Mr. President, I should like to join other speakers in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with your wisdom and experience you will successfully carry out the tasks which fall to you and lead the deliberations of this session to a favourable conclusion.
48.	I also wish to express my admiration for the manner in which your predecessor, Mr. Salim, conducted the proceedings of the thirty fourth session and of the special and emergency sessions which have taken place during the past year.
49.	May I also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership in the United Nations.
50.	I should like to extend the thanks of the Government of the Sultanate of Oman to the Secretary-General for the very effective and sincere efforts he has made in the past year in accordance with the mandate conferred upon him and to wish him every success in his work in the service of the United Nations.
51.	This year the General Assembly is meeting in particularly tense and unstable international circumstances, and that makes this a very important session, a session which has an even greater obligation to solve the problems of the world and lessen the dangers facing it, as well as the obligation to help this Organization to discharge its function of seeking solutions conducive to the safeguarding of peace with justice and establishing the basis for economic and social development.
52.	The question of the Middle East is one of the most important conflicts confronting us because it is a danger and threat to international peace and security. It is also a problem that urgently requires a just, global and lasting solution, as has been demonstrated by the concern shown by the international community, and its growing support for the Arab position.
53.	The position of the Sultanate of Oman on any peaceful attempt to produce a global, just and lasting settlement to this question is based on the principles which have been recognized by the international community. They are Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967, the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination, and the return of Arab Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty.
54.	The international community has recognized the fact that the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East will be possible only if those principles are respected and that, in turn, requires that Israel discharge its obligation to respect international legality and the Charter of the United Nations, and cease to display contempt for the resolutions of the Organization.
55.	Recently the Knesset decided to annex Jerusalem and consider it as Israel's capital. That is just one more example of Israel's scorn and constitutes a flagrant provocation of the United Nations. It is also a challenge to Arab and Moslem feelings. This decision has in fact had the effect of increasing tension in the Middle East and has made it even more difficult to bring about peace. Israel is well aware of the fact that there can be no lasting peace without the restoration of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty. I should like to remind the Assembly that my country supports the Islamic position on Jerusalem.
56.	Recently we witnessed a dangerous phenomenon in the international arena: the intervention of a major Power in the internal affairs of a small country, to the point of using armed force, invading small countries and overthrowing their lawful regimes. One of the most glaring examples of this can be seen in what happened in Afghanistan towards the end of last year.
57.	Following Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan, Oman joined 51 other States in calling for an emergency meeting of the Security Council to deal with that intervention. As we all know, the veto used by the Soviet Union prevented the adoption of the draft resolution submitted by the non-aligned countries to the Security Council, and made it impossible for the Security Council to discharge its primary responsibility of safeguarding international peace and security; that, in turn, led to the sixth emergency special session in January this year. At that session a resolution was adopted by an overwhelming majority calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the foreign forces from Afghanistan in order to enable its people to determine their own form of government and choose their economic, political and social systems free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever. The resolution went on to urge the bringing about of conditions necessary for the voluntary return of the Afghan refugees to their homes. Unfortunately, that resolution has not been implemented any more than have other resolutions adopted in other forums on this subject, one of the most striking of which was the one adopted at the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May last
58.	The continuation of the occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet troops is a threat to international and regional peace and security, and represents a danger to our region. That prompted us earlier in this session to join other States in requesting the inclusion in our agenda of an item dealing with the situation in Afghanistan.
59.	The scope of the events in Afghanistan goes beyond the borders of that country and represents a threat to neighbouring countries. The international community must put an end to this dangerous phenomenon, so that other small States will not be victims of military intervention by a major Power aimed at overthrowing the regimes in authority and at controlling their destiny.
60.	Here we should also like to mention the dangerous situation in Kampuchea and the continued presence there of Vietnamese forces. We must join those who have called for the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchean territory in order to allow the people there to determine their own future and government in complete freedom, without any, foreign pressure or presence.
61.	My country has already welcomed the independence of Zimbabwe and its admission to the United Nations at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. But I should like to take this opportunity to express our conviction that Zimbabwe's accession to independence and sovereignty gives us cause for optimism at this session. We must also express our satisfaction at the efforts and political sagacity of the leaders of Zimbabwe which led to a peaceful and just solution of the problem. We hope that a just and speedy settlement will be found for the other outstanding problems on the African continent, allowing the peoples of the continent to achieve freedom, dignity and equality while eliminating all forms of racial discrimination which run counter to our convictions.
62.	Because of its geographical position and historical ties with African countries and peoples, Oman must express its concern at the foreign intervention in the Horn of Africa and urge that it be ended.
63.	When the Final Document of the tenth special session of the General Assembly set forth the disarmament strategy, we expressed our hope that its adoption would lead to objective measures to slow down the arms race. Regrettably, however, directly after that session, there was further escalation in the arms race and the amounts being spent on the development, quantitatively and qualitatively, of arms, especially nuclear weapons have attained astronomical levels. We agree with the Secretary-General when he says, in his report on the work of the Organization, that "present trends cast ominous shadows over disarmament efforts, both within and outside the framework of the United Nations"
64.	Here we can only repeat what we have already said on many occasions, namely, that we cannot deal with arms questions in a vacuum; there is a close connection between arms limitation on the one hand and the sense of security, calm and international legality on the other. We hope to come up, at the start of the second Disarmament Decade, with positive measures for submission to the second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, to be held in 1982.
65.	Oman has always supported attempts to strengthen the security and integrity of certain geographical areas, and of course our support and our interest are particularly great in connection with the Indian Ocean, of which we are a coastal State, and with the problem of creating a zone of peace there. My delegation takes part in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and in preparations for the forthcoming conference in order to ensure its success and to enable the countries in the area to enjoy peace and security and not to fall prey to any attempt to bring them within the spheres of influence of others. We want the area to be one of construction and well-being and not one where disturbances will occur and where, in certain spots, terrorists and saboteurs are active.
66.	In the south-western part of our country, unfortunately, the Government of Democratic Yemen has made terrorism, sabotage and aggression against neighbours a technique which it wishes to use in its foreign relations. That has given rise to a number of complaints, which have been presented to this Organization. Democratic Yemen has concluded a political and military agreement with the Soviet Union which has made it a military base far exceeding the defence needs of an economically weak country with limited income.
67.	We all know that the United Kingdom, which colonized that country, had a very large military and naval base in Aden, and that it was the largest base east of the Suez. The base is bigger today, and has now become the most powerful base in the Indian Ocean and is being used by the Soviet Union. We note furthermore that the United States, for its part, has increased its naval forces in the Indian Ocean. However that may be, the Soviet Union today has a military strike force in the Indian Ocean and in adjacent areas through its bases in Afghanistan, in the Horn of Africa and in Aden. Moreover, it has its bases in areas bordering on ours. All this represents a grave direct threat to the independence and stability of the States of the region.
68.	The important thing here is to reaffirm what the non- aligned States have always requested: the removal of all foreign bases from the Indian Ocean and that region, in order to make it immune from conflicts of interest and spheres of influence.
69.	The major Powers must adopt peaceful policies consistent with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations. Given those continuing threats, the Sultanate of Oman has no choice but to take whatever legal action it can to guarantee its territorial integrity in observance of the Charter and the principles of non-alignment, especially the principle of non-interference in internal affairs. Oman reaffirms its fundamental position, which is that we are opposed to all military alliances regardless of their form, and that we call for the elimination of all foreign military bases in the Indian Ocean.
70.	Together with its interest in creating a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean, Oman continues to discharge its duty as a State on the Strait of Hormuz, a vital artery linking the Gulf to the Indian Ocean. Along it is shipped much of the oil sent to consumer countries by the producers. The Sultanate of Oman has presented certain proposals to IMCO on the regulation of maritime traffic in the territorial waters of the Strait. It wishes to safeguard passage through these territorial waters in order to preserve its own interests primarily, but also those of its sister States. It is opposed to any action likely to hamper shipping and to lead to foreign intervention in our area.
