48. Mr. President, I wish to join in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Your wide experience of international affairs and of the United Nations in particular makes you especially qualified to guide the Assembly in its deliberations.
49.	I should also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the efficient manner in which he presided over the last session.
50.	I should also like to extend a warm welcome to our newest Member State, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
51.	The United Nations was founded almost 40 years ago to maintain international peace and security, to develop friendly relations among nations, to foster economic and social progress and to promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Born out of the most destructive war in human history, it represented a second attempt in this century to impose order and stability on the essential anarchy of inter-State relations. For the peoples of our fragile planet who had suffered greatly in two world wars and numerous other conflicts during the previous 50 years, the United Nations offered a hope that at last mankind had found a method of collective security which would replace conflict with co-operation, which would substitute negotiations for the use of force, which would defend the weak and deter aggression.
52.	How has the Organization fared? Has it met the high hopes of its founders and the high expectations of our peoples?
53.	The record gives little cause for satisfaction. Look at the facts.
54.	Over 65 major wars have been fought in the past 20 years, with a total loss of life in excess of ten million people.
55.	At present, over 40 major and minor armed conflicts are in progress. The loss of life, the injuries and the destruction in the past weeks in Lebanon are the most recent and dramatic reminder of man's barbarism and his innate capacity for violence.
56.	World military expenditure, already at record levels, is increasing at a rate of four per cent each year. Put more concretely, over $1 million are expended world-wide every minute for military purposes.
57.	One quarter of all spending on research and development is in the military sector. Thus by a strange perversion of values is man's distinctive genius—his capacity for scientific thought and technological progress—directed towards destructive rather than constructive ends.
58.	The world stockpile of nuclear weapons exceeds 50,000, and unless present trends can be reversed through serious negotiation and agreement on arms control and disarmament, it seems set to increase even further.
59.	Basic human rights continue to be disregarded and fundamental freedoms continue to be denied in many countries throughout the world.
60.	Over one billion people, a quarter of the population of our planet, live in conditions of extreme poverty and must suffer hunger, malnutrition and ill health.
61.	Even this brief extract from the catalogue of human folly discloses a frightening weakness in the international political system and reveals a trend which, if left unchecked, could vitiate the concept of collective security which lies at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations. States seem to be less willing to accept the rule of international law and to seek a resolution of their disputes by peaceful means. Instead, they are turning once more to ideas of military superiority, rearmament, the threat of force or the actual use of force to promote their national interests, to vindicate their rights or to seek unilateral advantage.
62.	We know where such ideas can lead. Surely that knowledge, gained at the expense of so much suffering over the past 80 years, should strengthen our resolve not to repeat the tragic errors of the early and middle years of this century. Moreover, we know that the death and destruction which would result from similar errors now would be far in excess of anything mankind has ever experienced, for we know that there exist sufficient nuclear weapons to bring about the end of life on our planet. There can be no winner in a nuclear war.
63.	This knowledge, which is the fruit of historical experience and scientific enquiry, imposes a singular responsibility on the present generation of international leaders. It also imposes an awesome task on this Organization, In a world in which some States possess the power to destroy life completely and in which local or regional disputes threaten to escalate into confrontation between the super-Powers there is an evident need for a universal organization with a code for the conduct of inter-State relations and a forum for the resolution of conflict.
64.	The United Nations possesses these characteristics. Why then has it apparently failed to halt the deterioration of the fabric of international life? The answer to this question is complex. Nevertheless, one point is clear: the failure lies neither in the conceptual basis nor the institutional framework of the Organization. The principles and purposes of the Charter remain as valid now as they were 40 years ago, and the mechanisms provided by the Charter and developed by the United Nations in the intervening years remain capable, if used, of achieving their primary objective of preventing aggression and stopping wars. Moreover, the Organization has produced an abundance of ideas, analyses and detailed plans to help resolve the major political and economic problems of our time. Indeed, the Secretary-General in his reports has set out a series of measures designed to reconstruct the Charter concept of collective action for peace and security and thus render the United Nations more capable of discharging its primary function. From the outset Ireland welcomed and supported these proposals, but frankly we must admit disappointment at the lack of real progress in implementing them over the past year.
65.	However imaginative, clear-sighted and courageous the Secretary-General's prescriptions are, something more is needed if the United Nations is to help heal the ills of contemporary international life. A necessary condition for the success of the Organization is a will and a capacity on the part of the major Powers, in particular those Powers that are assigned special rights and primary responsibilities under the Charter, to co-operate. By the same token, the inability of these same Powers to work together is all too often sufficient to prevent the United Nations from fulfilling its primary functions.
66.	The President of the United States of America, speaking from this rostrum a week ago, stated the truth
about the present condition of the Organization simply and eloquently when he suggested that the reason why the United Nations had fallen short of the aspirations of its founders was because, as President Reagan put it, "Governments got in the way of the dreams of the people. Dreams became issues of East versus West". If this is the case, and I believe it is so, then certain conclusions can be drawn about the future of the United Nations and its capacity to discharge its most basic responsibility to the peoples, in the words of the Preamble to the Charter, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
67.	First, a fundamental prerequisite for the effective functioning of the Organization is co-operation between the major Powers. This was true in 1945 when the United Nations was born out of the wartime alliance of the great Powers; it is equally true today. From this it follows that a major requirement for an improvement in the effectiveness of the United Nations is an improvement in relations between the super-Powers. It must be plainly said that there is an overriding and an urgent need for the United States and the Soviet Union to halt the deterioration in their political relationship and to replace the current mood of challenge and confrontation by a process of dialogue leading to agreement. In this connection, a well-prepared summit meeting between the leaders of the two most powerful nations on Earth could set in motion such a process. The detente process of the 1960s and early 1970s, despite its shortcomings, showed what could be achieved when East and West acknowledged their mutual interdependence and their common interest in preserving world peace.
68.	A second requirement, linked to the first, is early progress in the strategic arms reduction talks and intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations. Reductions in strategic and intermediate-range nuclear weapons are clearly indispensable. But the success of these negotiations would, I believe, also have a positive impact on other arms control and disarmament negotiations in which there has been scant progress in recent years, in particular those under way in the United Nations framework on such issues as a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty and a treaty on chemical weapons. Comprehensive negotiations should also begin urgently to prevent the extension of military competition into yet another arena through the militarization of outer space.
69.	Thirdly, we need active super-Power co-operation in resolving regional disputes which, although indigenous in origin, have acquired an East-West dimension. It would be wrong to suggest that contemporary tensions between East and West are responsible for disputes many of which have roots deep in local and regional history, in conflicts of rights, in territorial claims, in historic animosities, in religious and racial hatreds, in economic and social injustice. None the less, it is evident that the political and military support which the super-Powers and their allies may lend to one side or another can exacerbate local and regional rivalries, sustain them and complicate the process of their peaceful resolution. Moreover, the involvement of outside Powers, particularly the major Powers, in such disputes not only has a destabilizing effect on international relations generally but also holds the danger that a regional dispute may escalate into a wider international conflict. In such conditions there is a clear necessity for the major Powers to work towards the peaceful resolution of regional disputes, to resist the temptation to exploit them for strategic gain and to co-operate in using the peace-making and peace-keeping machinery available to the Security Council.
