It is an honour for me to
address the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly
of the United Nations on behalf of the European Union
(EU).
With its 25 member States, the European Union
represents 13 per cent of the United Nations
membership and accounts for almost 30 percent of the
world’s economy. Our contributions to the United
Nations go further; EU member States pay more than
36 per cent of the United Nations regular budget and
about half of all voluntary contributions to the United
Nations Funds and Programmes. They contribute more
than 50,000 troops to United Nations-led and United
Nations-authorized international peace missions.
We in the EU are proud of our contribution to the
United Nations and to international cooperation. But
we are not complacent. We understand that our security
and prosperity are inextricably linked to the fate of
others, and we know that we cannot isolate ourselves
from cross-border threats and challenges. We realize
that climate change does not respect nationality,
ethnicity or religion, that HIV/AIDS knows no borders
and that terrorists kill indiscriminately. No nation can
respond to these threats in isolation; the only way
forward is through collective action.
In a world of global threats, global markets and
global media, our security and prosperity depend more
28

and more on an effective multilateral system. The
search for a strong, rule-based international society is
more imperative than ever.
We welcome the Secretary-General’s call to work
harder to strengthen the rule of law for all. His agenda
is our agenda. That is why reform of the United
Nations, with a view to making it stronger, more
effective and more efficient, is a high priority for the
European Union. The Union remains committed to
multilateralism and a rule-based international order,
with the United Nations at its core. What gives great
strength to the United Nations is its legitimacy. It has
no substitute in the international community. It is
unique. But the Organization must adapt to changing
circumstances. The reform efforts that have already
been set in motion by the Secretary-General must be
intensified and deepened with a view to making the
United Nations stronger, more effective and more
efficient.
The EU looks forward to the report of the High-
Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change and to
the Secretary-General’s recommendations that will be
submitted to the General Assembly. Next year, the
General Assembly will meet at the highest level to
review progress in honouring all of the commitments
of the United Nations Millennium Declaration. The
review must be comprehensive, balanced and effective.
The summit must deal with the major, interlinked,
concerns of peace, security, poverty and sustainable
development. The recommendations in the report of the
World Commission on the Social Dimension of
Globalization are an important contribution to the
review.
We have committed ourselves to combating
poverty and promoting sustainable development. The
Millennium Development Goals must be achieved.
Urgent action is called for. Both developing and
developed countries must put in place a range of
measures, as agreed at the Monterrey Conference on
Financing for Development including: good
governance; expansion of trade opportunities, in
particular for developing countries; and an increase in
official development assistance. The European Union
is committed to those objectives. It is very much on
track for increasing its official development assistance
(ODA) to 0.39 per cent of gross national product
(GNP) in 2006 as part of a longer-term effort to raise
its ODA contributions to 0.7 per cent of GNP.
Combating HIV/AIDS must be an integral part of
our global campaign against poverty. As one of the
most devastating pandemics in human history,
HIV/AIDS is literally a disease of mass destruction: a
disease which strikes 10 people every minute. In Africa
especially, AIDS is tearing the fabric of society apart.
Fighting that disaster is a priority for us all.
Prevention of HIV/AIDS is inextricably linked to
sexual and reproductive health and rights. We wish to
reaffirm our commitment to the agenda of the
International Conference on Population and
Development and will do so again at the tenth
anniversary commemoration on 14 October.
Reproductive health and rights are an essential part of
development.
One of the greatest threats to international peace
and security today is the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction and their means of delivery. The
international community must address that challenge
effectively. The EU adopted a comprehensive and
coherent strategy against the proliferation of those
weapons last December, covering a wide spectrum of
measures. The EU is guided by the conviction that a
multilateral approach to security is the best way to
maintain international order. That is why we are firmly
committed to uphold, implement and strengthen
multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation treaties
and agreements. The multilateral treaty system
provides the legal and normative basis for all non-
proliferation efforts.
International treaty regimes and export control
arrangements are in place to prevent the spread of
weapons of mass destruction and their delivery
systems. Those instruments, however, have not
succeeded in putting a complete stop to proliferation.
Additional measures are necessary, in particular to
combat the risk of terrorist organizations gaining
access to those weapons and delivery systems. In that
regard, the EU welcomes the adoption of Security
Council resolution 1540 (2004), which is fully in line
with the EU strategy.
With others, the European Union will also
explore the possibility of establishing a close
relationship between the United Nations and the Hague
International Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile
Proliferation.
Terrorism is another threat that can be dealt with
only by effective multilateralism and close
29

international cooperation. Terrorists’ capacity to strike
is still very substantial, as shown by the heinous
attacks in several countries over the past year. I wish to
reiterate that the European Union utterly condemns all
terrorist acts, irrespective of their alleged motivations,
and to express our profound solidarity with the victims
of such acts.
The European Union welcomes the development
of the Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate, which
will strengthen the ability of the United Nations to
oversee implementation of anti-terrorism resolutions
and conventions. Obviously, the United Nations can do
its work well only if Member States honour their
commitments and assume their responsibilities.
Equipping the United Nations to deal with terrorism
also demands readiness to act in situations in which
States cannot or do not wish to implement their
international obligations in the fight against terrorism.
This brings me to the issue of human rights —
another common concern. Human rights lie at the core
of the work of the United Nations. The European
Union fully agrees with Secretary-General Annan’s
statement that terrorism must not be used as an excuse
to trample on human rights. States must ensure that any
measures taken to combat terrorism comply with their
obligations under international law, in particular
international human rights, refugee and humanitarian
law. We must protect the universal values and
fundamental freedoms whose enjoyment is seriously
impaired by acts of terrorism.
The European Union is a committed supporter of
initiatives to improve the implementation of human
rights obligations worldwide and at country level. The
European Union recognizes the responsibility of the
international community to protect mankind from
genocide, war crimes and grave and massive violations
of human rights. The European Union welcomes the
introduction of a human rights-based approach in the
work of all United Nations agencies and programmes.
That will ensure that United Nations assistance
activities contribute to achieving such rights for
everyone everywhere. Our own initiatives in that area
often complement and strengthen those initiated within
the United Nations framework. We especially welcome
the close cooperation between the European Union and
the United Nations special mechanism in respect of
children in armed conflict and human rights defenders.
The valuable work being done by the United
Nations, particularly by the Special Rapporteur on
torture, in pursuit of the prevention and eradication of
all forms of torture, is strongly recommended and
supported by the EU. The European Union would also
like to take this opportunity to reaffirm its opposition
to the death penalty.
The European Union stresses the importance of
the International Criminal Court in putting an end to
impunity and strengthening the rule of law throughout
the world. It will pursue its efforts to ensure the widest
possible ratification of, and accession to, the Rome
Statute of the International Criminal Court.
The world needs a United Nations that can
intervene decisively to prevent, limit and put an end to
military conflicts. An estimated 40 per cent of
countries emerging from civil wars relapse into conflict
within five years. The lesson — familiar but often
forgotten — is that the United Nations system must be
better attuned to how such conflicts can be prevented
and peace preserved. No matter how difficult,
preventing conflict and preserving a precarious peace
is less costly than intervening in a full-blown conflict.
The European Union is aware of its responsibility
in that area and is increasing its capabilities to maintain
its already significant contribution to conflict
prevention, international crisis management and
peacekeeping operations. It will also continue to assist
other regional organizations to enhance their own crisis
management capabilities. The United Nations must
intensify its cooperation with those organizations, in
part with a view to enhancing their capacity for crisis
management, in accordance with Chapter VIII of the
Charter. To that end, the European Union is working
with the United Nations Secretariat to implement the
Joint Declaration on United Nations-EU Cooperation
in Crisis Management of September 2003.
Several regional issues warrant special attention.
The Middle East peace process must be put back on
track. That means that the entire international
community must back the road map — the only road to
an agreed negotiated two-State solution. The European
Union and its Quartet partners will remain engaged in
the search for a settlement. The European Union thinks
that the Assembly can make an important contribution
to that objective by focusing on substantive issues in
the peace process and adopting a pragmatic and
constructive approach towards this problem.
30

