May I convey to the President my warmest congratulations on your election, which is proof of the esteem and appreciation with which the United Republic of Tanzania is justly regarded throughout the world for the efficiency and realism which distinguish its contribution to international affairs.
104.	President Nyerere's visit to Rome last July con-firmed our view of a country and of a continent which are more and more actively involved in the solution of those problems to which so much of our future is linked.
105.	While I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Lie'vano Aguirre, I am sure that under Mr. Salmi's presidency, the firmness and efficiency of which we have already begun to appreciate, this General Assembly will constitute again the most important occasion of the year for assessing the results of our efforts over the last 12 months, for courageously facing our failures, and for seeking new paths of cooperation between our peoples. Indeed, all of us will again be faced with a great responsibility during the debates of this session.
106.	The United Nations can only be what we ourselves, the peoples of the earth, want it to be. It depends solely on us whether it will continue to be a forum for a free and frank discussion of ideas, or whether it will degenerate into an arena of conflicts where the logic of preconceived ideas prevails over a thoughtful review of our respective positions.
107 Italy welcomes the admission of Saint Lucia to membership in the United Nations as a new step towards the ultimate goal of the universality of the Organization and looks forward to fruitful co-operation with this new Member.
108.	If we can assert that effective progress has been made along the difficult road of understanding between peoples, no small part of the credit is due to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, and to the way in which he has dealt with the serious developments which, this year too, have caused grave concern to mankind.
109.	The activities described in the Secretary- General's report to this session of the General Assembly on the work of the Organization are evidence of an effort which has never wavered in the face of difficulties. Apart from the measure of success of individual initiatives, these activities remain the best indication of the vitality and validity of the United Nations, especially at a time when mankind is becoming more and more aware of a common future and is now faced more than ever with political and economic problems of such a scale that they can only be solved at the world level. Italy is well aware of this global interdependence which confronts every country more and more often with problems which cannot be solved merely by a bilateral approach.
110.	For these reasons, Italy's foreign policy has always been inspired by the ideals of an increasingly broad international co-operation which has found its expression in Italy's participation in the intensive and fruitful efforts of the United Nations on behalf of peace and the advancement of peoples. In the same spirit, Italy is committed to the construction of the European Community, which is in the process of being enlarged to include Greece, Spain and Portugal. This Community—the European Community—must continue to develop on a world scale its action of solidarity and peace, with the primary goal of helping to establish a fairer balance in the social and economic situation of the peoples of the world. In the construction of Europe the participation of the peoples in the institutional and representational machinery is of vital importance and for this reason I wish to draw attention to the recent election by direct, universal suffrage of the European Parliament. Similarly, our participation in the Atlantic Alliance as an essential regional factor for security and peace is another basic element in Italian foreign policy.
111.	Since Italy's participation in international affairs is based on the principles of the United Nations Charter, the Italian Government has never failed to voice its concern at the persistence throughout the world of serious centres of tension and dangerous factors of destabilization.
112.	An analysis of the world situation, this year again, reveals that in many—too many—countries of the world the factors of destabilization have not been reduced or shown any tendency to decrease.
113.	Italy firmly supports and considers as essential the efforts of the United Nations aimed at detente and disarmament. However, these efforts can be effectively pursued only within an over-all context where centres of tension are eliminated.
114.	The maintenance of international peace and stability is, I repeat, a collective responsibility, even if this goal must be sought primarily through the effective participation in the processes of normalization by all the parties involved in the various crises.
115.	With regard to specific problems and the crises we are now facing, I should like to recall the statement of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland in his capacity as the President-in-Office of the Council of Ministers of the European Community. Thus the General Assembly has heard in outline form the principles on which, in the view of the nine members of the Community, must be based all efforts to solve the serious problems of peace in the Middle East, that of the implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, as well as that of the security of Israel and the problem of Jerusalem and that of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon.
116.	Italy is convinced that the peaceful settlement we all desire can be achieved only if these basic principles are applied by all the parties to the negotiation for a comprehensive solution. This applies equally to the PLO, which for quite a long time Italy has recognized as an important political force of the Palestinian people.
117.	Still with regard to the Middle East situation, Italy decided last July to participate directly in one of the most important peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. It accepted the Secretary-General's invitation to place a helicopter unit at the disposal of the United Nations Force in southern Lebanon. This practical contribution, an expression of Italy's determination to help in a gradual solution of the problems of a geographical area with which it has so many historical and cultural ties, is proof of our full confidence in the role of the United Nations in the Middle East and of the United Nations peace-keeping forces deployed in that area. Therefore we consider it necessary above all to work so as to prevent the tragic tensions in Lebanon from leading to increasingly uncontrollable developments.
118.	In the vital area of the Mediterranean, Italy continues to follow with legitimate and natural interest the prospects for a normalization of the situation in the Republic of Cyprus and for a peaceful and mutually beneficial coexistence between the two communities on the island. We have every hope that positive results will be achieved through the tenacious efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim.
119.	On the African continent, along with such positive developments as the return of some countries to democratic forms of government and the attainment of higher standards in the protection and promotion of human rights, we note with concern the persistence of tensions which are encouraged by the presence of foreign military forces and whose implications appear increasingly serious and unforeseeable.
120.	Italy firmly condemns the institutionalized violation of the rights of the majority of the South African people which is embodied in the apartheid system, and it also condemns the political and economic regime based on this system. In this context, with regard to the problem of Zimbabwe, we support the negotiating efforts now taking place at the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London for the peaceful and rapid attainment of an internationally accepted independence for the territory. Should these efforts, like those for Namibia, fail, the stability of the region, detente in general and the guarantees of the rights of the peoples concerned would be seriously endangered.
121.	Crises and tensions which have degenerated into armed confrontations have sown the seeds of destabilization in the whole region of South-East Asia. They involve fundamental principles of international coexistence and have at the same time brought further sufferings to those martyred peoples.
122.	Faced with the tragic situation of the refugees from the Indo-Chinese peninsula, Italy has felt in duty bound to participate actively in the practical implementation of the internationally agreed operations designed to relieve the sufferings of those forced to abandon their native land and their homes. Thus, last July, three units of the Italian navy participated in those seas in the rescue operations of the Indo-Chinese refugees, whom we are helping to resettle in Italian society in a spirit of increasingly close humanitarian co-operation with the programmes of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
123.	The international Meeting convened last July in Geneva by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to discuss the humanitarian aspects of the problem of the Indo-Chinese refugees has yielded positive results. The fact that such a large number of countries participated in those discussions constituted an eloquent expression of the extent to which international solidarity may contribute to the relief of human suffering. However, even though efforts have been made to reduce the burden on the countries of first asylum, the final solution of the problem of the South-East Asian refugees still seems, unfortunately, to be far off. This will require persistent efforts by the international community and, above all, the will of all those directly and indirectly concerned to tackle on the political level the basic problems of that area.
124.	We have followed with profound sympathy the long sufferings of the Nicaraguan people in liberating themselves from dictatorship, whose overthrow Italy has welcomed with satisfaction. It is the duty of the entire international community to endeavour to give concrete proof of its solidarity with that grievously stricken people. This effort must take the form of a programme of economic and social aid, to which Italy has already made its contribution. At the same time, we reiterate the hope already expressed by the Organization of American States and by the European Community in the Declaration on Nicaragua of 29 June that the situation in that country will develop along democratic and pluralistic lines.
125.	With regard to Latin America, the same ideals of freedom and democracy, in which the Italian people firmly believe and which have always inspired the actions of their Government, prompt us to welcome with satisfaction the progress of other countries towards forms of representative democracy and lead us to hope for a new era of co-operation and progress, which will certainly be among the objectives of the next General Assembly of the Organization of American States at La Paz.
126.	Italy's confidence in the process of detente is inspired by, and has as its ultimate objective, the recognition of the worth and dignity of the human being, which the Charter of the United Nations affirms in its very Preamble.
127.	Indeed only a process of detente and disarmament, conducted with conviction and pursued with loyalty, can pave the way for a broader dialogue between peoples on the question of human rights, overcome the resistance to more advanced and general forms of international protection and gradually release vast resources so that all human rights, without distinctions or hierarchies as between civil and political rights or economic, social and cultural rights, are frilly achieved.
