My first duty - which is a pleasant one - is to extend felicitations and congratulations to you, Sir, a distinguished son of Spain, upon your unanimous election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I pledge the full co-operation o£ my delegation in your effort to make this important fortieth session of the General Assembly a distinctive and successful one.
Let me pay a special tribute also to your illustrious predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, for his responsible and devoted service and for the impartial manner and serene dignity with which he discharged his duties as President.
May I also reaffirm our abiding support for our Secretary-General, whose qualities as an astute diplomat and an untiring devotee of the cause of internationalism are well known and widely respected. Once again, the Secretary-General has given us in his annual report a penetrating analysis of the present international situation and eminently constructive ideas as regards the need for co-operative global action.
The opening of this general debate has coincided with a tragedy of unspeakable proportions which has befallen our sister Latin American and Caribbean Republic of Mexico in the series of earthquakes which that country has suffered. I wish to utilize the opportunity offered by this public forum to reiterate the sentiments of regret and solidarity which were conveyed by my President, His Excellency Comrade Hugh Desmond Hoyte, to the President of the Republic of Mexico, His Excellency Miguel de la Madrid and to the Government and people of Mexico. Guyana is confident that the strength and courage which the Mexican people have demonstrated throughout their history will enable them soon to overcome the effects of this cruel disaster, with the help of the international community, and to resume without undue delay their task of nation-building.
We are now at the mid-point of the decade of the 1980 s, which I suggest is an appropriate point at which to examine how we have fared during the first half of this decade, to do so against the background of our performance in the previous decade and to make a prognosis for the remainder of this decade and beyond.
In looking back at the 1970s, we should recall that it was the period when detente between the super-Powers was initiated. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries welcomed that development and called for measures to sustain it and to make it global. It was the period when the first special session of the General Assembly on disarmament was held and much hope was engendered that, through a series of interlocking activities, the survival of the peoples of the world would not be in jeopardy and tomorrow would be a better day.
The 1970s also witnessed a dramatic reduction of formal colonialism, for the intolerably long suffering of countries in Africa, the Caribbean and elsewhere came to an end and their peoples were once again free.
The hopes which the 1970s created were also reflected in the field of international economic relations. The adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order and of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States was an acknowledgment by the international community that global economic expansion could be secured only if economic relations among States were conducted on a just and equitable basis and the structural problems of developing countries were eliminated.
In the same vein, recognition must be given to the significant role which this Organization has played in fostering international co-operation in other fields. I think of the areas of human settlements, the role of women, the law of the sea and the protection of the environment as prime examples.
I suggest that it would be apposite to recall also the new relationships which were forged at the interregional, regional and subregional levels. The African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries and the European Economic Community engaged in intensive negotiations and the agreements reached, despite their imperfections, ushered in a different relationship. In my own region, the establishment of the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) was a bold attempt to advance regional economic co-operation.
Finally, the period of the 1970s was a time when there was a growing appreciation of the nature of interdependence and that that interdependence should be based on symmetric relations between States and between peoples. In accordance with that acknowledgment of interdependence, Member States recognized that some problems required global solutions because of their very scope. This Organization was therefore increasingly utilized in the service of all mankind in finding such solutions.
Unhappily, in the first five years of this decade the promise of the 1970s has not been fulfilled. Generally, in inter-State relations there is a certain primitiveness which stands in marked contrast to the spirit and accomplishments of the 1970s. It mocks the efforts expended over the years to establish a democratic international system, including a body of laws and rules carefully elaborated for the conduct of international relations. The major pillars of such a system are respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States; the self-determination of peoples; the non-use or threat of use of force; non-interference in the internal affairs of States; collective security; and multilateral co-operation on an equitable basis.
Sadly, so far in this decade we have seen those principles observed too often in the breach. The independence of small States has not been respected and the fabric of international co-operation has been subjected to a sustained assault. And there are increasing indications of ideological intolerance in international relations.
In the field of disarmament the second special session yielded even more meager results than its precursor. Meanwhile the arms race continues apace with the preparation for war consuming more financial resources than does any activity directed at strengthening peace or promoting development. The prospect of nuclear annihilation is now a major international concern. Yet in some Kafkaesque manner the existence of this common threat has not yet produced the unity of response that such a process demands. The sad reality is not only that the arms race continues on earth but also that concrete actions have begun which, if pursued to finality, will invite the result of making outer space an arena of military competition and confrontation.
The prime requirement of our time is the curbing of the arms race. In this respect a heavy responsibility devolves on the nuclear Powers, especially the United States and the Soviet union. He have noted the stated positions of these two Powers, including their desire to engage seriously in arms negotiations and their awareness of the consequences of failure not only to themselves but to all of us.
Guyana has views on their past behavior, but this not my concern on this occasion. Instead, today my desire is to add Guyana's voice, small but clear and sincere, to the many others heard from this rostrum to urge that the forthcoming Geneva summit talks be more than an exercise in establishing contact between the two leaders. These talks must be purposeful and constructive. The opportunity for them to usher in new and more structured relations between the two Powers should not be allowed to slip away.
To turn to the question of decolonization, the prolonged frustration of the independence of Namibia exemplifies the resistance of some States to the decisions which truly represent the will of the international community. We should not be deflected by linkage or any other irrelevant consideration in our determination to secure implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Additionally, pressure should be brought to bear on South Africa to ensure its compliance with that resolution. In this regard let us commend the masses, led by the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia, for exerting decisive pressure on the Pretoria regime to dismantle apartheid and to respect the rights of all the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. The duty of this Organization is to support them. Mandatory economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations should be applied during this session.
In other areas of the world, situations of tension and crisis with which this Organization was preoccupied in the 1970s are still on the international agenda. Since then, new problems have emerged.
In the Middle East the essential elements for a comprehensive and lasting settlement are well known. The key to peace remains the satisfaction of the legitimate Palestinian aspirations, including their right to a homeland. And let us here condemn the brutal attacks by the criminal Israeli forces on Tunisia and on the Palestinian headquarters. Further opposition to the convening of an international peace conference called for by this Assembly and involving the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestinian people, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization, only serves to prolong suffering and delay a settlement.
