I wish first to extend to the
President my warm congratulations on his assumption of
the conduct of the current session. Uruguay has indeed a
major role to play in international developments, both at
the regional and the international level.
I also wish to congratulate the current President?s
predecessor, Mr. Udovenko, for his performance during
the fifty-second session. My congratulations and support
are also addressed to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who
has deployed enormous efforts not only to keep United
Nations services running, but also to further enhance their
efficiency through the ongoing reform process. His
political skills have been demonstrated in settling disputes
which threaten international peace and security.
The Austrian Foreign Minister delivered a statement
on behalf of the European Union to which my
Government fully subscribes. I would like to elaborate
further on some particular issues.
27

Greece consistently endeavours for peace and
security — security in political and socio-economic terms,
security through human dignity and through international
law and order.
In that spirit, Greece welcomes the establishment by
the Rome Conference of an International Criminal Court.
We hope that the Preparatory Committee, to convene
in the wake of the Conference, will decisively tackle the
remaining definition aspects of the crime of aggression.
Greece considers disarmament and non-proliferation to
be guarantees of international peace. In the nuclear field,
we welcome two significant developments: the signing of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the
decision reached in Geneva to negotiate a treaty banning
the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons and
other explosive nuclear devices.
My country shares the general concern about nuclear
tests. We also concur with the general recommendations on
the issue, namely, adherence to the comprehensive test ban
and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons, as well as compliance with the international
rules. Bacteriological and toxin weapons, known as the
nuclear weapons of the poor, remain a threat to humanity.
Reinforcement of the relevant Convention remains an
urgent priority.
The Ottawa Treaty on anti-personnel landmines made
history by totally banning their use. We urge those
countries, particularly in the sensitive south-eastern
European area, that have yet to accede to this Treaty to
seriously consider the humanitarian aspect of this exercise
and act accordingly.
Peacekeeping plays a major role in staving off crises.
Greece has taken an active part in a wide range of United
Nations operations, such as the United Nations Iraq-Kuwait
Observation Mission, and in the Western Sahara, in
Georgia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in the
United Nations humanitarian mission in Iraq and Operation
ALBA in Albania. Greece also provides annually a
significant financial contribution to the United Nations
Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.
The United Nations needs adequate resources and
means in order to carry out its mandate. Greece has
voluntarily accepted a higher percentage in the scale of
assessments and pays its contributions to the Organization
in full and on time.
Combating drugs is a high political priority for the
Greek Government. Greece closely followed the
proceedings of the General Assembly?s special session on
the international drug problem. Last June, my country?s
commitment in the fight against drugs was reflected in its
chairing the regional Dublin Group formation for the
Balkans and the near Middle East.
From its establishment, the modern Greek State has
proclaimed that no discrimination based on colour, race
or ethnic origin would be tolerated on its territory, while
the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all
individuals who set foot on it would be fully protected.
We have made a tradition of adhering to, implementing
and supporting compliance with the human rights norms
set by United Nations instruments and major conventions.
The restructuring and new membership of the
Security Council rightly elicit our attention. The
enlargement of the Security Council should be based both
on the criteria of the United Nations Charter and on the
ongoing realities. We understand that major regional
organizations, such as the European Union, the Non-
Aligned Movement, the Arab League, the Organization of
American States, the Organization of African Unity, the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Southern
African Development Community, the South Pacific
Forum and other important forums have a special
responsibility in identifying those countries which, by
evident commitment to principles enshrined in the
Charter, may further subscribe and contribute to its goals.
On the other hand, 53 years after the signing of the
United Nations Charter in San Francisco, we have to
acknowledge the new realities, such as the collapse of the
bipolar system and the emergence of new stabilizing
factors all over the world.
The future of this body of countries with limited
membership, regardless of their geographical location or
ideological orientation, calls for our consideration. We
hope that a renewed effort of the Open-ended Working
Group, under your guidance, Sir, will eventually reach a
compromise solution.
Concerning the world economy, I share the view that
globalization presents us with an array of opportunities
and potential benefits. Nevertheless, it also entails
increased risks. The international community has to make
full use of the international financial institutions and
instruments to weather crises and respond to the
28

challenges of globalization. No effort should be spared to
help developing countries, and in particular the least
developed among them, to avoid marginalization through
globalization.
Two very important aspects of the effort to better
integrate developing countries into the world economy merit
our consideration: first, the rapid and determined extension
of debt relief, within the terms of the Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries Debt Initiative; and secondly, improved
market access so that developing countries can effectively
benefit from the trade opportunities that the Uruguay Round
offers. In this respect, financing for development assistance
remains an additional element of paramount importance.
In the field of environment and sustainable
development, Greece supports the work of the appropriate
United Nations Commission. The significance of this forum
invites me to recall a grave problem: the threat to the
environment resulting from the expansion of nuclear-power
production plants, particularly when they are located in
areas subject to earthquakes, neighbouring sea traffic and
inadequate infrastructure. In addition, we are deeply
concerned by the increasing stockpiling of nuclear wastes
and shipments of radioactive materials, threatening the lives
and properties of developing countries? populations, in
particular those of the vast South Pacific area.
Turning to my country?s presence in regional
organizations, may I recall the active role played by Greece
in the Council of Europe through the Committee of
Ministers, which it currently chairs. Among the issues on
its agenda, I note the European Court of Human Rights,
which will enhance the protection of human rights at the
European level.
In the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, Greece is involved in every effort aimed at
promoting the notion of comprehensive security. With
regard to activities in the human dimension, I simply
mention my country?s contribution in the field of elections
observation.
Greece was happy to attend, as a guest, the twelfth
Non-Aligned Movement summit held recently in Durban,
South Africa. Its keynote was clearly the shape and scope
that a movement born in a bipolar, confrontational world
could claim in the coming millennium, ushered in by
globalization. The message of the Durban declaration
deserves our attention and consideration.
A year has elapsed since I expressed in this very
forum the hope that Turkey would finally abandon its
intransigent policies on Cyprus. It has proven to be a vain
hope. This was a year of stagnation and frustration.
Frustrated have been the efforts of Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and his Special Adviser, Mr. Cordovez, to
relaunch the intercommunal talks. Special envoys from
several countries, including members of the Security
Council, hoping to unblock the situation, came back
frustrated from Ankara and the occupied part of Cyprus.
Frustrated remain the hopes of the European Union to
bring the Turkish Cypriot together with the Greek Cypriot
in a prosperous State of Cyprus that is a member of the
European family.
The reaction from Ankara, obediently echoed by the
Turkish Cypriot leadership, has been one of harsh
rejection, either in terms of a flat negation or by imposing
conditions tantamount to cancelling what has been desired
by the international community, prescribed by United
Nations resolutions and even accepted by the Turkish
Cypriot leadership itself.
Such an attitude of rejection is easily explained by
the notorious designs of the Turkish Government to effect
the partition of Cyprus. Mr. Ecevit, Deputy Prime
Minister of Turkey, has on several occasions said that the
Cyprus question was resolved once and for all by his
country?s armed forces? invasion in 1974. Twenty-four
years after the invasion, Cyprus remains a divided island
and the Turkish occupation forces increase their presence
and weaponry, even denying their victims the right to
effectively defend themselves. Twenty-four years is
enough. It is time for the international community to
strongly support the Secretary-General in fulfilling his
mandate of bringing the two communities to the
negotiating table to initiate a dialogue on gradual
disarmament towards the complete demilitarization of the
island.
Greece wishes to establish good-neighbourly
relations with Turkey, based on the principles of
international law and respect for international treaties.
The International Court of Justice at The Hague,
whose compulsory jurisdiction has been accepted by
Greece, is the appropriate legal forum for the settlement
of problems in our relations. A positive response by
Turkey to that effect would constitute a step towards the
beginning of a new period of mutual understanding.
29

