Let me first extend to Mr, Dante Caput the congratulations of the Ethiopian delegation, as well as my own, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-third session . My delegation is confident that under his wise and skilful guidance this session will reach a successful conclusion. In this regard I should like to assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation as he discharges his heavy responsibilities.
May I also take this opportunity to express our gratitude ш his predecessor. Comrade Peter Florin, who presided over the last session of the General Assembly with admirable skill.
I should like at this juncture to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez dc Cuellar, for the exemplary dedication and competence with which he has always discharged the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him. In reaffirming to him the deep appreciation of my Government, already expressed on a number of occasions over the last few years, I wish him ever greater success in his future endeavours.
Few are those who deny that nations are becoming increasingly interdependent. There has probably been no period since the dawn of human civilization when various societies have lived in complete isolation from each other. The growth of human progress itself would have been inconceivable without close contacts and the exchange of ideas among different societies. Ours has especially become a period in history when the various challenges facing humanity can hardly be tackled outside the context of interdependence. Ours has, indeed, become a time when the imperatives of survival dictate that we all take seriously the fact that not only are we interdependent but also that we share common destiny.
Perhaps no one denies this incontrovertible truth, but the lack of political will to bridge the huge gap between what is asserted on the plane of declarations and what is done in practice is a vivid demonstration of the fact that our actions are not commensurate with the immense challenges facing humanity as a whole. In this context two closely related challenges, among others, demand our concerted and co-ordinated action: the strengthening of peace and security on the one hand and the promotion of development and progress on the other.
This session of the General Assembly is being convened at a most propitious time from the point of view of the relaxation of international tension. There is no gainsaying that the period since the last session has been marked by a number of encouraging and positive developments on the international scene. The improvement in relations between the two major Powers and the increased level of mutual understanding between them accords fully with the yearning for peace that we have all been voicing for too long.
In this regard we view with satisfaction the Treaty concluded between the Soviet Union and the United States on the Elimination of their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. Although only 3 per cent of the nuclear arsenals of the two major Powers are meant to be destroyed under the Treaty, the symbolic significance of the achievement can hardly be underestimated. In general we feel the Treaty represents a step forward in the area of nuclear disarmament.
Subsequent political developments likewise give us reason to view the international political scene with optimism. Among such developments is the acceptance by both Iran and Iraq of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). This constitutes a major achievement towards the restoration of peace in the area and the enhancement of international peace and security.
The Geneva Accords on Afghanistan, which came into force on 15 May 1988, are yet another step which has contributed towards the change to a better political climate than that which prevailed a year ago. The positive steps that have been taken so far towards the withdrawal of South African occupation forces from southern Angola and the efforts being made to facilitate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), on Namibia, are also welcome developments. However, given the chronic duplicity of the racist regime, we feel obliged to caution that the international community should follow the unfolding situation with the utmost vigilance.
We also draw satisfaction from the resumption of the inter-communal talks aimed at addressing the question of Cyprus. We are likewise optimistic regarding developments towards seeking a solution to the problem of the Western Sahara.
It is also pertinent to mention here the concerted efforts that are being deployed to restore peace in Kampuchea and the progress that has so far been made towards the restoration of peace in that region.
It is a source of great satisfaction to us that the United Nations, consistent with the provisions of the Charter of the Organization, has spearheaded the search for solutions to the various political problems that I have just referred to. While this is testimony to the continued relevance of the United Nations, ray delegation also finds it most appropriate to pay a tribute once again to the Secretary-General for his dedication and untiring efforts in the cause of international peace and security.
As we take note of the improved climate in international relations and the prevailing relaxation of tension, we are at the same time duty bound to make a realistic assessment of what has already been achieved and what remains to be done in the area of international peace and security. I should also add that whatever conclusions we arrive at must be firmly founded on an objective analysis of the state of affairs now prevailing in the world.
In this connection it will suffice to refer to the disappointing result of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. As is well known, the session closed without agreement being readied on a final document, although great efforts were exerted to arrive at a consensus. It is obvious, therefore, that we should redouble our efforts towards progress on a number of interrelated disarmament measures. A comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty is a goal the achievement of which could go a long way in arresting the nuclear-arms race but which has so far eluded us, despite a near universal consensus on the issue. Other priority measures in the field of disarmament include steps to prevent the extension of the arms race into outer space, agreement on the prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons and the speedy conclusion of a chemical-weapon convention.
I might also mention here the contribution that the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones in different parts of the globe could make towards the ultimate goal of a nuclear-free world. In this context I wish to express our appreciation to the Government of the German Democratic Republic for organizing in June of this year an International Meeting on Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones.
In any discussion of the subject of nuclear-weapon-free zones it is appropriate to refer to the initiative that the peoples of Africa have taken to keep the continent free of nuclear weapons. It was 24 years ago that the Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity adopted, at their summit conference in Cairo, a Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. This initiative represented one of the first regional attendees at the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Since then, the General Assembly has adopted a series of resolutions calling upon nuclear-weapon States to respect the wishes of the peoples of Africa to protect the status of the continent as a nuclear-weapon-free area.

However, it has now become clear that the African peoples’ commitment to free the region from the nuclear-arms race has been challenged by the reckless policy of the racist regime in Pretoria to acquire nuclear-weapons capability. In fact, it now appears from available evidence that South Africa has indeed achieved the capability to produce nuclear weapons.
The implications of this ominous development for international peace and security cannot be over-emphasized. Such capability, acquired by a regime that would have no scruples in using them, should be viewed with alarm by all who have genuine concern for the maintenance of international peace and security. There is, of course, little doubt that it would have been practically impossible for South Africa to achieve this capability without the support it has been able to get from those who, with characteristic myopia, regard South Africa as an indispensable partner.
As if this were not enough, the people of Africa are also being challenged by a new and grave development. In recent years it has become clear that some in the West have started to engage in activities that pose imminent danger to the African peoples and to the African ecosystem. I am referring here to the dumping of nuclear and industrial wastes in African countries by some Western transnational corporations.
The indignation of the African peoples at the callousness displayed by those who perpetrate this crime has been echoed by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), meeting in its forty-eighth ordinary session in May of this year. My delegation deems it appropriate that the dumping of nuclear and industrial wastes in Africa has been inscribed as an item on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly. We are confident that the session will give serious attention to the matter and adopt decisions reflecting the gravity of the problem.
Much as we are encouraged by the significant political achievements registered during the first half of 1988, we remain none the less concerned by the continued use or threat of use of force, under any pretext, against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of small States.
No better example of this can be provided than the prevailing situation in Central America where, despite the various regional peace efforts and the decision of the International Court of Justice, Nicaragua still finds itself under constant threat to its independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. Thus the international community's solidarity with the people of Nicaragua must be strengthened so that that country can be totally free of the covert and overt intervention to which it has been subjected for too long.
Similarly, there are a number of other issues relating to international peace and security, as well as to the rights of peoples and to justice for those facing egregious forms of discrimination that still cry out for solutions.
The problems posed by the evil ¡system of apartheid in South Africa clearly demonstrate how long indeed is the distance that the international community has yet to travel in laying the foundation for international relations based on justice and basic human decency. The noble goal of eradicating this abhorrent system continues to demand unremitting struggle. Apart from the call for comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the racist regime, for the success of which the international community needs to deploy greater effort, final victory against it requires all those who stand for justice to continue to rally behind the struggle being waged by the people of South Africa. As in the past, Ethiopia will continue to provide concrete assistance to the people of South Africa until apartheid is dismantled and justice and democracy ace firmly established in South Africa. It is also appropriate to emphasize here that continued solidarity with the front-line States is part and parcel of the struggle against apartheid. In that context, we are all duty bound to render the fullest possible assistance to these countries to enable them to withstand the military intervention and economic pressure of the racist regime.
In the Middle East, the problem that emanates essentially from the denial to the Palestinian people of their rights as a people still awaits a just solution. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm Ethiopia's continued support for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
The situation in the Korean peninsula is one other problem that requires the attention of the international community. I believe we are all aware of the fact that the quest for reunification by the people of the peninsula is still frustrated by certain major impediments, Ethiopia fully supports the desire and efforts of the Korean people for national reunification without foreign intervention.
While the past year has witnessed a number of encouraging developments in the sphere of disarmament and the resolution of regional conflicts, it is regrettable that existing negative trends have persisted in other areas.
Far from showing improvement, the issues of development and progress that represent another challenge to the international community have instead become a cause for ever greater concern, both for their serious implications for international peace and security and for the immense human tragedy they entail.