128.	If, however, we ask ourselves whether and to what extent we have witnessed during the course of the year further prospects of effective progress in the recognition of human rights within each State and in the international protection of these same rights, the reply is not yet satisfactory, and in many instances it is definitely unsatisfactory, with serious political implications which vary in importance in the different cases.
129.	With regard to the international protection of human rights, we cannot help observing that, this year again, many hopes have been dashed by the rigid application of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States. Italy maintains that the application of this principle in the field of human rights admits, and indeed requires, a certain degree of flexibility.
130.	In this respect may I recall that Italy has accepted all the optional provisions of the international conventions on human rights, including those concerning communications submitted by States in regard to violations of human rights.
131.	In Europe the strengthening of security and co-operation has found at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and in the follow-up conferences appropriate forums to begin a dialogue which, we hope, will at the meeting in Madrid next year, further promote the creation of conditions of stability and trust in relations between States and between individuals.
132.	After the solemn signing of the Final Act of that Conference at Helsinki on I August 1975, the process set in motion by the Conference has resulted in a growing number of meetings at various levels, among which the Madrid meeting may, through the efforts of all the signatory States, represent a new and important stage along the path of detente. In close collaboration with the other members of the European Community, Italy is preparing for this meeting in an open and constructive spirit.
133.	Italy's commitment to peace and detente is also reflected in its active participation at the European level in the Vienna negotiations on the mutual and balanced reduction of forces and at the world level in the disarm-ament negotiations,
134.	There is no doubt that the security of States cannot be guaranteed through the uncontrolled spiralling and piling up of weapons of destruction. On the contrary, the halting of this process and its reversal is the priority task of the international community, as was pointed out last year in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. This is the more true as the arms race, in addition to causing a general feeling of insecurity, also involves at the world level an enormous waste of resources, which are diverted from their natural function of serving the economic and social development of all countries, and in particular of those of the third world.
135.	It is therefore the task of the General Assembly and of the specialized bodies in the field of disarmament, whose work this year has entered a new phase following the restructuring of the negotiating machinery by the General Assembly at the special session, to proceed without delay along the path of disarmament negotiations. It is also the basic responsibility of all of us to ensure that all the urgent points contained in the various phases of the programme are progressively tackled and resolved as soon as possible.
136.	Within the context of our joint efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament under effective international control, nuclear disarmament is obviously of particular importance. We therefore welcome the second SALT Treaty reached by the United States and the Soviet Union on intercontinental nuclear weapons and we hope for the prompt conclusion of a treaty on the comprehensive banning of nuclear tests and new initiatives aimed at limiting nuclear weapons.
137.	However, in parallel with the process of nuclear disarmament, negotiations for a balanced and controlled limitation of conventional weapons must proceed so as to strengthen stability and achieve decreasing levels of armaments.
138.	A better and more stable world requires a growing commitment to overcoming a difficult economic situation whose negative characteristics are a decrease in employment, strong inflationary pressures and a slackening in economic growth,
139.	We are all therefore faced with the priority task of ensuring a more dynamic and harmonious development of the world economy.
140.	The strengthening of world peace also requires a greater measure of economic justice for all peoples. It is clear that the time in which we live is characterized by a growing interdependence between industrialized and developing countries and between problems we must tackle on a global scale.
141.	The economic crisis cannot therefore be invoked as an excuse for diminishing the solidarity of the industrialized countries with the third world. The path to be followed in every case must lead to the strengthening of this solidarity. With this aim in mind, Italy—despite the difficult economic situation—has decided in recent weeks to double in 1980 the volume of its official aid for development and also proposes to increase its aid still further in the coming years. With this aim in mind, we have also decided to cancel the official debts of 10 of the least developed among the developing countries.
142.	We hope that other countries will follow this lead and in particular that all the industrialized countries, whatever their political system, will participate in a renewed effort of solidarity and justice.
143.	But, however important official aid for development may be, it cannot alone solve the problems of the third world.
144.	In this context Italy has noted with particular interest the recent proposal, made by the Group of 77 at the last session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 for a global discussion of the international economic situation, including the problem of energy. It is now clear that the problem of energy is of fundamental importance for all countries, whether developing or industrialized. The transition from the uncontrolled consumption of energy, especially oil, to a policy of energy saving and the diversification of energy sources requires, if it is to take place in an orderly manner, the co-operation and consultation of all States.
145.	The large-scale co-ordination of these policies must be ensured in practice through a close complementarity between measures taken at the international level and measures and objectives to be pursued at national level by both the developing and the industrialized countries.
146.	Only such a co-ordination between instruments and objectives can guarantee for all the satisfaction of essential needs and the achievement of a lasting and widespread economic balance. If we missed this opportunity we would all of us bear a serious responsibility, a responsibility to future generations and to the weak and the less fortunate. We cannot forget that economic imbalances and energy crises have a tragic impact on the day-to-day economic realities of so many developing countries, which are struggling for advancement and to bring to broader segments of their populations the benefits of development.
147.	The dramatic figures published by the United Nations on the world food crisis make us reflect bitterly on the problems still encountered by mankind today and must awaken our consciences so that we can take up successfully the challenge of satisfying the fundamental needs of the world's population.
148.	That is why Italy has decided to concentrate an important part of its additional official development aid on multilateral programmes which can contribute to an improvement of the food situation.
149.	Italy is therefore ready to intensify its contribution to the efforts of the United Nations to work out and implement a new international development strategy for the next decade.
150.	In this context, and for the achievement of the objectives of a greater measure of social justice throughout the world, of an international community based on the reaffirmation of the worth and dignity of the human person, and of an ever growing co-operation between States for the settlement of disputes and the maintenance of peace, the Italian Government has worked and will continue to work on the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
151.	If we remain faithful to these principles and seek to apply them constantly, it will mean that men and States will have chosen the right path—the path of life, peace and solidarity.


It is with great pleasure, and a modest measure of pride, that I congratulate you, Sir, on behalf of the Tanzania delegation, upon your assumption of the high office of President of this General Assembly. Your special relationship with us needs no explanation. All we are left to do is to wish you great success and assure you of our total co-operation in the honoured role in which you have been placed by the international community. I wish, at the same time, to express our thanks through you to the States Members of the United Nations. The United Republic of Tanzania sees in your election to the presidency of the General Assembly a mark of appreciation of its contribution to the endeavours of this world body to promote international peace, understanding and co-operation. We are certain that you will discharge your responsibilities with skill and distinction, and thus do credit to the African region and the non-aligned group of nations to which you and your country belong.
2. Your predecessor, Ambassador Lie'vano, distinguished himself in office by his dedication, patient diplomacy, fairness, courtesy and competence. We hope his record will be an inspiration to you, and we wish him continued success in the service of his great country, Colombia.
3. Allow me now to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has had a very busy year. His untiring efforts in search of solutions to the complex problems of the world have taken him to many places around the world. I want to recall particularly his unfailing efforts to solve the problems of southern Africa. I also recall his fruitful attendance at the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in July in the Liberian capital—Monrovia— where he made a comprehensive review of the state of the world today. By the dedication and constructive role Mr. Waldheim has charted for his office, the prestige and the hopes that we have in this world body have been very much enhanced. We wish him continued good health.
4.	We learnt with deep shock of the untimely death, early this month, of Mr. Agostinho Neto, the President of the People's Republic of Angola. Mr. Neto and his countrymen have had a long association with my country and people, a relationship which deepened through Angola's armed struggle for independence. The association ripened in the post-independence years as, along with the other front-line States, we met, planned and worked together to discharge the duty entrusted to us by the OAU to act as a firm rear base for the armed struggle for the liberation of southern Africa. With his passing, Africa has lost a great son, a great patriot, a great freedom fighter, a great revolutionary thinker and a great statesman. I ask the Angolan delegation to convey my delegation's heartfelt condolences to the family of the late President, to the MPLA Workers Party, and to the Government and people of Angola.
5.	Since the United Nations was founded over three decades ago, visible and significant success has been achieved m the process of decolonization. Tanzania salutes the invaluable contributions made by the United Nations in enhancing the cause of peace and the freedom of millions of peoples from colonial domination and oppression. From the time the General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV), 19 years ago, many countries, including my own, have joined the ranks of free and independent nations whose tribute to the United Nations is their presence in this chamber as equal Members. In this session we have admitted to membership the new State of Saint Lucia and I take this opportunity to congratulate that State and to welcome its representatives in our midst.
