It is
imperative, now more than ever before, that all the
peoples of the world act in a spirit of solidarity. The
United Nations embodies this spirit. In joining the
United Nations, Switzerland sends you a message of
solidarity. This makes me proud and happy.
I would like to add my thanks to those expressed
last Tuesday by Kaspar Villiger, the President of the
Swiss Confederation, on the occasion of Switzerland's
formal admission to the United Nations. I would also
like to thank all the Members of the United Nations for
the warm welcome they have given my country.
Switzerland feels welcomed. We feel that we are where
we belong.
I would also like to give Secretary-General Kofi
Annan my profound thanks. His sincerity and wisdom
contributed greatly to convincing the people of
Switzerland of the need to join the United Nations.
I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election. I already know and value your qualities and
talents and I know that you will put them to the best
service of the United Nations. Switzerland is pleased to
be working with you towards the success of this
session of the General Assembly.
The Swiss people have decided to join the United
Nations. They have said yes' to increased cooperation
with the United Nations. They have said yes' to a
stronger international commitment. They have said
yes' to taking greater responsibility for meeting the
challenges that face humankind.
The challenges facing the international
community at the beginning of the twenty-first century
are immense. A number of regions suffer from terrible
poverty. Crises and wars are rife on all continents.
There are millions of refugees. We see the hideous face
of terrorism. Criminal networks exploit human beings
and traffic shamefully in drugs and arms. New diseases
are emerging and, day after day, we continue to destroy
the Earth's ecological balance.
There are no simple answers to any of these
problems, but there is a place where we can all meet to
find solutions: the United Nations. The world needs a
strong United Nations, as it is the only universal
Organization working at the global level. It alone can
analyse problems at the world level. It alone can create
a consensus between States on common goals. Finally,
as stressed by the Secretary-General, there is no
substitute for the unique international legitimacy
provided to principles and choices of action by the
United Nations.
Switzerland has joined the United Nations as a
neutral country and we intend to remain neutral. Our
neutral status, however, in no way diminishes our
desire for cooperation. On the contrary, it is an
advantage for our peace activities. Our membership of
the United Nations is not a change in direction, but the
logical consequence of our foreign policy.
To quote our Constitution, the Swiss
Confederation is committed Ö to a just and peaceful
international order'. The principal aim of the United
Nations is to maintain international peace and security.
For us, therefore, the United Nations is the ideal place
to carry out this vital mission. As a Member of the
United Nations, Switzerland will devote itself
resolutely to international peace and security. That
commitment will be focused, above all, on armed
27

conflicts. The logic of armed conflicts today forces us
to adopt a multidimensional approach to peace
processes. If we are to succeed, we must work in
several different areas in parallel: military, diplomatic,
humanitarian and economic. We must also involve all
interested players in the process. All this demands a
major effort of coordination, and Switzerland will
contribute to that.
Security problems, moreover, must be addressed
from a broader angle  that of human security. The
inhabitants of this world must be able to live without
fear of war, starvation and despotism. In particular, we
must protect vulnerable individuals and groups.
Switzerland will therefore pursue its efforts in favour
of human security. This includes stopping the
recruitment of child soldiers, eliminating anti-
personnel mines and halting the proliferation of small
arms.
In this context, I welcome the Secretary-
General's appeal to make full use of multilateral
institutions. This is especially valid for the
maintenance of international peace and security. There
is only one source of legitimacy for the use of force:
the United Nations.
Iraq has been discussed on several occasions
during these past days. There is undeniably a need to
act, and to act with determination, in order to ensure
the implementation of United Nations resolutions, but
action must be taken together, within the United
Nations. Only the United Nations can confer
international legitimacy to any action against Iraq.
Switzerland is convinced that peace and
development can be sustained only if they go hand in
hand with freedom, democracy, and respect for human
rights. Human dignity is our most precious asset. It
must be defended at all times and in all places. We will
champion this conviction at the United Nations to the
full and without concessions. For as long as men and
women are exploited, children are mistreated and the
death penalty is carried out, Switzerland will do
everything within its power to defend human dignity.
At the General Assembly this year, we will strive
in particular to promote the adoption of the draft
optional protocol to the United Nations Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment. This protocol is needed to
give better protection to people in detention against
torture and mistreatment. That is why we have been
supporting this initiative for years.
In its capacity as the Depositary State,
Switzerland feels a special responsibility to promote
awareness of and respect for the Geneva Conventions
and their Additional Protocols. At the United Nations,
we will continue tirelessly to defend these instruments.
In this area, Switzerland has submitted to a number of
countries involved in the Middle East conflict a
proposal which aims to ensure the better
implementation of international humanitarian law. We
advocate two mechanisms: one for promoting dialogue
to allow the parties to settle problems concerning the
application of international humanitarian law; the
second, a mechanism to monitor respect for
humanitarian law.
We are also convinced that the International
Criminal Court will ensure the better application of
international humanitarian law. This new Court is an
essential tool for dealing with serious violations of the
fundamental human freedoms. We will therefore
remain on our guard to ensure that it can function
efficiently and we will pursue our efforts to convince
those States that have not yet signed the Rome Statute
of the need for such a Court.
Two days ago, we commemorated the tragic
events that shook the United States and the world one
year ago. The causes of terrorism must be eradicated. I
am thinking, inter alia, of injustice, disregard for the
rights of minorities, and poverty. That is one of the
objectives of our development cooperation and of our
human rights policy.
Sustainable development and the elimination of
poverty remain mankind's main challenges today. We
saw that again at Johannesburg. They are global
challenges that require a global strategy and global
solidarity. In other words, they require coordinated
action by the United Nations institutions, as well as
greater cooperation between the United Nations, the
development banks, civil society and the private sector.
Development cooperation must be coordinated.
Switzerland will contribute to strengthening the
coordination efforts vital to ensuring that our activities
enjoy the success they merit.
The struggle against poverty also requires greater
exchange of expertise and better transfer of technology.
Switzerland is closely involved in the preparation of
the World Summit on the Information Society, the first
28

phase of which will take place in Geneva in 2003. The
main challenge of that Summit is the very gap between
North and South in terms of access to new information
technologies. Therefore, I call on all to contribute
actively to the success of that conference.
These thoughts lead me to refer to Geneva, the
international city that is a close and longstanding link
between my country and the United Nations.
Switzerland is proud and grateful to be able to host the
European Headquarters of the United Nations and
many specialized agencies. Geneva is the main
international hub of disarmament, humanitarian aid,
social development, the promotion of human rights and
environmental protection. That gives me great
pleasure, because Swiss citizens are particularly
concerned about these issues. However, that also
involves the special responsibility of offering
international organizations optimum working and
living conditions. You can also count on Switzerland in
that area.
Before Switzerland became a Member, the United
Nations was already a universal Organization, but with
Switzerland  and soon Timor-Leste  the United
Nations will be even more universal. The United
Nations is the greatest world forum. Switzerland will
provide it its full support in the interests of humanity
and the interests of we, the peoples of the United
Nations.


A
year ago, the General Assembly had to be postponed
because of the ruthless crime committed on 11
September. There was then a worldwide wave of
solidarity towards the people of the United States and,
particularly, towards the families of the almost 3,000
innocent victims of that unjustifiable terrorist attack.
The conditions were created for setting up a
genuine international alliance under the auspices and
leadership of the United Nations, with absolute respect
for the purposes and principles enshrined in its Charter.
Nearly all countries, above and beyond ideological,
political, cultural and religious differences, expressed
our willingness to collaborate actively with this
endeavour of unmistakable common interest.
However, another vision was imposed. In an
unusual fashion, it was stated that whoever did not
support the war decided upon by a single country
would then be on the side of terrorism. It was even
announced to the Security Council that that country
reserved the right to launch future attacks on its own
against other nations. A unilateral war was then
unleashed, whose death toll is still unknown to us and
whose most tangible consequence is probably the blow
to the credibility of the United Nations and to
multilateralism as a means to cope with the complex
challenges currently ahead of us.
What is the outcome today? There are greater
feelings of hatred, vengeance and insecurity, which are
not helpful in the fight against terrorism. Dangerous
xenophobic and discriminatory tendencies threaten the
existence of a plural and democratic world. There has
been a step backward in the field of public freedoms
and civil rights.
In the meantime, there is a lack of political will
by certain powers to rigorously apply, without
selectivity and without double standards, the 12
existing international legal instruments on terrorism. In
addition, no advances have been made in the definition,
so indispensable today, of State terrorism.
For its part, Cuba — a victim of terrorist acts for
over four decades, which stated its opinions in the
Assembly with poise and firmness and unwaveringly
condemned the crime of September 11 and terrorism as
such, but which also opposed the war out of ethical
considerations and the respect for international law —
signed and ratified the 12 international conventions to
combat terrorism and adopted a national law to fight
this scourge. It has cooperated fully with the work of
the committee set up for such purposes by the Security
Council and, at the bilateral level, it proposed to the
United States Government the adoption of a
programme to combat terrorism, which was,
incomprehensibly, rejected by that Government.
Until today, and despite the fact that it has not
developed and has no intention ever to develop nuclear
weapons, Cuba has not been a State party to the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, for it is
an insufficient and discriminatory instrument allowing
the establishment of a club of nuclear powers without
any concrete disarmament commitments. However, as a
signal of the clear political will of the Cuban
Government and its commitment to an effective
disarmament process that ensures world peace, our
country has decided to adhere to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In doing so, we
reaffirm our hope that all nuclear weapons will finally
be totally eliminated under strict international
verification.
20

