I wish to take the opportunity afforded me today to add my bit to those who have congratulated the President on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His election is a further manifestation of the high esteem in which he is held by the members of this body and an expression of confidence in his ability to guide this session of the Assembly through its deliberations. I have no doubt that his experience and well-known diplomatic skills will contribute immensely to making this session a memorable one.
190.	I also wish to offer our appreciation and congratulations to the outgoing President, the President of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who so ably and successfully presided over the thirty-eighth session.
191.	I wish to join with others who spoke before me to welcome Brunei Darussalam, the 159th Member of the United Nations.
192.	Nearly four decades ago, a world bleeding and spent by the ravages of war pledged itself to the goals of and objectives enshrined in a Charter of hope and promise for its nations and peoples. One hundred and more wars and countless economic and social crises later, the Secretary-General, in whom is reposed the responsibility for applying the letter and spirit of the Charter, has stated in rueful terms that the United Nations as a peace-keeper is being frustrated by a proliferation of resolutions that are not being implemented.
193.	Since that day, 2A October 1945, when the Charter of the United Nations came into force, countless lives have been sacrificed with shocking frequency in many dispersed theatres of conflict; millions of infants have been weaned and nurtured in environments of insurrection, villainy and hate.
194.	The sensibilities of civilized man have been repeatedly stunned by the wanton rape, torture and murder of women, men and children, even in countries where long-standing religious practice and commitment should have been expected to have secured the sanctity of human life.
195.	And, as if that were not sufficient, incidents recur of ordinary men, women and children harassed and harried from their homes across tense frontiers, through inhospitable seas infested by marauding pirates. And so, on and on, this morbid period in the history of man's inhumanity to man continues, untouched, it appears, by contemporary pretensions of civilization, sophistication and intellectualism.
196.	Like a doomsday book, the record continues to include issues of personal survival for some billions who live in conditions of abject misery, victims of disease from the womb to an early tomb. Even as multinational sales cynically promote death-dealing chemicals across the borders of third world countries, other billions of emaciated, famished and dispossessed beings shift from hope to economic hopelessness as financial crises beyond their control fetter them to an existence of daily, cruel privation.
197.	Little wonder then, as pangs of common frustration and deepening depression bind these masses together across national frontiers in ever- expanding communities of despair and resentment, unstable and unreasonable radicalism fills the void between the conservatism of traditional leadership and the virulent anger of desperate followers. And contemporary notions of East versus West or North versus South pale before the potential of an apocalyptic conflagration which any diabolical exploitation of this scenario of mass resentment could ignite.
198.	How then, now or in the future, do we discharge our trust to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom and to fulfil the noble purpose of the United Nations?
199.	It is our submission that our predecessors, with their predisposition to the cause of mankind's welfare and security, envisaged the evolution of an international society with characteristics no less societal for being international, characteristics of common, basic moral values, of common ethical norms, instinctively pervasive, and of common language with all its nuances fluent among the international community.
200.	It is our view that the escalating fragmentation of international society into entities such as third world, East and West, North and South, and non- aligned nations, is a clear reflection of pressure groupings in search of areas of commonality which, notwithstanding the Charter's noble precepts, have not yet been translated into universal practice.
201.	It is our prognosis that, as more and more States with less and less commonality with their predecessors are admitted to the Organization, more and more will the fragmentation of interests outside the ambit of the United Nations society increase, with inexorable and agonizing costs that the architects of the Charter did not intend for its beneficiaries.
202.	Yes, the world situation that the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly is called upon to address is not a substantial improvement upon that which faced the thirty-eighth session. These major problems persist in nearly every sphere of human endeavour, and in some cases have worsened. It is not an entirely comforting thought that, notwithstanding the efforts of the United Nations and its agencies, very few significant changes have been effected in those areas most concerned with the development and enhancement of the human condition. The lack of progress in efforts to bring about meaningful change is of great concern to us, because in nearly every case the least able among us are called upon to bear a disproportionate burden and sacrifice.
203.	Recent hurricane damage in North America forces us to recall that just over five years ago, when the Commonwealth of Dominica had begun the process of adjusting to its newly independent status, Hurricane David devastated our small island State, severely crippling our limited productive capacity. The effort to repair the damage of that hurricane is still under way, but it has to be understood that a small nation which, prior to 1979, was hard pressed to find the resources to maintain and upgrade its infrastructure found the task doubly difficult in the ensuing years.
204.	Some members of the international community came to our assistance, and we are grateful to them, but, even with the bilateral and multilateral aid the Commonwealth of Dominica has received over the past five years, the struggle to revive our economy, rebuild our infrastructure and provide minimally decent standards of living for our people has at times been hard and frustrating. But the experience has been invaluable, and at every level the people of the Commonwealth of Dominica have shown the determination, industry and leadership qualities necessary to meet the situation.
205.	Reference is made here to the problems experienced by the Commonwealth of Dominica because in normal times they are duplicated every day in small island States everywhere, and even in the larger States of the third world, and the arrangements by which the international economic system is meant to be regulated have demonstrated profound weaknesses and an inability to deal effectively with those problems. Inevitably, the problems will most likely grow worse, with disastrous consequences for all, unless new approaches to the world economy are developed to meet the recurring crises that have repeatedly impinged upon and severely impeded the development effort of third world countries.
206.	We have seen the high inflation and low growth of the 1970s followed, in the 1980s, by the longest recession in 50 years. There are reports of recovery in the industrialized countries, but the benefits of that recovery are not immediately apparent to us. High prices for industrial products, coupled with decreased demand for our exports, have left the economies of small island States such as the Commonwealth of Dominica in a depressed condition, a situation further aggravated by the protectionist policies being pursued by the industrial countries. Exhorted to place reliance on market forces, the Commonwealth of Dominica finds its attempt to diversify is less than successful, because the major markets will not readily accept the new products resulting from its diversification.
207.	The world economic situation should be of concern to all nations, and, in an effort to ameliorate some of the worse effects upon the Caribbean region, the Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community and Common Market took some action at their fifth summit meeting, held at Nassau from 4 to 7 July 1984. However, the Caribbean Community and Common Market can affect the situation only in a rather limited way, given that international economic relations are so closely interwoven.
208.	The Commonwealth of Dominica views with concern and even alarm the international debt situation, which has assumed crisis proportions over the last few years. Admittedly, the ability of the Commonwealth of Dominica to borrow is limited, but, in the face of greatly increased costs, the servicing of whatever debt we have incurred only imposes an additional economic burden on a small State struggling to meet existing obligations.
209.	Moreover, our concern goes beyond our own immediate plight. The debt problems with which the international community is at present faced have already resulted in the slowing of economic growth in many third world countries. That has necessitated the adoption of new policies geared to meet the changed conditions. Optimistic forecasts have given way to a gloomy outlook, and aspirations and dreams have been shattered. The new realism is that those who have very little will have to make do with less, and the social implications have already manifested themselves in some areas.
210.	The Commonwealth of Dominica believes that the best hope for developing countries lies in a determined and concerted effort by the international community to increase concessional aid to those countries. The Committee for Development Planning spoke eloquently to that issue at its twentieth session, held from 17 to 21 May this year." Noting that "there is disorder verging on chaos in several areas critical to the economic life of all nations", the Committee found that, while "the heaviest burdens are falling on the weakest and poorest economies and therefore on the people within human society least able to bear that burden", concessional "flows have declined in real terms and now face special jeopardy". The Committee views the situation as "little short of an international scandal" in the light of the fact that in present economic conditions "sustained concessional flows to the poorest countries . . . assume an even greater importance than usual".
