42.	  Mr. President, may I first of all congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I should like to recall on this occasion that the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg are linked by historical relations of long standing. I wish you much success in the exercise of your exacting mission.
43.	Permit me also to welcome the new Member States to our ranks: the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.
44.	The year of the thirtieth anniversary of the victory over Fascist m in the Second World War has been for us, Czechs and Slovaks, an opportunity to recall the events which had such heavy repercussions on our country, beginning with the ignominious Munich diktat, and to reflect upon their causes. Those six long years of the Hitlerite occupation of Czechoslovakia taught us a tragic lesson on the meaning of fascism.
45.	However, the people of Czechoslovakia never bowed to the Nazi yoke but combated it with armed resistance. We therefore remember with lasting gratitude the liberation of our country by the Soviet Army, which enabled the Czechoslovak people to build up a truly independent State and to devote themselves to creative work in conditions of peace. As members of the anti-Fascist coalition we welcomed with appreciation the efforts of the nations, united through the struggle against fascism, to build post-war life on the basis of lasting peace, sovereign equality, co-operation and the coexistence of States with different social systems. We are proud that at San Francisco we were among the 51 founding Members of this Organization, which embodied those principles in its Charter. We are pleased to note that, despite many problems, the United Nations has, in the 30 years of its existence, proved its legitimacy and viability and thus gained prestige in international relations. We believe that at the present time it represents the most suitable forum for the solution of world problems.
46.	In this connexion, however, we are not concerned merely with historical reminiscences. We are concerned with the logical connexion between the lessons of that horrible war and the task of preserving and strengthening world peace in present conditions, as well as for the future. Consequently, we are concerned with a most urgent and timely appeal for the further expansion of the policy of detente, the development of international co-operation and progress in the disarmament effort.
47.	Our country, which in the history of the European continent has not been by-passed by any major military conflagration, has a natural interest in the continued expansion of the process of detente, on both a European and a world-wide scale. Its concrete content, as we perceive it, is the objective that the relations between States with different social systems should be based on such principles as the non-use of force, recognition of the inviolability of borders, settlement of disputes through negotiation, mutually advantageous economic co-operation on the basis of equal rights and the exchange of the achievements of science and culture.
48.	The efforts aimed at the implementation of those principles were reflected in the successful conclusion of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Through the words of Gustav Husak, Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and President of the Republic, Czechoslovakia welcomed at Helsinki the signing of the Final Act adopted by the Conference, that undoubtedly most significant document of our times, representing the political culmination of the results of the Second World War. Our State is prepared to implement the conclusions of the Conference consistently. In order to live, mankind cannot afford a return to the cold war, which could be the first step towards a world Hiroshima. Given the current balance of forces in the world arena, the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems is the only reasonable international policy alternative.
49.	A settlement of relations between States in Europe based on the Helsinki Declaration of Principles could serve as a stimulus in the search for similar settlements in other parts of the world, particularly in Asia. Initiatives aimed at the implementation of the idea of collective security on that continent also are regarded by us as rational and beneficial.
50.	We. note with satisfaction that the policy of strengthening the process of international detente is gradually becoming the determining factor in the work of our Organization also. The term "detente" has already become a part of the political vocabulary of the United Nations. Czechoslovakia, together with the other countries of the socialist community, is exerting every effort so that the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems and advantageous co-operation among them may be implemented and become a part of the day-to-day activities of the United Nations.
51.	However, we continue to be realistic. The current favorable foreign policy atmosphere notwithstanding, we are aware that the antagonists of the positive developments throughout the world have not given up their objectives, that they continue their attempts to hamper these positive developments. However, those who sow doubts about the importance of detente should realize that they will be fully responsible for playing into the hands of those forces which, for their own selfish interests, wish to return the world to the period of cold war and dangerous confrontation.
52.	As a firm component part of the socialist community of States, a member of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, whose twentieth anniversary we commemorated this year, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic marches and will continue to march along the time-tested path that it has been traveling throughout the 30 post-war years. It is in the very essence of our socialist social system to strive to safeguard lasting peace and security for the peoples of our country, because only in that way is it possible to implement the ideals inherent in the nature of socialism. The Leninist policy of peace is therefore the foundation of all our activities in the sphere of international relations. It is a policy of principle in keeping with the vital interests of mankind. Proceeding consistently from these principles, in conditions of close co-operation with the socialist countries, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has been improving and developing bilateral relations also with the other countries of the world as our contribution to the creation of a new atmosphere in international life.
53. In the course of the past year that fact has been strongly reflected also in relations of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic with almost all Western European countries in particular with France, Finland, the Federal Republic of Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands and Denmark, but also with Greece, Italy, Portugal, Turkey and other countries. After many years of negotiations, our relations with the Republic of Austria have been regulated on a basis of principle, which proves that, given goodwill and taking into account the existing realities, it is possible to solve even very complicated problems. I can state with satisfaction that at the present time Czechoslovakia has normal, businesslike, constructive relations with practically all countries on the European continent.
54.	Thus, through the development of its relations with other States Czechoslovakia not only has created better conditions for its bilateral co-operation but also has helped to bring about conditions conducive to the success of multilateral negotiations on the safeguarding of security in Europe.
55.	Czechoslovakia fully understands and actively supports the endeavors of the developing countries to consolidate their independence and ensure their all-round advancement. As for the non-aligned countries, we believe that they are a significant inter-national factor in the struggle for peace, against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism and racism, and against all forms of international exploitation. We are highly appreciative of the ever-deepening contacts with India, the Syrian Arab Republic, Iraq, Algeria, Egypt, Afghanistan, Iran and the Libyan Arab Republic, with the newly independent States of Africa, and with Mexico, Peru, Argentina, Colombia, Japan, the Philippines, and other countries.
56.	In recent years negotiations have been held also on the full normalization of our relations with the United States. Through no fault of ours, however, these negotiations have not brought the hoped for results.
57.	In concluding this part of my statement, I should like to stress once more that the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is determined to continue to strive for a state of affairs in which reasonable, peaceful relations, based on the principles of equality and security for all countries and on their mutually advantageous cooperation, will prevail throughout the world. This is the position we expressed, during his last visit to Prague, to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose work we hold in high esteem.
58.	Of extraordinary significance for the creation of a favorable atmosphere in the world is the improvement of the relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. We have therefore warmly welcomed the results of the negotiations between the Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, and the President of the United States, Mr. Gerald Ford, at Vladivostok.
59.	In the period since the last session of the General Assembly a number of important events have occurred in the world which represent success for international efforts for the consolidation of peace and the elimination of hotbeds of international tension.
60.	What I have in mind, in the first place, is the historic victories of the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos. Czechoslovakia, together with the other countries of the socialist community, considered it its international duty to assist the just struggle of those peoples until it ended in victory. We resolutely support the just demand of the Governments of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam that these two Vietnamese States, which through their acts have demonstrated their will and readiness to fulfill the obligations enshrined in the Charter and to fight for lasting peace and security in the world, should be represented in the United Nations as full Members.
61.	The thirtieth session of the General Assembly should contribute to the liquidation of one of the anachronisms of the cold war and should stand up for the speedy withdrawal of all foreign troops still unlawfully stationed, under the United Nations flag, in the southern part of the Korean peninsula; for the conclusion of a peace treaty; and for the implementation of further proposals by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at the creation of favorable conditions for the liquidation of tension and the consolidation of peace in that region.
62.	The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic supports the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful and democratic unification of the two parts of Korea, without foreign interference.
63.	The expanding process of detente has created promising conditions for a fundamental settlement of the explosive situation in the Middle East. This situation offers an opportunity to Israel to demonstrate its willingness to observe the United Nations resolutions, to withdraw from all the territories occupied in 1967 and to respect the legitimate rights of the Arab Palestinian people, including their right to establish a State of their own. Czechoslovakia supports the proposal to resume the work of the Geneva peace conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the interested parties, including representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], provided that all delegations will come to the conference table with the aim of restoring a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. We are in favor of a comprehensive settlement of this question which would guarantee the right of all the countries of that region to their independent development.
64.	We are convinced that the problem of Cyprus can also be solved by political means. Czechoslovakia wishes to voice its continued support for the Government of Cyprus; we reiterate that we are in favor of a just settlement of the Cyprus question on the basis of respect for the principles of the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and political non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, the ending of interference in its internal affairs and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory.
