The delegation of the Republic of Zaire is happy at seeing you, Sir, presiding over the work of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election to the presidency is a tribute to your personal qualities, to your competence and to your long political and diplomatic experience. And for the United Republic of Tanzania, your country, with which we enjoy excellent relations of co-operation, and indeed for Africa, it is grounds for legitimate pride. We are convinced that under your presidency the work of this session will live up to the new hopes placed in the decade of the 1980s.
223.	We extend our congratulations also to Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre on his skill and efficiency in conducting the proceedings of the thirty-third session.
224.	Furthermore, we wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of our Organization, for the tremendous amount of work he has done and the inestimable services he has always rendered to the international community. His awareness of the realities of the world today and his approach to major international problems have won him our whole-hearted admiration. His valuable report on the work of the Organization reflects injudicious terms a climate of uncertainty that marks the evolution of the world situation at the end of the 1970s.
225.	Permit me to pay one last tribute to the glorious memory of an outstanding statesman of the world today—Mr. Agostinho Neto, the late President of the People's Republic of Angola, whose sudden death is deeply regretted by Africa and the world. My country was most distressed at learning of the news of the untimely death of a man who, together with his brother President Mobutu, was a great artisan of the policy of reconciliation, detente, brotherly co-operation and good-neighbourliness among the States of Central Africa in general and between Angola and Zaire in particular. The Republic of Zaire will spare no effort to pursue with his worthy successor co-operation which is already under way in all fields in order to attain our common objectives.
226.	The thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, the last of the 1970s, is being held at a particularly crucial time in the history of mankind. During the last few years many threats have been posed both to the principles and ideals of the United Nations and to its actions in various fields, particularly that of co-operation for development, at the risk of reducing the world Organization's credit and seeing a gradual diminution of the hope which was aroused by the Second United Nations Development Decade.
227.	And that makes all the more important this thirty-fourth session, which is being held on the eve of the Third United Nations Development Decade, in regard to an objective evaluation of the international political and economic situation and the progress achieved in those fields.
228.	The United Nations is 34 years old. That is not a very long time in the light of the immensity of the tasks to be accomplished; but it is extremely significant that an international Organization whose mission is peace, co-operation, progress and the development of the States of the world should have overcome so many obstacles placed in its path.
229.	It is not our intention to attempt to take stock of the work done by the United Nations since its foundation. It suffices simply to highlight certain positive facts which have marked its existence in order both to confirm the importance of its role and to determine future action.
230.	From the very outset the United Nations set itself the tasks of maintaining international peace and security, settling disputes by peaceful means, decolonizing Territories still under foreign domination, bringing about co-operation among all States whatever their economic, social and political systems struggling against apartheid and eliminating all forms of racism and intolerance, bringing about disarmament and many others.
231.	In the field of decolonization, the contribution of the United Nations has been positive; many States have acceded to independence over the last 25 years. It is none the less true that the job has not yet been completed and that there persist serious problems whose solution calls for further efforts on the part of us all and a reaffirmation of political will.
232.	Following the collapse of the colonial empires, the liberation of Africa is today entering upon its final phase with the last decisive decolonization battles in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, in spite of the rear-guard action still being waged so stubbornly by the racists of southern Africa.
233.	Developments in Zimbabwe, after the last Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka in August, provide a glimmer of hope that a final solution is near which will set the seal on the effective access of the black majority to power. We are gratified that the decisions taken in Lusaka are similar to those formulated by Zaire at the last Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Monrovia in July, and we express the hope that the negotiations going on in London will produce a just and lasting settlement of the Rhodesian crisis.
234.	With regard to Namibia, we note with regret that the implementation of the plan of the five Western Powers approved by the Security Council has been blocked by the squalid manoeuvring of South Africa, which has attempted by various means to install a puppet authority in Windhoek.
235.	Zaire for its part supports the relevant proposals of the Secretary-General to lead a united and indivisible Namibia towards genuine and total independence. The Republic of Zaire recognizes the South West Africa People's Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, which, as such, must be associated with all the phases of the process leading Namibia to independence, within the spirit of resolution 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly of the United Nations. At the same time, we reaffirm that Walvis Bay is an integral part of the Territory of Namibia.
236.	The national independence movement which began immediately after the Second World War will inexorably be extended to the country of apartheid. This evil and reactionary system unanimously condemned by the international community as a crime against mankind will be condemned by history. We call upon those Powers that maintain various relations with South Africa and have interests there to reconcile the positions they adopt in international bodies with the acts which in practice serve to encourage Pretoria's constant defiance of the international community.
237.	We should like to take this opportunity to welcome the efforts of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. The developed nations of the West must understand that it is in their interest, too, to help Africa to rid itself of this outrage of the century.
238.	With regard to Western Sahara, I should like to point out that this question became critical as a result of the imprecise nature of the terms of the opinion of the International Court of Justice, which became a kind of empty room which anyone could furnish to suit himself.
239.	Although at the time we expressed regret at the way in which the OAU determined its decision on this affair at Monrovia, we remain convinced that an acceptable solution is not beyond the grasp of legendary African wisdom, in the interests of peace, understanding and unity of this part of the world, which has suffered so much. We fully support the recent proposal of the Sherifian Kingdom on the organizing of a round table under the auspices of the OAU as well as the efforts which the Chairman and the special committee of six OAU member States are continuing to make following the latest developments.
240.	Our duty as Members of the United Nations is to help the parties to the dispute to overcome their differences by peaceful means, in accordance with the principles of the Charter of our Organization, and not to fan the flames of discord by taking positions which are liable to aggravate the situation.
241.	If there is a problem which poses serious threats to international peace and security, it is certainly the problem of the Middle East and, in particular, Palestine. As old as the United Nations itself, the problem of the Middle East and Palestine constitutes one of the major concerns of our Organization. More than any other question, it must be resolved within the framework of the United Nations.
242.	The United Nations, which was responsible for the creation of the State of Israel by finding a solution to the problem posed by the Jewish people who had wandered the earth because they had been deprived of their lands and their homeland, has also the moral duty and responsibility of giving another people who are today wandering and are deprived of a land—the people of Palestine—their own homeland, a territory and a State like other peoples of the world. One cannot remedy one injustice by another. If the people of Palestine today find themselves in the same situation as that in which the Jews found themselves formerly, it is because the Israelis have occupied their land and driven them out.
243.	Suffice it to refer to resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, whereby the General Assembly decided to create the State of Israel. By means of this resolution, Palestine was partitioned to the satisfaction of some, the dissatisfaction and, indeed, the detriment of others while leaving still others indifferent. For its part Zaire has always taken a clear stand on this question. On 4 October 1973, from this very rostrum, the President of the Republic of Zaire, General Mobutu Sese Seko, defined this position in these terms:
"It seems to us both childish and unrealistic to believe in the myth about throwing the Israeli people into the sea. That people exists and it has a right to live. But it is also true that the Palestinian people has the same right as the Israeli people, that is, the right to have a homeland and to live in peace."
244.	Egypt's peace efforts, which led to the signing of the Camp David agreements, constitute an important step towards finding a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the Middle East crisis. The solution to this crisis entails the participation in negotiations of all the parties concerned, particularly the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people recognized by the international community. However, we deem regrettable the attitude of Israel, which is hindering the peace process and, in spite of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, is establishing Jewish settlements on Palestinian land and has annexed the holy city of Jerusalem.
245.	In order to make an effective contribution to the settlement of this question and put an end to the tension which continues to prevail in this region, it is essential for the international community to bear constantly in mind all the real facts of the case.
246.	The maintenance of international peace and security is the primary task of our Organization under its Charter. In this field, the United Nations has played an important role which it would be wrong to disregard. Since San Francisco we have not had occasion to deplore a third world war; however, a number of local conflicts have broken out here and there, and have thus signposted the history of the post war period of 34 years. Who can claim today that localized conflicts will not tomorrow become the pretext for or the origin of a universal conflagration? The representative of Singapore in his statement calculated that since 1945 there had been in all some 135 wars, involving some 80 countries and responsible for some 25 million casualties. This terrible toll shows that peace, the ultimate goal of our Organization, is far from having been achieved. We want neither the balance of terror, nor the peace of the cemetery.
