Last month, I visited
a refugee camp at the border between Turkey and Syria.
I met children, women and men, who told me how they
had escaped the violence and suffering in their home
country. They had f led the bloodshed of a regime that
is using indiscriminate violence against its own people.
They had f led a country where children are being
tortured, women raped and innocent civilians killed.
They had lost their friends, family and homes, but they
had not lost hope for a better future.
One of the people whom I met near the border was
Medya, the 25-year-old mother of a five-year-old girl.
She had f led the city of Homs eight months earlier.
Now, she travels back and forth between Homs and a
refugee camp in Turkey at great personal danger. She
risks her life to report to the world on the situation in
Syria. Her reports are broadcast on major international
networks.
Medya told me about the terrible events that she had
witnessed. I was touched by her sorrow and impressed
by her determination. Her strong desire for freedom is
something to which we can all relate. Those who have
struggled for freedom do not give up easily. However,
it is also clear that those refugees need the support of
the international community at large. They need food,
shelter and security. Ultimately, they need an effective
United Nations and a strong international legal order.
Promoting the international legal order is enshrined
in the Constitution of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
It is a mission that we share with many in this Assembly.
Together with 49 other countries, we are helping to
establish legal order and security in Afghanistan, for
example. I want to pay tribute to the Dutch and the
other men and women, soldiers and civilians, currently
serving there.
The Hague, a city of peace and justice, is known
for its contribution to the international legal order. It
is home to the International Court of Justice and the
Permanent Court of Arbitration, which are both based at the Peace Palace. Next year, we will proudly celebrate
its centenary. Former Secretary-General Boutros
Boutros-Ghali recognized the role of the Netherlands
in the international legal order by naming The Hague
the legal capital of the world.
We need international law to protect people,
societies and nations, or, as former Secretary-General
Kofi Annan recently wrote, the United Nations Charter
was issued in the name of we the peoples, not we the
Governments. So we need a stronger international legal
order, first, to preserve peace and security; secondly,
to protect freedom; and thirdly, to promote prosperity.
That is the task that we face.
A strong international legal order helps to preserve
peace and security. To achieve that goal, we need
greater unity. I regret the persistent disagreement in the
Security Council. It has prevented the United Nations
from taking decisive action on Syria. The world is
in desperate need of a strong, united and determined
Security Council.
Mediation, arbitration and judicial settlement are
indispensable for the peaceful settlement of conflicts.
We should cherish and develop those tools, as Deputy
Secretary-General Jan Eliasson has so rightly said.
Better implementation of existing treaties on
non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament is of
paramount importance.
An effective international legal order means that
countries are bound by their promises. Iran must
completely fulfil its International Atomic Energy
Agency obligations and abide by Security Council
resolutions. The burden of proof is on Iran. As I said
to my Iranian colleague, Minister Salehi, earlier this
week: You are the one to convince the world of the
peaceful character of your nuclear programme — not
us.
The international agendas on nuclear, chemical and
conventional weapons must lead to concrete results and
new treaties. The United Nations and the Conference
on Disarmament in Geneva need to do better.
The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons in The Hague will this year celebrate its
fifteenth anniversary. It should stand ready to assist in
addressing the chemical weapons problem in Syria.
The Netherlands will host the next Nuclear Security
Summit, in 2014, as part of our efforts to enhance
security and fight nuclear terrorism. Negotiations on a robust and effective arms trade
treaty should recommence as soon as possible.
A stronger legal order also promotes freedom. It
promotes human rights, reinforces the responsibility to
protect and helps prevent atrocities. Greater freedom
means equal rights for men and women alike. Women
make up 50 per cent of humankind. We need the full
100 per cent of humankind. It is in every country’s
own interest to make sure that women are actively
involved in society, the economy and politics. They
must participate in the power structures as leaders of
the world.
Human rights cannot be imposed from the outside.
But Governments carry the responsibility for observing
their international human rights obligations and
commitments. There is therefore a need to communicate
constantly about the obligations and commitments.
The role of the Human Rights Council in promoting
freedom is crucial. We need to improve the way in which
it functions. Countries that aspire to join the Council
should be genuinely committed to respecting human
rights. I am proud to reiterate our genuine commitment
and to announce the Dutch candidature for the Human
Rights Council from 2015 to 2017.
People should be free to live their lives in peace
and security. Therefore, every State has an obligation to
prevent aggression, genocide, crimes against humanity
and war crimes. Prevention is key. But if countries
cannot or will not act, the international community has
a responsibility to protect.
A strong international and domestic legal order
promotes prosperity and, let me state it emphatically,
economic growth. Trade, investment, innovation and
economic development will all benefit from a stable,
predictable and rules-based business climate.
The economy cannot thrive in societies where
human rights are violated, corruption is rampant and
Government revenues are wasted. That is one of the
lessons of the Arab awakening. Sustainable prosperity
and sustainable economic growth depend upon a strong,
legitimate and reliable legal order.
For that matter, free trade agreements and a well-
functioning World Trade Organization are crucial for
stimulating growth. According to the World Bank, a
new global trade deal would increase global welfare
tremendously.

A good way to promote foreign direct investment
is by enhancing arbitration and conflict resolution
mechanisms. The Permanent Court of Arbitration in
The Hague has an increasingly important role to play.
Protecting intellectual property rights effectively
fosters innovation. We should therefore strengthen the
World Intellectual Property Organization.
Finally, the Millennium Development Goals need a
new agenda, with bold ideas to end poverty and plans to
promote sustainable development and foster economic
growth. The private sector is crucial to achieving
those goals, especially when it comes to unlocking the
potential of small and medium-sized enterprises. To
quote renowned economist Paul Collier, “We cannot
make poverty history unless the countries of the bottom
billion start to grow”.
The United Nations is indispensable for the agenda
of peace, freedom and prosperity. The widening gap
between the increasing expectations we have of the
United Nations, on the one hand, and of its capacity
to deliver, on the other, is a cause of serious concern.
Therefore, we need a more effective, efficient and
coherent United Nations.
The Security Council must act decisively when
serious crimes are involved and international peace and
security are at stake. All United Nations organizations
should deliver as one. The Secretary-General’s reform
proposals must be implemented.
Emerging Powers rightly ask for more influence,
due to new political and economic realities. The
Security Council should be reformed while taking those
realities into account. At the same time, the larger share
of those emerging Powers in the world economy should
be reflected in the relative contributions of Member
States to the United Nations budget.
The Members of the United Nations need to take
action in five areas. First, countries should respect
universal human rights without distinction. That
key principle also applies to lesbian, gay, bisexual
and transgender individuals. Secondly, the rights of
religious minorities should be guaranteed all over the
world. Governments should protect religious groups
against violence. Thirdly, countries should recognize
the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court
of Justice, as the Secretary-General has requested.
Fourthly, countries should adhere to the principle of
the responsibility to protect. That applies to prevention, protection and prosecution. Fifthly, countries that have
not done so to date should join the International Criminal
Court. That will ensure that civilians are protected and
the perpetrators of atrocities are prosecuted.
That takes me back to Syria. The Syrian crisis
highlights the mounting challenges of the United
Nations and its States Members. I applaud the active
stance of the Secretary-General with regard to Syria.
The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs, the World Food Programme, the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
and many other organizations are providing crucial
assistance to the victims of the violence. I want to pay
explicit tribute to the Governments of Turkey, Lebanon
and Jordan for their invaluable efforts to alleviate the
suffering of the thousands of refugees.
In conclusion, for me, meeting Мedya, that
courageous Syrian journalist and mother, has given a
voice to those refugees. I hope that I will meet Medya,
that 25-year-old mother of a five-year-old child, again
in the near future in Homs, Syria. I want to see her live
in an inclusive and prosperous Syria, where democracy
and human rights replace terror and violence. It is about
democracy and human rights. That is our aim. I want
to see her live in a Syria where jobs and economic
opportunities have replaced poverty and despair.
That woman, Мedya, has already shown the courage
and the will to contribute to Syria’s future. Together,
we, the peoples of the United Nations, should show
that same courage. Together, we must preserve peace,
protect freedom and promote prosperity. Together, let
us build a stronger international legal order.


You now preside, Sir, over
a forum for every voice — an Assembly of all people and
nations, one for no country or bloc to dominate solely
or lead as one alone, where small and medium-sized
countries are truly heard. Australia warmly welcomes
your election.
The story of the United Nations is truly global,
encompassing all the people of the world. It is a story of
the progress of small and medium-sized countries, not
just of great Powers. It is a story of reconstruction after
world war and of the resettlement of massing millions,
of navigating the winds of change and of the end of
colonialism, bringing self-determination to the world’s
great majority, the billions of the global South. It is
the story of harnessing new sources of wealth and new resources through a revolution of rising expectations
and during decades of dictatorship, famine and war. It
is the story of bringing to justice the perpetrators of
the worst international crimes and of preventing the
worst human atrocities. Now, extending freedom and
harnessing new markets, it is the story of lifting billions
more out of poverty and oppression. That has been the
work of the United Nations for seven decades.
This year we assemble in the knowledge born of
those years, neither expecting perfection nor accepting
the status quo. We understanding that there is much that
we can do together, and more that we can do together
than we could ever do alone.
