1.	Mr. President, I should like, first of all, to congratulate you on your unanimous election as President.of the twenty-fifth regular session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your excelled experience in international affairs, your proven competence in all matters pertaining to the theory and practice of the Organization, your outstanding contributions as professor, statesman and diplomat, and the fact that you are a national of a country which loves peace and is dedicated to the great causes of mankind are a pledge of the kind of action and leadership which will guide us in the debates that we are now starting. Allow me also to express our gratitude to Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph for the tact, impartiality and keen political sense with which she presided over our work during the twenty-fourth session.
2.	At the same time, it behooves me, on behalf of the Government I represent, to express to all representatives here assembled our gratification upon the election of Brazil to one of the Vice-Presidencies of the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth anniversary session. Brazil accepts this honor and this trust as a mandate for the active defense of the ideals, the rights and the aspirations which the Latin American nations share with other developing countries.
3.	If you will allow me now a remark of a personal nature, I should like to say that I am now reliving in spirit the experience of twenty-five years ago, when, in the early years of my diplomatic career, I was assigned as a Junior Adviser to the delegation of Brazil to the San Francisco Conference. Like many others in this hall, I had a small share in the creation of this Organization, and it would be less than human of me to fail to contrast the dreams and illusions of 1945 with the disturbing realities of the year 1970.
4.	I do not wish to begin my statement without a special, albeit brief, mention of three highly significant recent events in the domain of international relations.
5.	In the first place, I would cite the re-establishment of the cease-fire in the Middle East and the concurrent creation of better prospects for a peaceful solution to the crisis. The developments of the last few days are showing, however, how fragile and precarious is the present cease-fire regime, which will be meaningful and effective only if accepted as a first step towards the political settlement of the problem on the basis of resolution 242 (1967) of the Security Council and the purposes and principles of the Charter. Time and again Brazil has stressed in the organs of the United Nations the need for an open and frank debate on the fundamental causes of the conflict. For historical reasons, very special responsibilities devolve upon the United Nations in connexion with the question of the Middle East. It is imperative, therefore, that the Organization, with the support of all its members, fulfill the obligations it has assumed.
6.	Secondly, we have the conclusion of the German- Soviet treaty of 12 August 1970, an important milestone in the history of international relations and a concrete step towards at long last breaking the bonds which hold us to 1945, thus superseding the post-war concept. It cannot be denied that the significance of this agreement transcends the scope of bilateral relations involving the two signatories. It affects European politics as a whole, and even the over-all pattern of international relations. Its impact upon the United Nations is equally significant; it would not be far-fetched to point out that it is tantamount to a suppression of Articles 53 and 107 of the Charter. Here is additional evidence that the world has not stood still during the last twenty- five years, and that the structure of international life does not cease to evolve.
7.	Finally, I could not fail to mention the convening of the first special session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States, putting into effect the changes in the structure of the OAS provided for in the Buenos Aires Protocol of 1967. In bringing the machinery for co-operation up to date, the nations of the western hemisphere reaffirm their decision to broaden the scope of their common endeavors for development and justice. They take this positive stand at a time when very small minority groups, in obedience to an outside guidance which they blindly follow, try in vain to use the weapons of terrorism to undermine the progress of their own peoples. Insane acts such as the hijacking of aircraft, armed assaults and robberies, the seizure and holding of innocent hostages, particularly diplomatic representatives, dastardly, brutal assassinations these are crimes at which world public opinion recoils, vehemently condemning the perpetrators. The Organization of American States has classified these as common crimes, and even as crimes against humanity. Echoing this line of thought, at the first special session of its General Assembly, the Organization of American States reaffirmed its emphatic repugnance for such methods of violence and terror.
8.	Brazil is particularly sensitive to this situation. For over a month and a half, we have been suffering the agonizing drama of having a member of our diplomatic corps held by despicable kidnappers, the defenseless victim of heinous brutality.
9.	Moreover, the serious incidents of the last few days are demonstrating that the problem of aircraft hijacking and the imprisonment of hostages demands clear and effective measures on the part of this Organization, as an instrument of the collective will of the community of nations.
10.	By instinct man attempts to evade eternity, and in doing so resorts to artificial divisions and demarcations of time, to the expedients of clepsydras, clocks and calendars. Man himself continues to be the measure of all things, and he feels the need to impose upon the measuring rod of his existence certain marks and points of reference, way stations, stop-overs, from which he can look back at the road he has already traveled and prepare himself for the rest of the journey. In this moment for pause and reflection it is important not to allow ourselves to be lulled into the unrealistic attitude of imagining the past and remembering the future.
11.	The Assembly of the twenty-fifth anniversary is indeed one of these way stations at which we can stop for a brief moment before proceeding along the road which will hopefully lead us to peace, justice and progress.
12.	This year we are also commemorating the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) was one of the most important decisions ever taken by this Organization. It embodies the formal reaffirmation of the inalienable right of all peoples to self- determination. My country here and now reiterates its full support for this principle, just as it cannot fail to reiterate its concern over the persistence of policies of apartheid and racial discrimination, objects of the most formal repudiation and strongest condemnation by the Government and people of Brazil.
13.	Peace is no longer a simple ideal, a dream or a Utopian scheme. It has become the most pressing, the most elementary, of all needs. It has ceased to be an objective and has become a premise. Either we have a peaceful future before us or we run the risk of having no future at all. It is no longer a matter of evoking ideals of self-denial and altruism. It is no longer a matter of emphasizing the necessity for moral and political advances to match the prodigious scientific and technological progress of our day. It is a matter of appealing to the fundamental interest of man, to his instinct for self-preservation, for what is really at stake is the survival of man.
14.	No institution is more important than the men who set it up or the purpose it was designed to serve, and no political institutions are to be more revered than the people whose interest they are intended to protect. For that very reason, as far as the United Nations is concerned, we should first of all ask ourselves if our world Organization measures up to the ideals and desires vested in its creation at San Francisco and, then, what we can do today to improve it in the light of the experience we have acquired during the last twenty-five years.
15.	As for our first question, there is no doubt that the United Nations has not played the full role it was intended for in a world of crises, open conflicts, war communiques, shocks and counter-shocks. Without solving and at times without even discussing in depth the problems of peace, collective security and economic development, the United Nations has managed to give the impression that we have found it possible to content ourselves with the so-called new tasks  matters of science and technology, the preservation of the environment, population growth and others. Of course no one underestimates the importance of all these problems and, in some cases, the need for their adequate treatment through effective international cooperation with all due deference to the principles of the Charter which guarantee the national sovereignty and juridical equality of Member States. It is obvious that we have no objection to dealing with these matters in this forum, although it might seem more logical and practical to turn them over to the specialized agencies, ratione materiae. However, we must be careful to avoid turning the scale of priorities upside down. We cannot afford to reduce this Organization to the meager proportions of an international institute of technology. We must not forget that the United Nations represents the only specialized agency we have for peace, development and collective security. Should the Organization fail to carry out the fundamental tasks entrusted to it by the Charter it would be so debilitated that it would not even be able to cope with the ancillary assignments.
16.	One has the impression that there has been a retreat from the ideals and principles of San Francisco. If this were allowed to happen world peace would shrink to a mere process of detente or relaxation of tensions; the concept of general and complete disarmament, which strictly speaking should be inscribed among the purposes and principles of the Charter, would be superseded by the concept of "limitation of armaments" or "arms control"; the concept of collective security would dissolve into mere "security assurances" more limited in scope than those already provided for in the Charter. In the process dubious concepts would gain ground: "political realism", "spheres of influence", "balances of power" and above all the uncouth doctrine of "limited sovereignty", which stands for the very negation of international law and the freedom of nations.
17.	An attempt is being made to present the objective of general and complete disarmament as chimerical or Utopian while in reality it is no more Utopian or chimerical than the purposes and principles of the Charter which preclude the use of force in international relations. To relegate disarmament to the roll of unattainable objectives would be tantamount to denying as a premise the validity of the principles of the Charter in the world of today. In this context abandoning disarmament as the end objective of our efforts would be equivalent to rejecting the norm of peaceful settlement for international litigation. If force cannot be used, why do States persist in accumulating arms?
