It is with much pleasure, Mr. President, that I extend to you my heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. Your well-known diplomatic skills and outstanding abilities will ensure that the deliberations of this session will be constructive and rewarding.
To your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, we owe a great debt of gratitude for his tireless devotion in presiding with consummate skill and infinite wisdom over the deliberations of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. To the Secretary-General, we offer our sincere felicitations on his outstanding contribution to the cause of world peace and security. My delegation also extends its congratulations, through the Secretary-General, to the United Nations peace-keeping forces on the award of the Nobel Peace Prize so fittingly bestowed upon them. The Nobel Peace Prize speaks eloquently as a tribute to the individuals from various States Members of the United Nations and those within the Organization who have so honourably discharged their duties in upholding the Principles embodied in the United Nations Charter.
The General Assembly meets this year at a propitious time indeed, world regard for the United Nations has taken a turn for the better, influenced as everyone is by the return of peace or the promise of peace to many flash-points·. Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq, Namibia, Western Sahara, Kampuchea, and perhaps also to the Korean peninsula. In contrast to the cynicism and disillusionment that many had felt in the past about the United Nations, we are now witnessing a clear shift towards a better appreciation of the role of the United Nations and of its relevance to the aspirations of the community of nations. We would like to believe that at long last the United Nations is coming into its own and fulfilling its task of moving conflicts from the battlefield to the conference table.
Malaysia's faith and confidence in the United Nations have never wavered, but we were saddened in the past to see the United Nations struggling to retain its relevance and credibility. Multilateralism had become a bad word as the powerful nations resorted to solving problems on their own. We are therefore pleased to welcome this change, this renewal of faith in the United Nations which we hope will mean the birth of a new era in multilateralism.
As an international organization, the United Nations must be perceived to be relevant in meeting the needs of its Members as a forum for multilateral diplomacy, an instrument for maintaining international peace and security and a catalyst for promoting international economic growth and development. The United Nations is at its most effective in the discharge of its functions when Member States fully support the course of action that it takes. The most telling example is the unanimous support given by the members of the Security Council to the Secretary-General to bring about an end to the Iran-Iraq war. The collective efforts of the Security Council, permanent and non-permanent members together, have raised clear hopes for the resolution of conflicts. For the first time in decades, we are witnessing a convergence of the interests and wills of Member States to effect solutions on major issues. This development, it is hoped, will fulfil the vision of the pioneers of the United Nations when they conferred upon the Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Malaysia stands for the full and effective discharge of the Council's conciliatory and mandatory powers and for universal compliance with and implementation of the Council's decisions. It is a matter of great reassurance to us all that the Security Council's increased effectiveness has been made possible by the convergences of interest and action of the United States and the Soviet Union. Conversely, it should be instructive to those two countries that they are drawing from the best of themselves when they counsel and collaborate together with the rest of the world on common objectives.
When one extols the achievements of the United Nations, one is not refusing to recognize that the steady improvement of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union have helped significantly in bringing about progress on conflict resolutions. Those of us who have lived during periods of unease and uncertainty, when the two Powers stared at each other eyeball to eyeball, are greatly relieved that these two super-Powers are realistically discussing peace and construction between them.. They can make an enormous contribution to the realization of the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. It is our common appeal to both these countries that they seek recourse through all the institutions of the United Nations when attempting to defuse conflicts and in realizing a more equitable world order.	,
A United Nations functioning at its best will be in the interest Of all its members and will not simply serve the interests of certain Powers or groups of States. The time for United Nations bashing and the assault on multilateralism is over. If universal responsibility is a creed that this and future generations can believe in, then every country must provide full commitment to the United Nations. A revitalized United Nations, poised to assume even greater responsibility, must not be hampered by a lack financial resources. A sine qua non of its very survival is the timely payment by member countries of their assessed contributions.
Malaysia welcomes the signing of the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan. There must be complete and faithful implementation of these Accords by all concerned parties if the sufferings of the people of Afghanistan, after eight years of bloody and brutal war, is to come to a definite conclusion and if Afghanistan is to regain its independence. At this juncture, may I pay tribute to the late President Zia Lil-Haq of Pakistan for his immense contribution towards the successful signing of the Geneva Accords. My country and many others will sadly miss the friendship" and wise counsel of the last President.
The withdrawal of Soviet forces must continue and be completed within the agreed time-frame. It is our hope that the Accords will be fully implemented to enable the Afghan people to freely exercise their right to self-determination through the process of genuine reconciliation.
Malaysia hopes that the United Nations humanitarian and economic assistance programmes relating to Afghanistan will be able to meet the immediate needs for relief and rehabilitation as well as the long-term requirements for reconstruction of the country. For full implementation of such assistance can be realized only under conditions of peace and stability in Afghanistan.
The acceptance by Iran and Iraq of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) as the framework for the termination of the Iran-Iraq war is a source of satisfaction to us all. The world witnessed in horror and helplessness the terrible toll exacted by the conflict for eight long years. We are therefore thankful that the first crucial steps for a durable solution hove been taken. It is our hope and belief that the resolve of Iran and Iraq to embark on the path of peace is irrevocable and that they will now turn their full attention to making the creative energies and talents of their peoples to the urgent tasks of national reconstruction and development.
Despite all efforts, the Middle East is still embroiled in an endless cycle of violence. Israel must beat responsibility for this tragic state of affairs as it remains the main stumbling-block to any peace attempts in the region. The United Nations has not been allowed to play its proper role in the search for a settlement primarily on account of Israel's intransigence. Israel is single-minded in the execution of its policies of aggression and expansion and brutal subjugation of the Palestinian people. It has defied the international community's call for a total withdrawal from all occupied territories. The Palestinian problem, the core of the Middle East conflict, remains unresolved due to the arrogant Israeli hubris and its continued refusal to recognize the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to an independent State.
Israel cannot continue to believe that it can ensure its security and survival by adherence to policies which seek to consign the Palestinian people to either permanent diaspora or permanent oppressive Israeli rule. The Holocaust cannot be flaunted by Israel as an excuse for treating Arabs under their rule in like manner.
Israel's policy of dictating to the Palestinians as to whom they should choose to speak for them has been an unmitigated failure. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) remains the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The best hope for a durable and comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian problem lies in the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all parties, including the PLO. Malaysia fully supports the convening of such a conference and calls upon those Powers that have been the strongest supporters of Israel to lend their influence to convince Israel that its vital interests are best served by dialogue and negotiations at a peace conference rather than by the mailed fiat. Indeed these supporters of Israel must share the moral responsibility for the injustice and inhumanity committed by Israel against the Palestinians.
In South Africa we are confronted with the challenge of a regime that seeks to dehumanise human beings on the basis of colour. The only response of good men to this crime against humanity and affront to the universal conscience must be to seek the total destruction of the evil system of apartheid. It is a delusion for anyone to believe that we can effect an evolution of the system into something more human and humane. The hideous manifestations of apartheid are seen daily in the atrocities inflicted on black South Africans.
Malaysia has never been persuaded by the arguments advanced by some that it is in the interest of the blacks of South Africa that comprehensive sanctions should not be imposed against the Pretoria regime. We therefore reiterate our call for decisive action in the form of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
Consistent with our stand, we have undertaken efforts to provide assistance to black South Africans and the front-line States to assist them in coping with the destabilisation caused by South Africa and to enable them to cope with the effects comprehensive sanctions could have on them. A total of $US 2 million has been pledged as Malaysia's contribution to the Africa Fund established for this purpose by the Non-Aligned Movement, tie wish to appeal for generous support by the international community for the Africa Fund, which must be seen as part of a universal battle to bring about the total elimination of the system of apartheid.
The agreement on the comprehensive settlement for South western Africa offers Namibia the promise of realising its freedom and independence. It is our hope that all parties to the agreement will enter into the spirit of the times and bring peace and freedom to the long-suffering people of Namibia. Familiar with the record of the Pretoria regime in exploiting every opportunity to permeate its iron grip on Namibia, we must continue to apply unrelenting international pressure on the equitable to honour its commitments. In the meantime, our support of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) must continue. We have seen how SWAPO's successes on the battlefields of Namibia have forced the hand of the Pretoria regime to agree reluctantly to a negotiated solution of the problem. Pressure must therefore be sustained on the ground to prevent South Africa from reneging on its promises.