70.	I believe these steps could help repair some of the recent damage to the fabric of international life and restore some confidence in the international system of which the United Nations is a central part. But the responsibility in this regard does not lie solely with the major Powers. There is a concomitant need for the other Members of the United Nations to use the framework, structures and procedures offered by the Organization to resolve the conflicts and disputes which form a large part of the Assembly's agenda.
71.	One of the practical instruments which the United Nations has successfully evolved is the deployment of peace-keeping forces and observers. Ireland attaches great importance to these functions, and we have contributed to many such operations over the years. We see these operations as a practical way in which Member States, even the smallest, can contribute effectively to the collective task of peace-keeping and peace-making.
72.	Over the coming months the General Assembly will debate a comprehensive agenda of issues of concern to the international community. The views of the 10 members of the European Community, to which Ireland belongs, have already been stated in this debate by the Foreign Minister of Greece. I should like in this national statement to set out more fully the position of the Irish Government on some of the more important issues before us.
73.	Confidence in relations between States was badly shaken recently when the air force of the Soviet Union shot down an unarmed civilian airliner with great loss of life. This callous act and the attitude subsequently adopted by the Soviet authorities in seeking to justify it called forth widespread anger and condemnation. The fate of the Korean airliner and its passengers has highlighted the need to devise means which will guarantee the safety of international civil aviation and help avert a repetition of this shameful episode. I welcome the endorsement this weekend by the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization of the decision taken earlier by that agency's Council in this regard.
74.	One consequence of the Korean airliner disaster— which underlines the political significance of this incident and its aftermath—is the absence from the General Assembly of Foreign Minister Gromyko. This absence is regrettable; but it may serve to emphasize something which I stressed at the outset of my address—the indispensable function of dialogue between the super-Powers. Political dialogue at the highest levels can play a vital part in facilitating progress and breaking stalemates in diplomatic relations.
75.	I have already mentioned the crucial arms control and disarmament negotiations taking place at Geneva. The vast majority of the States present here, including my own, are not involved directly or indirectly in these negotiations, but no Member State can be indifferent to their outcome. The Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, has said that the prevention of nuclear war is the unique challenge of our time. He has pointed out that the key to the solution of this vital problem is in the hands of the two major nuclear Powers. We share the Secretary-General's concern at the failure so far to achieve substantial progress in the bilateral negotiations at Geneva. We would also emphasize the need for renewed determination on the part of both sides to move these talks forward.
76.	The facts about the relentless growth of military expenditure and of nuclear stockpiles are well known. I have listed some of the statistics already. But the knowledge of these facts and concern about their implications
are not confined just to Governments and military experts. Increasingly, all around the world, ordinary people, and especially young people, are aware of the extent to which Governments get in the way of their dreams. But more than that, they are demanding that Governments should work and be seen to work to translate the most basic dream of all into reality. Peace and the hope for a secure future for this and succeeding generations are at once the most legitimate aspiration of all peoples and the most important duty of those of us who exercise the responsibilities of Government.
77.	How can Governments work to realize these dreams? I have already mentioned the importance of agreement in regard to nuclear and conventional weapons. But even if negotiations should lead to significant reductions in weaponry, the doubts and insecurity felt by public opinion around the world will not be removed unless the major Powers demonstrate in their defence programmes and in their strategic planning that they regard the quest for nuclear superiority as a dangerous illusion—the most foolish dream of all.
78.	Even as we speak today conflicts in the Middle East continue. The conflict between Israel, the Arab States and the Palestinian people affects the lives of millions of people in Israel, in the occupied territories, in Lebanon and elsewhere, and the war between Iran and Iraq is now entering its fourth year with no solution in sight.
79.	My Government is deeply concerned at the deterioration over the last year of the situation in Lebanon and especially at the great loss of life among the civilian population there. We must therefore voice the hope that the cease-fire will be consolidated so as to allow the Lebanese people to work towards national reconciliation. We also appeal to all foreign Powers in Lebanon, except those who are there with the consent of the Lebanese Government, to leave and to respect the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Lebanon.
80.	The international community, through the United Nations, has been contributing since 1978 to the effort to bring about the withdrawal of Israeli forces from that country and to help to restore the lawful authority of the Lebanese Government throughout its territory. The future role of the United Nations in Lebanon, following recent developments, is not yet clear. At present some 6,000 troops are stationed in southern Lebanon, among them 750 Irish troops. From the outset the conditions under which UNIFIL has been obliged to operate have been far from satisfactory, a situation exacerbated by Israel's second invasion of Lebanon last year. None the less, I believe that for the time being UNIFIL, however circumscribed its role, continues to carry out useful functions. It is fitting that I should pay a tribute to the commitment, dedication to duty and courage of all the troops serving under the United Nations flag in Lebanon in difficult and often dangerous circumstances.
81.	The conflict in Lebanon is the latest in the long series of conflicts that have taken place in the Middle East. It is a reflection on the international community that after nearly 40 years the fundamental problems of the Middle East remain unresolved.
82.	The basic principles upon which Ireland and our partners in the European Community believe solutions could be based have been set out by the Foreign Minister of Greece in his address on behalf of the member States of the Community. I must, however, emphasize the urgency of dealing with one particular aspect. In the territories occupied by Israel since the 1967 war a process is in train which may very soon create a situation which cannot be reversed. The purported annexation of East
Jerusalem and the Golan Heights has already been rejected as invalid by Ireland. The West Bank of the Jordan and the Gaza Strip have not been annexed by Israel—at least not yet. But the infrastructural and demographic alterations being planned and rapidly put into effect there by the Israeli authorities cannot but lead to de facto absorption by Israel of the territories. What is going on is no secret, but the process is gradual and insidious. It may lack the dramatic impact of an invasion by a modem army and thus may not have attracted the attention of the international community, but it is no less real for all that. If all our words about seeking a solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict through a formula guaranteeing the rights of both peoples are to have any force in practice there will have to be a place, a physical location, in which Palestinian self-determination can be exercised. It follows that the acquisition by Israel of the West Bank would make a mockery of the international commitment to the rights of the Palestinian people and prolong this bitter conflict.
83.	In Africa there are several disputes and conflicts which cause concern because of the direct suffering and loss of life involved and because of the serious danger of such disputes becoming caught up in super-Power rivalries. In our view, Africa's problems should be resolved through existing regional institutions, in particular the OAU. We hope that the negotiations under way under the auspices of the OAU with a view to ending the present conflict in Chad will lead to an early settlement.
