Let me at the outset convey to the President the warm and sincere felicitations of Sri Lanka on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Sri Lanka and the German Democratic Republic have enjoyed a fruitful association of co-operation in bilateral and international affairs, an association which has been further strengthened by exchanges of visits at a high level between our two countries recently.
A special word of gratitude is due from us to the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, my friend and colleague from the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) , for his outstanding contribution to the forty-first session as President.
To strike a personal note, it is now a decade since I first addressed the General Assembly as Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka. For the last 10 years I have had the opportunity to observe the vagaries of the international situation, both economic and political. Many of the items I saw on the agenda in 1977 have eluded settlement. This has not always been for want of solutions. For many of these problems the General Assembly has, often by consensus, prescribed solutions based on the principles and purposes of the Charter. Unfortunately, those prescriptions have not been dispensed, nor have solutions been implemented. However, I will not outline the reasons for this sad state of affairs. They are very well known.
Permit me to look at the global economic situation. The 1980s are already being characterized as the lost decade of development. The development process as a whole stands disrupted. For many developing countries it is a tragic tale of economic stagnation, with falling living standards and negative growth rates. Adverse socio-economic consequences of these developments have led to social and political unrest. The prospects for growth and development for many of us remain increasingly unfavourable. If the developing countries are to break out of this vicious circle  there has to be a revitalization of the development process. This will be possible only in an international economic environment that is supportive of such efforts.
The assessment of the world economy which emerges from the World Economic Survey 1987 is clear. World economic growth, as the Survey points out, is weak and fragile, and the prevailing uncertainties point downwards. It is equally clear that if the negative influences are not reversed in time, they could move the world economy closer to a global recession. Therefore, the urgent imperative is for the launching of policies and measures towards the stimulation of world economic growth. This has to be accompanied by an effective reinvigoration of development and trade on the basis of international economic co-operation.
The present modest economic recovery in the industrialized countries has slowed down further in the last two years. The macro-economic and deflationary policies pursued by them in recent years are responsible for this underlying situation. They have had only negative consequences for the third world, as they have precipitated protectionist policies, restrictive trade measures and a decline in third world exports. The situation relating to commodities is critical and prices have slumped since 1980 to their lowest levels in the last 50 years. What is more, there are little signs of an improvement. Several developing countries, such as Sri Lanka , which face huge losses in export earnings as a result of falling commodity prices ; and the deterioration in the terms of trade, find their development efforts seriously disturbed.
There is, however, a silver lining to the present gloomy situation and there is the increasing realization by the major market-economy countries of the need for greater co-ordination of their macro-economic policies and recognition of the interlinkages of issues of commodities, trade, monetary and financial policies. This awareness must be seized and broadened and deepened. The notion of Interdependence will have to be transformed into a global and co-ordinated approach reinforced by concrete policies and actions.
It is heartening, therefore, that recent developments have recognized the need to address common concerns in a mutually beneficial way on the basis of International economic co-operation. At Punta del Este in September last year Ministers from developed and developing countries alike adopted a bold and ambitious agenda in launching the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations. That was aimed at a greater liberalization of world trade and the strengthening of the international trading system. Again, as recently as July his year, in Geneva, the Seventh United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) adopted by consensus the Final Act of that Conference. The decision represents a political commitment by the international community to work towards the revitalization of development, growth and international trade through multilateral co-operation. It remains for the International community collectively to honour commitments that have been undertaken and to implement them faithfully and effectively.
Before turning to the international political and security situation I should like to refer briefly to the current situation in Sri Lanka. Last year I detailed the efforts of President Jayewardene to resist a threat to impose a separate State unacceptable to the vast majority of the people in Sri Lanka. I also detailed the endeavours of the Government to reach a negotiated political settlement with the Tamil community to redress their grievances. Today I am able to state that a new situation has been brought into existence by the signing of the India-Sri Lanka accord in July this year. The wisdom and statesmanship that led to that accord have been widely acclaimed both within and outside the Assembly. Today, terrorism is virtually at an end, with only some sporadic in-fighting between rival terrorist groups which have not yet surrendered all their weapons. Negotiations have been almost completed on the question of the devolution of political and administrative functions to the provincial councils. There will be an interim administration for the Northern and Eastern Provinces pending the transfer of responsibilities to an elected provincial council. A referendum will take place a year thereafter to ascertain the wishes of the people of the Eastern Province on the question of a merger with the Northern Province. We are hopeful that violent divisive and separatist tendencies in the Northern and Eastern Provinces will give way to the democratic process which has nourished Sri Lanka's political life for over half a century.
The year 1987 was designated by the United Nations General Assembly the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless on a proposal made by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka in this Assembly in 1982. As a consequence we have witnessed impressive programmes of national and international activities to focus attention on the problem of adequate housing and to formulate enduring solutions aimed at satisfying a basic need. On 12 October the Assembly will devote two plenary meetings to the observance of the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless.
We see hopeful signs in the international political situation. We welcome the proposed summit meeting between the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union, The agreement in principle to dismantle intermediate-range nuclear forces signals the removal of an entire class of weapons of a particular range from the arsenals of the major military Powers. The threat of global extinction has not, by any means been removed, or even substantially reduced. Yet agreement is in the course of being reached on intermediate-range nuclear forces and its positive impact on the international scene make this perhaps the most significant step of the century in disarmament initiatives.
Despite the easing of tension in many sensitive areas, much more remains to be achieved before we can enjoy the fruits of lasting peace and security. The horrific destructive power of nuclear weapons must itself be destroyed and a genuine process of disarmament under adequate verification must be set in motion. The nexus between disarmament and development was explored barely a fortnight а з by an International Conference held under the aegis of the United Nations. The Conference reached the clear conclusion that disarmament and development are the two pillars on which enduring international peace and security can be built and that an arms race and a more sustainable world order are not compatible. There is no denying the complexity of the issues involved, but the high-level political participation in the International Conference was indicative of our collective willingness to address those complexities and to find solutions through multilateral co-operation. Next year we shall- gather in New York again for the third special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. That session must not slide back from the achievements of the f lest special session on disarmament.
Sri Lanka had the honour and privilege of introducing in the Assembly in 1977, on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, the resolution calling for the convening of the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. The rationale of special sessions of the General Assembly on disarmament is that the imperative of disarmament affects, not only the nuclear-weapon States and those who have military muscle, but all nations.	.
Nuclear disaster would make no distinction between those who can use these weapons, those who possess them, and those like us who do not fall into either category. The joint acceptance by the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union of the fact that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought, needs now to be translated into further reductions and the elimination of nuclear weapons beyond the intermediate nuclear forces. As an interim measure, negotiations for a comprehensive nuclear test ban should be conducted not only bilaterally but multilaterally as well. The Conference on Disarmament can be brought into service to negotiate the necessary agreements. This multilateral negotiating body has demonstrated its capacity in its efforts this year to complete a draft convention on chemical weapons.
Few ages have faced such frightening challenges. To retreat from the nuclear race requires greater courage than to persist in a contest to exhibit military superiority. To extend this rivalry and to put weapons in outer space is to thwart the powerful development potential of the last frontier of mankind. Sri Lanka hopes to continue with other nations its efforts to reach consensus on a resolution that would help to prevent an arms race and to promote peaceful co-operation in outer space in the interest of all humanity.
Another initiative in disarmament and international security in which Sri Lanka has been engaged is the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. We have offered to host one of the Ad Hoc Committee meetings in Colombo next year. This meeting is of course to be distinguished from the Colombo Conference on the Indian Ocean, which is now scheduled to take place by 1990.
There is another area of marine activity, economic in character, in which Sri Lanka has taken an initiative. I am happy to state that early this year, we hosted in Colombo the Ministerial Meeting on Indian Ocean Marine Affaire Co-operation. The Conference formulated a long-term programme of co-operation and a plan of action to provide a basis for concrete co-operative action among the Indian Ocean States. The Ministerial Meeting also set up the 17-nation Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Standing Committee, which held its first meeting immediately after the Ministerial Conference. The second meeting of the Standing Committee was concluded successfully early this month in Colombo.
