I should like to express my congratulations to Mr. Peter Florin on his election as President of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. I am sure that our work will benefit greatly from his Presidency, I should like also to avail myself of this opportunity to thank his predecessor for his able leadership of the forty-first session-
This forty-second session of the General Assembly convenes at a very important juncture in world affairs. For the first time for many years there is the prospect of significant arms control· Agreement between the two super-Powers is now under way. The agreement in principle that was announced last week is very welcome as an important first contribution to what we hope will be a continuing disarmament process. We were reminded very recently at the Conference held here on disarmament and development of the extent to which the existence of excessive armaments across the whole spectrum is a burden on the international community as a whole. It is a burden which must be reduced. We are encouraged by the readiness of the super-powers to begin the process of disarmament, which we believe will serve as a step towards a more general easing of international tensions.
We cannot, however, lose sight of the many elements of instability which continue to mar the international scene. The agenda for this session is composed of as long a list of conflicts unresolved and disputes unsettled as any of its predecessors. In addition to regional conflicts we are faced with a lack of respect for human rights; the emergence, or in some cases re-emergence, of famine conditions and ever increasing expenditure on armaments Including in particular expenditure by those nations which can least afford it· These remain the sad realities for far too many of the world's inhabitants.
How well equipped is this Organization to tackle this particular agenda? We are all aware of the criticisms which are made of the United Nations and its affiliated bodies. It is said that the United Nations is selective in the topics with which it chooses to deal, that it is partial in its criticisms and that it has been wasteful of its resources. Of course it is an imperfect institution operating in a very imperfect world. Friends of the United Nations, among which my Government would wish to be regarded, must admit that there has been and remains an element of truth in those claims. We are just as conscious of the flaws in this Organization as any, but we are dedicated to remedying those flaws.
At the same time it is also essential to emphasize the genuine achievements of the Organization. How can one ignore the contribution of the United Nations to the process of decolonisation; its part in the protection and promotion of human rights throughout the world; its work and that of the specialized agencies within its framework for development and for the eradication of disease and hunger; its efforts to promote the goal of disarmament, including in particular the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty; and the part which its peace-making and peace-keeping machinery has played in resolving or sometimes defusing conflicts which could have escalated much further?
The value of the mechanisms offered by the United Nations to Member States as an alternative to the threat or use of force should not be underestimated. In this regard the major Powers, which have been given very special rights under the Charter, have a particular responsibility. If they take the lead in co-operating to make the United Nations systems work more effectively and live up to the hopes of its founders they can be confident that they will have the support of the great majority of the Members of the Organization.
There are grounds, especially in recent times, for cautious optimism. In particular, developments in the past few weeks encourage my delegation to the view that the United Nations will continue to occupy the central place in the conduct of world affairs assigned to it by its Charter.
First, I would refer to the Security Council. The recent initiative taken by the Council, with the support of all its members, in the long-running conflict between Iran and Iraq has shown a willingness on the part of the members of that body to discharge the responsibilities vested in them by the Charter. The unity of purpose manifested on that occasion offers the hope that those provisions of the Charter conceived as central to the functioning of the United Nations as a world Organization can be implemented for the effective maintenance of international peace and security.
Secondly, in a somewhat different order of ideas, the adoption by consensus at last year's session of a comprehensive resolution on the reform of administrative and budgetary procedures in the United Nations marked a significant stage in the Organization's development. It is important that the unity and spirit of compromise shown then should not be a transient phenomenon but should influence the ongoing implementation of these measures of reforms. Those measures safeguard the essential functioning of the United Nations as an organization of sovereignty equal States committed to the purposes and principles of the Charter, The role played by the Secretary-General in promoting the updating and streamlining of the Organization has been a key factor in the progress made to date· It is essential that he be given the fullest possible support in managing the financial and human resources of the Organization,
While a beginning has been made in establishing a basis for sensible budget-making within the United Nations, the financial situation of the Organization remains precarious. All Member States have, in subscribing to the Charter, committed themselves to meet their mandatory financial obligations in full. The payment of such contributions Is therefore a legal requirement, binding on the Member States in the same manner as their other international obligations.
My Government attaches a central importance to the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations and is proud that Ireland has been able to contribute to most of the Organization's peace-keeping operations. Responsibility for the establishment of a peace-keeping force rests with the Security Council. It is therefore in the first instance to the members of the Council that troop contributors look for support in the discharge of the tasks which they have been mandated, and have agreed, to undertake. That support is essential if the mandate of an operation is to be implemented in full and if its financing is to be assured. In addition, a peace-keeping force can, of course, succeed in its tasks only if It enjoys the full co-operation of the parties to the conflict.
Judged against those criteria, the situation of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) gives cause for some disquiet. Over the past 14 months three members of the Irish contingent have lost their lives while on duty in south Lebanon. Other contingents there have also suffered casualties. It is unacceptable that co-operation continues to be withheld from the Force and that the mandate which has been renewed at regular intervals since it was first adopted in 1978 remains inoperable. My, Government continues to call for the complete withdrawal from southern Lebanon of Israeli troops, the dismantling of the so—called security zone and an end to harassment of United Nations peace-keeping troops by irregular forces.
The Secretary-General, too, has repeatedly called for the necessary co-operation to be extended to UNIFIL so as to allow it to complete a mission which has been undertaken in the interests of peace and with the backing of the international community. My delegation strongly endorses that call and supports the Secretary-General in that particular matter. The Secretary-General has also pointed to the unsatisfactory financial position of the Force caused by the continued withholding of contributions due in respect of both the present and previous mandate periods. If troop contributors are to continue to undertake these onerous responsibilities, all concerned must decide to act in full conformity with the Security Council's mandate to the Force.
Since the founding of this Organization, East-West relations have been a central preoccupation of the international community. The capacity of the Security Council to discharge its primary responsibility for International peace and security is clearly influenced by the state of super-Power relations. This is a reality. Recent indications of positive developments In East'-West relations are therefore of considerable interest to all Members of the United Nations. Ireland welcomes these indications and hopes that a secure foundation for a lasting dialogue will now be laid, in the belief that more secure and stable International relations can result from a process of comprehensive and realistic dialogue between the super-Powers.
We attach importance in particular to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) process as a significant aspect of East-West relations. This established framework for dealing with security and co-operation between East and West in Europe has brought notable improvements in the conditions of all of the people of Europe, East and West, as well as facilitating relations between the participating States. My Government hopes to see further developments in the process, leading to greater contacts between the peoples of Europe, more sustained co-operation at the level of States, and more effective recognition of human rights, so that the impact of agreements reached can be felt by all Europeans. We hope to see a successful outcome in the course of this year, in the shape of a balanced and substantive final document as a follow-up to the meeting taking place at present in Vienna.
Successive sessions of the General Assembly have underlined the need for serious and sustained efforts to check the arms race. I have said already that we welcome the improved prospects of agreement for the first time between the United States and the Soviet Union to reduce the number of nuclear weapons on both sides. The agreement in principle to the global elimination of intermediate-range nuclear weapons is welcome in itself, but also as a step which will, we hope, lead to more general disarmament, and we must regard it as a first step in that direction. We hope, therefore, that it signals the beginning of a process conducive to the easing of international tensions more generally throughout the world. There is, I believe, a universal and deeply felt desire that these negotiations should continue with a view not only to preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth but also to bringing about a further reduction of nuclear weapons in all categories.
The conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty would be an obvious and practical step in inhibiting the further technical development of these weapons, thus helping to reduce reliance on these particular weapons by the nuclear-weapon States. A ban on testing, accompanied by the reduction in nuclear weapons that now appears imminent, would provide important and timely reassurance on the intentions of the nuclear-weapon States. Ireland is convinced that there are no technical obstacles in the way of such a ban, if the will exists.
The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development has only recently concluded its deliberations in these very halls and we are happy that the participants agreed on a Final Document by consensus. The subjects of disarmament and development are at the very core of the concerns o£ this Organization. Ireland is persuaded that the need of all States for security can be met by progress in both disarmament and development. The international community should be alive to every opportunity to make use of resources freed by disarmament measures, undertaken for whatever reason, for the purposes of development.
Despite widespread condemnation by the United Nations and other international organizations and improved co-operation in implementing measures to deal with it, the serious threat posed by terrorism to human life and to international peace and security remains. Ambivalence with regard to terrorism and its perpetrators still persists. Along with our European partners, we have repeatedly and unambiguously condemned all acts of international terrorism, irrespective of the identities of those responsible, or their motivations. We must all ensure that the obligations we have assumed under international conventions are fulfilled; we must also pledge ourselves further to intensify existing bilateral and multilateral co-operation on practical anti-terror ism measures. Much of this can be carried out within the framework of the United Nations and its agencies, as exemplified by the work currently under way in the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO) . It behoves us all to do our utmost to see that terrorism ceases to be a threat to the orderly conduct of international relations.
An area of United Nations activity with which public opinion in my country has strongly identified is the work undertaken in the field of human rights. On the eve of the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we recall the great debt owed to the framers of that document. Its assertion of inalienable rights to which every human being may lay claim represents a landmark in the struggle to secure freedom and justice for all. On the basis of that foundation, much valuable work has been done in the intervening years in the preparation of international instruments designed to expand and deepen the scope of the human rights canon.
Despite the existence of this impressive framework, violations of human rights, often on a serious scale, continue to occur. We call for a renewed commitment of effort on the part of all Member States so that each individual can effectively enjoy those rights to which he is formally entitled.
In his statement to the Assembly on 22 September the Foreign Minister of Denmark, speaking on behalf of the Twelve member States of the European Communities, addressed many of the regional conflicts with which we are confronted. I should like today to comment on the situation in those areas which, in the view of my delegation, give cause for particular concern.
First, the divisions and instabilities of the Middle East, on which I have already touched, remain a matter of consistent concern and high priority. We were greatly encouraged in the course of this year by the growing momentum towards the convening of an international conference, which we believe is the most timely and effective approach to bringing about a comprehensive and enduring peace in that area. We, in common with our European partners, have made clear our commitment to such an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations and our readiness to play an active role in assisting this process so far as we can. We urge all the parties concerned to renew and intensify their efforts to overcome those obstacles and difficulties which still stand in the way of the convening of a conference. We appreciate and support the Secretary-General's efforts to this end and with this purpose in mind.
We have followed with deepening concern the mounting toll of death and destruction as well as the growing threat to international peace and security posed by the conflict between Iraq and Iran. We appeal to the two belligerent countries to recognize the futility of continuing this war. We urge them to respond to the call of the Security Council for a cease-fire leading to a negotiated settlement. I would recall that we, the Members of this Organization, have conferred on the Security Council the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We support the efforts of the Secretary-General in the exercise of his good offices, with the aim of ensuring compliance with the Security Council resolution.
Elsewhere in that region, in Lebanon, religious and communal antagonisms continue. We are among those countries whose citizens are innocent victims of the hostage-taking and kidnapping, which has been a particularly deplorable characteristic of the continued violence in that country. We unreservedly condemn this practice and appeal to all parties and forces in Lebanon to co-operate in securing the immediate release of all innocent victims· We urge all parties to show restraint so that reconciliation, national dialogue and reconstruction can commence. The cycle of violence must be broken as a necessary pre-condition for a peaceful solution based on respect for the sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon.
South Africa remains a source of serious concern to the whole international community· The events of the last year have brought no comfort to those who hope to see the apartheid system dismantled and the emergence in South Africa of a multiracial democracy in its stead· Massive repression continues unabated and censorship, in fact, has been greatly strengthened. Many thousands have suffered loss of freedom under the state of emergency, in addition to the iniquities that are inflicted daily on them by the apartheid system. The Government of South Africa continues to defy international opinion and has yet to demonstrate clearly that it is prepared to engage in genuine reform and to commence meaningful political dialogue with the authentic leaders of the majority community.
The steps which have been taken to maintain the apartheid system have had a malign influence elsewhere in the southern Africa region. Ireland has frequently condemned the continued activities of South Africa in seeking to destabilize its neighbours whether through armed incursions into their territories by its security forces support for paramilitary movements opposed to the Governments of its neighbours, or the application of economic pressure.
On Namibia, I call again on South Africa to desist from further obstructing progress towards Namibian independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This resolution remains the basis for Namibian independence and the world community should continue to demand its implementation by South Africa. The Introduction of extraneous elements linking progress towards a Namibian settlement with developments elsewhere in the region is not acceptable.
The rapid withdrawal of Soviet troops, in accordance with an irrevocable timetable, remains the essential pre-condition if the long conflict in Afghanistan is to be brought to an end. A political solution must guarantee the Afghan people's right to self-determination, allow the return of the refugees and the re-establishment of Afghanistan's status as an independent and non-aligned country, we reaffirm our support for the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General and the principles set out in successive United Nations resolutions.	-
We remain convinced that the basis for a just and lasting solution to the conflict in Kampuchea is contained in the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea, which calls for the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and the exercise by the Kampuchean people of their right to determine their own future. In the event of a withdrawal, effective steps should also be taken to prevent any armed group from seizing power by force or resorting to the threat of force to intimidate the Kampuchean people and thereby deprive them of their right to choose their own destiny. Kampuchea must be free both of foreign troops and of any prospect of a return to the appalling activities of the Khmer Rouge.
The agreement signed by the five Central American Presidents in Guatemala City in August has greatly enhanced the prospects of peace in that region and has given very real hope that the urgently needed improvements in the areas of human rights and social justice will be undertaken. We congratulate the Governments concerned on taking this Important step towards achieving national reconciliation and the strengthening of democracy and on their renewed commitment to the objectives of the United Nations Charter and of the draft Contadora Act. We look forward to the full implementation of the agreement while being keenly aware of the extent of the difficulties that have yet to be overcome. We urge the Governments Involved to maintain their efforts and call on all other States in a position, to do so to facilitate the peace process undertaken and now under way.
I have mentioned some of the regional conflicts which are the cause of particular concern. However, for millions of people, the immediate threat to their security and well-being is not a military or a political one. Their well-being is being continuously threatened by a lack of development. Many millions still lack the basic conditions for a decent life. Their condition is as much the concern of this Organization as is any other aspect of its purposes and principles.
The present Insecure world economic environment - characterized by slow growth, sluggish trade and low commodity prices - provides a sombre background to our deliberations on global issues of development. The unfavourable economic environment affects us all. In my own country, the slow-down in world trade has contributed to high unemployment. A heavy debt-service burden has forced our Government to impose severe cut-backs on public expenditure. However, no country or group of countries has been as seriously and severely affected by the slow-down in world growth as have the least developed countries, particularly those of sub-Saharan Africa. In this regard I welcome the initiative which the Secretary-General has taken in establishing an advisory group to study and report on the balance-of-payments and debt crises as obstacles to the economic recovery of many African countries.
