May I, on behalf of the
Government and the people of Jamaica, convey warmest
congratulations to Mr. Amara Essy on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session.
I wish to assure him of the full support and cooperation of
the Jamaican delegation in the deliberations on the many
important issues before the Assembly.
Let me also take this opportunity to congratulate
Ambassador Insanally of Guyana on the skilful and
innovative manner in which he presided over the forty-
eighth session. We in the Caribbean are justifiably proud
of his contributions to the Assembly’s deliberations.
Last year I emphasized that the international
community was at a crossroads where we were faced not
only with matters of economic progress but also with an
environment full of conflicts and strife. My outlook was,
and still is, one of optimism, an optimism rooted in the
recognition that the old political and military order has
passed and that history has, for the second time in less
than two generations, provided us with the opportunity to
embark on a process of international consensus-building.
This is an exciting and daunting task, particularly for a
small island State like Jamaica, whose faith and
commitment to multilateralism and the United Nations
remain unwavering.
Our most pressing collective challenge is to make
this Organization a more effective instrument for peace
and development. The United Nations is being called
upon to respond to a host of new challenges, including
emergency humanitarian assistance, peace-keeping,
peacemaking, development and post-conflict rebuilding.
The past year has seen human misery and dislocation of
fearful proportions in Haiti, on the high seas of the
Caribbean, in Rwanda, in the refugee camps of Zaire and
Tanzania, in Bosnia and in Afghanistan. Their underlying
causes are political, social and economic. The United
Nations can and should bring to these and other situations
a broadly encompassing view of the indivisibility of
political, economic and social processes.
The Organization and its resources and the will and
vision of its Members must be mobilized to address the
imperatives of social and economic development. We
must seek to promote a new era of international
cooperation for global human security.
The global nature of this challenge is inescapable.
It has become evident that no State by itself can control
the spread of environmental degradation and pollution,
transnational migrations and diseases such the AIDS
epidemic. Economic globalization and the accompanying
liberalization of trade and financial flows, now link
developed and developing economies, North and South,
East and West. Global solutions and coordinated
strategies must consequently form the basis of our
actions.
10
General Assembly 22nd meeting

Globalization brings new opportunities, but it also
brings new dangers. Despite the general trend towards
improved economic management, economic disparities are
widening. Developing countries are being marginalized
from the growth trends in the international economy. This
is a matter of concern to Jamaica as we, like a large
number of other developing countries, have placed high
developmental priority on export-led growth and on
attracting investment flows. Structural adjustment
programmes have also been undertaken at great social cost.
The contributions of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies in areas such as institution-building, poverty
alleviation, productivity enhancement, small enterprise
development and financing, and the strengthening of human
resources, continue to be vital elements in enhancing the
productive potential of developing countries. This will, in
turn, enable our countries to benefit more fully from and to
participate more effectively in a liberal and increasingly
organic global economy.
The United Nations must now work vigorously
towards the implementation of an agenda for development.
A meaningful agenda for development must set priorities in
programmes and resources that respond to the challenges
posed by the international environment for developing
countries. These priorities must address all issues to which
adequate multilateral solutions have yet to be found. These
include the burden of debt; inadequate flows of official
development assistance; the debilitating brain drain; the
reverse transfer of resources to multilateral financial
institutions; the social costs of structural adjustment and the
non-transparent trade barriers and protectionist measures
that remain in place in industrialized countries against the
products of developing countries even as the general trend
towards liberalization and trade in goods and services is
accelerating. The agenda must strengthen the role of the
United Nations in the area of international economic policy-
making and coordination. It must seek to enhance the
relationship of the United Nations with the Bretton Woods
institutions.
This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the International Monetary Fund and the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the
two Bretton Woods institutions established under the
umbrella of the United Nations. I wish to emphasize that
we should continue to examine the roles and policies of
these institutions. We must make the changes that five
decades of experience indicate are necessary so as to
improve the prospects for growth and development of
developing countries — change which can be carried out
without undermining the health and vitality of the
international economy or the fiscal integrity of these
institutions. Major developed countries should re-examine
their opposition to the sound proposals for change that
have been put forward repeatedly by developing
countries — proposals that range from increasing
international liquidity to longer adjustment periods. Over
the years, the International Monetary Fund has moved
from the supervision of a fixed exchange rate system to
assisting developing countries through financial crises,
while the World Bank has made the transition from post-
war reconstruction to funding development in the third
world. Now is an opportune time to reassess their
respective roles, given new global dynamics and changing
patterns of trade and investment. The Fund and the Bank
need to quickly adapt to the current global economic
system if they are to remain relevant to contemporary
realities.
Two important conferences were held this year
which offered opportunities for international attention and
action. In Barbados, the Global Conference on the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States adopted a programme of action which now requires
the support and assistance of the United Nations system
and the donor community for its speedy and effective
implementation. The recently concluded International
Conference on Population and Development in Cairo
produced a landmark document highlighting the
inextricable linkage between population, sustained
economic growth and sustained development. Next year
in Copenhagen, the World Summit for Social
Development will endeavour to adopt a global approach
to the eradication of poverty, the generation of productive
employment and the enhancement of social integration.
We will also meet in Beijing at the Fourth World
Conference on Women to continue to put in place
measures which will create an enabling environment for
women. Jamaica will actively participate in these
important processes.
I have chosen to focus at the outset on what Jamaica
sees as the development imperative and priorities of the
United Nations because we are convinced that the path to
development and the path to peace are one and the same.
Jamaica fully supports an open, non-discriminatory
trading system governed by transparent rules and with an
effective mechanism for settling disputes. We therefore
await the implementation of the conclusions of the
Uruguay Round and the establishment of the World Trade
Organization. We will work actively within the new
organization to ensure the promotion of development
through trade, placing special importance on those
11
General Assembly 22nd meeting

provisions in the conclusions of the Uruguay Round which
seek to ensure a regime of fairness and equity in the overall
context of a programme of free trade.
The international community and its institutions are
dynamic. The choice is whether we actively shape the
change that inevitably comes with the passing of time and
with new circumstances, or whether we merely react to
events. The World Trade Organization is an example of
purposeful design by the international community. Yet
another — a truly historic one — is the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea. As is widely known,
the Convention, which establishes a regulatory mechanism
for the oceans, the seas and their resources, will enter into
force on 16 November of this year. The inaugural meeting
of the International Seabed Authority will be held in
Kingston on that date. This will be both an end and a
beginning. The event will mark the end of a process that
began nearly twenty years ago and the opening of a new
and historic chapter in international juridical and economic
relations.
The inaugural meeting will see the establishment of
the International Seabed Authority. We are extremely
proud that Jamaica will host this important organization,
which has responsibility for regulating and exploiting the
world’s vastest resource base. It must be emphasized,
however, that the success of the Authority will require the
cooperation of all parties concerned, in order to ensure that
the goal of universality is achieved. It is important that the
Authority receive the necessary resources to enable it to
operate effectively, in a way consistent with principles and
practices applied to institutions within the United Nations
system.
I wish again to pay tribute to those who have
contributed to the United Nations Convention on the Law
of the Sea, to its ratification and to the establishment of the
International Seabed Authority.
We invite all States to join in the momentous first
meeting of the Authority in Kingston from 16 to 18
November. We look forward to welcoming the Secretary-
General of this Organization, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, who has graciously accepted the invitation
of the Government of Jamaica to be at the inaugural
meeting.
Since I spoke to this body last year, the Republic of
South Africa has resumed its seat in the General Assembly.
The installation of a majority government in that country,
under the leadership of President Nelson Mandela, is a
historic development of which the entire international
community is justifiably proud. The dismantling of
apartheid was a consequence of the long and valiant
struggle waged by the South African people. It was also
a victory for multilateralism and an important reminder of
the critical role that multilateral organizations such as the
United Nations can play in resolving difficult international
issues. The Government and the people of Jamaica
welcome a non-racial, democratic South Africa into the
international community of nations.
In our own region, the situation in Haiti has been of
great concern to Jamaica and our Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) partners. The wanton abuse of human
rights that led to the death of Haitians within Haiti and of
many of those who fled in unsafe vessels simply had to
stop.
We welcome the most recent developments in Haiti
and the reaffirmation by the international community of
its commitment to the Governors Island Accord. There
can be no deviation from the critical elements to which
we subscribed. The recent Security Council resolution
sends a strong signal to the military authorities that the
international community will accept no less than the
prompt return of the legitimately elected President, the
restoration of the constitutional authority of the
Government of Haiti, the reform of the army and the
police force, and the building of lasting democratic
institutions. Jamaica, along with several of our
CARICOM partners, is playing its part in this process by
participating in the multinational force and in the United
Nations Mission in Haiti.
Developments in Haiti have underscored the wisdom
of the philosophy of the countries of the Caribbean that
maintaining peace and stability, within the context of
democratic institutions and practices, must be the
fundamental basis for the development of our region.
Within the wider Latin American and Caribbean region,
we are actively strengthening and widening cooperation
among our countries. The establishment of the
Association of Caribbean States (ACS) in July of this
year was a historic development that provides for even
stronger collaboration and cooperation.
We hope that in the interest of the entire region, a
process of sustained dialogue and accommodation
between Cuba and the United States can be initiated, and
that this will lead to conditions that permit the eventual
full reintegration of Cuba into the region and into the
hemispheric community. Jamaica welcomes the call
12
General Assembly 22nd meeting

