As a Vice-
President at this session, Senegal, through me,
expresses to the President its heartfelt congratulations
on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-eighth regular session. In that
election, I see a mark of confidence and a tribute to his
wonderful country, Saint Lucia, but also to our entire
sister community, the countries members of the
Caribbean Community. He may therefore be assured of
Senegal's full cooperation in the exercise of his
important duties. Let me also express my sincere
thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan of the Czech
Republic, for the decisive results achieved during his
term of office.
I should like to express my fraternal and friendly
greetings to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
and to tell him how proud I am of the spirit of
initiative, commitment and resolve that he has
displayed with vigour and determination in his noble
mission in the service of our common aspirations to
peace, universalism and solidarity.
It is precisely in the name of those shared ideals
that my country, Senegal, reaffirms once again its
fervent support for the readmission of the Republic of
China on Taiwan as a full-fledged Member of the
United Nations. By doing that   without calling into
question the participation and the legitimate status of
any other Member of the great United Nations
family   we would do justice to that country's 23
million hard-working and disciplined inhabitants,
deeply attached to the values of peace, freedom and
democracy enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations.
Two years ago, on 11 September 2001, the world
discovered the new face of international terrorism,
right here and in all its horror. Certainly, other bloody
attacks have taken place, here and elsewhere, before
and since those tragic events; even the United Nations
has not been spared. The attack that cost the life of
Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, High Commissioner for
Human Rights, and those of many other United Nations
staff, is a sinister reminder that the terrorist threat is
now global in its targets and pernicious in its means of
action. Indeed, a defender of human rights has been
deprived of the most basic human right: the right
to life.
11

Consequently, a collective, united, coordinated
response is required at all levels. In that spirit, Senegal
took the initiative on 17 October 2001 to call for an
African anti-terrorism summit with a view to
strengthening cooperation in that regard at the
continental level, thus joining its efforts with the
Algiers Convention on the Prevention and Combating
of Terrorism. It is still our conviction that Africa must
not remain the soft underbelly of the system that is
gradually being established to combat international
terrorism in all its forms, in the wake of the armed
conflicts and the humanitarian tragedies that have been
causing bloodshed in the world.
With regard to the situation in Africa, Senegal
salutes the significant progress achieved in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and in Liberia.
Those two friendly countries, afflicted by so many
years of civil war, seem at last to have embarked on the
path of negotiation and dialogue, an essential condition
for a definitive return to peace. Moreover, Senegal
welcomes the Security Council's decision to send a
peacekeeping force to Liberia in support of the troops
of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), including the Senegalese troops already in
place.
In the sisterly Republic of CÙte d'Ivoire, Senegal
welcomes the progress made in the national
reconciliation process on the basis of the Linas-
Marcoussis Agreements, in the hope that the incident
that occurred two days ago will prove to be only a
hitch. I encourage my Ivorian sisters and brothers to
persevere on the path of reconciliation, cooperation and
mutual confidence in order to safeguard that country's
national unity and territorial integrity with the help of
the ECOWAS interposition force under Senegalese
command.
In many respects, sources of concern persist on
the continent, particularly in West Africa, formerly
known for its stability. I am thinking in particular of
those who would call into question democratically
elected regimes. We must say forcefully that the time
must be past for coups d'Ètat in Africa. Everyone must
understand from now on that legitimate power, whose
sole agent remains the people, cannot be acquired,
preserved or transferred except by means of the ballot
box   that is, through the force of law, not the law of
force or that of weapons.
Senegal, for its part, is complying strictly with
the Declaration of Algiers of 1999, which enshrines the
principle of excluding from the proceedings of the
African Union any regime established in violation of
internal constitutional order. Last July, it was on the
basis of that Declaration and thanks to the vigorous
reaction of African countries   including mine   that
constitutional legality was re-established only a few
days after a coup d'Ètat in Sao Tome and Principe. That
example   that precedent   should serve as a lesson
to anyone who might yet be tempted by this practice,
which runs counter to democratic values.
Only 10 days ago in Guinea-Bissau, a
democratically elected President was deposed by a
group of officers. As soon as I was informed of this, I
cited the position of the African Union in calling for
the military to relinquish power. President Kufuor,
Chairman of the Economic Community of West
African States; President Chissano, President of the
African Union; President Obasanjo of Nigeria; and I
immediately took the situation in hand. This led to the
establishment of an entirely civilian Government. From
this rostrum, I should like to make a solemn appeal to
the international community. Guinea-Bissau, a fraternal
country bordering on Senegal, needs immediate
assistance. Only diligent and consistent economic
assistance can create the conditions for a lasting return
to social peace and political and institutional stability
in that country.
As Chairman of the United Nations Committee on
the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian
People, Senegal remains gravely concerned by the
deadlock in the peace process in the Middle East. Too
much blood has been shed and too much suffering
endured in that land holy to the three great revealed
religions. And yet, one must face the fact that a
peaceful solution is the sole, best guarantee of survival
for all the peoples affected by daily death and anguish.
We must pursue efforts to ensure a return to the
negotiating table on the basis of the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council, the principle of
land for peace and the parameters established in the
road map so that, at last, this long nightmare can yield
to the oft-aborted dream of peoples who cherish peace
and freedom.
However, if the words attributed to one Israeli
authority are well founded, my country would warn
against any attack on the physical integrity of President
Yasser Arafat and against any decision of expulsion.
12

Any such act would have incalculable consequences.
Senegal rejects and condemns violence in all its forms,
regardless of who the victims and perpetrators may be
or the reasons invoked, and reiterates its unfailing
support for the establishment of an independent and
sovereign Palestinian State within secure and
internationally recognized borders, just as we have
always recognized Israel's right to exist in the same
conditions. I have the feeling, however, that if we
confine ourselves to issuing statements without making
any real effort to find a concrete solution, the tragedy
that is unfolding before our eyes in cycles of violence
will last a very long time.
The Israeli and Palestinian authorities have asked
me, without my seeking it, to help them to settle this
conflict, which is beginning to look like the Thirty
Years War or even the Hundred Years War. Those
authorities may recall simply that Senegal has resolved
for itself one of the greatest contradictions of our time:
the coexistence in one land of Muslims and Christians,
who live in a ratio of 95 per cent to 5 per cent in our
country. Christians, far from suffering from any
discrimination, are fully integrated into national life, to
the extent that a Christian has been the President of our
Republic for 20 years and supported by Muslims. That
is why I myself have turned to great thinkers and
theoreticians on the issue of conflict to see if their
words might be useful to us.
A compatriot of Jacques Chirac, Mr. Gaston
Boutoul, invented the science of war and, more
generally, of conflict known as polemology, the
objective of which is to understand, through scientific
analysis, the motivations and mechanisms of war and
conflict. A sociological approach includes individual
psychology, collective and social psychology,
economics and the environment. I should like to
subscribe to this approach and, in the light of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, to make a modest
contribution.
It seems to me that there are two possible
approaches to the conflict: that of the aggressor
aggressed' theory and that of the occupier occupied'
theory. If we seek to identify who is in one category
and who is in the other, we find ourselves in a complete
impasse. Unfortunately, that is what each of the parties
is doing. In the first scenario, Israelis and Palestinians
each claim to be the aggressed and accuse each other of
being the aggressor. In the second, while Israel is
undeniably the occupier, it justifies this state of affairs
by pointing to the so-called aggression of Palestinians.
Hence, we return to the first theory and set in motion
an endless cycle.
Let us not play this game, which is one of
massacre for the parties to the conflict and of hide-and-
seek on our side, where political and diplomatic
interests cloud the search for an equitable solution.
The aim of my proposal is to move beyond the
subjective approaches of the two parties by introducing
external action, specifically on the part of the
international community. Instead of pursuing the
course of mutual accusation   which, it may be noted,
leads nowhere because each party is subjective   I
would simply propose that we eliminate the two
problems by merging them into a single, unique
problem. The dispatch of international forces to secure
uncontested borders and the placing on stand-by'
status of the parts of the territory on which there is no
consensus would eliminate de facto the two approaches
of occupier occupied' and aggressor aggressed'. I
believe that this approach is all the more feasible and
realistic in that Israel has declared itself prepared to
return all the occupied territories   90 per cent of
them first and then negotiating a border correction to
compensate for the other 10 per cent. That would allow
us to abandon the two theories, which can only
eternally pit the two parties against each other and
divide the international community.
The greatest war of all time, that of 1939-1945,
pitted French against German. Today, they no longer
agonize over the question of who was the aggressor
and who the aggressed, or of who was the occupier and
who the occupied. All such issues have today been
confined to history. All the parties have decided to join
efforts in a cooperative project: the European Union. I
would ask, therefore: Can we not dream of a post-war
period in which Israel and Palestine can embark on real
cooperation to the benefit of their two peoples?
As Members know, the Fifth Ministerial
Conference of the World Trade Organization ended in
acknowledged failure just a few days ago in Cancun.
Beyond that specific event, we need to reflect more in
depth on the international trading system. There is
something paradoxical in this system based on a liberal
philosophy, but in which the rich countries spend over
$1 billion a day in various subsidies for their own
agricultural sectors. This ruinous practice leads to the
freefall of the prices of our peasants' agricultural
13

