The principality of Monaco is particularly
pleased that you, Mr. President, are carrying out the high
functions and responsibilities of this fifty-third session of
our General Assembly. Your election by acclamation
bears witness to the confidence that the international
community has placed in your personal qualities and in
your experience. It is also a manifestation of the respect
that Member States have for your country, Uruguay.
I would also like to include the newly elected
members of the Bureau in my cordial congratulations to
you and in the wishes for success that I extend to you.
It is also a pleasant duty for me to pay a most
earnest and sincere tribute to Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko,
who presided with such great talent and effectiveness over
the fifty-second of the Assembly.
Geography often dictates the fate of a nation. This
is particularly true for the Principality of Monaco, whose
life and development for centuries have depended on the
sea. So it is that my country has always attached great
importance to all issues concerning the sea. In fact, we
host several institutions devoted to the marine
environment.
In this International Year of the Ocean, it seems
fitting to recall that the Principality is also celebrating the
one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the birth of Prince
10

Albert I of Monaco, one of the founders of oceanography,
to whom our country owes a great deal of its renown.
My illustrious forebear, born in 1848, devoted a
substantial part of his life to the scientific study of the
oceans. An accomplished and passionate seaman, he was a
pioneer during 30 years of scientific study that led him
from the Azores to Spitzberg.
Prince Albert I created in Monaco in 1910 the
Oceanographic Museum in order to share what he had
learned from his maritime expeditions and to reveal the
beauty and wealth of the marine environment. Previously,
in Paris in 1906, he had founded the Oceanographic
Institute, which, in the same spirit, he devoted to teaching
and research.
He was also a forerunner of oceanology, in that some
of his work or his insights led to major medical discoveries,
such as anaphylaxis and antibacterial action. By advancing
research on what he called the meteorology of the upper
atmosphere of the oceans, he paved the way for studies of
oceanic atmospheric exchanges and their impact on climate.
Following his example, we should encourage
climatological studies in order to prevent as much as
possible such tragic flooding as that which — victimizing
too many people — rages today in Bangladesh, in China
and in the Chiapas region in Mexico. This is not to
overlook, of course, hurricane Georges, which is now
striking the Caribbean islands with such force.
In responding to the wishes of the Ninth International
Oceanographic Congress, on 30 March 1910 Prince Albert
I brought together a special commission to propose a
programme for the scientific exploration of the
Mediterranean. Because of the First World War, the general
constitutive conference could not be held until 1919, in
Madrid. In the presence of representatives of eight States
with coasts on the Mediterranean, the programme and
working methods of the international commission for the
scientific exploration of the Mediterranean were established.
The comprehensive activities of this institution, unique in
nature and mission, continue today. The institution brings
together very high-level political leaders and scientists. Last
June in Croatia it held its thirty-fifth meeting. Prince
Rainier III, my father, who is now the Chairman, took that
opportunity to again express his confidence in the scientific
community, encouraging it not to underestimate the
influence it might have on political decisions, especially in
the area of maritime affairs.
It is in this spirit that we attach special interest to
the work conducted by the Independent World
Commission on Oceans, under the leadership of the
former President of Portugal, Mario Soares. We hope that
its conclusions, which are essential for the lasting
conservation of our marine heritage, will receive all the
attention they deserve.
Inspired by the scientific work of Prince Albert I,
Prince Rainier III, my father, and his Government have in
recent years continued and strengthened his visionary
policy. Two examples are the scientific centre established
in 1960 and the RAMOGE agreement signed with France
and Italy so as to prevent all types of pollution — which
are numerous in the Ligurian Sea.
Furthermore, since last 27 March the Principality has
had a law that brings together in one legislative body all
provisions relating to the law of the sea, conforming them
to the legal and technical requirements of the
contemporary maritime world — first and foremost to the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and
other relevant international instruments to which Monaco
is a party.
We are also very much involved in activities carried
out by the International Whaling Commission. Our efforts
recently led to the establishment of 40 degrees south as
the boundary of the new southern sanctuary designed to
ensure protection for the feeding and reproduction
grounds of 90 per cent of large whales. The Governments
affected by this decision have committed themselves to
limit the number of so-called scientific hunting permits in
order to protect effectively this sanctuary.

I would like, furthermore, to draw the attention of
the General Assembly to fresh threats to the marine
environment posed by new synthetic chemical products,
such as dioxins and certain pesticides which affect the
neurological and brain development of many species.
Large amounts of these products are now found in the
flesh of fish and other marine vertebrates in the northern
hemisphere, presenting an imminent threat not only to the
balance of marine biodiversity but also to the health of
the human race. I am thinking in particular of the Beluga
whales, now among the most poisoned animals on our
planet.
11

The substantial contribution of Prince Albert I to
progress in oceanography should not allow us to forget his
research in other areas, such as the study of prehistory.
Thanks to discoveries made in coastal caves, it has enabled
us to identify one of the links in human evolution, which
has helped to establish scientifically the common origin of
the human race. These fossils, along with other
archaeological objects found in the caves of the region, are
preserved in the Museum of Prehistoric Anthropology,
which the Prince created in 1902 in Monaco. Just as he had
established the Oceanographic Institute in Paris to promote
marine sciences, Prince Albert I gave the French capital an
Institute of Human Paleontology, where since 1910 courses
have been given and interdisciplinary research has been
conducted on geology, prehistoric paleontology and
ethnography.
Like many scholars, Prince Albert I did not limit his
activities to research. He felt the profound need for
communication, teaching and propagation of knowledge. He
gave talks in Italy, Belgium, Spain and Austria. He
inaugurated congresses in Paris, Bordeaux and Washington.
One could also see him in the outskirts of the French
capital giving night classes to workers enrolled in the
People?s University of Paris. Prince Albert I probably
anticipated the immense enthusiasm with which at the
beginning of the 1960s men and women of all disciplines
and a large part of the peoples of the world were to come
together in favour of ecology — that is, respect for nature,
its balance and the interdependence of the beings that live
in it. Since the beginning of the century he had perceived
some of the bases for an environmentalism which was both
popular and scientific and which he himself tried to put into
practice.
So it is that his temple of the sea, the Oceanographic
Institute Museum of Monaco, was, on his initiative,
surrounded by superb gardens containing original and
varied Mediterranean species. Also very interested in
botany, he established on the rocky, arid coast of Monaco
an exotic garden open to the public where we find
succulent plants, some very rare and endangered, preserved
with great care. My ancestor was to some extent a
forerunner of those involved in the defence of biodiversity.
A profound believer in justice and an ardent defender
of universal friendship, Prince Albert I in 1903 also created
in Monaco the International Institute for Peace, where he
brought together jurists, economists, philosophers and
scientists to whom he assigned the mission of considering
“ways of solving disputes between nations, propagating
dedication to methods for bringing about harmonious
understanding, and eradicating hatred from the hearts of
peoples”. Forty-two years later these words echoed in the
preamble to the United Nations Charter adopted in San
Francisco.
The Academy for Peace and International Security,
which meets regularly in Monaco, perpetuates, on the
initiative of my father, the reigning Prince, the
determination of Prince Albert I to promote research on
peace and the causes of conflict as well as the study of
war. Its thirtieth session, which I was pleased to open on
19 March, devoted its work to globalization and
international security. The discussions were led by high-
ranking personalities from the worlds of diplomacy,
defence and business, as well as by representatives of
major international organizations. Its recommendations
and conclusions essentially deal with the risks of tension
and conflict inherent in the globalization of the economy
and the best ways to overcome these risks.
The interest in humankind expressed in his research
on primitive man and his environment, his commitment
to scientific knowledge and its spread, his rejection of
violence and his tireless fight for peace and respect for
nature are all very contemporary messages which Prince
Albert I bequeathed to us. This was the meeting of a
human life with history, and his multidimensional legacy
has come to us through time. He has influenced the minds
of the people of Monaco, generation upon generation, in
making us a welcoming, peace-loving people, respectful
of our environment. Enriched by and adapted to world
developments and progress by his successors, primarily
my father, this heritage is now at the core of essential
missions which we have entrusted to the United Nations.
My country, within its modest means, is more prepared
than ever to make its experience, inherited from its
difficult past, available for understanding and
rapprochement.
The defence of human rights and respect for human
dignity, which are inscribed in letters of gold in the
United Nations Charter, were no doubt of inspiration to
Prince Albert I when he personally committed himself to
the rehabilitation of Captain Dreyfus and when he decided
to grant constitutional political rights to his subjects in
1911.
These fundamental human rights are being
commemorated by the international community today.
This is a great event. Fifty years ago, on 10 December
1948, our General Assembly at its third session, held in
Paris at the Palais de Chaillot, adopted the Universal
12

