 It is a particular pleasure to
congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. His outstanding diplomatic skills and great experience in foreign affairs, as
wet as his long association with the work of the United
Nations, will considerably facilitate our difficult task
during the weeks ahead and greatly contribute to the
successful conclusion of this session.
181. I also wish to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Imre
Hollai, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary,
our sincere thanks and high appreciation for his tact,
political understanding and tireless personal efforts In
conducting the affairs of the General Assembly over the
past year.
182. I should further like to welcome most cordially the delegation of the new Member State, Saint Christopher and Nevis, and express our hopes for close and fruitful co-operation.
183. The thirty-eighth session takes place against the
background of a serious international situation. The
danger of nuclear war casts a dark shadow over the future
of mankind. Perennially unresolved conflicts bring untold
suffering to many regions of the world. They are often
exacerbated by super-Power rivalry. The
structural imbalances of the global economy, it conjunction with the present economic crisis, condemn the greater
part of humanity to a life of poverty and want. Increasing
disregard of human rights, persistent racial discrimination
and the repression of people: struggling for their national
rights weigh heavily on the conscience of mankind.
184. The stakes are the highest and progress is most
urgently required in the area of arms control and disarmament. Tate development of weapons technology combined with changes in strategic thinking threaten to
undermine the already precarious balance of terror and
increase the risk of nuclear war. These dangerous trends
affect the security of all States and all peoples. We
therefore believe that everyone and every Government
must participate in the struggle against the nuclear threat.
In many parts of the world, mass movements are gathering strength and demanding an end to the neuter arms build-up.
Austria, a stall neutral country situated between
the two military bios in the most highly armed region
of the world, naturally shares the concerns and ideals of
the peace movement. The ultimate responsibility for
halting the nuclear arms race, however, rests squarely
with the nuclear-weapon States. Austria appeals urgently
to the United States and the Soviet Union to exercise in
their talks at Geneva the necessary political will to conclude genuine and substantial disarmament agreements.
Let us transform the balance of terror into a balance of
reason.
186. After long and arduous negotiations, conducted
under difficult international conditions, the Madrid
follow-up meeting to the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe was concluded successfully. The
decisions at Madrid have father developed the 1975 Final
Act of Helsinki. They constitute a code for building a
more constructive and stable relationship between East
and West. In spite of the deep crisis in East-West rotations
and the ever-accelerating arms race, all participants in the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe,
including the big Powers, have demonstrated their interest
in continuing the process of detente. Austria will spare
no effort in contributing actively to the success of this
process. We note with satisfaction that the next follow-
up meeting will take place at Vienna In 1986.
187.	The conclusion of the Madrid meeting proves that
sincere negotiating efforts can succeed. Its example must
be followed in other areas, in particular disarmament
negotiations, on the success or failure of which rests the
survival of mankind. Apart from the ongoing negotiations, the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, which
will begin In January 1984 at Stockholm, wilt offer the
best opportunity in this regard. Of course, this requires
at cast a minimum of good will and mutual confidence.
188.	The tack of these pre-conditions was demonstrated
only recently in a frightening manner by title shooting
down of a civilian airliner. The Austrian Government
unequivocally condemns this act. The international community justly demands a thorough investigation of the
circumstances which led to this catastrophe and the punishment of those responsible, as well as appropriate
compensation to the families of the victims. We also
believe that effective intimation measures will have to
be taken to prevent the recurrence of sue a horrible
event.
189. The United Nations has an important role to
play in the disarmament process. The negotiations in
the Committee on Disarmament, title deliberations on
arms limitation in other organs and the efforts to build
public support for disarmament should be intensified
and expanded. During this Genera Assembly session
the Austrian delegation wilt pursue its initiative concerning measures to facilitate objective information on the
military strength of States. The availability of objective and reliable information would enhance confidence
between States and promote the conclusion of disarmament agreements.
190. White the cost of arms race reached $800 billion
in 1982, the lives of two thirds of mm kind are still dominated by poverty and hunger. One tenth of the annual
expenditure on armaments would be enough to finance
the annual debt servicing of at developing countries.
After years of recession 'he prospects for an economic
recovery have finally improved, but the upswing is as yet
initiated to a few industrialized nations and even they do
not know how long it will last. It will there/ore be of
crucial importance that these trends be transformed into
a sustained recovery for all.
9. 1 is convinced that stabilizing factors for a world-
wide and lasting economic recovery must be created or
recreated, The growth of world trade and production can
be built only upon the foundation of predictable exchange
rates, open markets unimpeded by protectionism, a balanced development of prices for commodities and industrial goods and a step-by-step increase of resource
transfers from the "haves" to the "have-nots". How to
create these conditions, these confidence-building
measures, for the world economy should be discussed
globally. Without a commonly accepted target, no realty
fruitful sectoral decision can be made. Laissez-faire is
passed. To leave the poorest to the ups and downs of
economic power play is as inhuman as it is counterproductive.
192. Peace and well-being can be assured only if at
countries in all regions share more equitably in the worlds
economic progress, Austria is firmly convinced of the
necessity of the North-South dialogue and for its part
will continue to Increase the scope of its development
co-operation.
193. Austria believes that the observance and promotion
of human rights constitute not merely an abstract principle but also practical policy. Such a policy assumes even
greater importance in a world beset by armed conflicts,
political upheavals and economic crises. Therefore all
those individuals and movements that fight against oppression and the denial of their rights everywhere in the
world may count on Asia’s friendship.
194. in spite of the coexistence of clear legal norms,
grave violations of human rights occur every day in many
parts of the world. We continue to witness unjustified
arrests, torture, arbitrary executions, religious intolerance
and political persecution.
195.  The forthcoming thirty-fifth anniversary of the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
should provide the occasion for all States truly to put into
practice the full observance of human rights to which we
have all committed ourselves. The United Nations has an
important role to play in this context. In our view this
role should be strengthened and further developed so as
to ensure the effective international protection of human
rights.
196.	The international situation is characterized by
many regional conflicts.
197.	The Middle East continues to be one of the most
dangerous crisis areas of the world. The implications
of this conflict transcend the confines of the region.
World peace and international security are nowhere more
directly threatened than in the Middle East. The human
and humanitarian dimension of this conflict must not be
overlooked either. Every day the cycle of hatred, repression and the use of force claims more victims and creates
new obstacles to peace.
198.	The past year has not brought us closer to a set-
statement of the Middle East problem. Lebanon is still
occupied by foreign troops and threatened by civet war.
Israel pursues its settlement policy on the West Bank
leading towards a tacit annexation of those territories.
This policy is in contravention of international taw
and runs counter to any peaceful solution of the Middle
East conflict. The action of tots Extract Government is
increasingly resulting in a serious deterioration in the
economic and social situation of the Palestinian populations. It thus gives rise to deep concern for humanitarian
reasons as wait.
199.	Peace efforts in the Middle East have at present
come to an ominous stalemate. Many of those involved
seem to pursue short-term and narrowly defined national
interests, regardless of the dangerous implications for
overall development in the region. Austria strongly believes that this attitude must be changed and replaced by
a sincere effort to bring about a just solution. Such a
settlement can be achieved only through negotiations and
dialogue. We reject unequivocally the use of force and
alt acts of terrorism, from whatever side,
200.	Austria's position on the principles of a just and
comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem
remains unchanged. The right of at States in the region,
including Israel, to exist within secure and recognized
boundaries must be respected. The Palestinian question
is at the core of the Middle East problem. As underlined
at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held recently at Geneva, a solution requires recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people,
including the right to its own State. Austria shares the
view that the PLO, as the representative of the Palestinians, must participate in all negotiations. The acquisition
of territories by force is unacceptable. Israel must therefore withdraw from all territories occupied since 1967,
including Jerusalem.
201.	The restoration of fuel sovereignty and territorial
integrity to Lebanon constitutes an essential element of
a comprehensive peaceful settlement. No foreign troops
should remain in Lebanon without the consent of the
Lebanese Government. At efforts must be made in Lebanon to bridge the internal divisions and to achieve
national reconciliation. Like those directly suffering from
civil war in Lebanon, we are glad that a cease-fire could
be implemented, but a political solution must follow
immediately. Only on such a basis will it be possible to
rebuild a peaceful and independent Lebanon. But this
objective too can be reached only if we succeed in finding
a aerate solution for those Palestinians living in Lebanon. Where should they go This question is a further?
example of the fact that the core proem of the Middle
East conflict is the question of Palestine. Unless the
Palestinian people can exercise its national rights, there
can be no lasting peace, either in Lebanon or in any other
part of the region.