6.	This Organization's decolonization agenda is not yet finished; in fact, what remains is the most critical phase. In what is now almost an annual ritual, this General Assembly will address itself to the questions of Southern Rhodesia, Namibia, and South Africa, in conformity with the various resolutions of the OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations. Over the past year we have seen a lot of movement but no basic change in the political situation in the region.
7.	In Rhodesia, the illegal racist regime succeeded, through a constitutional fraud and an electoral farce, in entrenching white minority rule with a front of black faces. No Member State has been deceived by these manoeuvres, and we urge the maintenance of sanctions against that regime, and the denial to it of international recognition.
8. 	The new Government of the United Kingdom has called a conference in London of all the parties to the Rhodesian conflict following the Commonwealth agreement reached at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, at Lusaka in August, on the way to proceed to a negotiated settlement, I should like to reiterate my country's attitude to these talks.
9.	We support the Commonwealth agreement on Rhodesia. We welcome the talks and believe that they can produce agreement on a genuinely democratic constitution and on the modalities of free and fair elections acceptable to the international community to put such a constitution into effect. Ian Smith, who is avowedly against majority rule, together with his black puppet Government, must not be allowed to stand in the way of an agreement. We stress the imperative, affirmed by the United Kingdom Government itself, that independence should not be given to Rhodesia by the United Kingdom on the basis of principles and conditions essentially different from those which applied at the accession of other former British colonial territories to independence.
10.	The talks in London provide a last opportunity for a negotiated settlement. Should they fail to live up to the Lusaka agreement, there is only the alternative of war to the finish. And my country will support the Patriotic Front so that it can intensify and win that war.
11.	Namibia, which is a United Nations Territory, continues to be occupied illegally and with impunity by South Africa. South Africa has blocked the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), thus dealing a contemptuous blow to the expectations of a settlement by peaceful means. Not only has South Africa continued to defy the will of the international community over Namibia, but it continues to use that Territory to commit repeated aggression against neighbouring African States, killing and maiming thousands of defenceless refugees and engaging in the wanton destruction of property.
12.	The responsibility of the United Nations is clear: it, in its turn, must answer the challenge of South Africa. The United Nations must reaffirm and demonstrate increased support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, which is committed to ending South African occupation. Secondly, the United Nations now must impose sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. Censure, in the circumstances, is not enough; it is in fact the same as condonation.
13.	In South Africa itself the regime's enforcement of the policy of apartheid has become more vicious as it receives and develops more weapons of oppression against the majority African people. More Western investment flows into the country to provide the economic buttress of apartheid and the vilest system of oppression of man by man. Once again the United Nations must institute effective measures, including sanctions, to force South Africa to abandon apartheid. To stretch the Organization's tolerance further will do great damage to its credibility.
14.	During its thirty-third session, the General Assembly affirmed the inalienable right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence, I want to seize this opportunity sincerely to commend the Government of the brotherly Republic of Mauritania for the great statesmanship it has displayed in dealing with the problem of Western Sahara. The decision of the Mauritanian Government to withdraw from Western Sahara should be saluted by all people of good will. The people of Western Sahara, like any other people, have the right to self-determination. My Government has always given unqualified support to the Saharan people through their authentic representatives, the Frente POLISARIO, in their struggle against colonial occupation.
15.	We recall that Morocco once laid claim to the whole of Mauritania as part of its territory, refusing to recognize Mauritania's independence. But in the end it had to give up that claim. We hope that sooner, rather than later, Morocco will be persuaded to accept the right of the people of Western Sahara to self- determination and national independence.
16.	We are at the end of the Disarmament Decade, as well as the Second United Nations Development Decade. The General Assembly resolutions which declared the Disarmament Decade envisaged a relationship between disarmament and development, anticipating that resources saved from the arms industry would be diverted to social and economic development for the benefit of the population of the world. Today this objective has not been achieved. Considerable human and material resources are tied up in armament programmes, to the detriment of development, particularly for the third world.
17.	Only limited measures have been achieved in dis-armament, from the 1963 test ban Treaty to the current agreements reached within the framework of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT]. And sometimes one is constrained to wonder if these treaties do not set the rules for spurring the arms race, rather than stopping it. Nevertheless, they do give some encouragement, because they are a pointer to the fact that the will to negotiate, to reach a broad level of disarmament, is not lacking.
18.	The developing countries have a vital interest in disarmament. They must be concerned about the ever-growing military complexes in the powerful countries in this world. Power rivalries have a habit of spilling over into the third world, causing local wars, tension between small and poor nations, and the continual diversion of scarce human and material resources to national defence. Therefore, the arms race among the big Powers contributes to world-wide inflation and increased poverty in the third-world countries and militates against co-operation for development among them. My delegation therefore supports and renews the call for general and complete disarmament under international supervision.
19.	As one of the littoral States of the Indian Ocean, my country notes with great concern that over the past few years great-Power military presence has greatly increased there. We call for greater co-operation from the great Powers and the major maritime users of that ocean in the efforts and negotiations aimed at implementing the 1971 United Nations Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
20.	The Cyprus stalemate persists, at the cost of great human suffering. We urge the parties concerned to give momentum to the initiative taken earlier this year by our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, so that apolitical settlement may be achieved, based on the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
21.	In the Middle East peace remains as elusive as it was at the time of our last session. My delegation believes and supports the view that peace cannot obtain in this region while two gross injustices are allowed to continue and to become entrenched. One is the denial to the Palestinian people of the right to a homeland and State of its own; the other is the occupation by Israel of Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian land. We support the right of the Palestinian people, led by the Palestinian Liberation Organization, to have a State of their own; we support the right of Egypt, Syria and Jordan to use all appropriate means to recover their territory; and we energetically condemn Israel's murderous military attacks on Lebanon.
22.	To come nearer our own country: we consider that the island of Mayotte is part of the Republic of the Comoros and support that country's aspiration to maintain its political unity and territorial integrity.
23.	My delegation notes that Korea remains divided. We appreciate the Korean people's desire for peaceful reunification. We hope that this goal will be achieved, without foreign interference, on the basis of independence, peaceful reunification and a greater national unity.
24.	Mr. President, we would like to echo the ringing appeal you made in your inaugural address on the plight of refugees around the world. Refugees represent a global humanitarian problem which demands the attention of this Organization. In Africa alone we have more than 4 million refugees, who have to find resettlement in other African countries, which already find it difficult to maintain a decent standard of living for their own populations. It will be seen that the world has so far paid only scant attention, in terms of the input of resources, to resettling African refugees, some of whom are victims of oppression and of the suppression which is visited upon them by the minority racist regimes in southern Africa. We therefore support the creation of a special fund for refugees and commend all steps now being taken to alleviate the human tragedy that is taking place in South-East Asia. We hope that, as a result of the lessons of this tragedy, equal attention will be paid now and in the future to the problems of refugees in other parts of the world.
25.	The world economy is in the throes of the most severe crisis in history. Inflation, unemployment, currency fluctuations and instability in the international commodity trade have now become commonplace.
26.	The impact of this crisis is being felt by all peoples and all nations. The developing countries, however, whose economies are much weaker and more vulnerable to the influence of external conditions, have been hardest hit. Thus for many developing countries the world economic crisis has led to the deterioration of their terms of trade, the aggravation of their already severe balance-of-payments difficulties, heavier debt problems and the erosion of their meagre savings which could have been used to finance development programmes for people already living below the poverty line.
27.	Some developed countries, individually and collectively, have over the past few years adopted and implemented some measures aimed at insulating them from the impact of the world economic crisis. These measures have not only failed, but they have also aggravated the economic problems of the developing countries which have had to bear the cost of the adjustment measures adopted by those developed countries. For example, we have seen the proliferation of protectionist measures adopted by certain developed countries which then apply them to the imports of both primary and processed goods from the developing countries. These measures have produced serious constraints on both the agricultural and industrial development efforts of the developing countries and have led to further deterioration in their terms of trade.
