At the outset, allow me to congratulate Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his commendable election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. We firmly believe that his diplomatic skills, erudition and extensive experience will enable him to manage the Assembly’s heavy workload. In that regard, I wish to express the firm commitment and full readiness of my delegation to cooperate with him and his office during the current session.
Allow me also to express our sincere thanks to Ms. Maria Espinosa Garces and her team for their outstanding work during the seventy-third session of the General Assembly. We will build on the passionate dedication to promoting multilateralism that she demonstrated during her term as President. In statements steeped in rich vocabulary and culture, she always inspired us and showed that poetic speech and political thought can be intimately connected. I also wish to express our deep gratitude to the Secretary-General for the commendable actions and efforts that he, his special representatives and all United Nations personnel are undertaking in very difficult situations and environments throughout the world.
We gather today in a troubling context in which multilateralism, itself firmly based on international cooperation, is under constant attack. That crisis situation is all the more paradoxical as it comes at a time when the interdependence among the countries of the world has never been as close. Global challenges therefore require global collective action. Multilateral action is vital and urgently needed.
It is only collectively that we can find solutions to the global challenges of poverty, inequality and climate change. Although those challenges affect everyone to varying degrees, the poorest countries are the most vulnerable owing to their insecurity. The current geopolitical upheavals, the rising tensions caused by the trade war and forecasts of declining global economic growth have generated risks and are raising doubts about our ability to mobilize the necessary resources to implement the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030.
The reports of the World Bank highlight a worrisome weakness in the volume of investment and the negative impact that it could have on the implementation of the SDGs. Those developments are regrettable given that, when the potentially transformative agenda was adopted, we were aware that we should not only adopt a radically different approach but also secure a volume of funding in the trillions of dollars. It is therefore incumbent on us all to share resources, while taking into account the effectiveness of their impact on sustainability.
Governments must improve their business climates to attract investment that will foster sustainable development. The private sector must focus its efforts not on short-term but long-term investments. It will also be a question of us seeking together innovative solutions to secure financing for the SDGs.
As early as February 2014, Djibouti introduced compulsory health insurance for the working segment of its population and a social health-care assistance programme for all persons who are known to have no source of income. Over the past five years, significant efforts to shore up that insurance and make it available to migrant and refugee populations residing in Djibouti have been made.
Djibouti therefore reaffirms its commitment to meeting target 3.8 of the Sustainable Development Goals, “Achieve universal health coverage, including financial risk protection, access to quality essential health-care services and access to safe, effective, quality and affordable essential medicines and vaccines for all”, of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Djibouti is also determined to transition to an integrated, patient-centred, computerized healthcare system in its development of universal health insurance leading to universal health-care coverage, thereby creating the necessary conditions for a more effective health-care data system.
Djibouti is further determined to combat all forms of inequality, especially those relating to gender inequality, by placing that goal at the core of its political agenda. Through structural reforms, the Government is pursuing its vital work towards the eradication of the political, economic and social obstacles faced by women. In that connection, we enacted a law at the beginning of the year that raised the quota of women in the National Assembly of Djibouti from 10 to 25 per cent.
Climate change is the most threatening and serious challenge of our time. Our thoughts turn in particular to our brothers and sisters in the Bahamas who have been devastated by the destructive hurricane that caused death and desolation on an unprecedented scale. We reiterate our gratitude to the Secretary-General for the many initiatives that have been taken to continue drawing attention to a phenomenon whose consequences are catastrophic. The extensive discussions that were held at the Climate Action Summit made it possible to identify the concrete actions to be taken.
The holistic shift towards peace in the Horn of Africa continues. Our countries’ determination to consolidate the gains that have been made is growing stronger every day. Our conviction that total and lasting peace in our region is possible is also becoming stronger every day. The latest good news comes from the Sudan, a neighbouring and brother country. We welcome the success of the negotiations that led to a peaceful resolution of the crisis and the signing of a power-sharing agreement.
The progress that has been made with regard to the peace process in South Sudan is encouraging. The various talks held between President Salva Kiir Mayardit and Mr. Riek Machar constitute a significant development. We note in particular the renewal of their commitment to forming a transitional Government by 12 November. In its capacity as a member of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, Djibouti will continue to urge the parties to pursue efforts to break the political deadlock and implement the commitments that have been made.
With regard to Somalia, despite the tensions related to political dynamics in the context of elections in the member states of the Federal Republic and the acts of violence perpetrated by Al-Shabaab, we are encouraged by the progress that has been made on the economic and security fronts. We must redouble our efforts to help Somalia achieve its primary objectives — holding federal elections, enhancing security, implementing ambitious economic reforms and obtaining debt relief. We must do everything possible to ensure that the positive regional momentum contributes to efforts to stabilize the country and implement its ongoing transition plan, thus helping to create an environment conducive to national reconciliation.
We remain confident that relations between Djibouti and Eritrea will improve even further and that the outstanding issues will be definitively resolved. Djibouti remains deeply committed to peace and the promotion of sound and robust bilateral solutions with all its neighbours. We must work tirelessly together to accelerate efforts to promote regional integration. In that regard, we commend the dedication with which Mr. Abiy Ahmed, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, is working to bring the views of Djibouti and Eritrea closer together.
Terrorism is an existential threat to the peace and security of our countries. We cannot allow innocent civilians to be massacred and mutilated under false pretences. As Africans, the situation in the Sahel is of the utmost concern to us. We reaffirm our support for, and solidarity with, all the Sahel countries that are faced with that grave danger and are making significant efforts within the framework of the Group of Five for the Sahel. We urge the international community to mobilize the necessary financial resources to support those efforts. In that regard, we welcome the outcomes of the Extraordinary Summit of the Economic Community of West African States that was held on 14 September.
We strongly condemn the 14 September attack that targeted oil processing facilities in Saudi Arabia. That serious incident directly undermined the de-escalation that the international community has been advocating.
We are also extremely concerned about the deteriorating health situation and the increased risk of fragmentation in Yemen. We reiterate our solidarity with the legitimate authorities of Yemen and commend their political will to continue their efforts to implement the Stockholm Agreement in spite of the negative developments that have harmed the political climate. Djibouti will continue to welcome its Yemeni brothers and sisters, whose country is facing an unprecedented humanitarian tragedy. Djibouti has been generously welcoming Yemeni refugees to its territory since the crisis began and will continue to do so.
The surge of violence in the occupied Palestinian territories is increasingly clouding the prospects for a two-State solution. Those settlements constitute a violation not only of international law, in particular article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, but also of the human rights of the Palestinians. We also strongly condemn Israel’s recently announced plans to annex the Jordan Valley and the northern Dead Sea to extend its sovereignty in the occupied West Bank.
In June 2020, the Assembly will hold elections for five non-permanent seats on the Security Council for the term 2021-2022, one of which is allocated to Africa. In line with the African Group’s tradition of subregional rotation, that seat should be occupied by an East African State. In accordance with African Union law, it is undisputable that Djibouti be the African Group’s candidate for the seat on the Security Council for the term 2021-2022. The principle of rotation ensures that all African States, large or small, have equal opportunity to serve on the Security Council and other United Nations bodies.
In that regard and out of respect for the sovereign equality of States, Djibouti respectfully urges all Member States to support its candidature for the Security Council for the term 2021-2022. If elected, Djibouti will resolutely promote the obligation of all States to uphold international law and maintain peace and security, and will advocate for the recommitment to a multilateral, rules-based international order.
We must pool our efforts and resources and create safe and stable conditions in order to consolidate multilateralism. Failure is not an option. That is why we support the Alliance for Multilateralism, an initiative launched by Germany and France.


I would like to congratulate Ambassador Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. Indonesia stands ready to contribute to the success of the Assembly at this session. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, who presided over and led the seventy-third session. On this occasion, I would like to convey five points.
First, I want to underline the importance of multilateralism, which is closely related to the theme of this year’s session. The United Nations is a result of multilateralism. The success of its mission will be determined by how the Organization is able to strengthen multilateralism to achieve global peace and prosperity. We live in a world of increasingly complex and serious challenges. At times like this, we must all unite and stand together to strengthen multilateralism. No country, big or small, will be able to solve those challenges alone.
For that, we have to work together. We must share our responsibilities. That is what multilateralism is all about, and that is its essence. For more than seven decades, multilateralism has saved us from the tragedy of a world war. It has also delivered economic prosperity and unprecedented technological advances to the world. Indonesia believes that the world will become more stable, peaceful and prosperous by upholding multilateral values. We also believe that only by reinforcing multilateralism can the United Nations fulfil its obligations to maintain world peace and security, realize development and protect the human rights of all.