The deteriorating economic and social conditions in developing countries, especially in the least developed among them, obviously require concerted action from the international community to be contained and reversed. Instead, what we have been witnessing is lack of sufficient political will on the part of many developed countries to create the necessary economic environment for developing countries to rehabilitate their economies.
It has now become clearer than ever before that the serious difficulties facing the developing world emanate mainly from the external economic situation, over which they have very little control. The policies pursued by some developed countries, particularly in the areas of trade, money and finance, have further aggravated the problems, which are deep-rooted in the prevailing international economic system already characterized by unjust and unequal relations.
Developing countries are endeavouring, within the limits of their resources, to revive their economies and to ensure a decent life for their peoples. But to no avail. Some of the reform measures required of developing countries have, in fact, become potential causes of political and social instability. Furthermore, the determined efforts made by these countries have invariably been frustrated by such external factors as the decline in commodity prices and export revenue, unfavourable terms of trade, widespread protectionism, accumulation of external debt and decline in net resource flows, the combined impact of which has seriously impeded their overall development process.
In the case of African countries, most of which belong to the group of least developed countries, these externally Induced obstacles to development have further compounded the difficulties they have encountered as a result of widespread drought, desertification and other natural calamities.
It is to be recalled. In this connection, that it was in response to the economic plight of African countries that the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to the critical economic situation in Africa was convened more than two years ago. The result of that session was United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990.
While the Programme of Action is intended to help improve the performance of African economies, the full implementation of the reform measures it requires has been rendered difficult owing to various factors. Significant among these is the unfavourable international climate characterized, among other things, by accelerated deterioration of the terms of trade ρ the low level of resource flows, mounting debt-servicing, and the inadequacy of external support for our efforts. The recent raid-term review conference has clearly shown the constraints faced by Africa in the reform process. We are therefore hopeful that the international community will be more forthcoming in supplementing the efforts of African countries towards the desired objective of improved productivity and rapid economic recovery.
As Ethiopia is a country already confronted with immense problems caused by natural calamities, it should come as no surprise that the negative impact of the external economic environment on its efforts towards economic recovery has been enormous. Although the amount and distribution of precipitation during the main rainy season this year appear satisfactory, the adverse effects of the series of droughts my country has experienced for almost a decade and a half can hardly be tackled with our own resources within a short period of time. However, Ethiopia will continue to exert every effort to make effective use of available resources with a view to overcoming its economic difficulties and accelerating its development.
In this connection, it is indeed regrettable that some continue to display a glaring lack of judgement as regards my country in their assessment of the problems in our sub-region. Rather, they see fit to subject Ethiopia to their habitual criticism, which is as biased as it is unwarranted, and in sharp contrast to the prevailing reality in the country.
Fairness and objectivity would have demanded that they should, at the very least, recognize the maximum efforts Ethiopia is exerting to offset the consequences of the drought, the attainment of food self-sufficiency and accelerated development while at the same time coping with the problem created by the huge influx of refugees into the country. In the circumstances, it would have been most appropriate to sensitise the international community to this reality with a view to supporting Ethiopia's efforts to meet effectively the manifold challenges it is facing.
When I had the opportunity to address this Assembly last year, I expressed, inter alia, Ethiopia's readiness to forge and strengthen relations with all countries, particularly those which are in our region and with which we have had difficult relations". (A/42/PV. 22, p. 19-20)
In that statement, I expressed Ethiopia's commitment to peace and its determination to do as much as possible to help relax the tension in our region. We have always been willing to muster the necessary political will to take two steps forward towards the normalization of relations with all peace-loving countries for every one step they may take towards the same goal.
Today, it gives me immense satisfaction to refer to the highly significant step that has been taken by my country and Somalia towards improving our relations. An agreement on normalization of relations between the bio countries was signed on 3 April 1988. In accordance with this agreement not only have we restored diplomatic relations and exchanged prisoners of war but we have also embarked at a rapid pace on the normalization of relations, which, we are confident, will create the necessary conditions for both countries to devote their resources and energy to their economic development. This demonstrates our good will to bury the hatchet with a view to promoting regional peace. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm that Ethiopia will be second to none in its determination to build a bridge of friendship with all countries on the basis of equality and mutual benefit.
In this regard, I should like to acquaint this Assembly with the fact that, consistent with its commitment to ensure durable peace in our region, Ethiopia is at present engaged in sustained and painstaking negotiations with the Sudan with a view to identifying the root causes of the problems between the two countries and to finding appropriate solutions. For its part, my Government is determined that the Joint Expert Committee which the two countries have established will soon complete its tasks and present its recommendations. Given a similar commitment on the part of our Sudanese brothers to lasting peace between the two countries, my Government remains confident that all outstanding issues could be resolved in the interest of peace and co-operation in our part of the world.
We derive satisfaction from the national, regional and international appreciation and support of our peaceful endeavours. On the other hand, we find it hard to comprehend the view of those who still fail to grasp the significance of these achievements as steps towards the restoration of peace by the countries of the region themselves, and continue to express lingering anxiety about tension in the area.
In opening ray statement I referred to the fact that the challenges of development and progress, on the one hand, and of international peace and security, on the other, could be tackled only within the context of interdependence. Thus, it becomes obvious that our well-being lies only in multilateralism. As a founding Member of this Organization, there is nothing that gives us greater joy than to see the United Nations become increasingly effective in the quest for solutions to the major challenges facing humanity.
In recent months, the United Nations has shown how truly effective it could be in implementing and promoting the purposes and principles of the Organization as enshrined in its Charter. We are, indeed, encouraged by this positive trend. At the same time, the financial situation of the Organization continues to be a cause for concern. Putting pressure on the United Nations by withholding assessed contributions to the regular budget of the Organization constitutes a violation of a treaty obligation on the part of Member States. My delegation is hopeful that such a state of affairs will not be allowed to continue and that the growing efficacy of the United Nations will not be adversely affected by a financial crisis.
In the interest of global peace and security, and in the interest of the prosperity and well-being of the human race, let us therefore rededicate ourselves to strengthening the viability and effectiveness of the United Nations. As for Ethiopia, it will always remain committed to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.


On behalf of the Government of the Dominican Republic and the allegation of which I am Chairman, I have pleasure, Sir, in asking you to convey to Mr. Dante Caputo my sincere congratulations on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its forty-third session. His personal and professional qualities and his dedication to the path of diplomacy augur well for the outcome of the session.
I also congratulate his predecessor, Ambassador Peter Florin, on the exemplary and impeccable way in which he presided over the forty-second session. His work contributed greatly to the Organization's good image. We also wish warmly to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the successes he has scored thanks to his persistent efforts for international peace and co-operation, efforts that have been widely and fully recognized by all members of this world body. The Nobel Peace Prize given to the peace-keeping forces is the best testimony of what we have just said. The Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization in addition to being a source of information of incalculable value for us all is a sure guide to follow in the various situations that exist in the interdependent world of today.
As a member of the great Caribbean family I wish also to hail an exceptional Caribbean, the Ambassador of Barbados. Her intelligence and her hard work have earned her the appreciation of the international community represented in this forum, as shown by the support given to her candidacy for the presidency of the General Assembly.
In referring to the Dominican Republic as a member of the great Caribbean family I am highlighting its geographical, political, economic and ethnic facts. For those same reasons, and out of a birthright, we are also part of that great thriving, generous, suffering reality, although a land aware of its effective capabilities, and I am referring to Iberian America.
We hope that our island, as in the past, will be the catalyst in all necessary endeavours to achieve a worthy life, something to which our brothers in the mainland and in the Caribbean archipelago are entitled.
The concise text of my address has been distributed to all delegations and representatives attending this session of the General Assembly as well as to the various officers of the Secretariat. However, I will now read a summary which contains the most  salient points which the Dominican delegation wishes to bring to your attention. First I wish to refer to the situation in Haiti our brother country with which we share geography economic and social interests history culture and hopes. The Haitian people have striven to open up a path to the application of human rights and to democracy, but it would be naïve optimism to hope that all traumas and remnants of the oppressive system in existence for so many years and with such deep roots will disappear from one day to the next. It will take time to root them out definitively.
