Allow me at the outset to
express to Ambassador Insanally my special congratulations
on his election to preside over the General Assembly at this
important session. He represents Guyana, an active member
of the Non-Aligned Movement, of which Sudan is proud to
be a founding member. May I also extend our thanks and
appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev for the
skilful and efficient manner in which he conducted the work
of the previous session.
The United Nations represents hope for all nations and
nascent States, especially those that attained their
independence through long struggle. It is a great honour and
pleasure for me to welcome our sister country, Eritrea,
which has joined the membership of the United Nations.
Our two peoples continue to enjoy mutual respect and
esteem, and our Governments are endeavouring to foster
fraternal relations with a view to achieving prosperity for the
brotherly peoples of the two countries, and for the whole
region.
Allow me also to salute the Czech Republic, Slovakia,
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Monaco and
Andorra, which joined the United Nations as part of a new
momentum contributing to human endeavours to achieve
stability, prosperity and peace for the world.
I also salute the Secretary-General ,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is leading the Secretariat of
the United Nations at a crucial stage as it faces many
challenges and pressures.
The Sudan learned with grief and sadness of the tragic
loss of life in the earthquake which struck parts of India. I
extend the deepest sympathy of the Sudan to friendly India
along with heartfelt condolences to the families of those who
lost their lives.
Since the previous session, important events have
emerged in the international arena. We are now witnessing
accelerated political and social change unprecedented in
history. New international situations and changes occur
every day; we are all trying to keep up with them. Today,
we are experiencing a phase of travail and transition, which
results every day in new, divergent patterns. The most
striking of those patterns is the widening of the gap between
the rich North and the less privileged South.
The trend in today’s world is towards the machinery of
regional groupings. This reflects the fact that the world has
already started to be more inclined to think in a more
collective manner. We hope that this new pattern will be
positive and constructive, giving due respect to the charters
and covenants that are binding on all. We seriously assert
that developing countries are no longer principal partners in
most of the resolutions that are adopted, particularly within
the framework of the Security Council and other United
Nations organs. Had developing countries been allowed
equitable participation, their contribution could have been
more effective in the course of many of these important
events, specially in the field of regional and international
peace and security.
Four years ago we started reviewing the functions of
the United Nations and its various organs. We must place
on record, from this rostrum, our conviction that this
Organization has a basic role to play in the maintenance of
international peace and security and the achievement of
prosperity for mankind. For the United Nations fully to
perform such a vital role, its governing Charter must be fully
respected. The Charter must also be adhered to by all, and
must be updated to keep pace with the developments that
have occurred since its adoption.
The General Assembly too should be enabled fully to
perform its functions for the maintenance of peace and
security. The General Assembly should be given its due
importance, equal and parallel to that of the Security
Council.
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 35
Selectivity in implementing the provisions of the
Charter must be abandoned. In this regard, we firmly stress
that the activities of the Security Council must be transparent
and that the Council should adopt a democratic approach in
its decisions. It is thus inevitable that the question of the
Council’s permanent membership, and the right of veto,
which enables a few States to invalidate the opinion of the
majority, be reviewed, especially at a time when the United
Nations is advocating the values of democracy, participation,
justice and equality.
The United Nations and one of its organs, the Security
Council, are currently engaged in serious and active attempts
to settle disputes based on new prospects for the
establishment of regional and international peace and
security. Let us pause here for a moment. We all aspire to
save the world from the calamities of war and the
destructive consequences of the prevailing social and
economic situation. Yet, at the same time, we reject double
standards in the resolutions of the Security Council,
especially in relation to international peace and security. We
are anxious lest the United Nations lose its proper vision in
the heat of events.
The nature of the responsibilities and duties of the
Organization requires strict neutrality. International peace
and security is a principle that must apply to all. But to see
the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina suffer to the brink of
elimination because of the shaky and defective resolutions of
the Security Council is a situation that should not be allowed
to pass unnoticed. Similarly, the Somali people cannot be
allowed to remain victims of irregularities committed by the
international forces there because of the departure from their
binding original mandate. This is a matter that requires both
change and a strict and immediate investigation. We are still
witnessing the deterioration of the security situation in
Somalia owing to the continuing fighting between the
international forces and some of the Somali factions, as well
as with individuals. This has resulted in many killings and
has caused the international forces to stray from their
original mandate. We have previously expressed our
reservations with regard to the hasty use of international
forces in Somalia without consulting the States of the region
or exhausting the efforts and endeavours being exerted by
those States to find a solution to the Somali crisis.
We are concerned that the continuation of fighting
between the international forces and some of the Somali
factions will shed more blood, complicate the problem and
render it insoluble by the United Nations. Therefore, we
request the United Nations and the forces that are supposed
to operate under its banner to refrain from continuing the
type of actions that would provoke the Somali people and
the country’s factions or affect the structure of their political
future, values and cultural and religious heritage.
We also deem it fitting that the Permanent Committee
on Somalia of the States of The Horn of Africa be given the
necessary time to perform its pioneering function of finding
a solution to the Somali crisis. These States are better
acquainted with the nature and dimension of the problem by
virtue of their special relations with Somalia and its people.
We will support new international arrangements that
will ensure the enhancement of the performance of the
Organization and establish justice and tranquillity among all.
The arrangements we are hoping for shall not infringe upon
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States or meddle
with their independence or right of decision-making.
Preventive diplomacy, associated with peacemaking and
peace-keeping, should be motivated by a basic goal, namely,
the elimination of regional and international tension. This
could be achieved by defining the causes of political and
social conflicts in order to eliminate them so that different
societies might enjoy stability, well-being, and peace.
Preventive diplomacy and the subsequent use of political and
military force cannot be applied solely against less privileged
countries and vulnerable peoples.
In brief, we are hoping for a new formula within the
framework of current international arrangements to guarantee
the rights of all and to save the world from the hegemony of
the stronger over the less privileged. We also aspire to a
greater role for the regional organizations of the developing
countries and to their representation in the important forum
of the Security Council, which is entrusted with the task of
maintaining peace and security all over the world.
Along with this understanding of the new role of the
United Nations in protecting and preserving the rights of
States, we call for the lifting of the economic embargo
imposed on Iraq. The Iraqi people have suffered for an
extended period of time from the unfair embargo that is still
imposed on them, despite the exhaustion of the reasons that
invoked it.
Another example of the misuse of this international
Organization is the embargo imposed on Libya without any
legal and justified cause to permit the actions taken against
that country. Libya has already responded to Security
Council resolution 731 (1992) and shown sufficient
flexibility to settle its differences with the Western States, a
matter that would justify the lifting of the embargo imposed
on it.
36 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The agenda items before this session include important
issues reflecting the accelerated pace of events I mentioned
at the beginning of my statement. However, I prefer to be
direct in touching upon issues of immediate concern to us in
the Sudan because of the misunderstanding that has
accompanied them.
During the forty-eighth session of the Human Rights
Commission, held at Geneva in March 1992, and upon a
motion by the United States representative, the Commission
adopted a resolution appointing an independent expert
assigned to investigate the human-rights situation in the
Sudan and to submit a report to the forty-ninth session of the
Commission in March-April 1993. The States sponsoring
that resolution did not wish to wait for the report of the
independent expert but pushed the matter to the forty-seventh
session of the General Assembly, where a resolution on the
alleged human-rights violations in the Sudan was adopted.
The sponsoring States used all the influence, pressure and
the mechanical majority they possessed to see that that
politically motivated resolution was adopted.
In his report to the forty-ninth session of the
Commission on Human Rights in March 1993, the
independent expert praised the cooperation of the
Government of the Sudan and explained that he had had
neither the time nor the opportunity to judge the situation of
human rights in the Sudan or to study the matter
comprehensively. He indicated that the Commission might
wish to extend his mission in order to allow him to complete
his mandate. While we do not conceive of any justifiable
reasons behind his appointment, the Government of the
Sudan nevertheless extended every possible cooperation to
the Special Rapporteur, who visited the Sudan last week and
will submit his report.
