Mr. President, it gives me pleasure to extend to you my felicitations on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, and to wish you complete success in that most important task. I am confident that your efficiency and experience will enable you to guide our session to a successful conclusion. My delegation will do its best to cooperate with you towards this end.
2.	May I express my appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the President of the previous session, during whose presidency the General Assembly held three special sessions.  Mr. Salim conducted the work of the Assembly with exemplary efficiency.
3.	I take this opportunity to welcome the admission of Zimbabwe to membership of the United Nations, following a long and bitter struggle waged by the heroic people of Zimbabwe against the racist colonialist regime, thus proving that peoples fighting for their right to self-determination and independence are bound to win. I also congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the international community.
4.	Our faith in the Charter and its principles, and in the United Nations as an international forum for all peoples of the world, is steadily becoming stronger, despite the complicated problems and acute crises facing the world today. Guided by this faith, we rely on the Organization to examine such problems and crises, and we are prepared to cooperate in seeking solutions conducive to security, stability and progress for humankind.
5.	The first development during the past year was the severe shock that rocked the process of international detente. Detente had succeeded in keeping the world temporarily free from the cold war, on the one hand, and in creating a new atmosphere of international cooperation, on the other. World imperialism has reverted to its previous practices of seeking to achieve the greatest possible domination by creating spheres of influence, acquiring military bases and facilities, massing troops in specific regions and deploying destructive nuclear missile networks. All those acts have plunged the world anew into the climate of cold war and have created hotbeds of conflict that may explode at any moment. Consequently, we are witnessing growing international tension and a struggle for spheres of influence, as well as resistance to those actions by peace-loving peoples.
6.	From this rostrum, we have warned the Assembly on several occasions that the process of detente cannot be universal and worldwide unless its framework is enlarged, encompassing the whole world and enabling us to solve the great international crises. The most significant proof of this is the question of Palestine and the Middle East. The United States, a superpower and a permanent member of the Security Council with specific responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security, has removed the question from the United Nations and has sought to take action itself, with Israel and the Egyptian regime, without involving the remaining parties concerned, in particular the Palestinian Arab people, and their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO].
7.	The continuing existence of such problems and of imperialist practices stresses the need for all nations to participate, on an equal footing, in defining the policy of detente based on right and justice, to give it the comprehensive international dimension it requires so that it may become a positive factor in guaranteeing international peace and security, and in setting up a new order of international relations.
8.	Complete and comprehensive disarmament is a major objective which the international community is continually striving to achieve. There is no clearer proof of this than the fact that the agenda of the present session includes more than 20 items related to disarmament, and that the United Nations has held several special sessions and conferences devoted to it. Nevertheless, the arms race grows and intensifies. We are witnessing growing activity by the imperialist forces in establishing military bases in some regions, which represents a challenge. It is therefore high time for the Assembly to make every effort to curb the arms race and the establishment of foreign military facilities, so that the world may feel that the Organization is working seriously and sincerely to spare it the tragedies of a destructive world war.
9.	In this connection, we wish to emphasize, as a result of the current situation in the world, that disarmament can be realized only through the elimination of colonialism, racism, Zionism and all aspects of aggression, usurpation, occupation, domination and foreign exploitation. It can be realized only if all peoples come to know that security is based on right, justice and equality, and if they are reassured of respect for their territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty and their right to self-determination and to select the regime they want.
10.	Among the major issues which are still burning and dangerous is the problem of the racist regimes, which are still adamant in defying world public opinion and the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations. They are still practising racism in southern Africa and in Palestine and the occupied territories. These regimes are pursuing their expansionist, aggressive policy, consolidating collaboration among themselves in the various fields, particularly in manufacturing nuclear weapons. Owing to weak international deterrence, the regions dominated by such regimes have become hotbeds jeopardizing international peace and security and directly imperilling the peace and independence of the African continent and the Arab world. We reaffirm our complete support for the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia in their struggle for the rights of their peoples to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. We also wish to stress our support for the resistance of the African frontline States in the face of the savage racist aggressions and schemings against the aspirations of the peoples of southern Africa.
11.	We cannot but express our deep regret for the explosive situation in several regions in Asia, owing to the imperialist plots and attempts to dominate those regions.
12.	In addition, the Korean problem remains unsolved. This prompts us to stress the need for withdrawal of all foreign troops and for a dialogue between the two parties, in implementation of the North South Joint Communique signed in 1972,' in order to reunify the country peacefully and independently without any foreign interference.
13.	The situation in Cyprus remains tense and calls for concern. We laud, in this connection, the efforts of the Secretary General, who was able to revive the negotiation process between the two communities, with a view to finding a solution based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and within the framework of respect for the sovereignty of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity, unity and nonalignment.
14.	The United Nations, through the General Assembly, conferences and committees, has exerted strenuous and benevolent efforts towards setting up a new international economic order. Though five years have elapsed since the foundations of such an order were laid, the industrial nations are still placing obstacles in the way of this order, clinging to the advantages afforded them by the present economic, trade and monetary system, which is based on exploitation and is far from being just. As a consequence, the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and various international bodies are at a deadlock and such efforts have failed so far.
15.	This will inevitably lead to a widening of the gap between rich and poor countries and will deprive the developing countries of the means of economic and social development, and especially the means of acquiring the modern technology needed for such development. It will also lead to intensifying the blockade imposed by some developed industrial nations, in collaboration with the transnational corporations, on developing countries to compel them to sell their raw materials at very low prices, while the developed industrial nations are raising the prices of their industrial products in a manner that threatens with collapse the economies of the developing countries.
