1.	 The Government of Luxembourg has established a record and added luster to the long line of Presidents of the General Assembly by providing the first Prime Minister to preside over a regular session of the General Assembly. On behalf of the delegation of Sri Lanka I extend to Mr. Gaston Thorn our warm congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. In the discharge of his responsibilities he may be assured of my delegation's unwavering support.
2.	We take this opportunity of expressing to his predecessor in office, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, our appreciation of his able conduct of the proceedings of two sessions of the General Assembly the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session on development and international economic co-operation. The latter will rank as one of the most historic sessions in the 30 years of the United Nations existence. Mr. Bouteflika brought to the office of President the ardor and vitality of youth and, as he quite admitted, a revolutionary spirit. As the Foreign Minister of the country which at present holds the chairmanship of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, he articulated lucidly and convincingly the essence of the Movement's philosophy and policy.
3.	Mr. Bouteflika's presidency occurred at a time when the non-aligned Movement was seen to be acquiring greater strength not merely in its membership but also as an increasingly effective moral force in the councils of the world. There is today no group of States in this Organization more advantageously placed to preserve a proper balance between conflicting ideologies and interests and to ensure that the voice of smaller nations is no longer a muffled murmur but a clarion call.
4.	Speaking as the representative of the country which will have the distinction of acting as host to the fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which will meet at Colombo in August 1976, I can assure this Assembly that we will remain loyal to the principles and policies of non- alignment as proclaimed and reaffirmed at the four summit Conferences so far held, at all of which my Prime Minister and Minister of defense and Foreign Affairs, Mrs. Sirinlavo Bandaranaike, led her country's delegation. These policies and principles are expressed in the Belgrade Declaration of 1961, the Cairo Declaration of 1964, the Lusaka Declaration of 1970 and the Algiers Declaration of 1973.
5.	Lest we forget, I would draw attention to the provisions of the Belgrade Declaration of 1961, which 14 years later remain unimpeachably valid. In fact, the histoiy of the last 14 years has proved that the Belgrade Declaration of the non-aligned countries has been one of the principal driving forces in international affairs in the unflagging search for security, economic stability and justice for the peoples of the world.
Mr. Chowdhury (Bangladesh), Vice-President, took the Chair.
6.	The Belgrade Declaration called for the unconditional, total and final abolition of colonialism and declared support for the full restoration of all the rights of the Arab people of Palestine.
7.	It expressed the conviction that all peoples should be free to dispose of their natural wealth and resources for their own ends, without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit and international law, and that in no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.
8.	It expressed the determination that no intimidation, interference or intervention should be brought to bear in the exercise of the right of self-determination of peoples.
9.	It considered the establishment and maintenance of foreign military bases in the territories of other countries, particularly against their express will, a gross violation of the sovereignty of such States and called for the abolition of foreign bases as a contribution to world peace.
10.	It pointed out that general and complete disarmament should include the elimination of armed forces, armaments, foreign bases and manufacture of arms as well as the elimination of institutions and installations for military training, except for purposes of internal security, the total prohibition of the production, possession and utilization of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons and bacteriological and chemical weapons, and the elimination of equipment and installations for the delivery and placement and operational use of weapons of mass destruction on national territories.
11.	It considered the urgent conclusion of an agreement on the prohibition of all nuclear and .thermonuclear tests to be essential.
12.	It recommended that the General Assembly, at its following session, which was to be held in 1961, adopt a decision either on the convening of a special session devoted to disarmament or on the convening of a world disarmament conference under the auspices of the United Nations.
13.	It asked that efforts be made to remove the economic imbalance inherited from colonialism and imperialism; it demanded just terms of trade for the economically less developed countries and, in particular, constructive efforts to eliminate the excessive fluctuations in primary commodity trade and the restrictive measures and practices which adversely affect the trade and revenues of the newly developing countries; and in general it demanded that the fruits of the scientific and technological revolution be applied in all fields of economic development to hasten the achievement of international social justice.
14.	A survey of the last 14 years will reveal clearly the influence the non-aligned Movement has exerted in all spheres of international activity. The Algiers Declaration is specially noteworthy for the prominence it gives to the economic problems of developing countries and to the need for resolute action by the international community to create a new and more equitable economic order.
15.	After nearly 500 years of existence, the Portuguese colonial empire has been liquidated. We congratulate the Portuguese Government on their final relinquishment of their colonial Territories and welcome to membership in the United Nations as sovereign and independent States the former Portuguese Territories of Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe and Mozambique. We wish the peoples of those sovereign States peace, prosperity and happiness.
16.	We trust that the agony of Angola will soon be ended and that the warring factions in that country will compose their differences in the cause of national unity. We are confident that the Organization of African Unity [OAU] will exercise its authority and influence to bring peace to Angola and help to weld its people into one State, united in freedom and sovereignty.
17.	We extend our warmest felicitations to Papua New Guinea on its attainment of independence and look forward to its early admission to membership of the United Nations. Australia has brought great honor and credit on itself by demonstrating that the trust reposed in it by the United Nations was fully justified.
18.	The record of progress towards the attainment of universality of membership has unfortunately been marred by the rejection of the applications of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam for membership. The mistakes of the past could be honorably redeemed and some slight amends made for the carnage and havoc that during more than 20 years of war have been heaped on Viet Nam by extending to those valiant people the hand of reconciliation and by welcoming them into the United Nations. If the will of the overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations is to be flouted and if the Organization is to be subjected to the dominion of one, we face a grave constitutional crisis. The maintenance of international peace and security is an even greater responsibility than the admission of new Member States. If, therefore, it is considered right and proper that when the Security Council is deadlocked over the problem of the main-tenance of international peace and security the responsibility passes to the General Assembly, it could be contended with no less cogency that in regard to the admission of new Member States the General Assembly has the right to ignore the Security Council's recommendation. To make the admission of one country conditional on the admission of another is an attempt to introduce extraneous considerations not recognized in Article 4, paragraph 1 of the Charter of the United Nations. In an advisory opinion sought by the General Assembly as far back as 1948 the International Court of Justice stated on 28 May 1948 that the requisite conditions for admission to membership are only five in number. The condition invoked in justification of the exercise of the veto in this instance is not one of them. To introduce such extraneous considerations offends against the letter and spirit of the Charter.
