Allow me, Sir, to offer you my
warm congratulations on your election as President of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly. I am very
confident that, with your skill and experience, you will
provide the leadership and direction we require to ensure a
successful outcome to the work of the forthcoming session.
You have the assurance of our full support.
I have the honour to address this Assembly on behalf
of the European Union.
Last year we gathered here on the fiftieth anniversary
of the United Nations. The speeches we heard then
reflected a dual message: a conviction that the United
Nations remained more than ever indispensable in a world
of increasing interdependence among nations; and concern
that the Organization adapt and renew itself to serve the
needs of a new century. There was a clear call that the
non-payment of dues owed to the United Nations — this
poison in the system — should cease.
The Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the United Nations rightly anticipated
“a sharp increase in the level of expectations of the
United Nations” (resolution 50/6).
It called for the occasion to be seized
“to redirect it to greater service to humankind,
especially to those who are suffering and are deeply
deprived”.
We have no need at the outset of the fifty-first
session to seek a new agenda. Cooperation through the
United Nations continues to offer the world the
irreplaceable means necessary for advancing peace,
economic and social progress, human rights, democracy
and caring humanitarian action. To retain the
Organization’s effectiveness, we need, together with
adequate resources, a continuing modernization of the
structures and working methods of the institutions of the
United Nations. What we must do now is sharpen the
focus on common priorities to achieve this and get on
with the decisions to give them effect.
Globalization is one of the defining characteristics of
our age. With it has come the realization that our peace
and prosperity cannot be assured by States, or even
regions, acting in isolation. The European Union itself
embodies the principles of cooperation, interdependence,
human rights and democracy. The spirit of cooperation is
also the starting point for the contribution that the Union
is making at the global level, where the enormous
benefits that can be achieved by working together
constitute the greatest, and potentially the most rewarding,
challenge that faces mankind today.
The very interdependence of our peoples, nations
and regions that leads us to assemble here as the United
Nations should serve to underscore the unique role and
potential of this Organization, the sole such universal
body of global outreach. Has it done so? Have we
strengthened the potential of the United Nations, or yet
sufficiently exerted the energy and imagination necessary
to use the opportunities it offers us?
We were able last year to reflect with justifiable
pride on 50 years of substantial success by the United
Nations. Our celebration was tempered, however, by a
sobering awareness that the level of conflict, economic
disparities and humanitarian crisis in our world was
increasing, not diminishing. We had witnessed a series of
open and bloody intra-State conflicts and the resurgence
of old antagonisms in many regions of the world,
resulting in death and injury to millions of innocent
civilians, many of them women and children; an increase
in the already high number of refugees; gross and flagrant
violations of human rights on a massive scale; and the
widespread incidence of hunger, disease and
homelessness. At the same time, threats to the
7

environment and the scourges of drugs and terrorism were
among a new range of risks and challenges that required
concerted international action.
The urgency and complexity of these and other
problems facing the United Nations at a time of great
political, economic and technological change led us to a
common call for a United Nations revitalized and more
effective in dealing with these new needs. Some progress
has been made in the past year in rationalizing United
Nations activities in the economic and social fields and in
enhancing efficiency and better management. This deserves
to be recognized. But we are still far from the overall
results needed. Serious new efforts are required from
Member States and the Organization. The multilateral
approach which the United Nations embodies is under
threat if we cannot respond to the challenges before us. We
need a renewed commitment to collective action, with
strong vision and leadership sustained by the political will
of each Member State. The European Union renews again
today its commitment to the United Nations. We are
determined to equip it for the tasks of a new century.
Recent experience has taught us that we need a more
encompassing strategy for conflict prevention and crisis
management. This strategy has to address both the causes
and the consequences of conflict. The Agenda for Peace
was a well-considered and timely initiative of the
Secretary-General which points the way forward.
Substantial lessons from the United Nations experience of
peacekeeping have indeed been learned. They should be
applied in developing this new strategy.
To secure peace, the root causes of conflict have to be
tackled. Too often the United Nations is called upon to
react to the appalling aftermath of conflict. Prevention is a
far better strategy. Improved early warning through more
effective and internationally coordinated efforts which also
take account of economic and social factors can do much
to improve the quality of the response. There needs to be
an increased emphasis on preventive diplomacy and on a
more informed, better-planned and rapid response to crises,
including improved procedures for consultation with
troop-contributing countries. Existing mechanisms for
mediation, conciliation and good offices could be more
vigorously and imaginatively exploited. Post-conflict
rehabilitation has to be more comprehensive and
coordinated to address the wider issues of humanitarian
assistance, economic and social reconstruction and respect
for human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
Even with an improved approach to early warning
and conflict prevention, peacekeeping operations will still
be necessary. The experience of some recent difficult
operations should not detract from the record of successes
in United Nations peacekeeping. The support of the
European Union for the peacekeeping role of the United
Nations is undiminished. The member States of the
Union, my own included, have consistently provided
resources and personnel to United Nations peacekeeping.
The Union today provides the majority of personnel for
current operations and contributes some 37 per cent of the
United Nations peacekeeping budget. This has involved
sacrifices, including at times the ultimate sacrifice. On
behalf of the European Union, I pay tribute to the
memory of United Nations peacekeepers who have laid
down their lives in the cause of peace and to the over
25,000 peacekeepers currently serving in 17 United
Nations peacekeeping operations.
Too often, the United Nations has been called upon
to intervene in conflict situations without a clear mandate,
adequate resources or the consistent political support
required to have any prospect of success. Too often, the
United Nations has been confined to policing indefinitely
a fragile and hostile peace between parties that, even after
decades, show no real inclination to assume responsibility
for securing a resolution of the conflict. This wastes
much-needed United Nations resources. But more
seriously, it undermines confidence in the United Nations.
If we apply our energies to developing new strategies for
conflict prevention and crisis management, we will have
done much to strengthen the capacity of the United
Nations in this core area. The European Union, for its
part, will work to strengthen and reinforce this vital role
of the Organization.
The United Nations cannot be expected to stand
alone in conflict prevention and the maintenance of world
peace. The European Union welcomes the trend towards
closer cooperation and mutual support between the United
Nations and regional organizations. In Europe, the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) has been designated as a regional arrangement
under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. The
United Nations and the OSCE are already cooperating
closely and coordinating their efforts. Within the OSCE
area, the European Union is working with all the OSCE
participating States to develop further the concept of
mutually reinforcing institutions so as to enhance
European security and stability. The Union encourages
and supports the similar efforts being made in other
regions. It is important that the United Nations benefit
8