16.	We stress the need for initiating a basic change in the current structure of economic relations and for setting up a new international economic order, thereby consolidating the economic independence of the developing countries, securing prosperity and stability for the peoples and contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security.
17.	In our review of some of the international issues and problems, we cannot but touch upon the issue of human rights and the specific interpretations given by certain countries seeking pretexts for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries, mainly the third world countries.
18.	We can only caution against the dangers of such attempts and interpretations, especially in view of the fact that their authors belong to countries that do not cease to extend material and moral help and support to the regimes of oppression, aggression, occupation and racism to enable them to persist in violating the human rights and the dignity of man and even his very existence.
19.	Proceeding from our faith in the rights of individuals, groups and peoples, big and small, we deem it necessary to confront this artificial offensive aimed at diverting the attention of world public opinion to the rights of individuals in this or that country, rather than focusing attention on the basic rights of millions of peoples still labouring under the yoke of colonialism, occupation, Zionism and racism, and even deprived of their right to life. No human right can be preserved under conditions of the exercise of force, coercion and colonialist and racist oppression, where the human being is deprived of his nation, land and home. A most prominent example is provided by the sufferings of the Arabs under the yoke of Zionist racist colonialism in Palestine and the occupied Arab territories and the sufferings of the Africans under the yoke of the racist regimes in South Africa and Namibia.
20.	If the first function of the Organization is the maintenance and consolidation of international peace and security, addressing the explosive situation in the Middle East must rank at the top of the priorities in the United Nations. The Assembly is well aware of the strategic importance of the Middle East region and its impact on international peace and security. Thus, addressing the situation in this region is fundamental to the work of the Organization and its purposes.
21.	Our region is suffering and facing dangers because of the Zionist entity in Palestine, as a result of the racist and aggressive nature of this entity, and its persistent defiance of the United Nations and the latter's determination to preserve peace and security. This proves that the prevailing dangerous situation may explode at any moment. This situation has been further aggravated by the tripartite conspiracy concocted by United States imperialism, in collaboration with Israel and the Egyptian regime, at Camp David, designed to realize the following objectives: first, to weaken the Arab nation by embroiling the Egyptian regime in a policy that runs counter to the interests and future of the Arabs and to the interests of peace and security; secondly, to liquidate the cause of Palestine and undermine the national unity of the Palestinian people and their aspirations to liberation and self-determination and to establish their independent State on their national soil; thirdly, to perpetuate the Israeli aggression in Palestine and the occupied Arab territories and to use Israel as a base endangering and imperilling the security, peace and future of the region; and fourthly, to spread United States hegemony in the region, notably military, economic and political hegemony. This trend is manifested in the setting up of a series of United States military bases in some countries of the region.
22.	It was natural for the Arabs to reject and oppose this conspiracy, for they refuse capitulation to the same extent as they are eager to realize peace based on right and justice. Peace that is not based on right and justice is no more than a phase towards a new war. The continuous feeling of oppression and injustice is bound to increase the drive towards eliminating the causes of oppression and injustice.
23.	The Camp David policy has realized some of the objectives of Israel and the United States by isolating Egypt and embroiling the Egyptian Government in a policy that runs counter to the Arab nation and the interests of the Arab people of Egypt, by setting up United States military bases in some countries of the region and by the adoption of a decision by the Israeli Government to annex Jerusalem and continue with the policy of settlements. However, despite these extremely dangerous objectives, which have rendered the region a field for a fierce international and regional conflict, the Camp David policy has failed to realize one of its main objectives, namely, to liquidate the cause of Palestine, because of its failure to find a Palestinian negotiator and because of the firm Arab opposition to such a policy.
24.	For this reason, attempts are being made by some international circles here and there, which are directly linked to the United States policy and strategy. These attempts are designed to find a breakthrough for the Camp David policy to enable it to pursue its course under another title. While cautioning the world public of the dangers of such attempts, we stress that they are bound further to complicate and aggravate the situation in the region.
25.	We shall never accept any manoeuvres or conspiracies with respect to our right to liberate our occupied territories and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, recognized by the United Nations, namely the right to return, to self-determination and to establish their own independent State.
26.	The Assembly has defined in many resolutions the bases for a just and lasting peace in the region. Such bases may be summarized as follows: first, complete and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories; and secondly, recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The General Assembly has defined the nature and limits of these rights.
27.	However, the Camp David accords have transformed the process of establishing a just and lasting peace into obstacles in the way of achieving peace. These obstacles are: first, the Egyptian Israeli Treaty, and hence the Egyptian Israeli United States alliance and the objectives it aims to achieve in the region; secondly, the establishment of American military bases, which reveal the hegemonistic intent of the United States of America in the region; and, thirdly, the Israeli decisions and measures related to Jerusalem, the establishment of settlements and the alteration of the characteristics of the occupied territories.
28.	These aggregate results have created an imbalance in the region, thereby immobilizing the peace process and creating a major deadlock. Such a situation requires that all peace-loving peoples stand at the side of the Arabs in order to eliminate these obstacles. That is the only course that would create normal circumstances for the establishment of peace in the region.
29.	That is the situation in our region. The dangers grow day after day because of Israel's continuing policy of aggression in the occupied territories and against brotherly Lebanon, which include ground, air and sea raids that jeopardize the peace and security of Lebanon and the entire region. It has become urgent for the General Assembly to assume its responsibilities by imposing sanctions against Israel, since the United States of America has succeeded in paralyzing the Security Council by the abuse of the right of veto.