We derive considerable satisfaction from the progress achieved so far by the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) for promoting regional co-operation. The agreement reached in identifying terrorist offences for the purpose of extradition is indeed a significant breakthrough. The Bangalore Summit Declaration recogni2ed the importance of the principle that each member State of SAARC should not permit the use of its territory for terrorist activities by terrorist groups against another member State. The last Ministerial Meeting held in New Delhi mandated a group of legal experts from SAARC countries to draft a regional convention on terrorism. I am happy to state that the group of legal experts who met in Sri Lanka this month have formulated a draft convention on terrorism which will now come up for consideration before the Council of Ministers in Kathmandu, early in November this year.
A call has been made for an international conference to seek a just and lasting solution to the problems of the Middle East. The fate of an entire people, the Palestinians, continues to be in jeopardy, it is our view that until Israel withdraws from Palestine and other Arab territories it occupies, and until the rights of the Palestinians are restored, no lasting settlement to the cluster of issues known as question of the Middle East can be achieved. Sri Lanka will continue to support the just struggle of the people of Palestine under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, whose participation is indispensable in the negotiations for a durable settlement. The Arab Peace Plan adopted in Fez in 1982 continues to be relevant in this regard.
The plight of the people of Lebanon has become a part of the Middle East question. Sri Lanka calls for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon to permit the sovereign exercise by the Government of its authority over all its territory.
In the adjacent Gulf region, relations between two fellow members of the non-aligned countries, Iran and Iraq, have deteriorated into a wasteful war, which exacts a terrible toll on their peoples. Regional stability has been affected and there looms the threat of a wider conflict. Sri Lanka welcomes the initiative leading to the visit by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to the area, and supports every effort to find a settlement acceptable to both parties.
The Central American region presents no less a tangled web of issues, which can only be complicated further by unwarranted foreign intervention. The Guatemala Accord, a regional initiative, offers a blueprint for the construction of a solid edifice of peace. We hope that the initiative will lead to stable relationships among the countries concerned on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect, and the peaceful coexistence of differing political and economic systems. The international community must appreciate the wishes of the Governments of this region and respect their desire to develop their societies politically and economically in accordance with the aspirations of their peoples.
Closer home, the situation in South-East Asia has been adversely affected by developments in Kampuchea. South-West Asia likewise has been affected by developments in Afghanistan. In both situations, Sri Lanka has consistently called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and affirmed the right of the peoples in the respective countries to resolve their problems and determine their political destiny without outside interference, pressures, subversion or coercion. Sri Lanka supports the desire of the Korean people to reunify their homeland peacefully, through direct dialogue, without foreign interference and in conformity with the principles of the North-South Statement of 4 July 1972.
Foreign troops have occupied a portion of the Republic of Cyprus, bringing about a de facto division of the island and exacerbating the internal issues concerning the relationship between the two communities in the Republic of Sri Lanka fully supports the call of the Heads of State of the Non-Aligned Movement for the immediate withdrawal of all occupation forces as an essential basis for the solution of the Cyprus problem.
The situation in South Africa offers a curious mix of the best and the worst in human endeavour. Racial bigotry that has been cynically institutionalised and piously justified in the system of apartheid displays the worst in man. What inspires us in this otherwise bleak situation is the spirit and determination of the majority people of South Africa to resist oppression, to endure suffering and overcome subjugation. Repression has only strengthened their resistance and reinforced their drive for freedom and majority rule. Comprehensive mandatory sanctions are internationally accepted as the most effective means to dismantle the ugly system of apartheid. Sri Lanka reiterates the call for the release of Nelson Mandela and others so that they can be brought into the mainstream of political life.
Apartheid has also kept Namibia captive. What is particularly tragic is the in this situation to the international consensus that would bring independence for Namibia - Security Council resolution 435 (1978) - has not been Implemented. South Africa's strategy to buy time has prevented freedom for Namibia. The obstacle to Namibian independence remains South Africa's intransigence. The courageous struggle of the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa people's Organization (SWAPO) must reach its inevitable conclusion/ and the international community must hasten this process.
Beyond South Africa and Namibia, apartheid has spawned unbearable horrors on the front-line States, such as the massacre of civilians in Mozambique earlier this year. We strongly condemn these actions that seek to destabilize independent countries through such cold-blooded acts of terrorism against innocent civilians.
Every year we gather here in New York to examine the international situation and to consider what our collective wisdom has to offer in dealing with issues of common concern to us. Pessimists may say that we are cataloguing failures of the United Nations and indulging in rhetoric. The measure of success or failure of the United Nations will depend on what we, the Members of the United Nations, would wish the Organization to be. For small non-aligned countries like Sri Lanka, the moral authority of the United Nations and its Charter and the international accountability it entails are important bulwarks of our security and independence.
Recent developments in some areas have augured well  if not decisively bringing about solutions, at least offering in their wake promises for the future. Patient efforts over a sustained period have had a beneficial cumulative effect, ushering in new hopes, nurturing fresh optimism and yielding new avenues to overcome the failures of the past. These efforts must continue within the framework of the United Nations if decisions ate to command the confidence of the international community and to stand the test of time.


The Algerian delegation warmly congratulates you. Sir, on your election to preside over the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Your long experience in international affairs and especially your awareness of problems closely linked to United Nations activities justify the honour the Assembly has done you in giving you this onerous task. We are convinced that you will do your work to the great benefit of the Assembly. In electing you, Sir, our Assembly also wished to honour your country for its role in working significantly for a future in which dialogue and co-operation have a special place. My country is honoured to enjoy such dialogue and co-operation with your country. I assure you that you will always have the fullest support from me personally and from my country.
Your position was previously held by Mr, Humayun Rasheed Choudhury. Showing his authority with regard to the matters before the Assembly and making himself available to all, he constantly demonstrated his inexhaustible personal resources, which he put at the service of the general interest. He was thus a credit to a brotherly country, Bangladesh, but even more of a credit to the whole international community. I hope that he will accept our expression of gratitude and my brotherly wishes for his future health and happiness.
Our Organization has benefited greatly from being able to count on the unfailing devotion to duty of the Secretary-General, his absolute commitment and his tireless work in the efficient service of the shared interests of its Members. With his identification with the United Nations in the promotion of peace and development through dialogue, joint efforts and universal action, he embodies a conviction, which is infectious, that our Organization is irreplaceable, especially at times when attempts are made to question that.
The agreement in principle between the United States and the Soviet Union on the withdrawal and destruction of short-range and medium-range missiles based in Europe is, though it has yet to be formally confirmed, certainly a long-awaited event. Coming after a period of dangerous tension in super-Power relations, it offers timely hope of a better future in international relations. It is naturally very important, since it will be the first genuine nuclear disarmament agreement yet reached. We therefore welcome it and applaud its achievement.
However, if the agreement is to have a significant historic meaning, apart from its importance in providing a moment of détente in super-Power relations, which have been troubled, it should set a lead for bilateral and multilateral negotiations. It is essential from this point of view that those concerned resolutely pursue the negotiations on the gradual reduction of strategic weapons and the prevention of an arms race in space, and that agreements be drafted or finalized on the banning of nuclear tests and on the banning and destruction of chemical weapons.
Close to Europe both in immutable geographical terms and in terms of a constantly changing history, Algeria cannot but be concerned when matters affecting Europe can affect Algeria's security, as is shown by the Maghreb's involvement in the two World Wars and the fact that it is within range of the missiles I have mentioned.
Algeria's promotion of extended dialogue and in-depth co-operation with the countries involved in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe process should be understood in that light. Its action, taken with the other non-aligned Mediterranean countries, as was recently demonstrated at the meeting in Brioni, Yugoslavia, is aimed at accelerating the establishment of equal security for all in the Mediterranean. In this regard, measures concerning disarmament, the relaxation of tension and the promotion o£ greater security must be extended to the whole of the Mediterranean area, because the major nuclear Powers have a special responsibility in this regard since they maintain naval fleets and weapons, including nuclear weapons, in the region.
That means that détente and understanding cannot be limited to any given region of the world, no matter how sensitive that region might be, because nuclear and conventional forces are concentrated there or because it might potentially be the scene of a major conflict. Since world peace is not divisible, nor can detente be, unless the errors of the past are to be repeated and people are to continue to be unable to lay sensible, lasting foundations for a better future for all.