71.	The problem of refugees is causing us concern at the international level, but particularly in Africa and Asia. Although we are participating in the humanitarian efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to allay the suffering of millions, we hope that studies will be made to find the reasons for the existence of this grave humanitarian problem. Humanitarian aid is not enough; the problem must be tackled at its source.
72.	Today we can only say that we welcome and are indeed very pleased with the proposal which has been made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany [8th meeting] to include an additional item on our agenda, entitled "International co-operation to avert flows of refugees". We trust that the discussion will lead to realistic political solutions to the problem. The first solution must be to put an end to persecution and to obstacles preventing the return of refugees to their homes. There can be no solution to the problem if political and humanitarian considerations are separated. The political considerations involved in the problem of refugees must be faced with courage and determination.
73.	We all share feelings of frustration and disappointment because of the failure of the eleventh special session, which dealt with the international economic order. That failure was due to the fact that agreement could not be reached regarding the global negotiations, despite all our efforts. Nor were we able to reach a consensus consistent with General Assembly resolution 34/138 on establishing a new international economic order based on principles of equality and mutual benefit. In fact, we just succeeded in adopting limited measures which lead only to temporary solutions of the economic difficulties that we must overcome.
74.	My delegation agrees with the position of the Group of 77 regarding negotiating procedure and the agenda. What we find encouraging is that the text for the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade was supported by a large majority, and we are convinced that it will be a vital part of the efforts to establish a new international economic order. The new Development Strategy will be the framework for development in the decade to come. Its implementation depends, in the first place, on the new negotiation frame-work, which requires an atmosphere of complete confidence in place of the distrust that prevailed during the eleventh special session. We say this in all sincerity and without casting aspersions on any of our partners. We hope that at the present session agreement will be possible on the agenda for the negotiations and the measures likely to make them a success.
75.	Our interest in the world-wide attempts to solve development problems goes hand in hand with our interest in developing Oman. We see economic development as a complex task which requires genuine and fruitful co-operation between developing and developed countries. Without such positive co-operation between the two groups it will be difficult to make tangible progress in this field. We believe that the efforts of the developing countries in the field of economic development will benefit not them alone but the international community as a whole. For our part, we are trying by every means to bring about our country's economic development in a balanced manner so that it shall be of benefit to all our citizens. We are convinced that the guiding purpose of any development effort is to raise the economic and social living standards of every citizen, within a framework of economic freedom, making it possible for all members of society to participate effectively in the building of the future. We affirm that we sincerely wish to participate, together with the international community, in the establishment of a world of freedom, prosperity and dignity.
76.	Oman will soon be celebrating its tenth anniversary, which is the anniversary of the national reawakening that has been presided over by Sultan Qabus ibn Sa'id since he took up the reins of power. These 10 years are very important in the history of Oman because we have been able to achieve at the national level, under a wise and enlightened leadership, a balanced development covering education, health, social services in every corner of the country, the construction of ports, roads and communications facilities, and the strengthening of the means of ensuring security and national defence. His Majesty's Government is convinced that economic and social development must have a deliberate methodology in order that its fruits be in harmony with Oman's environment and its Arab and Islamic base. The five-year plan that we began in 1975 is drawing to its close. We have made a success of it and we shall shortly be beginning a second one.
77.	My delegation would like to welcome here the results obtained during the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Those results constitute a victory for the United Nations and demonstrate the effort that it is making to make positive achievements within the framework of constructive negotiations and in spite of all the obstacles encountered.
78.	My country has accepted the compromises reached, after numerous difficulties, concerning the taking of decisions in the Conference—which is the executive organ of the international authority—which was accompanied by demonstrations of goodwill, not to speak of confidence and effective co-operation between all the members of the Conference, thus preventing a paralysis of its work.
79.	Since we are discussing a convention that seeks to codify the rules of international law governing the rights and duties of States with regard to the law of the sea, I should like to say that we should give thought also to the rights and responsibilities of countries that border on straits, with a view to ensuring that their security and independence shall be protected and that their coasts shall not be polluted, deliberately or by accident, all this to be covered by clear wording on the subject when texts on navigation in straits are being drafted and adopted at the next and last session of the Conference.
80.	My delegation hopes also that we shall reach agreement on other outstanding items such as, for example, the delimitation of maritime frontiers between States that border one another or that face one another across water, and that the median line will be adopted as the means of delimitation.
81.	My delegation agrees with other coastal States on the subject of the regulation of the passage of warships through our territorial zone, including the right to be advised in advance of such movement and to authorize it. We sincerely hope that 1981 will see the signature of a convention that will establish the basis for accord and peace at sea, which will strengthen international peace and security.
82.	In conclusion I would express the hope that detente and co-operation will govern tomorrow's world, notwithstanding differences of political and economic regimes, on the basis of respect for the sovereignty of States, non-interference in their internal affairs and fruitful co-operation among all States, thus ensuring the realization of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.


Today the world of Islam is on the threshold of the fifteenth century of its glorious and eventful history. Another 40 days will usher in the beginning of a new Islamic century. Muslims all over the world will be celebrating the fourteen hundredth anniversary of a unique event, which was chosen by the Second Caliph of Islam, Hazrat Umar Ibn al-Khattab—may God be pleased with him—as the beginning of the Islamic Hegira calendar. The Hegira calendar commemorates neither the Prophet's birthday nor the time when the message of God was first revealed to him. It commemorates an event which was to become a turning point in the evolution of Islam. That event was the Hegira, or the great departure of Prophet Mohammed—peace be upon him—with a small group of devoted followers from his place of birth, Mecca, for the city over 400 kilometres away, the city of Medina. The departure for Medina was chosen as the starting point of the Islamic calendar because it marked the founding of the Islamic polity.
3.	While in Mecca Islam emerged as a moral force; it was Medina which had the honour of being the cradle of the first Islamic State under the guidance of the Prophet himself. That State was founded on the basis of the universally applicable moral principles revealed in the Koran. This first Islamic policy symbolized the happy blending of the citizens of Medina—called Ansars, or the Helpers—and the Muhajireen, or the Refugees, from Mecca. A union of great importance had thus emerged. Together, the two communities formed the nucleus of the Islamic Ummah, or the great brotherhood of Islam. The idea embodied in this concept served as a beacon for humanity at large.
4.	Leaving his place of birth, the home of his ancestors, the kith and kin to whom he was deeply attached, was undoubtedly a great ordeal for the Prophet. With his reputation for unimpeachable integrity—he was called by everyone alike "Al-Amin", The Trustworthy. His gentle disposition and nobility of character endeared him to one and all. He could have stayed on in Mecca as a highly respectable member of the leading Hashemite clan to which he belonged, if only he would stop preaching what God commanded him to preach. His refusal to do so turned the hostility of the people of Mecca into unbridled fury.
5.	Thus the founding of the first Islamic State in Medina represented, on the one hand, the rejection of the suffocating environment of bigotry, intolerance, tyranny, oppression and moral turpitude and, on the other hand, the determination of the new-born Islamic community to promote understanding, tolerance, brotherhood and freedom as imperatives of State policy. From then on the world was to witness, emanating in succession from Medina, developments of monumental significance in the history of mankind.
6.	It is a great honour for me and my country that I have been given this opportunity to address the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, on behalf of the 900 million fellow Muslims in commemoration of such an epoch making event in human history. I do so with deep humility in response to the mandate conferred upon me by the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers,  which Pakistan was privileged to host.
7.	I am grateful to you, Mr. President, for your kind words of welcome and I take this opportunity to convey to you my personal congratulations and those of the Government and the people of Pakistan on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
8.	To the Secretary General I wish to express our profound admiration for the qualities and experience which he possesses in such abundant measure. During his two terms of office, he has been called upon to deal with some of the most difficult problems which the world Organization has had to face. He has done so with great distinction, and we wish him continued success in the future.
9.	Speaking as a humble believer, I am particularly conscious of the Islamic injunction to rise above race, colour and creed and to perceive fellow human beings in terms of universal brotherhood. Islam, by its very definition, is a religion of peace and submission to the divine will. It demands of its followers that they strive, individually as well as collectively, for the creation of a human society based on justice and equality.