The question of Kampuchea has been a subject for debate at every United Nations General Assembly session for the last nine years. With the support of a huge majority of its members, this Assembly has repeatedly called for the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces, restoration and preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea, and reaffirmation of the right of its people to self-determination.
The fundamental issues of the Kampuchean problem have to be clearly addressed. Vietnam's forces in Kampuchea must withdraw. Vietnam should not be allowed to continue to cloud this issue. There cannot be any conditionality. The concerns of the international community and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to prevent the return of the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past must be addressed. The Kampuchean people must be assured that they will be free from the horrors of the past. National reconciliation under the effective leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk will not only heal divisions between the various Kampuchean partners, but will also regain for that turbulent country its rightful sovereignty and independence.
The constant search by the ASEAN countries for a solution yielded a significant measure of success with the convening of the Jakarta Informal Meeting in July. This meeting was a regional initiative constituting an important milestone in the process of finding a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean problem. This initiative should be allowed to continue. The present international climate augurs well for allowing the parties concerned to come together in the near future to achieve agreement on the issues. Malaysia welcomes the efforts of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to complement the regional efforts on Kampuchea.
Peace in Kampuchea will contribute tremendously to regional peace and security. It will facilitate the achievement of more co-operative relations among the States of South-East and particularly between the members of ASEAN and Viet Nam. It is our hope that the peace that we long for will bring about a climate of regional stability and co-operation which can then make possible the early realization of the regional aspiration for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia-
The Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Kampuchea have resulted in the displacement of a large number of, people. Furthermore, the influx of boat people from Viet Nam seeking better opportunities elsewhere has for several, years brought further serious problems to countries such as Malaysia and Thailand and .others. Recently Malaysia has reached an understanding with the Government of Viet Nam under which the latter will accept the repatriation of those boat people in Malaysia who are not qualified for resettlement in third countries and also prevent fresh bursts. We are happy to note that Viet Nam has agreed to participate in the preparatory meeting which Malaysia hopes to host to prepare for the International Conference on Indochina's Refugees, including the boat people.
In Central America the high expectations raised by the regionally initiated Esquipalas peace agreement have not yet been fulfilled. The aspirations of the peoples of Central America for peace, freedom and justice remain in hostage to the dictates of international and external divisions in the region. Coercive measures from outside the area only compound the problems of the region and should not be allowed to continue. It is our hope that the peace process will be given renewed impetus by the very leaders whose vision and statesmanship led to the signing of the Esquipalas agreements.
In raising the issue of Antarctica at the United Nations, it was the intention of Malaysia and the other like-minded countries to draw attention to the considerable environmental, climatic and scientific significance of the continent to the world. We also earnestly seek an international instrument having universal validity and serving the interests of and for the benefit of mankind.
It is most regrettable that a Convention on the Regulation of Antarctic Mineral Resources Activities has been concluded recently in total disregard for United Nations resolutions calling for a moratorium on all negotiations on a minerals regime until such time as all members of the international community can fully participate in such negotiations. We cannot understand the haste, because all the minerals that can possibly be found in Antarctica can be found in plentiful supply elsewhere.
We also regret that the General Assembly's appeals for urgent measures to exclude the racist regime of South Africa at the earliest possible date from participating in the meetings of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties have not been acted upon.
Antarctica represents to us a touchstone of the constancy of the adherence of the Consultative Parties to fundamental principles and norms which have evolved through common endeavours and have gained universal currency in the course of the democratizing process of international relations and institutions. We remain steadfast in our conviction that a regime for Antarctica built on such foundations will better reflect and respond to the needs of our age than one founded upon circumstances and considerations which are tainted with colonialist adventurism.
The issue of disarmament must remain high on the agenda of this Organization and must continue to receive the urgent attention of the international community. Threats to mankind derive not only from the stockpiling and continuous development of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction but also from the growing arsenals of sophisticated conventional weapons. We are now beset also with the problem of nuclear and toxic wastes dumped in the developing countries. Our efforts at arms control and disarmament must proceed on all fronts and a prerequisite for any success in this regard must be a general improvement in the climate of relations among States. An important start has been made with the signing of the Treaty on intermediate-range nuclear forces between the United States and the Soviet Union in May this year. This Treaty is an important breakthrough and should generate the necessary mutual confidence and trust to allow the concluding of negotiations on the reduction of strategic weapons and on the additional verification procedures required for a complete test-ban treaty.
While the two super-Powers with the largest arsenals of nuclear weapons must carry the primary responsibility for bringing about progress in nuclear disarmament, multilateral approaches should make an important contribution to the attainment of mankind's objective of a safer world through arms control and disarmament.
We regret that the outcome of the General Assembly's third special session devoted to disarmament did not fulfil our highest expectations but we remain hopeful that the steady improvement in the international climate will generate the necessary political will for the success of such multilateral initiatives; which provide the best opportunity for a genuine harmonization and reconciliation of all interests. The resources released as a result of the successful achievement of the disarmament process would provide a source of much-needed funds for humanitarian work and productive investments in the economic development of the developing world
Outer space, which, we reaffirm, is the common heritage of mankind, should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, and we urge that negotiations on the prevention of the militarization of outer space should begin in earnest. Malaysia would also like to lend its strong support to the early conclusion of a convention for the complete prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of all chemical weapons.
The economic issues before this Assembly may appear to be stale issues, for they have been debated repeatedly over the years but being stale does not make them any less relevant or less urgent. On the contrary, the resolution of these economic problems, such as the establishment of a fairer and more favourable international trading environment, a re-examination of the role and functions of , the multilateral financial institutions, a review and realignment of the international exchange rate regime and a resolution of the international debt problem would constitute positive beginnings in the United Nations work programme in the economic area. As a primary-commodities producer that is also heavily dependent on exports of manufactured goods, Malaysia attaches great importance to the Uruguay Round of the multilateral trade negotiations. While the objective of the Uruguay Round is to retain an open international trading system and to promote increased trade liberalization, we are also concerned about the opposing trend of increasing integration, which brings about greater exclusion. It is our hope, therefore, that the intention of the European Economic Community to achieve an integrated internal market by 1992 does not obstruct efforts under United Nations auspices aimed at greater trade liberalization. To maintain effectively an open and liberal international trading environment the developed countries in particular must curb domestic pressures for protectionist policies that have historically proved to be myopic, leading to distortions in trade and stifling growth and expansion.
Aside from restraints on protectionist tendencies, the world's trading nations must also agree on a more realistic and broad-based action on their currency realignment. Agreements confined only to an exclusive group have proved disastrous to the poorer nations, whose currencies and small trade advantages have been seriously affected. The interests of the smaller nations are best served by their representation at such gatherings when issues that affect them are taken up.
The debt crisis is debilitating for the countries affected, diverting attention and energies away from domestic political, economic and social needs. While the crisis has deepened in the past year, we see hope in the initiatives of some commercial banks to write off their loans and of Governments which have converted some of their official loans into outright grants. The proposal by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) for a 30 per cent cut in commercial bad debts owed by the 15 most heavily indebted countries merits serious consideration. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) must engage more actively in the design and creation of a debt-reconstruction facility. Proposals abound, but the international community must quickly study various modalities to relieve those countries that are carrying impossible burdens. The United Nations has provided the forum for detailed discussion on the debt crisis and has participated in the search for solutions. Malaysia fully supports the United Nations efforts in this regard and endorses the recent recommendations by the Africa Recovery Review Committee substantially to increase financial flews to Africa to ensure reform and development.
Two years ago, at the forty-first session of the Assembly, I spoke about the initiative of the developing countries to set up an independent South Commission. The Commission has since been set up to complement and supplement other efforts in making a fresh and objective analysis of the formidable economic, social and political challenges confronting the developing countries. It attempts to identify areas for practical and mutually beneficial South-South co-operation. It is heartening to note that since its inception in July last year the Commission has vigorously pursued the responsibilities entrusted to it.
The International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking (ICDAIT) held at Vienna in June 1987 brought Lomé to the 138 participating countries the extent and seriousness of the international drug problem. The seeming impotence of the international community to combat the drug threat brought the realization that without the manifest political will of nations to act, and to act in concert, to counter the drug problem there can be no effective solution. Thus, the adoption by the Conference of its political declaration and the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline of Future Activities represents a collective struggle to eliminate drug abuse and illicit trafficking. Malaysia congratulates the United Nations and the Secretary-General for that success and important beginning. The momentum created by ICDAIT last year must be maintained.
