Allow me first to convey to
the President my warmest congratulations on his
election to guide the work of the sixty-sixth session of
the General Assembly. I have no doubt that under his
leadership, Qatar will be instrumental in the service of
his presidency, and, indeed, in that of the Assembly as
a whole, as we face the challenging times ahead. I also
recognize the service of his predecessor and wish to
record our appreciation for that service. To our
Secretary-General, I offer my delegation’s
congratulations on the renewal of his mandate, an act
that bears testimony to the confidence placed in him by
the Member States of this body.
 This is the last time that I will address this great
Hall as President of my country. Before the end of the
year, I will be proud to be the first President of Guyana
to demit office under the constitutional term limits that
I signed into law in the early days of my presidency.
Inevitably, that milestone has caused me to look back
on the changes that have taken place in this body since
I first stood here 12 years ago. Three things strike me

11-50702 16

as I reflect on the role of the United Nations over those
12 years.
 The first is that the central point that I and others
have repeatedly made from this rostrum stays as true
today as it was when we first articulated it. The core
point is that, while the values that inform the work of
the United Nations and our Member States — the
values of peace, equality and justice — are timeless,
they are of limited use unless we, as the United Nations
and as individual Member States, draw on them to
catalyse consistent, meaningful and practical responses
to the contemporary changing challenges that our
peoples face.
 The second point that strikes me is how utterly
different today’s contemporary challenges actually are
when compared with those of just 12 years ago, not to
mention those of the 1940s, when the United Nations
was founded. The rise of China, India, Brazil and other
developing countries is transforming the globe for the
better. Billions of people have been lifted out of
poverty; new businesses are generating millions of
jobs, growth and capital; and there is once again
genuine intellectual debate about the right way to
embed rights and justice at the core of the global
governance structure.
 However, the emergence of those great Powers is
happening in a totally different way to how Powers
emerged in the past. They are emerging in a world that
is interconnected through instant communications
capabilities and globalized trading and financial
systems. What we are witnessing is unlike anything
that has happened before, and few communities and no
country on the planet are not impacted, almost in real
time, by those changes as they happen.
 That presents the United Nations and its Member
States with a great opportunity to realize our values
and to secure the global peace, justice and security to
which we aspire. But to do so, we must face up to the
opportunities of interconnectedness with responses that
are interconnected. Our record on international
collective action in recent years is not good.
 That leads me to my third point, which is that the
search for justice and the achievement of rights for all
require us to broaden our traditional understanding of
security. We must struggle to achieve rights in a new
way and, as many have said before me, alongside the
physical security challenge, there are many other
aspects to human security and the realization of rights.
I think that there are four other elements of security, in
particular, that we need to properly understand.
 First is the challenge of food security. We are
heading for 8 billion, then 9 billion people. Rising
prosperity means that those people want greater
amounts of, and more nutritious, food. By current
trends, we need 100 million hectares of new land by
2020 to meet that demand. How do we do that and
avoid excessive price increases and volatility?
 Second is the challenge of energy security. As the
world gets richer, our demand for energy increases
massively. We are likely to demand 36 per cent more
energy by 2035. How do we generate the energy
needed to meet such demand in a way that helps people
everywhere to develop and does not choke off
economic growth through high prices caused by energy
scarcity?
 Third is the challenge of resource security. If we
are to alleviate poverty, countries need to develop. And
if countries are to develop, they need minerals and
other commodities. China alone accounts for more than
a third of the demand for many of the most important
global commodities, and countries across the world,
most notably in South America and Africa, can supply
them. How do we help global development by sourcing
such minerals and using them efficiently and justly?
 Fourth is the challenge of climate security. If we
are to avert the biggest economic and social
catastrophe ever seen, we must stabilize our planet’s
climate. At the absolute limit, that means stabilizing
global temperatures at a maximum of two degrees
above pre-industrial levels. Yet we are on track towards
perhaps a four- or five-degree rise, according to the
United Nations Environment Programme. The disaster
that this could represent is beyond anyone’s
comprehension. And the fact that we are not treating it
as an emergency will be viewed by history as the
biggest derogation of responsibility by societies and
Governments to ever take place. How can we rapidly
change that situation before we run out of time?
 Those four challenges represent both
opportunities and difficulties. The difficulties are
obvious, but they are opportunities in the sense that we
have enough land, innovation and human ingenuity to
feed the world. We have enough clean energy potential
to power future prosperity. We have enough resources
to provide the foundations for economic growth. We
know that to avert climate change means using fossil

17 11-50702

fuels and land in the right way. Once we start realizing
those opportunities, we can create new platforms for
peace, development and physical security.
 That sounds an impossible task, but I would
argue that it is not. There are solutions to enable those
opportunities to be grasped today, and the United
Nations can provide the platform for making the
changes that are needed. We can do that if we draw
motivation from the realization that the idea of
integrated sustainable development, where we optimize
our response to the interlinked security challenges, is
not some abstraction for environmentalists. It is not a
piece of rhetoric about a theoretical better future.
Instead, it is an essential and specific call to action that
has the potential to be the key global breakthrough of
our time. It can change the global paradigm of
development in a way that enables us to address the
interconnected security challenges we face in the world
today.
 Pursuing this integrated response to our global
challenges presents unparalleled opportunities for
peoples across today’s developing world. The food we
need, the energy we generate, the minerals and other
commodities from which we grow our economies,
along with our forests and other land that can be the
drivers of climate solutions, are all largely in the
developing world. With the right international action,
the developing world can lead the globe in the creation
of the transformational shift we need to see.
 Importantly, within the United Nations, we
already have many of the entities we need to solve
these problems in an integrated way. That realization
should motivate us to understand that by next year’s
United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development, we can start to make the progress that is
necessary.
 But that means consistency in our efforts to
address all forms of insecurity. We need to support
peaceful peoples everywhere to assert their basic rights
to physical security and development. The global
response to the Arab Spring and other peace
movements across the Middle East has been
remarkable for its inconsistency. Guyana supports the
right of the Palestinian people to full statehood and
urges the acceleration of the negotiations to achieve
this. Palestinian rights and blood are as valuable and
important as those of people everywhere else. I urge all
Members to support the draft resolution when it comes
before this body.
 Guyana was delighted to co-sponsor resolution
65/308 that resulted in the entry of South Sudan into
this General Assembly. But we need to do much more.
Guyana will be supportive of all peoples who struggle
for democracy and dignity.
 This also means that we need to rapidly upgrade
our response to supporting development, food, energy
and resource security. We need to see the Doha trade
round not as some zero-sum game between the
developed and developing world, but as a critical
component to enable the world to meet the urgent
challenges that an increasingly prosperous, growing
population will present. We need to redouble our
efforts to meet the Millennium Development Goals,
and to defeat non-communicable diseases. Guyana
therefore welcomes this week’s meeting on
non-communicable diseases and the adoption of the
Political Declaration (resolution 66/2, annex).
 Finally, we need to move beyond the global
insanity that is our response to climate insecurity.
Existing pledges on greenhouse gas emissions under
the Copenhagen Accord will not contain global
temperature rises within limits that will avert
catastrophic climate change, and some States will face
extinction. Moreover, the anaemic delivery on financial
pledges made at Copenhagen and formalized in the
Cancún agreements is leading to a disastrous
breakdown in trust between the developed and
developing world. The prospects for reaching an
internationally legally binding agreement on climate
change at the seventeenth Conference of the Parties to
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change in Durban, South Africa, would appear rather
bleak. There is therefore an urgent need for high-order
political leadership to re-energize the climate change
process and deliver credible results.
 To address these challenges, the United Nations
and other international institutions need to modernize
fast, and the international system needs to correct the
inconsistencies between aid, trade and climate policies
as I have outlined. In part, this means making the
Security Council more democratic, transparent and
legitimate. Fifty-four African countries have no
permanent seat on the Council; neither do the
33 countries that comprise the Latin American and
Caribbean region. Guyana strongly supports early

11-50702 18

reform of the Security Council through an expansion in
both the permanent and non-permanent categories and
enhanced representation of developing countries.
 Today’s developed world needs to catch up with
the realization that the world has changed, and it is in
its vital national interests to change its approach to
development issues. Food security is not just about
people in poor countries; prices in Europe and the
United States are rising too. Energy insecurity will hit
today’s developed countries and destroy their
competitiveness as rapidly as it will hit the developing
world. Resource insecurity is already driving up
imported inflation in many developed countries and
elsewhere. Climate insecurity could be the tipping
point for today’s Powers to be relegated to history, with
all the suffering that would entail for their peoples.
 So the narrative is changing and I hope that we
will rise to the challenge. From now on, I will watch
the proceedings in this Hall from afar, but for all of my
invocations to the United Nations to do better, it
remains the place where noble ambitions are pursued. I
wish the United Nations and its Members all the best
for a secure, prosperous and socially just future. On
behalf of my country and people, I express our full
support for the Organization and for strengthening its
capacity to better fulfil the many mandates entrusted to
it.