18.	It is up to us to forgo any tendency to consider some of the purposes and principles of the Charter as outmoded or bypassed by events. Supranationalism and interdependence may well constitute desirable goals, but they presuppose a stage, still to be reached, of political and economic independence and of effective juridical equality of all nations. Before declaring that the purposes and principles listed in Article 2 of the Charter are obsolete or outmoded, we should make a common effort to implement and observe them. Legitimate and lasting interdependence can only be attained through full sovereignty and equality.
19.	It is often said that although the United Nations has had little success in the specific field of peace and international security, it should not be forgotten that significant results have been achieved in the area of economic and social development. Unhappily, we are not in a position to share this optimistic view. The First United Nations Development Decade presented an unmistakable balance-sheet of failures and the Second Development Decade may well follow in its footsteps if we do not succeed in defining the strategy for it in stronger, more definite terms. In the final analysis, it must be determined whether or not the nations that make up the Organization are ready to accept, both in theory and in practice, a concept of collective security in the economic field, paralleling those for peace and security among nations.
20.	The failure of the First Development Decade lies as much in the field of planning and co-ordination as in the field of implementation and, above all, in the political field. The measures adopted were inadequate when compared to the needs of the developing countries. But beyond that, in the crucial moments of taking decisions, as for example during the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development,  the conceptual framework of the United Nations system suffered from the lack of a global theory of development and, primarily, from the absence of the indispensable political will.
21.	Now, as we approach the end of the task of elaborating the strategy for the Second Development Decade, the United Nations has before it a clear new option that will determine the future of the system of international economic co-operation for development. It must choose between a strategy of stability, designed only to maintain the induces of poverty at their present levels, or a dynamic strategy for development.
22.	The strategy of stability, though for obvious reasons never couched in explicit terms, seems to contain three main elements: a demographic policy that fails to take into account the dynamic implications of the process of population growth; an agricultural policy directed towards a quantitative increase in the production of foodstuffs, as an end in itself and not as part of a global policy of industrialization for development; and, finally, an employment policy which, if necessary, is ready to sacrifice the greater objective of development to the attainment of sectorial employment goals.
23.	The dynamic strategy, on the other hand, is designed to go beyond a mere freezing of the present international economic imbalance. This has always been the guiding principle followed by Brazil in all the bodies in which there was any discussion of the prospects for the Second Development Decade: the strategy for the seventies should be, in our view, a program for action with converging and additional measures. Essentially, it should consist of three elements: firstly, global and sectoral objectives that, by the end of the Decade, will make it possible for the developing countries to increase their gross national products so significantly as to narrow the income gap between the north and the south; in the second place, a combination of measures mutually agreed upon in the fields of trade, financing and technology; and, finally, target dates for the implementation of these measures, of which the most important is the goal of 1 per cent of financial transfers.
24.	It should be emphasized that the amount of information and research already available within the United Nations system makes it perfectly feasible to adopt such a dynamic strategy, if -and this is the main point the Governments of the developed countries, both those with a market economy and the centrally planned ones, gird themselves with the indispensable political will to accept their commitments and to see that they are carried out. The alternative would be a sad realization that the scheme of international cooperation for development can only result in failure, a failure that it is impossible to cover up with half-way measures and declarations of good intentions.
25.	Such a failure would not imply that economic and social development would become unattainable, though, for many, the road would certainly be rendered more painful and more difficult. We all know that some Member States achieved notable growth indexes by internally mobilizing their own resources may I be allowed to say that my own country, Brazil, for instance, in 1969 had a 9 per cent increase in its gross national product. I do, however, have some doubt as to the possibility of developing countries as a whole finding viable formula for economic and social progress if we have a continuation of present tendencies towards stagnation in the flow of trade and of economic co-operation. We are not pleading for a solution to our national model. We are fully aware that the development of Brazil is our own responsibility, and we do not shrink from it. What we are attempting to do is to pose the problem on a world-wide basis.
26.	Brazil has repeatedly declared itself in favor of a revision of the Charter of the United Nations so as to adapt it to present-day conditions and relate it to the problems of the contemporary world. We do, however, recognize the political realities and difficulties standing in the way of an immediate revision. We see the revision as an essential step forward. But there is a danger that the prevailing conditions in the world, where power is used every day political power, economic power, military power, scientific and technological power may force us a step backwards, and a new Charter under these conditions may take the form of just one more element for freezing world power, as one of the factors for the maintenance of the status quo. Anyhow, it would be impossible to undertake a sober stock-taking of the achievements and short-comings of the Organization in these last twenty-five years without a full and thorough analysis of the international instrument which gives life to and governs the working of our Organization.
27.	That is why the problem of the revision of the Charter should be posed, and that is why we consider it highly significant that the General Committee should have decided yesterday to recommend the inclusion on our agenda of item 88 relating to the "Need to consider suggestions regarding the review of the Charter of the United Nations".
28.	As of now it is imperative to bring back to the forum of the United Nations certain problems which clearly fall within its competence and are now being discussed behind closed doors in dwindling circles. As a concession to the realities of power, the United Nations Charter conferred special prerogatives upon the permanent members of the Security Council. The permanence of their powers in the field of peace and international security is already in itself one of these prerogatives. But the Security Council as an institution cannot abdicate from its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security by acknowledging a new world order based upon a co- chairmanship in the hands of a very reduced number of Powers, in direct opposition to the spirit of the Charter. Powerless before the conflicts and dissensions that threaten and disrupt world peace, the Security Council seems little by little to be taking on the shape of a public registry office for the filing of complaints and counter-complaints, claims and counter-claims. It is well known that the methods of work of the Council have changed substantially during recent years with the result that now decisions are reached after a series of informal consultations rather than in open debates at formal meetings of the collective organ. Despite this development, which has been accompanied by a trend towards unanimity, the Council has been unable to ensure the enforcement of its decisions. This is largely due to the fact that the consultations carried on by the members of the Council are, as a rule, directed at collateral aspects of the problems and not towards the search for a political solution capable of eliminating the causes of the conflicts. Moreover, it so happens that consensus and unanimity are almost always reached at the expense of the relevancy of the texts adopted, language so vague and ambiguous being employed that the decisions are open to varied interpretations by the Council members. We are thus threatened with the emergence of a "veto by interpretation".
29.	In a memorandum dated 3 April 1970[see AI7922], in reply to a consultation by the Secretary-General of the United Nations under the terms of resolution 2606 (XXIV), the Brazilian Government took the opportunity to declare that any effort to reactivate the security system of the United Nations should lead the Security Council to a substantive examination of the differences underlying every specific situation that presents a threat to peace and security. The substantive consideration and study of the questions would be greatly facilitated by the active participation of the litigants in the informal process of consultations which is now prevalent. For that very reason and with the objective of institutionalizing these consultations, the Brazilian Government advanced the suggestion which I now reiterate that the Council, utilizing the faculties with which it is endowed by Chapter VI of the Charter, should in each case consider the advisability of the establishment of ad hoc committees for the pacific settlement of disputes, such committees to be made up of the parties to a conflict together with other delegations chosen by the Council at the suggestion of the litigants. These committees would have the broadest and most flexible mandates and would function, unhampered by records or a predetermined agenda, under the authority of the Security Council with the objective of harmonizing and reconciling the positions of the parties to the dispute.
30.	All of us are aware of the difficulties that arise whenever, once the means provided for in Chapter VI have been exhausted, an attempt is made to choose among the range of coercive measures set forth in Chapter VII. This is only natural considering that we can almost always count on a lack of unanimity among the permanent members and that if coercive measures were to be applied certain consequences would arise. What we should ask ourselves in a good number of cases is if the potentialities of Chapter VI have really been explored to the fullest. It is our earnest conviction that the United Nations and, more specifically, the Security Council should make greater use of the large variety of means and resources authorized by Chapter VI of the Charter.