The Security Council’s unanimous adoption of
resolution 1546 (2004) marks the restoration of
sovereignty to Iraq. The European Union
wholeheartedly supports the political process and the
new Iraqi Interim Government and calls on all Member
States to do the same. It gives its full backing to the
holding of democratic elections in January 2005. It is
committed to unwavering support of the pivotal United
Nations role in that country. The Iraqi people have
suffered so much and deserve the chance to have a
better life. Let us offer them that chance.
In a similar vein, the process of securing stability,
reconstruction and democratization in Afghanistan
must remain an international priority. The Afghans are
desperate for peace. They demand a say in their
country’s future. Over 10 million Afghans, more than
40 per cent of them women, have registered to vote in
the presidential elections on 9 October. There can be
no better sign of their enthusiasm for democracy. The
European Union will continue its political and financial
assistance to Afghanistan and its people.
Developments in Africa are cause for both
optimism and concern. Increasingly, Africans are
taking responsibility for solving the problems of their
continent. The progress of the African Union in
establishing its architecture for peace and security is a
case in point. The European Union will use its African
Peace Facility to help the African Union build capacity
to engage in peace support and peacekeeping
operations.
The European Union will closely cooperate with
the African Union, the United Nations, the Arab
League and the United States with a view to
harmonizing international efforts to contain and
resolve the conflict in Darfur. It will continue to
support the efforts of the United Nations, in particular
by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General.
The European Union expresses its concern over
the recent increase in tensions in the Great Lakes
region and calls on all countries in the region to adhere
to the Declaration of Principles on Good-Neighbourly
Relations and Cooperation. It remains our conviction
that the resolution of conflicts in the Great Lakes
region requires a regional approach. In the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the European Union supports a
more focused and robust mandate of the United
Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (MONUC) and related
increased capabilities. It is actively examining different
options for continued support to United Nations efforts
to strengthen MONUC.
Also, the European Union remains deeply
concerned about the situation in Zimbabwe and urges
that the Government of Zimbabwe establish the
conditions for and hold free and fair elections in line
with the Southern African Development Community’s
(SADC) August 2004 electoral guidelines.
Many courageous men and women are trying to
make a difference under the blue flag of the United
Nations. Last year’s bombing in Baghdad was a tragic
demonstration of the fact that the work of the United
Nations is often dangerous. The European Union
supports the Secretary-General’s efforts to improve the
safety and security of United Nations staff. We are
keen to discuss his proposals. Through our policies,
actions, and resources, we, the Member States, bear the
responsibility of making it possible for the United
Nations to go where it should.
The European Union itself is an example of
multilateralism at work. Conflicting interests and
diverging views still exist within the European Union,
as they do everywhere. But conflicts are resolved
within the framework of common institutions and
binding rules. Multilateralism works. A rule-based
international order is possible. And necessary. The
European Union will strive to achieve that goal
everywhere.


Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you
most warmly on your election to the important post of
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session and to wish you success in your very complex
task. I also wish to express our gratitude to your
predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte.
In our troubled times, humankind is placing its
most cherished hopes on the United Nations. Here at
the rostrum of this Organization, I would like to
express our deep satisfaction with the resolve with
which the present session of the Assembly has
embarked on a policy that is a quest for effective
solutions to the key problems now facing the
international community.
After 11 September, the highest priority
unquestionably has been given to fighting international
terrorism, which has now acquired the nature of a
direct war. This is an evil challenge to humankind. We
sincerely grieve for the innocent victims of terrorist
acts, wherever they may occur. Any victim evokes
sympathy, but the massacre of children in Beslan is
hideously evil. The time has come for terrorists to be
called to account for their criminal acts.
The “terrorist international” must be faced with a
united anti-terrorist front on all continents, regions and
countries. It is therein that I see the key to victory.
The tone was set for this session by the statement
made by Secretary-General Kofi Annan. With his
customary perspicacity, he emphasized that the highest
value is that of the supremacy of law in domestic and
foreign affairs. Genuine interest in organizing
collective action to address new challenges and threats
was a leitmotif of the statements made from this
rostrum by United States President George Bush, the
heads of several States, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Russia, Sergei Lavrov, and other high-
ranking representatives. Those statements were
evidence of the growing confidence in our
Organization and, I believe, represent a long-awaited
rebuff to those who wish us ill and to sow doubts
regarding the United Nations ability to resolve today’s
pressing problems.
A special feature of our forum today is the fact
that, along with other extremely important objectives,
it must serve as a preparatory stage for the sixtieth
2

anniversary session of the General Assembly. The
international community has the right to expect that
next year’s session will prove to be an historic event
and establish new landmarks for United Nations
activity. Recalling the ideals endorsed by the founders
of the United Nations, and on the basis of
contemporary requirements, I would propose that the
anniversary session be called a summit of peace and
economic and social progress.
Turning now to the United Nations role in the life
of my country, I should like to convey to the
Organization and its specialized agencies our sincere
gratitude for their support of our national efforts in all
areas of State-building. My people will forever recall
the decision taken at the fifty-seventh session of the
General Assembly in support of the 2,200th
anniversary of Kyrgyz statehood.
One axiom of Kyrgyz foreign policy is that small
countries must have big friends. For us, the United
Nations has always been such a tried and trusted
friend. That is most appropriate for the development of
our Republic on its path to democracy. It is well known
that the electoral process is considered to be a litmus
test for the level of democracy achieved in any given
country. This year, with direct assistance from
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the implementation of a
United Nations project in Kyrgyzstan has initiated
improvements to the national electoral system with a
view to ensuring that it meets international standards.
That is particularly important given the election
campaign now beginning to organs of power at every
level in the Republic. In that context, United States
President George Bush’s proposal that a fund for
democracy be established within the United Nations is
indeed a good one. Such a fund would substantially
enhance the United Nations potential in that area.
I should now like to turn to another problem. Two
years ago, under United Nations auspices, the Global
Mountain Summit was convened in our capital,
Bishkek. In that context, too, we are most grateful for
the Secretary-General’s assistance. The Bishkek Global
Mountain Platform was drafted at the Summit, defining
key objectives for the sustainable development of
mountain countries. That important document was
submitted to the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session.
At this session, I wish also to draw the
international community’s attention to the needs of the
least developed mountain countries. The time has come
to propose, on behalf of interested countries, the
adoption at this session of a special resolution
recommending forgiveness of the foreign debt of the
least developed mountain countries. That would serve
as a powerful stimulus to their comprehensive
development and to overcoming poverty and would
fully jibe with the objectives proclaimed in the
Millennium Declaration. A draft resolution on that
subject will be submitted to the General Assembly by
the delegation of the Kyrgyz Republic and other
delegations.
In considering future prospects, I believe that the
interests of all groups of countries are most fully
reflected in the decisions of the Millennium Summit. I
am gratified that a thorough and scrupulous analysis of
the results of five years of implementation of the
Millennium Declaration is being planned as a major
element on the agenda of the sixtieth anniversary
session of the General Assembly. I consider the war on
poverty to be of great importance in that context. The
link between poverty and international terrorism is
indisputable. Those phenomena are organically
intertwined. Unless we can overcome poverty and the
mass despair and sense of hopelessness it entails, in
particular among young people, our hopes for
uprooting international terrorism may indeed prove
futile.
In seeking to eradicate poverty, Kyrgyzstan is
relying above all on its own potential. We are most
grateful in that respect for the assistance of the United
Nations and the international community, expressed,
inter alia, in the Monterrey Consensus. In that
connection, we are hoping for increased assistance
through the United States Millennium Challenge
Account. In general, assistance for the development of
poor countries could be considerably enhanced. I
believe that this problem will also be duly reflected in
the work of the present and anniversary sessions of the
General Assembly.
Earlier, I linked the eradication of poverty and the
fight against international terrorism. Within the range
of interlinked measures, however, a policy to eradicate
international terrorism through the vigorous application
of collective force is of unique significance. Within the
framework of the anti-terrorist Coalition now active
under United States auspices, Kyrgyzstan is making an
important contribution to suppressing the ever-active
hotbed of terrorism in Afghanistan. I am convinced
3