10.	It is most appropriate for me on such an occasion and before such a distinguished audience representing the entire world community to speak of the Islamic virtues of tolerance and compassion which brought about a synthesis of civilizations and a balanced intermingling of peoples of diverse faiths and beliefs. Islam rejects narrow nationalism, parochialism and racial elitism. The intercommunal peace and harmony prevailing during the period of more than 1,000 years of Islamic ascendancy stands in sharp contrast to the present day racial arrogance, discrimination and persecution which are practised in certain parts of the globe today.
11.	The true foundation of the peace and tranquillity which characterized the prime period of Islamic ascendancy lies in the great Islamic virtues symbolized, in particular, by the concept of universal brotherhood, tolerance and respect for the sanctity of life. The Holy Koran says: "He who slays one human being, it is as if he had slain all mankind; he who saves one human being, it is as if he had saved all mankind." Islam specifically forbids wars of aggression and permits recourse to arms only in self-defence. The Holy Koran says: "Fight in the way of Allah those who fight you; but you do not begin the hostilities; for Allah does not love aggression." The Islamic concept of jihad epitomizes the precepts so explicitly enunciated in those verses from the Holy Koran. There is, indeed, an element of struggle in jihad—a continuous struggle, a constant striving, to lead life in its totality in the light of the message of the Holy Koran and in the tradition of the Prophet of Islam.
12.	The Islamic message of universal brotherhood, peace and equity is of eternal value and is more than ever relevant to the conditions prevailing in today's world. Ever since the birth of this world man has had his share of conflicts and difficulties. The confrontation of civilizations and faiths in the past did not lead to the annihilation of the human race because, mercifully, the means of mass destruction were limited. Today we have stepped into an age wherein humanity has at its disposal the means of destroying itself several times over. The world can no longer afford the luxury of confrontation and wars. Mankind needs peace. Let us all try to achieve peace within and peace without.
13.	There is yet another form of confrontation, besides the nuclear arms race, that threatens human survival. It is the confrontation between man's selfishness and nature. His insatiable pursuit of material comforts has led him to reckless destruction of the natural environment. The ecological crisis faced by our planet today, particularly by the highly industrialized nations, has reached such alarming proportions that the questions must be asked: Has not man burnt his fingers in the fire which he himself kindled? Has he not lost his sense of proportion in his earthly scheme of priorities? Does he not understand that this world is not his personal property but a trust from the Almighty who created it?
14.	As the Holy Koran says:
"In the alternation of day and night, in the rains from heaven that come to quicken the parched earth, in the shifting winds, and in the clouds pressed into service between heaven and earth, there are signs enough of Allah's rule for people who have understanding."
It is this understanding that can help the present-day world to regain the equilibrium it seems to have lost.
15.	The followers of Islam believe that their faith represents that ultimate perfection of the divine message which has flowed to mankind through a succession of Prophets. Muslims are enjoined to accept the missions of all the Prophets who preceded Prophet Mohammed—peace be upon him. In the Holy Koran it is stated: "Those who believe"—what Mohammed revealed—"and those who are Jews, Christians, Sabeans or whoever believes in Allah and the Day of Judgement, they shall have their reward." The Prophet of Islam himself said: "I believe in the one Allah, in His revealed Books, in His message bearing Prophets, in the Hereafter." It is noteworthy that the Prophet spoke of "the revealed Books", and not merely of the Book. Similarly, he spoke of God's "message bearing Prophets", and not merely of one Prophet, that would be himself. We Muslims are bound by our faith to believe in all the Prophets and the revealed Books from Adam to Prophet Mohammed—peace be upon him—who is the last of the Prophets.
16.	The great Islamic community today straddles a broad geographical belt from Indonesia in the East to Senegal in the West. Living in different climes and under different customs and political systems, speaking different languages and dialects, Muslims all over the world retain an abiding sense of Islamic affinity. It is this unity in diversity which is the hallmark of the Muslim Ummah, or the Commonwealth of Muslim Nations. The Islamic Conference, of which I have the honour to be the current Chairman, constitutes a concrete manifestation of the urge of the Muslim Ummah to re-establish its historic role as a factor for peace and progress and to reassert the overriding unity of the Muslim peoples scattered over the globe.
17.	As we stand at the threshold of the fifteenth century of Hegira, we can look with pride to the fact that the Islamic countries have regained their political independence and are working closely to obtain their rightful place in the world. Their desire for unity is manifested in the 42 member Islamic Conference, which has come to acquire an eminent place among international organizations and whose decisions are assuming ever-increasing importance in the international community.
18.	The spread of Islam led to a creative encounter between the first Islamic people of Arabia and the major cultures of Persia, Greece, Egypt and India, resulting in an unprecedented flowering of the human genius. This great epoch of creative activity that began in the second century Hegira lasted several hundred years. Both in the heartland of Islam, represented by the great traditions of the Caliphs, and in the no less glorious Islamic cultures, which developed in far off places such as Spain, India, Central Asia, Asia Minor, Africa and Southeast Asia, the triumphant spirit of man, emancipated and enriched by Islam, manifested itself in remarkable advances in the arts and sciences. This was the era in which were laid the foundations of modern learning and knowledge.
19.	It gives me pleasure to recall that human progress is heavily indebted to the early Muslim scholars, philosophers, scientists and physicians, who made outstanding original contributions in their respective fields and disciplines, rescued the best in the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and passed this treasure on to the West. Who can forget the immortals like Averroes, Ibn Sina, Ibn Haitham, Ibn Khal dun, Alberuni and the great Omar Khayyam?
20.	These are but a few of the galaxy of illustrious Muslims who extended the frontiers of knowledge and enriched human experience. It was their enlightened approach to the acquisition and dissemination of knowledge that made this progress possible. They sought and acquired knowledge from whatever source it was available—from the Greeks and Romans, the Chinese, the Persians, the Hindus, the Buddhists and the rest. The Prophet had urged them to do so. Permit me to read here four out of many quotations from the teachings of the Prophet:
"Seek knowledge from the cradle to the grave."
"Whoever seeks knowledge and finds it will get two rewards: one for seeking, and the other for finding. If he does not find it, he still has one reward."
"The ink of the scholar is holier than the blood of the martyr."
"It is better to impart knowledge one hour than to pray all night."
The emphasis in these quotations is not only on seeking knowledge, but also on sharing it with others for the progress of mankind as a whole. There is a lesson in this for the present-day world where access to vitally useful knowledge, indispensable for human progress and prosperity, is allowed on a selective basis, and is, indeed, being denied by the privileged few to the less fortunate many who need it most.
21.	The Islamic world was instrumental not only in generating the first intellectual stirrings which prepared the ground for the European Renaissance, but also in acting as a bulwark for the defence of Western civilization against the Mongol hordes that descended like an elemental force of nature. But for the Islamic world, which bore the brunt of the Mongol onslaught, Europe would have been overwhelmed in the seventh century Hegira that is, the thirteenth century A.D. It is indeed a tragic irony of fate that those very people who were thus saved by the Muslims turned around to occupy and pillage Muslim lands and convert them into their prize colonies.
22.	While that unhappy period in Islamic history is undoubtedly behind us, its evil consequences remain to be eradicated. Political independence regained by Muslim countries has not loosened the tenacious grip of economic exploitation, which goes hand in hand with colonialism. Continued dependence on the industrially developed world has aggravated their plight. Their crucial strategic location has generated intolerable pressures from powers seeking hegemony and coveting their vital natural resources.
23.	The feeling of insecurity across much of the globe today is attributable to the continuing tendency to use force and pressure for the control and exploitation of scarce resources. The distress caused by that phenomenon is writ large on the faces of both the exploited and the exploiter. Where will this lead us? The Holy Koran warns mankind against it thus: "To him who is covetous and bent on riches... to him will the path of distress be made easy".
24.	While on the subject of conflict generated by avarice and greed, I should like to present, before this Assembly, how we Muslims perceive some of the critical areas of tension on the world map.
