I am
pleased to begin by extending to Mr. Han Seung-soo
and through him to his friendly country, the Republic
of Korea, our warmest congratulations on his election
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-
sixth session. I wish him every success in his tasks
during the session. I would also like to convey our
sincere thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri,
for the skill and efficiency with which he conducted the
work of this Assembly during the past session.
I am also pleased on behalf of my country to
renew our sincere congratulations to Secretary-General
Kofi Annan on his unanimous re-election to continue
his noble mission. We congratulate him and the United
Nations on receiving the Nobel Peace Prize.
This session is taking place at a time when the
world is anxious about the consequences of the
atrocious terrorist acts that struck the United States on
11 September. We have strongly condemned these acts
and reiterate our condolences to the friendly American
people and the families of the victims at this difficult
time. States were unanimous in the recently adopted
Security Council and General Assembly resolutions in
emphasizing the need to combat terrorism with all
determination in order to uproot and prevent this
scourge.
Since the early 1990s, Tunisia has warned against
the dangers of terrorism. It has called for adopting the
necessary measures at the national, regional and
international levels to fight this phenomenon with all
available means. Today, we reiterate our earlier
statements. It is important to develop cooperation
among States to fight terrorism, by taking all necessary
and strong measures to implement Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001). This should apply to those who
abet directly or indirectly or are involved in
perpetrating terrorist acts in their countries of origin or
elsewhere. All acts of terrorism must be condemned
without double standards, particularly with respect to
the granting of political asylum or residency. Tunisia's
belief in the necessity of adopting such measures has
spared it the presence of extremist elements and
terrorism on its territory.
If we are to develop international cooperation in
this field, we will need to enhance approved legal
36

norms. This can be done through a comprehensive
international treaty allowing for a comprehensive plan
of action. In the same vein, Tunisia supports the
convening of an international conference against
terrorism. The conference would identify the legal
framework and machinery needed to protect the
international community from the dangers of this
scourge.
In Tunisia's view, the struggle against and
eventual elimination of terrorism requires the adoption
of a comprehensive approach that makes prevention
and the identification of the root causes of this
phenomenon the bases of the methodology of
international efforts. It is also necessary to consider the
international circumstances that influence and promote
the increase in terrorism. This will allow us to find the
appropriate approach to ending the spread of this
phenomenon and its existence. In this context, it is
imperative that we address all aspects that lead to
feelings of injustice, the absence of justice, deprivation
and marginalization. This will prevent suspicious
parties from exploiting these feelings to fuel extremism
and terrorism. There is no doubt that the United
Nations and the General Assembly in particular have
an effective role to play in clarifying that vision.
Any comprehensive approach to fighting
terrorism must stress the interdependence and
interaction between stability, security and peace, on the
one hand, and development and progress on the other.
The Millennium Summit, which brought together
the most important assembly of heads of State and
Government in the history of our Organization and
provided a unique opportunity to discuss the state of
international affairs in all its aspects, stressed that
linkage. It highlighted the need to formulate an
international strategy and operational plans to achieve
the unanimously agreed objectives specified by the
leaders for the next millennium.
This session is thus especially important in that it
provides an opportunity, a year later, to take stock of
the principles and objectives approved at the
Millennium Summit. It also permits us to develop
concerted action based on these principles and
objectives. These include a common, cooperative and
consensual approach to the problems of our world, be
they issues of international peace and security or of
development and the eradication of poverty.
Solidarity, then, is imperative in the light of the
many challenges faced by mankind. In this context,
President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia has
stressed before several regional forums, including the
Millennium Summit and the Security Council summit,
the importance of solidarity in dealing with poverty,
which is one source of tension and crises in societies.
We believe that we cannot guarantee stability and
security in the world without eliminating all forms of
poverty, marginalization and alienation. In this context,
President Ben Ali launched his appeal to establish a
world fund for solidarity towards the eradication of
poverty.
From this rostrum, I extend my sincere thanks to
all parties that responded to this proposal and
participated in the consultations held by the Secretary-
General. In this regard, I cannot fail to commend the
efforts of the Secretary-General to prepare a positive
report, which we hope will be the basis for establishing
the fund at this session. We have repeatedly affirmed
that the fund will not duplicate existing United Nations
bodies concerned with fighting poverty; it will, instead,
complement their efforts and provide a means of
financing through voluntary contributions by
individuals, institutions or societies, in addition to
Governments. These contributions will be deposited in
an account to be administered by the United Nations
Development Programme.
There is no doubt that the strengthening of the
foundations of international peace and security is a task
entrusted primarily to the Security Council, which in
recent weeks has proved particularly effective in its
reaction to current developments. We hope that that
important body will maintain the same effectiveness in
seeking solutions to all international problems.
From this perspective, developments in the
Middle East must take priority among the issues before
the Council. This is particularly important in view of
the continuing instability in the region caused by
Israel's intransigence. We call on the Security Council,
and especially its permanent members, to play an
effective role so as to spare the Middle East from the
spectre of an endless conflict, by urging Israel to take
urgent measures to ensure the protection of the
Palestinian people. Tunisia reaffirms its initiative,
calling for the protection of the Palestinian people
through the deployment of international forces in the
region.
37

We believe that the only viable option in the
Middle East today is a just, lasting and comprehensive
peace that guarantees for the Palestinians the return of
their land and their legitimate rights, foremost of which
is their right to establish an independent State. In this
context, Tunisia welcomes President Bush's
affirmation before the General Assembly of the
necessity of establishing a Palestinian State. We also
reiterate our position on the need for Israeli forces to
leave Syrian and Lebanese territory.
The question of sanctions prompts us to examine
our consciences in the light of the suffering it causes
civilians. We hope that there will be international
consensus to remove the sanctions against Iraq and to
deal with the humanitarian issue of missing Kuwaitis
and persons from third countries. It is also time once
and for all to lift the sanctions imposed against our
sister country Libya, which has implemented all its
obligations concerning the Lockerbie incident.
As a member of the region, Tunisia is working
towards more active participation in the Maghreb
Union, which aspires to integrate the States of the
region by enhancing the structure of the Union and
guiding its work, given its function as a strategic
option that reflects the will of the people of the region.
Tunisia is working to promote consultation and
cooperation in the European-Mediterranean space on
the basis of equality, mutual respect, protection of the
interests of all parties and respect for their
particularities. The aim is to bring about the solid
development of the peoples of the two shores of the
Mediterranean so as to achieve greater security and
stability in the region.
Faithful to its commitment to the African
continent, Tunisia supports new initiatives for Africa
and has joined the newly created African Union and
will support it with all our capabilities and experience.
Respect for the purposes and principles of the
Charter only strengthens the action of the Organization
in responding to the challenges of development and the
maintenance of international peace and security. In this
context, we have to strengthen the role of the General
Assembly, as an expression of the collective will of its
Members and as an embodiment of the concept of
democracy in international relations.
With regard to the activities of the Security
Council, Tunisia, throughout its term of office in the
Council, has tried to strengthen the role of this organ
by advocating consensus in dealing with the various
items on its agenda. This, in our view, will enhance the
Council's credibility and will reflect positively on its
efficiency.
During its presidency of the Council in February
2001, Tunisia adopted a new comprehensive approach
to dealing with various cases of instability and crises in
the world.
Tunisia put forward a proposal for holding a
debate on the subject Peace-building: towards a
comprehensive approach. The result of this debate
was a unanimous affirmation by members of the
Council of the close connection between peace and
development, of the preventive dimension of this
approach and of the importance of solidarity in the
international community when it comes to taking
measures that are necessary for helping countries that
are racked by tension and conflict.
Within this context, I must stress the need for the
reform of the Security Council so as to expand its
membership of permanent and non-permanent seats on
the basis of equitable geographic distribution that will
guarantee the interests of all countries, particularly the
developing countries. In contributing operationally to
the establishment of peace and security in the world,
Tunisia has participated in a number of peacekeeping
operations such as its current participation in the
United Nations Organization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) headed
by a Tunisian ambassador representing the United
Nations.
The elimination of weapons of mass destruction
represents one of the major challenges facing
humanity. The importance of the establishment of
zones free of weapons of mass destruction, particularly
in the Middle East, is to be stressed in this context.
Technological and scientific advances have
dwarfed distances and enabled mankind to score major
achievements in numerous fields, such as spread of
ideas and bringing people closer to each other.
Development, however, has not benefited all peoples,
particularly developing countries. The widening of the
quantitative gap between industrialized and developing
countries is a matter of concern. Concrete measures
must be taken to permit all countries to benefit from
the technological and information revolution. From this
standpoint, we would express the importance that
Tunisia places, since the International
38

Telecommunication Union (ITU) Conference in
Minneapolis, on hosting the second phase of the World
Summit on the Information Society in Tunisia in 2005.
We would like to express our gratitude to all countries
that have supported us in this. We would also like to
express our thanks to Mr. Yoshio Utsumi, ITU
Secretary-General, for his constructive role.
We hope that the General Assembly will adopt at
this session a resolution to begin preparations for this
conference in its two phases. We also hope that the
work of this conference will lead to the establishment
of a true and effective world information partnership
between developed and developing countries.
Our ability to meet challenges, which we are all
facing, including the fight against terrorism, depends
on our willingness to channel our efforts towards joint
action, based on cooperation, solidarity, tolerance and
partnership within the framework of our Organization,
which is the ideal place for the realization of our
aspirations and for the benefit of all mankind.