Respect for and maintenance of human rights represent
one of the sacred principles that are enshrined in all divine
religions as well as in man-made laws. The Sudan, inspired
by its cultural and civilized heritage, pays due attention to
the issues of human rights. The Sudanese Government and
society respect and observe the human-rights values based
on their religious belief and traditions. Accordingly, we
reject any politicization or manipulation of such a sacred
doctrine as a pretext for meddling in the internal affairs of
States or for imposing a specific cultural trend or option of
civilization on any State. For the same reason, we are of the
view that developmental assistance should not be tied to a
distorted human-rights record. The right to development
itself represents an inalienable human right. We also opt for
equality and fairness in assessing or monitoring the
performance of States in the field of human rights. We
adamantly reject policies that reflect a double standard in
dealing with human rights, because the Sudan has been
victimized by such policies. We also hope that universality
of human rights will not be construed to justify denial of the
cultural, religious and indigenous specifics of various States
and peoples.
Those who pose as defenders of human rights in the
Sudan ignore the terrorist practices of the outlaws in
southern Sudan lead by John Garang. They have opted to
keep silent with respect to the atrocities he has committed,
atrocities such as the abduction and recruitment of children
for military operations, the regular killing of civilian
populations, the downing of civilian aircraft and the
kidnapping and killing of United Nations staff working in
relief operations. They have also kept silent with regard to
his continued obstruction of all serious peacemaking
endeavours initiated inside or outside the Sudan. Not only
that, they have received him as a top official dignitary and
extended to him every moral support, despite his gross
violation of human rights.
In this connection we view General Assembly
resolution 47/142 as a biased resolution that has contributed
to the intransigence of the Garang movement and motivated
it to reject all Government endeavours to achieve a peaceful
settlement through negotiations. We are also convinced that
that resolution lacks any substantive justification, and we
stand ready to provide all the factual information on the
human-rights situation in the Sudan to all who are interested.
Those who accuse the Government of the Sudan of
violating the human rights of its own citizens have also
ignored the giant achievements of the Government, such as
adopting the conferences system along the lines of Shura
and organizing the national conferences to determine the
structure of the political system in order to lay down the
basic foundations of national unity and to look for ways and
means to achieve a real peace guaranteeing fundamental
political, social, cultural and religious rights for all citizens.
As a result, a National Transitional Assembly was
established as the supreme legislative organ of the country,
pending completion of the political structures at both the
federal and the state level and the conduct of the presidential
elections to be held in the country at a subsequent stage.
Many must have learned of the recent decision of the
United States Government to add the Sudan to its own
classification of countries allegedly sponsoring terrorism.
While the United States Government is free to take whatever
decision it deems appropriate, we have the right to question
the facts and findings on which the United States
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 37
Government has based its decision. While the United States
has the right to enact domestic decisions, the utilization of
such decisions as a prelude to further actions beyond its
territories contradicts international law and the United
Nations Charter. We cannot understand how a super-Power
which enjoys permanent membership in the Security Council
can enact domestic legislation to justify the pursuit of its
private interests in the territories of other countries. Such
instances are numerous, the most recent of which was the
search in the port of Djibouti of a vessel freighting sugar en
route to sisterly Somalia.
It is our conviction that the motive behind the media
campaign against the Sudan is the alienation of Sudan from
its African and Arab affiliations and the smearing of its
image by erroneously labelling its civilization as terrorist.
This media campaign constitutes a prelude to a siege on
Sudan similar to what has happened to some other countries.
We are known to all as a peaceful nation; we denounce
terrorism in all its forms. Accordingly, the decision lacks the
necessary legal support, contravenes justice and good
conscience and clearly exceeds the role of the United
Nations. As proof of our assertion, it could not generate any
support. Former President Jimmy Carter and a number of
credible institutions and newspapers have expressed their
scepticism and criticism regarding its ethical value.
Likewise, the Sudanese peoples have demonstrated their
rejection and denunciation of that decision. Real terrorism
is when a single super-Power uses it as a pretext and utilizes
its might to terrorize small developing countries for no
reason except that they opted for a path of independent
decision-making and rejected blind proselytism, or merely
for their different views.
Mixing politics with humanitarian assistance is rather
risky, especially in relief work, which is a sensitive matter,
as it directly affects human survival through supplying basic
needs such as food and medicine. This necessitates the
absolute neutrality of the relief donors. Recent years have
witnessed an increasing involvement of politics in
humanitarian work, which fact led Mr. Cornelio Sommaruga,
President of the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) to explicitly warn against the danger of mixing
politics with humanitarian work. Sudan has suffered
tremendously from these attempts to tarnish its image by
intentionally distorting its achievements in relief delivery so
that they are seen as failures, its initiatives depicted as
obstructions and its cooperation as impediment of the inflow
of relief supplies. The reality is that we feel we are unjustly
treated by some States and some media that tend to
undermine our efforts in relief operation and blemish our
reputation.
However, Sudan has a bright and outstanding record in
this area. Operation Lifeline Sudan is an unprecedented
initiative; it has enabled the United Nations and
non-governmental organizations to provide relief supplies to
affected populations, whoever and wherever they are. Since
the forty-seventh session, continuous efforts have been made
to strengthen the efficiency of Operation Lifeline and its
relief programme, such as the signing of an agreement
between the Government of the Sudan, the United Nations
and the rebel factions in December 1992 to secure the flow
of relief to all areas in need. In January 1993, another
agreement was signed between the Government of the
Sudan, the United Nations and the non-governmental
organizations to facilitate and enhance the role of the non-
governmental organizations in relief and rehabilitation. In
March 1993, the Government of the Sudan signed a
memorandum of understanding with the International
Committee of the Red Cross to streamline the cooperation
between the Government and the Committee and to
strengthen the effectiveness of its operations in southern
Sudan. The allocation of 153,000 metric tons of grain by
the Government to the World Food Programme to be
distributed to the population in need represents a cornerstone
of our contribution to relief efforts.
The mission of Mr. Vieri Traxler, Special Envoy of the
Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs for the Sudan,
and its positive outcome, stand as another example of the
cooperation of the Government of the Sudan with the
international community. A number of modalities were
agreed upon during that mission to guarantee the full
implementation of all previously signed agreements. It is
my pleasure to convey to this Assembly that during Mr.
Traxler’s mission to the Sudan a number of steps were taken
to implement what was agreed upon. On the initiative of the
Government of the Sudan, an agreement was reached to send
joint assessment missions, constituted by the United Nations
and the non-governmental organizations working in relief
operations, to about 30 safe locations in the three Southern
States, the Nuba mountains and Kordofan. It was also
agreed that the town of Malakal and its environs would be
considered a model of relief integrated programmes to be
implemented in other areas after proving successful. This is
in addition to other steps oriented towards strengthening the
efficiency of operations and ensuring relief for those in
need wherever they may be.
Allow me to acquaint this Assembly with the
achievements of the Government of Sudan in political,
economic and social fields. The priority item on my
Government’s agenda is to attain a just and lasting peace in
southern Sudan and to put an end to the war that horrified
38 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
innocent civilians and devastated their lives, the war that
exposed them to the scourges of death, famine, disease and
displacement. This war, which was the by-product of the
colonial conspiracy, has turned the citizens into recipients of
relief and made them dependent on others. It constitutes a
perpetual squandering of vast resources that could have been
utilized in economic and social development and for the
welfare of the Sudanese peoples in the south and the north.
Faithful to its earnest endeavours to bring about a
peaceful settlement of the discord in the south, the Sudanese
Government has emphasized since 1989 its readiness to talk
peace with the rebels without preconditions. The
Government put forward a comprehensive framework for
peace emanating from the recommendations of a national
conference. This approach is based on remedying the
lingering causes of the conflict in the areas of power- and
wealth-sharing, relations between religion and State, adoption
of the federal system of government to meet the aspirations
of different regions for a genuine sharing of power, the
exemption of the south from the application of Sharia laws
and the redistribution and reallocation of resources for social
and economic development on equitable grounds.
In this positive spirit the Government held several
rounds of negotiations with the rebel movement. The last
meeting took place in Abuja with the mediation of sisterly
Nigeria. The Government, out of its keen desire to bring the
peace talks to a successful conclusion, showed great
flexibility, but it realized, unfortunately, that, owing to the
pressures of foreign interests, Garang’s faction was not the
master of its decision. That was why we could not reach an
agreement in order to alleviate the suffering of our citizens
in the south.
The failure of the second Abuja peace talks did not,
however, weaken the determination of the Government to
continue searching for peace through negotiations. To this
end, the Government started a new round of negotiations,
this time in Sudanese territory, with the other united rebel
factions. The Government also accepted a quadrilateral
peace initiative put forward by four Heads of State members
of the Intergovernmental Authority for Drought and
Development (IGADD): Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and
Eritrea. We believe that neighbouring countries are able and
keen to help in resolving this stalemate. Furthermore, the
Government accepted the initiative of former President
Jimmy Carter in mediating between the Government and the
rebel factions.