In addition, and despite the fact that the only
nuclear power in the Americas pursues a policy of
hostility towards Cuba that does not rule out the use of
force, Cuba will also ratify the Treaty for the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and
the Caribbean, known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco, that
was signed by our country in 1995.
On a day like today, I would like to repeat Cuba's
remarks at the last session of the General Assembly:
“Only under the leadership of the United
Nations will we be able to defeat terrorism.
Cooperation, and not war, is the way. The
coordination of actions, and not imposition ... is
the method. ...
“Cuba reiterates its condemnation of
terrorism in all of its forms and manifestations.
Cuba reiterates that it will not allow its territory
ever to be used for terrorist acts against the
people of the United States or of any other
country.” (A/56/PV.50, pp. 21 and 22)
Why have we not seen the same zeal with which
the war in Afghanistan was unleashed in the search for
a just and lasting solution for peace in the Middle East?
Why have some refrained from uttering even a single
word to condemn the aggressions against the territory
of Palestine and the crimes against its people? Why has
there not been any condemnation of the selective
assassinations and the use of the armed forces against
the civilian population? Why are there assurances of
impunity for the actions of the Israeli army, thus tying
the hands of the Security Council? Why have there not
been any firm actions to implement the Security
Council resolutions that ensure the proclamation of an
independent and sovereign Palestinian State, with East
Jerusalem as its capital? Why is the only superpower
on the planet acting differently from one case to the
other? Why is there no end to the suffering of the
Palestinian mothers whose children are also murdered,
like the innocent people on 11 September? These
questions should be answered by those who in this Hall
carry upon their shoulders the responsibility for what is
currently happening in the occupied Palestinian and
Arab territories.
A new war against Iraq already seems inevitable;
an aggravation of the situation of constant aggression
that that people has lived in over the last ten years. The
buzzword now is “pre-emptive war”, in open violation
of the spirit and the letter of the United Nations
Charter.
Cuba defends principles, not expedience.
Therefore, although its supporters may feel upset, it
emphatically opposes this war. Cuba is not driven by
an anti-American spirit, even when its Government
maintains and strengthens a 40-year-old blockade
against our people. But refraining from telling the truth
out of cowardice or political calculation is not
characteristic of Cuban revolutionaries. Therefore,
Cuba hereby states that it opposes a new military
action against Iraq. It does so while recalling that at
one point it supported the Security Council resolution
asking the Iraqi Government to end the occupation of
Kuwait.
We believe that the development of weapons of
mass destruction today would be insane, because the
only possible way that we envision for world peace is
through general and complete disarmament, including
nuclear disarmament, and the rechannelling of the
money currently spent on weapons to address the dire
socio-economic problems of humankind.
The Arab countries have been emphatic in their
rejection of this war, and most European countries do
not approve of it. The international community is
increasingly concerned about the announcement of a
new war on the basis of unconfirmed allegations and
disregarding the obvious reality that Iraq cannot pose a
danger to the United States.
If the United States Government unleashes a new
war against Iraq, either by imposing it on the Security
Council or by deciding upon it unilaterally in
opposition to international public opinion, we will bear
witness to the emergence of a century of unilateralism
and the forced retirement of the United Nations. It will
then seem that the cold war years — with its distant
memory of bipolarism, mistakes and contradictions —
were not as futile and perilous as the era that is now
inexorably looming over the world.
The United Nations has to be saved. Cuba
defends the need both for its preservation and for its
most profound reform and democratization, but all this
must be accomplished through respect for its Charter
and not by rewriting it or distorting its purposes and
principles. The General Assembly must ultimately be
allowed to play the role laid down for it in the Charter.
The Security Council has to be rescued from the
disrepute and doubts that are so rightly weighing it
21

down, so that it may become a truly representative
body. I am talking about the presence of the third world
and not about military power as a justification for
membership of a democratic body; I am talking about
eliminating the veto and other antidemocratic practices
from a transparent body; and I am talking about putting
an end to the secret conspiracies and to the substantive
decisions made in private by a mere few and then
imposed on the rest.
Today, when it is more threatened than ever, Cuba
strongly defends the need to preserve multilateralism in
international relations. That is why we have witnessed
in frustration the disappointing completion of the
negotiations for the establishment of the International
Criminal Court, which Cuba supported on the
understanding that it would be a truly impartial, non-
selective, efficient and independent body to
complement national justice systems. To use the
Security Council as a tool to amend de facto the
international treaty that gave birth to the Court, or to
impose upon others humiliating bilateral agreements,
compelling them to violate their international
obligations deriving from that instrument, is not only
arrogant, but also irresponsible.
The International Criminal Court now vaunted is
not the body that we need and have fought for, subject
as it is to hegemonic political interests and already a
potential victim of manipulation, and bound from its
inception to the decisions of a permanent member of
the Security Council. What real international justice
can be expected of a body that lacks a definition of the
crime of aggression or that will receive instructions
from the Security Council either to call off or to
postpone a trial indefinitely at the request of one of its
permanent members? Who can guarantee that the Court
will not end up becoming an instrument at the service
of interventionism and domination by the most
powerful countries?
Cuba reiterates here today what it expressed at
the recent Johannesburg Summit: a reworking of
international financial institutions is called for. A
legitimate replacement for the International Monetary
Fund is called for. It is essential that the work of the
World Bank be aimed at supporting the genuine
exercise by over 130 third world countries of their right
to development. It is essential that the United Nations
system be provided with new financial resources to
fight poverty, underdevelopment, disease and famine. It
is essential that the World Trade Organization be
rescued from the interests of a handful of rich and
powerful countries and transformed into an instrument
at the service of a fair and equitable international
trading system.
The meagre results derived from the Monterrey
and Johannesburg conferences and the justified wave
of annoyance and uncertainty in their wake once again
raise the issue of the lack of political will by the major
industrialized Powers to relinquish a portion of their
privileges in order to produce a real change in the
unfair and unsustainable world order that is currently
visiting impoverishment and hopelessness upon two
thirds of the planet's population.
I recognize that Cuba's remarks may not be
accepted by some in this Hall. I even understand that
they could be interpreted as a tirade against a country
in particular. However, that is not the reason. Words
must be used to uphold the truth and that is what Cuba
has done and will always do. We are a small, noble
people that long ago proclaimed that, for all Cubans,
“motherland is humankind”.


Let me start by
congratulating the President on his unanimous election
to preside  over the fifty-seventh session of the United
Nations General Assembly. His election is an honour to
him and to his country, the Czech Republic. The
delegation of the State of Eritrea assures you of its full
cooperation and support.
Allow me also to extend to his predecessor, Mr.
Han Seung-soo of the Republic of Korea, my
delegation's deep appreciation for a job well done
during the fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
Profound appreciation is also due to our Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his tireless efforts to
make our United Nations more responsive and
effective.
On this happy occasion, my delegation welcomes
the Swiss Confederation to the family of nations with
great pleasure. We commend the decision taken by the
Swiss people in allowing their great country to become
a full Member of the United Nations. The same words
go to the soon-to-be 191st Member of our
Organization, the Democratic Republic of East Timor,
a country whose sovereignty and independence has
been won with sweat and blood, like that of my own
country. Warm welcome from Eritrea, East Timor!
The fifty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is taking place at a time when the wounds
and scars from the 11 September terrorist attack one
year ago, in three locations over the soil of the United
States, are still healing. Grief, pain and anger are still
lingering.
At a gathering here at Headquarters this 11
September to commemorate the first anniversary of the
attack, Secretary-General Kofi Annan said,
“On 11 September grief enveloped the
world, not only out of solidarity with the people
of the United States, but out of shared loss. More
than 90 nations lost sons and daughters of their
own — murdered that day for no other reason
than that they had chosen to live in this country.
Today, we come together as a world community
because we were attacked as a world
community.”
The loss of almost 3,000 innocent lives in a single
day is so painful. The Eritrean people share the pain
and the grief. They reiterate their condolences to those
who lost their loved ones, and they stand in solidarity
with the American people at this trying time. Indeed,
the attacks of 11 September have inevitably changed
the way we live and the way we see our world. This
day has symbolized the alarm clock that rung around
the world to wake us all. My delegation regrets that it
took attacks of such magnitude to shake us from our
unwatchful sleep.
22

