I should like to begin by congratulating the
President on his election to the high office he
has been asked to fill at this session of the
General Assembly. His contribution as President
of this forum will undoubtedly be invaluable in
achieving the success we hope for in the tasks
with which we have been entrusted, especially in
the fulfillment of the principles and purpose of
the Charter.
233.	My country would also like to greet,
through him, the friendly nation of Hungary, with
which we have a very close and productive
relationship.
234.	Nor can I omit to take this opportunity
to recall the outstanding performance of Mr.
Kittani of Iraq, and to reaffirm our appreciation
of the ability and effectiveness with which he
carried out his task at a particularly difficult
session of the General Assembly.
235.	Finally, before I reach the substance of
my statement, I should like, as Minister for
Foreign Affairs of a Latin American country, to
greet most warmly the first Latin American
Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar,
to whom my country is deeply indebted for his
earnest efforts during the South Atlantic crisis
to reach a solution to the conflict.
236.	This year my country had to deal with a
grave international crisis rooted in the fact
that even today, on the eve of the twenty-first
century, there remain forms of colonial
domination in the world, despite the efforts of
the Organization and of the overwhelming majority
of its Member States to eradicate them. The
crisis to which I am referring, which resumed in
an armed confrontation between Argentina and the
United Kingdom, would not have taken place had
colonialism and its vestiges been completely
eliminated from the face of the earth.
237.	The conflict which took place in the
South Atlantic, comprising the Malvinas Islands,
South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands,
shows that there is as yet no end to the efforts
of the United Kingdom to cling to its colonial
possessions and to maintain its privileges,
something possible only in an international state
of affairs which is based on the existence of
unequal relations, supported in the main by the
crude domination of force.
238.	The Government of the United Kingdom has
attempted to obscure the very clear rights of the
Republic of Argentina to claim territories of
which it was divested by force; but the General
Assembly is well aware of the historical
background of the matter and the stubborn British
attempts to distort it have come to naught.
239.	Existing cartographic proofs offered by
maps of that time demonstrate that the Malvinas
Islands were discovered by Spanish navigators in
the first half of the sixteenth century. Then,
since the beginning of the seventeenth century,
they were explored by French navigators until
1764, when Louis de Bougainville established the
Port Louis settlement, now Soledad Island, a
situation which gave rise to a Spanish protest
and a subsequent recognition by France of the
sover¬eignty of Spain over these territories. In
1766 Port Egmont was established in the islet of
Trinidad, the only territory occupied by the
British in the Malvinas Islands, from which they
were also expelled by the Buenos Aires Government
on 10 June 1770.
240.	Subsequently secret diplomatic
negotiations led to the precarious restitution of
those settlements to the British on condition
that at a later date they would have to withdraw
from them definitively, a commit¬ment which the
United Kingdom fulfilled in 1774. Since then the
United Kingdom virtually forgot all about the
islands until it took them by force in 1833.
241.	In the period between 1767 and 1810, a
year when Argentina started on its road to
independence, the Malvinas were administered by
20 governors appointed by the Spanish Crown. The
Republic of Argentina, having become independent
from Spain, then succeeded Spain in all its
rights, including the rights of sovereignty over
the islands which belonged to Spain. By virtue of
this, until 1833, the administra¬tion of the
Malvinas was exercised by six Argentinean
governors, under whose government my country had
the peaceful and exclusive occupation of the
archi¬pelago, without any discussion by the
European powers of our claims, titles and rights
to these territo¬ries. What must be emphasized,
because it is a decisive point, is that the
United Kingdom in 1825 recognized that the
Republic of Argentina was a sovereign State, and
at that time entered into a treaty of friendship,
trade and navigation with Argentina and did not
then voice any reservation with regard to its
alleged rights over the Malvinas Islands or any
other adjacent terri¬tories. This most clearly
demonstrates that the United Kingdom was aware of
the fact that it had absolutely no right over the
Malvinas Islands and archipelago, whose
sovereignty it questions today.
242.	On 3 January 1833, eight year^ after
Argentina was recognized as a sovereign State,
and after the signing of the treaty of
friendship, trade and naviga¬tion, British troops
occupied the islands by force, bringing down the
Argentinean flag, expelling Argentinean
authorities and Argentinean citizens, residents
of the area and forcing them to go to Montevideo.
The Argentinean population was thus completely
replaced by a British military garrison.
243.	On 15 and 22 January of that same year,
the Government of Argentina sent a protest to the
Charge d'affaires of Great Britain in Buenos
Aires, and on 17 June the Argentine Minister, Don
Manuel Moreno, voiced the most energetic protest
in London. Thus began an uninterrupted series of
Argentinean protests against the British
occupation and in all cases these were
arbitrarily rejected by the Government of the
United Kingdom.
244.	The Republic of Argentina never agreed to
the British occupation, nor did it ever give up
its sover¬eign rights over the territory of which
it was divested by force. All this is more than
enough to show the inequity of any claims of
acquisition by the United Kingdom.
245.	Let the Assembly compare the historic and
con¬sistent stand of my country with the silence
of Great Britain in 1825 and its ominous
aggression of 1833.
246.	Let us come back now to our times.
Following the creation of the United Nations the
treatment in the Organization of the item of
decolonization brought with it the adoption of
the well-known General Assem¬bly resolution 1514
(XV), which deals with decoloniza¬tion, as well
as resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160 (XXVIII) and
31/49, which is specifically applicable to the
case of the Malvinas.
247.	It was thus decided, first, that there
was recog¬nition of the existence of a dispute
over sovereignty between the Republic of
Argentina and the United Kingdom, secondly, an
invitation to those Govern¬ments to continue
forthwith negotiations to achieve a peaceful
solution of the matter, bearing in mind the
provisions and objectives of the Charter, as well
as the interests—not the wishes—of the population
of the islands; thirdly, the recognition of the
efforts made by the Republic of Argentina to
facilitate the decolonization process and to
promote the well-being of the population of the
islands.
248.	Starting in 1966 negotiations began
between the two Governments but these
negotiations did not lead to any result because
of the indifferent attitude and dilatory tactics
displayed by the British.
249.	Acceptance by the United Kingdom of the
invita¬tion to negotiate on the matter of
sovereignty, for¬mulated in resolution 2065 (XX),
was embodied in the communications of Foreign
Ministers Zavala Ortiz and Stewart,'3 as a result
of the visit of the latter to Buenos Aires in
1966. Clearly this acceptance was encouraging for
it reflected, apparently, the beginning of a
change in the British position, which up to that
time had rejected all negotiations on the matter
of sovereignty of the archipelago.
250.	Later the terms of reference of the
negotiation were formally set out in the joint
communique of 26 April 1977," which stated
specifically that it would include the matter of
sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands, South
Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. That
agreement between Argentina and the United
Kingdom was explicitly recognized in the parallel
notes addressed in June 1979's by the Per¬manent
Representatives of my country and of the United
Kingdom to the Secretary-General, informing him
that from 21 to 23 March 1979 the representatives
of the Governments of both countries had held the
fourth round of negotiations on the Malvinas
Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich
Islands, within the framework established in the
aforementioned communique of 26 April 1977.
251.	Nevertheless, the obligations undertaken
by the United Kingdom in those documents and 17
years of negotiations failed to convince the
Government of the United Kingdom to deal with the
matter of sover¬eignty fully and in good faith.
That was an arbitrary attitude which could not be
explained in the light of the clarity of the
commitments entered into.
252.	On the contrary, my country continued to
demonstrate at all times its sincere resolve to
settle the dispute. Further proof of that was the
letters addressed to the Secretary-General in
1971 by the Permanent Representatives of
Argentina and the United Kingdom^ on opening up
communications between continental Argentina and
the archipelago, for that statement demonstrated
in fact the declared intent of Argentina duly to
take into account the interests of the
inhabitants of the Malvinas.
253.	Thus the supply of fuel, the
establishment of regular maritime and air
services, free medical atten¬tion in hospitals on
the continent, the granting of fellowships in
educational institutions and the supply of
foodstuffs are some of the many indications of
the sincere desire of Argentina to continue to
improve considerably the standard of living of
the inhabitants of the islands, which up to that
time had been isolated and had suffered
shortages, which Argentina—not the United
Kingdom—tried to make good in the best interests
of the inhabitants of the Malvinas.
254.	One should bear in mind also that along
with this, and from the beginning of the
negotiations, my country repeatedly oHered to
grant guarantees and safeguards under the
protection of the United Nations in order to
preserve the lifestyle of the inhabitants of the
Malvinas, as well as their traditions and
customs, with the idea of considering their
interests, an idea which is contained in General
Assembly resolution 2065 (XX).
255.	Nevertheless, despite all the efforts of
succes¬sive Argentine delegations in the rounds
of negotia¬tions, which were once again renewed
at the last meeting in February 1982, it was not
possible to get from the British delegations,
which also included islanders, a list of the
guarantees and safeguards which they required for
the protection of their interests.
256.	The positive attitude demonstrated by
Argentina in presenting to the United Kingdom in
February of this year a new proposal for settling
the dispute between the two countries met with
complete silence on the part of the British
Government. That proposal provided for a
machinery to speed negotiations over sovereignty
and achieve concrete results in the form of a
system of monthly meetings, with a
pre-established agenda, the venue of the meetings
established in advance, presided over by
officials at the highest level.
