181.	Mr. President, I should like first of all to extend to you warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of this Assembly of nations and express the best wishes of the Government and people of the Republic of Cyprus for a successful outcome of our deliberations under your enlightened guidance. Your unanimous election to this high office not only reflects the confidence of the international community in your personal diplomatic acumen but also constitutes recognition of the role of your country, with which we maintain friendly relations in world affairs.
182.	I should like also to express the well-deserved admiration which your predecessor, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, earned by his outstanding performance during the thirty-fourth and the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions and the eleventh special session of the General Assembly.
183.	We wish also to commend for his work and achievements that indefatigable fighter for the cause of international peace, security and justice, Mr. Waldheim, who soldiers on despite adverse conditions and inadequate machinery for the implementation of the resolutions and the attainment of the objectives of the Organization.
184.	It is with joy that we welcome the Republic of Zimbabwe to our midst and the admission to membership of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We assure those new Members of our close co-operation in the years to come. The attainment of independence by new nations bolsters our hope that the world is moving in the right direction, towards the dignity of man. The case of Zimbabwe signals the encouraging message that, after all, reason is powerful enough to prevail.
185.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly has begun against the background of emergency and special sessions and of a deteriorating international situation fraught with political and economic tensions and deepening crises. The agenda of this session is loaded with issues of major importance which must be viewed with the necessary will and determination if we are to promote solutions to the problems plaguing humanity and safeguard international peace and security and legal order.
186.	The past year has seen a weakening of relations between the great Powers and also of the process of detente. Furthermore, the frenzied escalation of the arms race and the violations of international law and the code of conduct among States do not augur well for the thirty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.
187.	In the face of alarming and unpredictable international developments, the Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, significantly comments that
"It is rightly a matter of general concern that the decisions of the Security Council and the resolutions of the General Assembly often go unheeded, so that problems which should have been brought under control persist, proliferate and pose continual threats to international peace. This failure also has a debilitating effect on the United Nations itself'.
188.	Within this context, the Secretary-General poses the question of whether the concept of international peace and security as outlined in the Charter is still a valid and feasible aim to strive for and, if it is, how to proceed to make the United Nations machinery effective. No doubt the response to the question should be in the affirmative; and, of course, implementation of United Nations resolutions could decisively improve the grim outlook of today. In this regard, the proposal made by the President of the Republic of Cyprus for the holding of a special session of the General Assembly on this issue may be recalled.
189.	Peace-keeping and peace-making can also decisively contribute towards the effectiveness of the United Nations and the entrenchment of international peace and security. It is by now accepted that while peace-keeping is in itself very significant, it should be followed by, or combined with, peace-making. Otherwise, it becomes an end in itself and contributes to the perpetuation of a problem rather than to its solution. It acts like a sedative and soothes the pain without curing the disease. In this connection, I consider it my duty to reiterate our appreciation and gratitude to UNFICYP for its commendable task of keeping the peace. It is our sincere wish and objective that its praiseworthy services will be necessary for the shortest possible period.
190.	Obviously, international peace and security cannot be attained through an unrestrained arms race. The fostering of confidence among States, leading to a restriction of armaments and to detente, is a sine qua non. The relationship between disarmament and international security, as indeed between disarmament and development, forms the basis of current efforts for the achievement of a more peaceful and balanced international order. Moreover, genuine and lasting peace can only be based on the effective implementation of the provisions of the Charter.
191.	The cardinal issue in this field is nuclear disarmament, in the direction of which we have regrettably made only marginal progress what we witness at present is a deplorable escalation of strategic competition and other actions which nullify the contents, and frustrate the objectives, of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
192.	As far as my country is concerned, I would recall the proposal made by President Kyprianou for the complete disarmament and demilitarization of the Republic of Cyprus.
193.	Within the general framework of efforts for the promotion of detente, co-operation among States and international security, of outstanding importance is the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, the preparatory phase of which is currently in session at Madrid.
194.	My country, together with the other non-aligned and neutral European States, will be at pains to bring about a positive outcome of the deliberations at Madrid. Cyprus believes that the implementation of the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act will be instrumental in the strengthening of peace, security and co-operation in Europe, the Mediterranean and the rest of the world.
195.	Parallel to that, and of equal importance, are the efforts for the establishment of the new international economic order. It is by now acknowledged that no nation or group of nations can safely prosper in isolation, while others live in poverty, need and deprivation. There is no moral foundation whatsoever to support a world society of haves and have-nots. However, we note with regret that the eleventh special session of the General Assembly failed to make adequate progress towards a just and equitable economic order. While voicing our disappointment, we express the earnest hope that the necessary political will may be forthcoming in the near future so that the iniquitous world economic system will be gradually replaced by a new order and a more balanced distribution of wealth, financial means and potentialities. We should start building on the limited progress achieved by the special session, such as the consensus on the text for the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. It is our hope that it will prove possible to advance towards an agreement on the global round of negotiations along the lines set out by the Group of 77, which represents the concerns of the majority of the world community.
196.	Another issue of major concern to the developing countries is the creation of a new information and communications order, which has been rightly defined as forming an integral part of the wider issues concerning a more just and equitable world order. The United Nations itself, and in particular UNESCO, has a leading role to play in this regard and Cyprus will continue to render steady support to this end.
197.	Another area of particular concern to the whole world and one in which progress has recently been achieved is the law of the sea, the economic and political ramifications of which reach far beyond the three fifths of the earth's surface which is covered by the oceans. It is our hope and trust that during the coming year the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will succeed in resolving the outstanding issues and that it will place before the world the text of a convention which will fairly distribute the wealth of what has been defined as the common heritage of mankind.
198.	While we review international problems, particular attention is due to the problem of the Middle East and Palestine, which was the subject of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly. Let me state at the outset that, in our view, there can be no comprehensive peace in the Middle East without a just and viable solution of the problem of Palestine, which lies at the core of this grave international problem. Cyprus has consistently supported the inalienable right or the Palestinian people to self-determination, which we consider to be a historical, national and human necessity. Cyprus furthermore recognizes the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. We firmly support the right of the Palestinians to establish their own independent sovereign State.
