I would like first to
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session. You have an important and challenging task
ahead. In executing your duties you can be assured of
my full support and that of the Maltese delegation.
I take this opportunity to express our appreciation
to the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
eighth session, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte. Over
the last twelve months he has successfully guided the
Assemblyís work with exemplary dedication and
initiative.
I would also like, at the outset of my intervention
this afternoon, to take the opportunity to express the
solidarity of the Maltese people with those countries
and people who have suffered loss of life and damage
to property as a result of the recent spate of hurricanes
and tropical storms, particularly the people of Haiti.
We, the Maltese people, pledge our support in this hour
of need.
It is a source of particular satisfaction for me to
address the Assembly for the first time as Prime
Minister of Malta, and also for Malta in its new role as
a member of the European Union. The President of the
Unionís Council of Ministers, the Foreign Minister of
the Netherlands, has already laid before the Assembly
the objectives and priorities of the 25 members of the
Union for the coming months.
The upholding and development of international
law and effective multilateralism are central to the
European Unionís external actions. The role of the
United Nations is vital in this regard. Malta has
consistently supported the view that the international
community needs this universal forum within which it
can collectively deliberate and act upon the many
problems that confront it. Our membership in the
European Union gives renewed scope and added
dimension to our commitment to the United Nations
and its role in international affairs.
Recent events have raised urgent questions about
the extent to which the United Nations is fulfilling the
role envisaged for it under the Charter. Inevitably this
leads to some serious concerns about the effectiveness
of our Organization. Nevertheless, the questions which
have been raised do not diminish the case not only for
its continued existence but also for its strengthening as
a world body. As we survey the latest developments in
crises spots around the globe, the realization intensifies
that solutions to the major problems of our age are
beyond the grasp and control of any single nation or
particular group of nations, however powerful and
determined.
The international system is itself frequently
overwhelmed by the immensity and complexity of many
of the problems it faces. The United Nations is indeed at
the forefront of action in the most critical areas -
furthering development, relieving suffering, safeguarding
human rights, combating terrorism, fighting
environmental degradation, fostering sustainability,
resolving conflicts, promoting peace and disarmament
and upholding the rule of international law.
Each year we derive a measure of comfort from
the knowledge that some progress is being recorded in
certain areas. In this yearís report the Secretary-
General mentions last Julyís Framework Agreement
that put the Doha Round of trade negotiations back on
track; he refers to the contribution that United Nations
peace missions are making towards the gradual
improvement of the situation in Liberia, Sierra Leone,
Somalia and the Central African Republic, as well as in
Afghanistan, Papua New Guinea, Guatemala and Haiti.
He records the launching of an important new
programme in the fight against HIV/AIDS; he notes
that for the second consecutive year the global refugee
figure has decreased by nearly 1 million, and he
believes that meeting the Millennium Development
Goals by the target date of 2015 remains achievable.
At the same time, however, the Secretary-General
highlights a bewildering array of areas on which no
visible progress can be registered, in spite of the fact
that, as the Secretary-General reminds us, there are at
present more than 56,000 uniformed personnel and
some 11,000 civilian staff from 97 countries serving in
16 United Nations missions worldwide, and in spite of
the fact that the whole United Nations system,
including the specialized agencies, is wholeheartedly
engaged in the work of promoting economic and social
progress and development.
The humanitarian crisis in Darfur, in western
Sudan, is one stark manifestation of an apparently
unbridgeable gap between intention and execution. The
daily visions on television screens throughout the
world of thousands of refugees suffering and dying
15

overwhelm the impact that a steady but slow
diplomacy may be making in its own right. In Iraq, in
Palestine and in Israel, the fact that in those difficult
realities hardly a single day goes by without news of
people dying violently in armed actions is in sharp
contrast with the limited reports on continuing efforts
to find peaceful and viable solutions. Silently, across
our globe of plenty with its advanced technology, the
fact remains that in spite of our collective efforts
millions of individuals, many of them children,
continue to suffer and die in conditions of absolute
poverty, malnutrition and disease.
Over the next 12 months two events will provide
a special opportunity for the United Nations
membership to focus on the key issues that challenge
the vitality and effectiveness of our Organization. The
High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change,
appointed by the Secretary-General last year, will soon
produce its report. The Secretary-General expects that
the Panel, after examining the threats we face and
evaluating our existing policies, processes and
institutions, will make bold and practicable
recommendations. It will be up to us as Member States,
collectively and individually, to be equally bold and
practical in responding to those recommendations.
The Panelís report will be followed in 2005 by a
high-level meeting on the five-year review of the
Millennium Declaration, as well as the commemoration
of the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. Five
years after what was expected to be the dawn of a new
era, the time will be ripe for some dramatic results to
emerge, not least at the institutional level.
High on the agenda in this context is the reform
of the Security Council. As currently constituted, the
Council suffers from three noticeable weaknesses.
First, it has limited means of adequately addressing the
development issues involved in security matters.
Secondly, the regional distribution of authority in the
Council is severely lopsided. And, thirdly, the great
majority of Member States, especially the smaller ones,
are underrepresented in the deliberations of the
Council. Urgent remedies need to be found for all these
weaknesses for the Council to be able to continue to
play a relevant role in the twenty-first century.
In its turn, the General Assembly needs to greatly
intensify current efforts to enhance the strengths
inherent in its universality, while discarding the
debilitating and time-consuming procedures and
working methods that such universality has bred. The
major organs and specialized agencies of the United
Nations system also need to devise improved ways of
harmonizing, through the Economic and Social Council,
their many impressive, but often disparate, efforts to
foster sustainable social and economic development.
One of the underlying strengths of the United
Nations system lies in the manner in which it permits
action at the regional level to insert itself into global
efforts towards peace, security and cooperation. In recent
years, the progressive strengthening of the African Union
has added a welcome partner to the regional framework,
in what is, unfortunately, the region of greatest need.
The recently enlarged European Union has also
been progressively enhancing its cooperation with the
United Nations at both the regional and higher levels.
The Secretary-General refers in his report on the work
of the Organization (A/59/1) to the significant progress in
EU/United Nations cooperation on conflict prevention,
peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction, as well
as in crisis management activities.
One area in which the EU and the United Nations
are active and important partners concerns the question
of Palestine. As members of the Quartet, the EU and
the United Nations play a significant role by injecting a
much-needed balance and objectivity into an issue
tormented by violence and passion. Both the EU and
the United Nations are by right major stakeholders in
the issue. History and geographical proximity underpin
the special interest of all EU member States in the
prosperity and well-being of both Israelis and
Palestinians. The creation and peaceful coexistence of
two neighbouring States, Israel and Palestine, was one
of the United Nations very first, but unfortunately still
unfulfilled, recommendations.
After decades of bitterness and wrong turns, the
issue of Palestine remains jeopardized by the forces of
extremism and intransigence. But extremism and
intransigence ó as manifested by both the perpetrators
of Palestinian suicide bombings and Israeli advocates
of a continuing and forceful military occupation of
Palestinian territories - do have a counterbalance on
both sides, as manifested by the Geneva Initiative of
late last year, among many other examples. The EU
and the United Nations need to continuously exert their
influence and pressure on both sides to persuade them
to give greater heed and credibility to the voices of
reason which lie in their midst.
16