But, as already stated, in accordance with the
usual practice of Britain in matters of
negotiation with our country, we were not able to
obtain a reply to this reasonable initiative by
Argentina, despite the requests made by our
Government.
257.	We come now to the episode which
unleashed the present crisis. Argentina received
the British ultimatum to withdraw a group of
civilian workers who had landed on South Georgia
to fulfill a private contract, which was known to
the British authorities, under the threat of the
use of force if their demand was not heeded. That
intimidation was accompanied by the movement
towards that area of various naval units,
including nuclear submarines.
258.	Thus the bloodless occupation of the
Malvinas Islands by Argentina was a justified
reaction in the face of the British decision to
strengthen its colonial domination over a
territory which by law belongs to my country and
in flagrant contradiction with the provisions of
General Assembly resolution 31/49. I should like
to emphasize that the recovery of the islands was
achieved without the British suffering a single
death or injury due in any way to the intentions
of Argentina, a country which preferred to
sacrifice many of its own soldiers for the sake
of not causing any victims among the British
occupying forces or the population.
259.	Furthermore, I should like to recall that
imme¬diately and without any pre-condition the
Republic of Argentina returned all British
military personnel, along with their flags, in
order to avoid further prob¬lems in trying to
reach a peaceful solution.
260.	The recognition by Argentina of the
authority of the Security Council in this dispute
was made quite clear in many statements by my
Government in favor of an effective and full
implementation of Council resolution 502 (1982).
In his statement at this session the President of
Brazil, stressing the importance of the General
Assembly's consideration of the question of the
Malvinas, stated that the first step towards a
solution must be the full implementation of
Security Council resolution 502 (1982), adding:
"It is time for those who so vigorously condemn
the use of force in the solution of controversies
to demonstrate the consistency and sincerity of
their designs".
261.	My Government spared no effort in order
to obtain immediately a negotiated settlement of
the crisis, accepting at all times the good
offices offered to us; but we wonder about the
possibility of arriving at a legitimate agreement
when the United Kingdom, seeking no result other
than a military victory and the maintenance of
the colonial situation, brought its fleet into
the South Atlantic unlawfully, invoking Article
51 of the Charter, and arrogated to itself the
right to act, no matter what the consequences, by
taking all sorts of hostile measures.
262.	The generous offer made by the Secretary-
General on 2 May this year, to be considered by
both Governments, did not achieve the solution
called for by the serious crisis.
263.	The Government of Argentina from the very
outset had full confidence in the role which the
Organization, and especially the
Secretary-General, could play in these grave
circumstances, to help with the maintenance of
international peace and security and to eliminate
all vestiges of colonialism in the world; but the
United Kingdom adopted an extremely rigid
position with regard to the ideas which were
being discussed, an attitude that was closely
related to the increase of its military potential
in the area.
264.	Later came Security Council resolution
505 (1982), and a British veto on a draft
resolution'? in the Security Council^ which, if
adopted, would have made possible an immediate
cease-fire, thus avoiding loss of life on both
sides. This was the clearest proof of the lack of
political will on the part of the United Kingdom
to find a peaceful negotiated solution. The only
thing which the British Govern¬ment was
interested in was a success by its punitive
fleet, to consolidate its imperialist presence in
the South Atlantic and improve its damaged
domestic political situation. The facts show that
from the very beginning military action was the
only solution which the Conservative Government
of the United Kingdom seriously considered.
265.	I am revealing no secret when I say that
the British Empire only reluctantly gave up its
colonies. Many of the nations represented here
have at one time in their history been colonies
of the United Kingdom and know that their present
situation as sovereign States is not due to any
gracious conces¬sion on the part of that Power,
agreeing m a gesture of generosity to grant them
independence. On the con¬trary, every case of
liberation was the result of a very difficult and
cruel struggle by the oppressed peoples, or of
the final inability of the United Kingdom to
continue exercising its control over those people
in the face of the irresistible force of the
great movement of history leading to decolonization,
generated essen¬tially by the United Nations.
266.	The United Kingdom, which today attempts
to act as the champion of self-determination, is
pre¬cisely the colonial Power par	which in
many cases raised all kinds of obstacles when the
United Nations tried to assist the just process
which made it possible to liquidate most of its
Empire.
267.	Thus, in the specific case of the
Malvinas Islands, the practice of the United
Kingdom thus far has been to pretend to fulfil
the requirements estab¬lished in the resolutions
of the General Assembly, requiring it to
negotiate in the dispute over sover¬eignty, while
in reality sabotaging any serious attempt to make
progress on that important problem. It proceeded
throughout with no sense of haste or urgency,
while striving only to protect its special
private interests, and the monopolistic
exploitation of its colony.
268.	The United Kingdom has proclaimed that
Argentina resorted to action in the midst of the
negotiations about the islands. No statement
could be more false. That process has been
frustrated precisely by the dilatory tactics and
delays used time and again by the British
Government, quite apart from its complete failure
to reply to the last proposal made by Argentina
in February 1982.
269.	Moreover, I wish to state categorically
that throughout the 17 years of fruitless
negotiations imposed upon the United Kingdom by
the will of the
General Assembly in 1965 in its resolution 2065
(XX), the administering colonial Power of our
Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich
Islands never gave any indication of trying in
good faith to reach a solution to the dispute
over sovereignty which exists between that
country and Argentina, refusing to discuss the
only subject that justified those negotiations
and made them necessary: precisely the question
of sovereignty.
270.	Among the basic principles which it sets
forth for the fulfillment of the purposes of the
United Nations, the Charter, in Article 2,
paragraph 2, states that "All Members, in order
to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits
resulting from membership, shall fulfill in good
faith the obligations assumed by them in
accordance with the present Charter". But the
attitude of the United Kingdom constitutes a
flagrant violation of this commitment to which it
subscribed when it signed the constitutional
statute of the Organization, and its actions and
omissions have shown how little importance it
attaches to the resolutions of one of the basic
pillars of the relations in the international
community.
271.	Furthermore, if any doubt remained, the
attitude of the present Government of the United
Kingdom is full confirmation that its objective
has always been to continue its usurpation of the
Islands and to accept only those superficial
changes which serve to conceal the true colonial
nature of its domination over them.
272.	And if the existence of colonies is an
affront to the dignity of the peoples and a
shameful blot on the name of an international
community which claims to be civilized, even more
shameful is the attempt to invoke the principles
of decolonization to prolong the life of the
ill-omened remnants of an era that fortunately
has come to an end. The Government of the United
Kingdom is trying to whitewash the guilt of its
unlawful occupation by invoking the right to
self- determination of the inhabitants of the
Islands. In so doing, it is attempting to justify
their plundering by invoking the principles that
are generally accepted in the United Nations in
the hope that the nations represented here will
forget all the times when these principles were
ignored or denied by the same United Kingdom
which now invokes them.
273.	For if the United Kingdom states that it
is a nation which respects the right of
self-determination, we are faced with a true
historic paradox. How are we then to explain the
struggle for independence and national
sovereignty of India under Gandhi's leader¬ship,
human symbol of anti-colonialism, peace and
justice in our century? How can we forget the
wars of liberation in Africa against British
imperialism ever since the end of the Second
World War? How can we explain the subjugation and
domination suffered by the peoples of Asia at the
zenith of the United Kingdom's imperial
expansion? Could we perchance forget that he
United Kingdom not only violated the true
self-determination of the peoples, but it also
made illegal use of force, violating the most
elementary rules and principles of international
law and ethics? Why did the United Kingdom,
claiming to be such a staunch defender of the
self-determination of peoples, displace by force
the population of the island of Diego Garcia, to
make over that territory for the establishment of
a military base in the Indian Ocean?
Cotild it be perhaps because they were not white,
but Macks and people of mixed Mood?
274.	Obviously, it is no mere historical
coincidence that some of the major leaders of the
developing world and champions in our day of the
freedom and independence of peoples—men such as
Nehru, Nasser, Kenyatta, Nyerere and Archbishop
Makarios, among others—had to confront at various
times in their political struggles the colonial
or neo-colonial domi¬nation of British
imperialism.
275.	These facts show that when the U „
Kingdom claims to be defending the right to
determination of peoples, that is not only a way
vt concealing the truth about the nature of its
illegal colonial possession of the Malvinas
Islands, South Georgia and South Sandwich, but
also a cynical attempt to adjust its position to
the world of today, in order to perpetuate its
last ties of political and economic domination;
in other words, its intent is to seem to change
things so that they can remain the same. The
right to self- determination is basically a
collective right, recognized for all peoples,
nations and States. That right assumes a
legitimate relationship between those who are to
benefit and the territory to be decolonized, but
the territorial link cannot be of any type,
because the right to self-determination can never
be used as an instrument to split up a territory.
276.	For example, the settlements established
by Israel in the occupied Arab and Palestinian
terri¬tories—in contradiction of the rights of
the countries and populations affected, and of
the Geneva Con¬vention on the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August
1949, and in flagrant violation of the
resolutions adopted by the Security Council and
the General Assembly—are a clear example of a
policy infringing the right of territorial
integrity. The international community has
rightly condemned such policies, since the
perpetuation of these illegal situations at the
expense of Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and the
Palestinian people year after year has become a
constant source of tension and violence,
endangering not only the Middle East but
international peace and security.