199.	We deplore the dispersal and displacement of the Palestinian people and the dispossession of their properties, as well as the ongoing creation of faits accomplis in the occupied Arab lands, such as the establishment of settlements and the recent unacceptable action purporting to affect the status of Jerusalem. The occupying authorities must cease their practices and must withdraw speedily and unconditionally from all Arab territories occupied since 1967. Furthermore, belligerency must come to an end and the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area must be recognized and respected; and so should the right to recognized boundaries. It is our view that the solution of the problem can emerge only from concerted efforts exerted within the framework of and in compliance with resolutions adopted by the Assembly and the Security Council, and not through partial agreements.
200.	The situation in Lebanon, a neighbouring country with which my own maintains close relations, is a source of concern to us. It is our hope that the problems which at present divide its people will soon be solved and that Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity will be maintained and respected.
201.	At this point I would voice concern and anxiety over the open hostilities between two neighbouring countries, namely Iran and Iraq, and express the fervent hope that those hostilities will soon end and that the parties will solve their differences through peaceful means.
202.	We also maintain that the problems in South-East Asia and in other areas of the world should be solved in accordance with the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, in such a way as to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of every State and on the basis of the wishes of every people concerned.
203.	It is our hope and trust that the Sahraoui people will soon enjoy the fruits of unhindered national independence throughout the exercise of their right to self-determination. My country calls for the implementation of the United Nations resolutions on Western Sahara without further delay and we voice support for the initiatives of the OAU towards the solution of this problem.
204.	Indeed, this year marks the twentieth anniversary of the landmark General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), whereby the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was proclaimed. The United Nations can take justifiable pride in the historic achievements over the 20 years which have since elapsed, in the course of which a chorus of nations emerged from colonial rule to independence.
205.	After so many years of debate there appears today to be unanimity in declared positions, although unfortunately not in terms of the action required, about the need for the eradication of racism in southern Africa as manifested by the occupation of Namibia and the practice of apartheid in South Africa. We have to acknowledge that for as long as those situations persist it will be impossible for us to assert that the process of decolonization has ended.
206.	Cyprus acknowledges the special responsibility of the United Nations for Namibia and the role of the United Nations Council for Namibia, of which my country is a member, to administer the Territory until its independence. We deplore the constant efforts by the South African Government to impede the implementation of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) and of the United Nations plan for a peaceful settlement of this important question. We condemn any and all unilateral actions by South Africa in violation of any plan, especially those which undermine the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia, such as the attempts to detach Walvis Bay from the rest of the Territory in violation of Security Council resolution 432 (1978). We are also concerned with the possible threat to international peace and security which the prolongation of this problem, coupled with repeated acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia, entails.
207.	We take an equally strong stand with reference to the eradication of the evil of apartheid, an anachronism which has rightly been defined as State terrorism and a violation in toto of human rights and values. On that issue as well we join in calling for concerted international action for the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions, which can lead to the extinction of this evil.
208.	The promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all is an ongoing process, and their universal application should be of global concern. Continuing violations of human rights should be dealt with effectively and the discrepancy between declarations and realities, as well as selectivity in the approach to human rights violations, should be eliminated.
209.	It is true that we have come a long way in the field of human rights since the establishment of the Organization. Thus we have seen the idealistic declarations and the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights acquire binding force through the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Human Rights Committee is destined to serve precisely the purpose of seeing to their application. Similarly, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, established under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, acts as a watchdog, considering the measures taken by the contracting parties to give effect to the provisions of the Convention. I should also mention the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, which has its own machinery.
210.	The Commission on Human Rights takes a more pragmatic approach, with the appointment of special rapporteurs on human rights and the establishment of working groups such as the one on missing and disappeared persons.
211.	We welcome those positive developments in the belief that when individuals and nations are deprived of their rights and fundamental freedoms, universal concern should be expressed not by word alone but, more importantly, by deed and concerted action.
212.	The non-aligned movement, to which we belong, today has an enhanced role in world affairs. An impressive array of 95 nations and two thirds of the world's population give it its influential stature. Cyprus will remain dedicated to the movement and to its principles.
213.	As the twentieth century crosses the threshold of the last 20-year span of an eventful life, the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which yesterday celebrated the twentieth anniversary of its independence, presents before the Assembly for the seventh consecutive year its problem; the problem is the same, with the same setting and the same protagonists. This year, however, the tone is different. A ray of hope brightens the scenery: the intercommunal talks have got under way.
214.	Although more than six years have elapsed since the tragic events of 1974, Cyprus is still striving for its independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. The plight of all the people of Cyprus still persists in all its manifestations: the misery of the refugees is rampant all over the country, and the untold suffering of the relatives of missing persons calls for a solution of this purely humanitarian problem.
215.	Since 1974, when the Cyprus problem in its present form was first discussed in the General Assembly and the Security Council, a host of other major international issues have piled up. Veteran diplomats confess that the vibrations from the international political turbulence are felt at the United Nations more strongly and menacingly for peace than ever before.
216.	In the maelstrom of world events the Cyprus problem has a position of its own. It is the problem of a small country, but the stakes are high. Cyprus lies where three continents meet. The area just outside its periphery is dotted with some of the biggest names in international affairs: Palestine, the problem of the Middle East, the Suez Canal, Middle Eastern oil, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], Greco-Turkish relations, bloc confrontations. Tremors in the vicinity might be as harmful as if they occurred in a porcelain shop.
217.	The United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions relevant to the question of Cyprus. Their contents have been the subject of long deliberations amongst Member States. Those resolutions, together with the high-level agreements of 1977 and 1979, constitute the basic material which will be used by the two interlocutors in the Cyprus talks in their quest for a solution to the problem. Another valuable factor will be the climate of good will and understanding which has prevailed since the inception of the talks. In any type of negotiation, good will and understanding are the underlying elements of success.
