I should like at the outset to convey to Mr. von Wechmar my warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty fifth session of the General Assembly.
56.	I wish also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim for the important contributions he made to the work of the United Nations during the past year in his capacity as President, first of the thirty-fourth session and then of two special sessions and one emergency special session of the General Assembly.
57.	I should especially like sincerely to thank Secretary General Kurt Waldheim and his colleagues for their great efforts in the service of peace, stability and understanding in Southeast Asia.
58.	My delegation welcomes Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the United Nations.
59.	Thirty-five years have passed since the founding of the United Nations, 35 years during which the world, embarked on a new stage of development, was witness to the most profound changes in history.
60.	Unprecedented scientific and technological discoveries have opened up to mankind the greatest opportunities to reach new heights in economic development in order to eliminate poverty and backwardness on earth and at the same time to enable man to enter into the era of the conquest of space and the harnessing of nature for the welfare of mankind.
61.	But on the other hand the miraculous gifts of science and technology have also been used to develop the most sophisticated weapons, capable of destroying all the material and cultural achievements which man's genius has amassed over thousands of years. Each year hundreds of billions of dollars are wasted on the arms race for the development and manufacture of the means of mass destruction. Present stockpiles of nuclear weapons are four to five times greater than what would be needed to obliterate all life on earth. In the fever of this arms race, mankind went through long periods of cold war in the 1950s and 1960s and very often stood on the brink of a war of annihilation.
62.	But the miracle is that, in a world full of means of destruction which threaten the very life of mankind, mankind has triumphed. The past 35 years make up the longest and most stable period of peace enjoyed by mankind in the twentieth century. For the first time in history, the principles of peaceful coexistence and of the settlement of international disputes by peaceful negotiations have a solid base in human society and have become universal principles which govern contemporary international relations.
63.	This miracle has been achieved by mankind first and foremost as a result of the victorious struggle of the forces of peace and democracy and thanks above all to the Soviet Red Army which, by defeating fascism in the Second World War, seriously weakened the most bellicose forces. It is also the result of the awakening of mankind to the danger of a new war of annihilation, to its determination to check it and to the earnest aspirations of hundreds of millions of men and women for the maintenance of peace. The fact that peace has been defended in such a solid and durable way is the result of the growing strength of the socialist countries and their policy of peace. It is also the result of the development over the past three decades of the movement for national liberation and independence which, through liberation wars, brought about the collapse of the colonial system—a source of human and material resources for the warmongers—and the weakening of the most bellicose forces. The struggle of the peoples of the world for peace and democracy has also contributed greatly to the thwarting of plans for war.
64.	Nevertheless, at the present time, the bellicose imperialist circles are stepping up their collusion with international reactionary forces in order to push States into another arms race, to revive the cold war and to sabotage international peace and detente. The expansionists and hegemonists, who cherish the idea of bringing about confrontation between peoples and of throwing the peoples of the world into great chaos, shout at the top of their voices that a third world war is inevitable. This is why mankind must remain vigilant. However, the chances of preventing war and preserving peace are greater now than they were before the Second World War and better than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. The days when imperialism, relying on its supremacy in material resources and arms, made use of war as a means of dominating peoples are past, especially after the defeat of the American aggression against Viet Nam. More than ever before, our peoples have a real opportunity to prevent world war, to preserve international peace and security and to bring about peaceful coexistence among countries with different social regimes.
65.	Indeed the trend of the development of history is irreversible. One of the primary tasks of our peoples is to struggle against the attempt of imperialism and international reactionary forces to reverse the course of history.
66.	The Vietnamese people for its part is totally committed to contribute to the struggle waged by mankind for international peace and security. We fully support the initiatives put forward by the socialist and the nonaligned countries aimed at easing tensions in the world, at curbing the arms race and at achieving general and complete disarmament and peaceful coexistence, in particular the initiative put forward for consideration at this session by Mr. Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet Minister for Foreign Affairs [6th meeting], concerning certain urgent measures to reduce the danger of war. We believe that all international disputes should be settled peacefully through negotiations based on the principles of equality and mutual interest. Only thus can the peace that has been achieved by the peoples of the world over the last 35 years be transformed into a solid and lasting peace.
67.	During those 35 years, while the peoples of the world had the great fortune to experience the longest period of peace this century, the Vietnamese, who had fought with the Allies against fascism and militarism during the Second World War, were the only people who did not enjoy one day of peace.
68.	In their senseless desire to crush our people's will for independence and freedom, the colonialist and imperialist forces took it in turn to impose the longest and bloodiest colonial wars in history upon the Vietnamese people and the other peoples of the IndoChinese Peninsula.
69.	And since 1975, the reactionary leaders of our northern neighbour, in collusion with imperialism, have carried out a policy of total hostility against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. They have unleashed a war of aggression against Viet Nam. They have blatantly interfered in the internal affairs of the peoples of lndo-China. They are now threatening to unleash another war against our people.
70.	Everyone knows that there was a time when imperialism accused Viet Nam of being a tool for Chinese and Soviet expansionism and it cooked up the Gulf of Tonkin incident in order to justify its criminal war of aggression against the Vietnamese people. In the same way, in order to cover up their policy of expansion and aggression, the authorities of the only Asian country to possess nuclear weapons claim today that they are fighting Viet Nam because it is a tool for Soviet expansion in Southeast Asia.
71.	The truth is that in the last 25 years Southeast Asia has been one of the most unstable regions in the world. It was the only region where the sound of warfare was never silenced. Indeed, after the Second World War, many countries in Southeast Asia fell victim to colonial wars. Then came the bloody war of aggression waged by the American imperialists against Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea. It was also during the last 35 years that the leaders of the most heavily populated country in the world made use of their nationals and of local rebel groupings of self-styled ultra revolutionaries to interfere in the internal affairs of the countries of Southeast Asia, thus giving rise to civil wars and lasting rebellions that threaten the peaceful life of the peoples of those countries and pit the countries of the region against one another. They have continually made territorial claims, concerning both land and sea, upon almost all the neighbouring countries. With reference merely to the China Sea, which they would like to transform into a Chinese lake, they occupied the Vietnamese archipelago of Hoang Sa by force in 1974; they claim sovereignty over our archipelago of Truong Sa; and they mark out their southern maritime territorial limits as including the whole of the continental shelves and exclusive economic zones of Viet Nam, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines.
72.	After the defeat of the United States in Viet Nam, the hegemonists from the north unleashed a bloody war against Viet Nam on its northern border on the one hand, and through the Pol Pot regime on its southwest side on the other. They intended thus to catch Viet Nam in a two pronged attack, while gravely threatening the independence and security of Laos. But the uprising of the people of Kampuchea, in coordination with the counterattack in self-defence of the Vietnamese people, overthrew the genocidal regime of the Pol PotIeng Sary clique and thus dealt a severe blow to the dark schemes of the hegemonists.
73.	The hegemonists in the north, unable to resign themselves to this defeat, have been feverishly carrying out threats of war and subversion, gravely menacing the security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea. At the same time, through dark intrigue, they are putting pressure on other countries to urge them to impose an economic blockade and to carry out a campaign of slander at the international level against the three countries of IndoChina, which they hope to subjugate.
74.	Taking advantage of the fact that the Lao People's Democratic Republic is sparsely populated and landlocked, they carry out coercion and intimidation and subversive activities, inciting the reactionary forces in a western neighbour of Laos to provoke border conflicts, which they use as a pretext for blocking supply routes and applying an economic blockade, with the aim of stifling the Lao People's Democratic Republic and sowing discord between it and the other countries of IndoChina.
75.	They have systematically turned down all proposals aimed at ending the confrontation and restoring peace on the Sino-Viet Nam border, which would normalize relations between the two countries.
76.	They have twice rejected our proposal to resume the third round of negotiations between Viet Nam and China which they had pledged to enter into in the second half of 1980.
77.	They have repeatedly threatened to teach Viet Nam a second lesson. Such action is an insolent challenge to the independent and sovereign States of the world. It is a manifestation of big nation hegemonism claiming the right to teach another country a lesson just as the United States claims the role of international policeman in any part of the world which it considers to be of vital interest to it.