Similarly with Cyprus, whose independence and territorial integrity continue to be violated, a viable framework for a solution already exists in the relevant United Nations resolutions. The Secretary-General has been patient in carrying out the mandate assigned to him. We commend his efforts and urge all Member States and the representatives of the two communities in Cyprus to give their fullest co-operation to him in his renewed endeavors.
It in Central America and the Caribbean that we see the most poignant manifestation of ideological intolerance. The social and economic situations of the peoples of this subregion have been exploited and manipulated by powerful external forces in the name of protecting them against the intrusion of an alien ideology. The result is tension, instability and a situation where peace and security are gravely imperiled.
Guyana believes that the struggles of the peoples of Central America are against centuries of neglect and disadvantage and that the problems in the relations between States in that region should be solved through dialog and negotiation and not through the use of military force, whether directly or by proxies. That is why Guyana believes that the Contadora process deserves real and practical, as opposed to rhetorical, support by all members of the international community. For our part, we have given our wholehearted and consistent support to that process and to talks of a bilateral nature involving States within the region and between those States and interested parties outside it. Guyana also urges this Assembly to stand ready to facilitate the initiatives for peace in Central America which emerge from and have the blessing of the peoples of that subregion. Among other things this Assembly should give its endorsement to and encourage the work of the Contadora support group.
The prospects for securing progress in establishing a new international economic order and achieving sustained growth in the world economy are diminished by the current retreat from multilateralism and by the reluctance to engage in discussion about global negotiations which, if launched on a mutually agreed basis, could constitute a comprehensive means by which the international community can restructure international economic relations while simultaneously strengthening multilateral economic co-operation.
At the same time, some developed States are willing to do no more than tinker with the international trade and payments system in spite of its many defects and inability to respond with any degree of accuracy or consistency to the needs of the majority of the international community. Though the reality of interdependence has become more obvious with the lingering economic crisis, its requirements are being ignored by some rich and powerful States as they seek to exert greater control over international economic relations.
A critical factor in the troubled international monetary and financial system is the problem of debt facing the developing countries. It is a problem that has already been forcefully and eloquently addressed at this Assembly.
Let us hope that we can at this session reach conclusions that will reflect the spirit of international co-operation that was evident in the 1970s.
Linked to the capacity to repay debts is the fact that the commodities traded by developing countries have been afflicted by low prices, weak demand and the managed contraction of markets in the developed world. This problem has had an adverse impact on the quality of life in many developing countries. What is required of the international community is increased co-operation in the formulation of international commodity policy, including the improvement of stabilization schemes.
Unfortunately, these negative postures on the part of some developed countries extend to this Organization and its specialized agencies in their articulation of programs of economic co-operation among developing countries. We of the developing world, however, have not relaxed our efforts, and the record will show that co-operation among countries of the South at various levels continues to increase and to be intensified.
Guyana will not retreat from its commitment to internationalism. That is why we again urge those developed countries which have stood aside in the past or taken steps to frustrate international action in this respect to alter their positions and join those of us promoting genuine all-round development.
In addition to these situations, there are at least two issues which are causing increasing international concern. I refer to the abuse of and trafficking in drugs, and terrorism. As regards the latter, the Secretary-General has reminded us in his annual report on the work of the Organization that "some of the necessary international legal instruments are in place" (A/40/1, p. 15) . We must not only resolve to implement these instruments fully but also decide whether additional measures for international co-operation are required and can be agreed upon. Last year this Assembly adopted a far-reaching resolution against State terrorism, which helped in clarifying the issues. As we continue to address this subject, we have to ensure that action is not proposed as part of an ideological crusade, for this is bound to complicate the search for agreed solutions.
On the question of drugs, Guyana supports the Secretary-General's proposal that a global conference should be convened to deal with all aspects of drug abuse and illicit trafficking. While we welcome and look forward to the holding of such a conference, we must nevertheless emphasize that the problem of drugs cannot be approached in an isolated manner.
For many States and peoples the intensification of drug abuse is not unrelated to social and economic conditions. This connection must certainly be taken into consideration in any meaningful international approach to the question. It is therefore our hope that the nature and extent of the drug problem will encourage an appreciation of the urgency of the need for dialog leading to international co-operation over a much wider field, as developing countries have been calling for over the years.
As we look forward in our search for peace and international co-operation, I wish to leave this Assembly with two thoughts.
The first relates to sports. The Olympic Games were in this decade infected by some most distressing attitudes which deepened divisions between peoples and between States. Of course there can be no compromise with apartheid in this regard. There are already existing instruments and, hopefully, during this session we can adopt the draft International Convention against Apartheid in Sports, which has been so carefully and elaborately prepared. However, I ask the question: can the Olympic Games not be used in the future to promote reconciliation and understanding between peoples and States, and thus serve the cause of peace? In view of the holding of the forthcoming Olympics in Korea, can they not be employed in a positive and constructive way to foster a climate which will facilitate the search for a solution to the problem of the divided Korean peninsula?
The second thought relates to decolonization. This Organization has been correctly applauded for its contribution to decolonization. But in rightly focusing our attention on the need to bring a formal end to political colonialism, a few vestiges of which remain, may we not have underplayed or even overlooked some consequences of colonialism which persist to this very day and which have a negative impact on inter-State relations and on the capacity of the United Nations adequately to fulfill its purposes? For colonialism affected both the colonizer and the colonized. One obvious legacy is the pervasiveness of underdevelopment and the instability which it causes. The other, which is no less disturbing, is the continuing manifestation, oft times insidious, of attitudes, postures and policies akin to those of the colonizer. Action at both the national and international levels to alter permanently these adverse conditions will enhance international co-operation, peace and security.
From its inception the Non-Aligned Movement had as its overriding objective a world of free and equal sovereign States conducting their relations, among themselves and through institutions which they had created, in a democratic manner. That is why the Non-Aligned Movement has never wavered in its stand against imperialism, colonialism, racism and alien domination, and has always been a vigorous advocate of the democratization of international relations.
During the 1970s our Movement strengthened its internal mechanisms for seeking the acceptance of its recommendations and decisions in this Assembly and elsewhere; and we have maintained that activism to this very day.