211.	Economic development is ideally undertaken in an international climate that is peaceful and free from tension. In more than one way, development is linked to arms reduction and disarmament, and that is one of the reasons why the Commonwealth of Dominica deplores the continuing arms race at every level. The ever-growing arsenals of nuclear weapons in the possession of the super-Powers are alarming, and the desire of an. increasing number of nations to acquire a nuclear potential is frightening. The continuous stockpiling of nuclear arms is the single most important problem facing the world today.
212.	Nuclear disarmament and arms reduction must be the goal of all members of the international community. The attainment of that goal is a duty owed to every human being on Earth, and one we cannot shirk. The question is a recurrent theme of General Assembly debates, and the United Nations has convened special sessions to deal with the matter. Regrettably, however, in the face of a lack of cooperation by the nuclear Powers, the United Nations has been unable to make real progress in that important area. But lack of concrete achievement should not dissuade the international community from raising its collective voice against the trend to add to the existing arsenals. Nor should the world be persuaded by the deterrent argument, which, in the light of proliferation, is far outweighed by the potential for disaster resulting from mistake or irrational behaviour.
213.	In the endeavour to stem the tide of nuclear proliferation and to proceed on the path leading to the reduction and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons, serious consideration should be given to the establishment of nuclear-free zones. The Treaty of Tlatelolco, signed by the Latin American countries, should serve as a guide in that regard.
214.	International peace and security are threatened not only by nuclear weapons but also by the ever-growing trade in conventional arms of increasing destructiveness. That extensive trade in arms, by nations large and small, increases tension, intensifies fear, and adversely affects the stability of regions world-wide. Pursued in the name of national security, it invariably leads to regional insecurity. Militarily weak States feel threatened by their stronger neighbours, especially when there appears to be no correlation between objective security needs and the range and accumulation of arms.
215.	The Commonwealth of Dominica, along with its neighbours in the Eastern Caribbean, is not unaware of the problem. Not so long ago, it experienced the potential threat posed to its existence as an independent State by a massive arms build-up in the region by a State whose security could not possibly require armaments of the nature and in the quantity that ultimately came to light.
216.	Billions of dollars spent for arms by third world countries keep the munitions factories of the arms-exporting countries operating at full capacity, while economic development programmes stagnate for lack of funds. Five per cent of the amount spent for arms world-wide, if allocated to development programmes, would make the world a much better place for the majority of its inhabitants. It is lamentable that nations apparently see nothing sadly wrong in committing such tremendous energy and resources to potential wars of destruction rather than to the immediate war against increasing hunger, rampant disease, widespread malnutrition and illiteracy, unacceptably high infant mortality and the need to provide homes for millions of people.
217.	The ability of the United Nations to maintain world peace and security is being severely tested by the local conflicts that are being waged with mounting intensity in various parts of the world. In many cases, super-Power rivalry, especially in the Security Council, obstructs the United Nations in the search for solutions to those grave problems; but more than that, it aggravates and exacerbates the conflicts themselves, transforming them into proxy wars and giving them new impetus and rationale. That appears to be the case with respect to the struggles in Central America.
218.	The Commonwealth of Dominica believes that the conflicts in Central America are the products of complex social, economic and historical factors endemic to the area, and the infusion of larger amounts of arms into the region is not likely to result in any lasting solution. The conditions that engendered the conflicts must be addressed seriously and urgently, and, in pursuit of that goal, negotiation presents advantages that will surely be absent in any resolution arrived at by military means.
219.	The efforts of the countries of the Contadora Group—Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela—in the search for a formula for negotiation and dialogue must be considered the only real hope for some measure of peace in the region. Those efforts should command the active support of all nations that desire an end to the tragic loss of lives and wanton destruction in Central America.
220.	Despite the temporary lull in the fighting, the Middle East remains an area of tension threatening international peace and security. Year after year we have taken note in this body of the situation in the Middle East and the threat that it poses to the larger international community, but the central questions remain unresolved. The adverse claims of the antagonists are not irreconcilable; but decades of fear and suspicion have precluded the realization that the nations of that region have a community of interests which, if recognized, should lead them to abandon confrontation and embrace reconciliation and progress.
221.	The Commonwealth of Dominica, having gained its freedom less than six years ago, values its independence and unequivocally supports the principle of self-determination for all peoples. Therefore, we cannot but support the claim of the Palestinian people to a homeland and its right to decide its own future under the leadership of men and women freely chosen by it. At the same time, there is a corresponding right of the State of Israel to exist in peace within secure borders. The assertions of those rights are not mutually exclusive. It only requires courage and statesmanship from the leaders of the region and balanced commitment and support from the rest of the world. That is the task which faces the peoples of the Middle East and the rest of the international community, and it does not appear to be beyond our collective effort and resolve.
222.	As we assemble today, Lebanon, once a prosperous country of the Middle East, remains divided, its once flourishing institutions in shambles, and its territory occupied by foreign forces. No nation deserves the fate of Lebanon. The Commonwealth of Dominica condemn the continuing violation of the territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon and joins with other Members of this body in calling for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Lebanese soil in as expeditious a manner as possible.
223.	The war between Iran and Iraq has dragged on for four years, and there does not appear to be any end in sight. Thousands of lives, including those of innocent civilians, have been lost, but the attention span of the world community appears to be brief and sporadic. That tragic conflict does not seem to have been a great preoccupation of the world community until recently, when the attacks on oil tankers posed a threat to the economic well-being of certain industrialized countries. It is indeed a sad commentary on the state of world opinion that it appears to accord to property damage higher consideration in the scheme of things than it does to the loss of human life.
224.	By any yardstick, the Gulf war between Iran and Iraq deserves greater diplomatic effort than it has received in the past, and we believe that the United Nations should seriously undertake an effort to energize all interested parties in an attempt to find a solution to that war.
225.	With respect to the situation in Korea—a country that has been divided for nearly as long as the Organization has been in existence—there is an urgent need for a peaceful solution. In our view, this can be done only through direct negotiation among the different factions. Dialogue can dispel the existing antagonisms and distrust and lead ultimately to reconciliation. To this end, this thirty-ninth session should consider favourably the admission of both Koreas to the United Nations fold as full Members, thereby fostering their peaceful existence.
226.	Even as this session got under way, the stark realities of the pernicious system of apartheid were forced upon the consciousness of the world by the violence of the forces of the South African Government against the black majority peacefully attempting to assert rights recognized by everyone. On the day before the beginning of the general debate, 500 black South Africans were arrested and detained by the police of the minority Government of South Africa for no other reason than that they had attended the funeral of a 22-year-old man.
227.	The abominable system of apartheid has received the justifiable condemnation of the civilized world but the internationally ostracized regime of South Africa, in defiance of world opinion, has embarked on a policy of further entrenching that odious system by a shameful constitutional arrangement that isolates the black majority of South Africa and fixes it permanently, as it were, beyond the pale of popular representation.
228.	The defiance of world opinion by the apartheid regime of South Africa is made possible by the glaring inconsistency of some nations which, while condemning the international canker that is apartheid, eagerly conduct business as usual with the South African regime. The Commonwealth of Dominica believes, therefore, that in condemning apartheid we must also deplore the actions of those nations that serve as an underpinning for the system, and we must also reject the reasons advanced for their actions. Otherwise, many might justifiably accuse us of sophistry and of crystallizing formalisms.
