Let me express my
pleasure at seeing you, Sir, the Foreign Minister of
Ukraine — with which Austria has close historical links
and enjoys excellent relations — presiding over the
General Assembly. We are confident that your profound
professional experience in the United Nations system
and your negotiating skills will ensure substantial
progress in our ambitious agenda.
On behalf of the Federal Government of Austria, I
should also like to express our sincere appreciation to
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, whose wise leadership
of the Organization we fully support. In the short time
since he took office he has succeeded in reaching out
not only to Governments but also to the people and the
media, thus fostering a new awareness about the goals,
aspirations and achievements of the United Nations as
the indispensable instrument of global cooperation.
My colleague from Luxembourg has already
expressed the position of the European Union, which
we fully endorse. I should like to elaborate on a few
points to which Austria attaches particular importance.
The United Nations is currently preparing itself for
the challenges of the twenty-first century. The
Secretary-General and his team, with the
encouragement of Member States, have initiated
comprehensive reform. Austria welcomes this major
effort to redirect the Organization towards the needs of
the future, and we fully endorse the Secretary-General's
proposals. In particular I should like to emphasize the
following points: first, the streamlining of leadership
and management structure; secondly, the consolidation
of the United Nations presence in the field; thirdly, the
return of development to the centre of United Nations
activities and the better combining of the potential of
United Nations funds and programmes; and, fourthly,
the strengthening of human rights in all aspects of the
work of the United Nations.
8

Without adequate resources, however, the United
Nations will not succeed in carrying out its tasks. As
long as Member States do not fully honour their
obligations, the financial situation of the Organization
will remain critical. Settling the arrears is therefore an
imperative. Austria is proud of its traditional record of
paying its contributions to the United Nations in full and
on time. The serious political will and sincere
commitment of every Government will be required.
Needless to say, unilateral decisions are unacceptable in
the framework of multilateral cooperation.
The fight against drugs, crime and terrorism has
rightly become a first priority for the international
community. Nearly 1 per cent of the world's population
above the age of 15 today has abused stimulants. An
estimated 300 tons of heroin a year have been produced
during this decade to supply about 8 million addicts.
While I hope that regional cooperation will soon
contribute effectively to the fight against illegal
trafficking and drug abuse, the Secretary-General's
intention to strengthen the United Nations capacities in
this field deserves the support of all Member States.
Austria will cooperate closely with the newly
appointed Director-General of the United Nations Office
at Vienna, Mr. Pino Arlacchi. We are convinced that his
profound knowledge and experience in fighting organized
crime will be a strong asset in pooling the resources of
the United Nations system, the Member States and
relevant institutions. To demonstrate its support, Austria
will make a significant financial contribution to the
United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice
Trust Fund.
Illegal migration is increasingly linked to
transnational crime. The reckless exploitation of humans
in distress is a particularly reprehensible form of
international crime. An increasing number of people
smuggled illegally across borders find themselves
helpless victims deprived of all financial means and with
an illegal status in a foreign country. The perpetrators, at
the same time, earn the profits and escape justice by
cynically making use of a loophole in the international
criminal law regime. There is an urgent need for an
international legal instrument making the smuggling of
illegal migrants punishable as a transnational crime, thus
ensuring that the perpetrators are brought to justice.
I have asked legal experts to prepare a draft
international convention against the smuggling of illegal
migrants. This draft is being circulated as an official
document under the appropriate agenda item. We
propose that the United Nations Commission on Crime
Prevention and Criminal Justice consider this draft as a
matter of priority at its next session. I am confident that
our initiative will help in closing a dangerous legal
lacuna, thereby strengthening international judicial
cooperation in this field.
Substance abuse and drug-related crimes continue
to take a high toll in both the developing and the
industrialized worlds. Human and social development is
threatened on a global scale. Strengthening and
updating existing international anti-drug capacities will
require innovation and new methods. In this respect, the
special session of the General Assembly devoted to
international drug control, which is to be held in June
1998, will provide us with an excellent opportunity to
renew our political commitment by closing our ranks
against illegal drug trafficking and striving jointly for
progress in preventive efforts.
Anti-personnel landmines constitute a particularly
malicious threat to the security of individuals and
countries. Even decades after the end of a conflict, such
as the Second World War, these hidden killers take a
terrible toll among civilian populations, killing or
maiming more than 20,000 people each and every year.
Every year 20 times more mines are laid than cleared.
Estimates speak of 110 million mines laid in more than
60 countries. I think that this spiral of death must be
stopped.
Austria was one of the first countries to ban anti-
personnel landmines at the national level. We strongly
advocated a total ban, and we prepared the draft for
such a convention. Non-governmental organizations
have played a prominent role in creating the necessary
momentum, and I would like to thank them respectfully
for that on behalf of the Austrian Government. The
Oslo Diplomatic Conference negotiated a treaty on this
basis, and I look forward to signing the Convention in
Ottawa, together with so many of my colleagues who
share this goal. I urge the countries that were not able
to join the consensus in Oslo to become part of the
process as soon as possible.
Ted Turner has generously earmarked a part of his
unprecedented $1 billion donation to support intensified
demining efforts. I wish to thank him for this unique
gesture.
9

The dignity and worth of the human person are
universal. Consequently, it is the duty of our universal
Organization to help implement governmental
commitments in this field. Since the Vienna World
Conference on Human Rights, human rights have moved
into the centre of United Nations programmes and
activities. Austria welcomes this trend. There is an
intrinsic relationship between respect for human rights,
democracy and sustainable development. Guaranteeing
human rights is an essential precondition for lasting
security and stability. This link has been highlighted by
the Secretary-General in his commendable report on the
work of the Organization.
I take this opportunity to warmly welcome the
appointment of President Mary Robinson as High
Commissioner for Human Rights and to pledge Austria's
full support for her work. Her outstanding personality
will undoubtedly contribute to further strengthening the
United Nations role in human rights.
The review of the Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action and the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights make 1998 the
year of human rights. This will provide us with a unique
opportunity to shape the international human rights
programme for the new millennium. Its central objective
must remain that international human rights standards be
respected at the level of each nation. For this, the role of
Governments is crucial; so is that of civil society. The
international community, therefore, not only has to ensure
compliance with these commitments and provide the
necessary assistance, but it must also promote the role of
civil society. We see this year of human rights as an
occasion for reaching out to human rights defenders in all
corners of the world. As host country of the World
Conference and as the country assuming the presidency
of the European Union in the second half of 1998,
Austria offers its cooperation to ensure a successful
human rights year 1998 in all parts of the world.
Austria places great emphasis on the promotion and
protection of minorities. We do so on the basis of our
historical experience and owing to our conviction that
ethnic minorities do not threaten but rather enrich our
societies. In this context, I am pleased to refer to the
successful solution of an important minority issue. The
Austrian minority in South Tyrol today enjoys a well-
balanced autonomy on the basis of the Paris Treaty of
1946 between Austria and Italy. This autonomy has
generated considerable interest in other parts of the
world.
With regard to the human rights year, the
implementation of the Beijing Platform continues to be
a priority. In particular, Austria supports efforts to
strengthen the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women. We also are
contributing to the enhanced practical implementation
of other international human rights treaties, such as the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, in particular
with regard to juvenile justice.
Employment, as a matter of growing global
concern, rightly ranks high on the political agenda.
Governments are urged to develop further instruments
to fight unemployment through the effective monitoring
of labour policies. The World Summit for Social
Development in Copenhagen provided a set of
principles and goals in this respect. In order to confirm
these commitments and to identify good practices, I
should like to recall that Austria, as a follow-up to
Copenhagen, will host an international expert meeting
on employment in early February 1998.
In our joint efforts to promote sustainable
development, the peaceful use of outer space for the
benefit of all countries has become an issue of rapidly
growing importance to the United Nations in the last
few years. I should like to reaffirm the full support of
my country for the United Nations aim to expand
activities in this field. We welcome the holding of the
third United Nations Conference on the Exploration and
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, which will be convened
as a special session of the Committee on the Peaceful
Uses of Outer Space, open to all Member States, in
Vienna in July 1999.
My country is deeply committed to the peace
process in the former Yugoslavia, in particular in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton accords provide
the framework for the return of Bosnia to normalcy and
stability, for its economic recovery and for
reconciliation among its ethnic groups. Full and
comprehensive implementation of the Dayton
Agreement is therefore imperative. This includes
bringing to justice all indicted war criminals, wherever
they may be. If we want to safeguard the Dayton
process, the international community must remain
firmly committed to taking the necessary political,
economic and military measures even beyond July
1998. International support must remain conditional on
full compliance with all international obligations. I
should like to pay a special tribute to the United
Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern
10

Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium, which has made
an invaluable contribution to fostering peace in that
region.
Austria is in favour of integrating the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia fully into the United Nations
family as soon as the necessary preconditions, including
the application for membership, are fulfilled. In this
respect, I stress our expectation that Belgrade will grant a
large degree of autonomy to Kosovo and the Albanian
minority.
Austria has followed the situation in the Middle East
with great concern. We regret the fact that the peace
process has come to a near-standstill. The confidence
built up by the Oslo process has been largely destroyed.
Our main task must be to re-establish and to strengthen
this confidence step by step and to bring the parties back
to the negotiating table. The present situation increases
the risk of extremist activity. A precondition for progress
in the peace process will certainly be respect by all
parties for the agreements concluded and the
engagements undertaken.
Austria is seriously preoccupied by the precarious
economic and social situation in the Palestinian
territories, where the unemployment rate is 70 per cent. It
is of paramount importance to create the necessary
economic conditions as a basis for political stability.
There will be no lasting peace without a credible
response to the economic needs of the people in the
region.
Since 1960, Austria has participated very actively in
United Nations peacekeeping operations. Considering the
growing importance in contemporary peacekeeping of
regional arrangements under Chapter VIII of the Charter
of the United Nations, my country has started to
cooperate closely with those States and organizations that
have taken leading roles in this field. In 1997 Austria
provided about 1,200 troops, military observers and
civilian police to 11 different peacekeeping operations
throughout the world, including the Stabilization Force
(SFOR) and the operation in Albania.
Austria actively supports the standby arrangement
system, created in 1994, and in this connection took part
in establishing the United Nations Stand-by Forces High-
Readiness Brigade in December 1996, which was created
to build a capacity for quick preventive action and crisis
response.
I am deeply convinced that, especially in times of
scarce financial resources, the international community
should make a greater investment in the field of conflict
prevention and preventive diplomacy. The United
Nations has the mandate to take a leading role in
further developing instruments for preventive
diplomacy.
Austria is, and will continue to be, a loyal
Member and a strong supporter of the world
Organization. The United Nations — our
Organization — is the only global instrument that can
provide the necessary response to existing global
challenges: eradicating poverty; protecting our planet's
environment; combating drugs, organized crime and
terrorism; and promoting human rights, including the
rights of children. To this end we have to strengthen
the United Nations.


Eight weeks ago, the
people of Solomon Islands elected a new Parliament that
brought to office the “Alliance for Change”, a reform-
oriented Government committed to revitalizing the nation
and its economy. Programmes to fulfil the public’s desire
for sustainable development are being designed and
implemented with professionalism, transparency,
accountability and due respect for traditional values.

The demand for change is being heard in the villages
and towns of Solomon Islands, as it is elsewhere. Change
for the better, however, is not easily achieved. It requires
people with vision and the judgment and courage to inspire
productive action. The United Nations and the General
Assembly are blessed with such people. Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, in less than 10 months in office, has
demonstrated insight and a refreshing openness that is felt
throughout the Organization. His proposals to create a more
effective and efficient United Nations are having a
significant impact on our efforts here. The Solomon Islands
delegation will work to achieve the consensus his
programme for reform needs.
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs
of Ukraine, brings to the presidency of the General
Assembly more than a decade of experience at the United
Nations and participation in the historic political and
economic transformation of his country. In this time of
change at the United Nations, his diplomatic skills will
prove indispensable.
As President of the fifty-first session of the General
Assembly, Malaysia’s Ambassador Razali Ismail provided
enthusiastic leadership and challenging proposals that
helped advance the reform process. We thank him.
Solomon Islands gratefully recognizes the debt owed
to the people of the Secretariat, the specialized agencies,
the assistance programmes, the humanitarian and
peacekeeping operations of the Organization and allies such
as the International Committee of the Red Cross. Often
working under difficult and even dangerous conditions,
these men and women are heroes of our time. They will
continue to have our full support.
The extraordinary and rapid changes with which this
century is ending understandably fuel uncertainty and fear
of the future as we participate in the transformation of the
world through international communications, commerce and
law, as well as medicine, science and technology. Even
humankind’s successful venture into outer space draws
doubters and critics alike. During the last years of the
nineteenth century, rapid scientific and technological
innovation, armed conflict and the migration of vast
numbers of people generated uncertainty and the fear of
civilization’s decline among the influential circles of
Europe. Intellectuals wrote about the ongoing degeneration
of humankind and envisioned cataclysmic wars.
In the twentieth century brutal local and global
conflicts, the development and use of the cruellest weapons,
the attempted extermination of entire peoples and a
seemingly endless cold war gave credibility to the
nightmare visions of that earlier generation. We are now
engaged in the difficult process of understanding and
transforming this legacy of horror into something we can
use for humankind’s benefit. In this effort the United
Nations is vital.
Solomon Islands welcomes the adoption of the
Agenda for Development and looks forward to the
conclusion of the discussion of the scale of assessments
and the issue of the capacity to pay. For the small
developing States, an effective and financially stable
United Nations that meets the challenges of development,
as well as of the Organization’s other core activities,
remains critical.
The Solomon Islands Government supports the
Secretary-General’s programme of reform. We have no
illusions, however, that it will be easy for the Member
States to reach a consensus on its adoption. Certain
controversial proposals face intense debate, but we are
confident that the outcome of our deliberations will
benefit all. These discussions should take place in only
one forum so that small delegations such as my own can
fully participate.
In an ideal United Nations, the future design of the
Security Council could be characterized as “equality of
membership, yes; the veto, no”. Political reality, however,
requires another approach. The Security Council should
be expanded, with permanent and non-permanent seats for
developed and developing States. Solomon Islands will
give serious consideration to permanent membership for
Germany, Japan and several developing countries. Since
the present permanent members insist on retaining the
veto, it must be restricted to questions relating to Chapter
VII of the Charter.
Solomon Islands and other States in the great
continent of Oceania are especially sensitive to
environmental change. Our commitment to the principles
of the Rio Declaration and the objectives of Agenda 21 is
reflected in Solomon Islands’ ratification of the
Convention on Biological Diversity and the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We
vigorously support the Alliance of Small Island States
draft protocol to the Framework Convention, and we will
continue in the joint effort towards the achievement of a
legally binding instrument to be negotiated in Kyoto this
December. We are moving quickly to enact legislation
15

that will enable Solomon Islands to meet its obligations
under the Climate Change Convention.
Solomon Islands, which has ratified the Convention on
the Law of the Sea, is committed to the adoption of a
seabed mining code with strong provisions for protecting
the marine environment. In 1998 we will actively
participate in the International Year of the Ocean.
We are committed to the international nuclear non-
proliferation regime. Of special concern to us is the
transport, dumping or storage of radioactive and other
dangerous wastes in the Pacific region. Solomon Islands has
signed the Waigani Convention to Ban the Importation into
Forum Island Countries of Hazardous and Radioactive
Wastes and the Nouméa Convention to protect the region’s
marine and terrestrial environments. For these and similar
treaties, it is important that relevant international standards
be met by the responsible parties.
Solomon Islands, which has ratified the Treaty of
Rarotonga, continues to support the creation of a nuclear-
weapon-free southern hemisphere, as well as similar zones
elsewhere. We worked closely with Marshall Islands and
Western Samoa in arguing before the International Court of
Justice that the use of any nuclear weapon would violate
international and humanitarian law. Our position was
largely upheld by the landmark advisory opinion the Court
handed down last year. We were pleased to co-sponsor
General Assembly resolution 51/45 M in support of the
International Court of Justice opinion. Solomon Islands
continues its call for the creation of a forum of non-
nuclear-weapon States. The forum, committed to the
elimination of all nuclear weapons, and in keeping with the
Court’s advisory opinion, would seek agreement on a
unified approach to the full implementation of Article VI of
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
and would monitor progress towards that goal.
Solomon Islands, which has closely followed the
Ottawa process, will enthusiastically sign the treaty banning
anti-personnel landmines. We thank Canada for this
initiative. Recognition must also be given to the
International Committee of the Red Cross and several non-
governmental organizations for their efforts.
A deadly legacy of the Second World War continues
to haunt the Solomon Islands. Over 100 ships laden with
fuel and unexploded munitions rest on the bottom of our
channels and on land. A large number of unexploded
bombs still litter our shores. The leaking fuel contaminates
fish breeding grounds and affects the aquatic food chain.
Estimates of the costs of clearance run to $1 billion or
more, but a thorough technical and financial assessment
of the problem is required. Those countries that waged
war in the Solomon Islands have a responsibility to assist
us.
Recognizing the need to restructure the Solomon
Islands economy, my Government is closely reviewing
several key areas, such as public expenditure, banking and
the taxation regime. We will seek assistance from the
international lending agencies and the developed
countries. To meet the demands of globalization, we are
undertaking the expansion of investment and trade.
With 80 per cent of its population of under 400,000
living in rural settings on hundreds of islands dispersed
over 1,600 kilometres of ocean, Solomon Islands is using
a village-centred development strategy that is democratic
in origin and operation and sensitive to the cultural values
of an ethnically and linguistically diverse people. My
Government is placing increased emphasis on education
and recreation for women and youth, who comprise three
quarters of our population. Formal as well as informal
programmes are being used to foster the study of
agriculture, biology and other sciences, health care,
appropriate technologies and the humanities. We are
committed to upgrading the Solomon Islands College of
Higher Education and transforming it into our National
University.
The Government is also focusing on programmes to
increase agricultural productivity through research and
better land use. We are pursuing policies to promote
livestock development and aquaculture. Fishing remains
a vital industry for us, and Solomon Islands has ratified
the Agreement on the Conservation and Management of
Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks.
Over half of my Government’s revenue comes from
forest harvesting. Our ultimate goal is sustainable forestry.
Reforestation and the conservation of our preserves are
now essential elements of our environmental policy.
Seeking to maximize the economic return to Solomon
Islanders, we are reviewing the process of granting
licences and considering the establishment of facilities for
lumber processing entirely within our country.
Sustainable development in the Solomon Islands
requires electrification, especially by means of solar and
hydro energy. Whether to enhance rural life or to open
new industries, electrification is essential. My
16

