There is a lot of talk
floating around regarding some catchwords: the “new
international order”, “globalization”, the “global
village” and so forth. All of these ebullient, self-
gratifying positions are, apparently, due to the end of
the cold war between the Western countries and the
former Soviet Union. Of course, the end of the
dangerous and misguided rivalry between communism
and capitalism is welcome and has, indeed, opened
some new opportunities, if fully utilized by all
concerned.
However, it must be pointed out unequivocally
that many of the problems in the world today predate
the cold war; they predate the onset of communism in
Russia in 1917. The slave trade started in the 1440s
along the West African coast. A shift from bleeding
Africa through slavery to resident colonialism was
ordained in Berlin in 1884. That was long before
communism took over in Russia. Therefore the cold
war could not have been responsible for these mistakes
and for the complications they created, many of which
we are still grappling with today, especially in Africa.
Therefore, the euphoria that followed the end of
the cold war was not wholly justified. The song about
globalization, as I have pointed out repeatedly, is not a
new tune at all. Africans were globalized as slaves all
over all over the world in the 1440s. My Christian
name is Joel, actually a Jewish name, so I am already
globalized. Many of my countrymen have got Arab
names like Azizi and Musa because they are Muslims.
We were globalized long ago in Africa. Unfortunately,
though, that globalization movement was parasitic. It
was a parasitic globalization movement; it was not a
symbiotic globalization movement. Therefore the only
new question we can legitimately and usefully ask is:
Will the new phase of globalization be less parasitic
and more symbiotic, or not? That is the question. Will
the new globalization be to everybody’s mutual benefit,
or will it be the old story of parasitism on a global
scale?
The parasitism in the world is not the sole
responsibility of those who benefit from inequality.
Even the victims have always contributed to their
marginalization by their own wrong aims and
methods — before colonization, during colonization
and, even, after colonization. Myopic African chiefs
were the main facilitators of the slave trade. Until very
recently the Europeans did not possess the
technological means to subdue the African continent as
far as means of transport — that is to say, railways —
weapons or medicine were concerned. Without the
fratricidal, brother-against-brother wars fomented by
African chiefs, neither the slave trade nor colonialism
would have been possible. We would have defeated the
colonialists and forced them, right from the beginning,
to cooperate with us to everybody’s mutual benefit.
Weakness on the side of the potential victim always
tempts the aggressor. The aggressor is always
encouraged by the weakness of the potential victim.
9

Even today, however, the authorship of the
inequality among peoples is still a joint responsibility
of the victims — who in this case are Africans, Arabs
and other marginalized peoples — of the parasitic
globalization movement that is now 500 years old, on
the one hand, and the beneficiaries of this hitherto
unequal and, in the past, evil movement, on the other
hand. Both the victims and the beneficiaries of the
parasitic globalization movement are responsible for
this situation. The beneficiaries of the hitherto parasitic
globalization movement have been the North
Americans, the Europeans and the Japanese.
For a variety of reasons, some formerly colonized
peoples — such as the Indians, Indonesians, Pakistanis,
South-East Asians and Native Americans — and
formerly semi-colonized peoples, such as the Chinese,
have made significant upward movements that are
helping, slowly but surely, to even out the balance of
power in the world. Some other peoples, however, on
account of a number of endogenous and exogenous
factors, are still living as the wretched of the Earth.
Many Africans and some Arabs fall into this category
of the still-unredeemed of the Earth. As I have said, the
unredeemed are so categorized partly on account of
their own internal mistakes — such as sectarianism,
xenophobia, unprincipled conflicts, the strangulation of
free enterprise, the political balkanization of their
regions, the strangulation of political freedoms and so
on — and partly on account of still very unfavourable
exogenous factors. The most unfavourable such factor
is the lack of access by these countries to markets in
North America, the European Union, Japan, China,
India and Russia.
The song about aid is meaningless without access
to markets. Aid without access to markets is
meaningless. All protectionism must end, especially in
the countries of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation in Europe (OECD). Subsidies to the
farmers of Europe must end, if we are talking of a
global village of symbiosis, and not parasitism. I
commend the American Government and President
George Bush for the recent African Growth and
Opportunity Act (AGOA) initiative. Although Uganda
has not yet benefited from AGOA on account of our
endogenous weaknesses, which have been accentuated
by the blurred views of our partners in the multilateral
institutions, other African countries have started
benefit, such as Kenya, Madagascar, Lesotho, Nigeria
and South Africa. This is good. The African Growth
and Opportunity Act enunciated by the American
Government is the first good news I have heard in a
long time. The Americans are at last beginning to
change their image of being parasitic global villagers.
The Europeans must catch up with the Americans
in shedding this uncomplimentary label. Although they
have talked about “everything but guns” going into
Europe from Africa, they are still giving subsidies to
artificial farmers in Europe. As a consequence of the
$1.2 trillion value of global trade in agricultural
products, Africa gets only about $20 billion — if the
recent results of the African Growth and Opportunity
Act (AGOA) are included; that is about 2 per cent of
the total. So of the total value of agricultural trade,
Africa only gets 2 per cent. At the same time, the
countries of the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) are spending
$361 billion on artificial subsidies for farmers of those
countries. Yet these are the countries that evangelize in
the name of free trade. The preachers of free trade are
practising incredibly expensive protectionism. What an
unfortunate paradox. These double standards must end.
Africa has removed some of the old impediments,
some of the old endogenous factors, to private
investment. The sanctity of private property is now
almost a universal concept in Africa. Nationalization of
private enterprises is no more. Some of the African
countries have a consistently stable macroeconomic
framework. Inflation in Uganda is now negative 0.3 per
cent. The African currencies are now convertible; a
large part of Africa is very peaceful; infrastructure is
reasonable; and democracy is widely practised in
Africa today. We are even addressing the issue of the
excessive political Balkanization of the continent,
which has 53 States, compared to 3 States in the whole
North American continent.
We are handling this in a variety of ways,
including through economic blocs like the Southern
Africa Development Community in southern Africa,
the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa
in East and Central Africa and the Economic
Community of West African States in western Africa.
The world needs to encourage these positive trends in
Africa by opening up their markets on a quota-free,
tariff-free basis. This will, ipso facto, force
multinational investors to rush to Africa and invest
there. They are already doing so just by the limited
AGOA measures by the Americans. With more
civilized aims and methods, balanced world
10

development is possible and desirable for everybody,
including OECD citizens who are forced to eat inferior
foods and are taxed to protect those poor-quality foods
against better foods from Africa.
Whenever I travel abroad, I pack my own
Ugandan foods — milk, millet flour, fruits, legumes,
chicken, honey and plantain bananas, called matooke in
our language. The other day, on my way here, my
pineapple stocks ran out and my staff bought
pineapples from a supermarket in the United Kingdom.
I took just one slice and terminated the whole exercise
at once. First of all, the pineapple was hard. I had never
seen a hard pineapple until I saw that one in London. It
was less sweet and had an ammonia-like pungent taste.
I had had the same experience in Washington once.
They brought something they called a pineapple. I
could not believe it. Why must citizens of the world
endure these deprivations on account of policies
designed to serve narrow interests? Why must this be?
I will not eat pineapple again until I go back to
Uganda.
The oppressors, the colonialists and those who
sought to control the destiny of others used barbaric
methods: genocide, forced labour, ethnocide and so on.
It is amazing, therefore, that some of those who claim
to be fighting for the liberation of oppressed peoples
also use barbaric means such as terrorism. In the
ongoing debate on terrorism I have not heard anybody
bothering to define the difference between a freedom
fighter and a terrorist. What is the difference between a
freedom fighter and a terrorist? Mzee Nelson
Mandela — “Mzee” means someone who is dignified
and elderly — was a freedom fighter until recently.
Was he a terrorist? Not at all. Did anyone hear that Mr.
Mandela had hijacked a plane or planted a bomb in a
restaurant? But Mr. Mandela was a freedom fighter. He
was not a terrorist. The difference between a terrorist
and a freedom fighter lies in the fact that while a
freedom fighter sometimes may be forced to use
violence, he cannot use indiscriminate violence. The
person who uses indiscriminate violence is a terrorist.
A freedom fighter may sometimes be forced to use
violence.
I was forced to use violence against Idi Amin.
But I never hijacked a plane. It was never heard that
Museveni hijacked a plane or planted a bomb in a bar.
People in bars are not politicians. Some of them just go
there to make merry. What kind of revolutionary is
someone who kills such people? The person who uses
indiscriminate violence is a terrorist. A terrorist does
not differentiate between combatants and non-
combatants, between civilians and servicemen and
between armed servicemen and unarmed servicemen.
Even if someone is a soldier, if he is off duty, he should
not be attacked, if one claims to be a freedom fighter.
He should not be attacked. It is against the laws of war.
The terrorist fights a war without declaring one. That is
why terrorists hijack planes, plant bombs in populated
centres and so forth.
We normally get technical advice from other parts
of the world. The Europeans always come to give us
technical advice. I would like to give you technical
advice about freedom-fighting. We have done very well
in that. In Africa, since 1961, we have fought wars of
liberation in Mozambique against the Portuguese; in
Angola against the Portuguese; in Guinea-Bissau
against the Portuguese; in Zimbabwe against minority
whites; in South Africa against minority whites; in
Namibia against minority whites; and in Uganda
against Idi Amin. There was a criminal called Idi Amin
whom we had to fight. However, we never used
terrorism. This is on the record. We always fought
combatant to combatant. Quite a number of times our
comrades used mass action: strikes, demonstrations,
petitions, diplomatic struggle and so on. Not a single
plane was hijacked by African freedom fighters,
although there were anti-colonial wars in all these
countries.
Terrorist actions are misguided and criminal and
must be opposed by all as a matter of principle. Africa
was beginning to benefit from AGOA, the measure
taken by the Americans to open their markets to our
goods. Business has, however, now somewhat slumped
in America. Therefore, the terrorists, who claim to be
fighting for the Palestinian cause, are objectively
hurting the interests of Africans, who have always been
the allies of the Palestinians. This is counter-
productive. The terrorists have also tried to polarize the
world, pitting Moslems against Christians. This is
erroneous and unacceptable. Exploitation knows no
boundaries and cuts across all races and religions.
Exploiters are found in all religions and races. The
Arabs had to oppose Turkish imperialism. Yet both the
Arabs and the Turks were Muslims. Why, then, did
they have to oppose each other? One of the monsters of
the last century, Idi Amin, of my country, was a
Muslim. We had to get rid of him to liberate everybody,
including the Muslims, in Uganda. War has been going
11

