107.

108.	Mr. President, let me first extend to you my congratulations on your election. Your experience and skill will help to ensure a fruitful
Assembly session. I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Mojsov of Yugoslavia, who ably led the Assembly through no less than four sessions during his year of office.
109.	When the United Nations was established at the end of the Second World War, the British Empire covered one eighth of the world's land surface and had a population of over 500 million. In the years since then, 35 independent States have emerged from among the people and territories that made up that Empire and have taken their place among the nations of the world. There can be no clearer testimony to the commitment of successive British Governments to the principle of self-determination.
110.	Today we are left with a handful of small dependent Territories which, because of their particular circumstances, have not become independent States.
111.	It has been the firm policy of the present British Government to give every encouragement and support to those Territories which seek independence. It was in fulfilment of that policy that Solomon Islands became an independent nation earlier this year and so the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. In a few days' time, on 1 October, yet another country, Tuvalu, will celebrate its independence and will apply for membership in the specialized agencies. The Gilbert Islands have already reached the stage of full internal self-government, and we hope they will achieve independence in 1979. In the Anglo-French condominium of the New Hebrides, a programme has been agreed which will lead to independence by 1980. Among the West Indies Associated States, which are in voluntary association with Britain, Dominica will move to independence on 3 November this year. Discussions are continuing on the constitutional future of the other States.
112.	Our policy is to respect the wish of the peoples of our remaining dependent Territories to determine their own future in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, to uphold that Charter in all its respects, and to put support for the United Nations at the centre of our foreign policy.
113.	People all over the world read in their newspapers day by day graphic accounts of systematic murders, cold-blooded tortures and the debilitating ravages of famine and disease. They watch pictures on television of grotesque sufferings caused by the dictatorial actions of Governments or by natural disasters. Most people hope that those countries and agencies which can do so well take practical steps to alleviate this misery; they do not want to find themselves in similar circumstances. Discussion and words of condemnation or sympathy are not enough. Ordinary people want to see real evidence that those who offend against the norms of civilized society are not accepted as members of it and that the effects of malnutrition and monsoon are mitigated for everyone. One of the United Kingdom's major aims is to encourage the strengthening of the United Nations capacity to protect human rights.
114.	In upholding our Charter commitments, we, the Member States, must pay more attention to the mechanics of how in our daily business we move from dialogue to negotiation, from general principles to specific detailed agreements, from rhetoric to action and from general support to binding commitments. No world organization can ever build up its strength, authority and effectiveness without developing and adopting a machinery which would enable its member States as a whole to make decisions sure in the knowledge that they will be carried out. It is, of course, not a new problem, but it is an urgent one. It is not enough to have a dialogue between rich and poor to redress inequalities. The millions outside looking in on our meetings, debates, special sessions and committees rightly expect progress. Most of them are realistic -- they recognize the limitations; but once year at least we should examine our record objectively and seek to learn from the past year to improve our performance for the coming year.
115.	It cannot yet be said our people have fully appreciated the immense importance of the relationship between the developed and the developing countries. The North- South dialogue in which we are engaged is not an elaborate stalking operation, where bureaucrats spend days and weeks locked in discussions which produce little agreement. It is potentially a deeply divisive issue and a central factor in world economic management. It can mean literally life or death for millions. There is a challenge here for the Governments of all countries. For the more developed countries the challenge is to be prepared for adaptation and change in the creation and distribution of new wealth in the world, and to generate the fullest public support for tackling the great disparity between the standards of life in fortunate countries, such as mine, and those which obtain over vast areas of the globe. For the less developed countries the challenge is to maintain the necessary disciplines both to enable them to achieve a rapid but stable expansion, with an equitable sharing of the benefits, and to continue to take part constructively in the search for an agreed approach to the problems and a shared responsibility for finding solutions.
116.	It would be a failure of statesmanship on both sides if the North-South dialogue, as in the early 1970s, became again an exchange of sterile slogans between spokesmen for the developing countries on the one hand and spokesmen for the developed countries on the other. Conducted in these terms the dialogue becomes a forum for rhetoric and confrontation instead of a co-operative enterprise from which all our countries and all our peoples will gain. We have risen above this, but we have not yet focused our attention collectively, and with understanding, on the specific problems: for example the optimal management .of the world's limited resources of raw materials, energy, finance, the transfer of resources from the rich to the poorer countries, and the problem of coping imaginatively with problems of adjustment so that the output of the newly industrialized countries can find its place in the world's markets. We will need more understanding, greater political resolve and imagination in the months ahead as we approach the fifth session of UNCTAD in May of next year and the special session in 1980. The United Kingdom recently decided that, as part of our aid policy, we would take immediate steps to relieve the debt burden of the poorest countries. The total amount of principal and interest involved in some £900 million, or $1.8 billion. This was a decision to give practical expression to the agreement negotiated within UNCTAD. It reflects our willingness to take action to show low genuine compromises can be achieved within the North-South dialogue. So far seven countries have taken a similar decision. For us it was a tough, political decision, which will undeniably cost jobs at home and be a charge on our balance of payments. There is no comfortable solution. Politicians will have to fight for these measures in the world; and then defend them at home.
117.	Understanding and imagination will need to be shown by those relatively rich countries which at present stand aside from the common efforts of the rest of the world to help the developing countries. I believe that the Soviet Union and its partners are beginning to realize that there is a growing recognition among developing countries of the irrelevance of the time-worn excuse that the so-called "colonial legacy" of former imperial Powers means that the Communist countries can absolve themselves of any responsibility for helping the developing countries. I hope they also realize that the increasingly close economic interrelationships between countries of different systems and at different levels of development give all countries a- shared interest in helping the less fortunate to make progress.
118.	The divide between rich and poor is everyone's problem and everyone's responsibility. The economics of all countries are now so closely interlinked that none of us can find solutions by battening down the hatches and hoping to find some isolated-or protected-salvation. On the contrary, continued economic growth in the developing countries has an important part to play in supporting the health of the world economy. But the scope for sustained growth in the developing countries will of course be limited until the economies of the industrialized countries move out of recession- Recession in the West-or North—means receding hopes for the economies of the South. This is the reality and this is one of the reasons why my Government has spared no effort this year to bring about concerted action to restore confidence and growth round the world. The results of the July Bonn Economic Summit Conference show that there is a collective understanding at the highest level in the Western world of the need to stimulate growth, to make the most of our scarce energy resources, to avoid taking precipitate protectionist action and to get increased resources flowing 'to those countries where they are most needed.
119.	A major and acknowledged obstacle to these endeavours is the vast accumulation of military power which drains away scarce resources urgently needed for economic and social development. Four months ago here in this Assembly Heads of Government and Foreign Ministers attended the tenth special session on disarmament. We hoped to see moves to check this process of gathering and spending of money on armaments and take some practical action towards arms control and disarmament.
120.	Where did we get? While all States in the United Nations agreed on a Final Document [resolution S-10/2] expressing for the first time the views of all Member States on disarmament, much of it was so watered down that one gets the impression that everyone is in favour of disarmament until the moment that any proposal could actually affect them. The session admittedly encouraged more
States to take an active interest in disarmament. Two nuclear-weapon States which previously had not been involved in multilateral discussion of disarmament following the reform of the negotiating committee in Geneva will, it is hoped, now participate, and this is a welcome step. The involvement of non-governmental organizations in the debate was helpful and the special session stimulated greater public interest. The United Kingdom and other nuclear-weapon States gave the non-nuclear-weapon States important assurances that they would not be the subject of nuclear attack.