The United Nations articulates humankind’s
highest ideals. Even more, it makes practical progress
towards realizing those ideals in the world. There
is no better example of that than the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) — specific, measurable
targets of the highest human importance that are now
familiar to us all. Twelve years after 2000 and three
years from 2015, the progress we have made must
be just as familiar. The global economy has grown.
Hundreds of millions of people have lifted themselves
up. That first fundamental Goal, to halve the proportion
of the world’s population living in extreme poverty, has
now been achieved: 1 billion human lives transformed.
A decade ago 100 million children did not get to go
to school. That number has been reduced by fully one
third, and 33 million human futures have been entirely
remade.
But we must all acknowledge that there are vital
areas where the international community is failing to
achieve change. That is why I accepted the Secretary-
General’s invitation to co-chair the Millennium
Development Goals Advocacy Group alongside
Rwanda: to advocate for practical progress in the
coming three years. Where the world has fallen short
of ambitious goals, our response must be action, not
disillusion. That is what Australia will do. We will act.
We will help improve education. Australia’s
development spending on education doubled in the
past five years. We will be among the world’s largest
education donors in 2015. I am especially pleased to join
as an education champion in support of the Secretary-
General’s Education First initiative to mobilize global
support to help achieve education for all children by
2015. I am honoured to lend it Australia’s support.

We will help increase gender equality. I am proud
to announce that at the Pacific Islands Forum Australia
said that it would work alongside our partners in the
Pacific on an unprecedented gender initiative: Pacific
Women Shaping Pacific Development. Australia will
provide $320 million over 10 years to support women’s
political participation, to expand women’s leadership
and to spread economic and social opportunities in
the Pacific. That is a principle underpinning every
Australian aid intervention and initiative: empowering
women and girls.
We will help fight drug-resistant malaria. The
Secretary-General has made malaria one of his key
priorities for his second term. It is a priority we share.
Since 2000, the world has cut the number of deaths
from malaria by 26 per cent. Without those advances,
330,000 more people would have died of malaria last
year, the great majority of them in Africa. But malaria
itself is fighting back. New drug resistance in malaria
must be overcome. Later this year, Australia will hold
the Malaria 2012 meeting, bringing together political
leaders, civil society and the private sector to accelerate
efforts to control and eliminate malaria and combat
growing drug resistance.
While we are working hard to realize the MDGs in
the next three years, Australia is looking further ahead.
The year 2015 is a goal, but it is not a destination. Rather,
it must be a new point of departure for much new work.
Australia pledges to contribute to the important work
of the high-level panel on the post-2015 development
agenda.
Australia brings considerable national experience
in working with conflict-affected States and least
developed countries, especially in our own region. We
will seek to apply what we have learned in our work since
2000 to the world’s plans for beyond 2015. First, peace
is an essential foundation to development, and building
peace is vital to the progress of societies recovering from
conflict. Peacekeepers today must be peacebuilders,
not just stopping conflict but enabling development.
Secondly, there can be no poverty alleviation without
the creation of wealth and jobs. Growth alone is never
sufficient; but to achieve development in the interests
of all people we must create jobs and wealth. Thirdly,
we cannot make poverty history unless we also consign
to history the argument that environmental protection
and human development are conflicting global goals.
Climate change threatens the security of the food supply that guarantees development. New, clean sources of
energy deliver a new source of economic growth.
Australia is one of the world’s most successful
multicultural and multi-faith nations. The Australian
experience proves a deeply important fact. There is
nothing natural or inevitable about violent conflict over
religious belief. We must reaffirm that again today.
The denigration of religious beliefs is never acceptable.
Australia seeks to be an example of freedom for all
faiths, and we support that in the wider world. However,
our tolerance must never extend to tolerating religious
hatred and incitement to violence. Whether such
attitudes lead to attacks against members of religious
minorities or diplomats or to attacks against houses of
worship or diplomatic missions, the perpetrators of all
such violence must be brought to justice and all such
incitement must be condemned. Australia condemns
violence and we work for peace.
We proudly do our full part in the work of the
United Nations for peace and security. We stringently
observe Security Council resolutions aimed at
curtailing weapons proliferation activities, like those
of North Korea. We take the leading role in the United
Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste. We lead
the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands,
which operates with the United Nation’s endorsement.
And we have been the largest non-NATO contributor
to the United Nations-mandated International Security
Assistance Force in Afghanistan. Australia will bring
that record of service to the international community
to our service on the Security Council, should we
have the privilege to be elected by the United Nations
membership in October. There and beyond, our work
and the work of every nation for peace must continue.
As we meet, the Syrian Government is turning
the instruments of State power against the very people
whom State power ought to protect, employing heavy
weapons and ground-attack aircraft against civilians
and engaging in systematic human rights abuses.
Syria’s neighbours — in particular Jordan, Turkey,
Lebanon and Iraq — are burdened by growing numbers
of refugees and are delivering vital help to desperate
people.
The United Nations has done important work
already. Australia is doing its part to help through
humanitarian aid. We must do everything we can to end
the suffering of the Syrian people and to rebuild Syrian
society. Those who are committing crimes against humanity must be held accountable. The international
community must unite behind Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi,
the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations
and the League of Arab States for Syria. We urge the
members of the Security Council to do so and to act
decisively.
The international community must also unite in
guarding against the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. It is now six years since the Security
Council first expressed concern about Iran’s nuclear
weapons programme. Iran still refuses to take the urgent
steps necessary to build confidence that its nuclear
programme is exclusively peaceful. In contravention
of successive International Atomic Energy Agency and
Security Council resolutions, Iran is moving closer to
having the capacity to produce weapons-grade material.
We therefore stand with the world, united in
sending a strong signal, through Security Council
sanctions, that Iran must change its behaviour now. A
nuclear-armed Iran would be a major threat to regional
and global security, especially given the shocking and
aggressive statements about Israel by Iran’s leadership.
There remains the opportunity for diplomacy, backed
up by robust sanctions, to persuade Iran to change its
course. Iran must take this opportunity for change, and
the nations of the Assembly must press it to do so.
There must also be change in the Middle East peace
process. Australia shares the frustration of the parties
at the current impasse.
We understand the strong desire of the Palestinian
people for national self-determination. Australia
is resolutely committed to the establishment of a
Palestinian State that is both independent and viable.
That is why we provide significant support to the
foundations of a future Palestinian State and build its
infrastructure and economy. More than $300 million in
aid has been provided for the period from 2011 to 2016.
We commend the genuine progress President Abbas
and Prime Minister Fayyad have made in building
the institutions and infrastructure for statehood. And
no one can doubt Australia’s close and continuing
friendship with Israel. Our support for the right of
Israel and its people to exist in security and peace is a historic commitment in Australian policy, and it will
endure.
We urge a return to direct negotiations and that
those negotiations be between the two parties. That is
the only durable basis for achieving a two-State solution.
The present impasse must be overcome. Both sides
need to make compromises and avoid provocations. It
will take sacrifice on both sides to settle complex and
difficult issues such as settlements, borders, security
and Jerusalem. The Israeli and Palestinian people
deserve no less.
Australia’s ideals in the world are those of the
United Nations, and Australians know the practical
value of the United Nations work. That is why Australia
seeks to serve in all the work of the United Nations and
on the Security Council. We are a strong democracy,
welcoming all the peoples, languages and religions
of the world. We are a country of the Asia-Pacific, a
neighbour to developing countries, with a perspective
of both the North and South. We are a State with a
decades-long tradition of capable and committed work
in the United Nations. We contributed to the first
United Nations peacekeeping force in 1947, and we lead
contemporary peacebuilding in our own region.
We support the development of new norms to
enable the United Nations and its States Members to
act to prevent atrocities and to make the perpetrators of
the worst crimes accountable for them. We act as a first
responder to humanitarian need, as a donor who stays
the course and as a partner in rebuilding after conflict.
Australia embraces the high ideals of the United Nations
and takes a practical approach to achieving change. The
work of the United Nations is a historic task in which
Australia wholeheartedly joins.


At the outset,
I would like to address my warmest congratulations
to Mr. Vuk Jeremić on the confidence that the entire
United Nations family has invested in him by electing
him to the high office of President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
I would also like to take this opportunity to reiterate
Togo’s support to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for
all of the work that he continues to undertake in order to
promote peace in the world. We appreciate the immense
efforts that he is pursuing in Africa and many other
regions of the world in order to find a peaceful outcome
to the conflicts that they face by prioritizing dialogue,
mediation and cooperation.
The choice of the peaceful settlement of disputes as
the central theme of this session is a wise choice, and I
welcome it. Indeed, it allows us, in the complex world
we live in today, to reconnect with the original purpose
and founding values of the United Nations. Over the
decades, our Organization has taken it upon itself to
respond to the many challenges posed by a world that
is constantly changing. It remains present and active in
all the areas that present opportunities for progress by
humankind.
However, in spite of our efforts and the progress
that has been achieved, here and there, in the areas
of technology, economy and social issues, we note,
unfortunately, that force continues to be used all
too frequently in international relations. On many
occasions, recourse to the use of armed force has been
chosen before all avenues for the peaceful means of
dispute resolution have been exhausted.
