Please, Sir, accept my most
sincere congratulations on your election as President of
the General Assembly at this session, as well as my
wishes for every success in the discharge of this complex
and responsible mission. We are thankful for the work of
your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti. We also greatly
appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, to effectively and energetically lead our
Organization.
Belarus welcomes the enlargement of the United
Nations family of nations, which recently accepted three
new members: the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of
Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga.
The fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly is
being held at the doorway between centuries and
millennia. This fact alone urges us to take an in-depth
look at both the past and the present of the United
Nations and to think about its future. The expanding
global challenges, especially ethnic conflicts, deterioration
of the environment, transnational crime and terrorism can
be met only by concerted efforts of the United Nations.
Belarus will be actively contributing to the formation
of a new image of the United Nations as an organization
capable of tackling the challenges of the day. Our country
was among the Organization's founding members, who
bestowed upon the United Nations such high and noble
goals and principles. We are interested in their
consolidation and development.
This year the Organization experienced what was
probably one of the most serious tests in its entire history.
The United Nations was virtually marginalized during the
crisis around Yugoslavia. The decision to use military
force against a sovereign State was taken without the
authorization of the Security Council.
Although the settlement of the Kosovo crisis has
now been brought back under the auspices of the United
3

Nations, a recurrence of attempts to randomly use force
outside the Security Council mechanism cannot be
excluded. Consequently, the question as to whether the
Security Council should remain the only — I reiterate, the
only — international institution to authorize the use of force
for the maintenance of international peace and security as
yet remains unanswered.
The answer that is today given to this question will
determine developments in the twenty-first century. Will it
be the age of fairness and the rule of law, or will the world
be thrown back into the era when force was the only
argument? From a historical perspective, such a
development would return us to the beginning of this
century. Let us recall that the dawn of the twentieth century
saw nations divided into two categories: subjects and
objects of international law, with their fate totally
dependent upon their ability to defend themselves by
military force.
I believe that a totally different world order would
most adequately meet the interests of all members of the
international community. This is a world order in which all
countries are equal and are protected by international law
and the United Nations. The prerogative of the Security
Council to establish and maintain peace and security is a
key element of this system.
Naturally this places a special burden of responsibility
on the Security Council and its members. We view the
increase in both permanent and non-permanent members of
the Council on the basis of equitable geographical
distribution to be an important measure that would improve
the Council's effectiveness.
Guided by the intention to contribute further to
strengthening peace and security, Belarus has presented its
candidature for a non-permanent seat on the Security
Council for the period 2002-2003. The elections will be
held in 2001, during the fifty-sixth session of the General
Assembly.
As regards the responsibility of the United Nations for
the maintenance of peace and security, I would also like to
underline the need to make fuller use of the entire set of
measures envisaged in the Charter. Special emphasis should
be put on the prevention of conflicts by peaceful means,
which, if applied in a consistent and efficient manner,
would produce substantial results. This can be explicitly
illustrated by recent positive developments in the Middle
East peace process, which Belarus welcomes and supports.
I avail myself of this opportunity to reaffirm the readiness
of the Government of the Republic of Belarus to
contribute actively to the resolution of conflicts in post-
Soviet countries and, in particular, to host in our capital,
Minsk, the international conference on Nagorny
Karabakh.
More than half a century ago, sovereign States,
including Belarus, founded the United Nations to
“reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the
dignity and worth of the human person”. To uphold its
legal and moral commitments the international community
cannot and must not remain inactive in the face of gross
and systematic violations of human rights. Genocide in
Rwanda, events in East Timor — these and similar
occurrences must lead to immediate and decisive action
on the part of the United Nations. But such action must
be taken in full compliance with the decisions of the
Security Council.
At the same time it is obvious that the sacred
principle of the protection of human rights, once
interpreted selectively, becomes meaningless.
Unfortunately, double standards in the interpretation of
the notion of human rights are still applied all too often
in international politics. It would be dangerously
misleading to assume that human rights can be protected
by means that ignore the principle of the sovereign
equality of States. Disregarding State interests in the
pursuit of individual values can cause unpredictable
consequences.
Globalization is creating a situation in which the
prosperity and even more the underdevelopment of certain
regions, or conflicts in them, directly affect the global
state of affairs. From this perspective, the developments
of the twenty-first century will be largely influenced by
processes taking shape in the enormous Eurasian region,
of which my country is an integral part.
Multi-ethnic and multi-confessional Belarus has,
thank God, avoided the religious and ethnic conflicts that
have been so characteristic of many post-Soviet countries.
Duly organized governmental management and law
enforcement systems have allowed us to ensure an
adequate level of security for our society and people.
Situated on the crossroads between the east and the west,
the north and the south of the continent, Belarus will be
further contributing to international cooperation in
combating transborder crime, terrorism and illicit drug
trafficking.
4