from, and build on, these initiatives. The meetings of
regional organizations that the Secretary-General has
convened in recent years are an important innovation in this
regard. Since its inception, the United Nations has played
a central role in the longer-term strategies for conflict
prevention, in particular in the fields of disarmament and
arms control, human rights and equitable economic and
social development.
The European Union attaches the highest priority to
progress in the fields of arms control and disarmament. If
we mean to invest in peace, then we must all become
advocates of disarmament. Today was a particularly good
day for disarmament and for the United Nations. It was my
privilege this morning to join with other colleagues in the
European Union in signing, on behalf of our respective
States, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The
European Union would urge all States to sign and ratify this
important Treaty.
We must respond to the clear wish of all our peoples
to live in a world in which the threats posed by nuclear
weapons and weapons of mass destruction can be reduced
and ultimately removed. We have made a start with
Conventions banning chemical and biological weapons. The
next step is the start of negotiations for a cut-off treaty.
The European Union will also give priority at this
session to measures to deal with the menace of the
indiscriminate use of anti-personnel landmines. Today, there
are over 110 million landmines in our earth, mostly in
developing countries. They kill, indiscriminately, 26,000
people every year, mostly civilians, many of them women
and children. Anti-personnel landmines have disabled a
quarter of a million people.
It is an incredible and obscene irony that at a time
when the United Nations, with the active support of the
European Union and other States, is continuing its vital
work of mine clearance, further millions of anti-personnel
landmines are still deployed annually. The European Union
has endorsed the appeal made by the Security Council to all
States to contribute to the Voluntary Trust Fund for
Assistance in Mine Clearance. We call upon all Member
States of the United Nations to join with the European
Union, in a spirit of common humanity, to put an end to
indiscriminate killing and maiming by anti-personnel
landmines.
Conventional arms control, at both a global and
regional level, also requires our attention. We now have the
opportunity to overcome the mistrust and insecurity that
previously predominated in arms-control negotiations and
to create a climate of transparency and cooperation
leading to arms reduction. This process is under way in
Europe. We would hope to see it develop in other regions
of the world.
Failure to respect human rights and fundamental
freedoms is a major cause of conflict today. Many
intra-State conflicts arise from the denial of basic human
rights to minorities and in some cases to whole
populations. The democratic right of all citizens to
participate freely and openly in the governance of their
societies continues to be under threat or denied. The battle
for the economic and social emancipation and
empowerment of women has begun. This is an issue of
special importance for the European Union.
The United Nations has since its inception been in
the vanguard in the promotion and defence of human
rights and democratic freedoms. Its record is indeed a
proud one. The European Union will continue its support,
both material and political, for the vital ongoing work of
the United Nations in this area. The Union believes it is
essential to secure adequate financing from the regular
budget for the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for
Human Rights. The European Union fully supports the
Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the recent
World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation
of Children. This is a timely initiative in tackling this
appalling abuse, which affects all regions in the world.
Despite decades of effort and resources, the poverty
gap has widened, not narrowed. For many of the least-
developed nations, their development is regressing rather
than advancing. The time is long overdue to mount a new
global offensive against poverty, a major cause of
instability and conflict. We will give major priority to the
war against poverty and the United Nations New Agenda
for the Development of Africa in the 1990s initiative.
A more vigorous effort is needed to carry through
major programmes for the economic and social
advancement of women, as are more emphasis and action
on the gender perspective across the whole spectrum of
development.
The European Union recognizes the central role
which the United Nations system, through its specialized
agencies and programmes, has played and will continue
to play in the humanitarian, economic and social fields.
We need to reform and revitalize the United Nations
9

system in this area to ensure a real and lasting impact on
sustainable development.
Our aim is reform, not the retrenchment of resources.
The discussions on “An Agenda for Development” have
begun this process. A sense of urgency is required to give
impetus to our work during this session of the General
Assembly and to build upon recent progress. The European
Union will pay particular attention to the follow-up to
resolution 50/227 concerning the revitalization of the
system.
Effective follow-up to the conclusions of the
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) substantive
session on humanitarian assistance will be vital to achieve
a stronger and more coordinated strategy within the United
Nations system to deliver effective programmes where they
are most needed. We must also see progress in coordinating
the outcome of recent United Nations conferences,
including the Habitat II Conference in June.
The European Union welcomes the renewed emphasis
of ECOSOC on the global threat posed by narcotic drugs.
The Union is giving high priority to measures which will
improve the coordination of efforts to fight this threat,
which undermines the very fabric of all our societies.
The success of the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD) conference in Midrand
is welcome in that it underlines that reform and progress in
renewing the system are possible.
The forthcoming special session on Agenda 21 and the
follow-up to the Rio Conference will allow us to give fresh
impetus to action on development and environmental issues
and renewed support to the work of the Commission on
Sustainable Development.
The European Union invites all Member States to join
in a new global partnership for development. It is in the
common interest of the peoples we represent to forge a
global alliance against poverty, hunger, disease, ignorance
and deprivation. This is a key challenge for the United
Nations and its Member States.
Our endeavour to revitalize and reform the United
Nations system is taking place against the backdrop of a
serious financial crisis. This continuing crisis undermines
the necessary climate of partnership and the capacity to
implement current programmes in many areas. It distracts
efforts and attention from the real tasks of the moment.
The European Union has repeatedly stated that all
Member States have an obligation under the Charter to
discharge their arrears and pay their assessed
contributions to the regular and peacekeeping budgets
promptly, in full and without conditions. The States
members of the European Union, which contribute over
35 per cent of the regular and over 37 per cent of the
peacekeeping budgets have consistently honoured this
obligation. They believe that to resolve this crisis, all
States Members of the United Nations must do likewise.
The Union recognizes the need for financial reform
to secure the long-term financial stability of the United
Nations. It has therefore put forward a set of proposals
aimed at achieving comprehensive financial reform,
including adaptation of the scale of assessments to make
it more genuinely reflective of the capacity to pay.
This session should see resolute efforts to negotiate
solutions.
The conflicts and tensions in today’s world are
reflected in the memorandum distributed as part of this
speech, in which the European Union outlines its position
on issues facing the world community. I would like to
draw attention at this point to some critical areas of major
concern to the European Union: the former Yugoslavia,
Cyprus, the Middle East peace process and the Great
Lakes region of Africa.
Europe has not been spared the tragic ethnic conflict
witnessed in other regions. The progress we have made in
bringing an end to the savage war in the former
Yugoslavia has required the combined efforts of the
international community and a variety of international and
regional bodies, including the United Nations, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union.
However, we still need to address the massive
humanitarian and reconstruction needs left in its wake, as
well as the more difficult and long-term task of rebuilding
trust, security and peace among the peoples of the region
and ensuring full respect for the territorial integrity of the
various sovereign States.
The European Union and its member States remain
committed to full implementation of the provisions of the
peace Agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina and to
making a very substantial contribution to the concerted
effort being made to assist the parties who have primary
responsibility for this implementation in living up to their
obligations.
10