on in the Sudan for decades. Elements that claim to be
acting in the name of Islam have been the ones taking
the wrong position in this conflict, seeking hegemony
over God’s people.
I, therefore, support the position of the United
States on this occasion, as we did in the Gulf War, in
fighting and defeating these reactionaries, who profane
the name of freedom fighters. If necessary, all countries
of the world opposed to terrorism should contribute
troops and finish the job quickly. The coalition against
terrorism should be regarded in the same way as the
coalition against fascism in the 1930s and 1940s.
Nevertheless, the just aspirations of the
Palestinian people and of other oppressed peoples, like
the people of southern Sudan, must be supported so
that we can get peaceful resolutions to these conflicts. I
welcome freedom and equality for all peoples of the
world. Those who strive to dominate or exploit others
have illegitimate ambitions. We now have a chance to
build a new, just world. The free will of all peoples
should be ensured. In addition, the most important
instrument of emancipation, free trade, should give
African goods quota- and tariff-free access to the
markets of the countries of the Organization for
Cooperation and Development (OECD) and vice versa.
Africa is beginning to tame its conflicts. The
conflict in Lesotho was resolved by an African
mechanism. Recently, the Arusha Agreement on Peace
and Reconciliation ended the conflict in Burundi. It is
possible to resolve our age-old problems and finally
become part of the new world order rather than mere
spectators of the process.


Allow me to
join the delegations that preceded me in congratulating
Mr. Han Seung-soo on his election to preside over the
proceedings of the fifty-sixth session of the General
Assembly, being held at an especially complicated
moment in international life. His long and brilliant
career as an eminent diplomat and distinguished
statesman in his country assures us that his term as
President of the Assembly will be a productive one, as
has been clearly evident since this session was
convened. I assure him that he can count on the full
cooperation of the delegation of Cape Verde.
To his predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri of Finland,
I wish to express our recognition of the skill and
efficiency with which he managed the major global
issues that came before this lofty forum during the
previous session, particularly during the Millennium
Summit.
My delegation is also pleased with the re-election
of Mr. Kofi Annan as Secretary-General of the United
Nations. The unanimity of his re-election reflects the
tremendous prestige he has gained in the international
community because of his vision, as well as the trust
placed in him to pursue the reforms under way and to
consolidate the prestige of the United Nations.
Like the delegations that preceded me, I also wish
to take this opportunity to reiterate my congratulations
to the United Nations and its Secretary-General as joint
recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize, an award that
reinforces their moral authority, so necessary in these
turbulent times. This distinction, both well-deserved
and heartening, helps emphasize the importance of the
29

work of our Organization, under the enlightened
guidance of Mr. Annan, in fostering an international
atmosphere conducive to a more just, tolerant and
mutually supportive world.
This is a gigantic and complex task, undertaken
in the midst of enormous difficulties and risks and
continually posing new challenges to our collective
mind as we search for solutions to large and ever-
growing problems that humanity must solve.
Now, when international peace and security are
seriously threatened, that recent honour not only
constitutes well-deserved recognition of a high degree
of dedication to the cause of peace and the prevention
and resolution of conflicts; it also bears a message of
hope that the shining ideals of justice, democracy,
human rights and development for all will shape the
entire world to the benefit of future generations.
We in our country understand and properly
appreciate the role and the importance of the United
Nations. It was partly due to the persistent and
unconditional support of the United Nations that our
struggle for national liberation culminated in success,
with the proclamation of our independence. It was
certainly due to the support of the United Nations and
its specialized agencies that Cape Verde has been able
to take important steps on the road to development and
show encouraging signs of progress, year after year, as
documented in the Human Development Reports of the
United Nations Development Programme.
The tragedy that recently struck the homeland of
the United States of America, causing the loss of
thousands of innocent lives and destroying one of the
most prestigious landmarks in this city, can only be the
object of our most vehement and total condemnation.
The United States is home to the largest overseas
Cape Verdean community. That part of our diaspora has
also felt violated by the barbarous attacks of 11
September, and along with them, my country and,
indeed, all Cape Verdeans share in the mourning and
the distress experienced by the American people and
families of so many other nationalities.
Cape Verde has stood ready from the outset to
support actions intended to combat terrorism, in the
context of a broad international coalition under the
auspices of the United Nations. Therefore, my
Government is committed to implementing Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001) to combat this scourge.
Important steps have already been taken, particularly
regarding the endorsement of international anti-
terrorism instruments.
We believe that all States have a moral and
collective obligation to fight the perversion of the
human spirit represented by this phenomenon. The
seriousness and the scope of the 11 September terrorist
acts show that, from now on, terrorism must be
confronted resolutely, with appropriate responses and
preventive action, in order to stem the criminal
violence that masquerades as being prompted by
political or religious motivations.
No country is safe from similar attacks or from
attempts to use its own territory for the perpetration of
terrorist acts. Therefore, any strategy designed to
permanently eliminate this dangerous threat to
international peace and stability must be a common
one, with broad participation, in which the United
Nations plays a crucial role.
In participating in the global effort to eliminate
terrorism, the developing countries are, once again, at a
serious disadvantage. On the one hand, their scarcity of
resources and their lack of sophisticated means of
detection and prevention make them more vulnerable
to infiltration by terrorist organizations and to actions
launched within their own borders. On the other hand,
when they attempt to respond to demands from the
international community, they are forced to mobilize
resources that would otherwise be dedicated to their
economic and social development and to meeting the
basic needs of their peoples.
Added to this is the fact that, as was emphasized
some days ago by the Secretary-General, the poorer
economies are the ones that will pay most dearly for
the direct consequences of the terrorist attacks on the
world economy. My own country, which depends
heavily on tourism revenues, is already feeling the
repercussions of the worldwide crisis in the
transportation and hospitality industries.
There is therefore a critical need for the
international community to effectively help the
developing countries, particularly the least developed
among them, to bear the added burden that the battle
against terrorism is placing on their economies. The
industrialized countries must display increased
solidarity and generosity in assisting developing
countries, since the effort that developing countries
have agreed to make and the sacrifices imposed on
30