Government is giving energy resource development high
priority.
Embracing the purposes and principles of the Charter,
Solomon Islands has on several occasions at the United
Nations called upon the Republic of China on Taiwan and
the People’s Republic of China to take the necessary steps
towards opening negotiations to achieve reunification. The
Government of the Republic of China is committed to the
peaceful and equitable reunification of China. Peaceful
reunification is also the stated goal of the People’s Republic
of China. Both parties have offered strikingly similar
proposals. Yet there has been no decisive movement
towards negotiation. Delay makes them ever harder to
initiate, increases tension across the Taiwan Strait and
threatens international peace and security. Responsibility for
peaceful reunification rests with the two parties and the
international community. Bringing about and successfully
completing negotiations will be a long and difficult process
that would be greatly assisted by the participation of the
Republic of China in the United Nations. The Republic of
China, which is fully committed to the purposes and
principles of the Charter, has the means to be an active
contributor to the Organization’s work.
Regrettably, threats have been made and actions taken
against Solomon Islands and other Member States that have
spoken on behalf of the Republic of China. Even the use of
force against us has been threatened, in violation of the
Charter’s principles and the letter and spirit of numerous
General Assembly resolutions. Threats have no place at the
United Nations.
Finally, as we enter the twenty-first century, a more
effective Organization requires the participation and
dedication of all sectors of civil society. Let us renew our
pledge to cooperate with the United Nations. It is time to
join hands in shaping the present for the benefit of future
generations.


On behalf of the
Government and people of Antigua and Barbuda, I would
like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside
over this fifty-second session of the General Assembly. You
are well known to many of the envoys to the United
Nations, and we feel confident that under your guidance we
will have a productive session. I likewise wish to express
my country’s recognition to the Permanent Representative
of Malaysia, for the manner in which he conducted the
work of the fifty-first session. I also pay tribute to the
Secretary-General, who is entrusted with the advancement
of this Organization at such a critical time in its history.
One cannot walk through the edifices of the United
Nations without being asked to comment on the reform
process and the value of the number of conferences that the
Organization has staged. The conferences of this decade
have certainly had an impact on our understanding of
certain concepts, practices and generationally imparted
beliefs. Though we have taken many decisions,
implementation has proved to be difficult, and a
fundamental aspect of the reason or reasons for this is that
the United Nations needs to be reformed, and Governments
need to zealously renew their commitments to its existence
and continued advancement.
The Secretary-General’s report is most welcome, and
there are many points on which my country is in agreement
and others on which we think continued discussion and
debate are needed. Peace, security and disarmament are
vital to a safe and secure planet, and the countless
individuals who live daily in constant fear — whether
because of terrorists, hatred between ethnic groups,
internecine warfare or religious persecution — gives us
much concern.
The Organization must have trained and equipped
forces at all times, and the decision of a group of Member
States to participate in the establishment of a standby high-
readiness brigade is most encouraging. Additionally, there
is a need for the demobilization of paramilitary groups,
for demining and for an intensification of peacemaking,
peacekeeping and peace-building. Subsequently, the
problems associated with financing peace operations need
to be addressed in a meaningful manner.
Antigua and Barbuda strongly supports the concept
of results-based budgeting and endorses the proposal to
have the Secretary-General and the representatives of
Member States enter into a dialogue aimed at shifting the
United Nations programme budget from a system of input
accounting to one of results-based accountability.
Likewise, my country welcomes the reforms already put
in place in the Secretariat, through which field operations
have been considerably expanded, as a result of
cooperation between the Department of Political Affairs,
the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, the
Department of Humanitarian Affairs and other relevant
departments.
We are anxiously looking forward to June of next
year, when the diplomatic conference on the need to
establish an international criminal court will convene.
This undertaking is long overdue, and Antigua and
Barbuda has been working with neighbouring countries to
thwart the dangers of increased international crime, which
is so active in this hemisphere. Of particular concern is
the need for greater coordination among nations if the
blight of narcotics is to be meaningfully tackled. Strong
and determined efforts within certain countries will be
seriously undermined if there is not a united global
approach to manifestations and practices which will
destroy not only the fabric of our societies but the lives
of countless individuals.
The most talked-about aspect of reform, however, is
the “Question of equitable representation on and increase
in the membership of the Security Council and related
matters”. Numerous proposals on the question have been
advanced, some adding more confusion to the existing
deliberations. As such, Antigua and Barbuda wishes to
reiterate its declared position that any expansion should
include developing countries, and that both the Group of
African States and the Group of Latin American and
Caribbean States should be represented.
We would similarly like to see certain restrictions
placed on the use of the veto. We understand that all
efforts at restructuring and reform in the United Nations,
however, should be focused on economic growth and
development. In addition, my country is calling for a
7

reversal in the diminishing role of the General Assembly.
The accountability of the Security Council to the General
Assembly must be re-emphasized, and the General
Assembly should more actively assert its role in the
maintenance of international peace and security, in
accordance with General Assembly resolution 377 (V) of 3
November 1950, entitled “Uniting for peace”.
The buzzword that we are constantly hearing is
“globalization”. Those of us from small developing
countries would rather have the emphasis placed on poverty
alleviation, but the present-day reality incorporates the
belief that the emphasized process of globalization and
economic integration is unavoidable. There are new
techniques of production and new forms of organization
which have given flexibility to the location of industrial
activities and have reduced the share of wages in
production costs. In many of our democratic societies
throughout the world, where sacrifices have been made to
reduce unemployment, Governments are faced with the
daunting and even frightening reality that labour is
becoming a dispensable commodity. The International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade
Organization all are promoting the emergence of a global
market. The small countries of the Caribbean are forced to
adapt, and our businessmen must accept the reality that the
concept of protected markets is fast disappearing.
The multilateral financial institutions which provide
resources to developing countries at concessional rates
continue to use the gross national product as a basis for
judging our economic wherewithal. Antigua and Barbuda is
deemed to be middle-income, but the reality of my
country’s various vulnerabilities causes our people and
those of other Caribbean countries to bow to the flattery
and highlight the unjustness of this means of measurement.
Our sister island of Montserrat has recently had a
series of severe volcanic eruptions which have caused the
inhabitants much pain and anguish, and Antigua and
Barbuda, along with other Caribbean Community countries,
has endeavoured to render assistance. As a result, the
population of Antigua and Barbuda has increased by some
5 percent, which means that the resources of Government
for housing, health, education and all other services are
strained. Our citizens have, however, rendered much
support, and Antigua and Barbuda will do all in its power
to help alleviate the plight of our brothers and sisters from
that lovely but now unsafe island. We strongly support the
recommendation of the Committee of 24 that the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the United
Nations Development Programme should move swiftly to
assist in alleviating the plight of the sturdy but
beleaguered population of the Emerald Isle of the
Caribbean.
There are other dangerous volcanoes in the
Caribbean, and one is presently forming undersea in the
vicinity of Grenada. In 1974 Antigua and Barbuda
experienced an earthquake which measured 7.8 on the
Richter scale and which caused considerable destruction.
In 1995 Hurricane Luis unleashed its fury on our country
for 48 hours and was declared to have been the worst
storm of the century. Indeed, a single hurricane can set
back our development some 10 years. Yet the gross
national product continues to be used to measure our
economic performance, resulting in the absurd distortion
of Antigua and Barbuda’s being deemed more developed
than Mexico or Brazil.
We are pleased to read that at the 1995 Copenhagen
World Summit for Social Development, the conclusion
was reached that an economic system has no intrinsic
value. It has to be assessed in relation to the betterment
of the human condition. As such, a good economic
system should of necessity provide opportunities for
sufficient income to all members of the society; generate
enough resources to enable public institutions to fulfil
their responsibilities and promote the common good; and
permit, in addition to the government, participation by
citizens and other public and private actors in the
decision-making process. To this end, the Government of
Antigua and Barbuda is presently holding meetings in
various forums to discuss precisely the realities of
globalization and the achievement of a single market
within the Caribbean Community.
In June of this year a special session of the General
Assembly was held on the overall review and appraisal of
the implementation of Agenda 21. Though there was
disappointment at the outcome due to the inability of
countries to coalesce around a common position or
common commitments, there was the clear recognition
that the threat to the global commons remains a profound
reality. There is continued overexploitation and
degradation of what has been bequeathed to mankind,
whether in regard to overfishing, overgrazing, excessive
destruction of forests, or air and water pollution. We have
collectively failed to capitalize on the promise and
accomplishments of the 1992 Rio Conference.
Nine out of ten people in both the developed and
developing world have no idea what the term “sustainable
development” means and how it affects them. Nine out of
8