commodities and threatens millions of jobs and the
lives of over 2 billion human beings.
The hypothetical mechanism of limiting the
perverse effects of subsidies can in no way be a
credible solution to the enormous damage done to the
developing countries. I believe that the time has come
radically to rethink the mechanisms of international
trade in order to break away from this implacable logic
of injustice and inequity. In that context, I have taken
the initiative of proposing to convene, every two years
in Senegal, an agricultural Davos' an agricultural
Dakar, rather  to encourage thinking on a credible
alternative to the current system.
It is indeed in no one's interest for the present
imbalances to persist, because they promote poverty,
favour unemployment and destitution, and fuel the
feelings of exclusion and despair that lead to
extremism of all types. Once again, for us it is a
question of calling not for assistance, but for
the implementation of a minimum level of fairness in
trade   free trade, but fair trade.
The challenges of globalization and
interdependence that it entails forces us to devise new
approaches that go beyond the obsolete assistance
policies to create the conditions for a new kind of
partnership, which alone is capable of breaking the
vicious cycle of poverty. Senegal reiterates its
commitment to implementing the 2001-2010 Brussels
Programme of Action for the Least Developed
Countries and renews its support for the Office of the
High Representative for the Least Developed
Countries, whose activities deserve to be strengthened
by the donor community in the framework of a trust
fund established for that purpose.
The vision put forward by the New Partnership
for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is also relevant to
the new kind of partnership just mentioned. For two
years now, our continent has been carrying out a quiet
revolution to firmly take its destiny in its own hands
against the background of key factors such as peace,
stability, good governance in the public and private
sectors and regional cooperation. Specific plans have
been developed and are available to all our partners.
We have been learning as we go along, by
creating a gas pipeline in West Africa, for example,
which will supply along 600 kilometres 3,640,000
cubic metres of gas starting from Nigeria to Benin,
Ghana and Togo. The electricity grids in southern
African that brings together the national electricity
companies of 12 countries of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) is another example
of Africa's will to pool our resources. Today NEPAD
has designated 14,000 kilometres of roads and just as
many kilometres of railways to be laid, and this is one
of our top priorities. In the area of new information and
communications technology, fibre optics now link
Europe and the United States to Dakar, Pretoria and
Kuala Lumpur, with connections extending inside the
continent. Those specific examples fully show our
determination to make NEPAD a reality rather than a
good intention or unrealistic plan.
On a continent where everything still needs to be
built, it is not a matter of the need to identify
opportunities but rather to seize them. On the whole,
we are committed to creating an environment in which
there will be a clear interest in investment and secure
business operations. On a different order, the African
Peer Review Mechanism has been launched, and
colleagues before me have already spoken about it.
Together with our partners, we are ready to fulfil
the goals of NEPAD. In a few days, some African
heads of State will be in Tokyo to establish cooperative
ties between Japan and Africa through the Tokyo
International Conference on African Development.
In a report on the state of the international
community, the Secretary-General made an analysis
that sounded alarm bells: the world does not seem to be
sharing much anymore. The collective security
machinery established by the Charter is already
threatened. The United Nations system inherited from
the Second World War no longer sufficiently meets the
challenges of the twenty-first century. He therefore
calls for the implementation of reform, as spelled out
in the Millennium Declaration.
Let us explore together the guidelines that were
established by the Secretary-General. Let us make way
for a culture of peace and dialogue among civilizations,
which bears the fertile seeds for consensus,
understanding and peaceful coexistence. Let us resist
the temptation of isolationism and rule of force, for as
Jean-Jacques Rousseau rightly said in The Social
Contract': The strongest is never strong enough to be
always the master, unless he transforms strength into
law, and obedience into duty.' Let us ensure that,
however diverse we may be, the universal values of
14

peace, freedom, democracy and respect for human
rights will always be safeguarded.
I take this occasion to voice my support for the
position expressed by President Bush against the
heinous sex trade and other forms of slavery. Instead of
vague, futile statements of intention, let us all agree to
a realistic platform and guarantee that specific
measures are taken. In that regard, we can justly raise
questions on the follow-up to commitments undertaken
at the Monterrey International Conference on
Financing for Development.
Concerning all these issues vital to humanity's
survival, the United Nations must, in accordance with
the Charter, ensure that its mission remain clearly in
sight, a mission that is a focal point at which our
efforts towards humanity's common goals are
harmonized.
I strongly believe that this need corresponds to
the legitimate aspirations of all the peoples whom we
represent here.


Your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session, Sir, is a source of great pride and considerable
satisfaction to Jamaica and the entire Caribbean. We
regard it as a tangible acknowledgement of the region’s
active engagement on the global stage. I am confident
that your combination of long political experience,
outstanding diplomatic skills and commitment to
global comity will enable all of us to benefit from your
guiding hand at a time when the United Nations, the
very cornerstone of global security and economic
cooperation, faces its most severe test and the Charter
itself is exposed to its greatest challenge. We also wish
to commend the Secretary-General for his work during
a very difficult year and in trying circumstances for the
United Nations.
It may eventually prove to be a fortunate quirk of
history that, by virtue of the rotation system, a
distinguished representative of the Caribbean now
occupies the presidency. For, by virtue of our history,
location and size, we who fashioned the Caribbean
Community thirty years ago recognized that we would
never be able to acquire the economic power or
military might to stand alone. Multilateralism,
therefore, affords us our only source of protection.
Therefore, from its inception, our Community has
remained resolute in upholding the sovereign equality
of States and the maintenance of an international order
that protects the weak and powerless from domination.
The international situation today is filled with
uncertainty and fear. There is a prevailing climate of
distrust and insecurity. Humankind faces the dangers of
terrorism, nuclear proliferation and weapons of mass
destruction. We witness outbreaks of war and violence
and a worrying escalation of confrontation and conflict.
There are new doctrines and policies that threaten
peace everywhere.
The pillars of international law and respect for
sovereign rights are being steadily eroded. Injustice
and abuses of human rights still remain manifest. These
are real concerns that underscore the need to strengthen
2

multilateralism, to restore confidence in the United
Nations system, to buttress its centrality in decisions
that affect us all and to thereby enhance its capacity to
enforce.
The multilateral process will collapse unless the
international community asserts a strong collective will
to review the structures, mandates and procedures in
our global system.
In relation to efforts to strengthen multilateralism,
I wish to emphasize four requirements:
First, multilateralism must be equitable. This is
critical for its credibility. It should promote policies
that provide full opportunity for all States to benefit
from the global system and that take into account the
needs, aspirations and welfare of the entire global
community. It should be non-discriminatory and
proceed from the principle that the lives of human
beings cannot be differentiated on the basis of race,
nationality or religion.
Secondly, multilateralism must be democratic.
This is critical for its acceptability. Its decision-making
should be based on a fully inclusive process, in which
all States have a voice and where dialogue and equal
participation are encouraged and promoted.
Thirdly, multilateralism must be principled. This
is critical for its legitimacy. It must be based on
common rules and standards devised and enforced by
the international community, standards without
selective application or double standards.
Fourthly, multilateralism must be effective. This
is critical for its efficiency. Decisions, once taken,
should be implemented. Member States must exercise
the political will to guarantee that policies and
decisions that are agreed upon and taken are supported
and upheld.
Adequate resources must also be provided where
necessary. In order to promote the interests of all
States, the United Nations and multilateral institutions
must facilitate the creation of new opportunities for
economic development, through the expansion of trade
and investment flows and through technical
cooperation assistance.
In order to strengthen multilateralism, we need
reform and rebuilding to improve the work of the
United Nations in areas such as development
cooperation, humanitarian affairs and disarmament.
No one, not even the five permanent members,
dares to dispute the compelling urgency of altering the
design and function of the Security Council if it is to
fulfil, in the realities of the world today, the mandate
conferred by the Charter of 1945. The case for
expansion of membership is irrefutable, as is the need
to redesign decision-making to correspond with the
principle of the sovereign equality of States.
Let me make it clear: reform must extend beyond
composition and geographical balance. The Security
Council, as presently constituted, makes no pretence at
representing democracy in the global system. This must
be changed if we are to not fall into a dangerous abyss,
and it must be changed in a way that deters arrogant
deviation from the most basic elements of the rule of
international law. We have been talking for long
enough; the time has come to cut the talk and walk the
walk.
In 2001, from this podium, I called for a United
Nations renaissance. Unless we undertake it now, only
those who believe in a resurrection will still be present.
None of us will then be able pretend that we are not
responsible for the demise of the Organization, nor will
we be able to exonerate ourselves from the
condemnation of history.
With regard to the General Assembly, what is
needed is a resuscitation in the use of its powers and
assertion of its role as the principal organ of the United
Nations. This Assembly is a forum of equals. Its
pronouncements and policy decisions must carry the
stamp of legitimacy as it is the voice of the
international community.
But while we emphasize the importance of
institutional reform, there should be equal focus on the
responsibilities of membership. There is need for a
revitalization in the commitment and political will of
Member States to support the multilateral system and
provide it with adequate resources. Irrespective of the
institutional arrangements we may devise, it is, in the
final analysis, the Member States alone who can make
the system work. We cannot afford to fail.
The critical problems facing us concerning war
and peace are compounded by the proliferation of
weapons of all kinds. Globally, military expenditures
now amount to over 800 billion dollars annually.
Experience has shown, however, that military power
and massive investment in weapons do not bring
security and lasting peace. The force of arms cannot
3