The path to legality and reconciliation has been
defined in the road map, in the many resolutions of the
Security Council and the General Assembly and, most
recently, in the advisory opinion of the International
Court of Justice. Even in the face of constant setbacks
on the ground, the EU and United Nations Quartet
partners need to remain steadfast in their insistence
that the road to peace can only be set within those
parameters.
Malta looks at the problem both from its tragic
humanitarian dimension as well as from its far-
reaching implications for peace and security. One
important concern for us in that regard is the impact
that the problem has on issues of peace and security in
the Middle East in general and the Mediterranean area
in particular.
One of the primary objectives of the European
Union is to promote the development, through
partnership, of a common zone of peace, prosperity and
progress in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. In
recent months the Union has elaborated a policy
agenda for that strategic partnership linking together a
number of instruments and mechanisms that have been
put in place over the years. The Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership - the Barcelona or Euromed process - and
the European Neighbourhood Policy are the frameworks
of that policy. A key element in the EU approach is the
parallel importance assigned to the processes of
security-building and to cooperation in the social,
economic, cultural and humanitarian fields. In that way
it ensures that the evolving relationships in the Euro-
Mediterranean area are tailored to the specific concerns
and needs of the individual countries and regions.
For the Balkan region, the framework provided
by the European Neighbourhood Policy ó and the
prospect of consolidating relationships with the
European Union which it implies ó constitutes an
important contributory factor towards growth and
stability. With the exception of the situation in Kosovo,
which remains disturbing, and some other examples,
progress in the Balkan region is encouraging.
The almost decade-long EuroMed process has
gradually but steadily put into place a useful structure
for the strengthening and consolidation of relationships
among the countries of the Mediterranean. It not only
contributes to the economic and social development of
individual countries, but also provides a stable
background in which some of the wider problems may be
tackled, taking into account the strong linkage that
exists between security and cooperation in Europe and
in the Mediterranean. It needs strengthening and
broadening, and in that context, the participation of
Libya in the Barcelona Euromed process would be
particularly welcome.
One such issue concerns the question of
migration from the southern to the northern shores of
the Mediterranean. As in other parts of the world, that
issue needs to be tackled from the economic, social and
political, as well as the humanitarian, perspective.
Because of its geographical location and small size,
Malta has a special sensitivity to the many problems
and complexities of the issue. We are hopeful that the
spirit of cooperation and understanding provided by the
EuroMed process can help countries in our region to
successfully tackle the challenges involved.
Over the last few months, an important
development took place in our region in the context of
disarmament. Libyaís decision to renounce its
programme of weapons of mass destruction has been
welcomed by all. As a longstanding friend and close
neighbour of Libya, Malta has particular reasons to
welcome this development and the increased
opportunities it now creates for Libya to play a
significant role in the process of Euro-Mediterranean
security and cooperation.
It is reasonable to argue that the framework of
regional stability and cooperation provided by the
Euro-Mediterranean process was one factor that
contributed to Libyaís decision to renounce its
programme. Nevertheless, problems relating to the
development of weapons of mass destruction still exist
in other regions of the world. The role that can be
played by initiatives encouraging regional stability and
economic and social development in the resolution of
these problems should not be underestimated.
We must also look at the problems raised by the
threat of new weapons of mass destruction as part of
the wider issue of disarmament in its many aspects.
The continuing commitment to the major multilateral
treaties and increased efforts to intensify measures of
verification and compliance are of paramount importance
in this regard. Equally important is the need to bring the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty into force
without further delay.
The problem of the proliferation of weapons,
especially weapons of mass destruction, has in our day
17

assumed a new and frightening dimension in its
possible linkage with terrorism. In this regard, as the
Secretary-General points out, the effective
implementation of Security Council resolution 1540
(2004), adopted earlier this year, should complement
ongoing efforts to strengthen existing multilateral and
non-proliferation regimes.
The fight against terrorism involves all of us and
needs to be pursued with firmness and tenacity. At the
same time, the struggle must take place on our terms
and not those of the terrorists. As the Secretary-
General takes every opportunity to remind us, this
struggle must not take place at the expense of the
fundamental freedoms and basic dignity of individuals,
neither must we allow the legitimate concern to
eradicate terrorism in all its aspects to distract the
commitment of the global community in its endeavour
towards the economic and social development of the
less advantaged regions of the world.
In conclusion, our concerns for the safety of our
people must be counter-balanced by the assurances that
those responsible for these threats will be dealt with by
a coherent and effective system of trans-frontier justice
that reflects respect for the rule of law. The
international communityís endeavours in recent years
have found fruition in the establishment of the
International Criminal Court, a functioning institution
that increases its effectiveness the more widely all the
members of the family of nations subscribe to it.
In encouraging reflection on these topical issues,
I feel confident in the credentials offered by my
country, whose level of commitment to the United
Nations certainly makes up for any physical limitations
we may have. Malta has been instrumental in
developing the concept of common heritage, in relation
both to the high seas and to climate change, and we
have emphasized the importance of intergenerational
solidarity, as evidenced not only by our initiatives on
ageing but also as the host country for the International
Institute on Ageing.
As in previous years, the issues before of the
General Assembly are many and complex. The density
and variety of the agenda we have before us are both a
challenge and an opportunity for our Organization. I
trust that under your able guidance, Mr. President, we
will find the energy and wisdom to meet these
challenges and exploit these opportunities. Humanity is
counting on all of us.


It gives
me pleasure to begin my remarks by congratulating
Mr. Ping on the vote of confidence represented by his
election as President of the current session of the
Assembly. Given his wisdom and organizational skills,
I am confident that he will be able to lead our
deliberations successfully. Thus, his positive input will
further enhance the stature and effectiveness of the
United Nations at a time of profound and
unprecedented transformation on the world scene.
I wish also to commend the efforts and wisdom of
his predecessor for his remarkable stewardship.
Furthermore, Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General,
deserves our gratitude for his persistent efforts to live
up to the demands of his office in the face of complex
and daunting challenges and surprises.
Undoubtedly, the events of the past two years —
specifically from the period prior to and after the
occupation of Iraq — have shown clearly that, in
today’s world, unilateralism in determining
international action inevitably leads to the proliferation
of hotbeds of tension, in addition to jeopardizing
international peace and security. At the same time,
those events have further demonstrated the relevance
of multilateralism in global decision-making through
international institutions, especially this world body.
Given that the United Nations represents a
superior form of multilateralism, because it brings
together Member States to address common concerns
over the maintenance of collective security and to face
universal challenges, it is only logical that we all
should join together to protect it against
marginalization and to safeguard and strengthen its
role. Thus, we should not allow the will of one Power,
or of a certain group of Powers, to direct the actions of
the United Nations system or permit it to be used to
advance their agenda without regard for the wishes and
interests of the rest of the membership.
A case in point, in our view, is the need to
reconsider the decision-making process in the Security
Council, its composition and membership. The realities
of our contemporary world and the imperatives of
38

global security, which is indivisible, must be fully
taken into consideration in any review exercise. No
single State or group of States can alone guarantee
global security or assume the responsibility of that
undertaking without active participation by other
States. In addition, decisions that are not in line with
international law, the Charter of the United Nations or
the view of the majority of the membership should be
vehemently opposed.
As this session coincides with the third
anniversary of the 11 September tragedy, once again
the Republic of Yemen reaffirms its commitment to
fight extremism and terrorism within the framework
established and led by the United Nations. Yemen, for
its part, has made great progress in combating
terrorism and terrorists. The most recent achievement
involved defeating a group that had rebelled against the
Constitution and the rule of law in the Sa’dah region in
Yemen. Those rebels had resorted to terrorism in order
to achieve their goals. Their terrorist acts harmed
innocent civilians and disrupted security and stability
in the area.
The Government of Yemen, while fully
responsible for the safety and security of its citizens
and the homeland, remains faithful to its international
commitment to combat terrorism. Our conviction is
that terrorism has no specific identity or particular
religion. The struggle for national liberation or to end
foreign occupation is a legitimate right under the
Charter of the United Nations, international law and
the basic principles of justice and human rights. Such a
struggle can therefore not be treated as terrorism. In
addition, Yemen’s experience in combating terrorism
has taught us that in order effectively to battle
terrorism, all possible resources must be deployed,
including its root causes, dialogue, the promotion of
development and justice, in addition to good security
and intelligence work.
Yemen is a strong believer in the United Nations.
However, we believe that, despite all the efforts made
by the dynamic Secretariat of this great institution, the
gaps between rich and poor countries are widening.
That is partly due to current economic policies that
strengthen the dominance of wealthy nations over poor
countries. Today more than ever we need to examine in
earnest the imbalances in international economic
relations.
The first step we expect in this regard is the
fulfilment by wealthier nations of the pledges and
undertakings announced in their initiatives for
achieving economic balance between the rich and the
poor. Failure to do so, as I presume all of us recognize,
would deepen the sense of bitterness felt by the poor
countries. It might also breed extremism and violence
to which no country would be immune.
In that context, the Government of the Republic
of Yemen believes that the recognition by the leaders
of the Group of Eight industrial nations that the
consolidation of peace in the Middle East and the
promotion of economic growth and political
development through a process of overall development
in all countries of the region — as outlined in the G-8
declaration adopted at their most recent Summit in Sea
Island, Georgia, United States — represents a very
significant statement and a positive strategic challenge
of interest to us and to the international community in
general.
It is indeed a challenge, because this long-
overdue vision seeks to correct a chronic anomaly. It is
also a challenge because of its positive implications
and the shift in focus it can bring in favour of global
stability and international peace and security once that
abstract concept is translated into concrete and
meaningful steps on the ground. That will require
genuine partnerships and the abandoning of policies of
coercion.
Proceeding from these convictions, Yemen
welcomed that initiative and agreed to participate in
the G-8 Sea Island Summit for two reasons: first,
because that vision is in line with our national plan for
reform, and, secondly, because we welcome any
partnership between Arab States, the European Union,
the United States of America and the world at large
that enhances our development and stability and
contributes to the fight against terrorism.
The commitment of my Government to build a
better future for the people of Yemen and the people of
our region has prompted us to institute numerous
economic and political reforms, broaden popular
involvement in governance, and strengthen our
partnership with other countries and entities.
This was highlighted in the Sana’a Declaration on
Democracy, Human Rights and the Role of the
International Criminal Court, adopted earlier this year
at the Sana’a Intergovernmental Regional Conference.
39