A few days ago Belarus became party to the
International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist
Bombings. We also support the idea of holding a United
Nations conference or a special session of the General
Assembly on the suppression of terrorism.
Belarus is ready to cooperate most actively with all
members of the international community to address these
and other global and regional challenges. Openness to
mutually beneficial cooperation is probably one of the main
features of Belarus' foreign policy, which sincerely seeks to
establish a network of good neighbourly relations
embracing our country.
Although consistent in its principled position on the
enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO), Belarus demonstrates good will and acts
constructively to prevent the re-emergence of new dividing
lines in Europe. In this context, we support the idea of
adopting, at the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE) summit in Istanbul, the charter for
European security, which is to become a code of behaviour
for all of Europe.
Historically and geographically belonging to European
civilization, Belarus is seeking to become a full fledged
member of integration processes on the continent. The
rapprochement between Belarus and Russia is in line with
processes of global development. The consolidation of
efforts by Belarus and Russia, enjoying wide public support
in both countries, allows us to more effectively solve
problems faced by the two States and two peoples.
Belarus has become a full fledged member of the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). We share the values and
philosophy of the Movement and the provisions of the
NAM Plan of Action that are consonant with the United
Nations principles and objectives, as well as with the global
challenges of establishing a multipolar world order.
Regrettably, the world is entering the new century
with the burden of arms so powerful they can extinguish all
life on the planet. For this reason, disarmament, especially
in the nuclear sphere, remains among the main priorities of
the United Nations. A few years ago, Belarus made an
historic choice by relinquishing the possession of nuclear
arms inherited from the former Soviet Union. Now, we
urge all countries which have not yet become parties to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
to join those that have made the establishment of a nuclear-
weapon-free world their utmost priority. We also stand for
an early agreement on the prohibition of the production of
fissile materials.
In conditions in which the nuclear Powers are still
not ready fully to relinquish the possession of such arms,
there is a pressing need to withdraw them from as much
of the world as possible, especially from heavily
populated regions. Proceeding from this, we once again
call on countries of our region to review their attitudes
towards the initiative put forward by President
Lukashenka of Belarus on the establishment of a nuclear-
weapon-free space in Central and Eastern Europe, as
reflected in the relevant resolutions of the United Nations
General Assembly. The assumption by countries of our
region of binding legal commitments not to deploy
nuclear weapons on their territory would be of paramount
importance to the security of the European family of
nations. I believe that, sooner or later, all our neighbours
will arrive at this obvious conclusion. Since time is of the
essence, we propose to begin consultations immediately
with all interested parties to exchange ideas and bridge
positions on this problem.
Other types of weapons of mass destruction are by
no means less dangerous. We welcome the appeal voiced
from this high rostrum to protect our children from the
scourge of nuclear, chemical and biological warfare. We
believe that the international community would be taking
the right step if it were to establish a preventive
mechanism to take timely and coordinated measures to
control the development and production of new types of
weapons of mass destruction.
Proceeding from this, the Belarus delegation at this
session will initiate a draft resolution on the prohibition
of the development and manufacture of new types of
weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such
weapons. Likewise, we support the proposal to adopt a
resolution on the consolidation of and respect for the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
As was rightly observed in this Hall, the strength
and effectiveness of the United Nations depend on the
sustainable development of its Member States. Having
achieved independence, Belarus has chosen its own model
of economic development which adequately reflects its
national conditions and capacity. This is a model socially
oriented market economy. Our objective is not simply the
implementation of reforms for their own sake, but the
achievement of a more effective economy. In recent
years, we have been maintaining a positive dynamic of
gross domestic product growth that, in 1998, was up by
5

8 per cent. Belarus is a self-reliant country. Our outstanding
debt is only $133 per capita.
An open economy, Belarus exports more than half of
its gross domestic product and is taking energetic measures
to find an appropriate place in the international division of
labour. Our country has all the necessary prerequisites for
that, including extensive technical and scientific potential
and human resources. Economic performance is essential
for safeguarding social stability. The development of
democratic institutions is an integral part of sustainable
development. Mindful of that, the Government of Belarus
has initiated a broad dialogue between all political forces in
the country in an effort to jointly analyze avenues for the
further political development of Belarus at the beginning of
the twenty-first century. The parliamentary elections in
2000 and the presidential elections in 2001 should play an
important role in this process. The Government of Belarus
will make every effort to conduct these elections
democratically and freely.
Among the important global challenges facing the
United Nations is the protection of the environment and the
alleviation of the negative consequences of natural disasters
and technological catastrophes. For more than 13 years
now, this has been a matter of survival for the Belarusian
nation. The elimination of the consequences of the
Chernobyl disaster accounts for almost 20 per cent of our
annual budget spending. I take this opportunity to express
most sincere gratitude to all the States and international
intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations
which throughout these years have never been dispassionate
about the tragedy of the Belarusian people. Positively
assessing the efforts of the United Nations, Belarus today
calls upon the international community to continue
cooperation and strengthen the United Nations role in this
direction. Together with the Russian Federation and
Ukraine, Belarus will present a draft resolution on this issue
at the current session. We are hopeful that the United
Nations Member States will render their valuable support.
The current session of the General Assembly is an
important stage in preparing for the Millennium Assembly
that should take practical decisions worthy of this forum.
The Republic of Belarus has proposed as a subject for
discussion at the 2000 Assembly the issue of the United
Nations role in the furtherance of peace and human
sustainable development in conditions of globalization.
Aware of the historic importance of this event, Belarus will
actively contribute to the success of the Millennium
Assembly and Summit and reaffirms its commitment to the
goals and principles of the United Nations Charter.


Mr. President, I am pleased to
join previous speakers in congratulating you and the other
members of the Bureau on your election to guide the
work of the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
Given your vast diplomatic experience and personal
attachment to the principles of the Charter, I have every
hope that our deliberations under your guidance will be
able to determine the necessary mechanisms for dealing
with the numerous challenges facing our Organization as
we move into the next century.
I also wish to express the deep sense of gratitude of
my delegation to your predecessor, His Excellency Didier
Opertti, who served with great distinction in the year
which marked the implementation of reforms instituted by
the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to mould the
Organization into a tool that can better fulfil the needs of
Member States.
As we enter a new century, our Organization must
make a realistic assessment of developments in the
16

