The people of Fiji
warmly congratulate Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann
on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session. We also convey our
sincere gratitude to his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Srgjan Kerim. I am particularly happy also to
acknowledge the presence of the Prime Minister of the
Solomon Islands, Mr. Derrick Sikua, one of the Vice-
Presidents of the General Assembly and a member of
our region of the South Pacific.
 This session of the General Assembly is
addressing several issues of critical global interest: the
global food crisis; climate change; peacekeeping; and
the law of the sea. All of those issues are of great and
direct importance to small island nations such as Fiji. I
will first briefly touch upon some of them.
 The people of Fiji have been affected in a very
real, immediate, serious and tangible way by the
shocks transmitted to our small nation with the
dramatic escalation in global food prices, energy price
rises and the downturn in the global economy. In Fiji
we are using these adverse external developments as an
opportunity to revamp our long-neglected agricultural
sector. We have ample land resources, and we must put
them to better and more productive use.
 The food crisis and the need for self-reliance
unfortunately run counter to the emergence of world
trading rules. The principle of free trade dictates an
open economy. Yet small developing economies like
ours in Fiji need to protect our agriculture to ensure
food security. We very much hope that international
trade negotiations and multilateral and bilateral trade
deals will enable us to protect agricultural development
in our small, vulnerable economies. Fiji will support all
concerted efforts, public and private, national and
multinational, regional and subregional, that are being
pursued to address the global food crisis.

25 08-52265

 On the issue of climate change, Fiji looks to, and
is relying on, the leadership of the Assembly President.
This is a critical issue for the very small island and
atoll nations in the Pacific. While the rest of the world
continues endlessly to debate the implications of
climate change, in the very small islands and atolls in
the Pacific the problem is very much upon us. It is now
a present and very real danger. It poses a serious risk to
regional stability and security.
 I appeal to the international community and its
system of institutions to enhance efforts to assist us to
address the threats of global climate change. We need
investments in adaptation measures. We need to move
from rhetoric to a more pragmatic and speedy
response. We call upon the agencies and our regional
partners to coordinate efforts to ensure that we in the
Pacific region have the capacity, both human and
institutional, to deal with this new threat, especially as
it is getting stronger. The observed and potential
impacts on our peoples and ecosystems due to climate
change are all too real and immediate. We count on the
President and the Secretary-General to exercise more
vigorous and active leadership on this issue of global
climate change.
 I will now speak briefly on peacekeeping. I
convey our gratitude and appreciation to outgoing
Under-Secretary-General Jean-Marie Guéhenno for his
dedicated leadership at the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). He was fair and
generous in implementing the reforms within DPKO
and in the development of a United Nations
peacekeeping doctrine that will guide future United
Nations peace operations and missions. We wish
Mr. Guéhenno well and assure his successor, Mr. Alain
Le Roy, of our full support and cooperation.
 Fiji’s soldiers have a proud track record in United
Nations peacekeeping operations — a record of
professionalism, discipline, compassion and ability.
Fiji’s Military Forces have shown that their training
and ethics are an asset to peacekeeping operations. We
continue to work very hard to keep that exceptional
record intact. Yet despite that, the relationship between
Fiji and DPKO has been under strain. That is because
of Fiji’s military’s involvement in our Government
since December 2006. We are, however, encouraged by
the ongoing discussion between officials of our
Permanent Mission and the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations. It would be less than honest
of me if I did not observe that undue external influence
appears to have been brought to bear to exclude Fiji
from participation in new peacekeeping missions. I
express the hope that the opportunity will be extended
to us to participate in new peacekeeping missions.
 Please allow me to now address this body on
Fiji’s current situation and on our efforts to take the
country forward. I should first like to look back, albeit
briefly. Fiji became independent on 10 October 1970.
Our country then was seen as having great promise and
potential. Our people, with high hopes, placed their
faith on our country’s leaders to build a new nation that
would be peaceful, stable, culturally vibrant, tolerant
and prosperous. We felt then that by being part of the
international family of nations Fiji could demonstrate
by example the way the world should be.
 For just over 15 years following independence,
we achieved some progress. However, following the
coups of 1987 and 2000, the rot set in. Since then,
Fiji’s overall political, economic and social situation
has continued to deteriorate. Our people’s dream of a
tolerant, united and prosperous nation was replaced by
a different reality — a reality characterized by political
instability, economic stagnation, increasing religious
and racial intolerance, ethno-nationalism and politics
based on ethno-nationalism, a rise in crime, violence
and corruption, increased poverty and the emigration
of many of our talented, skilled and experienced
citizens.
 On 5 December 2006, a political transition took
place in Fiji following an intervention from the Fiji
Military Forces. Interim measures were put in place by
the President to ensure good governance, maintain law
and order and stabilize the economy. The President of
Fiji subsequently appointed an interim Government,
which I head. The legality of those actions has been
challenged and the matter is now before the courts of
Fiji.
 To date, my Government, which remains in
effective control of governance in Fiji, has done
everything within its power to adhere to the current
Constitution. We recognize that that is the supreme law
of our nation. At the same time, we have also come to
recognize that the very foundation on which we have
sought to build our nation has been shaky and weak.
Therefore, our efforts must now focus on re-laying a
more solid foundation to return Fiji to sustainable
democratic governance. Our island nation must be
rebuilt on the solid rock-like foundations of equal

08-52265 26

rights, social justice, democracy and good governance.
We cannot and must not repeat the mistake of trying to
rebuild again on the proven proverbial foundation of
sand, which is washed away by the evils of self-
interest, incompetence, intolerance and greed.
 In January of last year, the interim Government
embarked on a comprehensive examination of our
political, economic, social and governance problems.
We did that to identify what contributed to the abysmal
record of successive Governments since May 1987, and
also to find durable and just solutions. Early in that
undertaking, my Government decided to reach out to
the people of Fiji to ensure that they became better
aware of Fiji’s problems and that they all became part
of the solutions going forward. We did that while being
mindful of the larger issue of mandate that the events
of December 2006 raised. For my part, I took the view
that the interim Government must not pretend that it
had the capacity or the wisdom to solve our country’s
problems entirely on its own.
 My country, Fiji, faces deep-rooted and very
fundamental problems that are both complex and
structural. My Government therefore recommended to
the President of Fiji that he set up a broadly
representative and independent consultative body to
reach out to the people of Fiji and to get them actively
involved in charting the way forward for Fiji. In late
2007, the President of Fiji established a 45-member
national council for building a better Fiji and officially
launched what is now known as the Peoples Charter
Initiative. The President invited the leaders of all major
political, social, community, business and religious
organizations in the country to join the national council
and to contribute to formulating a people’s charter for
change, peace and progress. Some, in particular those
organizations that remain vigorously opposed to the
interim Government, chose not to accept the invitation
of the President of Fiji. They wilfully persistently
rejected the call to engage in constructive dialogue and
to work towards a broad consensus on the way forward
for Fiji.
 Last year, when I addressed the Assembly, I
briefly mentioned our preparations to launch the
Peoples Charter Initiative. I said then that through this
initiative the broad cross section of Fiji’s people would
be fully engaged and involved through consultation
and participation in developing a comprehensive action
agenda, and that that would be Fiji’s own way of
addressing its problems. Today, I am pleased to inform
the Assembly that very considerable progress has been
achieved on the Peoples Charter Initiative.
 The overarching objective of the people’s charter
is to rebuild Fiji into a non-racial, culturally vibrant,
united, well-governed and truly democratic nation — a
nation that seeks progress and prosperity. The vision
for rebuilding Fiji that underpins that overarching
objective is guided by a number of key principles, such
as creating a just and fair society; achieving unity and
national identity; ensuring merit-based equality of
opportunity for all citizens; transparent and
accountable Government; uplifting the disadvantaged
in all communities; and mainstreaming our indigenous
people, the i-Taukei, in a modern and progressive Fiji.
 We embarked upon the very bold programme of
drafting a people’s charter advisedly and for some very
compelling reasons. We can ill afford to carry on with
business as usual and in ways that continue to fragment
and divide our nation. In that context, the process of
drafting the people’s charter has been a unique and
unprecedented one — a nation-wide participatory and
consultative process of a scale and type never before
attempted in Fiji. The whole process is one of
empowerment the likes of which the people of Fiji
have never experienced before. Too often in national
governance — and this applies to so-called
democracies — it is the professional politicians who do
the thinking for the people. While the cries and voices
of the people are often heard, however, they are just as
easily ignored by the elected representatives and so-
called leaders.
 From the outset, after being appointed as head of
the interim Government, I have felt that it was my duty
to go to the people of Fiji in the most basic and
democratic sense, that is, to consult, to actively involve
our people, and to put real people’s democracy to
work, house to house, in each settlement and village
and in towns and cities right across the country.
Through the People’s Charter Initiative, that is what we
have been doing.
 There are some, both in Fiji and outside, who are
cynical in that regard. I am able to understand that, and
not only because such a process has never ever been
tried before. It is indeed a most challenging and
difficult process to undertake. Even though the
people’s charter process has been undertaken by the
national council at arm’s length from the interim
Government, there are those who oppose it simply