impose a lasting peace. Instead, it breeds a climate of
insecurity and feeds violence, war and terrorism with
increasingly destructive capacity.
At the same time, the arms industry fuels a
rapidly growing underworld of trans-national organized
crime, which jeopardizes law and order and impedes
economic growth and social stability within our
national boundaries.
It is tragic and painful to witness the continued
cycle of violence and carnage and the massive
destruction of property in the Middle East. No solution
can result from the continued military subjugation of
the Palestinians or from violence against the Israelis. A
political settlement has to be found to provide security
for the Israeli people, to establish an independent State
for the Palestinians and to make suitable arrangements
for the security of all States in the region.
We cannot begin to speak about the situation in
Iraq without noting the atmosphere of fear, disorder
and insecurity which now prevails in that country. We
deplore the recent bombings of the Jordanian Embassy
in Baghdad and the United Nations office, which
resulted in the deaths of United Nations officials,
including that of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General in Iraq, and the bombing of the
Shi’ite mosque.
We must all learn from what has happened in Iraq
over the past year. The immediate question is how to
formulate interim arrangements for the recovery and
reconstruction of that country and the restoration of its
sovereignty and independence, under a Government
chosen by the Iraqi people. Efforts to re-engage the
United Nations must ensure that it assumes a
meaningful role in the peace-building process and the
transition to democracy.
The situation in Africa has not been given the
level of attention that is needed, particularly by the
Security Council. The continued turmoil within parts of
the continent shows the need for stabilization through
conciliation and dialogue between contending parties
to end further fighting and bloodshed. We commend
the role being played by regional organizations like the
Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) and by African statesmen to mediate and
bring peace to those areas of current concern. But more
should be done.
Additional resources are needed to assist to
ensure that societies disrupted by conflict can be re-
established and stabilized. The obstacles to eliminating
poverty and disease can be overcome by providing
material assistance, and we are convinced that Africa
has the indigenous resources, the human potential and
the leadership to prevail over adversity.
Within the global economy, the pattern continues
of a widening gap between developed and developing
countries. Wealth is increasing but poverty is also
growing in critical areas of the world. Although we
continue to raise our voices to warn of the dangers of
this global trend, our partners in the developed world
have given little indication of a change in policies that
might reverse it. We are continually told that prosperity
will come with policies of liberalization, a minimalist
State and deregulation. In turn, these policies will
unleash free enterprise to take advantage of economic
opportunities that will lead to development and growth.
But it has become painfully obvious that this model
does not succeed everywhere, particularly in the
developing world.
As you know so well, Sir, the countries of the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have for a long
time been a region where democracy flourishes and the
rule of law prevails. The strengthening of civil and
political rights in our countries has been our passion
since we gained our freedom.
We know that no country is above improvement
in any of these areas, but there is a fashion in the
industrial world — including countries that are new
converts to these values — to imply that their adoption
is the solution to all the problems of development.
Were that so, Jamaica and all our countries of the
Caribbean would have been havens of prosperity long
ago.
What much of the developing world needs goes
beyond sermons about the precepts of democracy,
about obeying the rule of law and securing respect for
human rights. The help we need is help in preserving
those rights from erosion by the instabilities that derive
from underdevelopment and from the steady
deterioration in the global political environment.
In the international community, those same values
are being systematically discarded and destroyed, as if
our world society deserves less than our national
communities. The persistence of underdevelopment —
the denial of people’s full rights as human beings — is
4

the major challenge that poor countries face. We make
this clear, because it has become all too easy for rich
countries to excuse themselves from any meaningful
effort towards poverty alleviation and economic
development by asserting that salvation lies simply in
securing civil and political rights. This is exactly what
they did at Cancun to the poorest countries in the
world — to those who live in abject poverty — by
denying their plaintive petition for a better deal in
cotton.
As the current Chairman of the Caribbean
Community, I assert that for us in the Caribbean, the
future of our democracies lies in the strengthening of
our economies, in a more favourable trading
environment for our products, in more rapid and
effective debt relief, in the protection of legitimate
areas of economic progress like our financial services
industry and in tailoring globalization and the dogma
of liberalization to the needs of small economies. Our
future lies, in short, in escaping the trap of poverty.
That some are poorer does not make us less poor than
we are; that some are less developed than we are does
not alter our state of underdevelopment.
Trade and competitiveness are not everything. In
developing countries there are weaknesses in
production capacity and deficiencies at the micro level
that can be helped through programmes of development
cooperation. Regrettably, in recent years, donor
resources for such cooperation have been shrinking.
Where commitments have been given, there have just
been too many promises broken. But we still remain
hopeful that the pledges of Monterrey and the targets of
Johannesburg will be taken seriously as commitments
to be implemented.
Partnership should not be used as a vehicle for
the imposition of conditionalities to promote bilateral
political objectives. In our view, true partnership must
respect the concept of ownership by recipients and the
national priorities as determined by them. Decisions
affecting development are being taken in different
areas, in different forums and by different agencies.
Increasingly, there is the need to ensure coherence in
policies and programmes.
The international system currently does not have
an effective mechanism for conducting such an
exercise. We reiterate our belief that one of the urgent
tasks of the moment is to create a mechanism within
the international architecture, which will focus on
trade, finance, technology and development policy in
an integrated manner.
We want to draw attention to the Barbados
Programme of Action, which deals with the
vulnerability of small island developing States (SIDS).
We call on the donor community to support the review
of international economic arrangements, when the
international conference meets in 2004 to review the
Barbados Programme of Action.
We in Jamaica fully recognize that globalization
has the potential to advance human development
throughout the world. But this is not automatic. For
globalization has also increased our vulnerability,
insecurity and the possibility of marginalization. Small
countries like Jamaica and groups like CARICOM
cannot and should not be expected to follow the same
policy prescriptions applied to larger, more advanced
countries. Special and differential treatment of a
meaningful kind is important, as we require policy
space for our productive sectors. It cannot be expected
that countries such as ours will abandon local
production in agriculture and manufacturing, although
we fully recognize the growing importance and
potential of the service sector in both the regional and
global economies.
In the aftermath of Cancun, we in the global
community need to accept that trade rules must be
asymmetrical in recognition of the diversity in levels of
development and the size of economies. Trade rules
must also recognize the right of all countries to protect
their development priorities and vulnerable groups,
especially their small farmers. Development issues as
they relate to the World Trade Organization (WTO)
agenda must be defined by developing countries
themselves and not by others for us. The world
community must recognize these principles to ensure
that the global trade architecture can bring meaningful
benefits for all.
Globalization may bring a more integrated world,
but there will always remain significant variations in
national systems, cultures and national priorities. There
is no single sustainable model for political
development or economic success everywhere. We live
in a diverse world where different ideas, cultural norms
and standards exist. These should all be respected in
the framework of agreed principles within the United
Nations. In a world of such diversity and pluralism,
there should be tolerance, understanding, non-
5

discrimination, self-determination, respect for equal
rights and justice for all. Those, for us, are
transcendental values to which we in Jamaica and
throughout the Caribbean will always fully subscribe.
The United Nations should continue to promote
respect for diversity while promoting the common
principles and ideals that form the foundations of
international law and order and international
cooperation. This provides the only key for the pursuit
of enduring peace, harmony and real development in
the global village to which we all belong.