28.	The failure of these isolated, self-seeking and piecemeal measures confirms our conviction that the economic problems which continue to haunt the world stem largely from the incompatibility between the existing international economic system designed for the colonial era, and the new realities of today's world of interdependence. These are not problems of a mere cyclical nature; they are clearly rather of a structural nature. Mankind can only be rescued from further economic disruption and political conflict through the fundamental restructuring of economic relations among nations and the establishment of a new equitable international economic order.
29.	Unfortunately movement in this direction is not spirited and there are those who think that time is an unfailing catalyst of economic regeneration. In the ongoing negotiations for the establishment of a New International Economic Order, too much time has been spent in restating the problems and too few concrete decisions have been taken. This gap between words and deeds is a manifestation of the Tack of political will in some developed countries.
30.	At the fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila a new programme of action for the least developed countries was launched but, sadly, agreement could not be reached on some of the major issues which constitute the foundation upon which the programme could be successfully built. These include market access for the manufactured goods of developing countries, reform of the international monetary system, the establishment of a compensatory financing facility to meet shortfalls in the export earnings the developing countries derive from commodities and automaticity in aid disbursement. The refusal of some developed countries to pledge contributions to the "second window' or the common fund of the Integrated Programme for Commodities is one more indication of this lack of political will.
31.	We are therefore approaching the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade with no room for complacency. With a full load of resolutions by this Assembly and other United Nations organs largely unimplemented, the backlog of action that will be carried over to the third development decade is extremely heavy. Nations and Governments should be required to renew their dedication and commitment, but above all there will be a need for the political will to translate the various decisions into a time-table of concrete action. My delegation wishes to express the hope that the third development decade will be more dynamic and that greater political commitment will emerge among Member States in the search for a more balanced world economy and greater prospects for real development in poor countries.
32.	Both at the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held at Arusha from 6 to 16 February this year, and at the recently concluded Conference of non- aligned countries,  co-operation among developing countries within the framework of national and collective self-reliance was strongly emphasized. We urge both the United Nations development system and the developed countries to give full support and assistance to the developing countries, so that they may strengthen and expand their mutual co-operation.
33.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is a decisive test of the spirit of meaningful dialogue between the North and the South. Sea-bed resources declared to be the common heritage of mankind by this Assembly touch the very core of world peace and equity. The joint management of sea-bed resources should have as its primary objective the promotion of equal opportunity to acquire sea wealth and should be seen to have the effect of redistributing global wealth. The progress made thus far at the negotiations in Geneva and in particular the unanimity reached in establishing an international sea-bed authority should give all of us cause for satisfaction, despite the crucial operational details that still remain outstanding. We also trust that the Conference will respect the August 1980 deadline for concluding the negotiations.
34.	The year 1979 is the International Year of the Child, and it is now resolutely drawing to a close. I wish to commend all the Member States which have striven to make the year a success. I wish also to commend UNICEF, which was given the onerous but joyful responsibility of focusing upon and promoting the welfare of children. It is my hope that member nations will increase their contributions to UNICEF, so that the interest in and concern for the rights of the child, so widely generated in this Year, may be promulgated by permanent programmes for the development of the child. If we are to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war as the Charter enjoins us, we cannot do better than invest in our youth.
35.	We are on the threshold of a new decade. We may appraise the past decade differently. Some may see in it a neap of thwarted ambitions; others may see a pit of unrealistic expectations and demands. But on one thing we can agree. We can agree that this has been a decade of dialogue, a momentous dialogue, about how we should shape our world anew so that all its people can live in plenty and in peace; so that all its nations can survive and thrive in equality, freedom and friendship. Let us then proceed to agree that we shall make this coming decade a decade of action to promote these goals of progress and prosperity, in the spirit of the United Nations.


Our association with Ambassador Salim in his capacity as Chairman of the special Committee on decolonization gives me added pleasure as I offer him our congratulations on his election as President of this session of the General Assembly.
197.	I take this opportunity also to thank his predecessor, Ambassador Lievano, for the manner in which he conducted the previous session of the General Assembly.
198.	Early this year I had the honour and pleasure of representing my country at the independence celebrations in Saint Lucia. It is therefore a matter of particular pleasure for me to welcome it to our Organization and to extend our co-operation to it.
199.	Nine years ago today, Fiji became a Member of the United Nations. The intervening nine years have for us been full of excitement in our endeavours to build a nation based on tolerance and mutual understanding. We have had our successes, and our disappointments also. However, the experience of being independent, of being able to decide things for ourselves, has been exhilarating and challenging.
200.	We have during this same period enlarged our circle of friends, first within the region. We have witnessed the emergence of new nations in the South Pacific—Papua New Guinea, Tuvalu, the Solomons, and Kiribati. We look forward to the New Hebrides next year assuming its rightful place, and we also hope that others too in the South Pacific will join the expanding group of independent States in the region.
201.	Since becoming independent we have tried to foster regional co-operation because we believe that for us in the South Pacific, scattered, as we are, over a large expanse of ocean, there are problems that are best resolved on a regional basis. Arising out of this belief, we have encouraged and participated very actively in the establishment and development of several regional institutions: the University of the South Pacific, the South Pacific Forum and its executive arm the South Pacific Bureau for Economic Co-operation, the South Pacific Commission and, the most recently created, the South Pacific Fishery Agency.
202.	Speaking of widening our circle of friends, we have been more than encouraged by the wide range of assistance we have received from many since we became independent. In particular, we are grateful to our near neighbours Australia and New Zealand, to the United Kingdom and the European Economic Community, among others, and, finally, to the United Nations itself and its specialized agencies. The fact that we are a party to the Lome Convention has provided us with a unique opportunity to forge new links with Africa. It has also given us a better perspective and insight concerning Africa and its aspirations to social, economic and political betterment. Moreover, this membership has enabled us to continue our contacts with the Caribbean countries with which we share certain common characteristics and development objectives.
203.	In the United Nations itself, the most important benefit we have derived is the opportunity to be heard. No other international forum exists which treats States of different sizes, wealth and power on an equal footing, as does the United Nations. It is vital that this important characteristic remain intact. It would in our view destroy the universal character of the United Nations if Member States were categorized on any basis other than that of sovereign equality.
204.	Equally, another most important advantage of being a Member of the United Nations is the opportunity it affords us to participate in the discussion of a wide range of issues many of which affect us nationally, regionally and on the international level. Again, our participation on an equal footing with many others who are better endowed with resources is an advantage that we value very greatly. In this regard we have attempted to play an active role, especially through our membership of the Special Committee on decolonization, UNDP and, of course, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, to name but a few areas. These are very positive elements in our experience as a Member.
205.	An area in which we have always had great interest and concern is that of human rights. We are concerned because our own society is a multiracial, multicultural and multi-religious one, and, in our view, in such a society great care and sensitivity are needed to ensure that no segment of the community is deprived in any way.
206.	We are of course saddened and discouraged by the continued violations of human rights in many parts of the world. We feel that violations, especially those that take place under the pretext of national security, diminish and lower the esteem in which our Organization should be held.
207.	What makes it more disconcerting is that there are some who are ready to stand on the prosecutor's chair and point at others when their own record will not stand up to close scrutiny. At times, elements within our Organization have taken it upon themselves to be both judge and jury at the same time. Furthermore, the disparities and the wide gulf existing between the rhetoric uttered in the conference halls and what takes place on the ground has led many of those who are well disposed towards our Organization to lose their sense of equanimity. We also find a tendency for some to go by the letter of the law, so to speak, and to ignore certain realities. Speaking from this rostrum on 21 October 1970, our Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, observed that:
"the setting of standards must not assume that there are universal solutions to problems in all parts of the world. There must be particular diagnoses of the problems and special treatment for special cases."12
208.	We have followed with interest and concern the anguish of the boat people. We are encouraged by the bold and courageous initiative taken by the Secretary- General to convene an international Meeting in Geneva to deal with this refugee situation. While the actions and assistance that flowed from the Meeting are to be com-mended, we believe that, if a permanent and durable remedy is to be found, clearly the root-causes of why so many people risk their lives to leave their own countries must be determined and resolved. Yet only too often we sense a reluctance on the part of our Organization to come to grips with such situations, particularly if the major Powers are involved.