Declaration of Human Rights. One of those primarily
responsible for it, the French professor René Cassin,
received in 1968, 20 years after the solemn proclamation,
the Nobel Peace Prize. This commemoration should be an
opportunity for collective soul-searching. To what extent
are human rights enjoyed internationally? Above all, what
is the position with regard to the initiatives taken to realize
the right to development, which was officially recognized
in 1993 by the international community at the World
Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna?
The current fierce economic competition which is
aggravating macroeconomic imbalances is not without an
impact on the enjoyment of human rights. While respect for
civil and political rights seems to be less affected,
economic, social and cultural rights underpinning the right
to development have made only modest progress — where
they have not, indeed, met with major setbacks.
The current financial crisis is depriving millions of
men and women of their basic rights, when not actually
destroying their lives. At the world level, it has led to an
overall drop in life expectancy, an increase in infant and
maternal mortality, greater unemployment, growing
insecurity, uncontrolled migration and a grave deterioration
in social welfare, accompanied by a relentless drop in
income among the active population. The high-level
dialogue on the theme of the social and economic impact of
globalization and interdependence and their policy
implications, which was held in this Hall on 17 and 18
September, clearly stressed these facts.
Human rights are indissoluble. They must be enjoyed
by everyone everywhere. As the General Assembly
proclaimed on 10 December 1948, they are a common
standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations. The
highest authorities of my country, along with the entire
Monegasque people, are thoroughly convinced of this.
One thought comes to mind. It may be a lengthy one,
since the question is delicate and quite complex. The
Government of the Principality is perfectly well aware that
urgent and concrete steps must be encouraged at the
national and global levels. Mrs. Mary Robinson, the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, has our full support and
all our confidence. We know how difficult her task is and
how pitiful are her resources in the face of reality.
The Principality of Monaco also attaches the highest
importance to the tireless and courageous work of the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, which, I am pleased to recall, received the Nobel
Peace Prize nearly 45 years ago in 1954. Mrs. Sadako
Ogata and her colleagues deserve our support and respect.
The United Nations humanitarian activities, which
are necessary today as never before, and its efforts to
eliminate anti-personnel landmines and the human tragedy
they entail also deserve our greatest encouragement.
I wish here to emphasize the special interest which
my father, the Sovereign Prince, and I, President of the
Red Cross of Monaco — currently celebrating its fiftieth
anniversary — attach to respect for and strict
implementation of the Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949. Despite the tireless efforts of the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, as well as of many humanitarian organizations
that I wish to commend here for the altruism and courage
of their members, we note an increase in serious
violations of this text, as well as of the most basic human
rights of the most vulnerable sectors of the population,
including children.
Last June, the Security Council rightly expressed its
grave concern at the terrible consequences to children of
armed conflict. It energetically and unequivocally
condemned the abuses to which they are subject,
especially the humiliations, outrages, sexual violence,
kidnapping and displacements, as well their recruitment
and use in combat, in violation of current international
law. The authorities of Monaco unreservedly share that
position and are prepared to lend active support, to the
extent of their abilities, to the Secretary-General?s Special
Representative for Children in Armed Conflict so that he
may fulfil his noble mission.
Unfortunately, the fate of children may be equally
tragic outside armed conflict. Following the World
Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Children, held in Stockholm in August 1996, the
Government of Monaco, as I stated to the General
Assembly at its fifty-first session, has striven to reform its
criminal legislation in order to bring it into line with its
commitments. In implementation of article 34 of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Monaco
is Party, new legislative provisions have been enacted,
with broader scope to criminalize to the greatest possible
extent the sexual exploitation of children to satisfy the
vices of others.
The establishment, last July in Rome, of an
International Criminal Court is a source of great hope.
13

This represents major progress, a far-reaching change in the
international order that fosters respect for the essential
principles of humanitarian law. Its Statute, adopted by a
large majority, opens the way to the prosecution of war
crimes and the most heinous crimes against humanity, many
of which affect children, of course, but also woman and the
defenceless elderly. The Principality of Monaco, which
participated in the Diplomatic Conference in Rome,
welcomes this historic decision.
The Royal Government is grateful that such weighty
issues as the definition of crimes, the principle of
complementarity, jurisdictions, the independence of the
prosecutor?s office and relations with United Nations organs
were all solved satisfactorily.
I also wish to express on behalf of my country our
great satisfaction at the work which the Secretary-General
has done in recent months. The reports he submits to us
note progress in many areas, including administrative and
financial management and the restructuring of the
Secretariat. Outstanding progress has been achieved thanks
to the trusting and close cooperation he has established with
representatives of Member States and with officials of the
most influential international world and regional bodies.
His diplomatic initiatives, carried out with great
wisdom, patience and determination, have often been
crowned with success, despite the obstacles and difficulties
he has encountered. We are especially pleased that, in come
cases, his initiatives have allowed us to prevent or stabilize
conflicts that might otherwise have been extremely
devastating.
The Secretary-General?s well-written and incisive
report on the causes of conflict and the promotion of
durable peace and sustainable development in Africa has
riveted our attention. It is a valuable source of inspiration
and ideas for bringing peace to Africa.
In this respect, I cannot fail to recall that we are
commemorating this year the fiftieth anniversary of
peacekeeping operations. It was in 1948 that the first
United Nations observer mission was established. I take this
opportunity to pay a tribute to all those men and women
who have served under the United Nations flag and to
salute the memory of those who gave their lives in the line
of duty. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld was among
them. More recently, in Kabul, an Italian Lieutenant
Colonel was killed and a French military adviser wounded.
The Convention on the Safety of United Nations and
Associated Personnel, adopted by the General Assembly at
its forty-ninth session, is more relevant than ever. Ten
years ago, on 10 December 1988, United Nations
Peacekeeping Forces received the Nobel Peace Prize. As
I see it, this high distinction should be recalled on the
occasion of this anniversary.
I would like to express great sadness felt in my
country over the accident of Swissair flight 111. My
saddest thoughts go to the victims of that accident, some
of whom belonged to the great United Nations family. We
share the grief of their loved ones.
Africa and Europe have recently experienced a tragic
series of terrorist attacks that have taken a toll of
hundreds of victims including women, children,
elderly people, many of whom were present merely by
chance. Those attacks have given rise to an inevitable
escalation of the use of force and an increased risk of
conflict. The authorities and people of Monaco have felt
these painful events very deeply. Through me, they wish
to reaffirm to the Governments concerned and to the
families of the victims their solidarity and their deepest
sympathy.
On 13 August 1995, the Security Council firmly
condemned acts of terrorism, which they called an
outrage. It recalled its statement of 31 January 1992,
issued at its high-level meeting of heads of State and
Government. The Principality of Monaco agrees fully
with that position. It is perfectly aware that terrorism
endangers not only the security of States and their
citizens, but also international cooperation and peace. My
country is more convinced than ever of the need to
strengthen international cooperation, with a view to
combating more effectively this scourge, which is a
serious and tragic setback in relations among human
beings, nations and peoples. It fully endorses the
provisions of General Assembly resolution 52/165,
adopted on 15 December 1997, and its provisions aimed
at the elimination of international terrorism.
Our Government is now considering the possibility
of adhering to the International Convention for the
Suppression of Terrorist Bombings, which was adopted
last year without a vote and which is currently open for
signature. Furthermore, we hope that negotiations under
way on a draft convention on the suppression of acts of
nuclear terrorism will be concluded quickly.
In conclusion, it is my hope that the work of this
fifty-third session of the General Assembly will be
crowned with success and that the activities of the
14

Organization will be strengthened in such vital areas as
international security, disarmament, sustainable development
and the protection of the environment.


I would first
like to congratulate the President of the General Assembly
at its fifty-third session, Mr. Didier Opertti, of Uruguay,
and to give him Andorra?s unconditional support during
this year of reforms. I would also like to thank the
outgoing President, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, for his
important contribution to the debates of the fifty-second
General Assembly.
22

