Slightly more than a week ago the Zionist entity committed an act of criminal aggression against Tunisia in blindly bombing a Palestinian camp situated close to the Tunisian capital, causing dozens of casualties among innocent victims.
This act of State terrorism, which has added one more to those already perpetrated by Israel against Arab countries, again reveals its true face and very clearly brings out the objectives it has set for itself, assisted by its strategic allies.
At a time when the international community is celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, this act of aggression, seen as a crime against mankind attests to the contempt felt by the Zionist entity for the sacred principles of peace and justice set forth in the United Nations Charter.
My country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, unreservedly condemns this criminal act, and I should like here and now, on behalf of the Government and people of Comoros, to reaffirm our unswerving support and brotherly solidarity with the fraternal peoples of Palestine and Tunisia.*
I should like to take this opportunity to state how distressed the Government and people of Comoros were by the tragedy that struck Mexico.
I take this opportunity once again to express to the Government and people of that country our heartfelt condolences and to offer them our profound sympathy.
It is particularly gratifying to me to convey to Ambassador de Piniés, on behalf of my delegation, our hearty congratulations on his election to the presidency of this session. We are convinced that his diplomatic gifts, experience and familiarity with all issues acquired in his service in important posts both in his country and in the United Nations will be a reliable guarantee of the success of our work.
Let me also hail the skill, authority and dedication displayed by his predecessor. Ambassador Paul Lusaka, the representative of a fraternal country, Zambia, in discharging the important responsibilities entrusted to him, thus doing honor not only to his country but also to the whole of Africa.
I shall not fail once again to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr.Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless and constant efforts in the service of world peace.
This fortieth session of our Organization during which we are commemorating the fortieth anniversary of its founding is, for us, a historic event offering us the opportunity to take stock of these four decades of existence and to gage the scope of the role it has been able to play as an international organ created to promote peace, security and co-operation in the world.
We are compelled to acknowledge that in the face of the inexorable multiplication of perils the peoples of the world have never felt so keenly the threat which looms daily over them and jeopardizes their very existence. Hence our concern at becoming aware of the growing inability of our Organization to confront the manifold challenges facing mankind, particularly those that represent a direct threat to international peace and security. And hence our awareness of the pressing need to take the measures required by circumstances to ensure respect for and application of the principles of law and justice embodied in our Organization's Charter.
If we fail to be vigilant today, tomorrow may be too late. Indeed, how can it be otherwise when might is more powerful than right and violence is substituted for dialog and shared efforts?
Millions and millions of people have placed their hopes in this Organization. It embodies the conscience of the world at the same time as it constitutes, despite the obstacles in its way, the last moral threshold which certain Powers at times hesitate to cross.
The United Nations is the universal symbol of justice, equality and peace. It is thanks to its action that many peoples and dozens of nations previously laboring under the colonial yoke have today regained freedom and dignity. However, if the community of nations is to continue to discharge its heavy responsibilities effectively, a new state of mind forged of mutual understanding and reciprocal respect must prevail in international relations.
Just like the gloomy political situation now prevailing in international relations, the world economic situation is still a matter for concern. Indeed, most of the Members of this Organization, particularly those commonly known as the least developed countries, are suffering acutely from this unfavorable economic situation watching each day the circle of poverty, famine, disease and malnutrition tighten around them.
The developing countries in general and the least developed countries in particular are defenseless in facing the underlying causes of an economic crisis that is beyond their control. The disastrous effects of this crisis are inflation, reduction in external earnings resulting from a fall in the prices of raw materials, disarray in the international monetary system with a continued rise in interest rates, an increasingly heavy debt burden, the use by developed countries of protectionist measures, and many other elements.
The much vaunted recovery has begun a kind of LochNess monster and proves how inadequate are the partial and unilateral solutions taken by the developed countries to deal with structural problems. In our view, only a global and concerted approach encompassing all the realities of this complex situation, in particular taking into account the serious financial difficulties of the developing countries, will be sufficient to extirpate these ills. Indeed, the developing countries are seeing the prices of their commodities falling constantly, and thus their export earnings are reduced at a time when the debt load is becoming increasingly difficult to bear.
My country, the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros, one of the least developed countries, is feeling the damaging effects of this crisis particularly painfully. For, as an island country of very limited resources and remote from the major centers of international communications, we are suffering from a continued fall in export earnings, leading to a substantial reduction in purchasing power.
This situation has been further compounded for the past two years by poor sales of our major export products. It is, I think, very easy to envisage the consequences of such a situation for an already fragile economy. They have engendered a financial deadlock which impedes our development activities. That means that the efforts undertaken by the Government of the Comoros to improve the economic situation, however praiseworthy they may be, will not in themselves be sufficient to speed up our country's development.
The Government of the Comoros for its part, firmly committed to the spirit of free enterprise, appeals to all persons of goodwill to make their contribution to our national reconstruction. Without increased and sustained assistance from the international community, our country will be unable to attain the objectives which it has set itself.
To date, the Middle East has been an arena of death and destruction. Far from improving, the situation in that part of the world has worsened as a result of the intransigence of the State of Israel and its contempt for resolutions adopted in this Assembly. The Zionist entity not only refuses to withdraw from the Arab territories which it illegally occupies but persists in increasing the number of Jewish settlements, which quite often bring with them harsh repression of the Arab Palestinian population. In this regard, the report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories brings out very clearly the inhuman conditions imposed on the indigenous inhabitants.
As we have said time and again, there can be no lasting and just peace in the Middle East until the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are recognized, safeguarded and effectively enjoyed. Thus any negotiations aimed at settling this problem must necessarily involve the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole and authentic legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The situation in Lebanon, marked by daily violence and suffering, has been further exacerbated by the invasion of the Israeli army which, despite the significant losses inflicted on it by the brave people of Lebanon, continues its illegal occupation of a southern part of that country.
We take the view that the international community must bring mounting pressure to bear on Israel to compel it to withdraw its troops, in accordance with the terms of Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982), so that the territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon can be assured.
After five years of hostility resulting in a situation from which nobody can emerge the victor, the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq continues its ravages on both sides. Despite the efforts of the United Nations and other international organizations, this murderous war has still not ended. In this regard, we welcome the cease-fire proposals of the Iraqi Government with a view to finding a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the crisis and we reiterate our appeal to the two belligerent parties to cease hostilities immediately in keeping with the sacred principles of Islamic solidarity and fraternity.
The forces of a foreign Power have not succeeded, after five years of massacres and destruction, in neutralizing the valiant people of Afghanistan. In resisting an enemy whose means and strength are of a different order of magnitude, the people of Afghanistan have proved their determination to fight to the end to recover their independence and dignity. My country, which unreservedly supports the heroic struggle of this fraternal people, demands the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
Kampuchea continues to suffer foreign military occupation despite the resolutions adopted by our General Assembly. We demand the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces so as to enable the people of Kampuchea to return to a life of peace and freedom and to choose their own system of Government.
Despite recent overtures made by both parties, the situation on the Korean peninsula continues to be deadlocked. My country will spare no effort to support any initiative aimed at bringing about the peaceful reunification of that country. We urge both parties to persevere in their search for a just and lasting solution to the problem, for a united Korea will be a guarantee of peace and stability in that region. We also believe that the admission of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic Republic of Korea to this Organization would give added impetus to attempts at finding the solution we seek - the reunification of the country.