27 08-52265

because it is an initiative of the interim Government.
What they recognize, but choose not to admit, is that
the people’s charter process is a real threat to their
positions of vested power and privilege.
 When I addressed the Assembly last year, I
pleaded for the support of the international community
to help us in the wake of all the political and economic
turbulence that Fiji has experienced since 1987. I
pleaded for support to develop a political and
governance framework that is truly democratic,
accountable, inclusive, equitable and non-racial, and
which will seek to unify Fiji’s diverse communities as
a nation. I also sought constructive dialogue and
engagement with the international community and with
all our bilateral and multilateral development partners.
I urged the international community to support us in
addressing Fiji’s fundamental problems.
 I am asking the international community today
not to focus only on the removal of a Government.
That has already been done exhaustively. We have been
subjected to harsh international measures, which we
accepted. We have endured those through the suffering
of our people. The coups of 1987 and 2000 were
executed in the interests of a few and based on ethno-
nationalism, racism and greed. The events of
5 December 2006 were not for any such extremist
motivation.
 In 2000, in quelling the civilian-led coup, as
Commander of the Fiji Military Forces, I played a
pivotal role in the handing of political power to a
civilian Government. Through the People’s Charter
Initiative, I am seeking to empower the people of Fiji
at large and to find just and sustainable solutions to our
deep-rooted and persistent problems. I wish to assure
the international community that I am personally
deeply committed to breaking the cycle of coups.
Equally important, I am committed to breaking the
cycle of bad and unjust governance that Fiji has
suffered since May 1987.
 To remove the coup culture and to commit to
democratic and just governance and the rule of law, it
is imperative that policies that promote racial
supremacy and that further the interests of self-seeking
political, religious and traditional elites are removed
once and for all. In good faith, I anticipated that the
international community would rally behind and extend
support for such goals to help move Fiji forward.
Regrettably, so far that has not happened.
 To the contrary, since December 2006 punitive
measures have continued to be taken against Fiji.
Travel sanctions continue, which are being imposed in
particular by Australia, New Zealand, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America. Those are
applied to interim Government ministers, senior civil
servants, military personnel and statutory board
appointees. Those sanctions have had significant
adverse effects on our economy, as well as on the
functioning of our key State institutions, on which we
rely to promote good governance and accountability.
Pressure has been exerted on regional and multilateral
agencies not to extend to Fiji much-needed financial,
development and technical assistance.
 As a result, we have not been able to make as
much progress as we should have. We cannot travel
and engage in discussions at important regional and
international meetings abroad. That is despite the fact
that Fiji has made every effort to engage in dialogue
with our bilateral partners and the international
community in a constructive and transparent manner.
We have openly embraced and allowed various
missions sent by regional and international bodies such
as the Pacific Islands Forum, the European Union, the
United Nations and the Commonwealth secretariat. We
extended to all of them our fullest support and
cooperation in terms of engagement, in arranging
appointments and in making available to them
whatever information they needed. That demonstrates
that we are keen to engage constructively in dialogue
with whoever is interested in helping move our country
forward. Following the recent Pacific Islands Forum
meeting in Niue, I wrote last week to the Forum Chair
and indicated that the interim Fiji Government is
prepared to re-engage with the Forum Joint Working
Group and that we are prepared to welcome a visit,
before December 2008, by the Forum’s Ministerial
Contact Group.
 We are not able to schedule an election to return
Fiji to parliamentary democracy in the early part of
2009, as earlier anticipated. We realize that that has
caused concern to some of our own people in Fiji, to
countries of the region and to some of our development
partners. The stance taken by the international
community with regard to the delay in convening the
election, however, has given much ammunition to our
opponents within Fiji. They have used it to vilify us
despite the progress that we are making towards just
and sustainable solutions to our fundamental problems.

08-52265 28

I have already explained to Fiji’s people the need to
delay the election. I wish to inform our regional
partners and the international community represented
here today that the interim Government cannot convene
an election by March 2009. That is due to work still in
progress to agree on a democratic electoral system that
is acceptable to the people of Fiji and that all political
stakeholders can agree to through political dialogue.
 We believe that the general election must be held
as soon as possible. That will be done only after we
have achieved broad consensus in Fiji on a non-racial
and truly democratic electoral system, and agreed on a
constitutional and legal way to introduce the changes.
It is necessary to change our current electoral system
because it is undemocratic and does not provide for
free and fair elections. It contravenes the principle of
equal suffrage as set out in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights. To achieve that, the President of Fiji
has proposed that a political dialogue forum be
convened as a mechanism independent of the national
council. It is through that forum that we hope to reach
consensus and introduce the reforms through legal and
constitutional means. Again, I say with emphasis, the
timeframe to achieve all that is not dependent upon me
or the interim Government; it is the collective
responsibility of all stakeholders.
 In May of this year, Fiji sought assistance from
the Commonwealth and the United Nations to
facilitate, as a priority and with urgency, the
President’s proposed political dialogue forum. We had
hoped that the forum, which would initially focus on
electoral reform, would have been convened by now.
Little progress has been made, and we are concerned
about the delay. I would like to take this opportunity to
reiterate our request to the United Nations and the
Commonwealth to help us urgently in that regard.
 After taking into account the feedback from our
nation-wide consultations, the draft peoples charter
will be amended as necessary and appropriate before it
is finalized. It will then be adopted as a vision
statement that identifies our core problems and the
solutions recommended through the nation-wide
consultation process. It is incumbent upon me and my
Government to build consensus on the peoples charter
as the common principles on which we should rebuild
our nation. The peoples charter will present a
considered way forward for Fiji. We are not obliged to
abandon the enormous and important work being
achieved through an extensive participatory and
consultative process just because some people remain
opposed and have decided not to participate. My
Government’s task now is to persuade those opponents
to come aboard, to join and to contribute. We hope to
and must achieve consensus.
 At this particular juncture in the history of our
nation, leadership is more about how we can seize the
present historic opportunity to manage the transition
from the interim Government to a truly democratic
Government and nation consisting of various ethnic
communities but which is one nation with its people in
unity in the true spirit in which the United Nations was
established.
 In conclusion, I reaffirm Fiji’s commitment to the
United Nations and to the various United Nations
conventions on human rights, the rule of law and
democratic governance. We do not seek any special
exemptions from our obligations under those
conventions. All we seek from the United Nations is its
understanding of our particular circumstances and the
complex situation of Fiji. We invite the Organization to
work with us to assist us to rebuild our country and
move it forward.


On behalf of the delegation of the Republic
of Nicaragua — cradle of Rubén Darío and Augusto C.
Sandino, the home of a people firmly committed to
their principle, their efforts for a better world and their
calling for universal peace — I extend the brotherly
greeting of our President, Comandante Daniel Ortega
Saavedra, and of all our authorities and citizens.
 Listening to the words of the representatives of
the States taking part in this sixty-third session of the
General Assembly, we find that we have a common
vision of the major serious problems affecting all
humankind today. In particular, we agree on the urgent
need to act as one in facing those problems and solving
them successfully, once and for all, for the benefit of
those who inhabit planet Earth.
 Hunger, poverty, the high cost of oil and food, the
tragic consequences of climate change, terrorism, the
urgent need to observe human rights worldwide, the
trafficking of and trade in persons, drug trafficking and
civil insecurity are, among other issues, matters that
must lead us to focus our attention and our efforts.
 At the same time, they are questions that arise
from the nature and functioning of our Organization
and that call for in-depth consideration so that we can
make this Organization more effective and democratic,
with sufficient guarantees, and so that all countries of
the world represented here can have our interests taken
into account, our voices heard and our will expressed
in the most transparent and effective way possible.
 For Nicaragua, an international system based on
the hegemony of a few over the majority is
unthinkable. Such an anachronistic system, unjust in its
very essence, is the reason for the deep political,
economic and social inequality in the world. It is the
reason for the accelerated and advanced arms race led
by countries that have set themselves up as world
referees in situations affecting us all. It is the reason
for wars of aggression that behind the smokescreen of
the globalization of democracy and the promotion of
certain freedoms, illegally and illegitimately
appropriate scarce energy and natural resources and
lead to the political subjugation and grief of entire
peoples deprived of their freedom, national
independence and their right to their own development.
 The international security situation has become
increasingly volatile in various parts of the world,
bringing new threats to international peace and security
and to peoples’ desire for peace. We must act
intelligently, cautiously and resolutely to ensure that
new fratricidal wars do not assail the world. Therefore,
we agree with the priority given by the President of our
General Assembly to actions aimed at achieving
comprehensive and complete disarmament and nuclear
control.
 As a country that has fought and continues to
fight for its independence, sovereignty and
self-determination, and as the victim of military and
foreign political intervention several times in its
history, Nicaragua understood early on that there was
no greater value than freedom. Our national heroes,
those who fought in our wars for freedom, are taintless
witnesses to the determination of the Nicaraguan
people to have a free homeland or death.