made by the Rio Group at its recent Eighth Summit
meeting for the lifting of the trade embargo against Cuba.
The trade and economic prospects of countries in the
region can be strengthened only by the priority now being
accorded to regional and hemispheric relations and by the
growing role, actual wand envisioned, for regional and
subregional organizations, such as CARICOM and the
newly established ACS, as well as by arrangements such as
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). In
the case of NAFTA, which we support strongly, Jamaica
and other participants in the Caribbean Basin Initiative
(CBI) programme continue to press for the adoption, by the
United States Congress of the Interim Trade programme,
which would significantly offset adverse consequences on
existing conditions of access under the CBI.
I feel compelled to return in these final comments to
the mission of this Organization — peace and development.
There can be little cause for comfort when, since 1945, 20
million people have died in wars and other conflicts. It is
disturbing and instructive to learn that some 80 million
persons now live in foreign lands, and that a million
persons immigrate permanently each year, while another
million seek political asylum as they flee both poverty and
internal strife. The increasing flows of refugees and
displaced persons worldwide threaten peace and stability
and exacerbate tensions and conflicts between countries and
in entire regions. We must strengthen international
cooperation in this area and streamline national and
international procedures for dealing with this grave
problem.
To be true to its mission, the United Nations must be
an Organization that reduces both want and war. This is
why I underscored earlier my delegation’s strong belief that
this Organization must become increasingly active in the
promotion of long-term development, which is the
necessary underpinning of a genuine and lasting peace.
The United Nations must not shrink from this aspect of its
mission.
The military and ideological realignment of recent
years has created new opportunities for peace. But these
unprecedented developments must be supported by
institutional reforms and by new approaches on our part.
These institutional reforms must inevitably include the
reform of the Security Council, the principal organ charged
with the maintenance of international peace and security.
In this regard, Jamaica fully supports the call for its
enlargement. We believe that the Security Council must be
truly representative in order to be fully effective.
Expenditure on armaments continues to consume
resources and to divert spending away from human
development needs in both developed and developing
countries. Military downsizing, particularly by
developing countries, has yet to gather the momentum
that was expected at the end of the cold war. The United
Nations has a legitimate role to play in providing
technical and other assistance to help developing and
other countries shift human and material resources from
military to civilian use. We note that the permanent
members of the Security Council are also the world’s
leading exporters of conventional weapons. This is an
issue that should be addressed both in terms of reducing
arms exports, as well as in terms of converting the
resources to the requirements of peace and development.
It would be remiss of me if I concluded my
contribution to this debate without referring to the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, to be celebrated next
year. As we all prepare for this historic occasion, we
must reflect on the fact that this achievement is in itself
a vindication of the principles on which the Organization
was founded. If we are to survive beyond that milestone
we must remain steadfast to these principles.


At the outset, Sir, please allow me, on behalf of
my country, my delegation and speaking for myself, to join
previous speakers in most warmly congratulating you and,
through you, your country on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. Your excellent qualifications, extensive
experience, wisdom and detailed knowledge of international
affairs, give us confidence in that you will guide the
deliberations at this session to successful conclusions.
I should like to take this opportunity also to express
our gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor,
Mr. Samuel Insanally, for the important role he played in
the forty-eighth session and for his tireless activity
throughout it. Similarly, fairness compels us to express our
admiration and great appreciation to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his invaluable and
unremitting efforts since he took up his post, to increase the
importance of the United Nations, make it more effective
and maximize its ability to carry out its duties properly, and
thereby to increase the confidence of mankind in general,
and every nation in particular, in the credibility of this
Organization’s commitment to the purposes and principles
of its Charter. Foremost among those is the maintenance
of peace and security on the basis of justice and equality.
It is our hope that he will continue to play his role with the
same enthusiasm and high-mindedness.
Having studied the annual report on the work of the
Organization, which we have all received, we can say it is
comprehensive and accurate. The Secretary-General
deserves our gratitude and appreciation for the outstanding
effort he has put into drawing up that report, and in
presenting it in such a satisfactory form. However, we
should like to make some remarks on the references made
in the report with regard to Yemen.
As members are aware, our country, the Republic of
Yemen, was earlier this year exposed to bloody sedition as
a result of a dangerous conspiracy on the part of a handful
of treacherous mercenary elements who chose to isolate
themselves from the rest of their fellow countrymen, to
rebel against legitimate institutions, overturn constitutional
legality and trample on the Constitution, law and order,
with the aim of destroying the unity of the country, burying
it alive and aborting our experiment in democracy based on
political and party pluralism, which was successful despite
the shortness of the period during which it has been in
place.
First, I should like to point out that history shows
that throughout the ages our country, Yemen, has always
been a single political unit, with the exception of a few
periods of varying lengths during which it was subjected
to division or segmentation. Sometimes this was the
result of a power struggle, and sometimes the result of
total or partial occupation by one or more foreign powers.
However, it was never long before Yemen regained its
unity at the hands of its own people, who never lost sight
of the fact that they are a single Muslim, Arab, Yemeni
people, and never forgot for one moment that they
belonged to one nation. Throughout the earlier decades
of this century, wherein our people struggled against the
dictatorial rule of the Imam in the North and British
colonialism in the South, the unity of Yemen was the
loftiest ideal of our people and its dearest national
aspiration. Even after another State was established in
the South once it became independent of the United
Kingdom on 30 November 1967, and after the revolution
of 26 September 1962 in the North, which swept away
the reactionary rule of the royalist Imam and replaced it
with a republic, the return to Yemen of unity in the form
of a single State remained an all-embracing, popular and
insistent demand. Our people never accepted that the
separation should continue once its national soil had been
liberated from the yoke of occupation. They persisted in
refusing to accept that abnormal situation and in resisting
it by every means. Each of the two former Yemeni
States adopted a name which emphasized the fact that it
belonged to one State called Yemen. Their rejection of
partition led each of those States to refer to the other as
its “other half”.

Awareness of this strength of feeling among all our
people in support of the unity of Yemen and of their
rejection of partition made the successive leaders in both
Sana’a and Aden spare no effort in vying with each other
and pressuring each other on the question of unity. This
led to two outbreaks of hostilities between the two parts,
the first in 1972 and the second in 1979 and, throughout,
tension and conflict between them persisted and continued
to flare up from time to time.
However, developments since the beginning of
1986 — starting with the tragic civil strife between the
partners in power in the South and the comrades of the
Socialist Party, the sole ruling party, followed by the
policy changes in the Soviet Union culminating in the fall
of regimes in the countries of what used to be called the
16