A number of other countries, represented by their
Governments, Parliaments and civil society, regional
and international organizations, took part in that forum.
The Forum was organized in response to reform
initiatives that came from the Governments and
peoples of the region. It stressed that good democratic
governance and respect for human rights require full
mobilization of the energies and potential of civil
society. They also require interaction among all
stakeholders, with a sense of responsibility and
partnership with Governments, and support from
outside the region, in order to use overall development
as a vehicle towards stability, progress and movement
on the road towards democracy and overall human
development.
No one can ignore the great achievements made
by our Organization in promoting peace, security and
welfare over the course of its rich history. But one
should, by the same token, admit that it has failed to
resolve numerous conflicts that have endangered, and
continue to endanger, the security and stability of many
nations and peoples. Foremost among these dangers is
the Arab-Israeli conflict. Certainly, the United Nations
has failed to put an end to ongoing Israeli aggression
against the Palestinian people and to Israel’s repeated
threats against Arab countries. Also, there are many
trouble spots and areas of conflict across the globe that
the United Nations must address effectively if we want
international peace and security to prevail.
The position of the Republic of Yemen regarding
the question of Palestine is abundantly clear. It is based
on the principles laid out by the Quartet in the road
map, and on those contained in the Arab Peace
Initiative. This Initiative calls for the establishment of
a State of Palestine with full sovereignty over its
territory and with Jerusalem as its capital; Israel’s
withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since
4 June 1967; and the return of refugees to their homes.
All along, Yemen has maintained that peace in
the Middle East will elude us as long as Israel is
allowed to manoeuvre and circumvent United Nations
resolutions. We also believe that Israel will not accept
the aforesaid solutions unless a Security Council
resolution is adopted with a view to imposing a
solution on Israel that includes an enforcement
mechanism. Contrary to our hopes, the entire question
has become even more intractable and difficult to
comprehend, especially given the use of the veto power
against any proposed resolution that would force Israel
to implement United Nations resolutions. This has
encouraged Israel to persist in constructing the
racially-based separation wall, which aggravates the
suffering of the Palestinian people and is taking away
sizeable tracts of their remaining land, in defiance of
global consensus and of the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice (ICJ).
We wish to emphasize here that, as recent events
have demonstrated, the wall cannot guarantee security
to Israel. Israel’s genuine security could be achieved if
it were to accept the road map and commit itself to
implementing relevant United Nations resolutions.
We demand that the Security Council ensure the
physical safety of the Palestinian President, Yasser
Arafat, provide protection for the Palestinian people
against Israeli state-sponsored terrorism, and show
respect for the wishes and the will of the Palestinian
people.
In addition, Israeli withdrawal from the occupied
Syrian and Lebanese territories is an integral part of
any Middle East peace initiative. I wish to recall in this
regard that the Arab Peace Initiative represents an Arab
consensus for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli
conflict.
Furthermore, my Government considers
inadmissible the threats that the Israeli military
machine fires against sister Syria and against Iran from
time to time. This represents irresponsible provocation
that exacerbates the already tense situation in the
region. The timing of these threats further fuels
violence and frustrates peace endeavours aimed at
finding a just and negotiated settlement of the
Arab-Israeli conflict. They also represent an attempt by
the Israeli Government to distract attention from its
failure to ensure security for its citizens. The time has
come for Israel to recognize that its stability and
acceptance by countries of the region will remain
unfulfilled unless it implements the road map and
relevant United Nations resolutions, and withdraws
from the occupied Arab territories in Palestine, the
Golan and the Shab’a farms.
In the same context, I wish to affirm my country’s
support for United Nations efforts regarding the
convening of a disarmament conference which aims,
inter alia, at the establishment of the Middle East
region as a zone free of weapons of mass destruction.
To this end, Israel must accede to the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty.
40

The current violence in Iraq, and the violation of
human rights and bloodshed of our Iraqi brothers is an
inevitable outcome of an invasion. Thus, it is
incumbent upon the United Nations to fulfil its role, as
set forth in relevant resolutions, regarding the need to
provide support to Iraq with a view to restoring peace
and stability throughout the country. The interim Iraqi
Government should be empowered to exercise full
sovereignty in order to lead Iraq towards holding
democratic elections and forming a constitutional
Government that represents the will of the Iraqi people,
restores law and order and puts an end to the
occupation of the country. The tragic situation
unfolding today in Iraq, in the wake of the downfall of
Saddam Hussein’s regime, has resulted in terrorism,
violations and chaos, which all of us can see. That
situation may take Iraq down a slippery slope of
sectarian violence and conflict which, in turn, will
threaten the unity and future of Iraq.
Yemen believes that all of us should assist and
support the interim Government in Iraq and the
national and legislative councils to overcome the
current critical transitional stage in accordance with
Security Council resolution 1546 (2004), with a view
toward safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and
territorial integrity of Iraq. Also, we must ensure that
the forthcoming period leading to parliamentary
elections and the formation of a national Government
will reflect the will of the Iraqi people without external
interference. All effort should be made to develop and
define political solutions for the complex situation, and
to provide to the interim Government all it may need in
order to achieve a successful outcome. Priority should
be given to enabling the Iraqi Government to start the
process of national reconciliation, ensuring the
participation of all factions and political groups in
defining the future of Iraq and closing the annals of the
past. We also call for an end to violence against
civilians, as well as excessive military reactions by the
occupation forces, which victimize innocent civilians
and lead to further destruction, pushing moderates
towards extremism.
In view of Yemen’s sense of fraternal
responsibility towards Iraq, we submitted to the last
Arab summit in Tunis, an initiative conceived on the
basis of a set of firm principles set forth in United
Nations resolutions. In essence, the initiative contained
guiding principles for assisting the brotherly people of
Iraq to overcome their current crisis. It also called for
setting timelines to link efforts to restore security and
stability with ending of the occupation. In the
meantime, Yemen supports any Arab or international
endeavour that might help Iraq move safely to achieve
peace, stability and national unity.
My country believes that national reconciliation
based on dialogue and national unity is a viable path
toward settling the long-running dispute and conflict in
Somalia. Therefore, we congratulate the Somali leaders
on the progress they have so far achieved within the
framework of the reconciliation process. At the same
time, we call upon all warring factions in Somalia to
build on that success and to put the highest national
interests of Somalia ahead of their own agendas.
Yemen, which has played a leading role in promoting
national reconciliation in Somalia, calls upon the
United Nations and the international community to
assume fully and effectively their responsibilities in
order to bring about peace and security in Somalia.
The Yemeni Government appreciates the current
efforts being made to assist the national reconciliation
talks in Somalia to reach a successful outcome, that is
the formation of a consultative council, election of a
President for the country, and formation of an interim
Government that will lead Somalia towards drafting a
new constitution and setting up a democratic system of
government. Yemen, of course, will align itself with
the good offices of the Governments of Djibouti,
Ethiopia and Kenya, and supported by the European
Union and the United States, to promote reconciliation.
The Republic of Yemen has been closely
following the humanitarian situation in the Darfur
province of sisterly Sudan. I wish to underline here the
decisions adopted by the Council of Arab Foreign
Ministers, which met at the headquarters of the Arab
League early last August. That meeting was also
attended by the head of the African Union Commission
and the Foreign Minister of Nigeria representing
President Obasanjo of Nigeria — the current Chairman
of the African Union. We wish also to reaffirm the
decisions adopted in this regard by the Council of Arab
Foreign Ministers in its regular session on 14 and
15 September. Those decisions reflected the joint
Arab-African position regarding the situation in Darfur.
They affirmed the need to address the matter within the
African Arab framework. They also rejected all
attempts to create a rift in Arab-African relations and
stressed that there was no hard evidence of genocide.
Furthermore, the meeting underlined the responsibility
41