I would first like to thank and wish every success to
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, and to
thank Mr. Deiss of Switzerland for his leadership
during the sixty-fifth session. I would also like to take
this opportunity to once again congratulate Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon on his appointment to a second
term in office.
 I would like to acknowledge the importance of
the choice of theme for this general debate, and to
highlight the role of mediation in the settlement of
disputes by peaceful means and as a way of preventing
the resumption of hostilities.
 We greatly appreciate the mediation efforts of
global and regional entities and organizations in
various parts of the world to preserve peace and
security and to settle conflicts through peaceful
negotiations. Particularly worth mentioning is the
engagement of regional organizations, which have
gained a great deal of experience in mediation and
have in-depth knowledge of political, cultural and
military realities on the ground. The success of
mediation hinges, among other things, on the
articulation of a clearly defined mandate. A case in
point for us has been the role of the Minsk Group of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE) in settling the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict.
 Another key factor worth highlighting here is the
role of mediators in preventing the escalation of
conflict and a resumption of hostilities. This aspect of
mediation is sometimes overlooked, yet it is of no less
importance to international peace and stability than is
finding a solution to a contentious matter.
 Three years ago, when I had the honour to speak
from this rostrum (see A/63/PV.9), I said that the time
had come for serious consideration of people’s right to
self-determination in the twenty-first century. Today,
we are witnessing new instances of people exercising
this inalienable right. In that context, I would like to
congratulate the newly elected 193rd Member of the
United Nations, the Republic of South Sudan. Its road
to a seat in this Hall has been long and difficult, but the
people of South Sudan, through the free expression of
their will, have exercised their right to live as a
sovereign, independent nation, thus pursuing the path
that many of the Member States represented here today
have taken.
 The people of Nagorno Karabakh made the same
choice two decades ago by exercising their right to

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self-determination, withstanding the war unleashed by
Azerbaijan, and surviving bloodshed to earn their right
to live in freedom. The Nagorno Karabakh conflict
settlement talks are continuing with the mediation of
the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs. We are grateful to
the co-chair countries and their leaders for their
mediation efforts. However, it is the negotiating
parties, not the mediators, who have to reach an
agreement. Azerbaijan’s utter unwillingness to reach an
agreement and its everything-or-war position have
stalled progress in the peace talks. Despite the
expectations and high-level advice of the international
community, Azerbaijan took yet another step backward
during the last meeting in Kazan by rejecting the
previously formulated arrangement and in fact trying to
make the negotiation process break down.
 Baku has turned Armenophobia into State
propaganda at a level that is way beyond dangerous.
That is not just our view; the alarm has also been
sounded by international entities specializing in
combating racism and intolerance. Even more
dangerously, Armenophobic ideas are spreading among
the young Azeri generation, imperilling the future of
peaceful coexistence. By denying and destroying all
things Armenian, Baku stubbornly continues to
disseminate false accusations against Armenia,
Nagorno Karabakh and Armenians at all levels
everywhere, including here, within the framework of
the United Nations. Azerbaijan’s propaganda machine
continues to regularly bombard the international
community and its domestic audience with horrendous
lies about so-called Armenian brutality and the killing
of children. These stories are fabricated and
disseminated based on their authors’ shallow yet
painful logic, which posits that there are some people
out there who will rise to the bait of this evil
propaganda against Armenia and that it will thus serve
a purpose.
 In recent years, owing to the efforts of the Minsk
Group co-chair countries, particularly direct mediation
on the part of the President of the Russian Federation,
a number of documents have been signed, including the
Meindorf, Astrakhan and Sochi declarations, which
have stressed the need to strengthen confidence-
building measures between the parties. The signature
of the President of Azerbaijan is also on those
documents. Azerbaijan, however, continues to turn
down repeated proposals from the international
community concerning agreement on the non-use of
force and the strengthening of confidence-building
measures.
 Moreover, Azerbaijan’s belligerent rhetoric and
threats of war have intensified, and ceasefire violations
that continue to deprive innocent civilians of their lives
have grown more frequent. All of this is orchestrated at
the highest State level. The dangerous rise in
manifestations of Armenophobia not only does not
contribute to an atmosphere of trust in the region, but
also leads to questions about Azerbaijan’s
understanding of the United Nations goals of tolerance
and good-neighbourly coexistence. With such
aspirations, it is impermissible and even dangerous to
aspire to membership in the Security Council.
 Yesterday, in the framework of the Assembly,
alongside debates on some of the most vital and urgent
issues of our time, a High-level meeting was convened
yesterday on the tenth anniversary of the Durban
Declaration, which reiterated the urgent need to
eliminate racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and
all forms of intolerance. Unfortunately, these
phenomena are familiar to us Armenians not only from
the examples I mentioned earlier and not only from this
century. As a nation that has survived genocide, the
most extreme form of racism and xenophobia, we are
morally obliged to act to prevent future genocides.
 The elimination of racism and xenophobia and
the inculcation of tolerance can be truly effective if
accompanied by a clear prescription of liability.
Impunity and the avoidance of accountability give birth
to yet new crimes. Hence, it is incumbent upon the
international community to identify and denounce
without delay any expression of intolerance, especially
in its extreme forms.
 The genocide of the Armenians perpetrated under
the Ottoman Empire has been recognized and
condemned by numerous countries, parliaments,
international organizations and the community of
genocide scholars. Unfortunately, the same does not
hold true for the Republic of Turkey, which continues
to engage in a policy of denying this atrocious crime
against humanity.
 We unequivocally welcome the clear position
adopted by the international community in precluding
any possibility of immunity or pardon for the
perpetrators of genocide and other crimes against
humanity. Without recognition and condemnation, it
will be impossible to develop and implement effective

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mechanisms of prevention, which is a United Nations
priority. Armenia will contribute its utmost to the
recognition, punishment and prevention of genocide.
 These references to the Armenian genocide lead
me to recall another important celebration marked this
year: the 150th birthday of Fridtjof Nansen, the first
High Commissioner for Refugees. In the most difficult
period for my nation, that great humanist rendered
priceless support to the survival of the homeland-
deprived fragments of the Armenian people who had
fled the genocide. Holders of Nansen passports settled
in various countries of the world. They rose to their
feet and partook in the development of the countries
and peoples that offered them refuge. I believe that
justice and equal rights between States have become
standards in international relations thanks to such
powerful individuals, who promoted their vision of
morality in the cruel world of realpolitik.
 Speaking from this rostrum in 2008, I expressed
the hope that the Armenia-Turkey normalization
process initiated by us, the establishment of diplomatic
relations and the opening of the borders closed by
Turkey, in violation of international law, would become
the first steps towards the launch of a dialogue to
overcome the climate of mistrust, suspicion and
uncertainty between us. Although our initiative was
commended and widely supported by the international
community, Turkey has in all ways possible aborted the
ratification and implementation of the protocols we
signed in 2009.
 Today, on the eve of the Rio United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development, political will
must be exerted to honour the international
commitments to convert the South Caucasus into a
region of cooperation and prosperity.
 The correlation between security and
development is not an abstract theory for our region,
where economic cooperation and deeper integration
with the global economy are hampered by unlawful
blockades and the obstruction of regional integration
projects. Those attitudes, alongside the fuelling of an
arms race, not only pose a danger to the peoples of the
region, but also continue to drain the resources direly
needed for sustainable development.
 The time has come for the leaders of the countries
of our region to stand above the dictates of narrow
political agendas and to move towards solutions aimed
at a peaceful and prosperous future for generations to
come. I want to believe that, in the not-too-distant
future, our region will be perceived as a solid and firm
bridge uniting civilizations, rather than as a dividing
line.
 Two days ago, the Republic of Armenia
celebrated the twentieth anniversary of its
independence. In September 1991, Armenia restored its
independence, realizing the dream of the Armenian
people and reuniting with the family of nations. In the
realm of history, 20 years may seem like a short time,
but for the current generation it has served as a time of
great change, with the building of independent
statehood and a renewed perception of its role and
place in the world. I take this opportunity to express
my gratitude to all the States, peoples and individuals
that have supported us in these 20 years of
development and State-building.
 Freedom, peace and democracy are our choice,
and we are committed to this path. We are proud of our
achievements today. In two decades, the Republic of
Armenia has implemented a wide-scale programme of
State-building. Much has been done in the fields of
democratization, the protection of human rights,
economic reform, and the establishment of the rule of
law and a liberal economy. We have achieved much,
but much remains to be done. Above all, we are
convinced that we are on the right path — a path that is
irreversible.
 Exactly a decade ago, New York, the city that is
home to the United Nations, experienced one of the
worst atrocities in the history of humankind — the 9/11
terrorist attacks. Armenia unconditionally supports and
actively contributes to the international community’s
counter-terrorism efforts and all the initiatives of the
United Nations in this area. We are doing and will
continue to do our best to make the world a safer and
more peaceful place.
 We stand ready, to the best of our abilities, to
contribute to global security and respond to global
threats, be it through peacekeeping missions, the
elimination of the consequences of natural disasters,
environmental protection or the fight against terrorism,
racism and intolerance. Over the years, we have proven
our aspirations and determination with deeds, and we
stand ready to continue doing the same.