65.	This year a broad campaign was launched throughout the world, as well as in the United Nations, demonstrating solidarity with the people of Chile in their struggle against the crimes and reprisals of the military junta which overthrew the legitimate Government of President Allende. This year's General Assembly should resolutely speak out against the gross and massive violation of basic human rights in Chile, and call for the restoration of the civil rights of the Chilean people, and for the liberation of Chilean patriots, since the junta continues to ignore the United Nations appeals, including General Assembly resolution 3219 (XXIX), and is perpetuating the terror which it has unleashed against democratic forces.
66.	Despite the successes of the national liberation struggle in recent years, colonialism in the world has not yet been fully liquidated. The United Nations, too, must step up its efforts so that the colonial anachronisms from past centuries might finally disappear from the political map of our times. The Czechoslovak delegation supports the request for all the administering Powers to work out a binding time-table for the speedy granting of independence to all colonial and dependent Territories which so far have been under their administration.
67.	A permanent expansion of the process of international detente is hardly conceivable without a further relaxation in the military sphere. Our premise must be, in this connexion, that disarmament, after all, is an indispensable component and an organic part of the process of international detente. Our State, together with the other countries of the socialist community, has always been an advocate of the need to stop the arms race and gradually to introduce effective measures leading to general and complete disarmament. For us, therefore, a priority in con-temporary international relations is the need to achieve positive and concrete results at current disarmament talks. This stems from the profound humanism of the foreign policy of the socialist States. Today the world is overflowing with weapons of the most varied types and their stockpiles continue to grow. Can there be a more human goal than to rid mankind of the danger that these weapons will be used to unleash a worldwide holocaust?
68.	We, therefore, attach exceptional importance to the appeal by the Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, for the reduction of military budgets of the great Powers, for the limitation and reduction of armaments and the creation of pre-requisites for future real disarmament. The arms race is also spurred on by the research and development of ever more destructive weapons. In this situation, when the grave dangers exist of the creation of even more horrible weapons than the nuclear ones, we should like to voice our support for the initiative launched by the Soviet Union at this year's session of the General Assembly proposing to conclude an agreement prohibiting the development and manufacture of new types
Of weapons of mass destruction, and of new weapons systems of that type.
69.	In various forums, including the United Nations, the socialist countries have always urged that the most destructive weapons be excluded from military arsenals, that atomic energy be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, and the vast sums spent on armaments be devoted to economic and social development needs. Therefore, Czechoslovakia also supports the Soviet proposal to conclude speedily a treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapons tests.
70.	Of extraordinary importance, in our view, are the negotiations on the reduction of arms forces and armaments in Central Europe, in which we are direct participants. These negotiations should lead to a substantial reduction in the concentration of troops and armaments in Central Europe while maintaining the existing balance of forces. We hope that the new European political realities will open up new possibilities for the Vienna talks, respecting the principle that the security of any of the participating countries must not be placed in jeopardy.
71.	The struggle for the liquidation of the material basis of wars is one of the major tasks in current international activities. In view of the fact that disarmament affects all States in the world, we are in favor of a speedy convening of a world disarmament conference, which should give new impetus to the struggle for a world free of weapons and wars.
72.	Disarmament efforts are closely connected with the possibilities of solving the urgent problems of the world economy. It is, first, a question of expanding international economic co-operation and exchange of goods, as well as assisting in the economic growth of developing countries.
73.	The Czechoslovak delegation is convinced that international detente provides better chances for the settlement of international economic problems and questions of economic development, and the advancement of all-round economic, scientific and technological co-operation. In this connexion, I should like to point out that it is their broad economic co-operation which is one of the decisive factors in the speedy growth of the economies of the socialist countries. A broadly based economic, scientific and technological co-operation among the States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is becoming an increasingly important factor in the development of their national economies, in the increase of the prosperity of their peoples and the equalization of the level of their economic development.
74.	The economies of major capitalist countries are undergoing serious disruptions. These negative phenomena have a particularly profound impact on the economic advancement of the developing countries. It is therefore quite understandable that the developing countries are striving to create new international economic relations based on the principles of equality, non-discrimination, non-interference in internal affairs, independent choice of the direction of their further development and effective sovereignty over their natural resources.
75.	The recently concluded seventh special session of the General Assembly on questions of development and international economic co-operation represents a considerable step forward in the introduction of progressive principles into international economic relations. The final resolution of the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-VII)] rightly refers to the Declaration and the program of Action or. the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-Vl)] and to the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], which contain the principles of peaceful co-operation and stress the close inter-connexion between the consolidation of international peace and security and social and economic progress.
76.	This year our Organization commemorates 30 years of its existence. It is a long enough period for the reasonable principles underlying the settlement of relations among States to gain ground throughout the world on the basis of detente, by overcoming the dangerous policy based on positions of force, cold war and confrontation. However, it was too short a time for such equitable relations among nations to prevail in the world in such a manner as would fully correspond with the need for lasting peace and inter-national security.
77.	To speed up the current positive process, when confrontation gives way to dialog, to assist in the advancement of those countries which have embarked upon the road to free development, to liberate colonial countries and peoples not as yet free those are the imperatives of our time and the great obligations of our Organization.
78.	It is therefore necessary to enhance the importance and the effectiveness of the United Nations in the struggle for world peace and security on the basis of strict respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter. Therefore we have to reject anything that might threaten to undermine our Organization. Such a danger results, for instance, from certain attempts to begin a process of revision of the Charter, as well as from certain proposals put forward in this connexion which are directed against the very foundations of our Organization.
79.	It is necessary for the process of detente, for disarmament efforts, for the desideratum of a general economic and social advancement to converge eventually into one fundamental demand: lasting peace based on the coexistence of countries with different social systems, with all the inevitable beneficial concomitants resulting therefrom in the sphere of economic and cultural progress, in the area of a purposeful and organized enhancement of countries and peoples embarked upon the road to development.
80.	This must be our outlook not only for the next 30 years, in other words, a long-term prospect, but a prospect for the nearest future as well. A contribution to this end must be made also by this year's commemorative thirtieth session of the General Assembly.


75.	  Mr. Gaston Thorn was elected President of our Assembly virtually unanimously. His good-heartedness, his statesmanship, his complete mastery of international affairs and his proven competence admirably qualify him for that office. He may be assured of the co-operation and the sympathy of my delegation. There is no doubt that under his guidance the success and effectiveness of the work of the present session of the General Assembly is already assured. We extend to him our sincere wishes for success in the noble but very difficult tasks he will have to discharge as President of our Assembly.
76.	I wish also to avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, on the particularly brilliant manner in which he guided the work of the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the General Assembly.
77.	Nor could I possibly forget to mention our dynamic Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the indefatigable harbinger of peace, who devotes all his skill and self-sacrifice everywhere and in all circumstances to ensure the proper functioning of our Organization. We offer him our unswerving support and our profound gratitude.
78.	We are meeting once again in this forum of dialog and conciliation to deal together, so far as we are able, with the difficult problems of a world in constant change, seeking realistic means of bringing about better understanding and brotherly co-operation among nations. The international community is unquestionably living through a decisive moment in its history.
79.	The decolonization process, although not yet completed, has reached the point where it confirms that the sacrifices made by the peoples of the countries which for so many years suffered oppression and servitude have not been in vain. I express the profound satisfaction of my delegation at the glorious victories over reactionary forces won in hard-fought battles by the valiant freedom fighters. The delegation of Togo warmly welcomes the admission to our Organization of the sister republics of Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Cape Verde. We rejoice at the accession to independence of Papua New Guinea and hope to see that country join us shortly.
80.	However, despite' our legitimate pride at seeing the representatives of those brother countries seated among us, we should not lose sight of the immensity and seriousness of the problems they face. The people of Togo, its Government and its great party, the Assembly of the Togolese people, wish once again to assure them of our constant support in their efforts to build their States.
81.	But side by side with these sources of satisfaction there is, unfortunately, the tragedy now taking place in Angola, with all its unforeseeable consequences, which constitutes a challenge to the international community. My delegation therefore urgently appeals to the three liberation movements to put an end to their internal struggles, to rise above their divergences and work together for the rapid restoration of peace, thus creating favorable conditions for the accession to independence of that country, with serenity and dignity, on 11 November next. We hope, furthermore, that the great Powers will cease their interference in the internal affairs of Angola, since we are convinced that a lasting solution to that painful problem can be found only by the Angolans themselves. The delegation of Togo, while reiterating its congratulations to the new Portugal on the decolonization process which has been set in motion since the fall of the former fascist regime, expects it to do everything in its power to comply with its commitments.