229.	The apartheid regime of South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia despite the clear responsibility of the United Nations for that Territory and notwithstanding the many resolutions of this body calling upon South Africa to bring its illegal occupation to an end. The people of Namibia have a right to self-determination, freedom and national independence, in accordance with resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2145 (XXI), as well as subsequent resolutions of this body in connection with Namibia. Further, we support the just struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, and we do not believe that South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its repression of and violence against the Namibian people can be legitimately linked to other events in southern Africa.
230.	The founding fathers, in drafting the principles by which the United Nations should be guided, called upon all nations "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person" and "in the equal rights of men and women". That summons was further strengthened by Article 55 of the Charter mandating the United Nations to "promote . . . universal respect for . . . human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion". Concern for human rights by the United Nations also led to the adoption in 1948 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
231.	The Charter and the Declaration represent the clearest expression by the international community of the belief that mankind's progress in every field should be consonant with the preservation of individual freedoms and human dignity.
232.	The promotion and protection of human rights is a duty imposed on all Members of the United Nations. The evidence of widespread violations of human rights on every continent of the globe should therefore provoke moral outrage in all of us on a scale much larger than is at present evident.
233.	The question of human rights violations is ritualistically included in the agenda of the General Assembly, but the selective basis on which condemnation is meted out by this body belies the pretended concern by the United Nations for the victims of human rights violations. That the violation of human rights should be condemned wherever and whenever it occurs is a position unshakeably held by the Commonwealth of Dominica, and we believe that condemnation limited to a few States merely heightens scepticism regarding the Organization and tarnishes its reputation.
234.	The search for peace and the general welfare of mankind is not a new concept. Yet mankind still seeks to resolve its differences by conflict of one sort or another. Man himself, in panic and hysteria, has in recent times endeavoured with his intellectual resources and through instruments and mechanisms of his own design to circumvent the golden rule.
235.	I wish to suggest that the Organization may yet fulfil its mandate before it is too late if only we can reach out with a bridge of justice, love, truth and understanding across the widening gulf of jingoistic mistrust which now plagues our family of nations.
236.	Perhaps the Organization has grown too accustomed to viewing the world as it is. We believe that, in the spirit of the men at San Francisco 39 years ago, we should, in the words of George Bernard Shaw, "Dream things that never were and ask why not?".


"The Unbelievers spend their wealth To hinder (men) from the path Of God, and so will they Continue to spend; but In the end they will have (Only) regrets and sighs; At length they will be overcome; And the Unbelievers will be Gathered together to Hell;"
219.	I wish, Sir, to offer my congratulations on your election as the President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I also wish you success in the administration of the Assembly's work, which contains many important and crucial issues. It also gives me pleasure to witness the admission of an Islamic country, Brunei Darussalam, to the United Nations.
220.	The thirty-eighth session of the Assembly was also faced with a variety of important problems, and although there was no lack of honest and sincere attempts to solve those problems, the obstruction and opposition of the imperial-minded Powers of the world prevented the desired achievements from being reached. In spite of this, there is no room for despair; we believe that sincere human action will certainly bear fruit in the long run. After all, our life, if devoid of continuous struggle for the establishment of justice throughout the earth and without tolerance of hardship and sacrifice to attain this sublime objective, would be completely meaningless. I stress the continuity of the struggle in order that those who usurp the rights of nations will not make the mistake of relaxing for a moment. Today, practically all the oppressed and tyrannized people of the world, and particularly their fighting vanguards who have risen to fight back, rarely think of immediate victory as their motivation for action, and this hopeful development is an indication of the rapid growth in the consciousness of the oppressed of all continents.
221.	It is hoped that we may in this Assembly turn ourselves into defenders of truth and justice and perform this noble duty patiently through ceaseless efforts. The path before us is quite clear, and we shall, in all cases and vis-a-vis all questions raised in this Assembly, follow the renowned Islamic dictum: "Always an enemy of the oppressor and always a friend to the oppressed."
222.	Allow me to begin our investigation of the international situation, as usual, with the great human tragedy of contemporary history. The question of Palestine has become an old wound in the body of humanity and particularly in the body of the Islamic Ummah, but in the course of the past year it has become more painful because of the behaviour of certain opportunistic and compromising elements.
223.	Verbal protests would be in order if we presumed that the nature and the actions of imperialism and Zionism were separate categories and the latter could be modified and corrected by criticism or well-intended counsel. But we all know for certain that their only logic is the logic of force and their performance is always guided by this satanic logic. Does the experience of the fruitless conduct of talks, negotiations and verbal attacks against Zionism in international forums for many, many long years, which were not matched by action, point to any other conclusion?
224.	Thus I would request that in our review of the question of Palestine at the present session of the Assembly we concentrate on the investigation of our own past record, and in this request I am especially addressing the delegations from the Islamic countries and others who, regardless of their political doctrines, have decided to defend truth and justice.
225.	Prolonged discussions, successive conferences and even the vociferous forms of objection and criticism offered for the apparent discharge of responsibility and the diversion of attention from the fundamental issue, namely, the necessity of a practical and decisive confrontation with zionism, are empty gestures from which zionism would benefit the most.
226.	The experience in Lebanon has already under-lined this lesson most clearly. While the Lebanese people heroically resisted the continuous, savage attacks of the Zionist regime, while Lebanese men, women and children spent their days and nights under the constant downpour of Zionist bombs and bullets, certain Islamic rulers, despite their immense financial, military and human resources, were busy delivering slogans and fiery speeches while in practice they abandoned neither their display of reverence for the aggressors nor their continuous offers of compromise.
227.	Had this process continued for a while longer, the Zionist aggressors would have subjugated the Lebanese land completely and permanently; but the aware and dedicated people of Lebanon heroically rose against the occupying forces and their supporters, forced a retreat on the aggressors and added a golden page of epic resistance to contemporary history. For the first time, part of the occupied lands was liberated by force. It will not be long before southern Lebanon will be free from the aggressors' presence.
228.	Instead of adding a few more resolutions to the record of the regime occupying Palestine, let us put an end to the presence of its representatives in this world Assembly, a presence which, in itself, should be considered an insult to each and every member of the delegations that value the concepts of freedom and justice.
229.	Regrettably, what has helped blot out the hideousness of an Israeli presence in this world Assembly is the policy adopted by the previous ruler in Egypt that climaxed in the signing of the treasonable Camp David accords and brought shame and humiliation to the Islamic nations. The sorry fact that certain third-world countries have recently decided to establish relations with the usurper regime in Palestine should be considered as the most direct consequence of this notorious action by the previous Egyptian administration. I am convinced, however, that the righteous and dedicated Muslim people of Egypt will, at a propitious moment, not only nullify this illegitimate recognition of the usurper regime occupying Palestine but will also undoubtedly declare all the consequences of this recognition void.
230.	An investigation of the tragic history of Palestine in the present century shows that the most effective factor in the consolidation of the usurper rule of Zionism in this holy land was the presence of certain dependent and submissive ruling figures in the region. The cause of defeats in the 1948, 1956 and 1967 wars did not lie in the Israeli strength; those defeats were due mainly to the treacherous acts committed by certain nominally Islamic Governments. The infamous Camp David accords must be cited as the most scandalous of those acts. The Egyptian regime played the role of a vanguard in that adventure, and several dependent regimes supported it from behind the scenes. These supporters are doing their best today to bring Egypt out of isolation. Do they need to be reminded that the Egyptian regime, as a result of its complicity in the Camp David conspiracy and because of its treason in humiliating the Egyptian people, was dishonourably removed as a disgrace from the landscape of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States? What is happening to the Arab and Islamic world today? Why are they abandoning the cause of Palestine and going back on their commitments to the oppressed Palestinian people? I declare to the whole Islamic Ummah, from this international rostrum today, that in some Islamic countries the superpowers and their local stooges and protégés are foolishly playing with the destiny of the Islamic nations.