84.	In southern Africa what stands out is the fact that yet another year has passed and the prospect of independence for Namibia is no closer. The people of Namibia, who have suffered so much, and the international community, which has devoted so much effort to implement the United Nations plan, are asked to show still more forbearance and still more patience. One wonders how long it will be possible to carry on in this way, from year to year, while South Africa devises still more stratagems to prevent the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and flouts the will of the international community. In January 1981 South Africa regarded implementation as premature and said that it did not regard the United Nations as sufficiently impartial; most recently South Africa has made it clear that it will not agree to implementation of resolution 435 (1978) until there has been a withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. We reject such efforts to link or subordinate Namibia's right to independence to extraneous issues. We call on South Africa to reconsider its attitudes so that the people of Namibia may achieve the peace, justice and freedom which they deserve and which is their right.
85.	In South Africa itself the apartheid system, despite some superficial modifications, remains fundamentally unchanged. The oppressive enforcement of the apartheid laws, including the banning or imprisonment of those whose only crime is to oppose the system, still continues. We urge the South African Government to release those who have been imprisoned for their beliefs, especially Nelson Mandela.
86.	Moreover, South Africa has been making efforts evidently aimed at destabilizing neighbouring States. We condemn such actions. They will not divert international attention from South Africa's internal problems, but by exporting violence from South Africa into the region as a whole they carry with them the danger of escalating conflict, which may prove disastrous for all involved, including South Africa itself.
87.	The need for concerted international pressure on South Africa to change its policies remains. There can be no compromise on the principle of the equality of every
human being or on the need to have that principle observed in practice. That is why the Security Council must continue its consideration of measures to increase the pressure on South Africa for change. For our own part, Ireland will continue to work for a strengthening of the existing arms embargo as well as for the adoption of further mandatory sanctions, such as an oil embargo, and a ban on new direct investment in South Africa.
88.	The export of violence is not confined to South Africa. The situation created in Afghanistan by the Soviet intervention continues to be a source of both regional tension and international concern. It has brought great suffering to millions of Afghans and caused immense problems for those countries to which large numbers of Afghan refugees have fled. Conditions must be created in which the people of Afghanistan can determine their own form of government free from outside interference. United Nations resolutions adopted by an overwhelming majority of the General Assembly set out the principles on which a political settlement should be based.
89.	United Nations resolutions also set the framework for a comprehensive political solution in Kampuchea. The suffering of the people of that country at the hands of a cruel domestic regime has been followed by the hardships imposed by foreign occupation.
90.	Ireland welcomes the continuing efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations to find a political solution. We believe that Viet Nam and other nations whose co-operation is essential for arriving at a peaceful solution should now join in a process of negotiations leading to a comprehensive political solution.
91.	The Irish Government and people continue to be deeply concerned over the tragic situation in Central America. We believe that the essential causes of conflict there are the long-standing inequities in social and economic conditions and the denial of the people's justified demands for fundamental reform. This region has witnessed flagrant denial of human rights and callous disregard by certain Governments of what is the very basis of morality and civilized social order—the fundamental dignity and worth of the human person. We are convinced that just and lasting solutions to the grave problems in Central America can be achieved only by political means, through dialogue, conciliation and negotiation. It is for this reason that my Government particularly welcomes the efforts of the Contadora Group to achieve a lasting peace, based on the principles of self-determination and the right of each country in the region to determine its own destiny free from outside interference.
92.	Central America is only one of many regions where human rights are abused. Such abuses have become so widespread and so common that there is a danger that they may be accepted as an inevitable feature of modem life. Resignation and complacency can also become the enemies of justice. For this reason we must continue to use the United Nations both to defend human rights and to expose atrocities. It is important that the Commission on Human Rights continue to develop its investigative powers and that States co-operate with it in this regard.
93.	In the view of my Government, the United Nations has played and must continue to play a leading role in the progressive development and codification of principles aimed at effective and universal implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Ireland therefore was gratified that last year the General Assembly adopted resolution 37/200* In our view, the balanced approach in this resolution should guide the further work of the United Nations in this area.
94.	Human rights and fundamental freedoms also have economic and social dimensions. Freedom from want and the right to economic security are indispensable elements of a just and civilized international order. Economic recession and the failure to cope with the problems of uneven development and unequal distribution of wealth in an interdependent world affect every country, even the richest, and touch all our lives. But in such conditions it is the weakest economies which suffer most and which are slowest to reap the benefits of any recovery. The statistics of debt and deprivation throughout the developing world, especially among the least developed, make depressing reading.
95.	Economic recovery cannot come too soon, but recovery alone will not be enough. We agree with the Secretary-General's view, expressed after the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, that decisions and action on liquidity and finance are urgently required if the desperate plight of the low- income and least-developed countries is to be alleviated. It is not easy to be generous in times of global economic hardship, but the depth of the crisis in which some countries find themselves cannot and must not be ignored.
96.	However, the year has not been without some positive developments. There are indications, even if uncertain, of an improvement in the economic climate. The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, while it did not live up to expectations, did produce some agreed positions which point the way to future progress. Developed and developing countries have come somewhat closer to recognizing their economic interdependence. The challenge to the General Assembly is to ensure that the search for global solutions to the most pressing economic problems of our time continues.
97.	I should like, in conclusion, to speak about the continuing crisis in Northern Ireland. Ten years ago my predecessor, now Prime Minister of Ireland, came to the Assembly with a message of hope. The Governments of Ireland and of the United Kingdom, together with democratically elected representatives of the majority and minority sections of the community in Northern Ireland, had devised a means of giving fair and just government to Northern Ireland. This provided for a Northern Ireland executive representative of both sections of the community and a council of Ireland with which the minority section of the community could identify. This unprecedented collective effort fell victim to the intransigence which has bedevilled Northern Ireland since the partition of Ireland and to a lack of resolution at that time on the part of Government.
98.	It is sobering to compare the hopes of a decade ago with the political landscape which confronts Irish men and Irish women today. In the absence of a just and workable political process the people of Northern Ireland are deeply divided, and division is nurtured and fed upon by the gunmen. Distrust and hostility are rife. The Northern Ireland Assembly, an institution in which minority representatives will not participate because of the failure to accommodate in any substantive way their identity and their role in decision-making, is evidence of the political tragedy which afflicts Northern Ireland.
