On behalf of the Government
and the people of Jamaica, I congratulate Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral on his election to the presidency of the fiftieth
session of the General Assembly. As a distinguished
representative of Portugal, we are assured that he will be
able to bring his undoubted skills to the affairs of this body
at this important juncture in the life of the United Nations.
Allow me also to express my appreciation to his
distinguished predecessor, Foreign Minister Amara Essy of
Côte d’Ivoire, for his very valuable contribution to the work
of the forty-ninth session.
I also wish to take this opportunity to extend a
welcome to the Republic of Palau, which was admitted to
the United Nations on 15 December 1994.
Let me, on behalf of the Government and the people
of Jamaica, express our sympathy to the peoples of our
sister countries in the Caribbean who recently experienced
the ravages of devastating hurricanes. Most of these small
islands suffered extensive damage to infrastructure and to
their agriculture and tourism industries. Their task of
reconstruction will require immediate assistance and
support from the international community. I appeal to all
gathered here to provide the required support to these
Caribbean partners.
Our general debate this year coincides with the
celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations. This historic occasion affords us the opportunity
to reflect on the work and value of the Organization and
to chart the way forward into the twenty-first century.
The establishment of the United Nations 50 years
ago irrevocably changed the course of world history. With
its founding, a new framework for international relations
was created. Throughout the last five decades, the world
body, buffeted as it has been by the vagaries of an
unpredictable and often tense international environment,
has achieved remarkable successes in a wide variety of
fields, and in many ways and for many millions of people
around the world it remains the greatest repository of
hope, and the only viable option for ensuring international
peace, security and development.
Today we still inhabit an imperfect world where
poverty, social and economic inequality between and
within States, hunger, disease and environmental

degradation remain critical issues. Global solutions must be
found to what are inevitably global problems. At last we all
now agree that the major problems confronting our world
are transnational in nature.
Addressing these challenges is a daunting task.
However, whereas less than a decade ago the cold-war
ideological divide hindered our ability to address them,
today we are in a much more favourable position to do so.
Today there is greater willingness and capacity to make
common cause on a number of issues.
The priority task of our time is to eliminate the
fundamental causes of instability and conflict in the global
community, a situation rooted in the social and economic
conditions affecting the greater part of mankind. As we
move into the next century, our commitment to achieving
development in all its aspects must be our priority
objective. In this regard, Jamaica continues to attach great
importance to the work of the United Nations in advancing
the Agenda for Development. We believe it provides the
rudiments for constructing a sustained development
strategy. It is our hope that this historic session of the
General Assembly will recognize the importance of the
Agenda and give the mandate for its implementation.
The Secretary-General has outlined five dimensions
which provide the foundation for action to achieve
sustainable development. These are: peace, the economy,
environmental protection, social justice and democracy.
It is important that we accept these concepts as
mutually reinforcing and interdependent. Development is
not possible in the absence of peace and stability.
Conversely, the absence of broad-based development and
the lack of opportunity to participate in the benefits of
material progress constitute a threat to peace and stability.
Economic growth is necessary for development. As the
Secretary-General points out in his report,
“New development approaches should not only
generate economic growth, they should make its
benefits equitably available. They should enable
people to participate in decisions affecting their lives.”
(A/49/665, para. 5)
For sustainable development to be maintained it must
be people-oriented in its objective, scope and focus. It
needs an environment that gives priority to the promotion
of social well-being, integration and advancement; an
environment where there is emphasis on the eradication of
poverty, on the enhancement of health and education and
on productive employment for all.
That is why it is vital that we honour the
commitments agreed at major international conferences
and integrate them into a common framework for
development. The declarations and work programmes of
conferences, beginning with the World Summit for
Children in 1990, up to and including the recent Fourth
World Conference on Women, provide the basis for
forging a global consensus on new approaches to social
and economic development. The United Nations
Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II), to be held
next year, will further add to the global consensus.
It is in this context that I refer specifically to the
World Summit for Social Development, one of the two
major global conferences held this year. That Summit
provided a forum for discussion and commitment to
action on issues of poverty, unemployment and social
disintegration. In Copenhagen world leaders recognized
the central and pervasive theme of poverty and its
impediment to social integration. The Copenhagen
Declaration and Programme of Action contain universal
commitments: a commitment to create a national and
international environment conducive to the eradication of
poverty; a commitment to enhance productive
employment; a commitment to promote social
development and foster social integration. All these
actions would be taken in a framework of sustainable
economic growth and development.
Not only does the Declaration and Programme of
Action contain commitments to accelerate economic,
social and human resource development: it also
specifically sets targets for addressing the seemingly
intractable problems facing developing countries. The
critical issue is one of resources. It is a daunting
challenge.
As part of national policy and consistent with the
content of the Declaration and Programme of Action,
Jamaica has already committed itself to the alleviation of
poverty as a matter of priority.
Permit me to refer to the other important conference
held this year, the Fourth World Conference on Women,
which was recently concluded in Beijing. Out of that
Conference emanated a comprehensive Platform for
Action aimed at fostering greater empowerment of women
and bringing them fully into the development process.
2

We recognize that Governments have the main
responsibility for undertaking the commitments agreed at
these conferences. However, to achieve these goals national
efforts must be complemented by effective international
cooperation. We therefore join others in urging the
international community to collectively fulfil the
commitments by channelling substantial new and additional
financial and technical resources to developing countries. It
is this mobilization of adequate financial resources for
development purposes that will determine whether the
poorest countries in the world remain excluded from the
progress enjoyed by others.
The positive trends in world economic growth cannot
mask the dichotomy which persists in the international
economy. The efforts by developing countries to implement
sound macroeconomic policies and structural adjustment
programmes continue to be affected by adverse external
economic conditions characterized by protectionism in
goods-and-service trade, continuing decline in official
development assistance (ODA), volatile financial flows and
exchange-rate instability, and constraints in access to
technology.
All this is convincing evidence that in the increasingly
globalized environment it is imperative that we give greater
weight to the whole process of coordination of international
economic policy. Institutions such as the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank should further
improve their processes to take into account the critical
needs and peculiar circumstances of developing countries.
This process could be improved further through better
consultations between the Group of 77, the Group of 15
and the Group of 7.
Many developing countries have at great cost
undertaken reforms in policy and regulatory framework
resulting in the creation of a private-sector-led, market-
driven economy. These efforts will be rendered meaningless
without the existence of a favourable international economic
environment. In its absence, efforts to build self-sustaining
economies will be frustrated.
With the completion of the Uruguay Round and the
establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) the
stage is set for a more open multilateral trading system. In
confronting this new and complex trade regime developing
countries require production and marketing assistance to
gain the potential benefits from the new market
opportunities.
It is therefore crucial that a degree of flexibility be
given to developing countries to enhance our full
participation in the multilateral trading system.
Recent developments and institutional changes,
including the establishment of the World Trade
Organization, reinforce the need for institutions such as
the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development as a policy-oriented trade forum with a
strong development perspective. We should not fail to
reflect on the valuable role that has been played by
UNCTAD, as well as by the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization. Every effort should be made
to preserve those organizations. They were designed to
serve the development objectives of the developing
countries. They are not above change. They have shown
their capacity to adapt to the new environment and to
develop concepts and programmes relevant to the present
needs of the developing countries. We are therefore
opposed to any attempt to undermine the contributions of
those bodies to the development objectives within the
international system.
In our own region steps are being taken to improve
the conditions that will foster proper trading relations
among our countries, thereby enhancing the productivity
of our economies. The Convention establishing the
Association of Caribbean States has now entered into
force. The new grouping of 25 States plus associate
members represents a strong and viable economic base
from which to seize the opportunities offered by the new
international economic environment.
In this regard we continue to assert the need for the
inclusion of all countries in the region in the integration
process. To this end, we reiterate our concern at attempts
further to complicate regional-trading arrangements
through national legislation that has an overwhelming
extra-territorial character.
If I have devoted a substantial portion of my
statement to issues of development and international
economic and trade policy, it is because Jamaica would
like to emphasize the fundamental importance of
economic and social development to the attainment of
peace and security. We welcome the fact that the
Secretary-General’s Agenda for Development has rightly
been acknowledged as an essential complement to “An
Agenda for Peace”. We remain committed to a continuing
role for the United Nations in the area of peace-keeping.
3