247.	Of course, direct confrontation between great Powers has given way to the spirit of detente and peaceful coexistence. It would also seem that, by the same token, the battlefield of the cold war has been shifted towards the developing countries. Thus, the partition of the world into zones of influence, decided upon at the Yalta Conference of 1945, has turned out to be the basis of certain situations which we continue to decry, particularly in Asia, Latin America and Africa.
248.	The most ardent wish of our delegation is that peace should be restored as soon as possible to these parts of the world, in order to enable their peoples to devote themselves to the priority task of development. Development is only possible in an environment of peace and security for all. That is why our country supports all positive and peaceful initiatives aimed at the reunification of Korea and of all divided countries and States.
249.	As to the burning problem of Kampuchea, the delegation of Zaire once again bases its position on objective considerations. For us it is a question of principle and not a matter of judging any given regime. Respect for the principles of non-interference in the internal and external affairs of States and of the peaceful settlement of disputes determines our attitude of non-recourse to force, to military intervention or to armed invasion, and non-destabilization of Governments on any pretext whatsoever. That is why we supported the decision taken by this Assembly to permit the Government of Democratic Kampuchea to take part in our debates.
250.	The situation prevailing in South-East Asia is the subject of considerable concern to the whole international community. The serious refugee problem, which is but the consequence of the tensions that persist in that region, can only find a final solution within the framework of the restoration of lasting peace. For as Marx quite rightly said, "a people which oppresses others cannot be free.'' Freedom can only be conceived of within the framework of human dignity.
251.	Apart from the local conflicts just mentioned, I should like particularly to point out the danger represented for mankind by over armament. The disturbing increase in military expenditures, which in 10 years have attained a level four times that of 1969, shows that at the present time there is no genuine willingness to undertake disarmament, particularly on the part of the great Powers.
252.	Indeed, one year after the tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, the results obtained in the new organs which have been established are not very encouraging. In both the Disarmament Commission and the Committee on Disarmament, deliberations and negotiations have come up against the reluctance shown by certain nuclear Powers.
253.	Non-nuclear-weapon States cannot be content with solemn but vague assurances. They need from the nuclear Powers a formal commitment never to use these weapons against States which do not possess them.
254.	Furthermore, the conclusion of treaties limiting certain types of strategic armament do not represent a solution to the thorny problem of disarmament. Accordingly, our delegation cannot share the self- satisfaction of the great Powers after the conclusion of the second SALT Treaty.
255.	We reaffirm once again that disarmament is and must be the business of the whole international community, and not the preserve of a few Powers.
256.	Measures on disarmament, if they are to be effective, must be accompanied by appropriate provisions for international control as well as strict and effective regional and international control.
257.	Finally, the question of general and complete disarmament is intimately linked with that of development in the view of the underequipped countries, and our country is one of these. It is regrettable, therefore, to note that the Disarmament Decade proclaimed by the General Assembly on 16 December 1969 should show a debit balance. Its principal objective was to free resources committed to the arms race for the benefit of economic and social development. But we cannot but note that, instead of increasing, the funds made available to developing countries have decreased, while military expenditures are rising at an insensate rate. This is one of the profound causes of the deterioration of the world economic situation.
258.	The world economy is now going through the most serious crisis it has known since the Second World War. The persistent malaise of the international economic system is not a mere cyclic phenomenon; it is, above ail, a symptom of profound faults of structure.
259.	The powerlessness of the developed market economy countries to overcome the chronic imbalances of their balance of payments, the rates of inflation and unemployment, which have remained high, the increase in the price of oil and the new rigidity in markets attested to by the rise of protectionism, which has prevented the restructuring so necessary for the effective development of production, are all factors which leave us no grounds for expecting a balanced and prosperous world economy in the next decade.
260.	Not only is progress towards a solution of the problems which have so long disturbed the developing countries in danger of being curbed, but the fundamental problems themselves have now been exacerbated by a number of new elements of disequilibrium which have become apparent in recent years.
261.	This situation is ominous for the world economy, and particularly for the economists of the developing countries, which depend on the export earnings of their raw materials, investments, and foreign assistance. The problems of indebtedness, of the decline in the prices of raw materials and of the deterioration of the terms of trade are particularly acute for developing countries.
262.	As the Second United Nations Development. Decade is coming to a close we cannot but deplore the fact that most of the developed countries have not yet achieved the threshold of donating 0.7 per cent of their gross national product, as proposed by the General Assembly, for public development assistance.
263.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1974 recognized that the establishment of a new international economic order depended, inter alia, on the improvement of access to external markets and the stabilization of and guarantees for the main exports of the developing countries, as well as the pegging of prices of primary commodities to those of industrial products.
264.	The hopes aroused by the fourth session of UNCTAD were extinguished by the fifth, which was marked by a hardening of position on the part of the affluent countries.
265.	The deterioration in the terms of trade obstructs not only the transfer of resources but also the short- term current balance-of-payments position of the debtor countries. The growing current-account deficit has been aggravated by increased external indebtedness.
266.	At the same time, we note with satisfaction the recent agreement signed in Geneva on the fundamental elements of the Common Fund, establishing the initial resources of that Fund at a level of $750 million.
267.	The inability of the present international economic order to face up to new demands—both by the industrialized countries as well as by the developing countries—calls for a spirit of unselfishness and self- denial on the part of all of us if we are to adopt a realistic approach to appropriate common solutions.
268.	All these questions can be resolved only within a framework of a democratization of international relations. International co-operation must be understood, in the sense of a just and rational organization of the interdependence of States.
269.	We must replace the traditional division of labour by the development of a creative self-sufficiency of nations within the framework of a balanced and structured international trade system. It is within this spirit that my country supports all efforts towards positive co-operation, internationally, regionally and sub regionally. It is in the same spirit that the Republic of Zaire and its neighbours Rwanda and Burundi have established an Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries, which is open to participation by other States in the area. This initiative is naturally part and parcel of the co-operation among developing countries which the United Nations should do everything possible to encourage.
270.	We take this opportunity to thank all friendly countries and international institutions which have supported the efforts at economic integration in Central Africa, particularly those of the Economic Community of the Great Lake Countries.
271.	Zaire, which feels most acutely the effects of the crisis, inflation and world economic recession, remains by the very nature of its trade, dependent on the evolution of the international situation. The efforts made within the country by the adoption of a national rehabilitation plan, called the "Mobutu Plan" gives us grounds for hoping that with the co-operation of the international community we shall meet the targets that we have set for ourselves. This plan aims at giving a new impetus to production by improving management methods as well as methods of public financing. It also aims to improve the key sectors such as agriculture, which will be the "oil" of the year 2000, and transport infrastructure, and maximize mining output and that of the energy sector.
272.	We express our appreciation for the help given by international financial institutions as well as by many friendly countries.
273.	If there is one problem that is of particular concern to our country it is that of the environment and conservation of nature in the world. We have increased the number of our full reservations to seven national parks instead of three. These embrace a territory that is twice the size of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to improve management methods in this field, Zaire has considered the most effective means and principles of conservation. In this regard we have established close co-operation with UNEP and the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources.
274.	On the occasion of the twelfth general assembly of that Union, held in Kinshasa in 1975, the President of the Republic of Zaire suggested that a world nature charter should be drawn up. The Union thought that this was a good idea, took it up and undertook to study it in close co-operation with the relevant authorities of the Republic of Zaire.
275.	Since then many countries have made contributions to drafting such a charter by submitting constructive proposals. In due course and at the appropriate time the Republic of Zaire will submit a draft world nature charter in the hope that it will arouse the interest it deserves among Member States.
276.	The picture of the international situation that we have drawn is hardly encouraging. Certainly the United Nations, by many initiatives, has spared mankind many disasters. However we should not allow ourselves to be blinded by unprofitable self-congratulation.
277.	The activity we have to undertake demands that we transcend our own narrow, selfish interests for the sake of the interests of mankind as a whole.
278.	Many crises would have been solved today had it not been for the existence and retention of outmoded machinery in the United Nations system. We refer particularly to the right of veto belonging to the five great Powers—a right which they sometimes abuse in order to pursue their interests and policies.
279.	We shall never cease to recommend the review of certain provisions of the Charter which are no longer justified 35 years after the foundation of the United Nations.
280.	The world in which we live today is a world of interdependence. We must create a world of peace and harmonious co-operation in diversity.