At the
outset, it is my pleasure to congratulate Mr. Julian
Hunte on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly, which demonstrates the trust that this body
has in him. We know that his skill and capabilities will
ensure the success of our work, and we have every
confidence that he will be participating in strengthening
the role of the United Nations at a time when the
international community is undergoing profound
change. I would also like to welcome the laudable
efforts made by the outgoing President of the General
Assembly. I would like to stress that the delegation of
my country, one of the Vice Presidents at this session,
will provide the President with every kind of support.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express
to Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United
Nations, our sincere gratitude and appreciation for his
tireless efforts to successfully carry out the huge mission
and responsibilities entrusted to the Organization.
At a time when we are witnessing a myriad of
changes and surprising events, we would also like to
express our sorrow at the horrendous and unjust attack
on the United Nations office in Baghdad, an attack that
we consider to be aimed at the fundamental principles
and values that the United Nations is championing.
We meet here full of hope and in response to the
aspirations and concerns raised by numerous important
issues before us for consideration during the present
session. We must meet the difficult challenges and
perils that confront us. We are at a crossroads in a
highly complex era, in which we cannot rest on our
laurels. We must face the international tragic events
and developments that are damaging to the credibility of
the United Nations and its noble principles and values.
We must do this collectively through multilateral
institutions that will guarantee unified efforts and vision.
We have met here today, and we must frankly and
objectively recall what took place during the last
session of the General Assembly, in 2002. That session
took place one year after the odious terrorist attacks on
the United States. During our debate then, we were
unanimous in condemning and combating world
terrorism with a view to eradicating it.
We tried strenuously to avoid a war in Iraq. We
welcomed the road map and prospects for a peaceful
and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli
conflict. One year later, here we are asking whether we
can indeed say that we have accomplished what we
sought or taken steps towards peace in the Middle East
as we had wished. Now that the Iraqi regime is no
longer in place, does Iraq in fact enjoy a democratic
and free system and a constitutional order, which we so
ardently desire or have we in reality made Iraq a stage
for violence and a hotbed of terrorism?
When my country opposed the war against Iraq, it
was convinced that the United Nations was in a
position to locate and eliminate weapons of mass
destruction there and that the regime could be made to
comply with the relevant resolutions based on
international law.
My Government believed that this war would not
achieve its aims, not only because it was based on
shaky foundations but also because it was difficult to
predict its negative consequences. We note with regret
that it has led to increased extremism and terrorism.
On the other hand, regarding the Arab-Israeli
conflict, my country has developed a position based on
the principles laid down by the Quartet: working for
the advent of a Palestinian State that would exercise
full sovereignty over its territory, with Jerusalem as its
capital; withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Arab
territories occupied since 5 June 1967, and the return of
the refugees. We were and are still convinced that a
settlement can only be achieved if Israel ceases its
delaying tactics and complies with United Nations
resolutions. We are convinced that Israel would only
accept a solution if it were imposed on it by a binding
resolution. This has not yet come to pass.
The world remains silent in the face of ongoing
Israeli aggression against the Palestinians. The Security
Council is paralysed, unable to adopt a resolution
because the United States did not use its influence,
despite its positive approach, as represented in the road
map, to achieve the desired solution. Therefore we
wonder if we can still say that everything is fine with
the world and that peace and security are within our
21

grasp when the Middle East, East and West Africa, and
East and South-East Asia have been battered by crises
and conflicts?
If we tried to analyse these crises and their
ramifications, we would find three major causes: first,
a lack of democracy and freedoms; secondly, poverty
and ignorance; and thirdly, a global order in which
policies of hegemony dominate and practices of
pressure are exerted against Third World States.
Will we be able at the United Nations to alleviate
these desperate situations? Is it sufficient to proclaim
democracy, devotion to freedom and human rights as a
panacea for all problems? Can these ideals eradicate
poverty and eliminate all that is negative in the realities
of each country and in international relations? In fact,
to alleviate these problems in an effective manner, we
must take into consideration the three causes I have
just mentioned. Therefore, the rich and the powerful
must heed the cries of the weak and the poor.
A real partnership and war against injustice are
guarantees of international peace and security and the
best way to prevent extremism and terrorism. If things
remain as they are now, we will witness a revolution of
the poor, a rebellion of the oppressed, a scenario that is
quite removed from the one on the clash of
civilizations, as advanced by some parties.
My country believes that we need to seriously
and positively cope with these crises and conflicts. The
Middle East must no longer be a hotbed of tension and
crises. The following measures are necessary: first,
there must be an immediate halt to the occupation of
Iraq, and its sovereignty, territorial integrity and
resources must be preserved. The United Nations must
assume responsibility for rebuilding Iraq; a national
Government must be formed with a national
constitution and a democratic regime; the Iraqis must
be able to enjoy full rights and freedoms, and the
League of Arab States must make a contribution to
such efforts within international legality. We fully
support the endeavours undertaken by the Governing
Council in Iraq.
Secondly, the Security Council must shoulder its
full responsibilities by implementing resolutions
relevant to the Arab-Israeli conflict and by
implementing the road map, without any amendments
by the Israelis. Tel Aviv must be prevented from
carrying out the negative and pernicious act of killing
or expelling Yasser Arafat, the elected President of the
Palestinian people and the Palestinian National Authority.
Thirdly, Israel must withdraw from Syrian and Lebanese
occupied territory, for that is an integral part of any
attempt to have a just peace in the Middle East.
We would like to recall that the Arab countries, in
accordance with the Arab initiative for peace, had
accepted Israel as a State in the region and had agreed
to deal with it on the basis of its real interest in peace
and in ending the occupation of the Arab territories.
We would also like to recall that my country
subscribes to the efforts made by the United Nations
regarding measures resulting from the Conference on
Disarmament, which will allow us to adopt an
international treaty putting an end to the arms race.
There is a need to encourage confidence-building
measures on the national and regional level. The
Middle East must be a region free from weapons of
mass destruction. Israeli nuclear installations must be
submitted to international inspection. We must reject
the policies of selectivity and double standards for this
issue and many others.
The policy of embargo and unilateral economic
sanctions that go beyond regional borders and are
imposed on certain countries are flagrant violations of
international law. My country subscribes to the United
Nations appeal to put an end to unilateral measures
imposed on the Sudan and Cuba, now that these
measures have been eliminated regarding Libya. This
will allow us to spread a culture of peace, dialogue and
understanding, even in dealing with questions on which
there has been disagreement. This would be a
reasonable means and a rational approach to settle
conflicts and differences among countries.
My country believes that this is also the approach
and the means that must be adopted and implemented
to settle the conflict in Somalia, in order to preserve
the national interests of that country. The Republic of
Yemen was one of the first countries to participate in
efforts designed to achieve national reconciliation in
Somalia. Therefore, my country urges the United
Nations and the international community to play their
role to ensure peace and security in Somalia.
Yemen would also like to express its support for
the peace negotiations between the Sudanese
Government and the various opposition factions, which
would finally lead to peace, security and stability in the
brotherly country of the Sudan and would safeguard its
people and territorial integrity.
22

The phenomenon of international terrorism is not
unique to a single colour, religion or doctrine. It is an
obstacle to world peace, security and progress. Various
international coordination efforts to contain this
phenomenon have failed because of lack of vision and
faulty approaches. The Republic of Yemen has greatly
suffered from terrorism. It has tried to take all possible
measures to cope with this ill. We hope that there will
be united efforts by the international community to
eradicate this scourge and to finalize a comprehensive
convention against international terrorism.
Yemen renews its appeal for holding an
international conference under the aegis of the United
Nations to define the causes of this phenomenon and to
finalize a strategy that contains solutions to the origins
of this destructive phenomenon. My country also
believes that the efforts of the international community
must be focused on putting an end to any and all
political pressure exerted on certain countries and on
opposing any attempt at threats or use of force and
interference   using terrorism as its excuse   in the
internal affairs of various countries. The Republic of
Yemen joins many countries in calling for the need to
differentiate between terrorism as a phenomenon and
national struggle against foreign occupation by all
means, as is the case with the legitimate and just
struggle of the Palestinian people.
The developing countries are faced today with
development challenges that can be overcome only
through concerted international efforts and support which
would help effect political and economic reforms. There
is a need for rich countries to grant development and
financial assistance to poor countries in order to ease the
debt burden of the latter and to facilitate the use and
transfer of technology. Heads of State and Government
who met during the Millennium Summit in New York
in 2000 committed themselves to achieving this goal.
The United Nations, together with the
International Monetary Fund and other institutions,
must try to establish an international fund for the
eradication of poverty and to improve the situation of
refugees. There is also a need to relieve economic,
social and security problems, from which countries
such as Yemen suffer due to the many refugees on its
soil, especially those from Africa.


