I
should like to begin by congratulating Ambassador Jan
Eliasson, on behalf of the delegation of Morocco, on
his election to the presidency of the General Assembly
at this historic session and by wishing him success in
his noble task. I should also like to express to his
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, Foreign
Minister of the brotherly State of Gabon, our sincere
thanks and profound appreciation for his efforts as
President of the General Assembly during the fifty-
ninth session and for the patience and dedication that
he showed in his excellent conduct of the preparatory
work for the High-level Plenary Meeting, thereby
ensuring the success of the summit, which marked the
sixtieth anniversary of our Organization.
I should also like to pay tribute to the
Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, for his commendable
efforts to improve the structure of the Organization and
enhance its working methods and effectiveness.
Last week’s summit meeting was a key event in
the history of the United Nations and marked a turning
point in the Organization’s activities, not just because
of the impressive number of very distinguished
participants, but also because of the importance of the
outcome document (resolution 60/1), which was
adopted as a result of the contribution of all members.
In this regard, the Kingdom of Morocco supports
the proposals submitted by the Secretary-General with
a view to ensuring follow-up of the outcomes of the
various international conferences on development
issues. Although it failed to meet our expectations, the
summit outcome document nevertheless reiterated our
international commitments; it paves the way for
strengthening the role and effectiveness of the
Organization and adapting it to meet the new
challenges posed by global developments.
The Kingdom of Morocco would like to reaffirm
its readiness to contribute to the implementation of the
recommendations of the summit and to participate in
the international effort to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). My country has
undertaken a number of proactive national initiatives
relating to ensuring respect for human rights and the
establishment of an integrated and modern society in
which women play an active role in development.
Many of these are set out in the National Initiative for
Human Development, announced by His Majesty King
Mohammed VI on 18 May. That initiative reflects
Morocco’s willingness to create a development model
based on a successful association of modernity,
democratization and economic openness. That model is
also aimed at achieving a sustained improvement in our
human development index, within a spirit of collective
participation, solidarity, equal opportunity, the
dissemination of knowledge and the provision of basic
social services.
The end of the era of ideological division and the
rise of a new world order has called the attention of the
international community to new challenges posed by
the scourges of terrorism, hunger, poverty,
backwardness, illiteracy and pandemic disease, as well
as the increasing number of refugees fleeing from the
disasters of war and destruction and the growing
number of ethnic, tribal and religious conflicts and
separatist trends.
Since the events of 11 September 2001, the
international community has grown increasingly aware
of the threat of terrorism and of the need to combat it
by all available means and to address its root causes
and underlying motives.
The Kingdom of Morocco, which has itself been
subjected to the scourge of terrorism, has participated
4

in efforts to combat it through the elaboration of legal
instruments and practical arrangements at the national,
regional and international levels. During this session,
the Kingdom of Morocco will continue to contribute to
efforts to adopt a comprehensive convention against
terrorism, thereby complementing its participation in
the elaboration of the International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism.
As for development challenges, our African
continent is the only region that will not be able to
achieve the MDGs within the specified time frame
unless the international community provides full
support. In this regard, African countries acknowledge
that they must rely, first and foremost, on their own
human and material resources. However, Africa’s
economic take-off can be achieved only through an
efficient and realistic partnership involving all the
parties concerned, including donor countries and
international and regional organizations. That
partnership must be founded on an integrated and
sustained process that benefits the existing North-
South and South-South cooperation mechanisms.
Convinced of the necessity to collectively combat
the ills that are besetting our African continent,
Morocco has always taken the lead in supporting and
encouraging any initiative aimed at freeing the African
peoples from their stark predicament. Thus, on more
than one occasion, the Kingdom of Morocco has
voiced full support for the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development as an integrated and
comprehensive action plan designed to solve the
persistent economic and social problems that have
plagued our continent since the era of independence.
On the other hand, Morocco has always shown its
readiness to contribute to conflict resolution in Africa
by bringing together belligerent parties and by
strengthening the ties of brotherhood and good
neighbourliness among the States of western Africa, as
well as through the participation of the Royal Armed
Forces of Morocco in peacekeeping operations
conducted under the auspices of the United Nations in
Africa.
The Kingdom of Morocco welcomes the decision
by the Group of Eight to cancel the debt of least
developed African countries. I would also like to recall
that His Majesty King Mohammed VI was among the
first to initiate such a move. During the first European
Union-Africa Summit, which was held in Cairo, His
Majesty announced the cancellation of the debt of least
developed African countries, opened Morocco’s market
to their products and granted them customs
exemptions.
The success of Africa’s economic take-off
remains contingent upon the success of regional
integration throughout the continent. The Kingdom of
Morocco therefore believes that the reactivation of the
Maghreb Arab Union is a political imperative, an
economic necessity and a historical reality that
responds to the aspirations of the peoples of the region
and reflects the expectations of our partners, especially
those in the Mediterranean region, with whom we are
striving to reinforce our partnership as we prepare to
celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Barcelona
process.
For those reasons, Morocco is working to
reactivate the Union’s machinery and to remove any
obstacles that might hinder its relaunching on a sound,
constructive and meaningful basis. In this context,
Morocco would like to reaffirm its steadfast
commitment to working closely with the Secretary-
General and his Personal Envoy and Special
Representative, as well as with all parties concerned, in
order to break the current stalemate and reach a
negotiated political solution to the artificial conflict
with respect to the Moroccan Sahara. Because of its
geostrategic nature, that conflict between two brotherly
neighbouring countries, Morocco and Algeria, requires
the involvement of our brethren in Algeria in a serious
and constructive dialogue with a view to putting an end
to it once and for all.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI, in his most
recent Throne Day speech, affirmed Morocco’s
willingness “to engage in serious negotiations with a
view to reaching a final solution that would win United
Nations support and grant the inhabitants of the
southern provinces autonomy within the sovereignty of
the Kingdom and its territorial and national integrity”.
Pending the involvement of all parties in that
negotiation process, it remains urgent to follow up on
the humanitarian aspect of the problem by disclosing
the fate of all Moroccan missing persons and prisoners.
The International Committee of the Red Cross was
unable to establish contacts with those persons or to
discover their place of detention. In addition, the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees should be allowed to undertake a fair and
5

free census of Moroccan citizens being held in the
Tindouf camps in Algeria, who should be freed and
allowed to exercise their right to return to their
homeland.
The Arab region, which continues to experience
recurrent crises as well as new ones equally violent and
fierce, looks to the Organization and to other
international and regional actors for their assistance in
solving them. In that regard, we hope that the ray of
optimism that shone recently in the Middle East,
prompting us to engage in cautious optimism, will be
supported by serious and brave measures that will
revive the peace process and put it back on track. The
Kingdom of Morocco welcomed the withdrawal from
the Gaza Strip and considers it an important and
positive decision on the path towards full
implementation of the road map.
Morocco, which has always striven tirelessly and
effectively to keep open the channels of
communication and dialogue among the peoples of the
Middle East, reaffirms its active commitment to
promoting a peaceful solution to the Arab-Israeli
conflict that will lead to the establishment of a final,
lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East
through the reactivation of the road map, the
guaranteed establishment of a free Palestinian State
with Al-Quds as its capital, and the withdrawal of
Israel from the occupied Syrian and Lebanese
territories.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI, Chairman of
the Al-Quds Committee, has reaffirmed his resolve to
continue to actively pursue and support all peace
efforts and to work to preserve the Arab and Islamic
identity of Al-Quds Al-Sharif and its status as a place
of coexistence and tolerance among the three revealed
religions.
With regard to the situation in the brotherly State
of Iraq, the Kingdom of Morocco, although
appreciating highly the continuous and intensive
efforts to re-establish stability, peace and
reconstruction in Iraq, and although following the
recent political progress with great interest, affirms
that the participation of all constituents of Iraqi society
is needed to build the democratic institutions of the
new Iraqi State and to preserve its national unity.
Moreover, the international community must help the
Iraqi people to overcome the ongoing crisis by creating
the conditions necessary for peace and stability.
Reforming the United Nations to enable it to meet
the challenges of the twenty-first century, restructuring
its organs and bodies and updating their mandates will
require not only that its working methods be improved,
but also that the Organization regain its natural and
leading role as a framework for constructive dialogue
and as a forum for creative interaction among the
various intellectual currents and religious and cultural
trends.
In that context, Morocco commends the
Secretary-General for his decision to appoint a High-
level Group for the Alliance of Civilizations and to
establish a new cultural world order based on tolerance
and coexistence. We support diversity and unity of
visions and goals as contributions to meeting the
challenges of the new millennium.