Samoa joined the
United Nations 35 years ago, a decision rooted firmly
in our belief in the principle of the sovereign equality
of all Member States, each with the same rights and
responsibilities. That sentiment underpins our

11-51372 6

relationship with our Organization as it evolves into a
global family of interdependent nations.
 The Organization remains one of the last, if not
the greatest, bastion against the serious challenges and
uncertainties that beset our world — financial and
economic crises, climate change, environmental
degradation, land desertification, ocean acidification,
destruction of fishery resources, endemic poverty and
dangerous threats to peace and security. That is why we
continue to support the United Nations and look to its
timely interventions and leadership in addressing the
challenges the world faces and finding collective
solutions to them.
 It is in the context of the leadership role of the
United Nations that the visit of Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon earlier this month to the Pacific region as a
special guest of the Pacific Leaders Forum in New
Zealand was particularly significant. The visit enabled
the Secretary-General to see first-hand the scale of the
challenges facing vulnerable Pacific small island
countries. The visit, the first ever to the Pacific by an
incumbent Secretary-General in the 66 years of
existence of the United Nations, was a historical
milestone in the relationship between the Pacific region
and the United Nations. The fact that the Secretary-
General is from the Asia-Pacific region and that the
visit took place before the start of his second term, not
at the end of it, are positive aspects that were not lost
on the Pacific leaders. Mr. Ban Ki-moon’s advocacy
and support of Pacific issues in the different
international forums dealing with sustainable
development, climate change and peace and security, as
we witnessed on Wednesday when he presented his
report to the General Assembly, will be invaluable in
placing Pacific concerns at centre stage for attention
and support where needed.
 The United Nations is the world’s premier
Organization. Its role in the various areas of
development and in improving the human condition
must be exemplary and unequivocal. The work and
influence of the United Nations to encourage
Governments to respect and uphold fundamental
human rights is sorely needed in parts of our Pacific
region and across the world.
 In our region as well, the work of the United
Nations to facilitate the choices of Pacific peoples to
exercise their right to self-determination continues to
form an important part of our Pacific region’s
association with the United Nations. In this respect, we
strongly urge the United Nations to play a more
proactive role towards the achievement of this goal.
 Development, security and human rights are
mutually reinforcing pillars of the United Nations.
Equal progress on all three fronts should be the norm,
not the exception. A decade into the new millennium,
we find the Assembly meeting against the backdrop of
a world teetering on many fronts and replete with
uncertainties.
 A full recovery of the global economy to
pre-2008 levels continues to be an elusive goal. The
immediate to medium-term outlook is not promising
and does not instil confidence. While some
Governments are being assisted with their budgetary
difficulties, others, in contrast, are struggling on their
own to provide the basic necessities for their people.
Achieving the time-bound Millennium Development
Goals in their totality is becoming difficult by the day.
 In terms of crises, be it economic, climate change
or food-related, the most and worst affected by any one
of these are, without exception, some of the United
Nations — recognized vulnerable groups — the least
developed countries and the small island developing
States. Samoa belongs to both categories. Though the
United Nations has committed, through internationally
agreed development frameworks such as the Brussels
Programme of Action, the Barbados Programme of
Action and others, to help vulnerable economies attain
economic growth, sustainable development and the
resilience to endure external shocks, the reality is that
the needs of these groups always outstrip the resources
available to them. This mismatch is due in part to
undercapitalized frameworks with no dedicated
funding.
 Earlier this week, the United Nations focused
long-overdue attention on the insidious health threat
posed by non-communicable diseases (NCDs). If left
unchecked, NCDs will not only devastate the health of
our people but also have the potential to wreak havoc
in our economies, with the incidence of these so-called
lifestyle diseases having a heavy impact on the
productive population. Samoa therefore adds its voice
to the call to include the reduction of non-communicable
diseases in the Millennium Development Goals and
which sufficient resources and donor partnership
actions should also prioritize.

7 11-51372

 These are real concerns. Sustainable economic
development is a priority issue for Samoa and the
Pacific island countries. This is why we are hopeful
that the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), to be held next June in Brazil,
will allow for a serious discussion and reorientation of
the whole United Nations community on the
importance of identifying and providing the necessary
resources for the implementation of the agreed
programmes of action and other global arrangements
that the United Nations underwrites.
 The theme of this year’s Pacific Forum was
“Converting potential into prosperity”. In line with this
is the advocacy led by the Pacific countries to raise the
profile of the oceans agenda towards a strong “blue
economy” outcome, to ensure that the importance of
the oceans to our islands is captured as an integral
component of the Rio+20 outcome. The ocean provides
the Pacific region with opportunities and challenges,
best reflected in the four-pronged focus on
conservation, sustainable management, balanced
harvesting and greater economic return from the
utilization of fishery and marine resources.
 The emphasis of efforts on maximizing economic
benefits from fisheries is a recognition of its vital
contribution in supporting sustainable economic
development and attempts to address the long-held
concern of Pacific islands that they have been for far
too long short-changed and unfairly compensated for
the fishery resources found within our waters, which
are worth many billions of dollars, with less than 1 per
cent received by the island countries.
 The Pacific States have long been committed to
efforts to conserve and manage fisheries resources in
the region. It has therefore also been a point of long-
standing frustration that vessels of major fishing
nations continue to fish illegally in Pacific waters.
Even when they are caught carrying out illegal fishing
activities, it is by no means a certainty that prosecution
and enforcement of penalties will be successful, when
infringing fishing vessels have heavy financial
resources backing their defences.
 We therefore again urge cooperation from all
nations with fishing fleets in the Pacific to work
together with our Pacific countries to stop illegal,
unreported and unregulated fishing practices in the
Pacific. The Pacific carries the last major stocks of
some key fish species that in other oceans have already
been depleted, contaminated and devastated.
Successful conservation and the effective management
of harvest levels in the long term is absolutely critical,
not just for Pacific countries and distant-water fishing
nations, but, ultimately, the availability of fish supplies
to the rest of the world in the years ahead. The
successful conservation and management of fish stocks
in the Pacific is, pure and simple, good business for
everyone.
 Climate change was again singled out by Pacific
leaders during their just-concluded summit as the
single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and
well-being of the peoples of the Pacific. Natural
catastrophes are capable of destruction that devastates
entire communities. From the tragic experiences that
our country has endured, we know of the great pain
from the loss of lives, the destruction of property and
the setback to the national economy that disasters are
capable of inflicting.
 It is therefore imperative that adequate resources
be available and that they may, indeed, be accessed
with ease through different direct modalities in order to
assist countries in meeting their mitigation and
adaptation programmes. The Copenhagen Green
Climate Fund is now in the design phase. The
representatives of Governments and experts involved
would do well to pay attention to the existing climate
change funding architecture so that the shortcomings of
other funding mechanisms are not repeated.
 Without the necessary financial resources and
technical support, Samoa’s ability to adapt to and
mitigate climate change will be severely curtailed.
Thankfully, Samoa continues to benefit under the fast
start finance window, both bilaterally and through
regional projects made available by the generous
support of our traditional and new development
partners, such as Australia, China, the European Union,
Japan, New Zealand, Italy, the Asian Development
Bank, the Global Environment Facility, the World Bank
and the United Nations, to name but a few. We are,
indeed, very, very grateful.
 Countries in different parts of the world look to
the United Nations and its stronger members for
peacekeeping arrangements to give those communities
in strife time to re-establish and to find lasting
solutions. Samoa continues to lend its unwavering
support to that aspect of the United Nations mandate. I
reaffirm that support, which is underpinned by my