277.	Therefore, recognition of the right to
self- determination of a population implanted by
force, after the forced expulsion of those who
were legiti¬mately living in the area earlier, is
a mockery of the efforts of the Organization to
put an end to colonialism, and can lead only to
the renewal of colonialism in the guise of a
settlement freely consented to. The relation¬ship
between those who claim freely to exercise the
right to self-determination and the territory in
which they live must come from a justifiable
situation that existed before the occupation.
278.	The clear and maked truth is that the
United Kingdom has established a colony in part
of Argentine territory, and the definitive
solution must be the restitution of that
territory to its legitimate owner, in keeping
with the right of territorial integrity, which
clearly applies to this case, in conformity with
resolution 1514 (XV). Otherwise, I must give
warning that to legitimize the illicit origin of
British pos¬session would be to establish a
dangerous precedent for legitimizing future
seizures of territory, based on the use of force,
yet subject, it would be claimed, to
legitimization by the passage of time.
279.	The recent crisis in the South Atlantic prompted the Government
of the United Kingdom not only to seek to
consolidate its colonial domination, this time
quite openly, over the Malvinas Islands and their
dependencies, but also in violation of General
Assem¬bly resolutions, to establish an
extra-continental military base on the islands,
with nuclear submarines and nuclear weapons in
the area.
280.	This provocative attitude has clearly
introduced a focus of continuing tension into the
South Atlantic, which is unacceptable both to the
Republic of Argen¬tina and to Latin America. We
must therefore put an end to that state of
affairs. There has been a de facto end to the
hostilities in the area, as everyone knows, and
my Government does not intend to take the
initiative in changing that situation. But
following the cease-fire the United Kingdom
carried out an armed attack on the Argentine
scientific station "Corbeta Uruguay", established
six years earlier in the South Sandwich Islands,
imprisoning the staff, who were carrying out work
of a strictly peaceful nature. That unjustifiable
act of aggression was recently condemned by the
Second World Conference On Cultural Policies,
convened in Mexico by UNESCO.
281.	Furthermore, my country has many times
brought to the attention of the Organization acts
of harassment by British vessels and aircraft
against Argentine fishermen, even outside the
exclusion zone which the United Kingdom continues
to impose around the islands for Argentine civil
and military vessels and aircraft. Although
technically limited to an area of 150 nautical
miles, this illegal and arbitrary measure has in
fact been extended by the British Government to
waters outside the area, where Argentine fishing
vessels are constancy subject to intimidation.
This is a serious matter that should be of great
concern to us, since we all recall how during the
recent conflict a British nuclear submarine did
not hesitate to torpedo and sink the Argentine
Republic navy cruiser Genera/
which was sailing outside the exclusion zone
established and defined by the United Kingdom
Government itself—a completely illegitimate and
brutal action which was no source of pride for
British public opinion or any of its allies.
282.	The facts that I have just described, as
well as the stand taken so far by the British
Government, opposed to any genuine negotiation,
show clearly the need for the international
community, through a decision by the General
Assembly, to support the Latin American
initiative to resolve the present situation and
the dispute over sovereignty between Argentina
and the United Kingdom by substantive
negotiations carried out in good faith.
283.	Latin America is today writing a page in
its history marked by its spiritual umty and its
heroic role, reaffirmed recently by the Panama
Canal issue, and today by the Malvinas question.
284.	This unity will be demonstrated in the
forth¬coming meetings of Latin American heads of
State proposed by Uruguay, Panama and Colombia,
in all of which my country will take part. It
will also be demonstrated next year at a meeting,
convened by Venezuela in Caracas, of heads of
State and other representatives of their peoples
to commemorate the bicentenary of the Liberator,
Simon Bolivar, who conceived of our continent as
a federation of nations striving, through the
strength of their common ideals and
determination, to bring about a world of justice
and freedom. With this dream, to which our
Liberator, Jose de San Martin, made his
outstanding contribution, were associated all the
national heroes of Latin America, with a slogan
that we have not forgotten, and are determined
not to forget, calling for respect by the
international community for our demands, today
and for ever.
285.	Latin America, united today by the
Malvinas, and tomorrow by whatever other equally
just cause may affect any of the countries
comprising it, calls for a response that will
meet its legitimate demands.
286.	Latin America shall not be a
breeding-ground for colonial adventures. The
countries of the hemi¬sphere fought hard to win
their independence and therefore have a long tradition
of rejection of colo¬nialism. Those ideals of the
founding heroes of the Latin American homeland
inspire the actions of the Governments of the
region, with whose decisive assistance and
support the Hrst decolonization ini¬tiatives
prospered in the United Nations. It is in that
spirit that Latin America has demonstrated its
whole¬hearted support for the fraternal
initiative taken by Mexico, which calls for
consideration of the question of the Malvinas
Islands during the current session of the General
Assembly.
287.	I emphasize with pride and appreciation
that the question of the Malvinas Islands is no
longer in the Organization the private cause of
my country but has become the cause of Latin
America, as happened also in the case of Panama.
In their letter to the Secretary-General, the
Latin American nations made the following points,
among others:
"The persistence of this colonial situation in
America and the dispute between the Argentine
Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland concerning sovereignty over
the Islands, on which the General Assembly has
expressed itself in resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160
(XXVIII) and 31/49, have led to serious armed
con¬flict in the South Atlantic and constitute a
situation that affects the Latin American region
in particular.
"The countries of America, which are peace-
loving and anxious for a peaceful settlement of
the conflict, consider that the negotiations
between the Argentine Republic and the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
should be conducted under the auspices of the
United Nations/' [Sep
288.	That initiative earned the gratitude of
all the Argentine people, for which the cause of
the Malvinas is a national goal which takes
precedence over partisan differences and binds
together citizens of all sectors.
289.	We extend the same gratitude to the
non-aligned movement, which in its successive
statements has categorically endorsed Argentina's
claims.
290.	I wish to express similar appreciation to
all countries which have extended to us their
support and have recognized the legitimacy of our
claims.
291.	The events in the South Atlantic have
taught us some hard but useful lessons, which
will have an impact on our future as a region and
hence on our international relations. We have
felt the warmth of solidarity and the bitterness
of frustration, depending on the reaction to the
legitimate claim of our peoples.
292.	We shall never forget those who acted as
our friends. As to those who did not so act, we
shall re-examine in the future their earlier
positions, bearing in mind the circumstances of
that time, which for many were unclear or
distorted. But the positions they are taking now,
will have to stand up to the closest scrutiny by
the Argentine people and by all those who agree
with the very clear principles which the
inter¬national community has committed itself to
defend. Their conduct will be judged not by
Governments, which are temporary things, but by
peoples, which are permanent. History, which is
incorruptible, will be a court of last resort.
The Argentineans and all Latin Americans are
convinced that it will be our ally, not to be
suborned.
293.	We firmly believe that negotiations in
good faith between the parties provide the only
possible path to peace. Hence we are prepared to
heed the call of the General Assembly to begin
negotiations to find a peaceful solution to the
dispute over sover¬eignty which will take into
account the relevant resolutions of the General
Assembly and the Security Council, with the
assistance of the Secretary-General, in whom my
country has sincere confidence.
294.	Argentina has never expanded its
territory through the use of force. On the
contrary, it has traditional resorted to peaceful
methods and negotiations to resolve its
territorial disputes. In this spirit our country
is committed to the peaceful settlement of its
territorial dispute with the Republic of Chile in
the southern part of the country, with the
invaluable participation of His Holiness Pope
John Paul II as mediator. The people and Government
of Argentina wish to express here their deepest
gratitude to His Holiness for his tireless
mediating activities and his guidance of the
negotiations with the Republic of Chile. Great
importance has been attached by the Holy See to
these activities, which resulted in the agreement
signed on 15 September last at Vatican City. That
agreement is an unequivocal confirmation of the
complete confidence which the two countries have
placed in the Supreme Pontiff and in his judgment
as to the best way to settle the dispute. For our
part, we reaffirm our belief that through
mediation we will reach a final agreement
acceptable to both parties which will put an end
to the dispute once and for all, thus
consolidating the traditional links between the
two peoples.
295.	The world situation is so serious, and
the situa¬tion as regards the Organization's
ability to fulfill its purpose of maintaining
peace and acting as a useful forum for
negotiation among its Member States has become so
difficult, that the Secretary-General felt
compelled in writing his exemplary report to
abandon the usual practice of reviewing the broad
range of issues involved in the work of the
United Nations and to concentrate on the central,
vital problem of the chances of achieving the
aims which 37 years ago prompt J the creation of
the United Nations, after the six years of agony
and destruction of the Second World War.
296.	In the year since the last regular
session of the General Assembly the deteriorating
trend of inter¬national relations has been
confirmed. The tensions stemming from the
traditional confrontation between the
super-Powers have been aggravated by fighting
resulting from long-standing conflicts which
remain unresolved as a result of the lack of
political will or an intransigent refusal to
confront the problems intelligently and in a
forward-looking way.
297.	Thus the lack of trust between
antagonistic blocs or States at the international
level provides the political opportunity for
serious regional crises, and the military pacts
among the great Powers encourage their allies,
whether or not they are in the right, in
exaggerated confrontations or punitive operations
reminiscent of the nineteenth century, although
they use the ultra-sophisticated arsenals of the
late twentieth century.
