It gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. von Wechmar the warm congratulations of the Algerian delegation on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session. In choosing him, the General Assembly has done honour to his rich experience of international affairs which, I am convinced, has made him equal to the delicate but most exhilarating responsibility that has fallen to him. Our wishes for full success accompany him in his lofty task.
56.	He is taking over from Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who presided with competence, authority and devotion over one regular session, one special session and two emergency special sessions, all exceptionally full.
57.	The many upheavals that mark our time reflect a need which has now become irrepressible, the need for profound change, for a radical transformation in the framework of our lives so that we can be equal to the renewed aspirations of man, of all mankind. This need has found expression in the dynamic process embarked upon by the peoples of the third world to build foundations of peace in justice and freedom. Our Organization was in duty bound to undertake this great project because it merely re-established the great ideals enshrined in our Charter.
58.	If, in this thirty-fifth anniversary year of the United Nations, war and famine are still the lot of a large portion of mankind, the undeniable reason for that is the system of international relations itself, based on institutionalized disorder, supported by positions of strength, built upon power relationships. This intrinsically in-egalitarian system, furthermore, breeds troubles, even among its founders.
59.	The present worsening of the international political climate is far from being the product of mere transient misunderstandings or chance conflicts of interest. In fact, it arises directly out of the very foundations of the existing system. It is logical for such a system to concentrate power and prosperity in an oligarchical manner, to the detriment of the vital interests of the third world and, ultimately, to the detriment of the interests of humanity as a whole. It was in order to put an end to such a process, which was beginning to seem irreversible, that the peoples of the third world applied themselves, from the moment they burst onto the stage of history, to promoting a new and expanded vision of international relations.
60.	That was one of the goals of non-alignment, nourished by our faith in the common destiny of all peoples. Indeed, our non-alignment has not merely served the will of our peoples to affirm their identity and to take over control of the conditions of their own lives and their prosperity. From its outset, it aspired to go beyond the organization of the world in hostile blocs and to replace that with an international society truly free from power relationships.
61.	However, this dynamic perception of international relations is still encountering the resistance of those who support political monopolization and economic domination and do their utmost to perpetuate the unequal machinery and organizations that now exist and therefore to isolate the third world. This is the background of the re-emergence of gunboat diplomacy and the practice of policies of destabilization and pressure on our countries in the name of doctrines based on so-called vital interests and aimed at securing control or even expropriating raw materials in general and energy resources in particular.
62.	Non-alignment is not a short-term phenomenon. It has a permanent role that is salutary for the depolarization of our world and for the democratization of international relations. Obviously it is fighting for the abolition not only of bloc rivalry but also of the blocs themselves. Based essentially on the quest for peace and international co-operation, non-alignment could not remain insensitive to the end of the cold war and the positive evolution of East-West relations towards detente, which is considered an important stage on the way to the realization of our shared ideal of peace throughout the world.
63.	Therefore we can only deplore the renewed tension in international relations, which has struck a brutal blow at the detente process, at least that which was developing in East- West relations. That challenge, which has been illustrated in a disquieting manner in 1980, has been accompanied by the strengthening of the bloc policy, an acceleration of the arms race and the reactivation of military bases. The growing deterioration which now marks international affairs shows further the fragility and the limitations of the detente process, as it has been conceived thus far, because we can now quite easily see that it is suffering from the repercussions of its own defects. It is the duty of the international community and in particular of the United Nations to make every effort to put an end to this worsening situation that is dangerous for peace in the world and for the security and independence of small States.
64.	We have always welcomed detente between the blocs as an important contribution to the establishment of an improved climate which would benefit the entire international community and, therefore, we feel we are quite right in stressing once more today that real peace can only be global and universal and that this implies its indivisibility. This peace cannot be reduced to the preservation of the political and economic status quo in international relations; even less can it permit the transfer of further turmoil to that immense stormy zone that the ever-coveted third world has become.
65.	Non-alignment, which in the most critical moments of confrontation between the blocs has amply demonstrated its devotion to peace by a thoroughly principled attitude, cannot today allow certain situations to worsen and is in a position to play its rightful role. A constantly living incarnation of mankind's aspirations to peace and progress, the non-aligned movement is, as in the past, capable of emerging all the greater from every trial, if it takes care that subjectivism does not outweigh the persistent quest for effectiveness.
66.	In that regard, the situation in Afghanistan, a non- aligned country to which we are bound by ties of fraternity and friendship, is quite naturally of great importance to us. The disturbing development of the situation, regionally and internationally, emphasizes the urgency of a political solution which would restore peace in Afghanistan and throughout the region.
67.	In Korea also, only a political solution, that of its reunification by peaceful means, can ward off the more and more obvious	of the partitioning of that country and guarantee a and final solution.
68.	It is with great concern that we have been following the developments in the conflict between two countries of the Islamic community, Iraq and Iran, members of the same political family.
69.	Being profoundly pained by these bloody confrontations, we ardently hope that the war will cease, that all differences can be resolved peacefully and that finally, in new trust and concord, our common struggle for the attainment of the objectives and the triumph of the ideals required by the common destiny of our peoples will prevail.
70.	We hope that Iraq and Iran, going beyond these present rifts, can meet once more in the real struggle which is ours: the struggle against imperialism and Zionism and for the economic liberation of the third world.
71.	In the Mediterranean, the island of Cyprus, which in its inalienable sovereignty has a natural inclination to remain generously and peacefully open to the two peoples that possess obvious ethnic affinities with its own, has for six years seen its independence and national unity placed in jeopardy. The international community, which defined ways and means for a final solution of the problem of Cyprus, is placing great hopes in the resumption of the intercommunal talks. We venture to believe that they will rapidly achieve agreement on the future of that land, whose destiny remains conditional upon the capacity for coexistence of the two communities which formed a nation and a State whose endangerment neither can accept.