of the Government of the Sudan for maintaining
security and stability, providing protection for its
citizens and disarming all militias in the region. The
success of the Sudanese Government in achieving
those goals will depend on the degree of international
support and humanitarian relief assistance provided to
it. All external parties must also refrain from
interfering in the internal affairs of the Sudan.
The Government of the Sudan must assume its
responsibility for deploying its forces so as to ensure
security, provide protection for all of its citizens and
confront all of the armed groups responsible for the
crisis. In the meantime, all the logistical support
needed by the Government of Sudan should be
provided by the African Union and Arab States with a
view to achieving those objectives.
The Sudan’s response to relevant Security
Council resolutions, including the steps it has begun to
take, clearly demonstrate its genuine commitment to its
undertakings. Furthermore, we call on the United
Nations, especially the Security Council, to address the
issue on the basis of an accurate assessment of the
situation in Darfur which obviously has begun to
improve. We must avoid favouring one side at the
expense of the other. We should also shift our focus to
address the humanitarian situation without regard to
political considerations or motives. All of the parties to
the Darfur dispute, including the Government of the
Sudan, should be urged to participate constructively
and unconditionally in peace talks, with a view to
achieving a just solution to the crisis. Any attempt to
use blackmail or to exploit events to the advantage of
the rebel groups must be rejected. Any party that
violates its commitments, as verified by a neutral
security monitoring mechanism, should be held
accountable.
The Government of the Republic of Yemen
stresses that threatening or imposing a unilateral
boycott or economic sanctions, as practised against
some Member States, would constitute an explicit
violation of the principles of international law —
regardless of the fact that such practices have failed on
the ground in more than one case. Indeed, sanctions
and boycotts aggravate the suffering of innocent
civilians and lead to the escalation of hostilities.
My country supports the call by the United
Nations to end unilateral measures, and it affirms the
need to promote a culture of dialogue and
understanding, even when dealing with controversial
issues. That should, indeed, be the rational and
civilized approach that all of us should pursue in
resolving our disputes and mending our relationships.
Finally, my delegation wishes the General
Assembly every success as it endeavours to fulfil its
mandate during this session, with a view to reinforcing
our common action to promote peace, security and
welfare for all. It is our hope that the ongoing reform
of the United Nations will achieve the long-awaited
objectives, including equitable representation in the
Security Council. That would enhance the Council’s
effectiveness and credibility and enable it to adapt
better to the constantly changing landscape of
international relations.
I take this opportunity to reaffirm that the
Republic of Yemen will support any efforts aimed at
strengthening the role of the United Nations and
enhancing its credibility, safeguarding the sovereignty
and will of its Member States and pooling our energies
to create a better future for humankind.


I congratulate you, Sir, on
your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. You can be assured
of Jamaica’s fullest support and cooperation during
your tenure.
The outgoing President, Julian Hunte of Saint
Lucia, deserves commendation for his energy and
outstanding leadership during the fifty-eighth session,
during which he achieved significant accomplishments,
particularly in the area of the revitalization of the
General Assembly. He leaves a legacy of a
strengthened presidency and a good foundation for
further operational improvements in the work of the
Assembly and in its relations with other organs.
In reviewing the developments of the past year,
we note that the anticipated growth in the global
economy has been dampened by uncertainties arising
from macro-economic imbalances in larger economies
and the impact of increased oil prices. Political
instability in many regions of the world has not abated
and, in some cases, has increased to critical levels.
Many developing countries continue to struggle for
survival in the globalized economy, especially in the
face of changing commodity regimes, the erosion of
preferences and unfavourable market conditions. The
gap between rich and poor continues to widen. There
may be some glimmers of hope, but more needs to be
done to correct existing imbalances and to broaden
opportunities for all to share in global prosperity.
Formidable challenges remain for developing
countries.
25

In our part of the world, those challenges have
taken on grave new proportions in the wake of the
recent spate of hurricanes which have devastated the
Caribbean and affected several States of the United
States of America. In the Bahamas, Barbados, Cuba,
the Cayman Islands, the Dominican Republic, Grenada,
Haiti and my own country, Jamaica, the loss of life and
the scale of destruction and damage to infrastructure,
property and means of livelihood have been
catastrophic. What had taken several generations to
build has suddenly vanished and will take years to
recover. The case of Grenada, which was virtually
obliterated, is particularly striking. For those who have
had doubts about the reality of the vulnerability of
small island States, these recent events should be
convincing evidence.
In Jamaica, we are completing our estimates of
the damage from Hurricane Ivan, which struck on
10 September, virtually on the anniversary date of
Hurricane Gilbert, still painfully fresh in our memory.
On behalf of the Government and the people of
Jamaica, I extend deep appreciation to the Member
States, the agencies of the United Nations, and other
international and non-governmental organizations
which have given assistance. We have launched an
international appeal to support our national efforts for
immediate and long-term recovery. Apart from the
provision of emergency relief supplies, there is a need
for concessionary financing to the affected countries,
so as to facilitate medium- to long-term reconstruction.
One means of doing this would be through the
establishment of a special fund.
In the context of these recent developments, the
10-year review of the implementation of the Barbados
Programme of Action for Small Island Developing
States, to be held in Mauritius in January 2005, is a
timely opportunity for the international community to
undertake special consideration of the vulnerability of
small island States. We expect the Mauritius review to
adopt concrete measures and call for serious
consideration to be given to mechanisms to support the
recovery and reconstruction efforts of small island
developing States in the aftermath of natural disasters.
What should also command attention are the
dangers posed by climate change and global warming
and the urgent need for global action within the
framework of the Kyoto Protocol. It is imperative that
all States accede to the Protocol.
It is accepted that the benefits of globalization are
not being fully realized, especially in the area of
international trade. We should seek to harness its
potential to the benefit of developed and developing
countries alike. Interdependence makes this an
imperative. Global economic health requires better
management of economic arrangements at all levels, to
ensure a more equitable distribution of global
prosperity.
The situation of small developing economies
makes a compelling case. From any objective
standpoint, there is a need for special and differential
treatment in relation to trade, the flow of financial
resources, the transfer of technology and the promotion
of industrial development. The gap between rich and
poor must be narrowed. Otherwise, many developing
countries will continue in a downward spiral of
declining income and increased poverty, with painful
consequences such as political and social instability
and recurring humanitarian crises. While there is no
substitute for self-reliance, on the basis of the principle
of shared responsibility, there is a role for all
participants within the global economic system.
That is why international cooperation for
development should be given a central place in our
deliberations. There is a need to create institutional
capacity in the United Nations for the direction and
coordination of policies affecting finance, trade and
technology and for formulating the overall policies
guiding international economic cooperation. Such a
mechanism could forge effective linkages with the
Bretton Woods institutions in order to manage and
promote coherence in international economic
programmes and policies. It should effectively respond
to economic crises as they arise and apply remedies for
imbalances and disequilibrium in the global economy.
Some tentative steps have been taken in that
direction in the wake of the Monterrey Conference, but
much more is required to reform governance in the
international economic system to make it more
democratic, transparent and responsive to the real
needs and priorities of developing countries.
The cycle of violence resulting from war and
terrorism is a troubling phenomenon of our time.
International security is dangerously at risk. What is
clear to us is that violence and the use of force cannot
be the answer. We must embrace multilateralism and
26

insist that international relations be guided by the rule
of law as the basis for our collective security.
Against that background, the necessary steps
must be taken to strengthen multilateralism. The
United Nations must be our instrument of choice.
There is no viable alternative to the Organization, and
it can be made as effective as it needs to be only if it is
given the powers and resources that are required. We
must continue to nourish and strengthen it and make
adaptations in the face of changing realities to improve
its effectiveness and enhance its credibility. Reform
could begin with the Security Council, to make it more
representative in membership, more democratic in its
decision-making and more accountable and transparent
in its operations. These are necessary for its
effectiveness and legitimacy. We look forward to
receiving the recommendations of the Secretary-
General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and
Change.
The improvement of international security
depends on our finding durable solutions to regional
conflicts and disputes. In Africa, there is a need to
expedite relief for humanitarian emergencies, to
promote initiatives aimed at resolving internecine
conflicts and to advance the struggle for economic and
social progress. We are distressed by the deterioration
in the political and humanitarian situation in the Darfur
region of the Sudan, and we support constructive
efforts to bring an end to the disruption and the
bloodshed. We commend the role of the African Union
aimed at resolving the crisis.
We continue to call for good sense and wisdom to
defuse the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Jamaica believes
that only through a process of political accommodation
and the settlement of legitimate claims and grievances,
on the basis of justice and legality, can there be any
hope for a durable peace.
The war in Iraq has opened up further
complexities and further divisions and is becoming a
dangerous source of continuing conflict. A political
solution is needed to bring about national
reconciliation and peace.
Small countries face particular dangers in
maintaining stability and security. I am referring to the
increasing production, distribution and proliferation of
small arms and light weapons and of sophisticated
ammunition. These represent our greatest security
threat. Small States do not produce these weapons, but
they have become the principal victims of them. The
influx of these weapons through various illicit channels
is fuelling civil conflict and criminal violence whose
extent and intensity beleaguer and often overwhelm
national security forces. It is estimated in the 2004
Small Arms Survey that the proliferation and misuse of
small arms contributes annually to approximately
200,000 to 270,000 civilian deaths, 40 per cent of
which are concentrated in the Latin American and
Caribbean region.
Equally disturbing to us is the insufficient
appreciation of these dangers by those countries that
are the producers and source of the weapons. We
maintain that such States have a duty to prevent illicit
transfers beyond their borders. Additionally, we need
more effective cooperation to regulate and restrict the
movement of these weapons and to have effective
registration and monitoring of transfers, operating
within a framework of legally binding obligations.
For that reason, it is urgent that we move to
conclude the negotiations for an international
convention to achieve those objectives. We make this
demand for action on the basis of the principle of the
equal right to security for all States. The threats and
dangers we face are as valid as those arising from the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. These
also demand collective action; and, in this, Jamaica has
been unrelenting in its support of effective measures
aimed at curtailing the spread of nuclear and other
weapons of mass destruction.
The year 2004 was declared the International
Year for the Commemoration of the Struggle Against
Slavery and its Abolition. Our history makes this a
special commemoration. We also celebrate the 200th
anniversary of the independence of Haiti. The Haitian
revolution was an achievement of immense historical
importance that significantly influenced the shaping of
the modern world. It established the first free nation in
the Western Hemisphere, and it struck the first decisive
blow that eventually brought about the overthrow of
the system of slavery in the Americas. The revolution
was a story of heroism and triumph, creating a legacy
that has sustained the Haitian people during a long and
often lonely struggle for survival over the years, in the
harsh realties of a hostile world of racism and
discrimination.
Sadly, the bicentennial celebration has been
overshadowed by circumstances of instability and
27