43 08-52272

 The persistence of poverty and inequality in the
world today cannot be justified. Hunger and poverty
are sapping economic and social progress for future
generations. Despite the efforts made in recent years,
the gap between the rich and poor has continued to
grow, and millions of people now suffer from hunger
and live in poverty or in extreme poverty. It is ethically
and politically crucial to put an end to that long-
standing injustice to so many human beings.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
await greater impetus from countries, primarily those
with larger economic resources, and from international
financial organizations, which are also called upon to
contribute to their accomplishment. Those countries
and bodies must clearly demonstrate their genuine
political will to achieve all the MDGs and that they are
not merely paying lip service to them.
 It was established in the Monterrey Consensus,
adopted at the International Conference on Financing
for Development, that the Bretton Woods institutions,
the World Trade Organization and the United Nations
must recognize the needs and interests of developing
countries and make them central to the work of the
financing for development programme to be reviewed
in Doha this year.
 By and large, we can say that most donors are not
honouring the pledges they made to increase their aid
unconditionally. United Nations calculations on the
total official development assistance needed between
2010 and 2015 in order to achieve the MDGs amount
to some $130 billion per year. However, global arms
expenditures in 2007 alone reached some $1.399
trillion, according to the Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute. Today more than ever, the
commitment to allocating at least 0.7 per cent of gross
national income for official development assistance
without condition must be honoured so that developing
countries can have these resources available for our
national priorities.
 Nicaragua reiterates that, in order to consolidate
our efforts in the coming years to eradicate poverty,
extreme poverty, hunger and unemployment, we must
first eradicate the unjust relationships among States.
Those injustices can be felt most tangibly in unfair and
imbalanced trade relations between the rich and the
poor countries.
 My country calls for a fair international market
and fair, democratic and balanced international trade
that will contribute to strengthening the economy of
our countries, allow us to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals, and end the criminalization of
migration by some receiving countries.
 We must ensure the maximum possible economic
complementarity among all countries of the world. The
developing countries are working hard on that issue in
the context of South-South cooperation. We note the
successes that have been achieved in very little time in
some regions, such as the agreements between some
Latin American and Caribbean countries.
 The Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas has
become a comprehensive platform for cooperation for a
number of our countries, complementing their
economies. The complementarity we have built seeks
to create advantages for our raw materials and
agricultural products, as well as for our fishing,
mineral and energy resources, to mention but a few. We
need complementarity, solidarity and the accelerated
transformation of purely economic relationships based
on a sense of shared responsibility and unity in the face
of the major challenges of the present and the future.
 Nothing could be further from that spirit than
unbridled capitalism, which is speculative and
inefficient and has led the world economy into a
serious crisis the effects of which, according to some
experts, we are only just beginning to feel, as we have
seen recently in the United States financial system.
 Just a few hours ago, the President of the World
Bank, Robert Zoellick, told the world press that the
United States financial crisis will have a severe effect
on development assistance, primarily that earmarked
for the poorest countries. In other words, the crisis in
the financial system will have serious repercussions on
our peoples. The same solutions being sought to avoid
collapse will need to include measures to ensure that
our peoples are not affected by a crisis that we have not
brought on ourselves but that we may pay for with
worsening poverty and a further delay in our
development.
 We have also seen that multilateralism in
international relations is a means to achieve mutually
respectful relationships and peaceful coexistence and
to implement development policies based on our own
realities. In that conviction, we have been actively
committed to the principles and objectives of the Non-
Aligned Movement. The reconciliation and national
unity Government of Nicaragua, presided over by

08-52272 44

President Daniel Ortega Saavedra, is firmly committed
to that vision of the world and is working hand in hand
with the people to rebuild a country that, after almost
two decades of neoliberalism following a decade of
unjust war that was firmly condemned by the
International Court of Justice, was in a state of
political, social and economic collapse.
 Our Government seeks to overcome poverty and
to transform Nicaragua through a new alternative
model of development that is more just and a new
power structure that is truly democratic. Citizens will
play a leading role in carrying out that task and will
directly redefine the path of the country in line with
their own interests.
 We propose to improve the quality of life of our
people by basing our policies on principles to defend
the environment and nature and to conserve our natural
heritage. We must establish a participatory new world
environmental order with clearly set goals that puts an
end to the commercial and utilitarian exploitation of
our planetary resources that, as has now been proven,
are being depleted at an uncontrollable rate. Those
efforts must also include the commitment of the
countries that are the largest emitters of the greenhouse
gases that have resulted in global warming and have
already had other negative and irreversible effects on
the planet.
 We are also focusing on the development of food
sovereignty as a means of feeding our people through
our own domestic efforts and through unconditional
solidarity with brotherly peoples. At the same time,
food security will guarantee that every Nicaraguan has
reliable access to nutritious food at a fair cost so as to
lead a healthy and active life.
 We are developing programmes to eradicate
hunger and profiteering. We are providing low-cost
seeds, stoves and butane tanks for low-income
families. We are also supporting small businesses and
working for the establishment of a bank to encourage
production.
 For Nicaragua, the word “solidarity” is not an
empty concept, but rather the cement of the society we
wish to build. With that in mind, I cannot fail to stress
at this general debate the solidarity of my people with
the Government and people of Bolivia, who have been
subject to unacceptable and ongoing attempts to
destabilize the country. The indigenous people of
Bolivia, led by President Evo Morales, have taught us
all a lesson in democracy by defending the democracy
that they have gained after years of humiliating
marginalization.
 Once again, Nicaragua denounces the cruel
blockade maintained against Cuba in violation of
international law. That pathological obsession against
Cuba seems to justify all actions and ignores that
country’s own problems in combating the terrorism
that has been brought from this country to that
Caribbean island. The five Cuban patriots who have
been jailed in Florida for attempting to prevent terrorist
acts against the Cuban people should be set free.
 Although it may seem untrue, the process of
decolonization is not over. Entire peoples are still
oppressed and denied their right to independence and
to self-determination. We salute and stand side by side
with the people of Puerto Rico and the Western Sahara,
with the Polisario Front, and with Argentina in
opposition to the occupation of the Malvinas Islands.
We also firmly reiterate our call for freedom for the
Cypriot people and for putting an end to the partition
of that great nation.
 We support a comprehensive and peaceful
solution in the Middle East that will end once and for
all the horrors of war and allow the Palestinian and
Israeli people to live as brothers and sisters, and in
which the Palestinian people can finally enjoy all of
their rights and have a State of their own.
 We are convinced that, if we are to achieve the
noble objectives embraced by our Organization, we
need the true political will to devote time and energy to
reviewing our own house. That is even more important
in a world of constant change and crisis and requires
each of us — our peoples and our States — to be active
participants in our own future. As has been said before,
we must work together to democratize the United
Nations. We are pleased to welcome the proposal of the
President of the General Assembly to hold a high-level
dialogue on the democratization of the Organization, in
which we would consider one by one the pressing
problems of and between its various bodies. We are
prepared to play a constructive role in that necessary
and urgent dialogue.
 The times our peoples are facing and the
responsibilities we have here in this house will be
decisive for millions of people, now and for future
generations. It is urgent that we find points of

45 08-52272

convergence so that we can work together to meet the
challenges of the times and our responsibilities.
 The United Nations Charter is a fundamental
reference point to guide our action. In respecting the
Charter and ensuring that it is respected, we are
respecting ourselves. Its principles must prevail over
selfish and petty interests. Above all, the future of
humankind is at stake.
 Nicaragua reaffirms its call for peace and
humanism to contribute to a more just, more humane
and more united world in which individual destinies,
interconnected and inspired by their love of justice and
freedom, come together in the universal task of
creating a world that is better for all.
 As was said yesterday at the high-level event on
the Millennium Development Goals, the unjust
international order in which we live must change if it is
to be credible, legitimate and effective. Fundamental
decisions cannot continue to be taken by one, seven or
eight stakeholders and without the participation of the
vast majority of humankind. Solutions to this situation
are well known and well accepted, at least in principle.
 Through the millenniums and centuries, our
species has developed institutions — and above all,

law — in order to govern human relations and to
mediate conflicts through peaceful means. More
recently, humankind has developed democracy to that
end and, in particular, in order to structure power and
authority peacefully. Those are the solutions that our
species has developed over the millenniums, and it is
difficult to imagine another alternative.
 The question before us now is whether we have
the political will to apply democracy at the
international level, beginning by democratizing the
United Nations and by strengthening international law
within the framework of United Nations institutions.
That is the solution. That is what will overcome the
chronically postponed solutions to problems and help
us to deal efficiently with urgent new problems. It is
possible. Why not? We are speaking of human
institutions that we ourselves can change. The question
is whether or not we have the political will to do so. I
propose that we work together at this sixty-third
session of the General Assembly to build that political
will through increasingly broader progressive
consensus.


