Sir, allow me, first of all, to join the representatives who have spoken before me in congratulating you on your well-deserved election to the high office of President of the thirty-first regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation is confident that in the genuine tradition of justice and equity, which are vital principles of non-alignment, your dedication and eminent qualities will guide this session to a successful conclusion. We are particularly happy that we have a President from Sri Lanka, a non-aligned country, where the latest summit Conference of non-aligned countries has just been held. We are convinced that your eminent qualities as an experienced and able diplomat, which have proved invaluable in the current negotiations on the law of the sea, will be a great asset to this session. On behalf of the Zambian delegation, I pledge our co-operation in the execution of your heavy and important task.
159.	May I also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, for his untiring and successful efforts in presiding over the deliberations of the thirtieth regular session of this Assembly.
160.	The death of Chairman Mao Tsetung has left the people of Zambia with a deep sense of grief. Chairman Mao Tsetung symbolized those qualities that have marked and will continue to mark the outstanding and phenomenal achievements of the People's Republic of China and that country's contribution to the world as a whole in many fields of human endeavor. Chairman Mao Tsetung was a great revolutionary leader whose life was a shining example of dedication and self-sacrifice in the cause of the Chinese people and that of mankind as a whole. Even before the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in July 1921, he dedicated his life to the cause of the oppressed people of China against imperialism and domestic reaction. He was a worker, a teacher, a great guerrilla leader, a philosopher and a great statesman. In all these and other walks of life, he was an uncompromising champion of the cause of the downtrodden.
161.	China's commitment to the cause of liberation and to the fundamental rights and interests of the developing world is an inspiration to the majority of mankind. We in Zambia mourn Chairman Mao Tsetung because he and his great revolutionary country have been reliable supporters, not only of Zambia, but of our oppressed brothers and sisters in southern Africa. Under the wise chairmanship of Mao Tsetung, the friendly people of China have forged a profound bond of friendship and co-operation based on a genuine commitment to the just cause of mankind. Chair-man Mao Tsetung has left us with lasting inspiration and pride.
162.	In this connexion, Mr. President, I wish to convey, through you, to the delegation of the People's Republic of China my delegation's profound sense of sorrow and grief at the death of that great revolutionary leader.
163.	Since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, little has taken place to shift the balance on the inter-national scene from one of too much emphasis on national or regional military strength to one of a fairer consideration of the genuine needs of the entire world community. Yet the fulfillment of the basic needs of mankind as a whole is a more secure basis for international peace and security. In the contemporary world, the United Nations is placed in a difficult position; for, while it is trying to promote the genuine needs of mankind in the political, economic, cultural and other fields, it is often subjected to pressures and even bullying from 'those of its membership who use their near-monopoly of crude physical power without international authority.
164.	Let me briefly address myself to a great challenge of our time -namely, development and international economic co-operation.
165.	During the past year, development and co-operation for development have increasingly become important in international politics. Indeed, development issues have today acquired a dominant, if not central, place in world affairs and in the minds of statesmen. In a real sense, development and international co-operation for development have now regained the attention previously held in the early 1960 s, when the First United Nations Development Decade was initiated by this world body in order to pursue policies to accelerate the economic and social progress of developing countries.
166.	This is indeed as it should be, for we have all witnessed with great consternation the widening gap be-tween expectations and fulfillment in the intervening period of IS years. The hopes and aspirations of the developing nations occasioned by past declarations of Development Decades have remained largely disappointed and unfulfilled. Such hopes and aspirations for a greater and a more equitable share in the world's economic and social benefits have nevertheless continued to rise. They have not, however, been met with corresponding commitment and concrete action from the developed countries.
167.	Meanwhile, in the face of prolonged neglect or indifference on the part of the developed countries, old problems have become more complex, new problems have been created, and crises have emerged. Consequently, the economic and social situation of the developing nations has further continued to deteriorate. We are familiar with the various serious and complex difficulties still confronting the developing nations-difficulties which have adversely affected the ability of their Governments to ensure even basic standards of living for their peoples.
168.	We in Zambia know these economic difficulties too well, having attained political independence barely 12 years ago. Since independence, the ruling United National Independence Party, the Government and peace-loving people of Zambia have vigorously worked towards the diversification of a once copper-oriented economy. We are proud to say that encouraging results are already evident with regard to self-sufficiency in staple food commodities. The implementation of the Zambian philosophy of humanism, a basic communal form of socialism which capitalizes on the importance of a man-centered society, has led to marked progress in the vital fields of rural reconstruction, education, health, agriculture and economic reforms.
169.	Unfortunately, on the international scene, the continued lack of significant progress in the important areas of trade, transfer of capital resources, debt adjustments, monetary reform, the transfer and development of appropriate technology to and within the developing countries constitute a major source of profound concern. In addition, the developing countries have had to bear the brunt of the world economic crisis, especially the ominous effects of recession and inflation in industrial countries.
170.	The complex problems which have afflicted the world economy in general, and the economies of poor countries in particular, have served to demonstrate and highlight the highly interdependent character of the world community. They have, with equal force, underlined the imperative necessity for bold and comprehensive solutions which correspond, both in scope and magnitude, to those complex problems.
171.	Significantly renewed and expanded efforts aimed at assisting the developing countries to be self-reliant have become all the more urgent and imperative. Evidently, additional means for an adequate effort to assist the developing countries are within the capabilities of the international community. The critical situation of the developing nations for the world social 2nd political environment must be accurately perceived and understood.
172.	Isolated, half-hearted and marginal measures applied thus far by industrialized countries are clearly inadequate to the gigantic task now before us, namely, to achieve a new and viable world order based on equity, justice and equality of economic opportunity among all countries- developed and developing, big and small. The costs of establishing such a world order are much less than the costs of the arms race, and the stakes for its achievement much higher.
173.	The road towards the establishment of a new international economic order has already been clearly defined. The task ahead will, admittedly, be difficult. The cardinal point that should be borne in mind is that the movement towards the new international economic order cannot be dismissed casually by any one individual or group of countries.
174.	The United Nations General Assembly, in both its sixth and seventh special sessions, has affirmed the principle of economic interdependence between the developed and developing countries. In addition, it has affirmed the principle of collective responsibility for the economic well-being and security of the world's developing nations. Moreover, common agreement was reached at the seventh special session on the need for structural changes in international economic relations through negotiation and mutual accommodation.