31.	In short, what Brazil proposes now is a diplomatic reactivation of the United Nations. The adoption of procedures similar to the one suggested would afford the Organization much greater efficiency and authority as well as a more active role in the major problems of the world.
32.	Why should this suggestion strike anyone as unrealistic or impractical, and why should the eternal argument of "political realism" be leveled against it?
33.	Let us not forget that this so-called political real-ism has pushed us to the brink of war and destruction and is the chief cause for the $200,000 million spent every year in the arms race. Apart from possible catastrophic consequences, the arms race has already done irreparable damage to mankind by draining off enormous means and resources which could have been used to further peace, justice and progress.
34.	Our problems and difficulties are not outside the reach of human intelligence and its creative power. With all its short-comings and frustrations the United Nations is the only forum in which we can still opt for life, peace and development.
35.	At this stage, my country does no more than advance the most modest and the least original of proposals: let us use our Organization and let us apply the Charter; no more, no less. The acceptance of this proposal, which is a commonplace in the statements delivered in the general debate of every Assembly, could none the less have a dramatic impact upon the shape of our future.
36.	Brazil will never forsake this great hope: the hope for peace, justice and progress.


110.	  Sir, allow me first to offer on behalf of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic and myself, our sincerest congratulations on your election as President of this important historic session. Your election is a recognition of your distinguished qualifications and vast experience. It is also a further indication of the international community's appreciation of the role of your friendly country and the other Scandinavian countries in promoting the efforts of the United Nations to achieve its noble goals.
111.	The delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic takes this opportunity to laud and support the efforts made by the Secretary-General in the service of the Organization and its principles, for the realization of peace and security in the world.
112.	We wish to assure you, Mr. President, that the Libyan Arab Republic adheres sincerely to the Charter of the United Nations and to the principles of the Organization. In fact, Libya's foreign policy is based on the principles of non-alignment and, at the same time, a constant search to obtain the friendship of all peace-loving countries and peoples on the basis of mutual respect.
113.	In response to the wishes of the Libyan people to achieve their sovereignty, and in order to contribute to the reduction of international tension, the Revolutionary Government of the Libyan Arab Republic has eliminated the foreign bases imposed on its land in certain circumstances, and has succeeded in evacuating the last foreign troops from its soil. It was on the same basis that the Libyan Arab Republic participated in the non-aligned Conference held recently in Lusaka. The delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic takes this opportunity to commend the resolutions of that Conference, and considers their adoption an effective contribution on the part of the countries of the third world to the reduction of international tension and the promotion of world peace and security.
114.	This historic session of the General Assembly is being held in a strained international atmosphere; tension dominates international relations and the major problems of the world still await rapid and just solutions. Thus, the future and prestige of the United Nations depend precisely on the ability of the international Organization to face up to those problems and seek solutions to them, particularly as the Organization remains the indispensable instrument designed for the purpose of preserving peace and security.
115.	As we prepare to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of this international Organization, it is imperative to stop for a moment and review objectively the Organization's bright side as well as its dark side so that we may benefit from past errors and avoid repeating them, as well as evaluate the Organization's achievements in various domains. In so doing, we should candidly admit the Organization's errors and point out those responsible for their commission; at the same time, we should not disregard the Organization's achievements in the service of humanity.
116.	Our Organization has at times been able peace-fully to settle some regional conflicts and has indeed contributed to the preservation of peace in certain areas; it has also made progress in the process of decolonization, disarmament, and in the fields of human rights and social and economic development in the world,
117.	However, it should be noted that the United Nations has failed to achieve the basic purpose for which it was originally founded: namely, to face up to aggression and prevent occupation and annexation of territory through war and usurpation. This failure is best illustrated by the Organization's negative and inert stand towards Israel's persistent aggression against the Arab countries, and its continued occupation of territories of three States Members of this Organization. Likewise, the United Nations has repeatedly failed to implement scores of resolutions and recommendations adopted in the past twenty-five years, concerning the rights of oppressed peoples, self- determination and the achievement of the goals of social justice, economic development and the protection of human rights.
118.	It is unfortunate that during all these years the great Powers have sometimes used the United Nations for their own ends, having kept the status quo in the world and divided it into zones of influence. What is more alarming is the fact that in recent years a dangerous phenomenon has emerged: the great Powers, in trying to settle certain international conflicts, have done so outside the framework of the United Nations, depriving the smaller countries of the opportunity to express their views on important problems which deal with questions relating to security and stability in the world, and affecting the fate of peoples and nations. This has caused the Organization to grow weaker and its prestige to wane.
119.	Therefore the time has come for everyone to make sincere efforts to rebuild the United Nations. We believe that the cause of the Organization's shortcomings lies less in the United Nations than in the failure of certain countries to honor their obligations under the Charter. If the United Nations is to recover its prestige and carry out its task of establishing international peace and security, it is essential for it to apply the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter against any State which insists on disregarding the resolutions of the United Nations and on violating its Charter in particular, to stop the aggressors from reaping the fruit of their aggression, and force them to withdraw their occupying forces from foreign lands. Furthermore, Member States should be requested to reaffirm their respect for the Charter and their strict and complete adherence to the principles which prohibit the use of force in the settlement of international conflicts, as well as interference in other countries' domestic affairs. Also, Member States should once again respect one another's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
120.	We are now commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations under the motto of "Peace, justice and progress". The people of the Libyan Arab Republic, as well as all other peoples of the world, seek the establishment of international peace on the basis of justice. Progress, it should be said, is also the proper means to ensure- welfare and prosperity for peoples, and to create a better world for all mankind.
121.	The situation in the Middle East is deteriorating steadily as a result of Israel's persistent efforts since its creation to undermine any peace initiative in the area, for the simple reason that peace entails putting an end to Israel's expansionist plans and its racial policy. The painful events we witness today in the Middle East are but the direct result of Israel's disregard for all United Nations resolutions calling for the return of the Palestinian people to their occupied homes, lands, property, and farms, or for compensation for those who do not wish to return. These tragic events are also the result of Israel's violations of all human rights in occupied Arab territories, and its dis-regard of United Nations resolutions regarding the status of the city of Jerusalem. Meanwhile, Israel seeks to erect barriers to all efforts made inside and outside the United Nations which may lead to a just and permanent settlement of the problem.
122.	In fact, Israel's decision to withdraw from the discussions scheduled to start under the auspices of Mr. Gunnar Jarring, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, and its previous attempts to undermine the Four Power talks, are clear indications of Israel expansionist aims in the area. Furthermore, at a time when Israel openly declares its rejection of peace initiatives and prepares to launch a new aggression against the Arab countries, the United States of America, while pretending to be concerned about peace in the area, does everything to encourage Israel's attitude, shipping to that country Phantom and Skyhawk jets and large quantities of electronic equipment, and extending other types of assistance and support. The United States attitude can only be construed as an encouragement to Israel to pursue its aggressive policies, annex new territories, and continue its occupation of Arab lands. Such an attitude seriously imperils world peace and constitutes a breach by the United States of America of its special obligations as a great Power towards world peace and the United Nations.
123.	As a result of United States support of Israel the Arab States are compelled to seek arms in self-defense and to devote for that purpose substantial funds which otherwise could have been used for development plans.
124.	Allow me to point out briefly some facts pertaining to Zionism and Zionist aims in the area, in order that one may understand the crux of the problem in the Middle East, knowing full well that Zionism is an ideology dedicated to racism and expansionism.
125.	First, Israel will accept as borders only those designated for "Greater Israel''. The simple conclusion to be drawn here is that the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 barely constitute the minimum under the expansionist plans drawn by Zionist leaders.
126.	Secondly, Israel was created by force and knows no other means of imposing its will and realizing its expansionist aims and racist policies. Consequently, it is not surprising that Israel continues to ignore world public opinion, and adamantly rejects the resolutions adopted by the United Nations and various international conferences.