231.	Palestine is still occupied, and holy Al-Quds is not under our control. The illegal Israeli regime destroys and demolishes the houses of Muslims in Al- Khalil, Nablus and Ramallah with bulldozers sent as gifts from the United States, and is busy building kibbutzim in their places. Their Arab residents are exiled; the number of innocent refugees increases daily, and Zionist thugs continue to usurp their lands. Lebanon has been under Zionist occupation for more than two years. Today Palestine, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are looking to Lebanon with hopeful anticipation. All this is happening around us, and we, irresolute as a mesmerized group, are waiting for the outcome of events that are out of our control. I declare here, loud and clear, that the regime in Egypt which hoists the Zionist flag in its capital is the shame of the Islamic world; I declare that the Government in Morocco which plays host to Zionists is a traitor to Islam; I declare that the mercenary regime in Jordan, which has recently re-established relations with the notorious Egyptian regime, is an enemy of Islam.
232.	As the revolutionary centre of the Islamic world and as a nation that has historically made the greatest contribution to the elevation of Islamic civilization and the advancement of Islamic causes, the Islamic Republic of Iran declares its extreme detestation of the abominable invitation by the Organization of the Islamic Conference to the Egyptian regime to re-join that organization without demanding that it first dissociate itself from the Camp David accords. It is especially regrettable that the Chairman of the Al-Quds Committee, selected by the Islamic Conference, is a person who persuaded and pushed the previous Egyptian ruler towards signing the ignoble Camp David accords and is at the present time the main instigator of many humiliating measures of compromise with Zionism.
233.	We must warn the Islamic Governments that if we do not move quickly, tomorrow will be too late. The Israeli cancer is spreading fast in the body of the Islamic world but our campaign against the Zionist regime does not go beyond talks, slogans and political compromises. The Palestinian people are prepared to start a vigorous, unwavering struggle against Israel and to revive the heroic resistance they showed against the Zionist enemy at Karama. Is it not shameful that thousands of Palestinian combatants in Lebanon, despite sufficient supplies of arms and ammunition, despite their strategic positions and despite their resolute determination, were ordered to stop fighting and to retreat in the face of the Zionist invaders? Is it not an unforgettable disgrace to give in to pressures exerted by the United States, by zionism and by reactionary regimes and to send Palestinian combatants into exile in far-off places in Asia and Africa and then jubilantly raise one's fingers in the sign of victory?
234.	What victory? We warn those elements that are busy making deals on Palestine, the holy land of our divine prophets, that the Islamic Ummah will not remain silent any longer and that the Palestinian people will not allow those elements to auction their destiny. The soil of this holy land is mixed with the blood of our ancestors and other Muslims of the world who fought long, bloody wars for their integrity in the history of Islam. We have deeply-felt ties with this holy land and we in our turn will not let political players manipulate the destiny of this sacrosanct centre of the Islamic world. Any Islamic Government that gives in to compromises with the Zionist regime will be responsible before the Islamic Ummah. A vote by any Islamic Government in favour of the Zionist non-entity's remaining in the United Nations will be totally unacceptable. I wish to remind third- world countries that the establishment of relations with the usurper regime in Palestine will only consolidate bases for United States imperialism in their countries and will not be of any benefit in the long run. And, finally, I should warn other nations that giving support to the perverted Israeli regime only strengthens the foundations of racism and destroys human values.
235.	As a representative from a third-world country, I must admit here that if imperial-minded Powers succeeded in expanding the range of their aggression in the course of the previous year the blame should to a large extent be put upon the disarray and disunity in the third world.
236.	Consider the statistics concerning the arms expenditures imposed on the third-world countries exposed to the ambitious policies of the imperial- minded Powers of the world. Impartial observers will be amazed at the plight of the peoples of these countries while spending on arms sky-rockets. Can those Governments with abundant petrodollars at their disposal feign ignorance of the monstrosities committed by the Zionist regime in southern Lebanon, the imperialist plundering of the African and Muslim countries of the world or the aggressive acts of the occupying forces in Afghanistan? May we inquire about the purpose of these immense arms expenditures, which according to one estimate have reached the annual figure of $100 billion?
237.	This enormous capital not only provides research opportunities, military and technological development and the potential for destruction and mass murder by the dominant Powers who act as the main supporters of Israel, but also helps enrich the aggressive machines for future purposes.
238.	What factor except the lack of unity and co-ordination among Islamic countries could have given the Soviet Union the opportunity to occupy Afghanistan?
239.	The Islamic Republic of Iran has repeatedly declared that the following four principal conditions justifiably requested by the people of Afghanistan can never be realized at negotiating tables without the participation of the true representatives of the people of Afghanistan: the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the foreign occupying troops; non-intervention of other forces in the internal affairs of Afghanistan; the return of Afghan refugees to their land; and future self-determination by the Afghan people. Events of the last year prove the validity of this view.
240.	Although the continued occupation of Afghanistan is taking its toll and thousands of Afghan Muslim people have already sacrificed their precious lives in defence of their independence, honour and dignity, their struggle has certainly helped them approach the final solution of their problem and continue their struggle with even more determination. If the United States aggressors had been kicked out of Viet Nam through negotiations and without a prolonged struggle, it would have been reasonable to assume that the Soviet occupying forces would evacuate Afghanistan because of peaceful persuasion.
241.	The adventure in Afghanistan is a result of a compromise between the super-Powers over the division of the world. While one invades Palestine and Lebanon the other attacks Afghanistan. When the Soviet Union invaded that Islamic country, the United States used it as an excuse for consolidating its bases in other countries of the region. It is catastrophic for the Islamic world that the Soviet Union does not withdraw its troops from Afghanistan, using the pretext of imaginary United States intervention in that country, and that the United States drives Islamic Governments into submission using the scarecrow of communist threat and domination.
242.	In the midst of all this, what are the Islamic Governments doing? Is it not a fact that Afghanistan, a country almost as ancient as the religion of Islam itself, is invaded by the world of atheism? Why are we then wasting time in exchanging platitudes, empty gestures and useless compromises? Unfortunately, at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, we also witnessed a painful compromising attitude towards the vexing question of Afghanistan. A third-world country has been under occupation for some five years, its civilian areas are being bombed and destroyed, hundreds of thousands of its people are being massacred and some 25 per cent of its population has been made homeless and sent into exile. It is unbelievable that the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries should ignore its fate and bypass the question. This type of treatment of the Afghanistan tragedy amounts to nothing short of sacrificing a whole nation at the altar of world imperialism.
243.	It is now the fifth anniversary of the Iraqi invasion of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq's continued aggression against our people. Considering our experience in previous years, I wonder how useful it would be to describe the dimensions of this monstrosity in this international Assembly. For the last 12 months, we have constantly reported all cases of Iraqi violations and aggressions to the United Nations, and we have previously documented our fundamental objections for the Security Council. We have already given the necessary warning concerning the dimensions of the violations of international conventions and regulations, particularly the use of chemical weapons by the aggressor Iraqi regime.
244.	The reports of the United Nations mission to Iran concerning the destruction of civilian and residential areas as well as the reports submitted to the United Nations by the International Red Cross about the situation and treatment of Iranian prisoners of war in Iraq, both civilian and military, have left no reasonable doubts about the true nature of the Iraqi regime. Under such circumstances, it was hoped that such a world institution would, in view of its raison d'etre, mobilize all its potential to stop the continuation of the unprecedented Iraqi violations. But reality took a path contrary to our hopes and expectations.