202.	The war between Iran and Iraq has entered its
fourth year. The loss of human life and the waste of
resources have reached staggering proportions. Austria
appeals to both parties to cease this senseless struggle and
to seek a peaceful settlement of their dispute. We watermen
and support at mediation efforts that may contribute to
this end.
203.	The armed intervention in Afghanistan continues
to cause immense human suffering and is a serious threat
to the stability of the entire region. This persistent violation of fundamental principles of the Charter of the
United Nations also constitutes a major obstacle to the
improvement of East-West relations. Austria urges all
parties to support the mediation efforts by the Secretary General and his special representative and to muster the
necessary polities will to achieve agreement on those key
elements whet still remains unsolved.
The Kampuchea problem is another matter of
serious concern. Here the past year has brought certain
signs of greater flexibility, but at the same time the military occupation, tit use of force, the misery of refugees
and the dental of title basic human rights have continued
unabated. Austria remains convinced that only negotiations between ail parties to title conflict on the basis of
the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the International Conference on Kampuchean can idea to a Just
settlement which could ensure a better future for the
severely tried Kampuchea people.
205.	Tate situation in Cyprus underlines the urgency of
a comprehensive negotiated settlement. Respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and compete withdrawal of the occupying forces constitute, in
our view, an essential basis for such a settlement. Austria
still considers the talks between the two communities to
be the best means to stave their problems between themselves. We fruity appreciate and support the efforts undertaken in that regard by the Secretary-Genera "tad his
special representative.
206.	The people of Namibia are still waiting for their
independence. Four years of work on the basis of Security
Council resolution 435 (1978) have led to a large degree
of agreement on the details and the incrimination of
the transition plan. Elements which, in our view, do not
have direct relevance to the independence of Namibia
must not impede that process. We strongly support the
Secretary-Genera’s efforts to break the deadlock and
finally to bring about the implementation of the United
Nations pain for Namibia.
207.	The underlying cause for the crisis situation in
southern Africa is the policy practised by the
South African Government. Austria unequivocally condemns the	system as an abhorrent violation of
human rights and human dignity. Only a profound transformation of South Africa into a free, democratic and
multiracial society could bring genuine stability to the
south of Africa, ft. is indispensable that this process be
initiated without delay. Only in that way can it be peacefully concluded, as we hope it will be.
208.	The continuing serious situation in Central America matter of deep concern to Austria. We consider
this crisis closely related to the profound soda change
this region is undergoing. Exploitation, injustice and
repression throughout centuries are the root causes of the
current proteins. Arty approach to the central American
crisis which reduces it or primarily to a matter of
East-West confrontation or to a question of spheres of
influence or competing ideologies without aggravate the
situation. A settlement cannot be it posed front outside
or by the use or threat of use of force. It must be reached
through free negotiations between all parties directly
concerned. Austria welcomes, in particular, the efforts
by the Contadora Group. Self-determination, non-interference, respect for the territorial integrity of States, the
obligation not to use the territory of a State for acts of
aggression against another, the peaceful settlement of
disputes and the prohibition of the use and threat of use
of force are indeed title only principles on which a stable
and lasting solution can be based.
209.	Austria how always put special emphasis on a pock
of good-neighbourliness. Over title past year Austria has
been able to improve and deepen co-operation with all
its neighbours, irrespective of their social and political
systems.
210.	It our good-neighbourly and friendly relations
with Italy present the problem of South Tyrol has a special place.
The resolutions of General Assembly led to an
agreement between Austria and Italy on a new framework
of autonomy for South Tyrol. Among its important
provision there is that on the use of the German language and
the establishment of an autonomous section in Boxed of
the Administrative Court are of special significance for
the preservation of South Tyrolean ethnic group.
Despite the agreement in principle reached months ago
between the Government and the minority concerned, decisions relating to these important measures have still not been enacted. Austria is aware that this is
parity due to recent political developments in Italy. However, Austria views with a certain concern the met that
competence already transferred to the Province of Bonze
has again been eroded by national legislative measures
and that acts adopted by the provincial legislature are
increasingly rejected by the authorities in Rome. These
measures have added considerably to the anxiety and
concern already experienced by the population of South
Tyrol because of the delay in the implementation of the
autonomy provisions. Prime Minister Benedetto Croix
has stated recently that the two provisions just mentioned
will be implemented in the coming months. The Austrian
Federal Government expects this promise to be fulfilled
as soon as possible. We are confident that this would
create an important pre-condition of early, generally
acceptable attainment of autonomy in South Tyrol.
211.	in addressing the critical problems of today's
international situation States have two basic options: they
can exploit the existing problems in the pursuit of short-
term national interests or they can seek to solve them
through co-operation in the long-term interest of the
international community as a whole. This second alternative was outlined 38 years ago in the Charter of the
United Nations. The Organization's founders lay down
the fundamental rules of co-operation among States and
created institutions to translate these primaries into a
more peaceful and humane world order.
212.	The ideas and Easter approaches of the Charter are
as valid today as they were in the past. Yet in our increasingly complex and divided world, the Mute of purpose
which was still present in the aftermath of the most?
terrible war in human history is waning. Today, violations
of the precepts of the Charter proliferate. The collective security system remains unimplememnted.
The Security Council, the primary organ for the maintenance of peace,
often fails to take decisions on many of the most crucial
issues. In cases where resolutions are adopted they are
often ignored by the parties to the conflict. Again and
again Member States circumvent United Nations institutions or misuse them for their partisan interests. Despite
the great services the United Nations continues to provide,
and in spite of its great potential to contribute to human
progress, we have to recognize that the system of multilateral diplomacy is in a serious state of crisis.
23. The Secretary General, in his annual report
has convincingly analysed this crisis and highlighted the grave danger emanating from it for the fate
of mankind. His renewed urgent appeal for a collective
recommitment to the principles of the Charter meets with
General Assembly.
The United Nations is, after all, the only
forum for the military powerless.
Not yeast because of the role of Vienna as one of
the United Nations, Austria
fees a particular commitment to the objectives of the
Charter end is prepared to make an active contribution
to the strengthening of the United Nations as a truly
effective instrument for peace, freedom and justice.


1.	 I extend to you, Sir, my delegation's very sincere congratulations on your outstanding election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You succeed Mr. Imre Hollai, a distinguished representative of Hungary, who guided the work or the thirty-seventh session so effectively.
2.	In you, Mr. President, we recognize not only an astute statesman and an accomplished diplomat whose career testifies to his commitment to the causes of the poorest and weakest countries, but also the representative of Panama, that country friendly with mine whose actions at the international level always provide evidence of a fervent dedication to the guiding principles of international relations, in particular those of self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. There can be no doubt that under your wise guidance the thirty-eighth session will be a milestone for the Organization.
3.	I take this opportunity also to say how happy my delegation is about the admission of Saint Christopher and Nevis as the 158th Member of the United Nations and to express again to its delegation the readiness of the People's Republic of the Congo to promote mutually advantageous co-operation between our two countries and our peoples.
4.	Throughout this session eminent heads of State or Government, responding to the wish expressed at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March, and by its Chairman, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, have spoken from this rostrum to draw the attention of the international community to the serious problems which are proliferating throughout the world. Many of those problems arise in Africa, and it is about them that I wish to express the concern of the People's Republic of the Congo.
5.	Prominent among the frustrations which have dashed the hopes of the African peoples is the question of southern Africa. The solution of the problem of Namibia has been deliberately torpedoed by part of the Western contact group which has sided with South Africa by introducing into the negotiations with the South West Africa Peoples Organization and the front-line States conditions which are totally extraneous to the spirit and letter of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
6.	The right to independence of the Namibian people is not merely peremptory, considering the special responsibility assumed by the United Nations in respect of that colonial Territory, but also an indispensable element for promoting lasting peace in southern Africa.
7.	Thus there are no grounds for the establishment of any link between the presence or absence of Cuban troops in Angola and the implementation of the provisions of the United Nations plan of action, or for any other false pre-conditions, such as the guarantee of the impartiality of this Organization, much less the guarantee of neutrality that the Republic of South Africa seeks to obtain from Namibia before the people of that country is allowed to exercise the full range of its inalienable rights.