Greece pursues a policy promoting stability, good-
neighbourly relations, cooperation and economic
development in South-Eastern Europe. We participate in
international projects or take our own initiatives, in the
context of bilateral or multilateral schemes. We offer troops
and counselling, funds and food. Greece offers to its
neighbours and the region a much needed feeling of trust
and security.
My country accords a high priority to our relations
with Albania. We welcome the efforts of the Albanian
Government to further pursue the process of normalization
of democratic institutions and its close cooperation with the
international community. Greece considers it its duty to
stand by Albania in its efforts to overcome the serious
difficulties it faces.
In the neighbouring Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
and more particularly in the area of Kosovo, the situation
has reached a critical point. The vicious circle of the use of
force must be halted. The refugees and displaced persons
must be allowed to return to their homes safely, without
delay. Greece has sent humanitarian assistance to alleviate
the plight of the refugees in northern Albania. We welcome
the setting up of the Albanian negotiating group, and
support the immediate start of negotiations with a view to
arriving, as soon as possible, at a peaceful and negotiated
solution on the future autonomy status of Kosovo, within
the internationally recognized borders of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. Terrorist acts and indiscriminate
and disproportionate repression are unacceptable. Greece
has actively participated, and will actively participate, in all
international efforts aimed at securing a peaceful solution
in Kosovo.
In Bosnia, Greece notes with satisfaction the progress
achieved so far in the implementation of the Dayton Peace
Agreement. We maintain close relations with the Bosnian
parties and offer substantial contributions to efforts aimed
at ensuring the stability and development of this country.
Greek soldiers participate in the Stabilization Force (SFOR)
as well as in international observer missions. Important
programmes undertaken by the Greek Government in the
framework of the donors conference, held in 1997, are
about to be completed.
In our relations with Bulgaria, the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia and Romania, the promotion of
mutually beneficial cooperation in all fields is of paramount
importance.
In the multilateral field, Greece is committed to, and
actively involved in, such regional schemes as the South-
Eastern Europe cooperation process, the Royaumont
Initiative, the South-East Europe Cooperative Initiative
and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. We note with
satisfaction that South-Eastern Europe leaders will meet
again this year in Antalya, Turkey, thus consolidating the
process we initiated last year in Crete.
In the Middle East, the present stagnation underlines
the urgent need to reactivate the peace process. Its revival
will bring hope for peace and prosperity. Once more, we
stress the need for full implementation of the relevant
United Nations resolutions and agreements, and we urge
the parties to make every effort to achieve real peace,
which should be a just, lasting and global peace. Greece
welcomes any endeavour likely to produce positive
results, while supporting the initiatives undertaken by the
European Union?s special envoy in the Middle East.
Successful meetings organized by the special envoy and
the Greek Government bring together prominent Israelis
and Palestinians in a conciliatory spirit. These meetings
will, hopefully, be institutionalized as the “Athens
Dialogue for Peace and Cooperation in the Middle East”.
The Mediterranean remains our life companion. We
have been the pioneers for the adoption of a European
Union Mediterranean policy, accompanied by the Euro-
Mediterranean Partnership (MEDA) regulation, through
which financial aid to the countries concerned is
considerably increased.
The African continent is an emerging reality that
will affect the future of humanity. However, progress in
the fields of political pluralism and economic stabilization
has been coupled, over the course of the last year, with
regression in the form of ruinous civil wars or border
conflicts in a number of African countries. The
international community should stand by the African
nations and their organizations on the eve of the twenty-
first century, advocating the need for good-neighbourly
relations and, within the countries themselves, democratic
rule, respect for human rights and an open market
economy.
Greece shares the general concern about the
developments in Asia. The financial turmoil is by no
means settled. Indeed, it is still sending disturbing
vibrations through the European and world economies.
Asia can, however, overcome the crisis. Allowing external
or internal tensions to drag on, with the prospect of
escalation, obviously spells future disaster, in terms of
30

chasing or scaring foreign investment out of the area and of
funnelling precious funds to such dangerous and vain
projects as the production of weapons of mass destruction.
Greece follows closely and contributes actively to the
historical process of eastern European countries?
reintegration into the European system. Our political credo
and vision is that of a Europe without dividing lines and
scars from the past. In this context, Greece supports the
enlargement of the European Union with the 10 candidate
countries of Central and Eastern Europe, together with
Cyprus, advocating the simultaneous launching of a global
and inclusive accession process with all candidate countries.
Greece also extends its institutional links and promotes
its historical, economic and cultural ties with the Russian
Federation and the Ukraine and the other newly
independent States in the Caucasus, Black Sea and Central
Asia.
Our excellent relations with the United States and
Canada are further enhanced through political and military
cooperation in peacemaking initiatives and peacekeeping
activities in South-Eastern Europe, as well as cooperation
in preventing and eliminating terrorism. Furthermore,
Greece, as a member of the European Union, stands for a
broad transatlantic dialogue and the advancement of the
New Trans-Atlantic Agenda.
Greece has traditional ties of friendship with the
countries of Latin America, and, both bilaterally and as a
member of the European Union, systematically supports
ongoing, comprehensive dialogue and cooperation with
them.
Until very recently Greece had been a recipient of
development assistance, but for three years now we have
been an important contributor, equal to the standards of the
Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). We may
not be such a wealthy country, but we are trying to grant
effective and qualitative assistance to those interested in it
and in need of it, using our experience to make this as
beneficial as possible, supporting the struggle against
poverty and famine and for economic and social
development, and also trying to help promote human rights,
democracy and institutions of civil society.
I would like also to refer briefly to an issue which is
of particular concern to my country, the Olympic Games.
Inspired by the Olympic Ideal, Greece presented on 4
February 1998 to the International Olympic Committee in
Nagano, Japan, a comprehensive proposal outlining a set
of organizational structures and a broad range of activities
aimed at the practical realization of an Olympic Truce at
the Athens Games of 2004 and at the strengthening of the
role of the Olympic Movement. In order to support these
important activities, Greece proposed the establishment of
an international centre for the Olympic Truce, at the very
site of ancient Olympia.
Further, Greece took the initiative and proposed the
creation of a cultural Olympics for the first time in
contemporary world. This would strengthen dialogue
among different cultures the world over. This proposal
was welcomed by the International Olympic Committee,
and preparatory work has already started between the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO), the International Olympic
Committee and the Greek Government.
I would like to spare the delegates another pre-
electoral speech. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the Netherlands preceded me, I had to scale down my
speech and become very modest, but I cannot avoid
referring to the candidacy of Greece for the 1999-2000
term for one of the two non-permanent seats allocated to
the Group of Western European and Other States on the
Security Council.
My Government has legitimate and justified
ambitions for requesting the support of United Nations
member countries to such a distinction. Our long-standing
foreign policy is dedicated to world peace and security, to
the trend of decolonization and self-determination, to
assisting developing and less developed countries and to
respect for international law and human rights.
We condemn terrorism in all its forms.
We are in favour of the independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity of all United Nations Member
States and of the implementation of the provisions of the
United Nations Charter, including the democratic principle
of fair and balanced representation of all Member States
in the various organs and agencies of the United Nations.
I would like to draw the honourable delegates?
attention to this last principle. In the Western European
Group, a situation is occurring in which very few
members — five of them — have by now served during
44 of the 52 years of this Organization?s existence. Small
and average-sized countries should also have a chance to
be present on the Security Council, and I am proud to
31

represent one of those average-sized countries, as I propose
my country?s candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the
Security Council.


Allow me at the outset
to congratulate Mr. Opertti upon his election to his
prestigious position. I am convinced that he will guide us
wisely through the fifty-third session of the General
Assembly.
The world community is now confronted with
several dangerous situations which threaten the existence
of millions of people, situations which demand immediate
action by our Organization. I would like to draw special
attention to the plight of the people of Kosovo and the
alarming situation in several countries in Africa, where
wars have caused appalling suffering and directly threaten
the development and advancement of the whole continent.
Our Organization is also confronted with issues of a
universal nature which can determine the future of
humankind, such as the protection of the environment and
the delicate balance between economic growth and the
conservation of natural resources. In this respect, the
protection of the oceans and the marine ecosystem is one
of the most important tasks facing us today.
The fact that this is the International Year of the
Ocean allows me to draw the Assembly?s attention to the
fact that the oceans are the single largest source of protein
and a crucial part of Earth?s ecosystem. We have to come
to grips with the reality that the ocean?s bounty is finite
and that the ocean is not a bottomless receptacle of
human waste and pollution.
Pollution of the seas from land-based sources
remains a daunting problem. However, effective
implementation of the Washington Global Programme of
Action will certainly bring about much improvement in
this respect. Pollution by persistent organic pollutants is
another major concern. Prompt completion by the year
2000 of a legally binding instrument dealing with some of
these pollutants will be an important step towards
reducing and eventually eliminating this kind of pollution.
Accidents in which radioactive material from nuclear
waste treatment plants has spilled into the sea have
demonstrated clearly the dangers of such facilities. Under
34

