On behalf of the Ghana
delegation, I have the honour and pleasure of conveying to
you, Sir, our congratulations on your election, by
acclamation, as President of the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session. Your election is an honour not only to
you personally but also to your country, Côte d’Ivoire, with
which Ghana shares a common destiny and, happily, enjoys
very warm, cordial and special relations. You will no
doubt be equal to the task, given your disposition and your
record of distinguished service to your Government and
country and to the international community.
Allow me also to place on record our appreciation of
the effective leadership that your predecessor as President,
His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally of Guyana, provided
for the Organization during his stewardship. His ability to
navigate the General Assembly through the difficult
discussions on the restructuring and revitalization of the
Organization — particularly those on the reform of the
Security Council — and the skill that he demonstrated
during the world hearings on the proposed Agenda for
Development are indelible marks of his stewardship.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
has continued to remain on top of his very challenging
and delicate task as the chief executive of the
Organization. His abilities and skills as a thinker,
administrator and accomplished diplomat have been assets
to the United Nations. The dedication and commitment
of his staff have been equally noteworthy.
In discharging its primary responsibility to promote
international peace and security the United Nations has
had successes and disappointments. Exploitation of the
inherent weaknesses of the Charter, lack of good faith,
greed and the quest for domination characterized the era
of the cold war which, happily, appears to be coming to
an end. However, conflicts that threaten international
peace and security exist and are multiplying; some are
legacies of the cold war and others the result of the
failure of the international community to create the
economic and social conditions for international peace
and security. Other contributing factors include inordinate
personal ambition, ethnicity, nationalism, religious
intolerance and political adventurism.
Thanks to the end of the cold war, the political
landscape in Europe has changed and has impacted
positively, if only with partial success, on Cambodia,
Mozambique and, most important of all, the Middle East.
The Angolan problem appears to be nearing a solution.
At long last, UNITA is getting the message that the
international community abhors its commitment to
militarism and appreciates the political maturity and spirit
of compromise of the Angolan Government. Although
certain cold-war-era conflicts such as Cyprus, Korea and
Afghanistan are proving difficult to solve, one must take
comfort in the fact that the Koreas are agreed on the basis
of reunification of their country and that, after decades of
conflict and anxiety, South Africa is now a non-racial,
democratic country. We take this opportunity to welcome
its delegation into our midst. The contribution of the
United Nations in the solution of these conflicts is
immense, but one must also recognize that no progress
would have been possible without the exemplary
statesmanship of the leaders involved in their solution.
10

The end of the cold war, coupled with the strains of
nation-building, have produced new threats to peace in parts
of the former Soviet Union, in Yugoslavia and in Africa.
Horror stories have emerged from Bosnia, Liberia, Rwanda
and Somalia. Some of the problems seem to have no
immediate prospect of solution. Somalia and Liberia are
coming close to being written off as Afghanistan has been.
To an increasing degree regional organizations and small
States like Ghana are being called upon to bear the burden
of securing a peaceful world, a burden far above their
means. In such situations success depends largely upon
support from the more endowed members of the
international community, either through the United Nations
or on a direct bilateral basis.
In Liberia, Ghana and a few other countries members
of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) are groaning under the burden of helping the
Liberians maintain a nation. In Rwanda, in the heat of
battle Ghana and Canada were left alone to grapple with a
horror situation without adequate material support. Even
after the international community was shamed into action,
logistic support has not been particularly prompt or
adequate.
Ghana takes pride in its peace-keeping role. From the
Congo crisis in the early 1960s up until now it has
demonstrated the will and readiness to come to the help of
nations in distress. We are willing to continue to discharge
our responsibilities if adequate material support can be
forthcoming from the international community, particularly,
its wealthy members. Given the unwillingness of many
nations to get involved in conflicts far from their shores
and in respect of which their national interests are not
manifest to their electorate, the option for the international
community is to support countries such as Ghana and
regional organizations such as ECOWAS and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) to defend the ideals
of the United Nations.
With President Rawlings’s assumption of the
chairmanship of ECOWAS Ghana is directly face to face
with the ambitions, rivalries, prejudices, misconceptions and
lack of common purpose even within ECOWAS and with
the misrepresentations that have made the solution of this
problem elusive. We must pay a tribute to our predecessors
as Chairmen of ECOWAS who have had to grapple with
the problem. We have recently gathered the warring
factions in Akosombo to push the peace process forward.
We have taken note of the misconceptions and attempts to
undermine this latest effort. However, with persistence,
patience, firmness and transparency, we hope we can make
significant progress in the coming year. What we ask of
the Liberians is sincerity and the spirit of compromise.
From the international community, we will appreciate
moral, material and diplomatic support and an
understanding of the complexities of the problem.
Peace-keeping is crowding the international agenda
to such a degree that we seem to be losing our ability to
focus on the unfinished business of disarmament. The
proliferation of conflicts generates insecurity and
compounds the disarmament problem. Both problems,
however, must be resolved simultaneously. The process
of eliminating nuclear weapons needs to be speeded up to
make the extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) an attractive proposition for
non-nuclear Powers. Bilateral efforts at disarmament,
such as those under way between the United States of
America and the Russian Federation, need to be situated
in the general context of multilateral diplomacy.
It is no accident that conflicts abound in the
developing world and the economically backward areas of
Europe. At the root of all these conflict situations and
the threats to peace and security are economic deprivation
and abject poverty. It is not necessary to restate the
gruesome statistics of the conditions of the poor — the
high mortality rates, the malnutrition, the inadequate
health facilities, ignorance and poor housing. These
conditions are compounded by a seriously inequitable
system of international trade with its attendant problems,
including the debt burden. Unequal access to knowledge,
technology and resources has accentuated the already
unacceptable socio-economic inequalities both within and
among nations.
The issue of external debt is primary in its
constraining effects on economic growth in Africa. The
vast majority of lower-income countries which owe debts
totalling $1.3 trillion are in sub-Saharan Africa.
Sub-saharan Africa alone is overburdened with debt
servicing to the tune of $200 billion representing 10 per
cent of the total national income of the 43 countries
involved. It is not sheer coincidence that Africa plays
host to a sizeable number of United Nations
peace-keeping operations.
The scale of Africa’s debt and the effect it has
produced in our economies requires action by the
international community. The international accord
embodied in the United Nations New Agenda for the
Development of Africa, which contains a strategy to
relaunch African economies on the path of growth and
11

