38 I am very grateful for the opportunity to address the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. May I be allowed, first of all, to convey to this gathering warm greetings from the President, the Prime Minister and the Government and people of Zimbabwe. The Republic of Zimbabwe further wishes to assure you all, that 15 .months after our own admission to the United Nations we still firmly stand by our pledge and commitment to support the efforts and ideals of this great Organization. We rededicate ourselves to the United Nations ideals of freedom, equality and social justice for all.
39.	On my own behalf and also speaking for the Zimbabwe delegation, may I congratulate you, Sit; and your country on your well-deserved election to the most important position of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The Assembly could not have made a better choice of a successor to the President of the thirty- fifth session, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. Your predecessor presided over the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session and of the special sessions with skill, dedication and, indeed, distinction. May I congratulate him through you. Your own experience and distinguished career as diplomat and member of the United Nations Secretariat amply qualify you for the difficult task which the Assembly has given you. Let me assure you of my personal wishes and those of the Zimbabwe delegation for a most enjoyable and fruitful term of office.
40.	The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly has before it an agenda which is as long as it is truly reflective of the current international scene. Even the most optimistic observer of international affairs will readily admit that our world is today characterized and, indeed, threatened by potentially explosive tensions which have in some regions already led to open armed conflicts, thus menacing regional if not international stability, security and peace. Political oppression, flagrant disregard for and violation of the principle of nonintervention and noninterference in the affairs of a sovereign State, territorial expansionism, racism, disrespect for human rights and inequitable distribution of wealth, nationally and regionally, are among the most common generators of these tensions and open conflicts. In other words, the dangers to regional and international stability and security are very much man-made. In our view, the United Nations, which was founded to ensource world peace and security and to protect the rights of the individual and those of the nations and peoples of the world, must stand firmly and without fear of favor behind the principles and ideals of its Cahrter. The United Nations must unequivocally denounce, condemn and reject outright any acts, designs or tendencies, from whatever quarter, which are aimed at compromising the principles and ideals that have always made this international body a truly effective guarantor of human rights and world peace and security.

41.	May I now turn to the southern African region, one of the world's danger spots. We from that troubled area are very much concerned that unless the international community, through the United Nations, intervenes quickly and effectively, the rapid breakdown of regional stability now threatening world peace and security may soon get irretrievably out of control. It is our sincere hope, therefore, that this warning will be taken seriously by the General Assembly and that appropriate measures will be adopted to deal with the situation.
42.	Almost all the causes of the tension and open armed conflicts already mentioned are at work in southern Africa and are attributable to the racist apartheid Pretoria regime. Not only does this regime employ the most repressive police and military machines to silence internal opposition and resistance by the politically oppressed and economically and culturally exploited black majority, but the white racist minority Government also, without any provocation, repeatedly invades the neighboring sovereign States. Thus, unashamedly, the regime's forces have invaded and continue to attack the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of Botswana, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Republic of Zambia. Again, without any provocation, the racist Pretoria regime has declared its intention to attack our young republic and is currently doing everything in its power to destabilize it.
43.	By far the most dangerous crime in the racist regime's endless catalog of brutalities against humanity is the recent unprovoked invasion of Angola. As representatives know, the invasion was followed by the occupation of the southern part of Angola by the enemy forces, which killed thousands of civilians and senselessly destroyed much Angolan property. The world was stunned and revolted by the regime's disregard of international law. And yet, it must also be sadly observed that Pretoria was not without advocates, if not supporters, in its acts of brutality against the peace-loving people of Angola. As representatives will recall s when in August last the Security Council met to discuss apartheid South Africa's aggression against Angola, certain voices would not support the relevant draft resolution. Those voices wanted the invasion to be seen within a context other than that of an unprovoked aggression against another State resulting , in the violation of that State's territorial integrity and national sovereignty.
44.	In addition to its attacks against the neighboring States with its well-equipped air force, it is also a well known fact that the Pretoria regime finances, equips and trains dissident and unpatriotic Angolan, Mozambican, Zambian and Zimbabwean criminal elements which are regularly unleashed to return to their respective countries to commit sabotage, rape and murder against their own people. Nor is this list of the racist regime's crimes complete. The activities of the murder and kidnapping squads of the apartheid PretoriaGovernment are well known in the capitals of neighboring Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Swaziland, the United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe, where hundreds of Namibian and exiled South African patriots have been cold-bloodedly murdered. Many more have been and are being kidnapped and abducted to apartheid South Africa to be tortured to death in the regime's death chambers, euphemistically called prisons.
45.	The international community has now given the racist minority regime more than enough warning and opportunity to end its crimes against the black majority in South Africa and Namibia in particular and humanity in general. And yet, racist Pretoria continues arrogantly to defy with impunity the already very numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. It has disregarded, again with impunity, an equally large number of calls and resolutions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the nonaligned movement to end its illegal occupation of Namibia and to facilitate genuine political changes internally in order that the black people of South Africa may exercise their full rights as free citizens of their land.
46.	We have already expressed grave concern and warning about the dangerous military consequences for our region caused by the regime's destabilizing policies and activities. We must also emphasize and warn against the equally injurious effects of the apartheid system upon national as well as regional economic developments. For instance, it is not a secret that, taking advantage of the fact that the economies of the neighboring States are linked to it by geographical and historical factors, apartheid South Africa often adopts a policy of economic intimidation and blackmail. Pretoria's economic bullying and its military aggression against the front-line States are aimed at deterring us from giving material, moral and diplomatic support and Assistance to the oppressed South Africans and Namibians and their respective authentic liberation movements.
47.	The Republic of Zimbabwe joins its free and independent neighbors in the region in telling racist South Africa unequivocally that intimidation, whether military or economic, will never deter us from our progressive and internationalist duty and responsibility to give whatever assistance we can to the forces fighting for social justice, political independence and sovereignty in our own region or for that matter anywhere else in the world.