Secondly, I want to convey the importance of maintaining world peace. Seventy-four years ago, we agreed to establish the United Nations because we wanted to achieve world peace. Here let me cite the opening of the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations: “[...] to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind.”
War and conflict have always brought misery to humankind, in particular women and children. War and conflict have destroyed years of development, ruined infrastructure and disrupted economic activity, education and the provision of health care. In short, war and conflict will destroy our hope of achieving all of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
We are all concerned about the ongoing wars and conflicts in the world. Old ones remain unresolved, while new ones are arising, including in the Middle East. The attacks that have wrecked civilian facilities and infrastructure in the Middle East not only threaten peace and stability in the region, they also steal the hopes and futures of the communities affected, particularly women and children. Peace in the Middle East will be possible only if we resolve the issue of Palestine. We will not give up on a settlement to the conflict based on a two-State solution, and the international community must unite to find that solution. At the same time, I also urge the establishment of a united Palestine. Unity is the basis of the Palestinian struggle. Without unity, the struggle will only drain our energy and will never be won.
When we talk about peace it is important to be grateful for our peacekeepers. Indonesia pays a lot of attention to its peacekeeping forces. Among other things, that commitment was realized when we became one of the largest personnel contributors to United Nations peacekeeping forces. The challenges that our peacekeepers face are becoming ever more complex. They must therefore be well prepared in order to properly perform their task. Deployment preparation should be better managed, including by ensuring that peacekeepers master soft skills.
We also see the need to strengthen female peacekeepers. Indonesia therefore supports efforts to improve women’s involvement in peacekeeping forces. Indonesia is actively contributing to tackling the issue of women and peace and security. This year, for the first time, we hosted regional training on women and peace and security in order to strengthen the role of women in the peace and mediation process. Women are agents of peace. Indonesia is also active in providing capacity-building to women, including female refugees in Palestine and Afghanistan.
Thirdly, I want to convey the importance of strengthening regionalism and sustainable regionalism. The stability, peace and prosperity of regions are the building blocks for achieving world peace. We must therefore strengthen our regional institutions. For more than five decades, Indonesia, along with other countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), has cultivated a culture of dialogue, cooperation and peaceful settlement of disputes in South-East Asia. We want to reinforce and expand this culture, including within the Indo-Pacific region. ASEAN wants to see a peaceful, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. In that context, ASEAN leaders adopted the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific in June. The Outlook will be a guideline for ASEAN to develop cooperation with countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
Fourthly, I want to highlight the importance of working together to achieve the SDGs by 2030. Our hard-earned peace will not be sustainable without improvement in global development. We have only 11 years left to achieve the SDGs. Although we have been making headway on some goals, we still have plenty of work to do. Many countries have a limited capacity to achieve the SDGs in areas such as education, health and women’s empowerment, for example. Global partnerships must therefore be reinforced.
Indonesia is striving hard to achieve the SDGs. The expansion of access to education and universal health care continues, particularly for those affected by poverty. Infrastructure development in rural and suburban areas has multiplied. We have to support those afflicted by poverty and the less advantaged. Thankfully, signs of improvement have been apparent. Last year, for example, poverty figures dropped to single digits for the first time in Indonesian history. We have also experienced a narrowing in inequality; our assessment on the Gini index of income inequality is down from 0.414 to just 0.384. A total of 223 million Indonesian have access to national health insurance and approximately 18 million school-age children receive financial student assistance.
Indonesia does not work solely for the good of Indonesia. We continue to strengthen our development partnerships with friendly countries, including in Asia and Africa. This year Indonesia held two events aimed at strengthening development partnerships with the Pacific region, the Indonesia-South Pacific Forum, in Jakarta, and the Pacific Exposition, in Auckland. Those events ushered in a new era of Indonesian partnerships with countries in the Pacific, which we refer to as the Pacific elevation. Going forward, the partnership between Indonesia and the Pacific will be more strategic and structured.
Indonesia is also strengthening its development partnership with Africa. After holding the Indonesia-Africa Forum last year, this year Indonesia is focusing on infrastructure cooperation through the Indonesia-Africa Infrastructure Dialogue. With their various challenges and characteristics, Indonesia is willing to advance and grow together with friendly nations in the Pacific and Africa.
The fifth and final point that I would like to raise is the importance of upholding the Charter of the United Nations. The principles and values of the Charter must be respected by every country. As we mark the seventy-fourth anniversary of the United Nations, Indonesia is concerned about the fact that many Charter commitments remain unimplemented or even breached by Member States, such as the commitment to respecting the sovereignty of other countries. Respect for sovereignty is a fundamental commitment and the principle that underpins relations among nations. It must and should be respected. Indonesia’s foreign policy position is clear. While Indonesia will always respect the sovereignty of other countries, it also expects other countries to respect its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Relationships among nations must be based on mutual respect.
Finally, I am putting forward Indonesia’s candidacy for the Human Rights Council for the 2020-2022 period. As one of the founding countries of the Human Rights Council, Indonesia is deeply committed to promoting and advancing human rights through dialogue and international cooperation. We are working actively to strengthen ASEAN’s human rights mechanisms through the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. In the Organization of Islamic Cooperation,
Indonesia is also actively encouraging the strengthening of the Independent Permanent Commission for Human Rights. By championing the motto “a true partner for democracy, development and social justice”, Indonesia wants to be a true partner in advancing and protecting human rights for all.
In closing, I would like to once again emphasize that today we need a commitment to the values of multilateralism more than ever. Indonesia is firmly convinced that many countries still cherish that belief. Let us build a global coalition in support of multilateralism for a more peaceful, stable and prosperous world. Indonesia is ready to lead and become part of such a coalition. To cite a famous African proverb, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together.”


I would like to congratulate President Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election to lead the General Assembly at this session and to wish him every success in the future. I would also like to thank his predecessor for her important role as President of the previous session.
We are meeting today at a moment when the global outlook may seem bleak. The foundations of the international relations system on the political, economic, legal and security fronts are facing threats that are unprecedented in the history of our Organization. Conflicts and threats to international peace and security are on the rise. The prospects for war are far more likely than the prospects for peace. The possibility of a balanced global economy has become uncertain. Violations of international conventions and treaties are commonplace, while the use of illegal means that go outside international law, such as support for terrorism and the imposition of economic embargoes, has got out of hand. All of that only creates chaos around the world and gradually replaces the rule of law with the law of the jungle. It jeopardizes our countries’ future and makes our people pay the ultimate price, sacrificing their security, the lives of their children, their stability and well-being.
Today we are at a crossroads. Either we work in good faith to build a more secure, stable and just world, a world free of terrorism, occupation and hegemony, a world based on international law and a culture of dialogue and mutual understanding, or despite everything we do nothing, leaving the fate of our people and of future generations uncertain and flouting the purposes and principles set forth by the founding fathers of our Organization. That is the issue that the Assembly must address.
Terrorism remains one of the main threats to international peace and security, a danger to all of us without exception. Despite the extraordinary achievements that we have made in Syria, thanks to the sacrifices and heroism of the Syrian Arab Army and the support of our allies and friends, our people have suffered for more than eight years from that scourge, which has brutally murdered innocent people, caused a humanitarian crisis, destroyed our infrastructure and plundered and ruined our country. History will undoubtedly remember the heroism of the Syrian people in their war against terrorism. Syrians have defended not only themselves, their country and their culture, they have defended the whole of humankind. They have defended civilized values and a culture of tolerance and coexistence against the extremism and the ideology of hatred and death that terrorist groups such as Da’esh, the Al-Nusra Front and their sponsors and supporters are trying to spread.
We are determined to continue the war on terrorism in all its forms until we root out the last remaining terrorist on Syria’s land. We will also take every measure necessary to ensure that it does not re-emerge. However, we need genuine international will if we are to put a definitive end to that global nightmare, which haunts us all. We do not need to reinvent the wheel to do that. We already have a large number of related Security Council resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. But while they focus on fighting terrorism and drying up its resources and funding, the problem is that they remain a dead letter.