recovery, has hardly had any noticeable effect a year after
its adoption. The international community is yet to
discharge its obligations under the international accord. No
agreement has been reached on the modalities for the
creation of a diversification fund for Africa as called for by
the various studies initiated by well-known bodies of the
United Nations. This is regrettable.
The conclusion of the Uruguay Round of multilateral
trade negotiations was no doubt a historic achievement. It
holds prospects of opening up possibilities of trade
liberalization and long-term growth. It is, however, equally
true — and probably more significant — to note that trade
is possible only after production. A lot of factors constrain
the ability and capacity of developing countries, particularly
in Africa, to take advantage of international arrangements
such as those concluded under the Uruguay Round.
Because of our conviction that the underlying
socio-economic factors of the threat to peace and security
should be seriously addressed by the international
community, the Government of Ghana strongly supports the
holding of the World Summit for Social Development in
Copenhagen, Denmark, from 6-12 March 1995. However,
it should not be an occasion for an attempt to impose a set
of social values on the international community, nor should
it be an opportunity to malign the cultural practices of any
group of people. It should be an occasion for mutual
understanding to pave the way for a charter for social
progress.
Ghana also attaches great importance to the
forthcoming Fourth World Conference on Women,
scheduled to take place in Beijing in September 1995, as
part of the process of furthering peace and security. We
recognize the increasingly evident correlation between the
advancement of women and economic development and
social stability. We hope the Conference will help
accelerate the removal of obstacles to women’s full and
equal participation in all spheres of life and enable them to
play an active role in the global restructuring of economic,
political, social and cultural relations as we approach the
twenty-first century.
The increased responsibilities of the United Nations in
peace-keeping, the expansion of the Organization and the
demise of the Soviet Union as a super-Power have
highlighted the need for the Organization’s restructuring.
In this exercise we must keep two things in mind. We
must not undermine the validity of the basic principles of
the Organization, such as the sovereign equality of States
and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
Not even the current preoccupation with democracy and
human rights should be allowed to erode these principles
any more than is absolutely essential. And we must
avoid allowing the Security Council to become the
instrument for the foreign policy objectives of certain
Powers. We must fight neo-colonialist tendencies
exemplified in the economic blockade of Cuba and the
questionable imposition of sanctions against the Great
Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. There is no
basis in international law for these actions, which result
in misery for the ordinary people of these countries and
restrain intercourse between nations. Reasonable proposals
for an end to these problems have been made which we
hope will find general acceptance.
The United Nations, particularly the Security
Council, needs to be restructured in order to reduce the
vulnerability of small nations to big-Power pressure and
to reflect their increased roles, particularly in the area of
peace-keeping, as well as the realities of power today.
The increased role of the United Nations in peace-keeping
has called for the establishment of machinery within the
Secretariat to improve efficiency. In response to the
proposal contained in the Secretary-General’s report, “An
Agenda for Peace”, the General Assembly and the
Security Council have adopted a number of measures and
decisions which should enhance the Organization’s ability
to maintain international peace and security. However, a
lot of work remains to be done. We hope that by its
fiftieth anniversary the United Nations will be sufficiently
reformed and revitalized to command universal respect
and cooperation.
In the final analysis, however, resources — financial
and otherwise — will determine the effectiveness of the
Organization. The financial situation of the Organization
remains a source of concern. Members of the
Organization should redouble their efforts to ensure its
solvency so that the Secretary-General can effectively
implement the mandates of the legislative bodies.
The Members, for their part, expect prudence and
discipline in the application of the resources made
available to the Organization. The consolidation of the
internal oversight mechanisms into the Office of Internal
Oversight Services, together with the existing external
oversight mechanisms, should help reduce waste and
ensure accountability.
Ghana reiterates its belief in the unity of the
purposes of the Charter and wishes to stress the need for
the Organization to address global development issues
12

with the same vigour as that with which it has approached
the issues of global peace and security. It is the hope and
expectation of Ghana that this forty-ninth session will mark
the beginning of the renaissance of the United Nations,
ready to demonstrate, more in action than in words, its
determination to maintain peace and promote prosperity on
the basis of justice, law and respect for the dignity and
worth of the human person.


May I begin by warmly congratulating you, Sir,
on your election to the presidency of the forty-ninth session
of the United Nations General Assembly. I would also like
to express my appreciation to your predecessor,
Ambassador Samuel Insanally, and to thank him for his
contribution to accomplishing the tasks of the last session.
Further, I wish to express our gratitude to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the
vision with which he has guided the Organization and for
his tireless efforts to ensure the maintenance of
international peace and security.
The collapse of the old order and the emergence of
new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and, soon
after, in the former Soviet Union have presented the
world with a major challenge. In a period of tremendous
change, many difficulties and conflicts have arisen. Some
of these difficulties come as immediate by-products of
rapid and haphazard transformations, while others are
surfacing for the first time after decades of inadequate
stop-gap measures. Further, if the reform programmes
have so far failed to yield all the benefits expected, this
is also due to an under-estimation of the differences in the
initial conditions of the countries in transition.
The pace and comprehensiveness of economic
reforms will vary from country to country. However, the
reform process will inevitably be lengthy, as it involves
wholesale changes in price mechanisms, in the concept of
property, in industrial structures and in legal, commercial
and financial institutions, as well as the creation of social
safety nets for the most vulnerable segments of the
population, whose situation will be worsened by the high
cost of the reforms.
As with all the former Soviet Republics, Armenia’s
economy has been badly strained by the changes which
followed the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the
difficult transition to a market economy. It is further
crippled by its over-reliance on trade with the former
Soviet Republics; the blockade of transportation routes
imposed by neighbouring Azerbaijan; an embargo by
Turkey; and the damage inflicted by the disastrous
earthquake in 1988. Other external conditions, such as

the disruption of transport due to the difficulties faced by
Georgia, have exacerbated the situation, contributing to the
decline in Armenia’s industrial productivity. The legacy of
the Soviet period, with its inefficiencies and excessive
horizontal integration, has worsened the effects of the
blockade.
Despite these difficulties, the Armenian Government
has begun implementing significant structural reforms to
create a healthy market economy, beginning with the
privatization process launched soon after the Armenian
National Movement came to power in 1990. Indeed, the
commitment to transform the centrally planned economy
into a market economy stems from the philosophy of the
democratic movement in Armenia and is seen as an integral
part of the transition to a democratic State.
In turn, a free market economy will flourish in a stable
democracy, able to promote and underpin economic
development. Armenia today is a country with more than
30 registered political parties. It has proclaimed freedom
of the press, freedom of conscience and freedom of
religion, and it has laws guaranteeing civil and political
rights. Three free elections have already been held in
Armenia: parliamentary and presidential elections and a
referendum on independence. The upcoming referendum
on the Constitution and the elections of the National
Assembly and the President of the Republic will reaffirm
the establishment of a democratic tradition.
Democracy is fundamental to the process of economic
transformation, which can be divided into three phases,
more or less typical for all countries in transition:
institutional reforms; long-term investments and changes of
technological structures; and integration into international
markets. It is imperative, however, to set priorities and to
identify the most pressing issues of the moment. In my
opinion, Armenia is at the end of the first phase, which
includes the creation of a legal framework for economic
reform, within which private economic activity can take
place, a framework ensuring that contracts are enforced and
that private property is protected; freeing of prices;
privatization; adoption of a national currency; financial and
budgetary stabilization; and improvement in the balance of
payments. We have already accomplished 80 per cent of
this phase.
Armenia has distinguished itself as the first among the
former Soviet Republics to privatize the ownership of
agricultural land and livestock production. The
privatization of small and medium businesses as well as
large enterprises is well under way. In late 1993, with the
collapse of the rouble zone, Armenia faced a monetary
crisis. The uncontrollable flow of old Soviet roubles into
Armenia and Armenia’s subsequent inability to control
monetary policy on its own territory forced the
Government in November 1993 prematurely to introduce
a national currency, the dram. The Government is
currently implementing a programme based on controlling
and lowering the inflation rate, enforcing a strict budget,
controlling fiscal expenditures and targeting assistance to
the most vulnerable groups.
Basic reforms have been undertaken in the banking
sector, the first of which was to break down the mono-
bank system of central planning into a two-tiered system
comprising a central bank and a group of commercial
banks.
In Armenia, as in all the emerging democracies,
there is no historical precedent for the economic
transition. It requires lasting commitment and patience as
well as the substantial support of the international
community. Of course neither short- and medium-term
adjustment programmes nor long-term development
strategies can hope to succeed fully without sustained
growth in the world economy and favourable external
conditions.
We recognize that there is no single model of
transition to be prescribed for all countries or, even more
narrowly, for all post-communist societies as a whole. To
ensure success for United Nations efforts in the countries
in transition the Organization must tailor its involvement
to each country’s resources and procedures, giving
priority to programmes rather than to projects. That
approach essentially boils down to the definition of key
objectives for each programme that will reflect the
priorities of the national Government and the organization
of assistance around the achievement of those goals,
which can be accomplished by strengthening the role of
the Resident Coordinator system.
Armenia appreciates the Secretary-General’s Agenda
for Development as an important and necessary
complement to "An Agenda for Peace". It is a
comprehensive and thoughtful reflection upon the various
dimensions of development and the role of the United
Nations in that connection. At the recently held world
gatherings on development there was broad agreement
that the Agenda should be sustained by an action-oriented
framework and practical proposals aimed at resolving
existing imbalances in the various development areas.
We look forward to the further elaboration of the Agenda
2