30.	Thus, there is a pressing need for the world community to re-examine Israel's membership in the United Nations, because Israel not only systematically rejects the United Nations resolutions but also defies them and persists in its defiance. Is there a situation that more warrants attention and the adoption of serious resolutions? We urge the General Assembly to adopt resolutions imposing sanctions against Israel and suspending its membership in the international Organization, to ensure respect for the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations and to stress the significance of working for peace.


Having the great honour of representing my country before this great Assembly, I wish to put before you the views of the Government of National Reconstruction of the Republic of Bolivia, under the leadership of General Luis Garcia Meza.
225.	However, before doing so, I wish to refer to the election of the Permanent Representative of the federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The Bolivian delegation knows full well and fully appreciates the personality and the ability of Mr. von Wechmar. We know his dedication and his active and intelligent participation in the search for solutions to the problems affecting the peace' of the world.
226.	We also wish to express our appreciation to the President of the previous session, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim. His ability, his fine diplomatic skill, allowed him to carry out effective and fruitful work.
227.	We should also like to stress our acknowledgement of the work of the Secretary-General, who has continued his dynamic and efficient mediating efforts. It is undeniable that he has never failed in initiatives or negotiations where his ability and experience could open the road to positive contribution, to the achievement of peaceful solutions.
228.	Our Organization has given a warm welcome to Zimbabwe and to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, two new States which have joined the United Nations, thus stressing again its universality. My delegation is extremely pleased to tender its welcome to the new Members of our Organization.
229.	Now, may I pay a very warm tribute to the history of two brother peoples: Bolivia and Peru. This is the second time that Bolivia has been called upon to speak in the General Assembly at a memorable moment in the history of our two countries. Yesterday we commemorated the immolation of Admiral Miguel Grau on the bridge of the warship Huascar. The figure of Admiral Grau is loved and respected by the people of Bolivia. His glorious feats performed in an unequal battle on the coasts of Angamos, in defence of part of the Bolivian coastline, are a symbol and a mandate that the people of Bolivia will never forget.
230.	My country, land-locked in the centre of South America, with a diverse geography which is a challenge to the creative imagination of man, struggled with a history at once turbulent and heroic. It would appear that our mysterious and changing landscape has been reflected in the past of a small but proud nation, determined to overcome the vicissitudes that fate had in store for it.
231.	That turbulent history is not only due to the slow and painful apprenticeship of a young nation: foreign interference was also a fundamental factor in hindering the Bolivians' ability to win from fate a successful, just and free country.
232.	Now, quite recently, we have witnessed a profound change in the domestic order. The Government, under the leadership of General Luis Garcia Meza, was born of the resignation of the former President, Lydia Gueiler. An untenable situation, bearing the seeds of total destruction, led the head of the country at that time to hand over public office to the head of the armed forces of the nation. Consequently, it was not a coup d’état, it was rather a very difficult transition from the chaos in which the Republic found itself to the order and freedom required by all Bolivians.
233.	Events have been deliberately distorted. Discrimination in the treatment of our country has shown us how in the world today principles of justice and equality can be distorted in accordance with sectarian interests. But this does not frighten us. We are convinced of the justice of our cause. We have acted in accordance with the dictates of a profound and sincere nationalism.
234.	My people is a witness to the fact that we are acting with prudence and exceptional tolerance, that three abortive elections revealed in their outcome the characteristics of fraud and cheating, with the encouragement of outside influences that tried to prepare the way for adventurers and demagogues.
235.	That was why the people were happy to accept the established authority and voluntarily supported the crusade of national reconstruction. Thus the Government of National Reconstruction has achieved unchallengeable legitimacy.
236.	The people of Bolivia have deeply engrained principles of democracy. A state of life based on those ideals cannot be replaced by the mere holding of spurious elections. Democracy is far more than that. It is the mutual respect and converging interests of majorities and minorities. It is the rule of law. It is the people organized to undertake great common enterprises. It is the co-ordinated work of the entire social corpus of the country to achieve an atmosphere of peace, justice and freedom.
237.	This is our concept of democracy, with special characteristics that allow a country with different races, customs and languages, and with completely different outlooks to merge them. Bolivians have to make efforts, and they are doing so, to create that democratic model that is just in the political, economic and social spheres, with full solidarity and respecting the interests of all parts and of the whole. Together with that concept is one that is born of the unshake-able determination to dignify the human person, to ensure respect for his spirit and future, to assure to each individual his right to freedom, justice, education and the benefits deriving from culture, work and just payment for it—in sum, a task that will allow the individual to enhance himself and widen and improve the atmosphere in which he lives.
238.	To protect those fundamental freedoms of mankind, we must act within the confines of the law, so that a few will not overshadow and endanger the future of the others and assume an authoritarian attitude that is alien to the feelings of the nation.
239.	Bolivia has been a victim of flagrant interventions. It would appear that minorities are to be favoured, however small they are, when trying to achieve public power, with imperialist attitudes, receiving assistance from great and small, from nearby and distant interests, distorting and misinterpreting the events and thus trying to maintain them-selves- in power.
240.	The Government of Bolivia is firmly determined to practise tolerance and to live in peace with all nations of the world, as the Charter of the United Nations so wisely states in its notable Preamble; but there have been certain acts which turn back the hands of time in an attempt to revive colonialist intentions which seemed to have been left behind for ever.