We are now celebrating the fifth anniversary of the
admission of Andorra into the United Nations. It is
therefore fitting to begin my speech today with an
assessment of what motivated Andorra?s entry into the
United Nations and the tasks that its Government has
accomplished. Andorra wanted to become a part of the
Organization in 1993, immediately following approval by
the Andorran people of a modern Constitution that affirmed
its sovereignty and brought to modern times thirteenth-
century texts, texts which had guaranteed independence and
neutrality for more than seven centuries. Andorra?s
international standing required it.
Nevertheless, neutrality has never signified for
Andorra isolation or a lack of self-determination. To the
contrary, during times of great European conflicts, and
during the Spanish civil war, Andorra opened its doors to
those who fled terror and violence.
Being a sanctuary of peace for so long has given
Andorra certain international responsibilities, enumerated in
the new Constitution of 1993, which says that the Andorran
people shall persevere in the advancement of values such as
justice, democracy and social progress, and keep and
strengthen the harmonious relations of Andorra with the
rest of the world, based on mutual respect, coexistence and
peace in the desire to bring its strength and collaboration to
all the common causes of mankind.
The entry of Andorra into the United Nations has been
a most important step for our country, giving us the
opportunity to make ourselves heard, to express ourselves
and to be a part of the forum which includes all countries;
we must respond with solidarity, aid and our best efforts to
attain peace, liberty and full adhesion to the International
Declaration of Human Rights.
I am speaking in Catalan, the language of Andorra. It
is an old Latinate language, an important part of our
cultural identity, and it is an honour to speak these words
in this language to the Assembly today. It is also proof of
one of the most difficult rights to assume: the right of
difference.
In Andorra, protected by the Pyrénées mountains, we
are proud of our 720 years of uninterrupted peace and self-
government. We have a population of over 65,000,
composed of more than 60 nationalities. We have acquired,
with the passage of time, certain experience in conjugating
the verb “to tolerate”, because of the diversity of our
population, of which “Andorrans” are a minority, the
importance of immigration and the plurality of nationalities,
cultures and languages. These are facts, which conform to
modern societies.
Permit me to expand on certain aspects of our
country in order to emphasize our desire to cooperate in
shared projects and to struggle against aggression and
repression, and for harmony between peoples, cultures
and civilizations. The particular sentiment that our little
country feels before this Assembly is appreciation of the
difference between globalization and particularity, the
paradox between material progress and world poverty.
Our confidence in this Assembly is absolute, and I
shall give two reasons. First, we consider here the grand
strategies we can adopt to pursue justice, democracy and
the rule of law. Secondly, this Assembly is a common
house, where all are equal under the law and all States
can express their concerns to the world in an international
assembly.
The politics of Andorra at the United Nations inspire
me to make a general reflection within this institution. In
the last few years, the directives of the Government of
Andorra concerning United Nations reform have been
very clear: absolute adherence to the reform projects of
the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who, since his
election, has worked to achieve the restructuring of this
Organization.
I am pleased to say that Mr. Annan is aided in
seeking to attain his goals by the Deputy Secretary-
General, who has helped him bring about his objectives,
and I would like to congratulate Mrs. Louise Fréchette,
who, in the months since she assumed her position, has
helped immensely in the difficult task of reforming this
institution, employing all the skills of a person of her
diplomatic abilities.
With respect to the reform of the United Nations,
Andorra has shown a desire for transparency and greater
access for the General Assembly to the workings of the
Security Council. We would also like to make clear our
desire for an increase in the membership of the Security
Council, to reflect the increasing membership of the
United Nations. The Working Group on the reform of the
Council will sponsor debates and present alternatives, and
we will present our ideas.
The most important theme of my speech today is the
celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Andorra has strengthened
its political structures in the light, always brilliant of that
23

1948 Declaration, which indeed, is given form in our
Constitution. Article 5 of this document incorporates it into
the judicial structure of the State in the phrase:
“The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is
binding in Andorra.”
This Declaration, shared by so many States, should not
be seen as Utopian. The proliferation of publications and
seminars concerning the analysis and investigation of
human rights, understood more and more as a means of
ensuring a proper relationship between the individual, the
community and the environment, touch on the grand
systems of classic thought.
The practice is deceptive. At the international level,
none of us can ignore the paradox of great wealth
contrasted with the abuse, the aggression and the most
sinister forms of cruelty without limits. Today we know
much of what happens in the world and very probably
many of us know why. We cannot now return to ignorance,
to lack of knowledge, to lies.
In a more immediate framework, we cannot argue that
things are getting better. How can we respect the individual
and his fundamental rights if the proliferation of armed
conflicts, racism, xenophobia and the marginalization of
others continues?
Tolerance and respect are not new terms, but they are
key concepts, which must be reinvented or rediscovered,
given a greater significance and a universal application. Too
often tolerance is confused with condescension, and respect
with bureaucratic formality.
The danger increases when we become blinded by
absolute truths and dogmatic positions which, in one way
or another, lead to authoritarianism and exclusion, which
are precisely the opposite of toleration and pluralism.
This is written in the third book of the Pentateuch,
Leviticus:
“Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge
against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love
thy neighbour as thyself”. (The Holy Bible, Leviticus
19:18)
These are old and perennial moral statements, which shape
society, and which have always been universal values
incorporated in all the great statements on human rights.
On 10 December we will celebrate the passing of 50
years since the signing of the Declaration. It has become
a banner of this body, and it gives it reason to exist and
to work.
There remain much work to be accomplished and
much evil to be fought. We are far from any moment of
satisfaction. This century, which is about to end, contains
few events of which we can reflect with satisfaction. The
world has witnessed campaigns of extermination,
holocausts and wars. It has all been extremely cruel and
bloody. We can still see this black light in countries
where assassinations take place under the guise of
redressing religious grievances.
Many other examples can be cited to show that the
universal application of human rights has not been
achieved, and we feel the same sense of powerlessness
when we see our friends and neighbours in the
Mediterranean dying on the southern borders of Europe.
Those who survive are lifted out of the opulence of
Europe and deported, after false hopes and impossible
dreams, back to the misery of their places of origin. This
also occurs, among other places, on the Adriatic coast.
The Mediterranean is no longer the unifying sea that
it once was. Rather it has been transformed into a barrier
between the rich North, with its aging populations, and a
South that, like Prometheus, is filled with misery — but
also with young and struggling people more than half of
whom are under 18. Can we not say, therefore, that a
conflict is in the air? How far we have come from the
stirring poem of Emma Lazarus, which, engraved on the
base of the Statue of Liberty, welcomed, with a door open
to hope, the persecuted and the refugee.
Will the justice system become a mere spectacle?
Even great dignitaries of great democracies, elected in a
clear-cut way, are denied strict respect for personal and
family privacy. The death penalty is still in effect in
many countries. Child labour, child pornography, sex
crimes, abuse and mistreatment are everyday occurrences.
Fifty years of universal human rights mean that we
have rules by which to differentiate between good and
evil, and a standard by which we can recognize the often
inconceivably evil actions of those individuals or States
who live without letting others live. Now, since 1948, we
cannot turn away: we know who respects and who does
not respect human rights.
24

The 1998 report of Amnesty International is once
again the faithful portrait of a planet which is capable of
immense technological progress and scientific advances that
we can scarcely imagine, a planet with the ambition to
conquer interstellar space, but nevertheless continues to be
a world of terrible crimes. I do not believe that this should
be an anniversary during which we offer only
congratulations; we should also reflect critically on how we
might effectively achieve respect for human rights. It is
obvious that all of us here today have a clear understanding
of the universality of human dignity: it is the most
fundamental and absolute of rights. We possess faith in the
human being as the means of political action and the giver
of concrete meaning to personal liberty and the freedom of
societies.
Democracy is a synonym for ironclad respect for
human rights, without concessions, as the greatest guarantee
of liberty and progress. What excuse could exist today for
defending the notion that people do not have the capacity
to elect public officials and to send them home through
regular elections when those people believe that the
politicians have not done well enough? It is clear that
democracy is vulnerable when there is no sincere consensus
on the rules of the game, and that this will lead directly to
totalitarianism, corruption and manipulation.
Globalization is not only an economic phenomenon:
with globalization, people have seen large States flower
with democracy, and have seen that oppressive and
authoritarian regimes do not lead to lasting economic
success, as some have claimed.
Many institutions have made excuses for sins
committed 500, 100, or 50 years ago. Must we wait half a
century to apologize for the barbarous acts we commit
today? We all bear responsibility. We should not respond
only with words and good intentions, especially if we
declare ourselves to be powerless before injustice and
misery. Action by States will be the only acceptable
response, for even if every citizen of the world could
cooperate, we would still require force and the necessary
instruments.
What can Andorra, a small State, bring to this world
body? Since 1993, my country has made a great legislative
effort to accede to a large number of conventions, which
permits us to participate in the rule of international law.
From the point of view of security, Andorra desires to
accede promptly to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, with international solidarity as our goal.
Our humanitarian tradition made us one of the first
countries to have ratified the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction.
In the domain of international law, our presence at
Rome during the negotiation of the treaty on an
International Criminal Court was marked by active
participation in the writing of the text, notably the first
paragraph of the statute. I would like to thank all
delegations who helped with the Andorran contribution,
and particularly the United States of America.
Turning to international human rights legislation, we
have over the years endorsed many human rights
provisions. Andorra will accede to the Council of Europe
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms, which includes the abolition of
the death penalty. We are also a party to the European
Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment. At the United
Nations, we give priority to the Convention on the Rights
of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women.
I have the pleasure today to announce that I have
taken the necessary steps to accede to other human rights
instruments of which the Secretary-General is the
depositary, in particular the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment.
We are concerned too about universal problems such
as terrorism, which must be combated without concession,
and illicit drug trafficking and the associated money-
laundering, which must be prosecuted relentlessly.
International cooperation and mutual assistance are the
proper tools for this fight.
From a financial point of view, our per capita
contribution is substantial, and we shall continue to
contribute to United Nations funds relating to human
rights, development and peacekeeping.
In the field of preventive diplomacy, I insist on the
importance of words and diplomatic relations in moving
the world forward, and on the implementation of the
memorandum of understanding successfully negotiated by
the Secretary-General last February on weapons
25

inspections in Iraq; our Ambassador is a member of the
Special Group on Iraq?s presidential sites.
I believe that small countries without enemies or
historical conflicts are in a favourable position to conduct
discreet diplomacy and to play a mediation role to help
ensure that important negotiations stay on track.
In five years on the international stage, Andorra has
found its place in the concert of nations, and we are very
proud to belong to this Organization. At the United Nations,
we have learned much from excellent teachers about how
to go from the realm of the national to the international and
from there to the universal. Andorra affirms before you its
belief in human rights, at the same time as we stand for
world security, peace and preventive diplomacy.
During the fifty-third session of the General Assembly,
Andorra will maintain this position and will work to
participate in the reform of this international Organization,
for now is the moment, at the beginning of the new
millennium, to reinvigorate the United Nations, to make it
a more effective instrument of order on this increasingly
globalized planet.
Today no one is innocent; we all share the same
responsibilities. We wish to participate actively with all the
Members in tackling the task of building for a better age in
an imperfect world in which all the peoples of the world
are increasingly interdependent and increasingly demand,
with greater determination and courage, the universal
application of human rights.