The situation obtaining in that sister nation is a sensitive one and the international common should lend generous and understanding assistance not as charity but as investment in a people which was the first to become independent in the continent colonized by Spain and which has maintained its independence despite all difficulties. The Dominican Republic has received some Haitian leaders as guests. These were human beings who feared for their lives rightly or not· this
was above all a humanitarian action. This act of generosity is in keeping with the ethics of the Dominican people. Some groups in щ country have criticized this action as if generosity should follow the concepts of discrimination or should be guided by political motivations. It is better that one hundred guilty parties go free than that one innocent person be condemned. The Dominican Government will continue to honour that precept because to offer asylum on a discriminatory basis would be to violate the honour of our people an. one of the most sacred principles of the Ibero-American system.
Last year we stated "Peace is not merely the absence of war or peace imposed by a superior force.· (Ã/42/PV.1S P. 3) Today we say that peace should not be the outcome of a balance of forces, of the so-called forces of deterrence. An error of judgment, a mechanical failure or action in bad faith could bring about an outbreak leading to a final destruction that would spare neither the developed nor the developing countries.
We consider that the agreement readied between the two super-Powers on the elimination of intermediate-range missiles is a positive step for world peace. The Dominican Republic congratulates the United States and the Soviet Union on this Important agreement and trusts that the action which has begun after lengthy conversations will not be interrupted.
The Dominican Republic reaffirms that maintaining peace and the principle of non-intervention are the unvarying standards of its foreign policy.
For the Dominican Republic the United Nations is the appropriate; irreplaceable forum in which to debate the major problems facing the world today. We believe that it is neither wise nor in order to propose other forums or the creation of new organizations to discuss matters of world peace. In the list of items to be discussed In this speech we would like to refer first to drugs, since my delegation considers the drug problem to be one of the major scourges of our respective nations. Drugs are a real and growing threat to all mankind. Every effort roust be brought to bear and the various organizations fighting this scourge must unite under leadership that would avoid duplication and wasted effort. We also believe that the fight against drugs must begin in those places where the raw material is produced. To that end, however, imaginative procedures must be used which go beyond the borders of the developing countries where the farmer, frustrated and ruined by the low prices of his commodities on international markets, proceeds to sow marijuana and coca which are more profitable. It is the protectionist measures which establish quotas and prices that have taken traditional crops out and geared action towards the attractive and profitable crop of coca leaves.
Owing to the characteristics of its social components the Dominican Republic rejects every form of discrimination, be it racial, apartheid, political or religious. Such discrimination runs counter to every ethical concept. That is why the item on South Africa has continued to appear on the agenda of this great forum and will remain there until that country changes its behaviour.
In our view, external debt poses a great challenge to the governments of developing countries  it is a shadow that follows us in all we do, both on the international scene and domestically. Because of its economic, social and political consequences, the level of indebtedness of developing countries is an urgent and complex problem. It grows worse given external factors weighing heavily on the debt of developing countries. These include interest-rate fluctuations, unstable floating exchange rates and action by industrialized countries to maintain their protectionist measures.
To ease the debt problem, some industrialized countries should promote a reduction in the real interest rates, even though to do this they will have to reduce their excessive budget deficits. International banking could contribute to the solution of this pressing problem by reducing loan margins, especially for countries in the midst of an adjustment process.
Efforts by lending institutions are limited to viewing the situation from the monetary and economic point of view> rather than helping, their measures merely contribute to unemployment, shrinking real income and deteriorating public services in short, to plummeting standards of living for the lowest-incomes and therefore neediest groups. During this crisis, lending institutions must maintain a positive net flow of resources towards our countries. Otherwise debt servicing to those institutions will be nearly impossible to carry.
The debt problem is not the sole responsibility of the debtor countries. The responsibility is shared variously among the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the Governments of creditor countries, the Governments of debtor nations, private and public debtor institutions and, very important, the policy of expanding credit promoted by the big banks until 1981.
To emerge from the international debt crisis, the industrialised nations must agree to share fairly in the adjustment efforts and sacrifices we in the developing countries are carrying out. Their greater economic power obligates to join in this task, from which we shall all benefit.
Let me refer again to the protectionist policies of developed countries. Free and vigorous world trade is indispensable for the well-being of the in international economy. Every protectionist measure drives us further from such trade.
Notwithstanding the great trials it has had to go through, and thanks to the work of one of the greatest statesmen, Mr. Joaquin Balaguer, the Dominican Republic is growing, using its own resources and with a very small external debt and a policy of absolute priority in the use of public resources. Only a man like President Balaguer could have achieved this feat while maintaining the climate of political, social and economic stability enjoyed by Dominican society.
With respect to foreign policy, we have from the very outset supported all efforts to end the conflict in Central America, and we shall support all future efforts. We firmly believe that dialogue among the parties, free from selfish intervention by third parties, is the best way to resolve situations that could develop into conflicts.
For that reason we opened our doors this year to the parties to the conflict in Nicaragua so they could speak freely, protected by Dominican impartiality. Our sole interest in Central America is the achievement of peace among brothers, with all its attendant benefits.
In the Dominican Republic all ideas - political, religious or connected with any other school of thought - can be expressed freely and without constraints. That is because ideological pluralism is the norm in Dominican political life. We therefore call for better political will to reach accord and to enable us to move forward with programmes of action already agreed upon to strengthen peace.
In the Korean peninsula there have been encouraging steps towards better understanding between two countries with a common origin and language and a shared history and culture.
We hope that an independent Namibia will shortly join our Organization.
The situation in the Middle East is very close to us as Dominicans because in our ethnic makeup there are major components of Arab and Jewish culture and blood. We maintain a steadfast friendship with the family roots of the branches that flourish on our soil, and we hope dialogue will take the place of terrorist attacks in that part of the world.
I regret I cannot refer in this statement to all the issues worthy of attention from the nations represented here. But I cannot omit a brief reference to the situation in my country in the political and social realms, a situation founded  m the institutional end democratic process that began in the early 1960s when the Dominican Republic began a fresh period in its history as a republic.
The reed has been long and tortuous, but we are now setting an example of stability and substantial progress towards the final consolidation of a rule of law that will guarantee the survival of our institutions and civilized coexistence among all Dominicans with absolute respect for individual rights and total loyalty to the independence of State institutions.
Today, the Dominican Republic is an example in the Americas of stability and democracy, notwithstanding the harsh economic pressure to which all third-world nations are subject. All this has been possible thanks to steadfast efforts by a leader who has been able to combine the solution of our local problems with fulfilment of the State's commitments. We understand and has repeatedly stated that we have a duty and an obligation to honour our debts, but not at the sacrifice of resources needed for the growth and development of the Dominican people.
In the Dominican Republic, the cradle of Spanish activities in the new world, there is absolute respect for human rights and, from the pinnacles of power, the independence of the institutions of the State is maintained as an inviolable norm. That is a reality which only those confused by the promptings of their conscience could deny or call into question.
In my country there is not a single political prisoners justice acts with absolute independence and the free exercise of political pluralism is increasingly widespread and established.
What we have said is a fact that neither our nationals nor foreigners can deny without a breach of the truth, what we are referring to is an achievement which is a source of pride to us and for which we Dominicans feel religious respect, because we have learned that this is a source of social well-being and harmony for our fellow citizens. We say this because we understand that, as was said by His Holiness Pope John Paul II in his address in the Holy See to the diplomatic corps in 1988j
"Lasting peace is that which ensures that social injustices do not occur.
This is what we Dominicans believe and this is the spirit which the delegation I have the honour to head is bringing to this gathering on behalf of the Government and people of the Dominican Republic.


My first remarks must be an expression of congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to the high office you now hold. The delegation of Barbados finds pride and comfort in the fact that the deliberations of the forty-third session should have been placed in the hands of so able a representative of the Latin American and Caribbean region. We salute and support you. I have been asked by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Government of Barbados to convey to you his very special greetings and his regrets that he cannot be with us today. However, we know that you have his very good wishes.
We also pay a tribute to the President of the Assembly at its forty-second session, Mr. Peter Florin, whose unfailing patience and careful chairmanship of the General Assembly at its regular session and various resumed sessions was an example to us all.
The deliberations at the forty-third session are shadowed by grim reminders of the vulnerability we share and the interdependence by which we are inseparably bound. The recent misfortunes of Sudan, Bangladesh, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Mexico serve to underscore this interdependence and the pivotal role that the United Nations Disaster Relief Organization and other specialized agencies play in the day-to-day lives of the people of the world, to the Governments and representatives of the countries affected we offer our heartfelt condolences.