281.	To the extent that we strengthen the role of the United Nations and transfer its decisions into political terms and into terms of the real national situation in all Member States, to that extent we shall draw closer to a world order which will give us more confidence because it will be more just.
282.	The equitable distribution of the world's wealth for international peace—that is our appeal to the industrialized world. It is the appeal of the third world coming from the heart of Africa. Will it be heeded?


On behalf of my Government, I extend to the President my most sincere congratulations on the high honour conferred upon him on his election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His personal endowments, his experience, and his important contribution, as head of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, to the policy of decolonization, constitute a guarantee of what we are certain will be his effective contribution in presiding over this session. In action taken for decolonization, Venezuela and the United Republic of Tanzania—represented by the President of the Assembly—have made a constant effort, which causes us to welcome Mr. Salim with great pleasure as leader of this Assembly session.
60.	At the outset, I should also like to greet the President of the last session, our distinguished friend, Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, whom I congratulate for his brilliant performance during the previous session.
61.	We congratulate the Secretary-General, who has excelled in his devotion to the solution of the problems affecting the maintenance of international peace and security.
62.	We also greet the new Members of the United Nations and, in particular, the young Republic of Saint Lucia, to which we are united by geographical and historical ties which are destined to become closer in the future.
63.	I bring sincere greetings from Venezuela to all the peoples of the world represented here.
64.	The Government of President Luis Herrera Campins is formulating its international actions on the basis of a realistic policy founded on principles.
65.	We know, from our own history, the political vicissitudes of the peoples of developing countries. We are striving intensely to set up in our country a participatory democracy, where political freedom, social justice and economic progress will find full expression.
66.	To this end, President Herrera Campins is carrying out a vigorous programme designed to realize in Venezuela the principles of an active State which, in a democratic setting, will promote the pluralistic expression of all the creative forces of mankind's freedom. We also zealously promote respect for human dignity and the institutionalization of spiritual, political and economic freedoms in both internal and external policy. The defence and advancement of these principles are essential corner-stones of a democratic State and are the basic objectives of our international policy; they are already deeply rooted in the way our people feel.
67.	My Government is striving to achieve the ideal of human freedom, of men free from fear and poverty, by creating conditions which will enable each person fully to enjoy all rights in all fields.
68.	I hope to outline this afternoon in specific detail Venezuela's point of view on some of the problems of concern to the international community.
69.	I think it would be appropriate to take up, in the first place, questions pertaining to our region, essentially the Caribbean and Andean region. I shall also refer to matters jeopardizing peace and world security, such as the situation in southern Africa, human rights and the new international economic order. I shall pay particular attention to subjects linked with development and international co-operation.
70.	This international Organization is the expression of social and political forces. Its reality and vigour are obvious. Between the level of the international Organization and that of the Member States there are also regional subsystems and organizations which have become very important and a means for co-operation and for controlling conflicts. The strength of these regional organizations and subsystems contributes in turn to the vitality and strength of the United Nations.
71.	Venezuela, at the regional level, has proposed consistent and outward-looking diplomacy and is prepared to do the same at the world level. Co-operation and the prevention and control of conflicts should be the objectives of this outward-looking diplomacy in an interdependent world.
72.	Latin America must perform the role which traditionally belongs to it in the concert of nations. By seeking a Latin American consensus, without a trace of intolerance or exclusiveness, we shall contribute to the strengthening of the United Nations.
73.	Within a realistic perspective, we cannot overlook the specific and peculiar situation of Central America and the Caribbean, of the Andes region and of the north and the south of the continent.
74.	In Central America and the Caribbean a new vitality has been gathering strength, the evolution of which should guarantee for all the world to see the right of every country, no matter how small or weak, freely to choose its own path to prosperity, free from pressures or attempts to establish hegemony or spheres of influence.
75.	In the area, we wish to see the establishment of regimes which are the true expression of the will of the people and which will advance the social and economic progress of the countries there. For us, the means to the institutionalization of freedom is representative democracy, and we believe that no effort should be spared to permit the necessary transformation to proceed by non-military and peaceful means.
76.	It is our conviction that, for a representative democracy to function, it is necessary to delve into the field of social reforms which will lead to real popular participation. These objectives are shared by the Andean group of countries and by others in the area, we have begun our concerted action and we are determined to develop it with them. With those who do not entirely share these objectives, we wish to seek areas where we are on common ground and to prevent those matters on which we differ from generating tensions or difficulties.
77.	Venezuela is an essentially Caribbean country. We are not indifferent to anything that happens in that area, because therein lies our political and economic security. We have made and shall continue to make major economic efforts to co-operate with the countries of that area. Our financial assistance, in the Caribbean alone, already is in excess of $360 million a year, particularly in the financing of the oil supply to these countries. These figures do not include our contribution to the special fund of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC], whose replenishment and subsequent consolidation and expansion Venezuela will seek at the meeting of that organization next December in Caracas.
78.	Venezuela is aware of the role which history expects it to play in the geopolitical sector where it lies, as a consequence of the stability of its democratic regime, its status as an oil-exporting country and its participation in the Andean group.
79.	In the Caribbean, muffled sounds are being heard which seem to augur the emergence of other ideologies that might make sister nations pawns in strategic power-plays, against their will. Venezuela is prepared to promote measures conducive to the political normalization of the area. As already stated, we are convinced that in our foreign policy we must proceed with the utmost realism and must develop with all nations constructive relations on the basis of sincerity, reciprocity and tangible demonstrations of goodwill.
80.	We welcome and support the decolonization process in the Caribbean. We wish to emphasize that our objective is to develop the best relations with the new countries.
81.	For us to have a fruitful dialogue, in our opinion, we must necessarily first achieve Latin American integration. We have left behind us the rather naive illusions which ruled our first attempts at integration, which we imagined could be immediate and general. Nevertheless, today Venezuela is convinced that Latin American integration is feasible provided we act with realism, with respect for the magnitude and complexity of the problems to be surmounted for integration to be achieved; provided that we realize that our people will need to make an effective mental and psychological effort; and provided that this process is approached, in the light of experience, as a concentration of efforts at integration by the various sub regions which make up Latin America.
82	A start has been made on a new phase which I feel is important and beneficial for the Latin American community and for the inter-American system. I am referring to the concerted action by the Andean countries with regard to foreign policy, which was agreed upon by the Presidents of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela at Cartagena, Colombia, on 28 May of this year. This initiative was taken on a purely experimental basis Having noted the solid progress we had made in our economic integration, we decided to explore the possibilities of acting jointly in the political field, without any formal obligations or commitments.
83	At first sight, it seems surprising that consensus among us should have been reached so easily and naturally on all the matters we have taken up But if we stop to think about it, we shall realize that there is nothing surprising in our coming to the same conclusions, we who share a deep-rooted and sincere faith in the principles which are the foundations of the regional system: Latin American solidarity; our vocation for the effective application of democracy; and our conviction that the primary responsibility of every State is to promote social justice and well-being for all its citizens in freedom and with their participation.
84.	I believe that the initiative I have mentioned contributed to clearing the way for the solution of the conflict in Nicaragua.
85.	I do not claim to draw conclusions from a process which has only just begun; yet I cannot help thinking that, since we have been able to prove that the united voice of five Republics carries far more weight than the sum of those voices, then how much more weight would a united Latin American voice carry. I hope the day is near when that voice will resound within these wails.
86.	Time and again we have witnessed an almost reflex reaction, namely, invoking the principle of non-intervention by way of exorcism to silence any mention of the principles of the Charter. I would not wish to leave the slightest doubt as to the paramount importance of the principle of non-intervention, which Venezuela recognizes, since it is the essential basis for the civilized coexistence of States and the defence of the weak when confronted with the whims of the powerful. It is our firm conviction that no country, nor any group of countries, has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of others or to try to impose ideologies or forms of government on another. But we cannot assent to this principle being falsely bandied about in an attempt, by silence or ambiguity, to make us accomplices to the suppression of freedom or the trampling of human rights or to prevent this Organization, with all its authority, from supporting the historical processes and the social forces which are moving towards the attainment of the principles proclaimed in their own fundamental instruments, towards democracy, equality and economic and social justice.
87.	Only a few days ago Venezuela, as an observer country, attended the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. There, in Havana, I had occasion to express the hope of my Government that the non-aligned movement would continue to preserve its unique features which have been characteristic of it since the African-Asian Conference, held at Bandung in 1955, and the first non-aligned Conference, held in Belgrade in 1961.