82.	Regarding Western Sahara, my delegation reaffirms its confidence that the bordering States and Spain will succeed, now that the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice has been rendered, in finding a solution that is satisfactory for the future of that Territory, with due regard for the legitimate interests and aspirations of the peoples concerned.
83.	With regard to southern Africa, I need hardly emphasize that guaranteeing individual human rights, prohibiting all forms of racism everywhere and the independence of the peoples of the region are tasks to whose fulfillment my country continues to make a sincere and energetic contribution. So that those principles may triumph, we urgently appeal to the Security Council and to the great Powers to assume their responsibilities fully and to take up the challenge of the racist Government of South Africa.
84.	In Namibia, the proponents of apartheid continue to disregard the resolutions of our Organization by applying the Machiavellian plan of bantustanization, which is a constant source of concern to my Government. While reaffirming its opposition to that odious policy, my delegation calls on the racist regime of Vorster to apply, without delay, the relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations and the Dar es Salaam Declaration adopted last April by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], concerning Namibia. We reiterate our support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and insist that the peoples of that Territory must be able to exercise their inalienable rights to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity.
85.	We hope that in Zimbabwe a constitutional settlement will be reached as soon as possible for the transfer of power to the black majority and we renew our constant support for and active solidarity with the just cause which the brother people of Zimbabwe are defending under the guidance of the African National Congress.
86.	In the Middle East the signing of the partial disengagement agreement by Egypt and Israel gives reason to hope for a general settlement of the conflict. The delegation of Togo believes that these new measures will be followed by others, so that a just and lasting peace may be established which will guarantee the existence of all States and the peaceful coexistence of all peoples in that region, without losing sight of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. It is clear that this peace cannot be effective unless the State of Israel takes the final decision to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of 22 November 1967 and 22 October 1973 respectively .
87.	Recent events on the Indo-Chinese peninsula have proved once again that the might of external forces cannot wipe out the determination of peoples to free themselves from oppression and imperialism. We greet the victories of the people of Indo-China. We congratulate the Government of Kampuchea which, under the enlightened guidance of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, has ejected the foreign invaders from Cambodia and recovered the seat to which that country is entitled in our Organization. The leaders of the brother country of Cambodia can be assured of the constant support of the Togolese Government in seeking solutions to their problems.
88.	My delegation regrets that inopportune consider-ations prevent the admission this year of the two Viet Nams to the United Nations. Once again, countries of the third world which fulfill all the conditions provided in Article 4, paragraph 1, of our Charter for occupying a seat in this Organization are victims of the inconsiderate abuse of the right of veto which is the privilege of a group of rich countries.
89.	As regards the Korean problem, the position of the Government of Togo, which I stated at the twenty- ninth session [2257th meeting], has not altered. We are firmly convinced that only by the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in South Korea can conditions conducive to the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea be created. To that end there is an urgent need to convert the Armistice Agreement into a peace agreement.
90.	The question of Cyprus continues to cause anxiety. The delegation of Togo at the appropriate time stated its view to the effect that any prospect of peace must start with the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces from the island. My delegation again expresses the hope that every effort will be encouraged so as to ensure for the two communities the possibility of harmonious co-existence within the same State. To this end we shall support any initiative calling for the immediate implementation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 367 (1975) calling on all States to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
91.	With regard to economic questions, it is important to emphasize that the results achieved at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly clearly reflect the policies which are taking shape with the aim, on the one hand, of tackling the economic difficulties of all kinds which the world has been faced with since the end of the Second World War and, on the other, of controlling over the longer term the underlying cyclical or circumstantial fluctuations.
92.	More than ever before the international community is questioning not only the capacity of its economic system for promoting material progress and social justice but also its ability to prevent an upheaval in political, economic and social relations. The fact that the different schools of thought disagree on the causes of the ills afflicting the world economy is not surprising, since the distortion of that economy has created real chaos by maintaining an archaic system which has ceased to meet the requirements of our new society.
93.	The growing gap which separates a small number of industrialized countries from a large number of developing countries adds a new dimension to the present economic crisis, one of the causes of which is the faulty functioning of the international monetary system.
94.	Indeed, on many occasions several industrialized States have deliberately violated the sacrosanct rules of the International Monetary Fund because they considered themselves sufficiently powerful to avoid any reprisals. The distorting effects of speculative transfers of capital, the constant deterioration in the terms of trade and the uncontrolled fluctuations in rates of exchange have wiped out the efforts of poorer countries to emerge from economic and financial dependence. Thus the third world suffers from the arrestation of its own economic growth and, what is more, from the cumulative effects of the arrestation of economic growth in the industrialized countries.
95.	All the efforts of the third world to bring order back to the international monetary system have encountered criminal indifference on the part of the industrialized countries which are hardly inclined to abandon any of their privileges for the benefit of those who have contributed to making them rich.
96.	The results of the Third United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Santiago, Chile, have scarcely been more fruitful than those of the second session held at New Delhi. At most, a Committee of 20 has been established in which certain developing countries have acquired the right to participate in discussions on the reform of the monetary system, thus giving a democratic coloring to the former Committee of 10, in which only the main financial Powers took part.
97.	Recent events have confirmed the dangers of using national currencies as instruments of international reserve, Thus, fluctuations in the value of the reserve currencies and, in particular, the growing cost of acquiring gold as an instrument for the final conversion of reserve currencies have emphasized the need to devise a neutral instrument that would be free from these major disadvantages. This means that the developing countries are right in supporting the proposal to make the special drawing rights the inter-national monetary standard and in demanding a link between the allocation of those rights and their own needs.
98.	The deterioration in the terms of trade and the fluctuations in export earnings dangerously jeopardize the development plans of the poorer countries with fragile economies.
99.	In this respect, the Lome Convention, which associates a large number of States of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific with the European Economic Community has the great merit of providing for a mechanism for the establishment of a system for the stabilization of export earnings from commodities. The international community should use the example of this measure of great political significance in efforts to render more equitable the economic relations between the developing countries which produce raw materials and the affluent countries which use these products, thus, in our opinion, averting a useless confrontation between nations.
100.	Fifteen West African States, representing approximately 130 million inhabitants, breaking through the linguistic barriers they inherited from colonialism, have refused to continue to have their region divided into English-speaking and French- speaking sectors and, on 28 May 1975 at Lagos, signed the Treaty establishing the Economic Community of West African States. This historic Treaty, in the conclusion of which my country is proud to have participated, is intended to promote co-operation and development among the signatory States in every field of economic activity and particularly in the sectors of industry, transport, telecommunications, energy, agriculture, natural resources, trade, monetary and financial questions and social and cultural aifairs, with the aim of raising the level of living of the populations, increasing and maintaining their economic stability, strengthening relations among themselves and contributing to the progress and development of the African continent. The States of West Africa are aware that their efforts at co-operation should not hinder those of other African countries to promote broader co-operation in our continent as a whole and in the world. We believe that this is a very good example of international co-operation which should be followed elsewhere.
101.	The non-aligned countries recently proved strikingly, at Lima, that the international community needs peace and security and that the noble ideals of the United Nations can be achieved only by narrowing the enormous gap between rich and poor countries.
102.	The industrialized countries have often reproached the developing countries for preferring confrontation to dialog, by having a so-called automatic majority play its role. That is not so. Conciliation has always been and remains our best weapon. That is why we desired and secured the holding of special sessions to study problems relating to raw materials, development and international economic co-operation so as to arrive at concerted solutions likely to hasten the emergence of a new world economic order. The Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)] adopted by the sixth special session, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] adopted by the twenty- ninth session and the relevant final resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution3362 (S-VII)] adopted by the seventh special session should lead the rich countries to renounce their desire for economic domination so as to enable the poor countries to draw the maximum benefits from their natural resources with a view to their economic liberation.