218.	We give our full and unequivocal support to the talks which have started recently in Cyprus. We believe that people must communicate and try to understand each other if they are to obviate difficulties and resolve problems. We are neither optimistic nor pessimistic about the chances of success of the talks. At this stage we consider it more appropriate and constructive to concentrate on the process and to focus our attention on the contents and substance of the talks as they progress than to try to surmise what the eventual outcome will be. We do not lose sight of the fact that on some of the issues the views of the parties are poles apart. This is not a reason for abandoning the talks. It is a reason for trying harder. After all, people negotiate because they differ, not because they agree.
219.	The resumption of the talks was achieved after many months of unflagging efforts and as a result of the resoluteness of the Secretary-General and his collaborators and their dedication to the cause of peace. Their task has not ended with the resumption of the talks; it has just begun. They have to travel an uphill road, together with the negotiating parties. The tenacity, the wide experience and the consummate ability of the Secretary-General to grapple with delicate international issues will prove tremendously helpful when the parties come to grips with the problem.
220.	The basic infrastructural elements of the federal republic which will emerge from the negotiating table if the talks succeed are set out in the aforementioned high-level agreements and in United Nations resolutions. If there is adherence to the principles enshrined in those agreements and resolutions, if moderation, fairness of mind and objectivity persist throughout the negotiations, and if good will and patience prevail not only when things appear to be easy but at difficult moments as well, then we may look forward to a political miracle in addition to the economic miracle for which Cyprus was given the accolade of economic experts. Political miracles, however, like economic miracles, differ from ordinary miracles in that there is nothing miraculous about them. They are the product of hard and painstaking efforts and of a pragmatic and wise approach to facts.
221.	The failure of the Cyprus talks will signify a failure of the whole people of Cyprus—Greek and Turkish; there will be no winners. It will further signify failure and setback in the cause of world peace.
222.	We shall therefore try as hard as reason permits, not only for Cyprus and its people, but equally for peace and justice, which are so much cherished but at the same time so strikingly missing from today's world.


It is my privilege to address this premier international body and to convey to its members the fraternal greetings of the people of Sri Lanka. I do so as the first Prime Minister of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka under the New Republican Constitution of 1978.
3.	As representatives will know, our new Constitution was adopted by the freely elected representatives of the people of Sri Lanka after a popular mandate which brought our Government into power with a five sixths majority in Parliament.
4.	I have approached my task today not to indulge myself in the purple of high-flown rhetoric or to lecture this distinguished audience on all the problems of the world. I do not pretend to have a key to unlock the door to Utopia. I come before you in a spirit of humility to join you in the common quest of mankind for peace, for justice and for equality.
5.	These are values which the people of my country hold sacred in the light of experience gained over many years in the practice of democracy. Next year we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the attainment of universal adult franchise. They are also values which our people have consistently accepted as truths, by virtue of their deeply religious tradition.
6.	I come before you to share some of my own thoughts, moulded in the crucible of working with people at all levels, in the slums, in the villages, in government and out of government, during a political career spanning over three decades.
7.	May I, at the outset, extend to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations of myself and my delegation on your election as President of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your country and mine have enjoyed a long and fruitful bond of friendship and cooperation, which we in Sri Lanka value very highly. Your rich diplomatic experience and your practical wisdom will, I am sure, be invaluable assets in guiding the deliberations of this session. May I offer the good wishes of my delegation and assure you of our cooperation in the discharge of your duties.
8.	I would like to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation to the outgoing President, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. His tenure of office is probably unique for the number of special and extraordinary sessions he had to preside over. His impartiality, understanding and sagacity were of inestimable value during all those sessions.
9.	It is also a pleasant task today to pay a tribute to the Secretary General, whose consistent dedication to the cause of peace and tireless efforts in pursuit of it are well known, for the work he is doing.
10.	This year, the international community is the poorer for having lost some of its most eminent leaders. The death of Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia removed from our midst the last of the giants of the Second World War era. Few world leaders have helped to mould the structure of post-war international relations as President Tito did. We in Sri Lanka remember him with admiration and affection as a founding father of nonalignment, a policy which my President, Mr. J. R. Jayewardene, has said "runs like a golden thread through the fabric of our country's foreign policy".
11.	We mourn with the people of Japan the passing of their Prime Minister Ohira. We grieve with the people of Botswana over the loss of their founder President Sir Seretse Khama, and we sympathize with the people of Jordan over the untimely death of their Prime Minister, Sharif Abdul Hamid Sharaf.
12.	At this session we welcome to our midst two new Members—Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. My welcome to Zimbabwe must inevitably be tinged with a very personal note of happiness. I had the privilege of being present at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka in August 1979, when the decisive step which led to the independence of Zimbabwe was taken.
13.	It is a matter of personal gratification to me that the cause we argued for and supported on behalf of that country has been achieved and that Zimbabwe has emerged to join us as a sovereign State in this international body. The admission of these two Members illustrates once again the fundamental principle of universality in our membership and the equality of all Member States, irrespective of size, power, population or prestige.
14.	I have the honour to convey to this august Assembly the greetings of President J. R. Jayewardene and his good wishes for the success of this session.
15.	Over the last few months the view has been expressed increasingly by world leaders that the international situation is deteriorating. Indeed, I think there is hardly anyone who would disagree with this. The disagreement, if any, is in identifying the causes of this deterioration.
16.	We are without doubt at a crucial juncture in international relations. What we do, much more than what we say, will shape the international order in the next two decades of the century. Perhaps today more than at any other time in human history we stand at a decisive crossroads. One way could lead us to a world of immense possibilities for the good of the human race; the other could be the path of decline and the destruction of all human values as we know them today.
17.	What is our response going to be to this challenge?
18.	The dimensions of the challenge are so large, the issues so complex that the response must perforce emerge from the Organization. Certainly, the problems cannot be solved by nations acting on their own or as small groups of countries. Unfortunately, at a time when our response should be global, we see increasing signs of nations trying to seek solutions to the problems individually.