The international
community is increasingly confronted with old
problems coupled with a new set of challenges of a
truly global nature. And as Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon said at the opening meeting, under these
circumstances we face another daunting challenge —
the challenge of global leadership.
 We, the united nations of the world, must indeed
exercise our leadership, authority and responsibility
under these increasingly complex circumstances. We
need to start here, at the United Nations, notably in the
Security Council, but also in the General Assembly, the
Economic and Social Council and other bodies.
Cooperation among our countries and with
international organizations must broaden. Real
partnerships with the private sector and civil society
must be pursued more vigorously.

51 08-52265

 As part of the European Union efforts, we
promote coordinated measures to help developing
countries increase the food supply and tackle the
current crises in a sustainable manner. Furthermore,
fairer international trade rules must be adopted to
stimulate agriculture production, beginning in
developing countries, and to allow access to foodstuffs.
 This year we are at the midpoint of assessing the
achievements in moving towards reaching the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. So
far, overall progress on the MDGs has been uneven, at
best. Moreover, rising food prices, record energy costs,
energy and pipeline security challenges, climate
change, growing scarcity of water resources and the
recent meltdown of financial centres that started here
in the United States — all that threatens to reverse the
existing advances towards the MDGs. Most, if not all,
of the MDG targets can still be reached, but only if we
all work towards them with doubled energy and
commitment.
 As a former recipient country that has
successfully navigated the transition process, Slovakia
itself now also provides official development
assistance to help meet the MDGs, among other goals.
 We are pleased that the democratization of the
United Nations is among the key priorities of the year.
We support democratization in the sense of increased
partnership among the key United Nations bodies and
of respect for one other’s mandates.
 Slovakia would like to place renewed emphasis
on the advancement of the agreed United Nations
reform measures, including the management reform of
the United Nations Secretariat.
 Slovakia remains convinced of the need to reform
the Security Council. Based on our own recent
experience from serving on the Council, we emphasize
the need to make it more representative, more open and
more transparent. The Council needs to be enlarged in
both its categories. Slovakia supports the ambitions of
Germany, Japan, Brazil and India to become permanent
members of the Security Council, as well as permanent
representation of Africa on the Council. The regional
group of Eastern European States needs to be allocated
at least one additional non-permanent seat. We thus
fully support the launching of intergovernmental
negotiations on Security Council reform.
 This year we mark the sixtieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The
promotion and protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, as well as cultivation of the
culture of inter-religious and inter-ethnic tolerance,
remain my country’s priorities for action in the United
Nations. Slovakia was elected a member of the Human
Rights Council this year. We will promote universal
respect for the protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction of
any kind and in a fair and equal manner.
 Justice is a prerequisite for peace, security and
development, not a contradiction to them.
Responsibility to protect should be another leading
policy and principle for our joint action, both in
relation to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and
crimes against humanity and in cases of large-scale
natural disasters and catastrophes. We can no longer
afford another Rwanda in Darfur or elsewhere.
 In this context, we would like to especially
commend the African Union for its increasingly active
role in putting an end to the most serious crises in
Africa, especially the African Union-United Nations
Hybrid Operation in Darfur and the African Union
Mission in Somalia. Here, I would like to acknowledge
a continuously growing cooperation between the
European Union and the United Nations, currently in
some 20 operations and cases.
 Nationally owned reform of the security sector,
particularly in post-conflict environments, is critical to
consolidating peace and stability; promoting poverty
reduction, rule of law and good governance; extending
legitimate State authority; and preventing countries
from relapsing into conflict.
 Since its membership in the Security Council,
Slovakia has been actively engaged in security sector
reform-related efforts as it works in support of the
recommendations of the Secretary-General. We are
committed to continuing our work as coordinator of the
group of friends of security sector reform, as well as to
further promoting regional and subregional activities in
that area, following a successful workshop in South
Africa and a later one in Asia and Latin America.
 New challenges to global security should not
divert our attention from old and more traditional
threats. The world is unfortunately full of disputes,
conflicts and crises. We consistently support their
resolution through negotiations and peaceful means,

08-52265 52

with a central role for the United Nations based on full
respect for the principles of international law —
notably those of sovereignty and territorial integrity —
and we reject the use of force and unilateral action.
 That is relevant to the recent developments in
Georgia and in the Western Balkans, where we
underline the importance of the European and
transatlantic perspective for all countries as an
essential element in promoting peace, stability and
economic progress in the region. One lesson that we
have learned is that frozen conflicts and unresolved
disputes, if left to fester, tend at times to move into a
dangerously hot stage, spread instability and fuel
extremism. The conflict in the Middle East is telling in
that respect. I should like to stress, as others have, that
calls from this rostrum for the annihilation of the State
of Israel are unacceptable and deplorable.
 We all recognize the importance of supporting the
Government of Afghanistan in its efforts to ensure
stability and development in the country and to prevent
Afghanistan from becoming once again a haven for
terrorists. This year, Slovakia has decided to double the
number of its soldiers serving in southern Afghanistan,
but it is obvious that lasting peace and stability in
Afghanistan will depend on solid improvements in the
living conditions of Afghan citizens and in good
governance.
 Slovakia supports enhanced United Nations
cooperation in implementing the Global Counter-
Terrorism Strategy. To be more effective, we need an
agreement on a comprehensive United Nations
convention against international terrorism as soon as
possible.
 The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and their means of delivery continues to pose a serious
threat to international peace and security. We are in
particular concerned about our inability to close the
issue of the Iran nuclear programme in a way that
would be considered by all to be in conformity with the
non-proliferation regime. We welcome the extension of
the mandate of the Security Council Committee
established pursuant to resolution 1540 (2004).
 The tasks confronting us in the year ahead are
enormous. They can be accomplished only through our
strong and sustained political commitment, working
through multilateral mechanisms with the United
Nations in the lead and at the centre.


On behalf of my
people and the Government of Papua New Guinea, I
bring the General Assembly warm greetings and pledge
our support to you, Mr. President, as you guide us in
our work. We also wish to thank Mr. Kerim, your
predecessor, for his strong advocacy during his tenure
as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second
session, especially in the area of climate change. We
also support Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the
United Nations in general, especially its agencies, in
the work they do to enhance our development
aspirations in Papua New Guinea. As we have always
done, my Government continues to support the United
Nations.
 The United Nations currently provides the world
forum for Member States to address the many global
issues we face together. United Nations reforms need
to be carried out in all the relevant areas of the system.
We need to address the international gender
architecture to make it more robust, responsive and
effective. It has to be part of the core reform process to
cater for women, youth and children. We must also be
vigilant against terrorism and threats to international
peace and security. The One UN system needs to be
translated more meaningfully in order to effectively
enhance each Member State’s development priorities.
 We support the call for the reform of the Security
Council in both the permanent and non-permanent
 A/63/PV.13

3 08-53122

categories of membership. A number of emerging
developing countries need to be accorded permanent
status on the Council to better reflect today’s
circumstances. We therefore welcome the recent
consensus to initiate the intergovernmental negotiating
process to properly address the long-standing but
critical issue of United Nations reform.
 We live in a world that provides us many
opportunities, as well as formidable development
challenges. The challenges include addressing the
destructive effects of the illicit use of small arms and
light weapons and the need to address globalization
and food and energy security, which lead into the wider
issue of human security.
 Additionally, the adverse impacts of climate
change and global warming continue to threaten the
existence of many small island States, especially due to
rising sea levels. For many small island States, sea
level rise and the adverse impacts of climate change
are security issues threatening their very survival. We
therefore call upon the international community to act
urgently in order to ensure the security and welfare of
small island developing States.
 As a thriving democracy in the Pacific, Papua
New Guinea desires to see our friends and neighbours
in the Pacific and beyond enjoy freedom and
prosperity. In that regard, and consistent with the
decision of the leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum,
Papua New Guinea strongly encourages Fiji to restore
parliamentary democracy by preparing for elections
and holding them in 2009. However, Fiji must be
supported throughout, and not isolated in its efforts to
address its specific national circumstances.
 On other regional issues, Papua New Guinea
commends the work done so far on the Pacific Plan for
Strengthening Regional Cooperation and Integration,
which we believe may catalyse our region’s
development. It is Papua New Guinea’s strong view
that Member States from the Pacific region should be
categorized separately by the United Nations in terms
of aggregated data and in the area of social and
economic classification. While Papua New Guinea is
ready, we can support Vanuatu’s call for an extension
to the May 2009 deadline for submissions on an
extended continental shelf.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
provide us with one of the greatest opportunities to
leverage our development process. For that reason, we
commend the Secretary-General for convening the
high-level meeting on the MDGs during the present
session of the General Assembly. However, for the
MDGs to be effectively implemented, they must be
addressed consistent with national circumstances and
with host-country leadership. Further, for the MDGs to
be effective over the long term, developing countries
must take ownership of the Goals.
 At the midway point of MDG implementation, for
Papua New Guinea, we believe there is cause for
cautious optimism. Papua New Guinea celebrated
33 years of unbroken constitutional democracy on
16 September this year. Due to the political stability
achieved by my Government, we can now afford to
plan long-term for our own development. We have had
steady economic growth in the last five years, due to
prudent economic management that has resulted in five
successive budget surpluses.
 Achieving the Millennium Development Goals
remains an integral development priority for my
Government. We have set ourselves 15 national targets
and 67 indicators, which have been integrated into our
medium-term development strategy and sectoral plans.
 For example, Papua New Guinea recognizes that
education is a prerequisite for the betterment of our
people’s lives. That is entrenched in our constitution
and prioritized under a 10-year national education plan.
The current one-laptop-per-child pilot project will
make learning accessible, enjoyable and fruitful for our
children, while bridging the digital divide. We are
looking to expand the project nationwide during the
Africa Caribbean Pacific-European Union Joint
Parliamentary Assembly, to be held in Papua New
Guinea in November. In partnership with UNICEF, we
have also introduced proactive programmes aimed at
accelerating the girl-child’s access to education.
 In the area of health, there remain major
challenges, such as maternal mortality and HIV/AIDS,
which the Government is now addressing through the
10-year national health plan. We have also recorded
some positive results in other major health indicators,
including a decrease in malaria incidence and in
malaria-related deaths, and the stabilization and
decline of infant and child mortality.
 Ultimately, reducing poverty, expanding access to
education and health and empowering women through
economic and social participation are what we in my
Government are addressing.
A/63/PV.13