In this connection Malaysia welcomes the convening of the plenipotentiary conference at Vienna from November to December of this year to adopt the new convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, which will plug an important loophole and provide for further action against illicit-drug traffickers.
We are always concerned when there is extreme disparity between rich and poor within any country, but in some countries there is no disparity - everyone is just poor. If asked to imagine what poverty is like in those poor nations, we should find it extremely difficult to visualize it accurately. But we need not imagine. Today, we see in colourful detail, accompanied by sound and motion, the extent and horror of human poverty. We see living children being literally devoured by flies we see skeletons hobbling around. We see people so ill that we wonder how they survive at all.
Even if we have to spend billions on weapons, on preserving the beauty of nature, the trees and the forests, the rare insect species and other things that we claim will enhance the quality of our life, we have no excuse in this day and age to permit such misery to befall millions of fellow humans. .
The response of millions of ordinary people to the appeals for aid to the suffering poor is laudable. But the task is too big for ad hoc charitable efforts. The answer would lie in a full-time and fully manned authority to fight against the scourge of poverty. This civilization of ours will be condemned by posterity if we can put men on the Moon but we cannot,, at only a fraction of the cost, give enough help to the needy on earth.

Inequality is the bane o£ human society. Democracy, purportedly cherished by all, is associated with equality and equitability. While Governments are urged to be democratic, in affairs between nations democracy is noticeably absent. In the community of nations, the strongest and the richest take advantage of the weak and the poor. There is no equality there.
This does not harm only in the economic sense but also in the political sense. Ideologies and philosophies, as well as value systems, are forced upon weak nations in the name of democracy. Acting like fanatical religious proselytisers, the so-called champions of democracy are not averse to using undemocratic and coercive means to force their particular brand of democracy on the weak and the poor. Refusal to comply results in all kinds of economic and political arm-twisting.
Democracy must confer a freedom of choice. No one has a monopoly on the type of democracy that everyone should have. Certainly no one should force his own choice and interpretation on someone else. While harsh and even violent methods may be used to force a dictatorship to yield to democratic forces, it would be ' tragic if a working, prosperous, democratic nation were destroyed because some self-appointed democrat felt it was not democratic enough. This holier-than-thou attitude is out of tune with modern mores.
The democracies of the West were hundreds of years in the making. Do not expect colonial territories ruled autocratically for several centuries by Western democracies to become perfect democracies overnight.
I have every confidence that this forty-third session of the General Assembly will prove to be deliberative and fruitful. The time and circumstances have never been more propitious. Our multilateral institution is riding a strong wave of credibility. If we can be weary of war and strife and ready to beat our swords into ploughshares then we can devote our collective energies to our economic and social advancement. The next, more formidable, challenge will be to see whether this institution can grapple with the issue of international economic imbalances in the context of the need for equitable resources management. It should be our concerted purpose to ensure that the last decade before we enter into the next millennium will be one of peace and construction for the benefit of all.


I should like to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. My delegation is confident that we will all benefit from his experience and wisdom and that he will give our deliberations positive guidance.
I also wish to express my appreciation to the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, for his able presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly and the fifteenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
Over the past few months we have seen peace initiatives in many parts of the world which have brought hope that there is a growing awareness that armed conflicts being "bout only human suffering. It is generally thought that peace moves now stand a greater chance of success. This can be attributed to a large extent to the improved relations between the United States and the Soviet Union,
The signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles by the United States and the Soviet Union signalled the beginning of the peace initiatives. I should like to congratulate the leaders of both the United States and the Soviet Union on the positive lead they have given and on showing that problems and conflicts can be solved through negotiation.
The improvement in Soviet-American relations fostered the Accords on Afghanistan, which are a great step forward. We hope the Accords will enable the Afghan people to return from the refugee camps to Afghanistan to live in peace.
There has also been noticeable progress in other regions such as Cyprus, Western Sahara and New Caledonia. In southern Africa, progress towards ensuring the viable independence of Namibia must include the withdrawal of foreign troops.
My delegation was happy to hear the announcement by the Secretary-General of the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq. We hope the difficulties in the peace negotiations can be overcome and the cease-fire will lead to a durable peace between the two countries ending the terrible bloodshed and destruction of the war, and will also ease international tension. We wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on his dedicated perseverance in the face of great difficulties in bringing about the cease-fire. We are happy that both Iran and Iraq realize the futility of continuing this senseless and tragic war.
The appearance of peace initiatives in many parts of the world has brought the United Nations once again to the centre of the stage where it rightly belongs. Through the personal dedication and untiring hard work of the Secretary-General, and the continued support of Members of this Organization, the United Nations flag is once again seen as a symbol of our hope for a future in which we can all enjoy peace and security.
This development pleases my delegation. The effectiveness of the United Nations depends on its Members, "today we see the growing willingness of Member countries to turn to the United Nations to resolve their conflicts rather than to continue with armed hostility. We believe the United Nations can carry out its tasks as required by the Charter. It is of particular Importance to us, as a small country, that this pattern of resolving conflicts be followed peacefully through the United Nations rather than by military force.
However, many long-standing problems still remain. The Palestinian people continue to be deprived of their right to self-determination and independence, which prevents them from returning to their homeland. Israel's policy of aggression and expansion in the occupied territories has further worsened the conflict. The ongoing uprising in the occupied territories should convince Israel that its occupation of the Palestinian lands can only bring insecurity and instability, both in the region and in Israel itself.
Israel cannot for ever deny the Palestinians their inalienable right to a homeland or remain hopeful that the Palestinians will one day just accept its ~ rule. For this reason, my delegation supports the convening of the International Conference on the Middle East with the participation of the PŁO as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The Conference will, we hope, find a just, lasting and comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
In South Africa, the apartheid system of the racist regime in Pretoria has yet to be dismantled, despite the many international condemnations of the inhuman racist policies involving terror and suffering for the black population of South Africa and the neighbouring countries, we therefore call upon the international community to continue to apply pressure - political and economic - on South Africa so that its apartheid policies can be dismantled and that justice may prevail.
In our region, there have been hopeful signs that the Kampuchean problem can be resolved. For the first time, the four Kampuchean factions and representatives of concerned countries in the region met face to face in Bogor, Indonesia. The Jakarta Informal Meeting was a breakthrough and we hope it will lead to further meetings in order that the question of the foreign occupation of Kampuchea may be resolved. My delegation has always maintained that a comprehensive political
Settlement cannot be achieved as long as foreign forces still remain in Kampuchea. I therefore call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea so that the process of national reconciliation among all Kampucheans under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk can be promoted.
For 40 years the Korean Peninsula has remained tense owing to the conflict between the two Koreas. Brunei Darussalam is hopeful that the recent dialogue and initiatives by the two countries will bring about peace and stability leading eventually to national reunification. We also wish to renew our support for the admission of the Republic of Korea as a Member of the United Nations, if it so desires, in conformity with the principle of universal of membership of the United Nations.
It is tragic that this Organization should face severe financial problems at a time when it can make such a valuable contribution to peace. The financial crisis that threatens the United Nations is now having a crippling effect on its ability to perform.
None of us would like to see the United Nations reduced to bankruptcy and oblivion. On the contrary, we wish to see the United Nations strong and capable of meeting the challenges of today. A clear demonstration by all Members of their political support for the United Nations through the paying of their assessed contributions remains the only way of avoiding a position of weakness. In my delegation's view, we owe it to this and coming generations to sustain this Organization in order to ensure the survival of mankind in peace.
Today the world situation is more hopeful than it was a year ago and one message is clear, namely, that all signatories to the United Nations Charter must adhere to its basic principles. Furthermore, at a time when there are greater chances for peace, it is important that we should let the voice of the United Nations be heard. Ms must ensure a peaceful world for all of us to live in.


Let me first congratulate the President on his election  which was capable and well-deserved, it redounds as much to his own personal credit as to Argentina's contribution and role in the United Nations. I record also our deep appreciation of the resolute and efficient leadership provided to the forty-second session by his predecessor Kr. Peter Florin.
Our tributes extend to our Secretary-General for his patient and persistent diplomacy, His single-minded efforts to forge а greater solidarity among nations and a convergence of interests on the vital issues of peace, stability and development deserve our praise.