their populations will also benefit the industrialized
nations.
A little more than a year ago, the Millennium
Summit was held in this Hall. It drew approximately
150 heads of State or Government. The dialogue was
active and innovative to an extent unprecedented in the
history of the Organization. A tremendous variety of
sectors of civil society participated directly. Not only
did the Summit provide a succinct overview of the
activities of the United Nations since its founding, it
also constituted a unique opportunity to present an
integrated picture of the strategic objectives for the
twenty-first century, thereby opening new avenues for
addressing the challenges of globalization.
The conclusions of the Summit rekindled the
flame of hope among the peoples of the world, in
particular among those who believe that it is possible
to find effective ways of giving all countries real
opportunities for development by improving their
institutional and productive infrastructure and by
creating an international atmosphere conducive to
providing them with access to the means, both public
and private, to fund their development. The drafting of
the road map towards the implementation of the United
Nations Millennium Declaration (A/56/326) gives the
international community a powerful tool for joining
forces in the implementation of the major policy lines
adopted at the Summit.
Important events have taken place since the
Millennium Summit. Of particular interest were the
Third United Nations Conference on the Least
Developed Countries, the special session of the
General Assembly on HIV/AIDS and the Durban
World Conference Against Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance.
Now, we are preparing to hold, in the near future, the
International Conference on Financing for
Development, a special Assembly session on children,
and the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable
Development.
The specific manner in which those issues affect
the African continent, which is home to the great
majority of the least developed countries, has certainly
helped accelerate the decision-making processes with
regard to regional integration, leading to important
steps that may open the way to a more promising
future, despite the clouds hanging over the
international scene.
As we know, a complicated combination of
endogenous and exogenous phenomena has left the
African continent feeling increasingly marginalized.
The pace of economic growth has not been able to
reduce poverty significantly. Diseases such as malaria
and AIDS continue to cut lives short at a frightening
rate. Several countries are the scene of instability;
many of them are engaged in armed conflicts and are
experiencing terrorist activities that kill thousands of
innocents, systematically destroy property, disrupt the
operations of Governments and displace population
groups. The scanty positive results from the many
plans and initiatives conceived and implemented to
deal with the serious problems Africa has faced over
the years have resulted in well known and widespread
dissatisfaction, both in the international community
and among African leaders.
Yet, despite the rather discouraging international
climate, Africa has taken important steps that may open
the way to a more promising future. With a view to
creating the instruments and mobilizing the will to face
up to an increasingly complex global situation, African
leaders proclaimed the African Union with a new
vision for our continent. Moreover, they adopted the
New Initiative for Africa, recently designated as the
New Partnership for the Development of Africa, under
which Africans assume full responsibility for
eradicating poverty and putting their countries on the
path of economic growth and development at the same
time as they offer a partnership that is mutually
beneficial to the international community in meeting
the challenges of the new millennium.
The adoption of those two instruments and the
firm commitment to promote transparent stewardship
will surely open up new prospects for the establishment
of peace, stability, democracy and development that
can lead the continent to occupy the prominent place in
the global economy that is justified by its immense
potential.
Doubtless, there is a long road to travel before we
achieve political integration based on democratic
institutions and grounded in popular participation,
good governance and action aimed at the promotion of
sustainable development on the economic, social and
cultural levels. But we believe that, with the emergence
of new leadership dedicated to economic rebirth, with
the consolidation of democracy and good governance
and with the anticipated support of the international
31

community, conditions will be present for a
fundamental and historic turnaround in Africa.
Two of the most critical problems faced by the
Organization and by the African continent, whose
solution cannot be postponed, now loom larger because
of their interconnection and because of their bottleneck
effect. I refer to poverty and armed conflicts. All
available data reinforce our apprehensions about the
success of the battle against poverty in the world. This
makes it necessary to adopt a strategy to win that war,
since attaining the objective of a 50 per cent reduction
in the number of persons living in extreme poverty by
2015 appears ever more problematic. Without measures
that can effectively reverse the process of socio-
economic degradation and, especially, without political
will on the part of the international community as a
whole, that goal of the Millennium Summit cannot be
achieved.
It is an undisputed fact that, as a rule, conflicts
occur in countries that are marked by poverty. This
cause-and-effect relationship has become a vicious
circle that cannot be terminated without efficient
coordination between the preventive diplomacy and
social action of the United Nations on the one hand and
more effective engagement by the industrialized
countries on the other.
Despite the efforts of the international
community, the United Nations and the Secretary-
General towards peace and stabilization in international
relations and towards democracy and human rights,
certain regions of the world continue to be the scene of
armed conflicts that threaten to spread and endanger
peace and stability in those regions.
The terrorist acts of 11 September have added a
new measure of instability, provoking an anti-terrorist
military intervention in Afghanistan whose duration
and consequences are difficult to assess.
The impasse in the search for a lasting solution to
the Palestine question, which is primarily a result of
the intransigence of Israel and the cycle of violence
that has been set in motion, has created one of the most
dangerous focal points of tension and a threat to world
peace. The implementation of the Oslo Agreement
must be resumed. Violence must be brought to an end
and the internationally recognized rights of the
Palestinians must be respected, including their right to
their own State, while guaranteeing the Israeli people
the right to live in peace in their country within
internationally recognized borders.
Africa, today the scene of the greatest number of
armed conflicts, has taken some positive steps in the
direction of peace, with the active involvement of the
United Nations, the Organization of African Unity,
many friendly countries and a number of multilateral
actors, non-governmental organizations and elements
of civil society. However the persistence of acts of
violence, namely the perpetration of criminal acts
against civilian targets, bears evidence that the road to
political and social stabilization leading in turn to the
restoration of peace is still long and difficult.
In Angola, for example, we have seen fresh
outbreaks of armed action by UNITA, which continues
to spread death and destruction. The Security Council
once again strongly condemned the actions of the rebel
movement, while maintaining its sanctions against that
organization. But it is vital that all countries cooperate
without reservation by denying UNITA the means to
carry out its criminal actions, so that it can be
persuaded to lay down its weapons and fully abide by
the Lusaka Agreement.
Cape Verde is pleased at the success represented
by the transition of East Timor towards independence,
a process that constitutes a remarkable and exemplary
success achieved by our Organization and particularly
by the United Nations Transitional Administration in
East Timor. From the very outset and in the most
difficult moments, the Cape Verdean Government and
people have always been on the side of the people of
East Timor in their struggle for independence. We will
celebrate this occasion together on 20 May 2002, when
East Timor takes its destiny into its own hands and
joins our great family here in the United Nations.
I conclude by expressing the hope that the
outcome of this session may make an effective
contribution to a better world, a more just and mutually
supportive world of peace and cooperation and,
especially, a world of tolerance and concord.


Allow me to read the statement that was to be delivered
by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Arab

Republic of Egypt, Mr. Ahmed Maher El Sayed, who,
unfortunately, was unable to come to New York to
participate in this important debate.
“It gives me pleasure to express through
you, Sir, to the friendly people of Korea, my most
sincere congratulations on the confidence
bestowed by the General Assembly upon
President Han Seung-soo in his election as
President of the current session. I would like to
assure him of our full cooperation in ensuring the
success of our work. With my personal
knowledge of his abilities, experience and skills, I
am fully confident that our efforts will be
crowned with success through the activation of
the Charter and the strengthening of its
contribution to the building of a better world.
“We gather here under extremely sensitive
circumstances born from injustice and violence.
We must face them resolutely and boldly so as
not to allow the forces of evil to overcome our
aspirations, which cause us to gather here every
year. Among the circumstances which I would
like to highlight here today is, first, the continued
denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
people, including their right to the establishment
of their independent State on the territories
occupied since June 1967, including East
Jerusalem. The second circumstance I wish to
mention is the harrowing events that took place in
the United States as a result of criminal terrorist
acts that took a heavy toll in innocent lives.
Thirdly, peoples continue to suffer from violence,
poverty, underdevelopment and injustice. We are
duty-bound to stand united against these
phenomena, because the oppression of one people
is the oppression of all peoples, the killing of one
soul is the same as killing the entire world, a
child who goes to bed hungry spells hunger for
the whole world and the demolition of a single
home condemns the whole of humanity to sleep
in the wilderness, deprived of the shelter of
legitimacy and law.
“The events of 11 September in the United
States were not the beginning of terrorism. We
have been suffering from terrorism for many
years. We stood alone in combating it and
overcoming the obstacles placed by some,
deliberately or unwittingly, in the path of our
struggle, until it was vanquished. The tragic
events of 11 September have brought the whole
question into the sharp focus of international
concern. This fact was reflected in a resolute
international consensus to deal not only with the
manifestations of terrorism but also with its root
causes.
“There is a consensus to address terrorism
within the framework of international law, as
represented by this great Organization, through
the use of a whole range of actions. These include
legislation, laws, security measures and the
dissemination of enlightened thought. There must
also be a constant search for justice, truth and
development. For the battle against terrorism to
be successful, it must extend to all aspects of life,
including the political, economic, social, cultural
and security aspects.
“A search for the root causes is not a
justification, rather, a diagnosis. A disease cannot
be cured by dealing with the symptoms alone;
there must, rather, be a thorough analysis and a
thorough investigation of the germs that spew
venom in human hearts, souls and bodies.
Discovering the pathogen opens the path for
effective treatment.
“No germ is more lethal to the future of
humanity than that of poverty. We look forward
to the forthcoming United Nations International
Conference on Financing for Development to be
held in Mexico; we hope that it will result in a
new international consensus on an international
economic framework serving the interests of all
States, developed and developing alike. We also
hope that it will create a new spirit of
constructive partnership among all members of
the international community. This partnership
should seek to eliminate the imbalances of
globalization, to maximize the opportunity for all
to benefit from it and to achieve prosperity and
political and economic stability.
“In this context, I would like to highlight
the new initiative adopted by the African leaders
at their recent summit in Lusaka to combat
poverty and build a brighter future for the peoples
of the continent — namely, the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). This
initiative reflects a clear vision of the spirit of our
times and a recognition by the peoples of Africa
38