The dividends resulting from East-West dialogue must also play a part in lessening local tensions and defusing regional hotbeds of crisis. An improvement in super-Power relations and, beyond that, the improvement in relations between the two major military alliances does not mean that the legitimate security concerns of the non-aligned countries, especially Mediterranean non-aligned countries, can be ignored.
Thus we return to the fundamental truth that the problems connected with world security are indivisible and therefore require a comprehensive, integrated approach. While the regional approach has its merits, it can validly use its specific resources in the promotion of world peace only in conditions of non-discrimination and respect for the equal right of all States to security. In the still troubled context of international relations, each of our countries must be able to contribute its brick to the edifice of peace. This is the expression of loyalty to the United Nations and faith in its ideals. It is also the essential measure of the contribution of each country to the advent of a new era in international relations - relations which we hope will bring peace, stability, security and progress for all.
That brick in the edifice of peace Algeria gives to the Maghreb, in the unshakeable conviction that that grouping of countries has no other choice, no other future, than that in the unity which is its natural destiny. It is a sign of our times that peoples are committed, in addition to affirming and preserving their specific identity, to seeking and finding with their neighbours and immediate or traditional partners the common interests and shared aspirations that enable them, because their concerns are the same, to overcome mistrust and past misunderstandings and formulate together a unitary project that reflects the new requirements of development and the increased need for greater security.
This is especially true with regard to the peoples of the Maghreb, the expression of whose genius and creativity in their daily life derives from a unique heritage of culture, religion and civilization. In order to preserve that heritage they have in the recent past, had to fight in solidarity and together make the greatest sacrifices. The great Arab Maghreb, supported by the strength that the past has given it and undaunted by present obstacles remains an aspiration for the future and is an objective to work for. My country, even before its independence, decided to commit its will, determination and means to the attainment of that objective, thus making it a strategic objective desired by the people and pursued by their leaders. It is a task which, to be worthy of the values it proclaims, cannot proceed in ignorance or with disregard of that which is essential to the authenticity and legitimacy of that unitary project: respect for the fullness of the rights of each people called upon to carry out the work. Together with the other Maghreb leaders# President Chadli Bendjedid took the initiative in moving to a new stage in the Maghreb unitary process directed towards economic integration and collective political efforts based on the Treaty of fraternity and harmony between Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania.
The purpose of that initiative was to expand the prospects for joint action by the countries of the Maghreb within the framework of that Treaty and to proceed progressively and methodically in such a way that each step would prepare the next and build on solid past achievements until the ultimate goal, unity, was achieved through the will and to the advantage of all.
We do not underestimate either the arduous nature of the task, the scope of the problems yet to be solved or the obstacles to be overcome. Since the united Great Arab Maghreb is an inevitable reality of the future, it is necessary now to make the proper choices and ensure the determination and active participation of all. We have no doubt that in all decisive instances the proper choices will be made and the determination and participation of all will be there.
Originally established by the Organization of African Unity (OAU), a peace plan that is now universally endorsed sets the framework, defines the conditions and identifies the means for achieving a negotiated peaceful, just and final solution of the conflict. The essential requirement is direct negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario front, the two parties to the conflict, on the conditions for a cease-fire and a referendum on self-determination. And, finally, the referendum can only be authentic if it is free from all administrative or military constraints. The United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) are today engaged in a joint good-offices process. Algeria welcomes the joint initiative of the current Chairman of the OAU and the Secretary-General in sending a technical mission to the Territory to determine the methods necessary to ensure the holding of a credible referendum organized and monitored by the OAU and the United Nations. We hope that this mission will be able to carry out its task validly, thereby enabling the current Chairman of the OAU and the Secretary-General to submit appropriate proposals for implementing the peace plan laid down in OAU resolution 104 and endorsed only last year by the General Assembly in its resolution 41/16.
It goes without saying that if the conflict in Western Sahara is to be finally settled by means of a referendum, that referendum must meet the indispensable requirements of justice and regularity. The concept and the carrying out of the referendum must not, therefore, presuppose a result that would confirm and legitimise a fait accompli and thereby give the occupying force a military or administrative presence that could greatly influence the result of the referendum.
The continuation and consolidation of the efforts of the United Nations and the OAU demonstrate that there is the good will to give assistance and take action to ensure the end of this fratricidal conflict. That is true, particularly, of the fraternal intervention of King Fahd Ibn Abdelaziz El Saoud, the sovereign of Saudi Arabia and the guardian of the Holy Places. This is a praiseworthy intervention that deserves our greatest appreciation.
Algeria endeavours to add stones to the edifice of world peace wherever local tensions or regional crises call for its contribution or its efforts at the side of others. That is true of the Middle East crisis, the painful situation in fraternal Lebanon, the fratricidal conflict that is draining the finest human and material resources and potential of Iraq and Iran, and the situation in Chad, to which my county extends best wishes for national reconciliation and reconstruction in its entire territory.
In the Middle East, the Palestinian people continue to be the victims of an intolerable situation. They have been unjustly robbed of their homeland and are forced to struggle for the full restoration of their national rights. Forty years of struggle bear witness to the impossibility of bringing peace back to the region if the right of the Palestinians to an independent State established on their historical territory, Palestine, is not realized. A solution to the Middle East conflict inevitably requires the restoration of the occupied Arab territories, including Al-Qods Al-Sharif. Lebanon's tragedy lies at the heart of our concerns. In its cruel ordeal, it can rest assured of our solidarity. Algeria is and will remain beside it in its efforts to mobilize its forces and bring together all its sons in restored national unity and understanding, and to affirm its authority and sovereignty over all its territory ravaged by Zionist occupation.
The solution to the Middle East crisis must be comprehensive. It is unimaginable outside the framework of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Such a conference remains, in this respect, an irreplaceable requirement, since it alone can embrace all the dimensions and aspects of the crisis.
We are among those who believe that the idea of such a conference, or even agreeing to hold it, is not an end in itself. The important thing is to identify what is to be involved. In that respect, there are four factors that must be taken fully into account if everyone's goal today is really to ensure a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East crisis.
First, there is the nature o£ the conference. Its limits and its inability to provide the real solution expected of it would become immediately apparent if it were reduced to being an umbrella covering a series of bilateral negotiations - territorial or otherwise - and failed to address itself to the central parameters of the crisis, that is, the Palestinian question. To cover up the Palestinian question would be to forget that it is and will remain the original cause of the disputes in the Middle East and that if, as such, it is not solved there can be no real peace in the region.
Secondly, there are the powers, the competence, of the conference. How could anyone venture to relieve the United Nations of its primary responsibilities in that respect, when we know the stake it has in the issue in view of its past role in the Palestinian tragedy? The United Nations continues to have complete and full responsibilities in this question, and they must be expressed within the international conference to be convened.
Thirdly, there is the matter of participation in the conference. The Palestinian question is the central issue to be resolved, and that cannot be done if its authentic representatives are absent and their aspirations and wishes are excluded - for they are the only representatives who can validly formulate and defend those aspirations and wishes.
Fourthly, there is the objective of the conference. How could that be anything but simple recognition of this natural right recognized by everyone; the right to self-determination, through the exercise of which the Palestinians would regain their homeland?
The war between Iraq and Iran continues. Today it is spreading dangerously in the Gulf, putting at risk the security and stability of fraternal countries in the region. This war, which is now in its eighth year, has become one of the bloodiest and most devastating in modern times. It is being waged to the increasing detriment of the real interests of the peoples of Iran and Iraq. But an inevitably common destiny requires them to work harder to identify the ways and means of finally bringing a peaceful end to their conflict so that, together, they can resolutely devote their potential to all the areas of solidarity which today unite the third world, faced with so many challenges. The Secretary-General is working to bring the war to a halt. Algeria cannot but encourage and support him in the peace endeavours entrusted to him by the Security Council so that the Gulf can once again be a region of understanding and co-operation and peace and world security can be preserved.
Algeria is an active partner in all the struggles being waged by Africa in a striking example of the mobilization of resources. In its efforts to attain full liberation and to foster its development, our continent is unfailingly and untiringly meeting its responsibilities. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) is playing a vital strategic role in this respect. It is up to the international community to meet its responsibilities towards a continent unfortunately characterized by, inter alia, persistent racial domination and an unparalleled state of underdevelopment.