99.	Faced with this situation, with all its inherent dangers of further communal strife and frustration, my Government decided to establish a New Ireland Forum for consultations on the manner in which lasting peace and stability could be achieved in a new Ireland. The first meeting of the New Ireland Forum took place on 30 May of this year and was attended by representatives of the two parties in my Government, the main opposition party in the South and representatives of the nationalist section
of the community in Northern Ireland. The elected representatives of the Unionist majority in Northern Ireland were invited to participate fully in the deliberations of the Forum but declined to do so. Naturally we greatly regret this. We are encouraged, however, by the volume of impressive written contributions from individual Unionists, several of whom will give oral evidence to the Forum itself. The Forum is a unique venture in the history of Ireland. It represents a genuine attempt by those who believe in a new Ireland and who unequivocally reject the men of violence and their spokesmen to address the problems which divide the people of our island.
100.	Since that first meeting of the New Ireland Forum, the participants have been examining in a practical and pragmatic manner the various economic, social, cultural and political problems which divide us. I would hope that when this work is finished we shall be able to present to all the people of Ireland, and indeed the people of Britain, a clear and realistic analysis of the current situation as well as imaginative, generous and workable ideas to construct arrangements for a new Ireland with which all sides could identify and which all the protagonists in this crisis could support.
101.	Any such arrangements would require the full and active support of both the British and the Irish Governments. I am glad to say that, following a period of difficulty, the relations between Dublin and London have been normalized and the Anglo-Irish dialogue has been fully resumed and even developed. This, together with the work of the New Ireland Forum, gives us hope and gives hope to those who continue to suffer—the people of Northern Ireland. The efforts of men and women of goodwill in our two countries to solve this tragic crisis deserve the support not alone of our two peoples but of the entire international community in general and of this institution in particular.


163.
Mr. President, the Niger delegation welcomed with a feeling of profound satisfaction your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We therefore associate ourselves with the warm congratulations addressed to you on your assumption of that highly responsible office in which we are certain you will, as Mr. Hollai last year, do useful work. A man of thought, but also a man of action, in the course of a long rich political career in the service of your country, Panama, in the United Nations and in other international bodies, you have acquired the competence and experience necessary for guiding our work.
164.	Above and beyond your undeniable and universally recognized qualities as an eminent statesman, we also see in you the worthy representative of that heroic land, Latin America, whose will has never faltered and where freedom, peace and progress have always found a powerful echo. Throughout the ages, as history shows, generations of men and women have fought with faith and courage on your continent for the triumph of those ideals which constitute the raison d’être of the United Nations and the backdrop for its action. In the torn and anguished world in which we live today, the General Assembly, by electing you, could make no wiser choice to advance the cause of peace, freedom and progress.
165.	We live in a world tom, anguished, deeply concerned and desperately in search of peace, freedom and progress. This is the same painful and bitter assessment that we made last year at the thirty-seventh session and unfortunately we must make it again this year. In fact, observers are unanimous in considering the present international situation to be no better than it was last year and even seriously and dangerously worse.
166.	East-West relations are more tense than ever. The arms race, which has known no respite, has now reached a fearsome thresholds A report on world military and
social expenditures published last Friday in Washington by the Association for Weapons Control and the Rockefeller Foundation indicates that every minute $1.3 million are spent throughout the world for military purposes. Furthermore, none of the serious conflicts affecting the world for years has been resolved. Worse still, we see a dangerous expansion of those conflicts and sometimes the appearance of new hotbeds of tension in the same regions, in other cases in regions hitherto spared or enjoying relative calm.
167.	Hence, Asia and the Middle East seem permanently immersed in war. There is war in Central America as well, where armed confrontations intensify day by day and threaten to spread to the entire Latin American continent. There is also war in the north-west and southern parts of the African continent. In other areas of the world, particularly in the Korean peninsula, tension remains strong and could at any time degenerate into open armed conflict because of hatred and passions fuelled and maintained for many years. Elsewhere, as a reaction to oppression, domination, exploitation or the denial of fundamental human rights, violence threatens to break out. Nothing is going right for our world as far as peace and security are concerned.
168.	In the area of international co-operation too we have little cause for satisfaction. Because of the selfishness of the richest countries, under the pressure of protectionist measures and because of continued disorder in the international monetary system, the Held for co-operation has considerably narrowed.
169.	The serious crisis which for years has been afflicting the world economy is today affecting all international economic, trade and financial relations, with the negative consequences with which we are all familiar: inflation, recession and unemployment in most of our countries, a slowing down or complete halt of the development process in the developing countries because of a marked decrease of development aid in real terms, increasingly difficult conditions for access to financial markets and the further deterioration of their terms of trade. To a large number of those countries the crisis in the world economy constitutes today a real question of life or death.
170. Undoubtedly the overall situation in our world on this thirty-eighth anniversary of the Organization is highly dramatic and disquieting. The Secretary-General is right in Arming in his report on the work of the Organization:
 Despite the efforts of many, 1983 has, so far, been a frustrating year for the search for peace, stability and justice and for those who believe that the United Nations is the best available international instrumentality to achieve these ends.
171.	The many upheavals of a political, economic or social nature tearing the world apart or threatening it are a reflection of a major requirement—that for a profound change of the whole system of international relations. If war and poverty continue to afflict a large part of mankind, in spite of the identification of the problems confronting our world and an increase in our capacity to deal with those problems, especially because of the progress in science and technology, and in spite of a growing awareness of the interdependence of our nations and the dangers threatening them, the reason is undeniably  e system of international relations itself, one which is b< d on relations of power, might, domination and exploitation and is characterized by a widespread disorder which some zealously perpetuate.
172.	It is a fact that the world is divided into rich and poor countries, into powerful and weak countries, but the fact that some are rich and powerful in no way confers upon them a right over the others that are poor and weak. In particular, it does not confer upon them the right to divide the world into spheres of influence that they can directly or indirectly control. Nor does it confer upon them the right of life and death over others, any more than it authorizes them to use the power they possess to intervene and to impose their will or their desires on others. It gives them no preferential title to the riches of the world or the exclusive right to set the conditions under which international trade and international finances should be managed.
173.	There can be no doubt that the destiny of our world cannot be left in the hands of a few countries, however powerful. There are among us no peoples chosen to command others. We form part of the same humanity to which we so enthusiastically refer in our statements. Rich or poor, powerful or weak, we are the inhabitants of the same planet, Earth, and if tomorrow a nuclear war breaks out we should all have to bear its lethal consequences. There is no need for us to stress that we are all experiencing—in varying degrees, it is true—the negative effects of the serious crisis in the world economy.
174.	This means that we all have an equal interest to work to wards a relaxation of tensions in the world and towards the establishment of an atmosphere of trust, entente and comprehension among our different nations, making it possible for us to progress on the path towards disarmament. It also means that it is in the interest of all to preserve international peace and security. Lastly, it indicates how important it is for all our countries to develop the ideal of international co-operation and to seek, in a spirit of complementarity and solidarity, solutions to the problems of hunger and unemployment in the world, to the world monetary problems, to the debt problems of the third world countries, to the increasing deterioration of their terms of trade and development financing difficulties.
