed only if it is supplemented by a conducive external environment. There is now widespread awareness of the stagnancy in the development cause and of the recourse to short-term crisis management that has been a sad legacy of the decade of the 1980s. We are encouraged by efforts to reverse this trend, revitalize growth and reduce poverty. There has been a growing convergence of strategies to redress the critical issues of decreased investment, reduction and restructuring of debt, trade promotion and technology transfer. Preferential treatment for the least developed countries must remain a continuing commitment in this regard.
The debate as to who is to blame for damage to the ecosystem and for environmental degradation has acquired some intensity. One fact, however, is indisputable: all countries - developed or developing - have a shared interest in finding remedial solutions. The question of burden-sharing must take into account the limited resources available to developing countries. For many of them, the impact of natural disasters linked to environmental degradation is fast becoming a question of survival. The question whether they have already crossed the threshold where depletion of the natural endowment has diminished their capacity to meet future needs is an issue of burning importance. It has underscored the need for a long-term perspective to determine the costs of such depletion. It has also dramatically underlined the fact that improved economic conditions are a sine qua non for improving the environment.
The 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development looms large as a major event for finding cooperative solutions. Key elements will be practical means and costs of redressing specific environmental concerns; an energy dialogue for more efficient energy use; workable monitoring systems; definition of clear norms and sanctions governing environmental behaviour; and the adoption of conventions on climate and the preservation of biological diversity.
Another crucial element needs to be stressed. The development objective must be put in sharper focus than the theme of adjustment, which has long overshadowed it. Structural adjustment measures, though necessary, must be seen in the perspective of their inherent limitations. Not least of these are heavy costs, uncertainties, the long lead time involved and their social and humanitarian impact. The hardships necessarily involved often lead the poorest sectors of society to bear a disproportionate burden.
If this world Organization is to succeed and flourish, it will depend as much on the resilience of its Member States and their ability to prosper individually as on their ability to contribute constructively to its great goals and purposes. Positive efforts made by each country cumulatively strengthen the overall mandate of the United Nations. Bangladesh in its own small way has sought to make our contribution a priority commitment of our
foreign policy. Among the major directions we are pursuing, I would like briefly to underline the following.
First, the quest for a new world order must begin with putting our own house in order. He have thus actively sought to maintain the momentum and credibility of the South-Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and, by promoting its socio-economic mandate, to create a broad-based climate of confidence-building, to reduce tension in the region and to resolve outstanding differences through dialogue and negotiation.
Secondly, in the world arena we support all measures designed to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to prevent war and resolve conflicts and to extend this capacity in new ways so as to preserve the security of small States and institute a system of global watch to anticipate, contain and prevent tension points.
We have purposefully contributed to the Organisation's peace-keeping efforts through the dispatch of military and civilian contingents to police cease-fire lines in the Gulf, help reconstruction efforts in Kuwait and monitor elections in Namibia. We stand ready to assist the United Nations peace process in Western Sahara and Cambodia. Moreover, we fully support strengthening the financial and institutional base of peace-keeping and its growth in imaginative directions, including the concept of preventive diplomacy, particularly in containing the impact not only of man-made, but also of natural, disasters.
We have striven through concrete initiatives to participate constructively and with moderation and pragmatism in all socio-economic forums, especially for the purpose of projecting the concerns of the least developed countries. Since the only real protection of small States is the
rule of law, we have closely followed and actively contributed to the progressive development and codification of international law in such diverse fields as scarce resources, law of the environmental protection, refugees and migrants. Through national legislation, its regional extension and international participation, we have also helped to seek solutions to the global problems of drugs, terrorism and environmental protection. Clearly, our role in and contribution to strengthening multilateralism and the central role of the United Nations in the cooperative management of the world's problems remain an abiding commitment of my country.
In conclusion, let me say that we have reached a critical point in the world's struggle for stability and well-being. He are face to face with opportunities rare in history. Technological advances in all fields have strengthened the concept of an interdependent world. There is a new mass consciousness of rights that have led to dramatic breakthroughs in democracy, human rights and recognition of the contribution and participation of the people in decision-making. A climate of cooperation, mutual understanding and universal fraternity has been emerging despite many adverse legacies inherited from the past.