The Interrelated issues of resources for development, commodities, international trade and the problems of the least-developed countries were considered at the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), in July. The discussions at the Conference showed welcome evidence of a readiness on the part of all countries to work together to improve the environment for accelerated and sustained development. The Final Act of the Conference reflects the broad understanding that was reached on the need for a number of policy approaches and concrete measures to address and deal with these problems.
The successful outcome of UNCTAD VII has also contributed to the restoration of confidence in our ability to tackle development questions within the framework of the United Nations. In an increasingly interdependent world, solutions to such problems can be found only through multilateral co-operation. The universal nature of the United Nations system confers a unique authority on the conclusions of conferences such as UNCTAD and complements the valuable practical work being carried out in developing countries by the United Nations Development Programme and by the specialized agencies. The indispensability of a global approach to development problems was further brought out in the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, published earlier this year. The challenge that faces the international community is to take the steps which we all agree are necessary in the interests of development and to make better use of the machinery of the United Nations to achieve our agreed objective.
The problem of Northern Ireland continues to be of major concern to the Irish Government. In successive years Irish Foreign Ministers have come to the General Assembly to describe the dimensions of the problem and to underline the urgency of finding a durable solution. Since the meeting between the British and Irish Heads of Government in 1980  it has become an accepted principle that a solution to the Northern Ireland problem is to be found in the framework of Anglo-Irish co-operation. Out of that process emerged the Anglo-Irish Agreement between the British and Irish Governments, signed in November 1985 and registered here with the United Nations.
The Anglo-Irish Agreement represents both a commitment and a challenge for the British and Irish Governments. For our part, the Irish Government which came into office in March of this year is determined to use the mechanisms of the Agreement to improve the position of all the people living in Northern Ireland and especially the members of the Nationalist community. Within our overall programme for action we have established certain priority areas where we believe change is urgently required. These areas include the achievement of fair employment practices and reforms in the administration of justice.
As indeed the United Nations and its specialized agencies have recognized in many pronouncements, equal opportunity in employment is one of the hallmarks of an acceptable society. The socio-economic rights of individuals must rank equal in importance with their political and other rights. The employment profile of Northern Ireland undoubtedly points to a legacy of discrimination against one community. It is the common objective of the British and Irish Governments to ensure the elimination of that discrimination in all its forms, some steps have been taken along the road but there is much further to travel. We regard the removal of discrimination in employment as both a moral and a political imperative in Northern Ireland and as a sine qua non of further progress in that area.
Public confidence in the administration of justice and good relations between the security forces and the community are other distinguishing marks of a normal society. When emergency measures are deemed necessary in order to protect the public from violence it is essential that the public security forces are even-handed and that the proceedings of the courts are impartial. In a divided society such as Northern Ireland, where a very large minority of the population has felt alienated from the institutions of government and especially from the forces of law and order and the system of justice, the importance of such public confidence is very acute. In Northern Ireland, therefore, it is necessary to consider what changes are required to remedy the damage done to public confidence in the past and to assure public confidence now and for the future. That is why, in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, of 15 November 1985, and in the communiqué which accompanied it, the British and Irish Governments agreed to seek measures which would give substantial expression to the aim of public confidence in the administration of justice and committed themselves explicitly to early progress in that area.
It is easy to be misled into thinking that the conflict in Northern Ireland centres upon irreconcilable religious or historical differences. In fact the challenge which lies at the heart of the problem is similar to many of the challenges posed by other areas of conflict throughout the world which are raised regularly in this Assembly. The need for peoples and nations freely to work out their own future, the accommodation of historical differences within such nations peacefully and by agreement and related human rights questions are basic to many of the tensions and much of the instability throughout the globe, no less than in Northern Ireland.
The role of the Irish Government under the Anglo-Irish Agreement offers support to Nationalists in Northern Ireland in ending that sense of exclusion under which they have lived and in finding solutions to the problems which beset both communities in that area. We also believe that the Irish Government's role reflects the recognition by the two Governments concerned and by the overwhelming majority of the populations of Britain and Ireland that the Nationalist and Unionist communities both share a common future on the island of Ireland which must rest upon principles of inclusion and accommodation of both traditions.
In saying this, my Government recognizes that the Anglo-Irish Agreement has not gained full acceptance in Northern Ireland. We recognize the rights and the identity of the Unionist population as well. There must, however, be a realistic acceptance that the Agreement is there as part of the political landscape in Northern Ireland and has been achieved by the two sovereign Governments involved in that island. Only in such a climate of realism can meaningful debate take place about future political developments.
In successive years we have called for an end to the campaigns of violence in Northern Ireland. The past year has, unfortunately, seen a continuation of that futile violence which has brought such misery and suffering to the people of the area. The perpetrators of that violence are a tiny minority of the population of Northern Ireland who do not act on behalf of anybody but themselves. Indeed, their unremitting campaigns of violence and assassination can only add to the mistrust and mutual fear between Irish people of different traditions. Such actions do not bring closer but postpone the day when unity based on reconciliation can take place in Ireland, leading to the coming together, under agreed structures, of all the people of diverse traditions in our island.
We, as the Irish Government, will continue to work the mechanisms of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in conjunction with the British Government. We will remain open to contact with all those in Northern Ireland willing to pursue peaceful constructive approaches to the problems of the area. We will seek to make progress on the practical level of economic fairness, even-handed treatment by the security forces and confidence in the administration of justice, all of which deeply affect the ordinary citizen in his or her everyday life. We realize that progress at the overall political level is indispensable to a durable settlement, by agreement, of the problems of our country as a whole.
Similarly, in the world at large regional problems of a similar kind can only be resolved by the exercise of positive political will on the part of the countries immediately involved.


For the community of nations, for the peoples of the United Nations and for our Governments, the annual session of the General Assembly is a source of annually renewed hope and a yearly reaffirmation of faith in the enduring validity of the ideals and principles of the Charter of San Francisco. Those ideals and principles reflect the deep-seated and legitimate aspirations of mankind for peace and harmony among nations, for freedom and for economic and social progress for all peoples and all individuals, without distinction. The election of Ambassador Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly is a symbol of that powerful and energizing faith shared in our brotherhood by all the peoples of the earth in our humanity and our common destiny. It is a symbol of the long road travelled since the end of the Second World War, giving true meaning to the uniqueness of our world and the universality of mankind.
This election honours him and also recognizes the positive contribution of his country, the German Democratic Republic, in the progress of world affairs. I should like to join my tribute to those already paid him and once again convey my delegation's compliments to Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, who conducted the work of our last session with flair, competence and a high sense of responsibility.
I would be remiss were I to fail to convey here and now to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our praise and appreciation for the very useful job he is doing as head of the Organization. He is an attentive and skilful observer of the international scene, and we have seen him, whenever peace is at stake, travelling throughout the world and working actively, with patience and tenacity, to promote the dialogue that is so indispensable to the achievement of understanding among all parties. On behalf of Niger, I commend him for this.
In spite of the slow improvement to be seen here and there, the international political situation is still in many areas of the world the cause of grave concern for our Governments and peoples.
This is true of the southern part of the African continent, which the racist minority regime of Pretoria has transformed, through its stubbornness and arrogance, into a smouldering hotbed that imperils the security of the entire region, and indeed, world peace. The situation created and maintained in that part of the African continent by the racist minority regime of Pretoria is one of the most serious challenges to the authority of the United Nations and an intolerable affront to the conscience of mankind.