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon in my
country. The State of Eritrea has suffered it since its
formal independence, in 1993, as the youngest country
in Africa. The Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement and
the so-called Eritrean Popular Islamic Conference were
created and sponsored by Al Qaeda and other regional
and international Islamic groups to perpetrate
subversive acts in Eritrea for the last 10 years. In 1994,
Eritrean security forces intercepted a mixed group of
terrorists that included in their ranks Al Qaeda-trained
nationals from several countries. In 1995, this group
murdered four Belgian tourists inside Eritrea in cold
blood. Sporadic cross-border acts of terror and
subversion continue to this day.
In a statement contained in document S/1997/517
of 7 July 1997, my Government first warned the
international community, and subsequently the then
Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Security
Council, that international terrorist threats from
extreme fundamentalist Islamic groups were on the
way.
The Eritrean Jihad terrorist movements, which are
members of the Al Qaeda network, are now part of the
so-called Alliance of Eritrean National Forces. This
umbrella organization has bases and physical presences
in some neighbouring, and a number of Western,
countries. These groups continue to obtain sanctuary,
as well as financial and other forms of assistance, from
Western capitals.
As the fight against international terrorism
assumes high priority and warrants concerted action,
the Government of Eritrea requests full cooperation
and joint action from the countries where these terrorist
elements live, plan and launch their operations. At this
juncture, I also wish to reiterate to the Assembly that
the people and Government of Eritrea will continue to
fight terrorism in all its forms.
Despite the declaration by the 1999 Algiers
Summit of the OAU to make the year 2000 the year to
end conflicts and to start a new momentum for peace in
Africa, conflicts have continued to take a heavy toll on
African peoples in many countries of the continent.
This is indeed disappointing.
I come from the Horn of Africa, a subregion
where conflicts and wars have been a way of life for
many decades. The Horn of Africa is also a place that
has seen many misfortunes. Recurring conflicts over
past decades have claimed hundreds of thousands of
lives, displaced a staggering number of people and
forced millions out of their countries to live as refugees
in foreign lands.
The internal conflict in the Sudan is now the
longest running one in Africa. Under the framework of
the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development
(IGAD), a subregional entity, the State of Eritrea,
together with the other member countries, is doing its
best to bring about a resolution to this conflict. We
have come a long way in bringing the conflicting
parties to face-to-face  talks. There are encouraging
signs, but we cannot congratulate ourselves yet. Our
efforts may be considered a success once quieter days
of peace, stability and sustained prosperity prevail in
that sisterly country. I must admit that we need the help
of the international community to end the suffering of
our brothers and sisters in the Sudan.
In the same vein, the problem in Somalia, another
sisterly country in the Horn, continues to be a serious
one that the international community cannot ignore.
The vicious conflict in Somalia will have long-term
catastrophic humanitarian consequences if the
international community abandons this unfortunate
country. The United Nations and the world community
at large must help the Transitional National
Government of Somalia to stabilize peace and security
in the country. The international community should
rush to save Somalia.
Now, on a positive note, let me tell the Assembly
the good news regarding the border conflict between
my country and Ethiopia. On 13 April this year, the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission, a panel of five
judges established by the Algiers agreement, made a
judicial ruling on the entire 1,000-kilometer border
between the two countries. The people and
Government of Eritrea are pleased to see a legal
solution to a conflict they never chose.
My Government believed from the very
beginning that this conflict could not be settled by
might, but by peaceful means alone. The pacifist A. J.
Muste said it all: “There is no way to peace. Peace is
the way”.
The Boundary Commission has drawn the new
border and is currently in the process of physically
demarcating the lines on the ground. Completion of the
demarcation is expected in the next few months.
According to the Algiers agreement, which both
countries signed, the decision of the Commission is
23

final and binding. Eritrea has reiterated its acceptance
of the Commission's decision of 13 April 2002. Eritrea
therefore believes that territorial claims and counter-
claims ended on that day. In legal terms, the conflict
ended then too.
Now that the conflict has legally been put to rest,
the people of Eritrea want to leave this awful
experience behind them and move on with life afresh.
As Carl Bard said, “Though no one can go back and
make a brand new start, anyone can start from now and
make a brand new ending.” What matters is the
destination point. The people and Government of
Eritrea are committed to turning things around.
At the end of this saga, my delegation finds it
fitting to pay tribute at the General Assembly to our
peace-loving friends and partners who helped us to get
here. Allow me therefore to particularly thank the
former Organization of African Unity, now the African
Union; President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria; the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi
Annan; the Government of the United States of
America; and the European Union. We are grateful to
them all for their valued efforts in this difficult and
long peace process.
The year 2002 saw five important international
gatherings aimed at bringing peace, security, human
dignity and economic prosperity to the peoples of the
world, big and small alike. Those meetings included
the International Conference on Financing for
Development in Monterrey, the Second World
Assembly on Ageing in Madrid, the special session on
children in New York, the World Food Summit in
Rome and, lastly, the World Summit on Sustainable
Development in Johannesburg. The promises and
declarations of all these international events are tied in
with the goals of the 2000 United Nations Millennium
Declaration.
As we all know, those goals embrace the key
dimensions of human development — related to
poverty, hunger, education and health — stated as a set
of time-bound targets. Those targets are: halving
poverty and hunger, achieving universal primary
education and gender equality, reducing under-5
mortality by two thirds and maternal mortality by three
quarters, halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and halving
the proportion of people who lack access to safe water.
With 1990 as the base year, those targets are to be
achieved by 2015.
Despite the promises of globalization and the
many initiatives launched at various times to help the
continent, Africa's economic growth is still lagging far
behind. The success of development in Africa still
depends on the political will of rich countries to
provide financial assistance, on the one hand, and on
the full ownership and effective execution of national
development programmes by African countries
themselves, on the other.
Having said that, I shall now, for the benefit of
our partners, reiterate the five core principles
underlying Eritrea's development strategy: first,
developing the capabilities of our people as the
principal asset and driving force of our development
endeavours; secondly, establishing strong public-
private sector partnerships; thirdly, striving to achieve
self-reliance and avoiding chronic and debilitating
dependency; fourthly, protecting the environment from
the adverse effects of development programmes; and
fifthly, establishing effective development partnerships
with multilateral and bilateral development agencies,
with Governments and with non-governmental
organizations.
I would be remiss if I failed to bring to the
attention of the Assembly the looming drought that
threatens the lives of more than 1 million men, women
and children in Eritrea. The failure of vital rains
expected in the months of April and May has put their
lives at risk. Famine is imminent if international aid
does not reach the Eritrean people soon. I wish to use
this occasion, therefore, to appeal to the donor
community to respond to this pressing humanitarian
need.
In conclusion, I wish to express my delegation's
confidence that, under your able leadership, Mr.
President, the fifty-seventh session will see much
success.


I would like to congratulate
my friend Mr. Jan Kavan on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly and to wish him
success. I also thank the Secretary-General for his
leadership and his dedication to right what is wrong
and to light the lamps of hope.
The eleventh of September gave rise to a new
world. We find ourselves facing a new confrontation:
borderless, merciless, indiscriminate and inhumane.
The target this time was the United States — a United
States that in the past helped so many nations defend
their freedoms and their liberty. Now the United States
has been challenged again to defend our freedom by
protecting its own and to safeguard our lives by
securing its own.
The attack on the World Trade Center precipitated
a new division in our epoch and in the years to come —
a divide created by groups that preach and cause death
and agony. On the wrong side of the divide are those
who are trying to destroy the free world, which is
diversified and heterogeneous, cherishing the right to
every thought and religion as well as the principle that
every human being has the right to be different and yet
to prosper and live in security.
10

The front from Bin Laden to Saddam Hussein is a
menace to us all. It will not enable peace, nor will it
permit freedom — for all people or for their own
people. In countries that harbour terror, women are
discriminated against, men are oppressed, civil and
human rights are violated, and the poor cannot escape
from their poverty They force us to defend our
inalienable right to look ahead with hope. They
imposed on us a war of self-defence — the defence of
pluralism and of the promise of science. They reject the
incredible technologies that may carry us from the
limits of land to the discovery of uncharted provinces.
The culture of death forces us to defend the culture of
life, to win battles that we did not initiate, to triumph in
this uninvited war.
We never imagined that it could be dangerous to
walk our streets, to fly our skies, to breathe the air or to
drink the water. We cannot agree to this. We cannot
allow dark forces — which, as we are aware, could
destroy the lives of innocent people on a whim — to
possess weapons of mass destruction. We shall not turn
our lives into a series of sleepless nights and
nightmarish days.
We do not have the right to ignore the danger. We
do not have the option to postpone it; it is imminent.
We have to win as soon as possible.
Terror is destined to lose. It will be defeated
because it carries no hope. It respects neither human
beings nor the values of humanity.
Science and technology made the economy
global, and science and technology globalized terror as
well. Now strategy also is globalized, because ballistic
ranges have replaced geographic distances, because
non-conventional warheads have replaced measurable
explosives, because terrorism transcends frontiers and
fronts. Terrorists do not respect the rule of law. They
do not answer to independent judges or relate to
elected leaders. They mock international lines. They
destroy universal norms. They shed blood. They
introduced dullness and stopped affluence. Nothing is
to be expected from them but death.
Terror creates poverty more than poverty creates
terror. Terror leads to backwardness. We have to offer
the economic potential to open prospects and horizons
for all nations, poor and rich. New opportunities can
bring enfranchisement. We have to close ranks to
prevent distorted dreams from becoming a raging
typhoon that reaches all four corners of the globe. We
have experienced in our own country the terrible
effects of terrorism.
Babies were shot in the arms of their mothers.
People at prayer were killed while praying. Yes, it hurt
us, but it did not change our goals. We mourn, but we
did not bury peace.
It harmed the Palestinians in the United States
and in other countries. It prevented the occupation
from ending. It introduced additional problems and did
not solve a single existing problem.
Alas, the Middle East is still replete with
national, religious and territorial disputes. The land is
small; the agony is great. But the real tragedy is that
without terror we could already have resolved these
disputes. Terror entrenched them. Terror changed
priorities — security before policy. It affected
resources — arming young men, for example, instead
of desalinating vital water. If it continues, battlefields
will create deserts of sorrow and days of darkness.
Campuses of learning will be replaced by camps of
violence.
But this is neither a decree of heaven nor the
verdict of man. It can, it should, it will be different.
South Africa, Ireland, Yugoslavia and the Congo
achieved more by talking than by shooting, more by
dialogue than by dispute. We offered the Palestinians a
comprehensive solution without the terror — a solution
that was close to their national aspirations. We related
to their desire to be free, to be equal, to be
independent. We agreed that they would have their land
in accordance with United Nations resolutions. But
terror postponed their destiny. Terror postponed our
willingness to end control over their lives. Smoking
guns replaced the torches of peace.
Now we are following the profound debate taking
place among the Palestinians. We respect it, because
debate is the beginning of democracy. When
democracy prevails, peace undoubtedly will arrive. The
Fatah organization apparently issued a call that
contains some new approaches. I shall quote one of
them:
“We will build an independent State of
Palestine and a political system in accordance
with the principles of democracy, the rule of law,
with an independent judicial system, separation
of power, respect for human rights, civil liberties
and a market economy.”

