The recent successes of the United Nations towards the settlement of several regional conflicts have added new dimensions to the concept of collective responsibility and security. The general improvement in East-west relations paved the way for those positive developments. It is also clear that an important factor has been patient and quiet diplomacy under United Nations auspices. Yet we must be aware of the dangers of complacency. So long as war and conflict are still a reality in many parts of the world, the United Nations has an obligation to continue to press for peaceful solutions based on the principles of international law. Peace-keeping, peace-making and peace-building are the tools the United Nations uses in its task of serving peace: United Nations peace-keeping activities help conflicting parties avoid continued violence, united Nations peace-making efforts help conflicting parties reach lasting solutions. United Nations peace-building helps create conditions which may remove causes of war and conflict altogether.
The task of peace-building involves formidable challenges: we must take action to eradicate world poverty, we must tackle the debilitating debt problem, we must fight disease and rampant drug abuse, and we must rapidly reverse the trend of environmental destruction which fatally threatens our planet and the future of our children. Together with preventing nuclear war, that is the most pressing challenge. Catastrophe is closing in on us as we cross environmental thresholds which should never have been approached. Unless we now act collectively and decisively we shall all march into a poisoned wasteland. Europe, the classic focus of great-Power confrontation, has started to move towards political dialogue, arms reduction and peaceful co-operation. Today we dare to believe that the long period known as the cold war is now history and that a new period has begun, offering new opportunities for mankind.
The changes we are witnessing in the Soviet Union and in some other East European countries, particularly Poland and Hungary, are truly promising. This is what so many Europeans have been waiting for, for so many years. Following the elections in Poland a new coalition Government headed by Solidarity has taken office. This is a milestone in European post—War history, These changes constitute a main element in the improvement of relations between the super-Powers and among European States. Also, the new Soviet attitude towards the United Nations has invigorated the world Organization.
The improved East-West climate has had important positive effects in removing much of the sharp edge of great-Power rivalry from regional conflicts. It is in this situation that the United Nations has proved as never before its value as an important for peace-making as well as for peace-keeping.
Peace-keeping and peace-making are closely interrelated. The number and value of United Nations peace-keeping activities have never been greater. The Nobel peace Prize for 1988 was awarded to the thousands of men and women who have valiantly served in United Nations peace-keeping operations since the 1950s.
In peace-making the United Nations has taken a decisive role in regions long torn by armed conflict, but also more and more in preventing conflicts from erupting into open warfare. The critical factor for the success of such efforts is a Security Council capable of reaching operative decisions. Also, when the Council gives directives to the Secretary-General they must be backed by continued political and material support.
a large and complex United Nations operation is currently under way in Namibia. Sweden fully supports the Security Council, the Secretary-General and the Secretary-General's Special Representative in their efforts to ensure the independence of Namibia through free and fair elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. We greatly look forward to welcoming Namibia into the community of sovereign nations.
The system of apartheid is at the root of conflicts not only in south Africa but in the region as a whole. Apartheid is a threat to international peace and security, it is also an affront to human dignity. Apartheid must go, and it will go. Until then international pressure on South Africa must be increased. We shall continue to work for effective sanctions against South Africa. The special session of the General Assembly on apartheid must lead to further pressure on South Africa to enter into real negotiations. The comprehensive peace plan adopted by the Organization of African Unity should be supported by all of us. Now is the time for the South African Government to free Nelson Mandela and to recognize the true representatives of the majority of the people of South Africa.
The Middle East is one region where peace not only has to be made and kept, but has to be built up from the ground. The United Nations is involved in Peace-keeping through the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Palestine, the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, and in peace-making through the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Security Council. Peace-building is being attempted by various United Nations agencies. Israel still defies the Palestinian people, its Arab neighbours, international law and world opinion by its continued occupation of Arab territories.
The intifadah has cleared away any remaining doubts about the will of the Palestinian people to shape their own future. The PLO wishes to negotiate with Israel. At last year's General Assembly, I appealed to the Israeli Government to take the hand extended by the PLO and to show a similar willingness to negotiate. Both the Palestinians and Israel must recognize each other's rights. Both sides must renounce terror. And both sides must be willing to talk to each other. Openness and dialogue is the enemy of mistrust and fear, as President Bush stated yesterday. Now is the time to start a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians. Through active and constructive efforts, in particular by Egypt, a crucial new step could now be taken on the road to a durable and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Negotiations through an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of all parties directly concerned, including the PLO, remain the best avenue ahead. The negotiations should be based on resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the United Nations Security Council and on the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, full self-determination.
Sweden welcomes the cease-fire in Lebanon achieved through the efforts of the Arab League. All parties must now co-operate to reach a political solution. Withdrawal of foreign troops and an end to foreign interference is long overdue. The United Nations played a key peace-making role when the Geneva agreements on Afghanistan were negotiated through the good offices of the world Organization. The agreements raised hopes for a political settlement, hopes which have yet to materialize. It is deeply tragic that the agreements and the improved East-West climate have not meant the end of the war in Afghanistan. Attempts to reach a military solution, sustained by continued arms deliveries, will only result in  further suffering for the Afghan people. The Security Council now has to face up to its responsibilities and ensure a viable peace process.
The Security Council has demonstrated its capacity for effective leadership in bringing the fighting between Iran and Iraq to an end. But its resolution 598 (1987) needs to be fully implemented in order to avoid a new flare-up of violence and to bring peace and stability to the area. Sweden strongly supports the Secretary-General and his personal representative in their efforts to achieve these results.
Sweden welcomes the withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops from Cambodia. The deep-seated internal conflict must not, however, be allowed to lead to even more bloodshed. The international community has a responsibility to ensure that the reign of terror does not return. The difficulties demonstrated at the Paris Conference must be overcome and no effort spared to reach a negotiated solution.
The gradually increasing role of the United Nations in Central America through its three innovative missions opens new possibilities for a successful peace process. I am confident that all States outside Central America, and in particular those with special ties to the region, will solidly support the regional peace process and the Secretary-General in his efforts.
All these activities, directly related to the maintenance of peace and security, are the collective responsibility of the Member States. This means that the assessments for peace-keeping, decided on by this Assembly, have to be paid by all Member States, in full and on time. The costs of keeping peace are indeed marginal to those of waging war. But making and keeping peace is not our only endeavour. Building peace goes beyond that. The roots of war and conflict are often to be found in unjust social and economic conditions. War and conflict always result in social and economic misery. War and conflict prevent the solution of social and economic problems. Social and economic conditions must be improved everywhere on a sound, sustainable basis.
A particularly pressing problem is the debt burden of the third world. Some progress has been made. But the third world debt still amounts to more than SUS 1,000 billion. This constitutes a destabilizing force not only in developing countries but also in the world economy.
Threats to the global environment are increasingly perceived to be no less serious than the threat of destruction by war. International co-operation to safeguard the environment and to promote sustainable developments in all countries must be central to the peace-building efforts of the United Nations.
Through the interaction of poverty and injustice with environmental stress, vast numbers of men, women and children have been forced to leave their degraded and destroyed home areas. Political instability, even international conflicts, could be the result as such migrations become more common and involve even greater numbers of environmental refugees. Concern for the environment must be integrated into our entire economic system in order to guarantee long-term survival and sustainable development. Therefore, the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development must lead to concrete action. With regard to the venue of the Conference, Sweden would find it most appropriate if this time it were held in a developing country. We welcome the consensus on Brazil's candidature reached at the summit meeting in Belgrade of the Non-Aligned Movement, it is vital that we now join together in laying the foundations for a truly successful Conference. Sweden intends to take an active part in the important preparatory process leading up to the Conference.
The struggle to safeguard our environment must be pursued at many different levels. Like other countries in northern Europe, Sweden is threatened by the pollution of the Baltic Sea. When Sweden assists Poland in its fight against  pollution, we do this also to secure our own environment. We would like to extend this co-operation to the entire Baltic Sea region. Even if the risk of nuclear war appears less imminent than for many decades. the vast arsenals of nuclear weapons by their very existence constitute a threat to life on our planet. The arms race increases the risk of war. The resources diverted from productive uses to military purposes are of staggering proportions. There is a growing realisation in the world that true peace and security cannot be based on deterrence and fear. The kind of security that depends on ever Increasing armaments must be replaced by a concept of common security that is basically political and rests on mutual confidence.
Promoting common security is a central element in the peace-building role of the united Nations. The negotiations at the Conference on Disarmament for a chemical weapons convention are complex, but I am convinced that they have now reached a stage where they can be successfully concluded if there is political .ill.