78.	It is common knowledge that over the past 35 years, the people of the three IndoChinese countries have made great sacrifices in the struggle for independence against bloody aggression by colonialism, imperialism and expansionism. But with a view to covering up their criminal acts, the aggressors have always resorted to such labels as "fighting aggression", "defence of the right to self-determination", "defence of human rights", to oppose the people of the three IndoChinese countries. Today, while claiming to be the champions of human rights in the world, they do not hesitate to come out in defence of the genocidal Pol Pot clique, the worst violators of human rights in this century, to oppose the people of Kampuchea and other IndoChinese countries, just as they did in support of the racist regime in South Africa, the Fascists in Chile and the Israeli aggressors.
79.	Looking back at the situation in Southeast Asia over the past 35 years, one finds it crystal clear that the lack of peace and security in this region stems from the policies of aggression and intervention of the imperialist forces and of the hegemonism of a country which styles itself as the centre of the world. The peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, as well as other peoples in Southeast Asia, have been the victims. By launching a relentless and victorious struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism and expansionism, the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea have successfully defended their national independence and, at the same time, contributed to the cause of peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the world at large.
80.	Following repeated failures in their attempts to revive the genocidal Pol Pot regime in Kampuchea, the international reactionary forces still hope they can reverse the course of history in that country. They have intensified their collusion with imperialism and, by using reactionary elements in a neighbouring country west of Kampuchea, they have sought to supply the armed remnants of the Pol Pot clique and other reactionary Khmer elements and have them launch attacks against the people of Kampuchea, creating an extremely tense and explosive situation on the border between Thailand and Kampuchea. In order to divert public opinion from their criminal actions, they have launched a new anti-Vietnamese campaign.
81.	For some time now, Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea have been the constant object of the policies of aggression and domination of the imperialist countries and expansionist forces in the North which, in implementation of their aggressive plan, have always considered the three Indo Chinese countries to be a single battlefield. At the same time, they have tried to sow discord among the three countries, to fan the flames of hatred among their peoples, and to pit them against one another. However, in order to defend their independence and freedom, the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea have always stood closely together in their struggle against the common enemy. That solidarity in combat has vital significance for the national interests of each people.
82.	It is in this spirit that on three occasions not too long ago the armed forces of Viet Nam have fought side by side with the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea in defence of the independence of each country and in their struggle against colonialism and imperialism, and now they are standing together in the fight against the hegemonists in the North. Everybody knows that already on two occasions, at the end of their struggle against the French colonialists and against the American imperialists, the Vietnamese army withdrew to Viet Nam respecting the national rights of Laos and Kampuchea.
83.	The Vietnamese armed forces now in Laos and Kampuchea are there under the terms of the Treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation signed between Viet Nam and Laos,  on the one hand, and between Viet Nam and Kampuchea,  on the other. We must together defend the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each country as well as the life and peaceful work of the respective populations. The presence of those troops threatens no one. In the past 35 years, in their common struggle at the side of the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea, the Vietnamese armed forces have never been outside the territories of the three countries. It is particularly ironic that those who are raising a hue and cry against the presence of the Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea are the very people who waged a war of aggression against Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea and committed monstrous crimes against those three peoples.
84.	At the height of its war of aggression against Viet Nam, the United States sent more than 500,000 troops there and poured over 15 million tons of bombs on the Vietnamese, Lao and Kampuchean peoples. History still records the fact that China dominated Viet Nam for 1,000 years, from the first to the tenth century and invaded Viet Nam 10 times since the tenth century. Throughout history, Laos and Kampuchea have always been victims of aggression from Thailand. In particular, during the past 40 years, Thailand has on two occasions invaded Kampuchea and Laos. Throughout history, Viet Nam never committed aggression against Thailand. Thailand, on the other hand, invaded Viet Nam on three occasions during the last three centuries.
85.	Those who are the loudest in opposing the presence of the Vietnamese troops are also those who did their utmost to support United States aggression against the Vietnamese, Lao and Kampuchean peoples and who have kept silent on the Israeli aggression against the Arab peoples.
86.	The United States, who invented the legend of the so-called "use of chemical weapons in Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Laos", is the very country which dropped hundreds of thousands of tons of poisonous chemicals on our country—an average of 6 pounds for each person in South Viet Nam—which caused death and destruction among our people, and had a serious effect on the American veterans of the Viet Nam war.
87.	These historical facts clearly prove that Viet Nam and the IndoChinese countries have never committed acts of aggression against any country and have always been victims of foreign aggression. Thailand itself has publicly admitted that its security is not at stake, and that is why it refuses to sign a treaty of nonaggression between Viet Nam and Thailand, and to establish a demilitarized zone between Kampuchea and Thailand. The fact that the international reactionary forces and imperialism make much of the so called Viet Nam threat to Thailand and create tension along the Kampuchea Thai border is nothing but a scheme to cover up the aggression from the northern expansionists against the IndoChinese peoples with the smokescreen of a confrontation between IndoChina and the countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations [ASEAN]. Pitting peoples of different countries against each other, inciting them to fight each other, instigating extremist groups to create disturbances in the world are the usual methods to which international reactionaries resort in order to realize their reactionary global strategy designed, so they say, to establish their own internal order over the great world chaos, thus achieving the world hegemony they seek.
88.	This reactionary strategy of the expansionists is completely at variance with the interests of the Chinese people, a nation which has endured untold suffering caused by the oppression and exploitation of its own leaders and foreign aggressors, a nation which has an age-old civilization and a glorious tradition of struggle, and which was always eager to live in peace and harmony with the peoples of the world. Whatever the circumstances, the Vietnamese people will always treasure the traditional friendship between the Vietnamese people and the Chinese people.
89.	The fundamental task today in restoring peace and stability in Southeast Asia is to halt the policy of aggression, intervention and threats of war by the expansionists, in collusion with imperialism, against the national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Southeast Asian countries.
90.	The key to the so-called Kampuchea issue lies in an end to the hostile policy carried out against Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam by the international reactionary forces. The presence of the Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea is aimed at combating such threats of expansionism and is in response to the request of the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea. The Vietnamese armed forces will be withdrawn from Kampuchea once such threats no longer exist and the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea so requests.
91.	The whole world has seen the true face of the Pol Pot clique, a gang of criminals who have no place whatsoever in Kampuchea. But its supporters are trying their best to put the blame on the presence of the Vietnamese troops, using that presence as a pretext to have the clique hold on to its seat in the United Nations, so that they can continue to use it as an instrument against the Kampuchean people and to undermine peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
92.	Now that everybody has come to know the Pol Pot clique as a gang of genocidal criminals who have killed 3 million Kampucheans; now that public opinion has come to realize that the overthrow of the Pol Pot clique has created for the Kampuchean people a chance to rekindle their lives from the ashes; now that life has returned to the Kampuchean land after the nightmare of genocide, no rationale can ever justify any action to legalize the actions of the genocidal Pol Pot clique against the resurrection of the Kampuchean people.
93.	Whatever the excuse offered, one truth is undeniable: the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea is the only genuine and authentic representative of the Kampuchean people because it symbolizes their will to rid themselves of the genocidal regime and thus enables the Kampuchean nation to live again. Kampuchea's seat in this hall should be returned to the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea.
94.	There are differences of opinion between the ASEAN and the IndoChinese countries over the Kampuchea issue. The views of the ASEAN countries cannot be imposed upon the IndoChinese countries by anyone, and the Indo Chinese countries have no intention of imposing their views on the ASEAN countries. We regret that the proposals of the ASEAN countries presented at this session of the General Assembly show that they have not given up their intention to interfere in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and the other IndoChinese countries and to blatantly violate their sovereignty. These proposals do not settle the fundamental question of the removal of the Chinese threat to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the three Indo Chinese countries and to peace and security in Southeast Asia.
95.	The ASEAN and IndoChinese countries should temporarily put aside all differences and jointly make Southeast Asia a zone of peace, stability and cooperation. This is in the common interests of all Southeast Asian countries. We hold that if the ASEAN countries continue to impose their view of the so-called Kampuchean issue on the Indo Chinese countries as they have done, they will not help solve the worsening situation in Southeast Asia. The Indo Chinese countries respect the security of the ASEAN countries and expect the ASEAN countries to reciprocate. The Southeast Asian countries—above all the IndoChinese and ASEAN countries—should join hands in building a new relationship on the basis of mutual understanding, respect for one another's interests, and peaceful coexistence aimed at making Southeast Asia a zone of peace and stability, thus contributing to the defence of peace and security throughout the world.