19.	Thirty-five years ago, the world established this international body, the United Nations, whose Charter still represents the highest ideals of mankind. It is a matter for concern that its credibility as an institution which is still capable of assisting in the resolution of these problems is being doubted today. The crisis situation we face makes it even more imperative that we act purposefully and positively through the mechanisms that the United Nations system provides for joint and collective action.
20.	In our own region we welcome the convening in 1981, under the aegis of the United Nations, of a Conference on the Indian Ocean for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This is a collective effort on the part of the Indian Ocean countries and others to ensure that the Indian Ocean will, in fact, be a peaceful place. We seek this peace in order to permit the countries in our region to focus their attention, concentrate their energies and employ their resources to build prosperous economies for their citizens. We cannot afford the grotesque distortions that tensions, militarization and arms stockpiling can cause. Implicit in this Declaration are those cardinal tenets of international politics: non-interference in the internal affairs of countries and rejection of the use of force.
21.	Sri Lanka has long been known as a centre of Thera-vada Buddhism. This is a philosophy where among the noble truths nonviolence is of paramount significance. This emphasis on ahimsa, or nonviolence, has made Buddhism a major international force and a means of promoting understanding among nations during its long historical career of over 2,500 years. The best known instance occurred at the very outset, when it inspired the famous dharma vijaya— victory of righteousness—of Emperor Dharma Asoka, in which he attempted to establish a moral basis for relations between States. Emperor Dharma Asoka sent personal emissaries to contemporary rulers in western and southern Asia bearing messages of good will and advocating a code of righteous conduct which to a large extent embodied the tenets of Buddhism.
22.	The Emperor's action is unique in history and represents the only initiative of its kind by a ruler to bring a moral approach to international relations. Perhaps what is lacking in our countries is a moral approach to world problems and international understanding: and this may be the root of our crisis. Over the ages, human society has endeavoured to move from the rule of the jungle to the rule of law. Could we not work for the reconstruction of a world society based on the law of love, nonviolence? Could we, from here, set an example to all to follow this rule at every level of life, in our personal relations as well as in relations between nations? This, in my view, would be the ultimate fulfilment of this unique Organization to which we belong.
23.	Armed conflicts and the threat of such conflicts remain a danger to mankind. The international situation has many flashpoints. To continue to let them exist and to allow new flashpoints to emerge leads to a dangerous mood of cynicism and indifference where the use of force is tolerated and accepted as inevitable.
24.	There is disenchantment, too, among those who follow the rules, those who are law abiding; they feel that the lawless win the day. How often have we seen the righteous suffer while the wrongdoer prospers? It is the same in international relations as it is in normal society. Must one shout to be heard? Must one be feared to be respected? Must one threaten to be assisted? Are democracy and human rights to be taken for granted? Is force, and the threat of force, the only password to success? The world seems to be frighteningly close to such a mood of cynicism.
25.	There is glib talk of a new cold war and plentiful offers of military aid. We must therefore take positive and collective action, not only to create our zone of peace, but to ensure that a hundred zones of peace are created, both in space and in the minds of men.
26.	In this context, the nonaligned movement, with whose origins Sri Lanka is proud to be associated, continues to have a vital role to play. Ninety-four of the 154 nations of this world body subscribe to the principles of non-alignment. Many more, as observers and guests, have broad sympathy with the aims and aspirations of the movement.
27.	There are several areas in our relationship within the United Nations which call for action of a kind which will take the international community forward together. Many of these are in the area of what are termed economic relations. We have for example made several declarations to the effect that developing countries should have a greater share of the industrial output of the world—as much as 25 percent by the year 2000. At the same time, we see the erection of a wall of protectionism in the developed world which constitutes an effective barrier to the development of industries by the denial of markets.
28.	We see this disparity between intent and achievement in other areas as well. In the area of concessionary aid— official development assistance—we solemnly declared at the commencement of the 1970s that official development assistance should be at the level of at least 0.77 percent of the gross national product of developed countries if the developing world economies were to be rehabilitated. At the end of that decade the actual figure was only half of this: 0.35 per cent of the gross national product.
29.	The prospects for the future, in the light of the deepening recession that the developed world faces seem, therefore, even more stark. The difference between the intention and the act which these two examples illustrate is, if I may say so, a result of our inability to see the mutuality of our interests and, consequently, of our attempts to resolve unilaterally the problems we foresee.
30.	The facts are clear in the case of both protectionism and aid. It has been demonstrated that a progressive lowering of trade barriers in the North would not only reduce the number of unemployed in the third world but even result in an increase in jobs in the North as a direct consequence of the increase in North South trade. It has also been shown that protectionism holds a greater threat to jobs in the North, and self-interest would require the abandonment of policies which appear so self-evidently short-sighted.
31.	The idea that there should be a reallocation of industries in the world which would benefit the developing countries is not likely to be easily accepted. But it is a fact that, in terms of the global economy, many industries in the developed world are no longer economically viable.
32.	When developing countries take similar steps and band together to increase export earnings, they are criticized for taking measures contrary to the common good. What then, I ask, is the justice in this situation? Must we confront each other by adversary strategies of this kind?
33.	The case of official development assistance is equally as clear. It is surely in the interests of the developed world to provide the poor countries with the concessionary aid that can help to restructure their economies. For as they grow in strength, their imports will grow with resultant benefits to the developed economies. But the sad fact is that at the present time, when concessionary finance is most needed, there is talk in the developed world of holding back inflation and the need to cut down public expenditure.
34.	I hope that official development assistance will not be an area that has to bear these cuts. If the cut has to fall on public expenditure in the developed world, we make the plea that it may fall gently on overseas aid.
35.	In addition to the moral dimension that should motivate the giver of aid, there is the more emphatic consideration of self-interest. The interdependence of the world economies is such that if the poor falter, they will not be able to buy the goods of the rich. The poverty of the poor— which in many cases they have learned to live with—will inevitably pull down the rich as well.