The concrete manifestation of his contribution has been the decision of the Nobel Committee to award its Peace Prise to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. We join in the praise accorded to those courageous men and women, who have contributed so meaningfully to the cause of peace. Bangladesh is proud to be part of this process. I reiterate my Government’s determination to continue to contribute to this noble endeavour.
The Charter was based on the yearning of mankind for a safer ν more equitable and prosperous world bound together by the inherent interdependence and sense of humanity. For Bangladesh that vision remains real. We believe that it is achievable, and we reaffirm our total commitment to it. It is for this reason that we welcome the resurgent public interest in the United Nations. The solid achievement of the recent past - progress in regional security issues, advances towards nuclear-arms control provides hope for human dignity - are but some of the hard-won fruits of the painstaking efforts of the United Nations over the decades. Propelling them was the push to pursue, not individual, but global interests, to emphasize unequivocally that security is indivisible, that military solutions are not viable, that the self-perpetuating arms race is insupportable in cost and Incalculable In danger, and that prosperity cannot be achieved at the expense of others.
There is a collective awareness today that we have entered a new phase and pattern of international relations, promoted by dialogue and detente among the big Powers, by the emergence of a new multipolarity on the international economic plane, by a greater tolerance for diversity in socio-economic and political systems.
In the face of this convergence of Interests the United Nations must seize the Initiative to forge practical agreements through dialogue and negotiation. It must. Indeed, go beyond and expand its undertakings to bring together the capacities of nations from the good of mankind, for the common benefit of all. As the Prime Minister of Canada emphasized, in this still new age the differences dividing us are less important than the dangers we must face together. Concrete acts which make our world more secure must be matched by tangible commitment to reduce poverty in the developing world and to protect our common environment.
This potential for concentrating the combined efforts of the International community in the service of humanity has particular relevance for Bangladesh. The Inextricable link between poverty, environment, human health and the economy is best illustrated in our immediate predicament. The worst flood in living memory overran Bangladesh this year. It has come in the wake of the disaster cyclone of 1985 and the floods of 1987. These calamities have exposed the total vulnerability of our economy and environment to destructive forces of nature beyond our capacity to control or effectively mitigate. Their cause lies as much in the impact of nature as in the nature of poverty. The statistics of disaster in Bangladesh have always been terrifying in their intensity. They have literally anaesthetized belief in the true extent of their enormity. Nevertheless, they are real and compounded by cumulative accretion.
The international community's response has been one of heart-warming spontaneity. I express on behalf of the Government and the people of Bangladesh our deepest gratitude to all donor countries, to the heads of international organizations, as well as those of United Nations specialized agencies, to numerous non-governmental organizations and to those thousands of individuals and groups that rushed to our assistance in our hour of maximum need.
Our particular thanks go to the Secretary-General, who acted quickly in sending his Special Representative, Mr. Muhamed Essaafi, to serve as co-ordinator of United Nations agencies in the field and to mobilize their activities for purposeful and unified intervention by the United Nations.
There was optimism this year that, despite the vicissitudes caused by last year's floods, genuine progress was being made towards the achievement of a 6 per cent growth target, in comparison to the 2.5 per cent flood-depressed growth reached in 1937. Significant recovery had taken place in the agricultural sector. Following the 1988 floods our plans have gone awry. Given the already stringent adjustments made in the Annual Development Plan, the ability to manoeuvre is severely constrained, accompanied by the continuing need to pare our deficit budget, realign our balance Of payments and reduce external debt, which now totals 311 billion. The overall macro-economic picture is one of uncertainty, with the projection of growth for this year dramatically scaled down from 6 per cent to 2 per cent.
Several Important lessons emanate from our experience. The first is that such disasters hove long ceased to be viewed in the context of humanitarian relief. They constitute an insurmountable burden on the economy and development plans of a country, causing irrecoverable setbacks in growth and necessitating impossible adjustments. The need for sustained development assistance over the long term is vital. The second lesson is that the link between economic and social development and the need for environmental supportive growth strategies is no longer subject to academic debate. It has become a bounden reality, despite the recognized complexities in balancing priorities.
Many of these catastrophes could not have been prevented now or in the immediate future in the absence of in-depth study of the cumulative factors that cause them and of massive investment over time to remedy them. It has now been widely acknowledged that there are too many aspects for any single country or even groups of countries to be able to deal with effectively. They need a global reach and outlook, supplemented by regional cooperative efforts.
The President of Bangladesh has appealed to the international community to assist Bangladesh in seeking a permanent solution to the problem. In doing so he has re-elaborated a comprehensive national programme to recuperate from the devastation caused by floods, cyclones and drought that now appear to have become a persistent visitation.
The programme includes, inter alia;
Broad-based institutional arrangements and standing operational procedures to be activated throughout the country at the immediate onset of a disaster. They include contingency plans for pre-positioning stocks of essential supplies, in particular food grains, medicine, transport and construction materials.
Immediate rehabilitation measures to restore flood-stricken people to normal life by concentration on such priority areas as agricultural recovery, supply of key inputs of seeds, fertilizer and irrigation; infrastructural repairs, particularly in communications and housing, and restoration of health and sanitation facilities.
- Medium-term measures for rehabilitation and reconstruction of the economy and infrastructure, with special emphasis on disaster preparedness and preventive schemes. A factor requiring major adjustment would be to change the cropping pattern from dependence on the monsoon crop to emphasis on enhancing the winter crop.
As we grapple with the gigantic task of recovery we are conscious that remedies extend far beyond our individual capacity. Our location in the delta of a vast flood plan, on a parcel of land barely above sea-level, places us permanently on the receiving end of calamities caused as much by nature as the environmental depredations of man. Recurring floods in India and the devastation of earthquakes and landslides in Nepal compound the impact of these disasters on Bangladesh in the monsoon season as rampaging waters and billions of tons of silt are carried down by the rivers that criss-cross our country. In the dry season, scarce water resources needed by hundreds of millions of people along the Gangetic plain are squeezed to a trickle by the time they reach Bangladesh, exacerbating the consequences of drought and raising the annual spectre of famine.
As we look towards approaches for a permanent solution, the primary imperative will be to harness regional co-operation among all our concerned neighbours with a view to arriving at coherent and well co-ordinated policies and plans to our mutual benefit. This needs to be backed by international support and intervention. A vital necessity is the stimulation of expert studies and feasibility reports through collation and synthesis of existing materials and through collective exchange of ideas and forward projection of practical remedies. The President of Bangladesh has already initiated the process through direct contact with the leaders of our regional neighbours and through communications with the heads of international organizations and financial institutions, including those in the United Nations system.
Bangladesh has closely co-operated and co-ordinated its activities with Mr. M'haroed Essaafi and the United Nations agencies in the field in the preparation of a report to be submitted to the Secretary--General to elicit international assistance. We extend to him and his colleagues our heartfelt thanks for their dedication and commitment. It is our hope that a special meeting will be convened at this session of the Assembly of Member States, agencies and organs of the United Nations system and international economic and financial institutions to deal comprehensively with this issue.
The experience of Bangladesh serves dramatically to highlight a growing crisis affecting developed and developing countries alike. Desertification, soil erosion, deforestation, swollen cities and giant spill-off s of pollutants, acid rain and the dumping of toxic wastes are all symptoms of this crisis. Some are the consequences of poor people seeking to survive, others of the pursuit of economic growth at any cost.
Remedial actions have been set in train, but much more needs to be done urgently. Conferences on various aspects have been convened or are under preparation. Formal instruments have been adopted, others are being formulated, including contemplated guidelines for environmental codes of conduct. This momentum has to be maintained. It is only fitting that the United Nations has declared the decade of the 19SOs as the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction. Bangladesh believes that the time is indeed ripe for the holding of an environmental summit at the highest level, perhaps as a special session of the General Assembly.
It is thus with a sense of acute foreboding that we turn to review the world economy. We share the growing anxiety over what appears to be a diminution of interest in the cause of economic development, a cause fuelled over three decades by the United Nations that embraces the twin objectives of promoting equitable growth and alleviating poverty.
We find today that the gap between the rich and the poor has inexorably widened. The critical motors for raising world standards of living ~ economic growth, finance, trade and resource transfers - are all stalling. Their dimensions have been spelled out in numerous reports of the United Nations and pin-pointed in the statements of speakers before me. This much is true·, that developing countries remain prisoners to a system where external markets, terms of trade and interest rates greatly influence their economic fate and remain outside their control.