121.	The need for action to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons—one of the most crucial issues facing mankind- was recognized. But the dilemma of how to make available to all who need them the benefits of the peaceful uses of nuclear, energy without the risk of weapons proliferation was not squarely faced. My country has for some years made a financial sacrifice in not exporting some civilian nuclear equipment, materials and technology because of a fear of adding to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The existence of adequate safeguards to ensure that there is no fear of adding to the proliferation of nuclear weapons is also an essential condition of nuclear exports from the United Kingdom. But sophisticated countries still compete ruthlessly in the nuclear market place, and nuclear installations have become symbols of national sovereignty, so that any unwillingness to supply is wrongly seen as a political act. The Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1980 must look deeply at these matters, for I believe that it is possible for the equipment and services which are essential to a successful civil nuclear industry to be made available while minimizing the proliferation risk. Of course, one way to reinforce the non-proliferation regime is through the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones.
122.	It was natural that many countries at the special session should place the emphasis on nuclear disarmament. That must be the major concern. But let us not forget that four fifths of the military expenditure in the world goes on conventional forces and weapons. The system of nuclear deterrence has helped to keep the peace in Europe for over 30 years. But what has happened elsewhere? According to one estimate, there have been over 120 wars in the world since 1945. Not one day has passed in which a war was not being fought somewhere in the world. War casualties since 1945 number tens of millions, all caused by conventional weapons.
123.	We should give more attention to conventional arms control. The Final Document of the special session makes a negligible contribution to balanced reductions in military budgets and a halt to the world-wide build-up of conventional weapons. The brief and rather qualified reference to consultations on limiting transfers of conventional weapons is inadequate. The passage on reduction of military budgets is general and, unlike the Western draft programme of action, does not call for the testing of a means of measuring budgets so that actual reductions can be planned, with all the social and economic benefits that could ensue. In short, do not let anyone delude himself: an historic opportunity has been missed and we must resolve to achieve more at the next special session on disarmament. Otherwise another expensive session and a stream of words
will produce cynicism rather than commitment. A major reform is needed in the way we negotiate the final document. The political leaders make the speeches, but the final document is negotiated by officials. One senses in reading the words no clash of political view, no give-and- take. We appear to talk at each other rather than to each other, and so the bureaucratisation of international politics relentlessly proceeds. Declarations, principles abound, but action is relegated to second place.
124.	At least in the bilateral negotiations being conducted between the United States and the Soviet Union to achieve a second strategic arms limitation agreement, one is aware of a political debate at the highest level between Presidents and Foreign Ministers. This is a vitally important negotiation and needs to be followed as soon as possible by further reductions in strategic offensive weapons as well as by controls on qualitative improvement.
125.	My country, the United States and the Soviet Union are involved in negotiations on a comprehensive test ban. This would be entirely non-discriminatory; it could, if properly designed, curb the development of nuclear weapons and hinder their spread to more countries. We should like to see the widest possible adherence to the treaty, but that will only come if the non-nuclear-weapon States see the nuclear States as making a step-like change downwards in their development programme. There are some who want to take no action and to continue testing without any impediment to their scientific and technical plans- oblivious of the wider implications that would have for those States that need to be persuaded not to engage in testing themselves.
126.	Another priority is to maintain and accelerate the momentum injected recently into the Vienna talks on mutual and balanced reduction of forces in Central Europe. The Eastern response to the latest Western proposals has been encouraging, although serious difficulties remain unresolved. The Western participants will be ready at the right moment to propose that the talks be raised to ministerial level. Without this kind of political input, caution will predominate, the years will go by, and we shall all complain about the gap or the imbalance in forces while it widens before our very eyes, as it has done in every year that the negotiations have continued. The prize for us all is an agreement providing a more stable relationship and a lower level of military confrontation in Europe. It could be a major achievement in arms control and detente, but it will not be achieved at the present tempo and style of the negotiations.
127.	In one key area-peace-keeping—the United Nations has responded extremely well throughout the year. My Government is totally committed to the concept of United
• Nations peace-keeping. With our fellow-members of the European Community we shall be appealing to all members of the United Nations to reaffirm their support for United Nations peace-keeping measures. We have backed this support of principle with men, facilities and money.
128.	We have recently reviewed our own national capacity to assist in the preparation and conduct of peace-keeping operations, and I am pleased to be able to make the following offer of support, which is in addition to our current contribution to United Nations forces in Cyprus
and Lebanon. If requested, and subject to national commitments and exigencies, the United Kingdom will make available an infantry battalion group or a Royal Marine commando group for up to six months. The force will be available at seven days' notice and we shall airlift the force and its equipment to the area of operation. We shall also be willing to provide a small number of military personnel for duty as observers, and we shall consider as sympathetically as possible requests for other types of forces or forms of military assistance. In view of the experience which the United Kingdom armed forces have acquired in peacekeeping, we stand ready to share our knowledge and experience with others.
129.	When I addressed this Assembly a year ago,  I singled out Lebanon as an example of a situation where the United Nations should be involved in trying to resolve a major crisis before it occurred. In retrospect, I think we would all wish it had been possible to take more preventive action in spite of the difficulties. It took the Israeli military involvement in south Lebanon last March to make the international community fully aware of the vital need for the United Nations to play a part in that troubled country. Thereafter, the Security Council acted with admirable speed in securing the creation of UNIFIL to bring about the withdrawal of Israeli forces and to help the Lebanese Government to reintroduce its authority in the south. UNIFIL has undertaken its task with remarkable tenacity. It has faced great obstacles, but has nevertheless progressively fulfilled its mandate by military courage and skilful diplomacy. Already it has carried out the first part of its mandate; the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces has been effected. The difficult task of restoring the authority of the central Government in the south still lies ahead.
130.	But this is not a problem they can solve in isolation. A solution to the problems in the south depends on a solution to the larger political crisis which still racks Lebanon. All Members of the United Nations committed to the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese Government throughout the country should make a determined effort to work urgently for a political solution to Lebanon's problems. Only a political solution can guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and put an end to the internal fighting which threatens to destroy the country.
131.	Peace in Lebanon depends also upon a solution to the wider conflict between Israelis and Arabs. The Camp David meetings have given renewed hope that a just, durable and comprehensive settlement can be achieved. Many major questions remain to be resolved, and I do not underestimate the difficulties. Nevertheless, the gap between the two sides has narrowed significantly. 1 believe that the success of the Camp David framework agreement  was because it did get into detail, not just declare principles, and because it involved the two Presidents and the Prime Minister. The detailed provisions in the Sinai Accord for demilitarization, force reductions and United Nations involvement  are something which my Government has long advocated. The Camp David agreements provide, too, a reasonable basis on which realistic interim arrangements for the most difficult problem, the West Bank, can now, given the will, be negotiated in greater detail.
132.	Those who condemned the agreements so hastily should, look at them again more carefully. They are based upon the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and upon the international consensus in its favour. A perfect settlement cannot be achieved by exchanging declarations of principle any more than by making speeches at one another. Politicians have to be prepared to get down to what I term the "nitty-gritty" detail and then explain and defend the position to their own people. For our part, we have set out on a number of occasions—in particular in the statement on the Middle East made by the European Council in London on 29 June 1977-our views on the principles which should govern a peace settlement. The Camp David agreements are a positive step in that direction and they have our full support.