In the area of economic development, the Government
of the Sudan adopted an ambitious three-year economic
programme for the implementation of far-reaching reforms
in the structure of the Sudanese economy by engaging in a
free-market policy, diminishing the role of the Government
in trade and economic activities, and giving the private
sector its due catalytic role in these activities.
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 39
Economic and monetary regulations were enacted to
encourage investment, especially in agriculture and animal
products. This economic programme reaped its fruits, and
we have registered an increase of over 10 per cent in the
rate of growth of the gross national product, as well as self-
sufficiency in grain and sugar. This programme energized
the economy and led to the inflow of foreign investment,
owing to the free-market policy, the reform of the
infrastructure and the building up of the capacity of human
resources.
All these developments could have achieved positive
results, not for the benefit of the Sudanese people alone, but
also for the African and Arab regions, had they not been
forestalled by political machinations in areas of international
trade and economic cooperation, as well as interference in
the work of the international monetary institutions. An
unjust and undeclared economic embargo deprived the Sudan
of development resources from bilateral and multilateral
institutions. This unjust behaviour deprived the people of
the Sudan of their right to development, a right enshrined in
all international conventions.
In the social field, the Government is very attentive to
the needs of the impoverished sector of the population.
Financial support is increasingly extended to them through
Zakat funds and social-welfare institutions. A number of
commercial subsidies were introduced to alleviate the
economic burden of a broad sector of the population.
Salaries in the public and private sectors were increased and
subjected to continuous revision. All this was done in full
compliance with and respect for human dignity, and to
eliminate poverty.
Moreover, in the area of legislation, the Government
excluded the States with non-Muslim majorities from being
subjected to Sharia laws.
In the area of human rights, a Supreme Council for
Human Rights was established, under the chairmanship of
the second-highest ranking official in the State.
Security prevails throughout the country, the rule of law
has replaced chaos, and there have been other great
accomplishments in the fields of education, literacy, health,
environment, and the improvement of the living conditions
of displaced persons and their relocation to ensure a
dignified life while they await the elimination of the
conditions that forced them to become displaced persons.
The position of Sudan has remained clear ever since the
commencement of the Arab-Israeli peace talks: we believe
that they should lead to the exercise of Arab and Palestinian
rights based on the provisions of Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978). Since
the signing of the Declaration of Principles of self-autonomy
between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and
Israel, the Middle East and the Palestinians’ cause have
entered a new phase. The Arab League Council of
Ministers, after its 100th meeting in Cairo, issued a
communiqué on this agreement based on Security Council
resolutions. The communiqué emphasized the necessity of
an Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories
in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, the Golan
Heights and southern Lebanon so as to open a new page in
the history of the Middle East and enable the people of the
region to work for development and prosperity. The Arab
League Council considered the agreement a step forward
towards the establishment of a comprehensive peace in the
region, provided that other steps to complement it were
guaranteed such as a complete Israeli withdrawal from the
occupied Syrian Golan Heights, the West Bank, including
Jerusalem, and the territory in southern Lebanon.
The Arab world has articulated its judgement on this
historic agreement and proved its sincerity about desiring a
just, lasting and comprehensive settlement in the region. At
this critical point in time, we appeal to our Palestinian
brothers to consolidate their unity and unify their
determinant objectives. They should close the doors against
any attempts to divide them. The United Nations is called
upon to supervise this peace plan by insisting on the
implementation of all its resolutions based on international
legitimacy. The custodians of this peace plan are also called
upon to ensure an expeditious Israeli withdrawal from all the
occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, in full compliance
with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
The positive developments taking place in South Africa
as a result of the struggle of our brothers and sisters there in
their quest for emancipation, equality and the rule of the
majority stand as proof of the important role the United
Nations can play in accordance with the principles of the
Charter whenever a Member State shows the necessary
political will. My delegation associates itself with the leader
Nelson Mandela in his call upon the international
Organization to secure the transitional arrangements leading
to the emergence of a democratic, unified and non-racial
South Africa.
As an African country, we believe that Africa has
demonstrated throughout history its unique ability to resolve
African disputes through African mediation. In this regard,
I salute the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the
40 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Desertification
(IGADD), the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) and all other African subregional organizations,
as well as various African States that have played leading
roles in the peaceful settlement of several disputes in such
countries as Rwanda and Liberia,
thus contributing to peace and stability in Africa. We hope
that peace will soon prevail in Angola, Mozambique and
Somalia so that Africa can enjoy the stability that will enable
it to meet the challenges of construction and development
and move towards prosperity for the African people and
people of the whole world.


It is with satisfaction that my
delegation and I would like to congratulate His Excellency
Ambassador Samuel Insanally, on his election as President
of the forty-eighth session of the United Nations General
Assembly. I wish him success in discharging his duties.
My delegation is available and ready to cooperate with him
in the task of ensuring a successful conclusion to this
session’s deliberations.
To His Excellency Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria we extend
our congratulations on the wonderful work he did as
President of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly.
I should like to take this opportunity to address my
special appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-
Ghali, the Secretary-General of our Organization, for his
unflinching dedication in the search for solutions to the
many problems that affect humankind. I wish to reiterate
our gratitude and appreciation for his personal commitment
and dedication to the cause of peace and stability in my
country.
To the new Member States which have just joined this
great United Nations family we express our congratulations
and our readiness to work with them to fulfil the objectives
enshrined in the Charter of the Organization.
When I last addressed the Assembly, in 1990, I had the
opportunity to say that my Government had begun direct
negotiations with RENAMO with a view to putting an end
to the long war of destruction and destabilization.
For my Government the dialogue had as it main
objective - besides ending the war - to restore peace,
normalize life and promote understanding among all citizens
of Mozambique. These conditions are essential if the
process of national reconstruction is to gain root and prosper.
It is worth indicating here that, for reasons alien to the
Government, the dialogue with RENAMO was complex and
too long. We wish to express our appreciation and thanks
to the international community for its unwavering support,
which helped us to conclude the negotiations successfully
and sign the General Peace Agreement in Rome on 4
October 1992.
For Mozambique the signing of the General Peace
Agreement represents an important step in the life of its
people. With it, hopes for the Mozambicans to rebuild their
country in a peaceful and harmonious environment were
renewed. The fact that almost one year has elapsed without
any major breach of the cease-fire is reason for joy.
We are witnessing the revival of economic and social
activity in the country. The refugees have begun to return.
Displaced people are resettling in their areas of origin or in
other areas of their choice. The reconstruction of roads,
bridges, schools and health centres is under way in spite of
the shortage of financial and material resources with which
the country is confronted.
The flow of people and goods is increasing as the roads
are reopening to traffic. We are witnessing a normal
movement of people all over the country, except in
RENAMO-occupied areas. There is a growing interest on
the part of foreigners in seeking investment opportunities in
Mozambique.
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The challenges ahead of us are enormous. The war of
destabilization that ravaged the country for more than 16
years has caused economic and social damage amounting to
about $20 billion. As a direct consequence of this war, 6
million people were displaced or became refugees in
neighbouring countries; more than 500,000 children became
orphans and an equal number were traumatized. In addition
to this, 3000 primary schools and about 1000 health centres
were destroyed in rural areas. Together with this, power
lines, sugar plants, tea factories - among others - bridges and
mines were destroyed.
Many agricultural and industrial activities of primary
importance were paralysed, thus reducing considerably our
capacity to export. Unemployment was aggravated. These
are the problems we are endeavouring to solve as we
proceed with the implementation of the General Peace
Agreement. The demobilization of forces and their
economic and social reintegration require a tremendous
effort on our part. As can be seen, these challenges cannot
be met successfully without the support of the Assembly.
The Government of Mozambique has approved a
national reconstruction plan the main objective of which is
to reactivate the economic and social life of the population
so that people may go from a situation in which they survive
on emergency aid to one of rehabilitation and sustained
development. Thus, the aim of the plan is to put an end to
the structural poverty of the population by giving it the
means it needs to relaunch productive activity and to become
self-sufficient. We believe that in the medium term this plan
will contribute to a rapid expansion of essential services in
rural areas as well as to that of overall economic and social
activity in the country in general.
On humanitarian assistance, it is worth noting that with
the support of the United Nations we drew up a consolidated
programme for action in the repatriation process,
demobilization of military units, supply of emergency aid,
re-establishment of essential services, and institutional
capacity-building in the country. Humanitarian assistance
will be required for some years to come until the whole
process of resettlement of the population is completed.