245.	The Security Council persisted, as usual, in being most partial and unprincipled and thereby provided the Iraqi regime with heartening encouragement for its inhuman actions. If there is any reservation in accepting our statement, I would request of you kindly to reconsider Security Council resolution 552 (1984), and particularly the operative paragraphs, to find out how this so-called Security Council, which is duty-bound to work for the establishment of peace and security in all parts of the world without discrimination and regardless of the interest of the super-Powers in the different regions, has shamelessly undermined the security of the Persian Gulf.
246.	The Foreign Ministry of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a communique published immediately after the appearance of this resolution, announced that it was nothing but a green light to the Iraqi regime to continue creating tension and trouble in the region. The Iraqi attack on a Turkish oil tanker following the announcement of this resolution confirmed the truth of our view. The Security Council should be questioned as to how it intends to discharge its responsibility regarding the continuation of Iraqi attacks on international shipping in the Persian Gulf. As we all know, two months before this resolution was approved, Iraqi aircraft had already attacked ships in international waters belonging to some of the countries which had sponsored the resolution in the Security Council. Could those who approved Security Council resolution 552 (1984) tell us why they did not condemn the Iraqi attacks at the time?
247.	Is attacking ships belonging to non-belligerent countries not a violation of international law? Did the instigation of trouble in the Persian Gulf that was considered as threatening international peace and security as well as the stability of the world economy in the fifth preambular paragraph of resolution 552 (1984) not commit the Security Council to take immediate action for the cessation of those aggressive acts? Did the Security Council not have the obligation to declare its position most clearly regarding those dangerous attacks? Regrettably the negligence on the part of the Security Council in fulfilling its obligations is not confined to the few cases already mentioned. Months before the victims of the Iraqi chemical war were to be sent to European countries for treatment, the Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of irrefutable evidence, internationally raised the question of the imminent use of chemical weapons by the criminal Iraqi regime. A case in hand was the published reports about certain loud-mouthed chicken-hearted Iraqi generals who talked of our valiant Islamic soldiers as "pests" and proudly advertised the use of "insecticides" against Iranian soldiers.
248.	Unfortunately, once again, the negligence and lack of appropriate reaction on the part of international bodies, and particularly the meaningful silence of the Security Council, encouraged the Iraqi regime to employ chemical weapons on a large scale without any fear of the consequences of its action. The reaction of the Security Council after several months and under the pressure of world public opinion should become the subject of a serious study. Instead of deciding on a resolution which would contain effective measures to prohibit the reuse of chemical weapons, the Security Council was satisfied to issue a statement which did not have the slightest effect in inducing the Iraqi regime to discontinue its chemical massacres.
249.	A study of the performance of the Security Council with regard to resolution 552 (1984), dealing with security in the Persian Gulf, as well as the very first resolution of the Council concerning the war imposed on Iran, which confined itself to a request to both parties to forgo the use of force, without any reference to Iraq's explicit aggression against Iran and its occupation of large parts of our territory and without requesting the aggressor to withdraw its troops to international borders, and a comparison with Council resolutions 514 (1982) and 522 (1982)—adopted after a two- year-long silence, only when Iranian forces had defeated the aggressive enemy and liberated substantial parts of our Islamic homeland—which requested the withdrawal of troops from occupied territories, warrants a new definition of the Security Council.
250.	The Security Council is a body that acts on the basis of the joint interest of the super-Powers only following certain events which aim at securing the demands of the super-Powers but eventually threaten international peace and security and, under circumstances when the pressure of world public opinion doesn’t allow its continued silence, its actions take the form of resolutions which have very little effect on the restoration of international peace and security. This is a true description of the Security Council and it is terribly depressing because it is clear evidence of the bitter fact that, in spite of all international efforts since the end of the First World War for the establishment of institutions to protect and guarantee the rights and security of nations, the international community is still absolutely defenceless in the face of inhuman violations and aggressions.
251. Allow me to provide you with a small list of the aggressive acts of the Iraqi regime in the course of the last four years in order to shed more light on what I have just stated. The Iraqi regime has threatened international peace and security and flagrantly and openly violated the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and international law in numerous cases, including the following: first, violation of the Charter of the United Nations by resorting to force to settle disputes and invading the Islamic Republic of Iran with the intention of occupying it and overthrowing its regime, and failure to seek arbitration as stipulated in the 1975 Algiers Treaty signed by Iran and Iraq and the unilateral abrogation of this Treaty followed by all-out aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran; secondly, violation of humanitarian principles by destruction of civilian and residential areas in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as stated in the report of the Secretary-General dated 20 June 1983; thirdly, repeated violation of the four Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, as stated in that report, and the statements by the International Red Cross regarding the treatment of Iranian prisoners of war by the Iraqi regime and missile attacks against residential areas; fourthly, violation of all international regulations and conventions regarding the environment and endangering marine life in the Persian Gulf; fifthly, violation of the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on 17 June 1925," as detailed in the report of the specialists appointed by the Secretary-General, dated 26 March 1984; sixthly, violation of international laws concerning commercial shipping by attacking commercial vessels in the Persian Gulf for the purpose of causing tension throughout the Persian Gulf region with the consequence of endangering peace and security and the stability of the world economy in view of the vital role of the Persian Gulf region in this respect.
252.	The aforementioned cases, which testify to the continuous Iraqi aggression, prove that the United Nations, particularly the Security Council, for reasons obvious to all, has failed to take the necessary steps to prohibit these aggressive acts. This impotence is mainly due to the lack of adherence by the permanent members of the Security Council to their own resolution because of the unfair right of veto. In paragraph 5 of resolution 514 (1982) of 12 July 1982, paragraph 6 of resolution 522 (1982) of 4 October 1982 and paragraph 6 of resolution 540 (1983) of 31 October 1983, the Security Council requests all Members of the United Nations to refrain from any action which would result in the continuation of war and escalation of tension. Have the permanent members of the Council practised what they preached? Representatives in the Assembly are fully aware that certain permanent members of the Council, having supplied the Iraqi regime with the most sophisticated weapons, have clearly helped prolong the war and increase tension in the region and have flagrantly violated resolutions they themselves approved.
253.	The cases of violation and acts of aggression by the Iraqi regime also help us raise another question concerning the Middle East countries in general and the countries of the Persian Gulf region m particular. How could those countries, being familiar with the aggressive record of the Iraqi regime, have the slightest trust in a regime which is fully supported, like its expansionist Zionist counterpart, by the imperial-minded Powers in the political, economic, military and propaganda fields? The Iraqi regime, like the racist Zionist regime, is always ready to go to extremes to achieve its inhuman objectives. Does not the fact that the Iraqi regime has not yet replied to the request by the Secretary-General concerning the prohibition of chemical weapons, despite the sensitivity that the international community has shown so far, indicate undeniably that that regime does not respect international laws in the least and has no respect for its own commitments?
254.	The Islamic Republic of Iran need not reiterate its bitter experiences. Those that insist on the declaration of a cease-fire cannot possibly deny the fact that the establishment of a lasting peace without the eradication of aggression has no meaning and is simply an empty gesture. The people in our region, as a result of constant experience of the Iraqi regime, have reached the conclusion that aggressiveness, expansionism and adventurism are not the sort of qualities to be removed by advice; they are, rather, the intrinsic characteristics of the Baathist Iraqi regime.