Southern Africa is still experiencing grave events. The situation is explosive and causes great concern among the international community. In fact, within South Africa bloody repression has been inflicted on the black population while punitive expeditions are launched against neighboring States, in contravention of the elementary rules of international law. The white minority regime persists in denying political and civil rights to the black majority, who, despite the imposition of a state of emergency, continues to wage its heroic struggle to recover its legitimate rights and its dignity.
A few days ago Angola suffered another criminal attack perpetrated by the racist regime of Pretoria. While condemning this barbarous act, we wish to reaffirm to the Government and the people of fraternal Angola our unswerving support and militant solidarity.
In Namibia, the South African army is persisting in its illegal occupation, despite the relevant resolutions adopted by this Organization. I should like to reiterate our wholehearted support for the struggle of the Namibian people to recover its independence, under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). The Government of Comoros remains convinced that only the full implementation of
Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will lead to a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the problem.
The situation in Chad calls for particular attention. The latent civil war in this country has for two decades been causing enormous loss of life and material resources in this fraternal country. We wholeheartedly welcome the mediation efforts of President Sassou Nguessou of the Congo to bring about the reconciliation of our Chadian brothers so as to put an end to their suffering and to enable them to undertake their task of national reconstruction.' we encourage him to continue on this course and we urge our Chadian brothers to persevere in this dialog until they can restore harmony and peace.
With regard to the Western Sahara, my country reiterates its entire and continuing support for the resolutions adopted at the eighteenth and nineteenth summit meetings of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and remains convinced that a satisfactory and lasting solution to this grave problem necessarily involves the holding of a referendum on self-determination in the country. In this respect, we urge all parties concerned to use all peaceful means at their disposal and to show good will and wisdom in order to reach this goal.
Like all the other States of the region, my country is concerned at the growing strength of the military presence in the Indian Ocean. Such a situation, exacerbated by great-Power rivalry, creates a climate of explosive tension causing apprehension to the coastal States.
Desirous of preserving peace and security in that region, my country has spared no effort to promote the creation of a zone of peace, demilitarized and denuclearized, in the Indian Ocean, in accordance with the Declaration in resolution 2832 (XXVI) of our Organization. We continue to hope that we shall at last see the international conference planned for that purpose in Sri Lanka.
Before I conclude this rapid review of the international situation, allow me once again to speak on a question that is very familiar to our Assembly, but a subject of major concern to my country. I refer to the question of the Comorian Island of Mayotte. This problem, the result of an injustice and a flagrant violation of international public law, is permanently on the agenda of all international and regional organizations. Once again this year it will be the subject of a specific debate, which will enable us to address it in more detail. For the time being, I would merely recall that on every occasion this question has been debated in the international community there has always been unanimity in condemning the injustice and use of force and affirming that Mayotte is an integral part of the Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros. As such, it must be restored to the Comorian entity.
Hence I reaffirm in this forum that the Comorian Government and people, drawing upon the strength of the rightness of their cause and the unanimous support of the international community, are resolved to struggle until their just cause triumphs. However, we remain open to dialog and consultation in order to bring about a speedy and just solution to this problem, in keeping with the recommendations of the relevant resolutions of this Assembly.
Once again therefore we make a pressing appeal to the French Government,.that within the framework of the friendly relations existing between our two countries, to take definite steps towards the settlement of this problem.
In concluding my remarks, I express the ardent hope that this Organization will be able to fulfill its primary mission: of promoting peace and fostering co-operation among the nations and peoples of this world.
On this historic occasion, as we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of our Organization, I would like to reaffirm solemnly my country's deep-rooted adherence to the ideals of peace, freedom and justice enshrined in our Charter.


I wish at the outset to congratulate the President warmly upon his election to preside over the fortieth session of the General Assembly. While offering the full co-operation of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, we sincerely wish him success in the discharge of his responsibilities.
May I also put on record our appreciation of the esteemed Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his devoted efforts to uplift the role and effectiveness of the Organization.
On the grievous and sad occasion of the tragedy that has befallen the people of Mexico, we express our deep sorrow and sympathy to the bereaved families of the deceased and to the people and the Government of Mexico.
of the basic principles of the policy of the Democratic Republic of
In less than three seeks we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of our Organization. That provides us with a fitting opportunity for reflection on which of the most important tasks set before the Organization by the signing of its Charter have been accomplished; what have been the causes behind the failures to fulfill certain of its other responsibilities; and what are the prospects for exploring new avenues to make the United Nations fully responsive to those needs and aspirations for which it was initially created.
A glance at the 40 years of service by the United Nations gives us sufficient reasons to assert that it has become an indispensable instrument of international life. Its achievements, although limited and modest, have been of immense importance in reshaping the whole content of international relations.
The United Nations, which was given the ptIsaacy role in the maintenance of international peace and security and in furthering international economic co-operation, acquired a very important position in managing international relations through the application of the norms and principles of international law crystallized in its Charter.
Great hopes were attached to the creation of a new world which, despite the divergence of ideologies and socio-economic systems, would be governed by the rule of law and adherence to the principles of the non-use of force and peaceful coexistence. Four decades later we take note with satisfaction that, thanks to this Organization, we have been able to prevent the outbreak of another world war. That cannot, however, diminish our regret at the fact that almost 150 wars and armed conflicts have taken place since then at local and regional level, some of which are still continuing. Although limited in scope and dimension, these conflicts have already claimed more than 20 million lives, which is more than all the military casualties of the Second World War.
The emergence of the community of socialist countries out of the great victory over Hitlerite fascism and Japanese militarism at the end of the Second World War fortified the central bastion of the forces of peace and progress, and it has served as the main ally and staunch supporter of all national liberation movements throughout the world. This new phenomenon gave an entirely new essence to the nature of international politics, making it impossible for the forces of imperialism and colonialism to dictate the destinies of mankind according to their own selfish interests.
The most outstanding and praiseworthy work of the United Nations was undoubtedly the setting in motion a quarter of a century ago of the process of decolonization, which led to the accession to independence of dozens of Asian, African and Latin American countries. The collapse of the system of colonial empires became the inevitable outcome of the long and fierce struggle of the colonial peoples and countries to throw off the shackles of dependence. This historic process ushered in a new era based on the principles of equal sovereignty and equitable co-operation. New spirit and blood were injected into the soul and the veins of the Organization, which made it, with the passage of time, a truly universal body.
The United Nations and more than 35 of its specialized agencies have been engaged in an admirable effort on behalf of the international community to attain the distinct and varied goals that were prescribed for the solution of the most acute problems affecting our world. Although the outcome of these efforts is far short of the initial expectations, what has been achieved could not have been accomplished save through the Organization.
The activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in the field of the economic development of developing countries probably constitute one of the salient features of the multilateralism forged by the United Nations. Of great value also is international co-operation in the field of education and health. The progressive development of legal instruments in the field of human rights has had a significant impact on the improvement of the human rights situation in various countries and regions.
Our rejoicing over the successes of the United Nations cannot and should not cause us to lessen the vigor with which we seek to enhance at a more rapid pace the role and effectiveness of this world Organization. Some may assert that the relative inability of the United Nations to consolidate international security and find appropriate solutions to the problems affecting the international political and economic environment emanates from shortcomings in the Charter of the United Nations. It is our belief, however, that the Charter represents the transcendent interests of all Member States. It is, rather, the lack of political will on the part of some Member States fully and scrupulously to implement the Charter that has led to the continued failure of efforts to bring about a better life in conformity with the vision of its authors and signatories.
