It gives me pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on behalf of the Egyptian delegation and on my own behalf, on your election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are particularly pleased to see as President a person with renewed skills who comes from a friendly country with which Egypt maintains cordial relations and enjoys mutual understanding.
In the same spirit, I avail myself of this opportunity to express our profound thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, for his wise steering of the forty-first session and his invaluable contribution by conducting its proceedings towards the desired objectives. The United Nations, which was born as an expression of humanity's aspirations to peace, security and freedom and whose principles have been beacons on the path to righteousness and justice, still embodies the hopes of many peoples. Forty-two years after its establishment, the United Nations still has a primary role in the maintenance of peace and security and in laying the foundations of relations among States and peoples on the principles of co-operation, solidarity, respect of rights and sovereign equality.
The world today is experiencing extremely delicate international conditions, including conflicts which are being exacerbated or are potentially threatening and volatile. Such a state of affairs makes us more supportive of to and more insistent on the need for relations between States to be based on the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We are confident that the United Nations, which has been a principal forum for the maintenance of peace and security since the end of the Second World War, will continue to play its role and confirm its principles, whatever the difficulties or challenges. We believe that peace is indivisible and that security cannot be the monopoly of a few. In the world of today, where interdependence has been enhanced and distances have narrowed, no one can feel secure in isolation from the rest of the international community. At a time when the threat of confrontation between the two super-Powers clouds the entire globe, any progress towards disarmament by them leads to an atmosphere of detente and de-escalation, whose effect extends to several regional conflicts. Therefore, we learned with great interest the news that the two super-Powers had reached agreement in principle on eliminating some types of nuclear weapons. Such enthusiasm on our part results from our firm belief that nuclear weapons constitute the ultimate danger for humanity. Egypt congratulates the two Powers on the success of their efforts in this field, particularly as a ban on such weapons would represent a unique precedent, for it would be the first agreement leading to actual disarmament consistent with the priorities laid down by the international community in that field.
We also commend the agreement by the two super-Powers to make urgent and intensified efforts to eliminate intercontinental ballistic missiles, which would ease international tension and decrease the nuclear threat and its grave consequences.
Disarmament is an all-embracing issue - one of security and politics as well as development. Indeed, it is the issue of the very survival of mankind. It is now a universally acknowledged truth that the use of weapons of mass destruction would leave neither victor nor vanquished. Consequently, persistence in the arms race is insistence on the futile depletion of the energies and resources of peoples to no avail. In this context, the General Assembly resolution on convening the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development was recognition that international security and development are inseparable. It is high time humanity directed its efforts towards construction instead of destruction, development instead of the feverish arms race.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the efforts made to utilize nuclear energy for peaceful purposes are complementary. Egypt invites the international community to intensify its efforts to persuade the States that have not signed the Treaty accede to it.
By the same token, Egypt hopes that the Mediterranean will become a nuclear-weapon-free zone and that the Mediterranean sea will continue to be a transit route for trade and culture and a haven of peace and security. In the same vein, Egypt stresses the importance of establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones in the Middle East and Africa. Egypt has consistently called for the achievement of those two objectives and has taken the initiative of submitting specific proposals to this end. it may be appropriate to appeal from this rostrum to the States of the region and the big Powers to adopt positions and take measures conducive to translating those objectives into facts in the near future.
The Iraq-Iran war is at present the centre of conflict and a source of danger in the Middle East. This should in no way blind us to the fact that the Palestine question is the core of the conflict in our part of the world. Despite the passage of time or the flare-up of conflicts in the region, it remains the main source of danger and the underlying cause of tension and turbulence. Peace can never be established, nor can it last, as long as the Palestinian people are deprived of their legitimate national rights, foremost among which is their right to self-determination on their national soil.
Egypt, which has been committed to the Palestinian question ever since it emerged, is no less committed to it today; nor will it ever shirk its responsibility regarding it. Our commitment to the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people is the essence of our endeavours to establish a just and comprehensive peace in our region. We seek to establish peace based on recognition of the legitimate rights of all parties. While the attainment of peace requires that each party make an effort and accept the spirit of settlement and justice, we believe that peace would be an asset to all parties. Conversely, the persistence of tension and conflict is of no benefit to anyone rather, it means loss for everyone.
The lapse of 20 years since Israel occupied the Arab territories in 1967 and the continued rejection by the Palestinian people of that occupation confirm the need for the establishment of comprehensive peace based on justice and the restoration of the legitimate rights of those deprived of them, within a framework that ensures mutual security and recognition of the right of all States in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries and of the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory through war.
History and experience teach us that the rights of peoples cannot be waived by proscription or vanish through oblivion. We also know that although force may impose a fait accompli it does not grant security or establish peace, and that justice alone is the way to peace. We also realize that peace requites persistence and resolve, and that we should not lose the possible in pursuit of the impossible. We should seize every available opportunity and each propitious occasion. We should nurture every bud until it bears the fruit of justice, security and peace.
Egypt has pursued its relentless efforts world-wide so that 19 8 7 may be the year of peace through negotiations between the parties within the context of an international peace conference. These endeavours, supported by the sincere efforts made by other parties, have led to what may be tantamount to an international consensus in support of the idea Of convening an international conference. In this regard, I wish to place on record our appreciation of the support expressed by the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the European Community and the countries of the Nordic Council. That such support contributed greatly to the evolution of this international consensus - so much so that the convening of the international conference has become a real possibility, indeed, the only option, after being only an idea that lacked support.
In this context, I wish, in the name of the Arab Republic of Egypt, to commend the Secretary-General for his sincere efforts in exploring the views of the parties concerned and those of the big Powers on the convening of the international peace conference, and for his ideas and suggestions, which have received our full attention and appreciation.
Egypt realizes that any attempt to impose a fait accompli and maintain the status quo portends serious dangers and grave consequences. There is no alternative but to act seriously and consistently to give an impetus to the peace process. In this respect, I must emphasize the following points.
First, Egypt's commitment to the cause of the Palestinian people and their legitimate national rights is genuine, firm and unswerving. Egypt also reaffirms that the Palestine Liberation Organization (FLO) is the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Secondly, Egypt honours and fulfils its international obligations, abides by them and never ignores them.
Thirdly, the international peace conference has become the possible and acceptable formula for the resumption of the peace drive. It is necessary that all efforts are concerted to persuade the parties that reject this idea that the time has come for an attitude in favour of exploring the prospects of a new era, free from strife and war) an era in which peace would reign supreme.
Fourthly, Egypt believes that, to ensure that the international conference is credible and efficient, it should be held under the auspices of the United Nations. Its terms of reference should be Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), as well as the rights of the Palestinian people. It should be attended by all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, with due attention to the composition of a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation. It should be attended, also, by the five permanent members of the Security Council, in view of their responsibilities regarding international peace and security in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. Finally, it should be an effective framework for direct negotiations on all the elements of the Palestinian question and the rights related thereto, and on the Middle East problem, of which the Palestinian question is the essence.
In the name of Egypt, I call upon all peace-loving Powers throughout the world, to muster their determination and intensify their efforts with a view to speeding up the attainment of a comprehensive and just settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. The progress made so far towards acceptance of the convening of an international conference may well be an incentive and an impetus for all of us to maintain the momentum and pursue the peace drive to its desired objective. Lebanon has continued to experience regrettable developments in a most peculiar and protracted civil war, in which responsibility has been lost amid successive incidents. Although the Lebanese issue may well be one result of the freeze on the Palestinian question, we call upon all concerned to lift their hands from Lebanon so that the brother people of Lebanon may have the opportunity to heal their wounds, close their ranks and work together for true national reconciliation that will restore peace and security to the country and enable the friendly people of Lebanon to lead a normal life and assume their distinctive Arab and cultural role.
The confrontation and conflict afflicting the Gulf region are being exacerbated day by day and further deterioration is threatened. The situation in the Gulf has become a source of grave international tension and causes profound concern to all peace-loving nations yearning for stability. Unfortunately, such a situation is the natural outcome of the Iran-Iraq war, which for the eighth successive year is draining the energies, potential and blood of the two brother peoples. The war has hindered development and progress, claimed almost a million lives from both countries and depleted their great potentialities. Furthermore, its ramifications have spilled over into the whole Gulf region and impeded international navigation through the Gulf.