At the outset, I am pleased to extend to
Mr. Opertti my sincere congratulations on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third
session. I am confident that his experience and skill will
help ensure that we achieve the best results possible in
our proceedings this session.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express
my appreciation to Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko for his
5

notable success in guiding the proceedings of the General
Assembly at its fifty-second session. It am also pleased to
express thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his unceasing efforts to reform the
United Nations and to enhance its credibility while
strengthening its role in maintaining world peace and
security.
The aspirations of the world?s peoples and States to
achieve stability based on security, peace, prosperity and
advancement, which are basic objectives of the international
community, impose upon us the duty, year after year, to
take a realistic account, in this international forum, of the
configurations of international realities for which the United
Nations serves as the most credible gauge and the most
comprehensive reference point for changes in various fields.
This would enable us to assess together how close we are
to, or how far we are from, our basic human objectives.
Developments in recent months and weeks in various
parts of the world, and their implications and effects at
different international levels, have demonstrated that,
despite all the efforts made, this world is a long way from
achieving the stability desired. They also demonstrate that
no single Power, nation or bloc, however powerful or
influential, can distance or protect itself from instability,
which is rampant in the world, unless situations in the
north, south, east and west are approached in a unified,
consensual and fair manner and with balance and
interdependence. This must be done in order to radically
solve problems and issues, addressing their root causes and
avoiding double standards and partial or temporary
solutions, and without deferring seemingly chronic
problems that are bound to rear their heads again in one
form or another.
The failure of the international community to take
proper advantage of the end of the cold war has been made
manifest by the nuclear arms race erupting in Asia,
obstacles in the Middle East peace process, the rise of
terrorism and other acts of violence committed
indiscriminately in various parts of the world, as well as the
worsening of economic crises in several regions.
The international situation is once again precarious,
and it is incumbent upon all of us to treat these matters
comprehensively, and with greater firmness and
determination. The increased gravity of the phenomenon of
terrorism on the one hand, and the divergence of views
regarding that phenomenon on the other, underline the need
for greater international understanding and more effective
joint coordination. This calls for the need to convene an
international conference at the highest possible level to
combat terrorism, for it is illogical to condemn terrorism
at one level, while giving haven to persons involved in it
at another level. Such an enormous task cannot be
undertaken by any single State or bloc alone, whatever
resources it may have. Thus we are once again faced with
an enormous and renewed responsibility placed on the
shoulders of our international Organization, which has
now been required, in the light of the new conditions and
the profound changes in the international environment, to
adopt effective and unconventional working methods so
as to confront these new and unprecedented situations in
the history of humankind.
This bestows a renewed importance and should also
give new impetus to both the United Nations reform
programme put forward by the Secretary-General last year
and to approaches to reactivating the performance of the
Security Council in line with more effective formulas for
its restructuring and functioning which may be acceptable
to the international community within the United Nations.
These formulas should take into account equitable
geographical distribution and an appropriate increase in
the Council?s membership, commensurate with the
increase in the Organization?s membership. Bahrain takes
pride in the fact that at present it is the representative of
the Asian Group in the Security Council.
Experience has shown that the end of an era, or
victory in a confrontation, does not mean the end of
crises or confrontations in the world, and that continuous
international vigilance and permanent joint action are
indispensable if we are to avoid inertia and prevent the
recurrence of such crises. Creative visions and innovative
methods to deal with new challenges are required. That
does not mean that we have reached the end of history, as
some have imagined. Rather, it means that we have
reached an unprecedented phase of history on the
practical and political plane of the international situation.
Insofar as the theoretical and intellectual aspects are
concerned, it is a fact that — however numerous may be
the views and interpretations in research and discussions
in the world?s different cultures and civilizations that have
captured the attention of the world in an unprecedented
manner in respect of the “globalization” phenomenon and
its dimensions and possible impacts, both positive and
negative — the United Nations, established over half a
century ago, remains the indisputable mother institution
for this phenomenon. The United Nations represents an
early concretization of globalization in world history,
6

despite the fact that globalization was not then as mature or
comprehensive as it is today.
If there is to be a global focal point qualified to carry
out balanced and objective research on the dimensions of
this phenomenon whose impact is yet to be agreed upon,
this international Organization should be the common
melting pot for the various visions and diverging
interpretations concerning the globalization of the
international scene, irrespective of the cultural, intellectual
and spiritual directions of their proponents. This should also
be achieved in a manner whereby the fashionable phrase
“clash of civilizations” can be transcended and replaced by
harmony and dialogue.
Should the United Nations, with its institutions and
intellect, be unable to absorb this international phenomenon
and its consequences for human and international reality,
this may lead to a different global reality that is
incompatible with the spirit and philosophy of the
Organization. The result of such a situation might in the
long run become difficult to contain and control within the
bounds of international legitimacy and existing international
cooperation, as attested to by the increase in acts of
terrorism and the breaches of established norms in more
than one field.
It goes without saying that the United Nations will be
unable to meet historical and future obligations of this
magnitude, without adequate support from all its Member
States, whether at the level of financial obligations,
practical facilities or, more importantly, political support for
its programmes and plans. In the final analysis, the United
Nations is merely the sum total of the joint political will of
Member States. This sum total, be it positive or negative,
is but an expression of the capacity of that political will to
undertake joint international action.
In spite of the apprehensions and risks that loom over
the international horizon, the future for the third millennium
is laden with promises, hopes and potentials that are worthy
of sacrifice and hard work for the sake of a better future.
Accruing scientific and technological advancement, the
increasing speed of communications and the information
revolution, the spread of free trade and the deepening
interaction among nations, cultures and civilizations are all
harbingers of a better world for all mankind.
As it witnesses these positive new developments on
the world scene, Bahrain, with its deep-rooted civilization,
is hardly a stranger to this.
Five thousand years ago, Bahrain was one of the
most important commercial ports in the world. By virtue
of its openness, based as it was on freedom of commerce,
it constituted a meeting place for cultures and human
thought. Since that early time, by symbolizing the
heritage of the old world regarding coexistence and
interaction between human contributions, it became
qualified to be an island for peace and to be a civic and
spiritual centre in its natural and human environment in
the Arabian Gulf. The existing legacy of its old
civilization bears witness to that.
Consequently, and since the beginning of its current
renaissance, Bahrain has sought to meet the requirements
of modern advancement in the areas of administration and
management, educational and cultural enlightenment and
the creation of an open and civilized society that is
capable of evolution based primarily on the Bahraini
individual?s innovation, capabilities and basic rights to a
free and honourable life. It has thus become a model for
balanced modernization that preserves the traditions of
our region of the world.
By virtue of this distinctive role, the State of
Bahrain, small in size as it is, today bears a hefty regional
and international responsibility on three levels
simultaneously: first, in its capacity as the financial and
banking centre of one of the world?s most important
economic areas; secondly, in its capacity as a fundamental
link at the forefront of the joint defence strategy of that
vital region of the world — as has been the case
continuously over the last half-century, coinciding with
the history of the United Nations; and thirdly, in its
capacity as a social, cultural and civic model that has,
since the beginning of this century, been open to modern
thought and reforms and to progressive human
development for both men and women equally in various
fields of education and work, and in responsible social
and national partnership. This has been reflected in this
year?s United Nations Development Programme Human
Development Report. That report placed Bahrain first in
the Arab world for the fourth consecutive year, for its
achievements in human development. Furthermore, the
accomplishments in the field of economic and industrial
development in Bahrain reflect model diversification of
the means of production, which goes beyond an exclusive
dependence on oil.
As it takes part in the United Nations celebrations
marking the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, Bahrain in fact does so as
a reflection of its real and historic contribution to the
7