241.	The tasks imposed upon themselves by the armed forces of Bolivia in filling the vacuum created by corruption, fraud, uncertainty and the divisive actions of extremism are obviously to meet the imperative needs of rebuilding the nation. We must set our country back on the road to progress, and this can be achieved only by the re-establishment of individual guarantees, social justice, the rule of fruitful and creative work and, over and above all, the formation of a new civic awareness which will return to the Bolivian his faith in his future.
242.	With efforts and sacrifices, we have arrived at the time of reconstruction, and therefore the Government of Bolivia is determined to change structures, and it has started transformations of an institutional nature to ensure to the citizens, to whatever level of society they belong, full participation in the management of public interests. We intend to guarantee a system of life that will safeguard the democratic values of my people. On this matter the President of Bolivia has stated:
"The strengthening of the cultural and historical traditions of the Bolivian people and its constant will to achieve social progress and transformation will be the basis on which we shall build a national democracy with popular participation.
"In the construction of this new institutional reality, the world must know that the armed forces of the nation, together with its people, will never again fall prey to fraudulent elections and the foreign involvement that paralysed our political and institutional life."
244.	The task is gigantic. The road to be followed leads to a certain goal: that of a free, just and sovereign nation with hopes for a better future. Furthermore, the temporary function assumed by the armed forces of Bolivia aims at a true restoration of democracy—not just a formal one—and thus at the participation of the people of Bolivia in an effective and efficient way in the construction of the country's future, with an electoral system and the establishment of parties which guarantee respect for the plurality of ideologies.
245.	The failure of the pseudo-democratic experiments has created only institutional instability, domestic frustration and a loss of credibility abroad with regard to our potential and our possibilities as a modern, free and sovereign State.
246.	Our resolve is to create a political model in keeping with the characteristics of the Bolivian nation. We also firmly intend to reject any interference, pressure or adventurism. It is a matter of pride for the Bolivians that they should manage their own affairs, and the Government of National Reconstruction is acting accordingly. Imperialist or neo- colonialist positions will not reflect this ardent determination. However small peoples may be, when they pursue vital and just causes they inexorably triumph.
247.	Thus, Bolivia is not going to interrupt its march towards a future of happiness. In these times through which the nation is living, despite the organized calumnious attacks on our Government, we are taking a positive forward step towards the reorganization of the nation. The concept of national reconstruction is not merely a promise or a circumstantial goal. It is an historical imperative to return to the country a collective awareness and pride of direct participation in the life of the nation.
248.	Fortunately, many important countries of the world have been able to comprehend the popular massive will of the Bolivian people, our sacrifices and our concern, and our decision in true autonomy to follow the road traced for us by destiny. We pay a tribute to those countries, because they are thus correctly interpreting the most noble principles of international coexistence.
249.	I should not have added anything to what I have just said, but the repeated accusations, all false and one-sided, concerning violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which govern coexistence in civilized societies, force me to point to certain situations that have arisen in my country and on this matter to make public the view of my Government.
250.	However, before doing so, we must admit, if we do not wish to run the risk of becoming naive or of blindly and stubbornly believing misinformation, that there are moments of upheaval in the lives of peoples. Transition often makes it impossible to preserve order, and therefore to restore it is imperative to put an end to the violence that is unleashed and the anarchy that is rampant through the exercise of authority.
251.	Furthermore, we know that it is very easy, in matters of human rights, to criticize and to demand, even though the critics themselves are obviously guilty of having violated those very rights. But this distorted viewpoint, very often maliciously exploited, cannot provide a smokescreen to allow the shirking of responsibilities in matters of human rights. It is not going to be allowed to do so, for it is the will of the Government to live within the law, so that these actions will serve the purposes of the law, and, in the words of a great Bolivian, this is the only servitude that does not humiliate.
252.	We must not live under conditions of subterfuge and misinformation. The armed forces took the responsibility of leading the nation because they were forced to do so by the need to correct the existing pseudo-democracy and anarchy. We could hardly fall into the same pretence, since we know that it leads to nothing positive or substantially permanent in the country.
253.	Bolivia is determined to play the true role in international life, which it must by reason of its history and geo-graphical location. That exceptional location makes Bolivia a very important factor within the framework of Latin America, which is now seeking the development of a unified personality. The geo-political situation of Bolivia has given it a multiple interrelationship with five Latin American nations, and thus it has become a meeting ground of interests which move it nearer to all its neighbours and give meaning to the fact that, as was said many years ago, "Bolivia is the land of contacts".
254.	My country stands full square among those nations that wish to consolidate the national State through the creation of a political, economic and social model that will fulfil its own characteristics and peculiarities without foreign interference and without adopting ideologies that will distort the aspirations and the feelings of the Latin American people.
255.	The nationalism practiced by the Government of National Reconstruction in Bolivia is not exclusive to the nascent Latin American nationalism that is manifested in the region's many efforts at integration. The Government of National Reconstruction continues an integrationist policy that is well defined, since we consider that political differences must not hinder, because of current circumstances, any possibility of continental unity. We endeavour to follow an independent international line based solely on the permanent interests of the Republic itself.
256.	Furthermore, we reaffirm our absolute adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, particularly those concerning the legal equality of States, respect for the self-determination of peoples, the obligation not to interfere in the domestic affairs of other States, international co-operation, and determined action to maintain international peace and security by encouraging relations of friendship that are indispensable among nations if we are to achieve civilized and peaceful coexistence.