08-53122 4

 Millennium Development Goal 8 makes reference
to partnerships. We strongly believe that Goal is
critical to the achievement of the other seven. We
believe, however, that all partnerships must be
underpinned by mutual respect among the partners. For
that reason, let me highlight some key partnerships.
Our partnerships with Australia, New Zealand, the
European Union, Japan, China, Italy, Austria and many
non-governmental organizations continue to contribute
strongly to Papua New Guinea’s development. We also
partner with the Coral Triangle Initiative on coral reefs,
fisheries and food security, and the Forest-11 Group,
launched last year by His Excellency the President of
Indonesia. Another important partnership is with the
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, facilitated by the
Clinton Foundation, in the area of HIV/AIDS and the
provision of antiretrovirals.
 To succeed, we must significantly scale up our
partnerships. Often, we all tend to wallow in the
negative — environmental degradation, catastrophic
climate change, crippling poverty, ineffective
governance — rather than leveraging the positive. My
Government’s vision is to transform those societal
challenges into a framework for environmentally and
socially sustainable economic growth. It is time to cast
off policy chains of the past and create a new paradigm
for the future.
 Let me be specific. First, we cannot account for
the environment as an externality. Our natural
environment and its services are not free to society.
Once we lose those services, often irreversibly, the
costs can be significant.
 Secondly, we must create a broad framework for
ecosystem service markets. Carbon sequestration must
only be the first step, followed by valuations for
biodiversity, water purification, rainfall generation,
crop pollination and food security.
 Thirdly, we must now view our natural
environment as an engine for wealth creation. Those
valuable ecosystem services must be transformed into
lasting wealth that supports the rural communities that
have traditionally cared for those assets.
 Let me use the issue of reducing deforestation
and forest degradation — an issue that our Prime
Minister, Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare, has
championed internationally — as an example.
Deforestation is a complex subject, but, put simply, it
is driven by the fact that the world values forests more
dead than alive. Traditional economic theory, which
considers ecosystem services a common good and thus
free to all, is primarily responsible for the massive loss
of the world’s forests.
 With those ecosystem services valued at zero,
rural communities that depend on and care for forests
must make a living in other ways. Keeping the land
forested means sacrificing the opportunities to be
gained by converting it to other uses, such as
producing commodities such as timber, palm oil, coffee
and cocoa. The international commodity markets, in
fact, have hardly changed from colonial times.
 In many ways, those two economic relics are
increasingly perverse and nonsensical. The
environment is devastated, rural communities stay poor
and the rich shift the blame. They cite lack of
governance and corruption, but those are not drivers of
deforestation, but symptoms of obsolete market
constructs.
 Therefore, global leaders must redraft economic
theory and reinvent global markets for a sustainable
future. For example, the latest estimate is that
approximately $20 billion a year will be needed to
halve carbon emissions resulting from deforestation.
However, that would be a wise investment, even for
that one ecosystem service alone. Forests sequester
some 3.3 billion tons of carbon dioxide annually. So,
with today’s price of more than $30 per ton of carbon
dioxide, rural communities are effectively subsidizing
the carbon emissions of the rich to the tune of
approximately $100 billion per year — more than total
annual official development assistance.
 Norway has provided great leadership towards
that necessary paradigm shift. First, Norway has stood
up against global climate change and has targeted the
achievement of carbon neutrality by 2030. Norway has
also dedicated $2.8 billion to offset emissions
reductions resulting from deforestation in developing
countries, through the valuation of forest ecosystem
services.
 Faced by the ravages of climate change on a
small island developing State, our Prime Minister, Sir
Michael Somare, has charted out his own bold goals:
reducing Papua New Guinea’s emissions by 50 per cent
before 2025 and achieving carbon neutrality before
2050. Sharing a similar vision, the partnership of
leadership between Papua New Guinea and Norway
may significantly address several of the greatest
 A/63/PV.13

5 08-53122

challenges of our time: effectively valuing global
environmental services, contributing to the mitigation
of climate change, conserving global biodiversity and
financing the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals in rural areas.
 Finally, our global economy values companies in
the billions simply for advertising trinkets on the
Internet. Some countries make billions by selling fossil
fuels that pollute our atmosphere, others by producing
low-cost consumer products that humanity does not
require. In fact, Google is worth $150 billion, while the
world’s last great tropical forests left standing are
worth nothing. How can that be right?
 Together, we must reconstruct our value
frameworks. New environmental markets must support
tropical countries striving to achieve sustainable
development, by generating billions from rainforest
ecosystem services that humanity has so far been
exploiting for free.
 Several communities in my country have voted to
cancel their logging concessions, telling me that the
forests and rivers have provided all they needed for
thousands of years. In some ways, however, they now
feel trapped. The old ways allowed them to survive but
did not prepare their children for an increasingly
complex future. They now struggle with schools that
cannot afford the best teachers and with health centres
that provide only basic medicines. Yet those
communities still remember how to live sustainably —
a skill that many others have forgotten in the rush to
get ahead.
 But there is hope. Bold leadership is required on
both sides of the economic divide to transform the way
in which we value our environment and create wealth
for rural populations. As leaders, we must understand
that, while we may have inherited the Earth from our
forefathers, we have in fact borrowed it from our
grandchildren and our future generations. Indeed, by
learning to save our environment, perhaps we can once
again learn how to save ourselves and guarantee a
better world for our future generations.


On behalf of the United Arab
Emirates, I have the pleasure to express to you,
Mr. President, and to your friendly country our sincere
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-third session. I would
also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Srgjan Kerim,
for successfully guiding the proceedings of the
previous session. I should also take this opportunity to
express my gratitude to Secretary-General Ban Ki-
moon for his unceasing efforts to strengthen the
Organization and re-energize its role in international
affairs.
 The United Arab Emirates has made major
progress in a number of domestic areas. For example,
we have increased the representation of women in our
executive and legislative bodies, including by
expanding their effective participation in the labour
market. We are developing national laws on the
protection of and respect for human rights and are
making significant efforts to improve the welfare of
those with special needs. Attempts are also under way
to enact legislation to regulate foreign workers in order
to ensure their full rights. In keeping with our
commitments under relevant bilateral and international
agreements, we are also increasing our efforts to
combat human trafficking and to provide protection
and all the necessary support for its victims.
 With regard to the environment, the United Arab
Emirates attaches great importance to environmental
issues. In cooperation with the Worldwide Fund for
Nature, we have launched a number of ambitious
strategic programmes, such as the development of
Masdar City, which will be the world’s first carbon-
and waste-free city, completely dependent on
renewable and clean technologies such as solar energy,
which will be used to generate power and desalinate of
water.
 Foreign aid has an important place on our
national agenda. We have continued to provide various
types of financial and humanitarian assistance to many
countries to help them to fund their development
programmes and infrastructure projects. Directly and
through our membership in the United Nations Office
for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Donor
Support Group and our contributions to the specialized
agencies and programmes of the United Nations, we
are also providing assistance to those who have
suffered from wars and natural disasters.
 In order to alleviate the suffering of millions of
people as a result of rising food prices, my country has
dispatched 2 million tons of wheat to Yemen, Syria and
Egypt. Also as part of our foreign aid, we have
provided additional financial assistance to help several
developing countries adjust to the phenomenal increase
in their energy costs.
 In that regard, we would like to express our
concern about the repercussions of the financial crisis
in international markets. We reiterate that this matter
urgently calls for a joint international mechanism that
will contribute to the establishment of strong and
transparent rules to regulate international financial
markets.
 The way in which development has taken place in
the United Arab Emirates provides a vivid example of
tolerance and coexistence. We hope to enrich and
strengthen those values through our educational and
cultural programmes, for we strongly believe that
interaction between different nations and peoples is
both of fundamental importance and an essential
prerequisite for the achievement of stability, welfare
and prosperity in our region.
A/63/PV.13