In spite of these challenges the Government has
proceeded with the implementation of the economic recovery
programme, with the assistance of the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Economic
Community (EEC) and other partners. After a decline in the
gross domestic product last year we expect a slight growth
of about 4 per cent this year thanks to peace and the good
climatic conditions we are enjoying in the country.
We are convinced that the success of present efforts
and of the large national reconstruction plan will, to a great
extent, depend on the creative spirit, determination and hard
work of all Mozambicans. On the other hand, the success
of this same project will also depend on the generous
support of the international community.
We appeal to our partners to provide timely assistance,
inasmuch as the delays we are observing in delivering
assistance already committed have, in many cases, been
partly responsible for the weak performance of the economy,
particularly in the industrial sector.
We would like to take this opportunity to recognize and
express our thanks to the United Nations, and to all those
countries that have contributed funds, resources and
personnel to the United Nations Operation in Mozambique
(UNOMOZ). We equally thank them and the many non-
governmental organizations that have been operating in the
country for their assistance in successfully meeting these
challenges.
We have spoken about encouraging developments in
Mozambique. However, we regret to say that the other face
of the situation in the country is a source of serious concern.
After the international community succeeded in catching
up with the initial delay in setting up the UNOMOZ
operation, RENAMO found new pretexts to further protract
and delay the implementation of the Peace Agreement. In
its dilatory manoeuvres RENAMO is moving from
precondition to precondition, though many of the
preconditions have nothing to do with the General Peace
Agreement or are a blatant breach of it.
From the very inception, RENAMO delayed sending
personnel to fill its positions in the commissions for the
implementation of the General Peace Agreement. At
present, RENAMO is stating reservations concerning
Security Council resolution 863 (1993) on Mozambique, to
which my Government fully subscribes. As members know,
that resolution calls, among other things, for urgent
implementation, without further preconditions, of the process
of assembly and demobilization of forces and of beginning
the training of the new army.
On the consultations for the adoption of the draft
electoral law, RENAMO is raising difficulties that can
hardly be understood, particularly with respect to the
composition of the National Electoral Commission. The
organization and holding of multiparty elections is a
Government responsibility. The Government cannot excuse
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 7
itself from that responsibility at a moment when the
Mozambicans and the international community as a whole
are anxiously waiting to see the free and fair multiparty
elections that are to be held not later than October 1994.
We cannot postpone the elections indefinitely. RENAMO
must be made to understand this. The Government will
continue to engage in consultations, and will spare no effort
to make sure that the elections are held at the proper time.
The overview we have just presented compels us to
make some observations on the situation in Angola and
South Africa, given the affinities of the regional situation as
a whole. We are deeply concerned over the resumption of
hostilities in Angola because they not only represent a
serious threat to peace and to the future of the country but
also threaten to perpetuate tension and instability in the
whole region of southern Africa.
We continue to believe that compliance with the
Bicesse Accords, respect for the election results and the
unconditional implementation of the relevant Security
Council resolutions constitute a valid platform in the efforts
towards a lasting peace in Angola. We are hopeful that
dialogue will prevail in the search for the best solutions to
the conflict in Angola.
Within that context, my Government fully subscribes to
Security Council resolution 864 (1993). Strict observance of
the spirit and letter of that resolution by UNITA is a
fundamental condition for an end to the protracted and
devastating war which is responsible for the great suffering
of the Angolan people today. We also believe that
compliance with that resolution will certainly lead to
humanitarian assistance being channelled to the people in
greatest need. I would like to take this opportunity to
reaffirm my Government’s readiness to cooperate with the
United Nations in the implementation of that resolution.
We have followed with great interest the talks within
the framework of the Multiparty Negotiating Forum in South
Africa. We would like to commend the decision taken by
that organ, specifically regarding the creation of the
Transitional Executive Council soon to be established as a
decisive step in preparing for the first multiracial elections
in the country’s history.
The end of the apartheid system and the formation of
a democratically elected Government will greatly contribute
to peace and stability in the region, thus enhancing the
prospects for even more prosperous economic cooperation
within the context of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC). The peoples of southern Africa have
high hopes for that organization of regional economic
integration as a special forum for harmonizing their
economic and social development programmes. The region
possesses enormous economic potential yet to be explored,
and continues to call for investment in order to become a
viable, more competitive economic partner in the
international arena.
On the Middle East, we welcome the signing of the
agreement between the Israeli Government and the Palestine
Liberation Organization in Washington on 13 September
1993. This agreement constitutes a historic and important
landmark on the road to the solution of the issues in the
Middle East conflict.
The question of East Timor, whose people shared with
Mozambique a common colonial history, remains
unresolved. We encourage the ongoing dialogue between
Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the Secretary-
General, aimed at finding a solution that will safeguard the
right of the Maubère people to self-determination.
We are also convinced that, through dialogue, the other
conflicts still prevailing in Africa and other continents will
come to satisfactory solutions.
The world economy continues to be characterized by
stagnant growth with an increasing disparity in development
levels. Various factors on the international scene led to this
state of affairs. External debt constitutes one of the main
obstacles to the economic growth of developing countries.
The external debt burden is aggravated by the deteriorating
prices of basic export goods and by weak foreign investment
in productive areas which could have a positive impact on
the balance of payments and on domestic savings. We
believe, therefore, that the international community should
pay special attention to the external debt of the developing
countries and take necessary, adequate measures aimed at
finding a definitive solution to this crisis.
Moreover, we have noted a decline in financial
assistance to the developing countries; such assistance is
being diverted to other countries, in Europe, at the very time
when we are experiencing a reduction in the flow of official
development assistance. This affects the economies of low-
income countries.
Notwithstanding the enormous efforts undertaken in the
structural-adjustment process during the last decade, the
economic and social situation in Africa remains very serious.
The real economic growth rate in African countries remains
far behind the population growth rates. Per capita income
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
and other development factors continue to decrease, and
remain among the lowest in the world.
If the alarming economic situation I have described is
not addressed by the international community, and reversed,
the peace dividends resulting from the end of the cold war
and from the progress of the democratic process world wide
will not benefit all the peoples of the world.
It is in this context that we support the efforts to
produce a solid consensus on a development agenda to the
benefit during this session of the General Assembly.
We also believe that a speedy conclusion of the
Uruguay Round of negotiations would contribute to a
solution of the problems relating to international trade that
affect the world economy.
With regard to environment, the Republic of
Mozambique has established a National Commission for
Environment to look after issues in this area. The
implementation of "Agenda 21" in Mozambique has a legal
basis within the Republic’s Constitution, which contains
provisions relating to the management of natural resources
and environment in general. The National Commission for
Environment is at present working on harmonizing measures
aimed at integrating environmental aspects into economic
and social programmes, and it is also producing a National
Plan for Environment Management, whose main objective is
the promotion of the country’s sustained development. In
order to fulfil international obligations in this regard,
Mozambique is making the necessary preparations to adhere
to the main international Conventions and other agreements
on environment.
A brief appreciation of the international situation shows
that the era of bipolarity has given way to the beginning of
an era characterized by dialogue in international cooperation,
particularly in joint efforts to face the problems affecting
peace, international security and economic and social
development.
Solving the problems we face today requires the
promotion of cooperative relations, based on
interdependence, complementarity and mutual benefit
between nations.
In various parts of the world significant steps have been
taken bearing testimony to the prevailing political will for,
and commitment to, political, economic and social
democratization. However, these efforts are faced with
social problems deriving from the institutional and economic
fragility of the States involved. It is therefore imperative
that the international community take cognizance of these
difficulties and adopt measures in support of those efforts.
The new challenges we are facing today lead us to
believe even more in the United Nations as the most
privileged forum for harmonizing the global interests of all
peoples of the world, with the aim of fostering an
international environment in conformity with the noble
principles and objectives enshrined in its Charter.
In conclusion, I should like to highlight the importance
of peace-keeping and humanitarian assistance in the world,
and especially in my own country. In this regard I appeal to
Member States to redirect their efforts and resources in order
to strengthen further the United Nations.
To this end, we should like to appeal to all Member
States to channel material and financial resources to the
United Nations so that its role as the guardian of
international peace and security may continue to be
strengthened.


Allow me, Ambassador
Samuel Insanally, to congratulate you sincerely, on behalf of
my delegation, on your election as President of the General
Assembly of the United Nations at its forty-eighth session.