48.	Those of us living in the troubled region also know full well that economic independence is crucial not only to our ability effectively to support the processes of liberation in South Africa and Namibia, but also to the maintenance of our own respective hard-won national independence and sovereignty. Consequently, not only do we, as the concerned nations, promote diplomatic relations among ourselves and with other regions, but we are also taking practical measures to develop our respective national and regional economies. Our countries are cooperating amongst themselves economically and are also encouraging cooperation with other regions. The formation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference in early 1980 clearly demonstrates that determination to develop our economies through regional and interregional cooperation and also effectively to resist the racist regime's economic blackmail.
49.	Those honest efforts can succeed only if there is an effective mobilization of our national and regional resources, as well as generous assistance from the developed countries which are Members of this international body. I should like, in that context, to express our sincere appreciation and gratitude to those countries, organizations and institutions which have already responded so generously to our .appeal for financial, technical and material aid and assistance. Indeed, the remarkable success of the Zimbabwe Conference on Reconstruction and Development in March this year was largely attributable to a positive international response to our needs.
5U. l should now like to turn to other areas where foreign aggression, occupation and domination continue to deny the indigenous societies their sovereignty, with serious consequences for regional stability and international security.
51.	On our own continent, for instance, the Sahraoui people of Western Sahara are still denied their right to self-determination by a foreign Power claiming their Territory. The Sahraoui, under the leadership of the gallant and revolutionary POLISARIO5 movement, have for many years been fighting for their country's liberation. Zimbabwe stands solidly behind them because their cause is just and in conformity with the principles of the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement.
52.	The delegation of Zimbabwe also wishes to see the United Nations and the OAU take the necessary measures to implement their respective decisions and resolutions to bring about a ceasefire in the area. Zimbabwe wishes to see the people of Western Sahara establish their republic on their own territory. We believe that the referendum mentioned in the resolution on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [see A/36/534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res.103 (XVIII)], is a step in the right direction.
53.	My delegation is equally concerned about the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Middle East. As representatives know, for decades the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement have been warning against the dangerous situation developing in that region.
54.	As in southern Africa, in the Middle East too the rapid deterioration is mainly attributable to one factor, in this case Zionism. Indeed, as political and social doctrines, Zionism and apartheid share several common characteristics; hence the existence of what has been called a Tel AvivPretoria axis. They are both racist philosophies whose followers believe that certain races are inferior. Both doctrines justify and encourage the territorial occupation, dispossession and colonization of the so-called racial inferiors.
55.	In the Middle East Zionist expansionist policies and practices have resulted in the grabbing of Arab land and are seriously threatening the very existence of some Arab States and communities. The main cause of tension in that region is Zionist Israel's refusal to accept the universally recognized fact that the Palestinians are a people which, like every other people, is entitled to its own freedom and an independent and sovereign State. Naturally, the dispossessed and oppressed Palestinians and their gallant revolutionary movement, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], are fighting with all the means at their disposal to wrench their fatherland, including historic Jerusalem, from the Zionists. Again Zimbabwe fully supports the just and legitimate Palestinian struggle for survival, liberation, independence and sovereignty that is being waged in that area.
56.	We also wish to call upon the United Nations urgently to take appropriate steps to compel Israel unconditionally to withdraw from all Palestinian and other Arab lands occupied during the 1967 expansionist war, including the city of Jerusalem, in order to facilitate Palestinian self-determination. In the meantime, the international community, collectively and severally, must continue its political; diplomatic, material and military support for the struggling Palestinians under their gallant liberation movement, the PLO.
57.	The delegation of Zimbabwe holds the view that the Arab States which are resolutely and determinedly supporting the Palestinian struggle, in spite of Israeli aggression against them, must be commended for that internationalist duty. They should also be assisted by the international community in the defense of their sovereignty and territorial integrity against Zionist aggression which is designed to deter them from supporting the PLO and from giving asylum to Palestinian refugees.
58.	The United Nations is the only hope left to all the peoples still living under foreign occupation and oppression for their freedom, self-determination, peace and the fulfillment of their national aspirations. Accordingly, my delegation very strongly supports the people of East Timor in their efforts to enlist United Nations assistance in their struggle for self-determination. We call upon all freedom-loving people to support the FRETILIN6 liberation movement, which is guiding the East Timorese in their struggle for freedom.
59.	We also note with joy that, after decades of colonial rule, the people of Vanuatu have now gained freedom and independence. It pleases us even more to see them occupy the seat, which has always been theirs by right, in this assembly of sovereign nations as the one hundred fifty-fifth Member State of the United Nations. To them we extend our warmest congratulations.
60.	By the same token, we also wish to salute Belize, which attained nationhood on 21 September this year, and we are extremely pleased to see the Belizean delegation occupying its seat in the Assembly.
61.	One of the most sacred principles of the United Nations is that of nonintervention and noninterference in the internal affairs of sovereign State. Regrettably, however, this fundamental pillar of relationships among nations has been, and continues to be, transgressed in several areas, including Afghanistan, Kampuchea and the Korean peninsula, to mention only some of the areas where such violation is taking place. As representatives know, in all these cases, external interference not only makes murky waters even muddier but also certainly endangers world peace and security. Zimbabwe strongly believes that it is the right of every sovereign nation to settle its internal affairs without outside intervention and interference. Accordingly, Zimbabwe supports the call for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed on Afghan and Kampuchean territory. We also appeal for the strict observance of, and respect for, the territorial integrity, sovereignty and nonaligned status of both Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
62.	On the Korean peninsula, external intervention and interference have taken the following main forms: a massive foreign military buildup in the South and foreign propaganda geared towards the throttling of any positive move towards the reunification of Korea. The enemies of Korean unity would like, for instance, to perpetuate disunity among the people of the peninsula by preaching the divisive myth of the so-calledF two Koreas policy. The United Nations must reject outright any designs to create two Koreas and the international community should, instead, support those patriotic forces in Korea labouring to bring about the reunification of Korea under one national government. We believe that the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from the South and the cessation of malicious propaganda will greatly contribute towards the creation of an atmosphere conducive to this goal.