36.	There is also the continuing anomaly that confronts us of aid flows being reduced while defence expenditures increase. In the light of third world poverty, the difference between annual global military expenditure, now approaching $450 billion, and official development assistance of some $20 billion can only be termed outrageous.
37.	This means not only money but also the diversion of real resources, such as manpower in the form of scientists and engineers, and of the most modern technologies which could otherwise be used in the solution of the problems constraining growth in the less developed world.
38.	We also know, speaking on behalf of a country which spends less than 3 per cent of its national budget on defence, that the disease seems to have spread, that even some of the poorest of our countries deem it necessary to spend heavily on armaments. These modern weapons of war which sometimes come in as aid are possibly the best examples of a misdirected transfer of resources. It is an open question whether money spent on armaments or defence would in the long run contribute more to international security than money spent on aid to the poorer countries.
39.	Why is it that when religions of the world— Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Buddhism—proclaim the folly of war and greed for power, nations continue to arm themselves? The Dhammapada—the words of the Buddha—touches the crux of this dilemma in the saying:
"From craving springs grief, from craving springs fear,
"For him who is wholly free from craving there is no grief;
"Whence can there be fear?"
In the search for peace—in our task of waging war against war—perhaps we need to heed the teachings of our great religions and free ourselves from fear.
40.	As bilateral aid flows are likely to be reduced in the face of the impending recession, the need for a multilateral funding agency, such as the proposed world development fund, gains heightened significance. The mechanisms by which the surpluses of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] could be recycled to provide concessionary finance to the developing countries have been clearly described in recent studies. It is our hope that the creation of such a development fund will be speedily effected and will provide yet another source of capital for the restructuring of the economies of the poorer countries.
41.	I should like also to make the plea that the increasingly stringent conditions imposed by the multilateral development agencies be reviewed in the light of the quite different circumstances that now apply in the world, particularly in the developing countries. The rules and regulations framed for a more ordered international economic situation must surely change to suit the more complex realities of today.
42.	We have just concluded the eleventh special session devoted to international economic cooperation and development. We have identified several areas in which considerable work has yet to be done. I am heartened that the process of negotiation on a broad level of participation will engender fruitful results.
43.	I want to emphasize the word "negotiation". We should not be preoccupied with speeches or strategies. It is unfortunate but true that development strategies have not done much to enhance development.
44.	We have succeeded in the last 35 years in safeguarding ourselves from the scourge of global war. We have not, however, saved ourselves from the scourge of poverty, which brings sorrow to mankind and affronts the dignity and worth of the human person.
45.	In global terms the poverty line seems to coincide with the North South divide. One quarter of the world's population living in the North enjoys three quarters of the world's income while three quarters of the world's population living in the South have to share the remaining quarter of the world's income.
46.	The inequality in the use of real resources and the depth of the problem of poverty are tellingly expressed in this equation. The international community has engaged in numerous exercises to reduce this disparity and to remove this scourge.
47.	Most recently we have had the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, popularly referred to as the Brandt Commission. Eleven years before Brandt, we had Pearson. It is chastening to recall some of the words of the Commission on International Development headed by the late Lester Pearson:
"International development is a great challenge of our age. Our response to it will show whether we understand the implications of interdependence or whether we prefer to delude ourselves that the poverty and deprivation of the great majority of mankind can be ignored without tragic consequences for all."
48.	The Brandt Commission is no less cogent in stressing interdependence; no less concerned with the moral imperative of development; and no less bold and imaginative in the action plan proposed, both for the present and for the future. Sadly, what gives cause for despair is the reaction of the world community to those significant reports. Rather than stimulate negotiation, the Brandt Commission report is in danger of being placed on a shelf, along with similar reports of the past.
49.	Whenever an action plan or a strategy is mooted, countless reasons are put forward to delay its implementation. Either we are told that the time is inopportune or we are asked to scale down the plans. Whatever the reason, the result is the same—inaction.
50.	We in the developing countries are not asking for charity on a global scale. We do not believe that poverty can be alleviated by charity, it must be eliminated by removing exploitation. We cannot make everyone and every country equal; we can give everyone and every country an equal opportunity.
51.	The exploitation which leads to poverty is endemic in the structure of international economic relations today. That is why the structure has to be changed. That is why we talk of a new international economic order. It is an order where human rights are respected, where economic inequalities and poverty are eliminated and where malnutrition and illiteracy are removed.
52.	I am not talking of a new order which must exist among nations and among nations alone. We have to institute that order in our own countries. We cannot have world peace without being at peace ourselves, within our country, within our society, within our family and, if I may say so, within each of us ourselves.
53.	Before we ask for restraint from others we must practise restraint and control ourselves. We cannot have a new international economic order abroad and an old economic order of exploitation at home. We cannot ask for the elimination of exploitation and inequalities among nations and allow economic depression and disparities to flourish within our nations.
54.	The emancipation of mankind from exploitation must take place both nationally and internationally. The structural imbalances and inequalities within nations are linked together. That is as true for the South as it is for the North. These are many glasshouses. Let us change those houses. Let us also not throw stones.
55.	A large part of my life and my own political endeavours have been in the fields of local government and housing. The need, therefore, for involving the people in the decision-making process, both locally and internationally, is clear to me.
56.	I see the provision of adequate housing as a basic aspect of the global assault on poverty. We must eliminate the problems of overcrowding, lack of sanitation and insecurity. Housing is important in creating the environment in which our people have to live. In the rush for development, urbanization has run out of control, spawning ugly slums and ghettos, depopulating rural areas and overcrowding conurbations. Urban poverty, congestion and squalor are problems common to many of our developing countries.
57.	It is said that as much as 20 per cent of our people in the developing countries are seriously undernourished; 50 per cent do not have pure water; 60 per cent do not have proper health care; and 20 per cent of the babies die before they reach the age of five.