Unfortunately, countering terrorism is not yet a priority for certain countries, which have remained deathly quiet in the face of the brutal terrorism confronting countries like my own. While some of those countries merely issue empty statements, others actually invest in terrorism, using it as a tool to impose their suspect agendas on the peoples and on the Governments that reject their external diktats and insist on making independent national decisions. The situation in Syria is a vivid example of that. Tens of thousands of foreign terrorist fighters have been brought to Syria from more than 100 countries with the support and cover of States that are known to all. Moreover, those same States deny us the right to defend our people against terrorists, whom they consider freedom fighters, or against the so-called Syrian armed opposition. However, they seem to have forgotten that if they continue with that approach, terrorism will re-emerge stronger than ever and will threaten everyone, without exception, including its supporters and those who have invested in it.
The clearest example of what I am talking about is the situation in Idlib. It is well known to all that Idlib currently hosts the largest collection of foreign terrorist fighters in the world, as is detailed in the reports of the relevant Security Council Committees. The time I have been allotted to speak today is not enough to list all the crimes that these terrorists have committed. However, I should not fail to mention their continuing rocket and mortar attacks on civilian areas close to Idlib and the fact that they use civilians in Idlib as human shields, preventing them from leaving through the Abu Al-Duhur humanitarian corridor that the Syrian Government has opened.
What I want to ask the members of the Assembly is whether their Governments would stand idly by and watch if they were faced with a similar situation. Would they ever forfeit their right and duty to defend their peoples and liberate their countries from terrorists and foreigners? The Syrian Government has engaged in political initiatives to resolve the situation in Idlib, and we have allowed more than enough time for them to be implemented. We have welcomed the memorandum creating de-escalation zones and the Sochi agreement on Idlib in hopes that such steps would complement the efforts to eliminate the Al-Nusra Front and the remnants of Da’esh and other terrorist groups operating in Idlib with the lowest possible loss of civilian lives.
We have also announced a suspension of military operations more than once. Meanwhile, the Turkish regime has failed to fulfil its commitments under those agreements, instead providing terrorists with every kind of support, including more sophisticated weapons. Al-Qaida’s Al-Nusra Front controls more than 90 per cent of Idlib, and the Turkish observation points established inside Syria have been used to support them and block the advances of the Syrian Army and its war on terrorism in Idlib. With the support of some Western countries, the Turkish regime is now rushing to protect the terrorists of Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist groups there, just as it has done every time we confront the terrorists. It is hard to imagine a country directly intervening to protect the Al-Nusra Front of Al-Qaida, the same terrorist group that Security Council resolutions considers to be a threat not only to Syria but also to international peace and security.
The United States and Turkey maintain an illegal military presence in northern Syria. They have been arrogant enough to hold discussions and reach agreement on establishing a so-called safe zone on Syrian territory as if such a zone would be created on United States or Turkish soil. That is a violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Any agreement about any part of Syria without the consent of the Syrian Government is to be condemned and rejected in form and in substance. Moreover, any foreign forces operating on our territories without our assent are occupying forces and must withdraw immediately. If they refuse to do so, we have the right to take all measures against them under international law.
In that regard, I would like to briefly mention the terrorist, criminal and aggressive practices of the secessionist militias known as the Syrian Democratic Forces against Syrians in Hasakah, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor governorates. With the support of the United States of America and international coalition forces, they seek to impose a new reality that serves the agendas of the United States and Israel in the region, prolonging the terrorist war against Syria.
Turkey’s policies, whether in Idlib or in north-eastern Syria, and its multi-track political manoeuvring undermine all the achievements made in Astana. Turkey cannot claim to uphold Syria’s unity and territorial integrity, while at the same time being the first to actually undermine them. If Turkey is truly committed to the security of its borders and the unity of Syria, as it claims to be, it must determine its options. Either it must respect the Astana agreement and the bilateral counter-terrorism agreements between our two countries, in order to guarantee the security of its borders, and withdraw its forces from Syrian territories, or it must choose to be the aggressor and occupier and face the consequences. The safety of the borders of one country cannot be secured at the expense of the security, sovereignty or territorial integrity of neighbouring countries.
Along with our fight against terrorism, we are committed to moving the political process forward. We have continued to participate in the Astana meetings, the results of which have proved to be effective on the ground. We are dealing positively with the outcome of the Congress of the Syrian National Dialogue in Sochi, and the establishment of a committee to discuss the Constitution. To that end, we have engaged seriously and constructively in a dialogue with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria in forming the committee. Indeed, it was Syria’s determination to establish the Constitutional Committee upon the persistence of President Bashar Al-Assad that led to this important national achievement for the Syrian people and thwarted any attempt to obstruct it by other parties that have consistently supported foreign forces and imposed preconditions to prevent any return to normalcy in Syria.
During his recent visit to Damascus, we reached agreement with the Special Envoy, Mr. Geir Pedersen, on the terms of reference and core rules of procedure of the Constitutional Committee, as well as the principles governing its work. Those include the following.
First, the whole process should be owned and led by the Syrians themselves, who have the exclusive right to determine their country’s future, without any foreign intervention.
Secondly, the full and strong commitment to fully respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic must not be compromised in any way.
Thirdly, no preconditions or conclusions may be imposed on the Committee and its recommendations should not be prejudged. The Committee must be independent. Its recommendations must be made independently without interference from any other country or party, such as the so-called small group, which has declared itself the guardian of the Syrian people and has already prejudged the outcome of the Committee’s work.
Fourthly, no deadlines or time frames must be imposed on the Committee. Each step taken must be prudent since the Constitution is to determine Syria’s future generations. We remain fully committed to making constructive progress based on sound foundations in order to meet the aspirations of the Syrian people.
Fifthly, the Special Envoy for Syria must play the role of facilitator of the Committee’s work, using his good offices to bring the views of its members together as required.
With those principles in mind, we reaffirm our readiness to engage and work actively with friendly countries and the Special Envoy to launch the Committee’s work.
At the same time, Syria is making tremendous efforts to improve the humanitarian situation on the ground and to rebuild what the terrorists have destroyed. Significant progress has been made despite the illegal and inhumane economic blockade that some countries have imposed on our people, limiting access to medical equipment, medicines and oil products necessary for electricity, household gas and heating fuel. The United States of America has even threatened companies that participate in the Damascus International Fair in order to stifle any economic activity in Syria. Having failed to achieve their goals through armed terrorism, those countries have resorted to economic terrorism, which is an equally brutal form of terrorism, by imposing a blockade and unilateral coercive economic measures. We therefore call on all peace-loving countries that respect international law to come together and adopt effective measures to counter that phenomenon, which not only is used against Syria but also has become a weapon of political and economic blackmail against many other countries in the world.
From this rostrum, we once again call for the lifting of such illegal measures imposed on the Syrian people and on all other independent peoples, in particular the peoples of Iran, Venezuela, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Cuba and Belarus. We stand with China and Russia against the unjust United States policies pertaining to them.
On several occasions we have emphasized that the doors are open for the voluntary and safe return of all Syrian refugees to their homeland. To that end, the Syrian Government is providing the necessary help while rebuilding and rehabilitating the service facilities and infrastructure in their areas that have been liberated from terrorists. However, Western and some other countries of destination for refugees continue to obstruct such initiatives. We have seen a strange change in the position of such countries. Instead of using every opportunity to call for the immediate return of refugees to Syria, as they have always done, those countries are now imposing flimsy conditions and arguments to prevent such returns, using this purely humanitarian issue as leverage to serve their hidden political agendas. It is truly reminiscent of the theatre of the absurd. However, what is happening is a manipulation of the fate of nations and a hideous exploitation of their suffering.
Instead of working for peace and stability in the region, Israel has launched yet another phase of escalation, fuelling regional tensions to unprecedented levels. Israel not only occupies Arab territories, including the Syrian Golan, but also continues every day to violate international law and human rights law and to support terrorism. It has even launched repeated attacks on Syrian territories and on those of neighbouring countries under false pretexts in flagrant violation of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and relevant Security Council resolutions. Such Israeli violations would not continue to escalate were it not for the blind support of certain countries that are fully responsible for the consequences of Israel’s actions.
Such ugly manifestations of this support became extremely clear when the United States decided to recognize Israel’s sovereignty over the occupied Syrian Golan and, before that, to recognize the occupied city of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and relocate its Embassy there, not to mention the intensive United States efforts to liquidate the Palestinian question. All those decisions are null and void and represent a complete disregard for international legitimacy. Certain people must understand that the era of acquiring the land of others by force has long passed. It is a delusion to think that the crisis in Syria will compel us to give up our inalienable right to fully restore the Golan to the borders of 4 June 1967 by using all possible means under international law. Moreover, it is a delusion to think that the decisions of the United States Administration regarding the sovereignty over the Golan will alter historical and geographical facts or the provisions of international law. The Golan has been and will always be a part of Syria.