We look upon these words as the dawn of a
different season; we hope that it is spring. Reducing
violence will shorten political distances. Political
horizons are, in my judgement, within reach. Israel
accepts President Bush's vision. That vision is
supported by the Quartet; it is endorsed by Arab
countries; it outlines a political goal and a timetable. It
can be considered as both a road map and a calendar.
What is needed now are wheels to propel the vehicles
of peace. An economic wheel is needed in order for us
to move to a global market economy that leads to
science-based industry. A market economy can open
gates and skies. An ecological wheel is needed to let
air and water flow cleanly. Pollution is not national; we
have to work together to control it. Ecology has
changed history. In the past, bloodshed was about real
estate, and real estate created divisions, demarcation
and, unfortunately, wars as well. In our era, the battle is
not for real estate but for air, for water and for energy;
it is about the fertility of the land, rather than its size.
“Non-real” estate is not marked, nor can it be divided.
Either we respect it unanimously, or we will be
victimized by its loss.
Then there is the cultural wheel. Three
civilizations were born in the Middle East. They were
made manifest in the Bible, in the New Testament and
in the Koran. We read them in different languages, yet
we pray to the same heavens. The descendants of
Abraham should behave like a family — with tolerance
and solidarity. Spiritual leaders should pray for peace,
but they also need to preach it, call upon it and
contribute to it.
The political wheel should not rotate in the same
misguided orbit as in the past. We have been through
five wars in five decades — Palestinians, Egyptians
and Jordanians lost generations of young people. We
paid heavily with young blood as a result of three terror
campaigns. The time has come to comprehend that the
real triumph is in the harvest of peace, not in the seeds
of another war. When we replace the war maps with
peace maps, we will discover that the differences were
minimal. The wars were appalling. We shall see that
the promised land could have become the land of
promise a long time ago.
Without wars, our region will be able to bloom
again. We can separate politically into two States and
coordinate one economy. That will enable us to take
advantage of the exceptional invitation that came from
both the United States and a united Europe to partake
in their economic opportunities.
Tourism can flourish when terrorism has ended.
Islands of high-tech excellence can be established.
Millions of trees can be planted to produce a new
climate. We can make green our arid lands. We can
become contributors, not dependants.
The call of the future cannot be harmonized with
the voices of the past. Only new solutions can evoke a
grandeur equal to the past. We do not have the right to
suspend it in the face of our children. Young Israelis
and young Palestinians are entitled to a new life — a
life of their own. While fighting terror, let us not fight
people. While seeking freedom, let us not extend
subjugation.
I should like to direct a comment to Syria. The
same principle that enabled us both to participate in the
Madrid conference a decade ago is still valid.
A word to Lebanon: Israel is committed to the
territorial integrity of Lebanon. Israel respects its need
for real political independence. Lebanon should not
permit Hezbollah to destroy its own country. Hezbollah
is not a party, it is a dangerous agenda. Lebanon should
immediately free Israeli prisoners and prisoners of war.
The people of the Middle East should let bygones
be bygones. Let us return to our traditions, where
prophets, not terrorists, told the future. Let us return to
our landscape, where the blue skies did not surrender to
the heavy clouds of despair; to a time when justice
promised equal opportunities for individuals and for
nations. Let us join, together, the march of mankind
towards new discoveries that will make life more
purposeful and may bring security to posterity.
We were born in the cradles of hope, not in the
tombs of despair. We guard our spiritual heritage, and
it is not antithetical to building a new Middle East. The
world is new.
I should like to conclude with an old verse from
our scriptures:
“The Lord led Adam through the Garden of
Eden and said to him, ‘All I created, I created for
you. Beware lest you spoil and destroy my world,
for if you spoil it, there is no one to repair it after
you'.”
We are here to repair.


At the outset, allow me to congratulate
Mr. Jan Kavan on his election to the most prestigious
post of President of the fifty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. My delegation is fully confident
that his skilful leadership will bring success to this
session.
I wish to avail myself of this opportunity also to
congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Han Seung-
soo of the Republic of Korea, for his tireless efforts
and dedication in performing his duties.
The United Nations community has recently
become richer with the admission to its membership of
the Swiss Confederation. Though the valuable
contribution of that country to the goals of the United
Nations was undisputed even before its formal
membership, I congratulate the Swiss Federation on
this decision. We are also looking forward to East
Timor's joining the Organization, which will take place
soon.
The heinous acts of 11 September 2001, which
struck New York, Washington and Pennsylvania, have
brought the international community to a critical
juncture, where it is faced with an ultimate challenge:
how to find a way to successfully cope with the
indiscriminate effects and devastating consequences of
acts of international terrorism.
18

The promptness with which the world reacted and
the solidarity expressed through the broadest coalition
ever against terrorism was exemplary. The United
Nations took the lead in combating international
terrorism. The Republic of Macedonia, itself a victim
of terrorist aggression, has joined the international
coalition and is making its contribution to this end.
Two days ago, on Sunday, 15 September, my
country held, for the fourth time, free and democratic
elections. They marked the progress achieved over the
past year, and the fact that they went smoothly
reaffirmed our commitment to democracy and to the
rule of law. They also reaffirmed the maturity of
Macedonian society, its Government and its citizens,
thus once again establishing its position as an equal
and respected member of the European family.
Our elections  an outstanding democratic
achievement  are clear proof that all along
Macedonia has been seeking political and democratic
solutions. They represent an outstanding example of
the fact that democracy, elections and political freedom
are the most effective mechanisms for a society and its
needs, and the most efficient answer to violence as an
instrument for achieving political goals.
Terrorism has more than once proved itself not
only an unworthy ally, but also a dangerous
bedfellow  one that always turns against those who
use it in their pursuit of social change or justice.
Therefore, there must be no double standards
when dealing with political extremism and terrorism,
because, as we have proved, there is not one issue that
cannot be dealt with politically, or, better yet, through
elections and dialogue, as we have done.
The crises in recent history have shown more
clearly than ever the importance of cooperation and
solidarity among the countries of our region, as well as
the importance of developing regional collective
security mechanisms in South-eastern Europe.
Macedonia, for its part, is making every effort to make
its contribution to strengthening cooperation within
various regional organizations and initiatives. Further
improvement of good-neighbourly relations remains
one of the priorities of the foreign policy of the
Republic of Macedonia.
Allow me in this context to reiterate our firm
stance as to the need for the full implementation of
Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) concerning
Kosovo. The Republic of Macedonia has provided
continuous support for the efforts of the international
community and has always met the requests of the
United Nations Interim Administration Mission in
Kosovo (UNMIK) and KFOR in regard to the
successful fulfilment of their mandate. We support the
UNMIK policy of benchmarks' and believe that it
will facilitate the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic
society and strengthen the rule of law in Kosovo.
Let me recall here the agreement on delineation
and demarcation of the border between the Republic of
Macedonia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
whose implementation on the ground is to start soon.
At this point, let me stress that efforts aimed at
undermining the validity of the Agreement, such as the
ones we witnessed early this year by the local self-
government and Assembly of Kosovo, should be
definitively rejected and nullified. In that sense, we
support the reaction of the Security Council, which
determined that this action was null and void.
There are still many challenges ahead of us in the
region. All of our goodwill and efforts to provide
sustainable stability will not yield results unless we
seriously address the real problems present in the
region as a consequence of 10 years of wars and
instability. Organized crime, various forms of
trafficking in drugs, arms, human beings and so on,
which most often spur extremism and terrorism, have
not been adequately taken into account. National
measures do not suffice to eliminate these phenomena.
Strong involvement and support on the part of the
international community is also indispensable.
Allow me to inform the Assembly that the
Republic of Macedonia will once again this year
submit a draft resolution on the maintenance of
international security, good-neighbourliness, stability
and development in South-eastern Europe. The draft
resolution addresses the complexity of the problems of
disarmament, stability and development in this region.
The combat against terrorism must not distract us
from other important issues on the United Nations
agenda. The Millennium Summit and the Secretary-
General's road map towards the implementation of the
United Nations Millennium Declaration have both
identified the direction of future United Nations
activities, to which we commit ourselves: the
eradication of poverty, the struggle against AIDS,
conflict prevention and protection of the environment.
19