of the reality that they bear the primary
responsibility for determining their future and for
eliminating the political, social and economic
obstacles standing before them. We look forward
to the international community providing the
necessary backing and support for this
constructive collective action in order to ensure a
successful outcome to the efforts aimed at the
development, stability and prosperity in Africa.
“At the same time, it is important to prevent
the spread of another disease: the so-called clash
of civilizations and religions, which could
undermine all of the progress made by humanity
so far towards constructive interaction and
coexistence. Therefore, we call for the convening
of an international conference to lay the
foundation for cooperation among all States
against terrorism. The conference should define
the obligations of States, from which there can be
no deviation. It should chart the path towards the
complete elimination of this scourge. It is
anathema to the right of all peoples to live in an
atmosphere of security, equality and justice that
enables all to build the edifices of prosperity and
progress.
“We also call for a genuine dialogue among
civilizations that would turn diversity into a
constructive force for mutual enrichment and
deep enlightenment. Such dialogue should allow
us all to avoid surrendering to the forces of
barbarism, which wish to fabricate a clash or a
conflict where there is none. There is but one
single, unified march towards a better world.
Differences will not disappear in that better
world; what will disappear are the rejection,
humiliation and persecution of others on the
grounds of religion, race or gender.
“That is the true sense of globalization that
we must uphold. It must be an expression of
interdependence among the peoples and countries
of the world and of the exchange of human and
social experience and economic and technological
potential. Globalization means dealing with the
changing world in a spirit of understanding that
does not attempt to impose or control — a spirit
that does not claim absolute distinction or attempt
to impose hegemony under any pretext. With this
spirit, an all-encompassing democracy will
emerge in international life. All States, big and
small, will make their contribution to global
advancement through their implementation of the
principles adopted by the world after painful
experience of war and disasters.
“This leads me to address a worrisome
phenomenon that has grown stronger since the
tragic events of 11 September: the attempt to
associate the charges of terrorism and
backwardness with Islam and the resultant
persecution of Arabs and Muslims. This attempt
can spring only from ignorance and blind
prejudice. Islam is a religion based on truth,
justice and respect for human rights, particularly
the right to life and to be free from poverty,
ignorance and disease. In Islam, people have the
duty to interact with others through fair means,
understanding and mutual respect.
“I commend those Governments, including
the United States Government, that have taken
measures to put an end to such heinous practices,
which recall the dark ages. Nevertheless, we all
need to do much more to reveal the truth and to
dispel the darkness of ignorance and arrogance.
All must know that human progress and
knowledge are a river that has flowed ceaselessly
since the dawn of history. Every civilization has
been both a beneficiary and a tributary of the
achievements of other cultures. The Arab Islamic,
Christian and pharaonic civilizations have all
made contributions that remain with us to this
very day. Without those contributions, the world
would not have been able to reach its current
level of progress. Had it not been for those
contributions, the backward forces of darkness
would never have been reined in.
“I stand before this Assembly at the end of
the first year of the third millennium, fully 10
years after the Madrid Conference which
reaffirmed the basis for a settlement in the Middle
East, and yet the Arab-Israeli conflict and the
question of Palestine at its core still await a just
and comprehensive settlement. That is truly hard
to believe.
“It is most regrettable that the Syrian and
Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 and parts
of the territory of Lebanon continue to languish
under the heavy yoke of Israeli occupation. That
occupation continues to give rise to injustice,
39

destruction, frustration and anger. Israel continues
to refuse to comply with the terms of
international legitimacy. It continues to defy the
will of the world. This unjust situation takes us
directly back to the dark ages which the United
Nations was established to end, and creates
suffering and agony for a people whose only
crime is to demand their rights. It also creates an
unhealthy climate exploited by those who wish to
fish in troubled waters in order to propagate
darkness, misery, chaos and pain.
“The international and regional situations,
in addition to the humanitarian and legal
requirements and interests of all peoples, can no
longer tolerate the continued occupation,
usurpation and settlement by Israel of the
territories of others. They can no longer brook an
army of hateful occupation using the most
sophisticated and lethal weapons to brutalize
unarmed civilians, demolish their homes and
uproot their trees. All these actions are
undertaken under a false pretext that disguises the
fact that this army is only defending the
occupation of the land of another people — the
people of Palestine.
“Similarly, the international situation can no
longer bear the declaration by an occupying
Power that it will not return the land it has seized
and that, if it should return any, it will do so
under unfair conditions. Equally untenable is its
position that peace can only mean its hegemony
and control in one form or another. The
announcement by a Government of its official
decision to resort to a policy of targeted killings
is also unacceptable.
“Like all nations and peoples, Israel must
understand that the world has changed. It must
realize that it is in its own interest to comply with
the international will. The only guarantee for the
security of Israel and of the whole region is for
Israel to put an end to its occupation, policies and
practices and to coexist with the peoples of the
region on the basis of equality, understanding and
respect for international legality and the
resolutions of the United Nations. Security cannot
be achieved with continued occupation. Peace is
incompatible with the doctrines of hegemony and
superiority. Free cooperation alone can ensure
prosperity for all.
“Sometimes I feel that, while the Arabs
have accepted Israel’s existence among them,
Israel has not yet accepted the existence of a
Palestinian people in the land of their ancestors,
with the right to live in a sovereign, independent
State with Arab Jerusalem as its capital. No Arab,
Muslim or Christian can abandon their holy sites
in Jerusalem. Those sites are constantly
threatened by attempts to desecrate or destroy
them by Israeli extremists, with the support of
those ostensibly less extreme.
“A political settlement of the question of
Palestine, the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict,
requires the following.
“First, Israel must demonstrate its clear will
to abandon its continued occupation of Arab
lands as an alleged means to maintain its security.
Israel needs to understand that its position in the
Middle East will not improve in any real sense
until it evinces the resolve to return to the borders
of 4 June 1967.
“Secondly, Israel must realize that any
peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine
requires the return of East Jerusalem to
Palestinian sovereignty. Failure to understand this
fact will always be an obstacle to all peaceful
efforts to establish peace in the Middle East.
“Thirdly, any political or security
arrangements for the settlement of the Palestinian
question must lead to the establishment of a
viable Palestinian State exercising sovereignty
over its land, water and airspace. There must be a
just settlement, based on United Nations
resolutions and the norms of justice and
legitimacy, of the oldest refugee problem in
modern history, namely, that of Palestinian
refugees.
“Fourthly, Egypt does not accept a situation
in which Israel remains the sole nuclear Power in
the Middle East. The Middle East must be a zone
free from weapons of mass destruction. The
countries of the world, particularly the five
nuclear-weapon States, must shoulder their
responsibilities under international nuclear non-
proliferation instruments.
“When such conditions prevail and are
supported forcefully and decisively by the
40

world’s nations — including the friends of
Israel — because they are just and right, then the
painful chapters of this long-lasting conflict can
finally be closed. Only then will it be possible to
raise new generations living in peace and
tolerance instead of living in the frustration,
violence and hatred that are born of illegal, unjust
occupation.
“I cannot fail to refer to the central and
important role of the United States of America in
assisting the parties to reach a final and just
settlement. Egypt looks with satisfaction to the
resumption of the active role of the United States.
In this regard, Egypt also welcomes the role of
the European Union, the Russian Federation and
the indispensable role of the United Nations in
the establishment of a just, lasting and
comprehensive peace in our region. Egypt will
continue to play its role in support of the
brotherly Palestinian people and on the side of
justice, right and legitimacy.
“Our part of the world, located in the area
from West Asia to the southern shores of the
Mediterranean, requires peace in order to achieve
the objective of social, economic and political
development. To that end, a just settlement must
be achieved quickly. Undoubtedly, the whole
international community will support such a
settlement, which will also require the
presentation of a major and integrated economic
programme that would provide the economic
capabilities for unleashing the creative potential
of the region, opening the door to constructive
cooperation among all its peoples and nations,
and helping it to overcome the tragedies it has
lived through for more than a century.
“Perhaps time does not allow us to address
all the problems facing the world. Suffice it for
me to reaffirm that Egypt will always eagerly
continue its efforts to uphold the noble principles
that the Charter of this great Organization
enshrines in a manner that serves the purposes
and principles of all peoples. We assure the
Assembly that we will continue our effective
participation and enhance our active contribution
to any collective action that guarantees to the
United Nations the capacities and tools it needs to
enable it to undertake the great responsibilities
with which we the Member States have charged
it, as well as to confront the multiple challenges
imposed by the changing nature of our world.”