133.	Another major initiative has been that undertaken with regard to Namibia. We will be debating this issue in the Security Council, and I will reserve my remarks until then. But the Secretary-General's report on the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, the political commitment and atmosphere of patient diplomacy that has characterized the whole process, is an example of how the United Nations can act. At all times these negotiations have involved political leaders, whether foreign ministers or nationalist leaders, and their officials and supporters. African nations and leaders, as well as those of us outside Africa, have worked for an African solution and an international solution. It would be a tragedy for southern Africa if, at this late stage, the opportunity for Namibia to become independent was rejected. The alternatives—another Transkei, continued fighting and an escalating confrontation between South Africa and the world-would represent a shameful retreat from the ideals to which all parties have, I believe, been committed. Yet success here could not fail to have an impact upon the fundamental issue of racialism which haunts southern Africa, besides giving hope for a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia.
134.	Racism is one of the greatest evils which we face in the world community today and, in this International Anti-Apartheid Year, it is imperative that we should make clear our absolute, united condemnation of apartheid.
135.	Sadly, we see no real sign of movement towards fundamental change in South Africa since the General Assembly last met, but the message must go out again. Change is inevitable, and time is not on our side if that change is to be peaceful.
136.	At the time we meet, a new State President and Prime Minister are about to be chosen in South Africa. I
hope that these new leaders will respond to what I believe to be the true aspirations of the South African people for change, and will show courage and resolution in bringing that country back to its place in our community of nations. I believe that a united South Africa, through the efforts of all its people, can meet this challenge in the knowledge that failure will have the gravest consequences not only for the people of South Africa but for the world as a whole.
137.	Africa, and all of us outside Africa, are pledged to bring about majority rule, a return to legality, and independence in Zimbabwe. We want to do so without further bloodshed and in a way acceptable to the people as a whole. The objective for us all is a non-racial society in an independent Zimbabwe.
138.	The gravity of the present situation cannot be exaggerated. Deaths in the war have been over 3,000 this year. Civilian casualties since 1972 include nearly 3,000 Africans and some 600 whites. Intimidation and fear grow daily; atrocities have been committed on all sides. There is a growing refugee problem both inside and outside the country. One thousand people per week flee to Botswana. Inside Rhodesia the rural population affected by the war is fleeing to the cities, homeless and jobless. If the war continues, and the farmers do not plant and sow for next year, there are growing prospects of widespread famine in a country once endowed with plenty.
139.	The effect on the economic stability of southern Africa is now marked. There is a danger of foreign intervention and of embroiling the whole of Africa in a conflict out of all proportion to its original dimensions. The threat to the security of neighbouring States—Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique-is already only too evident, and has been highlighted by the latest raids into Mozambique.
140.	The < United Kingdom has never administered Rhodesia. In 1965 following the unilateral declaration of independence we came to the United Nations because we decided then, and have not shifted from that view since, that the United Kingdom acting alone could not end the rebellion and bring about majority rule. We accept our responsibilities and have tried to live up to them.
141.	We have striven for a negotiated settlement on the basis of the principles endorsed by the United Nations and the principles approved by the British Parliament. One of these principles is that, before granting independence, it must be established that any settlement is acceptable to the people of the country as a whole.
142.	Progress has been slow, but, encouraged by the support of many African States and the international community, we are urgently making every effort, together with the Americans, to bring about a satisfactory solution. But no one, including Britain and the United States, has a magic formula for peace in Zimbabwe. Ultimately it is for the people to decide the basis of their independence. It is not for any of us to impose a particular constitution or a particular leader on Zimbabwe.
143.	It is frankly recognized in private but often ignored in public rhetoric that, in contrast to most other liberation struggles, the Zimbabwean nationalist movement is not united. Its divisions are long-standing and have constantly bedevilled negotiations. It has been a major tactic of the regime to exploit these differences. It has never been part of our philosophy to seek to split the liberation movement or to widen divisions between the nationalists. Greater unity within the nationalist movement would make a comprehensive settlement far easier and a cease-fire a reality. The OAU has wisely endorsed the right of all the leaders to participate in elections. There must be no exclusions; we want an inclusive settlement.
144.	We are committed to working by persuasion and negotiation: we cannot impose, and this is a restraint which is not always recognized.
145.	Most of us in the United Nations support the objectives of freedom and of independence of the various liberation movements in southern Africa. Some support the armed struggle. My Government does not supply arms. To do so would gravely inhibit our ability to work for a negotiated settlement between all the parties to the conflict. I regret, though acknowledge, that many people have felt driven to take part in the armed conflict. No one can deny that this struggle has had a considerable effect, in addition to sanctions and diplomatic pressures, in making the possibility of majority rule a real one. Yet if the armed struggle continues with no negotiations it will result in massive damage to Zimbabwe: not just to its economy but perhaps above all to the chances of its being a non-racial society.
146.	Armed intervention by the United Kingdom ".vas ruled out in 1965 and there is no question of Britain or any other Western Power sending troops now to impose a settlement. We have committed ourselves to seek a solution through the international community and in the context of the Anglo-American proposals published on 1 September last year  and debated in the Security Council. Within that framework, we will honour our obligations, play a major part in any settlement, and contribute fully in terms of money, manpower and expertise. But we are not about to assume a colonial role which we have never exercised, which was rejected in 1965, and which is even more inappropriate in 1978.
147.	My Government's objective is to do everything possible to bring about a peaceful settlement through negotiations providing for majority rule and independence on a basis acceptable to the people of Zimbabwe as a whole.
148.	We have listened carefully to the criticisms of the detailed proposals we put forward a year ago. We have been trying to find common ground and, in elaborating and refining our proposals, we have had to take account of the strong views of those of the parties who wish to reduce the powers of the proposed resident commissioner. After the Geneva Conference i7 we thought that the inability of the parties to agree on a form of power-sharing could be quickly circumvented only by giving powers to the resident commissioner. Events have shown that judgement to be wise. We never sought those powers for ourselves; they were
onerous and difficult. We willingly proposed that they should be exercised in concert with the United Nations. We advocated a special representative of the Secretary-General, a United Nations peace-keeping force and a United Nations civilian police element to monitor the existing police force. We have wasted a year arguing about the powers of the resident commissioner. I hope now, that after our consultations with the parties, we have found a workable formula for an executive and legislative council with powers on law and order reserved to the resident commissioner.
149. We now must agree on: the balance of representation on the council and the decision-making procedure; the appointment of a resident commissioner and the length of time he should remain; the timing of elections and the timing of independence; the details of the proposals put forward by the resident commissioner designate for the Zimbabwe national army and already explained in the presence of General Prem Chand to all the parties; the establishment of a unified command of all armies; the time-table for a cease-fire; and the structure of the United Nations Zimbabwe force.
350. We have presented some of these proposals to the parties in the form of options. We have not issued ultimatums. The detail is negotiable, but, if the parties continue to argue over the structure of a settlement, then-let us" be clear-the war will continue, and the bloodshed will increase; and neither the United Kingdom nor the United States will be able to prevent a fight to the finish.