The current regional and civil conflicts being waged
against the backdrop of ethnic and religious antagonism
demand that greater emphasis be placed on preventive
diplomacy in order to diffuse tensions before they escalate
into the violence and bloodshed that we have witnessed in
the Balkans and in Central Africa. We must design
mechanisms to deal with problems in their early stages and
thus prevent the situation whereby the international
community finds itself expending more and more resources
to deal with an ever-worsening situation. In this regard,
urgent action to achieve a rapid-deployment capability
should be considered.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina the world has been witness
to the tragedy of the forcible dismantling of a multi-ethnic
and multireligious society. The situation has been a difficult
one for the United Nations. It is vital that all efforts be
made to bring an end to the fighting, and we hope that the
most recent attempts to reach a negotiated settlement will
lead to a lasting and comprehensive solution. I wish at this
point to express on behalf of the Government of Jamaica
our profound regret at the almost- daily loss of life. Our
sympathies go to the families of United Nations peace-
keepers as well as to the families of the three American
diplomats who were engaged in brokering a settlement to
the conflict.
We are no less concerned and distressed by the
situation in Rwanda and Burundi. We continue to urge the
factions to pursue national reconciliation leading towards
the economic rehabilitation and reconstruction of their
countries.
In our own region, we can be justifiably proud of the
role of the United Nations in restoring the democratically
elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, to the
leadership of his nation. This was a critical element in the
complex diplomatic effort to achieve a solution to the crisis
in our sister country. Jamaica joined other countries in the
Caribbean Community in contributing to the multinational
force in Haiti and subsequently to the United Nations
Mission in Haiti. The people of Haiti are now on the path
to building democracy. Haiti’s success in its efforts to
rebuild the economy of the country depends in no small
measure on the continued attention of the entire
international community.
The success of the United Nations in Haiti leads us to
reflect on the often-overlooked achievements of the
Organization in providing much-needed humanitarian
assistance in situations of conflict.
There are a number of outstanding political issues on
the Assembly’s agenda that require resolution, among
them the situation in the Middle East. We welcome the
efforts of the parties to continue the peace process in a
spirit of reconciliation in order to achieve a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace. We hope that the
same spirit of reconciliation will prevail in negotiations to
resolve other long-outstanding issues, including that of the
situation in Cyprus.
I wish to refer to a matter which we consider one of
global concern. Four months ago, the Review and
Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) concluded
with a majority of States agreeing that the Treaty should
be extended indefinitely. Like other non-nuclear-weapon
States, we supported the indefinite extension on the basis
of the declared intention of nuclear Powers to exercise
restraint in relation to vertical proliferation and nuclear
disarmament. In this sense, we view with great
disappointment and as a serious blow to the non-
proliferation regime the recent decisions by some nuclear-
weapon States to resume nuclear testing. Jamaica is
opposed to the proliferation of weapons and wishes to
reiterate the need for the completion of a comprehensive
nuclear-test-ban treaty. In the meantime, we urge nuclear-
weapon States to respect the moratorium on nuclear
testing.
The progressive development of international law
has been a fundamental objective of the United Nations.
The entry into force of the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea and the inauguration of the
International Seabed Authority in Kingston, Jamaica, in
November last year, represent a major achievement in the
creation of a legal order for the management of the seas
and oceans as the common heritage of mankind. We urge
universal acceptance of the Convention. Jamaica being the
host of the Seabed Authority, I can assure the Assembly
of its steadfast commitment to provide the enabling
environment to ensure that the objectives of the
Convention are met.
The establishment of the International Seabed
Authority represents the commitment of States parties to
have this new international regime operational in the
shortest possible time. We are all very disappointed that
the first session was concluded without the requisite
administrative arrangements in place for commencement
of the substantive work of the Authority. I take this
important occasion to urge that States parties address the
4

outstanding issues with the same commitment that was
evident in securing the acceptance of the Convention.
We believe the United Nations is now positioned to
achieve the objectives of the Charter and to play an active,
dynamic and catalytic role in maintaining international
peace and security and promoting economic cooperation.
Now, more than ever before, there is a real possibility for
us to take decisive and universal action to fulfil the
purposes for which the Organization was created. We must
take advantage of this opportunity. We are conscious of
heightened expectations. For these reasons, the restructuring
and revitalization of the United Nations system must be
vigorously pursued. We are confident that a reformed and
strengthened Organization will be able to undertake the
twin tasks of promoting peace and assisting the
development process of all members of the international
community.
In the Secretary-General’s annual report to the General
Assembly this year, he has emphasized, in the context of
reforming the United Nations, that
“A crucial component of that larger reform
process should be the achievement of a more dynamic
relationship among the main intergovernmental
organs — the General Assembly, the Security Council
and the Economic and Social Council.” (A/50/1, para.
20)
This is a point of view which I share. Jamaica firmly
believes that the General Assembly should be allowed to
fulfil its role as the Organization’s highest deliberative and
decision-making body. We also believe that the role of the
Economic and Social Council should be strengthened.
It is relevant also to underscore the fact that the
United Nations was conceived in an entirely different era.
Today, with all the changes which have taken place in the
past 50 years, it is indefensible that the same five
permanent members of the Security Council can exercise
the same control as they did when they assumed that right
after the Second World War. For this and other valid
reasons, Jamaica supports the call for the expansion of the
Security Council, including its permanent membership, on
an equitable geographical basis.
Numerous initiatives have been undertaken by Member
States, independent groups and individuals on ways to
improve the functioning of the Organization. It is now time
for the seminal ideas generated by these initiatives to be
distilled into a comprehensive framework for designing the
new structure of the United Nations. In this regard,
Jamaica will participate fully in the High-level Open-
ended Working Group of the General Assembly, recently
established to undertake a thorough review of the studies
and reports relating to the revitalization and reform of the
United Nations.
The agenda for this fiftieth session is indeed a
challenging one. Our goal is to ensure that the
Organization is well placed to discharge its
responsibilities effectively. There is enough evidence of
a disposition to do this, and this gives us hope. As
custodians of the future, let us therefore strive to make
this a more peaceful, just and prosperous world.


At the outset, allow me to express my best
wishes to you, Sir, and to congratulate you on your
election. I assure you of Paraguay’s most complete
cooperation.
I also wish to express my appreciation and gratitude
to Ambassador Amara Essy of Côte d’Ivoire for the way
in which he guided the work of the General Assembly at
the last session.
At the same time I am pleased to convey to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the
congratulations that I bring on behalf of the Government
and people of Paraguay for the commendable efforts that
have been made. I wish to express once again, on behalf
of Paraguay and the President of the Republic, Juan
Carlos Wasmosy, our full support for the United Nations,
of which Paraguay was one of the founders.
We are living in an exceptional year, an important
one, marking the first 50 years of the United Nations.
I myself was one of the fortunate witnesses of the
birth of the Organization after the Second World War.
Life then led me to work for 25 years as a staff member
within the structure that was created. I believe that the
United Nations has essentially fulfilled the aspirations
placed in it for peace, security, efforts to establish a more
equitable international legal order, and the commitment to
development for all the peoples of the world.
Undoubtedly, we must admit that in spite of the
efforts made, we cannot say that we have been as
10