out-going century, especially in this last decade. Such an
assessment will indicate that while global peace and
security have been pursued relentlessly, they have not been
easily nor fully achieved. The reasons are not hard to find.
The situation is aggravated by the multiplicity of
conflicts that pervades the world, especially in Africa.
Intrastate conflicts, rooted in ethnic, racial and religious
intolerance, pose a threat to the security and stability of
many States and regions. While we welcome the
agreements to end the conflict in Sierra Leone and the
Democratic Republic of Congo, the prolonged hostilities in
Angola, Somalia, and lately in Kosovo, demonstrate that the
international community is still grappling with serious
challenges to peace and security.
In spite of such setbacks and disappointments, we
must continue to maintain trust and confidence in the
United Nations ability to achieve sustainable
socio-economic development for Member States. But that
confidence will be sustained only when the Organization is
seen to be truly seeking the interest of all Member States,
without exception. In this regard, Member States must give
impetus to the reform process that we initiated a decade
ago and maintain its dynamism. We also must accept that
the core of the reform touches on the Security Council,
whose decisions bind all Members of the Organization.
The Security Council must therefore not be allowed to
become irrelevant. It should be reformed to ensure that it
can undertake its responsibilities more effectively under the
Charter. And this reform must be guided by the principles
of democracy, sovereign equality of States and equitable
geographical representation. In this connection, we wholly
subscribe to the Non-Aligned Movement’s statement on all
aspects of the question of increase in the membership of the
Security Council, complemented by the African position as
expressed in the Harare declaration of June 1997. Africa’s
claim to at least two permanent seats should be adequately
addressed, since Africa is the largest regional group in the
Organization.
We would also like to reiterate the proposal of the
Non-Aligned Movement that a periodic review of the
structure and functioning of the Security Council is
necessary in order to ensure at all times that it responds
more effectively to new challenges in international
relations, especially in the maintenance of international
peace and security.
It is only through a restructuring of the Council on
these lines that this body can avoid selectivity in dealing
with issues of international peace and security and
sustainable development. The present unequal handling of
the causes and management of conflicts is unacceptable
since it indirectly allows some conflicts to drag on.
My delegation believes that we can succeed in our
collective effort to achieve peace and prosperity in the
next century if we begin to speak out boldly against some
of the injustices on the international scene. We therefore
reiterate our concern over the continued non-compliance
with key United Nations resolutions that call for an end
to the commercial and financial embargo against Cuba. It
is our sincere conviction that the economic blockade of
more than three decades’ vintage against Cuba and the
Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation are a breach of
international law and a violation of the principles of the
United Nations Charter.
Particularly, Ghana considers the extraterritorial
effect of the Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation an
infringement on the territorial integrity of States and an
impediment to international navigation and free trade. In
this regard, we are concerned that the economic blockade
continues to severely aggravate the plight of Cubans,
especially the vulnerable groups such as women, children
and the elderly.
Given the United States Government’s recent
sensitivity to the concerns of the international community,
Ghana would like to urge it to seriously consider the
resumption of indirect relations with Cuba. We are
convinced that such contacts will yield desired results,
especially if they take place in the context of constructive
dialogue with the Cuban Government.
Another area of concern to the international
community has been the lingering disagreements with the
great Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. My delegation welcomes
the positive events of 5 April 1999, by which the two
Libyan nationals arrived in the Netherlands for trial by a
Scottish court, in connection with the Lockerbie incident.
We therefore can do no less than to reiterate the position
of the Group of African States at the United Nations, the
Non-Aligned Movement, and the Council of the League
of Arab States that, as a matter of urgency, the Security
Council should move beyond a mere suspension to a
complete lifting of the sanctions imposed against the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, since Libya has cooperated fully
and fulfilled all the requirements of the relevant
resolutions.
17

No issue in recent memory has frustrated the
international community more than the Middle East peace
process. Last year, as the world marked the fiftieth
anniversary of the forcible dispossession of the Palestinian
people of their lands, homes and property, the Wye River
Memorandum was agreed, offering a fresh impetus and
hope for progress. However, subsequent events —
characterized by prevarications, recriminations and bad
faith — inhibited full implementation of the Memorandum.
Even more painful has been the seeming helplessness of the
international community in the face of such obvious
injustice.
Ghana reiterates its unwavering support for the
inalienable right of the Palestinian people to the
establishment of an independent sovereign State with
Jerusalem as its capital. Happily, recent changes in the
political landscape of Israel offer grounds for renewed
optimism. We thus share the conviction of the Palestinian
leader, Chairman Yasser Arafat, that Mr. Ehud Barak’s
victory has raised hopes for peace throughout the region.
We commend the bold initiative taken by the Israeli leader,
soon after assuming office, to resume dialogue and reach a
meeting of minds with the Palestinians. The challenge
ahead is enormous but not insurmountable; it will require
painful compromises on sensitive issues. We urge all parties
to negotiate in good faith towards a comprehensive, just
and lasting peace in the Middle East.
Ghana is proud of its participation and record in the
peacekeeping efforts of the Organization in all regions of
the world. The sacrifices in material resources and the costs
in human terms have not been in vain, since the
maintenance of peace and security and post-conflict peace-
building have been critical in assuring all of us of the
global tranquillity necessary for sustained development.
My delegation believes therefore that the time has
come for the international community to do in Africa as
much as it has done in other areas, particularly the Balkans,
to guarantee peace. We have seen in the past few months
the kind of resources that the world has been willing and
able to mobilize in the Balkans on short notice. We do not
see the same response to the tragedies of Africa. African
Member States feel discriminated against when the response
of the international community to conflicts on the continent
continues to be muted or lukewarm.
Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction are indispensable for the preservation
of world peace. Yet the lack of commitment and political
will of the nuclear weapon countries continues to impede
the process of nuclear disarmament. This is demonstrated
by the failure of the three Preparatory Committee sessions
for the 2000 Review Conference for the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
Against this background, my delegation reiterates the
warning that the parties and non-parties to the NPT alike
will not continue indefinitely to abide by the Treaty while
the nuclear-weapon countries continue to ignore the calls
of the international community to abide by their NPT
commitments and pursue negotiations in good faith on
effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear
arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament
under strict and effective international control.
The proliferation of conventional weapons, notably
small and light weapons, is equally of concern, since they
are the tools of violence and conflict in Africa. My
delegation commends all the efforts aimed at securing
international cooperation and coordination in the struggle
against the accumulation, proliferation and widespread use
of small arms. Naturally, we welcome the recent decision
taken on small arms and light weapons by the heads of
State of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at their
recent summit in Algiers which, among others, called on
OAU member States to adopt a coordinated approach to
the problems posed by the illicit trafficking, circulation
and proliferation of these arms.
We also urge all friends of Africa to support the
implementation of the moratorium on the import, export
and manufacture of small arms and light weapons in West
Africa, which aims at stemming the illicit traffic in these
weapons in our subregion. My Government, in
recognition of the need to address this problem and the
related issue of the forced participation of children in
armed conflicts, intends to jointly host with the
Government of Canada a workshop aimed at building on
the Mali moratorium and establishing a framework for
keeping children out of conflicts. It is our hope that the
support of the international community will be
forthcoming when the time comes.
We are at the dawn of the new millennium,
concluding a period in which the decolonization
movement has brought about one of the century’s signal
transformations: that of more than 80 nations from
colonial status to self-rule and membership of this
Organization. This is a commendable achievement.
Nevertheless, the goal of the Plan of Action for the
International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism
has not been realized, since 17 Non-Self-Governing
18