25.	The tragic conflict between the two Islamic States of Iran and Iraq is a source of deep concern to the world community. It causes profound anguish to the world of Islam in particular. That violent conflict between two brotherly Islamic States is attributable to the unstable conditions created in a strategic area by a colonial legacy. We fervently hope that peace between those two neighbouring countries will return soon, Allah willing. It is the duty of the international community and in particular that of the Islamic and nonaligned worlds to make a positive contribution towards the resolution of the differences between Iran and Iraq. An essential condition for the return of peace between them would be the observance of strict neutrality and non-interference in their internal affairs by outside Powers.
26.	As the Assembly is aware, I have come to New York directly from the capitals of Iran and Iraq, where I was warmly received in a spirit of Islamic fraternity by President Bani Sadr and President Saddam Hussein. My mission was undertaken at the behest of the Islamic Conference. Its purpose was essentially one of fact-finding and good will. I was able to ascertain the views of my two brothers in a series of meetings in an atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence. I have faithfully conveyed to each brother the views and position of the other in regard to a cessation of hostilities. It is my earnest hope and prayer that efforts will continue to end the tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq and that a peaceful solution will be found to their differences on the basis of justice and respect for each other's rights and in the spirit of Islamic solidarity and brotherhood.
27.	By far the most destabilizing factor in the Middle East is Israel. Who can deny the justice of the cause of the Palestinian people, who have been mercilessly uprooted from their sacred land after being in continuous possession of it for the best part of 1,400 years, and who have been suffering untold oppression, tyranny and terrorism practised against them by the Zionist entity?
28.	The threat posed to world peace by the Palestinian problem is all too evident. The situation can explode at any moment. The resulting conflagration could envelop the world in a disaster the magnitude of which has not been seen before. Injustice and oppression rouse strong sentiments; those sentiments cannot be suppressed by arrogant reliance on force and coercion, nor smothered by unremitting persecution. Israel, which is so ready to invoke the past, should not forget the oft-repeated lesson of history that its policy of annexation and domination is doomed to failure. History has the habit of unceremoniously repeating itself.
29.	Notwithstanding protestations of the desire to bring about a peaceful solution of the Palestinian problem, in the context of the Middle East situation the stark reality is that Israel continues to defy the will of the world community, expressed through this very forum and the Security Council on numerous occasions. It continues to occupy Arab and Palestinian land by force. It cynically disregards the near unanimous world edict on Jerusalem by passing a law to change the status of Jerusalem. In its resolution 478 (1980) the Security Council reacted by calling upon all countries having their diplomatic missions in Jerusalem to shift them. The response was unanimous and prompt.
30.	I take this opportunity to offer profound thanks to all the 13 countries, namely, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, the Netherlands, Panama, Uruguay and Venezuela, which have removed their diplomatic missions from Jerusalem to show their displeasure at Israel's defiance of international law and public opinion. We salute them for their principled decision. Is it not time for further action by the world community so that the conditions stipulated generally by world opinion, and especially by the Islamic Conference on the Palestinian problem, are met, and peace returns to the Middle East? Let there be no illusion that wounds inflicted on the Palestinians can be healed by the passage of time. Now is the time to act, before it is too late.
31.	The United States claims that it has vital economic and strategic interests in the Middle East and North Africa, which is not only the homeland of the Arab people, but constitutes the strategic frontiers of Europe. Yet it pursues a policy which brings it into hostile confrontation with the Arab world and extends open-ended support to Israel which encourages that country to pursue aggressive policies in defiance of world opinion. The United States bears a heavy responsibility in this respect, since reliance on the might of this superpower enables Israel to flout the verdict of the international community and to usurp the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine.
32.	The Muslim world wholeheartedly supports the just struggle of the people of Palestine under the leadership of their legitimate and sole representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], for the liberation of their sacred territory from Zionist rule and occupation. It considers that the issue of Palestine is at the core of the Middle East question. Successive Islamic Conferences have demanded, first, the complete withdrawal of all Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem; secondly, the exercise by the people of Palestine of their inalienable national rights, including the right to establish a sovereign State of their own in their homeland under the leadership of the PLO and, thirdly, the dismantling of all the so-called settlements in occupied Arab territories.
33.	Until these just demands are met in full, the prospect of a genuine and lasting peace in the Middle East will elude us, and the world will continue to be haunted by the spectre of a wider conflict in which the interests of those who protect Israel will suffer most.
34.	The world of Islam is profoundly concerned with the tragedy that has overtaken Afghanistan. This small, independent, nonaligned Muslim country has been subjected to military intervention on a massive scale, in violation of the national rights of the Afghan people and the sacrosanct principle of nonalignment and of the Charter of the United Nations. True to their centuries old national tradition and unconquerable spirit of independence, the people of Afghanistan have responded to the challenge with fearless resistance through the length and breadth of their country. Their struggle is as sacrosanct and worthy of respect and support as the heroic struggles of the Algerian people, the people of Zimbabwe—and indeed, of all the oppressed and exploited people of the world at one time or another— against foreign domination.
35.	The deeply felt resentment of the international community and of the Muslim world in particular against this act of armed intervention has been clearly expressed in the demand for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of Soviet military forces from Afghanistan. The Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, which met at Islamabad in May last, set in motion a process of resolving the Afghan crisis through peaceful negotiations. It adopted a resolution establishing a committee comprised of the Foreign Ministers of Iran and Pakistan and the Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, with a view to holding consultations with all the parties to bring about a solution based on the following principles: first, the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan; secondly, the restoration of the independence and nonaligned status of Afghanistan; thirdly, respect for the right of the Afghan people to determine their own destiny and to choose their own form of government in accordance with their own wishes, free from external interference; and fourthly, the creation of conditions which would permit the Afghan refugees to return to their homes in safety and honour.
36.	It is a matter of deep regret that this valuable initiative of the Islamic Conference has now been stalled by the overall negative attitude of the Kabul regime. I am confident that the Assembly will address itself to the urgent task of promoting a political solution of the crisis in Afghanistan, in accordance with these principles.
37.	In the meantime, more than a million Afghan refugees have crossed the 1400mile border into Pakistan, while others have taken shelter in Iran. Entire communities of men, women and children, uprooted from their hearths and' homes by the violence of the conflict, have continued to pour into Pakistan. My country is providing them with shelter in a humanitarian spirit and in conformity with the tradition of Islamic brotherhood. It is a task of awesome magnitude, in view of Pakistan's limited resources. However, we are grateful for the assistance received for this purpose from brotherly Moslem countries and other friendly nations, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and various international agencies and humanitarian organization including the Red Crescent and the International Red Cross.
38.	People do not leave the comforts of their hearths and homes to face the privations of life in exile without compelling reasons. The Afghan refugees on our soil have had to leave their country because life was made unbearable for them. The orchestrated propaganda campaign accusing Pakistan of interference in Afghanistan's internal affairs cannot mislead the world. It cannot conceal the truth that the insurgency in Afghanistan is a manifestation of the patriotic upsurge of a proud people who have never yielded to foreign domination. I wish to restate Pakistan's commitment to the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other States and categorically reject the allegation that Pakistan is in any way involved in the insurgency in Afghanistan.
39.	It is interesting to note that this insurgency is mainly in the interior of Afghanistan, where brave men and women, brave boys and girls and brave peasants and workers are fighting to free themselves from the forcible occupation of their territory by foreign troops. What is surprising is the attitude of the big Powers; one has accused the other of an effort to strangulate it. Surely the presence of troops of one country on an island of the Indian Ocean cannot be accepted as an excuse for another country to send troops into a third independent nation.
40.	A situation similar to that in Afghanistan exists today in Kampuchea. Here again, a regime has been imposed on that country by the foreign occupation forces, leading to a mass exodus of the Kampuchean people, who have endured great suffering and privation. In both cases principles of international law and peaceful coexistence have been violated.
