12.	Mr. President, many a distinguished statesman has occupied the presidency of this parliament of the world—the General Assembly—and I have no doubt that, with your fine record of public service, you will follow the precedents of fairness and impartiality which have been the hallmark of your distinguished predecessors and that, as you pass the mantle of the presidency of this body to your successor, you, too, will be remembered as having served with honour.
13.	During your presidency, Sir, you have seen a new Member, the State of Brunei Darussalam, admitted to the Organization. That this new nation has added the name "Darussalam" to its pre-independence designation is a happy indication of the policy it intends to pursue. As we welcome this proclamation, we also welcome this new Member to our Organization.
14.	The fact that countries such as Saint Lucia and Brunei Darussalam can gain independence, and retain it against the blandishments of international predators, is a tribute to the work of the United Nations, the fortieth year of existence of which we commemorate next year.
15.	The Charter of the United Nations is not only based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the peaceful settlement of disputes between States; even more important are the moral underpinnings of the principles of human rights and human dignity— principles which are often buried in the torrents of words and the snowstorms of conflicting resolutions that daily pour forth from this body or its various agencies. It is therefore necessary sometimes to remind ourselves of the Biblical injunction concerning the Sabbath, and remember that as "The sabbath was made for man and not man for the sabbath"
16.	The lot of ensuring that this injunction is not lost sight of has fallen upon the shoulders of the Secretary-General. On behalf of the Government of Saint Lucia, I thank him for his untiring efforts, not only in the cause of world peace but also in other, less dramatic but equally important, areas of human concern. His efforts in mobilizing resources to relieve famine in the sub-Saharan areas of Africa, whose millions live constantly in the shadow of death, will always be remembered as one of the high points of his tenure of office.
17.	But there are times when, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General and his staff, the conduct of some Member States, even in the precincts of this very Hal!, drive us, in small countries, to despair and to cry out with Mark Anthony, of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar:
"O judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts, And men have lost their reason."
18.	Time and again, resolutions passed and ratified by the United Nations have been defied or ignored by Member States. There have been attempts to condemn, without the observance of one of the most basic principles of natural justice—hearing the other party. The "gag rule" has been invoked, as in the notorious case of the Grenada resolution, and the veto has been used on occasions which can only lend aid and comfort to the racist regime of South Africa. All this can lead us to conclude that the United Nations has lost its moral underpinnings and is in danger of losing that reverence and awe in which it was once held, particularly by small nations such as our own.
19.	But, in the encircling gloom of the clash of angry speeches and angry denunciations by Member States of each other, even within these revered halls, of the seemingly endless arms race, and the threat of nuclear holocaust, we yet see that tiny light of hope held aloft by such agencies as UNESCO, UNDP, the Pan American Health Organization, UNICEF and a host of others, whose untiring efforts, away from the glare of news headlines, bring hope and relief to untold millions in the developing world. It is for these reasons, if for no others, that we are strong and steadfast supporters of the United Nations.
20.	It is therefore in sadness, rather than in anger, that we speak when we discern attempts to dislodge the Organization from its moral foundations and weaken the voice of the collective conscience of mankind. It is in sorrow that we see the furnace of the arms race being fed with such a large proportion of the world's resources, the product of the finest brains and the labours of millions, while nightly into our very living rooms is brought the sorry image of starving children. It is in sorrow that we call attention to the fact that while some developing countries can hardly provide the basic necessities for their people, their Governments parade the latest military hardware supplied by some of the developed countries, some of which contribute not a single rouble to United Nations famine relief funds.
21.	But it is in anger that we protest at the conduct of certain States which should provide moral leadership to the Organization but which encourage, wit-tingly or unwittingly, that repulsive regime of South Africa in its errant ways and its defiance, which reduces this world body to impotence. South Africa is the pariah of all nations and should be made an outcast of the world, and any conduct which in any way lends aid and comfort to that repulsive regime in the perpetuation of its racist policies must be deplored and unequivocally condemned.