Territories remain on the agenda of this Assembly. We
reiterate our continued belief in the right of all peoples to
self-determination in accordance with General Assembly
resolution 1514 (XV) and call on the administering,
occupying or colonial Powers to cooperate with the relevant
institutions of the United Nations for the speedy
determination of self-rule.
While we congratulate the United Nations and
ourselves for the commendable record in bringing colonies
to self-rule, we cannot hide our deep disappointment at the
recent turn of events in East Timor. Since a significant
number of States Members of the United Nations are the
product of self-determination, our Organization has a moral
and political obligation to bring East Timor to self-rule.
We call on both the United Nations and the administering
Power, therefore, to take all measures necessary to restore
peace and tranquility so that the true wishes of the people,
as clearly expressed in the recent referendum, can be
respected without further delay.
If we are concerned about subjugated territories, then
we cannot remain silent over the continued plight of
Western Sahara. The people of that territory must exercise
true self-determination and we believe that, since the
Polisario Front and Morocco have accepted the Secretary-
General’s programme on implementation of the Settlement
Plan for the referendum in the territory, then the promised
referendum should be held without further delay. We call
on all stakeholders to demonstrate good will and fairness by
ensuring a free and fair referendum.
The phenomenon of extreme and widespread poverty
in the midst of plenty in the world is a serious indictment
of the conscience and political will of the international
community. Compared to the social situation at the onset of
this century, the next century begins with an even bleaker
outlook. More and more people are living at or below the
poverty line, while individual security and well-being
continue to face disruptions from civil conflict and disease.
Malnutrition, malaria, AIDS, diarrheal and communicable
diseases continue to kill millions of people, stifling the
economic potential of large segments of populations.
HIV/AIDS alone has killed in the last decade more
Africans than have all the conflicts and other diseases. It is
a frightening thought that millions of Africa’s young and
productive populations will be killed by this pandemic in
the next few years. What development and progress are we
talking about, then, if we will have no human resource to
implement them?
The continued deterioration of economic conditions
in Africa poses a challenge to all of us, especially as all
statistics show that the world’s poor continue to wallow
in abject poverty with only a dim hope of improvement
in their living standards. One of the main requirements of
our current session of the General Assembly is therefore
to select for implementation those measures that will
enable developing countries to grow out of poverty in a
sustainable environment.
My delegation continues to be concerned about the
deterioration of official development assistance, even
though we note with gratitude the decision by three
industrialized countries to increase their gross national
product allocation to aid, and the steadfastness of
Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, which
are providing more than 0.7 per cent of their gross
national product. Official development assistance
resources need to be increased to levels which, combined
with the commitment of developing countries to
deepening economic reforms, lead to early achievement
of sustainability in growth, poverty reduction and
macroeconomic stability.
If we must break the cycle of crises, poverty and
instability, particularly in Africa, and if we must create
the conditions for sustainable debt management on the
continent, the creditor countries and institutions must be
prepared to wipe out the debts of the countries involved
in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC)
Initiative and begin the new millennium on a clean slate.
In this connection, we note with appreciation the
recently announced decision and support of the G-7
countries in broadening, deepening and accelerating the
HIPC Initiative. While we express our satisfaction, let me
hasten to urge that care be taken to avoid the imposition
of additional difficulties on HIPC countries in the process,
such as are likely to befall HIPC gold-producing countries
if the proposal to sell off some of the gold reserves of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) to meet part of the
cost of the expanded HIPC Initiative is followed through.
Similarly, we pray all creditor countries not to present
debt relief in conditionalities that would compel debtor
countries to give up the relief option.
In these days of globalization and trade
liberalization, the developed countries must also open
their markets to goods from developing countries,
including providing greater access for the latter’s
agricultural produce and services. The developed countries
must, in addition, implement their trade obligations in the
19

spirit that all must benefit from the trade rules. In this
regard, the twin concepts of liberalization and globalization
must afford developing countries economic justice in terms
of markets and activities. They should not turn developing
countries into perpetual consumers because of limited
volume of goods and market access.
As we approach the next century, we know we cannot
build the kind of future we desire without the full
participation of women. Although much has been achieved
in advancing the status of women through the
implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, a lot
still remains to be done. Discrimination, denial and violence
against women and girls persist, embedded in cultural,
traditional and religious practices around the world, despite
the increasing public debate on gender issues.
Gender mainstreaming into national, regional and
international policies and programmes, as well as the
provision of adequate resources for implementation as spelt
out in the Beijing Platform for Action, represents one of the
crucial strategies for attaining gender equity and equality.
But in the final analysis, the critical step in protecting
women’s rights is to empower women through education
and increased awareness of their rights. In this connection,
let me express my delegation’s appreciation for the
adoption of an optional protocol to the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) which, among others, recognizes the
competence of CEDAW to receive and consider
communications submitted by or on behalf of individuals or
groups of individuals, under the jurisdiction of a State
Party, claiming to be victims of a violation of any of the
rights set forth in the Convention by the State Party. We
are happy that after so many years, women now have an
effective instrument in their hands to fight discrimination,
and we urge the adoption of the draft optional protocol to
the Convention.
This year, we also commemorate the tenth anniversary
of the adoption by this Assembly of the Convention on the
Rights of the Child, by which all Member States pledged to
promote and protect the rights of children. Despite the
Convention, however, the rights of children continue to be
violated through child labour, commercial sex, exploitation,
early marriage and the use of children in armed conflicts.
This situation indicates that mere ratification of the
Convention is not enough. Children would be protected and
their rights promoted only by a conscious effort on the part
of Governments to effectively implement the provisions of
the Convention.
The United Nations and other international
organizations are justifiably preoccupied with governance
because it is the basis of all progress. The United Nations
must therefore play a fundamental and central role in the
re-design of global governance and in global governance
itself. It cannot do so, however, when it is constantly
requested to do more for all people while it is being given
less and less resources. It will certainly lack the
institutional framework for global leadership when
national leaders fail to stand up for it or its enduring
values. Given the onerous responsibilities of the
Organization and the expectations of the Member States,
the timely, full and unconditional payment of assessed
contributions would be an expression of our commitment
and support as the Organization prepares to meet the
emerging challenges of the twenty-first century.
In this connection, it is our firm conviction that the
regular and peacekeeping budgets of the Organization
should be determined solely by the General Assembly in
accordance with each country’s ability to pay, among
other factors, as objectively evaluated within the
Organization. Unilateral decisions that worsen the
financial situation of the United Nations must be avoided.
We have an opportunity to draw lessons from our
immediate past history and to shape a new millennium in
our best image, just as the great statesmen of this century
did in the aftermath of the Second World War. We would
not be true to ourselves if we sought refuge in half
measures. We must use our best endeavours to build a
new world for a new millennium we can be proud of. Our
collective wisdom demands this. Our civilized values
insist on this. We can do no less.