We can safely claim
that the United Nations summit that has just been
concluded will have far-reaching implications for our
Organization. Its outcome has prepared the ground for
the most radical reform in the entire history of the
United Nations. An effective response by the family of
nations to global challenges and threats is the ultimate
goal of these reforms. Kazakhstan expresses its
confidence that the United Nations, as a universal
Organization to which there is no alternative, is in a
position to achieve that goal.
 As a matter of principle, Kazakhstan supports
closer interdependence among the three main pillars of
the contemporary world: development, freedom and
peace. Yet the issues of development should continue
to be the focus of attention of the world community.
The Millennium Development Goals can be achieved
only through the active engagement of the entire
international community on the basis of partnership
and cooperation. Kazakhstan is committed to its
undertakings with regard to the timely and effective
attainment of the Millennium Development Goals. The
recently published report on Kazakhstan’s progress in
implementing the Millennium Development Goals
report in Kazakhstan reveals that as a result of
successful reforms my country is close to reaching
important targets in this area.
 Today Kazakhstan is confidently leading other
post-Soviet States in all macroeconomic indicators.
The Government of Kazakhstan is implementing a
large-scale programme to ensure further development
in the social field. Human development is the focus of
all these efforts. Kazakhstan is reaching a new level in
the area of sustainable development. The national
Government is paying priority attention to poverty,
women’s issues, employment, financial aid from the
State to poor families, the development of small and
medium-sized businesses, and large-scale educational,
health and environmental programmes.
 We commend the United Nations and its
specialized agencies for their efforts to assist our
country in addressing the effects of environmental
disasters in the area of the Aral Sea and in the
Semipalatinsk region. The problems facing those
regions are global in their scope as the environmental
situation there has negative effects on the habitat and
livelihood of people all over the world. We urge the
international community to be involved actively. In
particular we ask it at this session of the General
Assembly to support a draft resolution to be sponsored
by Kazakhstan on the problems of the Semipalatinsk
region.
 International trade is an important factor for
development. Accession to the World Trade
Organization (WTO) is a priority for Kazakhstan. We
consider further liberalization of trade and WTO
membership as key elements of our country’s general
development strategy. In 2003 Kazakhstan hosted the
International Ministerial Conference on Transit
Transport Cooperation. We attach great importance to

16 05-51226

that forum and believe that the special needs of
landlocked developing countries should be fully taken
into account in accordance with the decisions and
recommendations emanating from the Almaty
Programme of Action. The integration of Kazakhstan
and other Central Asian States into the world economy
is of exceptional importance both for the social and
economic development of our region and for the world
economy in general. Our country is committed to
comprehensive cooperation with the other States of
Central Asia. That is our consistent policy, unswayed
by political exigencies.
 Since the early years of its independence,
Kazakhstan has been pursuing a principled policy of
demilitarization and nuclear disarmament. We call for
the universalization of international instruments in that
area. This year we marked the tenth anniversary of the
removal from the territory of Kazakhstan of all nuclear
devices left over from the former Soviet Union.
Kazakhstan has set a commendable example by
voluntarily eliminating its nuclear arsenal, the fourth
largest in the world, and shutting down the
Semipalatinsk nuclear testing ground, the site of nearly
500 nuclear explosions.
 The global security system is in serious crisis
today. The 2005 Review Conference of the Parties to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) failed to set up a balanced and
comprehensive mechanism that would facilitate the
strengthening of the international non-proliferation
regime and the complete elimination of nuclear
weapons.
 Even more disturbing is the lack of clear
recommendations on non-proliferation and disarmament
in the outcome document of the summit (resolution 60/1).
We believe that it is necessary to put in place a
mechanism for international sanctions against States that
violate both the NPT Treaty and the non-proliferation
regime in general. Otherwise we will not be able to
prevent the continuous spread of nuclear weapons around
the world. Our country calls for the establishment and
enhancement of controls over nuclear, chemical and
biological materials and their production technologies in
order to prevent terrorists from getting hold of deadly
weapons.
 Kazakhstan recognizes the special role of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). All of
our country’s nuclear activities are being carried out in
accordance with its standards and under its control. It
is time to establish similar effective bodies within the
framework of the international Conventions on
chemical and biological weapons.
 The international community should not relax
efforts to combat illegal trafficking in conventional
arms. According to the United Nations, some 500
million small arms and light weapons are in circulation
all over the world. We share the view of the Secretary-
General, who has compared small arms to weapons of
mass destruction, because, year after year, they kill
hundreds of thousands of people all over the world,
thus fostering a culture of violence and terror and
trampling on human rights.
 Kazakhstan categorically condemns terrorism in
all its forms and manifestations and considers it to be
the most dangerous threat in today’s world. We are
convinced that economic and social underdevelopment,
poverty and misery breed international terrorism. That
is why speedy economic advancement of poor
countries is a priority task.
 Yet the ideology of terrorism is a factor of no
lesser importance. It is extremely dangerous that young
people are increasingly being sucked into the
ideological orbit of international terrorism. Fighting
terrorism is a mission of paramount importance. For
that reason, close attention should be paid to the efforts
to prevent recruitment for terrorist operations.
 In that context, the international community must
urgently take practical steps to curb the ongoing drug
trafficking across Central Asia. We cannot but be
seriously concerned by the situation in Afghanistan.
Kazakhstan appreciates cooperation with the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.
 Enhanced regional cooperation in the struggle
against international terrorism is also important. The
Shanghai Cooperation Organization sets a positive
example in that regard.
 Kazakhstan believes that international
cooperation in fighting terrorism should be pursued in
strict compliance with the norms of international law.
We support further universalization and enhancement
of anti-terrorist treaty mechanisms. The signing by
Kazakhstan of the International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism is a practical
reaffirmation of that position. We are looking forward
to the early completion of a comprehensive convention

05-51226 17

against international terrorism. At the same time, joint
practical actions to curb that evil represent a key
element of the international community’s counter-
terrorism activities.
 International peacekeeping operations conducted
under the umbrella of the United Nations remain an
effective tool to prevent and settle crises and to ensure
global and regional stability. The lack of an effective
and comprehensive mechanism to address the root
causes of destructive conflicts is a serious problem of
peacekeeping. Preventive action and post-conflict
peacebuilding constitute important elements of a
comprehensive response by the United Nations to
emerging crisis situations.
 For Kazakhstan, the proposed Peacebuilding
Commission is a step in the right direction. As its main
mission it should strive to avert the recurrence of
situations in which the lack of a peacebuilding strategy
results in the escalation of internal conflicts and
ultimately in States further losing their capacity to
perform their sovereign functions in an effective and
responsible way.
 Our country is actively working on issues related
to the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-
building Measures in Asia (CICA), which we treat as
an important and useful forum for the exchange of
views on security issues in the Asian region. It is
encouraging to see that the CICA process is gaining
momentum and has already become an important factor
in today’s international relations.
 Kazakhstan believes that the rule of law should
play a leading role in international affairs today.
Ignoring this principle is one of the main threats to
peace and security. Continuing its consistent efforts to
accede to international treaties concluded within the
framework of the United Nations and to implement
their provisions, Kazakhstan intends to ensure strict
compliance with the rule of law at both national and
international levels.
 We closely link our country’s development to
building a democratic society based on respect for the
rights and freedoms of every individual. Kazakhstan
supports the strengthening of democratic institutions
and the human rights mechanisms of the United
Nations designed to promote the rights and freedoms of
citizens and to ensure compliance with the principles
of non-interference and the sovereign equality of
States.
 Kazakhstan supports efforts to carry out a
comprehensive reform of the United Nations
encompassing all its principal organs. We strongly
believe that priority attention should be paid to the
General Assembly as the main deliberative, decision-
making and representative body of the Organization.
The sensitive issue of reform of the Security Council
should be resolved on the basis of broad international
agreement. We are convinced that the enlargement of
the Security Council in accordance with the principle
of equitable geographical representation and taking
into account the contribution of States concerned
towards the development of the world economy and
global security would serve the interests of many
States and would facilitate comprehensive reform of
the United Nations.
 The United Nations needs to improve
collaboration with regional organizations that make an
important contribution to the collective security
system. Kazakhstan has repeatedly proposed the
creation of a standing body under the Secretary-
General that would coordinate cooperation between
regional arrangements. In this context we would
welcome the establishment of a standing committee on
regional organizations.
 We in Kazakhstan are convinced that in the
twenty-first century the consolidation of peace and
security is increasingly dependent on the development
of dialogue and interaction between peoples of
differing faces, cultures and civilizations. An interfaith
dialogue is an integral part of the effort to promote the
culture of peace and dialogue between civilizations and
to advance the common values reflected in the
Millennium Declaration. In this context, Kazakhstan is
grateful to the international community for its support
of our country’s actions to promote an interfaith
dialogue. The General Assembly has recognized
Kazakhstan’s positive role in this area through the
adoption of a resolution.
 As demonstrated over the past 60 years, the
United Nations was, still is, and I am sure will continue
to be a link between our countries and peoples. The
United Nations will not allow our planet to slide into
chaos and unrest. It is within our power to strengthen
this link. Kazakhstan expresses confidence that the
agreements reflected in the outcome document of the
historic summit will serve the cause of bringing nations
together in the face of existing challenges and threats,
ensuring the security, welfare and dignity of our