63.	Zimbabwe also fully supports the initiatives of President Kim II Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and his Government. Ws believe that the establishment of a confederate system as envisioned by President Kim II Sung is a most realistic step towards the ultimate unification of Korea.
64.	I should like now to turn to the economic factors which are some of the main causes of tension on the international scene. Many speakers before me have already referred to the deteriorating world economic situation. Some have warned against its national and regional consequences, which are bound to have serious repercussions on world stability. It has been observed that every country, developing and industrialized, has been experiencing a low level of economic performance, stagnation in industrial output, inflation and increasing unemployment. The ravages of the adverse world economic situation have been more severe in the economies and societies of the developing countries than in those of the industrialized nations.
65.	What is more disturbing is the fact that the immediate future is not promising for the developing economies and societies, which are certain to experience a further decline in the coming years. The only hope, in our opinion, lies in in international approach to what is certainly a worldwide crisis. While no one would blame the economic woes of the developing countries entirely upon the economic policies and practices of the major industrialized nations, most observers would agree that leading industrialized countries have so far been responsible for retarding progress towards the achievement of international cooperation in dealing with the declining world economic situation. For instance, it is the total lack of political will, coupled with stubbornness, in some quarters, on the part of these nations that has been the chief stumbling block to the launching of global negotiations for the creation of a new international economic order.
66.	The delegation of Zimbabwe wishes to pledge its full support for, and cooperation with, any efforts to bring about intemationaTcooperation in dealing with the serious world economic situation. Although we do not believe that there is any panacea for the current economic woes of the South, we are convinced that NorthSouth cooperation will contribute markedly to averting the catastrophe facing our world today.
67.	By far the biggest threat to international peace and security, and to the very existence of human life on this planet, is the vicious arms race between the two superPowers. This race, which began just after the Second World War, is being fueled by growing EastWest tension, as each superPower seeks to gain mastery over the whole world and to ensure its security against the other by the massive production of arms, including nuclear weapons. United Nations efforts and calls to stop the further spread of military nuclear technology have been  and continue to be ignored, and the list of countries possessing this dangerous technology has become even longer. Also, since 1963, when the Soviet Union, the United States of America and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, many tests have been carried out by those same countries. Even more disturbing, other countries, including apartheid South Africa and Zionist Israel, are known to have added their names to the list. It would appear that some countries regard every region of the world as available for their nuclear testing activities. The calls by the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement to create nuclear-free zones in such regions as Africa, the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and SouthEast Asia have been ignored contemptuously.
68.	The search for an international agreement to reduce arms, and ultimately to bring about general and complete disarmament, must be continued vigorously. My delegation is most appreciative of United Nations efforts in this regard. We also support the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament and we believe, too, that a world conference devoted to this issue is in the interest of world peace and security.


It is with deep emotion that I come to this rostrum on the eve of the funeral ceremonies at which the fraternal Egyptian people and the whole world will mourn President Anwar El Sadat. May the peace of the Almighty be with him. We feel his death as a great loss, not only for Egypt, which loses one of its greatest sons, but also for mankind. We must condemn the ignoble deed which cost him his life and wounded many members of the diplomatic corps. I wish to ask the delegation of Egypt to be good enough to transmit to the family of the deceased
and to the. Government of Egypt the sincere condolences of the Government and people of the Comoros. .
170.	I wish to congratulate Mr. Kittani on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His qualities as a diplomat and the distinction with which he represents his country in the Organization are guarantees for the success of our work, '.
171.	May I also be permitted to acknowledge the competence with which his predecessor, Mr. vou Wecimuu; fulfilled the mission we entrusted to him.
172.	I should also like to extend a welcome to Vanuatu and Belize, which have now joined the ranks of the great family of nations. I wish to assure them of the readiness of my Government to co-operate with them.
173.	On behalf of my delegation I should also like to express the admiration and respect which we have in the Comoros for the Secretary-General and the tireless efforts he is making in the service of peace throughout the world. In view of the tribulations and multiple dangers threatening mankind, the delicacy and difficulty inherent in the tasks with which we have entrusted him are more clearly seen.
174.	Perhaps never before have the peoples and States which we govern felt so strongly the threat which dally weighs upon them and which may at any moment imperil their very existence. Hence, it is urgent to adopt measures to express in terras of action the principles of law and justice which ate written into the Charter of the United Nations.
175.	Millions upon millions of human beings are placing their hopes in the Organization. That is an enormous responsibility, but it is not too great for our nations. Throughout the whole of its existence the United Nations has stood for justice and peace, and this Is not the least of its merits. Millions of men, yesterday reduced to exploitation and colonialism, are today upright, proud and determined to be recognized for what they are, namely, human beings. However, in order that the community of States may continue to be credible, a new structure based on mutual understanding must be given to International relations. We must demonstrate that the confidence that our peoples repose in it is not misplaced. We must prove, if only to ourselves, that we aw capable of showing that we are equal to our great responsibilities and that we can fulfill them.
176.	Thirty-one Members of the Organization, including my country, are suffering particularly acutely from the unfavorable economic situation which the world is experiencing at present, and therefore every day the circle of poverty, famine and disease closes in a little more on their peoples. Those countries, which we have decided to call the "least-developed", are faced with the most awesome structural problems, in terms of human as well as technical and financial resources, and are suffering from one or several geographic or climatic handicaps, such as the absence of a coastline, insularity, drought, cyclones, and so on. Thus each one of them lives with these difficulties in its own way in accordance with its specific con figuration.