Allow me first of all to
sincerely congratulate Mr. Julian Hunte on his election
as President of the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. Your election to the presidency is a
reflection of the high esteem the international
community reserves for your country, Saint Lucia, and
your good person.
At the same time, I would like to express our
appreciation for the excellent manner in which your
predecessor conducted the work of the fifty-seventh
session of the General Assembly.
I would be remiss if I did not pay tribute to
Secretary-General Kofi Anan for his strong
commitment to the principles enshrined in the United
Nations Charter and for defending so courageously the
ideals on which this Organization is based.
The destruction of the United Nations
headquarters in Baghdad, with its unnecessary loss of
life, was a heinous crime against humanity and the
United Nations. Sergio Vieira de Mello and his United
Nations co-workers were in Iraq not as an occupying
Power, but to serve and address the humanitarian needs
of the Iraqi people. This despicable act is tantamount to
cutting off the hand that feeds. We offer our sincere
and profound condolences to Secretary-General Kofi
Anan, the United Nations family and the bereaved
families. In memory of the fallen, it is imperative for
us, Member States, to accelerate ratification of the
Convention on the Safety of United Nations and
Associated Personnel.
The recent high-level meeting at United Nations
Headquarters on the HIV/AIDS pandemic was of
tremendous interest to the world and particularly to
many countries in Africa. The AIDS scourge, having
devastated entire communities, has also negatively
impacted the economic development of countries. In
order to combat this scourge, it is incumbent upon the
international community to make more resources
available, even in those countries where the incidence
of the pandemic is reportedly low.
My country, Somalia, is reported to be one of
those countries in Africa with a very low rate of
infection. However, this should not lead us into
complacency. Countries like Somalia have a unique
chance to prevent the disease from spreading. An AIDS
epidemic would be catastrophic for Somalia and
seriously hamper efforts for peace and nation-building.
It is therefore critical to put into place coordinated and
strategic AIDS education and early response
programmes to prevent the spread of the epidemic in
Somalia. As the saying goes, prevention is better than
cure.
Recent developments in the international arena
present the United Nations with unprecedented
challenges. Whether we succeed or fail will depend
primarily on the manner in which we address these
challenges. In our view, that should be through the
United Nations. We have to reinforce the principles of
the United Nations Charter through which we can
further cement the pillars of international legitimacy on
the basis of the equality of nations big and small, rich
and poor; respect for the sovereignty of peoples; non-
interference in each others’ internal affairs;
renunciation of the use of force in resolving conflicts;
and respect for human rights.
21

There are Members of this Organization who
violate these lofty principles with impunity. Israel is an
example in this regard. Israel’s continued occupation of
Arab lands seized by war; its denying the Palestinian
people their dignity; the daily killings of Palestinian
children; the siege of the legitimate leader of the
Palestinian people and calls by Israeli officials for his
killing; and the suffering and daily humiliations
inflicted on the Palestinian people are of great concern
to the international community. We believe that these
gross violations of international law are not in the
interest of Israel or peace in the Middle East. We
believe that the Arab initiative, which has the support
of Arab States, provides a unique opportunity for
achieving a just and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East and specifically between Arabs and
Israelis.
The situation in Iraq continues to be of great
concern. The people of Iraq need peace and
development. The people of Iraq need to recuperate
from the trauma of war and its aftermath. As a country
that has witnessed war and its destruction, we know
what the Iraqi people are going through. We empathize
with them strongly. There must be a commitment from
the international community to respecting the unity,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq. The
withdrawal of the occupying forces from Iraq as soon
as possible and the establishment of a truly
representative Government for Iraq based on a
constitution acceptable to all Iraqis continue to be
imperatives. In this regard, the United Nations can and
must play the central role in bringing peace to Iraq.
A fresh wind is blowing throughout Africa, from
the West of the continent to its Eastern and Central
regions. This fresh wind is one of hope and peace not
only for Africa, but also for the world. This wind of
hope and peace needs to be nurtured and sustained by
the international community.
We welcome the progress made in the search for
peace in African countries — the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Liberia,
the Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea-Bissau. The latest and
most welcome progress towards peace is the 22
September 2003 agreement signed in Naivasha, Kenya,
by the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army.
We encourage the parties to resolve the remaining
outstanding issues in a spirit of accommodation and
mutual understanding. We also commend the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD),
the Economic Community of West African States, the
African Union, the United Nations and individual
countries for their valuable assistance in bringing peace
to areas of conflict in Africa.
I pause to share with the General Assembly the
situation in my country, Somalia. We express our deep
gratitude to the Government and people of Kenya for
hosting us and for their perseverance. We strongly
commend Kenya for its active role in promoting peace
in Somalia. I also take this opportunity to thank the
Secretary-General for his valuable support for the
peace process in Somalia. The IGAD Partners Forum,
the African Union, the League of Arab States, the
Organization of the Islamic Conference and IGAD are
to be commended for their firm commitment and input
into this process.
The Somali National Reconciliation Conference
at Mbagathi enters its twelfth month. A lot of ground
has been covered during this period. A declaration on
the cessation of hostilities has been adopted and the
African Union has put in place a monitoring
mechanism. Today, African Union monitors crisscross
nearly all areas of Somalia to ensure the
implementation of the declaration on the cessation of
hostilities.
Equally important is the completion of the first
two phases of the Conference. Despite such progress,
we have been struggling with the last and crucial phase
of the Conference for the past four months. This last
phase envisaged the adoption of an interim charter, to
be followed by the election of an interim head of State
and the formation of an all-inclusive Government of
Somalia. However, disagreements regarding the
content of the interim charter and other important
matters continue to persist. The provisions of the
interim charter that raise the concerns of many touch
upon the shape and very foundations of the
reconstituted State of Somalia. It is for that reason that
the Conference is currently in suspense and stalled,
with the Transitional National Government and at least
seven other groups refraining from participation.
Any interim charter for Somalia, in our view,
must meet certain, basic criteria. First, it must have
Somali ownership. Secondly, it must be the result of a
fair and transparent process. Thirdly, it must have the
support of the Somali stakeholders. Fourthly, it must be
enforceable on the ground. Fifthly, it must reflect the
22

unity and indivisibility of the Somali nation. Finally,
any Government that is established under this interim
Charter should be an all-inclusive one. By the same
token, any agreements reached in Kenya must be on a
consensus basis, have the support of the Somalis as
well as of the international community, and be
enforceable on the ground.
To facilitate an agreement based on these criteria,
a re-evaluation of the manner in which the Conference
is currently being run is called for. The IGAD frontline
States must observe the principle of impartiality and
neutrality, without which no mediation can be taken
seriously. Furthermore, the IGAD frontline States must
confine their role to that of an active facilitator and
attempts to fast-track the process with a view to
reaching any agreement in haste and at any price must
be discouraged.
In spite of the current difficulties, I am here to
reiterate before this Assembly the sincere commitment
of the Transitional National Government to the IGAD-
led peace process for Somalia. I hereby state that the
Transitional National Government will rejoin the peace
conference in Mbagathi, Kenya, as soon as its concerns
are fairly addressed. We do this not only for ourselves,
but also for the Somali people, who have suffered so
long. I submit that the solution lies in assisting the
Somali parties to come to an agreement that is owned
by all Somalis, rather than in imposing something
against their will. We urge the international community
to engage itself in the realization of this goal. We must
all work together to ensure that the march to peace in
Somalia is irreversible.
The international community has an obligation to
re-engage in Somalia in a very serious manner and to
re-enforce its role as a promoter of peace there at the
Security Council and other levels, as it has done with
other conflict areas in Africa. It is not enough to
observe or to wait and see. Somalia needs serious
sponsorship to push the peace forward. Finally, we urge
the neighbouring countries of Somalia to scrupulously
comply with the arms embargo imposed on Somalia by
the Security Council. We strongly urge them to do so in
the interest of peace and security in the subregion.