175.	Those are the requirements of the world of today. It is to meet them that the third world countries are, through the policy of non-alignment, endeavouring to promote a new and broader vision of international relations based on overcoming bloc rivalry, which generates tension, and on a determined search for peace and cooperation among all the nations of the earth. The initiative taken at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries to invite the world's leaders to participate personally in the work of the General Assembly's thirty-eighth session attests to the resolve of those countries to contribute to the reduction of international tensions, to the solution of the conflicts dividing the world and to the establishment of an entirely new world order capable of guaranteeing for our human race that peace and security so lacking and so necessary for progress.
176.	Being a full-fledged member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Niger is pleased that a large number of world leaders have welcomed that initiative. I should like,, on behalf of President Kountche, to pay a tribute to the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, whose action has been decisive in making this idea a reality.
177.	With regard to the general situation in the world, we have, as members of the family of the United Nations, many tasks to accomplish, many challenges to meet. However, we must recognize the urgent and fundamental need to tackle the many conflicts that are afflicting and bringing destruction to many regions of our world.
178.	I have in mind especially the southern part of the African continent, where the credibility of the United

Nations is being sorely tested by the continued and illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist minority regime of Pretoria and the persistence of the criminal policy of
179.	It is true that various bodies of the Organization have adopted an impressive number of resolutions on the situation in Namibia. The General Assembly has regularly considered this question during the past 37 years at its regular sessions. Two special sessions—the fifth and the ninth—and also a special emergency session—the eighth —have been dedicated to it. The Security Council itself has taken up the matter and has adopted at least 20 resolutions, including resolution 435 (1978), which lays the foundations for a peaceful, just and equitable settlement of the problem. At the same time missions of inquiry and mediation have been dispatched. Many meetings have been organized under the auspices of the United Nations itself and upon the initiative of many other well-meaning bodies in order to ensure the implementation of the provisions of that resolution. In spite of all these efforts, we have made hardly any progress. The General Assembly and the Security Council, to use the customary language of this Organization, remain seized of the question of Namibia.
180.	This is so because the flexible and constructive attitude of SWAPO in the negotiations undertaken for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) has met with the downright stubbornness and delaying tactics of the racist minority regime of Pretoria at the diplomatic level, while in practice that regime has pursued a savage policy of repression against the Namibian nationalists and has engaged in repeated acts of aggression against the frontline States.
181.	Responsibility for the failure of our efforts is well known. All the covert or overt alliances, all the complicity and the tolerance which encourage South Africa in its negative attitude, are also well known. They make it possible for South Africa steadfastly to flout and defy the United Nations and give it the extra energy it needs whenever internal pressure endangers the existence of the proponents of apartheid.
182.	In these circumstances, how can we not share the concern of the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, held in Paris in April 1983, over the fact that thus far, the Security Council has been unable to fulfil its responsibilities regarding the maintenance of international peace and security, because of the opposition of a permanent member? Yet it appears obvious that the sanctions envisaged under Chapter VII of the Charter, effectively and universally applied, are the only available means to compel South Africa to comply with the decisions of the United Nations.
181. In solidarity with the Namibian people and with the oppressed populations of South Africa and the frontline States, Niger deeply deplores the delaying tactics which characterize the search for a solution to the problem of that region. Niger repudiates any link between the independence of Namibia and situations relating to the sovereignty of other States. We favour true independence for Namibia, based on Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and consequently call for determined action by the international community to put an end to the occupation of Namibia and to the policy of apartheid, both of which it has unanimously condemned.
Closer to the borders of my country, in Chad, which for over 15 years has been torn asunder by a fratricidal war, a dangerous situation has developed recently, which was referred, without much effect, to the Security Council. As a neighbour of Chad, we feel a sense of pain as we witness the suffering endured by the people of Chad and the slow decline of the whole State because of the long years of war. We have never tried to take advantage of the chaotic situation in Chad. And in spite of the repercussions of the situation on our borders, of which little is known in the outside world, we have never been willing to add to the difficulties of that country. That is why we have never chosen to side with one faction against another. We have always believed that Chad belongs to the Chadian people and that it is they themselves who must settle the problems of Chad. Our role has always been to alleviate the suffering of our Chadian brothers and to help them in their recovery. It is in that spirit that we have participated in all the efforts undertaken to restore peace in that country.
185.	Today our position remains unchanged. We consider Chad to be one and indivisible and consequently we call for respect for its unity and integrity. By the same token, we believe that the independence and sovereignty of Chad must be respected; foreign interference in its internal affairs must therefore be brought to an end.
186.	It is the duty of the international community, it is the duty of African countries and, in particular, of the neighbours of Chad, to help in restoring peace in that country. Niger ardently hopes that the efforts of the OAU to that end will be strongly supported by all.
187.	No one today would dispute the fact that the situation in the Middle East is a serious and constant threat to international peace and security. Lebanon, with the siege of Beirut, the forced departure of the Palestinian leaders to other lands of exile, followed by the Shatila and Sabra massacres and a resurgence of violence, of which there is fresh news every day, is an example of the great tragedy which for decades has been afflicting the countries and people of the Middle East. At the heart of that tragedy we find the fate of the Palestinian people, victim of one of the greatest injustices of our time.
188.	As a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and of its Al-Quds Committee, and as a crossroads for centuries for exchanges of all types between Africa and the Arab world, Niger is deeply concerned over the situation affecting that part of the world.
189.	The United Nations, the Non aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the OAU and many other international bodies have done their utmost to find a just and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East and of Palestine. The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, which recently took place at Geneva, provides an example of the seriousness of those efforts. All those efforts, unfortunately, come up against the arrogance, intransigence and rage for war of the State of Israel, which continues the occupation of Arab and Palestinian territories and constantly attacks neighbouring States, despite the relevant decisions of the General Assembly.
190.	I wish to reaffirm Niger's support for the valiant Palestinian people and the PLO, which is its sole and legitimate representative. I also reaffirm our support for the Arab countries and peoples of the region in their struggle to regain their territories which are illegally occupied by Israel.
191.	We continue to believe that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the question of the Middle East and Palestine necessarily involves the total withdrawal by Israel from Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and its right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign State on the soil of its homeland, in Palestine, under the leadership
of the PLO; and the PLO's full participation in any peacekeeping process.
192.	It is not only in Chad, southern Africa and the Middle East where world peace is in danger; it is also in danger in other regions. One example is the Persian Gulf, where Iran and Iraq are still at war. We are deeply affected by the continued confrontation between those two countries, to which we are bound by so many links, and we call for an end to hostilities and to a peaceful settlement of the dispute.
193.	Other examples are provided by Afghanistan and Democratic Kampuchea; we should like to see those countries free and rid of foreign occupation and their independence, sovereignty and status as non-aligned States fully respected.