The super-Powers have a special responsibility with regard to disarmament in general and nuclear disarmament in particular. For example, the practice of the nuclear Powers neither to confirm nor deny the existence of nuclear weapons on board their warships is out of date and confidence-blocking. We hope, and expect, that their new and better understanding in the field of security will soon put an end to this practice.
Concern for human rights all over the world is very much a part of Peace-building. There is a wide discrepancy between the human rights standards subscribed to by Governments and the reality existing in many States. At the same time we are witnessing in many parts of the world the strength and vitality of popular faith in human rights and in democratic principles. This is true even when these rights and principles are violently suppressed, as they have sadly - not to use stronger words - have been in China and Burma this year. The United Nations provides a forum and machinery for holding Governments accountable to the international community for human rights violations. This platform must be used and extended.
The Commission on Human Rights has transmitted to the General Assembly two important draft instruments on human rights. The first is the convention on the rights of the child. It would constitute an important step towards improving the situation of children all over the world. The second is the optional protocol on the abolition of the death penalty. Sweden fully supports the adoption of these two instruments at this session of the General Assembly.
Peace-building through the United Nations involves a wide diversity of co-operative efforts. In one such area the challenges have recently been dramatically demonstrated in recent months and weeks. I am referring to the global problem of narcotic drugs, and in particular to the events in Colombia. These developments have demonstrated how closely the fight against narcotic drugs and terrorism is linked to peace and security. It is now high time for an international offensive against the scourge of narcotic drugs. An offensive can be made effective only through multilateral co-operation. Only the United Nations can provide suitable machinery for this urgent peace-building task. Sweden will propose at this session of the General Assembly the realization of a global programme of action against narcotic drugs.
To meet new demands the United Nations must of course have adequate resources. The financial crisis of the United Nations is perhaps less acute, but it is not over. Budget reform has had positive effects and must be pursued. It is not acceptable that certain Member States owe the Organization a total exceeding half a billion dollars. Financial obligations under the Charter must be fully honoured, and when new or increased demands are placed on the United Nations we must all be prepared to accept the costs. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate and veteran United Nations diplomat Ralph Bunche once said, "if we in the United Nations could be as successful at peace-making as we are at peace-keeping, then our problems would be greatly reduced". Today we have reason to be more optimistic about the United Nations peace-making role than Ralph Bunche could be.
The united Nations is the primary forum where together we can meet the challenges of the future, the challenges of peace-building. This makes tremendous demands on the world Organization, on its Member States and on our solidarity with each other. We all know that in a happy and harmonious family all members show solidarity with each other, in the same way justice and progress in a nation cannot be achieved without solidarity among the citizens. The same principle applies to the world. Peace-building demands solidarity among nations.


Sir, it is my pleasure to congratulate you warmly on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. This constitutes recognition both of your personal qualities and of the high esteem in which your friendly country, Nigeria, is held. I am confident that your eminent skill and wisdom will help us to achieve the best of results.
I am also delighted to express our gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for his outstanding ability and activities in presiding over the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
Our gratitude and appreciation also go to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his persistent endeavours and intensive efforts to promote the role of our Organization and achieve its noble objectives. I have studied the valuable annual report on the work of the Organization he has submitted for the past year, and I hope to continue working and co-operating to translate into reality the worthy principles and ideas it contains.
The period since the Second World War has seen the birth of a new international order revolving around the United Nations and its Charter, which establishes the framework for co-operation and mutual understanding among its Members and calls for coexistence and constructive interaction among peoples. The practice of multilateral diplomacy is now inevitable, and it is essential that we adopt a collective approach in dealing with the problems before us.
While the cold war - which we can now see is dissipating - resulted in tension and anxiety in the world, the new detente in international relations, whose effects are beginning to be felt in various spheres, particularly in disarmament and the settlement of a number of regional conflicts, has given the peoples of the world a renewed sense of relief, optimism and assurance.
In addition, the United Nations - which had hitherto not been given a full opportunity to demonstrate its effectiveness - is now seeing its role revived and its confidence restored. This is the result not only of the improved international atmosphere but also of the recent success in the settlement of various regional conflicts. The Organization remains the principal forum and the most appropriate framework for attaining the mutual understanding and harmony required to confront and solve the problems of the world by means of co-operation, co-ordination and constructive dialogue among all its Members.
The appearance of common challenges which transcend national boundaries has led to an increase in interest in the United Nations and the need to make use of its machinery has been confirmed. For example, environmental pollution, the world-wide shortage of food, the narcotics trade and international economic instability are all problems no single State is capable of solving on its own. Common international efforts are needed in this respect. Hence interdependence has become one of the most outstanding features of contemporary international relations.
Faith in the role and significance of the United Nations is precisely what makes us place so much hope in the Organization and have recourse to it, both to solve conflicts and to co-ordinate our efforts to deal with the various challenges transcending regional boundaries.
Our agenda includes a large number of conflicts and challenges which, we hope, we shall be able to address, but the Arab-Israeli conflict, at the core of which is the question of Palestine, remains the most serious and the one most urgently requiring solution.
The world is now aware that the question of Palestine is indeed at the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict and that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian Arab people are pivotal to that question. Jordan has lived with the question of Palestine since its inception, has been affected by it and has undertaken much in the process. Jordan's objective in its endeavours to address the question has been, and continues to be, to achieve a just peace settlement guaranteeing the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and security and stability in the Middle East and enhancing international peace and security.
Jordan has always maintained that a political settlement of the Palestinian question is the only option of the parties. Accordingly, through co-ordination with Arab States, consultation with the major Powers and co-operation with the United Nations, it has striven to attain a comprehensive and just agreement rooted in international legitimacy. It has therefore responded to the peace initiatives proposed in connection with the question and accepted the pertinent international resolutions. It took part in the efforts to ensure the adoption of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which states that land may not be acquired by means of war, insists on the need for Israel to withdraw from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, and affirms the right of all States in the region to live in peace within internationally recognized borders. Jordan also accepted Security
Council resolution 338 (1973), which served to complement resolution 242 (1967), particularly by calling on the parties to negotiate within an international framework.
Jordan also responded to the development in the Arab community in 1974 endorsing the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. A move in this direction had already been made with its announcement of the United Arab Kingdom project in 1972, as a preliminary conception under which to assert the identity of the Palestinian people, to forge its national entity and to define the future relationship between Palestine and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, based on the principle of union and assertion of the independent Palestinian identity. Jordan also accepted the 1982 Arab peace plan for a balanced peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
As a result of the intensive efforts undertaken by His Majesty King Hussein of Jordan, the Arab States reached a unanimous agreement at the Amman summit conference in 1987 to the effect that the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the already agreed modalities, constituted the appropriate means to achieve a comprehensive and just peaceful settlement of the conflict such as to guarantee the restoration of the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, to enable the Palestinian people to exercise its inalienable national rights, including the right to establish its own independent State on its national soil, to solve all aspects of the Palestinian question and to ensure the right of all States in the region to live in peace within internationally recognized borders.
There have been highly significant positive developments in the Palestinian question over the past two years, to the extent that a historic opportunity now exists for the attainment of a comprehensive political settlement. By its persistence and momentum, the intifadah has been successful in moving Palestinian political action into a position of initiative and taking action. Jordan's decision to sever its legal and administrative links with the occupied West Bank on 3] July 1988, in response to the request of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the wishes of fraternal Arab States, came as a positive contribution in this direction and made all parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict directly aware of their responsibilities
The Palestinian leadership began its positive action by calling for a meeting of the Palestine National Council at Algiers at the end of last year. That meeting produced a series of positive resolutions which were characterized by realism and moderation and removed the obstacles to a peace settlement and the pretexts on which Israel had taken refuge since the June 1967 aggression. The positive Palestinian position met with broad international acclaim and led to the initiation of a Palestinian-United States dialogue, which we hope will develop and continue in order that the peace process may be brought to its desired conclusion.
Accordingly, we continue to believe that the right way to bring about peace is to convene the International Conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of all the parties involved, including the Palestine Liberation Organization and with the presence of the five permanent members of the Security Council, on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and of all other United Nations resolutions relating to the rights of the Palestinian people and to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
We believe that the United Nations, and its Charter and resolutions, provide the natural and appropriate framework in which to bring about a settlement, and that the five permanent members of the Council must exert their influence to achieve this objective, for they bear a special responsibility under the Charter.
What is required of them, now that the Arab position has been rounded out by acceptance of the International Peace Conference, is that they should endeavour to persuade Israel to comply with the will of the international community by breaking out of the circle of violence and oppression and opting for a state of security, stability and constructiveness. For Israel cannot hope to win both land and peace. If Israel persists in its present policy, it will only cause more suffering and instability. Meanwhile, its attempts to outflank and circumvent the achievements of the Palestinian people by clinging to incomplete proposals such as the Shamir election plan will not be of benefit to anyone.