255.	No doubt representatives are already informed about the latest Iraqi adventure in continuing its aggressive policy against the Islamic Republic of Iran. I am of course referring to the Iraqi regime's open participation in recent hijackings of Iranian civil aircraft. The Iraqi Government has not only violated the existing conventions and regulations governing civil aviation by complicity in these cases of hijacking, but has also provided the hijackers- known terrorists working for foreign Governments— with all sorts of facilities, granting them political asylum and the opportunity to give press conferences. These incidents prove once again that the Iraqi regime has absolutely no respect for international laws or humanitarian considerations. The Iraqi regime has rejected all requests by relevant international organizations to return the hijacked aircraft or to put the culprits on trial in accordance with international conventions. It recently announced that that aircraft would be used inside Iraq.
256.	Such adventures, including the criminal action of the Iraqi regime in shooting down the aeroplane carrying the former Foreign Minister of Algeria, the late Mr. Benyahia, are but a few examples of crimes committed by the regime ruling Iraq.
257.	As far as the Iraqi regime is concerned, the Islamic Republic of Iran has exhausted all appeals to reason and logic. On the one hand, favourable response to the Secretary-General's requests to respect all international laws and regulations, and, on the other, the behaviour of the Iraqi regime these international norms have proved beyond a shadow of doubt the identity of the warmonger.
258.	It is rather amusing that all mediators and supporters of the Iraqi regime, when discussing the war with us in private or in public, request us to pardon the Iraqi regime for having started this bloody war against us, but that the Foreign Minister of Iraq Stated the other day in this Assembly that it was Iran that had started the war. In my view, he seems to have confused this international gathering with the Baath Party conferences at Baghdad, at which exchange of nonsense is the usual procedure.
259.	We believe that, from among international laws and provisions, those that are the result of long years of suffering by humanity and the product of the joint endeavours of all nations must be respected and safeguarded in all circumstances. The violation of those laws and principles is an insult to the whole of human society. Every one of us has the duty and responsibility to do his best to prevent the violation of those principles and laws through joint efforts. Actions speak louder than words. The Islamic Republic of Iran has proved in action that it stands ready to safeguard those principles, and it once again declares that it is prepared to co-operate with every institution or authority which does not aim at supporting colonial interests of aggressive intent.
260.	On the question of disarmament, there are many noteworthy points that may be raised with special regard to developments and international agreements in the course of the previous year. However, in our opinion the point that should attract our attention most is the bitter experience we have gained in this respect, which could have serious effects on the process of negotiations and developments concerning the question of disarmament. The use of chemical weapons by the Iraqi regime on an unprecedented scale has shown us that, if compulsory international laws on disarmament are not coupled with the appropriate international means to prevent the violation of these commitments, the mere signing of such agreements would be absolutely useless. Moreover, the continuing violation of those commitments would discourage international interest in such efforts. If the authors of the 1925 Geneva Protocol on the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons could possibly know that some 60 years later the result of their efforts would be ridiculed so openly and shamelessly by an unscrupulous, unrestrained regime such as that of present-day Iraq, they would hardly think their Protocol worth the paper it was written on.
261.	Among the achievements of the Conference on Disarmament, meeting at Geneva last year, the relative progress in the preparation of a convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of all chemical weapons and on their destruction raised some hopes. However, the subsequent use of these weapons by Iraq was most discouraging. When those who use such weapons are not immediately punished but rather, as a result of the negligence of responsible international authorities, are determined to continue with their evil action, what guarantees are there to assure the world community that shortly after the signing of the new convention the producers of chemical weapons will not continue their production?
262.	A vivid case of such lack of compliance was clearly shown when, as noted above, the United Nations mission to Iran submitted a report on the use of chemical weapons by Iraq, followed by the condemnation of those horrible crimes by many countries. Nevertheless, the Iraqi regime used those weapons again, with unprecedented shamelessness. All relevant reports have already been submitted to the United Nations.

263.	The use of chemical weapons in some countries, more extensively in Iran than in other places, underlines the urgent need for the international community to commence effective, collective action to prevent the continuation of these crimes. In his speech of 5 July 1984 at the Conference on Disarmament, the Foreign Minister of Switzerland proposed that in order to consolidate the 1925 Geneva Protocol it would be absolutely necessary for all countries of the world to condemn the use of chemical weapons unilaterally and later, in an appropriate international forum, to reaffirm their commitment in a collective manner. I believe that the present time and place are most appropriate for this.
264.	With due respect to those who left us the honourable heritage of the Geneva Protocol some 60 years ago, I hope that my proposal will meet with a welcome from delegations. I request the Secretary- General, who has shown appreciable sensitivity and made competent efforts in this respect, personally to undertake the execution of this proposal.
265.	As the Assembly knows, a considerable number of reports have already been published about plants manufacturing chemical weapons in Iraq. While expressing my deep concern and regret about this, I request the Secretary-General, on the basis of his international responsibility and certainly on humanitarian grounds, to send a mission of experts from volunteer countries to inspect those plants and to submit their findings to the General Assembly.
266.	I have had to deal with the exceptionally important question of chemical weapons in relative detail. As a result, other important subjects concerning the disarmament question, such as the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the extension of the arms race into outer space by the super-Powers, which seriously threaten the fate of humanity, have been left out.
267.	However, despite the shortage of time, the question of the economic consequences of the astronomical arms expenditure cannot be disregarded. The division of the world into East and West, the formation of power blocs and military alignments and, finally, the current insane arms race, which, in addition to the creation of the potential for massive destruction and genocide, requires immense human and natural resources, as well as enormous capital allocations which could be utilized in a rational, humane manner for the economic and social welfare of deprived nations and their development, have led to grave economic imbalances. There is no doubt that only a portion of the annual military budgets of the super-Powers, resulting from militaristic trends on a world scale, would meet many of the basic needs of the deprived peoples and prevent hunger and starvation suffered by millions.
268.	Last year's economic crisis was of great concern to all of us. Regrettably, not only has it not been reduced in the course of this year but it has intensified and become further institutionalized. The re- emergence of the "debt crisis" much earlier than anticipated might be considered an outstanding manifestation of a global economic crisis. However, it should be noted that the real meaning of the "debt crisis" should be sought in the unbearable suffering and deprivation imposed on the peoples of the debtor countries by paralysing socio-economic difficulties and not in the tremors felt by United States banks and the international financial system.
269.	The continuing Current economic crisis is rooted in the existing unjust world system and the historical control of a minority over the economic levers and natural resources and, consequently, over a toiling and deprived majority. Furthermore, the deliberate destruction of resources and economic order, which threatens the livelihood of future generations, lies in the hands of the imperialistically minded powers of the world. The very nature of the crisis makes it clear that, contrary to the claims of the oppressors, short-sighted solutions and the application of palliatives cannot solve the existing problems. What better example is there in this respect than the emergence of the reverse "capital transfer" phenomenon from the debtor countries to the rich ones?
270.	The present unjust world order operates in such a way that the economic prosperity of oppressor countries cannot be achieved except through intense exploitation of the developing countries and the further institutionalization of their underdevelopment. There is no doubt that comprehensive global negotiations could be considered as the first step towards the alleviation of the international economic crisis, but we believe any success in this field depends on the complete eradication of the oppressive domination of the super-Powers over the third-world countries. We further believe that limited and partial solutions and so-called crisis management, avoiding multilateralism for the sake of bilateral financial arrangements, do nothing but intensify and further institutionalize the current crisis.