Egypt expressed full support for Security Council resolution 598 (1987) immediately after its adoption. We still believe in the imperative need for its implementation as we view the termination of this war as the unique solution to the precarious situation in the Gulf waters and on its shores, a situation which places in jeopardy one of the most important sources of energy in the world. We view the resolution as an integral and comprehensive whole, in keeping with international legitimacy. It should be implemented in its entirety within a reasonable time-frame that would neither detract from its content nor lead to its fragmentation. It would be no exaggeration to say that the implementation of this resolution will be a litmus test of the credibility of international legitimacy and the ability to carry out a decision adopted unanimously by the organ with the highest authority.
I wish to commend our sister Iraq for its prompt response to the legitimate decisions of the international community. We call on Iran to support this international drive towards a just peace that would give everyone his due and herald an era of peaceful coexistence that would make amends for the material and human losses incurred during the eight years of war. In this regard, I wish to express our support for the efforts being exerted by the United Nations Secretary-General and to invite all parties to give their genuine, effective support to his endeavours and efforts. I also wish to emphasize that we consider the security of our brothers in the Gulf States as part and parcel of Egypt's security·
The international community is at present confronted with a serious phenomenon which brushes aside all values recognized and cherished by the civilized community and threatens its peace and security·
The spate of violence and terrorism does not constitute a material threat to the safety of individuals and peoples as much as it represents a grave ideological trend that makes the use of violence both a means and an end, rejects pluralism of opinions, and bars free dialogue and constructive coexistence.
Recently, terrorist activities have been rampant and have expanded to encompass locations dear to our heart and, at the same time# sacred places which enjoy sanctity and command the reverence of hundreds of millions of people throughout the world· These incidents have indicated that the threat of terrorism is still lurking and that it attacks when an opportunity presents itself· It also exceeds all limits when we loosen our grip or when we are beguiled into entertaining good intentions. As the issue of terrorism is included in the agenda of the current session, I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate Egypt's view that it is imperative to tackle the phenomenon of terrorism in all its aspects and guises, its causes and roots should be traced with a view to concluding a comprehensive treaty that would fill the loopholes existing in international instruments which seek to deal with some aspects of this problem· Countries that have not acceded to existing agreements should be invited to do so as soon as possible and to incorporate the provisions of these agreements in their domestic legislation, taking due account of the right of peoples and recognized liberation movements to their national struggle for freedom and independence·

The principles on which the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries was based are still relevant and valid. The Movement represents a political expression by third world countries of their incessant struggle for freedom and independence. It is also a positive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and the alleviation of tensions. In view of its historical responsibility as one of the founding members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Egypt finds it imperative to preserve the concepts and principles on which the Movement is based. It also considers it essential to take a firm stand against all claims towards extremism and exaggeration which tend to divert the Movement from its original path and sublime principles. In this regard, we wish to pay a tribute to the non-aligned countries for their enlightened awareness of, their firm commitment to, and their success, in preserving the genuine principles of non-alignment despite pressure and difficulties. Such an attitude was best demonstrated during the summit meetings of non-aligned countries at New Delhi in 1983 and at Harare in 1986,
If the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is the political expression of third world countries, the Group of 77 is an expression of the hopes and aspirations of the developing countries for a more equitable international economic order. It is also an endeavour to confirm and consolidate co-operation and collective self-reliance among developing countries.
Egypt has an authentic affiliation to the Islamic world. That affiliation is essentially a belief in the message of Islam, which advocates that human beings are equal, that there is no preference for an Arab over a non-Arab or for a black over a white except on the basis of piety, and that there can be no duress in religion or opinion. Islam is a heavenly message of justice and peace; a call for righteousness and benevolence} a mode of freedom and democracy. It is regrettable and disheartening that the Islamic world is turned into a scene of sanguinary strife between some of its States and that it witnesses attempts to distort the image of Islam, flagrantly and untruthfully clothing it in violence and bigotry, as was demonstrated in the recent incidents in Holy Mecca.
Egypt's return to active participation in the work of the Organization of the Islamic Conference has been a propitious occasion for it to co-ordinate its efforts with those of sister Islamic nations in taking a firm stand against the challenges facing the Islamic world and the dangers to which it is exposed.
The deteriorating situation in which our African brothers in southern Africa are living under the yoke of the racist policies of the Pretoria regime, and the persistence of that regime in illegally occupying Namibia in disregard of the aspirations of its people and their right to self-determination and independence, all warrant profound concern and constitute a flagrant defiance of the will of all peace-loving peoples.
There is no doubt that the scandalous and shameless endeavours by the South African Government, whether through the so-called constitutional reforms or through resort to aggression and military blackmail against neighbouring African States, are acts of hooliganism, which deserve rejection and condemnation. Guided by its African responsibilities and in evidence of its solidarity with its brotherly Africans, Egypt reiterates that it stands firmly and unwaveringly behind the people of South Africa in their struggle for their human and indigenous right to equality and freedom, it also supports the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia, under the leadership of their legitimate, authentic representative, the South West Africa People's Organization, until they gain full independence. Egypt also calls for the support of the front-line States against threats and aggression.
Egypt appeals to the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities towards the peoples of southern African in order to enable them to lead a dignified life like all other free and independent peoples. The Security Council should make full use of all its powers, including the imposition of sanctions against that inhuman regime.
In this regard, I wish to mention the positive development in Western public opinion and in the attitude of Western countries towards the abominable racist policies of the South African Government, an attitude which heightens the isolation of that regime and hastens its downfall.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century, there is no alternative before us but squarely to face the problems that hinder the march of peace, co-operation and development.
If we state that the Middle East and southern Africa are hotbeds of bitter struggle between obsolete concepts and forward-looking prospects, we cannot, however, ignore other problems that afflict various regions, such as the problem of Cyprus in the Mediterranean, that of Afghanistan in south-west Asia, Korea in East Asia, Kampuchea in South-East Asia and other problems in Central America.
As for Cyprus, there is no alternative to a solution that takes into consideration the inalienable and legitimate rights of all Cypriots on an equal footing in the interest of preserving the unity of the island, its independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status. As regards Afghanistan, we fully support the efforts of the Secretary-General to arrive at a just settlement of the Afghan problem. Such a settlement of the problem, while respecting Afghanistan's independence, should be based on the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory, putting an end to interference in its internal affairs and ensuring its non-alignment. In this context Egypt supports all serious initiatives calling for the early withdrawal of foreign troops and the restoration of peace and stability to the brotherly people of Afghanistan.
On Korea, we reaffirm our sympathy with, and support for, the legitimate aspirations of the Koreas for a peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula and the attainment of stability and security in the area. We invite them to engage in a serious dialogue towards that end.
In the same spirit, we reiterate that Egypt views respect for Kampuchea's independence as an important element for stability in South-East Asia.
As for Central America, Egypt welcomed the agreement reached recently among the States of the region. We also support the efforts of the Contadora Group and Support Groups to achieve peace and stability in Central America. Egypt reiterates its call for respect for good-neighbourliness and for existing frontiers among all the countries of the region} non-interference in their internal affairs·, preservation of the rights, interests and aspirations of the peoples of the region and refraining from policies of provocation and counter-attempts at polarization. We hope that the recent agreement will culminate in a durable settlement putting an end to tension and enabling the peoples of the region to forge ahead to an era of co-operation and development under the banner of democracy.
As the decade of the 1980s draws to a close, it is observed that the accomplishments of the international community in the field of economic relations have been so disappointing that some tend to call it "the lost development decade". The international economic crisis has reached immense proportions. As President Mohammed Hosni Mubarak said in his address before the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UKCTAD), the debt problem "has reached serious proportions that cannot be ignored, threatening grave consequences unless the international community, debtors and creditors alike, take effective action". In addition to the debt problem, there are the issues of deterioration in terms of trade, the fall in commodity prices, reduced official development assistance flows, high interest rates, fluctuations of exchange rates and the net transfer of resources from developing to developed countries.
The international economic crisis has placed the developing countries in general, and the African countries in particular, before grave challenges. It has condemned their peoples to live under arduous conditions. We therefore must take serious action in order to cope with those conditions and resolve those problems at the earliest possible time.
Against this bleak picture, there are some indications offering a flicker of hope that logic may be sought and wisdom resorted to in coping with those vital and urgent economic issues. Such indications were demonstrated mainly in the Final Act adopted by consensus at UNCTAD VII voicing the determination of all participating parties, developed and developing alike, to assume their responsibilities and honour their obligations in tackling this crushing crisis. Such an attitude deserves our encouragement, coupled with a reaffirmation by all of us of our obligations as contained in the Final Act of UNCTAD VII.