58.	There are equally depressing figures for unemployment, education and other basic needs. Each of us in his own way is attempting to tackle these formidable problems. It is my belief that housing provides a key to the elimination of several of these disadvantages. The problem of housing is not confined to Sri Lanka. It is not a problem confined to Asia. It is a global problem.
59.	I therefore call for the declaration of an international year dedicated to homes for the homeless. Perhaps the year could be focused especially on the rehabilitation of the shanty dweller. The replacement of shanties by decent housing is not a peripheral part of development. It is at the very core. It is an investment in mankind.
60.	I have touched, if only briefly, on some of the issues that the world will increasingly have to confront and resolve in the years ahead. Standing as we do on the threshold of the decade of the 1980s, it is our duty to face the problems fully and squarely.
61.	Conflict, as much as cooperation, has been a part of the history of the human race. In past times the cause of conflict between peoples was almost parochial; language, race and religion have divided men and in their name men have fought and died. Sadly, even today, these symbols which man created continue to divide man. We have also had major confrontations on ideology, and we have spoken much of the antagonism between East and West.
62.	The issues which have so clearly emerged today as symptoms of the malaise which afflicts the world—inflation, the imbalance of payments, the monetary system, food, security, the commodity problem, and the like—indicate that future battle lines would be drawn on even a more fundamental basis, perhaps between poor and rich, between South and North.
63.	It is surely to forestall this conflict that the debate between the North and the South must be expanded into a dialogue and then quickened into an agreed agenda of action for today, tomorrow and the day after.
64.	I believe that our collective will and our united action, not only at the national level but in the global context, will enable us to overcome the challenges of the present. We cannot pass the buck. It is our world. We must not only survive in it. We must improve it.
"May the rain fall in time,
"May the harvest be rich,
"May the world be prosperous,
"May the rulers be righteous."


Please accept our warm congratulations, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. In sharing in the assurances of appreciation of your own merits, achievements and experience that have been addressed to you from this rostrum, I should like, as representative of Poland, to underscore your personal contribution to the preparation of the process of normalization and development of relations between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. We join in the good wishes already expressed that, under your Presidency, the present session will bring about propitious and beneficial results.
50.	We convey our feelings of high esteem and gratitude to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, who used all his talents, dedication and efficiency in guiding its work.
51.	As always, we follow with appreciation the tireless and dedicated activity of the Secretary General of the Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and the efforts he makes with a view to solving complex international problems.
52.	We are pleased to be able to welcome in our midst today the newly admitted State, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. May we also reiterate how much we rejoice at the birth of a newly independent State in Africa, Zimbabwe. Their accession to independence and unanimous admission to the Organization mark further progress in the great historic process of decolonization, of which Poland was and continues to be a consistent proponent. We wish the new States every success in building their respective statehoods and in their socioeconomic development.
53.	Each year the interval between the sessions of this august forum brings new phenomena, new issues and new experiences in the life of individual nations and of the entire international community. We are meeting here, among the representatives of 154 States, in order to draw appropriate conclusions from them. These conclusions must first and foremost be consistent with the purposes which we have ourselves enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations— the maintenance of peace, the strengthening of international security and the establishment of conditions for the creative development of all nations.
54.	The recent past has brought profound experiences to the people of Poland. We assess them in the context of our entire post-war development, in the perspective of the 35 years which have passed since the victory over Nazism, paid for dearly with irreplaceable lives, and since the emergence of the People's Republic of Poland. During that period, through a gigantic effort of our people, we have rebuilt our country from the ravages of war, entered the road towards the all-embracing progress of our homeland, ensured full employment for all our citizens and created universal and free access to education at all levels, to culture and to health care.
55.	In the complex process of our socioeconomic development, we have not escaped difficulties, whether objective or subjective. We tackle and solve them with all openness and consideration, within the framework of what constitutes our nation's indisputable record of accomplishment, in accordance with our principles, our political system and the socialist rule of law, in the name of consolidating the unity of the people in the effort for the common good.
56.	Our independent existence, sovereign development and lasting security are inseparably bound up with the strengthening of socialist Poland, which is linked through friendship and alliance with the Soviet Union and is a strong component of the community of socialist States. Precisely such a Poland, an important factor of stabilization and peace in Europe, will continue to be fully committed to its role of co-maker of permanent security on our continent and an active contributor to efforts towards peaceful and equitable cooperation throughout the world. Such a Poland is and will remain a consistent advocate of a broad dialogue and many-sided cooperation with States having different socio-political systems, on the basis of the record so far accomplished in this field, in keeping with the principles of peaceful coexistence.
57.	We come to the present session faithful to the principles and purposes on which Poland's foreign policy has invariably been based throughout the entire post-war period. They include the struggle for the peace and security of the nations of Europe and of the world, the consolidation of detente and the development of comprehensive international cooperation.
58.	We have been witnessing lately numerous threats and tensions in international relations. Their underlying causes are varied and complex. Together with our allies, we have been pointing out for years—and, last May, we most forcefully reaffirmed this in the declaration of States parties to the Warsaw Treaty —that the main threat to peace and detente lies in the arms race, encouraged as it is by cold war circles and by military and industrial complexes, and in the attempts to revive a policy based on a position of strength.
59.	The sources of evil include, moreover, all vestiges of colonialism and neo-colonial forms of domination and interference and the practice of apartheid and various forms of racism and racial discrimination, which continue to breed tensions not only on a regional but also on a global scale.
60.	The economic difficulties, and the energy problems in particular, which the world is now experiencing, combined with policies of protectionism, differences in the level of economic development and mounting demographic problems, are further important indicators of the present state of the world.
61.	Many statesmen believe that mankind has come to a crossroads. Our Polish experience of history and the vital interests of all nations generate a desire that the world follow a road based on peaceful coexistence, strengthening of mutual understanding and just, equitable cooperation and on the implementation of the noble, humanistic purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. It cannot, however, be based on the escalation of dangerous and costly armaments, the incitement of mutual distrust and the creation of ever new tensions.