88.	As the spokesman of a people that prides itself on having no race, because we are of all races, I then pledged—and I confirm it here—the unrestricted and unqualified support of Venezuela for all actions designed to eradicate the abominable aberration of racism. I therefore consider that our repudiation and condemnation of racism in all its forms must be expressed with added vigour and more categorically than ever, especially against that crime which adds insult to injury by presuming to institutionalize racism as a system, as is happening in South Africa with apartheid.
89.	This is also an appropriate occasion to confirm Venezuela's absolute support for the aspirations to freedom and dignity of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe.
90.	History has shown us that freedom is rarely a gift; it almost always comes after a constant battle to win it and defend it. In that battle there can be no respite for us who, because we are not super-Powers, can ensure our freedom only by our joint effort and with our resolute opposition to the predominance of hegemonies, imperialisms or blocs, which would attempt to suppress our sovereignty and our national identity, as well as our solidarity with and support for all peoples that are striving to acquire, preserve or retrieve their right to freedom, independence and self-determination. Only on this basis will it be possible to solve the conflicts and tensions which in the Middle East, South-East Asia, Africa and anywhere else in the world bar the way for mankind to advance in its quest for peace and the well-being of all.
91.	We think that a human being cannot be coldly considered in terms of the antagonistic systems which brought about the crystallization of the policy of blocs.
92.	We know that political freedom is illusory when there is economic exploitation. So far, regrettably, the efforts we have made as third-world countries to attain a more just situation in our economic relations with the industrialized countries have been frustrated by their short-sightedness and intransigence. They are seemingly determined to demonstrate to the developing countries a truth of which Venezuela is already convinced: that significant concessions can be won only from positions of power and that the only form of power in the hands of countries that are producers of raw materials and consumers of industrial products is concerted action and solidarity, as the experience of the oil-producing countries has shown.
93.	Such action inspired by solidarity is more forceful and proves to be more effective when the request of justice from the outside world is borne out by a climate of genuine social justice at home.
94.	As regards the subject of energy, it is reassuring to observe that there is an increasingly better understanding of the difficult situation in which the international community finds itself. Airy and even irresponsible accusations against OPEC have lost credibility. The Governments of industrialized countries are beginning to concentrate their attention on measures to reduce excessive consumption, thereby being able to act on the demand for oil. As a country member of OPEC, Venezuela views this as a highly positive evolution and as the best point of departure to devise instruments for effective conservation policies which will allow for an extension of the transition period to alternate sources of energy which are renewable and non-polluting and also to speed up scientific research for their swift use.
95.	The Government of Venezuela realizes that many developing countries are undergoing a particularly difficult situation in the present circumstances. It has acted and is prepared to act so as to contribute, in keeping with the requirements of the moment, to ensure oil supplies for those countries and lessen the financial burden due to its higher cost. This is a fundamental premise of the foreign policy of my country, one which as always had the widest national consensus. On the other hand, it is evident that the problems of those countries are essentially the results of structural imbalances which affect the world economy. Compliance with the doctrine of international social justice carries with it an obligation to support the less fortunate developing countries in the improvement of their international bargaining position. The individual weakness of the developing countries vis-a-vis the industrialized nations causes us to take a firm stand in the collective struggle of our countries to secure a just participation in the world economic system.
96.	Venezuela has reiterated in various forums its support for the idea of holding within the United Nations a new round of international economic negotiations including the subject of energy. This new dialogue must avoid the pitfalls along the way. The ability to do that will depend on the extent to which the industrialized countries show a positive political will to achieve concrete and meaningful results in the improvement of international economic relations.
97.	The deep-seated economic disarray that affects the international economy provides us with an opportunity to build a new international economic order in which the legitimate claims of the developing countries will be fully met. We must face our common problems with courage, seeking just and rational solutions. The gravity of the present crisis and economic interdependence make this necessary. The alternative is that we shall be forced into accelerated and irreversible deterioration with unforeseeable consequences.
98.	Some of the negotiations under way, such as those concerning the Common Fund for the Integrated Programme on Commodities6 and those on science and technology, have produced results that, unfortunately, still appear on the whole to be very slim and almost imperceptible in terms of the establishment of the new international economic order,
99.	At the recent session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, there was again evidence of a lack of the political will that could have enabled us to reach genuine agreements on the issues included in its programme of work. In this context, the proposal of the Group of 77-based on a resolution of the Sixth Conference of Non-Aligned Countries—acquires particular significance in the new global North-South negotiations.
100.	Present circumstances demand that we establish an atmosphere of mutual trust and proceed with a sense of urgency. The 1980 special session of the General Assembly must achieve a break-through in the North-South negotiations by bringing about substantive results for the start of the new international economic order. While such results would provide real opportunities to the developing countries by establishing interdependence based on justice and equity, the entire community of nations would also unquestionably stand to gain from the new impetus given the world economy, as has been fully recognized.
101.	We of the developing countries are prepared to assume our responsibilities. We trust that the developed countries will also assume theirs. We are determined to intensify our co-operation on the basis of collective self-reliance. Efforts we have made among ourselves, particularly in Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Arusha, Manila, Havana and now here in New York, have been given a vigorous and growing impetus to produce meaningful and concrete results without delay. This does not exempt the wealthy countries from their obligations to the developing countries; on the contrary, it emphasizes them. South-South co-operation is an indispensable complement to North-South cooperation and must help the latter acquire effectiveness and innovative strength.
102.	As the President of my country Luis Herrera Campins said when he addressed a recent meeting of the Latin American Economic System, at the very beginning of his term of office:
"Despite its difficult economic situation, its precarious social stability and its slow democratic progress, Latin America today is in fact the part of the developing world where there is the widest agreement on goals, more convergence towards them and the greatest probability of success in achieving those ends, at least in part. In spite of the distances that separate us from the industrialized world, there is a kind of premonition that the tide of progress of Western civilization, which at one time had begun to flow in a circle from the Mediterranean to the West, is today bearing in a clear southerly direction, towards Latin America,"
103.	The menace of the crisis that occurred in 1914, which Churchill with keen perspicacity called a "world crisis', continues to threaten us. Hope for its disappearance is deep-rooted in the thinking of all mankind, of men of every rank and condition, seeking ways for peaceful and useful coexistence.
104.	Between the two World Wars, mankind, far from realizing the dream of peace, witnessed the emergence of the two most powerful dictatorships the world had ever known, dictatorships that made their influence felt on men's bodies and on their souls.
105.	Despite the fact that nearly half a century has elapsed since the 1945 peace and the foundation of the United Nations, we are still hoping for the establishment of a just and necessary new order.
106.	The conflict did not end in 1945, nor did it begin in 1914. Its causes and tensions came from the past. They did not end when the guns were silenced, nor were they resolved. A new consciousness prevailed, foretelling a new political and social objective. Already then there was an obvious need to replace the old world order with a new order that would be more sincere and stable, more just and provident.
107.	Recent times have witnessed continuous commotions, ruptures, violence and wars, blatantly revealing just how precarious the situation was and how stubborn the basic facts, tensions and divergencies.
108.	After undergoing two terrible periods of global war, mankind knows therefore that it is not possible to secure peace by means of mere military, political and economic might; it knows that international order cannot be guaranteed by the hegemonies of the superpowers. There are no perpetual hegemonies in the history of man. Predominant Powers come and go; they have been and are the products of their times. The new international order can be built only on just relations among peoples. As long as the nations that benefit from the present international order because of their might fail to realize that such a situation Is not eternal, the world will continue to live under the burden of the threat of war.
109.	This Organization, it is often said, came into being because of the grief of a world devastated by war and as a response to the universal aspiration for peace.
110.	It is a contradiction in terms to seek a genuinely new international order while maintaining the existence of hegemonies.
111.	International social justice must be the foundation of the new order. Basically this implies two things: first, a realization that greater power does not confer greater rights, but rather increasing duties that entail the correction of existing imbalances in the present international order, secondly, a larger share for the developing countries in the decision-making process in international affairs.
