First I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session and to join those who spoke before me in wishing you success.
Even though the international community is more hopeful today about finding the most efficient ways and means in the guest for justice, peace, understanding and co-operation, we know that the task of leading our proceedings is a hard one. Nevertheless, your wisdom, diplomatic experience and capability, as well as your personal dedication, are an assurance that the work of this session will be most successful.
Allow me, therefore, to express, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola and on my own behalf, the trust, we have in you, and to assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation.
Allow me also to congratulate the outgoing President, His Excellency General Joseph Garba, on the excellent work carried out during the forty-fourth session. The success of the sixteenth special session, devoted to the subject of apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa, and of the eighteenth special session, on international economic co-operation, particularly for the recovery of economic growth and development in the developing countries, is unequivocal proof of the dedication and capability that have always characterized him.
The current trend towards détente in international relations has resulted in important steps aimed at solving some of the major problems of concern to the international community, thanks to the efforts made during the past few years, when the cold war has been increasingly replaced by dialogue, and the use of force in relations between States has been losing ground to the settlement of conflicts through negotiation.
In this connection, we salute Namibia's accession to independence, an event that marked the end of the era of traditional colonialism on the African continent.
We also welcome the unification of Germany, a country with which we have always had friendly relations. My Government will spare no effort to maintain and strengthen those ties of co-operation.
These historic events are occurring concurrently with others which have a profound significance for Africa and the world: the freeing of Dr. Nelson Mandela, the legalisation of anti-apartheid political organizations and the transformations taking place in South Africa with a view to the abolition of the policy of racial segregation. All these are signs of the new environment in which we are living and of hope for a better future.
However, elements of instability persist in southern Africa. We are referring to the situation of violence which obtains in South Africa, supported and encouraged by the police.
We are also referring to the conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, where peace efforts are being opposed by external interference, whose only reason for being lies in the outmoded policies of bloc confrontation.
In the case of Angolan, the summit meeting held one year ago at Gbadolite had created hopes for peace that quickly disappeared as a result of the continued support given to the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) by the United States and by South African conservative circles.
Throughout this period, the Government of Angola has reaffirmed its dedication to go on with peace efforts through the dialogue aimed at national unity and reconciliation among all Angolans. It was in that contest that concessions were made in Gbadolite and on other occasions.
The same cannot be said of UNITA, which not only has deliberately violated and later unilaterally denounced the commitments made at Gbadolite but also has intensified its acts of war, particularly against the economic and social infrastructure, and has kidnapped and murdered defenceless civilians. Nevertheless, the Government of Angola continued to bet on peace and therefore has decided to establish direct contacts with UNITA.
Notwithstanding that flexibility, the continued foreign interference and the position of UNITA vis-à-vis the Angolan Government's proposals for achieving peace Lave been the obstacles that prevented the four rounds of direct talks already held under the auspices of the Government of Portugal from producing the expected results.
The failure of the fourth round of direct talks was due to UNITA’s unjustified demand to be explicitly recognised as an opposition political party. The Angolan Government has already established the principle of constitutional revision and of a multi-party system in Angola under peaceful conditions, proposing a temporary status for UNITA that, once agreed to by that group, would take effect with the signing of the cease-fire. Once a multi-party system has been instituted, all political forces would conduct their activities legally under the Political Parties Law, to be approved by the competent State authorities.
Therefore, it is wrong to demand the status of an opposition political party in the present circumstances, not only because it violates the present legal and constitutional order, recognised by UMITA during the second round of negotiations, but also because nowhere in the world does an official opposition party possess an army of its own.
The attempt to blame the Angolan Government for the failure of the fourth round is intended simply to manipulate public opinion and justify additional aid to UNITA for continuing the war in Angola. Unfortunately the political, economic and military might of the United States continues to influence Angola's internal conflict, contrary to the commitments made by United States authorities during the negotiation process that led to the New York agreements on peace in south-western Africa.
It is not inappropriate to emphasise the seriousness demonstrated by the Government of the People's Republic of Angola in the process that facilitated the application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), making it possible to eliminate the tension point represented by the Namibian conflict. At the same time, it would be unfair not to recognise the important role played by the Cuban Government for peace in south-Western Africa.
Angola and Cuba continue to abide by their commitments on the phased withdrawal of troops from Angola, in a process that has already resulted in the departure of more than 38,000 soldiers in a shorter period of time than had been agreed upon.
The war situation in the People's Republic of Angola is made worse by natural disasters, particularly the drought that has been afflicting some central and southern regions of the country for about four years, with serious material damage and loss of human life. According to present estimates about 3.5 million people are in need of emergency food aid and 2.2 million of them are suffering the effects of the drought.
We are grateful for the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in mobilizing emergency aid to Angola, and we thank the international community for alleviating the suffering of the stricken populations.
However, in the face of the difficulties and limitations inherent in the country's economic underdevelopment, the Angolan Government is unable to cope with that natural disaster by means of its own resources, and for that reason it is renewing its appeal for international aid.
Given the interdependence that exists nowadays in the world, no country can remain indifferent to problems that affect humanity. The People's Republic of Angola takes a keen interest in the events taking place in various parts of the globe.
The latest developments in Western Sahara show that some positive steps are being taken to break the present stalemate. The Government of the People's Republic of Angola reaffirms the right of the Saharan people to self-determination and encourages the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front to proceed with negotiations and congratulates the Secretary-General of the United Nations on the efforts he has undertaken, together with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), to organize a referendum that can bring an early settlement of the conflict.
The continued illegal occupation of the Territory of East Timor is unacceptable, unjustifiable and a violation of the norms and principles of international law, especially when it is perpetrated by a country which in the past has itself been a victim of colonialism and which has made an important contribution to the struggle of colonized peoples for their emancipation.
My Government advocates the path of dialogue between Portugal and Indonesia, including representatives of the people of East Timor, as the way to find a fair and comprehensive solution that will take account of the legitimate rights of the Maubere people.
Prospects in the Middle East are not encouraging in so far as finding an early resolution of the Israeli-Arab conflict is concerned. We believe that settling Jews in occupied Arab territories will not help in any way to bring an honourable end to that conflict. The Government of the People's Republic of Angola considers it imperative to convene an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), the authentic representative of the Palestinian people, which has for decades been struggling for its right to self-determination.
We cannot fail to mention the crisis that recently arose in the Persian Gulf. When everything points to a realisation that resorting to the use of force is not the most efficient way or means of resolving conflicts, we are surprised by the events in that part of our globe with the invasion oil Kuwait by Iraq - soma thing we emphatically condemn, especially since Kuwait is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement which, since its establishment, has defended the principle of refraining from the threat or use of force in international relations.
Therefore the parties involved must honour the resolutions of the Security Council and It is imperative that Iraqi troops should be withdrawn from Kuwait in order to facilitate a peaceful and negotiated resolution of the conflict.
With regard to Central America, we reaffirm that the peoples of the region must freely decide their destiny; there must be no external interference through support given to irregular armed groups, through direct military Intervention or through a war of information whose object is to overthrow legitimately constituted Governments.
In Cambodia the continued armed actions from neighbouring territories will not advance the search for a peace agreement. My government believe that a peaceful resolution to the conflict necessarily requires the cessation of all foreign interference and respect for the country’s independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status.