62.	We firmly believe that, despite pressures brought to bear by imperialism, the world will choose the road of peaceful development. We are fortified in this conviction by the positive experience and achievements of the years that have passed. For no sensible person can deny that the time which separates us from the most ferocious of wars, the time during which it proved possible to avert a global conflict, has brought much good to the nations of all continents. Indeed, would it have otherwise been possible to pursue the policy of active peaceful coexistence of States with different political systems and to continue detente and extensive cooperation between them? Would the social progress achieved in many States have been possible? Would the entire process of decolonization and of the economic development of many regions of the world have proved feasible?
63.	The positive impact upon European relations of the process of constructive transformations between East and West, especially in the past decade, can hardly be denied. The signatories of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe can be credited with important accomplishments in peaceful cooperation.
64.	Poland was one of the initiators of this process. We have been fully involved in the action to ensure its success. We know full well what a difficult task it was and how many obstacles had to be overcome on the road to detente. In this process there was and still is room for positive action by each and every State, irrespective of its socioeconomic system, size or potential. Poland, together with its allies, advances consistently towards the goal of building strong foundations of peace and security and establishing an infrastructure of all-round cooperation in Europe. We invariably favour the broadest possible dialogue with all States. Our contribution to European politics can be illustrated by the traditional relations between Poland and France, which might serve as a good example of relations between States with different political systems. Ten years ago we concluded a treaty with the Federal Republic of Germany on the basis of which we have developed the process of normalization of our mutual relations. Basing ourselves upon the historic Final Act of Helsinki, we have further developed the dialogue and cooperation with its signatories—all European States, the United States and Canada. We shall follow this course consistently.
65.	Our concern for the fate of European detente and world peace and security has been reflected, in the present difficult period, in a number of initiatives and specific actions. Along with our allies, we have elaborated many constructive proposals with a view to easing and eliminating tensions in Europe and the world at large. At a time when the policy of detente was being threatened, we were among those who were doing their utmost to preserve contacts and dialogue in relations between East and West.
66.	This year marks the tenth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. It provides a good opportunity to reflect on what we have attained and on what still remains to be done to give effect to its provisions. We can say with a full sense of responsibility: there is no such thing as a situation on which it is too complicated to take up or resume a dialogue, to seek constructive solutions, as long as all the parties are ready to demonstrate the indispensable political will, stemming from an understanding of the vital significance of the most important matters, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security and respect for the sovereign rights of nations.
67.	In the struggle for peace, all rational, constructive initiatives count. We note with genuine satisfaction that, in response to tensions and threats, broadly representative social forces which come out in support of protecting and continuing detente and halting the arms race are becoming more active. This is, in fact, becoming a preoccupation of many people of great wisdom and goodwill. We highly value the words of Pope John Paul II on the supreme question of peace for mankind.
68.	We consider the consolidation of detente and the prevention of a new escalation of the arms race to be most urgent at present. These two component questions are closely interlinked and mutually conditional. What is more, their successful resolution will determine the political situation throughout the world.
69.	The state of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States remains of paramount importance. These relations, it is obvious, exert a decisive impact on the international atmosphere and on matters of the peace and security of nations in a global context.
70.	A year ago, from this rostrum, the Polish delegation—like, indeed, many other delegations—expressed optimism and hope, which we all shared at the time, in connexion with the signing of the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, SALT II. We trust that the Treaty, which serves not only the vital interests of the two Powers but the cause of world peace and security as well, will be ratified at the earliest possible time.
71.	In December 1979, the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] took a decision concerning deployment in Western Europe of new types of nuclear missile weapons. The decision, without any doubt, has become a factor hindering the process of detente, and not on a European scale alone. Dealing as it does a blow at the principle of equal security of the parties, it aims—which is particularly dangerous—at the lowering of the threshold for the use of nuclear weapons. It carries a threat of inconceivable consequences for the nations of Europe and for world peace.
72.	Poland, therefore, supports the constructive proposals of the Soviet Union to their full extent and declares itself in favour of negotiations on nuclear missile weapons in Europe. We welcome the announcement of a prompt commencement of such negotiations and hope for their success.
73.	Seven years have passed since the initiation of the Vienna Talks on the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. Poland is unceasingly interested in a prompt and meaningful breakthrough in these talks, so that they produce appropriate agreements. The latest proposals presented by States parties to the Warsaw Treaty constitute another significant step towards bringing the respective positions closer together.
74.	Considering the realities of the situation now obtaining on the European continent, we believe there is urgent need to elaborate a satisfactory negotiating formula concerning military detente and disarmament. This, in our opinion, could be made possible by taking up and developing the idea of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe, which has been advanced by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. Such a conference should agree upon confidence-building measures and subsequently lead to a reduction of military confrontation and a limitation of military activities in that important part of the world which has the greatest accumulation of dangerous weapons.
75.	In reiterating early this year the proposal to convene the conference, Poland offered to act as host to it in its capital. This would be an honour for our country, and Warsaw, we believe, would be a worthy and proper place to hold such an important international meeting.
76.	Poland will seek a decision during the Madrid meeting which will make it possible to convene such a conference in the shortest possible time. Its deliberations would make a valuable contribution to the consolidation of a broad and positive process, combining political and military detente into one inseparable whole.
77.	Disarmament issues, which are closely linked with the security of nations and with the conditions for their socioeconomic development, have been and continue to be the focus of attention of the States of the world. This was confirmed by the debates and results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly in 1978. I should like to express the conviction that the impulse which that session gave to disarmament negotiations will result shortly in the finalization of new disarmament agreements, including those concerning the prohibition of all nuclear weapon tests, the prohibition of chemical and radiological weapons and the prohibition of new types and new systems of weapons of mass destruction. Poland will continue to act with all determination in this direction.