96.	Motivated by this reality, we appeal once again to the ASEAN countries to respond positively to the proposals in the statement of the Conference of the Foreign Ministers of Laos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam, issued at Vientiane on 18 July 1980 and, first and foremost, they should respond positively to the proposal of the People's Republic of Kampuchea on the establishment of a demilitarized zone between Kampuchea and Thailand. We are prepared to enter immediately into discussions with the ASEAN countries on the establishment of a zone of peace and stability in Southeast Asia on the basis of the Kuala Lumpur Declaration,  the Kuantan Principle and the Vientiane statement. We are also prepared to discuss the issues with the countries concerned and settle the disputes in the China Sea, with a view to turning that region into one of peace and cooperation between the coastal States, on the basis of respect for one another's rights over their territorial waters, continental shelves and exclusive economic zones, as well as respect for international sea and air routes.
97.	We should like to inform the General Assembly that through the good offices of the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, a meeting is expected to be held within a few days between the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam and Thailand at United Nations Headquarters. We hope that that meeting will offer favourable opportunities to restore peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
98.	At the same time, we have informed the Secretary General of the following points which have been agreed upon by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea: the presence of Vietnamese armed forces in Kampuchea is aimed at countering the Chinese threat against Kampuchea and Viet Nam and they are there at the request of the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea. When this threat no longer exists and the People's Revolutionary Council so requests, the Vietnamese armed forces will be withdrawn from Kampuchea. The tension along the Kampuchean Thai border is a threat to peace in that region. The creation of a demilitarized zone on both sides of the Kampuchean Thai border is the best way to ensure peace, security and stability in the border areas of Kampuchea and Thailand. Through the good offices of the Secretary General, Kampuchea and Thailand will negotiate in order to solve the explosive situation on the Kampuchean Thai border on the basis of respect for the interests of both sides. Based on the situation of peace, security and stability along the Kampuchean Thai border, the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea will discuss and decide on Viet Nam's withdrawal of part of its armed forces from Kampuchea.
99.	With the dramatic growth of peace forces over the past 35 years, the awakening of oppressed and dependent nations constitutes an historic event which has drastically upset the international order that imperialism wants to impose on mankind. Determined to live no longer in poverty and backwardness under imperialist oppression and exploitation, the peoples have risen up to wrest back their right to be masters of their own destiny. The colonial system, which weighed so heavily on mankind for over three centuries, has collapsed in a period of only three decades. The birth of a series of new States and their increasingly active participation in international political affairs have created conditions for the gradual emergence of a new type of international relationship among independent, equal and sovereign States.
100.	Having gone through an age-old history of struggles against much stronger enemies in defence of its national independence, the Vietnamese people has consistently stood by the Asian, African and Latin American peoples in their struggle for peace, national independence, democracy, welfare and social progress.
101.	At the present moment, owing to American imperialism's policy of playing the China card, the situation in Asia is becoming extremely tense and peace and security there are seriously threatened.
102.	We highly value the initiatives of the Soviet Union, the constructive propositions of India, which spring from its foreign policy of peace and nonalignment, and also the efforts made by other countries to strengthen peace and security in Asia. We support the legitimate aspirations of the countries which border on the Indian Ocean and wish to transform it into a zone of peace and who demand that the United States of America put an end to its military activities there, cease enlarging existing military bases, particularly Diego Garcia, and refrain from establishing new bases in that region. In this respect, we support the initiative of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar in seeking to convene a summit conference of countries concerned with the question of peace in the Indian Ocean. Viet Nam is ready to participate in such a conference. We are pleased that a Conference on the Indian Ocean will be convened at Colombo in 1981. We demand that the United States renounce its attempts to annex the Micronesian islands, withdraw its troops from South Korea and end its collusion with the expansionists who wish to perpetuate the division of Korea, and desist from its policy of aggression, intervention and subversion against the peoples of Afghanistan, Iran and the countries of the Indian subcontinent.
103.	The Vietnamese people is determined to strengthen its solidarity with the people and the Government of Afghanistan in their struggle to safeguard the gains of their revolution, their independence and their national sovereignty. We highly value the wide-ranging aid accorded by the Soviet Union to the Afghan people and Government to help them stand up to the attempts at aggression and acts of intervention and subversion on the part of the forces of imperialism and international reaction.
104.	American imperialism and international reactionary circles, acting in close collusion, are the greatest accomplices of the Zionist Israelis in their policy of aggression against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Arab peoples, thus perpetuating the explosive situation in the Middle East. The Vietnamese people extends its total support to the struggle of the Palestinian people, whose sole authentic representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], for the recovery of its fundamental national rights, including the right to create an independent and sovereign State, and to confound the attempts of the American imperialists to impose a separate peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. We support the struggle of the Arab peoples for the recovery of all the territories illegally occupied by the Israeli aggressors, and we demand that Israel renounce its attempt to occupy once and for all the city of Jerusalem, the holy and inviolable land of the Arab peoples.
105.	In the last 35 years the African continent has undergone the most profound changes in its history. The map of that continent has radically changed. The African peoples have thrown off the yoke of slavery and, together with their brothers and sisters in Asia and Latin America, are in the process of building a new life. The Vietnamese people warmly welcomes the most recent victory of the African peoples—the accession to independence of the Republic of Zimbabwe and its admission to the United Nations. At the same time, we staunchly support the struggle waged by the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, under the direction respectively of SWAPO and the African National Congress, against the barbaric domination imposed by colonialism and by the policy of apartheid carried out by the South African racists and for their right to true self-determination and independence. The victories of the people of Zimbabwe and of other southern African peoples cannot be dissociated from the support of the frontline countries, the OAU and the peoples of the world. We firmly support the fraternal peoples of Angola and Mozambique in their struggle to safeguard their independence, their sovereignty and their territorial integrity against the manoeuvres and acts of aggression of the South African colonialists. The struggle waged by the people and the Government of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, under the leadership of the POLISARIO" Front, for the realization of their fundamental national rights, has always had the sympathy and warm support of the Vietnamese people.
106.	As in other regions of the world, the policy of aggression, intervention and threat of the use of force on the part of imperialism, in collusion with international reaction, constitutes the most dangerous threat to national independence, peace and stability in Central America and in the Caribbean region.
107.	The Vietnamese people remain at the side of the fraternal Cuban people in their struggle against the hostile policy, the economic blockade and the military threats of American imperialism and international reaction. We demand that the United States of America restore to Cuba the naval base of Guantanamo, which it occupies illegally.
108.	We are delighted with the important achievements of the peoples and the Governments of Nicaragua and Grenada in strengthening their national independence and rebuilding their countries. Equally, we staunchly support the struggle of the people of Panama to exercise total sovereignty over the Canal Zone; that of the people of Jamaica against imperialistic attempts at subversion and intervention; that of the Chilean people against the Pinochet Fascist junta; and that of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize against imperialist domination and for their right to self-determination and independence.
109.	In particular, the Vietnamese people would like to express its solidarity with the struggle of the people and the Revolutionary Democratic Front of El Salvador against the Fascist regime of the military clique in power and against the threat of imperialist intervention, and for their right to live in freedom and independence and to decide their own destiny.
110.	The independence of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America will not be strengthened if these peoples, having thrown off the yoke of colonialism, do not regain their right to be masters of their own natural resources. It is regrettable that, because of the intransigent policy of the imperialist countries negotiations on world economic questions have not so far produced any tangible result. The Vietnamese people is determined to make its contribution to the struggle of the peoples in the developing countries to do away with all forms of colonialist and neo-colonialist exploitation, to achieve sovereignty over their natural resources and to eliminate all forms of discrimination and all inequality, in order to promote a new type of just and equitable international economic relations.
111.	In this year of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations and the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we are happy to note that despite all the manoeuvres by imperialism and reactionary international forces to reverse the course of history, the forces of peace, national independence, democracy, social progress and socialism continue to develop. The nonaligned movement, which embraces the majority of developing countries, is now stronger than ever and has become an indispensable factor in the struggle by the peoples of the world for peace, security and international cooperation. Its voice and its role in the international arena grow ever greater. Many difficulties and obstacles still await us. However, we are setting out with confidence into the 1980s. The Vietnamese people will spare no effort to make its contribution to the common cause of the peoples of the world.


May I first express my congratulations to President von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session. As a representative of a country which has traditional ties of friendship with the Federal Republic of Germany, it gives me great pleasure to say that this election is a tribute to that country and to its growing contribution to the safeguarding of peace and international co-operation. Personally, as a former colleague, I rejoice that this is also a recognition of Ambassador von Wechmar's exceptional diplomatic skill.