successful as we would have wished in the sphere of
political achievements.
On the contrary, in the economic and social fields, in
which the Secretary-General and the different agencies of
the United Nations system can take their own decisions,
there is an immense wealth of great achievements, some of
which are truly extraordinary. By way of example we
would like to mention the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea, successes as regards decolonization,
invariable and universal support for individual and
collective human rights, the openness and liberalization of
international trade, the immense mass of statistical data
collected and published in the fields of demography,
economics, health, education, and so on.
Without attempting to be exhaustive I should like to
emphasize our admiration for the world summits — for the
defence and protection of the environment in Rio de
Janeiro; the International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo; the World Summit for Social
Development in Copenhagen; the World Summit for
Children; the recently concluded Fourth World Conference
on Women in Beijing; and the equally hoped-for and
awaited United Nations Conference on Human Settlements
(Habitat II). The contribution that these summits have made
to mankind is truly historic.
I should also like to highlight my Government’s
appreciation for the report of the independent Working
Group on the future of the United Nations, many of whose
observations and recommendations we share.
Without attempting to elaborate on the immense
agenda of this session we would like to emphasize the need
that Paraguay feels for a greater adaptation of the United
Nations to the new and changing realities at the same time
we support, where possible, the greater strengthening of the
entire system, not only to preserve peace through law but
also to strengthen security with a view to the harmonized
and integral development of all peoples the world over.
In this context Paraguay continues to support the
reform of the organs of the United Nations, strengthening
the General Assembly, democratizing the Security Council
with the presence of more non-permanent members and
restricting the power of veto. Among the new permanent
members it would be vital to ensure that there is equitable
representation for Latin America and other continents
among whose representatives we mention by way of
example Japan, Germany and Brazil.
All this would be impossible if States in accordance
with agreed contributions were not to confront positively
and conscientiously the serious problem of financing the
system. In keeping with its means Paraguay is up to date
in the payment of its assessment and we would like to
emphasize the need to rationalize resources and improve
the administrative efficiency of the United Nations.
We have also said in the past that the allocation of
funds for programmes and projects in the world by the
United Nations is unbalanced in that only 8.66 per cent of
the programmes are allocated to countries of Latin
America whereas other regions have 50.42 per cent and
40.67 per cent respectively.
Paraguay is following closely the enormous efforts
being made by the United Nations concerning peace and
development.
As regards the maintenance of peace, Paraguay
wishes to refer to a few specific points.
Regarding agenda item 27, I am pleased at the
continued economic openness in the sister republic of
Cuba. It is a pleasure to recall that the great hero, poet,
political leader, writer and teacher, José Martí was Consul
General of Paraguay in New York and that his
contribution to my homeland was at the time, and
continues to be fruitful.
In this context Paraguay reiterates its full support for
the Rio Group as regards its declaration in favour of
lifting the embargo on Cuba and we repeat our support
for the changes required in accordance with the will of
the people and with respect for the self-determination of
peoples and the principle of non-intervention.
Regarding the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Paraguay supports the different courses of action
promoted by the General Assembly and monitored by the
Security Council through the efforts of the United Nations
Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and
other related agencies.My country has not lost hope that
the strength of reason and the inspiration of human
compassion will, in the near future, alleviate the
enormous suffering and sacrifices of those peoples that
are separated now by hatred and violence.
Paraguay shares the concern of the international
community regarding the conflicts in Rwanda and
Burundi and other parts of the African continent.
11

The very diverse actions of the United Nations in
other parts of the world deserve our respect and our
support. Without being exhaustive in our listing we would
like to refer to the problems that have existed in El
Salvador, Haiti, Iraq, Kuwait, Angola, Mozambique,
Somalia, Western Sahara, Liberia, and in Lebanon, Cyprus,
Cambodia, Georgia, Tajikistan, and so on. The United
Nations is contributing or has contributed actively with
observer missions or assistance missions and with peace-
keeping forces in a world that is experiencing so much
upheaval.
We continue to be hopeful as regards the peace
process between Israel and its Arab neighbours in the
Middle East. Paraguay is gratified by the recent agreements
between Israel and Palestine and we hope that new progress
will soon be made in those lands which were the cradle of
three universal religions and their magnificent cultures.
Of course Paraguay supports the work of the United
Nations with a view to achieving disarmament, whether it
be in regard to conventional, biological, chemical or nuclear
weapons. In the same context, Paraguay expresses its
concern also at the nuclear tests being conducted in
different parts of the world.
The struggle against the terrible scourge of terrorism
is one shared by Paraguay in an increasingly united
framework of international cooperation to eliminate the
problem at its very roots.
Paraguay would like to mention its hope that as a
result of the talks between the two parties, a just and
equitable understanding will be reached to resolve the
situation of the Republic of China, in keeping with the
principle of universality enshrined in the Charter.
Regarding agenda item 27, I am pleased at the
continued economic openness in the sister republic of Cuba.
It is a pleasure to recall that the great hero, poet, political
leader, writer and teacher, José Martí was Consul General
of Paraguay in New York and that his contribution to my
homeland was at the time, and continues to be fruitful.
In this context Paraguay reiterates its full support for
the Rio Group as regards its declaration in favour of lifting
the embargo on Cuba and we repeat our support for the
changes required in accordance with the will of the people
and with respect for the self-determination of peoples and
the principle of non-intervention.
Regarding the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Paraguay supports the different courses of action
promoted by the General Assembly and monitored by the
Security Council through the efforts of the United Nations
Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and
other related agencies.My country has not lost hope that
the strength of reason and the inspiration of human
compassion will, in the near future, alleviate the
enormous suffering and sacrifices of those peoples that
are separated now by hatred and violence.
Paraguay shares the concern of the international
community regarding the conflicts in Rwanda and
Burundi and other parts of the African continent.
The very diverse actions of the United Nations in
other parts of the world deserve our respect and our
support. Without being exhaustive in our listing we would
like to refer to the problems that have existed in El
Salvador, Haiti, Iraq, Kuwait, Angola, Mozambique,
Somalia, Western Sahara, Liberia, and in Lebanon,
Cyprus, Cambodia, Georgia, Tajikistan, and so on. The
United Nations is contributing or has contributed actively
with observer missions or assistance missions and with
peace-keeping forces in a world that is experiencing so
much upheaval.
We continue to be hopeful as regards the peace
process between Israel and its Arab neighbours in the
Middle East. Paraguay is gratified by the recent
agreements between Israel and Palestine and we hope that
new progress will soon be made in those lands which
were the cradle of three universal religions and their
magnificent cultures.
Of course Paraguay supports the work of the United
Nations with a view to achieving disarmament, whether
it be in regard to conventional, biological, chemical or
nuclear weapons. In the same context, Paraguay expresses
its concern also at the nuclear tests being conducted in
different parts of the world.
The struggle against the terrible scourge of terrorism
is one shared by Paraguay in an increasingly united
framework of international cooperation to eliminate the
problem at its very roots.
Paraguay would like to mention its hope that as a
result of the talks between the two parties, a just and
equitable understanding will be reached to resolve the
12

situation of the Republic of China, in keeping with the
principle of universality enshrined in the Charter.
United Nations cooperation in development implies an
enormous restructuring and revitalization effort in the
economic, social and other related spheres. In this context
we view as very fruitful the cooperation between the United
Nations and the Latin American Economic System and
cooperation between the United Nations and other regional
groups. Particular emphasis should be placed on horizontal
cooperation.
We consider the question of convening an international
conference for development to be of vital importance as
one of the measures needed to ensure long-term economic
growth in all countries, particularly the developing
countries.
Recent financial disturbances on our continent, where
debt, loans and speculative capital combined to create a
widespread and only recently resolved crisis, oblige us to
reassert the fundamental demand for sustainable
development and for effective and broad international
economic cooperation, as was highlighted in the
conclusions of the Rio Group at its recent meeting at Quito.
Paraguay is pleased to affirm before the Assembly that
its democratic process is continuing to grow stronger day
by day. In accordance with the National Constitution, the
Government has guaranteed and will continue to guarantee
all freedoms and compliance with the covenants on civil
and political rights we have signed.
We cannot fail to note that the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights, in its 1995 conclusions with
regard to our country, has recognized Paraguay’s
achievements in this field. At the same time, we cannot
deny the enormous needs to which we must respond.
Democratic transition in our country has not received
the hoped-for material support. Apart from the contribution
of the European Community and Japan, we have had to
deal with our social and economic problems out of our
resources. That alone explains why we have been unable to
resolve all social conflict.
In shouldering the task of coming up with answers, we
repeat that we shall be doing so without digressing from the
moral principles of fairness and the principles of the United
Nations, but we do ask for greater support for our
development from the international community. For that
reason the people of Paraguay were shocked — and, we
must say, indignant — to learn of the attempts by certain
European and United States banks to bring before the
Swiss courts claims of debts that were never sanctioned
by Paraguay authorities and that arose out of fraudulent
operations that were carried out in Italy and that are now
being investigated and judged in those countries.
Paraguay has honoured and will continue to honour
each and every one of its international commitments, but
we can never agree to the payment of debts unrelated to
our legislation and contrary to every principle of law.
The recent Conference of the Rio Group at Quito
came out vigorously in favour of productive investment
and discouraged speculation, which does not create
employment and which is unfortunately characteristic of
today’s climate. In this connection, our Government is
continuing with its plans concerning the Paraguay-Paraná
waterway. This waterway is not a new project or design
to be created from scratch but, on the contrary, something
that already exists as a work of nature and that must be
improved, without curtailing it, by means of river
channels that will be suitable for open navigation at all
times for the transit of goods and persons. The ecological
Summit at Rio de Janeiro strengthened Paraguay’s
awareness of the need to protect the environment, and
since this waterway already exists in its natural state, the
environment — and I would emphasize this — will in no
way be damaged.
As of 1 January 1995 the Southern Cone Common
Market, MERCOSUR, which is a customs union, has
complemented and integrated the economies of Argentina,
Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay into a market covering
over 200 million persons and 12 million square
kilometres, the world’s fourth largest regional entity. The
Treaty of Asunción, which brought MERCOSUR into
being five years ago, is based on two key principles,
namely, international democracy and international
solidarity. It is a flexible system of integration that seeks
to include the economies of the sister Republics of
Bolivia and Chile and that may eventually be joined with
the Andean Pact.
Paraguay is very enthusiastic about the fruitful
negotiations under way with the European Union aimed
at establishing a broad zone of free trade that would cover
Europe and MERCOSUR. Under the outstanding
presidency of Spain a broad framework agreement is now
being studied in the European Union, and we hope it can
be signed in Madrid at the end of this year.
13

