76.	Mr. President, I wish to express my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of this historic session of the United Nations General Assembly. I bring with me to you, Mr. President, cordial greetings from my Head of State, His Majesty, King Sobhuza II and the Government and people of Swaziland. Your election symbolizes the recognition of your stature as a statesman, and we have complete confidence that a man of your wide experience and calibre will successfully guide our deliberations.
77.	In congratulating you, Mr. President, we wish to express our heartfelt gratitude to the outgoing President, Ambassador Amerasinghe, the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka and able President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, for the efficient and wise leadership which he demonstrated during the thirty- first session of this Assembly.
78.	My delegation warmly welcomes the admission of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to an. Organization founded to harmonize the actions of nations in maintaining international peace and security, and in encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all.
79.	My delegation has confidence, hope and faith that in such an august gathering substantial and significant progress towards removing the obstacles that lie in the way of freedom, peace, justice, and the pursuit of happiness and international understanding can be achieved at this, our thirty-second, session.
80.	Our experience over the last nine years since we regained our independence, has been that social and economic growth, social justice and democracy are legitimate aspirations on this planet if the international community displays the necessary political will.
81.	It is in this context that His Majesty's Government has continued to support and to work for the achievement of a new international economic order in which the world's resources will be equitably distributed among its peoples.
82.	We should spare no effort to accelerate the transfer of resources from the developed to the developing world. At present, world trade and development are controlled and dominated by a small group of privileged countries. The economic fortunes of those nations determined the fortunes of the rest of the world. Growth prospects for the non-oil-producing developing world have worsened, their per capita incomes have fallen and the gap between rich and poor has widened.
83.	It is for those reasons that my Government appreciates the efforts made by all the participants in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation towards the establishment of more equitable relations between the developed and the developing countries. The dialogue process itself did in some degree contribute to an understanding of the complex problems of international economic co-operation and to the need for bold decisions to effect structural adjustments in the present system.
84.	My Government regrets that the Conference failed to reach decisions on a wide number of issues of importance to us developing countries and that it did not achieve the expected break-through. That Conference fell too far short of its objective, and no meaningful progress was made towards the restructuring of the new international economic order.
85.	In spite of the differences over the assessment of the Paris Conference which were manifested during the 108th and 109th meetings of the Assembly's thirty-first session, my delegation was none the less encouraged to detect a spirit of determination on both sides to continue the dialogue in a purposeful manner with a view to arriving at tangible and meaningful results.
86.	On the brighter side of the North-South dialogue, my delegation was pleased to note that the concept of promoting economic co-operation among developing countries was given • attention. Due to our need for larger markets to overcome the constraints of critical minimum- size operations and to make economies of scale, my country attaches great importance to efforts to strengthen regional co-operation and integration.
87.	The promotion of economic co-operation among developing countries is based on the realization of the heed to rely first on ourselves for achieving social and economic development. It emphasizes the importance of depending on our own efforts to develop ourselves. The spirit of self-reliance and the determination needed to advance ourselves is a necessary and decisive factor in overcoming the heavy odds that we face as developing nations.
88.	Concrete results have yet to be achieved in the North-South dialogue, and until such time as the developing world can be united in common action to achieve a common "goal conference and talks will have little effect. Until such time as it is possible for the developing world to confront the developed world on more equal terms, the
Government of Swaziland will continue to work relentlessly for vital reforms of the international economic and financial system. Trade flows must be increased, debt must be rescheduled and schemes must be introduced to stabilize commodity prices. We shall strive to achieve those ends through the years ahead.
89.	Swaziland believes that if people have no stake in the community of man they become a threat to that community. Peace and stability are threatened by a divided community; yet all of us are very much aware that the division continues to introduce into the modern world unnecessary disharmony and conflicts of interest which disastrously divide mankind at a time when unity of purpose and action is so vital for peace, order and progress in the service of mankind.
90.	Swaziland's policy remains strongly that of a non- racial democracy based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, good neighbourliness, non-alignment and respect for peace, justice and equality. We practise and cherish those concepts as principles enshrined in both the Charter of the United Nations and in the Charter of the OAU. Swaziland is most decidedly against any form of denial of human rights or fundamental freedoms which results in the degradation of the human person. In this regard, my country is greatly distressed and perturbed by the situation across our borders in the Republic of South Africa, where the tragic death of innocent people, including defenceless children, and a total contempt and disregard for the rule of law have become a way of life.
91.	As representatives may know, in the recent past Swaziland has given material assistance to some of the students who had fled from South Africa because of the Soweto tragedy.
92.	We remain more strongly convinced than ever before that the racially discriminatory apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa militate against the essential dignity and equality of all human beings, and hope' that efforts to arrive at a peaceful solution to the grave problems of that beleaguered country will be found.
93.	Namibia is an international Territory under illegal occupation, in defiance of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions and decisions of the International Court of Justice. Its people, like all other peoples, have the right to self-determination to enable them freely to exercise their right to complete freedom and national independence so that they can, with speed, take their rightful place in this Assembly.
94.	With respect to Zimbabwe, speaking from this very podium, my delegation has expressed the view that so long as the privileged white minority in Rhodesia was allowed to exercise the monopoly of political power, the illegal regime of Ian Smith would not voluntarily relinquish that power. Today, however, the very efficacy of the freedom movement has forced upon Smith the realization that Zimbabwe is on the threshold of freedom and independence. We believe that it is the indigenous people of Zimbabwe themselves who must together work out their salvation and shape their destiny in an atmosphere of dedication. It is in that context that Swaziland welcomes the Anglo-American proposals as constituting a basis for further negotiations for the restoration of legality in Zimbabwe.
95.	In the Middle East, the attainment of a just and lasting peace remains a matter of major concern to the international community. A viable peace settlement of the Middle East conflict is of vital importance to the world as a whole. A just and lasting peace settlement must, taking Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) as starting- points, take account of the following principles: first, the right of all States in the region must be respected, including Israel's right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; secondly, Israel should withdraw from all the territories it has occupied since 1967; thirdly, the legitimate right of the Palestinian people must be reaffirmed; and fourthly, the Palestinian people must have a right to a secure homeland.
96.	It is the earnest hope of my delegation that the renewed peace efforts now under way will lead to a durable and lasting peace settlement and that all the parties concerned will refrain from any action that would constitute an obstacle to the pursuit of peace.