First, I would like to
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly.
For more than half a century, the United Nations
has helped to settle conflicts and restore peace. We
must reinforce these efforts and focus our work.
For more than half a century, the United Nations
has worked to promote human rights and economic and
social development. We must continue to invest in
human dignity.
For more than half a century, the United Nations
has given millions of people hope for a better future.
Such hope has never been more important than it is
today.
The Nobel Peace Prize could not have been
awarded to more deserving candidates than Secretary-
General Kofi Annan and the United Nations. Let me
once again extend my heartfelt congratulations.
15

The terrorist attacks on 11 September were not
only directed at innocent people. They were directed at
the very values on which the United Nations is based.
We stand united in our condemnation of these
attacks, in our call for international cooperation to
prevent and eradicate terrorism and to bring the guilty
to justice. We will fight terrorism by all appropriate
means: political, diplomatic, legal, financial and
military.
Norway pledges its full support to the broad
global coalition against terrorism. We are part of the
Atlantic Alliance. We fully support the United States in
defending itself against international terrorism. We are
implementing the provisions of Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001) by taking concrete steps to dry
up the financial resources of terrorist networks.
The Taliban regime has refused to adhere to
mandatory Security Council decisions. It is harbouring
and supporting terrorists, in blunt contravention of
Council resolutions. The Taliban are refusing to
cooperate with the international community in our
common efforts to eradicate international terrorism.
The use of military force is therefore the only option
left.
The military operations in Afghanistan are aimed
at the terrorists and those who harbour them. They are
not aimed at innocent civilians or at Afghanistan as a
country. They are aimed at a group of extremists who
are exploiting a world religion for their own evil
purposes.
Afghanistan has suffered misrule and war for
decades. While the immediate task is to end terrorism
and provide humanitarian support to those in need, we
must work in parallel for a political solution. This is
primarily the responsibility of the Afghan people
themselves, but the international community must
assist. The United Nations must have a leading role.
Planning and preparations must start now. We strongly
support the efforts of the Secretary-General’s Special
Representative for Afghanistan, Lakhdar Brahimi, to
help lay the foundation for a broad-based and lasting
political solution.
We must ensure that the Afghans receive
humanitarian assistance both inside Afghanistan and in
neighbouring countries. But while seeking to meet
immediate needs, we must also focus on the longer-
term assistance that will be necessary to rebuild this
war-torn society. We must improve respect for human
rights and help the Afghan people, in particular
women, who have suffered so terribly under Taliban
rule. These are issues that Norway will focus on during
its chairmanship of the Afghanistan Support Group
next year. Only through coordinated efforts can we
contribute to security and development in Afghanistan.
A year ago, peace between the Israelis and the
Palestinians appeared to be at hand. Today, the hope for
peace and security has given way to disillusion, despair
and the murder of civilians.
We are convinced that the only way out of the
current stalemate is through the full implementation of
the recommendations in the Mitchell report, which
have been endorsed by both parties and by the
international community.
First of all, there must be an immediate end to the
violence. Terrorism must be stopped. The cycle of
violent action and reaction must be broken. Political
leaders on both sides must do everything in their power
to halt the violence and reduce the tension.
Secondly, confidence-building measures must be
implemented simultaneously. Trust must be rebuilt step
by step, since without it there can be no real dialogue
or negotiation. The Mitchell report lists several steps
for restoring trust. Given the high level of hostility and
mistrust, the timing and sequence of these steps are
crucial. Decisions must be made now.
Thirdly, the parties must find a way back to the
negotiating table. A halt to the violence, the resumption
of security cooperation and steps to restore trust cannot
be sustained for long without serious negotiations to
resolve the underlying causes of the conflict.
Norway will continue to support efforts to bring
about a peaceful resolution of the conflict. As Chair of
the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee, we stand ready to
work with other donors to help restore the economic
and social infrastructure in the Palestinian areas.
The bulk of the conflicts dealt with by the
Security Council are found on the African continent.
As a member of the Security Council, Norway is
determined to do what it can to promote long-term
peace and stability in Africa. Most of the conflicts in
Africa clearly demonstrate the close links between
peace, good governance and development. The root
causes of many of these conflicts are poverty and lack
16

of development, but also violations of human rights
and disrespect for basic democratic principles.
Norway stands ready to assist in building a sound
foundation for good governance and development in
Africa. The developments in Burundi are encouraging,
although we recognize that the peace process is still
very fragile. The deployment of a multinational
security force, on the initiative of South Africa, will,
hopefully, improve the situation in Burundi. Norway is
ready to support this initiative.
The United Nations is our foremost tool for
solving global problems. We should recall that
combating terrorism has not removed any of the
challenges that were on the global agenda prior to
11 September. Nor has it become less pressing to
effectively address these challenges. We must not let
the cruelty of terrorists divert attention from the
ambitious goals we set for ourselves during the
Millennium Summit.
Meeting those objectives must remain right at the
top of our agenda, along with our common fight against
terrorism. If the United Nations is to be effective in
pursuing these tasks, we must all commit ourselves and
provide the necessary resources and financial support.
As political leaders, we must show steadfast
determination. We will have to make difficult choices
and hard decisions, sometimes with painful
consequences. But the alternative is even more pain
and suffering.
This is true in our common fight against
international terrorism. This is true in our struggle to
end poverty, eliminate infectious diseases and uphold
respect for human rights and the rule of law. This is
true if we are to make the United Nations our primary
tool for safeguarding our common security.


I congratulate the
President on his assumption of the difficult role of
guiding the General Assembly at its fifty-sixth session.
This session is being held during one of the saddest
moments in the history of our Organization. Let me
assure the President of the full support of my
delegation in the discharge of his most important
functions.
The twenty-first century will forever be
remembered for the fiery hell that engulfed the world
on that dark day of a cloudless sky on 11 September.
The horrific images of passenger aircraft flying to their
doom to cause great death, grief and despair to
countless people will always be a scar on our
individual and collective memory. Surely, failure to
bring to justice those guilty of that crime, and those
who follow the same path, would mean our collective
submission to an endless reign of terror and to fearful
darkness.
It is the wish of the Government and the people
of Bhutan that I should, once again, express our
solidarity with the Government and the people of the
United States and convey our heartfelt sympathy to
those who have suffered the irreparable loss of their
loved and dear ones. We admire the way in which the
people of this great nation have come together to rise to
the challenges that the tragic events have left in their
wake. We pay tribute to the brave and the selfless who
laid down their own lives as they fought to save those
of others. Our hearts and minds are with the city of
New York, which has not only been a gracious host to
the United Nations, but is unparalleled in its generosity
in giving shelter, livelihood, hope and joy to people of
all races and creeds. Indeed, it came as no surprise that
the scale of the tragedy made itself felt not only in the
devastatingly high number of victims, but in the fact
that people from more than 80 countries were counted
among the dead.
A small part of everyone died that day, for
reasons that can never be explained or justified. Indeed,
human society has been left to ponder its claim to
being civilized.
Until the tragedy of 11 September, the threat of
terrorism was not fully appreciated. Those who had not
felt its demonic wrath tolerated it as just another
manifestation of social or political discontent. The
current environment throughout the globalized world
has harshly and most cruelly removed such
misconceptions. People all over the world are losing
their freedom, willingly or without choice, in a
multitude of ways. And there is a pervasive sense of
fear. Freedom is a heavy price to pay for anything.
Civilized society ought to provide more liberty, not be
cowed into affording less.
The disease that is the cause must be stamped out.
A determined and coordinated approach by all
countries is the indispensable key. To this end, the
United Nations must play the central role. It must
inspire, unite and act. It must be behind all individual
country, group and global efforts. In this context, the
important initiative taken by the Security Council in
resolution 1373 (2001) is to be welcomed. However,
we must remember that its impact will be determined
not so much by the letter as by the spirit with which it
is accepted and implemented by all Member States.
For its part, Bhutan will make every effort to
fulfil its duty as a Member State and a nation that is
fully committed to the eradication of terrorism. Today,
I signed the International Convention for the
32

Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, and in due
course our legislature will clear the way for accession
to the other conventions relating to international
terrorism.
The reign of terrorists in Afghanistan is coming
to an end. It is our hope that the healing of the deep
and painful wounds suffered interminably by the
helpless and innocent victims will begin immediately.
We also hope that, in the coming years, they will be
able to find the environment of peace and security that
has eluded them for too long. Unfortunately, the period
of renewal and reconstruction at the individual,
community and national levels will be long and
arduous for a country that has been reduced to rubble
by war and its ravaging companions. We appeal to the
international community to give sustained support to
Afghanistan in a way that is sympathetic and
responsive to its immediate and long-term needs, while
respecting fully the dignity of its proud people.
Even as we call for sustained and adequate
assistance to Afghanistan, we must acknowledge that
the world is still reeling from the aftershocks of the
attacks of 11 September. The cumulative impact on a
world economy that was already following a downward
trend has yet to be seen. There are other disturbing
uncertainties. Clearly, there is a need to better define
and understand the scope and limits of the war on
terrorism so that the fears of the broader clash that is
being spoken of are calmed. How do we create a
climate that can prevent the further diversion of
resources to defence? Will the onslaught be protracted
and consumptive in terms of our combined energy and
resources? Amid such doubts and concerns, it is natural
that we should worry about how the international
community might be able to deliver on the hopes that
were raised by the Millennium Declaration a year ago.
Our capacity to fight HIV/AIDS and poverty becomes
questionable, especially within the time frame we have
set for ourselves.
Against such a backdrop, the growing challenge
will be how to share and give in difficult times. How
does one give beyond the bounds of disposable
surplus? As the representative of a developing country,
I say this without wishing to undermine the greater
importance of raising domestic revenues and devoting
them to meeting the targets set. In this context, the
defining moment will be offered at the International
Conference on Financing for Development, to be held
next year in Mexico.
Now more than ever it is necessary to reform the
Security Council. We cannot continue to procrastinate
on this vital issue. The Council has to be a truly
representative body if it is to be relevant, respected and
effective. That is not possible when vast continents and
significant populations in the world are left out of
crucial decision-making processes on international
peace and security. Without fair representation, the
Council will risk emasculation — faltering on making
decisions that are implemented feebly.
The serious humanitarian, political and economic
consequences of the terrorist acts demand unity of
thought and action on the part of all nations. Terrorism
must be rooted out. Yet, as in the conduct of our
everyday life, there is a need for balance and
moderation. Just as the reasons for soul-searching and
doubt in ourselves as civilized beings are compelling, it
is my earnest hope that the success of this session will
be marked by the profundity of collective wisdom and
commitment to restore lasting security, peace and
normality.


This
year's session of the General Assembly is marked by
profound sadness over the innocent victims of the
macabre acts perpetrated by terrorists two months ago
here in the United States of America, and now also by
the events of this morning. On behalf of the
Government and the people of Albania, I would like to
express our utter indignation and our strongest and
categorical condemnation of those acts, which were
aimed not at a single country but, rather, were a serious
attack on the values of democracy, freedom and world
civilization. At the same time, I would like to convey
our deepest sympathy to the American people and to all
the families that lost loved ones in those tragic events.
International terrorism is today becoming one of
the greatest challenges for the world in which we live.
It is essential that the international community tackle
this phenomenon with the greatest seriousness, for it is
replete with catastrophic consequences in many areas.
Albania considers the military actions of the anti-
terrorism coalition led by the United States and Great
Britain against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and
the Al Qaeda terrorist group, under the leadership of
bin Laden, to be just and in full conformity with
Chapter VII of the Charter and Security Council
resolutions. Taking that into account, and as a country
that defends the values of liberty and democracy,
Albania expressed its determination to be part of that
coalition from the outset.
The international action that has just begun
against terrorism should not be seen as a clash between
civilizations. On the contrary, we Albanians see it as a
struggle between good and evil and as a confrontation
in which the values of humanism and peace are set
against obscurantism and the negation of values. The
only way to win this war is for all of our countries to
unite their forces to create a common front, to take
increasingly Draconian preventive measures at the
national level, and to deploy ways and means for
cooperation at the bilateral and multilateral levels to
block any individual terrorist or terrorist group that
threatens international peace and security. For its part,
with the mechanisms at its disposal, the United Nations
could and should do more to coordinate those efforts.
Albania welcomes the measures taken by the
United Nations to respond to acts of terrorism. We
strongly support Security Council resolution 1373
2

(2001) and call on all Member States to fulfil their
obligations under the resolution. We also support the
current efforts aimed at completing the United Nations
legal framework for coordination and for the
international community's efforts to combat terrorism.
For its part, Albania is already a party to eight major
international conventions on the struggle against
terrorism. We shall soon adhere to six more
conventions.
The new Albanian Government's four-year
programme has set very clear objectives to definitively
take the country out of its long transition stage and
place it on the path towards stable economic
development, the consolidation of its democratic
institutions and legal framework, and integration into
the European family. Thanks to sustained efforts,
Albania has already established an encouraging climate
for individual Albanian entrepreneurship as well as for
foreign investment.
Moreover, Albanian institutions will keep the
struggle against terrorism, organized crime, illegal
trafficking and corruption at the centre of their
activities. The responsible commitment of the country's
leaders to an uncompromising struggle against those
phenomena, as well as their cooperation with other
countries in the region and beyond, has in most cases
kept in check the activities of criminal elements who
seek to exploit Albania as a transit country for various
types of illegal trafficking.
Albania believes that a mosaic of fledging
democracies is already taking shape in the Balkans,
albeit with difficulties. Believing that domestic
political and economic stability are intrinsically linked
to regional stability, Albania has committed itself to
applying a regional policy of good-neighbourliness
towards all Balkan countries, and has already given
concrete proof of that desire. One clear sign of that
policy was the re-establishment of diplomatic relations
with the Belgrade Government at the beginning of the
year. That was a logical follow-up to the democratic
developments begun in the Republic of Serbia that led
to results that were eagerly awaited by the whole of the
international community, namely, the fall of the
Milosević regime and his dispatch to the Tribunal at
The Hague. The same fate should also befall the other
criminals who carried out the policy of genocide and
ethnic cleansing he planned.
On behalf of peace and stability in the region, as
well as on behalf of good-neighbourliness, Albania has
adopted a realistic attitude, even with regard to the
most recent crisis in the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia. The position we adopted was very much
appreciated by the international community.
The Albanian Government welcomed the Ochrid
framework Agreement between the Macedonian
authorities and the Albanian political forces, and we
hope that it will soon be implemented in a
comprehensive manner, as this would contribute to
peace and stability in Macedonia and in the region. We
also warmly welcome the indispensable role of, and the
efforts made by, international mediators, which led to
the signing of the Agreement, as well as the
commitment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to ensure its
implementation on the ground.
The Albanian State has good relations of
cooperation with Kosovo, and we greatly appreciate the
positive developments that have taken place there. The
United Nations Interim Administration Mission in
Kosovo, and Mr. Haekkerup personally, have taken a
number of very important steps in order to finalize the
legal framework for Kosovo and to organize the
general elections, which will be held on 17 November.
The elections will represent an important chapter
in the history of Kosovo and of the region, because this
will be the first time in their history that the people of
Kosovo will be electing, in a free and democratic
manner, democratic Government bodies that will take
charge of the future of Kosovo. We would like to
express our sincere hope that the Serb minority and the
other minorities living in Kosovo will participate in
these elections, because we consider them to be an
integral part of Kosovar society.
Although I do not wish to speak at great length
about the many problems that are facing Kosovo, I
would simply like to appeal to the international
community to actively seek a solution to the issue of
divided Mitrovica. Practices aimed at averting inter-
ethnic conflict in Kosovo such as compromises in the
area of territorial compensation based on the concept of
parcelling out its territory, and the establishment of
parallel institutions, are harmful and should be
3

deplored. They will not benefit Kosovo. They will
simply give rise to a fresh surge of the inter-ethnic
hatred that was fuelled by Milosevic. The international
community and the active political forces in Kosovo
must make every effort to build a new and open society
that respects ethnic, religious and cultural diversity.
Albania has established good relations of
cooperation with the countries in the region, both
bilaterally and multilaterally. It has endeavoured to
play its part in contributing to peace and stability in the
Balkans, including through the framework of the
Southeast Europe Cooperation Process, whose
chairmanship Albania currently holds. In the
framework of this initiative, Albania will play an even
more active role in coordinating the efforts of member
States with a view to strengthening multilateral
cooperation in all areas, in order to overcome the crises
and problems of the region.
The Albanian Government will continue with this
commitment over the next four years. It will work also
within the framework of other regional initiatives,
where one of our important commitments is to
implement joint infrastructure projects in the
framework of the Stability Pact for South-eastern
Europe.
Like the other countries of the region, Albania
has embraced with enthusiasm the process of
integration into Euro-Atlantic bodies, as its strategic
objective and principal priority is to become a member
of the European Union.
The Albanian Government welcomed the decision
taken last June by the Gˆteborg Summit to begin in the
near future the process of negotiations for the signing
of a stabilization and association agreement. The
Albanian Government hopes that these negotiations
will be concluded as soon as possible and that the
agreement will be signed within the next year. We are
aware that this will require coordination and
cooperation at all Government levels in order for us to
be able to meet the political, economic, social and
other standards emanating from this process.
We are convinced that integration has to start at
home and that we will have to do more to achieve the
results required by the European Union in all areas,
particularly when it comes to progress in effecting
reform, and especially in terms of consolidating our
legal system, harmonizing our legislation with the
existing body of community agreements, and the
carrying out of effective macro- and micro-economic
policies.
Joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) is one of Albania's strategic objectives.
Thanks to its close relationship with the Euro-Atlantic
Alliance in the last few years, it is one of the nine
countries that the Alliance has designated as being
potential candidates for NATO membership.
Today humanity is facing both new and old
threats. Conflicts between States; inter-ethnic conflicts;
terrorism and organized crime; widespread poverty and
the wide gap that exists between the poor and the rich
countries, including the digital divide; natural disasters
and the drying up of energy resources; diseases such as
AIDS and other epidemic illnesses, and those spread by
bioterrorism, have long been the subject of study in the
international community. Current developments
throughout the world have shown, now more than ever,
the vital importance and the crucial role of the United
Nations in achieving peace and security and in
fostering development throughout the world.
The Millennium Summit showed yet again that it
is essential for each State Member of our Organization
to maintain an ongoing commitment to contribute to
resolving regional and international conflicts and
tensions and to address such challenges as
globalization, poverty, HIV/AIDS, drugs, and the
achievement of sustainable development.
But beyond these challenges, the United Nations
is facing a multitude of problems related to its reform.
It must manage its resources even better so that they
can be used as much as possible for peacekeeping and
for development projects in all of the poor countries,
the countries in transition and the developing countries.
The United Nations should also become as
representative a body as possible.
Finally, the United Nations must devise and
implement wholeheartedly mechanisms that are not
bureaucratic or complex but streamlined and effective,
in order to ensure that its activities become more
concrete and bear more fruit and that its voice carries
the highest authority throughout the world.