How can we accept the fact that, despite repeated calls by the General Assembly and the Security Council, South Africa continues illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia, plunder its natural resources and systematically murder or imprison all those Namibians who reject the colonial status being imposed on them and struggle to regain their rights? How can we tolerate a situation in which South Africa is constantly carrying out acts of aggression against the front-line States and, with the assistance of armed bands created and financed for its own evil purposes, is continuing to organize assaults, assassinations, abductions and acts of sabotage? How can we accept the persistence of the loathsome system of apartheid, which is a negation of the very values that form the bedrock of peace and that this Organization was established to defend?
No, there can be no compromise with apartheid and its masters. There can be no compromise with that policy under which man denies man and through which ail the values that millions of men sacrificed their lives to defend are trampled underfoot, values the international community ardently champions. No one that desires progress, no one with a conscience, can sleep peacefully while that hateful system persists in that part of the world, a system under which men deny other men the mere right to exist.
In the light of the ineffectiveness of verbal censure and condemnations, the General Assembly and other international bodies have recommended comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. The purpose of such sanctions would be to force the minority racist regime of Pretoria to abandon its inhuman policy of apartheid and implement the United Nations peace plan for Namibia's accession to independence. We have to note that all such actions have so far been thwarted by South Africa, which, strengthened by those that overtly or covertly aid and abet it, continues to defy the United Nations and the international community.
I should like at this juncture to reaffirm Niger's and its people's support for and solidarity with the peoples of Namibia and South Africa in their liberation struggle and with the front-line States, the victims of repeated acts of aggression by the minority racist regime of Pretoria. Niger calls for determined action by the international community to speed Namibia's attainment of independence in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and for the dismantling of the system of apartheid.
Of course, on the African continent Chad is another dangerous hotbed of tension that must be promptly eliminated. It calls for vigilant attention on the part of the Assembly, in conjunction with initiatives already undertaken within the framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). As a watchful neighbour, ready to help wherever possible, Niger has associated itself with many of the initiatives undertaken to restore peace to Chad. The return of peace to that country presupposes peace among all the people of Chad, in keeping with the ideals and principles of the charter of African unity non-interference in that country's internal affairs and respect for its independence and the unity and integrity of its territory. There is no other possible path towards peace.
Niger welcomes the significant progress that has been made in the process of national reconciliation initiated and patiently pursued by the Chad Government. Similarly, we support the action undertaken by the Organization of African Unity through its Ad Hoc Committee under the chairmanship of El-Hadj Oman Bongo, President of the Republic of Gabon. In a new approach designed to find a solution to the problem of Chad, the recent summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa in July of this year, upgraded the membership of the OAU Ad Hoc Committee on the Chad-Libyan conflict to Head-of-State level and urged all parties to co-operate with it. It is heartening that at the recent meeting of the Ad Hoc Committee at Lusaka there was for the first time effective participation by the two parties, thus consolidating the cease-fire declared on 11 September 1987 at the request of the then Chairman of the OAU. The Lusaka meeting also drew up and adopted a precise working timetable, including, inter alia, another meeting of Heads of States members of the Ad Hoc Committee with the Heads of State of Chad and Libya.
In our view, it is important for all of us to support and recognize the efforts of the OAU.
In the final communiqué issued at the conclusion of the Lusaka meeting the members of the Ad Hoc Committee expressed their concern at "the risks of the internationalisation" of the Chad-Libyan conflict. Such risks exist and must be averted at any cost. The international community must see to it that they are.
Chad and Libya, for their part, must understand that they cannot live in mutual exclusivity; they cannot remake geographical facts or redraw the map of the world to suit themselves. They are condemned to live together. As neighbours, they have a duty to respect each other, accommodate each other and live in harmony. They must ensure that their relations comply with the inescapable demands of good-neighbourliness.
The problem of western Sahara, too, continues to maintain a regrettable level of tension in the north-western part of the African continent. In a profound desire to see peace and understanding once again prevail among the countries of the Maghreb, Niger has resolutely supported all the efforts undertaken so far to achieve a just and lasting settlement of that problem.
In this connection we welcome the recent attempts to reach understanding at the meeting in Ujda, and we warmly congratulate His Majesty King Fahd Ibn Abdel-Aziz of Saudi Arabia on his tireless efforts to ease the tension in that part of our continent. At the same time, I must commend the Secretary-General for his discreet, patient and useful work. We encourage him to persist in his activities in order to establish in the Organization favourable conditions for a referendum on self-determination in the Sahara, which is the only way to find a lasting solution to that difficult question.
Elsewhere in the world other hotbeds of tension are causing anguish and concern and call for concerted action by the international community. One of these is the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, two members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, of the Non-Aligned Movement and of the United Nations that would normally have every reason to be in close association. That war, now in its eighth year, has in recent weeks undergone an escalation that has increased the danger and threat to the whole of the Arab-Persian Gulf. Only the cessation of hostilities and the acceptance of dialogue can lead to a just and lasting peace. Niger welcomes the adoption by the Security Council on 20 July of resolution 598 (19í(7) and urgently appeals to both patties to the conflict to accept its terms and co-operate with the Secretary-General in its implementation.
The chances for a negotiated, comprehensive and lasting settlement of the diddle East problem still seem remote. The fundamental and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people continue to be disregarded and denied. Israel persists in occupying Arab territories and, as part of its plan to present the international community with a fait accompli, is actively changing the demographic structure and the legal, cultural and religious status of the Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem. International opinion has often spoken out against these practices and demanded that Israel withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, put an end to the mistreatment meted out to the populations of those territories and cease exploiting their resources.
At the same time, the Lebanese tragedy drags on amid a kind of general indifference on the part of the international community.
In both cases, Israel must understand that its own existence cannot forever be guaranteed by means of force but that it can be guaranteed by a peaceful, comprehensive and lasting solution or the Palestinian problem and, more generally, the Middle East question. It must accept that the question of Palestine is at the hub of the conflict in the Middle East and that peace in the region involves giving the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, the right to participate on an equal footing in any negotiation process aimed at finding a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East.
Central America, also, is a constantly troubled region, and the General Assembly should continue to give it close attention. For many years that region has been caught up in a grave crisis marked by military confrontation, social instability and manifold and complex inter-State tensions. There are now fresh grounds for hope with the drafting of the Guatemala peace plan by the States of the region, which Niger warmly welcomes.
We also continue to follow closely developments in the Korean peninsula, where the situation remains extremely tense. We encourage the efforts undertaken by the two Koreas to bring about the peaceful reunification of their great nation.
With respect to the situations in Kampuchea and in Afghanistan, Niger wishes once again to reaffirm the unacceptability of occupation by force of territories belonging to other countries in contravention of the norms of international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. The international community must continue to strive to make it possible for each of those countries to decide on its political orientation fully and of its own free will and for its population freely to choose its future. It must also ensure that their status as non-aligned countries is safeguarded and respected.
It is generally accepted that the uncontrolled arms race is one of the most serious and daunting challenges facing our world. Everyone is aware that a nuclear conflagration would imperil the whole of human civilization and would annihilate all forms of life on Earth. It is therefore vital that the great Powers and all countries concerned abandon their nuclear programmes and embark on a bold and courageous policy of total disarmament. We are witnessing a historic moment for mankind - historic because it is crucial for the future of mankind on Earth, history would record the wise decision of countries possessing nuclear capability to abandon their programmes and destroy the apparatus of destruction installed in many areas of the world. Such a decision would enhance man's stature and bring him into harmony with his environment and with himself because it would prove he is capable of reason and knows how to stop something when he must.