97.	The past history of Africa reveals that it has been a continent of drama and tragedy. The scars of slavery and the wounds of imperialism and exploitation are all too fresh to have been forgotten. But the future is different. It is a future of hope, a future of a socio-political evolution towards the larger community of a united Africa, a future ultimately to banish any patronizing by big Powers in a continent that is being rebuilt from the ashes of colonialism, a future without racial discrimination and, indeed, a future of inspiration that we shall for certain triumph and regain our glory as a free continent.
98.	It is for those reasons of hope that my country, together with the non-aligned countries of the third world, has consistently demanded the withdrawal of any naval and military presence from the Indian Ocean by great Powers, because we who rightly regard the Indian Ocean as being on our doorstep also regard it as a zone of peace.
99.	I turn now to the establishment of a new international economic order over the oceans, which encompass two- thirds of our planet. Swaziland as a land-locked, developing country, has a vital stake in the successful outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
100.	It is indeed regrettable that a lack of political will has so far prevented the making of hard negotiating choices. There must be a recognition that the future law of the sea must be comprehensive and acceptable to all segments of the international community.
101.	Such recognition would necessarily imply that the concept of the common heritage of mankind must be so interpreted as to result in preferential treatment being accorded to geographically disadvantaged developing States. Likewise, the acceptance by land-locked and geographically disadvantaged States of the "economic zone concept" must be necessarily dependent on their guaranteed right of participation in the exploitation of the resources of such zones.
102.	Compromise and a pragmatic approach are therefore essential prerequisites for a successful outcome of the Conference. We believe that the informal composite negotiating text, despite its many short-comings, contains some of the elements for a constructive outcome at the forthcoming Geneva session of the Conference in March 1978.
103.	Swaziland has served as a model of racial tolerance, where black and white live in peace and harmony. We have continued to set an example and to demonstrate that national peace and harmony can be achieved by showing respect for human dignity and equality, and by giving every individual an opportunity to play a positive role in shaping the destiny of his country.
104.	Before I conclude my statement I should like to pay, on behalf of my delegation, a special tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and the dedicated members of his. staff, to whom we convey our deeply felt gratitude and appreciation for their ceaseless energy and dedication to the cause of peace and to the promotion of international co-operation.
105.	In conclusion, may I once again pledge my country's commitment to uphold the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and to abide by all United Nations resolutions.


107.	 It is a pleasure for me, first of all, to express to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Tunisia and on my own behalf, warm congratulations on the occasion of your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly.

108.	We are doubly pleased by that election: first because of your experience acquired in this Organization, your thorough knowledge of international problems, your sensitivity and your adherence to the opinion of the overwhelming majority of delegation on major problems. Those qualities assure us that you will conduct our work with wisdom and competence and that you will guide our discussions towards results that will have the most fortunate consequences for the development of international affairs. We are also pleased that the man occupying that post is the representative of a country which is dear to us and to which we are linked by bonds of an- old friendship and by the close relations that were established between our President Habib Bourguiba and Marshall Tito and derive from a common struggle for independence, the strengthening of national sovereignty and the triumph of law everywhere where it has been ignored. Furthermore, there is nothing more natural than to see those two men, after having accomplished their domestic missions, meet again to promote the policy of non-alignment which they have guided side by side until it has acquired the authority it has today.
109.	I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the enormous efforts unceasingly made by marshal Tito to strengthen the policy of non-alignment and we wish him long life and all success in his task.
110.	I should also like to express my thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, who presided over our last session with an exemplary skill, which can be a source of pride not only to his country but to all non-aligned States.
111.	I also wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his good work in strengthening the foundations of our Organization and for his serenity in meeting the difficulties he encounters in the service of peace and security with good grace, dedication and devotion.
112.	This year the United Nations has admitted two new Members. We warmly welcome that major event and we rejoice at the happy tradition adopted by the United Nations of welcoming new Members to the international family in succeeding years. That tradition allows us to foster the firm hope that the efforts of peoples fighting for their independence will inevitably be crowned by success and that year after year we will welcome new Members in our midst. Thus, in a few years the remaining peoples who are struggling will be freed and colonialism will have disappeared from the surface of the globe.
113.	On behalf of the Government of Tunisia I address a welcome to the delegation of Djibouti, a brother country. We express the hope that the accession to international responsibility will herald for the people of Djibouti a new era in which it will realize its hopes of dignity and development. I assure that country on behalf of the Government and people of Tunisia of our solidarity and our support in strengthening the basis of Djibouti's sovereignty and guaranteeing its invulnerability.
114.	I bid a most warm welcome also to the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and on behalf of President Bourguiba and of the Tunisian Government I greet the great people of Viet Nam and the memory of its immortal leader, President Ho Chi Minh. That people has given the noblest example of heroism and we hope that its admission to membership in the United Nations will strengthen this Organization and will enable it to extend its basis of universality and solve the problems it is called upon to consider.
115.	Every year we meet on this occasion in order to take stock of our actions and to assess  the progress we have made in the service of international peace and solidarity. To judge by the extent of that progress, we can hardly claim that there is cause for satisfaction or that we can feel reassured. The present situation is particularly obscure, and it gives rise to doubts and apprehensions of all kinds. The international political situation reveals no more substantial progress than the economic and social situation since last year. Thus we begin this new session facing the same problems we considered at the last session. However, these problems have become worse, and this situation constitutes a serious danger for peace.
116.	We are among those who firmly believe that the United Nations is the best body available to mankind as a forum where opposing views can be voiced and appropriate solutions sought. We believe also that there is a need to consolidate the foundations of this Organization and to guard against its adopting positions contrary to its principles
117.	The agenda for this session is full of irrelevant items and I do not intend to go into them all in detail. That would take up too much time. I shall simply refer to the most important questions and define the position of my Government on them.
118.	First of all, we have the question of Palestine and the question of the Middle East. It is undeniable that last year these two problems were subjects of increasing interest to world opinion and world leaders. But that interest, in our view, has not been commensurate with the danger that those two problems entail. In fact we in the twentieth century are facing the greatest test for mankind, which squarely confronts the United Nations. In such circumstances we cannot give way to inertia or despair, especially when we realize the dimensions of the problem and when everyone recognizes today that the guilty party in this situation and the party responsible for its deterioration is not the victim, a people expelled from its home, robbed of its property and forced into exile, but, on the contrary, the party which has despoiled the land of another, disregarded all the rules of morality and has had the effrontery to deny the truth of history and of the real facts.