257.	The position of my Government concerning international policies is defined in the recent statement made by the President of Bolivia, General Luis Garcia Meza. The Government of National Reconstruction reiterates its respect for international agreements and maintains relations with all countries of the world in conditions-of reciprocal respect for ideological pluralism, self-determination of peoples and the sovereignty of States.
258.	Ours is a position of anti-colonialism and non- alignment. It is a position of solidarity with the dependent countries of the world and a rejection of all forms of racial discrimination.
259.	The Government of National Reconstruction not only adheres to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we intend to give real meaning in social terms to its principles which must not simply remain formulas of international pressure. As far as we are concerned, those principles must guarantee to men and peoples the right not to be exploited and the right to build up their capacity to overcome misery and backwardness.
260.	While enjoying the best relations with the Powers of the West, and more especially with the countries of our continent, the Government of National Reconstruction of the Armed Forces is extremely interested in strengthening our relations with the socialist countries, whose experience in moving ahead from levels of backwardness similar to ours can be very useful to countries like Bolivia, aside from any political and ideological considerations.
261.	The Government of National Reconstruction is deeply interested, too, in the achievement of a new international economic order, and we contend that continental integration is a means of freeing our people and not an instrument for a pseudo-democratic continuation of dependency.
262.	We wish to stress the geo-political role of our country in its multiple effects on all the regions, sub regions and basins within the political diversity that constitutes an accepted principle of international coexistence. In our attitude in favour of integration, we are interested, obviously, in the Andean region, whose human and natural centre lies in Bolivia and the basins of the Rio Plata and the Amazon, as well as the Pacific area, of which we are historically, naturally and undeniably sovereign participants.
263.	Thus we reaffirm an unshakable Bolivian policy, which sums up the fervour of a people and seeks to redress an injustice: the return of my country to the sea.
264.	The nations of America agreed with this when, at the ninth session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States, they adopted resolution 426, which offers Bolivia continental solidarity and urges negotiations on a sovereign access by my country to the Pacific Ocean. Thus, at this international meeting, I wish to express my gratitude and thanks to our brothers in the inter-American system and to express our hope that those efforts will be continued with greater vigour and thus meet the dictates of international justice.
265.	These days bring to our attention another zone that creates tension—the Middle East. The decisive influence of energy-producing resources on the world economy has led to confrontations that are designed to perpetuate dependency and flaunt peaceful coexistence and the combining of interests.
266.	Bolivia, whose own natural resources were the object of long exploitation for unilateral benefits, considers that we must guarantee respect for the interests of peoples that have, with their raw materials, created the wealth of the powerful. Thus we will avoid greater hatred and events that could well shake the very foundations of our society.
267.	The situation in the Middle East also touches on the need to achieve peaceful coexistence on the well-known basis, which Bolivia supports, of respecting the rights of the Palestinian people and the right of Israel to assure its lasting life as a sovereign nation.
268.	From that standpoint, we reiterate our belief that only civilized dialogue can be employed to overcome the difficulties that confront the Middle East.
269.	At a moment when the world is watching a most painful armed confrontation that is draining the blood of two peoples, Bolivia reaffirms its vocation as a peaceful nation and demands from the United Nations firm and prompt action to put an end to that ghastly and tragic conflict.
270. Bolivia shares the suffering of those countries which in their regional struggles, incited by hegemonic centres, are paying their painful tribute to universal peace.
271.	Famine, ignorance and, in brief, general poverty, cause greater tension than the nuclear threat, the arms race or racial intolerance. Inequality should be the concern of mankind, now disunited by the prosperity of the few, a mankind faced by the yearning of the majority for a better life. This is both a problem and a challenge that we must take up bravely and with determination, because justice demands that we do so.
272.	In our concept of development we give pride of place to the achievement of true economic independence so as to wipe out the relations of dependency that some countries would like to perpetuate.
273.	The crisis in which the international community finds itself today has shown incontrovertibly the flaws in the present international economic order. The consequences of such a crisis are particularly unfavourable for the countries of the third world, dangerously aggravating and multiplying the problems of their underdevelopment. In the light of that desperate situation, it is imperative that a series of steps be taken internationally within the framework of the United Nations in order to find a way of restructuring international economic relations.
274.	In the General Assembly in 1974 the international community, with historic perspective and vision, solemnly proclaimed its determination to work with the necessary urgency to establish a new international economic order. Today more than ever the peoples of the third world, the peoples which are suffering, are fully aware of their right to conditions of life in keeping with human dignity. The privileged nations under the present order can no longer deny them that right.
275.	Bolivia recognizes supports as instruments of that new order the International Development Strategy and the global negotiations on international economic cooperation and co-operation among the developing countries.
276.	Unfortunately, six years after the proclamation of that new order and despite arduous preparatory efforts, the international community has just seen another failure in international co-operation. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly did not have the desired results: it did not adopt the International Development Strategy, nor did it launch the global negotiations.
277.	However, my country still believes it to be the responsibility of this Assembly to overcome those obstacles and increase the possibility of taking a great step towards the establishment of a new concept of international cooperation.
278.	The developing countries have decided to make a joint effort to establish a system of co-operation among their peoples to give new content to the spirit of solidarity among the countries of the third world.
279.	In the more specific sphere of raw materials it must be noted that, despite the fact that the international community has approved principles of policy and the machinery of operation, some States have persisted in the unilateral practice of placing on the international market non-commercial reserves of minerals, as in the case of lead, which has adverse effects on the economies of the producer countries.