177.'	Such is the case with the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, my country, which, because of its insularity, is seriously handicapped by the absence of a solid Infrastructure in the air and maritime transport sectors and that of telecommunications. The development of those infrastructures, like the extension of the road network, Is among the priorities of my Government. But launching that program requires considerable assistance with financial resources, which at present we lack. An ambitious program aimed notably at connecting the principal economic centers of my country to the agricultural regions has been launched, however, thanks in particular to the assistance of the Kuwaiti and Saudi Arabian Bind.
178.	Yet such actions must be extended to all the other vital sectors of our economy, and this will be possible only through co-ordinated international action and with substantial technical and financial support, in particular from the developed countries, the organizations of the United Nations system and other developing countries that are in a position to provide U.
179.	We can therefore only be pleased at the growing interest that the Organization is showing in this category of countries and, thus, at the initiative of the French Government in hosting in Paris last month the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries.
180.	One of the merits of that Conference is that it has made it possible for us to take stock of our problems, to determine the priorities involved and to define a strategy for each one of our countries with considerable realism. Unfortunately, we must deplore the lack of readiness displayed at that Conference by certain developed countries to participate in a substantial way in the development of these poorest countries. It is those negative attitudes which underlie the impasse which the North-South dialog has reached and which, in our opinion, are particularly dangerous because they can promote and multiply confrontations.
181.	To be sure, we in the third world also have a not Insignificant role In the success of the North-South dialog. We cannot overcome underdevelopment by continuing to devote a large part of cur meager resources to armaments, which are all the more harmful in that they increase our dependence on the suppliers. '
182.	The greet Powers must at last demonstrate moderation and realism and in particular stop giving the impression that their fundamental interests are constantly being threatened. Otherwise, a new form of cold war will emerge, giving priority to problems of security and defense to the detriment of the goals of co-operation and development contemplated for the new international economic order that we wish to establish.
183.	The International Meeting on Co-operation and Development dial is to take place at the end of this month at Cancun will give the principal Powers an exceptional opportunity to regain the confidence of the third world by showing that they will not go back to negative unilateral attitudes on the relevance of the North-South dialog. We hope that this meeting will result in a clear commitment to contribute to the launching of global negotiations and that a basic consensus can be reached.
184.	We are bound to observe that It Is the rivalry between the great Powers that underlies the unacceptable situation that continues to prevail in Afghanistan. We continue to feel that that country must regain its status as an independent and non-aligned State and that therefore the presence of foreign troops on its territory is illegal. Such crises not only threaten international peace and security but can have unforeseeable consequences.
185.	The unfortunate conflict which, broke out more than a year ago between Iran and Iraq, on the subject of which we have on numerous occasions expressed our great concern, does not simply constitute a threat to peace in the region. The repercussions of that confrontation on the sale and price of a product of fundamental importance show to what extent the general well-being may be endangered by any disturbance or crisis of significant magnitude. 1
186.	It is also the rivalry between the great Powers that underlies the explosive situation that today characterizes the region of the Indian Ocean and threatens to transform that area into an arena of permanent instability. In this connection we can only regret that because of the numerous obstacles produced by certain developed countries, the conference that the Organization expected to hold at Colombo this year to study the modalities for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)] cannot take place.	'
187.	The industrialized world cannot invoke the great values of democracy, freedom and respect for human rights while at the same time trying to defend at all cost the most exorbitant elements of its interests and its most intolerable privileges, especially when we know that it is with the complicity of certain of those countries and the support of their multinational corporations that South Africa today succeeds in maintaining thousands of Africans in a situation of indescribable exploitation. It is thanks to their aid that Pretoria continues to defy with impunity the decisions of the Organization by illegally occupying Namibia while systematically persecuting the representative of its people, SWAPO.
188.	We must also deplore the fact that because of the veto cast by certain permanent members, the Security Council has been unable so far fully to assume, its responsibilities pursuant to the unanimous request of African and non-aligned countries. It was because of that impediment and the general Impasse that faced the Organization that a special session of the General Assembly devoted to this important question was held right here last month. On that occasion, as every time that this problem has been debated, by the international community, there was unanimous agreement that severe measures should be token to force South Africa to comply with our decisions.
189.	Unfortunately, it seems that neither our unanimous support for the struggle of the Namibian people nor successive condemnations have been sufficient. Only concerted and collective international action is likely to lead Pretoria to observe even its own commitments. For such action, my delegation believes Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must constitute our base of reference. We must now attempting to re-examine it under the pretext of attempting to improve it. For any hesitation  in its implementation will only serve to strengthen South Africa's intransigence.
190.	Tho great Powers must agree to severe sanctions being imposed upon the apartheid regime and must change their complacent attitude with respect to it, just as they must stop supporting Israel by providing it with the means for its annexationist and expansionist policy. '
191.	The attack upon the Iraqi installation at Himuz, which my country severely condemned at the time, clearly shows Israel's deliberate will to continue to resort to force, in violation of the Charter. The means put at its disposal make it possible for the Zionist forces to extend their grip by occupying Palestinian land, by shamelessly Judaizing the occupied territories and by high-handedly taking over Jerusalem, the Holy City, the sacred center of all revealed religions.
192.	Israel can no longer continue to ignore the Palestinian fact, the right of that people to self-determination and to found an independent State upon its own soil. I wish to take this opportunity to reaffirm once again the steadfast support of the Government of the Comoros for the just cause of the Palestinian people and for their sole representative, the PLO.