11-51372 8

country’s contribution and the involvement of our
police officers in the United Nations peacekeeping
operations in the Sudan, Liberia and Timor-Leste.
Additionally, Samoa continues to be an integral part of
the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands
under the umbrella of the Pacific Forum.
 Samoa warmly welcomes the admission of South
Sudan as the United Nation’s newest member in July
this year.
 Samoa joins the international community’s
support for the courage of the people of Tunisia, Egypt,
Libya and now Syria in seeking relief from oppression
and in gaining the freedoms and human rights to which
they are rightly entitled.
 At this rostrum a year ago, I did not expect the
Arab spring, and spoke in earnest of the hope that
progress would come in the then historic process to
bring permanent peace to the peoples of Israel and
Palestine (see A/65/PV.19). It is our long-held
conviction that an independent Palestinian nation,
taking its rightful place in our global family and living
side by side with a secure Israel, is the only road to
permanent peace. However, while we all know that that
is the sensible outcome that must be achieved, it will
sadly remain elusive without a clear sense of
commitment and willingness by both sides to negotiate
in good faith.
 For genuine and permanent peace between
Palestine and the State of Israel, there must be direct
negotiations between the two countries. Addressing the
symptoms, but not the root causes of the conflict is
short-sighted and the result unsustainable. Solutions
must be decided by the two parties, not imposed from
outside. Without that strong buy-in from the Israelis
and Palestinians themselves, any solutions will, at best,
be short-lived. More than ever, visionary leadership, on
both sides, that sees beyond the immediate dictates of
short-sighted interests and that is, instead, willing to
seize the opportunity to fashion a just and durable
peace settlement, is critically needed at this point.
 Terrorism, in its various forms and
manifestations, is responsible for the horror and fear
that have continued to grip the world’s attention. No
country is immune from the reaches of terrorism, and
we are all affected to varying degrees. Terrorist acts
committed under whatever pretext or purpose can
never be justified as morally acceptable. Equally,
countering terrorism does not confer immunity from
the rule of law, nor the abandonment of the principles
of a civilized society.
 No country can win the war against terrorism on
its own. Only by pooling our resources and working
collaboratively with each other can we stand a chance
of defeating that senseless menace. Samoa, despite the
heavy cost, is doing its best to meet our obligations in
that collective effort.
 Modest progress has been achieved in the efforts
to reform the Security Council. Samoa remains
convinced that an expanded Security Council that
mirrors present-day realities is essential for
multilateralism and for the Council’s integrity and
credibility. Increases in both the permanent and the
non-permanent categories should be part and parcel of
the reform package.


Permit me to extend hearty
congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at this session. May
I also use this opportunity to express our sincere thanks
to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Deiss, for the able
manner in which he presided over the sixty-fifth
session.
 Ghana joins the rest of the world in welcoming
our sister country, South Sudan, to the family of the
United Nations. It is our fervent hope that South
Sudan, having taken its rightful place in this body, will
grow and prosper. We also want to congratulate the
Secretary-General on his appointment to a second term.
It is a clear manifestation of his excellent performance
during his first term.
 It is a long-established fact that United Nations
peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities have
contributed immensely to the Organization’s efforts for
the maintenance of international peace and security
over the years. We observe, however, that this activity
continues to take on complex dimensions that require
long-term planning and urgent reforms in order to
enable the United Nations to tackle the challenges that
crop up.
 It is in this connection that Ghana reaffirms its
support for the ongoing reform agenda being
undertaken by the United Nations in consultation with
the troop- and police-contributing countries. However,
we do want to emphasize that regular tripartite
consultations are needed among the United Nations,
the Secretariat, the Security Council and the troop- and
police-contributing countries.
 As one of the top contributors of police and
troops to United Nations activities, Ghana remains
unwavering in its commitment to the ideals and
objectives of the United Nations. Accordingly, I want
to assure Members that as long as financial, human and
material capacities exist at the national level, Ghana
will continue to provide troops and police personnel
for United Nations operations.
 But it is important that the burden and costs to
the United Nations of these activities be equitably
shared among Member States. We think that countries
such as Ghana that provide troops and police personnel
for these operations must be financially supported by
donor countries in a timely manner. We are aware of

11-51185 2

the financial constraints existing at all national levels,
but we want to encourage Member States to meet their
obligations to the United Nations so that the
Organization can execute its mandate.
 Allow me to pay tribute to all United Nations
personnel — including those from my own country,
Ghana — who in the course of the year made the
ultimate sacrifice while on United Nations
peacekeeping missions. May their souls rest in peace
and their sacrifice be cherished and remembered.
 Another issue that we are following with keen
interest is the proposed arms trade treaty. Ghana fully
supports this and thinks it is necessary. Hence our
satisfaction thus far with the outcomes of the meetings
of the Preparatory Committee for the United Nations
Conference on the Arms Trade Treaty held in New
York last year and in February and March this year.
 As a nation, we consider a strong and effective
arms trade treaty to be an indispensable step in
preventing the flow of arms to destinations where they
can cause mayhem and wreak havoc by fuelling
conflicts that may in turn undermine national and
regional peace, security and development, or
exacerbate tensions that in the long run may create
situations that need the deployment of United Nations
peacekeepers.
 For developing countries such as Ghana, the
illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons
and other conventional weaponry continues to pose a
serious threat to our national security and to our
socio-economic and political stability, given the
linkage to other crimes such as terrorism, organized
crime, drug trading and indeed human trafficking,
among others. It is therefore imperative that the
remaining meetings of the arms trade treaty
Preparatory Committee produce proposals that would
close the loopholes that allow the flow of these
weapons from legitimate to illicit markets.
 The United Nations reached a significant
milestone with the launch of UN-Women — the United
Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the
Empowerment of Women. It is critical as member
States of the international community that we break
gender stereotypes, which after all are the root cause of
the myriad of gender-inequality challenges facing us
throughout the world. Ghana’s efforts are focused on
addressing gender imbalances and misconceptions and
on improving the living conditions of women and girls,
bearing in mind that in solving the gender issue we
would be taking concrete steps towards the attainment
of a majority of the Millennium Development Goals. It
is our expectation that the objectives of UN-Women
will be met.
 On the occasion of the High-level Meeting to
commemorate the tenth anniversary of the Durban
Declaration and Programme of Action, Ghana
recognizes the progress so far made in this area by the
opportunity given to Member States to reaffirm and
strengthen their political commitment to the prevention
of and fight against racism and racial discrimination in
all its forms. We are confident that the effective
implementation of the outcome policy (see resolution
66/3) will indeed ensure the enjoyment of human rights
and fundamental freedoms by all, including the victims
of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and
related intolerance, in all societies.
 It is noteworthy that the High-level Meeting of
the General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of
Non-communicable Diseases focused on the developmental
drawbacks and socio-economic impact on developing
countries where the relevant facilities are not available.
Indeed, we are of the opinion that the effective
prevention and control of non-communicable diseases
not only helps to reduce poverty but also decreases
health-care costs, thereby improving productivity and
ultimately helping with rapid economic development.
 Efforts in Ghana to improve the health-care
system include the completion of the health-care
infrastructure in several parts of the country, the
scaling-up of the National Ambulance Service to cover
all districts and the training of emergency medical
technicians. We have re-engineered our policies in
order to give more meaning to health-care delivery.
 Ghana recognizes and appreciates the
contribution of youth to nation-building and the growth
and sustenance of our democracy. We believe that the
adoption of the political declaration urging Member
States to adopt comprehensive plans and measures to
give meaning to youth development is commendable,
especially since this is the International Year of Youth.
In Ghana we are implementing policies that are
intended to situate young men and women in the centre
of nation-building.
 One of the main reasons for our relentless fight
against drug trafficking is to ensure that we secure the
future of our young men and women, who, after all,

3 11-51185

will be the future leaders of our dear nations. As we
continue to invest heavily in our youth by expanding
educational opportunities and making it possible for
the disadvantaged to have access to formal schooling,
we believe we are laying the right foundation. The
provision of free school uniforms, free exercise books
and the elimination of more than one thousand schools
under trees, turning them into brick-and-mortar
structures, should be ample evidence of our
determination to brighten the future of youth. Certainly
Ghana’s oil and gas find should present us with a
greater opportunity to create the conditions under
which we will be able to create more jobs to solve
youth unemployment in our country.
 Climate change is the defining human
development challenge of the twenty-first century and
one of the greatest threats to sustainable development
in Africa. Although as a continent we contribute only
4 per cent of worldwide greenhouse gas emissions, we
are the most vulnerable when it comes to climate
change. Therefore urgent and concerted action is
needed to enable us to maximize the opportunity that
climate change offers.
 We believe that with the right investments in
technology, institutions and infrastructure by the
international community and nation-States, we will be
able to unleash the potential of agriculture, harness the
maximum benefit from water resources, expand access
to modern energy sources, fight diseases and conserve
tropical forests.
 As we move closer to the climate change
negotiations scheduled for Durban, South Africa, it is
our expectation that the critical political questions that
could not be answered during the United Nations
Climate Change Conference at Cancún will be
addressed. With regard to mitigation, we believe that
we need political commitment, a high sense of
flexibility and strong leadership to ensure that at the
Durban Conference the second round of commitments
under the Kyoto Protocol will be addressed or some
transitional arrangement made.
 Again with regard to mitigation, we believe that
all pledged commitments and actions should be
quantified, monitored and verified by the international
community. We commend the obvious progress made
in the design of the institutions of adaptation, such as
the Green Climate Fund. What remains to be done is to
determine the sources of funding for the Fund and also
to empower the Conference of Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to
have control over the Green Climate Fund.
 On the political and security fronts, Ghana
notices a paradigm shift, or at least a shift in emphasis,
from national security to human security. We agree that
interventions targeted on human security will
eventually define our national security. We are
therefore implementing measures that will help us
make this concept take form through the adoption of
the necessary legislative measures, institutions and
reforms. We are taking steps to expand our adherence
to the rule of law, the promotion of transparency and
good governance, the maintenance of the independence
and integrity of the judiciary, and the promotion of a
free media. We also subscribe to the global norm of the
responsibility to protect, and we promise to work hand
in glove with member countries, the United Nations
and others to achieve this.
 A little over a year from now Ghana will be going
to the polls to elect a President and Members of
Parliament for another four years. To ensure that the
elections are free, fair, transparent and credible, our
Electoral Commission — which has successfully organized
the last three elections, since the year 2000 — has put in
place the necessary measures to enable Ghanaians to
make their choices in a free atmosphere. Our
democratic credentials stand tall, and we would not
want anything to affect the standard that we have
achieved.
 Just as the United Nations and the rest of the
international community kept an eye on the 2008
elections in Ghana, I should like to invite you,
Mr. President, and all others to come and do the same
in connection with the 2012 elections. We want to
make sure that people are given the right to vote and
choose their own leaders, instead of having leaders
imposed on them or come in through unauthorized
means.
 Finally, I wish to reaffirm Ghana’s total
commitment to the aims, objectives and ideals of the
United Nations. I also want to advocate that all
Member States muster the necessary political will to
ensure that the United Nations functions more
effectively.