We, the developing countries, close observers or this state of affairs, feel despair and revulsion at seeing colossal sums amounting to billions of dollars being swallowed up in this mad adventure whose sole aim, ultimately, is the annihilation of mankind, while in vast regions of the world millions of men and women barely subsist amid total destitution, struggling day to day merely to stay alive.
The agreement in principle reached just two weeks ago by the United states and the Soviet Union on the elimination of intermediate-range missiles is encouraging in this respect because it gives us some ground to hope for the advent of a world less ridden with uncertainty.
The political concerns I have just mentioned must be seen together with other pressing anxieties bound up in the grave, deep and prolonged crisis in the world economy.
The economic situation of the countries of the third world continues to be difficult - indeed it is more difficult than ever, and its most critical aspect is the mounting burden of debt. Thus, although the debt whole of Africa is quantitatively far less than that of other continents - and even of certain individual countries - it has become intolerable for most of the countries of Africa because of the economic crisis prevailing on the continent. For most of those countries debt servicing has reached 30 per cent of total export earnings, the level regarded as the maximum tolerable for any one country. For some of them, debt servicing is equivalent to 6 0 per cent of export earnings, while for others it simply equals 100 per cent.
The Assembly will agree with me that to pay debt servicing at such a level is economic madness. It is simply impossible. Thus, despite their sincere desire to honour their contractual commitments, many African States are today finding themselves unable to do so because of their economic situation.
The means that have been explored up to now have not been promising in terms of finding satisfactory solutions to this problem. These range from unilateral measures taken by debtors to rescheduling policies advocated by creditors. Niger takes the view that only dialogue and concerted action will enable us to find a solution to the dent problem. Creditors and debtors must get together to think about and discuss bold and innovative initiatives that might be taken in this regard.
In addition to the question of debt there arises the whole problem of the recovery of the African economies severely hit by the crisis. At the special session devoted to the economic situation on the continent, the international community recognized the reality, depth and gravity of this crisis. It acknowledged that Africa, despite its enormous potential, remains the least developed of all the continents. All the economic indicators set Africa far behind other continents. The crisis has led to a marked fall in per capita income and to stagnant or even negative rates of growth in many countries.
After all the forecasts, the prospects for recovery, growth and development
remain extremely precarious, unless the efforts now being undertaken by African countries receive full support from the international community. Africa received that support in May 1986 at the special session of the General Assembly, However, nearly a year and a half after adoption of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, we are bound to note that Africa's partners are at a standstill when it comes to meeting their commitments.

Meanwhile, Africa, in the framework of this undertaking of joint responsibility, has adopted structural adjustment programmes and recovery measures at the cost of incalculable sacrifices. Despite the already encouraging results, African countries have not received from the industrialized countries the aid and assistance necessary for them to achieve true economic recovery.
This continent, which is filled with life and hope, deserves a more positive response from the international community. Africa, which was the cradle of mankind and has contributed very significantly to the development and flourishing of major civilizations, has also, at critical moments in their history, stood at the side of certain now major nations, which it helped to defend and preserve. It is thus only right and just that those nations should now help Africa to overcome its difficulties.
Africa urgently needs assistance, in particular to deal with the most critical agricultural and food situation that it has ever had to face. The recovery of African agriculture is a pre-condition of the development of the continent. Thus, for countries such as my own, the development strategy is based primarily on agricultural development. This option is clearly reaffirmed in Niger's five-year economic and social development plan for 19B7 to 1991, concerning which a round-table meeting of donors was held in Geneva last July. Niger's major partners welcomed the relevance and seriousness of the policies and strategies underlying the economic and social development programmes of my Government. A commitment was made to support them and help give effect to them. I reaffirm the deep gratitude of the people and leaders of Niger to all our partners.
In this key sector, agriculture, we have to face the adverse natural conditions, struggle against the disastrous consequences of drought and desertification in the Sahel and establish the hydro-agricultural infrastructures which are indispensable if we are to become self-sufficient in food. The effort we have to make is therefore considerable, but we are determined to make it. Among the many initiatives taken by the Government, which all reflect this determination, I have already mentioned the Maradi commitment, which marked the birth of the master plan for combating desertification and drought of the countries members of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS) and the organization of genuine mobilization of the people to combat the phenomena of degradation of the environment.
Niger welcomes, in this respect, the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, under the chairmanship of Mrs. Brundtland, the Prime Minister of Norway. This report rightly notes the indissoluble link between protection of the environment and the well-being of mankind. It is impossible to divorce the problems of the environment from economic and development questions. We endorse the conclusions of the World Commission which are in keeping with those of the "Silva" conference held in February 1986 in Paris. It must be admitted that if we do not draw up here and now a really sustained policy of protection of the environment covering both agricultural production and livestock and action to combat desertification, we shall be endangering the very basis of the future of all of us. The tragic effects of desertification in the Sanel, and particularly in Niger, prove that every time the balance between man and his natural environment is disrupted the vicious cycle of drought and hunger become a constant fact of life.
It is in this context that we must consider the farming season this year in Niger, which is causing us great concern and giving us very little cause for hope. A very late rainy season and rainfall which was badly distributed both in area and in time have made it impossible for us to meet our food needs for the coming year. According to the estimates of our technical services, we shall have a deficit in cereals of approximately 350,000 tons at the end of the current farming season. However, provision to meet this deficit has already been made by my Government both using its own resources and through the generous support of the international community.
Thus, we need to buy seed, fertilizer and ploughing and irrigation equipment. Above all, in a country where more than half the land is desert, we need to mobilize all available energies to halt the advance of the desert, prevent sand storms from covering over the few oases that exist or destroying the scarce layers of fertile or cultivable soil.
These ate the concerns of the people of Niger. It is clear from all the speeches that I have heard since the opening of this session that they are also the concerns of many other nations of the world hungry for peace, freedom and progress. These hopes give particular value to the activities that we are pursuing here.
President Seyni Kountche said from this rostrum: "Together with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Charter is certainly the finest, the most noble and the most relevant resolution that mankind has ever adopted." (A/36/PV.25, p.27)
It is all this because it embodies all our hopes and makes this forum the irreplaceable setting within which to achieve them.


On behalf of the delegation of Mali, I should like to join preceding speakers in congratulating you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I have pleasure in paying tribute to you as a statesman and also a distinguished representative of a country with which Mali has excellent ties of co-operation.
The wealth of your long experience gives promise of real success in our deliberations here. I should like also to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, who, thanks to his competence and dedication, presided so effectively over the work of the forty-first session of the General Assembly.
1 also pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the renewal of whose mandate to head our Organization shows the high regard in which he is held by the international community.
Article 1 of the United Nations Charter sets forth the objectives of our Organization. They are, inter alia, international peace and security, international co-operation, development and respect for human rights. Although the interdependence of these purposes has often been restated, over the last 20 years particular emphasis has been placed on priority to be given to development programmes. So there has quite rightly been a movement away from the drafting of standards to the application of procedures and the establishment of bodies. Development has become an integral part of all the relevant programmes of the United Nations system.
Yet, despite the United Nations capacity to manage multilateral co-operation for development, the world, in particular the developing world, has been characterized for more than a decade by a continuing deterioration in economic situations. This deterioration in the world economy has been discussed by many speakers, sometimes in a very moving way, and today it has become intolerable for the developing countries.
