I should like at the outset, on behalf of the delegation of Zaire and on my own behalf, to offer Mr. Kittani my heartfelt congratulations on the occasion of his election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. This sign of confidence is a tribute to his competence, to his sense of responsibility, to his perfect knowledge of the workings of the United Nations and to his country. His devotion to the ideals of the United Nations and his vast experience of international problems are in our view of singular value for the success of our deliberations.
244.	We wish to assure him of the full cooperation of the delegation of Zaire in the discharge of the very delicate and complex mission with which he has been entrusted.
245.	I should also like to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for the skill and patience with which he conducted the debates of the Assembly at its thirty-fifth session and for the efforts he made to narrow diverging positions on the world problems of the moment, and particularly on global negotiations.
246.	I cannot fail to mention the action undertaken by the SecretaryGeneral, for the maintenance of international peace and security and the promotion of the ideals of the United Nations in a decidedly difficult international situation in which the very principles of tK Organization have sometimes been seriously challenged.
247.	I wish to express to him our appreciation of the clarity of his report [AI36I1] and the lucidity of his analysis of the international situation. Undoubtedly this has been a valuable contribution to the enrichment of our deliberations.
248.	Since its creation in 1945 the Organization has been constantly enriched by the free accession of new Member States, testifying to its dynamism and the justice of its ideals. The admission of Vanuatu and Belize as the one hundred fifty-fifth and one hundred fifty-sixth Members is striking proof of this. My delegation welcomes the admission of those two new Members and, in welcoming them to the United Nations, assures them of our friendship and cooperation.
249.	This session of the General Assembly has opened in a tense international climate, characterized by distrust, pessimism and anxiety. Indeed, mankind is at the present time going through one of the most critical periods in its history.
250.	In the political sphere, the spirit of confrontation, violence, the use of force and interference in the internal affairs of other States tend to put their stamp on international relations, to the detriment of the principles of peaceful coexistence and international cooperation based on the philosophy of complementarity and interdependence.
251.	The resurgence of the cold war, the hegemonistic ambitions and expansion of the great Powers, the pursuit of spheres of influence and the escalation of the unbridled arms race have given the latter part of this century an aftertaste of blood and ashes.
252.	In the economic sphere, the persistent refusal of the developed countries to embark upon the structural and institutional changes necessary for the restructuring and democratization of international economic relations, the acute deterioration of the terms of trade, inflation, unemployment, protectionism, and so on, have helped to bring about a dramatic worsening of the crisis. We can never repeat sufficiently that the present international economic order, based on exploitation and injustice, is fundamentally inadequate and unsuitable. This crisis is not a mere cyclical phenomenon but rather the manifestation of a profound disruption of the structures of the present international economic system, which is no longer able effectively to respond to the needs either of the developing countries or of the industrialized developed countries themselves.
253.	In this period of interdependence, the exploitation, domination and poverty of peoples in one part of the world cannot for long coexist with peace, brazen affluence and prosperity in other parts of the world, especially if there is a deep-seated feeling that the resources of the poor have been exploited to create the prosperity of the rich.
254.	We believe, therefore, that it is time to undertake large-scale international action under United Nations auspices to find a comprehensive solution to the problems affecting our planet, unless we wish to confront a more serious world crisis with unforeseeable consequences.
255.	There has been no positive progress on the many problems of major concern which were debated at the thirty-fifth session. On the contrary, many of them have worsened.
256.	The question of the Middle East and Palestine has been of concern to the United Nations since the Organization's creation. In spite of many General Assembly sessions, meetings of the Security Council and relevant United Nations resolutions, the chances of a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the conflict have been compromised by the denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the persistence of Israel's policies of aggression, occupation and annexation of Arab territories.
257.	There is no shadow of doubt that Israel derives its arrogance from the political, economic and military support that it receives from certain great Powers. My delegation believes that the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region necessarily involves: the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied in 1967; the right to existence of each State in the region, as well as its right to live in peace within secure, recognized borders, free from threats or acts of force; respect for and recognition of the Sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of each State in the region; respect for and recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to create their own State and the right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty; recognition of the fact that the Palestinian question is at the heart of the Middle East conflict; the full participation of the PLO in the peace process in the region; the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes; and a just solution to the refugee problem.
258.	All of that implies direct negotiations between the parties involved and the cessation of any state of war in the region. It is in that spirit that we have supported Egypt's peace efforts, which we regard as an important step in the search for a peaceful solution to the conflict. In the same spirit we consider, without prejudice to the other relevant resolutions, that Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which defined the guiding principles for a comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict, complements General Assembly resolution 181 (II), of 29 November 1947, on the creation of a Jewish State of Palestine and an Arab State of Palestine, and resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948.
259.	The Republic of Zaire reaffirms its complete support for the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force.
260.	The persistence of the Middle East crisis has caused new dangers and threats to the peace, independence and integrity of other States in the region. Lebanon, which has already been sapped by a fratricidal war between Christians and Moslems, has for some time lived with the spectre of its own destruction. The international community cannot view with indifference the dismemberment of a Member State That is why my delegation considers that all Member States have the duty to strive to safeguard the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, which have been seriously imperiled.
261.	The violation of the territorial integrity of Iraq and the Israeli act of aggression against the Iraqi nuclear installation at Tamuz, which is regularly monitored by IAEA, marked a new stage in the escalation of violence and in the worsening of tension in the region. Zaire vigorously condemns that act of aggression, for which Israel was entirely responsible.
262.	In the same region, for almost a year another war has pitted against each other two Moslem countries that are members of the nonaligned movement Iraq and Iran. The Zaire delegation expresses the wish that there would soon be a peaceful settlement of this conflict. In this regard, it welcomes the efforts by the SecretaryGeneral and by other organizations to bring about the restoration of peace and understanding between these two brother States.
263.	The situation in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea continues to preoccupy international opinion. The Republic of Zaire is duty-bound to recall that the search for lasting solutions to those conflicts must include respect for General Assembly resolutions 34/22, 35/6 and 35/37, which reaffirmed the following principles: nonintervention and noninterference in the internal affairs of States; non-recourse to the use of force in international relations; the peaceful settlement of disputes; respect for the territorial integrity, political independence and sovereignty of
States; and the right of peoples to self-determination. Those are the conditions for a peaceful solution.
264.	Accordingly, we consider that the prior withdrawal of foreign troops will create the conditions which would  favor a comprehensive political settlement and enable the peoples concerned freely to decide their own future and their own destiny, free from any external interference, subversion or coercion.
265.	In the Korean peninsula there has been permanent tension for 36 years, following the division of that country by the victors in the Second World War. My delegation thinks that it is primarily for the Korean people themselves to resolve this problem by a direct dialog between the North and the South, free from any outside pressure. However, in the interests of peace and detente the United Nations should take new action to create conditions  favorable to a resumption of negotiations between the two parties. Indeed, we remain convinced that such negotiations are the only practical way to achieve a peaceful solution to all the problems resulting from the division of the country and to promote a relaxation of tension in that part of the world. In accordance with our policies, Zaire has recognized the two Koreas and maintains with both excellent relations of friendship and cooperation.
266.	As regards Cyprus, resumption of the inter-communal talks seems to us to be a basic condition for bringing about a just and equitable solution to the crisis in that country. The United Nations, through the SecretaryGeneral, should continue its efforts to help the two communities find a basis of understanding and to create the conditions for a return to peace.
267.	Since .1945 the colonial Powers, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, have pledged themselves to guarantee the political advancement of the peoples in the colonial territories and to develop their ability to govern themselves. Since its creation the United Nations has ceaselessly worked for respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and independence, taking account of their own aspirations and the overriding importance of their own interests.
268.	General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), of 14 December 1960, which contains the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, solemnly proclaimed the need to put a speedy end to colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination throughout the world.
269.	More than 20 years later, we are happy to note it at a number of colonial territories have acceded to independence and now swell the ranks of the United Nations, thus helping it to fulfill its universal vocation. This is an undoubted success, to the credit of the Organization. Unfortunately, there are still some blots on this picture, particularly in southern Africa, where a handful of white racists continue, despite international condemnation, to practice an abject policy which has been universally condemned as a crime against humanity, to deprive the black majority of the South African population of their most elementary rights, illegally to occupy Namibia and to deny the inhabitants of that Territory their right to self determination, freedom and independence.
270.	South Africa's refusal to leave Namibia and its delaying tactics, designed to hold up that country's accession to independence notwithstanding the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, are an unacceptable challenge that must be met by the international community as a whole. That anachronistic regime is encouraged in its obstinacy and arrogance by the economic and military cooperation it continues to enjoy from certain States Members of the United Nations.