The African continent, unfortunately, has paid and
continues to pay a heavy price when it seeks to save
time by prematurely cutting short the process for the
peaceful settlement of disputes. Yet, experience has
shown that even in the rare cases where recourse to the
use of weapons has allowed one of the parties to the
conflict to quickly prevail over the other, lasting peace
and stability have not been achieved.
That is why my country, Togo, welcomes the fact
that the sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly
gives all of us the opportunity to revisit the original
values of the United Nations Charter in order to better
guide our work in dealing with the challenges of our
contemporary world. Indeed, perhaps it is time to put
dialogue among nations at the centre of the international
agenda again. But today we need to go further, and also make dialogue within nations an important component
of our efforts to achieve peace. Dialogue within nations
is in fact an indispensable corollary of dialogue among
nations. It should be encouraged and cultivated in the
same vein, because it is the prelude to preserving peace
among nations.
Indeed, since the contemporary world is marked by
interdependence, when misunderstandings degenerate
into internal conflicts because there is no dialogue, it is
rare that they do not have repercussions in neighbouring
countries. The Syrian crisis and the climate of growing
insecurity in the Sahel-Sahara region are textbook
examples.
That is why I would like to urge our common
Organization and its Member States to persevere in
the efforts already under way to make dialogue within
nations a cornerstone of their conflict-prevention work
in the world. Before all else, encouraging dialogue
within nations comes down to adopting a constructive
approach that strives to promote universal values
while taking into account the realities specific to each
country, as well as local and regional specificities. It
is also a matter of making citizens, whatever country
they live in, responsible through various means for the
culture of peace, for listening to one another and for a
sense of compromise in order to make dialogue a cross-
cutting value in our modern societies.
With that in mind, the West African Economic
and Monetary Union — over which Togo is honoured
to preside and which now enjoys observer status in the
General Assembly — decided at its May 2012 meeting
in Lomé to give higher priority to matters of peace
and security than to purely economic issues. That
novel move by a regional economic organization is
fundamentally guided by the desire to make dialogue a
priority tool for conflict prevention.
In that regard, I remain profoundly convinced that
decentralization of conflict prevention and resolution
that makes use of the contribution of subregional
organizations is one of the most viable options for
peacekeeping in the world. The proximity of such
bodies to the geographic areas of conflict and to their
historical and cultural roots is a major asset that should
be maximized in conflict prevention and the settlement
of disputes.
Still, the increased responsibility of subregional
organizations should not be a pretext to justify a kind of
disguised renunciation of our collective responsibility in the area of promoting peace and security in the
world. As Members of the United Nations, we do not
have that choice, because the community of values
that unites us is a permanent call to promote solidarity
and even complementarity between the specific
goals of subregional organizations and the search for
universality that is the very foundation of the United
Nations.
On that point, it should be noted that the protocol
establishing a Peace and Security Council in the
African Union in 2002 created a great deal of hope
at the time. Modelled on the Security Council of the
United Nations, that new institutional tool was intended
to enable the African Union to intervene directly in
countries in crisis. Sadly, recent experiences, whether
in Libya or Côte d’Ivoire, have shown that, faced with
the antagonisms that characterize the international
community, that tool has not been able to fulfil our
expectations. Those modest beginnings confirm the
urgent need for close cooperation between regional
peacekeeping mechanisms and the system established
decades ago by the United Nations to ensure collective
international security.
From that point of view, I would like to join my
voice to those of previous speakers to invite the entire
international community to assist all the institutional
players who are proceeding with good will to help Mali
in its determination to recover its territorial integrity as
quickly as possible and to help that country re-establish
peace so that the transition period can be successful.
That obligation of solidarity is a call to all of us.
Recent events in the north of the African continent have
once again exposed the sad reality that the reduction of
tension and the prevention and settlement of internal
disputes all too often involve elements that extend well
beyond individual States.
Drawing on its experience of the past two decades,
which were marked by major political shocks, and
honoured to sit as a non-permanent member of the
Security Council, Togo resolutely joins the dynamic of
the continuing search for peace focusing on dialogue
and cooperation. In that regard, on behalf of my
compatriots, and from this high rostrum, I would
like to salute the United Nations, other international
organizations and all friendly nations and partners of
goodwill who recently helped the Togolese people set
out on the path of dialogue to overcome the weight of
the past. That wise choice enabled us to embark on the construction of a new country, one reconciled with
itself and facing out onto the world.
Our feeling of gratitude is all the more profound
because we have been able to see in just a few years
the economic and social progress that the Togolese
people can achieve on their own, now that they are
living in peace and harmony among themselves, with
their neighbours and with the rest of the world. We have
renewed our economic growth and are intensifying
our efforts to ensure better political and economic
governance through sweeping institutional and
constitutional reforms. We intend to implement them
out of respect for the republican agenda.
From one year to the next, public freedoms have
taken root in Togo. Political pluralism, which is deeply
ingrained in Togolese customs, has a natural ally in the
acknowledged right of all citizens to demonstrate in
complete freedom, so long as they respect prevailing
rules.
The challenge in Togo today is to consolidate
economic recovery, to promote a firm foundation for
democracy and the rule of law, and to promote the
indivisibility of human rights in order to propel the
country towards new gains, particularly in the social
arena, where expectations are both numerous and
urgent. Of course, the progress made in recent years
in the economic, political and social realms is still
fragile. That is why the Government remains alert
to the different views expressed on the best ways to
consolidate that progress. We have opted to make the
search for consensus a central axis for managing the
affairs of State.
In that same spirit, the Togolese Government is
working to build on the excitement that has gripped
the country’s political class on the eve of legislative
elections. Now that dialogue has been reopened, I
have good reason to hope that it will lead to broader
membership in that class so that its conclusions will
be accepted by all. Our immediate priority is to hold
successful, free, peaceful and transparent legislative
elections. Indeed, we aim to raise Togo to the ranks
of those countries that have managed to eradicate the
syndrome of violence before, during and after elections.
Nonetheless, we must recognize that such violence has
unfortunately turned elections into a cause of mortality
in various regions of the world.
That scourge has caused so much damage on the
African continent, in both the loss of human lives and in material destruction, that it is urgent to do everything
to prevent its reappearance in Togo or elsewhere. That
is both an individual and a collective responsibility. We
should leave no stone unturned in the struggle that has
been launched at all levels to prevent the elections from
being synonymous with violence and chaos.
Civil society has an important role to play in that
crucial area. States must help civil society to better
organize itself in order to play its full role and to become
a type of citizens’ watch that can truly contribute to the
evolution of human societies. However, in return, those
organizations must demonstrate their probity and lack
of bias. They must also refrain from aligning themselves
with belligerent factions or fighting for the cause of the
protagonists in political battles. Civil society must not
be a Trojan horse for political groups.
Mr. Charles (Trinidad and Tobago), Vice-President,
took the Chair.
Because of their proximity to citizens, the
organizations of civil society must free themselves
from political cliques so as to contribute to the rapid
development of human societies in key areas of
economic and social life. In that regard, I welcome
the decision taken several years ago to encourage
citizen action by accrediting to the Economic and
Social Council those organizations that have been
recognized for their usefulness. That is a judicious
way to encourage, within those citizen organizations,
a heightened awareness of their responsibilities when
facing today’s major challenges, economic crises,
environment crises and the aspirations to democracy
and freedoms that, although they assume new forms,
should not obstruct the momentum of our societies.
The peoples’ fight for more open and democratic
societies should not dissipate at the borders of nation
States. That fight must extend to the international level,
in which the rules of the game must also continue to
evolve in order to take into account the major changes
that have taken place since the creation of the United
Nations. And yet, since 1945, the basic rules that govern
the functioning of the Security Council have literally
been frozen in an immobility that is increasingly
appalling. It is obvious that maintenance of the status
quo in a context of profound change cannot fail to
generate serious dysfunctions. The Council’s incapacity
to agree on certain major cases of great importance
is a perfect illustration, and again sharply raises the
question of reform of that body, which is at the heart of the entire United Nations system. That process, which
has countless times been broached and put off for later,
today deserves full and immediate attention.
Thus, Togo would like to solemnly reaffirm its
steadfast support for the African Union initiative
that seeks to grant the African continent, following
the modalities that have not yet been defined, more
adequate representation within the United Nations
Security Council. I firmly believe that it is up to the
nations that have always had the privilege of having
a permanent seat on the Council to take a small step
that would allow all of humankind to make a giant leap
forward. That gesture seems essential to me because
it is a sine qua non for generating a new dynamic that
would allow us to collectively deliver more coordinated,
bolder and determined responses and to thus forge a
global governance that is more mature and more free,
with greater analytical capacity.


First and foremost, I
would like to congratulate Mr. Jeremić on his well-
deserved election as President of the General Assembly
at its sixty-seventh session. His country, Serbia, and
Myanmar have traditionally enjoyed a close friendship
and cooperation. Under his able leadership, the General
Assembly will hold deliberations on measures to
address the challenges faced by the world today. I am
confident that his great wisdom, rich experience and
great diplomatic skills will guide our discussions to
produce the desired outcomes.
I would also like to take this opportunity to extend
our sincere thanks and appreciation to his predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his
outstanding leadership at the sixty-sixth session.