The present world economic system embraces relations between States and the internal regimes of those States. The division of the economic system between industrialized countries and developing countries is no justification for structural imbalance or exploitation.
While the developed countries have had positive growth rates, the economies of the developing countries with rare exceptions# have continued to stagnate or even deteriorate. The combined impact of the constant fall in the export prices of commodities, the constant increase in the prices of imports, the increase in and instability of world interest rates, the excessive and unforeseeable fluctuations in the exchange rates of currencies and the fall in development aid have led to a deterioration in the economic situation of the developing countries, in particular the less-developed of them.
While for many countries exports guaranteed their ability to repay their external debts, creditors adopted protectionist measures and other discriminatory practices having a similar impact against exports from developing countries. These factors militated against the growth of the world economy in general and the economy of the developing countries in particular- To repay foreign debts, these countries have been forced increasingly to transfer abroad resources that should be available for development. Not always having those resources available, and in order to honour deadlines, they have been forced to ask for new loans, thus getting into a vicious circle, the outcome of which is difficult to foresee and which in any event will not help them to regain solvency. However, we have to recognize that most of those countries have made tremendous efforts towards achieving structural adaptations in their economies. Continuous rescheduling, the adoption of austerity measures and basically restrictive adjustments have not been able to slow down or ease the burden of foreign debt. Notwithstanding the heavy sacrifice, the expected results have not always been attained. Unfortunately, in many instances the situation has even deteriorated.
It is time for all those involved to consider the implications of the foreign debt of developing countries so as to arrive at solutions that are more just and humanely acceptable. Such an approach would involve initiating a real dialogue and effective consultations between debtors and creditors on the basis of shared responsibility and within the context of a strategy oriented towards growth and development. It is time for creditors to understand that strengthening national economies, improving collective negotiating positions and remedying the fundamental imbalances of all kinds are indispensable elements for economic and political security. It is only if those conditions are met that the advent of the just and democratic society so wholeheartedly desired by the United Nations can become a reality.
Mali endorses the idea of inviting the international community to consider, as soon as possible, the series of initiatives adopted by the Organization of African Unity, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 with a view to bringing an equitable solution to the debt crisis and to the imbalance in the international economic system. It reaffirms its commitment to the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development and the proposals to re-launch the North-South dialogue, including global negotiations, the programme on remediate measures and, lastly, the convening of a conference on currencies and finance.
It is essential to re-launch the global negotiations that are currently frozen, in order to arrive at a consensus on the establishment of a new international economic order that is more just and more equitable and that will put an end to its many current distortions. Today the North-South dialogue is, for developed and developing countries alike, an unavoidable imperative. In this connection the results of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) justify many hopes, provided that the conclusions and recommendations are followed by concrete measures of implementation.
The serious economic concerns have not made us forget the equally disturbing disruptions in the international political situation. Foremost among these is apartheid, that abominable practice which has accurately been declared a crime against humanity. The racists in Pretoria have already demonstrated to the international community that they are the enemies of peace, both in South Africa and throughout the region. While developments throughout the world show that it is time to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the black majority, the racist minority in Pretoria is stubbornly perpetuating the abhorrent system of apartheid.
In Namibia, as in South Africa, every day people are arrested, tortured and killed for the sole crime of having peacefully demonstrated against pass laws, forced displacement to bantustans and arbitrary arrests.
Ten years ago, when the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (197b), the world recognized that the process of independence for Namibia had entered a decisive phase, and more than one observer rightly thought that Namibia would soon ' regain its independence. Unfortunately the advocates of apartheid persist in linking independence for Namibia to questions having  nothing to do with it.
Mali stands in solidarity with the heroic struggle of the liberation movements in South Africa. We also support the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), its sole, authentic representative. Hence we have always advocated the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa and the immediate and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Those positions flow from Mali's conviction that peace and harmony can reign in southern Africa only after apartheid is abolished and Namibia has acceded to independence.
It is in the name of that peace and that harmony that my country encourages the steps now under way to find appropriate solutions to the other tensions and conflicts that disrupt Africa, in Chad and Western Sahara. In contributing to a positive solution to those various crises, the international community would be doing tremendous service to the peoples of those regions and to Africa as a whole.
With regard to the Middle East, Mali is concerned over the tragic fate of Palestinians and the situation in Lebanon. It can never be said too often that the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East problem and that peace can never reign in the region until there is a just and lasting solution to the question.
Accordingly the international community advocates the convening of an international peace conference in the Middle East. Unfortunately, that proposal has encountered opposition because there is a desire to settle the Palestinian problem without the Palestinian people and the PLO, its sole, legitimate representative.
Very near to occupied Palestine and martyred Lebanon, the brother peoples of Iran and Iraq are killing each other. Mali is profoundly concerned over that fratricidal war and repeats its appeal for an end to the tragic conflict. In terms context my delegation hails the recent peace mission of the Secretary-General to the region, and we urge him to persevere in his efforts. Similarly, dialogue must triumph over weapons, and war yield to peace, in Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
On the question of the Korean peninsula, Mali has often expressed its position on the matter and supports the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation.
Mali is opposed to any partition in Cyprus. That is why my Government supports initiatives to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
Committed to a return to peace in Central America, Mali welcomes the peace agreement concluded on 7 August 1987 in Guatemala City. Furthermore, it encourages the Contadora Group and the Support Group to continue their efforts to bring peace and co-operation to that region.
Our peoples want to live in a world where peace will be guaranteed on a lasting basis through genuine disarmament. To that end, we must become convinced of the imperative need to limit defence systems and the geographical proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. My country welcomed the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development and prospects for continued dialogue between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The step-by-step approach to questions will help to establish the climate of mutual trust so essential in the search for appropriate solutions. What is at stake is of vital significance to the human race, to its very survival is in the balance.
My delegation welcomed the recommendations made last year to enhance the effectiveness of our Organization. While supporting those recommendations, we emphasize that criteria for choosing measures to implement them must take account of the universality of our Organization and its objectives, which can in no way be identified with those of a commercial enterprise. In this situation, marked by violence and by the continuing and disturbing deterioration in international relations, we must reaffirm that our Organization is an irreplaceable mechanism for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Whether it be a question of collective security, dialogue between rich and poor countries, peace and disarmament, or the international economic crisis, our Organization has served as an appropriate forum for the reconciling of views, a place where many answers have been given to many questions.
Lastly, the international situation in the economic and political spheres continues to be a matter of serious concernЂ However, day by day man demonstrates that he is able to take action to affect his environment. Perhaps, alongside the prodigious scientific and technical developments, man must get down to dealing with another kind of development, namely, cultural development. We should not confuse such development with that of knowledge or of how to do things. What I refer to is developing our understanding of how to live so that people can accept one another, transcending their differences, so that generosity, solidarity, tolerance and freedom can inspire all people in their daily lives.
In any event, our Organization, because of its vocation, can play a role in this new cultural development. May I here reconfirm my country's belief in, and dedication to, those ideals of peace, security, democracy, equality and freedom.


I am deeply conscious of the privilege I have today of addressing the forty-second session of the General Assembly and welcome this opportunity to bring to the Assembly the greetings of the Government and people of Pakistan, a country whose faith in the United Nations has never faltered and whose commitment to the purposes and principles of its Charter has never wavered. I have the honour of reaffirming that faith and renewing that commitment from this rostrum·
I have great pleasure in extending to you, Mr. President, our warm felicitations on your election to the presidency of this important session of the General Assembly* You represent a country with which Pakistan has excellent relations. The exemplary progress achieved by the German Democratic Republic in all fields of national endeavour is a tribute to the quality and dedication of its leadership and the industry of its gifted people. We feel confident that with your great experience and diplomatic skills you will successfully guide the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly.