no circumstances should such plants be allowed to operate
near the ocean. It is my hope that our generation will take
the necessary measures so that future generations inherit
clean oceans free from contamination.
Nations with similar interests must strive for
agreements on sharing and sensibly managing common
stocks and fisheries on the high seas. We must ensure that
the harvesting of living marine resources can continue and
that economic development and conservation go hand in
hand. In order to ensure a vibrant and profitable fisheries
sector, States need to introduce the principles of private
enterprise into the fishing industry and make its products
compete on the free market. In Iceland we have devised a
market-driven fisheries management system which
encompasses both conservation of our resources and their
sustainable use.
The fishing stocks in the exclusive economic zone
around Iceland have been steadily growing since a system
of individual transferable fishing quotas was implemented
in order both to achieve desired economic objectives and to
protect our resources. However, fisheries in many parts of
the world are overexploited. In my view, this is mainly due
to the fisheries sector?s being inundated with government
subsidies, resulting in excess fishing capacity and the
distortion of market principles. No other single action could
bring about such positive results, in a short time, towards
achieving sustainable development in fisheries as the
elimination of government subsidies.
I would like to note that when we read United Nations
publications dealing with the state of the world?s fisheries
we are continually confronted with the expression
“overfishing”, not “fishing”. This implies, first, that
fisheries everywhere are utilized to the hilt, and, secondly,
that States in general have failed in the management of the
resources inside their economic zones. This gives a wrong
picture of the situation.
I wish to draw the Assembly?s attention to an
interesting study issued a few weeks ago by the World
Wildlife Fund on the root causes of the depletion of fish
resources in many parts of the world. The study states that
overcapacity in fishing fleets is a key factor and that
Government subsidies of this industry is another. It rightly
points out that one solution to this problem would be to
issue each fishing vessel tradeable rights to a percentage of
the catch. It goes on to say that this system has worked
well in New Zealand, Australia and Iceland.
In the negotiations on the Kyoto Protocol to the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change we stressed that the further harnessing of
Iceland?s abundant, clean and renewable energy sources
could contribute towards the global effort to limit
greenhouse gas emissions. Iceland has for decades placed
special emphasis on the utilization of clean and renewable
energy sources, such as geothermal energy and
hydropower. Of its own accord, and through extensive
investment, Iceland has replaced fossil fuels for space
heating and electricity generation with clean and
renewable energy sources. Those efforts, made prior to
1990, have severely limited the possibilities for Iceland to
further reduce the emission of greenhouse gases.
In our view, it must be recognized that the economy
of some countries is dependent on few natural resources.
They therefore have fewer options to secure their
economic base by comparison with countries with diverse
economies. It is both illogical and unfair to deny countries
the right to harness and utilize clean and renewable
energy. Such a result would run counter to the objective
of the Convention and be incompatible with Agenda 21.
This year?s substantive session of the Economic and
Social Council demonstrated clearly that the industrialized
countries must make a concentrated effort to remove
barriers to trade and integrate the developing countries
into global markets. Many developing countries now have
flourishing private sectors, competing in world markets.
Last month I had the pleasure of visiting some
countries in the southern part of Africa, of observing the
enormous human and natural wealth of these countries
and of learning first hand about the possibilities available
to the people there. It is clear that peace has brought
prosperity to those countries. My country is engaged in
development cooperation in that area, focusing on human
capacity-building as well as training and education in the
field of fisheries. It should be stressed that, parallel to the
privatization of the economy, there must be increased
funding for building up social services, health care and
education. It is my firm intention that Iceland shall
increase its official development assistance to our partner
countries in Africa. This fall, I had the pleasure of
welcoming the first students, coming from three African
countries, of the new United Nations University Fisheries
Training Programme in Iceland. We hope that in the
future students from all parts of the world will come for
training in all aspects of the fishing industry.
35

I would especially like to draw attention to the
importance of strengthening the position and role of women
in society, mainly with regard to their education and active
participation in the economy. In this respect, we have to
tackle the problem of overpopulation with comprehensive
solutions.
The volatility in the world?s financial markets has led
to severe recession in many countries and slowed economic
growth in others. Globalization is a part of the development
of the world today, and for all countries it entails both risks
and benefits. The risks must be borne by all, and the
benefits must be spread evenly and widely, especially to the
poorest.
Our Organization has seldom had more urgent tasks
than preserving peace, security and human rights. I would
like to express great concern over the nuclear tests recently
conducted by two countries in South Asia, and I welcome
recent statements by those States that they will adhere to
the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty.
War has visited many countries since we gathered here
last year. Keeping peace requires our constant vigilance. In
several African countries war and ethnic tension have
brought death and destruction. The cruel fate of children in
war is more evident now than ever before. Once again the
people of the former Yugoslavia are confronted with a
problem of tragic proportions. In Kosovo thousands of
refugees are facing hunger and a cold winter.
Conflicts where the civilian population is targeted are
abhorrent and leave scars that take a long time to heal. We
now recognize that preserving peace demands more
intensive measures than before, such as the strengthening of
democratic institutions, policing, overseeing elections,
establishing judiciary systems and monitoring human rights.
In many countries it is as though the Middle Ages had
never ended and the darkness of intolerance, cruelty and
human rights abuses descends on people?s lives every day.
The fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights
should encourage us to be stalwart in our principles. Human
rights are universal, and the veil of religion and tradition
cannot and will not be accepted as an excuse for tolerating
flagrant human rights violations.
The international community must deal successfully
with problems such as terrorism and war crimes. The world
community has had to look on in horror as terrorists have,
in cowardly fashion, targeted innocent people going about
their everyday lives. We urge States to sign and ratify the
counter-terrorism conventions. The adoption of the Statute
of the International Criminal Court this summer in Rome
shows the firm commitment of the international
community to let law take precedence over lawlessness
and justice over injustice. Once the court is firmly in
place it is our hope that criminals who commit atrocious
acts, such as crimes against humanity, genocide and war
crimes, will have no escape from the long reach of
international law. We urge all States to sign and ratify the
Statute.
We look forward to the effective implementation of
the agreed outcome of the General Assembly?s special
session on drugs. Enhancing judicial cooperation and law
enforcement cooperation is essential, as well as bearing
down on money-laundering worldwide. The elimination of
illicit crops should be a high priority in the global drug
control strategy.
We strongly support the Norwegian and Canadian
initiative to control the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons. The huge number of these weapons should
be of great concern to the international community.
Our Organization must enter the next millennium as
an effective and reformed Organization, with lean
management, result-based budget, increased action
potential in the most vital fields, strengthened finances
and a clear commitment from all Member countries to
pay their contributions without conditions.
Finally, Iceland is committed to the ideals of the
United Nations. We have always been ready to shoulder
our responsibilities in every aspect of the Organization?s
work because we believe that all Member countries
should make their mark on events shaping the world we
live in today.


Allow me to join previous speakers in
congratulating Mr. Opertti on his election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session. There is
no doubt that his experience and wisdom will be very
useful in effectively guiding our work. I should also like to
pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko of
Ukraine, for his valuable contribution to the work of this
Organization and its reform process.
After the euphoria following the end of the cold war,
a period of frustration and disillusionment set in. It has
therefore not always been easy to remain optimistic while
experiencing everyday realities. Indeed, the profound
changes that shook the world left it poorly prepared to deal
with old or new challenges.
Recently, events that have shaken the world?s security
environment and the international economic environment
have reminded us of the complexities of the post-bipolar
period by highlighting the multiple and often detrimental
effects of the inexorable process of globalization that is
taking place in all parts of the world. If we are to be in a
position to stem the damaging effects of this process, we
must strengthen multilateralism and expand international
cooperation so as to be able to resolve the various
problems, often unprecedented in nature, that face
humankind at the threshold of the twenty-first century.
In this undertaking, the United Nations will be
neither a world government nor a passive spectator. It
will continue to be a unique Organization with special
responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace
and security. It will continue to be a global negotiating
forum whose purpose is to set consensus-based standards
and rules in the most diverse spheres of human activity in
order to help us adapt to the demands of a new age.
Today?s world is marked by disquieting
developments: bloody conflicts, terrorist acts, organized
crime, the resurgence of ethnic hatred, attempts to
circumvent or undermine non-proliferation regimes,
human rights violations causing flows of refugees,
problems associated with narcotic drugs, a worrisome gap
between the levels of economic and social development
of the various parts of the world, environmental
degradation, population questions and many other issues
and dilemmas that are truly global in nature. Despite the
setbacks that it will probably encounter in the future
fulfilment of its mission, the world Organization will
continue to be the centre of worldwide mobilization of
efforts to prepare the peoples of the United Nations to
tackle the challenges that lie before them.
In order to ensure the success of this operation, we
must all make serious and sustained efforts to give new
impetus to the United Nations reform process and to
maintain its dynamism. The difficulties encountered along
the way should not discourage us from the quest to
identify what is possible and feasible, while keeping in
mind and striving to achieve what is desirable.
From this rostrum, we wish to reaffirm our
commitment to promoting the revitalization of our
Organization and the reform of the Security Council. As
far as expanding the membership of the Council is
concerned, our position has not changed. We continue to
advocate expanding the Council in both categories,
permanent and non-permanent, and the inclusion of
Germany and Japan, among others, in the category of
permanent members. On the subject of United Nations
reform, I should like to add that organizational and
structural measures must go hand in hand with efforts to
establish financial stability for the Organization if they are
to be effective.
Domestically the historic transition that has taken
place in Hungary over the last decade has been a complex
20