Israel must be forced to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions, notably Security Council resolution 497 (1981), on the occupied Syrian Golan, and to halt its repeated attacks on the countries of the region and to cease its settlement activities. Israel must be compelled to allow the Palestinian people to establish their own independent State, with Jerusalem as its capital, along the 4 June 1967 borders and to ensure the return of Palestinian refugees to their land.
Syria once again expresses its full solidarity with the Islamic Republic of Iran against the irresponsible United States measures, in particular the United States withdrawal from the Nuclear Agreement. We also warn against policies that seek to foment crises and conflicts in the Gulf region under false pretexts. We believe that the security and stability of the Gulf can be achieved only through cooperation and dialogue among the countries of that region, without any external interference that could escalate tensions in the region and run counter to the interests of its people.
In conclusion, I say that Syria, supported by its allies and friends, has stood firm against the externally supported organized terrorism that has targeted Syria, its people and its culture. Today we are ushering in a new era that will bring us closer to our final victory in this war. We aspire to a bright and safe future for our people after the long suffering. We are conscious that the various challenges and difficulties that we are facing today or will face in the future are not less ferocious than the terrorism which we have faced. However, we are determined to overcome them. We have always had excellent relations with various countries. We have never sought to antagonize anyone. Today our hand is extended for peace. We continue to promote dialogue and mutual understanding, while staying true to our national constants, which we will never give them up.
Of course, there are Governments that have clearly offended Syria and its people. However, we will never hold a grudge or seek revenge. We will engage with others, taking into account the interests of our country and our people, in line with our desire to achieve peace, stability and prosperity in Syria and the region. In exchange, those countries that have antagonized Syria must reconsider their positions and correct any mistakes. They must abandon their delusions and let realism and common sense prevail for the common good.


At the outset, allow me to convey greetings of peace and brotherhood from His Excellency Mr. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, Head of State of Equatorial Guinea, to all Heads of State and Government, along with his wishes for every success at the seventy-fourth session of the General Assembly. We congratulate His Excellency Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, on being unanimously elected to direct the work of the seventy-fourth session of the Assembly. We would also like to acknowledge and congratulate his predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, on her work, and His Excellency Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, for his remarkable achievements during the year that is ending.
The meeting of the General Assembly is held every September for the purposes of seeking and debating solutions to the main problems and challenges affecting humankind and, to the extent possible, for greatly improving our existence and coexistence through positive and useful proposals. It is no coincidence that it is precisely here, in New York, that the United Nations was established for that purpose 74 years ago. The curious thing is that the problems that adversely affect human coexistence and existence have the same author and origin, namely, human beings. It is therefore imperative that together we strengthen the United Nations and make its work more effective as, thus far, even with its limitations, the Organization has proved to be the most valuable tool in the search for solutions to the important challenges facing humankind.
Since the creation of the United Nations, there has not been a single day that there have not been human casualties resulting from the various armed conflicts in the world. Let us begin with the fact that the United Nations itself was born from the rubble of one of the bloodiest armed conflicts in history, the Second World War, which in itself must have served as an example and warning of what a destructive malevolent action by human beings can be, costing more than 60 million lives. We do not appear to have drawn positive conclusions from that tragedy.
The efforts deployed by the United Nations to resolve each of the problems that has arisen have been colossal. However, we believe that these efforts cannot yield positive results as long as the basis of the self-serving interpretation of the United Nations philosophy remains the one born of the Second World War. Let us approach the issue at its source by allowing for equitable and inclusive participation in decision-making and by making cross-cutting changes to an outdated conception of our Organization so that it can act in full solidarity to save humankind from the situations of destitution and abuse in which most human beings find themselves.
In order to operate more effectively, the United Nations must be reformed to ensure its own survival as a useful and beneficial entity working for humankind, whose ultimate purpose should be to increase its legitimacy, effectiveness and acceptance through substantial changes that cannot be postponed, such as the reform of the Security Council, currently at an impasse, to make it more representative and redress once and for all the historic injustice of depriving the African continent of all the privileges and the permanent voice that membership in it confers. Let us not forget that African issues make up two thirds of the Security Council’s agenda. In short, as we continue our struggle until justice is done, we are not in a position to abandon the Ezulwini Consensus of the African Union, which embraces and justly reflects all of the legitimate aspirations of the African continent.
Reform should not be limited to the Security Council. The ambitious programme to reform the United Nations peacekeeping operations undertaken by the Secretary-General deserves our attention. If implemented, it would make peace operations more effective, as the main goal is to reduce fragmentation so as to provide a better response, making the pillar of peace and security more coherent, agile and efficient by prioritizing conflict prevention and maintaining and sustaining peace, in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, as the Secretary-General himself points out.
Peacekeeping operations must enjoy the strong support and backing of the various levels and partners of the United Nations. It is important to motivate host countries, troop-contributing countries, troop contingents and funds. The benefits of being familiar with the environments covered by regional and subregional economic communities should be acknowledged and fully exploited, and closer and more trusted partnerships forged. There is no doubt that achieving these goals would have a very positive impact on the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations. Financial contributions to the United Nations are vital for it to perform its important work.
We agreed with the Secretary-General about convening a summit on a subject as important to humankind as climate change at this session of the General Assembly. As we all know, climate change poses a clear threat to the safety and preservation of the human species on Earth. We believe that the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is essentially the efficient solution to the threat of global climate change. Africa, in particular, is deeply concerned about the very negative effects of climate change on the continent, especially when, together with other causes, such as armed conflicts, it leads to the forced displacement of people, who are then concentrated in major camps and subjected to inhumane conditions. It is a human tragedy, which Mr. Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, witnessed during his visit to a refugee camp near Assosa, Ethiopia.
Climate change leads to the destruction of Africa’s meagre infrastructure, a decline in agricultural production, high food prices, rising sea levels, declining water resources, reduced livelihoods of people living on the coast and an increase in the number of conflicts. Such effects all have a negative impact on the development of our countries. Current statistics show that there are now millions of internally displaced persons in Africa. The situation, along with the aforementioned problems, should be addressed at the international level, particularly given that the General Assembly has mentioned the need to strengthen multilateral efforts to address the effects of climate change, poverty and sustainable development.
Although the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is a peace-loving nation, we remain the target of threats and attempts to destabilize the country by overthrowing its legitimate authorities in order to seize natural resources and wealth that belong only to the people of Equatorial Guinea. It is not the first time that we have drawn the attention of the Assembly to the dangers and risks of destabilizing Equatorial Guinea and the dire consequences that it could have on the entire region. Our perpetual detractors and enemies do not welcome the signs of economic recovery and good prospects for my country’s future. The unity of the people and the strength of our national institutions and security and defence forces, along with cooperation with friendly countries, provide vital support, despite the turmoil.
Our country has been experiencing an economic crisis because of the drop in oil prices on the international market. The current situation has compelled us to diversify our economy and use the profits in other sectors that are not as vulnerable to fluctuations. We have taken note and learned our lessons so that reforms we undertake will make us stronger and assist us in attempting to take full advantage of the vast opportunities and potential offered by other sectors of the national economy.
Our term as a member of the Security Council has given us an excellent opportunity to show the world that the trust it has placed in our country has enabled us to demonstrate the best we have to offer. We have tried to serve the noble objectives of the Security Council — particularly, that of maintaining international peace and security — and we do so with conviction and honour. We are now more familiar with the complex issues of the world in which we live, which has led us to reaffirm our belief in the sacred principles of international law outlined in the Charter of the United Nations. Given our views, there can be no doubt as to our sense of independence, freedom and justice. Once again, we are very grateful for the trust placed in our country.
In that regard, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2457 (2019), on silencing the guns in Africa, submitted by Equatorial Guinea, on behalf of the African Union, during its presidency of the Council in February. I take this opportunity to extend an invitation to all those present to participate in the conference on the subject, which we will host in Equatorial Guinea in November. It should provide us with a platform to realistically address this serious issue, which is one of the factors that hinders the development of the vast potential of the African continent.
As we have said on other occasions, silencing the guns in Africa must not be a question solely of aspirations or desire. The potential for conflicts in our countries results from the nearly insurmountable obstacle of our own underdevelopment. We believe that it is important to prioritize the peaceful resolution of conflicts, by creating the necessary conditions for development in post-conflict environments. Some of these multisectoral approaches should constitute the path we take together in order to achieve the stability required to ensure the development of our countries.