building of the social, educational and developmental
foundations for these basic human rights — the very core
of the general structure of society — in a manner that
transcends slogans and efforts to politicize this venerable
human issue. In addressing this issue, due consideration
should be given to the historical and legislative peculiarities
and values of every society, religion and culture, so that the
outlook of one system cannot predominate over the
legitimate and unique outlook of another.
The United Nations played a positive role in defusing
the crisis between Iraq and the international inspection
teams earlier this year. The State of Bahrain welcomed the
Memorandum of Understanding reached between the
Secretary-General and the Iraqi Government. In view of our
keen interest in the preservation of security and peace in
the Gulf region, we applaud the effective role undertaken
by the Secretary-General in defusing the crisis and sparing
the region from dangerous ramifications and consequences.
We wish to reaffirm the need for Iraq to continue fulfilling
its international obligations concerning the elimination of
weapons of mass destruction and the release of Kuwaiti and
other prisoners of war and detainees. Any progress in this
respect should be recognized as a first step towards the
alleviation of the suffering of the brotherly Iraqi people.
The State of Bahrain has always emphasized the need for
ensuring the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq and the
rejection of any interference in its internal affairs.
The continued occupation by the Islamic Republic of
Iran of the three islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and
Lesser Tunb, which belong to the United Arab Emirates,
remains a cause of concern to the State of Bahrain and the
other sister members of the Gulf Cooperation Council. We
hope that ongoing contacts between the sisterly United Arab
Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran will lead to the
settlement of the question of these islands by means of
serious bilateral negotiations and other available peaceful
means for the settlement of disputes among States through
reconciliation.
As far as the general situation in the Gulf is
concerned, we, of course, welcome the easing of tension
and the progress toward rapprochement and dialogue
between the States members of the Gulf Cooperation
Council and the Islamic Republic of Iran as being in the
interest of all their peoples and of the preservation of peace
in that region.
The painful events in the Gulf region during the last
two decades explain why the question of regional security
remains one to which the State of Bahrain accords the
utmost importance in view of its serious ramifications and
repercussions in relation to the security, stability and
safety of the States and peoples of the region. The
territorial and boundary claims currently seen in the Gulf
region, which aim at changing established and
traditionally accepted boundaries, upset the security and
stability of the region. In our view, the optimal and most
judicious course for avoiding that scenario is to respect
the status quo, to refrain from all claims, total or partial,
and to settle any related differences by peaceful means
acceptable to the parties to the dispute. The establishment
of relations among the States of the region on the basis of
good-neighbourliness, mutual respect, non-interference in
the internal affairs of others and recognition of every
State?s national sovereignty are also fundamental elements
for the maintenance of security and stability in the region.
Regarding the Middle East peace process, this year
has not witnessed any positive developments or progress,
despite all the efforts to move the process forward. We
believe that the lack of progress in the peace process will
lead to an escalation of tension, extremism and violence
in the region. Having supported the peace process since
its very beginnings at the Madrid Conference as a
strategic option for the achievement of a just,
comprehensive and lasting peace in the region, Bahrain is
deeply concerned at the stalemate in the peace process
resulting from the Israeli Government?s insistence on
following policies of procrastination, non-compliance with
commitments previously agreed upon with the Palestinian
Authority, and construction of more settlements both in
Holy Jerusalem and in the Syrian Golan. That is in
addition to the continued confiscation of land in the
occupied Palestinian territories. Therefore, we call upon
the international community, and in particular the two co-
sponsors of the peace process, to intensify efforts to
rescue the faltering process, prevent its failure and put it
back on the right course on all tracks so that just and
comprehensive peace may be attained on the basis of the
principle of land for peace, the return to their owners of
the Palestinian territories, including in the first place Holy
Jerusalem, recognition of the right of the Palestinian
people to establish an independent State of its own on its
national territory, complete withdrawal by Israel from the
occupied Syrian Arab Golan to the borders that existed on
4 June 1967, in accordance with Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), and the unconditional
withdrawal from occupied southern Lebanon in
accordance with Council resolution 425 (1978).
With regard to the question of disarmament relevant
to weapons of mass destruction, it should be recalled that
8

Israel continues to avoid accession to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and a commitment
to end a nuclear arms race in the region. Such a position is
apt to force other States to enter such a race, as has
happened in South Asia, and as could happen anywhere in
the world.
This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the world?s
multilateral trading system. Since the system was
established, numerous rounds of multilateral trade
negotiations contributed to the creation of the World Trade
Organization. We hope that the forthcoming round of trade
negotiations, expected to begin before the end of the
century, will lead to the creation of an environment
conducive to the development and diversification of world
trade, and to the enhancement of economic and commercial
cooperation among States on the basis of equality and
reciprocal benefits.
The financial crisis that has afflicted a number of
States and regions has caused economic tremors and has
visibly affected the economies of numerous States, thus
affirming the interdependence of the world economic
system. In view of the consequences of this crisis, the
international community must pay special attention to the
treatment of economic factors that have a bearing on world
growth rates and find effective solutions to them.
It is our view that dialogue and cooperation between
States of the North and of the South with a view to
addressing world economic conditions would enhance world
economic stability, lead to a greater flow of financial
resources for development purposes and solve problems
related to indebtedness, transfer of technology and the
promotion of international investment.
Environmental issues constitute a challenge that will
face mankind during the twenty-first century. Concerted
international efforts will be called for to address and
prevent the dangers related to that challenge. Accordingly,
the State of Bahrain has endorsed the Protocol adopted by
the third session of the Conference of the Parties to the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,
held last December at Kyoto, Japan. We look forward to
the fulfilment by the developed countries of their
obligations under that Protocol.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century, we view
assertion of the importance of one civilization at the
expense of others as incongruous at the dawning of a new
era, an era based on peaceful coexistence between
civilizations, their integration, their mutual enrichment, and
their interaction with one another on an equal footing.
The experience of the United Nations since its
establishment has shown that variety and diversity of
cultures are means towards fusion and harmony rather
than towards antagonism and divisiveness. Therefore, it is
incumbent upon us, during the forthcoming period, to
build relations among all nations, peoples, States and
cultures on the basis of cooperation, consensus and
understanding, rather than confrontation, hegemony or
collision. Let us together promote close and enduring ties
among peoples and cultures in a world of interdependence
and fraternity. Let national and cultural pluralism be
elements of fruitful solidarity and mutual understanding
in the creation of an era of peace and tranquillity.
This Organization, which over the last 50 years has
guided mankind towards better understanding and greater
cooperation and coordination, is capable of pursuing its
historic role and undertaking a positive role in the
ongoing evolution of the international community
throughout the next century. It is thus no exaggeration to
say that the world has never before witnessed as historic
a juncture as this, where it needs a joint international
vision and concerted international action with a view to
crossing to the shore of safety for which we all yearn.


I
wish first to convey to Mr. Didier Opertti the warm,

sincere congratulations of the Government and the
delegation of Gabon on his well-deserved election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third
session. This is a tribute to his country, Uruguay, and an
unambiguous recognition of his personal and professional
qualities. Our congratulations go also to all the other
Assembly officers, and we wish them every success in
guiding our work. We assure them of the support and
cooperation of the delegation of Gabon.
To the President of the General Assembly at the fifty-
second session, Mr. Hennadiy Y. Udovenko, who spared no
effort in carrying out his responsibilities, I convey our
satisfaction and our deep gratitude.
The present times are characterized by political
tension, by change and by socio-economic upheaval
exacerbated by a grave financial crisis; our involvement is
required, in more than one respect. Gabon remains
convinced that the United Nations continues to be the best
forum for working together to harmonize our different
approaches towards peace and development. We owe it to
ourselves to consider the circumstances in which the
Organization was established to free the world from the
spectre of war. Was it just to prevent world war, or was it
to make use of the renewed humanism inspired by the San
Francisco Conference to eradicate all the causes of armed
conflict wherever they might emerge so as, in the words of
the Charter, “to promote social progress and better
standards of life in larger freedom”?
Now more than in the past, and especially since the
end of the cold war, narrow nationalism has been
resurfacing to nullify all the international community?s
efforts to make of our world a global village in which
peace and security, friendship among nations and
international cooperation are the watchwords. Peace is a
sine qua non for the development of peoples and of nations.
That truth is easy enough to affirm, but applying it is
complicated by the play of interests within States, often
combined with outside interference.
This has been and remains the bitter experience of
Africa. For nearly a decade, the African continent has faced
multifaceted political tension and violence between and
within States, just when the end of the cold war had given
rise to hope that resources would be mobilized for its
development.
Yet during that same period many African countries
have courageously embarked on political reform and
economic restructuring. Overall, there has been tangible
progress. Clearly, stability is indispensable for such
progress, which means that questions of international
peace and security are the concern of the day on our
continent, and more specifically in Central Africa. That
subregion, so rich in potential, has come since the end of
the cold war to be a world disrupted by “the disorder of
nations”, fuelled and maintained by a variety of forces.
Although living in peace within its borders and with
its neighbours, Gabon is extremely concerned at this
situation. President Bongo believes that our country
cannot remain an isle of peace, freedom and even relative
prosperity in an ocean of misery, violence and fratricidal
wars. That concern is shared by the other heads of State
of Central Africa, and was at the root of the summit
conference held on Thursday, 24 September 1998, at
Libreville, at the initiative of President Bongo, on the
situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. That
important meeting gave heads of State and heads of
delegation an opportunity to express their support for
President Kabila and to condemn the aggression against
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the
interference in the internal affairs of that country. They
called for the withdrawal of foreign forces of aggression;
for a ceasefire in the Democratic Republic of the Congo;
for respect for the territorial integrity of that country; and
for continuing the process of democratization begun by
the Government of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo.
They also stressed the need for concerted action by
the countries of Central Africa, the States members of the
Southern African Development Community, of the
Organization of African Unity and of the United Nations,
and all those who are working to find a solution to the
Congo crisis, renouncing any partisan decisions that could
prolong the suffering of the peoples of Congo and of
neighbouring States. The heads of State and heads of
delegation of Central Africa therefore decided to establish
a summit follow-up and negotiating committee under the
chairmanship of the President of the Gabonese Republic,
and reaffirmed that it would be appropriate to establish a
regional peacekeeping force.
Turning to Angola, I wish first to honour the
memory of the Special Representative of the Secretary-
General, Matre Alioune Blondin Beye, and of members
of his team, who worked tirelessly for peace in that
country, tragically giving their lives to that cause. The
heads of State and of delegation reaffirmed at the
Libreville summit their support for the Government of
Angola, which is sparing no effort in the search for
25