175.	These are some of the main objectives within the context of the new international economic order which it is now the solemn duty of all States, in particular those materially better off, to attain through concerted means. Other key objectives are contained, inter alia, in the declarations adopted at the recent United Nations conferences on industrialization, food, employment and habitat.
176.	It is therefore now incumbent on the community of nations to seize the opportunities thus afforded to give expression to its avowed solidarity in order to fulfill the commitment to change.
177.	During the past year, there have been signs of small, yet fairly significant and, it is to be hoped, irreversible, beginnings in our common endeavor to evolve a viable world order. One could discern a growing determination to work towards the achievement and equitable sharing of economic opportunities and the fruits of development. Although limited in both scope and magnitude, reference could be made to the decisions taken by the International Monetary Fund at its meeting in Kingston in January this year; the fourth session of UNCTAD held in May this year in Nairobi; the Conference on International Economic Co-operation currently taking place in Paris; and the application of the Lome Convention*
178.	International negotiations in process or in prospect, such as those within the framework of the Paris dialog or UNCTAD, require renewed political impetus to facilitate common agreement on the specific means and institutions for solving key global problems.
179.	In this connexion, my delegation would like to urge speedy agreement on, inter alia, the establishment of the common fund for financing buffer stocks-a fund to which Zambia has already pledged to contribute-and effective measures for dealing with the critical debt problems facing many developing countries.
180.	It is also encouraging that the developing countries have now, more than ever before, demonstrated their determination to develop and enhance their mutual co-operation in various fields, implementing thereby the principle of collective self-reliance which they have long espoused and championed.
181.	The relevant decisions adopted, both at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries held at Colombo and at the recent Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico, bear eloquent testimony to the heightened sense of collective self-reliance among the developing countries.
182.	The developing countries recognize the fact that the development of their peoples and economies depends primarily on their own efforts, although the success of their development efforts could be eased, or frustrated, by international assistance and trade policies.
183.	The achievement of greater self-reliance among the developing countries constitutes an indispensable ingredient of the new international economic order. It is a vital objective which deserves the unqualified support of the industrial countries.
184.	For a viable and just world order, which we are all seeking to establish, depends on collective self-reliance and progress in the developing countries and on co-operation and willingness to assist on the part of the industrial Countries. In the spirit of the growing recognition of interdependent interests of developed and developing countries and given the importance of equality of economic opportunity among nations, my delegation would strongly urge the developed countries to support and encourage developing countries in their determined efforts at achieving collective self-reliance.
185.	-	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is far from accomplishing the task for which it was convened, namely, the adoption of a convention dealing with all matters relating to the law of the sea.
186.	The Conference has yet to resolve central issues relating to various important matters such as, first, the rights and interests of all States to all natural resources in the area beyond the territorial seas of coastal States - whether those States are land-locked, coastal or geographically disadvantaged; secondly, issues relating to the exercise by land-locked States of their right of free access to and from the sea; and thirdly, rational exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed as the common heritage of all mankind and the equitable distribution of benefits derived therefrom.
187.	My delegation is aware that various proposals have been presented to the Conference on the Law of the Sea. My own delegation to that Conference is one of those that have presented concrete proposals. In relation to the first of the three matters to which I have just referred, I should like to mention specifically one important proposal which could very well lead to a break-through in the negotiations and provide a nucleus of an emerging consensus.
188.	Zambia believes that the world community should continue to recognize a belt of ocean space, of suitable width, known as the territorial sea of coastal States. This could probably be extended by the Conference on the Law of the Sea to 12 nautical miles, measured from the coasts of such States.
189.	Beyond such limits, however, the area and its resources should continue to belong to all mankind and may be apportioned according to regions or subregions. All States in such regions or subregions, whether land-locked, coastal or geographically disadvantaged, should continue to have equal rights, especially with regard to all natural resources. Such areas, which could be delimited in such a manner as not to undermine the economic viability of the remainder of the international area, might be known as regional or subregional economic zones.
190.	Similarly, proposals reflecting equitable, solutions have been made in respect of the second and third matters that I have just mentioned. Zambia's position on both these matters has already been elaborated in the course of the current negotiations on the law of the sea.
191.	My delegation has a keen interest in ensuring that the Conference on the Law of the Sea achieves satisfactory results. It should do so expeditiously but without sacrificing the hopes of all mankind for equity and justice. It is my delegation's view that this will be possible if all participating States renew their faith in, and recognition of, the fact that the mandate of the Conference relates to the ocean space and its resources which are the common heritage of all mankind and res communis. All States, whether land-locked, coastal or geographically disadvantaged, are looking forward to the equitable sharing of benefits derived from this common heritage.
192.	People want to be free from foreign and domestic oppression and exploitation. It is only when man's freedom and development are ensured that prospects for peace can prevail. Otherwise man will continue to move within a vicious circle, alternating between hot wars and relative peace. For the past three decades, the arms race has taken on frightening proportions. Yet this specter is man-made, as it initially grew out of an essentially Eurocentric ideological war.
193.	We are convinced that the relaxation of tensions in the world and the promotion of international peace and security are intricately related to the substantive progress in' the field of disarmament. We also agree with the declaration made in Colombo by the 85 members of the non-aligned movement that the arms race is inconsistent with the efforts aimed at achieving the new international economic order in view of the urgent need to divert the resources utilized for the acceleration of the arms race towards socio-economic development, particularly that of the developing countries [see A/311197, annex I, para. 136], It is in this context that we are convinced that meaningful and durable universal peace and security can be achieved not only through general and complete disarmament under effective international control but also through a consistent and sustained promotion in the basic needs of mankind, as failure in this regard greatly contributes to tensions between and within nations.
194. To tackle the problem of the arms race effectively, we in Zambia call for the convening of a World Disarmament Conference. In this respect, this Assembly should welcome and adopt the recommendation by the Colombo Conference for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly as early as possible on the question of disarmament [ibid., annex IV, resolution 12].