Paraguay is firmly convinced of the need to move
forward with the process of creating in MERCOSUR such
supranational entities as an administration commission and
a law tribunal.
Paraguay’s pro-tem presidency of MERCOSUR saw
the entry into force of a customs union that has undergone
steady development, as well as the initiation of the
understanding with the European Union. We have just
handed the presidency over to Oriental Republic of
Uruguay.
Within MERCOSUR, Paraguay is carrying out a free-
trade policy, the most open such policy in South America,
corresponding as it does to article 8 of the Charter of the
International Monetary Fund, which provides for the totally
unrestricted movement of capital.
Paraguay is aware that it must reduce the size of its
armed forces so that the sums invested in it can be
transferred to the social sector, but without losing sight of
its need for security and without impairing the efficiency of
those forces. Fortunately, there is understanding of the
various mandates and the cooperation needed to make this
change. In Paraguay at the present time we are examining
the possibility of participation by our armed forces in
United Nations peace-keeping operations, and we have
begun to send officers to participate in training courses.
We appreciate the financing of the programmes and
projects in our country by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), the World Bank and the Inter-
American Bank for Development. We are grateful to the
International Monetary Fund for its very effective guidance.
Drug trafficking is not a problem in Paraguay, which
is neither a centre of production nor a consumer market.
The only problem it causes is created by the transit towards
the industrialized countries, which is facilitated by our long
border. Through its own efforts, and without external
assistance, Paraguay is combating this scourge and has
achieved significant successes. Public and private corruption
is the scourge of the whole world today, and it is being
tackled by our Government. In this connection, Paraguay
firmly supports the draft inter-American convention against
corruption submitted by the Government of Venezuela to its
partners in the Rio Group.
Paraguay is proud of its contribution to and
membership in the Rio Group. This is a flexible organ
created as a way to resolve a precise conflict, and it has
provided such good results that it has continued to exist as
a framework for broad, political dialogue that is becoming
increasingly relevant and important. Its establishment by
founding members of the Organization of American States
(OAS) has given it a particularly coherent and timely
political standing. We are encouraged at the practical turn
taken by the Summit Meeting of American Presidents at
Miami, especially at the Ministerial Meeting at Denver,
Colorado.
Before concluding my statement I wish to say that
the Government of Paraguay wants to highlight the
positive understanding achieved with the Republic of
Argentina for solving the ecological problem of the
Pilcomayo river. The sister Republic of Bolivia has now
joined us in a tripartite agreement to redress this problem
in an area ripe for regional development, thanks to the
cooperation of the European Union.
Last year we mentioned the need to create within the
United Nations system a fund for progress in science and
technology, particularly for the developing countries. In
this regard we would like to appeal especially to our
partners from the South. Without science and technology
for our economic, social and political elites, development
is impossible. The gap between the industrialized
countries and our own countries in this respect is so large
that it is a matter of fairness and necessity to reduce it.
Above all, it is question of bringing about a free transfer
of agricultural and food technology that can make it
possible for us to live in social peace.
As the United Nations completes its 50 years of
existence, it has passed many milestones in human
history. Knotty problems that seemed insoluble yesterday
have now been left behind.
A nuclear crisis, which threatened almost two
generations of the human race, now seems unthinkable.
The world can no longer be explained from the standpoint
of two ideologies whose triumph or defeat could be
decided only by a major war, which was fortunately avoided.
The contest between authoritarianism and freedom is
over. Although there are large areas of the world where
fundamental rights are not enjoyed, the benefits of
freedom enshrined in the declarations and covenants of
the United Nations are not at issue.
We cannot forget that since 1819 there have been
353 wars, but none of them has been between well-
established democracies.
14

There is a widespread and growing awareness that
many major issues can be resolved only by pooling our
efforts. The issues of the environment, women, education
and children, as well as a large majority of the other issues
on this grand Assembly’s agenda, are impossible to resolve
through the efforts of one nation-State. This fact is
confirmed every day. Today we forget that not long ago,
when our Organization already existed, there was no debate
over the internal affairs of countries and that no
international intervention was allowable. If the Charter were
rewritten today it would be startling to see the changes
Article 2, paragraph 7.
All this happened in the era of the United Nations. We
still lack the perspective to assess it, but we are sure that
the result is positive. We have not gone backwards; we
have not even stopped.
We are again hearing voices that emphasize the
defects of the Organization. The criticism would seem true
if we lost sight of the major changes for the good of
mankind that have come about with the existence and the
help of our institution. Through me, my country reiterates
its support for vital and necessary reforms. This is our
responsibility, and it is the best tribute we can pay to those
who conceived, shaped and developed the Organization.
But these changes will be valid only if we remember
the principle of the sense of history, as Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali pointed out. In recent years we
Paraguayans, in setting out anew on the path of democracy,
believed that we were impelled not only by a desire to
improve our living conditions, obtain the benefits of
progress and ensure well-being for all. We understood that
we were part of a shared adventure with universal roots,
that we were a nation that, in order to understand itself,
needed to understand others.
For this reason, we stand before you with a conviction
that I hope will last for ever: that the great majority of
people believe that with the United Nations it will be
possible some day be possible, perhaps very soon, to find
new forms of cosmopolitanism. That sense of history
obliges us to think once again in terms of the world — this
will, of course, be our new activity — so that morality may
triumph in politics and that the separation of the two will
have been but a moment in the history of our race.
To paraphrase Hegel, we can say, “What are we?
What shall we become?”


On behalf of the
Government and people of Thailand, I should like to extend
my warmest congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Freitas
do Amaral, upon his election to the presidency of this
historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly. I am
confident that under his leadership the work and
achievements of this session will be as momentous as the
occasion we are celebrating.
I should also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Foreign Minister
of Côte d’Ivoire, President of the forty-ninth session of the
General Assembly. My delegation truly appreciates his
leadership and his tireless dedication to the heavy
responsibilities entrusted to him during the past year. Under
his guidance, the forty-ninth session not only set the stage
for the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations but also
helped to reinforce its foundation and crystallized its agenda
for the years to come.
As this is the first time that I have had the honour to
address the General Assembly on behalf of my Government
and the people of Thailand in my capacity as Foreign
Minister, I should like to reiterate my Government’s full
and unflinching support for the purposes and principles of
the United Nations and its all-encompassing work and
endeavours. As a representative of a democratically elected
Government, I am particularly pleased to note the increased
role and involvement of the United Nations in promoting
the principles and practices of democracy. Thailand
believes that, as a global organization, the United Nations
has an important role to play in advancing the concept of
democracy and enhancing its principles in world affairs,
as well as in the functions of the United Nations itself. It
is with this conviction, therefore, that I should like to
pledge Thailand’s fullest support for United Nations
undertakings in this field.
During the past few years, much has been said on
the need to strengthen and revitalize the United Nations
for the next 50 years, to prepare it for the challenges of
the new century which will soon dawn upon us. Through
the years, a number of useful proposals and
recommendations on ways to improve the structure,
working methods, efficiency and agenda of the United
Nations have been made by numerous experts,
practitioners and enthusiasts, from both within and outside
the United Nations system. Yet much remains to be done
if the United Nations is to be, in the words of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a
“mission-driven and result-oriented” Organization.
In this regard, Thailand believes that a number of
crucial ingredients are necessary to effectuate a successful
reform of the United Nations system. Most important, the
reform must be comprehensive and universal. The reform
process should take place in all agencies within the
United Nations system, encompassing all aspects of the
work and activities of the United Nations. A special effort
should be made to coordinate all reform initiatives,
particularly in three main organs of the United Nations,
namely the General Assembly, the Security Council and
the Economic and Social Council. For this reason,
Thailand fully supports the General Assembly’s decision
earlier this month to establish a high-level open-ended
working group on the strengthening of the United Nations
system in order to review and make observations on
reform proposals attained from various sources.
In line with this initiative, I should like to go a step
further and propose that, in addition to the high-level
open-ended Working Group, a focal point could be
designated to coordinate all reform initiatives in all
United Nations bodies. However, such a focal point need
not supersede or subsume existing reform mechanisms,
such as the High-Level Open-ended Working Group on
the Financial Situation of the Organization, the ad hoc
open-ended Working Group on an Agenda for
Development, and the Open-Ended Working Group on the
reform of the Security Council. All these bodies should
12