Myanmar consistently pursues an independent and
active foreign policy, a basic tenet of which is to actively
contribute to the maintenance of international peace
and security. In so doing, we encourage efforts to settle
differences among nations by peaceful and amicable
means. Our position is consistent with the essence of
the theme of the current session, namely, “Bringing
about adjustment or settlement of international disputes
or situations by peaceful means”.
There are different views and assessments regarding
the outcome of the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development, held in Brazil in June. A
number of important decisions were taken on various
issues, such as the renewal of commitments, the
linkage of sustainable development to the Millennium
Development Goals, renewable energy and the
establishment of arrangements for better coordination
on sustainable development. Member States must turn those decisions into actions in order to leave the legacy
of a safe and sustainable environment to our future
generations.
Since becoming a Member State, Myanmar has
always adhered to the founding principles of the United
Nations. Our participation in the General Assembly
here in New York amply demonstrates our commitment
to active participation in, and support of, the work of
the Organization.
Today’s world is full of new challenges and
opportunities. Urbanization and industrialization
are taking place in developing countries on an
unprecedented scale. Rapid progress in information
technology gives the impression that our world is
getting smaller. Meanwhile, the natural environment
and the climate are facing new threats and challenges.
In short, the world is changing as never before. It is
also timely and appropriate to devote attention during
the current session to issues such as the post-2015
development agenda and the rule of law.
Myanmar is moving forward on the democratic
path, but that has not been an easy task. I would therefore
like to take this opportunity to share our experiences
in that regard. In the ongoing reform process, we face
challenges as well as opportunities. Within a short time,
the people of Myanmar have brought about remarkable
changes. I feel greatly privileged and honoured to
dutifully serve the people as their President at this
crucial time in the history of our nation. I truly consider
my people as my own parents and elders.
Since I took office some 18 months ago, the
parliament, the judiciary, the armed forces, the ethnic
groups, the political parties, civil society and the people
at large have been taking tangible and irreversible steps
in the democratic transition and reform process. Leaving
behind a system of authoritarian Government, in which
the administrative, legislative and judicial powers were
centralized, we have now established a democratic
Government and a strong and viable parliament that
follows a practice of checks and balances.
Despite the challenges, we can now see encouraging
progress and significant developments in the country.
Those include the granting of amnesties to prisoners; the
dignified return of exiled political forces; the successful
convening of the 2012 by-elections in a free, fair and
transparent manner; the abolition of media censorship;
freedom of access to the Internet; the establishment of worker and employer organizations; and increased
participation by the people in the political process.
At the current stage of the political process, we
can see the emergence of democratic traits, such as
the increasing participation of various political forces
and their mutual tolerance, magnanimity, the expanded
scope of political participation, representation and
accountability. Our Government and other stakeholders
have fostered a new political culture of tolerance and
dialogue.
The former main opposition leader, Nobel laureate
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, now participates in parliament,
not only in her capacity as a member but also as
Chairperson of the parliamentary Rule of Law and
Stability Committee. She is also in New York this week.
As a Myanmar citizen, I would like to congratulate her
on the honour that she has received in this country in
recognition of her efforts for democracy.
Our country’s political progress is strengthening
its political legitimacy. That, in turn, facilitates the
establishment of basic political stability, thereby paving
the way for the economic and social transformation
necessary for better living standards for the people.
The legislative body has also developed well and
functions more effectively at every sitting. Parliament
has now adopted landmark laws through democratic
practices. We are promulgating laws and by-laws,
taking into account the fact that economic development
must not widen the gap between the rich and the poor.
The rights of citizens must be protected. The natural
environment must be preserved. Our workers should
enjoy rights in line with international standards. We give
carefull consideration to investments in the extractive
sectors, such as energy, to ensure transparency and
impartiality.
We believe that the cessation of all armed conflicts
is a prerequisite to building genuine democracy. As
such, we place high priority on achieving lasting peace
in the country. In accordance with our motto “From war
to peace”, we are striving to put an end to the long-
standing problems in regions inhabited by our ethnic
groups. To date, we have reached ceasefire agreements
with 10 armed groups. We will continue the peace
talks, while further strengthening confidence-building
measures. Peace negotiations at the national level will
then continue towards a final peace agreement, which
would completely end the armed hostilities. In order to redress the situation in northern
Myanmar, leaders of the Union Peace-making Work
Committee and the Kachin armed group are holding
informal consultations and are working to further
strengthen confidence-building measures. We consider
any loss of life and property on either side in the armed
conflict as a loss for the country.
While the Government is resolutely pursuing
political, social and economic reforms, some
unfortunate and unexpected issues have arisen. A case
in point is the recent communal violence in Rakhine
State. In that connection, I would like to mention in
the first place that the people inhabiting our country,
regardless of race, religion and gender, have the right to
live in peace and security.
As the Assembly is aware, an independent
national-level investigation commission has been
established to look into the issue. To ensure impartiality,
the commission is composed of representatives from all
strata of society, including widely respected personalities
from the Buddhist, Muslim, Christian and Hindu faiths.
Upon completion of its task, the commission will submit
its findings and recommendations to me.
Demonstrating our determination to resolve the
issue in a transparent manner, we have facilitated field
visits to Rakhine State by representatives from the
Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations, United Nations agencies,
the United States and resident foreign diplomats
in Myanmar. Access is being facilitated to those
organizations that are willing to provide relief
assistance to both communities without discrimination.
The issue at hand cannot be resolved overnight. It
will be resolved by taking short-term and long-term
measures through a multifaceted approach, taking
into account political, economic and social aspects. I
sincerely believe that as an independent and sovereign
State, Myanmar has done the right thing to secure our
borders and to safeguard our sovereignty. We will do
our utmost to resolve the issue in line with international
norms.
I am well aware of the fact that Myanmar’s
democratic transformation process will be a complex
and delicate one that requires patience. To complete
the process, we certainly need the understanding and
support of the United Nations and its States Members,
the international community as a whole and, last but
not least, the people of Myanmar. At the same time, it is equally important that Myanmar should be viewed from
a different and new perspective. It is also necessary for
us to be able to work in a more favourable environment
than ever before.
Myanmar is now ushering in a new era. As a
member in the family of nations, Myanmar will
participate more actively in the activities of the United
Nations in various fields. Standing as a responsible and
respectable nation on the world stage, we will take on
the challenges of the twenty-first century in a bold and
resolute manner.
I would also like to take this opportunity to
congratulate Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment
as General-Secretary and on his achievements thus far.
Before I conclude, allow me to brief ly mention
an important figure, namely, U Thant, a brilliant
son of Myanmar who served as the third Secretary-
General. Even in those days, U Thant had a vision of
one world. He envisioned a global society guided by
the spirit of one world — a world safe for diversity and
a place of peaceful coexistence where global citizens
could practice the virtues of tolerance, cooperation,
understanding and compassion. We believe that if we
make his vision a reality, we will soon achieve a world
that is more peaceful and prosperous. U Thant’s tireless
endeavours for peace and his achievements during his
tenure as the Secretary-General will never be forgotten.
The people of Myanmar will always take pride in and
remember him as a great son of Myanmar.


It is an honour and a pleasure
for me to once again address the General Assembly.
Kenya is at a time in its history that is full of hope
for a bright future. Over the past 10 years, our country
has enjoyed a sustained blossoming of democracy.
In the year 2010, Kenya adopted a new Constitution.
With that constitution, we further secured the human
rights and civil liberties of our citizens and entrenched
constitutional governance and justice.
Equally important, over the past 10 years, we have
scored significant victories against diseases including
HIV and AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other
childhood and adult maladies. Hundreds of thousands
more children have found their way into school and
many more adults have found new life skills through
training and capacity-building. We have also pulled
hundreds of thousands of Kenyans out of poverty and
put them on the pathway to economic independence
and self-reliance. In doing so, we have also expanded
our economic base, opening up new and extensive
infrastructure, energy and information technology
projects.

The achievements in our country have been
attained through respect for the rule of law, sound
policies, improved governance and open and innovative
democracy. However, as all Kenyans recognize,
we still have a lot more work to do. Poverty, disease
and unemployment still remain big challenges for
us. Nevertheless, I am confident that we will seize
opportunities to innovate and invest, and thus keep our
country on the road to even greater prosperity.
In accordance with this year’s theme, “Bringing
about adjustment or settlement of international disputes
or situations by peaceful means”, Kenya’s achievements
over the past 10 years have been built on the bedrock
of the peaceful resolution of disputes and situations in
our country. In addition, it is our belief that inclusive
solutions to disputes can bring about lasting peace. We
know from our own history and that of our neighbours
that when conflicts and disagreements are not resolved
peacefully what follows are the tragic consequences of
suffering, bloodshed and the collapse of economic and
social development.
That is why we are convinced that Kenya’s own
well-being and prosperity are hinged on sustained
peace, security, stability and inclusive democracy in
our region. My country therefore remains supportive
of efforts spearheaded by the African Union, the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region
and the East African Community for the peaceful and
inclusive settlement of disputes and situations. Such
regional efforts are central to the future of multilateral
peacebuilding. They must be the building blocks of
international efforts to maintain peace and security in
our region and the world.