The United Nations has reasserted its importance and has tangibly demonstrated its potential for collective action. We must now go with this tide and carry forward the momentum peacefully to resolve regional disputes, promote disarmament, contain adverse global forces and strengthen the rule of law. The pre-eminent challenge remains to upgrade the quality of life of all peoples everywhere as the most potent means of demonstrating our common humanity. There is no doubt that the United Nations remains the only forum where we can meet the challenges of the future by drawing upon our combined solidarity and willingness to confront them together.


The social upheavals that have occurred in the world, whose consequences have for some time been steering international relations in a new direction, have recently been so forceful, rapid and profound that the entire international community is still examining their import, and particularly their impact on the very future of international relations.
While it is true that that phenomenon can be broadly explained by the explosion of the contradictions born of the disappointed hopes and accumulated frustrations of many peoples over many years, it is nevertheless true that we are truly confronting a changing world, a world radically different from the one that determined the equilibrium of forces on which our Organization rests today, a world whose evolution, owing to its momentum, we cannot yet gauge with any precision.
And yet we must try to harmony in the state of the world today with the development, of new international social factors in order to avoid aggravating the imbalance that, multilateralism has not managed to redress.
That is the line of thought the delegation of the Central African Republic would like to share with the Assembly, to which I am first, in duty bound to transmit the best wishes of His Excellency General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of State, for the success of its work. I am also pleased to extend to Mr. Shihabi the warmest congratulations of the delegation of the Central African Republic on his election to the presidency of this session. His international know-how in this changing world promises a successful outcome for these deliberations, and he can be assured of our complete cooperation.
The competence and spirit of compromise with which his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, conducted the work of the last session deserves the appreciation of the delegation of the Central African Republic.
The Government of the Central African Republic would also like, as his term draws to a close, to assure our Secretary-General, His Excellency Javier Perez de Cuellar, of its great gratitude for the determination with which he helped to restore to the United Nations its credibility, prestige and authority, attributes so essential today to the action it is undertaking to ensure that conditions in the world will be in keeping with the principles of the Charter.
The admission of new Members to our midst, the highest manifestation of the realization of the aspirations of their peoples, is a striking stage in the efforts made by the Secretary General to endow the Organization with a universal character.
The delegation of the Central African Republic is therefore happy to extend its most heartfelt congratulations to the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, with which my country enjoys cordial relations of friendship, which we hope will be strengthened by cooperation within the framework of the United Nations.
The international nodal realities of today's world demand an even greater affirmation of our will to set for them a course that will be in harmony with the ideals and principles of the Organisation. For where exactly do we stand? The conditions that have led to the advent of this nascent new world order are, to be sure, the result of the dynamism of international relations that has brought about the normalisation of relations between the two super Powers on the basis of the redefinition of the doctrine of collective security upon which they are engaged. We have good reason to be pleased that the outcome has been this positive trend, which has resulted in greater compromise on all international questions, beginning with those relating to international peace and security.
The evolution of the situation in those regions of the world that have been a source of concern to the international community is also significant in thin respect. Whether in Cambodia, in Western Sahara, in Afghanistan, in southern Africa or in the Korean peninsula. United Nations action, supported by the real political will of the parties involved, has made it possible to come up with or at least to initiate a solution in line with this trend towards compromise.
The delegation of the Central African Republic would also like to see that name spirit define the settlement of questions linked to the rise of nationalism throughout the world, as in Eastern Europe. But the indivisibility of peace must not prevent certain regions whose peoples rightly aspire to a life in peace from benefiting from the current, trends.
First, there is the Middle East, where everything must be done to achieve a just and lasting settlement fully guaranteeing the national rights of the Palestinian people and Israel's legal right to exist. My delegation considers that the possible convening, in the near future, of a conference on peace in the Middle East will provide an opportunity to formulate such a settlement.