First of all, allow me to
congratulate Secretary-General Kofi Annan and all of
my colleagues on having received the Nobel Peace
Prize. There is no doubt that without the United
Nations, our world would be much less secure, with far
fewer prospects for resolving conflicts. I would also
like to commend the efforts that have been made
during the last few years to reform this Organization so
that it can better deal with the new challenges it has to
face. In addition, please allow me, Sir, to congratulate
you on having been elected President of the fifty-sixth
session of the General Assembly.
After the terrorist attacks of 11 September, it
became apparent that, when we are all confronted with
a common threat, many existing disputes and
12

differences become insignificant. The United Nations
Member States together have condemned the terrorist
acts. It is of the utmost importance to maintain that
unity and persistently to reinforce it with concrete
actions. Terrorism is the ultimate challenge to our
common values, and our struggle against that threat has
only begun.
The destruction and elimination of terrorist
networks is a time-consuming task for which there are
no instant solutions. The United Nations does,
however, have effective measures at its disposal for
fighting terrorism: the international conventions that
the United Nations has adopted over the years and the
sanctions that can be applied to hamper terrorist
activities. The ratification of those conventions and the
enforcement of those sanctions by every United
Nations Member State is, at this moment, one of those
truly important tasks that it behoves all Members to
carry out. I am glad to be able to confirm that Estonia
has either already ratified, or is the middle of the
parliamentary procedures for ratifying, all of the
appropriate United Nations conventions. Estonia has
taken all necessary steps to apply Security Council
resolutions 1333 (2000) and 1373 (2001).
Estonia has improved and intensified cooperation
and the exchange of information with its neighbours
and partners. We have expressed our solidarity and
unreserved support to the United States in the fight
against terrorism. We have aligned ourselves with the
European Union’s 21 September anti-terrorist summit’s
final document and action plan. With our neighbours
Latvia and Lithuania, we have also formulated
common measures for preventing possible terrorist
attacks and for applying coordinated tactics in case we
become the victims of terrorist activities. We have
intensified international border controls and police
cooperation.
Many programmes that had been adopted earlier
are now proving to be extremely useful in the struggle
against terrorism. The Financial Action Task Force on
Money Laundering, for example, has given a high
rating to Estonia’s anti-money-laundering legislation.
A recent audit shows that Estonian banks have no
contractual relations with any organization or
individual alleged to be connected with international
terrorism.
The international political atmosphere in
Estonia’s immediate vicinity, the Baltic Sea region, is, I
am glad to report, peaceful, which is conducive to
stable development and good-neighbourly cooperation.
Up to now, Estonians have hardly had to deal with the
direct results of terrorism. But this fall’s terrorist
attacks were aimed directly at international peace and
stability. This means that now we, too, keenly sense the
danger that faces us all. This places the United Nations,
as the world Organization, at the centre of the ongoing
struggle.
The reform processes launched during the last
few years to reorganize and reform the United Nations
are also appropriate for dealing with current problems.
Now, however, we must ask ourselves if there is some
way that we can speed up and intensify these reforms
so as to better deal with the urgency of the prevailing
situation. In our new situation, I would bring forth
three well-worn and proven principles that apply not
only specifically to the United Nations, but to other
aspects of international cooperation as well.
First, we must once again ask ourselves how
exactly each of us can make the most fruitful
contribution. Secondly, what can we do to increase the
efficiency of the Organization? And thirdly, I would
like to stress the principle of openness.
First of all, let us deal with the matter of every
Member’s individual contribution. The United Nations
brings together Member States with a wide range of
resources and capabilities. Even the most successful
nation’s reserves and capacities, however, have a limit.
Therefore, it is only natural that every Member State
carefully evaluate how it can be the most useful. It is
equally important for Members to realistically assess
how high a level of development they have achieved,
and, when appropriate, to refrain from accepting aid in
favour of those who need it the most.
This is the flip side of development. As one rises
out of poverty and underdevelopment, one should also
grow up and become more responsible, acknowledging
that obligations rise along with living standards. Last
year, for example, Estonia decided to relinquish its
right to pay reduced contributions to the peacekeeping
budget. For Estonia, to give up the rights to such a
discount was not a step taken lightly — it was a
decision based on the Government’s realization that
with our rapid development, we had acquired new
responsibilities. The United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) had, after all, found that Estonia
had developed to the point where the UNDP could
13

terminate the activities of its mission in Estonia in
December 2000.
Of course, we miss working together with such a
useful cooperative agency as the UNDP representation
in Estonia. Yet we realize quite well that there are
many regions in the world which badly need their
assistance, while for Estonia the presence of the UNDP
mission is no longer essential. In other words,
maintaining the representation would be irresponsible
on our part, as it would use resources for which there is
a greater need elsewhere. This means that Estonia’s
cooperation with the United Nations and its agencies
has qualitatively advanced to a higher level. This has
been clearly demonstrated by the founding of the
United Nations Building project in Estonia. The
intention is to have the representation of various United
Nations agencies all under one roof. The fact that the
United Nations is gaining importance in the eyes of the
Estonian public is evidenced by, inter alia, the fact that
the Estonian United Nations Association has been
steadily increasing its activities.
During the last few years, Estonia has clearly
progressed from an aid recipient to an aid provider.
This transformation has been confirmed by, among
others, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) Development Assistance
Committee, which, in its 2000 yearbook, lists Estonia
for the first time as a donor nation. Therefore, those
who assisted Estonia during its now completed
transition phase can clearly see now that their aid has
borne fruit. We, in turn, are willing to share the
experience that we have gained in the course of the last
10 years. As a matter of fact, we have already
established cooperative efforts of this nature with
several countries.
I spoke earlier about how every Member State has
an obligation to evaluate how it can best help the
United Nations in its endeavours. Of equal importance
are the ongoing efforts to increase the effectiveness of
the Organization as a whole. In this light, I would
emphasize two aspects: reform of the Security Council
and the Brahimi report on improving United Nations
peacekeeping operations.
We must ensure that our cooperative efforts for
solving the urgent problems confronting us do not
become entangled in the deficiencies of the structure or
the working order of the Security Council. We all know
very well what these deficiencies are, and therefore our
common goal is quite clear: to increase the
representativeness, transparency and efficiency of the
Security Council. The enlivened discussions and the
shift towards greater openness in the work of the
Security Council give us hope. We supported the
strenuous efforts of Harri Holkeri, the General
Assembly’s previous President, to intensify the
activities of the Working Group dealing with reform.
We share the view that it is time to move from
discussions on to the negotiating phase.
Estonia supports the enlargement of the Security
Council in both the permanent and non-permanent
categories of membership, just as we support reform of
the Security Council’s decision-making process. In the
confrontational context of the cold war, the veto in the
Security Council was a means for the great Powers to
protect their interests. Even then it was avoided, and
any light-handed use of the veto resulted in
condemnation by the international community. Now,
however, the sense of trust among the Security Council
members has grown immensely, and a limitation of the
use of the veto would be an appropriate reflection of
this improved atmosphere.
The composition of the Council, which still
reflects the power relationships that prevailed in 1945,
is another issue that cries out for resolution. From the
inception of the United Nations that year until just a
decade ago, the people of my country were afforded
only rare glimpses of the goings-on at the United
Nations through fissures in the iron curtain. When we
finally established our independence in 1991, we
emerged into the international arena only to discover
that the Security Council, judging by its composition,
was still stuck back in the year 1945. This strikes
Estonia as being anachronistic, if not wrong-headed.
The guarantors and greatest contributors to stability in
the world have, in the course of half a century, changed
fundamentally. We need not fear opening a discussion
on whether the moral and legal reasoning underlying
Security Council membership in the wake of the
Second World War is still appropriate in the post-cold-
war era — or this post-11 September era. Nothing
underscores the need to come back to this question
more than the challenge that we are currently facing.
Participation in the United Nations peacekeeping
operations is an inseparable part of Estonia’s national
security policy. We therefore fully support the
endeavours outlined in the Brahimi report concerning
the reformation of United Nations peacekeeping.
14