coexist and coordinate with one another, and complement
each other’s work.
Having been a United Nations Member since 1946,
Thailand shares the aspirations of all its fellow Members to
see a more consolidated, cohesive and efficient United
Nations system — one which would be able to fulfil the
noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United
Nations; to deal urgently and effectively with threats to
international peace and security; to respond effectively to
the world’s economic, social and humanitarian needs; and
to promote the goals of human security and sustainable
development. Furthermore, Thailand is convinced that one
must also ensure that the United Nations of the twenty-first
century is more equitable, representative, democratic,
transparent and accountable, allowing for the widest
possible participation in all its decision-making and
activities and serving the interests of all mankind.
When speaking of these qualities, one is inclined to
ponder the work on the reform of the Security Council. As
the main organ entrusted with the primary responsibility of
maintaining international peace and security, the Security
Council must be restructured in such a way that it will be
able to perform its duties effectively, while also ensuring its
legitimacy and accountability. To achieve this goal, the
reformed working methods and composition of the Security
Council should allow for the widest participation by
Member States, particularly those that are developing
countries, while at the same time giving due recognition to
States whose present world positions reflect the current
global shift in power and influence.
However, to simply reform the Security Council
through its composition and working methods alone is not
enough. If the Security Council is to be truly efficient and
effective, we also need to rethink the way in which we
view the role of the Security Council. We need to be more
realistic in our expectations about what the Security Council
should do and should be able to accomplish in a conflict
situation. In other words, it is about time we considered
limiting the scope and depth of the peace-keeping activities
of the United Nations to a level where its involvement
would be practical, meaningful and cost-effective.
For this reason, my delegation welcomes the point
raised by His Excellency Professor Dr. Diogo Freitas do
Amaral, President of the General Assembly at its fiftieth
session, on the need to re-examine the United Nations
general policy on peace-keeping. My delegation also
welcomes the efforts being made in the Fifth Committee to
reform the process of approving peace-keeping budgets and
appropriations, which would help improve the
management of the United Nations financial resources.
My delegation is convinced that it would make good
managerial sense for us to try to curtail the dramatic
increase in the expenses of United Nations peace-keeping
and related operations, which, in 1995, have grown to
over $3 billion and are currently contributing to the
United Nations financial difficulty.
It is one thing to discuss United Nations efforts in
maintaining international peace and security in financial
and managerial terms and another to view them from the
human perspective. The tribal, ethnic and religious
conflicts that are the source of the ongoing hostilities in
places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Somalia,
Lebanon and Cyprus existed long before the end of the
cold war, many of them even long before the United
Nations came into existence. There is not much the
United Nations can do as long as the peoples involved
have no desire to coexist in peace. That is why Thailand
fully supports the United Nations continuing work on the
Agenda for Peace, initiated by the United Nations
Secretary-General in 1992. In particular, Thailand believes
that the concepts of preventive diplomacy and
confidence-building, as espoused by the initiative, could
do much to promote peace and understanding in all
regions of the world.
Along this line, Thailand and the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have, since 1971,
initiated the concept of a Zone of Peace, Freedom and
Neutrality in South-East Asia (ZOPFAN), the Treaty of
Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia in 1976, and,
most notably, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in
1994, involving 18 States from the Asia-Pacific region
and the European Union. It is most gratifying that, after
two years of existence, the ARF has increasingly proved
to be a useful instrument of peace and understanding and
has made significant contributions to efforts towards
preventive diplomacy and confidence-building in the
Asia-Pacific region.
During the past year, a number of important
developments have taken place within the realm of the
global economy. The establishment of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), although still in its initial stage,
augurs well for the eventual realization of a transparent,
balanced and effective world trading regime. Continued
efforts should be made to integrate major trading
economies, as well as those in transition, into the WTO
framework in order to more fully to globalize the norms
and practices of free and fair trade.
13

Similarly, the conclusion of the Uruguay Round
agreements provided hope for a more equitable and open
global trading system. It is essential that these agreements
be implemented in full as soon as possible. It is essential
also that States parties refrain from using unilateral and
arbitrary measures, which would be contrary to the spirit
and provisions of the agreements and obstruct the free flow
of trade between States and regions. The sad reality is that,
in spite of the agreements, trading States, such as Thailand,
still suffer from unilateral and arbitrary measures in areas
such as agriculture, textiles and light-manufacture products.
For this reason, Thailand believes that further
discussions and negotiations on the accelerated
implementation of the Uruguay Round commitments and
related issues are still necessary. Efforts should also be
made to ensure that the outcome of these discussions and
negotiations would make it possible to strike a balance
between the interests and concerns of developing countries
and that of their more developed counterparts. Thailand
further believes that to this end, United Nations institutions
such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) can play a major role in
amalgamating, and giving expression to, the interests and
concerns of all involved, particularly those of the
developing, and least developed, members of the world
economy.
Global trade agreements are not the only ones that
bring countries closer together. Another welcome
development in the international economy is the closer
cooperation among regional and subregional economic
groupings. The linkages among these entities in various
parts of the world have, in effect, created a network of
interdependence that has tremendous potential and would
benefit all concerned. However, continued care must be
exercised to make certain that these groupings will not turn
inward and become mutually exclusive regional trading
blocs. Such a development would be detrimental to the
spirit of multilateralism that has been fostered by this body
for the past 50 years and to the world’s trading system.
While economic cooperation within a regional context
such as ASEAN has become commonplace, it is noteworthy
that cooperative frameworks now span the divide of North
and South, East and West. Oceans are no longer a
separation. Efforts such as the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) and the ASEAN-European Union
promise to forge closer economic cooperation across the
regions, regardless of geographical distance and boundaries.
As these growing networks of cooperation extend their
reach across the globe and transoceanic trade multiplies,
geographical and economic distinctions become
increasingly irrelevant. The sharp dividing lines between
the rich and the poor, the Western and the Eastern
hemispheres, are indeed diminishing.
Sustainable economic development must go hand in
hand with sustainable human development. There can be
no prosperity as long as people are denied their basic
rights and the satisfaction of their needs. As a country
that attaches high importance to the principles of social
equity, social welfare and human rights, Thailand fully
supports the United Nations efforts in areas such as the
alleviation of poverty, education, health care and the
combating of drug abuse and trafficking. Drug trafficking,
in particular, has always received special attention from
Thailand. Geographically located near the so-called
“golden triangle”, Thailand has consistently supported, at
both the global and the regional level, international efforts
aimed at the prevention, control and suppression of
narcotic drugs. This support has been intensified in recent
years with the advent of the twentieth-century epidemic
of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS).
Thailand believes that like the drug problem, the disease,
with its devastating effects on mankind, is of global
concern and should be dealt with jointly by the
international community. In this context, my delegation
would like to voice its support for the United Nations
ongoing work on initiatives relating to the Agenda for
Development, which would help us find more pragmatic
approaches to development and address the
aforementioned economic, social and human security
issues in all their dimensions in a more effective and
fruitful manner.
In spite of the many achievements of the United
Nations during the past 50 years, in the year 1995, we
still find ourselves far away from what the authors of the
United Nations Charter had hoped for and dreamed of in
1945. Therefore, in this fiftieth anniversary year, it is
most appropriate that we, the peoples of the United
Nations, rededicate ourselves to the realization of the
hopes and dreams of the framers of the United Nations
Charter, for our own sake and for the sake of our
children. Through the years, we have asked and taken
much from the United Nations. We continue to do so with
much greater intensity and in much greater multitude. It
is now time for us to reinvest in the United Nations. We
must give back not only quantitatively but also
qualitatively. Imperfect as it is, there is no substitute for
the United Nations.
14

The generation of the Second World War created the
United Nations for us. They lit for us all a beacon of hope.
It is now our responsibility to bequeath to our posterity a
brighter beacon, a revitalized and strengthened United
Nations which would withstand the test of time and help us
overcome the challenges of the next century.