We therefore consider it absolutely essential that every nation - particularly those that are capable of exercising influence - exert a genuine effort to make Israel comply with international law, respect the will of the international community, and accept a just and comprehensive peace settlement through a dialogue between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, in preparation for the direct negotiations that will take place at the International Peace Conference on the Middle East. In this connection, we see the efforts of the President of Egypt, His Excellency Mohamed Hosni Mubarak - particularly the 10 points that he has proposed in order to break the deadlock in the peace process - as an opportunity that should not be missed by Israel. Israel's response to these efforts will be a real test of its desire for peace.
As I said at the beginning of my statement, the Arab-Israeli conflict is not the only problem afflicting the Middle East. Much as we welcome the positive developments in the Iraq-Iran conflict since last year's cease-fire, and the inclination to bring about peace through direct negotiations as a fundamental means to which the two parties are committed for the settlement of all aspects of the conflict, we express today our profound concern and unease at the present deadlock and at the deliberate decision of Iran to delay the progress of negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the purpose of implementing Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and the agreement of 8 August 1988. This attitude has been adopted by Iran despite Iraq's flexible and responsible attitude since the outbreak of the conflict and its sincere desire to reach an agreement that would preserve the rights of both parties, guarantee good-neighbourliness between them, and establish security and stability for all States in the region. In the light of this situation, steps must be taken towards resumption of direct negotiations between the two parties, in order that they may move forward
from the current cease-fire to a state of lasting and comprehensive peace, by implementing Security Council resolution 598 (1987) as an integrated peace plan, leading eventually to a peace agreement by which the two sides will undertake to respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity and not to intervene in each other's internal affairs.
If Iraq and the other Arab countries look historically upon Iran as a friendly neighbour, it is up to the Iranian side to demonstrate the same spirit and to show the same attachment to peace. The fact that Iraq has demobilized recently five military divisions of its armed forces is a true indication of this trend, and we hope that Iran will act in the same way. Urgent action must also be taken to end the suffering of prisoners of war, who, under international conventions, should not be used as a means of exerting political pressure. Attention must be given to the provisions of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949 also.
The Lebanese tragedy has assumed dimensions that make it impossible to keep silent. The ordeals, killing and destruction that the Lebanese have undergone have exceeded all bounds. Foreign threats and intervention in Lebanon have also reached a dangerous level. In view of its concern for Lebanon and for that country's independence and unity, Jordan has taken part in every Arab effort, and has also supported international efforts, to end the Lebanese tragedy. The last such effort consisted of the formation of the Tripartite Committee of Arab Heads of State, in which the Arab States placed their trust, and at which they expressed their wishes for the identification of an Arab solution to the tragedy. We endorse the steps that the Committee has taken and the progress that it has made up to now. It is for the various parties to take advantage of the meeting of Lebanese deputies in the city of Taif, Saudi Arabia, the prevailing good will, and current positive conditions.
It is also vital that the United Nations - particularly the five permanent members of the Security Council - persist in their efforts to help save Lebanon, by prevailing upon Israel to implement Security Council resolution 425 (1978) and ensuring its withdrawal from Lebanese territory. Such an approach is essential, as support will thus be provided for the related Arab effort, and added weight given to endeavours to restore Lebanon's independence and control over all its territory.
The fact that the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia came into effect on 1 April 1989 is a source of satisfaction to us all. It represents a victory both for the struggling people of Namibia and for the South West Africa People's Organization and testifies to the effectiveness of the United Nations. We hope that the remaining stages of the plan - particularly the elections to be held next month - will be implemented in peace and without delay, in order that the people of Namibia may be enabled to exercise self-determination, establish their own State and decide their own future. We look forward to Namibia's joining us shortly as an independent, sovereign State.
At the same time, we urge that international efforts be combined to induce South Africa to abolish the system of apartheid prevailing in that country - representing, as it does, a stigma of shame, which has to be eliminated.
We welcomed the peace agreement that was successfully concluded last year between the parties involved in the Afghan problem. In welcoming the completion of the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, we hope that all the parties will be able to agree and to show mutual understanding in order that the problem may finally be settled by means of national reconciliation that preserves Afghanistan's independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status and ensures that Afghan refugees can return to their homes. We support the independence, unity, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus and welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to solve the question of Cyprus in such a way as to fulfil the hopes of both communities of the Cypriot people for a solution of their problems and to establish a suitable formula for peaceful coexistence in accordance with the shared wishes of that people. We urge both parties to maintain constructive dialogue and to take advantage of the Secretary-General's worthy efforts in this connection.
With regard to the Kampuchean problem, we support action to bring about a comprehensive political settlement, on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in their internal affairs, and the eight of peoples to self-determination without outside intervention. We do so in view of the positive effects that such a settlement will have in the South-East Asian region as a whole. We appreciate the intensive efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations to that end. We also welcome the fact that Viet Nam has completed the withdrawal of its forces from Kampuchea, and hope that this constitutes the start of a new phase to be characterized by peace, constructiveness and co-operation in Kampuchea and in the region as a whole.
We also support the admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations, as that would enhance the chances of national unity for the Korean people, promote peace and stability in the region, and uphold the principle of universality on which this international Organization was founded.
We hope that the nations of Central America will be able to solve their political and security problems and devote the efforts to promoting the welfare and prosperity of their peoples. In this they should be guided by the Esquipulas II accords and the subsequent agreements and declarations, the latest of which was concluded at Tela, Honduras, this past August.
One of the highest priorities of our world today is the process of nuclear and conventional disarmament. This requires good faith and genuine endeavours. Although action in that direction is the joint responsibility of all, the States with massive arsenals of such weapons bear special responsibility. In this connection, we were especially encouraged by the INF Treaty concluded by the two super-Powers in December 1987, on the elimination of their intermediate-range nuclear missiles. We were similarly heartened by the latest proposals formulated by the United States and the Soviet Union on the reduction or destruction of their stocks of chemical, strategic and conventional weapons, as well as on the halting of nuclear testing. The improvement in the international climate resulting from better relations between the two super-Powers has generated relief and given rise to a sense of optimism in the world. We hope that efforts will be accelerated so that the disarmament process, in all its aspects, may continue to make serious progress towards general and comprehensive disarmament in the world.
In this context, we cannot but voice once again our concern over Israel's nuclear arms build-up, which has heightened tension in our region and ushered in a phase of grave danger. Israel is the only State in the Middle East that refuses to submit its nuclear facilities to the International Atomic Energy Agency Safeguards system and to accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Israel's arsenal of strategic weapons is growing. The latest addition is its recently developed missile which was tested a few days ago in the Mediterranean.
In order for the improvement in East-West relations to become a basic step towards the creation of an appropriate international climate, it must be accompanied by an improvement in international economic relations and movement towards the creation of a more balanced and equitable economic order.
The economic gap between the developed and the developing countries, and the problems of indebtedness and poverty are but the outcome of the imbalances inherent in the present international economic order. The developing countries cannot succeed in their efforts to raise their peoples' standard of living unless collective solutions are found for these problems. In this connection, we welcome the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly scheduled for next April on international economic co-operation and, in particular, the revitalization of economic growth and development in developing countries.
As we prepare for the formulation of an international development strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade and the convening of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, we hope that concerted efforts will be made towards the formulation of solutions to these problems in a manner that will ensure positive benefits for all - not just for some.
We believe in the importance of revitalizing the North-South dialogue in pursuit of positive results in the areas of economics, development and the environment. In this connection, we endorse the Quadripartite initiative announced by the leaders of Egypt, India, Senegal and Venezuela in Paris last July concerning the need for regular consultations between leaders of the North aid the South on such problems.
Believing as we do in Jordan that the strengthening of relations between States - particularly in the economic sphere - creates a better climate of harmony and co-operation that reflects favourably on other areas, and taking into account contemporary world trends towards the creation of economic groupings that provide the members of such groups with better opportunities to protect their interests and achieve economic development and progress, we - together with our brethren in the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Republic of Iraq and the Yemen Arab Republic - set up the Arab Co-operation Council last February. We are confident that this economic grouping - whose purposes and principles are consistent with those of the United Nations Charter - will help, together with the Gulf Co-operation Council and the Arab Maghreb Union, to promote joint Arab economic action, and thereby make a positive contribution towards the promotion of international economic co-operation.