127.	Thirdly, both Israel and Zionism have not so far recognized the rights of the people of Palestine, nor have they admitted that they have inflicted injustices on this people. Recently, Mrs. Meir was asked about the Palestinian people. "The Palestinians? Who are they?" she reportedly answered. "I have never heard of them before...." The lady should be reminded that the Palestinians have lived in that country for thousands of years, long before she and others set foot in the land of Palestine. It is the Palestinians who opened their doors to receive the persecuted Jews, who later ungratefully denied that gesture, and plotted with the colonialist Powers to drive them out of their lands. It is the Palestinians who, for the past 25 years, have lived in persecution, misery and suffering, while awaiting justice at the hands of the international Organization and the international community, expecting it to aid them in recovering their legitimate rights.
128.	It is those same Palestinians who are now struggling to establish a secular democratic State in Palestine where Jews, Christians and Moslems can live in peace and harmony, that being the most humanistic solution worthy of the support of this Organization as well as of all peace- and justice-loving peoples.
129.	Thus, it was with the full knowledge of the United Nations that the most heinous crime of the century was committed with the creation of the State of Israel, resulting in the eviction of a whole people and consequently the deprivation of its basic human rights, its rights to its land and country, and its basic right to self-determination. Yet, the United Nations has recognized the injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people, as it has repeatedly taken cognizance of Israel's aggression. Such acknowledgment is evident in the many resolutions that have consistently been adopted by the Organization since its inception until now, both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly.
130.	We believe that the only way to put an end to those violations of the Charter and to Israel's continued attempts to impose its will on the whole world is through the application of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, and by reconsidering Israel's membership in the United Nations, before its aggressive acts become a dangerous precedent for those countries which may be tempted to follow suit. Such a development would certainly undermine world peace and the world Organization, while threatening the future of all mankind.
131.	As we celebrate the silver jubilee of the United Nations and commemorate the tenth anniversary of the historical Declaration on decolonization, it is unfortunate to note that many peoples are still under the yoke of colonialism and that man is still enslaved by his fellow men who avidly exploit his resources and deprive him of his basic human rights and his right to self-determination.
132.	It is for this reason that a stronger stand is called for towards colonial Powers and imperialism. We should reaffirm the legitimacy of the struggle of colonial peoples those who were evicted from their land, and those who are forced to live under foreign occupation. We should demand that all kinds of assistance should be given to those peoples in order to enable them to exercise their right to self-determination.
133.	The Libyan Arab Republic is deeply concerned about the military intervention of the United States of America in South-East Asia. We pay here a tribute to the heroic struggle of the peoples of that region for their freedom and independence, and we demand the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops so that those people can freely exercise their right to self- determination.
134.	The Libyan Arab Republic supports the inalienable rights of the peoples of the African continent in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea (Bissau), Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, and also supports their struggle to rid themselves of foreign rules in order to fulfill their aspirations to freedom and independence.
135.	The delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic condemns very strongly the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa, and condemns even more strongly those countries which extend military and economic assistance to the colonial racist regimes in the southern part of the African continent. Without such assistance, those regimes could never have been able to continue their hegemony in the area.
136.	It is the opinion of our delegation that if the international Organization is fully to meet its responsibilities, its universality should be achieved by admitting to its membership the People's Republic of China, which includes over a fifth of the world population, thus creating efficient international co-operation and reducing international tension.
137.	Regarding international social and economic conditions, we note with a measure of satisfaction the progress realized by the countries of the third world in the fields of economic and social development during the sixties, despite the many obstacles faced by those countries. Such optimistic impressions should not, however, hide the obvious and bitter fact, unacceptable to world conscience and represented in hundreds of millions of people still living below a standard befitting mankind, while only a minority reaps the benefits of modern science and technology. This condition requires us collectively to exercise concerted efforts to put the final touches to the draft of an international development strategy [A 17982, para. 16] which will be adopted during this session for the purpose of narrowing the gap between the rich north and the poor south, and of raising the standards of living of mankind in general and the peoples of developing countries in particular.
138.	Regarding the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, the Libyan delegation believes that it is of the utmost importance urgently to prepare the draft declaration regarding the formulation of comprehensive and balanced sets of principles governing the activities of States in this field, to be adopted by the General Assembly during this session. While the Libyan delegation is concerned about the delay in the work of the committee entrusted with the drafting of the project, it nevertheless pays a tribute to some of the positive aspects in the work of that committee.
139.	The Libyan delegation considers also that the time is now appropriate to hold a third conference on the law of the sea, for the purpose of reviewing the regimes of the high seas, continental shelf, territorial waters, contiguous waters, marine resources, and the preservation of living resources in the high seas, so that a clear and internationally acceptable definition can be found for the area of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.
140.	In conclusion, permit me, Mr. President, to assure you that the delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic is disposed to co-operate with you and with all other delegations, and takes this opportunity to offer its greetings to all the heads and members of delegations, hoping that this session will be crowned with success.


83.	 I should like to join previous speakers in extending to President Hambro my warmest congratulations on his election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. The unanimity with which the Presidency has been entrusted to him shows the great prestige he has won in the Assembly by his exceptional talents and qualities as a distinguished statesman and scholar. His constant loyalty to the cause of peace, his experience in diplomacy and his extensive knowledge of international law will be a most valuable help to this Assembly in the course of its deliberations. The President may rest assured of my delegation's full support in his difficult task.
84.	May I also be permitted on this occasion to pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mrs, Angie Brooks Randolph, who directed our work during the last session of the Assembly with the experience, wisdom and the talent known to us all.
85.	Before going on to other subjects, I should like to express my Government's satisfaction at the forthcoming accession of Fiji to membership in the United Nations. This is not only a new stage in the process of decolonization, but also brings us a little closer to our goal of universality for our Organization.
86.	The present session marks a milestone in the history of the United Nations. For this year we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of our Organization. The stage we have reached gives us an opportunity to take stock of our activities and to search our hearts in order to draw useful lessons for the future.
87.	When we look to the past, we see a great number of achievements, but also serious shortcomings. This is certainly regrettable, but it is no use ignoring realities, however unpleasant they may be.
88.	We all know that since its creation, the United Nations has not always lived up to our expectations and has not played the ambitious role assigned to it by the Charter. The numerous crises which have shaken the world and threatened peace during the past twenty-five years have often found their solutions outside the framework of the United Nations. The great challenges of our times, such as the scientific and technical revolution, the problem of youth, or the problem of the widening development gap between Member States are not sufficiently reflected in the work of the Organization.
89.	It would be unfair to blame the Charter or the lack of material means for this situation. It is perhaps due to the excessive optimism that marked the first years of the United Nations. The effectiveness of the Organization depends, after all, on the common will of its Members. In the present state of the world, selfish considerations often take precedence over the general interest, and one cannot expect age old habits to be overcome within a period of twenty-five years.
90.	It is this, rather than anything else, that prevents our Organization from acting with the desired effectiveness and dynamism. In the circumstances it might be fairer to ask by what miracle the United Nations has been able to accomplish such considerable work in so many fields within the space of twenty-five years. The achievements to its credit are indeed numerous and varied. A host of differences have been settled through the mediation of the United Nations and through the efforts of its SecretaryGeneral or his representatives. An enormous amount of work in depth for the benefit of future generations has been done by the specialized agencies in fields as varied as health, education, agriculture, science and the training of specialists.
91.	Hundreds of international agreements have been initiated or concluded under the auspices of the United Nations and we are indebted to it for a large part of the legislation on human rights.
92.	If despite all that the United Nations continues to be criticized, it is because its foundation aroused the highest hopes. Those who conceived the Charter were inspired by the noble ideal of a better world free from fear, hunger, sickness a peaceful world in which all countries could devote their energy to the economic, social and cultural development of their peoples in an atmosphere of stability and prosperity. We are still far from that goal.