41.	The world of Islam does not believe that international security can be genuine as long as it is predicated on an unstable balance of terror and a continuous escalation of the arms race. We have welcomed measures in the past aimed at relaxing tensions between the two superpowers and we wholeheartedly support their efforts to limit and control strategic nuclear weapons. The Muslim countries favour genuine detente, but not detente based on a division of the world into spheres of influence by the two superpowers, because such an arrangement would be at the expense of the Islamic and nonaligned world. We cannot subscribe to a detente which is designed to keep certain areas of the globe tension free while exposing others to subversion and aggression in any shape or form. We want peace. We want peace with dignity. We want peace with respect. We want peace with honour. We firmly believe that peace is indivisible and must encompass all parts of the globe. It cannot be selective in its scope or application.
42.	The world of Islam has invariably been at the forefront in espousing the right of peoples to self-determination and independence as a matter of principle. The attainment of independence by nearly 100 countries since the Second World War is a matter of profound satisfaction to all of us. The success of the valiant struggle waged by the African people is a glorious chapter in the annals of freedom. We pay a tribute to the indomitable spirit of the great liberation movements and, particularly, to the memory of those martyrs whose supreme sacrifice has made this historic achievement possible.
43.	The presence among us today of Zimbabwe as a full-fledged Member of the United Nations symbolizes the heroic achievements of the continent of Africa and offers fresh hope to the people of Namibia and South Africa, where the tentacles of colonialism and racist minority rule maintain an iron hold today. Our prayers and whatever moral and material support is required of us will always be with the freedom fighters of southern Africa. Their problems are our problems; their difficulties are our difficulties; and their struggle is our struggle. The clock is in their favour. They will succeed, because their cause is just.
44.	The tide of independence cannot be reversed, any more than one can successfully bid yesterday return. Indeed, all efforts to keep people under subjugation or to turn countries into colonies—such is the verdict of modern history—are foredoomed to failure.
45.	The policies of racial discrimination, apartheid and minority rule being followed by South Africa are repugnant to the letter and spirit of Islam and international morality. We are convinced that nemesis will overtake whosoever practises racism and apartheid or discriminates between one human being and another on the grounds of colour.
46.	The Pretoria regime must be made to end its illegal occupation of Namibia and its repressive policies and acts of violence in that Territory and in South Africa. The Namibian people must be allowed to decide their own future destiny through impartial elections under United Nations auspices. However great the difficulties may appear, we are confident of the ultimate triumph of the people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO].
47.	There is another form of discrimination, which is a matter of deep concern today to the world of Islam. The Muslim minorities in various countries around the globe number nearly 300 million. They are frequently discriminated against and subjected to untold miseries because of religious prejudice. Their lives and properties are not always safe. In some countries they are being systematically reduced to the status of serfs; in others they are being forcibly expelled from their ancestral homes and driven to inhospitable regions. The very custodians of law and order have become for them instruments of acts of oppression and extermination.
48.	This is a challenge to the world conscience and must be met firmly and fairly. It is a challenge to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaims that everyone has the right to freedom of conscience and religion. How can the conscience of the world close its eyes to the fate of millions of human beings who are undergoing acute suffering merely because they profess a particular faith? True to the injunctions of Islam, our hearts go out not only to the Muslim minorities who are subjected to discrimination and oppression but to all minority communities, regardless of their creed, colour or caste, who are made to suffer a similar fate.
49.	To express humanitarian concern over the plight of these minorities does not constitute interference in the internal affairs of any State. The world community must not lose its capacity for moral anger, which in many cases is perhaps the only instrument it has today to exert pressure on the oppressor. The future of mankind will be bleak indeed, if we allow our sensitivities to human suffering to be dulled or our conscience to be stifled at the sight of poverty and hunger. The Holy Prophet said:
"He is not a perfect Moslem who eats his fill and lets his neighbour go hungry ....
"He who helps his fellow men in the hour of need, him will Allah help on the Day of Judgement."
That is as much true of individuals as of nations.
50.	We, the peoples of the Islamic world, along with our brethren of the third world, have suffered together the trauma of colonial domination; we have struggled, side by side, to attain our freedom; we have gone through the same pangs of rebirth after independence; we have inherited similar problems; we are facing similar challenges; and we share the same disappointment in the non-realization of the rising hopes and expectations of our peoples.
51.	The basis of the existing economic relationship between the developed and the developing countries is the principle—or shall we say the lack of principle in this case— of justice and fair play. The developing nations supply the raw materials, but the developed nations demand unjustly high prices for the industrial goods that they provide. We, of the third world, are at the mercy of the international market, which is manipulated by a handful of industrialized countries. It is in the interest of the developed countries to realize that the advantages of such basically unsound tactics are only short-lived. We have entered an era of interdependence, and no single country can ensure its prosperity by adopting measures which frustrate the legitimate aspirations of other countries and other peoples. Exploitative and discriminatory practices against the developing countries are the root cause of economic and political instability, which poses a great danger to world peace and security. The time has surely come—if it is not late already—to establish a new economic order which would be durable because it would be fair.
52.	The Group of 77, representing the third world, has been pressing its demand since 1964 for an international economic order that would ensure optimum growth of the world economy for the benefit of all countries and ail peoples. The North-South dialogue has dragged on, as a futile exercise, for nearly a decade now. In the meantime, the problems of poverty and deprivation of more than half the world have become further aggravated, posing ever greater dangers to world stability.
53.	Meanwhile, the Islamic world has made a start with concerted measures to pool its resources and has established financial and banking institutions of its own for the purpose. In the fullness of time these institutions should, Allah willing, enable the Muslims to achieve a substantial measure of economic self-reliance. In the true Islamic tradition, the oil producing Muslim countries have shown a helpful attitude for alleviating the hardships not only of fellow Muslim States but also fellow members of the third world. At the same time the Muslim countries will continue to exert themselves to the utmost for the achievement of the objectives of the Group of 77. Their voice will also be clearly heard in the North South dialogue urging affluent nations to raise their official development assistance to the third world at least to the agreed level of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product. Can magnanimity be at such a low premium?
54.	While so little is being contributed towards the elimination of the problems of poverty and backwardness on which the future stability of the world depends, the commitment of vast resources to the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction continues to increase. A further tragedy is that large-scale transfers of arms and lethal weapons are taking place to countries which are already expending so much of their precious resources on armaments at the expense of the welfare of their masses. World security is as much threatened by the reckless diversion of resources towards the arms race as by the neglect of the fundamental needs of the underprivileged peoples of the world. Indeed, the two are inextricably linked. Consequently, the question of disarmament is vitally relevant, not only to the reduction of international tensions, but also to the better utilization of resources for human development and progress. The goal of disarmament deserves the urgent attention of the world community, and needs to be pursued both at the global and regional levels.
55.	The United Nations remains the embodiment of our hopes and aspirations for a world order based on peace and justice. It is committed to the achievement of that objective by virtue of the ideals enshrined in the Charter. The Organization has been a force for international peace and progress during its 35 years of existence. We do not feel discouraged by its occasional inability to translate its promises into tangible results. We are conscious of the circumstances which have prevented it from enforcing its decisions in respect of the right of the people of Palestine to establish a sovereign State of their own in their homeland, or redeeming its promise to the people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to enable them to decide their future in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
56.	Since the reference to the State of Jammu and Kashmir touches upon Pakistan's relationship with India, I should like to say that, in conformity with our established policy, we have continued our efforts for further normalization of relations with India on the basis of the principles of the Simla Agreement of 1972.  Substantial progress has been made over the years in the promotion of communications, travel and trade between the two countries. This process, however, can and will be further accelerated with a peaceful settlement of the question of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan's position on this matter is founded on universally recognized principles.
57.	The Islamic world holds the United Nations in great esteem and will strive to further its fundamental objectives. The message of Islam—the message of peace, the equality of man, the rule of law and supremacy of justice—is also fundamental to the United Nations. As devotees of the religion that brought this message to the world, and as signatories to the Charter in which it is enshrined, the Muslim countries are thus doubly committed to the ideals of the United Nations.