May I begin by
congratulating the President on his election. I am confident
that the skills and vast experience he has acquired
throughout his distinguished diplomatic career will provide
the guidance we need to guarantee the successful outcome
of the session. I must also recall the valuable contribution
of his predecessor, Mr. Opertti, to the work of the last
session of the General Assembly.
I would like to take this opportunity to extend my
warm welcome and congratulations to the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of
Tonga on their admission to the United Nations.
As the twentieth century comes to an end, it is
evident that all countries in the world — advanced,
developing or transitional — will be substantially affected
by globalization. Further specialization and the widening
of markets through trade, the larger division of labour and
a more efficient and diversified allocation of financial
resources should increase overall productivity and raise
living standards. However, no country will benefit from
this trend spontaneously and automatically. The major
tasks which Governments face today are development and
the pursuit of sound policies and appropriate structural
adjustments to meet the challenges and take advantage of
the opportunities that globalization offers. While sound
domestic economic planning and reforms are critical to
meeting the challenges of globalization, regional
cooperation and integration processes are essential to
maximizing the emerging benefits and opportunities.
We, as a country and the region as a whole, are
trying to adjust to the multiple stresses of post-Soviet
economic, cultural and political transformations. Clearly
these problems can stress relations as much within States
as between them. Armenia does not see either itself or the
region as being permanently condemned to
marginalization; rather, it believes that close cooperation
in the region, whether political, economic or security
based, will help bring lasting stability and prosperity
based on a sense of solid and shared emergent values.
Cooperation within the framework of regional economic
initiatives, such as the Interstate Oil and Gas Transport to
Europe (INOGATE) programme and the Transport
Corridor: Europe-Caucusus-Asia (TRACECA) project, is
essential. Armenia is sincerely open to such cooperation,
although we have to state with regret that the blockades
imposed on Armenia by Turkey and Azerbaijan are a
serious obstacle to such cooperation. It is obvious that the
region's high potential cannot be fully utilized if attempts
are made to isolate one of its constituents. Such attempts
are doomed to failure and will adversely affect all
concerned in the region.
The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) is
another mechanism that could contribute to the region's
economic development. The activities of the recently
19

established Black Sea Trade and Development Bank will
considerably contribute to carrying out the projects
elaborated by the member States of the Black Sea
Economic Cooperation. In this regard, Armenia fully
supports the granting of observer status in the General
Assembly to the BSEC.
A young republic in transition from a long nightmare
of totalitarian, single-party State to the emergence of a
democratic, free-market, open society, Armenia must
simultaneously consolidate its State structures, move its
economy forward and resolve the Nagorny Karabakh
conflict. It must do all three at the same time, for they are
in fact interdependent. First and foremost, Armenia must
ensure that the Armenian population of Nagorny Karabakh
continues to enjoy its security within its own lands. Our
recent memories of vulnerability and insecurity make it
impossible for any Armenian anywhere to accept anything
less than the inalienable right of the people of Nagorny
Karabakh not to be subjugated, not to be dominated and not
to be subordinate. Armenia understands this and is actively
engaged in pursuing in every possible forum a resolution of
the conflict with Azerbaijan that would achieve peace
without endangering the hard-won and legitimate rights of
our own people to live in secure dignity and freedom.
Since 1992 the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has played a key role in the
process of finding a peaceful solution to the conflict in
Nagorny Karabakh. It has been actively involved, through
the various permutations of the Minsk process, to define the
elements for a durable peace and stability in the region of
the Transcaucasus. Armenia is committed to pursuing every
possible and credible attempt to resolve the conflicts that
linger in the region. It is committed to exploring every
avenue for peaceful relations with all its neighbours,
relations based on mutual respect and recognition.
The OSCE, through the Co-Chairmen of the Minsk
Group, is trying to reconcile seemingly incompatible
principles. We have always remained opposed to one-sided
orthodoxy and have always advocated a more flexible
approach. It is therefore with interest that Armenia and
Nagorny Karabakh received the Minsk Group
Co-Chairmen's draft proposal during their latest visit to the
region. My Government, as well as the authorities of
Nagorny Karabakh, considered this formulation by the
Co-Chairmen a more realistic effort in trying to address the
thorny issue of the status of Nagorny Karabakh with
minimal prejudice to either of the competing claims.
Indeed, we must distinguish between stability and
the forced maintenance of the status quo. Conflating the
two is neither wise nor practicable in the long run. A
status quo in political life is never inherently permanent,
and a viable policy of stability requires a mechanism to
pursue an evolutionary, dynamic process of managing
change. We have new and dynamic challenges to the
status quo; we should not be shy in addressing these
challenges creatively and objectively to conceive more
adaptive answers rather than falling back into a
comfortable, yet dangerously elusive, status quo.
As Armenia actively defends and pursues the
Nagorny Karabakh people's right to self-determination
through peaceful means, we also sympathize with and
support all other just self-determination claims in other
parts of the globe. Armenia applauded the Indonesian
Government's courage when it announced the conduct of
the referendum on East Timor's independence. Today we
are concerned with the latest developments, but we hope
that the results of the popular consultation will be fully
respected. We also commend the role that the United
Nations has played in organizing and supervising the
popular consultation.
Armenia also welcomes the most recent positive
developments in the Middle East peace process. We hope
that the Palestinian people's right to self-determination
will be fully realized, thus bringing lasting peace and
stability to the Middle East.
The last decade of the twentieth century has been
marked by serious achievements in the sphere of
disarmament and global and regional arms control, and
more remains to be done. At the global level, that would
mean reviewing the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in the year 2000; completing the
work of the Biological Weapons Convention Ad Hoc
Group on a compliance and verification protocol;
completely eliminating existing stocks of chemical
weapons and ensuring the universality of the Chemical
Weapons Convention regime. Similarly, at the regional
level, we attach great importance to the successful
conclusion of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces
in Europe (CFE) adaptation process, which will be signed
by heads of States at the OSCE summit this November.
We are convinced that the adapted Treaty will
significantly contribute to the strengthening of European
security.
In pursuing its national policies, Armenia has made
it a priority to support the international efforts in securing
20