195.	The arms race, with its concomitant adverse spheres of influence, is spreading danger to traditionally peaceful areas of the world. For centuries the Indian Ocean has been relatively peaceful except during the painful period of the slave trade. Through it, man's interdependence was promoted by the use of its waters mainly for peaceful trade and commerce between continents. However, as I am speaking today, the peace of the Indian Ocean is being disturbed by its increasing militarization. The rivalry between the big Powers in the Indian Ocean is increasingly posing a great threat to the genuine interests of littoral and hinterland States and to the international community as a whole. It is because of this threat to the Indian Ocean, and even more so to the littoral and other States in the area, that Zambia and other countries have continued to call for the preservation of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
196.	The Middle East situation still remains a great threat to international peace and security. In Lebanon, people are being killed almost every day. The war in Lebanon must end, because its continuation is only diverting the attention of the world from the fundamental problem in that area. In the view of my delegation, there is nothing that has taken place in the Middle East since 1967 which would nullify Security Council resolution 242(1967) and other United Nations resolutions.
197.	Israel continues illegally to occupy Arab territories in defiance of the relevant resolutions and decisions of both this Assembly and the Security Council. Furthermore, Israel continues to deny the Palestinian people their inalienable rights to self-determination, national sovereignty and independence. Zambia believes that the Middle East problem will be resolved only when the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and nationhood are realized; when the security of all States in the Middle East is ensured; and when Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories is completed.
198.	The problem of Cyprus is a matter of great concern to us all. Numerous declarations have been made and resolutions adopted in the United Nations and other international forums, upholding the independence, the territorial integrity and the non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. Zambia submits that there is no justification for any State to go to the lengths of dividing another sovereign State into two or more entities on the grounds of ethnic diversity. We are opposed to the creation of new colonial situations in the world. In this connexion, we call upon all parties concerned to comply fully with the decisions and resolutions of this body in respect of the problem of Cyprus. It is our firm belief that as long as there is foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus no durable solution will be found to the problem and thus it will continue to be a threat to international peace and security.
199.	In Korea tension is high, primarily because of foreign intervention. The continued presence of foreign forces in the southern part of Korea masquerading as United Nations forces is inimical to the legitimate interests and aspirations of the people of Korea as a whole. This continued threat to international peace and security calls for urgent international action. We strongly urge the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Korea.
200.	The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has already demonstrated to the international community its seriousness of purpose and high degree of understanding in respect of the Korean problem. Zambia strongly supports the position that Korea should be admitted to the United Nations as a single unitary State. Once again, we in Zambia reaffirm our total support for the Korean people in their genuine efforts for the reunification of their country and the enjoyment of their lawful and legitimate rights in the United Nations.
201.	Interference in the internal affairs of the developing countries by the big Powers and other developed countries has assumed dangerous proportions. The independence and sovereignty of a number of developing countries remain under constant threat.
202.	Zambia has noticed, with dismay, that in the past months some reactionary Powers and forces are back in a vigorous way at their old game of destabilization. Efforts are being made to undermine the independence and sovereignty of a number of progressive Latin American, Caribbean and other developing countries whose only interest is to free themselves from centuries-old imperialist and neo-colonialist exploitation. We want to state here that affluence based on the exploitation of other States and peoples is criminal and is not in the interests of the millions of exploited people in the world. Such actions are meant to establish unequal relations between developing and so- called developed countries through a variety of subtle and insidious means.
203.	We are aware of the intensified determination and efforts by some big Powers to undermine the independence and sovereignty of Latin American and Caribbean States. Because of a growing yearning for genuine independence in Latin America and the Caribbean free from imperialist and neo-colonialist political and economic exploitation and plunder, some big Powers bent on perpetuating their political and economic domination of these regions have embarked on vicious measures aimed at destabilizing progressive and peace-loving countries of that region.
204.	In this connexion, the non-aligned countries and other progressive forces of the world will continue to render full support and offer solidarity to the progressive peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their just struggle against international imperialism and neo-colonialism. Some countries of that area are members of the non-aligned movement, and many more have shown a keen interest in the objectives and principles of the movement. We shall remain in full solidarity with our Latin American and Caribbean friends in their legitimate struggle for genuine national independence and sovereignty, including full control over their natural resources.
205.	The negative view held by some States in the world that the United Nations continues to play a marginal rather than a central role in world affairs will continue to have some validity, unless the institutionalized dictatorship of some permanent members of the Security Council through the veto system is removed. The United Nations must be democratized. The argument that the power of veto must go hand in hand with responsibility in world, affairs is invalidated by the fact that some of the Member States which continue to enjoy the right of veto in the Security Council have far less power and responsibility in the world of today compared with other Member States or groups of States which do not have such power of veto.
206. Furthermore, the veto has largely been more abused than exercised responsibly. In most cases it is used merely to serve the perceived national or group interests of the factions within the world power structure. One of the most vivid expressions of abuse of the veto is in the area of undermining the principle of universality. It is therefore intolerable to note that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola have not taken their rightful places here in the United Nations. We are, however, confident that soon the heroic peoples of Angola and Viet Nam will assume their legitimate and rightful places in this august Assembly.
207.	Let me now turn to issues of colonialism and racism. My delegation is happy to welcome the Republic of Seychelles as a Member of the United Nations. The accession of those islands to independence is a significant development in the history of decolonization and a matter, of great encouragement to the other peoples of Africa which are still fighting against colonialism and racism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
208.	One of the fundamental objectives of Zambia's foreign policy is to assist those struggling against colonialism and racism to win genuine freedom: Therefore, while we rejoice at the success of the people of Seychelles, my delegation is very disturbed at the continued neo-colonial situation on the Comorian island of Mayotte. We strongly deplore and reject that position because it constitutes a flagrant and unacceptable interference in the affairs of an independent African State; it has disturbing implications for all areas which are not yet free -other imperialist Powers may be tempted to maintain similar spheres of influence elsewhere -and it confirms the French Government's insincerity and inconsistency on questions of colonialism and racism. Zambia therefore calls upon this Assembly strongly to censure the French Government and to call upon it to stop forthwith that unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of the Comoros.