for Development by the Secretary-General through a
number of concrete proposals with regard to the reform of
both the United Nations system and the intergovernmental
consultative machinery for development, as well as specific
recommendations for greater coordination within the United
Nations as a whole, including the Bretton Woods
institutions and the proposed World Trade Organization.
Such an elaboration is needed if the Agenda is to lead to a
global partnership for development.
Armenia looks forward to participating in and
contributing to the World Summit for Social Development
in Copenhagen. The World Summit, to be held in the
United Nations fiftieth anniversary year, is a landmark
event and will build upon the commitments of a series of
United Nations global gatherings, including the 1990 World
Summit for Children, the 1992 United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro and the
1994 International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo, and it will be followed by the
Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995.
These are all key events in the process of international
consensus-building.
Development and human rights are interrelated and
mutually reinforcing. There can be no genuine long-term
development without respect for the full spectrum of the
rights of individuals. The Vienna Conference on Human
Rights held last year deepened the understanding of the
significance of human rights for stability, freedom, peace,
progress and justice. The establishment of the post of
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights was
vital to a more effective implementation of the principles of
human rights. Member States must continue to work to
increase the effectiveness of existing United Nations
human-rights mechanisms and to support the High
Commissioner in the fulfilment of his mandate.
Armenia considers self-determination in its multitude
of manifestations to be an inalienable human right.
Armenia’s position on the Nagorny Karabakh conflict has
been clear and consistent from the start. Armenia has no
territorial claims against Azerbaijan. The conflict is
between the people of Nagorny Karabakh, who are striving
for self-determination, and the Azerbaijani Government,
which is refusing to address the rights of the people of
Nagorny Karabakh. Armenia provides moral, diplomatic
and humanitarian assistance to the people of Nagorny
Karabakh, and it cannot accept a military solution which
can only mean the genocide or deportation of the
population of Nagorny Karabakh.
While the Nagorny Karabakh conflict has gone
through periods of both intense fighting and relative calm
since I spoke here two years ago, there has never before
been a period in the five-year history of the conflict when
a cease-fire has taken hold for so long. I am pleased to
inform the Assembly today that the cease-fire of
12 May 1994, which was mediated by the Russian
Federation, is in general being maintained. But what is
more gratifying and encouraging is that, through direct
and immediate contacts between the parties to the
conflict, the de facto 12 May cease-fire was formalized
on 27 July 1994, and on 28 August 1994 the parties
reaffirmed their commitment to the cease-fire until such
time as a political document has been signed.
Armenia congratulates the main parties to the
conflict for their commitment to maintain the cease-fire
and to engage in direct dialogue. Armenia views this as
an important confidence-building measure, as a major step
towards the consolidation of the cease-fire and as a sign
of a strong commitment to the successful conclusion of
the current negotiations, which in turn will make possible
the solution of the problem at the Minsk Conference of
the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Clearly, the conflict has entered a new phase, in
which the parties have demonstrated their desire for
peace.
Our new challenge, and the priority for Armenia, is
the consolidation of the cease-fire and the establishment
of peace. There is a historic opportunity today to end the
conflict. But the cause of peace requires the active,
unified support of the international community to
consolidate the cease-fire. The cumulative impact of the
distrust of the past five years, on the one hand, and the
lack of international measures to support consolidation,
on the other hand, may increase the current uncertainty
and threaten the fragile cease-fire.
There is no doubt that, beyond the cessation of
hostilities, a lasting peace will mostly depend on the
ability of the main parties to the conflict and of the
international community to develop innovative and
internationally approved mechanisms for its establishment
and maintenance.
The primary concern for Armenia has been, and
remains, the security of the people of Nagorny Karabakh.
Both Armenia and Nagorny Karabakh have repeatedly
expressed their readiness to comply with the relevant
Security Council resolutions. A lasting peace can be
3

achieved only by ensuring the irreversibility of the peace
process through the deployment of international security
forces between Azerbaijan and Nagorny Karabakh until
such time as a negotiated solution to the problem of
Nagorny Karabakh has been reached, with the full
participation of Nagorny Karabakh at the CSCE Minsk
Conference.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is in
direct contradiction of the peacemaking efforts of the
United Nations. Armenia considers that only the
unconditional and indefinite extension of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty will ensure that the Treaty serves
its purpose. It is encouraging that negotiations on a
comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty have made important
progress over the past year, and we hope that a text
satisfactory to all can be agreed on soon.
We support the integration of multilateral disarmament
with United Nations activities relat to preventive diplomacy,
peacemaking, peace-keeping and post-conflict
peace-building.
The debate in the General Assembly Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council has
been very useful. Virtually all States Members of the
United Nations favour an increase in the membership of the
Security Council to reflect the radical changes in the world
and the increase in the Organization’s overall membership.
However, an increase in membership should not diminish
the Council’s efficiency. It is necessary here to note that
the Council has taken a number of constructive steps to
improve its transparency and its communication with
non-members. The Security Council should also be better
able to respond to emerging threats and disputes before
they escalate into armed conflict. With improved
coordination of United Nations organizations and agencies
devoted to economic and social progress, the Economic and
Social Council could better assist the Security Council and
advise it of potential emergencies arising out of economic
and social conditions. Therefore, Armenia fully supports
the call for restructuring of the Economic and Social
Council and for the possible establishment of an economic
security council.
Improving the administrative performance of the
United Nations is another priority. Armenia welcomes the
current initiatives to streamline the Organization’s
administrative and management structures and procedures
to meet the demands now being made of the United
Nations. In particular, we supported the United States
initiative, and we are pleased that the General Assembly
has created the Office of Internal Oversight Services.
Let me return for a moment to the theme I began
with. In this period of unprecedented change, many
hardships - both expected and unforeseen - have arisen.
The present era, full of challenge and hope, gives us new
faith in the United Nations as the best and most
appropriate forum for integrating all the interests of the
various peoples of the world, which are too fragmented
today. Universal harmony can be established only when
discords are peacefully resolved and full cooperation
between nations is achieved. The United Nations,
strengthened by the noble principles and objectives
enshrined in its Charter, and facing new responsibilities
and tasks, can and must lead the way to a better
organized and more harmonious world.
Let me conclude by wishing the General Assembly
every success in the demanding work it faces during this
session.


Permit me first of all to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. I am
confident that under your skilful guidance the Assembly
will move forward in responding to the many complex
issues on our agenda. You are equally assured of the full
and unstinting support of Guyana in the discharge of your
responsibilities in the period ahead.
Guyana was very honoured to have held the
presidency of the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. On behalf of the Government and the people
of Guyana, I would like to express our gratitude and
appreciation for the confidence and support given to
Ambassador Insanally during his tenure of office.
I have every confidence too that the work of the
Organization will benefit much from the dynamic
leadership of Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali
and his dedicated staff. They deserve our admiration and
encouragement in the performance of their praiseworthy
but often difficult tasks.
The forty-ninth session of the General Assembly
takes place at a momentous time. There have been
changes, many of which have had a significant impact on
global relations. World events now testify to the need for
an Organization which is equipped to meet every
challenge posed to it.
The world is observing the United Nations and will
not fail to pass judgement on its activities. While much
has been accomplished, there are still considerable
challenges ahead of us. An overview of the United
Nations and its achievements has pointed to a greater
awareness of its role in the world. Increasingly, the
Organization is being called upon to respond to and
resolve critical situations confronting our global
community. Our responses, while effective in many
cases, are still inadequate. It is now imperative that we
move beyond merely responding to individual crises to
address the fundamental causes of conflict and threats to
global stability.