Disaster, whether man-made or natural, bears two faces: one of despair, the other of hope. The forty-third session finds us looking into a world suspended midway between the politics of hope and the politics of despair. Perhaps never at any time in its four decades of existence have the United Nations and its Charter faced a more poignant challenge. While there is much to suggest that the task of narrowing the gap between despair and hope may be impossible, there is still much to encourage us.
At present the international community draws renewed hope from the spirit of responsible co-operation demonstrated by the two major Powers in their formal commitment to reducing the menace of nuclear conflagration. While we acknowledge and commend this development, we cannot, we must not, surrender our collective responsibility to make our world c safer place for humanity. The history of this century and of the United Nations cautions against this. We must never forget that the carnage from which this Organization arose might have been contained, or even averted, had it not been for the untenable notion that world peace could be the brokered product of bilateral interests, perception and prejudice. Disarmament is meaningless unless and until the wish for peace is shared by all people and their interests reflected at all levels of negotiation. No organization is better placed or equipped to advance this cause than the United Nations, despite perceptions to the contrary, the General Assembly and the Security Council have managed to reduce the incidence of armed conflict and avert the onset of a world war.
Through its specialized agencies, this Organization has done much to bring new hope to many areas of the world where life has been impoverished by illiteracy, disease, hopelessness and fear. Too often we are apt to overlook the contribution of non-governmental organizations. These groups of dedicated women and men work tirelessly among their communities to fulfil the lofty principles of this Organization. In various ways these groups render invaluable service to their governments and people.
Much of the mood of optimism present in the world must be attributed to the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General in pursuing the elusive goal of peace. Against the background of encroaching monetary crisis, his commitment to purpose and his dedication to ideals have inspired us all and may in fact have rescued this Organization from an unthinkable fate. The recent agreements on Afghanistan provide yet another example of the capability of the peace-making median isms of the United Nations and demonstrate the importance of the multilateral process in an increasingly complex world, a process which too often is underestimated and even undermined. The recent award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the peace-keeping forces, so richly deserved, gives recognition to the efforts of this Organization. This session will deal with many of the critical issues facing the great continent of Africa. The first days of this session found the Secretary-General, not on this podium, but in southern Africa employing his considerable diplomatic skill in diplomacy in an attempt to secure implementation of the Namibia plan and the provisions of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Resolution of the Namibian problem therefore now seems to lie within our grasp. It is my fervent hope that such a solution will lead to the inevitable freedom of our oppressed brothers and sisters in southern Africa.
We often state in these halls that apartheid must be eliminated. We have heard it in every speech. But have we really matched our deeds to our words? Have we done all that we could to ensure the unconditional release of that outstanding patriot Nelson Mandela? Have we used to full effect the application of comprehensive sanctions? We need to be ever vigilant to extend the freedom we enjoy to all people. I repeat the words so often used: "We ate not free until we are all free."
Significant progress has been made in bringing peace to several areas of conflict. These have been enumerated in detail by many others. However, I will just mention them again for reinforcement and to ensure that it is known that my Government supports them.
The strains which have separated Algeria and Morocco are happily showing signs of easing. We owe it to succeeding generations to ensure that the United Nations plays its role in finding a just solution to the conflict in Western Sahara.
The conflict in Kampuchea has divided households and families and created millions of refugees. We hope that the Jakarta Informal Meeting held in July will encourage all concerned to redouble their efforts to achieve a speedy solution to the problem based on the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny, free from external interference. Let us at this forty-third session make every effort to assist in finding lasting solutions to their problems and achieving the reuniting of separated families, upon which the well being of nations rest.
We are happy that the French authorities and the people of New Caledonia have initiated a dialogue on the status of the Territory and that positive measures are being taken to promote political, economic and social development in New Caledonia, which would provide a framework for the peaceful progress of the Territory to self-determination, taking into account the rights and aspirations of the indigenous peoples.
The Charter recognizes the desirability of regional solutions to regional conflicts. For this reason, the efforts of Central American leaders to bring peace to that troubled region ate to be encouraged and supported by the international community.
Never before has the international climate been more favourable for a concerted effort towards a permanent solution to the conflict in the Middle East. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that all legitimate interests are adequately accommodated, in the interest of a just and humane peace.
We must all be heartened by the progress towards peaceful settlement of long-standing conflicts now emerging in the many areas mentioned. However, we must not be lulled into a false sense of security until the promises now made are fulfilled through the requisite action. Much has been accomplished, but much more remains to be done.
It was my privilege to participate yesterday in the ceremony so ably organized as a tribute to the African diaspora. For roe, a daughter of the diaspora, it was a moving experience. The States of Africa and those of the Caribbean have much in common. They have faced and will continue to face intimidating obstacles in the course of their development.
Few issues are of more immediate concern than the protection and beneficial management of the environment. Drought and desertification menace much of Africa's population. Hurricanes and floods cause frequent havoc in Asia and the Caribbean, that not all our threats come from nature, and not all are beyond our control. Irresponsible and criminal pollution of the land, sea and air now places in jeopardy the health and livelihood of citizens in many developing States. This matter is of special concern to us in the Caribbean, dependent as our economies are upon the ocean.
Scientific research continues to reveal pernicious threats to the environment, which threaten the very existence of the human race. I need mention, as has been done by others, only the so-called greenhouse effect of atmospheric pollutants and the depletion of the ox on e layer, which demand the urgent attention of the world community.
The causes of these problems are as diverse as the problems themselves. However, they all to some degree reflect our insensitivity to the fragile nature of the environment in which we must all exist. They challenge the ingenuity of the international community to devise new means of co-operation, what is needed more than ever before is universal acceptance of the principle of sustainable development. What is essential is a comprehensive reassessment and readjustment of our relationship to the environment; a concept of progress free of the wanton exploitation which has to date characterized our industrial efforts. This will not be an easy route and no doubt it will be necessary to provide developing countries with the resources to reflect such an approach in their development strategies, that we must keep uppermost in our minds is that the environment belongs to us all. For only with this realization can the necessary steps be taken to preserve the environment for the future of our children.
Reassessment and a readjustment of similar proportions is required in the way our societies relate to each other. I refer specifically to the relations between developed and developing States, between the industrialised and the non-industrialized.
The burden of external debt has reached the level of crisis. We have heard that again and again. It constitutes what must be considered the gravest threat to sovereignty ever encountered by States on their road to development. It undermines the vital capability of political leaders to satisfy the basic social and economic aspirations of their people. Inevitably, therefore, it engenders those social forces which work against civic calm and stability.
The problem of external debt cannot be isolated from the other enemies of social justice. While the burden falls disproportionately upon poorer nations, the eventual effect should offer little comfort to the more prosperous among us. There is no doubt that the upheaval in the economic and social life of these countries will generate repercussions throughout the international community, for such is the nature of our international economic system. The fates of creditor and debtor are inseparably bound.
If this Organization is to take seriously its mission to safeguard the welfare of future generations it must be given a greater say in the way in which this global problem of debt is addressed. We must be cautioned that unless meaningful co-operative efforts are made to assist developing States in the management of their debts the prospects for global economic recovery will be dim. However, developing countries must be more fully integrated, not only in the efforts to find solutions to the debt problem, but also in the search for a new order in the global economy. A situation in which appeals for the transfer of wealth and appropriate technology are met with antipathy while the transfer of wastes is being actively pursued suggests that ours is rapidly becoming a community of contempt. This is clearly in defiance of the United Nations Charter.
The scourge of the illicit trafficking in drugs now leaves no region of the world untouched by its destructive proficiency. The immediate target of this nefarious market is the youth of our societies.
The island States of the Caribbean with their open borders are uniquely vulnerable to the threat, located midway between the centres of production and the centres of consumption, these States have become unwilling units in the deadly interplay.
The Government of Barbados has always demonstrated a passionate dedication to the preservation of all those fundamental rights and freedoms necessary for the full development of the human spirit. It is a dedication nurtured by the experiences of slavery and colonization. It has resulted in the peaceful attainment and exercise of national sovereignty. In a few months time, Barbados will celebrate the three hundredth and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of its parliament, which, except for periodic elections, has met continually since 1639.
It is this tradition and this experience which fortify our faith in and commitment to this Organization, our faith in its effectiveness in protecting and promoting the welfare of humankind. We believe therefore that human rights, the rights of women, the preservation of our societies from the devastating effects of war, famine, drug addiction and disease are all priorities to which our collective attention must continue to be devoted.