Today I
stand before the Assembly representing the voice of the
Iraqi citizen who long suffered from cruelty within and
outside his homeland. Those within his country
inflicted on him the worst kinds of torture: they
attacked his honour, assaulted his family, humiliated
him, shackled him, oppressed him and forced him into
miserable wars. His brothers and his friends in the
region not only remained silent, ignored him and
turned a blind eye to his catastrophe, they also
criticized and faulted him the moment he dared to
speak up. And throughout the world, those who stood
to benefit scrambled to do business and cooperate with
his torturer.
Very few accepted and spoke the truth; very few
considered the catastrophe of their fellow human being
and declared that he was a victim. He heard no
response to his appeals. So the Iraqi citizen remained
lost and doubly persecuted — first, with the injustice
of the sword with which the dictatorial regime attacked
him at home, and then with the injustice of criticism —
a more painful affliction — from many abroad. But the
Iraqi citizen did not give up. Rather, he was persistent
and patient, and he continued his struggle through his
thoughts, words and actions to achieve liberation, the
ideal for which he had always yearned most.
I stand today before the Assembly expressing to
Members to the best of my ability the voice of this
Iraqi individual, declaring with him and on his behalf
the end of silence. I ask each Member present here to
listen to him.
28

I come today to present the Assembly with four
essential truths and to demonstrate, through those
truths, two fundamental rights.
The first truth is that Iraq’s long, dark night has
ended. The bitter experience of humiliation,
oppression, suppression, and dictatorship that the Iraqis
endured for more than three decades has ended. It
ended with the fleeing of the head of the regime, along
with his cronies, and with the collapse of the symbols
that he had erected in Baghdad and throughout Iraq.
The second truth is that the liberation of Iraq —
and what took place was indeed liberation — could not
have been achieved had it not been for the resolve of
President George W. Bush and the commitment of the
coalition, headed by the United States of America and
the United Kingdom. The Iraqis will never forget their
sacrifices and the courage they displayed in Iraq’s
liberation. If today we hear the voices of those who
question the intentions of the Governments of the
United States and the United Kingdom in undertaking
the liberation, we invite them to come to visit the mass
graves, the drained marshes and the gassed city of
Halabja, and to examine the list of the missing whose
right to life was taken from them by the regime.
The third truth is that the liberation embodied a
universal Iraqi national resolve. The liberation came as
a result of vigorous Iraqi efforts to oppose the deposed
regime during many long years when hundreds of
thousands of martyrs were sacrificed. The martyr
Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim and his
companions — may God rest their souls — were not
the last victims; they added another page to the annals
of Iraqi bravery on 29 August, the day of the Iraqi
martyr. Nor was death by treachery spared the martyr
Akila al-Hashemi.
The fourth truth is that the removal of the regime
was only the prelude to the birth of a new Iraq. The
birth that has been prepared for by so many faithful
Iraqis, both at home and abroad, is at hand.
A unique experience awaits us in Iraq today. We
will succeed through our desire to do good, to achieve
development and to let freedom spread and flourish. I
stand here today to confirm that, with God’s help, we
in Iraq will accept nothing short of success. Iraqis are
capable of succeeding, and they want to succeed. We
will not allow a gang of mercenaries and terrorists to
deprive the Iraqi citizen, the Iraqi society and the Iraqi
nation of a bright tomorrow.
The land of the two rivers, the cradle of
civilization, the land of Sumer, Akkad, Babylon and
Assyria, the land of peace, the land of the caliphate and
the house of wisdom, the home of the Code of
Hammurabi and the storehouse of accumulated
knowledge, literature, poetry and intellectual
achievement is dependent, first and foremost, on its
human resources more than on its natural and oil
resources.
On the basis of its human resources, Iraq can
undergo a qualitative sea change, moving it from the
grip of totalitarianism and fear to stability, prosperity
and tolerance. What the international community puts
into Iraq will be returned many times over. Put your
confidence in Iraq and receive from it stability and
prosperity. Not only would stability and prosperity be
Iraq’s but they would spread to the rest of the region
and the entire world.
The Iraq that we want to see is the Iraq of the
innovative individual. More than 60 per cent of Iraq’s
population is below the age of 20. Our first priority in
preparing those young people for the twenty-first
century is to give them cultural and educational values
that will enable each of them to prove themselves and
their particularities in a new Iraq.
In the past in Iraq, as in other nations that
suffered under the ideologies of the twentieth century,
the individual was suppressed by the masses, the
masses by the revolution, the revolution by the party,
and the party by the leader. The result was that the
human being was lost under continuous layers of
negation that obliterated his individuality, making him
an object for consumption in an ostensible defence of
the nation and in the name of the revolution, or to be
sacrificed, body and soul, for the leader. The concerns
of Iraqis are no different from those of all other peoples
of the world. Iraqis are eager to define themselves and
to project their singularity. The Iraq of tomorrow must
recognize the individual citizen as the basis of
sovereignty and the starting point for legislation.
The rights of the individual are fundamental; the
rights of the group derive from them. Iraqis, like other
peoples, insist on their right to dignity, freedom, justice
and peace. The assertion of such rights will build the
foundations of tomorrow’s Iraq. The dignity of every
Iraqi, without exception, must be guaranteed, without
consideration for social status, political position or
economic situation. An accused person will not lose his
29

dignity, even if found guilty. We will begin with
dignity because the previous regime worked futilely to
convince Iraqis that their dignity was an endowment
from the ruler. Today, we stress that the dignity of the
entire nation stems from the dignity of each citizen.
As with dignity, so with freedom. Freedom is not
a gift from the ruler or the State. Rather, it is a basic
principle, the essence of a human being. Responsible
freedom that does not impinge upon the liberties of
others is the core of the social contract. Despite the
excesses of outsiders and infiltrators since the fall of
the repressive regime, Iraqis have proved to themselves
that freedom means neither chaos nor the law of the
jungle.
The individual has an instinct for freedom, and
thus he demands justice. The previous regime
undermined justice and transformed it into a tool of the
State to oppress and suppress the people. The new Iraq
will be based on a firm justice system that ensures the
independence and integrity of the judiciary. After the
senseless wars that destroyed innumerable lives,
leaving disaster in their wake, the new Iraq will adopt a
new defensive policy based on peace. Iraq will be an
activist for peace for the region and the world. The
aforementioned four truths will form the foundation of
Iraq’s political future.
Iraq will abide strictly and explicitly by all
human rights instruments, beginning with the
Declaration of Human Rights, guaranteeing the right of
man to life, property and the pursuit of happiness.
We pledge that Iraqi laws and legislation apply
equally to all the people. No person will be above the
law for any reason, regardless of merit or individual
responsibility. Indeed, there will be no distinction on
the basis of religion, sect, race, language, ethnicity,
gender, class or tribe. The defunct regime exploited
those divisions for its own ends. The new Iraq will rely
on justice and fairness.
Iraqi women are capable of innovative excellence
and productivity and can take on all the responsibilities
of the nation. It is the duty of society and the State to
remove any obstacles in their way.
The constant dialogue that is required between
Iraqi citizens and the State that represents and serves
them will take place on the basis of an honest,
democratic and representational system. This system is
based on the principle of the separation of powers, and
firmly upholds elections as the ultimate arbiter. We are
not concerned with the dressings of democracy, but
with the safety of the political system as the
incarnation of the democratic spirit.
The pillars of this system are, first and foremost,
the separation of powers in the framework of a written
constitution that avoids duplication in the judicial,
legislative and executive powers. That will provide a
sound basis for each to oversee the other. Secondly,
accountability will be ensured as a result of such
supervision and by means of elections that will provide
for the participation of individuals in politics. Finally,
civil society will be empowered by means of a free
press, unions and independent institutions, which will
act as monitors and critics and represent the plurality of
political forces in the country.
The third pillar is the upholding of transparency
as a fundamental principle, based on the sovereignty of
the individual citizen. The State exists to serve, and is
answerable to the citizen, who is entitled to inquire into
its affairs. The State does not have the right to withhold
information on its affairs. The fourth pillar is
recognition by the minority of the right of the majority
to assume power, and the respect by the majority of the
rights of the minority. Here, it is important to
distinguish between a political majority and minority
and a factional majority and minority. Political
majorities and minorities are determined by the ballot
box, not by a population census or random correlations.
No one has the authority to arrogate to himself a
political right on the basis of a presumed factional
majority. We do not want a political, sectarian or
national allocation in Iraq. A sound representative,
federal political system can best express the interests of
all Iraqi citizens in a manner that reflects their religion,
creed, ethnicity or language.
The previous period was characterized by
restricting all power to an abusive few in Baghdad, but
tomorrow’s Iraq will be based on the principle of local
authority in the context of a federal union. Federalism
as construed by Iraqis is not based on the division of
the homeland; rather, it is a way of empowering and
rehabilitating those living in different regions to take
direct responsibility for their affairs in their own
regions, without constant interference from the central
Government.
Our constitution charts the relationship between
integrated and continuous local and national
30