193.	In the case of Kampuchea, the Organization has called for the urgent and immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops based in that territory so that the people of Kampuchea may choose their Government through democratic process.
194.	With regard to the situation in Western Sahara, we have noted with satisfaction the position adopted by His Majesty the King of Morocco, Hassan II, at the recent session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity held at Nairobi, whereby he agreed to the organization of a referendum in that Territory. We hope Uiat this new situation, as well as the atmosphere of frankness that prevailed during the recent meeting at Nairobi of the QAU Implementation Committee entrusted with following up this question, will make possible an early solution satisfactory to all the parties concerned in this tragic problem.
195.	' Before concluding this rapid examination of the international situation, I should like to refer once again to a question with which the Assembly is fully familiar and which, as far as we Comorians are concerned, remains a subject of constant concern: the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte.
1%. As everyone knows, this problem arose upon the accession of the Comoros to Independence. I shall not go into the historical background of this question here, since a specific debate will be devoted to it during the present session. For the time being 1 shall merely recall that each time this question has been debated by the international community there has been unanimity in affirming that Mayotte is an integral part of the Comoros and that, as such, it should be reintegrated into the Comorian entity.
197. Africa, supported in this respect by the General Assembly, the non-aligned movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and all peoples that cherish peace and justice, is increasing its endeavors to achieve this
end, An ad hoc committee especially instructed to follow the development of this question has. been created by the OAU, It is to meet this year in the Comoros during the month of .November in order to take stock of the situation.
198.	On 5 October of this year, during an official visit to Paris, the President of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane, considered this matter with the President of France, Mr. Francois Mitterand. In particular, the President of the Comoros expressed the hope that the negotiations with regard to this question that had been begun with the previous Government of France would be continued.
199.	The understanding attitude of the President of the French Republic and his readiness to do everything possible to break the existing deadlock, and the-French Socialist Party's constant denunciation of the attempts made by certain colonialist factions to separate Mayotte from the Comorian entity, have led us to hope that a satisfactory solution in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the Organization can quickly be found to this unfortunate problem.
200.	In conclusion, I should like to express the hope that the United Nations will fulfill its primary purpose and continue to provide a forum for an enlightened exchange of views on international questions. If we wish to have a new world in which peace, security and prosperity are assured to all, we must understand that this will not happen by itself. The Islamic Federal Republic of Comoros will continue to contribute, within the limits of its modest means, to the achievement of the noble goals written into the Charter


 At the outset, Sir, allow me to join preceding speakers in offering you the sincere congratulations of my delegation on your election to preside over this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your recognized skill and experience in the field of multilateral diplomacy are indeed important assets at a time when the Organization is called upon to deal with an ever-growing number of complex issues of global concern. We wish you every success in the performance of your important task.
92.	We also wish to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, who carried out with great skill the functions of the presidency during our previous session.
93.	We also include in our tribute the SecretaryGeneral for his relentless efforts in promoting international peace and security.
94.	We most warmly welcome the two new members of the family of nations, Vanuatu and Belize. We are convinced that they will make an effective contribution towards the realization of the goals of the Organization.
95.	The Republic of Suriname had the privilege of becoming part of the Organization when we gained independence in 1975. In the six years that have elapsed, Suriname has taken its place in the international community, and we have learned to deal with problems at the sub regional, regional and international levels.
96.	Our internal situation has drastically changed since February 1980, when the traditional form of government was replaced by a revolutionary leadership in which the army plays a vanguard role with the full support of the civilian sector of society. The Government has set up a vigorous program for the fundamental restructuring of our society in the political, economic and social spheres and in the educational system. Time does not permit me to elaborate fully on the programs that we have designed so far. However, in this context, I should like to elaborate on the national goals and objectives with regard to our economic situation.
97.	We are taking steps to ensure that our economy becomes organized in such a way as to achieve not only economic growth but the genuine development of our people. Notwithstanding the steady growth of our economy in the past decades, we are aware of the fact that the level of production by our people is still unsatisfactory and that the distribution of wealth shows a serious lack of balance.
98.	Economic growth, in our opinion, is not a substitute for development; it is not a substitute for a transfer of knowhow at the technical, managerial and marketing levels. Self-reliance is considered paramount to us in any future development of our economy and our people. We therefore intend to develop those sectors of our economy that arc based upon our natural and human resources, striving for diversification and control of those sectors. We are in the process of developing programs for the expansion of our industrial potential in mining, forestry, fishery and agriculture.
99.	Our foreign policy is directly linked to the objectives just mentioned. Furthermore, we continue to attach great value to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the Organization, in which we firmly believe. Our adherence to the authentic principles of nonalignment constitutes another important element on which our foreign policy is based.
100.	The General Assembly convenes its thirty-sixth session as the world shows fearsome signs of increasing political tension and continuing economic stagnation. Undoubtedly, those developments will place a heavy strain on the ability of the United Nations to fulfill its role in the maintenance of peace and.security in the world. That task has never been an easy one. We, the Members of this Organization, take pride in its success during the past decades in preventing the escalation of many local and regional conflicts into a conflict of global proportions. The years ahead of us, however, might bring less heartening results, as the causes that continue to threaten peace and .security still persist, and our efforts towards their eradication have until now proven less than successful.
101.	The maintenance of peace and security will become increasingly difficult for the Organization in a world in which the existing unjust economic order continues to keep the vast majority of mankind in a chronic state of underdevelopment, hunger and deprivation. In the past year the developing world has become painfully aware of the fact that the prospects for restructuring that unfair system are gloomy.
102.	The major industrialized countries have chosen to remain indifferent and selfish towards the just cause of the developing countries for a more equitable international economic order. The continuing presence of foreign troops in independent States poses a serious menace to peace, and the Assembly has to deal with it. The denial of self-determination to peoples in southern Africa and the Middle East will remain a source of tension and an obstacle to global peace and stability.