The Non-Aligned Movement has been and will always be an inveterate campaigner for peace and for equitable development based on mutual benefit. When our Heads of State or Government last met in New Delhi in 1983, they articulated a multifaceted program of action affecting not only co-operation among non-aligned countries but many of the burning issues, the solutions of which require open and meaningful international co-operation. The response by the international community to several of these initiatives, however, has not always been positive. That notwithstanding, the Movement sought to carry forward the work of the summit meeting at the Conference of Foreign Ministers held recently in Luanda, Angola.
The members of the Non-Aligned Movement believe that the Luanda Declaration provides an adequate framework and concrete proposals for action at this Assembly.
The Movement will judge the attitudes of the rest of the membership of this Organization by their reaction to our efforts to get accepted at this Assembly the Movement's proposals for international co-operation and for action on specific issues.
We are not inflexible and we will remain ready, as always, for negotiations which are honestly and sincerely embraced. Such negotiations should have as a primary objective the harmonization of the manifold interests of all our States, a fundamental purpose of the Charter, what we cannot negotiate are the principles which are the bedrock of our Movement's solidarity - principles which I dare say are universal in character. Let us demonstrate during the period of this, the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, that we, as a collectivity, are equal to the task.


At the outset I should like, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and on my own behalf, to congratulate you? Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of this very important session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success, and assure you of the fullest co-operation of my delegation in the discharge of the onerous responsibilities entrusted to you.
I should like also to take this opportunity to express my delegation's appreciation to the outgoing President, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the able manner in which he guided the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
I also feel particularly happy to express my admiration for the diligence and skill with which our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, is managing the affairs of the United Nations.
Forty years ago the vast majority of mankind collectively succeeded in bringing an end to the madness and horror of nazism and fascism. Beginning with the aggression against my country in 1935, these forces of darkness had spread death and destruction on an unprecedented scale throughout Europe, Africa and Asia.
Embittered by this horror and inspired by the noble ideal of saving "succeeding generations from the scourge of war", the nations of the world entered into a covenant pledging to beat their swords into ploughshares, and established an international organization to harmonize their actions. The United Nations Charter is, thus, an embodiment of this commitment and of the deepest aspirations of mankind for peace, social progress and justice.
Since its founding, the United Nations has, without doubt, accomplished much. It has been instrumental in the acceleration of the decolonization process and has also contributed to the strengthening of global understanding and international co-operation in such diverse fields as economic and social development, the respect for human rights and the rights of peoples, and the elimination of all forms of discrimination.
However, given our immense capacity for collective endeavors, the wide gap that still exists between the achievements of the United Nations and our collective aspirations as enshrined in the Charter leaves no room for complacency, particularly in the present perilous international situation.
Mass poverty and the specter of nuclear annihilation continue to constitute formidable challenges to our common resolve and goals of global peace and prosperity. Lack of trust among nations, the desire to achieve national objectives by the threat or use of force, and indifference to the lawless acts of some not only have run counter to the commitment we have undertaken in the Charter of the United Nations, but have actually become sources of global tension.
The retreat from multilateralism by some States has rendered the United Nations less effective in resolving conflicts and in arresting the ever-deteriorating economic and social conditions, particularly of the developing countries. No less ominous is the trend to undermine the effectiveness of multilateral institutions by actual or threatened withdrawal from important
international organizations, such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Such maneuver obviously constitute an assault on the entire United Nations system and on the very concept of multilateral co-operation.
It is, of course, unfortunate that some consider the united Nations to be a mere forum for sterile polemics, where important and pressing international political, economic and social issues continue to appear perennially on the agenda of the General Assembly without any prospect of their resolution. Such views, I believe, underestimate the achievements and potentials of the .United Nations.
In this context, we note with gratification the observance of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption in 1960 of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, a Declaration which stands as a living testimony to what the United Nations can achieve. The adoption of this Declaration was and still is an act of justice to those who have been and are still denied their inalienable rights to freedom and independence. By invoking this historic Declaration millions of subjugated peoples have been able to attain their independence and join the community of free nations.
One significant and important exception is, of course, Namibia. During the past four decades, the United Nations has adopted numerous resolutions on Namibia. But so far it has failed to dislodge the racist regime of Pretoria from its illegal occupation.
Indeed, the United Nations plan for Namibia, as contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), remains unimplemented as a result of the obduracy of the racist regime and the duplicity of some of its Western sponsors. By introducing extraneous issues into the implementation of the plan and by installing an illegal puppet administration in Windhoek, the forces of racism and imperialism have blocked the peaceful transition of Namibia to independence. In this connection, we vigorously condemn the so-called policy of linkage and call upon its proponent to abandon this self-serving stratagem and work with the United Nations in favor of the speedy decolonization of Namibia.
In South Africa, the struggle of the oppressed people has today reached-a crucial stage. The fury of the masses has exploded into popular action. The flame of freedom has been set ablaze.
In the hope of extinguishing this flame, the racist regime has, none the less, responded with its all too familiar brutality. With the imposition of a state of emergency, the regime appears bent on leaving no stone unturned in its vain attempt to contain an uncontrollable situation. We are certain that the trepidation of Pretoria's fascist regime and its resort to naked force will only fuel the fire to stoke the flames of freedom and equality.
Already, the oppressed people in South Africa and Namibia are intensifying the armed struggle under the leadership of their liberation movements, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), respectively. We know for sure that the beginning of the end of the racist regime is well under way. But we equally recognize that, unless the international community acts more forcefully and decisively now, much blood is bound to be spilled in southern Africa. Pretoria will, of course, not be the only one to be held responsible for this crime against humanity. Those Western Powers that have aided and abetted racism for so long and continue to do so now will have to share the blame and responsibility.
To escape this responsibility, the Western Powers in general and the United States Government in particular must disengage and be seen to be disengaging themselves from the genocide in South Africa. They must also impress upon
Mr. Botha that the policy of "constructive engagement" was not intended to destructively engage the defenseless people of South Africa with bayonets, bullets and bazookas. Disengagement from Pretoria must, therefore, be immediate and total. This, I submit, is the moral imperative of the time.
In this regard, we are encouraged by the popular movement in North America and Western Europe for the immediate and unconditional release of political prisoners, such as Nelson Mandela, and in support of sanctions against South Africa. Without the release of Nelson Mandela and other representatives of the Sou tit African people, there can be no effective political process in South Africa and no bridge can be built across the racial chasm.