103.	Thus our Organization has become the center for major explanations, reconciliation of views, negotiations and decisions of the utmost importance between the developed world and the developing world, in so far as it seeks to correct the present imbalances so as to establish a new international economic order which is more just and humane. In order fully to attain this objective, however, we must restructure the economic and social system of our Organization so that it will be better able to meet the wishes of the emerging countries. It is, therefore, no mere chance that the General Assembly, at its twenty-ninth session and in resolution 3343 (XXIX), called for "a study containing proposals on structural changes within the United Nations system so as to make it fully capable of dealing with problems of international economic co-operation".
104.	A Group of Experts on the Structure of the United Nations System has devoted itself to this task and has sought the most suitable means whereby our Organization, having rid itself of this dead wood, will be able to focus in the future on the real problems of development and maintain cohesion in the international community.
105.	We understand and approve the conclusions reached by that Group3 which, inter alia, advocates major changes in the central structure of the United Nations new approaches to economic problems and a thorough reform of the Economic and Social Council and its subsidiary bodies. Following in the footsteps of that Group, the seventh special session of the General Assembly decided to establish the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System [ibid.] to prepare detailed proposals for action. My delegation hopes that this Committee will start its work as early as possible so as to be able to submit a report in the near future.
106.	As we see it, our Organization faces immense tasks. To discharge them fully we need increased support from all its Members, large and small, rich and poor, powerful and weak. It is the duty of all to make a contribution to the carrying out of those tasks.
107.	There can be no development without peace, and peace is a matter of goodwill. The new Togo, under the enlightened leadership of General Gnassingbe Eyadema, an apostle of peace, understands this well and spares no effort to achieve a better understanding among peoples, in particular those of the west African subregion.
108.	That is our modest contribution to the attainment of the noble objectives which the international community has set for itself.
109.	I hope that our common will to bequeath to future generations a better world of prosperity, justice and peace will prompt us to do everything in our power to ensure the success of our Organization.


94.	On behalf of the delegation of Burma, I wish to extend my warm congratulations to the President on his election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. We assure him of our full co-operation in the discharge of the responsibilities of his high office.
95.	At the same time may I express the appreciation of the delegation of Burma to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika for the distinguished services he performed as the President of the last session of the General Assembly.
96.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our warm felicitations to the delegations of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe on their admission to membership in this world Organization.
97.	While on this subject of the question of admission of new States to membership in the United Nations, I wish to state the consistent view of my Government that each application for membership should be decided strictly on its merits in accordance with the provisions of Article 4 of the Charter.
98.	In the case of a divided nation or a divided country, it has also been the consistent position of my Government to take into account the views and wishes of the two sides concerned in any matters affecting the divided nation or country as a whole, especially pending the reunification of the country.
99.	The delegation of Burma accordingly regrets the absence of the delegations of its two friendly neighbors, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam, which have agreed between themselves to seek admission to membership in the United Nations pending reunification.
100.	Unprecedented developments in the world situation since the United Nations was founded have given added urgency and dimension to the general concern about the maintenance of international peace and security and the solution of the growing political, economic and social problems now facing mankind. These developments, which could not have been fully anticipated by the founders of the United Nations, have thus posed serious challenges to the international community, whose survival and future largely depend on their ability to meet these imperatives of our time. However inadequate it may seem in the present circumstances, the United Nations system has been useful in creating the conditions of calm that are so essential for the peaceful settlement of disputes, be they political, economic or social.
101.	As is well known, the United Nations system as regards the maintenance of international peace and security has been greatly hampered by the new antagonisms that arose soon after the end of the Second World War. Still, to our mind there can be no substitute for an organization of a universal character, with collective responsibility, if international security is to be effectively ensured.
102.	If the role of the United Nations is to be strengthened in fulfillment of its obligations, Member States must be prepared to respect the decisions of its appropriate organs. Such decisions, it must be stressed, should be strictly in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and must be impartial in intent and application.
103.	While on this subject of the United Nations' peace-keeping role, my delegation deems it appropriate to observe that justice, as distinct from peace, should prevail in the settlement of international disputes; for without the one the other cannot be expected in the long run. This should obviously apply to cases such as the Middle East conflict, the lasting settlement of which cannot be secured unless a just solution can be found to the Palestinian question.
104.	Meanwhile, it is necessary to face up to one serious source of instability and conflict if peace is to be preserved. I refer to the practice of outside intervention in the internal or external affairs of States. The war in Indo-China, which has brought untold human suffering and massive material destruction, and which has caused general instability in the southeast Asian region as a whole, can undoubtedly be attributed to outside intervention on a very large scale.
105.	A process of social change and modernization is now taking place in many parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America and is to be welcomed. This process is in most cases accompanied by dislocation and convulsion. Unless some kind of action is taken by the international community to curb the tendency on the part of extraneous forces to intervene in such unsettled situations, local conflicts and local wars are likely to arise and even to intensify.
106.	As we all know, in the preamble to the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV), annex], the General Assembly states:
"Convinced that the strict observance by States of the obligation not to intervene in the affairs of any other State is an essential condition to ensure that nations live together in peace with one another, since the practice of any form of intervention not only violates the spirit and letter of the Charter, but also leads to the creation of situations which threaten international peace and security".
107.	On behalf of the delegation of Burma, I wish to express our full support for the appeal made by
the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A110001 /Add. I, sect. XXI] that we, States Members of the United Nations, now go from eloquently expressed allegiance to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which include the principle of non-intervention, to the far more difficult task of making these principles a reality.
108.	The gap between professions and performance, goals and fulfillment, is glaringly evident in the field of arms control and disarmament. In 1959 the General Assembly considered general and complete disarmament to be the most important question facing the world and expressed the hope that measures leading towards the goal of complete and general disarmament would be worked and agreed upon in the shortest possible time [resolution 1378 (XIV)}. But since 1959 the military arsenals of the major armed Powers have grown steadily in size and in diversity, world military expenditures have doubled, entirely new families of weapons of mass destruction have been developed and stockpiled, lethal weapons have become more lethal. As a result the original vision of a completely disarmed, peaceful and prosperous world has receded further and further into the horizon.
109.	In the field of so-called partial and collateral measures also, the results achieved to date, and those which we may reasonably expect in the foreseeable future, are on the whole disappointing. I have no mind to ignore the several arms control agreements which we have been able to conclude, or to belittle their importance. But the inescapable fact remains that, when viewed against the overall magnitude of the armaments problem, the gains represented by those agreements are very small indeed. Even so, there have regrettably been no follow-up measures to augment those initial gains, although the Disarmament Decade has already reached its half-way mark.
110	The prospects that one sees when one surveys the disarmament scene or contemplates its future progress are not very promising. Representing a peace- loving country which ardently desires to see this world of ours freed from the proliferation of armaments, the delegation of Burma would like to echo the hope expressed by the Secretary-General in the brilliant introduction to his report that: "Member States will, with a sense of urgency, give new attention to an ancient problem which has	presented itse l in so ominous a form as today." [A/IOOOllAdd.l, sect. VIII.]
111	In the economic, social and cultural fields, the United Nations has been more effective. However, the magnitude and the urgency of the problems involved are indeed formidable. The capacity of the United Nations to act as a center for harmonizing the policies and actions of nations is being put to a most severe test. The Organization should continue to play a constructive role in the evolution of a comprehensive approach to resolving the economic and social problems of our increasingly interdependent world.
112. As we all know, two special sections of the General Assembly were held recently, devoted entirely
to Economic matters. Considering the growing importance of economic issues in world affairs, it is highly opportune that the special sessions were held at this time. We therefore feel that the initiators of the
meetings as well as those participating in their preparation should be commended.
113.	Recent economic discussions have centered on the establishment of a new international economic order. The major decision was, of course, taken at the sixth special session. In particular, the program of Action adopted at that session contained many useful proposals which would contribute greatly towards the creation of a fairer world economic order.
114.	What is being attempted at present is no less than to restructure and re-order the existing international economic relationships. This is not an easy task. For understandable reasons, many countries have strong views on the matter and difficulties remain.
115.	Nevertheless, some progress has been made. Thus the continuing debate has helped clarify many complex issues. In the process, new approaches and new courses of action, too, have been devised and recommended.
116.	But, above all, the intensification of the debate in the wake of new developments in the structure of world economic power has given rise to a spirit of greater mutual accommodation, This was clearly discernible at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima last August.
117.	Similarly, an expression of a spirit of conciliation was also noticeable at the recently concluded seventh special session. Likewise, there was a desire on the part of all the participating countries to make progress and to achieve concrete results, thus agreement was reached for further co-operation in several key problem areas.