78.	In the present complex situation, it is important to initiate realistic steps with a view to reducing the danger of war. That is the idea behind the proposals submitted the other day by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Andrei Gromyko [6th meeting]. They include most timely postulates concerning non-expansion of existing military political groupings and renunciation, as from 1 January 1981, of the expansion of armed forces and conventional armaments. Other important proposals made by the Soviet Union cover negotiations with a view to granting appropriate guarantees to non-nuclear weapon States as well as the prompt conclusion of an international treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests. In our opinion, giving effect to these proposals would considerably reduce the direct threats facing mankind today. They contain an initiative which, when taken up, would give a new, broader dimension to the struggle for a more secure world for us and for the generations to come.
79.	We believe that, in view of the special significance of disarmament in the nuclear field, the strengthening of the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons retains its lasting importance. In this context, it is worth stressing the validity of the idea of nuclear free zones in Europe also, and zones of peace in different regions of the world, for instance, in the region of the Indian Ocean, as well as the validity of the idea of strengthening security assurances to non-nuclear weapon States.
80.	At the recently concluded Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, we paid special attention to measures aimed at the strengthening of the regime of non-proliferation, which would also be compatible with the interests of peaceful utilization of nuclear energy.
81.	The concern for the future of the world and for the fate of nations makes it imperative to break out of the vicious circle of tensions and conflicts by seeking just and enduring solutions to acute political problems in different regions of the world. In reducing and extinguishing hotbeds of tension and conflict, we recognize an important component of the struggle for the strengthening of international security. To the best of our ability, we have taken and are still taking part in the efforts aimed at their solution pursued both within and outside the United Nations.
82. We fully reaffirm our position concerning a comprehensive and just settlement of the situation in the Middle East, in which the key issue is the question of ensuring independent statehood for the Arab people of Palestine, in accordance with the postulates of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], a settlement that would bring lasting security to all States of the region.
83.	It is imperative to ensure peaceful development, good neighbourly relations and cooperation for all nations of Southeast Asia. A good basis to achieve this has been provided by the proposals of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and of a number of other States. The acceptance of political realities, including the recognition of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its Government and the termination of hegemonistic pressures against the States of IndoChina, constitute an important condition for a process of stabilization and cooperation in the region.
84.	Realism, honesty, the right to progressive transformations and security—these are the guiding elements of our approach to the complex problems of Southwest Asia, including the situation concerning the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. We support the initiatives of the Government of Afghanistan towards solving the existing issues through mutual recognition, in the spirit of good neighbourliness and cooperation.
85.	On the twentieth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we could not stress more emphatically the need for immediate and final eradication of the remnants of colonialism in southern Africa and of its particularly abhorrent form, apartheid. The elimination of the vestiges of colonialism and of all forms of neo-colonial dependence is also an essential prerequisite for ensuring world peace, justice and the security of nations.
86.	Poland is in full solidarity with the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America fighting for their national and social liberation, the consolidation of their statehoods and their socioeconomic development. We feel close to the main themes and objectives formulated by them, inter alia, in the resolutions of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979.  We highly appreciate the constructive role played by the nonaligned movement in international relations.
87.	We view with understanding and sympathy the economic claims of the developing countries emanating from their long-term legitimate interests and objectives. At the recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly, we presented Poland's position regarding these matters.  To the best of our ability, we shall act jointly in developing a new, just world economic order. Our position of principle has been repeatedly placed on record on various occasions, also in the course of formulating the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
88.	We realize the significance of and support the concept of global negotiations on economic cooperation for development. We believe that these negotiations, conducted within the United Nations system, should aim at taking specific action, promoting development of international economic cooperation.
89.	Poland is vitally interested in the expansion of comprehensive cooperation with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. We are linked to many of them by intensive and mutually advantageous trade exchanges and industrial cooperation, as well as collaboration in the sphere of investments, science, technology, culture and training of personnel. We shall consistently strive to expand this cooperation in the spirit of the idea of partnership for development.
90.	I have outlined in general terms Poland's position with respect to the key issues of the international situation as it obtains at present. I realize that I may have left out many important and crucial issues. They will be dealt with, though, by members of my delegation in other statements during the Assembly's current session.
91.	The awareness that we have to live and act in a world full of complex problems and tensions should stimulate us to even more active endeavours. In the interest of world peace and in the interest of progress and mankind's development, the entire international community should concentrate on activities covering these fundamental objectives: we should strive, by way of concrete action, not only to maintain, but greatly to intensify the international dialogue on the basic issues of international security and cooperation; we should bring about, through a cooperative effort, the consolidation of the process of political detente and its extension into the military field; we should make a genuine breakthrough in the efforts to halt the arms race and proceed to real disarmament; we should demonstrate the maximum political goodwill and wisdom in action aimed at reducing tensions and strengthening peace and security in different regions of the world; last but not least, we should strive energetically to overcome the obstacles on the road towards the establishment of a new international economic order based upon the principles of justice and equality and enhancing the solution of difficult and complex problems of socioeconomic development.
92.	Poland appreciates the important role which the United Nations can and should play in the strengthening of peace and security, in the development of friendly relations between nations and in the expansion of international cooperation. What counts is the fullest possible utilization of the possibilities offered by the constitution of the Organization; the Charter of the United Nations, in initiating actions of both global and complementary regional dimensions, for peace is an indispensable prerequisite for the successful solution of other pressing international problems, in particular for accelerating socioeconomic development.
93.	In the course of the 35 years of existence of the Organization, the world has time and again lived through difficult moments. Thanks to joint efforts, we have managed so far to weather the crises. The United Nations has taken an active part in these efforts, becoming ever stronger and richer with new experience. Today, the Organization is faced with particularly important tasks. In declaring my country's readiness to cooperate, I wish to stress that Poland has followed, is following and will continue to follow a policy of respect for and realization of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. As a European State, it will at the same time strive for a full and integrated implementation of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. It is in this spirit that the Polish delegation intends to play a constructive part in the current session of the General Assembly and will do all it can to contribute to its successful work and fruitful results.