298.	Furthermore, the developed nations, are
en¬trenching themselves m positions of privilege
and when they agree to a dialogue with other
States which are not members of their club they
do so only on their own terms. Fear of change
makes them more inflexible and the climate of
international tension, instead of making them
outward-looking as regards the rest of the world,
makes them turn inward, which is a futile flight
from the collective responsibilities they should
shoulder. Those nations close their ranks to
defend the advantages they gained in the past,
although the injustice of these is obvious. This
is all clear evidence of a process of
international political involution which augurs
ill for the future.
299.	We cannot but affirm emphatically here
that if there remains any chance of justice and
right prevail¬ing, it can only be within the
framework of the Organi¬zation, which has the
necessary ways and means to assist nations in
conflict, provided those nations are really ready
for dialogue and negotiations to settle their
disputes. Hence, the international community must
turn towards the United Nations in search of a
reply and for attitudes which encourage the
preser¬vation of world peace.
300.	We all know that one traditional way is
through disarmament but, unfortunately, the
present session is taking place in the shadow of
the failure of a few months ago of the second
special session of the General Assembly devoted
to disarmament. The international community had
great hopes in that session, which it expected
would consolidate and develop the achieve¬ments
made in the four years since the first such
special session.
301.	But the time is coming when all the
countries, and in the first place the great
Powers, will be unable to ignore the fundamental dilemma
any longer: they must either make sincere and
serious efforts to bring under control the
massive increase in weapons, in particular
nuclear weapons, or we shall be embarking upon an
uncontrollable escalation of which we shall be
the prisoners and probably the victims.
302.	The recent events in Lebanon constitute a
further tragic manifestation of the permanent
threat stemming from the perpetuation of unjust
and serious situations not resolved by the
international system, which has once again failed
in Its primary task, established under the
Charter—^namely, that of maintaining
international peace and security. Too many years
have passed during which the people of Lebanon
have had to suffer as a result of successive
violations of their territorial integrity,
independence and sovereignty. This unjust
situation has been com¬pounded in recent weeks by
the barbarous acts perpetrated in the refugee
camps of Sabra and Shatila. This provoked the
unanimous condemnation of the international
community, in which my Government joined first
with a communique issued in Buenos Aires and then
by our vote at the seventh emergency special
session, on Palestine. There can be no doubt of
the responsibility of the Israeli Government
which invaded the city of Beirut in violation of
the agreement reached and on the pretext of
preventing chaos.
303.	The Government and people of Argentina
are convinced that ajust and lasting solution of
the question of the Middle East can be achieved,
as my country has argued repeatedly in recent
years, only if there is recognition of and
respect for the inalienable right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination and
national independence and to establish their own
sover-eign Statu; acceptance of the right of
Israel and all countries of the region to live in
peace within inter¬nationally recognized borders;
Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories
occupied since 1967 and, in addition, recognition
of a special regime for the Holy City of
Jerusalem, in accordance with the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council and the
General Assembly.
304.	Many other situations are subjects of
grave con¬cern to us. The persistence of the
hateful apartheid regime in South Africa and the
unjustifiable delay in the inexorable process of
independence for Nami¬bia, the decolonization of
which must not be further postponed, are just two
of these. South Africa cannot continue to resort
to new and arbitrary excuses to preserve a
shameful and unjust status quo the pur¬pose which
is to deny the Namibian people the true exercise
of their right to self-determination and national
independence in accordance with Security Council
resolution 435 (1978) and with full respect for
its territorial integrity. The international
community must use its best efforts to put an end
to this colonial situation, which is marked by
economic exploitation and racial discrimination.
The people of Namibia must be assisted in their
just struggle to put an end to South African
domination, which flies in the face of the most
elementary principles of justice and equity
accepted by the overwhelming majority of the
States Members of the United Nations.
305.	Another grave situation which for reasons
of regional brotherhood concerns us profoundly is
the instability and violence prevailing in
Central America, which prompted the promising
initiative of an offer of good offices by the
Presidents of Mexico and Vene¬zuela, with a view
to reducing tension and ensuring peace. Of
course, my Government has already expressed its
full support for those efforts.
306.	I know that it is not original to refer
to the crisis in international economic relations
or to emphasize that the high cost is being borne
by the developing countries. However, despite the
attempts made by those countries to ensure the
establishment of more just economic and political
relations which ensure a proper place and
equitable participation in the international
sphere, some developed countries are working to
prevent these through economic policies that
undermine multilateral co-operation in general
and co-operation for development in particular.
307.	There has been a resurgence of
protectionism in the major decision-making
centers, accentuating further the economic and
social difficulties on the periphery.' Selective
and discriminatory policies have been
established, based on concepts of so-called
graduation, which establish arbitrary and harmful
differences for developing countries. By
increasing emphasis on bilateralism in
international economic relations there has been
an erosion of the multilateral framework of
international co-operation.
308.	As if all this did not constitute a
sufficiently discouraging picture, we now see a
tendency for certain developed countries to use
economic means for political ends, by trying to
bring pressure to bear on developing countries to
subordinate the exercise of their sovereign
rights.
309.	The non-aligned movement has emphatically
condemned such behavior and the Charter of
Eco¬nomic Rights and Duties of States adopted by
the general Assembly in 1974, is also emphatic on
this point.
310.	Within the Latin American framework, at
the regional level, it was understood from the
outset, as confirmed by decisions 112 and 113 of
the eighth meeting of the Permanent Council of
the Latin Amer¬ican Economic System, that Latin
America must reduce its vulnerability to the
concerted pressures of the developed world.
311.	Nevertheless, in the midst of this
disturbing picture there are on the horizon some
positive facts, such as those originating in the
Group of 77 and the recent statements made in the
Economic and Social Council by some
industrialized countries, which lead us to hope
that global negotiations can begin shortly in an
attempt to revitalize the North-South dialogue.
312.	As regards co-operation among developing
countries, the recent meeting in Manila showed
the realities and potential of this broad range
of co-oper¬ation and solidarity.
313.	I cannot conclude my statement without
saying that my country accepts the existence of
this real and regrettable world political
panorama because it is a matter of plain fact.
However, we also believe in the absolute need to
overcome this grave situation, because we are
sure that the instinct of self-preser¬vation will
compel all the peoples in the world to unite
their efforts to change this picture of real and
potential conflicts. But we also firmly believe
that that primary objective cannot be attained
through vague declarations and pious words, but
only through specific action and a healthy
political determination, which, by establishing
good faith in international relations and
encouraging progress and wealth, will make
possible the emergence of new protagonists on the
world scene. There must be new presences capable
of restor¬ing a balance threatened today by the
magnificent development of some nations at the
expense of the stagnation or the slow development
of others.
314.	I should like to conclude my statement by
referring once again to the Malvinas question,
which is so vitally important to my country. The
world knows Argentina's devotion to peace and
that we have lived through more than a century
without any periods of war. If a peaceful people
felt it necessary to take up arms to defend its
cause, in an unequal battle, it was solely as the
result of the justice of that cause. Our forces
consisted entirely of Argentineans who were
fulfilling their patriotic duty. In our struggle
we did not turn to foreigners boastful of their
bloodthirsty ferocity closely tied to the
degrading exchange of money.
315.	Our martyrs, sacrificed in the desolate
lands and frigid waters of the South Atlantic,
will be constant witnesses to Argentina's
unwavering sovereignty over the Malvinas, a cause
whose defense brooks neither concessions nor
hesitation. The hours of sacrifice of our
combatants, as well as the blood and the lives
laid down by so many of them, were not in vain.
The cry that went up then and that will lead us
steadfast to our goal will not fade from the
conscience of mankind.


Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on
your unanimous election to the presidency of the
thirty-seventh session of the general Assembly.
We are gratified that a representative of
Hungary, with which we enjoy close and cordial
relations, has been chosen to preside over our
deliberations.
44.	I would like to take this opportunity to
express our appreciation of the resolute and
efficient leadership provided to the Assembly
during its thirty sixth session by your
predecessor, Mr. Ismat Kittani.
45.	I would also like to pay a tribute to the
Secretary- General, Mr. Perez de CueHar, who has
won our admiration and acclaim for his efficient
stewardship of the United Nations this year and
for his skilful handling of several crisis
situations. We wish him greater successes in the
future.
4b. India approaches the present session of the
General Assembly with renewed commitment to the
principles and purposes of the United Nations.
The efforts of the United Nations to bring these
principles into the realm of reality deserve the
support of each one of us, for mankind has a
great stake in its success. Our endeavor to
contribute to its success, therefore, is dictated
by our own will to survive and to pursue our path
towards progress in a congenial international
climate, free from domination and exploitation.
49.	Building up self-reliance internally and
maintenance of an independent policy externally
have been the twin objectives of the Government
if India since our independence. Traditions
inherited from our ancient past still remain with
us, but the leaders of modem India have succeeded
in inculcating a spirit of adventure and inquiry
in our people, making them receptive to evolving
contemporary ideas. In this sense our tradition
itself has not remained static; it has enabled
change to come about, with stability and
continuity being retained all the time. Side by
side with the development of a rural economy,
which provides sustenance for the majority of the
people of India, we have built a modem industrial
infrastructure which enables us to keep pace with
the spectacular scientific and technological
advances taking place in the world. Our mixed
economy, in which the public sector occupies the
commanding heights but the private sector
provides the majority of the means of
production, has proved its resilience and
strength. Foreign collaboration and technical
co-operation have provided an impetus to our
development, but both have operated within the
framework of our own national priorities,
determined by an integrated planning process. The
stability that we have acquired through our
democratic institutions, which give our people a
sense of deep involvement, has proved propitious
for our progress.