8.	Hence we are determined to continue to support any collective effort to resolve the situation in Namibia in order to secure the total withdrawal of South Africa from the whole of Namibia, including Walvis Bay, the Penguin Islands and all the other offshore islands, as well as the unconditional withdrawal of the Pretoria troops from Angolan territory, part of which they occupy with, apparently, the complicity of certain Powers.
9.	It is the guaranteed impunity which enables racist South Africa blithely to pursue its criminal policy of  rationalization of apartheid . To the frenetic establishment of bantustans it now wishes to add a bogus constitutional reform which would divide the majority of the people by conferring on Indians and Coloureds a dubious representation which it denies to the majority black population.
10.	We hope that no effort will be spared to put an end to this masquerade, which has lasted all too long and the price of which is paid every day by the front-line States, in particular, Angola, Lesotho, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
11.	While the South African tragedy continues, defying all the principles of law and justice, another tragedy has arisen in the centre of Africa with the deterioration of the situation in Chad. There has been a lot of fuss and manoeuvring on this subject, giving the problem of Chad an international dimension and an ideological element for which the people of Chad have no use.
12.	Last August, at Brazzaville, several heads of State and Government of central Africa, in the presence of Colonel Mengistu Haile-Mariam, the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, set down in a statement which was distributed in the Security Council the basic principles for a solution to the tragedy of Chad. They proposed negotiations as basic action, recommending a cease-fire rather than the continuation of the fratricidal war, followed by the withdrawal of all foreign military forces from Chad, and respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Chad.
13.	As has been stated by President Denis Sassou-Nguesso, the Congo does not believe in a military solution to the problem or in the illusion that it is possible for one group alone to govern Chad. So far this has led only to a dangerous pendulum movement, arbitrarily favouring the periodic domination of one group by another, as the result, constantly called into question, of the use of arms. In our opinion, the only solution to this tragedy of the brother people of Chad lies in the reconciliation of the sons and daughters of that country in order to combine their efforts to bring about national reconstruction.
14.	It is towards that end, and that end alone, that all efforts should be directed by those that claim to be the
friends of the people of Chad and guarantors of its security. For we believe the degree of concern for Chad is not measured by the amount of weapons and munitions supplied to that country for its self-destruction but by the quantity and quality of economic and human assistance granted, which is the only evidence of the respect and friendship felt for Chad and its proud and worthy people.
15.	It is encouraging at this point to see already signs of the commitment of the Organization of African Unity tQ4U] to carry out its rightful task in respect of Chad with a view to restrict the tragic situation of that country and its people to its true dimensions.
16.	Hence we can but support all efforts in that direction made by those who, at the international level, can truly contribute to the success of efforts to achieve the goal of national reconciliation, with strict respect for the sovereignty of the country and the dignity of its people.
17.	Given the many affinities between the peoples of the Congo and Chad, my country expresses its willingness to participate in such action as far as it is able.
18.	My delegation feels similar concern with regard to the situation in Western Sahara. Instead of providing excuses year after year for the worsening of the situation, the Moroccan Government should seek to create the best possible conditions for the organization of a fair and equitable referendum whereby the Saharan people could exercise their right to self-determination.
19.	The OAU already has a committee whose mission is to monitor the implementation of OAU resolutions, in particular the one adopted at the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity.
20.	Africans have a duty to ensure that this referendum is meaningful and to find an appropriate solution to this conflict which has recently threatened the very existence of the OAU. We also ask that the United Nations assist the OAU so as to ensure the full success of efforts to resolve the problem of Western Sahara.
21.	As the years have passed, the crisis in the Middle East has reached its most critical state of tension. The absurdity of such a development is undoubtedly encouraged by two extremely negative factors. First, there is the refusal of Israel and those supporting it to recognize the Palestinian fact and to draw there from the necessary conclusions; secondly, there is the internal interference which, under the pretext of miracle solutions, merely further complicates the situation, which  s viewed only from the point of view of spheres of influence and so- called vital interests.
22.	Among the adverse consequences of this state of affairs are the continuing occupation by Israel of territories that do not belong to it; the alteration of the human and material structure of what should be the Palestinian homeland; the disorganization of Lebanon, whose sovereignty and the integrity have been flouted; and, finally, the massacres, the genocide and the desolation.
23.	Since the question of Palestine is the central element of the overall situation in the Middle East my country endorses the conclusions of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September, and especially the appeal for an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned—in particular the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], as well as of all the great Powers which have any influence at all in the affairs of the region.
24.	In order to guarantee the integrity and authority of such a conference the United Nations should sponsor it through the Security Council, which has the necessary powers.
25.	Is it not failure to use this pre-eminent instrument for promoting peace, which is the United Nations, that has led certain Powers—overestimating their capacity as peacemakers and blithely confusing might and wisdom, selfish ambitions and the general interest—to become more like aggressors at the very time when they think they are serving peace?
26.	In this regard our questions are the same as those asked by the Secretary-General, who again this year, in his report on the work of the Organization J[y4/?d/7], has highlighted the dangers of the growing disaffection of some States for the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations to which they have all subscribed.
27.	Further evidence of this danger is given by the threats inherent in the situation in Central America. It is clear that as long as social peace is not encouraged in most of the countries in the region by a speedy response to the most elementary aspirations of the peoples concerned, and as long as the tragedy of the exploited social classes is analysed in terms of the cold war or ideological influences, we are right to fear a worsening of the situation and an extension of the conflicts, which the demonstrations of military power one sees in the region will do nothing to help resolve.
28.	The initiatives and efforts of the Contadora Group are clear evidence of the ability of the countries of the region to resolve their differences themselves through dialogue and negotiation. To us those efforts testify to faithfulness to the basic principles of international law concerning mutual respect, non-interference and the non- use of force.
29.	The Congo hopes that those principles will prevail in settling the question of the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands, in ending the blockade of which Cuba is a victim and in removing the pressures being applied against Nicaragua, Grenada and Suriname. My country also hopes that the progress in the talks between Guyana and Venezuela, which has brought agreement on the procedure to be followed, will lead to a final solution to the border problem between those two countries.
30.	I express similar wishes with regard to the situation in Asia, where we believe the main requirements for international peace and security are understanding between the great peoples of China and the Soviet Union and peaceful coexistence between the peoples of Indo-China and their neighbours.
31.	By supporting the Secretary-General's efforts, the Soviet Union, China and other Powers can play an extremely positive role in creating a climate favourable to clearing up the misunderstandings in Afghanistan and those artificially sustained with regard to Kampuchea.
32.	In our view, the international community has no choice but to assist all those peoples, which are linked by culture and history, to promote conditions favourable to the restoration of peace in this important region.
33.	Only regional co-operation, particularly by those concerned, can reduce the constant danger of locking East and West in confrontation that is inherent in certain problems that are incorrectly viewed, such as the Korean question. For the peaceful settlement of this question, we see no alternative to the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula and the ending of manoeuvres intended to intimidate, in order to make possible a direct dialogue between the sons of the Korean homeland themselves.

34.	If there remains one field in which the most insidious dangers are accumulating unceasingly, it is that of international economic relations.
35.	Because of the acute manifestations of the crisis afflicting us, the end of which is scarcely in sight, uncertainty about the future is becoming a basic element in the lives of hundreds of millions of men and women throughout the world. The disruptions in the world economy are severe, and the panic, tension and aggression they engender in people who are deprived and driven to despair are threatening.
36.	My delegation gives a cautious welcome to the first indications, albeit uncertain, of economic recovery seen in certain advanced capitalist countries. However, in the field we see no real change of policy. On the contrary, we are continuing to experience a growth in well-known recessionary factors, particularly in the developing countries, as is borne out by the World Bank in its most recent reports.
37.	The shocking selfishness of the rich countries remains the unshakable basis on which many developed countries believe they should perpetuate their own anachronistic views of the international economic order. This attitude was recently highlighted by the disappointing failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, at a time when there is hesitation with regard to the launching of global negotiations.
38.	There is no need to give further proof of the pains that some developed countries are taking to resist any change intended to give our planet a little more solidarity.