Twelve months ago, I
stood here and insisted upon the importance of the
principle of accountability. This year there is even
more reason to underscore this core value in national
and international politics.
 In several countries of the Arab world — in
Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Libya, Syria, Yemen and
elsewhere — people are transforming the outlook of
their societies, moving towards more accountable
leadership.
 On the African continent, in Côte d’Ivoire a
leader who repeatedly plunged his country into
violence did not stand the test of democratic
legitimacy. With parliamentary elections scheduled to
take place later this year, Côte d’Ivoire is now ready to
make a fresh start.
 And in Europe the arrest of Ratko Mladic
confirms what leaders should know all too well: that
war crimes will not remain unpunished for ever, that
this world will not accept impunity.
 The past year has shown that, more than ever,
history is on the side of those who, worldwide, strive
for more accountability. They will find Belgium on
their side.
 Accountability means first of all legal
accountability: the obligation to implement
international treaties and to respect international law. A
former Nuremberg prosecutor, Benjamin Ferencz,
stated, “There can be no peace without justice, no
justice without law and no meaningful law without a
Court to decide what is just and lawful under any given
circumstance”.
 Some of the examples I have just mentioned
illustrate that all too well. Ratko Mladic is on trial in
The Hague. Mass atrocities committed in Côte d’Ivoire
and Libya have been referred to the International
Criminal Court.
 From this place, I would like to launch a strong
appeal to those Member States that have not yet done
so to adhere to and shoulder the Rome Statute, as a
contribution to a sustainable and accountable
international legal system.
 But accountability is of course much broader. It
also implies political accountability. Governments,

5 11-51378

politicians and civil servants are accountable and
responsible to their citizens, be it through the ballot
box or through constructive engagement with
representative organizations.
 Let me be frank: this is also a challenge in the
continent I come from, Europe. We, as European
leaders, should not run away from the obligation of
being accountable to the people we represent. In the
Durban spirit of non-discrimination, let me add:
accountable to all the people, regardless of their ethnic
background, their religion or belief, their gender,
sexual orientation or social position.
 Worldwide, the challenges are sometimes of a
different order. Let us be clear. Leaders who believe
that they can cling to power through terror and
suppression make a cruel mistake. Leaders who believe
that pointing guns at their own people, that sending
death squads on to the streets, that stoning women to
death is acceptable, have lost touch with humankind
and are bound to lose all support, not only from their
own people but also from the world.
 Warlords who think that they can get away with
sexual abuse of women and recruiting child soldiers
should be stopped and held accountable by a united
and firm international community.
 Belgium will not stand idly by when people claim
a future free of coercion and terror. Instead of
non-interference, Belgium believes in non-indifference.
Sovereignty cannot be a wall that leaders can use to
violate the rights of their citizens. Sovereignty cannot
be used as an excuse to run away from the
responsibility to protect their people.
 This is one of the main lessons that I draw from
recent events in the Arab world: that democracy and
accountability are of a universal nature; that they
cannot be claimed, and should not be claimed, by any
nation or group of nations.
 Take the case of Libya, where the Security
Council was able to prevent a massacre in Benghazi.
Belgium decided, with almost unanimous support in
Parliament, to take part in the military Operation
Unified Protector, assuming the risk and the cost.
 That was because Belgium is convinced that the
international community has the responsibility to take
action when populations are exposed to imminent
danger. Molière said long ago that we are responsible
not only for what we do, but for what we do not do.
 Today, now that the immediate danger is fading,
the international community has a responsibility to
help in the reconstruction of Libya. Let us not forget
that that responsibility is an integral part of the
responsibility to protect. Belgium will contribute.
 Let us look at the rest of the African continent,
whose peoples want their voice to be heard through
free and fair elections. In that context, I wish to make
specific mention of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, where, after years of violence, undeniable
progress has been made.
 The important part played by the United Nations,
and in particular by the United Nations Organization
Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, cannot be ignored.
 There are still significant challenges to be
overcome. They include the continuation and
strengthening of stabilization efforts in the east of
country, the reform of the security sector, the
establishment of the rule of law and countering
impunity and sexual violence.
 Those are essential ingredients in the
consolidation of democracy. The 2006 elections put the
Democratic Republic of the Congo on the road to
democracy. The elections to be held at the end of
November should confirm that the Democratic
Republic of the Congo is ready once and for all to
move on from its bloody past.
 As an important partner of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, my Government is contributing
financially to the preparations for the elections, and
demands that every candidate and every citizen be able
to participate peacefully and with full respect for
democratic rules.
 Let us finally look at the Middle East, a conflict
region that has this week received much attention here
in the Hall. Dag Hammarskjöld, to whom this week is
dedicated and who himself devoted much of his effort
to finding a lasting peace in that region, said more than
half a century ago: “The building of a firm bridge …
over which you can pass without any difficulties may
be a long story”. More than 50 years later, we still do
not have such a “firm bridge”. That is not acceptable.

11-51378 6

 The parameters of a sustainable solution are well
known. Both the Palestinian and Israeli peoples have
legitimate aspirations. People want statehood. People
want to live in peace and security. These were the
messages that President Abbas and Prime Minister
Netanyahu brought us yesterday. It must be possible to
satisfy both legitimate needs.
 Over the past few months, the European Union
and its High Representative have spared no effort to
get a process of negotiations started. There is no
alternative to negotiations, however difficult and risky
the path may be. It is therefore my sincere hope that
the steps proposed by the Quartet yesterday will be
fully implemented.
 It is also clear that the Palestinian Authority has
successfully progressed on the road to statehood, also
thanks to the important and sustained contributions by
the European Union and by Belgium, and that it has
now reached a level of statehood that the world cannot
ignore.
 Now is the time to show leadership. After all, that
is what accountability towards the people of the region
is all about.
 Many have said it before: the global challenges
we face are multiple. They range from terrorism to
climate change and sustainable development — in
which regard the upcoming United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development will ask a lot of our
energy and creativity in the months ahead; from
financial turmoil to terrible humanitarian tragedies like
the one in the Horn of Africa; from banning cluster
munitions to curbing nuclear proliferation, notably in
North Korea and Iran; from guaranteeing the
responsible and transparent exploitation of natural
resources through schemes such as the Kimberley
Process; through to fully implementing the indicators
of the landmark Security Council resolution 1325
(2000) on women, peace and security.
 For Belgium, the only way to address those
challenges is through a multilateral approach. No
country, however big or important, is capable of
tackling global challenges alone. No country, however
modest in size it may be, should think that it cannot be
part of the solution.
 Multilateralism is not about blocking solutions. It
should lead to change, and should have at its centre the
United Nations, which indeed has proved its added
value in so many fields. Let me mention just one such
field to which Belgium attaches particular importance:
international conflict mediation.
 When the Secretary-General addressed us earlier
this week he mentioned Guinea, Kenya and Kyrgyzstan
as United Nations mediation successes. The list is
undoubtedly longer, but so are the needs. I am
therefore grateful to the President of the General
Assembly for choosing mediation as a central theme
for our debate. I strongly believe that the United
Nations should continue to invest in strengthening its
mediation capacities.
 I am proud to announce that Belgium has decided
to financially support the United Nations Mediation
Support Unit and to actively engage with the President
and with other Governments and non-governmental
stakeholders to strengthen the role of United Nations
mediation efforts.
 Some say that the United Nations is losing its
power as a global platform for discussion and decision-
making. Some say that global trends point towards a
more fragmented structure of global governance. I do
not think that that is true. I would certainly not think
that it was desirable.
 Belgium remains a staunch supporter of the
United Nations. Our current engagement in the
Peacebuilding Commission and our bid for a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the
period 2019-2020 show our willingness to play our role
in the United Nations.
 Today I am also proud to introduce Belgium’s
candidacy for the Human Rights Council for the period
2015-2018, to add our voice to those who fight
impunity and discrimination; to give a voice to those
men, women and children who worldwide see their
rights curtailed; to turn the principle of non-
indifference into a living reality. That is not for the
sake of ourselves, but for the sake of those to whom we
are accountable.