2.	I wish also to express our appreciation to the outgoing President, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, for the excellent and statesmanlike manner in which he presided over the work of the Assembly during the past year.
3.	May I finally say, Mr. Vice-President, that I consider it to be a very happy coincidence that I address the Assembly while you are presiding. I hope this is a good omen for Turkish-Greek relations.
4.	Let me welcome two new Members of our Organization: Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We extend to them our best wishes for progress and prosperity. We are certain that their contribution to the work of our Organization will be extremely valuable.
5.	I speak from this rostrum only a few weeks after the Turkish armed forces took over the administration of the country on 12 September. That move came about as a response to the total paralysis of the political system and of its institutions and processes, and in response to a situation characterized by increasing violence, terrorism and anarchy, as well as by the imminence of civil war. The immediate aim now is to eradicate violence and at the same time to devise new constitutional, electoral and institutional arrangements which will enable a return to civilian rule at the earliest time under a democratic system that would best serve the needs and aspirations of the Turkish people.
6.	In the meantime, the foreign policy of Turkey will remain unchanged. Turkey will continue its attachment to the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and uphold all its treaty commitments. It will seek to develop its relations with the European Economic Community within the framework of an Association Agreement aimed at eventual full membership. Its relations with the Council of Europe will be guided by its dedication to democratic principles and its resolve to return to parliamentary rule. Its ties with the countries members of the Islamic community will be enhanced and it will endeavour to achieve further co-operation among them. It will strive for better relations with all neighbouring countries and pursue vigorously its efforts to settle pending issues with them peacefully.
7.	As we hold the first regular session of the General Assembly in the 1980s, mankind feels deep anxiety over the present world situation, an anxiety compounded by new tensions and eruptions of armed conflict. World peace is becoming increasingly vulnerable as efforts towards a more balanced international order are stalled, the economic crisis deepens and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations are defied. These developments cast an ominous shadow over international peace and security.
8.	In Europe my Government remains truly devoted to the process of detente. Yet we recognize that that process can only remain viable in a climate of mutual confidence and we regret that that climate has deteriorated seriously as a result of events taking place outside Europe.
9.	It has indeed proved impossible to confine detente to one geographical area. Detente by its very nature is indivisible. All countries should therefore act in recognition of that fact and make their contribution to the removal of impediments to the relaxation of tension and restore the process to its previous vitality and dynamism. We should consistently be guided by the awareness that there is no alternative to detente as the basis of a stable peace. In that context we are convinced that the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975 should fulfil an important role in the process of detente and in the conduct of relations among European countries. We hope that the second review session of this Conference, to be held at Madrid in November, will constitute a useful step on the path towards the reinforcement of the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
10.	At a time when our attention is focused on armed conflicts in several parts of the world, on the unabated arms race and on blatant violations of the Charter of the United Nations, disarmament can be seen as a Utopian objective. Yet we know that for the sake of future generations we have no choice but to persevere in the pursuit of general and complete disarmament. We shall not attain that goal in a foreseeable future, but we can strive nevertheless to achieve it gradually. For the decade of the 1980s our agenda should therefore read "arms control".
11.	The United States and the Soviet Union bear special responsibilities in the field of nuclear disarmament. We were gratified by the statement they issued concerning forthcoming discussions at Geneva on the limitation of nuclear arms. We further believe that the SALT II agreement constitutes a significant stage and we urge its early ratification. We further hope that it will be complemented by SALT III negotiations.
12.	We are disappointed by the considerable delay in the conclusion of a treaty on a complete nuclear-test ban. As long as that treaty is not completed, efforts aimed at ensuring the non-proliferation of nuclear arms will not carry the weight and credibility necessary to persuade all countries to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
13.	The SALT process on the one hand, and a ban on all nuclear tests on the other, constitute the basic elements of progress towards a world free from fear of a nuclear holocaust. They constitute furthermore a necessary precondition of other efforts aiming at reducing arms of all kinds.
14.	Detente has come to life in Europe. We sincerely hope that this example will be followed and that the first significant measures of disarmament will also be adopted and implemented on European soil. In this respect we detect some encouraging signs. We hope that the forthcoming negotiations on the stabilization and reduction of intermediate range nuclear missiles and their delivery vehicles will- pave the way for a real process of arms reduction in the continent.
15.	Secondly, the convening of a disarmament conference in Europe, which will have the task of discussing various confidence-building measures among States, might create the necessary climate for further efforts in the field of disarmament.
16.	These two developments will indeed complete the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe, which have in fact been stagnating for a long time. Turkey hopes that there will be a new impetus to the efforts made in all these fields and that the progress achieved on the European continent will encourage countries in other parts of the world to commit themselves to the disarmament process.
17.	The Middle East conflict continues to threaten world peace and security. We are particularly alarmed by recent developments which reflect Israel's intransigence. Israel persists in its policy of establishing settlements in the occupied Arab territories in total disregard of repeated United Nations resolutions and of world public opinion. Recently it provoked widespread indignation by proclaiming Al Quds as the indivisible and eternal capital of Israel. This is an arbitrary and unilateral action which is totally incompatible with the principles of international law.
18.	I need to emphasize that Turkey feels a very strong commitment to Al Quds Al Sharif on historical, spiritual and moral grounds. Al Quds has special significance to all the three monotheistic religions. It has been an Arab and Islamic city for centuries; it will have to remain so.
19.	We note with satisfaction that since the adoption of Security Council resolution 478 (1980) all embassies located in Al Quds have moved out. The whole world has now been duly alerted to the potential clangers involved in the present course of Israeli policy.
20.	As for the Middle East conflict itself, the core of which is the problem of Palestine, we have on several previous occasions, and most recently during the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, on Palestine, reiterated our well-known position.  A comprehensive, durable and just solution of the Middle East conflict should consist of the following elements: withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967, including Al Quds; recognition and realization of the inalienable legitimate rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to establish an independent State; the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Palestine, in all peace efforts on an equal footing with the other interested parties to the conflict; and recognition of the right of each State in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
21.	We should like to emphasize, once again, that Israel cannot attain security by denying to the Arab people of Palestine the right to create its own State. We certainly hope that the international consensus that is evolving towards the recognition of the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine will induce Israel to adopt a realistic and constructive attitude as regards a comprehensive, just and durable solution in the Middle East.
22.	Another source of deep concern in the Middle East is the prevailing situation in Lebanon. The events of recent years, which have caused great suffering in that country, continue to jeopardize its territorial integrity and national unity. The situation in Lebanon is itself inextricably linked with the over-all conflict in the Middle East. Repeated attacks by Israel further aggravate the situation in Lebanon and constitute another serious impediment. We also believe that all parties concerned must co-operate in creating the conditions which would enable UNIFIL to carry out effectively its mandate in southern Lebanon.
23.	We are distressed by the fighting between Iran and Iraq. Both are our neighbours, to which we are bound by traditional ties of friendship, and we can only feel alarmed at the serious situation which has developed in that most sensitive region of the world. It is with these considerations in mind that we support the goodwill mission undertaken on behalf of the Islamic Conference and the efforts of the Secretary-General.
24.	In his inspiring address this morning, the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, General Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq, reported that during his mission he was able to ascertain the views of the two countries in an atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence. We equally welcome resolution 479 (1980) recently adopted unanimously by the Security Council. We particularly note paragraph 3 of that resolution, which calls upon all other States to exercise the utmost restraint and to refrain from any act which may lead to a further escalation and widening of the conflict.
25.	Turkey, as a forerunner in the liberation struggles against colonialism at the beginning of this century, continues to follow the prevailing situation in southern Africa with close interest and concern.
26.	First of all, I should like to note with great satisfaction the historic accession to independence of Zimbabwe and its admission to membership in the United Nations after a long and valiant struggle by its people. This outcome represents a victory for diplomacy, to which the statesmanship of all the parties concerned contributed.
27.	As a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, we believe that the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa must be terminated. We also believe that Walvis Bay is an integral part of the Territory of Namibia. We fully support the people of Namibia in their just struggle to attain self-determination and genuine national independence under the guidance of their legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO].
28.	We hope that Namibia, following the example of Zimbabwe, will soon achieve genuine independence through the implementation of the United Nations plan on the basis of free and democratic elections to be held under the supervision of the United Nations in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. We equally support the view that the international pressure on South Africa should be increased until a final solution of the question of Namibia is reached in accordance with the principles contained in the United Nations plan.