19.	By the same token, let me make it clear that my delegation must express its deep disappointment that the democratic principle of free discussion and debate was violated when the request for inscription of the application of South Korea for membership as an item on the agenda of the Security Council was rejected.
20.	The period that has elapsed since the twenty- ninth session has been one of feverish activity, marked by achievements which augur well for the future if action on the decisions that have been taken is pursued in a manner consistent with the spirit behind those decisions.
21.	We have in mind particularly the Sinai agreement recently concluded between Egypt and Israel. We welcome this agreement. Its architects would deserve the lasting gratitude of the world if the agreement was conceived and is executed with the genuine intention that it should provide the pattern for a complete, honorable and just settlement of the entire Middle East problem. The Sinai agreement must, therefore, with the least possible delay be supplemented by a settlement in regard to the other aspects of the Middle East problem. Some of the most vital elements of that final settlement which are still missing are the evacuation of the rest of the occupied territories and the granting to the Palestinian Arabs of the right of self-determination, including the right to their own national home and State, As the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom [2358th meeting] very succinctly expressed it, the final settlement must ensure security for Israel and justice for the Arab peoples. These are not mutually exclusive or contradictory objectives. We have stated quite emphatically and unequivocally that the right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and security must be recognized by one and all, but the same right must be given to all other States in the area and to the Arab peoples of Palestine.
22.	It might be ritualistic, but it is certainly not realistic, to question Israel's right to exist or to ignore its existence or to threaten it with extinction. The cause of peace and the interests and future welfare of the peoples of the Middle East, in particular of the Palestinian Arabs, would be constructively advanced if we bent our efforts to securing the immediate evacuation of the occupied territories by Israel and the exercise of the undeniable right of self-determination by the Arab peoples of Palestine as well as the termination of the state of belligerency in the entire area. Any utterances and declarations regarding the retention of conquered territory, any denial of the right of all nations, including the State of Israel, to exist in peace within secure boundaries must be categorically rejected by the United Nations as inconsistent with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. It would be the height of irresponsibility to encourage such ideas or to connive at actions in pursuance of those ideas.
23.	It is in this light that we view the Sinai agreement. If it is allowed to be used as a means of securing a respite during which the occupation could become more firmly entrenched by the acquisition of overwhelming military superiority on one side and so of deferring indefinitely and even rendering impossible an honorable settlement, it would be an unmitigated disaster. This is the time for unremitting vigilance and dogged persistence in the search for a durable peace. It is not the occasion for bitter mutual recrimination. We are confident that the Government of Egypt is fully conscious of and will honorably discharge its responsibility and duty towards its fellow Arabs.
24.	As we enter upon the last quarter of this century, the United Nations finds itself called upon to devote more attention to questions and measures which would help to improve the social and economic well- being and welfare of peoples throughout the world.
25.	We have adopted all the declarations and resolutions that are necessary to guide us in our international economic relations, the most recent being the resolution entitled "Development and international economic co-operation" [resolution 3362 (S-VII)] adopted at the seventh special session of the General Assembly on 16 September 1975. What we need now are concrete measures and especially a mechanism which will help bring the new international economic order into existence without delay. Time is not on the side of the developing countries. Their economic position is deteriorating almost daily, and the relief they need so desperately is too slow in coming. Success and progress are not measured by expressions of intention, couched in Messianic declarations, especially if those declarations are diluted by strong reservations. Such declarations, however peremptory their tone, have no legally binding force and we must not let them lull us into a false sense of hope and complacency.
26.	The resolution adopted at the seventh special session had only one concrete decision in the strict sense of the term, the appointment of the Ad Hoc Committee, and that, too, to consider the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. There is little advantage in building an elaborate new structure if there is nothing of sub-stance to put into it.
27.	To take my own country's case, for over two decades our economy has been ravaged by the persistent and severe decline in our terms of trade. This has been the principal impediment to economic growth and social progress in my country. The international community has recognized our special problem and included us in the list of the most seriously affected countries. For this group of countries immediate relief is the only salvation. It is imperative therefore that earnest consideration be given to the latest proposal made at the Ministerial Meeting of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] held recently at Vienna by the Shah of Iran for a special fund operated by the oil-producing countries for the grant of low-interest loans to the least developed countries. We trust that the benefits of the proposal are intended to be extended to all countries falling within the most seriously affected category.
28.	Having failed to take advantage during the sixth special session of a similar proposal by the Shah of Iran for a low-interest loan fund to be established by the OPEC and the industrialized countries, we should not once again miss the opportunity of quick relief to the most seriously affected countries which the Shah's new proposal could provide.
29.	We applaud the announcement made by the Foreign Minister of Venezuela in his statement at the preceding meeting that the President of Venezuela has proposed to other member nations of OPEC the creation of a fund of between $1,500 million and $2,000 million for the non-reimbursable financing of the increase in the cost of petroleum resulting from the adjustment of prices, for the benefit of third-world countries which do not produce oil. The Shah of Iran and the President of Venezuela, Mr. Carlos Andres Perez, have set a shining example of statesmanship and shown a high sense of international responsibility. We trust that their proposals will receive early endorsement from the rest of the members of OPEC.
30.	Let me turn now to certain other matters in which my country has a special interest.
31.	The Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean has continued its work in accordance with General Assembly resolution 3259 A (XXIX) of 9 December 1974. The littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean have been holding consultations with a view to convening a conference on the Indian Ocean. We regret very much that the co-operation that was expected of the great Powers and the major maritime nations is, with two notable exceptions China and Japan still being withheld from us. We deplore the refusal of the other great Powers and major maritime nations even to enter into an exchange of views with us. The reasons they have given are far from convincing.
32.	My delegation would like to make it clear that the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace and the efforts we are making to translate it into reality are not directed against any particular bloc. Its purpose is to rid the Indian Ocean area of all foreign military presence, without any exception. It is not our intention that the arms race and competition between the great Powers should be replaced by a similar form of rivalry between countries of the region. We do not believe in replacing Satan by Beelzebub.
33.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held its third session at Geneva from 17 March to 9 May 1975. The most constructive achievement of that session was the agreement reached, without dissent, that the Chairmen of the three Main Committees should prepare an informal single negotiating text covering all issues entrusted to their respective Committees. These texts were not to be regarded as negotiated texts or compromise texts. They were to serve purely as a procedural device to set in motion the process of negotiation. In addition, the President of the Conference has taken upon himself the responsibility of preparing an informal single negotiating text on the question of dispute settlement. Provision for dispute settlement must form an indispensable element in the future law of the sea.