That is the spirit that guides our relations with the countries with which we share borders. We sign agreements to establish good-neighbourly relations and establish standing joint committees on consular issues and cross-border security. Equatorial Guinea has always upheld the principles of mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, equality, reciprocal benefits and peaceful coexistence in its relations with its neighbours. Similarly, we are members of subregional organizations and structures, which reveal the pan-African spirit that guides our ideals and principles in foreign policy.
I would like to end my address by appealing to the need to put an end to the economic, commercial and financial blockade that weighs on Cuba and by calling for positive developments to be resumed, which has given rise to great optimism in the international community. I hope that the spirit of peace, harmony and solidarity will guide our debates.


We gather once again at humankind’s most important multilateral Organization to collectively reflect upon and analyse the global problems that affect the people of the world. We note with concern the deterioration of the multilateral system as a result of the unilateral measures promoted by some States that have decided to act in bad faith and ignore the commitments and global structures set up for healthy coexistence among States, within the framework of international law and the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
We meet in this forum to discuss and seek solutions to the serious threats to humankind and life on the planet. Our home, Mother Earth, is our only home and is irreplaceable. Fires, floods, hurricanes, earthquakes, droughts and other disasters are becoming increasingly frequent. Each year is hotter than the previous one, global melting is increasing and ocean levels are rising. Every day we suffer the disappearance of species, land erosion, desertification and deforestation.
We have been warned that, if we follow this course of action, by the year 2100 the global temperature will have increased by 3° Celsius, with concomitant massive and devastating changes. According to data from our Organization, the consequences of climate change will condemn millions of people to poverty, hunger, lack of drinking water, the loss of their homes, forced displacement, more refugee crises and new armed conflicts.
We have been surprised in recent weeks by the forest fires that have broken out in different parts of the planet — in the Amazon, Oceania and Africa — affecting the flora, fauna and biodiversity. In recent weeks, Bolivia has experienced literal hot spots, which we have been battling with financial, technical and human resources. Our country has spent more than $15 million to date to mitigate fires. We thank the international community for its timely cooperation in our fight against the fire, as well as its commitment to participate in post-fire relief.
The arms race, military spending and technology in the service of death and the unscrupulous arms trade have all increased. The financial system continues to be anti-democratic, inequitable and unstable. It promotes tax havens and banking secrecy, which subjugate weak countries and force them to accept conditions that perpetuate their dependence. We note with sadness that the great social asymmetries persist. According to Oxfam data, currently 1.3 billion people live in poverty, while 1 per cent of the richest held 82 per cent of the world’s wealth in 2017. Inequality, hunger, poverty, the migration crisis, epidemic diseases and unemployment are not merely local problems, they are global problems.
Nevertheless, humankind’s creative ability surprises us every day with new inventions and new technological applications, which have provided great solutions to very complex problems. Technology has meant a qualitative leap for humankind. However, it is necessary for this multilateral body to establish agreements in that domain with the participation of all States.
It is essential that we talk about the structural causes of the various crises. Transnational companies control food, water, non-renewable resources, weapons, technology and our personal data. The aim is to commercialize everything in order to accumulate capital. The world is being controlled by a global oligarchy; a mere handful of billionaires define the political and economic destiny of humankind. Twenty- six people possess the same wealth as 3.8 billion people. That is unjust. That is immoral. That is inadmissible.
The fundamental problem lies in the production model and consumerism, the ownership of natural resources and the inequitable distribution of wealth. Let us put it very clearly — the root of the problem lies in the capitalist system. That is why the United Nations is more relevant and important than ever despite individual efforts, which are insufficient, because only joint action and unity will enable us to overcome those problems.
As we have already said, our generation’s responsibility is to pass on to the next generation a fairer and more humane world. That will be achieved only if we work together to build a multipolar world with rules common to all, while defending multilateralism, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.
We have taken some very important steps in Bolivia. We are the country with the highest economic growth in South America, averaging 4.9 per cent in the past six years. Between 2005 and 2019, the gross domestic product increased from 9.574 to 40.885 billion dollars. We have the lowest unemployment rate in the region, which fell from 8.1 per cent in 2005 to 4.2 per cent in 2018. Extreme poverty fell from 38.2 per cent to 15.2 per cent over 13 years. Life expectancy has increased by nine years. The minimum wage rose from $60 to $310.
The gender gap in land titles owned by women has been reduced — only 138,788 women had received land by 2005, while 1,011,249 women had received land by 2018. Bolivia has the third-highest participation of women in Parliament in the world — more than 50 per cent of its representatives are women.
Bolivia declared itself an illiteracy-free country in 2008. The school dropout rate fell from 4.5 per cent to 1.5 per cent between 2005 and 2018. The infant mortality rate has been reduced by 56 per cent. We are in the process of implementing a universal health- care system that will guarantee that 100 per cent of Bolivians — women and men — have access to free, quality services that are caring and that respect their dignity. We have adopted a law on free care for cancer patients.
The data I have just mentioned are part of the achievements of our democratic and cultural revolution, which have brought political, economic and social stability to Bolivia. How did we achieve that in such a short time? How did Bolivia embark upon the path to defeating poverty and underdevelopment?
It was thanks to the conscientiousness of the people — social movements and indigenous people, campesinos, workers, professionals and rural and urban men and women. We nationalized our natural resources and strategic businesses. We took control of our destiny. We built a communitarian and productive socioeconomic model that recognizes basic services as a human right, not as a private business. Today we can say with pride and optimism that Bolivia has a future.
There is one outstanding issue in the region, and that is the sea. The sea is indispensable for life, integration and the development of peoples. For that reason, Bolivia will not give up its right to sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean. In 2015 and 2018, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled on the following elements in its judgments.
First, in paragraph 19 of the 1 October 2018 judgment in Obligation to negotiate access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile), the Court stated that “Bolivia had a coastline of over 400 km along the Pacific Ocean”.
Secondly, in paragraph 50 of the 24 September 2015 ruling in the same case, it stated that “the matters in dispute are matters neither ‘settled by arrangement between the parties, or by arbitral award or by decision of an international court’ nor ‘governed by agreements or treaties in force’”.
Thirdly, in paragraph 176 of the 1 October 2018 ruling, it also stated that “[nevertheless, the Court’s finding should not be understood as precluding the Parties from continuing their dialogue and exchanges, in a spirit of good neighbourliness, to address the issues relating to the landlocked situation of Bolivia, the solution to which they have both recognized to be a matter of mutual interest. With willingness on the part of the Parties, meaningful negotiations can be undertaken”.
That judicial decision did not put an end to the controversy; on the contrary, it explicitly recognizes that the controversy persists and emphasizes that it does not exclude the possibility of both States finding a solution. Therefore, the United Nations should monitor the situation and demand full compliance with the Court’s decisions, so that both peoples continue negotiating in good faith to close open wounds. It is possible to promote a spirit of good neighbourliness and to open a new chapter in our relationship in which mutually acceptable and lasting solutions can be forged.
Our countries face diverse and contentious situations that must be approached in a sovereign manner and for which solutions must be found through dialogue and negotiations that benefit the interests of our peoples. Bolivia, in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations, ratifies its rejection of the economic and financial blockade imposed against Cuba, which violates all human rights.
Finally, I take this opportunity to thank all the member countries for their support in the various initiatives promoted by Bolivia, such as the International Year of Indigenous Languages, the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Peasants and other People Working in Rural Areas and the recognition of 21 June as the International Day of the Celebration of the Solstice.
To conclude, we ratify our commitment to consolidate a new world order of peace with social justice, in harmony with Mother Earth, with a view to living well while respecting the dignity and identity of the world’s peoples.


Our world is changing rapidly. The values that have long served as guideposts are being challenged. The result is chaos — what can we cling to if nothing lasts? Can we still trust politics, the economy, international organizations? These are questions that will have to be answered in the context of our General Assembly.
Let us start with our values. In that regard, the Charter of the United Nations is our compass. In its Preamble, it affirms the fundamental rights and equality of all persons. It also speaks of the equality of nations. Relations between States should be governed by shared standards.
Allow me, as a representative of a small State, to dwell on this point. Several small countries have found that the principle of equality is too often violated. We are concerned about that trend. Often the strength of the large countries prevails over the rights of the small ones. Let me be clear — I did not come here to complain. I am simply reminding the Assembly that this is a reality that affects us all. Indeed, the smooth functioning of the international community depends on compliance with those principles — and it is not words but actions that count. Small States only have laws and rights to rely on, but it is up to the international community to uphold them for its own good.