Estonia is in full agreement with the report’s
comprehensive and long-term approach to the
prevention and solution of conflicts. Although we often
talk about the need for limiting expenditures, in this
case it is clear that in order to increase efficiency,
means must be found for increasing the budget of
United Nations peacekeeping operations. We are
pleased to say, as I mentioned earlier, that we have
contributed to this effort to increase those
expenditures.
Let me proceed to my third theme, namely,
openness. Openness and transparency are essential for
many reasons. Terrorist attacks have been directed at
everyday interpersonal relations and at our usual means
of communication, such as the postal system and air
travel. Therefore, we need to make concerted efforts to
ensure that the movement of people and ideas will not
suffer from the threat of terrorism. Terrorism itself is
fed primarily by misinformation, disinformation and
misperceptions. Here too, openness is important; it is
essential to communicate our intentions and ideas both
to those who support us as well as to those who doubt
us.
Openness is also essential in more conventional
situations, for example, in the traditional political
decision-making process, be it in the international or
domestic arena. Here, Estonia can share experiences in
the sphere of information technology. Last year, the
Estonian Government began to hold its cabinet
meetings electronically. All information concerning
government activities now moves through electronic
channels — through the Internet. In addition to
speeding up decision-making and providing monetary
savings, information now becomes available to the
general public through the Internet, much faster and
more efficiently. More and more Estonians are making
use of the opportunities offered by the public sector —
the services of the revenue office, local governments
and federal agencies — through the Internet. Having
now connected all Estonian public schools to the
Internet, the Government also plans to bring all public
libraries online. This last summer, the Estonian State
Chancellery launched a unique new project by opening
a direct democracy portal called “Today I Decide”.
This portal allows everyone to present ideas, initiatives
and proposals, as well as to comment upon proposed
legislation. New ideas that have been proposed by
portal users are passed on to the appropriate
government offices and agencies for action. Many of
you may be interested in finding out more about the
initiatives I have described, and we are more than
happy to share our experiences with you.
Finally, I would like to stress the fact that the
grave events that have affected all of us in the last few
months will not prevent us from moving ahead. Our
decisiveness and sense of unity have only been
reinforced by what has happened. We must not discard
or forget all the common projects initiated before 11
September. In many parts of the world, nothing has
changed for those who suffer from poverty, hunger and
persecution. Thinking about our projects for the future,
I am especially pleased that the United Nations special
session on children, which was postponed owing to the
terrorist attacks, will nevertheless take place in May
next year. The goal of this upcoming special session, to
create better conditions and opportunities for children
everywhere, continues to be of the utmost importance
to us. It is precisely for initiatives of this kind, which
endeavour to achieve a better future for mankind, that
the United Nations Organization has earned the Nobel
Peace Prize.
In conclusion, please allow me to express my
personal condolences and the condolences of all
Estonians to the families of those who perished in the
air tragedy that occurred just a few days ago in the
borough of Queens.


In view
of the catastrophic events that took place on 11
September, it is only fitting that first and foremost we
once again offer our deepest condolences to the
Government and people of the United States. This was
a hateful and diabolical act of terrorism that claimed
thousands of precious human lives and caused untold
physical destruction, without parallel in history. This
brutal attack has put us all on notice. It was truly the
day the world changed.
One way or another, this tragedy affects us all.
Not a single country is immune from terrorism,
inasmuch as it is beyond the capacity of any one
27

country to counter it. The international community
must work together, ideally through the United
Nations, so that the counter-measures take the form of
legitimacy and acceptability. In this respect, Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001) provides us with the
necessary framework.
We in Djibouti have already established a suitable
mechanism to counter terrorism, in all its aspects, that
could come from our territory. We are also in the
process of examining the existing international
conventions and protocols on terrorism with a view to
signing and ratifying them all. However, while doing
all this, we must not lose sight of the plight of the
people of Afghanistan — the terror, the desperation
and the starvation facing impoverished people during
this grave crisis. Also, we must not squander the
extraordinary opportunity we now have to examine all
possible or probable causes and deep roots of
terrorism, including attitudes, frustrations and current
economic and political conditions.
May I join the delegations that preceded me to
offer the President our congratulations on his brilliant
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-sixth session. His vast experience and
demonstrated capacity and skills will indeed be vital to
our deliberations. We also wish to express our
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri of
Finland, whose leadership at the fifty-fifth session has
resulted in tangible achievements.
Permit me also to congratulate Secretary-General
Kofi Annan on his re-election and for the work he
accomplished during his first term, most notably for
the extent to which he was able to institute much-
needed reforms and restore the relevance and central
role of the United Nations, while enhancing its
capacity and effectiveness. He has recognized that far
too many people live on the margins of society,
reduced to silence by endemic poverty, debt, the AIDS
pandemic, tuberculosis and malaria. He has, in effect,
become the voice of the world’s silent majority. It is
not by chance, therefore, that, together with the
Organization he heads, he has received the Nobel
Peace Prize. We congratulate him wholeheartedly for
this distinct and rare honour bestowed upon him and
the United Nations system.
May I pay tribute to the Secretary-General for the
breadth and relevance of his report on the work of the
Organization. The United Nations has a vital role to
play in today’s rapidly evolving world, and the report
offers a comprehensive update on all its activities. With
reference to peace and security, as the Secretary-
General has stressed, we must all be struck by the
number of conflicts raging in the world today.
Preventing the recurrence of conflict is a central
priority, and this means that our focus needs to shift
from a culture of management and control to one of
prevention and long-term development.
Besides conflict, we are witness to enormous
human suffering caused by natural disasters and
complex situations that continue to grow in scale,
escalating the need for humanitarian assistance.
We are pleased to note that the Secretary-General
continues to place importance on the fight against
endemic poverty and that the international community
has launched a sustained campaign to make the right to
development a palpable reality for everyone. The
participation of the poor must become a priority in
order to eradicate rural poverty, to ensure the well-
being of children and to strengthen the earning
potential of women.
If we are to reduce by half the number of people
living in poverty by 2015, as called for in the
Millennium Declaration, we must substantially increase
Official Development Assistance, alleviate the debt
burden of the poorest countries and dismantle the
protectionist barriers of developed countries. The Least
Developed Countries, in particular, face enormous
obstacles, such as declining inflows of capital,
inadequate social services and the lack of
infrastructure, in addition to environmental constraints.
In essence, the Brussels Declaration and Programme of
Action for the Least Developed Countries for the
Decade 2001-2010 call for an increase in foreign
capital inflows, including Official Development
Assistance; direct foreign investment; an expansion of
debt relief; greater preferential market access and
increased technical assistance.
Silently but very quickly, the world is drifting
towards another dangerous crisis: water scarcity. By
2025, one in every three people worldwide will be
affected by the lack of water. Some 2.7 billion people
live in regions facing severe water shortages and, once
again, Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, which are the
most densely populated areas and among the areas of
least income, will be the hardest hit. Currently, 450
million people living in 29 countries, including my
28

own, Djibouti, are experiencing acute drinking water
shortages. Unlike oil and most other strategic
resources, drinking water has no substitute. Whether
water is needed for drinking, agriculture or
environment-related purposes, such as the survival of
lakes and rivers, we have on our hands a potential
crisis that risks causing an unprecedented disaster for
food security and the fight against hunger and poverty.
A combination of global warming, wasteful habits,
aridity and the lack of rainfall means that the water
sources millions traditionally rely on are now slowly
drying up. There is no longer enough water for all our
needs. Beyond the international treaties and
institutional mechanisms, the international community
must act to mitigate this crisis. Now is the time to act.
While the recent international terrorist attacks in
the United States have rightly dominated the world’s
attention, other pressing problems, such as the AIDS
pandemic, must still be urgently attended to. The
special session of the General Assembly devoted to this
scourge, held in June, took a decisive step towards
finding collective solutions, actions and commitments.
However, there is still concern that these non-binding
commitments may not be carried out. The global AIDS
fund launched by the Secretary-General has made some
progress, but contributions to date have fallen far short
of the expected target. We are now unfortunately
familiar with the statistics of deaths and the social and
economic devastation caused by this scourge,
particularly in Africa. In the search for a solution and
what measures to take, the debate has centred on
treatment versus prevention. Ideally, the best hope
would be for a preventative vaccine, but that solution
does not look promising. As one expert put it, “We are
at the end of the beginning of this epidemic, not at the
beginning of its end!”
The growth and exponential spread of
information technology, coupled with the demise of the
cold war, have, over the past decade, been determining
factors in shaping our views on development and the
global economy. With the advent of globalization, trade
expanded, capital flowed, investments increased,
economies liberalized and barriers to trade were
lowered. In addition, the private sector took on a
central role.
Unfortunately, as many have correctly observed,
the number of countries and individuals excluded from
the benefits of this phenomenon has risen inexorably.
The attempt to explain this dichotomy has led to many
troubling conclusions. For the poverty-stricken who
live on $1 per day, talk of technology, economic
growth, opportunity and prosperity is no more than
nice-sounding words. Their greatest daily concern is
the fear of not having enough to eat. Finding enough to
eat is a daily challenge for more than three billion
people on this planet. Despite the conflicts in Africa
currently making headlines, it is the precarious
existence of those left behind that has defined life on
the African continent for more than two generations.
Whatever the reasons for this endemic poverty,
the fact remains that unless we address the problem of
poverty in all its aspects, we will not get to the roots of
the problem. It is well known that millions of people in
Africa and throughout the world are simply too poor to
participate in the phenomenon of globalization and thus
miss out on the benefits of globalization. The President
of the World Bank has aptly put the issue of poverty in
perspective:
“... if you cannot deal with the question of
poverty, if you cannot deal with the issue of
equity, then you are not dealing with the question
of peace.”
He added:
“We will not solve the problems of poverty or
global peace or stability unless we change our
perception of poor people from the objects of
charity to an asset on which you can build a better
world.”
The persistence and spread of poverty hamper all
efforts for peace, security, development, democracy
and good governance. Peace and security require
increasing and strengthening the United Nations
capacity to prevent crises, to react to emerging threats
and to implement peace-building programmes. In this
regard, the Security Council has a preponderant role. It
is obvious that our inability to reform the Council so
that it can respond to the needs of the international
reality of today can only diminish the legitimacy of its
functioning and decisions.
During the fifty-fourth session of the General
Assembly in September 1999, my President, Ismail
Omar Guelleh, outlined a series of proposals on the re-
establishment of peace in Somalia. A year later, during
the fifty-fifth session, he related to this Assembly the
extraordinary sacrifices and burdens borne by the
Government and people of Djibouti, together with a
29