08-53122 32

 The United Arab Emirates therefore attaches
great importance to radically restructuring and
modernizing our educational system to align it with
technological and educational innovations so that it
meets the needs and requirements of our development
programmes. We also believe that providing education
for all is one of the major and significant issues facing
us. It is essential that we devote all our resources to it,
for in education lies the hope that we can break the evil
cycle of poverty and ignorance, which in turn lead to
the creation of a fertile environment in which terrorism
and extremism can take root and grow.
 Iran’s ongoing occupation since 1971 of the
United Arab Emirates’` three islands of Abu Musa and
Greater and Lesser Tunb is an issue of central
importance to us. From this rostrum, I would like to
reiterate our firm position demanding the full
restoration of our full sovereignty over the three
occupied islands and their territorial waters, airspace,
continental shelf and exclusive economic zone. The
islands are part and parcel of our national sovereignty.
We reiterate that all actions and measures, whether
military or administrative, undertaken by Iran since its
occupation of the three islands are null and void. Iran’s
actions have no legal effect. We therefore renew our
call to the international community to urge Iran to
respond positively to the sincere appeals of the United
Arab Emirates, the Gulf Cooperation Council and the
League of Arab States by agreeing to resolve the issue
through committed and serious direct negotiations or
by referring the dispute to the International Court of
Justice.
 We strongly believe in making the Middle East,
including the Arabian Gulf, a zone free from weapons
of mass destruction. That would require compelling
Israel to comply with United Nations resolutions by
bringing its nuclear facilities into compliance with the
safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) and unconditionally signing the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, as other
countries of the region have done. We also urge the
Islamic Republic of Iran to continue its cooperation
with the IAEA and the international community in
order to dispel fears and suspicions related to the
nature and objectives of its nuclear programme. We
also call on all other stakeholders to commit
themselves to continuing to address that issue through
political and diplomatic means in order to avoid
escalation and achieve a peaceful solution that can
ensure stability and security for the region and its
peoples.
 Based on our firm belief in the right of countries
to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in
accordance with the safeguards regime of the IAEA,
the United Arab Emirates urges developed nations to
support the legitimate needs of developing countries
for access to nuclear energy by providing them with
the best possible access to the equipment, nuclear
materials and technological and scientific know-how
related to peaceful purposes. The United Arab Emirates
believes that its peaceful nuclear programme provides
a practical and responsible example of transparency in
meeting our energy needs, while at the same time we
pledge not to engage in enrichment or reprocessing,
with the support of the organizations and institutions of
some friendly countries and under the supervision of
the IAEA.
 On another front, the United Arab Emirates has
continuously spared no effort to support and promote
every regional and international effort to help the
Government of Iraq and its people. It is our hope that
the latest initiatives of the United Arab Emirates,
including the write-off of more than $7 billion in debt
and interest due and the re-opening of our embassy in
Baghdad, will contribute to promoting economic
development and strengthening the political process.
That will require the renunciation of all communal and
sectarian violence and full commitment to the unity,
sovereignty and stability of Iraq, the preservation of its
Arab identity and the rejection of any attempts to
divide or fragment the country.
 With regard to the Middle East, the United Arab
Emirates has strongly supported the Palestinian-Israeli
peace process, including final status negotiations and
the outcome of the Annapolis Conference. In that
context, we would like to express our concerns about
the lack of earnest in Israel’s attitude towards those
negotiations. We call on the international community,
and in particular the Security Council and the members
of the Quartet, to press Israel to lift the siege it has
imposed on the Palestinian people and to implement
international resolutions related to freezing all of its
illegal settlement activity, dismantling unlawful
settlements and ending its occupation of all Palestinian
and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including the
holy city of Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and some
Lebanese territories. Ending the occupation would
bring Israel into compliance with relevant international
 A/63/PV.13

33 08-53122

resolutions, the road map and the Arab peace initiative.
It would also ensure the establishment of an
independent Palestinian State with Jerusalem as its
capital, as well as Israel’s security.
 My country has cooperated effectively and
consistently with every effort to combat terrorism in all
its forms and manifestations, including money-
laundering. We shall continue to do so in order to rid
the world of that scourge and its causes. At the same
time, we re-emphasize our support for all activities to
promote dialogue among civilizations and enhance the
spirit of tolerance among all faiths.
 In closing, I would like to stress the need for full
compliance with the Charter of the United Nations and
international law in meeting the daunting challenges
ahead. I hope that this session will produce
international consensus on how to address those
challenges for the benefit of humankind.


On
behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I would
like to most warmly congratulate you, Mr. President,
on your election to presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-third session. The delegation of Chad is
convinced that your qualities and experience in the
area of international relations will ensure success for
our current session, and we would like to assure you of
our cooperation as you carry out your mission. I would
also like to express our gratitude to your predecessor
for having skilfully and insightfully steered the work of
the Assembly at its sixty-second session. I also pay a
well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, His
Excellency Ban Ki-moon, for his commitment to
upholding and promoting the ideals of our Organization.
 The sixty-third session is being held at a time
when the world is facing many challenges. The armed
conflicts affecting essentially all continents are
compounded by the food, energy and financial crises
that endanger the most vulnerable populations. Those
recurring crises are genuine handicaps to implementing
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to which
the international community has committed itself.
 Chad, like many other countries, found itself
early on in an adverse political, social and economic
situation, despite the implementation of its national
growth and poverty reduction strategy. That strategy,
which was updated in 2008, is, however, the best
framework for cooperation geared towards pooling all
national and international efforts that are essentially
aimed at achieving the MDGs. To be sure, the
Millennium Declaration was welcomed in its time as a

08-53135 24

major step in the international community’s awareness
of the considerable lag of many of its members with
respect to development.
 The Declaration and the MDGs, which we
adopted in 2000 to eradicate poverty by 2015, are
today still the most appropriate response to the
problems of poverty that many countries, including my
own, continue to face. Those problems include
shortfalls in terms of the resources necessary to fund
our programmes, but also, and particularly, the unrest
that has resulted from the many attempts at
destabilization and that is worsened by incursions of
mercenaries and armed militias of all kinds. The most
notable of such incidents took place in April 2006 and
February 2008.
 To be sure, the development of our oil, which
began in 2003, has given the country additional
resources. But those resources do not, unfortunately,
meet our needs. Outside assistance is therefore
necessary in a number of areas in order to build our
capacities to better meet the challenges of poverty.
 Contributions by our partners — although we
would like to reiterate our gratitude to them and
commend their commitment to us — need to be
adapted. Such contributions should, as a priority, be
aimed at building the country’s ability to take action, in
particular by developing its natural wealth, and should
provide more substantial financial and technical
support in that context.
 More flexible conditions with respect to easing
the external debt of poor countries are indispensable.
Greater attention should also be given to the economic
problems facing developing countries, specifically
those in Africa, where the future of some could be
threatened by the lack of competitiveness of their
export products because of measures taken by their
competitors in the North. My country hopes that the
outpouring of solidarity that underpinned the launching
of the MDGs process will be revived in order to reduce
inequalities, which worsen poverty and which are
ultimately sources of tension, with unpredictable
consequences. At any rate, Chad continues to be
determined to do its utmost to improve the living
conditions of its people within the framework of the
MDGs.
 I would like to commend the efforts of our
Organization in eradicating hotspots of tension that are
major obstacles to the implementation of development
goals. The Darfur crisis is an example of that, due to
the burden that it has placed on Chad as a result of its
economic, social and environmental repercussions. The
presence in eastern Chad of 290,000 Sudanese refugees
and 180,000 displaced Chadians is a matter of major
concern, for both Chad and for the international
community. We welcome the international community’s
unprecedented mobilization in that regard.
 Nevertheless, the fate of the host populations
should be given greater attention, in order to restore
the balances that were upset by that massive inflow. In
that in that part of the world a true tragedy is
occurring, and it weighs on our collective conscience. I
would like to issue here a heartfelt appeal for a lasting
solution to that crisis.
 Furthermore, my country welcomes the extension
by the Security Council of the mandate of the African
Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur
(UNAMID). Chad is persuaded that the international
community, having assessed the suffering of the people
of Darfur, will strengthen the operational capacities of
UNAMID by providing it with all the appropriate
resources so that it can effectively carry out its mission
and establish the necessary conditions for a
comprehensive and lasting settlement to the crisis.
 We believe that it is essential to recall here that,
since the crisis broke out in Darfur, my country has
spared no effort to assist its Sudanese brothers in
finding a peaceful settlement to the conflict facing
them. In August 2003, His Excellency Idriss Deby Itno
was the first foreign head of State personally to travel
to El-Fasher to express his solidarity and support for
his Sudanese counterpart, Omer Hassan Al-Bashir,
while calling on the Sudanese rebels to lay down their
arms and agree to a political settlement. We would
recall the decisive role he played as mediator to reach
many peace agreements between the Sudanese
Government and its opposition.
 Similarly, aware of the close linkage between
stability in Chad and the settlement of the crisis in
Darfur, he has always worked for the normalization of
relations between the two countries. It is in that spirit
that the Government of Chad welcomed the decision of
the Sudan to restore diplomatic relations with Chad at
the meeting of the Contact Group tasked with
implementing the Dakar Agreement, held in Asmara on
12 September.