118	Given this situation, the United Nations should help promote the emerging spirit of international cooperation and make it a vital force in world development. It is also implicit that to do so, the effectiveness of the United Nations must be enhanced in dealing with problems of development and international economic co-operation.
119	By saying this we do not wish to deny that the United Nations is at present performing a useful function in international economic and social development. But its resources are limited, while the needs of world development are large. Hence it is all the more important to make effective use of the available resources.
120	We are therefore in favor of the new initiatives that are being taken to make the United Nations a more effective instrument of development and international economic co-operation. We hope that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System established by the General Assembly at its seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-VUJ] to prepare detailed action proposals will be able to make concrete recommendations which all of us can support.
121	The ever-growing interdependence of States and the need for promoting co-operation among them so as to be able to take collective action in various field obviously cjS for the strengthening of the United Nations The move to examine what structural change are needed tn t h e United Nations system to make more efficient and economical is, therefore, to be welcomed However, structural changes alone will not create necessary co-operative relations among Member States. In this context, it will be necessary to take into account the possibilities and the scope of organizing specific needs, whether in the field of international security, economic development, communications or cultural co-operation. Only then can any structural or organizational changes that may be made secure the support and understanding of the Member States.
122.	Another area in which urgent and timely international action is called for concerns the unfinished work of the third session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. As we all know, international maritime law, although it was codified as recently as 1958, has already become ill-adapted to meet contemporary needs and concerns. Under the impact of rapid and far-reaching political, economic and technological developments, the legal system established by the four Geneva conventions of 1958 on the law of the sea is fast becoming inadequate in fulfilling its primary purpose, which is to prevent disputes and conflicts among States in the ocean environment and to ensure a peaceful, orderly and equitable utilization of the seas and their vast resources. There can hardly be any doubt that the "Geneva system" cannot much longer withstand the thrusts and responses arising out of technological innovation, political aims and economic necessity. A breakdown of that system will inevitably deal a severe blow to the cause to which my country is firmly dedicated of promoting the progressive establishment of, and universal respect for, the rule of law in this world. Surely, there can be no rule of law on a world-wide basis if legal confusion and disorder prevail over the 70 per cent of the earth's surface that is covered by the seas.
123.	Therefore every State, large or small, rich or poor, landlocked or coastal, has a vital, overriding interest in a speedy elaboration of a new, comprehensive international treaty that would replace the outdated Geneva system by a new legal order which would be just and equitable and, for that reason, more stable, durable and viable. I am not unmindful of the complexity of the issues involved, the multiplicity of the national interests that need to be harmonized, and the sheer magnitude of the undertaking in hand, which is nothing less than to legislate for the international community as a whole on a long-term basis. I therefore realize that the task before the Conference is by no means simple or easy, and will require time for successful completion.
124.	But we must also bear in mind that the political, economic and technological changes to which I have earlier alluded are taking place inexorably, thereby making the need for an international consensus on a new legal regime for the seas not only imperative but one of the utmost urgency.
125.	Should the negotiations at the Conference become indefinitely protracted or fruitless, they will surely be overtaken by events. The alternative indeed, the only alternative to collective international consensus is unilateral State action. In this regard I can do no better than to recall the wise words of the President of the Conference, Mr. Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, when he emphasized the urgent need to modernize the law of the sea, by saying: "Necessity knows no law".
126.	My delegation earnestly hopes that when the Conference resumes its work in the spring of next year a spirit of accommodation and a resolute political will will be displayed on all sides in the measure needed to make the Conference a total success.


Mr. President, may I first express to you most hearty congratulations from my Government and from myself on your election to the presidency of the thirtieth regular session of the General Assembly. I am sure that your own experience and personal distinction as Prime Minister of Luxembourg and the wisdom and the diplomatic skills for which your country has long been famous will stand you in good stead as you preside over the meetings of this session.
2.	And this session is a historic one. We are commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations. This is a time for some satisfaction and much reflection. Our Organization, whose Charter was written in the final months of the greatest conflict the world has ever suffered, has grown and developed through 30 difficult years, which have subjected it to great strain. But we, the Members of the Organization, must pause to reflect how far we have succeeded in our efforts to implement the purposes and the principles of the Charter. We must reaffirm the principles and ideals, and recapture the enthusiasm, which animated those who drafted the Charter in 1945.
3.	The Charter has stood the test of time very well. We have all yet to make full use of the Organization to achieve the primary purpose declared in Article 1, to achieve international co-operation in solving economic and social problems. But the seventh special session made an excellent new start, and was a most important step towards resolving the major questions it faced. There was constructive debate and effective negotiation, with an evident desire for improvement in international economic relations. Its resolution [3362 (S-VIl)] was adopted unanimously, and the further negotiation on its detailed provisions is already beginning.
4.	On this occasion, so soon after the special session, I wish only to re-emphasize that in the course of these further negotiations Australia will examine on their merits all proposals deriving from the resolution, for we support the thrust and objectives of the resolution and the achievement of a new international economic order.
5.	The success of the special session in the face of the complexity of the interests at stake, some of them involving competition for limited resources, is renewed and timely proof of the high value of the United Nations. We must treat this invaluable asset with care.
6.	Our Charter opens with the expression of the determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. This was a passionate conviction which bound together the delegations at San Francisco. Today it is vital that all of us gathered here and the Governments that we represent should be equally determined to prevent developments which could lead to war. The past 30 years have not been scarred by a catastrophe of the scale of the two world wars, but they have been marked and marred by many smaller conflicts. The United Nations has helped to control and resolve some of these conflicts, but dangers to peace still abound.
7.	From the early days delegations have been agreed that to implement the Charter properly requires a great international effort to achieve disarmament, or at least the controlled reduction of armaments. Year after year in this Assembly, and in various bodies established by it, we have debated, argued, contended and endeavored to reach agreement on disarmament. All too often the thing most lacking was the sense of mutual trust and confidence without which no agreement for the reduction of arms can succeed.
8.	The question of the reduction and control of nuclear armament is complex. But the essential nature of the problem and the essential responsibilities of Governments to solve it are clear. Here I wish to concentrate on some crucial aspects of nuclear disarmament.
9.	The sense of urgency which was evident in the debates which led to the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] of 1968 must be maintained. At that time there was widespread recognition of the dangers of the spread of nuclear weapons beyond the five Powers which already possessed them, and the increase in the nuclear weaponry of those Powers. We must continue to guard against any erosion of the non-proliferation Treaty and strengthen the will to make it work.
A/PV.2357
10.	The Final Declaration of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [AIC.III068, annex I] points the way ahead. All nations represented here,
whatever their attitudes to the Treaty itself, should appreciate the value of this Declaration for our future deliberations.
11.	For many nations nuclear energy is an essential factor in their future economic development, but due attention must be given to the horrifying consequences of any diversion of fissionable materials to weapons manufacture. The growth of the civil nuclear industry throughout the world must be accompanied by internationally accepted safeguards to protect the security of all States.
12.	An important step was taken in August last year when major suppliers agreed on additional safeguards to be applied to exports of certain nuclear materials and equipment. At the Review Conference there were encouraging indications that suppliers agreed on the need for further energetic action in this field. But the pace and scope of follow-up action has not so far been encouraging. Time is not on our side in this vital matter. The need for more power, the development of technology and the activities of commercial interests will not wait for Governments to act. Governments must keep ahead of them in the working out of safeguards.
13.	We must also give the most careful attention to the problems presented by the conduct of nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes. Austral;., would not try to deny to any State any legitimate means which would obviously assist it in its development. But, in the case of nuclear explosions, the very nature of the technology used makes us just as alarmed about the proliferation of such devices as we are about the spread' of nuclear weapons themselves. The technology can be diverted from peaceful to military purposes. The United Nations family has to find a satisfactory solution to this complex and urgent problem. Australia welcomes the establishment of the advisory group, which will hold its first meeting on 29 September under the auspices of the International Atomic Energy Agency to consider this problem. We hope that all participants will approach their very difficult task in a spirit of determination to succeed.
14.	It was obvious at the Review Conference, and in other meetings, that many non-nuclear-weapon States feel that in the implementation of the non- proliferation Treaty the burden is falling too heavily on themselves. In the consensus achieved at the Review Conference there is some hope that this justified concern of the non-nuclear-weapon States is being recognized by the nuclear Powers. We urge the nuclear Powers to make stronger efforts to meet the concerns of non-nuclear-weapon States.