194.	Unfortunately Central America is yet another example, a region where serious upheavals and dangerous instability have recently degenerated into open warfare. We hope for a negotiated settlement of the problems of that region that will take full account of the aspirations of the people concerned and respect the independence and sovereignty of all the States of the region. For that reason we are supporting and encouraging the efforts of the Contadora Group.
195.	Similarly, we favour a political solution to the problem of the division of Korea. Only a negotiated solution can guarantee a just and final settlement of that question and thereby avoid plunging the Korean people into the torments of a new war.
196.	I do not feel that I have exhausted the list of all the flashpoints in the world. Could it ever be exhausted? There are still other regions of the world where peace is fragile, threatened or broken. I should simply like to add in this regard that we in Niger wish peace for all countries and all peoples on earth, for we know the inestimable benefits that it brings.
197.	In fact it is that peace which has enabled us on the morrow of the accession to power in April 1974 of the Supreme Military Council to take effective action to overcome the immediate harmful effects of the terrible drought which Niger and the other countries of the Sahel have had to endure. It is that peace which has enabled us to carry out the qualitative changes needed before we could undertake a three-year programme, and then a five- year plan, devised by the Supreme Military Council as part of a bold policy of national recovery. Today we can be proud of having protected the population of Niger against famine; of having rebuilt our livestock inventory, 75 per cent of which had been destroyed by drought; of having increased arable land, through a sustained policy of hydro-agricultural improvements and additional water supplies, thereby substantially increasing food production; of having improved and strengthened the health and education infrastructures; of having developed our road system and given our country modern telecommunications infrastructures.
198.	The vast programme of national mobilization undertaken under the guidance of the development association has also been carried out successfully. After four years of intensive work in publicity, information and study, the National Committee charged with setting up the development association prepared a report listing the problems facing our country and proposing ways of solving them.
199.	In parallel with these studies, we undertook organizational work, setting up in neighbourhoods, villages, cantons and in each district and department development groups consisting of peasants, young people, schoolchildren and all the social and professional strata of our country. This organizational work was concluded on 3 August 1983 with the solemn establishment of the National Council for Development, which has been given a mandate to draw up a national charter reflecting the aspirations of the Nigerian people as they appeared at the time of the great work of study and research which preceded the establishment of all of these institutions. This charter will serve as a framework for action for the public authorities and as a code of conduct for the whole nation.
200. Only a few days ago—in fact, exactly a week ago, as reflected in press agency dispatches—this image of a peaceful and hardworking Niger was endangered. A group of armed men, whose motive and allegiance we do not know, attempted to seize power and to put an end to this process developed by the people of Niger itself for its own well-being. This deadly enterprise lasted only a few hours and was dealt a crushing Mow, thanks to the firmness of our national armed forces and the vigilance of our people. The Supreme Military Council and the Government remain determined, whatever the price and whatever the obstacles, whatever efforts at sabotage and destabilization might be carried out, to pursue this original experiment in social living, in apprenticeship in democracy and in concerted action and committed solidarity, undertaken in unity and cohesion by the people of Niger. For us this represents a powerful hope.
201.	In conclusion I would say that the same applies to the United Nations. In spite of its defects, in spite of its drawbacks and its failures, the United Nations symbolizes and personifies the hopes of mankind for peace and economic and social progress. It may one day become the centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends. Our task is to desire this and to help to bring it about. This is done every day with dedication and conviction by the Secretary-General. On behalf of Niger, I congratulate him, just as I congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis which, through its presence, has strengthened our faith in the value of the work we are doing here.


202.	 I should like to begin by extending to Mr. Jorge Illueca my sincere felicitations on his election to the presidency of the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly. It is a tribute to his statesmanship and to the profound respect that he enjoys in the international community for his dedication to the cause of peace and human dignity. It is also an acknowledgement of his great country's role in upholding the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and in the advancement of its objectives.
203.	I also convey my delegation's sentiments of great esteem to his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of the Hungarian People's Republic, who guided the work of the thirty-seventh session with such distinction and success,
204.	I take this opportunity to greet warmly the Government and people of Saint Christopher and Nevis on the independence of their country and to welcome the entry of this new nation into the international community. Pakistan looks forward to friendly relations with Saint Christopher and Nevis and to fruitful co-operation with it.
205.	It gives me great pleasure to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General. He has brought great distinction and wide experience to this high office and his dedicated efforts towards the solution of the problems confronting the international community merit our deepest appreciation.
206.	Last year, in his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General deplored the continuing deterioration of the political and security climate and urged the international community to arrest and reverse this trend by adhering to the principles and purposes of the Charter. It is a matter of grave concern that, a year later, the international situation shows no sign of improvement and the Secretary-General has been obliged to repeat his earlier warning in his current report.
207.	We are living in a dangerous world of growing nuclear arsenals, increasing tensions and a worsening economic malaise. We are witnessing a regrettable weakening of the resolve of States to settle their disputes in accordant with the spirit of the Charter. There is an alarming increase in the resort to force. Recent violations of the principles of non-interference in the affairs of sovereign States presage a return to the politics of coercion and pressure against less powerful countries. This poses a serious threat to the sovereignty and security of small nations. Equally evident is the inability of smaller nations to act collectively to protect themselves from the competing interests and designs of the great Powers.
208.	The failure of detente and the spiralling arms race, particularly in respect of nuclear weapons, the lack of meaningful progress in the dialogue between the superpowers and attempts to establish new spheres of influence are developments which have brought the world to the brink of catastrophe. The tragic incident of the Korean airliner and the consequent heightening of tension in East- West relations remind us of the real danger of a single incident causing a wider conflict and also the need to exercise restraint in order to avert a major crisis.
209.	The economic landscape is equally bleak. It generates its own tensions which, if left unattended, could prove disastrous for the whole world. The industrialized countries must recognize that the demand for the new international economic order is not an anguished plea for charity but represents the legitimate aspirations of hundreds of millions of people.
210.	The ravages of global recession have brought into vivid focus the fragility of the existing international economic system and, even more, the interdependence of all economies.
211.	The crisis in the international economic system continues to be a cause for profound concern, both on account of its devastating impact on the economies of developing countries and, more importantly, because of the absence of any real indication that the international community is ready for a common endeavour to seek solutions to problems afflicting all nations. All efforts to seek structural adjustments in the system, or to adopt measures required to alleviate the conditions of the developing countries, have met with stubborn resistance by the developed countries.
212.	Several distinguished world leaders have spoken eloquently on the serious consequences of the present economic crisis. The crisis has frustrated the hopes of the countries of the third world for improvement in the quality of life of their peoples and they are faced with large-scale social unrest which could lead to political upheaval.
