60.	 Mr. President, I wish, first of all, to associate my delegation with the sentiments expressed by those who have already congratulated you on your election to the high office of President of this crucial and historic session of the General Assembly. Your credentials and personal attributes leave my delegation in no doubt that you are eminently qualified to guide the proceedings of this important session of the General Assembly. Mr. President, you can count on the unstinting support and cooperation of my delegation to make your tenure of office a success.
61.	Allow me also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph of Liberia, who presided over the proceedings of the last session. The success which attended our last session is attributable, in no small measure, to her able and wise leadership. This illustrious daughter of Africa has set to rest the myth that statesmanship is the monopoly of men.
62.	The SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, U Thant, as always, deserves our gratitude, support and encouragement. We are indebted to him for his tireless efforts in the cause of peace and justice. His is a continuing service to mankind and we wish him well.
63.	The United Nations is charged with the grave responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. To that end, the Organization is expected to take effective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustments or settlement of international disputes or situations likely to lead to a breach of the peace. The Organization is also charged with the responsibility for fostering the development of friendly relations among nations, based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. Yet another function of this Organization has to do with the promotion of international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural and humanitarian character, and encouragement of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.
64.	These are the lofty aims and objectives of the United Nations and all of us, whose countries are represented here today, have resolved to combine our efforts to make these noble objectives a living and tangible reality.
65.	Yet it is a fact that many of us, for reasons best known to ourselves, have chosen to make a mockery of our obligations under the Charter. More often than not, we have adhered to the aims and purposes of the Organization more in the breach than in the observance. The tension, the injustice and the exploitation of man by man which characterize the age we live in are, in large measure, a function of the refusal of Member States to live up to their Charter obligations. So long as this attitude of mind on the part of Member States remains unchanged, monstrous crimes against humanity will continue to be the order of the day in many parts of the world. The principle of self determination of countries and peoples a principle which this august body has reaffirmed time and again will continue to be flouted with impunity in some of the countries represented here today.
66.	The enemies of peace, freedom and justice will stop at nothing to achieve their sinister objectives. They are everywhere on the offensive and are determined, as never before, to undermine the efforts of this Organization to build a world order in which respect for the rights of man becomes a concrete reality.
67.	The denial of human rights to which I have alluded, exists in its crudest and ugliest forms and manifestations, as I hope to show, in Southern Rhodesia, South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau).
68.	Southern Rhodesia continues to be Africa's inning sore. The year under review has yielded no evidence that we are to any significant extent nearer to the resolution of the deadlock in that rebel colony. The measures which the international community has taken against Southern Rhodesia have so far proved hopelessly ineffective. Even Ian Smith himself and his cohorts have openly stated that the sanctions policy is nothing more than a mere inconvenience. The declaration of a so-called republic in Southern Rhodesia early this year is further evidence that the rebels intend to stick to their defiant posture.
69.	As we assemble here today, the rebels are redoubling their efforts to turn back the clock of history. The course they have embarked upon promises nothing but continued enslavement of the black man in Zimbabwe. The most disturbing feature of the situation is that Britain, the Administering Authority, is doing next to nothing to bring the rebels to their knees.
70.	The time has now come for us to admit that the measures we have so far taken against rebel Rhodesia have not produced the desired results.
71.	In the face of rebel intransigence, the United Nations logical course of action lies in the application of the relevant provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. Halfhearted measures like the ones the Organization has so far sponsored will continue to prove futile.
72.	The situation in South Africa continues to be a grave threat to international peace and security. In that country, the high priests of racial bigotry have given no indication that they intend, even in the far distant future, to allow the 16 million oppressed and dispossessed people of both that country and Namibia to have a say in the affairs of their fatherlands. Countless resolutions have been passed by this Assembly and other organs of the United Nations but there is still no evidence of a change of heart on the part of the descendants of the Voortrekkers in South Africa. World public opinion is ignored with impunity and every day that passes sees the tightening up of the fascist grip on every facet of South African life to ensure that the oppressed millions have no chance of effectively challenging the immoral and inhuman system under which they are forced to live. The pass laws, the Terrorism Act and related pieces of fascist legislation continue to be applied with a severity beyond description.
73.	The country's overall defense expenditure continues to maintain an upward trend. The implications of this development are very clear. It is to ensure that the frontiers of injustice are secure secure, that is, from the possibility of the ideas of freedom and human equality ever taking root in South Africa. One expects a Government to increase its expenditure to defend the frontiers of freedom and justice but in South Africa the reverse is true. Vast sums of money are spent each year to defend and consolidate injustice and oppression.
74.	That is the story of a country doing its utmost to cling stubbornly to antiquated and totally unacceptable norms of conduct in this latter part of the twentieth century. Zambia's posture vis-a-vis South Africa reflects our well-known concern for the welfare of man. We have condemned and we shall continue to condemn the perpetrators of the evil policy of apartheid and racial arrogance. We condemn, in the strongest of terms, the collusion of Western countries with the fascist regime of South Africa. The sale or intended sale of arms to South Africa by reactionary forces in Western Europe is a source of great concern to us. We therefore call on France, West Germany and Britain to refrain from this criminal act. The wider interests of freedom and justice in South Africa should take precedence over reasons of economic self-interest which currently dominate thinking in Western capitals.
75.	As a faithful Member of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity, Zambia has supported and continues to support resolutions passed by the organs of those two bodies calling on Member States to render moral and material support to the victims of apartheid. We are firmly committed to the just cause of the oppressed people of South Africa and Namibia.
76.	The cost to Zambia of our opposition to apartheid is enormous, but we are determined to follow the course we have chosen because we believe it is the right course. Coexistence with the forces of evil in South Africa or anywhere is totally unacceptable to us. Apartheid is the very antithesis of what Zambia stands for both at home and abroad. We intend to remain true to our convictions.
77.	In Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) the exploitation of man by man, as is the case in rebel Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia, is the order of the day. The victim, as always, is the innocent black man whose only crime if it can be called a crime is that he wants to have an unfettered enjoyment of his birthright.
78.	In an attempt to justify their atrocities in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau), the ruling circles in Lisbon have advanced a number of preposterous claims and arguments. One such strange argument is that the Territories they now control in Africa are overseas provinces of Portugal and form an integral part of one unitary State. As we have emphasized time and again, no act of a Portuguese dictator can make any part of Africa an integral part of Europe. Nor do we accept the contention that fascist Portugal has a civilizing and preordained mission in Africa. That is an insult to the dignity of the African continent, an insult we are not prepared to stomach.
79.	The people of Portuguese ruled Territories in Africa and all freedom-loving people the world over do not subscribe to Lisbon's spurious arguments. It is therefore not surprising that the oppressed masses in those Territories have sought, since the early sixties, to liberate themselves from the yoke of Portuguese colonialism by every means possible. Nationalist organizations in all those Territories are waging a heroic and relentless struggle to achieve their freedom and independence.
80.	Portugal, as is well known, has reacted to the nationalist challenge by increasing the striking power of its military machine. It is, with the overt support of its NATO allies, waging what can only be described as a brutal war to defend the fiction that Africa is part of the Iberian peninsula. Through Portugal's colonial wars and unholy crusades in Africa, Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) have become more blood drenched than the Roman Colosseum in the days of the Emperor Trajan.
81.	The Government and people of the Republic of Zambia have refused to adopt an ostrich-like attitude on the question of Portuguese colonialism. At the time of our independence in 1964, my President, Dr. Kenneth D. Kaunda, stated that Zambia's independence would be meaningless, so long as any part of the African continent remained under foreign domination. We have not deviated from this stand. Both here and at the Organization of African Unity, we have made it a point to sponsor and vote for resolutions calling on Portugal to grant independence to Territories still under its barbaric rule.
82.	The system of government prevailing in Territories under Portuguese administration runs counter to the values we cherish in Zambia. The alien practice of the exploitation of man by man is completely unacceptable to independent Zambia. Zambia's role will continue to be one of firm and consistent opposition to Portugal until the Territories of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) are free and independent.