119.	The problem we face today has gone beyond all ordinary political criteria and all normally admitted moral rules. More than ever we must ask ourselves whether or not the fundamental ideals of the United Nations can inspire it to act with the same rigour towards all its Members. Are we to believe that some Members have formed the unbreakable habit of not complying with the rules and of responding to events with inertia and indifference? If that is so, what recourse is left for the victim of aggression? How can we ask the victim to be patient, to prefer political solutions, and to be realistic, while the aggressor hardens his position further, closes the door and invents all sorts of excuses to close the way to any sincere and frank negotiation, and while the aggressor denies the victim the right even to a normal life of human dignity.
120.	For a year now both problems have gone through a difficult stage. The General Assembly last year was not able to reach positive resolutions likely to open up the way to settlement of the problems. The reason was that the last Israeli Government refused to undertake any action on the grounds that Israeli legislative elections were near, and that we heeded the recommendations of those who wanted us to observe restraint, to wait for the elections to take place, and for a Labour Government to emerge from the elections which would have been strongly supported by the voters and which would be sure to take matters seriously in hand and to heed the voice of reason. We were in no way convinced that the future Government would in any way change the attitude of the Israeli State. On the contrary we were certain that that was simply a manoeuvre to gain time, and to get through a difficult political moment when world opinion was becoming increasingly concerned.
121.	The world is a witness to the fact that the Arabs have shown flexibility and patience, that no Arab State has taken any measure which could in any way be regarded as chilling the climate or worsening the crisis. On the contrary, the Arab Governments and the PLO itself have tirelessly explored every avenue in seeking means to open the way to a positive solution.
122.	The elections have now been held, and events have justified our apprehensions. The Begin Government has come to power; it threatens, it orders, it implements projects about which the least one can say is that they have led to a further deterioration of the situation by carrying aggression and provocation even further and by constantly challenging world public opinion.
123.	The entire world, including the friends and supporters of Israel, recognizes that the question of the Middle East can be resolved only by setting the Palestinian problem and allowing the Palestinian people to exercise its rights, that is, to take form as a political entity and regain its sovereignty. But the Israeli Government denies the existence of a Palestinian entity or Palestinian sovereignty, going only so far as to offer the Palestinians only the prospect of absorption within the Israeli or Jordan entities or other Arab entities.
124.	Political experience and sound reasoning have taught us that discussion will be effective only if it takes place between the two belligerents represented respectively by their delegations. But the Israeli Government would keep away the organization which is at war with Israel and which is the genuine representative of the Palestinian people—the PLO-and will consent to discussions only with partners of its own choosing.
125.	The United Nations has recommended to the parties concerned, and Israel's friends have earnestly counselled, that no step be taken that is likely to impede the search for peaceful solutions or further complicate the situation. Israel has not heeded this call; it has increased the number of new settlements in the hope of altering the demographic structure of the occupied regions. It is committing aggression against an independent neighbour country, Lebanon, for the purpose of facing the world with a fait accompli likely to strengthen its position in future bargaining and to create a new problem so as to distract world public opinion from the fundamental problem.
126.	The conscience of the world proclaims the illegitimacy of the occupation of foreign territories by force and the need for Israel to withdraw from the Arab territories occupied since 1967. The Israeli Government responds with various devices. At one time it claims that if a territory was occupied and settled it was not with a view to subsequent withdrawal and surrender of that territory; at another it claims that withdrawal from a territory is a negotiable principle.
127.	Thus we find ourselves, with regard to the Palestinian problem as well as with regard to the question of the Middle East, in a situation more tense than before.
128.	Of course, laudable efforts are being made to bring the matter out of the confusion with which Israel is busily beclouding the issue. Complete knowledge of the question and of the basic facts is becoming more general and taking hold. The Tunisian Government wishes to pay a tribute to these efforts and to any sincere and honest initiative to that end. However, the Tunisian Government believes that such efforts must stem from the following essential considerations.
129.	First, the Palestinian question and the question of the Middle East are complementary and inseparable elements of the same whole.
130.	Secondly, the Palestinian problem will find a final and lasting solution only with the participation of the sons of the country and the participation, on their behalf, of those whom they themselves have chosen to that end, excluding all other imposed representatives. The Tunisian Government believes that at present there is no one speaking on behalf of Palestine with more credit, more representative character and more authority than the PLO.
131.	Thirdly, the discussion must start with the recognition of the right of. the Palestinians to form an independent Palestinian entity in conformity with the United Nations resolution of 1947, as President Bourguiba has frequently recommended.
132.	Fourthly, the fait accompli which emerged from the war of 1967 is null and void. The withdrawal from occupied territories is therefore not subject to discussion but is a matter of compliance under international law and relevant United Nations resolutions.
133.	Fifthly, coexistence can be established only if Israel renounces its expansionist policy, and its wish to impose its hegemony on the region and if the right of the peoples of the region to make the choice of their destinies is recognized.
134.	In any event, like other speakers who preceded me to this rostrum, I wish once again to appeal to the conscience of the countries represented here, and to ask them to join in active and deep solidarity so that, going beyond the stage of words, we may undertake positive action. We have spoken for a quarter of a century, we have adopted tens of resolutions. Israel has become familiar with that method of work, and has become used to it. To every resolution we have adopted, Israel has responded by an active challenge ranging from the increased torture and harassment of our fellow Arabs to the multiplication of settlements to give it a better hold on the area. Our task at this session is to adopt firm resolutions to halt Israel in its tracks and prevent it from pursuing its arrogant challenge. We cannot permit that challenge, for it carries with it the seed of a war which could go beyond the region of the Middle East and present the gravest dangers to world peace.
135.	There is another region which arouses our concern and deep anxiety. In this region, the situation in principle is not different from that prevailing in occupied Palestine, because public order there is based on racism and racial segregation. I am referring to southern Africa. Although we thought that the independence of the countries neighbouring South Africa and Rhodesia would lead these two countries to change their view of things and to take into account the inescapable evolution of mankind, we note that their regime is increasingly turning inward and persisting in its excesses and obstinacy. I need not recall the various resolutions adopted by the Organization over the years, which have been made dead letters by the South African Government. Nor shall I recall the worsening of the situation in Zimbabwe and Namibia. The events of Soweto are still present in our minds and remind us of the horror of the tragedy, and of the executions and sufferings which have become the lot of the indigenous population of the area. In addition, the racist South African Government has made Namibia a base from which to launch acts of aggression against Zambia, Angola and Mozambique, thus endangering the security of those African countries.
136.	It is perhaps futile to propose new resolutions on the subject, for we know that their fate will be the same as that of previous resolutions. Nevertheless, Tunisia calls upon the Security Council to ensure the implementation of its resolution 385 (1976) requiring that free elections be held in Namibia under the supervision and control of the United Nations.