209.	Colonialism and racism are on the retreat in southern Africa. The oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia have stepped up the war of liberation against their oppressor, represented by Smith, Vorster and their imperialist collaborators. In South Africa itself, the black people and other non-white people oppressed in all aspects of their human existence have decided to call the bluff of the reactionary apartheid regime. Thus, as I am speaking today, armed struggle is going on with increasing intensity in Zimbabwe and Namibia. In South Africa itself, the black population and other progressive people of that country are sacrificing their blood for the liberation of their country. Many more are ready to fight. What they need are medicines, guns and other war material. No doubt, victory is on their side.
210.	The Zambian Government's position on Zimbabwe is very clear. Zambia supports the intensification of armed struggle. As is well known, attempts at achieving peaceful change in Zimbabwe that were undertaken strictly within the framework of the OAU mandate failed principally owing to the intransigent attitude of the racist regime of Ian Smith. Rebel leader Ian Smith then had every opportunity peacefully to transfer power to the majority. But the illegal Smith regime's short-sightedness had led to the intensification of armed struggle.
211.	The heroic struggle launched by the patriotic people of Zimbabwe has inflicted severe blows on the Smith minority racist regime. It is now obvious that the Smith regime has been forced to recognize and accept the inevitability of majority rule and the need to establish immediately a transitional Government to implement that principle.
212.	I wish to state here that Zambia is determined that Zimbabwe shall be born under a genuine, free and independent government. To that end, the armed struggle will continue in Zimbabwe until a genuine majority government is in control. We want to add here that what is best for Zimbabwe shall be determined by the people of Zimbabwe themselves, who have been victims of colonialism and racism for too long.
213.	In their Lusaka communique of 26 September 1976, issued as a reaction to Ian Smith's statement accepting majority rule for Zimbabwe within two years, the Presidents of Angola, the United Republic of Tanzania, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia put the entire Rhodesian situation in its true perspective: they gave credit to the armed struggle and paid a tribute to the gallant black freedom fighters of Zimbabwe. For it is the success of the armed struggle that has compelled the rebel leader Ian Smith and his collaborators to capitulate. Because of the unreliability of Ian Smith, the Presidents have insisted that a conference should be convened outside Zimbabwe by the Administering Authority, namely, the United Kingdom, with the authentic and legitimate representatives of the people in order:
"(A) To discuss the structure and functions of the transitional government.
"(B) To establish the transitional Government.
"(C) To discuss the modalities for convening a full constitutional conference to work out the independence constitution.
"(D) To establish the basis upon which peace and normalcy can be restored in the territory."
214.	In calling upon the United Kingdom to convene the conference, we are taking precautions against giving the white racist minority regime of Ian Smith any semblance of legitimacy or legality. It is for that and other reasons that Zambia rejects Ian Smith's proposals on the structure and functions of the council of State and council of ministers in which he plans to leave in the hands of the whites the chairmanship and the ministries of defense and law and order.
215.	We shall continue to support intensified aimed struggle until majority rule is assured and achieved. We appeal to the international community to continue the application of sanctions against the rebel colony of Southern Rhodesia until the establishment of an African majority government in Zimbabwe is attained.
216.	Having declared the inevitability of continued intensified armed struggle, it is important for the international community to increase its assistance to the liberation movements both materially and financially. Furthermore, it is now imperative to strengthen existing programs of assistance to the countries that have either closed their borders with Southern Rhodesia or have cut off vital trade in implementation of United Nations sanctions against that illegal white racist minority, regime. In that respect, the international community should not, at this crucial stage, minimize the attention it is focusing on the adverse economic and social consequences and human suffering experienced by those countries.
217.	For instance, in the struggle for human rights in southern Africa, Zambia has suffered considerably in human, financial and material terms. The cost to Zambia for implementing sanctions against the rebel regime of Ian Smith is already in excess of $US 450 million over the past three years.
218.	In Namibia, the racist regime of South Africa continues illegally to occupy that international Territory. The racist apartheid regime of South Africa continues to flout with impunity the United Nations resolutions on Namibia. In particular, it has blatantly ignored numerous Security Council resolutions on that Territory. In January of this year, the Security Council gave South Africa until 31 August 1976 solemnly to declare its intention to withdraw from Namibia and to agree to the holding of a national election in the Territory under United Nations supervision and control.  South Africa has arrogantly refused to withdraw from that Territory so as to enable the Namibian people to determine their own future. The racist regime of South Africa has increased its oppressive rule over Namibia and has conducted premeditated and flagrant wholesale massacres of the innocent peace-loving Namibian people. Furthermore,, the South African regime is using the international Territory of Namibia as a military base from which it launches attacks against the people of Namibia and the neighboring independent African countries, in particular the States of Angola and Zambia.
219.	The liberation struggle in Namibia has reached a decisive and crucial stage. Mere declarations of support and solidarity with the Namibian people in its struggle for independence and freedom are not in themselves enough. The Namibian patriots, under SWAPO, need practical material assistance in order for them effectively to conduct the war of liberation in their country. Therefore, we call upon countries and peoples that genuinely believe in the cause of the liberation of Namibia to provide SWAPO with the necessary assistance so that the people of Namibia can also enjoy peace, justice and freedom.
220.	Zambia reaffirms its position that the armed struggle in Namibia will continue unless South Africa immediately withdraws its armed forces and the entire oppressive administrative machinery from Namibia; Namibia becomes independent as a single unitary State; and SWAPO takes its legitimate place in Namibia as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
221.	To this end Zambia will continue to support SWAPO and to cooperate with the United Nations and the rest of the international community in working towards the achievement of these objectives. We shall neither accept nor co-operate with any puppet regime in Namibia sponsored by racist South Africa. However, Zambia, having rejected the so-called Turnhalle Constitutional Conference in Windhoek, strongly feels that any meaningful future conference on Namibia should be between SWAPO as the authentic representative of the Namibian people and South Africa as the illegal occupation regime. Such a conference should be held under the auspices of the United Nations as the legal and legitimate authority.
222.	In South Africa itself, the revolutionary situation that has been growing over the years is now ripe . As I stated earlier, the oppressed people of South Africa have now come out into the open to confront their oppressor. The spirit of Sharpeville has kindled the hearts of South African patriots, whose blood now flows in Soweto, Alexandra and in many other townships in South Africa. These patriots have chosen the only way open to them-indeed the only way to liberate their country, and that is with blood.