and difficult experience for the country?s population. After
living through this arduous period and in the light of the
promising developments in the country, our country today
needs to be reassured about its future. Our people wish to
see moral and social renewal in the country and to benefit
from it. Externally, the new Hungarian Government
continues to base its policy on the same principles that its
predecessors followed starting in 1990, when a democratic
regime was established in Hungary. It is inspired by the
national interests of the country and the values that it shares
with its partners on both sides of the Atlantic. It intends to
remain a factor for stability and security in the Central
European region. Along with its future allies in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and in the European
Union, it stands ready to contribute to the endeavours of the
community of nations to ensure respect for international
obligations and, where necessary, to take effective measures
to resist actions that are in defiance of its legitimate will.
Our efforts, which are aimed at having Hungary join
the Euro-Atlantic consolidating structures, are motivated by
our desire for security and economic prosperity, as well as
by the emotional desire to see a historic reunion with the
rest of Europe after a long, imposed separation. These
aspirations are fully in keeping with the purposes and
principles of the United Nations. Not only do they not
conflict with them, but they complement and enrich in a
very positive way our present activities in the world
Organization. They will serve to strengthen our specific
participation in various United Nations activities.
Obviously, becoming a member of these consolidating
structures will not change Hungary?s place on the world
map. It will not be transported to some other planet. It will
remain an integral part of our world, sharing with other
nations great and small, rich and poor, the bright as well as
the gloomier aspects of globalization.
Problems such as international crime and terrorism, the
proliferation of weapons, drug-trafficking and questions
associated with migration or environmental pollution — all
these phenomena affect my country as they do others, and
call for national, regional and international action. They
may jeopardize the institutional structures of democracy and
paralyse social and economic stability in a particular
country and beyond its borders. The resurgence that we
have seen in acts of terrorism should also bolster the
international community?s determination to establish
international cooperation on the largest possible scale so as
to combat this evil by the most efficient means. The centre
of these operations should be the United Nations, which
will give these endeavours coherence and real universality.
Hungary attaches great importance to developing and
expanding regional and subregional cooperation with its
neighbours. It has a vital interest in seeing stability and
democracy flourish among its neighbours. It considers the
various forms of regional and subregional cooperation to
be invaluable and indispensable tools for achieving these
objectives. It is ready to participate actively in this regard.
It should be noted that one of the driving forces for
the implementation by the countries of the region of
positive measures for socio-economic progress is precisely
their shared wish to join the structures of Euro-Atlantic
integration. Hungary has often spoken out in favour of
these aspirations and will continue to support them.
In this regard, we feel that respect for the rule of
law and institutional guarantees of the full enjoyment of
human rights, including those of national minorities, are
not simply key prerequisites to membership of these
integration structures. They are also an indispensable and
vital factor for the establishment of social peace within
countries themselves.
In speaking of the eastern part of our continent, I
would emphasize that, on the one hand, it is impossible
to transform the region, with its turbulent history of age-
old coexistence between various ethnic communities, into
a zone of tranquillity and prosperity, and inconceivable to
consider healing the deep wounds inflicted by aggressive
nationalism without taking into account the legitimate
aspirations of national minorities and their desire to
remain intact as communities and keepers of a specific
national heritage, in accordance with the standards
adopted by the competent international organizations and
the practice of the democratic States. On the other hand,
we resolutely oppose the policy of “ethnic cleansing”,
forced separation and the creation of new kinds of ethnic
or religious segregation in Europe at the dawn of a new
century.
Hungary is deeply concerned by the deteriorating
situation in Kosovo. It shares the view that, without a
determined international commitment, this conflict is
likely to spread, with unfathomable consequences for the
region and Europe as a whole. We therefore support the
efforts aimed at stopping this conflict as quickly as
possible by peaceful and political means. We believe that
Security Council resolution 1199 (1998) can serve to pave
the way for this. Hungary hopes that substantive
negotiations between the parties can begin without delay
and that they will lead to a lasting settlement granting
broad autonomy to Kosovo while preserving the territorial
21

integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In this
respect, Hungary stresses the primary responsibility borne
by the Yugoslav authorities in the quest for peace and a
democratic solution.
The Balkans have suffered too much for the
international community to permit an escalation of violence,
a return to terror and impunity for human rights violations.
My country is prepared, to the extent of its abilities, to
contribute to the international community?s action to restore
long-term stability and the rule of law in the region.
We have also followed with special attention the
developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our primary
objective is the full implementation of the Dayton
Agreement. However, we must accept the fact that,
following years of bloodshed, savagery and intolerance, the
process envisaged in the Agreement could be more
precarious and protracted than we believed and that the
ethnocentric and exclusionary attitudes there may prove to
be more entrenched than we had thought. Having said this,
we are participating actively in the international effort to
assist that country in getting back on its feet and to ensure
that the terrible years of aggression and horrendous war
never return.
This year, we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Although the
commemoration of the birth of that fundamental document
is a fine occasion for festivities, it is also important that
new measures be taken to implement the universal
standards embodied in the Declaration so that the United
Nations may, in all places and at all times, not only offer
a ray of hope, but be an effective instrument in the service
establishment of United Nations machinery for the
international protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms is one of the international community?s great
achievements, emanating directly from the Universal
Declaration. In this context, we welcome the existence of
the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights and the establishment, after much hard work,
of the International Criminal Court.
Grave and large-scale human rights abuses continue to
be committed throughout the world. We have witnessed
assaults on the freedom of individuals and communities,
and crude and more subtle discriminatory practices,
including those based on national or religious origin. This
prompts us to ask the fundamental question as to whether
the international community did all it needed to do in good
time to prevent these events and used all the means
available to it. I am afraid that the answer to these
questions is “no”.
Linking peace to justice and reconciling political
expediency and moral considerations have always been
extremely difficult challenges. Nevertheless, if peace is to
last and take firm root, it must be sustained and bolstered
by democracy, the rule of law and a responsible and
transparent system of government. That is why we
support the introduction of the human rights dimension
into all United Nations spheres of activity, including
peacekeeping operations. That is why we insist that those
accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in the
various conflicts, from the Great Lakes to the former
Yugoslavia, must be brought to justice. The measures
taken in this regard deserve the support of all the
Members of our Organization.
We cannot allow our attention to be distracted from
the grave ongoing situations in many regions of our
world, where political upheaval, financial crisis and
natural disaster render human existence extremely
precarious and arduous. The United Nations cannot turn
its back on these pressing problems. We welcome the
attention rightly accorded to Africa by the Organization
and to the search for solutions to its difficulties. Our
world is shrinking every day. Therefore, a heightened
awareness of worldwide concerns and human solidarity is
vital. For what is at stake today is the future of our
civilization and the quality of life of future generations on
Earth. We must not miss the opportunity offered by the
end of the century to decide how to improve the lot of the
human race. The United Nations is the best place to
tackle, without delay, the crucial questions facing
mankind.


On behalf of the Republic of San Marino
and on my own behalf, I wish, first of all, to congratulate
Mr. Didier Opertti on his election as President of the
General Assembly and to wish him all success in his work.
I also wish to assure him and the Secretary-General of the
full support of my Government for their unceasing and
valuable efforts.
I would also like to take this opportunity to thank
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko for his work as President during
the last session of the General Assembly.
1998 is an historic year for our Organization. We are
celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, which has always been, and
today remains, a milestone for democracy and for the
safeguard of the inalienable rights of human beings.
The Republic of San Marino, during the more than 16
centuries of its existence, has always promoted respect for
human rights. Today more than ever before, the principles
contained in the Declaration represent the essence of a
civilized way of living together in modern society.
Therefore my Government decided to finance the
project of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights entitled “Global Dissemination of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights”. This project aims
at making the Declaration accessible and understandable to
a wider number of people, by preparing a compendium of
translations of this important text into 250 of the world’s
most widely spoken languages. With this small but
meaningful gesture, San Marino wishes to celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration and to make a
contribution to the dissemination of the fundamental
humanitarian principles contained therein.
Experience has taught us, at a high cost, that where
there is no peace, there is no respect for human rights. I
believe the United Nations should play an active role in the
maintenance of peace, especially where it is weakest and
most precarious. This is vitally important. It should be the
personal responsibility of every human being to carry out
his or her own duty in the context of the international
community.
Sadly, we have recently once again confronted
another dramatic issue: the problem of terrorism. We
must all cooperate to prevent it from spreading any
farther. We must combat terrorism and condemn it,
always and by all possible means.
Nuclear tests in the Asian region are a new and
worrying problem, one that is going to be characteristic
our era. This problem could represent the beginning of a
new season of anxiety and danger for all mankind if the
international community, and the United Nations in
particular, is unable to prevent it. The Republic of San
Marino, like many other States, is against any initiative
aimed at provoking an escalation of the nuclear threat and
will do all in its power to prevent this from happening.
Our generation, and the ones to come, must not know
these fears or the destructive ambitions that could
annihilate our entire planet.
Unfortunately, in our opinion the present
international legal instruments have proven insufficient to
fight the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This
proliferation has taken on a new profile because of the
will to acquire a more influential and prestigious position
at the national and international levels, while the peaceful
and constructive uses of this energy are forgotten or
deliberately denied.
My country deems that the United Nations must lead
the international community to strengthen those
instruments capable of preventing and repressing
international crimes which until now have merely been
the object of moral condemnation. With this in mind, our
Republic took part in the Diplomatic Conference on the
Establishment of an International Criminal Court in Rome
last June and July. San Marino contributed to the work of
the Conference because it is convinced that such a court
could represent an effective and strong deterrent to crimes
against peoples or any ethnic group. The court established
by this Conference will represent not only a hope for but
also an instrument of protection for the victims of
oppression, as well as a point of reference for all those
who believe in the absolute value of justice and in respect
for human beings.
San Marino follows with particular attention the
debate on the death penalty. Our civil and cultural
consciousness entitles us to do so. In 1865, San Marino
became the first country in Europe to abolish capital
punishment, though in fact it had not been applied for
centuries. The Government and people of San Marino
deeply believe that death imposed by law cannot represent
19