137.	The Tunisian Government, furthermore, appeals to the great Powers and the African States to adopt a firm position in that regard and to impose political, economic, military and cultural isolation upon the Governments of South Africa and Rhodesia in order to exercise pressure which would place both regimes under the obligation of complying with resolutions of the United Nations.
138.	The most recent news we have received indicates that the Rhodesian question may be moving towards a settlement. The proposals made by the Governments of the United States and of the United Kingdom, while not responding entirely to legitimate African aspirations, are in fact a negotiable basis for action and can serve as a new point of departure for treatment of the problem.
139.	What is important in our view is to get things moving and once and for all to cease treating the problem in a colonialist spirit. There is no longer any question of resorting to manoeuvres, to procrastination or to delaying tactics to gain a few weeks or a few months. While giving its full backing to African liberation, my Government supports every laudable effort aimed at facilitating peaceful solutions and in bringing closer the period of security and peace.
140.	During our statement at the previous session of the General Assembly, we stressed our concern over the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Our apprehensions are not less today, in view of the trends which we see in the world and which indicate an increase in the quantity of weapons in their accumulation and in proliferation. What gives rise to even greater concern on our part is the probable existence of those weapons in some countries, such as Israel or South Africa, that would not be prevented by international morality and law from committing aggression against others.
141.	Many resolutions of the United Nations adopted on this subject have remained a dead letter. As an example, I would mention the resolution which appeals to militarily and economically developed countries to reduce their military budgets and to devote some of the funds thus freed to assistance to developing countries.
142.	We deplore the fact that no progress has been made so far along that road, although there have been abundant contacts and discussions and the means to overcome present difficulties are not lacking. While we are pleased that a special session of the United Nations on the question of disarmament will be held in May and June of 1978, my Government hopes that at the present session the Assembly may overcome the obstacles to a conclusion of an international agreement on the prohibition of the use of force in international relations.
143.	This leads me to refer to international economic relations and to present the position of my country on that subject. Tunisia, as the entire world knows, is as a matter of principle in complete solidarity with the positions adopted by the Group of 77 and defined in the many conferences of the non-aligned countries.
144.	The international economic situation continues to be characterized by disorder and disequilibrium which give rise to what the Secretary-General in his report has wisely described as  an uncertainty more pervasive than at any time since the end of the Second World War.
145.	It is increasingly obvious that this situation is the result especially of the economic policies followed in industrialized countries, which, by concentrating on solving their immediate national problems, neglect the search for lasting solutions which would benefit the international community as a whole.
146.	The protectionist measures recently adopted by some developed countries with regard to the textile exports of a large number of developing countries, including Tunisia, is proof of that regrettable trend. Those measures and other similar ones, by limiting the scope of action of international co-operation and in dangerously limiting the expansion of world trade, especially that of developing countries, not only further retard the economic development and social progress of the latter countries, but also hamper recovery in the developed countries themselves.
147.	Let us not be mistaken. The concept of the interdependence of economies proclaimed here and there is more than a mere slogan. It cannot be interpreted in any restricted sense. Non-compliance with the obligations of interdependence can have nefarious consequences for all.
148.	The need to establish a new international economic order arose out of the desire to shield the economies of all countries from upheavals of that nature and to provide the international community with the conditions for harmonious development with justice and loyal co-operation. Now, while we applaud the decision adopted recently by some Powers to remove their objections of principle to the pursuit of that objective, we can only regret the obstinacy which persists in refusing to implement the measures needed for its implementation.
149.	While the hopes we had with regard to the seventh special session remain unfulfilled, we see that the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation has concluded with results which fall well short of the most reasonable aspirations. However, it would be wrong not to recognize that the action of the North-South dialogue made possible a break-through towards the establishment of a new international economic order.
150.	Is it not comforting to note that, despite all the difficulties, developed countries and developing countries have declared that they wish to pursue the dialogue? Countries members of the Group of 77, for their part, have reaffirmed their favourable disposition in this respect in the declaration which their Ministers for Foreign Affairs adopted on 29 September.
151.	Now we must give new momentum to global economic negotiations and place them within their normal framework, which is that of the United Nations system under the continuous political supervision of the General Assembly.
152.	Those, global negotiations naturally can be supplemented by regional and interregional negotiations which, in their appropriate forums, can contribute to the dialogue and to efforts at establishing a new international economic order. Euro-Arab discussions and Afro-Arab discussions which have already produced concrete results are part of those efforts. Tunisia for its part is making its contribution to the initiation and pursuit of such discussions.
153.	Global negotiations should continue to be based mainly on the relevant resolutions adopted by the United Nations, and in particular on the resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions and on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. It should, however, be possible to include
in the over-all process of the establishment of a new international economic order any specific decisions adopted at the prior Paris Conference that Member countries of our Organization as a whole consider to be positive.
154.	The agenda of this session makes it possible to start, on a solid footing, the process whose progress has to be reassessed in the coming two or three years so that it may be taken account of in connexion with the adoption of the new international development strategy planned for the beginning of the next development decade. Furthermore, it would be tragic to think that what was expected of the dialogue would be attained by placing developing countries in categories or by deciding to benefit one group of countries or another through limited or ephemeral measures that would be contrary to general measures aimed at the basic restructuring of international economic relations and the solution of the problems, especially structural problems, of all the third-world countries, such as those of indebtedness, industrialization, food production and, naturally, access to the markets of the developed countries.
155.	For its part, Tunisia, in beginning this year its fifth development plan, has once more as its central objective control of the problem of unemployment by trying to satisfy all of the additional demand for jobs for the period 1977-1981. We believe that is an objective that is in accordance with the hope that several speakers have expressed here, namely, the hope of ensuring, through employment, a better distribution of income within each country, and so meeting the essential needs of all members of society. In this, my country relies mainly on the efforts of its people and on its national resources. Those resources are, however, as limited as those of many countries which receive particular attention from the international community. We should like to hope that such aid and understanding will not be lacking.
156.	All the questions that we are discussing at present are being dealt with only at the official government level. It is rare for them to be made the subject of the dissemination of information as they deserve or to be brought to the attention of public opinion in order that public opinion may participate, even though indirectly, in the search for the solutions they call for. In fact, public opinion is no longer satisfied with incomplete information and does not easily accept facts transmitted to it which are molded according to the views of those who publish or disseminate them. There is certainly no need to add that any political, economic or social project could not easily succeed unless accurate and objective information were available concerning it. Aware of the importance of this problem, the developing countries, proceeding with the context of non-alignment, have taken it up and are seeking appropriate solutions at the international level. This effort has not escaped the notice of the United Nations, which, through UNESCO has begun to compile information. At the General Conference of that organization, held at Nairobi in 1976, very important resolutions were adopted. However, those decisions are but a first stage which must be followed by others.