I should also like to congratulate our brother, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, on the distinction with which he presided over the last session of the General Assembly. His outstanding performance was a legitimate source of pride for the Government and people of Bangladesh and, indeed, for Pakistan, which nourishes abiding goodwill and affection for Bangladesh.
It gives me special pleasure to avail myself of this opportunity of expressing to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, my profound admiration for the sagacious manner in which he steered the United Nations through times most testing for the Organization and its Member States. We has just returned from a difficult mission to two countries locked in a tragic fratricidal conflict. We are conscious of the strains which his awesome responsibilities impose upon him and assure him of our fullest co-operation and maximum support in the fulfilment of the stupendous task before him.
Pakistan is a young country, but it is steeped in history and heir to a proud tradition. It embodies the hopes and aspirations of 100 million people who carved out a national home for themselves after immense sacrifices. In their march towards freedom, independence and a democratic system of government the people of Pakistan have waged a long and hard struggle. I am deeply conscious of the honour of speaking for such a country as the Prime Minister of its elected Government.
Pakistan was born in a hostile environment. It faced internal difficulties and external dangers of a magnitude such as might have smothered it in its infancy. The inherent strength of the ideology on which it was founded, the faith and dedication of the people and the example of its founding father Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, ensured its survival and steered it safely through the most difficult period of its existence.
Democratic institutions are shaped by a nation's political and cultural ethos, in Pakistan the democratic process has been deeply influenced and enriched by the pervasive egalitarian spirit of Islam.
We are not only resolved to consolidate and strengthen the democratic process  it is out endeavour to free our people from the spectre of want, hunger and deprivation. Last year I initiated a five-point programme of socio-economic reforms encompassing bold and determined action to promote literacy, provide shelter to the homeless and eradicate inequality, rural backwardness and poverty. We hope to be able to achieve the broad objectives of this programme within the next three years. Last month we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of Pakistan's birth. The day after we achieved independence our founder, Quaid-e-Azam, proclaimed the following goals of our foreign policy;
"We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial and friendly relations without immediate neighbours and with the world at large. We have no aggressive designs against anyone. We stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world."
Our commitment to the ideals of the United Nations is embodied in our approach to every global and regional issue. Born to freedom by the exercise of the right of self-determination, Pakistan joined the battle against colonialism from its very infancy. We cannot forget those who have yet to win freedom. To them I pledge Pakistan's unflinching support in their struggle to achieve national independence and sovereignty.
The tragedy of Palestine is ever fresh in our minds. We share the pains and anguish of generation after generation of Palestinians who have been banished from their homeland and condemned to a desperate existence- This year in particular has a unique significance for the Palestinian people. Seventy years ago, the Balfour Declaration sowed the seeds of the Palestinian problem. Forty years ago the Palestinian homeland was forcibly rent asunder. Twenty years ago the remaining territory of Palestine was occupied by Israel.
A peace settlement in the Middle East will be durable only if it is just and comprehensive; if it brings about Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Al-Quds-al-Sharif; and if it enables the Palestinian people to exercise their right to self-determination and statehood in their homeland.
It is my fervent hope that a consensus will soon be achieved to convene an international conference to negotiate a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East. The Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must be enabled to participate on an equal footing in that conference.
Apartheid is a cruel and perverse creed, repugnant to the laws of God and a crime against the laws of nations. Many nations, including my own, maintain a stringent and comprehensive boycott of the racist regime in Pretoria. We appeal to the international community to agree to the imposition of mandatory sanctions against the perpetrators of apartheid.
The hour of decision is fast approaching. The oppressed people of South Africa have risen to defend their dignity. They have been subjected to untold misery and undergone great sacrifices. Common humanity entitles them to the political and material support of the world community. Pakistan will stand by the embattled people of South Africa until the pernicious system of apartheid has been dismantled and racial discrimination and domination have been demolished.
I pray that Namibia will soon win its freedom. The demand for implementation of the plan for Namibia's independence, agreed on since 1978, cannot be resisted indefinitely. The right of a people to self-determination cannot be held hostage to global power politics. The freedom of Namibia cannot be made dependent on developments in neighbouring Angola. My Government has extended full recognition to the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and I assure it of Pakistan's unswerving support in its heroic struggle for liberty and independence.
In Afghanistan foreign military intervention represents an attempt to reverse the tide of history. A country that was historically independent, a founding Member of the United Nations, was overrun eight years ago. Its sovereignty was usurped its land desecrated.
No objective observer can deny that the intervention of the Soviet Union's forces in Afghanistan violated the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter; that the people of Afghanistan are waging a legitimate struggle for national liberation and self-determination; that the presence of Soviet forces in Afghanistan poses a direct threat to the security and stability of the entire region; and that, unless reversed, this intervention could set a dangerous precedent, giving encouragement to the forces of aggression and to the revival of the era of darkness and domination.
Pakistan has provided shelter and relief to over 3 million refugees from Afghanistan as our Islamic and humanitarian obligation to our neighbours. We could not have carried this burden alone. I should like to express our gratitude to all those who have joined the international effort to bring relief to this, the largest refugee concentration in the world.
The General Assembly has adopted a clear and unambiguous stand. It has called for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces, the restoration of the independent and non-aligned status of Afghanistan, respect for self-determination and the return of the Afghan refugees to their homes in safety and honour. The Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and other international organizations have endorsed those principles.
After eight years of the war in Afghanistan, it is clear that military force can never suppress the valiant Afghan struggle for national liberation. The situation in Afghanistan can be resolved only through a political settlement. Pakistan has participated constructively in the Geneva proximity talks, under the auspices of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez. The comprehensive settlement being negotiated through the Geneva process is virtually complete. The principal missing element is the provision of a time-frame for the withdrawal of the Soviet forces.
The demand for a short time-frame for the withdrawal of foreign troops is based on the decision of this Assembly. It also flows from the purpose and spirit of the settlement under negotiation. Its logic is irrefutable. Once a political settlement is reached under the Geneva Accords the Soviet forces must immediately abandon the military option. The insistence on an extended time-frame for troop withdrawal arouses legitimate suspicion of a lurking desire to pursue the military option to crush the Afghan resistance even after a settlement has been signed.
Nor can the demand for "national reconciliation" be made a pre-condition for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan. The Afghan resistance has rejected the proposal, because "national reconciliation" under foreign occupation would, by definition, be hollow and transitory. A people's right to self-determination cannot be exercised freely in the shadow of a foreign army.
The crux of the problem in Afghanistan is the presence of foreign forces. Throughout the history of Afghanistan, divisions among its people have arisen only when imperialist Powers have intervened in its internal affairs. Left to themselves, the Afghan people have always found a way to reconcile their differences. Once foreign forces leave Afghanistan, agreement on its future governance will be speedily achieved. Indeed, a short time—frame for Soviet withdrawal would encourage all the Afghans to reach agreement on the way in which they wish to govern themselves.
Pakistan would welcome the return of normalcy in Afghanistan under any political arrangement acceptable to the Afghan people, including the five million Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Iran, who constitute one third of the population of Afghanistan.