In southern Africa, one cannot but admire the determination of the people of South Africa in their struggle fully to regain their rights and to throw out apartheid, which is stepping up its repression even as it is increasingly being abandoned by the sources of support that once justified its existence and provided the resources it needed for survival. The struggle of the people of South Africa under the leadership of the African National Congress ,(ANC) and the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) are exemplary in terms of their achievements and the scale of the sacrifices they have made and represent one of the key lessons of the late twentieth century, which will finally see the end of racial oppression. Today, at this late stage, when energetic measures under Chapter VII of the Charter have still not been taken, one wonders how such a crime against humanity, a crime condemned by history, could have been committed and allowed to continue without evoking the necessary determination to put an end to it. At the very least we are duty-bound to ensure that the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and the front-line States receive the decisive support called for in this final phase of their struggle.
The border dispute between Chad and Libya has mobilized the resources of the OAU, which has demonstrated its capacity to provide the framework for the search for and attainment of a solution to the dispute. The committee of Heads of State set up by the OAU, which met recently in Lusaka, Zambia, has mapped out the appropriate path to be followed, which represents a significant and promising first step. Libya and Chad, whose proximity demands that they co-operate and reach an understanding, will, we trust find within themselves the sense of responsibility and courage necessary to ensure that what divides them today will tomorrow yield to mutual respect, understanding and progress for these two brother peoples.
In Central America, real prospects of achieving a lasting peace and co-operation in the interests of all the peoples of the area have emerged, thanks to the peace plan agreed upon in Guatemala on 7 August and the dedication of President Arias of Costa Rica and the other Central American leaders. This supplements the tireless efforts of the Contadora and Lima Groups. It is to be hoped that this agreement will enjoy the sincere and unreserved support of all who are in a position to assist in the restoration of peace and harmony in the region.
Algeria hails the political, economic and social achievements of Latin America and sincerely hopes they can be consolidated for the benefit of the peoples of Latin America so that their group of nations can reaffirm its place and confirm its role with respect to the defence of the essential cause of the Non-Aligned Movement and the developing world.
In Harare, at the summit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement, and in Brioni recently, at the ministerial conference of Mediterranean members of the movement, our countries made clear their views on the question of Cyprus. My country identifies with their stated position, endorses it and hopes it will provide the basis for a solution.
The present system of contemporary international relations is a source of instability for all and an impediment for the developing countries. This fact prompted certain remarks made before the Group of 77, which I should like to share with the Assembly today:
First, the developing world has lived up to its internal responsibilities with respect to development, but that has proved far from adequate.
Secondly, the internal adjustments made by the developing world, at great political, economic and social cost, did not provide the expected result - far from it. At the very best, they had a negligible effect, as a result of the rigidity and inappropriateness of the external economic environment.
Thirdly, these internal adjustments have shown the vital need for comprehensive structural adjustments, are necessary now, if on all sides there really exists the political will to receive the structural development crisis which the present system of international economic relations has created and serves to perpetuate.
Fourthly, to talk about comprehensive structural adjustments inevitably implies the involvement of the United Nations, one of whose essential goals is to promote international co-operation for the well-being of all peoples.
Hence, fifthly, the need for a reinvigorated North-South dialogue with precise objectives. The future of peace lies in disarmament and development, which are indissolubly linked and interdependent. Sixthly, and lastly, at a time when the North-South dialogue is dwindling, the United Nations has the duty to revitalize it, with our assistance and co-operation. The United Nations finds itself today at the crossroads. It must take up problems relating to the very survival of mankind at a time when the Organization sees its very existence threatened. On the one hand, we have a devastating nuclear arms race, which threatens the survival of life on our planet; on the other hand, we have a proportion of mankind whose precarious economic conditions have resulted in the tragic impossibility of assuring the basic means of survival. One is as morally unjustifiable as the other is in terms of common humanity. This dramatic situation was highlighted at a recent conference which pointed to ways for dealing with the disarmament-development equation.
The pursuit and attainment of these objectives cannot be conceived without the United Nations, which must recover the vitality of its role and the full complement of its resources.
There is no alternative to the preservation and strengthening of the role of the United Nations. If, in this respect, reforms are necessary to enhance its efficiency and if it can be shown that there is room for structural improvements, we all have the duty to encourage this and contribute to it. But as the international situation makes clear, one cannot dispense with this tool, the only one available to mankind to pool the efforts of all and, finally, offer the prospect of universal peace and progress.


I wish first, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the vice-presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. I should be grateful if you would be good enough to convey to Ambassador Peter Florin the congratulations of our delegation on his election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. That election is a tribute both to his talents as a veteran diplomat and to his country, the German Democratic Republic, with which Burkina Faso enjoys the best possible relations. It is with genuine pleasure that I thus offer you both my congratulations and those of my delegation.
Furthermore, I wish to pay a sincere and well-deserved tribute to Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, who presided so successfully over the forty-first session. I take this opportunity to reaffirm our active support and encouragement for the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and an appreciation of his ceaseless and tireless efforts to defend the noble ideals of our Organization.
We meet here each year to exchange views and consider together international problems and matters of common interest. We meet to seek together solutions to our problems, not only those that divide us but also those faced by each of our States individually.
Unfortunately, year after year, we have gradually found ourselves in a Tower of Babel, in which the most varied languages mingle: the voice of the West, the voice of the East, the voice of the Non-Aligned, the voice of the aligned of the non-aligned - all are heard in the ensuing cacophony. Feelings of fraternity and friendship are long since dead. They have given way to the arguments of force and the language of material interests. The conduct of the economically and militarily powerful nations convinces us more and more finally each day that in the court of the international community one is guilty or innocent depending on whether one is powerful or weak. Equality, sovereignty and independence are more and more becoming words devoid of meaning.
I should like to make some simple observations to illustrate this point: first, let us take participation in the general debate at the annual sessions. At these we see that the General Assembly Hall is crammed when certain delegations speak and empties with deplorable rapidity when their statements are over. To listen to these same speakers our various delegations attend in force with as many people as possible; but how many of those same delegations will be represented in this Hall by the I4inister, or even by the Permanent Representative, when it comes the turn of Burkina Faso or any of the small States to make their contribution to our debate? This conduct is not without significance. It is actually the deliberate assertion of the superiority of some over others, what else could it be, when luncheons and dinners are organized in honour of African, Asian and Latin American delegations, to which they are actually invited by those who have not even bothered to come and listen to them?
Africa is indeed suffering from hunger, as ate Asia and Latin America. This is a grim reality on which we cannot turn our backs and of which we are trying to rid ourselves, but what our different continents are really suffering from is hunger for justice, liberty, independence and dignity. The sessions of the General Assembly should constitute special opportunities where a mutually enriching exchange takes place, not a jungle where might is right. Rhetorical hurly-burly, the cut-and-thrust debate, are very far from reflecting the vigorous and dynamic give-and-take which should De the form our discussions take. And this testifies to the burning desire we all share, to transform our world to serve the well—being of our peoples.
Our Organization can be effective and work for peace in the world only when it is agreed in this very place to give each of our States, particularly the most underprivileged of them, the consideration they merit, not on account of what they wish they could be, but on account of what they are.
I have chosen to open my statement with these somewhat, as it may appear to some, unusual words, because the inability to produce appropriate solutions to the problems besetting our world is nothing more than a true reflection of the state of our morale, as sessions succeed sessions, as statements follow statements, the chaotic situation of the world shows no visible sign of improvement: there are the same hotbeds of tension; the same crying imbalances; the same injustices; the same feats continue to weigh upon us.
In spite of all we have said. President Samora Machel fell victim to our irresolution and inconsistency. Glory and honour to his memory! This dastardly and barbarous crime will not even have touched the consciences of those who set themselves up as the policemen of the world.
In southern Africa there persists a situation which is an offence to human dignity, to the rules of international law, and to our Organization. The abominable Pretoria regime has succeeded in numbing the conscience of the international community and in reducing it to apathy in the face of the indescribable sufferings caused by apartheid and the odious crimes which it commits every day. Otherwise how to explain the fact that apartheid, a crime against humanity, as it has been branded here, cannot be punished as such?