There are daunting tasks ahead. The immediate focus
is on the follow-up to the elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina which took place on 14 September 1996 under
the supervision of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. On this occasion, I would
acknowledge in particular the very important contribution
that was made by the Implementation Force and the United
Nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the
International Police Task Force, in ensuring that the
elections were conducted peacefully.
The Union fully supports the strategy of the High
Representative, Mr. Carl Bildt, in regard to establishing the
common institutions of the State after the elections. He has
the full assurance of our support for his leading role in the
implementation process. We do not underestimate the
enormity of this task. If we are to succeed in maintaining
peace, it is essential that the international community
closely coordinate its activities and that all parties cooperate
fully in the process. The European Union will work closely
with the United Nations and the international community to
achieve an effective long-term strategy to secure peace and
self-sustaining stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this
context, the Union notes that parties have agreed to hold
further elections in September 1998. An important focus
during the intervening period will be assisting the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in
facilitating the return of the many thousands of refugees
and displaced persons who have not yet been able to go
back to their homes. Ultimately, our aim must be a return
by all the former Yugoslav republics to the community of
peaceful and democratic nations.
The basic agreement for Eastern Slavonia must be
implemented in full and the return of refugees and
displaced persons to this region completed. Such persons
must be ensured of full protection for their human rights.
The Union acknowledges the important work of the United
Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia,
Baranja and Western Sirmium, which enjoys our full
support in its efforts.
The Union continues to attach great importance to full
cooperation with the work of the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. This work reflects the
resolve of the international community to bring to justice
those responsible for war crimes and crimes against
humanity. It is vital to efforts to develop justice, confidence
and democracy in the region that all parties fulfil the
commitments they have made to hand over indicted persons.
The European Union stresses once again that the
current status quo in Cyprus is not acceptable. It reaffirms
its strong support for the efforts of the Secretary-General
of the United Nations aimed at a negotiated and lasting
solution to the Cyprus question which will respect the
sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity
of the country in accordance with the relevant United
Nations resolutions. The European Union welcomes the
appointment of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Han Sung-Joo. The Presidency of
the European Union has also nominated a Special
Representative on Cyprus.
The Middle East peace process, based on the
principles already accepted by all parties under the
Madrid and Oslo frameworks, is the only path to security
and peace for Israel, the Palestinians and the neighbouring
States. The Florence European Council of June 1996
reaffirmed the approach of the European Union. It further
stated that peace in the Middle East was a fundamental
interest of the European Union. The Union is therefore
concentrating its efforts on encouraging all parties to
re-engage themselves in this process and to respect and
implement fully all the agreements already reached.
We wish to make an active contribution to promote
this process in both the political and economic fields and
to build upon the important work which has been done
over the years by the United Nations in the interests of a
just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East.
We would invite all Member States to do their
utmost to nurture this process and give encouragement to
all parties to move forward.
The Union is deeply concerned that the current lack
of progress in negotiations should not undermine the
prospects for peace. The progress already achieved should
be advanced by further agreement on concrete issues. We
hope that the recent meeting between the Israeli Prime
Minister and the Palestinian President will have positive
results for the peace process. We call upon the Israeli
Government not to pursue the extension of settlements.
Continued expansion of settlements does more than any
other issue to erode Palestinian confidence in the peace
process. It undermines the ability of both the Palestinian
Authority and society at large to deter extremists and
trouble-makers. As the largest donor, the Union remains
committed to providing assistance to the Palestinian
people and urges all parties concerned to contribute to the
economic revival of the West Bank and Gaza. This
endeavour will hopefully be rendered more effective by

the recent relaxation of the border closures, and we hope
that this encouraging trend will continue.
It is important that all tracks of the peace process
move forward. We favour an early resumption of
negotiations between Syria and Israel, and have reaffirmed
our support for the independence, territorial integrity and
sovereignty of Lebanon and for early negotiations involving
that country.
The creation of the Middle East peace process has
been a historic breakthrough in the long-standing search to
bring to the peoples of the region the lasting and just peace
which they clearly want and, indeed, they deserve. The
European Union will intensify its efforts to ensure its
success.
The European Union shares the heightened concern of
the international community at the grave threat to peace and
stability in the Great Lakes region posed by the current
situation in Burundi. The United Nations and the European
Union are already involved in an international effort to cope
with the aftermath of the Rwanda tragedy — the major
humanitarian crisis, the serious refugee problem, and the
ongoing process of regional reconstruction. But at the same
time the area is again facing the prospect of bloody civil
war and genocide, in Burundi. We cannot allow this to
happen. The European Union strongly supports the efforts
of the United Nations and the Organization of African
Unity to restore dialogue and democracy in Burundi. It
acknowledges in particular the pivotal role being played in
this endeavour by former President Nyerere, supported by
other regional leaders. Their efforts are assisted by the
special envoys of the European Union and the United
Nations, and other parties.
The international community, through Security Council
resolution 1072 (1996), has sent a clear message to the
parties involved that there must be an end to all violence
and an early beginning of unconditional and all-inclusive
national dialogue in Burundi. This is the only constructive
path to a solution which is lasting and based on a
negotiated, democratic and institutional consensus which
ensures security for all. The European Union remains
willing to support the necessary recovery process in
Burundi once the path of dialogue is embarked upon by all
parties with the resolve necessary to ensure a solution. It
therefore calls on all parties to forsake violence and to
engage in this process of dialogue.
The European Union continues to be the major donor
to the humanitarian and reconstruction needs of the region.
It welcomes the progress in rehabilitation in Rwanda, to
which it contributes substantially, and it pays tribute to
the work of the United Nations in various sectors in
Rwanda.
The return of refugees and national reconciliation in
Rwanda will remain a priority for the Union. We will
also continue to support the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for
Genocide and Other Serious Violations of International
Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Rwanda
and Rwandan Citizens Responsible for Genocide and
Other Such Violations Committed in the Territory of
Neighbouring States between 1 January and 31 December
1994, to underscore our belief that the international
community must pursue and bring to justice those who
have perpetrated gross crimes against humanity.
We have begun this fifty-first session with a signal
of hope. The signature at the United Nations today of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty shows this
Organization in its rightful place — seized of the deepest
concerns of humanity. This is the place which the
founders sought for the United Nations. This is the place
which it is our responsibility to ensure that it firmly holds
for today’s world and for the generations to come.
Lastly, and speaking solely in my capacity as
Foreign Minister of Ireland, I would like to inform the
Assembly of developments in the Northern Ireland
situation over the past year. The search for a lasting peace
and a comprehensive political settlement continues.
Substantial advances have been recorded in the past 12
months, despite serious setbacks and despite the
uncertainty and suspicion which still hamper the
development of true reconciliation between the
communities in Northern Ireland and between the main
traditions which share the island of Ireland.
Negotiations involving the Governments and the
parties began in June and resumed earlier this month. The
stated purpose of these negotiations is to achieve a new
beginning for relationships within Northern Ireland, within
the island of Ireland and between the peoples of these
islands, and to agree new institutions and structures to
take account of the totality of relationships.
The Irish Government continues to base its approach
to the negotiations on the fundamental principles set out
in the 1993 Joint Declaration published with the British
Government. As I indicated last year, A New Framework
for Agreement, published in 1995, represents the shared
12