number of Governments and organizations of good
will, to bring together the true representatives of the
Somali people so that they might seize control of their
own destiny and forge a new direction for their
devastated country.
Ultimately, after eight months of intense and
difficult negotiations at Arta, Djibouti, in August 2000,
the Somali State was reborn through the establishment
of the Transitional National Government, the National
Assembly and other institutions. The course has not
been easy, but the Transitional National Government
has persisted and pursued its commitments, gaining the
respect, sympathy and support of the international
community, despite myriad attempts to undermine its
efforts to achieve lasting peace.
The Transitional National Government is a
reality. It represents the will of the people of Somalia,
who have spoken and made their choice. As my
President has repeatedly stated, if we wish to save
Somalia from disintegration and chaos, we must
eschew the standard practice of revolving around a few
all-too-familiar individuals who held the Somali people
hostage for a decade. He suggested, inter alia, that it
was time to move beyond them, to restore power to the
people, and for the Somali people to assume leadership
and responsibility for their own destiny.
We are gratified that the Transitional National
Government is fully committed to bringing about
lasting peace in Somalia through a constructive spirit
of dialogue and tolerance. Building upon the outcome
of the Arta process, the Transitional National
Government has consistently and tirelessly
demonstrated its unwavering commitment to
reconciling with its adversaries without preconditions.
Its efforts to that end have been greatly appreciated by
the Organization of African Unity and by the Security
Council. Both entities have recently condemned those
individuals and faction leaders who remain outside the
Arta peace process and who stubbornly persist in
blocking the peace efforts in Somalia.
In this respect, the efforts of the President of
Kenya, Mr. Daniel Arap Moi, earlier this month to
bring some of these recalcitrants into the Arta process
are to be strongly commended. That is what is expected
of us; it is a moral and political duty we owe to the
people of Somalia. That was the message of the
Security Council’s presidential statement on Somalia
last month:
“[T]he situation in Somalia and the objective of
long-term regional stability can most effectively
be addressed if neighbouring States play a
positive role, including in the process of
rebuilding national institutions in Somalia.”
(S/PRST/2001/30, p. 2)
While the Republic of Djibouti is not in the habit
of challenging anyone on the veracity of information
within their purview, it has nonetheless a moral duty to
issue a caution about the source, motivation, accuracy,
objectivity and reliability of such information,
particularly as it relates to the crucial and sensitive
issue of the existence of terrorist cells in one country or
another. I am convinced that close consultation and
cooperation with all countries in the region on this
important issue will yield realistic and impartial
information in the assessment of any particular
situation. It must be pointed out, however, that haste
and rash, uncorroborated conclusions will only harm
the unity of the international coalition against
terrorism, which we all vigorously support.
At a time when the attention of the international
community is squarely focused on the issue of
terrorism, the brutality and destructive force used
against the Palestinians have increased dramatically.
Israel has created the conditions for chaos and anarchy
to justify its reoccupation and even annexation of
Palestinian territory. The recent incursions represent
the broadest military operations in years in Palestinian-
controlled territory. Each day we drift closer to an
unacceptable conflagration between two parties that are
unequal in power, means, resources and international
influence.
Insisting on a ceasefire without offering anything
in return, Israel is determined to pursue its defiance of
international opinion. Living conditions in the
occupied territories continue to be seriously affected by
the Israeli blockade. Rising unemployment, failing
businesses, falling incomes, restrictions on the
movement of goods and people and the banning of
construction while Jewish settlement activities
continue all combine to inflame an already incendiary
situation. One wonders, therefore, what more the
Israelis want to hear than the imploring words of
President Arafat: “Let us go back to implementing the
accords. Let us go back to saving the peace process
with no conditions and no military pressures.”
30

We call on Israel to relinquish Orient House and
other Palestinian offices in and around Jerusalem. We
also urge it to return to the negotiating table and,
among other things, to implement the proposals
contained in the Mitchell Committee report. Israel must
release the millions of dollars in tax money owed to the
Palestinian Authority in order to alleviate the economic
and financial hardships inflicted upon the Palestinian
people.
In the final analysis, Israel’s security largely
depends on the implementation of the principle of a
viable Palestinian State. We hope that the international
community will also commit itself to restoring dignity
and respect to the Palestinian people. Like all peoples
everywhere, they have a right to live in peace and to
enjoy a decent existence.
In our subregion of the Horn of Africa, there has
been some reduction in hostilities despite lingering
differences and antagonisms. The people in that area of
the world have suffered too long and desire nothing
more than a relaxation of tensions, the free movement
of people and goods, lasting peace, stability,
development and cooperation. It is high time that we
devoted our meagre resources to development and to
improving the living conditions and meeting the needs
of our own people. Let us give our people a break and a
better future.
Djibouti truly believes in regional cooperation,
good-neighbourliness and the opportunities they can
afford for all our people. We are committed to working
hand in hand with our friends in the subregion to
resolve outstanding issues in complete harmony and
trust. As a nation, we are challenged by scant resources
and declining international assistance, which have been
exacerbated by the huge influx of drought-affected
people and economic migrants. Our capital city, in
particular, is overburdened by an influx of people
displaced by drought or political tensions in the region,
thus further straining our limited infrastructure and
social services. We appeal to the international
community to help us overcome these unsustainable
challenges and pressures that have been with us for too
long and are beyond our limited means.


On behalf of the
Indonesian delegation, I am pleased to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at the fifty-sixth session. We are
pleased that the stewardship of this session has been
entrusted to so capable a diplomat from a fraternal
Asian country, with which Indonesia has always
enjoyed the most cordial of relations.
I wish to preface my statement by expressing
once again, on behalf of the Government and people of
Indonesia, our deepest condolences and sympathy to
the Government and people of the United States with
regard to the massive tragedy that they suffered
recently, and have borne so admirably.
Indeed, international terrorism today looms on
the horizon as one of the major threats to human life
and civilization. The truth, of course, is that multiple
threats and challenges are an inherent and coexisting
feature of inter-State relations. We cannot grapple with
this threat and leave other threats to wreak havoc on
the world. It is the urgent and compelling task of this
world Organization to address them all, for each of
them has the potential to destroy a large part, if not all,
of the human race.
The threat of nuclear annihilation is still there. It
has by no means faded with the demise of the cold war,
as the campaign for nuclear disarmament remains
stalled. With conventional weapons, mostly small arms,
wars and other forms of mass violence are being
carried out in various parts of the world. Thus, whole
populations — involving millions — are being
displaced, maimed or killed, 90 percent of whom are
civilians, and the majority of them women, children
and the elderly.
In the Middle East, the killing of innocent
Palestinians continues even while Israeli forces
partially withdraw from occupied Palestinian towns.
For as long as the inalienable right of the Palestinians
to self-determination is being violated with impunity,
there can be no lasting peace in that part of the world.
In the economic sphere, we have not been able to
solve the basic problem of poverty in spite of the fact
4