Let me first extend my heartfelt
congratulations to Mr. Freitas do Amaral of Portugal on his
election to the distinguished office from which he will
guide the work of the fiftieth session of the United Nations
General Assembly. I am confident that his experience and
commitment to the noble principles of the United Nations
Charter will guarantee that this session will be marked by
new vigour, commitment and determination. I wish to
express our gratitude also to his predecessor, Mr. Amara
Essy, for the fine, skilful manner in which he presided over
the work of the last session of the General Assembly.
The world we live in has been deeply and positively
affected by the end of the cold war and national
emancipation in Central and Eastern Europe, and Western
Asia. Many hotbeds of crisis have been extinguished or are
on the way to being resolved, from Eastern Asia and South
Africa to the Middle East.
However, many problems having a negative impact on
international relations remain unresolved, including the
crisis in south-eastern Europe. Most disquieting are the
dangers of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
especially nuclear weapons. The world is still faced with
various forms of terrorism. There is a grave danger
resulting from the illicit trade in narcotics. Widespread
abuses of human rights continue as do the problems of
racism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and national and
religious intolerance. The solution to the problem of
underdevelopment requires more concerted and coordinated
efforts.
In order to be able to deal with the many problems
facing the world, it is necessary to have a vital and efficient
United Nations.
Following the end of the cold war there was a period
of optimism, renewed hope and expectation that the United
Nations would finally play the role which had been
envisaged for it at the time of its founding, almost 50 years
ago. However, we have recently experienced severe
disappointment at the inability of the United Nations to
fulfil all these expectations; this has resulted in the loss of
credibility by the United Nations.
The causes for its loss of credibility are many and
varied, and among the most important is the failure of
many United Nations peace-keeping operations to achieve
their assigned goals. This is not to say that there have not
been successful United Nations peace-keeping missions; this
is evident from the operations in Cambodia and southern
Africa.
One way in which the peace-keeping or
peacemaking missions of the United Nations could be
improved is by the establishment of a United Nations
military force of a more permanent nature or one that
could be assembled quickly, consisting of contingents
from specific countries or regional arrangements. Such a
force should be constructed in such a way as to make
sure that its national contingents acted to implement
Security Council resolutions and not to promote the
policies of their States. In this regard I wish to express
the Republic of Croatia’s interest in providing troops for
United Nations peace-keeping operations.
However, in order to make the peace-keeping
functions of the United Nations more effective it is
necessary to reform the body which is primarily
responsible for the maintenance of international peace and
security — the Security Council. It is also important that
the composition of the Security Council reflect the new
political and economic realities which have emerged since
its formation after the Second World War. Due regard
must also be given to proper geographical balance as well
as to the increase in the membership of the United
Nations. Making the Security Council more representative
and democratic will also enhance its credibility as it will
then be a more legitimate body representing the will of
the international community. This will no doubt serve to
facilitate the implementation of its resolutions.
In this regard, the Republic of Croatia supports an
increase in the number of both the permanent and
non-permanent members of the Security Council to a
point which will not negatively affect its effectiveness. I
wish to reiterate Croatia’s support for the admission of
Germany and Japan as permanent members of the
Security Council due to the actual, as well as potential,
contribution of these two countries to the cause of
international peace and security and to other aspects of
the work of the United Nations. Additionally, serious
consideration should be given to the possibility of one or
more developing countries from Asia, Africa or Latin
America being granted permanent-member status.
Despite the various setbacks which I have already
referred to, the United Nations still has a critical role to
play in resolving many of the world’s problems,
especially in regard to the environment and sustainable
development.
17

In addition to economic well-being, equal attention
should be paid to respect for the human rights of each and
every individual. In this regard, Croatia reiterates its
support for the work of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights, Mr. José Ayalo Lasso, and commends the manner
in which he has been performing his duty. As a further
method of combating gross violations of human rights and
international humanitarian law, Croatia supports the
establishment of an international criminal court in the form
of an apolitical legal organ of the international community.
By its geographical position, history, socio-cultural
features, and political and economic orientation, the
Republic of Croatia is a part of both Central Europe and
the Mediterranean. As a European country in transition,
Croatia has already achieved significant progress in the
development of democratic institutions and adherence to
internationally accepted standards concerning the rule of
law and protection of human rights. It is also worth noting
that the economic situation has been stabilized and even
improved during the past two years, despite the extremely
difficult conditions caused by Serbian aggression. Our
national development strategy is outward-oriented, while the
social policies and legal framework are based on the
principles of pluralistic democracy, including an
open-market economy.
As a country of European civilization and tradition,
Croatia’s strategic, political, economic and social orientation
is clearly focused on active participation in the process of
European integration. Croatia’s harmonization with
European legislation and criteria represents a crucial part of
its national development. While Croatia is already a
member of various European intergovernmental and
interregional organizations, the forging of closer relations
with the European Union, as well as full membership in the
Council of Europe, are the basic pillars of Croatia’s
European policy. However, Croatia will seek to adopt an
approach to reflecting a balance between its European
orientation and its wider global cooperation on a
multilateral and bilateral basis.
The Republic of Croatia endeavours to contribute to
lasting peace and durable stability in south-eastern Europe,
which can be achieved only by the normalization of
relations among all States based on full and strict respect
for and adherence to the principles of the inviolability of
international borders, the territorial integrity of all States
and the rights of minorities.
Croatia has effectively assumed its role as an
indispensable factor in the search for peace, stability and
security. In this sense, Croatia will continue to cooperate
constructively with the relevant international forums and
leading institutions or countries with a view to finding a
political solution to the present crisis in the region.
In this respect — and bearing in mind the nature of
the crisis and that its underlying cause has been and
remains Serbian aggression — Croatia will continue to
cooperate closely and coordinate its political, military and
diplomatic activities with the Republic and Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, on the basis of the Washington
Agreements and other bilateral agreements and
arrangements such as the Split Declaration. This is
because one of the prerequisites for ensuring long-term
stability and progress for Croatia is the settlement of the
crisis in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Thanks to the clarity and transparency of its national
agenda, the decisiveness of its political leadership and its
cooperation with the international community in pursuit
of its vital national interests, Croatia has succeeded over
the course of several years in reintegrating most of its
occupied territories, paving the way for the return of
some 110,000 displaced persons and refugees to their
homes, as well as in revitalizing energy and transport
communications throughout the country.
Croatia has also managed in very difficult
circumstances to reach reasonable stability and to enjoy
increased prospects for further development and the
strengthening of the democratic system and institutions,
combined with a significant level of economic
stabilization.
Since the outbreak of the crisis in south-eastern
Europe Croatia has constantly advocated a negotiated
peaceful solution, with the active support and full
participation of the international community, and on the
basis of the principles of the United Nations Charter and
international law.
Special emphasis has been placed on the imperative
of fully regulating and normalizing Croat-Serb relations.
Future relations between these two States are of
paramount importance for lasting stability in south-eastern
Europe. At the same time, Croatia is actively contributing
to the quest for a solution to the issue of the
Bosniac-Muslim people, one that would ensure their
national rights and provide stability for the region.
Furthermore, in the interests of ensuring long-term
security and stability, Croatia has advocated the need for
the introduction of the confidence- and security- building
18