Developed countries continue to resist negotiation on the critical issues of trade, finance, debt and development in any forum controlled by the developing countries. The resulting stalemate has exacerbated the adverse international climate and is yet to be broken.
The impact on the poorest of the poor, the least developed countries, has been devastating. The main goals of the 1981 Substantial New Programme of Action remain a distant ideal with little hope of reaching the main target of increasing official development assistance to 0.15 per cent. Per capita incomes are continuing to fall. External indebtedness has increased dramatically. Agricultural productivity has fallen far below the 4 per cent growth targets envisaged. Given rapid population growth, this has meant a continuing decline in per capita food production, the most serious challenge facing these countries in the coming decade.

The African situation is a continuing case in point. Despite efforts to carry out adjustments in their national economic policies, most African countries have found little respite from hard climatic conditions and the adverse international economic environment. Sustained and timely commitment to the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 must be maintained.
The hope remains that we will be able to reverse the North-South polarization and reinvigorate the process of constructive dialogue. It arises from the practical reality that for as long as the socio-economic policies of the developed countries remain incompatible with the interests of the developing world, the goal of sustained and durable growth of the world economy will remain illusive. Significant opportunities to turn these hopes into practical reality in the years ahead the 1990 conference in Paris on the least developed countries, the formulation of the international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade and the Montreal meeting of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Ministers to review the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations are but a few examples. Equally important are follow-up measures for a growth-oriented debt strategy linking debt service to the creation of viable conditions for development, the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development, and efforts to stem the reverse transfers of resources that continue to impoverish the developing countries.
While gaping holes continue to riddle the fabric of world peace, a painstaking patchwork process has begun. The rapprochement of the two major Powers has had a beneficial spin-off on a wide variety of problems areas hitherto anchored in attrition.
The cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and the initiation of direct political talks under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General provide hope that a common understanding will be readied on the previsions of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), opening the way for a just and lasting solution.
Forward  movement is discernible in Kampuchea following Viet Kan's announcement of the phased withdrawal of its troops. Regional efforts initiated by the Jakarta Informal Meeting to end the impasse have contributed to the feasibility of a comprehensive political settlement based on the declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea. Bangladesh looks forward to the time when we can see firmly established again a neutral, independent and non-aligned Afghanistan. We are already witnessing the phased withdrawal of foreign troops, and we support the strict and effective implementation of other aspects of the historic Geneva Accords of 14 April 1988. These constitute an essential prerequisite for a comprehensive settlement that would, inter alia, enable the return of Afghan refugees to their homeland in safety and honour, and allow the Afghan people to exercise their inherent right to determine their own destiny and choose their own Government.
There appears to be a more receptive climate in Western Sahara for an end to the conflict, with the acceptance by the parties of the peace plan submitted jointly by the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (0Ш) and the Secretary-General. We hope that the essential modalities governing a cease-fire and a referendum will soon be worked out.
The leaders of the two Cypriot communities have also agreed to resume dialogue without pre-conditions and to attempt to achieve by June next year a negotiated settlement of all aspects of the Cyprus problem. We hail these developments, as we do the signs of the renewal of talks between the two Koreas, and progress towards peace in the Horn of Africa. The willingness of the leaders of Chad and Libya to resolve their dispute by peaceful means marks the end of acute tension in yet another area. We are encouraged by recent diplomatic activity in southern Africa and Angola, which has increased the prospects of early independence in Namibia. As a member of the Council for Namibia, Bangladesh has no need to reiterate its consistent stand. We have already indicated our willingness to participate directly in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia, for which contingency plans are already being drawn up, in pursuance of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
Vital breakthroughs towards peace have thus been made. Many problems, however, remain mired in intractability.
The situation in the Middle East is intolerable. Continuation of the status quo is illegal and counter-productive with regard to peace. The Palestinian intifadah, in the teeth of brutal repression, is glaring testimony to its outright rejection. Peace in the Middle East can be guaranteed only by a comprehensive, just and lasting solution based on the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Bangladesh endorses the core conditions laid down in the Fez plan of 1982 and the decision adopted by the extraordinary Arab summit in Algiers in June this year. We fully support the efforts of the Secretary-General to pursue the convening of an international peace conference, with the full and independent participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (РLO) as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The human tragedy in South Africa continues to unfold in the vicious cycle of resistance, retaliation and oppression Imposed by the brutal apartheid regime. Its destructive consequences have spilled across the frontiers of South Africa and have been manifested by repeated acts of aggression, sabotage and destabilization. The front-line States which are the major victims need sustained support to counter the effect of economic strangulation and political disruption. We join in the call for the release of Nelson Mandela; a first step towards the inevitable – the dismantling of apartheid. In the face of South Africa's continued intransigence, we fully support the call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist regime.
We are meeting in the wake of the third special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. Though its outcome fell short of the adoption of a final document by consensus, it represented a significant advance in increasing awareness of the crucial issues involved and identifying areas for progress towards a negotiated settlement. Surrounding the session was the hope generated by the historic breakthrough in the field of nuclear-arms control by the signing and implementation of the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the understanding reached between the signatories that they would strive for a 50 per cent reduction of strategic nuclear weapons.
Bangladesh's position on these Issues was elaborated at length at the third special session on disarmament, and I wish merely to sum up its main content.
The overall goal of general and complete disarmament within a comprehensive framework of negotiations must be pursued simultaneously with efforts to resolve regional conflicts, promote socio-economic development, and build up confidence and trust among regional neighbours.
Disarmament Is a joint undertaking of all States, and not the exclusive responsibility of the two biggest Powers. It is for this reason that we have strongly advocated an increase in the membership of the Conference on Disarmament to represent all shades of opinion. Further progress in nuclear disarmament remains an imperative, in recognition of the obvious truth that more weapons do not mean more security. Dependence on the doctrine of deterrence is misleading. Reliance on nuclear leverage can only perpetuate a community of fear.
We have rejected the nuclear alternative and have therefore adhered to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We support all measures, partial or otherwise, that could promote disarmament and deter the horizontal spread of the arms race, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Immediate priorities call for the completion of the convention banning the production and use of chemical weapons, the imperative necessity of a comprehensive test-ban treaty, control of conventional-arms transfer, particularly in conflict situations, and the means to strengthen verification, including an integrated multilateral verification system within the United Nations framework.
We remain convinced that what is really threatening peace and stability is the dice incidence of poverty, hunger and destitution existing in our world. This has been exacerbated by the channelling of vast resources for the purposes of destruction, not amelioration, of the well-being of peoples. The adverse environmental impact of those unnecessary arsenals, both in terms of materials and resources expended on their production and in terms of the dangerous consequences of their use, cannot be minimized. In the nuclear context it embraces the content of all life on our planet.
We have passed through an anxious phase when the very viability of the United Nations has been seriously questioned. The catch-phrase was "the erosion of multilateralism." That loss of confidence in the United Nations was attributed to disparate reasons as much political as administrative and financial. Assertions of the so-called, tyranny of the majority, mutual accusations of repetitive and hardened postures, of outdated Illusions and outmoded attitudes and attempts to preserve privileged positions - all these confined to create a picture of multilateralism under concerted attack. Since then, there has been a fundamental re-examination of the United Nations functioning and role. Concentrated reforms have been affected with a view to improving administrative efficiency and to tightening financial stringency. Those steps were accompanied by measures to streamline the capacity of the United Nations to find integrated solutions to the problems of social and economic development. We believe that process must be continued in a spirit of practicability and accommodation.
Even as the crucial peace-Making and peace-keeping role of the United Nations is beginning to win back essential credibility for the world body, a host of new and mushrooming problems such as drugs, terrorism, threats to the environment, problems that respect no international boundaries, have further underscored its relevance and importance. They are global problems that call for global solutions. They cannot be dealt with in isolation. The future is fast impacting on the present at a rate of acceleration that has rendered obsolete old values, old perceptions and concepts of space and time. Together, they pose new challenges; they call for new perspectives and for a radical change of outlook on the part of world leaders.
The United Nations remains the only viable repository for pooling the world's talent, intelligence, expertise and, most important of all, its concern and compassion. Support for the United Nations is no longer an exercise in idealism. It has become a practical necessity, a hard reality. It is in recognition of that fact that Bangladesh has reposed its total confidence and commitment in the world body.