political crisis that continue even now. The events of
February still cast a shadow and leave lingering
concerns about how the democratically elected
President demitted office. The sequence of events and
the timing of the Security Council in reacting to the
crisis were unfortunate. At the same time, Jamaica
recognizes that Haiti requires the support and
assistance of the international community, which must
be sustained over the long term to ensure its
effectiveness. The rebuilding of democracy and the
creation of a stable social, economic and political order
cannot be accomplished overnight, and therefore it
should be pursued with perseverance and the
commitment of the necessary resources.
We share the anguish and grief of the people of
Haiti at the tragic loss of life and devastation caused by
the recent hurricane. The Caribbean Community will
continue to do its part in providing emergency
assistance.
This year, we commemorate the tenth anniversary
of the establishment of the International Seabed
Authority. For all of us, and for Jamaica, that is a
significant milestone in the quiet evolution and
promotion of a legal regime for the seabed, which
embodies the principle of the common heritage of
mankind. What we, as a community, can take from this
to other spheres of international relations is the
importance of upholding the rule of law and the pre-
eminence of the principles of justice and equity. The
Secretary-General rightly emphasized the importance
of those norms last Tuesday when introducing his
report on the work of the Organization (A/59/1).
The international community should not stand
idly by in the presence of violations of international
law and the promotion of doctrines that run counter to
the principles of multilateralism. That is why Jamaica
asks of this fifty-ninth session that all States recommit
themselves to the principles on which the Organization
was founded to promote peace, equality and justice for
all its Members. Let us take the necessary steps to put
those principles into practice and to make them the
foundation of our policies and programmes. Our
universal objective must be to implement the noble
ideals to which we subscribe, not just to articulate
them.


The delegation
of Senegal would like to congratulate you very warmly,
Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the
fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I assure
you of our full support as you carry out your noble
work. I also wish to extend my congratulations and
encouragement to all the members of the Bureau.
I would also like to recognize the commitment of
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, whose tireless efforts
to make the United Nations a strong, working and
credible Organization reflects his faith in the ideals of
peace, development and concord among peoples. We
must now continue to breathe life into these ideals, so
that current and future generations will have a peaceful
and safe world, a world without absurd hatred or
gratuitous violence. This vision should lead us to re-
invigorate the values of multilateralism and universality
that are epitomized by our Organization. In other words,
the world needs now, more than ever, a United Nations
that is strong and strengthened in its legitimacy.
We welcome, therefore, the decision of the
United Nations Secretary-General to establish a panel
of eminent persons on threats, challenges and change,
whose conclusions will be presented next December. In
this respect, we recall the African position on reform of
the Security Council, which advocates among other
things, the assignment to Africa of at least two
permanent seats and two extra non-permanent seats.
Africa would choose the recipients of those seats
according to a process that has yet to be determined.
As I extol universality, I feel it is unfair that the
Republic of China on Taiwan, with its 23 million
inhabitants, its major democratic system and its
impressive economic vitality, would still be sidelined
from the work of the United Nations, whose Charter
does rightly enshrine the essential principles of justice
and universality.
This denial of justice also affects the valiant
people of Palestine, who, under the legitimate authority
of President Yasser Arafat, have been deprived of its
fundamental right to sovereignty and ongoing
existence. The defiant attitude of the occupying Power
vis-à-vis the international community, recently
illustrated by the Israeli authorities’ refusal to abide by
the opinion of the International Court of Justice
requiring Israel to immediately stop the illegal building
2

of the separation wall in Palestinian territory, imperils
the foundations of international legality. I solemnly
appeal to the international community and, in
particular, to the members of the Quartet, asking them
to persevere in their efforts for an immediate
resumption of dialogue, so that we may achieve a fair,
equitable and lasting solution to this disagreement. The
peoples of Palestine and Israel, needless to recall, are
condemned by history and geography to live together.
For our part, Senegal, which chairs the United
Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable
Rights of the Palestinian People, will continue, with its
people, to unfailingly support the Palestinian people,
battered by this crisis that has lasted far too long. As a
contribution to the quest for peace, I suggested that we
conduct a special meeting, outside our regular work, on
the situation in Palestine aimed at enhancing the work
launched by the Quartet and in the spirit of the road
map, in order to establish by 2005 a sovereign and
viable Palestinian State, living side by side with the
State of Israel, within safe and internationally
recognized borders guaranteed for the two States. This
initiative, which has already been endorsed by the
Non-Aligned Movement and the African Union, will
provide an opportunity to mobilize the international
community around the effective implementation of the
road map.
In awarding me yesterday the 2004 Human
Rights Award, the International League for Human
Rights in fact honoured, through Senegal’s head of
State, all of the Senegalese people, a people attached to
freedom and to the respect of human dignity. My
Government will continue to work to promote and
protect human rights, the rule of law and good public
and private governance. In talking about human rights,
I am naturally thinking of the fundamental rights of
women, children, disabled persons, seniors and all
vulnerable people. This deep commitment to mankind
motivated my decision to submit draft legislation to the
Senegalese national assembly to abolish capital
punishment in Senegal.
Almost 60 years after the establishment of our
Organization, our world, which is so fragile, still sees
longstanding dangers such as nuclear proliferation and
the emergence of new dangers such as terrorism and
AIDS, which represent a serious threat to international
peace and security. I must remind Members here of the
need to do more to strengthen, under the leadership of
the Security Council’s Counter-Terrorism Committee,
the mechanisms that already exist for cooperation and
technical assistance in order to provide those countries
who so wish human, technical and adequate financial
resources to combat terrorism. This initiative, of
course, must be paired with States’ increased adherence
to treaties and protocols in this key area. It is for this
purpose that the African Union adopted last July an
additional protocol to the Organization of African
Unity’s Algiers Convention on the Prevention and
Combating of Terrorism, proposed by Senegal on
17 October 2001 at the African conference on
terrorism, held in Dakar.
This collective approach should also be adopted
to tackle the difficult problem of small arms and light
weapons. Senegal supports making the moratorium on
the importation, exportation and production of small
arms and light weapons of the Economic Community
of West African States into a convention in West
Africa, since these arms are truly weapons of mass
destruction in our subregion.
There are other destructive scourges. I would like
to speak about AIDS. In accordance with the
declaration that we adopted in 2001, we must act more
quickly and more vigorously in critical areas such as
prevention and access to antiretroviral treatments if we
really do wish to stop this disease and its devastating
effects. Since antiretroviral medication is now free for
all those who are afflicted, thanks to our tenacity,
Senegal has remained a success story in combating
AIDS.
Another seemingly ignored ill is poliomyelitis,
which we have completely eliminated in Senegal.
However, this scourge remains as serious as ever in the
rest of Africa.
During this second trimester of 2004, the North
and West parts of Africa have witnessed the invasion
of swarms of locusts, the dreaded scourge which has
infested large agricultural areas in the region of the
Sahel and some North African countries. This threat,
which has already destroyed entire civilizations, is now
compromising the lives of tens of millions of people
right before harvest time. At the very beginning, I
personally sounded the alarm, speaking to the
international community in Rome last March. Despite
another appeal by the Director-General of the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO),
assistance was late in coming and is only now under
way, but in ways that are not very effective.
3