One major example of such unacceptable and deplorable conduct is certainly the misuse of the veto power by the United States and some of its allies. The ever more frequent exercise of this right has resulted in deliberate disruption of the increasingly emerging consensus on some of the topical issues of our times, Palestine, Namibia and South Africa being the more obvious ones.
It is true that the United Nations has had a great impact on the formulation and progressive development of international law affecting almost every aspect of international relations; but at the same time it has been prevented from effectively implementing all these instruments in State-to-State relations.
Despite the many great efforts made, the system of international security is as fragile as ever. The present international political and security climate is characterized by an awesome concentration of potentially explosive situations, each of them fraught with the danger of plunging our world into a terminal nuclear conflagration whose menace is already looming large over mankind. The advent of the atomic age, marked by the first atomic bomb explosions over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, brought about a dramatically different notion of war. Since then the world has witnessed hitherto unknown quantum leaps in the sphere of the means of death and destruction. It is frightening to know that some of the new types of weapons possess more power than all the conventional weapons used in all the wars in history. It is, further, horrifying to learn that thousands upon thousands of such weapons have been stockpiled in the military arsenals of the world.
Yet the arms race seems to have increased in pace, dimensions and magnitude. New types of weapons of mass destruction are continually being developed and manufactured. New and additional grounds are sought for the stationing of these weapons in different territories and continent. Together with the unleashing of the arms race* a world-wide campaign has been launched to undermine the process of detente and to promote horrendous military doctrines justifying the concept of "security through strength". This is in fact a well-organized attempt at psychological preparation in the service of imperialist doctrines of "limited" or "protracted" nuclear war.
The hard-won agreements on some major aspects of the curbing of the arms race - for instance, on anti-ballistic missiles - are threatened with being unilaterally sunk in the Lethe. The obstinacy characterizing imperialist positions on other aspects of the arms race has justifiably dispelled hopes that reason will prevail among the imperialists. It becomes more and more evident that the verbal profession of peacefulness by imperialism is grossly at odds with its conduct. These conditions have instilled a pervasive atmosphere of enormous suspicion and fear.
In his annual report this year, the Secretary-General has rightly stated:
"He face today a world of almost infinite promise which is also a world of potentially terminal danger. The choice between these alternatives is ours ...
"The world is still, admittedly, a very imperfect, insecure, unjust, dangerous and, in all too many regions, impoverished place." (A/40/1, pp. 2, 3) He cannot but lament the fact that some very important issues which could have unacceptable consequences for international peace and security are still being allowed violently to disrupt the political serenity of regions and the world as a whole. The question of Palestine, where the situation has lea to many destructive wars in the entire region of the Middle East, has been before the United Nations almost since its establishment. One night have argued that the enormity of the death and destruction suffered by the Palestinians and other Arab peoples should have persuaded those responsible for the continuation of this unfortunate situation to embark seriously on the path of peaceful solution. One would have hoped that common sense and realists would have made it clear that there simply cannot be in that region.a lasting peace that is both just and comprehensive unless the Palestinians, under the leadership of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, are guaranteed the effective exercise of their inalienable rights and the aggressor is forced to withdraw from the Arab territories it has illegally occupied since 1967.
The international community owes it to itself to sake a determined effort-through the convening of the proposed international conference on peace in the Middle East, to bring tranquility and harmony to that war-ridden region of the world.
The people of Namibia, who have been longing for their emancipation from more than a century of colonial oppression, are still being denied, by artificially injected, extraneous and irrelevant issues set as preconditions, what all of us take for granted as our birthright.
The same evil that has chained Namibia has been responsible for the tears and blood being profusely shed in South Africa. It is a till possible for the despicable and abhorrent apartheid system to reign with impunity in the streets and localities, the mines and plantations, of South Africa. In addition, Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Botswana have remained permanent targets of coercion and intimidation by the same racist regime. The peoples of South Africa and Namibia, under the banner of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), are now on their final march towards smashing the ugly face of the colonialist apartheid system and consigning it to the ash-heap of history.
In Latin America a combination of imperialist policies is at work, providing a spectrum of direct military aggression and occupation, as in Grenada and Guantanamo; of mercenarism, armed interference and sabotage, as against heroic revolutionary Nicaragua; of political and economic coercion and blockade, as in Cuba and other countries; of sustaining unpopular oppressive regimes, as in Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala and others; of turning countries into military outposts or launching-pads of aggression, as in Honduras and Costa Rica; and of colonial occupation, as in Puerto Rico, the Malvinas Islands and elsewhere. All sorts of conspiracies are hatched to undermine the genuine and sincere efforts of the Government of Nicaragua and the countries of the Con tailor a Group to restore peace and stability in Central America. One cannot fail to see that the hand of United States imperialism is at work behind all the cases I have enumerated, although in some instances more use is being made of local surrogates.
In the conduct of its international relations the United States imperialism has pursued, and it continues to pursue, a course that flagrantly violates the obligations it assumed under the United Nations Charter and other multilateral and bilateral treaties. It has trampled upon every norm of international behavior in a lust to achieve its own imperialist ambitions. It has in most instances ignored or acted against the expressed will of the overwhelming majority of nations by misusing the authority vested in it as a permanent member of the Security Council. It has blocked many international efforts to find just solutions to some of the very explosive and dangerous situations in various corners of the world. It has prevented the achievement of understanding on certain important global economic and social issues that have burdened the international community for many decades. It has launched a vicious campaign of vilification against the concept of multilateralism and has already begun to carry out its threats to withdraw from the system of international organizations. It has developed its own narrow-minded concept of national security, which encompasses virtually all regions of the world as so-called areas of vital interest to the United States.
In total contrast with the aspirations and endeavors of the forces of peace and progress, it has effectively prevented the achievement of meaningful accords on curbing the arms race and implementing real and comprehensive measures aimed at nuclear and conventional disarmament. In its quest for world supremacy it has spread its armaments and military presence to most parts of the globe. Its warmongering and aggressive policy finds the planet Earth too limited an area for the full implementation of its militaristic designs, and it has thus launched the star wars plan, declaring outer space to be the new environment for its strategic arms spree, despite the strong condemnation of world public opinion and the United Nations.
In this context we hail the new and timely initiative of the Soviet Union on international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of outer space without its militarization, aimed at the realization of the star peace concept, as well as its declaration of moratoriums on the deployment of nuclear weapons in Europe and on the testing of all nuclear weapons.
For the purpose of building the world's largest and most destructive arsenal of strategic and conventional weapons the United States has recklessly squandered thousands of billions of dollars which are badly needed to fight the numerous economic and social ills of the world. It has engaged in the plunder and exploitation of the human and natural resources of the developing countries through transnational monopolies and has crippled the economies of those countries with the enormous burden of mounting external debt and soaring debt-servicing.
Cynically portraying itself as the champion of human rights, it has by its deeds grossly violated those rights, and not only in its own country; it has closely identified itself with monstrous regimes infamous for their blatant breach of the minimum standards of respect for the dignity of the human person.
Its hallucination concerning a new European and world map drawn to satisfy its long-term policy of aggrandizement and complete world domination has led to the deliberate fomenting of neo-fascist revanchist claims in Europe and unbridled militarism in the Far East.