This year the session of the General
Assembly is opening at a time when international
relations are in a state of turbulence. The Middle East
and North Africa have gone through a period of large-
scale changes, and the situation is volatile in certain
other parts of the world. We have not yet been able to
put the global economy back on the track of
progressive sustainable development. The increasing
number of alarming factors has been accompanied by
an exacerbation of social, inter-ethnic and intercultural
conflicts as well as outbreaks of extremism.
 Just as a ship caught in adverse weather
conditions needs a united crew and a compass to find
the right course, the international community today
needs in particular to deploy joint efforts to respond to
common challenges and set clear guidelines to
strengthen global governance mechanisms. We are
convinced that such guidelines should include, first and
foremost, the rule of international law; clear, strict and
responsible reliance on the fundamental principles of
the Charter of the United Nations; and the will to
implement a positive unification agenda.
 The United Nations remains a pillar of
international relations and equitable multilateral
cooperation in the interests of all States. It has a unique
legitimacy and the necessary authority to respond
adequately to the variety of contemporary risks and
threats. It is the United Nations that should continue to
provide political, legal and moral leadership in dealing
with global challenges, to establish equitable principles
and standards of interaction, to monitor their
implementation and to render necessary assistance and
support for the States that need it.
 Ten years ago on September 11, a horrible
terrorist attack was committed in this city. We are
convinced that it is necessary to strengthen multilateral
cooperation in countering international terrorism on
both the global and regional levels. However, the
additional mechanisms to be created in this area should
be incorporated in our common work within the United
Nations, with due account taken of its central
coordinating role in combating terrorism.
 Wide international cooperation is needed to keep
the situation in the global economic and financial
system under control. One can hardly deny the
importance of the role that the Group of Twenty (G-20)
plays in the post-crisis recovery of the world economy.
Today, it is important to finalize the process of
reforming the global financial and economic
architecture and to implement everything we have
agreed on, rather than to stop halfway. The efficiency
of these efforts will only grow if the G-20 strengthens
its dialogue with the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.
 A significant contribution to the reform of the
global economy and finance is being made by
BRICS — Brazil, Russia, India, China and South
Africa — a global-scale association of five major,
rapidly growing economies that reflects the realities of
the evolving multipolar world. BRICS does not aim at
confrontation with anyone. Its goal is to enhance
productive multilateral collaboration to address the
urgent problems of the contemporary world.
 Sustainable development requires a reliable
supply of energy resources for the global economy.
Russia has proposed drafting a convention on
international energy security that would cover all
aspects of global energy cooperation, taking into
account the balance of interests of all actors in the
international market. We call for the start of the
practical preparation of this document.
 As in economics, the logic of joint consolidated
actions should prevail in matters of security and the
elimination of surplus weapons worldwide. Russia and
the United States made another important step towards
nuclear disarmament when they signed the Treaty on
Strategic Offensive Arms and began its
implementation. Its practical realization will allow us
to make sure that the Treaty is effective and viable and

11-51670 16

to see how its fundamental principles are implemented.
We call on all States with nuclear weapons capability
to join the Russian-American efforts. We believe that
further progress in nuclear arms reductions is possible
only on a multilateral basis.
 Moreover, progress in this area is inseparable
from coordinated efforts to move forward on all
aspects of strengthening international security and
strategic stability. This includes development of
universally acceptable approaches to missile defence
issues, an accounting on the impact of strategic
conventional arms, prevention of the weaponization of
space and elimination of qualitative and quantitative
imbalances in conventional arms.
 The deployment of strategic missile defence
elements in various parts of the world alters the overall
configuration of international security. It is not enough
to make statements that the increase in global missile
defence capabilities would not undermine the basics of
strategic stability. The issue is far too serious. We need
solid legal guarantees that missile defence potential
will actually be adequate to the declared objectives and
will not disrupt global and regional balances. This
holds equally true for both Europe and the Asia-Pacific
region, where the missile defence factor is beginning to
affect the strategic environment.
 It is of primary importance for us to prevent the
undermining of the non-proliferation regime. We call
for universalization of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons, strengthening of the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards system and
the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty. Russia has been one of the main
initiators of the proposal to convene in 2012 a
conference on establishing a zone free of weapons of
mass destruction and their means of delivery in the
Middle East and is now working intensively, together
with its partners, on the preparations for this important
forum.
 The early resolution of the nuclear problems of
Iran and the Korean Peninsula would contribute to the
strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. We see
no alternative to their political and diplomatic
settlement and to taking concrete steps to create the
conditions for the resumption of negotiations. We call
on all partners to address these tasks with utmost
responsibility.
 The situation around Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi-1
nuclear power plant has highlighted the need to
improve the international legal framework in order to
ensure the safety of nuclear power facilities. The
Russian Federation has made proposals to enhance the
mechanisms of the Convention on Nuclear Safety and
the Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear
Accident and to strengthen the relevant IAEA norms.
We urge support for these initiatives.
 In the age of new telecommunications
technologies, international information security has
become a challenge that requires coordinated efforts by
the international community. Reliable protection of the
field of information from malicious and criminal
attacks is the goal of the initiative that Russia and its
partners are promoting at the United Nations. During
this session, we will put forward proposals on
developing specific rules of conduct in this area.
 In a polycentric world, an effective international
architecture can be created only if it rests on regional
building blocks. The enhancing of global governance at
the regional level and the increasing role of regional
organizations are an integral part of modern
international relations. Integration associations and
organizations in the Commonwealth of Independent
States area contribute to these processes. The Eurasian
Economic Community, with its $10 billion anti-crisis
fund, operates in the financial and economic sphere. A
customs union between Russia, Kazakhstan and
Belarus has been created, and single economic space is
taking shape with a view to establishing a Eurasian
union.
 The Collective Security Treaty Organization
(CSTO) is a key tool for ensuring stability within the
area of its responsibility. The signing of the joint
declaration on cooperation between the United Nations
Secretariat and the CSTO secretariat in March 2011
was a major step in the collaboration between these
two organizations, primarily in the field of
peacekeeping. We are ready to start working on its
practical modalities. Russia consistently calls for
interaction between regional organizations, under the
auspices of the United Nations, to strengthen global
stability on the basis of the solid legal framework of
the Charter.
 Priority should be given to equal and indivisible
security, predictability, transparency and mutual
respect, taking into account one other’s interests. This

17 11-51670

is exactly the aim of Russian President Medvedev’s
initiative to sign a treaty on European security. Its
practical implementation would allow us to finally put
a period to the post-cold war era, to establish a
universal and clear framework for a reliable solution to
such issues as missile defence and arms control, and to
create a common space of security and development
without dividing lines.
 Achieving equal and indivisible security is an
urgent issue for the Asia-Pacific region, with the
Russian Far East and Eastern Siberia as integral parts.
The joint initiative launched by the leaders of China
and Russia in September 2010 is aimed at creating a
comprehensive architecture for security and
cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region on a bloc-free
legal basis. We could move closer to this goal by
promoting a network of multilateral diplomacy, an idea
that has been supported by the members of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
 Progress in the settlement of regional conflicts
would contribute to a more stable international
environment. Today, special attention is given to the
developments in the Arab world.
 Russia condemns the use of violence against
civilians and supports the aspirations of Arab peoples
for the revival of their States and their democratic
development and social and economic prosperity. At
the same time, actions by the outside forces must be
based on full respect for international law and be
instrumental to the search for a political settlement
between the authorities and the opposition. The
attempts to go beyond the Security Council mandate
are unacceptable, since they undermine its authority
and compound the suffering of innocent civilians.
 In this context, it seems quite pertinent that States
and regional organizations commit themselves to
strictly complying with the existing norms of
international law, including humanitarian law, in order
to protect civilians during armed conflict. This step,
which further enhances the existing legal basis of
international relations, would contribute to the
strengthening of regional and global security in its
modern, multidimensional interpretation.
 The leading role in elaborating modalities for
post-conflict resolution in Libya must be played by the
United Nations and in particular the Security Council.
That is precisely the goal of Security Council
resolution 2009 (2011) of 16 September 2011, which
established the United Nations Support Mission in
Libya. We believe that it is time to take additional
steps, including the lifting of the no-fly zone.
 As for Syria, it is inadmissible to boycott
proposals for a national dialogue, stir up confrontation
and provoke violence, while neglecting the reforms —
late in coming, but still achievable — proposed by
President Al-Assad. It is important to encourage the
authorities and the opposition to start negotiations and
agree on the future of their country. We hope that the
League of Arab States will make the necessary efforts.
 The situation in the Middle East could be
significantly improved by progress in the negotiation
process, on the basis of the main parameters defined
and recorded in Security Council resolutions, the
Madrid terms of reference and the Arab Peace
Initiative, and reiterated in the Quartet ministerial
statement of 23 September. The only viable basis for a
settlement is the coexistence of Palestinian and Israeli
States in peace and security. We support the
Palestinians’ application to the Security Council and
welcome the readiness reiterated by the President of
the Palestinian National Authority, Mr. Abbas, to hold
talks with Israel on the basis of the existing
international legal framework.
 We encourage the Cypriot communities to
continue negotiations under United Nations auspices to
achieve a comprehensive, just and viable settlement on
the basis of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
 We call upon all parties to the Nagorno-Karabakh
settlement process to take advantage of the additional
opportunities arising from the efforts made in the
context of Russia’s mediation. We will promote
confidence-building and ceasefire enforcement
measures within the framework of the Troika of the
co-Chairs of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe Minsk Group, together with
American and French partners.
 We hope that the decision taken in Moscow on
22 September on resuming official talks on a
Transdniestrian settlement will encourage the parties to
seek ways to arrive at mutually acceptable agreements.
 We are strongly committed to doing our utmost to
prevent a repetition of a scenario involving the use of
force in the Caucasus, as happened in August 2008 as a
result of a reckless venture by the ruling regime in
Tbilisi. Russia is ready to act as a guarantor of