While some handle the situation with kid gloves, or refuse to get involved, the minority, because it is white, oppresses and does violence to, and even slaughters without scruple the majority, whose sole crime is that they are black. In this hell, the freedom fighters and the martyred black people of South Africa continue their stoic struggle.
The recent strikes, which led to the foreseeable consequence of the firing of many workers, the murder of women and children and of members of the black opposition, are the latest testimony to the determination of the majority to triumph over apartheid at whatever price.
The Burkinabé revolution, for its part, is resolutely committed to the support of those fighting for freedom and dignity. Thus our people has channelled its assistance to its South African brothers through an anti-apartheid struggle fund made up of voluntary contributions. Furthermore, arrangements have been made to convene in Ouagadougou/ from 8 to 11 October 1987 - in just a few days, m fact - an anti-apartheid forum. The organizing committee for this international forum is known as Bambata, in memory of the valiant South African fighter so basely murdered by the Pretoria criminals. This international meeting will we hope help to awaken the peoples of the world to the relentless struggle being waged so valiantly by the African National Congress and other liberation movements in South Africa to put an end to the heinous system of apartheid,
Burkina Paso, which shares the ideals of the freedom fighters in their bid to establish a multiracial and democratic society, believes, for its part, that a South Africa freed from apartheid will be of invaluable assistance for the rehabilitation and enhancement of human dignity.
In this regard, permit me, as we have done in the past with regard to other countries, to welcome the decision of Canada to apply sanctions and if necessary to go so far as to break off diplomatic relations with the racist regime of South Africa.
In spite of all we have said, South Africa has remained deaf to our words. In Namibia, the symbol of the powerlessness of our Organization, South Africa, with the aid of its imperialist allies and flouting Security Council resolution 435 (1978), continues to plunder the wealth and trample underfoot the rights of the peoples to self-determination. Burkina Faso reiterates its support for the South West Africa People's Organization, the sole representative of the valiant Namibian people. Similarly, Burkina Faso reaffirms its support and active solidarity with the African brothers in the front line who, every day, are suffering from the destabilizing attacks of the Pretoria racist regime launched from Namibian territory, without those who dominate us and believe they have a world mission, even deigning to lift a finger.
In spite of all we have said, we have been unable to prevent the explosion of the situation in Chad. This situation is of the greatest concern to my country, because/ without doubt, it constitutes a threat to peace and security in Africa. All peace-loving nations, particularly the members of the Organization of African Unity, must do everything in their power to create the necessary conditions for national unity in Chad, by the withdrawal of foreign troops and by the halting of all forms of foreign intervention.
It is, in any case, from this standpoint, that Burkina Faso is making mediation efforts between the fraternal States of Libya and Chad, and also among the various opposing factions in the Chadian political arena. At a time when all of us are striving to do our very best to serve peace wherever it is threatened or breached, to do the work of reconciliation and to ensure that the Chadians and Libyans choose the force of argument over the argument of brutal and blind force, it is simply regrettable that - here in this very Hall certain delegations are still exploiting the sufferings of these two countries by making unconstructive statements. I say that because, if it had been that easy to decide between two States facing a frontier problem inherited from colonialism, Burkina Faso and Mali would have avoided a fratricidal war.
Let us therefore leave it to the Organization of African Unity (OAJ) and give them time to pursue their efforts. The results reached by our organization at Lusaka show, if evidence is needed, that to restore confidence and peace between those two fraternal States is not beyond Africa's power, only provided that there is a will to put an end to external interference.
On the question of Western Sahara, Burkina Faso’s position has not changed. Here again, more than a decade of discussion has done nothing to bring about the necessary solutions. My country hopes that Morocco will do everything necessary to make possible the success of the Secretary-General’s endeavour.
We have for many years now spoken of the Middle East, in particular of the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories where the same misery persists. Yet we continue to watch, powerless or passive, or perhaps both, the application of the principle that might is right - in this case the might belongs to the Israeli occupier. Here, again, our Organization has not succeeded in granting the Palestinian people its inalienable right to an independent and sovereign State. Here, too, the powerful countries of the world have never felt it necessary to try to bring Israel to its senses by any kind of constraint.
Lebanon is dying slowly - and that in spite of all we have said. More than ever we have grounds for fearing that external interference will jeopardize the very existence of the Lebanese State and the sovereignty of its people. Burkina Faso hopes that President Gemayel's appeal, made here last September, will be heeded and that, consequently, there will be as soon as possible the withdrawal of all foreign troops - with the exception, of course, of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).
We have been speaking for nine years now about the hotbed of tension created by the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq·, today it is the focus of attention. The world is preoccupied by it. People are talking, without the slightest embarrassment, of an embargo. No one seems to be worried or to take into account what we have said. The argument of force has become a necessity to which my country has resolutely refused to subscribe, because the motive behind this attitude is not to put an end to the loss of human life and economic damage caused by nine years of armed confrontation, not to preserve peace in the region, but to protect certain interests. I should like to remind representatives that when the question of mining Nicaraguan ports was raised there were not too many persons around who wanted to put matters right.
However, we can only reiterate our urgent appeals to those two countries, to which we are bound by our common membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to halt hostilities and prevent others from exploiting them to lead the world into an irretrievable situation.
We take this opportunity to welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to bring peace to that part of the world. The contribution my country has always attempted to make to the search for a final solution to this conflict is aimed, first and above all, at preserving our Organization's credibility. Halting hostilities - something my country earnestly hopes for - is not and cannot be exclusive of the objective establishment of the responsibilities of the parties to the conflict.
Peace in Asia remains seriously jeopardized owing to the situation in Kampuchea. We can only hope for the rapid establishment of an honourable peace for the peaceful reunification of Korea has not yet cone about, although we have been talking about it every year. The efforts undertaken to transform our quest into reality have been undermined by divisive forces emanating from outside Korea.
In Afghanistan recent manifestations of national reconciliation give us grounds for hoping that that hotbed of tension will soon be extinguished. That process can only be helped by the withdrawal of Soviet troops.
We have been speaking out for many years. But because we are small and have no means of coercion the arms race has been going full steam ahead. Today it. has reached pinnacles which are indeed frightening to those who yesterday were undertaking it with relish. Now the need is to disarm.
As I stressed here last year, mankind's greatest tragedy at the end of the twentieth century is what super armament, particularly with nuclear weapons, has wrought. Indeed, apart from the fear caused in those who are able to measure its consequences, there is the grim reality that the arms race has devoured vast human and material resources - the very resources we should be devoting to general and complete disarmament. In this context, our hopes of seeing these resources placed at the service of development are becoming rather slim.
Among the problems that this year are still undermining our world is the international economic crisis resulting from the imbalance in relations between industrialized and developing countries. Its main factors are: a hostile international environment, ever worsening terms of trade, continued decline in commodity prices, an alarming reduction in the flow of financial resources, and problems of external debt and its servicing. This last factor is without doubt the key to the crisis, because its solution, owing to a chain effect, would lead to the · solution of the other factors.
The peaceful reunification of Korea has not yet come about, although we have been talking about it every year. The efforts undertaken to transform our quest into reality have been undermined by divisive forces emanating from outside Korea.
In Afghanistan recent manifestations of national reconciliation give us grounds for hoping that that hotbed of tension will soon be extinguished. That process can only be helped by the withdrawal of Soviet troops.
We have been speaking out for many years. But because we are small and have no means of coercion the arms race has been going full steam ahead. Today it has reached pinnacles which are indeed frightening to those who yesterday were undertaking it with relish. Now the need is to disarm.
As I stressed here last year, mankind's greatest tragedy at the end of the twentieth century is what super armament, particularly with nuclear weapons, has wrought. Indeed, apart from the fear caused in those who are able to measure its consequences, there is the grim reality that the arms race has devoured vast human and material resources - the very resources we should be devoting to general and complete disarmament. In this context, our hopes of seeing these resources placed at the service of development are becoming rather slim.