socialist, or Eastern, bloc and, finally, the end of the cold
war — all this created the right conditions for re-uniting
Yemen.
Another factor was that the regime in the South, which
had been tightly linked to the Soviet Union and its socialist-
country allies, found itself unable to oppose internal and
external enemies without strong international backing. It
was therefore possible to agree to unite the two halves of
the country on 30 November 1989, during President
Lieutenant-General Ali Abdullah Saleh’s visit to Aden on
the twenty-second anniversary of the South’s independence,
and to persuade the then ruling Socialist Party leadership to
accept unification.
On 22 May 1990 unity was peacefully and voluntarily
established in the form of a single State called the Republic
of Yemen, a Republic based on democracy and pluralism.
The first general parliamentary elections were scheduled to
take place at the end of a period of transition of two and a
half years, during which time Yemen was to be governed
jointly by elements drawn from the leadership of each of
the previous two “halves” of the country. However, as
time passed and the agreed date for the scheduled
parliamentary elections drew near, some high Government
officials from the leadership of the Socialist Party — the
other governing partner at that time — began to create
problems and crises in order to prevent the holding of
elections on the agreed date. As a result, the elections were
postponed from November 1992 to 27 April 1993.
The elections, when they finally took place, were
indeed free and fair, as was attested to by all those who
took part in monitoring them. Those monitors included
representatives of States, organizations and institutes
concerned with democracy and the protection of human
rights and freedoms, side by side with journalists and
correspondents from Arab and non-Arab news agencies. In
an editorial published at the time of the elections, The New
York Times described them as
“a true revolution in the furthest part of the Southern
Arabian peninsula”.
Despite the fact that the results of the election gave
the General People’s Congress, under the leadership of His
Excellency President Ali Abdullah Saleh, Chairman of the
Presidential Council at that time, the sole right to form a
Government, the President and his party favoured a
coalition with the other two important parties: the Islah
party, the Yemeni Alliance for Reform (YAR) and the
Yemeni Socialist Party. This was inspired by a genuine
desire to strengthen the bonds of national consensus, to
guarantee secure foundations and support for the
successful establishment of national unity, particularly in
its early stages, and to guarantee continuity and survival
for a democratic experiment which was still in its cradle.
They also aimed at preventing conspirators and
opportunists from having any leeway to exacerbate
disagreements or provoke armed conflict.
Only a few weeks after the formation of the
coalition Government, on 31 May of that year, while the
freely and directly elected Parliament was preparing to
carry out its work and discharge its duties, there began to
appear certain indications that a suspect plot was being
hatched. It was clear that elements of the leadership of
the partner in the governing coalition, the Socialist Party,
who held important positions in the constitutional
institutions and, more precisely, in the Presidential
Council and the Cabinet of Ministers, were behind the
plan. The prevailing belief was that the matter was
nothing more than an attempt to exert pressure in order to
extract more concessions and a bargaining chip they used
to obtain more government posts or, in the very least, to
maintain positions in the Presidential Council when it was
re-elected, if that was decided. Again, it could have been
an attempt to secure the post of Vice-President of the
Republic if the form of the Presidency of the State was
going to be changed from a Presidential Council to a
republican presidency. Naturally, the results of the
general elections did not suit the ruling elements of the
Socialist Party, despite their sharing in power and the
important leading positions they held. That was perhaps
due to their addiction to being the sole ruling centralized
totalitarian authority, their love of ruling without partners
and the fact that they lacked belief in the country’s unity,
and had no deep-rooted confidence in democracy, political
pluralism or in free direct elections.
Suddenly, without any reason or justification, in
accordance with a carefully planned time-table, those
elements created a political crisis, and matters reached the
point where an attempt was made to ruin or at least to
paralyse the institutions and apparatus of the State and to
usurp the constitutional legality derived from the will of
the people through the ballot box and replace it with a
legality derived from decisions taken as result of dialogue
between different parties. Those conspiring elements
were not satisfied with that, despite the grave risks
involved. Rather, their arrogance and disregard of
legality were carried to the point of wanting to impose
their tutelage over the people and to impose an
undeclared partition through the continual use of an
17

iron-fist policy and absolute control over a number of
Governorates, which they used to rule by force and
oppression in the days before unification.
Despite all the generous concessions that continued to
be made from time to time by the leadership of the
majority, under the direction of His Excellency President
Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was at that time Chairman of the
Presidential Council, the elements bent on separatism
stepped up their challenge and their disregard of
constitutional legality to the point of triggering hostilities in
the hope of bringing Arab or international forces to separate
the combatants and force each side to withdraw beyond the
old borders dividing the two halves. Their aim was to put
an end to unification, to declare another separate State on
part of the territory of the homeland, and thereby to revert
to the situation that existed before 22 May 1990.
However, our people stood behind our armed forces
and security forces, whose loyalty set them squarely on the
side of legality. Those forces were able to turn the fighting
decisively in favour of unity and democracy, and by so
doing were able to abort the suspect plot and to maintain
Yemen as the unified single State it has been throughout its
long history.
Today, Yemen has regained its stability and ensured
its security, after that ordeal, and has put an end to sedition.
A general amnesty has been declared, and national
reconciliation has been achieved. Those who fell prey to
deceit and disinformation have returned to the nation to
participate in political life, and they benefit from the spirit
of tolerance which characterizes the political leadership of
President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Here I should like to
emphasize to you and to the Secretary-General that no harm
has befallen any of those people and that none of them has
been put on trial. Most of them have gone back to their
normal lives quite naturally. That was not all: the Socialist
Party itself spontaneously elected a new leadership which
contained many elements of the former leadership, and
went back to participating in political activity in complete
freedom. Its representatives in parliament participate in
parliamentary life just as they did before.
Within the framework of the leadership’s attempts to
ensure the success and continued progress of our
democratic experiment, and in order to expand the basis of
popular power sharing, the elected parliament, on 27
September 1994, unanimously passed a number of
constitutional amendments which provide for the
introduction of a local governmental system based on the
principle of free and fair elections. They also decided to
create a consultative council to be established by
republican decree from experienced and highly qualified
personalities from various regions of Yemen to widen and
expand the basis of representation and opinion.
Last Saturday, 1 October 1994, the Chamber of
Deputies — again in complete freedom — elected
Lieutenant General Ali Abdullah Saleh President of the
Republic in accordance with the amendment approved by
the Parliament regarding the organization of the national
presidency, which was amongst those constitutional
amendments.
Our choice of the democratic option based on
political and party pluralism was not the result of pressure
from any side, rather it was motivated by our conviction
that democracy is the best contemporary method of
government. It represents the path leading to
development, progress, security and stability. However,
the continued success of our democratic experiment
remains subject to economic growth. That requires an
end to the economic war that continues to be waged
against our country. This is a war which takes many
different forms, including the closing of markets in other
countries of the region to our agricultural and industrial
products. We therefore appeal to all our brethren in
neighboring countries to lift all the barriers and remove
all the obstacles to free trade and the movement of locally
produced goods as an important step towards the
normalization of relations, and the strengthening of
brotherly ties and regional cooperation.
As an extension of the national reconciliation
process which we have begun to implement within
Yemen, despite all the events which have taken place,
hand in hand with that and in the same spirit, we call
upon all neighboring countries to respond positively to
our sincere initiative, to end the causes of dispute and
resume normal relations, which will strengthen security
and stability in the Arabian Peninsula region, based on
good-neighborliness, mutual respect and non-interference
in internal affairs. The Republic of Yemen has an
important geographical and strategic position, as
represented by its control over Bab al-Mandab, and the
Red Sea and the Arabian Sea, which meet in its territorial
waters in the Gulf of Aden. The Republic of Yemen is
aware of its responsibilities and of the importance of the
role it plays in the maintenance of security and stability
in the Arabian Peninsula region, of the Gulf in particular,
and the world in general.
18

In this context, we would like to appeal to the Security
Council to lift the sanctions which are still in place against
Iraq after such a long time, as the justifications for such
sanctions no longer exist. The suffering of the Iraqi people
has reached intolerable levels. Insistence on maintaining
such measures will lead to deepening enmity and hatred
between the States of the region. It is necessary to turn a
new leaf and have recourse to dialogue in order to ensure
the security and safety of all sides concerned, in a spirit of
love and fraternity, and on the basis of respect for the
independence and sovereignty and legal rights of every
party.
On the basis of our membership in a wider nation, we
feel impelled to appeal to the Security Council to review its
resolutions against Libya, our sister country, and accept the
reasonable solutions put forward by the Arab League,
which include the trial of the Lockerbie suspects before an
international court, in accordance with the law of Scotland.
With regard to the three islands disputed by the United
Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran, we would
like to ask both countries to work towards resolving this
dispute between them through dialogue and mutual
understanding based on respect for legitimate rights in
accordance with legal evidence.
It is very important indeed that cooperation and
coordination between the United Nations and the League of
Arab States should be strengthened, in the interests of the
Arab world in particular, and of the rest of the world in
general.
The Middle East peace process has so far achieved an
agreement between the Palestine Liberation Organization
and Israel on the one hand, and Jordan and Israel on the
other. However, a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in
the region remains linked to the withdrawal of Israeli forces
from the Golan Heights and South Lebanon, the
renunciation of the logic of power by the Tel Aviv
government, and its acceptance of an independent
Palestinian State in Gaza and the West Bank, including
Holy Al Quds.
We cannot forget our beloved brotherly Sudan. We
underscore the need to respect and safeguard its unity and
call for commitment to help it maintain that unity both on
the territorial and the human levels.
The fact that our sister country Somalia remains in the
grip of fragmentation, anarchy and fighting, is deeply
distressing to us and makes our hearts bleed. We will do
all we can to help our neighbour and its fraternal, Arab,
Muslim people to emerge from its terrible trial, by
participating with other fraternal countries in the
Committee which it was decided to form by the last
session of the Arab Foreign Ministers which was held in
Cairo. We hope this Committee will receive the
cooperation of the United Nations.
It is also a cause of deep sorrow that the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a target of terrible
aggression and continuous shelling by the Serb
aggressors, while the world does nothing but make
statements and threaten to take measures which have yet
to materialize. Perhaps the least that could be done as a
first step towards showing some determination in the face
of Serb persistent disregard for peace and security in that
important region, their trampling of the resolutions of
international legality, would be to immediately lift the
arms embargo and to begin to supply arms to the people
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to enable them to defend
themselves against aggression.
We have become ever more convinced that right will
triumph over injustice, the same as the people of South
Africa have done by eliminating apartheid and racial
discrimination following such a long arduous struggle.
We would like to express our happiness at seeing this
new African State among us. We should also like to
express to the pioneer of freedom fighters, President
Nelson Mandela, our appreciation and respect. May we
wish him all success and progress in leading his country,
particularly after leading his people a phase of struggle
with courage, resistance and steadfastness.
It is important to mention here before concluding my
statement, that the accusations against Islam and judging
Islam from the point of view of certain acts of terrorism
taking place here or there because there are others who
are not Muslims who perpetuate acts of terrorism in
various parts of the world without having any accusations
levelled against their religions or their creeds. We
therefore believe that we should all stand against any
attempt to distort the concept and image of Islam and
against any allegations against it because Islam is a
religion which rejects violence and terrorism, a religion
that calls for love, coexistence and peace.
In order to show its respect and appreciation for the
United Nations, the Republic of Yemen has formed a
national committee to organize celebrations for the fiftieth
anniversary of the founding of this international
19