The United Nations was established to maintain peace among nations and preserve their freedom and independence. From the beginning, it realized that the freedom of nations is essentially based on the freedom of individuals. It was equally aware that violation of the freedom of citizens in their own countries was an extension of a policy which was heedless of law and morality in international relations. Thus the International Declaration on Human Rights represented a moral obligation which transcended borders and restrictions and made the protection of man's rights and freedom a preoccupation of the international community and of humanity at large.
Nothing is more outrageous than aggression against human rights which denies the rights of entire peoples, as is the case with regard to the policy of apartheid in South Africa. Another example is the Palestinian people, which have been denied the right to self-determination and whose basic rights are violated under occupation - rights bestowed on them by their Creator and emphasized in various international pacts.
Egypt has always been in the forefront of countries that advocate respect for human rights and the rights of peoples. Egypt made an outstanding contribution to the formulation of the International Declaration on Human Rights.
In the past six years Egypt, under President Mubarak, has made substantial progress in the field of respect for human rights. During this period Egypt ratified six international instruments related to respect for human rights in various spheres, and they have become part of our legal system.
Since January 1982 Egypt has ratified the following instruments: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid; the Convention against Torture; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the African Charter of Human and People's Rights.
Egypt's ratification of those instruments was not mere form devoid of content? Hot was it simply an attempt to go along with the wishes of the international community. Rather, it was the reflection of a wide-ranging and profound democratic development experienced by Egypt and enjoyed by its people. The Egyptian political scene is now characterized by pluralism of opinion and freedom of political and intellectual expression under the umbrella of the Constitution and the rule of law that treat the ruler and the ruled on an equal footing, supported by an independent judiciary system that ensures justice and applies the law.
The Egyptian people will soon embark cm a new and glorious phase of democratic development when they elect their President through a free public referendum, in a climate of freedom and stability, coupled with their aspirations for development, progress and peace.
I have dwelt on the great hopes we entertain in our constant pursuit of justice and morality, progress and advancement. I have also spoken of the difficulties and perils hindering out drive. May the rays of hope dissipate feelings of despair and the world leave behind the setting sun of the twentieth century and on solid ground forge ahead in a new spirit to welcome the rising sun of the next century, so that humanity may enjoy an era of peace security, stability and prosperity.


To the representatives of the countries of the world - greetings. Bring to us from your home countries the gifts we can all share, your words of wisdom and your love. I am very happy that we have all arrived here at this gathering of world leaders.
On behalf of New Zealand I add my congratulations, sir, to those of the many speakers who have preceded me on your election as President of the forty-second regular session of the General Assembly.
Seven weeks ago the New Zealand Labour Government was re-elected with an increased majority. The Government was greatly encouraged by that demonstration of support from the people of our country for the policies we have pursued at home and overseas. My address today provides an opportunity for me to reaffirm the commitment of the New Zealand Government and people to the United Nations. That commitment comes from 42 years of membership of the Organization, from active participation in its work and from New Zealand's firm adherence to its ideals.
In this spirit of steadfast support for the United Nations I am happy to be able to announce here that the New Zealand Government has recently reviewed its capacity to contribute to United Nations peace-keeping operations. As a result, we have decided to notify the Secretary-General of our willingness to expand our practical contribution to that most important part of the United Nations work. We have participated in United Nations peace-keeping operations in the past. At present, we provide personnel for the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) and we contribute financially to the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). In future, we anticipate giving favourable consideration to requests from the Secretary-General for future involvement of New Zealand forces in peace-keeping for the United Nations. In our case, that would probably, for example, take the form of specialist teams from the New Zealand armed forces. Our broad purpose in making this commitment is to demonstrate active, practical support ; for the United Nations role of strengthening and monitoring international peace and security.
Fundamentally the job of the United Nations is to preserve peace. That was why it was founded 42 years ago. That is why it remains so important in the world today· And in today's world that means that this Organization must address clearly and critically the overriding threat to international peace and security posed by the global arms race, and in particular the nuclear-arms race.
New Zealand's first priority in this Assembly is to work for the achievement of urgent reductions in nuclear weapons. The ultimate goal must be a world rid of nuclear weapons; a world in which no country can claim to have to rely on nuclear weapons as the guarantor of its security.
New Zealand has been greatly encouraged by recent developments in relations between the two super-Powers. Along with all other nations we welcomed their decision to agree in principle to scrap an entire class of nuclear weapons - the intermediate-range nuclear forces (INF) stationed in Europe and Asia. If that agreement in principle is followed, as it must be, by a treaty giving legal force to the political commitments made in Washington, it will mark a turning-point in the arms race. The INF agreement will be the first ever nuclear-arms reduction treaty. It will be testimony to the conviction that security can be maintained with fewer, not more, armaments, and that an increasing number of weapons is not necessary to preserve the peace.
An INF agreement will be a welcome first step. But it is only a first step. It must be followed by measures to bring about deep reductions in strategic nuclear weapons, and by measures to prevent an arms race in outer space. Moreover, if progress is to be made on those two fronts, it will be necessary to address as a matter of priority the perceived imbalance in conventional forces and thus to achieve a balance of such forces at significantly reduced levels.
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev have themselves pointed the way. At Reykjavik last year they showed that there is no disagreement on the goals that must be achieved: a 50-per-cent reduction in strategic nuclear arsenals and, ultimately, the complete elimination o£ nuclear weapons. We urge them not to turn away from those objectives, not to turn away from the vision we saw from Reykjavik of a world without nuclear weapons. That vision will not be realized this year, perhaps not even this century. Yet it is an objective in the achievement of which every country in the Assembly has a direct and vital interest.
The immediate challenge is to find ways of working towards that goal while at the same time maintaining the security of every State and region.
New Zealand has long held that concluding a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty is one important way to do that. In the resolutions that we, together with Australia and a number of other countries, have put before the Assembly, we have urged the international community to seize on the central means of putting a brake on the nuclear-arms race. While we have welcomed, therefore, the recent agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union to begin stage-by stage negotiations on nuclear testing, we would nevertheless still urge the participants to see that those negotiations are more closely linked to the objective the Assembly has reiterated for so many years - an end to all nuclear testing by all States in all environments for all time.
We will again be putting a resolution on nuclear testing before the First Committee of the Assembly. We will be calling on the Conference on Disarmament to break the impasse which has strangled effective multilateral consideration of this issue for the past five years.
Another issue which the multilateral disarmament process has so far failed to address adequately is the prevention of an arms race in outer space. Three years ago my Prime Minister David Lange noted from this rostrum the disquieting indications that the military competition between the two super-Powers might be moving into the new environment of outer space. Developments since that time have done little to allay our concern. New Zealand is unequivocally opposed to the extension of the arms race into outer space. We will be following closely the deliberations at the Conference on Disarmament on this subject next year and at the third special session of this Assembly on disarmament, where it can be expected to receive considerable attention.
However, there have been some notable achievements this year. Progress has been made at the Geneva negotiations on a convention to eliminate chemical weapons - some of the most barbaric instruments of war, the use of which we unequivocally condemn. We look forward to the early completion of that most urgent work. In addition, the successful conclusion o£ the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which I was privileged to address just over a month ago, should have restored some faith in multilateralism. The consensus achieved at that Conference is all the more significant when considered against the pessimism that marked its preparatory process. It should encourage us as we prepare for the third special session on disarmament next year.
As a smaller nation with little power to influence the great nuclear-weapon States, We simply make a plea, an impassioned plea, to our brothers and sisters that have that power. We are now at a historic turning-point in the modern era. Having gone steadily forward in preparation for defence or conflict since men first formed groups and alliances, we have come to the brink. We, most of us, want to turn back. But there are still abroad fears that those whom we have not learned to knew or to trust will keep pressing ahead, that to proceed with disarming will undermine our own security. Learning to trust each other enough, learning to tone down the rhetoric we use against each other/ is now fundamental to the steps we need to take to enable this small, delicate planet and its people to survive.
That is why my country is so determined to see progress towards disarmament. The stakes are enormous. While the arms race continues in its nuclear and conventional dimensions, the security of each of us is at risk. New Zealanders do not expect others to act while we do nothing ourselves. Equally, we do not tell others how to resolve the particular security imperatives of their region as they seek to give substance to the principles of the Charter and to the international community's desire for a safer, less militarised world.