209.	While major international political difficulties remain unresolved, we are encouraged by some actions and movements of late. On Zimbabwe, for instance, we hope that the meeting now being held in London will lead to a happy and satisfactory conclusion for all concerned.
210.	The resolution of the complex Middle East issue is urgent because genuine peace has remained elusive for the last 32 years. Speaking from this rostrum last year, the representative of my delegation welcomed the bold initiatives that led to the Camp David agreements and the signing of the peace' treaty between Egypt and Israel.  We have continued to follow closely the turn of events, including such developments as the recent Israeli withdrawal from some occupied territories, such as the Egyptian Sinai. But much remains to be done, for there are still Arab areas under Israeli occupation. If a just and enduring solution is to emerge in this long-troubled region, it is imperative that continued efforts be directed towards the attainment of a comprehensive solution, embracing all aspects of the question, including the national rights of the Palestinian people.
211.	There is a wide consensus that the matter of Palestinian rights is at the heart of the Middle East question. It would therefore seem important to bring the Palestinian representatives into the negotiating processes. Recently, there have been some signs of contact and dialogue. We believe that such dialogue and discussions offer encouraging prospects for the peaceful solution of the entire problem. However, it needs to be reiterated that a just and lasting peace in the area could result from the recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to their national homeland, as well as the acceptance of the rights of all States in the region, including that of Israel, to exist within secure and recognized borders.
212.	While we have been encouraged by the Camp David initiative and the subsequent discussions between the parties involved, we have nevertheless noted with dismay the recent decisions concerning Israeli settlements and the sale of occupied Arab lands. We view these actions as counter-productive to the ongoing negotiations.
213.	We continue to note with concern the inevitable effects, on Lebanon, of events in the Middle East only too often with tragic consequences. For Lebanon's once thriving multicultural society seems almost to have lost the peace and stability it once enjoyed. The reality of the situation is that a sovereign State Member of the United Nations finds itself increasingly the victim of situations emanating largely from beyond its borders. And faced with this reality, my delegation feels it vital that the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon be respected.
214.	Following a spate of violence, from which the practice of the so-called pre-emptive strikes cannot be divorced, a fragile peace appears to exist in Lebanon today. We are concerned at the continued attacks on targets in southern Lebanon, particularly when these affect civilian populations. We therefore appeal to all to exercise maximum restraint and thereby allow full normality to return to the area.
215.	It was because of our firm commitment to inter-national peace and security that we decided to contribute to the United Nations peace-keeping efforts in Lebanon. I need not dwell on the importance of the United Nations efforts in this regard, for the Secretary- General has treated this subject with his usual eloquence in his annual report to this Organization. What must be recalled, though, is that peacekeeping responsibilities need not be the exclusive domain of some. For, after all, the maintenance of global peace and security remains the dominant preoccupation of this world Organization, and our practical contributions towards this end should, we believe, correspond with the solemn pledges that we undertook in accepting the provisions of the United Nations Charter.
216.	Fiji remains committed to its participation in the United Nations peace-keeping operations in Lebanon. However, it would be less than honest of me not to mention the drain on our limited financial resources as a result of our participation. We are sure that other troop contributors to this most difficult peace-keeping operation, especially those from developing countries, also feel the financial strain. Yet, this would not be the situation if Member States adhered to their obligation to contribute to the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. We call on the General Assembly to make a bold decision on this question during this session. The responsibility of peace-keeping is an international one and should not be left to the few. We hope that the rhetoric displayed by most of us on the question of peace will be matched by positive action. The Secretary-General, who is carrying out the direction of the Security Council in this regard, is placed in an impossible position when some refuse to honour their obligations.
217.	We are encouraged to note that the formal adoption of a convention by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is envisaged for August 1980. Such an accomplishment would give a tremendous uplift to international co-operation within the United Nations system at a time when other multilateral negotiations now taking place within the framework of the United Nations are clearly facing difficulties. It is essential that all States should take urgent heed of the dangers of any further delay and reassess their positions to complete the long-sought convention. Any delay will not only jeopardize a rational use of the seas and its resources but will also cast a dark cloud on the ability of the United Nations to act as a forum for multilateral negotiations.
218.	Many of the carefully negotiated and generally acceptable provisions of the negotiating texts of the Conference have already found recognition in much national legislation, thus allowing many States to claim appropriate jurisdictions and to assume appropriate ob-ligations, particularly with regard to living resources of the sea. The development of the law relating to resource jurisdiction has been particularly significant to developing countries, such as my own, which are small islands. Under the protection of the newly recognized jurisdictions, fishing has become a significant export industry for my country. There is promise of substantial growth of this industry. However, like many others, we require assistance to develop these resources and co-operation in their rational use.
219.	The most important species of fish that our fishing industry is dependent upon is tuna, and we call upon all States to recognize our sovereign rights over that species and other migratory species in our 200-mile exclusive economic zone. Such a recognition by all would be in accordance with the accepted norms of the law of the sea and is vital to our new industry. No form of assistance can be a substitute for the legitimate recognition of our sovereign rights over our own resources. In this respect, we look forward to the cooperation of distant-water fishing countries which have fleets in the region. We hope that it will not be necessary to ask the General Assembly to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on this issue.
220.	In order to secure an orderly development of new jurisdictions over the living resources of our seas, Fiji has joined in regional co-operation with other South Pacific countries to set up the South Pacific Fishery Agency, whose main function is to harmonize fisheries policies in the region and to adopt a co-ordinated approach in their negotiations with distant-fishing countries. Although the South Pacific Fishery Agency is restricted to the countries members of the South Pacific Forum, a study is being made of the desirability of setting up a wider organization to include countries from outside the South Pacific with fishing fleets in the region to co-ordinate the conservation of highly migratory species such as tuna. It is our hope that our aspirations to develop a rational regime for the living re-sources of our region will acquire the full support and co-operation of all the countries concerned.
221.	It would be superfluous and time-consuming were I to repeat the litany of outstanding economic issues which remain unresolved. Suffice to say that my delegation is hopeful that the ongoing international negotiations, some of which unhappily have come to a dead stop, will eventually lead to mutually satisfactory conclusions between the developed and developing countries.
222.	Yet, one problem remains to be singled out because of the heavy burden it has imposed on economies such as ours. I refer to the ever-increasing cost of imported fuel.
223.	Apart from the immediate needs of finding the necessary funds to pay for imported fuel, the long-term effects of this on development can be catastrophic. As we are a non-producer of oil, the high cost of imported fuel has severely eroded our slender balance of payments. This, we believe, is an area which requires urgent international action if total disaster is to be avoided.
224.	The problems faced by Fiji, and indeed our neighbours, in providing energy at a reasonable cost are similar to those of other developing countries, though perhaps exacerbated by our extreme dependence upon imported oil and the high cost of shipping it. As in most countries, efforts have been made since 1974 to conserve fuel and to exploit indigenous energy resources in order to reduce dependence upon costly and increasingly uncertain oil supplies. However, we cannot say that any of the various policies or activities adopted to reduce consumption of oil have had a measurable impact on total fuel imports, the over-all pattern of energy use or energy supplies to rural areas.
225.	Within the Pacific Islands, the South Pacific Bureau of Economic Co-operation is being asked to establish a regional alternative energy programme and to monitor the terms under which we buy oil. On the global level, we feel that the international community will need to deal vigorously with the energy issue and launch a co-ordinated and imaginative effort in this field and, in particular, to address itself to the urgent problems of the oil-importing developing countries. In this regard, we also look forward to participating actively in the preparatory work of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy scheduled for 1981.
226.	We also wish fully to associate ourselves with the declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 calling for specific action to overcome economic problems arising from the handicaps facing the land-locked and island developing countries as well as the economic problems facing the most seriously affected countries.
227.	Consistent with the need to overcome the impact of our special problems, Fiji actively participated in the negotiation of the new Lome Convention between the European Economic Community and African, Caribbean and Pacific States. We have, of course, received relief from its STABEX scheme and, despite its many shortcomings; the scheme is tangible and operational. For countries such as Fiji, which depend greatly on their export earnings, the establishment of a scheme of stabilization of earnings will help the achievement of our development goals. Under its Sugar Protocol, Fiji, like other ACP sugar producers, has benefited greatly from the guarantee of a stable and reasonably remunerative market.