Organization. We want our celebrations on this occasion
to reflect the importance we attach to it.
We should not miss the opportunity to refer also to the
importance of working to enlarge the representative base of
the Security Council, so as to take into consideration the
international changes that have taken place since the
establishment of the United Nations. One of the most
important of these is the emergence of two major economic
powers - Japan and Germany. They should join the
Security Council as permanent members. There should also
be just, permanent representation of regional groupings,
including the Arab region.
Finally, we hope that the fiftieth anniversary of this
Organization will be an incentive for renewing the vitality
and effectiveness of the United Nations, and an
intensification of its role, in order to achieve the aims of
the Charter in the light of the needs and requirements of the
new international changes.


Mr. President, permit me to extend my delegation’s
congratulations to you and your country, Côte d’Ivoire, on
the occasion of your election to the high office of the
presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session. There is absolutely no doubt in my
mind that with your proven diplomatic skills and
considerable experience the affairs of the General Assembly
will be conducted in a manner that will redound to the
credit of this institution. At the same time I must express
my delegation’s heartfelt appreciation and thanks to your
immediate predecessor in office, Ambassador Samuel
Insanally, for the competence which he demonstrated in the
discharge of his duties. His commendable performance is
a source of pride to me as it is to all citizens of the
Caribbean region.
(spoke in French)
I am very happy that we are here with you today,
Sir.
(spoke in English)
While the maintenance of peace and security remains
the main objective of the United Nations, the global
environment, the widening gap between rich and poor
nations, the failure of the ill-defined new world order to
materialize, and the forces released by the ending of the
cold war present the Organization with new problems and
challenges. As regional conflicts erupt, the consequential
increase in the number of displaced persons and refugees
exerts greater pressure on the United Nations peace-
keeping apparatus at a time when its available resources
are already severely taxed. It is imperative, therefore,
that the United Nations continue with its restructuring
programme and with those initiatives calculated to
increase efficiency, reduce costs, and enhance the
capability of the Organization to achieve desirable results.
However, cost-effectiveness, commendable as that may
be, should not be at the expense of those worthwhile
programmes designed to benefit small developing nations.
We firmly believe that the United Nations has the
capacity to maintain those programmes while it strives
simultaneously to exercise the necessary budgetary
restraints.
The ethnic and tribal conflicts in the former
Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the reported acts of genocide
and other atrocities are troubling and must exercise the
minds and hearts of human beings everywhere. The
international community cannot appear to condone such
reprehensible acts, and appropriate measures must be
taken to punish those responsible. Accordingly, Dominica
unhesitatingly supports the establishment of international
tribunals for the trial and punishment of those persons
found guilty of crimes against humanity.
The Commonwealth of Dominica supports the
indefinite and unconditional extension of the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and as we look
forward optimistically to a nuclear-free world we call
upon all nations possessing weapons of mass destruction
to join in a cooperative effort to reduce and finally to
eliminate those weapons from the face of the Earth. We
must also express concern at the apparent unwillingness
of the international community to stem the increase in the
rate of production of conventional arms of increasing
sophistication and potential for destruction. Acquired in
11

many instances by third world nations, ostensibly to
maintain secure borders and deter aggression, these
weapons very often become effective instruments of
internal repression and the cause of national and regional
instability. Time after time the United Nations is called
upon to expend its limited resources in repairing the
damage and in alleviating the consequential suffering and
misery. We are consistent in maintaining that a reordering
of priorities is called for and that a slight shifting of
resources away from the acquisition of unnecessary arsenals
and into development programmes would result in
tremendous social and economic benefits to the citizens of
many developing countries.
In many countries human rights abuses occur on a
daily basis. Dominica’s respect for human rights and its
commitment to ensure that the rights of every citizen are
protected cannot be questioned. It is in keeping with that
commitment that the Commonwealth of Dominica applauds
the establishment of the Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights and will support efforts to make that
Office and the Centre for Human Rights effective
instruments in the promotion and protection of human
rights. We believe, however, that in the discharge of his
responsibilities the task of the High Commissioner would
be significantly strengthened if the United Nations General
Assembly were to abandon its present selective
condemnation of human rights abuses. Human rights
abuses should be condemned wherever and whenever they
occur and no nation should be permitted to take comfort
from the fact that its violation of human rights covenants
will escape the glare of publicity and the strictures of the
international community.
The readmission of a democratic, non-racial South
Africa to the United Nations on 23 June 1994 is a source
of tremendous pleasure for my delegation and a tribute to
the many persons and organizations, both inside and outside
the United Nations, who worked so tirelessly in the long
and hard struggle to put an end to the pernicious system of
apartheid. The majority of the people of South Africa must
be congratulated on their sustained effort and determination,
as well as on their conciliatory attitude which augurs well
for the new South Africa. Above all we must congratulate
and applaud the President, Mr. Nelson Mandela, and his
Second Deputy President, Mr. de Klerk, on the courage,
considerable skill and political enlightenment which they
jointly and effectively harnessed in reaching an
accomplishment that may eventually be regarded as a
model for the world. The journey has only just begun.
Many difficulties lie ahead but there are reasons to be
optimistic. With the assistance and support of the
international community South Africa will succeed.
The progress that has been made in the bilateral
negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbours in the
Middle East is heart-warming indeed. With the first steps
having been taken on the road to Palestinian autonomy in
the West Bank and Gaza, and with the signing of the
accord between Jordan and Israel, there appears to be an
excellent opportunity for an eventual resolution of the
conflict that has plagued that region for too long.
Optimism must be tempered with caution, however. The
implementation of the accords and full realization of
Palestinian autonomy will depend for their success on
generous financial support, both private and public. And
while the United Nations must not be intrusive, its interest
in seeing that the legitimate hopes, aspirations and
security needs of the people of the area are realized
imposes upon it a duty to continue to be seized with the
subject-matter and to continue to monitor the process and
the progress towards a full and just peace in the Middle
East.
In different forums and at various times since
September 1991, the Commonwealth of Dominica has
consistently called for the ousting of the military regime
in Port au Prince, the return of President Aristide to Haiti
and the restoration of democracy and the rule of law to
that country. For three years the military leaders in Haiti
have authorized, encouraged and condoned brutal acts of
revenge and wanton violence against the citizens of Haiti
and have continued to exercise governmental power in
defiance of world opinion. They temporized by entering
into the Governors Island Agreement, which they later
failed to honour. Their intransigence and unreliability led
the Security Council to conclude that the unique character
of the situation in Haiti required an exceptional response
and that there was need for the use of all necessary means
to facilitate the departure from Haiti of the military
leaders and the prompt return of the legitimately elected
President.
Faced with the prospect of having to confront an
overwhelming multinational force, the military leaders
have finally decided to step down, and while recent
events give reason for pause, the prospect of the
restoration of democracy to Haiti seems decidedly
brighter than at any time in the last 36 months. When the
Haitian people were the victims of officially sanctioned
brutality and violence, we felt their pain. When President
Aristide returns, we will rejoice with them. We wish the
Haitian people well, and we will do whatever we can to
12