22.	The issue of Namibian independence continues to defy solution, as South Africa, in contemptuous defiance of world opinion, continues its illegal occupation of that Territory, enforcing its doctrine of racism upon that unhappy land. The work of the contact group of Western nations, upon which so much reliance was placed, has ended in frustration, and United Nations efforts to find a peaceful and speedy solution have been repeatedly thwarted. South Africa must be continuously pressured to comply with the edict of the United Nations, and a Namibia whose independence and neutrality is guaranteed by the United Nations must be brought into the community of nations without further delay.
23.	How can some countries condemn the genocide of Hitler and Pol Pot and yet openly encourage South Africa with trade and investment? How can we live with our consciences when we stand impotent in the face of the blatant genocide of large sections of the black population, who are moved from their traditional homelands into barren lands to die of hunger and our only response is the passage of pious resolutions? How can the veto of a resolution exposing the sham of the so-called power-sharing in South Africa be justified when that sham has already been exposed by the very people it is supposed to benefit?
24.	How can certain countries reconcile their superficial subscription to the Charter of the United Nations with their conduct outside the Organization? How can countries, some of our own friends, line up in mute obedience to condemn the initiative in Grenada which liberated the people of that country from the iron boot of military tyranny and removed the threat to the very existence of the small, democratic and defenceless nations of the eastern Caribbean—an initiative that was supported by the overwhelming majority of the peoples of the Eastern Caribbean and by almost the entire population of Grenada? Yet many of those nations remain silent on the continued bleeding of the people of Afghanistan.
25.	Those are questions which small countries, defenceless but for the umbrella of the moral authority of the United Nations, continue to ask. The answers, when they come, bring us but cold comfort.
26.	The technological revolution, which could have been employed to solve many of the social and economic problems that beset the world, instead has brought people in every part of the globe under the mushroom cloud of fear. We now have the spectacle of two super-Powers, with contending ideologies and sharply differing political systems, both armed to the teeth with nuclear weapons capable of reaching the furthest end of the earth, standing off like characters in the cinematographic film High Noon and glaring at each other across a gulf of hostility which even sportsmen and sportswomen are not permitted to cross. But it must be realized that there can be no winners in the arms race. As we raise the stakes so, too, do we raise the danger of mutually assured destruction. This madness must stop and the resources of the earth must be put to the service of mankind to fight the only wars that should be fought—wars against hunger, ignorance and disease.
27.	Other wars are being fought, however, wars by proxy, and the chosen battlefields are countries of the developing world. Lebanon continues to bleed in agony, and we welcome the initiatives at present being undertaken to end that fratricidal strife. Nor can we fail to raise our voices in support of those who seek to end the seemingly interminable war between Iran and Iraq, a war in which so much blood and treasure is being senselessly expended.
28.	It is now 40 years that there has been no peace in the Middle East. It has been said and frequently repeated that the Palestine question lies at the heart of the problem. Saint Lucia subscribes to that statement, but Saint Lucia also recognizes the fact that Israel exists and that, short of a nuclear holocaust, Israel will continue to exist. That certain countries in the area refuse to accept this fact is also at the heart of the problem. Therefore, while we support the Palestinians' right to a homeland, we also support Israel's right to exist within secure and defensible boundaries. Israel, too, if it is to retain international support, cannot fly in the face of world opinion and pursue an expansionist policy of settlements on land which, if it is to live in peace, it must eventually vacate.
29.	The costs of these interminable wars in the Middle East are horrendous and, if the expenditures in military enterprises since 1948 had been used to develop a Palestinian homeland rather than to provide instruments of destruction, the Palestinians would have the highest per capita income of any nation on earth. But logic and sanity are at a high premium in that part of the world.
30.	It does not appear that the poverty of a country and the destitution of its population preclude its being dragged into the arena of international conflict. Had that been the case, the people of the Republic of Chad would have enjoyed a life of peace and serenity. That is, unhappily, not the case. While the bulk of the population of that unhappy country languishes in poverty, hundreds of millions of dollars are being spent to frustrate the ambitions of one international adventurer. The initiative taken by France to protect the independence of Chad is to be commended, and it is hoped that foreign troops will soon be withdrawn and that unfortunate country left to pursue its destiny without further interference from outside.