The hope placed in the United Nations, which for a time had given way to indifference and mistrust, if not scorn, is being reborn. There is a new course in international relations that bodes well fear the co-operation envisaged in the Charter. As the forty-third session of the General Assembly begins, ray country, the Central African Republic, cannot but welcome these developments.
Our task is to consolidate and develop this new approach, and the international community has great need of the vast experience and personal qualities of the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Dante Caputo, who can count on the co-operation and support of the delegation of the Central African Republic. In addition to conveying to him the warm congratulations of His Excellency General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic, Head of State and founding Chairman of the Central African Democratic Assembly, I wish to pay a tribute to his country, Argentina, with which the Central African Republic maintains excellent relations of co-operation.
I wish also to express to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, my delegation's satisfaction at the way in which he fulfilled his responsibilities.
The rebirth of trust and of the prestige of our Organization is the result, of course, of the will of Member States, but also of the faith and the patient, persevering action of the Secretary-General. The developments with regard to certain conflicts confirm this. The Central African Republic reiterates its expression of encouragement to Mr. Perez de Cuellar.
Similarly my delegation welcomes the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations. That is eloquent proof of our Organization's decisive action for peace and of its regained credibility.
The present international situation and the work of the Organization are being evaluated now in the context of a certain element of detente and a new dynamic of dialogue and search for compromise. These developments, historic in themselves, should not be interpreted as being fortuitous - and here we agree with the Secretary-General, who makes this point in his report on the work of the Organization for this year. They are the result of an awakening on the part of Member States to their interdependence and community of interests, which commit them to exploiting to the utmost the Charter and what it contains in order to seek, together, solutions to their problems. They stem from the instinct of preservation - a salutary reflex which in times of danger requires that the common values essential to the cohesion and survival of the group be defended.
Indeed, it is as if suddenly States, and particularly the great Powers, have finally realized that we were on the verge of catastrophe·, that we could not go on arming ourselves indefinitely without grave danger to mankind that freedom and the right of peoples to self-determination and development are common values and causes that are essential to all peoples, all States, and that cannot be constantly flouted or neglected.
These developments stem also from the failure of the way& and means to which States have hitherto resorted to find - in a fragmented or even selfish or unilateral way - overall solutions to problems that are, however, of common interest. A brief review of recent events on the international scene suffices to demonstrate that this new approach, which consists in real participation by Member
States in the search for solutions to the problem confronting the international community can bring about, if not a settlement, at least an easing of certain conflicts the persistence of which was rendering the balance of peace ever more precarious.
It is to this that we owe the felicitous outcome of the situation in the Gulf region between Iran and Iraq, and the Central African Republic welcomes this outcome. The negotiations now going on under the auspices of the Secretary-General with a view to guaranteeing the consolidation of this achievement, in accordance with the spirit and the letter of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), could not have any other outcome. My delegation hopes for the rapid success of these negotiations and the restoration of a climate of trust between the two brother countries: Iran and Iraq.
With regard to southern Africa, while no final agreement has yet been reached, we place a great deal of hope in the negotiations under way - in Brazzaville among other places - and in all the individual or concerned action being taken at the moment. Indeed, for the first time, there is now a momentum that could bring about peace in that region. The determination of the parties to find a compromise that honours justice and peace is welcomed by the Central African Republic, which very much hopes that this momentum will accelerate, through the implementation of Security Council resolution 43S (1978), the process of Namibia's accession to independence  will prevail upon South Africa to undertake the true democratization of South African society through the elimination of apartheid and the recognition of the political rights of the blade majority) and will make possible a climate of confidence among the States of the regime.
Furthermore, we are pleased with the turn of events in the Western Saharan situation. That has been made possible by the concrete action of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity, which has led to the adoption of a peace plan by the interested parties. My delegation very much hopes that the application of that plan will finally bring harmony to that part of Africa.
Similarly, the normalization of relations between Chad and Libya which has just led - to the satisfaction of the Government of the Central African Republic - to the restoration of diplomatic relations between them should be viewed as a milestone in the efforts undertaken in all quarters to establish the conditions for the return, at last, of genuine peace in that region. It is important, nevertheless, to continue to work for a broadening of this climate of restored confidence.
The same co-operation among Member States which was indispensable for the settlement of certain conflicts should also be shown with a view to putting an end to the situations prevailing in the Middle East, where it is now urgent to hold this international conference which, with the participation of all the interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, will deal with the situation in the region - in particular the question of Palestine, which is its core in Afghanistan, where, it is true, the withdrawal of foreign forces has begun and where, by the effective application in good faith of the Geneva agreements, the right of the Afghan people to decide their destiny in a neutral and non-aligned State must be recognized; in Kampuchea, where the principles of the United Nations on this question should lay the groundwork for any solution, including the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from that territory in Central America, where the Guatemala agreement, which could establish genuine conditions for peace in the region, should produce its full effects  in the Korean peninsula, where the renewed dialogue between the parties should continue and be encouraged, not only to promote the enjoyment by the Korean people of their legitimate aspirations to independent end peaceful reunification, but also to make it possible to consider the question of the accession of Korea to the United Nations.
From what I have said so far it is dear that we must increasingly engage in efforts to encourage States to find genuine political will by co-operating within the framework of the machinery they have created, not only to ensure the maintenance of peace but also to promote the socio-economic development of all parts of the world - another condition for the balance of peace.
This new approach - in the economic field this time - can be reflected only in the support of States that Is indispensable to the work of the United Nations, which can thus contribute to the establishment of conditions for the co-operation that is essential to the economic recovery of the least-developed parts of the world,
Now, the condition of those parts of the world and Africa in particular, are regularly placed on the agenda of the General Assembly, efforts have been made  it is true, under the auspices of the United Nations, to engage in reflection on this question. A Programme of Action was even adopted, on the basis of mutual responsibility. We have just had a mid-term review of that Programme. At this stage, the conclusions so laboriously reached by the Ad Hoc Committee that made the review - apart from any other comments on them - gives us an exact assessment of the situation two years after the adoption of the Programme.
They show that the African counties, whose responsibility for the application of the Programme of Action remains paramount, have kept their commitments they have accepted enormous sacrifices and have made genuine efforts for development - efforts that, by the way, have been recognised and supported, unequally it is true, by the International community. As the Ad Hoc Committee recognises, real obstacles have been impeding the development efforts that have been undertaken. These obstacles - which relate essentially to the impact of difficult climatic conditions the collapse of the prices of commodities on which the economy of the African countries largely depends, the increase in their external debt and also in the servicing of that debt, and the inadequacy of financial firms in their direction - must be removed otherwise, these countries cannot make any progress towards development.
However, the fact that the Ad Hoc Committee, at this interim stage, was able to reach agreement on the measures to be taken for the full application of the Programme of Action demonstrates the will of the African countries as well as of the international community to achieve the objectives laid down in the Programme of Action. The prospects thus opened up can lead to results only if the developed countries change their attitude and help to create a new climate of confidence in co-operation among States, particularly by trying to remove the obstacles to the development sought by their African partners. In that regard, earnings from the export of commodities should be sufficiently guaranteed so that countries would not be constantly subjected to the deleterious effects of the fluctuation in the prices of those commodities.
Priority should be given to the adoption of sound and flexible measures to alleviate the debt burden, because debt-servicing - which in some cases, such as in the Central African Republic, has attained one third of budgetary income - is a real impediment to the process of economic development, since no resources are available for investment.
Calling for rescheduling debts, because of its limited scope, does not make it possible to solve the structural problems which affect most African economies. That is why the international community should demonstrate a spirit of greater co-operation and solidarity, so that the measures that emerge from the forthcoming international conference on Africa's external debt will take account of the reciprocal interests of States. The action taken by Member States to contribute, jointly with the United Nations, to creating conditions for better organized co-operation in various fields will be effective only if the human dimension is taken into account as its ultimate goal. A larger measure of security and a minimum of development must, above all, mean greater security and at least a minimum standard of living foe all.
In the Central African Republic, under the leadership of President Andre Kolingba, the democratic institutional process begun a short time ago is now being crowned by the restoration of democracy. My country has signed various international instruments which, within the framework of the Chi toed Nations or the Organisation of African Unity, organize, govern and guarantee human rights. The protection of human rights has now become an imperative duty for the State and an obligation for the nation, because we cannot appeal for development efforts, for harmony or for peace if we do not promise man a better life. It is for man that these values must be cultivated, fostered and extended, particularly at a time when we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the universal Declaration of Human Sights.