assist in their efforts to attain that measure of freedom that
can come only from a government established on
democratic principles. President Aristide is devoted to
Haiti and the well-being of Haitians. We must support him
and encourage him in this daunting and lonely task that he
has undertaken for his people.
However, as friends of the Haitian people, we plead
with them to understand that democracy cannot be imposed
from outside; it can only develop from a genuine desire of
the people of Haiti of all persuasions. A political
environment of intense hatred and passionate desire for
revenge is not fertile ground for a young and fragile
democracy. Success in their new endeavour will require
that nobility of spirit that seeks the path of reconciliation
and trust and eschews vengeance and recriminations. No
one can pretend that the task will be easy, but the following
excerpt from a speech delivered by Archbishop Desmond
Tutu at the commemoration of the Day of the African Child
on 16 June 1994 might be instructive to the Haitian people.
Speaking of his beloved South Africa, the venerable
archbishop said:
“The Minister of Justice of South Africa was detained
several times. He suffers from a heart condition. The
security forces tried to kill him by swapping his
tablets. Today he is writing, drafting the legislation
for an amnesty to forgive the security forces that
wanted to kill him. If it can happen in a South Africa
where it is said the problem is so intractable, no
country in the world can ever again have an excuse
for not being able to resolve its problem. God is
saying, I set before you South Africa as a paradigm.
This is how it can be done. There is hope for the
world when South Africa can become as it has
become.”
We are in accord with Archbishop Tutu, and we are firmly
of the view that if it can be done in South Africa it can and
must be done in Haiti.
The exclusion of the Republic of China on Taiwan
from membership in this body and from participation in the
activities of its various agencies continues to be of concern
to us. It appears incongruous to us that an industrial
country of 21 million people with a democratic
Government, with full membership in the Asian
Development Bank, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
Forum, the Pacific Basin Economic Council and the Pacific
Economic Cooperation Council, and with the capacity to
make meaningful and worthwhile contributions to the
activities of the United Nations is denied membership when
everyone agrees that it exercises sovereign authority over
a defined geographical area. On the principle of
universality alone, the request of the Republic of China
on Taiwan for membership in the United Nations is
justifiable. We do not believe that the admission of the
Republic of China on Taiwan precludes eventual
unification. On the contrary, in our view it is likely to
help the process along, and no one can pretend that
parallel representation stands in the way. The citizens of
the Republic of China on Taiwan deserve to be accorded
those rights and privileges enjoyed by citizens of all
sovereign States, and the commonwealth of Dominica
advocates and supports the admission of the Republic of
China on Taiwan to full membership in the United
Nations.

We are gratified that the participants at the
International Conference on Population and Development
in Cairo have wisely arrived at a consensus that gives
support to the view that, in the words of one
commentator, "sustainable development cannot be realized
without the full engagement and complete empowerment
of women". That proposition has long been
acknowledged and incorporated into our decision-making
processes, to the extent that today women have equal
access to education at all levels and gender equality
manifests itself in all facets of life in Dominica. We
realize that the plan of action requires increased spending
on social programmes for its viability, and it is hoped that
at the Conference in Copenhagen in 1995, participants
from donor and recipient countries will arrive at a
reasonable formula in that regard.
We support the establishment of the World Trade
Organization and the liberalization of trade practices, but
we need to remind the international community that
fragile economies of small island states can be easily
destroyed if free trade does not embody that measure of
fairness necessary for their survival. We require that the
larger and economically successful States be mindful of
the need for poor small States to survive. The recent
formation of the Association of Caribbean States will, we
hope, provide a framework for increased trade among the
States in the area and enhance the capability of the region
in its search for ways to reach beneficial accommodation
with more powerful trading groups in the hemisphere.
We look forward to the forthcoming Summit of the
Americas and the proposed frank and detailed
examination of such issues as the hemispheric integration
13

process - including a hemispheric free trade zone - the role
of multilateral financial institutions, sustainable
development, and resource flows and debt in hemispheric
development. We hope that out of that gathering will come
not only a keener appreciation of the vulnerabilities of the
smaller States in the region but also a greater impetus for
collaboration on matters of regional trade and development.
After 49 years, its imperfections notwithstanding, the
United Nations remains the world’s greatest deliberative
body and mankind’s greatest hope for survival in a
reasonably well-ordered and peaceful global community.
As the United Nations prepares to celebrate its fiftieth
anniversary, we need to place on record our recognition of
its many worthwhile accomplishments, and we hope that it
will continue in its search for new and innovative ways to
meet the challenges of the future.


On behalf of the Namibian
delegation, I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your
unanimous election as President of the General Assembly
at its forty-ninth session. As a distinguished diplomat and
public servant with long experience, you bring to your
office an outstanding record of wisdom, excellence and
industry. Côte d’Ivoire and Namibia have maintained close
relations of friendship and cooperation. On a personal
note, I take great pride in your brilliant election and extend
best wishes to you.
During his term of office, your distinguished
predecessor, Ambassador Samuel Insanally of Guyana,
introduced practical steps aimed at enhancing the work of
the General Assembly and promoting further our common
endeavours towards peace, partnership, development and
prosperity. We commend him for all this.
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, our illustrious
Secretary-General, has always kept his plate full in the
service of our Organization and its Charter. He has also,
on a continuous basis, kept intensifying his tireless efforts
in furtherance of world peace and security and, not least,
development and regional conflict management and
resolution. The Secretary-General’s report "An Agenda for
Development" is an important and timely complement to
"An Agenda for Peace". Together they reinforce General
Assembly resolution 48/165 on the "Renewal of the
dialogue on strengthening international economic
cooperation for development through partnership". I can
assure the Secretary-General that he can count on
Namibia’s support in the discharge of his mandate.
Following our independence, the Government and the
people of Namibia strongly felt that the decolonization of
our country was not complete because parts of our national
territory still remained under colonial occupation. In 1991,
from this rostrum, I called on the international community
and, particularly, the permanent members of the Security
Council to live up to their commitment, collectively and
severally, by ensuring the early reintegration of Walvis Bay
and the Offshore Islands into Namibia, in accordance with
Security Council resolution 432 (1978). Since then, I have
kept the international community abreast of the
negotiations to this end between the Governments of
Namibia and South Africa. In 1992, I reported on the
establishment of the Joint Administrative Authority, and
last year I announced the agreed date for the
reintegration.
It is with pride and satisfaction that I am now finally
informing the General Assembly and the world
community as a whole that, on 1 March 1994, Walvis
Bay and the Offshore Islands were reintegrated into
Namibia. Security Council Resolution 432 (1978) has
thus been fully implemented. On that emotional but
indeed solemn occasion marking the second independence
of Namibia, Mr. Sam Nujoma, President of Namibia,
proudly declared that at last Walvis Bay and the Offshore
Islands were forever liberated and reintegrated into
Namibia and he thanked the people of South Africa for
their role in making this possible. A huge and tumultuous
crowd of Namibians and friends from abroad who were
gathered there confirmed this truth with their loud cheers.
In the end, diplomacy has triumphed over confrontation.
I would like to place on record Namibia’s gratitude
to the Secretary-General, as well as the
Secretaries-General of the Organization of African Unity
and the Commonwealth, the member States of the South
African Development Community (SADC) and the front-
line States, as well as many other good friends who
rendered support and encouragement to Namibia in the
negotiating process.
At this point let me reiterate what I said then, that a
successful resolution of this issue will not only
consolidate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our
country but will also create enormous opportunity for
economic integration, community- building and prosperity
for the SADC region. New vistas for trade, transport and
communication would be opened up throughout southern
Africa. And this will further stimulate free movement of
goods, services and people in the area. Walvis Bay will
greatly complement other ports in the region.
It is a truism that peace, democracy, political
stability and good governance are among the basic pillars
for development. The southern African region presents a
good example of transformation from war, conflicts,
economic destabilization, political instability, social
disintegration, suppression and denial of human rights to
the new situation of peace, democracy, stability, regional
cooperation and hope for a more prosperous future for us
all. The former Southern Africa Development
Coordinating Conference (SADCC) vigorously sought to
counteract the destabilization and subversion of the
17