15.	No one should underestimate the difficulties in the way of achieving real agreements in this vital area. We cannot condone the stockpiling of weapons which ultimately are a threat to all mankind. We share the concern of countries which fee! their own security threatened by these weapons. There is no security in increasing the number or power of weapons or the number of States who make and hold them. Both are factors making for insecurity.
16.	As the first step the United Nations should continue to work for the acceptance of the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty as the most appropriate means of achieving nuclear arms control.
17.	I turn now to the question of decolonization. Under the Charter, colonial Territories have been a major responsibility of the United Nations, and the task is not yet complete.
18.	It was a matter of pride for Australia that on the day on which this thirtieth session convened, the former Territory of Papua New Guinea became independent. This brought to an end the Trusteeship Agreement concluded in 1946 between the General Assembly and the Government of Australia. Now, as equal, sovereign States, Australia and Papua New Guinea are friendly neighbors, and our relations cover a wide range of mutual interests. Over the years we have known each other we have developed a considerable degree of mutual trust. The Australian Government and the Australian people express to the Government and people of Papua New Guinea their warmest fraternal greetings. We look forward to friendly and neighborly co-operation with Papua New Guinea in many fields, including here in this Assembly.
19.	During the past year we have been happy to see other former dependent Territories achieve independence and apply for membership in this Organization. We welcome the admission of the new States of Cape Verde, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe. The pace of decolonization in the continent of Africa has increased tremendously, though very difficult problems still remain. Despite the commendable efforts by a number of interested parties, the impasse in Southern Rhodesia continues. But we still hope that there will be early progress towards the convening of a constitutional conference, with the declared objective of a negotiated transition to majority rule. The present situation is unacceptable and dangerous, and the regime in Southern Rhodesia must be made to realize the urgent necessity of negotiations on this basis.
20.	Both through our participation in the work of the United Nations Council for Namibia, and also directly, we have sought to play our part in trying to bring about Namibia's full and complete independence. Regrettably, the recent South African moves in regard to the future of Namibia do not meet the requirements of the United Nations. The Australian Government chose Namibia Day—26 August—to express to the South African Government its strong concern at the inadequacy of that Government's policies and actions. We stressed the urgent need to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations. We said the Organization must be involved in any process of consulting the people of Namibia if it is to have international credibility. We restated our firm position that Namibia should move rapidly towards independence as a united country and that the genuine leaders of the people should be parties to that process. We shall maintain our pressure on South Africa on this matter for as long as may be necessary.
21.	It is now 15 years since the fifteenth session at which the General Assembly adopted two resolutions on decolonization and Non-Self-Governing Territories resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV). The former was the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The latter stated the principles which should guide Members in determining whether or not an obligation existed to transmit information under Article 73 e of the Charter. The greatest problems facing this Organization in the colonial field were and still are in the continent of Africa. However, we are glad to see that in recent years the United Nations has been devoting more attention to colonial problems outside Africa and particularly to the problems of small Territories. There still exist a considerable number of small colonies, most of them islands or groups of islands, which face very acute problems and which do not have a great deal in the way of natural resources for their solution* Here there is scope for more effort, more application of what the United Nations has learned over the past 30 years. The objective must be for the peoples of small dependent Territories to achieve not only an end to political dependence but reasonable economic conditions which are essential to the proper enjoyment of political freedom. We must be careful to take full account of the particular circumstances of each Territory and of the wishes of its people. Australia has greatly valued its close association with the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and respects the experience and dedication of its fellow members. Our close cooperation with the Special Committee is reflected in the importance we are attaching to its recommendations on the Territory of the Cocos Islands.
22.	I should like now to state briefly how Australia sees certain major political issues. I start, quite obviously, with the Middle East. The Australian view has long been that the existence of the State of Israel has to be accepted, and Israel has to have assurances of its security. Equally, the concerns of the Arab States for their security and territorial integrity have to be respected. We believe that, in conformity with the principle of self-determination, the Palestinian people has the right to create a State of its own, alongside Israel, if it so wishes. We believe that the legiti-mate rights of the Palestinian people are now widely recognized and accepted as one of the major keys to a peaceful settlement in the Middle East.
23.	Australia welcomes the recent conclusion of a further interim disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel. We see this as a further step towards peace, which we hope will lead to progress in other areas and to a full, peaceful and just settlement. We commend the continuing contribution made by the United Nations, especially through the Security Council and the peace-keeping forces established in the area.
24.	With regard to Cyprus, we commend and thank the Secretary-General for the dedicated manner in which he has carried out his mission of good offices for the parties concerned in Cyprus. We see the role of the international community as essentially one of encouraging, where possible, the successful conclusion of inter-communal talks, of avoiding any action which would prejudice these talks, and of assisting in the alleviation of the difficulties faced by persons displaced by the violent events of last year. During the present year Australia has continued its efforts to help to ease the plight of displaced persons in Cyprus, and we have maintained our contingent of police with the United Nations force.
25.	The Australian Government welcomed the end of the long conflict in Indo-China, which has caused so much suffering to the people of the countries of this region. Now that the war is over we trust that all South-East Asian countries will work to develop relations based on mutual respect and trust. Only if all the countries in the region, and the great Powers, accept that each State has the right to determine its own future free from outside interference will there be true prospects for peaceful and enduring co-operation and friendship in the area.
26.	It is a matter of regret that the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam are not today seated in this General Assembly and it is our hope that, following our appeal to the Security Council, the situation will soon be changed. This Organization is now close to the achievement of universal membership; the admission of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam would be two more steps towards that goal.
27.	In June of this year I paid visits to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea. I was greeted warmly in both places. In both parts qjf Korea the people share a past and traditions of great value. But the vast gulf which has grown between them in the past three decades is very real. We wish to see good relations between the two States, but any realistic approach to the future of the whole of Korea has to proceed from the recognition that two separate entities exist, and that each is the lawful Government of that part of Korea in which it exercises effective control.
28.	In our view, the two Governments are equally sovereign, and therefore in determining the future of the peninsula, unified or otherwise, the two Governments should act with full respect for each other's sovereign rights. Peace must be agreed, but it needs to be an enduring peace, recognizing the realities that exist in the peninsula. Peace has been preserved under an armistice agreement for over 22 years. We would welcome any progress which could be made to strengthen the prospects for reduction of tensions and for lasting peace. We would be most concerned if the prospects for progress were set back by the dismantling of machinery which has proven its usefulness, without putting something no less effective in its place.
29.	When I visited Pyongyang and Seoul I made it clear that Australia would support either or both of the Korean Governments if either or both wished to join the United Nations.
30.	Might I turn to the question of the peaceful settlement of disputes. In the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization this year, our Secretary-General made some pertinent observations about the evolution of the role of the United Nations in its primary function of maintaining peace and security. It was in similar spirit that at the last session of the General Assembly Australia proposed under agenda item 36 on strengthening the role of the United Nations a re-examination of the possibilities inherent in the Charter for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Our intention was to strengthen the application of the Charter and to bring again to the attention of the Members the variety of flexible procedures available to them in the Organization for the peaceful settlement of disputes, some of which deserve more attention than they have received in recent years. In accordance with the resolution adopted at the last session [3332 (XXIX)], the Assembly will be considering this year a report prepared by the Secretary-General. Australia hopes that this report will stimulate a useful debate from which Members will become more aware of the machinery available to them for the settlement of disputes.
31.	I should mention, too, another initiative which our delegation took at the last session of the General Assembly concerning diplomatic asylum and which was adopted as resolution 3321 (XXIX). A useful debate was held in the Sixth Committee and the debate will be resumed at this present session. It is clear from last year's debate that it will be a slow business to reach agreement on this subject, but the ultimate objective is a very important one, one we are fighting for, and we should like to see all States participating in this work.
32.	I have been pleased to note the remarks that have been directed towards the question of the law of the sea, because this is certainly a vital problem with which this Organization is dealing. The problem of the law of the sea affects not only immense political and strategic issues but also the economic future of all nations, whether coastal or land-locked. The new rules of international law now under discussion embrace not only the essential norms of sovereignty and the traditional freedom of navigation, but also questions of the exploitation of natural resources in an area which covers two thirds of the earth's surface. The new law must make a reality of the concept of the common heritage of mankind.