Yes, a new hope is emerging at the end of our century, a century of profound change, of phenomenal and prodigious advances in science and technology of universal recognition that every man has a unique identity and character with regard to the values of emancipation, freedom and equality) but also a century which does not yet fully promote the achievement of these values for the benefit of mankind as a whole, as was the dream of the founding fathers of our Organization.
Can the renaissance of hope and the new trend towards dialogue and the search for com promise be the prelude to the attainment of a world of justice, tolerance and solidarity, a world in which together we can solve the problems affecting the human condition and together provide a solution?
It can if we continue to show the political will to safeguard the United Nations, the indispensable framework for working together, for co-operation, for a new era of trust among States, nations and peoples.
It is time for all men of goodwill to unite their genius and their efforts, to speak the same language, the language of peace. Let them say no to war and no to poverty. Let their faith in the Charter of the United Nations and in a better mankind become ever more manifest.


I should like to begin my address by congratulating the United Nations and its Secretary-General upon the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the peace-keeping forces, as announced this morning. We welcome the fact that this award has been made to a body that is essential for the effective functioning of the United Nations. It symbolizes a clear recognition by the international community of the commendable work performed by the United Nations for the genuine security of all States.
On behalf of the Mexican Government, I extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. Caputo, the Secretary for External Relations of the Republic of Argentina, on your well-deserved election to the post of President of the General Assembly for this session. Sir, your diplomatic experience and ability will contribute to the success of our endeavours. In the performance of your delicate task, you may count upon the support of the Mexican delegation. The solid ties of friendship that unite our peoples and Governments allow us to renew and reaffirm shared aspirations that should ensure the success of this session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to express our especial confidence and trust in Mr. Perez de Cuellar. The international community knows that the changes that we are experiencing in international affairs have been made possible to a large degree by his political contribution and his talent for negotiation. The work carried out by our Secretary-General renews our faith in the United Nations system, reinforces the Organization's prestige, and helps to overcome the crisis of multilateralism. We are proud that Mr. Perez de Cuellar, a Latin American politician and diplomat, has so commendably advanced the causes of peace, justice and international law.
When President Miguel de la Madrid's Government was initiated in December 1982, the international situation was particularly difficult. Tension had increased among the great Powers, and disarmament negotiations had been suspended. The great Powers had also assumed antagonistic positions with respect to various trouble spots around the world. The East-West confrontation was making the international climate more tense. The United Nations was the target of criticism, because it seemed incapable of responding to the needs for peace and security.
The United Nations as a whole, including the specialized agencies, was the target of unfair criticism, which served to distort its true role. A number of countries attached importance to bilateral relations and demanded conduct in accordance with their own short-terra interests and strategic goals.
This served to weaken the multilateral system and that was compounded by a financial crisis, deliberately caused by those who sought to gain influence consistent with their foreign policy. The United Nations was the target of mean financial treatment as a result of that short-sightedness which we would all like to see overcome. Mexico never agreed to the unilateral decisions taken by the major contributing Powers, which refused to meet their obligations as a means of bringing pressure to bear upon the Member States and the Organization, breaking the rule of universality in one of the most important specialized agencies. The lesson is clear: without the political will on the part of Member States it is impossible to find a solution to the crisis of multilateralism and of the international Organization.
To the political and military confrontations was added the most serious problem in present-day international life, that of the great inequalities between the developing South and the industrialized North. The dialogue to establish a new international economic order was broken off. In the 1980s the aspirations of the South to negotiations that would lead to a better distribution of wealth and the resources so essential for well being and development were frustrated.
The results of that crisis afflicted above all the poorest nations. In this paradox of history, the poorest, those in greatest need to promote social development with new resources, became exporters of capital and wealth to the international financial centres - that is, to those that already enjoyed resources in abundance.
We are pleased that the Organization and the Secretary-General have played a leading role in these recent changes. We also welcome the progress that President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev have achieved in the field of disarmament. Paramount importance must be attached to the signing and ratifying of the Soviet-American Treaty on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range nuclear forces - the INF Treaty. We call for the rapid conclusion of other treaties on a significant reduction in strategic weapons and on the elimination of chemical weapons. The agreements prove that even the most difficult natters can be resolved with sufficient political will and determination. They also show that security and balance are not necessarily synonymous with the escalation of armaments and that diplomatic negotiations are essential for the solution of the most difficult problems, solutions that guarantee the legitimate rights and genuine national interests of all parties.
It is true that barely the first steps have been taken in the long road to free the world from the threat of nuclear war. It is imperative, therefore, to adhere strictly to the commitments made and to maintain the will to negotiate. Incidentally, the lack of results from the third special session of the United Nations General Assembly on disarmament was not encouraging. In the field of disarmament the participation of the international community is necessary, through the agencies especially created for that purpose, otherwise we shall continue to be governed by the relations between the nuclear Powers - that is, we shall be subjected to criteria, views and interests that do not necessarily coincide with those of other men and countries which earnestly desire the elimination of weapons of destruction that could put an end to their very existence.
Peace has been and will continue to be the fundamental goal pursued by Mexico in its foreign policy. Proof of this is to be found in President de la Madrid's participation in the Peace and Disarmament Initiative - referred to as the Group of Six - which contributed to the creation of an appropriate climate for negotiations between the great Powers. I emphasize, as the Group of Six has done/ the need for the complete cessation of nuclear tests and prevention of the extension of the arms race to outer space, and that the limitation of conventional weapons be seriously discussed.
Events of recent months prove that the role of the United Nations in achieving peace and development is irreplaceable. Within this climate of détente negotiated agreements must be consolidated and the disputes that still affect several regions and countries must be resolved. The Government of Mexico has steadfastly supported the peaceful settlement of international disputes with respect for the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. That is why optimism is aroused by the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and the fact that the exercise of the right to self-determination has been achieved, or by the attainment of a cease-fire between Iran and Iraq so that a war that divided the civilian populations of the two countries for eight years has been brought to an end. We must also welcome the four-party negotiations that led to a cease-fire between South Africa and Angola. The termination of hostilities will enable the Angolan people to advance towards independent economic and social development, free from external threats and interference.
The agreements to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978), on Namibian independence, are of special importance to us, Mexico, as a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, has always condemned the illegal occupation of that Territory. That is why we re-emphasize our commitment to the people of Namibia and to the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), its clear organization, their right to exercise fully their sovereign rights.
We emphasize our rejection of the barbaric practice of apartheid, which has been consistently condemned by the United Nations. Peace in the region and respect for international law would be a utopian dream without an end to apartheid. It is imperative that we to continue to demand that South Africa put an end to its aggressive policies against the front-line States and its policies of regional destabilization.
We earnestly hope that the talks on the Kampuchean conflict will result in agreements guaranteeing the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination, free from genocidal factions and with respect for the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, which clearly necessitates the withdrawal of foreign troops.
Lasting peace in the Middle East entails recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. All the States in the region, including Israel, muse be able to live within secure and recognized borders. We roust once again call for the restitution of the territories occupied since 1967, accompanied by prohibition of conquest by military force and the provision of guarantees ensuring respect for the human rights of the Palestinian civilian population in the region. The convening of an international conference, with the participation of all parties and under the auspices of the United Nations, is consequently extremely important. We must foster all such contacts as might lead to the settlement of this, one of the most protracted conflicts of the post-war age. It is also encouraging that the conflict in Western Sahara is nearing a political resolution that will result in independence and self-determination for the Sahraoui people.
On the other hand- we are concerned that there has been a stalemate of the negotiations in Central America. To Mexico, respect for the self-determination of the Central American peoples and rejection of any outside interference and of the use of force or coercion continue to be central to the attainment of peace and development in the region.
The steps taken by Mexico to help bring about regional peace are well known. The Contadora and Support Groups advocated full respect in the region for the principles of non-intervention and self-determination for all the peoples in the isthmus, to enable these nations to attain the stability and co-operation that would make their economic, political and social development possible.
In August 1987, the Central American countries signed the Esquipulas accords. The political connection of these accords to the Contadora and Support Groups is quite clear. They also constitute a valid and practical basis for the restoration of peace in the area. These principles should be observed by the Central American countries and should be respected by all the States in the international community, particularly those which have links with, and interests in, the region.