May I first express my
condolences to the families and friends of those who
died in this morning's air crash. This was a tragedy in a
city that has already seen more than its share of tragedy
in recent times.
We meet in New York at this session of the
General Assembly under the shadow of terrorist attacks
on this city just two months ago. We mourn the lives of
nearly 5,000 people from 79 countries who, having
done nothing to deserve that fate, died in the attack.
The scale, premeditation, coordination and indifference
to mass murder that characterize this attack represent a
new age of terrorism. It is a terrorism that appears to
set no limit to its consequences. Those responsible for
it foreshadow a willingness to use biological, chemical
and nuclear weapons of mass destruction. The
potentially catastrophic effects if they are able to carry
out that threat demand an urgent and comprehensive
response to pre-empt any such action.
We cannot allow the rule of terror to replace the
rule of law. We cannot tolerate the damage that
terrorism has already done to the global economy. We
cannot allow terror to threaten basic human rights to
life and security.
New Zealand welcomes the lead by the United
Nations in coordinating an effective and enduring
response to terrorism. Security Council resolution 1373
(2001), adopted unanimously, sets out a blueprint for
action which every Member State has an obligation to
implement. Its emphasis is on measures to close off
financial support and the provision of refuge for
terrorist groups in every country of the world.
International cooperation in imposing these measures
and bringing the terrorists to justice will, in the longer
term, lie at the heart of the campaign to defeat
terrorism.
Removing the immediate threat posed by
terrorists such as those in Al Qaeda and those who
harbour them will, however, require more than
resolutions. Time and again over the past three years,
the Security Council has called on the Taliban to
prevent the use of Afghanistan by terrorists to launch
strikes against other countries. Those resolutions and
the sanctions that accompanied them have been ignored
by the Taliban. Where groups operate beyond the rule
of law and countries put themselves outside of
international codes of behaviour, the use of force
becomes a necessary part of our response.
Multilateral action and cooperation on a wider
front are also necessary if we are to be successful in
removing the threat of terrorism on an ongoing and
lasting basis. Comprehensive action is needed to
minimize the threat of chemical, biological or nuclear
weapons falling into the hands of extremist groups. No
State should develop, test and hold weapons of this
nature. Such weapons are a threat to humanity. Their
use by States would destroy and otherwise harm
innocent human beings as certainly as did the actions
of the terrorist group that attacked New York.
Nations yet to sign and ratify the United Nations
Conventions on Chemical and Biological Weapons and
treaties to ban mines and inhumane weapons must do
so. Nations must equally commit themselves to the
elimination of nuclear weapons, the early entry into
force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty,
and an immediate start to negotiations on a fissile
material cut-off treaty.
The attack of 11 September should also
encourage all nations to ratify the Rome Statute to
bring into effect the International Criminal Court as a
forum for pursuing action against those responsible for
crimes against humanity.
Suppression of terrorism must also involve action
to deal with its causes. States must consider whether
the suppression of dissident or minority groups rather
than allowing legitimate channels to voice dissent
leaves resort to force as the only option.
The events of 11 September should encourage all
countries and organizations, particularly those directly
involved, to renew efforts to find a just and peaceful
solution to the Middle East crisis. To achieve a
peaceful solution between Palestinians and Israelis
requires good will and flexibility on both sides. There
can be no double standards in how the principles of
15

human rights, freedom and social and economic
opportunity are applied to all peoples.
One consequence of the campaign against
terrorism has been to bring the world's attention to the
situation in Afghanistan. Afghanistan reminds us that
where a vacuum is created by the absence of legitimate
government and the rule of law, it will be filled by
extremist elements, criminal groups dealing in drug
trafficking and terrorist organizations, all of which can
operate with impunity.
The international community has for too long
been indifferent to the situation in Afghanistan and to
the long-standing refugee crisis that has resulted from
22 years of war, from famine and from Taliban
oppression. Pakistan and Iran have carried the burden
of 3.6 million refugees, while much of the world
showed concern only when a handful of those refugees
in desperation sought to enter other countries illegally.
Too little concern has been shown internationally to the
300,000 Afghan children who have died annually from
preventable causes. One in three children in refugee
camps die before they reach the age of five. The groups
now protesting against military intervention were silent
while this human catastrophe was unfolding over the
last few years.
Any loss of innocent life in conflict is tragic, and
extraordinary measures must be taken to avoid it. But a
failure to remove the Taliban regime and a failure to
assist the Afghan people to put in place a broad-based,
moderate and stable Government to replace the Taliban
will mean the ongoing loss of hundreds of thousands of
lives and the continued suffering of the Afghan people.
Renewed efforts are needed through United
Nations agencies to provide emergency relief to people
within Afghanistan and in the refugee camps to avoid
unnecessary loss of life through the winter and in the
months to come. The United Nations must stand ready
to assist Afghanistan to rebuild itself once the conflict
is over, working with as broad a coalition of Afghan
groups as is possible to create a viable political,
economic and social infrastructure.
Resolving the problems that have forced so many
millions of people from their homes is fundamental to
solving the growing refugee crisis. In Afghanistan and
elsewhere, people flee their homelands through fear of
death or persecution, or because of poverty and lack of
opportunity.
In a world made smaller by advances in
communication and transport, no State can ignore the
plight in other countries or expect not to face
consequences from unacceptable discrepancies in
wealth, opportunity and human rights standards.
Suppression of criminal organizations responsible
for people trafficking is a challenge which demands
increased international cooperation. Those who profit
from people's desperation and who, once paid, are
careless as to whether or not their human cargo
survives must be stamped out. However, removing the
causes of people fleeing from their countries remains
fundamental.
New Zealand's own region of the Pacific has not
been immune from violence and instability. In recent
years, we have seen conflict in East Timor, violence
between Government and separatist movements within
Indonesia and in Bougainville, ethnic conflict in the
Solomon Islands and a coup that overthrew a legitimate
Government in Fiji.
Problems remain in the region, but there have
been notable areas of improvement. A peace settlement
has been signed in Bougainville. Fiji has held
democratic elections. Indonesia is seeking to resolve
separatist conflict by offering greater autonomy. In
East Timor, there have been free elections, and that
country will gain independence as the first new nation
of the twenty-first century in May 2002. International
cooperation and a capable transitional administration
by the United Nations have achieved a remarkable
transformation in a poor and devastated country. I
congratulate the Security Council on its endorsement of
the Secretary-General's concept for a post-
independence United Nations presence in East Timor to
consolidate what has been achieved.
In acknowledging the role of United Nations
personnel, I would also stress the need to ensure their
proper protection in situations which are often
dangerous. The murder of United Nations relief
workers in Atambua, West Timor, and the failure to
bring to account those fully responsible are a reminder
that more must be done to protect our United Nations
personnel. We endorse the Secretary-General's
recommendations on extending the legal protection for
United Nations and other personnel involved in
humanitarian operations.
It is timely at this General Assembly to stress the
importance of the role of the United Nations. The
16

critical wars of the twenty-first century will not be won
by single nations, however powerful, or even by
coalitions. It is the United Nations acting collectively
which will win the wars against terrorism, poverty and
disease; threats to the environment; and the threats
posed by conflict and weapons of mass destruction.
The commitments made by heads of State and
Government in the United Nations Millennium
Declaration last year take on even greater relevance
following the events of 11 September.
However, for the United Nations to achieve its
potential, it must undergo reform. To prevent the
General Assembly and the Secretariat from becoming
overwhelmed by so many tasks that they fail to be
effective in tackling any of them, we need to prioritize
our agenda and to be more selective.
The Security Council needs reform. Its
membership should be expanded to reflect
contemporary realities, but without maintaining or
extending the veto. Countries contributing to
peacekeeping operations should be afforded greater
involvement in the Council's decision-making with
respect to those operations. Peacekeeping operations
must be sufficiently resourced.
The capacity of the United Nations for rapid
reaction must be strengthened. New Zealand is ready to
enter into discussions on a memorandum of
understanding with the United Nations on its
participation in the standby arrangements system. This
is consistent with New Zealand's long-standing
readiness to contribute to peacekeeping operations and
its current involvement in more than 12 such
operations, including its commitment since 1999 of a
battalion to help ensure the success of the United
Nations operation in East Timor.
The United Nations was founded after the Second
World War to build a world free from poverty, violence
and the violation of human rights. Nations committed
themselves to a collective response to problems that
could not be solved by countries individually.
Countries agreed on rules of international behaviour.
No one would claim that the United Nations has
an unblemished record of success. But without it, the
world would be a much less secure place, much less
able to confront the difficulties which we face. Let this
fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly reaffirm
our commitment to work collectively to defeat
terrorism, conflict, poverty and disease, and set the
agenda for peace, development and respect for human
rights for all.


Mr. President, allow me first to congratulate you on
your election as President of the fifty-sixth session of
the General Assembly, which is meeting under critical
and exceptional circumstances. We wish you every
success in your arduous endeavours. I also wish to
thank your predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri. In addition,
on this occasion, I would like to pay tribute to
Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the efforts he has
made throughout the year. We hope that he will be able
to enhance the prospects for peace, stability, and
development in the world during his second term of
office.
The whole world was shocked by the enormity of
the tragedy that struck the United States of America on
11 September — the barbaric terrorist acts against New
York City and Washington, D.C. These acts exacted a
high toll among innocent civilians and plunged the
peoples and countries of the world into an atmosphere
of gloom and anxiety. We once again extend our
condolences to the families who lost their loved ones;
some of them were Lebanese, or American of Lebanese
descent. We share their deep sense of grief and sorrow.
From this rostrum, I would like to reiterate
Lebanon’s condemnation of these terrorist attacks.
Lebanon stands ready to cooperate seriously, positively
and responsibly with the United States and the United
Nations in the fight against terrorism, in accordance
with the rules of international law and with the
prerogatives of national sovereignty.
For a long time, Lebanon has suffered from
Israeli occupation and Israel’s terrorist practices. We
resisted this occupation until it ultimately ended with
Israel’s withdrawal from most of our national
territories. It is perfectly normal in this context to
stress the need for distinguishing between terrorism,
which we strongly condemn, and peoples’ legitimate
right to struggle for the liberation of their territories
from foreign occupation on the basis of the United
Nations Charter and General Assembly resolutions. As
regards Lebanon, we have to refer to the April
Understanding of 1996, an agreement which was
reached under the auspices of the United States and
France after Israel had carried out the Qana Massacre
that same year, in addition to the Taif Agreement that
had laid down the tenets of our national reconciliation.
A series of Security Council presidential statements
have given the Council’s blessing to the Agreement.
Both the Taif Agreement and the April Understanding
recognized the legitimacy of resistance against the
Israeli occupation.
Let me recall here that had Israel not invaded
Lebanon on 14 March 1978, there would have been no
Lebanese Resistance — which, of course, is the subject
of our pride — to counter this invasion.
Had Security Council resolution 425 (1978)
adopted on 19 March been implemented without delay,
as stipulated in its provisions, the Resistance would not
have been born.
Had it not been for widening the scope of the
Israeli invasion of Lebanese territory and the
subsequent occupation of Beirut in 1982, the
Resistance would not have escalated.
Had it not been for Israel’s persistence in
occupying what it called “the security zone”, no one
would have had to resist it and ultimately force it to
14