Then there is South Africa, where the Pretoria government's desire to enact reforms has placed the national debate in a new light. We should encourage the continuation of ongoing efforts to transform South Africa into a truly democratic society boasting equal rights and completely rid of apartheid.
Such developments, made possible by the new climate in international relations, might have been extended also to other spheres of cooperation needed for balance in a changing world. But that has not happened, as witness the strictly limited cooperation among States in so fundamental an area as development. It is precisely there that we can see the gap between the aspirations of the majority of the world's peoples and the international community's response to those aspirations.
In the view of my delegation, that response must be modified by integrating the concept of development with that of security: strictly military security, while long the goal set end pursued by States for political reasons, has now been annulled because of the disappearance of the very underpinnings of the principle - the rivalry between the two blocs.
Development as a way of providing all the world's peoples with security in all areas ~ security of well-being, ecological security, food security - should provide the ideal framework for the cooperation that is sadly lacking in international relations. It looks as if third-world countries particularly those of Africa - are to remain excluded from development In the face of indifference from the developed countries.
Yet how many meetings, conferences, seminars and colloquiums have been organised everywhere, often with the assistance of the United Nations or other international institutions, to consider and attempt to resolve the situation of those countries? Though the ills have often been defined, it has never been possible to find a cure, and the situation in those countries has deteriorated over the years. Owing to the combined effects of the steady fall of commodity prices, the very heavy debt and debt-service burden, negative net financial flows and the growing protectionism of developed States, those countries will never enjoy the conditions necessary for sustained, lasting economic progress.
The recent assessment of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 confirms the limits of international action for African countries. At the same time there is a growing tendency towards the regionalization of economic activities among developed countries, which can only contribute to the marginalization of Africa.
So what economic future can we predict, for African countries which had legitimately hoped to be able, at this time of a general decrease in political tension, to use economic interdependence to find solutions to their problems? Like the Governments of other countries, the Government of the Central African Republic has defined, in agreement with international financial institutions, a new framework for development policies, at the cost of well-known sacrifices that should have aroused good will in the international community.
The round table held last April in Geneva with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) enabled UNDP to assess the difficulties my Government continues to experience in its efforts to stabilize the economy. I take this opportunity to thank all the participants in that round table who took an interest in the situation of the Central African Republic; we hope they will be able to meet their commitments towards my country.
My Government feels that the new trend in international relations should also extend to development; if it does not, the new world order for which the international community so ardently wishes will be in vain.
There should be more sustained efforts towards a solution of the problems of the commodity market consistent with the true value of those commodities, especially since African economies depend heavily on this market.
Likewise, it is imperative to give higher priority to the search for a compromise on the question of debt and debt, servicing in the mutual interest, of creditors and debtors. The delegation of the Central African Republic has always called for an international conference that, could achieve this, and we hope that the present climate in relations among States will help bring this about.
For some time there has been a trend inspired by the developed countries towards setting an additional condition for aid or any other form of assistance to African countries: the effectiveness of efforts at democratisation and respect for human rights. Such an approach could have the major drawback of attaching lower priority to the interests of peoples still requiring a contribution by the international community If they are to enjoy Increased well-being.
Countries such as the Central African Republic, which have already embarked on a confirmed course of democratisation, would like the international community to consider this new context to support the various efforts towards deepening and spreading democracy.
It is possible to follow international social trends in order to avoid a discrepancy between world social reality and the law of the United Nations. Cooperation among States, as set out in the Charter, has allowed international relations to move in a new political direction; it must also show States the means to realize those international social realities that reflect the aspirations of the majority of the world's peoples.
World balance demands this, and the delegation of the Central African Republic, which believes in a future according with the purposes of the Charter, wants to join other Members in expressing the hope that this session will mark a new stage on the road towards effective development, cooperation among States.


Please accept my sincere congratulations, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session, which we see as due recognition of your outstanding professional experience and of the role of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in the contemporary world. I hope that relations between our two countries will develop in the best interest of our two peoples and of international cooperation. Allow me to wish you every success and to express my confidence that under your highly competent leadership this session will be a most successful one.