At home my Government has enacted legislation to ensure that New Zealand remains nuclear free. With our partners in the South Pacific Forum we have made a contribution to the security of our region through the adoption and entry into force of the South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty. That Treaty reinforces the non-proliferation undertakings already given by nearly all Forum countries through our adherence to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It gives expression to the unanimous desire of all the independent and self-governing States of our region that our part of the world should not be used as a testing ground for nuclear weapons or a dumping ground for nuclear waste. For the zone established by the Treaty to be truly effective, however, we rely on the nuclear-weapon States to commit themselves unreservedly to respecting its provisions. It is our earnest hope that all five nuclear—weapon States will demonstrate respect for the wishes of South Pacific States by adhering to the protocols to the Treaty. It is our particular hope that France will demonstrate its understanding of the sensitivities of our region, the region in which it seeks to be a partner, by putting an end to its nuclear-testing programme in the South Pacific.
The control and reduction of armaments may help to maintain international security. It is the use of arms that destroys it. The Charter accordingly imposes an obligation on all States to settle their differences by negotiation and not to go to war. In the Security Council the Charter created the means by which the United Nations could uphold the rule of law and work for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the ending of conflict. The Council's record is far from unblemished we believe that its performance could be improved if its members could co-operate to settle disputes before the parties turn to conflict and its decisions might be less often disregarded or defied if the policies and actions of the great Powers showed greater respect for the laws they enjoin others to follow.
New Zealand welcomes the rare unanimous decision by the Security Council to seek an end to the war between Iran and Iraq. We regret only that the conflict was allowed to continue for seven years before the Council intervened to fulfil the role assigned to it by the Charter. The Secretary-General may be assured of our full support in his patient efforts, on behalf of the Council and with the trust of both parties, to settle the conflict in accordance with resolution 598 (1987). It is to his office, too, that we look for assistance in ending the aggression against the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, which has continued year after year regardless of the wishes and condemnation of the General Assembly. Political settlements in both countries and the withdrawal of foreign forces from them are long overdue. In Korea, the armed confrontation still continues after more than three decades. The absence of Korean representation is a major gap in the universality of the United Nations. New Zealand shares the widespread view that the two Koreas should be admitted as Members of the United Nations as soon as possible and should pursue their negotiations towards reconciliation and, if possible, national reunification.
Pew situations have preoccupied the United Nations longer than the South African Government's racist practices, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its policies of destabilization in the region. Like those of the Commonwealth Group which last year sought to initiate a dialogue between the Government and genuine representatives of the black community, mediation efforts by the United Nations have come to nothing. The South African Government equates justice with white supremacy and right with the forces at its disposal. Its armies have marched in territories of neighbouring States. Its police have detained both black leaders and children looking for something better than education for a life of subjection. For our part we have given effect to the measures against South Africa recommended by the Commonwealth to impress on the authorities in Pretoria the urgency of dismantling apartheid. But, sadly, I have to say that, in the absence of effective action by more countries or a firm response to the threat by the Security Council, I see little prospect that the South African Government will depart from its determination not to reject apartheid, but to tinker with it, at its own pace and in its own time.
Apartheid is a most brutal manifestation of racism and disregard of human rights. It is not, however, the only such manifestation. We all know too well the many abuses of human rights that occur in various countries represented in this body. The United Nations has done much valuable work in codifying universal standards of respect for human rights. We must ensure that this work continues and that the standards already set are fully respected.
Abuses of human rights are a direct attack on the integrity of the individual. Terrorism strikes at the integrity of the community. It kills the innocent and cruelly disrupts the normal operations of society. It is also a threat to world peace. An important task at this session will be to build on the achievement of resolution 40/61 and thereby encourage the adoption of practical measures to deal with international terrorism. Another item of importance to New Zealand is that on Antarctica, an issue that has been on the Assembly's agenda since 1983. New Zealand is firmly committed to maintaining the Antarctic Treaty which has preserved the peace and stability of the region to our south over the past 27 years. We hope that the Assembly's deliberations on Antarctica at this session will bring further understanding and support for the Treaty, which any Member of the Organization is free to join.
Events in Fiji show that the South Pacific is not immune from turmoil or change. For New Zealand - a close friend and neighbour - these events have been a matter of very great sadness. Since the time of the first coup New Zealand has steadfastly supported the efforts of Fiji's Governor-General to return the country to parliamentary rule·, we continue to regard him as the legitimate source of authority in Fiji. It follows that New Zealand does not recognize the legality of Colonel Rabuka's self-declared republic. Even at this late stage we hope that the people of Fiji will pull back and insist that their leaders find a just political solution which takes account of the interests of all. New Zealand trusts that the Governor-General will hold fast to the principles of legitimacy which have guided him thus far. We very much hope that no constitution will be adopted that would make Fiji Indians second class citizens in their own country. We want to see Fiji regain its rightful position in the Pacific region and on the wider world stage. Like all its neighbours New Zealand wants to see Fiji strengthened by a reassertion of its traditions of tolerance and good sense, playing an active part in the peaceful development of the South Pacific. Failure to achieve a solution would be a major set-back, not only for Fiji but for the entire South Pacific region.
Fiji's crisis is a recent development. We have, however, been concerned for some time at the dangers inherent in the situation in our closest neighbour New Caledonia if the natural progress of that Territory to self-determination is frustrated. At the initiative of the countries of the South Pacific Forum, the General Assembly last year resolved that New Caledonia was a Non-Self-Governing Territory within the meaning of the United Nations Charter. Forum countries sought to have New Caledonia re-inscribed on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories because of their wish to see a more constructive approach by the administering Power. Present policies serve to exacerbate divisions within the Territory and appear likely to frustrate movement towards independence.
My Government believes that France has a continuing role to play in the South Pacific region. But that will require a far-sighted approach to resolving the problems of New Caledonia and a sensitivity to the views and feelings of the peoples of the region. We have watched with genuine regret what has appeared to us to be a policy that does not take sufficient account of long-term concerns and solutions, bringing with it the prospect of more confrontation and division within New Caledonia.
Since last year's vote, France has promoted a referendum in New Caledonia, an exercise which in our view has not helped the political process there and about which, as we know from the debate which surrounded the passage of the referendum legislation through the French Parliament earlier this year, there are considerable doubts in France itself. A referendum which did not offer the full range of choices prescribed by United Nations practices and guidelines is deficient. It cannot be regarded as a free choice when the administering Power is committed to promoting one particular choice and the forces of government are directed to that end. A process of preparation during which options were not fully presented and were not adequately explained is a further serious deficiency. A period of preparation in which there was only circumscribed dialogue within the Territory and throughout which there was a strong military presence, is no atmosphere for free and impartial consideration of New Caledonia's long-term future. In short, a political consultation that forced a substantial sector of the community to repudiate the very process, is inherently flawed. It is not a valid act of s el f -determination.
I appeal to the French Government to resume contact with all interested parties in New Caledonia, to accept the offer of dialogue which the South Pacific Forum has made and to involve the United Nations in the political process that is to take place in New Caledonia.
Elsewhere in the South Pacific the United Nations has played a valuable role in the decolonization process as Non-Self-Governing Territories have moved to self-government or to independence in accordance with United Nations principles and practices. For this reason my Government urges strong support for the moderate, principled and constructive resolution on New Caledonia which will be taken up in the Fourth Committee at this session of the Assembly.
For the most part the decolonization process in the Pacific has been peaceful and has laid the basis for good regional co-operation. That tradition has been continued this year with the proclamation of the Compacts of Free Association of ' the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. New Zealand welcomes them as new members of the South Pacific Forum. We look forward to increasing contacts with the Micronesian Governments in the years to come and to the fulfilment of the United Nations role in the Trust Territory of the Pacific.
Political security must be reinforced by economic security. Not only in the South Pacific, but throughout the world, the effect of low commodity prices is having a serious effect. Growth in developing countries is expected to average only 4 per cent in 1987, half the average of the 1960s and 1970s. Hardest hit is the agricultural sector which, in low-income developing countries, employs 70 to 80 per cent of the population.
Yet the undisciplined nature of world agricultural trade means that countries with a comparative advantage in agriculture have to compete for markets with subsidized exports that distort prices. The twin spectres of surpluses and starvation are an economic and moral outrage that cannot be allowed to continue  a contradiction which we must find ways to remove.