58.	The Prophet of Islam said: "Even he who makes progress daily is still far off from the ideal". Therefore, we do not despair if the ideals of the United Nations are still nowhere near achievement; if aggression and adventurism still disfigure the international scene; if the security and sovereignty of the weak are still being threatened by the strong; if might is still paraded as right. But we live in hope and would continue to strive to come closer to the ideal with the passing of every day.
59.	It is with this belief and determination that the Islamic world is poised to enter the fifteenth century Hegira— inspired by its great past; aware of its present problems and opportunities; conscious of its spiritual, cultural and political rebirth and its growing strength; and confident of its future. Its chief source of strength today is its urge for unity of thought and action. Its member States—over 40 in number—are generally in agreement on the need for a united and collective response to issues affecting them and the world at large. This has led to the emergence of the concept of strengthening their security by pooling their natural resources, their abundant manpower and their available skills. The close collaboration so achieved will undoubtedly promote self-reliance and reduce dependence on the uncertain—and often uncomfortable—external factors. This concept of security of the Islamic countries does not involve alignment with any of the power groups; nor does it envisage multilateral defence pacts. It aims essentially at advancing the individual and collective capability of the Islamic countries to achieve the goals set by consensus, in the larger interest of the Muslim Ummah.
60.	In the world today there is enough reason for mankind to see the future darkly and to lose its bearings in the pervading atmosphere of gloom. People feel embattled and forlorn and see perils and pitfalls all around them. There is social injustice within communities, and economic inequality among nations. All this, I venture to suggest, is a result of unbridled materialism, the eclipse of spiritual values and a loss of faith.
61.	Our redemption lies in a renewal of faith; a revival of the belief in the Creator and His creation. I speak only as a Muslim, acutely conscious that arrogance of belief is forbidden to the Muslims; for Islam reproaches its followers for any conceit about their faith. So, in all humility, I state that we perceive the role of Islam as that of helping to overcome the problems besetting the present-day world. It can assist in building an enduring structure tor international amity, based on universal brotherhood and on respect for the principles of peaceful coexistence. Islam is not a religion in the conventional sense but a many splendoured mansion— it is a unique and comprehensive system of law; it is a distinctive culture, a fascinating civilization; it is a supreme metaphysical doctrine for the relief and redemption of man. Fourteen hundred years of its record of service is there for all of us to see.
62.	The credentials of the Muslims to be able to play a role in helping to promote peace and harmony among nations are provided in the statement of human rights and duties by the Prophet in his last sermon on Mount Arafat, which is as fresh and relevant today as it was 1,400 years ago. On that occasion the Prophet said:
"Hearken to my words, O men ....
"The Arab is not superior to non-Arab; the non-Arab is not superior to Arab. You are all sons of Adam, and Adam was made up of dust. . . .
"The vengeance of blood practised in the days of Ignorance is prohibited, and blood feuds are abolished.
"Verily, you should consider each other's blood, property, and reputation, inviolable unto the Day of Judgement.
"Remember Allah [in your dealings with] women. You have rights over them—they have rights over you. . . .
"Verily, a man is responsible only for his own acts. A son is not responsible for the crimes of his father, nor a father responsible for the crimes of his sons. He who has a pledge, let him return it to him who entrusted him with it: all usury is abolished, but you have your capital; wrong not, and you shall not be wronged.
"You are one brotherhood; nothing which belongs to another is lawful unto his brother, unless freely given out of good will. Guard yourselves from committing injustice.
"You will surely meet your Lord, and He will ask you about your deeds."
63.	If this be the message, then should not the present resurgence of Islam and the reawakening among the Muslims of the world be a welcome phenomenon? It should be welcomed as a revitalizing force that could bring peace to a weary world and hope to a distraught humanity. It is not a religion that forces itself on others. The Holy Koran explicitly reminds us: "There is no compulsion in religion".
64.	Thus, without obstructing, and in its own imperceptible ways, Islam can act as a catalyst in rousing the conscience of the international community. The religion of Islam is primarily concerned with the guidance it furnishes to its votaries on how best to live this life. The prayer of the believer is: "Our Lord, enable us to live this life in a handsome way and also grant us a handsome life in the Hereafter". Amen.
65.	This life is a preparation for the life to come; it has to be lived fully, earnestly and resolutely. It has to be lived for God, spent in His holy name, in obedience to His law.
66.	The world of Islam is confident that the era of stark materialism, which bred imperialism, colonialism and injustice in all its forms, is finally over, and cannot be brought back. As they enter the fifteenth century Hegira, the Islamic peoples, who have rediscovered their pride in their religion, their great culture and their unique social and economic institutions, are confident that the advent of this century will mark the beginning of a new epoch when their high ideals of peace, justice, the equality of man, and their unique understanding of the universe, will once again enable them to make a worthy contribution to the betterment of mankind.
67.	Before concluding I should like to express a fervent hope and prayer on behalf of the Muslims of the world that the 154 nations gathered here make a solemn commitment: that the fifteenth century Hegira and the twenty-first century A.D. will usher in an era in which relations between States will be governed by higher moral principles, and not by power politics; that we shall create a human society founded on the principle of universal brotherhood; that all forms of intolerance and discrimination based on considerations of race, colour, creed or sex shall be ended; that the remaining strongholds of oppression and injustice on earth shall be demolished; that the strong nations shall not oppress the weak, nor the rich dominate the poor; that scientific knowledge and the natural resources of the earth shall be shared equitably for the common welfare and good of the human race, instead of being squandered on armaments and other preparations for war; that the environment of our planet shall be protected from abuse to safeguard for posterity its right to inherit the earth as beautiful and supportive of life as the Creator made it for us; that, above all, peace shall prevail among nations and brotherhood among men, to enable humanity to preserve our precious civilization to which each generation has made its contribution, and to achieve the quality of life based on political, economic and social justice to which we all aspire, but which has so far exceeded our grasp.
68.	I once again thank you, Mr. President, for the privilege of addressing this august Assembly.
69.	Peace be on you, and Allah's mercy and His blessings.


In electing you Sir, to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of our General Assembly, the United Nations wished to pay tribute to the great democracy of the Federal Republic of Germany and to Europe, of which it forms one of the pillars. The United Nations has conferred a distinction on a diplomat whose competence, experience and human qualities are appreciated by one and all. In the name of the friendship which unites our two nations and the trustful cooperation which they have established, allow me to say. Sir, how glad I am to see you presiding over the work of this Assembly.
161.	I should also like to express once again my gratitude to our Secretary General for the distinguished services he has constantly rendered to the United Nations, and for his skill, his authority and his talent.
162.	Finally, I am happy to greet the young State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as it enters our Organization.
163.	Last year I began my address here by stating that in spite of the upheavals and dangers that had threatened it. The global peace of the world had been preserved for over 30 years. In addition to being a statement of fact, my words were also grounds for hope and an act of faith in the future.
164.	Why does this observation today appear almost unseemly? Why has the hope it brought us given way to a mute feeling of uneasiness?
165.	The reason is of course, the events taking place at this very moment on the Iranian border which, quite rightfully, are in our minds and deeply concern each and every one of us. But in reality—since the uneasiness reaches further back—it is above all because the world has witnessed a number of serious events over the past year, because disturbing trends have developed and, although world peace has not been broken, the confidence we placed in the soundness of its foundations has been shaken.
166.	In fact nothing, unless it be peace itself, is more important than that confidence. It is that confidence that has deteriorated. It is that confidence which must be restored; no task is more urgent.
167.	Never, perhaps, have our peoples and our States been more keenly aware of the solidarity of their destinies and the fragility of peace. Similarly, never before has it seemed so necessary to counter the blind workings of fate with clear-sighted analysis, courageous action and effective structures for international cooperation: a clear-sighted analysis in order to assess, without empty complacency, the gravity of the crises besetting us, and also to acknowledge that, directly or indirectly, those crises affect us all; courageous action in order to reject the dangerously simple recourse to force and to seek with determination the only solutions that are valid, namely, those of law and justice; lastly, effective structures for international cooperation in order to ensure that, at all levels of responsibility and organization within the international community, selfish interests and ideological preferences make way for the higher needs of peace.