93.	In order to live up to this challenge, I think it is important above all to preserve the moral authority and the prestige of the United Nations. That is a matter of capital importance, because the greater the moral authority of the United Nations the better position it will be in to exercise a salutary influence upon those who might be tempted to violate the principles of the Charter.
94.	Unfortunately, in view of the present state of international mores, it is not enough to preach respect for principles. We must also take practical steps to ensure that they are respected. The Charter provides us with a number of means to that end; what has been lacking thus far is mainly the will to apply them.
95.	Such seems to me, in the light of past experience, the main lesson we should learn from the twenty-fifth anniversary.
96.	One important item on the agenda of the twenty- fifth session concerns the study of measures to strengthen international security. This is a many-sided problem which should be considered from both the global and the practical point of view.
97.	With regard to the first aspect, we must try first to determine the basic elements that threaten international peace and stability. Among the basic moral causes of tension, we find political ambition, conflicting ideologies and the desire for hegemony. Without wishing to be pessimistic, I believe that the elimination of such factors can be achieved only gradually, as the authority and effectiveness of the Organization are strengthened. As to the major material factor, it is the ever-widening gap between the level of development of industrialized societies and that of other countries. If this gap could be narrowed to tolerable proportions, if not eliminated, it would undoubtedly help to strengthen international peace and security.
98.	With regard to practical measures, it should first be noted that theoretically the United Nations has a complex of very effective means at its disposal, but they have not yet been applied on the right scale. Although the obstacles to their application are real enough, the means for giving them practical effect should be seriously studied. One field that offers interesting possibilities in this regard is that of peacekeeping operations. If a solution could be found for the difficulties standing in the way of an agreement, it would be a long step in this direction.
99.	Finally, structural reforms could be contemplated. But this is a delicate undertaking which requires caution and imagination, for the problem is to find an acceptable formula which would enable the United Nations to act effectively without impairing its nature of a free association of equal and sovereign nations. In the present circumstances it seems to me wiser to concentrate our priority efforts on the full application of the provisions of the Charter, which contains an ample reserve of means that can make it a highly effective instrument for the preservation of peace, provided we go about it with a will.
100.	Another subject which is directly related to the maintenance and strengthening of security is the problem of disarmament. We wholeheartedly welcome the happy initiative of the General Assembly in proclaiming the 1970s the Disarmament Decade [resolution 2602 E (XXIV)]. This problem, which concerns the very future of mankind, has been our central preoccupation for many years. This is a field in which negotiations have always been particularly slow and difficult. It is nevertheless possible to say that recently some progress has been achieved.
101.	The entry into force of the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] is indeed an important step towards nuclear disarmament. We hope that the increasing efforts to prohibit the use of chemical and biological weapons and the storing of weapons of mass destruction on the seabed and the ocean floor will also lead to positive results. The best guarantee for the success of these efforts lies in the continuing interest and active participation of the General Assembly.
102.	The negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on the limitation of strategic arms have also opened new perspectives in a field of vital importance for the security of all the countries in the world. If even a partial agreement could be reached, the chances of putting an end to the frantic arms race would certainly be increased. However, we still have a long and arduous road before us in order to arrive at general and complete disarmament under effective international control. I express the hope that the forthcoming decade will be more fruitful in this respect than the preceding decades.
103.	I should like now to express the views of my Government on the various problems which continue to hold the international stage.
104.	Once again, the Middle East crisis is our main preoccupation and constitutes the major hotbed of tension endangering peace and stability. Two months ago, at a time when the prospects were dark indeed, the United States peace plan revived hopes for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The acceptance of the ceasefire within the framework of this plan by the countries most directly concerned has halted an alarming military escalation and made possible the reactivation of the Jarring Mission. It must be admitted that the joint efforts of the United States and the Soviet Union to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, as well as the concerted efforts of the four Powers under the auspices of the United Nations, have contributed significantly to the attainment of this result. The observance and maintenance of the ceasefire are the first condition for the success of these efforts. At this delicate juncture it is indeed important that the parties should refrain from any provocation and show patience, sincerity and good faith, without retreating from the right decision they have taken. This is the only way in which the climate of mistrust which poisons the atmosphere and prevents any progress can be dispelled. The second condition is that Ambassador Jarring should be given a chance to continue the conversations with the parties to the conflict, so as to profit from the cessation of hostilities and undertake a frank and open discussion with them on all aspects of the problem. If these two conditions were fulfilled, the talks could proceed on the basis of the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967[242 (1967)]to try and find the elements of an agreement.
105.	I should like to reiterate here the position of my Government on the various aspects of the conflict. We continue to be firmly opposed to the use of force to gain political advantage, acquire territorial gains and impose unilateral solutions, since nothing lasting can be built on enmity and injustice. Similarly, measures to change unilaterally the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem are unacceptable whatever the reasons claimed. This change in its status in fact goes beyond the strictly regional framework and brings an emotional element into the conflict the explosive nature of which hardly needs to be emphasized.
106.	Our objective has always been, and still is, the establishment of a just and lasting peace that will finally bring a healthy atmosphere to the region. War brings no solution to differences; on the contrary, it only serves to complicate the situation further. The Middle East conflict is no exception to the rule. This conflict which has been going on for years has created a highly complex situation and, as in other similar cases, it leaves the usual legacy of hostility, mistrust, destruction and related problems the elimination of which will require arduous and patient effort.
107.	Nevertheless, whatever the difficulties to be overcome, we must always bear in mind that the alternative to success in this new attempt can only be a major crisis with unforeseeable consequences. In view of the seriousness of this prospect, we cannot afford a failure which world opinion would not forgive us. Neither have we the right to disappoint those who are experiencing the daily hardships of the war and to whom the ceasefire brought such welcome relief.
108.	Speaking of the Middle East conflict, one cannot pass over in silence the dramatic situation in Jordan. War is surely a dreadful thing, but I believe that civil war, which causes bloodshed among people of the same nation, sowing hatred and desolation among members of the same family, exceeds in horror anything that one can imagine. The sacred desire in the hearts of all Jordanians should be to serve their country better. My most fervent wish is to see this fratricidal struggle stop as soon as possible.
109.	I think the present circumstances provide a good opportunity to take advantage of the exceptional talents of Mr. Jarring, whose skill, discreet diplomacy and tact are universally recognized and appreciated.
110.	Before leaving the Middle East region, I should like to turn to a problem which is of still more direct concern to my country, namely, the question of Cyprus. The peculiar nature of the Republic of Cyprus, composed of two national communities and based on the equality of rights of the two ethnic entities and on their proportional participation at all levels of political activity, is enshrined in constitutional and contractual provisions.
111.	The main objective of the talks going on between the two communities of Cyprus is to explore the possibility of a return to constitutionality and the restoration of normal conditions. These talks, which have been going on since June 1968, have not thus far led to an agreement between the island's two communities.
112.	Despite fading hopes, we still look forward to the day when the door will open to a just and equitable solution, safeguarding the independence of Cyprus and the rights and interests of the two communities within the framework of the balance established, recognized and respected at the inception of the State.
113.	I should like once again to thank the Secretary General, his special representative and the authorities of the United Nations peacekeeping force in Cyprus for the interest they have shown in the situation in the island, particularly during a period when certain destructive trends and lack of security further complicated the situation and prevented an agreement between the two communities.
114.	I should also like to say a few words about a conflict which continues to be a source of danger to peace, that is, the VietNam war. This war, which has already cost innumerable lives and sown destruction throughout the countries of the region, has not yet been brought to an end despite President Nixon's decision gradually to withdraw United States forces from VietNam and despite the continuation of the Paris talks. So long as the conflict continues the danger of its extension to neighboring areas cannot be eliminated. We sincerely hope that a solution will be found within the framework of the Geneva Agreements of 1954, and that the brave and unfortunate people of that region will at last be able to decide their own future freely.