271.	The super-Powers also constantly create tension and engage in aggressive acts which help to intensify the economic crisis. We are certain that the security of international waterways is of paramount importance for the preservation and continuity of international economic activities. Unfortunately, we have witnessed the creation of tension on a very large scale in vitally important international waterways m the course of the last year. The tension began with the mining and blockading of the Nicaraguan waterways; it intensified with the movement of fleets in the Indian Ocean and the shooting at commercial vessels and oil tankers in the Persian Gulf. The United States, having been defeated in Lebanon on several occasions, was searching for new excuses to strengthen its military influence in the region and the excuse it found was a publicity ploy regarding alleged mine laying in the Suez Canal and the Red Sea. The United States pretended that it was too dangerous to navigate in this region, while its obvious objective was to gain new footholds for the execution of its aggressive schemes and the extraction of fresh concessions from the countries of the region.
272.	We reaffirm the responsibility of the regional States for the protection and security of navigation in the Red Sea but give warning that this plot was hatched primarily to dominate that waterway and to internationalize the responsibility for its security. Undoubtedly, this alleged act of mining the Red Sea cannot be separated from other lawless actions off the shores of Nicaragua and in the Persian Gulf.
273.	For the imperial-minded Powers of the world, it is quite permissible and justifiable to commit any act or hatch any plot that may help satisfy their boundless ambitions, regardless of whether such actions endanger the economic security of others or deprive them of their natural rights. The only thing that matters to those Powers is the continuity of their dominance in different parts of the world. Hence, the United States has had the audacity to violate the basic principles of the Convention on International Civil Aviation, signed at Chicago on 7 December 1944,' and other conventions concerning navigational rights by its proclamation of 22 January 1984, in which it claimed new zones for international aviation and shipping and special zones in the Persian Gulf for its fleets. Further, by raising the so- called question of mobile sovereignty, the United States has flagrantly violated the obvious natural rights of the States entitled to special privileges and priority in their own coastal waters. It is important to note that the United States commits these violations in such partially closed waterways as the Persian Gulf and inside the exclusive economic zone of adjacent countries.
274. With regard to other parts of our troubled world, I deem it necessary to call the following to the attention of this Assembly. First, having turned Diego Garcia into an imperial military base, the United States has become a serious threat to the peace and stability of the Indian Ocean region. We strongly oppose all and every kind of intervention by arrogant Powers in our area and declare the region of the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace. Next, while extending our full support to the oppressed people of Namibia, we demand the immediate withdrawal from Angola of the occupying forces of the racist regime of South Africa.
276.	The Islamic Republic of Iran whole-heartedly supports the struggle of the Muslim people of Western Sahara for independence, in line with the provisions of the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations.
277.	United States intervention in Latin America and in Caribbean countries is in violation of all International norms. We fully support the struggle of the peoples of Nicaragua and El Salvador and consider the Contadora declaration's to be an appropriate framework for solving the problems of that region.
278.	In our view, the division of countries is an imperialist trick, one often played for the purpose of cultural, economic, political and military domination. The Korean peninsula is a victim of such divisive policies. We strongly oppose the division of Korea and demand the withdrawal of those foreign forces which under the pretext of peace-keeping have placed their evil barrier in the way of the unification of the people of that country.
279.	It is regrettable that the United Nations has been practically unable to solve any of the aforementioned problems. It seems that the United Nations, too, is a victim of the arrogance of the imperial- minded Powers


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty ninth session, which is being held in extremely complex and delicate international conditions. To tackle these questions he will need the great wisdom and experience that he has displayed in other positions he has occupied within the framework of the United Nations, when he successfully shouldered the enormous responsibilities they entailed. His election is a clear expression of the respect the international community has for his country.
376.	It also gives me pleasure to pay a tribute to Mr. Illueca, the President of Panama, for his unstinting efforts during his presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, guiding the work of that session with great competence.
377.	I cannot fail to express my delegation's appreciation of the active role played by the Secretary General in the efforts to improve the effectiveness of the Organization and in easing international tensions and bringing about international peace and security.
378.	We are happy to welcome to our ranks a new Member, Brunei Darussalam, which can now make its contribution to the achievement of the noble aims we all share.
379.	We are all aware that the international situation is going through a grave period as a result of the aggressive policy pursued by world imperialists, in particular the United States. We have recently seen an escalation of the arms race and an exacerbation of international tensions, the flexing of muscles and violations of the sovereignty of States and of their right to independence and to choose their own path of development.
380.	The United States invaded Grenada, has conspired and committed acts of aggression against Nicaragua and has exacerbated the situation in the Middle East.

381.	The arms race has become the major concern of all the peoples and Governments of the world, and everyone is aware of the grave consequences of a nuclear catastrophe. On the arms race alone, millions of dollars are wasted annually, at a time when millions of people are suffering or even dying of hunger in the developing world. Yet the danger of a nuclear catastrophe hangs over all of us in view of the continual deterioration of the international situation and the dangerous doctrines and concepts of nuclear deterrence, of a "limited nuclear war" and of the achievement of military superiority, especially nuclear superiority, as well as other doctrines that aim only at escalating the arms race and proclaim a policy of confrontation, the exacerbation of international tensions and the frustration of peaceful initiatives aimed at a practical and well considered strategy for achieving general and complete disarmament.
382.	Obstruction of the work of the Conference on Disarmament on various pretexts and justifications and suspension of negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on the subject of the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (SALT II Treaty) cannot lead to the concrete and positive results which we all hope for. Adventurism in this area threatens all mankind with annihilation. We cannot but welcome the constructive initiatives and proposals put forward by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in order to curb the arms race, as well as the efforts exerted by other countries with the aim of eliminating once and for all the spectre of war and promoting international peace. It is our common responsibility to safeguard international peace, promote international cooperation and eliminate hotbeds of tension.
383.	In the Middle East, as you know, the question of Palestine continues to pose a serious threat and stir the conscience of the world. Despite United Nations resolutions and efforts at all levels, Israel persists in its aggressive racist and expansionist policies in Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories, continuing the annexation and expropriation of land, implanting settlements, resorting to policies of repression, intimidation and dispersion of the combatant Palestinian people, occupying and dividing southern Lebanon and preventing it from regaining its legitimate national authority over all its territory.
384.	The Zionists could not have been successful in achieving their aims and plans without the unlimited support and assistance continually provided by the United States, which is reinforcing its strategic alliance with Israel, opening to Israel the doors of its sophisticated military arsenal, showering it with financial, diplomatic and political aid, while threatening States and international organizations that break relations with Israel, using its veto in the Security Council and employing other means of helping Israel to continue its occupation and carry out its aggressive policies, as well as to flout United Nations resolutions and international rules of conduct.
385.	It is a matter of serious concern to us that the United States, a permanent member of the Security Council, has abused the right of veto in such a way in the last few years that it has become an obstacle to the fulfilment of the responsibility of the Council to maintain international peace and security. It has also compromised the rights of independent States and peoples. This has happened on many occasions, the latest of which concerned the draft resolution on Israeli practices in southern Lebanon.'"
386.	The international community is well aware that the Palestinian question is the core of the conflict in the Middle East; without a just and comprehensive solution to it, the explosive situation in that region will continue to threaten international peace and security. We cannot imagine any solution to this problem that does not entail full recognition of the PLO as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and ensure the complete withdrawal of all Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories. Furthermore, the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people must be recognized, including its right to return, to self-determination and to establish its own independent State on its national territory.
387.	United Nations resolutions and honest efforts made by other parties in this respect all evolved within this framework. It has become absolutely clear that partial and individual solutions lead only to a dead end and inevitable failure. The United Nations has called for an international peace conference, and the Soviet Union has also recently put forward new, positive proposals on a Middle East settlement
We see in this a chance to find a solution and avoid deterioration and deadlock in the Middle East. This can be achieved only by means of an international peace conference within the framework of the United Nations, with the participation, on an equal footing, of all the parties concerned, including the PLO, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, objectives and principles.