countries of the region by the apartheid regime of South
Africa. The front-line States, with vigour and
determination, also pursued the fight for liberation, peace,
political stability, democratization and promotion and
protection of human rights. Now, with the eradication of
apartheid in South Africa and the installation of the first
democratically elected Government, the struggle for
freedom and political emancipation in southern Africa was
crowned with a gigantic victory.
The people of South Africa finally triumphed over the
apartheid system. The epoch making inauguration of
President Nelson Mandela, on 10 May 1994, was a victory
for humanity and a vindication of the untold sacrifices of
the South African people. The international community,
and in particular the countries and the peoples of southern
Africa, celebrated this joyous event, confident in the
conviction that peace had finally come to our region. We
in Namibia are particularly gratified to welcome the new
South Africa into the fold of the community of nations.
Just as we struggled together during the apartheid era, we
look forward to strengthened partnership for development
and prosperity for our people and the region.
The time for reconstruction and economic cooperation
in the region has finally dawned. We are convinced that
the transformation in 1992 of the Southern African
Development Coordinating Conference into the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) will further
consolidate regional economic cooperation and all-round
development for the prosperity of all our people.
This will indeed serve as a formidable building-block
towards the realization of the goals of the African
Economic Community, especially in the field of inter-Africa
trade, investment, capacity-building and human resource
development. In this context, Namibia welcomes with
appreciation President Clinton’s announcement yesterday in
Washington that the United States Government will make
a substantial financial contribution to reconstruction and
development in South Africa, as well as in other countries
in the region. It is good news for us that a friend of
Africa, Ambassador Andrew Young, will coordinate this
programme.
Let me mention here the recent first-ever meeting
between Foreign Ministers of the European Union and
SADC held last month in Berlin. The meeting was historic
and elevated the interaction and cooperative relations
between the two regions to a higher political and economic
level.
The past four years have seen throughout Africa a
process of free and fair elections, multi-party democracy,
the protection of human rights, press freedom, the rule of
law, and market-oriented economies. This process has
taken a firm direction and produced positive results in
southern Africa and in other parts of Africa. In 1989,
successful independence elections were held which
culminated in a free and independent Namibia in 1990.
In 1991, democratic elections were held in Zambia; in
1992 free and fair elections were held in Angola, though
regrettably UNITA refused to accept the results and
restarted the fighting; Lesotho held multi-party democratic
elections in 1993; and this year, South Africa and Malawi
underwent democratic transformations. In October,
Botswana and Mozambique will hold democratic
elections. Multi-party democratic, presidential and
parliamentary elections are scheduled in Namibia in
December this year. Likewise, 1995 will see multi-party
democratic elections in Tanzania and general elections in
Zimbabwe. This would mean that the vision for
deepening democratization, peace, prosperity and true
partnership in SADC will be greatly boosted.
In the emerging world order resulting from the end
of the cold war and the victories scored by the forces of
liberation, the front-line States decided that the time had
come to transform themselves into a mechanism for
political consultations, conflict resolution, peace and
security in the SADC region. The new body which is
now being put together is intended to augment the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) mechanism for
conflict resolution and peace-keeping, and will serve
primarily as the political and security arm of SADC itself.
The countries of SADC, through this mechanism, are
committed to defend and protect constitutional order and
the rule of law. Through their common vision for peace
and development, a task force of three Heads of State
recently succeeded in peacefully redressing the attempted
overthrow of the democratically elected Government of
Lesotho. It was a first major test, and the SADC leaders
rose to the occasion and defused what was potentially an
explosive situation with serious consequences for the
whole region.
Africa needs to produce similar success stories,
through concerted regional initiatives, in other conflict
situations such as Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia, Somalia, the
Sudan and others. Naturally, we welcome the serious
efforts which are being made by neighbouring African
States in and relating to each one of these trouble spots.
To this end, Africa and the international community alike
should heed the appeals for contributions to the OAU
18

Peace Fund. In Namibia, we believe that once given
adequate financial and human resources Mr. Salim Ahmed
Salim, the OAU Secretary-General, and his staff are
capable of implementing expeditiously the relevant
decisions of the succeeding summits of African leaders.
In Angola, it is our strong expectation that the
protracted negotiations currently under way in Lusaka
appear poised for an imminent and successful conclusion.
The Government and the people of Namibia are indeed
awaiting the successful resolution of this bloody conflict.
In their own modest way, the Government and the people
of Namibia will continue to play a constructive role to
hasten this process. The statement made last week from
this rostrum by the Foreign Minister of Angola
demonstrated once again the flexibility and genuine
goodwill of the Angolan Government to reach a peaceful
settlement in the interest of the suffering Angolan people.
UNITA, it is sad to say, continues to obstruct progress and
wage war. It should be made to heed the urgent warnings
of the Security Council. The United Nations should, in the
meantime, keep itself in readiness to increase its personnel
in Angola as soon as a cease-fire is restored. The ever-
increasing peace-keeping missions of the United Nations
need sound financial support, if indeed peace is to be
achieved and preserved. I therefore urge the States
Members of our Organization to heed the
Secretary-General’s call in his current report for adequate
funding for peace-keeping operations.

Namibia is very much encouraged by the recent
conclusion of an agreement between the Governments of
the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba on
immigration issues. It is our fervent hope that the signing
of this agreement will serve as the beginning of serious
negotiations to resolve all aspects of the long-standing
dispute between them, in the interest of peace, trade,
development and good neighbourliness. I made the same
plea last year from here, and the latest development helps
to keep my hope alive. Namibia enjoys excellent friendly
and productive relations with both countries. It is in this
spirit that we advocate rapprochement between them.
We consider that in both elections and governance
popular participation is a prerequisite for development and
prosperity. At independence, however, Namibia inherited
a dual economy that was based on an unequal distribution
of wealth and disparity of income resulting from apartheid.
As a result, the majority of the population has incomes that
are far below the national average. To redress these
imbalances, the Government has been pursuing prudent
economic policies aimed at improving the lives of the
majority of our citizens. The direction is clear, although
the road ahead is replete with pitfalls. However, I must
say that the Government’s will and determination to
succeed cannot be doubted.
In 1991, Namibia sought least-developed-country
status to redress imbalances in education, health, housing
and employment. The granting by the General Assembly
of the "as if" least-developed-country option to Namibia,
if not the full status of least-developed country,
nonetheless allowed us to lay the foundation for the
reconstruction of our economic and social structures.
In spite of the Government’s best efforts in these
critical areas, imbalances persist in our society.
Provisional figures from the ongoing 1993-1994 National
Housing, Income and Expenditure Survey provide clear
evidence of skewed income distribution. Using private
household consumption as an indicator, preliminary
survey estimates show that 50 per cent of the poorest
households account for about 13 per cent of the total
consumption. The richest 10 per cent of the households
consume about 33 per cent.
The low literacy rate, the low level of manufacturing
industry and the extremely skewed distribution of income
are a result of institutionalized social inequality over long
periods. These social and economic sequels of the old
apartheid order continue to bedevil the Government’s
developmental efforts. In accordance with our current "as
if" status, and with the assistance of the World Bank, the
Namibian Government is at present preparing a public
expenditure review. The findings so far point to dramatic
income disparities, in spite of the efforts by the
Government that I alluded to earlier.
It is in this context that Namibia wishes to appeal
once again to the States Members of our Organization for
an extension of the "as if" least-developed-country status
for an additional number of years. This will be an
enormous contribution to our determined efforts to
improve the quality of life for disadvantaged Namibians.
We thank those States and agencies that have
implemented resolution 46/204, on "as if" least-
developed-country status and appeal for their continued
assistance, which will strengthen the foundation we have
laid for development and further consolidate our
democracy.
19

The United Nations is centrally placed to address the
major global problems facing us. Its focus, however,
should not be limited to the issues of peace and security.
The other critical issues, reconstruction and development,
must be given the same serious attention. The World
Summit on Social Development, for example, must be a
forum for us to renew our commitment and political will to
effectively address the diverse social and economic
problems. We must come away from Copenhagen to act;
the international community this time will need to summon
more courage in order to translate into action the bold
decisions we shall take. There is a linkage between the
Plan of Action and follow-up mechanisms adopted at the
Cairo population Conference and the goals of the
Copenhagen and the Beijing Conferences in 1995. This
requires greater and systematic coordination, so as to ensure
economy, efficiency and the achievement of goals we all
share.
The continued marginalization and exclusion of
women from many spheres of life are a challenge to us all.
The platform for action to be adopted at the Fourth World
Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing next year,
must therefore assure the full and equal participation of
women at all levels of society. Namibia’s Constitution
calls for affirmative action and enlightened policies to
effect positive change in this area of human endeavour.
Namibia is an active member of the Zone of Peace
and Cooperation of the South Atlantic and will continue to
pursue the vigorous promotion of trade in the South
Atlantic region, including the development of fisheries and
marine resources as well as tourism on a sustainable basis.
The South Atlantic region comprises a great expanse of
waters, which the countries of the Zone are committed to
keep nuclear-free. Similarly, African countries are about to
sign a treaty for the denuclearization of the continent.
In recent weeks, important meetings of Ministers and
officials of the African and Latin American countries have
taken place in Punta del Este, Uruquay, and Brasilia, Brazil,
to further advance dialogue and cooperation on issues of
common interest. It was in this spirit of South-South
cooperation that Namibia supported the establishment of the
South Centre, towards whose operations we have already
made a significant contribution.
I should now like to state Namibia’s position on the
overall reform of the United Nations, and in particular
equitable representation on and increase in the membership
of the Security Council. Namibia does not believe that the
present decision- making machinery of the Security
Council will effectively serve the international community
in the twenty-first century. Change towards a more
representative Council would enhance its legitimacy,
credibility and effectiveness.
Representation on the Security Council must reflect
the phenomenal numerical growth in the membership of
the General Assembly. In line with the principle of
geographical and equitable representation, Africa is
entitled to an appropriate representation of no fewer than
two permanent seats on the Security Council. For us,
Security Council reform means more than merely adding
two or more industrialized permanent members. What is
required is democracy, transparency and fair play.
Namibia reiterates its position that the veto power is
outdated and undemocratic and should be abolished.
Equally, the General Assembly should not be allowed to
lose its authority, competence and relevance in the reform
process. Rather, it too needs further strengthening in all
aspects.
Namibia is of the strong view that the United
Nations, and Africa in particular, should leave no stone
unturned to ensure that the people of Western Sahara are
not left to face their fate alone. The decolonization and
political emancipation of Africa cannot be declared
complete without self-determination for them as well
through a democratic referendum jointly supervised by the
United Nations and the OAU.
With regard to the dispute between two of our
esteemed friends, India and Pakistan, on the question of
Jammu and Kashmir, Namibia urges them to pursue
peaceful dialogue and promote bilateral negotiations
without public confrontation.
On another issue, we are encouraged by Libya’s
acceptance of Security Council resolution 731 (1992) and
its expressed willingness to resolve the Lockerbie crisis
with the three Western Powers. Dialogue and diplomacy
should be placed on the front burner.
Next year the Non-Proliferation Treaty review and
extension Conference will be held. Namibia is a
signatory to the Treaty. It goes without saying that the
Conference will provide a golden opportunity for review,
assessment and extension of this vital Treaty, which has
so far helped to prevent nuclear war. There is also a
proposal by Zimbabwe, a proposal that we fully support,
to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court
of Justice on the legality of the use and threat of use of
nuclear weapons.
20