Jordan firmly believes in the inevitability of reaching solutions to the problems of today's world if the necessary political will is shown. Our world is large enough to embrace different beliefs and persuasions, but it is too small to accommodate all the conflicts and lethal weapons made by man. Mankind has reached a stage of evolution, civilization and maturity that makes progress the only option open to us. So let us work together for a fairer, more harmonious end more open human community that will furnish the basis for a more secure, stable and prosperous world. This can be achieved only through a sincere desire for peace and through faith in the shared interests and common destiny of mankind. We should continue our common efforts in an atmosphere of constructive co-operation and positive dialogue within the framework of the United Nations. Let us remain ever mindful of the lofty principles and noble goals of our international Organization, and fill our hearts with optimism in the auspicious atmosphere that reigns in this session.


Mr. President, I am very pleased to see such a distinguished son of Africa receive the honour of presiding over the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. The bonds between our two countries, Nigeria end Barbados, are of long standing, rooted in a common past, enriched by а common drive to uplift our peoples and un weakened by the distance that separates us. We know intimately of your personal skill and flair in diplomacy. I unhesitatingly pledge the full co-operation of my delegation during your tenure.
May I also take this opportunity to thank your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for his skilful chairmanship and guidance throughout the forty-third session.
Since the birth of the Organization some 45 years ago the world has made considerable progress. The age of high technology is with us. Many countries of the industrialized world have achieved high standards of living and substantial material advancement for their people. After more than three almost-uninterrupted decades of direct and indirect confrontation, the leading nuclear Powers have begun to beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into priming-hooks. With that development has followed an apparent weariness with conflict-by-proxy across the far readies of the globe There seems to be a genuine universal desire to participate in the search for peace.
It is, however, incumbent upon the super-Powers to ensure that this new dimension in their relations is no passing phenomenon, no short respite while arsenals are refurbished and economies restructured. It is our hope that the developments of the past two years are the basis for lasting global peace.
Star the peoples of the non-industrialized countries these trends present a unique opportunity for us to pursue our development free from the encumbrances of ideological conflict. We must remain vigilant however, and be determined that we never again become unwitting pawns in the deadly games of the not-too-distant past should there be a retreat into the old ways of super-Power rivalry. We must be ever vigilant, because many of the major problems that confront us today have no ideological solutions in the interdependent world in which we live.
And yet, in spite of the considerable progress the world has made, there remains a stubborn residue of problems that are as intractable today as they were half a century ago. For a large number of the world's population so little has changed in past decades that their development objectives, however modified, remain basically the same  For them, their economic and social problems are still their most urgent problems, and none of us can possibly say they are within sight of solution. There is still far too much degrading poverty on the face of the Earth. There are large inequalities in wealth within nations and between rich and poor nations. There are glaring gaps and disparities in the provision of housing, health and education for a substantial part of the world's population. There is the soul-destroying sickness of apartheid in South Africa and the lingering disease of racial intolerance and prejudice in many countries of the world. There are discord and conflict in the Middle East and smouldering embers of strife in South East Asia.
There ought to be no question that the struggle for economic advancement and social development of the non-industrialised nations of the world should be one of the urgent and consuming priorities of international life today.
The current international problems of debt, protectionism, the net reverse flew of financial resources, global warming, threats to the Earth's ozone layer, creeping deserts, pollution and other forms of environmental degradation, destruction wrought by hurricanes and other natural disasters, ANDS, drug abuse and the illegal traffic in drugs - all compound the plight of the peoples of the developing world.
I take this opportunity to express Barbados' sympathy with the countries that were recently ravaged by hurricane Hugo, particularly our sister countries in the Caribbean, and to urge the international community to co-ordinate and provide material support to the countries in need as a matter of urgency. I trust that these experiences will serve as an impetus to the international community to give its full support to the proclamation of the international decade for natural disasters.
Our responses to the challenges presented by the countless problems I have mentioned will be a test of the resilience of the multilateral system. Just as national development demands nothing less than the transformation of a society and its economy, so too in an interdependent world will economic and social development necessitate the transformation of attitudes in the international community and the transformation of the international economy. It is clear that the prescription calls for joint, co-operative and consensual action and responsibility if lasting solutions are to be found, solutions that do not themselves create more critical problems.
The foremost lesson to be learned in adherence to the principle of multilateralism is the danger of believing that any single country or group of countries can alone command the way forward or has exclusive insights into the way our relations on this planet should be shaped. Our history is replete with examples that reveal that that attitude o£ mind has prevailed in the past, needless to say with disastrous consequences. In the final analysis everyone is searching for the way forward; from the smallest to the biggest, from the weakest to the strongest, everyone has a contribution to make in this process.
For small developing countries like Barbados there is really no alternative to the multilateral process. We have no capacity to project military might beyond our shores. We command no great influence in the total scheme of international economic relations. But we have one means of making our voice heard at the global level that is through our contribution to the multilateral process and our appeal to fairness and equity in international relations.
We therefore urge the nations of the world to return to true multilateralism as the only effective way to meet the challenges of promoting and ensuring what has been described as self-sustaining, international economic growth and development t and a restructured economic system of co-operation. In relation to international debt, the record of action so far emphasizes the need for a global conference to look at the question of debt in all its dimensions. The ad hoc end piecemeal measures which have been put forward so far are clearly not addressing the problem in the timely and comprehensive manner that is necessary, failure to involve all parties, including particularly the private commercial banks, has produced obstacles to the full implementation of the various proposals, resulting in half-hearted efforts at implementation and less than full coverage of those affected.
In addition, the emergence of new centres of economic power and the prospect of new patterns of trade and investment make such a conference even more vital. Any further delay in holding the conference will only increase the already intolerable social costs being borne by indebted countries as they strive to repay their debts. It is certain that the terrible effects in terms of social upheaval and dislocation will be fait far beyond the confines of the national borders within which they occur.
In relation to the environment, it is heartening that there has been a fairly quick decision on a global approach to the problem. The General Assembly will have to work hard at this session to ensure that the preparations for the 1992 conference on environment and development are placed on a sure foundation. Even at this stage, however, some ideas can be offered about what Barbados would like to see emerge at, and from, the conference.
Barbados hopes that, as a minimum, some concrete measures will be agreed upon to enable developing countries to contribute more fully to the efforts to protect the global environment. We recognize that sacrifices will have to be made by all countries, but it is only equitable that the developed countries, which are in a better position to do so and which have contributed significantly to the present environmental problems, bear proportionately a larger portion of the burden.  Above all, arrangements to protect and preserve the environment must ensure that the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries to create a better life for their people secured.
I am happy to report that Barbados and its sister States members of the Caribbean Community have recently taken steps to create mechanisms at the regional level for ongoing consultation and co-operation on environmental matters which are of paramount interest to us all.
In relation to illegal narcotic drugs, it is clear that efforts to eliminate this menace will be doomed to failure unless they reflect the will of producer, consumer and transit States alike. So far, activity has been concentrated on efforts to stem the flow of illegal drugs to consuming countries.
Efforts, however, to reduce and eliminate the demand for illegal drugs have be   not nearly as concerted and, as a result, not as effective. It has become evident that catchy slogans, although they serve to focus attention on the issue, are not sufficient. It will be necessary to direct much more effort and resources towards education to spread the message of the dangers of narcotic drugs for it is only when the demand of consumers is reduced that the core of the problem will have been reached. Equal emphasis will need to be placed on rehabilitation programmes to reclaim those who have become the victims of drug abuse. These measures are essential if the long-term dimensions of the drug problem are to be addressed.
Barbados' concern with the dangers of illegal drugs has been all the more heightened because our principal resource is our people. Barbados lacks large deposits of minerals, vast rivers and forests. It has been through the ingenuity of our people that some measure of progress may be seen in our development efforts. Our women in particular have played a significant and leading role in these development efforts. Thus, any factor which reduces the capacity of our people to fulfil the tasks of development is an attack on the very foundations of our existence as a nation. My country is in the process of adopting comprehensive measures aimed at effectively combating and halting the illegal traffic in drugs in Barbados. However, the efforts of individual countries need to be buttressed, and we commend regional and multilateral efforts.
In this regard, I wish to pledge the support of Barbados for the courageous and resolute efforts of President Virgilio Barco and the Government and people of Colombia to free their country from the grip of narco-terror. We support, too, the initiatives presented by the Governments of Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica aimed at excising the cancer of illicit trade in drugs and we urge the international community to join in this support.
The scourge of ANDS, like drug abuse and drug trafficking, respects no borders. It is vital that in the fight against ANDS the international community deploy all the resources at its command. Above all, it is imperative that developments in science and technology be made available to all countries if the universal battle against ANDS is to be waged successfully. The choice is clean we unite- or perish.