50.	In his thought-provoking report on the
work of the Organization, the Secretary-General
has painted a grim picture of the world that we
live in today. Things have come to such a sorry
pass that unless they are checked, we will, he
feels, approach "a new international anarchy".
These are somber words, coming as they do from
the Secretary-General. In his very first address
to the General Assembly, Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru had warned us that it was
becoming increasingly apparent that if we did not
proceed speedily enough towards a world order, we
would be left with no order in the world. If
after 37 years of its existence, the Organization
is unable to offer anything more than mere
palliatives, the time has indeed come for a
reassessment, some soul- searching and, above
all, concrete remedial action. The
Secretary-General's hands need to be strengthened
so that he can advise, and if necessary, even
prod the Security Council into action, to prevent
outbreaks of fresh conflicts. For it is painfully
obvious that the Security Council, the discharge
of whose responsibilities is predicated on the
principle of concurrence among its permanent
members, stands paralyzed and immobilized because
of the inability of the permanent members to rise
above their narrow national objectives to
harmonize their positions in the cause of peace.
51.	Although all of us, being representatives
of nation States, believe strongly in the
well-known attributes of national sovereignty, it
should not be difficult for us to see that the
common good of mankind ought to have a certain
overriding priority in the scheme of things. In
any event, national interest cannot be inimical
to the common good of humanity: the two have to
go hand in hand and be combined harmoniously,
despite some seemingly disadvantageous positions
in the short run at the national level.
52.	AH of us are committed to the goal of
general and complete disarmament, particularly
nuclear disarmament. People in every part of the
world have become acutely aware that, through no
fault of their own, they would perish if
strategies nuclear deterrence were tested out,
since they would obviously be tested out on them.
They also know only too well that after a nuclear
conflict either they would not be living at all,
or, if they do live, that life would be so
horrible that death would be preferable to it. It
is this awareness that has forced multitudes of
people, irrespective of color, creed, religion,
nationality or political persuasion, tc go out on
to the streets to urge sanity in dealing with
matters of life and death. Their loud and clear
voices signify that there could be no agenda more
urgent than that for devising immediate measures
for nuclear disarmament and the prevention of
nuclear war.
53.	In response to this overwhelming popular
sentiment the world over, the Prime Minister of
India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, presented at the
special session on disarmament this year a
concrete program of action which included the
negotiation of a binding convention on the
non-use of nuclear weapons, a freeze on the
production of nuclear weapons and fissionable
material used in the manufacture thereof, the
suspension of nuclear-weapon tests, and the
resumption of negotiations for concluding a
treaty on general and complete disarmament. India
submitted a number of proposals and draft
resolutions to facilitate the beginning of a
serious nuclear disarmament program. Yet the
opposition of nuclear-weapon States prevented the
Assembly at the special session from taking any
concrete steps in this regard. The so- called
consensus document that finally emerged was so
insipid as to be meaningless. In the
circumstances, India had no choice but to
disassociate itself from the conclusions in the
document.
54.	The outcome of the special session was
perhaps yet another instance of what the
Secretary-General describes as the lack of
capacity of the Organization to come to terms
with the present reality. Nevertheless, we shall
not despair, despite the attempts of a few but
powerful nations to hold peace hostage to their
nuclear arsenals and to their own perceived
security interests. There have been, however,
some positive albeit feeble indications of late.
We welcome the evolution in the attitude of some
nuclear-weapon Powers. It is our earnest hope
that at this session India's proposals will be
considered in all seriousness and that decisions
will be taken that will rid the world of weapons
of mass destruction.
55.	It is gratifying to think that in a world
teetering on the brink of nuclear disaster the
vast majority of humanity prefers, wisely, to
keep out of military alliances devised by great
Powers. The non-aligned nations know perfectly
well that military alliances and interlocking
arrangements do not guarantee peace and
stability, but on the contrary, serve as a
potential invitation to intervention and
involvement in strategic conflicts. The
preservation of peace, therefore, is at the core
of the philosophy of non-alignment developed by
our founding fathers. It becomes more and more
relevant with every passing day. Its practice has
enabled India, as our Prime Minister pledged at
the time of our independence, to look at the rest
of the world with clear and friendly eyes: clear
since we are not obliged to look through alien
glasses of any hue, and friendly since we believe
that mutually beneficial relations can be forged
on the basis of equality. Non- alignment, which
in our lexicon is a synonym for freedom of
thought and action, has invested our
independence with meaning and content. It has
also sharpened our determination to oppose the
evils of imperialism, colonialism, racism and
all manifestations of foreign domination. The
value and relevance of out non-alignment have
been demonstrated not only by the increasing
number of adherents it has found, but also by the
qualitative change that it has helped to bring
about in international relations.
56.	Despite manifest diversity in political
and economic outlook and an understandable
preoccupation with regional problems, the
essential unity of purpose of non-aligned
countries remains intact on matters of vital and
crucial global interest and concern. The unique
bond among them is the voice of sanity which they
have raised with consistency and determination.
In turn, this unity has sustained the prestige
and influence of the non-aligned movement through
the constantly shifting patterns in international
relationships. India is honored that in these
difficult times it has been called upon to host
the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or
Government of Non- Aligned Countries. While we
are naturally grateful for this opportunity, we
are mindful of the tremendous responsibility it
entails. With utmost sincerity, I promise that
India will do all in its power to be worthy of
the trust which the movement has reposed in it.
57.	Our neighborhood, the South Asian
subcontinent, is currently going through a
process of regional co-operation on the basis of
mutual benefit. India is gratified at these very
desirable developments, which are in consonance
with its own efforts over the years to build
bridges of understanding among the countries of
the region. True, external interference and
intervention continue to sow suspicions and
inflame passions. An unprecedented build-up of
sophisticated arms, unrelated either to
reasonable needs or to perceived threats, still
points to the continuance of strategic consensus
situations so detrimental to regional
independence and harmony. Yet one can perhaps
hope more than hitherto that the subcontinent
will be able to usher in an era of peace which is
more comprehensive than the mere absence of war,
and encompasses relationships of positive
friendship and co-operation.
58.	The slender thread which the
Secretary-General has found in the search for a
political settlement of the situation in
Afghanistan is another development that has been
welcomed in our part of the world. There is
universal reaffirmation of the inadmissibility of
interference in the internal affairs of States,
as also of the introduction of foreign troops
into any country. Here again, given the prospect
of success of the Secretary-General's effort,
India feels gratified that its own approach to
finding a political solution has been vindicated.
59.	We commend the commencement of the Geneva
talks and trust that they will pick up momentum
hereafter, to enter substantive areas. We feel it
is high time they did, and our feeling is in line
with what the Afghan people urges.
60.	Geographically distant from us but
equally close to our hearts are the friendly
people of Kampuchea, who are struggling valiantly
to remove the ravages caused by a heartless
dictatorial regime. The advent of an alliance of
convenience, whose real content is too thinly
veiled to need any unveiling, should not distract
our attention. Once the fear of the return of the
holocaust is removed and the threat to their
territorial integrity and sovereignty is ended,
the people of Kampuchea will be willing—nay,
eager—to get foreign troops to leave their sail.
The expedients improvised for seating the forces
without legitimacy in these chambers can hardly
help either the process of healing the wounds of
Kampuchea or of finding an acceptable political
solution. What is needed is the ending of
confrontation in South-East Asia, which alone
could have a welcome impact on the stability and
prosperity of the entire region.
61.	The security environment in the Indian Ocean
region has further deteriorated because of the
increased build-up of the military presence of
great Powers, contrary to the wishes of the
non-aligned littoral and hinterland States. The
implementation of the historic general Assembly
resolution 2832 (XXVI) declaring the Indian Ocean
a zone of peace, adopted in 1971, has remained a
distant dream. Theories of balance and doctrines
of deterrence are being advanced in order to
justify the introduction of sophisticated
weaponry into the area.
62.	The Conference on the Indian Ocean,
originally scheduled to be held in 1981 in
Colombo, is still postponed at the behest of
those who are far removed from the area.
Simultaneously, efforts are afoot to subvert the
fundamental elements of the Declaration set out
in the 1971 resolution and to distort its
essential framework. We believe that the time has
come for the commencement of the process of the
elimination of foreign military presence from the
Indian Ocean, that the Colombo Conference should
be held come what may, in accordance with the new
schedule, and that it should address itself to
the question in a forthright manner.
63.	The shifting of fortunes in the war
between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran and
the colossal loss of lives and property has once
again highlighted the futility of war as a means
of settling disputes. I personally have had the
experience of participating in the peace-making
effort on the basis of a mandate given to my
colleagues from Cuba, Zambia and the Palestine
Liberation Organization [FLO] and to me at the
Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of
Non-Aligned Countries at New Delhi in 1981. My
colleagues and I are convinced that, while there
can be no victor or vanquished, the damage
inflicted on each other by these two neighbors
will only weaken their ability to meet the
challenges that face them as developing countries.