It has launched direct military aggression against other sovereign countries and master-minded and carried out plots and intrigues to overthrow their national and independent Governments. Upgrading terrorism to the level of State policy, it has designed and implemented many assassination plots against the leaders of other countries and has used every opportunity to undermine the social, political and economic fabrics of those countries. Insulting the conscience of entire nations, it has put their national liberation movements on a par with terrorism, while at the same time it has awarded the title "freedom fighter" to some groups of professional killers, terrorists and mercenaries who are bred, nurtured and sustained by its own devilish spy networks. The acquisition of a semblance of legitimacy for all these unlawful deeds constitutes the crux of the incessant activities of the United States aimed at building its information imperialism through unrestricted expansion of its means of propaganda, slander and fabrication and by its rigorous opposition to the efforts of the overwhelming majority of nations to establish a new international information order. In short, United States imperialism has opted for a course of all-out militarization, confrontation, aggression, diktat, interference, exploitation and unilateralism.
The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan vehemently condemns such a course and calls for the increasing and co-ordinated action of all peace-loving countries and forces firmly to reject and oppose imperialist policies which, if allowed to continue, will inevitably lead to the extermination of life on earth. The recent Ministerial Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement held in Luanda has adopted certain action-oriented decisions in regard to these matters which, in our opinion, could become the basis for positive action by the General Assembly.
The continued occupation of parts of Cyprus by foreign troops and the futile attempts to lend legitimacy to an artificially created entity in the northern part of that island have rendered inconclusive the efforts of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus and of the Secretary-General aimed at preserving the unity and independence of that non-aliened country.
In South-Bast Asia, where for many years imperialism trailed upon the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of States of the area, a new life has slowly but surely emerged out of the smoke and ashes of the dirty imperialist war against Viet Nan and Laos and the bloody reign of the Pol Pot clique in Kampuchea. The Chinese hegemonists have become a party to the international conspiracies against the three peaceful Indochinese nations, conspiracies which have made it impossible for their peaceful demarche to give effect to the concept of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia.
The Korean people are also denied their legitimate right to peaceful re-unification, because of the presence of United states troops in the southern part of the country.
Over a million people have been reported to have fallen victim to the five-year long war between Iran and Iraq. One wonders how many more will be required before reason can prevail and help to bring this senseless fratricidal war to an end.
The efforts of the international community, particularly the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, to turn the area into a zone of peace, are being hindered by the increasing military build-up of the United States. We take this opportunity to express our firm support for the draft resolution submitted by the non-aligned members of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean calling for the convening of the long-due conference in the first half of 1986.
Notwithstanding the great achievements in the field of decolonization, we have yet to clear our conscience by doing all that could be done to help free the people of those dependent territories which constitute the last vestiges of colonialism.
Peoples of the Saharoui Arab Democratic Republic, New Caledonia and Micronesia have yet to be fully assured of their right to self-determination, while territories such as the Malagasy Islands, Hayotte, and the Chagos Archipelago still wait to be restored to the sovereignty of their respective countries.
The longest crisis in the economies of capitalist countries, and its devastating impact on the economies of the developing countries, particularly the least developed ones are posing a serious threat to the economic, social and political stability of those countries. The crisis is undoubtedly no mere cyclical phenomenon, but a symptom of deep-sooted structural imbalances and disequilibrium that characterize international economic relations. Protectionism, interest rates and debt servicing burdens have been on the rise, while commodity prices, official development assistance and reliance on multilateral co-operation continued to decline significantly. The shrinking real value of resources available to multilateral development institutions is in fact tantamount to a deliberate attempt, by the capitalist countries, at a gradual erosion of the multilateral framework for development. For most developing countries, this adverse external environment has meant stagnant or declining growth rates.
Bleaker prospects are to be awaited in 1986. According to some authoritative forecasts, the expected slowdown in world trade will threaten the transition to export-oriented adjustment policies in the developing countries. This would in turn drastically reduce the ability of those countries to adhere to the schedule of repayments of their external debts and debt services. The least developed countries will have to go through even more difficult times. We hope that V he mid-term global review of the implementation of the Substantial New Program of Action for the least developed countries, to be held from 30 September to 11 October this year, will provide an opportunity for adopting measures aimed at specific positive action towards the effective implementation of the Program.
It is only logical that sore attention should be paid to the problems of those least developed countries whose development efforts are further hampered by their geographical disadvantage as land-locked countries.
We condemn the continuing use of economic measures as a means of political and economic coercion. This alarming trend, which creates tension and distrust in international economic relations, undoubtedly disrupts the world economy and trade and undermines its legal foundations.
We are concerned by the intransigent position of some capitalist countries on the launching of global negotiations, which has led to persistence of an impasse on this issue in spite of the inherent flexibility of the two-phase approach proposed by the New Delhi Summit. In our opinion, more vigorous pressure must be exerted on the developed capitalist countries in order to overcome the present lack of political will on their part and to establish a new international economic order based on justice, equity and co-operation.
The noble and valiant people of Afghanistan had suffered for centuries under the oppressive and despotic regimes which represented the interests of a tiny privileged minority in society.
Favorable changes in the balance of forces at the international level and the gradual maturity of internal conditions provided the material basis for a fundamental change in the nature of Afghan society. An instrumental role in this process was played by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, which through its persistent struggle had become the authoritative vanguard of our people.
In accordance with the laws of history the evolution of socio-economic factors culminated in the creation of the momentum that led to the inevitable victory of the national democratic revolution on 27 April 1978. This constituted the final victory of the beneficial forces of progress and justice over the medieval forces of darkness and reaction.
The fundamental and drastic reforms introduced by the young revolutionary Government stand as brilliant and irrefutable proof of the popular and democratic essence of the revolution, a revolution that was launched and carried to success with the support of the people of Afghanistan under the leadership of the People Democratic Party of Afghanistan.
Every day that passed strengthens the popular foundation of revolutionary power. The recently held Loya Jirgah, or Grand Assembly of the Peoples, the elections to the local organs of State power and administration and the convening of the High Jirgah - or Council - of Frontier Tribes constitute landmarks in the process of transferring power to the masses.
Imperialism, which had never abandoned its hope of dominating Afghanistan and bringing that country under military-strategic influence, redoubled its efforts to create chaos by provoking anti-government activities.
By pouring hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of weapons and ammunition into the hands of counter-revolutionary mercenaries, imperialism, hegemonism and other reactionary forces had unleashed a dirty undeclared war against the people, the Government and the revolution of Afghanistan.
Faced with the ever-increasing threat of massive armed invasion and direct aggression, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan had no other choice but to take appropriate measures to safeguard the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. In conformity with the Afghan-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Good-neighborliness and Article 51 of the United nations Charter, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan requested and received from the Soviet Union friendly military assistance to help the Afghan people and armed forces repel outside interference and aggression.
The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has made it clear on various occasions, including in the two proposals of Hay 1980 and August 1981, that the Soviet limited military contingent would return to their peaceful country, by agreement with the Government of the Soviet Union, once the causes for their invitation ceased to exist and valid international guarantees are offered for their non-recurrence.