that the October elections in that country will be a very
important factor in its democratic reorganization and
have a positive impact on the situation in the region as
a whole.
In order to enhance its contribution to the
international community’s war on international
terrorism, Kyrgyzstan has allowed the deployment on
its territory — within limited parameters, I would
emphasize — of armed Russian and United States
contingents. We are convinced that, in so doing, we are
strengthening the interaction of those great Powers in
today’s war on a common enemy. Our Kyrgyz land will
continue to be a place for the great Powers to cooperate
and to pool their efforts, rather than to compete.
We support international action to eradicate the
terrorist threat in Iraq. That has become the principal
obstacle to the development of democracy and to
ensuring peace in that country. We know from our own
experience that this is a long and thorny path, but one
that Iraq will have to take. The foundation for the
international community’s actions must be the
principle that, in assisting Afghanistan and Iraq in
combating terrorism, establishing peace and building
democracy, we are assisting ourselves.
I believe that there is a need here to unmask any
attempt to provide scholarly justification of any sort
for international terrorism. I am referring here in
particular to the concept of the clash of civilizations,
which cannot be thought of as an innocent theoretical
exercise.
In that light, this summer, along the shores of our
“blue pearl”, Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan and the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization organized a conference entitled “Eurasia
in the twenty-first century: Dialogue of cultures or a
conflict of civilizations?” The idea of a conflict of
civilizations was firmly condemned at the conference.
For my part, I believe that the term “conflict of
civilizations” should be erased from the global political
lexicon as unfounded theoretically and harmful in
practice. I note with satisfaction that, in his statement
at this session, President Bush rejected the concept of a
conflict of civilizations. The future belongs to the
dialogue of cultures and civilizations.
In conclusion, I wish to address the issue of
United Nations reform. Kyrgyzstan supports proposals
aimed at bringing the Organization ever more closely
in line with the realities of the twenty-first century,
particularly with respect to the role of the Security
Council. In that regard, I believe that the United
Nations at its anniversary session can and must decide
to include Germany and Japan among the permanent
members of the Council. We also support the
expansion of the permanent and non-permanent
categories of Council membership on the basis of the
principle of equal geographic distribution.
The enhancement of the United Nations
peacekeeping potential is another positive concept.
Kyrgyzstan will continue to respond positively to
requests for its personnel in efforts to attain those
goals.
Lastly, Kyrgyzstan and other countries of Central
Asia, in cooperation with Russia and China, intend to
continue to support the international community’s
efforts to counter international terrorism and to meet
other global challenges and threats through active
regional measures. Evidence of our resolve is the
growing role of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent
States and the Collective Security Organization.
From this high rostrum, I reaffirm that
Kyrgyzstan, in a spirit of unwavering dedication to the
principles and purposes of the United Nations, will
continue to be a reliable link in the international
community’s efforts to ensure peace, security and
prosperity for all peoples of this planet.


I would like to join
others in congratulating you, Mr. President, on your
election to direct the affairs of the General
Assembly — this great parliament of nations — at its
fifty-ninth session. Let me also take this opportunity to
pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Julian Hunte, especially for the momentum he gave
to the ongoing process of the revitalization of the
General Assembly.
Once again, in his annual report on the work of
the Organization and in his forthright statement to the
Assembly last week, the Secretary-General set the tone
of the annual general debate. My delegation commends
him for his tenacity and courage under extreme
political circumstances and shares his overall
assessment of the current international situation and
the role of the United Nations.
20

Just a little more than three weeks ago, on the
initiative of the member States of the Non-Aligned
Movement, the Assembly reaffirmed the central role of
the United Nations in the maintenance of international
peace and security and the promotion of international
cooperation. It was, indeed, a reaffirmation that this
Organization was founded on international cooperation
and that its efficacy is rooted in international
cooperation. My delegation therefore urges all Member
States to adhere to the principle of cooperation.
Sierra Leone believes, and will continue to
believe in the United Nations. After all, we are part of
the United Nations, like each and every State
represented in the General Assembly. Of course there
are some difficulties, but we strongly believe that,
given adequate resources and cooperative support in a
timely manner and given the necessary moral and
political support, the United Nations can deliver, as it
has done admirably in Sierra Leone.
In that connection, allow me to express our
sincere appreciation to all the countries that have
contributed to the United Nations Mission in Sierra
Leone (UNAMSIL). Our thanks also go out to the staff
of all the agencies and programmes of the United
Nations family and the non-governmental
organizations that have worked in partnership with the
United Nations, the Government and civil society to
restore peace and stability in our country and, most
recently, to conduct local government elections.
A theme that has reverberated within the Hall in
the past week, and in other international forums, is the
observance of the rule of law. The Secretary-General’s
analysis of its significance needs no embellishment.
The causes and character of the conflict in Sierra
Leone, perhaps more than in any other country in the
world in recent times, tell us that nearly everything
crumbles when the rule of law collapses and that,
therefore, it should be made the pillar of post-conflict
reconstruction, national recovery, governance and
administration of justice and the cornerstone of lasting
peace.
While the Government of Sierra Leone is
struggling, albeit with limited resources, to reform its
own administration of justice, it is also concerned
about the financial situation of the Special Court,
established in the country to address impunity. The
efficacy, and indeed the credibility of the Court, could
be questioned unless urgent measures are taken to
address its budgetary problems. I should therefore like
to take this opportunity to appeal for continued
voluntary contributions, as well as the requested
subventions from the regular budget of the United
Nations for the Special Court.
As President Kabbah said at the formal opening
of the courthouse last March, it is
“a Special Court for Sierra Leone, a symbol of
the rule of law and an essential element in the
pursuit of peace, justice and national
reconciliation for the people of Sierra Leone. It is
also a Special Court for the international
community, a symbol of the rule of international
law.”
There is no guarantee that the victims of
violations of international humanitarian and human
rights law during the civil war in Sierra Leone will
receive reparation for those heinous crimes. So the
least we can do for them now is to ensure that justice is
done. We can do so by reducing the financial burden of
the Special Court and by demonstrating that we are
indeed serious about respect for the rule of law.
The United Nations was formed over 50 years
ago as a response to the peace and security needs of the
era of its birth. Since then, the world has experienced,
and continues to experience, fundamental changes, to
which the United Nations should adapt. That is why
Sierra Leoneans continue to follow with profound
interest the consultative processes for the revitalization
of the General Assembly and reforms in the Security
Council in order to reflect the reality of the
contemporary world. My delegation wishes to urge the
President to sustain the momentum in the processes
generated by the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly.
The menace of terrorism and local conflicts
continues to impede peace, stability and development
in many parts of the world. Innocent victims aside,
conflicts have reversed the development gains of poor
countries, and even reduced them to the status of
donor-dependants. While deploring all acts of
terrorism, it is important to recognize that poor
countries, particularly those emerging from conflict,
have weak capacity to fight terrorism. If global action
is what is needed to fight terrorism, and my delegation
believes that this should be the case, efforts should be
made to enhance the capacity of poor countries to play
their own role in that battle.
21

After about 11 years of a violent and destructive
civil conflict, Sierra Leone is now in the delicate post-
conflict phase. It is in that phase that the root causes of
the conflict should be addressed and the foundation for
permanent peace, stability and sustainable development
should be laid. In short, that is the phase in which the
gains of the peace effort should be maximized, using a
synergetic approach that incorporates development and
other strands of generators of peace into peacekeeping.
But this approach needs resources and planning beyond
the traditional peacekeeping strategies that involve
pulling out when the guns fall silent.
It is in that regard that my delegation is soliciting
continued and enhanced support for post-conflict
Sierra Leone. An important component of this appeal is
that development and financial institutions should
understand the multifaceted demands and delicate
character of post-conflict situations and treat them as
special cases. That means that those institutions should
revisit their rigid and standard prescriptions, with the
purpose of making them flexible and responsive to the
special requirements of post-conflict situations.
Ten days ago, the Security Council extended the
mandate of UNAMSIL to June 2005. The Government
of Sierra Leone has endorsed the Secretary-General’s
assessment and recommendations regarding the
benchmarks for the residual presence of UNAMSIL in
the country. We note in particular that, over the next
several months, the Security Council will review the
residual functions against the capacity of the Sierra
Leone armed forces and police to maintain security and
stability effectively throughout the country. We hope
that the review will also take into consideration the
security situation in the subregion.
I would like to reassure the international
community through the Assembly that we do not
expect UNAMSIL to remain in Sierra Leone
indefinitely. The Government of Sierra Leone is
determined to ensure a smooth and seamless transition
from UNAMSIL to the Republic of Sierra Leone
Armed Forces and the police throughout the country.
The restructured army and the police have already
demonstrated through training, discipline and
performance that they are nearly ready to assume full
responsibility for the security and safety of the people
of Sierra Leone. But training is only a part of the total
picture of readiness. For effective operational
readiness, both the army and the police need logistical
support and equipment. Accordingly, my delegation
wishes to appeal to friendly nations for assistance to
equip our security forces to enable them to function
effectively. Meanwhile, for obvious reasons, the
Government and people of Sierra Leone are
encouraged by the prospects for consolidating the
deployment of the United Nations peacekeeping
mission throughout neighbouring Liberia.
Recent dialogue between, and among, the leaders
of the Mano River Union also augur well for peace and
stability in our subregion. We need the continued
support of the international community in resuscitating
the objectives and programmes of the Mano River
Union, because, if fully functional, it can complement
the efforts of the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) and the United Nations in
the subregion. In that connection, I would like to
express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for
his encouragement of the rejuvenation process of the
Union.
The United Nations has already identified many
of the root causes of armed conflict within States. With
the assistance of the international community, efforts
are being made to address those root causes. The
objective is to prevent the recurrence of armed
conflicts. My delegation believes that equal attention
should also be paid to the root causes of armed conflict
across States, including the senseless acts of
international terrorism that are being perpetrated in
many parts of the world. While prompt, effective and
decisive measures are absolutely necessary to deal with
the phenomenon, it is about time that we try to identify
and address the root causes of such ignoble acts.
New challenges are emerging and new threats are
being hatched in various corners of our world with
unprecedented frequency. However, we must not forget
the old, unresolved challenges and threats to human
safety and security. Without prejudging the outcome of
the Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change, Sierra Leone hopes that the
Panel’s report will help to throw some light on the
probable link between what could be described as old
and still existing threats and those now being
characterized as new threats and challenges. Perhaps,
as President Kabbah suggested at the Millennium
Summit four years ago, the old and still existing
challenges are taking on a new form and new
dimensions. What we are experiencing is, perhaps, the
transmutation of threats and challenges.
22