lasting peace in that country and for the full and speedy
implementation of the Lusaka accords.
Finally, with regard to the Republic of the Congo, the
heads of State supported the reconstruction and national
reconciliation efforts and condemned the destabilization
manoeuvres originating outside the country.
Of course, we are not insensitive to the disturbances
and violence occurring in other parts of the world — quite
the contrary. Gabon shares the position of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) on ways and means of resolving
the problems in Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and
Somalia and between Ethiopia and Eritrea. We are
following most attentively the resumption of dialogue
between the Israelis and Palestinians, as seen in the recent
summit meetings. These talks offer a glimmer of hope for
a global settlement of the problems of the Middle East. We
likewise believe that only political means will return peace
to Afghanistan. With the same conviction, we encourage the
efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) to preserve peace in South-East Asia.
A global vision of peace is certainly necessary. In fact,
through the phenomenon of globalization, the shock wave
of conflict is often felt very far from the epicentre. It is
equally clear that development cannot be ensured in an
unstable environment, for peace constitutes the fertile
ground in which development must take root and prosper.
It is in that spirit that Gabon studied the remarkable
report (A/52/871) that the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, submitted to the Security Council on the causes of
conflict in Africa. He very rightly noted that historical
legacies, internal and external factors, economic motives
and particular situations are the source of many conflicts in
Africa. These various causes are known to us and we must
combat them.
In this respect, I would like to draw the attention of
the Assembly particularly to one of the causes of conflict
that I believe should be given our full attention because of
the many dangers it poses to the stability of our entire
continent. Furthermore, this phenomenon is also evident in
Central and Eastern Europe. I refer to the question of
transnational populations — in other words, communities
dispersed over several States as a result of various historical
circumstances. Aware of the danger in Africa, the founding
fathers of the OAU, in their great wisdom, inscribed in its
Charter the principle of the inviolability of frontiers
inherited from colonization. To reshape States on the basis
of diverse claims seemed to them to be simply risky. They
therefore chose to take charge of our history through the
openness of integration. Gabon reaffirms its support for
this approach.
All in all, the resurgence of nationalism, poor
understanding and abuse of the rights of peoples as well
as their manipulation, inevitably lead to national unrest,
with its attendant deadly difficulties. Faced with these
realities and possibilities, the Government of Gabon
would more than ever like to reaffirm its commitment to
certain principles which underlie the maintenance of
peace and security, both internally and internationally.
These include respect for human rights in general and for
the rights of national minorities in particular; respect for
cultural identities; respect for the territorial integrity of
States; respect for national sovereignty; the principle of
non-interference in internal affairs; the principle of good
neighbourliness; and the principle of the peaceful
settlement of disputes.
In any event, dialogue remains the best and most
effective way of preventing conflicts and maintaining or
restoring peace. Political differences must have a political
response. The African populations, already overwhelmed
by underdevelopment, cannot and should not have to
endure, in addition, the deadly consequences of conflict.
We must therefore always engage in dialogue. This is
why President Bongo, sensing the changes in history and
the aspirations of his people, set in motion in mid-1989
the rethinking within the former single party in our
country that led to the national conference of March-April
1990, which reopened the way to pluralism and
democracy.
New regulatory and control institutions have
gradually been established since then and they are
working. Individual and collective freedoms are
recognized and enjoyed by our citizens, who can even
appeal as high as the Constitutional Court, as a glance at
our newspapers in Gabon suffices to make clear. This
shows how deeply committed we are to the principles of
participatory democracy, taking into account our overall
level of development and our sociological environment.
It is also in this new context that in two months we
shall be organizing presidential elections for the second
time. The logistical and legislative preparations are
already at a very advanced stage; they are basically the
work of government. The National Electoral Commission,
which is already in place, will conduct the actual electoral
operations. Its representatives were appointed last week in
all departments and communes. The Prime Minister sent
26

invitations a month ago to various States and organizations,
including the United Nations, to observe both the
preparations and the polling process itself.
A few days ago I had the opportunity to address the
Security Council on mechanisms for conflict prevention in
our subregion. Without repeating the report that has been
made to the Assembly, I would like to recall here that, in
accordance with the decision made by the heads of State or
Government of the countries of Central Africa, Defence and
Interior Ministers of the countries members of the United
Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security
Questions in Central Africa, meeting in Libreville from 28
to 30 April 1998, re-examined the plan for the
establishment of an early-warning mechanism as an
instrument for the prevention of crises and conflicts. Gabon,
which now holds the chairmanship of the Committee, is
doing everything in its power to meet the logistics needs to
allow Libreville to be the headquarters of that mechanism.
Along the same lines, also concerning the logic of
prevention, the Committee held from 18 to 21 May 1998 in
Bata, Equatorial Guinea, the first conference on the
question of relationships between democratic institutions
and peace in Central Africa. That conference brought
together members of Governments, representatives of
opposition political parties, high-ranking officials of the
forces of law and order, representatives of civil society and
experts on matters of political freedoms, the press and
human rights. The participants? main recommendation was
the establishment of a subregional parliament of Central
Africa, which would be charged with dealing with questions
of common interest, with a view to strengthening measures
for confidence-building and subregional peace, while
serving as a forum for harmonization of views and the
promotion of values related to the democratic experiences
of member States. In general, we can say that the action of
the Committee is a needed extension of the Organization of
African Unity?s Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,
Management and Resolution.
All these preventive measures would be in vain if the
international community made no further disarmament
efforts. My country supports the high priority given by the
United Nations to the question of disarmament in general
and to the elimination of nuclear weapons and other
weapons of mass destruction in particular. Even if the harm
they can cause is less, we are also concerned about the
proliferation of conventional weapons, which are also tools
of death and destruction. We therefore commend the
statement by the President of the Security Council on the
occasion of the ministerial meeting on Africa held on 24
September 1998, in which the Council asked the ad hoc
Working Group to elaborate further concrete
recommendations on the need to stem illicit arms flows to
and in Africa.
Apart from these concerns, we have certain grounds
for satisfaction. Disarmament took a step forward very
recently with the adoption of the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction, which I personally signed on behalf of
Gabon on 4 December 1997 in Ottawa, and which has
just entered into force with the deposit of the fortieth
instrument of ratification by an African country, Burkina
Faso.
Other significant instruments, such as the Chemical
Weapons Convention and the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty, have become a reality. Gabon,
convinced of the prominent role of disarmament in the
maintenance of international peace and security, is a
signatory of these important instruments. My country
invites all States Members of the United Nations to work
towards complete and general disarmament in the twenty-
first century, the guarantor of a lasting peace. We must
make the quest for peace a cardinal point of reference.
However, that peace will remain in jeopardy as long
as the basic needs of peoples are not met. The persistence
of conflicts, non-respect for the human person, hatred and
the rejection of democratic values all have serious
repercussions on the economic health of States. Likewise,
the phenomenon of refugees and displaced persons,
epidemics and the cost of reconstruction in the wake of
war all are burdens that affect already fragile economies
and aggravate difficult social situations.
The situation at this end of century makes it
imperative for the international community to deal with
development and social issues if we wish to prevent our
world from self-destructing. The content of the 1998
Human Development Report, published by the United
Nations Development Programme a few weeks ago,
strengthens this conviction. The conclusions of the 1995
Copenhagen summit therefore remain valid, and the
United Nations must again take the initiative.
Statements of intention no longer suffice. We need
concrete action and realistic programmes that take into
account the phenomenon of globalization. These
27