The draft resolution will address the complexity of the
problems of disarmament, stability and development in
this region.
The struggle against terrorism must not detract
from other important issues on the United Nations
agenda. The Millennium Summit and the Secretary-
General's road map towards the implementation of the
United Nations Millennium Declaration (A/56/326) go
hand in hand in identifying the direction of future
United Nations activities, to which we commit
ourselves: the eradication of poverty, the struggle
against HIV/AIDS, conflict prevention and the
protection of the environment.
Globalization remains one of the most important
issues on the international agenda. It is obvious that
there are some essential problems that need to be
addressed immediately. In the new millennium, it is
crucial that the international community address the
development agenda in a more comprehensive way and
improve the status of the protection of and respect for
other fundamental human rights and freedoms. In that
context, the implementation of the goals set at the
International Conference on Financing for
Development and at the World Summit on Sustainable
Development  together with the special session on
children, the most important events of the United
Nations this year  require the strong political will
and commitment of Member States during the
forthcoming review period. In that regard, I wish to use
this opportunity to welcome the United Nations
Declaration on the New Partnership for Africa's
Development adopted yesterday by the General
Assembly as resolution 57/2.
There is a need to build stronger partnerships
with other relevant organizations beyond the United
Nations system, such as the World Trade Organization
(WTO), the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund, as well as with the business
community, non-governmental organizations and
others, in order for them to be closely engaged in the
process. The fact that every fourth State Member of our
Organization is classified as least developed is
certainly no credit to any of us. That is why this issue
must be given the highest priority.
On disarmament matters, while the United
Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms
and Light Weapons in All its Aspects and the adopted
Programme of Action marked a significant first step at
the global level towards preventing, combating and
eradicating the illicit trade in small arms and light
weapons, we believe that there is a need for an
enhanced follow-up process. The problem of small
arms and proliferation has been a particular concern of
the Republic of Macedonia and the broader region. It
poses a serious threat not only to my country's security
and stability, but also to the region at large. Therefore,
it is necessary to take strong action to combat the illicit
flow of small arms and light weapons.
Strengthening the role and relevance of our
Organization should remain a topical issue on the
United Nations agenda. Additional efforts should be
made particularly to strengthen United Nations
preventive and peacekeeping capacities.
Making progress on issues of equitable
representation and reform of the Security Council is no
less important. We are looking forward to the
deliberations this year of the Open-ended Working
Group, aimed at achieving meaningful progress
towards making the Security Council more
representative and transparent, while preserving and
improving its effectiveness for the maintenance of
international peace and stability.
The Republic of Macedonia has from the very
beginning been a strong supporter of the establishment
of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and was one
of the first 60 States to ratify the Rome Statute, which
entered into force on 1 July 2002. We support the
efforts of the ICC to become truly universal, while
believing that the concerns expressed regarding the
possibility of politically motivated prosecutions can be
addressed in a way that will not compromise the spirit
of the Court.
The world today faces new challenges.
Undoubtedly, the most important is the redefinition of
the very essence of international relations. That effort
to instil new values is questioned by regimes and rogue
leaders who belong to the past and who, contradicting
progress, have survived.
We are, at this moment, all mesmerized by the
development of events surrounding Iraq and the Middle
East as a whole. Problems like these demand solutions.
Many measures are being considered today, but they
must be based on a common conviction that our main
task is to construct a new and better world and that
these extraordinary steps are not our primary goal.
20

Therefore, it is the firm conviction of the
Republic of Macedonia that our most important tools
must be dialogue and mutual understanding. We know
that very well. The Republic of Macedonia  being at
the heart of the Balkans and of South-Eastern Europe,
where over centuries various cultures and civilizations
have left many traces, where Christianity and Islam
have struggled for dominance and where ethnicities
have become interwoven  had every reason to
support the proclamation of 2001 as the United Nations
Year of Dialogue among Civilizations. As a follow-up
and a practical contribution implementing the Global
Agenda for Dialogue among Civilizations, the
Republic of Macedonia will host in November of this
year, in Ohrid  a World Heritage city of the United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization  a regional forum on dialogue among
civilizations, the first gathering of that kind in the
region of South-Eastern Europe.


On behalf of the
delegation of Uganda, I congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to preside over the deliberations of the fifty-
seventh regular session of the General Assembly. We
express appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Han
Seung-Soo, for a job well done. We also congratulate
the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the
outstanding work he continues to perform on behalf of
the United Nations and the international community.
Uganda welcomes to the membership of the United
Nations two new members, the Democratic Republic of
5

East Timor, which is soon to become a Member, and the
Swiss Confederation, whose admission to the United
Nations brings closer to realization the goal of
universality of membership of this global Organization.
One year after the tragic events of 11 September
2001, the primary role of the United Nations to maintain
international peace and security must be strengthened, in
order to ensure that the tragedy that befell New York City
and Washington D.C., last year is not repeated anywhere
on this globe. The United Nations, together with all
Member States, must make every effort to eradicate the
scourge of terrorism from the world. The Government
and people of Uganda stand united with all peace-
loving countries of the world in condemning and
resisting acts of terrorism carried out by cowardly and
barbaric forces. The use of indiscriminate violence
cannot be justified under any circumstances and,
therefore, must be roundly condemned.
The people of Uganda have been victims of
senseless acts of terrorism perpetrated by terrorist
groups such as the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and
the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) for many years.
Uganda is committed to efforts to bring the
perpetrators of terrorism and their collaborators to
justice. Uganda is ready to cooperate with other
countries in the implementation of the provisions of
existing international anti-terrorist conventions, as well
as the conclusion of new international instruments to
counter terrorism comprehensively.
At the domestic level, Uganda recently enacted a
law called the Suppression of Terrorism Act. The
enactment of that law is clear testimony to the
commitment of the Government of Uganda to fight
terrorism both at home and abroad.
The scourge of conflicts on the African continent
has for decades been one of the major contributors to
socio-economic decline, causing untold suffering, as
civilian populations are forced into living as refugees
and internally displaced persons.
Bearing that in mind, we welcome the historic
decision of the inaugural Assembly of the African
Union to establish the Peace and Security Council of
the African Union to deal with the scourge of conflicts
in Africa and to ensure that peace, stability and
security prevail on the African continent. Uganda has
duly signed the Protocol relating to the establishment
of the Peace and Security Council. As a collective
security and early-warning body, the Peace and
Security Council will enhance Africa's capacity to
manage conflicts by facilitating timely and efficient
response to conflict and crisis situations on the
continent. I wish to call upon our development partners
and upon the international community at large to
support Africa in this new endeavour.
In conformity with our commitment to restore
peace and stability in the Great Lakes region, and
consistent with the spirit of the Lusaka Ceasefire
Agreement, the Presidents of Uganda and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo signed an Agreement in Luanda,
Angola, on 6 September 2002. That agreement provides
for total withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the territory
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, normalization
of relations and cooperation in the economic and social
fields. Under the Agreement, Uganda undertakes to
withdraw all its troops from Beni, Gbadolite and Bunia
within a period of 100 days. As of now, we have
withdrawn all our troops from Beni, and by the weekend
we shall have no troops in Gbadolite. At the same time,
the two countries agreed to establish a joint security
mechanism for the western slopes of the Rwenzori
mountains in order to address Uganda's security concerns.
Also of importance is the undertaking by the parties to
refrain from all types of military and logistical support
— including the provision of bases and sanctuary to
armed groups, inter-ethnic militias, subversive
organizations and all rebel movements — against each
other. Uganda is indebted to the Government of The
Republic of Angola for its crucial engagement, which
led to that breakthrough.
As Chair of the regional initiative on Burundi,
Uganda has played a leading role in efforts to find a
just and lasting solution to the internal conflict in
Burundi. We welcome the conclusion of the Arusha
Peace Accord, and I should like to appeal to all the
parties to honour the ceasefire and to support fully
efforts to implement the Arusha Accord. I thank, in that
regard, the Governments of South Africa, Tanzania and
Gabon for their tireless efforts. In addition, we pay
tribute to former President Nelson Mandela of South
Africa for his role as Facilitator. Uganda and the other
countries in the region will continue to exert every
effort to bring about peace and stability in Burundi. We
call upon the United Nations and the rest of the
international community to support our efforts to
restore peace in Burundi.
Since the Nairobi Agreement, signed in
December 1999 between the Governments of the Sudan
6