As regards sanctions, we are discouraged by the hesitant and token measures so far taken by certain Western Governments and their attitude of selective morality. South Africa depends on the economies of the Western States, which are in a position to say, and have a moral obligation to say, to Pretoria, "we are not prepared to finance apartheid" which, I submit, is an outgrowth of nazism and fascism. The purpose of sanctions is to avert a racial blood-bath in southern Africa.
Already the threat of financial sanctions and disinvestment has driven the leadership in Pretoria to think about reforms. But apartheid cannot be reformed. It has to be dismantled completely, and for that the pressure has to be continued. We therefore call upon Western Governments to join us here and now in the United Nations in imposing comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa through the instrumentality of the Security Council.
History has demonstrated that freedom, equality and independence do not come without sacrifice. The oppressed in southern Africa know this and, for their freedom and dignity, are prepared to sacrifice and are sacrificing even their lives, let alone the few marginal benefits that result from the merciless exploitation of their resources.
From this rostrum I pay a tribute and homage to the millions in Namibia and South Africa who have sacrificed so much for so long to bring closer the day of freedom and independence. Their cause is just and their sacrifices shall not be in vain. In Ethiopia, indeed in the whole of Africa, are resolved to assist the armed struggle and the campaign to isolate Pretoria until Namibia accedes to independence and a just and democratic society is established in a united South Africa, with the current leadership swept on to the rubbish heap of history. Socialist Ethiopia also reaffirms its militant solidarity with the front-line and other neighboring-States in their heroic efforts to withstand the onslaught and resist the pressure of racist Pretoria.
For close to four decades armed conflicts in the Middle East have not only claimed a huge toll of lives and destruction of property but have also been sources of grave danger to international peace and security. An end to the blood-letting in the area can only come about with the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all territories occupied since 1967 and the exercise by the suffering Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and to a sovereign and independent statehood.
Another essential ingredient for peace in the Middle East is scrupulous respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and all other States in the region. In this connection, Ethiopia condemns the recent Israeli aggression against Tunisia and its deliberate extension of the Middle East conflict to the Maghreb.
Other international problems which still engage the attention of the international community are the Iran-Iraq war and the situations in Western Sahara, Afghanistan, the Korean peninsula, Kampuchea, Central America and Cyprus. Ethiopia's position on all these issues has been repeatedly expressed in the past from this same rostrum and needs no further elaboration. Nevertheless, I should like to reaffirm our solidarity with the Nicaraguan people and Government in their just struggle to defend their revolution and sovereignty from imperialist and externally-supported elements and express our full support for the Contadora peace process.
Our solidarity also goes to the Korean people, who are striving for their peaceful reunification. We are convinced that the withdrawal of foreign forces and the dismantling of foreign military bases in the peninsula will go a long way to accelerate the process of national reunification.
Our persistent expression of concern at the aggravation of international tension and our insistent call for the peaceful resolution of international conflict stem partly from knowledge of the possibility that any local, regional or international dispute could eventually lead to a nuclear confrontation. Nuclear weapons, as we all recognize, have made the world an unsafe place to live in. And yet no single issue has more completely failed to meet even the minimal aspirations of the peoples of the world than that of disarmament.
The desire o£ imperialism to achieve military superiority under the guise of nuclear deterrence has surely exposed mankind to the danger of global nuclear holocaust. The so-called strategic defense initiative, contrary to the argument of its proponents, would undoubtedly markedly increase the risks of nuclear war. Every step in the sophistication of such weapons continues to accelerate man's journey to doomsday. With the nuclear arms race, not only have the sense of insecurity and the risks of nuclear war been increased but, as a result of the huge human, financial and material resources absorbed by arms production, the progress and prosperity of much of humanity has been unjustly forfeited.
We are, however, gratified to note that the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States have at long last agreed to meet in Geneva to resume serious bilateral negotiations on questions related to space and nuclear arms. We hope that the negotiations will open the way for an effective disarmament agreement.
We reiterate our steadfast position in favor of the denuclearization of Africa and the maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace as part of the disarmament process in general and the control of the spread of nuclear weapons in particular. In this respect and in line with the long-standing decisions of the United Nations and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, as well as those of the Organization of African Unity, we call once again for the elaboration of a treaty on the denuclearization of Africa and for the speedy convening of the conference on the Indian Ocean.
I should like now to turn to the very serious economic and social situation facing much of humanity. It is a fact of contemporary international life that the world economy is becoming more and more interdependent, requiring the intensification of co-operation among nations on a mutually beneficial basis. At the present time, however, world economic relations are unfortunately characterized by inequalities and imbalances to the disadvantage of the developing nations. The incessant and just call of the developing countries for the establishment of a new international economic order has so far been neglected and their efforts have been frustrated by the few nations which benefit from the existing lopsided relations. Despite such resistance, the world community should none the less strive to bring about international co-operation in establishing a just and equitable international economic order. Co-operation implies a sense of shared responsibility for human welfare and an unswerving commitment to human solidarity. Failure to achieve global co-operation for the betterment of mankind will undoubtedly result in a grim alternative, the alternative of more rigid, fragmented and power-dominated international economic relations.
In this context, it is disturbing to note that the situation of the least developed countries, far from being ameliorated, has further deteriorated, largely owing to the devastating impacts of the international economic crisis and recurrent natural disasters. Although some donor countries have increased their assistance since the adoption of the Substantial New Program of Action, its volume has been so insufficient and its distribution so uneven that it has failed to enable the least developed countries to achieve a minimum degree of performance in economic and social development as envisaged in the Program.
The accelerated, effective and full implementation of the Program during the remaining part of the decade, I submit, is a commitment that the international community has entered into and from which it cannot shy away.
As is well-known, most of the least developed countries are in the African continent whose already critical economic condition has been further exacerbated by the unfavorable world economic environment, characterized by the collapse of commodity prices, the spread of protectionism, the decline in official development assistance and the increasing burden of external indebtedness. Moreover, the fragile economies of African countries have also been hard hit by the prolonged drought and other natural calamities as well as by the alarming pace of desertification.