a valid protection for society, nor can it be a deterrent to
crime.
Our criminal code, in which sanctions have a
rehabilitative as well as a punitive function, rejects capital
punishment, defining it as “a residual of vindictive justice”.
For these reasons, I wish to express the support of the
Republic of San Marino for all initiatives that, like the
resolution adopted this year by the Commission on Human
Rights, aim at the abolition or limitation of the death
penalty.
The nations of the world differ geographically,
ethnically, economically and culturally, but all of them have
a common substantial and undeniable responsibility towards
young people. If we are not able today to put an end to
wars and poverty, future generations will have to fight
arduous and complex battles arising from the degeneration
and wounds that currently afflict humanity, as it moves
towards the third millennium.
It is a question not only of doing away with age-old
geopolitical imbalances but, and primarily, of rediscovering
values and principles that are capable of offering all people
of the world, and especially young people, the cultural
means to fight for freedom, development and mutual
understanding. That is a challenge based on solidarity and
personal values. Given that perspective, San Marino
considers the moral and professional growth of young
people to be a priority. Our school system is based on
personal development, focuses on the job market and
respect for environment and encourages young people to
take part in the social lives of their communities.
The need for reform in the United Nations is a
concept widely shared by all Members of this Organization,
thanks in particular to the input of the Secretary-General,
who started a slow but irreversible process which will lead
to the rationalization and updating of all its principal
organs. Some of those reforms, such as the reform of the
Security Council, must, because of their significance, be
approved by consensus only — a consensus that sadly is
yet to be reached. We have confidence in the steadfast
commitment of the President of the General Assembly and
in his substantial role in leading the Working Group on the
reform of the Security Council to an equitable and
unanimous solution that fully respects the principles of the
Charter.
San Marino is among those countries that are strongly
convinced of the need for reform so as to guarantee for the
United Nations the functions and the role that form the
basis of its nature and its existence. We are absolutely
aware of how important it is for the Organization to
strengthen its presence and its prestige, which derive from
more than 50 years of activity in the service of peace and
the protection of human rights. We are moreover
convinced that this noble mandate has today its own
raison d’être, and that it must be supported with
determination, consistency and loyalty. We should also
have the courage and humility to be able to give up
something in the name of the higher interest of all
countries and all peoples who form part of the
international community.


I should like first of
all to carry out the noble duty of adding my voice to
those who have spoken before me from this rostrum in
congratulating Mr. Didier Opertti on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third
regular session. I am convinced that with the effective
cooperation of the elected members of his Bureau, he will
spare no effort to ensure the success of our work.
I should also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko for the skill with
which he so honourably discharged his weighty
responsibilities as President of the General Assembly at
its fifty-second session.
The fifty-third session of the General Assembly is
taking place at a time when my country, the Democratic
24

Republic of the Congo, is the victim of armed aggression
by its neighbours, Rwanda and Uganda, that has been
taking place since 2 August. The seriousness of the actions
of these two invading countries, which are States parties to
the noble ideals of the charters of the United Nations and
of the Organization of African Unity (OUA), obliges me to
dwell at length on this dispute in the hope of helping the
Assembly understand better the drama that is currently
taking place in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, my
dear homeland.
In order to enable the Assembly better to understand
this war and all of its consequences, a brief reminder of the
facts is necessary.
On 27 July 1998, the President of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Mzee Laurent-Désiré Kabila, after
consultations with his Rwandan and Ugandan counterparts
took the sovereign decision to terminate Rwanda’s military
and technical cooperation and to put an end to the presence
of foreign troops throughout the national territory.
When Rwanda’s troops left Congolese territory, it was
noticed that certain Tutsis of Rwandan origin, called
Banyamulenge, followed suit.
A week later, Congolese towns bordering on
Rwanda — Goma, Bukavu and Uvira — were seized by
armed elements that came from that neighbouring country.
On 6 August, aircraft started shuttling between Goma
and Kitona, in the west of the country, via Kigali, over a
distance of more than 2000 kilometres. After one of the
civilian pilots was killed for refusing to carry out orders,
these aircraft were diverted from Goma airport to transport
troops and matériel the west, under the direction of Mr.
James Kabarehe, the ex-Chief of Staff of the Congo.
At the same time, columns of armoured vehicles and
other military equipment crossed the border from Uganda
under the pretext of defending Ugandan interests in the
Congo.
Despite the protests of the Congolese Government,
which demanded their immediate withdrawal, Ugandan
troops surrounded the town of Bunia in the eastern part of
the country on 13 August 1998.
On the same day, the Inga hydroelectric dam was
occupied by the Rwandan-Ugandan coalition forces. They
sabotaged the installations in order to deprive the capital,
Kinshasa, of electricity and drinking water.
On 23 August 1998, Ugandan troops attacked
Kisangani, in the north-eastern part of the country, and
later occupied it.
These facts, and these acts of violence — confirmed
by independent sources — provide ample proof of the
aggressive involvement of Kigali and Kampala in the
huge plot to Balkanize the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, all in defiance of international law and the
principle of the inviolability of borders inherited from the
colonial period, pursuant to the Charter of the
Organization of African Unity.
Indeed, one of the two aggressor countries, Uganda,
made no bones about admitting publicly that its troops
occupied certain positions in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo.
As can be seen, what some media sources wrongly
described as a rebellion from the east was simply a
shameful plot to destabilize my country politically and
economically, and the covetous intentions of Rwanda and
Uganda regarding my country’s many natural resources
were barely concealed.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is once again
paying a high price for this war imposed on it from the
outside. Among the countless examples are the massacres
of thousands of innocent Congolese, including members
of religious orders, women, children and elderly people in
the east and in the west. These sordid crimes remind us
of the killing of Hutu refugees by elements of the same
Rwandan Patriotic Army. Further examples include the
massive deportations from Kivu towards Rwanda of
people whose fate remains unknown; the summary
executions of prisoners of war; the dismantling, sabotage
and destruction of the industrial, shipping and economic
infrastructure of the country, damage which, to date, has
been estimated at about $3 billion for Matadi alone; the
more than three-week cut in the provision of electric
power and water to the capital, Kinshasa, a city of more
than 6 million people, which was a real humanitarian
tragedy, as is illustrated by the fact that large stocks of
fresh foodstuffs were declared unfit for consumption;
reports of countless deaths in the hospitals because
doctors were unable to work in the conditions required by
their noble profession; and the postponement, sine die, of
the polio vaccination campaign mandated by the World
Health Organization, with untold consequences on the
lives of our children, which gravely compromises the
future of our country.
25