83.	One of the most heartening developments in the past year has been the appearance of the OAU Manifesto on Southern Africa. This historic document was adopted by the Twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Western spokesmen praised the document as "constructive", "thoughtful", "promising", "wise" and "humane". I should like to observe with deep regret that there has been a tendency to leave it there. This attitude is obviously not conducive to the peaceful settlement of the southern Africa situation which we all desire. The response of the Western Powers to the Manifesto should not be to heave a sigh of relief and slip back comfortably into inaction.
84.	It is vital for all of us to recognize that the Manifesto provides us with our last slim chance of preventing a racial holocaust in southern Africa. Moreover, whether this opportunity is seized will depend more on the West than on Africa. The African States have done their part in extending the hand of friendship. It is up to the West now to grasp it eagerly and energetically.
85.	The Middle East is one of the hotbeds of tension in the world today. la that part of the world, peace is a strange bedfellow. Since 1948 over Twenty- years ago the region has been the scene of repeated military clashes between Israel and its neighboring Arab States. The last major encounter between the two sides took place in June 1967. Since then, sporadic fighting has been a characteristic feature of the region. The possibility of yet another major conflagration cannot be ruled out, notwithstanding the recent peace initiatives.
86.	The involvement of the two superPowers in the conflict, though somewhat indirect, raises the ominous possibility of a nuclear exchange between the two giants over the issue. Such an exchange would have incalculable consequences for mankind as a whole. A nuclear war could very well result in the extinction of all forms of life on our planet. This is more than a theoretical possibility.
87.	Zambia's stand on the tragedy that is, the Middle East has reflected our well-known desire for peace and justice in the world. We have condemned recourse to violence and have called on both sides to show restraint and to scrupulously observe Security Council resolutions on the issue. Ceasefire violations can only increase tension in the area and thus jeopardize the prospects of peace which we all desire.
88.	It is the view of my delegation that there will be no lasting peace in the region, so long as the basic causes of the bickering between the two sides are not given serious attention. The injustice the Palestinian refugees have suffered is the main source of friction in the region. It is, therefore, our considered opinion that in any search for a lasting solution to the conflict, this fact should be taken into account.
89.	For its part, Zambia will continue, as it has done in the past, to press for a negotiated settlement in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. We reiterate our firm opposition to the acquisition of territories by military conquest. We once again call on Israel to withdraw immediately from all Arab territories occupied after 5 June 1967.
90.	The current situation does not augur well for peace and security in the area, and we can only hope that the parties to the dispute will appreciate the need to cooperate to the full with Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, the SecretaryGeneral's Special Representative, in his tireless efforts to restore peace to that troubled part of the world. It is not in the interest of peace for either side to refuse to be associated with current attempts to find a lasting solution to the conflict.
91.	The intransigence and cynicism of those who have adopted a holier-than-thou attitude is the main stumbling block to the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization. The most disturbing part of it all is that those same countries whose representatives have energetically resisted any move to have the People's Republic of China in this Organization have chosen to remain silent on the need to get racist South Africa and fascist Portugal to honor their Charter obligations.
92.	My delegation has never been impressed by the facile arguments employed by the opponents of the admission of the People's Republic of China to membership of the United Nations. So long as they support forces of evil in this Organization we shall continue to question their right to block attempts to restore Peking's lawful rights. It is self-deception to cling to the notion that the People's Republic of China does not exist. China is a living reality, and there can be no doubt about that. Nor is it a wise policy to exclude that country from the dialog of man. The fact of the matter is that, so long as we treat the People's Republic of China as an international outcast, we cannot expect that country to be of any great help in the solution of many of the problems confronting this Organization today.
93.	If we are really serious about peace, disarmament and related issues, we must take into account the need to enlist the support and cooperation of the People's Republic of China. My delegation will, as always, spare no effort to ensure that justice is done to the People's Republic of China, because it is bound to play an important role in the international scene.
94.	One of the two superPowers the United States of America is fighting one of the smallest and poorest nations in SouthEast Asia. VietNam, which is currently the subject of the inconclusive Paris peace talks, has never known peace since the turn of the last century.
95.	The United States is in VietNam, we are told, to prove to the enemy that aggression whatever that means does not pay. South VietNam, it is emphasized by the self-appointed world policemen, must be saved from communist aggression, planned and directed, so the argument runs, from Hanoi and Peking. The ruling circles in Washington would have us believe that the VietCong and their allies threaten the security of the United States. This, as everyone knows, is a pretext to justify their illegal presence in SouthEast Asia.
96.	The conflict in VietNam is basically a civil strife and my delegation feels very strongly that external forces have no right whatsoever to internationalize and complicate local conflict such as this one. The people of VietNam should be left alone to fashion their destiny in the manner they deem fit.
97.	We renew our call to the Government of the United States of America to withdraw all its troops from VietNam and to enable the people of that beleaguered country to determine their future free from foreign interference.
98.	The crushing burden of armaments is one of the unresolved issues of our times. The world today is saturated with weapons of mass destruction. History has shown that stockpiles of weapons of war are not a sure guarantee for peace and security in the world. Weapons of war in the arsenals of nations can only serve to aggravate the already tense situation in the world.
99.	It is the view of my delegation that the road to international peace and sanity calls for the adoption of measures designed to rid mankind of weapons of mass destruction. There can be no lasting peace in the world as long as the nuclear giants refuse to accede to our just demands to dismantle their deadly weapons. Our goal is general and complete disarmament. Halfhearted measures like the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] do not offer man a genuine sigh of relief.
100.	One of the principal aims and objectives of the United Nations and its specialized agencies is, in the language of the Charter, "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom". That noble objective, however, has not been achieved by the United Nations. It is an indisputable fact that the gap between the rich and poor nations has been widening with the passage of time. The material condition of the majority of the people of this earth has not greatly improved since the signing of the Charter in San Francisco in 1945. If anything, their condition has deteriorated.
101.	The failure of many international initiatives, including the First United Nations Development Decade, to achieve the goals of economic development is a matter of great concern to my delegation. As we prepare to launch the Second United Nations Development Decade, we should do well to ensure that we avoid the pitfalls of the first.
102.	One of the obstacles to economic prosperity in many of our developing countries stems from existing discriminatory practices in international trade. We have drawn the attention of developed countries to the continued existence of discriminatory tariff arrangements, such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which entrench and institutionalize unfair trade practices. We have called for the liberalization and restructuring of international trade agreements, but all our appeals have fallen on deaf ears.
103.	The world cannot indefinitely remain half rich and half poor. Bold and imaginative steps should be taken to improve the lot of our people. Let me emphasize in no uncertain terms that, since the founding of the United Nations in San Francisco Twenty-five years ago, the more developed nations have pursued a self-destructive policy of economic exploitation of the poor nations of the world; and yet, in the final analysis, their own interests and those of poor nations are closely interdependent. In the interests of the whole of humanity, in the interests of peace and security, we solemnly call on the more developed nations to adopt a positive and realistic approach to the problem of formulating practical guidelines for the Second United Nations Development Decade. Stable peace is not attainable so long as uneven distribution of the wealth of this earth continues to characterize relations among nations.
104.	Finally, I wish to refer briefly to the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non Aligned Countries, which my country had the great honor and privilege of hosting in Lusaka from 8 to 10 September.
105.	That Conference made very important decisions on the current international situation. The Lusaka Declaration on Peace, Independence, Development, Cooperation and Democratization of International Relations, which the Conference issued, is an appeal to sanity, and we commend it to all those who share with us the view that peace is one and indivisible. The Declaration defines the position of nonaligned countries on crucial issues such as apartheid, colonialism, disarmament and economic development and cooperation.
106.	The fact that that important Conference has taken place has proved that the nonaligned movement is not a spent force as our detractors would have the world believe. The Conference has demonstrated beyond doubt that nonalignment is now a firmly established and permanent feature of international relations. My Head of State will, in the course of this session, come to New York to give the United Nations a full report on the decisions of that historic and epoch making Conference.