Mr. President, you have assumed the presidency of this session at an historic moment in the life of the United Nations: at a time when the Organization faces a most challenging future; at a time when the demands on multilateral diplomacy are even more evident; at a time when there is ever more need for a rededication to the values of multilateralism. We are aware that yours will not be an easy task for the myriad problems that confront the Members of this Organization all deserve our attention, and we must demonstrate that as a family of nations we are concerned about the fate of all its members.
The United Nations is of course many things to many people. It is above all a forum for negotiating at all levels, from the bilateral to the multilateral. In this regard, the United Nations facilitates the viability of small States whose diplomatic outreach is constrained by their lack of resources. As Dag Hammarskjöld noted so very perceptively in this Assembly on 3 October 1960, it is the small States that need the United Nations for their protection.
"In this sense," he continued, "the Organization is first of all their Organization and I deeply believe in the wisdom with which they will be able to use it and guide it." (Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifteenth Session, 883rd plenary meeting, para. 11)
We pledge ourselves to that vision for we fully understand it.
We would do well to remind ourselves that this is an organization founded as a result of conflict and the context of its operations remains one of conflict. As such it presents an honest reflection of the human condition. We, all of us, exist in a state of perpetual tension. As individuals we are torn between our need for order and tranquillity and our innate abhorrence of fetters and restraint. As political societies we are torn between the demands of sovereignty and the realities of interdependence.
Surrounded by this swirl of contending forces, the United Nations becomes something of a moral epicentre. We who gather here year after year must, in my view, seek not to remove such conflicts from our midst - our history suggests that that would be impossible - but, more realistically, to redirect these natural forces from the avenues of destruction to those of development. This is the fundamental task of the United Nations to convert the human condition from despair into hope.
As we reflect on the events of the past year we must see signs that reason and good will, when allowed to function promote progress and peace. What this Organization has done for four decades has been to provide an oasis of civility from which our several conflicts may be viewed with reason and good will.
It seems to me that we are justified in drawing from these developments renewed devotion to that cause which inspired the creation of the United Nations Charter. I suggest that our deliberations will be neither effective nor complete without constant regard for the ideals that motivate them. We may consider the words of Seneca, the Roman statesman and philosopher,
"Not to know what was transacted in former times is to remain always a child."
In full awareness of our past and in conscientious commitment to the future, the delegation of Barbados dedicates itself to the success of this session.


It gives me great pleasure that a distinguished son and eminent representative of a country with which my country has close and cordial relations is presiding over the General Assembly at its forty-third session. I extend to Ambassador Caputo our warm felicitations on his well-deserved election. We are confident that with his exceptional ability and experience the deliberations of the Assembly have already been assured success. I would like also to place on record our deep appreciation for the effective leadership that his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, provided to the General Assembly during its forty-second session.
In his report on the work of the Organization for 1988, the Secretary-General recalled that he was cautiously optimistic that "the sails of the small boat in which all the people of the Earth were gathered seemed to have caught a light but favourable wind". (Д/43/1, p. 2) I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the man who has played no mean role in the careful and patient navigation by which the vessel has come within sight of large sections of the shore. The Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has earned the admiration of all for his patience, his skill, his understanding touch and his grasp of the larger questions as well as the small details involved in the various issues dealt with by the United Nations. The decision to confer the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding on our Secretary-General was a tribute to his exceptional contribution to the cause of peace.
This year, 1988, has been the year of the United Nations. In the past few months the patient and persistent diplomacy of the United Nations was capped with the signing of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan, the entry into force of a cease-fire on the Iran-Iraq border, the renewal of inter-communal talks in Cyprus and the creation of an environment conducive to the resolution of the problem of Western Sahara. Even those who tended to pass judgement on the United Nations purely on the basis of the criteria of the maintenance of international peace and security are happily acknowledging today that this is indeed an impressive record of which the United Nations can be justifiably proud.
India welcomes this reaffirmation of faith in the United Nations. For an overwhelming majority of Members, support for the United Nations has always been an article of faith. The universalization of this support during 1988, which we applaud as we always did, will no doubt strengthen the capacity of the Organization, not only with respect to preserving peace but also, equally, to tackling other scourges facing humankind, such as poverty, hunger, ecological degradation, terrorism and narcotics. We trust that the United Nations will be reinvigorated, not only in political terms but also in terms of concrete financial support. Let the coming decades be the decades of the United Nations. Let the all-round support which the United Nations always deserved, but seems to have got this year, be always available to it hereafter.
India, along with the rest of the international community, rejoices in the transformation of the international climate during the past year. We are indeed living through historic times. The dramatic improvement in relations between the super-Powers, for which we salute the leadership of the two countries, has had a positive impact throughout the world. History, however, teaches us that good times, like bad times, do not normally last forever. But one may be forgiven on the present occasion for entertaining the belief that the principal players have by now made a realistic assessment of the long-term interests of mankind, along with their respective national interests, and that hence the current thaw may be more lasting than those of the past.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, since its inception, has worked tirelessly precisely for such a turn in the international climate. By taking principled positions on major issues of our times and by refusing to get entangled in the confrontation of competing military alliances, the non-aligned countries have helped in containing conflict, and have thus contributed to the peace process which has always inhered in the minds of the millions, although it had been rendered dormant and muted by the display of military might. Therefore, we the non-aligned can claim part of the credit for the improved state of affairs. But along with claiming the credit the Movement needs to redouble its efforts to make the peace process irreversible, no longer vulnerable to the braking mechanisms which operated earlier owing to motivations too well known to need recounting.
The new air of euphoria is totally understandable as it marks a welcome departure from the intense and often bitter rivalry between the major Powers which at times brought the world to the brink of a catastrophe. It seems to have been replaced now by healthy competition for presenting proposals for strengthening peace, supporting the United Nations, saving the world from ecologic disaster, among others. It is true that this long-awaited spirit of change unfortunately has not extended to the economic field. We would therefore be well-advised to remain watch full and alert, while pursuing determined efforts to make the transformation to peace final and all-pervasive so as to comprehend all facets of human life and activity on our planet. While the primary responsibility would remain with the major Powers, the rest of us and, of course, the United Nations, can and must play a very important role.
The ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - by the United States and the Soviet Union was a historic first step which must, within an agreed time-frame and in well-considered stages, lead to successive reductions and eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons. While we are fully aware of the complexities involved in disarmament negotiations, we find that political will has enabled the experts to find satisfactory answers to what were projected as almost un-resolvable difficulties of adequate verification. Similar political will would be needed in solving the whole gamut of disarmament questions, beginning with the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons by 50 per cent, which has already been agreed upon.
Those steps, each important in itself, have to be viewed in the perspective of a comprehensive scenario of total disarmament. Only thus do they make sense and become effective and beneficial. At the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament in June this year, my Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, put forward a comprehensive action plan for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons by the year 2010. That action plan has received appreciation in the Non-Aligned Movement, among other Governments as well as non-governmental organizations. We put forward our proposal to give concrete shape to the desire of a large segment of world public opinion for a time-bound action programme to eliminate nuclear weapons. We should also take into account other related aspects including verification.
With regard to verification, delegates will recall that the delegations of countries participating in the six-nation initiative for peace and nuclear disarmament presented a concrete proposal at the third special session on disarmament the endorsement, in principle, of an international verification agency within the United Nations. It is the intention of the six countries to revive this initiative at this session of the General Assembly.
The linkage between disarmament and development is by now well-recognized. Hardly anyone can dispute the proposition that the resources being spent on armaments could be more profitably employed in peaceful developmental activities. The decisions taken by the United Nations Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held last year, need to be followed up and acted upon.
Regional conflicts have dominated discussions at the current session of the General Assembly. This is perfectly understandable. Success in achieving breakthroughs is most of these conflicts is attributed, and justifiably so, to the patient diplomacy of the United Nations, as well as to the rapprochement between the two super-Powers. There is, perhaps, a lesson for all of us in this, particularly for the non-aligned and developing countries. If the tendency to seek massive external military assistance and to pursue dangerous nuclear weapon policies in the illusory hope of strengthening one's bargaining position with one's neighbours were resisted, there would be fewer regional conflicts and consequently less dependence on outside Powers for the solution of such conflicts.
India rejoiced at the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq which came into effect on 20 August 1988. Thanks to the statesmanship of the leaders of the two countries and to the efforts of the Secretary-General, the international community has been spared witnessing the eighth anniversary of the war. The cease-fire is an important first step and must be consolidated. The negotiations between the two countries currently under way, under United Nations auspices, must be pursued. The issues involved are complex and highly emotional for both sides. India has been involved in discussing the issues in detail with the two countries as part of the efforts of the Non-Aligned Movement. That experience makes me feel confident that the issues, though complex, will eventually be solved. India has the closest of ties with Iran and Iraq, and we know that the two countries are anxious to get on with the stupendous task of reconstruction.