In the year ahead, Guyana will work with the
Assembly to make the United Nations more responsive to
the altered situation we face in the post-cold-war era. We
shall strive with others to make the Security Council more
equitable and effective, so that it may better discharge the
functions allocated to it under the Charter. As a priority,
we shall seek to promote the work of the Organization in
the formulation and implementation of an agenda for
development, which should complement “An Agenda for
Peace”. Equally important, we will press for the
revitalization of this Assembly in order that, as the most
representative body of the United Nations, it may
harmonize our efforts to promote global peace and
development.
Efforts to achieve peace and security in the face of
overwhelming odds reflect the desire of Member States to
dwell in harmony, however difficult such an aim may be.
They also reflect the increasing importance of peaceful
negotiations to settle conflicts and to solve economic, social
and human problems.
The eruption of conflicts, primarily within States, and
the ever-present threat of eruption in other States has
stymied the hope of a new international order that would
address these issues and hopefully proffer solutions. In this
context I wish to refer to the proposals of President Cheddi
Jagan on a new global humanitarian order, in response to
General Assembly resolution 47/106 of 16 December 1992.
In his work, President Jagan has stressed the
debilitating effects of poverty and hunger and the urgent
need for concerted action to alleviate their effects. But
apart from these classic humanitarian concerns, he has
sought to broaden the tableau to include the entire spectrum
of human development and related issues. Thus, he
promotes the principles of international interdependence and
cooperation which will recognize the primacy of human
development as a sine qua non for a peaceful and orderly
existence.
He has emphasized the need for good governance and
popular participation in decision-making as the cornerstone
for a new type of development, which will take into
consideration the satisfaction of basic human needs in
health, education, housing and the right to productive
employment for all.
My Government has recognized that the question of
basic human needs cannot be ignored. It is a prerequisite
for good order and stability, which would in turn produce
a stable political environment. Governments cannot afford
to allow the growth of social discontent that is
engendered by the vicious circle of debt, poverty and
economic deprivation.
There are many countries, not least my own, which
suffer, not from open and violent conflict, but from the
residue of a crushing external debt and the debilitating
effects of an ongoing structural adjustment programme.
In spite of all this, my Government is committed to
providing for its people the basic necessities of health,
housing, education and an economic and a social
environment for both men and women to achieve their
full potential. Some of the factors that inhibit advances
towards a new economic and social order are attributed to
the prevailing inequitable terms of trade and the persistent
reduction in commodity earnings of exporters of primary
products.
However, social and economic problems are now not
confined to developing countries. In this era of greater
interdependence among nations and increasing
globalization, issues and problems of economic growth
and development, poverty, population growth and
environmental destruction have become global. It is
therefore necessary to first of all address the root causes
of these problems before any tangible and lasting
solutions are achieved.
President Jagan’s proposals for a New Global
Humanitarian Order have therefore taken into account the
globalization of these pressing issues. His proposals
directly relate to the work of the General Assembly on
“An Agenda for Development”; the Rio de Janeiro
Conference of 1992; the Conference of Small Island
Developing States; the recently concluded World
Conference on Population and Development; the
forthcoming World Summit on Social Development; and
the Fourth World Conference on Women. It is therefore
my Government’s fervent hope that this forty-ninth
session will result in positive measures being taken to
address the economic, social and humanitarian problems
prevailing in the world today. We have shown the
capacity to resolve supposedly intractable problems. I
may refer here to the end of the iniquitous system of
apartheid, when we all felt a sense of pride and
accomplishment at the readmission of South Africa to the
United Nations on 23 June 1994.
I may also refer to the Middle East where we have
seen a marvellous example of what can be achieved
through patient diplomacy and dialogue, by the recent
signing of a Peace Accord between Israel and Jordan.
2

The earlier signature of the Declaration of Principles,
together with the current self-rule in Gaza, point to the
statesmanship of the leaders of Israel, the Palestinian people
and the other parties to a conflict which has dragged on for
far too long.
We have seen the convening of a World Conference
on Human Rights and the appointment of a High
Commissioner for Human Rights, events which point to the
increasing concern of the United Nations for the protection
of human rights and for the improvement of the economic
and social conditions of mankind.
In my own region, we see the possibility of the
restoration of democracy in Haiti. The multinational
operation now under way, of which Guyana is a part, offers
the hope that, notwithstanding its inherent difficulties, the
illegal government will finally abandon power. Guyana is
pledged to participate in the process leading to the prompt
return of peace and stability in Haiti. The international
community must now work together to assist in the
rebuilding of that country’s institutions, as well as its
economy, as a safeguard to its future welfare.
We are happy that the United States and Cuba were
able to meet here in New York and come to a positive
agreement on the migration issue. We hope that the
maturity displayed in those negotiations will spill over to a
correlative issue, the economic embargo, and that Cuba will
be allowed to pursue its economic rehabilitation for the
benefit of its people.
A peaceful resolution of the Cyprus problem, which
has seemed to be elusive, continues to be our great desire.
Guyana remains hopeful that the efforts of the Secretary-
General and the goodwill of the parties involved will lead
to a satisfactory solution.
I am convinced that this Organisation can and will
achieve greater success for a better world. I would
therefore urge serious consideration of the “New Global
Humanitarian Order”, which is aimed at fusing various
aspects of past and future undertakings by this Assembly.
This new order will effectively bridge the gap between
rhetoric and implementation, and will succeed in dealing
directly with the common problems which face us all.
As we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, I appeal to those present here today to reflect on
the spirit of solidarity which inspired the Charter of the
United Nations. Let us therefore work together to enhance
the role of this august body. Let us also, through mutual
respect and tolerance, work to promote better relations
between all nations and peoples.


Allow me to begin my
address by offering my congratulations to Mr. Amara
Essy on the assumption of his new office. I should also
like to express my respect for the excellent diplomatic
skills demonstrated by his predecessor, Ambassador
Insanally, during a period of momentous change. I am
also pleased to convey my sincere congratulations to the
Republic of South Africa, which, having renounced
apartheid, was reinstated as a full Member of the United
Nations at the previous session of the General Assembly.
The United Nations is now expected to play a
greater role than ever before. Recalling the blessings
bestowed upon Japan by the international community at
the time of its admission into this Organization, I intend
to conduct a proactive foreign policy that will enable
Japan to contribute, on a level commensurate with its
political and economic status, to the future well-being of
humankind.
At the outset, I should like to discuss Japan’s basic
philosophy regarding its international contributions. Japan
is engaged in economic assistance and various other
efforts in order to eradicate poverty and achieve economic
development, as well as to prevent conflicts and remove
destabilizing factors.
Reflecting with remorse upon the Second World
War, Japan has never wavered from its commitment to
contribute to world peace and prosperity. Japan does not,
nor will it, resort to the use of force, prohibited by its
Constitution. Japan will remain resolutely a nation of
peace. Neither possessing nuclear arms nor exporting
weapons, Japan continues to be actively engaged in
disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. In accordance
with what I have just stated, Japan has dispatched
members of its Self-Defence Forces, as well as civilian
personnel, to several countries, including Cambodia and
Mozambique, in response to requests by the United
Nations. Japan intends to continue to cooperate actively
in such United Nations peace-keeping operations.
12

At the same time, Japan is determined to enhance its
contributions to efforts on global issues in economic and
social areas. These issues, whose importance is now
widely recognized, include development, the environment,
human rights, refugees, population, AIDS and narcotics.
Today, the first area on which the United Nations
should focus its efforts is the maintenance of international
peace and security; the second is the resolution of economic
and social problems. And if it is to carry out these two
very important tasks effectively, it must undertake a third:
the promotion of United Nations reform. I should like on
this occasion to outline my views as to the kind of
contributions Japan wishes to make in these areas.
In the maintenance of international peace and security,
which is the first area of concern to the United Nations,
Japan places great emphasis on disarmament and
non-proliferation, diplomatic efforts for the resolution of
conflicts, and peace-keeping operations.
As the only country to have suffered a nuclear attack,
and adhering firmly to its three non-nuclear principles,
Japan strives to achieve the ultimate goal of eliminating all
nuclear weapons. Toward this end, it urges all
nuclear-weapon States to redouble their efforts to reduce
their nuclear arsenals. Further, Japan supports the
indefinite extension of the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty,
and calls on all States that have not yet acceded to the
Treaty to do so at the earliest opportunity.
At the same time, I would urge, in particular, all
nuclear-weapon States to engage more actively in the
negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban treaty and to
strive to bring them to an early and successful conclusion.
I wish to propose that, once the negotiations on the treaty
are concluded, a ceremony for its signing by Heads of State
or Government be held in Japan, for example in the city of
Hiroshima, and that it be made a new starting-point for the
elimination of nuclear weapons once and for all.
In this connection, Japan strongly calls upon North
Korea to engage seriously in efforts to resolve the issue of
its development of nuclear weapons through international
dialogue, including its talks with the United States.
The unfettered transfer and excessive accumulation of
conventional weapons is another destabilizing factor in
many regions of the world today. In the civil wars we have
witnessed in certain regions of Africa and elsewhere, for
example, it has resulted in the escalation of combat and in
enormous loss of life. It is my belief that the international
community must seriously consider concrete measures to
solve this problem.
In this regard, the United Nations Register of
Conventional Arms, designed to improve the transparency
of arms transfers, has grown increasingly important as an
effective measure for building confidence at the global
level. More than 80 countries participate in the Register
at present, and we strongly hope that many more will
join. Japan will work together with other Member States
to amplify and strengthen the Register by, for example,
also including arms stockpiles in it.
The prevention and settlement of regional conflicts
requires a comprehensive approach which combines
diplomatic efforts, United Nations peace-keeping
operations, humanitarian aid, assistance for building social
institutions, and aid for peace-building, such as
rehabilitation and reconstruction assistance.
Convinced of the importance of taking measures
before conflicts become intractable, I am a strong
advocate of the vigorous promotion of preventive
diplomacy. From this viewpoint, I believe we should, in
cooperation with the countries concerned, actively
consider extending assistance for the stabilization of
social and political conditions in regions or countries
where there are elements of instability.
United Nations peace-keeping operations have
proved successful in Cambodia and many other regions,
and they are expected to play an increasingly important
role. Further improvement of the effectiveness of
peace-keeping operations will require closer examination
of, inter alia, their mandates, duration, scale of activities
and cost, as well as full consideration of the safety of
personnel. Strengthening the financial base of United
Nations peace-keeping operations is an urgent task. It is
necessary, in particular, that Member States that are in
arrears pay their assessed contributions. It is also
imperative that ways be sought to put peace-keeping
operations on a sounder financial basis.
Japan, for its part, will enhance its support for
democratization with a view to helping peace take root
after the fighting has ceased. It places particular
importance on assisting efforts to hold free and fair
elections.
Responding to the unspeakably tragic situation of the
Rwandan refugees, Japan has provided both financial
assistance and material support through the United
13