At its seventh session, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development noted that while many countries, developed and developing, are adjusting their economies, much remained to be done to reduce or eliminate "growth retarding distortions and rigidities". The positive forward-thinking spirit that marked that session should guide us in our efforts towards the elimination of trade-distorting measures. Crucial to these efforts are the negotiations currently under way in the Uruguay round. If we really believe in having a healthy international economy, contributing to world peace, we must ensure that these negotiations succeed.
As we work to improve the functioning of the system of international relations we must also work to improve the functioning of the institution that underpins so much of the system. Last year's financial crisis made clear that we, the membership, had failed to ensure that this Organization remained responsive to changing demands and circumstances. The financial crisis itself was precipitated by a failure on the part of some of the Members to fulfil their Charter commitments. It served to highlight, however, a more long-standing failure of the collective membership and of the institution to ensure the continuing revitalization of the Organization.	.
Every institution, no matter how noble its goals, needs to undertake from time to time a thorough-going reappraisal of its structures and procedures. In recognition of this need, for instance, my Government is in the process of carrying out a far-reaching reform of the functioning of government in New Zealand. The United Nations is no different. It needs to change with the times.
From the work of the past year a number of studies and reforms are under way. They must be pursued to their conclusion. The financial crisis may have abated to a degree: the need for change has not. One of the areas to which my Government will pay particular attention is the review of management of the United Nations development effort to be undertaken by the Economic and Social Council over the next year. The United Nations and its agencies have a unique role to play in development assistance, particularly in areas such as the establishment of development planning mechanisms and negotiations by Governments with trans national corporations. But such assistance must be appropriate and effective. The special needs of the isolated island developing nations of the South Pacific are often inadequately met by structures and rules which have been set up to cover large continental recipients in other regions. Any decisions taken on the spot in the South Pacific by a more coherent United Nations presence would reflect more truly the South Pacific realities than decisions taken in places such as Geneva, New York or Bangkok.
I offer those remarks not as the representative of a country that is critical of or disenchanted with the United Nations. Quite the reverse: as 1 said at the beginning, the New Zealand Government and people are firm supporters of the United Nations. We shall remain so. But we would be bad friends of the Organization if we failed to encourage it to change where change is necessary. The process of change is under way. Let us keep up the momentum, and let us get the balance right. I end as I began, drawing on the wisdom of the Maori people of New Zealand. There is a Maori saying which goes,
"A warrior who works hard at growing food will not fail".
That expresses in a nutshell what this Organization is all about. We must be firm in our resolve to retain the peace, but must look also to improving the lot of all our peoples. Getting the balance right is an international imperative.


We should like first of all, Sir, to say how pleased we were to welcome your election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that your personal qualifications and professional experience will contribute to proper consideration of the complex issues which the General Assembly must tackle at this session.
We also congratulate the President of the last session, Mr. Choudhury, on his invaluable contribution to the work on important issues during his term of office We take pleasure, in particular, in expressing our appreciation of and gratitude for the serious and responsible manner in which he directed delicate negotiation; in difficult circumstances in the life of the United Nations.
We reiterate our confidence in the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and thank him for the work he has done and for the prompt, resolute and intelligent action that has characterized his administration. At difficult periods in the life of the Organization, Mr. Perez de Cuellar's efforts to preserve this essential international forum have been truly valuable.
Every year since the Republic of Cape Verde became independent we have addressed the General Assembly to express the views of our country and its Government on the international political situation and make our modest but committed contribution to the collective analysis of the questions affecting the community of nations.
Throughout all these years we have particularly appreciated the achievements of the international community that have contributed to the progress, dignity a 3 well-being of peoples. We have stressed with concern the negative factors and he demonstrations of force still in evidence in international conduct, sacrificing lives on the altar of violence or hunger, destroying homes and hopes and sowing or Increasing injustice, poverty and desolation. We have put forward suggestions and ideas in keeping with the feelings of the overwhelming majority of other countries represented here in an attempt to contribute in some way to the search for joint solutions to the problems that scourge us and hamper the creation of a better, more just world.
In spite of some encouraging signs, the international situation continues basically to be as complex as ever·, certain matters and problems confronting the international community have grown graver. We still see the systematic use or threat of use of force in relations among States and the denial of the fundamental rights of peoples still under the yoke of colonial domination or the victims of racism. Moreover, poverty/ hunger, the deterioration of the environment, desertification and natural disasters and their harmful consequences strike millions of human beings with increasing intensity.
Every year crucial and less crucial problems are discussed in depth by distinguished speakers who, on behalf of their respective countries, express here their concern at the current situation, analyse the problems and make recommendations for their rapid and satisfactory solution. The well-being and happiness of mankind constitute the goal put forward by all.
Everyone agrees that justice, dignity and respect for law are factors to guide the action of States in their task of building a better and more balanced world in which dialogue would replace intolerance, in which co-operation and human solidarity would triumph over narrow-minded nationalism, and in which joint solutions would prevail. But that concern, which is universal among statesmen and politicians the world over, has not been followed up with actions and measures for the effective solution of the global problems of our day. In the final analysis, we are frustrated at our collective inability to resolve effectively the questions affecting the entire international community. That frustration is all the greater because of our knowledge that we now possess the means to resolve these problems.
Respect for the principles and attainment of the purposes set out in the Charter of the United Nations neatly half a century ago demands the firm and unequivocal commitment of us all to the enlightened humanistic vision of those who, having experienced the harmful and destructive effects of heightened nationalism, decided to lay the foundation of a new era in the history of relations among nations, based on peace, co-operation, justice and dignity for all.
The Republic of Cape Verde advocates universal dialogue and solidarity in relations between States, and firmly believes that political resolve and respect for law in international relations can help build the world so long awaited by our peoples. Independence of thought and action, freedom of choice and autonomy in decision-making - in a word, independence - are thus historical requirements.
In keeping with that deep conviction, we ate striving at home to promote the development and well-being of our people, at the same time strengthening the climate of peace and trust in which we live.
In our region, we highlight among our immediate goals that of contributing to a valid solution to the conflict in southern Africa and that of resolving the economic crisis that is stifling the continent. These are two of the major obstacles to the liberation and progress of Africa.
In the United Nations we try to co-operate with all other Member States in the international atmosphere conducive to the preservation and strengthening of international stability and security. In that context, we follow with concern the armed conflicts that continue to sow disarray and desolation in several parts of the world·, these conflicts are true hindrances to human development and progress. From Central America to Asia, from the Persian Gulf to southern Africa, every day we feel the climate of tension and destruction in those regions. There are other disputes whose persistence harshly punishes the affected populations. For decades, the apartheid system has unquestionably been the greatest cause for instability in Africa. Because of its very nature, its persistence and the widening contradictions within it, that system of ongoing institutionalised violence, maintained at the cost of repression and ignominy, can only render the situation even more explosive. The bloody events of recent years testify to the fact that the apartheid regime has reached the boiling point.
We are convinced that the present situation requites fundamental changes, not mere temporary changes or changes rendered obsolete by the internal political situation. Changes of that nature have not broken the resolve of the majority of the population of South Africa in its irreversible and legitimate struggle for dignity, justice and equality. Thus, a just and lasting solution cannot be found until the apartheid system is rooted out, yielding to, another society in which all South Africans will enjoy the same rights and the respect due to every human being, irrespective of social origin or colour. The eradication of apartheid is therefore not only a moral imperative for all mankind, but a political necessity for peace and development throughout, the region.
The Pretoria regime is also a threat to the peoples and countries of southern
Africa, whose security, stability and well-being continue to be systematically disturbed either through direct military intervention or through the intermediary of armed bands trained, financed and directed by that regime for carrying out obviously terrorist activities such as the recent massacre at Homoine in the People’s Republic of Mozambique·
The enormous damage the war has caused in the front-line countries, especially the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique, and the constant manoeuvres of political and military destabilization against those countries by South Africa gravely jeopardize their economic development and seriously damage the progress and social well-being of the affected populations.
In this context it is urgent to increase assistance to the front-line countries. We continue to believe that the international community can and must adopt effective measures against the Pretoria regime. It is within this framework that we welcome with optimism the recent proposals by the People's Republic of Angola, which, in their flexibility and scope, demonstrate once again the openness and political will of the Angolan authorities to arrive at a peaceful solution in the region. We reiterate, however, our belief that the international community can and must adopt effective measures against the Pretoria regime for the urgent elimination of the system of apartheid, and thus contribute to a peaceful transition towards a multiracial society and ensure a future of dignity for all the peoples and countries of the region.