Whatever the case may be, Senegal has begun to
work on this issue, and today we are succeeding in
containing this danger. Together with neighbouring
countries, the countries bordering the Sahel, we are
trying to launch an extensive campaign for the final
elimination of these locusts. In this regard, we note
with great satisfaction the involvement of African
countries, including Algeria, Morocco, Nigeria, South
Africa, Libya and Egypt in this issue. Today, our
people remain concerned about the possible migration
of these locusts, carried by the wind, to other areas in
the region, in particular to the Maghreb. We are also
pleased to announce that we have received substantial
support by the World Bank, among other international
organizations. This means that we have a shared
responsibility to strengthen and mobilize the
international community against locusts and, if we
succeed in saving the crops, to completely eliminate
them, starting at their source.
The task at hand in this area should not make us
lose sight of the huge field of work that remains to be
tackled, namely combating the poverty that strikes
millions of people throughout the world, in particular
in the least developed countries so that we can achieve
the Millennium Development Goals in terms of
agriculture. I must say here that I am satisfied with the
outcome of the meeting that was held on the initiative
of President Lula, the President of Brazil.
Yet we all see and are concerned that, as has been
emphasized by the Secretary-General and others, in
spite of the relative improvement in the economic
situation in Africa since 1995, the chances of our
continent achieving the Millennium Development
Goals are still rather low given the lack of progress to
date. Implementation of those Goals is particularly at risk
even at a time when the world economy is progressing
in an encouraging way: Africa continues, mainly
because of the export subsidies of developed countries,
to be marginalized in world trade. It is a truism to say
that those subsidies help to impoverish African
producer countries and increase unemployment.
Another problem is the thorny issue of African
debt. The continent has dedicated itself to resolution of
this problem: next year we will hold a major summit
preceded by a technical meeting on ending Africa’s
indebtedness.
The Extraordinary Summit of the African Union
on Employment and Poverty Alleviation in Africa, just
held in Ouagadougou on 8 and 9 September, illustrates
our continent’s determination to continue to devote
special attention to the fight against unemployment,
which is a key priority for development. A successful
outcome — in keeping with the outcomes of the various
summits which have given direction to the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) —
requires the international community to make a
stronger commitment, alongside Africa, to help
materialize this important partnership programme. And
that is why I say that I am pleased to see the progress
we have made on NEPAD financing since the Group of
Eight (G-8) meeting in Kananaskis, Canada.
Although insufficiently highlighted, efforts for
African development made under NEPAD and the
support actions of the international community —
particularly those taken by the G-8 and the United
Nations system — are still in evidence, which pleases
me. We have made basically two proposals. The first
has to do with the convening in Senegal’s capital of an
agricultural forum, on the model of the Davos
economic forum, for the purpose, inter alia, of closing
the world agricultural gap. It will be held in February
2005 in Dakar.
The ever-growing digital divide separates the
developed countries from the developing countries. In
December 2003 in Geneva, the Secretary-General
convened The World Summit on the Information
Society. On that occasion, Africa proposed, through
myself, the idea of digital solidarity among peoples and
the establishment of a digital solidarity fund based on
volunteer efforts and not funded by any mandatory tax.
That idea was received with unanimous enthusiasm by
developing countries — Africa, Asia, Brazil, the
Middle East — and by a developed country: France.
Subsequently, the inaugural congress for the United
Cities and Local Governments organization was held in
Paris in May 2004; participants officially announced
their participation in the digital solidarity fund. To the
cities already mentioned elsewhere, I could add Rome,
Paris, Lille and Bilbao.
We are pleased that the Secretary-General has
established a task force on financing the information
society under the decision adopted at Geneva.
Providing Africa with the hardware and other computer
technology it needs is the only way to give us access to
the knowledge that accelerates development and,
which, in turn, will help to close the digital divide.
4

As members can see, the challenges we face are
enormous, numerous and pressing. The time has come
to strengthen the foundations of international
cooperation and, once and for all, to exorcize the risk
of social bipolarization throughout the world where
affluence rubs elbows with the most extreme poverty
and where the values of solidarity and respect for the
sacredness of human life become vain words. That is
why I suggested that we hold an international
conference in Dakar on an Islamic-Christian dialogue,
whose objectives would be to help us better understand
one another, to strengthen peaceful coexistence
between Muslims and Christians and to promote a
dialogue among cultures.
Thus, by hosting the eleventh Islamic Summit in
2006, Senegal, which has a majority Muslim
population living in perfect harmony with their
Christian brothers, will continue its action to promote
fruitful inter-religious dialogue focused on the
sacrosanct principle of respect for the cultural and
religious identities of all peoples.


Allow me first of all to
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the mantle
of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-
ninth session. My delegation wishes to assure you of
its full support and cooperation in bringing about the
successful outcome of this session.
My Government expresses its deepest
appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for
the outstanding manner in which he presided over the
work of the fifty-eighth session. Under his visionary
leadership, significant progress was made in advancing
the revitalization of the General Assembly and in
ensuring the return of development to the forefront of
the issues addressed by the Assembly.
15

No words of praise are adequate to describe the
yeoman’s task undertaken by the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan. In an international environment of
turmoil and a world going through the turbulence of
economic reconstruction as globalization proceeds, the
Secretary-General has remained a clear, calm and
moderating influence on all parties to conflict. His
level-headed approach has done much to ensure the
relevance of the United Nations, which the people of
the Commonwealth of Dominica cherish highly.
The numerous challenges facing the globalized
world demand a common endeavour from all the
nations of the world. Guaranteeing human rights, peace
and security and ensuring social and economic justice
for all require international cooperation and concerted
multilateral action.
Dominica is of the firm conviction that the
United Nations continues to be the global institution
most suited to the pursuit and coordination of these
global initiatives. The multilateral institutions,
however, need to be reformed if they are going to be
relevant in the current global dispensation.
The coordination of the United Nations effort, in
harmony with national efforts, must be the focus of this
institution if it is to positively impact on the lives of
the majority — the vulnerable and marginalized people
of the world.
Dominica is a small island State with all the
strengths, as well as the weaknesses, of countries with
small economies. That is why we look to the United
Nations as a forum in which small countries can air
their views, with the aim of collectively influencing the
agenda of the Organization in some way.
The central question for all countries in the world
today relates to the kind of arrangements that will
constitute the economic order when the globalization
process is complete. At this stage, globalization
consists of a wide variety of treaties, some bilateral
and others multilateral. From this slew of agreements,
there is yet to be discerned a clear set of principles that
address the idiosyncratic features of small island States
when they function as economic units.
Within the past six years, the economy of my
country has had to withstand a number of shocks — the
byproducts of multilateral treaties to which States in
situations similar to that of my country have had only a
minuscule input. A dispute between the United States
of America and the European Union resulted in a
ruling by the World Trade Organization that destroyed
the banana industry, which was the backbone of the
economy of Dominica.
A subsequent decision by the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development to publish
what has been described as a “blacklist” had a very
adverse impact upon the offshore banking sector in my
country.
Dominica would like to make a plea for greater
transparency and inclusiveness in the formulation of
agreements which relate to development financing,
trade and international tax matters. Participation ought
to be substantive, not a mere formality, which is the
case more often than not. We do not subscribe to the
notion that mere presence constitutes significant
participation.
Notwithstanding our participation in multilateral
institutions, the two shocks to which I referred were
exogenous — originating outside our country and
having nothing to do with the internal economic
management of Dominica. A resolute commitment on
the part of the resilient population of Dominica, with
the timely help of some friendly countries and
institutions, saved our country from total disaster.
The lesson, which is abundantly clear to my
country and to other small States, is that a new global
economic order must be balanced and sensitive to the
interests of its weakest members.
The situation of small island developing States
will be the focus of attention in January 2005, when the
International Meeting to Review the Implementation of
the Barbados Programme of Action convenes in
Mauritius. The Barbados+10 Meeting will afford us the
opportunity to make a full assessment of the
Programme of Action and to evaluate its successes and
shortcomings.
Dominica and other small island developing
States attach great importance to the International
Meeting. We hope that it will galvanize the international
community to make a greater commitment to provide
the critical additional resources necessary for
advancing the implementation obligations of the next
phase of the Programme of Action.
My country is alarmed at the rise of terrorism in
the world. Indeed, as we move towards a more united
world where people of different races and colours are
16