My country rejoices at the release of the Indian national, Mr. Mithileshwar Singh. We hope that all the other hostages will also be freed and reunited with their families at an early date.
India has welcomed the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan. We have had historical ties of deep friendship with the people of Afghanistan. The Geneva Accords have established & framework which would enable the Afghan people to decide on their future free from foreign interference or intervention. While the withdrawal of Soviet troops has proceeded on schedule, we are greatly perturbed at persistent reports of violations of the Geneva Accords and hope that they will be implemented faithfully by all the parties. In addition to restoring peace and stability to the region, the implementation of the Geneva Accords would also remove the ostensible cause for introduction of sophisticated arms into the area.
While positive developments have taken place in the Gulf as well as in Afghanistan, the continued great-Power naval presence in the Indian Ocean remains a factor contributing to tension and instability. We reiterate our call for the withdrawal of all military forces of outside Powers from the Indian Ocean so that it can emerge as a zone of peace.
There is more than a glimmer of hope for the resolution of the conflict situation in South-East Asia. The horrors suffered by the people of Kampuchea in the 1970s must not be allowed to revisit them ever. The dialogue at the Jakarta Informal Meeting was a welcome beginning, which we appreciate. We also applaud the initiative of the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement to explore ways and means in which the Movement can assist the efforts to solve the Kampuchean problem. Given India's historical ties with the peoples of South-East Asia, we are ready and willing to contribute in whatever way we can to this process.
In our neighbourhood, we have watched with growing concern the trials and tribulations faced by the people of Burma, with whom the people of India are bound by close ties of history and culture. India has always scrupulously avoided interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. However, we cannot but sympathize with democratic aspirations. We are saddened by the growing number of innocent dead in Burma. We hope that a way will be found to end this tragic conflict as soon as possible.
There is renewed belief that the long-delayed solution to the Namibian question is at hand. Responsibility for the delay rests squarely with the South African Government, which has, with impunity, refused to comply with its international commitments and obligations. The world community is committed to the emancipation of the Namibian people engaged in a historic struggle for freedom under the leadership of the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO). Their sole and authentic representative. India was the first country to accord diplomatic recognition to the representative of it. We look forward to welcoming Namibia as the 160th Member of the United Nations at the General Assembly session next year.
While there is movement on the question of Namibia, the situation in South Africa itself shows no sign of improvement. The racist Pretoria regime continues its reign of terror, subjecting the people of South Africa to the most inhuman forms of oppression. The evil system of apartheid cannot be reformed, it has to be abolished in total. South Africa must open а dialogue with the genuine representatives of the oppressed people. Nelson Mandela, the universal symbol of courage and fortitude, whose state of health is a cause of concern to all of us, must be released immediately and unconditionally. Effective pressure in the form of comprehensive mandatory sanctions must be applied, without invoking unconvincing arguments regarding their effect on employment of the oppressed people, and so on.
The Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and apartheid (AFRICA) Fund, established by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, has received pledges and contributions from a third of the world community. Described at the recent meeting of the non-aligned in Nicosia, Cyprus, as an instance of the Movement's capacity for collective action, the Fund demonstrates an international commitment to the front-line States and liberation movements of southern Africa transcending geographical or political barriers.
The international 00tmunity should be opposed to racial discrimination no matter where it is practised. Last year my delegation referred to the unfortunate developments in Fiji, which had distinct racial overtones. He hoped that the groundswell of international public opinion would help restore the spirit of trust, harmony and concord which had prevailed in Fiji since its independence. As a Member of the United Nations and as a member of its Committee on decolonization, India had been in the forefront in the fight for Fiji's independence. It is a matter of great regret to us that the situation in Fiji has considerably deteriorated during the past year. There are clear indications that an attempt is being made to institutionalise racial discrimination in Fiji. We understand that there is to be a process of consultation with the various communities before the draft constitution is finalized. We hope that this process will enable all sections of the people to participate in it in a non-discriminatory manner. There was a time when Fiji used to be described as "what the world should be like". The racial harmony, peace and tranquillity in Fiji used to be a model for the world to follow. We hope that Fiji will return soon to those harmonious times.
India's support of the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people has its roots in our own struggle against colonial rule. Many changes have taken place in the region. What has remained constant, however, is the determination of the Palestinian people. The message of intifadah to the world is unambiguous, 20 years of occupation have utterly failed to suppress the fierce nationalism of the Palestinian people. It should also have made it clear to the world, including Israel, that territories illegally occupied cannot be retained forever. Israel must withdraw from the territories it has occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. We reiterate the call for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), on an equal footing. Such a conference, we believe, should facilitate the establishment of an independent homeland for the Palestinians and the creation of conditions in which all the States in the region can live within secure and recognized boundaries.
India has always supported the aspirations of the people of Cyprus to live together in ш independent and non-aligned country, with its territorial integrity intact. We deeply appreciate the resumption of dialogue between the two communities under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. We urge both sides to spare no effort to find a solution to the problem within the time-limit envisaged by the Secretary-General.
Similarly, we ate heartened by the acceptance by the two sides concerned of the Secretary-General's proposals for finding a solution to the problem of Western Sahara. Here again, we hope that this question will be resolved satisfactorily so that the people of the territory, as well as other countries in the Maghreb, can live in peace and co-operation with one another.
In the Korean peninsula, which unhappily remains divided, there is an overwhelming sentiment in favour of peace, reconciliation and dialogue. We hops the aspirations of its people to peaceful reunification will find early fulfilment.
This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, which furnishes the philosophical basis for the human rights work of the United Nations, is of seminal importance. Like the Charter itself, it points to the interdependence of human rights, social and economic progress and international peace and security. Over the past four decades, the concepts embodied in the Declaration have been developed and enriched, particularly with regard to economic, social and cultural rights. It remains our firm belief that the inherent dignity of the human person requires full respect for his civil and political rights and, equally, for his economic, social and cultural rights.
While there; have been encouraging developments recently in the political sphere, the outlook in the area of international economic co-operation remains bleak. The low rates of growth of world trade and output in recent years will not suffice to resolve any of the major problems facing the world economy. In the industrialized countries high rates of unemployment persist, making it difficult for them to undertake the structural adjustments that ate necessary in the long term. The major imbalance, with its attendant uncertainties, continues to persist. For the developing countries the outlook is even worse. Inadequate resource flows, deteriorating terms of trade and the heavy burden of external debt have all but halted the development process of these countries. They have retarded attempts to address the fundamental problem of poverty and deprivation. The 1980s are being characterized as the lost decade of development.
The policies of the major developed countries constitute the essential determinants of the external environment for the developing countries. There has been no coherent and considered effort to fashion these policies on the basis of co-operative international action, taking into account their impact and consequences for the developing countries. Here it is useful to recall the proposals made by the developing countries for removing the structural deficiencies and fundamental failings of the international monetary, financial and trading systems. The underlying structural and systemic problems of the world economy have to be addressed by deliberate and co-operative international action that gives full recognition to global interdependence. Both the developed and the developing countries need to pursue convergent and mutually reinforcing policies in the interrelated areas of trade, money and finance.
The area of international trade is being increasingly characterized by an erosion of the accepted rules and regulations and by reliance on unilateral discriminatory action. Despite repeated affirmation of commitments on standstill and rollback, protectionism continues to grow unabated. Protectionist measures ate imposed in those areas where the developing countries have demonstrated their competitiveness and made investments for structural reforms. There has been little progress so far in the ongoing Uruguay Round on multilateral trade negotiations in areas of direct interest to the developing countries, such as safeguards, textiles, agriculture and tropical products. The Uruguay Round should provide an important opportunity for strengthening and preserving the multilateral trading system. It should also help to reduce the tensions and distortions that characterize the world trade system.
The proposals made in the new areas in the Uruguay Round have to be consistent with the right of developing countries to manage their economies in accordance with their national objectives and priorities, to regulate activities of transnational corporations and to channel investment into those desired sectors of their economies. Such proposals should promote the autonomous and self-reliant development of those countries.
Another area of concern is the stagnation or decline, in real terms, of resource flows to developing countries. The international financial system has failed to ensure the transfer of adequate resources on proper terms and conditions to developing countries and thus provide adequate financing for development activities. The alleviation of the current development crisis requires з more effective system that will guarantee an increasing flow of resources, in particular official development assistance resources, to developing countries and also guarantee access by international monetary and financial institutions to adequate resources.