151. All these preparations have been done in the belief that it is necessary to prepare the ground for final negotiations. Nothing has been pre-empted. The parties must decide for themselves; yet no decisions can be made without compromise. If they agree, then the United Kingdom is poised to enact the necessary legislation immediately. I hope the Security Council would then pass the necessary resolution for the establishment of a United Nations Zimbabwe force as speedily as in the case of Lebanon. In playing a neutral role as peace-keeper, the United Nations has never been partisan. The United Nations will stand up for the rights of all the people of Zimbabwe, as it will for the people of Namibia.
152.	This is a critical moment: if we are to prevent the escalation which could take all parties over the brink, then the voice of the international community must make itself heard in support of a negotiated solution and of our proposals. More insistent still is the voice of the people of Zimbabwe themselves, weary of war and seeking a just peace. They want a settlement; they want an all-party conference; they want majority rule; and above all they want peace.
153.	That is our commitment. We are actively preparing the ground now for round-table talks. I hope we can in the near future issue invitations to all the parties to come to negotiate a final settlement for an independent Zimbabwe. I hope that all of us as Members of the United Nations will do everything in our power to make such a meeting a success. The next few months in southern Africa are critical for us all, and the United Nations has, in my view, a major role to play.


142.	As the representative of a country which is traditionally united with yours by the most cordial and brotherly ties, I have particular pleasure to congratulate you on the honour conferred on you by your election to preside over this General Assembly. The lofty responsibilities entrusted to you are a just recognition of your eminent personal merit and the constant observance of the legal rules and procedures which has been characteristic of Colombia.
143.	I also wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who so intelligently and wisely guided the work of the General Assembly at its previous regular session and during the three special sessions which were evidence of the dynamic work of the world Organization during the past year.
144.	On behalf of the Government and the people of Ecuador, I greet and welcome the new State of Solomon
Islands which joined the community of ISO free and sovereign nations of our Organization.
145.	As a basis for its participation in the international community, Ecuador has maintained fundamental principles which are at the very root of our tradition-principles such as that of the legal equality of States and that of non-intervention, which is derived from the former. All States being equal, none can claim that it can impose its will over others. Accordingly, no pressure and no use of force in international relations can be accepted, nor is it possible to recognize territorial acquisitions obtained by the use of arms.
146.	Being in favour of the principle of self-determination, Ecuador firmly supports the prompt accession to independence of peoples who are still under the colonial yoke, condemns every form of racial discrimination and, in particular, the shameful policy of apartheid, and strives to see to it that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms will become a universal, effective and permanent practice.
147.	By the rejection of recourse to the use of force, a decisive moral character has been given to the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes. Ecuador believes in the effectiveness of this principle in the solution of any problem, bilateral, regional or universal, and further believes that in this respect the community of nations have a serious responsibility. It was with this sense of responsibility that we actively participated in the Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness of the Principle of Non-Use of Force in International Relations, the mandate of which will be reaffirmed at this session of the Assembly so as to strengthen the Charter and make this way of settling conflicts compulsory.
148.	We have participated in the United Nations since it came into being. We have always sought to make it and the specialized agencies stronger in the certainty that these are the best forums for discussion and action for all countries. Within a community of nations which is increasingly interdependent, each must make its contribution to strengthening peace, lessening international tensions, and seeking equitable solutions to the far-reaching economic, social, humanitarian and cultural problems which the troubled world of today faces.
149.	Our Organization is one of the instruments best suited to the achievement of mutual understanding and joint progress. It is the appropriate forum for constructive dialogue, setting aside hegemonic positions or claims of privilege, with the aim of establishing a new political and economic order as the result of the concerted action of all people on earth.
150.	A constructive spirit of understanding, and not of imposition of one's will, is the only means to attain international peace and security on a genuine basis of justice, international peace and security, the universality of human rights, the end of all colonialist or neo-colonialist manifestations, and the urgent establishment of the new international economic order, leading to the final elimination of the existing difference between the standard of living of the developing countries and that of the industrialized countries.
151.	This year there have been some results regarding disarmament questions. The tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament has left us a Final Document [resolution S-10121, which was adopted by consensus. That document comprises a Declaration which ratifies general and complete disarmament under effective international control as the ultimate objective of the efforts of States, and a Programme of Action containing priorities and measures to be adopted urgently to halt and put an end to the arms race. The Final Document also establishes machinery which combines a body in which all States participate with a limited-membership negotiating body, the Committee on Disarmament, in which changes have been introduced which make it more democratic and, it is to be hoped, more effective in performing the work entrusted to it.
152.	As regards nuclear disarmament, it is worth while to point out the growing importance of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the full implementation of which has been recommended from this rostrum by the most responsible spokesmen of the peoples of the world and mentioned as a desirable example for other regions which are equally interested in the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones. We are particularly pleased to hear statements of support for this Treaty and the announcements of the nuclear Powers, as well as those of the Latin American countries which are still not parties to the Treaty, regarding their intention to adhere to that instrument.
153.	A preparatory meeting has just been held in Geneva for the United Nations Conference on Prohibitions or Restrictions of Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May be Deemed to be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects. That Conference no doubt will be held in 1979. The prior work done and future efforts designed to achieve prohibitions or effective restrictions in the use of weapons of this type have received and will receive every support from the Government of Ecuador.
154.	World-wide attention on what has been the fundamental item of the United Nations since it came into being have had special characteristics in the Latin American regions. On 22 June 1978 the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the countries signatories to the Declaration of Ayacucho10 in Washington signed the text of a declaration on regional disarmament, in which:
"They reaffirmed the importance which they attribute to the postulates of the Declaration of Ayacucho in respect of the limitation of armaments in Latin America, and reaffirmed the need to redouble efforts to bring about conditions which will be conducive to effective arms limitation in the region and to devote all possible resources to the economic and social development of each and every one of the countries of Latin America;
"They agreed that the continued existence of problems in the international field is one of the major causes of armaments and they accordingly reaffirmed their will to seek the solution of all disputes by peaceful means, thus contributing to the elimination of tensions and to the preservation and strengthening of peace".
155.	Ecuador is pleased that the Final Document of the tenth special session of the General Assembly has taken up this concept of the peaceful settlement of international disputes as an effective means to lessen the causes of the arms race.
156.	In connexion with the foregoing I believe that it is vital for the international community to pay due attention to all the problems which constitute or might constitute a reason for the emergence of tensions or breaches of the peace. The pacifying action of the international community must prevent conflicts from becoming more serious. It is the responsibility of all to preserve and maintain international peace and security. It is our common duty to see to it that differences among countries are settled in accord with reason and justice.
157.	Another of the efforts made by the countries of my region in disarmament was the beginning of a historical dialogue at the informal meeting of Latin America and the Caribbean on conventional weapons, which was held in Mexico in August of this year, the gradual and balanced continuation of which will, it is hoped, make it possible to progress with the participation of all the States of the region.
158.	The alternative whether to settle disputes by peaceful means or whether to use force in international relations is tied to the very destiny of human beings, whose essence is transcendent and who are the basic nucleus of societies and of States as their efficient cause and final cause. In this respect the arms race is also a clear negation of human rights and a distortion of the most profound philosophical concepts.
159.	How is it possible to speak of the full enjoyment of human rights when the prosperous and large Powers allocate for assistance to economic and social development barely four cents for each dollar devoted to arms? How is it possible to promote the social and economic well-being of peoples as an urgent duty of international co-operation when investments are made or favoured in vast amounts of war material which sometimes have no security purposes and are not in accord with the real interests of peoples? Nor can complete progress and the full enjoyment of human rights be attained as long as practices of economic domination are maintained which are Obviously discriminatory.