ten also have little appreciation of why mutual recognition
and mutual action are necessary. People have not been
made partners in the process of sustainable development,
and Governments should do more to make them so by
education via the mass media, in the schools, in public
debate and in public presentations.
The industrialized countries must take the lead in
changing their patterns of production and consumption to
save the global environment and assist developing countries
such as mine in our effort to meet our peoples’ basic needs,
to eradicate poverty and achieve economic growth. During
the special session in June, Caribbean newspapers reported
that every Caribbean representative zeroed in on the
“poverty issue”.
To eradicate poverty and achieve economic growth is
not an easy task and has been further compounded by the
fact that official development assistance, a crucial part of
the Rio agreements, has fallen from 0.33 per cent in 1992
to 0.27 per cent in 1995. This is well below the agreed and
accepted target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product
of the industrialized countries pledged to development
assistance. The precipitous fall in official development
assistance has shifted the burden for sustainable
development unfairly to developing countries, destroying in
the process the equitable balance which was reached at that
very important Conference. Private capital and foreign
direct investment, once touted as the panacea for
sustainable development in developing countries, have
shown only selective benefits to some countries and have
bypassed the vast majority. A combination of private capital
flows, foreign direct investment and debt relief as part of an
overall financial package may be a solution.
In recognizing that an integrated approach to
sustainable development is necessary, since political,
economic, social and environmental issues are closely
interlinked and intertwined, we cannot overlook the integral
role that women can and should play in the quest for
sustainable development. In Rio, women were considered
a major group whose involvement was necessary to receive
the sought-after goals. Mainstreaming women’s concerns
and participation in the planning, implementation and
monitoring of all development and management of
environmental programmes to ensure that women benefit is
necessary for sustainable development. In this regard, we
call on the multilateral and bilateral donors to increase their
support for women’s organizations in countries such as
mine to enable them to play an active role in all aspects of
the developmental process.
There is, however, the fact that we must stress
repeatedly: the need to reduce the speed of the
globalization thrust. Dominant Governments and
institutions are setting deadlines and establishing agendas
with such severe demands that most other actors find
them impossible to follow. The alternative to
participation, as it now stands, is marginalization. If all
countries are required to fully participate, then there is a
clear need for selective linking processes with reference
to both national circumstances and national cultures.
This brings me to the vexing question of bananas.
The undoing of the Lomé trade agreement and the injury
which this hostile act will inflict on small, banana-
exporting countries of the Organization of Eastern
Caribbean States, of which Antigua and Barbuda is a
member, is tantamount to an act of war. Small, peace-
loving States, causing no harm to any other State under
the terms of the Lomé agreement, have found themselves
yoked by the recent World Trade Organization ruling.
Without some form of protection, the banana industry in
the States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)
would collapse, leading to severe social dislocation which
would ultimately manifest itself in political catastrophe.
Be reminded that on more than one occasion, the
President of the United States has cautioned that in this
galloping global economy, small States cannot be
trampled upon by their large neighbours.
When my country chose to host in May of this year
the regional seminar of the Committee of 24, better
known as the Special Committee on Decolonization, it
was because we knew that the Caribbean has many other
obstacles to overcome in the emerging history of our
region and the global community. Highlighted at the
meeting was the principled position of the Special
Committee that the sustained economic growth and social
advancement of the Non-Self-Governing Territories is an
essential prerequisite of the implementation of the
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. Of necessity, particular attention
has to be given to the environment, natural disaster
mitigation, public health, education, economic self-
sufficiency, the prevention of crime and illicit drug
trafficking.
The Non-Self-Governing Territories of the Caribbean
have the same problems as the independent countries in
regard to narcotics. There is a multidimensional thrust
upon our entities, as there is the challenge to
governability by non-State actors, the drug operators.
Caribbean countries additionally have to contend with
9

extraterritoriality and other forms of sovereignty challenges
from other States, primarily because of conflicting interests
and because the Caribbean States are small and lack
significant power.
The countries of CARICOM are, however,
endeavouring to improve most aspects of their existence,
and new ground in the integration arrangement has been
broken. Haiti has joined the ranks of CARICOM, a
development which is considered to be of immense
significance, and we wish to applaud the decision to have
the United Nations Mission in Haiti extended. There has
been further movement towards the CARICOM single
market and economy. When Protocol II is ratified, the
ground will be laid for the free movement of factors of
production among countries which have agreed to be bound
by its provisions. A plan is being developed for the
sustainability of both tourist and airline industries in the
region. Approval was given to a comprehensive human
resource development plan for the specific purpose of
building a more creative and productive workforce in the
Caribbean. Indeed, the countries of CARICOM are
endeavouring to overcome the major legacy of colonialism:
being placed on the periphery of the industrialized world.
As a collective body seeking the betterment of
mankind, the countries which form the United Nations need
to recognize that human advancement requires managing
markets as well as liberating them. Clearly, unbridled
markets tend to produce a race to the bottom, manifested
through a global search for the location with the weakest
regulatory, environmental, social and labour standards.
What is required is for rich and poor countries to have a
commonality of purpose that ensures a path of sustainable
development. Year after year my country pleads for genuine
acceptance of the principle of multilateralism, yet what is
projected under the banner is of a selective nature projected
by and through the powerful and the dominant. Together
we must find a way towards a global regime that reduces
emissions of greenhouse gases, accepting the necessity of
well-off nations to transfer the technology to make this
possible rather than viewing this shift as another
opportunity for private industry to profit.
It is sad that competitiveness can be pushed in a
direction which handicaps and retards human development.
State socialism failed, and in the process deprived hundreds
of millions of individuals of both liberty and prosperity.
Market forces, taken to the extreme, yield poorly distributed
rates of growth, plunder the natural environment and are
most devastating in regard to the wreckage of humans. The
States of the developing world are not just emerging
markets, they are human societies. Markets must be our
servant, not our master. Clearly, the reality of commerce
is global, but the paths to human development have
historically been proven to be local.
In approaching the twenty-first century, the
Government of the twin island States of Antigua and
Barbuda has decided that it should focus on human
capital and its development rather than focusing narrowly
on the economic question. There will be a continuance of
the policy of carrying out intense investigations and
feasibility studies to decide where to concentrate limited
resources. In addition, even though the Government is
divesting itself of some of its holdings and encouraging
greater private investment in vital services and
commodities, there are some areas, particularly those
surrounding technology, in which the Government has to
remain directly involved and catalytic; it will continue
with its practice of seeking consensus on determining key
industries and activities crucial and critical for
development.
We will continue to take pride in and to cherish the
United Nations, as we recognize its capacity for
achievements in areas beyond the reach of national or
regional authorities. Now the nations which comprise this
body must redouble their collective commitment for
translating vision into reality. That is why it is essential
to have international cooperation for development in the
forefront of our activities. The United Nations is still our
greatest hope for peace, development and social justice.