223.	Zambia condemns in the strongest terms the South African racist regime for its brutal massacres of the innocent oppressed people of South Africa. However, it is our firm view that, whatever military machine South
African can apply against the oppressed people of South Africa, their determination to achieve their cherished goal will surely surmount the evil and reactionary forces in their motherland. There is no doubt that the goal of freedom and justice for the oppressed people in South Africa will soon be attained.
224.	The racist regime of South Africa must know that the game of apartheid is up. That regime should scrap the system of apartheid immediately.
225.	The revolt that has now erupted throughout urban South Africa will be the determining factor in the advance towards social justice and human dignity. The situation in South Africa will never be the same. The obnoxious system of apartheid will be eradicated and replaced by majority rule. The freight train of revolt is on the move in South Africa and the Vorster racist regime, with all its military and naval arsenal, with all the kith-and-kin support from its traditional allies, will be violently pushed aside or knocked down never to rise again. To this end we appeal to all peace-loving countries and other progressive forces of the world to render more material assistance to the liberation movements of South Africa, namely, the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, so that they can wage the struggle for their birthright.
226.	We are all aware of the unholy alliance existing between the racist South African regime and a number of Western countries, including Israel. The collaboration be-tween these countries and the apartheid regime of South Africa in the political, economic, military and other fields is primarily aimed at oppressing and dominating in perpetuity the African and other non-white people in the interest of monopoly capital. In particular, we are gravely concerned at the French nuclear collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa, which has implications for peace and security in southern Africa as a whole. We call upon France to abandon this scheme and instead to join with all well-meaning countries in ostracizing the apartheid regime of South Africa.
227.	Let me also make it clear that Zambia rejects and condemns the decision of South Africa to grant so-called independence to Transkei, in pursuance of the. evil policy of "bantustans". This is nothing more than a scheme to divide and rule.
228.	Therefore, in southern Africa the war of liberation will continue in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa itself until genuine independence, freedom and justice are won under authentic representatives of the peoples of these countries. Zambia will continue to support the just struggle by our patriotic brothers and sisters in southern Africa. We shall continue to render all moral and material assistance possible to the oppressed people of southern Africa through their authentic liberation movements until their cherished goals and aspirations are fully attained.
229.	Allow me to state that, while our Organization continues to experience short-comings, especially in its role of maintaining international peace and security, it nevertheless manifests increasing strength and viability in many other areas of global concern. In this connexion we are mindful of the increasingly central role assumed by the United Nations in vital international discussions and negotiations covering various fields of global co-operation.
230.	It would be remiss of me if I did not pay a special tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our most dedicated and distinguished Secretary-General, for the vigilant and untiring efforts he has continued to render at the helm of this august Organization, oftentimes in extremely delicate and difficult circumstances. Mr. Waldheim has proved that he is committed to working relentlessly towards the fulfillment of the sacred principles of human dignity, social justice and world peace and security -all of which renders credence to the raison d'etre of the United Nations.
231.	Zambia once again pledges its full support of and confidence in the United Nations as a sanctuary of peace and security for all mankind. We appeal to all Member States, large and small, to pull together in order to enable the United Nations to function effectively.


With the Assembly's permission, my delegation would like to discharge what to us is an especially important duty. I hope it will not embarrass Mr. Amerasingihe if I extend to him our warmest congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
46.	That tribute was paid to him because of his outstanding qualities as a state-man and an experienced diplomat. It is also a tribute to his country, Sri Lanka, an Asian country which has played a decisive role in the growing self-awareness of the Afro-Asian peoples of the world.
47.	One of the principal promoters of Pan-Asianism and the Afro-Asian spirit, Sri Lanka is a founding member of the movement of the non-aligned countries, which today encompasses nearly all the countries of the third world. At New Delhi in March-April 1947, at Belgrade in September 1961, earlier at Colombo in April 1954 and at Bandung in April 1955, Sri Lanka was instrumental in building the anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist movements of Africa and Asia. My country has participated in all the third-world conferences since Bandung and can bear witness to this statement.
48.	It was in view of that exceptional contribution to the awakening of those who have been exploited and colonized on the five continents that the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, meeting at Colombo, appointed Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister of that country, Chairman of the non-aligned movement. That distinguished name of Bandaranaike which she so proudly bears calls forth moving memories of important stages in the emancipation struggle of the Afro-Asian peoples.
49.	President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, representative of the Chairman of the Co-ordinating Committee on non-aligned countries, Chair-man of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the limits of National Jurisdiction, and Chairman of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories- Mr. Amerasinghe has all the qualities and experience needed to conduct our work. The delegation of Mali wishes, through me, to assure him of our active co-operation.
50.	Secondly, I wish, through you, Mr. President, sincerely to thank Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, who so skilfully conducted the proceedings of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Thanks to his talents and vitality, he steered our difficult debates clear of a number of shoals. His success was particularly welcome to me because Luxembourg and my country have very friendly relations, both bilaterally and within the association of members of the European Economic Community and of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group, in which he has been a prime mover.
51.	My delegation would not like to conclude these comments without expressing to the Secretary-General our appreciation for the outstanding services that he has rendered to the cause of peace and harmony in the world. He is a trustworthy man with a sense of duty. Mr. Kurt Waldheim, during his brief term of office, has traveled to all continents of the world to take our Organization's message of hope. My delegation wishes to express to him our appreciation for the exceptional contribution that he has made with his characteristic political courage to strengthening the role of the United Nations throughout the world.
52.	Scarcely two months after OAU did so, the United Nations, on 21 September last, admitted a new Member, the Republic of Seychelles. My delegation bids welcome to that fraternal country and extends to its Government and people our warmest congratulations. We wish to pledge to them Mali's fraternal co-operation. A multiracial country and member of OAU, which acceded to independence in peace and concord, the Seychelles will, I am sure, make a valuable contribution to our work.
53.	My delegation would like also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the victory of the valiant Angolan people over the imperialist forces and their puppets who tried to block their independence. We bow humbly in memory of all those patriots who have fallen for the sacred cause of freedom in Angola. The People's Republic of Angola is a reality today which the world cannot ignore. It is a member of OAU and is recognized by nearly all the States Members of our Organization. The victory of the heroic people of Angola, who fought spontaneously under the banner of the Movimento Popular de Libertao de Angola [MPLA], under the leadership of Agostinho Neto, is the victory of all peace-loving peoples in the world over colonialists and racists. It is also a victory for the United Nations, which has solemnly proclaimed in its Charter the right of all peoples to freedom and independence.