Developing countries like Barbados are engaged in an interminable struggle to ensure that we are not left behind in the evolution of the global economy. There is an unfortunate trend for developed countries increasingly to coordinate their policies in key economic sectors without involving a range of the developing nations which will ultimately be affected by those policies. Barbados fully supports the efforts at consultation among those with the greatest capacity to effect change in the international economy. We feel, however, that such co-ordination should more fully take into account and reflect the views and concerns of those with the greatest needs.
Certain factors should govern the transformation of the global economy. Foremost among these is the unequal capacities of developing and developed countries to make the necessary adaptations. The developed countries are better able by far to adjust to the new realities; indeed they are helping to create the momentum for change. It is vital, therefore, that the developing countries be helped to make the necessary adjustments; for it is only if the transformation of the developing countries corresponds to that of the developed world that a true balance can be attained which favours the majority over minority interests.
This year we witness the celebration of the emergence and triumph of democracy in at least three countries. The Republic of Costa Rica will shortly mark the 100th anniversary of its democracy. The Republic of Prance has celebrated the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution. We congratulate those countries. My own country, Barbados, is commemorating 350 years of Parliament. Our experience of 350 years of parliamentary government has taught us the power which resides in the hands of the people. Prom a narrowly constituted body reflecting the interests of a minority of colonists, the Barbados Parliament has been transformed into a truly representative institution in which the concerns of all Barbadians may be pursued. It is against this background that Barbadians can empathize with the aspirations of people throughout the world to become masters of their destiny, through freely and democratically elected representatives.
This aspiration has burned strong in the breasts of the oppressed people of southern Africa. Change is on the horizon for Namibia after years of domination by the apartheid regime of South Africa. Barbados's long-standing commitment to this process of change is underscored by the deployment of a contingent of 21 Barbadian police officers in Namibia within the framework of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNIAG)  But the international community must remain vigilant lest  at the eleventh hour, the evil regime of apartheid conspires to snatch the prize of freedom from the grasp of the Namibian people. Certain ominous developments in Namibia only serve to warn of that possibility. It is therefore vitally important that the apartheid regime be told in no uncertain terms, especially by those to whom it must listen, that the international community will not be satisfied with anything less than freedom for the Namibian people.
He must be conscious, however, that the achievement of political freedom is only the starting-point for Namibia's membership of the community of nations. Considerable financial and technical assistance will be necessary to place the country on the path to economic development. My country has in its small way tried to further this cause through regular contributions to the various funds for Namibia and the provision of educational scholarships for Namibians in Barbados. Barbados stands ready to continue and intensify the assistance which it has been giving to Namibians and urges all members of the international community to do likewise within their respective capabilities. He will have failed in our several responsibilities if we merely assist in Namibia's emergence as an independent nation under the shadow of apartheid's economic domination.
The international community equally cannot relax until the stain of' apartheid is eradicated from South Africa and truly representative government is introduced in benighted land. He must not be fooled by the merely cosmetic changes which have been made in South Africa through the staging of totally undemocratic elections. That is merely an attempt to give apartheid a respectable face and prolong its existence as well as an attempt to lull the international community into inaction on the eradication of apartheid. But none of us, none of the nations which proclaim support for fundamental and inalienable human rights, the essential principles of justice and equality and the virtues of a democratic form of government can be satisfied until that odious system f apartheid is completely eliminated. For while the situation in South Africa lingers it remains an obstacle to world peace.
The hunger for peace is evident in the decision reached by the five Presidents of Central America at their meeting in August in Tela# Honduras. Barbados has long supported the principle of applying regional solutions to regional problems. We have on several occasions and in various forums reaffirmed out support for, and commitment to  the peace initiatives launched by the Contadora Group. We pledge our support for the peace process, which has now been given a renewed impetus, and call upon all States to do likewise.
It is unfortunate that while it may be considered that some progress towards peace has been realized in one dimension of the Central American problem, elsewhere on the isthmus tension and strife are steadily increasing. A series of unfortunate events has dealt a serious blow to the hopes of the democratic forces in Panama. Following the abrupt suspension of the democratic process in the presidential elections held in Panama in May this year, the Prime Minister of Barbados, the Bight Honourable Erskine Sandiford, issued a statement voicing Barbados concern that any deterioration of the situation in Panama could lead to an escalation of tensions in the region with the gravest consequences for the peace and security of the hemisphere. He expressed the view that the democratic nations of the hemisphere could help to resolve the crisis in Panama by insisting that any solution must be consistent with respect for human rights and authentic democracy on the basis of fair and free elections, with the sovereign right of the Panamanian people to determine their own destiny free from external intervention, with the integrity of the Panama Canal treaties, and achieved through peaceful negotiations. Once again we urge all States to work within these parameters for the rapid and. peaceful resolution of the crisis in Panama.
The international community must also renew its efforts to bring peace to that long troubled region, the Middle East. Barbados believes that  ι international conference on the Middle East offers the best hope for a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Middle East question. Peace will continue to be an elusive objective until the desire of the Palestinian people for a homeland and the right of all States in the region to live within secure boundaries. He urge those in authority to fulfil the responsibilities which are theirs by virtue of their power and to move swiftly to the table of internationally sponsored negotiations and so end the deadly cycle of violent.
Barbados agrees with the view that the United Nations system represents man’s loftiest hopes for a better future. As a mechanism for solving problems the United Nations system is without parallel. It provides opportunities for a cross-fertilisation of ideas, and its Charter, notwithstanding the criticisms levelled against it, offers the most comprehensive guidelines for international action yet crafted by man.
For all its potential the united Nations system can do no more than the will of the Member States allows. It is therefore imperative that we fulfil our obligations to the Organisation, No longer can its operations be held to ransom through non-compliance with legal obligations regarding payment of contributions. Solemn undertakings must not be cast aside in the pursuit of national objectives. the United Nations is not to be supported when it suits narrow national interests and simply shunted aside when it does not.
It is clear, however, that the reform of the United Nations system must be carried forward speedily if its operations ace to be placed on a sound and secure footing for the future. In relation to United Nations peace-keeping activities it is clear that in the last two years demands on the Organization have increased considerably. As negotiated settlements are reached in one conflict area after the other, it is likely that the United Nations will be called upon to act as guarantor of the peace again and again. If the United Nations is to fulfil in the most efficient manner the demands being made upon it then some attention must be paid to enhancing its capacity in the area of peace supervision. Only in this way can we hope to avoid some of the difficulties which have been evident. In addition we must counter the forces which would see the United Nations as e mere shield, a cover for the pursuit of national interests as opposed to the interests of the world community as a whole.
I take this opportunity to pay tribute to all those who have given their lives in the service of the United Nations. Humankind cannot afford to ignore the possibilities which have been afforded us for a brighter tomorrow. To do so would be to condemn ourselves to repeat the mistakes of past decades with perhaps even more severe consequences for life on this planet. Barbados is convinced that if these opportunities for peace and development are to be exploited to the fullest they must be brought fully within the ambit of the United Nations system} they must not be left to the vagaries of changing personalities and alliances, or continue to exist at the level of bilateral or only partially multilateral relations.
Our future action must also more fully reflect a commitment to certain principles and objectives. Those that come quickly to mind include: a renewed commitment to the process of consultation, the broadening of co-ordination in the economic sector, the equitable sharing of burdens and responsibilities; the search for comprehensive, as opposed to partial, ad hoc and temporary solutions to problems; the intensification of support, for the economic recovery of developing countries; greater attention to the human dimension of development; respect for basic human rights over narrow national concerns; and the fulfilment of the aspiration of all peoples to self-determination.
Those are not new ideas. I certainly claim no right of authorship over them. They have been around for a long time, unfortunately more often ignored than recognized. I believe the success of our efforts to bequeath a better world to succeeding generations will largely depend on our commitment to those principles.
As we look back on the developments that have taken place in the recent past, we have cause for hope. There is an atmosphere of optimism, albeit cautious at times, that great things are within the grasp of mankind if only we put our minds and energies to the task of achieving them. As we face the future we can draw sustenance from the belief that a new era of peace and development can be ushered in on this planet.
The peoples of the developing world aspire to far more them mere survival. They deserve a. nobler destiny, a concept justified by the high moral obligation to recognize the inherent equality of all human beings and to acknowledge that there is dignity in the human reason and that every living soul on the face of the Earth deserves an equal opportunity to strive, and to achieve, and to create a more just and humane world.


I am happy warmly to congratulate you. Sir, on your election to the Presidency. The Bahamas is confident that your vast experience and reputation as an outstanding diplomat will greatly facilitate your work at this session and enhance its success. May I also express deep appreciation to your predecessor# Mr. Dante Caputo# the former Foreign Minister of Argentina# for the exceptional way in which he presided over our deliberations at the forty-third session.