I wish at the outset to congratulate you, Mr. Udovenko, on
your election to the important post of President of the
General Assembly, and to wish you success in guiding the
work of a forum that is so important for the entire
international community.
Speaking from this rostrum three years ago, I stressed
that, in spite of the armed confrontation that was then on
the increase in my country, the leadership of Tajikistan had
opted for a consistent policy of political dialogue as the
only means of achieving peace and national reconciliation.
Today the results of that policy can be seen. With
active international support, the negotiation process led to
historic decisions being taken by the Tajik people, laying
the groundwork for successful progress towards peace and
national reconciliation.
I should like to take this opportunity to express
sincere gratitude to the members of the General
Assembly, the Security Council, the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, and his Special Representative in
Tajikistan, Mr. Gerd Merrem, for the constant and close
attention that they have paid to achieving a settlement in
Tajikistan, and, indeed, to the problems of Tajikistan in
general. We greatly appreciate the efforts of the Russian
Federation, the Islamic Republic of Iran and other States,
as well as international and regional organizations, that
acted as observers at the inter-Tajik talks and made a
significant contribution to the very difficult negotiation
process. We are deeply grateful to all friendly countries,
to international organizations and primarily to members of
the United Nations system that have assisted and continue
to provide assistance in the establishment of a lasting
peace and accord in Tajikistan.
We are fully determined to strive consistently and
unwaveringly for the full implementation of the General
Agreement on the Establishment of Peace and National
Accord in Tajikistan and for the achievement of national
accord. Here we count on growing support from the
United Nations and its observer missions, acting in close
cooperation with the Peacekeeping Forces of the
Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Without

such cooperation, it would be extremely difficult to
implement the military component of the inter-Tajik
agreements or to achieve a final solution to the problem of
refugees.
Another important aspect of United Nations assistance
to the peace process in Tajikistan is the development and
implementation of a comprehensive strategy on
humanitarian aid and post-conflict reconstruction of our
economy. An excellent framework for this effort is
provided by General Assembly resolution 51/30 J adopted
on 25 April 1997 on emergency international humanitarian
assistance for lasting peace and reconciliation in Tajikistan.
We hope that in the course of this session this useful
initiative will be continued and that an updated resolution
will be adopted taking fully into account the specifics of the
transition period and the humanitarian needs of the people
of Tajikistan.
Among the multitude of conflicts and crisis situations
which unfortunately entered a new phase during the period
following the cold war, we are particularly concerned about
the situation in the neighbouring Islamic State of
Afghanistan. Together with our Central Asian partners in
the CIS and with Russia, we have repeatedly expressed our
profound concern over the destabilizing impact of the
situation in Afghanistan on the entire region, as well as on
the situation beyond the region.
On the initiative of the Almaty Five, about a year ago
the Security Council became more actively involved in
Afghan problems. Along with resolutions adopted by the
General Assembly, Security Council decisions are the best
foundation for ending the fratricidal war that has been
going on for so many years there.
I have to say frankly that the fact that the Afghan
problem remains unsettled may undermine the fragile peace
in Tajikistan. We hope that, taking into account the agreed
position of the “Big Eight” Summit participants in Denver,
and using their experience of cooperation to solve conflicts
in the Balkans and other hot spots in the world, Russia and
the United States, cooperating with other States concerned
and supporting United Nations involvement, will play a
decisive part in an Afghan settlement in the nearest possible
future.
I will be honest with the Assembly: it is in
Tajikistan’s vital interests that peace be established in
Afghanistan for another reason — it would help to reduce
substantially the flow of arms and drugs across the Tajik-
Afghan border, and it would reduce the proliferation of
terrorism and waves of extremism which are destabilizing
the entire region.
I would like to comment now on the issue of reform
of our Organization. We attribute great importance to the
United Nations as a key instrument for maintaining
international peace and security. The idea of adjusting the
United Nations to today’s realities is certainly important
and necessary. In today’s transitional conditions, the
stabilizing role of the United Nations must grow steadily.
We believe it is important to approach United
Nations reform in a pragmatic way, concentrating on the
most pressing issues, and maintaining a reasonable
balance between innovation and strengthening
mechanisms that have proved their effectiveness.
As a State that has experienced first-hand all the
hardships of civil war and has travelled the difficult road
towards national reconciliation with active support and
assistance from the United Nations, Tajikistan is
convinced of the need to preserve strong and efficient
peacemaking mechanisms. First and foremost, this relates
to the work of the Security Council, which has to
maintain timeliness and effectiveness. We believe that
Security Council representation would be enhanced if its
membership were expanded not only to candidates from
industrialized States, such as Germany and Japan, but also
to representatives from developing countries on a
rotational basis.
On administrative and budget issues, we consider it
important to ensure zero actual and, if possible, zero
nominal growth of the United Nations budget. We must
utilize material and human resources more efficiently, and
we must strengthen mechanisms monitoring the work of
the United Nations apparatus. We must also count on the
understanding of the international community in respect
of temporary financial difficulties facing some developing
States and countries emerging from conflicts.
We consider it right that the strategy for the twenty-
first century should be sustainable development, ensuring
conservation of the environment and natural resources.
Although we were not entirely satisfied with the results of
the recent nineteenth special session of the General
Assembly, held last summer, it is important that that
session outlined ways of expediting progress in key areas
of sustainable development, as defined in Agenda 21.
As a country that has suffered from civil war and is
in transition to market relationships, Tajikistan expects the
2

United Nations to pay closer attention and participate more
efficiently in ensuring sustainable development in countries
with transitional economies, including introducing measures
to neutralize the negative social consequences of such
transitions. We believe that the United Nations can and
must maintain its unique role in providing international
support for the integration of States in transition into global
economic and trade systems and for their involvement in
the existing and emerging regulatory institutions and
mechanisms. These demands were reflected in the Agenda
for Development, which was adopted by the General
Assembly in June this year.
The absence of peaceful conditions in Tajikistan has
prevented it from moving towards sustainable development
in any significant way, and consequently it has not been
able fully to implement the recommendations of Agenda 21.
Due to the civil confrontations that have swept the
country, the main efforts of the Government of Tajikistan
in recent years have been aimed at eradicating conflict,
establishing peace and tranquillity, and creating conditions
to integrate the population into active economic and
creative work.
The new prospects for peace provide us with an
opportunity to redouble our efforts and concentrate on
unsolved problems. The most important of these include the
rapid reconstruction of the social and economic
infrastructure that had been destroyed; the return of
refugees to their homes, together with their social and
psychological adjustment and reintegration into the new
conditions of life; the active involvement of citizens in
economic activity through the creation of jobs, which are
crucial; and, above all, the creation of conditions conducive
to the democratic development of Tajik society.
Today, an intensive transition to a socially oriented
market economy is under way in Tajikistan. Against the
background of an increasingly far-reaching peace process,
the Government of Tajikistan is carrying out economic
reforms that promise positive results in the foreseeable
future. The country’s natural wealth, water supply, energy
and intellectual resources are favourable to such a
development.
However, reality demands that we confront the
situation with honesty. We must admit that without
international support it would be extremely difficult for us
to carry out the reconstruction and creative tasks quickly.
In the first place, it is a question of donors continuing their
commendable efforts to extend humanitarian assistance to
our most vulnerable population groups, which have
suffered from the civil war. Economic reforms under way
in the country also need efficient and targeted support.
This would involve an additional flow of investment into
Tajikistan, the more active involvement of the country’s
export potential in international trade transactions, and our
gradual integration into international financial and trade
institutions. I should like to express my conviction that,
at this stage of its development, Tajikistan will not be left
alone to deal with its problems.
The goal set out in the Charter of the United
Nations,
“to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war”,
has very special meaning for the people of Tajikistan,
who have experienced the bitter taste of fratricidal war.
Our experience has shown that the work of the United
Nations, based on the coordinated efforts of its Member
States, can achieve tangible results and resolve seemingly
irreconcilable differences, thereby enabling us to move
onto a peaceful, non-violent track.
We note the tireless efforts of the United Nations in
maintaining and strengthening international peace and
security on a practical level under new and constantly
changing conditions. We believe that useful momentum
for this work could be provided by convening, in 1999, a
third international peace conference, an initiative that is
enjoying growing support among members of the
international community. Greater in-depth discussion of
this issue on the threshold of the twenty-first century
would further promote mutual understanding and
cooperation in the world, taking account of the interests
of all on the basis of the equality of all nations.