18 05-51226

peoples, and strengthening the Organization itself for
the sake of its noble goals.


The people of Tuvalu, on
whose behalf I have the honour to speak, join me in
extending our warmest congratulations to the United
Nations on the occasion of its sixtieth anniversary.
I wish to put on record our profound gratitude to
every single member of this great body for the
immense achievements of the United Nations. The
Organization’s noble values and principles have indeed
ensured that even small and isolated nations such as
Tuvalu can enjoy the goals of self-determination and
statehood with dignity and hope. We are proud to be a
member of this great family of Nations.
We also wish to join others in congratulating you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency, and to assure
you of our full support and cooperation.
Last week the world — our families and our
children — heard from us that the time for stating
principles and defining problems and actions on the
complex challenges of development, security and
human rights has long passed. It is now time to take
action. But how the rhetoric gets translated into actions
to improve standards of living for each nation, and for
our families, for women and children in our
communities and villages, in an equitable and fair
manner, is now the main challenge. The United Nations
must play the central role in managing that process.
Tuvalu is greatly encouraged by the prevailing
goodwill to fulfil the many international development
targets. The commitments made, by the European
Union and others, to meet the United Nations target of
0.7 per cent of gross national product for official
development assistance is very welcome. We also
welcome new and innovative initiatives on financing
and good governance, including the global Democracy
Fund, the French initiative and others. The
commitment of the United States of America to its
Millennium Challenge Account initiative is also very
welcome.
As a small island developing State and a least
developed country which has consistently taken a
prudent and responsible approach to its own national
development, Tuvalu is very encouraged, in particular,
by the renewed recognition by the international
community of the special vulnerabilities of small island
developing States, of the needs of least developed
countries and of the imperative to address them.
Increased international cooperation to ensure the
full and effective implementation of the Mauritius
Strategy for small island developing States and the
Brussels Programme of Action, particularly with
regard to the provision of adequate financing, capacity-
building and technology development and transfer, is
critical to supporting the poverty reduction and
sustainable development efforts of the least developed
countries and small island developing States like
Tuvalu. There is now a clear need to establish clear
vessels of connectivity from international
commitments to national strategies, plans and actions
on the ground.
In this regard, I am pleased to announce the
launch, last Friday here in New York, of Te Kakeega II —
Tuvalu’s national sustainable development strategies
for 2005-2015 — a commitment to action by the
10

Government and all stakeholders, including non-
governmental organizations and island communities.
We sincerely appreciate the support of our friends
in New York, bilateral partners and United Nations
agencies, and we look forward to working closely with
the international community in advancing appropriate
partnerships as a result of those strategies. In the same
vein, the important role played by regional bodies,
especially those in the Pacific region, such as the
Council of Regional Organizations for the Pacific, in
supporting national efforts ought to be given
recognition and support. We therefore strongly support
the remarks by Samoa and Papua New Guinea on the
importance of regional arrangements, such as the
Pacific Plan.
Security challenges continue to create worldwide
havoc, fear and uncertainty. Terrorist acts the world
over, including the recent bombings in London and
elsewhere have proven the continued existence of
forces bent on undermining the United Nations
founding goals of freedom, peace and security. They
have also underscored the urgency with which we, the
United Nations, must collectively combat these forces.
Tuvalu is fully committed to joining the fight
against international terrorism, as required by Security
Council resolutions. But we would need to seek the
assistance of the United Nations and the international
community to help us fulfil the requirements,
particularly on reporting, of these resolutions and of
the international anti-terrorism conventions.
The threat of the impact of climate change, sea
level rise and variability on the entire global
environment continues to be a matter of serious
security concern to all. For small island and low-lying
coastal countries like Tuvalu the situation is
devastating, threatening lives, human rights and our
long-term survival. The impacts are real and already
happening. They demand urgent actions by the
international community. As correctly underscored by
the Secretary-General in his report, “In larger
freedom”, “Without action, [small island developing
States] will pay a bitter price for the actions of others”
(A/59/2005, para. 60). There cannot be a more true
assertion.
While we are all deeply touched by the human
loss and destruction suffered from Hurricane Katrina
on the Gulf Coast of the United States of America three
weeks ago, the world will be better advised to take
such timely warnings seriously. Tuvalu strongly
believes we must urgently address adaptation and
mitigation actions against climate change in line with
the objectives of the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol
targets to reduce greenhouse gases and advance the
development and use of renewable sources of energy.
On the latter subject, it would be remiss of
Tuvalu not to again sincerely acknowledge the coming
into force of the Kyoto Protocol early this year and to
urge all industrialized countries who have not done so
to ratify it as soon as possible. Not to do so will be to
sign on Tuvalu’s death warrant.
The time is also ripe to initiate dialogue on a
more comprehensive approach for future actions
against climate change where all major emitters of
greenhouse gases will need to participate. The eleventh
session of the Conference of Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to
be held at Montreal in November, must advance
decisions on critical issues on future actions against
climate change.
Unless actions are taken seriously, all efforts for
development, security and human rights for those most
vulnerable to the impacts of climate change will be
severely compromised. We appeal to those with the
capacity to do so to have a heart for islands like
Tuvalu, as well as for the rest of mankind.
On enhancing the relevancy and the role of the
United Nations, we would like to reiterate our strong
support for the reforms for the United Nations, in
particular the expansion of the permanent membership
and working methods of the Security Council. In this
vein we also reiterate our support for the consideration
of Japan, Germany, India and Brazil for permanent
seats on an expanded Council. We strongly feel that the
momentum so far achieved on the issue must be taken
advantage of to finally resolve the proposed reforms by
the end of December 2005, at the latest. We also
believe more equitable representation of the
developing countries for the non-permanent seats of
the Council is vital and long overdue.
Tuvalu recognizes the seriousness of the
HIV/AIDS epidemic on the social and economic
development and security of Tuvalu and other Pacific
island countries. Given our exposure and the level of
mobility of our communities, particularly our seafarers
who serve on merchant ships worldwide, there is an
11

urgent need for assistance from the international
community, such as that provided under the Global
Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, to
help us raise awareness in Tuvalu to combat the threats
of the epidemic. We need technical and financial
assistance for these efforts.
In terms of natural resources, Tuvalu is really a
big ocean, small island country. The Pacific Ocean that
surrounds our islands provides the vital source of our
livelihoods and economic and social development.
Increasingly, however, we are becoming concerned
with the real threats of illegal, unreported and
unregulated fishing and of pollution to the oceans from
waste, particularly from the trans-shipment of highly
radioactive and toxic materials in our region. We
would need to seek the understanding of the
international community to help us save our oceans and
support fully the Pacific Islands Regional Ocean Policy
adopted in 2002.
An important source of financial flows to
developing countries, particularly also to small island
developing nations such as Tuvalu, is migrant workers’
remittances from developed countries. Indeed remittances
from our overseas workers, and particularly Tuvaluan
seafarers serving abroad, provide a substantive source
of income so vital for social and economic
development in Tuvalu.
Tuvalu fully supports the affording of urgent
attention to the issue of migrant workers’ rights,
including the maintenance of competency on
international standards and migrant workers’ safety and
security, in the international agenda, in order to ensure
sustaining this vital source of capital for small island
developing States.
An issue of continuing concerns to Tuvalu is the
question of the representation in the United Nations.
Regrettably, this august body cannot be said to be
universal without the rightful representation of the 23
million people of the Republic of China on Taiwan.
Tuvalu feels that recognizing the political and
democratic developments in Taiwan, the active and
responsible participation of Taiwan in world affairs,
especially in trade, commerce, health, and international
development, without representation in the United
Nations is unjust and morally wrong. This state of
affairs needs to be corrected. We seek a proper review
by the United Nations of this important issue, as well
as the escalation of tension in the Taiwan Strait
following the enactment by the People’s Republic of
China of its “anti-secession law”.
In conclusion, we want to reiterate that efforts
aimed at the sustainable development of small island
developing States like Tuvalu, will be of no meaning
unless the issue of climate change and sea level is
addressed decisively, and with urgency. Tuvalu’s
interest is not self serving. The more serious
consequences of not acting now on climate change, as
we are already witnessing the world over, will be felt
everywhere.
It is our fervent hope that out of this common
house of our United Nations family, there will emerge
better understanding and goodwill for the long lasting
security and survival of Tuvalu and the whole world.