assessment of the two Governments of a balanced and
honourable accommodation which might be envisaged
across all the key relationships. We shall in negotiations
make the case for a fair accommodation along these lines,
believing as we do in the necessity of radical and ambitious
change on all sides. At the same time, agreement requires
the support of the political representatives in both
communities, and must also command majority popular
support in both parts of Ireland.
We continue to be firmly of the view that wholly
inclusive negotiations, involving the representatives of both
communities in their totality, offer the best prospect of
achieving a durable settlement founded on a recognition of
the rights and aspirations of all. The Irish Republican Army
(IRA), by terminating its cease-fire last February, not only
perpetrated renewed death and destruction and flouted the
wishes of the overwhelming majority of the people in both
Britain and Ireland. It also obliged the two Governments to
cease ministerial dialogue with Sinn Fein, which, because
of the collapse of the cease-fire, is currently not a
participant in the negotiations.
This is a matter of both regret and frustration. Sinn
Fein has a potentially valuable and constructive role to play
in contributing to a stable and far-reaching settlement. But
political dialogue is sustainable and productive only on the
basis of the principles of democracy and non-violence. That
is why there must be an unequivocal restoration of the IRA
cease-fire before Sinn Fein can enter the negotiations,
which would be enhanced by their presence, as they are by
the continuing presence of the loyalist parties.
Likewise, however, all of those truly committed to
finding an accommodation must impartially reject
sectarianism and oppose disorder from whatever source if
they wish to create an atmosphere in which reconciliation
can flourish and agreement take root. The confrontation and
polarization which occurred during the past summer in the
“marching season”, the consequences of which still vibrate,
highlight the absolute necessity of compromise and mutual
understanding.
The instrument for progress is to hand in the Talks
process under way, if we can persuade all the parties to use
the Talks process constructively. That requires the earliest
possible transition to substantive negotiations. The Irish
Government is working with the British Government to
persuade the representatives of the unionist community to
embark on this step without delay, secure in the knowledge
that the process already contains multiple safeguards,
including the guarantee of popular referendum, to ensure
that the interests of their community must be respected in
any agreed outcome.
The continuing support of the international
community is an invaluable asset on which we can draw
in the search for a settlement. Most directly, the
negotiations benefit from the independent chairmanship of
Senator Mitchell of the United States, former Prime
Minister Holkeri of Finland, and General de Chastelain of
Canada, whose skill and authority command the respect
and confidence of all participants. In addition, I would
like to express my Government’s gratitude for the
generosity and support of all of our many friends in this
Assembly, in particular the Governments of the United
States and of our European Union partners.
The wounds of conflict are still deep and unhealed
in Ireland. We can be under no illusion but that the
process of reconciliation and the crafting of an agreement
will be slow and painstaking. But we have continued to
make progress on that journey, and we are committed to
continuing in our quest for peace.


I join all those who
have gone before me in congratulating you, Sir, on behalf
of Mauritius, on your accession to the office of President of
the General Assembly at its fifty-first session. I also thank
Mr. Freitas do Amaral of Portugal for his skilful
stewardship of the fiftieth session.
Hearing and reading the speeches of world leaders to
this Assembly, I am struck by the extraordinary degree of
unanimity between them — how much we seem to agree in
principle but how little on the right course of action; on the
necessity of diplomacy and discussion as the primary path
to peace; on the necessity of according to every man,
woman and child the fundamental rights and freedoms
which this Organization has, over the years, done so much
to establish; on the necessity of providing equal
opportunities for men, women and children in all our
societies; on the necessity of protecting the environment;
and on the need to ensure that mankind moves forward
together on the path of development.
In all these noble and commendable aims we are
united. However, we often seem to suffer from a paralysis
when it comes to actual implementation of these good
intentions.
This Organization was the response of the human race
to the catastrophic experiences of two world wars and to
scientific discoveries and inventions which confronted us
with unprecedented choices. It was an expression of faith
in the power of human beings to be rational in the face of
these choices and to choose the paths of peace and progress
instead of war and destruction.
But sometimes its voice has seemed very faint and
far off in the midst of the terrible troubles that have
afflicted us since then. Some have begun to mutter of the
ineffectiveness of the institution and to complain of the
cost. I am convinced that those criticisms do not begin to
express the whole truth about the work that is done by
this Organization. We are embarked upon a great and
necessary experiment, and that is why the work of the
Secretary-General is so important. Here I should like to
pay tribute to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose
contribution has been so valuable in recent years. It is
particularly appropriate that this great office should be
filled, as we move into the next millennium, by a
representative of Africa, for Africa remains the great
intransigent challenge which the world has scarcely yet
begun to face. Only through the renewed and concerted
determination of this Organization and the vision of
cooperation and mutual responsibility which it represents
is there any hope of successfully meeting the
extraordinary difficulties which the next century will
bring.
Decade after decade, many of the nations of Africa
have seen their efforts at development frustrated by
natural and man-made disasters, poor governance and a
hostile international environment. Foreign aid has not had
the desired impact on the progress of these countries, and
the poorer nations have accumulated huge and
unmanageable debt which they labour, with inadequate
tools, to support.
As the Assembly knows, of the 36 poorest countries
in the world, as classified by the United Nations
Development Programme in the human development
index, 29 are in Africa. The majority of them have per
capita incomes lower than they were 20 years ago. The
countries of sub-Saharan Africa last year attracted only 3
per cent of the foreign direct investment into the
developing world, compared to 20 per cent for Latin
America and the Caribbean and 59 per cent for East Asia
and the Pacific region. Life expectancy is placed at 50.9
years, the lowest among developing countries.
At the same time, a new and more demanding
international economic order is emerging, one in which
Africa is beginning to feel overwhelmed and isolated
from the mainstream of world economic development. If
some of its nations have not yet caught up with the
industrial revolution, what hope have they, unaided, of
reaching the heights of the technological and information
revolutions which are sweeping the developed countries
of the world towards new horizons.