Despite the situation of aggression, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, which is a peace-loving nation that
respects international conventions reaffirms its commitment
to the principles of the Charter and its unshakeable faith in
the promotion of a culture of peace in the Great Lakes
region.
The first manifestation of this ideal was demonstrated
by the Government when it appealed to the Security
Council and the Secretary-General to obtain the immediate
and unconditional withdrawal of the occupying forces.
Unfortunately, the reaction of the international
community did not match the gravity of the situation in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Even one of the most
important bodies in the United Nations system — the
Security Council — after much procrastination, merely
issued a few ambiguous statements calling for a ceasefire
and the withdrawal of foreign troops without, unfortunately,
specifying them by name. On the other hand, in similar
cases — in Kosovo, in Bosnia and in Kuwait — the
Security Council dealt with the situation promptly and
practically to restore peace. Why was there this silence
from the international community, particularly from
Security Council? The Council’s policy of double standards
on this issue could set an unfortunate precedent that could
seriously undermine the credibility of the United Nations
and wipe out the reform efforts under way.
Given this situation that does no credit to our
community, the Government of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, mindful of its heavy responsibilities to
guarantee the territorial integrity of the country, was
obliged to resort to an armed response to put an end to the
invasion. Pursuant to Article 51 of the Charter, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo appealed to its allies to
deal with Ugandan-Rwandan aggression.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank member
countries of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC), in particular, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe,
which responded to our appeal. I would also like to pay
tribute to the valiant Congolese people, who undertook to
defend their homeland when it was under attack. I am also
grateful to Belgium, which had the courage to publicly
condemn a country in the Great Lakes region that was
involved in this act of aggression, and to Ms. Colette
Braeckman, who had the courage to denounce the plot
against my country, as well as Chad, Gabon and many
other African countries that publicly demonstrated their
support and denounced this aggression.
The Assembly will agree with me that no honourable
nation can allow its sovereignty and territorial integrity to
be called into question. The Congolese people will never
accept subjugation, oppression or the imposition of
perverse values such as a cultural genocide, which is so
blithely tolerated by certain States.
The International Criminal Court whose Statute was
signed recently in Rome should get down to work and
immediately prosecute those who seek the destruction of
human beings but who cover up their actions by making
innocent people take the blame.
The failure of the various appeals for a ceasefire
cannot be blamed on the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. It is rather the result of the obstinacy, bad faith
and cynicism of Rwanda and Uganda during the
negotiations held in Victoria Falls and in Addis Ababa.
Since the first summit, held at Victoria Falls last
August, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has
indicated that implementation of the ceasefire was
contingent on the immediate, unconditional withdrawal
from our national territory of foreign troops not invited by
the Government of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. I believe that the General Assembly and the
Security Council are obligated properly to implement the
relevant provisions of the Charter, in particular those of
Chapter VII, which envision action by the world
Organization with respect to threats to the peace, breaches
of the peace, and acts of aggression.
Despite the situation in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, our Government continues to abide by the
timetable leading to the democratization of our political
life. In that connection, I wish to inform the Assembly
that on 22 September 1998 our head of State signed Law
122, relating to the organization and exercise of power in
my country. The new law grants the Constitutional
Commission prerogatives allocated to the Constituent
Assembly, finalizing the draft constitution to be the
subject of a referendum that will be organized early in
1999.
I reassure the international community that my
country has noble aspirations and to date has granted no
material or military support whatsoever to the former
Rwandese Armed Forces, to the Interahamwe extremists,
or much less to the Front pour la défense de la
démocratie, contrary to the campaign of slander and
incitement waged by aggressors wishing to absolve
26

themselves of the massacre of more than a thousand people
in and around Kasika.
I cannot conclude without speaking of the rebuilding
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in particular and
of the need for socio-economic development in Africa in
general; the continent continues to face crises of all kinds
and is trying in vain to meet the challenge of recovery. In
this context, the role of the United Nations should not be
limited to accompanying Africa in implementing measures
that have been or will be adopted. Through capacity-
building, the United Nations system must translate into
fact the organic partnership between itself and the
Organization of African Unity.
In the case of my country, the war imposed upon it
by its neighbours has destroyed what remained of its
economic fabric, which had long suffered from the
economic mismanagement of the former dictatorship. That
is why I appeal urgently to the United Nations and more
specifically to the “Friends of the Congo” — which at the
Brussels conference decided to provide the assistance
needed to rebuild the Democratic Republic of the Congo
— to contribute to the trust fund established for that
purpose, with a view to helping in the economic recovery
and the rebuilding of my country.
I wish in conclusion to say that my country would
appreciate enormously any action that the United Nations
might consider to prevail upon the Rwandese Republic to
sign the non-aggression pact among the members of the
Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in
Central Africa, and to establish democracy in Rwanda and
Uganda. For all my country’s problems are repercussions
of the policy of non-democratization in Rwanda and in
Uganda. The international community would thus be
performing a useful task.


On behalf of the delegation of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines, I extend my warmest congratulations
to Mr. Didier Opertti on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-third session. His acumen,
scholarship and leadership skills are well known in our
region through his distinguished participation in various
high-level hemispheric forums over the years.
I also wish to express my delegation?s sincere
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko
of the Ukraine, who presided over the work of the fifty-
second session with great distinction.
Our esteemed Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr.
Kofi Annan, has continued to provide outstanding
leadership in the discharge of his duties. My delegation
commends the Secretary-General for his reform initiatives
designed to make the United Nations a more efficient
organization, capable of responding to the many
challenges it faces, and for his untiring efforts in the
pursuit of world peace and security, long-lasting
prosperity and international cooperation. Our own
University of the West Indies, acting on behalf of the
region, has honoured him appropriately for his work in
this regard.
Since the signing of the Charter some 53 years ago,
the world can celebrate numerous progressive changes in
which the United Nations has played a significant part.
United Nations peacekeepers have been instrumental in
preserving peace and stability in troubled areas of the
globe, and the Organization?s humanitarian missions have
been effective in alleviating suffering among many people
throughout the world.
At the same time, there remains a massive gap
between aspiration and accomplishment. Despite the
unprecedented prosperity that technological advances and
the globalization of production and finance have brought
to many countries, especially in the developed world, the
majority of mankind is yet under the yoke of persistent
poverty.
The eradication of poverty remains a priority for
developing countries. The Government of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines is committed to the uplifting of the lot
of the poor and disadvantaged sections of our society. In
this regard, my Government?s specific policy and
17

programme objectives over the medium and long term are
designed to promote sustained economic growth and
development in ways that expand employment, raise
incomes, improve living standards, increase productive
capacity and reduce poverty. We therefore call for the
creation of a supportive international environment. We also
call on the developed countries to fulfil the commitments
undertaken for the provision of additional financial
resources in combating world poverty, that social
malignancy which is seminal many of the other problems
that plague developing countries.
It would be remiss of me not to take this opportunity
to thank the European Union for its unwavering support and
most recent decision on the banana regime for African,
Caribbean and Pacific countries, within the framework of
the Lomé Convention on economic cooperation, trade and
development. The new arrangements are compatible with
the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and will
allow this important regional industry to achieve a
sustainable level of growth. These new arrangements also
create an appropriate environment for the survival of a
restructured and competitive banana industry. It is therefore
quite alarming to learn that the United States of America
and some of our hemispheric friends in Latin America are
about to challenge the new arrangements.
Such actions force us to revisit the Charters of
regional and international organizations of which we are a
part and question the efficaciousness of our membership.
These incomprehensible stratagems on the part of friendly
countries nurture a pervasive cynicism among our peoples,
who chastise Governments for cooperating with those who
say one thing and then act in a totally contrary manner that
is injurious to our best interests.
My delegation is amazed by the blind and apathetic
position of the United States of America on the issue. We
are told that no harm is meant to Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines and other Caribbean banana-producing
countries, while efforts are made to undermine our social
stability, which is facilitated by the export of our bananas
under the provisions of the Lomé Convention.
How can we convince our citizens of the need to
combat the production, use and trade in illicit drugs if our
banana industry is destroyed? Is it really possible that our
friends, especially the United States, want to see the
proliferation of instability, insecurity and extreme poverty
in a region which has made steady socio-economic
progress since the widespread social turbulence of the
1930s?
In spite of the special difficulties faced by small
island developing countries like Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, we are meeting all our international
obligations and have acceded to several bilateral and
multilateral programmes on the eradication of illicit drugs.
We have the will to fight this scourge in the international
community, but friendly nations should also understand
our vulnerabilities.
My Government is scrupulously committed to the
defense and enhancement of the democratic process which
has emerged in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and
other countries of the Caribbean Community since the
mid-1940s with the attainment of universal adult suffrage.
Our democracies are based on respect for human rights,
on recognition, in policy and practice, that the distribution
of national resources is disparate and that all our people
aspire to a decent standard of living, on the creation of
economic and other opportunities for personal
development and on the observance of free and fair
elections under our Constitution.
After the fourth consecutive election victory of 15
June 1998, the New Democratic Party (NDP) Government
of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, under the pragmatic
and visionary leadership of the Rt. Honourable Sir James
F. Mitchell, reiterates its commitment to these principles,
as we join with the international community in building
a better life for our people in the twenty-first century.
My delegation strongly condemns the recent acts of
terrorism which occurred in Kenya, Tanzania, Northern
Ireland and Cape Town, South Africa. Violence should
never be the way to settle disputes. The deaths of so
many innocent people in such outrageous acts can never
be justified. My delegation therefore urges that all parties
involved must review their policies, settle their disputes
peacefully and use reason instead of the bomb. My
Government fully supports the Good Friday Agreement
brokered by the United States in Northern Ireland. It
provides an acceptable framework for the resolution of
deep-seated, historic differences in that part of the world.
My delegation is very concerned about the illicit
transfer and proliferation of small arms and light weapons
and their accumulation in many countries. These activities
constitute a real threat to national and regional security
and can contribute to the destabilization of States. We
18