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the United
Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda. The Government
of Japan has decided to dispatch more than 400 members
of its self-defence forces to the region to provide assistance
in such areas as medical treatment, water supply and air
transport. Some of these activities have already
commenced. Working together with the international
community - particularly with the countries of Africa -
Japan is determined to continue its efforts toward a solution
of the Rwandan issue.
With regard to the conflict in the former Yugoslavia,
Japan continues to support the efforts of the international
community to restore peace. It calls upon all the disputing
parties concerned to accept the peace plan for Bosnia and
Herzegovina devised by the Contact Group and to cooperate
with the activities of the United Nations there.
The second task of the United Nations is the solution
of problems in economic and social areas, including those
regarding development, the environment and human rights.
With the changing international circumstances, the
issue of development is now re-emerging as a global
concern; a new strategy for development is thus called for.
It is from this viewpoint that Japan has been advocating a
development strategy that entails a comprehensive
approach, combining assistance, trade, investment, and the
transfer of technology, as well as a differentiated approach,
tailored to the needs of developing countries according to
their respective stages of development.
The International Conference on African Development,
held in Tokyo last year, proved to be a worthwhile forum
for the discussion of how such a development strategy
might be realized. In an effort to build upon the results of
that Conference, an Asia-Africa seminar will be convened
in Indonesia this December.
In today’s world, South-South cooperation, where
more advanced developing countries share their experience
and technology with other developing countries, is of
increasing significance. Japan intends to suggest concrete
plans for the promotion of South-South cooperation around
the globe.
Moreover, as the world’s largest donor country, Japan
continues its efforts to expand its official development
assistance. In extending such assistance, it gives full
consideration to such factors as trends in the recipient
country’s military expenditures and in its development and
production of weapons of mass destruction, as well as its
efforts to promote democracy and to introduce a
market-oriented economy.
It is my hope that meaningful discussions of an
Agenda for Development will take place at the current
session of the General Assembly and that the points I
have just mentioned will be taken into account.
At this time of increasing global interdependence, all
humankind is confronted with new challenges, such as
environmental and population problems, which can be
overcome only through close cooperative efforts between
industrialized and developing countries.
Japan, for its part, is actively engaged in
environmental- protection efforts. For example, it is
working to strengthen the international framework for
such efforts, to transfer relevant technologies to
developing countries, and to expand and strengthen its
official development assistance in environmental areas.
With regard to population and AIDS, in February of this
year Japan launched its Global Issues Initiative, under
which it is greatly expanding assistance to developing
countries to address these problems. At the International
Conference on Population and Development, recently
convened in Cairo, I stressed the importance of finding a
solution to issues relating to population.
Japan is profoundly aware that human-resources
development and the further advancement of the status of
women, achieved through international cooperation, have
important implications for social stability. We therefore
eagerly anticipate the successful outcome of the World
Summit for Social Development and the Fourth World
Conference on Women, which will be convened next
year. By the same token, Japan actively participates in
the Women-in-Development programmes and other social-
development activities administered by the various United
Nations agencies.
Economic development and human rights may be
likened to the front and rear wheels of a vehicle: they
must work in tandem to advance the development of
democratic societies. In order to encourage respect for
human rights as universal values and to improve
effectively the human rights situation in every country, it
is important to make continuous efforts to establish legal
systems and to raise awareness of human rights, in
addition to promoting political, economic and social
stability. Toward this end, Japan will cooperate in every
way possible to assist the work of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights.
14

If it is to carry out effectively its two major tasks -
maintaining international peace and security and resolving
economic and social problems - the United Nations must
make a serious effort to adapt to the new era by
undertaking structural reform as well as administrative and
budgetary reform.
As the United Nations seeks to strengthen its activities
through reform, the restructuring of the Security Council is
of particular importance. Today the activities of the
Security Council span a wide range of issues relating to
world peace and stability. While the membership of the
United Nations has grown from 51 countries in 1945 to 184
countries at the present time, the composition of the
Council, which was intended to reflect the world situation
as it existed when the United Nations was established, has
remained virtually unchanged. In the interim, we have
witnessed the emergence of countries that are capable of
shouldering greater international responsibilities. It is
therefore necessary to restructure and strengthen the
Security Council, while ensuring its efficiency, so that it
may reflect world realities.
In keeping with Japan’s basic philosophy regarding
international contributions, which I outlined earlier, I wish
to state that Japan is prepared, with the endorsement of
many countries, to discharge its responsibilities as a
permanent member of the Security Council. It is my hope
that United Nations Member States will accelerate the
deliberations on this subject during the current session and
that an agreement will be reached on a reform plan in time
for the commemorative fiftieth session of the General
Assembly next year.
The Security Council is not the only organ requiring
reform. The General Assembly, in which 184 States
participate, also needs to be reinvigorated, and it must
coordinate its activities more closely with those of other
United Nations agencies. Recently, efforts have begun to
fine-tune United Nations activities in economic and social
fields, such as development, the environment and human
rights, and to establish clear priorities among them. In
addressing these issues, which have profound implications
for the future of humankind, it is necessary to continue to
work towards the functional and organizational
strengthening of the Economic and Social Council. The
Trusteeship Council, by contrast, has completed its historic
mission, and it is my view that it would be appropriate, in
the context of the reform of the United Nations as a whole,
to consider its abolishment. Building on the creation of the
Office of Internal Oversight Services at the last session of
the General Assembly, we must redouble our efforts to
promote administrative and budgetary reform.
The passage of a half century since the signing of
the United Nations Charter has rendered the so-called
"former enemy clauses" meaningless. Japan continues to
seek their deletion from the text of the Charter.
I have focused my remarks today on the three
challenges facing the United Nations: the maintenance of
international peace and security, the resolution of
economic and social issues and the need for the reform of
the Organization. If the United Nations pursues reform
to meet the changing needs of the times and supports and
expands cooperation among its Member States, I have
every confidence that it will enhance its legitimacy as a
universal organization and develop a capacity to respond
to new challenges even more effectively.
In closing, I would like to call upon all Member
States to cooperate to ensure that this will be remembered
as the historic session of the General Assembly that
ushered in a new era for the United Nations.