103.	A most alarming development in the past year has been the further deterioration in the relations between the superPowers. Strain in the relations between the two countries, already imminent at our previous session, has been seriously aggravated and has contributed substantially to the escalation of tension, conflicts and uncertainty in several regions of the world.
104.	As a country aware of its location in the Caribbean and Latin American region, my Government is particularly interested in developments in this area. To break through the isolation from the sister countries of our region imposed upon us by our colonial past has been a constant policy of my country, and more so since the revolution ignited on 25 February 1980. It will remain a priority in our foreign policy to continue this process and to establish and maintain friendly relations with all the countries of our region, regardless of their political or social economic systems.
105.	We deeply appreciate the hands of friendship extended to us by our sister Latin American and Caribbean nations, and we have initiated the course of fruitful cooperation. In pursuing this policy my Government will remain faithful to the principles of nonintervention and noninterference in the internal affairs of States, as we remain convinced that strict adherence to these principles offers a primordial guarantee against interState conflicts and creates a climate for fruitful cooperation among States.
106.	My Government wishes to express its concern at the danger of becoming another testing ground for the superPower rivalry that looms over the Caribbean and Latin America. The legitimate struggle of peoples to free themselves from obsolete oppressive social structures and economic exploitation must be recognized and respected, and it would be a mistake to ignore this natural course of history.
107.	While we deplore the continued violence and loss of life in the sister Republic of El Salvador, my Government holds the view that the people of El Salvador will achieve a political solution to their internal problems if external presence and interference are eliminated. In this connection, my Government reaffirms the position on this question taken by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Caribbean Community [CARICOM] in June of this year.
108.	With regard to the Middle East, my Government notes with concern that this volatile region has been further plummeted into a situation which can easily escalate into a full-scale war with global consequences. It is my Government's view that Israel's behavior during the past months has significantly contributed to creating this highly explosive situation. Israel, stubbornly refusing to comply with the decisions of the United Nations calling upon it to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, has stepped up its violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Arab neighbors. My Government wishes to take this opportunity to repeat its condemnation of the indiscriminate air raids by Israel on Lebanon and the Republic of Iraq.
109.	A comprehensive peace settlement remains, in the final analysis, the best guarantee of peace for all States in the region, including Israel. It is now a generally accepted fact that such a settlement must entail the rendering of justice to the Palestinian people, that is to say, the exercise of their right to self-determination, including the right to establish their c independent and sovereign State.
110.	My Government is convinced that any peace effort designed to circumvent this reality is doomed to fail and that anything short of the full participation of the Palestinian people in the peace process, through its legitimate representative, the PLO, will share the same fate.
111.	My Government deplores the ongoing war between the two nonaligned countries of Iran and Iraq. Is is indeed regrettable that the parties to the conflict have not seized on the peace initiatives of the nonaligned movement and the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations to end their hostilities. We once more urge the two countries to work towards a peaceful settlement of their dispute.
112. We cannot but note our strong disappointment at the non-implementation of the decisions of the General Assembly calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of Afghanistan. While we reject any form of intervention in the internal affairs of States, it is obvious that the direct involvement of superPowers in these unlawful acts bears serious implications for international peace and security. Our support for a political settlement of this issue on the basis of General Assembly resolution 35/37 remains unchanged.
113. A commendable effort of the Organization during the past year has been the convening of the International Conference on Kampuchea. As an observer to that Conference, my Government welcomes its results embodied in the Declaration on Kampuchea, which, in our view, offers a viable basis for further negotiations to end the occupation of that country and to establish a durable peace in SouthEast Asia. We therefore urge all the countries of that region to cooperate with the United Nations in this effort.
114. The situation on the Korean peninsula remains at a stalemate. On the occasion of the ninth anniversary of the Joint Communique of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, we call upon both parties to make all possible efforts to promote reconciliation between the South and the North through dialog in order to achieve the peaceful unification of their divided homeland.
115. The high hopes that prevailed at our previous session for the speedy independence of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) did not materialize owing to the contempt that the South African racist regime has consistently shown for the decisions of this Organization. Over the past 15 years the international community has pursued all peaceful means in order to end the illegal occupation of Namibia. After the frustration that it encountered for many years in dealing with this question, our Organization is fully justified in taking the strongest possible measures to ensure the genuine independence of Namibia.
116. The overwhelming majority of States, by approving the application of the measures envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter of the Organization at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, clearly expressed the indignation of the international community at the peace-menacing behavior of the South African regime. It is therefore the duty of all members of the international community to put decisive pressure on South Africa to withdraw its illegal administration from the Territory of Namibia.
117. My Government takes this opportunity to restate its condemnation of the violation of the territorial integrity of Angola by South African colonialist forces and to reaffirm its solidarity with the Angolan people. The people of Suriname look upon the people of Angola with admiration for the relentless support they give to SWAPO and to the oppressed people of Namibia in their struggle against the Pretoria racist people.
118.	In South Africa itself the crime of apartheid is un-diminishingly practiced against the majority of its population. The black majority population of South Africa deserves the full support of the international community in its struggle to dismantle this universally condemned system and to regain its human dignity.
119.	Recognizing the danger for mankind resulting from the arms race, the General Assembly, at its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament and held in 1978, adopted the Final Document of that session by consensus [resolution S1012]. The determination reflected in its program of Action to reverse the madness of the arms race gave rise to the hope that mankind had finally come to terms with this grave problem. This hope, unfortunately, has been proved illusory. The arms race has continued unrestrained, both quantitatively and qualitatively.