peace and stability throughout the world. We believe that
our full participation in the work of the Conference on
Disarmament will allow us to make further contributions to
the issues of arms control and disarmament. We hope
members will support Armenia in its willingness to become
a full member of the Conference on Disarmament.
Armenia welcomes the millennium summit initiative.
At the threshold of the new millennium, it is important for
heads of State and Government to discuss the tasks that the
United Nations is going to undertake in providing global
peace and security. Believing that the United Nations
should play the leading role in the formation of an
international anti-criminal strategy, Armenia supports the
idea of holding, in Vienna in the year 2000, the Tenth
United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention and the
Treatment of Offenders.
We call for the accession of the maximum number of
countries to universal conventions against terrorism and
support the Russian proposal on a United Nations
convention for combating acts of nuclear terrorism.
Armenia, likewise, supports the initiative of holding a
conference or a special session of the General Assembly
against terrorism in 2000.
On 1 October, Armenia will sign the Statute of the
International Criminal Court, thus becoming the eighty-
seventh State to do so.
Maintenance of international peace is one of the most
important functions of the United Nations. The challenges
that the international community faces today are diverse and
complicated. This holds true especially for the reform of the
Security Council, since ensuring peace and security
throughout the world depends on a Security Council which
functions effectively. Security Council resolutions, including
those on peacekeeping operations, should be unbiased and
universal and reflect a common approach to conflicts, based
on internationally accepted principles and criteria. One way
to strengthen the role and function of the Security Council
is to ensure a more equitable representation of the
membership of the United Nations in that organ, in
accordance with the sovereign equality of States and other
relevant provisions of the Charter, and to make its work
more transparent. Representation in the Security Council
that is more equitable can be achieved by increasing the
number of its members, taking into account the growth in
the membership of the United Nations.
After this brief comment on matters that concern
Armenia's current affairs, its membership in the United
Nations and the outstanding issues of the Nagorny
Karabakh conflict, allow me a moment of reflection. We
are often so preoccupied by immediate crises that
lingering, chronic and fundamental phenomena do not
always get our full attention.
At this end of the century and millennium and on
the threshold of a new era, we would not be candid if we
did not admit to a certain disappointment, a certain sad
recognition that we, as a collectivity, a community of
nations, have not come as far as people everywhere
would have wished us to come. I am sure we are not
alone in our disappointment as we look around us and see
that the hopes of 1989 have not been fully realized in the
last 10 years: Rwanda, Kosovo and East Timor are all,
historically speaking, very much in the present.
It is not for lack of charters, conventions and
universal declarations that tragic events and murderous
actions are committed, often by States, and even in the
name of those same charters, conventions and
declarations. After the Second World War, after the end
of the cold war, we might have been justified in expecting
some respite from the organized display of man's
inhumanity to man, of fratricidal war between citizens
and State attempts to exterminate some part of its own
people. But of course very recent experience tells us that
the persecution of innocent civilians on no other grounds
than their ethnicity, religion or national origin continues
unabated.
Armenia and Armenians have a unique history
through which to interpret these events. We notice the
ever more frequent use of the term “genocide” in
continent after continent and we are reminded of our own
tragic experience as genocide victims at the beginning of
this century. It is sad but true that the genocide of
Armenians, which began in 1915, opened this century of
horrors. We at least are convinced that nothing contributes
as much to the repetition of horrors as the reluctance and
unwillingness with which those complicit in them tell the
truth, or even their avoiding doing so at all. Denying the
reality of evil, portraying it as merely relative and
rendering it banal have done much to have evil seen as a
political event to manipulate and equivocate and
prevaricate about in the name of realpolitik.
In Armenia, our democracy and future prosperity
depend on there coming a time when, through peace, the
Caucasus will fulfil its promise as a region of neighbourly
cooperation and economic growth. Without regional
political stability, the regional economic prospects for all
21

countries of the Caucasus will remain precarious. And
unless the security needs and the aspirations of the people
of the region are satisfied, there can be no political
stability.


I should
like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly and to thank you for
having accepted the weighty task that you will be carrying
out during this session. We also wish to express our best
wishes to your country, Namibia, which you so ably
represent. We also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr.
Opertti, for the manner in which he guided our work
during the previous session.
I should also like to take this opportunity to extend
my sincere congratulations to the Republic of Kiribati, the
Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga on their
admission to our Organization.
My statement is in line with the statement made here
by the Presidency of the European Union. I wish merely
to highlight some of the issues that are particularly
important for us.
Early in the month of August, two young African
children, Yaguine and Fodé, were found dead, stowed
away in the landing gear of a Sabena aeroplane, victims
of an idealism and an innocence that led them to embark
on a reckless voyage in search of the mirages of western
society.
Yaguine and Fodé left us a moving message, of
which I would like to quote some passages here:
“To the people in charge in Europe: it is to
your solidarity and to your kindness that we make
an appeal for help for Africa ... We are suffering
enormously ... We have war, disease ... We have
schools, but in order to get a good education and
good teaching, one needs large amounts of money;
and our parents are poor.
“So, we Africans, especially African children
and young people, ask you to create a great and
effective organization for Africa ... We need you to
fight poverty”.
The great organization of which Yaguine and Fodé
dreamed is here before me in its most universal form. It
was conceived from the outset for the maintenance of
peace and for economic and social development. The
authors of the Charter regarded those two aspects as
inseparable. Over the last decade, this great Organization
has succeeded in laying a worldwide foundation for
economic and social values aimed at creating a more
civilized world, a world in which globalization has
gradually come to the fore.
Here I am thinking of the discrete but tenacious
work at the great United Nations conferences and
summits to find new directions for development. That
significant work must be continued and consolidated. The
15