72.	It is a fact that, thanks to subtle dialectics of calculated risk, an open world war has so far been avoided. However, the danger, far from being removed, has increasingly taken on the disturbing appearance of being inevitable in a world which seems tempted to suicide.
73.	Because the exacerbation of tension spares no sphere of international life, because the paralysis of the collective security system has shown that the regulatory machinery of the existing international system is ill-adopted, it is urgent to respond to the elementary need to make the security of the world the concern of everybody. Responding to that positive demand means having the courage to break with traditional approaches, so as to get back to the primary causes of the conflict and eliminate the manifestations of that conflict.
74.	This kind of quest for international peace and security requires global solutions which necessarily include the completion of the decolonization process, the full prosperity and sovereignty of States, recognition of and respect for the right of development exercised in independence and freedom and protected from all kinds of interventions and pressures. This obviously presupposes the dismantling of foreign military bases, the withdrawal of foreign troops and the dissolution of military alliances, so as to bring about general and complete disarmament.
75.	Whereas general and complete disarmament during the first years of our Organization was the subject of precise and specific negotiations, since that time we have been led more and more towards partial negotiations on limited measures without any significant effect on a real disarmament process. Measures for controlling armaments have been adopted but, to say the least, they have not triggered an irreversible movement towards the halting of production, and the gradual reduction followed by the complete elimination of stockpiles and existing nuclear-weapon carriers.
76.	In this respect, while the signing of the SALT II agreement led us to believe that a ceiling would be placed on nuclear armaments, the postponement of ratification portends, on the contrary, that there has been a dangerous acceleration in the arms race.
77.	This renewed spirit of confrontation has already been reflected by an increased military presence in regions which are considered to be nerve centres. This redeployment of the forces of imperialism by a feverish quest for new bases, in particular in the Middle East, in Africa and in the Indian Ocean and by the establishment and consolidation of rapid means of intervention, as well as the right that those forces disdainfully arrogate to themselves here and there to protect the maritime routes and supply sources of raw materials and energy, disregarding the sovereignty of States, are harbingers of new attacks upon the security of our countries.
78.	The third world places great hopes in the attainment of the objectives, albeit modest, of the first Disarmament Decade, and finds in the reasons for its undeniable failure fresh proof of the inadequacy of any approach bereft of imperative goals in a binding time frame, the effect of which would allow the progressive succession of various stages leading to general and complete disarmament.
79.	That is why the second Disarmament Decade, conceived as an operational stage to attain the ultimate objective, must necessarily lead to the conclusion of the ongoing negotiations in respect of the priorities established by the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
80.	The coincidence of the second Disarmament Decade and the Third United Nations Development Decade shows the close dovetailing of problems confronting humanity, calls for bold and forthright action to establish a climate of peace which would wrench man's genius from his destructive folly and place it at the service of development and the growing prosperity of peoples.
81.	Disorder and injustice which mark international relations are reflected even more blatantly in the world economy.
82.	The basic demand for a new international economic order, in consonance with the needs of a world in constant flux, has regularly met with a lack of political will among certain developed countries.
83.	This attitude reveals tenacious resistance to the re-fashioning of the present structures, refashioning which is seen as an unacceptable challenge. At the same time, this attitude shows a will to perpetuate a system of international relations although it has amply demonstrated its incapacity to promote a fair distribution of well-being and prosperity.
84.	It is in this context that we see renewed attempts to conceal the real problems of the new international economic order by actions that would try to focus dialogue on a partial vision, underscoring the warped idea of interdependence and a false approach to development perceived as the mere satisfaction of essential needs.
85.	The fact that over the last six years the General Assembly has met three times in special sessions devoted to development shows clearly the will of the international community to make this forum a universal crucible where the new international economic order could take form, a new order based on a new idea of a solitary and united future of our world.
86.	The fact that the United Nations has been opposed in its new historic mission by some of the founding Members themselves and that the question of the legality—even the legitimacy—of the mandate for the implementation of the new international economic order entrusted to it is being challenged does not at all shake our faith in the ability of the General Assembly to complete, in equity, equality and respect for mutual advantage, a necessary work for the benefit of all.
87.	The eleventh special session was held in a critical environment marked in particular by deepening structural imbalances in the world economy and a reaffirmation of an ever obvious phenomenon: the "development of under-development" in ever more vast areas of the third world. It was to contribute, on the basis of a calm evaluation, free of complacency, of the implementation of the new international economic order, to bridging the wide gap separating statements of intent from effective action; it was to bring about a qualitatively new stage in international cooperation for development.
88.	We had hoped at the time that the special session could launch the process of global negotiations and that an inter-national strategy could be adopted that would lead to real universal action for development. It would have thus breathed new life into the work of restructuring the current world economic order.
89.	Once more people failed to see reason, to the great detriment of all.
90.	What lessons can we learn from the North-South dialogue and, beyond that, the establishment of the new inter-national economic order?
91.	The fact that three countries, by their rejection of a text which went far along the path of compromise, impeded the attainment of consensus on procedural aspects of the global negotiations highlights the disquieting existence of the tyranny of the "minority of a minority" exercised against the vast majority.
92.	In truth, the process of democratization of the international economic decision cannot remain eternally blocked by a policy of "enclaves". Actions which have an impact on all aspects of international economic relations cannot continue to fall exclusively within the purview and competence of private clubs.
93.	In the same way, it would be serious were we to take into account only the renewed strength of the world economy as a central element in the global negotiations. While it is true that the crisis is serious and affects all our economies, nevertheless we should not ignore the fact that under-development preceded it and will survive the crisis if the restructuring process and the institutional change which are so necessary are not undertaken.
94.	Accordingly, the establishment of the new international economic order, with the need to restructure and recast our institutions, cannot be satisfied with an initiative directed towards meeting essential needs only. Although those problems are important, they should not side-step the main issue, that is, the fact that they are only the most disgraceful manifestations of the state of under-development that this present system of international economic relations has created, perpetuated and aggravated.