34.	The stage is now set for negotiations to commence in all seriousness, and I hope that when the next session meets in New York on 15 March 1976 all participants will come fully prepared to discharge their responsibility. We must strive to reach agreement during 1976. The longer we delay, the greater the danger of unilateral action, which could prove fatal to the conclusion of the universally acceptable convention which we all devoutly desire.
35.	There are still areas of this planet where opportunities remain for constructive and peaceful cooperation on the part of the international community for the common good of all rather than for the benefit of a few. Such an area is the Antarctic continent. While we would refrain at this stage from commenting on the attitudes of States regarding the legal status of this last dark continent, or portions of it, there can be no doubt that there are vast possibilities for a new initiative that would redound to the benefit of all mankind. Antarctica is an area where the now widely accepted ideas and concepts relating to international economic co-operation, with their special stress on the principle of equitable sharing of the world's resources, can find ample scope for application, given the cooperation and good will of those who have so far been active in that area.
36.	It may be noted that the Antarctic Treaty of 1959 was designed solely to preserve the area exclusively for peaceful purposes, to promote international co-operation in the conduct of scientific research and to prevent the continent from becoming the scene or object of international discord. Our reference to the resources of that continent should not be construed as an attempt to hinder the programs of scientific research that have already been instituted or that may' be instituted in the future in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty. At the same time, I should make it clear that the question of the status of Antarctica is in no way linked with the issues before the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and, therefore, this question should not delay agreement on a new Convention on the Law of the Sea. The mention of this subject will not, I hope, create a flutter in any dovecotes.	J
37 In deference to the President's appeal that lenghty statements be avoided at this stage, I shall not touch on other important questions such as apartheid, racial
discrimination and disarmament, all of which could be covered in the appropriate Committees.
38. I cannot, however, avoid a brief reference to the new item on the agenda regarding the prohibition of underground testing. This was promised to the world in 1963, and it was expected that it would be realized by 1968. Twelve years have elapsed since the signing of the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water and the same excuse is given: that without reliable means of verification a ban on underground testing would not be enforceable. The prohibition of underground testing, however, is not, by itself, likely to reduce in the least the threat of nuclear war, which we all want to avert, unless other related and essential measures accompany it. We have stated before, and we should like to repeat today, that nuclear disarmament cannot be achieved without agreement on and the simultaneous implementation of four measures. Those who have attained what would appear to be final perfection  if there is such a thing in the development of the most advanced and sophisticated nuclear weapons systems cannot reasonably expect others who are lagging far behind them to accept their overwhelming superiority in nuclear technology and weaponry as constituting the best safeguard against nuclear war. The comprehensive program which we propose and which we have proposed before must comprise: first, a categorical undertaking by the nuclear Powers not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States; secondly, the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty; thirdly, the total cessation of the manufacture of nuclear weapons and the freezing of the existing stockpile of nuclear weapons; and, fourthly, the phased dismantling of the apparatus of nuclear terror.
39.	We have referred to the need for an undertaking on the part of the nuclear Powers not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States. If the threat of nuclear war is to be eliminated altogether, there must be a categorical renunciation of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against anyone. The renunciation of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons would remove all justification for the manufacture or possession of such weapons. There is nothing in the conduct of the major nuclear Powers to indicate that they are willing to move in that direction. Given the scale and quality of their nuclear armoury and their continued competition in the production of even deadlier weapons, all talk of strategic arms limitation [SALT] must be taken with a pinch of salt. It must have taken an unconscious humourist to provide such an appropriate acronym for the talks on this subject. However, with a robust faith in the inevitability of gradualness, we do not despair of progress in this sphere.
40.	Before concluding, I should like to express once again my delegation's appreciation of the work of the members of the international civil service, headed by our distinguished and conscientious Secretary-Gen- eraj. As a civil servant myself, I am aware that every civil service has its dead wood. But there are large numbers in the Secretariat of the United Nations and 'n the rest of the international civil service within the family of the United Nations who continue to discharge their duties with single-minded devotion, conspicuous
efficiency and admirable impartiality to make the United Nations and specialized agencies and other related organs effective instruments of the wishes and will of their members. The morale of the international civil service could best be preserved and efficiency encouraged by a sound appointments and promotions policy which would give due recognition and reward to merit over all other considerations, without prejudice to the principle of equitable geographic distribution. We need and the world deserves the highest standards of efficiency within the international civil service if we are to meet and overcome the challenges that will face the United Nations and allied organizations in the years ahead.
41.	As for the States Members of the United Nations, they could acquit themselves best if there were, on the one hand, a clear appreciation of what a well-known American diplomat has termed the "discipline of power" and, on the other hand, an equally clear recognition of the power of discipline.


Mr. President, allow me, in the first place, to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirtieth anniversary session of the General Assembly. We are greeting you as a prominent politician, representative of a country which has been linked with ours by relations of long standing and business-like co-operation. Your election testifies to recognition of you, personally, and that of Luxembourg's constructive efforts on the international forum.
41.	At the same time, we address our assurances of appreciation today to the President of the twenty- ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the General Assembly, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika. We thank him for his outstanding contribution of work during the two sessions.
42.	Poland is happy to welcome the new Members of the United Nations: the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. The admission of these States to membership in the United Nations is but another confirmation of the fact that the remnants of the colonial epoch are disappearing from the map of the world and our Organization is becoming ever more universal.
43.	Among the newly admitted Member States we miss the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam, in spite of these two States' applications for admission. By its heroic struggle the people of Viet Nam has proved its steadfast love of freedom and independence. The two Vietnamese States have given ample evidence of their respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and they are fully qualified to become Members of the Organization. Poland firmly supports the admission of the two Vietnamese States to membership in the United Nations.
44.	The international situation of today is characterized by the gradual growth of the process of detente; more and more Governments are intensifying their efforts to achieve a durable peace and international security. Not only big States, but medium-sized and small alike, are assuming an ever greater role in international life. For lasting peace, security and socioeconomic progress can only be achieved in conditions of detente, peaceful coexistence and equitable and mutually beneficial international co-operation.
45.	The present session revives the memory of two outstanding events of 30 years ago: the victory of the anti-Nazi coalition over fascism, and the establishment of our Organization. Those two events are historically interrelated.