157.	In accepting the presidency of the intergovernmental council for the co-ordination of information among non- aligned countries, my country has assumed a heavy responsibility in the field of information within that group. More than once, Tunisia has taken the initiative of entering into a dialogue with Europe directed towards the aim in view, namely, that of compiling information more in keeping with the new type of relations desired by the international community. I would recall here, in particular, the many meetings of African, Arab or non-aligned countries held during the last two years.
158.	It was thus that the idea was born of establishing a new world order in the field of information, on the lines of the new international economic order to which we aspire. This new order of information should be aimed at providing world public opinion with more objective and better information able to serve the cause of peace, justice and co-operation among all nations.
159.	We hope that this question will attract the interest it deserves in the United Nations so that we may discuss it among the subjects included in the agenda of the thirty- third session of the General Assembly.


187.	 Mr. President, my Government would like to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President. Your unanimous election is a tribute to you personally as well as to your country. I pledge the full support of my delegation in your efforts to ensure the successful outcome of this session of the General Assembly.
188.	My Government is also impressed by the devoted work of the Secretary-General in the cause of mankind. I want to assure Mr. Waldheim once more that he can count on the support of my country in his efforts to attain the high goals which the world Organisation has set for itself.
189.	 The world order of great paradoxes  would seem to be a fitting description of the present world economic system and underlines the need for a new international economic order. The inadequate exploitation of production capacity in the industrialized part of the world stands in sharp contrast to the vast dimensions of need in the poor countries. This idle production capacity, which has also been the cause of widespread unemployment, has resulted in production losses estimated to amount to $250 billion annually. It is a huge amount that defies the imagination. But reduced to facts, this figure represents factories never built, machines never constructed and food which has never been produced.
190.	Another such paradox is the large proportion of the production capacity directed towards military purposes. This does nothing to help make the world a safer place to live in. But the annual military expenditure—$350 billion— represents resources more than 20 times as great as a whole year's development aid from the industrialized nations.
191.	And this is happening at a time when the world urgently requires all its energy and resources to meet a series of urgent human problems, as stated in the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization.
192.	The thirty-second session of the General Assembly is faced with a formidable agenda. But, for the reasons I have just mentioned, two matters must take precedence: first, the relations between rich and poor countries as they appear in the efforts to establish a new international economic order, and secondly, the question of disarmament, especially in connexion with the preparations for the United Nations special session on disarmament.
193.	The Norwegian Government fully understands the developing countries' impatience at the slow rate of progress towards the new world economic order. It is regrettable that the North-South dialogue has so far yielded such limited results and that the implementation of concrete measures is proceeding so slowly even in areas where agreement has been reached.
194.	Although the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation was instrumental in bringing about a wider understanding of North-South problems, it does not represent the definitive break-through for which the developing countries had hoped. We must see to it that the general understanding in principle reached at the conference in Paris is translated into practical action. The present session of the General Assembly will, in our view, be crucial in this respect.
195.	The same is true of the forthcoming negotiations in UNCTAD on a common fund for commodities. We hope that the general agreements on a common fund which was reached in Paris will be maintained during the negotiations on the fund's functions and modalities, so that this central organ, representing a further stage in the implementation of an integrated programme for commodities, can now be realized.
196.	My Government will work for the adoption at this General Assembly of the necessary decisions to create a new development strategy. Negotiations should be initiated now to cover a wide range of problem areas involving the whole United Nations system. These negotiations should be conducted with a view to convincing Governments of the necessity of entering into binding commitments.
197.	In the present situation the industrialized countries should seek to ensure that their own economic problems do not exert a negative influence on the transfer of resources to the developing countries.
198.	On our part, we will fulfil our commitment to reach a level of 1 per cent of our gross national product in official development aid in 1978, notwithstanding an unprecedented deficit in our balance of payments.
199.	The mutually beneficial character of international development co-operation should be stressed to reinforce popular support for our efforts.
200.	Let me give a small but concrete example of what I have in mind. In many, if not most, countries drug addiction is a very serious problem. This goes for my own country too. Norway has reacted positively to Economic and Social Council resolution 2066 (LXII) passed by the Council a short time ago on assistance to programmes aiming at crop replacement in areas where narcotic plants are cultivated. We have recently entered into an agreement with the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control for the financing of a pilot project in a specific area for this purpose. But substantial results can only be achieved through concerted efforts on the part of the wealthy countries. Yet such an effort would simultaneously contribute to solving one of the most urgent problems confronting our own societies.
201.	The current economic situation in the Western industrialized countries seems to be putting a brake on their will and their ability to be more forthcoming towards the developing countries. However, the question is whether the opposite reaction would not be the right one: whether making new purchasing power available to the developing countries would not prove to be a stimulus to the entire world economy. The persistent crises in the international economy call for an open-minded appraisal of international economic relations and of the international division of labour. One' result of such an appraisal would most certainly be acknowledgement of the fact that a new world economic order is also clearly in the interests of the wealthy, industrialized countries. Strengthened impulses to economic growth, improved co-ordination of economic policy, and better planning and steering in international economic relations-these are all aspects of a new international economic order which will be to the advantage of all.
202.	Another major item on our agenda is the preparation for the special session on disarmament. This special session will, first, be the most representative forum of States ever convened to discuss this matter; secondly, it will focus the world's attention on the dangers of a continued arms race; and thirdly, it should lay down the necessary guidelines and give incentives for genuine progress in the disarmament negotiations.

202  This special session will provide every country with the possibility—and even more the responsibility-of joining in the effort to see real progress in the field of disarmament.
203.	Our final goal is general and complete disarmament under effective international control. This goal can only be reached as the result of a long and gradual process. In the meantime we must aim at increased security at a lower level of armaments.
204.	The nuclear-weapon States and other States of military importance bear a special responsibility in the field of disarmament. But there are also areas where all of us have both a special responsibility to bear and a special role to play. What I particularly have in mind is the proliferation of nuclear weapons and also the scope and supervision of the international arms trade.
205.	If we fail to prevent a steadily increasing number of countries from acquiring production facilities for nuclear weapons, our other endeavours in the disarmament sector will be of little avail. The strengthening of the non-proliferation regime must therefore be given high priority. In this connexion the non-proliferation Treaty is of crucial importance, and intensive efforts must be made to secure universal adherence to it. My Government also hopes that substantial progress regarding a comprehensive test-ban Treaty, as well as a treaty on the prohibition of chemical weapons, will be reached before the special session to convene next May. Such agreements, as well as a new agreement on the limitation of strategic arms, would have a beneficial effect on our efforts to achieve a successful outcome of the special session.