Consistent with its peaceful foreign policy, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has participated, with the utmost sincerity, in the process of the negotiations which are being held through the intermediary of the representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Diego Cordoves. While reaffirming our support for this process, we earnestly hope that Pakistan will abandon its rigid position and agree to the holding of direct negotiations between our two countries. This, in our opinion, is the only viable path to an amicable solution in the interest of all peoples of our region. We wish to address ourselves once again to those who still cherish the illusion of forcing Afghanistan back to its past: no evil power on earth will be able to deter the valorous and free-born people of Afghanistan from following their independent and non-aligned course. As Babrak Karaal, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, stated at a recent meeting of the Political Bureau of the Party:
"As an independent, non-aligned and peace-loving country, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan firmly and undeviatingly respects and observes the principles of the United Nations Charter, believes in good-neighborliness and desires the solution of problems in an atmosphere of peace and friendship on the basis of common sense and a logical approach through direct and mutually beneficial negotiations."


It is in the most sincere spirit of the solidarity that should reign among all Member States of our Organization that I wish to reiterate the heartfelt condolences of Panama, in which I am certain we all share, on the tragedy which has recently stricken the noble brother people of Mexico and to reaffirm our readiness to help alleviate its sorrow and assist in its reconstruction at this time of such serious economic difficulties for Mexico caused by its foreign debt. I wish to express our satisfaction at the adoption by the General Assembly the day before yesterday of a resolution in support of Mexico.
Please accept our congratulations, Mr. President, on the wise choice which the General Assembly has made in selecting you to lead it on the occasion of this historic anniversary.
Panama's commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and our national interest in abiding strictly by it are an expression of the heartfelt desire of the Panamanian people to make of this planet a place where harmonious co existence, justice and peace prevail.
The celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations is unquestionable evidence of its vitality, of the need for it and of its role. Its preventive and moderating action has prevented or contained actions detrimental to the very existence of the human race which might otherwise have proved incontrollable. However, despite four decades of vigilant efforts and tangible achievements and only 15 years from the 21st century, peace, justice and respect for the integrity of States and for human dignity are being breached or seriously endangered,
My country believes that detente and peace should reign everywhere.
In analyzing the international situation we must give a very special place to Latin America, a continent which faces an enormous challenge.
For more than three decades now Latin America has been experiencing a high population growth whose pressure on our socio-economic and political systems we were largely able to bear because it was offset by an economic take-off which incorporated considerable sectors of the people in development. Latin America presented itself as a continent with a future.
However, from the mid-1970s, Latin America began to suffer under the pendulum effects of the world economy, the drastic increase in inflation and oil prices, negative fluctuations in international trade and in the prices of our raw materials and also in interest rates. At the same time, while we lost foreign exchange through adverse terms of trade, which tended to stifle growth, there was an increase in the massive availability of international capital, opening up to our countries the road to indebtedness, which we embarked upon in the hope of recovering our rate of economic and social development after the recession of 1974 to 1976.
The results, however, were not those expected. Latin America's debt -necessary to a certain extent as a supplement to our own swings - grew at an average of 19 per cent a year between 1974 and 1981, until today it has reached the enormous level of approximately $370 billion, dangerously exceeding reasonable limits. The financing period, which averaged eight to 10 years, was extremely short, since those funds were being invested basically in long-term economic and social projects, which were slow to recover. The disequilibrium in the terms o£ trade was sharply accentuated between 1979 and 1982. The price of imports from industrialized countries - oil for the second time - and interest rates rapidly increased, while the prices of Latin American products in international markets went down. For Central America and Panama the terms of trade worsened by 25 per cent between 1979 and 1982. More than $80 billion of Latin American's external debt, 25 per cent of the total, was due to appropriate compensation for these factors.
The most significant problem of adjustment lay in the difference in the expectations of the economic policy. The developed countries decided to reduce inflation at a time when Latin America was applying an economic policy which required the persistence of world-wide inflation. In the end, cheap money became more expensive and the extent of the present crisis became clear.
This crisis in Latin America occurs in a context which makes it even more serious. At present population growth continues to be high, with an annual average rate of growth of 2.4 per cent in our countries. Half the population is under 20 years of age and it has important social needs in health, nutrition and education. The labor market is invaded every year by millions of new workers seeking jobs. Because of the rural to urban migration the population of the 80 principal Latin American cities has doubled in the past 20 years. The same phenomenon is expecting in the coming decades, thus creating extraordinary economic, social and political pressures. Although the present population pressure has begun to subside, which is good, the important needs of the existing population will continue to be felt until the end of the century.
As a result of its own dynamics, Latin America is at a turning point in its history. Some Latin Americans have attained acceptable levels of development; others are moving in that direction amidst major difficulties; one third are still living in extreme poverty and alienation. But education, communications, and transportation systems have created expectation of a better future is possible and it is for us, the leaders, to channel that aspiration with realism, but also with faith and hope.
Large-scale efforts are necessary singly to maintain this situation; in order to improve it we require economic growth of 5 per cent a year in the region and a considerable change in Latin American economic relations.
The debt problem has exacerbated the difference between the worlds of the North and the South and has made more dangerous the gap between the poor and the rich countries. Latin America owes $370 billion and developing countries owe more than $850 billion. This makes necessary urgent changes of a financial nature which place relations between debtors and creditors on a more just and realistic level. We must recognize that the problem is not one of debt and our region only; it is a global problem because of the participants - developing countries, developed countries and international banking and financial institutions - and because it encompasses all areas of the international economy. Therefore, its solution must be global.
Recognizing this fact, in the last three years the world has implemented some solutions based on three fundamental premises: first of all, that Latin-American countries would adjust their economies to new realities and that this would lead to a period of economic stagnation; secondly, that this effort at adjustment would be supported by the banking and financial community with additional resources and through a restructuring of the external debt; lastly, that, in addition to recovering their economic growth levels for their own good and in order to provide for world-wide recovery, the industrialized countries would keep their markets open to the exports of developing countries to assist in the recovery of their economies and their debt servicing. This solution was envisaged three years ago in recognition of the global scope of the problem. The results? however, have not been enough.
Latin America has done its part, but it cannot continue to make adjustments in the midst of stagnation. We are all part of the problem and we are all part of its solution. It behooves each one of us to shoulder our share of the responsibility in order to achieve results.
A solution which is based only on economic formulations is doomed to failure, because only one that takes account of human and social factors will open up the way to a global solution. A good agreement must take into account the potential of Latin American material and human resources, but also the constraints of its limitations. The peoples of Latin America cannot be pressured to the limit of their capacity. To try to push our peoples beyond what they can endure is to threaten the very foundations of our societies. The feeling that the time has come for democracy and human rights is vibrant in Latin America and it would be shortsighted to frustrate it by not providing economic paths more in tune with our needs.
Latin America must satisfy the needs of its people through economic growth, and for that it is necessary that in addition to contributing, with dignity our own efforts, vie receive more co-operation from the two other major protagonists in the solution.
International banking has undertaken a major effort in refinancing, but it must be recognized that in the last two or three years sufficient resources have not been transferred to Latin America; which has made the situation worse, we cannot think that the region can continue with a negative net transfer of resources. That is not the way in which any country has achieved development. It is essential to adopt policies that reduce interest rates, which are very high in real terms and which constitute a heavy burden on our balance of payments, limiting the capacity of the economies of the region to grow. The peoples of Latin America will never understand that they are working merely to pay interest.
On the other hand, it is important for the industrialized countries to achieve a rate of economic development of at least 3 or 4 per cent per annum in real terms, and to keep trade as open as possible so that they may buy our products and we theirs; that is the only way to invigorate the world economy.
After three years of experimentation the time has come to re-define the rules of the game and to set goals which will enable us 'co resolve two crucial points: economic growth with greater social well-being, and debt payment on different terms.