Allow me,
at the outset, to extend my warmest congratulations to
His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Serbia, on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly. I should like to express to him
the pleasure of the Union of the Comoros at seeing him
preside over our work and to assure him of the full
support of the Comorian delegation in discharging his
noble task.I should also like to pay tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, former Permanent
Representative of the State of Qatar, who presided over
the General Assembly with such wisdom, skill and
determination and who was successful in working to
strengthen its role.
Finally, I wish to congratulate the Secretary-
General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the
vision with which he has led the Organization and for
the worthy initiatives he has ceaselessly undertaken to
promote respect for the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations, especially peacebuilding
and stability for greater development.
As was the case last year, the General Assembly
is meeting in a context of global uncertainty. It is a
climate marked by multifaceted crises, all of them
major challenges for our institution. It is meeting at
a moment when one of the Members of our United
Nations family, Syria, is being rent asunder by a steadily
deterioraiting fratricidal war, which poses a serious
threat to peace both for the region and for the world,
due to that country’s strategic geopolitical position.
The resignation of the Joint Special Envoy of the United
Nations and the League of Arab States, former United
Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, demonstrated,
were there any need for such, the complexity of
managing the Syrian conflict. It therefore behoves us to
act without delay to put an end to the terrible suffering
of the brotherly Syrian people and to save what can be
saved of its various infrastructures.
Just as important is the Palestinian cause. For
decades now, it has awaited a fair and lasting solution,
one found through our shared desire to establish
together the solid foundations for a world of peace and
prosperity. The Union of the Comoros reiterates its full
support for the Palestinian people and associates itself
with the formula of a Palestinian State as a full-fledged
member of the community of nations, living side by
side and in perfect security with the State of Israel.
The situation in northern Mali is also alarming.
The attacks carried out against the civilian population
of the region, the serious violations of human rights,
the obstacles erected to humanitarian access, and
the destruction and looting of holy places and other
religious, historical and cultural sites are barbarous acts
that are contrary to the principles of Islam. That is why
my country supports the commitment of the Economic
Community of West African States, alongside the African Union and the United Nations, to put an end to
those violations, which have gone on for much too long.
One should not, however, lose sight of the fact
that while some advocate fanaticism and extremism,
Islamophobia is also taking on alarming proportions.
Indeed, the dissemination of the video Innocence of
Muslims has led to waves of indignation and many
demonstrations throughout the world. Several million
believers have felt their faith insulted and harmed.
However, the protests against the unspeakable
insults to Islam, Muslims and the Prophet
Muhammad — peace be upon him — cannot justify the
violence against Western missions in many countries.
My country therefore condemns the terrorist attacks
that in Benghazi, Libya, caused the death of the
American Ambassador, Chris Stevens, and a number
of his colleagues. I take this opportunity to reiterate
to the American people and to the grieving families of
the victims the most heartfelt condolences of the people
and the Government of the Comoros.
The ongoing existence of many hotbeds of tension
throughout the world, the violation of fundamental
human rights, and the growth of piracy and terrorism
all speak to the need for urgent and in-depth reform of
the Security Council. My country therefore reiterates
its support for the African Union’s position regarding
the need to reform the Council for better representation
of the international community and for greater
effectiveness in the settlement and management of
conflicts.
A few decades ago, my country resolutely
committed itself to the path of democracy. It wishes
to make its contribution to the promotion of a world
of peace, security, justice and fairness. That is why
I have committed myself, since my accession to the
presidency, to spare no effort in promoting the rule of
law and good governance in the Union of the Comoros.
Above and beyond the setting up of all institutions
provided for under our Constitution, including the
Supreme Court, I have given major priority to the
fight against corruption. An anti-corruption law has
already been promulgated, and a national commission
to combat and prevent corruption has now been set up
and made operational. I thank the European Union for
its assistance and expertise in this area, which enabled
us to develop the document for our national strategy to
combat corruption.This year once again, the global economic and
financial crisis is at the heart of the Assembly’s general
debate. That crisis has made evident the urgent need
for a global form of economic governance based on the
values of responsibility, fairness and solidarity. It has
also placed before the eyes of the world the urgency
of an in-depth reform of the international financial
institutions.
The repercussions of the crisis are becoming
increasingly palpable, particularly in developing
countries, where the rising price of staples threatens
peace and stability. The crisis has also intensified
problems linked to energy, which powers all
socioeconomic development, limiting our ability to
promote development through investments.
Climate change is another major challenge our
countries face. We must respond effectively to that
phenomenon, which affects the entire planet, especially
small island developing States such as the Union of the
Comoros.
I wish to stress that last April my country
experienced two weeks of unusually violent torrential
rains that hammered our islands, causing damage that
had disastrous consequences for our population and the
national economy. Ten per cent of the population was
affected, a high percentage for a country as sparsely
populated as the Comoros. In the name of the whole
Comorian people and of my Government, I would
therefore like to thank all the partners and friends who
offered us urgent humanitarian aid to help us address
that dramatic situation.
The unprecedented storms led my Government
to draw up a rapid recovery plan, with the aid and
support of the international community. It will enable
us to better help those affected and to restore destroyed
infrastructure throughout our territory. That plan, which
contains procedures aimed at restoring the situation
within a period of six to 12 months, was launched at
a round table held on 5 September in Pretoria, with
the fraternal support of our friendly brother country,
the Republic of South Africa. I would therefore like to
appeal to all here to help finance the rapid recovery
plan, whose cost has been estimated at $18 million.
That will allow my country to better face the current
situation and to better prepare for the future.
The time has come to relaunch with greater
determination a number of pending international issues,
in particular those regarding measures to mitigate or adapt to climate change and to make operational the
Copenhagen Climate Fund. We need to honour the
commitments made to the countries of the South by
implementing, inter alia, the agreements on emissions
linked to deforestation and forest degradation, as well
as a comprehensive agreement on climate change. We
must also respect the Kyoto Protocol on the reduction
of greenhouses gases within the framework of the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change. Finally, we must do our utmost to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals.
Faced with all those equally important challenges,
I urgently call on the most developed countries to apply
to the most fragile countries the same mechanisms that
have been implemented to reduce the impact of the
crisis in Europe, in order to prevent more unfortunate
consequences, knowing that our countries depend on
the financial contributions of our people abroad. In that
context, my country, which is currently a beneficiary
of the Extended Credit Facility of the International
Monetary Fund, hopes by December to have reached
the completion point of the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries Initiative. In other words, the new world
economic order, based on the shared principles of
fairness, transparency and prosperity that we have
willingly embraced, requires a real and dynamic easing
of the crisis that has struck the world. Africa impatiently
awaits the advent of that new order to realize economic
and social integration and to embark resolutely on the
path of sustainable development.
In conclusion, with respect to my country’s
stability, before the General Assembly, I once again
appeal to France that a frank and sincere dialogue
finally be set up between our two closely linked nations
on the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte. It
has grown increasingly clear that the fact that Mayotte
remains under French administration constitutes a threat
to the peace and stability of the three other Comorian
islands — the peace that remains the foundation of
freedom and prosperity.
It is true, and a secret to no one, that that island has
always served as a rear guard for the detractors of the
Comoros, those who would prefer not to see our country
move forward despite its great potential. Moreover, the
year 2012, now drawing to a close, proved particularly
dramatic for my people. Men, women and children
aboard f limsy boats known as kwassa kwassa perished
in the narrow waters that separate the Comorian islands
of Anjouan and Mayotte because of the visas that France imposed on the Comorians of the other islands. Surely
that painful, unacceptable situation, which has lasted for
decades, cannot fail to move this worldwide Assembly,
whose chosen theme for this year is “Bringing about
adjustment or settlement of international disputes or
situations by peaceful means”, including the rule of law
at the national and international levels.
I therefore hope that France will honour its
commitments as a country that respects international
law. Finally, I hope it will respond positively to our
urgent call so that together we may find a positive
way for Mayotte to return to its natural home, which
remains the Union of the Comoros. That is how to put
an end to the humanitarian tragedy and to guarantee
lasting stability for my country. It is through a definitive
solution to this conflict, which has lasted far too long,
that France can contribute to the ongoing efforts to
enhance regional integration, and thus to safeguard the
interests of this region of the Indian Ocean that we hope
to build together in stability and peace.