271.	The Republic of Zaire considers that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only basis on which the Namibian question can be settled. It reaffirms the primary responsibility of the United Nations from that Territory since the termination of South Africa's Mandate in 1966.
272.	The continued occupation of Namibia, the illegal nature of which has been recognized and reaffirmed by the Security Council, coupled with the denial of the fundamental rights of the Namibian people and the repeated acts of aggression by /South Africa against neighboring States from occupied Namibia, constitute a grave threat to international peace and security. This amply justifies recourse to comprehensive and effective mandatory measures to restore peace and stability to that region.
273.	The Republic ox Zaire, whose geography and history link it with southern Africa, attaches great importance to the establishment and maintenance of a climate of peace and stability in southern Africa through the speedy accession to independence of Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
274.	Following the failure of the Geneva pre-implementation meeting on the United Nations plan for Namibia, the Security Council should draw the appropriate conclusions from the recent International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris, and take all the necessary measures advocated by the General Assembly at its eighth emergency special session [resolution ES8/2] on Namibia, including those prescribed in Chapter VII of the Charter, if South Africa continues to flout the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. In no circumstances could the Republic of Zaire sanction any approach that would tend to  favor South Africa in the quest for a negotiated solution of the Namibian question.
275.	In this respect, Zaire reiterates its total support for the legitimate struggle being waged by SWAPO for the self-determination and independence of the Namibian people and vehemently condemns South Africa's repeated acts of aggression against neighboring States, in particular that recently perpetrated against its sister Republic of Angola.
276.	Zaire appeals to all States Members of the United Nations to give concrete expression to their solidarity with the victims of South Africa's barbaric acts. We urge those countries which continue to support South Africa to observe the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and to cease all forms of collaboration with the illegal minority regime of Pretoria.
277.	The delegation of the Republic of Zaire reaffirms its support for the oppressed people of South Africa, as well as for the national liberation movements and the heroic and just struggle they are waging to recover their wounded dignity and legitimate rights.
278.	Regarding the problem of Western Sahara, Zaire is happy to note that once again African wisdom and the virtues of dialog have prevailed over the spirit of confrontation. Here we must pay a well-deserved tribute to His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco for the political courage he demonstrated at the recent Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which paved the way for progress towards a peaceful settlement of the dispute.
279.	We urge the international community to support the process of peaceful settlement which has begun and to refrain from any initiative that might jeopardize the effort that has been undertaken by the OAU.
280.	One of the important issues of concern to the world in general and to the African continent in particular is undoubtedly the problem of refugees. Of the 10 million refugees who have been counted throughout the world, 5 million live in Africa, including almost 1 million in Zaire. Apart from the moral and physical suffering they endure, the housing, placement and reclassification of those refugees place a heavy burden on the meager, resources of our young States, which themselves are confronted by problems of development.
281.	The delegation of Zaire welcomes the efforts that have been undertaken within the United Nations system, particularly by UNHCR, to find a comprehensive solution to this problem. The International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held last April at Geneva under United Nations auspices, enabled the international community to appreciate the gravity of this phenomenon and to decide on certain specific measures to assist African refugees.
282.	The Republic of Zaire welcomes the spirit of solidarity shown by some countries at that Conference and hopes that the international community will intensify its efforts to alleviate the plight of African refugees. We must show imagination in our search for comprehensive solutions to this problem.
283.	The deterioration of the climate of confidence in international relations and the search for a hypothetical balance of forces, which underlies all theories of deterrence, maintain the infernal cycle of the arms race. If mankind is threatened with self-destruction it is certainly through a nuclear holocaust. Mankind has for some time been living under a permanent threat of annihilation because of the proliferation of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction which neither United Nations resolutions nor fine-sounding declarations of intent by those who possess those weapons have been able to check.
284.	Notwithstanding the proclamation of the first Disarmament Decade [resolution 2602IE (XXIV)] and the Plan of Action adopted by the Geneva Assembly at its tenth special session [see resolution ES10/2], which was devoted to disarmament, little progress has been made because of the lack of political will on the part of the great Powers. We feel that while disarmament is the concern of all States, the responsibility for halting and reversing the arms race rests first and foremost with the great Powers.
285.	The nuclear-weapon States must also undertake by means of an international convention to guarantee the nonnuclear-weapon States, in particular those which have undertaken by treaty not to acquire nuclear weapons, against the use or threat of use of such weapons.
286.	The proclamation by the United Nations of nuclear-free zones has been an important contribution to the establishment of a climate of peace and security in the world/Unfortunately, in the African region the possession of the' nuclear weapon by South Africa thanks to the collaboration of certain States Members of the United Nations makes the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa void of meaning, because once South Africa, a State which is overtly hostile to a number of neighboring African States, has the nuclear weapon there is no reason to prevent other African States from having access to it for the purpose of self-defense.
287.	The possession of that weapon by a State which has no sense of respect for the customary rules of international conduct and international conventions and which continually ignores the resolutions adopted by the Organization constitutes indeed a grave threat to peace and security in Africa.
288.	Thus the question of confidence-building measures in international relations becomes extremely important. General and complete disarmament under international control remains the basic condition for the establishment of an overall climate of trust and reduction of the risks of tension throughout the world.
289.	The Republic of Zaire has always approached the question of disarmament from the point of view of peace, security, confidence-building measures and development. Indeed, it has been acknowledged that the arms race swallows up enormous resources that could more usefully have been devoted to organizing progress and improving the living conditions of millions of human beings throughout the world.
290.	As everyone knows, the world economy has recently been going through a particularly serious period of crisis unprecedented since the end of the Second World War. This crisis affects all countries without distinction, whatever their levels of economic development. The deterioration of the terms of trade continues; industrial activity is practically stagnating; expansion of world trade has slowed down; payments imbalances have been accentuated; unemployment and underemployment continue to worsen, and the high rates of inflation have not fallen.
291.	The developing countries which do not export oil in particular those of the African continent, economically the least developed of all continents, the most dependent on the economies of the industrialized countries and consequently the most vulnerable have not achieved significant growth rates.
292.	The developed countries continue to be the masters of world trade and manipulate at will the prices of raw materials, keeping them at an abnormally low level to the detriment of the commodity-exporting countries. The gap between the purchasing power of the export earnings of those countries and the cost of the goods imported from developed countries grows ever wider, and everything indicates that these negative tendencies wiil become even more accentuated.
293.	This situation, which is of great concern for one side and of desperation for the other, calls for the thorough and urgent restructuring of present international economic relations. Hence the need for the immediate resumption of global negotiations to implement effectively measures relating to the establishment of a new international economic order which is more just and equitable, in a manner that is consistent and integrated in accordance with the spirit and letter of General Assembly resolution 34/138.
294.	The International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56] emphasizes the urgency of measures which would speedily eliminate all obstacles to the economic liberation of developing countries and help launch a series of global negotiations for the 1980s.
295.	The delegation of Zaire deplores the lack of progress in launching the global negotiations and the failure of the work of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which it ascribes to the absence of political will by the industrialized countries, which have not honored the commitments they undertook in respect of international cooperation and the establishment of the new international economic order. It is highly regrettable that Governments which a few years ago undertook to promote the cause of development have not met the hopes placed in them. It is to be hoped that the major industrialized countries, in accordance with the communique issued at the end of the summit meeting held at Ottawa, 7 will in the future be ready to participate in the preparation of a mutually acceptable process for global negotiations in conditions in which significant progress can be made, following the meeting to be held at Cancun.
296.	The Republic of Zaire has opted for frank cooperation with mutual advantage to North and South and attaches great importance to overcoming the obstacles blocking the NorthSouth dialog and to the launching of global negotiations to bring about a new spirit in international economic relations.
297.	In the sphere of international trade, while there is reason to welcome the progress made within UNCTAD, particularly as far as the Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for Commodities and the agreements on cocoa, tin and natural rubber are concerned, it is yet true that as regards the complete implementation of resolution 93 (IV) on the Integrated program for Commodities adopted by UNCTAD at Nairobi a resolution which was supported by all Member States and negotiations on the adoption of a code of conduct for the transfer of technology, there is still a lack of political will on the part of the developed countries. Much still remains to be done.
298.	In order to increase the value of commodities, stabilize prices and guarantee a remunerative and stable income to the producers, but especially to enable UNCTAD to accomplish its primary mission and really help the efforts of the developing countries, we urge the developed countries to relinquish their egoism and prevarication and adhere resolutely to the principle of international solidarity.
299.	The Republic of Zaire appeals to the international community to give practical effect to the will it has so often expressed so that agreements on other primary products listed in the Nairobi Integrated program, in particular copper, manganese and vegetable oils, may positively and speedily mark the second stage in the negotiations.