While this economic and social crisis of Africa has fortunately drawn the attention of the international community, Africa itself has set out long-term, medium-term, and short-term strategies at the national, sub-regional and regional levels, not only to cope with the emergency needs but also to lay the foundation for an internally generated and self-reliant process of development.
Much of Africa's efforts and resources have to be complemented by that of the international community, however, and the twenty-first Assembly of Heads of state and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has called for the convening of a special session of the United Nations General Assembly, both to sensitize further the world community and to mobilize additional resources. African leaders have also called for the convening of an international conference to search for ways and means to alleviate the heavy debt burden shouldered by many African States. We have every confidence that those calls will receive the favorable response they so rightly deserve from the international community.
While referring to the economic crises in Africa, I cannot but make some brief remarks about the situation in my own country. I have, of course, to preface my remarks by expressing the deep and heartfelt gratitude, of the Ethiopian people and Government, to all those Governments, to the United Nations system, to intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, to the relief workers, the
artists and the media, indeed to all men and .women of goodwill who have so generously given us-assistance to save the lives of the drought victims in Ethiopia. Without their help and assistance, thousands would have perished for lack of food and adequate medical care.
In this connection, a sincere word of thanks is due to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations and to all the heads of the agencies within the United Nations family, indeed, to all those indefatigable international civil servants for all they have done to give life and hope to millions of my compatriots. At this juncture, I would be remiss in my duty if I were to fail to express Ethiopia's gratitude to Mr. Bradford Morse and his colleagues in the Office for Emergency Operations in Africa and to Mr. Kurt Jansson, the united Nations Assistant Secretary-General for Emergency Operations in Ethiopia, whose unparalleled contributions and compassion have strengthened our faith in both the Unite.3 Nations and in humanity at large.
While relief assistance and logistical support from the international community will have to continue for the immediate future, I have to stress that attention and assistance must now be focused more on how best to avoid similar tragedies in the future. This of course, leads us to the question of rehabilitation and long-term development.
For its part, the Ethiopian Government has already mapped out strategies for an integrated rural development, including the voluntary settlement of people from drought-prone areas to more fertile, but sparsely populated parts of the country. Mobilizing the human, material and financial resources at its disposal, the Government has so far settled over half a million people in the more fertile parts of the country. Furthermore, the Ethiopian Government has already determined that food production and the rehabilitation of agriculture will be given high priority in the nation's development efforts. All these plans will, undoubtedly, require resources, of various kinds, which we do not possess in adequate amount. Much as we are determined to make the present tragedy the last in our history, we dare hope that the international community will help us in this noble endeavor by matching its humanitarian relief assistance with increased support for rehabilitation and development.
At a time when the Ethiopian people and Government have been engaged in a massive campaign to contain and indeed eliminate the consequences of drought, an operation was set in motion by Israel, with the connivance and participation of the regime of former President Nimeiry, to lure and forcibly abduct members of the Ethiopian Falasha community to Israel. The Falashas, who have lived among their Ethiopian compatriots for thousands of years and who have no connection with Israel whatsoever, were uprooted from their original habitat and are now living in a land with which they have no cultural, geographical, historical, religious or anthropological links. Discriminated against and totally isolated from the Israeli society, they now lead a strange and miserable life in Israel. From this rostrum, I therefore call upon the United Nations and the international community to help us in the immediate and unconditional repatriation of our Ethiopian compatriots, to live in dignity, in the land of their birth where they rightfully belong.
In connection with the plight of children, I am happy to inform this Assembly that the Ethiopian Government is fully committed to realize the goal of universal immunization by the year 1990. Already a trial immunization campaign is under way in Addis Ababa in which most of the children under the age of two have been immunized. This campaign will be expanded in a phased manner throughout the country. In commending the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO) and their executive heads for their efforts in this regard, I should like to call upon the international community to increase its assistance to Member States and to the agencies involved.
Regarding the status of women, one of the most productive segments of our society, again, Ethiopia recognizes that its revolution would not he complete, and indeed, would be less deserving of that name without the full and effective participation of our women in the development process. We therefore welcome the successful conclusion of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women held recently in Nairobi and the adoption by consensus of the Forward Looking Strategies.
Over the past 40 years, the United Nations has traversed a long and difficult path and we can all be proud that our Organization has survived, and has even thrived in some respects. Its membership has grown threefold, while the network of organizations within it and the variety of activities undertaken by it have greatly expanded. For us this underlines the fact that the United Nations remains the last hope of mankind and the sole universal forum for multilateral efforts in the search for solutions to common problems.
Although the past performance of the United Nations leaves much to be desired, its failures cannot be ascribed to shortcomings in the structure and function of the Organization. The strength and weakness of the Organization corresponds to the support which its Members are ready or reluctant to give it. Our task today should, therefore, be one of introspection. We should also utilize this occasion to rededicate ourselves to the noble objectives of the United Nations. We have to strive that the future which we will bequeath to our children and grandchildren will be markedly different from the past we had to endure.
Let us, therefore, march forward together with the United Nations for a better world, and in the meantime, the struggle continues.


This session of the General Assembly is of a very special nature because of its great historical significance. The international community has expressed the hope that the year 1985, in which we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, will mark the beginning of an era of lasting peace and justice throughout the world, as well as one of social and economic development, progress and independence for all peoples of the world. In view of the great importance that the work of this session will have for the future of our organization, your election, Mr. President, could not have been wiser or more just. You possess not only a thorough knowledge of the work of the United Nations, acquired over a period of many years, but also a broad understanding of the role that the Organization should play in the creation of a better world. Moreover, your election is a recognition of the outstanding role played by Spain in the evolution of the world's culture and the indisputable contribution it has made to the development of the norms and principles governing the conduct of nations in their mutual relations. It is also a significant demonstration of affection for the noble people of Spain, at present living through one of the glorious periods in its history as a result of its steadfast resolve to live under a system in which democracy and justice prevail. In the circumstances, this special session could not have begun under better auspices.
I also wish to take this opportunity to pay a most sincere tribute to the magnificent job done by your predecessor, Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, whose constant devotion to his work and faith in the organization's future allowed him to bring to a successful conclusion all the activities connected with the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the united Nations.