On the subject of Korea, my Government supports the steps taken towards the reunification of the two parts of that country and the removal of foreign bases and troops from the peninsula. The recent proposals aimed at the holding of a conference during a first phase constitute a positive sign that deserves the fullest support from the international community, for no matter what manoeuvres are resorted to, a people with a single identity will never remain divided.
At the beginning of the last decade, we declared from this rostrum our firm desire to improve the global economic environment, and we likewise committed ourselves to strengthening international economic co-operation in order to conquer hunger, poverty, malnutrition and epidemics - that is, to overcome the problems of underdevelopment and give more dignity to a man’s existence.
Today, as we enter the last decade of the twentieth century, we should reflect on what was our commitment to searching for solutions to the critical international economic situation, which affects the developing countries mort of all. Therefore, it is only right to raise some concerns Must we have images of hunger and poverty continue to appear in the world of our discussions in order to remind us of the imbalance and injustice of the present international economic system? Do we need to repeat at every stop that four fifth· of the world's population possesses only one fifth of its total wealth, manages only 10 per cent of the world’s industrial output and controls no more than 2 to 3 per cent of the total research efforts in the world? What specific joint measures did we take to prevent the gap between the developing and the developed countries from reaching today’s proportions?
When the recant special session, of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation analysed the results achieved  during the past decade, it found that the problem which had already caused concern to the countries of the so-called third world at the start of the decade were still present.
The target level of official development aid to the developing countries, fixed at 0.7 per cent of the industrialised countries gross national product (GDP), was attained only by a small group of countries, and the general figure was only 0.35 per cent.
In international trade we continue to witness a surge of protectionism practised by the developed countries, e decline in the prices of raw materials and a deterioration of the terms of trade, whose effects seriously compromise all the efforts made by the  developing countries to revive their economies.
To aggravate this picture, the foreign debt of the developing countries has been constantly increasing, reaching the monumental sum of $1,320 billion at the end of last year; that amount cannot be paid without inevitably diminishing the investment capacity of those countries.
In our view, the basic question lies in the need for a political will, both on the part of the developing countries and on the part of the developed countries, as the only way to avoid a reproduction of the system that generated the inequalities and injustices.
While it is true that in order to overcome the challenges of the world economic situation, the developing countries have to adopt more appropriate strategies geared to readjusting their economies, it is equally true that the developed countries should adopt acre constructive attitudes.
More recently^ with the ongoing transformations is Eastern Europe we have witnessed what could be called "conditionalism" in connection with official development aid from the countries of Western Europe.
For the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, the economic evolution occurring in the countries of Eastern Europe should signify a more active participation by those countries in the world economy, so that they may make a greater contribution to the improvement of North-South relations.
In the particular case of Africa, the changes taking place in Eastern Europe should serve as an incentive to other Industrialised countries to give greater support to African countries, taking account of the ongoing policies of structural adjustment aimed at the recovery of their economies, instead of opting for measures that would further worsen their participation in the expansion of the world economy.
Moreover, in the face of the inadequate results achieved in implementing the United Nations programme for the economic recovery of Africa, the international community has seen the birth of a new plan that requires greater flexibility on the part of donors.
In southern Africa, with the accession of Namibia to independence and the beginning of the process that will lead to negotiations between anti-apartheid organisations and the South African Government, new prospects are opening for the region's development.
The member countries of the Co-ordination Conference for the Development of Southern Africa, in its tenth year of existence are entering a new phase in the development efforts that will need the growing support of the international community.
Important events have taken place and will take place during the present decade. A few days ago the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries ended at Paris with encouraging - albeit partial - results. Its convening constitutes one more opportunity to seek solutions to the pressing problems faced by that group of countries. The cancellation of their foreign debts by the industrialised creditor countries should be considered one of the most urgent and necessary measures for achieving that end.
The World Summit for Children, held on 29 and 30 September, accurately analysed the problems that beset the world's children and it recommended appropriate measures for their protection. The People's Republic of Angola reaffirms its most fir, commitment to such principles and will do its utmost to improve the living conditions of children.
In addition, the eight United nations conference on development will take place in 1991, in 1992 there will be a conference on environment and development, and in 1994 a conference of population. At those important forums an efforts will be made to continue the debate begun at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation. The results we expect from those meetings should become a foundation for re-establishing trust among nations.


Permit me to offer you, Sir, sincere congratulations upon your election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We have confidence in your ability to guide the work of our Assembly towards the success we expect.
At this early juncture, allow me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor. Major General Joseph Garba, former Permanent Representative of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, for the effective manner in which he conducted the business of the last session.
The auspicious occasion afforded by this session of the General Assembly, marking the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century, should be for all o£ us a unique moment, a moment to pause for reflection as we seek collectively to build a new and better future for mankind.
The forty-fifth session is taking place amid epoch-making events throughout the world, tending towards restructuring of the international political order to attain durable international peace and stability, and mutual understanding and co-operation within the world community of nations. We are indeed beginning a new decade while standing on the threshold of a new world political order and poised to see the triumph of the vision embodied in the Charter of the United Nations
The collapse of the edifice of the cold-war era must be not only a challenge to us to rid ourselves of the remaining legacies of that period; it must also renew and inspire our determination to consolidate the emerging spirit of co-operation by translating the decisions of this body into practical action. Further, it must underscore the urgent need to enhance the effectiveness of our Organisation in its performance of its noble tasks.
We note with deepest concern that, despite individual and collective efforts to rehabilitate the economies of the developing world, the socio-economic situation is worsening, particularly in Africa. The problem of external indebtedness still persists, and developing countries continue to be net exporters of resources to the developed countries and multilateral financial institutions. The structural adjustment programmes undertaken by most African countries under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund end the World Bank, in moat case, at heavy political and social cost, have yet to yield significant results.
It is our belief that the recast Declaration on International Economic Co-operation, in particular the Revitalisation of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries, adopted at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, will provide a framework, not only for the international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade but also for a new world agenda on the issues of economic co-operation and development.
The year 1990 marks the conclusion of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. The final review of the programme during the current session of the Assembly must also critically examine the Measures that are needed for accelerated growth and development for Africa in the period that lies ahead.
Marking the fortieth anniversary of the multilateral technical co-operation programme, 1990 is a significant occasion for renewed international commitment to the ideals of multilateralism. The success of the historic Mission of the United Nations Development Programme in the developing countries has, in large measure, been attributable to the basic characteristics of its assistance, namely, responsiveness to the peculiar circumstances and priorities of the beneficiary countries, and the grant nature of its support programmes. the appeal to the donor community, especially the developed countries, to lend enhanced financial support to the United Nations Development Programme.
Lesotho joins in the global consensus on the urgent necessity for combined international efforts to save our planet from the looming catastrophe resulting from the deterioration of the world's environment. A number of regional initiatives aimed at highlighting the need to give priority to environmental issues have been taken, including the Declaration by the African Heads of State, in July last year, on the African Year of the Environment. The most important initiative however remains the United Nations Conference ON Environment end Development to be convened in Brazil in 1992. It is our hope that that Conference will result in the adoption of a global plan of action for harmonizing human development activities and rational management of the environment.
Lesotho remains convinced that the engine world political order of partnership and collective endeavour in confronting world problems cannot survive the turbulence of its environs unless it is based on the universal recognition of the primacy of law in international relations. For this reason, we attach great importance to the proclamation by this Assembly of the decade 1990-1999 as the United Nations decade of peace and international law.
It this crucial juncture in the evolution of the history of mankind, we must increasingly lend our collective support to the efforts that are under way, in various parts of the globe, to build a future for Mankind in which the welfare and dignity of the human person takes centre stage.
The international community would indeed have failed in its responsibility if it did not demonstrate its solidarity and practical support, both moral and material, for the peoples of Eastern Europe, Africa and Latin America that are engaged in the process of socio-economic transformation through democratisation  and consolidation of democratic institutions. These efforts can succeed only if due recognition is made of the realities obtaining in individual countries and the right of each nation to develop democratic institutions suitable to its own socio-economic environment.
The linkage between democracy and development has long been established. It is against this background that we in Lesotho have now embarked on a firm initiative aimed at returning our country to full democratic rule by June 1992. To this end, a constituent assembly comprised of personalities representing virtually all shades of political persuasion in Lesotho has convened to work out a new constitution for Lesotho, using the 1966 Lesotho independence Constitution, which is based on multiparty democracy, as a working model.
The issues of democracy alone should not, however, constitute the radius of our interest in the humanitarian sphere. We hail as constructive the recent convening of the World Summit for Children and the adoption of the World Declaration and Plan of Action for the child,, which we believe will constitute a new framework for our collective efforts towards ensuring a better future for our children in the 19908 and beyond.
Our concern with the deteriorating refugee situation, particularly in Africa and other developing parts of the world, has not diminished. In this regard, we derive great encouragement from the Declaration by the Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity in July this year, in which, among other things, they pledged their determination to make renewed efforts to eradicate the root causes of the refugee problem in Africa.
While the political complexion of our globe is undergoing rapid change and a new climate of rapprochement and reconciliation is asserting itself, we cannot fail to observe that the now detente is still limited in scope and that the pace of progress in reducing the world's arsenals of war and mass destruction remains slow at best.
We welcome the dramatic breakthrough made by the super-Powers on the issue of nuclear-arms reduction. Regrettably, we witness at the same time a dangerous escalation in the proliferation o£ both nuclear and chemical warfare technology. Added to this is the intensified race by countries, including developing countries, to accumulate conventional armaments. In the process, scarce resources needed for development are wasted.
Lesotho particularly looks forward to the early conclusion of an international convention on the prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons, which we believe is one of the key issues facing the General Assembly at this forty-fifth session.
Recent world developments have clearly demonstrated that there is a distinct need for an effective mechanism by which the security of small nations must be guaranteed under international law, ensuring not only their protection but also their ability to proper with a modicum of economic development for their survival. This underscores the necessity for a dual strategy by this world body, involving, on the one hand, the elaboration of international agreements on the security guarantees for these countries and, on the other, the establishment, under United Nations auspices, of a mechanism through which part of the resources released as a result of disarmament measures could be devoted to the economic and social advancement of all peoples, particularly those in the least developed countries.
As the world steers off confrontational paths and extricates itself from regional conflicts, the southern African subregion has not lived in isolation from these positive influences. We have witnessed in Namibia the victory of the Namibian people in the struggle for their right to self-determination and the triumph of the principles of the United Nations Charter over the scourge of colonialism.
Lesotho remains hopeful that all States Members of our Organization will continue to demonstrate the requisite solidarity and commitment in executing the remaining part of our collective responsibility to Namibia, which is to assist it with material resources needed for the consolidation of its independence.
The international community and the people of South Africa have travelled a long way in their fight against apartheid. Only determination and conviction in the right to freedom could sustain a people in such a bitter and fateful struggle spanning a period of almost half a century. It is quite a long time since this Assembly declared apartheid a crime against humanity, and yet only last year this Assembly, in a special session, was still seized of the issue of its elimination.
We therefore cannot but welcome the long-awaited positive developments that we see unfolding in South Africa today towards the elimination of apartheid through dialogue and peaceful negotiation. The commencement of dialogue between the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the South African Government at Groote Schuur, and later in Pretoria, was an epoch-making event, hopefully prefacing the start of substantive constitutional talks for the creation of a just and democratic South Africa.
We commend Mr. Nelson Mandela and the leadership of the ANC for the dignity and statesmanship with which they have been able to advance the cause of peace, justice and freedom since their release and return from exile. Equally, we applaud their unflinching determination to leave to history the bitter memories of the past and to marshal their energies towards creating a new, democratic South Africa.
We urge all anti-apartheid organisations, in particular the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), to co-ordinate their efforts and to reach a broad measure of consensus on strategies for a negotiated demise of apartheid. He recognise the urgent need for the International community to enhance financial support to these organisations to assist them to rebuild and consolidate their internal political structures within South Africa.
It has to be conceded that the pillars of apartheid are still in place and that the road ahead is not only difficult but very uncertain. We have reason however, to believe that State President F.W. De Klerk has played a major role in creating a new climate of hope for South Africa, and for this he merits the encouragement of this body.
Lesotho continues to be gravely concerned at the current wave of black inter-communal violence in South Africa which, if it remains unchecked, may delay the negotiation process towards the total eradication of apartheid.
We commend the initiatives that are being taken by the Governments of Angola and Mozambique to solve their internal problems through peaceful dialogue. We are hopeful that the international community will continue to assist these efforts in the light of the prevailing spirit of international peace and co-operation.
Concerning the situation in Liberia, we cannot but register our support for initiatives intended to bring an end to the civil war in that sister country.
The Kingdom of Lesotho has always held the conviction that a lasting solution to the issue of Western Sahara can only be realized through direct negotiations between Morocco and the POLISAS10 Front. He continue to support all the positive efforts being made by the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, as well as the Non-Aligned Movement, towards finding a durable solution to the question of Western Sahara, particularly in seeking to ensure that necessary conditions for the holding of a national referendum prevail without any form of constraint.
We welcome the growing realization by all the parties to the conflict in Cambodia that the time has now come to respond positively to the international efforts that are being made to assist in bringing about a negotiated and comprehensive settlement of the Cambodian problem. It is our hope that the newly-created Supreme National Council will live up to all our expectations in working for national reconciliation and an early restoration of peace and democracy.
We are concerned at the impasse in the Middle East peace efforts and the escalating tension. The Assembly has the obligation to inject a new lease of life into the positive efforts long initiated by the United nations towards realising durable peace in the region. The principal goal should remain the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories and the convening of the Middle East peace conference.
The recent invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq has brought about a new and totally unacceptable situation in the Gulf area. We in Lesotho condemn this act as not only illegal and poisonous to the prevailing spirit of international detente, but also as a dangerous precedent for the continued existence and security of small States. Lesotho stands in full support of all the measures already taken by the Security Council
In our view, a lasting solution to the crisis can come about only through the restoration of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait end the unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi occupation forces. It is our hope that the international co-operation that was elicited by this crisis can set the standards for the action that is expected of the international community in future in response to similar crises elsewhere.
Being a small State ourselves, we admire the indomitable spirit of the Kuwaiti people in resisting the Iraqi aggression and resolutely continuing to maintain their nationhood.
The unfolding new era of maturing international relations of peace and stability is, to a large measure, attributable to the increasing efficacy of the United Nations system. It is therefore befitting to seize this opportunity to express to our Secretary-General, His Excellency Peres de Cuellar, our feelings of renewed confidence in his tireless and praiseworthy efforts to promote and strengthen international peace and co-operation.
We have just learned of the sad passing of the Prime Minister of the United Arab Emirates. On behalf of the people and Government of Lesotho and on my own behalf, I offer our sincere condolences.


On behalf of my delegation I should like to extend to the President my sincere congratulations on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. He brings to his high office a wealth of knowledge and rich experience as an international jurist and seasoned diplomat - qualities that will prove useful during his tenure. In welcoming his election my delegation pledges him its fullest co-operation.
I also wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to his predecessor,
Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria, for the style, efficiency and understanding with which he presided over the Assembly at its forty-fourth session. He has reason to be proud of a superb performance, and all of us are indebted to him for what was without question a very productive session under his guidance.
The United Nations has continued to benefit from the wise and dedicated leadership of its Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. We, more than any other single individual, has borne the burden of overseeing the maintenance of international peace and security even when it seemed a thankless task to do so, as was the case with his most recent mission to the Gulf. In the past year we have witnessed his untiring efforts take him to several lands in behalf of peace, conducting delicate negotiations and undertaking very difficult missions. Tanzania wishes to renew its support for the Secretary-General and for the Organization he so well serves.
My delegation is happy to join other delegations in extending to the Principality of Liechtenstein a warm welcome to the family of nations. Its admission brings us a step closer to the ultimate goal of universality in the membership of the Organization.
The eyes of the whole world are quite rightly focused on the latest crisis in the Gulf. There have been few developments in recent years that have so united and galvanized the international community into a common resolve for action as Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait. One reason is clearly that the act that has precipitated the crisis is so out of step with the mood of the times. It is ironic that at a time when relations between the super-Powers have improved dramatically and a new era of co-operation has been ushered in, the world should have been plunged into such a dangerous situation. The invasion and annexation are also an affront to the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and of the peaceful settlement of disputes, which unequivocally rejects the threat or use of force to settle differences between States.
Tanzania has joined the rest of the world in condemning the invasion and in calling for the unconditional withdrawal of Iraq's forces from Kuwait and the restoration of Kuwait's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome the speed with which the Security Council has responded to the crisis and wish to reaffirm our belief that sanctions are a proper response to this act of aggression.
As a sequel to the invasion a massive build-up of forces has taken place in the Gulf. Thousands upon thousands of troops from at least a dozen countries are ready to go to war at a moment's notice. Although these troops are said to be there in response to Security Council resolutions, it is clear that they are neither under the United Nations flag and command nor, indeed, under any unified command. That situation, apart from anything else, should be a source of major concern for the international community. Yet even if that major flaw were rectified there is the larger question of war.
The United Nations was founded in the wake of two major world wars. Its very existence stems from the rejection of war. It cannot condone or sanction war except in the most extreme of situations. The United Nations can sanction or condone war only when it is convinced that everything possible has been done to prevent war and there is absolutely no other option.
War in the Gulf region is not inevitable. It is possible for the international community to pursue a vigorous policy of sanctions while encouraging the search for a peaceful end to the crisis. We therefore welcome recent indications from a number of important quarters that the door to a peaceful end to the crisis has not been closed. The Security Council has a responsibility to follow up these signals, and we urge it to do so. We hope it will find it possible to encourage the Secretary-General to resume his mission for a diplomatic outcome to the crisis. Tanzania is convinced that the international community has not yet crossed the Rubicon. The point of no return in the search for a diplomatic solution to the crisis has not yet been reached.
At this point, it is fitting to welcome the speed with which the Security Council has acted over this matter. It would be most heartening to know that such speed and resolve will be manifested when in the future the Council is confronted with similar threats to peace and security. This has not happened in the case of efforts to enforce the arms embargo against the racist regime in South Africa. The readiness with which the major Western Powers have moved to secure mandatory sanctions by the Security Council is in sharp contrast to their repeated use of the veto to protect that regime. If this is not a case of double standards, what is it?
The Gulf crisis has, unfortunately, distracted attention from the Palestinian question. The plight and suffering of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, which have never been given the attention they deserve, have now been relegated to the back burner by the present crisis in the region. If the faith, trust and confidence of the Palestinian people in the United Nations and in the solidarity of the international community are to be sustained, we must remain seized of their plight. It therefore remains the responsibility of this Organisation to continue the search for a solution for the Palestinian question, which has for so long eluded the international community. In this connection, an international conference on peace in the Middle East should be convened without further delay. The major Powers with influence in the region, particularly the United States, have a major responsibility to see to it that the convening of the conference is not further undermined. The unprecedented unity of purpose demonstrated by the permanent members of the Security Council in response to the Gulf crisis and to other situations should help in the search for a lasting solution for the explosive situation in the Middle East.
The fratricidal conflict in Liberia, which has caused tremendous devastation to human life and property, is a matter of the gravest concern to my delegation. Tanzania has all along encouraged and supported the mediation efforts of the current Chairman of the Organisation of African Unity and its Secretary General and the initiative of the Economic Community of West African States. We appeal to the people of Liberia and the parties to the conflict to come together and agree on future action which will restore peace to Liberia and preserve the unity and territorial integrity of that country.
My delegation is delighted that we have in our midst the delegation of a free and independent Namibia. Namibia’s membership in the United Nations is a victory for its Members and the international community as a whole. Another historic victory over colonialism and racism, Namibia's accession to independence on 21 March this year has meant more than the end of a bitter struggle for the people of Namibia. By pushing the frontiers of freedom in Africa to the doorstep of the apartheid regime, it has been a source of inspiration in the struggle against apartheid itself. Namibia is no longer a springboard for the subversion of neighbouring independent African countries. Instead it has now joined hands with Angola, Zambia, Botswana and others in the front line, and in the larger family of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, to build new relationships of co-operation for mutual benefit.
Unfortunately, the hope we all expressed at the start last year of the process in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) that Namibia's independence would help to create a climate conducive to a resolution of the conflict in Angola, has not materialised. Despite the best endeavours of the Angolan Government, the end of the conflict is not yet in sight. Encouraged by the support, both covert and overt, given by the United States and other allies, UNITA remains intransigent. Savimbi has become very adept at moving the goal posts, as evidenced by his attempt to rewrite the Gbadolite Agreement almost as soon as he had appended his signature to it. If his contradictory statements prove anything, it is that Savimbi is not a free agent. External interference thus remains the most serious obstacle to reconciliation and peace in Angola.
External interference applies also to the conflict in Mozambique, which we had hoped would also benefit from the relinquishment by the Pretoria regime of its hold on Namibia. The regime's past involvement with RENAMO makes its present denials difficult to believe. What is more, we are dealing with a regime whose track record of respect for the truth we are all too familiar with. In any event, it cannot declare responsibility for acts committed from its territory or by its agents, even if it has not sanctioned such activities.
In regard to South Africa itself, we acknowledge that there have been positive developments over the past year. The release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, the unbanning of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANCSA) and other political parties and organisations, the lifting of the state of emergency in three out of four provinces and the repeal of some obnoxious pieces of legislation represent some of the measures which the world community has been demanding for a long time.
We acknowledge also that the talks between the ANC and the Pretoria regime represent an important movement on the part of the regime. In this regard we acknowledge that, unlike his predecessors. De Klerk has demonstrated some political courage. But do not let us dramatise his personal contribution or the achievements of his much vaunted reform programme. The talks with the ANC are no more than "talks about talks". Substantive negotiations have yet to start, and their ultimate goal, as far as the regime is concerned, remains unclear. The other measures are no more than the first tentative steps at the start of a long and arduous journey. The Declaration adopted at the sixteenth special session of the General Assembly in December last year laid down five pre-conditions which the regime has to satisfy to prepare the ground for substantive negotiations. As the Secretary-General observed in his report, only one of the five pre-conditions - that is, the one calling for the unbanning of political parties and organizations - has been fully met, and even this has had its positive effects negated by the deliberate application of laws which restrict free speech, movement and assembly.
The Declaration laid down a two-stage process for the dismantlement of the apartheid system. The first stage entails the creation by the regime of an atmosphere conducive to negotiations. The second stage entails the adoption, again by the regime, of measures which together constitute the "profound and irreversible change" foreseen in the Declaration as a condition for the lifting of sanctions. Despite all the talk and optimism generated by the consensus Declaration, we are still at the beginning of stage one of its implementation.
Sanctions were imposed to compel the regime to abandon apartheid. This evil system is buttressed by a body of laws which have become commonly known collectively as the pillars of apartheid. They include the Land Act, the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act, the Bantu Education Act, the tricameral parliament legislation and the legislation parcelling up the country into Bantustans. Clearly, no change which leaves this system intact can be described as profound and irreversible.
Thus, it is premature to shower praise on De Klerk, and most unwise and imprudent to reward him. My delegation is therefore heartened by the reaffirmation by the Assembly at its resumed forty-fourth session last month of its commitment to upholding sanctions. We very much hope that those who have broken ranks by relaxing sanctions will reconsider their decision so as to align themselves, not with the oppressor, but with his victims.
There is an additional reason for maintaining sanctions: they have been instrumental in compelling the apartheid regime to accept the principle of negotiations. It is sanctions that, combined with other pressures, have brought the struggle this far, and it is sanctions that will keep Pretoria at the negotiating table. The world community must therefore continue to maintain sanctions and other pressures on the South African regime so as to force the regime to implement the provisions of the United Nations Declaration.
In our resolution adopted a fortnight ago, we all agreed, by consensus, that the escalating violence in Natal and elsewhere traced its roots largely to the continued existence of apartheid, its policies, practices and structures, and that it was also instigated by elements opposed to the democratic transformation of South Africa. We specifically called for effective and impartial action by the security forces, because the evidence implicating the regime's security forces in encouraging and abetting the violence, in order to delay the process, is overwhelming.
The maintenance of law and order is the responsibility of the Pretoria regime. The manner in which it has ignored the calls to intervene to contain the violence puts into question its commitment to put an end to the killings. My delegation hopes that the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other anti-apartheid groups will work together and jointly exert pressure on the regime to put an end to this carnage, but this will only succeed if the South African authorities agree to contain and put an end to Inkatha's acts of violence as well as the acts of violence and lawlessness of the ultra-right elements of the white community which shelter in the police and armed forces.
We are greatly encouraged by the outcome of the efforts of the Secretary-General on the question of Western Sahara, which have resulted in the approval of the peace plan by the Security Council, We are particularly gratified that the plan provides for the holding of a referendum which will enable the people of Western Sahara to determine their future without military constraints. My delegation hopes the Secretary-General will continue to offer his good offices for that objective.
Tanzania is equally encouraged by the improved political situation in Central America. The new spirit of reconciliation and the sense of unity among the countries of the region offer new hope for a future of stability, national unity, and co-operation for the region. We call upon the international community to give whole-hearted support to regional efforts and, above all, to desist from any action that could undermine the implementation of the Esquipulas agreement, which holds so much promise for future relations between the countries of the region.
We are encouraged by the opening of a dialogue between the leaders of North and South Korea, which we hope will lead to the realisation of the desire of the Korean people for the peaceful reunification of their homeland and its eventual admission to the United Nations.
With regard to Cambodia, we hold the widely shared optimism that a solution to the conflict is no longer a distant cry. In this respect, we welcome the agreement on a framework for a comprehensive political settlement based on an enhanced role for the United Nations.
We follow with interest the changes taking place in Eastern Europe, which have so dramatically changed the whole gamut of international relations. Despite all the uncertainties and crises involved, these countries have embarked upon a process of radical transformation and democratisation of their societies. We welcome the ending of 45 years of partition of the two Germanys. It is our hope that the reunification of the two States and their replacement in the United Nations by & single Member will strengthen the Organisation and provided a new impetus to the United Nations role in the promotion of freedom and justice, the right to self-determination, respect for the principles of the Charter and the maintenance of international peace and security.
We continue to follow closely the bilateral negotiations between the super-Powers on agreements to rid the world of the horrible weapons of mass destruction. We are disappointed that there have been no new agreements after the INF Treaty. We are disappointed that, even after going back on their commitment to a 50 per cent reduction in their strategic arsenals, agreement on the new target of a 30 per cent reduction has not yet been concluded. We are concerned that the major nuclear Powers remain indifferent to the dangers posed by the vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons or the export of nuclear-weapon capability to outlaws such as apartheid South Africa, while wasting precious time exerting pressure on countries with neither the desire nor the resources to acquire nuclear-weapon capability. Their reluctance to conclude a comprehensive test-ban treaty puts into question their commitment to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. A comprehensive test-ban treaty cannot by itself reverse the arms race, but the race cannot be halted without a test baa. For Tanzania, a comprehensive test ban thus remains an objective deserving of the highest priority in the nuclear disarmament negotiation effort.
In a world of multifaceted problems, threats to world peace and security, and hunger and poverty, afflict all mankind. Their impact on the third world assumes immense proportions. The decade of the 1980s has provided all of us with experiences that may enable us to confront the future with a sense of realism. The 1980s were a time when most developing countries experienced stagnant or negative rates of economic growth, and declining real per capita incomes. The improved international political climate has not alleviated the difficult conditions resulting from the debt crisis. The prices of most of their primary commodities are still depressed, and there are no signs of any price improvements in the near future. Protectionist measures by most of the developed countries are on the increase. Unless international co-operation for development is reinvigorated, the 1990s may well turn out to be a decade of frustrated expectations and worsening living standards and social conditions for the majority of the population of the developing world. Nowhere perhaps is this more true than in sub-Saharan Africa, where poverty is widespread.
A few months ago, the General Assembly met in a special session devoted to international economic co-operation. From this podium, speaker after speaker underscored the fact that for most developing countries, particularly the least developed countries, which includes Tanzania, the 1980s was a lost decade for their development. In contrast, the developed countries and a handful of developing countries enjoyed a prolonged period of steady growth and unprecedented levels of accumulated wealth. While some of the national economic policies might not have been conducive to economic growth and development, the situation was further exacerbated by a very hostile international economic environment brought about by such factors as trade imbalances, inaccessibility to world markets, declining capital flows and external indebtedness.
External indebtedness has had a devastating effect on the economic growth and development of the developing countries. The debt-servicing obligation has threatened the very survival of our people, whose living standards have been continuously deteriorating, threatening the political stability of many countries. The debt crisis has particularly weighed heavily on low-income countries.
All measures undertaken so far to address the debt crisis have aimed at protecting the creditors. This policy has resulted in creditor countries and financial institutions refraining from committing additional financial resources to most debtor countries at a time of a continuous net transfer of resources from the developing debtor countries to creditor countries and institutions. Recent initiatives, including the Toronto Initiative and the Brady Plan, have proved inadequate and discriminatory in their application. They should be made available to all debtor countries and should cover all types of debts, including those owed to the multilateral financial institutions. It remains to be seen whether the "Trinidad Terms" have addressed these concerns.
No one is philosophically opposed to structural adjustment programmes. Their objective, after all, is to promote economic growth and development.
Unfortunately, all too often they have imposed unacceptable social costs. It is heartening to see that the need to take special measures to ameliorate the impact of these programmes on the vulnerable sections of the population has now become generally accepted by creditor countries and institutions.
Tanzania accepts that economic growth and development and a sound environmental policy are inseparable. For this reason, it will continue to accord high priority to and actively participate in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee of the whole for the preparation of the 1992 Environment Conference in Brazil.
In a global economy, interdependence among the developing countries and between the developing and developed countries is a reality that cannot be ignored. The problems I have underlined can be adequately addressed only if co-operation exists among and between the various groups of countries. In this respect, the persisting commodity problems of the developing countries, particularly in Africa, caused by the continued deterioration in their terms of trade, which has resulted in the sharp reduction in the export earnings of these countries, should be accorded high priority. The removal of various protectionist and discriminatory measures in order to allow access to the markets of the developed countries, not only for raw materials, but also for semi-processed and manufactured products from the developing countries, is another priority area.
That is why, in the current Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the developing countries are demanding more liberal and secure conditions of access to the markets of the developed countries for their products. This can be achieved only if tariffs end non-tariff measures, as well as efforts aimed at strengthening multilateral rules, principles and disciplines are all geared towards reducing the possibilities for restriction on, or harassment for the trade of the developing countries.
The development of the economies of the developing countries, individually or collectively, cannot be achieved under the existing harsh international economic environment. An improved international economic environment is a prerequisite for the development of the world economy. That is why the collapse of the North-South dialogue is such a shame. It is our hope that, besides encouraging South-South co-operation, the report of the South Commission will also help to revive and breathe new life into the North-South dialogue.
The launching of the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade will greatly contribute to the realization of a global and balanced world economy that we all aim to achieve. In this regard, Tanzania hopes that the difficulties encountered in the ongoing negotiations on the strategy will soon be overcome.
The mood of the times offers us opportunities as well as challenges. The world is endowed with enough resources to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, shelter the homeless - in short, there are enough resources to eliminate poverty. Equally, there is no lack of good ideas about solutions to intractable political problems. Recent events have demonstrated that nothing is insurmountable when there is political will.


Mr. President it gives me great pleasure to add my own congratulations to you on your election to the prestigious office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. Malta, a snail island State like my own, has played an important role in world affairs, far out of proportion to its size, and it is a tribute both to your country and to its people that one of its prominent sons should preside over this world Assembly. Tour own record and accomplishments are well known and we look forward to a productive session under your leadership.
The past year has been a period of great accomplishments, in which the President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session, Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria, played a prominent role. No would like to congratulate him on so skilfully fulfilling his responsibility. The United Nations has come into its own, and Secretary-General Peres de Cuellar is to be congratulated on his outstanding contribution to this.
We would like to join other delegations in extending a warm welcome to Liechtenstein, which was admitted three weeks ago, and to Namibia; which joined the Organisation in May. We were honoured to be among the group of sponsors for their admission. Our congratulations go to Germany for re-establishing its unity and national identity a few days ago.
On the subject of reunification, we welcome the dialogue between the Soviet Union and the Republic of Korea. We applaud the contacts between the Governments of North and South Korea. We urge that both sides be encouraged to join the United Nations, either individually or both at the same time. However, joining should not be conditional on the consent of either side. There have been enough instances to show that later unification is not precluded by initial separate membership of the United Nations.
Much has happened since the opening of the forty-fourth session of the Assembly. There has been an enormous upsurge of feeling towards greater freedom and openness in many countries where the State apparatus has, for over four decades, remained not merely as a formidable presence, but also as the sole arbiter of all that affects the lives of those concerned.
The ending of the cold war should herald more than the easing of tensions between the super-Powers. It is a golden opportunity to extend the basis of international reconciliation, including application of the peace dividend to combating poverty and underdevelopment. Like many other speakers, we hope that the arms control and disarmament resources which become available as a result of the reduction in military expenditure will be used to address the many and compelling urgent needs of the world's poor.
The expectation of a world in which there would be reduced tension and greater prospects for a more durable peace was shattered by the invasion of Kuwait. The unity with which the Member States acted to condemn the aggression and apply sanctions against Iraq has been unprecedented. The invasion of Kuwait is both an ominous phenomenon and a dangerous signal to the smaller States. We hope that the crisis now confronting the world can be defused without upon hostilities and that the legitimate Government can re-establish its sovereignty in Kuwait.
The progress being made between the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the Pretoria Government in South Africa, the agreement of the parties to the conflict in Cambodia to accept United Nations involvement, and the slow but steady forward movement in Western Sahara are all highly satisfactory signs of a new determination in the search for peaceful solutions to once-intractable problems.
We subscribe to the widening internal concern over environmental issues; it is high time. South Pacific peoples and Governments have for two decades strongly opposed the use of our region as a tasting-ground for nuclear weapons by France. We are still firmly against such testing and would again call on, and indeed invite, France to cease this practice.
Recent action on reducing the use of ozone-depleting substances and the banning of drift-net fishing are important steps, but they must be built upon. Much still remains to be done. The effects of global warming, especially on low-lying island communities must be seriously addressed. This state of affairs can be attributed to the excessive and uncontrolled practices of industrialised countries. Now, developing countries are being asked to bear a disproportionate share of the burden of overcoming this problem. For instance, we note with concern recent events on boycott the purchase of tropical timber. A number of developing countries derive a major portion of their income from this source and would be seriously disadvantaged. Κ strong case exists for some form of compensation to these countries to enable them to make up for the revenue forgone, as well as to assist them to carry out reforestation programmes.
We in the South Pacific are alarmed at the intention of the United States to use the Johnston Island facility to destroy its stocks of chemical weapons, especially those that are being transferred from Europe. In addition to the fact that the movement of those stocks constitutes a danger, the potential consequences for our region are not sufficiently known or understood to justify the destruction process there.
My government supports recent initiatives towards the convening of an international conference on the Middle East. Such a conference should provide the basis for addressing long-outstanding problems afflicting the region, including a homeland for the Palestinian people and the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to an existence safe from threats to their territorial integrity. And here it would mean to us that, with its recent most commendable record of success, the key role should remain in the hands of the United Nations, under the distinguished and capable leadership of the Secretary-General.
Within the context of the global socio-political upheaval of the late 1980s, much of them based on a reawakening of indigenous consciousness and aspirations, we in Fiji have ourselves been going through a period of difficult readjustment. But, when even within the broad sweep of global events, those in my country appear miniscule by comparison.
On 25 July last, a new Constitution was promulgated, the culmination of three years of patient effort by many people to devise a workable framework for constitutional progress. In bringing the Constitution into effect President Sir Pensia Ganilau said:
"In the 20 years since independence, we have tried to build a multi-racial society which responded to the aspirations of all our citizens. Achieving the right balance was not easy. The main races formed two monolithic groups; there was little assimilation and much fear of domination. Divisions were deepened through contrasting cultural traditions and attitudes Politics became polarised. There was the necessity to protect the special rights of the [indigenous] Fijiani, who had become a minority in their land. At the same time, we had to take into account the legitimate interests of the other communities.
Fijians bad to preserve their identity, their culture and, sometimes it seemed, their very existence. Fiji was the only source of their culture and being. If they lost their identity end rightful position here, then what was left for then? Would they become yet another marginalised remnant of a once proud people?"
In terms of fundamental rights and freedoms, the President noted:
"The Constitution, therefore, places great emphasis on fundamental rights, freedoms and representation ... An elaborate Bill of Rights has been formulated and made part of the Constitution. The rights it protects are identical in all respects to those in the independence Constitution of 1970 ...
"The individual rights conform to all the major United Nations instruments relating to human rights protection. Among rights specifically guaranteed are the rights to life, liberty, security of the person, the protection of the law, freedom of conscience, of expression, assembly and association, protection for the privacy of house and other property and from deprivation of property without compensation. Every person in Fiji is entitled to these fundamental rights and freedoms, regardless of race, sex, place of origin, political opinions, colour, religion or creed."
The President concluded by saying:
"My message to all the citizens of our multi-racial country, with its numerous ethnic groups, is that Fiji is home to us all. Here, with compassion, understanding and goodwill, we can live together in happiness. We have made remarkable progress in social and economic reconstruction since 1987 through the co-operation of all the people. The promise of great prosperity and national fulfilment is very close. Together we must continue to build Fiji, in peace and harmony."
Our Constitution is the most practical solution, given the prevailing circumstances in my country. With goodwill from all, we believe that it can be developed to accommodate future changes. A review period of seven years has been included, which period will allow time to benefit from the working experience of the new Constitution.
We ourselves recognize that the way ahead will not be easy for our people. But the enormous reservoir of goodwill and respect that have characterised our collective approach to vicissitudes will be important assets as we move forward to consolidate the foundation which the new Constitution has laid down. And we would call on all friendly countries to assist and support us in this process so that the progress already made can be further strengthened.
Fiji and her peoples have undergone some traumatic changes over the past three years. We have been enormously encouraged and sustained by the understanding and support of many friendly countries. At the same time, we have been bewildered by the continuous sniping by а number of countries which, we would have thought, had greater appreciation of the difficulties our country was going through. Unfortunately, we have been sadly disappointed by both the lecturing and the posturing of a number of countries that appear to have arrogated to themselves the right to be moral and political arbiters of how we should conduct our affairs.
The world community is at an important crossroad. It is perhaps no exaggeration to say that the future prosperity of most developing countries will depend on change, in many cases radical changes, in the willingness of the industrialised countries to take realistic steps to open up their markets. The developing countries must export to prosper, but they meet numerous hurdles in trying to gain access to the industrialised economies for many of their products. Although some progress has been made under the generalised system of preferences, three quarters of the dutiable exports of the developing countries do not enjoy preferential treatment. Non-tariff barriers remain a major impediment to freer trade.
Subsidies paid by the developed countries to their own farmers seriously undermine the ability of the developing countries to gain more lucrative and stable markets. Statistics seem to show that one third of the exports of the developing countries to developed markets are affected and in some important groups of items the proportion goes as high as three quarters.
Looking closer to home, the island developing countries, of which my own country is one, and which are widely recognised as the most fragile and vulnerable of all the developing countries, find themselves in a particularly difficult position. There are over 20 island developing countries and Territories in the island Pacific subregion, very widely scattered over an enormous geographical area. Most of them are small and some are tiny, both in physical size and population, and natural disasters are a frequent occurrence. Four are within the category of least developed countries.
Their links to the outside world are few and poorly developed and highly expensive to maintain, but without them they could not live. They are heavily dependent on outside sources for the supply of many essentials, having very few resources and a negligible productive capacity themselves. Many still have dominant subsistence sectors. Their small size and remoteness make them highly vulnerable to the forces of nature, and hurricanes occur frequently, λ recent report of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (BSCAP) has confirmed little or no growth in 1989 and 1990 for many Pacific island States because of devastation caused by hurricanes over the past year. The increasing attention being given to the small island nations and territories will, we hope, result in greater appreciation and support for their uniqueness.
In this regard we welcome the lead role which the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development {UNCTAD) has taken recently in focusing on the specific characteristics and needs of the island developing countries. The highly useful collation of the features and characteristics of island developing countries which UNCTAD carried out last year was an important step forward, as was the UNCTAD meeting on island developing countries which was held in June last. We look forward also to seeing specific provisions included in the new arrangements which will be considered by UNCTAD VZII.
Having learned from past experience, Fiji is currently embarking on new economic policies which are designed to ensure that the difficulties of the 1980s are not repeated in the 1990s. A more outward-looking, trade-oriented approach to development has been adopted and the measures of protection and subsidy that were earlier intended to promote import substitutions are being dismantled. Export promotion through positive means has been introduced and is being vigorously implemented. We are dependent to a considerable degree on the preferences open to us in the developed countries, particularly those embodied in the South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement with Australia and New Zealand - and we are damply grateful for this particular contribution to our development - those of the United States under the generalized system of preferences, and those under the Lome Conventions batman the European Community end the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. These have already resulted in some encouraging export successes and we anticipate significant new investment in Fiji as a consequence. Accordingly, we expect to earn our way primarily through our own efforts, as well as by capitalising on the range of preferences available to us. It is axiomatic that these national programmes can succeed only within a supportive international trade environment, which we hope will be the rule rather than the exception in the decade of the nineties and beyond.
As we stand on the threshold of the third millennium many forces and factors - social, economic and political - are converging to give new challenges and opportunities to the world community. What we do with those opportunities will become the basis of the heritage which we shall leave to the generations who succeed us. Let us not give then cause to regret their forebears.


Forty-five years ago, the United Nations was formed to turn guns into ploughshares. Today, in Nicaragua, we are turning this great dream of the United Nations into a reality. This past 25 February, under United Nations auspices, the Nicaraguan people voted for peace. That day marked a grand moment in our history. After more than a half century of oppression, the Nicaraguan people broke free of their prison of ideologies and dictators. The silent act of thousands of our people in the electoral precincts became a vigorous shout in rejection of violence and in favour of peaceful and civic ways of resolving social conflict and political differences.
The Nicaraguan people resoundingly voted for the Government I am honoured to preside over today. They voted to unite us, firmly and forever, to all other countries which have chosen the path of freedom. The United Nations were guarantors of this election, the first truly free election we have had in 169 years of existence as a republic. I, like many other Nicaraguans of my generation, had for the first time in my life the opportunity to vote freely. In the name of all Nicaraguans, I deeply thank this world forum and all the other international organizations and nations which have supported our desire to be free. You made it possible for Nicaragua on 25 February, to enter a new era. In only five months we have achieved peace, culminating with the successful demilitarization and disarmament of the 21,000 members of the Nicaraguan resistance. In less than five months, we have substantially reduced the size of the Nicaraguan armed forces, going from an army of 96,000 members to one of 34,000. We are also achieving the removal of all weapons that have been in civilian hands, burying under concrete over 18,000 rifles which belonged to political forces. We are pushing hard to conclude negotiations concerning the limitation of military arms and personnel. Nicaragua's success in disarmament has set an example by destroying weapons such as those I today presented to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
We view as a constructive step for all humanity the disarmament agreements which have been reached between the United States and the Soviet Union. But there is something more. Today I should like to proclaim democracy as the heritage of all mankind. None the less, we must be deeply concerned with what it would mean to lose the birth of democracy in Nicaragua, which has already cost so much, because it has been an important step towards peace and stability throughout all of Central America. Were we to lose peace and not consolidate our democracy, we would be erasing one of the great conquests of America. Therefore, from this rostrum, I call upon all democracies the world over to commit themselves to the cause of Nicaraguan democracy.
In these five months of our new Government, our people have experienced unprecedented liberty and respect for human rights. In Nicaragua, the people are no longer afraid to live in their homeland. In Nicaragua, they are no longer afraid to work. In Nicaragua, they are no longer afraid of criticizing their government. There is no longer any fear to produce. Small farmers, manufacturers and merchants, all are free to buy and sell their products freely in the marketplace. Parents no longer fear for their children’s lives. In Nicaragua, they no longer fear going to school to study. They no longer fear thinking for themselves. There is no longer any fear for the future. In Nicaragua, there is no longer any fear of peace. The people know the words of Pope John Paul II, who said the "new face of peace today is the promotion of development".
In the name of all Nicaraguans, I can say today from this global forum that we Nicaraguans have faith in God, faith in freedom, faith in democracy, faith in our homeland, faith in ourselves and faith in all our sister nations which have given us their support and understanding. But there is something of even greater importance. My homeland, Nicaragua, is not only in tune with the democratic currents flowing across the world. It is also the fruit of a new regional movement which the United Nations has actively supported and protected with creativity, originality and courage. I have the honour of representing my country in a year of special significance in modern history.
Nicaragua is firmly committed to maintaining its independence vis-à-vis hegemonic interests. As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Nicaragua will assume the challenge of transcending ideological barriers which have separated us and removing them. Nicaragua condemns the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, and supports the resolutions adopted by this Organization's Security Council. At the same time we welcome the release of Nelson Mandela and support the elimination of racism and apartheid.	.
The reunification of the German people is of great significance to my people and stands as a living example of the success of reconciliation. I dream of a unified Central America. I dream of a demilitarized Central America. I dream of a Central America that lives in freedom. I dream of a Central America engaged in permanent dialogue. I dream of a Central America enjoying progress.
We hope that the world will share and continue to support efforts in favour of a democratic Central America, demilitarized and free of any military presence so that one day we can proclaim to the world that Central America is a zone of peace and co-operation. It is time to put an end to violence and armaments and to start working towards the supremacy of civil society over arms. No longer should any Central American have to bow his or her head or lower his dignity in the face of force or dictatorship. We have begun the great revolution of non-violence, the civic and democratic revolution of the vote and of respect for each individual ' s dignity, freedom and rights. We believe that understanding among nations is the route to international reconciliation.
This revolution, which binds Central America together more and more, advances political integration with the establishment of a Central American parliament. We aspire to the formation of a Central American economic community. We have agreed on a common strategy which will permit our economies to participate under competitive conditions in an economic plan of action which is essential to the life of our region.
But we cannot restrict ourselves to our own regional sphere. Latin America is the dream of Bolivar, and is the name of our great community. All in America that is great, is the result of unity. Our great revolutions - the political ones for independence, as well as the cultural ones - have been affected by an awareness of unity, which is reborn again today with the triumph of democracy. Only as a regional community will we gain the power to solve such grave common problems as the external debt, and enable our economies to participate in international markets. We are small and we are poor but our ideals give us stature.
The national reconciliation we are seeking in Nicaragua, as in ongoing efforts towards reconciliation throughout the world today, has no grander objective than to strengthen individual rights. The smaller a country the better it understands and feels the value of human rights. In this sense, and in the name of Nicaragua, I proclaim our firm commitment to support the United Nations Decade for International Law.
Permit me now to turn from the encouraging prospects for the future to the urgent needs of the present. It has been said, in honour of our gender, that women are the guardian angels of the present. A woman with a child in her arms knows that the future is the present. Without doubt we in Nicaragua have opened our arms to peace and democracy. Today Nicaragua confronts a situation similar to that faced by some countries at the end of the Second World War. We know that our own efforts will be essential and a turning-point in the reactivation of our economy, through an economic and social compact, a process we began on the twentieth of this month among workers, business and government. This is a new style of government in Nicaragua.
We recognize and accept our responsibility to realize adjustments and transformations which will make our economies viable. However, this effort must be complemented by international co-operation, including preferential treatment. We view international co-operation, not as a substitute for our own efforts, but as a necessary additional element to achieve steady development and growing participation in international trade.
To support our democracy is to extend the frontiers of liberty and justice in the world. Those who understand that know that Nicaragua's democratization, and its economic recovery, represent a necessary pre-condition for the consolidation of peace throughout the region.
I should like to emphasize the following point, which is crucial if my country is to achieve peace and democracy, and that is the need to support the incorporation of thousands of Nicaraguan refugees who have been displaced, or demobilized from the Nicaraguan resistance, and those soldiers affected by the reductions in the army, into the productive process of the nation.
Lastly, I wish to refer to the enormous burden which the foreign debt represents for our people. The various initiatives and debt strategies which have been used around the world signify real progress in some cases. We view with optimism President Bush's initiative for the Americas, based on proposals for trader debt and development, which need to be analysed carefully by our countries. None the less these efforts to date are not enough. It is necessary for the international community to give us greater support with the goal of making our heavy debt burden more bearable. Then our countries will be able to direct their financial resources towards the urgent economic and social necessities they face.
I believe that a renegotiation of the debt in concessionary terms for the Central American countries must be viewed from a moral perspective, not solely in economic terms but rather as a necessary step towards resolving the painful development crisis which many of our countries face and which ultimately hurts us all. Only in this way can we create and bequeath a more just and stable world to the men and women of tomorrow, the children of today - our children, our grandchildren and other children like them - for whom we have to fight, as my late husband, Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, used to say, sometimes to the very death. In this sense we express our firm support of the World Summit for Children, our total conviction that any action by the United Nations today would lack purpose if it did not have the clear desire to achieve for our nations what we want for our children.
Nicaragua has been like a rock, placed by geography and by history at the centre of the American world. This rock feels the force of all the political and social winds and is lashed by universal trends. All our heroes have fought against empire-builders and invading forces. The destiny of our nationality seems to transcend boundaries. For this reason, if there is a country which stands at one, profoundly at one with this Organization, it is my homeland. Please do not leave us alone.