Let us collectively recognize the need to evolve a more broad-based system for managing the world economy that reflects the interests of all groups of countries and provides an equitable and harmonious basis for the collective management of global interdependence. The seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a small step in this direction. In the coming days we must make use of other opportunities for building a renewed consensus on development directed against the global problem of hunger and poverty. The formulation and elaboration of an international development strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade provides such opportunity.
The virtual paralysis of the North-South dialogue makes it all the more important for the developing countries to redouble their efforts to collective self-reliance through the economic co-operation among developing countries. It has become imperative for developing countries to build on complementary in their economies. In this respect the conclusion in Belgrade earlier this year of the Agreement on the Global System of Trade Preferences was a significant achievement. It laid down for the first time among the signatory developing countries the legal and institutional foundation for trade expansion.
In our own region the formation of the South Asian Association of Regional Co-operation has provided a framework for wide-ranging economic and technical co-operation. Specific areas of mutually beneficial co-operation have been identified and practical measures are being implemented by member States.
One is, however, constrained to note that economic co-operation among developing countries has developed only partially and its full potential remains unexplored. What is needed is a hard look at concrete programmes to address, in the first instance and in the main, the elementary human needs of a large chunk of humanity. In these areas it is possible to make a better impact than has happened so far.
During the current year many developing countries have been hit by natural disasters requiring urgent international relief operations. Large areas in Africa have been afflicted by prolonged drought. Jamaica has been devastated by a hurricane of unprecedented magnitude, and Sudan by floods. Our own region, South Asia, has witnessed widespread havoc caused by floods, above all in Bangladesh, though we too have not been spared the ravages of floods. It was our privilege, as a friendly neighbour, to be the first to go to the assistance of the people of Bangladesh in response to an appeal from the Government of Bangladesh. A task force of experts from Bangladesh and India has been set up to study the Ganga and Brahmaputra waters jointly for flood management and the water flow thereof.
Over the past two decades, drug abuse and illicit trafficking in drugs have assumed proportions of a major global problem, not only affecting consumers but also posing serious problems for transit States. We hope that the Plenipotentiary Conference scheduled to convene in Vienna later this year in order to finalize a draft convention on this question will meet with success.
The United Nations is dedicated to the pursuit of the twin goals of peace and development. It can claim credit for significant achievements in both these spheres, and in particular in recent months we have seen encouraging progress in the resolution of complex political issues. But in the sphere of economic and social development, its major successes belong to past decades; its achievements recently have been relatively modest. We must renew our commitment to the eradication of the evils of poverty, disease and illiteracy through concerted international action. This is a struggle that must be waged in common by all humankind. As Jawaharlal Nehru told the Assembly in 1963, "The only war we want is a war against poverty and disease and its brood".
Many centuries ago India's sages gave the calls "Let us move, together. Let us talk, together. Let us be of single common mind."
The renewed sense of community witnessed in the United Nations today gives hope that over the coming year, in time for its forty-fourth session, the world body can set before itself a viable specific agenda for the 1990s that would help render our planet ready for the century drawing in upon it. Such an agenda must assess and chart the means of fulfilment of the minimum needs of man. The world, as Mahatma Gandhi put it, has enough to fulfil man's need, but not his greed. This distinction between need and greed becomes all the more real and crucial at a time when geo-environmental, geo-economic and geo-political imperatives have to be fully harmonized in the interest of survival. Runaway desires of imprudent humans must be tailored so as to be compatible with the capacity to fulfil them. If we collectively determine to do that, this forum, the United Nations, is the place where we must begin, for the United Nations is as strong, and only as strong, as the will of its Members.
And when we talk of Members, let us not forget that behind the Member States represented in this Assembly are the men and women of the world. It is they that give this Organisation its flesh and its blood and should therefore legitimately dictate its aspirations and efforts. Their control over rulers who fall short of or go beyond their mandate is not as palpable as it should be, but that is part of man's constant aspiration, which the United Nations needs to be inspired by in order to give effective voice to the millions who cannot speak for themselves.
The United Nations should thus promote the ascendancy of peoples, translating into reality the relationships which the peoples would wish to have among themselves.
Invested with a popular dimension, rooted in a time when the process of peace can be rendered irreversible and man's scarce energies given a chance to better his own being, this is the moment for the United Nations which should endure until the mission for humanity is completed.
We must not fail.


In recent years those of us who have taken part in these debates have normally begun by giving a pessimistic description of the world situation and a list of conflicts and situations threatening international peace and security. The persistence of centres of tension and unjust situations and the emergence or worsening of certain disputes justified this gloomy picture and to some extent caused our warnings, our feeling of hopelessness faced with what appeared to be problems without a solution, to become a habit.
The United Nations was not spared that criticism. There was scepticism because of what was regarded as a paralysis of the Organisation's capacity as a mediator. We believe that the facts show that the criticism was groundless, and that, as we have affirmed in the past, this alleged weakness of the United Nations was caused only by a lack of as, element or in many cases the feeling of resignation of its Members.
In international relations there are two alternating tendencies: a period of co-operation follows one of conflict, like swings of a pendulum, though in practice the periods often overlap. It would seem that in recent years there has been a change from the phase of conflict towards that of co-operation.
The United Nations has played a part in this new dynamic. In fact, in many instances it has created the necessary framework in which the way towards a final settlement of long-lasting conflicts may at last be found, through dialogue and negotiation.
This year, and particularly in the last few months, a number of breakthroughs have taken place which can be attributed largely to the Organization. It gives me great satisfaction to begin this statement by expressing the recognition of the Argentine Government of the key role played by the Secretary-General. Mr. Perez de Cuellar has succeeded in giving orientation and drive to the trend of co-operation to which I have referred.
On the question of Afghanistan, after six years the determination and perseverance of the Secretary-General and of his Special Representative, now Ecuador's Foreign Minister, Mr. Diego Cordovez, led to the signing in Geneva of the agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan, guaranteed by the Governments of the United states and the Soviet Union.
In the case of Iran and Iraq we have also arrived at a cease-fire. Argentina, a non-permanent member of the Security Council, reiterates its commitment to the establishment of a just, honourable and lasting peace within the framework of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), and urges both parties to redouble their efforts towards building the future of peace and co-operation that both nations deserve.
I consider it appropriate to emphasize at this point the momentum gained lately by the United Nations peace-keeping forces. In recent decades we have actively co-operated in various peace-keeping operations. Also, as an additional contribution to this undertaking, the Argentine Government today contributes personnel to the United Nations Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group.
Within this framework we also notice positive signs in the Maghreb region, and we welcome the resumption of diplomatic relations last May between Algeria and Morocco. We also view with hope the development of the process of consultations by the President of the Organization of African Unity and the Secretary-General of the United Nations with the countries of the region. We trust that just and lasting solutions to the question of Western Sahara may be found.
We cannot fail to mention the encouraging aspects of certain other major issues. I refer here to the new talks that are taking place on Cyprus and South-East Asia and between the two Koreas. Recent developments also make it possible for us to look hopefully towards the future in southern Africa. We must not slacken our efforts until a just, democratic and egalitarian society has been established in an independent Namibia. The only internationally agreed basis for the peaceful settlement of that question is the United Nations plan for the independence of the Territory, contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). All the relevant conditions for implementing the plan have been met. We hope that the talks engaged in by the Governments of Angola, Cuba, the United States and South Africa may be a sign of a change in the attitude of South Africa, marked so far by defiance of the international community. However, if that is not so, and if, on the contrary, South Africa seeks to perpetuate illegally its policy of colonial occupation of the Territory of Namibia, the United Nations must take the necessary steps, including those provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, to achieve its goal of making Namibia independent.
In parallel with these situations, we cannot but regard with concern the persistence of certain problems, with respect to which we must redouble our efforts, so that they are not left out of the phase of co-operation that I have mentioned.
The events that have been taking place since last December in the occupied Arab territories have added another element to the already unstable and explosive situation prevailing in the Middle East. A just and lasting solution to the situation in that region can be reached only if it includes both acknowledgement of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to live in their territory, with the authorities and form of government that they freely choose, and the right of all States of the region, including Israel, to live within internationally recognized boundaries. Argentina considers it necessary to open channels of negotiation in order to find viable formulas for all the parties concerned. In this context, the convening of an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation and consent of all the parties, could be an appropriate mechanism.