29.	Having institutionalized the abhorrent policy of apartheid, the Government of South Africa continues to be undeterred by the repeated demands of the international community. South Africa persists in its oppressive measures and continues its policy of bantustanization. Those developments further aggravate the situation prevailing in southern Africa. We strongly condemn the policy of apartheid and advocate continued United Nations efforts to eliminate that policy. We are firmly convinced that further effective measures to that end should be adopted against South Africa.
30.	During recent years important events have taken place in South-East Asia. The developments in Kampuchea, with their appalling and disastrous consequences, are a source of serious concern.
31.	We believe that a political settlement of the crisis in Kampuchea should enable the people of Kampuchea to choose their own Government without outside intervention or coercion. The United Nations has already called for such a settlement and asked for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from that country.
32.	We should like to commend the efforts of the international agencies which are trying to alleviate the sufferings of the people of Kampuchea and those of the refugees. We favour the continuation of such humanitarian aid.
33.	We observe with satisfaction that the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], with which we have excellent relations in all fields, constitute a community which not only strengthens economic ties among its members but also makes a contribution as a factor of political stability in the region.
34.	The events in Afghanistan, a country with which Turkey has traditionally enjoyed fraternal relations and wide co-operation, are a source of special and direct concern. We are deeply sensitive to the ongoing tragedy of the Afghan people as well as to the plight of the 1 million Afghan refugees.
35.	A speedy political settlement in Afghanistan is imperative—a settlement which will ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from that country, the cessation of all foreign interference in the affairs of that fiercely independent-minded people and the restoration of their right to self-government.
36.	In line with those objectives, Turkey fully supported General Assembly resolution ES-6/2 adopted nine months ago, as well as the resolution adopted at the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May 1980. Once again we call for their immediate implementation.
37.	It is evident that the world economy is in a deep crisis. The serious slow-down in the average growth rate and un-abatable inflation are symptoms of enduring problems in the industrial countries. The world energy situation greatly compounds this crisis and no country can escape from its effects, irrespective of its level of development or the degree of its dependence on oil.
38.	Oil price rises regularly follow periods of high inflation in the industrialized countries. Such rises bring about inevitable financial stability programmes with deflationary effects, which reinforce recessionary forces. The world economy is thus trapped in a vicious circle of continuous inflation and slow growth.
39.	The non-oil-exporting developing countries are con-fronted with the worst of both worlds. Unpredictable oil price increases and occasional supply uncertainties are added to the steadily rising costs of the essential intermediary and capital goods they import from the industrial world. Notwithstanding partial and temporary recoveries, their terms of trade deteriorate. Their products either face pervasive protectionist practices or are compelled to compete in shrinking markets. Their piled-up debts in this contracting global economy are considered a serious constraint for the further transfer of resources, especially transfers of a non-concessionary nature.
40.	The New International Economic Order, which has the aim of narrowing income differentials between rich and poor countries, appears under the present circumstances a remote prospect. This realization is in sombre contradiction with the urgency of the situation.
41.	In view of the structural nature of the global growth and development problems, partial, parochial and conjectural measures are evidently insufficient. What we need are structural measures conducive to a short-term improvement in the world economy and commensurate with the challenge of the crisis.
42.	The major problem is how to deal with huge deficits in balances of payments. At the national level, countries should unequivocally embark upon financial stability programmes, which will inevitably imply painful structural adjustments. At the international level concerted efforts should be deployed to back up national programmes and help to alleviate inherent social and economic strains.
43.	Nevertheless, individual efforts supported by international assistance cannot be expected to remedy the global crisis. What is needed is to impart a new impetus to world economic growth by utilizing the idle productive capacities in the industrialized countries without increasing inflationary tendencies. We do not entertain any illusion as to the possibilities of raising adequate funds for massive transfers. We know that, in spite of the easy liquidity conditions, an international financial co-operation of the scale required, involving the participation of international banks, countries with surpluses and international monetary authorities, could not readily be organized. Yet the transfer of large- scale resources is imperative. New available resources should be allocated to the creation of viable production capacities in developing countries. For that purpose those countries need capital and sometimes intermediary inputs from developed countries, to which their final products should, at least in part, be exported. That would unavoidably necessitate further world-wide structural adjustments involving well-known difficulties. None the less, it is clear that in the long run those adjustments would serve the interests of both developed and developing countries.
44.	Regarding the global negotiations, we take the view that procedural issues are of secondary significance and that they should not hinder the launching of the negotiating process. The life span of one year envisaged for those negotiations seems to us to be too short to bring about a radical change in the relevant international institutions. It is disappointing that there has been a tendency to reduce the problem to a futile debate on the competence of some specialized agencies.
45.	In that connection, we support the compromise formula worked out by the Chairman of Working Group I of the eleventh special session and we sincerely hope that a consensus will be worked out at this session along those lines. We are concerned that lack of progress in launching global negotiations would inevitably produce serious repercussions and adversely affect the world economy as a whole.
46.	On the other hand we welcome the agreement on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, as well as resolution S-11/4 concerning the least developed countries. I take great pleasure in paying a tribute to those who have actively contributed to those agreements.
47.	Turning now to the question of Cyprus, I should like to express our satisfaction at the recent resumption of the international talks at Nicosia. May I take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts to revive the intercommunal negotiating process on a common basis. As we have already stated on numerous occasions, my Government entirely concurs with the Secretary-General's view that a just and viable solution of the Cyprus problem can be achieved only through negotiations between the two communities in the island.
48.	Therefore, we shall continue to lend our support to the Secretary-General's mission of good offices and to encourage the intercommunal talks with a view to achieving progress towards a final comprehensive solution.
49.	In view of the resumption of the intercommunal talks on the substantive issues on 16 September, it would no doubt have been preferable not to include the question of Cyprus in the agenda of this session. However, we find it encouraging that the General Assembly has, at its 2nd meeting, concurred with the decision of the General Committee to defer the consideration of the allocation of the relevant item to an appropriate time after the conclusion of the general debate. We are of the opinion that all the interested parties, as well as the entire membership, will still have an opportunity to contribute significantly to the conduct of the intercommunal talks in a constructive manner, by avoiding an unproductive debate on this question this year.
50.	The General Assembly must be familiar by now with all the aspects of the Cyprus problem. I need not therefore make a lengthy statement on the subject. However, I should like to reiterate briefly that, in the light of past experience, my Government's view on this issue is based on the principles of justice and equity, namely, on ensuring the fundamental legitimate rights of the Turkish Cypriot community that aspires to live side by side as equal partners with the Greek Cypriot community in the framework of an independent, sovereign, bi-communal and bi-zonal federal State which, we hope, will adopt a policy of non-alignment. The Turkish Government sincerely wishes to see this problem completely eliminated from our agenda in the context of such a solution. We believe that this would also pave the way to better relations and co-operation in the region. The realization of this objective no doubt requires goodwill, understanding and patience on the part of the two negotiating partners, namely, the Turkish and Greek communities of Cyprus.
51.	We hope very much that the resumption of the inter-communal talks in Cyprus marks a turning point, and that this will at last enable the two communities to break with a tormented past, to reconcile their differences and to live in harmony in this beautiful Mediterranean island.
52.	In recent years, the international community has witnessed an alarming escalation of violence. Terrorism has taken a toll of thousands of innocent victims and fundamental rights of individuals and States have been flouted. There seems to have been no community or region which has escaped this ordeal. International terrorism in our time is primarily directed against diplomatic and consular agents. For a number of years missions and diplomats of my country, as well as members of their families, have repeatedly been the targets of inhuman brutality. We fully support the initiative of the Nordic countries that led to the inscription on our agenda of a new item entitled "Consideration of effective measures to enhance the protection, security and safety of diplomatic and consular missions and representatives".
53.	We strongly urge that the United Nations take firm and concrete measures in the course of the present session to counter the global threat against diplomatic and consular agents. All States should unequivocally condemn acts of terrorism wherever and whenever they occur, as an expression of solidarity and determined action. They must intensify measures taken at the national level, promote their bilateral and regional co-operation and exchange information concerning in particular the utilization of new techniques to combat terrorism.