At the same time, I would express to you our satisfaction
that this post has gone to such a distinguished representative
of the Latin American and Caribbean region. You may
count on our cooperation in the important work that lies
ahead of you.
I would also like to express our gratitude to
Ambassador Stoyan Ganev for the efficiency with which he
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
served as President of the General Assembly at its forty-
seventh session.
I would give a special greeting to Andorra, the Czech
Republic, Eritrea, Monaco, Slovakia, and The Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and bid them a cordial
welcome to our Organization. Guatemala wishes to extend
to them its friendship, respect, solidarity and understanding.
The increase in its membership is further proof of the faith
the international community places in the United Nations as
a multilateral forum par excellence for seeking together the
solution to the problems that beset the world today.
I would also like to extend my greetings to
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of the United
Nations, whose dynamic leadership has allowed us to
progress towards the common objective of strengthening our
Organization and adapting it to the new world situation. We
hope that his efforts to ensure fulfilment of the Charter and
of its purposes and principles will be successful. We need
a strengthened Organization to maintain international peace
and security and to promote social progress and better
standards of life for human beings within the widest concept
of freedom.
We believe that the continuous dialogue between the
Secretariat and the Member States should be based on
mutual respect, confidence and understanding, and should
take into account cultural, political, economic and social
realities. The Secretary-General’s role as a facilitator of
peace processes, as an adviser on human rights and as a
mediator in international conflicts may be strengthened by
the contribution of distinguished statesmen and experts who
share with him their experience and prestige.
The events which have taken place in my country since
25 May of this year have marked a fundamental change in
the political and institutional life of Guatemala.
The breaking-off and subsequent restoration of
constitutional order created a situation in which the people
of Guatemala, as the country’s only sovereigns, exercised
legitimate resistance in order to protect and defend their
rights and guarantees enshrined in the political Constitution
of the Republic.
As one of the principal consequences of these events,
with a view to consolidating the restoration of constitutional
order so as to reinstall the Congress of the Republic, the
political parties formally pledged in writing to purge the
membership of that body.
Since this commitment has not yet been fulfilled,
President Ramiro de León Carpio, as Head of State and the
representative of national unity and the interests of the
people of Guatemala, in accordance with the Constitution,
requested the supreme electoral tribunal to hold a vote so
that the citizens could express their will with regard to the
political decision of calling for the resignation of the sitting
members of the Congress and the judges of the Supreme
Court. This vote, in conformity with the resolution of the
tribunal, will be held on 28 November this year.
This process has no precedent in our political history.
We wish to stress that all the actions taken by the
Government of the Republic fall strictly within the
framework of the Constitution, and, though the people of
Guatemala may have opted for a slower path, through
legality, to consolidate their democratic institutions, we are
sure that this will be the best solution for the reconciliation
of the Guatemalan family and the political stability of the
State. Guatemala is charting its own course, and its political
process cannot be compared with other realities.
Yesterday, President Ramirio de León Carpio presented
the National Peace Plan and the Official Declaration on
Human Rights to the Guatemalan people, as he does today,
through me, to the international community. President León
de Carpio’s Plan seeks a firm peace, based on far-reaching
reconciliation through dialogue, so that we Guatemalans can
find unity in the diversity of our cultural, ethnic, religious,
social, political, economic and ecological values.
It seeks lasting peace, achieved by putting an end to
armed internal confrontation and seeing to it that the roots
of hatred, resentment and distrust that have divided us are
extirpated through negotiation and never again by violence.
It seeks a peace with the power to transform, achieved
by consensus and national compromise, which will lead to
the strengthening of the capacity of the Government and the
society as a whole to respond promptly and effectively to
social requirements, with particular attention to the sectors
of the population most affected by the armed internal
confrontation.
The first component is reconciliation. The Plan
considers it essential to establish and promote the
functioning in Guatemala of the permanent forum for peace.
This forum will help to facilitate dialogue and ensure the
participation of all Guatemalans in the solution of national
problems. This reconciliation process will be promoted at
the national, regional, departmental, municipal and
communal levels. Thus, consensus and agreements will
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 9
express needs that are truly felt by the people and will at the
same time provide guidelines for joint action by the people
and the Government to solve these problems. In this
decentralization strategy, we shall make use of all
mechanisms for making the community’s voice heard,
including urban and rural development councils.
In those councils national problems will be discussed in
order to arrive at conclusions that will lead to the perfecting
of our democracy, the strengthening of a State based on the
rule of law, the full exercise of individual freedoms, respect
for human rights, integrated, self-reliant and self-sustaining
development with equality and justice and the solution to
problems deriving from our cultural diversity.
We must link this permanent forum to previous
achievements of the peace process. To this end, account
should be taken, inter alia, of the contributions made to the
great national dialogue and to the meetings that various
sectors of the Guatemalan population had with the
Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG).
When that group integrates itself legally it will be able,
through the national reconciliation commission, to present its
ideas and proposals for subjects to be dealt with in the
forum.
The matter of social requirements calls for honest,
efficient and immediate actions by the Government to
strengthen the protection and defence of human rights,
actions that will reduce poverty indicators and promote
development in the areas worst affected by violence and that
will succeed in perfecting our democratic system. At the
same time, the Government will promote and support
responsible action in these fields by all sectors of society.
We hope the valuable support of the international
community will be added to this effort of the people and the
Government, which will contribute to a prompt and effective
response to the needs and requirements of the population.
We cannot postpone the end of the armed confrontation,
which requires the restoration of the negotiation process to
bring about a definitive cease-fire; the return of the URNG
to legality by means of amnesty; the defining of the
conditions necessary for its integration into the country’s
political life; and, in consequence, its direct participation in
the permanent peace forum.
We shall also define the international verification
machinery which will make possible the concentration,
disarmament and demobilization of URNG personnel. To
achieve this, there must be an end to acts of terrorism, acts
of destruction against the infrastructure and actions that harm
the environment.
The process also requires, first, that there be a revision
of the Oslo and Mexico City accords and, secondly, that a
timetable for negotiations be set.
On the question of human rights, the Government has
declared that it will act firmly against violations of these
rights, with no distinction as to social or economic status.
The necessary measures will be taken to protect and support
persons and entities that are working in accordance with the
law to promote and safeguard human rights. We therefore
call upon the United Nations, the Organization of American
States (OAS) and the States members of these organizations
to increase their presence and technical contributions to
actions that the State of Guatemala and its institutions
undertake to strengthen, enable and perfect the machinery for
protecting and defending human rights.
On behalf of my Government, I request the Secretary-
General of the United Nations to seek a meeting with the
URNG to undertake a review of the Oslo and Mexico City
accords and to set a timetable for negotiations. The
Government of Guatemala is proposing this Peace Plan,
aware as it is of the imperative necessity for putting an end
once and for all to armed confrontation, which has cost my
country so many human lives over the course of more than
30 years. Only a sturdy, lasting peace with power to
transform can serve as a basis to strengthen democratic
institutions, guarantee respect for human rights and promote
political, economic and social development.
For all of the above reasons we most warmly welcome
the peace process that has been attained in the sister
Republic of El Salvador and the one recently initiated
between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization.
Guatemala reaffirms its faith and conviction regarding
the guiding principles set out in the Charter of the United
Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
outstanding among which are the principle of the peaceful
solution of disputes, the right to self-determination, the
sovereign equality of States and, fundamentally, the respect
for human rights and the principle of democratic
Government.
In keeping with the principle of universality prevailing
in the current international context, our country considers
that cases like that of the Republic of China in Taiwan
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
should be thoroughly studied and considered in the light of
the United Nations Charter. Guatemala renews its faith and
hope in multilateralism, and particularly in the United
Nations. It wishes to stress its tradition of peace, dialogue
and negotiation and the non-use of force in international
relations.
The security of nations is no longer an exclusively
geopolitical matter falling within the framework of bipolar
confrontation. It is a global problem within which we must
tackle the problems that afflict today’s world. The concept
of security should include new elements that are fundamental
for the peoples of the world: democracy, development, the
preservation of the environment, combating drug trafficking,
food security, population trends and so on.
The Secretariat should be in the service of Member
States and in that role should facilitate instruments that will
make it possible to maintain international peace and security
and promote economic cooperation and social development,
which will guarantee the full exercise of human rights and
fundamental freedoms throughout the world.