25 08-53135

 At that time, the Government of Chad called the
Contact Group to witness the sincere commitment of
the two parties towards a lasting normalization of their
relations. Here, I reiterate the gratitude of the
Government of Chad to the member countries of the
Contact Group, institutions and friendly countries for
the key positive roles that they continue to play in
supporting Chad and the Sudan on that path.
 From this rostrum, we would like to commend the
close cooperation among the United Nations Mission in
the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT),
the European Union-led peacekeeping force and the
Government of Chad. The strengthening of the
mandate of MINURCAT offers new prospects for
developing relations between Chad and the United
Nations, taking into account the experience accrued
during the preceding mandate. The need for greater
effectiveness of the international presence in Chad
requires dynamic cooperation between the various
parties.
 Despite the repeated attacks of mercenaries, the
repercussions of which on the life of the nation have
been devastating, the Government of Chad, under the
impetus of His Excellency Idriss Deby Itno, President
of the Republic and Head of State, remains committed
to pursuing political dialogue with the democratic
opposition and with the armed movements in order to
bring about national harmony. The tangible results of
that policy are the formation on 23 April 2008 of a
broad-based Government, led by Youssouf Saleh
Abbas, which includes leading personalities from the
democratic opposition. We are also pleased to note the
return to legality of several members of the armed
movements under the Sirte agreement of 25 October
2007.
 We confirm that the political dialogue, initiated
by the agreement of 13 August 2007 and briefly
interrupted by the tragic events of February 2008, has
resumed its work. It is taking place in a climate of trust
and understanding and naturally will continue, with the
assistance of our partners, towards the holding of free
and transparent elections. Here, I would like to
reiterate very solemnly to those partners the gratitude
of the Government and people of Chad for their
valuable support in facilitating that dialogue.
 After that overview on national political issues,
we would like to address some international challenges
facing our Organization.
 The setback in the recent negotiations in Geneva
raises questions with respect to the ability to establish a
just and equitable global trade system that takes into
account the legitimate aspirations of developing
countries, the most vulnerable in the world economy.
What is more, despite the efforts of the international
community to reduce tensions and spare the world the
horrors of armed conflict, unfortunately we continue to
see theatres of confrontation emerge on all continents.
The unbearable sight of thousands of women, children
and elderly people displaced or cast into exile in the
wake of those conflicts should persuade the
international community to be more responsible.
 Armed conflicts and the atrocities they cause are
a breeding ground for terrorism. That scourge is
another challenge to and major concern for the
international community. My country supports the
efforts of the United Nations to fight for its complete
eradication, but also for greater justice in addressing
international issues.
 On issues concerning nuclear matters, we
reaffirm our country’s unswerving position, which is to
respect the sovereign will of States to acquire nuclear
power for civilian purposes.
 With respect to conflicts on the African continent,
we are pleased to note the joint efforts of the African
Union and the United Nations to settle them peacefully
and enduringly. Thus, we welcome the normalization
of the political and military situation in Côte d’Ivoire,
Kenya and the Comoros. In the Horn of Africa, Chad
supports the efforts of the African Union to restore
peace and national harmony in Somalia. In Zimbabwe,
we welcome the political agreement reached between
the primary Zimbabwean political players thanks to the
mediation of President Thabo Mbeke, to whom we pay
well-deserved tribute.
 In conclusion, within the framework of reform of
the bodies of the United Nations, and more particularly
the Security Council, I should like to reiterate the
urgent appeal of my country to the Assembly and to the
members of the Security Council for a just and fair
reform that takes into account the legitimate
aspirations of the African continent.


I wish to begin by
congratulating Mr. d’Escoto Brockmann on assuming
the post of President of the General Assembly at its
current session.
 Today I shall start by addressing the security
situation in the world. During the past year, the
international community has deepened its
understanding of frozen conflicts. Frozen does not
mean resolved; it means that those conflicts are able to
re-emerge. Therefore, I am particularly glad that
significant progress has been achieved towards
resolving long-lasting conflicts in some regions.
 First, I would like to mention Kosovo. Strong
involvement by the United Nations, the European
Union (EU) and the United States helped to resolve a
protracted conflict in the Balkans. Now we need to
focus our efforts on the development of Kosovo’s
statehood: political stability, economic prosperity,
security and good relations with its neighbours.
 I welcome the decision of the Secretary-General
to reconfigure the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo. It is necessary to
continue the constructive cooperation between the
United Nations and the EU so that the Kosovo Mission
can be fully deployed. That is important both for
Kosovo and for the entire West Balkans region.
 The international community has also made
remarkable efforts to assist Afghanistan in building a
democratic, prosperous and secure State. Large and
small countries and civilian and military organizations
from all over the world are working together to fulfil
our common aspiration to peace and stability.
 We must not undermine that immense effort by
being impatient. The war ravaged Afghanistan for
20 years; it will take at least as much time to rebuild a
peaceful society. The international community must
push ahead until that long-term aim is achieved.
 Latvia is increasing its commitment to the Afghan
people in terms of development and security
assistance. We are focusing our civil engagement on
ensuring good governance and a strong judiciary and
on meeting the basic needs of the Afghan people.
 The prospects for peace and stability in the
Middle East affect the whole world. Latvia hopes that
the peace negotiations between the Government of
Israel and the Palestinian Authority will produce
results. We hope that the parties will use the window of
opportunity to conclude a peace agreement by the end
of 2008. The indirect talks that have resumed between
Israel and Syria are another positive signal.
 Latvia welcomes the stabilization process in
Lebanon. We hope that the Doha agreement will be
fully implemented and that it will serve as a solid
foundation for renewed political stability, national
unity and sustainable economic development in the
country.
 Not all of the developments over the past year
have been positive. We have witnessed new challenges
to the law-based international system. We should ask
ourselves whether we, as the international community,
can accept the fact that peacekeeping troops protect
only one side involved in a conflict. Can we accept the
fact that peacekeeping forces are occupying territories
that are clearly outside the conflict zones? Can we
accept the fact that the protection of nationals abroad is
being used as a pretext for a large-scale use of force in
another State without the approval of the Security
Council?
 All those questions arise from the international
response to the recent war in Georgia. If they matter to
us, we should have a clear plan to resolve the Georgian
crisis. The most important task is adherence to and
implementation of the six-point ceasefire agreement on
the part of the Russian Federation. First, foreign troops
must be removed from all Georgian soil. Equally
important is the establishment of an EU monitoring
mission to normalize the situation in Georgia.
 For 15 years now, the United Nations has
mandated the United Nations Observer Mission in
Georgia. We must ensure that there are no obstacles to
the continuation of that effort. I call upon world leaders
to come together not only to provide humanitarian aid
to Georgia, but also to ensure a massive international
effort to help rebuild the country’s economy and
infrastructure.
 It is about time that we seriously examine our
development commitments. The time between now and
2015 may seem long, but it is less than the time that
has elapsed since the adoption of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000. Two days ago, I

17 08-51839

participated in the high-level meeting on Africa’s
development needs, and tomorrow I will participate in
the high-level event on the MDGs. Those are important
efforts aimed at giving the issue the top priority that it
deserves. We must significantly accelerate the
processes for achieving the MDGs by 2015. A clearer
picture of what we must achieve in the interim in each
of the main clusters of the MDGs — health, education,
growth and climate change — is what the United
Nations needs immediately.
 We also need a clearer picture of the required
division of labour among various actors, and we need
to develop a shared sense of progress. A clear plan of
action is what we need right now. Therefore, Latvia
strongly supports the EU Call for Action initiative on
the MDGs. Climate change will have a major negative
bearing on the achievement of the MDGs. Latvia
supports broader use of renewable energy resources to
reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. However,
climate change cannot be seen as an exclusively
environmental challenge; we need a more integrated
approach.
 Changes to energy consumption patterns must be
taken into account as we move towards sustainable
development, food security and worldwide trade.
Innovative technologies, as well as sustainable
production and consumption, would deliver both
midterm and long-term results. Carbon dioxide
emissions cannot be cut in some regions while others
do nothing. While each of our countries must commit
to cutting emissions, success will be possible only if
there is a truly global agreement that enables us to do
so and tells us how. The United Nations, as the only
truly global Organization, must play a decisive role.
 Trade liberalization is an important contributor to
the achievement of the MDGs. Although the recent
trade liberalization efforts at the World Trade
Organization were not successful, the process must be
continued at the multilateral level.
 Globalization has brought with it both increased
prosperity and increased risks. We need to find a way
to ensure that tomorrow’s globalization will offer
growing prosperity to all people. Globalization will
produce benefits on a truly global scale only if trade is
liberalized across the board. Every country and every
region must do its fair share in that process.
 I would like to congratulate Ms. Navanethem
Pillay, the new United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights, on the assumption of her duties and to
wish her every success in that highly important post. I
would also like to thank Ms. Louise Arbour for her
invaluable contribution to the promotion and protection
of human rights.
 This year, symbolically, the sixtieth anniversary
of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights coincides with the ninetieth anniversary of the
founding of the Republic of Latvia. In 1918, the Act of
Proclamation of the Republic of Latvia declared:
 “All citizens, irrespective of their ethnicity, are
asked to help, for the rights of all people will be
guaranteed in Latvia. It will be a democratic and
just State where oppression and injustice do not
exist”.
I am truly proud of that statement. Thirty years before
the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the Republic of Latvia declared its adherence to
the same core values and principles and fully
implemented them in the newly established State.
 Unfortunately, by the time the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights had been adopted, Latvia
had come under foreign occupation and its people had
been deprived of their right to freely determine their
political status and were being subjected to oppression
and injustice. It was only in 1991 that Latvia restored
its statehood and the continuity of its commitment to
fundamental human rights, inherent human dignity,
equality and the universality of those values.
 The creation of the Human Rights Council and
the beginning of the Universal Periodic Review are
important steps aimed at promoting the values of the
Universal Declaration. The special procedures of the
Human Rights Council play a particular role in that
regard. Latvia expresses its full support for them and
urges all United Nations Members to cooperate fully
with the special procedures, including by issuing
standing invitations to them.
 Latvia is ready to share with the international
community its experience in the area of promoting
human rights. Latvia has put forward its candidacy for
the Human Rights Council for the year 2014.
 This year marks the tenth anniversary of the
adoption of the Rome Statute establishing the
International Criminal Court (ICC). We welcome the
progress the Court has achieved in its analyses,
investigations and judicial proceedings. We call upon