authorities. We rely on the federal system, as we do on
the democratic system, because we have a clear
understanding of the relationship between the State and
its citizens. This relationship is not one of
guardianship, because the Iraqi citizen is not a minor
and is therefore not in need of the State’s interference
in all his affairs. Our concern is to ensure that this
relationship is based on care, with the State being the
vigilant servant of the citizen, and on nurturing in some
areas, especially with regard to the provision of
education and social and health services for young
people.
Complementing our belief in federalism, and in
contrast with the vain and false nationalist excesses of
the previous regime, we declare that Iraq is one nation,
permanent and whole.
Nothing in this declaration belittles the continuity
of our Arab and Muslim heritage, or contradicts the
sentiments of many Iraqis about their own culture and
national identity. Rather, it confirms that all the
territory of Iraq — from its mountains in the far north
to its marshes and the Gulf in the extreme south,
including its rivers, plains and deserts — is a lasting,
indivisible unit. This is an expression not only of the
true beliefs of most Iraqis, but also of a key political
principle and point of reference that will help the
country recognize realities on the ground and avoid
further upheaval.
While we seek to strengthen the rule of law and
institutions of governance, we wish to make clear that
authority emanates from the citizen who occupies the
political position not from the political post itself.
There must be a legal foundation in this respect, and
decisions must not be taken because of the whims or
opinions of a person in authority. The previous regime
issued many arbitrary rules, regulations and decisions
based on one man’s views. The alternative in
tomorrow’s Iraq will be the application of the rule of
law through sanctioned legislative authority that
reflects the will of the Iraqi people, through an
independent judiciary and under the supervision of an
elected legal body.
Last but not least, let me touch on the relationship
between religion and State in the new Iraq. Islam is the
religion of the overwhelming majority of Iraqis. It is
vital to the Iraqi identity as well as to the State and the
nature of governance. In any case, the great
civilizational heritage and rich cultural repository of
Islamic jurisprudence is, no doubt, one of Iraq’s assets,
and we will benefit from it through a judiciary that is
based on equality and pluralism.
Let me point out a truth that is often overlooked:
that the State, during the previous century, used
religion for its own ends and took from it what suited
those who had usurped power. They rejected the
independence of institutions and of religious centres,
taking over the Awqaf and imposing a religious
terminology that suited their own interests, at the
expense of those of others. In Iraq, religion is one of
the most important assets of the individual and of
society. We will not abandon it in any area, or reject its
judicial, intellectual, behavioural or daily implications.
We call for the rehabilitation of all religious
institutions by enabling them to reassume their
responsibilities in protecting Iraqi citizens who seek
their moral and spiritual guidance without hypocritical
political involvement.
These are the main guidelines for what we want
for our country.
Our right today is to demand help and assistance
from the world, thanking all those who stood by the
Iraqis in their darkest hour and forgiving those who
inadvertently did not stand with us. It is important for
all nations of the world to acknowledge that what
happened in Iraq — past atrocities and today’s
reconstruction — reflects an ongoing and dramatic
historical event. The international community must
stand shoulder to shoulder with us. That is what we
ourselves want and what we want from others on the
road to a free, just and peaceful Iraq.
We want an Iraq in which unity and plurality are
two sides of the same coin. We want an Iraq that
returns sovereignty to the individual citizen, not to the
leader. We want an Iraq that is secure in its cultural and
religious identity and engaged in open dialogue with
the world. We want an Iraq that embraces its past while
looking to the future — an Iraq that is at peace with
itself, its neighbours and with the world. We want an
Iraq that will eradicate all Ba’athists once and for all,
bring all their officials to justice and prevent them from
assuming power again.
(spoke in English)
I stand before the Assembly as the representative
of a free Iraq. To all those here who helped us in our
struggle for liberation, we extend our gratitude. Our
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liberation would not have been achieved without the
determination of President George W. Bush and the
commitment of the coalition, at the forefront of which
stand the people of the United States of American and
Great Britain. The Iraqis will never forget their courage
and sacrifice on our behalf.
To those who stood with the dictator and who
continued to question to intentions of the American and
British Governments in undertaking this liberation —
we invite you to come and visit the mass graves where
half a million of our citizens lie. Come and visit the
dried-up marshes, come and visit Halabja, where
chemicals were dropped on civilians. Come and
examine the lists of the disappeared, whose right to life
was taken from them by Saddam Hussain, and we, the
Iraqi people, will ask you why you chose to remain
silent. We are here today to declare that a new Iraq has
been born — an Iraq in which dignity, justice and
human rights are assured for all citizens, an Iraq at
peace with its people, its neighbours and the world, an
Iraq that stands ready to regain its rightful place in the
international community of free and proud nations.


It gives me pleasure to
begin my statement by congratulating the President,
both personally and as representative of his country,
Saint Lucia, on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. Given his skills
and experience, we are confident that he will
competently lead our deliberations as we consider the
pressing global issues that face the Organization at this
critical time. He may be assured of my delegation’s
readiness to fully cooperate with him in order to ensure
the successful fulfilment of his mandate. I wish also to
pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his
active and positive role and for his remarkable
contribution to the promotion of international
cooperation.
In addition, I wish to express once again our
appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his tireless efforts to bring peace
and stability to the various troubled regions throughout
the world. Mr. Annan deserves special tribute for his
extraordinary performance in maintaining the integrity
of the United Nations and its leading role in moving
the global agenda forward, despite the enormous
challenges and high risks facing the Organization and
its personnel. The terrorist attack against the United
Nations office in Baghdad last month, which claimed
the lives of the Special Representative of the Secretary-
General, Sergio Vieira de Mello, and of a number of his
colleagues, is yet further clear testimony of those
challenging difficulties and immense dangers. Another
similar terrorist attack occurred two days ago, and
again the target was the United Nations presence in
Iraq.
From this rostrum, I reiterate our condemnation
of that terrorist act and of all other similar acts that
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have occurred in the cities of Baghdad and Najaf.
Those attacks claimed the lives of highly respected
religious leaders and symbols and other innocent
victims. We believe that such acts are aimed not only at
the underpinnings of security, of stability and of the
people’s sense of confidence, but also at the noble
values that we all seek to restore and consolidate in
brotherly Iraq.
Perhaps the most appropriate and resolute
response to such criminal acts is a two-track approach.
The United Nations, together with the international
Powers interested in the Iraqi question who are also
seeking to establish security and stability in Iraq,
should stay the course and resolutely face the
continuing violence there. In the meantime, further
efforts should focus on enabling the Iraqi people to
consolidate national legitimacy and to develop national
institutions. In parallel, efforts for Iraq’s reconstruction
should be intensified in order to make up for many
long years of deprivation, oppression, destruction and
mismanagement painfully endured by the Iraqi people
under the now-defunct regime that was removed by
concerted international action anchored in Security
Council resolutions related to Iraq’s liberation.
Kuwait strongly condemns the inhuman crimes
and practices perpetrated by the previous regime in
Iraq. The most recent manifestation of those atrocities
was the discovery of numerous mass-grave sites in
various parts of the country. Those graves contained
the remains of thousands of innocent human beings —
particularly those of Kuwaitis and third-country
nationals — among which 33 were identified by
forensic experts as having been prisoners who were
executed by shooting in 1991 and 1992. That is further
proof of the regime’s brutality and of its total disregard
for international treaties and for the norms of
international humanitarian law. Above and beyond the
crimes themselves, for the past 13 years the regime
persistently denied any knowledge of those prisoners’
whereabouts. It also ignored relevant decisions of the
Security Council and of other international and
regional organizations calling for its cooperation in
disclosing the fate of those victims, only aggravating
their relatives’ anguish.
Having said that, I should like to add that Kuwait
will pursue its efforts, in coordination with the United
Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross,
the Tripartite Commission, the interim Coalition
Authority and the citizens of Iraq, to determine the fate
of the remaining Kuwaiti and third-country prisoners
and detainees. Furthermore, we shall help in hunting
down the perpetrators in order to bring them to justice
for the crimes they committed against those innocent,
defenceless victims.
Responding to its national and legal obligations,
Kuwait joined the coalition forces in their endeavour to
enforce Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.
Thus, we provided all possible facilities within the
framework of that legal structure, which eventually led
to Iraq’s salvation from an oppressive, tyrannical
regime. Let me take this opportunity to say that we
welcome that regime’s removal from Iraq. We
congratulate the brotherly people of Iraq on their
liberation, and we wish them prosperity in a secure and
stable Iraq.
In addition, Kuwait welcomes the Security
Council’s adoption of resolutions 1483 (2003) and
1500 (2003), on Iraq. We also invite United Nations
Member States to join the ongoing international efforts
to restore security and stability to Iraq. That will help
the people of Iraq to rebuild their homeland and to re-
establish the political and constitutional institutions of
a national Government. In that regard, we emphasize
the central and significant role of the United Nations in
this political process.
Immediately after the collapse of the former
regime in Iraq, Kuwait reached out to the brotherly
people of Iraq with a wide array of humanitarian
assistance. Our response came in the spirit of our
common Arab and Islamic heritage. Kuwait rushed
material and financial aid to several local and
international organizations, as well as to the United
Nations specialized agencies operating in Iraq. We also
contributed directly to the restoration of electrical
power, health care, educational services and water
supplies to various areas in the country. In addition,
Kuwait set up a humanitarian operations centre to
facilitate and coordinate relief aid activities and
international emergency relief efforts to deliver aid to
Iraq. Kuwait will continue its efforts to ensure the
delivery of all kinds of assistance, which we hope will
alleviate the suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq.
Now it is our fervent hope that Iraq will safely
cross the dire straits through which it is passing and
that it will recover its security and stability and will
safeguard its independence and territorial integrity. All
that will enable the people of Iraq to recommit their
31