160.	The integral protection of human beings and of the inviolable nature of their rights is possible only if there is an end to the chain of injustices which overwhelm the developing countries, if the industrial Powers decide to adjust their conduct to the principles which they have proclaimed domestically and internationally in favour of human rights, and if they assist in building a democratic international society wherein inhabitants of all nations will enjoy equal civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights.

161.	Consistent with the traditional legal structure of the State of Ecuador, the Government of my country condemns racial discrimination and energetically repudiates apartheid as a crime against mankind. Ecuador, the fundamental Charter of which recognizes "the right of peoples to be liberated from these oppressive systems", is a party to the international conventions on those subjects and renews its confidence that by means of international action mankind will be freed from every kind of racism and racial discrimination.
162.	Being convinced of the validity of the principles which were proclaimed at a time similar to this, Ecuador reaffirms its rights over the segment of the geostationary synchronic orbit which, because of its geographical location, belongs to us. Together with other States on the Equator my country has said in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space that it is willing to comply with the obligation to protect this natural resource which is a limited resource and one of potential benefit for the social and economic development of peoples through multiple peaceful applications now opened up by the era of satellites, particularly in the field of education, communications and energy.
163.	As regards the law of the sea, Ecuador has been contributing substantially to the quest for agreements which will enable a consensus to be reached so as to conclude a universal convention. This is one of the most intractable questions mankind now faces because there are many aspects involved. Ecuador will continue to maintain that to arrive at this consensus the rights of States in maritime spaces must be respected. These rights in many cases are derived from historical legal precedents which cannot be ignored without the risk of vitally affecting vital interests which States cannot nor should not renounce.
164.	One of the basic principles on which the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been working is respect for the common heritage of mankind which is the sea-bed beyond the limits of the national jurisdiction of each country. Therefore there was grave concern internationally when it was announced that the sea-bed might be explored and exploited unilaterally without awaiting approval of the rules which the Conference is preparing. That policy, besides running counter to principles and decisions already adopted by the United Nations, would be a serious setback in the formulation of a new international law in which all States would participate on an equal footing.
165.	The exchange of the instruments of ratification of the new Panama Canal Treaties was the successful conclusion of a process of affirmation of the principles of mutual respect and co-operation among States. At the same time, those Treaties were the result of negotiations which contributed to strengthening the fundamental principle of the peaceful settlement of international disputes. In that respect, bright hopes emerge that all remaining problems on our continent may, through cordial and objective dialogue, find adequate and just solutions. Ecuador, true to its peaceful tradition and in a spirit of frankness and goodwill, as I said a year ago at this rostrum, is persistently seeking "a goodwill agreement [with Peru] that would effect a satisfactory solution to its territorial claim, inline with the
requirements of its national honour and of its destiny in the Amazon river basin".
166.	In the same spirit, we hope that appropriate solutions will be found for other existing problems in Latin America which affect regional solidarity and development.
167.	Since peace is essential for the progress which the peoples of the American family need so much, Ecuador is seriously disturbed by the situation in Nicaragua. Observing the fundamental principles that inspire the regional system and the United Nations Charter, notably the principles of non-intervention, the peaceful settlement of disputes and respect for human rights, all countries, particularly in the Americas, must give their humanitarian assistance in this crisis, and the parties directly concerned should, by efforts at conciliation, effectively contribute to a solution of the problem-all this within the basic spirit of the resolution recently adopted at the seventeenth meeting of consultation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Organization of American States.
168.	As regards the Middle East question, Ecuador's position is well known, it having been reiterated at this rostrum on many occasions. I now express my sincere hope that the recent Camp David talks and the subsequent stages of that process will yield a just and lasting solution that will include all the parties affected by this explosive dispute and, of course, recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and settle the various pending questions so as to arrive at an agreement that will guarantee peace and security for all countries of the region.
169.	The restoration of peace and normal living conditions in Lebanon is imperative. UNIFIL can discharge its lofty mission in that country only if it receives the full and appropriate co-operation of all the parties concerned.
170.	Ecuador views with constant concern the situation prevailing in Cyprus and wishes to see a prompt and complete solution by peaceful means, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, and in particular without the use of force as a determinant of rights—that is to say, a solution based on justice and on the interests of the inhabitants of that friendly country.
171.	The persevering action of the United Nations in the field of decolonization must go on until the last vestiges of foreign domination have been removed from Territories that have not yet attained self-determination and independence. The continued illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia must come to an end as soon as possible. It is urgent that free elections, under United Nations supervision, be held to decide the political future of that country, whose territorial integrity includes Walvis Bay. The United Nations must prevent the failure of the negotiated solution of this problem which is now under way. Another challenge by South Africa to our Organization's resolutions would be intolerable and should be
duly considered by the competent organs of the world Organization.
172.	Similarly, my country believes that we cannot postpone a peaceful and equitable solution of the problem of Zimbabwe which will ensure the establishment of a government based on majority rule.
173.	Ecuador condemns all terrorist actions and agrees that it is necessary to ensure proper punishment for those who try to make terror and intimidation permanent weapons against the international community. We especially repudiate aerial hijacking and are therefore a party to the international Conventions of The Hague, Tokyo and Montreal and have supported the relevant United Nations resolutions. We further believe that it is the duty of the world Organization to adopt more effective measures in this respect.
174.	The efforts of the international community for the maintenance and strengthening of peace would be sterile were they not directed towards the establishment of a new international economic order wherein the well-being of and respect for the individual were the essential objectives. We therefore believe that the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 is of vital importance. Now that its work has unfortunately been suspended, we must reaffirm the mandate of the Committee so that, through genuine negotiations, it will be able to adopt guidelines on matters of general policy and arrive at agreements on action that will produce specific results, within specified time-limits, on the priority questions of development and international economic co-operation. To consider the Committee merely as a debating society for general statements would be discouraging to those who have placed in it their hope of strengthening the North-South negotiations.
175.	Only when there is a genuine will to reach understanding among the rich and the poor countries will it be possible to find gradual methods of international co-operation for the establishment of more equitable and stable relations among all nations and ensure the lessening of the tensions-which jeopardize peace:
176.	Therefore Ecuador has maintained that the transfer of resources to developing countries in real terms must cover every aspect which, in one way or another, represents foreign financial transfers, not only by means of official aid to development but also by the application-of just terms of trade and the elimination of restrictive trade practices such as tariffs or closed markets or shipping restrictions, which will enable primary-producing developing countries genuinely to enjoy the fruits of their labours without lowering the purchasing power of their exports. The countries of the third world  must also participate adequately in establishing a new monetary liquidity, and capital-exporting countries should make it available to developing countries on favourable and adequate terms.
177.	The means made available by international financial institutions such as IMF must also be increased so as to provide the resources needed by the developing countries in accord with their respective national priorities.
178.	I reiterate my conviction that the Economic and Social Council must be strengthened. Its functions of co-ordination and political guidance must be carried out with the effective co-operation of all countries in accordance with the commitment undertaken in the Charter and, above all, with a greater contribution by the great Powers in all actions of the system.