206.	Another urgent need is for the further strengthening of the international safeguards system. Commercial interests will have to give way to the necessity of avoiding any proliferation of nuclear arms.
207.	Furthermore, my Government is deeply concerned at the great increase in international arms transfers. This question ought to be made the subject of a more detailed study, with a view to arriving at international agreements on the limitation of arms transfers. An important practical instrument in this connexion would be to have a United Nations register recording all such arms transfers.
208.	Half a dozen of the world's military Powers are together responsible for 90 per cent of the world's arms sales. It would therefore be reasonable to expect these Powers to take the initiative in introducing a more restrictive policy.
209.	We have noted with interest President Carter's recent statement on the policy of the United States as regards the sale of arms, as well as his outline of measures to be initiated to limit arms transfers. We also appreciate the President's decision to start discussions with other producers of arms on measures directed towards multilateral initiatives in this direction.
210.	We must bear in mind that this decade has been designated both a disarmament decade and a development decade. In our view there is a close relationship between disarmament and development. The Nordic countries have therefore proposed that a more detailed study be carried out, under the auspices of the United Nations, on the subject of how resources now used for armaments can be released for economic and social development. We have noted that this proposal has received support in the Preparatory Committee for the Special Session. But I should like to stress that resources released through disarmament should not be instead of, but in addition to, development assistance from other sources.
211.	In reading the annual report of the Secretary- General, we are all left with a rather dismal picture of this world of ours. In spite of the ceaseless efforts of the United Nations, assisted by many of its Member States, areas of conflict remain in the Middle East, in Cyprus, in southern Africa, and in other parts of the world and threaten peace far beyond their own areas.
212.	In southern Africa the white minority regimes now find themselves more isolated than ever. We must increase the international pressure on these regimes in order to make it abundantly clear that the many decisions adopted by the United Nations regarding the situation in southern Africa must be observed.
213.	The Conferences in Maputo and Lagos, and the declarations of these conferences, represent new and important contributions. In our view, they ought to form a platform for new measures.
214.	We consider that a decision by the Security Council to introduce a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa would be an important means of influencing the course of events in that country. For our part, we are also prepared to support internationally binding measures of economic boycott against South Africa. Through such measures, the international community could effectively demonstrate its solidarity with the people of southern Africa in their struggle against the system of apartheid.
215.	Experience has shown that it is difficult to have collective measures of this nature adopted. The Nordic countries have therefore decided to consider possible measures they could adopt jointly in order to contribute to the isolation of the apartheid regime in South Africa.
216.	I would fail in my duty if I did not from this rostrum express the deep distress of my Government at the news reaching us of the death of the young black leader, Steven Biko. We urge the Government of South Africa to invite the International Red Cross to investigate the circumstances surrounding his death. The frequent deaths of political detainees under highly suspicious circumstances greatly aggravate the serious situation in South Africa.
217.	On Zimbabwe and Namibia, we hope that ongoing efforts will shortly lead to majority rule and real independence for the peoples of these two countries.

218.	My Government has stepped up its financial and humanitarian aid to the African liberation movements and to the front-line States. It is our intention to further increase our support in the future.
219.	Both in Zimbabwe and Namibia it may prove necessary to arrange for a United Nations presence during a transitional period. Norway is prepared to help within the framework of decisions which the United Nations may make and in agreement with the representatives of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
220.	We have been encouraged by the sustained efforts that have been made to reconvene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. The Norwegian Government welcomes these efforts. In our view, there may now be a real opportunity to find a solution to the problem that has been hanging over the Middle East and the rest of the world for the whole of this generation. We therefore urge all parties concerned to show the necessary restraint and a true spirit of compromise, so that this opportunity of achieving a lasting and equitable solution will not be lost.
221.	In our view, a peaceful settlement in the Middle East must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
222.	Since the Palestinian question is one of the main elements in the Middle East conflict, the Palestinians should be ensured participation in the negotiations in a manner to be worked out in consultation with all the parties concerned.
223.	A real effort must be made by all parties to break the vicious circle of inflexible positions. The Palestinians must recognize the right of Israel to exist as a State within secure and recognized boundaries, in the same way as Israel must recognize the right of the Palestinians to have a homeland. In this connexion I should like to refer to the communiqué from the Nordic Foreign Ministers' meeting earlier this month.
224.	To increase respect for human rights must continue to be one of the basic aims of the United Nations. This follows from the Charter itself.
225.	The achievements of the United Nations in the field of spelling out the rights of man have been impressive. The global human rights situation nevertheless gives rise to concern.
226.	The importance of the work of the United Nations in the field of elaborating norms for the rights of man can be measured only through the impact such norms make in the daily life of human beings all over the world. Human rights should thus be high on the agenda of international co-operation.
227.	There is an urgent need to improve the United Nations machinery for the protection of human rights. In this connexion the idea of a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights merits positive consideration. The idea is not a new one, but it has, in the view of my Government, never been examined on its full merits.
228.	My Government recently submitted to Parliament a white paper on  Norway and the international protection of human rights . Among the main conclusions here were the following. First, international co-operation for protecting human rights must be strengthened. Flagrant and persistent suppression of fundamental human rights are of international concern. Existing United Nations institutions should be provided with the necessary facilities to work more effectively towards this end. Secondly, we want to support non-governmental organisations which constitute an important supplement to intergovernmental bodies, particularly when it comes to mobilizing public support and understanding for human rights. Thirdly, nothing is more an affront to human dignity than the mass poverty, hunger, unemployment and social misery which are allowed to prevail in so large a part of the world. We cannot concentrate on traditional human rights as long as the basic needs of major groups of the world population have not been fulfilled. But neither can we accept that the need for economic and social development is an excuse for such practices as the use of torture, arbitrary arrests and political suppression.
229.	I should like to refer briefly to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. My country considers it essential that the new organization for the exploitation of the sea-bed should be given effective powers that will enable it to safeguard the interests of the international community, At the same time it is obvious that the guidelines for the organization's work must take into account the practical possibilities for exploiting the resources of the sea-bed, and create a basis for a reasonable balance between the various interests involved. The Conference is on the point of entering its most crucial phase. It is vital that all countries attend its next session—which we expect to be the last working session—in a spirit of earnest endeavour and friendly compromise.
230.	The Secretary-General's report includes this time the following question:  What, in all frankness, is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of the world? . I will try to answer this question by some reflections on the importance of the United Nations for a small country like my own.