If we are to bring Africa into the general march of the
economies of the world towards progress and prosperity, we
must begin, at the highest level, to coordinate and to chart
a course for Africa to join in. Piecemeal aid and occasional
intervention on the occasion of awesome disasters will not
be enough.
Therefore, we welcome the Group of Seven’s
commitment in Lyon to a partnership for development and
to the elimination of trade barriers to exports from
developing countries. These barriers must come down. But
we question whether this and private investment alone will
be sufficient. Swift and dramatic debt relief for countries in
need of it is essential. We welcome the lead provided by
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
in this regard, but it must be followed by decisive and
urgent action. Measures should also be designed to promote
the growth of real democracy and good governance, for
economic prosperity must go hand in hand with democracy
and the rule of law. It may seem temporarily otherwise. It
may seem that the creation of wealth can, for a while, be
separated from the yearning of the people and of
individuals to be free, but sooner or later the force of the
aspirations which prosperity brings will burst forth, as the
waters burst from the dam.
Surely we must look with dismay at many areas of our
world in which human rights are discounted or denied. A
case in point is Myanmar, where a democratic vote, held in
1990, has been defeated and denied by force, and where the
house of the elected leader of the people is kept under
constant surveillance and surrounded by soldiers.
My Government will continue to support the cause of
democracy and human rights in Africa and wherever in the
world such support is required. Mauritius will later this
month host the twentieth session of the African
Commission of Human and People’s Rights, which
commemorates the tenth anniversary of its African Charter.
This session of the Commission will undertake, with the
participation of non-governmental organizations and other
interested elements of civil society, an assessment and
reevaluation of the implementation of the Charter and
prepare a five-year plan of action which we are confident
will greatly help strengthen and improve the situation of
human rights in our continent.
My country, whose only resources are the stability of
its democracy and the enterprising spirit of its people,
comprises many races, cultures and religions. We look to
Europe, Africa, the Far East and the Indian subcontinent for
our cultural inheritance. Our people cross many divides.
Therefore, we are able to witness and sense the impact of
the rapid development of the modern world upon these
different cultures and peoples more quickly, because we
are a part of them. And I can tell the Assembly that what
we see gives us cause for concern.
As the old world order passes and a new one
replaces it, we are going through a period of transition
fraught with pitfalls and dangers. We cannot but be
dismayed at the number of countries that are falling prey
to the ancient and deadly sirens of ethnicity and narrow
nationalism that appeal to man’s baser instincts of
intolerance and xenophobic fear. Our continent of Africa
seems particularly affected. Somalia and Liberia seem to
descend endlessly into chaos, while Burundi threatens to
blow up again.
We are concerned by recent indications that parties
to the Middle East peace process may be giving in to the
temptation of pandering to extremist fringes. We owe
peace to this Holy Land and to the generations to come.
We owe it to the memory of two statesmen who laid
down their lives to this cause. The resolute pursuit of
peace is the only way to defeat the assassins, those who
felled President Sadat and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
In the Commonwealth family of nations to which we
belong, the uniqueness of which is its very diversity, a
number of Member States are blighted by this affliction.
Mauritius fervently hopes that the sister island of Fiji
will soon be able to resume its rightful place in the
comity of nations by correcting the inequities written into
that nation’s constitution in a moment of tension, when
racist passions were unbridled. We would be pleased to
share with the people of Fiji our own constitutional
experience of a pluricultural society.
In my own country, only 10 months ago in a free
and democratic election, the people voted overwhelmingly
for change. The Government has pledged to render our
democratic process even more transparent and
unequivocal. The numerous strategies and policy
objectives enunciated by the new Government at the
beginning of the current legislature, earlier this year, aim
precisely at confronting squarely the problems that we
face on all the issues that I have broached. Our overriding
objective will be to ultimately make the economy work
for the people and not the people work for the economy.
While a Government’s overall objective is to
improve the well-being of the people, sound economic
12

policies alone will not make our countries prosper. In order
to create the right environment for the economy to flourish
there must be good governance. This is also a moral
imperative. The history of mankind inevitably moves in the
direction of greater freedom, more transparency, wider
accountability in all sectors of public life and greater access
to information held by public agencies relating to citizens.
My Government is committed to a continuing process
of democratization which will reinforce our institutions by
creating wider confidence in them. We are convinced that
this will create a climate more conducive to investment and
will enhance the creative and entrepreneurial spirit of our
people.
While the pursuit of happiness has perforce to be
individual and private, it cannot be to the detriment of the
collective good. The protection of the environment is one
endeavour that has to be undertaken collectively at the
national as well as the global level. Only if mankind as a
whole takes care to ensure the integrity of our planet can
we envisage a future for generations yet to be born. It is up
to us to ensure the viability and ecological health of the
planet we shall bequeath to those who come after us. My
Government will pursue on its own national territory a
vigorous policy of conservation and rehabilitation of natural
resources. Our actions at the national level will be matched
by our contributions at the international and regional levels,
in concert with all our partners, to advance on these same
issues.
Through our membership in regional and subregional
organizations, we are undertaking, in close partnership with
neighbouring countries, to advance and promote the same
objectives that I have defined. Only one year after joining
the Southern African Development Community (SADC),
Mauritius has become an active member, putting its skills
and knowledge in sectors where it has acquired valuable
experience at the service of fellow members.
Mauritius informed this Assembly last year that it had
initiated a process for the creation of a regional cooperation
platform in the Indian Ocean region. Indeed, the Indian
Ocean region was the only one in the world which did not
have such a platform to discuss the economic and social
development policies of its countries in a coordinated
manner. I am pleased to inform the Assembly this year that
the Mauritius Indian Ocean Rim Initiative has gathered
considerable momentum. The Initiative, which started with
only seven countries, has doubled its membership to 14
countries. A charter has been drawn up to provide the
relevant framework within which to develop and implement
regional cooperation programmes. In addition, in contrast
with some existing regional blocs, it has adopted an
outward-looking approach, so as to be compatible with
the multilateral system. The association has the
distinguishing feature of having adopted a tripartite
approach comprising government, the private sector and
the academic community, to ensure as wide a consensus
as possible.
Mauritius is convening a ministerial meeting in the
first week of March 1997 to give political blessing to the
Indian Ocean rim association for regional cooperation.
The Indian Ocean region can now serenely look forward
to playing its role, as a serious regional partner in the
international arena, in the effort to uplift the standard of
living of the peoples of the region. I am sure that the
international community will lend its full support to this
nascent regional grouping, in line with the often repeated
appeal for South-South cooperation.
We have witnessed in recent years the growing
significance of regional accords and blocs in determining
and fashioning the orientation of multilateral financial and
trading systems and institutions. We believe that
regionalization is a necessary step towards a more liberal
global environment inasmuch as it allows the less
endowed countries and regions with specificities of their
own to experiment and to test the political, economic and
social reforms of their programmes. A similar approach
has been adopted by the more advanced countries and
regions, as evidenced by the emergence of the North
American Free Trade Agreement and the consolidation of
existing groupings, such as the European Union and the
Association of South-East Asian Nations, to mention just
a couple of them.
In addition, we have witnessed a new interpretation
of the concept of regional blocs as purely geographical
units that make use of their own individual characteristics
to experiment, and to test political, economic and social
reforms programmes within a smaller geographical entity
before challenges are confronted on a worldwide scale.
Regionalization is increasingly being viewed by aid
donors and international financial institutions as a means
to promote overall economic development and to create
an enabling environment that will attract foreign direct
investment in specific regions. This process has also
changed the way in which international businesses and
multinational corporations are restructuring their activities.
Improvements in telecommunications facilities, the
adoption of advanced technology for the transmission of
13