Our Secretary-General has always been an untiring champion of peace, and of the success which we have realized since our last session was due to his expert leadership. The Bahamas warmly congratulates him for his outstanding efforts over the past year.
Σ address this body only two short weeks after hurricane Hugo unleashed a mighty fury against our neighbours in the eastern Caribbean and along the south-east border of our host country. I wish on behalf of the Government and people of the Bahamas to record our special sympathy to those countries which suffered tremendous human and financial loss o We call on the international community to consider every possible assistance particularly to those small Caribbean States that have suffered overwhelming damage to the very foundation of their economic existence.
It is now 1989, the final rear of the decade of the 1980s. We are at a significant crossroads in human affairs, at which we must both reflect on the successes and the frustrations of the 1980s and look forward optimistically to the challenges of the 1990s. There is justification for optimism, no matter how limited or qualified. It became evident during the forty-third session of the Assembly that a new era of hope and co-operation had dawned and inspired new enthusiasm for the relevance of our Organization. With this new era of hope has also come renewed prestige, renewed credibility and a greater commitment to efficiency at the united Nations. The lessening of tensions between the super-Powers and the continued international strides towards the reduction in military arsenals in Europe are further causes for our renewed optimism.
There has been progress and/or intensified efforts in negotiations that could lead to the peaceful resolution of disputes in Central America, Angola, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and between Iran and Iraq. The Bahamas applauds the progress made in Namibia and looks forward to welcoming it into the community of nations.
Another significant success to the new international Convention against the traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, adopted in December 1988. Our Organization also received formal accolades on 29 September 1988, when it was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for peace-keeping. Since then, two new united Nations forces have been dispatched to monitor cease-fire agreements in Afghanistan and on the Iran-Iraq border'. Another peace-keeping force has been organized for Namibia, and now a verification mission for Central America is being planned.
Those laudable achievements notwithstanding  the world community continues to encounter frustrations. Consequently, our Organization's agenda is constantly expanding with corresponding demands on its already scarce resources.
The proliferation of nuclear weapons threatens global annihilation. Furthermore  recourse to conventional weapons also restricts already limited resources for social welfare, especially in a majority of developing countries. It is therefore incumbent upon responsible Governments to apply qualitative measures on the political factors that determine their armament policies.
The Bahamas as among those States that were disappointed that greater progress was not possible at the last session of the Disarmament Commission. The Bahamas nevertheless embraces the small progress made, and hopes that this step-by-step approach will beat greater fruit in the future. For this reason the Bahamas has joined those States calling for the convening of an amendment conference to convert the existing partial test-ban treaty into a comprehensive test-ban treaty, and welcomes the fourth  conference scheduled for 1990  The Bahamas is encouraged by the statements made in this debate by the President of the United States of America and the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union with respect to chemical weapons and hopes that the International community will lend the necessary support for the total eradication of those weapons, which have such devastating and indiscriminate effects.
Many nations continue to be saddled with serious economic problems and consequently must tackle the threat of poverty, restrictive protectionism  the staggering debt burden and falling commodity prices  The current state of the world economy clearly demonstrates the urgent need for dialogue and an integrated approach to solving problems between North and South which would allow developing countries to adjust to development.
The Bahamas  therefore  hopes for the success of the upcoming special session o£ the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation. The special session can provide us with the opportunity to take stock of the changes that have taken place in the l990s as we seek agreement on the principles that should guide us into the 1990s and beyond. This will ensure a comprehensive and practical international development strategy for the fourth Development Decade. The Bahamas would wish to see the international development strategy address the social consequences of the present negative economic environment.
In particular  we believe that the United Nations should undertake a direct and comprehensive examination of the plight of millions of people in the developing world  who  because of poverty and hunger  are obliged to risk their very lives seeking to meet the bare necessities for survival in foreign countries. For the most part  the exodus is from one developing country to another. These people fall between the cracks of the Office of the united nations High Commissioner for Refugees and migrant-worker agreements. The assistance afforded to political refugees is not available to those migrating for economic reasons. Neither can the countries in which they arrive look to the international community to alleviate the economic and social burdens which such migration imposes. There is an urgent need for the international community to address this critical issue. To the extent possible  the international development strategy for the fourth United Nations Development Decade should contain concrete co-operative measures to assist those obliged to migrate for economic reasons and those developing countries which must confront this problem.
Now I wish to call attention to the plight of our Caribbean neighbour, the Republic of Haiti, whose people are Involved in a valiant struggle to free themselves from centuries of economic and social deprivation while at the same time seeking to build the democratic institutions necessary for greater stability. It is particularly urgent, then, that international organizations and donor countries give support to the aspirations of the Haitian people by restoring and increasing technical and financial assistance to that nation.
With respect to Central America we are encouraged by the commitment of those regional Governments to seek a firm and lasting peace in the region, as demonstrated by the Tela Declaration of 7 August 1989. The Bahamas calls on all States to refrain from any activity that could or would frustrate those peace efforts and/or exacerbate the conflict. We are particularly mindful that, while the region must solve Its own problems free from the threat of external Interference, the International community should also lend every possible assistance and moral and material support to the peace process and provide essential economic and to those ravaged by years of war.
My Government wishes to record Its solidarity with the Panamanian people in their efforts to Install a democratically elected Government in the Republic of Panama. The Bahamas strongly endorses the statement of the Organization of American States that the solution to the Panamanian problem is the exclusive province of the Panamanians, but also that in the solution to the Panamanian crisis the observance of democratic principles oust be ensured in the free exercise of the sovereignty and self-determination of the Panamanian people.
Indeed, the Bahamas reaffirms the right of all States in our region to exist in peace and in secure boundaries. We call upon all to recognize and respect the sovereign territorial rights of all States in the region, including Belize and Guyana.
Peace in the Middle East continues to elude us while the Bahamas reaffirms its support of Israel's right to exist within secure and recognised borders, it also reiterates its support for the right of Palestinians to their own State. The Palestinian question is but one element of the complex situation obtaining in the Middle East. The problems of Lebanon also beg solution.
Participation in the community of nations necessarily implies, for its survival and good order, agreement with and support of the standards and principles enunciated by that community. As regards respect for human rights those standards are succinctly set out in the Charter of the United Nations and further elaborated in the universal Declaration of Human Rights. When a Government permits and commits violent acts and atrocities against its citizens its actions reverberate beyond national boundaries to challenge the most fundamental principles of the international community. The Bahamas agrees that in such circumstances human rights become a legitimate subject for international concern. Recourse for the citizens must then be to the community of nations.
It is in connection with the violation of human rights that I now wish to address the situation in South Africa. While pleased at the progress made in Namibia and Angola, the Bahamas must express its deep concern that the system of apartheid still flourishes in South Africa. Moreover, the racially restricted political enfranchisement further attests to the abuses to which the South African Government continues to subject the majority of the people of South Africa.
The Bahamas is convinced that the international community has not yet exhausted strategies to bring pressure to bear effectively on South Africa to dismantle apartheid. We therefore fully support the convening of the special session of the General Assembly m the policies of apartheid scheduled to take place in October. We share the view that the imposition of comprehensive sanctions is the most effective action available to the international community to force South Africa to bring an e\d to the abominable system of apartheid.
The abuse of and trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances persist as one of the roost formidable challenges to mankind/ wreaking havoc on societies, disrupting economies and threatening the security of nations world-wide. Colossal efforts have been expended to stem the tide of the illicit drug trade yet it has not been arrested, nor has demand diminished.
The Prime Minister of the Bahamas, the Right Honourable Sir Lynden 0. Pindling, In a statement to The Los Angeles Times's Washington Bureau on 28 September 19899 commenting on some of the possible reasons for this state of affairs, sand
,Law enforcement turf wars have hindered the drug war, irresponsible politicians have selfishly politicised it and criminal cartels have been allowed to emerge to the point where they can challenge the authority of a democratically elected government with full-scale terrorism.,
As victims of a collective geography that traps them between the drug'-producer nations of the South and large consumer markets in the North, the Bahamas and its Caribbean neighbours have felt acutely the impact of the drug menace. Our Caribbean region ranks among the most trafficked transit routes for the illicit drug trade. The Prime Minister summed up the unique position of the Bahamas as a transit State, remarking
We have our finger on the pulse of the drug trade, the methods and capabilities of the producers and demand and tactics of the consumers., Moreover, as a transit State the Bahamas does not have the option of removing itself from this theatre of war. So we have stood and fought, sometimes alone sometimes in close co-operation with our neighbours. We are aware, however, that co-operative efforts yield best results and firmly subscribe to the principle of collective responsibility for con fronting the drug menace, which is increasingly recognised internationally.