We are aware of many serious studies which have examined constructive and appropriate alternatives with a view to reaching better solutions. If we must further adjust to our situation, then let us all do so, developed and developing countries alike, so that by giving free rein to new creative energies we may respond to the needs of our peoples.
Therein lies the challenge we all face, for peace and security in Latin America depend on our bringing concrete solutions to the needs of our peoples and on our meeting their legitimate demands for improved living standards, for a full exercise of democracy and for genuine respect for their freedom and dignity. We cannot think of paying the debt at the cost of our peoples believing that progress and happiness are not possible in the Latin American democracies.
We, the leaders of Latin America, will not accept being faced with the dilemma of choosing between keeping faith with our peoples and paying the debt; for we will keep faith with our peoples. Such a dilemma would affect us all, debtors and creditors alike; thus, it is obvious that it is for all of us to make the choice which will be of benefit to us all. It is our responsibility to guide our peoples along the path of progress, freedom, democracy, opportunity and solidarity.
Good economic and social health in Latin America is advantageous to the industrialized countries, in particular those of the Americas. Our interests are complementary, just as our efforts to achieve well-being, security and peace should be joint efforts.
I believe it necessary to appeal to the conscience and historic responsibility of Ministers, heads of central banks, and the organizations which will soon meet in Seoul: The time has come for new decisions on international financing, trade among countries, and development; to act now, with a sense of balance and responsibility, will result in greater success for all, with a lower political and security cost. The road to peace depends on their action now.
I wish now to speak of our efforts to contribute to peace-making in Central America. He have come a long way towards honing the Contadora Act for Peace and Co-operation in Central America to the point at which it can be signed by all parties. The Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela and Panama have received many expressions of solidarity and support from the rest of Latin America, and recently, in more concrete terms, from the Lima Group made up of Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, from the United Nations, from the Organization of American States, from the Non-Aligned Movement, from the European Economic Community, and from the international community in general. But we have reached the point at which we need more than mere expressions of support.
In truth, very few points in the Act are still under discussion, and differences of position have been considerably reduced, to the point at which a text of the Act which could be approved no longer seems an impossibility, or even a labor of years.
However, I insist once again - and £ know that in this I am joined by the representative Governments of Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela - that in addition to the political will for peace that must soon be exercised by the
countries of Central America - with which the Contadora Group has been holding discussions and co-ordinating meetings, drafting and refining agreements, promoting and fostering conciliation - the responsibility for peace goes beyond the scope of Contadora; it extends to the Governments of countries with interests and ties in this region, where violence among brothers sows grief and desolation.
We are close to peace, but we are also close to increasingly dangerous and serious risks of a general conflict, whose unforeseeable consequences could have an impact on the entire world. We are in the twilight between night and day; at this historic time for Central America, it is of fundamental importance that we opt for the dawn.
As an active Member of the United Nations, Panama energetically condemns the arms race, which continues to grow.
The rivalry between the super-Powers is of deep concern to us, as are the violent actions which threaten world peace on the various continents.
*!e support the peaceful settlement of the problem of the Korean peninsula through direct dialog between its two parts. We also wish to express our wish that the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea may soon join the United Nations as fully fledged Members, so that both parts of the Korean peninsula may be present in this Organization.
It is our wish that General Assembly resolutions on the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan be faithfully implemented, and we support the Secretary-General's efforts to bring about a negotiated political settlement of the problems of that nation.
We reaffirm the need for respect for the rights of the Palestinian people and of the people of Israel, as well as those of the other States and peoples of the region, to live in peace within secure boundaries.
We stress that the war between Iran and Iraq must come to a halt, along with the foreign occupation of Cyprus and the tragic situation in Lebanon.
We believe a solution satisfactory to Argentina should be reached in the situation of the Malvinas Islands.
The alarming situation in Africa is of great concern to us. We recognize Africa's vital need to develop and to free itself from the servitude which has condemned millions of Africans to hunger.
We support African nations in their struggle to free themselves once and for all from all systems and forms of domination, exploitation and racism. We support the efforts of the front-line countries against colonialism in the region and stand in solidarity with the desire of the people of the Saharaoui Arab Republic for self-determination and independence.
We are outraged at South Africa's policy and practice of racism and apartheid which shocks all civilized nations and all those who believe in the dignity, equality and the inalienable right to justice and happiness of the human person. We strongly condemn its illegal occupation of Namibia.
Terrorism in all its manifestations is a practice which our country rejects and condemns because it violates the fundamental principles governing coexistence in societies and because it affects innocent men and women the victims of crimes which have been found reprehensible by all mankind.
We must promote peace and justice. I. am convinced that we can without delay take advantage of the possibilities which are opening up towards the realization of our own destinies and towards the elimination of inequality and imbalances in development that divide countries in two traditional blocs. We are convinced of the capacity for communication among men, of the wish of peoples to coexist and of the real possibility to achieve peace in the world.
Everyone can make a contribution towards enhancing communication between men and between peoples. We are especially proud to have had such an historical noble responsibility for almost 500 years, in facilitating the passage of goods and men between the oceans through the isthmus of Panama. Hence we have opted for peaceful negotiation in the highest spirit of consultation and mutual respect in our dealings with the United States of America over the thorny problem of the Panama Canal. The Torrijos-Carter treaties of 1977 show that both countries are well disposed to an orderly and harmonious transition of the primary responsibility for administering and defending this waterway until the last day of 1999, when it will be fully Panama's. Panama asked for and received international support for its cause. It pledged itself before the world to act with a great sense of responsibility, and it has done so. Today we continue to develop our democracy, our national independence and our economy. We are vigilant to ensure that those Canal pacts are adequately implemented, to resolve through bilateral negotiations
any pending problems of interpretation of the treaties and to bring about the work of widening the canal in the Corte Culebra, which is necessary in order to maintain the efficient operation of the present canal in accordance with the needs of international navigation. At the same time, we are preparing to meet the long-term future. To that end, within the symbolic framework of the United Nations Headquarters, a few minutes ago my country signed with the United States of America and Japan arrangements to undertake studies on alternatives to the Panama Canal so that the people of Panama may be as well informed as possible when the time comes to decide, in sovereignty, its options to continue to offer on a long-term basis an efficient and safe service for international trade and transport.
Panama is on its way to becoming a major inter-American center of international trade, as envisaged by the great liberator Simon Bolivar, always faithful to our history and Latin American heritage.
We are at a crossroads: to offer our peoples answers to find the path to peace and progress or to prepare ourselves to face violence which would go beyond our region and also affect the richer and more developed countries, We cannot go back to the path of inflation and to the draining of the scarce resources of our countries for the benefit of the rich nations. We cannot remain in stagnation, which brings about disenchantment and frustration. We have the technology and the know-how; we have leaders capable of seeing things within a true historical perspective; we have peoples who desire peace, freedom and progress. It is now our role to offeL-, with optimism, creativity and perseverance, the individual and collective leadership which history has placed upon us all.
On this new anniversary of the United Nations, let us renew the original commitment of mankind to win the war against hunger, poverty, disease, racism and inequality, for that is the true path to peace and the destiny God offered man when He endowed him with freedom and with creative force.


Allow me at the outset to congratulate Ambassador de Pinies cm his election to preside over the General Assembly at its fortieth session. At the same time, I wish him much strength, for the tense and dangerous world situation requires a serious discussion at this forum. I also pay tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the skill and dedication with which he guided the proceedings of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
I take this opportunity to reaffirm to Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar the appreciation and support of the Government of Suriname for his contribution to international peace, security and co-operation.