64.	The recent conflagration in West Asia
resulting in the virtual destruction of Beirut
and the horrid genocide of the Lebanese and
Palestinian population have shaken the conscience
of mankind to the very core. It was nothing short
of a holocaust, imposed, strangely and
ironically, by none other than Israel.
Ironically, again, the withdrawal of the PLO from
Beirut, to save innocent civilians from further
suffering and devastation, itself led to the
gruesome massacre of Palestinians in Shatila and
Sabra. Israel's responsibility, indeed
complicity, is self-evident. Those who had
undertaken to protect the Palestinian and
Lebanese civilians in Beirut in the wake of the
PLO's withdrawal must also share the blame for
the criminal bloodshed.
65.	The dispersal of the heroic Palestinians
will neither weaken their will to fight for their
inalienable rights nor bring peace to the area.
Occupation of the land of its neighbors will not
guarantee Israel's security; the effect, if
anything, will be just the opposite. A
comprehensive solution consisting of Israel's
withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied
since 1967, the establishment of a Palestinian
State and mutual guarantees of security among the
States of the region must be achieved. There now
seems to be greater understanding of the fact
that no comprehensive solution will be achieved
without the active involvement of the PLO, the
representative of the Palestinian people. In the
gory drama in Lebanon, the PLO has demonstrated
great heroism and courage. The PLO and other Arab
nations have since shown great statesmanship in
evolving and adopting the Fez Charter", the Final
Declaration of the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference, whose proposals deserve very serious
consideration.
66.	In recent weeks there have been important
proposals made by world leaders. They vary in
approach and content, but fundamental to all of
them is the recognition that the uprooted people
of Palestine should secure their legitimate
rights. In this case, as with other problems, the
slowing down of the effort to find a solution
often results in the creation of vested interests
in the continued non-solution of the problem.
This leads to prevarication and circumvention
and a long stalemate. This has happened in West
Asia, with the disastrous consequences which we
are now witnessing. Therefore the quest for a
comprehensive solution should be pursued
relentlessly. Instead of indulging in a
fine-print scrutiny of the various plans mooted
so far and losing valuable time in endless
discussions, immediate steps should be taken at
the United Nations to devise a suitable mechanism
for finding a permanent solution to the problem
of West Asia. This is the very minimum that needs
to be done in expiation of the rivers of innocent
blood that have been allowed to flow in Lebanon.
67.	Racism and colonialism still rage in
southern Africa today, with little progress
either in the elimination of	or in the
liberation of Namibia. The people of South Africa
remains in bondage, despite the universal
condemnation of the obnoxious discriminatory laws
of the Pretoria regime. We have been awaiting the
outcome of the contacts being conducted by the
five Western States for the implementation of
the United Nations plan for free elections in
Namibia. The South West Africa People's
Organization [SWAPO], the sole and authentic
representative of the Namibian people, which
negotiated in good faith for a cease-fire and
free elections, has reason to apprehend that
South Africa and its supporters have been
creating an illusion of progress in these talks
merely to link up the situation in Namibia with
extraneous issues. The international community
will, as it must, intensify its demand for
punitive action against South Africa under the
Charter, if the current efforts for a negotiated
settlement fail to achieve results. South
Africa's supporters will find it difficult to
shield it from the wrath of the world for very
long.
68.	Several old items on the agenda continue
to engage our attention. Thus the situation in
Cyprus, unfortunately, still remains frozen. In
spite of repeated calls of the movement of
non-aligned countries and the support of the
international community in general the relevant
resolutions of the United Nations have not yet
been implemented. We trust that the inter-
communal talks will soon bear fruit and the
question resolved free from external interference
and in accordance with decisions of the United
Nations.
69.	More recently, despite the efforts of our
sagacious Secretary-General, conflict and
bloodshed in the South Atlantic could not be
averted.
70.	In Central America there are dangerous
portents of intervention and destabilization. The
United Nations cannot remain a mute spectator and
must lend support to all efforts for dialogue and
negotiation to create mutual confidence and to
resolve outstanding disputes.
71.	It is with great satisfaction that we
note the long and at times difficult negotiations
successfully concluded with the adoption of a
universal and comprehensive Convention on the
Law of the Sea. The Convention is a symbol of
shared expectations of the international
community and represents a major contribution to
world peace and the new international economic
order. Later this year, in December, in Jamaica
the Final Act will be open for signature. It is
our earnest hope that the Convention on the Law
of the Sea will be endorsed by all States with
prompt signatures and ratifications.
72.	International co-operation for
development is the topic of our age. We strongly
believe that our approach to development and
co-operation will have to be informed by certain
objective and fundamental considerations. First,
the arms race is not compatible with the movement
towards a more stable global development and
sustainable international order. Secondly, the
international community cannot aspire to durable
peace so long as a major component of it remains
underdeveloped. Thirdly, orderly development and
continued progress can take place optimally only
in an atmosphere of harmony and co-operation.
Fourthly, co-operation demands that the
privileges which the developed countries have
been enjoying so far should not be turned into
rights and that the concerns of the developing countries
be taken into account.
73.	Some months ago, in a special session,
the General Assembly brought out clearly the
close connection between disarmament and
development, but failed to draw the requisite
conclusions from it.
74.	A year ago the two co-Chairmen of the
International Meeting on Co-operation and
Development, which was held at Cancun, referred
to the North-South relationship as one of the
most serious challenges to be faced in the coming
decades by mankind, together with the maintenance
of peace. The theme of Cancun was "Co-operation
and Development". Regrettably, there was no
agreement as to how the real challenge of the
North-South relationship was to be met, though,
as our Prime Minister observed after the Cancun
meeting the door was kept open for dialogue.
75.	One can only hope that world statesmen
will take an enlightened and long-term view of
history. We also need to promote world-wide
political understanding, with the involvement of
the public, of the connection between the
North-South relationship and the maintenance of
peace. This would contribute significantly to
generating the requisite political will that is
sorely needed to overcome the present paralysis
in the North-South dialogue.
76.	Viewed against this background, it is
most disheartening that the adverse effects of
the continued deadlock on the negotiating front
have been compounded by an actual deterioration
in the North- South relationship. As the report
of the Committee on Development Planning on its
eighteenth session^ has illustrated, there is
both qualitative and quantitative deterioration
in multilateral economic co-operation. Examples
of this are increasing protectionism, high
interest rates, fast-diminishing concessional
assistance, the secular decline in prices of many
commodities, difficulties in access to the
international capital market and the injection of
non-economic factors and political considerations
in the functioning of multilateral economic
institutions. For the first time since the Second
World War, the developing countries, taken as a
group, have registered a fall in their per capita
output.
77.	Two years ago the Assembly adopted the
International Development Strategy for the Third
United Nations Development Decade. However, it
remains a paper document. There is all round
failure on the part of the developed countries to
fulfill their commitments. There is no agreement,
even on the procedures for the global
negotiations that were expected to contribute to
the implementation of the Strategy.
78.	Recent developments show that while the
developing countries do have a conciliatory
approach, there is not enough encouraging
response from the developed countries. Several
of them are not negative, yet there are some that
are not even prepared to think in terms of a
consensus that can bind the North and the South.
They are still to be convinced that
comprehensive and global negotiations will in
the long run facilitate the emergence of a viable
co-operative relationship among the nations of
the world. As for the developing countries, they
are not interested in a zero- sum game, but in a
positive-sum approach. They are conscious of the
fact that the progress in regard to the
achievement of the new international economic
order is inextricably linked with the world
economic recovery program. Thus, today world
economic problems can be solved only by joint
actions. There is no alternative for the
international community but to move beyond the
present stalemate to more fruitful, durable and
just international economic relationships.
79.	Let me now turn to the current problems
arising from the pursuit of anti-inflationary
policies, protectionist trends, high interest
rates and the drying up cf the sources of
concessional flows. The anti- inflationary
policies that have been adopted by some developed
countries are not conducive to growth and
employment. Consequently, there has been a
decline in the price per unit of exports by
developing countries of their raw materials and
primary products. The exports of industrial products
of developing countries have been adversely
affected by growing protectionism. The high
interest rates are causing serious problems in
regard to debt burden and access to international
capital markets. The International Development
Association [IDA] is in deep trouble. All this
makes the task of developing countries extremely
difficult. The situation is particularly grave
for oil-importing developing countries in regard
to their balance-of-payments position and the
development of their energy resources, which
require large capital outlay.
80.	We should thus lose no time in devising
feasible strategies that are complementary to
those predicated on global negotiations for
restructuring international economic relations.
Urgent steps need to be taken for a world
economic recovery program and for building upon
the limited gains that have been secured through
North-South co-operation. Agreement should be
sought wherever possible. Detailed guidelines for
further work should be drawn up so as to
facilitate thorough discussions and eventual
agreement on all connected matters at the sixth
session of UNCTAD, where this matter will be high
on the agenda.
81.	Numerous international conferences have
stressed the need for making efforts concurrent
with global negotiations in order to achieve
progress in areas of critical importance to
developing countries such as food, energy, trade
and financial flows. The Versailles Economic
Summit had outlined certain practical areas for
action. We would urge developed countries not to
use lack of progress on global negotiations as an
alibi for inaction. We expect that they would
translate their suggestions into concrete and
co-operative programmes of action that would
contribute to the development of the developing
countries.