Let me say a few more words about fundamental rights. This year will be the seventieth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions — an incontestable landmark. Thanks to Geneva, Switzerland is the depositary of the Conventions. Humanitarian engagement is therefore at the heart of our foreign policy. As dedicated as we are to the cause of international humanitarian law, the list of its violations is long — too long. It is now up to all of us to make those values a reality. There is no more important or noble mission for us.
Let me also mention the pressing issues at hand — combating hunger, meeting water and energy needs, providing training for all, fighting climate change and reducing armed conflict. Those are just some of the challenges ahead. Periods of hope are succeeded by periods of despair. Our efforts in the past were often been rewarded when we were able to take advantage of the latest technological developments to benefit everyone. In large part, the progress of our civilization depends upon such innovations and how we share them.
Investing in research and training creates the conditions for a world that offers more opportunities for all. If we want to have enough food, drinking water and energy for all in future, if we want to successfully fight climate change, we do not need declarations of intent — we need technical innovations. We must therefore invest in training and research. Knowledge must be freely shared. Technical progress must be encouraged, not stifled. The development of digital technologies could quickly generate considerable benefits.
Digital technology makes it possible to simplify processes. It also contributes to greater transparency. Digital technology will transform our world, our way of living together and our way of working. It can help us to accelerate the advent of a sustainable development model. The international community has set itself ambitious objectives in that respect in the form of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. New technologies and innovation will give us the tools to achieve them.
As everyone knows, Switzerland is one of the most important financial centres. We are committed to ensuring that our financial sector is beyond reproach. The financial sector has the ability to influence sustainable investment choices and to set an example. Together with a sensible use of new digital technologies, it can develop innovative, sustainable and attractive products. Let us have the courage to try something new and to say yes to the promises of tomorrow.
Digital technology also involves certain risks. Illicit practices and cyberattacks have become part of everyday life. The protection of privacy is also a fundamental right. It is up to the politicians to act and monitor the use of data. In that connection, I note that three weeks ago in Geneva we launched the Swiss Digital Initiative Foundation. It brings together the world’s leading suppliers of computer equipment and software, as well as several heavyweights in the industry, but also the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, Facebook, Google and many others. What is it about? We want the new digital society to adopt common ethical rules. New technologies must inspire and win our trust. Any organization can join the initiative and demonstrate its commitment to progress and strong ethical values. It is evident that Switzerland is banking on digital technology and sees it as an opportunity in all areas. The initiative must follow clear rules that are in line with our common values. We invite all gathered here today to share our experience and cooperate with us.
Finally, let us talk a little bit about ourselves. I mean the United Nations. We want a strong Organization because it is the only global exchange platform that can help us meet the challenges ahead together. Certainly, the institution must be reformed, along lines we know well. In that regard, we assure the Secretary-General of our support to ensure that the Organization becomes more effective and focuses on its core missions. The United Nations depends on the trust placed in it — that trust is our capital.
Switzerland declares its readiness to contribute to the smooth functioning of the United Nations. Geneva is an ideal platform in that regard — for decades it has been one of the capitals of humanitarian aid. It is the headquarters of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. It is home to more than 400 non-governmental organizations and is now also the home of a global initiative dedicated to the ethical issues linked to digital technology.
The world is changing, and that change sometimes causes confusion. Fortunately, we have values that help orient us. We call for equal rights for all — individuals and States. Law must prevail over force. That is our motto. In addition, thanks to new technologies, we have a tool that will enable us to meet the challenges of tomorrow. We are determined to be actively involved in addressing these challenges in future. Switzerland and Geneva stand at the ready.


I would like to express my sincere condolences to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas for the loss of life and the terrible destruction caused by Hurricane Dorian. I urge the international community to mobilize resources in order to provide assistance.
I want to denounce, before the Assembly, the fact that in the past few months the United States Government has begun implementing unusual and criminal measures to prevent fuel supplies from reaching our country from various markets, by threatening and persecuting the companies that transport it, the flag States where the ships are registered and the shipping and insurance companies involved. As a result, we are finding it extremely difficult to ensure the fuel supply that our country needs for its daily activities, forcing us to adopt temporary emergency measures that are possible only in a well-organized country with the solidarity of a united people ready to defend themselves from foreign aggression and preserve social justice.
Over the past year, the United States Government has ramped up its hostile actions and its blockade of Cuba. It has erected additional obstacles to foreign trade and intensified its persecution of the banking and financial relations that we have with the rest of the world. It has imposed extreme restrictions on travel and on any sort of interaction between our two peoples. It has also obstructed the relations and contacts with their home country of Cubans living in the United States.
To this very day, its strategy of anti-Cuban imperialism has been guided by the infamous memorandum issued in 1960 by then Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Lester Mallory, which states that
“[there is no effective political opposition ... The only foreseeable means of alienating internal support [from the Government] is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship ... [Every possible means should be undertaken promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba ... denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of Government”.
The illegal Helms Burton Act of 1996 guides the aggressive behaviour of the United States against Cuba. Its essence is a stark attempt to question the Cuban nation’s right to free determination and national independence. It envisages the imposition of United States legal authority and the jurisdiction of its courts on Cuba’s commercial and financial relations with any other country, thereby trampling on international law and the national jurisdictions of Cuba and third States, while establishing the alleged supremacy of United States law and political will over them. The economic, commercial and financial blockade continues to be the main obstacle to our country’s development and the advancement of the process of updating the socialist socioeconomic and development model that our country has designed for itself. The new measures particularly affect our economy’s private sector.
Every year the United States Government allocates tens of millions of dollars from the federal budget to political subversion, with the purpose of creating confusion and weakening the unity of our people, which it combines with a concerted propaganda campaign aimed at discrediting the revolution, its leaders and its glorious historical legacy, denigrating our economic and social policies in support of development and justice and destroying the ideas of socialism.
This Thursday, the State Department announced, based on gross slanders, that General Raul Castro Ruz, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, would not be granted a visa to enter the United States. That action, which has no practical effect, is designed to offend Cuba’s dignity and our people’s feelings, a vote-catching crumb tossed to the Cuban-American far right. However, the open and offensive falsehoods that are being used in an attempt to justify it, which I firmly repudiate, are a reflection of the baseness and rottenness that the current United States Administration resorts to, drowning as it is in a sea of corruption, lies and immorality. All of those actions violate international law and the Charter of the United Nations.
The most recent excuse, reiterated on Tuesday right here in this Hall by President Donald Trump of the United States (see A/74/PV.3), blames Cuba for the failed plan to overthrow the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela by force. With the aim of denigrating the feats of the Venezuelan people, the Yankee spokespersons repeat over and over again the vulgar slander that our country has between 20,000 to 25,000 troops in Venezuela and that Cuban imperialism controls it. Just few minutes earlier on the same day, from this rostrum, the President of Brazil read a script of false allegations drafted in Washington, which increased that shameless figure to around 60,000 Cuban troops in Venezuela (see A/74/PV.3).
As part of its anti-Cuban obsession, the current United States Administration, echoed by Brazil, is attacking the international medical cooperation programmes that Cuba shares with dozens of developing countries, designed to assist the neediest communities and founded on sentiments of solidarity and the free and voluntary will of hundreds of thousands of Cuban professionals, and which are being implemented according to cooperative agreements signed with the Governments of those countries. For many years now they have been recognized by the international community, the United Nations and the World Health Organization as a model of South-South cooperation. The upshot is that many Brazilian communities have now been deprived of the free, quality health care that they were offered by thousands of Cuban professionals under the Mas Medicos programme. And this period has seen plenty of the most shameless threats, blackmail and brazen urgings aimed at getting our country to betray its principles and international commitments in exchange for oil on preferential terms and with dubious friendships.
In commemorating the sixtieth anniversary of the triumph of the revolution, when Cubans achieved true and definitive independence, First Secretary Raul Castro said,
“[W]e Cubans are ready to resist a situation of confrontation, which we do not desire, and we hope that the most lucid minds in the United States Government can avoid it.”