As we speak today, the world
is being shaken by the depravity of fanatics who
have committed acts insulting the faith of more than
1.5 billion Muslims. We strongly condemn such
offensive acts, whether they involve the production
of a film, the publication of cartoons or indeed any
other insults and provocations. Such acts can never
be justified as manifestations of freedom of speech
or expression. Equally, they cannot become a reason
for genuine protests to be used to incite violence and
terrible losses of innocent lives.
It is a matter for grave concern that our world
remains strewn with daily outbreaks of violence, hatred
and injustice. In particular, the menace of Islamophobia
is a worrying phenomenon that threatens peace and
coexistence among cultures and civilizations. I call on leaders in the West, both among politicians and in the
media, to confront Islamophobia in all its many forms
and manifestations. It is incumbent on us all to advance
the cause of dialogue and cooperation, to fight the
forces of division and hatred and to fulfil the promise
of a better and brighter future for future generations.
We must work to defeat the forces that foment conflicts
among civilizations, and to support the voices of
tolerance and understanding.
My country, Afghanistan, is testament to the
benefits of multilateral cooperation and international
solidarity. It was a little over a decade ago that many
countries from around the world joined the Afghan
people in our struggle for peace and against the forces
of extremism and terrorism. At the time, Afghanistan
was a country decimated in every way. For decades we
had suffered, unnoticed, from violence, deprivation
and sinister foreign intervention. Long before terrorism
became a security threat to the whole planet, Afghans
were victims of atrocities inf licted by terrorist
networks from various parts of the world that had made
Afghanistan their haven.
Looking back 10 years, Afghanistan has undergone
a remarkable transformation. Democracy has taken
root; health services are accessible to the majority of
the population in every corner of the country; millions
of students, boys and girls, are enrolled in primary and
higher education. Our achievements have not come
about easily, though. The aspirations of the Afghan
people for security and peace have yet to be realized. As
the global fight against terrorism continues unabated,
the Afghan people continue to pay a bigger price than
any other nation, in both life and treasure.
Terrorism is not rooted in Afghan villages and
towns; it never was. Its sources and support networks
all exist beyond Afghanistan’s borders. Thus while
the security of the international community is being
protected from the threat of terrorism, the people of
Afghanistan must no longer be made to pay the price
and endure the brunt of the war. It is in deference to the
immense sacrifices of the Afghan people, and to the
precious lives lost from the international community,
that the campaign against terrorism must be taken to
the sources of terrorism and be results-oriented.
Today in Afghanistan, we are pursuing the cause of
peace and an end to violence as a matter of great urgency.
Since peace is the greatest desire of the Afghan people,
and since we are convinced that military efforts alone
are not an adequate strategy for ensuring security, we have initiated a peace and reconciliation process, which
aims to induce all elements of the armed opposition to
take up peaceful lives in our country.
At this time last year, my visit to the General
Assembly was cut short by the tragic assassination of
Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, the then Chairman
of the High Peace Council. A terrorist posing as a
peace emissary took his life, and by doing so dealt our
peace process a serious blow. This year, however, and
fortunately, the late Professor’s son, Mr. Salahuddin
Rabbani, who stepped up to take the Chair of the High
Peace Council, is part of the Afghan delegation and
present in the Assembly today.
I have often said that our hand of peace and
reconciliation remains extended not only to the Taliban
but also to all other armed opposition groups who wish
to return to dignified, peaceful and independent lives
in their own homeland. What we ask of them in return
is simple: bringing an end to violence, cutting ties
with terrorist networks, preserving the valuable gains
of the past decade and respecting the Constitution of
Afghanistan. To help facilitate the peace process, I am
asking the Security Council to give its full support to
our efforts. In particular, I urge the Security Council
Committee established pursuant to resolution 1988
(2011), the Taliban sanctions committee, to make more
active efforts to delist Taliban leaders, as a step towards
facilitating direct negotiations.
In pursuing the path of peace, we remain hopeful
about the critical role that our fraternal neighbour the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan has to play. Over recent
years, we have engaged our brothers in Pakistan in a
close dialogue in support of the Afghan peace process.
It is a dialogue that we believe is critical for Pakistan’s
own security and for the security of the wider region
and beyond. We are deeply committed to our brotherly
relations with Pakistan, but we are aware of the
challenges that may strain our efforts to build trust
and confidence. Such incidents as the recent shelling
of Afghan villages risk undermining the efforts of both
Governments to work together in the interest of our
common security and prosperity.
For the past two years, our national priority has
been to have Afghanistan’s own security forces assume
full responsibility for the security of our country and
our people. The transition process will be completed
by mid-2013 and NATO and International Security
Assistance Force forces withdrawn from our country
by the end of 2014.

Apart from advancing transition and pursuing the
peace process, the past year has been one of significant
progress for consolidating international commitment
and partnership. In Chicago in May, we received the
long-term commitment of NATO and other countries to
training, equipping and ensuring the sustainability of
the Afghan National Security Forces. In Tokyo this past
July, the international community reaffirmed its strong
commitment to Afghanistan’s social and economic
development during the transformation decade, for
which we are grateful.
The Mutual Accountability Framework adopted in
Tokyo sets in place a clear structure for a more results-
oriented partnership and cooperation. We welcome the
international community’s readiness to align aid with
our national priorities and channel assistance through
the Afghan budget. For our part, we have reiterated our
determination to improve governance and to collaborate
with our international partners to wipe out the cancer of
corruption, whether it is in the Afghan Government or
the international aid system.
We recognize that Afghanistan’s destiny is tied to
the region that surrounds it, with respect both to our
common threats, such as terrorism, extremism and
narcotics, and to the opportunities we must grasp to
grow and prosper. In that context, the Istanbul Process
presents a new agenda for security, confidence-building
and cooperation across the region of which Afghanistan
is the centre. We will spare no effort to build strong and
lasting relations with our neighbors near and extended.
Turning to the international arena, Afghanistan
views the situation in Syria with much concern.
Over the course of the past year, thousands of our
Syrian brothers and sisters have lost their lives due
to an escalating cycle of violence. We welcome the
appointment of the new Joint Special Representative
for Syria of the United Nations and League of Arab
States, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi. We know him very well.
Mr. Brahimi is well respected in Afghanistan, and he
brings vast experience and a unique ability to the task
before him. Here, I say to the people of Syria that we
Afghans have experienced violence ourselves, and we
know what it takes to rebuild a country. I hope very
much, on behalf of the Afghan people, that the Syrians
will sit down together as soon as possible and find a
way to end the violence, since it will be not easy to
repair.

The continuing plight of the Palestinian people
has been a source of deep distress for Afghanistan and
the rest of the international community. The people of
Palestine have suffered immensely for far too long. We
remain in full support of the realization of the rights
of our brothers and sisters in Palestine, including their
right to an independent Palestinian State. The time has
come for an end to the occupation and for realizing the
just aspirations of the people of Palestine.
Finally, reform of the United Nations remains an
important item on the international agenda. Since its
inception in 1945, the United Nations has exercised
a key role in promoting a safer and more secure
world, improving the lives of citizens worldwide,
and safeguarding and promoting human rights.
Nevertheless, in view of our ever-changing world, we
cannot deny the fact that the Organization is in dire
need of comprehensive reform, enabling it to better
reflect the new challenges and realities of our time.
The reform of the Security Council is long overdue.
Achieving a reformed Council that is more inclusive,
representative and transparent must remain a priority.
We welcome the ongoing progress within the framework
of the intergovernmental negotiations.