and Uganda and facilitated by former President Jimmy
Carter of the United States and by President Daniel
arap Moi of Kenya, relations between Sudan and
Uganda have continued to witness steady and
satisfactory progress. To date, the Sudan and Uganda
have agreed to restore cooperation in the political,
security and diplomatic fields. We have also agreed to
establish a joint ministerial commission to oversee
further cooperation in all areas.
Uganda strongly supports and is actively
participating in the negotiations initiated by the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development aimed at
resolving the conflict between the Government of the
Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/
Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA), which
culminated in the breakthrough of the Machakos
Protocol on 20 July 2002. Indeed, it was in the spirit of
hopeful anticipation of peace that President Museveni
hosted a historic meeting in Kampala on 27 July 2002
between President Al-Bashir of the Sudan and the
Chairman of the SPLM/SPLA, Dr. John Garang de
Mabior. Therefore, it is extremely unfortunate and
regrettable that the second phase of the Machakos
negotiations between the two Sudanese parties has
stalled. The Government of Uganda calls upon the
international community, especially the countries of the
region, to demand a return to the negotiating table by
the Sudanese parties so that a comprehensive, just and
lasting settlement can be reached.
The situation in Somalia continues to be volatile
and the prospects for peace elusive. Following the Arta
agreement and the formation of the Transitional
National Government of Somalia, the position of Uganda
has been to encourage the reconciliation process and an
all-inclusive and broad-based administration for that
country. It is in that context that Uganda looks forward to
the convening of the forthcoming Somali peace and
reconciliation conference, which is due to start in
Nairobi, Kenya, on 15 October 2002.
Uganda is concerned at the lack of progress in
efforts to find a just and permanent solution to the
question of Western Sahara, which has remained
unresolved since the former colonial Power abandoned
the territory in 1975. We urge the United Nations to
hold, as soon as possible, a referendum to enable the
Saharawi people to exercise their inalienable right to
self-determination, in accordance with the relevant
General Assembly resolutions.
Uganda supports the right of the Palestinian
people to a homeland, and we appeal to the two parties
to resume negotiations with a view to finding a just and
lasting solution to the Middle East crisis. Uganda
supports the establishment of a Palestinian State to
exist side by side in peace with the State of Israel.
Uganda participated actively and at the highest
level at the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, held at Johannesburg, South Africa. The
Summit was clearly one of this year's major events in
the field of development. Uganda welcomes the
outcome of that conference, which reaffirmed the
principles and priorities of Agenda 21. In focusing on
poverty eradication, the Summit established the
essential integration of the three concepts of people,
planet and prosperity. We believe that the challenge
now before the international community is to
implement, fully and expeditiously, the concrete
agreements reached at the conference. This session of
the General Assembly must, therefore, translate the
aspirations of the developing countries expressed at the
conference into reality. We believe that all countries
have an obligation to implement the Johannesburg Plan
of Action and Declaration on sustainable development
and, by so doing, to contribute towards the achievement
of the Millennium Development Goals, adopted by the
General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session.
Uganda welcomes the international consensus
reached at Monterrey in March this year, including new
development assistance commitments for financing the
development of developing countries. We appeal to our
development partners and to international financial
institutions to provide additional resources and to
honour the agreed targets for official development
assistance. The priority accorded to the eradication of
poverty by the Millennium Summit and, in particular,
the goal of reducing poverty by half by 2015 will not
be realized unless all countries — especially developed
countries — honour the obligations and commitments that
have been agreed to by the international community.
Uganda is committed to fulfilling the objectives
and goals of the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD). In that connection, we
welcome the Group of Eight (G-8) Africa Action Plan,
adopted by the heads of State or Government of the
eight major industrialized countries at their Summit at
Kananaskis, Canada. NEPAD recognizes that the
primary responsibility for Africa's future and for its
development rests with Africans, but Africa needs
7

support from its development partners. It is against that
background that Uganda appreciates the commitment
made by the G-8 Governments to mobilize and
energize global action, to marshal resources and
expertise, and to provide impetus in support of
NEPAD's objectives. We welcome the adoption of the
United Nations Declaration on the New Partnership for
Africa's Development by this session of the General
Assembly (resolution 57/2) and the overwhelming
support that NEPAD has received from the
international community.
Uganda believes that trade — especially free and
fair trade — is the engine of growth and development.
In that regard, we urge the international community to
make every effort to ensure that the multilateral trading
system caters for the special needs of the least
developed countries with practical measures that can
improve their terms of trade, enhance their export
capacity and sustain their balance of payments.
The major agricultural products of the least
developed countries, such as coffee, cotton, bananas
and tea, are exported to several markets, notably the
European Union, the United States of America and
Canada. Because of that fact, conditions of market
access are of critical importance for defining the
trading opportunities of the least developed countries.
While Uganda welcomes the African Growth and
Opportunity Act adopted by the United States and the
European Union's Everything But Arms initiative, we
believe these positive developments should be
complemented by simplified rules of origin and
coordinated programmes of assistance by the donor
community to increase the capacity of least developed
countries to produce and market more. We are
encouraged by Canada's unilateral decision to lift
tariffs on African exports to Canada and to abolish
subsidies on agricultural products. We urge other
countries to emulate this positive example.
The collapse of commodity prices has contributed
to a drastic decline in the terms of trade of the least
developed countries. This matter deserves urgent
attention by the international community if the least
developed countries are to be fully integrated into the
multilateral trading system. We call upon the international
community to implement fully the provisions of the
Doha Declaration in favour of the least developed
countries and, in addition, to provide technical support
to build their capacity in ongoing negotiations.
In the short term, aid can be — indeed, it has
been — beneficial for the development of developing
countries. In that respect, Uganda would like to appeal
to the donor countries to make the necessary effort to
honour the agreed target of 0.7 per cent of gross
national product for official development assistance.
We thank those countries which have already reached
or even surpassed that target.
I would like to say that Uganda supports the
Secretary-General's efforts to reform the United
Nations system to make it more efficient and effective.
Reform of the Security Council is, however, long
overdue. We appeal to all Member States to expedite
the process of reform, including the expansion of the
Council's membership in its permanent and non-
permanent categories.
Finally, I would like to reiterate Uganda's full
commitment to multilateralism and to the principles
and purposes of the United Nations. We are ready to
make every effort to achieve the lofty goals set by the
international community at the Millennium Summit.


I would like
at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your election
to preside over the General Assembly at this session.
We are confident that with your renowned skills and
diplomatic experience you will guide the work of
Assembly to a very successful conclusion. I assure you
that you will be able to count on the full support of the
delegation of Cape Verde.
I would like to acknowledge the strong leadership
and guidance of you predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo,
who presided over the Assembly during a particularly
difficult time, when important steps were taken to
improve the efficiency of the General Assembly with
view to reinforcing the role of our Organization in
resolving the issues confronting the international
community.
Allow me also to convey a special word of
appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the
wise and capable manner in which he has guided the
United Nations, especially in managing the millennium
agenda, which has produced particularly important
results for the international community, such as the
outcomes of the Monterrey and Johannesburg summits.
Cape Verde welcomes the admission of the Swiss
Confederation to the United Nations. We are sure that
Switzerland's presence in the United Nations can only
be of to benefit the Organization, given that country's
valuable and renowned diplomatic experience.
Likewise, we welcome the forthcoming
admission of East Timor to the United Nations. At this
time, I am pleased to recall that Cape Verde has always
stood by the Timorese people in their struggle for self-
determination and independence. That young country
and its people have paid a very high price in order to
have their right to existence be recognized. It is
therefore a duty of the community of nations to
mobilize all the support necessary to enable that young
democracy to affirm itself and to make up for the
decades lost to destruction and violence.
The tragic events that struck vital and emblematic
centres in the United States on 11 September 2001
deeply shocked the world. The whole international
community mobilized itself and expressed its solidarity
with the United States of America, while at the same
time adopting measures adjusted to the challenges
posed by international terrorism. Cape Verde was
among the countries that reacted promptly to Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001) and remains firmly
committed to its implementation.
The shockwaves of that catastrophe were felt in
all latitudes and affected many different aspects of the
relations between States. These are reflected adversely
in lack of economic growth; in increased expenditures
for defence and security and the consequent impact on
the distribution of resources; and in the daily routines
of citizens of every country in the world through
restrictions on the mobility of people. In certain
regions of the world, there is an increased risk of
military confrontation that, should it occur, would have
immeasurable consequences.
Thus, today, the question of international security
has assumed unprecedented importance in the relations
between States, and the United Nations is called upon
to play a decisive role in its assessment and
5