universal commitments made at Jomtien for education, at
Rio de Janeiro for the environment, at Vienna for human
rights, at Copenhagen for social development, at Cairo for
population and development, at Beijing for women, at
Rome for hunger and at Istanbul for human settlements
constitute irreversible gains for mankind. It is gratifying
that the concerns debated and the conclusions adopted at
those conferences have increasingly become the inspiration
for our national policies and are helping to bring about the
indispensable convergence among those policies.
But the tragedy of Yaguine and Fodé brings us face to
face with the harsh reality of unbalanced development. As
I speak, 1.3 billion women and men are surviving — or
trying to survive — on less than one dollar per day; 840
million of them, including 160 million children, suffer daily
from hunger or malnutrition. Even more serious, as those
two teenagers remind us, 260 million children have no
access to primary or secondary school because of a lack of
means. Every day, 250 million children go to work instead
of to school. At the dawn of the third millennium, it is
increasingly difficult for our civilization to tolerate such
social and human marginalization and such a lack of
solidarity, in particular for our children.
We must forge stronger solidarity within the United
Nations. We must restore humanism to its rightful place in
international relations. For this fight against poverty and
this campaign for emancipation to succeed, we must agree
to a decisive review of the mechanism that underlies the
economic fluctuation, that causes financial tension and its
attendant social consequences, and that tolerates massive
exploitation of the weakest by forces that are often
impersonal and unidentifiable.
Hence, we are deeply convinced that we must restore
the primacy of political leadership in our globalized society.
We must endeavour without hidden agendas to organize a
new world political order. We need stronger and more
coherent United Nations action for economic and social
development, which requires the use of all available global
tools for economic, financial and commercial governance.
This means we must be more determined to restoring the
primacy of policy and no longer to permit democratic
legitimacy to be circumvented or even flouted by selfish or
speculative interests. The rights of peoples must always
prevail over the power of money.
Belgium will support United Nations efforts to restore
the Organization's mission to protect against the
unacceptable side-effects of globalization. In that spirit, my
country attaches great importance to the success of the
coming Millennium Assembly. In that context, Belgium
is pleased that it will serve as host to the Third United
Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries in
the spring of 2001, which will bring together in Brussels
all development partners. We hope that this major event
will lead to a renewed commitment to the integration of
these countries in the world economy on the basis of
concrete and quantifiable objectives. The Belgian
Government, which recently came into office, has clearly
expressed its political will gradually to increase our
funding of bilateral partnerships and cooperation. We
shall pay particular attention to the quality and the
coherent implementation of the projects we sponsor.
I express the wish that this Assembly session be
conducted under the banner of Africa. Your stimulating
opening statement, Mr. President, and the addresses by
President Mbeki of South Africa and by President
Bouteflika of Algeria, sent a strong message in that
regard. We Belgians have a traditional interest in the
political, economic and development prospects of Central
Africa. Belgium must reestablish the bonds with that
region which history and experience have bestowed upon
it. This also implies responsibilities which my
Government will endeavour to shoulder in a responsible
and coherent manner. I am thinking in particular of the
twofold task of the United Nations as an organization
both for the maintenance of peace and for the promotion
of development. I also have in mind human rights issues,
of which my Government is particularly aware.
Against this backdrop, the new Belgian Government
has placed cooperation with Central Africa at the top of
its agenda. To us, it is important that peace and stability
should return to Central Africa. The Lusaka Ceasefire
Agreement offers hope. It requires the political will of the
various parties concerned to address the root causes of the
present conflict and to seek solutions at a regional level.
A significant effort by the international community will
be necessary to encourage and support them. My country
will do its share, and will intensify its direct contacts and
its financial support. Belgium has responded to the appeal
of the Security Council by placing liaison officers at the
disposal of the Secretary-General. They will be deployed
in accordance with Security Council resolution 1258
(1999) of 6 August 1999.
It goes without saying that we fully respect the wish
of African leaders that they should find their own political
solutions to the conflicts that undermine the continent.
But this can imply no ambiguity about the roles of the
Security Council and of the General Assembly. Nor does
16

it mean that the rest of the world should refrain from
action: achieving peace in the Great Lakes region will
require tremendous efforts and resources.
Here we must think about concluding a true
partnership pact with the countries of Central Africa.
Inspired by the Stability Pact for the Balkans, this would
form part of a genuine strategy for cooperation among
countries. With the support of the major financial
institutions, such a pact could revitalize the economic
mechanisms of partner countries and reinvigorate their
social and democratic development. We believe such s
partnership pact should be based on the voluntary and
mutually respectful cooperation of each African and non-
African signatory country and should in no way be
construed as an attempt at neo-colonial domineering of that
part of the world.
Other regions of Africa deserve more attention and
effort on the part of the international community. I think in
particular of the bloody conflict which has plunged Angola
into unspeakable humanitarian tragedy. I also think of the
war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which must be prevented
from extending into Somalia. In Sierra Leone, the efforts of
neighbouring countries, which Belgium and other partners
have supported, give reason for optimism. We also hope
that Guinea-Bissau will regain civil peace. But much
remains to be done to improve the situation of the peoples
of southern Sudan and of Somalia.
Whatever the media's focus, now turned towards other
parts of the world, it is important that we do not forget the
suffering of men, women and especially children of those
countries of Africa, who aspire to education, health and
development. The new international policies, based more on
balance and on the sharing of prosperity, should be directed
towards them, too.
I turn briefly to North Africa. The presidency of the
European Union recalled that the Maghreb countries are
experiencing significant growth. They remain an essential
partner for Europe and for world peace, prosperity and
development. Economic, social, cultural and political ties
with the southern Mediterranean basin will have to be
strengthened in the coming months and years.
I also hope that the international Community will fulfil
its commitment to support the Middle East peace process.
There, too, it will be a matter of releasing the financial and
human resources to ensure the economic, social and
democratic development of the various regions and peoples
who are committed to peace. My country is ready to
respond to calls for cooperation in this regard.
There is another region where the United Nations
has been called upon to play a crucial and difficult role.
The Kosovo crisis has implications for the security of my
country and Europe as a whole. It also obliges us to ask
a sensitive question about the limits to the right of the
international community to intervene in the internal affairs
of a State.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
intervention has appreciably reinforced the idea that moral
and ethical considerations are in the process of
overshadowing the traditional concept of national
sovereignty in international relations. If there is one
lesson for our Organization to learn from the twentieth
century, it is that for no State can the massacre of its own
people be considered an “internal affair”, under any
pretext. This legal formalism would ultimately amount to
admitting that, as the head of the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), Bernard
Kouchner has said, it would be “legitimate, although not
elegant, to massacre one's own people”.
Yet the Security Council is well-equipped to deal
with massive violations of human rights. Article 42 of the
United Nations Charter allows the Council to qualify such
violations as a threat to international peace and security
and to authorize armed intervention, as it has on several
occasions — for example, in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1991; in
Somalia in 1992; in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1994; and
in Liberia and Sierra Leone in 1997.
If the Security Council could not fully play its role
at the beginning of the Kosovo crisis, this was due less to
a divergence of views between States over the essence of
the problem than because there was a rift between the
advocates of the right of humanitarian intervention and
the defenders of the traditional legal system, which
regards national sovereignty as the absolute foundation of
international relations. My country deeply regrets that a
potential double veto constituted an insurmountable
obstacle that was inappropriate given the extreme urgency
of the situation. We hope that resorting to force without
the Council's approval will not constitute a precedent. The
world needs an international legal order that prevails over
the law of the jungle. In this respect, we all hope that
resolution 1244 (1999) signals a return to international
legality.
17