Guatemala believes that, within the process of
restructuring and reorganizing the United Nations that is
currently under way, the efficiency of the system and the full
and democratic participation of all its Members should be
secured. Democratization, as a fundamental element in the
development of peoples, must coexist with development of
the international community and its multilateral system.
We support the initiative to expand the membership of
the Security Council from a regional perspective.
Operations designed to contain or solve conflicts should
be matters for priority action by the United Nations as part
of the Organization’s efforts to forge a new world order.
Among the problems of development are to be found
many of the causes of regional, national and international
tension. Development must be the central focus of the
efforts of the Organization. We therefore support the
holding of a World Summit for Social Development, and we
hope that the Secretary-General will submit the proposed
agenda for development, embracing economic affairs that
have traditionally been assigned to the Organization, as well
as social, political, environmental and cultural matters, which
we are beginning to realize are fundamental elements in the
welfare of peoples.
The well-being of mankind depends in large measure
on the rational use of available natural resources. With
regard to ecology, we need a global perspective, as the
environment is the heritage of all mankind. If the benefits
are enjoyed by all, the effort should be shared. The
developed world must work more closely and more
effectively in financing the various programmes to preserve
the environment of the developing countries and must
honour the commitments given in Rio de Janeiro.
National and international security are threatened
primarily by differences between the levels of development
of countries. Effective action must be taken against poverty,
hunger, disease and illiteracy. These scourges are worsening
where there are concentrations of refugees or displaced
persons. Cooperation must not be delayed. For this reason,
Guatemala hopes that the initiative of reactivating the North-
South dialogue to strengthen international economic
cooperation for development and to revitalize global
economic growth, as formulated by the Non-Aligned
Movement and the Group of 77, will be agreed to and will
lead to the creation of a better world.
The developing countries must refine the machinery for
political and economic coordination to enable us to get this
dialogue going seriously and constructively. It is therefore
essential that international economic cooperation be
strengthened to revitalize global economic growth and to
ensure that the technological revolution that is under way
will be one more factor in the promotion of a just and
equitable world order.
We must not overlook the fact that the problems of
national development are to be found also in the Central
American region. International cooperation is necessary for
the consolidation of peace and to encourage the development
of the region. Meetings of Presidents of Central American
States continue to be held regularly. Due note has been
taken of regional political advances, and proposals for
further improvement in this field have been put forward. A
summit meeting of Central American Presidents will be held
in Guatemala at the end of this month for the purpose of
adopting the Protocol to the General Treaty on Central
American Economic Integration, whose aim is to encourage
social development - a priority when it comes to
consolidating peace in Central America.
The Central American effort at integration has been
intensified. The Central American Integration System,
which coordinates efforts at regional integration and is
therefore a fundamental instrument in the process of regional
development, now has a Secretary-General.
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 11
It has been proposed that a coordinated Central
American fund to fight poverty be set up. This proposal will
be studied at the next Summit of Central American
Presidents.
Guatemala supports economic openness so that its
economy may be integrated effectively into the sphere of
world trade. Along with the other Central American
countries, we have made progress in establishing an
integrated economic space, and we are negotiating with
countries and groups of countries with a view to concluding
agreements on the liberalization of trade.
The Government that I represent has embarked upon a
process of restructuring and consolidating its democratic
institutions. Keeping faith with the Constitution of the
Republic, it has today, with the greatest good will and good
faith, presented its plan for peace. This is designed to save
many lives and to bring to our country the longed-for peace,
which cannot be achieved without the wholehearted support
of the international community.


Let me first congratulate you,
Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly
for this session.
Mr. Secretary-General, distinguished representatives and
guests, it is a great honour for me to address you and to
stand in this great Hall, which symbolizes so much of the
twentieth century - its darkest crises and its brightest
aspirations.
I come before you as the first American President born
after the founding of the United Nations. Like most of the
people in the world today, I was not even alive during the
convulsive world war that convinced humankind of the need
for this Organization, nor during the San Francisco
Conference that led to its birth. Yet I have followed the
work of the United Nations throughout my life, with
admiration for its accomplishments, sadness for its failures
and the conviction that, through common effort, our
generation can take the bold steps needed to redeem the
mission entrusted to the United Nations 48 years ago. I
pledge to you that my nation remains committed to helping
make the United Nations vision a reality.
The start of this session of the General Assembly offers
us an opportunity to take stock of where we are as common
shareholders in the progress of humankind and the
preservation of our planet. It is clear that we live at a
turning point in human history.
Immense and promising changes seem to wash over us
every day. The cold war is over. The world is no longer
divided into two armed and angry camps. Dozens of new
democracies have been born.
It is a moment of miracles. We see Nelson Mandela
stand side by side with President de Klerk proclaiming a
date for South Africa’s first non-racial elections.
We see Russia’s first popularly elected President,
Boris Yeltsin, leading his nation on its bold democratic
journey.
We have seen decades of deadlock shattered in the
Middle East as the Prime Minister of Israel and the
Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization reached
past enmity and suspicion to shake each other’s hand and
exhilarate the entire world with the hope of peace.
We have begun to see the doomsday weapons of
nuclear annihilation dismantled and destroyed. Thirty-two
years ago President Kennedy warned this Assembly that
humanity lived under a nuclear sword of Damocles that hung
by the slenderest of threads. Now the United States is
working with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and others to take
that sword down, to lock it away in a secure vault, where we
hope and pray it will remain for ever.
It is a new era in this Hall as well. The super-Power
standoff that for so long stymied the work of the United
Nations, almost from its first day, has now yielded to a new
promise of practical cooperation.
Yet today we must all admit that there are two
powerful tendencies working from opposite directions to
challenge the authority of nation States everywhere and to
undermine the authority of nation States to work together.
From beyond nations, economic and technological forces all
over the globe are compelling the world towards integration.
These forces are fuelling a welcome explosion of
entrepreneurship and political liberalization. But they also
threaten to destroy the insularity and independence of
national economies, quickening the pace of change and
making many of our people feel more insecure. At the same
time, from within nations, the resurgent aspirations of ethnic
and religious groups challenge Governments on terms that
traditional nation States cannot easily accommodate. These
twin forces lie at the heart of the challenges, not only to our
national Governments, but also to all our international
institutions. They require all of us in this Hall to find new
ways to work together more effectively in pursuit of our
national interests and to think anew about whether our
institutions of international cooperation are adequate to this
moment.
Thus, as we marvel at this era’s promise of new peace,
we must also recognize that serious threats remain. Bloody
ethnic, religious and civil wars rage from Angola to the
Caucasus to Kashmir. As weapons of mass destruction fall
into more hands, even small conflicts can threaten to take on
murderous proportions. Hunger and disease continue to take
a tragic toll, especially among the world’s children. The
malignant neglect of our global environment threatens our
children’s health and their very security. The repression of
conscience continues in too many nations. And terrorism,
which has taken so many innocent lives, assumed a
horrifying immediacy for us here when militant fanatics
bombed the World Trade Center and planned to attack even
this very Hall of peace.
Let me assure the Assembly that whether they be the
plotters of those crimes or the mass murderers who bombed
Pan Am flight 103, my Government is determined to see that
such terrorists are brought to justice.
At this moment of panoramic change, of vast
opportunities and troubling threats, we must all ask ourselves
what we can and what we should do as a community of
nations. We must once again dare to dream of what might
be, for our dreams may be within our reach.
For that to happen, we must all be willing honestly to
confront the challenges of the broader world. That has never
been easy. When this Organization was founded 48 years
ago, the world’s nations stood devastated by war or
exhausted by its expense. There was little appetite for
cooperative efforts among nations; most people simply
wanted to get on with their lives. But a far-sighted
generation of leaders from the United States and elsewhere
rallied the world. Their efforts built the institutions of post-
-war security and prosperity.
We are at a similar moment today. The momentum of
the cold war no longer propels us in our daily actions. And
with daunting economic and political pressures upon almost
every nation represented in this room, many of us are
turning to focus greater attention and energy on domestic
needs and problems, and we must.
But putting each of our economic houses in order
cannot mean that we shut our windows to the world. The
pursuit of self-renewal in many of the world’s largest and
most powerful economies - in Europe, in Japan, in North
America - is absolutely crucial, because unless the great
industrial nations can recapture their robust economic
growth, the global economy will languish. Yet the industrial
nations also need growth elsewhere in order to lift their own.