179.	There is a profound imbalance in national access to contemporary science and technology. The Vienna world conference to be held in 1979 on the subject'7 offers an opportunity to study and solve problems regarding the transfer of that knowledge in such a manner that the developing countries will find the most just and secure ways to progress.
180.	One of the most concrete channels for the transfer of technology, of effectively opening up investment and encouraging self-reliance, is to be found in the operational programmes of the United Nations, particularly in UNDP, there can be no further delay in the broadening of its objectives and in an increase in real resources for UNDP. It is up to the rich countries to make an effort to commit 0.8 per cent of their gross national product so that UNDP may meet the needs of countries at their various levels of development. If, as a first step, all the major contributors matched the contribution levels of the Scandinavian countries, that would be a considerable and appropriate step in the direction of universal benefit.
181.	The major part of our agricultural production is being transformed gradually into an agro-industry; in that process the developing countries must achieve the goal of a 25 per cent share of world industrial production by the year 2000 in accordance with the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development Co-operation. In that way it will be possible to redefine next year the development strategy for the decade of the 1980s so as to arrive at a better ratio between resources and consumption for the benefit of the less favoured nations of the world.
182.	Another matter of general concern is the disquieting resurgence of protectionist measures on a world-wide scale adopted by the industrialized nations which have reached a level which has not been registered for many years, to the detriment of commitments to liberalize trade as provided for in the 1973 Tokyo Declaration.
183.	One of the fundamental mechanisms for the establishment of the new international economic order is the Integrated Programme for Commodities which was
approved at the fourth session of UNCTAD, held in Nairobi in May 1976.
184.	The lack of political will of the developed world has so far made it impossible to advance suitably in the negotiations and in the establishment of the common fund which is the backbone of the programme. Ecuador is pleased with the announcement that the negotiating conference for the common fund will be resumed and reaffirms its integrated approach which is to be found in UNCTAD resolution 93 (IV) both regarding the negotiations on the products included in that resolution as well as in respect of the nature of the measures to be adopted for each product.
185.	Ecuador reiterates its faith in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and expresses its certainty that all that contributes to the qualitative improvement of human society, to the strengthening of peace and of the rights of peoples and to the consolidation of the dignity of man will be firmly supported so as to make a reality of an international society whose greatness is based on the supreme needs of peace with justice and justice with freedom.


75.	As I address this Assembly of the Organization in which mankind has placed its highest hopes for the
12 See Official Records of the General Assembly, Tenth Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 3rd meeting, para. 72.
preservation of peace, the development of the peoples of the earth and the prevalence of respect for the rights of the human person, it is with deep satisfaction that I extend a respectful greeting to the honourable representatives of the sovereign States which participate as members, with identical rights, in the deliberations of this supreme body of the most prestigious international organization. And to you, Mr. President, as one who ranks high among the intellectuals and men of outstanding insight who have lent distinction and renown to our Latin American spiritual community, I wish to express my heartfelt satisfaction at the well-deserved recognition accorded to your merits by your election to preside over this session of the General Assembly of the United Nations in a year so crucial to that noblest of endeavours, the advancement of human rights, a cause to which your country and my own attach such great importance.
76.	This year marks the thirtieth. anniversary of the unanimous adoption of both the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man,13 signed on 2 May 1948 in Bogotá - the cultured capital of Colombia—and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted on 10 December of that same year in Paris, that city beloved of all free men since the historic day when from the barricades in its ancient streets arose the immortal cry of "Liberty, equality, fraternity". And now, as if to attest to the strength of their belief in this noble cause, a group of States Members of the United Nations is preparing for the forthcoming inauguration of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, whose seat is to be in Costa Rica, a country which was also the seat more than 70 years ago of our first regional court of justice, the Central American Court, which was given competence to hear grievances and accusations by persons who considered that their rights had been violated by any of the Governments of Central America.
77.	Thirty years will shortly have elapsed since the Universal Declaration was written. Much progress has since been made in this unfinished struggle to secure recognition and respect for the rights of the human person in every corner of the globe. That Declaration, a valuable yet limited expression of the legal conscience of mankind, gave way to the International Covenants on Human Rights adopted in this very hall on 16 December 1966. Over 90 countries have secured the inalienable right recognized by the United Nations freely to determine their own destiny. Discrimination among men for reasons of race has wholly disappeared from the law of many countries, where the separation imposed by social custom has also diminished or abated. Although today one nation or another may still cling to the laws and practices of apartheid—abhorrent though they may be to all who believe in the oneness of the human race, the innate equality of men and the ideals of the United Nations—we may be certain that no such laws or practices can long endure, for they are infringements of the most sacred of the rights of the human person: respect for the dignity of man, which is both the wellspring and at the same time the foundation of the legal doctrine of human rights. We
therefore welcome the news which has recently reached us that the biracial Government of Zimbabwe has adopted a series of measures that constitute the first step towards the abolition of all rules and measures implying unequal treatment of the inhabitants of that long-suffering country merely by reason of the colour of their skin.
78.	The work done by the United Nations in this field, which affects so many millions of men and women, as well as other innocent beings, such as children and adolescents, has been great and fruitful. Worthy of special mention is the arduous work done by the Commission on Human Rights and the sub-commissions, committees and subcommittees created to deal with related problems. But this is not enough. Here and there in every corner of the earth there continue to occur frequent cases of violation or non-recognition of rights which the universal conscience and the United Nations consider sacred, because the domestic peace of States and, in the final analysis, peace among nations, rest upon respect for those rights.
79.	In this connexion, Costa Rica has, for more than 12 years, tirelessly advocated the establishment of the post of a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which, like that of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, would strengthen, through specific personal action, the application of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Covenants on the fundamental human rights and freedoms, which is essential to enable all men to enjoy peace and the blessings of progress and civilization.
80.	We have once again pressed for the inclusion of this item /item 86} because we feel that its continued presence on the agenda of the General Assembly will serve constantly to underscore its importance to the world. This, however, does not imply that we underestimate in any way the major role which has been played, with respect to this item and to human rights in general, by the special committee entrusted with studying the item and reporting to the General Assembly.
81.	A fortnight ago, my country, which has made peace a habit and a way of life, was the victim of the violation of a fundamental human right, the right to peace.
82.	My country's Constitution forbids the establishment of an army and allows only a police force to keep the peace. Resources earmarked by other nations for maintaining military forces are allocated by us to education. Costa Rica is thus able to appropriate one third of its national budget for education at all levels.
83.	Costa Rica has no arsenals, military forces or economic might. Yet it is not by default but by conviction that my country has clearly chosen a civilian vocation, one which places right over might, and the search for the riches of the spirit over the desire for dominance. Costa Rica's strength lies in its lack of force.
84.	On 12 September aircraft of the Nicaraguan Air Force violated the border with Costa Rica and proceeded to strafe the only army our country has: its students and teachers. The order was given by the Government of Nicaragua, and the target was the innermost heart of our nationhood.
85.	My Government, which is based upon the rule of law and respect for international agreements, repelled the attack with its finest weapons: the moral courage of its people and reliance upon international treaties. It immediately appealed to the Organization of American States (OAS), invoking its Charter, and supported the open and exemplary initiative of the Government of Venezuela, which called for a meeting of American Foreign Ministers. My Government brought its case before the OAS, as a regional body, before appealing to the United Nations Security Council.