withdraw in May 2000 from most of the territories that
it had occupied.
Had Israel not occupied the Palestinian territories,
there would have been no need for a courageous
uprising against occupation.
It must be pointed out that Lebanon is determined
to fight terrorism. We have acceded to 10 out of the 12
conventions relevant to the question of international
terrorism. We stand ready to respond positively to any
international initiative, including the convening of an
international conference for this purpose, to arrive at a
standard definition of terrorism. It would be wise not to
link terrorism to a particular race or religion,
particularly to Arabs and Muslims, if we want to avoid
setting world civilizations and religions on a collision
course. We can thus avoid falling into the trap designed
by those who are pushing the world towards collision,
conflict and strife.
Side by side with its Arab brothers, Lebanon is
determined to exert additional efforts to combat
terrorism and eradicate its various root causes. In 1998,
Arab States successfully negotiated and concluded the
Arab Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism, a
Convention with clear-cut purposes and objectives.
The events of 11 September have demonstrated
that humanity has not yet reached its ultimate
evolutionary stage. They also prove that unbridled
global rejectionist movements and terrorist groups that
know no boundaries and accept no restrictions are
capable of undermining our confidence in everything
we have achieved so far. They are working to establish
what can be referred to as a “new world disorder” and
global instability.
Under the circumstances, and given prevailing
fears, a thorough look at what is happening in the
Middle East conflict zone would clearly reveal the
difficulty of realizing the objectives of peace and
development promoted by the United Nations. In recent
months, the world has witnessed continued Israeli
occupation of Palestinian territories, unjust and
arbitrary Israeli practices, desecration of holy sites,
blockades, killings, assassinations and displacements.
Such acts continue with no international deterrence or
control.
Intransigent Israeli policies, deviation from the
Madrid principles and terms of reference, and stripping
the peace process of its political content in favour of
so-called Israeli security considerations indicate that
projected solutions to the Middle East crisis are
divided among many conflicting rationales. There is
the rationale of a partial solution and that of a
comprehensive solution; the rationale of basing a
solution on force and that of basing it on what is right,
just and grounded in United Nations resolutions; the
rationale of achieving security at the expense of peace
and that of making peace the foundation of security.
In the aftermath of 11 September, attention has
focused on the need to step up the effort to find a
political solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, a solution
that should allow the Palestinian people to establish an
independent Palestinian State on their national soil. It
is our duty to recall that a just and comprehensive
peace necessitates that we simultaneously address all
aspects of the Middle East conflict. The Lebanese and
Syrian tracks must not be separated from the track of
the overall settlement. That track is stalled, and
reviving it will require the devotion of additional
efforts. The liberation of Lebanese territories from
Israeli occupation must be completed. Israel must
withdraw from the entire occupied Syrian Golan
Heights to the line of 4 June 1967. The question of
Palestinian refugees, their legitimate right to return,
and Lebanon’s right to oppose their resettlement on its
territories must not be ignored. This opposition is
grounded in the principles of fairness, justice and
sovereignty.
In the light of the above, we believe that a
comprehensive peace built on justice and on the
resolutions conferring international legitimacy is the
sole guarantee of the sustainability of any desirable
solution.
There are two fundamental questions in Lebanon
that are of direct concern to the United Nations: one is
the mandate of the international forces in southern
Lebanon and the other is the destiny of Palestinian
refugees in Lebanon.
In paragraph 14 of Security Council resolution
1365 (2001), which was adopted on 31 July, the
Security Council requested the Secretary-General to
submit a comprehensive report on the activities of the
United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL),
taking into account its possible reconfiguration into an
observer mission in the light of the developments on
the ground, following appropriate consultations with
the Government of Lebanon.
15

Due to the gravity of the situation, and in
anticipation of the Secretary-General’s report, it is
important for me to stress from this rostrum that both
logic and the realities on the ground call for
maintaining Unifier’s existing mandate without
amending it or reconfiguring the mission into an
observer force. On the contrary, we believe that
UNIFIL’s role must be strengthened, particularly as it
has not yet fulfilled the entire mandate entrusted to it
by the international community in Security Council
resolution 425 (1978), which was adopted on 19 March
1978. That mandate cannot be implemented by an
observer force due to the following questions that are
still pending.
The first pending question is the verification of
the Israeli withdrawal from all Lebanese territories. It
is a known fact that the United Nations did not verify
the Israeli withdrawal from all Lebanese territories. It
only verified the withdrawal of Israeli forces to a de
facto withdrawal line, which became known as the blue
line. That line is not in conformity with Lebanon’s
internationally recognized borders, a fact recognized in
subsequent reports of the Secretary-General.
Therefore, the Shab’a farms, on the slopes of
Mount Hermon, remained under Israeli occupation,
together with three additional points along the line of
withdrawal drawn by the United Nations. At the time,
Lebanon expressed its reservations on these points.
These territories are Lebanese lands and Lebanon
reserves its natural right to restore them and to extend
its sovereignty to them. Lebanon would like to stress
here that it will stand up for every inch of its national
soil and for all its rights to its water resources, in
accordance with international law. In that regard, we
must draw attention to the fact that Israel continues to
violate Lebanese sovereignty on a daily basis. In his
report issued in July of this year, the Secretary-General
described these violations as provocative. Furthermore,
Israel continues to increase the frequency of its threats
against Lebanon and Syria.
The second pending question concerns the
restoration of international peace and security. In his
reports to the Security Council between May 2000 and
July 2001, the Secretary-General recognized that
UNIFIL had not fully implemented the task entrusted
to it. He repeatedly said that there is a third task the
international forces have yet to undertake, and on
which UNIFIL will have to concentrate. That task is
the restoration of international peace and security in
the region. How can we speak of a third task yet to be
completed by UNIFIL under Security Council
resolution 425 (1978) and at the same time discuss the
possibility of reconfiguring UNIFIL into an observer
mission?
In that respect, we are duty-bound to recall that
the security of the region is indivisible. We would be
deceiving ourselves if we were to believe that peace
and security can be restored to the region outside the
context of a comprehensive overall solution to all
aspects of the conflict on all its tracks. Such an
undertaking requires an all-inclusive effort, not only by
UNIFIL but also by the entire United Nations, which
should be responsible for the enforcement of its
resolutions, particularly resolution 242 (1967), 338
(1973) and 425 (1978).
From this rostrum, I call on the United Nations
Secretariat and the Security Council to preserve
UNIFIL’s existing mandate. The timing is of particular
importance, given the serious circumstances prevailing
in our region and in the world. We must also recall that
in May of this year the Security Council adopted a
statement in which members acknowledged Lebanon’s
concerns and apprehensions, including those relating to
the future.
Lebanon is tirelessly seeking to achieve a total
Israeli withdrawal from its territories. At the same
time, it attaches great importance to the release of the
Lebanese people kidnapped by Israel during its
occupation of our land and thereafter detained in Israeli
jails. They remain incarcerated in Israeli prisons as
hostages, in contravention of international laws and
instruments, particularly the Geneva Convention of
1949 and the subsequent Protocols thereto.
The 130,000 landmines that were left behind by
the Israeli occupation are still killing, maiming and
harming scores of civilians in Lebanon. They curtail
their freedom of movement and obstruct their work. We
consider this to be a continued — albeit indirect —
form of occupation of Lebanese territories by Israel. In
the light of this situation, the United Nations and the
international community should make a greater effort
to compel Israel to hand over all maps and records
disclosing the locations of the mines, which have to be
cleared as soon a possible.
However, with respect to the hundreds of
thousands of Palestinian refugees who have been
provisionally hosted on Lebanese land ever since their
16