39.	In stressing in its conclusions the need to adjust and strengthen relations between North and South, the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries was only expressing the conviction of the developing countries in this respect. My delegation repeats this appeal, while requesting those developed countries that are tempted to abuse their positions of power to resolve to lift the outdated protectionist barriers which are paralyzing the sound development of trade and uncontrollably perpetuating bottlenecks that have the most adverse consequences.
40.	It is certainly the clever transnational corporations that take advantage of this situation, just as it is the imperialist States that hasten to indulge all forms of economic aggression, blackmail and other coercive practices against the weakest countries in order to maintain and increase their profits.
41.	But our countries will not rest until we see put into effect, in the name of equity and solidarity, the just proposals made in many national and international forums to establish improved structures and rules that can protect the fortunes of everyone in all circumstances.
42.	The strategy formulated at New Delhi gave pride of place to the speedy convening of an international conference on monetary and financial matters, with universal participation, to examine the possibility of reforming the international system in these fields. Once again the ball is in the developed countries' court.
43.	We intend to do everything in our power to see that there is, as an indispensable way to improve the present situation stronger and more extensive co-operation between the developing countries in order to reach the goal of collective self-reliance, without which the resources and energies of the third world will always experience a fate unworthy of the capabilities of the human genius.
44.	The complexity of the problems and the meagre progress made in solving them appear clearly to have given rise to lethargy and alarming scepticism which sorely test the creative imagination of mankind and the effectiveness of the machinery for the settlement of conflicts and the easing of tensions.
45.	Thus it is that in the sphere of disarmament the dialogue of the deaf engaged in by the nuclear superpowers has led to a genuine headlong rush reflected today in the allocation of more than $750 billion to weapons, to the disturbing popularization of a theory holding that a limited nuclear war is possible and, worse, to the frenzied militarization of outer space.
46.	This absurd diversion of energy, determination and intelligence to irrational ends is often carried out, unfortunately, without the agreement of the peoples themselves, for inadequate mobilization holds them further and further away from the things which most basically concern their destiny.
47.	But what is taken into account in the pursuit of these hasty policies are the selfish interests of the military- industrial oligarchies, which are ready to sacrifice even the happiness of mankind and the social progress of millions of human beings throughout the world to guarantee their positions—their hollow positions—of domination.
48.	The present cold war is unique in that some have, with some justice, called it  the third world war . The generalized insecurity it has caused comprises both the  hot  wars which are scattered throughout the world— and especially in the third world—which serve the ends of those who stir them up, and the state of poverty which marks the end of the twentieth century—paradoxically given the astonishing scientific feats of the age.
49.	Justice and well-being remain basic needs, access to which should be denied to no country, no people, no race, and neither sex.
50.	It is towards that end that efforts should be directed, and the shape of the international community's activities should be redefined by giving fresh impetus to the United Nations. I am convinced that there is no way to stave off the risks of the irrevocable other than by all of us together devoting our efforts to bringing about understanding among all the peoples of the world. To this end, the United Nations offers the machinery and the ways and means to fulfil this plan. Altogether, let us devote our generosity and our enthusiasm to bringing about the success of this noble cause.

51.


I extend to Mr. Illueca the felicitations and good wishes of Sri Lanka on his election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. It has been my personal pleasure to have known him. His achievements, first as representative of Panama to the United Nations, then as Foreign Minister and now as his country's Vice-President, leave no doubt that this difficult session is in very good hands. The thanks of my delegation are also due to Mr. Hollai of Hungary for the admirable manner in which he conducted the thirty-seventh session as its President. I should also like to associate my delegation with those who have welcomed the State of Saint Christopher and Nevis into the United Nations. When the United Nations was first established over three decades ago the world was recovering from the ravages of the Second World War. There was then an essential unity of purpose in the determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. While the world has, since then, been spared the horrors of another universal war, conflicts nevertheless rage in various parts of the world, and the threat of a global conflagration has never been too distant. In fact, the nuclear aspect has now added a terrifying new dimension to every threat or potential threat to international peace and security. The need for massive economic regeneration was a prime imperative in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. Three decades later strategies for global economic recovery still languish, unfulfilled, on our agendas and the world continues to remain remote from real economic prosperity. Unfettered national interest, which had been pushed to its arrogant extreme during the Second World War, is today being pursued in a multitude of forms and constitutes a major obstacle in many areas of international co-operation and the search for peaceful solutions. The Charter of the United Nations enshrines at once mankind's noblest collective aspirations and the limits to which the national options of Member States need to be subject if we are to be sensitive to wider concerns. Member States, however powerful or sovereign they may be, cannot be permitted selfishly to pursue narrow sectarian interests if this infringes on the sovereignty and concerns of other nations or runs counter to obligations assumed under the Charter. The Charter must remain the basic framework within which Member States must conduct their relations with other States and with the international community as a whole. The apartheid regime of South Africa continues to cling to its pernicious privileges in cynical contempt of the Charter and all it embodies. The regime's ruthless suppression of the freedom struggle of the majority population has frequently swollen into desperate wars of aggression conducted with impunity against the independent front-line African States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, the United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The regime continues to control neighbouring Namibia, despite decisions of the International Court of Justice and the United Nations which have clearly declared such control to be illegal. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) gave promise of a unique exercise in co-operation involving the peoples of Namibia, the United Nations and even the South African regime, which had sought to force its own unilateral and illegal solution to the Namibian question. However, resolution 435 (1978) and the collective enterprise spelt out in it remain unimplemented, and the Secretary-General's recent visit to South Africa, I am sorry to say, does not offer much new hope. In the Middle East ironies abound. Israel, itself a creature of United Nations fiat, dishonors the Charter of the very Organization which gave it birth. Claiming it is in a state of siege, Israel has arrogated unto itself the right for its armed forces not only to strike deep into the territory of independent Arab States like Syria, Lebanon and Jordan, but also in effect to colonize large areas of these countries. The inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people have been accepted by virtually all Members of the United Nations, and a series of peace plans has accordingly been put forward with a view to reaching some form of negotiated settlement on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions and the principles of the Charter. The Arab peace plan adopted at Fez, at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference,' as well as the Programme of Action of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held last month at Geneva, provide blueprints that would guarantee the peace and security of all States in the region, including the Palestinian State. Without the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories, peace will remain a stranger to that region, the Middle East. The continued presence of other foreign forces in the northern section of the Republic of Cyprus has been, for that troubled State, the major obstacle to the full exercise of its independence and the preservation of its territorial integrity. Sri Lanka does not in any way condone the fragmentation of a unitary non-aligned State which has been recognized by the United Nations. We call once more for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus. We support all efforts, particularly those of the Secretary-General and the contact group of non-aligned countries on Cyprus, to find a lasting solution to the question of Cyprus. Sri Lanka's position on Cyprus was stated in the Assembly in November 1978, during the thirty-third session: "... the Government of Sri Lanka does not subscribe to the principle that any State is justified in using its armed forces, however justifiable it may itself believe that to be, in the settlement of international disputes. My delegation considers it utterly deplorable for any State to use its armed forces to interfere in the internal affairs of any neighbouring State, however much compassion and feeling there may be for a fellow ethnic or communal group in that neighbouring State. Such action cannot be justified in any circumstances."  