115.	When we look towards Europe, we see that in that continent at least the efforts towards detente are beginning to yield fruit. The gradual improvement of the political climate which started last year is actively continuing. There are now contacts and continued discussions going on among the countries concerned, including the United States and Canada, so as to establish the principles on which the strengthening of European security might be based. Thanks to these contacts, the respective positions have been clarified on many points.
116.	However, the division of Europe into two blocs, the presence on the continent of substantial military forces, and conflicting views on fundamental problems make it no easy task to eliminate the points of disagreement. The successive setbacks of the postwar years have taught us caution. In order to avoid new disappointments, the process of detente should be pursued progressively and without unnecessary haste. We also need time in order gradually to dispel the lack of mutual trust which is the legacy of the cold war.
117.	The recent Treaty signed between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union represents an important step in this respect which, we hope, will be followed by other agreements, thus one by one eliminating the sources of tension.
118.	The prospects for convening a conference on European security fall in this context. If progress as promising as that registered to date is achieved in the near future, the way to a real detente and fruitful cooperation among all the countries of the continent will at last be clear.
119.	This year marks the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which undoubtedly constitutes one of the most important documents adopted by our Organization, a document of which Turkey was a cosponsor. Since the adoption of that historic Declaration, twenty-six countries have acceded to independence. This is due in large part to the incessant efforts of our Organization, and more particularly to the remarkable work of the Committee of twenty-Four.
120.	Although the progress achieved during the past decade is remarkable, we have not yet succeeded in completely eliminating this anachronism, which persists mainly in the southern part of the African continent.
121.	Those who try to prevent the application of measures adopted to help the enslaved peoples fighting for their most natural rights are pursuing an aim as repugnant as it is futile. This is an intolerable attitude. I once again strongly condemn the policy of apartheid. Despite all the appeals, that inhuman policy continues to be applied. The South African Government disregards with equal intransigence the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on Namibia terminating the mandate, and is extending its regime of apartheid to that country as well.
122.	As an active member of the United Nations Council for Namibia since its inception, Turkey would like here to express its satisfaction at being able to report some progress on this question. The Council for Namibia has in fact begun to exercise some of its executive powers. The decision of the Security Council [resolution 284 (1970)] to seek an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice constitutes another positive action which may throw some light on the legal aspects of measures that we may be called upon to take in the future.
123.	Still on the subject of Africa, in Southern Rhodesia the illegal and inhuman minority regime continues to perpetuate another example of colonialism. My country has not recognized that regime and strictly observes the mandatory economic sanctions adopted by the Security Council for the first time in the history of the United Nations.
124.	Unfortunately, it is now clear that the mandatory economic sanctions have not succeeded, and the diplomatic and economic isolation of the illegal regime has not yielded the anticipated results. We therefore believe the Security Council should find new means of ensuring the implementation of its decisions.
125.	The twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly will be a historic turning-point for the field of economic and social cooperation. We shall be adopting the document on the international development strategy [A 17982] and inaugurating the Second Development Decade. These are closely related aspects of one and the same question.
126.	The goals and objectives of the development strategy are now being elaborated. Although the document does not seem to be as comprehensive as we would have wished after two years of intensive effort, we nevertheless hope that it will be possible on this basis to reach a general agreement in the course of the decade on political measures for the attainment of these objectives. This is a project in which we cannot afford to fail. The prosperity and welfare of two thirds of humanity depend on the success of the Second Development Decade. To the extent that we can give it real content in harmony with the goals and objectives of the development strategy, so will our chance of living in a stable and peaceful world be increased.
127.	We must, however, bear in mind that it would take a hundred years to double the present average standard of living under the rate of growth proposed in the development strategy. If we take into account the extraordinary dynamism of our age, this objective may turn out to be far too modest.
128.	I should also like to say a few words about the negative developments which are taking place in the field of international trade. The share of the developing countries in international trade continues to decline. It is imperative that the measures proposed by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development be implemented in order to reverse this trend.
129.	A problem which increasingly affects the lives of men is that of the human environment. We are now seeing an unprecedented population explosion. Rapid urbanization and industrialization have further complicated the problems created by this phenomenon. The exhaustion of natural resources and the pollution of our air and water are affecting the balance of nature. These are highly complex matters which ought to be dealt with on a global scale. The United Nations offers one of the best forums in which such an undertaking can be pursued. We welcome the work done by the Preparatory Committee of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment. My country is actively engaged in these matters and will deem it a duty to contribute to the success of the 1972 conference  and to the efforts of the United Nations in this field.
130.	Speaking of the human environment, I should like to dwell briefly on a problem which I am sure is of interest to all of us. I refer to the natural disasters which affect the lives of tens of thousands of people and cause ravages in all the countries of the world. Many countries, including my own, have been the victims of natural catastrophes such as earthquakes, floods, and so forth. A few months after the disaster which struck Gediz, in Anatolie, Peru had to face a similar earthquake disaster that ravaged the country and took tens of thousands of human lives. Once again I should like to express our deep sympathy with that courageous and grievously afflicted people and also with the Romanian people who have recently been the victims of disastrous floods.
131.	The human conscience quite naturally revolts against such destruction and all peoples of the world spontaneously offer whatever they can in generous assistance to the victims. The help of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in those difficult times, too, is received with gratitude by those who suffer these ordeals.
132.	I believe that the time has come to tackle this problem on a world scale and in a more systematic manner. It would be desirable to establish machinery equipped with adequate technical and financial means within the framework of the United Nations so as to make possible the rapid organization of assistance and to provide the necessary material and technical supplies to those who are in urgent need of them. In the course of this session my delegation intends to propose the inclusion of a new agenda item and a draft resolution to that effect. We shall be happy to associate ourselves with other delegations wishing to join us in this humanitarian initiative, the sole purpose of which is to ease the suffering of the countries and peoples so afflicted.
133.	In conclusion, I should like to reiterate here a hope which I had the privilege of expressing once before and which I believe deserves to be repeated, that is, the hope that we may be able to live in a better world in which all our problems will be solved. Much remains to be done to arrive at that stage. Yet I believe that despite the great number of major obstacles that remain to be overcome, we are all aware that there is a spark of hope which illuminates the road to be followed. This spark is the genius of man, which has enabled mankind to achieve such brilliant success in the field of science. The day we succeed in putting this genius at the service of peace, the main obstacle will have been overcome.
134.	I should like to conclude my statement on this hopeful note and to express my strong conviction that to hope for a better world is not an unrealizable dream, but a perfectly accessible ideal.


37.	 On behalf of my country, may I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election as President of this Assembly, a choice that not only honors a citizen of the noble nation of Norway and guarantees equanimity in the guidance of our debates, but also is a well-deserved tribute to a statesman and distinguished jurist who has rendered such valuable services to the United Nations.
38.	I also feel that it is my duty to pay tribute to Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, the distinguished representative of Liberia, who presided over the past session of the General Assembly with undoubted wisdom and maturity.
39.	The twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations is an excellent opportunity for this Assembly to pause and ponder and discuss the progress and direction of the Organization, and carefully to take stock of the problems which it has dealt With and resolved and, in particular, those problems which are still with us in the present and lie before us in the future, darkening the horizon of our civilization which, in spite of the amazing progress of technology, seems to be about to lose control over the human and social problems which it must deal with.
40.	The world today is obviously not what it was twenty-five years ago. The political events which led to the creation of the United Nations are no longer as relevant, and the health of this great Organization cannot today be considered satisfactory. The faith, optimism and enthusiasm of which the founders of the Charter were possessed has very largely yielded to skepticism, disappointment and fear of the future.
41.	We must begin this plenary session which brings to a close a quarter of a century of work with the profound conviction that looking backward is of no avail if this is not accompanied by a firm determination to face and resolve, within the spirit of the United Nations Charter, not only the serious disputes and conflicts which are of concern to us today, but also those more vast and transcendent problems of universal dimension which will be of concern to mankind in the three decades before the end of this century.