228.	The Lome agreement is an important beginning. It is a model of compromise and accommodation. It is, we think, a symbol of what can be achieved by positive and purposeful negotiations. But above all, it is a tangible instrument for the reordering of the economic relations of more than one-third of the Members of the United Nations.
229.	This session marks the end of a decade and foreshadows what the world is likely to meet in the 1980s. It is so easy to become discouraged or to be complacent. Though no major war took place, proxy wars continue to be fought in many parts of the world. And in many parts of the world also, peace often remains as ephemeral as ever. Though the number of countries which have achieved independence has increased considerably since the decade which is now coming to an end, the quality of life of the many millions of men, women and children remain at an unacceptably low level. In our view, freedom and independence can only be meaningful if and when the living conditions of the poor and dispossessed are improved to a level in which they can live with dignity.
230.	We believe that, in the coming decade, the United Nations itself must redouble its efforts in order to break what Pope John Paul II described as
"...the cycles of despair in which are imprisoned all those that lack food, shelter or employment; the cycles of under-development that are the consequences of international mechanisms that subordinate the human existence to the domination of partially conceived economic progress; and finally the inhuman cycles of war that spring from the violation of man's fundamental rights and produces still graver violations of them."


We are grateful for this opportunity to be here. We greet the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, and we wish to express our appreciation of the action which Mr. Kurt Waldheim has taken and continues to take on behalf of the people of Nicaragua.
3.	For 34 years, the Somoza regime usurped the representation of Nicaragua at the United Nations. For 34 years, intervention spoke in this hall through the voice of Somoza and his followers. For 34 years, the representatives who walked along these corridors and spoke in these forums on behalf of Nicaragua were an offence to the conscience of peoples.
4.	In 1945 it was Somoza and his National Guard, both of them the results of intervention, who made themselves members of the United Nations.
5.	On 19 July 1979 it was the people of Nicaragua who became a Member of the United Nations.
6.	For 34 years the Somoza regime found support in this Assembly among those representatives who were also enemies of their people.
7.	The triumph of the Popular Sandinist Revolution in Nicaragua also brought about the defeat of unjust positions, attitudes of surrender, a policy of intervention, crime, torture, theft, genocide, and the exploitation represented by the Somoza dictatorship and defended by his accomplices.
8.	But the Sandinist victory also resulted in a modest but resounding triumph for peoples who had fought for national liberation, true democracy and peace. And just as Somoza found accomplices in the United Nations, the people of Nicaragua found brothers in the United Nations.
9.	In our victory, we wish to greet the representatives of revolutionary Governments, of progressive Governments, of democratic Governments who sided with the people of Nicaragua.
10.	The war waged in Nicaragua was a war of liberation. In our country the people, united and led by the Sandinist Front for National Liberation, defeated in an unequal battle the occupation troops which North American intervention had left behind after assassinating Sandino.
11.	In Nicaragua, we always saw in Somoza and his so-called National Guard the exemplification of foreign aggression. Only thus can one understand the great unity of the people and the barbaric nature of the Somoza regime.
12.	The Somoza dictatorship has no equal in Latin America. A criminal capable of bombing schools, hospitals, entire cities, of assassinating women, children and old people, or setting fire to and looting the country, can only be a foreigner or, more accurately, a mercenary. Somoza faithfully followed in the footsteps of William Walker, that freebooter from the southern United States who, in 1857, after setting fire to the city of Granada in our country, left a sign which read1 'Here was Granada".
13.	We have said and say again that among other things, the Somoza dictatorship left our country in a state of economic bankruptcy. At this time we shall not draw attention to figures on the losses caused by the bombing of the dictatorship's air force, nor to the inability of our country to meet its payments, nor on its foreign debt, and so forth. But we do believe that it is our obligation energetically to appeal for unconditional support for the reconstruction of Nicaragua.
14.	Peoples who in Africa, Asia and Latin America have been subjected to slavery and servitude to the big, so-called "civilized" countries have been overcoming domination at the cost of immense sacrifices.
15.	Men have been declared free in the world, and independence and sovereignty have been decreed in most countries on earth. But other, subtler forms of domination have replaced the shackles of slavery. The world market, international financial organizations and banks are instruments of political persuasion and of economic subjection. We know that the Somoza regime was the most faithful representative of those alien interests in our country.
16.	Somoza and his henchmen brought the economy of our country into bondage; they eased the way for the looting of our natural resources; they incurred debts with international banks on behalf of Nicaragua. But are we to blame the Somoza regime alone? Would it not be fitting to ask who bears the greater responsibility— whether it was Somoza who managed investments, loans, mortgages and so on, for personal gain, or those who provided those investments, loans and mortgages?
17.	In 1972, an earthquake shook our country. The losses were enormous and international assistance came swiftly. But it was no secret to anyone that the dictator and his clique of civilians and military officers shared everything among themselves, from food-stuffs to financial grants and loans.
18.	That fact was more than enough to justify condemning the dictatorship and refraining from giving it one cent more. But other interests prevailed, and considerations of economic and political bondage were more powerful than those of justice and morality.
19.	In the last two years of the dictatorship, world repugnance became more and more manifest. In those last two years the dictatorship's criminal activities increased blatantly; in those last two years thefts by the dictator and his accomplices were revealed.
20.	But, in that time, short-term loans and credits from the international banking system at high interest rates increased to such a degree that in the months to come the people of Nicaragua are due to pay back approximately $600 million. Nicaragua cannot pay that debt; nor will it incur new indebtedness to do so.
21.	Somoza and his accomplices have opened bank accounts and made investments outside our country with the money they obtained from international banks, money they stole from the people. It is Somoza and his accomplices who must be sued by Nicaragua's international creditors.
22.	It is our opinion that the external debt that the Somoza regime left in Nicaragua must be taken over internationally, and above all by the developed countries, the economically powerful countries, starting with those that routinely fed the Somoza regime with financing. So the people of Nicaragua proposes to this Assembly of the United Nations the adoption of that idea.
23.	As we have said, our struggle is one of national liberation, and at present we are at the stage of national reconstruction. That fact makes our country a target for imperialist policy.
24.	The most aggressive circles of the United States and of Central America dream of restoring the Somoza regime to our country. A macabre alliance is endeavouring to take over our revolution. It is trying to develop the idea that the Sandinist philosophy is a threat to the Government of El Salvador. It now appears to be alleged that the problems of El Salvador, such as the assassination of peasants, workers and clergy, are provoked by Nicaragua.
25.	Some North American representatives maintain that they have been informed by the Government of El Salvador and by industrialists and businessmen of El Salvador that we Sandinists have started various operations in that country to bring about the downfall of its Government. A member of the United States Senate, Richard Stone of Florida, for example, affirms this and rushes to the defence of the Salvadorian "democracy", saying that he will ask the Government of the United States to be more vigilant with regard to Nicaragua.
26.	We see all this as a provocation meant to justify economic, political and even military pressure on Nicaragua.
27.	We in Nicaragua could not prevent the people of El Salvador from rejoicing over our victory. We Nicaraguans could not prevent ourselves from becoming an example that would be of concern to the most notorious criminals in Latin America. But, at the same time, we have formulated a policy designed to normalize our relations with all Governments in the world, in a context of equality and mutual respect.
28.	With a view to our total economic and political emancipation, we decided to join the non-aligned countries, and at their Sixth Conference in Havana we defined our international position.
29.	We agree with the idea of the unity of the weak, and just as we have shared the triumph of our revolution with free peoples and those that are not yet free but are struggling to break the chains, so today we also consider the implementation of the treaties returning to Panama its sovereignty over the Canal Zone to be a victory for our peoples, but above all for the people of Panama, which had sworn to seize the Canal on 1 October of this year at whatever cost.
30.	At this time we recall the victory of the peoples of Latin America when, at the historic 17th Meeting of Consultation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Organization of American States, imperialist attempts to intervene in Nicaragua were defeated.
31.	Today, the news speaks of the people captured in Puerto Rico. Members of the religious community, lawyers and politicians are being arrested. The human rights of the citizens of Puerto Rico are being violated by the maintenance of United States military bases on the island of Vieques and the non-recognition of Puerto Rico's inalienable right to independence.