resources and energies to their country’s reconstruction
so that Iraq will reclaim its legitimate and natural
status in the region and in the world. Indeed, we are
fully confident that Iraq will overcome the challenges
of this critical stage of its history, because it is
endowed with enormous natural riches, a profound
cultural heritage and skilled human resources.
The Government and people of Kuwait will stand
with Iraq at this stage and we look forward to enjoying
good, brotherly relations with a free and united Iraq.
We hope that our bilateral relations will be
characterized by mutual trust, respect and good-
neighbourliness, and governed by established treaties
and United Nations resolutions. This will help us leave
the past behind and shift our focus onto building a
better future that will contribute to enhancing security
and stability in the region.
Since the tragic events of 11 September 2001 that
struck the United States, the phenomenon of terrorism
has dominated the global agenda. Kuwait strongly
condemned those terrorist acts and all similar crimes
committed in other countries. These are horrendous
acts of terrorism that have created new realities on the
international scene, including a universal conviction
that terrorism in its pernicious manifestations is
actually an evil not exclusively associated with one
nation, religion or culture. All of us also realize that
the fight against this evil is an international
responsibility to be borne by all Member States, not
just one State or a certain group of States. Therefore,
we maintain that the United Nations remains the most
appropriate forum for examining this issue and
developing the most effective means to combat and
eventually to stem it. To that end, the universal
signature, endorsement and enforcement by all Member
States of the 12 international agreements relating to
terrorism would represent a real breakthrough in
ensuring the deployment of the most effective means to
contain and eliminate this pandemic.
As Kuwait firmly reiterates its categorical
rejection of terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations, as well as its renunciation of all acts of
violence and extremism, it condemns the vicious
orchestrated campaign being waged against a sister
State — the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia — by some
American media agencies. Instead, we commend Saudi
Arabia for its concrete and significant contributions to
the global campaign against terrorism, bearing in mind
the fact that Saudi Arabia itself has been the target of
terrorists and has suffered as a result. Kuwait fully
endorses all measures taken by the Saudi Government
in its drive to eliminate terrorism and to consolidate
regional security and stability.
In the same context, Kuwait will maintain its
efforts, in coordination with the States of the region
and the United Nations, to fight terrorism and to
further strengthen the measures it has enforced in order
completely to fulfil its international obligations,
especially those set forth in Security Council resolution
1373 (2001).
Thirty-six years have passed since the oppressive
Israeli occupation of the land of the Palestinian people,
who continue to suffer an ongoing decline in their
economic and social living conditions as a result of
Israel’s policies and practices, which contravene
international and humanitarian laws and norms. Kuwait
is following with grave concern the recent escalation in
the occupied Palestinian territories. Despite the intense
international efforts led by the Quartet, which yielded
the road map for the settlement of the conflict within a
specific time frame with a view to the attainment by
the Palestinian people of their legitimate political
rights, Israel persists in its policy of backtracking on its
commitments. In fact, it deliberately undermines every
promising initiative while paying no heed to the
potential consequences of the perpetuation of the cycle
of violence, rising tension and instability throughout
the region. Against this backdrop, the question of
deploying an international monitoring force to ensure
scrupulous compliance with ceasefire arrangements is
more pressing than ever.
While Kuwait renews its commitment to fully
supporting the struggle of the Palestinian people to
attain all their full legitimate political rights, including
the establishment of their independent State on their
national territory, with Jerusalem as its capital, we
demand that the Israeli Government commit itself to
implementing the resolution adopted last Friday by the
General Assembly at its tenth emergency special
session and reverse its decision to remove the President
of the Palestinian Authority. In the same context, we
demand that the Israeli Government fulfil its
obligations and pledges set out in relevant United
Nations resolutions, primarily Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973); the land for
peace formula; the bilateral accords signed with the
Palestinian Authority in the context of the peace
32

process; and the road map in all its provisions and
requirements.
In addition, Israel must abandon forthwith its
policies of isolating local communities and denying
them food supplies, incursions, destruction of physical
infrastructures, demolition of homes and arbitrary
round-ups and arrests. Israel must also stop its
construction of the separation wall and of settlements.
It should also release all Palestinian detainees. Recent
developments on the ground prove that these policies
and practices will not fulfil Israel’s goals. Rather, they
will fuel the sentiments of hostility towards Israel.
They will also reinforce the sense of despair and
undermine the Palestinians’ prospects for living in
freedom and dignity, thus forcing them to pursue the
course of national struggle and resistance of
occupation. Furthermore, Israel must ultimately
withdraw from all the Arab territories it occupied in
1967 as a prerequisite for building the just, permanent
and comprehensive peace for which we all yearn.
At the regional level, and in line with Kuwait’s
compliance with the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations, especially Article 2, which stresses the
principle of peaceful settlement of disputes, we call on
the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United Arab
Emirates to maintain their mutual visits and to deepen
bilateral talks with a view to resolving their dispute
over the three islands. It is our hope that the resolution
of the current dispute will strengthen relations between
the two countries and the consolidation of security and
stability in the region. In this regard, Kuwait, in its
forthcoming chairmanship of the Gulf Cooperation
Council, will spare no effort to strengthen all aspects of
political, security and economic cooperation among the
States of the region. Furthermore, Kuwait, in
cooperation and coordination with the United Nations
and the regional players, will explore the activation and
development of regional security arrangements with
interested countries of the region.
Today’s world is different in many ways from the
world of several years ago. The trade and economic
boundaries of States are rapidly disappearing. Cultural
interaction and relations among various societies is
expanding as a result of the immense achievements in
information and communications technologies.
However, such technologies have had some negative
implications that cannot be brushed aside. Thus, we are
now seeing an increasing marginalization of the
majority of the developing countries, whose economies
now suffer from a growing set of problems that
jeopardize their prospects for meaningful development.
In an attempt to face up to these challenges,
which hamper world economic growth, a series of
United Nations meetings were convened to address the
impediments to global economic growth. Thus, the
World Summit on Sustainable Development, held in
South Africa, and the International Conference on
Financing for Development, held in Mexico, developed
a framework of action for ensuring equity and fair
interdependence and cooperation between the North
and the South. Also, specific guidelines and obligations
were set for all stakeholders to achieve a more
equitable balance in economic relations. At this
juncture, we would therefore call on the developed
nations to meet their partnership obligations. These
include, inter alia, adequate flows of financial and
technical aid to the developing countries; the
alleviation of the debt burden and cancellation of the
debts of the least developed countries; the removal of
customs restrictions on flows of goods from the
developing countries into world markets; and an
exchange of information and expertise that would help
developing countries to build and modernize their
national institutions.
To this end, Kuwait, for its part, reaffirms its
commitment to continue to provide development and
financial assistance to developing countries. Our
channels will either include the United Nations
programmes, funds, agencies and other multilateral
organizations or the Kuwait Fund for Economic
Development, which has a sterling track record of
aiding and financing a wide range of development
projects and programmes in more than 100 developing
countries across the globe.
As we are still in the early years of a new century,
it is our hope that all of us will draw the right lessons
from our collective experiences of the past. Only
through common action can humankind face the
challenges of the present in order to fashion a better
future that offers future generations the hope of living
in freedom and dignity.
Let us join hands to fulfil our common vision of a
life in which law and order prevail — a life governed
by the values and principles of freedom, justice and
equality for all; a life that upholds the concept of
partnership and cooperation as the shortest path to
security, stability and peace in the world.