Indeed, prosperity in each of our nations and regions also
depends on active and responsible engagement in a host of
shared concerns: for example, a thriving and democratic
Russia not only makes the world safer, it also can help to
expand the world’s economy; a strong GATT (General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) agreement will create
millions of jobs world wide; peace in the Middle East,
buttressed as it should be by the repeal of outdated United
Nations resolutions, can help to unleash that region’s great
economic potential and calm a perpetual source of tension in
global affairs; and the growing economic power of China -
coupled with greater political openness - could bring
enormous benefits to all of Asia and to the rest of the world.
We must help our publics to understand this distinction:
domestic renewal is an overdue tonic; but isolationism and
protectionism are still poison. We must inspire our peoples
to look beyond their immediate fears towards a broader
horizon.
Let me start by being clear about where the United
States stands. The United States occupies a unique position
in world affairs today: we recognize that and we welcome
it. Yet, with the cold war over, I know many people ask
whether the United States plans to retreat or remain active
in the world; and if active, to what end? Many people are
asking that in our own country as well.
Let me answer that question as clearly and plainly as I
can. The United States intends to remain engaged and to
lead. We cannot solve every problem, but we must and will
serve as a fulcrum for change and a pivot point for peace.
In a new era of peril and opportunity, our overriding
purpose must be to expand and strengthen the world’s
community of market-based democracies. During the cold
war, we sought to contain a threat to the survival of free
institutions; now we seek to enlarge the circle of nations that
live under those free institutions.
For our dream is of a day when the opinions and
energies of every person in the world will be given full
expression, in a world of thriving democracies that cooperate
with each other and live in peace.
With this statement, I do not mean to announce some
crusade to force our way of life and doing things on others
or to replicate our institutions. But we now know clearly
that throughout the world, from Poland to Eritrea, from
Guatemala to South Korea, there is an enormous yearning
among people who wish to be the masters of their own
economic and political lives. Where it matters most and
where we can make the greatest difference, we will therefore
patiently and firmly align ourselves with that yearning.
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 9
Today, there are still those who claim that democracy
is simply not applicable to many cultures and that its recent
expansion is an aberration, an accident in history that will
soon fade away. But I agree with President Roosevelt, who
once said: "The democratic aspiration is no mere recent
phase of human history. It is human history."
We will work to strengthen the free market democracies
by revitalizing our economy at home, by opening world
trade through GATT, the North American Free Trade
Agreement and other accords, and by updating our shared
institutions, asking with you and answering the hard
questions about whether they are adequate to the present
challenges.
We will support the consolidation of market democracy
where it is taking new root, as in the States of the former
Soviet Union and all over Latin America, and we seek to
foster the practices of good government that distribute the
benefits of democracy and economic growth fairly to all
people.
We will work to reduce the threat from regimes that are
hostile to democracy and to support liberalization of
non-democratic States when they are willing to live in peace
with the rest of us. As a country that has over 150 racial,
ethnic and religious groups within our borders, our policy is
and must be rooted in a profound respect for all the world’s
religions and cultures. But we must oppose everywhere
extremism that produces terrorism and hate.
And we must pursue our humanitarian goals of
reducing suffering, fostering sustainable development and
improving health and living conditions, particularly for our
world’s children.
On efforts from export controls to trade agreements to
peace-keeping, we will often work in partnership with others
and through multilateral institutions such as the United
Nations. It is in our national interest to do so. But we must
not hesitate to act unilaterally when there is a threat to our
core interests or to those of our allies.
The United States believes that an expanding
community of market democracies not only serves our own
security interests, it also advances the goals enshrined in this
body’s Charter and its Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.
For broadly based prosperity is clearly the strongest
form of preventive diplomacy, and the habits of democracy
are the habits of peace. Democracy is rooted in
compromise, not conquest. It rewards tolerance, not hatred.
Democracies rarely wage war on one another. They make
more reliable partners in trade, in diplomacy, and in the
stewardship of our global environment. And democracies,
with the rule of law and respect for political, religious and
cultural minorities, are more responsive to their own people
and to the protection of human rights.
But as we work towards this vision, we must confront
the storm clouds that may overwhelm our work and darken
the march towards freedom.
If we do not stem the proliferation of the world’s
deadliest weapons, no democracy can feel secure.
If we do not strengthen the capacity to resolve conflicts
among and within nations, those conflicts will smother the
birth of free institutions, threaten the development of entire
regions and continue to take innocent lives.
If we do not nurture our people and our planet through
sustainable development, we will deepen conflict and waste
the very wonders that make our efforts worth doing.
Let me talk more about what I believe we must do in
each of these three categories: non-proliferation, conflict
resolution and sustainable development.
One of our most urgent priorities must be attacking the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction - whether
nuclear, chemical or biological - and the ballistic missiles
that can rain them down on populations hundreds of miles
away.
We know this is not an idle problem. All of us are still
haunted by the pictures of Kurdish women and children cut
down by poison gas. We saw SCUD missiles drop during
the Gulf War that would have been far graver in their
consequences if they had carried nuclear weapons. And we
know that many nations still believe it is in their interests to
develop weapons of mass destruction or to sell them or the
necessary technologies to others for financial gain.
More than a score of nations likely possess such
weapons and their number threatens to grow. These
weapons destabilize entire regions. They could turn a local
conflict into a global human and environmental catastrophe.
We simply have got to find ways to control these weapons
and to reduce the number of States that possess them by
supporting and strengthening the International Atomic
Energy Agency and by taking other necessary measures.
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
I have made non-proliferation one of our nation’s
highest priorities. We intend to weave it more deeply into
the fabric of all of our relationships with the world’s nations
and institutions. We seek to build a world of increasing
pressure for non-proliferation but increasingly open trade and
technology for those States that live by accepted
international rules.
Today, let me describe several new policies that our
Government will pursue to stem proliferation. We will
pursue new steps to control the materials for nuclear
weapons. Growing global stockpiles of plutonium and
highly enriched uranium are raising the danger of nuclear
terrorism for all nations. We will press for an international
agreement that would ban production of these materials for
weapons for ever.
As we reduce our nuclear stockpiles, the United States
has also begun negotiations towards a comprehensive ban on
nuclear testing. This summer I declared that to facilitate
those negotiations, our nation would suspend our testing if
all other nuclear States would do the same. Today, in the
face of disturbing signs, I renew my call on the nuclear
States to abide by that moratorium as we negotiate to stop
nuclear testing for all time.
I am also proposing new efforts to fight the
proliferation of biological and chemical weapons. Today,
only a handful of nations has ratified the chemical weapons
Convention. I call on all nations - including my own - to
ratify this accord quickly so that it may enter into force by
13 January 1995. We will also seek to strengthen the
biological weapons Convention by making every nation’s
biological activities and facilities open to more international
scrutiny.
I am proposing as well new steps to thwart the
proliferation of ballistic missiles. Recently, working with
Russia, Argentina, Hungary and South Africa, we have made
significant progress toward that goal. Now we will seek to
strengthen the principles of the Missile Technology Control
Regime by transforming it from an agreement on technology
transfer among just 23 nations into a set of rules that can
command universal adherence.
We will also reform our own system of export controls
in the United States to reflect the realities of the post-cold-
war world, where we seek to enlist the support of our former
adversaries in the battle against proliferation. At the same
time as we stop deadly technologies from falling into the
wrong hands, we will work with our partners to remove
outdated controls that unfairly burden legitimate commerce
and unduly restrain growth and opportunity all over the
world.
As we work to keep the world’s most destructive
weapons out of conflicts, we must also strengthen the
international community’s ability to address those conflicts
themselves. For as we all now know so painfully, the end
of the cold war did not bring us to the millennium of peace.
Indeed, it simply removed the lid from many cauldrons of
ethnic, religious and territorial animosity.
The philosopher Isaiah Berlin has said that a wounded
nationalism is like a bent twig, forced down so severely that
when released, it lashes back with fury. The world today is
thick with both bent and recoiling twigs of wounded
communal identities. This surge of bitter conflicts has
placed high demands on the United Nations peace-keeping
forces. Frequently, the Blue Helmets have worked wonders.
In Namibia, El Salvador, the Golan Heights and elsewhere,
United Nations peace-keepers have helped to stop the
fighting, restore civil authority and enable free elections. In
Bosnia, United Nations peace-keepers, against the danger
and frustration of that continuing tragedy, have maintained
a valiant humanitarian effort. And if the parties to that
conflict take the hard steps needed to make a real peace, the
international community - including the United States - must
be ready to help in its effective implementation.