08-51839 18

all States to ensure full cooperation with the Court. The
ICC is not an instrument that can be activated or
deactivated according to political expediency. We are
convinced that universality of justice is a prerequisite
for sustainable peace.
 Effective multilateralism requires combining
greater awareness of the nature of the risks we face
with a contemporary understanding of how
international politics are forged today. International
organizations are only one part of our global system,
and often that part is the most resistant to change. It is
regrettable that the enthusiasm and momentum
generated during the 2005 World Summit in reforming
this universal international body has somewhat faded.
 Reform of the Security Council is long overdue.
We must move on from the discussion of procedure
into a discussion of substance. We welcome the recent
decision by the General Assembly to continue
immediately within the Open-ended Working Group on
the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council
and Other Matters Related to the Security Council to
prepare intergovernmental negotiations on the question
of the Security Council’s expansion.
 While recognizing the need for structural reform
of the United Nations, we should not lose sight of
making more effective use of existing capacity.
Management reform is central to all those efforts. We
support further measures aimed at ensuring greater
transparency, enhanced accountability and strict budget
discipline. There has been some progress, but not
enough by far.
 We live in a world with deteriorating security, a
growing population, the consequences of climate
change and market turbulence aggravated by high
energy and food prices. We need deeper engagement
with the risks we face globally. That requires a new
commitment to our values and a willingness to work
for an international system that has a vision of the
future at its heart. I would like that to become the
driving force for all the work of the General Assembly
at this sixty-third session.


Today, we face the reality of
an international system that is becoming more complex
by the day. Globalization has created new
opportunities; it has also produced uncertainty and
insecurity. Sudden crises affect the fundamental
sources of our sustenance and progress: food, energy
and financial resources. Terrorism and nuclear
proliferation threaten our security. Climate change has
an impact on the future of our planet. Growing
instability characterizes the energy and financial
markets, widening the gap between rich and poor.
 Those global challenges need a timely political
response. A national response would be inadequate and
illusory, for the right response can only be global and
cooperative. A dramatic new vision of global
governance for the twenty-first century requires rules
that all nations can embrace — a new vision based on
three principles: inclusiveness, effectiveness and
shared responsibility.
 Effective global governance means a central role
for the United Nations, starting with its most
representative, democratic body, the General Assembly.
Effective global governance means a strong connection
between the United Nations and international
organizations, either universal or regional, such as the
European Union and the African Union. Effective
global governance requires a comprehensive and
consensual reform of the United Nations system,
including the Security Council. To achieve a reform of
this magnitude on the foundations of strong political
support, there is no alternative to general consensus.
 We must immediately learn the lessons of the
turmoil in the world financial markets. Promoting
transparent and reliable rules in the marketplace is the
only way to protect our societies from falling prey to
those forces. We have to avoid squandering wealth and
instead ensure that it is distributed equitably among
every component of society. That is the vision that
Italy will promote during its upcoming presidency of
the Group of Eight (G-8). Through a broader dialogue
with the emerging economies and the least developed
countries, the G-8 will contribute to the shaping of a
new system of global governance in which formats will
be tailored to specific issues, leading to a gradual
assumption of shared responsibility.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are
priority challenges. They demand an urgent response, a
mobilization of greater human and financial resources,
new ideas and a true partnership between donor and
beneficiary countries that is fully inclusive of
governments, local organizations, the private sector
and civil society.
 Italy is strongly committed to achieving the goals
of defeating hunger, strengthening health-care systems
and making education accessible to all. All this is on
the agenda of the upcoming Italian presidency of the
G-8, and Africa will be at the centre of our attention.
 The right place to address the food crisis is the
United Nations, and we must equip the Organization to
tackle it effectively. Italy strongly supports the roles
and functions of the Food and Agriculture
Organization, the World Food Programme, the
International Fund for Agricultural Development and
all the other agencies that help to alleviate hunger and
guarantee food security. We also encourage the direct
involvement of the private sector in bringing
agriculture back to its rightful place at the centre of
economic policies. That will require a global
partnership to increase the flow of investments and
know-how, enhance productivity and contribute to the
development of national agro-industry; a global
partnership that will make a big step towards achieving
the first Millennium Development Goal: to eliminate
extreme poverty and hunger and to improve the lives of
the last billion, that portion of the global population
still on the margins of the world economy. That is,
indeed, an absolute priority.
 The year 2009 will be crucial for international
negotiations on climate change. Italy and the European
Union are determined to reach an ambitious post-2012
agreement that includes mitigation and adaptation
measures. The fight against climate change is closely
connected to energy security. We need to promote
greater energy cooperation at the global level. We need
to promote solutions that reconcile the need for secure

08-52265 50

supplies with sustainable energy policies, energy
efficiency and clean energy technologies. We need to
promote research and development of alternative fuel
sources, including renewable and nuclear energy. We
need to promote a comprehensive dialogue between
producing and consuming countries, based on mutual
trust, solidarity, dialogue and cooperation.
 Interdependence is the fundamental reality that
binds developed countries and emerging economies,
and in its capacity as the incoming G-8 President, Italy
will promote the energy dialogue and the global
negotiations on climate change.
 Effective multilateral cooperation built on shared
responsibility is vital to tackling the main threats to our
safety and security, including terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Our
vigilance against terrorism must remain high and our
international cooperation intense. In the next few years
we should work together on a new global pact against
terrorism to be enacted in 2011 on the tenth
anniversary of the tragic events of 9/11.
 The protection of human rights and the rule of
law must underpin our action. These values are
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, which is as relevant today as it was 60 years
ago. That is why Italy has a long-standing commitment
to a universal moratorium on the death penalty, with a
view to its abolition. And that is also why we are
working to combat impunity and to strengthen the
instruments of international law, including the
International Criminal Court.
 The fight against the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction is at the centre of our international
commitment. In preparation for the 2010
Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference, Italy is
ready to do its part to strengthen the Non-Proliferation
Treaty, which is of fundamental importance to
preventing and countering proliferation and laying the
foundations for a world free of nuclear weapons. Yet
we must also maintain cooperation on the peaceful use
of nuclear technology, as expressly provided for by the
Treaty. We thus call upon the Iranian Government to
show responsibility by promptly meeting the
conditions for normal negotiations to reassure the
international community and the countries of the
region. Let me say very clearly that we strongly
condemn the Iranian President’s irresponsible remarks
on the State of Israel.
 Global security and regional security are very
closely connected. We welcome the positive signals
from the Middle East, such as the continuation of the
negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, the
beginning of a national dialogue among the Lebanese
political forces to fully implement the Doha
agreements, and the new chapter in relations between
Lebanon and Syria.
 In Afghanistan, the continuation of the
international commitment should be accompanied by a
gradual assumption of responsibility by the local
authorities and forces and the participation of
neighbouring countries in the stabilization process. In
the Caucasus, the recent crisis indicates the need, there
and elsewhere, to strengthen regional cooperation
mechanisms and prevent a competitive dynamic that
would lead to high costs and low benefits.
 More than two hundred years ago a great Italian
political philosopher Cesare Beccaria wrote, “The
greatest happiness of the greatest number is the
foundation of morals and legislation.” True to these
words, so deeply rooted in my country’s democratic
vocation, Italy joins in the common effort to build a
world of peace, security, sustainable development and
a new democratic, transparent and effective global
governance.