management. Diplomatic means should be privileged
and pursued in the context of the Security Council.
A safer world is a more just world. It is crucial
that the United Nations strengthen its intervention and
coordination capacities in international cooperation to
promote economic and social development as the
guarantee of a climate of peace and security throughout
the world. It is impossible to create a climate of peace
and security while more than half of the world's
population remains subject to poverty, malnutrition,
disease and ignorance. The international community
has to strengthen its commitment to ensure that the
millennium goals are achieved in time to give meaning
to the lives of millions of our brothers and sisters,
especially those in the least developed countries, who
today look to the future without any hope.
At the expense of great efforts, determination and
high social cost, many of those countries have
implemented the deep reforms required by their
bilateral partners and international financial
institutions. Regretfully, in many cases, instead of
receiving increased support to consolidate the reforms,
these countries are being devastated by their debt
burden, public development assistance is being
gradually reduced and they have yet to enjoy access to
foreign private investments. The populations are,
however, still waiting for the reforms to produce the
promised results.
It was against this backdrop that the Monterrey
and Johannesburg summits prompted great
expectations, but the results turned out to be relatively
modest. Even so, if the consensuses reached at those
summits are effectively implemented, they may
constitute an important starting point for developing
countries. The financial commitments announced in
Monterrey and the goals set in Johannesburg in the
vital sectors of water and sanitation are a contribution
of particular importance to the implementation of the
millennium goals. The most important thing now is that
the decisions adopted actually be implemented and
efforts redoubled in order to reach new consensus in
the other sectors essential to the planet's sustainable
development.
Cape Verde recognizes the efforts that have been
made by the United Nations to foster the development
of the least developed countries and small island
States. In this regard, we welcome the creation of the
Office of the High Representative for the Least
Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing
Countries and Small Island Developing States, in
accordance with the decisions of the Third United
Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries.
Cape Verde has achieved positive results in its
struggle for economic and social development. The
people of my country have demonstrated an enhanced
political maturity that ensures stability and peace and
the normal functioning of democratic institutions.
Power changes have taken place at both the local and
the national levels. The most recent United Nations
Human Development Report ranked Cape Verde in a
privileged position on the African continent.
However, in spite of significant advances made in
the past 20 years at the political, social and economic
levels, Cape Verde suffers from a structural imbalance
between national production and domestic expenditures
that has resulted in a permanent deficit in the balance
of current transactions, as well as other economic
imbalances. Unemployment is high and poverty affects
a significant portion of the population.
The country's development has been marked by
advances and setbacks prompted by its natural
economic vulnerability as a small island with a lack of
natural resources, a weak production base and a strong
dependence on external financial flows. These
conditions are aggravated by the country's location in
the Sahel region, which subjects it to prolonged
droughts that weaken the environment.
In light of all this, and given the low rainfall
registered to date, we are facing the prospect of another
difficult year. This has prompted the Government to
adopt emergency measures to alleviate the effects of
drought on the most vulnerable. To that end, we have
called for the solidarity of all Capeverdeans while, at
the same time, we hope to be able to rely on the active
support of the international community.
Poverty is another of Cape Verde's limitations
and poverty reduction is one of the major challenges
facing Capeverdean society. At this time, we are
working in collaboration with our bilateral partners and
United Nations agencies on medium- and long-term
strategies to combat poverty.
In the coming years, the country will have to find
rapid and durable solutions in order to maintain the
fundamental macroeconomic balances, further and
consolidate structural reforms, expand the production
6

base and create competitive advantages for the
economy at both the external and the internal levels
in short, solutions leading to economic growth and a
reduction of the unemployment rate. In that context,
our efforts are more than ever in need of the proper
partnerships and foreign private investment so that we
may pursue the country's development process begun
with national independence in 1975.
We are pleased to note that some encouraging
signs have begun to appear on our continent. There is a
fresh wind blowing in Africa. This year, we saw the
birth of a new continental organization, the African
Union, as well as a new and original partnership, the
New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD).
With these were also born renewed hopes for a more
promising future for the African people. The globally
favourable reception to these two African initiatives is
a good omen for the continent. Africa thus seems to be
on its way towards finding its own path by
strengthening its endogenous capacities to resolve the
problems inherited from colonization and conflicts
often prompted by external interests. Africa seems to
be on the way to finding its own path by strengthening
its endogenous capacity to resolve the problems
inherited from colonization and to settle conflicts often
prompted by external interests.
In fact, the African Union and NEPAD are based
on a new foundation, as well as a new environment in
our continent that is opening new prospects for peace
and development. We note with satisfaction the
substantial progress made in Angola, Sierra Leone and
the Great Lakes region, which points to the definitive
resolution of conflicts that a year ago did not seem to
have a solution. In that context, we should recognize
the important role of the efforts of the United Nations
and the Organization for African Unity in seeking
solutions to those conflicts, as well as the decisive
action that some countries have taken to promote
understanding between belligerent parties.
We congratulate the Angolan Government and
UNITA on finally having found the solution to a
conflict that for many years devastated that country.
The political conditions are now in place to carry out
the enormous task of national reconstruction. However,
the gravity of the humanitarian situation demands
substantial support from the international community
to help the Angolans find a rapid and suitable solution
that will prevent their problems from growing.
The positive signs that could predict a new era for
Africa should not cause us to lose sight of the scope
and the complexity of the challenges we face, which
result from historical circumstances, environmental
disasters and an accumulation of human errors. The
most recent report of the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development on least developed countries
points out that sub-Saharan Africa is poorer today than
it was 20 years ago. At the same time, the evaluation of
economic progress made in the past decade within the
framework of the United Nations New Agenda for the
Development of Africa in the 1990s is disappointing.
On the other hand, the spread of pandemics, in
spite of certain limited success in the fight against
them, and the serious food shortages that have affected
southern Africa reveal the seriousness and persistence
of the problems that Africans must solve.
The fact that United Nations cooperation with
Africa is being strengthened is noteworthy. That is
attested to by the increased attention being devoted to
the continent's problems. Examples are recent Security
Council meetings that have focused on the situation in
the continent, the creation of an Ad Hoc Advisory
Group of the Economic and Social Council on
countries emerging from conflict and yesterday's
General Assembly meeting devoted to NEPAD. In that
context, we would also note some of the decisions
stemming from the Monterrey and Johannesburg
summits.
It is our hope that this session of the General
Assembly will make an important contribution to
facing the challenges and will enable the United
Nations to strengthen its role as a promoter of peace,
understanding and cooperation among all people of the
world.


I
would like to begin by extending our sincere
congratulations to you, Sir, both personally and as a
representative of the Czech Republic, on your election
as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
seventh session. I am confident that, at this important
juncture of developing collective global action, you
will steer the work of this session with your recognized
ability and wisdom, stemming from your country's
long experience in confronting aggression and the
horrors it brings.
I would also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to your predecessor, our friend Han Seung-soo,
and to his country, the Republic of Korea, whose
positive and effective role led to results that we aspire
to consolidate.
I cannot fail to express our deep appreciation to
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who for the past six
years has contributed his experience, wisdom and
perseverance to reasserting the standing of the
Organization and the effectiveness of its role, and to
strengthening the principles upon which the Charter
was founded. He did all of that despite the inherent
obstacles that were placed before him, either
deliberately or unwittingly, by those ignorant of the
key role of the United Nations in providing victors and
vanquished alike an opportunity to benefit from the
developments of the age and to achieve the hopes and
aspiration of their peoples to a world that is safer and
more just for all. I wish to pay further tribute to the
Secretary-General for the very courageous statement he
made yesterday before the Assembly, a statement in
which he set out his very clear vision in addressing and
resolving the world's problems.
On behalf of Egypt, I would also like to welcome
Switzerland as the most recent member of the United
Nations family. We look forward to its active
participation in the work of the Organization, along
with that of Timor-Leste, which will soon accede to
membership.
The current session has been convened one year
after the horrific tragedy that befell the United Sates on
11 September 2001. We reiterate our condolences to
the United States. We also emphasize the sense of loss
we share with the families of the victims, and we wish
the injured a speedy recovery. We hope that this strong
nation will overcome its ordeal and look towards a
future of cooperation with the rest of the world, a
future forged by all of us for the benefit of all the
inhabitants of the planet, regardless of their race or
religion, without discrimination, intolerance or bias.
Egypt has stood by the United States throughout this
difficult ordeal, whose target was not only a friendly
country but also the values and principles to which we
all adhere and which relate to respect for humankind
and its right to life and to choosing to build rather than
to destroy as the basis for joint action. In that regard, I
would like to briefly make the following points.
First, notwithstanding the gravity of the tragic
events that took place on that sad day, the world neither
began nor ended on 11 September. Many peoples have
known terrorism before. They have suffered from it
and have resisted it  sometimes alone  in the face
of hardship and even unjustified criticism. What is new
is that the heinous crime of 11 September has
generated an unprecedented wave of constructive
international solidarity. It has confirmed what we have
been stating all along: that terrorism is a global
phenomenon and that it is not associated with any
particular country, continent, race or religion. It is an
expression of a propensity for evil that remains
dormant until the opportunity presents itself, either
from within or due to prevailing circumstances, for it
to awaken and wreak havoc. Thus, it is important to
repeat the call that President Mubarak has been making
for a number of years; for the convening of an
international conference in which participating nations
would shoulder their responsibility to confront
terrorism. That would lend authority to the
overwhelming wave of solidarity extended to the
United States in its hour of grief and agony.
Secondly, the fight against terrorism should not
be the lens through which the world views every issue
and every problem. Terrorism is one of the evil
phenomena of the world, but it should not cause us to
forget the evils of poverty, disease, occupation, the
denial of individual and national rights or the
humiliation of human beings and the destruction of
their livelihood by means of bombs or any other
6