In speaking of old challenges and threats, the
question of Palestine comes to mind. It has been on our
agenda for far too long. We know that that is a complex
issue. However, the longer it remains unresolved, the
greater the risk of unending cycles of violence. Sierra
Leone firmly believes that an equitable solution, in
particular the establishment of an independent
Palestinian State side by side with Israel within secure
borders, would be a giant step towards peace and
security, not only in the Middle East but also in the rest
of our troubled and unsafe world.
Still in the area of existing threats to international
peace and security, my delegation is disturbed by the
tragic humanitarian situation in the Darfur region of
the Sudan. We applaud the response of the African
Union to the crisis and urge all stakeholders to do
whatever is necessary to speedily resolve the conflict.
But let me emphasize that the African Union would
like to do more — and would do more if it had the
resources. Accordingly, I would like to make an open
appeal, on behalf of the African Union Commission,
for financial and material support for the African
Union to enable it to deal with the situation.
The Government and the people of Sierra Leone
know from experience that ceasefire, disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration are essential
components of peace. But we are still faced with the
daunting task of consolidating the peace, because peace
goes far beyond the process of the disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants. The
consolidation of peace — real peace — means
improvements in the lives and livelihoods of all our
people. It means jobs, food, education, health care,
adequate housing and other social services. As the
Secretary-General observed in his most recent report
on the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone,
considerable progress has been made towards
economic and social recovery. However, in order to
sustain the process of consolidating peace and to
facilitate the smooth transition from recovery to
sustainable development, Sierra Leone needs continued
support, particularly for vulnerable areas of the
country.
We look forward to the 2005 comprehensive
review of the implementation of the Millennium
Development Goals — a review that will coincide with
the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. We in
Sierra Leone will also be reviewing the state of our
food security goal of ensuring that by the end of 2007,
no Sierra Leonean will go to bed hungry. Our food
security goal must be seen in the context of one of the
United Nations Millennium Development Goals,
namely, the reduction of extreme poverty and hunger.
Given the grave consequences of extreme poverty and
starvation, those are realistic goals. They represent the
minimum standard necessary to save lives. They are
attainable.
We know that it is our responsibility to do more
for ourselves. We also know the urgency of addressing
the democratic deficit in international economic and
financial decision-making. In our interdependent and
increasingly globalizing world, economic and social
inequities within countries are a reflection of unfair
rules, unfair trade practices and an uneven playing
field in international transactions. The Director-
General of the International Labour Organization, Juan
Somavia, was correct when he told the recent African
Union summit in Ouagadougou that good national
governance will not succeed unless we have good
global governance.
Consumers need to share, in a more equitable
manner with producers in the developing world, the
benefits derived from their abundant natural and
human resources. That means, among other things, fair
prices and debt relief, all of which should have a
positive impact on our capacity to reduce poverty
within our respective developing countries.


It is with great pleasure that I
bring warm greetings from the Government and people
of Kiribati on whose behalf I have the honour to
address the Assembly today.
Before I begin, I would like to extend our
congratulations to Mr. Jean Ping on his election to the
presidency of the fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly. We have every confidence in his able
leadership to guide the work of the Assembly and to
deliver conclusive outcomes. He has our full support
and cooperation in carrying out his work. I wish also to
thank the President’s predecessor for the excellent
work he has done in steering the work of the Assembly
during the past year. My congratulations also go to the
Secretary-General for his sterling leadership of our
Organization during these trying times and for rising
commendably to the challenge.
We gather again this year amidst the reality of
daunting challenges that continue to confront us as
individual nations and as a global community. The
ongoing conflicts in Iraq and other parts of the world,
the scourge of terrorism and the existence of nuclear
arsenals, accelerated environmental degradation and
the threat of global warming and sea-level rise, hunger
and poverty, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and other non-
communicable diseases, the marginalization of the
least developed countries within the global economy
and underdevelopment, all continue to pose major
challenges that our Organization must address today.
Those challenges cast a dark shadow over the
commitments made by world leaders at the Millennium
Summit held here in New York four years ago,
pledging to work collectively to maintain peace and
security, to eliminate poverty and to promote
development for the benefit of all mankind in the new
millennium.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons
continue to threaten international security. We must be
unified in our approach and address those challenges
effectively by strengthening multilateral disarmament
and non-proliferation treaties and agreements and
through closer regional and international cooperation.
Kiribati supports all non-proliferation efforts and in
that respect is party to, among others, the Treaty on the
2

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the
Chemical Weapons Convention.
We commend and support the work of the
international community and efforts taken at the
national, regional and international levels to respond to
the challenges of terrorism, recognizing the need for
international solidarity in addressing that increasing
global threat.
Kiribati is committed to the global fight against
terrorism. Terrorism knows no boundaries and we
cannot claim immunity from it. Indeed, as a small
island developing State we have very little capacity to
develop any effective countermeasures and are
therefore especially vulnerable to terrorism.
We acknowledge the importance of complying
with United Nations resolutions and international
security arrangements that have been adopted in the
fight against terrorism. While we cannot afford to be
complacent in our efforts in that regard, it must be
recognized that the requirements for compliance with
those resolutions and arrangements do pose enormous
challenges for countries such as Kiribati. Our limited
resources and technical capacity are already committed
to providing for the basic and essential social and
economic needs of our rapidly growing population,
thus placing severe constraints on our ability to make
progress in compliance. I would like to note, however,
that, with technical assistance from our development
partners, we have made progress in enacting important
legislation relating to terrorism and transnational
crime. We expect to make further progress on
compliance with the counter-terrorism requirements
shortly.
The progress made so far has revolved primarily
around the introduction of legislation. We recognize
that this is just the beginning of the process. The
implementation and enforcement of the legislation
enacted will pose an immense challenge. In this
respect, we will continue to count on the assistance and
support of the international community.
We note with deep regret and concern the loss of
life and devastation to property caused by the recent
series of hurricanes affecting the Caribbean and the
Atlantic coast of the United States. We offer our deep
sympathy to those affected by those natural disasters.
The adverse impact of climate change and sea-
level rise is, indeed, a critical security issue for the
global community in this new millennium, especially
for low-lying island States like Kiribati. That issue
must take centre stage with other international security
issues. We urge the international community to agree
on a unified global response in order to better protect
the environment, in the same way that the international
community is being encouraged to respond to terrorism
and other threats to global security. Our inability as a
global community to agree on a unified stand on
climate change and sea-level rise is very disappointing
indeed, and we deplore the notion that economic
growth must take precedence over environmental
issues at any cost. Our very existence as a State —
indeed, the existence all States similar to Kiribati — is
at stake if such thinking continues to prevail.
I would like at this juncture to express our
gratitude to the many countries that have ratified the
Kyoto Protocol and to appeal to those that have not to
do so as a matter of urgency. We have demonstrated
remarkable solidarity in the fight against global
terrorism. Can we not demonstrate the same solidarity
in the fight against climate change and sea-level rise?
Regional cooperation has been a very effective
mechanism in addressing the many challenges faced by
countries in our region. Regional cooperation has
enabled many Pacific countries to meet some of the
counter-terrorism requirements. Regional cooperation
has also enabled us to effectively address emerging
issues confronting our region; the outstanding success
of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands
is a clear demonstration of that.
We in the Pacific are confident of our ability to
steer a course for the future. We have approved work to
commence on a Pacific plan that will promote
collective action in the areas of security, good
governance, economic growth and sustainable
development. We envisage that the Pacific plan will
result in the delivery of tangible benefits to our
respective peoples and communities.
We recognize the need for, and welcome,
strengthened cooperation and the development of
closer linkages and partnerships between the United
Nations and its specialized agencies and other
organizations, including the Pacific Islands Forum.
Such linkages and partnerships can only result in the
more effective, coordinated and harmonized delivery of
assistance to member countries.
Making progress with regard to the development
aspirations of our peoples is a high — if not the
highest — priority for many of us who are here today.
Our national policy objective is to achieve the
3