The situation in Lebanon is again causing particular concern to the people and the Government of Argentina and occupying their attention. The Lebanese people must be able to exercise their inalienable right to live free of all foreign interference, thus recovering their full sovereignty.
Another question is that of ending the apartheid regime of the South African Government. The rejection of apartheid has been clearly reflected in many General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. There will be no peace in southern Africa until it is totally and definitively eradicated. The most appropriate, effective and peaceful way to achieve that is to apply mandatory sanctions against the Government of South Africa, under Chapter VII of the Charter.
I should now like to refer to the situation in Central America, a question in which my country has a direct interest, and which affects in a special way the whole continent. Last year in this debate we highlighted the political will of the five Central American Presidents, who confronted the regional crisis by signing the Guatemala agreement. Our country, a member of the Contadora Support Group, has worked, and is continuing to work, towards a peaceful and negotiated solution to the problems of that region. We understand that the objectives sought by the United Nations can be achieved only if the principles of non-interference and self-determination are respected, without delays or conditions.
We believe that peace is directly linked to the concept of development. That is why we have sponsored the plan of assistance and co-operation for Central America worked out by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and adopted by the General Assembly this year. Since the signature of the Esquipulas II agreement, the countries of Central America have taken important steps towards peace. That shows that the way that has been chosen is the right and the only appropriate one consonant with the principles of the United Nations.
The difficulties that have emerged in recent months must be dealt with in the same spirit. We the countries of America that feel committed to contribute towards a solution to this crisis, are convinced that force, threat and economic coercion must be left behind - indeed, that they have become a thing of the past.
Only through co-operation, increasing integration and effective political will it be possible to initiate economic development, which is the key to any future stabilization. We are convinced that Latin America has entered upon a period of active solidarity in the solution of its problems. The initiatives of the Contadora Group and the Support Group resulted in the creation of the permanent mechanism for consultation and concerted political action. The Presidents of the Group, at their meeting at Acapulco, established a dynamic system for unifying the criteria for consultation and negotiation, with the basic aims of promoting the peace, development and democracy of our peoples, aims that are in agreement with the basic principles of the United Nations.
Our work also includes other fundamental areas in which we must strengthen the co-operate phase upon which we have now entered: I am referring to disarmament, to social and humanitarian affairs, and to international economic relations.
Disarmament, while it contributes to detente, ought also to be its logical consequence. The heads of State and Government of India, Greece, Mexico, Sweden, Tanzania and Argentina have continued to work actively in the Group of Six on the initiative for peace and disarmament, particularly in the priority task of nuclear disarmament.
The implementation of the Treaty banning intermediate-range nuclear missiles is, undoubtedly, an important step in the process of disarmament. The possibility of reaching agreement on the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons is, in turn, another auspicious element in the area of bilateral disarmament. Both will undoubtedly benefit international peace and security. However, this new atmosphere is not yet reflected on a multilateral basis. We believe that the present session is a propitious occasion to reflect the possibilities offered by this new situation in the field of disarmament.
The convergence in political will should allow the Conference on Disarmament to make progress on such priority issues as stopping nuclear-weapons tests and preventing an arms race in outer space, as well as on the early conclusion of the preparation of a convention banning chemical weapons on a non-discriminatory basis.
With regard to Argentina, we cannot, in dealing with this central issue of the United Nations over-all policy on disarmament, fail to mention the situation in the South Atlantic. Our country has fully and resolutely supported the initiative of the General Assembly, as reflected in resolutions 41/11 and 42/16, in which the South Atlantic has been declared a zone of peace and co-operation. The South Atlantic has been subjected to an unjustified militarization by nuclear-weapon States, which have established bases, carried our manoeuvres and moved their naval units in the area without restrictions, thereby adversely affecting the security of the region as a whole.
For that reason a firm and vigorous response was called for. The States that co-sponsored the resolutions to which I have referred have worked actively towards the establishment of a concrete and effective means of consolidating peace and security in the region pursuant to General Assembly resolution 42/16. The final document produced by those countries and signed at Rio de Janeiro last July sets forth some basic principles; the issues of peace and security are linked with those of development and militarily significant Powers are urged to reduce their military presence and show restraint in this regard, banning the introduction of nuclear armaments.
In the social and humanitarian field, my delegation wishes to associate itself with the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Nor can we fail to refer to the question of drug trafficking. We are resolutely determined to fight against that scourge, and we acknowledge the effort being made by our Latin American brothers, despite the difficult economic circumstances they are experiencing.
Progress in the political field is in sharp contrast with the prospects for international economic relations. The truth is that, with regard to the question of development, little or nothing has been accomplished in the past few years. The main consequence of this omission during the present decade has been that the developing countries, particularly those of Africa and Latin America, have not been able to contribute to the growth of the international economy in a manner proportionate to their potential.
The growing external debt of those countries has caused a massive reverse flow of financial resources that is setting up insurmountable barriers against the imports of the developing world and is posing a formidable obstacle to the growth of world trade. Sharp increases in interest rates, restrictions on commodity trade and protectionist measures in the industrialized countries, along with the enacting of subsidies for their own agricultural exports, indicate the lack of a global development strategy.
As part of any global strategy it is essential that substantial progress be made towards the liberalization of international trade at the new round of multilateral negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), for which the mid-term review, to be held at Montreal in December, should agree suggested by the Cairns Group at its meeting at Bariloche, upon long-term reform in agricultural policy, a contractual freeze and a gradual reduction in agricultural support and subsidy measures and other policies that cause the greatest amount of economic distortion.
The new strategy for global development must focus on a lasting solution to the problem of debt, which encompasses, on the one hand, a continuing process of structural reforms in the debtor countries and, on the other hand, the reduction of the total amount of indebtedness and a real transfer of financial resources towards those countries.
Development is also necessary to ensure global security, within the framework of interdependence which I mentioned earlier. This analysis of the international situation and the dynamic process in which we are immersed leads to me share with you some thoughts about the internal functioning of our Organization. In 1985, the United Nations decided to initiate a process of reform that would enable it to respond to the challenges facing it with the greatest effectiveness and efficiency. Since then many efforts have been exerted in the search for formulas acceptable to all. However, much remains to be done. We believe that if we are to rely on the United Nations as a suitable instrument capable of meeting the needs of our times, we must as soon as possible move beyond this transitional stage. We are convinced that we will find solutions satisfactory to all. To achieve that, we are willing to make our contribution and to co-operate in the quest for agreements that will enable us to implement the objectives we set forth in General Assembly resolution 41/213.
At the same time it is indispensable that the Organization be provided with stable financing so it may be in a position to give us what we expect from it. Otherwise, we alone shall be to blame. Thus, each Member State must continue to make every effort to fulfil its obligations without imposing conditions not provided for in the Charter.
I wish to conclude my statement by referring to two matters on our agenda that are of special importance to my country. The first is the question of Antarctica. Argentina is linked to that continent by sovereignty, history and continuity. As an original signatory of the Antarctic Treaty, Argentina has participated actively in creating an effective and flexible system, open to all States, which has kept the continent free from conflicts, ensured that it be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and prevented it from becoming a setting for international discord.
The second is the question of the Malvinas, an old colonial issue that has existed since the earliest stages of Argentina's independent development. A settlement became a real possibility with the advent of the decolonization movement encouraged by the United Nations, The Assembly is aware of, and has shown unmistakable signs of agreeing with, the constant willingness of the Argentine Government to achieve a just and final solution to this matter, which has high priority in my country's foreign policy.
Since 1965 a succession of resolutions have called for negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom to reach a peaceful solution of outstanding problems, in particular the problem of the future of the Malvinas Islands. These resolutions lay stress on Argentina's efforts to comply with the demands of the international community, but so far these have been repeatedly thwarted by the position of the British Government, which has refused to begin comprehensive negotiations,, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General, whose mission of good offices to bring together the parties to the dispute has been and continues to be acknowledged by Argentina.
The recent heightening of tension in the area owing to measures that deepen the differences between the two countries is another source of concern for the region and the world·, this makes the prompt resumption of bilateral contacts even more essential.
While reaffirming its sovereign rights over the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the adjacent seas, Argentina reiterates its willingness to enter into a dialogue with the United Kingdom, a wide-ranging, sincere dialogue, without pre-conditions, which would take into account and respect the interests of the inhabitants of the islands so as to ensure their well-being and prosperity.
On this issue, as well as on other regional and global problems, my country is ready to co-operate actively in fulfilling the fundamental purposes of this Organization.