95.	In the final analysis, the Strategy for the Third Development Decade is in danger of side-stepping its primary vocation, which remains the development of the developing countries. A move is being made to make it seem as if the world economy is being managed jointly; it is part of the initiative to pervert interdependence, because interdependence hides the difference in structure that exists in the economies of various countries.
96.	It is an understatement, therefore, to say that the eleventh special session has not lived up to the expectations of the developing world.
97.	We remain, for our part, staunchly devoted to the proposal for global negotiations. Likewise, we remain convinced that this initiative, provided that we want and know how to seize the opportunity, can contribute in a decisive manner to the promotion of genuine international cooperation and the establishment of an international strategy restored both in its dimension and its primary vocation. In this respect, coming shortly after the failure of the eleventh special session, the support and commitment pledged by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC]— which met recently at Vienna in a tri-ministerial conference—to the global negotiations process, within the framework of the United Nations, have assumed a particularly important meaning.
98.	In this context we remain ready, for our part, to pursue consultations on the global negotiations during the current session so that those negotiations can be launched on the date originally scheduled.
99.	This willingness stems first and foremost from our faith in the capacity of dialogue and concerted action to resolve problems, provided that the necessary political will exists to do so. It also shows our conviction in the capacity of dialogue to promote the quest for the solutions necessary to handle the world economic crisis and to overcome the structural obstacles to development. It proceeds, finally, from our faith in the inevitable advent of what we are fighting for: the establishment of the new international economic order which global negotiations can and must accelerate.
100.	Among the great causes that the United Nations has favoured, we must mention specifically the work of decolonization, which has been incessantly fuelled by the vigour and unshakeable determination of peoples fighting for their national liberation.
101.	In congratulating ourselves today on the admission to our Organization of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a country to which we wish a warm welcome to the concert of nations, we are, by so doing, noting with satisfaction both the progress of peoples in the reconquest of their freedom and a new step towards the universality of the United Nations.
102.	Twenty years after the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which it would be appropriate to hail in a special resolution of our thirty-fifth session, the restoration of the right of peoples to self-determination and independence has obviously imbued our society. However, there are still peoples today who continue to be deliberately held away from the light of history by force of arms.
103.	In Palestine as in South Africa, in Namibia as in Western Sahara, the denial of the right of peoples to self- determination is the direct source of conflict situations which, through bloody confrontation and ferocious repression, condemn men to suffer physically the scourge of oppression and war. Although these colonial wars act as catalysts of the energies of the popular masses determined to shake off the yoke of bondage, they none the less constitute, because of their magnitude and their growth, serious threats to international peace and security.
104.	The same is true for the dangerous evolution of the situation in the Middle East. While the Palestinian people continues to be deprived of its inalienable right to independent national existence, while Arab territories remain occupied despite the constantly repeated injunctions of the international community, the pursuit of a partial arrangement flouting the rights of self-determination and sovereignty and the independence of the Palestinian people has only encouraged the policy of fait accompli and increased the intransigence and expansionist appetites of the Zionist entity The international community is more than ever capable of appreciating the fallacious nature of the imperialist-Zionist initiative and the extent of the surrender of the Egyptian regime. The situation which resulted from the Camp David accords and the Washington Treaty is not peace. Indeed, exploiting the neutralization of the human and material potential of Egypt, the Zionist entity has been pursuing with ever greater determination its policy of aggression, conquest and Zionization of the entire Palestinian homeland.
105.	Concomitant with the unending attacks by the forces of Zionist aggression on martyred Lebanon with the obvious aim of breaking the solidarity among fraternal Arab peoples, the Zionist attempt to provide a legal foundation for its annexation of the holy city of Al Quds stems from the same ideological and strategic aspirations and shows the utter scorn of the Zionist leaders for the norms of international law and ethics. Coming as it did when at its seventh special emergency session devoted to the question of Palestine, the General Assembly, in its resolution ES-7/2, was setting 15 November 1980 as the date for the withdrawal of the Zionist forces of occupation and administration from all the Arab occupied territories, the annexation of Al Quds quite rightly gave rise to universal obloquy. Once more paralysed by the abuse of the right of veto, the Security Council, whose very credibility called for an energetic reaction, finally, after a hesitation that was scarcely justified in view of the gravity and obviousness of the crime, associated its voice with the concert of verbal condemnations, whereas the situation created required the adoption of mandatory sanctions.
106.	In the face of the upsurge of perils in this sorely tried region, the only alternative left for genuine peace with the re-establishment of the national rights of the Palestinian people, seems to be, obviously, general conflagration— which is virtually happening, as no one can pretend to be unaware. These gloomy prospects, while they give the lie to the trumpeted optimism of the supporters of the Camp David process, place the responsibility of the international community in its rightful context. The latter, through the voice of the General Assembly, has, moreover, charted the path of a just and final solution by a series of resolutions, the application of which is encountering Zionist obstruction. The Palestinian people, whose just cause has been ever more widely recognized, is resolved, under the guidance of the PLC, its sole authentic representative, to secure its national rights. From its heroic combat, which has already marked a milestone in the epic of the liberation of peoples, victory will inevitably ensue.
107.	In the imperialist strategy—which by creating hot spots seeks to prevent the peoples from controlling the conditions of their existence—the state of insecurity established in the Middle East quite naturally finds its counterpart in southern Africa.
108.	The odious policy of apartheid which, in this latter part of the twentieth century, is without question one of the most cruel insults to man's dignity, and the continued illegal occupation of Namibia would hardly have been possible without the complacent attitude in the Western world from which the racist regime of Pretoria benefits. Strengthened by this support, South Africa is still trying to contain the inexorable tide of the liberation of peoples, despite the fact that the brilliant victory of the people of Zimbabwe has reduced the area of colonial domination on the continent and confirms the pointlessness of such persistence condemned by the march of history. The incessant acts of aggression against the territorial integrity of Angola, Botswana and Zambia stem from hegemonistic designs, to which nuclear armament gives a disquieting magnitude, and require drastic measures on the part of the international community so that international law may triumph.