First and foremost, Sir, I would like to echo
the eminent speakers who have already addressed you from
this rostrum in conveying the warm congratulations of the
Central African delegation on your resounding election to
the presidency of this, the fifty-second session of the
General Assembly. The fact that you, Sir, have been chosen
bears witness to the fact that your country, Ukraine,
continues to play an important role on the world stage.
Your wealth of experience and your abilities as an
experienced diplomat augur well indeed for the success of
our work, and I can also assure you that you can count on
our support and our availability to assist you.
I would also like to express our fullest satisfaction
with the work of your predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail, for
the talent and skill with which he so wonderfully
discharged his duties. And we assure His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-General, whose election was
only a just reward for his many years of service to the
United Nations, of the renewed support of the people and
Government of the Central African Republic.
This session is being held at a delicate time in the
history of our Organization, because it is faced with many
different political, economic, social, cultural, legal and
institutional problems which call for the appropriate
reforms.
To renew the United Nations, to turn it into a
dynamic, democratic and effective organization, is a major
challenge for this session, which the Secretary-General
quite rightly described as the Reform Assembly. His
brilliant report presented on 16 July 1997 is perfectly in
tune with the Member States’ expectations, because it not
only highlights the challenges facing us on the threshold of
the first century of a new millennium, but it also, and
above all, puts forward proposals for the longer term.
The United Nations has a very important role to play
in the areas of safeguarding and maintaining international
peace and security and promoting social and economic
development, democracy, human rights and justice. The
Organization must be reformed and strengthening so as to
better confront the new realities of today’s world. The
Central African Republic will make its own modest
contribution to this very important endeavour in close
collaboration with the member States of the Organization
of African Unity and the Non-Aligned Movement.
As regards reforming the Security Council, the
Central African Republic hopes that the Council will be
expanded so as to provide equitable geographical
representation.
But what about the ever-widening gap between three
quarters of humankind and the remainder? What about the
proliferation of armed conflicts against a backdrop of
intolerance, ethnic tension and deadly political
confrontations that jeopardize international peace and
security? Our Organization does not seem to be able to
come to grips with these problems.
And yet, a few years ago, after a series of major
events radically transformed the old post-war order, we
believed that the world was at last poised to move into a
new era because of the ensuing clear-cut improvement in
the international political climate and the new possibilities
for cooperation that emerged. These were supposed to
build confidence among nations and facilitate the quest
for compromise on most of the questions of concern to
the international community.
Regrettably, we were overly optimistic. In reflecting
on the sad realities of the day, I have in mind particularly
the many human lives lost in vain in Algeria and the
thousands of women and children forcibly torn from their
homes and who, in the neighbouring Republic of the
Congo, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Somalia and elsewhere,
are still paying a heavy price for our imperfections, our
contradictions and our intolerance.
I believe that it is time to call upon the international
community and our Organization — which in this
alarmingly serious case seems not to be fulfilling its
primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security — to tackle resolutely the internal
conflicts that are unfolding within our own States. We
must address these new conflicts, which entail serious
violations of fundamental human rights and which we are
ill-prepared to prevent and manage, because what is at
stake is the very existence of our States, along with the
balance and cohesiveness of the international community.
The Central African Republic had cause to welcome
the convening on 25 September last of the ministerial-
level meeting of the member States of the Security
Council devoted to the situation in Africa. The
4

recommendations emanating from those deliberations should
be translated into reality.
The delegation of the Central African Republic
nonetheless welcomes the fact that significant progress
towards peace has been achieved in Angola, Liberia and
Haiti. But we continue to believe that a great deal of work
remains to be done by the parties concerned to overcome
the obstacles standing in the way of reconciliation and the
restoration of peace in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and
in Cyprus.
Unlike in other regions of the world, where renewed
economic growth is henceforth irreversible, Africa’s lack of
good performance and its economic and social situation
remain a cause for concern in this era of globalization.
However, we are not underestimating the scope and the
complexity of the crucial problems facing the international
community at century’s end. To resolve these problems, a
new type of cooperation is urgently needed so as not to
exclude three quarters of humankind from the march
towards progress and the common weal.
Africa continues to experience immense economic
difficulties because of its lack of control over certain
external factors affecting its development, such as the
collapse in the prices fetched by its commodities, its debt
burden and the inadequacy of its capital flows, which have
prevented it from achieving sustained economic growth and
raising the living standards of its peoples.
Worse yet is the case of the least developed countries,
most of which are located on the African continent and
whose situation remains abysmal notwithstanding the timid
steps forward taken here and there. Though globalization
has given rise to a new social contract, the principle of
partnership and of shared responsibility between the least
developed countries and the international community, with
the goal of reversing socio-economic decline and speeding
up the process of sustained growth and sustainable
development, should guide both sides in their commitment.
Now the question is how to become competitive without the
support of official development assistance, which is
continuing to decline.
As we see it, this alarming situation calls for a
pragmatic approach to cooperation between Africa and its
partners, in particular the international financial and
monetary institutions, which should not lose sight of these
factors in determining modalities for cooperating with the
continent and providing it access to global resources. We
cannot overemphasize the urgent need for a greater sense
of responsibility and for a far stronger commitment on the
part of the entire international community vis-à-vis this
continent, which is foundering economically and socially.
It is this new awareness that will help Africa emerge at
last from the chaos and anarchy that continue to engulf it.
Without economic and social progress, there can be
no talk of peace nor of democracy, because peace,
democracy and development go hand in hand. This is
especially true in the case of the Central African
Republic, long known, owing to its long-standing
commitment to peace, as the Switzerland of Africa. Its
President, Ange-Félix Patassé, rose to the highest office
in the land through free and transparent elections and
daily preached peace and dialogue in the Central African
subregion. Nonetheless, the world was recently witness to
the sad spectacle of the Central African Republic’s being
assailed by what have come to be known as the serial
mutinies of Bangui, simply because of its inability to
consolidate its still fledgling democratic experience
through sustained economic and social development.
The case of the Central African Republic casts light
on the root causes of the wave of violence that is
sweeping our subregion. The mutinies — which,
tragically, lasted a full year and have thrown the entire
country into near-civil war — occurred against the
backdrop of a tribally motivated attempt at regaining
power and as the result of manipulation by outside forces
seeking to put an end to our democratic process. But none
of this would have been possible had it not been for the
very difficult economic and social situation of our
country. The joint impact of a terrible legacy, the free-fall
devaluation of the CFA franc and the chronically meagre
revenues coming into the public treasury had for all
practical purposes created a situation in which the State
could no longer regularly pay its civil servants.
The upshot of this crisis was all but catastrophic
because the damage done by the tragic events of April,
May and November 1996 gravely undermined our
country’s potential for economic and social development.
The technical committee set up to take stock of the
damage concluded that for the first two cases of mutiny
alone, it would cost some 41.9 billion CFA francs to
make up for the losses experienced by the State,
businesses, projects and individuals — not to mention the
cost of the measures needed to help the many victims of
that conflict.
Beyond the necessary mobilization of all our
compatriots — to whom His Excellency Mr. Ange-Félix
5

Patassé, President of the Republic, has issued a powerful
call for the restoration of peace and national unity as a
foundation for the genuine economic recovery of our
country — it is only appropriate for our partners and the
entire international community to stand with us and not
against us. For it is the intention of the Central African
Republic to continue and consolidate the democratic process
to which it is resolutely committed.
And beyond the praiseworthy support of the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), my landlocked country must be given the
wherewithal to continue to be — as we already are out of
a sense of moral duty — a land of welcome and hospitality
for Sudanese, Rwandan, Burundian, Congolese and other
brothers and sisters who are paying a heavy price for our
world’s intolerance, ethnic tensions and deadly political
wrangling.
The fact is that it is in adversity that one knows one’s
true friends. Our own adversity has enabled the people of
the Central African Republic to gauge the sympathy and
solidarity they have enjoyed during the most trying times of
their history. On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Ange-Félix
Patassé, President of the Republic and Head of State and of
Government, and of the people of the Central African
Republic, I reiterate our thanks to the entire international
community, and most particularly to France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, the United States of America, Japan,
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
Gabon, Chad, Senegal, Togo, Mali, Burkina Faso, the
United Nations, the Organization of African Unity and the
European Union, for the support and invaluable assistance
they are graciously according us.
I take this opportunity also to convey particular thanks
to all the States members of the Security Council, which on
6 August last unanimously adopted resolution 1125 (1997)
on the Central African Republic. The immediate effect of
that decision was to deter open attempts at destabilization,
and to enable — as it continues to do — the Inter-African
Mission to Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui
Agreements (MISAB) better to ensure peace and security
in the capital and the provinces of the Central African
Republic.
The peace is still fragile and precarious, and on behalf
of the entire people of the Central African Republic we
urgently appeal to the United Nations to enable the mandate
of MISAB to be extended until the Central African
Republic possesses a loyal national army that can guarantee
the survival of our republican institutions.
I wish the Assembly full success in its work on the
basis of the principle of universality which is so dear to
our Organization.