46.	The United Nations was created "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". It was established by a collective effort of the peoples that had united to restore and maintain international peace and security. To achieve those goals it was necessary first to conquer fascism and Hitler nazism, which had unleashed the Second World War and indeed trampled under foot all human rights. The teachings of that epoch-making tragedy underlie the foundations of the Charter of the United Nations. Therefore, that Charter's purposes and principles are as lasting and as constantly timely as the memory of the victims of the Second World War is sacred.
47.	If one looks back on the developments of the past 30 years of the United Nations, one can say that it has proven possible to bring closer the implementation of the purposes outlined by the founding fathers of this Organization. From a period of tensions and cold war we turn to detente, which embraces ever new spheres of international relations; we turn to ever broader practical applications of the principles of peaceful coexistence. For the first time in the past 30 years, nowhere in the world is there an open armed conflict among States.
48.	While the arms race has not yet been arrested and the danger of a nuclear war has not been averted, while numerous acute and difficult problems continue to exist and the vestiges of colonialism and neocolonialism must still be eliminated, while detente has not yet reached all the regions, we may say with satisfaction that in the past 30 years we have gone a long way, from war to peace, from cold war to peaceful co-operation.
49.	International developments pose a question before all States as well as before this Organization: what should be the further nature of the processes of detente, what content should they be given and what should be done to accelerate them and make them irreversible?
50.	In order to achieve those goals it is necessary fully to implement the principles of peaceful coexistence, to supplement political detente by military detente and to limit the arms race; it is necessary to build mutual confidence and expand all-round international co-operation. The United Nations must assume an important role in tackling that great task.
51.	May I be allowed in this connexion to dwell upon some conclusions which flow from the recent but already historic Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe? Indeed, the decisions reached at that Conference are bringing to an end once and for all the post-war period on the European continent and represent a strong foundation for peaceful, friendly and mutually advantageous co-operation among the participating States. The Conference has had an important bearing not only on Europe but also on the entire international situation. Recognizing as we do the close interdependence between peace and security in Europe and peace and security in the world at large, we remain convinced that the greatest contribution Europe can make to the peaceful development of the world is to turn that continent into a region of peace and peaceful co-operation.
52.	In easing tensions in Europe along the line between the two most powerful military and political groupings we thereby contribute to the consolidation of peace and security all over the world; we thus release the energies and resources of European nations for the benefit of their more effective participation in the solution of global problems.
53.	The Final Act of the Helsinki Conference expresses the full support of European States for the United Nations. The Decalogue of principles governing relations between the participating States represents both a reaffirmation and a development of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations as well as of those solemnly proclaimed in the General Assembly's Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV), annex] and the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)]. The principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of frontiers, signifying renunciation once and for all of all territorial claims which in the past gave rise to tensions, conflicts and wars, are of fundamental importance for the peaceful future of Europe.
54.	The broad Program in the field of economic relations based on equal rights, as outlined by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, is part and parcel of European security. Indeed, it should consolidate the material infrastructure of peace. The decisions of the Conference regarding cultural exchanges and other contacts create conditions for strengthening confidence and understanding among nations. The implementation of those decisions should serve to promote noble humanistic values, with due respect for the traditions, customs and laws of every nation.
55.	In the spirit of that Conference, and while it was taking place, an agreement was reached between the Governments of the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the basis for normalization of their mutual relations, signed at Warsaw on 7 December 1970. The agreement has created foundations for further expanding relations between the two States and is a contribution to strengthening detente in Europe.
56.	The decisions contained in the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference represent a great common victory of all the participants in the Conference, of all the forces favoring peaceful coexistence. We believe also that they bring closer the prospect of establishing an all-European system of collective security.
57.	Poland declared in Helsinki, and now from this world rostrum resolutely reaffirms, its will to participate actively in carrying out the decisions of the Conference and to implement them for the good of our own and other peoples.
58.	We are convinced that the United Nations can become a forum for the universalization of these positive European experiences and their extension to other parts of the world.
59.	Because of the growing spiral of armaments, an urgent task in the present phase of international relations is the intensification of efforts to limit the arms race and embark upon disarmament measures. The present situation, on the one hand, imposes the necessity of seeking substantial progress in the field of disarmament and, on the other, offers possibilities for such progress. The United Nations, as a most important forum for multilateral negotiations, has a special role to play in working out effective measures to contain the arms race and bring progress in the field of disarmament.
60.	Negotiations and agreements between the Soviet Union and the United States, including the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, are making an important contribution to the cause of international security and disarmament.
61.	The special responsibility of the big Powers for peace and international security in no way diminishes the obligation of the entire international community to promote progress in the sphere of disarmament. Every State, notwithstanding its military and economic potential, can and should make its own contribution to the process of negotiations and constructive disarmament measures. The most suitable forum for discus-sion of these matters, with the participation of all States, ought to be the World Disarmament Conference.
62.	Likewise we attach great importance to the Vienna talks on mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. They should now enter a more effective phase.
63.	The States of the socialist community have consistently presented in the United Nations a Program of specific undertakings towards disarmament. They include reduction of military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and the utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries; the non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons; the complete elimination of chemical weapons.
64.	We welcome the submission by the USSR and the United States of America, at the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, of draft conventions on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques.
65.	The Soviet initiative, which we support, concerning the conclusion of a treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapons tests meets the stipulations contained inter alia in numerous
United Nations resolutions and in the recent decisions of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries at Lima.
66.	We also led our full support to the new important initiative on the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass annihilation, and of new systems of such weapons, submitted in this forum by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Andrei Gromyko [2357th meeting}.
67.	One of the indispensable conditions for reducing and eliminating the risk of a nuclear war is the full effectiveness and universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. We trust that the course and results of the Review Conference of the Parties to that Treaty will contribute to the implementation of those objectives. Similarly, the establishment of nuclear-free zones in different regions of the world would also serve to strengthen the non-proliferation system.
68.	While stressing the positive factors of the world situation, we do not lose sight of the fact that serious tensions still exist in different parts of the world.
69.	In Chile, the Fascist terror continues its criminal work of destruction of the democratic forces of its people.
70.	In the Middle East, although the sound of guns has died down, we do not believe that, short of comprehensive solutions as provided for in the well- known Security Council resolutions, or outside the Geneva Peace Conference, it will be possible to settle the problems of that region. The Arab people of Palestine is still deprived of its own statehood.