82.	A broad consensus now exists, and indeed,
this was one concrete gain in Cancun—on evolving
a strategy to increase food production. We hope
that a well-thought-out international program
would emerge in this regard. Efforts must
continue to devise a global strategy for food
security and for constant updating of measures
and actions. It is important to reach agreement
on an international wheat trade agreement for
stability of supplies and prices.
83.	In the field of energy the most important
task is to help oil-importing developing
countries to exploit their own energy resources.
At the same time, much greater research
activities and financial resources are needed for
developing alternative sources of energy. Ongoing
studies should be completed early in regard to
the securing of financing for an increased
program of energy investment through an energy
affiliate of the World Bank or a special fund, or
other agreed arrangements.
84.	A further expansion and liberalization of
the International Monetary Fund [IMF]
compensatory facility is called for. Indeed, we
need to give greater consideration to the
establishment of a completely new
commodity-related scheme. Predictability in the
earnings, supply and demand of commodities is an
objective which we should seriously pursue. This
calls for adequate and effective price
stabilization arrangements.
85.	The deterioration in the world trading
situation is especially affecting countries with
relatively low per capita income. The
international trading regime which has emerged
neither adheres to the principles and rules
envisaged by GATT, nor is it responsive to new
circumstances. What is necessary is the most
careful consideration of the requirements of an
international trading order that will be
efficient, equitable and effectively promote the
development of developing countries. For this
there should be a return to a set of agreed
principles in international trading
relationships, particularly through practical
support for the principles of multilateralism,
non-discrimination, non- reciprocity vis-a-vis
developing countries, transparency and
predictability consistent with special and
differential treatment to developing countries.
Progressive liberalization of the trade in
textiles, clothing, the leather industry and
other consumer durables is a matter of great
importance to the industrial development of
developing countries. The developing countries
possess comparative advantages in these areas. We
expect that the GATT ministerial meeting and the
sixth session of UNCTAD would agree on concrete
measures in this regard.
86.	The situation created by the second
massive oil price rise is qualitatively different
and more acute than that faced by the world
community at the time of the first energy crisis
less than 10 years ago. The growth momentum of
the developing countries was then maintained
through flows of international finance on
suitable terms to the countries most adversely
affected by the crisis and through new modalities
of concessional developmental assistance. No
similar effort is visible today or even being
considered. Instead, private capital and
investments are suggested as a solution to the
problems of developing countries. While private
capital can be useful in certain areas,
experience clearly shows that it cannot provide
resources for long-term development aiming at
social improvement and stability with low or no
market profit. It cannot alleviate the
balance-of-payments burdens of developing
countries. Above all, multilateral aid should
not be made conditional on corresponding in flow
of private investment. Similarly, the increasing
recourse to exclusive bilateralism continues and
must be resisted to the extent such bilateralism
tends to obstruct multilateral co-operation and
is pursued at the expense of the latter.
87.	Thus, the international monetary and
financial system is increasingly pushing
developing countries towards adjustment policies
that seriously undermine their stability. This is
happening at a time when the oil-importing
developing countries are making efforts against
such heavy odds as increasing exports during a
time of declining world demand, raising higher
and higher resources domestically in order to
finance the same volume of imports; and bringing
about reduction in already low levels of
consumption in order to increase investments and
savings. There is a limit to which our countries
can be pushed.
88.	Co-operation among developing countries
is now viewed both as an essential component of
the new international economic order and as an
important instrument for bringing it about. Three
years ago, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State
or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana
had agreed on policy guidelines for reinforcing
the collective self- reliance of developing
countries. We note with satisfaction that a
process has now been set in motion which is
continuously enriching the concept, practice and
content of economic and technical co-operation
among developing countries.
89.	Concomitant support measures by
international organizations would be of great
help in technical preparations for major
South-South undertakings such as, for instance,
the establishment of the global system of trade
preferences among developing countries and the
setting up of a South-South bank. We believe that
economic co-operation among developing countries
can make a significant contribution to world
economic recovery. We trust that the Assembly
will give due and favorable consideration to
these matters.
90.	This is not the moment to think in terms
of mutually exclusive alternatives. The present
sorry state of affairs can be repaired only by
action on all fronts. We need bilateral as well
as multilateral co-operation, official
development assistance as well as private flows
of capital, North-South co-operation as well as
South-South co-operation, global negotiations for
restructuring international economic relations as
well as concurrent efforts for securing progress
in sectoral areas. Let us, therefore, not engage
in futile debates, but work honestly to secure
concrete results. I trust that our deliberations
in the Assembly will lead us to this path.
91.	The German philosopher Hegel believed
that a notable contribution of man to
civilization was the creation of the
nation-State, which provides the individual with
the opportunity of finding the full satisfaction
of his needs in co-operation with pie community.
This Organization, composed of 157 nation States,
represents the quintessence of the civilization
that mankind has labored hard over the centuries
to build. The Prime Minister of India, Shrimati
Indira Gandhi, recently observed:
"One of the most fascinating riddles of history
is what makes a group of people share a sense of
common destiny. Almost always this is the result
of being together in hardship and humiliation;
often it comes from being summoned to a heroic
effort by a great figure or group of people who
inspire them with a vision of truth or glory''.
The community of nations, as practically every
distinguished speaker has stressed in the
Assembly, is confronted with an economic,
political and moral crisis. Such adversity
should, instead of dividing us, reinforce our
resolve to seek and secure our common destiny.
With such a distinguished gathering of leaders
from all over the world who have addressed and
are going to address the Assembly, we cannot
afford to fail in finding that vision of truth
and glory. I should like to conclude with the
conviction that if we pledge to act together, we
will overcome the crisis that faces us today.


I should like to begin, Sir, by extending to you
my congratulations and those of the delegation of
the Bahamas on your unanimous election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. We are
confident that you will carry out the mandate of
your high office with the perseverance, ingenuity
for which you are well known. My delegation is
pleased to offer you its full co-operation in
making this session a successful and constructive
one. I take this opportunity to express my
profound gratitude to your predecessor, Mr.
Kittani, who held the office during a difficult
period. Yet he spared no effort to find solutions
to the problems before us, left a clear imprint
of patience and skill and displayed exemplary
distinction in the conduct of the affairs of the
General Assembly. My delegation wishes to pay a
tribute to the new Secretary-General Car the
dynamic, courageous and untiring effort and
initiative he has already displayed in upholding
the principles and objectives of the United
Nations. We are particularly pleased that he is a
son of our Latin American region and we pledge
the support of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas
for his continuing efforts in the pursuit of
peace and harmony among nations.
It is fortuitous that I should be addressing the
Assembly today, 12 October 1982, the four hundred
and ninetieth anniversary of the landing by the
intrepid mariner Christopher Columbus en the
island now known as San Salvador in the
Commonwealth of the Bahamas. That event, as we
all know, marked the beginning of a new era in
the history of the world and of the Americas. The
Bahamas is proud of the role which fate destined
it to play in the early history of our
hemisphere, and it is in this spirit that the
Bahamas wishes to place on record its intention
to bring before the Assembly at the appropriate
time a resolution to commemorate the
quincentennial anniversary of Columbus's arrival
in the New World.
The Bahamas has devoted itself to the
establishment and development of a peaceful and
stable world order. This is essential
prerequisite if progress is to continue towards
improving the quality of life of our own people
and that of other nations of the world. Yet, as
one reviews the international situation over the
past year, it is evident that peace and security
have been frequently shattered, with very serious
consequences, in various regions. A number of
conflicts have interrupted international
tranquility and resulted in heavy losses of human
life and considerable material damage,
We in the Bahamas are profoundly saddened by the
events in Lebanon. We believe in the sanctity of
human life in a world seemingly desensitized by
violence and murder. We therefore deplore the
mass murders, particularly of innocent men, women
and children, in the refugee camps of Sabra and
Shatsla. Those responsible for such atrocities
should be held accountable. Unless the United
Nations is able to deal effectively with such
situations so as to serve as a deterrent to
others, then it will indeed become a useless
institution.
The wishes of the Government and people of
Lebanon must be respected and its sovereignty and
territorial integrity restored. Accordingly, we
urge the speedy withdrawal of all foreign forces
from Lebanon We are also deeply disappointed by
the absence of full compliance with the series of
Security Council resolutions on this matter. The
use of force against any nation must not take the
place of reason.
The right of all nations, including Israel and
Lebanon, to exist in peace and security must be
respected. There must also be recognition of the
legitimate rights of the Palestinian people,
including their right to self-determination.
Recent events in the Middle East give a clear
indication that a comprehensive, just and lasting
peace in the Middle East is now more than ever an
imperative.
It is regrettable that Iraq and the Islamic
Republic of Iran could not resolve their problems
except by war. The conflict continues to threaten
the stability of the region and, given the
interdependence of relations among States,
contributes to international economic dislocation.
We therefore appeal to the parties to put an end
to the hostilities and to arrive at a negotiated
settlement in accordance with Security Council
resolutions 479 (1980) and 514 (1982). We are
profoundly appreciative of the
Secretary-General's coordinated mediation efforts
aimed at preventing a further prolongation of the
conflict and at finding a solution to the
differences to the two sides.