54.	Before I conclude my remarks I should like to recall Kemal Ataturk, whose legacy continues to inspire and guide us in Turkey. The founder and first President of the Turkish Republic stated that "of the two conquerors in the history of mankind, the plough is surely destined to be the ultimate victor over the sword". The Republic of Turkey, very much a creation of Ataturk, remains committed to this dictum.


As I am speaking in the General Assembly for the first time after having assumed the responsibilities of Secretary of State for External Affairs of my country, I should like to ask the President of the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly to accept the best wishes of the Government of the Dominican Republic, through the delegation over which I have the honour to preside.
42.	Mr. President, we are convinced that, with your wisdom and your dedication to the cause of mankind, which is undoubtedly to save the nations of the Organization "from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind", you will guide our efforts towards the most appropriate solutions to the problems before us, which have even reached the Security Council.
43.	I should also like to express to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim our profound appreciation of his praiseworthy efforts during his presidency of the thirty-fourth session and the successive special sessions of the General Assembly.
44.	We are honoured to bid the warmest welcome to the two new Members of the Organization, the Republic of Zimbabwe, a nation which has just ended a long and difficult struggle for its independence, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose participation in the work of the General Assembly will enrich the Group of Latin American States to which it has received a fraternal welcome.
45.	From the earliest days of its independence, the Dominican Republic has on numerous occasions demonstrated heroism, courage and devotion to the rule of freedom despite the trials and tribulations to which we have been subjected throughout our history by the vicissitudes of international politics, from which we have been able to emerge with strengthened independence to the extent that it can be said that we are today perhaps one of the few countries in the world that has recovered, without foreign assistance, its status as a sovereign and independent nation, a status that was lost as a result of armed intervention which undermined its republican institutions, but, despite its duration, did not succeed in extinguishing our national spirit.
46.	Consequently, we have absolute faith that the people of the Dominican Republic has reached such a degree of maturity that the idea of democracy described by Abraham Lincoln, as "government of the people, by the people, and for the people", which has guided it throughout its history is now part of the soul of our nation and is fixed at the core of the defence of our continent.
47.	We are a peace-loving nation which has survived the sudden reversals of fortune of internal politics over the years. Nevertheless we. maintain an unswerving policy of neutrality and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States as the mainstay of our international relations.
48.	It is nevertheless surprising that, in the face of adversity, the idea of freedom has survived in our people which, in addition to being subjected to many adverse historical circumstances, has seen various interventions and two major and long totalitarian dictatorships. But the sons of the nation of the Dominican Republic have preserved in their life as citizens this universal ethical value that is freedom, whose deep roots have never ceased to be nourished by the ideals of the selfless and courageous men who in 1844 fought long and hard to found the Dominican Republic.
49.	We can be proud that for our country freedom means also the rule of law, the inherent right of men, all men without discrimination. Human rights are firmly guaranteed by our institutions. All have the right to God-given bread, in security and dignity. The solidarity of societies and respect for the dignity of men and nations; solidarity in the constant struggle against barbarity and organized cruelty; and, above all, the constant struggle for justice within a pure and simple democracy, without limitation—these constitute the legacy of the Divinity.
50.	Within this broad context of freedom, there exist all the many responsibilities that have been assumed by the present Government of the Dominican Republic—but it cannot be denied that ever since the end of the last dictatorship, which lasted for 30 years until 1961, our nation has been shaped and influenced by those dictatorial policies and a civil war, in an intermediate period which preceded the normality prevailing today.
51.	In contrast, we have now moved towards the rule of law and the mobilization of our citizens to foster the exploitation of all the resources of our country, notwithstanding the hurricanes which struck in 1979 and more recently, hurricane "Allen".
52.	We have come a long way in that direction and we are now laying the foundations for a new agararian policy. We are mobilizing all available resources to speed up development, which should lead to greater economic and financial stability.
53.	We are also expanding international relations with a new vision of closer relations with other nations and a more practical approach to problems, characterized by the signature of bilateral instruments, as is to be expected of a modern society. We are promoting common interests, open markets, reasonable terms to foster joint investments and other similar programmes which should contribute to a better use of labour and the reduction of unemployment in both urban and rural areas.
54.	Furthermore, we are making progress in the communication media, and this is necessary to achieve a bloodless labour revolution, individual security and freedom of the press and all means of expression of thought which is so unlimited that it can appear at times to be excessive, and this is easy to understand when one has experienced limitations on such rights during abnormal periods in the past.
55.	During the past two years of our new Government, we have also become convinced that new trends in international affairs require that States not be bound by the glories of the past or wallow in sterile resentment over negative historical events. Only by meeting that requirement can unprofitable isolation be avoided. Progress must be sought in the opposite direction, by endeavouring to promote international relations of a kind that can open the way to understanding, solidarity and peace among nations.
56.	With this new opening up of our international policies, the Government of the Dominican Republic has entered a new period of its history in which it has realistic friendly relations with the Republic of Haiti, a neighbour of ours with whom we share—perhaps uniquely in the world— dominion over one island.
57.	Encouraged by these new ideas, the island policy that we now have with our sister country has been strengthened with every passing day, and this has created new opportunities for cultural, social and economic exchanges which we hope will lead to the signing of constructive instruments. This will surely lead to the creation of markets more in keeping with the realities of our situation and will provide better opportunities for the achievement of our mutual goals.
58.	Within this economic and commercial pattern, a very promising convention on trade between the two countries has been signed. It includes a free-trade zone which applies to products produced in each country, and many facilities will ensue from that. We have scheduled reductions of import taxes on products which are specifically defined in the first and second lists annexed to that convention. Under the same instrument a permanent commission is established to determine which products will be the subject of negotiations, to propose lists of selected products, and to change the schedule for customs reductions. All this is marked by reasonable flexibility.
59.	No less important is the convention on land transportation, which is to guarantee permanent communications between the supply centres and the consumption centres, and this covers products which are used in trade and is intended to promote friendship among fraternal countries in the spirit of international co-operation.
60.	A new page in the history of our countries began on 30 May 1978, when Antonio Guzman and Jean-Claude Duvalier embraced each other for the first time in Jimani- Malpasse. From that time on our two nations realized that there was nothing to fear and that a new era was dawning— just as another era ended 17 years ago—and it is an era without heroes perhaps but one also without martyrs.
61.	Ever since the first non-indigenous settlers on both sides of the island began to fight for dominion over the island, our peoples had lived in only one of three ways: confronting each other, with their backs turned to each other or on top of each other. That was until the arrival of Antonio Guzman and Jean-Claude Duvalier. Now our two peoples, under the leadership of these two statesmen, have begun a new life: a life of friendship, good will and cooperation, to quote the words, the firm intentions expressed by Antonio Guzman when he welcomed Jean-Claude Duvalier, the President of Haiti, at Jimani-Malpasse.
62.	Friendship, good will and co-operation are the ABC of the foreign policy of President Guzman with regard to Haiti and that of President Duvalier with regard to the Dominican Republic. Instead of confrontation, instead of hostile indifference, there is today, along with a firm desire to work, a determination to live in peace as blood brothers.
63.	These are glad tidings that I bring to the Assembly. The Dominican Republic is no longer an enemy of Haiti, and Haiti has ceased to be an enemy of the Dominican Republic. If we look at the truth, our peoples have never truly been enemies. Those who have been enemies have been a few of the men that have led our peoples. While the powerful of yesterday chose war, those in power today have chosen peace. The gloom that marked relations between the two countries has been replaced by a ray of light. Between the two nations today not only do we have peace, tranquillity and good understanding, but the future is bright.
64.	This great reunion shows that there is no reason for peoples to commit aggression or to destroy themselves in war over problems which could be resolved in a civilized manner. Now with firm steps—although they are often slow ones because of the precariousness of our resources—we are waging an all-out battle against the common enemy of our peoples, the implacable adversary of the developing countries: poverty. It is poverty that prevents us from developing spiritually, politically, economically and socially in human dignity.
65.	We have made these references to our relations with the Haitian people and Government, one of the aspects of our present policy, which is in keeping with the international norms which the Charter of the United Nations advocates within the philosophy of peace keeping, which more than ever requires a concerted solution to disputes and conflicts, in which dialogue must be prominent. It is the best and most effective way in which States can deal with each other in this decade.
66.	In this context, progress has been made, but backward steps also have been taken. Now there is more reason than ever before to act positively, for international terrorism in many forms has been the source of disturbance and has undermined international public order, creating an alarming situation; that phenomenon increasingly is at variance with human rights, which must prevail if we are aware of the implications of a nuclear war—which could be caused by an unbridled arms race—when terrifying weapons of destruction are used which push the outlook for peace further away in our uncertain future.