71.	With regard to Cyprus, General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) remains unimplemented.
72.	In South Africa, the racist regime pursues its policy of apartheid, recognized by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. It continues its illegal occupation of Namibia.
73.	In Southern Rhodesia, as in the past, the indigenous population remains subjugated to the yoke of racism.
74.	All these are flagrant examples of infringements on the indivisibility of peace and peaceful coexistence, self-determination of peoples and social progress.
75.	The need to fortify our efforts towards the consolidation of a peaceful future for the world makes it imperative also to draw more attention to questions of security in Asia, the greatest continent of the world. A suitable solution for problems arising there could be found, we submit, in the implementation of the Soviet proposal concerning the establishment of a system of collective security on that continent.
76.	Poland believes also that adoption at the present session of a General Assembly resolution on the creation of favorable conditions for converting the armistice in Korea into a durable peace and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea would represent a contribution to the solution of the question of Korea and to the further easing of tensions in Asia.
77.	Peace, international security, detente and disarmament are the indispensable prerequisites for the development of all States, for all-round co-operation among them and for the creation of a new, just, international economic order.
78.	Through its active bilateral and multilateral relations Poland is developing international economic co-operation and trade both with States of the socialist community, with which we are closely linked in the framework of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, as well as with States with different economic, social and political systems, be they developing or developed. The Government of the Polish People's Republic will also further expand its participation in the work of the economic organizations of the United Nations system.
79.	We believe that the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] and the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)] are of paramount importance in building up international economic relations based on new and equitable principles. The recently concluded seventh special session of the General Assembly has likewise been an important forum for debate and constructive decisions.
80.	The reconstruction of international economic relations has become a necessity since the existing mechanisms of international economic co-operation meet neither the interests of the developing countries nor those of the socialist States, and thus no longer conform to the needs of the majority of States Members of this Organization. The new principles and instruments embodied in the decisions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly and in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties, as well as in the decisions of the seventh special session, should serve the interests of the entire international community; they should provide for the dynamic, economic development of all countries, in particular the developing countries; they should regulate equitable economic co-operation among all States on a non-discriminatory basis and for the mutual benefit of all the parties concerned.
81.	We rest assured that economic development and the elimination of imbalances throughout the world will intensify broad economic co-operation, thereby becoming an important element of consolidation of detente and peace.
82.	Poland owes its independent existence and position in the world to the socialist system. Socialism has generated a dynamic rise in Poland's socio-economic growth. Friendship and alliance with the Soviet Union and with other States of the socialist community have become the corner-stone of our security and have made it possible successfully to solve problems of development in accordance with the principles of fraternal assistance and mutual advantage. New prospects for our development and for the growth of the well-being of the broad masses will be mapped out by the forthcoming seventh Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party.
83.	We also consider the consolidation of peace and security, the irreversible establishment of detente and its extension to new spheres of international life to be a condition for the successful implementation of our own plans to promote the socio-economic development and further improvement of the standards of living of our own people.
84.	Today, the community of socialist States remains the driving force behind the positive transformations in the world. Its constructive policies have an important impact upon the normalization of world relations and the consolidation of international peace and security.
85.	In the social field also there are many issues calling for action. I shall confine myself to two of them.
86.	The first issue is the situation of women in the world. The recent World Conference of the International Women's Year, held at Mexico City in June and July, has listed a number of obstacles hampering the implementation of the rights and legitimate aspirations of women and has defined problems whose solution is still pending. We support the decisions of the Conference and declare ourselves in favour of their constructive implementation, seeing in it an important element of social progress.
87.	The second issue is the question of education for peace. It is in the interest of mankind and its future that the lofty ideals of the Charter of the United Nations be impressed upon the young generations. May I recall in this context the appeal addressed last year, from this very rostrum, by the spokesman of the people of Poland, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek:
"Let us do everything possible to make the remaining quarter of this century, a century which has seen untold suffering brought upon mankind, an era of peaceful construction and of peace-oriented education."4
88.	The 30-year record of accomplishment of the United Nations comprises the over-all effort of Member States to consolidate international peace and security and to expand all-round, mutually beneficial co-operation among nations. The same purpose is also well served by the dynamic activity of our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim.
89.	It is our sincere hope that in conditions of detente, the United Nations will prove able in the years to come to move further and more effectively towards the full implementation of the purposes and principles of its Charter. Poland, which has always been active in defending the letter and spirit of the Charter, also wishes on this occasion to reiterate emphatically that the road to making the work of this Organization more effective does not lie in the revision of the Charter; it lies in a strict respect for its principles and provisions in the practice of international relations, and through a fuller utilization of the constructive possibilities offered by the Charter. The Charter of the United Nations has successfully stood the test of life and has served in the solution of problems posed by the diversified and complex world of our times.
90.	I wish to assure this Assembly that, as always, the Polish People's Republic will continue to persevere in seeking greater effectiveness for the United Nations, the expansion of all-round international cooperation, acceleration of socio-economic development, detente, international security and peace throughout the world.


199.	 I would ask you to convey, Sir, to the President of the Assembly, Mr. Gaston Thorn, the greetings of the Government of Ecuador, and at the same time my Government's sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to the presidency of this new session of the General Assembly.
200.	May I also pay a tribute to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, Mr. Bouteflika, who, with exemplary impartiality and efficiency, presided over the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the General Assembly.
201.	My delegation's greetings go also to the countries just admitted as States Members of the United Nations: the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the People's Republic of Mozambique, to all of which I extend a most fraternal welcome. Similarly, I congratulate the people of Papua New Guinea upon its achievement of independence and its imminent entry into our Organization.
202.	On this occasion Ecuador wishes to confirm once again its support for the principle of the universality of the United Nations, strict application of which will make it possible for the Organization to achieve its lofty aims.
203.	The United Nations is about to celebrate the thirtieth year of its life. The Government of Ecuador believes that this is a fitting occasion for some serious soul-searching as to what our Organization should be. But this exercise will be incomplete if, at the same time, the States that compose it are not resolved to redress the errors of the past.
204.	In its first 30 years the United Nations has changed from an association of 51 nations, closely bound together by the circumstances surrounding the Second World War, into what has this year become a 141-Member Organization. During this period, the scope and magnitude of the Organization's activities have evolved tremendously so as to reflect the changing circumstances of our times and the interests and concerns of its component Members. The enormous population growth and the emergence of a group of independent developing nations have created a new geopolitical structure. Thus the foundations of world
political and economic power have changed in a manner that could not have been foreseen in San Francisco.