Among the problems that this year are still undermining our world is the international economic crisis resulting from the imbalance in relations between Industrialized and developing countries. Its main factors are; a hostile international environment, ever worsening terms of trade, continued decline in commodity prices, an alarming reduction in the flow of financial resources, and problems of external debt and its servicing. This last factor is without doubt the key to the crisis, because its solution, owing to a chain effect, would lead to the · solution of the other factors. We have been speaking for nine years now about the hotbed of tension created by the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq} today it is the focus of attention. The world is preoccupied by it. People are talking, without the slightest embarrassment, of an embargo. No one seems to be worried or to take into account what we have said. The argument of force has become a necessity to which my country has resolutely refused to subscribe, because the motive behind this attitude is not to put an end to the loss of human life and economic damage caused by nine years of armed confrontation, nor to preserve peace in the region, but to protect certain interests. I should like to remind representatives that when the question of raining Nicaraguan ports was raised there were not too many persons around who wanted to put matters right.
However, we can only reiterate our urgent appeals to those two countries, to which we ate bound by our common membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to halt hostilities and prevent others from exploiting them to lead the world into an irretrievable situation.
We take this opportunity to welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to bring peace to that part of the world. The contribution my country has always attempted to make to the search for a final solution to this conflict is aimed, first and above all, at preserving our Organization's credibility. Halting hostilities - something my country earnestly hopes for - is not and cannot be exclusive of the objective establishment of the responsibilities of the parties to the conflict.
Peace in Asia remains seriously jeopardized owing to the situation in Kampuchea. We can only hope for the rapid establishment of an honourable peace. Burkina Faso, whose position on this is well known, nevertheless believes that if the debt problem is to be the subject of a compromise in view of the present tendency of the debtor countries this problem will be solved by an indexation of repayments pegged to export earnings, an indexation that would take account of both the capacity to repay and the development effort of the debtor.
It is clear that the current context of crisis and imbalance in the world economy make even more difficult the task of development of countries like Burkina Paso.
The process of intensive development laid down two years ago to give our country an economic infrastructure still remains at the mercy of natural calamities, in spite of efforts and sacrifices made at the national level. For example, a drought is always possible, as is an invasion of locusts, and we are also at the mercy of international financing. In spite of those difficulties we have every hope of achieving certain objectives, including the creation of a communications infrastructure to help in opening up the country, and food self-sufficiency by a consistent water-supply policy and by placing emphasis on the modernization the agriculture and livestock sectors, setting up an agro-industry and, above all, fighting desertification.
With regard to the last point, it is worth pointing out that for two years now our people have been waging an intensive struggle to restore the equilibrium of the ecosystem. That action has been undertaken on three fronts and has been known as "the three struggles". The first is a series of measures to put an end to a traditional practice which is eroding the vegetation cover: these are bush fires usually caused by peasants in the course of hunting or clearing fields. The second is an attempt to regulate the uncontrolled collecting of fire-wood in order to protect trees and forests. The third struggle concerns the moving around of animals which, owing to the effect of unorganised pasturing, is causing the destruction of the flora.
Furthermore, and still in the area of the struggle against desertification, Burkina Faso envisages a vast programme of re-the forestation. This is a green belt project, because it consists of "ringing" the zone most heavily affected by drought with a wooded strip that could be as broad as 25 kilometres to prevent the advance of the desert. In view of its scope, such a programme will require vast resources for its implementation and these are not fully available to my country. It remains our hope that the international community will participate, effectively and efficiently, in implement ting this project, the importance of which is, I am sure, clear to everyone.
In the implementation of our development process there is a factor to which Burkina Paso gives absolute priority, namely, the integration of women into all sectors.
On 8 Match 1987 in Ouagadougou we celebrated the International Day of Women. On that occasion the President of the National Council of Revolution, the President of our country, Comrade Thomas Sankara, announced the forthcoming adoption of a national action plan for the Burkinabé woman. This plan of action, and I quote the President; "far from being a catalogue of pious wishes, has to be the lightening conductor for the intensification of revolutionary action". This will testify once again to the great importance which our people intends in future to attach to the full and total integration of women into the development process of our country.
In order to ensure effective respect for this commitment, statistics will be drawn up which will necessarily indicate the part of the actions undertaken which are of benefit or concern to women. To do so - and again I quote our President: "the question of women must be borne in mind by all decision makers at all times at all stages of the conception and execution of development action, because to conceive of a development project without the participation of women is to make use of only four fingers when you have ten, and is courting failure."
We therefore hope that very soon. Burkinabé women, finally freed from the constraints and shackles of traditional society, will be able to take any job, practise any profession, except of course the "oldest profession in the world" - prostitution. Indeed, in the face of the degradation of women involved in prostitution, a campaign has been begun for the rehabilitation of prostitutes.
This same concern for rehabilitation inspired the campaign and accompanying measures with regard to the problem of begging. Solidarity courses have been organized in the principal towns of Burkina to take in beggars, and action has been undertaken to give those of them in a position to make use of it a minimum of job training.
Both in the fight against prostitution and in the fight against begging, our aim is to improve our social habits and build for the future a new society in which men and women on an equal footing, healthy in body and mind, will live happy and dignified lives.
In this new society that is being built, we should like men and women to have a healthy attitude with regard to our state of underdevelopment. Some have denigrated our decision to make use in our wearing apparel of our traditional home-grown cotton instead of the usual imported cloth. This, like the decision to consume as little as possible of imported foods and replace them by national substitutes, is something that is covered by the watchwords "Buy Burkinabé".
Apart from the fact that this reflex is aimed essentially at awakening in the conscience of each of us a duty to protect a fragile economy because we consume too many imported products, to the detriment of national products, such conduct, if it is undertaken, cannot but have an impact on our agricultural production and our industrial production. So "buying Burkinabé" will go hand-in-hand with "producing Burkinabé". What could be more natural in the normal process of development?
We have spoken, and this despite the fact that the virtue of words has not sufficed to teach us wisdom or to Inculcate in us a desire for action. It has been thus because our words have rarely been accompanied by the necessary weight to translate them into concrete action. It has been thus because very often we have spoken one way and acted just the opposite.
It has been thus because, hypocritically, we have left to a Secretary-General, beset and overwhelmed by all the problems I have just described, the difficult task of ensuring the implementation of our decisions and resolutions, which we seem often to be busily undermining. It has been thus because those who have mastered science and technology have more often than not placed man at the service of progress rather than progress at the service of man.
This gloomy finding should not, however, lead us into inaction. For our part, we feel that the opposite is true, because in revolution is action. It is on behalf of our revolutionary faith, on behalf of our unshakeable faith in the qualitative transformation of man that we have come and tried to communicate here with the utmost candour what we feel about the problems confronting mankind and how we view the current problems facing humanity.
We hope then that at this forty-second session the General Assembly will pay more attention to constructive action than to the formulation of pious wishes and that in so doing our Organization will resolutely set out on a path that will make it possible in the near future for inequalities to be done away with, for injustice to be remedied, for fears to be overcome and for hotbeds of tension to be eliminated.


First of all, allow me to congratulate the President on his election to such an eminent post. We are certain that his well-known merits will be a decisive contribution to the success of the work of this forty-second session of the General Assembly. Likewise, I should like to pay tribute to the outgoing President,
Mr. Rasheed Choudhury, for the competent manner in which he carried out the duties of the presidency.
In such a troubled period of international life, it is for me a special pleasure to address this Assembly as Foreign Minister of a Government which, under the leadership of Professor Cavaco Silva, was able to find for Portugal a balance between political stability and economic and social development and the fulfilment of the ideals of freedom, democracy and solidarity.
These have been, after all, important goals of the United Nations ever since its creation 40 years ago, and they have become a constant source of inspiration to Governments and men of good will. The United Nations has acquired a long and rich experience as a mediator.
This is no less remarkable than its ability at the same time to preserve, over and above everything else, a legitimacy of its own that defines it as the irreplaceable instrument for co-operation and understanding among the peoples that make up the Organization.	·
I have already referred to the role of mediator played by this Organization and its contribution to the settlement of conflicts. However, I am pleased to mention here an example where calling upon this role was not needed and an exclusively bilateral settlement was reached, thanks to the understanding among nations and to their good will in the search for a solution of their differences.