300.	If there is an area in which the Republic of Zaire needs special assistance from the international community, as has been recognized by the Economic and Social Council, UNCTAD and the General Assembly, it is that of transport infrastructure.
301.	General Assembly resolutions 34/193 and 35/59 and resolution 1981/68, adopted at the second regular session for 1981 of the Economic and Social Council, relating to the specific problems of Zaire in the field of transport, transit and access to international markets require particularly urgent attention. The delegation of Zaire hopes that the report of the SecretaryGeneral on the implementation of those resolutions will help to speed up the quest for a solution to this problem.
302.	Cooperation between developing countries is a requirement for the installation of the new international economic order. That is why all States Members of the United Nations and agencies within the United Nations system should support the program of Action adopted by the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas [see A/361333 and Corr.1], to promote the collective efforts of the developing countries, because strengthening this economic cooperation will help speed up the economic growth of these countries and help lessen their dependence and their vulnerability with regard to the outside world.
303.	Accordingly, the Lagos Plan of Action 10 which is part of the collective and individual program for self reliance of the Group of 77, deserves the support of the international community so that it can be immediately implemented. J. should like to launch a solemn appeal to all States Members of the United Nations to give continuing support to the OAU in implementing this Plan.
304.	The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which has just concluded its work in Paris, examined in depth the particular problems of the least developed countries, to which my country gives full support. We hope that the encouraging promises and the commitment undertaken by certain developed countries during this important Conference will be honored.
305.	Man has a duty to conserve and preserve nature, to maintain the balance of ecosystems, a balance necessary to his own survival. It is in this spirit that the General Assembly adopted resolution 35/7 on the draft World Charter for Nature, and invited Member States to conduct their activities with regard for the supreme importance of the protection of natural systems, the maintenance of the balance and the quality of nature in the interests of present and future generations.
306.	The Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity at its thirty-seventh session unanimously adopted and the Assembly of Heads of State and Government endorsed, resolution CM/Res. 852 (XXXVII) [see A/36/534, annex /], which recommends the adoption by the General Assembly of the United Nations of the draft World Charter for Nature. We would hope that the recommendations contained in the report of the SecretaryGeneral, worked out on the basis of observations made by Member States, will make it possible to adopt th.is Charter as soon as possible.
307.	This review of the major political and economic problems besetting our world would be incomplete without a reference to the important question of the law of the sea, negotiations on which seem to have stalled.
308.	Some questions on the work program of the tenth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which we had hoped would win a general consensus at the resumed Geneva session, have not yet been resolved.
309.	For the developing countries which like us are land-based producers, it is vital that questions relating to production policies for, and to control of the exploitation of, the seabed and ocean floor should find a satisfactory solution.
310.	It is appropriate here to emphasize that the seabed and the ocean floor are the common heritage of mankind and that their exploitation must take particular account of the interests of the developing countries.
311.	Everyone knows that the seabed and ocean floor contain innumerable mineral resources in the form of polymetallic nodules containing cobalt, copper, nickel, manganese, so forth, and that unplanned production would obviously be highly prejudicial to the interests of the land-based countries which produce these same substances and at the same time would upset the international market structure and the prices of these products.
312.	The delegation of Zaire voices the wish that adequate machinery will be found to safeguard the vital interests of the developing countries which are land-based producers and that the draft Convention on the Law of the Sea will be adopted within the agreed time-frame.
313.	These are the crucial problems to which the delegation of Zaire hopes the Assembly will give particular attention at its present session.
314.	In the political sphere, we have stigmatized the climate of general insecurity, uncertainty and growing disarray throughout the world, the violation of the customary norms of international conduct and of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the arms race, the expansionist ambitions of the great Powers and the escalation of conflicts throughout the world.
315.	In the economic sphere, the aspirations of the countries of the third world have not yet been satisfied, the gap between the North and the South is becoming ever wider and the establishment of the new international economic order continues to meet with resistance on the part of the rich countries.
316.	Notwithstanding this gloomy picture of humanity's prospects, I wish to reaffirm the staunch faith of the Republic of Zaire in the ideals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which is an ideal framework for permanent conciliation and dialog to bring about solutions to the problems faced by the world. I should like to underline the primary role which the United Nations should play in the settlement of disputes, reducing international tensions and promoting conditions  favorable to the maintenance of international peace and security, progress, and the development of nations and peoples.


It is a very agreeable duty and indeed a true pleasure for me to be able to associate myself with my colleagues in conveying to Mr. Kittani warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of this session. The task which has been entrusted to him is an onerous one and the responsibilities are heavy. But I am convinced that his distinguished qualities as an experienced diplomat and his extensive knowledge of the workings of the Organization, accompanied by a rare experience in international affairs, will make Mr! Kittani a President who will conduct our proceedings with competence and conviction. Loyal and constructive cooperation is something he can count on from Luxembourg.
227.	Within the same context, we should like to thank most sincerely the President of the thirty-fifth session of the Genera! Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar. Throughout his presidency, which was so difficult and arduous, on more than one occasion, he displayed rare courage and tenacity which were necessary, indeed indispensable, in the face of the situations with which he was confronted.
228.	I should like to take this opportunity to pay a particular tribute to the SecretaryGeneral. I hope he will accept our sincere thanks for his tireless devotion to the causes which we all share and for his devoted efforts, not only for the maintenance of peace, but also for his constant commitment to the less spectacular but nonetheless necessary tasks undertaken by the Organization.
229.	Although I am new here, I do know that the Organization, if it means to satisfy its role of being a world forum, is gratified each time a new Member takes its place among us. Today it is my pleasure to extend a warm welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu, which only a few days ago became the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations. To these sincere congratulations I should like to add the assurance that we are for our part ready to do everything possible to increase our cooperation with the Republic of Vanuatu, in the United Nations or elsewhere.
230.	At each new session the General Assembly gives us an opportunity each year to take stock of the world situation. It is also a time when the attention of our countries and of our citizens is focused, sometimes with anxiety, sometimes with hope, on the debates and problems which we undertake here.
231.	My colleague, Lord Carrington, speaking on behalf of the European Community in the eighth meeting, sketched a complete outline of the policies, views and aspirations of the 10 member States. I wholeheartedly endorse those views, and I can thus confine myself to just a few comments which the world situation in 1981 suggests to the representative of a small country which has been a member of the United Nations since the very first hour of its foundation.
232.	To say that everything is for the best in the best of all possible worlds would, at the least, be taken for incorrigible optimism, or rather to be a display of unusual ingenuousness, if not indeed total cynicism. There have been very few years in the 36 years of the existence of the United Nations during which the international situation has been more critical, more dangerous or bristling with more explosive issues than today, as the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place.
233.	In the face of this world situation, which is so discouraging, are we to resign ourselves to living in the shadow of danger contrary to the principle of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? I say no. It is true that the challenge is enormous, but it is often crisis situations which have compelled the Organization to give the best of itself, and there is plenty of evidence for this. I would even go so far as to say that it is in cases of extreme tension and imminent crisis that all of us, large and small, become even more keenly aware of the extent to which the Organization is indispensable to the survival of international society. Up to now we have succeeded together in avoiding the worst. Why should we not be able to take this crucial step which will enable us to live in peace in a world free from hatred, envy and threats?
234.	I am sure that some will rebuke me for exaggerated optimism and a lack of realism. Nothing of the land. My optimism, like my realism, is similar to that of the founding fathers of the Organization, neither more nor less.
235.	Of course it will be said that among the explosive issues it is difficult to decide which to try to defuse first. I will reply to you that this does not matter very much provided that all of us, including the chief antagonists, agree to undertake dialog, to forget our grudges, and to recognize that it is in peace and peace alone, and in respect for one's neighbor, that victory lies, and that in war and confrontation there are only losers.
236.	From this rostrum we are accustomed to speak as representatives of countries and nations. Let us not forget, however, that ultimately it is the citizens of all our countries who suffer or benefit from our successes or failures.
237.	A year ago the Organization welcomed Zimbabwe into membership in the great world family. The negotiations which led this State to independence, thanks to the farsightedness, courage and tenacity of the United Kingdom, the people of Zimbabwe and the front-line countries, gave us every hope that we would finally see the whole region of southern Africa achieve peace in independence and prosperity.
238.	Unfortunately, our hopes were dashed once again. Namibia is still illegally occupied by South Africa in spite of the many injunctions of the Organization. The initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council, endorsed by the Council in resolution 435 (1978), has so far not yielded the results hoped for because of the interminable procrastination and delaying tactics of the South African Government. We regret this very much and we appeal urgently to the Pretoria authorities to seize the opportunity to accept an equitable solution in order to lead Namibia to independence. We continue to lend every support to this initiative because we sincerely believe that it can bring about an equitable transition, free from violence and without rancor, to independence for Namibia. In this context, I must stress that we condemn the recent military incursions by South Africa into Angola.