11-51670 18

arrangements on the non-use of force between
Abkhazia, Georgia, and South Ossetia, taking into
account the earlier relevant statements made by the
leaders of these three parties. We would welcome it if
the United States and the European Union made similar
commitments. As guarantors, we would be ready to
take steps to prevent the resumption of violence in the
region and, in the case of the wrongful use of force by
either side, to work towards an early resolution of the
situation on the basis of the existing norms of
international law.
 Russia is providing significant support for the
efforts to stabilize the situation in Afghanistan. At the
same time, we call on the International Security
Assistance Force to more effectively fight the growing
Afghan drug threat. Central Asia and Russia are
already facing a “heroin aggression”, while the profits
from drug trafficking are being used as the main source
of financing the clandestine extremist underground in
the region. The fight against this evil should be
uncompromising, and it should target the entire drug
business chain.
 The problems on the African continent should be
a focus of continuous attention on the part of the
United Nations. Such attention should include
development assistance as well as efforts to overcome
the current humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa
and resolve the numerous ongoing conflicts, while
maintaining the leading role of the African Union.
 The eradication of piracy remains a priority. It is
necessary to accelerate the establishment of an
international anti-piracy court mechanism in the
region, in accordance with the Security Council
resolution adopted on the initiative of Russia.
 Experience has shown that pressure and unilateral
sanctions cannot be a cure-all in addressing various
conflict situations; they only complicate efforts to
resolve them. We urge that an end be put to any actions
that circumvent the Security Council. We also call for
the lifting of the blockade of Cuba. Cooperation rather
than isolation should be the method for settling
conflicts in the twenty-first century.
 The ongoing transformation in contemporary
international relations makes it a priority task on the
global agenda to expand intercultural, interreligious
and inter-civilization dialogue in order to devise
approaches to the problems of the modern world that
are based on shared values. The degradation of
fundamental moral values leads to the degradation of
society. The recent tragic events in Norway, riots in
Great Britain, protests by young people in other
countries, and calls to suppress Christian minorities in
the Middle East and North Africa — all of those events
are the result of a deterioration in moral and ethical
values. There can be no freedom without responsibility
and no democracy without self-restraint. There is a
clear and urgent need to counter the threats posed by
nationalism, ethnic and religious intolerance. We
therefore reiterate the importance of the recent High-
level Meeting of the General Assembly to
commemorate the tenth anniversary of the adoption of
the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action
against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and
related intolerance.
 Attempts to falsify or revise history are
inadmissible, all the more so given that we are marking
the sixty-fifth anniversary of the Nuremberg Tribunal
verdict. Political correctness and talk of freedom of
speech cannot serve as a cover when, in certain
European countries, people who brought disgrace upon
themselves by cooperating with the Nazis are being
talked and written about in an increasingly elevated
tone. Russia will never forget the countless military
crimes committed by Hitler and his associates in our
land and throughout Europe during the years of the
Nazi aggression.
 The rapid changes taking place in the world make
it imperative to strengthen the role of the United
Nations and to adapt it to contemporary realities while
preserving — naturally — its inter-State character and
the immutability of its Charter principles. A
fundamental element of the Organization’s renewal is
the reform of the Security Council. We support a
solution that is based upon the broadest possible
agreement.
 The world community faces many challenges,
and the United Nations, as a major mechanism for
global regulation, is today in demand as never before.
Together we will find practical ways to effectively
overcome the threats of the twenty-first century.


The rapid changes in our
political and economic environment show, once again,
the necessity of this annual gathering of the General
Assembly of the United Nations. We have a difficult
task ahead of us. I wish the President of the General
Assembly every success. He can rest assured that he
has our fullest support. I also wish to congratulate
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment.
His steady hand has helped to steer the United Nations
through challenging times. To him, too, we offer all our
support.
 It has been a year of momentous change. An
economic crisis pervades most liberal economies. A
wave of political change is sweeping through much of
the Middle East. Climatic turbulence leaves loss and
tragedy in its wake. Famine stalks the Horn of Africa.
New choices confront political leaders. New priorities
are presented to citizens. The worst that we could do
now is to allow fear and indecision to govern us.
 These are also times that call for a deep
commitment to international cooperation and
multilateralism. Every crisis that we address reaches
beyond our national frontiers. There is no way that we
can resolve such matters without the framework of the
international laws and rules to which we are all bound.
 The financial crisis has had a profound and
negative effect on all our aspirations. While each
country must adjust its expectations, we cannot allow
ourselves to be guided only by our national concerns.
In fact, they are best supported by greater commitment
to a deeper solidarity among nations and far more
intense cooperation. The great economic and political
unions have achieved success by balancing sacrifice
with gain for all. The same challenge now confronts
the European Union (EU).
 In North Africa and the Middle East, we have
seen a wave of protest that has convulsed the region.
The Republic of Serbia and the Serbian people have
had a long relationship with all the peoples of that
region. We stand by them. We know what is involved
in such changes.
 In a time of such uncertainty, crises call for
United Nations-sanctioned involvement to save lives
and to keep the peace. There will be more such
missions. I am very pleased that the Republic of Serbia
is now actively engaged in several such missions, and
we will continue our commitment. In that spirit, the
Republic of Serbia is a signatory to the evolving
climate change commitments and conventions. We also
enthusiastically support the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
 In times as complex as these, our objective must
be to manage real crises well and to avoid creating
unnecessary ones. There are problems that can be
resolved through patient discussion and the building of
trust. Unilateral action in such circumstances simply
creates crisis for no good reason.
 That is why, in our regional issues of South
Eastern Europe, we always promote the principles and
the presence of the United Nations. As a founding
member of the Non-Aligned Movement, we were able
to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of its founding in
Belgrade. Such networks create layers of
communication and trust at a time of globalization.
 Our bid to join the European Union is the
platform on which we intend to build and contribute to
our shared objectives. Regional cooperation is a
cornerstone of our diplomacy, and we believe that it is
only to the benefit of the entire region. That is reflected
in our chairmanships of the Central European Initiative
and the Adriatic-Ionian Initiative. Most important, it is
also reflected in Serbia’s chairmanship of the South-
East European Cooperation Process, our region’s most
important initiative. Next year, my country will follow