I am referring to the agreement signed between the People's Republic of China and Portugal on 13 April 1987, establishing the necessary conditions for the transfer of the exercise of sovereignty over the territory of Macao, to begin in
It should be noted that from the beginning of such negotiations there was no dispute over the title of sovereignty, which the Portuguese Constitution of 1976 had already acknowledged as belonging to China. Tribute should be paid not only to the conditions embodied in this agreement but also to the atmosphere of good understanding that prevailed throughout these negotiations and allowed for the safeguarding and strengthening of the bonds of friendship and co-operation that already existed between our two countries. The perspectives are now opened in our relations with the great nation of China.
Nevertheless, there are instances in which countries should, or have to, resort to the mechanisms established in the Charter of this Organization in order to look for an equitable settlement of disputes. This was the case of Portugal in relation to East Timor. Unable to fulfil its obligation as the administering power and, in view of there having been no practical results after seven years of condemnation of the occupation of the Territory by Indonesian forces, Portugal decided to request the intervention of the Secretary-General.
We are still relying on the mandate under which the General Assembly, in resolution 37/30 in 1982, requested the Secretary-General to search for an equitable, universal and internationally acceptable solution to the question o East Timor. Further consultations and useful contacts have been carried out w thin the framework of that mandate, keeping the dialogue open in the hope of reaching positive results. Hence, we have agreed once again to the postponement of the debate called by the General Assembly, in view of the progress report of the Secretary-General issued on 8 September.
Our sincere disposition actively to co-operate in the fulfilment of the mandate carried out by the Secretary-General is based, as we repeatedly stated, on clear-cut underlying principles: the absence of any sort of claim over the territory of Timor, which is closely linked to us by historical bonds  the search for a dignified settlement that will respect the religious and cultural identity of the people of Timor, and the fulfilment of its legitimate aspirations} respect for the right of the people of East Timor and of any other people freely to decide upon its collective destiny in full compliance with the fundamental and unquestionable principle of self-determination, in accordance with resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV) of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
My Government pays particular attention to the measures affecting the humanitarian conditions of the people of East Timor and sincerely welcomes the Secretary-General's intention closely to follow such developments "so as to promote future and constant improvements in the conditions of the Territory".
Therefore we participated in the work recently carried out in Geneva by the Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities, which, in the framework of the issue of the violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, approved a resolution on the situation in East Timor.
Portugal has recently been elected by the Economic and Social Council to membership in the Human Rights Commission. As an applicant, my country was fully aware of the particular responsibilities entailed in such membership. But it was likewise inspired by the possibility of making a more decisive contribution in this field since human rights are one of the main items of Portuguese foreign policy.
We cannot talk about human rights without bearing in mind that in many areas of the world millions of people are still denied safeguard of the most fundamental fight, the right to life. We firmly believe that international peace and security, as well as the social and economic development and progress of the different nations, can be fully achieved and safeguarded only if they are based upon resolute implementation of human rights, social justice and each individual's freedom to choose and pave his own destiny.
Since we firmly believe in these principles, we cannot share the misleading concept that State sovereignty can be invoked to prevent international safeguards of human rights, not even if lack of social and economic development is used to justify lesser observance of and respect for civil and political rights. On the contrary, the implementation of human rights should, in our opinion, be a primary concern in the assessment of the major problems that afflict the international environment today.
In this regard we cannot stress enough the paramount importance of the role that the United Nations and its several organs and specialized agencies have Ь en playing and should continue to play. Important legislative work is being caned out based upon the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As a parallel development, we believe that the international community should embark on a concerted effort to reinforce the systems of surveillance and verification of the implementation of human rights. Measures like the appointment of special rapporteurs, the creation of task forces, the presentation of reports, the organization of international conferences an< congresses on specific subjects or specific cases of presumable violation of human rights, wherever they may occur, have proved to be fruitful and should be pro 3ted and reinforced in the future. I should like also to acknowledge the important role played by non-governmental organizations since safeguard of human rights is a task that we should all embrace and one that affects us all.
In the same framework please allow me briefly to refer to another subject of increasing concern in today's world, namely, the systematic practise of violent acts carried out by organized groups that do not respect the democratic order prevailing in our countries. These actions, no matter who perpetrates them or why, directly jeopardize personal rights, freedoms and safeguards, such as the rights to life, to freedom and to security.
For these reasons we have always upheld adherence to and full respect for the spirit and letter of the conventions drawn up by the specialized agencies within the United Nations system, similarly we positively support the consensus expressed by the approval of resolution 40/61 of 9 December 1985. That agreement deserves our tribute inasmuch as it was the first time that a consensus was reached on such a difficult issue having such a wide range of implications, and we are firmly convinced that we should pursue actions in accordance with the spirit of such a resolution, in our opinion, this is a problem that, given its gravity and urgency, should be carefully addressed by the whole international community.
On 1 July this year the European Communities took a significant step forward in the process of a new European development; the enforcement of the European Single Act.
Portugal considers this initiative, together with the related reforms now under way, to which we have actively contributed, a demonstration of great vitality, it stands for both adaptation to an internal reality to which new elements have added richness as well as diversity and adjustment to the development of the political, economic and technological conditions of the latter years of our century, which are undergoing rapid and profound mutations.
We consider that Act a valid attempt to meet coherent challenges that the community will have to face simultaneously; on the one hand an external challenge; on the other, an internal one. Overcoming the external challenge will entail the possibility of reinforcing and giving broader meaning to the constructive position that the Community has been taking on the international scene. The internal challenge entails the need to secure a balanced development process within territorial boundaries, which may allow for the reduction of the existing gap between countries and regions and the reinforcement of internal cohesion·
It is essential to find the appropriate solution to both challenges so this the community and its members may, as we all wish fully assume their responsibilities in the political and economic spheres at an international level.
After all, there has been a constant effort to achieve international openness and co-operation) evidence of that is provided by the recent revision of the co-operation agreements with the Lomé countries and the southern Mediterranean countries·
Along the lines of a policy of co-operation and assistance to development I should like to stress that my country has this year completed its full-fledged adherence to the Third Lomé Convention. This is a framework between the European Economic Community (EEC) and 66 countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific, which will allow us considerably to extend our actions to underdeveloped countries and hence reaffirm the bilateral co-operation policy that we have endeavoured to accomplish.
I should like to mention here the work carried out by many of the countries that participate in the General Assembly within the "Uruguay Round" of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). This round of negotiations, broader than any previous one, should attain results leading to a sound change in economic international relations. Portugal is determined actively to contribute to the success of this round of negotiations, and here and now we renew our quest: enable support for the Declaration of Punta del Este. Nevertheless, the success of such negotiations should stem from the concerted action of all the participating countries. Each country’s capacities and a fair distribution of responsibilities should be taken into consideration so as to attain complete transparency regarding artificial protectionism, in international trade. That is the essential basis for the carrying out of structural changes and reforms that lead to the necessary conditions for the optimal use of existing resources. Hence it is appropriate to recall the conclusions of the UNCTAD meeting. In one single document it was possible to express a concerted assessment of the economic international situation and to list a series of specific political actions to be implemented within the next few years by the developed and developing countries. The climate of dialogue achieved during the conference allowed for a sound analysis of multilateral economic co-operation. This is an essential factor in the North-South dialogue, which is such a pivotal item in international relations.
It is well known by all that co-operation with Africa, in particular with Portuguese-speaking African countries, is of paramount importance to Portugal. It is for us a crucial matter of top priority at both the political and the cultural levels.
The priority attributed to the African coast and to the African continent in the celebrations that Portugal is holding before the turn of the century commemorating the Descobrimentos, the adventure of our maritime expansion and the encounter of peoples and civilizations, speaks for itself.
I wish to express here the hope that the United Nations may become involved in these celebrations, a clearly universal event.