This principle is interwoven into the provisions of the recently adopted United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. The Bahamas is proud to be the country to begin the process of ratification of that important instrument and has begun implementing the Convention in its national legislation and its bilateral, regional and international co-operative efforts. We urge all Governments signatories to the Convention to ratify it early so that it may be added to the international drug-control arsenal.
The Bahamas recognises and consents the considerable efforts of the United Nations in the field of drug control, particularly its standard-setting efforts. The Bahamas is of the opinion, nevertheless, that the United Nations should boldly go further. As the Prime Minister of the Bahamas contended in his recent address: ,The time has come for a multilateral force under the auspices of the United Nations to focus on the eradication of drugs and to assist countries that seek help on terms that they can accept. Given the rise of narco-terrorists and the paramilitary capability of producers to defend their opium, coca and marijuana fields, as well as production laboratories, there ought to be an international body to turn to for help.,
Surely many countries here have considered this option. Some, like the States of the Caribbean community on a Jamaican initiative, have articulated this possibility and have placed it on the international agenda. Clearly, the proposal poses both a challenge and a dilemma for, as the Prime Minister of the Bahamas recognized: ,The political implications and consequences of outside military intervention against drug kingpins in producing nations places those Governments in the untenable position of having to choose between accepting the help of a friend in waging an effective eradication war against a deadly enemy and risking its political mandate to govern as drug gangs exploit nationalist sentiments against big-Power intervention. To mitigate the obvious difficulties that this dilemma engenders  the Prime Minister cautions that
,If troops are required  governments should have the sole right to determine the strength and composition of a multilateral force if they wish to deploy one alongside their own troops, as well as to determine the length and terms of the force's deployment
The Prime Minister also visualized that a special eradication fund could be established to finance men and materiel, technical support, relocation assistance and or op-substitution programmes for local population in eradication zones. We recognize that the expertise and experience of the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control  and other United Nations drug-control bodies, and international agencies and organizations concerned with drug-abuse control would be invaluable to such a fund. The Prime Minister also envisages a narcotics enforcement support office at the United Nations, to augment, not replace, efforts of producing countries.
The Bahamas commends those proposals for consideration - together with the proposal for an international criminal court to deal with drug-related crimes and other trans border criminal transgressions - confident that, if implemented, they would enhance the capacity of the system to confront the drug menace.
In the same vein, the Bahamas in early 1988 joined its voice to that of the Congress of the United States of America, and of Colombia, in calling for a hemispheric meeting at the Heads of Government level to co-ordinate national responses to halt the drug traffickers in the Americas. The President of the United States has now endorsed that call for a meeting of Heads of Government of the countries most affected by the drug traffic.
As a small State systematically victimized by the drug cartels and confronted with the consequences of the traffic and abuse of drugs, the Bahamas is, I believe, ideally placed to serve as a venue for a hemispheric conclave of Heads of State, and has so indicated to other beleaguered Governments of the region. We believe that a hemispheric summit would be the ideal forum for hammering out a multinational strategy for co-operation between States in enforcement, treatment, rehabilitation and demand-reduction efforts.
The Bahamas would wish also to emphasize the importance of drug-demand-reduction strategies to the war against drugs, and in this regard urges fullest political support for the international conference on demand reduction which the United Kingdom proposes to convene in 1990.
The Bahamas, though a small country, has played its role on the international stage. In the face of a hostile economic world environment, we have tried through conscious and deliberate national policy to create a country whose foundations are stability, prosperity and peace.
The Bahamas is concerned about the continuing degradation of the world environ me · which if it remains unchecked, will threaten the very survival of the human species. Man-made pollutants ate having a profound negative effect on the environment, and the unchecked exploitation of the limited resources make depletion a very real probability. Additionally, the vagaries of natural disasters have wreaked havoc on the environment.
We are especially concerned because the primary industries on which the Bahamas bases its economic development - tourism and the exploitation of marine resources - are dependent on a healthy environment. The Bahamas is in accord with the international community in its efforts to preserve the environment for future generations of mankind. The Bahamas, therefore, fully supports the second world conference on environment and development scheduled for 1992.
1992 will also mark the quincentenary of the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Americas. The terrible legacies of colonial domination of the original peoples of the Americas and the brutal aberration of slavery, which gave rise to cruelly unequal societies in the Americas, have rightfully stirred strong emotions within the community of nations. Those strong emotions, however, should not prevent us from recognizing the energy and thirst for knowledge which inspired Christopher Columbus and other nautical explorers in the fifteenth century. It is the belief of ray Government that the arrival of Christopher Columbus in this hemisphere, almost 500 years ago, at San Salvador in the Bahamas opened a new chapter of history, which resulted in the convergence of many worlds and many cultures. Today, proud independent countries of the Americas stand in testimony to the universality of mankind and its ability to transcend even the roost dire obstacles in order to create multiracial societies, unprecedented elsewhere in our world. The Bahamas will use the occasion of the quincentenary to reflect on the past, which it considers an invaluable guide for the future, and to celebrate the best of what we are and what we can yet achieve as peoples of the Americas.
We have come as Member States to lay before the Organization our common problems, seeking common solutions. Yet, as we challenge the United Nations to be the important forum it needs to be, we find its capacity severely restricted by its precarious financial situation. While we call for a more effective role for the United Nations, Member States often demonstrate a lack of necessary political will, pleading either hardship or dissatisfaction. By so doing, many shirk their responsibilities which are critical to making the Organization financially viable and therefore effective.
Political will is a factor not only at the level of finances, but also in the programmes and overall сo-ordination of the United Nations system. Duplication of agendas and programming in various agencies has led to further demands on already-over-stretched resources. lack of flexibility and insistence on furthering national policies in absolute disregard for, and in many cases to the detriment of, other nations represent additional major obstacles to tine effective and efficient functioning of the United Nations.
It is evident that the challenges posed by the issues I have highlighted can be properly addressed only by international collaboration and co-operation on a consistent basis. The successes achieved last year clearly demonstrate the value of multilateralism. It needs hardly be sand that the United Nations is best placed for such multilateral co-operation.
The United Nations remains the most appropriate organ for the resolution of conflict and the solution of our global problems. The Bahamas, as in the past, gives our world body its total support, for it is the best hope for the peace and security of mankind.


It is a pleasure for roe once again to extend to the. Assembly the warm and friendly greetings of the Republic of Guinea and of its President, General Lansana Conte.
Your election, Sir, to preside over the current session augurs well for success in our work, thanks to your great diplomatic experience and your outstanding personal qualities, which fit you very well for your high office. You are the representative of a continent constantly struggling for the advent of a new world order. Your country, Nigeria, is noted for its dynamic commitment to peace and progress. Moreover, we hardly need recall that Africa's economic charter, approved in April 1S80, bears the title of "the Lagos Plan of Action". I assure you of my delegation's full co-operation as you discharge your mandate.
I also wish to pay a well deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, who presided ably and competently over the forty-third session. My delegation would also pay a tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his courageous and tireless work for peace and for understanding between peoples.
While welcoming the positive changes in international relations in recent years, we have to note that some political crises persist in the world. We are concerned about the situation in southern Africa, Palestine, the occupied Arab territories, Lebanon, Afghanistan and Cambodia.
In southern Africa, in just under two months the future of Namibia will be decided when elections are held in the Territory. In that connection, my country condemns Pretoria's delaying tactics to hinder the proper implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Because of those tactics, the Security Council must shoulder its responsibility for the full implementation of that resolution.
Effective action must begin with the demobilization of the troops integrated into the South African police - in particular, the notorious Koevoet, set up to be veritable commandos of death and terror in Namibia.
I repeat my country's unconditional support for the South West Africa People's Organization. We hope that the courageous people of Namibia will soon see the dawn of an era of regained freedom and true independence.
In South Africa itself, the racist Pretoria regime's 12-month extension of the state of emergency is further proof of that regime's disregard for our Organization's resolutions and decisions. Neither the spectacular departure of Mr. Botha nor the fancy diplomatic footwork of his successor can hide the omnipresence of apartheid. There are still restrictions on the press, and arbitrary arrest of the regime's political opponents is the daily lot of the people of South Africa.
The mockery of elections that exclude 75 per cent of the population exposes the stubborn, racist nature of an increasingly condemned system. Those elections are not only contrary to the legal norms of the United Nations, but flagrantly violate the right of the South African people freely to decide their own future on the basis of the principle of one person, one vote.