213.	The failure of the international community to act in concert to deal with the situation has served to aggravate it. The near breakdown in the international financing system is either driving the developing nations towards bankruptcy and default or pushing them deeper into debt liabilities from which they cannot recover. The growing debt problem, which is only one aspect of the international economic crisis, demonstrates the failure of existing institutions.
214.	The goal of a new international economic order remains as distant as ever. This is evident from the desultory action in implementing the provisions of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Furthermore, while we have heard many statements expressing a commitment to launch global negotiations, no meaningful development has taken place in this vital area. Successive initiatives to start a dialogue aimed at resolving the crisis in the global economic system have suffered a similar fate.
215.	It would be naive to assume that the signs of recovery visible in some of the industrialized nations represent indications of an upturn in the world economy. While this trend may be welcome, it cannot by itself resolve the problems of the global economic system, and its impact on the economies of the developing countries would be negligible and too slow. On the other hand, the slightest downward trend in the economies of the developed countries violently and disproportionately affects the economies of the developing countries which do not possess the resilience to withstand vicissitudes in the economic situation of the developed world. The quest for the new international economic order envisages a restructuring which is not aimed at the disruption of the economies of the North, but at providing the developing countries with ways and means to contribute effectively to a just and healthy international economic environment that would prove equally beneficial to the developed countries.
216.	The interdependence of the world today is so great that it is no longer possible to compartmentalize recovery on the basis of restrictive national needs. The nations of the South as well as the North must seek a more equitable and just system that promotes socio-economic development for all, instead of accentuating existing inequalities. It was to be hoped that the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development would have directed its efforts to redressing some of the more pressing problems, but, unfortunately, the results have served to heighten differences and disparities. The stalemate in global negotiations is heading towards a self- perpetuating deadlock. The international community can no longer afford to remain preoccupied with voicing their respective grievances. Mutual recriminations must give way to reconciliation. The time has come for speedy and decisive action. We may not expect to achieve everything in one step, but the North and South together must make a start in dealing with these complex issues.
217.	At the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in March, the President of Pakistan suggested the elements of global economic co-operation which could combat the crisis confronting the world economy.
218.	First, for the revival of the North and the survival of the South, the developed countries which have material and technological superiority over the developing countries should collectively dismantle all barriers to free trade.
219.	Secondly, for resolving the gigantic problem of international debt that affects the North as well as the South, the two should evolve by common agreement an orderly and equitable system of debt management.
220.	Thirdly, the South should accept the need for better economic management and efficient utilization of its own natural resources. It must increasingly mobilize its own creative energies, both on a national and on a collective basis, and for this purpose prepare a concrete blueprint for South-South co-operation.
221.	Fourthly, it is necessary that all countries give full support to the concept of multilateralism and to increasing the capacity of the international financial institutions to enable them to play a more effective role in initiating world economy’s recovery and in accelerating the economic advance of the developing countries.
222.	Fifthly, in view of the huge and urgent needs of the developing countries for energy investment, serious consideration must be given to setting up arrangements encompassing contributions from Governments, private banks, and suppliers of equipment for financing the capital-intensive and technologically-complex projects in the energy sector.
223.	These are some of the measures which, in our view, can go a long way in helping a transition towards a more equitable system of global economic relations.
224.	Peace and security are basic elements for the progress of mankind. After witnessing two destructive world wars in this century, humanity cannot afford a third conflict. But unfortunately the international political climate is marred by a growing turbulence, and world peace and security, the fundamental objectives of the United Nations, are being increasingly threatened through blatant violations of the sovereignty and independence of small States.
225.	The unresolved Middle East problem constitutes the most serious obstacle to world peace. It is a threat that can, at any time, lead to a major catastrophe. It is also the saga of resolute determination by the brave Palestinian people not to be subdued by the might of Israeli arms. The recent history of the Middle East is one of continuing aggression by Israel against the Palestinian and Arab peoples, the latest victim being Lebanon, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity have been flagrantly violated in utter disregard of all principles of international law and conduct. We believe that any durable and lasting solution to the Middle East problem must ensure Israeli evacuation from all occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and must restore the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State in their own homeland.
226.	History has repeatedly demonstrated that oppression cannot endure. A valiant and determined people invariably defeat their oppressors. The future will confirm the lessons of the past. We salute the courageous Palestinian people who, through their undaunted heroism and sacrifice, have provided eloquent testimony to the justice of their cause.
227.	We would also like to pay tribute to the sagacity and wisdom of the Arab leaders who came out with far- reaching proposals in the Fez plan", which contained a comprehensive framework and provided a major initiative for the attainment of peace in this strife-torn region. The Arab heads of State thus demonstrated, yet again, the willingness of the Arab world and the Palestinian people to attain peace with dignity and honour. Israeli rejection of the plan has only served to confirm once again its aggressive and expansionist policies.
228.	In our immediate neighbourhood, a small independent non-aligned State, Afghanistan, has been subjected to foreign military intervention. True to their traditions, the people of Afghanistan have, by their indomitable courage, demonstrated that massive force cannot vanquish a people determined to preserve their independence and identity. For four years now, their tenacious resistance has continued with sustained intensity throughout the length and breadth of the country. Yet they also look to the international community to ensure respect for the sacrosanct principles of non-use of force and non-intervention in international relations and to help them regain their sovereignty and freedom.
229.	A direct and tragic consequence of the foreign military intervention in Afghanistan is the continuing exodus to neighbouring countries of millions of helpless men, women and children, who have been forced to flee from oppression at home and to seek shelter abroad. Nearly three million Afghans have sought refuge in Pakistan. This has placed an enormous burden on our limited resources, but we have willingly accepted it as our Islamic and humanitarian duty. We are grateful to international organizations and friendly Governments that are assisting us in this task. We do, however, look forward to the day when these Afghan refugees can return to their own country without fear of persecution and in conditions of safety and honour.
230.	As a country directly affected by the crisis nearby, Pakistan has a vital interest in a peaceful solution of the Afghanistan problem. The essential elements of a peaceful settlement are: the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan; the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned character of Afghanistan; the right of the Afghan people to determine their own form of government and to choose their economic, political and social system free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever; and the creation of necessary conditions to enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes in safety and honour. This is the framework that has received the overwhelming support of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations itself. It is within these parameters that Pakistan is engaged in sincere efforts to achieve a political settlement of the Afghanistan problem and is participating in the process of indirect negotiations through the intermediary of the personal representative of the Secretary- General
231.	From the very beginning, we have participated in these negotiations with sincerity and a deep commitment to finding a peaceful political solution. We seek a comprehensive settlement based on the principles endorsed by the international community. Our primary purpose is to uphold these principles, not to apportion blame. During the last year, through an intensive negotiating process, substantial progress has been made in identifying the elements of such a comprehensive settlement and in elaborating the interrelationships among them. A number of crucial issues, particularly the time frame for withdrawal of foreign troops, remain to be solved, and we must hope that further negotiations in the coming months will result in satisfactory agreement on them.