I would also like to thank Mr. Guido de Marco, the President of the Assembly at its forty-fifth session, for his contribution to the efficient and fruitful work of that session.
I avail myself of this opportunity to express our special gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless and selfless efforts aimed at strengthening international peace and cooperation and at enhancing the role and prestige of the United Nations.
We welcome the admission of the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia to the big family of the United Nations. We believe that the universal nature of this Organisation is one of its greatest virtues and a major precondition for success. We are particularly delighted at the admission of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, which is further recognition of the irreversibility of the democratic changes in today's world.
The forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of historic changes, unprecedented in scope and depth, affecting various parts of the globe. Democracy has triumphed over totalitarianism. The decades-old bipolar model of the world that we all knew, a model primarily based on the military and political confrontation between the two systems, has been gradually giving way to a new state of international relations. Free of the icy breath of the cold war, this new state of international relations paves the way for normal communication between peoples from different countries and continents. Ideological rivalry and mutual suspicion are being superseded by understanding and confidence. A growing number of free and sovereign States are pooling together their efforts, seeking solutions to urgent global issues of peace, security, disarmament, economic development, ecology, health care and the elimination of famine, terrorism and drug trafficking.
Today, all of us, together or individually, are seeking our place in the future, a future whose outlines are becoming increasingly clear. Any strategy, any philosophy can succeed only if and when it is guided by, and based on, universally recognized human democratic values. That is the foundation on which the new world order must be built.
But the present period of transition is not entirely free of danger. The world has not completely rid itself of forces which - as happened in Moscow last August - are ready and have the daring to raise a hand against the established constitutional democratic order in one country or another. Those forces cannot understand or accept the collapse of communism. And in many cases the result is that regional, or often even international security, is held hostage to national, ethnic, religious or social conflicts.
Today's complex international situation requires an adequate response from the world community and the full and efficient utilisation of the experience accumulated over the years by the United Nations, Of particular importance to that end is the establishment of a multilateral approach to politics, which we see in terms of the common aspiration of nations large and small to seek peaceful settlement of disputes, to manifest solidarity in the face of aggression, to reduce and control military arsenals, and to re-channel funds thus released into the quest for solutions to world problems. Humanity will be able to confront the challenges of the future only if it strives for the establishment of a radically new system of global security in all its aspects, for fair and well-balanced trade and economic relations and for strict observance of human rights and liberties and of the inalienable right of all peoples to self-determination.
In the aftermath of the Gulf War, a different and surely more complex aspect of international solidarity has emerged: namely, how to provide compensation for those nations that suffered the gravest losses and damage in fulfilling their commitment to the relevant Security Council resolutions, which were the result of the will of the international community.
As one of the countries most affected in this respect, Bulgaria underscores the continuing validity of the Security Council decision of 12 December 1990, in relation to Article 50 of the United Nations Charter, as well as of the subsequent appeal (S/PV.2985) by the Council's President. We now look forward to the concrete practical measures that will ultimately come as a result of these decisions, and we are happy that the matter has not been ignored by the Secretary-General in his report (A/46/1) on the work of the Organization.
The positive developments in international relations are largely due to the collapse of Communism and to the swift democratic process in the eastern half of Europe. We are now witnessing a unique period in history, when all nations in this continent are joining their efforts in building the future European architecture. With the signing of the Paris Charter, the member States of the Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) in Europe declared their determination to say goodbye to the legacy of the past and to establish genuine democracy, peace and a united Europe. Within the framework of this forum a system of security and stability has begun to take shape, with mutual confidence and partnership as its basic tenets.
The dissolution of the Warsaw Treaty and the ongoing transformation of the political and military strategy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are indeed steps of paramount historic importance. The emphasis is gradually being shifted from military deterrence to political factors and concrete steps towards restructuring and reducing armed forces. The entry into force and implementation of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe will mark another major stage in the transition towards defensive sufficiency in that continent.