The situation in Namibia constitutes a hotbed of tension in the southern part of the continent as South Africa persists in its illegal occupation of the Territory despite the repeated condemnations of the international community and the decisions of the United Nations.
We believe the Territory's independence must be achieved on an urgent basis through strict implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
In Chad and in Western Sahara, conflicts persist for which solutions must be found on the basis of dialogue and the relevant decisions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), in this connection we wish to stress the importance of the initiatives undertaken by the OAU's ad hoc committee on the situation in Chad, as well as the joint initiatives of the United Nations Secretary-General and the President of the OAU with a view to a negotiated solution to the conflict in Western Sahara.
In the Middle East, the injustice confronting the Palestinian people persists. Those of us who at some time in our history have been victims of colonial violence or of the humiliation of foreign occupation know the real dimensions of the suffering that people has faced over the past four decades. Massacres and mass violations of human rights committed against the people of Palestine, as well as the continued denial of their right to form their own sovereign State, certainly do not promote an atmosphere of peace in the Middle East, a region where political and military stability cannot be achieved without a solution to the Palestinian question.
In this context, the international conference on peace in the Middle East, with the presence of all parties concerned, which has been approved by the General Assembly, seems to us an excellent framework for the search for a peaceful solution for the region, Efforts to achieve its convening must therefore be continued.
In the Gulf region we are witnessing with concern the armed conflict between the fraternal peoples of Iran and Iraq. That conflict, which has in recent years assumed alarming proportions and caused immense suffering and damage to the population, is now becoming internationalised and is thus seriously endangering peace not only in the region but throughout the world. We reiterate our urgent appeal to the two parties to put an end to their hostilities and to seek a negotiated solution.
The recent Security Council resolution on a cease—fire was the result of long and careful thought and awareness of the dangers to the world inherent in the conflict, it is to be hoped that in the serious and highly sensitive situation now prevailing in the region the military forces there will demonstrate restraint. The common sense essential to the establishment of an atmosphere of détente and dialogue must replace force and attempts to use force.
The territory of East Timor remains illegally occupied by foreign forces, which denies the Maubere people its legitimate and inalienable right to self-determination and independence. We appeal to the international community and help them in their efforts to establish the conditions necessary for the people of East Timor to exercise its inalienable right to choose its own destiny. The process of decolonisation, one of
the important and noble achievements in the annals of our Organization, will not be
complete as long as East Timor and other territories remain under the yoke of foreign occupation.
We are following the events in Central America with utmost attention. The violence that has prevailed in the region in recent years has demonstrated the need to take urgent measures to establish a climate conducive to the realization of the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the region to peace and social justice. We greatly appreciate the efforts made by the Heads of State of the region that have led to the adoption of an agreement on the establishment of lasting peace in Central America. We are convinced that if that agreement is implemented by all the parties and respected by all States it will certainly help to bring peace to our Latin American brothers of the region.
In South-East Asia, we regret that the initiatives and efforts made thus far have not succeeded as we had hoped, in decreasing tension and bringing about respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the region, including Kampuchea. It is high time for a solution to be found to the situation in that country. It is time for the Kampuchean people, free of foreign interference and in full freedom, to decide their own destiny.
We remain firmly convinced that in Korea dialogue and co-operation between the two parties are prerequisites for the happiness  well-being and progress of the Korean people and the peaceful reunification of their homeland.
We are following with great interest diplomatic initiatives towards a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Afghanistan. We encourage any solution that respects that country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity# as well as its non-aligned status, and the right of the Afghan people to choose their destiny without foreign interference and in freedom.
While armed conflicts and tension in international relations still characterize the international political situation/ the deterioration of the economic situation prevailing in many third-world countries seriously endangers the survival and well-being of their peoples.
The foreign debt, which has now reached proportions that have disastrous effects mainly African and Latin American economies, the stagnation in official development aid and investments in the developing countries, and the decline - sometimes staggering - in the prices of raw materials on the international market: all those elements have contributed to the difficult economic situation in those countries.
For many years the majority of States have been repeatedly stating that substantive change in international economic relations is the only way to resolve the economic crisis, which has particularly affected the African countries. The economy of the African countries south of the Sahara over the past 10 years has suffered the negative effects of the adverse trends in the terms of trade and the disturbances caused by external factors familiar to everyone. In this context, they have also suffered the negative effects of the increasing difficulty faced by those countries in attracting capital from the industrialized world, as well as the growth of the debt-servicing burden to unbearable proportions.
The economic difficulties of the continent now have devastating social impacts. Thus, the decline in food production has caused a great, increase in malnourishment among the peoples.
It is in that economic context that Africa has confronted the worst drought of this century. That drought has already cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of persons. The international community has generally recognized that the drought in Africa has caused great hunger. It has reacted by adopting a number of temporary measures but, since they are temporary, they do not meet the development needs. Hence, it is necessary to tackle the problem by structural methods that can reverse the present trends.
Africa today is examining all the problems related to its development. This question has been increasingly at the centre of our concerns and thoughts in recent years. The Monrovia Colloquium, the Lagos Summit and the twenty-second Summit Conference of the Organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa, inter alia, have been significant forums for deeper reflection about the problem.
There is an ever-increasing awareness among Africans of the need for a new dynamic of regional integration and self-focused development geared towards the realization of the vast potentials of our continent and the constant improvement c the well-being of the African peoples. We are aware that the problems of development are complex, that their solutions are difficult and that the energies and resources required are vast. We are also aware that in the process of the region's development the driving force must basically be the Africans themselves. But they will confront difficulties and their efforts will be seriously compromised if they are not supported by international co-operation and by significant, diversified external assistance. In fact, the ever-increasing interdependence of today's world makes a region's development difficult without the interaction resulting from co-operation with other regions.
We are deeply convinced that a peaceful solution to the conflict in Southern Africa would give a new dimension to the legitimate aspirations of the African people in the North and the South of the continent. We are deeply convinced, furthermore, that economic, technical and financial co-operation between a South Africa freed of racism - a democratic South Africa - and the other African countries would enormously benefit the development of the entire region.
At a time when hundreds of thousands of human beings are dying of hunger in Africa and in other parts of our planet, we are witnessing a proliferation of weapons which consumes vast human and material resources and threatens the very survival of mankind. The recent Conference on the Relationship Between Disarmament and Development demonstrated the impact on developing countries that the transfer of part of the resources now used for weapons production to development programmes could have. In a world with limited resources, any investment in weapons and similar activities has an impact on disarmament. Progress in that field would release resources that could contribute to the attainment of the economic and social objectives of all countries and to the narrowing of the gap between the developed and the developing countries.
In this respect, recent progress in the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union in the nuclear sphere strengthens our hopes. It would be desirable for this important step to be followed by others that could eliminate forever the risk of a nuclear war posed by research on and deployment and accumulation of nuclear weapons.
The arms race has contributed to worsening the climate of tension and fostering international conflicts. For peoples that, in one way or another, have been the victims of the destructive force of military conflicts, nothing is more valuable than peace. Peace should be cherished by all, carefully preserved and encouraged at the international level.
Regional demilitarisation is an important component of the building of peace. In this connection, it should be stressed that the decision taken by the General Assembly last year to declare the South Atlantic a zone of peace and co-operation has had a very positive effect on the strengthening of peace. The preservation of that region from any miniaturization, from the arms race, from the presence of foreign military bases, and from nuclear weapons will no doubt contribute to the well-being, co-operation and progress of the peoples of the region and to the strengthening of international peace.
Over the past three years the Republic of Cape Verde has in its statements in the general debate emphasized its support for the multilateral process as the privileged tool in the quest for collective solutions to global problems. As we have said earlier in this statement, we are living today in a world that is increasingly interdependent at all levels. That can be seen between rich and poor, small and large, developed and developing countries alike. Recently, however, we have seen a trend among certain sectors towards relying on political, military and economic force in order to draw away from the universal values of multilateralism, in opposition to the views of the majority. Such behaviour, which is without any doubt negative, in a world which claims to be democratic, constitutes regression which can only fuel distrust.