On behalf of Mr. Desiré
Delano Bouterse, President of the Republic of Suriname,
I avail myself of this opportunity to extend to Mr. Vuk
Jeremić my congratulations on his election as President
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
The wealth of experience that he brings to this body
will certainly assist him in successfully discharging his
duties. We pledge our full support and cooperation.
Allow me to salute his predecessor for his skilful
leadership at the sixty-sixth session. We wish him
well in his future endeavours. To Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon we pledge our support for his valuable
contribution in advancing the purposes and principles
of the Organization.
In his annual statement last week, in which he
introduced the 2013 national budget, the President of
Suriname highlighted Suriname’s strengths and the
opportunities and challenges we are facing as a young,
vibrant member of the international community. As
refiners and exporters of crude oil and its derivatives, as
well as producers and exporters of gold, a combination
of windfalls in earnings related to the trade of those
commodities and the application of prudent fiscal
policies, have resulted in a politically and economically
stable environment. That stability in turn has become
conducive to solid domestic and foreign investments
in the more sustainable sectors, in which agriculture and tourism score high. The design and construction
of relevant infrastructure demonstrate Suriname’s
potential to be a player on the supply side of strategic
commodities.
President Bouterse also presented a social package
in which education and health care figure prominently.
He made the point that strong international ratings are
encouraging indicators for investors. However, the
citizens of Suriname who lack the right opportunities
will share in the achievements only if the Government
is able to present them with a package comprising job-
oriented education at an academic as well as a vocational
level, adequate health services, sports facilities, access
to potable water, information and communications
technology facilities and proper waste disposal. The
challenge of financing such an improved social package
makes it necessary to empower our production and
service sectors by providing funds and know-how to
our entrepreneurs.
Suriname, as a young nation, is experiencing an
ongoing decolonization process that involves both its
structure and its mindset. Building a nation of half a
million people constitutes an enormous challenge when
at least seven different ethnic and cultural traditions
originate from the Americas, Africa and Europe, while
a considerable part of the population traces its roots to
India, Indonesia, China and the Middle East. .
Suriname is known for the presence of a synagogue
located next to a mosque in the heart of the capital
Paramaribo, while Christian churches coexist with
Hindu temples and places of worship with a strong
African affinity. We are proud to state that we have
been able to convert that challenge into a unique and
exemplary benefit and that the divide-and-rule policy
of colonial days is gradually disappearing, making way
for mutual respect, tolerance and peaceful coexistence,
which redound to the advantage of all our citizens.
Suriname is a country blessed with an exuberant
array of biodiversity. That splendid gift of the Almighty
must be cherished and protected to the fullest extent.
It needs to be mapped out in a way that allows for
responsible use. The challenge we face is responding to
the genuine developmental needs of our people, while
at the same time respecting and preserving biodiversity
for future generations, and indeed for humankind.
My country has committed itself to that cause
by, among other actions, creating a nature reserve of
1.8 million hectares. We have accepted the obligation to educate our small gold miners in the use of modern
technology that will not only prove more lucrative and
safe but also respect the need for a clean environment,
allowing for potable water and profitable agriculture.
Suriname must remain green and smart.
Suriname is very much aware of the fact that
while we have solid advantages as a nation, we can
only survive and prosper by adapting to a world that is
becoming more and more interdependent. Having been
blessed with oil reserves, trillions of cubic metres of
fossil water reserves, along with hundreds of rivers,
swamps, creeks, arable land and minerals, including
gold, copper, granite, rare earth and more, Suriname
has become a focal point in view of the ever-growing
scarcity of those commodities.
In order to maintain and enhance our political
stability, we must deepen and widen our eco-commercial
position and be able to keep our country and people
safe from any outside intervention and interference.
Suriname has engaged in a serious quest for integration
with its immediate neighbours — Guyana, France
and Brazil — at a bilateral and, wherever possible,
tripartite level. Suriname is also a devoted participant
in the historic movement of regional integration that is
growing in form and substance. We are active members
of the Union of South American Nations, the secretariat
of which will be based in Suriname as from July 2013.
We are committed to the creation of a Caribbean
Community multinational corporation, giving a more
meaningful basis to the single market and economic
goals put in place since 2006. As one of the founding
members of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States, we continue to be dedicated to the
integration mechanism of the Americas, remaining
committed to the principles and objectives of the
Organization of American States.
Although our region is making enormous strides in
furthering democracy and development, we must draw
the attention of the international community to the lack
of progress in assisting one of the most disadvantaged
countries in the Western Hemisphere, namely Haiti.
We call on the international community to honour its
pledges to assist the Government and people of Haiti in
their efforts to rebuild their beloved country.
Furthermore, our quest for integration will never
be complete if we continue to accept the isolation of our
sister nation, Cuba, as a consequence of the unjustly
imposed economic and trade embargo. Once again, we firmly call for an immediate end of those coercive
measures, which cause so much suffering to the people
of Cuba.
When Suriname became a Member of the United
Nations 36 years ago, we were little aware of the
importance of a number of issues not specifically
dealing with decolonization. Now we have grown
in our understanding. We realize that a properly
functioning United Nations, including a democratically
based Security Council, has the potential to become
the single most important stabilizing factor in a world
that has moved from bipolarity to multipolarity. In the
world of ever-shifting economic, political, diplomatic
and military Powers, the themes of the sixty-seventh
session of the General Assembly were appropriately
chosen.
We specifically want to draw the Assembly’s
attention to the need for dialogue in situations of
conflict. In our understanding, it is not easy for Powers
that have grown accustomed to controlling other
nations to grasp fully what it means to move away from
dominance and dependence to interdependence and the
need for dialogue in solving real or alleged conflicts.
Both the United States of America and the Federative
Republic of Brazil clearly endorsed the concept in their
statements at the opening of our general debate.
We urge all Member States in general and the
former colonial Powers in particular to accept the new
reality of our world by categorically refraining from
applying their own standards in judging the outcome of
other countries’ democratic structures and aspirations,
disrespecting the internationally accepted principles of
territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of
nations all over the world.
It is within that framework that I quote the closing
remarks at the presentation of the 2013 national budget
by Mr. Desiré Delano Bouterse, President of the
Republic of Suriname:
“As regards the sovereignty of our beloved
Suriname as an independent nation, our principal
task is none other than to respect and to defend the
sovereignty of our nation against all violations and
attacks from outside.
“Whenever and by whomever our sovereignty
is being challenged, our legitimate Government
has no other duty than to defend and safeguard the
entrusted sovereignty of the country”. The United Nations was built on the ashes of the
Second World War, and we pledged to save successive
generations from the scourge of war. The peaceful
settlement of disputes is the only avenue through
which we can ensure that the planet will be saved from
annihilation. That principled stand must be applied
to all areas of conflict, whether the conflict is in the
Middle East, Africa, the Americas or anywhere else in
the world.
The target date for achieving the Millennium
Development Goals is fast approaching. The year
2015 will be a decisive year when world leaders will
gather once again to assess the implementation of the
commitments made. We underscore the importance
of creating well-being for all and providing greater
opportunities for the vulnerable in our society by giving
full access to high-quality education at all levels and
affordable and high-quality health care and services, as
well as realizing the commitments to gender equality
and the empowerment of women.
It is necessary to increase the ability of women all
over the world to bring about change, to ensure that
they can exist in an environment free from violence
and conducive to their well-being, including access to
decent employment, services and housing.
We acknowledge the global burden and threat of
non-communicable diseases. In moving towards the
full implementation of the Political Declaration of the
High-level Meeting of the General Assembly on the
Prevention and Control of Non-communicable Diseases
(resolution 66/2, annex), as well as other commitments
we have made, we stress the importance of multisectoral
actions, strengthening health systems, ensuring the
availability of adequate and sustained resources, as
well as enhanced international cooperation through
effective partnerships. Suriname has increased its
efforts in the fight against those often overlooked silent
killers.

The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development concluded without an agreement on a
clear commitment with regard to the financing of
sustainable development. That is a very serious matter,
considering the threat of climate change, among others,
to a successful outcome of the efforts of small States
like Suriname to achieve sustainable development. The
international community cannot abandon its obligation to provide the necessary means to combat the serious
consequences of overconsumption, pollution and carbon
emissions, which threaten to undo our achievements
aimed at protecting the environment and securing the
well-being of our peoples. We continue to expect the
United Nations to spearhead the efforts for technical
assistance and to advance continued dialogue.
Suriname is deeply concerned with regard to the
basis on which countries in development are classified
in the international financial institutional framework.
Such classifications, without due consultations,
negatively affect the type and level of assistance that
a country can receive from international financial
institutions. We can only characterize those decisions
as undemocratic and as a virtual punishment of
our achievements in improving our socioeconomic
situation.
In conclusion, I wish to solemnly declare that
Suriname will always put its faith in multilateralism
through its unwavering support for the principles
and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations.