Mr. President, first of all I should like to congratulate you upon your election to your high office at the present session of the General Assembly. I am sure that your contribution as President will be invaluable in ensuring our success in carrying out the tasks entrusted to us, especially in upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which you have yourself so often defended in your capacity as a representative of your country in this forum and in the Security Council. Furthermore, my country wishes to congratulate, through you, the friendly sister nation of Panama, with which it is linked by a close and fruitful relationship based upon historical, cultural and political ties that indicate a joint Latin American destiny of sovereignty, development, justice and peace. Nor can I fail at this time to take note of the outstanding performance of the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary, Mr. Imre Hollai, and say how much we value the ability and efficiency with which he discharged his delicate task. Today the world is confronted with a situation fraught with growing injustice, threats and insecurity that can only be the harbinger of new conflicts at the expense of the peace and the development of the peoples. The Argentine nation is convinced that the attainment of universal peace and justice will be possible only if a democratic system of international relations is established. This can be achieved only through the elimination of super-Power confrontation, the abandonment of aggressive and expansionist policies, the eradication of the apartheid regime and any other regime of discrimination based on race, creed or religion, and the final elimination of colonialism, neo-colonialism and any other form of foreign domination. The world cannot be regarded solely and exclusively as a stage on which East and West engage in a permanent conflict of ideological, political and military power. This would be to ignore the unjust system of relations between developed and developing countries. This North- South dimension is so serious that it demands special attention on the part of the great Powers which would make possible the establishment of a genuine dialogue and exchange that would benefit the whole international community. Furthermore, within the present structure of power relations in the world it is the developing countries that suffer the adverse effects not only of a clearly inequitable international economic order but also of the military adventurism of extra-regional Powers, the plundering of parts of their territory, the foreign exploitation of their natural resources, the establishment of military bases upon their soil and the maintenance of anachronistic colonial situations. What are the obstacles that must be overcome in order to bring about the necessary changes in present world circumstances? In the sphere of disarmament, for example, the international community must face up to a truly dire situation. It is paradoxical that when public opinion most energetically expresses its growing concern at the threat of a potential nuclear conflict, when the leaders of the major Powers publicize their apparent interest in reaching and desire to reach agreements on disarmament and when there is a universal consensus that this is a fundamental and pressing problem, the activities in the Held of disarmament have yet to yield tangible results. As we know, Geneva is the theatre of bilateral and multilateral disarmament negotiations, particularly in the area of nuclear disarmament. Obviously these negotiations are making no headway, and the efforts of the Committee on Disarmament are out of all proportion to the scant results obtained. Unfortunately the present situation and trends do not encourage us to hope for a brighter future. Nuclear arsenals are increased and improved day by day, so that the possible use of nuclear weapons poses the clear danger that any conflict could turn into a catastrophe that would spare no one. Moreover, not only are nuclear armaments being shipped without any restriction throughout the world; they are also being introduced into legally prohibited geographical zones, thus posing an unjustifiable threat and creating an atmosphere of insecurity that affects, first and foremost, those countries that do not belong to the major military alliances. Until very recently Latin America felt secure under the protection of a nuclear-weapon-free zone, but it can no longer feel free of suspicion since in 1982 the United Kingdom, in violation of its commitments, introduced nuclear armaments into the region of the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands, thus creating an alarming and dangerous situation. In this connection it is especially significant that at the eighth General Conference of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, which was held in Jamaica last May, the introduction of British nuclear weapons into the zone and areas surrounding the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands was again denounced. Moreover, that Conference expressed its concern at the fact that the United Kingdom used nuclear-powered submarines in warfare within the zone established by the Treaty of Tlatelolco. Both cases constitute unprecedented and extremely serious acts that must be noted by the relevant organs of the United Nations because they call into question the very essence of the concept of nuclear-free zones. As a result of the painful lessons learnt since last year it is imperative to create mechanisms to verify the fulfilment of the commitments undertaken by the nuclear Powers. I am aware that I am not the first to draw attention here to the crisis in international economic relations or to emphasize that the developing countries are paying the highest price. But I cannot fail to emphasize that in spite of the efforts of these countries—Argentina among them —to ensure the establishment of more just economic and political relations guaranteeing for them more equitable participation in the international sphere, some industrialized nations are determined to prevent this. Thus there has been a resurgence of protectionism in the large decision-making centres and discriminatory and selective policies have been established, on the pretext that they are based on a concept of "graduation", which create arbitrary and damaging differences for developing countries. Moreover, the emphasis on bilateralism in international economic relations has seriously eroded the multilateral framework of co-operation. And, as if all of this were not discouraging enough, we continue to perceive a tendency on the part of certain developed countries to use economic measures for political purposes, pressuring peripheral countries to make themselves subordinate in the exercise of their sovereign rights. My own country has been subjected to such unjust practices in the recent past. At the regional level, there was an understanding within the Latin American framework from the start— which was ratified by decisions of the Council of the Latin American Economic System—that the vulnerability of Latin America in the face of concerted pressure from the developed world had to be diminished. It was submitted that all nations have the sovereign right to follow their own path in the economic, social and political spheres in peace and freedom, free from external pressure, aggression and threats, and free from embargoes, blockades and any other coercive measures imposed illegally and arbitrarily. That is why Argentina has enthusiastically supported the important initiative of the President of Ecuador, Mr. Osvaldo Hurtado Larrea, aimed at mobilizing the energy and resources of the Latin American countries and recently ratified in the Santo Domingo commitment. In order to face up to this profound international economic and financial crisis we need fundamental solutions and the joint elaboration of principles and instruments for a new order in international economic relations. Along these lines, the developing world, represented by the 125 States members of the Group of 77, drafted what is called the Buenos Aires Platform' at the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group, held this year in my country. That platform stressed the urgency of adopting, at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, a programme of concerted and sustained economic reactivation and promotion of the accelerated development of the countries of the Group. Unfortunately, the industrialized nations preferred to take more rigid and opposing positions, and no satisfactory conclusions were reached at the sixth session of the Conference. Nevertheless, the solidarity of the Group of 77 was strengthened at Belgrade, and during this session of the Assembly the Group's members must act accordingly in order to face in a coordinated manner the acute international crisis. In this regard, the presence and remarks of the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who carries on with great dignity the far-seeing efforts of her illustrious father, Jawaharlal Nehru, will be of paramount importance in this forum, for, as chairman of the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries, she will voice the message of a majority of States which have a will to negotiate and which aspire to a world of justice and peace. The most obvious consequence of the exceptional situation affecting Latin American countries is their high external debt and the heavy burden of servicing that debt. We have constantly shown our willingness to make the sacrifices necessary to fulfill our obligations and to avoid moratoriums. But all the efforts being made to aggravate the already very onerous process of adjustment that has been carried out so far could strain the political and social tolerance of our peoples, which could have the most serious and unpredictable consequences. I wish also to state here the position of my country regarding some of the most serious current international conflicts. As a Latin American country, Argentina has a serious fraternal concern regarding the critical situation in Central America, which is characterized especially by political destabilization, violence, the constant threat of armed conflict among sister nations, and foreign intervention. In the face of this situation, my country once again reiterates its unchangeable position of full respect for the fundamental principle of non-intervention. It is that spirit that has from the beginning inspired my country's firm support for the Contadora declaration  signed by Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela, and for the Cancun Declaration on Peace in Central America, which resulted in the encouragement of negotiations and contacts at the highest level on the part of the parties directly involved in the conflict. At the same time, the Argentine Republic wishes to make clear its conviction that the crisis in Central America is the result of many complex causes, such as anachronistic political, social and economic situations which have eliminated justice as the guiding principle of social organization, persistent violations of the principle of nonintervention in the internal affairs of other States, and wrangling within the struggle for world power. My country, therefore, is especially interested in finding speedy and just solutions to save Latin American nations from these tragic problems. Similarly, we hope that Latin America and the Caribbean will not be dragged into a struggle for political and strategic objectives that are not in accordance with the genuine interests of then- peoples. When speaking of our continent I cannot fail to mention the historic meeting of reunion between Spain and Latin America which took place in the presence of King Juan Carlos during this year's celebration at Caracas of the bicentenary of the birth of the Liberator, Simon Bolivar, whose ideals of liberty and integration for our peoples we most strongly sustain. We are also deeply concerned about the attitudes of governments which persist in implementing policies that run counter to the Charter of the United Nations and to the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. My country attended the recent International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva, with the firm objective of helping to achieve a just and equitable settlement of that problem. Our presence attested to our conviction that it is possible to find a just and peaceful solution which takes into account the interests of all the States and peoples of the region. We reiterate today that such a solution demands the acknowledgement of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to national self-determination and independence and to the establishment of their own sovereign State. Moreover, it requires the acknowledgement of the right of all the States of the region, including Israel, to exist and to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized boundaries; withdrawal by Israel from all the Arab and Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, including the Golan Heights; and the recognition of a special regime for the Holy City of Jerusalem, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 303 (IV). We thus reaffirm the need for a peaceful negotiated solution, with the participation of all interested parties, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. Argentina has already condemned the violations of the fundamental principles of international coexistence of which Lebanon has been a victim. My country has strong and long-standing links with that noble and suffering nation. Today I wish to stress as vigorously as before that the attainment of peace in Lebanon is one of the elements of security and stability in the Middle East and that the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon must be strictly respected. I wish therefore to express today my Government's satisfaction at the auspicious announcement of a cease-fire between Syria and Lebanon, achieved with the mediation of Saudi Arabia. We hope that this will be the first step leading finally to peace in the region. The situation m southern Africa is also one of serious concern for the Argentine people and Government. My country, supporting the struggle of Africa against colonialism and racism, has repeatedly condemned the intransigence of South Africa and its aggressions against neighbouring States, in particular against Lesotho, Mozambique and Angola, part of whose territory is still under South African military occupation. We are also convinced that international action on Pretoria must be accompanied by practical measures by the Security Council to eliminate the whole regime of racial discrimination and achieve genuine independence for Namibia. In this context I wish to reiterate the importance of the Latin American Regional Conference for Action against apartheid, held at Caracas this month, whose declaration	has been fully endorsed by my Government. Similarly, my country took part in the International Conference in Support for the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, held in Paris in April, whose Declaration and Programme of Action we wholeheartedly supported. We wish to express again our backing for the independence plan for Namibia approved by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978), for it is the only way for the Namibian people, through its legitimate representatives recognized by the General Assembly, truly to exercise their right to national self-determination and independence, with full respect for the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay and the offshore islands. In the same context, any internal settlement or other constitutional plan that South Africa may wish to impose upon Namibia to perpetuate its colonial domination must be rejected. We further reaffirm that the independence of this Territory cannot be subject to the fulfilment of preconditions. The Argentine Republic fully agrees w : the statement of the Secretary-General, in his further import presented in accordance with Security Council resolution 532 (1983), that no real progress can be made until a precise date is set for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) and a cease-fire enters into effect. I must also take this opportunity to recall that Argentina supports the General Assembly's call to Iraq and Iran to put an end to their prolonged and tragic war. Furthermore, we wish once again to declare our support for and solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus in their search for a just and equitable solution that respects the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment of that country, pursuant to the relevant General Assembly resolutions. In this respect we also continue to support the efforts of the Secretary-General. I cannot remain silent about the tragic fate of the South Korean commercial aircraft which brought about the irreparable loss of 269 human lives. This deplorable event has deeply shocked the conscience of the Argentine nation, which finds this yet another reason why it is imperative to create an atmosphere of global confidence based on respect for the law and linked with the maintenance of international peace and security, because this is the only way to avoid the tragic and senseless loss of innocent lives in the future. In my statement I have repeatedly touched upon situations that guarantee peace and justice in the world, two values without which no society can fully prosper. I have briefly listed some of the most important international conflicts, and now I must refer to the one that vitally affects my own country. There is no need to set forth again at this time the legitimate title upon which Argentina bases its claim over the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands. It has been explained repeatedly at the United Nations and international forums and has been specifically organized by Latin America and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The latter has, ever since the 1973 Declaration adopted at Lima, constantly and unceasingly called for the restitution of the Argentine territories illegally occupied by the United Kingdom. Furthermore, the General Assembly and the Special Committee on decolonization have recognized the existence of a sovereignty dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom and are convinced that the negotiation process recommended by the General Assembly itself is the best way of settling that dispute and the other unresolved questions between the two countries. That is to say, the international community, through the General Assembly, has unequivocally decided on those territories are to be decolonized. For almost 17 years my country has unsuccessfully sought to obtain London's compliance with General Assembly resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160 (XXVIII) and 31/49 and with the Assembly's four consensus decisions on this matter. During this long period of time, the British Government showed not only a lack of political will or ability to solve the sovereignty dispute, but also an incomprehensible lack of sensitivity in failing to appreciate the importance of this question for the Argentine people. Recent official British documents clearly reveal that successive governments of the United Kingdom had an interest in delaying any diplomatic solution to the conflict while the Argentine Government was made to believe that negotiations were under way. This deception was furthered by defects in the international system, which does not provide for a truly effective procedure for the peaceful settlement of disputes brought about by illegal and unjust situations, and the difficulties are further aggravated when one of the parties has the right of veto in the Security Council. The attitude adopted by the United Kingdom, the consequences of which we are all well aware of, not only remains unchanged but is now accompanied by a dangerous policy of militarization of the territories usurped from Argentina. This clearly dangerous policy includes the establishment of a military base on the islands, the illegal and arbitrary maintenance in Argentine jurisdictional waters of a zone excluding vessels and aircraft from my country, and the repeated resort to provocative attitudes and statements against Argentina. It seems as if the British Government is assuming that the United Kingdom can prolong its colonial presence on our continent indefinitely. Nothing could be further from the truth. The decolonization and recovery of the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands are a permanent and priority objective of the Argentine people, whose legitimate rights and vital interests are seriously affected by this colonial presence. Moreover, the restitution of the islands to effective Argentine sovereignty is a common cause for Latin America. The British policy of military expansion in the South Atlantic has been seriously and dangerously escalated by the recent decision of the United Kingdom to establish a strategic air base on the Malvinas Islands. According to British sources, the cost of the installation will exceed $600 million, and more than a thousand workers will be, employed on its construction. This is the approximate population of the islands. South Africa will be used as a base to provide support for this enterprise. Argentina has already denounced to the Secretary-General, the Security Council and the General Assembly the danger which the construction of this strategic air base implies for the security of the Latin American region. The United Kingdom has said in a note addressed to the Secretary-General that the aim of this escalation is to defend the islands against a supposed Argentine aggression. That is false, because my country has indicated that there is a cessation of hostilities which it respects, has respected and will continue to respect and that it believes that negotiations are the appropriate means for settling the sovereignty dispute, Moreover, the features of the strategic base show the disproportion between the supposed Argentine threat and the means used to counter it. Therefore, we must infer that the true purpose of the United Kingdom, a nuclear Power and a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is no less than the extension of its global strategic interests to the South Atlantic. These assumptions were fully confirmed by the British Secretary of State for Defense, Mr. Michael Heseltine, at a conference held under the auspices of the Center for Strategic Studies of Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., on 14 September. As recently as that, this senior British official stated, among other things, that the Malvinas Islands were not at present an objective of the Soviet Union but that they would be in coming decades, and then the strategic value to the West of constructing the new airport on the islands would be clear. Perhaps with the intention of reassuring his audience, the British Defense Secretary added that the British commitment to the islands would not prejudice the role of the United Kingdom in NATO, because the expenditure of $600 million had been added to the normal defense budget, rather than subtracted from the expenditures provided for the alliance Mr. Heseltine also pointed out that the victory in the Malvinas had demonstrated the credibility of the Atlantic alliance's power of dissuasion and that, as a result of one of several conclusions drawn from the Malvinas war, the British Government had decided to improve its strategic capacity and air mobility to support operations outside the geographical scope of that alliance. What I have just highlighted clearly shows the seriousness of the situation and the dangerous effects of transforming the South Atlantic into a new source of conflict between East and West, which would do irreparable damage to Latin America. My country believes that it is the responsibility of the Atlantic allies of the United Kingdom to dissuade that country from the dangerous adventure it has embarked upon and to dissociate themselves from it publicly, to reassure the Latin American continent and all the nations represented at the General Assembly. Obviously, it is all the more urgent and necessary that, with the help of the Secretary-General and in accordance with General Assembly resolution 37/9, Argentina and the United Kingdom begin their negotiations as soon as possible. Argentina has repeatedly declared its resolve to negotiate. My country has publicly and officially accepted General Assembly resolution 37/9 and has offered the Secretary-General its full co-operation in the renewed good offices mission entrusted to him by the United Nations, but to this date this positive attitude has not been echoed in the least by the British Government, which has not only ignored the resolution but has at the same time implemented a policy based solely upon force and provocation. No excuse can justify the refusal of the British Government to comply with the fundamental obligation that it has, as a Member of the United Nations and by virtue of both the Charter and the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, to find a peaceful, negotiated settlement of its problems with Argentina and to refrain from adopting provocative measures which contribute to increasing tension in the South Atlantic. The British Government's obligation to co-operate actively in achieving a peaceful settlement of this conflict is all the greater because the United Kingdom is a permanent member of the Security Council—that is, it is a country with a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore it comes as no surprise that the British Government should fail to find arguments in reply to those who, like my Government and some responsible circles within the United Kingdom itself, bring to its notice this serious violation of its international agreements and of the principles and rules governing international coexistence. The violation of the Charter by the United Kingdom cannot be justified even by the alleged need for Argentina to comply with formalities not required by international law—much less so when, as is known, the attitude adopted by my country in relation to the cessation of armed hostilities has conformed with General Assembly resolution 37/9 and the provisions of the Charter regarding the peaceful settlement of disputes. Furthermore, the 14 and a half months that have elapsed since the cessation of hostilities confirm strict compliance with the resolution and the Charter. How, then, can one explain the British insistence on artificially putting this already solved aspect of the 1982 crisis at the heart of the problem? The only conclusion is that the only real explanation is the intention not to negotiate and to consolidate its illegal occupation by the establishment of a military base on the islands, as part of a policy of strategic expansion. Naturally, if the United Kingdom were to comply with the Charter and with resolution 37/9, refraining from implementing that aggressive design and putting an end to the illegal exclusion zone, the situation would improve. Argentina, responsibly and sincerely, calls upon the Government of the United Kingdom to re-examine its position, to comply with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and to resume in good faith the negotiations to settle the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas. At the negotiating table, with the invaluable assistance of the Secretary-General, we shall be able to find imaginative solutions that will satisfy both parties and the interests of the inhabitants of the islands, thus ending a conflict that seriously affects our two countries and the Latin American region, and that, as I have already said, may have unforeseeable consequences. My Government also attaches great importance to Antarctica, an item included in the agenda of this session. For reasons of sovereignty, geography and history, my country is very closely linked to that continent. As far back as 1904 Argentina established an astronomic and scientific observatory on the Orcadas Islands. Since then a great number of scientific stations have given evidence of our active presence in the area. In 1959 my country was one of those which furthered and subscribed to the Antarctic Treaty, and, within the framework of its provisions, we have carried out a great many activities. The achievements of that Treaty should be emphasized here, since they have led to a genuine international co-operation for the benefit of mankind and the promotion of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. By means of the Treaty the Antarctic has been preserved as a zone of peace, where all military measures and tests of any kind of weapons, including nuclear ones, are prohibited. Scientific co-operation and exchange of information have been promoted and encouraged for the benefit of all States. One fundamental concern of the parties to the Treaty is the protection of the environment. This is reflected in the Convention on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources, which has been in force since last year. Bearing in mind the substantial contribution of the Treaty to the international community, my country firmly believes that any initiative by this Organization should lead to the consolidation of its provisions and the maintenance of a system that has proved effective. We are also determined to find a solution to the territorial dispute with the Republic of Chile in the southern zone, with the most valuable intervention of His Holiness John Paul II as mediator. His advice will surely lead us to a final settlement, acceptable of course to both parties, which will put an end once and for all to the dispute and consolidate the traditional links between the two peoples. In various international forums the Argentine Government has announced its intention of bringing about the full institutional normalization of our country by a specific date. This process has begun and the political parties representing all political trends have been reorganized. At the present time they are campaigning actively, in complete freedom and with the full guarantee of non-interference by the Government, for the election on 30 October of all future national, provincial and municipal authorities, ensuring the effective operation of a republican, representative and federal system of government. In 35 days my Government's commitment will be carried out definitively, showing how faithfully it keeps its word. I wish to reiterate this before this world parliament. There is no better way of helping people to enjoy complete democracy and freedom than by collaborating with them in ensuring their economic progress and social well-being, which are indispensable elements of their cultural and political advancement. By the same token, there is no better way of delaying and hindering such progress than by interfering from outside in the internal changes of those countries with the purpose of imposing upon them structures and customs that cannot be copied or invented but must be rooted in the unique character of each people. In the world's present exceptional and serious circumstances, the international community has no more urgent task than to assist the developing nations of Latin America, Africa and Asia. The world that is taking shape, the variety and number of new peoples, is an indicator for the future of mankind, because our immediate and long-term ideals and interests coincide with the universal aspiration to harmony and peace.


216.	Sir, I wish to congratulate Mr. Ilueca on his election to the presidency of the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly. His long-standing association with the United Nations and his sterling contributions to its deliberations make him a fit person to guide our discussions. I hope that his tenure of office will see solutions to some of the problems that face the Organization.
217.	I also want to pay a tribute to the outgoing President for the able way in which he conducted the affairs of the last session.
218.	Barbados welcomes Saint Christopher and Nevis as the 158th Member of the Organization. Our long historical and cultural association makes Barbados confident that Saint Christopher and Nevis will contribute significantly to the work of the Organization.
219.	This year, the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization returned to the theme of the apparent ineffectiveness of the United Nations in controlling conflict and working out solutions. He quite rightly alluded to the weakening of the commitment of Member States to co-operate within the framework of the United Nations in dealing with threats to international peace and security. There are too many local wars around the globe and too many are manifestations of East-West conflict. The Charter envisaged the abandonment of war as a solution to problems, yet since 1945 millions have died as a result of war. Despite the Charter's reaffirmation of faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, much human suffering has resulted from failure to observe those rights. Nor has the world, in the years since 1945, succeeded in promoting the social progress and better standards of life to the extent contemplated in the Charter.
220.	The Assembly, the Security Council and the other United Nations institutions have the power to influence international behaviour. We have the power collectively to legitimize those actions we favour and to frown upon those deeds of which we disapprove. But we have, in the words of the Secretary-General, "to develop an effective common approach to potential threats to international peace and security".
221.	This would provide at least the moral sanction that would persuade contending States to accept the Organization's judgement.
222.	Experience suggests that if consensus is not achieved than any proposed sanctions immediately become ineffective. Too often nations, particularly in the Security Council, oppose draft resolutions because they support the interests of another country or bloc of countries rather than because of their essential merits. This makes it all the more difficult for the Council to function effectively. To enhance respect for the United Nations, therefore, we must dedicate ourselves to honesty and truth. We must align our national interests with the interests of the international community. Our resolutions should condemn and deplore when they must. They must endorse and authorize when necessary. In situations that warrant it, it will be necessary for the United Nations to investigate and recommend. The Organization will succeed in this only if the motives of Member States are sincere rather than tendentious, for its effectiveness depends on cooperation rather than conflict among the Member States.
223.	Barbados believes that the Security Council has to regain its rightful pre-eminence in dealing with threats to international peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. But we also believe that Member States have an obligation to acknowledge that pre-eminence. As long as co-operation is lacking, the commitment to peace will be elusive.
224.	For decades the Security Council has been grappling with at least two intractable problems—the Middle East and southern Africa, including Namibia. We believe that given the political will on all sides solutions to those problems can be found.
225.	The Government of Barbados attaches great importance to the realization of a negotiated comprehensive peace in the Middle East consonant with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. In this attitude we are motivated by respect for the immutable principles of self-determination of peoples, fundamental human rights and the rule of law. We believe that the sine giver wow of peace in the Middle East is the resolution of the question of Palestine.
226.	We are convinced Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), together with other recent initiatives, provide many basic elements which could be used for the negotiation of a permanent settlement of the Middle East problems. Those resolutions, which have the full support of Barbados, call for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from occupied territories, termination of all claims and states of belligerency, acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State and of their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries and, finally, the start of negotiations between the parties concerned.
227.	Barbados recognizes the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people with the full right to participate in all deliberations on the question of Palestine.
228.	Barbados recognizes and supports the right of Israel to exist as a sovereign and independent State within agreed and secure boundaries, but equally Barbados recognizes and supports the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to their own sovereign and independent State within agreed and secure boundaries. We are opposed to the use of force as a means of settling international disputes and believe that acts of aggression in the Middle East, far from enhancing the chances of a lasting peace, will only make that peace more difficult to attain.
229.	The question of the territories occupied since 1967 is one of the central issues in a negotiated solution. The human settlements policy in violation of international law and runs counter to any lasting, peaceful solution to the Middle East conflict. United Nations resolutions have repeatedly called for the withdrawal of Israel from these territories. The United Nations has also rejected unilateral moves to change the status of Jerusalem. The annexation of territory by force is inadmissible in international law and is therefore unacceptable to Barbados.
230.	We cannot close our eyes to the human suffering to which the Palestinian people are subjected as a result of measures in the occupied territories. Justice cannot be served by the suppression of basic human rights.
231.	Barbados has followed with growing concern the recent developments in Lebanon. The people of Lebanon must be given the opportunity to solve their problems themselves. We are hopeful that the recently agreed ceasefire will hold and allow the opportunity for negotiation.
232.	The southern Africa issues—Namibia and apartheid continue to disturb the security of that continent and to bedevil international relations. Barbados continues to believe that the moral authority of a council that is seen to be impartial, that examines dispassionately and searches diligently for solutions to the questions brought before it would greatly enhance the legal obligation of States to implement its resolutions and decisions. We believe that the large majority of States supports the Security Council's proposals for the resolution of the problems associated with the actions of the Government of South Africa.
233.	Yet South Africa has maintained its position of arrogant defiance and intransigence. It continues to challenge the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council calling for an end to the evil system of apartheid as well as for the independence of Namibia. Barbados is deeply concerned that the contact g up has not yet been able to find a viable solution to the Namibian problem. The contact group has not successfully defended the indictment that it has helped to prolong the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa.
234.	In this connection Barbados very strongly supports the reservations, doubts and anxieties expressed by SWAPO, which has time and again called the attention of the world to the economic plundering of the resources of Namibia. It has cried out against the indignities inflicted on its people and indeed the daily physical danger in which its brothers and sisters are forced to live in their own country. All these horrifying conditions stem directly from the fact that South Africa is allowed to defy the decisions of the United Nations. The question of Namibia is nothing more or less than a question of decolonization. As such it is the direct legal, moral and particularly political responsibility of this Organization.
235.	Barbados reiterates its endorsement of the Paris Declaration on Namibia and the Programme of Action adopted at the Conference at Paris in April.'" We support the call for the immediate implementation of the United Nations plan approved in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The Security Council must take appropriate action to ensure compliance with its resolutions, and the ending of the destabilization of the front-line States.
236.	Another manifestation of the phenomenon of forcible intervention in the affairs and territory of weaker States is the repeated attacks by South Africa on the front-line States. Since I last had the honour of addressing the Assembly, Mozambique, Angola and Lesotho have been flagrantly attacked by South Africa. This sort of intimidation must not be allowed to continue.
237.	Barbados reaffirms its total condemnation and abhorrence of the system of apartheid	and deeply deplores the policies of systematic oppression of the black population. My Government pledges itself to continue to fight; in whatever forum it is represented, to find solutions within the terms and spirit of the Charter to bring to an end a system which is a scandalous affront to accepted principles of human dignity and self-respect.
238.	The situation in Central America continues to cause serious concern. We believe that its origins are firmly based in the deep-rooted social and economic ills that for decades have confronted the area. Barbados supports the efforts of the Contadora Group and lauds its attempts to arrange consultations among all the protagonists. A lasting solution must involve the people of the region themselves. We feel that there must be a scaling down of the flow of arms and other interventions if a quick resolution of the issue is to be achieved. The conflict is affecting and will continue to affect co-operation in the hemisphere, especially since it diverts valuable resources from the more important tasks of social and economic reconstruction.
239.	There are other issues that demand our attention. I refer to the Iran-Iraq conflict, Kampuchea, Cyprus, Korea, Afghanistan and, more recently, Chad. It is self- evident that these matters involve great difficulties. It is also self-evident that in every case there is more than one point of view, with each one being firmly held. Against this background Barbados holds two premises to be fundamental. First, it is a valid proposition that opposing points of view are genuinely held by the parties which espouse them to be in the best interests of their people. Secondly, it is the inescapable duty and function of this great Organization to strive unceasingly to achieve a reconciliation of opposing views. Failure to perform this function, this duty, will nurture a cynicism which will undermine the very foundations upon which the United Nations, this great hope of mankind, is built.
240.	We hope that every effort will be made by the parties to these conflicts to explore every possible means of finding peaceful solutions. In this respect Barbados appeals to all concerned to co-operate fully in regional arrangements aimed at finding such solutions.
241.	The international community faces another serious crisis in the area of disarmament and the arms race. As tensions develop, such as those surrounding the unfortunate shooting down of the South Korean civilian aircraft, the realization comes that a nuclear conflagration could very easily be started. Negotiations, whether bilateral or multilateral, must be encouraged in order to minimize this risk. Barbados calls on the super-Powers to act swiftly to conclude their negotiations on the reduction of strategic and intermediate-range nuclear weapons. Likewise, we would like to see a reduction in the expenditure on and proliferation of conventional weapons by all States.
242.	The shooting down of an unarmed Korean civilian aircraft shocked the world. We are deeply concerned at the implications of this incident for the safety of international civil aviation. For what confidence can one have in international travel if acts like this are perpetrated? We trust that the world will never again witness such an occurrence.
243.	A cause for satisfaction for Barbados is the confidence being placed in the United Nations by countries of the Non-Aligned Movement. Indeed, the presence at this session of the Chairman of the Movement, the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, with several other heads of State and Government, is testimony to the continuing faith demonstrated by a large number of developing countries in the usefulness of this Organization. We are convinced that the Movement can play a significant role in the resolution of many of the problems which confront our world today. In this respect the work of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries can assist the efforts of the United Nations itself.
244.	Barbados fully supports the Movement in its struggle against colonialism and in its opposition to the growing polarization in international relations which stems from military blocs, alliances and the cold war. We believe that the strengthening of the Non-Aligned Movement will assist in easing the tensions in international relations.
245.	We have noted with approval that non-aligned countries have over the years given expression to the legitimate rights and aspirations of their peoples to shape their own destinies in accordance with their national aims and objectives. We have no hesitation in endorsing the reaffirmation made by heads of State and Government at New Delhi this year of the need for strict adherence to the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of other States. We assert that all States have the right to pursue their own economic development without intimidation, hindrance or pressure. Barbados joins with other non-aligned countries in their efforts to bring about a lessening of tensions and to strengthen international understanding.
246.	Barbados, as a member of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries, is concerned at the unwillingness of certain developed countries to engage in serious and productive negotiations with a view to bringing about adequate solutions to world economic crises, crises which serve only to aggravate inequalities and injustices. We are convinced that only a restructuring of the international economic order will ensure lasting peace, security and prosperity for all the peoples of the world. We share the view that at this stage in international relations, decision making on matters of vital concern to all countries can no longer be the prerogative of any one group of countries, however powerful they may be. It is clear to us that in today's world a policy of co-operation must be pursued among States irrespective of their economic or social systems, size or location.
247.	As we look at the world today the prospects are not comforting, yet we see around us an array of institutions supposedly devised to make the prospects good. We see hunger, disease and deprivation. We are helpless bystanders and feel our hands tied as we see brother killing brother and nation fighting nation. We see nations reeling under massive debt. We have an international monetary and financial system which has proved to be incapable of bringing economic activities into a state of balance. We see markets closed to willing entrants because of every type of protectionist barrier. In such circumstances there is small wonder that the confidence of many in the present system is dashed. Our task is to rebuild confidence by substituting another system that will work and live up to the rightful expectations of all peoples to economic progress and development.
248.	The Barbados delegation is deeply concerned at the persistent crisis in the world economic situation. The continuing recession in the industrialized countries has put severe strains on export-oriented economies such as that of Barbados. It has put the integration movement in the Caribbean Community to a tough test for survival. This year's meetings of the Contracting Parties of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have proved disappointing in their failure to arrive at satisfactory solutions to the trade, industrial, developmental and financial problems of the developing countries. Official development assistance, including the funds placed at the disposal of UNDP for technical assistance, have not reached the levels established by agreement.
249.	A number of international organizations have been addressing themselves to the seriousness of these economic problems. Quite recently the Organization of American States had a special meeting on the question of development financing. The secretariats of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Latin American Economic System also held a series of meetings in search of solutions to the debt problem. The Commonwealth Secretariat has produced a study by a commission under the chairmanship of Professor Helleiner of Canada. The debt issue also featured on the agenda of this year's IMF and World Bank meetings. Thus there is a full awareness of the persistence of debt repayment and trade problems. However, there is a lack of political will to deal with the problem in a manner that is satisfactory to debtors and creditors alike.
250.	There is a crying need for change in the international monetary and financial system which obtains today. The tinkering which took place between 1971 and 1973 with respect to the Bretton Woods system has not addressed fundamental problems. There must be a restructuring of economic relationships so that developing countries have a greater say in recommending remedies.
251.	Barbados joined this Organization seventeen years ago and has since carried out ail its obligations under the Charter. States like Barbados cannot rely on military might to assist their independence and sovereignty. They do not have that might. Such States must place their security in the unity of nations and attachment to principles. Barbados has a vested interest in maintaining a peaceful environment in the Caribbean region, in the hemisphere, in the world. Whatever economic or social progress countries such as ours have made over the years can very easily be destroyed. For us, therefore, peace and security are no less important than economic progress and social development. The United Nations provides the possibility for continuing commitment to these principles. Barbados will play its part in ensuring that such commitment is not allowed to weaken. For the first time, therefore, Barbados is offering its candidature for a seat on the Security Council. This candidature is a further demonstration of our faith in the United Nations. We are convinced that our nation has a contribution to make to the counsels of that body. We pledge our service in the efforts to enhance the effectiveness of this important institution.
252.	Finally, it is pertinent to ask and to reflect on why we are here. Why have so many world leaders traversed so many thousands of miles to attend this session of the General Assembly? Is it not because they have an abiding faith in mankind?
253.	In the inspiration of the moment, a famous poet exclaimed, "What a piece of work is man! How noble in reason! How infinite in faculties!" Yet with all this vast potential the human race is still groping for self- fulfilment. Stunted by illiteracy, drained by hunger, warped by racism and bigotry, tom and bleeding through war, benumbed by drugs and fantasy, mankind looks longingly for lasting peace and security.
254.	What we have achieved to date has been the collective contribution of us all. History mocks that nation or culture which claims that it alone is responsible for present progress. We have all paid our dues. History also mocks those nations which worship technological power. It was technology, made sinister by science perverted, that
caused the world wars of this century to be so pervasive and so devastating.
255.	Out of this wreckage and misery came the United Nations. We came together as States to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, in equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.
256.	Today the United Nations stands as a symbol of the aspirations of the human race. Together let us preserve it. Let us develop it to meet our future needs. Through it let us seek to realize the vast, untapped potential of human beings everywhere, particularly that of the innocent children of all races, cultures and creeds who will inherit the earth. Let this new collective achievement be the dearest legacy of this century to the next.


177.	 Allow me first of all to express the Albanian delegation's sincere congratulations to Mr. Jorge Illueca on his election to the presidency of the Assembly. I also take this opportunity to greet the Secretary-General and to wish him every success in the accomplishment of his important tasks.
178.	As at previous sessions of the General Assembly, the delegation of the Socialist People's Republic of Albania will express without reservation at the session the opinions of its Government on recent events and on the present international political situation in the belief that by so doing it will make its modest contribution to the cause of peace and security. We believe that only an open debate without illusions can be useful to the cause of freedom-loving peoples and countries.
179.	The international political situation has in no way improved since last year. On the contrary, it is more turbulent, more complicated and extremely tense. Because of the policy of aggression, oppression and diktat pursued by the super-Powers and other imperialist Powers, many peoples and countries have had to face great economic, political and military pressure, endure innumerable privations, and even experience situations of war.
180.	This situation is further aggravated by the world economic crisis which has gone on for many years now. The world economy remains in a state of stagnation; in a number of countries the recession continues, or growth has been imperceptible. The shrinking of markets has brought about a drop in world exports. The colossal debts once touted by the monopolies and Governments of the great capitalist Powers as the road to salvation and, indeed, to enrichment have now turned into new chains in which imperialism has bound various peoples and States. This entire situation has led to record levels of unemployment, endless price rises and a further deterioration in living standards. In many countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, people are living below the subsistence level and genuine human tragedies are unfolding. Today it is becoming clearer than ever that the idea of a "new international economic order", in spite of the good intentions which may have motivated some, remains a Utopian idea, because the imperialists and neo-colonialists will never renounce their privileges or their positions of dominance. The latest example of this is provided by the recent session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which ended without result because the industrialized countries, with the United States in the lead, openly opposed the demands of the developing countries. Thus, it was confirmed once again that one can put no trust in the moralizing sermons of the imperialist Powers. We believe that the correct path is that of resolute opposition to neo-colonialist plunder, and the taking in hand and independent management of national assets. The developing countries are capable of imposing on the industrialized Powers their just demands for equitable trade in the economic Held and for cooperation based on mutual advantage.
181.	The international political situation continues to deteriorate and is riddled with fresh conflicts; objectively speaking, it is the result of the stepping up of the militaristic and aggressive activities of the United States and the Soviet Union and of their rivalry for domination and hegemony. In every major event in the world today, in every regional conflict, we come up against one or both of the super-Powers. In one way or another, and in varying degrees, all peoples are faced with interference from them, and are threatened by the aggressive policies of United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. In many regions and zones of the world—such as Afghanistan, Lebanon, the whole of the Middle East, Central America, South Africa, South-East Asia, and so forth—local conflicts and wars are taking place, causing suffering and misery for the peoples.
182.	The development of events in Europe shows that tension and insecurity on that continent are becoming even greater. It is true that many institutions, indeed a growing number, have been set up to ensure the security of Europe, that innumerable meetings have been held, and that there has been endless talk. Great fanfare accompanied the signing of the Final Act of Helsinki; the same applies to the Belgrade meeting and, more recently, to the Madrid compromise. But apart from demagogic propaganda, the peoples of the world have seen no concrete measure which would justify in the least the optimism expressed by the marathon meetings on European security.
383. What good are all those meetings, documents, acts and resolutions when Europe has been turned into a veritable arsenal of conventional and strategic weapons, when the United States imperialists are piling up their cruise and Pershing II missiles in Europe, and when the Soviet social-imperialists have targeted their SS-20 missiles on European countries? False illusions are being fostered about the negotiations being held at Geneva on these nuclear weapons. But the European peoples cannot expect their security to come from the mathematical calculations which are offered daily to public opinion in the propaganda inspired and controlled by the superpowers, such as the proposals and counter-proposals on the number of missiles to be deployed on the continent. Accepting such sophistry would mean falling into the trap of the theory of the balance of power between the United States and the Soviet Union, and therefore submitting to their diktat.
184.	Peace and security in Europe and in the world can be maintained and strengthened by opposing the aggressive policies of the super-Powers, giving them no opportunity to exploit their political and economic links with various States in order to harm the peoples of other countries and to attack them and jeopardize their freedom and independence.
185.	Expressing the view of socialist Albania, the leader of our people, Mr. Enver Hoxha, has said:
"Neither the Atlantic pact, the Warsaw Treaty, the military bases installed in various countries, nor the

atomic weapons of the super-Powers can guarantee the defence of the European countries, their free and independent development, or their sovereignty and territorial integrity. These countries can guarantee them only by breaking up these pacts, sending the American and Soviet soldiers home, and smashing the political, economic and military chains with which Washington and Moscow have bound Europe."
186.	For a long time now we have been hearing statements and theories about the threat posed by the military blocs and their activities, but that is all empty talk if it is not accompanied by specific actions. That preaching becomes even more worthless—indeed, harmful—when its authors grant facilities and favours to the soldiers of the United States and the Soviet Union, thus giving the imperialist super-Powers a favourable ground for their further penetration and posing a threat to other countries and to peace.
187.	For its part, Albania's deeds are consistent with its words. It will never allow the establishment of foreign military bases on its territory, nor will it allow anyone to infringe on or to threaten from its territory the interests, freedom and national independence of neighbouring peoples and States.
188.	The Albanian people understands full well the opposition of millions of people in Europe and throughout the world to the arms race waged by the super-Powers and to the threat of war. It joins in that opposition, because it is only through the determined efforts of the peoples that the war-mongering plans of the imperialists can be foiled.
189.	We believe that in the Balkans, too, the superpowers have stepped up their attempts at interference and at stirring up sinister forces and misunderstandings in order to keep alive the spirit of confrontation and to undermine good-neighbourly relations among the peoples and countries of that region.
190.	The Albanian Government well understands the sincere concern about, and efforts to ensure the maintenance of, peace in the Balkans and will support any constructive and realistic steps to that end. It continues to believe that in order to strengthen peace in the Balkans it is necessary to oppose the United States' and the Soviet Union's policy of interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the peninsula, to take concrete steps to dismantle foreign military bases, not to give facilities to the super-Powers' naval and air forces, and to cut all links with the aggressive pacts they lead. Such steps would respond to the true aspirations of the peoples of the Balkans to live in peace and friendship among themselves. Socialist Albania has been, and always will be, a factor for peace and stability in the Balkans. It will not fail in the future, too, to make its contribution to building lasting collaboration on the basis of a policy of good- neighbourliness and the principles governing relations between sovereign States.
191.	The development of the situation in Europe is also linked with the situation in the Mediterranean. The peoples of the area view with legitimate concern the activities of the super-Powers, which have militarized that sea and are practising gunboat diplomacy. When a small country dares to raise its voice about the extremely insecure situation in the Mediterranean, all sorts of accusations and even threats are levelled against it. There is much talk today about the pollution of the environment in that sea and about the measures that should be taken to clean it, but we believe that its cleansing must begin with the most dangerous and deadly pollution, by the evacuation of the fleets of the United States and the Soviet Union.
192.	Much has been said at the United Nations about the situation in the Middle East. Many resolutions have been adopted and Israel's policy has been condemned, yet Israel has continued for decades on the path of aggression, expansion and colonization of Arab territory, driving the Palestinians out of their own land and committing monstrous crimes against them. In particular, the martyred Palestinian people has become the target of criminal attacks by Zionism and imperialism. Israel's policy in the occupied territories is one of genocide, of denying the Palestinian people its national identity. A year ago Israel attacked Lebanon, and it is now carrying out a de facto partition of that country. All this aggressive and expansionist activity by Israel has been directly encouraged and supported by United States imperialism. Moreover, today we see that United States Marines have firmly established themselves in Lebanon.
193.	This stationing in Lebanon of United States troops, together with the troops of some European countries, is a precedent fraught with dangerous consequences. In fact, it means legalizing an act which, in one way or another, opens the door to a return to the old policy of the imperialist Powers, which, under the pretext of restoring order, used to send their armed forces to various countries in order to establish their domination there.
194.	Present developments in the Middle East give clear evidence of a further escalation of the imperialist-Zionist plot against the Arab peoples. After Camp David, Israel attacked and occupied a large part of Lebanon and hit the Palestinian movement hard. Now it is concocting plans for the subjugation of Jordan, and it is seriously threatening Syria with war. The United States and Israeli military staffs are planning how to attack and dominate the Arab countries, one after another.
195.	Israel's actions against the Arab peoples are also encouraged and promoted by the policy of the Soviet Union, with its plots and deals with the United States. It is a known fact that, for all the confrontations and clashes between them, those two super-Powers are also making efforts to reach agreement to the detriment of other peoples. This is obvious in the reciprocal concessions that they each seek so that they may act undisturbed, each in its own interest, in Afghanistan and Poland, in the Middle East and in Central America. In spite of the declarations made by Moscow and Washington and their attacks on each other, the theory of zones of influence continues to be applied.
196.	The development of events in the Middle East is also part of a plot hatched by the East and West to squeeze and stifle the anti-imperialist revolution of the valiant Iranian people who, by resolute struggle, toppled the Shah's regime and drove the United States imperialists out of their country.
197.	We believe that the Arab peoples and the other peoples of the region will not allow the imperialists and the Zionists to act to their detriment. They will find the strength to unite and to stay the hand of the aggressors. Experience has shown that when the peoples of the Arab countries close their ranks and strengthen their unity they have the force and the means to compel the aggressors to be reasonable. Th3re is no doubt that ending the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran, with their disagreements settled by negotiation, would serve the interests of the peoples of those countries themselves and the peoples of the Middle East in general and would contribute to preventing further super-Power interference in this sensitive region.
198.	The Albanian people and its Government will always support the struggle of the valiant Palestinian people to gain its inalienable national rights. We will support the struggle of the other fraternal Arab peoples for the liberation of the territories occupied by Israel and their struggle to expose and foil the intrigues and plots of the super-Powers.
199.	The Albanian people also supports the just struggle of the people of Afghanistan to liberate its country from the Soviet invaders.
200.	The imperialist doctrine of inciting local wars, feuds and rivalries as a means of achieving domination and hegemony over the peoples concerned is also clearly seen on the African continent, where conflicts are fanned with almost periodic regularity. Chad is the most recent example of imperialist intervention. Its people are killed and the country is destroyed, to the profit of others. The Albanian delegation believes that the people of Chad can solve its own problems, and must be allowed to do so, in keeping with its national interest, without any external interference, no matter what the pretext for it.
201.	The imperialist Powers are doing their utmost to keep Africa subjugated, underdeveloped and divided, so as to ensure the continuation of their neo-colonial exploitation of the continent. They do not hesitate even to support such regimes as the racist regime of South Africa, which is but another Israel in the hands of imperialism in Africa. Without the support of, first and foremost, the United States, South Africa would not have dared to continue to occupy Namibia and to suppress by Fascist methods the people of South Africa, who continue to live in segregation, deprived of all their rights. The African peoples have never accepted this situation; they have fought, and continue to fight, against imperialist intervention, racism and racial discrimination. The Albanian people and Government have firmly supported the just struggle of the Namibian people for freedom and national independence, as well as the struggle of the African peoples to root out colonialism.
202.	A very grave situation has been created in Central America, where the United States has stepped up its pressure and its military intervention against the freedom- loving people of Nicaragua, and where it is financing and sending mercenary troops to suppress the struggle of the people of that region. The events in Central America prove that the United States cannot accept the situation created in what it considers to be its own "backyard", where the peoples have risen against oppression, plunder and exploitation. The peoples of Latin America are facing not only pressure and direct attacks by the United States, but also the manoeuvres of the Soviet Union, which is trying to use the antagonism between those people and United States imperialism to pave the way for its own penetration there.
203.	The Albanian people are with the Latin American people who want to rid themselves of the brutal interference of United States imperialism. We support the right of the Nicaraguan people to live free and independent in its own country. We also support the struggle of the people of El Salvador, and the sovereign right of Argentina over the Malvinas Islands.
204.	South-East Asia has today become the target of plots and interference by the super-Powers, whose policy is aimed at inciting division and at creating new conflicts in order to open the way for their own neo-colonialist inroads and their military expansion in that region. We have supported and will continue to support the right of the peoples of that region to live in freedom, independent of any interference or intrigue by the super-Powers.
205.	The Albanian Government appreciates the withdrawal of part of the Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea and hopes that that process will continue. The superpowers have engaged in much speculation at the expense of the Kampuchean people, who have suffered for years on end from the savage onslaughts of United States imperialism and the massacres of the Pol Pot gang. It is high time for the international community to face reality and really help the Kampuchean people. On this basis, and abiding strictly by the principle of the inalienable right of peoples and States to be fully independent and to decide their own destiny without any foreign interference, the Government of the Socialist People's Republic of Albania has decided to recognize the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
206.	We hold the view that the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea must occupy its own seat in the United Nations, now unjustly held by the representatives of the Pol Pot gang.
207.	Although the war in Korea has been over for more than three decades, that country remains divided. United States troops must withdraw from South Korea, and the Korean people must be able to exercise their legitimate right to live united in their own homeland.
208.	In the light of the events that have occurred since the last session of the General Assembly, it is clear that to varying degrees the imperialist super-Powers are the protagonists in the turbulent and serious situation that exists in the world. Each of them strives to achieve economic, political and military superiority over the other, to acquire new markets and to secure spheres of influence. The crisis has made them even more aggressive. However, it is also a fact that the policy of oppression and exploitation, aggression and diktat is to an increasing degree encountering great resistance from freedom-loving countries and peoples. The course of events will show whether the imperialist Powers will lead the world into a new conflagration and catastrophe or whether the peoples will abolish war and save mankind. The struggle for national independence and for peace and security in the world, therefore, is closely connected with the unmasking of the aggressive policy of the imperialist super-Powers and stem opposition to it.
209.	Our State has pursued an open and consistent foreign policy, based on principles. It stands for the development of relations and co-operation with all those countries that abide by the principles of equality, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, respect for the sovereignty of each people and for its right to choose its own social system. The Albanian Government has always shown good will and taken a correct attitude in the development of relations with other States. It has been and is against any diktat in relations between sovereign States. We will never compromise on the subject of distortions and insinuations designed to obscure our correct stands and demands. For 35 years now, Great Britain has illegally blocked the return of Albanian gold bullion plundered by the Hitlerites. This gold represents part of the sweat and toil of our people and it must be returned to them, along with the accrued interest. Our people will defend their interests strictly and with determination and will fight against injustices that they have been and still are suffering.
210.	The economic and political situation in the Socialist People's Republic of Albania is a healthy one. Our people have achieved important successes in all areas, and in the fulfilment of their development plans, by relying on their own strength. The people of our country live free from the nightmare of insecurity about the future, because phenomena such as those to be seen in certain countries of the world—crises, inflation and unemployment, rises in prices, drug addiction and other ills—do not exist in

Albania. The well-being of the working masses is constantly on the increase and they look to the future with confidence. All the victories our people have achieved in the course of the four decades of the people's power are due to our genuinely socialist order and to the correct leadership of the Labour Party of Albania with Enver Hoxha, the great son of the Albanian nation, at its head.
211. There are over-zealous propagandists who write innumerable pages filled with calumnies against socialist Albania, depicting it as a country that is mysterious, isolated, and so on. Of course, we do not expect benevolence and praise from people who are representatives of certain well-known reactionary circles and who have made it their profession routinely to invent stories based on hostile chauvinist positions. None of this worries us in the least. The truth is that Albania is forging ahead and daily becoming stronger, without loans or credits, by following a completely independent and sovereign policy. Although it is a small country, it is coping courageously with the various pressures and plots of the superpowers and is not deviating from its correct and honest socialist course. Our people are determined to continue along that course, because experience has shown them that only this has brought them continuous progress and development, as well as genuine freedom. 212. At this session of the General Assembly the Albanian delegation will share the efforts of all peace-loving countries and will not fail to make its contribution to the cause of the peoples, to genuine peace and security.


I should first like to associate myself with all previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the great office of President of this session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success in the fulfilment of your important tasks. One of the most famous works of the great Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen is Peer Gynt. Through the character of Peer Gynt, Ibsen gave life to an inclination which we find in all of us—the inclination to evade the problems that we face. States Members of the United Nations seem to suffer from the same weakness as Peer Gynt. It is now nearly four decades since the United Nations was established, but we have still not been able to make it an effective instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. This situation will continue as long as we do not take our commitments to the United Nations more seriously and take the necessary steps to make it a better and more efficient organization. In his report on the work of the Organization to the General Assembly last year the Secretary-General appealed to the Member States to take urgent action to enable the United Nations to fulfill the responsibilities outlined in its Charter. Subsequent international events have clearly demonstrated the need for the measures he called for. The most alarming feature is the continued tendency to resort to the use of force to settle international disputes. In order to support the Secretary-General's efforts to strengthen the United Nations, Norway, together with other Nordic countries, has presented a report with some ideas to this effect. Let me briefly mention some of the recommendations contained in the report. First, the efficiency of the Security Council should be improved. Procedures should be developed for initiating action by the Council at an early stage of conflicts. The idea of holding periodic meetings of the Council at the ministerial level to review the international situation should be considered again. Such periodic meetings could be useful both for early-warning purposes and for review of decisions taken previously by the Council. Decisions of United Nations organs should be the beginning and not the end of governmental concern and action, as rightly stated by the Secretary-General. All Member States have assumed an obligation under the Charter of the United Nations to respect and to implement the decisions of the Security Council. The members of the Security Council, and particularly its permanent members, ought here to feel a special responsibility. Secondly, the Nordic report expresses support for a strengthening of the role of the Secretary-General. It is especially important that he should be able to act in the first stage of a conflict, and the report therefore strongly supports his idea of developing a wider and more systematic capacity for fact-finding in potential conflict areas. Further, it encourages him to make more use of his powers under Article 99 of the Charter to bring matters to the attention of the Security Council. Thirdly, the ability and capacity of the United Nations to launch peace-keeping operations should be strengthened. Past experiences have shown us that all peace-keeping operations must have a clearly defined and operationally feasible mandate. It should be a precondition that all parties to a conflict are ready and willing to co-operate with the peace-keeping force in discharging its mandate. The collective responsibility of all United Nations members for the financing of peace-keeping operations must be respected. Let me add that the Nordic countries have for many years had stand-by forces earmarked for United Nations peace-keeping operations. We are prepared to share our training programmers for the forces with other countries. The East-West relationship plays a dominant role in international affairs. Its impact is felt worldwide, but is of particular significance to the European countries, because it has a direct bearing upon their security situation. East-West relations in the early 1970s were characterized by the efforts to promote defense. This was above all marked by the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975.  We had hoped that this event would lead to moderation and restraint by all parties—also in the military Held. However, a dominant feature of the European security situation in the last part of the 1970s was an increasing military buildup by the Soviet Union. West European countries observed with growing concern the development of a new generation of medium-range land- based Soviet SS-20 nuclear missiles, targeted on Western Europe, adding drastically to the existing Soviet military superiority in Europe. This development took place at a time when the Soviet Union had achieved parity with the United States in strategic nuclear arms. Against this background the countries of NATO found it necessary to counter the increased Soviet medium-range nuclear capacity and adopted in 1979 the double-track decision. It was decided to deploy in Europe 572 new United States missiles of a similar kind from the end of 1983 onwards, while at the same time offering negotiations in order to reduce or preferably eliminate the need for such weapons. These negotiations have now been going on at Geneva for more than two years. In this period the Soviet Union has continued to deploy its missiles. The number now stands at approximately 350 missiles with more than 1000 warheads. In his statement earlier today, President Reagan outlined the main elements of the new United States proposals in Geneva. These proposals demonstrate the firm will and determination of the NATO countries to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion as soon as possible. They have, as President Reagan also mentioned, been subject to extensive consultations in the NATO alliance and have Norway's full support. We hope that the Soviet Union will respond to this initiative in a constructive manner. Our objective is not only to stop the nuclear arms race, but to achieve substantial reductions in these weapons. A general freeze on nuclear weapons is not an adequate solution, as by definition it would mean freezing the present imbalance, and this would probably weaken our possibilities of achieving real disarmament. In the United Nations context there has obviously been a tendency to focus our disarmament discussion mainly on nuclear weapons and to ignore the role played by conventional arms. As pointed out by the Secretary- General in his latest report on the work of the Organization, it is necessary to keep in mind that the many millions killed in war since Hiroshima and Nagasaki have all died from conventional weapons. We also know that the greater part of the vast resources spent on armaments all over the world—frequently to the detriment of essential needs—has been used for conventional arms. In Europe, the question of conventional arms has been subject to negotiations in the mutual and balanced force reduction talks at Vienna. A successful outcome of these talks would significantly promote confidence and stability between East and West. Furthermore, conventional arms reductions to equal and lower force levels would raise the nuclear threshold. The Madrid meeting on security and co-operation in Europe also aimed at achieving more openness and confidence among the States of Europe. It is encouraging that these talks have now concluded positively. This provides a basis for further progress. The negotiations within the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva and disarmament deliberations in the General Assembly provide an important and necessary supplement to the direct East-West negotiations. The General Assembly will set in motion the preparations for the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which is to be held in 1985. The upholding and the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime must remain on our international agenda as a task of high priority. Emphasis also must be put on the achievement of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. Norway believes that such a treaty would represent an important disarmament measure. Likewise we attach considerable importance to the efforts to reduce and ultimately prohibit other weapons of mass destruction. It is particularly important to expand the present prohibition on the use of chemical weapons to include production and stockpiling, as well as a permanent and credible machinery for verification. We note with satisfaction that the question of prevention of an arms race in outer space has been placed on the agenda of international disarmament negotiations. We shall welcome all realistic proposals put forward with this objective in mind. They must be based on mutually agreed, balanced and verifiable formulas and include proposals prohibiting anti-satellite weapons. The tragic incident of the South Korean passenger aircraft which was shot down near the island of Sakhalin by Soviet military aircraft has shocked the world community. The use of armed force against international civil aircraft is incompatible with elementary considerations of humanity and with the rules, standards and recommended practices of the 1944 Chicago Convention All efforts must now be made, through ICAO, to prevent such a tragic incident from ever happening again. Norway fully endorses the resolution adopted at the special session of the Council of ICAO on 16 September calling for full investigation of the incident and measures to improve procedures relating to the interception of civil aircraft. The Soviet Union has a particular responsibility to co-operate fully with the competent international aviation authorities in this matter. We find a number of international conflicts on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly. The Norwegian delegation will refer to them all at the appropriate time. At this juncture, I shall address only one particular question, namely the situation in Lebanon. For a long time now we have been receiving daily reports on extensive fighting, civilian tragedies and failed efforts to restore peace. The situation has been such that it could easily reach proportions which might have consequences for peace and stability beyond the borders of Lebanon. We therefore warmly welcome the cease-fire which was announced last night. We urge all parties fully to respect the provisions of this cease-fire agreement. However, a lasting peaceful solution to the conflict in Lebanon can be achieved only if some basic principles are observed by all parties concerned. The independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon must be respected. The request of the Lebanese Government for withdrawal of foreign forces must be met. Violations of human rights continue to take place to an alarming extent in many parts of the world. We are regularly confronted with reports of summary and arbitrary executions, racial discrimination, torture, involuntary disappearances and denial of basic political and civil rights. In many parts of the world such violations seem to be the rule rather than the exception. This is a situation which the international community must not tolerate. The realization of the dignity and equality of all human beings is an indispensable precondition if we are to strengthen and obtain international peace and security. The question of whether or not a State can be trusted is to a great extent influenced by its record in the Held of human rights. Clearly, the major responsibility for promoting and protecting human rights rests with Governments themselves within their area of jurisdiction. On the other hand, we share an international responsibility to oppose and prevent violations wherever they occur. The international community cannot accept the principle of non-interference in internal affairs as a justification not to act. The application of basic human rights standards must be truly universal and not subject to political expedience. Against this background, it is important to strengthen the institutional machinery of the United Nations in order to increase its ability to deal promptly with serious cases of human rights violations. The establishment of a post of high commissioner for human rights is such an instrument. We hope the recent decision by the Sub-Commission of the Commission on Human Rights 9 has brought the establishment of such a post closer to realization. Finally, let me say a few words about the North- South issues which constitute an important part of our agenda. In spite of all efforts to bring the dialogue forward, we regretfully have to note that little progress has been achieved during recent years. Signs of economic recovery have been noted in some industrialized countries, but there is still widespread uncertainty about its underlying strength and durability. Even if we were to obtain increased and sustained growth in the developed market-economy countries, this alone would not be sufficient to bring about the reactivation of the development process in most developing countries. Recovery by itself cannot solve the problems of capital shortage, international indebtedness and protectionism.  The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade, took place in a constructive atmosphere, but it did not achieve the results we had hoped for. The Conference did, however, provide for common ground for tackling some of the most acute problems. It is now our hope that the joint meeting of IMF and the World Bank, which is currently taking place in Washington, will be able to bring the most pressing problems the developing countries are facing a step forward. We hope this meeting will give impetus to a positive result from the ongoing negotiations on the seventh replenishment in the International Development Association. Norway for its part is ready to participate in a seventh replenishment of the Association, which, in our view, ought to be at least as great in real terms as the sixth. Within the United Nations there is a need to ensure more concerted action by the organizations of the system in dealing with the important issues of development and international economic co-operation. For UNDP the resource problem is acute. Reductions in UNDP have serious repercussions not only for the entire United Nations development system, but also for the United Nations itself. I therefore appeal to all donors to maintain and, if possible, increase their contributions. Norway intends to maintain an active role in the work for a new international economic order. We regard the concept of a new international economic order as an effort to achieve the necessary combined strategy to foster just and equitable economic relations between rich and poor countries.