It also gives me great pleasure to mention the dedication and zeal with which the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, is carrying out his important tasks. His confidence in this Organization and his ideas regarding its revitalization, to which all Members must contribute, compel us to follow the guidelines he has laid down, which are both wise and sincere.
I cannot proceed with my statement before referring to the great sorrow felt in the Dominican Republic with regard to the tragedy that has befallen Mexico, a country closely linked to ours. We would reiterate the appeal addressed by the General Assembly to the international community that the flow of assistance to the victims should be maintained on the basis of a co-operative effort.
The Dominican Government and people reiterate their constant support for the purposes and principles that led to the establishment of the United Nations 40 years ago. The Dominican Republic, together with the other countries of Latin America, had the honor of being represented in San Francisco when the Charter of this international body was signed.
I reiterate my country's unswerving support of the principle enshrined in the Charter concerning respect for the self-determination of peoples and our condemnation of attacks against the sovereignty of States, whatever form they nay take. The Dominican Republic is one of the democracies most concerned with preventing the violation of those principles, whose effectiveness is one of the main goals of our world Organization.
On the occasion of the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, the States Members have the duty to stop and think about the effectiveness of our Organization aware that its success or failure is up to us. This is a responsibility that all the States Members have to assume, thus removing from the United Nations a guilt that is not attributable to it.
This is also a time for States Members to reaffirm their determination to unite to combat the serious problems that we are facing in a world that is increasingly interdependent and in which the destiny of union to which the human race is called becomes increasingly clear and inevitable.
We agree with what the Secretary-General says in his annual report. His chief concern is the future, threatened as it is by nuclear war, a danger which calls for effective action by the United Nations and political will on the part of its States Members to respect the decisions and resolutions of the world Organization.
Thus the developing countries come to this Assembly more resolved than ever to denounce the devastating effects on our economic growth and social peace of the arms race and its astronomical costs. The Secretary-General, in a statement he made during his recent official visit to my country, said that:
"The United Nations is sounding the alarm against the accumulation of armaments, which not only increases international tensions but also aggravates and prolongs underdevelopment."
Among the conflicts that constitute a threat to international peace and security we are particularly affected by and concerned at that in Central America. We are a Latin American country, situated not far from the very vortex of this conflict; the struggles and tensions in that area are struggles and tensions among brother peoples.
Ever since its present Government came to power the Dominican Republic has firmly and clearly stated that only a peaceful, negotiated settlement can resolve this serious conflict. Consequently the Dominican Government has always maintained its absolutely unswerving support for the activities for peace of the Contadora Group, which is advocating a Latin American solution to a crisis caused essentially by the age-old problems of the underdevelopment and social injustice that prevail in that region.
Contadora's magnificent work, as we have said many times, has prevented a widespread conflagration that would jeopardize the peace and security of the region, with serious repercussions that could affect the whole international community.
At the present time one last great effort is required to induce the Central American countries immediately to sign the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, which is based on one of the great diplomatic successes of Contadora - the Document of Objectives adopted in September 1983 by the Central American countries.
In speaking of the Central American crisis we must stress, as we have said, that its origin is indubitably linked with the serious social and economic problems of that region. However, we fully agree with what was said a few days ago from this rostrum by our dear friend, the Foreign Minister of Mexico, Bernardo Sepulveda Amor, namely:
"... we cannot fail to recognize that the conflict implies geo-political considerations of zones of influence and strategic balance; nor is it possible to ignore the fact that the cessation of foreign interference is a decisive condition for achieving any peaceful settlement in Central America." (A/40/PV.8, p. 29)
For that reason, the Dominican Republic has always held the view that the Contadora Group, in its productive activities for peace, requires active support and solidarity from all Latin American countries, particularly from the democracies. That is why our Government was the first to respond positively, decisively and energetically to the recent establishment of a Support Group for Contadora by the South American countries.
Furthermore, in this same context, we have always states	clearly and
firmly the need for total support from the United States and Cuba to the Contadora Act as essential for its full and effective implementation.
We follow with great interest and concern the development and evolution of conflicts in other areas of the world where there is disregard for the guiding principles of the United Nations Charter concerning respect for the national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, non-intervention, non-interference in internal affairs, the non-use of the threat or use of force, while at the same time attempts are made to restrict the right of peoples to self- determination by means of foreign occupation or colonial domination.
We firmly uphold the view that there is no international dispute or conflict that cannot be resolved on the basis of dialog and negotiation among the parties directly concerned; in other words, a peaceful and political settlement.
In the framework of the principles that I mentioned earlier can be found the basis for an immediate solution of the problems facing various countries in different areas of the world, such as those of the Middle East, Kampuchea, Korea, Cyprus and Afghanistan, among others, on which we have expressed clear and firm views in earlier statements. In particular, I reiterate the unchanging position of the Dominican Government, namely, that to achieve a durable peace in the Middle East it is essential that all the parties involved in the conflict take part in the negotiating process.
We recognize the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, as well as its right to establish a State on Palestinian territory, without disregarding, as far as Israel is concerned, the provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) concerning the right of all countries in the region to live in peace within secure and well-defined boundaries.
It is important to note, and we heartily welcome, the efforts steadfastly exerted by other countries of the region not directly involved in the conflict in support of the steps to achieve a peaceful solution. At the same time we *re hopeful that other peace initiatives will emerge in the region itself and will have the support of the international community.
The Dominican Republic joins in the appeal so often made in this forum for the restoration of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from its territory.
Furthermore the Dominican Republic also welcomes the progress made in recent months in the talks between South Korea and North Korea in the area of bilateral economic co-operation and cultural exchanges.
We are pleased to note that through dialog, negotiation and mutual understanding the situation in Korea may be brought to a satisfactory settlement.
Similarly, we endorse the just claims of Argentina regarding the problem of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and we hope that the talks between Argentina and the United Kingdom will be resumed with a view to seeking a peaceful and amicable solution to this problem.
Every year the Dominican Republic reiterates its total condemnation of the abhorrent practice of apartheid. In this regard we must express our concern over the worsening and growing deterioration of the situation in South Africa, where the absurd policy of apartheid is producing untold human suffering, arbitrary mass arrests and forced displacement of great sectors of the population. We wholeheartedly join in the unanimous international call for the immediate release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
We wish also to reiterate our firm support for the heroic struggle waged by the people of Namibia for its self-determination and independence and to reaffirm
our unswerving position to the effect that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the sole acceptable basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian conflict.