Kenya therefore welcomes the Secretary-General’s
initiative to convene a series of high-level meetings
during this week to discuss the political and security
situations in Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, the Sudan and South Sudan. With regard to
Somalia, Kenya joined the African Union Mission in
Somalia (AMISOM), and through the combined efforts
of AMISOM and Transitional Federal Government
forces, we have witnessed the progressive liberation of
large areas of Somalia from Al-Shabaab occupation.
That development enabled the Transitional Government
to focus on the implementation of the Kampala Accord
road map, with a view to forming a unified Government
anchored on the pillars of good governance and the rule
of law. We are encouraged by recent developments in Somalia, in particular the election of a new President,
Prime Minister and Parliament and the adoption of a
new Constitution.
There are millions of Somalis who are forced to live
outside Somalia. More than 650,000 are in one refugee
camp in Kenya. Following the liberation of large
sections of south-central Somalia from Al-Shabaab,
we look forward to working with the relevant United
Nations agencies and the international community
in facilitating the return of Somali refugees to those
areas. That will enable the effective participation of all
Somalis in rebuilding Somalia.
With regard to the Republic of the Sudan and the
Republic of South Sudan, Kenya is appreciative of
the positive developments of 4 August related to the
long-standing dispute over oil resources. We hope that
that important agreement marks a first step towards
reducing tensions between the two sister countries.
Kenya also appreciates the efforts of the international
community, both directly and through the African
Union, and encourages the two sides to work towards
reaching a compromise. I especially commend the
African Union High-level Implementation Panel
for its determination and leadership in steering the
negotiations. We are confident that both countries will
agree to urgently address contentious issues on border
disputes. Kenya will continue to support efforts to find
a peaceful and lasting solution to disputes between the
people of the Sudan and South Sudan. We encourage
the international community to redouble its efforts to
fast-track support for social and economic development
in South Sudan for the benefit of citizens of the new
country.
Kenyans are saddened by the great suffering and
bloodshed endured by populations around the world,
especially in the Middle East, the Horn of Africa and
Central Africa. It is our belief that nations should
embrace dialogue and the peaceful settlement of
disputes instead of rushing to arms, for suffering and
bloodshed will ensue. We call upon all warring parties
in the world to lay down their arms and pursue the
path of peace, dialogue and the inclusive resolution of
disputes.
We also remain concerned that no progress has
been achieved on the issue of Palestine. As I said last
year here in the General Assembly, Kenya believes in
the two-State solution, in which the territorial integrity
of Palestine within the 1967 borders is upheld and the peace and security of Israel are both assured and
guaranteed. In that regard, it is our hope that Palestine
will soon be welcomed into the community of nations
with full membership in the United Nations.
There can be no lasting peace without sustainable
and inclusive development. Kenya therefore greatly
appreciates the achievements of the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development held earlier
this year in Brazil. Kenya is encouraged that, in line
with recommendations proposed during the Conference,
the General Assembly has placed high on its agenda for
this session some of the decisions we took in Rio de
Janeiro. That is indeed an indication of our collective
political will to ensure that the decisions contained in
the outcome document are implemented.
Key among those is the decision to strengthen the
institutional framework for sustainable development,
including the upgrading of the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP). Kenya appreciates
that historic decision to strengthen and upgrade UNEP,
which will enable it to fulfil its mandate effectively.
Kenya reiterates its commitment to continue to host
and facilitate the work of a revamped UNEP, and we
look forward to its eventual transformation into a full-
fledged organization for the global environment.
Finally, we are all aware that many of our modern
disputes and conflicts revolve around concerns about
water, available land and agriculture, forests, rivers
and lakes. Dealing with our environment and the
effects of climate change is therefore an important part
of resolving disputes and conflicts around the world.
Strengthening global institutions that deal with the
environment, biodiversity and climate change must
therefore be a core part of our strategy to avoid conflict
and disputes among the peoples of the world.
It is important that, as the community of nations,
we invest in the peaceful settlement of international
disputes. However, we must invest first in the prevention
of disputes and, secondly, in addressing the root causes
of conflicts, such as poverty, inequality, disregard
for international law and disrespect for each other’s
sociocultural and religious beliefs, among others. Only
by addressing the root causes of conflict and disputes
can we hope to find lasting peace in a just and equitable
world.


On behalf of
my delegation, please allow me to extend our sincere
congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session. I have no doubt that under your able leadership
this session will yield fruitful outcomes. I would also
like to convey my admiration to Mr. Ban Ki-moon for
his untiring efforts to overcome the many multifaceted
challenges confronting our world today.
Let me start with the obvious. The twenty-first
century we live in is facing one of its most difficult
moments. Never before has the pressure of global
interdependency been so intense. As economies become
more and more interdependent, not only are opportunities
to create wealth multiplied, but so are opportunities
to transmit destabilizing shocks from one country to
another. Imbalances and risks are omnipresent. In the
context of declining economic prospects and mounting
global challenges, collective actions are required to
remedy the shortcomings of global governance in
ensuring systemic financial stability, a stable monetary
system and the regulation of international financial
markets, and in dealing with major systemic shocks. The
multilateral system, devised more than half a century
ago, is facing challenges to its capacity to deliver on
its mandate as the international agenda has become
increasingly complex. Clearly, the current multilateral
system needs to be radically reformed and made into
a well-coordinated and permeable body of institutions
that can deliver innovative and feasible solutions to a
globalized international society.
In order to respond to systemic risk in the financial
sector, we have closely cooperated with China, Japan
and the Republic of Korea within the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to strengthen a
regional financial safeguard mechanism, called the
Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization, which has
recently increased its funding level from $120 billion
to $240 billion. We strongly believe that that regional
financial arrangement will complement the global
firewall for regional crisis resolution. ASEAN has also
established a macroeconomic and finance surveillance
office in Singapore to achieve a more integrated, even-
handed and effective surveillance mechanism. As we all struggle to overcome the effects of the
global financial crisis, we should not lose sight of new
emerging challenges and threats, such as obstacles
to sustainable development, the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), climate
change, food security and so on. Many developing
countries still face many obstacles to achieving all
their MDGs by the target date of 2015, owing to their
vulnerability to the global financial crisis, the challenges
of the debt burden and the unmet commitments of
official development assistance. Having achieved stable
growth successively for a number of years, Cambodia
is confident that, despite its limited resources, it will
achieve the Cambodian MDGs by 2015. We welcome
the adoption of resolution 66/288, entitled “The
future we want”, by the United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development (Rio+20), held in Rio de
Janeiro on June 2012, and strongly advocate that the
MDGs should remain a fundamental milestone in the
development agenda. We also call for renewed efforts
to enable the developing countries to achieve their
Millennium Development Goals on time.
Climate change is a critical problem for the whole
world, requiring immediate and concerted actions. The
rapid pace of climate change could have devastating
effects, particularly on small States in the Asia-Pacific
and the Caribbean regions, in the form of rising sea
levels. Other developing countries, mostly dependent on
agriculture, are threatened by similar negative effects,
such as extreme f loods and drought, which affect their
livelihood. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described
such phenomena as a real threat to international peace
and security.
Regrettably, despite all the adversities inf licted on
the world’s most vulnerable people by climate change,
the international community remains divided on
implementing a rapid and critical global response. We
call on developed countries to reduce greenhouse-gas
emissions in accordance with the United Nations
principle of common but differentiated responsibility.
It is disappointing that, for the most part, the promises
made by developed nations in Copenhagen in 2009, in
Cancún in 2010 and in Durban in 2011 have not been
fulfilled in a timely manner.
In the same vein, we are of the view that
natural-disaster management and cooperation
mechanisms should be further developed and
strengthened at both the regional and the global
levels, with a view to preventing natural disasters and addressing related issues that have become more
pressing owing to climate change. ASEAN has made
great progress in that area at the regional level; the
establishment of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for
Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management,
known as the AHA Centre, deserves mention in that
regard.
Food security is another serious issue of the present
time. At the speed the world’s population is growing,
the United Nations Environment Programme predicts
that by 2030 we will need to produce 50 per cent more
food, 30 per cent more clean water and 40 per cent more
energy. Consequently, the increased competition for
natural resources and between biofuel energy and food
for human needs will only further exacerbate the food
security situation. A major global reform is needed
urgently to implement the Rio+20 recommendations
on sustainable development, which emphasize both the
need for major investments to modernize agriculture
and encourage small-scale agricultural projects around
the world and the vital importance of addressing
interlinkages between energy and agricultural prices.
Rising oil and food prices are a common concern of
the majority of countries in the world. High oil prices
contribute to soaring food prices. Rising oil and food
prices mean increased poverty levels at a time when
global growth is still weak and the number of the
unemployed and underemployed is continuously rising
in many countries. Our modern global food system is
highly oil-dependent, but petroleum is becoming less
and less affordable. Thus, there is no solution yet for
the world’s worsening food crisis within the current
energy and agricultural system. What is needed is a
major rethinking of both food and energy prices and the
coordination of agricultural and energy policies. We
can but appeal to the world oil-producing countries to
consider the negative effects of higher fuel prices and
their impact on food and energy security.