54.	The international Community can no longer tolerate the unjustified and unbearable obstruction of the admission of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations. More and more people here are speaking out against those attempts, because they undermine the prestige of our Organization and are also a flagrant violation of the principle of universality, which is the very strength of our Organization. The admission of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam cannot be postponed any longer, without defying democracy and calling into question the moral authority of the United Nations. The thirty-first session of the General Assembly must live up to its responsibilities and assert what is right and just concerning the admission of those two States, which find the door of the United Nations unfairly closed to them by reason of the improper use of the veto right by the United States of America.
55.	The maintenance of that exorbitant privilege which was granted by the founders at San Francisco to the allied Governments following their victory over Nazism can no longer be justified and is no longer in keeping with present-day reality or with simple justice. The decisions of the United Nations must reflect the interests of all the Member States. In such fundamental questions of the admission of States, a single Member can no longer assert certain domestic considerations which have little to do with the mission assigned to the Organization by its Charter. It is reprehensible indeed that a single negative vote can cancel out the positive votes of 14 other members of the Security Council. That is a denial of the principles of democracy. We must put an end to that anomaly which paralyses our Organization and discredits us in the eyes of the peoples of the world which we represent.
56.	The improper use of the veto right by certain permanent members of the Security Council has blocked the process of decolonization in southern Africa and has put a brake on effective action by the international community to bring down the racist and rebel regimes of Pretoria, Salisbury and Tel Aviv. Assured of impunity, thanks to the protection of their allies, they are openly challenging our Organization and have done so for a number of decades. That is why, at its thirteenth session, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU, meeting at Port Louis, adopted a resolution calling for a reconsideration of the veto right in the United Nations. We are sure that a number of delegations here present share the views and concern of OAU on that question.
57.	In the opinion of my delegation, the imperative task before us, namely the democratization and the rationalization of our institutions, requires that we reconsider the veto right of some Member States in the organ which is primarily responsible for the maintenance of peace in the world, the raison d'Stre of our Organization, this question must occupy a central role in our efforts to revise the Charter and restructure our institutions. The efficiency and the credibility of the United Nations depend on that action. I remain convinced that everyone has a proper appreciation of the importance of what is at stake.

58.	The sessions of the General Assembly give us an opportunity to review the international situation, to sum up what we have done for peace over the past year and to contemplate the future in the light of the objectives of the Charter. In this connexion, while we may say that relative peace has reigned in South-East Asia since the victory in the spring of 1975 of the patriotic fronts in Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, at the same time we must realize that with respect to certain sources of tension, the focus has shifted to Africa and western Asia. The bloodshed at Soweto, the general uprising of the blacks and the Coloreds in the large towns of South Africa against the inhumanity of apartheid and the savage and blind repression which followed, and which indeed continues today, reminded the international community of the ugly nature of the Fascist regime in Pretoria.
59.	Some like to say, perhaps to quiet their consciences, that for the past three decades there has been no war in the world. For them, regardless of the number of the victims, an armed confrontation is no undue source of concern, unless the arena is Europe and unless it endangers the major military Powers. In the terminology of those "mentors", the wars in Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia, in the course of which the aggressors and their allies in the South-East Asia Treaty Organization used the means of mass destruction and extermination in a vain attempt to reduce the peoples of those countries to subjection, those wars are merely local conflicts. A more cynical view, indeed, could not be taken. It is not a well-known fact that in Viet Nam alone the quantities of bombs that were dropped during the 30 years of the national liberation struggle equaled in force all the bombardments that took place during the Second World War? From January to August 1973, from 4,000 to 5,000 tons of bombs per month were dropped on Cambodia, which is the equivalent of six atomic bombs of the type used at Hiroshima. For our part we would contradict that incorrect theory and say that the world has not known peace since 1939. The theater of war has moved from Europe to the third world, where violence has at times been extreme.
60.	Africa, like Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia, does not need the "compassion" of those theoreticians and, if necessary, it will take up arms to free itself from the yoke of the racist regime of Pretoria and the rebel clique of Ian Smith. The peoples of those countries are on a war footing and they are determined today more than ever to recover the land of their ancestors and to determine their own future. The killings at Soweto, Alexandra and other black ghettos in South Africa have only made them stronger.
61.	We consider in this connexion that the historic communique of the Council of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five Nordic countries published at Copenhagen on 20 August last is an exceptional contribution to the liberation struggle of Africa. We should like to extend our thanks and congratulations to the peoples and Governments of those countries who have not spared their material, moral and political support to the freedom fighters.
62.	My delegation condemns, however, the recent agreement between South Africa and France on a nuclear power station.
63.	The international community will assume sole responsibility for the racial confrontation brought about by its own inertia. The fact that some major Powers have paralysed the United Nations gives Africans no alternative
but to wage an armed struggle to win their inalienable right to freedom. We shall not retreat because ours is a just fight and our victory is inevitable. Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia will be liberated. Mayotte will become part of the Comorian group, to which it has never ceased to belong. France has illegally occupied that province of the Comoros and must give it up immediately.
64.	No stalling tactics, regardless of how subtle they may be, and no military force can prevent the African peoples from achieving their final goal, namely, the total liberation of the last bastions of colonialism and racism in Africa. The last vestiges of colonialism will also be uprooted from the continents of Asia and Latin America by their people.
65.	Returning to western Asia, we note that there has been no progress in settling the two crises which have existed there for a number of years, namely, the crisis in the Middle East and the crisis in Cyprus.
66.	The situation in the first case is stalled because Israel refuses to abide by the relevant decisions of our Organization. The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, created by General Assembly resolution 3376 (XXX), has had no greater success with the authorities in Tel Aviv.
67.	The tragedy which continues to tear Lebanon apart and which indeed is a constant and daily threat to the very existence of that country and its people is one of the tragic consequences of the lack of improvement in the situation in that region.