109.	In the situation in Namibia there is hardly any movement towards the exercise of the right of self-determination and independence by the people of that Territory. On the contrary, recent unilateral measures, such as the establishment of the so-called "Council of Ministers" at Windhoek, confirm the apprehensions that we voiced when a settlement plan was put forward by five Western Powers.
110.	Notwithstanding the laudable efforts of the front-line countries to make a contribution to the implementation of United Nations resolutions concerning the decolonization of the Territory and the responsible willingness of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, Pretoria continues to wreck by its intransigence any serious, definitive solution. The dilatory tactics of South Africa and its allies highlight their strategic aim—which is, in Namibia as elsewhere, to set up authorities there which give the illusion of change while entrenching their own position of domination and exploitation of peoples.
111.	The United Nations Council for Namibia, the sole Administering Authority of the Territory until it attains independence, fully understands this and advocated in its Algiers Declaration, adopted during its last extraordinary plenary meetings held at Algiers from 28 May to 1 June 1980, the use of binding economic sanctions against South Africa.
112.	In that Africa which is still marked by the stigmas of colonization and which is making every endeavour to achieve its emancipation, Western Sahara was occupied at the very moment when its people were getting ready to acquire freedom as the fruit of their struggle.
113.	In adopting at its thirty-fourth session resolution 34/37 on Western Sahara, the General Assembly, as in previous resolutions, put the problem of thwarted decolonization back into its true context. It has never ceased to recognize the basically colonial character of the situation prevailing in this Territory. Its responsibility, therefore, with respect to a just and final solution, remains complete.
114.	In reiterating its unswerving devotion to the right to self-determination and independence of the people of Western Sahara, in recognizing that the struggle that it is waging is legitimate, in requesting Morocco to withdraw its troops from the Territory and in associating with the POLISARIO Front in the search for a just and final solution of the problem, the United Nations has taken upon itself the commitment to see to it that the process of the liberation of that Territory is completed.
115.	Already recognized by at least 42 States Members of our Organization, the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic has asserted its existence by its military victories and diplomatic successes, which is striking confirmation of its attainment of the majority required by the Charter of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for its accession to the continental organization.
116.	The OAU outlined the principles for a just settlement of the question of Western Sahara and entrusted an ad hoc Committee, which has already completed its task, with working out the modalities for the exercise by the Sahraoui people of its right to self-determination and independence.
117.	The United Nations, whose competence and responsibility in the matter of the decolonization of Western Sahara remain complete, is duty-bound to draw all the necessary consequences from the persistent refusal of Morocco to recognize that the Sahraoui people have a right to self-determination and independence.
118.	This thirty-fifth session is an opportunity to engage in a mature and responsible evaluation of our collective experience within this universal body and to reflect on the ways in which we can strengthen its role and enhance its effectiveness.
119.	If the primary advantage of our Organization is the fact that it exists, fidelity to the profession of faith of its peoples opened up by its Charter requires that we be ever more exacting with respect to our Organization. As strong as our belief in its ability to fulfil its mission of transforming international relations is our apprehension at seeing it con-fined to the minor function of a mere forum, where the aspirations of the greater number of States are confronting the obstacle of a private club of Powers.
120.	The necessary changes in its structure should be made, without delay, as should the indispensable improvements in its working methods.
121.	The legitimate anxiety to improve our Organization is justified not only by the fact that its foundations were laid in the absence of two thirds of the present membership, but also by the quest for a new impetus, the need for which is felt with ever greater acuteness. Such an undertaking requires a renewed vision on the part of all Member States, and in particular of those whose dominant position in the concert of nations is established by the Charter. That vision should not be limited by the defence of purely national interests. This should give way to an awareness of the contribution that all can make to building a common peace based on justice and freedom. There is an urgent need, therefore, to redress the imbalances between principles and actions in order to give meaning to the sovereign equality of all States, and therefore, to promote the collective responsibility with regard to the future of mankind.
122.	The democratization of international relations pre-supposes, quite naturally, the democratization of the Organization itself. This stage in the life of the United Nations is not merely a moral imperative. It is also the guarantee of a greater scrupulousness and, through a true fellowship of nations, responsibility for the interests of the majority with-out ignoring those of the minority. The effectiveness of the Organization can only be increased by this process.
123.	Because it was itself so long oppressed, Algeria has always considered it its sacred duty to give expression in this body to the cries of the oppressed of this world for the establishment of a new international order that would banish for ever colonialism, racial discrimination, the exploitation of man by man and the law of the strongest.
124.	We are fully aware that the United Nations directs its action along these lines. But that impetus given it for two decades now by the "forgotten people of history", who, directly they became masters of their own destiny, turned to the Unite: Nations, has unfortunately been slowed down by the heavy burden of uncompleted work and imperfect achievements.
125.	In a universe where the prodigious conquests of science have given man the means of succeeding in the preparation of a better future for coming generations as well as, alas, in driving mankind to its own destruction, the United Nations has more than ever the duty to meet the aspirations of the peoples.
126.	Bearer of our hope because it shows the constancy of the universal accession to the ideals that we celebrate at each of our sessions, this session, which marks 35 years of existence of the United Nations, is an ideal moment for renewing our commitment to work resolutely for the well-being of all in an era of peace, justice and co-operation so as to open up a page of history that is at last human.


Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your outstanding qualifications and your experience in the world Organization guarantee you full success in your eminent post.
2.	We recall with praise the effective and objective performance of the outgoing President, Mr. Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who so brilliantly marked the imposing presence on the international scene of the peoples of Africa and the new characteristics of the United Nations in the present world political setting.
3.	We greet Zimbabwe as it enters upon independent life and as it joins the United Nations, following a strenuous struggle for liberation and the legal consecration of its birth as a free country by the democratic exercise of the popular vote.
4.	We also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, of the Caribbean sub region, which has just joined the group of 30 Latin American countries within the nearly universal fold of the United Nations.