urge Member States to cooperate in taking steps to deal
effectively with this increasing problem. My country was
pleased to sign the Inter-American Convention Against the
Illicit Production and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition,
Explosives and Other Related Materials, at the Organization
of American States in November 1997. My Government
wishes to express its appreciation for the adoption in 1996,
by the Disarmament Commission, of guidelines in
resolution 46/36 H of 6 December 1991. However, we feel
that there is need for greater urgency in advancing
initiatives to deal with this issue at a global level.
The end of the cold war rekindled aspirations for
lasting peace and prosperity. The dismantling of the Berlin
Wall heightened expectations for a peace dividend.
Unfortunately, the United Nations has to continue utilizing
most of its resources in managing or containing conflicts of
varying origins and intensity in many parts of the world.
The role of the United Nations in the maintenance of
international peace and security has become even more
relevant than before. The situations in Angola, Burundi, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Great Lakes region,
the Western Sahara and the Middle East, among many
others countries, continue to occupy the attention of this
Organization.
We are dismayed that, in spite of the end of cold-war
rivalry, the unfortunate people of Cyprus must continue to
accommodate the division imposed on their country.
As we approach the new millennium, our world is still
threatened by the existence of nuclear weapons and
weapons of mass destruction and the potential for their
further proliferation. The time has come for all countries to
commit themselves to the goal of complete eradication of
weapons of mass destruction. I call for universal support for
the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on
Their Destruction. The Convention is clear on the total ban
on anti-personnel mines, which have taken the lives of so
many innocent civilians, mostly women and children.
In the nation-States of the Caribbean Community, the
dawn of a new millennium challenges us to assert our
independence and demonstrate our maturity by crafting
creative constitutional arrangements, suited to our particular
historical, cultural and political evolution. We have come
thus far with constitutions moulded for us by colonial
masters. In the era of independence, we have experienced
the shortcomings of these original instruments. Many of our
sister countries have already embarked on this mission, and
the Government and people of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines are beginning the process of forging a new
constitution for the governance of the country in the
twenty-first century.
As we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the
International Year for Human Rights, we call on Member
States to remember the rights of the 21 million people in
Taiwan. The Republic of China on Taiwan, both
prosperous and democratic, deserves to be readmitted as
a member of the United Nations, even as it pursues the
goal of reunification. It is necessary that the United
Nations provide the forum for discussion that will provide
the framework for the peaceful reunification of both sides
of the Taiwan Strait.
My delegation congratulates the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), for its recent success in obtaining
additional rights and privileges, such as the right to
participate in the debate of the General Assembly and the
right of reply. We hope that this new status will serve to
enhance, rather than adversely affect, the peace talks
between the PLO and Israel. Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines strongly supports the Middle East peace
process and the negotiations which seek the full
implementation of the Oslo accords.
With the changing world environment, the
Organization has assumed new prominence, and there is
renewed hope and high expectations for, as well as new
ideas on, the functioning of the General Assembly and, in
particular, the reform of the Security Council. Let us not
lose momentum in our common quest to give new life to
this Organization.
We repeat our call, made during the Assembly?s
fifty-second session, for an increase in both the permanent
and non-permanent membership of the Security Council.
Japan and Germany deserve their seats as permanent
members, but Latin American and the Caribbean, Africa
and Asia must be given permanent seats, which should be
rotated among aspiring countries in those regions.
There has been much debate on whether new
permanent members should have the same rights as the
old permanent members. There must be no discrimination,
and no two classes of permanent members. As regards the
veto currently held by permanent members, in the opinion
of my delegation, it is time for its abolition. We must be
guided by the key word, “democracy”, as we move to
reform the United Nations.
19

As a member of the Alliance of Small Island States,
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines fully supports initiatives
to protect the environment. The effects of global warming
are of grave concern to small islands like ours, whose
coastal areas may become submerged, and whose protective
coral reefs are at risk of total destruction. Meteorologists
tell us that July 1998 was the hottest month since reliable
records have been kept. We in the Caribbean can hardly
doubt this, given the exceptional heat wave and humidity
which we have experienced this year. Our region also
continues to be battered by more frequent and stronger
hurricanes, as evidenced this year again.
Hurricane Georges has devastated several islands in
the Caribbean, leaving over 300 dead and hundreds of
millions of dollars in damage to infrastructure, homes and
utilities in its wake. The Gulf coast of the United States
mainland has also suffered from the effects of that
hurricane, providing us with a stark reminder that the forces
of nature respect no borders. I take this opportunity to
extend condolences and solidarity to all those who have lost
relatives and loved ones, and to the Governments of the
affected countries. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with
its limited resources, has already embarked on a programme
of assistance to our sister countries in the Caribbean, where
we know that each one of us is our brother?s keeper.
The ecologically vulnerable islands and low-lying
coastal States of the Caribbean are subject to all the acute
consequences of urbanization and resource exploitation. We
are exposed to the danger of waste being dumped in our
seas and a rise in sea level as well as other effects of
climate change. There must be a strong commitment to the
reduction in greenhouse emissions. We must carry the
momentum to combat climate change well into the twenty-
first century in order to reduce the danger posed to our
States.
The issue of the sustainable development of small
island developing States involves much more than beaches
and coral reefs. It is about the existence of effective
partnerships between peoples and Governments, and
between developed and developing countries.
It is against this backdrop that we look forward to the
special session to review the Global Conference on the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, which is scheduled for 1999. We expect the review
to result in concrete and practical outcomes, and to foster
the requisite political commitment to the process.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is a small but
beautiful plural country, striving to maintain its
agricultural, tourism and other service industries in this
era of globalization. We, like so many developing
countries today, suffer from the problems related to
unemployment. We will continue to identify new and
non-traditional areas, such as informatics and financial
services, in order to create opportunities for our people,
particularly our youth.
We must express concern about Draconian
immigration laws and regulations being adopted by an
increasing number of countries. As a region where
emigration has been of historic importance, the Caribbean
could be severely affected by these restrictions. These
stringent immigration policies have led to massive and
summary deportations of immigrants from our region and
other developing countries. Some people face
dehumanizing abuse and death as they try to escape from
poverty by seeking refuge in more developed countries.
I need not emphasize how serious a threat these actions
pose to the social and economic well-being of the peoples
of the Caribbean region.
The United Nations stands at the threshold of a new
millennium. We pray that it continues to perform its
rightful role in addressing the many issues that occupy us
in our everyday lives. We believe that the reforms that we
all desire will build on progress already made in areas of
international cooperation.
Let us work together and give meaning to our
Charter, to save succeeding generations from the scourges
of war, poverty and hunger. Let us reaffirm our faith in
fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the
human person and particularly the equal rights of man
and woman, and of nations large and small.


The urgency of the
alarming situation in Afghanistan, particularly given the
events of the past few months, requires me to explain why
and how that situation continues to pose major threats to
the peace and security of the world.
There is an evil triangle that is haunting our region.
This evil triangle has imprisoned and terrorized an entire
nation. It has almost engulfed our region in a major
confrontation. The spread of this evil triangle like a plague
is about to contaminate the entire area, setting off alarm
bells from the Far East to the Far West, even echoing in
faraway capitals of the world. The evil triangle I am
referring to is one between: first, the Pakistani military
Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI); secondly, branches of
international terrorism and drug traffickers operating from
Afghanistan; and thirdly, the infamous Taliban militia.
On 7 August 1998, two African capitals suffered
major explosions, sending a shock wave of international
terrorism throughout the world. The following day, nine
Iranian diplomats and a journalist were ferociously
gunned down inside the Consulate-General of the Islamic
Republic of Iran in Mazar-i-Sharif. According to Amnesty
International, from 8 to 10 August thousands of ethnic
Hazara civilians were killed in Mazar-i-Sharif. On 21
August 1998, Lieutenant-Colonel Carmine Calo, Military
Adviser to the United Nations Special Mission to
Afghanistan, an Italian national, was brutally murdered by
two Pakistani terrorists on assignment in Kabul. All of
these shocking events have one thing in common: the
implementation of an anachronistic socio-political agenda
by means of destructive force and violence and the
adventurous hegemony of the Pakistani army in the
region. These things pose a direct threat to regional peace
and security.
Three major concerns — namely, terrorism, drugs
and the violation of human rights — are originating in the
Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan, but they are being
instigated from across the border. During the twelfth
summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, on 3 September
1998 in Durban, South Africa, President Burhanuddin
Rabbani brought these issues to the attention of the
summit. In its paragraphs on terrorism the Final
Document of the summit says it is imperative that no
State organize, assist or participate in terrorist acts in the
territories of other States or encourage activities directed
towards such acts, including permitting the use of national
territory or the soil of a neighbouring country for
planning and training for such a purpose and or the
financing of terrorist activities. Paragraph 153 of the Final
Document states that the heads of State or Government
solemnly reaffirmed their unequivocal condemnation of
any political, diplomatic, moral or material support for
terrorism. We fully agree with the generally expressed
view that the global phenomenon of terrorism requires a
collective and concerted response.
Afghanistan, along with other members of the Non-
Aligned Movement, also condemns the practice of
recruiting, financing, training, using or supporting
mercenaries as a violation of the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations. Let us make it clear
once again here that the Taliban are Pakistani
mercenaries.
26