68.	Tension is mounting in the Middle East and Israel continues to arm itself feverishly and to strengthen its alliance and military co-operation with the racist and Fascist regime in Pretoria. The theory of secure and recognized boundaries advanced by the officials in Tel Aviv is more and more being replaced by that of secure and defensible boundaries. The establishment of settlements, which has become State policy, is being frantically pursued in the occupied Arab territories. The "Koenig plan" is being hatched; here we have an antisocial plan which advocates a series of measures to check the growth of the Arab population in the country.
69.	The situation in the Middle East remains more explosive than ever. Israel's boasting and untimely out-bursts can ignite the powder at any moment. The United Nations must therefore reactivate the process of finding a settlement to the Middle East crisis before it is too late. It is above all up to the United Nations to implement the relevant resolutions which it adopted on the question and which established the framework, namely, Israel's unconditional withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
70.	This latter question is at the very heart of the Middle East crisis. That is why our Organization believes that the return of the Palestinian people to its homeland, which was usurped by international Zionism, is the sine qua non for a settlement. The Committee which was established to that end at the last session of the General Assembly was unfortunately not able to carry out its mission owing to
Israel's categorical refusal to co-operate with it. We must therefore see to it at this session that the Tel Aviv Government gives up its negative and belligerent attitude. If necessary, we must force it to do so by having recourse to the relevant provisions of the Charter. Let us not wait until violence breaks out in the area before attempting to contain it. Let us act in accordance with our responsibilities while there is still time. That is the price for a return to a just and lasting peace in this martyred land of the Middle East.
71.	The other center of tension in western Asia, Cyprus, continues to be a source of concern to us. Indeed, since the adoption by the General Assembly in 1974 of resolution 3212 (XXIX), no progress has been made in the inter- communal talks which that resolution recommended to the parties and which constitute the most appropriate framework for negotiating a just and lasting settlement of the crisis, that is to say, a settlement that would safeguard the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and policy of non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, which our Organization has pledged to guarantee.
72.	The five series of talks held under the auspices of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Cyprus have not produced any significant result. However, the doors are still open to new attempts at a settlement. The praiseworthy efforts that the Secretary-General continues to make to establish a basis for resumed negotiations among the parties should be supported and encouraged by our Assembly.
73.	When I spoke a moment ago about South-East Asia, I said that there was only relative peace there. I would add that it will remain precarious so long as that sub-continent continues to be plagued by the access of the Korean crisis. This was dramatically revealed by the well-known tree- cutting incident of August last. It was quite possible that that incident could have degenerated into open hostilities, and our Organization would have found itself involved, even though it has no effective responsibility in the country. Indeed, during this incident the so-called United Nations Command in Korea was receiving its instructions from a third authority and not from our Organization.
74.	We must draw a lesson from that. In fact, the United Nations served only to lend its name throughout the Korean war. It is only by making use of this subterfuge that the southern part of the country was turned into a military base for aggression, endowed with a formidable arsenal which even includes nuclear warheads. That is an example of the danger to peace and security in South-East Asia as a result of the tension persisting in Korea, as well as indication of the gravity of our responsibilities in maintaining the so-called United Nations Command. That is why my delegation believes that its dissolution is imperative, as was decreed by the General Assembly in its resolution 3390 B (XXX), which was not implemented because of the obstruction of certain Member States.
75.	The Koreans and the Koreans alone must be allowed to settle their dispute without any foreign interference. The foreign armed forces now in place there must be withdrawn unconditionally, in order to make it possible for negotiations to resume between the two parties on the basis of the 4 July 1972 joint communique of their Red Cross Societies.
The Armistice Agreement of 27 My 1953 is no longer relevant, and it must be replaced by a peace agreement. In the settlement of the Korean crisis,' the United Nations must ensure the territorial integrity of the country, which it has pledged to guarantee. Resolution 3390 B (XXX) remains valid in this connexion; our Organization must require that all its provisions be implemented.
76.	As we have just seen, the international situation once again confirms that the third world is not benefiting from detente; its promoters in any case conceived it only for the European continent and related areas beyond the Atlantic. The detente held out to us is based more on a balance of terror than on a real political desire to promote peace and true collective security in the world. Because of that, its foundations are fragile and its scope limited.
77.	The third world has become accustomed to this cruel reality. That is why the arms race is being frantically pursued. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and the partial disarmament agreements concluded thus far have, as we have always said, been- outside the framework of real disarmament, that is to say, general, complete and con-trolled disarmament. The second round of the strategic arms limitations talks remains suspended and the conference on the mutual and balanced reduction of forces in central Europe seems to have come to a standstill.
78.	As the Secretary-General so aptly said in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization:
"Any significant advance towards a system of world order based on collective responsibility will depend upon a degree of disarmament and upon a climate of confidence, both of which are lacking today." [See Aftl/l/ Add. 1, sect. V.]
No one is any longer deceived and no State any longer believes in the theory of collective security, which nevertheless remains vital for the survival of mankind. That is why increasing amounts are being spent on armaments.
79.	Again in the introduction to his report the Secretary- General indicated this when he said:
"... while the world spends approximately $300 billion a year on armaments, the net flow of official development assistance amounts to some $15 billion a year. Resources devoted to the arms race since the end of the Second World War have exceeded $6,000 billion} which is roughly equivalent to the 1976 gross national product of the entire world." [Ibid.]
That is stupefying!
464
80.	Vertical and horizontal nuclear proliferation is continuing. The "grey" market is expanding daily. The Fascist and belligerent regimes, such as those of Pretoria, Taiwan and Tel Aviv, now have nuclear capability thanks to official transactions. The world is living with the specter of self-destruction, while it must at the same time cope with the most serious challenges in its long history. But the words of the Preamble of the Charter are before us to remind us of the solemn commitments which we have undertaken vis-a-vis future generations. There is still time for the international community to come to its senses and resolutely move towards genuine disarmament, that is, general, complete and controlled disarmament.
81.	In this connexion we would recommend to the Assembly for assessment and consideration the resolution adopted at the Colombo Conference, in which the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on this question was proposed. [A/31/197, annex IV, resolution 12.]
82.	As I said during the general debate last year,  the insecurity which characterizes the international situation in regard to peace is also, unfortunately, a feature of the world economic situation. The same division exists, namely, the developed world on one side and the third world or the developing world on the other.