We express our sincere sympathy to the Government and the people of Mexico, which suffered so much during the recent earthquakes. We support the resolution which calls upon the international community to render generous assistance to alleviate the suffering of that people.
When the United Nations was founded, in the aftermath of the Second World War, its main objectives were international peace and co-operation and the preservation of the human species. There was a belief, a willingness and a common spirit throughout the world to join the march of mankind towards achieving the objectives to which we had solemnly committed ourselves.
In the past 40 years the united Nations has made invaluable contributions to the process of decolonization by actively opposing neo-colonialism and racism and by endeavoring to establish a new international economic order. The specialized agencies of this world body have made great contributions to the improvement of humanity and to the alleviation of global problems. But the United Nations has also known failures and shortcomings which require that certain measures be taken, measures to develop this world Organization further and strengthen multilateralism, we therefore cannot go along with those who use the shortcomings of the United Nations as a pretext to weaken multilateralism and to opt for bilateral relations.
We welcome the decision to commemorate this fortieth anniversary, which will provide us with the opportunity to elaborate further on the role of the united Nations.
The current world economic crisis, which originated in some of the major industrialized countries, has now become truly global in nature and scope. The seriousness and the acute character of the crisis which we are experiencing, and of which the third-world countries are the worst victims, require the re-evaluation of the role of this multilateral Organization in international economic relations and in the fostering of solutions to these problems.
When certain financial and other institutions were established, problems were not considered comprehensively, nor was the changing world political situation taken into account. At that time the majority of today's developing countries were not independent. The mechanisms of these institutions and the economic system of which they were a reflection were actually designed to protect the interests of the developed countries. The contradictions inherent in this system became apparent in the sixties, shortly.after many third-world countries had gained their independence. This economic system has proved to be unsuitable not only for the developmental needs of the third-world countries, but for the peoples of the countries which initiated it as well.
The current economic order has left the developing countries with continuously declining growth rates. Terms of trade have deteriorated and have further been affected by exchange-rate fluctuations, while the prices of raw materials are continually falling. High interest rates, protectionist measures and rising debt burdens have heavily undermined the economies of the developing countries. This poses a serious threat to their economic, social and political stability, and hence to international peace and security.
There seems to be an unwillingness among certain developed countries to engage in serious and meaningful negotiations to bring an end to the inequalities and injustices in international relations. My Government is of the opinion that the developed countries have to demonstrate their political will by considering the world economic problems in their totality. The current situation has abundantly demonstrated that the interests of the developed countries and those of the developing countries can no longer be treated separately.
The interdependent nature of the international situation, the increasing interrelationship of problems and the interconnection of their solutions must be
an incentive and reason for dialog and co-operation between the developing and the developed world. Global economic growth can be achieved and sustained by the co-operation of developed and developing countries in a partnership that is mutually beneficial.
The North-south dialog can yield positive results only if South-South co-operation is strengthened. Suriname will actively promote this form of co-operation, which, contrary to North-South relations, is not affected by the burden of inequalities inherited from colonialism and neo-colonialism. The relations between the third-world countries can be more genuine and sound and mutually beneficial, and can allow us to enjoy profits and benefits which were previously drained from our societies.
Peace and development are interrelated. Hence, the international community cannot be assured of durable peace so long as the economic disparities between nations keep widening. Political instability, resulting from armed conflicts, intervention and interference and the dangerous arms race, is hampering global development and the establishment of a viable economic order, since political freedom and economic progress are inseparable.
Given the present international situation, it is the inalienable right and the desire of the peoples of the third-world countries to liberate themselves from economic dependence and to build a strong national economy for their own interest and prosperity. Yet this uncontestable truth is often denied and is sometimes even met by economic, political or military aggression.
We condemn the use of economic measures by some developed countries as a means of exerting political coercion, and we urge Member states to develop effective ways to prevent embargoes, sanctions or any other coercive actions incompatible with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. We express the hope that this organization will take effective measures to put ah end to such practices, as they reflect the objectionable attitude of the right of the strongest.
Suriname is deeply concerned about the aggression and repression carried out against peoples struggling for their national liberation. Our position is based on the fundamental principles of respect for the national sovereignty of States, the right of self-determination, the principles of non-intervention and non-interference, the settlement.of disputes by peaceful means, and the establishment of relations based on mutual benefit. These are founding principles of the Non-Aligned Movement, of which my country is an active member. There is an immense task to be carried out by that Movement as it continues the work begun by its leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Soekarno, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Julius Nyerere, Fidel Castro, Josip Bros Tito and Indira Gandhi. The Non-Aligned Movement, which expresses the interests of the third-world countries, has an enormous task to perform in the creation of a new international economic order.
Suriname deplores the fact that on this fortieth anniversary of the United Nations we still cannot welcome to our midst a free South Africa liberated from apartheid. That despicable regime, which reminds us of the most savage and cruel period of colonial times, stands out in sharp contrast to the civilized world. The apartheid regime is now using new, refined forms of oppression to thwart the struggle for freedom of the vast majority of the people, while polarization in the country is growing. But nothing - not even the countless deaths among the black people - can stunt their growing awareness or quell their desire for freedom. The apartheid regime will not last! it is doomed to be buried in the dark pages of the history of mankind.
Our Government is of the opinion that, since the United Nations has qualified apartheid as a crime against humanity and since Pretoria neither accepts nor allows any form of dialog on a basis of equality, the people of South Africa have the legitimate right to carry out armed insurrection against that form of modern slavery. Suriname condemns the complicity of a number of western countries that maintain economic, commercial and military relations with the racist regime, thus violating United Nations resolutions. By doing so they artificially sustain a regime which is incapable of sustaining itself by its own force.
Given the policies of the apartheid regime, slow and gradual change in South Africa can no longer be accepted as an alternative, for the toll the oppressed people of South Africa would have to pay would be unacceptably high. Moreover, the world community cannot tolerate the genocide of the black people, which seems to be the only option for the racist regime.
The regime of South Africa does not confine its deplorable actions to its own territory, but continues illegally to occupy Namibia through a modern form of colonialism and to impose there the inhumane rules of apartheid. My Government calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all South African troops from Namibia and for an end to all the influence being exercised there. We demand the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), without qualification, amendment or the introduction of extraneous and irrelevant issues of linkage, parallelism or reciprocity. Suriname supports the struggle of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) for an independent and free Namibia, as we stressed at the special ministerial conference on Namibia held by the Co-ordinating Bureau of the non-aligned countries in New Delhi in April this year.
We also condemn all acts of aggression committed by South Africa against neighboring countries and give our full support to the struggle of the front-line and other neighboring States to defend their national sovereignty.
The African continent, with its enormous natural and human resources, remains one of the least developed parts of the world. Because of the vulnerable economic situation of the African countries, it has been impossible to do anything to counter the worsening climatic conditions which plague those countries and threaten the very survival of their people.
The tragedy we have been witnessing for decades in the Middle East has not permitted a single ray of hope throughout all those years. The deteriorating situation since the invasion of Lebanon is a matter of deep concern to my Government. We condemn Israel for its aggressive and expansionist policy towards neighboring countries, its indiscriminate and hasty resort to violence, its disregard of United Nations resolutions and its total lack of will to co-operate in the search for a lasting settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. We also condemn Israel for its recent brutal military attack on Tunisia, in flagrant violation of that country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, in a vain attempt to destroy the heroic Palestinian resistance. We affirm our support for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people struggling for national liberation. It is the opinion of my Government that the Palestinian question cannot be solved without the participation of the PLO.