107.	As we celebrate the Twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, we should take stock of the critical issues which continue to bedevil our efforts to achieve the aims and objectives enshrined in the Charter of our Organization.
108.	The world of the twentieth century is sadly fearful and divided against itself. It is, therefore, incumbent upon us all to ensure that we remove the basic causes of the mutual suspicions and distrust which have placed humanity into hostile and apparently irreconcilable camps.
109.	My delegation believes that the greatest challenge to all peace-loving men and women today in every part of the world is the task of providing international harmony, eliminating strife between man and man caused by religious differences, racial antagonism or ideological conflict. This, then, is the task that my delegation is committed to fulfill as we deliberate on various items on the agenda of this historic Twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We humbly and earnestly invite all the Members to share with us this spirit of purposeful determination to make this session a turning point in man's quest for peace on earth and goodwill among men.


Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the Icelandic delegation as well as personally, to offer you our warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to the high office of the President of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election stands as a well-earned tribute to your great personal and professional qualifications. With your extensive knowledge and your long experience in the affairs of the United Nations, I am confident that you will lead this anniversary session of "peace, justice and progress" to fruitful accomplishments.
2.	I wish to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to your predecessor in the presidential chair, Her Excellency Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, who presided over the last session with gracious dignity and great skill. I pay tribute to the fine leadership she showed in directing the deliberations of the last session of this Assembly.
3.	Allow me, furthermore, to use this opportunity to extend thanks to the SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, for outstanding service during his term in office. His performance in the high position of SecretaryGeneral and his devotion to the maintenance of world peace is recognized by all member nations. It is to be regretted if U Thant is not to remain in his position for another term. I very much hope that he will continue to work actively for the cause of world peace.
4.	When the United Nations was established 25 years ago, the idea was to have the Organization contribute to the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means and to take collective measures to prevent and
remove threats to the peace to ensure in particular that armed force should not be used. Allow me to congratulate the Organization on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary and to give expression to our sincere thanks for the extensive activities of the Organization. Furthermore, I should like to express the wish that the Organization will in the future be true to its aims and that it will prove successful in carrying out the tasks originally given to it in the Charter. Sometimes it is said that the United Nations has failed to solve world problems. Admittedly, it is true that the Organization has not succeeded in solving all problems. That is certainly not strange and the reason is first and foremost that the Organization does not have executive power, as has often been pointed out. However, I would say that the Organization has succeeded, in spite of difficult circumstances, to solve many problems.
5.	In Iceland we have an old Nordic proverb saying: "You settle a land with laws and you lay it waste with lawlessness." The meaning of this proverb is that the subjects of a society should establish laws and regulations on their behavior, and that these laws and regulations should be followed. In particular, one should ensure that force shall not be used, and one should always abide by the laws. In the community of nations, of course, the same rule or law should be observed, and I would consider it only natural that the United Nations should be powerful enough to enforce international law. But it has to be admitted that there are many hindrances and real difficulties, which have to be overcome if the United Nations is to succeed fully in accomplishing its aims. One could mention many examples of this.
6.	The most recent example, and the one that has caused great anxiety on the international scene, is that relatively small but violent groups of fanatics have taken as hostages altogether innocent people, both as passengers on civil aircraft and even representatives of foreign States on legal assignments. These victims of violence have been kept in captivity for the purpose of blackmail to force acceptance of outrageous demands of a more or less illegal nature. And the criminal commandos have threatened the hostages with injury and even death if their demands are not satisfied. I consider that all relations with nations that tolerate such kidnapping will be imperiled. Some measures will have to be found to prevent this violence. On the other hand, one cannot overlook the fact that many of those who have taken these violent actions live in great difficulties and suffer even injustice, so that it is not by any means unnatural that they resort to desperate actions. But one cannot under any circumstances
tolerate this. Their problems will have to be solved by other means. Violence serves no useful purposes but will have grave consequences for those who resort to it. Something will have to be done. These hijackers have world public opinion against them, and therefore the matter should be more manageable.
7.	In my opinion, even if there are many things that can stand improvement, and many problems that still remain unsolved, the United Nations can look back upon its activities during the first quarter of a century with considerable satisfaction, and it can look to the next quarter of a century with optimism and confidence that many problems, which have not yet been solved, will gradually be solved.
8.	This past year, since the last General Assembly, events have taken place that give good hope for the future. First, I should like to mention the situation in Europe. Europe has long been the biggest and bloodiest battleground in the world, and the peace of the world depends to a large extent on the success of cooperation between European States. So far there has been great tension between East and West and the German problem has caused many difficulties. Recently the Soviet Union and Germany concluded a nonaggression treaty  and talks have begun between the two German States. Whatever the concrete results of those talks, those are steps in the right direction, and we hope that those talks that have now commenced will lead to positive results.
9.	East Germany has expressed its wish to gain admittance to the United Nations, either as a full Member or as an observer. However, I think that it is the opinion of many governments in Europe that the time has not arrived to start considering this question, now that direct talks have begun between the two German States. For the time being it will be better and more conducive to the lessening of tension to wait and see what will possibly be the results of these talks, if they continue, as we hope they will do.
10.	In another part of the world the situation seemed to have also advanced to the talking stage, whatever the results of these talks will be, and I am referring to the ArabIsraeli conflict. But in these very last few days intraArab fighting has broken out in Jordan and the world has watched the violent actions of the Palestinian guerillas. In the Middle East the situation for the past few years has been such that one is correct in calling it a war situation, even if the war has not raged fully all the time and even if the war has been primarily directed against military objects and ordinary citizens have, for the most part, been left in peace. One will have to consider it a great accomplishment that the ArabIsraeli war has ceased for the time being and that conversations to solve the basic conflict of the Middle East are hopefully about to begin through the good offices of Ambassador Jarring, the United Nations mediator. However, what I said about the German talks is also true of these talks. Today it is not possible to say what the results will be, but as long as talks continue, one is allowed to hope that some results will be attained. But it was not my intention to commence discussion here in the General Assembly about the Middle East conflict because such a discussion will not contribute to the possibilities of positive results, at this stage anyhow. The so-called "Rogers peace plan" is considered by many to hold the possibilities of an agreement and it seems to be quite obvious for all to try, to the utmost, to find out whether this is so or not.
11.	The third area of conflict, which has caused anxiety during past sessions of the General Assembly, is the war in VietNam. Also in this matter, events have taken place since the last Assembly that one has to consider to be steps in the right direction. One of these is the United States decision to withdraw a great number of troops from SouthEast Asia. Hopefully this could result in diminishing the conflict. Such a de escalation will be welcomed but the same thing applies here as with the two other matters I mentioned. One cannot say definitely what the future development will be. In all three cases one can, however, say that developments during the last year seem to hold possibilities which could become real opportunities.
12.	One cannot say the same thing about the fourth and last tension area that I should like to mention in general terms. Apparently there has been no change in the situation in South Africa and Namibia, which has been discussed extensively during past sessions of the General Assembly. South Africa sticks to the policy of apartheid and South Africa continues to control Namibia notwithstanding, in both those cases, repeated resolutions of the United Nations to the contrary. This reminds us of the most obvious weakness of the United Nations, that is, that resolutions by the United Nations are totally disregarded by the parties who are dissatisfied with those resolutions and consider themselves powerful enough to disregard them with impunity.
13.	The executive power is lacking, as I have repeatedly pointed out from this rostrum. This state of affairs will have to change if the United Nations is to accomplish its aims.
14.	The primary role of the United Nations is and will be the prevention of armed conflicts and the maintenance of international peace and security. But our Organization has other aims as well. On earlier occasions in my interventions in the general debate of the General Assembly I have had the honor to discuss also the second main objective of the United Nations the promotion of social progress and economic advancement of all peoples in larger freedom. In particular, I have drawn attention to certain aspects of this major objective of the United Nations which are of vital concern to the Icelandic nation, especially those aspects of our social and economic tasks which have to do with the sea.