equitable distribution of development benefits to all
our peoples, based on the principles of good
governance. We are committed to the Millennium
Declaration and are on track in our national efforts to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals.
The Goals have been integrated and
mainstreamed into our national development strategy.
We are committed to pursuing those goals as the basis
of sustainable development. In this connection, I would
like to express our appreciation to all our development
partners, who, over the years, have contributed
meaningfully to the realization of our development
aspirations.
While we are grateful for the assistance extended
by our development partners, there is scope for us to
achieve more for our peoples — and to do so without
development assistance. Kiribati has a large exclusive
economic zone that has an abundant fisheries resource.
Those resources are presently being harvested by
vessels from distant-water fishing nations under license
arrangements. However, the return from these licensing
arrangements is negligible, at only around 5 per cent of
the landed value of the catch.
Naturally, we would like to see greater returns
from that resource. Our ability to achieve sustainable
economic development depends on it. Accordingly, we
urge the flag States of those fishing interests to
encourage their industries to explore the mutual
benefits to be gained from collaboration with resource
owners in establishing on-shore facilities that will add
value to the commodity. We believe that such a model
will also result in easing the pressure on fish stocks
and ensure conservation of the resource for the
sustainable benefit of mankind.
The entry into force in June this year of the
Western and Central Pacific Tuna Convention
represents a major development in the management of
the western and central Pacific tuna fishery.
In this age of rapid globalization, advances in
information technology and trade liberalization, it is
regrettable that, while some are reaping the full
benefits of those advances and developments,
significantly more remain on the fringes. The reality is
that a large proportion of the world’s population, most
of whom live in developing countries, continue to live
in poverty and are marginalized in trading
arrangements and market access opportunities. The
promise of globalization and open trading as a positive
force for economic growth, and social progress
continues to elude the many. Much work needs to be
done to ensure that the many also enjoy the benefits of
globalization.
Kiribati supports the findings of the report of the
World Commission on the Social Dimension of
Globalization. We urge that the findings of the report
be taken into consideration and incorporated into the
work of the Assembly, especially for the 2005 high-
level review of the outcome of the Millennium
Summit.
We welcome the United Nations support for the
convening, early next year in Mauritius, of the
International Meeting for the 10-Year Review of the
Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States. Like
other small island developing States, we attach great
importance to that review. With the continued support
and commitment of our development partners to the
process, we can be assured of important outcomes that
will go a long way in making a real difference to the
quality of life for our peoples.
We share the concerns of the international
community about the spread of HIV/AIDS and its
devastating impact as both a health crisis and a
development concern. We welcome the recent
developments in the search for affordable drugs for
HIV/AIDS victims in developing countries. We
encourage greater collaboration on HIV/AIDS research
and the mobilization of resources for prevention
activities and for better medical care for affected
patients.
We believe in the continuing relevance and
importance of the role of the United Nations and its
ability to respond to the challenges of our
contemporary world. In this regard, Kiribati welcomes
and fully supports the efforts to reform this
Organization to enable it to better respond to the
challenges of this era.
Given the crucial role of the Security Council in
the promotion of international peace and security and
the importance we attach to that issue, we see the
necessity for Security Council reform, including the
expansion of both the permanent and non-permanent
membership of the Council. Expansion is required to
better reflect the realities of our world today. We note
that some countries, including Japan, have consistently
committed substantial resources towards the
maintenance of global peace and security, and we
believe that they should be accorded permanent
membership on the Security Council.
4

We attach great importance to our membership in
this noble Organization, and we reaffirm our
commitment to upholding the noble values and
principles enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. The Charter epitomizes our hope for
achieving justice and equality and the safeguarding and
promotion of fundamental human rights of all peoples.
Within that context, we believe that the exclusionary
principles applied to Taiwan in its bid for United
Nations membership go against the very values and
objectives of the Charter that we all strive to uphold. In
this era of tension and conflict we should discard the
present exclusionary practices and adopt a more
embracing environment where all countries willing and
able to contribute to the international community’s
efforts to promote world peace and stability are
welcomed as equal partners. Taiwan has made and
continues to make notable contributions to the
development of many developing countries and has the
capacity to contribute constructively to the good work
of the United Nations. It is therefore regrettable that
the desire of the 23 million people of Taiwan to again
become a part of that global community of nations
continues to be rejected.
The challenges that confront us at this point in
time are indeed daunting, but they are not
insurmountable. With renewed commitments and with
a common resolve to work in close cooperation and in
support of each other, we can succeed in creating a
more secure, a more prosperous and a more just world
for all in this millennium.


I am
overwhelmed with a great sense of joy at seeing
Mr. Ping preside over the General Assembly at this
fifty-ninth session. My first words are thus to convey
to him, on behalf of my Government and on my own
behalf, the most heartfelt congratulations upon his
election. Our satisfaction springs from the great esteem
in which the Angolan people hold your country and
from the strong ties of friendship and fraternity that
unite us.
I would also like to congratulate your predecessor
for the dynamic manner in which he carried out his
mandate.
53

At a time when the world is confronting the
horrors of violence, poverty and hunger, the members
of the Assembly once again have the difficult
responsibility of assessing the implementation of their
decisions and of seeking new solutions to problems
that affect millions of human beings — solutions that
will require a mechanism for international cooperation.
The United Nations must remain the pivotal
instrument for States in dealing with new international
challenges to peace and security, such as terrorism;
hunger; poverty; violations of human rights that
continue to deprive millions of human beings of their
fundamental freedoms; the degradation of the
environment; organized transnational crime, including
drug trafficking; and HIV/AIDS.
The recent difficulties that the United Nations has
confronted in dealing with situations that have
seriously affected international security have exposed
the limitations of its structure and its operation. The
United Nations system must be urgently reformed and
adapted to the demands and challenges of the current
situation, which is characterized by globalization.
The main organs of the United Nations lack the
broad democratic character that they need in order to
express the will of the majority of the Members of the
Organization. Both categories of membership of the
Security Council should be expanded — on the basis of
equitable geographical representation — so as to
reflect the new international order.
In the past 50 years, humanity has made
important advances in the areas of science and
technology, economic development, medicine and
other fields, which have resulted in improved living
conditions and in an increase in the life expectancy of
vast segments of the world’s population, as well as in
the growth of the world’s material and even spiritual
wealth.
However, while some countries and continents
have shared in those gains, others continue to be
marginalized — overwhelmed by economic setbacks
that force a significant part of their population to live
below the poverty line.
The aspirations of such people to a world of
social justice and the full exercise of their economic
and social rights, including the right to development,
continue to be unfulfilled. In fact, the ranks of the poor
have not stopped growing: since 1990, the number of
poor people has been growing in sub-Saharan Africa,
Southern Asia and in Latin America and the Caribbean.
In the recent summit on hunger and poverty,
promoted by the President of Brazil, Lula da Silva,
world leaders highlighted the dramatic situation of
billions of human beings living mainly in developing
countries who are suffering from hunger, malnutrition
and diseases that are easily preventable.
This is a reprehensible picture, and we must
therefore make the eradication of hunger and poverty a
priority in our national policies and on the
Organization’s agenda. This dramatic situation could
rapidly be reversed by a greater commitment on the
part of the Governments of developing countries and a
stronger political will on the part of the richest
countries.
Furthermore, restrictions on international free
trade have contributed to a deterioration in the living
conditions of people in countries subjected to
restrictive economic measures, as is the case in Cuba.
We believe that such measures constitute an assault on
moral and humanitarian principles.
In spite of the efforts made by developing nations
to improve their economic performance and the
well-being of their populations, the practical results do
not measure up to the needs of the development
process. This is partly the result of the imposition on
developing countries of policies that do not take their
realities into account.
Some institutions and rich countries are
pressuring poor countries to follow the steps taken by
industrialized countries during their economic
development, alleging that developing countries will
develop faster because of the benefits resulting from
the implementation of policies that have in the past
yielded positive results.
Such guidelines do not come close to meeting the
development needs of poor countries. They fail to
place an emphasis on training institutions at the local
and national level; those institutions should, indeed,
serve as levers for development.
Wealthy nations have a moral responsibility to
foster a spirit of partnership, not of inequality and
dependence, so as to contribute to the development of
the less affluent countries and to the establishment of
institutions capable of sustaining their integration into
the global economy.
54