205.	After these 30 years of 'effort and changes, two great unknown factors with respect to the future remain unanswered. The Secretary-General has wisely formulated these two great concerns. Can the sovereign nations of our independent world, in the new circumstances in which we live, attain sufficient consensus and display the necessary collective will to put into practice in a genuine and lasting manner the original idea of the United Nations as an effective instrument for the maintenance of peace? Can they develop the necessary capacity to deal with the world problems that confront all nations and which obviously cannot be solved in isolation by either one nation or a group of nations? Undoubtedly, as pointed out by the Secretary-General, the future of the United Nations and of mankind itself depends on the answers to these two questions.
206.	The United Nations as a world forum where all peoples can make themselves heard is of inestimable value. This in turn enhances the relevance of the Organization vis-a-vis the complex and acute problems of our time, among which, together with the aspects pertaining to international peace and security, world economic problems take pride of place. However, together with the elucidation of ideas, the Organ-ization must play a more active role in the quest for peace. We are of course gratified that countries in conflict should negotiate, open dialog and find a way towards the cessation of armed struggle and hostility, either through direct settlement among the parties or through mediation by other Powers. But the United Nations would become a stronger and more vigorous Organization if all the problems confronting peoples or to be confronted by peoples were channeled and solved through it. The United Nations must play a predominant role in the solution of all conflicts where not only the values of peace but also those delicate values born of interdependence are at stake. Strengthening the juridical regime of the United Nations in order that it may fulfill its functions for the maintenance of international peace and security has always been the desire and decision of the Ecuadorian Government. Thus, the hegemonic positions of certain Powers, based on their actual power or the number of adherents to their policy, can never be justified in this Organization,
207.	There is a clamor that rises from the depths of the feelings of all nations: the clamor for peace. Sometimes we do not know quite what we want, but we do know what we do not want: we do not want war any kind of war, preventive, local or nuclear. Mankind today, the spectator and protagonist of a technical civilization endowed with equal potential either for destruction or for man's salvation, must seek out the way of peace a peace substantially based on right, law and justice the necessary foundation for the liberation of communities from poverty, disease and ignorance.
208.	This year the world has witnessed a series of important events in the area of international peace and security.
209.	The end of the cruel Indo-Chinese war brought a sigh of relief and appears to have given way to a period of relative calm, although tensions and conflicts still persist in other regions, Ecuador trusts that this period wiil serve to consider the possibility of revitalizing, in a manner in keeping with the realities of our time, the whole concept of collective security and responsibility for the maintenance of peace. There is no doubt that this can be achieved with the admission to the United Nations of the two Vietnamese States, thus achieving almost full universality in this General Assembly and fulfilling the almost unanimous wish of the Organization.
210.	In connexion with the situation in the Middle East, my delegation wishes to express its satisfaction at the recent agreement between Egypt and Israel, which represents an important milestone in the efforts made to solve those problems. Many years of confrontation, which on two occasions in the past have led to a state of war between countries in the region, brought the world to a situation of fear and alarm that in no way benefited the policy of detente and settlement through peaceful means.
211.	In this case the Government of Ecuador believes it necessary for all the peoples in the region, with which my country maintains sincere relations of friendship, to arrive at a definitive agreement so that they may all live in peace.
212.	Ecuador wishes duly to restate its position: we reject and condemn territorial conquests through force; we do not admit that the occupation of territory may be used to strike fear in the enemy, to demand negotiations or to refuse to return such territory until an agreement has been signed. We recognize the legitimate right of the people of Palestine to self- determination, national sovereignty and independence. But we consider likewise that the State of Israel, which was in fact created by the United Nations, has the right to existence. My country sincerely hopes that the parties involved in this lengthy conflict may find the way to a just and lasting peace within secure borders, duly recognized and guaranteed. Thus, all the peoples in the area can make a contribution of their great values to the whole world.
213.	My Government is greatly concerned at the situation in Korea, a region that for many years has been beset by insecurity and instability. We believe that every effort must be bent to promote a rapprochement and frank and cordial negotiations between the parties concerned, without external interference, in order that they may find an agreement beneficial to the whole of the Korean people, both north and south. This can be achieved through an international climate of mutual understanding and confidence, a task in which the United Nations may play an important part, preventing the great Powers from seeking to impose unilateral solutions. This climate will be achieved through the mutual cession of inflexible positions, through conciliation and understanding, but never through confrontation. Let us not now repeat the errors of the cold war.
214.	In Cyprus, there is an imperative need to move towards an agreed settlement. The United Nations peace-keeping force plays an essential part in watching over the tranquility and humanitarian tasks in that area until a settlement is reached. We hope that the negotiations now under way between the two communities under the aegis of the Secretary-General will achieve progress leading to the objective of the establishment of a basis for an eventual agreement enabling all the inhabitants in Cyprus to live together in peace. There can be no doubt as to the difficulty and complexity of the problem or as to the sincerity with which the leaders of both communities wish to solve those problems to ensure a future of peace and progress for the whole of the Cypriot people. In this connexion, Ecuador sincerely hopes that General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) will be strictly complied with.
215.	In the course of these past few months there have been encouraging events in the process of the decolonization of Africa. With the exception of Angola, all of the former Portuguese colonial Territories in the continent have achieved independence through an orderly and peaceful transition of power, in conformity with the agreements arrived at between the liberation movements concerned and the Government of Portugal.
216.	However, we note with anguish that the same has not happened in the case of Angola, whose transition to independence has not been peaceful, and is affected by international strife and bloodshed. The Alvor Agreements between the Government of Portugal and the three liberation movements have been frustrated by undue interference from outside, which must cease in order to allow the Angolans to find for themselves the road towards their own destiny.
217.	The refusal of the illegal minority regime in Rhodesia to accept majority rule has so far made it impossible to satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. This has frustrated the desires of my people, as well as the people of other United Nations Members, who wish that a peaceful and just solution to this situation will be arrived at as soon as possible for the benefit of the authentic inhabitants of the Territory. Efforts must be pursued to convene a constitutional conference which could lead to a negotiated and ordered transition towards majority rule.