231.	Small countries have very limited possibilities indeed to influence the course of international events. For this very reason- they have to rely on a world order founded on the rule of law and not on power, and with rules applying to small and big alike. For this reason our membership in the United Nations-imperfect as the Organization may be—constitutes a corner-stone of my country's foreign policy. For this reason we will contribute to the strengthening of the United Nations' peace-keeping ability and the vital role of the Security Council in this regard. For this reason we are committed to the strengthening of the capacity of the United Nations to meet the many new challenges that are common to all countries. And for this reason we are also anxious to see that the ongoing efforts to restructure the machinery of the United Nations in the economic and social fields will lead to concrete results during this session of the General Assembly.


187.	 Mr. President, I have the honour of conveying to you, and through you to the representatives gathered here, the greetings of my sovereign, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, and of expressing His Majesty's best wishes and hopes that, under your stewardship, the thirty-second session of the General Assembly will deal courageously with the urgent questions confronting the world community.
188.	It is also my privilege, on behalf of the Kingdom of Bhutan, to congratulate you most warmly on your election as President of this session of the Assembly. Your long and eminent service both in the field of international diplomacy and in important positions in your own Government assures us that you will provide wise and able leadership. It is a matter of joy for us that this year, like last year, a fellow-member of the non-aligned movement holds this important post.
189.	To your predecessor. Ambassador Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, I should like to express our deep appreciation for the efficient manner in which he guided our deliberations during the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
190.	As the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, enters his second term of office, we should also like to add our appreciation for his tireless efforts in the service of peace and international understanding and for the dedication, alertness, far-sightedness and tact which he has brought to the important task entrusted to him
191.	Each year Heads of State, Heads of Government and their representatives from many different regions meet in this great -Assembly to review the international situation and to promote peace and security for the world's nations and their peoples. We are gratified that, through their efforts, the world has so far been spared another global war. At the same time, however, we are aware that many good and well-intentioned efforts to fulfil the peace-keeping responsibilities laid down by the United Nations Charter have been frustrated. The machinery of collective security is often obstructed and decisions are usually delayed. When decisions are taken, obstacles frequently stand in the way of their implementation. In the light of this, the United Nations presents a picture of uncertainty and institutional impasse which often overshadows its many significant achievements.
192.	We believe, therefore, that one of the most important concerns of this Assembly should be the strengthening of the United Nations as a peace-making body. The General Assembly and the Security Council are vital instruments in the quest for world peace today. As the Secretary-General pointed out in his report at the beginning of this session, misuse of the Security Council or lack of respect for its decisions "may bring us to a time when the Council is desperately needed and will be found to be too weak to fulfil its responsibilities" We believe that the strengthening of this body and the implementation of its decisions should receive our utmost attention.
193.	One of the most crucial objectives on the international scene continues to be the relaxation of tensions between the two major Power blocs and, in particular, between the two super-Powers themselves. The developing countries have always maintained that, if efforts to bring about this relaxation are to be effective, they must be more broadly based. Any situation which perpetuates rivalry for spheres of influence, condones the results of colonialism or leaves the way open for interference in the internal affairs of States has been consistently rejected by members of the non-aligned movement. The Political Declaration of the movement's Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which met in Sri Lanka last year, takes this point categorically. Acceptance of any situation which endorses the existing balance of power and the threat of domination of smaller nations by those more powerful would shatter the sovereign equality that is the very basis of the United Nations.
194.	It is for this reason that the non-aligned movement has become such a valuable and credible force for peaceful coexistence. Non-alignment enables a State to join with like-minded nations which face economic and political odds similar to its own, while at the same time preserving its freedom of action on the international scene.
195.	During the 32-year-life of the United Nations, substantial progress has been made towards decolonization, which is an essential prerequisite for the emergence of a new and just international order. The United Nations is now close to achieving universality of membership. The Kingdom of Bhutan attaches great importance to this principle of universality. We believe that all sovereign, independent nations have a right to join this family of nations. Last year we had much pleasure in welcoming the Seychelles, Angola and Western Samoa to this great Organization. This year we congratulate the Republic of Djibouti on its accession to independence and welcome it with equally great pleasure to the United Nations.
196.	We warmly welcome also the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a fellow member of the non-aligned movement. Viet Nam and its people have undergone tragic losses and suffering, and our good wishes are with them in their efforts to rebuild their great country. We are confident that the representatives of Viet Nam will make valuable and constructive contributions to the fulfilment of the goals and ideals enshrined in the Charter, and we look forward to working with them here at the United Nations.
197.	Although much has been achieved in decolonization, remnants of colonialism still exist in different parts of the world. Nowhere is this situation more shamefully apparent than in southern Africa. Here oppression, colonialism and racial discrimination are being practised unabatedly. It was with profound shock and sorrow that we learned last month of the untimely death of Steven Biko. That a young black leader of Steven Biko's stature and promise should die in this tragic and questionable way is a further indictment of the unconscionable apartheid policy of the Pretoria regime. The practices of both this Government and of the illegal white minority regime in Zimbabwe contravene all the principles of justice and human rights. His Majesty the King, at the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries last year, said:
"The inhuman practice of apartheid, which has been condemned by the international community times without number and which no civilized person can support, continues to be practised. The peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia continue to be denied their just and legitimate right to self-determination and independence. We are firmly of the view that concerted and joint action should be taken to bring about a speedy implementation of the relevant, resolutions and decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Organization of African Unity."
198.	My Government's policy on this urgent question remains unchanged. We believe that the majority of the people, and they alone, must be allowed to shape their own destiny. Unless the minority regimes are prepared to change, and change fast, to accept immediately the inevitability of majority rule, they will be the architects of their own destruction. We believe the great Powers have a special responsibility in this area. It is in view of this that we welcome the recent Security Council resolution 415(1977), which authorizes the Secretary-General to appoint a representative to enter into discussions with all the parties concerning the military and associated arrangements that are considered necessary to effect the transition to majority rule in southern Rhodesia. The will of the international community has already been clearly demonstrated during the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, Mozambique. We endorse the Maputo Declaration in support of the oppressed peoples in the area, and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
199.	The continuing delay by the international community in coming to grips with long-standing major problems increases the likelihood of new tensions and problems arising in these areas. The situation in the Middle East is one of these long-standing major problems. As .we stated in this forum in 1975,8 and again in 1976, we are firmly convinced that any negotiations aimed at a just and durable peace in the Middle East must be based on the right of the Palestinians to return to their homeland and-  establish an independent State, and of all States in the area, including Israel, to exist within universally recognized boundaries. In this context, we welcome the Soviet-American statement of 1 October on the principles and objectives of a new Middle East peace conference in Geneva as a positive step forward in the search for a just and permanent peace in the region.