112.	Venezuelan policy, as I said at the outset, is inspired by a profound respect for human beings and peoples. The essential characteristic of human dignity is freedom—the greatest gift of the Creator to human beings in the natural order of things. Freedom is realized by means of the social organization of people and by democracy which guarantees and secures the most varied participation as is necessary. The essential characteristic of the dignity of nations is independence, which, in the international order, means that peoples are not there to be made into instruments but to be respected, regardless of their military or economic power, because sovereignty is not divisible, nor does it depend on the size or wealth of nations, but on the courage which in any part of the world is used with honest sincerity to defend justice.
113.	Venezuela was the cradle of the emancipation of Latin America. Our continent has been and is the continent of hope. To all the peoples represented here and to grieving mankind anxiously yearning for freedom, peace and justice, I leave the brotherly solidarity of Bolivar's country.


It is with great pleasure that I extend to you, Sir, the warmest congratulations of the Hellenic delegation on your unanimous election to the high post of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
187.	During the many years you held the post of Permanent Representative of your country to this Organization you nave, on numerous occasions, given proof of your outstanding qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. Africa, a continent which plays a preponderant role in the activities of the United Nations, and the United Republic of Tanzania, a country with which mine maintains the most friendly and cordial relations, could not have chosen a better representative to preside over the work of this body, which more than any other reflects the universal character to which the United Nations has aspired since it came into being.
188.	At the same time I should like to express to the outgoing President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, our appreciation of the authority and competence with which he guided the work of the General Assembly during a difficult period that was full of problems.
189.	It is also a pleasure for me once again to extend our most sincere congratulations and profound gratitude to our Secretary-General for his tireless efforts and his devotion to his difficult and sometimes thankless, but very important, task. The considerable successes of which Mr. Waldheim can be justly proud make him an irreplaceable champion of international peace.
190.	Finally I should like most warmly to welcome Saint Lucia, which has just been added to the number of young and dynamic countries that have become Members of our Organization in the last few years.
191.	The 12 months that have elapsed since the opening of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly have witnessed a wealth of events an assessment of which is unfortunately not very encouraging. Side by side with some positive developments, we observe stagnation in the resolution of most of the problems that concern the world, most of which date back for many years. What is more, new hotbeds of tension have been added to existing crises, so that peace has seemed threatened more than once, and this at a time when mankind must face problems that concern people everywhere, on the solution of which mankind's very survival might depend.
192.	In the Middle East, a region of very particular interest to my country because of its geographical proximity, but above all because of our fraternal links with our Arab brothers, the deadlock continues. The position of my country in respect of this problem is well known. We have always been in favour of the complete application of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and of the other relevant resolutions of that body and the General Assembly that call for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967, as well as the right of all the countries of the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. At the same time, we believe that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian Arab people, including their right to self-determination and to a country must be recognized within the framework of a global settlement.
193.	It is in the light of those principles and their effective application that we view the Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel. We believe that every effort towards a negotiated settlement of the Middle East problem must be encouraged in so far as there is an attempt in those efforts to apply these principles within the framework of a global solution. But at the same time it is necessary to avoid any action that might aggravate the situation and make the atmosphere in the region even more difficult.
194.	In this context we cannot but deplore the policy of settlements pursued by the Israeli Government on the West Bank of the River Jordan, in Gaza and in the Golan Heights.
195.	In the same spirit we deplore also the armed incursions into Lebanese territory, and we launch an appeal for the ending of all acts of violence in Lebanon! Without wishing to enter into the details of this complex problem, we must here reiterate our conviction that its solution resides in absolute respect for the territorial integrity of Lebanon and in the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese Government over the entire territory of the country. At the same time we should like to express our appreciation for the work accomplished by UNIFIL in southern Lebanon.
196.	Alas, the Middle East is not the only part of the world where confrontation continues to prevail and where efforts designed to arrive at the peaceful settlement of conflicts have so far remained without notable results. Southern Africa is another striking example. The plan that the five Western members of the Security Council  last year submitted to the parties concerned—to enable the Namibian people to accede to real independence has not yet brought about a rapprochement of opposing views—and this despite its acceptance by South Africa, the South West Africa People's Organization and the African front-line States.
197.	On this point, too, the position of Greece is clear. Any jurisdiction of South Africa over Namibia ceased at the moment the General Assembly terminated its Mandate over the Territory. The only obligation of the Government of South Africa—and this is a clear and imperative obligation—is to co-operate with the competent organ of the United Nations, the United Nations Council for Namibia, in the transfer of power to the representatives of the Namibian people. Those representatives must be designated by means of free elections held under international control and with the participation of all Namibian political forces, including the South West Africa People's Organization.
198.	At the same time, my Government most energetically condemns the aerial attacks and armed incursions against neighbouring countries, which constitute a misuse by South Africa of its military superiority and a flagrant violation of the most sacred principles of the Charter.
199.	Unlike what is going on in Namibia, the latest developments in Zimbabwe are promising. The decisions adopted by the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries at Lusaka could and should serve as a basis for the establishment of a regime that would confer power upon the majority, while guaranteeing the rights of the white minority. We hope that the Constitutional Conference convened as a result of the praiseworthy efforts of the United Kingdom Government, with the participation of the parties concerned, will be crowned with success.
200.	Finally, to conclude this review of the situation in southern Africa, I am bound once again to refer to the stigma of apartheid. Our condemnation of the apartheid regime, which flies in the face of the most elementary requirements of human dignity, cannot be too categorical.
201.	Disarmament continues to be an imperative necessity for mankind. It suffices to consider the magnitude of the resources that could be placed at the service of far nobler causes, such as the development of the less fortunate countries, to realize the need to establish without further delay the principles and the machinery for a disarmament that would be as far- reaching as possible.
202.	We are happy to note that the SALT Treaty signed in May last in Vienna by the chief executives of the two greatest nuclear Powers in the world represents a step in the right direction.
203.	For our part, our position is well known: a balanced and progressive reduction of nuclear weapons, with a view to their complete elimination, should go hand in hand with a similar reduction in conventional weapons. But such a reduction presupposes strengthening of the sense of security of countries, and particularly of the small countries, because a people which feels threatened has no choice but to arm itself, whatever sacrifices that might entail. What is needed, therefore, is to strengthen the means for the pacific settlement of disputes among States. The necessary machinery and organs exist. They are provided for under the Charter or flow from it. If need be, they can be strengthened or improved. But it is essential that all States, large or small, should accept and, if necessary, be persuaded to agree to renounce the threat and the use of force in order to have their points of view and their claims prevail.
204.	In this context, it is fitting to recall the various initiatives aimed at the maintenance of peace and stability in the world. One of them concerns the non-use of force in international relations. The Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness of the Principle of Non- Use of Force in International Relations, which has been entrusted with the drafting of a convention to that end, held a fruitful session and prepared a report which is on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly. Greece, which is a member of that Committee, is prepared favourably to consider any follow-up which might be given to that report, as well as any other initiative which might lead to the desired results. Faithful to the principles of the Charter, we firmly believe that force cannot be used other than for the purpose of self-defence and that only when other means of prevention of aggression have failed.
205.	Respect for human rights should be one of the paramount concerns of the United Nations. Greece, where the concept of the protection of human beings against abuses of power came into being 25 centuries ago, aspires to be in the forefront of the struggle to safeguard those rights as defined by a number of international legal instruments, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
206.	That is why we are against any violation of human rights, whether within a country or imposed from outside by the force of arms.
207.	If there is one people whose most elementary rights have been trampled underfoot in the course of the last years, it is the people of Cyprus. The existence of 200,000 refugees five years after the invasion of the island by foreign forces bears witness to this in a most distressing way. The same is true of some 2,000 missing persons, whose fate is still not known. The agreement reached on the latter point in the month of May last between the President of the Republic of Cyprus and the head of the Turkish Cypriot community to set up the investigatory body provided for in General Assembly resolution 33/172 had allowed us to hope that it would finally be possible to learn the fate of these persons among whom there are some scores of Greek citizens. Unfortunately, the agreement in question has remained a dead letter to date since the Turkish Cypriot leaders have not communicated to the Secretary-General their formal acceptance of the establishment of that investigatory body.
208.	I intend to go into detail on the problem of Cyprus later in my statement. But these humanitarian considerations, which I have just recalled, deserve, I believe, a quick solution independently of any political settlement—the more so since this is required under a series of United Nations resolutions.