Let me begin by noting
that Finland is pleased to see you, Sir, preside over this
most crucial of General Assembly sessions. We also
salute your predecessor, Jean Ping of Gabon, who
worked tirelessly and successfully to strengthen the
United Nations and make it more relevant.
At the Millennium Summit five years ago, we set
a forward-looking and ambitious agenda for the United
Nations in the new millennium. Our success there was
the result of a unique common political will and an
optimistic, can-do spirit. Through the endeavours at the
Summit, that spirit was strengthened and deepened
among world leaders. We built on that success in
Monterrey and Johannesburg. There was hope that the
world was moving towards a positive cycle, that all our
boats would be lifted and that both new and old threats
would be met with a common resolve.
The outcome document adopted at the world
summit held last week was, in many respects, a step
forward. In others, we failed to match the expectations
of our peoples. That, however, does not necessarily
signal a permanent erosion of our common political
will and our common agenda. Rather, I am confident
that it was primarily a result of the enormity of the task
at hand: to reaffirm the goals agreed upon five years
ago, to assess and expedite the progress made since
then and to fundamentally reform the United Nations
Organization ó all at the same time. We are confident
that under your leadership, Mr. President, the General
Assembly will be able to make further significant
progress at the current session. Let me pledge Finland's
full support to you, Sir, as we prepare to assume the
presidency of the European Union during the second
half of next year.
Finland aligns itself with the statement made
earlier by the United Kingdom on behalf of the
European Union. Let me make just a few additional
comments of substance.
First, if one were to try to identify the single
biggest positive outcome of the momentous process
under way at the United Nations since the Secretary-
General's "fork in the road" speech two years ago (see
A/58/PV.7), it would probably be the near-universal
acceptance of the close linkage between development,
security and human rights. Compared with five years
ago, we now view all issues in a truly integrated
fashion. Above all, it is the broad realization of the
23

pivotal role of the rule of law for both security and
development that strikes us as almost revolutionary.
I would particularly stress the centrality of the
rule of law in promoting sustainable development and
sustained economic growth. The solid foundation of
the rule of law is needed more than ever if we are to
support developing countries in building their national
capacity to create wealth and to take off economically.
Finland is happy to note the increased attention
and resources being devoted within the whole United
Nations system to supporting the rule of law and
related activities. Much more, however, needs to be
done. We must remember that accountability and good
governance at the global level start at the national
level, by strengthening domestic democratic
institutions, internal democratic processes, the rule of
law, independent judiciaries and the role of
parliaments. It is in those areas that the United Nations
can and must assist needy Member States in building
their national capacities.
Secondly, an area that we would like to see
discussed and further elaborated here at the United
Nations is the interrelationship between development
and social justice. As the United Nations Development
Programme's Human Development Report 2005 put it,
deep disparities based on wealth, region, gender and
ethnicity are bad for growth. The report goes on to add
what we already knew, namely, that such disparities are
bad for democracy, as well as bad for social cohesion.
Thirdly, I would target corruption as a scourge
that undermines both the rule of law and social justice.
Corruption - the exploitation of a position of
influence for private benefit - is a serious obstacle to
development. It erodes the foundations of democracy
and of viable economic structures. Our own experience
shows that a value base that promotes moderation,
personal restraint and the common good tends to check
corruption. The same goes for legislative, judicial and
administrative structures that closely monitor and
guard against abuses of power. Other factors
contributing to a low level of corruption include the
prominence of women in political decision-making and
low income disparities within the population. Low
corruption often correlates with high economic
competitiveness and increased efficiency in
governance. I would strongly urge the United Nations
and the United Nations system as a whole to redouble
their efforts to help Member States fight corruption. It
is of the essence if we are to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs).
Fourthly, on the subject of the environment, I
would stress the complementarity of the Johannesburg
Plan of Implementation and the MDGs. Goal 7, to
ensure environmental sustainability, is essential for
achieving other MDGs on poverty, health, education
and gender equality. The protection and sustainable
management of the natural resource base is necessary
for development and poverty eradication. All
developed countries need to make substantive efforts to
prevent the destruction of ecosystems, inter alia,
through the promotion of sustainable production and
consumption.
Those challenges cannot be successfully met
without effectively tackling the challenges of climate
change and biodiversity loss. To that end, we need to
promote energy efficiency, the conservation and wider
use of alternative energy sources and technological
innovation. We wish to see a rapid initiation of
negotiations to develop a more inclusive - and in the
longer term more effective - international framework
for climate change beyond 2012.
We also need a more coherent institutional
framework for international environmental governance.
As the European Union has previously stated, Finland
believes that the creation of a new United Nations
specialized agency for the environment - based on the
United Nations Environment Programme, but with a
revised and strengthened mandate - would best serve
that end.
The fifth issue I would like to highlight is that of
small arms and light weapons, which - like
corruption - was identified as one of the priority areas
of the Helsinki Process on Globalization and
Democracy. That Process, which culminated two weeks
ago in the Helsinki Conference, was tasked with
coming up with concrete proposals on how to enhance
human security across the globe. Reckless trade and
badly guarded stockpiles have led to a world awash in
small arms and light weapons, where human rights are
violated, humanitarian aid looted and economic
development halted - at gunpoint.
Finland has also called for an end to irresponsible
arms trading through better international regulation.
The main ideas are to make all arms transfers fully
transparent and to establish universally accepted
criteria for them. We are of the opinion that those
24

criteria should be strictly enforced, legally binding and
firmly founded on human rights considerations. That is
why we have supported the initiative to negotiate an
arms trade treaty. It is high time to bring the rule of law
to the international arms trade.
Last but not least, I would join those who have
stressed the need for the United Nations to take prompt
action towards further management reform. This is an
issue which cannot wait, as the very credibility of the
Organization is at stake. In the light of recent events
related to the Organization, if there is a perception
among the public that it is business as usual at the
United Nations, we risk undermining the support that
the Organization enjoys. It is therefore obvious that an
unreformed Organization would be less, not more,
relevant, and less, not more, effective. We must stress
the rule of law and good governance internally within
the United Nations, just as we stress it externally.
Reaching common positions and devising joint
action at the international level requires patience and
persistence, and a willingness to take practical and
pragmatic steps. If such an approach is taken, we are
confident that the sixtieth session of the General
Assembly will be a success.