The internal upheavals in two fellow Asian States, both members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries—Afghanistan and Kampuchea—have not been completely eased by the introduction of foreign forces. Although the two questions are not identical, Sri Lanka calls for a comprehensive political solution to these two questions on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign forces, strict respect for non-interference in the internal affairs of the two countries and satisfactory guarantees to ensure full respect for their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and freedom from foreign interference. In the region of the Indian Ocean, it was the determination of the peoples of the littoral and hinterland States to preserve their independence and to resolve their problems in conditions of peace and tranquility which led in 1971 to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. The States of the region have called for the co-operation of the great Powers in establishing the peace zone, and we have endeavored within the framework of the Committee on the Indian Ocean to finalize all preparations for convening the Conference on the Indian Ocean early next year at Colombo. This Conference would bring together the Indian Ocean States, the great Powers and other States that are major maritime users of the ocean. We do not expect the establishment of a peace zone overnight; but the Conference at Colombo would be a first step in a bold venture in international co-operation which would benefit not only the States of the region but also the great Powers and, indeed, the world at large. The regional States have achieved a major degree of agreement on seven principles for the implementation of the peace zone. These include arrangements for the non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes among regional States. We were ushered to the threshold of a new era of international co-operation in ocean development with the conclusion, a year ago, of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The task before us now is to translate the concepts of that multilateral framework into reality through appropriate programmes for implementation. To many developing countries like my own, the full benefits of the Convention on the Law of the Sea can be reaped only if we are able to develop capabilities for exploiting the oceans and their unbounded resources. This can be done through the advancement of marine affairs capabilities in developing countries, particularly in the field of marine science and technology. Here, too, a co-operative endeavor within the United Nations system could provide a response to those needs through a central co-ordination of information, advice, assistance and services at the global and regional, as well as national, levels. From the deep frontiers of the oceans, man has turned his gaze to the outer reaches of space. We hope that this last frontier of mankind will be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and for the common benefit of all mankind. Sri Lanka supports all initiatives to prevent the militarization of outer space and the extension of the arms race to its reaches. The vast continent of Antarctica has great economic potential and should not become the scene or object of international discord. This area should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, in the interests of all mankind. Sri Lanka supports the initiative of Malaysia and others to have the General Assembly undertake a comprehensive study on Antarctica with a view to widening international co-operation in the area. It is our hope also that the many initiatives being taken to bring an end to the tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq will bear fruit. For Sri Lanka, which has excellent relations with both these countries, the continuation of the conflict is a matter of very great concern, and we hope that the international community will be able to contribute in some way towards peace between these two countries. The mounting tension in the region of Central America causes us concern. Initiatives for a peaceful settlement by the Contadora Group deserve our every encouragement. I seek your indulgence to make a reference to the recent events in my country which have been publicized in the media and have received the attention of the international community. Let me at the outset say what has been widely acknowledged even by our critics, namely, that Sri Lanka is a parliamentary democracy with over half a century of universal adult franchise, with a multiparty system and with every citizen having his individual and constitutional rights guaranteed and made justifiable in the Constitution. When we speak of the Tamil question in Sri Lanka, a distinction must also be made between the Sri Lanka Tamils who have settled in the north and the relatively more recent Tamil immigrants from India, who were brought to Sri Lanka by the former colonial administration to work on tea and rubber plantations. After independence, the status of that group was resolved through a series of consultations which led to an agreement with our neighbor, India, under which a formula was accepted by which my country would abstain a number of them while a certain number of others were to be repatriated to India. While we do not wish to make pronouncements on the problem of immigrant labor elsewhere, we believe that the arrangement we have reached for absorbing such large numbers from a non-indigenous community into the mainstream of the country's national life has no comparable precedent. As far as language goes, the two main minorities in Sri Lanka—the Tamils and the Muslims—both speak the Tamil language. The identity of the minority communities does not appear merely symbolically on the national flag of Sri Lanka; the Tamil language has deceived a recognition not seen or heard or experienced by Tamil-speaking communities settled in any other country. The Tamil language and the Sinhala language of the Sinhalese majority that constitutes 74 per cent of the population are both national languages. The Tamil language appears on Sri Lanka's stamps, on its currency and in all official publications. The Moslem community and the substantial section of the Tamil people residing in the northwest, the east, the northeast and the south of the country are, as demonstrated in repeated elections, vehemently opposed to separatism or a division of the country. However, alongside the advocacy of separation by the Tamil United Liberation Front, a terrorist group pursuing the same aims employs violence—including arson and damage to public property, armed robbery of Government and private financial institutions and murder of political personalities opposed to its views and of Government law-enforcement officers from the police and the armed services—for the purpose of establishing a separate State. It was against this violent background that on 23 July this same terrorist group ambushed and killed 13 army personnel on patrol and provoked the communal violence that followed during that week. That week's violence, which we see as an aberration in our civil and political life, we condemn without reservation. Certain sections of the foreign media made the unfounded allegation that the Government itself had turned a blind eye or had even condoned this violence. The fact is that during the first three days a section of the armed services was reluctant to open fire and to enforce law and order against the rioters and looters, who claimed that they were avenging the deaths of the 13 men of the armed services. Governments in other parts of the world which have undergone similar experiences know only too well the delicate nature of such situations. In such an environment, when the administration and law-enforcement machinery hangs by a flimsy thread, one wrong move could invite only greater chaos. That President Jayewardene was able to bring such a difficult and delicate situation under control within a week has been barely acknowledged. The media's desire for sensation in similar situations is not unknown, but certain non-governmental organizations, basing themselves on accounts, have sought to put Sri Lanka on trial and have depicted this unfortunate ethnic conflict as one between the Government and the Tamil people. A Government which has taken into custody over 5,000 people suspected of rioting, looting and breaking the law could hardly be accused of condoning or of being a party to this violence. No Government in independent Sri Lanka has tried harder to resolve this problem by accommodating the claims of the minority Tamil community. On the one hand, the Government has been severely criticized by the majority Sinhalese community for the efforts and concessions it has made. On the other hand, the representatives of the Tamil minority proclaim to the outside world that their civil and human rights have been violated, and therefore their answer is a separate State. Perhaps this dissatisfaction of both the majority and the minority communities is in itself evidence that the Government has been both balanced and impartial in its handling of this difficult question. I have taken much time in this narration of the background and events that have brought us to this sorry pass. But 1 cannot leave this forum without stating unreservedly that for the Government and people of Sri Lanka —and among these people I include the overwhelming number of the minorities in our population—the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of Sri Lanka are not negotiable. In short, under no circumstances can we or will we accept the division of the country. It was in reaffirmation of this that the Parliament of Sri Lanka adopted a Constitutional amendment which requires of its citizens allegiance to a unitary State. I shall conclude these remarks with the assurance that the Government of Sri Lanka will continue without reservations its efforts to restore communal harmony and to ensure for all its people the rights and guarantees which have been clearly set out in our Constitution. The Charter of the United Nations is the basic framework under which all nations must function. The principles embodied in the Charter are relevant not only to the conduct of inter-State relations but also have a vital bearing on the internal affairs of States as well. The goals to which an individual Government dedicates itself and the manner in which it seeks to ensure for its people conditions conducive to the development of their collective national identity take place within the overall context of international relations. The international environment must therefore be one which provides adequate peace and security so that Governments may be unhindered in articulating the aspirations of their peoples. Therefore a duty lies on each of us to strive for the creation and preservation of such an environment. The Charter is the only international instrument which provides a comprehensive blueprint for the creation of such international conditions. We must therefore rededicate ourselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter, individually as well as collectively.


1.	It is a privilege to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You bring to this high office impeccable qualifications, experience and wisdom. It is a tribute to Panama that one of its illustrious sons, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs and currently the Vice-President of its Government, now serves as President of the Assembly. Panama and the Philippines share a common historical heritage and strong ties of friendship. It is therefore with greater pleasure that we see you lead our deliberations.
2.	At the same time, we extend our congratulations to the outgoing President. Working under the pressure of serious international events, he discharged his duty with admirable dispatch and objectivity.
3.	We begin our deliberations under the shadow of a horrible disaster. The loss of the commercial airliner, KAL Flight 007, shot down under circumstances not satisfactorily explained, is a tragedy in human terms. What is undeniable is that the unarmed commercial plane was destroyed by missiles fired by Soviet military aircraft and that all its 269 innocent — I repeat, innocent passengers, of whom 24 were Filipinos, perished. My Government and people share the universal condemnation of and indignation over the loss of human lives, and we have formally asked for a full investigation to establish responsibility for the disaster. We have also asked for reparations to the families of the deceased.
4.	The tragedy has another dimension. It could aggravate tensions between the super-Powers. It is therefore a matter of serious concern to the Assembly. To prevent its repetition we suggest that the Assembly begin the study of new and binding international agreements to ensure the safety of commercial aviation in circumstances similar to those which befell the Korean airliner.
5.	This year has seen a sharp increase in the intensity and proliferation of conflict in the world. More than ever, the world Organization, through no intrinsic fault of its own, has been relegated to the sidelines in the very circumstances that it was created to moderate and resolve. This is not in keeping with the intent of the founders or in accordance with the will of the majority of the Members. It is brought about, rather, by the reluctance of a few States to acknowledge the will of the global community. It is, of course, these very conditions which led to the demise of the League of Nations.