The crisis in multilateralism has become clear basically in institutions such as the United Nations which ate the most developed tools in the multilateral process. Some have termed this an institutional crisis, since it has been reflected in a lack of trust in international institutions. The origin of this crisis, it seems to us, resides in a recent trend towards weakening international democratic gatherings. In fact, institutions are what their members want them to be. The strength and effectiveness of institutions depend largely on the strength, trust and effectiveness their members wish to place in them. Negotiations which, last year, led to the adoption of a series of measures and recommendations for the administrative and financial reform of the Organization have highlighted the role the United Nations must play in the world today if we want to live in peace and security. We fervently hope that once the administrative and financial difficulties of the United Nations are overcome, all countries will seriously dedicate themselves to respect for the principles and pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations in the edifying task of building our great family - the human family.
The Republic of Cape Verde attaches the utmost importance to the United Nations as a privileged forum where all countries of the world, regardless of their size, the number of their inhabitants, and the level of their development, can together find peaceful solutions to all conflicts, and where all countries, representing the entire human race, can, in complete sovereignty, find collective solutions to global problems.
We come from a small country which is virtually barren of material resources and which must, therefore, deal with difficult and complex problems in order to ensure its economic survival and its development. By an accident of nature we are, therefore, in a position to grasp the immense difficulties confronted by most of the countries represented here in the struggle for economic development in order to ensure a more dignified existence for their people.
Our struggle for development and for the dignity of our peoples is our way of making an important contribution to the age-old struggle of man to overcome physical difficulties and to build a world in which spiritual values reign supreme in human conduct and action. We are involved in a shared endeavour and we, the developing and developed countries, will be able successfully to achieve our task only if we ate united and sincere in our mutual relations.
We are living in a century in which scientific and technical accomplishments have increased the powers of man to fulfil his desire to know and master the universe. We fervently hope that before the beginning of the twenty-first century these scientific and technical achievements will be directed above all towards the well-being, progress and happiness of all peoples on earth.


First of all. Sir, I should like to congratulate you heartily on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. We are sincerely pleased that this great honour has been bestowed upon a representative of a fraternal country, the German Democratic Republic. I wish you every success in carrying out your responsible duties.
I wish also to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, and to assure him of Czechoslovakia's support in his praiseworthy work on behalf of the United Nations and the entire international community.
The general debate thus far has indicated - and I should like to believe - that the current session will make a significant contribution to the solution of the most urgent problems facing us today and that it will help in shaping the concept of a non-violent and nuclear-weapon-free world in which comprehensive security for all mankind would guarantee for everyone in the world the most. That hope is especially justifiable in the light of the agreement in principle between the USSR and the United States of America on the elimination of two classes of nuclear weapons, an agreement of great political and psychological importance. The conclusion of such a treaty, which is so strongly desired by the nations of the world, would lead for the first time in history to the agreed elimination of part of the world's accumulated nuclear arsenals. It would be a great step towards a genuine process of disarmament and would show that improvements are not confined to outlining theoretical programmes but are rather taking a concrete form.
Prospects are opening for reaching further important agreements. The productive results of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe can undoubtedly be counted among the positive developments. An atmosphere of businesslike constructive dialogue prevailed also at the Vienna follow-up meeting of the States signatories of the Helsinki Final Act. Consultations are being held between representatives of countries of the Warsaw Treaty Organization and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on measures for conventional disarmament from the Atlantic to the Urals. Another positive international development is the contact between representatives of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and of the European Economic Community.
A valuable contribution to the process of strengthening peace and understanding among peoples and improving the world situation has been made by the New Delhi Six. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has been undertaking peace-making activities, as was shown clearly by the outcome of its summit conference, held at Harare.
All this confirms the emergence of a new thinking on a broad spectrum of issues in international relations. That new thinking is finding its way also into the halls and conference rooms of the United Nations, an organization designed to mould civilized relations among all countries and to harmonize their interests on a new basis.
We are convinced that these glimmers of hope derive from real factors. We ate seeing the establishment and strengthening of a broad front of individuals, organizations, parties, governments and States united by their mutual goal of preserving human civilization. The socialist countries are doing their part in this struggle by taking qualitatively new initiatives based specifically on the process of activating the intrinsic potential of socialism and implementing programmes of restructuring. It could not be otherwise, since the ensuring of a lasting peace is an indispensable condition for the attainment of the objectives of restructuring and for the acceleration of social and economic development.
However, we are aware that on the balance sheet of international relations there are still many items on the debit side. The arms race is continuing. New programmes of armament costing billions are being launched. local conflicts persist and threaten to grow into major international crises. Like a scar on the conscience of mankind, mass violations of human rights such as racism and apartheid persist. Crises in the world economy are growing worse. Environmental problems are reaching critical dimensions.
All this sets a clear imperative for politicians, who bear a responsibility for the future of their nations: they must do their utmost to avert nuclear disaster, ensure stable peace and jointly resolve the most pressing problems of mankind.
We are not far from the date when the first day of a new century and a new millennium will appear on our calendars. We have a unique opportunity to pass this planet on to posterity as a safe and good place to live. That context gives special prominence to the humanistic legacy of the great October socialist revolution, the seventieth anniversary of which will soon be commemorated by mankind. That was an event of extraordinary, epoch-making importance. It introduced into world politics the concept of peaceful coexistence between States with differing social systems. It is of more than symbolic significance that in its very first document, Lenin's decree on peace, the October Revolution rejected armed force as an instrument of foreign policy.
Today in Czechoslovakia, in the socialist world, a major restructuring of all spheres of social life is under way in the light of those ideas, and the process of deepening socialist democracy is continuing. This is all tied very closely to universal human values, to the need to build and establish relationships of close joint action among States in our interrelated world, where the relationship between the national and the international is changing. It is an appeal to work together and make use of all the possibilities available.
The Czechoslovak people have a vital interest in the success of the peace policy. They regard it as a guarantee of their present and their future. In the words of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Gustav Husak: "We shall contribute to the strengthening of the front of peace, sound reason and realism in the world so as to make the prospects of peace ever safer."
That aim is also being pursued through the initiative concerning the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security introduced in this forum by the socialist countries. It should constitute a set of specific, jointly agreed measures that would primarily provide, to an ever increasing degree, for greater effectiveness and practical reinforcement of the binding power of the fundamental laws of international life as embodied in the United Nations Charter.
The reality of a secure world is inseparably tied to its safeguards. The mechanism for this should be the United Nations. This is our understanding of the well-known article by Mikhail S. Gorbachev that was published on the eve of this session. We believe that the suggestions formulated therein will give a strong impetus to the activity of the United Nations and of all States in building and safeguarding comprehensive security.
We believe that the creation of security guarantees in the military sphere, the adoption of concrete measures for halting the arms build-up and proceeding to step-by-step disarmament, and the reduction of the military potential of States to reasonable levels are of decisive importance. Such measures would be conducive to the implementation of the programme, vital to mankind, for the elimination of nuclear and all other weapons of mass destruction by the year 2000. That programme is realistic because it is based on the need to ensure equal security for all participating countries at all stages of the disarmament process.
We are confident that the first genuine breakthrough in the field of nuclear disarmament will be the conclusion and implementation o£ the treaty on the global elimination of Soviet and United States intermediate-range and operational-tactical nuclear missiles. We have done our best to facilitate that positive move towards real disarmament and. we are ready to continue our efforts in the expectation that other countries directly concerned will proceed in the same spirit.
The conclusion of this treaty at a summit meeting should be a historic prologue to the unfolding of a comprehensive process of disarmament in which a 50 per cent reduction of strategic offensive weapons, with consistent observance of the Soviet-United States anti-ballistic-missile Treaty, could be the next step.
We welcome the idea of stepping up the work of the Geneva Conference on Disarmament so that it may gradually become a permanent, universal negotiating body on disarmament. In our view it should work on a year-round basis. We feel that it would be appropriate to consider this subject also and to adopt corresponding measures, for instance at the third special session of the United Nations General Assembly on disarmament, to be held next year.
Another hopeful sign this year is the development with regard to a convention on the complete prohibition of chemical weapons and the elimination of stockpiles of such weapons. The conclusion of such a convention would also be an event of great importance for all mankind. In this context/ we appreciate the constructive statement of the Soviet Union in Geneva this year that in the negotiations it will proceed on the basis of the legal stipulation of the principle of mandatory inspections upon request and without the right of rejection. We fully endorse that approach and hope that other countries will proceed on the same lines. That position is a demonstration of the readiness of the socialist countries to ensure effective verification of the entire disarmament process in conditions of openness and confidence. In this spirit we want to take an active part in consideration of verification questions in the United Nations as well.