I should first like to congratulate Mr. Jan Eliasson on
his election as President at the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly. I assure him of my delegation’s full
support for the important work to be accomplished at
this session. I would also like to extend my gratitude to
His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping for his tireless efforts
and vision for change he has demonstrated so amply
during his presidency.
(spoke in English)
Our Organization is now at a turning point in its
history. Sixty years after its founding, having confronted
many challenges, faced many threats, been defied by so
many conflicts, the United Nations is now entering the
twenty-first century with the obligation to reform itself.
The bipolar world has come to an end, and new
threats of a global nature have emerged: international
terrorism, conflicts of a different breed, development
and global environmental challenges. I want here to
renew to the delegation of the United States of
America a message of solidarity from the Georgian
people in the face of the New Orleans tragedy. Our
Organization has no other choice but to adapt, to find
new instruments and to establish a renewed credibility,
which can only be based on a proven efficiency, results
and visible effects. Words do not suffice; deeds are
expected from us all.
31

We consider the outcome document adopted by
the 2005 High-level Plenary Meeting as a substantial
step in the right direction. This document deals with all
the real issues that, as we all know, are going to define
tomorrow’s world and affect our Organization’s fate.
Whether we are talking about eradication of
poverty, consolidation of peace and security, protection
of human rights, protection of displaced persons, need
for an effective system of peacekeeping and for a
coherent approach to peacebuilding, negative effects of
transnational crime, responsibility to protect
populations from ethnic cleansing or whether we
reaffirm the absolute necessity of a dialogue among
cultures and civilizations, all these challenges are of
direct relevance for my country.
For Georgia, these threats are not words, these
ills are not theory, they are daily realities and directly
experienced tragedies. Our support for an effective
reform is not a rhetorical stand. Our vital interests are
at stake; the future of my country is at stake. Georgia is
directly experimenting on its soil the consequences of
so-called frozen conflicts. Frozen conflicts lead to the
freezing of the economic development of these
separatist regions. They freeze the democratic
development of the society in those regions. They
isolate them and close them, transforming them into
outlaws, “black holes” where all kinds of trafficking
and criminal activities, possibly including terrorist
activities, could develop outside our control or any
form of control, outside any law.
Frozen conflicts, as well as active conflicts, call
for the development of a real capacity of the United
Nations for effective involvement through instruments
of peacebuilding. For many years the United Nations
has been dealing with the Abkhazian conflict, but
unfortunately it has not managed to obtain effective
results. It has proved unable to this day to deploy the
small police component that was decided upon, unable
to implement fully its own resolutions, unable to
deploy an effective peacekeeping capability, unable to
monitor the human rights violations that are occurring
daily and frequently.
Gradually, despite the United Nations, despite
regular meetings of the Security Council, and despite
the Secretary-General’s Group of Friends of Georgia, a
regime of apartheid prevails under which Georgians are
excluded and forbidden to go back to their land and
their homes, and a process of covert annexation is
taking place. Thus, Abkhazia will be a litmus test of
the renewed efficiency of our Organization, of its
capacity to monitor effectively, to manage
peacekeeping operations without having to delegate its
responsibilities to third parties and to enact finally
strategies of effective peacebuilding.
In the case of the South Ossetian conflict in
Georgia, we have a similar situation. The President of
Georgia has presented two mutually reinforcing peace
proposals within a year. One proposal introduced last
year before this Assembly set out the three phases for
ending the conflict: demilitarization, economic
rehabilitation and political dialogue. In December
2004, it was complemented by a full-fledged proposal
on a status of broad autonomy, prepared together with
the Council of Europe’s Commission for Democracy
through Law (the Venice Commission) and presented
to the Council of Europe. But peace plans are not
enough. We now need a mechanism through which the
international community will effectively support
initiatives and policies that are directed towards
peaceful resolution of conflicts.
For all these reasons, we are taking the outlines
of the new document very seriously and want to see it
fully developed and implemented. We welcome and
support the creation of an initial operating capability
for a standing police capacity. This is a very right step
in the very right direction. We welcome the creation of
a Human Rights Council. This new body should be
more representative, should comply with the highest
standards of objectivity and should avoid double
standards as well as omissions or silences. An effective
monitoring system should be put into place. The
strengthening of the Office of the Commissioner for
Human Rights is also a step in the right direction.
We welcome the creation of a Peacebuilding
Commission that will develop integrated strategies for
post-conflict rehabilitation and recovery. We also need
a more effective framework for moving smoothly from
peacemaking to peacebuilding, while developing an
all-inclusive and coherent strategy within which the
United Nations will fully assume its responsibilities.
The new Peacebuilding Commission should be fully
representative of the countries that have been or are the
most directly affected by conflicts. Also, given the
special fate of women and children in conflict and
post-conflict situations, gender representation should
be given additional attention. “Representation is
essential”, “Knowledge is key” — as we, female foreign
32

ministers, have mentioned in our letter to the Secretary-
General and the President of the General Assembly.
Finally, Georgia supports the reform and
revitalization of the Security Council — a more
effective and efficient, more democratic, more
transparent body is called for. Georgia supports the
enlargement proposals in order to give non-permanent
members a better chance to contribute to major
decisions. Transparency and improved decision-making
procedures are a must. Georgia is convinced that if
there is an adequate political will, the relevant
agreement on a reformed Security Council can be
reached at the present session of the General Assembly.
This is our wish. Moreover, this is a necessity. Our
credibility is at stake.
Today not only the United Nations but all the
major international organizations are going through a
difficult process of adjustment, of renewal and
reappraisal. That is the case of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European
Union, the Council of Europe and the Commonwealth
of Independent States. Some will survive and grow
stronger. Some will have to yield ground to other
forums that are more flexible, less bureaucratic and
more in line with today’s realities.
The United Nations has today started an
invaluable process of readjustment and rejuvenation. If
our work is successful, this process will go to its term.
The United Nations will cease to be a mere forum
for calling for peaceful solutions; it will become the
instrument the world needs, the instrument for
resolving the conflicts that tarnish the image of today’s
global world, the instrument for effectively responding
to the newer global threats that endanger our
development and our stability.


Let me begin by
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth
session. I have no doubt that, with your skills and vast
experience, you will guide our deliberations to a
successful conclusion. Let me also commend my dear
friend His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, the outgoing
President of the General Assembly, for the excellent
manner in which he directed the affairs of the fifty-
ninth session. In addition, I commend the Secretary-
General for his leadership, especially in advancing the
United Nations reform and revitalization agenda. My
country has full confidence in his integrity and
competence, which he has demonstrated over the years,
both as a staff member and at the helm of the
Organization.
As we celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the
Organization, we must pause and take stock of the
record of our collective response to the many different
global challenges that mankind has had to face. From a
membership of only 50 States at its inception, the
Organization has grown to 191 Members today. That
rapid expansion, together with the sophistication that
the United Nations has acquired over the years, calls
for an assessment of its strengths and weaknesses with
a view to making it more effective. It is no secret that
the voice of the General Assembly has grown weaker
over the years, that the credibility of our human rights
procedures and mechanisms has been reduced, that
democracy, accountability and transparency in the
Security Council have become blurred and that the
Economic and Social Council needs to be more
relevant and effective.
On several occasions since 1945, we have
witnessed instances of genocide, war crimes and
crimes against humanity, as well as the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. Civil strife and terrorism
are undermining human and State security. Poverty,
hunger and diseases still decimate countless
communities, while our capacity to respond to
humanitarian crises needs to be reassessed and
revitalized.
This is the backdrop of the challenges we as an
organization face. They do not represent failure; they
simply underscore that more needs to be done to make
the world a safer and better place for all of mankind.
Therefore, as we celebrate our achievements, let
us rededicate ourselves to remaining true to our
mission and also fashion a new vision that captures the
realities of our world in the twenty-first century. In this
connection, my delegation would like to express its
gratitude to the Secretary-General for the
comprehensive reform agenda he has laid out in his
report “In larger freedom: towards development,
security and human rights for all” (A/59/2005). We
agree that the world needs to be steered towards a
greater focus on those larger freedoms.
The majority of the world’s people today are in
chains — the chains of poverty and underdevelopment.
5