42.	In order to achieve this age-old goal in an atmosphere of peace and progress, it is not necessary to create new and complicated international structures, nor for the time being will substantive changes in the United Nations Charter be required. On the contrary, it is sufficient to implement its provisions in good faith and, in particular, its purposes and principles which forbid the use or the threat of the use of force, and require non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, sovereign equality, the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with justice and international law, assistance to the Organization and its Members to maintain international security, respect for self-determination of peoples, co-operation in the economic and social areas and the constant development and furtherance of human rights. These purposes and principles were agreed upon at an exceptional moment in history and they reflect a level of understanding and agreement among States which it would be difficult to match in the present circumstances. We have, then, the institutional framework required for nations to face and successfully resolve the problems which we must deal with in the coming decades.
43.	Among these problems priority should be given to the need to attenuate or lessen the growing economic inequality which exists among nations, to control and slow down the burdensome arms race, to protect and improve the human environment and intensify food production to meet the needs of population of our constantly growing world. These are all questions which require more intense international co-operation on a greater scale, so that social tensions can be reduced and so that we can live in a better and more just world, in which men of all nations in their own countries may find the necessary conditions to develop their personalities and achieve the happiness they deserve as human beings.
44.	It is only in this way that the United Nations can secure the support of the peoples of the world and especially the support of "succeeding generations", as mentioned in the very first sentence of the Charter. We should not forget the fact that those born since 1945 make up more than half of the present population of the world.
45.	In disarmament problems, which play a prominent role on the agenda of the Assembly, there are unavoidable physical reasons why there are distinctions among nations. There are those nations which, like ours, have practically no armed forces on a worldwide scale and must therefore play the role of a non- protagonist which someone once compared to that of the chorus of ancient tragedies. In spite of this, Uruguay has supported and will continue to support all resolutions designed to bring about progressive and balanced disarmament, prohibiting the use of nuclear power for any warlike purposes.
46.	So it is that we have supported all initiatives to suspend nuclear tests and we have ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] and the Treaty of Tlatelolco. Uruguay, together with other Latin American countries, has introduced an item to the Assembly for consideration, to implement resolution 2456 B on the signature and ratification of Additional Protocol II of the Treaty banning nuclear weapons in Latin America.
47.	During this session the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples will be celebrated. One of the great achievements of the United Nations has been the role which it has played in combining the effort of the peoples of the world and the Governments of many countries, including several ex-colonial Powers, which is very much to their credit, in this process of decolonization, which is one of the irreversible signs of our times.
48.	Uruguay, even before the Declaration of 1960, when the membership of this Assembly was quite different from what it is today, adopted a very clear anti- colonialist position, for we felt that any colonialist ties or bonds were incompatible with the present system of the international community.
49.	My country was honored to be a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in its initial composition during the first seven years of its existence. We were determined to help make a reality the principle of the self-determination of peoples in the purest and most authentic sense.
50.	What remains to be done to put an end to colonialism throughout the world is one task before the United Nations which cannot be delayed. It is a task which all States must support most decisively.
51.	During this first stage of its existence the United Nations has adopted the Universal Declaration on Human Rights [resolution 217A (III)], the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional Protocol and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [resolution 2200A (XXI)], and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106A (XX)]. Uruguay has given priority attention and firm support to all those covenants.
52.	Consistent with our deep seated political philosophy, shared by all our people, our country has always advocated broad and unrestricted recognition of human rights without any distinction as to religion, race or sex. And it does seem now that those principles, as principles, have peacefully been accepted by civilized nations.
53.	But that acceptance cannot be considered a goal. It is only a starting point towards a more arduous under-taking. We would be flouting humanitarian sentiments which are the heritage of mankind if we allowed those principles which have been adopted today not to be applied and respected. It seems quite clear now that we must, as we have proposed in the past, have effective means at the international level to protect the rights of human beings, and that this should be done primarily through judicial bodies to which individuals whose rights have been infringed upon may have easy access.
54.	It is only in this way that we can fully secure legal guarantees for human rights, which in the history of institutions seem to have been protected first by law, then by constitutions and finally by international convention. In this way their final protection will be entrusted to international bodies, which will act in accordance with objective, impartial and automatic protective machinery, which will not be of an ad hoc nature or dependent on the political expedient.
55.	One symptom of the deterioration of genuine international peace may be seen in conflicts which threaten to become chronic and which create fluid areas of strife filling mankind with fear, because we do not see the end of those conflicts and indeed we realize that they might expand.
56.	Recently the Middle East has been in the forefront of our attention. This is an area in which, in spite of the undeniable efforts of the United Nations and of Governments that have lent their co-operation, significant progress has not been made towards a just and lasting peace.
57.	For this reason we are pleased to point to the recent acceptance by States involved in that conflict of the plans presented by the United States of America, which seems to have had the beneficial effect of attenuating the dangerous spiral of violence which has been a characteristic sign of recent times.
58.	Acting from a feeling of solidarity with these peoples many of whose representatives live with us and are an important and conspicuous part of the population the Government of Uruguay invited its sister nations of Latin America to co-ordinate their views on this subject and to offer in the United Nations, if the opportunity presents itself, a contribution to the solution of the disputes in the Middle East.
59.	This initiative should not be interpreted as a new source of disturbance in the already turbulent area where so many forces are already at work on this problem. The sole purpose is to prevent possible dispersion of effort which would ensue if many Latin American countries, joined together by international traditions and peaceful and universal feelings, did not act together and co-operate in a way which they deemed most effective perhaps even by remaining cautiously silent in the face of this difficult problem which has disrupted areas so dear to our people and their traditions.
60.	One very prominent item on the agenda of this Assembly is the item on the sea-bed, the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, which is closely connected with moves that have been made to bring about a new conference on the law of the sea.
61.	In this field, as is well known, the Government of Uruguay, taking into account developments in the international practice of States relating to the law of the sea and the oceans, decreed on 3 December 1969 an executive order which extended its territorial sea for the purpose of guaranteeing the defense of its national interests, the well-being of the people and opportunities for development and progress. In taking this decision it was borne in mind that in recent years an increasing number of States, particularly in Latin America, have extended their sovereign rights, demonstrating in this way the absence of norms of positive international law that are capable of limiting the power of States to establish the extent of their maritime jurisdiction and their territorial sea.
62.	In May of this year our Foreign Ministry arranged a meeting of Latin American States which had already extended the authority of the government to zones adjacent to the coasts. The result of that meeting was the Declaration of Montevideo, signed on 8 May 1970, which embodied basic principles on the law of the sea, on which participant States agreed unanimously. Pursuing this promising initiative, the States of Latin America, with two exceptions, sent their representatives to Lima to take part in another Latin American meeting on certain aspects of the law of the sea, which reiterated in very much the same terms the essential principles of the Declaration of Montevideo, and adopted other resolutions setting forth joint policy on the main problems of the law of the sea, particularly having in mind debates to be held in the sea-bed Committee and in this Assembly.
63.	Consistent with these principles, my Government, with regard to the convening of an international conference on the law of the sea, has as a matter of principle given a favorable reply, subject to the under-standing that we should like to see the items mentioned in resolution 2574 A (XXIV) of the General Assembly discussed at such a gathering. On the other hand, we regard as inappropriate the convening of one or more conferences with agendas limited to various partial aspects of the law of the sea.
64.	With regard to the extent of the continental shelf, my delegation is opposed to any reform of the definition of the continental shelf contained in the Geneva Convention on the Continental Shelf of 1958, which, as is well known, is Latin American in origin.
65.	In the enormous area of economic and social problems viewed on a world-wide scale, as this Assembly should view them, the star item remains underdevelopment, and we are inclined to believe that it will continue to occupy the leading place in the scenario, as it were, of our concern.