7 11-51191

that up by taking over responsibilities to lead the Black
Sea Economic Cooperation Organization.
 Serbia has established an entirely new level of
confidence in relations with Croatia. That has been of
strategic significance in securing stability in Bosnia
and Herzegovina. We welcome Croatia’s imminent
accession to the European Union.
 All of that has set the stage for Serbia to actively
consider seeking the chairmanship-in-office of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) for the year 2014 - the centenary of the start
of the First World War. The unifying symbolism of
2014 would not only help catalyse efforts to resolve the
unfinished business on the old continent’s shared
agenda. It would also help to close the book on an era
that did not witness the enduring stability that the
nations of the OSCE space deserve.
 We have devoted extraordinary levels of
resources to capture war criminals. Finally, the
Republic of Serbia has completed its obligations to
itself and to the international community. We believe
that, after the tragedies of the 1990s, that exercise is a
very necessary catharsis for our nation. That action was
also taken to demonstrate that Serbia wishes to move to
a climate of total reconciliation throughout the region.
We feel that we have done our part.
 Equally, we insist that everyone else does their
part as well. As in all previous instances involving war
crimes and crimes against humanity in the Balkans, the
Security Council has given a mandate to investigate.
That has greatly contributed to the process of regional
reconciliation. This is the standard that must be applied
in uncovering the full truth about allegations made in a
deeply disturbing report by the Council of Europe,
entitled “Inhuman treatment of people and illicit
trafficking in human organs in Kosovo”. Only the
Security Council can make sure a comprehensive
investigation takes place. Only it can give a universal
mandate and jurisdiction to ensure that all perpetrators
of war crimes in the Balkans are brought to justice,
including those responsible for trafficking in human
organs in Kosovo. I strongly believe that ending the
culture of impunity in some parts of the Balkans is a
common goal shared by every member of the
international community.
 There is a certain irony to our proceedings today.
This year we have welcomed a new member to the
United Nations family, the Republic of South Sudan.
The Republic of Serbia welcomes its membership in
the United Nations. We welcome them because they
and the Republic of the Sudan, after many years of
conflict, arrived at a settlement that was achieved as a
result of long, difficult negotiations between the two
parties.
 The fundamental principle that the best
settlements occur when two parties agree, each making
compromises, surely is universal. I subscribe
enthusiastically to the comments by the President of
the United States, made from this rostrum, on that very
subject of negotiations. I agree that there is no shortcut
to ending a conflict that has endured for a long time,
and that peace depends on compromise among people,
who must live together long after our speeches are
over.
 However, this rule is not being applied to Serbia
on the matter of its province of Kosovo and Metohija.
On 17 February 2008, Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian
authorities attempted unilateral secession, a violation
of the basic principles of the United Nations Charter,
the Helsinki Final Act and Security Council resolution
1244 (1999). A majority of Member States have
refrained from recognizing Kosovo’s unilateral
declaration of independence. They have continued to
abide by their United Nations Charter obligations to
respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my
country. On behalf of the Republic of Serbia, allow me
to once again sincerely thank those countries for their
support and solidarity.
 Earlier this week, we heard from this rostrum a
dangerous appeal for countries to recognize Kosovo.
That appeal does not contribute to regional stability.
Rather, it lessens our chances of finding a solution we
can all accept. The appeal we heard is not an appeal for
peace but an appeal to endorse unilateralism and would
create a deeply disturbing precedent, namely,
encouragement for secessionists everywhere.
 In July, talks between Belgrade and Pristina,
facilitated by the European Union, were briefly
suspended by the facilitator. At that time, there was an
attempt to impose customs officers on the
administrative boundary line between Serbia proper
and North Kosovo. Violence erupted. My Government
did all it could to prevent violence from spreading, but
was this necessary? The effect was to remind Serbs that
they are negotiating with a gun to their heads and with
the constant threat of international isolation. It reminds

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Serbs that the excuse of violence by others is a tool
used irresponsibly to threaten Serbs. It reminds Serbs
of the anti-Serb pogroms in Kosovo in March of 2004.
It reminds Serbs of the failed negotiations and the
imposition of a unilaterally declared independence.
 I want to remind the Assembly and all Members
of the United Nations that on 5 October 2000 the
Republic of Serbia voluntarily and peacefully
overthrew its past and entered a new phase in its
history, in which it placed the fate of the Serbian nation
under the protection of democracy, civility, peace and
dialogue.
 For this reason, we take grave offence at this
climate of threat emanating from countries that we
would otherwise consider our most natural partners. In
the case of Serbia, the dialogue between two parties
was initiated in March 2011, following a delay of
several months to accommodate the electoral schedule
in Pristina.
 We have made very significant progress during
those negotiations. The Republic of Serbia, I assure the
Assembly, will remain a very active party to this
dialogue. There are numerous issues that must be
addressed in the months ahead. I appeal to all involved
to remain engaged in this process in a constructive
spirit. To that end, we expect the International Security
Force in Kosovo and the European Union Rule of Law
Mission in Kosovo to fully observe the United Nations
doctrine of status neutrality, in accordance with their
mandates under Security Council resolution 1244
(1999), the source of their universal legitimacy, both
on the ground and in the international arena.
 Progress needs trust. Negotiations and
reconciliation are not achieved through concessions
from one side only. Success does not occur when
threats of violence are issued and coercive action takes
place in the course of negotiations. Our response to this
is to say that, just as we will never accept unilateral
action, we will also not abandon the negotiation
process.
 This is why we have stated that we cannot and
will not recognize the unilaterally declared
independence of Kosovo. It is also why we believe that
we must settle all other issues with Pristina, because
our region needs to have a stable environment.
 The Republic of Serbia has always sought
tangible assurances, bound by international agreement
and guarantees, that Serbian communities inhabiting
Kosovo, Serbian interests and Serbia’s cultural heritage
will be protected and allowed to flourish.
 Many of these issues have been discussed over
the past few years in different formats. Occasionally,
there have been agreements reached, but never
implemented. It is time that matters were clarified. Any
form of understanding on the matter of Kosovo has as a
conditio sine qua non the explicit negotiated and
guaranteed agreement on the following matters
essential to the protection of Serbs in Kosovo.
 The first concerns the status of the Serbian
population in North Kosovo. All acknowledge that this
is an issue that must be addressed on the basis of the
current realities. Attempts to change the current
realities would not be conducive to constructive
solutions.
 The second issue involves the proper
implementation of decentralization in Kosovo. All
those enclaves that are isolated from other Serbs must
have a political, judicial and economic life providing
the standards that allow them to prosper where they
are. Serbia remains ready to continue to provide the
necessary support to these threatened populations.
 The third issue is that of the status of the Serbian
Orthodox Church and of some of its key holy sites. The
protection of those sites and the special status that must
be given to them to preserve their unique identity and
their livelihoods is a matter of fundamental concern. It
comes as a matter of surprise to me that an offer that
would be acceptable to the Republic of Serbia and the
Serbian Orthodox Church has not been volunteered by
the other side. That issue is one of the most basic, and
its denial should be considered a total embarrassment
to the authorities in Pristina and the supervisory
institutions and nations present in Kosovo.
 Finally, the question of property must be
resolved. Thousands of private claims remain pending,
making hostages of those internally displaced in 1999.
Commercial property claims are unresolved, as well.
 The failure to advance with goodwill on the very
issue that is at the core of our concerns — the rights of
the Serbian communities in Kosovo — is very
disturbing. For us, those four issues are the litmus test.
 There is so much to say about the progress in my
country that is positive that it always saddens me that I
must repeat my concerns about the way in which the

9 11-51191

issue of Kosovo is being handled. Let us all recall that
Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) placed
Kosovo under the interim administration of the United
Nations, pending a comprehensive settlement endorsed
by the Security Council. There is a limit to what and
for how long Serbia must be held accountable for
developments where it is asked to assume responsibility,
but without the necessary authority.
 I look forward to the day when I can stand at this
rostrum and report that we have resolved that issue and
that we have found a mutually acceptable compromise,
not an imposed outcome where one side gets
everything that it has ever wanted and the other side
gets nothing. A maximalist zero-sum approach is a
solution with no future. We are ready. We are
committed. It is for others to provide grounds for
optimism.
 The Republic of Serbia has two immediate
parallel objectives: to secure a mutually acceptable
arrangement in Kosovo that provides iron-clad
guarantees for the Serbian communities and to
accelerate our progress to membership of the European
Union. Both those objectives are achievable. It would
be foolish for anyone to think that one objective will be
sacrificed on the altar of the other. It is for others to
decide whether they think that the achievement of
those two objectives is for the good of the region and
for stability. We are convinced that it is in everyone’s
interest.
 I believe that Serbia has met the criteria to be
invited to be a candidate for membership of the
European Union. I also believe that my country is
ready to start accession negotiations. I believe that if
that were to occur, Serbia would, for the first time in
20 years, begin to believe that the EU actually sees
Serbia as an integral part of a complete European
Union.
 I fervently believe that my country has set an
example in the region in matters related to
reconciliation, the establishment of the rule of law and
the fight against organized crime, as well as in building
the administrative capacity to handle European norms.
 Our battle against organized crime is a global
one. We know that international organized crime wants
to use the region of South-East Europe as a base to
penetrate the EU. The Republic of Serbia has decided
that it is a strategic priority and a national security
priority that Serbia will help prevent that. Serbia is
therefore fighting a battle to protect citizens of the
European Union. It is actively engaged in a wider
strategy to destroy the links between organized crime
and international terrorism. We cooperate with all
nations that share those objectives. We appeal to the
entire region to join us in that battle.
 I am therefore convinced that the presence of
Serbia as a candidate, actively negotiating its
accession, is an important asset for the European
Union.
 In that way, Serbia can continue to be an even
more effective member of the United Nations,
contributing fully and enthusiastically to the issues that
touch common humanity.