measures of the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE).
Croatia has always done its utmost to enable the
international community to pursue its peace efforts and has
consistently demonstrated utmost restraint in resorting to the
use of force. When we had to use force, our military
always strove to minimize the loss of life and the extent of
destruction and to enable the international community to
pursue its peace efforts. Croatian military operations have
always been in self-defence and in response to the
intransigence and non-cooperation of the rebel Croatian-
Serb leadership, to the inability of the United Nations
peace-keeping forces to fulfil their mandate, to complete
deadlock in international mediating efforts, or to direct
provocations and terrorist attacks against civilians from the
rebel Serb side.
In the aftermath of the liberation of almost one fifth of
our country in August, isolated instances of unlawful
behaviour and human rights abuses have been recorded. My
Government strongly condemns all such individual acts and
has initiated proceedings against the perpetrators.
Croatia believes that its military operations during the
first week of August, on both sides of the Croatian-Bosnian
border, have substantially changed the balance of power
and in so doing have created a window of opportunity for
revitalization of the ongoing peace process. Croatia is of the
opinion that the joint effects of Operation Storm, the
coordinated activities of the army of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and HVO (Croatian Defence Council) units,
and the actions of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) rapid reaction force against the Bosnian Serbs,
coupled with diplomatic efforts, have finally opened the
way to serious and comprehensive peace negotiations,
which will eventually lead to a realistic, balanced and
lasting solution to the crisis.
Croatia fully supports the current United States peace
initiative and the increased decisiveness of the international
community, manifested particularly by the United Nations
and NATO rapid-reaction force operations and pressure
against the Bosnian Serbs.
Croatia’s major interest with regard to Bosnia and
Herzegovina is in achieving a lasting peace and just
settlement of the conflict that would be satisfactory to the
constituent peoples and that would ensure stability along
Croatian borders; the survival, safety and dignified life of
the Bosnian Croats; and mutually beneficial relations and
cooperation between the two friendly neighbouring
countries.
Therefore, Croatia strongly supports the
implementation of the Washington Agreements and the
Split Declaration and the strengthening of the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its association with
Croatia at various levels and in various areas of
cooperation.
The prerequisites for lasting stability, security and
cooperation in the region include a just and lasting
solution to the crisis, reconstruction and development of
the countries in the region, normalization of relations
between all successor States of the former Yugoslavia on
the basis of equal succession and introduction of a new
regional order as an integral part of the new European
security system.
It is Croatia’s firm position that the solution for the
peaceful reintegration of the remaining occupied
territories of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western
Srijem and the former United Nations Confidence
Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO) Sector East
must be an integral part of the overall peaceful resolution
of the crisis in the region, in both Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Croatia, within the time-frame of the
current peace initiative and the expiration date of the
UNCRO mandate. Without progress in the solution of this
issue, progress in the settlement of the crisis in Bosnia
and Herzegovina cannot be envisaged, and neither can
any real stabilization of the situation in south-eastern
Europe.
Deeply committed to peaceful reintegration, Croatia
is willing to immediately open meaningful and
constructive talks with the representatives of the Serb
population in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western
Srijem that should lead to the re-establishment of
Croatia’s full sovereignty, the return of forcibly displaced
persons to their homes and respect, in accordance with
high European standards, for the minority rights of the
Serbs and other minority ethnic or national
communities — Slovak, Hungarian, Ukrainian and
others — in this area.
To this end Croatia has already proposed to the local
Serbs and the Government of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, through the good offices of the international
mediators, a comprehensive, elaborate and concrete peace
plan in the form of a draft agreement on the peaceful
reintegration of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western
19

Srijem into the constitutional and economic system of the
Republic of Croatia.
Implementation of the proposed agreement must begin
with the immediate withdrawal of all military and
paramilitary groups not originally from this region, to be
followed by the disarming and disbanding, under UNCRO
supervision, of the military and paramilitary groups
composed of persons who reside in the area.
Upon signing the agreement on the peaceful
reintegration of the remaining occupied areas, the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia would
recognize each other within their internationally recognized
borders and diplomatic relations between these two States
would be established at the ambassadorial level. This would
be followed shortly by the reopening of the Zagreb-
Belgrade highway and railways, the river traffic along the
Danube and Sava rivers, the Adriatic pipeline’s outlet to
Serbia and telecommunications between Croatia and the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The proposed draft agreement provides ample evidence
of Croatia’s sincere will and disposition to find a negotiated
and just solution to the reintegration of the remaining
occupied territories, providing for the legitimate rights of
Croatia as a sovereign State and of all its citizens, including
its minorities. Along these lines, Croatia participated in the
Contact Group negotiations in Geneva and New York.
Following these negotiations, I am moderately optimistic
that the resolution of the crisis and peace in the region can
be achieved in the near future.
However, there is no doubt that progress towards a
lasting, just and comprehensive peace is contingent on the
continued, determined and coordinated efforts of the
international community in the maintenance of a global
approach to the current peace initiative and the continuation
of the international sanctions against the Belgrade regime.
In the next several weeks the parties and the international
community have to work out a framework, in the form of
a package, for the peace accord, which should include
several interrelated steps: a solution for Bosnia and
Herzegovina; a resolution of the issue of Eastern Slavonia
leading to its reintegration into Croatia; mutual recognition,
within their international borders, between Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia and the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia; and changes in the sanctions regime against the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as the international
community deems appropriate. Upon the acceptance of such
a plan, the road to lasting peace and stability will be
opened.
On behalf of my Government, I would like to thank
again all the countries contributing troops to the UNCRO
operations in Croatia and underscore our appreciation of
their efforts to aid the peace process. Croatia deeply
regrets the loss of life and the injuries sustained by
members of the United Nations force during their mission
in Croatia. Their noble sacrifice will always be
remembered and cherished by the Croatian people.
In the name of my Government, I am particularly
proud to thank the General Assembly for having
supported the cause of Croatia, most of all by adopting
resolution 49/43, concerning the occupied territories of
Croatia. I kindly ask the Assembly to remain steadfast in
the contribution it has made through this important
resolution and through the individual and collective
engagement of most Members’ Governments to the search
for a just and lasting peace for Croatia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina, as well as for the whole of south-eastern
Europe.


As I address the General Assembly on behalf of the
Gabonese Republic, I wish first of all to discharge the
duty of sincerely congratulating you, Sir, on behalf of my
delegation and on my own account, on your unanimous
election to the presidency of the fiftieth session. The
Assembly’s choice reflects the appreciation of all States
Members of the United Nations for the contribution of
your country, Portugal, to the quest for solutions to the
problems besetting the world. Your election highlights
your talents as a diplomat and statesman and your wide
experience.
It gives me pleasure also to express our gratitude
and admiration to your predecessor, Mr. Amara Essy,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire. The
Gabonese Republic hails that fine diplomat and thanks
him for the dedication and readiness to act he placed in
the service of the world Organization at the forty-ninth
12

session; his work was a source of pride for the entire
African continent.
I cannot fail to mention the Gabonese Republic’s
staunch support for the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in his tireless efforts in the
service of peace, security and development.
I wish now to say a few words about the unique
nature of this session, during which the Assembly will
convene in special meetings to mark the fiftieth anniversary
of the Organization. At those special meetings, Heads of
State or Government will have an opportunity to assess the
impact of some of the action we have taken pursuant to the
purposes and principles of the United Nations. True, those
purposes have not been completely fulfilled, but in all
fairness we must acknowledge that there has been
considerable progress, especially on respect for human
rights, fundamental freedoms and peace, without which
nothing is possible. Yet development remains a major
concern, despite the efforts that have been devoted to it.
Every nation represented here is a reflection of
mankind, whose common values the founders of the United
Nations evoked. Among those values I would highlight
those of greatest concern at the end of the twentieth
century: peace, freedom and development.
Gabon’s dedication to the ideal of peace is a constant
element in its foreign policy and its diplomacy. The
inclusion of that ideal in the Charter was most appealing to
the leadership of Gabon and eased our accession to
membership of the United Nations, on 20 September 1960.
Hence, as a Member of the United Nations we took our
proper place alongside other nations, in the harmony of our
respective differences.
I wish to pay tribute to the founders of non-alignment,
who were the first to reflect in deeds, through the doctrine
of peaceful coexistence, the principles enshrined in the San
Francisco Charter. Twenty-five years later, the relevant
resolutions of the General Assembly confirm that
interpretation. We are duty-bound to go back to the source
in order to respond to the need — the urgent need — for
new, creative thinking in favour of peace.
It is an honour and a duty to recall that Gabon’s
experience in the settlement of conflicts has its living roots
deep in Bantu civilization. Our view of solidarity among
peoples gives a role to Gabon’s commitment to cooperate
with all States Members of the United Nations whatever
their ideology or the nature of their political regime. This
promotes the virtues of dialogue and tolerance among
peoples and nations, virtues we practice in our homes and
within our families, virtues that, through the international
action of President Omar Bongo, the Gabonese Republic
has built into a principle of our diplomatic and political
culture.
Our idea of peace, then, is primarily functional in
nature. It reminds us every day that the state of peace
among nations is a continuous process, one which
requires at all times vigilance, courage and consistency in
our efforts. Gabon can state with pride that it is dedicated
to the peaceful conduct of its relations with all the
components of the international community.
“We are judged by our actions”, a great thinker quite
rightly observed. Those actions that we have been able to
inscribe in the registry of peace, both bilaterally and
multilaterally, follow the path traced by the Charter of the
United Nations. They illustrate, first of all, our
unswerving loyalty to the Organization, which makes us
automatically involved in all the missions and all the
actions it has undertaken anywhere in the world where
peace has been threatened or might be threatened. The
efforts made quite recently by the international
community to heal the open wounds in Rwanda have had
our full support. The efforts made by the same
international community in Angola have often been
supplemented by our direct or indirect involvement. It
goes without saying that with regard to these situations
my country appeals to the community of nations to
continue its multifaceted assistance for the reintegration
and rebuilding of those two countries. This appeal is
addressed also to all the other areas of tension in Africa
and in the rest of the world.
These actions are also illustrated by our appreciation
of and satisfaction with the progress achieved in the quest
for peace in the Middle East with the signing of the Taba
Agreement in Washington; and in Central Europe as a
result of the new atmosphere brought about by
discussions that made it possible for all the parties
involved in the situation in the former Yugoslavia to meet
together in New York. In our view, all these factors bear
witness to the fact that the international community is
prepared to attenuate as much as possible the anguish
caused our peoples by the risks of war in the world.
Nevertheless, every one of us would readily agree
that real threats to peace in international relations still
13