At the same time, there is an ever-increasing need to make yet another step forward in the near future, aimed at eliminating the destabilizing subregional imbalances in certain parts of the continent. I can assure the Assembly that my country, Bulgaria, is ready to take its share of the common responsibility of European States. It is in that light that we regard the forthcoming admission of Bulgaria to the Council of Europe and the political cooperation which our country has established and has been developing with NATO and the Western European Onion. At the same time, Bulgaria is entitled to have the understanding and support of its partners on the common road towards a united and free Europe, with full regard to the legitimate interests of its security.
The Balkans, which are part and parcel of Europe, have also undergone substantial transformations over the past year. Yet I feel duty-bound to note that this region is again charged with tremendous tension. We are particularly alarmed by the situation in Yugoslavia. It is clearly getting out of control. There is an escalation of the fighting and an increasingly real danger of an all-out civil war. The aggravation of the crisis is due to a large extent to the attempts forcibly to redraw borders between the Republics and redistribute territories. There is a danger of the inter-ethnic armed conflicts spreading to borderline areas, or even spilling over into the territories of neighbouring States.
In this alarming situation, Bulgaria has been actively supporting the efforts of the CSCE and the European Community in seeking a peaceful settlement to the crisis. However, we are bound to note with concern that the concrete results of these efforts to contribute to an adequate solution have not yet met expectations. Bulgaria is in favour of seeking a solution to the conflict by reasonable dialogue, with strict observance of human rights, the interests of all Republics and the legitimate expression of their will for self-determination and the free choice of form of government. These principles, however, should be implemented by peaceful means, in the language of diplomatic negotiations and political compromise. The revision by force of the existing borders is utterly unacceptable.
We believe that a viable cease-fire agreement strictly observed by all factions involved and a clear denunciation of the policy of fait accompli are indispensable for the progress of the negotiations. We support Security Council resolution 713 (1991) for a peaceful solution to the crisis. We stand ready to offer our active support for any initiative, whether launched by the world Organization or on a regional basis, aimed at promoting a political settlement of the crisis in compliance with the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki Final Act and the charter of Paris for a New Europe.
With respect to all-Balkan cooperation, Bulgaria highly appreciates this positive development, which it regards as an integral part of the European process. It is also necessary to extend cooperation in the Balkans into the political and military spheres, particularly in matters of confidence-building and security.
Last year, addressing the General Assembly, the President of Bulgaria, Mr. Zhelyu Zhelev, voiced the determination of the Bulgarian people to break away from the totalitarian past and to become part of the democratic civilized world, building its future on the basis of universally recognized human values and norms. I am now happy to be able to state that we have not veered away from the chosen steep path of transition from a totalitarian towards a democratic civil society, from a centralized economy towards a free-market economy. A multi-party Parliament, the result of the first free and democratic elections in 40 years, held in Bulgaria in June 1990, a constitutionally elected President who himself epitomizes the struggle for democracy, a Government formed by members of the main political forces represented in Parliament - these are the motive forces and guarantees of the irreversible nature of the changes in my country.
We consider it our great achievement that we have managed to preserve the internal peace; this very fact is a stabilizing factor on a regional level. I have no doubt that the outcome of the forthcoming parliamentary elections in Bulgaria, scheduled to be held on 13 October, will adequately reflect the general trend of change in my country and in Eastern Europe at large, and will further stimulate democracy.
The peaceful nature of the democratic process in Bulgaria may not be enough in itself to hold the daily attention of the international community, but there Should be no doubt that the ongoing transition in my country, in its scope and dimensions, is in full harmony with the most radical and irreversible changes in the budding European democracies. Such sweeping reforms have established Bulgaria as a nation with a new face, rapidly moving towards democracy. We have placed in the limelight the imperative necessity to respect, observe and guarantee all the basic human rights and fundamental freedoms - a sine qua non for building Bulgaria as a modern and democratic State where the rule of law is the basic premise.
Protection against discrimination of any kind and for any reason whatsoever, the abolition of privileges, the guaranteed freedom of expression, the right to share in the governing of the country by participating in fair, democratic and regular elections, freedom of thought and religion, freedom of association and the division of power - those are but a few of the milestones on the road to democracy which form the core of the new Constitution of Bulgaria.