The existing economic disparities between the
wealthy countries of the North and the developing
countries of the South is not the result of choice on the
part of the latter. The enrichment of the industrialized
world has been achieved at the expense of the
impoverishment of the Third World through the
rampant exploitation of its natural resources and
workforce and the imposition of a system of
occupation and dominance.
Today, our countries and peoples are still
suffering as a result of those policies of exploitation
and subjugation, which in some cases have been
worsened by internal conflicts that came about after the
end of the period of foreign dominance.
It appears to us at times that the international
financial institutions and the rich countries deliberately
minimize those facts. From our point of view, the
extensive hesitation with respect to financial assistance
to developing countries is unjustified. Furthermore,
some of the imposed preconditions seem to be a
response more to political interests rather than to the
requirements of sustainable economic development.
We had until recently called on this body and on
the international community to support the restoration
of peace in Angola. That long-sought peace has finally
arrived and it has proved to be irreversible.
The success of the peace process ushered in a
new phase: the laying of the political groundwork for
the construction of a new society, one based on the rule
of law, tolerance, a market economy, and the existence
of a vibrant civil society. In addition to that political
process, my Government is engaged in economic
reform, which is a contributing factor to economic and
social stability. Were it not for the tremendous,
simultaneous challenges that we have had to face, that
process could have been faster.
So far, the Angolan Government has been
tackling alone the task of national reconstruction. That
task involves the rehabilitation of social and productive
infrastructures, which were almost totally destroyed by
the armed conflict; the social reintegration of nearly
100,000 former combatants and their families; the
resettlement of more than 4 million internally displaced
persons and more than 400,000 refugees; and a far-
reaching effort to reduce the poverty that afflicts most
of the population. This very difficult task can be
successful only with the full participation of the
international community.
The reservations expressed by certain
international donors in terms of providing assistance to
Angola — overlooking the fact that the internal
conflict was quite lengthy and destructive, that it
absorbed a large part of the country’s financial, human
and materials resources, and that it disrupted the
country — can be justified only by a lack of political
will.
The reconstruction of Angola urgently requires
partnerships and substantial support comparable to the
assistance given to other countries in post-conflict
situations.
As a country that is rejoicing in the peace and
freedom for which it fought for 40 years, Angola is
concerned with the instability in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, a country that shares an
extensive land border with Angola, and with which we
have fraternal ties. We were particularly shocked by
the massacres of civilians in Gatumba. The
perpetrators of that heinous act, who provoked a new
escalation of violence in order to make the peace
process unworkable, must be held judicially
accountable. That act makes clear, inter alia, that,
despite the significant efforts made in the context of
the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, the situation is still quite fragile.
The international community, particularly the
Security Council and the African Union, must devote
special and ongoing attention to this issue in order to
avoid a collapse of the process.
In that context, subregional organizations, the
countries of the region and other bodies involved in the
pursuit of lasting peace in that country must cooperate,
with a view to encouraging the Congolese parties to
meet their commitments under the transitional process.
It is crucial that all the countries neighbouring the
Democratic Republic of the Congo reiterate their
commitment to continue to respect the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the country and not to interfere
in its internal affairs.
The Transitional Government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo needs the support of the
international community. My Government is willing, to
the extent of its ability, to supply the necessary
assistance in the process of the consolidation of peace
and stability in that country.
55

The crisis in Darfur is a thorn in the international
juridical conscience. Angola supports the decision of
the Secretary-General to authorize an investigation. We
hope that the authorities of the Sudan will fully
cooperate with the African Union and the Security
Council in their efforts to help bring peace to the
people of that region. We believe that there now exists
a solid basis for resolving that conflict.
Having in the past been a victim of terrorism,
Angola cannot be indifferent to acts of terrorism,
wherever they may happen. The acts of terrorism we
have witnessed in recent times, and the vile and cruel
form they have taken, should not discourage the efforts
that the international community has been making to
root out their perpetrators, but should instead increase
its determination to isolate terrorist groups and stymie
their efforts.
We believe, however, that we should reflect
further on ways to prevent and combat terrorism. Have
the methods used to date been effective in eradicating
terrorism? Is the current system of collective security
capable of coping with the aggressiveness of the
terrorists? Would responses to terrorism based on the
multilateral efforts of the United Nations be less
effective?


This year’s general debate
unfolds against an international backdrop in which
terrorist acts of great ferocity have become all too
common. The latest, heinous form of terrorism is
hostage-taking, which has caused deep sorrow to many
of our nations. Again and again, the international
community has been caught off guard, unable to
respond quickly or effectively. New humanitarian
catastrophes have afflicted some of the world’s poorest
peoples. Difficult stabilization processes are still under
way in many regions where the international community
is implementing United Nations resolutions.
Some areas of the world have seen economic and
social progress. Yet we cannot ignore the fact that
entire regions — especially in Africa — are crippled
by poverty, malnutrition, disease and illiteracy. That is
why Italy takes a leading role in combating those ills in
multilateral forums and through bilateral means.
Our peoples demand security. We must join
forces to strengthen international cooperation and to
confront the common threat of terrorist organizations.
The false prophets of terror are able to spread their
message of death as a result of ignorance among
cultures. To counter their distortions, we should
mobilize people’s consciences and strengthen dialogue
among civilizations with different histories but shared
values and a common belief in human dignity.
Peace and development — the agenda of security
and human promotion — are related goals that require
a coordinated approach carried out through multilateral
institutions and in a spirit of equal partnership with
developing countries. In that regard, I would like to
stress the fundamental importance of a major event that
will take place in 2005. That initiative will be a unique
opportunity for a comprehensive review of progress
towards the attainment of the Millennium Development
Goals.
In our globalized, interdependent world,
international organizations are expected to provide
leadership not only through abstract formulations of
general principles, but also through effective, shared
initiatives supported by broad consensus. Our priority
is to strengthen the multilateral system and to
reinvigorate the role of the United Nations. That is the
responsibility that the Secretary-General set out for us
27

at the last session of the General Assembly. There are
two conditions for success: a sounder understanding of
the threats we face and a broad consensus on the
policies aimed at confronting them. Effective
multilateralism depends much more on political will
and shared goals than on structures and procedures.
The multilateral system — which demands
responsibility and commitment — is judged by the
results it enables us to achieve. That is why the whole
international community must be involved, starting
with the States that command greater resources and
capabilities. Multilateral decisions can be difficult, but
that is no excuse for inaction.
The starting point for United Nations reform is a
review of the Organization’s policies. Italy welcomes
the reform of United Nations peacekeeping and peace-
building, which we — as the sixth largest contributor to
the United Nations budget and one of the top contributors
of troops to peacekeeping operations over the past 10
years — support. Strengthening that critical sector will
help to prevent the recurrence of conflicts, to consolidate
the gains of peace, to re-establish the rule of law and to
guarantee freedom for all. Italy will also continue to
support the growing financial, operational and training
demands of new missions, particularly in Africa —
here, I am also thinking about the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development — and elsewhere.
Crisis management is a United Nations priority
that demands greater coordination of its components
and a stronger commitment on the part of Member
States to protect human beings and to uphold their
dignity. We thus look forward to the report of the Panel
of Eminent Personalities appointed by the Secretary-
General. The membership will have to examine it and
discuss its recommendations thoroughly and openly.
A firm agreement on the policies of the United
Nations must be upheld by institutions that enjoy the
consensus and participation of the membership. We are
encouraged by the results achieved so far with regard
to improving the functioning of the General Assembly.
On Security Council reform, we have not yet
been able to find an agreement that reconciles the
various approaches on the table. That should not deter us
from seeking solutions that are not divisive. Any decision
imposed upon Member States would seriously undermine
the credibility of the Council and the legitimacy of its
action. Confronted with global challenges of great
magnitude, the international community cannot afford
profound divisions within its ranks.
Italy is in favour of a Security Council reform
inspired by the principles of greater inclusiveness,
effectiveness, democratic participation and geographic
representation, starting with the developing countries.
We are firmly convinced that the best way to pursue
such a reform is to establish new non-permanent seats.
Since States would occupy those seats on the basis of
periodic elections, they would be accountable to the
general membership.
Some Member States, however, have advocated
the addition of new permanent seats — for themselves.
We do not believe the Council’s difficulties can be
resolved through new permanent, irrevocable
appointments and national mandates. Such a move
would sow division, frustration, and perhaps
disengagement, among the membership. Important
areas of the world would be left without representation.
For one, there would be no seat at the Council table for
the Arab and Islamic world. Can the international
community really afford this at a time when we are
trying to broaden the dialogue among different faiths
and cultures?
On the other hand, if a broad consensus emerges
with full respect for the sovereign equality of all
Member States, we are willing to contemplate more
frequent rotation or longer terms for countries that
make a greater contribution to the objectives of the
United Nations. Should reflections of the High-level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change be driven by
such a bold and innovative approach, we would
strongly support their endeavour. I am convinced that
many other countries would also be ready to accept it.
In addition, a closer relationship should be built
between elected members and their regional groups.
That would enhance the accountability of elected
members and would make the Council more
representative and its deliberations more legitimate.
Already in San Francisco in 1945 the founding
fathers recognized the importance of regional
organizations, whose relations with the United Nations
are governed by Chapter VIII of the Charter, and
whose role has grown steadily in the years that
followed. Increasingly, States belonging to the same
region have felt a sense of common responsibility for
crises affecting them all. Moreover, regional
28

arrangements provide small to mid-size States with a
greater say in the decisions of international forums.
More should be done to express those realities at
the United Nations and in the Security Council. As a
founding member of the European Union, the
depositary of its treaties and the host for the solemn
signature of the new European Constitution, Italy
believes that today’s 25-member European Union has a
fundamental contribution to make to the objectives of
the United Nations. We have always worked to allow
the European Union to speak with a single, more
influential, voice. We realize, of course, that we are
dealing with a gradual process. Nevertheless, we must
stay the course and not jeopardize the achievement of
our goal in the interests of all Europeans.
Let me conclude with a final, strong appeal to
States Members. Let us join forces, abandon national
ambitions and seek the least divisive ways to enhance
multilateralism. That is the only way the international
community can meet the global challenges of the new
millennium. In deciding between the satisfaction of the
few and the inclusion of the many, the wrong choice is
a luxury that the United Nations — at the very heart of
the international system — can ill afford to make.