15.	Being an island nation in the middle of the North Atlantic, the Icelandic people base their livelihood primarily on the fisheries around Iceland. This dependence on the living resources of the sea is best demonstrated by citing two figures. Over 35 per cent of our gross national product is exported and of these exports about 90 per cent are fish or fishery products of one kind or another. From these figures one will realize how important the fishing industry is to the national economy of Iceland. Economic activity centers around the fisheries. Almost all necessities of life have to be imported into Iceland, and these imports are financed by exporting fishery products.
16.	Therefore, conservation and rational management of the fish stocks in the North Atlantic Ocean are truly of vital interest to the Icelandic people. And in the sea around Iceland, above the country's clearly distinguishable continental shelf, there are invaluable fishing banks and nursery grounds upon whose preservation depends the livelihood and continued economic development of the Icelandic nation.
17.	The Government of Iceland has for many years actively followed a policy of conservation of the living resources of the sea. And because of Iceland's special situation, the Government has claimed its right to extend its fisheries jurisdiction beyond the territorial waters to reserve the fisheries in the contiguous zone for the exclusive utilization of the coastal population.
18.	Such special situations relating to coastal fisher as of exceptional nature have been recognized in general terms by the international community. The first Geneva Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958 adopted a resolution on the subject. And the particular case of Iceland was recognized in 1961 by two of the biggest deep-sea fishing nations which have a special interest in the North Atlantic, when the United Kingdom and Germany accepted the last extension by Iceland of its fisheries jurisdiction out to twelve miles from straight base lines, especially agreed upon by the parties concerned. The recognition of Iceland's unilateral extension of the exclusive fisheries jurisdiction in the contiguous zone was made in view of the exceptional dependence of the Icelandic nation upon coastal fisheries for its livelihood and economic development.
19.	On 5 May 1959 the Icelandic Parliament passed an often-quoted resolution on the extension of the fisheries jurisdiction to cover the whole of the continental shelf. Since then that resolution has constituted for the Government of Iceland its working instructions in these matters. As far as Iceland is concerned, it is the Government's firm conviction that conservation and utilization, not only of the mineral resources in the seabed and the subsoil of its continental shelf but also the living resources in the waters above the continental shelf, shall be recognized internationally as subject to the exclusive jurisdiction and control of Iceland.
20.	The conservation measures taken in the North Atlantic have undeniably been of great value in many cases, but they have proven to be insufficient. Increased fishing efforts in the North Atlantic have resulted in overexploitation of certain fish stocks, some of which stand in danger of depletion. In my statements in general debates at past sessions of the
General Assembly I have repeatedly pointed out this danger and called for urgent measures to prevent the disastrous consequences of overfishing. The reduction in catches both in total catches and particularly in catches per unit of effort of some species in the North Atlantic is indeed so severe that plans are being made to limit the fisheries by strict quota systems. But the experience with these quota systems has been rather unsatisfactory so that more effective measures will have to be taken. And due regard will have to be given to the special requirements of countries or territories whose people are overwhelmingly dependent on coastal fisheries for their livelihood and economic development. People who base practically their whole economic existence on the living resources of the sea will have to be granted preferential rights to the fisheries located outside their present national jurisdiction.
21.	We have already had a debate in the General Assembly on the complex set of problems in relation to the sea, all of which are now gathered under agenda item 25. Much work will have to be done by the First Committee. In the spirit of the ideals embodied in the Charter, I am confident that the Committee's discussion will result in practical proposals taking into consideration the interests of all the nations of the world, large and small. The views of the Icelandic Government on specific issues will be explained in detail in the Committee as they come up during its deliberations. Let me briefly touch upon only the main headings.
22.	First of all, the Icelandic Government considers that much useful work has already been done by the United Nations on the progressive development of international law regarding many aspects of the sea. However, many problems remain unsolved. Although constituting different aspects, these are all integral parts of the vast field of international maritime law. Progress in that vast field will have to be gradually arrived at by considering the different aspects of the law of the sea, not in isolation but all together since they are all in all interrelated and linked one to another. Much coordination will need to be done, and, therefore, my Government welcomes the initiative taken by the delegation of Malta in this respect in the Economic and Social Council last July.
23.	With regard to the question whether a third United Nations conference on the law of the sea should be convened and what should be the scope of its mandate, I should like to sum up the views of the Government of Iceland as follows.
24.	We are in favor of convening a conference on the law of the sea whose mandate should be sufficiently broad to cover all aspects of the rights of the coastal State in areas adjacent to its coasts. We maintain that coastal States are entitled to establish the limits of their coastal jurisdiction within a reasonable distance, having regard to geographical, geological, economic and other relevant considerations. We realize that many States consider that a limit of twelve miles is sufficient for their purposes, although, in point of fact, coastal jurisdiction varies now from three to 200 miles. In the special situation where a nation is overwhelmingly dependent upon its coastal resources a limit of 12 miles is not sufficient. In the case of Iceland, jurisdiction and control over the continental shelf and the waters above the shelf are reasonable and just and should be recognized by the international community.
25.	It is our earnest hope that the forthcoming conference will be able to serve the really progressive development of international law.
26.	Useful work has been done although progress has been rather slow by the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the SeaBed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction. The Government of Iceland notes with satisfaction that agreement seems to have been reached on a most important and fundamental component of an eventual declaration of principles with regard to the seabed and the ocean floor, that the exploration of the area and the exploitation of its resources shall be carried out for the benefit of mankind as a whole, irrespective of the geographic location of States whether landlocked or coastal taking into particular consideration the needs and interests of the developing countries. Of course the hard reality remains that an agreement has not been reached on the question of the definition of the area of the seabed and the ocean floor; or, if one wishes to approach the problem from another direction, the question of delimitation of the continental shelf remains open. That question will have to be solved with due regard to the rights of coastal States to intervene in sea areas adjacent to the areas of national jurisdiction in cases where the coastline or related interests are in grave and imminent danger because of activities on the seabed or the ocean floor.
27.	Cognizant of the hard realities of the situation, the First Committee should attempt to explore all possibilities for advancement of the work of the seabed Committee in step with the development of other aspects of the law of the sea.
28.	The same is also true as regards the banning of military uses of the seabed and the ocean floor. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has worked out proposals on a treaty barring the emplacement of weapons of mass destruction on the seabed.3 That proposal is to be welcomed and, with the approval of the General Assembly, that treaty should be opened for signature as soon as possible.
29.	Yet another aspect of the law of the sea is the prevention and control of pollution of the marine environment. The Government of Iceland feels that it is now imperative upon the United Nations to draw up and open for signature an international convention on the prevention of sea pollution from whatever sources. To be effective such a convention should establish the obligations and liabilities of States as regards all pollution adversely affecting the living resources of the sea. It would be highly appropriate, in the opinion of the Government of Iceland, to work out an international convention on the prevention of sea pollution in time for it to be opened for signature at the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, in Stockholm in 1972, if possible.
30.	Finally, there is one more activity of the United Nations in questions regarding the sea that I should like to mention. The SecretaryGeneral has now completed the report he was called upon to give in resolution 2413 (XXIII) on the exploitation and conservation of living marine resources.4 The Secretariat is to be highly commended for the excellence of this report, and now it is incumbent on the General Assembly to decide upon further action on the basis of the report. As I have already explained, this is a matter in which my country is vitally interested and the Government of Iceland will, at the appropriate time, have proposals to make regarding further actions on this problem in the United Nations framework. Conservation and rational exploitation of the living resources of the sea are of vital interest not only to Iceland, but to all the Members of the United Nations and, indeed, the world community as a whole, if the war against hunger is to be waged successfully.
31.	We appreciate the fact that many nations have already at this stage the same or similar views on these questions as we do. After considering the matter they have adopted the same attitude as we now have. I mention the nations of South America and, indeed, also North America, and many of the nations of Africa and Asia. It would be desirable for all these nations to come to an agreement on a common position so that their views will be accepted at the eventual third conference on the law of the sea.


81.	  Mr. President, I should like to address my first words to you in your capacity of representative of Norway, a country with which Yugoslavia maintains extremely friendly relations dating back to the difficult hours of the Second World War, and I wish to congratulate you most warmly, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation, on your election as President of this anniversary session of the General Assembly. We see in this a tribute not only to your country but also to your undeniable personal qualities.