We are confident that the standards and norms in the sphere of human rights adopted and upheld by the United Nations nave played an invaluable role in inspiring and encouraging the democratic changes in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and in reforming their national legislations and administrative practices. The radically changed attitude of democratic Bulgaria towards the internationally recognized criteria on human rights has been evidenced in a series of new legislative acts providing sound guarantees for the complete and unconditional observance by my country of its international commitments.
These democratic changes have provided favourable conditions for laying the foundations of Bulgaria's new foreign policy, which is sovereign and independent. The principles, objectives and priorities of our foreign policy have been thoroughly revised. Rid of its previous ideological one-sidedness, this new foreign policy is designed to provide the best opportunities for the further development and deepening of the democratic process in my country, for Bulgaria's ever-closer commitment to the established European and world democratic values and structures.
Naturally, it is the primary objective of Bulgaria's independent foreign policy to seek stronger guarantees for the country's territorial integrity and national security. In this, we shall explore the opportunities we have on a bilateral or regional and international level, as well as the mechanisms provided under the United Nations Charter.
Bulgaria consistently upholds the principle of the rule of law and the ensuing need to build an effective international legal order. The country's new constitution contains provisions explicitly stating the precedence of international treaties in force for Bulgaria over such clauses of its domestic legislation as may be at variance with them.
The years we are now going through mark a turning-point in the role of the United Nations in today's world. The entire development of mankind since the devastating Second World War has highlighted the timeless significance of the United Nations ideals as the basis and standard for international relations. We are convinced that, in the present circumstances, the United Nations will continue to consolidate its role as a unique forum of cooperation for harmonizing the interests of nations towards achieving mutually acceptable solutions and broader consensus, promoting freedom, democracy, the rule of law, economic well-being, prosperity and the observance of human rights as paramount requirements for all States. In this context, we deem it appropriate that a thorough revision be made of some outdated views and resolutions of the United Nations bearing the birthmarks of ideological confrontation, notably the notorious General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX). Also irrelevant today are the provisions in the United Nations Charter regarding the so-called enemy States. I am sure that there could, and there should, be a way to eliminate this anachronism.
A particularly encouraging fact is the growing role of the United Nations in the keeping of international peace and security. After almost five decades, the Organization's activity is getting closer than ever to the original idea of its founders, providing adequate conditions for the efficient functioning of the system of international security which underlies the United Nations Charter. In the new international situation, this means, in practical terms, being ready and able to react to new kinds of destabilizing factors, very different from those characteristic of the recent past. At the same time, opportunities have been created for unbinding that part of its peace-making potential that, until recently, remained bound for ideological or political reasons. Some good cases in point are the resolutions of the Security Council on restoring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait and, notably, the exemplary consensus among the Council's five permanent members. In our view, the experience accumulated and the precedents thus set are of substantial importance for further streamlining and harmonizing the action of the respective mechanisms within the system of international security. This is one of the roads for the United Nations to follow in its further development in order to remain and even become a more effective guarantor of international security as well as of the national security of each and every Member State.
The course of events over the past year definitely shows that the international community should rely to a greater extent on the potentials of preventive diplomacy. In the future, the United Nations could play an indispensable role in the early identification of crises. The setting up and efficient operation of such mechanisms will no doubt have a considerable general stabilizing effect.
The radical changes taking place in the international situation in recent years have made the United nations peace-keeping task considerably easier. The world Organization has done a great deal to ease tension in various hot spots around the globe. We are now witnessing a series of prompt and efficient international actions under United Nations auspices aimed at containing and seeking an effective settlement for a number of international conflicts. There are favourable possibilities and hopes for an early peaceful and just solution to such complex international issues as the Cyprus problem, peace in Cambodia, the situation in Afghanistan, the referendum in Western Sahara and so on. We are following, with keen interest, the changing situation in the Republic of South Africa, where a series of legislative steps were made that merit due respect and inspire hope for a radical constitutional reform in the near future, having as its aim the ultimate and complete abolition of the system of apartheid. We are also optimistic about the efforts that are being made to seek a lasting and just settlement for the Middle East conflict by all political means available.