32.	Let us see how many of those senators who are now concerned about the fate of the Somoza guards and about the security of the Salvadorian Government are going to protest because of this inconceivable violation of the human rights of the Puerto Ricans.
33.	We place on record our protest against the escalation of repression unleashed against Puerto Rican patriots.
34.	In our struggle for peace, for independence and for genuine change, we support Bolivia in its struggle to obtain an outlet to the sea; we support the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the Frente POLISARIO and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], Nicaragua emphasizes its historical solidarity with the long- suffering, heroic and fighting people of Palestine. As we have said, we support the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as well as the organizations I have mentioned as the legitimate representatives of peoples who are fighting for their freedom and independence.
35.	We also feel that we have a moral obligation to support the people of Belize in their striving for independence and the people of Korea with their goal of reunification and the withdrawal of North American troops from the south of that country.
36.	At the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries, we stated our repugnance with regard to the genocidal Pol Pot clique, which, like Somoza, was the product of foreign intervention and, as such, was in its turn made use of as a spearhead for aggression against the heroic people of Viet Nam.
37.	Who does not know that the criminal regime set up by Pol Pot and his clique was the product of the expansionism of the Chinese leaders? Is it not that brutal and cowardly expansionism that has created crises in South-East Asia? Chinese troops have committed aggression against Viet Nam; Chinese troops continue to threaten Viet Nam. But the spirit of the people of Viet Nam has become stronger than the huge death-dealing Chinese divisions, and we look on with repulsion while a delegation of the so-called Democratic Kampuchea — in other words the representative of genocide—usurps a place in this Assembly. Those who voted in favour of that representation have done nothing other than to support the expansionist policy of the Chinese leaders, which form a bloc in international forums with the most reactionary and murderous sectors of the world.
38.	Nicaragua, a small, independent country that wishes to honour its position of non-alignment, associates itself with the heroic people of Viet Nam.
39.	We are waging and shall continue to wage a battle alongside and on behalf of the oppressed peoples of the world. We are waging a battle and shall continue to do so without compromise of any kind. We are striving and shall continue to strive for the advancement of our people, for the defence of our revolution, for a just peace that is that of sovereign peoples and for a genuine peace that is the peace of free peoples.


I should like to join previous speakers in congratulating the President, on his unanimous election to the high office he now occupies. The accomplishments of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples under his chairmanship to date, as well as his wide-ranging experience in the activities of this body, confirm without any doubt my delegation's confidence that under his leadership, guidance and direction, this thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly will be a success.
348.	I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Salim's predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for the most efficient manner in which he presided over our proceedings during the last session. My delegation extend its compliments on a duty well performed.
349.	My delegation wishes to convey my country's condolences to the people of Angola on the untimely death of their leader, the late Agostinho Neto.
350.	My delegation is particularly pleased to welcome Saint Lucia to membership in this world body of nations, and we look forward to developing a close and co-operative relationship with it. Papua New Guinea and Saint Lucia are both members of the common-wealth of nations, as well as being developing island States. My country shares with Saint Lucia the feelings of being free from colonial domination, and we take this opportunity to wish it a prosperous future.
351.	As on previous occasions, the delegation of Papua New Guinea will participate with interest and hope in the deliberations of the General Assembly on major international issues. We shall attempt to do what we can within our capacities to work towards constructive solutions to these issues. For the first time, we plan to bring to the attention of the assembled delegations the issue of decolonization, which is of particular concern to the people in our region, the South Pacific.
352.	As is customary in the general debate, my Government would like to take this opportunity to draw the Assembly's attention to a number of issues concerning Papua New Guinea as a member of the international community. Some of these issues directly affect countries a long way from my own, while others affect countries closer at hand. But those to which I shall refer all have such a bearing on the prospects for peace, stability and development in the world that they cannot be ignored.
353.	My Government is concerned about the Middle East situation. While we are heartened by signs of progress towards peace, we are also perturbed by the possibility that the momentum might be lost, at enormous cost not only to the people of the immediate region, but, ultimately, to us all.
354.	My Government welcomed the initiatives taken by the Egyptian and Israeli leaders, and it commends the role played by the President of the United States in trying to promote an atmosphere conducive to negotiations leading to the signing of a Treaty of Peace between Israel and Egypt. But my Government also remains troubled by the continuing failure to find a solution to the Palestinian problem.
355.	My Government recognizes that Papua New Guinea cannot hope to exert much influence on the situation in the Middle East. But we would be derelict in our duty if we did not add our voice to those that are calling for greater efforts to be made in order to achieve lasting peace. Middle Eastern and other world leaders have perhaps the greatest opportunity in a generation to lay the groundwork for lasting peace. My Government urges them, in the interest of us all, to make full use of that opportunity.
356.	My delegation is encouraged to note that the prospects for a negotiated settlement in Namibia have become more promising. However, we still wish to emphasize our firm belief that a successful outcome will depend on the holding of elections under United Nations supervision.
357.	Papua New Guinea takes particular pleasure in complimenting the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and the United Nations Council for Namibia on the role they have played in seeking a solution to the Namibian problem. Pleased as we are with the progress made, however, we cannot be content until we see the emergence of an independent Namibia. We hope that independence will soon be achieved through the democratic process of free elections. We also hope that such a process will guarantee citizens' rights of freedom and equality in the new nation.
358.	My Government remains concerned about the situation in Zimbabwe. We believe that the present constitutional arrangements hold out little prospect for a lasting solution. My Government believes that they must be changed. We think it deplorable that the long- awaited constitution based on "majority rule" turned out, when published, to be but a further device designed to entrench the white minority's interest.
359.	My Government notes with appreciation that all parties are involved in renewed negotiations for a durable internal settlement guaranteeing genuine majority rule in Zimbabwe through a free democratic electoral process. Papua New Guinea welcomes the initiatives arising out of the recent Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries and the considerable advance which is being made in the current constitutional talks in London which, we hope, will lead to genuine majority rule in Zimbabwe.
360.	With regard to southern Africa, my Government wishes to express its concern and abhorrence at institutionalized racial discrimination and segregation for the purposes of the suppression and exploitation of the black people in southern Africa. It is a subject on which the people of my country have very strong feelings.
361.	My Government has, in previous sessions, stated in the strongest terms, that apartheid is a disgusting, degrading and inhuman practice. We regret to note that, despite many calls, the racist regime in southern Africa remains reluctant to abolish its apartheid policies. I should like to reiterate the fears my delegation expressed last year on the question of apartheid. Persistent failure to deal effectively with such a continuing offence to mankind is likely to have a most terrible outcome for both the white and black populations of South Africa.
362.	I turn now to events in Indo-China and the question of the Indo-Chinese refugees. As a country which lies at the cross-roads between South-East Asia and the South Pacific, we are concerned about the security implications that have arisen as a result of the overthrow of the Pol Pot regime in Kampuchea and the confrontation between Viet Nam and Kampuchea. We would like to see peace and stability prevail in the region, and urge those who, in one way or another, are involved in the confrontation to settle their differences by discussion in conference rooms and not by using guns on battlefields.
363.	My Government believes that the mass exodus of refugees could be arrested if the Governments concerned would stop deliberately creating unfavourable circumstances that compel citizens to leave their homelands and seek refuge elsewhere. Viet Nam and Kampuchea should co-operate closely with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to ensure that those who leave their countries are not inflicted upon their neighbours. These neighbours have so far been compassionate, but they are becoming increasingly disturbed at the burdens thrust upon them.
364.	My country had the honour to be invited by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to a Meeting in Geneva in July this year which attempted to alleviate the crisis caused by Indo-Chinese refugees fleeing to neighbouring countries in South East Asia and to Australia. We were represented at the meeting by a cabinet minister.
365.	My Government fully recognizes the humanitarian nature of the refugee problem, which has become a common concern of the entire world community. The Papua New Guinea Government appreciates the role played by the ASEAN countries in meeting the problem. The establishment of refugee processing centres in the ASEAN region is a positive move to alleviate the burdens that have been inflicted upon the countries in the region. May I stress, however, that the success of these centres will depend on a wider response to the need for developed nations to accept more refugees.