82.	Yugoslavia, as one of the founders of the United Nations, signed the Charter two and a half decades ago with a firm belief in the purposes and principles of the Charter and a resolve to strive consistently towards their realization.
83.	The image of the world has been significantly altered during the past twenty-five years. The world has changed much although it has not changed for the better. The peace that we now have is neither a lasting peace nor a peace for all. There are countries and peoples that not only are dying in war this very day, but also have never even known peace. The growth of science and the upsurge of technology have failed to improve the lot of the majority of mankind; they have even failed to upgrade the standards of living of the broader sections of the population even in countries where their impact has been the greatest. The lofty principles of the Charter freedom, independence, sovereignty of peoples and States are frequently and wantonly subjected to the interests of the bigger and the stronger. The rights and dignity of man are being mercilessly violated by social injustice, racial discrimination and religious and national prejudices.
84.	For all these reasons, we are faced with the following question: shall the inadequacies of the present day world be a source of apathy and despair or a motive force for more radical undertakings and more resolute action by our Organization? We firmly believe that the unacceptable realities of our times should not be preserved for the sake of so-called political realism which advocates helplessness and immobility.
85.	All of the foregoing facts in no way overshadow the truth that the United Nations, acting in such contradictory circumstances, has none the less remained an irreplaceable factor of unification and rapprochement of peoples and countries differing in size and economic power and having diverse social and political systems. Neither we nor this Organization can deny the fact that in the realization of the basic objectives enshrined in the Charter as priority aims the prevention of war and safeguarding of peace and security and the promotion of the free and independent development of all peoples the United Nations has encountered almost insurmountable obstacles and that its role has remained limited.
86.	The United Nations is but a mirror of the situation prevailing in international relations. It reflects all that is negative and all that is positive in the overall development of the international situation. I presume that we all wish the United Nations to become something more than this.
87.	The world with which we are dissatisfied cannot be improved overnight, but it can be destroyed overnight. For this reason the United Nations should be the tireless initiator and champion of a sweeping undertaking aimed at developing new relations which will ensure genuine security and full equality among all States and peoples in the world. The United Nations must become an Organization which will serve all and which will not be arbitrarily dominated by anyone.
88.	Of symbolic significance is the fact that under the auspices of this high Organization the first youth assembly  was held, at which representatives of the youth of all continents were able to present their views on the world and to express their hopes and expectations with regard to the United Nations. Young people throughout the world are not slaves to prejudices inherited by us from earlier times and events. Their refusal to reconcile themselves with the state of the world as it is and with the existing situation in society is becoming an ever more significant factor whose political and moral significance should not be underestimated. The world of youth is the world of tomorrow. The greater togetherness and understanding among youth is becoming a decisive factor of rapprochement and understanding among men and peoples. The United Nations could see to it that such a role of the young people becomes an integral part of its own objectives, and efforts.
89.	Finally, I wish to stress that the effective role of the United Nations is inconceivable without the Organization's total universality. It has become utterly absurd to attempt further to deny the right of the People's Republic of China, a right to which it is entitled under the Charter, to take its place among the Member States of the United Nations and thus facilitate its active participation in the work of this international Organization. It is good to see an increasing number of countries supporting this request. How can we ensure progress in the solution of the most pressing international issues in the United Nations if the People's Republic of China and other States which are still outside our Organization do not take part in their settlement? If the United Nations wishes to represent the whole world in pursuance of its Charter, then the whole world should be in the United Nations.
90.	Yugoslavia had the honor to be one of the 63 participants at the recently held Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries in Lusaka. This, the largest gathering of Heads of State or Government ever held outside the United Nations, clearly reflected a high degree of awareness of the common interests of the nonaligned countries as well as of aspirations that are identical with those of a much larger number of States. This imposing gathering of the leaders of countries representing more than half of the Member States of the United Nations not only shed light upon the pressing issues confronting mankind, but adopted, very specific conclusions as to what should be done to secure a better tomorrow, to strengthen world peace and security and to establish democratic relations among peoples. This, we hope, will have a direct impact upon the further activity of the United Nations. In this connexion, the Head of the Yugoslav delegation, President Tito, said, inter alia'.
"The twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly and our gathering in Lusaka have their logical link both in terms of time and substance. These two events constitute for us, the nonaligned countries, a whole; they reflect it. can be said the same historical concept. The reassertion of the principles of the Charter and the strengthening of the United Nations constitute, at the same time, a demand for further and speedier democratization of international relations."
91.	The organic link between the aims of the non aligned countries and the efforts of the United Nations has become closer and more obvious than ever before.
92.	In the present day world, divided into military, economic and political blocs, the policy of force, imperialism and foreign domination definitely obstructs free international cooperation and greatly limits the place and role of a considerable number of countries. Should such a state of affairs remain unchanged and should the status quo based on bloc positions be legalized, then it would be illusory to "speak of a lasting peace, of security for all, of independence, sovereignty and equitable cooperation among States.
93.	The process of examining some problems of general interest for the world community has been initiated, but participation in their solution is restricted to a very small number of countries. Attempts to preserve such a state of affairs and to reserve for the superPowers and the blocs headed by them the right to take decisions about the fate of peace and security and on other vital problems which affect the whole world are a matter of concern.
94.	For this reason the era of negotiation as we term the times in which we live will fulfill our expectations only if, at the same time, it turns out to be an era of consolidation of universal peace, security, independence, sovereignty and wider possibilities for unimpeded internal development.
95.	A genuine and durable peace and general security can only be built in conditions of the strict and universal application of the principles of the United Nations Charter. No country can be absolved, under any circumstances or for any reasons or motives, from respect for and implementation of these principles in international relations. This is precisely what the founders of this world Organization had in mind when they adopted the Charter of the United Nations twenty-five years ago.
96.	The favorable evolution, which of late has been evidenced in Europe, has yielded some concrete results, as can be seen from the recently concluded treaty on the renunciation of force between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany. We attach, of course, the greatest importance to these positive trends, not only because we ourselves are a European country, but also because of the undeniable influence of such agreements upon broader developments in the international community.
97.	We are convinced that conditions are continually being created for intensified efforts by all European countries in the sense of a further easement of tensions, promotion of all-round cooperation, overcoming of the existing division and establishment of equitable and secure conditions in Europe, in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter. The proposed European conference, as a broad and democratic gathering of all European and other interested States, could then play a useful role. Such contacts, reasserting the independence of all countries and their full equality, could also stimulate the development of new and lasting forms of multilateral cooperation in Europe, even of new institutional forms of European security founded upon the Charter and organically linked, in a specific manner, to the United Nations.
98.	The present detente in Europe will prove to be deceptive unless it becomes part of a general relaxation in the world. Regrettably, in many other areas of the world, dangerous crises, military conflicts and aggressions continue to persist.
99.	In spite of the decision of the Security Council and ever wider dissatisfaction of the international community, Israel continues to occupy vast territories of Arab countries. The most recent developments in the Middle East serve as sufficient evidence that Israel has actually not changed its policy. It would be very dangerous to ignore this fact and to fail to realize that the eleventh hour has struck for taking steps while there is still time for a peaceful solution on the basis of the Security Council resolution. We must admit that, regardless of the immediate causes, the recent bloodshed in Jordan also falls within the context of broader consequences of the expansionist policy of Israel in this area, a component part of which is also the failure to recognize, over a number of years, the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Our concern at the deterioration of the situation in the Middle East is even greater as the growing crisis is extending the area of tension to the entire Mediterranean, and even to a large part of Europe and is adversely affecting overall international relations.
100.	The situation in VietNam and in SouthEast Asia as a whole is now considerably graver than it was last year. Cambodia has become a theater of war devastation as a consequence of military intervention by primarily nonAsian Powers in that formerly independent and nonaligned country. It has been proved that the so-called VietNamization is leading to an expansion, and not a reduction, of the war. The events have confirmed the viewpoint which we, like many others, have expressed on a number of occasions, namely, that peace in SouthEast Asia can be secured only if the right of the peoples of VietNam and Laos, and now also of Cambodia, to independence and sovereign determination of their own future, without external interference or meddling, is finally recognized and respected.