239.	Unfortunately, the illegal occupation of Namibia does not constitute the only distressing problem in this long suffering part of the world. In spite of increasing pressure on the part of world public opinion, South Africa continues to pursue a racist ideology which is both unnatural and contemptible. Apartheid has never enjoyed the slightest sympathy in Luxembourg, and we will continue to urge South Africa, by .every means available to us, to give up this racist policy and to engage in the fundamental reforms which will ultimately restore to that country its right to belong to the family of nations which respect fundamental freedoms and human rights.
240.	Similarly, my Government will continue to oppose the establishment of bantustans. Ghettos of this kind are not and will never constitute a solution to the serious problems of South Africa.
241.	Since we are meeting here to undertake a review of the situation, it should be done fearlessly, even if sometimes the dismal truths are not to everyone's liking.
242.	I would have liked to strike a more optimistic note in turning to the problems of the Middle East, but grim reality forces me to give up that idea. How many sincere efforts have been devoted to this part of the world, this long suffering region? How many failures have aborted these efforts before they had hardly started Happily for our world men of goodwill are not lacking, and I would like to take this opportunity to pay a particular tribute to those who continue in spite of reverses to serve the ideals of the mission of peace of the United Nations. 1 hope that those who are contributing to the operations of the peacekeeping forces will receive this unreserved tribute. Our gratitude is also addressed to the United States and its peerless negotiator, Mr. Philip Habib. Contrary to certain allegations, we believe that the mission of this distinguished diplomat has served everyone's interest, because peace is indivisible and concerns us all.
243., This leads me naturally to the efforts to bring about a settlement in the Middle East on a broader scale. Whether, it be the Camp David accords or, more recently, the peace ideas or plans developed by President Sadat or by Saudi Arabia, they are all valid because they are all attempts to bring about settlement of an extremely complex and delicate problem. Of course, the initiative of the European Community, which my British colleague described yesterday, still remains valid as far as we are concerned, since my predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, made an initial tour of world capitals in an attempt to find a solution to this crucial problem.
244.	I hope that all those who are now still talking about preconditions or exceptions will think again and review their policy. A lasting peace in the Middle East is inconceivable without the following elements: the right to existence and security of all States in the area, including Israel; justice and the right to self-determination for all the peoples of the region; the withdrawal of all foreign troops from territories now occupied; the participation of all parties concerned in the drafting of an equitable peace treaty negotiated under the aegis of the United Nations.
245.	Of course, these requirements call for concessions on all sides, but I call upon all the parties concerned to consider whether global peace is not well worth this price.
246.	Unfortunately, we have recently witnessed a dangerous hardening of positions on the part of the political leaders of the countries concerned. We very much regret this, because here again, far from benefiting either side, such attitudes only serve to exacerbate a situation which is already all too explosive and to increase the suffering and hardships of the peoples concerned.
247.	We deeply regret the new escalation of violence in Lebanon. Luxembourg has always supported international appeals for the preservation of a sovereign Lebanon whose integrity and territorial unity would be guaranteed.
248.	As for the conflict in Cyprus, I should like to express the sincere hope that negotiations will lead the two communities towards a harmonious solution to that conflict. We welcome the work being done in Cyprus to achieve this by the representatives of the Secretary General.
249.	SouthEast Asia is another part of our turbulent world in which situations of armed conflict are continuing, to the detriment not only of detente, but also of the wellbeing of peoples who, over the past decades, have suffered all too much. Unfortunately, the questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea still remain on our agenda.
250.	Neither the resolutions of the Assembly nor international conferences have succeeded in easing the situation in any way, although they have done no more than appeal for common sense, for dialog and for negotiations that will enable all the parties to save face.
251.	Why, I wonder, does the USSR persist in occupying an Afghanistan that is hostile to its ideological and expansionist designs? How many human and material resources are needed in the attempt to prove, in defiance of world public opinion, that intervention is ever justified? Apart from the fact that such interventions are contrary to the fundamental principles set forth in the Charter, such acts and interventions and here I am speaking on behalf of all the people of Luxembourg are contrary to the most elementary human rights. Why cannot the initiative taken by the 10 member States of the European Communities" constitute at least a first step towards a solution? That initiative does, in any case, represent an honest attempt, inspired solely by a sincere desire for peace in that region.
252.	The same observations apply, perhaps with some qualifications, to the situation in Kampuchea. There Viet Nam has used the pretext of an inhumane and genocidal regime, established in a country deserving of peace and economic and social progress, to attempt to alter the normal course of history. Against the will of the population, it is attempting to impose a puppet regime on a people resistant both to the exactions of the Pol Pot government and to the caprices of neighbors rather too eager to turn it into an earthly paradise.
253.	I do not want to overlook here, in the United Nations, a problem that is becoming more serious every day and that is of serious concern to us the problem of refugees, whether in SouthEast Asia, Africa or on the Latin American continent. Instead of seeing a lessening of violence and injustice, in accordance with the Charter, we are seeing new outbreaks of blind violence, often accompanied by a total collapse of democratic values.
254.	I have mentioned only some of the major problems that have for years been of constant concern to world opinion. Unfortunately, there are others, which have been dealt with by my British colleague, who spoke yesterday on behalf of the 10 members of the European Communities. Yet I would be remiss were I not to touch briefly on some economic problems which at the present time are at the forefront of our leaders' concerns.
255.	In the last decade, our world has had to deal with a vicious circle of recessions followed by periods of inflation and social instability which, in turn, have given rise to restrictive policies. Fortunately, we have thus far succeeded in stifling the protectionist impulses that are the inevitable consequence of such economic phenomena. We must persist in this course and overcome our problems, even though insecurity and disorder in the monetary sector have not made our task any easier.
256.	All these elements, which are fundamentally unfavorable to any attempt to revive the world economy, and even more unfavorable to a rapid establishment of what we have come to call the new international economic order, have certainly not helped to improve the international atmosphere: We should; however, be gratified that in spite of these disappointments, this lack of progress, the dialog between the industrialized; and the developing countries has not been interrupted.
257.	Two international conferences, one on hew and renewable sources of energy, held at Nairobi, and the other on the least developed countries, held in Paris that have taken place since the unfortunate delay in what has been termed the global negotiations have amply demonstrated that there are still enough people of goodwill who, far from allowing themselves to be discouraged by temporary setbacks, tirelessly persist in their search for solutions to particular problems for want of finding a global solution.
258.	In this connection, I personally prefer to seek specific solutions that will be suited to the interdependence that is inevitable in the world of the future, rather than merely philosophizing on notions such as global negotiations or the new international economic order.
259.	I am personally convinced that these actions and ideas are complementary and should ultimately come to mean the same thing. In this belief, I remain convinced that "interdependence" stands for a specific idea, both from the economic and commercial standpoint and from the humanitarian and social standpoint. However, I fear that references to global negotiations and to the new international economic order alone will quite mistakenly give rise in some quarters to doubts and misgivings, and consequently to a reluctant attitude. This would be a pity and contrary to our wishes and our commitments.
260.	Whatever label is attached to the many economic discussions now under way, they certainly constitute a gigantic undertaking. Much progress has been achieved, but much remains to be done, and ultimate success has so far eluded us. Responsibility for this state of affairs, regrettable in itself, can in no way land at the door of Mr. von Wechmar. I should like to take this opportunity to tell him how much we have appreciated his commitment to such an eminently just cause and how much we have admired his perseverance, his courage and his gifts as an experienced negotiator throughout the long and difficult dealings of the past year.
261.	It is now the task of the new President to take up the torch and to do his very best to conclude the work of giving our world an economic system that would be more just and more productive for everyone.
262.	Luxembourg has always encouraged fair and beneficial cooperation. In the association between the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Communities, we have seen an original method of promoting cooperation among nations that share the same ideals and objectives. Ever since the first association between the European Communities and the Associated African and Malagasy States, we have given every support to this undertaking and shall continue to do So. Similarly, we shall not be found wanting when our Organization continues its efforts to settle economic problems at the world level.
263.	In reviewing these problems and offering certain reflections on them, we must agree that the world situation is hardly encouraging. Of course there are some encouraging elements in all this. There are also problems in regard to which the Organization can be proud of having, if not finally settled conflicts or disputes, at least embarked on processes making it possible to hope for a satisfactory outcome.
264.	I do not wish to conclude on too pessimistic a note with regard to the results of the work of the Organization. As in the past, the United Nations is indispensable for the survival of the world and will remain so. Its work, apart from certain major problems, which unfortunately are in the focus of world attention, seems to us to be particularly useful and constructive inasmuch as it is carried out in large measure without any publicity and for the benefit cf all our citizens. In this regard it is a pleasure for me to be able to say to the SecretaryGeneral how much we esteem him and how much we appreciate his devotion and his commitment to the principles enshrined in the Charter. That is true also for all those who, under his enlightened leadership, in the Secretariat, devote themselves to championing our common ideals.