5.	We welcome also the Latin American Economic System [SELA] as an observer, an item which already appears in the Assembly's agenda following the recommendation of the group of Latin American States.
6.	Ecuador repeats that its international policy is guided by the scrupulous observance of permanent principles that are the basis of international law and of the United Nations system, such as those of non-intervention, self-determination of peoples, the legal equality of States, absolute respect for human rights, ideological pluralism, opposition to all forms of racial discrimination, colonialism and neo-colonialism, rejection of all aggression, non-validity of territorial conquest achieved through the threat or use of force, and the defence and strengthening of the system of peaceful settlement of disputes.
7.	In accordance with these principles, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ecuador, Mr. Alfonso Barrera, said, on taking up his duties:
"As for relations with neighbouring countries and those of the sub region and the region, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs will make every effort to achieve the best understanding with them and to ensure that the handling of problems is conducted in a most cordial and frank manner, both with regard to the presentation of problems and the search for solutions, in a spirit of solidarity and of respect for our rights".
8.	In connexion with its Amazonian rights, which it will not renounce, and in consistency with its commitment to peace, Ecuador will continue to seek, vis-à-vis Peru, a just solution to its permanent claim.
9.	The aforementioned principles govern Ecuador's position with regard to the problems of the international community, including, inter alia, those of Palestine and the whole Middle East, Cyprus, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Namibia and that of the diplomatic hostages in Iran. Ecuador hopes that the appeal made yesterday by the President of the Security Council for a cessation of the military activities between Iraq and Iran will be heeded.
10.	Within the United Nations, the universality of human rights should be demonstrated through impartial analysis and firm criticism of their enforcement in each and every country, whether it be a Member of the Organization or not. To censure in certain places what is met with silence in others merely weakens the impartiality of the United Nations system and will reduce its objectivity whenever it takes a stand in the future.
11.	The Constitutional President of Ecuador, Jaime Roldds, in the implementation of his programme of government, firmly upholds the defence of human rights, at both the national and the international levels.
12.	I have the honour to announce that, in our Andean sub region, the heads of State of Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador and the Vice-President of Peru, representing that country's President, meeting this month in the city of Riobamba to commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the first Constitution of Ecuador, approved the Charter of Conduct that was proposed by President Rold6s and which, on this very subject, reads as follows:
" [It] reiterates the solemn commitment that respect for human, political, economic and social rights constitutes a fundamental rule of internal conduct for the States of the Andean Group, that the defence of those rights is an international obligation which is binding on States and that, therefore, joint action undertaken to protect such rights does not violate the principle of non-intervention".
Joining in the spirit of this declaration, the heads of State of Costa Rica and Panama and the personal representative of the President of the Government of Spain have also signed it.
13.	Similarly, with the participation of outstanding political personalities and organizations of the region interested in the subject, this past month of August the Latin American Association for Human Rights was established, with headquarters in the capital of Ecuador.
14.	The main pillar of human rights and the essence of the system of democratic government is freedom of expression, of information and of communication, which also involves the right to dissent. I am pleased to emphasize that Ecuador scrupulously respects these rights in its institutional life, as well as in its actions within the United Nations Committee on Information, where, in order to strengthen the world Organization, and in order to extend more effectively the economic, social and cultural spheres of action of the developing world, we have given our support to the new world information and communication order, while at the same time defending the widest use of the Spanish language and a better geographical balance in the composition of the Secretariat of the United Nations.
15.	Furthermore, in line with its principle of respect for ideological pluralism, Ecuador has, from its clearly democratic position, widened the scope of its diplomatic and commercial relations in the course of the past year, establishing such relations with Albania, the People's Republic of China, Cyprus, the Congo, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, Indonesia, Jordan, Liberia, Malta, Saint Lucia, Senegal, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia and Viet Nam.
16.	My country, which maintains its unswerving commitment to the struggle against all discrimination and the need to extend rights to all social sectors, has been supporting the participation of women and youth in the responsibilities of development. The women of Ecuador, with the backing of the public authorities, are making constant progress towards the full exercise of their rights, not because of concessions of a paternalistic nature, but as an expression of maturity in the social evolution of our country. At the World Conference at Copenhagen, Ecuador took a stand at the highest level demanding maximum training facilities for women, in order truly to open up equal opportunities at all social levels and in order to eliminate discrimination as to race, sex, religion or political belief throughout the world.
17.	Ecuador has faithfully supported the resolutions relating to disarmament and has pointed out the catastrophic economic and social consequences of the arms race. The expenditure on armaments could, if transferred to development, effectively generate a climate of trust and peace. Ecuador hopes that the progress recorded in General Assembly resolution 34/71, concerning the signing and ratification of Additional Protocol I to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin will be matched by parallel initiatives for the denuclearization of other regions.
18.	Ecuador has continued to protect its natural resources, which constitute a part of its sovereignty; it has consequently supported resolutions 2692 (XXV) and 3281 (XXIX) of the General Assembly, relative respectively to the declaration on the permanent sovereignty over natural resources of developing countries and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Together with other equatorial States, it has also defended its rights over the corresponding segments of the geostationary orbit. The latter represents a sui generis and limited natural resource, which must serve the development aims of Ecuador as well as those of all developing countries in general. Ecuador will also continue to uphold its rights over the 200mile width of its territorial sea.
19.	Ecuador attaches importance to its cultural possessions, which, as its artistic heritage, constitute its national roots and its contribution to universal civilization. In that regard, we shall continue to support, at the General Assembly and within UNESCO, international action for the restitution or return of cultural property to its country of origin.
20.	In consistency with its status as a developing country and as a member of the Group of 77, Ecuador supports the firm and reasonable proposal put to the industrialized countries in a consensus of great political value since it resulted from a meeting of the minds of 120 countries, which represent two thirds of the world's population. That proposal, concerning both global negotiations and the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, was made in the light of the imperative need to establish the new international economic order without which we would end up facing a regrettable confrontation and would not be able to guarantee permanent peace.