In our regional context, ASEAN has adopted a
comprehensive strategy on food security with the signing
of the Emergency Rice Reserve Agreement with China,
Japan and the Republic of Korea, which is a permanent
scheme for meeting emergency requirements.
The Group of 20 (G-20) has a crucial role to play
in meeting those global challenges. Cambodia, as Chair
of ASEAN, appreciated the opportunity to represent
ASEAN at the G-20 Summit held in Los Cabos in June.
Cambodia’s views reflected the need to, among other
things, to sustain economic stability and structural reform for growth and employment; the urgency to
improve and strengthen the international financial
architecture in an interconnected global economy;
the imperative of completing the Doha Round and the
prevention of the return of trade protectionism; and
the priority of further facilitating trade, an important
conducive factor for stimulate international economic
growth, which all our countries need.
Cambodia fully supports all the priorities agreed
among the G-20 countries in Los Cabos to promote
trade, job creation and economic growth, including
their determination to finalize negotiations on the Doha
Round agenda as soon as possible. International trade
is one of the most important factors that will bring
about economic growth and job creation in both the
immediate and longer term.
Since the establishment of the United Nations, in
1945, the global situation has changed so dramatically
that global diplomac urgently needs to be strengthened.
It is therefore in everyone’s interest to push for
comprehensive reform of the United Nations so that
it reflects the diverse needs and representativeness of
the world today. That reform should be comprehensive
and should cover not only the Security Council but
also other United Nations organs in order to preserve
its relevance and legitimacy as an effective global
governance institution to cope with the reality of the
present-day world, which is different from that of the
post-Second World War era.

The General Assembly should be further
empowered to enable it to play a leading role in
addressing today’s global problems as a democratic,
deliberative policymaking organ of the United Nations.
Both the permanent and non-permanent membership
of the Security Council should be equitably expanded
so that it represents both developed and the developing
countries.
In the spirit of the United Nations peacekeeping
mission for the advancement of world peace, security
and development, Cambodia has contributed 1,000 men
to United Nations peacekeeping operations in Africa,
especially in South Sudan and Lebanon.
Through its experience of close collaboration with
the United Nations and its own experience in ending
war, and thanks to its win-win policy and post-conflict
management, in particular with respect to economic and social development and national reconciliation,
Cambodia wishes to contribute more effectively, through
the Security Council, to the cause of peace, security and
the peaceful settlement of conflicts in many parts of the
world. To that end, for the very first time since joining
the United Nations, in 1955, Cambodia has presented
its candidature as a non-permanent member of the
Security Council for the period 2013-2014, for which
voting will be held next month. I also wish to note that,
since 1955, Cambodia has never occupied any seat in
the United Nations system and that its candidature has
been endorsed and supported by all ASEAN member
States.
Before I conclude, I would like to take this
opportunity to stress that Cambodia deeply regrets the
acts of violence against the United States Consulate in
Benghazi, which caused the death of four American
diplomats, including the United States Ambassador,
even though we very well understand the legitimate
anger at disrespect towards the Muslim religion.


It is a pleasure to see the
General Assembly presided over by the Ambassador from Israel, and it is good to see all of the representatives
here.
Three thousand years ago, King David reigned
over the Jewish State in our eternal capital, Jerusalem.
I say that to all those who proclaim that the Jewish
State has no roots in our region and that it will soon
disappear. Throughout our history, the Jewish people
have overcome all the tyrants who have sought our
destruction. It is their ideologies that have been
discarded by history. The people of Israel live on. We
say in Hebrew, the Jewish State will live forever.
The Jewish people have lived in the land of Israel
for thousands of years. Even after most of our people
were exiled from it, Jews continued to live in the land
of Israel throughout the ages. The masses of our people
never gave up the dream of returning to our ancient
homeland. Defying the laws of history, we did just that.
We ingathered the exiles, restored our independence
and rebuilt our national life. The Jewish people have
come home. We will never be uprooted again.
Yesterday was Yom Kippur, the holiest day of
the Jewish year. Every year, for over three millennia,
we have come together on this day of reflection and
atonement. We take stock of our past. We pray for our
future. We remember the sorrows of our persecution;
we remember the great travails of our dispersion; we
mourn the extermination of a third of our people,
6 million, in the Holocaust.
But at the end of Yom Kippur, we celebrate. We
celebrate the rebirth of Israel. We celebrate the heroism
of our young men and women who have defended our
people with the indomitable courage of Joshua, David
and the Maccabees of old. We celebrate the marvel
of the flourishing modern Jewish State. In Israel we
walk the same paths as those trodden by our patriarchs
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. But we blaze new trails in
science, technology, medicine and agriculture. In Israel
the past and the future find common ground.
Unfortunately, that is not the case in many other
countries. For today, a great battle is being waged
between the modern and the medieval. The forces of
modernity seek a bright future in which the rights of
all are protected, in which an ever-expanding digital
library is available in the palm of every child, in which
every life is sacred.
The forces of medievalism seek a world in which
women and minorities are subjugated, in which knowledge is suppressed, in which not life but death
is glorified. Those forces clash around the globe, but
nowhere more starkly than in the Middle East. Israel
stands proudly with the forces of modernity. We protect
the rights of all our citizens, men and women, Jews and
Arabs, Muslims and Christians — all are equal before
the law.
Israel is also making the world a better place. Our
scientists win Nobel Prizes. Our know-how is in every
cell phone and computer that every one of us uses. We
prevent hunger by irrigating arid lands in Africa and
Asia. Recently, I was deeply moved when I visited
Technion, one of our technological institutes in Haifa,
and I saw a man paralysed from the waist down climb
up a f light of stairs, quite easily, with the aid of an
Israeli invention. And Israel’s exceptional creativity is
matched by our people’s remarkable compassion. When
disaster strikes anywhere in the world — in Haiti,
Japan, India, Turkey, Indonesia and elsewhere — Israeli
doctors are among the first on the scene, performing
lifesaving surgeries.
In the past year, I lost both my father and my
father-in-law. In the same hospital wards where they
were treated, Israeli doctors were treating Palestinian
Arabs. In fact, every year, thousands of Arabs from
the Palestinian territories and Arabs from throughout
the Middle East come to Israel to be treated in Israeli
hospitals by Israeli doctors. I know that that is not
going to be spoken by speakers at this podium, but it
is the truth. It is important that the world be aware of
that truth. It is because Israel cherishes life that Israel
cherishes peace and seeks peace. We seek to preserve
our historic ties and our historic peace treaties with
Egypt and Jordan. We seek to forge a durable peace
with the Palestinians.
President Abbas just spoke here. I say to him and
I say to the Assembly: we will not solve our conflict
with libellous speeches at the United Nations. That is
not the way to solve it. We will not solve our conflict
with unilateral declarations of statehood. We have
to sit together, negotiate together and reach a mutual
compromise, in which a demilitarized Palestinian State
recognizes the one and only Jewish State.
Israel wants to see a Middle East of progress and
peace. We want to see the three great religions that
sprang forth from our region — Judaism, Christianity
and Islam — coexist in peace and in mutual respect. Yet the medieval forces of radical Islam, which
the world just saw storming American Embassies
throughout the Middle East, oppose that. They seek
supremacy over all Muslims. They are bent on world
conquest. They want to destroy Israel, Europe, America.
They want to extinguish freedom. They want to end the
modern world.
Militant Islam has many branches, from the rulers
of Iran with their Revolutionary Guards to Al-Qaida
terrorists to the radical cells lurking in every part of the
globe. But despite their differences, they are all rooted
in the same bitter soil of intolerance. That intolerance
is directed first at their fellow Muslims and then at
Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Hindus, secular people,
and anyone who does not submit to their unforgiving
creed. They want to drag humankind back to an age of
unquestioning dogma and unrelenting conflict.
I am sure of one thing. Ultimately, they will fail.
Ultimately, light will penetrate the darkness. We
have seen that happen before. Some 500 years ago,
the printing press helped pry a cloistered Europe
out of a dark age. Eventually, ignorance gave way to
enlightenment. So too, a cloistered Middle East will
eventually yield to the irresistible power of freedom
and technology. When that happens, our region will be
guided not by fanaticism and conspiracy but by reason
and curiosity.
I think the relevant question is not whether this
fanaticism will be defeated. It is how many lives will
be lost before it is defeated. We have seen that happen
before too. Some 70 years ago, the world saw another
fanatic ideology bent on world conquest. It went down
in flames, but not before it took millions of people with
it. Those who opposed that fanaticism waited too long
to act. In the end they triumphed, but at a horrific cost.
My friends, we cannot let that happen again. At
stake is not merely the future of my own country. At
stake is the future of the world. Nothing could imperil
our common future more than the arming of Iran with
nuclear weapons. To understand what the world would
be like with a nuclear-armed Iran, just imagine the
world with a nuclear-armed Al-Qaida. It makes little
difference whether these lethal weapons are in the
hands of the world’s most dangerous terrorist regime or
the world’s most dangerous terrorist organization. They
are both fired by the same hatred; they are both driven
by the same lust for violence. Just look at what the Iranian regime has done up
until now, without nuclear weapons. In 2009, they
brutally put down mass protests for democracy in their
own country. Today, their henchmen are participating
in the slaughter of tens of thousands of Syrian
civilians, including thousands of children — directly
participating in those murders. They abetted the killing
of American soldiers in Iraq and continue to do so
in Afghanistan. Before that, Iranian proxies killed
hundreds of American troops in Beirut and in Saudi
Arabia. They have turned Lebanon and Gaza into terror
strongholds, embedding nearly 100,000 missiles and
rockets in civilian areas. Thousands of such rockets and
missiles have already been fired at Israeli communities
by their terrorist proxies.