exist today. The outline of a new world order is still hard
for us to grasp; it shows us the paradoxical picture of a
fragile peace. Yet our expectations of the establishment of
this new world order are not fruitless. For the time being,
Gabon gives due value to the dynamics which led, at the
global and regional levels, to the creation of the
mechanisms designed to prevent conflicts.
While peace has the virtue of making us feel safer,
freedom can open up prospects for individual and collective
development. In the view of the founders of the United
Nations, freedom is a decisive element for the establishment
of an environment and an overall spiritual framework
allowing for the emergence of social progress and the
establishment of better living conditions. Those who signed
the Charter received a mandate, as it were, to create the
conditions for this, to the benefit of the people in their care.
The results of this commitment to implement the principle
of the right of peoples to self-determination and the
principle of respect for human rights are known to all, just
as we all know of, and regard highly, the actions taken by
our Organization to inspire, to support and even to initiate
policies undertaken in these fields. In this context, any
policy contrary to this which calls these achievements into
question will give rise to the reactions necessary to preserve
the balance between States and to restore everyone’s rights.
Therefore, our dedication to the principle of the
inviolability of borders in Africa is a guarantee of our
independence and our freedom, since it shows that we
accept freedom for other States as well.
My country’s experience in promoting and protecting
basic political, cultural and social human rights in recent
years has been outstanding. The establishment of a State
based on the rule of law with a transition from a single-
party system to a pluralist democracy has taken place
smoothly. The results of this transition, and the promises
born of this experience for democracy in our country,
flowed from the fact that they dovetail with our cultural
values, whose spiritual foundations favour the individual’s
place in society, as the founder of and justification for our
cities.
In Gabon, dialogue is valid only for human beings
since it is human beings who initiate it and carry it out for
their own benefit. An example of this Gabonese practice of
dialogue was the results achieved barely a year ago at the
meeting held by representatives of the majority and
opposition political parties in Paris in September and
October 1994 to define together the ways and means for the
consensual governance of our democracy that was then
being threatened. These results will be reflected in the
signing of the so-called Paris Agreements in the presence
of international observers.
Social conflicts and confrontations between opposing
political forces can be overcome by rational discussions
and tolerance of the opinions of others. We are truly
convinced that coups d’état are not relevant in present
times. That is why Gabon, through its President, Omar
Bongo, firmly condemned the unfortunate events which
occurred in Sao Tome and Principe, and more recently in
the Comoros.
Freedom, security and peace are in our view the
very bases of our democracy. To be sure, this democracy
is only taking its first steps, but it will undoubtedly enable
the Gabonese people to reach a new stage in its history
and its political life.
Another dimension of the political and social
problems in Africa and everywhere in the world is the
status of women in society. In my country, women have
the same rights as men. Our educational system ensures
free access by all school-age children to instruction; that
is in the interest of the entire Gabonese nation. In social
terms, then, taking into account the recent concerns
relating to the status of women and children, as illustrated
in the World Summit for Children in New York in 1990,
and the Beijing Conference in 1995, the Republic of
Gabon has made choices that are in line with the spirit of
the actions initiated by the United Nations.
Once again, I would mention the founders of our
Organization and praise their generosity of spirit in
placing the happiness of peoples in the context of
extending freedom.
The solidarity advocated for States as the absolute
prerequisite for defining ensuing strategies was designed
to discourage them from any inclination of selfishness in
the implementation of those strategies.
Unfortunately, however, we must admit that this
legacy has, instead, come to look more like “every man
for himself”, a standard that has been set up as providing
the ways and means to find happiness. The differences
among nations have revealed the gaps between peoples
the world over at the level of their development.
However, in this sphere, the United Nations has tried
to create a range of instruments and mechanisms designed
to provide our Governments with the assistance they
expect. Whatever the allegiance of the peoples represented
14

here, each and every one of us will acknowledge and
appreciate, for example, the role of UNESCO in education,
science and culture; of the World Health Organization on
the basis of its contribution to the eradication of major
endemic and pandemic diseases; or that of the United
Nations Development Programme in carrying out
development projects.
Nevertheless, the overall verdict is still mixed. We
believe that although our actions have allowed humanity to
survive, they have not fully succeeded in improving the
quality of life for most people. In both the South and the
North, our world is still littered, not just with pockets but
with vast tracts of poverty. All our States, small or large,
are being eaten away, to various degrees, by the cancer of
abject poverty.
The United Nations recent decision to hold a world
summit in Copenhagen devoted to social development was
welcomed by Gabon, which was an active participant.
President Bongo himself said that that Summit was the
result of an in-depth analysis of the state of extreme
poverty in which a large part of humanity was living today.
Consequently, for our country, the programme of
action drawn up at the end of the Summit — which, we are
pleased to say, follows up the major guidelines already
found in the United Nations programme of action for the
establishment of a new international economic order, on the
one hand, and the major principles of “An Agenda for
Development”, on the other — should be translated into
action, as hoped.
We are all aware that, by the same token, this
endeavour will require the mobilized contribution of all of
the countries and bodies that constitute the international
community.
At the close of the twentieth century, Africa alone will
have broken all records for underdevelopment. By way of
example, it has three quarters of the least developed
countries; it has the lowest level of growth; it is practically
non-existent in international trade. Unfortunately, Africa is
today a continent apart, despite its enormous potential.
It, nevertheless, accepts the fact that responsibility for
economic recovery is largely in its hands and that this task
depends above all on its own efforts. But it is still obvious
that the enormity of the crisis it is going through and the
level of resources needed make international support for its
efforts necessary.
For Africa in general and for Gabon more
particularly, a more appropriate approach to the debt
burden would favour a solution to this issue, given the
substantial inverse capital flows going to our creditors as
a result of paying back our debt.
Africa wishes to remind the world of its commitment
to face its responsibilities with regard to debt and debt
servicing. This was the position adopted by our Heads of
State at the most recent Summit of the Organization of
African Unity. Gabon supports this. However, it looks to
the shrewdness of its creditors and in the understandable
interest of all parties concerned in this issue, to help us
obtain favourable treatment in conditions for repayment.
Gabon effectively devotes more than half of its
annual budget to debt repayment, thereby crippling its
development efforts — this in spite of the fact that the
machinery for debt reduction advocated in recent years
has discriminated against us by excluding us from the list
of beneficiaries. We suggest that the reason given, based
on the high per capita gross national product, is unfair.
This strange singling out of Gabon, which is still
almost the only country in the so-called middle-income
category in the southern Sahara, is not justified in reality.
This situation places a burden on our economy and
thereby affects our economic relations abroad.
This appeal to the international community for fairer
treatment of my country is not a case of begging — no
more for Gabon than for the rest of Africa — because, as
Omar Bongo stated at the Copenhagen summit: “Africa is
not asking for charity”.
In reality, helping our credibility and viability in
economic and financial terms, actually strengthens the
international trading system for the common good. This
is not a matter of philanthropy but rather of common
sense: helping the South means helping the North, and
ultimately the entire world.
At the end of this rapid reading before this
Assembly, dealing with the themes of peace, freedom and
development, my appeals to our Organization will be
clear to all. It is expected to respond to the concerns I
have just expressed.
On the eve of the special meeting to celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of our Organization, I hope that all of
its Members will realize the enormous import of this
opportunity, for the world is changing before our very
15

eyes. The countries represented here are also changing, at
different rates. Obviously, I cannot accept the idea that the
United Nations itself could fail to keep up with this trend.
For this reason, the measures advocated along these
lines by the Secretary-General of the United Nations could
be supplemented by others that my country would like to
see, from the point of view of restructuring, and therefore
readapting the United Nations system to the realities of
today’s world.
The present context is conducive to this. An overall
reform of the system is required, for the security of our
peoples, and of the States that comprise it, and in the final
analysis, in the interest of renewing the United Nations
itself.
I conclude my speech, therefore, on this note of hope.