21.	Turning a deaf ear to the voices of that majority of the human race and sowing difficulties with a view to bringing about a breakdown in the North South dialogue would be dangerous for the course of history and for universal coexistence. The presence of those 120 countries on the international scene is the most significant historical fact of our century in which peoples expect social justice and economic development in the national and international fields.
22.	The world of justice that we seek must be found in the United Nations, in response to the inescapable challenge of history. The time has come to find new forms of understanding, which are likely to help to accelerate the establishment of the new order. The global negotiations are intended to treat, not only in a centralized and coherent manner but also simultaneously, the essential aspects of the areas which the developing countries have identified, while corresponding political will on the part of the industrialized countries is required for the conduct and success of those negotiations. It is encouraging to realize that practically all Member States now share the view of the Group of 77 and we trust that the support of the three countries that have not yet joined in the desired consensus will be forthcoming as early as possible.
23.	We have to admit that the scale of development is also the scale of world poverty. We, the countries on that scale, are actively promoting measures and programmes in favour of the least developed countries. The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which is to take place next year, will provide the opportunity to show in a concrete manner what the international community is capable of achieving, on the threshold of the Third United Nations Development Decade, in the process of reducing the deep structural problems which affect our sister countries in greater need.
24.	In South South cooperation, the field of action is broadening, thanks to the eagerness of the developing countries to move forward in joint activity which can contribute to the attainment of collective self-reliance. Ecuador, like the other Latin American countries, is participating in several measures to promote economic and technical cooperation among developing countries. In the organization of its own economy, Ecuador has adopted a National Development Plan based on democracy involving the participation of all national sectors and on responsibility for progress, in economic development and social justice, which are expressions of dignity and freedom for the individual. Undeterred by the magnitude of the task, we give preferential attention to the rural sector, which is among those in greatest need within our social context.
25.	Outstanding areas of action in the United Nations system are the operational activities in the transfer of technology for the promotion of development. Aware that the technological gap is the most serious of the disparities between rich and poor peoples, Ecuador, together with its sister nations in Latin America, has maintained that it is necessary that UNDP should preserve its original features of universality, the voluntary nature of its programming and financing and its access to and permanence in the system.
26.	Our country has rejected the attempts to paralyse the efforts for development by trying to reduce the UNDP allocations in the intermediate levels of the system. But it has supported the earmarking of 80 per cent of UNDP resources in the next five-year cycle to countries having a less than $500 per capita income and opposed any trend of a neo colonialist nature left over from the old order, which would tend to exclude those who strive hardest, penalizing them for the meagre achievements of their progress and trying to make the Programme in some way reimbursable, whereas it should rather be an initial, however modest, example of the new international cooperation.
27.	The decolonization process must be completed and the last traces of the wrongful and intolerable scars of the past, which the present has changed for the better, must be eliminated. The ignominy of racial discrimination, in all its forms, must disappear, and particularly the shameful policy of apartheid.
28.	As a member of the Andean Group, Ecuador honours its responsibility with regard to economic cooperation among developing countries and the staunch defence of democratic principles, the continental promotion of which is one of the objectives of the sub region, as reaffirmed in the Lima Declaration, signed on 29 July this year and in the Charter of Conduct, signed on 11 September at Riobamba.
29.	Ecuador reaffirms its faith in the United Nations and supports action aimed at strengthening it in the opinion of the world through education for international peace and understanding, which carries with it the obligation of Member States and of the agencies and the programmes of the system to defend the world Organization and the principles which inspire it, in order that it may fully discharge its responsibility and fulfil the hopes placed in it by all peoples.


I should like to begin by extending to Mr. von Wechmar my warmest congratulations on his election as President of the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly. It is with deep satisfaction and confidence—inspired by his outstanding personal qualities and wide diplomatic experience—that we see presiding over this session the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, a Western European country with which Portugal maintains the closest links of cooperation and friendship and with which Portugal is bound by culture, geography and history.
76.	I should like also to express our admiration to his predecessor, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, with whose country we also maintain warm and friendly relations, for the most praiseworthy way in which during the course of the past year he presided with the greatest efficiency and distinction over four sessions of the General Assembly.
77.	Finally, I wish to welcome the admission to the United Nations of its newest Member, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose Government and people we warmly congratulate. We hope that our delegations will soon establish a close relationship of fruitful co-operation.
78.	Once more the General Assembly is meeting to debate and analyse the problems that beset the world and to attempt to find solutions enabling us to overcome the grave obstacles that lie in the path of peace and progress, to which we all aspire.
79.	The seriousness of the questions facing us and of certain situations that endanger our collective security has already been stressed by the speakers who have preceded me. We share those concerns and we are aware of the responsibilities incumbent upon our Governments and of the difficult task facing the General Assembly.
80.	It is, nevertheless, satisfying to begin by pointing out that during the course of this year some positive and indeed highly encouraging events have taken place. Foremost among them undoubtedly is the independence of Zimbabwe. I should like to pay a special tribute to all those who have contributed, through their efforts and perseverance, to the solution of a grave problem that had dragged on for nearly 20 years: to all the front-line States, particularly Mozambique, for the spirit of sacrifice and solidarity they have shown throughout; to the people of Zimbabwe and its leaders for the courage and tenacity with which they led the struggle for independence and for the outstanding civic maturity and patriotic spirit they have shown since peace was achieved; and, lastly, the United Kingdom for the deep sense of history which once again it demonstrated by initiating and carrying out successfully the Lancaster House talks. I would express the hope that, once the wounds of war have healed, the Government and people of Zimbabwe will succeed in their efforts towards national reconstruction and the building of an harmonious, non-discriminatory and tolerant society that will provide a prosperous future for its people.