On 28 August 1998, pursuant to the deterioration of
the situation stemming from a whole new series of military
activities evidently directed by the cross-border ISI officers,
the Security Council adopted an important resolution, 1193
(1998), for which President Rabbani voiced his firm support
at the Durban summit. However, the response of the
Taliban mercenaries and their cross-border patrons to the
resolution — a major assault on Bamyan valley on 14
September, during which the most atrocious acts were
committed against the civilian population of the valley —
was yet another vow to continue their military agenda.
Presently, the only country that takes pride in
recognizing the Taliban and in fact urges others to do the
same remains Pakistan. The Pakistani meddling in
Afghanistan — which has direct consequences for Pakistan
itself and the entire region — has best been summarized in
the Pakistani daily The News on 25 September 1998. I
quote:
“North-West Asia is in great trouble and the Taliban
are the catalyst behind it. The Taliban have not just
dragged Iran and the Central Asian republics into the
conflict, they have also pushed Pakistan into a tense
relationship with all its Muslim neighbours. What was
supposed to provide Pakistan with strategic depth'
has turned into a quagmire. Islamabad is now faced
with yet another critical choice between either cutting
Taliban to size or siding with them against friendly
neighbours.”
The article continues, and I quote,
“If somebody thinks that with the Taliban victory
a lasting peace will be restored in Afghanistan and
peace dividends will start flowing in, he is sadly
mistaken.”
Headlines such as “Crises push Pakistan to the brink
of disaster” in the Washington Post of 26 September are
early warnings about a state of affairs that will affect the
entire region. In fact, when a fragile and vulnerable country
like Pakistan involves itself in a great game, as the Afghani
people say, it digs its own grave.
Article 1 of the United Nations Charter calls for
effective and collective measures for the prevention and
removal of threats to peace. Consistent with this, the
Islamic State of Afghanistan, over the past three years, has
repeatedly warned the international community of the
mounting threat to regional peace and security posed by the
Pakistani Government?s military intelligence service, (ISI),
and its mercenaries, the Taliban, in Afghanistan.
Unfortunately, these early warnings have all gone
unheard.
Today, the exacerbated situation in Afghanistan and
its menacing implications for the region and beyond are
exactly what we deserve. The international community
must admit that it has done too little in the face of the
increasingly bold and aggressive ISI policy towards
Afghanistan and has gone too far with its policy of
appeasement towards the Taliban in their fight against the
rest of the world. The Security Council must determine
the existence of this threat to peace, breach of the peace
and act of aggression by Pakistan, and should take
appropriate measures against the perpetrators in
conformity with Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter. The
alarming situation in Afghanistan requires definitive
action by the Security Council. It is time that the presence
of about 28,000 armed Pakistanis in Afghanistan was
dealt with in accordance with Article 39 of the United
Nations Charter.
The Taliban?s obstinately rejectionist and
intransigent attitude towards peace and human rights is
well known to the international community. Let us recall
once again how the Taliban?s retrograde militia, helped
and patronized by their cross-border allies, visualize and
conceive the events in Afghanistan.
The Taliban have their own answer to every issue
raised by the United Nations and the international
community. When asked to establish a broad-based
representative Government, the Taliban reply that they
have brought many parts of Afghanistan under their
military domination and that this is a broad-based
representative Government. When requested to hold
elections in Afghanistan, the Taliban state that elections
are unIslamic. They say that other Muslim countries
which adhere to the principle of elections have
overlooked the true teachings of Islam. When told to
respect human rights, the Taliban reply that they have
their own standards for human rights. They say that
human rights in other Muslim countries are not based on
Islam.
In response to constant appeals to respect the human
rights of women and reopen girls? schools, the Taliban,
quoted in The Washington Post of 25 September 1998,
say that
27

“the countries that shout about freedom for women
want to use them only for prostitution and
entertainment until they get old and useless”.
The Taliban say they know best what to do with women
and girls.
When asked to put an end to drug production and
trafficking, the Taliban say that, though produced in
Afghanistan, narcotics are consumed overseas. They also
say that drug production and smuggling, operations which
the Taliban and some Pakistani military officers jointly
maintain, earn them profits. When asked to hold
negotiations with the parties to the conflict, the Taliban,
again quoted in The Washington Post, say that their first
priority has been to disarm the opposition and that
negotiations will follow only then.
Peace has no place on the Taliban agenda. Even when
Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, the Secretary-General?s Special
Envoy, urged them to attend the face-to-face talks with us,
held in Ashgabat on 5 April 1998, they did not participate.
On 25 April 1998, the negotiations between both sides in
Islamabad — under the supervision of the United Nations
and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) —
were unilaterally abandoned by the Taliban and the
ceasefire observed at the request of the United Nations and
the United States was pre-emptively broken by a major
Taliban offensive north of Kabul. Because of the failure of
the Taliban?s military offensive, they returned the following
day, 26 April, for further negotiations, but soon unilaterally
and definitively abandoned the negotiations once more, as
noted by the Secretary-General.
In essence, the Taliban?s intransigence stems from
their firm and stubborn conviction that the only solution is
a military solution. This conviction is also indicative of the
ideas of their Pakistani mentors, who are determined to
dominate Afghanistan. Thus, any and all efforts to reach a
peaceful solution have been intentionally thwarted. It came
as a surprise to no one that the Taliban not only refused to
attend the intra-Afghan gathering on 18 July 1998 in Bonn,
Germany, which sought to initiate what was hoped would
be the traditional grand assembly, or Loya jirgah, but also,
one week earlier, condemned the all-Afghan gathering and
launched major military operations, supported by the
Pakistani air force, in northern Afghanistan.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan strongly confirms the
views that have been expressed in this Assembly for years
that there is no military solution to the conflict in
Afghanistan. The withdrawal of foreign military and
armed personnel and the return of the opposition to the
negotiating table for a political dialogue aimed at
achieving a lasting political settlement of the conflict,
along with the formation of a fully representative, broad-
based, multi-ethnic Government, are the main points that
could ensure an environment of peace in Afghanistan and
the entire region.
We are proposing such an intra-Afghan dialogue
without delay or precondition, on the basis of the
following principles, which emanate from our national
platform and international commitment to Article 2,
paragraph 2 of the United Nations Charter, as well to as
our tenets and culture.
First, concerning the principles of Islam, the Islamic
tenets and teachings are guidelines of supreme value, in
compliance with which the future political system, the
constitution and other laws shall be founded.
Secondly, the principle of democracy and pluralism
shall constitute the mainspring of the future political
system to be formed in Afghanistan.
Thirdly, concerning the principle of human rights,
the observation of and respect for human rights —
including the rights of women and girls to education,
work and beneficial coexistence in harmony with the
provisions of human rights instruments — are among the
principles that shall be integral parts of any peace
agreement. This shows our commitment as a member of
the international community.
Fourthly, the principle of elections and the
delegation of authority to local government shall be
incorporated into any peace agreement as urgent and
necessary elements of confidence-building and as the
realization of the will of the people. Local administrations
and their leaders, including the members of provincial
councils, shall all be elected. The central representative
Government, to be equitably accommodating to all ethnic
groups and segments of Afghan society, shall function
constitutionally.
Fifthly, as to the principles of permanent neutrality
and independence, countries of the region and the
international community shall recognize the permanent
neutrality of Afghanistan. Afghanistan will never enter
into any political or military alliance against any State
and Afghan soil will not be used as a base for hostilities
against another State. International relations shall be
28

conducted independently, in a manner consistent with the
principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
Afghanistan shall actively participate in the processes of
regional economic cooperation, transit and transport of
trade. It shall be a good partner in the community of
nations.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes the
meeting of the “Six plus Two” group, held at the level of
Foreign Ministers in New York on 21 September 1998.
Afghanistan fully agrees with the points of common
understanding and expresses its firm support for the
Secretary-General?s decision to send his Special Envoy,
Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, to the region. Afghanistan
remains committed to giving his mission its full
cooperation.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan firmly supports the
institutional reform of the United Nations, rightly referred
to as a “quiet revolution” by the Secretary-General.
Similarly, the establishment of a Development Account and
the United Nations Fund for International Partnerships,
among other innovations, deserve the support of Member
States. However, the least developed countries and in
particular those stricken by war, have to be given priority
attention in this field.
In their Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the United Nations, Member States
promised to
“give to the twenty-first century a United Nations
equipped, financed and structured to serve effectively
the peoples in whose name it was established”.
(resolution 50/6)
This has to include the institutional framework of the
Organization, namely, a Security Council with working
methods and a composition that better reflect today?s needs
and realities.
The Working Group that has been mandated to
examine this question will soon start its sixth year of
intensive discussions. These discussions cannot go on
indefinitely. It is time to set a concrete agenda and to act if
we want to meet the challenges of the next millennium.
Afghanistan therefore supports an overall reform which
would make the Security Council?s work more transparent
and its composition more representative. This would mean
permanent seats for the developing and the developed
world, the latter to include global economic players such as
Germany and Japan. At the same time, a sufficient number
of non-permanent seats should be added to take into
account the interests of smaller and medium-sized
countries. The Charter therefore must be amended in
order drastically to reduce the use of the right of veto,
which is most undemocratic. The coming century requires
a Security Council that conforms with the new landscape
of the world.