Meanwhile, support for the African National Congress of South Africa, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and all those others that are fighting the anachronistic system of apartheid must become more real, and international action to increase awareness of the problem must be continued and intensified.
The Government of Guinea endorses the recommendations of the latest Summit of the non-aligned countries, held in Belgrade from 4 to 8 September this year, which called on the international community to take concerted action to compel the apartheid regime to answer for its crimes against mankind.
Pretoria is pushing its arrogance even further beyond the limits, by stepping up its acts of aggression and destabilization against the front-line and other neighbouring States. That State terrorism has led to disturbing population movements in the region, jeopardizing the economic and social balance. I therefore repeat the appeal made in the Oslo Declaration of August 1988 on humanitarian aid to States suffering so much from that scourge.
Elsewhere on the continent we should support the commendable efforts of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity and all others of good will to establish conditions favourable to a climate of peace in Chad, Angola, Ethiopia, Sudan and Mozambique. My Government supports this peace process, which is based on dialogue, the search for agreement and mediation.
We also have hopes of a final settlement of the question of Western Sahara, through the holding of the self-determination referendum.
The talks now under way between France and the Comoros reflect the willingness of the two parties to reach a just solution to the question of the Comorion island of Mayotte.
As for Lebanon, my Government appreciates the responsible role being played by the Tripartite Committee of the Arab Heads of State with the aim of putting an end to the unspeakable suffering of the people of Lebanon caused by the civil war.
The question of Palestine is at the heart of the Middle East crisis. Therefore, any viable solution must involve the following factors: Israel's total withdrawal from all the occupied territories, including Jerusalem; the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people - particularly its right to a homeland; recognition of the State of Palestine and the peace initiative of President Yasser Arafat; and, finally, the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, on an equal footing.
Guinea welcomes the cease-fire in the conflict between Iran and Iraq, and urges the two parties, under the auspices of the United Nations, to move their positions beyond the current situation of no war, no peace, and to establish an atmosphere of good neighbourliness, in keeping with Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
Despite the meagre results of the Paris Conference on Cambodia, consultations must continue with a view to establishing more favourable conditions for the resumption and eventual success of the work of that Conference. The dialogue that has begun between the leaders of China and the Soviet Union will certainly help to ease the situation.
Despite the withdrawal of foreign troops, the fighting has become even more deadly in Afghanistan, so there is an urgent need fully to implement the letter and spirit of the Geneva Agreements, including providing increased food aid to the Afghan refugees and ensuring their repatriation and their speedier reintegration into society.
With regard to New Caledonia, the Matignon Agreements, signed in Paris on 26 June 1988 by all the parties, marked an important stage towards the realization by the New Caledonian people of their aspirations.
Only respect for territorial integrity and national unity can help bring about peace in Cyprus and the Korean peninsula. The Korean people is waging a legitimate struggle, worthy of our full support, for the peaceful reunification of its country, without outside interference.
Similarly, we support the current negotiations between the Cypriot Government and the Turkish community, under the auspices or the Secretary-General.
The situation in Central America is also a matter of serious concern. My Government welcomes the efforts of the Heads of State of the region, and of other Latin American countries, to achieve a final agreement, in keeping with the spirit of the Esquipulas II and Tela meetings.
In opening this session on 19 September 1989, which was also the International Day of Peace - and peace is so very dear to mankind - the international community's intention was, in our view, to urge all those of good will to ensure that this year again we shall add one more stone to the fine house we are called upon to erect together. At no time in the past 40 years has peace been so near at hand than it is now. After having been threatened for so long by antagonistic ideologies, chauvinism and passion, peace is now looming on the horizon, not as the light at sunset but as the light of the sun rising inevitably towards the zenith.
That is why the Government of Guinea is convinced of the following: disarmament is the business of all States; nuclear disarmament is still the priority, but conventional disarmament should also be accorded the importance it warrants; the creation and extension of nuclear-weapon-free zones strengthens security; chemical weapons must be eliminated; there is a symbiotic relationship between disarmament and development, since the resources freed by disarmament can be used for economic and social progress.
While most speakers have shown a certain optimism with regard to the resolution of many political crises, the same cannot be said with regard to economic matters. The main feature of con temporary international relations is interdependence between political stability and economic progress. The North-South dialogue our countries have so much yearned for is still deadlocked. In the meantime, the gap between the rich countries and the other countries is widening, as is clearly shown by the persistence of the current world economic crisis.
Arbitrary prices for commodities and for goods manufactured by the North completely negates measures that are being put forward to ease the foreign-debt-servicing burden. Trade is carried out in a discriminatory manner. Our countries still do not have access to modern science and technology. Financial flows to the South are becoming increasingly rare while paradoxically, the North is accentuating the factors responsible for the continued financial bleeding of the South. With regard to the question of debt, indebtedness continues to absorb the fruit of the efforts of the poor countries, in particular in Africa, where the income is falling significantly in spite of the harsh measures taken in structural adjustments. While some creditor countries have agreed to forgive official debt - for which my country expresses its sincere gratitude - it is nevertheless clear that the solution to the economic crisis rests mainly on promoting remunerative prices for commodities.
It is fitting to emphasize that the critical economic and social situation in the countries of the South - aggravated in the case of some by a growing influx of refugees and displaced persons - is not conducive to ensuring the full enjoyment of human rights called for by the international community as a whole.
The various United Nations development decades have not yielded significant results. Hence, it is essential to prepare the kind of international strategy that will allow us to see the light at the end of the tunnel. In this regard, the convening in September 1990 of the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries and the holding in April 1990 of the special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation, as well as the implementation of a strategy within the context of the Fourth United Nations Development Decade, will provide added impetus to efforts for the establishment of a new international economic order. Environmental degradation is today a reality that can only be dealt with at a world-wide level. Deforestation, gaps in the ozone layer, pollution and natural disasters have all overwhelmed the ecosystem and endangered life.
My delegation recognizes that the World Meteorological Organization and the United Nations Environment Programme have already begun to study climatic change through the setting up of an intergovernmental working group. We also support the strengthening of the programme on climatology already in place. We believe that in so doing we will help avoid the fragmentation of research in this area at a time of international economic difficulties.
On the question of toxic wastes, the cross-border transport and dumping of such wastes has negative effects on development and on the environment that call for a greater awareness and the speedy adoption of a world convention.
With regard to human rights, let me point out that in my country we say that the human face of. poverty, despair and ignorance is often that of the woman, the innocent child, the old person living alone or the handicapped person without resources. Hence my Government clearly sees the right to development as a specific human right. That is why the Military Committee for National Recovery believes that eliminating material poverty, social inequality and ignorance is the sine qua non for promoting human rights. As far as the Republic of Guinea is concerned, freedom, whether it be individual or collective, either is or is not; it must be seen as a whole, as an essential benefit that cannot be either negotiated or forfeited. It is the most valuable resource God has given to man.
Accordingly, the national authorities have advocated that international legal instruments on human rights be included in the domestic legal system of our country through the adoption of legislation.
There is a phenomenon today that has assumed unmanageable proportions: I refer to the problem of drugs and psychotropic substances about which the alarm has sounded in many countries. There is no doubt that the use of such substances is injurious to health and corrupts the youth, which is the most vulnerable sector of the population and the hope and the future of human society.
The struggle against this endemic evil necessarily involves international co-operation in stopping the production and consumption of drugs and their illicit trafficking. The example of the United States of America aid Colombia is one that could well be followed. It is the concrete expression of an active solidarity that is essential if we are to erect an impregnable barrier against this scourge.
I new turn to terrorism. Whether it be by an individual or a group of individuals, or the deliberate policy of a State, terrorism is criminal, and the Guinean Government condemns it most vigorously. Because terrorism threatens or kills innocent persons aid undermines international security, there cannot be any moral justification for it. Furthermore, it cannot become a tool in the legitimate struggle waged by peoples for freedom and emancipation.
The preservation of peace and the struggle for progress requires democratisation in international relations. Hence we must step up the role and influence of this world Organization while ensuring respect for and the promotion of the norms of international law. We must also take a fresh look at the challenges before us, in particular the economic challenge.
It is encouraging to see that the United Nations is now reviewing its role and doing its utmost to discharge its historic mission. The world is changing quickly and the United Nations cannot stand aloof. Its effectiveness depends on how it can adapt to the realities of the twenty-first century - that is to say, its ability to conceive a strategy in keeping with a universality that is its essential character is tic.
Today the trend on the part of us all is towards greater love for our fellow man, for the earth and for the heavens, and we must all resolutely look towards the future for the advent of a new world, young and beautiful, based on justice, freedom, prosperity and peace.