280.	Bolivia reaffirms its faith in the San Francisco Charter. The United Nations, overcoming tremendous obstacles, has persisted unceasingly and unswervingly in its efforts to preserve peace.
281.	Bolivia sees peace as the result of solidarity and co-operation, rather than as the mere absence of confrontation. We must not only avoid international conflicts but also guarantee the future of the inhabitants of each continent, each country and each region of the world. We cannot justify our continued effort to eliminate collective violence unless we try also to eradicate misunderstanding, violations of the human person and the denial of freedom. Without freedom there can be no guarantee of justice.
282.	I have expressed the views of a nation which is courageously facing its future. That courage can be seen in its decision to build a country enriched by work, respected for the practice of justice, adorned by culture and ennobled by its faith in the solidarity of mankind.


Mr. President, I should like to fulfil a very pleasant duty, that of extending to you the warm congratulations of my delegation on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this important post is a tribute to your country, with which my country maintains very close co-operation. Your election is also proof of your outstanding qualities as a skilled and seasoned diplomat and demonstrates the deep trust your colleagues have in your ability to guide the deliberations of this Assembly and lead them to a successful conclusion. I assure you that my delegation will always be prepared to give you its full support and co-operation.
2. I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute, on behalf of my delegation, to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the Permanent Representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, who presided over the last session of the Assembly in an outstanding and exemplary manner. Ambassador Salim, with his unremitting efforts, personal talent and exceptional skill, guided the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly to a very positive conclusion.
3. I should also like to voice my delegation's esteem for the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has shown clear-sightedness and understanding in his constant and tireless search for a constructive and peaceful solution to world problems. We admire the efforts of the Secretary- General to promote peace and understanding among nations; we encourage him and his staff to intensify their activities to speed up the process leading to the establishment of more equitable relations among nations at political, diplomatic, economic, social and humanitarian levels.
4.	I am delighted to see the Republic of Zimbabwe take its rightful place as a full Member of the United Nations. The well-deserved admission of Zimbabwe to the Organization has been a joyous occasion for us all. It has marked the triumph of nations in liberating that people from oppression and domination and has strengthened the faith of that whole people in the struggle for its legitimate rights. This long and heroic struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for its independence won the profound respect, solidarity and support of progressive and peace-loving forces in the international community and thus led to a decisive defeat of the dominating minority and to the ignominious collapse of the racist regime in Zimbabwe, as well as to the total emancipation of its people. My delegation is very pleased at the striking victory of Zimbabwe and in that connection I should like to convey to it our sincere and fraternal congratulations on its accession to freedom and independence.
5.	Zimbabwe's triumphant victory has once again demonstrated that no one, however strong, can ever oppress a people and flout its sacred rights for ever, and that the last word always rests with the liberation fighters. Let no one have the slightest doubt that the day is not far when we are all going to celebrate a similar occasion for Azania, Namibia and Palestine.
6.	I should also like to warmly welcome the admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to this Assembly. Since we are ourselves a newly independent country, we feel great sympathy towards that newly independent State and I should like to assure it of our full and complete cooperation.
7.	The problem of the Middle East remains just as serious and disturbing. The arrogance of the State of Israel enables us to see its real colonialist and expansionist face. The hasty and arbitrary decision taken by the Israeli Knesset to annex the Holy City of Jerusalem and to regard it as the perpetual and unified capital of the Zionist entity profoundly shocks and wounds the feelings of more than 2 billion believers.
8.	Furthermore, the State of Israel once more refuses to implement Security Council resolution 478 (1980), according to which all Israeli legislative and administrative measures, as well as all actions which purport to alter the character and status of Al Quds Al Sharif, are null and void, and which calls for the immediate annulment of such measures.
9.	All the Islamic countries that took part in the special session of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers—on the question of the Holy City of Jerusalem—held from 18 to 20 September last at Fez, in the Kingdom of Morocco, undertook to meet this challenge. In that connection, I should particularly like to welcome the efforts made by the Chairman of the Al Quds Committee, His Majesty King Hassan II, to ensure the success of the proceedings at Fez.
10.	Ai Fez the Islamic countries undertook to commit their entire political, financial, petroleum and indeed military potential in order to thwart that arbitrary and shameful decision. On this occasion we should like to thank those States that have moved their diplomatic representations out of Jerusalem.
11.	The Republic of Djibouti reiterates its support for the heroic struggle being waged by their brothers, the people of Palestine, for the total liberation of their occupied territory, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and for the recovery of their inalienable rights to self-determination and to the establishment of a Palestinian State on their territory.
12.	We warn the international community that no peace can be achieved without the participation of the Palestinian' people and its sole representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization.
13.	Lebanon, that peaceful State that is constantly under attack by the Zionist entity, is suffering; the Lebanese people are constantly attacked and threatened by Israel. How long are we going to allow Israel to defy the most elementary laws? The international community must find solutions to make Israel stop attacking Lebanon which only wishes to live in peace. We should like the voice of wisdom, of moderation and of realism to replace that of arrogance, of challenge and of historical unawareness.
14.	The situation in South Africa is critical. The racist regime of Pretoria defies all the norms of international law by ignoring and denying the great majority of the people of South Africa all their basic human and political rights. The forced displacement of these peoples to bantustans, which deprives them of their means of existence and right to citizenship, the inhuman acts of violence inflicted on peaceful demonstrators, the murder of detainees in jails, the killing of students who reject the inferior system of education, the torture of political prisoners and the persistent escalation of military activities and of subversion directed against the neighbouring independent African States are all acts which the international community can no longer tolerate.