Belgium welcomes the decisive attitude of the Security
Council regarding East Timor. We hope for a speedy
restoration of normality there, with the return of its
inhabitants, reconstruction of the country and the
establishment of a state of law resulting from the expressed
will of its people.
Here it is opportune to recall the urgent need for the
international community to provide itself with the tools
needed to prevent and punish barbaric acts. We need a
tribunal charged with prosecuting those responsible for the
gravest crimes affecting the whole international community.
The adoption in Rome of the Statute of the International
Criminal Court is an important landmark. I appeal to all
States to sign and ratify it so that the Court can start to
operate as soon as possible. Belgium's ratification of the
Statute is imminent. This new tribunal must be endowed
with the human and material means necessary for the
accomplishment of its mission.
This leads me to the issue of United Nations reform,
and primarily the reform of the Security Council.
For six years a Working Group under the guidance of
the President of the General Assembly has attempted, with
more or less success, to ascertain which reforms would
make it possible to re-gild the coat of arms of the Security
Council. In spite of the efforts of successive Presidents,
little progress has been made. Nevertheless, the scope of
the issue and possible improvements have been identified.
I believe that new momentum can come only from a new
determination on the part of our Governments.
In the view of my country, the Security Council is an
anachronistic reflection of the world of 1946. In 53 years
the number of independent countries has grown fourfold,
and new great Powers can, whether on economic,
demographic or geopolitical grounds, legitimately claim a
larger share of international responsibility.
The reasons for reform are evident. Lack of it,
continuance of the status quo and opposition to change
involve the following dangers.
Countries which are legitimate candidates for a
permanent seat on the Security Council, frustrated in their
ambitions, will be less inclined to contribute to the
collective effort to maintain peace, prevent conflict and give
multilateral development aid. Equally, other countries,
unable to justifiably claim a permanent seat, will be
deprived of participation in shouldering global
responsibilities, because of their number and the lack of
objective rotation criteria. That will bring about a loss of
representativeness and legitimacy, and ultimately of the
Council's authority.
My country chairs a group of 10 Member States
seeking a solution that can command the broadest
possible support. In spite of the obstacles, we intend to
persevere.
The reforms that we are considering are not limited
to the Security Council; they also aim at rendering the
machinery of the United Nations more effective and
efficient. I pay tribute to Secretary-General Kofi Annan,
who has thrown himself into the task with great
determination.
The United Nations continues to be an indispensable
Organization. It must be strengthened so that it can carry
out the tasks and responsibilities given it by the Charter.
Reform is therefore essential to strengthen the
mechanisms for the solidarity and harmonious
development to which we all aspire.
This reform must be accompanied by a sound
financial outlook. There has been no improvement over
the last 12 months; this situation must be redressed.
Belgium, like the many other States which pay their
contributions on time and unconditionally, calls for all
Member States to do the same. It will be understood, of
course, that here I am looking particularly towards
Washington. Belgium, a friend and ally of the United
States, reaffirms that it is essential that that country play
its role in the United Nations. We all need the United
States, but it must shoulder its responsibilities, including
its financial responsibilities, within our Organization.
So far I have mostly spoken of what is not working.
But there are many areas where progress, even
considerable progress, is being made. The Organization
has played a considerable role in giving an ethical
dimension to the criteria governing international relations.
My country welcomes this. As the first victim of
chemical weapons — gas used on the battlefields of the
Yser — Belgium was a passionate advocate of the
process that led to the conclusion and the implementation
of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Similarly, we are
supporting the efforts to combat biological and
bacteriological weapons and the fight to abolish anti-
personnel mines. We are also presently engaged in efforts
to reduce the spread of small arms.
18

The anarchistic accumulation of small arms and the
scourge of anti-personnel mines remain among the most
acute problems at this close of the century. These weapons
exacerbate conflicts and are instruments of death and terror,
in Africa as well as in Asia, Latin America and the
Balkans. Nor do the societies of Western Europe and North
America escape this cancer, the full extent of which has yet
to be felt.
Several initiatives have been taken to tackle these
problems, and my country was fully involved in them. By
way of example I would like to mention the Brussels
conference of October 1998 and the Code of Conduct and
the common action of the European Union, as well as our
participation in and financial support for the expert groups
set up by the Secretary-General.
We will continue our policy of prevention and
reduction with regard to accumulations of small arms, as
well as our fight for the abolition of anti-personnel mines.
In general, in the appropriate forums we will continue
to take initiatives to promote arms control and disarmament.
I am thinking, for example, of the reinforcement of the
Biological Weapons Convention, limitations on arms-
trafficking, the intensification of the fight against the
violation of embargoes on weapons transfers and the fight
against the increase of nuclear arsenals.
From economic and social development to
disarmament or humanitarian intervention, there is a central
theme that underlies all our actions: human rights. It has
become clearer and clearer in the past few years that human
rights are intertwined with the promotion of international
peace and security, economic prosperity, sustainable
development and social justice.
In all the reforms of the activities and the structures of
the United Nations that have been carried out with the
impetus of the Secretary-General, the promotion of human
rights is a cross-cutting theme involving all the
organizations and agencies that operate on a global scale.
Belgium supports this global and integrated approach
without reservations; but the task is immense. Thus, it is in
the interest of the United Nations to ensure the
collaboration of regional organizations, whose competencies
and potential in this field can help in the achievement of
these common objectives.
The inaugural address of the new Belgian Government
unequivocally put human rights at the top of its agenda and
announced its intention of pursuing an active policy
within all the relevant international organizations.
I would like to pay particular homage to our
Secretary-General, whose patience and tact have often
made the difference in extremely difficult circumstances.
My Government remains a steadfast supporter of all his
initiatives to prepare our Organization for the challenges,
known and unknown, that lie ahead in the next century.
Through the Secretary-General I would like to pay
special tribute to the United Nations personnel, and
particularly to all those who died on the field of honour
in humanitarian or peacekeeping missions. Every year the
list of victims gets longer. My country appeals to the
global conscience to respect United Nations personnel and
to ensure that crimes against them do not go unpunished.
In conclusion, I sincerely hope that the actions of the
Secretary-General will make our Organization more
credible and more effective, for the United Nations
remains the indispensable universal instrument to achieve
our common goals. It is a beacon in an increasingly
interdependent world, a source of hope for the Yaguines
and Fodés of all the continents.