209.	I shall now deal briefly with certain economic questions. First of all, we are bound to note the ever-growing participation of our Organization in the establishment of a new international economic order, the final objective of which would be to eliminate the enormous disparities between rich and poor countries, to arrive at a better distribution of wealth on our planet and to secure for all its inhabitants a standard of living which, besides providing for their material needs, would enable them also to develop their intellectual potential and guarantee their fundamental freedoms which cannot survive in a world of deprivation.
210.	One of the major events this year in the economic field was the fifth session of UNCTAD. While the results were not as spectacular as one might have wished, they did, nevertheless, enable us to renew efforts toward a greater liberalization of international trade while in a number of cases there was a lessening of differences between the various groups of countries which participated in the session. Furthermore, we should not lose sight of the adverse economic conditions in the world, which make it more difficult to find solutions to problems such as inflation, the reform of the international monetary system, and so on. As for the main objectives of the Conference, my country views with much sympathy any initiative which would tend to alleviate the fate of the least-favoured nations such as, for example, setting up a fund for the stabilization of commodity prices. For its part, Greece, which in the course of the last 30 years has taken major steps toward development, is prepared to continue to play its part in the pursuit of these objectives.
211.	In the context of our particular interest in development problems, we have actively participated in the last two major international gatherings: the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development at Vienna, and the third session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174.
212.	Finally, there is a subject the long-term economic implications of which are no less than its political or legal aspects. I am referring to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea which, as is known, held two sessions this year. The ground covered by the Conference since its inception is, on the whole, satisfactory. Without wishing to minimize the complexity of the problems remaining to be solved, I would say that their solution would seem no more difficult than the obstacles which have been surmounted so far—provided that all countries evince a spirit of compromise. The interests at issue are no doubt important. But the benefits which mankind would stand to gain from the conclusion of an agreement of universal application are well worth the efforts and concessions necessary to reach that goal.
213.	Before concluding, I should like to refer to the situation on Cyprus, which continues to be a major cause of concern. Five years after the invasion of the island, euphemistically called a "peace operation", foreign occupation forces are still there. Numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolutions remain dead letters. The Republic of Cyprus, a country which is an independent and sovereign Member of our Organization, continues to be deprived of the exercise of its sovereignty over almost 40 per cent of its territory. Some 200,000 refugees continue to live far from their homes, while the establishment of settlers arriving from Turkey has never ceased and recently seems even to have increased.
214.	In these circumstances, the hope for a just and lasting solution to the problem is growing dim and depends on the sole procedure of intercommunal talks under the aegis of the United Nations. The renewed initiative of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, met with success on 19 May of this year, when the meeting between President Kyprianou and the head of the Turkish Cypriot community, Mr. Denktas, led to a 10-point agreement that was to serve as a basis for the resumption of intercommunal negotiations.
215.	Unfortunately, it appears that we rejoiced too soon. The Turkish Cypriot side apparently felt that the agreement of 19 May, which gave priority to the question of Varosha, did not suit it, and it chose to sabotage it. Thus it set forth prior conditions and introduced new questions that were conceived in such a manner that the initiation of a dialogue became improbable, if not impossible, because these conditions and questions were aimed at nothing less than obtaining concessions on substance, even before negotiations were begun. They were designed to impose on the injured party, on the victim of aggression, a concept that would make it possible to set up the infrastructure for a division of the island at the opportune moment. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the Government of Cyprus refused to agree to compromise the survival of Cyprus as a unitary, sovereign and independent State before the negotiations had even begun.
216.	In these circumstances, how can we fail to express our concern when numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly continue to be unilaterally ignored? How can we fail to express our profound concern at the pretexts and subterfuges that are placed as obstacles to the resumption of dialogue? It is our firm hope that, given this situation, the General Assembly will demand that its voice finally be heeded.
217.	I can assure the Assembly that my Government will continue to support the Government of Cyprus and to support the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General for a just and lasting solution of the problem within the framework of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council.


 Mr. President I should like, on behalf of my Government, to welcome you warmly and to express my hope that the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly under your leadership will be successful in its work.
35.	On behalf of my Government, I should like to are some people who, to put it mildly, are behaving rather strangely. They acknowledged that the Pol Pot regime pursued a policy of genocide and for years had raided the border areas of Viet Nam, but in practice they closed their eyes to it and in this way they justify the "right to existence" of a regime that committed unpardonable crimes against the Kampuchean people. They also serve to justify the acts of the aggressor which invaded Viet Nam from the north.
58.	In recent years significant changes have occurred in the Near East.
59.	A popular revolution has triumphed in Afghanistan, but it has still to fight counter-revolutionaries and the foreign forces which assist them. My Government expresses its solidarity with the revolution in Afghanistan and stands at its side in its hard struggle.
60.	Present-day developments point to an increasingly active participation of Latin American countries in the struggle for a democratic and independent pattern of political and economic development. We welcome the democratic changes in Nicaragua and reject any manoeuvres designed to impose on that country arrangements alien to the interests of the people. It is for the long-suffering Nicaraguan people to choose the path they wish to follow.
61.	The Hungarian Government continues to pledge its solidarity with the Arab peoples fighting for the elimination of the consequences of the Israeli aggression, and is in favour of a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East. The separate peace treaty between Egypt and Israel disregards the concerns of the Arab peoples, tends to increase tension in the region and is a source of new conflicts. That is why we refuse to accept the separate peace treaty and oppose the effort to have it recognized by the United Nations. A just and lasting settlement can be brought about only with the equal participation of all the interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], and that settlement should ensure the right of the Palestinian Arab people to establish a State of their own.
62.	The recent Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Havana was a true reflection of the increasing role being played by the non-aligned movement in shaping international political life. Following the movement's traditions, the meeting of Heads of State and Government once again raised its voice against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism, and in favour of disarmament. The Hungarian Government supports the just aspirations of the non-aligned movement and agrees with the substance of the Havana Declaration.
63.	My Government is increasingly concerned over some of the alarming phenomena occurring in the world economy which are manifest in no small measure in the protectionist and discriminatory tendencies of the developed capitalist countries and the international monopolies. We find it unacceptable that the capitalist countries should be shifting the burden of solutions to their internal economic problems to other countries, particularly those which are economically less developed.
64.	My Government believes that the activity of the United Nations in the field of formulating economic policy should concentrate on the restructuring of international economic relations on a democratic and just basis, on the reorganization of the prevailing pattern of the international division of labour and of the structure of the world economy. The world conferences held in 1979 and scheduled for 1980, particularly the special session of the General Assembly to be held in 1980, have a significant role to play in economic development over the next decade. Our delegation will do its best to promote efforts seeking to ensure that the relevant provisions to be worked out take due account of the positive principles laid down in important United Nations resolutions on economic matters, particularly the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, and reflect faithfully the real causes of the state of backwardness in developing countries as well as the material and moral responsibility of the developed capitalist countries. These provisions should also make clear the close relations between international economic and political processes on the one hand, and the internal and external conditions of economic growth on the other.
65.	As I have had several occasions to state from this rostrum, my Government considers it necessary that the effectiveness of the United Nations should be enhanced. We appreciate the significant personal efforts made towards that goal by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whom we had the pleasure of welcoming to Hungary last July. The Charter of the United Nations contains numerous possibilities that have not yet been sufficiently used to that end. We still hold that the provisions of the Charter on the purposes and principles of the United Nations, as well as on its organs and their functions, provide an appropriate basis for performing the tasks incumbent upon us.
66.	The constant and considerable increase in the United Nations budget is a matter of concern. We think that effective measures should be taken to reduce the rate of increase in expenditure.
67.	It is with these reflections in mind that I have sought to outline my Government's position on some of the major international issues before the General Assembly. We hope that the work of the present session of the United Nations General Assembly will live up to our expectations and that the world Organization will contribute substantially to the realization of the ardent wish of all of us to establish firmly lasting international peace and security.


I should like to begin by paying homage to the memory of the late President of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, Houari Boumediene, and the late President of the People's Republic of Angola, Agostinho Neto, with whose demise the world has lost two great leaders and champions of non-alignment, independence and the equality of peoples. These two men made an outstanding contribution to the realization of the ideals of the United Nations and of non-alignment.