It affords me great
pleasure and honour to convey to you, Mr. President, on
behalf of my delegation, as well as on my own behalf, our
heartiest congratulations on your unanimous election. It is
a fitting tribute not only to your outstanding diplomatic
skills and long involvement with the United Nations, but
also to your country, with which we enjoy friendly
relations.
To your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of
Malaysia, I should like to express our sincere appreciation
for the remarkable job that he did. His was an
extraordinarily proactive presidency. Indeed, he has given
new stature to the office of President of the General
Assembly.
This is the first regular session of the General
Assembly for our Secretary-General Kofi Annan since his
appointment to that high office. In the discharge of his very
onerous responsibilities he brings to bear unmatched
expertise with regard to the United Nations system. Indeed,
he is the archetypical insider of that system. His
appointment to the highest Secretariat position is
recognition of his manifest competence. The priority that he
has attached to the task of making the United Nations
system more streamlined and attuned to present-day
realities and requirements is indeed commendable.
While on the subject of reform, let me say that my
delegation lends its full support to the initiative of the
Secretary-General in submitting his reform proposal, which
the Assembly will be examining later in the course of its
business. There is no denying that the proposal is timely
and that it has been put forward to make the United
Nations more efficient and effective. We expect that the
reform process will preserve and promote the centrality
and sanctity of the principles and objectives of the United
Nations Charter. My delegation also wants the process of
reform to be carried out with the primary objective of
strengthening the capacity of the Organization to address
issues of development. Bangladesh would favour
negotiating the reform package in informal plenary
meetings with the full participation of all countries.
The United Nations Charter is of enduring validity.
By definition, reform has to be a dynamic and periodic
process as times, problems and priorities change. My
delegation would fully support any endeavour to improve
the administration and management of the United Nations.
Member States have the right and even the duty to insist
that optimal use be made of the resources that they have
entrusted to the Organization for the promotion of the
Charter objectives. Bangladesh assures its unstinted
cooperation and support to eliminate duplication and
overlap and to effect better coordination and prioritization.
However, reform cannot be an acceptable surrogate for
political will, and those two aspects must be mutually
supportive and reinforcing.
In the context of the reform exercise, Bangladesh
would like to stress that the exclusively international
character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General
and his staff should in no way be compromised.
According to Article 101 of the Charter, the highest
standards of efficiency, competence and integrity should
be the basic determinants in making appointments to the
Secretariat, with due regard to geographical distribution.
We therefore welcome the Secretary General’s proposal
to submit a code of conduct for international civil
servants.
No endeavour at United Nations reform will be
successful without the necessary financial resources. The
continuation of the current financial crisis of the United
Nations has seriously impaired the functioning of the
Organization. For a financially sick United Nations, the
much needed shot in the arm can come only from the full
and unconditional payment of outstanding contributions
by those Member States that have not yet done so.
The cold-war era of adversarial alliances, power
blocs and ideological divides is happily a thing of the
past. However, another war, one in which the United
4

Nations will have to be in the vanguard, remains to be
fought and won before a meaningful peace and international
security can be achieved. That is the war against poverty,
ignorance and prejudice.
Peace does not simply happen or come about
fortuitously. It must be sedulously built and nurtured and
underpinned by a host of interrelated actions that are
inextricably linked to development and human security. A
culture of peace is essential to make it sustainable and all
embracing. Over the years, the concept of security has
evolved, as has the concept of development. The United
Nations can be, as the President of the General Assembly
put it last year, the main development catalyst, one that can
strongly influence coordination at the macro level with
other bodies that have more access to resources but that are
less democratically set up.
We have been discussing for the past few years the
question of Security Council expansion and reform. There
is a clear logic and rationale for an expansion of the overall
size of the Council to make it more representative in
character. On this aspect of the question a general
consensus seems to have emerged, although there exist
differences as to the exact size of any new Council. Where
a convergence of view — let alone consensus — continues
to elude us is on the question of the expansion of the
number of permanent seats. Bangladesh’s concern, which
we have already articulated, is that, in any enlargement
exercise, the concerns of the smaller and more vulnerable
States that have the most vital stake in an effective and
dynamic United Nations should not be lost sight of.
In the decade of the 1990s we have had a series of
high-profile global conferences. These mega-conferences
have addressed some of the major challenges that are
confronting us today and, with the United Nations playing
a central role, reached important political consensus. Those
gatherings underscored in particular the primacy of human
development in achieving sustained and sustainable
development.
The Agenda for Development adopted in June this
year is in a sense the culmination of this series,
representing a synthesis of the plans and programmes of
action that had been adopted. The Agenda is the result of
tortuous and painstaking negotiations carried out over a
period of four years. It is a matter of gratification to have
achieved a development consensus that was so badly
needed and clearly warranted. It is, of course, most vital
that, along with the Agenda for Development, follow-up
and implementation should match the outcome of these
conferences.
Bangladesh believes that without the full
involvement of civil society this process will remain
incomplete. Recognizing the key role of civil society in
promoting global partnership, we welcome the Secretary-
General’s proposal for a people’s millennium Assembly
in the year 2000.
It is now widely accepted that free enterprise, the
market economy, international trade and competition, as
well as broad-based public participation in economic
expansion, are the keys to economic growth and human
development. To this mix must be added the components
of democracy, good governance and the rule of law. This,
however, in no way diminishes, particularly in the case of
the least developed countries, the imperative of a
supportive external environment. Improved access to
world markets, greater inflow of foreign private
investment, transfer of technology and managerial know-
how and larger external assistance all have very important
roles to play in ensuring development. Economic
liberalization should invariably be combined, in our view,
with adequate social safety nets to safeguard the most
vulnerable segments of society.
It is a matter of some concern to us that global
official development assistance flows continue to slump.
We sincerely hope, though, that this trend will be
reversed. The development of the South is not only an
investment in peace and security, but would clearly also
rebound to the advantage of the countries of the North in
the long and not so long run, since this would mean
bigger markets for their exports, with all their
concomitant benefits. Development has been most aptly
described as a partnership.
The plight of the least developed countries, in
particular, calls for very careful consideration and has in
the past merited a special place and focus in the
international agenda. Two major international conferences
on the least developed countries have been held in the
1980s and 1990s and important decisions and programmes
of action adopted. The implementation of these, however,
has been disappointing. We hope that the third United
Nations Conference on the least developed countries can
be held in the year 2000 to chart the course of global
support for these weakest members at the start of next
millennium.
5

We would urge special consideration and concessions
for the least developed countries in order to enable them to
meet World Trade Organization deadlines. Indeed, if the
situation so warrants, deadlines may even be made flexible
for that group of countries. We would also urge that, at the
forthcoming high-level meeting in Geneva next month, all
major issues of concern to the least developed countries,
including duty-free access of their products to foreign
markets, be given most favourable consideration.
The end of cold war perhaps naturally raised our
hopes for a new and exciting world order in which nations
would share the responsibility for freedom and justice and
the strong would respect the rights of the weak — a world
of open borders, open trade and open minds. Such a vision
can and should surely be our goal and inspiration. To
achieve it, in particular at the regional level, cooperation in
carefully identified core areas of activity, including trade
and investment, is a valuable tool of development.
In our own region, through the South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), we are
striving to accelerate progress in core areas of cooperation,
such as poverty eradication, expansion of regional trade and
investment. We have also, within the ambit of SAARC,
launched a “growth quadrangle” involving four member
States — Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Bhutan — in order
to explore areas of joint economic activity and take
advantage of the factor of contiguity. Moreover, outside of
SAARC, Bangladesh has entered the Bangladesh-India-Sri
Lanka-Thailand Economic Cooperation (BIST-EC) in order
to boost cooperation in the economic and commercial fields
among its four member countries. A consensus decision has
now been taken to allow Myanmar to join this subregional
group as a full member.
Last year, while addressing the General Assembly, I
referred to the negotiations that were being held with India
on sharing the waters of the Ganges River. This had proved
to be an intractable problem for over two decades and it is
a matter of great satisfaction to us all that, in December last
year, we signed a 30-year treaty at the highest political
level with India on sharing arrangements. The signing of
this treaty, within months of the present Government’s
assumption of office, demonstrated that, given goodwill and
political will, the most difficult problems can be resolved.
At the national level, we are affording every facility
and cooperation to our private sector and providing liberal
incentives to foreign entrepreneurs to invest in our country.
The Government’s role will be to oversee and to provide
safety nets where necessary. The Government is making
every effort to combat the blighting scourges of
widespread poverty and deprivation, so that we may
realize the dream — to which the Father of the Nation,
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, dedicated his
entire political career and life — of a country free,
progressive and prosperous, at peace with the world and
with itself.
Ours has also been a pioneering role in the field of
microcredit. Initiated by the Grameen Bank and
considered a most innovative approach to the eradication
of poverty and empowerment of women, it has been
recognized and emulated in a good number of developing
and developed countries. The Microcredit Summit held in
Washington earlier this year was a success: a target was
set there to free 100 million families from the
stranglehold of poverty by the year 2005. At the United
Nations, the “Friends of Microcredit” ambassadors have
taken the initiative to follow up the implementation
process throughout the United Nations system.
In Bangladesh, we have accorded priority to and
placed special emphasis on social sector development in
such areas as health care, education, family planning,
women in development and the preservation and
promotion of human rights. The initiatives and efforts of
our Prime Minister in this regard have been widely
appreciated. I would particularly mention here that the
Government, under the dynamic leadership of Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina, the illustrious daughter of the
Father of the Nation, has announced the decision to set up
a National Human Rights Commission. Our Parliament is
expected to pass the required legislative mandate for this
Commission next year. We are also working towards the
establishment of grameen, or rural, courts, which will
take justice to the people at the grass-roots level. This
concept of participatory justice is still a novel one. Its
purpose is to ensure speedy, effective and inexpensive
justice to the humblest of citizens.
While on the subject of human rights, I should like
to express our pleasure that an individual of the eminence
and distinction of Mrs. Mary Robinson has been
appointed United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights. We would like to assure her of the wholehearted
cooperation of our Government. We look forward to
working with her in close concert in the promotion of
human rights, a goal that all of us share and cherish, with
special focus on the right to development and the rights
of women and children.
6