265.	These considerations lead me quite naturally to share with the Assembly a thought which seems to me to apply to all our problems at the present time, whether they concern political or economic matters.
266.	There are in our societies universal laws and imperatives applicable to the whole international community, whatever may be its ideology or religion. Those who believe that they can , change these rules with impunity, because at the time they seem to be contrary to their current Interests, are seriously mistaken.
267.	Our generation created modern civilization with its promises, but also with its threats. It is for us to fulfill the promises, which are immense, and to ward off the threats and dangers, which are no less so. Future generations, believe me, will judge us, and they will judge us severely.


141.On behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Zambia, it gives me great pleasure to join those who have spoken before me in congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. May your leadership ensure that the outcome of this session strengthens the collective efforts of mankind to bring about a better world.
142.	My delegation commends your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the excellent manner in which he presided over the work of the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session, devoted to the question of Namibia.
143.	The SecretaryGeneral has continued to work with dedication in the service of the United Nations. I convey to him my delegation's appreciation of his efforts in working for world peace and security.
144.	Let me take this opportunity to welcome the new nations of Vanuatu and Belize on their admission into the United Nations. We rejoice, because once again the United Nations has moved closer to the realization of the much-cherished principle of universality of membership.
145.	Once again we meet at a time when the world is confronted with growing international tension, heightened bloc rivalry, the escalation of the arms race, the persistence of regional hotbeds of crisis and the creation of new conflicts in various parts of the world, the continuing illegal occupation of other people's lands and the unabated evils of apartheid and racism. The major Powers seem powerless to block or put an end to the arms race, growing violence, armed intervention or aggression and violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other States, domination of others, inequity and injustice in the world.
146.	In the quest to become "the greatest", some of them have become blind to the cause of freedom, independence, justice and equality for all the peoples of the world. Indeed, they shamefully support and sustain regimes that thrive on the savage repression and degradation of other human beings on the grounds of color and race and which deny others freedom, independence or a homeland. These circumstances, some of which provide a basis for glaring violations of human rights, threaten world peace and security.
147.	It has been said that the emergence after the Second World War of two major Powers with antagonistic systems has played a significant role in the militarization of the world: The competition between these Powers has undoubtedly affected most parts of the globe. Thus, while it is true that today the two Powers are not actually directly at war with each other anywhere in the world, they are embroiled in a number of potentially explosive situations and, in fact, keep alive the many armed conflicts taking place between and among the small, poor countries of the developing world. The possible emancipation of States from military and political alliances clearly does not suit the interests of the great Powers, which strive hard, using every possible means, to frustrate the endeavor. Their stranglehold is causing a great deal of hardship to the small and poor nations concerned. The situation needs to be corrected.
148.	There can be no doubt that the greatest threat to mankind today is the existence and continuing development of devastating nuclear weapons. An overwhelming majority of the world's peoples certainly does not possess or desire nuclear arms. They do not have the technological capability or the necessary resources to develop and produce these weapons. And we are back to the great Powers of our time and a few other countries. It is the Governments of these countries that hold the world hostage to their possession of nuclear weapons. It is these countries that are engaged in the never-ending quest for the development of advanced nuclear weaponry, and it is the Governments of these countries that must inevitably play a decisive role to rid mankind of the nightmare of worldwide nuclear devastation. Although the nuclear arms race affects the security of all States, it is clear that the two major nuclear-weapon States the United States and the Soviet Union will have to take the lead in the nuclear disarmament process.
149.	I now turn t" the situation in southern Africa. Here we confront three major problems: that of the freedom and independence of Namibia, that of apartheid and majority rule in South Africa and that of South Africa's destabilization of neighboring independent States.
150.	The problem of Namibia is one of colonialism and illegal occupation by South Africa, in arrogant defiance of the international community and of the various United Nations resolutions and decisions on the matter. Against the background of a momentous and impressive record of decolonization since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)] some 21 years ago, the world community cannot but be indignant at the posture and actions of South Africa with regard to Namibia's freedom and independence. South Africa must be made to realize that the right of people to self-determination, sovereignty and independence is a universal quest of mankind and is exercised throughout the progressive world. There can be no turning the clock back in Namibia. Freedom and genuine independence will come to Namibia and soon, at that.
151.	South Africa and its supporters are laboring under the delusion that they can exclude SWAPO from the solution of the Namibian problem in favor of a puppet regime and that they will be able to preserve existing colonial and racist relations in Namibia. The recent victory of the people of Zimbabwe has proved that no amount of force by the oppressor, or chicanery through bogus internal settlement, can prevent a people from choosing a government that is responsive to its real needs and aspirations. As an authentic liberation movement, SWAPO
cannot lose the battle under any circumstances, whatever the balance of power may be.
152.	The continued illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa not only is intolerable but also constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. We have a viable plan for the liberation of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), It is in everyone's interest that appropriate pressure should be brought to bear on South Africa to cooperate fully with the United Nations in its efforts to solve the Namibian problem. Zambia reaffirms its total support for and solidarity with SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
153.	In our view, which is shared by many others, the five-member Western contact group, which initiated the plan for the independence of Namibia, bears a special responsibility to prevail upon the recalcitrant Pretoria regime to accept the plan as it is so that Namibia can finally achieve its independence. Members of the group certainly possess enormous influence and leverage over South Africa. We are not satisfied that they have exerted sufficient pressure on South Africa to ensure its cooperation in the implementation of the United Nations plan on the independence of Namibia as envisaged in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We call upon them to do so.
154.	In South Africa itself, the practice of racism, repression, oppression, deprivation and state terrorism against the nonwhite majority has now given rise to the heightened militancy and increased combat capacity of the oppressed segment of the population. This militancy is eloquent evidence of the current state and direction of the liberation struggle against apartheid and minority rule. The African nationalists and freedom fighters are no longer afraid of the much-vaunted military superiority of the apartheid regime. This clear defiance of military superiority by the forces of national liberation is indicative of the fact that the will of oppressed people shall not be thwarted, even under the most brutal military machine Africa has ever known.
155.	The policy of apartheid has universally been condemned as an evil one and a crime against humanity. It can only be practiced, supported and sustained by evil men. We must, therefore, strive to dismantle the apartheid structure quickly. The international community should, accordingly, welcome, encourage and support the heightened struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa for the eradication of apartheid. This solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa should be manifested in an intensified international campaign for the ostracism of the Pretoria regime, as well as through material assistance to the liberation movements in South Africa.
156.	The situation in southern Africa is also one that directly endangers the peace, security and independence of African countries in the neighborhood of South Africa. Thus, the racist South African regime has been committing and continues to commit wanton acts of aggression against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia, mainly because those countries play essential roles as secure rear bases for the liberation struggle in southern Africa. The recent South African aggression against Angola has been particularly vicious and on an unprecedented scale. Now even newly independent Zimbabwe is being threatened by South Africa.
157.	South Africa is also fomenting dissension within neighboring independent States. To that end, it is giving military training to dissident groups from those States with a view to overthrowing their legitimate Governments, which are opposed to the evil system of apartheid and support the liberation struggle in the region. In addition, South Africa continues to recruit mercenaries to work against the neighboring countries.
158.	South Africa's aim in all those actions is the de stabilization of sovereign and independent African States in southern Africa. We strongly condemn South Africa for all those actions. We also wish to register our great indignation in regard to those Western Powers which are responsible for sustaining the apartheid system through their political, diplomatic, ideological, economic, strategic and other forms of collaboration and support.
159.	There is another dimension of the southern African situation which my delegation wishes to underscore. This relates to the fact that the atmosphere of oppression, repression and war that obtains in the area has led to an exodus of people as refugees from South Africa and Namibia into neighboring countries in search of peaceful sanctuary. At the same time, the vicious act of aggression committed by South Africa against Angola has resulted in a severe displacement of people. Both the refugees and the displaced people represent a human tragedy of vast proportions brought about by the racist South African regime. We call upon the international community not only to condemn South Africa for causing the tragedy but also to come urgently to the assistance of the victims of the tragedy.
160.	It is clear that all those problems of southern Africa have been brought about and are kept alive by the apartheid regime in South Africa. It is equally clear to us that, with the support it receives from certain Western countries, the racist South African regime has been enabled to build up its growing military power and machinery of subjugation, to defy international public opinion, and to increase its intransigence. We therefore hold those countries equally responsible for the tragic situation that we confront in southern Africa a situation that is certainly a serious threat to world peace and security.