232.	We fully endorse the Secretary-General's assessment that valuable and indispensable work has been accomplished during the past year. We must build on that. Pakistan, for its part, remains committed to the diplomatic process initiated with so much wisdom and statesmanship by the Secretary-General. I wish to assure him of our determination to pursue it in a positive and constructive spirit and to co-operate fully with the untiring efforts of his personal representative, Mr. Cordovez.
233.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq, which has drained the precious human and material resources of those two States, remains a matter of deep concern and anxiety to the people of Pakistan. The war not only poses a serious threat to the stability of the entire region but could, in the long run, lead to outside involvement, the consequences of which would be grave and far-reaching. We have, therefore, spared no effort to facilitate an early cessation of hostilities and have participated in and extended full support to all initiatives, including those of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Non- Aligned Movement and the United Nations, to bring this tragic war to a speedy end.
234.	In the same quest for peace and stability, we have been sincerely and steadfastly pursuing efforts to improve the climate of relations in the South Asian region and, in particular, between Pakistan and India. We are determined to work towards a future different from the past. With trust and confidence, we can gradually build an edifice of permanent peace based on mutual regard for sovereignty and independence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Such a relationship, based on reciprocal restraint towards and recognition of each other's sensitivities, would be in consonance with the aspirations of our peoples, who seek peaceful relations and good-neighbourliness in order to enable them to devote their energies single-mindedly to resolving the monumental problems of poverty and ignorance. In the same spirit, we seek a just settlement of the problem of Jammu and Kashmir, which would remove the last hurdle in the way of full normalization of relations between the two countries.
235.	In the context of South Asia, I am happy to report that the seven countries of the region have systematically embarked upon expanding regional co-operation, which is now institutionalized through the important decisions taken at the meetings of the foreign ministers of those countries at New Delhi last August. It is our hope that South Asian regional co-operation will flourish in an atmosphere of mutual confidence which can be generated only by a strict respect for one another's sovereignty and independence and non-interference in internal affairs.
236.	The crises and conflicts in our region highlight the relevance of the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace and its quintessence, namely the peace and security of the entire region, in which the peoples of the region could devote their energies to building a life of freedom, dignity and progress. We recognize that the proposed conference on the Indian Ocean could become a landmark in our endeavours for the realization of the concept of the peace zone. We believe that the success of the conference can be ensured only through a solemn commitment of the countries of the region to mutual cooperation to resist threats against their security. Similarly, it would be a travesty of the concept if the regional States limited their concerns to outside Powers and remained unwilling to order their own relations on the basis of mutual respect and non-use of force. The issues of peace and security are at the heart of the peace zone concept, which, in the first instance, must be addressed by the regional States in an open-minded and flexible manner.
237.	Effects of use of force and military interventions reach far beyond the areas of their occurrence. Accordingly, our concern for peace is not restricted to our vicinity or our region; we are opposed to the use of force, whether it be in Kampuchea, where outside intervention has prevented the people of that country from exercising their right to shape their own future, in the conflict over the South Atlantic, the threat of intervention in Central America or the circumstances of war and intervention in Chad.
238.	In the case of Kampuchea, under the pretext of rectifying earlier violations of human rights in that country a regime has been imposed on the people of that country by force of foreign arms. The international community must not brook such violations. Attempts by powerful States to dominate smaller neighbours inevitably lead to conflict and aggravate international tensions. The General Assembly must call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea to enable its people to determine their own destiny.
239.	From its very inception Pakistan has been in the forefront of anti-colonial struggles the world over and we are firmly committed to the elimination of the last vestiges of colonialism. We also condemn the abhorrent practice of	which is an affront to human dignity.
240.	The international community must give unqualified and total support to the just struggle of the people of Namibia and Azania for self-determination and independence. South Africa, emboldened by a vast military machine which is augmented by the resources available to it from some countries of the West, remains adamant in its refusal to transfer power peacefully to the people of Namibia, and is demanding the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a pre-condition for the independence of Namibia. The General Assembly, the Non- Aligned Movement and, most recently, the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence have categorically rejected any linkage between the independence of Namibia and the presence of Cuban troops in Angola, which is a question that is entirely extraneous to this issue. We fully support this position. The contact group of Western countries bears a solemn responsibility for ensuring the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia.
241.	Pakistan will continue to extend total support to the people of Namibia, led by their sole and authentic liberation movement, SWAPO, as well as to the frontline States which have suffered at the hands of South African aggression. The United Nations must take effective measures, including the imposition of military and economic sanctions, against Pretoria to ensure the early independence of Namibia and the attainment by the people of Azania of their inherent right to self-rule.
242.	I must touch upon an issue which has a direct bearing on the survival of human civilization. The immense and pervasive threat to mankind posed by the lethal and awesome nuclear arsenals possessed by the nuclear-weapon States is all too evident. Over the years, the United Nations has accumulated an extensive and valuable body of thought and principles on issues relevant to disarmament, although its deliberations still fall short of offering a blueprint. An attempt to outline a comprehensive programme for disarmament at the second special session devoted to disarmament ended in failure, highlighting disagreements, despite the professed urgency attached to the adoption of such a programme.
243.	Pakistan believes in an all-embracing approach to disarmament. For us, efforts at the global level, at the
regional level and on the bilateral plane are all complementary and deserve to be advanced wherever circumstances permit. Similarly, we attach value to both long- term and interim measures. We have therefore support the general ideas of the concept of the freezing and prohibition of nuclear weapons, the strategic arms reduction talks between the United States and the Soviet Union, the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace, and security guarantees to non-nuclear-weapon States.
244.	Two elements stand out in our perception of disarmament. First, we find an intrinsic correlation between progress towards disarmament and the international political situation. Goals of disarmament cannot be achieved in a political environment devoid of mutual confidence and vitiated by tensions and instances of breaches of peace. Secondly, no moral, ideological or political explanation is sufficiently convincing to justify the diversion of colossal human and global resources to improving and augmenting the formidable existing nuclear and conventional arsenals, which are already capable of destroying all life on Earth.
245.	Disarmament, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons, has become an absolute and urgent necessity. The pressing task which confronts the international community is to seek the reversal of the arms race and ultimately to bring about the complete elimination of these instruments of global suicide. The nuclear Powers must be persuaded to desist from the production of these weapons and to channel the vast and invaluable resources so released towards the economic development and well- being of all mankind.
246.	There is no choice between peace and war, cooperation and conflict, development and destruction. We must surmount our prejudices and fears. What has taken so long to build must not be allowed to perish in a moment of doubt.
247.	I should like to take this opportunity to renew my country's pledge to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and to reiterate our resolve to persist in our endeavours to promote amity, goodwill and friendship with all nations of the world.