information in real time and the use of more rapid and
reliable modes of transportation have all contributed to
giving regionalization a new dimension in political and
economic issues. Hence, the prospects for ensuring a more
balanced global development process are more real and
attainable.
The decades-old partnership between African,
Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States and the European
Union through the Lomé Conventions, the fourth of which
will come to an end in the year 2000, has served as an
excellent instrument for trading agreements between the
African, Asian, Pacific and Caribbean countries and the
European Union. This instrument has to a very large extent
helped in consolidating the links between the ACP States
and the European Union. It has permitted the growth of
trade, economic, political, social and cultural development,
for both developed and underdeveloped countries. However,
the successor agreement to Lomé IV will have to take into
account the changing pattern in world trade and the
acquired benefits under the Lomé Conventions, and in this
context we shall wait for the publication of the green book
on the subject commissioned by the European Union.
The Sugar Protocol, which provides for guaranteed
prices and quotas for the ACP sugar-producing countries,
has been instrumental to a large extent in the socio-
economic development of Mauritius.
While I have addressed development issues mainly, we
should not overlook the crucial question of disarmament.
The principled stand of Mauritius in the field of
disarmament has always been to advocate a world free of
nuclear weapons as well as chemical and other weapons of
mass destruction. On the question of nuclear weapons, we
once again reaffirm our total commitment to nuclear
disarmament, and hope that the world community will make
all efforts to secure unanimity around the views expressed
in this Assembly by Member States that have some
difficulties with some treaty provisions. Furthermore, with
regard particularly to the position of Mauritius on the recent
decision on the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty,
we stood by the principle that we have always applied to
other issues in the past, namely that of fairness and non-
discrimination against any party. It is therefore imperative
that we give renewed momentum to the disarmament
process in general, and address the flaws of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty urgently.
In order to meet the challenges of the next century, we
believe that it is urgently necessary to pursue the reform of
the United Nations. It is vital that the Security Council
should be enlarged and made more representative and
balanced among its permanent members, and should
include developing countries such as India. And it is
equally imperative that the Working Groups of the
General Assembly should complete their task of
producing an effective and credible programme for
reform. It seems to us self-evident that, after 50 years,
some revision and redesign is necessary. We think, with
Shakespeare,
“When we mean to build,
We first survey the plot, then draw the model;
And when we see the figure of the house,
Then we must rate the cost of the erection;
Which if we find outweighs ability,
What do we then but draw anew the model
In fewer offices...?” (King Henry IV, Part 2, Act I,
Scene 3)
Some have come to this Assembly in order to
complain that the world and the United Nations are not
doing enough. But we should inquire of ourselves first:
What are we doing to advance or to hinder these causes
upon which, in principle, there is such remarkable
agreement?
After this overview of the world situation, allow me
to speak of a matter of national interest to us. One of the
fundamental principles to which we all subscribe is that
of respect for the sovereignty of Member States.
Interference in the internal affairs of States and disregard
for their national sovereignty has often been a source of
tension and conflict. Now that the cold war is behind us
and we move towards ever greater economic, commercial
and cultural integration, we should be able to find
amicable answers to questions of sovereignty. Mauritius
has sovereignty disputes regarding the Chagos
Archipelago and Tromelin Island with two countries with
which we have historically close and friendly ties. These
differences were referred to as friendly disputes by
Sir Seewoosagar Ramgoolam, architect of our
independence and father our nation. We hope to resolve
these differences through quiet diplomacy and dialogue.
The cold war has died, but the need for peace and
security lives on. The state of affairs in the world today
challenges us but must not daunt us. Against this
background, the principle of meliorism — that the world
may be made better by human effort — should prevail in
our actions. Those who have the means and capabilities
to help should not waver or shy away at the call of the
United Nations.
14

These are some of the ideas that I wanted to share
today. It is my hope that we will all join in a global
partnership for the achievement of a better and stronger
United Nations at the service of the peoples in whose name
we stand here.


It
gives me great pleasure to convey to Mr. Razali Ismail
the heartfelt congratulations of the delegation of Niger on
his outstanding election to the presidency of the United
Nations General Assembly at its fifty-first session. His
election is testimony to the high esteem and prestige
enjoyed by his country, Malaysia, in international affairs
for its contribution to the attainment of the ideals of our
Organization. It is also recognition of the fact that he is
a seasoned diplomat and a man of great experience.
I extend my congratulations to the other officers of
the Assembly, and we assure Mr. Razali of the full
cooperation of the delegation of Niger in the discharge of
his duties. I should like to convey to his predecessor,
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral of Portugal, our great
pleasure at, and our compliments on, the excellent job he
did during his presidency.
The President of the Republic of Niger, General
Ibrahim Maïnassara Barré, reaffirms his unreserved
support for and encouragement to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless efforts for
peace and development. As the Assembly knows, this
support was demonstrated to the Secretary-General at the
recent Summit of Heads of State and Government of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), when my country
joined the unanimous tribute to him.
I know that my country’s decision to propose one of
our sons as a possible candidate for the post of Secretary-
General has given rise to much comment. Let me here
make it clear that Mr. Hamid Algabid, the candidate in
question, is simply a “candidate for the candidacy”. In
other words, if in the coming weeks no veto opposes the
re-election of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali as Secretary-
General, Africa would only stand to gain. It would be
perfectly normal for a son of our continent, who is just as
qualified as his predecessors, to enjoy, as they did, a
second mandate at the head of our distinguished
Organization.
The annual session of the General Assembly gives
my country an opportunity to renew its faith in the ideals
and principles of the United Nations Charter. The fiftieth
anniversary of our Organization, which we
commemorated last year, gave us an opportunity to look
at the progress made and to define the priorities on which
we should focus. Among those priorities is joint action by
the international community to reduce the economic
imbalance between the nations of the North and the
nations of the South. Unfortunately, the map of economic
24

and social development of the world contains a geography
of contrasts and disparities, although there were reasonable
hopes that the end of the cold war would facilitate the
mobilization of the international community for
development.
Everywhere, and more specifically in the countries of
the South, poverty is the greatest threat to political stability
and social cohesion. The destitution of the shanty towns,
the destitution of the street children, and absolute poverty
are a disgrace to us all, and they will be as long as we see
marginalization as inevitable. As the Director-General of
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, Frederico Mayor, stated so well:
“From poverty to marginalization, from
marginalization to exclusion: this is how the most
fertile breeding ground for violence is created.”
It is this violence which we must avoid, by offering
better alternatives to the peoples to whom we are
responsible — most particularly in Africa. Indeed, this
continent shows signs of being a land full of vitality,
capable of major economic achievements, if the
international community gives us a chance and the
resources. Accordingly, the commitments jointly entered
into in the United Nations New Agenda for the
Development of Africa in the 1990s are as relevant as ever.
And more than ever they require that greater efforts be
made for Africa by other members of the international
community.
The question of external debt, and in particular the
question of multilateral debt, which was given special
attention at the G-7 summit in Lyon deserves radical,
urgent treatment. Niger fully supports the recommendations
adopted at the mid-term review of the United Nations New
Agenda for the Development of Africa. We welcome the
launching on 15 March 1996 of the United Nations System-
wide Initiative on Africa. We hope that this programme,
which is in any case an important framework for
cooperation, will make it possible to ensure sustainable
economic and social development in Africa.
Official Development Assistance — quite rightly
identified as one of the main conditions for the
revitalization of the African countries — should be
increased to the level indicated in the resolutions adopted
on this subject. At the upcoming Singapore meeting of the
World Trade Organization appropriate follow-up action
should be taken to ensure that the rights and interests of all
countries, and in particular of the African countries, be
protected. Likewise, the provision of technical and
financial assistance to implement horizontal and vertical
policies to diversify exports will give African countries
the means for greater economic independence.
Since the end of the cold war, our Organization has
certainly had some success in the maintenance of
international peace and security. Among these successes
was the coming into being of a democratic and multiracial
South Africa and the end of the disastrous war in
Mozambique. We have also made significant progress in
the peace process in Angola, in the crisis in the Middle
East and in the former Yugoslavia, in particular the
holding a few days ago of elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Niger is following closely the efforts
undertaken by the authorities in Rwanda to overcome the
aftermath of the tragic events we all witnessed and in
particular to consolidate national reconciliation and lasting
peace.
The situation in Liberia has seen a change for the
better after the recent Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) summit devoted to that
country. Niger supports the recommendations which
emerged from it and has decided, despite our own
financial difficulties, inter alia, to strengthen the structure
of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in
Liberia by sending a contingent of about 500 men. My
country believes, however, that these efforts will only be
successful with the valuable support of the international
community, which inter alia must honour its
commitments to this country.I take this opportunity to
commend the tireless efforts made in Liberia by Nigeria,
the great friend and brother of Niger.
Somalia also deserves support. My country has been
following with great interest the evolution of the situation
in Western Sahara and hopes for a resumption of dialogue
between the two main protagonists there so that, in the
near future, efforts by made by the United Nations will
finally lead to the self-determination referendum which
the international community hopes to see. Concerning the
sanctions imposed on Libya, Niger believes that the
constructive proposals made by the authorities of that
country provide a serious basis for negotiations to resolve
that crisis, the consequences of which are adversely
affecting the Libyan people as well neighbouring
countries.
In the Middle East, for three years now, considerable
progress has been made on the path to peace. Until
recently, President Arafat, living among his own people,
25