An unfortunate conflict between Iran and Iraq has escalated into a bloody and tragic war, threatening peace and security in that region. We appeal to those brother nations to cease their hostilities and engage in meaningful dialog, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations and of the Non-Aligned Movement, and to reach a political settlement of the war.
With respect to the situation on the Korean peninsula, my Government supports the efforts of both parties to bring about reconciliation between the north and the south. The peaceful reunification of the Korean people would be an invaluable contribution to their future and prosperity.
We are deeply concerned about the tense situation in Central America. The people of that region have the right to determine their own future without any external political, economic or military interference. We therefore condemn the economic embargo against Nicaragua, the officially approved military aid to counter-revolutionary groups, and the so-called humanitarian aid that is, paradoxically, given to inhumane forces.
We categorically reject all plans for or threats of a military invasion of Nicaragua or El Salvador as a flagrant violation of the basic principles of the Charter of the united Nations. We fully support the untiring efforts of the Contadora group to achieve a peaceful solution to this conflict. The Contadora countries are fulfilling an important task in this hemisphere and are proving that the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are able to solve their own problems by peaceful means without external interference.
The tense and dangerous situation, which can easily escalate into a total Central American war, has awakened the Latin American consciousness that a peaceful solution to the Central American conflict is possible. This has resulted in growing support for the efforts of the Contadora group.
In the Caribbean, with its numerous small countries seeking viable development strategies, the existing socio-economic and political conditions are of great concern. Only the consolidation of Caribbean unity, based on the genuine interests of the people concerned, can solve the deep and prolonged crisis created by structural factors.
We are of the opinion that our region is basically confronted with problems which are caused by socio-economic stagnation. We therefore stress that solutions have to be found in the socio-economic field. We have noticed and we deplore the tendency to interpret these problems in the context of East-West tensions which, inter alia, has resulted in the military invasion of Grenada. We consider this tendency to be a policy to distract attention from the real causes.
We reiterate our call that the Caribbean and Central American region should be declared a zone of peace, which will lay the basis for stability and economic development in this region.
In the southern zone the repeated initiatives of the Government of Argentina with regard to the Malvinas Islands have not yet resulted in the reopening of
negotiations, we wish to reaffirm our support for Argentina's claim to sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and we support all peaceful initiatives designed to settle the dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom.
My delegation considers the successful conclusion in 1982 of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea as a historical achievement. This convention established a new legal order for the rational use of the seas and oceans as an instrument for peace, development and international co-operation, which will contribute to the achievement of a new international economic order.
The resources of the international area of the sea-bed can only be explored and exploited lawfully within the scope and under the international regime of the convention. We are of the opinion that no unilateral action by any State or group of states, through a separate mini-convention or parallel regime, will have any validity.
In the past decade the world community has been confronted with the question of refugees, which is a consequence of internal political developments or armed conflicts between States.
It is the responsibility of the international community and the parties concerned to find primarily political solutions to these problems.
We reiterate our support for the drafting of an international convention prohibiting the recruitment, financing, training and use of mercenaries. We would request Member states to co-operate in order to finalize the work of the United Nations in this respect.
The fact that Suriname only recently gained independence had several disadvantages for the country. At the same time, it provided us with the opportunity to learn from the sad and painful post-colonial experiences of so many countries in Asia, Africa and our own region, which became independent since the 1940s. Their experience taught us that the process of decolonization did not put an end to colonialism, but revived it in the disguised form of neo-colonialism.
The high toll that the peoples of the third world have paid during the past decades has taught us another important lesson, namely, that after a colony gains formal political independence, it sooner or later becomes necessary to establish genuine independence. The 25 February 1980 was the beginning of this real independence of Suriname, when State power was seized by young patriots and new prospects were opened up of building a strong national economy for the benefit of the people. Several obstacles had to be faced when problems arose as a reaction to this policy. On the national scene we have been able to safeguard the unity of the people, to establish stability and to defend our sovereignty in the political and economic field.
In this respect, we welcome the solidarity of the Non-Aligned Movement with the ongoing process in Suriname, expressed at the Seventh Meeting of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, recently held in Luanda, Angola, as follows:
"The Ministers reiterated their support for and solidarity with the people and the Government of the Republic of Suriname in their efforts aimed at preserving the independence and sovereignty of Suriname. They expressed their deep concern at measures taken and continuing attempts of certain Governments to exert pressures, which have an adverse effect on the political, economic and social development of Suriname and express the hope that the Governments concerned will engage in a frank, fair and meaningful dialog, without coercion or any other form of interference, in order to arrive at a solution on the basis of mutual respect and in the interest and well-being of the people of Suriname."
Since the people are the architects of their own future, we stand resolute in our conviction to continue the democratization process that has already begun. This will enable our people fully to participate and exercise political power in our society.
In the process of authentic democratization, based on the reality in Suriname and the aspirations of our people, a National Assembly has been installed in which representatives of trade unions, national entrepeneurs and the revolutionary movement are participating.
A national dialog has been started in an effort to incorporate all national forces in our endeavors to realize a just and equitable society for the entire people.
At the same time, an independent national institute for human rights was established in accordance with recommendations of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. This institute, which is already functioning, has established close relations with relevant international organizations.
Today, Suriname forms an integral part of both the Caribbean and Latin America and we actively encourage the integration of the region. He believe that the integration of our region is an indispensable condition for the solution of the fundamental problems confronting us.
The astronomical Latin American debt forces our countries into concerted action to find solutions for this grave economic problem, which has already developed into a major political issue in the region. The debt cannot be repaid without bringing about the misery of the peoples of this continent. Therefore, repayment must be related to the export earnings and the repayment capacity of the debtor countries. The debt problem once more proves the need for a concerted effort by the countries in the region to find solutions to common problems. Suriname will actively support every initiative which consolidates the integration and unity of the region.
Suriname has welcomed the decision of the General Assembly to declare 1986 the International Year of Peace. We consider this decision primarily as timely support for the growing desire of the peoples of the world to put an end to the use of force in relations among States. At the same time, any indication of a continued arms race causes great anxiety.
We oppose the continued production of nuclear arms, the creation of nuclear arms systems, the tendency for monopolization of nuclear technology and the "star wars" program. The arms race brings economic development to a halt, creates unstable political situations and poses a threat to peace and security and to the future of humanity. We urge that nuclear technology should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and for the development of mankind, and we advocate a complete ban on nuclear arms.
Many valuable resources, including huge sums of money, manpower and the intellect of many of the most talented and gifted men, which are now being wasted, should be utilized for the benefit of mankind.
It is therefore the sincere hope of my Government that, in the coming year which will be devoted to the cause of peace, the Member states of this Organization will find solutions which will guarantee a future for humanity. We urge the countries concerned to negotiate seriously the urgent problem of arms limitation.
My country gained its independence in November 1975. we became a Member of the United Nations in the same year. Despite the shortcomings of this Organization, its principles provide us with the most effective instruments to regulate international relations in this divided contemporary world. On this tenth anniversary of the membership of the Republic of Suriname, we therefore renew our commitment to the principles of the united Nations.