366.	I should like to inform this gathering that my Government shares the views of those countries which called upon aid donors to Viet Nam to consider diverting their assistance to resettlement and rehabilitation programmes for Indo-Chinese refugees. In addition, Papua New Guinea would like to renew the call for a withdrawal of those external pressures which have in-creased regional tensions and aggravated the refugee problem. My Government also endorses the call for an end to the flow of Indo-Chinese refugees made at the Tokyo Economic Summit by the developed nations, by the twelfth meeting of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers at Bali in June, and by the Meeting on Refugees and Dis-placed Persons in South-East Asia in Geneva in July.
367.	In addition to the regional problems to which 1 have referred, there are some more general subjects of world-wide significance on which I should like to say something. They include the subject of human rights, which Papua New Guinea considers most important.
368.	My Government takes pleasure in noting the measures taken by countries Members of this body to safeguard human rights. But there are still too many instances of governments which continue to deny the basic rights of their citizens. The denial of basic human rights on any grounds—racial, political, economic or any other arbitrary grounds—gives rise to injustices which my Government finds intolerable.
369.	We cannot understand how conscientious human beings can continue to suppress the basic rights of their fellow-citizens. The suppression of basic human rights in such circumstances cannot be accidental. My Government appeals to the international community to condemn those Governments which persist in violating basic human rights. We urge Governments which violate such rights to take prompt and effective action to respect the dignity of their citizens.
370.	My Government views the question of disarmament as a matter of utmost importance to international peace and security. It is our strong belief that lasting international peace and security cannot be built on the accumulation of weapons. I believe genuine and lasting peace can be created only through the effective implementation of the security system as provided for in the Charter of the United Nations. General and complete disarmament under effective international control must be the principal objective of ensuring the survival of mankind and eliminating the danger of war, particularly nuclear war, as well as ensuring that war is no longer an instrument for settling international disputes.
371.	It is the desire and wish of small nations, such as mine, for the peoples of this world to have peace and security. The fulfilment of this desire will then enable us to concentrate on our efforts to develop and improve the lives of our people in the social and economic sectors of our over-all development objectives.
372.	My delegation is opposed to all forms of nuclear testing—atmospheric or otherwise—because we firmly believe that the cessation of nuclear testing is a step towards disarmament and the prevention of nuclear pollution of the environment. We equally oppose the dumping of nuclear wastes for the same reasons. I refer in particular to the South Pacific region, where nuclear testing takes place every year. I wish to state once again that my Government strongly opposes nuclear testing in the region. We therefore call on those who are responsible to cease all forms of nuclear testing in the Pacific because they are endangering the lives of the inhabitants of the region.
373.	As the Disarmament Decade introduced by the General Assembly draws to a conclusion, my Government is disappointed to note that there has not been any real progress towards the reduction of arms nor have there been any negotiations leading to a treaty on general and complete disarmament. We note with some satisfaction the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, we are still hopeful that some international agreement or arrangements, such as the comprehensive test-ban Treaty, will be negotiated and agreed to as soon as practicable.
374.	The international community today recognizes the need to move quickly towards a New International Economic Order, even though there exist differing views on major proposals that have been put forward. The Government of Papua New Guinea is deeply concerned at the slow progress being made.
375.	The attempts to regulate world trade in primary commodities, the reform of the external framework for the industrialization of developing countries, the reform of the international monetary system, the strengthening of economic co-operation among developing countries are all still outstanding issues. There are many reasons why they have not been resolved and I do not propose to go into them. But I should like to say that one of the main reasons has been opposition from developed countries, with the result that conferences similar to the fifth session of UNCTAD have repeatedly failed to achieve agreement on any one of the issues that I have mentioned.
376.	If the international community has learned anything in recent years, it has surely been that the economic welfare of each sovereign nation depends on a network of interdependence. My Government is deeply concerned at the failure of the long-awaited world recovery to come about. We believe that current economic problems cannot be blamed on the management of individual national economies. The management of each economy is becoming dependent on the external environment. Recovery and development require an enlightened attitude of mutual appreciation of each other's needs, interests and problems on the part of all countries. Without such an appreciation, the prospect that any dialogue between developed and developing countries will lead to constructive changes in the international economic order must be regarded as gloomy indeed.
377.	A concrete example of international cooperation for development is the Lome Convention on trade and aid between the European Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The Lome Convention expires in a few months and the long negotiations on a successor agreement have been finalized. It appears that the successor agreement will, in general, be similar to the current one. However, the second Lome' agreement will contain a new mechanism which purports to assist mineral exporting countries. The Government of Papua New Guinea welcomes the conclusion of the Lome negotiations. But we have reservations about the new mechanism in that it offers assistance only to countries which have suffered reductions in their capacity to produce certain minerals and export them to the European market. The assistance itself is restricted to project or programme aid confined to the mineral sector and designed to restore production or export capacity. There is no help for those countries, including my own, which have suffered severe economic damage through low prices for our vital mineral exports.
378.	It is our strong conviction that a mineral assistance scheme, if it is to be of real value, must include the provision of concessional finance for countries that have suffered a loss of export earnings or, alternatively, a loss of Government revenue as a result of low export prices.
379.	All developing countries are concerned that in a harsh world the poor countries are supposed to be grateful for what they are offered and should not expect to have a say in what the offer contains. Such a situation gives rise to extreme difficulties in the formulation of plans for development. As long as developing countries, to which category my country clearly belongs, are not given a greater say in deciding how they are helped, we shall continue to face great difficulties in providing the basic needs of our people.
380.	Finally, the 1970s in the South Pacific will be remembered as the decade in which many of the island Territories gained self-determination and independence. It is in this decade that the following South Pacific Territories have gained their self-determination and independence: Fiji, the Republic of Nauru, Niue, the Cook Islands, Tuvalu, the Republic of Kiribati, the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea.
381.	I should like to bring to the General Assembly's attention a question of particular concern to the people of the South Pacific. I refer here to the continued French presence in the region.
382.	The right of self-determination and independence is inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations. It was reaffirmed in resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. It is a right to which newly independent countries such as my own feel a strong commitment. We feel that we have a duty to our Pacific neighbours to raise the question here and pursue it elsewhere. In fact, we have already done so in the Special Committee on decolonization.
383.	Four years ago, Papua New Guinea became in-dependent. Since then, the number of independent Pacific island nations has grown to eight, four of which are Members of the United Nations. The end of the colonial era in the Pacific islands is, we hope, in sight.
384.	The people of the Pacific islands have been fortunate in that the decolonization of the region has generally been brought about as peacefully as its name suggests. We have appreciated the interest taken in the process by Members of the United Nations. We have been fortunate that the Australian, United Kingdom and New Zealand Governments recognized our rights to self-determination and continue to play a constructive and helpful part in our development. But we would be wise to remember that, even in the Pacific islands, the process of decolonization was not as smooth, nor the outcome as certain, as may sometimes appear when we look back.
385.	Mr. President, you, yourself as well as many of the representatives in the General Assembly will recall the difficulties and doubts you and your fellow countrymen faced before your countries became independent. You will recall, too, the encouragement and support you received from leaders of countries which had previously become independent. You know that, at independence, new relationships become possible with former rulers.
386.	My Government feels that it has a duty to see that other Pacific island peoples are offered the encouragement and support once offered to us. In the case of the New Hebrides, that duty is not hard to perform. The United Kingdom and French Governments have recognized the right to self-determination of the people of the New Hebrides. We applaud this attitude and look forward hopefully to its independence in 1980. In other parts of the Pacific, however, we feel compelled to respond to calls for assistance from leaders of people whose rights to self-determination have not been secured. I refer here specifically to the people of other French dependencies—New Caledonia, French Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna Islands.
387.	Elsewhere in the Pacific islands, the former colonial Powers have generally recognized the islands peoples' rights to self-determination without much outside prompting. The French Government has seen elsewhere how the denial of such rights cannot be sustained. My Government appeals to France to recognize the rights of the indigenous inhabitants. We urge other Members of the United Nations to support our appeal.
388.	My Government would like to pay a sincere tribute to France for the constructive role it has played in the creation of important new trade and aid relationships between the independent Pacific island nations and Western Europe. We look forward to the day when France's relationships with its remaining Pacific island dependencies have been transformed and it can play an equally constructive role in their development; but I must emphasize my Government's conviction that the commitment to peace, human rights and development of which I spoke earlier requires us to speak out on our neighbours' behalf.