6.	We are only too aware of the highly volatile situation in the region of the world where my country is located, where foreign troops continue to occupy Kampuchea. The international community has repeatedly called for a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean problem which will provide for the withdrawal of ail foreign forces and ensure respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and neutral and non-aligned status of Kampuchea, as well as the right of the Kampuchean people to self-determination free from outside interference. My Government, in concert with other members of ASEAN, is firmly committed to the restoration of a stable and lasting peace in the region based on the real independence of the Kampuchean people. The countries members of ASEAN have therefore issued an appeal for Kampuchean independence which has been circulated to the members of the General Assembly	My country places considerable
hope in the future of the coalition headed by Samdech Norodom Sihanouk as President. The international community has recognized this coalition as the legitimate representative Government of this sad and decimated country. A chain of events that will be positive for the peace, freedom and neutrality of South-East Asia can follow the restoration of Kampuchea to the Kampuchean people. We believe that the international community must renew and redouble its efforts to achieve that result.
7.	In Afghanistan, the international community is similarly called upon to undertake fresh efforts to restore the legitimate right of the people of Afghanistan freely to determine their own destiny. The intensified activities of the foreign troops there suggest that they are in Afghanistan to stay. The Assembly cannot, on the basis of the principles which are its reason for being, accept this intolerable situation. The failure to make headway on the Afghanistan problem is all the more regrettable in view of the exemplary efforts of the special representative of the Secretary-General, our able Mr. Diego Cordovez, to promote a meeting of minds at the Geneva conference. In the middle of this year, progress was achieved only to founder on the rock of technicalities which have their real basis in lack of confidence and political will.
8.	In another part of the world, the visit of the Secretary-General to Namibia and South Africa last month, under a mandate from the Security Council, defined the basic problems which impede agreement on the steps which could lead to the independence of Namibia. The question is whether South Africa genuinely wants a solution. In its view, Namibia is not the problem; the problem is Angola. Yet it is clear that the security problems of both South Africa and Angola are not necessarily resistant to solution. In the view of my Government, further progress on the question of Namibia can be achieved only when South Africa recognizes its larger responsibility for the peace of the whole of southern Africa, of which it is an integral part.
9.	If there is an area of the world pre-eminently on the minds of all members of the world community, it is the Middle East, including the situation in Lebanon. We can recall many years, even decades, of relative harmony and peace in a prosperous Lebanon. One of the root causes of the turmoil which has destroyed the political balance in what had been a peaceful country is the unresolved problem of the future of the Palestinian people. Lebanon's invasion by Israel has now led to the direct involvement of major Powers in the area. The most immediate need, in our view, is for a cease-fire and the cessation of hostilities throughout Lebanon. We rejoice that such a cease-fire has been achieved and we join in the hope of the Secretary of State, Mr. Shultz, that the fact will force Syria and Israel to follow suit. The efforts of the United Nations to deploy, at a minimum, observer teams should continue to be supported, and the goal remains the withdrawal of all unauthorized non-Lebanese forces. At an appropriate time it would also be highly desirable to replace the remaining non-Lebanese forces with a United Nations peace-keeping presence, while the Government of Lebanon consolidates its role and the democratic political balance is restored. We were happy to read the statement of the Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia today, when he said that an agreement had been reached for a cease-fire in Lebanon, ending the war and starting a national dialogue. What has been secured is a great achievement. We appeal to all our Lebanese brothers to go beyond the bloodshed and the hatred in order to resume the building of Lebanon.
10.	The Middle East, however, will not cease to be a seed-bed of conflict until the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination—including its right to establish an independent State in Palestine—and the rights of all States in the region, including Israel, to a secure existence within internationally recognized borders are assured.
11.	If the Middle East remains a dangerous flash-point for global conflict and possibly for nuclear war, the accumulation of weapons designed for such a war also continues to accelerate.
12.	Is there anything new to be said about the arms race? Each year we rehearse the frightful statistics, the wasteful sums spent on the arms race, both conventional and nuclear, which could have been better used for economic development.
13.	The United States has something like 9,500 warheads in its strategic arsenal, while the USSR disposes of 7,700. Two or three hundred are generally regarded as sufficient to devastate either nation. The USSR has about 13,000 smaller nuclear explosives, each much larger than the bomb dropped on Hiroshima in the Second World War, while the United States has a tactical arsenal of about 20,000 smaller weapons.
14.	The number of resolutions on disarmament adopted last year is a measure both of the concern felt in the international community and of the effort we have made year after year to elicit positive action from the two major protagonists. In the past 20 years the major Powers have not cared to complete a comprehensive test ban, a modest first step in slowing down the nuclear arms race. It is both unconscionable and unthinkable that not even this small step has been achieved.
15.	The most needed step now is an immediate moratorium on the development and production of new strategic nuclear weapons systems.
16.	I take some hope from the newer directions which are beginning to emerge in the Disarmament Commission and other bodies of the Organization. The concept of common security developed in the report of the Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues  parallels a concern which I have long expressed. I am convinced that a search for security is bound by its very emphasis to be more fruitful than a search for disarmament per e. As Chairman of the Group of Experts on the Relationship between Disarmament and International Security, I have pointed out that States have chosen to emphasize the pursuit of arms limitation and disarmament without examining how security is to be provided in the absence of national arms and armies.
17.	The Secretary-General, in his report of a year ago, strongly stressed the ways in which the United Nations and its Members were failing to live up to their responsibilities, especially in the field of the maintenance of international peace and security. We fully shared his view then, as we do now. The world Organization is principally afflicted by the indifference of some of its significant Members.
18.	With the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations a major effort was begun to enhance the capabilities of the United Nations in the light of the manifold changes which had taken place in the world since its founding. The major focus for this effort has solidified in the 47-nation Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. During the course of its existence the Special Committee has produced the most substantial study on ways to improve the United Nations that has so far been developed. Most of the members of the Committee have contributed their best efforts to this end.
19.	At its previous session, the General Assembly adopted the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes, a major achievement of the Special Committee. Based on the urgency lent to the work of the Special Committee by the report of the Secretary-General, we were optimistic that further significant results would be forthcoming from that Committee. Unfortunately such has not been the case. The session of the Committee during this year has been a disappointing and disheartening one, despite the best efforts of its able Chairman, Mr. Nabil El-Araby of Egypt. We are gratified, of course, that discussion on a joint proposal by Romania and the Philippines on the establishment of a permanent United Nations commission for mediation, conciliation and good offices has begun, and we look forward to further elaboration of this proposal.
20.	The world economy is in disarray. Despite signs of limited progress, large portions of the earth are in the deadly grip of poverty. Yet we accept the principle that interdependence is not an option but a fact. It involves mutuality of interests and commonly derived solutions. Where these new realities are resisted, a malfunction in the infrastructure of the world economy inevitably develops. Withheld participation leads to imbalance and inequities.
21.	The thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly was extended until 19 September in a desperate effort to launch global negotiations on international economic co-operation. That it failed is symptomatic of the malaise characterizing this aspect of international relations.
22.	The results of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development are a further sign of such malaise. That meeting, begun with bright promise when the developing countries, in their meetings at New Delhi and Buenos Aires, decided to approach the session of the Conference held at Belgrade with an expressed willingness to co-operate. The lack of significant results has left us with a bitter aftertaste.
23.	We have no magic recipes for ending the impasse, but my Government will continue to contribute its modest share to every effort to overcome those problems. It was in this spirit that we proposed last year the inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "New international human order: moral aspects of development". We believe that the establishment of a moral framework for economic co-operation provides an important key to the promotion of the inevitable just international economic co-operation. I hope that together we can elaborate a new international human order for economic co-operation.
24.	We look with favor on the joint proposal submitted by the delegations of Malaysia and Antigua and Barbuda on consideration of the question of Antarctica. A study of this subject should enhance understanding of that largely unknown continent. We believe that the destiny of Antarctica is a matter of universal concern and should not be left in the hands of a few States only.
25.	As I leave this rostrum, I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, who has brought to his office a refreshing candor, as well as the courage of his convictions. He has provided us with lucid insights into the problems besetting the world. At the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly, he asked Member States to redouble their efforts to solve their differences, and at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, at New Delhi in March, he reminded us that the United Nations should be developed more as a forum for negotiations and agreements and less as a place of confrontation and debate. In his report to the current session, he outlines the various issues confronting the Assembly and calls for a recommitment to the Charter because, "With an objective as elusive and as vital as the preservation of peace, a sense of shared purpose and direction is imperative."