The serious world economic crisis is becoming ominous. In general terms, growth rates do not even measure up to those of the 1970s. The anticipated recovery in the industrialized countries has not met initial expectations. The limited recovery has not had any significant effect on the expansion of third-world exports. Hence the tendency of concentrating the benefits of world economic growth in the industrialized countries continues.
Unemployment rates in the developing countries are reaching alarming levels. In this International Youth Year, millions of young people will swell the legions of those who are already desperately seeking work, but in vain.
As I mentioned earlier, the recovery in the major industrialized economies has not had any beneficial effect on the third-world countries. Stubborn protectionist measures in time of depression turn the markets of the developed countries into impregnable fortresses, in violation of international agreements.
Over the past 10 years the prices of third-world export products have collapsed and reached indefensible levels, thus destroying the most optimistic programs for adjustment and economic recovery.
With regard to international trade, the many meetings of the General Agreement in Tariffs and Trade (GATT) have not managed to meet the aspirations of the developing countries regarding the gradual elimination of the limits imposed on on their export products. On the contrary, after the GATT Ministerial Meeting in 1982, the industrialized nations imposed greater restrictions in disregard of their commitments and the rules and principles of the General Agreement.
Last year in this Hall I spoke of the importance for the Dominican Republic of
sugar as a main source of foreign currency and I mentioned the 20 per- cent reduction announced by the United States in the quota alloted to producing countries. In recent days the export quota from my country to the united States market has once again been reduced as a result of pressures from already highly protected producers. These reductions largely cancel out the benefits of the assistance programs that great nation is carrying out on behalf of our people.
However, even-more serious for our sugar industry is the continuance of subsidy policies practiced by the European Economic Community (EEC) for the benefit of its producers which substantially depress prices on the international market.
A new round of GATT negotiations is under way, and issues vital for developing countries, such as tropical products, quantitative restrictions, textiles and subsidies on agricultural products, remain to be solved. We believe that gradual implementation of the GATT General Convention and the commitments adopted at earlier meetings constitute a point of departure for dealing with new items put forward by countries which traditionally ignore GATT provisions.
The debt problem is today the greatest challenge facing Latin American countries. Indeed, the enormous amount of our countries' debt, which has reached $370 billion, constitutes a problem of such magnitude that it can no longer be ignored by those who make demands and call for implementation of traditional economic policies to allow them to recover their loans.
Latin America devotes more than 35 per cent of its annual exports to paying the interest on its foreign debt. Payment of the debt is made more difficult by the lack of opportunities significantly to increase our exports. A region cannot develop by exporting capital when it most needs to retain it.
The developing countries are not opposed to programs of adjustment as such. Our complaint is that usually the stabilization programs, in particular those of
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), do not eliminate the structural imbalances and in practice lead to greater social costs and political pressures.
Furthermore, the increased rate of inflation, the problems of exchange rates and the decline of our peoples' standards of living - elements in a typical adjustment program - are not even offset by a sufficient flow of resources from outside. Similarly, in exercising strict control over the adjustment programs the IMF does not take into account the damage caused our external sector by the protectionist and deficit policies of some industrialized countries. In general, the goals of the International Monetary Fund and the development policies of the third-world countries diverge. Frequently the obligation to achieve certain objectives leads to increased unemployment and the reduction of domestic demand, thus harming the production and financial systems.
Like other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic has been suffering from the instability in international trade, the decline in export income, the impact of fluctuations in interest rates, the recessive effects of adjustment programs and the social pressures that are involved in this situation.
The President of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Salvador Jorge Blanco, in a statement he made on the occasion of the ministerial meeting of the Cartagena Consensus held last February stated the following:
"It is essential that the debt be paid - not by impoverishing our peoples even further, but by developing their economic potential. This requires the active co-operation of industrialized countries and international bodies to raise, with their financial and technical support, the purchasing power and productive capacity of the people of the region so that higher production and prices may partially cancel out external obligations, while at the same time improving living conditions in the region.
"This would be a firm basis for stability and a stronger international financial system."
Despite the picture I have drawn, our country, under the wise leadership of President Salvador Jorge Blanco, and at great sacrifice in the face of enormous obstacles, has been able to honor its commitments vis-li-vis the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private international banks.
The most recent assessments of the international economic situation show that the hoped for recovery has not led to a sustained rate of growth in the gross product of our region. In view of such prospects, it is even more necessary to have a political dialog among creditors and debtors as an effective means of producing general solutions to the debt problem.
These demands are a fundamental part of the Cartagena Consensus, which united the efforts of foreign and finance ministers of 11 countries of the region, vigorously supported by their Heads of State. The statements by qualified spokesmen from the region and recent statements made here in this Organization by the Presidents of Brazil, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela reflect the need for the political dialog that we are advocating.
Without any doubt, the Cartagena Consensus, as a concerted-action group, has largely helped to consolidate Latin American solidarity and has produced positive effects on the processes of rescheduling the external debts of our countries.
We should refer here to a concept that the Cartagena Consensus group of countries has systematically rejected. I am speaking of the formation of a so-called debtors' club,. We oppose that idea, having always understood that it would mean global and collective negotiation of the Latin American external debt. However, we emphatically advocate the institutionalization of a whole set of principles and common parameters that would serve as a point of reference and contribute to the success of the separate negotiations of each country.
Among such guidelines I would cite those established by the Cartagena Group to grant the same most favourable possible conditions to all countries as are obtained by a single country in its individual relations. Similarly, it is vitally important to establish a viable relationship between export income, the flow of new capital and- foreign debt-servicing so as to guarantee the payment of external commitments in the same ratio as the region's economic growth.
Furthermore, there is no overlooking the fact that the efforts of Cartagena, and its much-needed and reasonable proposals, have contributed largely to the entire international community's perceptibly growing awareness of the problems. This is apparent from statements by high-ranking political figures from the developed countries and from concrete proposals that are beginning to be outlined in those countries. These proposals, if they become effective in the short term, could contribute - if not to solving the entire serious debt problem - at least to initiating effective remedial processes in the quest for a solution.