161.	Once again we wish to state that peaceful change in South Africa and peaceful resolution of the Namibian problem are possible. South Africa's aggression against Angola and illegal occupation of parts of its territory must end quickly. South Africa must be made to realize that its destabilization of neighboring independent States will not stop the internal struggle inside South Africa itself against apartheid and minority rule by the oppressed masses of that country. It is our conviction that the Western Powers and friends of South Africa have and can exert sufficient leverage over that country to facilitate the elimination of apartheid, to bring about desired change and majority rule in South Africa, to compel South Africa to relinquish its stranglehold on Namibia so that the Territory can secure its freedom and genuine independence, to compel South Africa to get its troops out of Angola, and to ensure that the peace, security and independence of the front-line and other affected neighboring States cease to
be threatened. We call upon those Western Powers to do so in the name of our common humanity.
162.	I now wish to refer to one other crisis area in Africa, namely, Western Sahara. The incomplete task of decolonization in Western Sahara has given rise to a situation fraught with tension. At the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi in June, a decision was taken to hold a referendum on the future of the disputed Territory [see Al361534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res. 103 (XVIII)]. We call upon all concerned to support the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in implementing that decision.
163.	My delegation is very much concerned about the unending conflict in the Middle East. This situation has been brought about by Israel's policy of aggression, expansionism and colonial settlement in the occupied Arab territories. As in the case of South Africa vis-a-vis Namibia, we are confronted with Israel's continuing defiance of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations. Again as in the case of South Africa's aggression against neighboring countries, the situation in the Middle East has become more explosive than ever before because of Israel's latest military adventurism against the sovereign States of Lebanon and Iraq not to mention its repression of the people of Palestine.

164.	An imperative condition for defusing the highly volatile situation and establishing enduring peace in this area is the immediate withdrawal of Israel from all illegally occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the restoration to the Palestinian people of their inalienable national rights, including their right to a State of their own in their homeland. Together with such a withdrawal, there would also be the need to establish appropriate arrangements to guarantee the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States in the region. In this connection, Israel would be expected to adhere to the unconditional cessation of its intransigence and military adventurism in the area.
165.	The PLO is the authentic representative of the Palestinian people. As such, the PLO should be an equal partner in any serious negotiations to resolve the question of Palestine, which is the crux of the Middle East saga.
166.	My delegation wishes to express its profound regret that, in spite of the efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the United Nations and the non aligned movement, the armed conflict between Iran and Iraq continues with no end in sight. We appeal to both Iran and Iraq to end the war between them and thus put an end to the loss of human life, the destruction of property and the impediment to their development. They should resort to the exercise of finding a just and honourable settlement of the dispute through negotiations, as has been urged upon them by various international bodies and peace missions. The continuation of the war could well give a pretext to outside Powers to intervene and thereby enlarge the conflagration.
167.	During the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, my delegation joined in the call for an urgent resolution of the Afghanistan crisis [resolution 35/37], Today, that crisis is still with us. I therefore wish to reiterate my delegation's call at that session [70th meeting] for an urgent end to the crisis by having all foreign troops withdrawn from that country without any preconditions and by recourse to a political solution.
168.	Another crisis situation which exercised the attention of the General Assembly during its thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth sessions is that of Kampuchea. We call for an urgent political solution to the problem.
169.	With regard to the Korean peninsula, we strongly support efforts for the peaceful reunification of Korea and once again call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea.
170.	We are encouraged by the resumption of inter-communal talks on the question of Cyprus under the auspices of the SecretaryGeneral. We hope that the talks will lead to the resolution of the conflict that has afflicted that country for too long. Above all, any settlement of the question of Cyprus should be based on the principles of the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and nonaligned status of that country.
171.	My delegation notes with extreme disquiet that the question of declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace is still unresolved. In the meantime, the situation in and around the Indian Ocean is fraught with danger owing to the emergence of an arms race and superPower rivalry for the military control of the region. We reiterate our position, calling upon the great Powers to initiate the elimination from the Indian Ocean region of all their bases, military installations, logistical supply facilities, the disposition of weapons of mass destruction and any manifestations of greatPower military presence conceived in the context of greatPower rivalry. We further urge the holding of the Conference on the Indian Ocean in accordance with General Assembly resolution 35/150. That Conference, which was supposed to have taken place during the course of this year, was vehemently opposed and frustrated by certain Western Powers on dubious grounds concerning the harmonization of views as a precondition.
172.	In the economic sphere, there can be no doubt as to the seriousness of the present situation and the hardships it has brought to the majority of countries. The rich industrialized countries are, to a very considerable extent, to blame for the present malaise in the world economic situation. We are witnessing increased resistance on the part of these countries to structural change. Thus, many of them are unwilling to work for a new international economic order in which interdependence between nations can become more meaningful. They have frustrated the NorthSouth dialog because they want to maintain the status quo in which the poor would remain poor and the rich would get richer.
173.	Those who care to be objective must concede that the present economic order has brought the world into a dangerously polarized state of inequality. Underdevelopment and the resultant conditions of poverty, deprivation and diminished human potential everywhere, which the present economic order certainly perpetuates, pose serious dangers to us all. There can be no doubt that the present economic relations in the world are a serious impediment to the development efforts of many nations, particularly those in the developing world.
174.	It has been argued that the insistence by the developing countries on the elimination of longstanding world inequities is tantamount to a demand that the inhabitants of the industrialized countries should give up the fruits of the progress which they have achieved in the last two centuries. This is a mistaken defensive stance on the part of the developed countries. What is being demanded is quite different: it is that they should have more of the fruits of an internationally progressive, peaceful and amiable world m Which we can all participate, not by taking, but by fair and rational exchange. It is not charity that is being sought, but international cooperation, solidarity and justice.
175.	It is against this background that we call for the urgent commencement of global negotiations aimed at evolving a coherent and integrated approach to the solutions of major problems concerning international economic relations and the world economy as a whole.
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176.	It can thus be seen that international relations are at present at a crossroads. There is a need to ask ourselves whether we are prepared to find, through joint efforts and by negotiations, solutions to the major international problems, or to face an even deeper crisis. We must admit that the gravity of the moment and the importance of the task to be undertaken in order to overcome present political, economic and social problems will require a sense of increased responsibility and willingness to search for genuine and longterm solutions.
177.	The United Nations has a vital role to play in the search for solutions to these problems. It is, therefore, incumbent upon us all to demonstrate our political will in our collective efforts to realize the lofty aims and objectives of this world body.
178.	Zambia for its part reaffirms its faith in the United Nations, We also pledge to continue to support the Organization in its important mission to save mankind from the scourge of war and to achieve for all the people of the world political, economic and social justice.


212.	I wish to convey to the President the congratulations of my delegation on his appointment to this high international office. I am sure that his appointment has brought satisfaction to his countrymen. I am further sure that he will discharge the duties and responsibilities of his office in such a manner as to warrant the confidence, respect and admiration of all in the Assembly.
213.	I wish also to express my congratulations to the outgoing President for what, I am informed, is the very able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the Assembly during his term in office. I look forward to his continued valued contribution on behalf of his country to the. work and to the vitality of the Assembly.
214.	As She youngest Member country, up until very recently, may I now take the opportunity to congratulate Vanuatu and Belize on their attainment of independence and admission to this world body. I shall speak farther on Belize at a later stage.
215.	No one who assumes the burdens of office does so without the hope of leaving some positive achievement at the end of his tenure. It is therefore my hope that during the course of this year many of the serious issues confronting this world body may come to a negotiated settlement. The ideas which were the precursors of the United Nations and its predecessor the League of Nations were intended to resolve international disputes and harmonize national differences by peaceful means and not by force of arms.
216.	Twice the world has seen major wars fought on land, sea and air. Twice the world has recoiled from the horrors of those wars. Yet today we still refuse to learn from those experiences. In the past, after each major holocaust of death, suffering and destruction, mankind has stopped at the edge of the abyss it had created and surveyed it. Through such surveys and after such reflections, leading thinkers found the will to resolve that it should not happen again. The tragedy of wars is that the people who suffer or might suffer most are never the ones who make the decisions, and those decisions are often the results of ambition, dreams of the future, national pride and perceived interests.
217.	It is the taking of such decisions which now causes the work of the President and the work of the Assembly to be so much more complex and challenging. Because of these decisions there are growing and continuing conflicts in several areas of the world. Man seems to have ceased his quest for peace. Nations seem to forget that in wars all are, losers. The ever-costly, crushing burdens of military preparedness, the increased costs of expenditure in a conflict, the loss of life and property, the squandering of resources of all kinds these are the high price that is paid.