101.	Colonial and racist oppression in the southern part of Africa is assuming more and more alarming proportions. In the opinion of the Yugoslav delegation the world Organization is faced with a pressing need to take energetic and resolute measures for the eradication of colonialism. The entire world, and above all Africa, knows that this is a question not of a lack of power but of a lack of will to act. The world community should muster courage and resources to erase this blot from our century.
102.	The point of departure and the foundation of international security is the development of such relations in the world as will ensure the full independence, the equal rights and sovereignty of all countries. The timely resistance of the international community to all possible threats and recourse to force in settling disputes constitutes another significant component of international security.
103.	Inherent in every conflict in this world which has become so interdependent, is the danger that such conflict may be transformed into one of major proportions. Therefore we expect the current session of the General Assembly to chart the main course for long term activities in strengthening international security and safeguarding peace, as these tasks deserve the highest priority. People seek a sound peace and not a deceptive truce. The first vital step in that direction is the curbing of the arms race and the initiation of the disarmament process. How often has it been pointed out in vain that the arms race not only is fraught with unforeseeable consequences for peace and security but is absorbing greater and greater material, financial and industrial potentials at a time when millions of people in the developing countries lack the most essential conditions for existence.
104.	Without minimizing the complexity of the disarmament problem, we should like to express our conviction that it is precisely the great Powers, the ones possessing the greatest stocks of modern weapons, which bear the chief responsibility for past failures to halt the arms race and to resolve the disarmament problems. The last session of the General Assembly provided a vital impulse for action in this field. However, what has been done so far is far from sufficient. The Yugoslav delegation will be more than pleased to cooperate with other delegations in the adoption of a more substantive and comprehensive disarmament program during the current session. We also deem it essential to adopt at this session a treaty prohibiting the emplacement of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction on or under the sea-bed, as the first step towards the total demilitarization of the seabed. We also wish to stress the urgency of banning chemical and bacteriological weapons. Proceeding from such a conviction, the Government of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia recently adopted a decision to renounce unilaterally the manufacture and use of these dangerous weapons.
105.	While in the developed parts of the world there is an enormous concentration of productive forces and technological progress, the development process is showing a more and more evident lag in other parts of the world. The fact that this truth is not new can certainly not console us. The efforts exerted by the developing countries to develop and utilize to the utmost their own potentials and constantly to foster mutual cooperation are limited by numerous external factors which they cannot influence without the support and cooperation of the developed countries, whose possibilities in this respect are boundless. True, a small number of developed countries appreciate this need and have committed themselves to set aside substantial resources for a more rapid development of less developed countries. However, there are still many, and the richest countries at that, that have not shown such readiness. The world cannot be stable if it is condemned to perpetual economic disparity. We are thus faced with the urgent need to bring about profound changes in order to implement a new international development policy and a more rapid integration of the developing countries into the mainstream of the world's material, scientific and cultural progress, from which in the long run the developed countries themselves will benefit. More specifically, that is the very essence of the international development strategy for the Second Development Decade which should be adopted during this session in the hope that it will, as distinct from the first Decade, yield more tangible results.
106.	It is the desire of my Government that this anniversary session should provide a clearer image of a new vision of the world. We are gathered together in this Organization not merely to discuss the situation in the world or to describe it but also to contribute to its gradual change. We are deeply convinced that this session can open up broader vistas for changes in the world, which must be not only a different but also a better world. Every step forward along this path will, at the same time, be a genuine contribution to the anniversary of the United Nations. My Government is prepared to do its utmost towards that end.


65.	Mr. President, it is a pleasure for me to convey to you on behalf of the delegation of Thailand warm and sincere congratulations on your election to the Presidency of the twenty- fifth session of the General Assembly. The close and friendly relations that my country has traditionally enjoyed with your great country are an additional source of gratification, and we have no doubt that your rich experience and perceptive mind will guide us through our deliberations to a happy and successful conclusion. We are also mindful of the fact that you bear a name which was illustrious in the annals of the body that preceded the United Nations the League of Nations. The honor that the General Assembly bestowed upon you is therefore all the more significant, and our best wishes go to you in discharging your new responsibility and in upholding the distinguished family tradition.
66.	I should also like to extend our deep appreciation to my good friend, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, the outgoing President of the General Assembly. Her Presidency was marked by her firm yet cheerful attitude. Her deep convictions and faith in the United Nations also made her a very effective and eloquent spokesman for the world Organization during her tenure of office.
67.	It is not often that a United Nations General Assembly session is convened with even some faint rays of hope piercing through layers of clouds overhanging the dark sky. But the tragic civil war in Nigeria has now been brought to an end. In Europe hopeful signs of greater calm and relaxation have appeared over the horizon. The United Nations, on its way to celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation, should be thankful for whatever modest change there may be in circumstances, from continuing crises and widespread conflict to an improvement in the understanding and relationships among major European Powers. It is true that peace has not been restored in all parts of the globe, nor has it been firmly secured in places where clashes and conflicts have been a daily routine. In the Middle East soldiers still remain with their loaded guns in the trenches and bunkers along the Suez Canal, but at least a ceasefire has been more or less observed by the parties most concerned. However, guerrilla activities, including hijackings and the destruction of civil aircraft, as well as the detention of innocent passengers, and lately the fierce fighting in Jordan, mar the prospects of peace in that highly explosive area.
68.	No doubt these rays of hope are only a beginning, but a beginning to which we have not been accustomed for quite a long while. Therefore, those who have contributed to bringing about this more encouraging state of affairs should be congratulated and supported in their worthwhile efforts towards a notable lessening of international tension. The United States should be commended for proposing and urging a ceasefire in the Middle East; so should the parties which have accepted it, namely the United Arab Republic, Jordan and Israel, as weU as the United Nations mediator, Mr. Gunnar Jarring, who has been working so patiently for peace in that troubled part of the world.
69.	In Europe, the treaty which the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union have recently concluded,  by which the parties agreed to renounce all resort to force and to recognize and respect the present borders of Germany, has cleared the atmosphere of Europe of the immediate threats of conflict and has brought along with it cleaner air, an air of detente and peaceful coexistence. There again, the responsible parties should be commended for their successful efforts to rid the world of a major cause of confrontation and hostility. What can and will be done to consolidate this initial gain remains to be seen, but at least the nations concerned can pursue their task of pacification and of anchoring the peace firmly in the European continent in more relaxed surroundings without the pressure of propaganda and its accompanying charges and countercharges.
70.	Only in Asia and more particularly in SouthEast Asia do the skies remain ominously dark with incessant fighting, killing and destruction. The invading hordes of North VietNam and their clients, the Viet Cong, continue to maim, terrorize and slaughter innocent men and women along the breadth and length of SouthEast Asia, from the Kingdom of Laos to Cambodia and South VietNam. In their ruthless enterprises they were and still are supported by and supplied with economic means and destructive weapons by their sponsors in Asia and Eastern Europe. That is why, at the urgent request of the victims of aggression, forces from the United States, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Thailand, much against their desire for peace, had to rush to the rescue. Otherwise the subjection of small nations would have been consummated and their free and sovereign existence would have been wiped out. At the present time, although the likelihood of the aggressors imposing their will and their military solution on their victims has become more remote, the former, bred in their intransigent imperialistic traditions, continue to inflict sufferings and depredations upon millions of people yearning for peace and tranquility.
71.	One may wonder why while elsewhere in the world, in the Middle East and in Europe, people have grown tired and wearied of conflicts and fighting the Marxists in Asia never have enough of terrorizing and burning and murdering, and why their thirst for conquest and domination is so far unquenchable. While on the defending side one nation after another first the United States then Australia, New Zealand and Thailand has declared its readiness to withdraw its forces from the theater of war, the other side has shown no sign of relenting in its belligerent attitude. Instead they have stepped up hostilities in Laos, in Cambodia and also in the northern part of South VietNam. Was it, one may ask, because the free world side had shown signs of compromise that they mistook for weakness and even surrender? That seems to be the only plausible reason which can explain the unyielding attitude they have invariably adopted at the Paris negotiations.