83.	More than two years after the sixth special session and one year after the seventh special session, which established the bases of a new international economic order to redress the imbalance, no progress has been made in the implementation of the celebrated Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)], which are the basis and the charter of that new international economic order.
84.	World-wide inflation, the recession in the industrialized countries and the iniquities of international trade have only widened the gap between the developed countries and the developing countries. Even before the world crisis the developing countries were finding it difficult to keep up with the implacable needs of development, and now their situation has worsened as a result both of the decrease in their resources and of the reduced flow of the foreign capital necessary for them to maintain their growth rate. According to recent estimates by the World Bank, there has been a zero growth rate, since 1975, in the per capita income in the least developed among the developing countries.
85.	The various conferences held for the purpose of setting up the structures of the new international economic order have yielded very meagre results indeed.
86.	First and foremost, there has been the North-South dialogue in Paris, or the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which, had it not been for the ingenuity of the co-chairmen, would have failed because of the differences on the problem of the establishment of a common fund for commodities and the problem of public debt in the third world. Although we recognize that that Conference has some merit, the fact remains that we have no illusions about the results, for we still see no sign of a genuine thaw.
87.	With regard to the fourth session of UNCTAD, held at Nairobi in May 1976, it ended its work, at the eleventh hour, after stormy debates and under the pressure of world
public opinion, with a consensus to which some delegations of the industrialized market-economy countries paid only lip service; indeed, shortly afterwards they rejected the consensus' in June during a ministerial session of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development in Paris. The negative attitude adopted by those countries constitutes a serious hindrance to the North-South dialog in Paris.
88.	I turn now to the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, held last June at Vancouver. It too was characterized by a regrettable division between the North and the South.
89.	Finally, I would refer to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which deals with an area unanimously regarded as the common heritage of mankind. Here again we must note that the participants at the fifth session were unable to reach any agreement. The intransigent statements of some delegations reminded us of the famous Berlin Congress of 1885, which made official the division of colonial possessions among the imperial Powers. The paradox of this "1976 Congress", that is, the fifth session of the Conference, is that the victims of the dividing up of the sea, the common heritage of mankind, are the land-locked and geographically disadvantaged States, including some industrialized countries of Europe.
90.	In this case the division is not based on traditional affinities, but on interests of the moment. On the one hand we have the coastal States and on the other the land-locked and geographically disadvantaged countries. None of the just claims of the latter countries were accepted. Actually, they were only asking for the legal confirmation of a de facto situation rather than making new claims. They asked that the convention being drawn up should merely note the right of free access to and from the sea and the right to exploit the marine resources in future exclusive zones. That request was refused. But the coastal States are about to obtain legal sanction for all their new demands. In order to bypass the requests of the land-locked and geographically disadvantaged countries, the spokesmen of the coastal States went so far as to offer them a deal, and what a deal! There is a flagrant injustice here. The international community cannot assume responsibility for that.
91.	Mali, my country, has no problem with its neighbors in regard to its access to and from the sea. It has the best of relations with the fraternal States of the Ivory Coast, Guinea and Senegal, which provide all port and transit facilities without asking anything in return. But in legislating for the future we must, taking into account the lessons of history, adopt a broader view than those who attended the Berlin Congress in 1885, Let us not, then, draw up, in the name of the United Nations, legal instruments that can lead to conflicts between future generations, when we know that under the Charter we are' committed to preserving those future generations from the scourge of war.
92.	Let us not encourage, through the strengthening of this division, the establishment of a "fourth world", as is desired by some theoreticians who always need something to prophesy about. The accentuation of the division in the world and the confrontation between groups of interests that could result from that division represent sources of tension that will inevitably endanger peace in the more or less distant future. The sea, the common heritage of mankind, which only yesterday belonged to no one, must be exploited for the benefit of all. It is in that spirit that we must draw up the new convention on the law of the sea, which will be, let us never forget, one of the main pillars of the new international economic order, which everyone ardently wishes to see established. Justice and solidarity are the principles that should guide us all as we build this edifice.
93.	The fourth part of my review of the world economic situation relates to international economic co-operation. Here again there has been no progress.
94.	Indeed, there has been a net reduction in the official development assistance of the industrialized countries. If the present rate continues, that assistance will be reduced by 1980 to 0.29 per cent of those countries' gross national product, whereas the Second United Nations Development Decade has established a goal of 0.7 per cent for that period. The praiseworthy financial assistance given by the countries of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries to the developing countries between 1970 and 1975, amounting to $16 billion, was insufficient to make up for the deficiency.
95.	Furthermore, the prospects for the fifth replenishment of the resources of the International Development Association [IOA], a branch of the World Bank which was established to assist in the financing of the development of the poorest countries, by means of long-term, interest-free bans are not encouraging because of the reluctance of the traditional donors. Indeed, the trend seems to be towards a reduction in contributions whereas, in view of the inflation in the world, fluctuations in national currencies, and the recession, the resources of IDA should be increasing if the level of action of the fourth replenishment, which will come to an end on 30 June 1977, is to be maintained in the future.
96.	With regard to the financing of the "third window", the World Bank has been able to mobilize only $600 million of the target of $1 billion. The International Fund for Agricultural Development, established in November 1974, has not yet been able to start operating because of the lack of resources.
97.	The picture that we have just painted is certainly not a brilliant one. It contains many shadows which must be eliminated if we really wish to establish the new international order that we have promised the world. Such an undertaking, on which the salvation of everyone depends, is incompatible with the spirit of exploitation and domination that guides certain large Powers. It is incompatible too with the subjugation of peoples that still persists in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
98.	The new international order, which is composed of a political, a military and an economic aspect, is an indivisible whole. If it is to be viable it must be based on justice, solidarity, harmony and collective security and responsibility. If that new international order is not established, mankind will succumb to confrontation and chaos. No nation, no group of nations, however powerful, can face alone the challenges confronting mankind. It is therefore high time that the great Powers of our world came to their senses and demonstrated a real political will to act in the common struggle we have undertaken for our survival. The implacable law of interdependence obliges them to do so. In any case, they have no alternative. May they heed this final appeal that my delegation takes the liberty of making to them through you, Mr. President.