Other critical issues, such as general and complete
disarmament, nuclear technology, nuclear-weapon-free
zones and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, also need to
be discussed and resolved. Once there is consensus on
these and other related concerns, the extension of the
Treaty, limited or unlimited, can be resolved to the
satisfaction of both nuclear and non-nuclear States parties.
The peace process in the Middle East continues to
gain momentum and wider acceptance in the region and
beyond it. For us, the centre-piece of this peace process is
and must remain full realization of the right of
self-determination of the Palestinian people, led by the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which must lead
to complete nationhood.
In conclusion, as we approach the fiftieth anniversary
of the United Nations and are about to usher in a new
millennium, it is time for the world to take stock. The
world leadership of today comes largely from a generation
that saw violent conflicts, the untold devastation of societies
and families and shattered hopes and dreams. We can, on
the whole, visualize peace, though it is not yet assured in
all regions. However, the vision of peace prevails over the
vision of conflicts, and we must be determined to defend it.
It is the vision of peace that we must bequeath to the next
generation. That should be the gift of our time to the next
century.


It gives me pleasure to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the State of Kuwait, our sincere congratulations on your well-deserved unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that your qualities of leadership will ensure efficient and smooth deliberations. I take this opportunity to underline the good and friendly relations that exist between Kuwait and your country.
I should like also to pay tribute to Mr. Samuel Insanally, the President of the last session of the Assembly, for the competence he demonstrated in guiding the Assembly's proceedings during his term of office. The delegation of Kuwait would like to place on record its appreciation for the achievements made under his leadership.
I wish also to reiterate the appreciation of the Government and people of Kuwait and my own personal recognition of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his consistent efforts to enhance the performance of the world body and the pursuit of its goals on behalf of mankind. Kuwait fully supports the Secretary-General's vision in carrying out his "Agenda for Peace", in which he elaborated his concept of preventive diplomacy.
Next year, the United Nations will commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of its creation as an Organization of sovereign States whose relations are governed by the principles and purposes embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. The overriding concern of this global institution is to secure world peace, the independence of nations and freedom, and to harness energies for construction and development. The United Nations system is also a framework within which we collectively seek to alleviate the misery and suffering of our deprived and disadvantaged fellow human beings. It is in this context that people would attain their freedom and independence, colonial rule would come to an end and the right to self- determination would become more entrenched than ever before. Thanks to the United Nations mandates, universal efforts are ever-growing to liberate humanity from the grip of suppression and fear and from the shackles of backwardness and ignorance, on the one hand, and to ensure global security and stability, on the other.
The results of these efforts over several decades have been reflected in major historic achievements despite all the challenges and odds faced by peoples in their steady endeavours to attain independence and reaffirm their identity. All those accomplishments turned out to be the salient features of our collective vision of the future. In all fairness, the admirable work of the United Nations and its accomplishments since its inception proved the relevance and importance of the tenets and objectives upon which it was conceived. In the early days, freedom from colonialism was the primary concern. The focus has now shifted to the improvement of general living conditions. In the past, the struggle was for independence, whereas the challenge now lies in the reaffirmation of and commitment to the rights of the human person to a decent life in freedom.
Indeed, the world has recently undergone an enormous transformation in terms of ideology, systems of governance and international relations. The United Nations interacted with these changes. The era of confrontation between ideological blocs has now given way to genuine mutual and multilateral interdependence. A cursory glance at the recent and forthcoming United Nations major world conferences clearly proves this trend. There was the Earth Summit in
Rio de Janeiro in 1992, the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993 and the Conference on Population and Development which ended days ago in Cairo. The World Summit for Social Development and the World Conference on Women are to be held in Copenhagen and Beijing, respectively, next year.
In this regard, Kuwait supports the movement towards renewal and restructuring, away from the static stereotypes of the past. To our minds, international restructuring is a constant evolutionary process which should be responsive to the ever-changing global developments. Hence our active contribution to the efforts made by the General Assembly and its organs towards updating and reviving the mechanisms of the United Nations system. It is our hope that the current streamlining exercise will foster the capability of the United Nations to meet the increasing demand for its services and operations and will contribute to a better fulfilment of its mandates under the Charter.
In particular, we look forward to the development of the work, composition and effectiveness of the Security Council so that it may reflect the recent changes on the world scene, on the one hand, and satisfy the wishes and aspirations of the United Nations larger membership, on the other.
In the meantime, Kuwait believes that our collective efforts should at this stage focus on the formulation of more recognizable parameters of an international order which should be based on the following facts.
Firstly, the rationale, essence and thrust of the new order should derive from logical facts. Dialogue, persuasion and non-use of force, the rejection of aggression, the condemnation of terrorism and respect for the rights of all Member States to pursue their own policies in such a way that ensures their own interests within an international framework structured along the lines of justice, equality, the rule of law and compliance with international treaties, especially the United Nations Charter, should all be key components of the new vision.
Secondly, focus on human development in the context of economic and social development should represent a qualitative shift away from the futile, indeed harmful, stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction and the consequential squandering of national assets on disastrous aggressive adventures. In this regard, Kuwait has evolved a relevant vision through its painful experience of the brutal Iraqi occupation. One of the major lessons drawn is that the issue of human resources development should be accorded a higher priority on the international agenda.
Thirdly, the promotion of North-South dialogue with a view to narrowing the existing gaps in the living standards of the two groups. The ultimate aim is to ensure that the North should not continue to maintain an almost exclusive monopoly of wealth and affluence while the South continues to languish in the tight grip of endless poverty. Is it not high time for us all to recognize that the concept of collective security will remain seriously deficient and doubtful under the existing socio-economic equation, i.e. a minority living in luxurious comfort while the majority is striving to survive in appalling misery?
Fourthly, insistence on the elimination of all vestiges and forms of racial discrimination, including opposition to the neo-racist policies and practices that surfaced as a result of the collapse of the old order. Obviously, the neo-racists resort to the use of force in order to secure territorial gains and to acquire land by force under the smoke screen of ethnic cleansing. Within the practice of ethnic cleansing emerges an unmistakable pattern at work. Intensely bestial instincts of mass murder and destruction break loose, contrary to all norms of human discipline and civilized conduct. Therefore, we are all duty-bound to resist and suppress this criminal tendency in order to reassure all peoples of their sense of human community and common destiny.
In this context, I wish to pay tribute to the leaders of South Africa and to congratulate the people of South Africa on their triumph over the system of apartheid. We know too well the great sacrifices they made and the long hard path they forged to reach where they are now. I am confident that the emergence of a non-racial South Africa to the arena and the resumption of its role in the United Nations will in time contribute significantly to multilateralism in terms of consolidating the principles of justice and equality. There is no question but that the struggle of the people of South Africa to eliminate racism will probably remain for a long time to come a rich source of inspiration for all of us.
In the crucial area of peace-building on the basis of justice, the Middle East region has recently seen dramatic developments that could indeed prove to be historic turning- point, which may well be recorded in the annals of peace achievements despite the enormous problems arising from the many hotbeds of tension that jeopardize security and stability in different regions of the world. Following their agreement to end the state of war between them, Jordan and Israel signed an accord to serve as a basis for a just settlement.
Also, the Palestinian National Authority started to assume its responsibilities in the local administration of Gaza and Jericho in the Israeli-occupied territories as a first and important step towards the exercise by the people of Palestine of their inalienable right to self-determination.
Furthermore, contacts are now under way to ensure the resumption of negotiations on both the Syrian and the Lebanese tracks, which would lead to a just peace that would address, as we hope, in a an equitable and responsible manner, the concerns of all parties directly involved. Kuwait has expressed its support for these endeavours. It also participated in the multilateral meetings, while fully convinced that this formula is doomed to failure unless concrete and significant progress is achieved on all bilateral tracks. The multilateral formula, as we must always bear in mind, is an arrangement to back up the bilateral tracks, and not a by-pass to skirt them. It was in this spirit that Kuwait participated in the regional meetings, and out of our conviction that endorsement of and support for the peace process in the Middle East was in the final analysis a collective responsibility to be shared by the international community inasmuch as the entire world, not just certain protagonists, stands to gain from its benefits. For the record only, let me recall that Kuwait had participated in the ad hoc meetings on economic development for the territories subject to self-government. We contributed $25 million towards building the institutions required for the creation of the Palestinian National Authority.