67.	It is certainly disturbing—for those reasons—that terrorism, far from being in decline, is gaining ground in certain very sensitive areas. For various sociological reasons, it has been more intense. Hence, we must be alert. States must stand together in a common effort to end this violence wherever it may rear its ugly head and create a threat to the States themselves.
68.	In the past few years international terrorism has taken on a particularly heinous form. My delegation is referring to seizures for the purpose of economic exploitation. Frequently the pretext used is the fight for freedom, but that is often not the true purpose. It is mere lust for money. This is an international crime which cannot be justified and cannot remain unpunished.
69.	My country has been tested by such events. They represent a return to savagery which smacks of medieval obscurantism and constitute a challenge and a threat to our country and our institutions.
70.	We have ourselves suffered the unfortunate experience of that form of terrorism that uses as weapons the seizure and holding of hostages, who are the innocent and the defenceless victims of that wanton crime.
71.	Fortunately, our national dignity has remained unscathed by such trials and we have emerged from them without bloodshed. Such would not have been the case had common sense and providence not intervened in a timely manner.
72.	We cannot fail to condemn the repugnant spectacle of human beings held in long captivity in Iran simply because they belong to an institution which is hundreds of years old, the institution of diplomacy that makes possible legal relations among States and without which the world would be uninhabitable.
73.	International instruments that punish and prevent such crimes have been referred to here in the General Assembly. A few years ago, when aircraft were being seized and their passengers exposed to risks, the Dominican Republic and Brazil agreed that such criminal acts must be considered as transgressions of juris gentium because preventive action is difficult.
74.	When we speak of international terrorism in all its forms as a scourge, we cannot fail also to advocate the elimination of certain legal excesses in which States have engaged in order to repress, exceeding the limits of domestic law and affect the rights of others. In that line of thought, our delegation shares the view of those who believe that human rights are absolute.
73. This is not open to challenge; it is enshrined in international law. One of the great achievements of our time is that such rights are a part of juris gentium and they have become part of that law because violations of human rights can lead to conflicts.
76.	For these reasons, the Dominican Republic also advocates the abolition of capital punishment. This must become a norm of law in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and a basic principle in the American Convention on that subject.  Although this form of punishment is generally proscribed, it is permitted exceptionally in those States in which it had existed before the signing of the inter-American instrument. Logic, since the days of the Greeks, has taught us that things cannot be and not be at the same time.
77.	We are pleased to say that the Constitution of our country sets forth in one of its tenets what must one day appear in all international instruments on human rights. It states the following under that heading:
"The inviolability of life.
"As a result, there must be no capital punishment, no torture nor any other penalty or procedure implying the loss or diminution of physical integrity or individual well-being."
78.	This idea underlies the observations the Dominican Republic made concerning the American Convention on Human Rights.
"The Dominican Republic, as it signs the American Convention on Human Rights, hopes to see the death penalty banned and that principle applied generally in the States of the American region, and we hereby reiterate the observations and comments made with regard to the draft Convention and circulated among the delegations of the Council of the Organization of American States on 20 June 1969."
79.	In this area of human rights, our country, despite our untoward experiences in the past both under dictatorship and at other times, has achieved positive goals and will continue to work towards the rule of law.
80.	These considerations would be incomplete were we to fail to recognize that those countries that are still grappling with problems that arise from an insufficient degree of development owing to insufficient economic means must promote education, without which democracy cannot survive. The five freedoms proclaimed in the Pacific region must become a reality. If this is so, we must recognize that the industrialized, fully developed countries, which makeup the established economic institutions, are in duty bound to come to the economic, technological, social and cultural assistance of the developing countries.
81.	This recalls the Declaration of Algiers.  We would add that this must be a commitment, not merely an expression of charity or pity. It is an unchallenged fact that today the economic ills of one State have an inevitable effect on others.
82.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly coincides with the beginning of a new decade, and this has a very special significance for the international economic order. It is particularly significant for the third world countries that are not oil producers, like the Dominican Republic, countries whose Governments are engaged in an all-out battle against poverty in all its forms and are endeavouring to establish a society ruled by social justice and a broader and more equitable distribution of material goods, as well as to promote the enjoyment of the spiritual values so essential to human dignity and representative democracy.
83.	Only a few weeks ago, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was held to consider an international strategy for development; it is to be hoped that its conclusions will be supported by the industrialized countries, including the United States of America, Japan and the European countries. The results of those deliberations will continue to be considered in relation to general rules as well as to the global negotiations so that we may actually begin the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
84.	The countries of the third world base their demands on the fact that the world distribution of income is very unequal and that internal efforts to improve development levels are being obstructed at the international level and are meeting external forces to minimize them. This can clearly be seen in international trade relations. The need for reform goes far beyond the liberalization achieved by the negotiations within GATT. The quota system, systems of safeguards and various forms of restrictions that affect the export of many products from developing to industrialized countries all contribute to this inequality in income distribution throughout the world and have made it impossible to establish a fair level for prices through trade machinery.
85.	The industrialized countries must unhesitatingly recognize that the stabilization of commodity prices represents a reform that will help them as much as the less developed countries. For this reason, the Common Fund for Commodities, as well as the creation of a reserve fund for food grains, will benefit not only the producing but also the consumer countries through a more rational use of resources and the promotion of larger investments.
86.	The violent fluctuations in the price of sugar on the world market is a striking example of the enormous difficulties which periodically beset the economies of countries like the Dominican Republic. These "ups" and "downs" create uncertainties. The 1977 International Sugar Agreement is an instrument filled with good intentions, but its effectiveness leaves much to be desired because price adjustments are not as automatic as one would wish and prices are fixed on the basis of supply, if not by speculation. In the circumstances, our economy, which depends largely on sugar exports, is in a particularly precarious state, which makes it impossible to plan resources. World inflation is making the situation even worse.
87.	Consequently, it is not surprising that refinancing of the external debt looms large in the thinking of the third world countries. While it is difficult to assess the benefits refinancing would bring, it would certainly have a stabilizing effect on the financial markets and make it easier for the debtor countries to adapt'. The external debt of 75 developing countries that do not export oil has increased from $44 billion in 1970 to $146 billion in 1977, and in 15 countries of Latin America alone the debt went from $23 billion to $71 billion during that same period. As the external debt increases considerably, there has been, at the same time, a large rise in private loans and a consequent reduction of official loans; higher interest rates and shorter repayment periods thus have resulted. The industrialized countries must give assistance here to the developing countries in the form of donations and loans on easy terms and with fewer conditions.
88.	International co-operation for development must be extended to other areas of importance such as industrialization, the transfer of science and technology and the more rational use of natural resources, the expansion of agricultural production and the promotion of food production, as well as the protection of the environment.
89.	However, if all these negotiations concerning the inter-national economic outlook are to be productive, it is necessary for the highly industrialized countries to resolve their problems of inflation and the low growth rate of their gross national product. The less developed countries must react to the hostility of the international economic environment— which is marked by protectionist tendencies and increases in the price of petroleum—and the difficulties regarding foreign trade and growing external debts, with all the problems that that implies. For our country, the value of our oil imports this year will amount to $475 million; that is, $172 million more than it was in 1979, as a result of the fact that the average price of a barrel of oil rose from $19.85 to $29.13, although consumption remained the same as during the previous year.
90.	The cost of payment and repayment of our debts in 1980 is estimated at $333 million. Therefore, those two areas alone will absorb approximately 86 percent of our total export earnings, which are estimated at $1,010 million.
91.	The Government of our country, under President Antonio Guzman, in only two years has implemented an economic programme aimed at changing our development pattern and providing incentives for agricultural and livestock development on the basis of agricultural and industrial promotion. Our import substitution programme is expected to increase along with the production and use of our national raw materials and laws that provide incentives for exportation.
92.	We have tried to improve our public finances, eliminate luxury investments and above all concentrate on expanding education, health services, agricultural credits, dynamic agrarian reform, the building of secondary roads and the training of businessmen, in small and medium-sized concerns. We are developing our infrastructure through the construction of highways, irrigation channels and dams and energy development; we are endeavouring to expand promotion of the agricultural sector but an accelerated rate of implementation has been difficult owing precisely to our problems of balance of payment and foreign debt.