168.	It is to this threefold aim of clear-sightedness, courage and cooperation that I have come here to make France's contribution.
169.	It would be both simplistic and incorrect to attribute the critical world situation to a single factor. The new element introduced into the situation by the current military confrontation between Iran and Iraq should be sufficient to remind us of this. We know well that whether longstanding or recent, political or economic, there are many causes of tension. We are aware that they are responsible for the proportions and gravity of the critical world situation. We should not, we cannot ignore any of them.
170.	The critical situation has taken on a very special significance since the intervention of the Soviet army in Afghanistan. The Afghan crisis is not simply an addition to other crises; it is of a different order of gravity and so are its implications, for three main reasons.
171.	Looking beyond the tragic suffering it is inflicting on 15 million Afghans, the crisis calls into question, first and foremost, respect for a fundamental and universal principle, namely, national independence, the right of a people to determine its own destiny. This cannot be concealed, however artfully the situation is presented.
172.	The issue is also the fate of a country and a region whose security and stability are essential to world equilibrium and peace.
173.	Lastly, the issue involves the conduct of one of the two Powers which alone have the means to start a global conflict and on which special obligations devolve by virtue of this fact.
174.	The crisis in Afghanistan also has other implications. One has only to look at its consequences in East West relations: the course of detente has changed for the worse and momentum has been lost; a shadow has fallen over the prospects of the Madrid Conference; efforts towards disarmament are at a standstill in some places and have been interrupted in others.
175.	It is pointless to think that the crisis in Afghanistan can be reduced to local or regional proportions. By degrees it has come to affect international relations as a whole. It has repercussions on other crises; it increases their dangers and makes them more difficult to resolve.
176.	I am thinking in the first place of the Middle East. The conflict which continues there and which is growing more acute is as old as our Organization itself. How many hopes have been disappointed over the past 30 years, how many paths explored that led nowhere? To limit myself to the last 12 months, how can one fail to note once again, with sadness, that in spite of the efforts made and even in spite of the progress accomplished, thanks to the evacuation of a large part of the Sinai, when it comes to fundamentals the end is far from being in sight.
177.	What is more, the unilateral and illegal decisions of the State of Israel, whether in regard to the West Bank or more recently to Jerusalem, are new impediments to the search for a peaceful settlement.
178.	Lastly, what can one say of the attacks on Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and on the mission and authority of the United Nations Force in that country? The friendship that links France to Lebanon and my country's role in UN IFIL make these actions all the more abhorrent to France.
179.	Is it conceivable to imagine the situation in that region of the world continuing without presenting the gravest dangers to peace?
180.	As regards Southeast Asia, last year we deplored the occupation of Cambodia by the Vietnamese army. This occupation continues. The Cambodian people have escaped annihilation only thanks to the massive humanitarian effort by the international community. The conflict of which they have been the unfortunate object has even recently threatened to spill over Cambodia's very borders.
181.	Concerning southern Africa, the satisfaction we feel at welcoming the presence of the delegation of an independent Zimbabwe to our Assembly should not blind us to the slow pace of progress in Namibia's decolonization nor to the obstacles still blocking its path. Moreover, it should not cause us to forget that in South Africa the system of apartheid maintains millions of human beings in a state that is an offence to human rights and to the dignity of Africa.
182.	I shah not dwell on the latest developments in the crisis between Iran and Iraq, except to say that it is vital to avoid interventions that might widen the conflict, to prevent interference in freedom of navigation in the Gulf, which is of worldwide importance, and lastly to foster the «;arch for a political solution. That is what France requests. That is what the European Community requests. That is what we expect of the consultations currently taking place on the initiative of our Secretary General.
183. Afghanistan, the Middle Fast. Cambodia, southern Africa, those major areas of crisis are by themselves sufficient to warrant the most serious concern.
184.	The picture would, however, be incomplete if I did not mention the formidable problem which forms the backdrop to them all, namely, the problem of hunger and development.
185.	The recent debates of the special session of the General Assembly on that subject are fresh in all our minds. They did not enable us to reach complete agreement. That was a serious disappointment. We must not resign ourselves to that setback, however. What is at stake is, indeed, far too important. It commits us all, morally, economically and politically.
186.	Hunger, poverty and underdevelopment do more than breed misery. They feed frustration and lead to despair. They are felt to be the worst injustices of all and are a permanent factor of instability.
187.	Such, then, is the state of the world. We should not be lulled by the comforting illusion that crises will take care of themselves and problems will be solved of their own accord. But we must not give way to discouragement either.
188.	Because there are, indeed, solutions to those problems. I should even venture to say that they are within our grasp. They are based on the principles that form the foundation of our international community. Those principles are embodied in our Charter. They give us the law as our rule, and dialogue and consultation as our methods.
189.	Law implies self-determination for peoples, independence and security for States, dignity and equality for mankind. Dialogue and consultation mean the refusal to accept unilateral action and the condemnation of recourse to force.
190.	In the light of current events, those time-honoured words, which we mistakenly view as worn out acquire an immediate practical value. They provide a much needed compass that can guide us through the turbulent waters the world has entered. That compass will show us that, despite differing circumstances in the four crises that, in the long term, weigh most heavily on international relations—I refer here to Afghanistan. Cambodia, the Middle Cast and Namibia—the same causes lead to the same effects, the same obstacles stand in the way of the same goals, the same problems call for the same solution.
191.	In Afghanistan the goal is the right of the Afghan people freely to determine its own future. What are the obstacles? The first is the intervention of a foreign army; the second is the temptation to turn that country into a stake or a threat. The first obstacle must be removed and the second avoided. The two things must go hand in hand. So the States that are in a position to influence Afghanistan's destiny by virtue of their close proximity or power must agree to eliminate those two obstacles. If they pledge to respect Afghanistan's sovereignty, if they cease trying to bring it into their zone of influence and. more importantly, if they refrain from introducing military forces into that country on maintaining them there, that will be enough to restore to the people of Afghanistan their freedom and independence, to give equilibrium and calm to the region, and to give security and hope to the world.
192.	In Southeast Asia the goal is to lead ill-fated Cambodia out of the hopeless impasse in which it has been locked by a conflict that is beyond its control and foreign to it. The Khmer people did not escape the barbaric oppression of a bloodthirsty tyranny in order to submit to the protector-ship of someone else. That people is entitled, after all its tribulations, to live in freedom and stand on its own feet. The countries of the region are entitled to have among them a partner that wants to practise peace and friendship with all its neighbours. France has known that people long enough to realize that, left to itself, it would aspire to no more than that. The military occupation still has to end and an agreement has to be reached if Cambodia is to re-emerge free, peaceful and neutral. Providing those two conditions are met, the accumulation of physical and human ruin can be rebuilt and a lasting peace restored throughout Southeast Asia.
193.	As far as Namibia is concerned, no one can any longer dispute the fact that that country is entitled to accede to international sovereignty, or that the genuine independence it seeks can come only from the free choice of the peoples living there. To create the conditions to make that possible, here again, the obstacles standing in the way must be cleared. In this case, that means neutralizing those forces which, by their presence or their action, could unfairly influence the outcome of the national elections. The example of Zimbabwe shows that stability in southern Africa could only gain thereby.
194.	What is true in all those cases is also true of the Arab Israeli conflict. Complex though the many factors in that situation may be, the basic facts are still analogous. Two rights are in conflict in the territories now under military occupation—which occupation neither confers legitimacy nor provides a basis for peace: they are the State of Israel's right to security and the Palestinian people's right to self-determination. Neither can be affirmed by negating the other. Passionate and violent confrontation must be replaced by rational and fair reconciliation. It will then become clear that those rights, far from being incompatible, can become complementary, providing that the guarantee of one and the exercise of the other are equally ensured in the framework of an overall settlement based on withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1967 and the universal recognition of Israel's boundaries. The way must be paved for the indispensable negotiations in which all the interested parties, and therefore the Palestine Liberation Organization must necessarily participate.
195.	In every case, in view of the dangers raised by crises, there can be only one response: the rule of law, and not the rule of force, is the key to peace.