81.	I should like also to express my satisfaction at the successful completion of yet another important event: the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, at Geneva. Portugal, which had closely followed the lengthy negotiations at this Conference, hopes that the progress recently achieved in matters that we consider to be of primary importance, such as the delimitation of the exclusive economic zone, the protection of living resources beyond the 200-mile limit, the regulation of scientific research and the protection of objects of archaeological and historical interest, will be appropriately reflected in the final text of the convention. The long-awaited adoption of the convention on the law of the sea will no doubt be one of the great achievements of the United Nations.
82.	The almost universal character of the General Assembly constitutes undeniable proof that, despite all the divergent interests and at times the very hostility that separates the peoples of the world, we are all prepared to persevere along the path of dialogue. Indeed it is only fair to recognize that the institutionalization of the dialogue that the United Nations has made possible is certainly one of its most valuable contributions to the cause of peace. However, the preservation and continuation of that dialogue demands of all Governments an unfailing respect for the rules and principles on which international relations and co-operation among States are based.
83.	What do we see in the world today? We see States Members of the United Nations ignoring or flouting international law and the very principles of the Charter; some, invoking the most questionable pretexts, intervene blatantly in the internal affairs of others, violating their sovereignty and territorial integrity. We see other States refusing to co-operate with the Organization and ignoring its recommendations and resolutions, including those that are binding under the Charter. Finally, we see yet others violating formally established principles, namely, those of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
84.	A State Member of the United Nation has for almost a year held diplomats of another country hostages, notwithstanding the injunctions of the Organisation and the decision of the International Court of Justice of 24 May I980 demanding that this situation be ended forthwith. Such an attitude, besides constituting a flagrant violation of international law and a grave offence against the human rights of the detainees, undermines the very basis of peaceful relations between States and threatens the very instrument that makes them possible, namely diplomacy. It is imperative for the leaders of Iran to understand that, in attempting to hurt a country against which they claim to hold grievances, they are, above all, jeopardizing Iran's own international image and the rules that govern the relations between States and, I dare say, even imperilling the weaker countries whose security rests mainly on the observance of international law.
85.	On the other hand, some States, moved by clearly hegemonistic aims, do not hesitate to violate the frontiers of defenceless neighbours, to occupy their territory and to oppress their peoples by force of arms, in spite of repeated calls to withdraw by the international community. The Soviet aggression against Afghanistan has continued uninterruptedly for almost one year, although condemned by the vast majority of the international community.
86.	That unlawful and appalling act of force is a serious breach of the principles of the Organization and undermines the whole process of detente which we have so painstakingly sought to carry out.
87.	Detente is in essence global and indivisible, as is in fact laid down in the Final Act of Helsinki: global, because the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe have the duty to respect its Final Act even in their relations with non-signatory States; indivisible, because, since detente is based on mutual trust, it is not possible to appear to adhere to it in some areas while violating it in others. Detente is indeed a dynamic process nurtured by the proper attitude of States and, for that reason, susceptible to both progress and retrogression.
88.	In this respect, I would add that the position my country upholds is—and will continue to be during the second review session at Madrid of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe—that all the participating States should show their Government's sincere support for detente, not through mere declarations of intent, but through clear attitudes and concrete actions. For without a climate of mutual confidence, true detente will never be possible.
89.	At this very moment, two brother countries, both non-aligned and sharing the same religion, Iran and Iraq, are fighting one another in an open war. Despite the efforts undertaken by the Islamic Conference, the Secretary- General, the Security Council and others, they have not yet laid down their arms to seek to resolve their differences through dialogue. The Portuguese Government appeals to those two countries to seek a negotiated solution to their conflict, which only increases the threat to security and peace that for so many years has been latent in the situation prevailing in the Middle East.
90.	The General Assembly is aware of the position of my Government on the question of the Middle East. We believe that the problem in that region can be resolved only through a comprehensive solution that on the one hand respects the right of all States in the area to a secure existence and on the other hand guarantees the Palestinian people the right to self-determination.
91.	As we have repeatedly stated, the foregoing implies that the parties concerned, in particular Israel and the PLO, should take steps that will make it possible at last to put an end to the mutual mistrust that at present impedes any progress towards peace.
92.	The Palestinians and the other Arab peoples must accept the fact that the State of Israel is an unquestionable reality and that its legitimate aspirations to security must be recognized and met. Israel, for its part, must understand that its right to statehood cannot be founded on the denial of that same right to the Palestinian people. Nor does that right justify violation of the frontiers of other States, such as martyred Lebanon, or the unlawful occupation of foreign territory.
93.	Like the problem of the Middle East, many other situations that are a cause of serious regional and international tension can be resolved only through an open and patient dialogue, established without pre-conditions and with the participation of all interested parties.
94.	May I recall briefly some examples that are no doubt present in all our minds. The situation in Namibia is a problem whose solution we hope will be positively affected by the example of Zimbabwe. The Portuguese delegation understands and shares the concern of the international community, particularly that of the African countries, like Angola, over the obstacles that have thus far prevented the implementation of the United Nations plan to resolve that problem. We believe, however, that the long and continued negotiations initiated by the five Western countries, and arduously continued by the United Nations since, have created irreversible conditions that will shortly lead Namibia to the independence to which its people is entitled.
95.	I also have in mind the intolerable practice of apartheid, which Portugal has condemned in the past and continues to condemn today. Here again, however unacceptable that practice may be, we face a problem that will be resolved only through a long process of transformation of South African society, a process that the international community should encourage and promote.
96.	Let me also recall the question of the self- determination of Western Sahara, in respect of which there cannot be a just and lasting solution unless the legitimate interests and aspirations of all the parties involved are taken into account.
97.	Although this last is a problem of a different character, I shall finally mention the question of Cyprus. In relation to that question, my delegation would like to take advantage of this opportunity to express its satisfaction at the resumption of intercommunal talks, an event brought about thanks to the unceasing and unremitting efforts of the Secretary- General.
98.	Obviously, all those processes are of necessity slow and require patience, perseverance and clear thinking on the part of all the participants.
99.	The foregoing also applies to the item on the agenda which most directly affects my country—that of East Timor, regarding which my Government issued a communique on September that clearly defines Portugal's position.