similarly harmful means. Terrorism has roots and
causes, but not justifications. I believe that, in most
cases, a viable remedy for terrorism can be found only
if we drain the tributaries of hopelessness, anger and
frustration that feed the river of evil; otherwise their
confluence can become explosive.
Thirdly, it is both necessary and fair that we not
confuse those who are unjust with those who are
unjustly treated. The international community should
not confuse terrorism  which we reject, condemn and
fight  with the legitimate right of self-defence in
conformity with norms compatible with our values: the
right to defend oneself against aggression, occupation,
the usurpation of rights or attempts to erase cultural
identity. That right was exercised by the resistance that
liberated the United States more than two centuries ago
and by that which liberated Europe from the Nazi
tyranny that initiated the Holocaust but ended by
perishing in its fire. Humanity and right were thus
victorious.
I would like here to reiterate what everybody
knows: no religion  Islam, Christianity, Judaism or
Buddhism  preaches terrorism. Those are all
religions that proclaim lofty values and ideals. It is
inappropriate to blame them for the sins of a few of
their followers who have gone astray. Our fight against
terrorism should proceed from our collective solidarity
in cherishing life, and not from hatred, which is neither
a solution nor a refuge.
The world is at an extremely delicate juncture in
its history. We are at a crossroads in international
relations. The enhancement of the Organization's
capacity to respond to the hopes and aspirations that
arose after the end of the cold war and its divisions
coincided with a trend towards neglecting that very
capacity, a deepening of new divisions and a resort to
unilateral decisions. Such a trend can lead only to
deadlock and prevent us from addressing issues that
may determine the fate of humanity and its ability to
reconcile itself with nature and with advanced
technology and to take the opportunities that they
provide for the achievement of a better life free from
poverty, want, disease, oppression and fear  a life in
which justice and solidarity prevail.
We must therefore break this deadlock, which is
of benefit to no party or cause, by renewing our
commitment to the Charter and reaffirming our
determination to work together to strengthen the United
Nations, enhance its effectiveness, promote its
principles and champion its purposes in confronting
both the old and the new dangers that face our world.
One of these dangers is the persistence of hotbeds of
conflict and violence in the world, including the
conflict from which we in the Middle East are
suffering.
I would like to read out the statement made
yesterday by the President of Egypt, Mr. Hosni
Mubarak. He said:
I listened attentively to the statement made
by President Bush to the General Assembly, and I
would like to welcome the positive elements in
that statement. First, I welcome the affirmation
by the President of the United States that the
United States is committed to the establishment
of an independent Palestinian State, side by side
with Israel, and that all the parties must assume
their responsibilities in order to achieve that goal.
We hope that the peace process will receive a
strong impetus through effective participation by
the United States, leading to a return of stability
to the area and to a just and comprehensive peace
as early as possible.
Secondly, with regard to Iraq, I welcome
the fact that the United States has opened the
door to the pivotal role that must be played by the
United Nations, in particular the Security
Council, on the question of Iraq. Such a course of
action will break the deadlock and prevent any
negative effects resulting from the escalation of
the situation, thus maintaining the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Iraq.
In view of this, I am calling on the Iraqi
leadership to make use of this opportunity to
implement all the relevant Security Council
resolutions and accept the return of the inspectors
immediately so that we can prevent an escalation
of the situation and the dangerous consequences
that would have a very negative impact on the
security and safety of the brotherly Iraqi people
and of the Middle East as a whole.'
The Palestinian people continue to suffer under
an oppressive occupation that rejects the judgement of
history, embodied by the Charter, that the age of
colonialism has long gone. It is an occupation that
clings to policies reminiscent of those of the era of
darkness and chaos and may even bring us back to that
7

era. The Arabs have extended their hand to Israel with
a unanimously adopted initiative that reflects their
genuine belief in a peace that guarantees  without
exceptions or double standards  the rights of all. If
Israel genuinely desires peace, it must abandon its
greed and illusions, put a stop to its practices and
aggressive acts against the Palestinian people and their
legitimate leadership and agree to withdraw from all
Arab territories occupied in 1967 in Palestine, Syria
and Lebanon. An independent Palestinian State, with
East Jerusalem as its capital, can then be established
and can join all the Arab States that have demonstrated
their readiness to establish normal relations with Israel
and live with it in peace and security.
Justice, right, mutual respect and the restoration
to people of their rights were the building blocks on
which peace between Egypt and Israel was established,
securing safe borders and normal relations during the
past 25 years. The other model, however, which Israel
has espoused with respect to our brethren in Palestine,
has achieved neither peace nor security; rather, it has
resulted in victims on both sides, who fall each day,
paying the price for an attempt to obstruct the natural
course of events.
The international community must assume its
responsibility in this regard  without prejudice,
striving only for what is right; unswerving, moving
only towards justice; and without ambition, except for
a peace that will allow the peoples of the region to
forge a better future. It must reaffirm the necessity of
abiding by the Charter, United Nations resolutions and
the agreements that have been signed, and must reject
any attempt to abandon them.
The debate on security and stability in the Middle
East relates also to the situation in Iraq  a situation
that must be dealt with in accordance with the
provisions of the Charter and relevant resolutions,
which all parties must respect, steering away from a
course of military action. Egypt reaffirms its rejection
of military strikes against Iraq, whose unity and
territorial integrity must be respected and which, for its
part, must respect the legitimate international will.
We must do everything in our power to put an end
to the extreme suffering of the people of Iraq. We must
end the embargo, which has inflicted great harm upon
Iraq, negatively affecting and the livelihood of its
citizens and damaging future generations.
Any discussion of the United Nations, its
achievements and its future would be incomplete
without recalling the tangible contributions of the
Organization to focusing attention on the major issues
of our times and forging an international consensus on
some of them. This contribution has been realized
through a series of conferences convened during the
last decade of the twentieth century and the first years
of this century on the environment, human rights,
population, social development, women, financing for
development and sustainable development. It has been
achieved also through the recommendations of the
Millennium Summit of the General Assembly, which
attempted to shape a conceptual framework for the
Organization's work, based on peace and security for
nations and individuals, economic and social
development in its comprehensive sense, equality
among States and respect for the cultural diversity of
nations and societies.
In this regard, I would like to reaffirm the
importance of the faithful implementation, in both
letter and spirit, of the outcomes of those conferences.
It is also important that no attempt is made to evade or
circumvent those mutual obligations. Ultimately, the
judgement of history will be based not on the
intentions or objectives contained in political
declarations and final documents, but rather on the
extent of our success in implementing them. their
implementation.
Any just consideration of the international
economic situation must conclude that it is
unacceptable to continue the present disparities in the
distribution of wealth among the peoples of the Earth,
the lack of democracy in international economic
decision-making and the persistence of arbitrary trade
practices and monetary policies against the interests of
developing countries, which have often led to
successive financial crises and resulted in the economic
collapse of many developing countries and the
destruction, in a matter of days, of the development
gains made over decades of arduous national effort.
Our African continent and its issues occupy a
special place in the international community's efforts
aimed at achieving economic and social development
and maintaining international peace and security in
accordance with the collective responsibilities we all
assume under the Charter. These efforts proceed from a
firm conviction that the United Nations, the Security
Council in particular, has primary responsibility for the
8

maintenance of peace and security in that continent.
They also proceed from our conviction that we, as
African States, are indispensable partners that bear a
special responsibility to resolve the conflicts that
fragment our continent and to formulate the
programmes that would extricate our peoples from the
anguish of poverty to join the course of progress and
prosperity.
Our continent has demonstrated its seriousness by
launching the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), which was endorsed by
African heads of State at the Lusaka Summit of the
Organization of African Unity in 2001, and the African
Union, which was inaugurated at the Summit held in
Durban in July 2002. If by embracing these two
initiatives African States have adopted an approach to
building their future on the basis of the highest ideals
reflecting the noblest human thinking, then the
international community for its part should support that
approach in order to provide a better life for Africa's
peoples, open markets for its products, inject foreign
investment into its economies and assist it to solve its
problems.
The persistence of volatile conflicts and the
danger of the possession by States, organizations or
individuals of weapons of mass destruction make it
incumbent upon us to be more diligent on disarmament
issues. At the regional level, Egypt has repeatedly
called for serious engagement to rid the Middle East of
all weapons of mass destruction, first and foremost
nuclear weapons, and to place all nuclear facilities in
the region, without exception, under international
supervision.
Peace and security cannot be established in the
Middle East while a grave disparity persists in the
rights and obligations of the States of the region, which
upsets its balance of power. Regional stability will be
achieved only when Israel accedes to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), because
it is the only State in the region that has not yet done
so. Such stability will also be attained through progress
towards the implementation of President Mubarak's
initiative to rid the Middle East of all weapons of mass
destruction and their delivery systems.
In addition, the world confronts other ills that
represent both a challenge and an opportunity for us to
demonstrate our ability to work together for the good
of all. Efforts to combat endemic diseases have fallen
short. Countries around the world suffer from the
spread of HIV/AIDS, which threatens their stability;
owing to their lack of capacity and resources they are
unable to contain the pandemic, thus necessitating
assistance for those countries in dealing with the crisis.
The world also confronts numerous
environmental challenges such as those related to
biodiversity, climate change, drought and
desertification, all of which require the redoubling of
international efforts to address them in order to
safeguard the right of future generations to a secure
life. Scarcity of water threatens the eruption of
conflicts in several regions of the world. The
international community must therefore maximize the
benefit from, and the proper management of, available
water resources while respecting and protecting the
acquired rights of States and the international
agreements that govern the rights to utilize those
resources.
The sheer size, complexity and scope of all these
problems may lead some to yield to pessimism and
frustration, but we are confident that the forces of good
in the world, armed with the noble principles of the
Charter  to which we come here every year to
reiterate our commitment  will remain resolute in
their determination to fashion a better tomorrow. We
are confident that humankind will overcome the
propensity for evil so that together we can forge ahead
towards frontiers made possible by unprecedented
technological progress at the outset of the twenty-first
century, progress which God has commanded us to
dedicate to our collective well-being so that the world
can live in peace, security, prosperity and harmony.
This will allow the young to flourish, potential to
emerge, hope to overcome fear and pain, light to
prevail over darkness and humankind to triumph over
all that hinders its happiness, freedom and
advancement.