I wish I could begin
this address on a more optimistic note, but since we
last convened at the General Assembly one year ago,
many dramatic and disconcerting events have occurred
on the world stage. I refer in particular to the
indiscriminate and brutal terrorist attacks on civilians
all over the world: in Russia, Spain, Iraq, Israel, Saudi
Arabia, Indonesia and many other countries. I refer to
the targeting of children and their parents at schools,
on buses and on aeroplanes. I refer to the almost daily
bomb blasts on busy city streets, in marketplaces and
in residential apartment buildings. I refer to the sadistic
pride and relish with which terrorists have been filming
the shooting, throat-slashing and decapitation of their
victims.
The purposeful torture and killing of civilians is
one of the basest forms of human barbarity. It is a
crime against humanity, along with ethnic cleansing
and genocide. Unfortunately, terrorism is not
disappearing from the news headlines of the twenty-
first century. Instead, it is becoming the principal
method of warfare used by disaffected groups seeking
to achieve their political ends and to blackmail national
Governments. Nothing can justify the use of such
means. Any seemingly noble ends can only be
discredited by using terrorism to further them.
Frequently, countries facing terrorist attacks have
been using vastly superior military capabilities to strike
hard at real or perceived terrorist targets. Too often,
however, those strikes have had an undesirable side
effect of their own: the further wounding and killing of
civilians and the additional destruction of property.
Such strikes have done nothing to diminish the deep-
seated feelings of resentment of disaffected
populations. The events of the past few years, and
indeed of the past few decades, point to the stark and
sobering reality that the military option alone has not
been effective in rooting out terrorism and that
terrorism has not been an effective means for achieving
political aspirations and goals.
Such never-ending cycles of killing and mounting
mutual hostility will cease once and for all only when
the parties involved forsake the use of violence. In the
Middle East, Latvia views the road map for peace as
the only feasible means of obtaining a cessation of
hostilities between Israelis and Palestinians. My
country encourages the interested parties to do their
utmost to de-escalate tensions and resume the peace
process.
In Iraq, the United States-led coalition forces
have handed over power to an interim Government, but
security problems are hampering the reconstruction of
the country and threaten the viability of free and fair
elections this coming January. The transition in Iraq
will require continued international assistance, and I
encourage the United Nations to assume an active role
in that regard.
Afghanistan is due to experience its first ever
elections next month. Latvia hopes that the historic
event will not be derailed by violent attempts to disrupt
the democratic process in that country. Latvia is ready
to continue supporting international efforts to provide
peace and security in both Afghanistan and Iraq.
Ten years after the human catastrophe in Rwanda,
we are again confronted with the systematic rape,
torture and killing of civilians, in the Darfur region of
the Sudan. Those crimes have occurred on such a wide
scale that they might be classifiable as ethnic cleansing
and genocide. Latvia welcomes the mediation efforts of
the African Union and encourages all parties involved
to ensure that no further harm comes to the civilians of
the region. My country supports Security Council
resolution 1564 (2004) of 18 September, which urges
the Sudanese Government to act decisively to stop the
violence.
The United Nations faces the prospect of
establishing a new peacekeeping mission in Sudan, in
addition to the 17 field operations already on the
ground. During the past few months alone, two new
Missions were established, in Burundi and Haiti, while
a third was expanded in CÙte díIvoire. The United
Nations peacekeeping budget for next year may nearly
double as a result.
Latvia is deeply committed to the United Nations
and to effective multilateralism as a central element of
United Nations activities. Latvia believes that the
United Nations must maintain its crucial role in the
mediation of international disputes and that Member
24

States must summon the collective political will to
support the United Nations as a truly credible force for
peace.
The Security Council has been the principal
forum in which the countries of the world deliberate
together on matters of peace and security. Latvia
believes that the Open-ended Working Group on
Security Council Reform must continue its activities
and come forth with proposals on how to make the
Council more representative of todayís political and
economic realities, how to provide the Council with
greater legitimacy and how to render it more effective.
A serious debate should be continued regarding the
enlargement of the number of permanent and non-
permanent members of the Security Council. Countries
such as Japan or Germany can and should play an
increasingly stronger role in this framework in view of
their substantial contribution to United Nations
activities and commitments.
Proposals for enhancing coordination between the
General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council
and the Security Council have made little progress.
Overlapping mandates and the duplication of efforts
continue to reduce the efficiency of the United Nations.
The economic and social programmes of the United
Nations need to be reformed, as well. For example,
why are the issues of the Economic and Social Council
reviewed four times a year, when twice a year might be
sufficient? Combined with the restructuring of the
Economic and Social Council's functional
commissions, such a reduction of redundancy in the
review process could free up vital financial and human
resources for important economic and social
development programmes in the developing countries
that need them most.
Latvia recognizes the important role of the United
Nations and other international organizations in
promoting worldwide development and reducing
poverty. Having regained its independence only 13
years ago, Latvia is gradually completing the transition
from a receiving to a donor country. We are grateful for
the valuable assistance that the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) has provided to our
country since 1993, and we are pleased that UNDP has
extended its mandate until the end of 2005. Although
the amount that Latvia is contributing to worldwide
development assistance is not very large at the
moment, we are committed to allocating no less than
one third of 1 per cent of our gross national product to
development assistance by 2006, as required of all the
European Union's member States.
Latviaís priority areas for development
cooperation centre around the promotion of democratic
and civil societies, economic development,
environmental protection and other issues in the
countries neighbouring the European Union,
particularly Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russia,
Ukraine and Uzbekistan, to name some of the countries
to which Latvia has already provided bilateral technical
assistance.
Latvia is eager to reduce the divides between the
developed and the developing world. The industrial
society into which we were born has been
characterized by the heavy machinery and tools that
have marked human progress over the last two
centuries. Now this society is evolving into an
information and knowledge society, with innovation as
an important engine of growth. Latvia has been
actively involved in the United Nations World Summit
on the Information Society (WSIS) and considers it an
honor to chair the Preparatory Committee of the
second phase of the Summit, which will take place in
Tunis in November 2005. The WSIS process should be
an integral part of the international community’s efforts
to eradicate poverty as outlined in the Millennium
Development Goals, which will be reviewed
periodically until 2015.
Although the delegations here today come from
many different backgrounds, practice different faiths
and speak different languages, all of us in this room
share the same desire to make our world a better,
cleaner, more peaceful and more prosperous place to
live in. We share a world view on what it means to be a
human and on the inherent value of each human life.
The more we strive to enshrine such values as
tolerance, compassion and mutual respect, the more
human and the more humane our societies will become.