86.	In this matter my Government has enjoyed the resolute and effective support of the Governments of Venezuela and Panama, which have shown themselves ready to come to the aid of a country which has no army and no weapons, as well as the support of other friendly nations. Before this world forum 1 convey to them the gratitude of my Government and my people.
87.	How great a task lies before us in the field of human rights when a country can be attacked because it lives in peace. How great is our responsibility when dedication to culture, to education, health and development can be greeted with a treacherous aggression. How much yet remains to be done to uplift the minds of men and nations when weapons, in the hands of a foreign ruler, can be raised against children, teachers and students walking joyously and peacefully through the fields of their homeland organizing the celebration of their independence day, as has just occurred in my country.
88.	Members of the Assembly, compare the character of the attacker and the position of the attacked, and ask yourselves whether this case leaves any room for doubt as to who is in the right.
89.	My Government and people solemnly undertake., before this forum of universal expression and dialogue, to continue publicly to demonstrate their support for the cause of human rights and the cause of peace, and to strive without respite to secure respect for the law and for human dignity in the face of aggression, genocide, violence and the stifling of liberty. This is my Government's reply to those who, in word and deed, have left the stain of their treachery upon our land.
90.	I am confident that the international community will recognize who is right and will issue a just verdict as an expression of its faith in its principles and as a demonstration of their faithful application.
91.	The International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights, of 16 December 1966, which Costa Rica had the honour to sign, approve and ratify before any other country, are an embodiment of the inalienable right of peoples freely to exercise self-determination in the political, economic and social domains. Both Covenants, using the same wording, place this right in paragraph 1 of article 1, to indicate thereby that the legal framework of respect for human rights and peace among nations rests fundamentally upon recognition of the right of peoples freely to determine their political status. Thanks to this sound principle, we have today in this General Assembly representatives of a great
many States which secured independence, recognition and sovereignty after 1945, among them the newest State Member of our Organization, Solomon Islands, to which I wish to extend my Government's heartfelt congratulations and our best wishes for the development and prosperity of that new nation. Costa Rica cannot conceal its satisfaction at having contributed, on all previous occasions, to ensuring that the aspirations of different groups of human beings to govern themselves freely and independently should be recognized by other nations and by our Organization.
92.	With respect to the Middle East, my Government publicly expresses its joy at the signing by President Anwar El-Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel of a preliminary peace agreement,14 under the auspices of the President of the United States, Mr. Jimmy Carter, which augurs an historic change in international relations in the Middle East, provided good will, the pursuit of the ideal of peace, and direct dialogue between the two countries continue.
93.	It is the fervent hope of my Government that in the long-awaited settlement of the very delicate problems of the Middle East the right of the Palestinian people freely to determine its own destiny will, as the Camp David document suggests, be exercised in the near future. My Government similarly reaffirms the right of the State of Israel to have its status as a free and sovereign State acknowledged and guaranteed by all Members of this Organization.
94.	The direct dialogue between Israel and Egypt has inspired new hope among all peace-loving men and peoples. Peace is possible. In that conviction, I appeal to all the leaders concerned in the Middle East conflict to join in this effort and pursue this fruitful and exemplary dialogue so that before long they can offer the world imposing evidence of faith in man, and so that once again, as in Biblical times, the dove of peace may take flight and peoples be united. On that day mankind will turn a new page in its history and the blessings of all men of goodwill will be on the leaders who achieved this.
95.	My Government upholds the unique effectiveness of frank and cordial dialogue, as shown in the case of Egypt and Israel. We also harbour the highest hopes for Central America, expressing once again the heartfelt wish and concern of the Government and people of Costa Rica to see a speedy solution of the problems still pending between the sister nations of El Salvador and Honduras. Accordingly, I reaffirm my Government's confidence in the mediation mechanism which has been established.
96.	Paragraph 2 of article 1 of each of the International Covenants of 16 December 1966 recognizes to all peoples the right freely to dispose of their natural wealth and resources. Nothing could be more right, nothing could be more just. Costa Rica is pleased that the application of that principle and other lofty principles has fortunately led this year to the end of a lengthy process by which the United States, in a praiseworthy gesture of respect for the principles of equity and justice, has agreed to transfer to
the Republic of Panama the inter-oceanic Canal built through a narrow stretch of its territory and which constitutes the most valuable natural resource of that Republic because of the facilities it offers in providing easy communication and the quick movement of goods and persons from one ocean to another. My Government is very pleased by this memorable event, of which Panama and the United States were the protagonists, and this shows that a happy result can be achieved when a spirit of justice prevails over all other considerations, and when there is serenity, perseverance, patience and firmness in presenting a position or a request.
97.	My Government hopes that the same spirit of justice will prevail in the deliberations at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has just completed another session, its seventh, as well as in the multilateral negotiations being conducted by several countries concerning the rights and obligations of States which have interests in or carry on fishing activities in the economic zones which the new law of the sea recognizes for coastal States.
98.	Costa Rica, whose land territory is small, possesses broad maritime zones in the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans which it has claimed for many years, with no open objection by other States, on legal grounds which correspond to those that have already been incorporating the text which the Conference on the Law of the Sea is working out by consensus. These zones abound in marine species of all kinds-some sedentary, others migratory—all of which are part of the natural resources which both law and equity recognize as the economic heritage of Costa Rica, and which the Government that took office in my country on 8 May proposes to defend with all the force of the law in order to ensure that the Costa Rican people receive their just share of the benefits derived from permitting the exploitation of their fisheries by Costa Rican vessels or by foreign vessels which have previously obtained the necessary permission in accordance with duly established regulations. It is all very well that on the high seas, which are the res communis of mankind, fishing fleets of economically powerful nations should take the harvests without sharing the product of their sale with any other country other than their own; it would be inequitable, however, for such fleets to transfer their bases thousands of kilometres away in order to take advantage of the thunnidae which abound, in the economic zones of other nations without those nations, which are generally under-developed or at an early stage of development, receiving a fair share of the proceeds of the sale of a natural resource taken from their economic zones.
99.	It is not right that great industrial Powers should reserve for themselves extensive fishing zones, send their fleets thousands of kilometres away to reap resources lying off the coasts of developing States, and yet not recognize the rights of those States with regard to the exploitation of their marine resources, which are the only resources accessible to their generally poorly equipped national fleets.
100.	As I stated during my first visit to our island territory most distant from the mainland, Cocos Island:
"The President of the United States has opened up a new and promising era in international relations by
proceeding to the exchange of documents concerning the Panama Canal Treaties. The principles he laid down are categorical and, if the new Canal Treaties are the first sign of this new policy, Costa Rica trusts that those same principles will apply in the case of fisheries, in the interests of justice in relations between our two countries."
101.	The resources of the sea are an important part of the national wealth of coastal States. Costa Rica hopes that, at this promising juncture, as nations strive to find just formulas conducive to development, bilateral or multilateral agreements can be worked out that will recognize the right of Costa Rica, as of other States that authorizes exploitation of their resources by foreign fleets, to receive the equitable share of the proceeds to which it is entitled by the use of the living resources of its exclusive economic zone,
102.	All men who long for peace are concerned about the arms race that has been unleashed among the largest world Powers and which is consuming enormous economic resources and absorbing the efforts of privileged, intelligent men who could otherwise place their inventive genius at the service of peaceful arts and sciences and thus contribute to die worthy tasks of development and the gradual eradication of the ignorance and poverty that persist in many large areas Of the globe. My Government, which represents a people known for its love of peace, cannot fail to reiterate its hope that the major military Powers will find a formula which will enable them to earmark for peaceful purposes a substantial part of the financial resources and man-hours which are now being devoted to the construction of ever more sophisticated instruments of death and destruction.