was developing a dialogue with his former enemies that,
while certainly difficult, was also useful. With the support
of the international community, that dialogue must go on.
But unfortunately, since the return of the right wing to
power in Israel, all hopes seem to have been dashed. Our
Organization must shoulder its responsibilities and do
everything in its power to stop the Middle East from
plunging into a new war with unforeseeable consequences.
If the State of Israel has the right to exist and to live in
peace, the same goes for all States in the region —
beginning with Palestine.
Niger is similarly concerned about the serious situation
in Jammu and Kashmir and hopes that the international
community will discuss it further. It is indispensable that in
that region of the world as well, and with the
encouragement of all countries of good will, that wisdom
and dialogue prevails, so that in the near future the people
of Kashmir can finally exercise freely their inalienable right
to self-determination.
Disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, have a central
role to play in conflict prevention and the promotion of
peace and economic and social development. This is why
Niger renews its appeal for universal accession to
international conventions and treaties that relate to weapons
of mass destruction, and in particular to the cornerstone
treaty: the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons.
Further efforts should be made to control conventional
weapons and, generally speaking, to establish confidence-
building measures among States. The signing of the Treaty
of Pelindaba, on the creation of a nuclear-weapon free zone
in Africa, was a source of legitimate pride. My country
welcomes the adoption here in New York of the important
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which finally puts
an end to the fears of millions of human beings for their
lives and for their environment. It is certainly a significant
step towards nuclear non-proliferation. Niger was among
the sponsors of the resolution submitted by Australia, and
will be signing the Treaty in the near future. We hope that
this stage, which puts an end to the risks of horizontal
proliferation, will lead to a substantial reduction in existing
arsenals.
Finally, as in previous years, my country will join in
initiatives to be taken to combat illicit trafficking in small
arms. It will also join the increasingly unanimous
condemnation by the international community of the
manufacture and use of those deadly devices: anti-
personnel landmines.
The building of a better world, which is our common
goal, is still dependent on the establishment of
international relations based on the principle of
cooperation and human solidarity. We have had major
discussions on this subject: in Rio on the environment, in
Cairo on population, in Copenhagen on social
development, in Beijing on the promotion of women, in
Istanbul on human settlements, and soon, in Rome, on
food. All the concerns of humanity have been taken into
account in the many important recommendations which
emerged from those conferences and which outlined a
vision of a better world. We believe that only genuine
human solidarity can transform that vision into reality.
Before concluding, I would like to provide an
overview of the political solution in my country. Niger is
one of the African countries which, early on, chose the
path of democracy. In less than five years, it has tried
everything: a national conference, democratic transition,
and free and transparent elections which established the
institutions of our Third Republic. Following the dismissal
of the Government by the National Assembly, and the
dissolution of that Assembly by the President of the
Republic, the ensuing elections brought about the victory
of the opposition and the establishment of a power-
sharing regime marked by institutional instability in which
the higher interests of the country were sidelined. The
resulting paralysis of State structures prompted the army
to seize power. Understand me clearly: I have no wish to
justify military coups d’état. But in Niger, the putsch was
the lesser evil. At least that is how it was perceived by
the people of Niger, who spontaneously organized
demonstrations in support of the new regime.
As I speak to you now, Niger, having elected a new
President, General Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara, is now
preparing for legislative elections. The Government is
doing this in cooperation with the opposition, which only
last week finally agreed to hold discussions with the
representatives of the presidential party and to define with
it the conditions for organizing future popular elections.
The two parties have agreed to abandon sterile polemics
and to create the calm conditions so necessary to work
effectively in the higher interests of Niger.
This shows that Africa in general, and Niger in
particular, is not allergic to democracy. But in the matter
at hand, what my country wants is to be given the
opportunity to build to its democratic system — based,
26

without question, on respect for human rights and
freedoms — at its own pace, taking into account its own
political, economic, social and cultural context. And I
venture here to say that one of the dominant features of
African culture is that we do not turn public administration
into a dichotomy between those in power and the
opposition, between those responsible for running the
country and those who are excluded from that process. In
Africa, we do everything together. We work together, we
eat together and we manage things together. Of course, in
the interest of the human community to which everyone
belongs, everyone should know his rightful place in this
process and everyone should play the role he has been
given.
In this regard, I would like to add that even just in
our subregion, West Africa, there are several examples of
countries that have understood this process and that are
fruitfully applying it on a daily basis. This is the case of
Senegal and Burkina Faso. Let us try to find in our
culture — or better in our cultures — all the elements
that can enable our countries to establish a viable,
properly adapted democracy, while also rejecting
categorically any kind of ready-to-wear democracy that
might be foisted upon us.
In conclusion, allow me to reaffirm Niger’s faith in
the ideals of the United Nations and in its ability to find
in the solidarity of all its Members appropriate responses
to the new challenges facing humanity.


At the outset, I wish
to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency
Mr. Razali Ismail of Malaysia on his unanimous election
to the high post of the presidency of this session of the
General Assembly. I also wish to express my appreciation
to His Excellency Mr. Freitas do Amaral for his excellent
stewardship of the historic fiftieth session of the General
Assembly.
The current session is being held at a time when the
contours of a new international system are still being
shaped. The twentieth century has witnessed the
generation of enormous wealth. However, its distribution
among regions, individual States and groups within States
remains uneven. Scientific and technological
developments have led to great strides in the advancement
of human society while they have posed potentially
disruptive threats to its survival. Trends towards
globalization and integration are accompanied by the
forces of fragmentation and marginalization. The winds of
sweeping democratic change have touched the greater part
of the family of nations. By and large, the world today
finds itself at a momentous juncture, at a time of both
opportunities and challenges.
Today no country can afford to stay aloof from the
tremendous transformations that are going on. In
Mongolia, this year ushered in a new era. As a result of
general elections held last summer, State power has been
peacefully transferred to democratic political forces for
the first time in 75 years. This marks the logical
culmination of the 1990 democratic revolution and lays a
solid foundation for stable democratic development. It is
10