called upon to demonstrate greater respect and
tolerance for each other, violent attempts at solutions
are counterproductive and have the unintended
consequence of harming mere bystanders.
The brutal and bloody terrorist acts of 11 September
2001, committed in New York City, not only had
reverberations for relatives, friends and the society in
general in which the brutal murders took place, but
also had serious repercussions of an economic nature
in places quite distant from the scene of the crime.
That notorious event had a very deleterious effect
upon the Dominican economy. It drastically contracted
our tourist industry, which has yet to recover fully. The
focus on terrorism and the cost of complying with
requirements to prevent terrorist attacks in a region
that is renowned as a zone of peace are challenging our
commitment to social and economic development.
Every cent spent on addressing this threat is a
cent taken from our campaign to sustain the fight
against trafficking in narcotic drugs and human beings,
the pandemic of HIV/AIDS and other communicable
diseases and the degradation of our common
environment. Water security, food security, energy
security and health security are other important goals
that stand to suffer if additional resources are not found
to pursue them.
Conflicts in various parts of the world are
consuming scarce resources that are critically needed
for development and poverty alleviation. On the
African continent, civil conflicts in the Sudan, Burundi
and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are having
catastrophic consequences for the lives of large
numbers of people. The continuing attention and
support of the international community remain
important prerequisites in the pursuit of efforts towards
conflict resolution.
The Government of Dominica urges an
immediate end to attempts to use violence as a solution
to the problems of the people of our planet and calls
for a greater degree of rationality to be employed as we
address the very thorny problems of life today.
We are satisfied that the more rational approach
that we are suggesting can solve many problems that
have been in existence for generations. Prior to the
abolition of apartheid in South Africa, no one would
have believed that, after years of bloodshed between
the races, a post-apartheid political order could have
accommodated dialogue between the races in that
country. The South African example shows that when
persons of good-will and intellect get together
problems can be resolved without recourse to terror
and violence. The United Nations has demonstrated its
capacity to trigger the peaceful resolution of conflicts
in the past, and my Government is persuaded that it can
continue to do so if permitted.
I have the great honour to be the Prime Minister
of Dominica at the age of 32. We in Dominica
subscribe to the view that the young people of any
country are its best hope for a brighter future, to be
achieved through constructive change. My presence
here attests to the commitment of the Dominican nation
to treat younger generations not as inexperienced
know-nothings, but as people with the potential to
excel, to whom we must provide the best tools for
ensuring quality leadership. We believe that the early
exposure of young people to leadership and positions
of responsibility would help to accelerate the process
for achieving the goal of a world without prejudice.
I have sought to summarize those issues that are
of special concern to small, vulnerable States such as
Dominica and others in the Caribbean. In this regard, I
cannot overstate the importance of the Assembly
taking cognizance of some unique features of island
life, particularly in the tropics.
As you are aware, Sir, at this time of the year,
small island States in the Caribbean and parts of the
North American continent are exposed to the threat of
devastating hurricanes. This year, major disasters have
occurred on several islands. Unspeakable devastation
has taken place in Grenada; Jamaica has suffered
substantial loss of life and damage to property; parts of
the Cayman Islands were submerged, and the death toll
in Haiti and Santo Domingo has been horrendous. In
the United States of America, the state of Florida has
experienced disaster of immense proportions. The
recent experience of natural disasters underscores the
importance of the necessity to put in place
rehabilitation programmes that would enable destroyed
economies to be revived in the minimum time.
The Government of Dominica believes that an
insurance fund should be set up under the aegis of the
United Nations. States at risk of natural disasters that
devastate their economies ought to be able to receive
insurance payments to rehabilitate their economies
when they are damaged by such natural disasters.
17

Participation in such an insurance plan would not be a
charitable act. Each Member State would be required to
pay a premium that is affordable for that country, and
the funds accumulated could be used to repair damage
done to the economy, especially in cases where the
productive sector of a country’s economy has been
reduced to paralysis.
Events in the last year have underscored that
peace and security in the world, social progress and
economic prosperity require the consensus of Member
States, the strict implementation of universal norms
and commitment to multilateral action.
In that regard, the United Nations Stabilization
Mission in Haiti deserves the support of all Member
States, especially those in the Latin American and
Caribbean region. My Government has made an
important decision to support the humanitarian efforts
to bring stability to the people of Haiti. We remain
convinced that only the full implementation of the
provisions of Security Council resolution 1542 (2004)
will lead to the return of democratic governance in Haiti.
Dominica commends the United Nations for
bringing visibility to the problems of the world’s
indigenous people during the International Decade of
the World’s Indigenous People. With the impending
end of that Decade this year, we urge the world
community to maintain the momentum of the Decade
and renew its commitment to support the future
aspirations of the world’s indigenous peoples through
greater contributions to the Voluntary Fund for
Indigenous Populations.
Consistent with the overriding principle of
pursuing universal consensus and our own national
development goals, Dominica chose on 24 March 2004
to act in conformity with General Assembly resolution
2758 (XXVI) of 1971 by establishing diplomatic
relations with the People’s Republic of China, thereby
honouring the one-China policy.
Dominica lauds the hand of friendship extended
and the demonstrated commitment of the People’s
Republic of China to assisting small developing
countries, which are hard-pressed to fulfil their social and
economic agendas in the light of the adverse impact of
the evolving new world order on their economies.
In the Caribbean region, as in other regions of the
world, we are witnessing the devastating impact of the
proliferation of small arms. As a consequence, crime
rates and civil conflicts are increasing, threatening the
stability and the security of developing countries such
as mine. We therefore call for the early conclusion of
the negotiations on a legally binding international
instrument to control the indiscriminate supply of small
arms and light weapons to non-State actors.
In conclusion, I reaffirm Dominica’s commitment
to the United Nations agenda. For us, the United
Nations is the embodiment of our collective will to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Given
that those goals will create a new world order that the
young people of the world will inherit, I urge that
greater numbers of youth be involved at all levels in
the decision-making process. That requires a massive
educational programme to demystify international
relations and motivate more young people to
participate and help shape their world.
I wish delegates every success in their deliberations
at the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly.


At the outset I would like to express to Member States
my deepest gratitude — that of the Government and
people of Gabon — for the great honour and the
confidence shown in Gabon and in Africa through the
election of one of its sons to the lofty post of President
of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We
have long been familiar, Mr. President, with your
diplomatic skills and your personal dedication to the
cause of the United Nations system, and we have full
confidence that you will successfully discharge your
duties.
I wish to reiterate to your predecessor my sincere
congratulations on the work he accomplished during
his mandate.
To the Secretary-General, I wish to reaffirm my
confidence and the support of my country in the pursuit
of your action heading the United Nations.
Four years ago, we unanimously adopted the
Millennium Declaration (resolution 55/2). With
renewed energy and will, we have undertaken to
achieve a number of its goals by the year 2015: in
particular, to reduce poverty and hunger, to combat
HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, and to establish a
global partnership for development.
Achieving these goals will clearly require a
strong political impetus on our part. That is why I hail
the initiative of convening a United Nations summit
dedicated, inter alia, to the implementation of the
Millennium Goals, and scheduled for 2005 in New
York. The major disparities which come to light daily
between the rich and the poor countries evoke serious
concern. We cannot reconcile ourselves to the despair
which would result from failure. The African States,
for their part, reject such an inevitability; they are
becoming involved in the prevention and resolution of
the conflicts undermining their continent, are settling
into good governance and are making efforts to
implement the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD).
At the same time, the international community,
the Group of Eight countries and the specialized
institutions of the United Nations system, including the
Bretton Woods institutions, have a moral obligation to
translate into concrete action their commitments to
support Africa’s development. That development
naturally hinges on the maintenance of international
peace and security throughout the African continent.
Our determination in that respect is unequivocal.
Such is the case in Côte d’Ivoire, where the peace
process was relaunched at the Accra summit in July
2004. The same holds true for the decision of the
African Union to play an active role in the resolution
of the crises in Darfur, Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone
and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The
support provided by the United Nations in those
countries and the role played by the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, must be commended.
Moreover, we welcome the prospects for a more
effective contribution by the United Nations in the
process of the reconstruction of Iraq and support for
the political transition under way there. It is indeed
vital for regional stability and for peace that Iraq once
again become a normally functioning State with stable
institutions.
In the lengthy conflict between the State of Israel
ad the Palestinian people, the restoration of lasting
peace will be possible only at the negotiating table. It
also depends on the reactivation of the road map.
In this case, as in many others, such as the war on
international terrorism, United Nations action must be
more effective. The decisions of the Security Council
will then be decisive in the settlement of such
conflicts.
Given the numerous crisis situations throughout
the world, the role of the Security Council in the
maintenance of international peace and security has
continued to grow. Its field of action, in terms of its
decisions, has gradually expanded, and the human,
material and financial resources required for their
implementation have increased.
To cope with these situations, a significant
number of States must participate in its action. That
requires an expansion of the membership of the
Security Council, in both categories — permanent and
non-permanent.
16

Need I recall that in 1977, from this very rostrum,
I drew the Organization’s attention to the need to
provide a seat for Africa in the Security Council. It is
indeed paradoxical that Africa is still not counted
among the permanent members, even though the bulk
of the Council’s decisions directly involve Africa. We
therefore must adapt the Security Council to the
changing realities of our world. Its reform must be
given high priority at this session.
Beyond that, our efforts at reform must have as
their ultimate objective the strengthening of the action
of the entire United Nations system in the areas
identified during the Millennium Summit in 2000.
Striving to achieve these shared goals, Africa is
increasingly shouldering its share of responsibility.
Shared and intensive solidarity on the part of countries
with greater resources is more than ever required. What
is at stake today is the survival of millions of
individuals throughout the world.
Poverty — one of the root causes of political,
economic and social instability, which are sources of
armed conflict — must be eradicated.
Therefore, we must implement, here and now, the
commitment we have undertaken to change the course
of our shared history. Let us together nurture the hope
of a better destiny — the hope that we can think and
act in a different manner, in order to provide present
and future generations with genuine reasons for hope.