expulsion from their homes in Palestine — and for
whose final status the United Nations bears essential
responsibility — we reiterate our demand for a just
solution to their cause, on the basis of the
implementation of their right to return and of our
refusal to resettle them in Lebanon.
In this regard, it behoves us to remember that the
resettlement of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon
would constitute a time bomb that would jeopardize the
peace, security and stability in the Middle East; such
refugees will relentlessly seek to return to their
homeland and Lebanon is unable to integrate them,
given the precariousness of its own internal
equilibrium and the fact that provisions of its national
pact do not allow for any form of resettlement.
Furthermore, Lebanon appeals for greater
international attention to enable us to provide urgently
needed assistance that could help return our liberated
lands to normalcy, restore economic balance and
provide opportunities for growth after long years of
occupation and destruction.
This is an era of responsibility and accountability
for the world, but accountability cannot be selective,
nor can it be based on double standards. During the
long years of occupation of the Lebanese territories,
Israeli bombardment and the destruction that ensued
killed thousands and injured and disabled thousands
more. Our infrastructure, vital facilities, houses,
schools, farms and bridges were destroyed and our
growth and development were hindered. Lebanon must
therefore be adequately compensated. Lebanon will
spare no effort in appealing to the relevant international
political and judicial organs to request that Israel make
reparations for the damage resulting from its acts of
aggression.
It may be useful to recall here that Israel did not
withdraw from most of the Lebanese territories of its
own accord; neither did it withdraw in compliance with
the decision of an international authority or in response
to a political requirement that remained on the table for
over 22 years. Rather, it withdrew under pressure from
the Lebanese resistance, which was embraced by the
Lebanese State. It withdrew because of the
steadfastness of the Lebanese people. Its withdrawal
was not a voluntary démarche for peace, as some
would have it. The withdrawal was a measure taken to
avoid peace, and instead to seek alleged security at the
expense of the requirements of a just and
comprehensive peace.
Lebanon is a democratic Arab country, open to
the world, with a civilization that goes back thousands
of years. Thanks to our diverse social composition, our
experience is informed by coexistence and consensus.
It is a unique experience, rarely paralleled in our world
today. We call on the Assembly to mobilize the forces
of peace and justice in order to redress the historical
injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people. The
Assembly must bring about a just and comprehensive
solution to one of the most complex and dangerous
regional conflicts in the Middle East. It is a conflict
that has depleted the resources of its people, hindered
its progress and stunted its contributions to the world.
This solution will unfetter its creative capabilities and
enable it to develop a global partnership free from fear,
injustice and terror.
My country is proud to be hosting the next Arab
Summit, to be convened in Beirut in March next year.
Preparations are already under way to receive the Arab
monarchs and presidents. We will also be hosting the
Ninth Summit of the International Organization of la
Francophonie in the fall of 2002, under the heading,
“Dialogue among cultures”. Lebanon is a founding
member of the League of Arab States, the United
Nations and the International Organization of la
Francophonie. Lebanon, which participated in drafting
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is capable
of proving that it can reassert its active presence and
again take a pioneering role at the regional and
international levels. We come from a time-honoured
civilization, and are blessed by unique and
distinguished experience of coexistence. We will put
this to the service of the noble objectives of the United
Nations.


Osmonakun IbraimovI
would like at the outset to join in all the
congratulations that have been extended to the
President on his election as President of the fifty-sixth
session of the General Assembly. I would like to assure
him that our delegation is ready to cooperate fully with
him and also to wish him, on behalf of the Kyrgyz
delegation, success in carrying out his duties.
Our delegation would also like to take this
opportunity to congratulate the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, on his re-election to a second term of
office and also on his winning the Nobel Peace Prize,
together with the United Nations, this year. We
consider that this award was well deserved.
The work of this session is taking place at an
extremely complex time for the international
community. Today, from this lofty rostrum, on behalf
of the people of Kyrgyzstan, I convey our deepest
condolences to the people and the Government of the
United States in connection with the tragic events of 11
September this year, which claimed many victims.
Terrorism has laid down an extremely dangerous
challenge to all of civilized humanity, democracy and
freedom. In this context, the efforts of the international
community aimed at combating terrorism, first and
foremost within the framework of the United Nations,
are fully supported by Kyrgyzstan, and our
Government is taking all necessary measures to
implement Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001)
and 1373 (2001). From the very outset, we have
supported and will continue to support the activities of
the United States and other countries within the anti-
terrorist coalition, and consider the military operations
to be inevitable and justified actions.
Our position of principle with respect to terrorism
stems from Kyrgyzstan’s position at the epicentre of
the struggle against international terrorism and against
the illegal trafficking in drugs and weapons, which are
a threat to the stability and security not only of the
Central Asian region but of the entire civilized world.
Our country has for three years been defending itself
against incursions by terrorist bands that have resulted
in the deaths of entirely innocent people. If it had not
been for our firm determination to take a stand against
terrorism and keep a firm lock on our borders, then
serious destabilization of the entire region would have
been inevitable. We do not wish to exaggerate our role,
but it is we who have prevented the terrorists from
5

crossing our borders into other countries. I would also
like to note that Kyrgyzstan has also made its territory
available and the necessary transport vehicles for the
transit of international humanitarian assistance to
Afghanistan on the Osh-Ishkashim-Faizabad road.
A serious problem for us is that of refugees who
have come to the territory of our Republic from the
region of the conflict. Kyrgyzstan already hosts
approximately 2,000 Afghan refugees. Their numbers
could increase very rapidly. All of this is a very serious
problem, and finding a solution will require active
assistance from the relevant international
organizations.
Over the last few years we have all seen
Afghanistan become a sanctuary for various
international terrorist organizations. After the fall of
Kabul yesterday, the inter-Afghan conflict has entered
a completely new phase. Moreover, it is now more
urgent than ever to deal with the question of a mutually
acceptable solution to untie the Afghan knot.
Kyrgyzstan proceeds from a deep understanding of the
need for rapidly winding up the military confrontation
in Afghanistan, with the subsequent formation in that
long-suffering country of a broadly representative,
multi-ethnic Government, that, first and foremost,
meets the interests and aspirations of the Afghan
people.
In this connection, Kyrgyzstan welcomes
constructive ideas and proposals aimed at establishing
a long-awaited peace in Afghanistan. For our part, we
consistently express our readiness to cooperate with all
the countries involved in order to settle the Afghan
conflict. We consider that it is precisely the United
Nations, with its experience, capabilities and
institutional potential, that should play a key role in
bringing together the efforts of the international
community to combat terrorism. In this regard,
Kyrgyzstan proposes the creation of a special
committee of the United Nations to restore peace and
stability in Afghanistan, which could be a coordinating
body for all the practical measures to this end.
Today we would like to recall one of the well-
known initiatives of the President of Kyrgyzstan, Askar
Akayev, to hold a forum for dialogue on security
questions between the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Organization of
the Islamic Conference. It seems to us that there is now
an urgent need for such a dialogue between these two
authoritative organizations. In this connection,
Kyrgyzstan took the very important initiative to hold
on 13-14 December of this year, under the aegis of the
OSCE in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan, an
international conference on enhancing security and
stability in Central Asia and strengthening
comprehensive efforts to counter terrorism. We are
now making active preparations, together with the
secretariat of the OSCE, for this important measure. In
our view, the participation of the United Nations in that
event would facilitate a consolidated solution for
working out joint approaches to combating terrorism.
This would be an important step in strengthening the
international community’s capacity to avert the threat
to security in Central Asia, including by expanding the
assistance to countries in that region in the face of the
growing threat. It is encouraging to note that many
States, including participants in the anti-terrorist
coalition, are showing serious interest in the Bishkek
international conference to combat terrorism.
Kyrgyzstan attaches great importance to
questions of sustainable development. In this regard,
my delegation greatly appreciates the decision of the
fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly to hold a
World Summit on Sustainable Development in
Johannesburg, South Africa. It is a pleasure to note that
Kyrgyzstan made a very significant contribution to the
preparation of the Rio + 10 summit on problems of
sustainable development, having organized, together
with the United Nations Secretariat, in Bishkek, a
regional round table. The results of the round table will
certainly be reflected in the key documents of the
World Summit in Johannesburg.
As we well know, the United Nations has
proclaimed next year the International Year of
Mountains. This is certainly a very important and
productive initiative on a global level. We, the
members of the delegation of Kyrgyz Republic, can
indeed be proud that one of the most important
initiatives of the International Year of Mountains was
taken by our President, Askar Akayev.
It is indeed true that the mountains of the world
are a symbol of the lofty ideals of humankind, but
mountains also pose related ecological, economic and
social problems for the people living in those areas.
High mountains should not cause these problems for
their inhabitants. I fully agree fully with Mrs. Benita
Ferrero-Waldner, the Foreign Minister of Austria, that
the International Year of Mountains should be a year
6

for new initiatives for exchanging experience and
drafting new programmes of cooperation.
The acuity of the ecological problems of
mountainous areas and their connection to economic
problems led our specialists to examine international
experience in order to see how to restructure our debts
by seeking debt-relief in exchange for ecological
initiatives. We feel that this approach provides a unique
opportunity for financing national ecological and
environmental projects and economic investment
programmes. We should also like to express the hope
that at the upcoming International Conference on
Financing for Development in Mexico, sufficient
attention will be given to the specific problems of
mountainous countries.
We wish to take this opportunity to welcome the
decision of Member States to hold an official opening
ceremony for the International Year of Mountains in
New York in December of next year. We also note with
great satisfaction that in October 2002, the capital of
Kyrgyzstan, Bishkek, will welcome representatives
from all over the world for the Bishkek Global
Mountain Summit. We are already preparing for this
very important event, which will take place during the
International Year of Mountains. We wish to express
our hope that the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, will be able participate in the
Summit.
In conclusion, I should like to express our deep
conviction that the efforts of United Nations Member
States and the entire world community are aimed at
implementing the ideals and principles enshrined in the
Millennium Declaration and the United Nations
Charter, and that they will lead to the triumph of peace,
freedom and democracy.