In the past year, they have spread their international
terror networks to two dozen countries across five
continents, from India and Thailand to Kenya and
Bulgaria. They have even plotted to blow up a restaurant
a few blocks from the White House in order to kill a
diplomat. And of course, Iran’s rulers repeatedly deny
the Holocaust and call for Israel’s destruction almost
on a daily basis, as they did again this week from the
United Nations.
So I ask, given this record of Iranian aggression
without nuclear weapons, just imagine Iranian
aggression with nuclear weapons. Imagine their long-
range missiles tipped with nuclear warheads, their
terror networks armed with atomic bombs. Who here
would feel safe in the Middle East? Who would be safe
in Europe? Who would be safe in America? Who would
be safe anywhere?
There are those who believe that a nuclear-armed
Iran can be deterred like the Soviet Union. That is a
very dangerous assumption. Militant jihadists behave
very differently from secular Marxists. There were
no Soviet suicide bombers. Yet Iran produces hordes
of them. Deterrence worked with the Soviets, because
every time the Soviets faced a choice between their
ideology and their survival, they chose their survival.
But deterrence may not work with the Iranians once
they get nuclear weapons.
A great scholar of the Middle East, Professor
Bernard Lewis, put it best. He said that for the ayatollahs
of Iran mutually assured destruction is not a deterrent,
it is an inducement. Iran’s apocalyptic leaders believe
that a medieval holy man will reappear in the wake
of a devastating holy war, thereby ensuring that their brand of radical Islam will rule the Earth. That is not
just what they believe; it is what is actually guiding
their policies and their actions. Just listen to Ayatollah
Rafsanjani who said, “the use of even one nuclear bomb
inside Israel will destroy everything, however it would
only harm the Islamic world.” Rafsanjani said: “It is
not irrational to contemplate such an eventuality”. “Not
irrational” is what he said. And that is coming from one
of the so-called moderates of Iran.
Shockingly, some people have begun to peddle the
absurd notion that a nuclear-armed Iran would actually
stabilize the Middle East. That is like saying a nuclear-
armed Al-Qaida would usher in an era of universal
peace.
I have been speaking about the need to prevent Iran
from developing nuclear weapons for over 15 years.
I spoke about it in my first term in office as Prime
Minister, and then I spoke about it when I left office.
I spoke about it when it was fashionable, and I spoke
about it when it was not fashionable.
I speak about it now because the hour is getting
late, very late. I speak about it now because the Iranian
nuclear calendar does not take time out for anyone or
for anything. I speak about it now because when it
comes to the survival of my country, it is not only my
right to speak, it is my duty to speak. And I believe that
it is the duty of every responsible leader who wants to
preserve world peace.
For nearly a decade, the international community
has tried to stop the Iranian nuclear programme with
diplomacy. That has not worked. Iran uses diplomatic
negotiations as a means to buy time to advance its nuclear
programme. For over seven years, the international
community has tried sanctions with Iran. Under the
leadership of President Obama, the international
community has passed some of the strongest sanctions
to date.
I want to thank the Governments represented here
that have joined in that effort. It has had an effect. Oil
exports have been curbed and the Iranian economy
has been hit hard. It has had an effect on the economy,
but we must face the truth. Sanctions have not stopped
Iran’s nuclear programme either.
According to the International Atomic Energy
Agency, during the last year alone, Iran doubled the
number of centrifuges in its underground nuclear
facility in Qom. At this late hour, there is only one way to peacefully prevent Iran from getting atomic bombs.
That is by placing a clear red line on Iran’s nuclear
weapons programme.
Red lines do not lead to war. Red lines prevent war.
Look at NATO’s charter. It made clear that an attack on
one member country would be considered an attack on
all. NATO’s red line helped keep the peace in Europe
for nearly half a century. President Kennedy set a red
line during the Cuban missile crisis. That red line
also prevented war and helped preserve the peace for
decades.
In fact, it is the failure to place red lines that has
often invited aggression. If the Western Powers had
drawn clear red lines during the 1930s, I believe they
would have stopped Nazi aggression, and the Second
World War might have been avoided. In 1990, if
Saddam Hussein had been clearly told that his conquest
of Kuwait would cross a red line, the first Gulf War
might have been avoided.
Clear red lines have also worked with Iran. Earlier
this year, Iran threatened to close the Straits of Hormuz.
The United States drew a clear red line and Iran backed
off. Now, red lines could be drawn in different parts of
Iran’s nuclear weapons programme, but to be credible,
a red line must be drawn first and foremost in one vital
part of their programme: on Iran’s efforts to enrich
uranium.
Now let me explain why. Basically, any bomb
consists of explosive material and a mechanism to
ignite it. The simplest example is gunpowder and a
fuse — that is, you light the fuse and you set off the
gunpowder. In the case of Iran’s plans to build a nuclear
weapon, the gunpowder is enriched uranium. The
fuse is a nuclear detonator. For Iran, amassing enough
enriched uranium is far more difficult than producing
the nuclear fuse. For a country like Iran, it takes many
years to enrich uranium for a bomb. That requires
thousands of centrifuges spinning in tandem in very
big industrial plants. Those Iranian plants are visible
and they are still vulnerable.
In contrast, Iran could produce the nuclear
detonator, the fuse, in a lot less time — maybe under a
year, maybe only a few months. The detonator can be
made in a small workshop the size of a classroom. It
may be very difficult to find and target that workshop,
especially in Iran. That is a country that is bigger than
France, Germany, Italy and Britain combined. The
same is true for the small facility in which they could assemble a warhead or a nuclear device that could be
placed in a container ship. Chances are you will not
find that facility either.
So in fact, the only way that you can credibly
prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, is to
prevent Iran from amassing enough enriched uranium
for a bomb. So how much enriched uranium do you
need for a bomb, and how close is Iran to getting it?
Let me show you. I brought a diagram for you. Here
is the diagram. This is a bomb. This is a fuse.
In the case of Iran’s nuclear plans to build a bomb,
this bomb has to be filled with enough enriched
uranium, and Iran has to go through three stages. In
the first stage they have to enrich enough low-enriched
uranium; in the second stage they have to enrich enough
medium-enriched uranium. And in the third, and
final, stage they have to enrich enough high-enriched
uranium for the first bomb.
Where is Iran? Iran has completed the first stage. It
took them many years, but they completed it, and they
are 70 per cent of the way there. Now they are well
into the second stage. By next spring, at most by next
summer, at current enrichment rates, they will have
finished the medium enrichment and moved on to the
final stage. From there, it is only a few months, possibly
a few weeks, before they get enough enriched uranium
for the first bomb.
What I told the Assembly just now is not based
on secret information. It is not based on military
intelligence. It is based on public reports of the
International Atomic Energy Agency. Anybody can
read them. They are online.
So if these are the facts — and they are — where
should a red line be drawn? A red line should be drawn
right here, before Iran completes the second stage of
nuclear enrichment necessary to make a bomb and
before Iran gets to a point where it is a few months away
or a few weeks away from amassing enough enriched
uranium to make a nuclear weapon.
Each day, that point is getting closer. That is why
I speak today with such a sense of urgency, and that is
why everyone should have a sense of urgency.
There are some who claim that even if Iran
completes the enrichment process, even if it crosses
that red line that I just drew, our intelligence agencies
will know when and where Iran will make the fuse, assemble the bomb and prepare the warhead. No one
appreciates our intelligence agencies more than the
Prime Minister of Israel. All these leading intelligence
agencies are superb, including ours. They have foiled
many attacks, they have saved many lives, but they
are not foolproof. For over two years, our intelligence
agencies did not know that Iran was building a huge
nuclear enrichment plant under a mountain. Do we
want to risk the security of the world on the assumption
that we would find a small workshop in a country half
the size of Europe in time?
The relevant question is not when Iran will get
the bomb. The relevant question is at what stage can
we no longer stop Iran from getting the bomb? The
red line must be drawn on Iran’s nuclear enrichment
programme because these enrichment facilities are the
only nuclear installations that we can definitely see and
credibly target.
I believe that faced with a clear red line, Iran will
back down. This will give more time for sanctions and
diplomacy to convince Iran to dismantle its nuclear
weapons programme altogether.
Two days ago, from this podium, President Obama
reiterated that the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran cannot
be contained (see A/67/PV.6). I very much appreciate
the President’s position, as does everyone in my country.
We share the goal of stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons
programme. This goal unites the people of Israel. It
unites Americans, Democrats and Republicans alike.
and it is shared by important leaders throughout the
world. What I have said today will help ensure that this
common goal is achieved. Israel is in discussions with
the United States over this issue, and I am confident
that we can chart a path forward together.