15.	We are convinced that apartheid is a vicious system of international racial discrimination directed against the African majority and should be condemned as a crime against mankind. The national liberation struggle of the people of South Africa requires all progressive and peace-loving forces to lend massive financial and material support so as to enable that people to secure its right to self-determination. We deplore the fact that all attempts to punish the racist regime of Pretoria for its crimes have failed, because certain Governments have chosen to give priority to their own selfish interests rather than to act in accordance with the Security Council resolutions on economic sanctions. We appeal to all Governments and States to refrain from any overt or covert collaboration or co-operation with the Pretoria regime.
16.	The international community must take all possible steps to make South Africa abide by the decisions of the United Nations so that its illegal occupation of Namibia may be brought to an end.
17.	South Africa's policy on Namibia has been unanimously condemned by the international community. The General Assembly has expressed its full support for the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its authentic representative. Any negotiated settlement of the Namibian question can be successful only with the participation of SWAPO and within the context of United Nations resolutions, so that total decolonization can be brought about which will lead to real independence for Namibia.
18.	In connection with the Afghanistan crisis, my Government has frequently denounced the foreign armed intervention, the dangerous escalation of tension that has been imposed upon an Islamic nation, and the violation of the Charter of the United Nations. We demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghanistan so that its people shall be able to choose its own political destiny and exercise its right to have the government of its choice.
19.	Regarding the question of Western Sahara, my Government reaffirms its position. But we should like to express our disquiet at the persistent and growing tension that is endangering peace and security in the region of north-west Africa. In this connection we would urgently demand that all parties concerned avoid any action that would lead to a deterioration of the situation.
20.	We should like to emphasize the urgent need for a negotiated and peaceful settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] so that the Saharaoui people can exercise its right to self-determination, and we support the resolutions of the "committee of wise men" of the OAU aimed at resolving the conflict.
21.	The thirty-fifth session has started at a time which is crucial for the international community. In the course of the last few weeks the United Nations has been intensely busy trying to find solutions to the present international economic disorder. The preparations for the conference on global negotiations for international economic co-operation for development cannot escape the attention of the present session. Such attention is more than justified because, as can be seen, the economic problems of more than 75 per cent of mankind have become intolerable. Human privation in all aspects of life has increased tremendously, like a hydra ravaging the resources of the third world and leaving it nothing but abject poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, hunger and sickness, which have become the daily lot of more than 2 billion people. To these difficulties has been added the scourge of a considerable influx of refugees, which has affected many parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America. These are the economic and social problems—the unsolved questions of decolonization, human rights, racism, racial discrimination, apartheid and disarmament—for which many of those of us who come to the United Nations believe this Organization can and in fact should provide the best forum in which a new approach to international relations, in all sectors of human activity, will be sought in a climate of tolerance and mutual understanding and a desire to achieve the aims and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations.
22.	May I recall the second preambular paragraph of that Charter, which reads:
"to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small".
All of the articles of the Charter agree on this point: the preservation of the dignity and worth of the human individual.
23.	Speaking of human rights, if we heed the cries of the millions who are impoverished, sick, weak, undernourished, illiterate, underemployed and unemployed—the "have- nots" of the developing countries—however human society defines "human rights", we cannot ignore a simple truth: that the prime human right is satisfaction of man's fundamental needs, rights of more than 75 per cent of the human population now crushed under the burden of the most abject poverty and flagrant economic inequality.
24.	Africa, which contains 20 of the 31 least developed countries of the world and a considerable number of newly independent countries, has suffered most from the present international economic disorder. No concrete development, worthy of mention in the strategies adopted during the course of the last two development decades, has taken place in Africa. Although they are rich in human and natural resources, most African States have been unable to launch any substantial development programme that would help to improve their economies, because they lack the necessary financial and technical means.
25.	The problem of refugees in Africa is becoming an acute one, and it affects practically the entire continent. At present the African refugees number 5 million. The assistance required to meet the elementary needs of those refugees is tremendous, and the international community must find ways of solving this human problem.
26.	That is why the African countries have seen fit to restructure the basis of their economy in order to bring about a state of collective autonomy that will hopefully lead to self-sufficiency and autonomous growth. My delegation is very pleased that the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa was unanimously adopted at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which was held at Lagos in April 1980.'
27.	It is our hope that the "Monrovia Declaration of Commitment by the Heads of State and Government of the OAU on the guidelines and measures for national and collective self-reliance in social and economic development for the establishment of a new international economic order” will be supported by the international community and will be considered as Africa's contribution to the establishment of a new international economic order.
28.	The young Republic of Djibouti is determined to expedite its economic development according to the principles of self-sufficiency. But, at the same time, the economic means available to it are extremely limited. The revenue of the Republic of Djibouti is at present essentially based on a service economy that is subject to fluctuations in the international market. The port, airport and railway services require considerable improvement. At present Djibouti is suffering from an acute lack of foodstuffs, in addition to excessively high food prices because all foodstuffs have to be imported.
29.	My Government is deeply concerned by this situation, and in order to remedy it, it has created development projects the purpose of which is to revitalize the dynamic sectors of the economy—the port, the airport, the railways and telecommunications—and to modernize them. Nevertheless, aware of the tremendous difficulties implicit in our economy's dependence upon such services, my Government has spared no effort to seek ways and means of establishing a framework for a diversified economy by promoting and developing the industrial and agricultural sectors, particularly by constructing small factories, by drawing up schemes for irrigation and developing water resources.