89.	It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you cordially, Mr. President, on your election as President of this session of the Assembly. All of us who know you appreciate your wisdom, your sound judgement and your dedication to the principles of the Charter. Because of this, we are convinced that your contribution to the success of our common endeavours will be a significant one. Our satisfaction is all the greater in that you represent the non-aligned United Republic of Tanzania, with which my country maintains very friendly relations and shares the same objectives and values.
90.	I wish also to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a tribute to the President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano, the representative of friendly Colombia, for his dedicated discharge of his responsible duty.
91.	Allow me also to pay due credit to the distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless work in promoting the aims of our Organization and in strengthening its role in world affairs. Many positive achievements over the past years will remain linked to his name. It is a special honour for all of us to have had the privilege of collaborating with him.
92.	This Assembly is faced with very important issues. Once again, we have an opportunity to demonstrate our readiness to work for the advancement of mutual respect and better understanding among us, and this is a prerequisite for the success of our endeavours at this session.
93.	May I emphasize, as have many previous speakers, that I see particular importance in this General Assembly. The current session offers us the opportunity to deal not only with the affairs of a single year, but to review in retrospect our achievements and our failures over the past decade.
94.	At the moment of transition of this decade to the next, our world presents a motley picture indeed.
95.	We can say, however, that our Organization has dealt honourably with the many challenges it has faced. In this period, our Organization has become almost universal. This is demonstrated not only by the continually increasing number of Members, but also by the fact that it more faithfully reflects the world in which we live today.
96.	We can frankly say that this is primarily the merit of the non-aligned movement, which considers that it is in its own vital interest to ensure greater respect for the United Nations, to strengthen its role and to enable it to work more effectively. Owing to this, many significant results were achieved over the past decade. Many questions of crucial importance to the life of the world community have been broached. All of this shows that the world is changing.
97.	The aspirations of nations to freedom and independence, to equality and active participation in international affairs, have increased enormously. This growth, moreover, has not been limited to aspirations. It has given rise to the increased readiness of peoples and countries to fight in order to take their fate and the world's destiny into their own hands.
98.	No people will submit to domination. The liberation struggle against all forms of dependence and subjugation is gaining momentum throughout the world. This is attested to by the successes achieved by the peoples of Palestine, southern Africa, Nicaragua, Iran, Panama and others in their struggles for independence, national identity and sovereignty.
99.	This general process of abolishing privileged relationships and of emancipating peoples is most clearly expressed in, and most powerfully supported by, the strengthening of the policy and the movement of non- alignment.
100.	The hopes and expectations of mankind have not, however, been entirely fulfilled. We still find ourselves in the midst of a difficult battle with the proponents of acquired privileges, various forms of interference and domination.
101.	The world is still torn by many contradictions and burdened with many dangers. Bloc division tends to become a general and permanent state of world relations. The arms race has taken on the character of uncontrolled madness. A deep chasm separates those who enjoy the blessings of the greatest achievements of industrial and technological development, whose wealth multiplies from year to year, and those to whom poverty, disease, hunger and ignorance are a way of life.
102.	Old and new forms of imperialism, colonialism and other forms of foreign domination and hegemony are persistently trying to maintain themselves. The policy of spheres of interest, great-Power rivalry, various forms of interference and the use of force in international relations threaten the independence of many peoples.
103.	Acute world crises fraught with constant danger to world peace are not being solved. The consequences are evident. The fragile peace and stability in the world depend on a balance of power and fear; detente is still stagnating; the North-South dialogue on the new international economic order has not yet emerged from the phase of confrontation; conflicts between the East and the West are being spread to non-aligned areas of the world.
104.	The inheritance of a difficult past dangerously burdens our present. The gap between ideals and reality is often disappointingly great. We have now reached the dividing line between two decades. Rarely in history has a single decade brought so many uncertainties and at the same time offered so many possibilities for true progress.
105.	The course that we follow from this cross-roads depends on us alone, on our readiness to change what we have inherited from the past and to bear responsibility for what will be tomorrow. That is what mankind expects of us. If we did not do this, history would not be able to pardon our failure.
106.	None but the United Nations is called upon to offer hope and support to those who rightly expect them of us.
107.	I believe that one of the most urgent questions on which we should reach full agreement is the elimination of the remnants of colonialism, particularly in Africa. From the moral and human standpoint, we can say the worst about that abhorrent anachronism of our time. However, this is not only a moral or human question; it is, essentially, a political one. What must we do to bring this shame to an end?
108.	The answer is clear. We must decisively espouse the cause of the peoples of southern Africa and help them by all possible means to achieve, at the earliest possible moment, their sovereign right to freedom, independence and social progress.
109.	The non-aligned movement has devoted great attention to the liquidation of colonialism on African soil. Important decisions were taken at the recent meetings in Maputo, Colombo and Havana. Under your able guidance, Mr. President, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples reached conclusions along the same lines at its recent meeting in Belgrade.
110.	At all those meetings there was a unanimous feeling that, if it wishes to preserve its self-respect, the world community can no longer afford to delay tearing out from the annals of human history the shameful page of colonialism, racism and apartheid.
111.	We do, of course, believe that every political possibility of arriving at a peaceful solution should be given a chance. It would, however, be unforgivable if we were to allow this to be misused for the purpose of thwarting the struggle of peoples—in this case the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe—for their national liberation. Let us spell this out clearly.
112.	We should commit ourselves to supporting the legitimate right of those peoples—including full support to SWAPO and the Patriotic Front—in their efforts to achieve their freedom through armed struggle. We must express our solidarity with and support for the frontline States in their resistance to the constant aggression perpetrated by the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury. We are in duty bound to take all necessary measures, including the use of peace-keeping forces or the imposition of sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. We have to emphasize the responsibility of those who for selfish reasons continue to co-operate with the racist regimes and thereby prolong their existence and encourage their obstinacy.
113.	In my view, it is not necessary to enumerate here the concrete measures to be taken in this connexion since they are known to us all. It seems to me more important to point out the essence of the problem, the substance of our option and the thrust of our action.
114.	Another global crisis is the one in the Middle East. There we are faced with tolerance of brutal aggression and the impermissible denial of the legitimate sovereign right of a people to self-determination and independence.
115.	I wish to point out that it is the consistent position of my country that no aggression and occupation can be condoned or rewarded. That is why we are consistently demanding that the international community and our Organization take energetic measures for the elimination of Israeli aggression and its grave consequences.
116.	We must be aware of our responsibility not only towards the peoples that are the immediate victims but also towards mankind, whose interests are threatened by the continuation of this aggression.
117.	Let me reiterate our well-known positions. First, Israel must withdraw from all the Arab territories occupied in the 1967 war. Secondly, the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people to self- determination, to return to their homeland, to independence and to their own State must be recognized. This includes recognition and acceptance of the PLO as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Thirdly, only a lasting, just and comprehensive settlement can ensure peace and security for all the countries of that area, including Israel, as well as the inviolability of their borders.
118.	Experience has taught us that separate roads and agreements do not lead to this goal. On the contrary, Israel makes use of them to deny totally the rights of the Palestinian people, to commit new acts of aggression against the neighbouring Arab States and to usurp Arab land.
119.	It is high time to reverse the course of events. We believe that that is possible if we demonstrate greater determination and a higher degree of political realism in our approach to this crisis. There are certain positive signs, primarily those which indicate the readiness of a growing number of European countries to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people and to accept the PLO as the legitimate negotiator on an equal footing.
120.	If we were to add those new elements to the existing resolutions and decisions of the world Organization, I am convinced that that would be a way out of the blind alley in which we still find ourselves.
121.	I should also like to address myself to another problem that has the elements of a global crisis. That is the crisis in South-East Asia, where, regrettably, military interventions have taken place, transforming the entire area into a new focal-point of instability. This has brought about unforeseeable dangers to peace and security not only in the area but also in the world at large.
122.	It seems to me that, at this moment, the most important thing is to reaffirm the principles that can lead to the solution of this crisis and, at the same time, guarantee to all countries of the region an equal right to peace, security and internal development of their own.
123.	This is possible only if intervention and the use of force are brought to an end; if foreign occupation is ended and foreign troops withdrawn; if the independence and sovereignty of the peoples are respected; and if the peoples involved are accorded the exclusive right to choose their own system of government and way of life without outside interference.
124.	It would be very dangerous if we were to endorse the thesis of good or bad, justified or unjustified, foreign military intervention. In that case we would bring in question not only justice but the very basis on which the stability of international relations rests.