that we have the resources and the technical capability
to at least wage an effective war against this scourge of
humankind.
The economies of South-East Asia have just
begun to recover from the devastation of a global
financial crisis that erupted just a few years ago and
already we are facing the unwelcome prospect of its
possible recurrence. New international architectures
that would shield vulnerable economies from such a
crisis remain a distant dream. The global economic
environment is simply getting less hospitable to the
aspirations of the developing world for growth.
Without the resources and technology for sustainable
development, developing countries are rapidly losing
their natural resources, while the physical environment
of the world continues to deteriorate.
To us Indonesians, these global problems become
even more poignant as they are replicated in our
country and as they impact on the lives of our people.
In the financial crisis of 1997-1998, as the rupia
plummeted in value and factories and businesses closed
down, millions lost their jobs and were reduced to
abject poverty. Since then, our economy has begun to
recover. Last year, Indonesia enjoyed an economic
growth of some 5 per cent, in contrast to the 13.5 per
cent contraction that followed the onset of the financial
crisis in 1997. Also, in the year 2000, Indonesia
attained a level of trade that surpassed those achieved
before the crisis. However, the current global economic
downturn, compounded by the events of 11 September,
has lowered the expected target for economic growth to
3 per cent in 2001.
In the face of these realities, we need massive
direct investment flows in order to consolidate our
recovery and march steadily on the road of
development. We feel that the situation in Indonesia
today already merits the confidence of investors, but
we can barely make a good case for this in the light of
lingering threats to the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of our Republic.
Like many other developing countries — and,
indeed, some developed countries — Indonesia needs
to overcome the problem of graft and corruption in its
bureaucracies and in the corporate sector. The
deficiencies of our legal system and judiciary and the
past human rights record of our police and military
establishment have produced less than optimum
conditions for Indonesia’s economic recovery. These
are daunting challenges, as daunting as the global
problems that they replicate and reflect.
Yet, in confronting these national problems, I do
not despair, just as I do not despair in contemplating
the global challenges and problems of our time. I
believe that all these problems, global and national, can
be traced to a single common root — a deficiency in
human relationships — for wherever there is inequality
and it is not acceptable to the weaker party, there can
only be tension and conflict. Wherever the powerful
can get away with exploiting the weak, a sense of
outrage smoulders and there can be neither stability nor
peace. Wherever there is injustice and it is not
redressed, there arises a culture of vengeance.
If the problem is basically an imbalance in human
relationships, then the solution lies in the rectification
of that imbalance — in the recognition that all human
beings are of equal worth and have basically equal
rights before the law of God and human law. As they
are all equals, each is accountable for what he does to
any other and everyone’s common sense of justice is
satisfied.
This solution is not something I discovered on my
way to this forum. It is something that we all have
known for a very long time now, and we have been
calling it democracy. Against the expectations of many
outside — and, indeed, within —our own nation over
the past three years, and especially the last six months,
and in the midst of our financial crisis, Indonesia has
relentlessly pursued the difficult process of reform and
democratization. We have been able to manage
successive transitions of power in a democratic,
peaceful and constitutional manner.
Thus, Indonesia today stands proud as one of the
largest democracies in the world. As a nation with an
overwhelmingly Muslim population, we are the living
refutation of the erroneous notion that Islam and
democracy are incompatible. Islam has always stood
for the equality and fraternity of all human beings and
for the optimum exercise of the human will. If only in
that, we Indonesians have a natural affinity for
democracy.
The challenge for all of us is to ensure that
democracy works and that it does actually deliver a
better life for the people. In the case of Indonesia,
pivotal to this outcome is the recent introduction of
bold and far-reaching measures on the relationship
between the central Government and regional
5

authorities in order to address the legitimate aspirations
of the societies in the region. Likewise, my
Government has made a democratic response to the
challenge of separatism in Aceh and Irian Jaya.
We will sincerely bring redress for their
grievances. We will meet their legitimate demands by
introducing special autonomy and a greater sharing of
resources, and guarantee respect for their culture and
ethnic identities. We will not, however, tolerate any
acts of terror or violence for separatist ends against the
territorial integrity and national unity of our Republic.
In this regard, Members of this Organization have
extended overwhelming support for Indonesia’s
territorial integrity and national unity, consistent with
the principle of the territorial integrity of States
enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
Through the strict and impartial enforcement of
recently passed anti-graft laws, we are cleansing our
bureaucracy and corporate sector of the taint of graft
and corruption. Through strict and equal application of
laws on economic reform, we assure every
entrepreneur an equal chance in his business
undertakings.
We are reforming the legal system and the
judiciary so that every individual stands equal before
the law, whoever his adversary in litigation may be.
Both the police and the military have undergone reform
and have proven themselves to be faithful to the
Constitution and to the democratic process. They have
the encouragement of my Government and the
Indonesian people as they continue reforming
themselves.
We will see to it, however, that those who have
perpetrated human rights violations, including those
who carried out the gross human rights violations in
East Timor in the wake of the popular consultation, are
brought to justice. Thus, immediately after assuming
office, President Megawati Soekarnoputri signed an
amending presidential decree that would enable,
starting next month, an ad hoc human rights court to
adjudicate cases of human rights abuses prior to and
following the popular consultation.
These are the main lines of our democratic
response to the many and formidable challenges that
Indonesia must contend with. I have no illusions that
they will be met without difficulty and occasional
setbacks, but I have faith in the rightness of working
for human relationships that are based on the equality
of individual human worth. It is the decent, enlightened
thing to do. I therefore have no doubt that, ultimately,
these measures will yield sufficiently positive results to
move us forward on the road of development.
I am no less confident that the democratic
response will be just as effective in addressing the
global challenges of our time. Consider the problem of
armed conflicts in various parts of the world. The use
of violence against other human beings, whether
carried out through nuclear weapons or through small
arms, is an assertion of a view that those others have no
equal right to life. That is why violence is escalating
everywhere and that is why there are terrorists —
madmen who regard the lives of innocent people as
worthless compared to their political agenda. In a
democratic setting, where everyone is committed to
equality and every human life is as precious as any
other, violence cannot thrive, certainly not on a
massive scale.
If the nuclear disarmament agenda has not been
moving forward, it is because the nuclear Powers enjoy
a real advantage over everybody else and those that are
nuclear-capable strive to become nuclear Powers
themselves. Inequality thus becomes an incentive for
nuclear proliferation. In a democratic setting, that
incentive is not available.
The same is true with respect to the endeavours to
reform the United Nations, particularly the Security
Council. So long as the present permanent members
see others as not equal to themselves and act on that
basis, there will never be equitable representation on
the Council. To say that we are reforming the world
Organization in order to make it more democratic is to
put the cart before the horse. First, let us all embrace
democracy and then it will not be difficult to reform
the United Nations.
In the economic sphere, the fundamental
challenge is simply to create a level playing field for
all nations, whether it be in trade or international
financial flows. We may all be paying lip service to the
sovereign equality of all nations, but if a reality check
shows that multilateralism is on the wane, that in fact
means that a good number of developed nations do not
really believe that the developing countries thus
deprived are their equals.
International financial flows for development will
resume, the debt burden of poor countries will be eased
and barriers to the exports of developing countries will
6

be lifted if and when the entire developed world
sincerely regards the developing countries as true
equals, and not as recipients of charity. Since people in
developing countries, particularly those that are most
vulnerable, are down today, they need a helping hand
to raise them to a position commensurate with their
dignity as equal human beings. In this regard, a special
case could be made for the teeming millions in the
countries of Africa, a continent that has already given
so much of itself to the rest of the world.
The principle of equality among all human beings
must be applied as well in the use of natural resources
and its profound impact on the environment. It would
be the cruellest form of inequality if the present
imbalances in the use of resources among nations were
left unaddressed and if the present generation were to
use the earth’s resources and leave nothing to sustain
future generations of humanity.
This yearning for democracy has been with us for
a long time. It is the spirit behind every reform
movement, the French and American revolutions and
the struggle of colonized countries for independence,
Indonesia among them.
This is the spirit to which the first generation of
leaders of Asia and Africa gave voice in Bandung in
1955. It guided the founding and the growth of the
Non-Aligned Movement and brought about the demise
of apartheid.
In my region, South-East Asia it gave rise to the
birth and growth of the Association of South-East
Asian Nations (ASEAN), just as it earlier ushered in
the founding and enlargement of the United Nations. It
is what we need today to reform the United Nations, to
make it a more effective instrument of global peace and
development. It is what we need to translate into
concrete reality the provisions of the Millennium
Declaration. And, indeed, the democratic spirit is what
we need in order to wage an effective struggle against
the dark forces of international terrorism. Without that
spirit, we can only fail.
The best course, therefore, would be to launch
collective action on the basis of the United Nations
Charter. For this war against international terrorism to
be able to cover all fronts and to be sustainable and
imbued with long-term legitimacy, it is imperative that
the United Nations play an active and primary role.
The global campaign should be complemented at the
regional level by coordinated efforts such as those
launched by ASEAN just over a week ago. In that way,
we will ensure that our response to terrorism is a
democratic one.
Indonesia has consistently emphasized the role of
the United Nations in addressing the unfolding
developments in Afghanistan. It therefore welcomes
the adoption yesterday by the Security Council of
resolution 1378 (2001), for this development represents
manifest recognition of the need to enhance political
and diplomatic efforts to find a comprehensive solution
to the Afghan crisis. At the same time, however, it is
important to underline that the role of the United
Nations can only be to support the efforts of the
Afghan people themselves, most notably in the
establishment of a new and transitional administration
that is broad-based, multi-ethnic and representative of
all the Afghan people. For its part, Indonesia is
committed to supporting the United Nations in these
noble endeavours. Indonesia stands ready to contribute
to any future peacekeeping operations needed to
support peace-building in Afghanistan.
To my mind there is no question of whether the
democratic response will work as a way of resolving
this problem and all the other global problems of our
time. Nothing else will work. The question is whether
we are courageous, sincere and enlightened enough to
apply it.
History, it has been said, is a race between
enlightenment and catastrophe. Let us become
enlightened now, before catastrophe overtakes us.