72.	If one attempts to draw a comparison between what occurs in Europe and the Middle East and what obtains in SouthEast Asia as one should try to learn from experiences in other parts of the world a striking conclusion readily emerges. The situation in Europe and the Middle East reflects what courteous diplomatic language may call the "desire for peace", but the hard realities of international life may more simply term it a "power stalemate". The existence of the massive strength both nuclear and conventional of NATO and the Warsaw Pact in Europe and the might of the Soviet Union and the might of the United States in the Middle East confronting each other have resulted in this de facto stalemate which, if broken would undoubtedly lead to a catastrophe of major proportions and result in an indescribable holocaust for all those who may become, involved. In these circumstances victory has little if any meaning and its cost may be too exorbitant for anyone to hope to reach it.
73.	Such a situation, unfortunately, has not yet developed in our part of the world, or at least not to the extent to which it prevails in the above mentioned two areas. The regimes of Peking, Hanoi and Pyongyang still possess dominant military might, especially in the conventional field, and outside Powers who may be a match for them are not inclined to confront them unless it becomes a nuclear confrontation, which nobody wants anyhow. That is why those Asian Marxists continue to push implicitly or otherwise for a military solution even if it means a widening of the conflict as we have seen recently in Laos and Cambodia. They must indeed feel grateful to all those who keep reciting the litany that no military solution is possible in VietNam or even in the whole of SouthEast Asia. Such an exhortation suits the invaders very well, for the last thing they want is to have the defending side put up military opposition. They very much prefer to be allowed to pursue their own military objectives. At the same time they are tenaciously pressing for the acceptance of their formula for a political surrender, the latest version of which they put forward only last week in Paris.
74.	While one has to admit that the withdrawal of various defending forces will not help create a power stalemate like the one which obtains in other parts of the world, it is meant at least as far as my country is concerned to show how desirous and eager we are to strive for a political settlement rather than one based on the use of force. However, since the other side continues to be recalcitrant other approaches have to be explored. Since a military stalemate is not realizable in SouthEast Asia one has to look for a political stalemate, a modest step towards which was initiated by the Asian and Pacific nations congregating at Djakarta a few months ago.  It was regrettable that this assemblage was not strong enough to produce tangible results because it lacked the necessary ingredient of power even political power which could create the kind of stalemate that would ultimately lead to negotiations or a possible political modus vivendi for peaceful coexistence. To have any chance of success there must be an accrual of more weighty States to restore the balance. The participation of the four major Powers or, failing that, of the two great Powers on the same side will more certainly ensure success and make possible a prospect of meaningful negotiations and eventual settlement. That undoubtedly is the optimum. How it can be brought about is perhaps the greatest and most difficult problem of our time, which no person of goodwill should brush aside without giving it a thought or even a try.
75.	In the first place the suggestion that France and the United Kingdom should be urged to play a role in Asia, for instance in helping resolve the Cambodian question, is both logical and realistic, in our opinion. For one thing both countries have had long and intimate relations and experience with our part of the world. France, in particular, was until recently an Administering Authority in IndoChina, and the United Kingdom, for its part, is currently a co-chairman of the Geneva Conference. The two countries are therefore aptly suited to play a worthy part in dealing with problems facing SouthEast Asia.
76.	As to the two world Powers, they have been and still are backing their respective side in the present conflict. If both of them could find a basis for an agreement, the fighting would grind to a prompt stop. A ceasefire could then be declared and negotiations started. At the present time the talks in Paris are not moving ahead because only one sport-soring Power sits at the conference table while the other conveniently stays outside and continues to pull the strings without being exposed or committed to any course of compromise or any proposal for a give and take. That is undoubtedly a miscalculation brought about by a hasty decision inspired perhaps by the internal political requirements of the moment rather than by rational considerations. In our opinion, as long as this disadvantageous unbalanced composition persists it would be unrealistic to expect any worthwhile breakthrough or progress at the Paris talks. If the truth of this is now realized, efforts must be made to repair the said shortcoming. The solution of inviting the Powers which, as permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, are entrusted with the main responsibility of "Conference of Foreign Ministers of Asian and Pacific countries held on 16 and 17 May 1970.
ensuring and maintaining world peace is a reasonable way out of the present procrastination and stagnation in the efforts to restore peace and tranquility in SouthEast Asia.
77.	The question of the representation of China in the United Nations will undoubtedly come up for discussion again this year. The position of the Government of Thailand on this matter remains unchanged. Without going into the merits or demerits of the case, it is our firm conviction that the Republic of China, a founding Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council, is entitled to continue to represent the Chinese people as it has done since the inception of the United Nations. Furthermore, in our view, the question of representation is one which should be left to the Chinese people itself and any settlement of the issue should be the responsibility of the two contending parties. No initiatives or measures taken by Member States of the United Nations can be expected to yield satisfactory results. Nor can any solution or formula devised by others be expected to gain the acceptance of the rival parties.
78.	Concerning the question of disarmament, the world has grappled with this problem for a time far in excess of the age of the United Nations. For obvious reasons the problem has been an elusive one, but international efforts persist and the United Nations has been in. the forefront in trying to devise measures for arms control. Its accomplishments have been notable but limited, and some loopholes remain evident. For instance, the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] does not cope with the horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the world still anxiously awaits a successful outcome of the strategic arms limitation talks between the two nuclear Powers. Moreover, adequate security guarantees for nonnuclear States are lacking. The partial test-ban Treaty  in order to be effective needs the adherence of other nuclear Powers and should be enlarged to cover all environments.
79.	On the other hand, in the quarter century that the United Nations has existed, the world body has spent an unconscionable time in debates on the kind of weaponry that is less likely to be employed. It has not dealt enough with conventional armaments which are being used every day of the year in all parts of the world for destructive purposes and which could easily spark a widespread conflagration. This is one aspect of arms control that should be pondered more seriously and energetically during the present United Nations Disarmament Decade.
80.	Considering the present international requirements, the peacekeeping responsibility of the United Nations must of necessity continue to be one of the main pillars of the work of this Organization. Without the effective functioning of this important aspect of United Nations activities, international peace and security are in great jeopardy. It is therefore regrettable that the progress made in the course of the past year in the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations has been slower than it was the year before. It has often been claimed that the problem is highly complex and that the differences are of so fundamental a nature that negotiations are bound to be time consuming. While no one could have expected rapid progress in the work of the Committee, it was nevertheless the hope of all that after the introduction of the first report of the working group last year some meaningful results might be forthcoming.
81.	We would like to urge the General Assembly to install a renewed sense of urgency in the work of the Committee and, in particular, in the negotiations in the working group, and efforts to reach a compromise must be further intensified.
82.	The conscience of mankind continues to be assaulted by the racist policies of apartheid. The United Nations has for all these years been calling upon the responsible party to desist from these unjust and repugnant policies which arc in clear violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
83.	This deplorable state of affairs does not redound to the credit or effectiveness of the world Organization. The international community looks for decisive action to the United Nations as well as to those major trading partners that are in a position to influence the thinking of the Governments concerned.
84.	The question of violations by some Member Governments of the arms embargo called for in a series of Security Council resolutions is undoubtedly a matter of grave concern. There is therefore a need to strengthen the arms embargo and the Security Council was wise to adopt resolution 282 (1970) of 23 July 1970, calling upon all States to take measures towards that end. The implementation of that resolution will, in our opinion, lessen the danger of violent conflict in southern Africa.
85.	Suppression of the inalienable rights and freedoms of the oppressed peoples in southern Africa has remained unabated. The inhumane policy of apartheid was extended to the international Territory of Namibia, and the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia felt encouraged and continued to defy the United Nations resolutions as well as world public opinion.