103.	As we enter the closing years of the twentieth century and near the dawn of the third millennium, the question of disarmament as the basis for the establishment of peace in the world must, in my Government's view, be accompanied by a new vision of peace.
104.	The purpose of global efforts for disarmament is to eliminate the principal physical instrument of war. All things considered, what is involved is a world-wide decision and a world-wide struggle which may fail to alter the fundamental problem: the absence of a collective and positive will for peace.
105.	The struggle for disarmament must therefore be accompanied by a pedagogy of peace: in other words, education for peace. Disarmament may serve to avert imminent disaster; education for peace is a permanent attitude. Disarmament means discarding an instrument of war in order to achieve the objective of peace. Education for peace means creating the real conditions for a peaceful world. Consequently disarmament should advance hand in hand with education for peace.
106.	I therefore propose to this thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly the creation of a university for peace, within the framework of the United Nations University network, as a concrete expression of this new vision of a triumphant and dynamic peace, this new vision of peace a result of education and consciousness.
107.	That university would be a great centre of higher learning, open to alt peoples and all men of goodwill, whose primary objective would be to contribute, through research, teaching, dissemination and free inquiry, to the cause of peace, to mutual knowledge for men throughout the world, and to the promotion among alt men of a spirit of understanding, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence, in order to stimulate international co-operation and eliminate any situation which could imperil universal peace and the progress of peoples.
108.	The United Nations is, by definition, dedicated to the cause of peace; that is its supreme and inescapable purpose.
109.	The United Nations has created various bodies to perform specific tasks in economic, social and cultural development. However, it lacks the supreme institution, that from which it derives its essence and its reason for being—the institution of peace. The United Nations was created to safeguard peace and the entire Organization is oriented towards that central goal. Nevertheless, for historical reasons, its concept of peace has been closer to the notion of peace as the absence of war than to that of peace as the supreme achievement of man as a continuing task in the domain of learning. Accordingly, I propose the creation of an institution to prepare men and nations for peace.
110.	Every positive and concrete effort against the arms race meets with opposition from those who wield the old Latin principle "Si vis pacem, para bellum"-"If you desire peace, prepare for war". Today, however, preparing for war has a different goal—not the achievement of peace, but the prevalence of fear, as the means to world equilibrium. This, then, is world peace founded on an act of fear, not on conviction or on an act of conscience. I therefore propose not a military maxim but a human one: "If you desire peace, prepare for peace."
111.	Peace is a dynamic concept. It is a condition of life and, consequently, one of the fundamental human rights. Viewing the matter in this way, it becomes a question not of keeping the peace but of achieving it. Peace is a right of the human species, but it is also a duty. It follows that every man, and mankind as a whole; must be not only the object but also the subject of peace. Men may enjoy this right, but they must at the same time keep it in existence. Peace is the work of justice and the fruit of love, but it must also be the product of education; or, to put it better, education must be one of its most effective instruments of action.
112.	At this point in the twentieth century we are being called upon to face, in all their tragic urgency, the needs of mankind. However, we must at the same time face up to the requirements of our species. The university for peace must be the laboratory of the spirit of peace, the crucible in which we must form the new mentality of peace over the decades to come—for the twenty-first century shall be peaceful, or it shall not be at all.
113.	Peace is not the end of a conflict or an interlude between wars; it is a constantly renewed challenge. It must be our supreme objective and, as such, we must provide concrete means for affirming it, recalling that the present
generation reserves its trust for words that are accompanied by deeds,
114- Peace, like War, is not the result of historical predestination; its springs from man's freedom. Peace is within man, but it urgently requires measures to safeguard and create it: diplomatic relations, covenants, agreements, treaties, economic and social resources, means of information and education, laws and, finally, a vast machinery to give visible and tangible shape to this ceaseless quest of man on earth. What would become of the human species without all of these institutions, to which my Government now proposes the addition of a specific institution dedicated to preparing for peace and training for peace two decades before the new millennium?
115.	Peace is not merely a matter of noble sentiments. By its very nature it requires some measure of precise and diversified knowledge, both theoretical and practical. That is why it is urgent that man's intelligence and culture be directed towards peace, What is involved, as has been proposed by one eminent person, is marshalling all man's intellectual faculties, all the cultural and scientific heritage of mankind, in order that we may become an instrument of peace. What this implies, finally, is preparing and training man's will and intelligence for peace.
116.	Peace is made, not found. Peace is not rest. It is not another word for fear. Peace is the pulse of life.
117.	Settlements imposed by fear do not constitute peace. The institutions of peace we have today were born in the wake of the Second World War. They were inspired by pain and fear; but, as the pain and fear of that holocaust subside, the possibility of a new war looms ever greater. Why is this happening? Because, as the old Latin maxim would have it, we are still preparing for war in order to bring about peace. Thus, the vicious circle continues and mankind is never prepared for peace.
318. With this in mind, what I offer for representatives' consideration is an institution not to be built on fear but on a triumphant and vigorous idea of peace. The world must instil a dynamic mentality of peace in adults, children and young people. To that end, we must put to use one of the greatest and most effective means of ennobling and transforming man—education. In this way we may forge in man the thoughts and habits of peace, bringing peace first into the minds and hearts of men, and then into world politics.
119.	My Government will submit a specific draft resolution on the subject requesting the General Assembly to consider the initiative of creating a university for peace along the lines that I have described as the contribution of a peaceful people to the cause of peace, the supreme goal of the United Nations, on the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights approved at Paris.
120.	As a token of goodwill and of the desire to take part in the creation of the university for peace, I offer my country, Costa Rica, as its host. I hope that representatives of Member States will view this offer as testimony to our
faith and trust in the ability of this Organization to find new ways of strengthening and nurturing a flourishing and positive peace in the world through the education of mankind. Let us rally to peace.
121.	Costa Rica places at the disposal of the United Nations architectural drawings and study programmes which we have already developed, as well as a site which is ample and ideal from ecological and geographical points of view for the carrying out of this project. The tropical features of the site, coupled with its refreshing altitude, produce a spring-like climate. Largely surrounded by virgin forest, the site is an ecological paradise.
122.	The area set aside for the university for peace enjoys a climate which from the physical and biological standpoints is particularly well suited to the implementation of a historic project for peace.
123.	Soon 35 years will have elapsed since the signing in Moscow on 30 October 1943 of the four-nation declaration on general security, which for the first time recognized:
.. the necessity of establishing at the earliest practicable date a general international organization, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving States, and open to membership by all such States, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security.
124.	That Declaration planted the seed which, finding fertile soil in a mankind racked by bloodshed and destruction, was to grow into this General Assembly of sovereign States, the largest and most exemplary organ of international action that the centuries have ever witnessed.
125.	I call to mind here the illustrious names of so many eminent persons of the old world and the new, of the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, from strong countries and weak countries, leaders of Christianity and of other spiritual movements, who have spoken at this rostrum and who have contributed so much to this Organization's endeavours to fulfil the hopes that led to its creation.
126.	May I once again extend to all present my respect and esteem.