Allow me at the outset to express our deep
satisfaction at seeing Mr. Han Seung-soo presiding
over the work of the General Assembly at its fifty-sixth
session. For my delegation, the peaceable nature and
spirit of dialogue that identify and distinguish his
country, the Republic of Korea, together with his
outstanding qualities as a diplomat and tireless
negotiator — all of which he has demonstrated since
the beginning of this session — are guarantees for the
success of our work. He can rely on the support and
cooperation of Equatorial Guinea.
To the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan, we wish to express our sincere
congratulations on his re-election for a second term to
lead the United Nations and the distinction conferred
on him and the United Nations as recipients of the
Nobel Peace Prize. We also commend the clear-
sightedness and resolve that he has shown in exercising
his responsibilities to revitalize this Organization and
confirm its role at a time in which peace, security,
stability, development and understanding are
increasingly precarious. We wish the Secretary-General
every success in his endeavours to carry out the
purposes enshrined in the Charter. To this end, he may
rely on our full trust and support.
I would not wish to proceed any further with my
statement without first expressing our most sincere and
profound condolences to the Government and fraternal
people of the Dominican Republic and to all the
families that have been affected by the tragic and
appalling plane crash that occurred on 12 November
2001. May God receive all the victims into his
kingdom.
This regular session of the General Assembly has
been one of mourning, because it is taking place at a
time when the international community, without
exception, feels that it is being dragged back towards a
past that it thought had receded into oblivion. Now,
more than ever, since 11 September 2001, the need for
security, stability, justice, equity and balance has
become a vital imperative and the highest of priorities.
The General Assembly is faced with a dilemma:
to evaluate the level of implementation of the
commitments undertaken in the framework of the
Declaration of the Millennium Summit and at the
special sessions of the General Assembly, before and
after the Summit, and other international conferences,
with a view to adopting the new strategies required, in
the light of the failures that have been registered in
various fields of activity, while at the same time, tuning
up and activating all the mechanisms required for the
struggle against and eradication of terrorism, since this
is a common enemy, with no identifiable face or
location.
Peoples and their Governments constantly face
the arduous, complex and inescapable obligation and
duty to adapt to new realities and demands that loom
ahead in the immediate or remote future. For this
reason, Equatorial Guinea concurs with and maintains
the opinion that this task cannot and should not rest on
the shoulders of one people or one Government or any
individual country in an isolated fashion. It should be
borne within a collective body such as the United
Nations.
We believe and maintain that the United Nations
continues to be the best option and best centre for
indispensable agreements, with all the wealth that its
diversity brings, for the purposes of conflict
prevention, crisis management, rapprochement among
peoples and enhancement of cooperation among States
on the bilateral, subregional, regional and
intercontinental levels. For this reason, the
Organization must be endowed with the means it
requires to organize international society, working to
combat intolerance, persistent tension and conflict and
the worsening economic situation of poor countries.
In this regard, in the light of recent positive
experiences, we advocate greater, closer and more
effective cooperation between the United Nations and
regional integration groupings, in general, and with the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the
Economic Community of Central African States
(ECCAS), in particular.
Together with the need to give the United Nations
the means to enhance its capacity, we believe that the
time is likewise ripe for both States and international
organizations, including the financial agencies, to take
29

specific and positive steps, without delay, aimed at
democratizing international relations, promoting and
reaffirming respect for human rights and consolidating
the disarmament regime and directing the investment
of military expenditures to international action to
promote development. Equatorial Guinea is continuing
to work towards these objectives through an
institutionalized national dialogue involving the
political forces of the country.
Equatorial Guinea shares in and insists on the
vital need to democratize the Security Council, setting
up the greatest possible interlocking and coordination
between the work and tasks of that body and the
responsibilities of the General Assembly.
In spite of the success that has been achieved in
some countries and regions in the area of peacekeeping
and peace-building, it is still disquieting to note that
these successes have served as culture media that have
encouraged areas of tension to persist indefinitely or
allowed other threats to peace to erupt. In fact, as the
United Nations is redoubling and improving the efforts
of peacekeeping and peace-building missions, the
Secretary-General has noted in his report on the work
of the Organization: “Global military expenditures
have continued to rise … Although official
development assistance levels have continued to fall …
military budgets have risen persistently.” (A/56/1,
para. 76)
The same concern about the absence of peace
applies to the sorry and disheartening aspect of
cooperation to eradicate poverty. For the United
Nations and its Development Group and certain non-
governmental organizations are striving to translate
into reality the decision taken at the Millennium
Summit to combat poverty and make globalization an
inclusive and not exclusive phenomenon.
Equatorial Guinea associates itself with the
principle of shared responsibility, taking the standpoint
that the problems that continue to face the least
developed countries are indeed the cause of the lack of
progress achieved in working towards international
objectives of human and social development. We hope
and trust that the Brussels Declaration and Programme
of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the
Decade 2001-2010 and the outcome of the
International Conference on Financing for
Development, scheduled to be held in Monterrey,
Mexico in May 2002, and other pertinent instruments
will lay the best possible bases for effective
cooperation for development.
As I noted earlier, Equatorial Guinea expresses its
satisfaction at the reduction of tensions in some
countries and regions. At the same time, it calls on and
encourages the parties involved in areas where
conflicts and disputes are born and persist to redouble
their efforts and to use their capabilities and potential
to seek peaceful solutions through peaceful
negotiations.
In this context, Equatorial Guinea reaffirms that
the People’s Republic of China is the sole State entity
that is representative of the Chinese people.
We also welcome the recent initiative to resume
the North-South dialogue for the peaceful reunification
of the Korean peninsula, and we support the principles
endorsed and the responsibilities assumed by the
Governments of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the Republic of Korea.
At a time when the United Nations is fully
engaged in the search for solutions to alleviate the
many evils besetting peoples in all corners of the
world, through the adoption of strategies and
programmes of action to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic
to mention just one example, the illegal traffic in
weapons and drugs, drug addiction, the mortgaging of
the lives of children through their traffic and easy
recruitment into the armed forces, discrimination
against women, and so forth, the international
community’s attention has been diverted by unusual
events such as the unprecedented terrorist act of 11
September 2001.
The acts carried out against the United States of
America on 11 September were undoubtedly attacks
against the United Nations. The prevailing atmosphere
of the current session of the General Assembly, a year
after the adoption of the Millennium Declaration by an
unprecedented attendance of 147 heads of State and
Government and a total of 189 Member States, and the
temporary postponement until next year of the General
Assembly’s special session on children are eloquent
examples, among others, of the challenge and the
dilemma faced by the United Nations.
In that context, we reiterate the most vigorous
condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and facets,
and we reaffirm the Republic of Equatorial Guinea’s
full support for and solidarity with the people and
30

Government of the United States of America at this
painful and worrisome time, which will be difficult to
forget.
The country’s competent constitutional organs are
currently adopting measures for the integration of the
Republic of Equatorial Guinea into existing relevant
international conventions on the prevention and
suppression of international terrorism, as part of its
response to the Joint Declaration on Terrorism, adopted
in Brussels on 11 October, and the Dakar Declaration
against Terrorism, signed on 17 October 2001, as well
as relevant resolutions of the Security Council.
As the Secretary-General’s report forcefully
points out, the Millennium Declaration insists on the
need to promote and intensify institutional cooperation
between the United Nations and regional and
subregional organizations:
“In an increasing globalized world, none of
the critical issues we are dealing with can be
resolved within a solely national framework. All
of them require cooperation, partnership and
burden-sharing among Governments, the United
Nations, regional organizations, non-
governmental organizations, the private sector
and civil society.” (A/56/1, para. 11)
In this context, and on behalf of the member
States of the Economic Community of Central African
States (ECCAS), over which Equatorial Guinea is
presiding, we reiterate our deepest recognition of the
great support offered by United Nations Member States
with respect to resolutions 55/22 and 55/161, on
cooperation between the Organization of the United
Nations and ECCAS and the observer status conferred
on the latter organization.
Given the prevalence of the informed political
will of ECCAS States to put an end to conflicts, the
loss of innocent lives, the destruction of economic and
social infrastructures and extreme poverty in rural
areas, we hope and are convinced that the General
Assembly will once again pronounce itself in favour of
the implementation and improvement of cooperation
between the United Nations and ECCAS in order that
the latter may direct its potential — individual and
collective — towards alleviating the new challenges
stemming from globalization and liberalization, for the
economies of the subregion. This would enhance the
path to democracy, respect for human rights and the
rule of law in the subregion, within the context of the
excellent and tireless work being carried out by the
United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on
Security Questions in Central Africa.
I would be remiss if I did not, on behalf of the
President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, His
Excellency Mr. Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, convey to
the Assembly his greetings and sincere wishes for
success and prosperity to each and every participant.
His Excellency had expressed his wish to attend, and
regrets not being able to be present at these
deliberations.