For them, development means freedom from want,
freedom from fear and hunger and, above all, freedom
to live in dignity. Reforming the United Nations so that
it is better poised to more effectively address
humankind’s quest for these larger freedoms, is a real
necessity for the greater relevance and impact of our
Organization.
Indeed, the following objectives should be our
collective focus for the next decade: absolute poverty
and its attendant woes such as diseases, hunger and
illiteracy must be eliminated from the face of the earth;
the proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass
destruction must be halted and a total ban on nuclear
weapons should be imposed on all States; peace must
be allowed to reign throughout the world; there must
be greater tolerance and mutual respect in dealing with
each other’s differences; the world’s ecosystems and
natural resources must be judiciously conserved and
utilized; political systems must work to achieve greater
cooperation; multilateralism should replace unilateralism
in dealing with conflicts, disputes or disagreements
between Member States, and reconciliation should
replace confrontation and conflict.
If, in the next decade, we succeed in achieving
those objectives, we will have provided for ourselves
those larger freedoms that we crave today.
While we must focus on those long-term
objectives, we must also not lose sight of the
imperatives of our time. We must continue working in
concert towards the realization of global peace,
assigning highest priority to those conflict situations
that pose the greatest threat to the peace of the whole
world. In this, we must begin with the Middle East.
Without a just solution to the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict peace will continue to elude the Middle East
with consequences that will affect the whole world. My
delegation supports the vision of a two-State solution,
with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace
and security. We also welcome Israel’s withdrawal
from Gaza and the West Bank as a step towards a
complete withdrawal from the rest of the occupied
Palestinian territory.
The unstable situation in Iraq is causing
undesirable ripples all over the world. The situation is,
by no means, unconnected with the soaring price of oil,
which is causing serious problems in the global
economy and threatening the economic gains made by
many developing countries. The sooner stability is
brought to the region, the better it will be for that
country and the rest of the world.
We are encouraged by the positive contributions
of the United Nations and the African Union towards
the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa.
In Guinea-Bissau, another milestone has been
reached with the election of President Nino Vieira.
After many years of trials and tribulation, the people of
Guinea-Bissau have finally placed the country on a
solid path to recovery, peace and development. As
Chair of the Friends of Guinea-Bissau at the United
Nations, as well as a member of the Ad hoc Advisory
Group on Guinea-Bissau, my delegation calls for an
early convening of a donors conference to show
solidarity with the people of Guinea-Bissau and a
commitment to lasting peace in that country.
Equally in Burundi, the democratic transition has
been completed with the recent election of President
Pierre Nkurunziza. We extend to him and the people of
Burundi, our heartiest congratulations and best wishes
for a new era of peace, stability and development.
This year has witnessed major strides towards
sustainable peace in the Sudan. My delegation
commends the Government of the Sudan and the
Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement for their
commitment to that historic accord meant to bring
lasting peace to the country. We are encouraged by the
steps they have taken so far to implement the accord,
and it is my fervent hope that their collective
leadership will continue tirelessly to pursue the Sudan
of their dreams. We sympathize with all the Sudanese
people on the tragic death of their leader and Vice-
President, Mr. John Garang, who did so much to
advance the peace process. We are confident that his
successor will continue in his footsteps until all the
pending issues are peacefully resolved.
An underlying factor in all of these conflicts is
the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. We
must commit ourselves to denying non-State actors,
terrorists and organized criminal networks the
acquisition of these weapons of mass terror. We shall
have an opportunity to further refine our response to
this scourge during the 2006 review of the United
Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms.
Our Organization must be the ultimate defender
of the rule of international law, to which all States in
the comity of nations must adhere. Any attempt to
6

weaken or undermine our rules-based international
system should be rejected without compromise. An
institution like the International Criminal Court, with a
mandate to end impunity, deserves all the support it
can garner from the international community. The
Rome Statute is a beacon of hope to all of humanity,
and my delegation appeals to those States that have not
yet done so, to consider speedily becoming party to it.
My delegation strongly condemns the application
of unilateral coercive measures as a means of settling
disputes. These measures have an adverse impact on
the lives of innocent people, who lack any means of
recourse or redress. We therefore call for the complete
and immediate lifting of the sanctions imposed on Cuba.
As we clamour for reform and renewal of our
Organization, we should widen our horizons and
undertake a sober and dispassionate reassessment of
our policy towards the Republic of Taiwan. The
concerns of the 23 million hard-working and peace-
loving people of that great country continue to be
ignored. The Republic of Taiwan is a democratic,
sovereign State. Its democratically elected Government
defends the interests of the people of Taiwan in the
world. The Taiwanese people display the same concern
we all do about global problems such as international
peace and security, HIV/AIDS, the spread of disease,
environmental pollution, and all the other issues that
engage us at the United Nations. Yet, they are not here
at the table with us, contributing their share in the
search for solutions to the problems that confront
humankind today. We therefore call on all the peace-
loving nations of the world to support the participation
of the Republic of Taiwan in all the affairs of the
United Nations as a full Member without delay. The
twenty-first-century United Nations should include all
people the world over without political discrimination.
The United Nations should also be committed to that
goal: a twenty-first-century, reformed United Nations
that includes the people of the Republic of Taiwan.
Their plight is more sharply amplified by our present
preoccupation with the conflicts raging today that pose
a serious threat to international peace and security.
The reform agenda has been with us for decades
now. Finally, this year, a number of reports, including
one by the Secretary-General himself, seem to have
spurred all of us to action.
My delegation fully supports the proposed reform
of the Economic and Social Council and endorses the
establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission. In
that regard, we hope that the wealth of experience
which the United Nations has gathered over the years,
especially in dealing with countries emerging from
conflict, will be brought to bear in elaborating the
structure, functions and mandate of the Commission.
We equally support the proposed reform of the
Commission on Human Rights. However, we should
remember that human rights are everyone’s concern
and their enforcement is not the prerogative of a select
few. A smaller human rights body would reinforce that
notion and entrench the credibility crisis that the
current Commission suffers from. While the
Commission may have structural deficiencies, it is its
working methods that we must focus on in order to
eliminate bias, subjectivity and selectivity.
Revitalizing the General Assembly is equally
long overdue. It is time for the Assembly to be more
assertive within the mandate accorded it by the Charter.
The reform of our Organization would be
incomplete without Security Council reform. The
current size and composition of the Council makes a
mockery of the larger membership of the United
Nations and the realities of the world today. No amount
of politics or procrastination can silence Africa’s
legitimate quest for full representation on the Security
Council. International peace and security are
everyone’s business. Without reform and a thorough
review of the Council’s working methods, the
legitimacy of the decisions it takes will be increasingly
questionable.
We shall also have to look into the issue of the
veto once again. The purpose for which the veto was
instituted and the grounds on which it was assigned 60
years ago are no longer valid in today’s world. In fact,
Africa’s position on the veto, which my delegation
wholeheartedly supports, is that it should be abolished.
In fact, veto power should be given only to the General
Assembly, to be exercised by a majority vote. If that is
done, the United Nations and the world will be able to
boast of a universal democratic system that will usher
in a new and more peaceful world order.
The Security Council as presently constituted is
not conducive to the maintenance of world peace and
security. If it cannot be reformed, it should be
abolished and its mandate assigned to the General
Assembly with decisions taken by a majority vote. In
that event, any action taken by the United Nations in a
7

given situation would be taken on behalf of all of us.
That would put a definitive end to unilateralism in
resolving international disputes and issues.


Because of the
constraints on our time, I shall omit several paragraphs
of my statement, the full text of which has been
distributed to delegations.
The President, the Prime Minister and the people
of Timor-Leste have conveyed to the people and the
Government of the United States our profound
sympathy for the people of the Gulf states, in particular
the people of the city of New Orleans, who were the
victims of Hurricane Katrina. President George W.
Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice have
spoken touching words of gratitude in recognition of
the outpouring of sympathy from so many nations. We
must remember that the United States Administration
and the American people were among the first and
most generous to respond to the tsunami tragedy that
befell the peoples living on the borders of the Indian
Ocean on 26 December last year.
Only a little more than three years ago, the
Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, handed over power to
our elected President. Since then, we have made real
progress in nation-building, peacebuilding, economic
development, national reconciliation and enhancing
relations with our neighbours. Timor-Leste has acceded
to the seven main international human rights
instruments, and my Government is committed to
fulfilling its obligations. We were among the first in
the world to pioneer a streamlined treaty reporting
procedure. We are currently drafting our first reports,
and all Government agencies are participating in that
exercise. The internal political and security situation,
including our porous common land borders, is peaceful
and stable. A recent report of the World Bank,
commenting on the general situation of peace and
stability in my country, stated,
“Most countries emerging from conflict ... relapse
into violence within five years. Timor-Leste has
avoided that fate, maintained peace and political
stability, and established security”.
As a result of the unexpectedly high prices of oil
and gas, Timor-Leste today enjoys a surplus, which has
enabled our Government to increase our public
expenditure by 30 per cent during the current fiscal
year. That increase will benefit mostly the rural
population and the poorest. In addition, we are proud to
report that 36 per cent of our national budget is
allocated to education and health.
We have fostered the best possible relationships
with our neighbours. At of the end of July, we became
the twenty-fifth member of the Regional Forum of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); our
next goal is ASEAN membership. We enjoy special
observer status in the Pacific Islands Forum. Without
the active involvement of our regional and
international friends, the leadership and coordinating
role of the United Nations and the engagement of its
many agencies, of the Bretton Woods institutions and
of the Asian Development Bank, we would not have
been able to achieve the impressive progress we have
made thus far.
With regard to truth and reconciliation, I shall
now address the issue of justice. In an effort to uncover
the truth about the events of 1999, the Governments of
Timor-Leste and Indonesia have established a joint
commission on truth and friendship. The commission is
mandated to examine serious acts of violence that
occurred in the period before, during and after the 30
August 1999 popular consultations sponsored by the
United Nations.
We are accused in some quarters of being too
preoccupied with forging close relations with
Indonesia, to the detriment of justice for past abuses,
and in doing so of encouraging impunity. To our
accusers, we say the following. We are mindful of the
need to accord dignity and respect to the victims of
past abuses, and we believe that in the pursuit of
justice we must be sensitive to the need to establish a
balance between comprehensive justice and national
reconciliation in order to avoid perpetuating the
divisions of the past and risking the exacerbation of
existing cleavages in our society. We believe that our
first obligation, as a responsible member of the
international community, is to build a peaceful, stable,
democratic and prosperous country. By consolidating
nation-building, internal peace and stability and
26