26.	In conclusion, I should like to quote from a speech delivered by General Omar Bradley in 1957. General Bradley was of course an American and his words were addressed to his fellow Americans, but they retain, a generation later, perfect relevance to the problems of our time and address all citizens of the world. He said:
"The central problem of our time ... is how to employ human intelligence for the salvation of mankind. It is a problem we have put upon ourselves.
"If I am sometimes discouraged, it is not by the magnitude of the problem but by our colossal indifference to it. I am unable to understand why ... we do not make greater, more diligent and more imaginative use of reason and human intelligence in seeking an accord and compromise which will make it possible for mankind to control the atom and banish it as an instrument of war.
"Unless we soon get started, it may be too late . . . Time is running against us, and it is running against us with the speed of Sputnik."
I leave you with this food for thought.


169.	 Before stating at the Assembly the profound concern of my people and my Government at the numerous problems afflicting the present-day world, I should like first of all to express our most heartfelt congratulations to

170.	. Jorge Illueca on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly and to tell him how pleased we are to see him guiding our work. His election is, in fact, a well earned tribute to his outstanding qualities as a statesman and to his personal qualifications as a fervent defender of the ideals of peace and understanding among nations, and also a tribute to his country, the Republic of Panama, with which the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, of course, has the best relations of friendship and co-operation. My delegation is convinced that under his presidency and thanks to his great competence and his profound knowledge of the fundamental issues of international life, the work of this session will fully respond to the aspirations of our peoples by making an appreciable contribution to the analysis of the principal world problems discussed here and to the maintenance of international peace and security. It is a great honour for me on this occasion to express to his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, our deep appreciation for the tireless efforts, the dedication and the great skill that he placed at the service of the United Nations and of its aims throughout his term of office.
171.	We also convey our most sincere gratitude and admiration to the Secretary-General for his constant dedication to the search for satisfactory solutions to the many problems, conflicts and tensions that unceasingly threaten the world with the danger of a new irremediable deterioration of the international situation that could have terrible consequences. Since this is the first time that I have the honour of speaking before the Assembly, I am all the more pleased to take this opportunity to congratulate him and to tell him how much my country appreciates his objective and lucid report on the work of the United Nations [,4/33/V].
172.	I should like, in this respect, to reiterate here the complete readiness of the Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau to work towards the complete realization of the goals that have been established, the measures proposed and the solutions envisaged in our work for world peace, development, the establishment of harmonious relations of friendship and co-operation among nations, and the constant strengthening of the United Nations role and its capacity for action.
173.	The present deplorable international situation, which challenges the most precious moral and legal values of human civilization and shakes its very foundations, requires from all a measure of understanding, effort and goodwill, without which the structural and objective reordering of its co-ordinates will be merely a Utopian dream.
174.	These facts confirm more than ever before the urgent need for joint and resolute action on the part of the great family of nations, aimed at establishing a true era of change and a struggle for the attainment of a world of progress and justice.
175.	The constant expansion of the membership of this family since the birth of the Organization is tangible proof of the irreversible nature of the process of growing awareness on the part of the peoples of their inalienable rights and of the need for them to participate fully in international affairs.
176.	That is why my Government is deeply pleased to welcome the admission of Saint Christopher and Nevis as a full-fledged Member of our Organization. We wish it every success in the building of a new State and in the promotion of social and economic development.
177.	We are particularly pleased that the admission of that new Member coincides with the celebration by our people and its guiding political organization, the PAIGC of the tenth anniversary of the proclamation of the independent State of Guinea-Bissau.

178.	The problems besetting the present world and the ills that endanger its development prospects are many and, we fear, are becoming increasingly complex. The reactivation of the cold war, the resurgence of the arms race, of arbitrary conduct and of contempt for the most basic rules of international law and of the principles that govern relations among States, and the general deterioration of the world economy are all, in fact, of unprecedented significance today. With that dramatic picture as a backdrop, we see our own responsibilities increased. That is especially true since our people still expect us to take specific action in pursuit of the aims enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
179.	In spite of the historic strengthening of the interdependence of peoples and economies, we see a striking accentuation of the basic contradiction of our day, that is, the inexorable widening of the economic gap between nations and the increasingly marked division of the world into rich regions and countries, on the one hand, and poor and needy regions and countries on the other. The disquieting decline of the per capita gross domestic product in a large number of developing countries, the alarming deficit in their balance of payments and the burden of their foreign debt are among the particularly serious consequences of the crisis in the existing world economic system.
180.	In such a situation, the inadequacy of the measures currently proposed unfortunately make it unlikely that there will be a recovery of the world economy, in the long term or the short term, or that we shall be able to achieve the goals of the new international economic order and the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. However, we have ample reason to promote positive and beneficial interdependence for all as it is clear that progress in the developing countries will contribute to a recovery of the world economy and to the progressive elimination of the structural imbalances that characterize it today.
181.	No member of the international community, regardless of its economic potential, can remain indifferent to the stagnation of the volume of international trade, unparalleled since the Second World War, or to the recession, which is more extensive and damaging than the great depression of the 1930s.
182.	The development plans and the economic recovery programmes of the developing countries designed to deal with the steady deterioration of their economies cannot have the desired stabilizing effects without the appropriate support of the international community at large and without appropriate action through the existing instruments and machinery for co-operation and development aid.
183.	The Republic of Guinea-Bissau has not been spared the harmful effects of the present world economic situation, whose burdens compound the burdensome heritage of colonial domination and the climatic vicissitudes of the Sudano-Sahelian region to which it belongs. Realizing the need to respond to that situation with a coherent strategy, my country is now working to attain the objectives of its first four-year development plan and its programme for economic and financial stabilization.
184.	Those objectives and the measures adopted with a view to their implementation are known to all our economic partners. We take this opportunity to reiterate our Government's invitation to them to participate in the conference of donor countries which will be held at the beginning of 1984.
185.	The situation of the least developed countries, of which the Republic of Guinea-Bissau is one, has in no way improved in recent years. For some, the situation has steadily deteriorated.
186.	The need to deal with conditions of extreme poverty and to guarantee that the basic needs of the populations of those countries are met, on the one hand, and the search for a solution to economic and financial problems, on the other, are facing those countries with an unprecedented dilemma.
187.	The acute crisis in multilateral co-operation today, the adoption of purely temporary and partial measures, the protectionist barriers imposed by certain developed countries on imports from the developing countries, the constant deterioration of the terms of trade and the plunge of commodity prices, the uncertainty of food supplies, the marked decline in preferential development aid —to mention but a few of the most important factors— all constitute obstacles to the remedying of the already desperate situation of those countries.
188.	With the adoption by the General Assembly of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States  as well as resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) concerning the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, new development prospects appeared which seemed to promise a better future.
189.	It is none the less regrettable to have to note today the meagre progress achieved in the implementation of these resolutions. The global negotiations outlined in resolution 34/138, which still constitute one of the international community's most important initiatives in the field of multilateral economic co-operation, remain on our agenda. As was fittingly stressed at the seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held last March at New Delhi, those negotiations would undoubtedly give a new impetus to multilateral co-operation in the principal sectors of the world economy and would promote the implementation of measures adopted within the framework of the International Development Strategy.
190.	It is also regrettable that the excellent opportunity offered by the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was not seized to give the North-South dialogue the momentum it needs for the adoption of measures which could meet the requirements of development and of overcoming the present world economic crisis.
191.	By adopting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the international community took a decisive step towards harmonizing the shared aspirations of mankind to peace and co-operation. We join other Members of this Organization in appealing to all countries to sign and promptly ratify that important instrument.
192.	The danger of nuclear war, the unprecedented proliferation of nuclear weapons and the squandering of vast human, material, financial and technical resources on an unproductive and wasteful arms race make it urgent that we adopt measures to give momentum to the at present deadlocked process of achieving general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
193.	To that end we encourage the replacement of negative and hasty attitudes by a constructive approach to disarmament questions, thus making it possible to consider objectively the various proposals made in this sphere with the primary objective of safeguarding international peace and security.
194.	Another important disarmament measure is the creation of zones of peace in various parts of the world
on the basis of arrangements freely reached among the States of the regions concerned. In this connection we welcome the international community's initiatives aimed at the demilitarization and denuclearization of regions such as the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean and the African continent.
195.	From this rostrum we echo the voices of peoples thirsting for freedom, peace and justice in condemning most forcefully the injustices that prevail in international relations and the forces that continue to oppose the elimination of relations based on inequality, domination, exploitation and racial discrimination.