The need to resolve the issue of a ban on the testing of nuclear weapons is ever more imperative. We believe that this, too, will be significantly facilitated by the agreed comprehensive phased negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States. We continue to regard it as extraordinarily important to prevent the stationing of weapons in space and agree on a programme of joint practical action in the peaceful uses of outer space. We support the establishment of a system of international verification of the preservation of peace in outer space.
Global security is closely linked with the strengthening of security and the development of peaceful relations, co-operation and confidence in Europe, a continent which, unfortunately, is still burdened with an excessive quantity of nuclear and conventional arsenals. №at is why it is especially necessary to have a policy of détente, that process of consolidating the foundations of the common European house that is proof of the viability of the principle of the coexistence of the two systems. Today, after some vacillation and even stagnation, and doubts having been overcome, the all-European process is again gaining momentum. More pronounced results have been achieved in the political, military, humanitarian and other spheres.
The Budapest appeal of the Warsaw Treaty countries to the States members of  the North Atlantic Treaty organisation (SATU) to agree on a substantial reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments in Europe remains highly topical. We are encouraged by the fact that the contours of future talks on those important questions, as well as on the development of confidence- and security-building, has begun to emerge in Vienna. We consider that those issues must be dealt with through the point of view of their interrelationship within the framework of the all-European process. An important part of European security and co-operation is the whole complex of mutual economic contacts. In order further to advance such contacts we proposed at the Vienna follow-up meeting the holding of a European economic forum in Prague, at which the whole range of questions relating to development in trade, industrial co-operation, finance and other specific areas would be addressed.
Of no less importance in our view is the further development of co-operation in humanitarian matters. We are engaged in a constructive solution of these issues in both multilateral negotiations and bilateral relations. The entire humanitarian dimension of the European process, including respect for the political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights, should be considered at the proposed conference  the holding of which in Moscow we fully support. At the same time, it is our assumption that it is necessary to have an all-embracing approach to this subject, an approach that we are consequently pursuing.
At the session of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty member States held in Berlin this year we called on the countries members of the NATO to engage in joint consultations on military doctrines. We reaffirmed that the Warsaw Treaty States will never, under any conditions, launch military actions against any state or alliance of States unless they themselves become the object of an armed attack, and they also stated that they would never be the first to use nuclear weapons.
As a country located along the line of contact between the two military and political groupings, we are very much interested in a supervised withdrawal of nuclear and other offensive weapons from national borders. We have therefore, jointly with the German Democratic Republic, proposed to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free corridor along the line of contact between the NATO and Warsaw Treaty countries in Central Europe. Similarly, we have put forward a joint initiative for the creation of a chemical-weapon-free zone in the Central European region. This measure could be the first step towards the complete elimination of chemical weapons.
It is our view that stability would be strengthened significantly through implementation of the plan of the Government of the Polish People's Republic for a limitation of armaments and for enhancing trust and confidence in Central Europe. We call upon our partners to take a constructive stance on these proposals of ours and thus to engage in the solution of the questions of common security in a spirit of co-responsibility.
The ensuring of comprehensive international security is unthinkable without energetic efforts to bring about a just settlement of international disputes and conflicts which, in a number of places, continue to undermine world peace and stability.
We are deeply concerned over the dangerous escalation of military tension in the Persian Gulf, which threatens to result in an Internationalisation of the conflict. We fully support the United Nations Secretary-General in his efforts to bring about a termination of the Iraq-Iran war and we call for a consistent implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). The safety of navigation in the Gulf must be provided for by efforts of the international community as a whole.
We speak out with all resoluteness in favour of the holding of an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of the five permanent members of the Security Council and of other parties directly concerned, Including the Palestine Liberation Organization. The convening of such a conference is gaining ever increasing support. We regard as a key question the consequent exercise of the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination, including the establishment of their own State.
We commend the adoption of a peace plan for Central America at a meeting of the presidents of the countries of that region held this year in Guatemala and we appreciate the meritorious activity of the Contadora Group and of the countries supporting it. we value the determined steps taken by the Nicaraguan Government to carry out the decisions adopted. We vehemently condemn the illegal pressure exerted on this country, which is in direct contradiction with the basic norms of international law.
We are indignant over the untenable situation in southern Africa. The escalating acts of repression by the ruling racist minority against the native African population, the persisting occupation of Namibia and the overall increase in the aggressiveness of the Pretoria regime are destabilizing factors in international developments. We demand that all those who bear direct or indirect responsibility for the perpetuation of this perilous state of affairs proceed to adopt mandatory and effective sanctions, in harmony with the will of the international community, thus contributing to the eradication of apartheid. We resolutely support the just struggle of the front-line States against South African expansion.
Our full support is extended to the policy of national reconciliation pursued by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan with increasing co-operation from all national forces. We are convinced that this policy, together with the peace-making mediation of the United Nations, will lead to a just settlement of the existing problems. In parallel, an end must of course be put to outside intervention against this peace process.
We welcome the fact that the idea of national consonance and harmony is gaining ground also in Kampuchea. We fully support the recent declaration of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which shows a realistic move towards genuine reconciliation and should therefore not remain unanswered.
We firmly advocate the solution to the problem of Cyprus through the convening of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, to provide for the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of this non-aligned country.
Due credit must be given to the constructive proposals made by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with a view to dissolving tensions on the Korean peninsula and achieving the withdrawal of foreign forces and nuclear weapons. The initiative for a reduction of armed forces by both sides and the manifest willingness to take important unilateral steps in that direction is a significant contribution to the achievement of a peaceful reunification of the country.
A valuable contribution by the United Nations to efforts aimed at a peaceful settlement of disputes is the working out of a draft declaration on the enhancement of the effectiveness of the principle of non-use of force in international relations. We express our desire to see this declaration unanimously adopted by the Assembly at this session.
A considerable contribution to the attainment of the aims and objectives of our Organization in the field of global security could be made through implementation of a number of regional projects that have been contemplated.
Worthy of primary attention in this regard are, in our view, the concepts of security, co-operation, confidence, and reduction of armaments in the Asian-Pacific region, the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, the conversion of the Mediterranean into an area of peaceful co-operation, and the proposal for the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world. Extraordinary interest has been shown in recent days in the important initiative of the Soviet Union to ensure security and co-operation in the northern regions of our planet; Czechoslovakia fully endorses the initiative.
The key tasks of achieving comprehensive security are also linked with the need for a basic improvement in international economic relations. Along with the other socialist countries, Czechoslovakia takes an unequivocal stance on these questions. A realistic solution can be found in generating the economic security of every State, of entire continents, and of the whole world within the framework of a comprehensive system of international security. This presupposes, among other things, the adoption of effective measures to break the fetters of massive indebtedness. What is required is the restructuring of the world monetary system, additional easements for the least developed countries, and gradual elimination of protectionism. Briefly, what is needed is the overcoming of backwardness through the dynamism of broad international economic co-operation.
Similarly, we consider it necessary to develop further the ideas and conclusions of the recent International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. In their memorandum to the Conference the socialist countries presented an integrated plan for a realistic solution to those questions. We express our appreciation of the contributions made by all the participants to the success of the Conference.
As regards the ecological dimension of security we see the underlying solution of the relationship between man and nature in all aspects of human activities, in an improvement in the quality and rational utilization of the environment and of its resources in the interests of individual nations and of people everywhere. This includes measures to prevent abuse of the environment as a result of industrial and agricultural production, the use of preventive measures and early warning systems, and reparations for damages in cases of ecologically dangerous accidents. Sooner or later, ecological security must also encompass elimination of the most hazardous factors that threaten to destroy the conditions for life on our planet, namely, weapons of mass destruction.
For our part, we approach the discussion of these problems in all seriousness. As a State situated in the centre of Europe, we are confronted by those problems in an especially urgent manner. We allocate large sums of money for their solution. At the same time, we realize that an overall solution can be reached only if forces are joined within the framework of a global strategy for environmental conservation. We would urge the United Nations to begin to formulate such a strategy without delay. For our part, we are prepared at this session to contribute to such a programme.
The endeavour to participate actively in finding constructive solutions to international problems has a long-standing tradition in our country. It emanates from the inherent interests of our people, from the very roots of our socialist society, and from the foreign policy of our country. in these efforts, we proceed from the assumption that the United Nations is an irreplaceable global mechanism for co-operation designed to solve the fundamental questions of our times and to serve as a universal guarantor of peaceful coexistence and comprehensive security. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic will continue to do its best to enhance the prestige of our Organization and make full use of its potential in the interests of peace and the security of nations.