30.	The economic situation of the young Republic of Djibouti has been further complicated by an influx of refugees, of whom there are now 45,000—that is, more than 12 per cent of the total population—and of whom 60 to 70 per cent are children, and the health, schooling, food and accommodation problems are considerable.
31.	This situation has been further complicated by the disastrous effects of the drought that has for two years now prevailed in the Horn of Africa, aggravating the food shortage.
32.	The problem of the lack of water is at present the most crucial one, both for human beings and for cattle. The lack of water has devastating effects on the sole resource of the population. In fact, between 20,000 and 25,000 persons have lost all their livestock and are at present grouped in nine camps, and the Government must help them to meet all their needs. Water and food assistance must be provided to more than 100,000 persons who have lost a considerable percentage of their livestock—approximately 80 per cent.
33.	Since this drought is affecting all the countries of east Africa, it is necessary and highly desirable for the countries affected by the drought to organize themselves, with the aid of the United Nations, in order to cope with this calamity and to prevent the occurrence of others.
34.	Since we desire and are determined to meet the challenge of our international responsibility and overcome our economic and other difficulties, it is also our intention to draw the attention of the international community to our situation so that it may help us to overcome our economic difficulties.
35.	The Republic of Djibouti is very much aware of the moral and material support which has been given by friendly countries since its accession to independence. We should like to express our thanks and our deep gratitude for that assistance.
36.	With regard to the field of foreign relations, the Republic of Djibouti, aware of its geographical position and its international responsibilities, is pursuing a policy of non- alignment based on the desire to preserve its national identity, safeguard its sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence and act in a spirit of co-operation with and understanding of all nations. We encourage friendly nations to adhere strictly to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and those of the non-aligned movement in all matters relating to human activities.
37.	With regard to the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other States, we should like to appeal to all nations fully to respect the sovereign right of each nation freely to determine, without any outside influence, its own political, social and economic system and its relations with other States and international organizations.
38.	We oppose and categorically condemn the colonization and oppression of any people, every act of racial discrimination, Zionism and apartheid. We are particularly concerned about the persistent struggle and rivalry among the major Powers to obtain spheres of influence in various parts of the world, thus endangering the peace and security of the regions, particularly at a time when the international situation has become charged with dangerous tension. We condemn hegemonism in all its forms and urgently demand that all States refrain from practising that policy.
39.	The Republic of Djibouti is particularly concerned about the conflict which is persisting in the Horn of Africa. In order to alleviate that human suffering and to restore peace, security, mutual trust and co-operation, the President of the Republic of Djibouti, Mr. Hassan Gouled Aptidon, made an appeal in August this year for a negotiated settlement of the conflict. He said:
"The Republic of Djibouti is seriously concerned by the persistence of the armed conflict in the Horn of Africa and the danger of its extension.
"Since we have very close relations with all the nations in the area and recognise the legitimate right of their peoples to a lasting peace, the Republic of Djibouti exhorts its Ethiopian and Somali neighbours to declare a truce to make it possible to seek a general and negotiated settlement of their differences."
40.	In his appeal, the President of the Republic of Djibouti made a number of proposals, as follows:
"Faithful to its policy of international neutrality, which is at the service of the development of the region, the Government of Djibouti declares that it is ready to assist in the negotiations to achieve such a settlement, which could be complemented by conventions on regional development.
"Such conventions could provide for and organize: first, the improvement of routes used by nomads and the provision of water supply points; secondly, freedom of circulation and transit of goods and people in the region; and thirdly, the establishment of common economic infrastructures."
41.	The President of the Republic of Djibouti then exhorted the international community to intensify its peace efforts in the region. He said:
"Anxious to meet the wishes of the peoples and win the support of international opinion, the Republic of Djibouti expresses its gratitude to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the current President and the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity and the President of the European Community for their continuing efforts to re-establish peace in this part of the world, which is still suffering from hunger and thirst. We urge the major Powers to support these efforts and to ensure that the Horn of Africa and the Indian Ocean will not become the theatre of their confrontation."
42.	With respect to the Indian Ocean, the Republic of Djibouti, as a littoral State, attaches paramount importance to the aims of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace in General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI). Aware of the importance of that Declaration, particularly for the littoral and the hinterland States, my Government has on frequent occasions expressed its support for that Declaration as well as for the other resolutions of the United Nations designed to maintain the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
43.	In this connection, we are particularly encouraged by the decision in General Assembly resolution 34/80 B to convene a Conference on the Indian Ocean during 1981 at Colombo.
44.	We are convinced that the implementation of that Declaration will contribute to the establishment of peace and security in the region. We sincerely hope that that Conference will give absolute priority to the interests of the littoral and hinterland States in order to preserve peace and security in the area. We also hope that that Conference will pay some attention to the very sensitive and specific needs of each country with regard to measures to bring about peace and security in accordance with the geographical, political and socio-economic situation of each country, with a view to safeguarding and maintaining the peace, prosperity and independence of all the States in the region.
45.	The United Nations system, with its far-sightedness and its sense of solidarity and co-operation, provides hope and courage and remains a source of power. The United Nations is the most appropriate forum for the consideration of global problems of a political, economic, social and humanitarian nature in a genuine and comprehensive manner and in an atmosphere of tolerance and awareness of the interests of all.
46.	In this spirit, we whole-heartedly support the United Nations in its tireless efforts to discharge its responsibilities and to achieve its noble aims and objectives.