The sudden
speeding up of events that has taken place since the
fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly and their
potential impact on the future of humankind only
confirms our impression that our world is experiencing
developments that could, one the one hand, open the
door to hopes for peace, stability and progress, or, on
the other, jeopardize these hopes and imperil prospects
for a better world.
The threat is real. We therefore must mobilize our
efforts to an even greater extent to ensure that the
ideals of peace, solidarity, justice and tolerance can
triumph throughout the world.
Hatred and intolerance took centre stage on 11
September, when the United States, our host country,
was the target of terrorist acts of indescribable and
unjustifiable barbarity.
In the face of the outrage and horror to which
those events gave rise, the President of the Republic of
Togo immediately condemned these heinous attacks,
which he called a veritable declaration of war, and
which, regrettably, caused the death of nationals of
nearly 80 countries, including mine.
Once again, in paying tribute to all of those who
lost their lives in the tragedy of 11 September and in
conveying once again our deep condolences to the
American people, I should like to express the fervent
hope that, thanks to our collective efforts and to a
greater solidarity in our actions, we will be able to
defeat evil.
Because we have on several occasions been the
victims of terrorist acts, Togo is aware of the
significance and seriousness of the consequences of
such acts of murderous violence, which are committed
with complete disregard for respect for human life and
for human dignity.
The joint combat against international terrorism,
in all its manifestations and wherever necessary, is a
task of great importance for the entire international
community, because no one is safe from this scourge.
This fight should not be understood as a confrontation
between civilizations, cultures or religions. Identifying
the true causes of this scourge and finding appropriate
solutions to combat it — this is the true challenge that
we must meet.
In this context, it is important to do everything
we can to ensure the broadest possible participation of
States in the strict application of the 12 international
conventions dealing with specific aspects of terrorism
and to step up negotiations on the comprehensive
convention on international terrorism.
Likewise, it is essential for all States to cooperate
closely with the mechanism has been set up by the
Security Council pursuant to resolution 1373 (2001) in
order to combat this scourge in an efficient and
coordination manner. My country is already complying
with its responsibilities in the context of this process.
12

However, cooperation in eradicating this scourge
needs to be strengthened at the regional level as well.
Thus our West African subregion notes with
satisfaction that it has set up functional structures to
combat terrorism, through the quadripartite agreement
between Ghana, Togo, Benin and Nigeria; and the
Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) Protocol on Mutual Assistance, Protocol
on Non-Aggression and Protocol relating to the
Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management,
Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security.
Before continuing my statement, I should like to
join my voice to those of previous speakers in
extending to Mr. Han, on behalf of my delegation and
on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations on his
election as President of the fifty-sixth session of the
General Assembly. I am convinced that, thanks to his
experience and diplomatic skills, the work of this
session will definitely be successful.
I should like also to extend my warmest
congratulations to his illustrious predecessor, Mr. Harri
Holkeri, who so ably guided the work of the fifty-fifth
session.
Finally, I should like to take this opportunity to
pay well-deserved tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan. Thanks to
his skill and his vision, our Organization has regained
its credibility and its primary role in the management
of international affairs. His unanimous re-election to a
second term of office, and the fact that he won the
Nobel Peace Prize for 2001 together with the United
Nations, attest clearly to the great confidence that the
entire international community places in him.
There cannot be economic progress nor
sustainable development outside an environment of
peace, security and stability. Togo’s foreign policy has
always been based on the principle of seeking peace,
stability and solidarity between nations.
Since coming to power, the President of our
Republic, Mr. Gnassingbé Eyadema, has worked to
consolidate peace. This requires the participation of all
citizens in political life as well as the construction of a
state that is truly based on the rule of law, in which all
individuals can make their contribution and use their
skills in the building of a prosperous nation.
The President had already begun to democratize
political life in Togo by the 1980s. Like any other
human endeavour, the promotion of democracy and
good governance and the consolidation of the rule of
law are part of a process that, by necessity, can be
perfected and can evolve and that fits in a given time
and place.
With various forms of support and aid from our
foreign partners, this process is taking its course and
registering tangible and real progress. We should like
here to express our profound thanks to all our
international partners who have supported us in our
ambition to pursue and achieve political reforms
necessary to consolidate democracy and rule of law in
Togo.
The upcoming legislative elections, in March
2002, are organized with the aim of making this
ambition more of a reality. In this regard, we are
grateful to the United Nations for having recently sent
an assessment mission to Togo to make
recommendations in light of these elections. The long-
awaited upcoming legislative elections, as well as the
proper conduct of the balloting, will, without a doubt,
contribute to boosting the economy of our country.
For it is true that progress made in pursuing any
process of democratization and establishing the rule of
law can be protected only if accompanied by a
significant improvement in the living conditions of the
populations concerned. In other words, to be lasting,
the advances in promoting civil and political rights and
fundamental liberties should absolutely be underpinned
by the real enjoyment of economic and social rights.
In such a context, we may well be surprised at the
unjustified continuation of the economic sanctions
imposed on Togo by our main partners in development
for almost 10 years. What has my country done to
deserve such a fate? What has the Togolese population
done to justify its daily suffering? Why apply this
policy of double standards? Given the way Togo is
being treated, are we to see this as an concrete
illustration of the views of the renowned, classic
French writer Jean de la Fontaine: “Depending on
whether you are powerful or weak, the judgement of
the court will make you white or black”?
The Togolese people still cannot understand why
Togo — which was one of the first countries in Africa
to be committed to the path of democratization and
political reforms and which, in all objectivity, made
progress in this area — continues to be subjected to
such injustice. I would like to make once again an
urgent appeal, on behalf of the Togolese Government
13

and people, for normalization of our cooperative
relations with our development partners.
Peace, security and stability in Africa are still at
the heart of our concerns. We note with satisfaction
that significant progress in settling conflicts has
recently been made on the continent. I would cite by
way of example the cessation of conflict between
Ethiopia and Eritrea, or the gradual return to normal
constitutional life in Comores, despite the vicissitudes
of the last few days. All this was made possible thanks
to the efforts of the Organization of African Unity, the
Organization of la Francophonie and the League of
Arab States. These are glimmers of hope and signs of
relief.
Nonetheless, must remains to be done to bring
about lasting peace and security in certain parts of the
continent, notably in the Mano River region, the Horn
of Africa, the Great Lakes Region and Angola.
The serious crisis endures in the Middle East.
Violence can only beget bitterness and resentment and
perpetuate violence. The hellish cycle of violence that
the region has known for already more than a year —
in particular, in the occupied Palestinian territories —
has certainly had an impact on the negotiations being
pursued with a view to reaching a just, final and
comprehensive settlement to the question of Palestine
that is at the heart of the conflict.
It is therefore important that the parties in
conflict show greater proof of the necessary political
will in applying the agreements that have been reached
and work to conclude other arrangements on the basis
of the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this
respect, Togo welcomes the positive developments that
have been recently made with respect to the evolution
of the position of certain Member States on the
creation of a Palestinian State.
Humanity has fully entered the twenty-first
century, but the economic and social position of
developing countries remains of concern. In sub-
Saharan Africa and in the least-developed countries in
particular, we are witnessing an ongoing deterioration
of living conditions and the unprecedented
marginalization of these countries — a situation that
can only exacerbate misery and extreme poverty.
Debt burden, the decline in export earnings and
the lack of sufficient resources for development have
greatly contributed to making social and economic
conditions worse. Therefore more resources must be
allocated to these areas. In addition to these
insurmountable difficulties, we now have the
pandemics of AIDS and malaria.
Africa, which is already organizing itself and
taking matters in hand, expects the international
community to make good on the commitments
undertaken at the Millennium Summit. Against this
background, we hope that the major encounters that
will take place in 2002 — the International Conference
on Financing for Development and the World Summit
on Sustainable Development — will be opportunities to
take appropriate measures that can genuinely
contribute to economic growth and poverty reduction.
We also hope that specific and substantial support will
be given to Africa in implementing its development
plan, as contained in the New Partnership for
Development in Africa.
At the start of the millennium, with great changes
underway in the world, the United Nations still is,
without a doubt, the centre for new hopes and
expectations of humanity. More than ever before, it has
shown itself to be the appropriate framework in which,
together, we can and must work to meet the numerous
and complex challenges that humanity faces in the
context of an increasingly inexorable process of
globalization.
While continuing to work to maintain peace and
security, promote sustainable economic development
and move towards eradicating the great pandemics, we
also must confront poverty, injustice, selfishness and
exclusion, which, it seems to me, still are the source of
many problems that often lead to acts of violence,
terrorism and armed conflict. Thus, and only thus, will
it be possible for us to establish a new international
order of greater justice, solidarity and humanity.