The People of Palestine have suffered over the past several decades unspeakable injustice and deprivation as a result of the loss of their land, the denial of their right to self-determination and from being prevented from establishing their national State. It is our hope now that this people, which is recognized for resourcefulness and a sense of purpose, will at long last be able to exercise its full rights like all other peoples, including the establishment of its State, whose capital would be Al-Quds Al-Shareef.
Let me reiterate that the underpinnings of lasting stability and comprehensive peace as envisioned in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), together with the concept of land for peace, require a firm political commitment to ensure progress on all tracks - especially the Syrian track, which is the cornerstone of the peace-building process. Full withdrawal from occupied Syrian territory is therefore essential. Equally essential is the complete and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978), which requires a total Israeli pull out from southern Lebanon.
In today's world, which is characterized by interrelated and complex interests and civilized conduct on the basis of compliance with the rule of law and respect for international treaties; in today's world, when the winds of modernism have been blowing even to the most distant regions, the Iraqi regime continues to be a menace to security and stability in our region. It persists in defying the collective will of the international community as represented by the Security Council. This is demonstrated by its failure thus far to comply unconditionally with all the Council resolutions relating to its aggression against the State of Kuwait. Its reaction has invariably been characterized by subterfuge, procrastination, equivocation and selectivity.
Although more than four years have now passed since the Iraqi regime was defeated and its forces evicted from Kuwait, and regardless of its acceptance of all Security Council resolutions, including Security Council resolution 687 (1991), which set forth cease-fire conditions and highlighted regional security arrangements, the regime continues to refuse to address the core issue of the whole problem, namely recognition of the State of Kuwait and of its sovereignty within the international borders as demarcated, approved and endorsed by the United Nations and guaranteed by Security Council resolution 833 (1993), adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter.
The international community's firmness in the face of the Iraqi regime's manoeuvres, the Security Council unanimity in its insistence on seeing the Iraqi regime fulfil all its obligations under Council resolutions are the right and appropriate response to the defiant stand of the Iraqi regime.
At this juncture, let me outline Kuwait's policy regarding this fateful question. First, Iraq must unconditionally implement all Security Council resolutions relating to its aggression, especially resolution 687 (1991).
Secondly, Iraq must accept Security Council resolution 833 (1993) regarding the demarcation of borders between Iraq and the State of Kuwait. Here, Kuwait insists that such acceptance should come in a clear and unequivocal manner. It should be formally documented by the Iraqi
Revolutionary Command Council and the Iraqi National Council and published in the Iraqi Official Gazette. All the above should then be set out in a letter addressed to the Security Council and deposited as an official document in the records of the United Nations.
Thirdly, Iraq should cooperate in good faith and in a responsible manner with the International Committee of the Red Cross in accounting for all Kuwaiti and third- country prisoners and detainees. Serious efforts must be made to resolve this long-standing humanitarian issue, which has long been exploited by the Iraqi regime as a bargaining chip for securing narrow gains.
Fourthly, all provisions of Security Council resolutions relating to the return of Kuwaiti property and to compensation must be carried out. We would also like to see concrete implementation of the paragraphs relating to the Iraqi armament programme, the elimination of weapons of mass destruction and the export-import permanent control system.
Fifthly, Iraq's regional behaviour should not jeopardize security and stability in the region. Iraq should respect the norms of good neighbourliness by renouncing its greedy claims and its policy of blackmail; it should cease intervening in the internal affairs of neighbour countries and abstain from sponsoring and supporting terrorism, and it should renounce the aggressive tendencies which have been its hallmark for too long.
Once again, we would like to underline the fact that we in Kuwait are aware of the suffering of the people of Iraq and sympathize with the Iraqis who have had to endure hardship as a result of the policies pursued by a regime imposing itself by force on the Iraqi people. That is the very same regime which declines to utilize the mechanism offered to export oil under Security Council resolutions 706 (1991) and 712 (1991). In the same vein, let me emphasize that we would like to see the territorial integrity of Iraq preserved and safeguarded. This too is an essential component of regional stability.
The whole set of Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq constitutes one indivisible political and legal whole. We cannot and should not tolerate the selective approach pursued by the Iraqi regime in implementing Council resolutions. Core issues must be addressed squarely by Iraq, otherwise it will remain under the illusion that it can dent the steadfast position of the Security Council. At this point, I wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Security Council, which demonstrated unanimity in its recent review of sanctions against Iraq on 14 September. The Council reaffirmed that the sovereignty and boundaries of the State of Kuwait under its resolution 833 (1993) are the essence of the matter and that this will form the basis of the Council's priorities in dealing with the sanctions regime.
High among Kuwait's national priorities comes the issue of stability in the Gulf region. Accordingly, we have been working in close collaboration with other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council to resolve all the outstanding problems between Iran and the United Arab Emirates in regard to the three islands - Abu Moussa, Greater Tumb and Smaller Tumb - through dialogue and on the basis of respect for national rights and international treaties. Hence, we have supported the recent initiative by the United Arab Emirates to have recourse to the International Court of Justice, which is the international judicial organ that has the competence to resolve disputes between States. In the meantime, we are confident that both parties to the conflict will demonstrate reason and prudence and that they are eager to reach a just and peaceful settlement of the litigation through legal channels and in such a way that would not compromise the rights of the United Arab Emirates.
Kuwait is following with deep concern the situation in Afghanistan. We appeal to all factions there to put the interests of the Afghani people ahead of all other considerations. We sincerely call upon them to put an end to the fighting and to help facilitate the current efforts of the United Nations to bring about national unity and channel energies towards reconstruction.
We are distressed also by the increasing deterioration of the situation in sisterly Somalia. Again, we appeal to all factions that are engaged in the conflict there to demonstrate wisdom by acting in accordance with the interests of all Somali people. We pray for national reconciliation that will preserve the unity and independence of Somalia.
The tragedy of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina is of great concern to the Government and people of Kuwait. Initially, we were optimistic that the efforts of the Contact Group would prove to be successful in reaching the comprehensive Peace Plan. The Bosnian Muslims and Croats gave the internationally supported peace plan their approval despite the fact that it did not satisfy all their legitimate demands. However, the Bosnian Serbs, in open defiance of the international will, rejected the Plan and, instead, relied on the use of force to impose a fait accompli and to exact territorial gains, at the expense of other parties.
Kuwait believes that the Security Council should, without any further delay, lift the embargo imposed on arms supplies to the Bosnian Muslim to enable them to exercise their legitimate right of self-defence in the face of blatant aggression.
In today's world it is totally unacceptable that we should all remain virtually passive witnesses to an exercise in which a minority, through the use of overwhelming military force, tramples the legitimate rights of the majority.
In the context of global realities on the ground, the international community should not underestimate the gravity of problems faced by the developing nations in their pursuit of economic development and progress. Economic readjustment and restructuring, foreign-debt burdens and pressures of inflation are but a few of these weighty problems. These obstacles to development were recognized by Kuwait at an early stage. Hence, Kuwait took the initiative to write off loans of developing countries whose repayment was overdue. Parallel to that action, we have expanded the operations of the Kuwait fund for economic development. We have also increased our contributions to the regional and international financial institutions.
For more than two decades now my country has been playing a leading role in the provision of aid to developing countries. The total assistance provided by Kuwait exceeds 4 per cent of its annual gross national product and is more than four times the suggested level of official development assistance. That being the case, we hope that developed countries will increase the level of their assistance with a view to reducing the current disparities in standards of living.
An effort to narrow the gaps between the living conditions of peoples around the world would make a powerful impact on world peace and stability. Equally, the creation of job opportunities and the maintenance of hope in the future are essential for a peaceful life at home and to harmonious relations between nations.
In this context, Kuwait welcomes the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade agreement that was achieved after long and arduous rounds of negotiations, and it looks forward to the entry into force of that agreement following the required endorsements.
Dialogue, understanding and rapprochement are valuable tools in international relations. They facilitate our cooperation and our collective endeavours, as a family of nations, to meet our needs and fulfil our aspirations. If the fruits of technology and science can be fully harnessed for this purpose we shall reap the benefits thereof. The whole planet has indeed become a global village, in which we can closely follow world events as they unfold, thanks to the great leaps forward in the areas of science, technology, transportation, communications and information technology.
If anything, this is a testimony to impressive human cooperation. Such cooperation, when anchored in dialogue and understanding, is perhaps the most viable option for bringing us closer to peace, stability and progress.