In this context, our attention is concentrated on the results that may emerge from the meeting now being held in Seoul, and from the forthcoming negotiating round on the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).
The overwhelming debt situation is of such magnitude and its consequences are of such proportions that it is curious but encouraging to see that such influential, and yet such dissimilar spokesmen as Henry Kissinger and Fidel Castro, agree on the peremptory necessity of seeking a solution to this serious problem. Of course, each has his own proposals and approaches.
Despite the aforementioned gloomy prospects, third world countries are striving to meet the challenge imposed on them by the present economic crisis. This is apparent from the boom in South-South co-operation, encouraged by the Group of 77, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the active participation of developing countries in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCPAD), the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) and other forums of an economic character where negotiations are underway.
As part of these efforts, the third world nations have put forward initiatives, such as the Arusha and Caracas programs, they have encouraged programs of co-operation within the United Nations and have promoted the creation of specialized agencies to deal with problems chiefly affecting the third world.
In particular, Latin America and the Caribbean, with their firm determination to engage in dialog and consultation, have also created many mechanisms for integration and regional and subregional co-operation. Among them we would cite the particular importance of the Latin American Economic System (SELA), which was set up in 1975, as a regional instrument to implement the economic guidelines adopted by the Group of 77, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the postulates of the new international economic order.
SELA at present is one of the most effective mechanisms for co-operation among third world countries. On the tenth anniversary of the establishment of SELA, we venture, on behalf of the Dominican Republic, to welcome all the initiatives that have emerged from that body with a view to the consolidation of interregional links.
Furthermore, we must recognize the valuable contribution of the United Nations system to the success of co-operation programs to benefit developing countries.
There is no doubt that the General Assembly's decision to proclaim 1985 as the International Youth Year has led to a vigorous, world-wide movement that has highlighted the importance of youth in the task of forging the future of mankind. We need the support of that valuable sector of the population to create the basis and conditions for a more just and equitable international society.
Inspired by these noble goals, the Government of the Dominican Republic set up a national committee to co-ordinate all activities related to the preparation and commemoration of International Youth Year. That committee has carried out an active campaign throughout our national territory with the aim of promoting the role of youth in the process of national development, while at the same time involving young people in my country to participate in the study and solution of our most crucial problems.
It is of especial importance that the international community endeavor to encourage programs of action to guarantee economic and social security for elderly people, while offering a whole series of opportunities for them to continue to contribute to the development of their respective countries.
Furthermore, the aim of effectively implementing the international plan of action regarding elderly people, adopted by the same General Assembly, the delegation of the Dominican Republic considered it appropriate to set up a similar body to the united Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), in other words, to set up a United Nations program that would be financed by voluntary contributions and that would protect elderly people in the same way that UNICEF protects children.
With regard to UNICEF, I must inform the international community in this General Assembly that the Government of the Dominican Republic has carried out an intensive national campaign to vaccinate children against the main lethal diseases that affect children. This campaign has had public recognition from UNICEF, and we shall be able to immunize all of our children before 1990.
We consider it very important that this Assembly should encourage all countries that have not yet done so to sign the Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Last year in this General Assembly the Dominican Republic gave its determined support to the Quito Declaration on drug trafficking and expressed its total solidarity with the view that drug trafficking was a crime against mankind. Bearing in mind the serious problem of the abuse and illicit traffic in drugs, we welcome and support the Secretary-General's proposal for a world conference to consider the implications of this serious problem.
To tackle all the aspects of this scourge of mankind is an unavoidable necessity for the international community, in view of the material and human damage caused to our societies, in particular to young people, and the unforeseeable consequences of that scourge.
Aware of the serious repercussions for our national life of the consumption and traffic in drugs, the Dominican Republic has undertaken a firm campaign to combat this pernicious practice. A few days ago, our President informed the whole nation of the arrest and break-up of a group of drug traffickers among whom
were involved both foreigners and Dominicans.
At the same time, the Dominican Republic wishes to egress its serious concern over the increase in acts of terrorism in international life. We are concerned over the fate of the daughter of the President of El Salvador, and we hope that she may soon be released, to the relief of her family and so as to reduce the tensions that this kidnapping has caused.
It is an essential part of the policy of the Dominican Republic to observe, promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. As a consequence of our strict concern for these guidelines, I can state with legitimate pride that in the Dominican Republic such rights and freedoms are effectively enjoyed. This is an undeniable fact. In view of our interest in this subject, we are always ready to co-operate with the United Nations and all bodies in the United Nations system to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The Dominican Republic has enthusiastically supported from the outset the establishment of the Decade for Women and has taken an active part in the various events connected with it, including the most recent Conference held in Nairobi, to evaluate the goals of this Decade, and we share the general concern over the status of women and their participation in development.
We, as the host country, have given all the necessary support to the activities of the United Nations International Institute for Research and Training of Women. We are very pleased to see the quality and effectiveness of the work which that body has done. In acting as host to that organization, the Dominican Republic shows its commitment to the United Nations Decade for Women. We wish to make an appeal to all countries here to step up their co-operation with the Institute.
The presence at this session of an unprecedented number of heads of State is clear proof of the growing importance that States Members attach to international relations, and the United Nations is the forum par excellence to express our policies and collectively to formulate positions on political and economic situations, as well as to define joint development strategies.
In view of the fact that these relations must be intensified, it is for the United Nations to channel them in the most effective manner. It is for the United Nations to play the role of a body where joint negotiations can be held. It is for the United Nations to offer support to States Members in their work to attain economic independence and the growth and development of their peoples. And, what is most important, it is for the United Nations to open the way to the daily struggle for a more just world.
At such an opportune time as the fortieth anniversary, we should reflect calmly and deeply on the serious threats hanging over the human race, even its total extermination. Likewise, we must think of the overwhelming obstacles to true social justice in and among peoples.
But in the tenacious struggle among men of goodwill for this ideal world of peace, security and justice, solidarity and co-operation, dreamed of by the creators of this great Organization, let us recognize once again that it is the Organization that constitutes the most appropriate instrument to achieve those supreme goals of mankind. By strengthening our faith and our efforts in this Organization, we shall bequeath this ideal world to new generations whose preservation, peace and security are our greatest obligation before history.