programmes must ensure that no one is excluded and that
each of our nations, by making the necessary efforts to
adapt, can become integrated in the most harmonious way
possible. That is why Gabon believes it necessary to
relaunch the idea of a new partnership based on fairness in
order to respond to the legitimate aspirations of people —
mainly, to eliminate poverty and to promote well-being.
With globalization, States? autonomy and room for
manoeuvre has been greatly reduced. The power of
Governments is offset by the power of the markets.
Openness and freedom, however, must not come to mean
free rein to establish the law of the jungle, in which we, the
small and the weak, will inevitably be crushed and
destroyed.
In this context, it seemed necessary to the Government
of Gabon not to abdicate but to refocus the role of the
State. A new direction has been reflected, inter alia,
through an ambitious programme of liberalization of
economic activities on the one hand and on the other by the
privatization of large sectoral public enterprises.
As for the structure of the economy of Gabon, let me
say that our country remains dependent on the sale of three
principal raw materials: oil, wood and manganese. The
prices of these products have been on the decline for
several months now. If we factor in the fluctuations in the
United States dollar, which is also on the decline, we can
see that the result is a decrease in the income of the State,
which puts the country?s investment and development
capacities in considerable jeopardy.
This fact is not the only handicap to my country?s
development. The debt and its servicing absorb almost 45
per cent of our budgetary resources. This is truly
intolerable.
All of this notwithstanding, the international financial
institutions continue to classify Gabon as an upper middle-
income country, thus preventing its access to financing on
flexible terms. Gabon is the only sub-Saharan African
country in this situation, which is simply unjust.
Gabon, a developing country just like any other, asks
that international financial institutions apply new assessment
criteria and, above all, that they give more appropriate
consideration to our debt burden in order further to unleash
our productive capabilities. This would benefit not only the
people of Gabon but also our partners abroad.
Other major problems must also mobilize the
international community, inter alia, the drug problem,
terrorism, major pandemics, human rights and the
environment.
The General Assembly held its twentieth special
session on the fight against drugs last June. Gabon is
pleased that on that occasion our Organization enshrined
the criminal nature of the traffic in drugs and broadened
the options for solutions to this scourge at the global
level. That session gave political impetus to the
international efforts of States in the fight against drug
trafficking, which now spares no country. The
Government of Gabon invites the United Nations and its
specialized agencies to further support the efforts made in
this respect at the regional level.
As for the scourge of terrorism, and bearing in mind
the horrible attacks in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam, I must
first of all pay a tribute of compassion and respect to the
memory of the Kenyan, Tanzanian and American citizens
who lost their lives there. I express my deepest sympathy
to all of those persons who were wounded. Above all, the
Government of Gabon most forcefully reaffirms its
condemnation of acts of terrorism in all their
manifestations, wherever they may occur. We believe that
no cause can justify resorting to such acts. But I also
denounce certain retaliatory measures that they inspire, in
particular the placing of countries that are suspected of
involvement under embargo. This type of response is
neither appropriate nor efficient. In most cases, those
types of measures affect mainly innocent civilian
populations.
We believe, therefore, that under the auspices of the
United Nations, urgent dialogue must be undertaken to
explore ways and means of preventing and combating
terrorism.
In the field of human rights, Gabon welcomes the
creation of an International Criminal Court, as established
by the Statute adopted at Rome on 17 July last. The same
applies to the Organization of African Unity Protocol,
which created, at the organization?s thirty-fourth summit,
a Pan-African Court of Justice.
Because of industrial development, environmental
questions have become an increasingly pressing concern
for the international community. The awareness to which
the Rio Summit gave rise unfortunately was not followed
up by the concrete measures that were expected.
Commitments have not been fulfilled, and as time goes
28

by, the Rio consensus must lead us more than ever towards
a necessary commitment if we wish to avoid its remaining
a dead letter.
I should like also to take this opportunity to express
my delegation?s satisfaction with, and its support for, the
efforts made by the International Seabed Authority, the
guarantor of a common heritage of humankind, in the
consideration of a draft code on the mining, exploration and
exploitation of the seabed.
We must make sincere and tireless efforts on all of
these major issues. I very much appreciate the work of our
Organization, which, through its executing bodies, its
specialized agencies and with the support of other
organizations, is making every effort to achieve these noble
objectives.
As I already said last year, Gabon supports the idea
that the United Nations system needs rational and consistent
renewal, in keeping with today?s realities. The proposals of
the Secretary-General on the reform of the budgetary,
administrative, social and economic sectors reflect a spirit
of innovation that will make it possible to face the
challenges of the new millennium.
More specifically, as regards the thorny question of
the expansion of the Security Council, Gabon is, of course,
in favour of it. We believe Africa should have two
permanent seats — I repeat, two permanent seats — which
would be occupied on a rotational basis by all African
countries — I repeat, all African countries — in accordance
with modalities to be determined by them.
Before concluding, allow me to commend the
achievements of Secretary-General Kofi Annan. We know
his task is immense and difficult. He has already
accomplished a great deal, with courage and skill. I have
already mentioned the promising views he shared with the
Security Council on the eradication of conflicts and the
promotion of lasting peace in Africa. For Africa, and for
the entire international community, we must encourage and
support him.


On behalf of the
Government and the people of the Kingdom of Thailand, I
should like to extend my warmest congratulations to His
Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti upon his unanimous election
to the presidency of the current session of the General
Assembly. I wish also to take this opportunity to pay tribute
to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Y.
Udovenko of Ukraine, for his leadership and his tireless
dedication to the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him
during the past year. With his wisdom and experience, he
led us successfully through the fifty-second session, which
took place against a backdrop of political transition and
economic transformation in the world, as well as of the
reform of this Organization. Allow me also to warmly
welcome Ms. Louise Fréchette, who has brought creative
energy to her new post of Deputy Secretary-General since
the beginning of this year.
As we gather here to discuss United Nations reform
and other issues of vital importance to this world body, it
is imperative for us to be clear about what exactly we are
trying to achieve. To my mind, many vital questions beg
to be answered as the United Nations prepares to meet the
challenges of a new millennium.
One question that looms large above all others is:
What kind of global community do we wish to see in the
next century, and what role can the United Nations play
in such a community?
As Members of the United Nations, what are our
shared responsibilities, both individually and collectively,
in working towards a global community that fulfils the
vision of our founding fathers and reflects today?s
changing needs? By what means can we prevent the
current economic crisis from undermining the vast
progress achieved during the past decade in the social,
economic and political areas? In what ways can we
transform the challenges emanating from the crisis into
opportunities to strengthen the fabric of peace, prosperity
and stability around the world? When will we achieve our
common aspiration to a world in which democracy is
cherished, human rights are respected, sustainable
development is practised, economic freedom is exercised,
and people are given the opportunity to realize their full
potential?
I do not pretend to have the answers to all these
questions, but I am convinced that, together, we can assist
one another in addressing these crucial issues.
The United Nations should be exactly what its name
implies: a community of nations united in a common
vision and common purpose. For in this age of
globalization, our destinies are truly intertwined and
interdependent. One has to look no further than the
economic crisis to realize how necessary it is for us to
think and act as a global community possessed of a sense
of shared responsibility.
For, indeed, the United Nations can only be what we
make of it. The United Nations can only be an effective
and efficient instrument for peace and prosperity to the
extent that we, the Members of the United Nations,
demonstrate the will, the resolve and the commitment to
move the reform process forward.
I therefore wish to take this opportunity to commend
the Secretary-General for having so promptly responded
to the calls by the Member States to reform the
24

managerial structure and working methods of the Secretariat
and to strengthen cooperation among various United
Nations agencies. Now that the Secretary-General has done
what we have called upon him to do, we, the Members
States, must do our part to reform the intergovernmental
structure and processes of the United Nations, and we must
do so expeditiously.
What is plain is that the reforms will not be of any
meaningful consequence if we fail to deliver on our
support, politically and financially. It certainly serves no
purpose to talk about an enhanced role of the United
Nations if we fail in our responsibility to provide the
United Nations with the means and resources to carry out
its mission. For its part, Thailand has done its best to meet
its obligations despite the financial difficulties we are going
through. That is the least we can do to show our steadfast
support for the United Nations and the causes it represents.
But the reforms are not an end in themselves. They
are the means by which we can make the United Nations
relevant to the demands of the changing times. No one can
predict what new challenges the twenty-first century may
bring. Only one thing is certain, such challenges will be
more complex, more multifaceted and more demanding than
ever before. At the same time, many current issues promise
to play an increasingly significant role in the international
arena. These include globalization, human rights,
disarmament and illicit drugs. Allow me to touch briefly on
each of these issues.
The biggest and most complex challenge of our time
is globalization, which has emerged as an elemental force
of nature, not yet well understood but with the power to
build and the power to destroy. In the early part of this
decade, we saw mainly the positive side of globalization —
more open markets, greater material well-being, more
choice and more convenient dissemination of ideas and
information. As the end of a decade draws nearer, we are
also seeing that globalization is not without cost.
Economies are succumbing to volatility beyond their
borders. Seemingly isolated crises can send shock waves
rippling through the international system.
Over the past year, Thailand and a growing number of
countries have been penalized by the global financial
markets. We recognize that domestic institutional
shortcomings were partly to blame for the mismanagement
of the economy. Reforms are therefore being undertaken in
many of the affected economies, but they will likely take
many years to bear fruit. At this point it seems clear that
the severity of the crisis has been all out of proportion to
the severity of our mistakes. The crisis is no longer an
Asian crisis, but a global crisis and a systemic crisis.
The industrialized countries, insofar as they stand to
gain the most from globalization and lose the most from
a worldwide retreat from it, have an obligation to help
contain the spreading contagion. The perception that this
will stop at a certain point — at Thailand, at Indonesia,
at South Korea — has time and again been proven wrong.
Now, with the world teetering on the brink of global
recession, the G-7, by acting to check the financial crisis,
will not be performing an act of global charity but one of
self-preservation.
The destabilizing potential of unfettered global
financial flows, as demonstrated by the Asian crisis,
points to a glaring gap in our global economic
architecture. I wish to add my voice to the growing calls
for the international community — developing nations in
conjunction with developed nations — to come up with
a mechanism or framework entrusted with the global
monitoring and regulation of international financial flows.
The United Nations should propose a world conference on
the world financial system to be held in the very near
future. The proposal by the Committee for Development
Planning (CDP) of the United Nations for the creation of
such a body or mechanism also merits serious
consideration.
While such a mechanism is being worked out, we
must pay greater attention to the human and social costs
of the crisis. To cushion the impact, the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its dialogue
partners will be discussing how to promote human
welfare and development within the framework of the
ASEAN Post-ministerial Conference caucus on social
safety nets proposed by Thailand.
In this age where ideas can be carried far and wide
by the currents of global media, such concepts as
democracy, human rights and sustainable development
have stirred the imagination of peoples in developing
nations everywhere. My delegation would like to
congratulate the Secretary-General for strengthening the
work of the United Nations on human rights, particularly
in bringing Geneva and New York together and
appointing Mary Robinson as the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. Her grace, her
experiences, her devotion and her competency will
contribute to the protection and promotion of human
rights worldwide.
25