33.	The third session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva this spring, produced for the first time a single negotiating text, thanks to the initiative of the President of the Conference and the able work of the Chairmen of the three Committees. This text will be supplemented by a negotiating text, submitted by the President, on settlement of disputes. These texts have been studied by the Australian Government and discussion with other Governments has already begun. It is our hope that at the next session, in New York in March 1976, the Conference will agree on a negotiated text which can be accepted by Governments and which can become the convention of Caracas. In any event, we must press the negotiation to the earliest possible successful conclusion. As the Secretary-General reminded us recently, a modern law of the sea for peace and co-operatjon on the sea cannot be achieved by bilateral or regional agreements. A universal convention is essential.
34.	On the question of human rights, this Organization, over the past 30 years, has endeavored to define, to broaden and to express in legally binding instruments the principle of human rights as contained in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Unfortunately the United Nations has also had to express deep concern about many violations of human rights. We must press on with this work, however difficult, because the alternative is to fail to honor the principles affirmed in the Charter, by which we are all bound.
35.	The Australian Government attaches great importance to International Women's Year as a symbol of the need for change and improvement and as a great new departure in itself. The scope of activities in International Women's Year is very wide because it aims at the improvement of the status and role of women in the development process and in all aspects of life. At issue are the legitimate needs and demands of half the population of the world. Deep-rooted discriminatory practices and discriminatory social attitudes have placed women in a position of artificial inferiority. Women everywhere in the world must achieve freedom and equality.
36.	I could sum up all the points I have tried to make very simply. The Charter has shown that with all its imperfections it is basically a sound instrument which provides the statements of principle and the institutional framework which al! countries need if we are to live in peace and mutual respect. But the task of applying principles of the Charter and living up to them requires great and continuous effort. Unless that effort is made, this Organization cannot succeed, and a light will go out of the world. It is the firm conviction of my Government that this Organization must succeed and to that end we reaffirm the pledge which we made in San Francisco in 1945. We must not fail the peoples whom we represent and in whose name our Charter was written.


115.	 It is my pleasant duty to bring the personal felicitations and greetings of my President, Mr. Siaka Stevens, to the United Nations, the leaders and representatives of all delegations, and the Secretary-General.
116.	Sir, it is no doubt a distinct honor, not only to you but also to your country, that you should be presiding over this thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I wish, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, to congratulate you most heartily on your election as President of the Assembly. I am confident that you will execute your duties with great distinction. Permit me also to congratulate all the members of the Bureau who have been elected to i assist you in the execution of your onerous duties.
117.	I wish to pay a special tribute to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, who, as President of the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of this Assembly, guided our deliberations with distinction and dignity, to a successful conclusion.
118.	On behalf of the Government and people of Sierra Leone, I wish also to avail myself of this opportunity to welcome as new Members of this Organization the States of Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Cape Verde. My delegation hopes that this Organization will profit from the experience gained during their struggle for independence.
119.	We also congratulate the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia on its recent victory, and reaffirm our recognition and support of that Government.
120.	We congratulate the people of the Comoros on their achievement of independence. We reaffirm our support for their territorial integrity and deplore most vehemently any outside interference in their internal affairs.
121.	We also congratulate the people of Papua New Guinea, who became fully independent on 16 September. We are happy to note that their application for membership in this world body has been approved by the Security Council. We welcome them into the United Nations as fellow members of the Commonwealth. We look forward to co-operating fully with them as they take their place in this world body.
122.	My delegation is happy to note the achievement of a modus vivendi between the rival parties in the Seychelles and also the agreement reached with the administering Power for the attainment of independence by the Seychelles not later than 30 June 1976. We look forward to similar progress towards self- determination in Djibouti and Spanish Sahara.
123.	It is a matter of regret that even 30 years after the founding of the United Nations, my delegation finds itself compelled once again to condemn the stubborn and callous resistance of those regimes which continue to disregard the provisions of resolution 1514 (XV) and subsequent resolutions concerning the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
124.	This thirtieth session of the General Assembly is meeting in an atmosphere charged with a greater degree of optimism than hitherto. With such an atmosphere already evident, we anticipate significant developments in the implementation of that historic resolution.
125.	My delegation notes with satisfaction, and some measure of relief, the concerted efforts which have been made courageously in recent years by European States, with the active support of the United States, to create a climate of peace and, it is hoped, of stability in continental Europe and its maritime enclaves that traditionally war-torn zone of the world.
126.	It is for this reason that my Government has continued to support every genuine effort from any quarter to bring about a state of accommodation, if not of peace, in the relations between the competing ideologies of our time. Overtures of friendship, understanding and the manifest desire on the part of the developed and industrialized States to win the sympathy and understanding of us, the small, weak and poor nations of the world, do not go unnoticed. We may not lend our sympathy, support and co-operation to all such overtures. We cannot promise uncritical acceptance of offers of aid and friendship when these appear to us to be rooted in outmoded and anachronistic patterns of a bygone era. We shall, however, as Members of this world body, give our support, as we have always done, to the principles of the Charter. We shall continue to make ourselves accessible for consultations and co-operation with men and nations of goodwill everywhere, so long as the cause they seek to promote is that of international peace and security and the improvement of the Jiving standards of the world's poor and starving peoples.
127.	As a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples my delegation had the pleasure of participating in the Committee's historic meetings at Lisbon from 11 to 19 June this year. The Sierra Leone delegation at that meeting applauded the drastic change in Portuguese colonial policy and expressed the hope that the change in policy would affect not merely the Territories in Africa but also other Portuguese enclaves wherever they may exist. We reiterate our expression of hope that a new chapter of mutually beneficial relations has now been opened between Portugal and its erstwhile colonies as well as between Portugal and the rest of truly independent Africa.
128.	We are indeed saddened by the fact that our fellow Africans in the liberation movements in Angola continue to frustrate our aspirations and the speedy achievement of their country's independence by meaningless and fruitless struggles among themselves which only promote the evil intentions of the common enemy. We therefore appeal to our brothers of that strife-torn country to grapple with the realities of their situation at this crucial juncture and to bury their differences so as to attain independence as a unified nation.
129.	Since my delegation delivered its statement at this rostrum last year the liberation movements of Zimbabwe have taken the very mature and welcome decision to consolidate their struggle for self-determination and majority rule under the banner of the African National Council. At this juncture, my delegation wishes to acknowledge with satisfaction the recent positive moves made by the Government of the United Kingdom in this matter. Nevertheless, we urge that even greater efforts be made with a view to granting the just claim of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence. By the same token, we cannot conceal our feelings of uneasiness and regret at some of the indiscretions manifested in recent weeks within the leadership of the African National Council. We call upon our brothers to reassess their current stance and work together to expedite the end of the long struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for their independence.
130.	My delegation renews its pledge to support without reservation the Lusaka Manifesto of 1970, the Mogadiscio Declaration of 1974 and the more recent Dar es Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa of 1975 until Zimbabwe and the rest of southern Africa have achieved their right to self-determination.
131.	My delegation notes with deep concern that the political situation in Namibia has not changed. Despite several resolutions of both the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well as the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice asserting the illegality of the presence of South Africa in Namibia, the South African regime has persisted in its occupation of that Territory.
132.	South Africa's disregard of world opinion on this issue is accounted for by the fact that it illegally receives huge economic benefits from that Territory. Is this a situation which should be tolerated in this day and age?
133.	The recent exercise of a triple veto against the draft resolution in Security Council document S/11713 of 6 June 1975,4 which advocated mandatory sanctions against South Africa, has left my delegation with feelings of discomfort as to the sincere intentions of those three great Western nations which have long held themselves out to be the defenders and custodians of the Western liberal tradition, with its emphasis on justice and human dignity.
134.	My Government supports the demand that South Africa should without further delay adopt appropriate measures to enable the United Nations Council for Namibia to establish itself in that Territory so as to preside over the peaceful and orderly transfer of the functions of Government to SWAPO, the only representative body of the Namibian people which my Government recognizes.
135.	Last year, for the first time, the United Nations took an unprecedented decision to reject the credentials of the South African delegation and exclude it from further participation in the twenty-ninth session on account of South Africa's inhuman apartheid policies. In spite of this move, and also the fact that this world body and other international organizations have consistently condemned apartheid as an anachronism in the twentieth century, the Vorster racist regime has persisted in its flagrant disregard of the voice of sanity and has done everything possible to intensify its policy aimed at dehumanizing the majority population, whose only sin is that they happen to have been born black.