218.	It is becoming increasingly evident that some world leaders are preoccupied with the resolution of issues on the battlefield and outside the realm of diplomacy. Time is running out and we must ask ourselves how we can best cause the Assembly to serve its original purpose that of preserving the wellbeing of all mankind. How can it best contribute to the diplomatic process by bringing nations in a dispute to the conference table, whether before they are combatants or after? The question is: do all members of the Assembly have the will to make this possible?
219.	I am aware that this world body has had notable success in calming tempers and separating the combatants in many parts of the world. I am aware that the intentions and actions of the Assembly have often been frustrated by the Security Council. Perhaps it is as well that this world body be reminded that a house divided in its purpose and intent cannot long stand, will not survive.
220.	Unless and until this world body receives the fullest cooperation and support of all Members, particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, we all may despair about being merely involved in an international talking club capable of identifying suitable subjects in need of urgent international attention, then debating those subjects and adopting resolutions and decisions knowing full well that that adoption represents the totality of its efforts.
221.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines cannot accept that this must be the ultimate destiny of this world body. We believe in the principles it was intended to serve. We believe that those principles represent admirable human ideals, which are attainable. We believe that no Member has the right deliberately to frustrate the attainment of those ideals.
222.	I am aware that issues can at times be very complex and may be in need of careful analysis and debate so that a just decision can be reached. However, can anyone truly explain why Namibia should not become independent? Can anyone on any basis of principle say why foreign troops should by occupying Afghanistan and Kampuchea, in spite of broadly based opposition to then presence by a vast majority of the population? Can anyone say that the holding of free and fair elections is not the most appropriate manner to determine the will of the majority? Is it not time immediately to bring to an end those unjust conflicts of repression and the bloodshed and suffering of peoples whose only fault lies in their desire to be left in peace to determine their own future, whose only fault lies in their refusal to accept that a minority, without the endorsement of the majority, should govern them, either with or without foreign troops, to accept that might is right and that they must therefore be cowed into submission and so have no hope of enjoying that freedom that many of us know and have often taken for granted?
223.	It would appear that just as the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is coming to an end, another invidious and subtle type of colonialism is rearing its brutal head.
224.	These are some of the serious issues which I hope this world body may be able to resolve during the President's term in office.
225.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines further hopes that the present dispute between Iraq and Iran can be resolved at the negotiating table. To be ready and willing to negotiate should not be interpreted by either side as a sign of weakness, but rather as a realistic assessment that through the continuation of conflict national energies are diverted from their true purpose, which is to build the economies of the two countries and improve the standard of living of their two peoples. This is equally true of the situation in Central America, where the parties to the conflict should end the cycle of violence, renounce the resolution of differences by force of arms, discuss issues and decide on the type of constitution which their country should have, and implement the provisions of the constitution with free and fair elections, democratically supervised under the aegis of the United Nations. Life is the greatest gift bestowed upon mankind. Man, therefore, should not through indifference make himself his own exterminator.
226.	It is for that reason that Saint Vincent and the Grenadines supports the call not only for arms control but also for arms reduction. It is unrealistic for any country to assume that people who are fearful of it and its intentions will indefinitely permit undue superiority in the means of waging war once they have the resources and the capability to redress that imbalance. It is one thing to wish to have parity, it is another to have superiority, for that superiority may, not unreasonably, be perceived by others as a direct threat to their own security. It is the existence of that superiority which creates the arms race that no one wants and that the world could do without.
227.	It is a sad thing when the siege mentality creates the illusion that peace can only be achieved by preparation for war, that the more massive the striking force, the greater the deterrent and the better the guarantee of peace.
The question is whose peace, what peace? A peace that creates as much fear as war is no peace. It is the lethal nature of the weapons available that will create the fear. The corollary would be the phased elimination of all weapons of mass destruction. The reduction of conventional forces, with inspection, would also create a better climate for peace. Such a peace, assured by reduced comparable strength, would not create the fear among others that obtains today.
228.	In a world of thermonuclear weapons no one is safe. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines therefore supports the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We do so because we support the argument the that greater the capability of the manufacture of fissionable material the greater the likelihood that there will be an ever-widening spread of the stockpiling of weapons and the greater the risk of miscalculation, which may draw others unwillingly into a global conflict. We are concerned because the existence of nuclear weapons everywhere poses a direct threat to everyone everywhere. Just as the aeroplane's speed has shrunk the world, the destructive force of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons, with their delivery systems, has shrunk land area and distance. It is for this reason that Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has a committed as well as a concerned interest in the settlement of disputes through the art of diplomacy.
229.	But besides our preoccupation with peace in the world, we are even more committed to the improvement of the standard of living of our people not only the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines but all peoples of small States with highly vulnerable economies, often dependent upon a single crop and in most cases without any mineral resources. In such a struggle for survival it is not unreasonable to expect that small States will hope that those who are able to assist will do so.
230.	Today, bananas are the single most important crop of the Windward Islands and in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines represent over 60 per cent of our exports. At present the existence of that crop is threatened by legal proceedings now before the British High Court against the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries by an interested party who seeks to ensure that no protection is given to Windward Islands bananas on the United Kingdom market and that importers be free to purchase bananas from dollar sources. It is also threatened for other reasons. The fall of sterling against the United States dollar has caused a drop in the price to the farmers. Increased production has resulted in inadequate shipping space, which has created financial problems for the Banana Association that commercial banks may not be able to bear indefinitely. If that legal action were to be successful, its adverse consequences would be far greater than the effects of hurricanes David and Allen upon our several economies. We are aware that the Government of the United Kingdom is mindful of this present danger and we hope that every effort will be made to safeguard the interests of Windward Islands bananas.
231.	The volume of our combined weekly exports is small compared with that of other producers, but our dependence on it for our economic wellbeing is far greater.
The demise of the industry would be an economic calamity. In addition to protection for our bananas, we need access to the markets of developed economies for certain specified crops at an agreed and guaranteed price and volume.
232.	The real and constant preoccupation of the small States of the Eastern Caribbean is the fight against the forces of nature and the constant battle for economic survival. It is true that many countries have given financial assistance to enable my country, as well as others in the Eastern Caribbean, to overcome some of the difficulties which nature or our own small size have made it impossible for us to overcome on our own. However, the problems of poverty are multi-faceted. Because of our grinding poverty, where expenditure should often be less, it has to be more. The question is: how is this? Last year I made this observation and I do so again: What is usually a priority for remedying the plight of small and poor States can be, and is, identified by those on the spot who are better able to see the problems which are constraints upon development.
233.	Yet, in spite of identification, these problems remain perennial, notwithstanding the obvious importance to the process of national development if they are resolved. hi a world of high inflationary trends, project costs are forever rising, while far too much money is being spent on the conduct of repetitious studies, often calculated to serve their own ends, on subjects that are obviously imperative if the economies of small States are to escape the cycle of poverty, desperation and dependence. We live in a world where everyone even the Oil producing countries speaks about conserving energy and oil, about exploiting alternative sources than oil, about identifying and tapping renewable sources of energy. If I may say so, this is indeed commendable. This is a laudable objective, for there is no prudent reason to squander a valuable and finite resource, for which there will always be a need, when there is an alternative which is continuously being renewed and, far better still, is cheaper. The uses to which oil could be put are many and, notwithstanding conservation, are increasing in many parts of the world. It is therefore obvious that so valuable a fUel should be conserved for the future needs of mankind and, where possible and financially practicable, other sources of energy should be exploited.
234.	I should like now to indicate how poverty places a heavy burden on poor States and how the poor become poorer because there is no surplus wealth to generate development of their country. In Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, electricity is generated by diesel and hydro power. In 1980, 10,020,000 kilowatt-hours of electricity were generated from hydro-power, at a cost of 336,000 East Caribbean dollars. In the same year, 15,734,000 kilowatt-hours of diesel-powered electricity were generated at a cost of 4,106,000 East Caribbean dollars. It cost 3,770,000 East Caribbean dollars per annum more to generate 5,714,000 kilowatts of power from diesel fuel. It is this type of arithmetic which we cannot connect on our own and which crushes us into helplessness, making the poor poorer. Someone has to carry this very big differential in generating costs, and it is the consumer who does so.
235.	The projection of the differential for 1984 is even more staggering; it will be 9,663,000 East Caribbean dollars. The capital cost of hydroelectric installations is higher than diesel costs to generate the equivalent amount of energy, but in five years, through savings on hydroelectric generation, the capital cost differential will be recovered without taking into consideration the normal benefit from profits. There exists water availability to exploit our hydro potential further. For years we have been endeavoring to secure financing for the project. For years the costs have been rising. In June this year we received assurances of finance for the construction stage of the project. The project is now delayed at the design stage because costs have increased by several hundred thousand dollars.