120.	Admittedly, some limited progress has been made in certain areas, but this falls short of the least that could be expected from the mandate of that session. It is beyond doubt that the world has moved closer to the danger of self-annihilation since the tenth special session.
121.	Of course, we perfectly understand that disarmament is not a simple matter, as it encompasses the security of States and their very survival. But to resign ourselves to the notion that the only way to preserve peace is through a continuing arms buildup would indeed mean suicide for humanity, as it appears to us that the ability of mankind to live indefinitely in this perilous situation is not unlimited.
122.	The goal of disarmament ought to remain the concern of all nations of the world, since the survival of all men is at stake. We cannot but stress the special responsibility of those States possessing the means to bring death and total destruction not only upon themselves but Upon other nations as well. The only way to avert this danger is through meaningful negotiations leading to restraint of the arms buildup and, ultimately, disarmament under effective international control. We therefore regret recent decisions to add new types of destructive weapons to the existing arsenal. It is the opinion of my Government that this step is bound further to complicate future disarmament negotiations, already complex by their very nature.
123.	Despite the disappointing results of the past, it is incumbent upon us to sustain our efforts to achieve disarmament in view of the danger inherent in the unrestrained arms race, not to mention the economic benefits that can result from, the reallocation of arms expenditures for development purposes. My Government considers that the second special session of the Assembly on disarmament, to be held next year, is yet another opportunity for mankind to confront this danger seriously.
124.	The international economic outlook, especially for the developing countries, is very dim. The world economy today is in its second major recession since 1973, which has resulted in high unemployment and inflation rates and balance of payment deficits, and has consequently motivated the industrialized countries to resort to protectionist policies in order to safeguard their own interests.
125.	The developing countries are not in a position to escape from the heavy burden imposed on them because of the present unjust international economic order, which mainly favors • the interests of the industrialized countries. The .developing countries have to bear the full weight of the impact of the energy crisis and pay proportionally more for industrial goods, and in doing so they are importing the inflation of the industrialized countries. The extremely high interest rates on capital make it nearly impossible to obtain sufficient financial resources to enable the majority of the developing countries to make the most crucial adjustments in their economies.
126.	During the past years we have seen a proliferation of protectionist measures consisting of tariff and non-tariff barriers, which are being adopted by the industrialized countries against imports of goods from the developing countries. Unfortunately, these measures are taking place at a time when the developing countries are in need of the foreign exchange generated by those exports. As a consequence, this policy has resulted in serious constraints on their development efforts and has led to further deterioration in the terms of trade of the developing countries, causing tremendous problems such as a decline, in internal savings, increasing unemployment and serious social unrest, a greater burden of debt servicing and greater dependence on external savings.
127.	The impact of today's world economic crisis has seriously affected the developing countries and has acquired new and more frightening aspects. Their impoverished economies can no longer defend themselves against rising economic burdens and find themselves on the verge of collapse.
128.	Some time ago, we solemnly and unanimously adopted the principles which would govern future economic relations among nations in a Declaration and program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [General Assembly resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI)]. It is regrettable to note that to date we have not been able to take the necessary action to establish such an order, owing to a lack of political will, considerations of short-term interests and fear of jeopardizing the present heights of achievement and influence of the industrialized countries. These countries seem to be very much preoccupied with themselves, safeguarding and maintaining their high level of living standards gained from the present inequitable international economic order. Only occasionally have they paid attention to the struggle for survival of the peoples in the developing countries who live in misery and who are desperately fighting for their legitimate right to establish a new international economic order which could ultimately enable them to harvest the fruits of their own efforts.
129.	A good example of the present stalemate in the relations between the two groups of countries is the proposal to launch a global round of negotiations. Two years ago the international community agreed on the need for a global round of negotiations, and last year at this time the hope was expressed that early this year the "relevant discussions could start. However, during the past months, the parties have not been able to agree on a set of rules of procedure and are not even ready to touch on the more difficult problem of drafting an agenda.
130.	One of the main difficulties related to the proposals for institutional change, especially where this would result in more effective participation by the developing countries, is the management of the international economic system. It was very remarkable to observe how apprehensive the industrialized countries were of discussing their traditional dominant role in the world economy if this would result in a substantial change of the rules of the game governing certain international economic and financial institutions.
131.	It would not be fair to pinpoint only the gloomy side of our economic relations, and I should therefore like to draw the attention of the international community to the forthcoming summit conference of the leaders of 22 developed and developing countries at Cancun. The inspiration for the Cancun meeting came from the sobering report issued last year by the Brandt Commission.4 That report not only warned against the danger of mass starvation in the developing world unless a program for survival was adopted, but also called for a meeting of heads of Government to enable proposals and concessions to be thrashed out with candor and boldness. On the one hand, we realize that the road to Cancun is littered with exhausted rhetoric, broken pledges and failed strategies. But, on the other hand, we must recognize that the world's economic and political crisis is not a temporary one but is deeply rooted in the present international institutions. To give up the dialog would be a wrong strategy, and we therefore strongly welcome the Cancun meeting. We are convinced that from the mistakes and experiences of the past years a new approach can be conceived in order to make a new attempt to revive the stalemated global negotiations.
132.	I have touched on some aspects of the relations between the developed and the developing countries. It would, however, be an omission on my part if I did not stress the necessity of more cooperation among the developing countries themselves. In this connection, my Government holds the view that the need to expand the developing countries' exports of primary and processed commodities remains the highest priority for those countries.
133.	In the past two decades, we have witnessed the formation by developing countries of an unprecedented number of economic cooperation and integration groupings, mainly at the regional and subregional levels. The results of these groupings have not always been successful. At the same time, it is important for us to deepen the South South economic linkages with a new sense of urgency. The High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation Among Developing Countries, held at Caracas from 13 to 19 May 1981, was a step in the right direction. We hope that in implementing the various economic cooperation activities adopted, the developing countries can rely on the collaboration of the United Nations regional commissions, the specialized agencies and other intergovernmental organizations.