200.	The other area of our concern is Cyprus. Unhappily, present developments and past efforts have brought us no closer to a peaceful solution of the conflict besetting this island. It is hoped that a formula can be found which makes it possible for the island's two communities to live in harmony, and to preserve the integrity of Cyprus as a single State. The principles enunciated in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), and the subsequent Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, in our opinion, still provide a valid framework for a just settlement. We would like to express the hope that the lifelong efforts and sacrifices made by the great son of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, for the independence, unity and integrity of his beloved country will not have been in vain.
201.	I wish to stress that it is a cause of particular concern to my Government, as it is to those of the other littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, that the potential for great-Power conflict in this ocean still exists. Six years ago the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. This declaration has not been honoured by the great Powers. It is our earnest hope that these Powers will co-operate with the littoral and hinterland States to implement resolution 2832 (XXVI) in the near future, and to remove the foreign military presence, including bases, from this sensitive area.
202.	Some of the problems of maintaining international peace and security are intractably buried in the ongoing negotiations on disarmament. To our regret, there has been no substantial progress in these negotiations. We completely endorse the Secretary-General's statement, in his report to the Assembly, that "the developing countries ... must be involved, and actively so, in a problem which vitally affects them all". In this spirit, we welcome the decision taken by the last General Assembly, at the initiative of the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries, to convene a special session on disarmament next year. Success in this critical area, long overdue, would bring far-reaching benefits, not only in relaxing tensions but also in releasing much-needed resources for development purposes.
203.	In an address to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, the Secretary-General pointed to an accumulation of arms far beyond the needs of legitimate defence which not only endangers world security but now annually absorbs some $350 billion, at a time when the struggle to alleviate the hunger, poverty and disease that plague many hundreds of millions of the world's people suffers from lack of resources.
204.	The sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly have made us realize more than ever that we live in an interdependent world and that the old order must give way to a new one. It is unacceptable for the process of interdependence to continue indefinitely to accentuate the expansion of only the great industrialized nations. At present almost all the world's technological capacity and resources are concentrated in a few countries, while at the same time two thirds of humanity live in poverty, a great many of them below the subsistence level.
205.	There is an urgent need to bring fresh thinking and an enlightened and positive approach to these vast and disturbing inequalities. We must in particular, see that the benefits of scientific and technological development are used for the good of all and not just of a privileged few. The world's scientific community must bear in mind the principle of a new international order under which prevailing economic, social, cultural and scientific conditions will be restructured. The paths towards this new order have been paved by the sixth and seventh special sessions and by the Manila Declaration of the Group of 77, which led to the adoption of UNCTAD resolution 98(IV).n Through the Integrated Programme laid down in UNCTAD resolution 93 (IV) the inequities of the past will be replaced by international co-operation based on the concept of collective self-reliance.
206.	Many of the problems the world faces today stem from the imbalances and inequalities inherent in the world economic order. At present the products of all the world's labour contribute to consumption and material accumulation in only a small number of the world's countries. The gap between the rich and the poor nations has continued to grow. Today it is sadly true that most of the world's population have little to expect from life and are excluded from the material and spiritual benefits necessary for human dignity. This is particularly true of the least developed countries. The extremely difficult economic conditions under which the poorest countries labour are the result not just of disabilities arising from their geographic location but also—in fact, largely-of man-made impediments to growth.
207.	If it is to provide a decent and dignified life for all its peoples, the world has to undergo immense transformation. We believe it is the mission of the United Nations to shape and contribute to this new order, for upon it rests the maintenance of peace and security, which is the very purpose of this Organization.
208.	Another urgent issue which faces the international community is the equitable distribution of the vast wealth of the sea. Almost a decade has passed since the adoption of United Nations resolution 2749 (XXV), which declared the sea-bed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction and the resources of the area as the common heritage of mankind. As many as six sessions have been devoted to formulating an international law governing the uses of the sea. Yet we are nowhere near concluding an acceptable convention. The conflicting claims and views that still exist indicate the dimensions of the complex task ahead of us in what the Secretary-General has so rightly called "one of the most important and far-reaching endeavours ever embarked on by the international community"
209.	The time has come to put an end to the interminable quibbling over technicalities and to demonstrate statesmanlike wisdom in completing this long and arduous task. The informal composite negotiating text that has been brought out should be used to fullest advantage. All Member States, whether land-locked or coastal, must endeavour to harmonize their views and interests as rapidly as possible.
210.	The right of free access to and from the sea and freedom of transit facilities are vital to all land-locked countries, and Bhutan is no exception. The position of a land-locked country, especially a developing one, is one of serious disadvantage in the modern world'. Fortunately, we have been receiving the genuine understanding and generous co-operation of our coastal neighbour, India not only in expanding our trade but in modernizing our economy.
211.	Bhutan belongs to the South Asian subcontinent. In that area, despite many changes in the recent past, the prospects for peace and stability are particularly good. The present trend towards the abatement of tension in the region offers, we believe, an opportunity for the countries to develop and become more self-reliant. With many of those countries, and especially with our immediate neighbour, India, Bhutan shares an ancient cultural heritage and a long, varied history. Today we share also a common purpose in building our nations in the long-term interests of our peoples.
212.	The Kingdom of Bhutan places special emphasis upon good neighbourliness based on concord, trust and co-operation. It is our constant endeavour to promote peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with countries both near and far, relations based on mutual respect for national sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in internal affairs. We are firmly committed to the fundamental principles of the United Nations and reaffirm our support for the ideals of justice and peace. Under the inspiring leadership of our wise and dynamic monarch we are wholly committed to the orderly and uninterrupted economic development of our country and to the attainment of our national goal of economic self-reliance.
213.	The issues we will debate at this thirty-second session of the General Assembly do not admit of easy solutions. Many of .them are long-standing and complex. Some give rise to fierce and intemperate passions. A number have been under debate here for more years than most of us care to remember. But whatever disagreements we may have on their substance, there is one thing on which no disagreement is possible: solutions must be found to them all, and in the shortest possible time, if the peace of our planet is not to be gravely endangered. The responsibilities and duties of the Member States to the United Nations emanate from their commitment, freely and spontaneously undertaken, to the Charter of this great Organization. It is a commitment which does not admit of exceptions and reservations. Let us prove to the world that the United Nations is fully aware of its responsibilities and that it is determined to live up to them.