In Somalia, the United States and the United Nations
have worked together to achieve a stunning humanitarian
rescue, saving literally hundreds of thousands of lives and
restoring conditions of security to almost the entire country.
United Nations peace-keepers from over two dozen nations
remain in Somalia today - and some, including brave
Americans, have lost their lives - to ensure that we complete
our mission and that anarchy and starvation do not return
just as quickly as they were abolished.
Many still criticize United Nations peace-keeping, but
those who do should talk to the people of Cambodia, where
the United Nations operations helped turn the killing fields
into fertile soil for reconciliation. Last May’s elections in
Cambodia marked a proud accomplishment for that war--
weary nation and for the United Nations. And I am pleased
to announce that the United States has recognized
Cambodia’s new Government.
United Nations peace-keeping holds the promise to
resolve many of this era’s conflicts. But the reason we have
supported such missions is not, as some critics in the United
States have charged, to subcontract American foreign policy,
but to strengthen our security, to protect our interests, and to
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 11
share among nations the costs and effort of pursuing peace.
Peace-keeping cannot be a substitute for our own national
defence efforts, but it can strongly supplement them.
Today there is wide recognition that the United Nations
peace-keeping ability has not kept pace with its rising
responsibilities and challenges. Just six years ago, about
10,000 United Nations peace-keepers were stationed around
the world. Today the United Nations has some 80,000
deployed in 17 operations on four continents. Yet until
recently, if a peace-keeping commander called in from
across the globe when it was night-time here in New York,
there was no one in the peace-keeping office even to answer
the call. When lives are on the line, we cannot let the reach
of the United Nations exceed its grasp.
As the Secretary-General and others have argued, if
United Nations peace-keeping is to be a sound security
investment for our nation and for other United Nations
Members, it must adapt to new times. Together, we must
prepare United Nations peace-keeping for the twenty-first
century. We need to begin by bringing the rigours of
military and political analysis to every United Nations peace
mission. In recent weeks in the Security Council, our nation
has begun asking harder questions about proposals for new
peace-keeping missions. Is there a real threat to
international peace? Does the proposed mission have clear
objectives? Can an end point be identified for those who
will be asked to participate? How much will the mission
cost? From now on the United Nations should address these
and other questions for every proposed mission before we
vote and before the mission begins. The United Nations
simply cannot become engaged in every one of the world’s
conflicts. If the American people are to say "Yes" to United
Nations peace-keeping, the United Nations must know when
to say "No".
The United Nations also must have the technical means
to run a modern, world-class peace-keeping operation. We
support the creation of a genuine United Nations peace-
keeping headquarters with a planning staff; with access to
timely intelligence; with a logistics unit that can be deployed
on a moment’s notice; and with a modern operations centre
with global communications.
United Nations operations must not only be adequately
funded but also fairly funded. Within the next few weeks,
the United States will be current on our peace-keeping bills.
I have worked hard with the Congress to get this done. I
believe the United States should lead the way in being
timely in its payments, and I will work to ensure that we
continue to pay our peace-keeping bills in full. But I am
also committed to working with the United Nations to reduce
our nation’s assessment for these missions. The assessment
system has not been changed since 1973, and everyone in
our country knows that our percentage of the world’s
economic pie is not as great as it was then. Therefore, I
believe our rate should be reduced to reflect the rise of other
nations that can now bear more of the financial burden.
That will make it easier for me as President to make sure
my country pays in a timely and full fashion.
Changes in the United Nations peace-keeping operations
must be part of an even broader programme of United
Nations reform. I say that, again, not to criticize the United
Nations but to help improve it. As our Ambassador,
Madeleine Albright, has suggested, the United States has
always played a twin role in regard to the United Nations:
"First friend and first critic."
Today, corporations around the world are finding ways
to move from the industrial age into the information age -
improving service, reducing bureaucracy and cutting costs.
Here in the United States, Vice President Al Gore and I have
launched an effort literally to reinvent how our Government
operates. We see this going on in other Governments
around the world. Now the time has come to reinvent the
way the United Nations operates as well.
I applaud the initial steps the Secretary-General has
taken to reduce and reform the United Nations bureaucracy.
Now we must all do even more to root out waste. Before
this General Assembly is over, let us establish a strong
mandate for an office of inspector general, so that it can
attain a reputation for toughness, for integrity, for
effectiveness. Let us build new confidence among our
people that the United Nations is changing with the needs of
our times.
Ultimately, the key for reforming the United Nations,
as for reforming our own government, is to remember why
we are here and whom we serve. It is well to recall that the
first words of the United Nations Charter are not, "We the
Governments", but "We the peoples of the United Nations".
That means, in every country, the teachers, the workers, the
farmers, the professionals, the fathers, the mothers, the
children, from the most remote village in the world to the
largest metropolis - they are why we gather in this great
Hall; it is their futures that are at risk when we act or fail to
act; and it is they who ultimately pay our bills.
As we dream new dreams in this age when miracles
seem possible, let us focus on the lives of those people, and
especially on the children who will inherit this world. Let
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
us work with a new urgency, and imagine what kind of
world we could create for them over the coming generation.
Let us work with new energy to protect the world’s
people from torture and repression. As Secretary of State
Christopher stressed at the recent Vienna Conference, human
rights are not something conditional, bounded by culture but,
rather, something universal, granted by God. This General
Assembly should create, at long last, a high commissioner
for human rights. I hope it will do this soon, and with
vigour and energy and conviction.
Let us also work far more ambitiously to fulfil our
obligations as custodians of this planet, not only to improve
the quality of life for our citizens and the quality of our air,
water and the earth itself, but also because the roots of
conflict are so often entangled with the roots of
environmental neglect and the calamities of famine and
disease.
During the course of our campaign in the United States
last year, Vice President Gore and I promised the American
people major changes in our nation’s policy towards the
global environment. Those were promises to keep, and
today the United States is doing so. Today we are working
with other nations to build on the promising work of the
United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development.
We are working to make sure that all nations meet their
commitments under the global climate Convention. We are
seeking to complete negotiations on an accord to prevent the
world’s deserts from further expanding. And we seek to
strengthen the World Health Organization’s efforts to combat
the plague of AIDS, which is not only killing millions, but
also exhausting the resources of the nations that can least
afford it.
And let us make a new commitment to the world’s
children. It is tragic enough that one and a half million
children have died as a result of wars over the past decade.
But it is far more unforgivable that during that same period
40 million children have died from diseases completely
preventable with simple vaccines or medicines. Every day
- this day, as we meet here - over 30,000 of the world’s
children will die of malnutrition and disease. As the
Director of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF),
Jim Grant, has reminded me, "each of [those children] had
a name and a nationality, a family, a personality and a
potential".
We are compelled to do better by the world’s children.
Just as our own nation has launched new reforms to ensure
that every child has adequate health care, we must do more
to get basic vaccines and other treatments for curable
diseases to children all over the world. It’s the best
investment we’ll ever make. We can find new ways to
ensure that every child grows up with clean, drinkable water
- that most precious commodity of life itself. And the
United Nations can work even harder to ensure that each
child has at least a full primary education - and I mean that
opportunity for girls as well as boys.
To ensure a healthier and more abundant world, we
simply must slow the world’s explosive growth in
population. We cannot afford to see the human race double
by the middle of the next century. Our nation has at last
renewed its commitment to work with the United Nations to
expand the availability of the world’s family planning
education and services. We must ensure that there is a place
at the table for every one of the world’s children. We can
do this.
At the birth of this Organization, 48 years ago - another
time of both victory and danger - a generation of gifted
leaders from many nations stepped forward to organize the
world’s efforts on behalf of security and prosperity. One
American leader during that period said this: "It is time we
steered by the stars rather than by the light of each passing
ship." His generation picked peace, human dignity and
freedom. Those are good stars. They should remain the
highest in our firmament.
Now history has granted to us a moment of even
greater opportunity, when old dangers are ebbing and old
walls are crumbling. Future generations will judge us, every
one of us, above all by what we make of this magic
moment. Let us resolve that we will dream larger, that we
will work harder, so that they can conclude that we did not
merely turn walls to rubble, but instead laid the foundations
for great things to come.
Let us ensure that the tide of freedom and democracy
is not pushed back by the fierce winds of ethnic hatred. Let
us ensure that the world’s most dangerous weapons are
safely reduced and denied to dangerous hands. Let us
ensure that the world we pass to our children is healthier,
safer and more abundant than the one we inhabit today. I
believe - I know - that together we can extend this moment
of miracles into an age of great works and new wonders.