125.	We are profoundly convinced that the full and inviolable sovereignty of nations is the supreme law of international relations. No one has the right to call it in question in any way or on any ground whatsoever.
126.	I am convinced that only within the framework of such a peaceful, just and comprehensive settlement of the crisis in South-East Asia would it be also possible to do away with foreign interference and the imposition of alien interests upon the peoples of the area.
127.	Within this context, we could also solve other difficult problems confronting the peoples of that region, such as the question of refugees, hunger and other Forms of suffering and deprivation.
128.	The principles that I have set out in respect of the aforementioned global crises also inspire Yugoslavia's attitude towards so-called regional and local crises.
129.	The right to self-determination, to independence and sovereignty without foreign interference must be consistently applied in the case of Cyprus, Korea, Western Sahara and wherever the same problems and the same values are involved.
130.	The perpetuation of the Cyprus crisis deprives an independent and non-aligned country of its sovereign rights and has negative repercussions on stability in the Mediterranean. We firmly believe that a just and durable solution of this crisis can only be found through peaceful means, by implementing the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. This calls for agreement between the two communities leading to the safeguarding of the independence, sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus and ensuring the equality and well-being of those two communities and the harmony of their life together.
131.	We also support the constructive and positive efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at achieving the peaceful unification of the Korean people and strengthening the independent and non-aligned position of that country.
132.	The. question of Western Sahara is one of decolonization which must be solved on the basis of self- determination in accordance with the principles and resolutions of the United Nations and the decisions of the Organization of African Unity and of the non- aligned movement.
133.	Peace and stability in the world do not depend only on the solution of the most acute crises. But the settlement of those crises would be facilitated by a more profound and comprehensive process of relaxation of tensions.
134.	Speaking of detente, we are primarily concerned with matters affecting peace and general security in the world. This is vital not only because peace forestalls devastations caused by war, but because it provides an environment for the successful struggle of peoples for independence, equality and progress.
135.	If detente did not serve this end, it would become either a vehicle for preserving the existing privileges and injustices of the old international order, or else it would enable the strongest Powers, and their respective bloc groupings, to settle their relations to the detriment of the rest of the world.
136.	We view the relaxation of tensions as a universal process demanding from all of us special efforts. It makes it incumbent upon the United Nations to engage in continual action aimed at consolidating peaceful coexistence as a basis for friendly relations among countries; it requires efforts in the field of disarmament and the establishment of the new international economic order.
137.	Within this context, I should like to make some observations regarding Europe, a continent which used to be the stage of world confrontations and the source of world wars in the past.
138.	On the one hand, it is in Europe that bloc alignments confront each other most directly, with their sophisticated military hardware. On the other, the process of relaxation of tensions in Europe has achieved tangible results, in the wake of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The non- aligned and neutral countries of Europe also have greatly contributed to this positive trend.
139.	It would be difficult, however, to conceive of stable and positive trends in Europe unless they encompassed, in the same way, the other regions of the world.
140.	Yugoslavia, as a non-aligned country, consistently applies the principles of non-alignment in its European policy and in relations with its neighbours as well. The assertion of these principles on the European continent, which is becoming increasingly evident, also demonstrates the universal character of the policy of non-alignment.
141.	Disarmament and the new economic relations are among the pressing issues confronting the contemporary world. However, it is significant that conditions have already become ripe for a quest for a meaningful solution of these problems. This is one of the major achievements of the persistent struggle that the non-aligned movement has waged toward this end.
142.	The tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, was an important event of our time. Notwithstanding certain important initial achievements concerned primarily with the involvement of the United Nations in disarmament, the other results have not been too encouraging.
143.	I believe that we should continue with a resolute political action to accelerate the process leading toward genuine disarmament. This applies to all means of mass destruction; both to nuclear strategic and tactical weapons and to biochemical, radiological and conventional weapons, whose destructive power has been increased tremendously since the Second World War. In this respect, I should like to mention the second round of SALT as a good sign.
144.	In the coming phase we should, in my opinion, pay greater attention to the substantive work of the Disarmament Commission and to the removal of the obstacles which, as a consequence of big-Power rivalry, obstruct the work of the Committee on Disarmament.
145.	Our priorities should also encompass full guarantees to countries which do not produce nuclear weapons, the prohibition of the use of these weapons and the initiation of genuine nuclear disarmament. Otherwise, there is a danger that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will be transformed into the monopoly of those who possess nuclear weaponry or be misused as a monopoly for developing and using nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This would lead to a new form of technological colonialism.
146.	The issue of the liquidation of foreign military bases and military presence from other countries remains unresolved, as does that of confidence-building measures. Closely related to these are the issues of zones of peace, and co-operation, which we consider to be of exceptional importance. We therefore strongly support the establishment of such zones in the Mediterranean, in the Indian Ocean and elsewhere. The slow progress towards the genuine security and well-being of all mankind is also demonstrated by the absurdity of the aggravation of the economic crisis seen in relation to the enormous increase of expenditure on armaments.
147.	The disquieting state of the world economy, the profound crisis of the international economic system and the persistent deterioration of the position of developing countries threaten to become a constant source of instability and new political tensions, with unpredictable consequences. The world has become so interdependent, especially in the economic field, that long-term solutions of common interest can be found only through equitable dialogue and over-all cooperation.
148.	It is essential that the industrially and technologically most developed countries, which possess the greatest economic and financial potential, should desist from seeking partial solutions to their specific problems within closed economic groupings. It is also essential to realize that the true problem does not consist in finding culprits responsible for the inherited state of affairs, but that the new system of international economic relations should be accepted as a common need and a shared commitment of all.
149.	Regrettably, even today we find ourselves at the point which we had reached five years ago when we adopted the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. We can break this stalemate only through a persistent search for common solutions, which must encompass all the vital elements of the New International Economic Order—ranging from trade, commodities, manufacture and energy to finance, prices, transfer of technology and the elimination of all forms of discrimination.
150.	This calls for greater activity by the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174; for a new round of global negotiations, which were initiated by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries; and for the elaboration of the strategy for the forthcoming development decade.
151.	Human rights is one of the topics which has engaged the attention of this Assembly. We all know that this question has quite often been the subject of political confrontation. We have noted that the political aspect of human rights is fortunately ever more frequently linked with its economic and social aspects, which we consider to be a correct approach.
152.	We should like, however, to go even further and to sound a warning that it is very difficult to promote human rights unless those rights are treated within the context of the right of nations to independence, sovereignty, free national development and the right to lead their own life without outside interference; unless those rights are treated within the context of racial equality; unless they are linked to the rights of national minorities, ethnic, religious and other groups; and unless they enable the individual to determine the conditions of his life and to be a free person without being exposed to any system of discrimination.
153.	My country attaches exceptional importance to the role of the United Nations in solving the major problems which beset our world, in removing focal- points of crisis, in strengthening peace, security and equitable co-operation among peoples, and in democratizing international relations.
154.	In our view, the United Nations has an irreplaceable role to play in the new system of international political and economic relations. We must therefore continue to oppose the tendency of withdrawing vital global issues from the United Nations and of bypassing our Organization in solving them. Today, the United Nations is a genuinely universal Organization which faithfully reflects the situation in the world.
155.	We do not wish to see the United Nations being used as a place for propaganda confrontation. We believe it is essential that this Assembly should be inspired by our common aspirations and readiness to create a climate of tolerance and confidence; that we should not conceal differences, but exert maximum goodwill so as to contribute to the full affirmation of the principles enshrined in the Charter when dealing with any specific issue that we have to consider.
156.	The non-aligned movement has made its greatest contribution precisely to such a role for the United Nations. I am confident that the decisions adopted at the recently concluded Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries will also contribute to the success of the present session of the General Assembly. We consider that the results of the summit meeting are positive. First and foremost, the Conference reaffirmed the authentic principles and objectives of the policy and movement of non- alignment as an independent, non-bloc factor which plays a significant and irreplaceable role in international relations. The non-aligned countries have thereby strengthened the basis on which they can continue to build their solidarity and unity.
157.	We rightly entertain great hopes and hold the firm belief that genuine progress is possible. Let us persevere in our quest for peace and security in the world. Let us exert maximum efforts so that the world of tomorrow may be a world of justice, independence, equality and progress for all.