The clash between modernity and medievalism
need not be a clash between progress and tradition. The
traditions of the Jewish people go back thousands of
years. They are the source of our collective values and
the foundations of our national strength. At the same
time, the Jewish people have always looked towards the
future. Throughout history, we have been at the forefront
of efforts to expand liberty, promote equality and
advance human rights. We champion those principles
not in spite of our traditions but because of them. We
heed the words of the Jewish prophets Isaiah, Amos and
Jeremiah to treat all with dignity and compassion, to
pursue justice and cherish life and to pray and strive for
peace. Those are the timeless values of my people, and they are the Jewish people’s greatest gift to humankind.
Let us commit ourselves today to defending those
values so that we can defend our freedoms and protect
our common civilization.


Vanuatu wishes to
associate itself with other delegations in congratulating
the President and the members of his Bureau on their
election to lead us through this sixty-seventh session
of the General Assembly. I am indeed profoundly
delighted, as Mr. Jeremić assured us in our meeting
earlier this week, that he will do his utmost to assist
with and bring to the forefront the issues that confront
the Pacific island States and other marginalized
nations. We trust that with his guidance, this session
will conclude with successful outcomes.
Allow me also to pay tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, who, with strong
leadership and diplomatic finesse, led us to great
outcomes during the sixty-sixth session of the Assembly.
Our world has seen unprecedented disputes and
conflicts, most of which have spanned successive generations. The theme of the sixty-seventh session,
“Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”,
should therefore lead us to focus on finding lasting
solutions to the numerous ongoing conflicts in various
parts of the world that are causing vulnerable people to
suffer. Members have the solemn responsibility to steer
this multilateral gathering towards deeper consideration
of the founding goals of the Organization, which are
to encourage and create a more secure and peaceful
world in which diverse cultures and civilizations can
coexist without having to resort to force and violence
to achieve their goals.
This rostrum can testify to all the speeches that
have been delivered by the world’s great leaders on a
vast array of issues that affect humankind. Many of us
representing politically independent nations here have
shared the journey and the litany of heartaches and
dreams deferred of many of our global citizens, whose
human rights to larger political and civil freedom are
still bound by the tentacles of imperialism and the
legacy of colonialism. Even now, for the remaining
colonized territories, this rostrum represents the
pinnacle they so greatly aspire to reach one day.
Since 1980, the Republic of Vanuatu has repeatedly
called for the United Nations to strengthen its efforts
towards achieving the full decolonization of territories
still controlled by administrative Powers. I call on the
independent, free nations of the world to complete the
story of decolonization and to close that chapter.
At this juncture, I urge the United Nations not
to reject the demands for French Polynesia’s right to
self-determination and progress. In the same manner,
negotiations for the self-government of the indigenous
people of New Caledonia must continue. We encourage
the parties to ensure that the process towards achieving
self-government will stay on track.
I also call upon Members to ensure that collective
action is taken to lift the embargo on Cuba. We, the
Members of the United Nations, must revive our
political motivation and courage, dispel our feelings of
animosity, and ensure that United Nations resolutions
on that issue are fully implemented. Our actions must
not detract from the universal values of love and respect
for people, no matter how insignificant they may be to
the powerful nations. I hope that one day we will at last
be able to echo the message of freedom to many of our
friends who still suffer from the burden of conflicting
ideologies.

Last year, I reiterated to this Assembly our serious
concerns over the denial of a country’s right to exercise
its full political freedom and inherent cultural rights
over its maritime territories. Since we gained our
independence 32 years ago, our territorial dispute with
the French Republic over the southern two islands of
Vanuatu, Matthew and Hunter, has been a reminder
that we must continue to uphold the notion that the rule
of law should not be used by powerful nations as an
instrument to coerce weak and small nations, especially
in territorial disputes.
The French and the Vanuatu Governments met in
Paris in April to commence dialogue on the issue of the
territorially disputed islands. We take this opportunity
to thank the French Government for finally opening its
door to dialogue and negotiation in an attempt to resolve
that outstanding international dispute. We acknowledge
the procedures outlined within the United Nations to
ensure that such disputes are amicably resolved.
As a small island State surrounded by the vast
Pacific Ocean, Vanuatu is exposed to the notorious
illegal transshipment of and trade in illicit arms. The
international arms trade has continuously lacked proper
and coherent regulation and is responsible for the loss of
innumerable lives. Like many other countries, we call
on the United Nations to take a much firmer approach
in expediting the conclusion of an arms trade treaty,
which would provide greater security and control over
such illegal activity. That is an issue of paramount
importance to all countries exposed to the illegal trade
in arms and light weapons.
My country has consistently argued that the
mechanisms and criteria for assessing graduation
eligibility must not be isolated from the permanent and
inherent vulnerabilities of our countries. It is unrealistic
for United Nations agencies to assess progress and
make projections without taking into consideration the
matter of permanent vulnerabilities and the capacity
to sustain growth in our countries after graduation. I
wish to further state that, according to the World Risk
Report 2011, Vanuatu scored highest on the World Risk
Index as the country with the greatest disaster risk, due
to its high exposure and weak coping capacities. The
findings of that report are critical, and we therefore ask
that the United Nations Committee for Development
Policy carefully weigh its arguments and reassess the
vulnerability graduation criteria.
I would also like to state that, prior to another
triennial review of the least developed country (LDC) category, the United Nations will need to ensure that
proper resolutions are adopted by the General Assembly
to ensure that small island States graduating from LDC
status continue to enjoy certain preferential treatment,
even after graduation, to offset the vulnerability factor.
Let me take this opportunity to invite the members of
the triennial review to visit my country to establish
first-hand information and ascertain the findings of
the World Risk Report prior to escalating the process of
graduation in 2013.
Our own experience has shown that the different
ways that multilateral organizations and institutions
categorize member countries can affect the f low of
development assistance. For instance, Vanuatu, together
with 15 other countries, was selected several years ago
from among the Pacific island countries to benefit from
the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) funding
of the Government of the United States of America. At
the time of our selection, Vanuatu was graded as a low-
income country and, by the eligibility criteria of the
MCC, was automatically qualified for and benefited
from $66 million to build two major national roads on
two different islands in the country. I wish to express
our appreciation to the United States Government for
its assistance.
However, when the Report on Countries that are
Candidates for Millennium Challenge Corporation
Account Eligibility for Fiscal Year 2010 was released,
Vanuatu failed to qualify. The reason was simply that
the MCC was using World Bank criteria and graduated
Vanuatu from the status of low-income country to that
of low-middle-income country. In other words, the
World Bank’s criteria may be totally different from the
LDC criteria defined by the United Nations. I therefore
wish to call on the United Nations, especially the
Economic and Social Council, to ensure that the LDC
definition and criteria used by United Nations agencies
are compatible with those of the international financial
institutions.
The vast Pacific Ocean is our heritage and the
prime means of livelihood of the people living in its
island countries. Like other Pacific Island countries,
Vanuatu continues to be exposed to and threatened by
the negative impacts of climate change, such as coastal
erosion, coral bleaching and ocean acidification. At the
Forty-Third Pacific Islands Forum in the Cook Islands,
the Forum leaders noted that many challenges remain in
realizing benefits from the pledged new and additional
targets of the Copenhagen Accord. In that respect, I would like to seize this opportunity to express our wish
for United Nations assistance in facilitating effective
responses to global climate change, particularly through
the prompt implementation of adaptation measures, as
well as mitigation efforts, climate change financing,
capacity-building and international negotiations.
While we tend to direct our main focus of attention
towards global climate change, we must address other
matters, such as environmental pollution, with the
same exigency and rigor. The potential for permanent,
irrevocable damage to the environment by marine
pollution has been constantly highlighted by the
scientific community and should not be tolerated.
The future growth of international maritime traffic
will further exacerbate the situation. Vanuatu urges
all remaining States that have not yet done so to
expeditiously sign and ratify the 1972 London
Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by
Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, as well as the
1996 Protocol thereto, and to promulgate and enforce
legal regimes, both in the domestic and international
arenas.
At this point, I would like to reiterate the
unnecessary risk to which we expose our children and
ourselves by not taking a firm precautionary approach
with regard to marine geoengineering practices,
such as sub-seabed carbon sequestration and ocean
fertilization. In our global efforts to combat climate
change, the strict promotion of and adherence to only
those responses that are environmentally sensible is
our crucial responsibility, and I am not only speaking
on behalf of a small island nation when I recall that,
by forgetting the essentiality of the oceans as the
very foundation of life on Earth, one neglects a vital
guarantor of mankind’s future survival.
As I conclude this speech, I have to make a last
appeal to all assembled leaders. I urge them to take
immediate action upon their return to their home
countries to initiate the change that needs to come about
if we wish to preserve a planet capable of providing our
sons and daughters with a bright future. If the leaders
of the industrialized countries want to achieve the
proposed 1.5° C target, they have less than eight years
left to close a vast mitigation gap. Who if not they can
or will implement the required measures for that crucial
change? This may well be their last chance. In their
hands lie the hope and destiny of the world’s nations.
It is a responsibility that they must assume not only for
their own people, but for humankind as a whole. I am grateful for the opportunity to express my
views in this forum. Long live our aspirations to create
a better and a more secure world for everyone, and may
God bless the United Nations.