134.	The Government of Suriname is of the opinion that one of the means of strengthening economic cooperation is the development of adequate transportation and communication systems appropriate to the requirements of the developing countries. The high costs of actual transportation and communication systems have been a major obstacle to increasing trade and cooperation among developing countries.
135.	Having said that, I should like to stress that economic cooperation among developing countries cannot be a substitute for global economic cooperation between developing and developed countries, nor should it in any way relieve the industrial countries of their responsibilities and commitment towards the developing countries.
136.	The Government of Suriname attaches high priority to subregional and regional economic and political cooperation and has therefore embarked on a course of closer cooperation, especially in the subregion of the Caribbean and Central America. The Government of Suriname has already taken the first steps to closer cooperation with CARICOM. Besides the already existing economic cooperation with its neighboring countries, Suriname will very soon embark on fostering closer relations with the Andean countries and the countries of Central America, including Mexico.
137.	It is a well-known fact that the wide and continuing gap between the needs of developing countries and the resources available for operational activities is growing. To date, despite numerous efforts, it has not been possible to ensure a considerable real increase in resources for operational activities on a predictable, continuous and assured basis.
138.	At the same time, we are witnessing the phenomenon that, as a result of various United Nations global conferences, the creation of global funds to be financed through the mechanism of pledging conferences is being encouraged. These funds are related to specific sectoral programs as part of global conferences and are determined in many cases by the consensus achieved during those conferences. Many donor countries support the creation of these funds for such purposes as are consistent with the perceived development assistance priorities of their own Governments.
139.	However; that approach has resulted in a reduction of the relative share of resources in the field of multilateral technical cooperation handled by UNDP, and in the creation of a number of separate funds, each with its own administrative structures. We question the justification of that approach singe the result of the pledging conferences has, to date, been far below the targets envisaged. It is reasonable to expect that the industrialized countries, after making commitments, would be prepared to accept their share in implementing those decisions which they strongly supported. It is therefore a matter of regret that the present trend in some industrialized countries is to decrease their financial contributions to the different funds of the Organization.
140.	We therefore favor a single purpose funding mechanism for multilateral technical cooperation. This would not only ensure for the developing countries that the resources available are distributed on a predetermined equitable basis but also that the use of such resources would be in accordance with individual national development priorities. For the donor countries, a single general purpose mechanism would ensure that the resources made available for multilateral cooperation are used to the maximum extent possible for coherent and integrated development activities.
141.	The call for a new international economic order reflects the disillusionment with a system that no longer suits our needs. It involves a desire for general systematic reforms, as well as revisions in specific functional areas. The new international economic order and the new law of the sea represent two such efforts the first of a general and the second of a more specific, functional nature.
142.	It is clear that the outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will have a great impact on the new international economic order. That Conference was convened because of the realization that those resources must be developed in an orderly manner for the benefit of all and must contribute to a more equitable and workable global economic system.
143.	We therefore fully agree with those who claim that a weak international seabed authority one merely granting concessions and licenses to transnational enterprises would only give rise to a new form of imperialism. It is no secret, therefore, that the third world countries consider the draft seabed mining legislation in the convention on the law of the sea a breakthrough in the global economic stalemate between developed and developing countries. But a chance for stable commodity prices, guaranteed funds for development and the acquisition of sophisticated technology by those developing countries which have economies heavily based on mining of land based minerals might be lost if some industrialized nations attempt to scuttle the convention.
144.	We appeal to all nations of good will to do nothing to destroy the results achieved during eight years of hard work since 1973, when the Conference began its work on the draft convention. The Government of the Republic of Suriname is still convinced that a comprehensive and well-balanced convention is the only way to avoid a scramble for the riches which are the common heritage of mankind, in accordance with the declaration of principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV).
145.	At the end of the ninth session of the Conference there were hopeful signs that that slow-moving legal Conference was not far from its completion. A compromise was reached on many outstanding issues, particularly with regard to part XI of the informal draft convention, which regulates the principles governing the seabed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. Therefore it was a matter of deep regret for my country that these high expectations were overshadowed at the beginning of the tenth session of that Conference because of a statement by one delegation that it had been instructed to ensure that negotiations should not end at that session, pending a policy review by its Government.
146.	My delegation notes with satisfaction that a genuine spirit of cooperation was demonstrated at the end of the tenth session, which resulted inter alia in the decision that the present informal draft convention should be converted into a revised text which will have a formal status.
147.	My delegation also notes with satisfaction that one of the most persistent problems faced by the Conference over the years, namely, the question of maritime boundary delimitation between adjacent or opposite States, has been solved by the introduction of a new compromise formula, which was acceptable to the group favoring a formula with emphasis on "equitable principles" as well as to the group favoring an equidistance formula. The decisions on the seats of the International SeaBed Authority and the Law of the Sea Tribunal are also considered a major step forward, and I take this opportunity to congratulate Jamaica and the Federal Republic of Germany respectively.
148.	The Government of Suriname sincerely hopes that the process of consultations and negotiations on some outstanding issues will be finalized during the last substantive session in March 1982, so that in early September of that year the signing of the Final Act and the opening of the convention for signature in Caracas will take place in order to fulfill the mandate that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea received from the General Assembly 11 years ago.
149.	The increasing tension in the world in the political, military and social, as well as economic, fields makes it imperative for us to express our great concern. The Government and people of the Republic of Suriname therefore pledge full support for our joint efforts in keeping this planet intact by means of arms-control and peace-making initiatives and in establishing a new international economic order. Strict adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations is therefore, in our opinion, a matter of survival for all nations living on this planet.