unshackling our people from poverty, we can
contribute to wider peace and stability.
If one were to read the aforementioned World
Bank report on the developments in my country, one
would reach the same upbeat conclusion about the
impressive gains that we have attained in only three
years. Let me share with members some additional
findings:
“Timor-Leste, the world’s newest nation,
was created out of ashes ... Given that the country
started from scratch both physically and
institutionally, Timor-Leste has done remarkably
well”.
We have developed a model Petroleum Fund legal
and policy regime, which we took directly to the
people and to the National Parliament for approval. We
do not want Timor-Leste to fall prey to the developing
nations’ so-called resource curse, whereby God-given
resources are squandered. The key principle is that
only the sustainable income from our petroleum wealth
will be available for current expenditure. Commenting
on our Petroleum Fund, the World Bank said that
Timor-Leste
“has adopted a state-of-the-art legal framework
for on- and off-shore petroleum production and
taxation and a draft savings policy and associated
Petroleum Fund Act consistent with the
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative
(EITI) ... having embraced transparency
principles even before EITI existed ... True to
stated principles, the Government has adhered to
a provisional savings policy for petroleum
revenues ahead of the adoption of the permanent
savings policy”.
I should now like to touch upon the theme of
United Nations reform. As we observe the current news
coverage surrounding the oil-for-food scandal, with the
United Nations painted as the villain, we are certainly
disappointed that the Organization we idealize is
tainted by allegations of corruption.
In peacekeeping and conflict prevention, we must
remember that while the Secretary-General has the
responsibility to alert the Security Council to ongoing
or potential conflicts that may threaten international
peace and security, the ultimate decision to act rests
with the Security Council, in particular the five
permanent members. The role of the United Nations in
the world has not, however, been limited to
peacekeeping; it has provided facilities and an
environment for informal meetings between parties in
conflict, it has mediated hostage situations or border
disputes, and it has mobilized resources and
coordinated assistance to war-torn countries or to
communities affected by natural disasters.
While we all agree that our collective
Organization has failed at times, those shortcomings
and failures should not obscure its virtues and
successes. The United Nations can become more
effective if regional bodies do their share in addressing
the challenges in their respective regions.
Much has been said and written about the need
for a thorough review of the United Nations system,
and much of the debate has been focused on the
Security Council, overshadowing all other issues,
including the much-needed reform of the General
Assembly itself. Reform is also urgent in regard to the
existing human rights system. The proliferation of
treaty bodies and agenda items results in a morass of
duplication, waste, inefficiency and loss of focus.
The General Assembly remains the prime organ
of the United Nations that brings together all nations,
rich and poor, large and small. The endless and
repetitive yearly general debate and agenda must be
reviewed in order to shorten it and make it more
focused.
I now turn to the Commission on Human Rights.
No country or group has a monopoly on selectivity. We
are all good practitioners, focusing our attention on
issues that are often remote from our shores or that do
not collide with friendships, alliances or interests.
Timor-Leste fully endorses the establishment of a
Human Rights Council and is prepared to serve in such
a body if we are asked to do so.
Timor-Leste strongly supports the creation of a
Peacebuilding Commission, which will play a critical
role in post-conflict situations. The merits are sui
generis. In view of our unique and rich experience,
Timor-Leste would be pleased to serve on that new
body if our friends believe we can be useful there.
There is agreement that the Economic and Social
Council must be reformed. It seems to duplicate or add
little value to its subsidiary bodies. We do not support
expanding the Council’s mandate to include managing
United Nations post-conflict activities.
27

A permanent member of the Security Council
should not limit its peacekeeping contributions to
eloquent rhetoric while refraining from providing the
troops necessary to back up its words. We are all
capable of delivering eloquent speeches with apparent
moral force, but we do not all have the same political
will, courage or raw power to match our words.
Aspiring Security Council members, permanent and
non-permanent alike, should be countries with stable and
open political systems and with effective credible national
leaderships that inspire trust and respect in their
respective regions and throughout the world as a whole.
My Government holds the view that regional
balance remains a sine-qua-non principle as should
representation of civilizations. Asia, which contains
half of the world’s population, is grossly
underrepresented in the United Nations system and will
remain so, even with the possible addition of India and
Japan. Timor-Leste supports the G-4 initiative, because
we believe that the four countries concerned fulfil
every reasonable qualifying criterion for permanent
membership in the Security Council.
Timor-Leste, which has an overwhelmingly
Catholic majority population, is proud to have been the
first country to draw the attention of this body to the
need to insure that the Muslim world be adequately
represented in an expanded Security Council. We
continue to believe that Indonesia, the world’s largest
Muslim country, with the third largest population in
our region and the third largest Asian democracy, is
uniquely suited for permanent member status.
I wish now to touch on an issue that has been
very much in the news in the last few months: Japan
and its neighbours. Timor-Leste understands the
reservations of certain countries that do not wish to see
too large a Security Council; we understand the
reluctance of some of the current permanent five to
abandon or share privileges with new ones. We
understand that countries that were invaded and
colonized by Japan during the Second World War are
not receptive to their former aggressor. Timor-Leste,
too, was occupied by Japan during the Second World
War. But we also remember how the proud Japanese
people were made to pay an extraordinary price for
their Second World War sins. Hiroshima stands as the
living reminder of that horrible price.
Japanese leaders were brought to trial at the
International Military Tribunal for the Far East and
paid for their crimes. A defeated Japan was effectively
occupied and administered by the victorious American
Power. This benign occupier charted the course of the
new Japan, which today is a world economic Power, a
peaceful and vibrant democracy that has made
enormous contributions to the well-being of developing
countries and the United Nations system.
Allow me now to share with the Assembly my
Government’s concern on some key international
issues — the Middle East, Afghanistan and Iraq.
First, we commend Israeli Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon for his courage in disengaging from Gaza. We
hope that this is only a first step towards the full
implementation of the road map leading to the
establishment of a democratic Palestinian State. The
new Palestinian leaders and people deserve equal
praise for their moderation and statesmanship, patience
and tolerance.
In Iraq and Afghanistan, local extremist elements
and foreign mercenaries continue their campaign of
terror to reverse the democratic gains made by the
people of the two countries. The international
community and, in particular, the neighbouring
countries, have a special duty to provide all necessary
support to the brave peoples of Afghanistan and Iraq in
their struggle to consolidate their hard-won freedoms;
the neighbouring countries must do more to prevent
their territories from being used as springboards for the
infiltration of mercenaries and weapons into
Afghanistan and Iraq.