also a result of the simultaneous pursuit of both political
and economic reforms.
The reform process is complex, time-consuming and
challenging. Mongolia is not alone in facing the challenges
inherent in laying the foundations of an open, democratic,
just and humane society and in creating conditions for
accelerated social and economic development. Like many
other developing countries undergoing fundamental
changes, Mongolia is faced with a host of problems: a low
level of development, poverty, unemployment, an external
debt burden and an underdeveloped national economic
structure vulnerable to fluctuations on the world market. In
spite of those hardships, the Government of Mongolia is
determined to undertake decisive measures to speed up the
reform process.
The Government of Mongolia, while preserving the
continuity of its multipillared foreign policy, is resolved to
pursue an active, balanced foreign policy based on national
interests. Mongolia will continue its strong support for the
multifaceted activities of the United Nations as one of the
main pillars of its foreign policy.
A few days ago the international community witnessed
a landmark event designed to attain the goal of a nuclear-
weapon-free world. I refer to the adoption by the General
Assembly of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.
This morning I had the privilege of signing the Treaty on
behalf of Mongolia. It is of paramount importance, in our
view, that all the declared nuclear Powers and threshold
States accede to the Treaty so that the many years of hard
work that went into it may yield tangible results. With a
view to contributing to an effective implementation of this
important Treaty, Mongolia will actively participate in its
international monitoring system.
We believe that the creation of more nuclear-weapon-
free zones in different regions of the world will contribute
to the strengthening of regional and international peace and
security. Therefore, we commend and support the
Declarations of Africa and South-East Asia as nuclear-
weapon-free zones. In 1992, Mongolia declared its territory
a nuclear-weapon-free zone, and I am pleased to note here
that the nuclear-weapon States, along with other countries,
have welcomed and supported our initiative. Mongolia
intends to formalize and upgrade the status of the zone to
the international level. In a broader context, it is essential
to provide assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States against
the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, in the form of
an international instrument.
The advisory opinion of the International Court of
Justice on the illegality of the use or threat of use of
nuclear weapons, as well as the important
recommendations contained in the report of the Canberra
Commission, could serve as a sound basis in further
negotiations on non-proliferation and nuclear
disarmament.
While expressing Mongolia’s satisfaction with the
Chemical Weapons Convention that will soon come into
force, I should like to stress the importance of its
ratification by States with substantial arsenals of chemical
weapons so that the Convention can be more effective in
eliminating this type of weapon of mass destruction.
Turning to regional issues, I should like to underline
in particular our deep concern over the uncertain
situations in the Balkans and on the Korean peninsula.
The recent events in the Middle East are adversely
affecting the peace process that is under way. We believe
that the parties concerned should exercise utmost restraint
and resolve the problems by political negotiation, as
envisaged in the Madrid and Oslo agreements.
The peaceful advancement of the human family and
its safety can no longer be assured in a world
characterized by abject poverty, external debt burdens, a
growing technological and economic gap between the rich
and the poor, widespread hunger and malnutrition,
increasing violence and discrimination, crimes and drug
use. It would probably be axiomatic to say that no one
can ensure his or her own security at the expense of
others. However, merely acknowledging this fact can
hardly help solve the problem. There must be real
determination and political will, coupled with collective
action, to face the challenges ahead.
The recent international conferences on children, the
environment, human rights, population, social
development and human settlements organized under the
auspices of the United Nations have forged a clear vision
and a forward-looking strategy for our common and
concerted action toward the betterment of the human
condition. Mongolia holds the view that this new
framework for international development cooperation
should find its due reflection in the Agenda for
Development, which would ensure their integrated and
comprehensive implementation and follow-up. Vital, in
this regard, is a coherent coordination of the policies and
activities of the various entities of the United Nations
system and those of the Bretton Woods institutions at the
global and national levels.

The implementation of the decisions of the
aforementioned conferences requires genuine political
commitment on the part of the international community and
its individual members to substantially increase the
resources for sustainable human development. We believe
that mobilization of added financial resources can be made
possible by reducing global military spending and capturing
the resultant peace dividend for human priority needs. Our
common and shared future calls for the donor countries that
have not yet done so to honour their long-standing
commitment to the 0.7 per cent target.
We welcome and support the World Trade
Organization as a multilateral forum for defining an
international trade policy aimed at coordinating and
promoting the interests of countries with different levels of
development. Mongolia will join this Organization shortly,
which will allow it a greater involvement in world trade
and economic integration. Likewise, Mongolia will actively
endeavour to secure its proper place in the Asia-Pacific
integration, a region characterized by high economic
development and overall political stability.
Handicapped by their geographical location, the land-
locked developing countries face particular difficulties in
their development efforts. Owing to their disadvantaged
position, they risk being further isolated and marginalized
from the globalization process. In this connection, I wish to
emphasize the practical importance of implementing the
Global Framework for Transit Transport Cooperation
Between Land-locked and Transit-developing Countries and
the Donor Community, endorsed by the General Assembly
at its last session.
South-South cooperation has become a potential
instrument for accelerating the effective integration of
developing countries into the global economy. I believe that
the conference on finance, trade and investment to be held
in Costa Rica next January will help to further enhance
South-South cooperation by identifying its future priorities.
With the acceleration of scientific and technological
progress, the question of protecting the environment from
mercantile human activities is acquiring an ever-increasing
importance. Effective international cooperation aimed at
offsetting the adverse effects of industrialization on
countries, especially in environmentally sensitive regions;
preserving their unique nature and ecosystems; shielding
them from natural disasters; and mitigating the damage
inflicted is the order of the day. Furthermore, this requires
an allocation of additional resources and their effective
utilization. Elaboration of a national strategy for sustainable
development, in line with the Earth Summit Declaration
and Agenda 21, is well under way in my country.
Mongolia attaches particular importance to the special
session of the General Assembly scheduled for 1997 to
review the implementation of Agenda 21. In preparation
for that session, a study could be conducted on the root
causes of the considerable increase in natural disasters
over recent years, as noted in the report of the Secretary-
General on the work of the Organization.
Today, it is vital to foster respect for and compliance
with the norms of international law. In this regard,
Mongolia welcomes the establishment of the International
Seabed Authority and supports the creation of an
international criminal court. We believe that the
international community should elaborate the guiding
principles of conducting international negotiations — the
main instrument of bilateral and international diplomacy.
Mongolia fully shares the view that the United
Nations should be restructured, its activities modified and
democratized, and its effectiveness and efficiency
improved along the lines of the objectives set forth in the
Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary
of the United Nations. I hope that the ongoing
deliberations in the high-level Working Groups of the
General Assembly will result in the adoption of specific
action-oriented recommendations that will make the
United Nations better equipped, financed and structured
to serve the ideals enshrined in the Charter.
Security Council reform should be intensified
through the introduction of greater transparency in its
activities and the democratization of its working methods.
The expansion of its composition must ensure the fair and
equitable representation of various regions and groups of
States as well as its increased effectiveness and
efficiency. It goes without saying that, in the final
analysis, this world Organization can be only as good as
its Member States allow it to be.
Less than four years separate us from the next
millennium. The time has come for resolute action. The
time has come to collectively undertake radical changes.
The time has come to fulfil the dreams of our forefathers
to build a better future for our children.