388.	The objection of the United States to such a conference does not surprise us. It confirms the real intentions and aims of United States policy, which will only result in increasing tension and exacerbating the situation. The United Nations must shoulder its responsibilities fully and make every possible effort to ensure the implementation of its resolutions.
389.	The reinforcement of Palestinian national unity within the framework of a unified and strong PLO, as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, is at this stage an essential element in the concerted efforts to find a solution to the Middle East problem and in the struggle of the Palestinians for the recognition of their inalienable national rights to return, to self-determination and to establish their national State on their national soil.
390.	To this end, Democratic Yemen has joined in concerted efforts to bring about a comprehensive dialogue among Palestinians that would reinforce national Palestinian unity within the framework of the PLO and open up wider horizons for the Palestinian struggle and the solidarity of the international community with the Palestinians. We hope that these efforts with our brethren and friends will be crowned with success.
391.	In Democratic Yemen we are not remote from the plans and conspiracies that threaten progressive national regimes. In the Indian Ocean the imperialist military presence is reinforced. This makes it essential to hold the Conference on the Indian Ocean in the first half of next year at the latest.
392.	Recently there have been mine explosions in the Red Sea, near our territorial waters. This causes more concern and tension and threatens the safety, security, stability and sovereignty of the States of the region. We have clearly stated our position and warned against attempts to use these events as a pretext for imperialist militarist intervention in the affairs of the region and to justify the presence of imperialist fleets and bases. We look forward impatiently to the time when the area will be a zone of peace and security as a result of the conjunction of international efforts and the efforts of all peace loving forces to bring about favourable conditions for the attainment of this end. The first requirement in this connection is the departure of the foreign fleets cruising in Red Sea waters under the pretext of minesweeping.
393.	Our area is still replete with problems. There is the war between Iraq and Iran, which is entering its fourth year with increased hostilities and is widening in scope. The situation is becoming increasingly grave and dangerous. It behoves us all, therefore, to make all possible efforts at all levels to put an end to it, to stop it from spreading, and to resort to peaceful dialogue so as not to leave any room for imperialist interventions, which will not serve the interests of the peoples of the area in their quest for security, stability and progress.
394.	The imperialists and colonialists endeavour to destabilize independent national regimes and to obstruct their development in order to perpetuate their selfish interests, whether in Asia, Africa or Latin America.
395.	Southern Africa is still languishing under the yoke of the most terrible form of racist occupation, persecution and oppression, and of	and the racist minority, with the collusion of imperialists and Israel, fights against the militant African masses who are continuing their struggle with heroism and steadfastness.
396.	Western attempts to circumvent the resolutions of the United Nations and the international community in order to collaborate with the racist regime and end its isolation, including inviting its Prime Minister for official visits, will lead to increased stiffening of South Africa's attitude towards the peoples of the country.
397.	We reaffirm our full support for the struggle of those peoples and their national liberation movements, in particular SWAPO. We call for the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), concerning the effective independence of Namibia, so that this militant people may achieve freedom and national independence.
398.	In Latin America, and in particular Central America, the present United States Administration has made it crystal clear that it will not let the peoples there freely choose their own way to exercise their rights to development and to liberation from dependence and exploitation. It continues to resort to all kinds of pressures, international terrorism and covert and overt intervention, military and non-military, against peoples and States. This is what happened in Grenada and Nicaragua, and it is also shown by the escalation of the blockade of Cuba and the persistence of its presence in Guantanamo and Puerto Rico. It does not cease its conspiracies and manoeuvres nor its attempts to put an end to the national liberation movements in El Salvador, Chile and Guatemala.
399.	We support the efforts of the Contadora Group to establish peace and stability in Central America, free of the influence and interference of the United States in the internal affairs of the region, and call on the United Nations to concentrate its efforts in support of the peoples of the region in their struggle against this intervention.
400.	There can be no just peace unless it is based on the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and on international norms and practices.
401.	In Western Sahara, the Saharan people are struggling to achieve self-determination, freedom and sovereignty. We feel that there must be direct negotiations between the Frente POLISARIO and Morocco, based on resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations.
402.	The only way to settle the problem of Cyprus is for all foreign troops to be withdrawn from that country and for its independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonaligned status to be ensured. Separatist plans to divide the island must be rejected, and the dialogue between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities must be pursued.
403.	We cannot but express again our support for the proposals put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, within the framework of the efforts to obtain the peaceful reunification of Korea.
404.	We support also the proposals presented by Afghanistan and the countries of IndoChina for dialogue and understanding among the nations concerned, in order to establish peace and stability in the regions.
405.	There is still a negative escalating spiral in the international economic crisis, and its effects seriously prejudice the interests of developing countries, particularly the least developed among them. Unfortunately, the efforts by the developing countries to contain the crisis and minimize the damage it causes have met with obstacles set up by the Western industrialized countries. There is still insistence on dealing with the problem in ways that are insufficient and inappropriate, given the extent of the crisis with its numerous international commercial, monetary and financial aspects.
406.	In this respect, we wish to reaffirm that economic recovery in the industrialized countries will not alleviate some aspects of the crisis unless it is accompanied by practical steps to eliminate protectionist barriers, reduce interest rates and solve the problems facing the developing countries, which see their debts mounting up unceasingly, forcing them to cut their development programmes to the very bone.
407.	A comprehensive solution to the deteriorating international economic crisis lies in the reconstruction of international economic relations and in rekindling global negotiations with a view to establishing a new international economic order. We cannot, however, conceal the frustration felt by the developing countries as a result of the failure to achieve concrete results—a failure caused by the lack of response by the industrialized countries to the proposals recently put forward by the developing countries. Furthermore, the meetings to review and evaluate the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade have not so far achieved satisfactory results.
408.	Democratic Yemen, as one of the least developed countries, is particularly affected by the consequences of the international economic crisis. As a result of that crisis, our country, which has meagre financial resources, is suffering from the rise and fluctuations of prices of imported manufactured goods. Moreover, the real value of official development assistance has shrunk. Also, the organizations of the United Nations system concerned with operational development activities and the international financial institutions that aid the developing countries have had to curtail their projects because of their smaller budgets. All these factors have combined to restrict the aspirations of our countries to implement development projects designed to build a society whose citizens can enjoy prosperity and stability.
409.	Since it attained independence, my country has maintained a policy of peace based on coexistence and good neighbourliness and on respect for sovereignty and independence, and it has made consistent efforts to ensure the unity of the Yemeni people by peaceful and democratic means. On that basis, friendly relations have been established with the countries neighbouring Democratic Yemen.
410.	The efforts to achieve unity have resulted in the elaboration of joint drafts by the two parts of Yemen and the establishment of fraternal relations and continuing coordination between them.
411.	In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary General states: "Unfortunately the history of post-war international relations has so far shown that the common interest in peace and security has tended to assert itself only when things have reached a dangerously critical stage. . . . We are still very far from general acceptance of the principles of the Charter as rules to be lived by at all times by all Governments in their international relations." The Secretary General also draws attention to the fact that the inability of the international community to solve many political and economic problems has resulted in a tendency to avoid recourse to the United Nations and, instead, to have recourse to other measures such as force, unilateral steps and confrontational military pacts that have reduced the prestige of the Organization.
412.	At a time when the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations is approaching, we hope that this situation described by the Secretary General will not persist and that the combined efforts of the international community will serve to strengthen the Organization and its effectiveness, in order to assist oppressed peoples and to implement the purposes and principles of the Charter so that freedom, justice, wellbeing, and international peace and security can be achieved.