As many have acknowledged, Portuguese expansion was, as a famous sociologist put it, more of a maritime and exploratory expansion than a conquering one. Cultural roots are deep, and all recognize the special bonds created by such a heritage, for which we are willing to expand and intensify the co-operation and dialogue between Portugal and all African countries that ace Portuguese-speaking or that share our historical heritage. Accordingly, Portugal has undertaken serious efforts to promote our already reinforced common solidarity, and has widely proved that. This co-operation apart from bilateral action in different sectors, also encompasses very valuable multilateral programmes - for example, our participation in the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), a body which has achieved year after year increasing political and economic solidarity, giving special priority to the problems of development-
Moreover, it is with serious apprehension that Portugal views the series of developments taking place in southern Africa: the considerable deterioration of the social and economic conditions of the population, and the escalating instability and tension· Underlying this situation are two factors that have been vehemently condemned by the international community} the present internal framework of the Republic of south Africa and the deliberately provoked destabilizing outbreaks that have been afflicting countries of the area, namely, Angola and Mozambique.
Likewise, Portugal has unequivocally denounced and condemned, both within the United Nations system and elsewhere, the immorality and injustice entailed in apartheid. The dismantlement of apartheid is an essential condition of the achievement of equitable solutions to the conflicts and problems besetting South Africa today.
Thus, it is essential that the South African authorities pursue a dialogue with all the political and social groups that try to make a decisive move towards the definite elimination of apartheid and the establishment of conditions that we ensure more effective access to political participation, employment and social justice for all the communities of the country. Only with the courage, decisiveness and true sense of responsibility required at this historic moment w: the governing classes in South Africa avoid a process of internal confrontation.
Similarly, Portugal views with great concern the continuous postponement by the Republic of South Africa of the exercise by the Namibian people of the right self-determination. Twenty years after the adoption of resolution 2145 (XXI),
which ended South Africa’s Mandate over Namibia, the question of the independence of that Territory is not yet solved, owing to South Attica's persistent demands, which delay the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
Portugal's position in this matter is well known. Portugal has repeatedly declared that the solution of the question of Namibia is of primary concern, and has consistently upheld the independence of the Territory, in keeping with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Portugal has also repeatedly expressed its firm opposition to any act capable of further delaying the attainment by the people of Namibia of their right to self-determination.
South Africa should respond constructively to the appeals voiced by the international community and abandon the position of confrontation that it has adopted, particularly against Angola. Portugal has vehemently condemned this position on the part of South Africa.
My Government is firmly convinced that the solution to the problems that afflict South Africa lies in the creation of conditions leading to the widening of a genuine and constructive dialogue. This is the spirit of the Nkomati agreements and of the contacts we have carried out in the region. Without pretending to find solutions to problems that others will have to solve, we believe that it is our duty to contribute in the best possible way to a peaceful, concerted settlement of the conflicts that so dramatically beset such important areas of the African continent.
It is with deep concern that my country views the constant worsening of the living conditions of the people of Mozambique and the acts of extreme violence t at have recently been perpetrated against them by groups involved in a p spreading instability, which my country vehemently condemns.
Angola, too, is living in particularly difficult times. There, too, the population is afflicted by the widespread instability and conflict that prevail in most countries of southern Africa. We pay a tribute to the pragmatism that the political leaders in Angola have demonstrated in their search for a global solution to the problems that afflict the country. Also worthy of praise are the reopening of the dialogue aimed at a solution of the problem of Namibia and the recent announcement of important economic reforms, Portugal firmly supports and encourages such measures.
I should also like to address here the recent unanimous election within the United Nations system of a renowned diplomat and legal expert from Cape Verde to the presidency of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, I am certain that with all his merits he will make a decisive contribution to the work of that body, whose success is of great interest to a country with such maritime traditions as Portugal.
I should also like to refer with great satisfaction to the views set forth at the last meeting of the five Heads of State of Central America in the city of Guatemala. The results achieved at that meeting are a promising step towards the creation of the atmosphere of mutual confidence which is so essential to the preservation of peace, respect for political freedoms and the social and economic development of the area. Nevertheless, the promise can be kept only if specific actions are taken that will embody the safeguards for the exercise of civil and political rights that are an essential part of the Guatemala document.
In spite of the progress achieved in this vast area of America, we remain concerned about the overwhelming need for further efforts so that the serious economic problems that afflict many Latin American countries may be overcome. It is not always easy to make a profound diagnosis of the causes of the problems that affect these countries, but the international community should do away with solutions that have proved to be unsatisfactory and turn to more innovative ideas. I am convinced that the developed countries have an important contribution to make in this area. I firmly believe that we should seek constantly and persistently a new set of formulas for co-operation with Latin America.
I also pay a tribute to the increasing solidarity that the Latin American countries have demonstrated. Examples of this solidarity can be found in the endeavours of the Contadora Group and the Support Group - namely, the establishment of a mechanism for periodic political consultations between the member countries of these two groups and of closer contacts between Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay. These measures are the starting point of a process of gradual integration that will have major consequences in the area.
I turn to disarmament. I will not dwell on this vast and complex subject, since my colleague from Denmark has already addressed the issue on behalf of all the member countries of the European Communities. I would simply re-emphasize that Portugal will continue to participate actively with the allied countries in all the actions carried of the international community in this field that may lead to effective reinforcement of international security.
In our opinion this will occur only in an atmosphere of greater mutual trust, achieved through a continued, sound East-West dialogue, without jeopardizing the delicate balance of power, which in today's world, remains the most solid safeguard of security and stability in international relations.
It is in this spirit that we carefully observe the positive developments in the current negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union. Moreover, I cannot fail to make a special reference to the agreement on the dismantlement of medium-range missiles in Europe achieved recently in Washington. We hope that this measure will contribute not only to a more secure Europe, but also to greater stability and collective safety, which it should never impair.
It is with deep concern that we have noted in the last few weeks the deterioration of the situation in the Gulf region. We join whole-heartedly in all the urgent appeals from all corners of the world for an end to all acts of violence and intimidation, so as to achieve a cease-fire in the area as the pre-condition of the establishment of an environment of understanding in which genuine solutions may be found.
In accordance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987), which is a good example of the unity at present prevailing in the international community, we uphold freedom of navigation and free trade in every part of the world, and cannot accept that principles universally accepted and enshrined in international documents signed by every nation should be jeopardized.
We likewise fully support the endeavours of the Secretary-General in the search for peace and a lasting, dignified agreement that may lead to the ending of the conflict that has been undermining Iran and Iraq. We are confident that the Secretary-General's decisiveness may become a crucial element in this issue, as long as both parties prove willing to search for peaceful solutions, without any reservation.
As for the conflict between Israel and the Arab countries, we are convinced that underlying the problems faced by the region is the postponement of solutions. Together with other countries of the Common Market, our country will do everything possible to reach realistic, balanced and lasting solutions to this issue, taking into consideration the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and the need to withdrawal from occupied Arab territories and recognition of the right of all the nations of the area to peaceful coexistence.
It is thus with great hope that we face the reopening of the dialogue between Europe and the Arab countries. We firmly believe that invaluable benefits can stem from a more perfect understanding and more conscientious consultation with the large family of Arab countries.
We cannot fail to mention Afghanistan and stress once again the wish of Portugal to see that country, free of the presence of foreign troops and external pressures, find peace, and with that peace be granted the right to self-determination.
Another country that has had to bear the occupation of foreign troops for several years now is Kampuchea. In that case also the international community and in particular the Secretary-General should spare no effort in the search for a just and peaceful solution that will safeguard the territorial boundaries and the independence and free will of that people.
I began by stating that the ideals embodied in the Charter are still valid today  indeed I consider them part of the goals that move Governments and men: peace, economic and social progress, respect for the individual and the freedom and independence for each nation. It is for this Organization especially the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, in whom we fully trust, to fulfil the difficult mission of continuing and renewing that noble and worthy task.
We are confident that lasting solutions to the present financial crisis will be found, solutions that will satisfy all and hence contribute to the support for and prestige of the actions of this forum. Only then will this Organization be able to fulfil its original pledge and play the role that is its tight.
In this connection I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his initiatives directed towards a stricter rationalization of expenditure and more efficient management and tighter control of human and financial resources. Such measures, of course, are applicable to the whole United Nations system, including the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which should not only be subject to a more strict and efficient management but also regain its universal vocation. These were the main reasons that led my country to nominate for the director-generalship of UNESCO a Portuguese whose well-known and undeniable merits would ensure the rapid and effective achievement of those goals.
Allow me in conclusion to emphasize again the total devotion of my country to the success of the United Nations as an instrument of peace and progress in the international community.