The South Atlantic has not been spared the use of
force, costly in both human and material terms.
We would encourage the parties to bring about a
formal end to the conflict in order that
negotiations may commence with a view to a final
and lasting settlement.
The Bahamas is concerned by the violation of the
fundamental principles on which the Organization
is founded, especially the principle that the
threat or use of force in international relations
is prohibited. This principle is particularly
significant for small States and territories with
limited resources.
The dispute between Guyana and Venezuela owing to
the latter's revival of the claim to Guyana's
territory is another area of concern in our
hemisphere. The Bahamas accepts that a judicial
solution to this problem has already been found
under international law. We urge that Venezuela
respect Guyana's territorial integrity and that
the two parties arrive at a peaceful solution in
the spirit of the purposes and principles of the
Charter and of the agreements concluded between
them.
We continue to hope for an early, peaceful and
comprehensive solution to the situation in
Cyprus. We are cognizant of the gravity of the
situation and of its implications for the
well-being of the peoples involved and for the
continuance of their national unity, based on
their collective will, unhindered by outside
forces. However, we must begin seriously to
consider measures for improving the effectiveness
of the Organization, for in the Cyprus question
we see once again a situation where the decisions
taken by the Organization have not led to
significant progress.
Peace is indivisible. Violations of peace are to
be deplored. Indeed, recourse to the use of force
is apparently becoming a norm in international
relations, to the detriment of countries both
large and small. The proscription of the threat
or use of force, the principles of sovereignty,
independence, territorial integrity,
non-interference in the internal affairs of
States and the peaceful settlement of disputes
are indispensable norms of international life
which must be respected by all.
The world economy continues to be caught in the
most severe recession since the great depression
of the 1930s. The per capita gross national
product for developing countries as a whole has
fallen for the first time since the 1950s. The
present downward spiral follows two decades of
exceptional growth and development in both
industrialized and developing countries. But now
there are serious doubts with respect to the
prospects of growth during the rest of the
decade. The concern of Governments with immediate
domestic problems has intensified; protectionist
tendencies have re-emerged; recession, inflation
and high interest rates in the developed
countries have had an adverse impact on tourism
and financial and technological resources flows,
especially foreign direct investment, in the
developing countries.
It is hoped that agreement can be reached on the
framework and early launching of global
negotiations. The asymmetrical nature of the
interdependence between States has underscored
the need for measures to redress the structural
imbalances in the world economy, particularly in
the areas of trade, raw materials, energy, money
and finance. In our view, recovery and global
negotiations should not be regarded as
incompatible. The participating heads of
Government at the Versailles Economic Summit in
June agreed that the launching of global
negotiations was a major political objective.
That was a positive development. But further
efforts in good faith are required to resolve the
amendments and counter-amendments to the proposal
of the Group of 77 regarding the basis for
consultations.
Interdependence and the consequent necessity for
international economic co-operation are basic
principles of international economic relations,
as amply reflected in the International
Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade. The uncertainty which has
clouded international economic co-operation must
be removed. International co-operation must again
be set on the track towards world economic
recovery and economic development of the
developing countries.
During the three decades that the General
Assembly has been considering the question of
apartheid the overwhelming majority of mankind
has rallied to the cause of eliminating that
affront to human dignity. In this International
Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South
Africa, the international community should
continue to take energetic and concerted action
in support of the legitimate struggle of the
oppressed peoples of South Africa for human
rights. The need for collective action is
underscored by the continuing designation by
South Africa of so- called independent homelands
and by threats and acts of aggression against the
front-line States of southern Africa.
While the case of the violation of human rights
in South Africa is a blatant and obvious one, the
existence and persistence of human rights
violations throughout the world, in States
Members of the United Nations, cannot be denied.
The United Nations system has developed an
increasingly complex network of international
instruments and machinery to address the problems
of human rights violations. Yet lack of consensus
on human rights issues, double standards and a
growing trend towards selectivity have
undoubtedly impeded the efficiency of this
machinery. Unless the United Nations is prepared
constructively to utilize existing human rights
machinery in a non- political humanitarian
manner, universally applicable solutions to
problems of human rights violations will not be
found.
The direct responsibility of the United Nations
for Namibia cannot end until genuine
self-determination and independence are achieved
in a united Namibia. My delegation is aware of
reports of continuing mediation efforts by the
Western contact group and of guarded progress in
resolving the outstanding issues. Nevertheless,
we call upon South Africa to desist from defying
resolutions adopted by the United Nations for the
early independence of Namibia. South Africa
should not continue to use extraneous issues as
an excuse for delaying or refusing to cooperate
in the emancipation of Namibia.
At the recently concluded second special session
of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament,
the Bahamas stated that the challenge facing us
all was how to move from awareness, statements of
intent, machinery and procedures to genuine and
concrete disarmament measures. The Bahamas also
elaborated briefly on how that challenge could be
squarely and honestly met. Yet it seemed that we
could not resolve the contradictions that existed
between motivation, words and action, and that
special session ended in failure. Increased
militarization, far beyond legitimate security
needs, only serves to increase international
tension and exacerbate international conflict.
Thus, it behaves us all —nuclear-weapon States,
militarily significant States, non-militarily
significant States—to work collectively towards
significant disarmament measures which will
restore the confidence of our peoples in the
worth and effectiveness of the United Nations.
Mankind can no longer justify the enormous
resources spent on armaments. The poverty, hunger
and underdevelopment that face so many States
demand a redirection of those valuable resources.
In addition, the potential destructiveness of
those modem weapon systems is reason enough to
bring mankind to its senses and to the
realization of man's true purpose in this
universe. My delegation realizes that some
progress has been made towards disarmament, but
we must register our strong concern at the slow
pace of that progress.
The problem of drug abuse has come to be
regarded, rightfully, as a universal one. It
affects every region of the world. Over the past
several years, the Latin American region has
seemingly become a new focal point for
international drug traffickers, as production and
trafficking, primarily in cannabis, hashish,
cocaine and methaqualone have significantly
increased. The Bahamas, once uninvolved in such
matters, has become increasingly alarmed by the
realization that it has become a major conduit
for the illicit traffic moving from sources and
supply centers in South America to large and
profitable consumption centers in North America
and Europe.
In this connection the Bahamas was pleased to be
elected to the Commission on Narcotic Drugs. It
had its first opportunity, at the seventh special
session, held at Vienna in February of this year,
to voice its concern with regard to the illicit
traffic in the Latin American region and, in
particular, in the Caribbean sub-region. The
dilemma of transit States cannot be overstated.
They can exercise no control over the illicit
production of or the illicit demand for narcotic
drugs. As victims of international drug
traffickers, they are forced to sacrifice much to
control a problem that is not of their making.
The Bahamas is therefore grateful for United
Nations intervention in the form of a study of
the problems of transit States.
The strengthening of international response to
the problem of drug abuse is vital. The Bahamas
therefore views the adoption at the thirty-sixth
session of the General Assembly of the
International Drug Abuse Control Strategy, and
the five-year programme of action to implement
the Strategy as a significant step. Drug
trafficking can affect any State, whether
producer, consumer or transit. In this regard it
is the hope of the Bahamas that initiatives
undertaken to focus, within the context of the
Strategy, on the actual movement of illicit drugs
will be supported.
Only consistency of purpose at the bilateral,
regional and international levels will retard
illicit production of, traffic in and demand for
narcotic drugs. Despite its limited resources the
Bahamas will continue, in conjunction with Member
States and the United Nations, to play an active
role in the struggle against drug abuse.
The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of
the Sea has succeeded, after many years of
lengthy negotiations, in producing a Convention
which is unprecedented in scope and size—a major
milestone in international co-operation and a
fundamental contribution to international order
and stability. A comprehensive document which is
in many respects innovative has been negotiated.
Compromises have been made to arrive at a
generally acceptable convention which constitutes
a delicate balance between conflicting interests.
Within the United Nations system, the work of the
Conference is an example for the international
community of what can be achieved by multilateral
negotiations.
The Bahamas is an archipelagic nation. We are
therefore particularly gratified that the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea contains
provisions for the delimitation of the national
frontiers of archipelagic States. This Convention
corrects a serious omission in the law of the
sea, as the two previous texts did not address
the circumstances peculiar to archipelagic States.
We had hoped the Convention would receive the
unanimous support of the international community,
and we continue to hope that it will. It is none
the less our sincere desire that those
governments that have so far indicated their
non-participation will, in the final analysis,
come to the conclusion that their national
interests would be best secured by participation
in the new form of true international
co-operation represented by the Convention.
The report of the Secretary-General on the work
of the Organization raised the central issue of
the capacity of the United Nations to keep the
peace and to serve as a forum for negotiations.
The Bahamas congratulates the Secretary-General
on the approach taken in his first report and
concurs with his analysis of the factors and
circumstances which appear to have contributed to
the impaired effectiveness of the Organization.
We subscribe also to the view that the present
tendency of bypassing the Organization in
situations where it should and could play a
vital, constructive role is damaging and
dangerous for the future of the United Nations.
The Bahamas is of the view that a major role
should be played by the United Nations in dealing
with issues of universal concern and in taking
the initiative in the promotion of international
peace, justice and co-operation. We reaffirm our
commitment to making this body a more effective
instrument in bringing about positive changes in
the world.