We have reiterated that even in the present circumstances, we will not renounce our determination to develop civilized relations with the United States, based on mutual respect and recognition of our profound differences. We know that is the desire of the people of Cuba and that the feeling is shared by the majority of the people of the United States and the Cubans who live there. I also want to confirm that no amount of economic aggression, threats or blackmail, no matter how harsh, will extract a single concession from us. Anyone familiar with the history of the Cuban people in their long struggle for emancipation and their steadfast defence of the freedom and justice they have achieved will understand, beyond any doubt, the significance, sincerity and strength of the beliefs and attitudes of our people.
The bilateral relations between Cuba and Venezuela are based on mutual respect and true solidarity. We have no hesitation in supporting the legitimate Government, headed by our comrade Nicolas Maduro Moros, and the civic and military union of the country’s Bolivarian and Chavista people. We condemn the behaviour of the United States Government towards Venezuela, focused as it is on encouraging coups d’etat, assassinations, economic warfare and the sabotaging of the country’s power supply. We reject its implementation of severe unilateral, coercive measures and the plundering of Venezuela’s assets, companies and export revenues. Those actions constitute a serious threat to regional peace and security and a direct attack on the Venezuelan people, in an attempt to break them in the cruellest of ways. We call on everyone to recognize those facts, demand an end to the unilateral coercive measures, reject the use of force and advocate respectful dialogue that is grounded in the principles of international law and the constitutional order of Venezuela.
A few days ago, the United States and a handful of other countries decided to reactivate the obsolete Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, which provides for the potential use of military force. That is an absurd decision that represents a historic setback and poses a danger to regional peace and security, as it seeks to use legal artifice to justify interference in the internal affairs of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. It is also a gross violation of the Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace, signed by Heads of State and Government in Havana in January 2014. Of similar significance is the United States decision to revive the disastrous Monroe Doctrine, an instrument of imperialist domination under which military interventions and invasions, coups d’etat, military dictatorships and the most horrific crimes were perpetrated in our America.
As we witnessed a few days ago in the Assembly, the President of the United States likes to attack socialism in many of his public statements, clearly for vote-getting purposes, while promoting a McCarthyist intolerance of those who believe in the possibility of a better world and entertain hopes of living in peace, in sustainable harmony with nature and in solidarity with everyone else. President Trump ignores or tries to conceal the fact that neoliberal capitalism is responsible for the increasing social and economic inequality that today affects even the most developed societies and that by its nature fosters corruption, social marginalization, increasing crime, racial intolerance and xenophobia. And he forgets, or does not know, that out of capitalism emerged fascism, apartheid and imperialism.
The United States Government is spearheading the flagrant persecution of political leaders and popular and social movements via defamation campaigns and outrageously manipulated, politically motivated judicial processes, in order to undo policies that, through sovereign control of natural resources and the gradual elimination of social differences, built more just and supportive societies that represented a way out of economic and social crisis and brought hope to the peoples of America. That is what it did to former Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, whose freedom we demand. We reject Washington’s attempts to destabilize the Government of Nicaragua and we reaffirm our unwavering support for President Daniel Ortega. We stand in solidarity with the Caribbean nations demanding legitimate reparations for the horrific legacy of slavery, as well as the fair, special and differential treatment they deserve. We reaffirm our longstanding commitment to the free determination and independence of our brother people of Puerto Rico. We support Argentina’s legitimate claim to sovereignty over the Malvinas, South Sandwich and South Georgia islands.
The behaviour of the current United States Government and its strategy of military and nuclear domination constitute a threat to international peace and security. It maintains almost 800 military bases around the world, promotes projects to militarize outer space and cyberspace and foments the covert and illegal use of information and communication technologies to attack other States. The withdrawal of the United States from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, and its immediate commencement of intermediate-range missile tests, can be seen as an attempt to initiate a new arms race.
In his address to the General Assembly last year, the President of the Councils of State and Ministers of the Republic of Cuba, Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez, affirmed that
“[mjultilateralism and full respect for the norms and principles of international law to advance towards a democratic, equitable multipolar world are necessary to ensure peaceful coexistence, maintain international peace and security and find lasting solutions to systemic problems.” (A/73/PV8, p. 33)
We reiterate our unrestricted support for a comprehensive, just and lasting two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which can enable the Palestinian people to exercise their right to free determination in a sovereign, independent State based on pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We reject the unilateral action of the United States in establishing its diplomatic representation in the city of Jerusalem and condemn the violence inflicted on the civilian population by Israeli forces in Palestine and the threats to annex the occupied territories in the West Bank.
We reaffirm our unswerving solidarity with the Sahrawi people and support the quest for a solution to the issue of Western Sahara that will allow them to exercise their right to free self-determination and live in peace in their territory.
We support the quest for a peaceful and negotiated solution to the situation that has been imposed on Syria, without foreign interference and in full respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We reject any direct or indirect intervention without the consent of the legitimate authorities of that country.
We express our solidarity with the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of the aggressive escalation undertaken by the United States. We reject the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran’s nuclear programme. We call for dialogue and cooperation on the basis of the principles of international law.
We welcome the inter-Korean dialogue process. Only through negotiations can a lasting political solution be achieved on the Korean peninsula. We strongly condemn the imposition of the unilateral and unjust sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. NATO’s continued expansion towards the borders with Russia poses serious dangers that have been aggravated by the imposition of arbitrary sanctions, which we reject.
We support with admiration the recent so-called student and youth marches. Climate change, some of whose effects are now irreversible, is a threat to the survival of the entire world, particularly the small island developing States. Capitalism is unsustainable. Its irrational and unsustainable patterns of production and consumption, along with the growing and unjust concentration of wealth, are the main threat to the ecological balance of the planet. There can be no sustainable development without social justice. We cannot continue to overlook the separate and differential treatment subjected to the southern countries when it comes to international economic relations. The emergency in the Amazon compels us to search for solutions through universal cooperation, without exclusion or politicization, and with the full respect for the sovereignty of States.
Corruption is spreading among political systems and electoral models, as is their disengagement from the will of the people. Powerful and exclusive minorities, particularly corporate groups, decide the nature and composition of Governments, parliaments, and judicial and law-enforcement institutions. After failing in its attempt to subdue the Human Rights Council, the United States Government opted to abandon it and is consequently further hampering international dialogue and cooperation on the subject.
That news should come as no surprise to us. The United States is a country where human rights are violated systematically, and often deliberately and flagrantly so. In 2018, 36,000 people — a hundred per day — died in that country by firearms. Meanwhile, the Government protects those that produce and trade firearms at the expense of the safety of its citizens. Every year, 91,000 people in the United States die of heart disease due to a lack of adequate treatment. Infant and maternal mortality rates among African Americans double those among Caucasians. Twenty-eight million people do not have health insurance or real access to health services. Thirty-two million people are functionally illiterate. A total of 2.2 million people are incarcerated, 4.7 million people are on probation and every year 10 million people are arrested. It therefore makes sense that the President of the United States is busy attacking socialism.
We reject politicization, selectivity, punitive approaches and double standards when it comes to addressing human rights. Cuba will remain committed to the exercise by all individuals and peoples of all their human rights, in particular the rights to peace, life, development and self-determination. We must prevent the imposition of a single, totalitarian and overpowering cultural model that destroys national cultures, identities, history, memory, symbols and individuality, and that silences the structural problems of capitalism that lead to ever-increasing, lacerating inequality.
So-called cognitive capitalism also lends itself to that reality. Digital capital dictates global value chains, concentrates the ownership of digital data, exploits identity, information and knowledge and threatens freedom and democracy, which have already been analogically eroded. We need other forms of self-propelled, humanist and counter-hegemonic thinking, as well as decisive political action, to coordinate mass mobilization in our networks, in our streets and at the polls. Independent States need to exercise sovereignty over their cyberspace, break free of the illusions of the so-called network society and the era of access and, instead, democratize Internet governance.
The powerful and universal thought of the apostle of the Cuban independence, Jose Marti, continues to inspire and motivate new generations of Cubans. The words he wrote a few hours before he was killed in battle are particularly relevant today:
“I am in danger each day now of giving my life for my country, and for my duty ... to prevent in time, with the independence of Cuba, the United States from extending itself across the Antilles and falling with that much more force upon the lands of our America. Everything that I have done thus far, and all I will do, is for that purpose.”
Similar strength is found in the words of Antonio Maceo, who wrote in 1888 that “whoever tries to conquer Cuba will gather the dust of her blood-soaked soil, if he does not perish in the fight”.
It is this same and singular Cuban Revolution that was commanded by Fidel Castro Ruz and is now headed by the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, Raul Modesto Castro Ruz, and President Miguel Diaz Canel Bermudez. And if, at this point, someone still intends to make the Cuban Revolution surrender or expects the new generations of Cubans to betray their past and renounce their future, we will repeat with the vigour of Fidel, “Our country or death! We shall prevail!”