196.	That applies just as clearly to the threat weighing on the future of the world in the shape of underdevelopment which is persisting and in some cases, is growing worse.
197.	The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which was held in this same hall a few weeks ago, made no mistake about that subject. True, the session did not come to an agreement; but lei us at least give it credit for having emphasized the importance of the subject and for having pointed the way for us to proceed on the crucial subjects.
198.	While there was no formal adoption of a text, the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade won a consensus. Aims were defined, main lines mapped out and pledges made. There is no need for these to be modified. France, for its part, will uphold them firmly.
199.	Next, resolution S-11/4 which was adopted by the Assembly with regard to the least developed countries expressed a deep-rooted, widespread conviction. The new international economic order must operate to the benefit of all but primarily to that of the poorest and the most impoverished. This priority and the concrete measures it implies can no longer be forgotten. They will serve to guide France's actions.
200.	There remains a last obstacle before global negotiations can be opened and the balanced text proposed by the Chairman of the negotiating group provides us with the means to overcome it. My country, which within the framework of the European Community has consistently directed its efforts towards compromise, believes this text should be acceptable to all. It invites this General Assembly not to disband without arriving at the agreement that is indispensable on this point if global negotiations are to begin by 1981. Indeed, my country could not understand how procedural differences could prevent or delay what must constitute a major step in the construction of a new international economic order.
201.	The critical period we have entered calls for a longer term effort to strengthen the structures of international cooperation at all levels: first, the world level, then the level of East West relations and. lastly, the level of regional cooperation.
202.	The world level is pre-eminently the level on which, within the framework of our Organization, universal law is both defined and affirmed. All States are equally called upon to play a part in shaping that law. No State can escape its duties.
203.	That is why it is so important for the membership of our Organization to be enlarged by the entry of new States and why its activities benefit from their participation. In particular, that is win my country is glad to see China playing a more and more active role in the work of our Organization after having been for too long unjustly kept outside.
204.	The law we want to see become the norm must henceforth be a universal one.
205.	This law must be universal with regard to human rights, which it defines and protects and whose progress it untiringly ensures, That is also why the World Conference on the status of women, "held at Copenhagen, has evoked such a wide response in all quarters. That is also why so many countries, among them France, have taken and are continuing to take a stand—in spite of the friendship they continue to bear towards the Iranian people—against the violation of law constituted by the holding of American diplomats as hostages in Teheran. By liberating them, Iran will once again assume its place within the international community.
206.	This law is universal, also, with regard to defining a new international economic order and with regard to the question of disarmament. It applies even beyond the context of the global negotiations which, as 1 have already said, France firmly expects to see started in 1981, and the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is a good and important example of this universality. On this subject, I should like to welcome and express the great hopes aroused by the progress that has recently been achieved in this area and that augurs well for a favourable conclusion in the near future. By the same token, France, which has pleaded more strongly than any other country for disarmament to become the concern of us all, is extremely pleased with the new impetus given to the work of the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva, from 5 February to 29 April and from 12 June to 9 August this year, and with the birth of the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, which is now assured.
207.	Finally, the law is universal in the political area. False realism cannot make us accept as irreversible situations which have been created by force alone. When law is violated, silence acts as an accomplice. One cannot support the self-determination of peoples in one area and show indifference to it in another.
208.	Law, like peace, is indivisible. It would be a mistake to think it is powerless when it expresses itself through the unanimous voice of the international community. In this respect, the role of our Organization is one that cannot be replaced. Its effectiveness is in direct proportion to the support we give it.
209.	However important it may be to strengthen the structures of international order on a world level, we cannot forget that the relationship between Fast and West remains, in many respects, one of the key elements of that order.
210.	At this level the main factors hinge on two States, which are called superpowers precisely because they alone have the power to thrust the world headlong into general conflagration. These factors hinge first on their conduct and next on their relations with each other.
211.	As far as their conduct is concerned, my country is the friend and ally of one of them. Looking beyond ideological differences, it has with the other relations of cooperation which it values and hopes to be able to maintain and develop. In the past my country did not conceal its feelings about United States policy in Viet Nam. Today it is compelled to say that the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan is unacceptable; that no security considerations can justify such action and that it is essential, in the interests of everyone—and that includes the Soviet Union itself—to find a political solution to the crisis that is consistent with the legitimate aspirations of the Afghan people and the requirements of international peace.
212.	Next, as far as the relations between the two superpowers are concerned, it is in the first place up to those that possess the most formidable arsenals and are constantly striving to increase and perfect them to put an end to the arms race. Last year, the conclusion of the SALT II agreement offered some hope in this direction. Although this undoubtedly was not genuine disarmament, it at least constituted a beginning, and I said at the time that France recognized the importance of the step that had just been taken. Even though I understand the extent to which the international climate puts a strain on that agreement, I should like to repeat here that my country hopes to see it take effect as soon as possible.
213.	In addition to the world dimension and the East West dimension of international relations, there is increasingly nowadays a regional dimension.
214.	There are, of course, large continental organizations such as the Organization of American States and the Organization of African Unity, and they are constantly reaffirming their vitality and usefulness.
215.	But there are also other new associations which arc demonstrating their solidarity and taking common initiatives and actions on a more limited scale. The phenomenon is too widespread not to reflect a profound need. We may rest assured that these groupings, associations and communities will be the pillars of peace and the relay stations on the road to the development of the world of tomorrow. Many examples show that they have already begun to do just this and that the hope is already in the process of becoming a reality.
216.	We all remember that the so-called frontline States made an essential contribution to the decolonization of Rhodesia at its most delicate stage. We all remember the initiatives taken by the Islamic Conference and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN). I also have in mind the efforts made by a number of West African countries to help recreate the conditions needed for national reconciliation and civil peace in Chad. I should also like to pay a tribute to the appeal made recently by the President of the Republic of Djibouti for a truce and a negotiated settlement in the Horn of Africa.
217.	Lastly, in mentioning the role of the European Community, I should like to recall that France was one of its founding members. The nine member countries are not satisfied merely to cast a brotherly look towards those new associations. They have established direct contacts with several of them, with ASEAN in particular and the Andean Pact.  The nine Community members are preparing to take new initiatives. As a European community, they have long devoted the main part of their efforts to contributing to development. They will continue to do so. But their action is increasingly directed also towards detente and peace. They are less able than ever before to retreat into indifference or a wait and see attitude in the face of the increased dangers. They are no longer satisfied simply to make their voice heard. They have decided to make their presence felt. The mission that Mr. Thorn, current President of the nine members of the European Community, recently undertook to the Middle East on their behalf both implies and announces that decision.
218.	Periods of crisis are not the time to stay on the sidelines or abdicate responsibility; they are, on the contrary, a time for responsibility and initiative. The State on whose behalf I speak is the first to be aware of this. France is committed to the free determination of peoples, both for itself and for others; it has shown this many times over the past 20 years. It respects the free choice of the peoples for which it has responsibility. It did so only recently by terminating, on the date arranged, the condominium it had administered with Great Britain in the New Hebrides. It would not allow this free choice to be dictated by others either. France would not allow predetermination to take the place of self-determination.
219.	France has experienced the oppression and the trials of war. It understands the suffering caused by violence, intolerance and poverty, and it opens its borders wide to refugees of all origins who seek asylum on its soil.
220.	France is party to no conflict and has claims against no one. But it knows the price of security and it is determined to pay it. Having formed many faithful friendships on five continents over the course of a long history, France is open to cooperation with everyone. But it will never compromise on its independence.
221.	Do not be surprised if France speaks in grave tones today. Conflicts are multiplying and becoming entrenched; international dialogue, when it is not actually interrupted, does not even manage to get started; and whether the subject is detente, disarmament or peace, it looks as if the world does not dare either to deny these principles or to advance them further.
222.	In concluding today on a note of warning and an appeal. France is remaining true to its tradition and its calling. France, like every other State, has national interests to protect, but it recognizes no higher interests than those of peace, justice and progress for mankind.