100.	We have no claims on the Territory of East Timor, to which we continue to be linked by the ties of human solidarity existing between our peoples, which were forged through a long and today closed chapter of history, but which we believe have left a lasting and profound cultural legacy.
101.	The question of East Timor is a sensitive one, as indicated by the attitude of the international community, which has insisted that it be solved in accordance with the principle of self-determination. Portugal cannot and does not wish to renege on its responsibilities towards the Timorese people; that is why it has announced a plan of action that will shortly be implemented. But we feel justified in emphasizing here that it is fundamentally within the framework of the United Nations that a solution to that problem must be found. In this respect, my country is also ready to co-operate closely with the United Nations and with all the interested parties in searching for a solution that, in conformity with the principles enshrined in the Charter and in the relevant resolutions, would be acceptable to the international community. Given their special urgency, we must finally express our concern with the humanitarian problems that have arisen out of the situation in East Timor. We hope that through the negotiations which we, for our part, are ready to undertake, those problems can begin to be properly tackled and finally solved.
102.	I should now like to make a very brief comment on the question of disarmament. At the tenth special session the General Assembly recommended through consensus, in which my country participated, the priorities to be followed in the process of disarmament. We believe, however, that all relevant measures must respect the security of States in such a way that their safety will not be diminished and that they will continue to enjoy the same level of security. For that reason, the problems of disarmament must be considered from a global point of view in order to keep in mind, in so far as possible, the structural differences that exist primarily between the armed forces of the militarily most powerful States.
103.	The promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, without discrimination based on race, sex, language or religion, constitutes one of the most important aims of the international community. The Portuguese Government attaches the greatest importance to the furtherance of this objective, as was demonstrated by our adherence to the principal international instruments concerning human rights, as well as by the positions we have adopted in all forums where this matter has been discussed, in particular in the Commission on Human Rights, of which we are privileged to be a member.
104.	Portugal will continue to devote itself to the defence of civil and political rights, which we identify with the highest principles and values of a civilization that should not, on the other hand, be oblivious of the economic, social and cultural rights which are inseparable aspects of the same reality. Unfortunately, there still exist many cases in which the human rights of whole populations are systematically ignored and denied, and peoples are condemned to the most implacable repression, to hunger or to forced exile, victims of supposedly liberating ideologies which end up creating the most inhuman oppression. This aberrant situation has resulted in the creation of an ever-growing flux of refugees that has become one of the most disturbing scourges of our time—and this is true and especially obvious in South-East Asia, but also significant in other regions of the world.
105.	We believe that it is wrong to ignore both the political origins of those exoduses and the disruptions and problems that they cause by endangering the prosperity of those who harbour the refugees. We cannot but stress that this is an unacceptable subversion of the international order, which if not corrected in the short term can pose a serious threat to peace.
106.	However, other problems still lie on the horizon. Of those I have especially in mind the grave consequences for future generations of the very serious deprivation of food, health, housing, education and employment, which even today affects such large sectors of humanity. This is doubtless an area in which the work under way within the United Nations system can and must assume a true universal dimension. Only thus will it be possible to avoid results such as those arising from the recent eleventh special session of the General Assembly. On the one hand, we consider the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade a very positive fact, but on the other we view with deep concern the failure to reach a consensus in regard to the global negotiations.
107.	Allow me also to stress that the dichotomy to which the North-South dialogue is reduced—that of the developed countries versus developing countries—is not helpful to the resolution of the difficulties faced by the international com-munity and does not even correspond to the reality which confronts us. Just as there sometimes are substantial differences in the wealth and levels of economic and technological development of developed countries, not to mention the diversity of their economic and social systems, so there are also considerable distances separating the developing countries.
108.	We believe that there would be much to gain if proper account were to be taken of the real conditions prevailing today. Such recognition would be most advantageous to all, for it would allow for a more equitable sharing of efforts by all and for a more adequate distribution of available resources. My country, which is at an intermediate stage of economic and technological development and which is simultaneously a recipient and a donor of assistance, feels this problem most acutely. We understand full well the demands of the developing countries because we face those very problems ourselves. But we are also aware of the difficulties arising from the present international economic crisis which prevent their full and immediate satisfaction.
109.	Despite its own difficulties, Portugal has none the less assumed its responsibilities and sought to contribute to the extent of its ability to the common efforts to assist the most needy sectors of humanity.
110.	My country has always held that only through constructive dialogue and co-operation in the search for common goals will it be possible to achieve victory in the battle for development. Our candidature to the European Community is based on our identification with the countries that comprise it, because we share their commitment to a free and democratic society. But we also see it as a way to cope with and overcome the problems of development that confront us.
111.	This solidarity, rooted therefore, in political, cultural and geo-economic factors, does not, however, exclude other deep ties and affinities, such as, for example, those that bind us to the countries which have Portuguese as their official
language and to other non-European nations with which we have created close links throughout our history as a maritime nation and in many of which there live large communities of Portuguese origin, of which my Government and my country are justifiably proud.
112.	The most important role of the United Nations is to promote understanding among peoples and strengthen the solidarity that should unite us. In a world that has the capacity to destroy itself, that solidarity should take precedence over interests that are selfish and ephemeral when compared with the very survival of the human race. My country believes that if such is our common will we can overcome the difficulties faced by the international community. The main weapon that we possess to achieve this aim is the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes and conflicts through dialogue and conciliation. It is unfailing respect for that principle that has guided our conduct in the United Nations and inspired our work in the Security Council.
113.	We firmly believe in the capacity of man to devise the means to free himself from all oppressions and alienations that hamper him. We believe that we can unite our efforts to overcome poverty, hunger, disease and war so that together we can tread the path of peace, progress, freedom and justice.
114.	We believe, above all, that history moves inexorably towards the conquest of freedom and that the evolution of mankind will continue to be marked by progressive steps in the direction of the fin;'' liberation of individuals and societies.