We
congratulate you, Sir, on your election and wish you
every possible success in the ongoing reform process.
The celebration of the sixtieth anniversary is an
ideal moment to reiterate my country’s commitment to
the goals and principles of the United Nations. We
express our support for the task of reforming the
Organization.
Colombia’s adherence to multilateralism is based
on its active participation throughout the United
Nations process, from the signing of the Charter in San
Francisco on the June 26 1945 to today, with many of
its agencies present in my country supporting our
national policies to solve the problems we face.
It is a source of pride that many Colombians have
left their mark on the Organization. It is worth
mentioning, among others, former President Alberto
Lleras Camargo, one of the first and most fierce and
efficient defenders of the principle of legal equality
between States. He was also a champion of common
defence, which compels democratic States to come to
one another’s defence should one of them be the victim
of aggression.
Colombia had the privilege of presiding, through
Eduardo Zuleta, over the opening of the first session of
the General Assembly. His vision of the Organization
is as valid today as it was 60 years ago, as you, Sir,
recently acknowledged in your speech to the Assembly.
The diversity and evolution of thought are human
gifts. To exercise those faculties, it is necessary for
States to guarantee democratic opportunities that allow
each individual to contribute to and compete in the
quest for the collective good. There can be no room for
any form of ideological stasis, which would discourage
emulation, fail to recognize intelligence, and paralyse
creativity in the search for solutions to people’s
problems.
Recognizing diversity and the evolution of
thought is the source of our vocation for pluralism. It
guides the struggle against terrorism that we have
carried out with democratic conviction for three long
years. Now that dictatorships are expressions of the
past and democracy is an indestructible paradigm, it is
time to review certain concepts that are becoming
obsolete and must be replaced with more useful and
contemporary ones.
The mindset that characterizes Governments as
being of the left or of the right is a simplistic view that
produces a polarized political atmosphere. It has
triggered irreconcilable emotions and sensitivities that
are inconsistent with the actions of our Governments
and threaten the unity of our countries.
I dare suggest that, in their place, we use five
parameters to qualify our democracies. They are
security with a democratic scope; the effective
protection of public freedoms; transparency as a factor
of confidence; social cohesion as a principle of
democratic sustainability; and the independence of
institutions. With these parameters, we can define a
democracy as institutional or only skin-deep; as
governed by judicial order or by personal whim; as
progressive or backward, inclusive or exclusive.
Colombia is working on a concept of democratic
security, enshrined in global security. We call it
democratic because it differs from the doctrine of
national security that was applied in the continent and
used to suppress freedoms, punish democracy,
stigmatize the opposition and frustrate dissent. Our
security is aimed at deepening democracy. We have
gone to great lengths to ensure that this process of re-
establishing security is recognized as a democratic
value by all schools of thought. We are determined that
security shall be provided on equal terms, efficiently
and transparently, to those closest to the Government,
as well as to its most hardened opponents.
In Colombia, the security problem has been the
product of the weakness of the State in facing
criminals. We wish to reconfigure the equation and to
finally have a State that is strong enough to guarantee
Colombians the effectiveness of their freedoms and
protect them from all threats. Given a democracy that
is deep-rooted and without ambiguities, no violent
action can enjoy a veneer of legitimacy; on the
contrary, it must be disqualified and branded as
terrorist. We therefore express our solidarity with those
who have suffered from the actions of terror.
For three consecutive years, the number of
homicides, kidnappings and other terrorist crimes has
fallen in Colombia. We have not yet won the struggle
against terrorism, but we are winning it. That victory
22

will bring peace and progress to our country and, with
illicit drugs uprooted from our soil, the world will feel
great relief. To that end, we need the participation and
support of the international community.
The opposition in Colombia has always had
safeguards, but today those guarantees are truly
effective thanks to democratic security. Colombia has
always embraced the cause of human rights, but those
are now enjoying more tangible respect thanks to
democratic security.
While strengthening citizen’s confidence in their
institutions, the concept of security that we profess and
practice requires those who opt for violence to cease
hostilities and prepare to negotiate a lasting peace. The
decisive and firm action to thwart those who practice
terror, along with a generous policy for those who
choose to abandon armed intimidation, have allowed
the demobilization and reintegration of 20,000 out of
some 50,000 terrorists. The Government’s door
remains open to negotiation so long as the agreement
on cessation of hostilities remains accepted.
We need the world to support our plans for
reintegration. I ask members to imagine the magnitude
of the challenge. We have 20,000 former
combatants — a number that could double in coming
years — individuals who have hitherto lived by the gun
and are accustomed to killing. What better contribution
could there be to peace than the definitive rejection of
illegality? To that end, we need the world’s help in
providing new opportunities for rehabilitation and
social integration.
We are implementing a law on justice and peace,
which is applicable to all terrorist groups. By
comparison with earlier Colombian laws and those of
other countries, our law raises the bar in terms of
justice and reparations for victims.
We have increased fumigation to rid our country
of the illicit drugs that finance terrorism, and we are
optimistic with regard to manual eradication. By the
end of 2005, some 30,000 hectares of illegal crops
should be destroyed. We require greater support from
the international community in order to provide our
peasants with alternative opportunities.
Democratic security has allowed investors to
regain their confidence, and we have begun to see early
signs of declining unemployment. In that way, we will
find the resources to face yet another challenge — that
of overcoming poverty and building a nation based on
total social cohesion. Our social policy is framed by a
long-term vision and short-term goals under constant
review, in keeping with the Millennium Development
Goals, the fulfilment of which we reaffirmed yesterday
in this Hall.
I wish to cite three of the seven chapters of our
social policy. The educational revolution is an axis of
social cohesion and the road towards equality, the
redistribution of income, and the opening of new
channels for social mobility, without which democracy
will remain incomplete.
Promoting a country of owners emphasizes the
financing of medium, small and micro enterprises in
order to overcome the barrier of access to credit, a
hateful form of discrimination that hinders democracy.
Comprehensive social protection, which in three
years’ time will provide health insurance to all people
living in poverty, has allowed us to register progress in
the provision of child nutrition, to ensure access to
education and to improve the well-being of the elderly.
This year, 500,000 families will be involved in
Colombia’s programme — poor families that receive a
State subsidy to feed and educate their children. In the
near future, that number will rise to 1 million, in
addition to the increase budgetary efforts undertaken
under the aegis of the educational revolution. In 2006,
10 million children will benefit from our nutrition
programmes, and 570,000 elderly citizens will receive
stipends to cover their most pressing needs.
Our social policy also comprises ongoing efforts
to strengthen alternative development programmes in
order to allow us definitively to overcome the problem
of illicit drugs. Through such programmes, the
international community has a unique opportunity to
contribute to and implement the principle of shared
responsibility.
The “forest-keeper families” programme,
involving some 33,000 families committed to
maintaining their areas free from drugs and to
supervising the recovery of the tropical forest, as well
as a programme to provide care to the displaced and
reintegrated, will cost Colombia some $300 million
dollars next year.
We stand firm in the fight against terrorism and in
our conviction that a sustained and permanent victory
depends upon the success of each individual country in
23

the struggle for social cohesion. In projecting our
security policy as a mainstay of the State, we believe it
to be intrinsically linked to the ongoing improvement
of the social conditions of our people. The distinction
between authority and social policy is erroneous. Peace
stems from authority, but lasting peace will require us
to weave a social fabric of equity.
Let this be an opportunity to draw attention to the
threat of rising oil prices and the lack of energy
alternatives for poor countries that are net importers.
There are already signs of disturbance that could lead
to grave disruptions of institutional stability. Ignoring
that problem could raise greater obstacles in our fight
against poverty and prevent us from achieving the
Millennium Development Goals. Many countries,
including brotherly countries in Central America and
the Caribbean, require immediate action to help
finance the supply of fuel and the development of new
fuel sources.
I would like to reiterate the gratitude of the
Colombian people for the effective presence and
solidarity of the United Nations in our country.
We hope that the debate on the issue of reform
will further strengthen multilateralism. We also hope
that the Organization will emerge strengthened from
that debate, in order that it may effectively promote
institutional democracy governed by progressive and
inclusive legal processes in every country comprising
the community of nations.
Led by the United Nations, contemporary
diplomacy must become more austere in its spending
and rely more upon the Internet and modern
communications than on travel, in order to avoid
becoming a heavy and debilitating burden upon
countries and to ensure that the resources saved on
organizations, expenditures and contractors can truly
reach communities in need. I wish to reiterate that the
issue of austerity vis-à-vis world diplomacy is absent
in our approach to United Nations reform, and we
should include it.
Every country, as well as the United Nations, as
our universal Organization, can contribute to making
these hopes a reality and to bringing peace, security
and comprehensive development to our peoples,
thereby reaching the goals we set for ourselves for the
early years of this century.
Our warm regards go out to the people of the
United States, which has been battered by Hurricane
Katrina. We wish to express our resolute solidarity
with those who have been its victims. It is our hope
that, in a few days, relief and rescue experts from
Colombia will be on the ground in affected
communities in the United States.
We are all committed to one task, namely,
meeting the social goals of the millennium.