The Constitution of Bangladesh specifically provides
for our international relations to be based, inter alia, on the
principles of the United Nations Charter. It is thus for us a
matter of singular pride and gratification that Bangladesh
should be playing such an active role in United Nations
peacekeeping operations. This is a role that we consider to
be a solemn duty and an earnest of our commitment to the
United Nations and the principles and purposes of the
Charter.
We still have a long way to go in the area of
disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. The entry
into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention is a major
step forward.
It is a truism that our world is becoming increasingly
interdependent. The uncomfortable fact remains, though,
that it is still a far more dangerous place than that it should
be. West Asia, the Palestinian issue, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Afghanistan and the Great Lakes region all
present problems that impinge on international peace and
security. The United Nations, of course, is playing a pivotal
role in seeking peaceful and equitable resolutions of these
problems.
We sincerely hope that the peace process in the
Middle East will move forward and that the years of
negotiations, investment and effort will bear fruit. Our
views on this particular issue are well known. Relevant
Security Council resolutions exist, as do agreements
negotiated outside the ambit of the United Nations, on the
basis of which a meaningful peace can be achieved in the
Middle East and the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
people, including the right to an independent homeland,
restored.
As we approach the next century, it will have to be
our collective endeavour to strengthen and to reinforce
institutions at the global level that can effectively address
the problems of the post-cold-war world. The United
Nations in essence represents the entire human race in
microcosm, with its wisdom and follies, its successes and
shortcomings. It is an experiment, as was once said, in
living together as a single human family. To be sure, the
United Nations is an Organization of Governments — the
apex of intergovernmental organs. And yet it is also true
that its foundations rest on the yearnings of the peoples of
the world for a lasting peace.
The opening words of the Charter read:
“We the peoples of the United Nations determined
to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war”.
The peoples and nations of the world will have to work
in concert if stability, prosperity and a meaningful peace
are to be achieved on a global scale. Bangladesh, of
course, will be at the forefront of this endeavour.


I
extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President,
on your election. I am sure you will guide us well, and we
look forward to working with you.
I would also like to congratulate our Secretary-General
on the excellent start he has made in answer to the
Members’ call for reform. At the same time, I would like
to thank the outgoing President for his support in this most
important work.
You take office at a critical time, Mr President. There
are obviously no easy solutions to the many challenges
faced by our Organization. But there is one thing I hope we
can all do: be positive and constructive in our approach.
With this in mind, I would like to comment briefly on two
aspects of current United Nations work that particularly
concern us in Brunei Darussalam. The first is peace and
security and the second is the Secretary-General’s reform
package.
On peace and security, we were pleased to have had
the chance to do something to help in the Middle East and
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. But we have been dismayed by
what has taken place this year, particularly in the Middle
East. The current situation is not what we expected. The
disruption of the peace process clearly started when Israel
decided to build settlements in East Jerusalem. This was
bad policy. It was obviously not aimed at helping the peace
process. Thus, we would like to see the Israelis do
something positive to repair the damage done.
We have made our position clear for many years. We
do not wish to return to the past. It is time for more than
words, arguments and resolutions. What we want to see is
a peace process that actually proceeds. Somehow, the
impasse must be broken, and we greatly appreciate the
efforts being made by Jordan, Egypt and the United States
to do that. We encourage them and all countries that can
help to continue their efforts, despite the many difficulties.
Concerning the situation in Bosnia, we have also been
disappointed by the way certain elements continue to
undermine the cause of peace. There are overwhelming
signs from the peoples of Bosnia that they welcome the
new opportunities they have for a normal life. We are
therefore pleased to see the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) and the United Nations taking strong
action to enforce the Dayton Agreement. In our view,
such action is definitely being taken on behalf of the
Bosnian people. We offer them our full support.
These are just two of the areas where we have seen
setbacks to United Nations efforts. We can add many
others in Europe, Asia and Africa. What is required
everywhere is a determination to resolve all problems
peacefully by means of dialogue and negotiation.
Given that spirit, progress is possible. We have seen
evidence of it in the great efforts being made in northeast
Asia to try to find a solution to the problems on the
Korean Peninsula. The difficult situation in Korea could
affect all of us in the Asia-Pacific region, so we very
much welcome the four-party talks as a way of reducing
tension and building confidence. For the same reason, we
are happy to support the initiative of the Korean
Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO),
since it will help remove one serious threat to peace.
On the question of lasting peace, however, we have
learned to take nothing for granted.
Some causes of instability have been dramatically
highlighted in our own region this year. The recent
attacks on our currencies and our financial institutions
have shocked us all. They cannot be dismissed as mere
ups and downs in the market. It is all very well for
commentators to say so, but this is not good enough; it is
too simplistic. The effect is like a disease, and it goes for
the heart of our economic systems. It seeks out weak
points, and developing countries have limited built-in
resistance.
Yes, we will survive. Our foundations are sound. But
the experience has taught us a lesson. We are realizing
how deeply we are all affected by globalization, market
forces and interdependence. The playing field is anything
but level, and this means that the world organizations to
which we belong must be highly effective.
The most important of these is the United Nations,
and this brings me to the questions I know the Secretary-
General is keen to hear all of us answer at this session:
What do we think of his package of proposed reforms?
Are they going to help developing nations?
My broad reply would be to say that we think the
package is better than the previous attempts to achieve
reform. Overall, it firmly addresses the right questions,
4

and, having long supported the idea of United Nations
reform, we welcome the proposals.
However, we do have a few comments to offer. We
believe they are constructive and hope they will be taken
into account by the Secretary-General. As many others have
remarked, the proposal seems, basically, to be a
management package. It reflects the Secretary-General’s
long experience in the Organization. But good management
principles represent only one aspect of the reforms we need.
We hope that an acceptable consensus will be reached on
matters which especially concern developing nations.
We would like the Secretary-General to make
absolutely sure that nothing is going to weaken the things
the United Nations does so well for ordinary people. The
United Nations work in the field gives the Organization
meaning for millions. We must not let our agencies down.
With regard to the proposals concerning peace and
security, we hope that the Working Group will soon
complete its work on the Security Council. This aspect of
reform will certainly strengthen the Organization as a
whole.
With regard to development cooperation, we welcome
efforts to enhance it. It represents all that is best in
international cooperation. It is also directly linked to the
important Chapter IX of our Charter, which calls for higher
standards of living, full employment and economic and
social progress. Without these, there can be no lasting
peace and security in the developing world.
Lastly, there is the question of financial viability,
perhaps the most important of all if reforms are to be
effective. We find the various proposals interesting, but
what we are concerned about is whether they provide a
long-term solution. We therefore want to give these matters
more thought. Naturally, we rely on the Committee to look
very carefully indeed into the details of any such scheme.
Having made these points, I should like to conclude
by once again offering my congratulations to the Secretary-
General on his work. As I said, it is a good start. When the
work is finished, we hope that the result will be not only
administrative reform but a strong renewal of the deepest
principles of our Charter.
We wish the Secretary-General, and you yourself, Mr.
President, much success in the year ahead. We assure you
that we will do all we can to assist fellow Members in
responding well to what the Secretary-General has rightly
described as unprecedented demands and opportunities.