218.	Ecuador has always supported the aspirations of the people of the Comoros to self-determination and independence, and has affirmed the unity and integrity of the Territory. We endorse the Political Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held recently at Lima concerning the Comoros [see A/10217 and Corr.l, annex, para. 41], and trust that the results of the referendum held not long ago in some of the islands of the archipelago a general vote in favor of independence will be implemented.
219.	My Government has noted with particular satisfaction the work of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the signing of the Final Act. We regard it as a decisive step towards the development of understanding and true co-operation among the signatory States, since one of the fundamental bases of the agreement is the restatement of the principle enshrined in the Charter concerning the condemnation of any recourse to force. With the signing of that Act a new era has opened in Europe: that of understanding and co-operation; there is greater detente, and the stages of mistrust and even of violence are being overcome.
220.	Among the problems of direct concern at present to the American continent is that of the Panama Canal. My delegation sincerely hopes that the negotiations between the United States of America and Panama will soon lead to a just solution. Ecuador once again reiterates its clear and definite position on this question: we give our categorical support to the sister Republic of Panama in its legitimate aspirations to recover full sovereignty and full exercise of its jurisdiction over the so-called Panama Canal Zone and to obtain exclusive control over the Canal.
221.	Disarmament and arms regulation is one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations, since this is an imperative need for the organized survival of life on our planet. The immediate reasons for disarmament are even more pressing as the United Nations celebrates its 30 years of existence and in view of the pressure of the nuclear age. Despite the fact that a number of important agreements on the limitation and control of weapons have been concluded, it has thus far not been possible to achieve the means of arresting or limiting the arms race, both in nuclear weapons and in conventional weapons. The danger of nuclear proliferation not only continues, but has increased; nuclear testing continues; weapons are daily becoming more complex and lethal and the race in weapon technology constantly opens new and more terrible prospects.
222.	The Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held at Geneva in May of the current year, showed the difficulties in reconciling the policies of nuclear and non-nuclear weapon States. Ecuador is gratified at the fact that new States should have become parties to the Treaty, bringing the number of signatories to more than 90. My delegation takes this occasion to address an appeal to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament that, on a priority basis, it continue its negotiations, with a view to arriving, as early as possible, at an agreement on effective measures for the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of all chemical weapons, and the destruction of existing weapons. We also appeal for the cessation of nuclear-weapon tests for the benefit of the supreme interest of mankind, both as an important step towards control over the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons and to alleviate the profound concern of the world over the harmful consequences of radioactive fallout for the health of present and future generations. We address a special appeal to the Soviet Union that it accede to Additional Protocol II to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. We view with sympathy the fact that that Treaty, which went into force for the United Kingdom and the United States in 1969 and 1971, respectively, should have also gone into force last year for France and the People's Republic of China. Ecuador makes this request, convinced as it is that the co-operation of the nuclear-weapon States is indispensable for the greater efficacy of any treaty establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone, and that that co-operation must be translated into commitments included in a solemn international instrument that is fully legally binding.
223.	My delegation believes that the United Nations should speak out frankly and openly wherever human rights are violated, wherever acts of genocide are committed, wherever there is torture or the useless sacrifice of human life, wherever whole peoples are displaced, wherever a new curtain of silence and oppression is sought to be lowered. Human rights, like any act of justice, are indivisible. Any violation of human rights must be condemned. Through our Organization, Governments and peoples must unite their efforts to overcome this untenable situation. The Government of Ecuador, in fact, attaches equal importance and mandatory value to the duty of respecting and protecting human rights and to the other principles and institutions governing international relations.
224.	Any form of racial discrimination is decidedly contrary to the most fundamental human and legi rights. It is anachronistic that, late in the twentieth century, while the world is seeking to raise peoples' standards of living, we should insist on drawing various distinctions between human beings. This is repugnant to the conscience of mankind. My Government shall always give the necessary support to any measures the General Assembly or the Security Council may adopt to put an end to this dangerous state of affairs, wherever such acts are committed or threaten to emerge. Guided by this principle, Ecuador was one of the first countries to ratify the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex].
225.	One of the most serious problems arising in southern Africa lies in the persistent application of apartheid, a policy in direct contradiction with the principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the purposes of the United Nations. The world community, and the United Nations in particular, have the obligation to pursue unrelentingly their efforts to induce the Government of South Africa to abandon that shameful policy.
226.	My Government considers that, as the thirtieth anniversary of the Charter is celebrated, it is desirable to introduce certain reforms which, properly analysed, may be regarded as necessary and useful. Any institution can be improved. The political situations which prevailed in 1945 no longer exist; thus the Charter, like any human undertaking, must also be modified in order to bring it into line with the world in which we live to make it more dynamic and to make it better reflect the aspirations of all peoples, particularly those which in 1945 had neither a voice nor a vote in the elaboration of that instrument. Of course, the changes that may be made must be aimed at the institutional and political strengthening of the Organization. They will be justified if they morally and truly strengthen the United Nations and offer greater guarantees of peace and tranquility for the peoples of the world. My delegation will therefore support any concrete and realistic initiative within the context of respect for the principles and purposes that are at the root of our Organization.
227.	Ecuador has been making an effective contribution to international efforts designed to bring about a just and realistic legal order in the oceans and seas of our planet. In that long and constant struggle, my country was one of the pioneers in the development of the new law of the sea, and we have always borne in mind the need to strengthen international peace, to protect our own security and to preserve and make the best possible use of the natural resources of the seas for the permanent benefit of our population. For this reason, we note with great satisfaction that, thanks to that struggle and the efforts of the American States of the South Pacific and other neighboring countries, we can no longer speak of the law of the sea without referring to the maximum breadth of 200 miles, which has acquired such great universal significance.
228.	The new law of the sea must be constituted by an adequate balance between the irrenunciable rights of the coastal States and the true interests of the international community. Sovereignty exercised by the coastal States over the sea up to a distance of 200 miles cannot be conceived of as arbitrary or unlimited; neither can general interests serve to conceal the hegemonic claims of a few Powers accustomed to make use of the sea as they choose. The balance that will make possible a true world understanding must be sought between sovereignty with responsibility and the peaceful interests of all nations.
229.	International co-operation is more necessary than ever in a world in which interdependence becomes daily more evident. Measures for the conservation of renewable resources, the prevention and elimination of pollution and scientific research arc sections of the law of the sea in which true solutions will have to allow a greater margin for international co-operation.