Contrary to our hopes and expectations, the favourable trends evident early in the year appear to have come to a stop. The military operations inside Afghanistan have been intensified. There have been heavy casualties on both sides. The outcome, again, is a stalemate. Refugees from Afghanistan have continued to flow into Pakistan, this year at the rate of 4,000 to 5,000 every month. Pakistan has also been subjected to repeated aerial attacks and a systematic campaign of terrorist bomb explosions in the crowded bazaars of its cities. Hundreds of innocent men, women and children have been killed or maimed.
I may warn those responsible for these crimes that, while we are most anxious to achieve a political settlement, we will not falter in our resolve, nor submit to pressure.
The absence of a positive response from Kabul has stalled the Geneva proximity talks since March this year, then, a few weeks ago, Kabul suddenly asked for a new round of talks. Pakistan promptly agreed and the talks were held from 7 to 10 September. We shared a legitimate international expectation that Kabul would come forward with a reasonable time-frame. I sent the Foreign Minister of Pakistan to Geneva with instructions to respond positively to a genuine offer of a short time-frame for Soviet troop withdrawals.
I must confess I was deeply disappointed by what transpired in Geneva. Kabul's representatives continued to insist on an unreasonable and lengthy period for foreign troop withdrawal. Consequently, the talks proved inconclusive. The conclusion is inescapable that Kabul's initiative for this last round was not motivated by a desire to reach a settlement. Its target was this Assembly, whose members, I am aware, have been deluged with false propaganda about the so-called national reconciliation programme and the imminence of the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan.
This Assembly, I am confident, will reconfirm its principled position on Afghanistan, By its consistent demand for the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces, the world community has contributed immensely to bringing closer the day when a just and lasting settlement of the conflict in Afghanistan will be achieved.
The Soviet Union is Pakistan's neighbour. My Government seeks to promote friendly and co-operative relations with the Soviet Union, despite our differences over Afghanistan. From this rostrum, I fervently appeal to General Secretary Gorbachev and the Soviet leadership to help resolve the tragic situation in Afghanistan on the basis of justice and equity. I assure the Soviet leadership of Pakistan's fullest co-operation.
By agreeing to the early withdrawal of its forces the Soviet Union would regain the good will of the Afghan people and earn the gratitude and appreciation of the Members of the United Nations. The withdrawal of Soviet troops would also contribute to the improvement of the global security environment, which is consistent with Mr. Gorbachev's noble vision of a new and peaceful world - a vision which I fully share, and which Pakistan would wish to see translated into reality.
The Kampuchean problem, too, is also the result of foreign military intervention. It is particularly distressing that this iniquity should have been perpetrated by a country which had suffered the long rigour of foreign domination. We urge an early end to the occupation of Kampuchea.
Pakistan cannot be tranquil while the Gulf is in turmoil. The tragic war between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq has entered its eighth year. This war has resulted in a colossal loss of life and caused immense destruction in both countries. Its tensions have already gripped the entire Gulf region.
Since the war began we have made sustained efforts to bring it to an end. During the past tense months we have counselled caution and restraint to all the parties concerned. The growing involvement of the great Powers in the Gulf carries grave portents. The Third Islamic Summit, held in Taif in Saudi Arabia, declared that the security of the Gulf was the responsibility of the States of the Gulf themselves. Observance of this principle can help defuse the current confrontation and rebuild peace in the region. Security Council resolution 598 (1987) contains the elements which can serve to end the war and to ease current tensions. Following the Secretary-General's recent visit to the region, we are today closer than ever before to implementation of the resolution in a manner acceptable to both parties. Pakistan stands ready to assist in this endeavour.
Pakistan is closely linked to the States of South Asia. These countries confront many common challenges, the foremost being that of economic and social development. By establishing the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) they have acknowledged the value of regional economic co-operation, it is my hope that in the near future they will embark on a joint endeavour to build mutual trust and confidence, to enhance regional security, and to control arms expenditures, on the basis of SAARC1s agreed principles.
Pakistan desires peaceful and co-operative relations with India. We look forward to an early resumption of our dialogue. The conclusion of the non-aggression accord, which has been under negotiation since 1981, would strengthen mutual trust. Pakistan remains committed to a peaceful settlement of the Kashmir question, on the basis of the United Nations resolutions, which will usher in a new era of complete normalization and durable peace, as envisaged in the Simla Agreement.
We share the concern about nuclear proliferation in the South Asian region, where one country has already demonstrated a nuclear capability. Pakistan does not have that capability, nor does it have the desire to develop nuclear weapons. Pakistan does not wish to carry out a nuclear explosion.
Pakistan is prepared to go further and subscribe to a comprehensive test ban in a global, regional or bilateral context. In June this year I proposed to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi that Pakistan and India should conclude a bilateral nuclear- test-ban treaty. I look forward to a positive response. The conclusion of such a bilateral test-ban agreement between Pakistan and India would serve to assure each other# and the world, that neither country has any intention of pursuing the nuclear-weapons option.
A regional approach offers the most promising avenue to prevent a nuclear-arras race in South Asia. Pakistan has proposed several equitable and non-discriminatory modalities by which this could be achieved. Our proposals include simultaneous acceptance by India and Pakistan of the Non-Proliferation Treaty or comprehensive International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards; mutual inspection of each other's nuclear facilities; a joint declaration renouncing nuclear weapons; and the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia.
Almost all the regional States, and a vast majority of this Assembly, support the objective of a South Asian region free from nuclear weapons. Surely, all legitimate concerns could be reconciled through dialogue and compromise. At least a serious diplomatic endeavour should be made to explore the possibilities of an agreement. For this purpose, I propose that, under the auspices of the United Nations, a conference on nuclear non-proliferation in South Asia should be convened, as soon as possible, with the participation of the regional and other interested States.
The growing nuclear weapons arsenals of the super-Powers pose an ever-present threat to the survival of mankind. We welcome the understanding between the United States and the Soviet Union on intermediate nuclear forces. I hope this will be a precursor of further accords between them to reduce drastically their strategic nuclear missiles and to refrain from extending the arms race to outer space. Their decision to open talks on nuclear testing should lead to the early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. In the Geneva Disarmament Conference, a convention to ban chemical weapons is now closer at hand. This must be rapidly finalized.
Among and within nations, extremes of affluence and poverty cannot coexist indefinitely. Economic inequality eventually produces strife and conflict. Injustice breeds inefficiency. This is the primary cause for the multiple economic crises confronting us today. If the world economy slows down, the developing countries will again be the principal victims.
The world's economic difficulties can be overcome only through simultaneous and co-ordinated actions by developed and developing countries, to channel trade surpluses for development, to revive growth in flagging economies and thus overcome debt difficulties; to expand export access to the developing countries and stabilize commodity prices, to regulate currency flows and exchange rates more closely, and to provide emergency relief and assistance to the poorest countries. Pakistan achieved statehood at a time when the hopes of mankind for peace and progress rested heavily on the United Nations, which has emerged as the authentic voice of justice and equity· Its decisions - even those which remain unimplemented — constitute the criteria by which the conduct of States is judged.
The Charter is a precious document. It enshrines a new global ideology, and its principles and purposes re-emphasize the universality and immanence of the timeless virtues proclaimed by great religions and philosophies. The Secretary-General has repeatedly stressed the need for the renewal of our commitment to the Charter. We should heed his words.
On behalf of the people of Pakistan, may I say: We applaud the many accomplishments of the United Nations; we understand the reasons for its shortcomings; and we remain fully committed to its purposes and principles· Now more than ever, we believe that the United Nations is indispensable for mankind's survival and progress.