66.	To be understood in its proper dimensions, the basic aspect of under-development must be complemented by the realization that under-development of the countries of the "third world", and particularly the Latin American countries, contrary to earlier belief, can no longer be considered to be a mere stage in the life of peoples, comparable to certain short-comings which can be seen uniformly throughout the evolution of living organisms. Under-development is not a normal crisis of growth but rather a pathological disturbance within the economic and social evolution of human communities. Like any illness, it calls for adequate therapy. The responsibility of our generation is precisely to prove wise enough to determine what this treatment should be and to be strong enough to apply it. Contemporary man, more than man at any other time in history, feels that the world is not remaining static; it is necessarily changing, whether through evolution or revolution. Our difficult job is to place our faith and our hard work on the side of the balance where evolution lies, so that we shall not be caught off guard by the inevitable consequences of revolution.
67.	All this leads me to reiterate once again that the proposals for the Second United Nations Development Decade constitute one of the fundamental items of this Assembly.
68.	The Government of Uruguay has expressed in other forums of the United Nations, such as the Economic and Social Council, its resolute support for such proposals and also for the new strategy which they presuppose, emphasis being placed not exclusively on purely economic growth, that is, on increasing the gross national product, but on a more equitable distribution of income and on other social objectives such as the expansion of employment, the improvement of housing and opportunities for education in keeping with the needs of development.
69.	In particular my delegation welcomes the recommendation to intensify, through new agreements on primary products, international trade in those goods that have unstable markets. In our capacity as a producer and exporter of wool, my country regards as well justified the recommendation of the Committee for Development Planning in which "special recognition should be given to the difficulties encountered by producers of natural goods which face competition from synthetic materials", advising in such cases the elimination of "all tariff and non-tariff barriers against such imports, whether in primary or processed form".
70.	Beyond any doubt, the prime prerequisite to development is the determination of each country. My country in the past two years has made a tremendous and successful effort to hold back the scourge of inflation, which upsets and in fact makes impossible any real attempt at economic development. As Minister of Industry of my country at that time, I had occasion to initiate in June 1968 a policy of stabilization, which has become consolidated recently, with a sharp decline in the cost-of-living index, which now indicates an annual rate equivalent to only 10 per cent of the rate that existed in 1967. The increase in international reserves, the increase in exports and the considerable growth in the gross product, which in that short period was doubled all these are favorable signs that show the favorable results that can be brought about by a sound policy properly backed up by the public authority.
71.	As far as trade with developed countries is concerned, I should like to make a brief reference to the meeting of the Special Committee on Latin American Co-ordination, which was convened in Buenos Aires at the ministerial level to co-ordinate economic, financial and technological relations among Latin American States with regard to contacts with the European economic communities.
72.	It is our hope that, as is occurring in the dialog now proceeding between Latin America and the United States in regard to trade matters, a constructive under-standing can be arrived at, which will permit the tightening of our traditional economic bonds with Western Europe, inspired as the Declaration of Buenos Aires says, by principles of justice, equity, international solidarity and mutual respect.
73.	Among the questions that are of concern to the world today there is one which has particular political and social implications : that relating to crimes against humanity. In Uruguay we have had occasion to deplore a crime of this type which cost the life of a citizen of a country that is traditionally a friend of ours, an innocent victim of an act which stirred the deepest feelings of our people. I should like to reiterate here most solemnly, and in doing so I express the sentiments of the Uruguayan people, the angriest repudiation of that crime and also of the other kidnappings of citizens of friendly countries, committed by small groups of conspirators who, setting themselves up as crusaders for a new and violent gospel, perpetrate crimes of the most ruthless and arbitrary sort.
74.	Attempts were made through kidnapping to force the liberation of detainees and condemned persons who are not political prisoners but simply the perpetrators of common crimes and are subject to ordinary justice, which acts quite apart from political power, and within which they have access to due legal process with all guarantees for their defense. In such circumstances any attempt at extortion or blackmail is quite inadmissible, even where the noble purpose of saving precious and innocent lives is concerned; for that would presuppose not only a violation of the Constitution and laws but would set a very grim precedent for man's future as a member of society. The suppression of crime, essential for any human group that has gone beyond the primitive stage of private vengeance, would ipso facto be prevented, because it would be impossible then to punish those who break the penal laws, even those laws which protect the most sacred rights of man : life and freedom.
75.	On the initiative of the President of our Republic, Mr. Pacheco Areco, a policy was established as was explained by our country in the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States which has been recognized and understood by many friendly Governments as the doctrine which really constitutes the best safeguard for diplomats, since it prevents the kind of blackmail that seems to be constantly increasing and involving new victims or encouraging the commission of other crimes against humanity.
76.	Our Government, always a zealous defender of the principle of non-intervention, would state, as an essential factor for the development of this whole item, its belief that these matters which through their external repercussions can affect bilateral relations in the international field are by their very nature a subject which properly falls within the competence of each State, that each State should assert the right to handle these matters as it understands them, in accordance with the circumstances of time and place, it being understood of course that at same time a uniform mode of conduct in this respect, freely agreed upon by the different countries, would be the best way of guarding against this kind of ruthlessness.
77.	Important international gatherings, with the affirmative vote of my country, have decided that this kind of offense cannot be regarded as being covered by the treatment which, as far as concerns extradition and asylum, is reserved for political offenses. The raison d'etre for this kind of treatment is the idea that the political offender is not a danger in a foreign country, but on the other hand in his country the courts at a given time might not prove able to offer adequate guarantees of impartiality. This reasoning does not apply to criminals who have recourse to such measures as the use of foreign diplomats as hostages and victims, which is an act of odious barbarity prohibited even by the laws of war. Methods such as these strike not just against a regime or a given political system, but against all forms of organized society, whether internal or international; and they truly constitute acts of lese-humanity, offenses which no longer are jure civitate but jure gentium.
78.	Acts such as these, as we have demonstrated, which try to break up the cohesion necessary for any organized social group, creating in the chosen sector the tense atmosphere caused by repeated acts of terrorism, which many times affect innocent civilians  such acts are not the sad privilege of just one country or one continent. Everywhere, on all sides, you see kidnappings, hijacking of aircraft, coercion on the normal development of individual freedoms, on the exercise of public authority. All these acts are carried out with ambivalent purposes for the publicity thus gained or for the ransoming of accomplices who have been apprehended by the duly constituted authorities.
79.	In the light of this picture my Government feels that this Assembly could well devote its attention to an analysis of the idea behind the interesting initiative recently presented at the meeting of the Organization of American States in Washington, designed to provide special protection for affected property and persons, and this for the benefit of international relations and the progress of mankind as a whole.
80.	Our Government has co-sponsored the inclusion in the agenda of the Assembly of the item referring to the revision of the functioning of the International Court of Justice.
81.	By historical tradition and also through constitutional precepts, Uruguay is always prepared to accept the peaceful solution of any international controversy and is a resolute supporter of judicial and arbitration procedures. Fifty years ago, in 1921, Uruguay accepted without any reservation the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. This declaration, which still remains in force, is the longest-standing case of acceptance of the optional clause. We also ratified the Pact of Bogota in the drafting of which the Uruguayan internationalist Dardo Regules took part. The essence of this instrument lies in the undertaking entered into by the American States to resolve their legal differences by having recourse to the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court.
82.	Therefore my country cannot simply remain on the sidelines, seeing the difficult situation in which the Court finds itself now, having no business before it, especially when this comes precisely at about the time that the Court has finished its first fifty years of existence, Happily, this situation has been corrected with the important and happy precedent set by the Security Council in calling, for the first time, for an advisory opinion from the Court.
83.	Notwithstanding this, we also regard as a very timely and useful idea the study which we have pro-posed, and we will promote the need for a more general acceptance of the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice.
84.	We must sincerely recognize that this Assembly would be rendered incapable of carrying out, the sacred functions which belong to it on a world-wide level if it did not succeed in perceiving with all clarity that the world as a whole wishes to shake itself free from its classic structures.
85.	It is only by remembering this truth, and some-times because it is so obvious we forget about it, that we can raise our eyes and our efforts and join this earth such a hapless and wretched earth to that remote infinite point towards which we are drawn all the time by that thirst for perfection that all men harbor within themselves and which draws them towards the perfection of created things.