230.	However, certain countries still adopt attitudes which are governed by the sole purpose of prolonging the existence of a system of exploitation which, sheltering under the principle of the so-called freedom of the seas, has favored and still favors a few great maritime and fishing Powers only. Moreover, once those countries were faced with the majority reaction of the developing peoples, they were compelled to recognize the need to introduce specific changes in the law of the sea, although at the same time they still resort to maneuvers whose fundamental purpose is to take all practical meaning from the acceptance of contemporary juridical trends. Thus the developing countries have stated, and rightly, that the recognition of jurisdiction by coastal States over 200 miles of the sea must not be devoid of concrete content but must, on the contrary, constitute an effective guarantee of the establishment of a system of conservation and use of the resources of the seas mainly for the benefit of their own peoples.
23], My country's experience in this field has led it to the conviction that the only effective guarantee of respect of its right as regards the sea is the proclamation of its own sovereignty and jurisdiction over a distance of up to 200 miles. In this territorial sea that Ecuador possesses, there has been for almost 25 years now peaceful coexistence and harmonious co-ordination between its national rights and respect for the interests of the community of nations.
232. Another fundamental aspect to be elucidated at the next stage in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is that connected with the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. There can be no valid regime for the sea-bed and the ocean floor, which have been declared the common heritage of mankind, unless administrative international machinery benefiting all nations is established. The moratorium declared by this General Assembly and ratified by the Conference, the purpose of which is to prevent the few technologically and economically capable countries from arbitrarily beginning the exploitation of the sea-bed and the ocean floor for their own egoistic and exclusive use and purposes, is still in force. Technology is not a basis for dominion, but an instrument for the common progress of all, and States possessing technology should share it generously if they are truly oriented towards the building of peace. Ecuador reiterates its views on the imperative need to maintain and apply that moratorium.
233.	If the Conference on the law of the sea orients its work on the basis of good faith, realism and true deliberation, we are convinced that it will achieve full success. My country will continue to offer its most sincere and determined co-operation.
234.	As regards economic development, it has been stated repeatedly that it not only must relate to the structure of public and social service which provides the human being with material well-being but, at the same time, must ensure an atmosphere wherein he can act as an individual member of society protected by fundamental freedoms. In the world of today, which is subject to the closest interrelation in all spheres of human endeavor and most essentially in the economic field, that so deeply desired goal can be achieved only through effective international co-operation.
235.	The International Development Strategy takes account of these purposes, which were enshrined in the resolution on the Second Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. However, the examination and assessment of the results so far achieved by the application of the Strategy have caused the Government of Ecuador some concern. Those results confirm once again the slight progress, if not the stagnation, in the process of integral development of the countries of the third world, because even the initial goals provided for in the Strategy have not been achieved. If the developing countries have achieved partial development in terms of isolated economic indices, this has been due exclusively to their domestic effort and has not been the result of the action of the international community in favor of the poorer countries.
236.	Ecuador, in keeping with the policy it has been maintaining, affirms the principle of total and absolute sovereignty of the State over its own natural resources. This is an irrenunciable and inalienable right recognized by the international community, from which stems the right of the developing countries possessing such resources to carry out their exploration, exploitation, industrialization and marketing in accordance with their own interests.
237.	On the other hand, Ecuador, like the other developing countries, in wishing to safeguard its heritage, believes that interdependence in this sphere must necessarily stem from the satisfaction of its own needs as well as marketing and industrialization terms compatible with the integral development needs of its people.
238.	The participation of the developing- countries in world trade has become smaller and smaller, deteriorating progressively, especially by reason of the barriers imposed by the developed countries. The developing countries are aware of their limitations as regards the lack of diversification of their export
products, which are basically primary commodities. This situation leads to our observing with great concern that not only are our products experiencing continued deterioration of prices in the light of the constantly rising cost of the intermediate products and capital of the industrialized countries but, furthermore, the exports of the developing countries are subject to discriminatory and coercive policies which cancel out or limit the third world's participation in international trade. Among these policies we find today the foreign trade laws of the United States, under which my country is the victim of discriminatory measures merely because it defends its own natural resources. That is why Ecuador has stated repeatedly that it cannot maintain a dialog under the pressure of threats or measures of such a kind.
239.	Ecuador considers that one effective way to eliminate the present disequilibrium in the balance of payments of some of the developing countries would be for the developed countries to be willing to adopt a just and balanced pricing policy for the goods that they export to the developing countries in terms of the prices of the primary commodities exported by the third world countries. There is an urgent need to ensure stable markets for products from the developing countries, to reduce tariff and non-tariff barriers and truly to eliminate restrictive trade practices.
240.	The effective participation of the developing countries in the administration of world monetary affairs to date has been nominal. On the other hand, our countries beset by financial difficulties because of our scarce resources urgently require greater and more direct participation in the financial surpluses, as well as in the special drawing rights, administered by the International Monetary Fund; and this participation should be proportional not to our respective contributions, but to the requirements of the economic development and social progress of our peoples.
241.	In a report of the World Bank issued recently, it is stated, inter alia, that behind the cold statistics there lies hidden the cruel reality of the rise of hunger and poverty throughout the world. This reveals the undeniable gravity of the underlying socio-economic problems, characterized by the very unequal distribution of income, excessive unemployment levels, high rates of infant mortality and illiteracy, and generally poor health. This picture is unfortunately almost a common denominator for the peoples of the third world, particularly for many in the American continent. Therefore, co-operation and mutual help at the international level so as to reduce the gravity of these symptoms are the tasks calling for action by the international community and, in particular, for a change of attitude on the part of the developed countries.
242.	It is undeniable that we cannot, in this day and age, apply the same procedures as those that applied to past structures. The evolution of the world offers new prospects. It would be erroneous to hope that an increase in national savings and private capital by itself could give impetus to the process of industrialization that is essential for the achievement of an improvement in the balance of payments and progress in general. That would mean postponing the solution of social problems and maintaining alive a permanent threat of internal disruption. It is therefore desirable to adopt a new social philosophy to enable our communities to cast off the burden of their backwardness. Ecuador believes it is essential, therefore, for the international community and the individual countries concerned to speed up the process of establishing the new economic order which will lead to development in keeping with the needs of the moment and those foreseeable in the future. The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] and the results of the seventh special session must be the basic machinery that is to give impulse to this process.