The current General Assembly meeting is occurring at a very auspicious time for the Horn of Africa. Positive developments are under way in the region. The sad, painful chapter of domestic turmoil and regional conflicts is giving way to new vistas of internal resurgence and regional cooperation.
In global terms, this is a sensitive and delicate period, when the world is at a crossroads — on the cusp of a new world order, so to speak. All vital parameters indicate that the unipolar world order has come to an end or is in its twilight years. The economic power balance is inexorably changing, with a spike in attendant intense rivalries and upheavals. The current session of the General Assembly cannot but grapple with such issues and chart out a viable path for the way forward.
Africa’s lot over the past quarter of a century has indeed been onerous. Africa’s resources were plundered wantonly. Despite hollow phrases of “conflict prevention” and “conflict resolution”, wars and upheavals continue to increase and fester. Almost 1 billion Africans remain marginalized through the collusion of external predators, their local surrogates and corrupt special-interest entities. That tragic reality requires the utmost and urgent attention for effective remedies, beyond sincere expressions of concern and understanding.
In that context, the Horn of Africa and Middle East regions have been immensely and inordinately afflicted in the past 25 years by externally instigated, intractable, internecine ethnic and clan conflicts, as well as discord and wars among neighbouring countries. As a result, they have been, and remain, hotbeds of instability and impoverishment.
That grim reality is in stark contrast to the promising events and hopes engendered in the early 1990s. However, the external and internal complications have obstructed and reversed the laudable initiatives for regional cooperation and integration that were expected at the time. Furthermore, such conditions have created vacuums and favourable climates for terrorist and other subversive forces to proliferate and expand. Here again, a large part of the blame falls on corrupt local actors that avidly sought to promote their narrow interests at the expense of their peoples.
All those tribulations notwithstanding, the numerous challenges and impediments that afflicted the Horn of Africa region have been overcome at this time. A new promising chapter is indeed likely again.
As always, we in the region are ready to work more resolutely with the requisite political will and determination to promote our collective growth through robust coordination and cooperation. We therefore wish to underline that ill-advised, obstructive and detrimental external interferences must cease fully in order to allow the region to effectively address its own matters.
In Eritrea, in addition to shouldering our regional responsibilities, we have embarked on a substantive and sustainable programme for economic and social development. We are building our human capital, improving our infrastructure and developing key productive and service sectors. We are also intensifying our efforts and significantly increasing investment to ensure that all citizens throughout the country enjoy adequate basic services of water, health care, education and transport, as well as a decent livelihood.
Eritrea has been making modest strides towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals in their three dimensions — economic, social and environmental — with its long-standing policy of a balanced and integrated approach to development. In the past two decades, we have already achieved significant results in several pillars of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) despite limited material resources as well as crippling external adversity, including imposed war and sanctions. Most notable is Eritrea’s achievement in the four health-related MDGs.
The Horn of Africa region is prone to drought and erratic rainfall. Eritrea’s soil and water conservation strategy to mitigate the effects of climate change and achieve food security include building small, medium and large dams across the country and terracing its mountainous topography. Eritrea has been able to harvest adequate water, but it will require incorporating innovative water technologies to distribute that water efficiently. Eritrea’s sustained tree-planting project, which also began in 1994, continues with the full participation of the population.
The international community will have to glean important lessons from the recent past to ensure that the current period, which many have termed a transition towards a new global order, will lead to and enhance global stability and prosperity. In that regard, it is both timely and proper to reform and strengthen the United Nations so that it can shoulder its obligations and responsibilities with greater effectiveness.


I, Israel Katz, son of Holocaust survivors Meir and Malka Katz — may they rest in peace — am proud to stand here today, at the rostrum of the United Nations General Assembly, as the Foreign Minister of the State of Israel. For me, this is a very moving moment. In 1947, the United Nations recognized the right of the Jewish people to their own State in the land of Israel and, 71 years ago, we established the State of Israel. Since then, we have defended and developed our homeland, and today the State of Israel is strong and advanced, a start-up nation that leads in many fields.
Israel is a real democracy for all its citizens, Jewish and non-Jewish alike. But Israel is, first of all, the nation State of the Jewish people, based on thousands of years of Jewish history and the right of the Jewish people to their own homeland, just as the United Nations decided 72 years ago.
I wish to thank the President of the United States, Donald Trump, for his historic and brave decision to recognize Jerusalem, the eternal capital of the Jewish people for 3,000 years, as the capital of Israel, and to relocate the American Embassy to Jerusalem. I call on all countries to follow the example of the United States in recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. No one can separate the Jewish people from our historical homeland and no one can separate us from Jerusalem, our eternal capital.
Israel wants peace with all its neighbours. We have signed peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan and are working today to advance our relations with many Arab States in the region. We call on the Palestinian Authority to stop incitement, stop encouraging and financing terrorism and recognize the right of the Jewish people to their own State. We call on the Palestinians to return to direct negotiations without any preconditions.
In Gaza, the terrorist organization Hamas is holding two Israeli citizens, Avraham Mengistu and Hisham Al-Sayed, and the bodies of two Israeli soldiers, Hadar Goldin and Oron Shaul. I call on the United Nations to implement the decisions that it took on that issue and not allow any country to provide aid to Gaza until Hamas returns them to their families.
Recently, I heard President Erdogan attack Israel (see A/74/PV.3), and I want to say to him: “You, who brutally oppress the Turkish people, slaughter the Kurdish minority and support the terrorist organization Hamas, are the last person who can lecture Israel. You are not the Sultan and Turkey is not the Ottoman Empire. Shame on you.”
The main problem threatening stability and security in the Middle East is Iran, which threatens to destroy Israel and works against the regimes of many countries in the region. Iran uses its proxy terrorist organizations, Hizbullah in Lebanon, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad in Gaza, the Houthis in Yemen and the Shi’ite militias in Syria and Iraq, against not only Israel but also other States in the Middle East. We recently saw a serious escalation in which Iranian missiles were launched from Iran against Saudi oil facilities in order to destabilize world oil supplies. That terrorist attack against Saudi Arabia was carried out on the direct orders of Iranian leader Ali Khamenei. Iran is the leading terrorist State and the principal sponsor of terror in the world.
I call on the international community to unite to stop Iran. The world cannot allow Iran to develop nuclear weapons and to develop ballistic missiles and it must stop Iran from supporting terrorist organizations in the region.
The United Nations must declare Hizbullah and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as terrorist organizations. They promote terror in the Middle East, Europe, Latin America and all over the world and the world must stop them.
I call on the international community to support President Trump’s maximum pressure policy against Iran. That is the way to stop them. We must stop Iran today in order to prevent war tomorrow. To the Iranian leadership, I say, in their own language: “Do not count your chickens until they hatch.” It is not over until it is over.
The reality in the Middle East also presents opportunities for cooperation and advancing the economies of all countries. In recent years, Prime Minister Netanyahu and I developed the Tracks for Regional Peace initiative, which will connect the Arab Gulf States by rail through Jordan to the Israeli ports in Haifa. It will provide them a faster, shorter and safer outlet to the Mediterranean. We are also going to connect the Palestinian Authority to this project, which will boost their economy. I presented the initiative to the Secretary-General at our recent meeting in Abu Dhabi and invited him to take part in the important project. Israel has a clear policy to advance ties and normalization with the Arab Gulf States. We have no conflict with the Gulf States and common interests in the field of security against the Iranian threat as well as in developing many joint civilian initiatives.
Israel has great capabilities in many areas, including high tech, innovation, agriculture and water technology, which can help the Gulf States, while the Gulf States in turn have many capabilities that can help Israel as well. I hope that such cooperation will lead to the signing of peace agreements between our countries, as we signed them with Egypt and Jordan.
I should like to conclude with the words of the prophet Isaiah, who, thousands of years ago invited all the nations of the world to come to pray in Jerusalem: “Even them will I bring to my holy mountain, and make them joyful in my house of prayer: their burnt offerings and their sacrifices shall be accepted upon mine altar; for mine house shall be called a house of prayer for all people.” (The Holy Bible, Isaiah 56:7)
As we are about to celebrate the Jewish new year, I would like to close with a traditional Jewish blessing to all present here today, to the people of Israel and to the Jewish communities around the world: a happy and sweet new year to all.