As for the post-war situation in the Persian Gulf, it is in the best interest of peace and stability that the Iraqi authorities should comply with the respective Security Council resolutions and not create any obstacles for the United Nations teams in the fulfilment of the duties assigned them by the international community.
The new challenges in the international situation also pose new requirements for the United Nations functioning as an integral system, presupposing certain structural changes there. The matter should, in our view, be approached in a cautious and flexible manner, bearing fully in mind the interests of all Member States.
The international spirit of partnership and cooperation has also borne rich fruit in the sphere of arms control and disarmament. Only the other day, as we were discussing, here in this very Hall, the global problems of mankind, we witnessed the launching of a historic new initiative by President Bush that was welcomed with broad approval and appreciation by the international community - an approval and appreciation to which Bulgaria wholeheartedly subscribes.
New Bulgaria is looking towards the possibilities for peace and stability that a pragmatic approach to such problems may bring. We pay due attention to markedly global as well as to purely regional initiatives in this direction, as the prospects for Bulgaria's national security are equally related to both, bearing in mind that we live, and have to live, in a region where global strategic interests and the regional interests of a number of States have long been closely interwoven.
Bulgaria is striving to promote the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and other destabilizing military technologies in more than one way: by stepping up its national exports control, as well as by offering assistance in the process of international harmonization of the underlying principles of a responsible arms-export policy, by means, inter alia, of the United Nations register of international arms supplies.
We welcome and appreciate the accession of all nuclear-weapons States to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the efforts to bring the negotiations on the convention on the universal ban and elimination of chemical weapons to an early and successful end. Bulgaria is preparing to abide strictly by its commitments under the future convention.
The lowering of the general level of confrontation has made it possible to release resources to enable the international community to address the common problems facing the entire world. Conversion of military resources and industries for civilian use in a number of States is already stimulating the growth of their national economies.
Now more than ever the safeguarding of peace and security depends on the provision of suitable conditions for a steady social and economic development of all countries and regions. The United Nations should, therefore, occupy a befitting place in the process of harmonizing international economic cooperation with the new political realities.
One of the major factors for the stable and balanced functioning of the world economy is the establishment and maintenance of a favourable global economic climate. Eliminating the existing imbalances in international financial relations and the setting up of a system of open trade are, without question, priority tasks of paramount significance. It is vitally important that a lasting solution be found to the foreign debt issue. Promoting dialogue between debtors, creditors and international financial institutions with the active cooperation of the United Nations would certainly be helpful in this respect.
Among the common problems facing mankind, of particular urgency in recent years is that of protection of the environment. National boundaries are no barrier to polluted and contaminated air or waters, acid rain, the greenhouse effect or nuclear fallout. Only by the joint efforts of the international community could a solution be found to the question of the ecological survival of the planet. We believe that the World Conference on the Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in 1992, will develop a universal ecological policy to deal with such matters.
The successful transition of the countries in Eastern Europe to a free market economy and their integration into the world economic, trade and financial systems will provide a positive impetus for the world economy in the long term. This process will essentially become one of the main challenges of the 1990s and its successful implementation will largely determine whether there will be economic and political stability in the world.
The triumph of the ideas of liberty, democracy and human dignity today is a major source of new hopes for mankind. Whether these hopes will become a reality depends, to a great extent, on the activity of the United Nations, which we are certain will live up to the standards of the upcoming new era of global cooperation. It is the world Organisation that is called upon, and is indeed able, to become the hub and centre for pooling together the efforts of all countries and peoples to build a new, stable and prosperous world. And I should like to assure the Assembly that new, democratic Bulgaria will spare no effort to be a worthy participant in the drive to achieve these noble and lofty goals. As President Bush reminded us the other day: destiny is not a matter of chance, but a matter of choice. I should like to assure you that we in Bulgaria have made our choice and we shall be building our future in harmony with these very ideals of liberty, democracy and human dignity.