Mr. President, at the
outset, I have the pleasure to extend my most sincere
congratulations and best wishes to you and your
friendly country of Gabon on the occasion of your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its fifty-ninth session and to wish you every success in
your work. May I take this opportunity to thank your
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte, Minister
of Foreign Affairs of the friendly country of Saint
Lucia, for the intensive efforts he exerted during his
presidency of the last session.
I also would like to take this opportunity to
express my country’s appreciation to Secretary-General
Kofi Annan for the great efforts he has made to
enhance and strengthen the role of the United Nations
in maintaining international peace and security.
Since the signing of the Charter in 1945 in San
Francisco, the United Nations has played a vital role in
addressing many international political, economic,
social and humanitarian issues.
Our world today is witnessing the interlinking of
different issues in politics and in regional and
international security with other issues of development,
the environment, culture, women and human rights. As
a result, international interests have become
interwoven and the distinction between local and
international questions has almost vanished in light of
the spread of globalization. People need the United
Nations now more than they did a half a century ago.
With newly developed understanding, they have a
greater day-to-day need to keep up with the modern
developments of the twenty-first century and the spirit
of the age, led by multilateral diplomacy, which looks
at both present and inherited problems from a new
practical perspective and understanding. The idea of
reforming the United Nations, including the collective
security system, is indeed an ambitious one. However,
we believe that its implementation is not an impossible
dream but a necessity. The international community
must respond, through innovative thinking, practical
methods and a collective determination, in order to
achieve democracy in international relations, maintain
the spirit of the Charter, and devise practical solutions
to national and regional conflicts and mitigate their
consequences for the development process in Member
States.
In that context, we would like to reiterate our
support for the efforts made by the Secretary-General
to reform the Organization and enhance its capacity to
shoulder its responsibilities and carry out it missions.
We look forward with great interest to the report
that the Secretary-General will present in December on
the outcome of the meetings of the High-Level Panel
on Threats, Challenges and Change. We hope that these
results and recommendations will not only meet the
hopes of the peoples of the world but will also be
sufficient to address the threats and problems that beset
international relations on all sides.
As reform and modernization of the United
Nations have become a goal for the majority of its
Members, by the same token, leaders and political
experts in many parts of the world, including the Arab
world, have become aware that reform and
modernization are important issues in their societies in
order to address the demands for change and the
movement of history, and that these issues must be
addressed with clear-sightedness and wisdom, to meet
25

the hopes and aspirations of the new generation for
progress and democratization.
As a result of that historic political awareness, the
reform and democratization process has made great
strides in the Kingdom of Bahrain. Bahrain has moved
rapidly in the building of democracy and the widening
of popular participation since the adoption of the
National Action Charter by the people of Bahrain on
14 February 2001, and municipal and parliamentary
elections in 2002.
It is clear that the call for reform and
democratization, which has become an important
contemporary element in international policy, has
become a demand of both industrialized countries and
of many developing countries as well. This year, the
President of the Group of Eight invited His Majesty
King Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa, the King of Bahrain,
to participate in its annual Summit held in Georgia,
United States, from 8 to 10 June last, in recognition of
His Majesty’s important role in the reform process and
the building of democracy in Bahrain.
The phenomenon of terrorism is a source of
concern for the international community, because of its
horrific spread to many different parts of the world.
Indeed, no region or country is immune. In that regard,
Bahrain reaffirms its condemnation of terrorism in all
its forms and manifestations, regardless of its sources
or motivation. We reassert that there can be no
justification whatsoever for terrorism, and that terrorist
acts are not condoned by any religion or belief.
Bahrain has condemned, and continues to
condemn, terrorist acts against countries and peoples
through which innocent lives are lost, and reaffirms its
solidarity with the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
and its support for all measures it has taken to
overcome these criminal actions, which contradict the
principles and tenets of Islam, a religion of tolerance
and mercy. Bahrain also condemns and denounces all
terrorist acts around the world, including the events at
the school in Beslan, North Ossetia, in Russia.
In examining terrorism and its threats, it is
necessary to review its causes in order to limit its
destructive danger. Among those causes, we find
poverty, ignorance, backwardness, unemployment, a
culture of extremism, fundamentalism, ethnic
prejudice, feelings of national desperation and
frustration, and violations of human rights.
To address this terrorist phenomenon, and within
the framework of regional and international cooperation
to fight it, Bahrain and the other countries of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) this year signed the GCC
Anti-Terrorism Agreement, a further step in
overcoming this scourge, which must be eradicated.
Israel is increasing its oppressive measures and
practices in the occupied territories against the
Palestinian people. It does not respect or comply with
international law and international legality by taking
areas of Palestinian land in its construction of the so-
called barrier, which consolidates the occupation and
the settlements, and extinguishes hopes for an
independent Palestinian State — the legal and
inalienable right of the Palestinian people.
The international community today must take a
courageous stand in the face of these actions, in
particular following the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice delivered on 9 July 2004,
and General Assembly resolution ES-10/15 of 20 July
2004, which represent a triumph for international
legality and a clear condemnation of the building of the
separation wall, which contradicts the principles of
international law. The international community must
use that opinion to pressure Israel to end its occupation
of all Palestinian and Arab territories, including the
Syrian Golan Heights and the Lebanese Shaba’a Farms.
The Arab countries reaffirm their commitment to
the Arab peace initiative agreed at the Beirut Summit
in 2002, and reaffirmed by the most recent Arab
Summit in Tunis in 2004, which calls for a complete
Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab land and the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State with
Jerusalem as its capital, in accordance with the
resolutions of international legality, in particular
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973),
1397 (2002) and 1515 (2003).
We call once again on the Quartet to resume its
efforts to promote the peace process, and we demand
that the Government of Israel fulfil its obligations
under the peace plan, as set out in the road map.
The situation in brotherly Iraq remains a continued
source of concern for the countries and peoples of the
region, in particular the violence and insecurity that
threaten it, despite continued efforts to maintain peace,
especially following the establishment of the Interim
Government, which took office on 28 June 2004, and
in spite of the transfer of sovereignty to Iraqi
26

authorities, the convening of the national conference
and steps taken towards the creation of an interim
National Legislative Council.
The upcoming stage requires that a vital and
effective role be played by the international community,
represented by the United Nations, which will bear the
heavy burden of supporting the interim Iraqi
Government and helping it to fulfil the tasks required
of it under Security Council resolution 1546 (2004).
Bahrain has on more than one occasion expressed
its support for efforts to maintain peace and security in
Iraq, and to create the conditions for the reconstruction
of the country and the maintenance of its unity. It also
reaffirmed its willingness to participate in Arab and
international efforts to rebuild Iraq and to maintain its
unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The security and stability of the Arab Gulf region
is a matter of great concern to the Government of
Bahrain, which is constantly seeking peace and
stability in a region that has suffered greatly during the
past three decades. The Kingdom of Bahrain, which is
a member of the Arab Gulf Cooperation Council, calls
upon the Islamic Republic of Iran to work to peacefully
resolve the issue of the islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser
Tunb and Abu Musa, which belong to the United Arab
Emirates, either through serious bilateral negotiations
aimed at an agreement between the two neighbouring
countries or by arbitration.
Given the Kingdom of Bahrain’s follow-up of
efforts to achieve peace and reconciliation and to re-
establish stability in important regions of the Arab
world, we welcomed the Naivasha Agreement between
the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Army. We are anxious to see an end to the
civil war there, which has taken a great toll in terms of
human life and material resources. Bahrain also
welcomed the agreement between the Sudan and the
United Nations aimed at ending the bloodshed in the
Darfur region, as well as the steps taken by the
Sudanese Government to implement its obligations in
accordance with the agreement that it signed with the
Secretary-General on 3 July.
Bahrain also expresses its support for the efforts
of the African Union, which is working with the
Sudanese Government with a view to resolving the
humanitarian crisis in Darfur. We affirm the
importance of respecting the Sudan’s sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity. We call on the
Security Council to give the Government of the Sudan
sufficient time to deal with the crisis and offer the
necessary financial assistance to bring it to an end.
Mr. Khan (Bangladesh), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
Today more than ever we are committed to the
principles and purposes of the Charter. We now have a
deeper understanding of the need for a modernized and
more advanced Organization that is capable of taking
part in collective international action, of responding to
the changes and challenges of the twenty-first century
and of ensuring greater democracy in international
relations, equal rights among the peoples of the world
and equal sovereignty among States. It must also be
able to arrive at solutions for problems that may occur
in the future on the basis of international partnership,
so that any as yet unforeseen challenges facing
humanity in the coming decades can be dealt with.
Past mistakes and current failures should not
divert us from our ambitions for a better future — a
future free from the scourge of war, a future of peace
and justice, where human rights and the dignity of the
individual are respected; a future where resources are
developed and where society can progress, where greed
has been eliminated and where countries cooperate
within an advanced international order that promotes
the rule of law and disseminates the values of human
rights, generosity and justice, without prejudice,
arrogance or discrimination.