I would like, on behalf of
my delegation, to join previous speakers in
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at this session. At
the same time, I would like to extend our compliments
to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, as well as to the
Secretary-General, for a job well done.
If there has been one consistent and predictable
area of convergence in our debates during General
Assembly sessions of the past, as well as during the
current session, it is the compelling need for a peaceful
and stable world - a world where humankind lives in
harmony, mutual tolerance and respect for the
collective benefit. For if we have peace and stability at
the national, regional and international levels,
humankind will be able to concentrate on the real
issues of the development of this, our only world.
Never before has our world been so insecure or
faced such enormous challenges. Sadly, this insecurity
results from manís inhumanity and his insensitivity to
human life. Yet it is also through man's efforts that the
effects of such challenges can and must be mitigated
or - better still - defeated.
It is common knowledge that the root cause of the
world's insecurity today is international terrorism and
armed conflict. Terrorist actions continue to haunt and
to shock us. The recent murder of innocent, young,
defenceless school children in Beslan, Russia; the
bombings in Indonesia; and daily killings in Iraq,
Palestine and Israel, are simply too ghastly to
countenance. Equally, the recent massacres of men,
women and children in refugee camps in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi and the
Sudan are not only dastardly in the extreme, but stand
in stark contrast to everything that modern civilization,
humanity and morality espouse.
Our world will continue to be insecure for as long
as terrorists continue to be harboured and financed by
some States Members of the United Nations. We must
recognize that none of us is immune from terrorism.
But a more honest and practical solution would be for
all States Members of the United Nations to commit
themselves not to harbour or finance terrorists and their
organizations. In that way, terrorists would have no
safe haven, thus rendering it possible to chase them
from pillar to post until terrorist organizations are
eliminated from our world.
We submit that yet another, equally pragmatic,
solution may be found in the answer to the question:
what is it that drives an inherently good human being
to commit such inhuman and senseless acts of State
terrorism, organizational terrorism or individual
terrorism? In short, we must confront the causes of
terrorism, honestly and without malice to anybody.
Lesotho is deeply concerned by the fact that
armed conflicts continue to cause suffering and hinder
economic growth in Africa and elsewhere. However,
we commend the United Nations for all its efforts
aimed at the elimination of human suffering in armed
conflict situations. When, in July 2003, the Assembly
adopted its historic resolution 57/337, on the
prevention of armed conflict, it recognized that
multilateral cooperation, under the auspices of the
United Nations, could be an effective means to prevent
armed conflict and to address its root causes.
Furthermore, it acknowledged the responsibility of the
United Nations to stand up to the challenge of
preventing, rather than just responding to, conflict.
I should like to take this opportunity to express
my delegationís appreciation to the Secretary-General,
for the comprehensive report to be presented at this
session on the implementation of that important
resolution.
For years now, the situation in Somalia has posed a
threat to international peace and security. The swearing-
in of Somalia's transitional parliament on 22 August
2004, in Nairobi, Kenya, paves the way for genuine
recovery for Somalia. In that regard, my delegation
compliments the Government of Kenya, the Inter-
Governmental Authority on Development, the African
Union and all other stakeholders for their efforts to
bring about normalcy in Somalia. We must not allow
the momentum to decrease, or the process to be
derailed by those who seek to fuel hatred, division and
the killing of the people of Somalia, including as a
result of the smuggling of arms, which takes place
despite the arms embargo.
The humanitarian and security crises engulfing
the Darfur region in the Sudan are a cause for serious
concern to all of us. A lot has been said about that
12

grave situation, but not much has been done to contain
the humanitarian and political crises.
However, my delegation is hopeful that words
will finally translate into action. We had hoped that,
with the help of the African Union mediators, the
representatives of the Government of the Sudan and the
two rebel groups - the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)
and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) - could
be persuaded to sign and respect the protocol on
security. We reiterate our call to all concerned parties
to enter into negotiations. We wish to remind the
Government of the Sudan that it is its primary
responsibility, first and foremost, to protect the civilian
life of its nationals.
The Great Lakes region remains politically
volatile. This situation has been exacerbated by the
recent massacre of refugees from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo at the Gatumba refugee camp in
western Burundi. We hope that the fact that the Forces
for National Liberation (FNL) have claimed
responsibility for the killings would make
investigations easier.
The peace process in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo remains elusive, at a time when we had
thought that the gains that had been made from the
Congolese dialogue, in South Africa, could be
consolidated. We reiterate the call by the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for renewed commitment by
the Transitional Government in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the Security Council and the
international community to work in full partnership to
see the transitional process through to elections
scheduled for 2005.
It is worth mentioning that, at the regional level,
the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) heads of State or Government, at their recent
summit in Mauritius, mandated the SADC Organ on
Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation actively to
remain seized of the situation in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
My delegation has never condoned the killings of
Israelis by the Palestinians or of Palestinians by the
Israelis. We have always considered the root causes of
the problem in the Middle East, which is the illegal
occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel. That problem
has been exacerbated by the construction by Israel of a
separation wall in the occupied Palestinian territory.
The International Court of Justice, the principal
judicial organ of the United Nations, on 9 July 2004
rendered its advisory opinion that such construction
was contrary to international law. We therefore appeal
to Israel to implement the important resolution adopted
by the General Assembly in view of the Courtís
advisory opinion. Moreover, it is our submission that,
unless and until the issue of the inalienable rights of
the Palestinian people is addressed vigorously, urgently
and truthfully, peace and security will remain elusive
in the Middle East.
We should perhaps recall that, four years ago, we
gathered in this very Hall with hope for, and
anticipation of, a better life for all humankind in the
twenty-first century, as we adopted the Millennium
Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals.
We set time-bound and measurable goals for
combating, inter alia, poverty, hunger, disease, the
spread of HIV and AIDS, illiteracy, environmental
degradation and discrimination against women.
Needless to say, we are today, as we were then,
committed to the achievement of those goals.
However, we did not anticipate that, as we
approach the comprehensive review in 2005, the
HIV/AIDS pandemic would have become the greatest
threat to life itself, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa.
Undoubtedly, the HIV/AIDS pandemic threatens to
render futile and irrelevant all our efforts at the
betterment of humankind, including the attainment of
the Millennium Development Goals.
As early as the year 2000, Lesotho had declared
HIV/AIDS a national disaster, and various measures
were being taken at the national level to control and
manage the pandemic. We have not been alone in that
fight, fortunately. It is in that spirit that we wish to
recognize and appreciate the dedication of Mr. Stephen
Lewis, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for
HIV/AIDS in Africa, and of Mr. James Morris, Special
Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa.
Through his advocacy, Mr. Lewis has helped
Lesotho start a robust programme of antiretroviral
treatment, while Mr. Morrisís initiatives have ensured
food supply for vulnerable and orphaned children.
Interventions of this nature give credence to the lofty
declarations adopted at various international summits
on the HIV/AIDS pandemic, as they complement and
strengthen our own initiatives and limited resources.
My delegation reiterates the call for increased
support for the New Partnership for Africaís
13

Development (NEPAD), the framework for achieving
the Millennium Development Goals in Africa. It is yet
another mechanism that will enable African countries
to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic, to eradicate poverty
and to reduce the high unemployment rate.
In the same context, the Millennium Challenge
Account is indeed a worthy and commendable
initiative by the Government of the United States of
America to launch the least developed countries on the
road to sound and sustainable development.
The prevailing situations in Western Sahara and
in Cuba continue to be of major concern. My de1egation
will ó because it must ó repeat the statement we have
made on many previous occasions: that the people of
Western Sahara have suffered long enough. We have
therefore noted with appreciation the latest
reaffirmation by the Security Council of its support for
the 1991 settlement plan, allowing the nations of
Western Sahara to determine the future of the disputed
territory in a referendum. We hope that the referendum
will be held soon, and urge that this be the case.
By the same token, the unilateral economic
embargo against Cuba is causing untold misery to the
people of that country. My delegation believes that,
when two countries are at war with each other, or when
a country has been condemned by the international
community for gross misconduct, an economic
embargo could be justifiable. However, we are not
aware that any war has been declared against Cuba, or
that the Government of Cuba has compromised or
broken international law. We therefore remain in the
dark as to what might justify the victimization of
millions of Cubans by the unilateral economic
blockade, for we contend that it is the sovereign,
democratic and, indeed, sacred right of the people of
Cuba to determine the system of Government most
appropriate for their country. Accordingly, we urge that
normalcy be restored to Cuba through the removal of
the economic blockade.
The coming into operation of the International
Criminal Court signifies, in our view, an end to
impunity. We are elated that there now exists an
international body that can take over when national
courts are unable or unwilling to try perpetrators of the
most egregious violations of human rights. We would
indeed live in a safer world if State parties to the Rome
Statute of the International Criminal Court adhered to
it, and if the Court attained universal jurisdiction. My
delegation encourages States that have not yet ratified
the Statute to do so as a matter of urgency ó indeed,
as a matter of common sense.
We are pleased to note that the ICC has
commenced investigations in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo and Uganda. We congratulate both these
sister countries for their cooperation with the ICC.
In order for the United Nations family to address
todayís challenges effectively, the Organization must
be reformed, with the Security Council being the
central focus of that effort. The Security Council must
reflect the reality of the international community in the
twenty-first century. That must be done against the
background of multilateralism, upon which international
peace and security is premised. In that regard, allow me
to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte,
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session, for the hard work and commitment he
displayed as the Chair of the Open-ended Working
Group on the Reform of the Security Council.
In conclusion, let me reiterate that it is only
through solidarity, unity of purpose and honesty among
us Member States that the United Nations will defeat in
our time the greatest challenges ever to face
humankind. Otherwise, as Secretary-General Kofi
Annan stressed in his opening statement, history will
indeed judge us harshly.