ln today?s global village, human rights have become
not a luxury but a necessity. Advancing the cause of human
rights makes sense not only from a philosophical
standpoint, but also from a pragmatic standpoint. Obstacles
to and violations of human rights lead to the displacement
of populations across borders, with a host of attendant
social and economic problems, posing an immense burden
on countries of first refuge, receiving third countries, and
the international community as a whole.
The primary responsibility for observing human rights
necessarily rests with the State. Respect for human rights
and civil liberties must begin at home. But progress can be
slow. Democratization is by definition driven by each
country?s own internal dynamics.
In South-East Asia the economic crisis has given
momentum to the struggle for democracy and human rights.
Governments are being challenged to reconcile rising public
expectations and demands with pre-existing norms and
institutional structures. It may well be that democracy and
human rights will gain ground as a result, but there is also
a lurking danger that Governments will respond harshly and
reverse any progress made.
In Cambodia, for example, a fragile democracy is
taking root, but the outcome is far from certain. Continuing
factionalism threatens to unravel the peace and stability
which took so many years to build. As a neighbour,
Thailand cannot but be concerned that should this latest
attempt at democracy fail, mission fatigue might set in.
After spending so much time, energy and money on
Cambodia, it is not unreasonable for the international
community to expect some compromise among the political
leadership, if only for the sake of the country?s long-
suffering people. It would be unfortunate indeed if the
international community were to give up on Cambodia and
turn its attention elsewhere. But Thailand recognizes as well
as any country that building democracy is not an overnight
process.
Thailand does not advocate human rights promotion
merely because it is fashionable to do so. Human rights and
democracy in Thailand were won the hard way — paid for
with blood, sweat and tears. Something that comes at so
high a price cannot but command great value.
Thailand therefore fully supports the United Nations
initiative to strengthen its human rights mechanisms and
believes that the global community should step up
international and regional cooperation to uphold and
promote fundamental human rights.
For Thailand?s part, the advancement of human
rights and democracy has become an integral part of our
national development policy. The most recent
manifestation of this effort is our new Constitution,
adopted in 1997. I am proud to say that this
Constitution — the most democratic in Thai history —
accords human rights in Thailand their most prominent
position to date and embodies practically all the important
elements of the international instruments on human rights.
Thailand also gives high priority to the advancement
of women and the protection of children?s rights, in
keeping with its obligations and commitments under the
framework of the international instruments, plans and
programmes of action. Moreover, as part of the
celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, apart from the organization
of a series of seminars, Thailand is making plans to
accede to the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights.
Over the past decade, humanity has made great
strides towards global peace, but we have yet to fully
reap its dividends. Despite the end of the cold war,
nations continue to place greater value on armaments than
on meeting the basic needs of their people. One statistic
I saw in this year?s Human Development Report was at
once startling and disheartening. It indicated that just last
year the nations of the world spent a total of $6 billion on
basic education for their people, $9 billion dollars on
water and sanitation, $13 billion on basic health and
nutrition, and a staggering $780 billion on military
expenditures.
Of the potentially most devastating threats to
humanity, the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction remains particularly worrisome. Thailand is
fully committed to the multilateral effort towards
disarmament. We welcome the establishment of the
Department for Disarmament Affairs, under the leadership
of Under-Secretary-General Jayantha Dhanapala, as part
of the Secretary-General?s reform measures approved by
the General Assembly last year. We will also continue to
support, financially and materially, the activities of the
United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and
Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, in spite of financial
difficulties at home.
Even as we continue our efforts to dismantle and
eliminate weapons of mass destruction, we must continue
to work towards reducing the conditions that would
prompt their use in the first place. Confidence-building
26

through closer dialogue and interaction must be a core
component of any effort to build lasting peace.
For nuclear weapons, the task of disarmament cannot
be left to only the nuclear Powers. The global community
must also bring pressure to bear to emphasize that nuclear
arms have no place in confidence-building efforts. Thailand
thus joined with nine other South-East Asian nations in
signing the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone
Treaty, which has already come into force. We are hopeful
that the nuclear-weapon States will support our endeavours
in this regard by acceding to the Protocol of that Treaty.
Thailand also hopes for South-East Asia and the world
to be free of anti-personnel landmines. Multilateral attempts
to address the problem should not be confined merely to
the banning and destruction of landmines. The international
community must also tackle other equally important related
issues, including the provision of financial and technical
assistance on demining to mine-affected countries as well
as humanitarian assistance to victims of landmines. My
delegation has learned with great pleasure of the rapid
process of ratification by signatory States, which would
result in the Ottawa Convention entering into force less
than six months from now. As a signatory State, Thailand
looks forward to ratifying the Convention in the near future.
A more insidious but no less destructive threat to
humanity is the scourge of narcotics. We all know the
corrosive effects that drugs have on the fabric of society,
the lives and dreams they shatter on a daily basis. Yet for
all our efforts, the problem has never been completely
eradicated.
My Government has therefore made the fight against
narcotics a high national priority. On the occasion of the
twentieth special session of the General Assembly in June,
Thailand joined with other signatory countries of the 1993
memorandum of understanding on drug control to issue a
joint Declaration reaffirming our strong determination to
fight the narcotics problem. The following month, in July
1998, Thailand and its fellow ASEAN members issued a
joint declaration stating our intention to achieve a drug-free
ASEAN by the year 2020.
Thailand?s success in opium-supply reduction is a
matter of record. But effective drug control also requires
demand reduction, towards which the Thai Government is
also undertaking various national measures. Accordingly,
we welcome the Declaration on the Guiding Principles of
Drug Demand Reduction adopted at the special session
earlier this year.
As food for thought, I would like to reiterate my
delegation?s view that, for the next decade, international
drug-control efforts should focus on the problem of
amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) as well as on ways
and means to prevent the diversion of precursors used for
illicit drug production. This idea was recently agreed upon
by members of the Non-Aligned Movement at the summit
in South Africa. We urge all States to cooperate in
eliminating the supply of ATS and precursors, the illicit
market for which is now much larger than that for drugs
derived from narcotic crops, the natural sources.
As we approach the new century, it is becoming
clear that we are also entering a new epoch in human
history, unlike any that has gone before. As the forces of
technology, globalization and complex interdependence
exert ever greater influence on international relations, the
coming epoch will be one of great peril but also of great
promise.
The past year has shown us that our
accomplishments rest on fragile foundations. The world
now faces a crossroads. One path offers the choice of
working harder to forge ever stronger international
cooperation, spurred on by the prospect of continued
peace and prosperity. Or we can choose the other path
and remain apathetic and complacent, lulled by a sense of
our own infallibility.
The choice is clear enough. But the challenge will be
to translate all the good intentions into effective action.
Much uncertainty exists in the way international financial
markets work, in the appropriate measures and strategies
the international community will need to evolve in
response to new economic and political challenges, and,
of course, in the age-old problems of war and peace.
The United Nations, as always, will have a central
role to play in resolving the differences among nations
and regions, in ensuring the promotion of international
codes of conduct and norms, in strengthening preventive
diplomacy and peacekeeping, in bridging the gap between
the rich and poor nations, in fighting the scourge of
international crime, and in promoting and protecting
human rights.
The United Nations alone cannot achieve these
objectives. The fulfilment of our common hopes and
aspirations rests not only with the United Nations
Organization, but with the united nations of the world. It
is up to all of us to make the right choices, to make the
difference as humanity prepares to enter the new century
with resolve and hope for a better world.