The efforts of the Contadora and the Esquipulas accords deserve to meet with success, and so they will, to the degree that hegemonistic interpretations and a security policy that is not compatible with security or Latin American interests are abandoned. It is true that the peoples of the region desire security, peace and democracy - but peace, security and democracy that mean autonomy and freedom to determine their own destiny, free from external interference, development with no strings or preconditions attached, and co-operation between equals with full respect for sovereignty.
Contadora and its Support Group have struggled to avoid the spreading of this conflict, which could dash the hopes of the Central American peoples and spread to other parts of the continent. It was also our desire that democracy should be a genuine product of the peoples. Similarly, we made contacts with other regions and international organizations - I might mention in this respect the European Economic Community (EEC) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) - which could help to eliminate poverty and underdevelopment in the region, which are really the underlying cause of the conflicts.
In Central America, peace will prevail over the gloomy prospect of a more protracted war. The rule of law must prevail in this region over military and ideological considerations, so that reason and the long-term interest of all the peoples of the continent may prevail over immediate tactical and military considerations.
I am convinced that the most important question of modern life is the need to correct the unjust and unbalanced economic relations in the world. This is one of the great tasks currently facing the community of States and international organizations.
This decade, which is of such great political moment, has also been characterized by restraint on development 'and by the difficulties we have encountered in openly and constructively reviewing the economic situation of the non-industrialized countries. Misunderstanding, short-sightedness and selfish considerations have been the rule of the day.
It has been said that the 1980s were a lost opportunity for development. Our efforts notwithstanding, we have been unable to achieve a better and more effective role for our countries in the international economy. The lack of response to the debt problem is well known, as are the excessive rise in interest rates, trade restrictions, the fall in commodity prices, and the severe restrictions on financing for the development of our countries.
The philosophy pursued by the main industrialized countries notwithstanding, there was a tightening of trade protectionism, and we saw the emergence of what is being called the "new protectionism". These practices severely restrict our access to the markets of the industrialized countries and thus our prospects of meeting our internal and external obligations.
Unilateral restraints on international trade are all the more deplorable if we consider that in practice they are contrary to the commitments made by the signatories of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) on the occasion of the "Uruguay Round", and if we consider, furthermore, that they are prejudicial to the development potential of non-industrialized countries, and therefore have an adverse effect upon world economic growth.
The scale of debt-servicing among developing nations and the shortage of international financing represent a net transfer of resources to the outside world. This takes up a significant part of our export earnings. It severely restricts imports and makes the internal adjustment process less and less compatible with economic growth and an equitable distribution of social well-being. Restructuring of the debt has had some slight effect on the terms and conditions of payment, but it has not meant a real solution to the problem.
The developing world and Latin America in particular, is calling for long-term solutions, through just and reasonable negotiations with the industrialized countries, to resolve the problem of external debt, development financing and the reactivation of the international economy.
We have therefore argued that the debt servicing must in all cases be adapted to the real capacity of the debtor countries to pay, with recognition of the principle of shared responsibility and the need for equity in the distribution of costs. It is also necessary to have balanced negotiations to increase the volume and rate of exports from developing countries. Within GATT, there must be strict fulfilment of the commitments to suspend and dismantle trade restrictions that ace in violation of the obligations undertaken by the signatories to the General Agreement.
The major issues relate to the need for change in economic relations among States, so that the wealth created by the intelligence and efforts of mankind may no longer be concentrated within a small number of countries and a narrow strip of our planet. This is doubtless the major challenge before the modern community of States and before the United Nations.
The struggle for respect for fundamental rights and freedoms is one of the major attainments of the United Nations. Forty years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life's dynamics have forced us to deepen, modulate and broaden its application and protection. Let us preserve the institutions created to safeguard these basic rights, including respect for groups of society and for matters that were barely understood a few years ago.
On the other hand, Mexico will continue to wage a head-on war against the terrible threat of drug trafficking. We support all multilateral steps taken in this area, because drug trafficking is an international phenomenon that can only be effectively confronted through a pooling of our resources.
But what we need is effective, constructive international co-operation that takes into account in a balanced way this criminal phenomenon so harmful to society, in all its aspects: production, trafficking and consumption. It should be an expression of world solidarity, not a cause for discord or manipulation. Mexico will continue its steadfast battle against this criminal epidemic, this threat to public health. But it calls upon all those plagued by this international crime to shoulder their responsibilities. The Governments of the major centres of consumption cannot use easy but ineffective solutions to avoid the fundamental burden of what is their problem.
Let me reiterate Mexico's deep belief in the irreplaceable role of the United Nations. It is hard to think of a political settlement anywhere in the world without the presence and active co-operation of the Organization. Even where the initial negotiations are carried out by others, the United Nations is of decisive importance because on behalf of the international community it formalizes implements and monitors the fulfilment of agreements; in nearly all cases its organs have a general mandate to define a settlement.
No major co-operative project could be carried out without its support and its technical resources. Nor could there be peaceful coexistence among States, based on the rule of law and mutual respect, without the guarantees and political backing of the United Nations.
At San Francisco, peace and security among nations were entrusted to the Organization. This splendid project for our civilization, which followed a period of barbarism, continues to be fully valid, but only on one condition: that all States conform in their behaviour to the rules they themselves have imposed and to which they have committed themselves. For developing countries, the multilateral forums have been particularly valuable as a place to air our problems and fight to defend our interests. In a community of more than 160 sovereign countries we must, of course, have international democracy.
This does not mean a "tyranny of the majority", but rather a joining of problems, expressed in a united manner and considered by the community of States. Disarmament, the eradication of colonialism, respect for the sovereignty of peoples and for human rights, the elimination of apartheid, the settlement of regional conflicts and the goals of international co-operation have never, anywhere, been a senseless expression of tyranny, but a pre-condition for freedom, security and dignity for the majority of the world's population. Some of these purposes, indeed, ate now espoused by those who were once opposed to them.
There have been undeniable achievements which must be consolidated. There are also pending matters, such as world economic imbalances and the conflict in Central America. The solution of all these matters depends to a great extent on unified action by developing countries.
The international machinery for co-ordination and consultation must therefore be strengthened and made more effective. The Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 are committed to preparing for the future so that succeeding generations may have more and better food, housing, education and clothing. Regional bodies too have much to do here. There must be solidarity and organization, joint efforts and shared goals.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, we have strengthened political co-ordination and are making advances in the economic integration of our countries. The united mobilization of the considerable material and human resources of Latin America and the Caribbean will without question lend our countries greater capacity in external negotiations and new opportunities for internal co-operation and development.
The work of the group of eight Latin American Presidents is a clear manifestation of our determination to seek solutions to our problems and to redefine our links with the rest of the world, as is faithfully reflected in the Acapulco compromise, the basic charter of a system of political co-ordination in Latin America which opens the way for further regional integration. The crisis has at least had the positive effect of further bringing together the peoples of, Latin America. This has been possible thanks to democratic changes in our societies in recent years. Thus, we are approaching a stage where we shall strengthen our unity, make progress -ш the path of economic complementarity, and consolidate our democratic institutions. He shall give fresh impetus to our economies and increase the well-being of our peoples.
We are coming to the end of the 1980s with feelings of optimism about the role of diplomacy and negotiation as political tools with a special place in relations among States. The atmosphere of confrontation and intolerance that began the decade has given way to detente. Disarmament, a crucial matter that went through a period of deep lethargy, is new engendering renewed hope, and there is progress in the settlement of regional conflicts. Nevertheless, we are concerned that we may see the return in a new form of the time when the majority of States were fated merely to accept and confirm agreement - or competition - between the Powers. We can have genuine peace and true security only with the active participation of a politically organized community of States acting within the United Nations and under its constitutional authority.

The great question in the coming years will inevitably focus on the economic development of the poorest nations. Advances in the solution of international conflicts are not matched by the poor performance with respect to the economic problems of non-industrialized nations. There can be no progress in international stability, peace and security unless effective steps are taken in the context of mechanisms where responsibility is shared by developed and developing countries, which would result in sustained economic growth for the latter. These mechanisms must turn their political attention to three points: new financial flews, debt and foreign trade.
Mexico reiterates its conviction that today a civilized international life can be attained only on the basis of respect for law, the sovereign dignity of all nations and the genuine economic and social well-being of their peoples. Only then will peace, development and democracy be possible.