196.	In the Middle East, the Palestinian people continues to confront Israel's shameful violation of its legitimate and inalienable right to a dignified and prosperous life. The Zionist regime of Israel is seeking by all possible means to affirm and consolidate its presence in the occupied Arab territories. Since the annexation of the Golan Heights, the West Bank of the Jordan and the City of Jerusalem, Israel has been manoeuvring ceaselessly to impose its civil administration in the occupied territories and to change the political, cultural, religious, demographic and geographical characteristics of those territories.
197.	The Palestinian people and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO, have countered these aggressive acts with an unshakable determination to develop their just fight to safeguard their national interests and recover the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence and to establish its own independent sovereign State on its national territory, in conformity with the resolutions of the General Assembly.
198.	In addition, acts of aggression, destabilization and provocation are directed daily against the sovereign people of Lebanon. Israel tramples on, and thus challenges, the fundamental rules and values forged by human civilization, as well as the independence, security and territorial integrity of that Arab country.
199.	By deliberately attacking the Iraqi nuclear installations, Israel not only demonstrated its utter disdain for the sovereignty of other peoples, but also clearly violated established international rules regarding, apartheid international peace and security and the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
200.	In southern Africa the forces of progress continue to confront apartheid, racial discrimination and the persistence of the colonial tyranny promoted by the racist regime of South Africa.
201.	The untenable situation caused by Pretoria's policy of oppression against the Namibian people and by its continued acts of aggression and destabilization against the independent front-line States—especially Angola, Mozambique and, most recently, Lesotho—constitute a serious threat to peace and security in the region.
202.	The delaying tactics aimed at setting the stage for continued colonial domination of that African territory, Namibia and, in particular, the absurd thesis making the independence of Namibia dependent on the withdrawal of Cuban international forces from Angola, can at most result in the postponement of the liberation of the Territory, which is the inevitable outcome of the legitimate struggle of its people.
203.	The allegedly constitutional and political plans within the framework of the concept of a so-called internal settlement, advocated by South Africa with the aim of consolidating the illegal occupation of Namibia and the plundering of its natural wealth by foreign interests, constitute an intolerable violation of the provisions of the
Charter and reflect the brazenness and arrogance of the regime.
204.	The sole valid basis for a peaceful and final settlement of the question of Namibia remains Security Council resolution 435 (1978). That is why we appeal earnestly to the various United Nations organs, the Security Council in particular, and to all Member countries, as well as to international organizations which are not within the United Nations system, to spare no effort to ensure the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia.
205.	For its part, the people of South Africa, under the leadership of the African National Congress, is facing with heroism and self-sacrifice the infamous and systematic acts of oppression, discrimination and division directed at the overwhelming majority of the South African population.
206.	The question of Namibia and the wave of instability and violence which is engulfing the southern part of the African continent are closely related to the inhuman nature and policy of the Pretoria regime, which constitute the nucleus and the profound cause of the intolerable political situation prevailing in that region. The people of Guinea-Bissau reiterates its fraternal, constant and unconditional support for the just causes of the Namibian and South African peoples, as well as for the firm determination of the front-line States to defend their independence and their national sovereignty, particularly the People's Republic of Angola, which has been obliged to bear the heavy burden of the harmful policies of the South African regime, as a result of the unconditional support that Angola provides to the national liberation struggle led by SWAPO.
207.	In view of the particularly difficult hardships endured by the Angolan people as a result of the occupation of the southern part of its national territory by South African forces and in view of the escalation of aggression and the destabilization manoeuvres perpetrated by the apartheid regime, we strongly urge the international community to respond by means of concrete support and effective moral and material assistance to the Angolan people's appeals for solidarity.
208.	The struggle of the people of Western Sahara for the exercise of its right to self-determination, which has found its highest expression in the proclamation of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, deserves our complete support. The nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held in the capital of Ethiopia last June, made it possible to move forward along the path of dialogue with a view to arriving at a just, peaceful and definitive solution to that thorny problem which threatens the peace and security of north-west Africa. Therefore we urgently appeal to the parties to the dispute, the Kingdom of Morocco and POLISARIO,  to work in a spirit of good will and peace towards the strict implementation of the resolution adopted by the Assembly on the Western Sahara .
209.	The tragic situation prevailing in Chad and the sad fate of the people of that African country, which has been the victim for more than two decades of internecine struggle aggravated by incessant foreign interference and intervention, are a source of profound concern to us. The final elimination of the tension, divisions and instability that afflict that country can be attained only through strict respect for its national independence and its territorial integrity. We encourage the starting of immediate and constructive negotiations between the parties concerned with a view to the peaceful solution to the internal differences so as to arrive at the effective and immediate
cessation of ail hostilities and the prompt withdrawal of all foreign forces from Chad, thus ensuring the establishment of a lasting peace there and the economic reconstruction of the country.
210.	We sincerely hope to see the final settlement of the territorial questions still outstanding, in particular the Comorian island of Mayotte, the Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europe and Bassas da India islands, belonging to the Democratic Republic of Madagascar and the Chagos Archipelago, including Diego Garcia, which is under the sovereignty of Mauritius.
211.	We also express our constant and fraternal solidarity with the struggle of the brotherly people of East Timor, under the leadership of FRETILIN,  for the recovery of its national rights and its liberation from Indonesian oppression and repression. In this regard, my delegation supports the proposal by the Secretary-General, approved by the General Assembly, for the inscription of the question of East Timor on the agenda of the next session.
212.	Furthermore, we support the legitimate efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to reunify the Korean homeland peacefully and without foreign interference.
213.	The disquieting situation prevailing in South-East and South-West Asia is brought with serious consequences for peace and stability in those regions. In our view, this situation can be reversed only by global political solutions based on dialogue and negotiations with the participation of all the parties concerned and on respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the region and their right to determine their own destiny.
214.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq continues to be a source of profound concern for the international community. The gravity of its implications for the two parties and for the region confirms the wisdom of the principle of the Charter concerning the inadmissibility of the settlement of international disputes by the use of force. The higher interests of the fraternal peoples of those two members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference require that that fratricidal conflict be brought to an end and that measures be taken for a rapid negotiated settlement of the question.
215.	While welcoming the intensification of the efforts made by the Secretary-General and the continuation of the intercommunal dialogue in the Republic of Cyprus, we cannot fail to express our concern at the occupation of part of the territory of that independent State. We hope that a just and final solution will at last be found to that problem in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the Non-Aligned Movement, safeguarding the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned status of Cyprus and promoting the return of Cypriot refugees.
216.	The international community cannot remain indifferent to the continued tension prevailing in Latin America and in the Caribbean. The serious political, economic and social crisis in the countries of those regions, due in part to the existence of traditional structures, repressive regimes and inadequate economic structures that lead to poverty and favour social inequality, is incessantly aggravated by interference and intervention from outside.
217.	In such a situation it is essential for those States to be enabled in all independence to resolve their internal problems and work towards the establishment of conditions conducive to peace, development and the well-being of their respective populations and that of the region at large. In this regard, we reiterate our firm solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of the region aimed at the construction of democratic and progressive societies, and we support the efforts made, particularly by Cuba and Nicaragua, to safeguard the accomplishments of their revolutions, their national independence and their right to free economic and social development.
218.	Furthermore, Guinea-Bissau expresses its support for the action of the Contadora Group countries in promoting a political, comprehensive and lasting solution to the problems confronting the peoples of that region.
219.	Our debates reflect the general concern of the members of the international community at the world situation which is today more complex than in the past and which requires renewed efforts on the part of all in order to retrace its dismal co-ordinates.
220.	As we do every year, we are dealing with the most delicate problems of international life and, as in every year, differences of opinion will appear in the analysis of these problems—differences which will in turn be reflected m the nature of solutions proposed.
221.	This, however, in no way prevents us from being each time more optimistic as to the final outcome of our efforts to build a world free of threats, conflicts, poverty and insecurity.
222.	To that end, the contribution we each make and the political will with which we implement our resolutions will be decisive, regardless of the respective economic or military might of each of our countries.
223.	On behalf of the people and the Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, I wish to convey to the President our wish for the success of the thirty-eighth session and reiterate to him our firm resolve to make, together with the other members of the international community, untiring efforts to attain the objectives of peace, justice and social progress so dear to mankind.