136.	The days of colonialism, exploitation, racial discrimination and apartheid are numbered. The writing, even if faint in some areas, can be seen on the wall. The indomitable will of the oppressed people of southern Africa to breathe the air of freedom will, in the end, overcome the odious forces of apartheid, however long and arduous the battle may be. The Vorster regime would do well to take a leaf from the book of the recent history of the former Portuguese Fascist regime in Africa. It must abandon its present suicidal collision course, and embark on a dialog with the black and colored peoples within its borders. So long as the South African Government refuses to enter into dialog with the black and colored peoples within its own borders, my Government totally rejects any dialog between South Africa and African States,
137.	I am indeed very happy that the Viet Nam issue has at last been resolved and, now that political independence has been won, my delegation calls on all progressive nations to come to the aid of the Vietnamese people in their search for economic emancipation, and for the assumption of their rightful place as full-fledged members within the comity of nations.
138.	With regard to the Korean problem, my Government has stated its position in clear and unequivocal terms in various international forums. The once united country of Korea has remained two separate entities for more than 25 years. The result of this is that it has become extremely difficult to work out a formula for their reunification. It is our view that only the Koreans themselves are qualified to work out a program of reunification for their country.
139.	Following this line of thought, we would advocate that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from the Korean peninsula and the dialog between North and South, which was suspended, should be renewed to facilitate the reunification of that territory. It is to be hoped that the Koreans would achieve the reunification of their territory by exchanges of visits, trade links, transport and communication agreements and the signing of a peace agreement which would eventually replace the armistice agreement.
140.	The General Assembly adopted resolution 3212 (XXIX), which was endorsed in the Security Council by resolution 365 (1974), spelling out the terms and conditions for a peaceful solution to the question of Cyprus, Since then, my Government has followed with keen interest the developments on that island. We wish at this stage to commend very sincerely the efforts of the Secretary-General and all those concerned in attempting to work out a peaceful solution to this problem. We would continue to advocate respect for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Cyprus. My Government reiterates its avowed policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. My Government is convinced that the Turkish and Greek communities in Cyprus, with the active co-operation of the guarantor Powers, should be able to work out a solution acceptable to the entire people of Cyprus.
141.	My delegation notes with satisfaction that a peaceful solution to some of the outstanding problems in the Middle East now appears to be in sight. I also wish to place on record my Government's appreciation of the strenuous efforts which have been made to bring about the Sinai Agreement. In particular, the combined efforts and initiatives of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, and the Secretary-General and his able staff are worthy of commendation. However, my Government is deeply concerned about the remaining issues, without the solution of which there can be no lasting peace in the Middle East. My delegation therefore calls upon Israel to adhere to Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
142.	Twenty-five years have passed since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but the observance of its articles has been rather disappointing. It is not unusual to hear of flagrant violations of those articles, particularly in southern Africa. The situation there has become a threat to international peace and security. Many resolutions have been adopted in connexion with the persistent violations of the Declaration, but little has been done to secure their implementation. It is the responsibility of this Organization to ensure that the atrocities committed in violation of human rights, especially in South Africa, are brought to an end.
143.	The General Assembly adopted resolution 3010 (XXVII) designating 1975 as International Women's Year. In adopting that resolution, the international community solemnly undertook to devote the year 1975 to intensified action which would, among other things, promote equality between men and women, and ensure the full integration of women in the total development effort, especially by emphasizing their responsibility and importance in economic, social and cultural development.
144.	It is with great pride that I state here that it is not only now that Sierra Leone is recognizing the important role of women. Throughout our history, women have been accorded sufficient opportunities to play active roles in public and private life. Sierra Leone women have been cabinet ministers and have been appointed ambassadors to foreign States. Our women have risen to the highest ranks in the civil service, the judiciary and the professions. They have also been traditional rulers for over a century, receiving the same high respect from their subjects as their male counterparts. The concept of equality between men and women, therefore, is not new to us in Sierra Leone. In fact, Sierra Leone granted women equal pay for equal work long before some advanced countries accepted this principle. It is the hope of my delegation, therefore, that this solemn undertaking to promote the cause of women will not terminate wit the year 1975.
145.	In our attempt to effect a change in the international economic situation, the developing countries have attended several meetings between the sixth special session and the present session. All these meetings were designed to devise modalities the would ensure the equitable redistribution of the economic resources of the world and plan measure that would ensure peace, stability and the genera material improvement of the lot of mankind. My delegation realizes that there is a need to consider the diversity of interests. At the same time we should also like to stress that the discussions we have had so fa have revealed that the world economy cannot be left to function under the old system. Although we are no oblivious of some of the difficulties facing the developed countries, these difficulties should not be magnified or used as excuses to maintain the old order.
146.	The recommendations and conclusions of the seventh special session give some satisfaction to my delegation, although there are some Grey areas which will have to be further examined. It is also clear that some of those recommendations provide only temporary solutions. Consequently, we should all be prepared to re-examine these issues with a view to providing for a smooth adaptation to changing circumstances. If in the spirit of co-operation we all keep open minds, we shall surely move forward.
147.	My delegation has co-operated fully in the negotiations to date. We pledge our continued cooperation in all future negotiations aimed at bringing about conditions of economic stability and a climate of peace throughout the world.
148.	The third session of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea ended on 10 May this year, no more near agreement on a comprehensive treaty than the second session. If the second session in the summer of 1974 in Caracas was notable for the reopening of the debates that had gone on in the defunct Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the SeaBed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, the notable achievement of the third session at Geneva was the distribution of informal negotiating texts covering all subjects before the Conference. These do not represent agreed articles. As the President of the Conference himself observed:
"It should therefore be quite clear that the single negotiating text will serve as a procedural device and only provide a basis for negotiation. It must not in any way be regarded as affecting either the status of proposals already made by delegations or the right of delegations to submit amendments or new proposals".
My Government will study these texts very carefully in the light of the interests of the international community generally and in our interest in particular.
149.	From this rostrum and in the appropriate committees of this Organization, my delegation has made it quite clear, on several occasions, that active consideration should now be given to a review of the Charter of this Organization. Since the Charter is a legal instrument, it cannot be said that, literally taken, it is a perfect document. The fact is that, since legal norms are usually formulated in words liable to more than one interpretation, every legal instrument has its own life more or less independent of the intentions and expectations of its formulators. That the law is open to more than one interpretation is certainly detrimental to legal security; but it has the advantage of adaptability to changing circumstances without the requirement of formal alteration.
150.	The United Nations, established by the Charter at the San Francisco Conference 30 years ago, is by its very nature a political phenomenon. This being so, a mere juristic interpretation of the Charter cannot do it justice. But just as it would be foolish to underestimate the political aspect, it would be a serious mistake to ignore the importance of the task of improving it to the extent possible.
151.	My delegation therefore welcomes the establishment of the 42-member Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, which has been mandated to discuss the observations received from Governments on the review of the Charter and to consider other specific proposals that Governments might make with a view to enhancing the ability of the United Nations to achieve its purpose.
152.	Let us for a moment reflect on the achievements of the United Nations over the generation of its existence. This Organization and its specialized agencies have transformed traditional inter-State relations, which had hitherto been characterized by confrontation, to those of consultation and co-operation among nations irrespective of their political, economic or social systems. Indeed, the United Nations has brought a new concept to international relations by its in-creasing concern for the welfare of the individual within the international community.
153.	My delegation represents one of the smallest democracies of the world. Sierra Leone was admitted to membership in this world body barely 14 years ago as the one hundredth Member. The records will show not only that we have been concerned with the evils of colonialism, exploitation, racism, poverty and inequality, which have long plagued peoples and nations in the third world, but that we have been equally vocal and articulate in expressing our concern over larger issues such as war and peace, freedom and humanism, space exploration and the exploitation of outer-space resources whatever these may be for the good of mankind. We do not intend to change our course, certainly not our policy of non-alignment.
154.	We are united in our determination and dedication to work resolutely with all States Members of this Organization engaged in the search for a new world order based on equity, dignity and justice. We shall continue to strive towards the goal of a world in which, to borrow the language of the late Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore:
"The mind of man is without fear
And knowledge is free
Where men are no longer divided
By narrow domestic walls."