93.	Recent statistics have been given by the United Nations and the World Bank showing that during the first years of the present decade 2 billion people—half the people of the world—will suffer from gastrointestinal disease because the water they drink is contaminated. Yet $1 million is being spent every minute on weapons for war.
94.	Many countries destroy food surpluses in order to keep prices high while, at the same time, four fifths of mankind is suffering from hunger and malnutrition, and does not have the basic domestic appliances to make life bearable.
95.	I should like to repeat here what so many others have said here and in other forums, namely, that the enemy of peace, the one truly responsible for human misery, fanning the fire of revolution, is injustice in the broadest sense of the word, which is the abuse of authority and the exploitation of man by man. In international relations there are vastly different standards for judging others from the standards which we use to judge ourselves.
96.	William Bowdler, Under-Secretary for Inter-American Affairs in the Sub-Committee on Inter-American Affairs, speaking before the Foreign Relations Committee of the House of Representatives, reflected the thoughts of Morgen- thau when he said: "The real question confronting the foreign policy of the United States ... is not how to preserve stability in the face of the revolutionary process but rather how to create stability as a result of revolution".
97.	In my country development has been slow but it has been inexorable as the result of a genuine revolution which has gone through stages. It is a revolution through evolution. We have a Government that respects human rights. There are no limitations to free expression, except those imposed by law. Freedom of movement is a reality. There are no political prisoners. No one is persecuted for his ideas. There are no exiles. No one simply disappears. We have life in a genuine democracy and there is absolute freedom within order. We have therefore "created" our own "stability" of which Morgenthau spoke. We have done our part regarding what has been "confronting the foreign policy of the United States". Thus, we have the right—and we have that right- to our guaranteed stability.
98.	When Mr. Bowdler accepted the change and said it was "natural and inevitable", he was merely adjusting his watch in time with history. When he said that peace and democracy in our region require fundamental political and socio-economic reforms which promote the well-being and strengthen the rights of the individual, he was formulating a thesis that his country can help to bring about in reality. Change and reform will serve no useful purpose if our countries receive the same unjust treatment that the powerful reserve for subjugated peoples.
99.	The oil problem, which hangs like a sword over our heads, is a matter that must be dealt with by those who have the good fortune to be oil producers.
100.	A new vision in our commercial relations has appeared; a new, more modern approach to justice and equity is needed.
101.	If political experiments which have been translated into reality, as in the Dominican Republic, have no immediate success, we run the risk that the enemy forces that beset us will sweep us away. There are some demagogues, who affirm that democracy has already performed its historic function and that the path of the vote is the path of suicide,
102.	The peoples of the world love freedom so much, men have such an elevated concept of freedom that in my country everyone is very well aware of the precarious state in which we have been left by the forces of nature and by the devastation caused by those who went before us, and now we are working for the full enjoyment of those values of which we have spoken. The people realize with every passing day that the man whom it has chosen to guide its destiny is multiplying his efforts and will never rest until the most humble Dominican has been rescued from misery, ignorance and sorrow.
103.	But the old economic disorder persists and in countries like mine, after centuries of struggle and after the people have succeeded in securing respect for their wishes, now offers us no more than freedom without bread, without adequate housing, without health and without equitable distribution.
104.	If we are to speak truly of equitable distribution of the wealth of our country, it is necessary for us to speak of equitable distribution of the profits produced by our wealth for the powerful countries.
105.	We must put an end to the imbalance which exists between the enterprises and those employed by enterprises. Once the labour of the workers ceases to be a mere input in large landholdings and in industry to acquire the status that it has in certain powerful countries, then can we speak of respect for human rights, of dignity for human beings.
106.	Without equality there can be no fraternity, no good will. Without justice man's enthusiasm and the enthusiasm of peoples for solidarity in moments of misfortune and rejoicing in times of triumph will not be aroused.
107.	Aristotle said, nearly four centuries before the birth of Christ, that inequality is always the cause of revolutions. And according to the same philosopher there is inequality when those who are the victims of revolutions are not compensated.
108.	But there is also inequality when, among those who contribute to the exploitation of wealth, there exists a great difference in the distribution of that wealth. There is inequality when the greatest wealth of a country is acquired by someone else for speculative purposes and when the true owners of the riches are left in a state of poverty. There is inequality when what is paid in terms of interest is greater than what is received in terms of loans. There will be inequality as long as our tourists are not given the treatment they deserve and as long as our citizens are not treated as masters in their own homes.
109.	We need a vigorous energy policy such as has been launched by our President in the face of the oil crisis. For this reason studies have already begun on turning our oil- burning thermo-electric plants over to coal; research work has been started on the drying of cane pulp by solar energy to increase power capacity; we are carrying out feasibility studies on the building of a 100 megawatt electrical plant, also using solar energy; and we have intensified the search for oil in various parts of the country, and among other important studies, we are developing hydraulic energy.
110.	All these efforts are designed to promote a more just and equitable society, where political democracy is based on social justice, equal opportunity and the elimination of differences between the poor and the rich. This is the greatest contribution that our country can make to the new international economic order and, in particular, to solving the problems of the Caribbean, which traditionally has been the scene of abrupt political change.
111.	We should like to make a few comments regarding the situation in the Middle East, which is a highly sensitive area of conflict. In recent months the picture in that area has become even more gloomy.
112.	As a Member of our world Organization, the Dominican Republic took part in the deliberations which led to the creation of the State of Israel. The basis of that historic act was the principle in the Charter on the self-determination of peoples. We share the view that creation of that nation was based on international law. We never failed to recognize all that the Holy Scriptures grant the people of Israel.
113.	As a participant in the Inter-American Conference on the Problems of War and Peace, held at Mexico City in 1945 when the Allied Powers saw the end of the Second World War approaching and the spirit of the Yalta agreements inspired the international community re Dominican Republic was anxious to support new visions of a more peaceful world.
114.	This spirit also prevailed at the San Francisco Conference and in the debates which led to the signing of the Charter of the United Nations, which for so many years has prevented the scourge of total war and helped to preserve peace.
115.	Therefore, when considering the right of Israel to survive as a sovereign State established in accordance with the principle of the self-determination of peoples, we cannot but honour the commitment imposed by the principles of the Charter.
116.	For those reasons, we have lent our reasonable support to Israel whenever the legitimacy of that State has been challenged. For the same reasons, our country recognizes the right of the Palestinian people, without diminishing the right to existence of a people which, like Israel, has participated in the great work of peace.
117.	We think that this is a just and legitimate position and we consider that peaceful means should be used to settle the situation in the Middle East. With equal conviction we view the Camp David agreements as a firm step towards peace in the Middle East, in an atmosphere of tranquillity and mutual respect and under the rule of law. In this way the States involved can live within permanent, secure and guaranteed borders.
118.	The Dominican Republic, which has survived the vicissitudes of history and has always observed a policy of neutrality, believes that this is the right policy for small countries, especially developing countries, within the frame-work of independent sovereign democracy. Thus we cannot fail to mention Afghanistan, which is a member State of the third world movement to which we belong.
119.	Because we cherish peace, we deplore the abnormal situation which has occurred there in violation of the fundamental norms of international law and the demands of peace which justify the existence of the United Nations. Consequently we believe that the situation in Afghanistan must return to the status quo ante, and by peaceful means.
120.	For the same reasons, which are in keeping with the universal principles of the free nations of the world, the Government of the Dominican Republic hopes that the machinery available to the Organization will make it possible to stop the conflict between the neighbouring countries of Iran and Iraq, countries with the maturity of many centuries of experience, in order to prevent the outbreak of a total war.
121.	We say this in a spirit of the strictest neutrality.
122.	Let me sum up by saying that in respect for human rights and for the Organization we have an obligation to build a more just world in peace. This is what was said by His Holiness Pope John Paul II in Santo Domingo, the oldest capital in the Americas:
"We must see to it that there are no children who are without sufficient nutrition, without education or training; we must ensure that there are no young people who lack suitable training, that there are no peasants without land and unable to live in dignity; we must see to it that workers are not mistreated, that their rights are not violated; we must see to it that there are no systems allowing the exploitation of man by man, or by the State; there must be no corruption; there must be none who through no fault of their own have nothing while others enjoy super-abundance; there must be no broken, disunited, insufficiently cared-for families; no one must be without the protection of the law; the law must protect everyone equally; force must not prevail over truth and law, but truth and law must prevail over force; we must ensure that economic and political considerations never prevail over humanitarian considerations."