236.	It is these special problems of poverty and underdevelopment in small States such as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to which urgent and special attention must be given special assistance in the area of economic development and disaster relief. I am aware that in the Assembly there are those who can assist us to find solutions to these problems.
237.	There are other areas in our development plan which must be addressed if we are to rise above our present circumstances, notwithstanding the progress already made areas of improvement in our air and sea communications. These are imperatives if our tourist and industrial potential is to be fully realized. I know these are economic matters which are more appropriately discussed elsewhere, but I believe they should also be mentioned here.
238.	It is for that reason that Saint Vincent and the Grenadines would welcome any initiative seeking to.promote the economic wellbeing of the region by the injection of foreign capital, whether in the public or private sectors. However, there must be an interplay of investment in both sectors, even if greater emphasis is put on one of them. It is the proper functioning of both which will demonstrate the complementary nature of each. The private sector would function better if there is proper education, training, agricultural inputs and infrastructure.
2?9. The gap between the North and the South, the rich and the poor, is ever widening. I perceive that there is now awareness of that fact. I am aware too that to varying degrees all countries are beset by economic ills. The strong, however, are better able than the weak to absorb shocks and take corrective measures, and they should lend a helping hand. But as the weak become stronger, that strength will promote the greater economic vitality of the strong.
240.	The rich and the poor are both in a partnership of development; hence I look forward with hope and expectation to the early realization of the new initiative for the benefit of the Caribbean Basin countries. A worthy idea is worthy of prompt execution.
241.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has been proud to be associated with the admission of Belize to the Organization, not only because We have evolved out of the same colonial experiences, tradition and mores but also because we have close historical human ties. Because of that spirit of freedom which exists within the hearts of all mankind, men who fought for their homeland, and lost after the death of their Chief "Chatoyer", were deported with their women and children to Roatan and British Honduras, now Belize. Some descendants of those lovers of their country and of freedom, the "Black Caribs" of Saint Vincent, are today citizens of an independent Belize, though a cloud still hangs over its freedom. At the thirty-fifth session in my address to the Assembly [5th meeting] I urged that this world body use its not inconsiderable influence to ensure that Belize proceed to independence without delay. That this has been possible during this session is an occasion for satisfaction to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. The Assembly and the United Kingdom must now be complimented on the decisive action taken.
242.	It was not too much to have hoped, after some apparent success resulting from protracted tripartite negotiations earlier this year, that Guatemala might have joined the United Kingdom in sponsoring the admission of Belize as a fitting tribute to the settlement of this territorial dispute of an historical nature which started at a time when men carved empires out of aboriginal territories, based either on conquest, cession or settlement. Today Belize proclaims its independence in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which recognizes the inalienable right of all colonial peoples to be free to plan their own destiny. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines supports that right. The United Nations, in keeping with the Charter, should guarantee that right.
243.	There is another festering colonial legacy which concerns the border dispute between Guyana and Venezuela a dispute which seeks to emasculate Guyana very seriously. It is a matter of grave concern for any Government to be confronted with a claim, whether invalid or valid, on so large an area of territory.
244.	It is a dispute that must be resolved: it cannot be merely swept under the mat of international opinion for us thereafter to pretend that it does not exist; for it does exist. We cannot, here in the Assembly, play ostrich and bury our heads in the sand, while leaving other parts exposed to the fury of the storm. This dispute has already affected the developmental efforts of Guyana, which that poor country cannot afford; whereas the dispute, so far as we are aware, does not affect the developmental efforts of Venezuela. I believe it is the duty of the Assembly to try "to resolve this dispute, to bring the parties to the conference table in order to reach a final solution consistent with reality. Parties on opposite sides of a chasm cannot meet unless they build a bridge. Guyana is entitled to an internationally settled future it can build on.
245.	I am saddened that the Convention on the Law of the Sea has not been concluded. It is the hope of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines that all obstacles to its signing will be overcome and the Convention made final within the President's term of office. It is important for small States such as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to know their entitlements to jurisdiction and the resources of the sea, and to know that through the force of a treaty they carry the stamp of approval of this world body a body whose responsibility it is, ultimately, to safeguard and protect the interests of all States, but in particular small States which do not have the strength, resources and influence to protect their own interests.
246. I wish to speak now in some detail on the Namibian issue and to repeat parts of my statement circulated in the Assembly early in September during the emergency special session on Namibia:
"The people of this world cannot be part free and part slaves, and if this world body does not consistently exert itself to ensure that rights which people take for granted in many parts of the globe become the inalienable rights of all mankind it will ultimately become as useless as its predecessor; the League of Nations.
"A debate on Namibia is not only a debate on the very serious issue of the right of a colonial people to self-determination, to build their own institutions, to set their own standards, to educate themselves, to establish their own developmental priorities or determine their own friends, but also a debate on the future of this institution itself. For South Africa's challenge to the authority of this institution for challenge its is strikes at the very foundation of this institution. For the strength of this institution is dependent on respect for its authority and its ability to persuade [States to comply] with its decisions. The Assembly belongs to us. We are the Assembly. What the United Nations is is what we are. We are each several parts of this whole and we are, through this Assembly, what we represent in the sum total of our efforts.
(4
"There is a need for peace in Namibia. There is need for an end to this vicious circle of suffering and death. South Africa holds the real answer to the question of peace. What is needed is South Africa's appreciation that it will inevitably have to relinquish administrative control over Namibia. It is in a confrontation which it cannot win, only prolong, and, in the process [prolong] the agony of the majority of a people the birth-pains of the nation.
i<
. . The question is: where do we go from here? What options do we have left? How must we find a solution to the present impasse? What further action should we take to make the blinkered South African Government change its present confrontational course and return to the path of understanding, prudence, negotiation and a peaceful settlement of this conflict?
"For what exists between South Africa and this Assembly is not a dispute, for a dispute suggests that there is some debatable right which exists. The most that South Africa has ever had was administrative control in trust for the inhabitants. It must know it has no other right. What it has is a conflict of interests and a duty. Those interests are racial, economic and strategic. The duty it believes it owes is to its own racial minority in South Africa, but its duty, rather, is to the people of Namibia, for whom the Territory is held in trust. This is all an academic exercise of which we are and, I am sure, South Africa is aware, but South Africa chooses to ignore [this].
"Member Governments with influence should launch a diplomatic offensive to convince South Africa that it is in its own longterm economic and security interests to resolve the Namibian question by an election, and that if [it] failed to heed the request [it] would be alone and isolated.
"Should this approach fail, a committee should be appointed by this Assembly to consider further options to be exercised."4
247.	How can we in this world body also bring peace and unity between divided countries so that brothers can learn to dwell together in harmony? I am aware that to achieve such results may be difficult where there is suspicion and fear, where there are ideological differences, where there is religious bigotry, where reason often is blind and takes to flight. But where reason does not exist, hatred and tension will fill the vacuum. The objective must, however, be to bring the sides together by peaceful means. Confidence must first be established through dialog. Areas of common interest must be found and used.
248.	There are many such problem areas of the world which are the cause of heightened international tension: for example, the two Koreas and Cyprus. Cannot both Koreas be admitted to membership of the United Nations without prejudice to the principle of reunification, in the light of a precedent already established? I am sure that members of the Security Council could see the wisdom of such a course of action. If we can eliminate the cause we may be able to effect the cure. Can we not persist and continue the serious efforts to find solutions to these problems by peaceful means? The challenge and responsibility are
249.	I am not, nor is my country, naive enough to believe that achieving peace for all mankind is easy. But we believer that if there is a real desire and will for peace on the part of all, with the passage of time, the world may become a saner and happier one in which to live.
250.	At this stage 1 should like to join in the tributes and respects paid to the memory of the late Anwar El Sadat. We live in the Caribbean, very far away from the area in which he lived, worked and died. But those of us who have followed developments in that part of the world could not help but admire the boldness and dynamism of the man himself in trying to break through and overcome a situation which seemed to him static. He was a man who was bold enough to go into an area and to beard the lion in his own den, at the risk, perhaps, of his own safety. In our view, that man was genuinely in search of peace: he was prepared to risk his own safety and his own country's identity in the cause of peace. I, like others, hope that the dialog which he established can be pursued and that all people, wherever they live, will realize that world problems are best resolved through the art of diplomacy and at the conference table, for the suffering and the sacrifice that must otherwise be endured are too heavy a price to pay.
251.	In conclusion, it is therefore my hope that in the President's term of office a momentum will be generated that will permit many of the serious issues which now perplex and threaten the world to be resolved, and that he will get the fullest support of all in this world body so that the silent hopes and expectations of all mankind may be realized. Let us all, in the Assembly, light a candle of hope which will never be extinguished.