86.	The United Nations, in our opinion, has a worthy record in decolonization activity. Since 1945 no fewer than forty-five Territories have gained independence, and yet when we are about to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples the momentum that the world Organization has generated in the past two decades seems to be withering away. Let us hope that the 1970s will bring a greater determination by the vast majority of Member States and the subjected peoples to erase, once and for all, the remaining vestiges of colonialism in Africa and other parts of the world. Let us also hope that the colonial Powers and their major trading partners will become aware of the archaic nature of apartheid and colonialism, and that they will show political wisdom in recognizing the inherent right of self-determination for the peoples in the colonial Territories.
87.	Recent events on the international scene have given clear indications of a trend which, if allowed to go unchecked, leads towards the law of the jungle. It is therefore imperative that the peoples of the United Nations reaffirm their strict observance of the principles and provisions of the Charter and their respect for international law and justice. While the Thai Government has appreciated and welcomed the unremitting efforts of the United Nations in codifying and developing international law in many fields, it is regrettable that recourse to international law and justice has not been the standard practice of nations.
88.	My delegation feels that greater advantage should be taken of the International Court of Justice as in the recent action of the Security Council, when it exercised its competence to seek an advisory opinion on the legal consequences for States of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia.
89.	There are, of course, various other modes available for the settlement of disputes by peaceful means as specified by Article 33 of the Charter. Member nations should therefore be persuaded to comply with their obligation under Article 33 and to have recourse to such means in the future. Resort to the good offices of the SecretaryGeneral should likewise be encouraged.
90.	As is well known to all, the United Nations was brought into existence on the premise of the practicability of the concept of one world. This one world concept requires a new, positive attitude towards trade and development, a new commitment to assistance and new economic and social structures. These can be brought about with success only through the genuine display of political will, international understanding and mutual cooperation between the developed and the developing countries. In the recent past these two groups of countries have had occasion to discuss these matters, particularly at sessions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and other bodies of the United Nations, but, unfortunately, such a dialog has too often degenerated into a deadlock, if not confrontation.
91.	It should also be observed that many items like shipping, insurance and reinsurance and tourism account for a very large share of the balance of payments of developing countries. However, for various reasons, the earnings of these countries from such items continue to remain negligible. The share of the developing countries in the world merchant fleet is less than 7 per cent. Similarly, the volume of insurance transactions in developing countries is still rather small. Although the United Nations, particularly UNCTAD, has for some years examined in detail the questions relating to earnings from the invisibles which have a potential to contribute in no small measure to an improvement in the balance of payments and to the economic growth of developing countries, the results of such examination so far have not been encouraging enough.
92.	The reasons for this are not difficult to find. The developed nations are still not willing enough to help and cooperate with the developing countries. They have not yet tried to any reasonable extent to meet the basic requirements of the developing countries. Such cooperation on the basis of equal partnership should take the desirable form of "give and take", fully understood and implemented by the industrially advanced countries. Here it should be emphasized that similar chronic shipping problems are being faced by many developing countries, like Thailand and some other countries in Asia, which are not yet in a position fully to develop their own national merchant fleets. They are always left at the mercy of foreign flags for sea carriage of cargo, with the result that their export trade is almost totally dependent on foreign lines. Most developing countries are also in a position of weakness in negotiating with shipping conferences either for admission into such bodies or for a reduction in the freight rates unilaterally announced and enforced by the conferences.
93.	All Governments of developing countries attach great importance to shipping. It not only represents an important item of invisible export but is also an effective instrument for export promotion. It is regrettable to note that the system of maritime conferences has not yet taken into account the need of the developing countries. It is not uncommon to find that the freight rates are exorbitant and discriminatory and, in certain cases, represent more than 50 per cent of the costs of certain export products. The rates are found to be prohibitive for many products which need to be exported by developing countries. It is now high time the regime of shipping conferences introduced a new pattern and approach. Those who run the conference system must reduce or even give up the monopolistic structure and practices and thus engage in a greater new pattern requires equality and mutual consultation, and there must be no unilateral decisions or inferior treatment, which have been the past, practices of the conference system. It is our fervent hope that the United Nations will be able to take still more effective measures without delay to deal with these problems so that discriminatory practices in shipping will no longer be tolerated.
94.	Attention should also be drawn to some other international trade problems facing poorer countries. What is really to be desired in this regard is that the developed countries should not always take the advantage of imposing damaging quotas or other discriminatory restrictions on the importation of products from developing countries. In other words, what is needed is a freer flow of trade without discrimination or barrier against the products of developing countries. In this connexion, I take this opportunity to commend Australia for being the first country to initiate what are called the tariff preferences for less developed countries, which became effective in April 1966. This, in our view, was a step taken in the right direction.
95.	There can be no doubt that aid is still of great importance and necessary for the development of poorer countries, but these countries must be offered fair and equal opportunities in all fields of aid and trade. Any form of cooperation between the developed and the developing countries should bring about benefits for both sides. The developed countries should adopt measures to discourage the uneconomic production and sale of commodities which compete with those originating from developing countries and should abolish government subsidies which introduce elements of unfair competition into normal commercial transactions, thus causing serious harm to the interests of such nations. As for the disposal of production surpluses or strategic reserves, the utmost care must be taken not to bring about a depression of international prices or adversely to affect the exports of developing countries. There can be no doubt that mutual cooperation in equal partnership, together with a genuine display of political will coupled with a willingness to recognize mutual problems and needs, can open the door to world peace and prosperity.
96.	It is somewhat encouraging to note that the lessons drawn from the shortcomings of the first United Nations Development Decade are now being translated into a global strategy of development. This collective action which the whole community of nations is taking to meet the challenge of underdevelopment will determine the kind of world to which the United Nations is dedicated. In other words, it will decide whether mankind, despite the grim realities before it, will be able ultimately to bring prosperity, stability and lasting peace to the world. It is our firm belief that the international development strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade must have its roots in a firm political commitment based on a will to cooperate. It should also be looked upon as a definite program of action and therefore requires a timetable of activities. Without such a timetable the strategy document would lose much of its meaning. It is also incumbent upon Governments to take the action required in order to attain the goals and objectives of the Decade, thus ensuring a better and happier world for mankind. Let us all hope that the Second United Nations Development Decade which is going to be launched in a few weeks will become a decade of achievement rather than one of empty rhetoric.
97. In connexion with the economic activities of the United Nations, I should like briefly to mention that since 1954 the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East has been located in Bangkok in a building provided free of rent by the Government of Thailand to the United Nations. Up to now Bangkok has only had the status of a working site. But in April of this year, ECAFE adopted a resolution declaring Bangkok its permanent site. Then in July, the Economic and Social Council at its forty-ninth session adopted another resolution [1522 (XLIX)] approving ECAFE's recommendation to that effect.
98.	Thailand has always extended its willing assistance and cooperation to the United Nations in providing suitable accommodation for offices. Whenever additional facilities were needed the Government responded positively to the request for further assistance. In 1964, additional facilities were made available to meet the growing requirements of ECAFE. And now, in order to meet the present and anticipated needs of the United Nations, the Government of Thailand has decided to make more land available for new United Nations construction. In this connexion, my Government is also prepared to render further assistance in the preparation and conduct of an architectural and engineering survey.
99.	After twenty-five years of existence attempts should be initiated and vigorously pursued to streamline the procedural arrangements within the United Nations, or else the image of the Organization as the world's ineffective debating society or, worse, as a mere propaganda forum, will continue to linger to the detriment of the entire membership. Such reforms and other corrective measures would help restore the confidence of some sectors of the international community in the efficaciousness of the United Nations and would contribute to making the world body into an effective instrument for dealing with the problems of the 1970s. The United Nations must not be allowed to become a static or a stagnant body oblivious to changing circumstances and other developments since its inception. The twenty-fifth anniversary seems in our view to be the proper occasion to rededicate ourselves to the principles and purposes of the Charter and also to exploring the possibilities of updating its machinery and adapting other institutional practices to the dynamic age and future challenges of the next quarter century.