31.	Wars, in the sense of armed conflict between States, are not the only cause of concern. In recent years, a new and dangerous phenomenon has emerged—the phenomenon of State-supported terrorism. The tragedies of Rangoon and Beirut shocked the conscience of the civilized world and bear sad testimony to that fact. The perpetrators of those dastardly acts and those States which give them aid, comfort and sanctuary must be unequivocally condemned, and concerted international action must be taken to remove this scourge from our midst.
32.	It would appear that the sponsors of that form of international mischief spare no country, however small or however far removed from their borders. Only one year ago, certain Governments of the eastern Caribbean, including Saint Lucia's, became aware of a conspiracy to train certain of their nationals in terrorism and sabotage—a conspiracy which was frustrated only by timely intelligence received from certain friendly countries. Such brazen acts of aggression by proxy cannot be condoned by the international community.
33.	Permit me to deal briefly with matters of current concern in the Caribbean and Central America. In this area, within the last decade, there have been stirrings of a people anxious to remove the weight of centuries from its back. These stirrings, in the main, have not evoked sympathetic response from the international community but, rather, have provided opportunities for international adventurers and attracted the attention of the sensation-seeking media. The problems of the region are social and economic in origin, with roots deep in the colonial past of which they are legacies. Such problems as the unequal distribution of land and wealth, the wide disparity between rich and poor, the denial of such basic human needs as education and health facilities, deep-seated though they may be, are not amenable to military solutions. If neglect in addressing them has driven some sections of the population, in despair, to take up arms against their sea of troubles, hoping that by opposing they will end them, that should not be seen as an opportunity for international adventurers to fish in the troubled waters of social discontent, in an area hitherto free of international entanglements, and to pour in military equipment and advisers in quantities and numbers which must cause alarm as to the ultimate intentions of the suppliers of such assistance.
34.	For more than a century, the Caribbean and the Americas have endeavoured to sort out their problems without international entanglement. This approach should continue, and those problems that exist must be left to the wisdom of the statesmen of the region, who, with regard to the current problems in Central America, have already taken the initiative under the umbrella of the Contadora Group. All peace-loving nations should therefore support their endeavours. This support can be convincingly demonstrated by the cessation of supplies of military equipment and the withdrawal of all military advisers from the region. What the region needs is ploughshares, not the sword; tractors, not tanks; bread, not bazookas; teachers, technicians and doctors, not military advisers, and, most important, an environment of peace in which economic development and social transformation can take place.
35.	Therefore, we welcome the recommendations of the Kissinger Commission on Central America, with its emphasis on economic and social assistance. We welcome, too, the opportunities available for expanded trade and development under the Caribbean Basin Initiative and the initiatives taken by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States members of the European Economic Community in support of the Contadora Group.
36.	After centuries of colonialism throughout this hemisphere, coupled with slavery in some parts, western hemisphere leaders are wary of becoming involved in ideological struggles for fear that by so doing they might exchange one colonial master for another. Recent events in the Caribbean have forcefully demonstrated to us the need for vigilance if we are to preserve our fragile independence—vigilance particularly in the removal of any areas of social conflict. If the Caribbean is to be made a "zone of Peace" as some have proposed, this should mean not only "peace", as opposed to military conflict, but Peace" in terms of the removal of social conflict between various groups in our society, by removing the root causes of such conflict.
37.	In this regard, we urge the appointment, specifically for the Caribbean region, of a Commission, akin to the Kissinger Commission on Central America, to address the needs of the Caribbean and to recommend a programme of economic assistance which would help in removing areas of social discontent and to provide the environment of social peace which is so crucial to economic and social development and the preservation of our democratic way of life.
38.	In our part of the world—and I speak specifically of the Commonwealth Caribbean—we know of one way and one way only of choosing and of changing our Governments: that is, by the ballot box, in free and fair elections, held at regularly specified times. We do not subscribe to the doctrine that power comes from the barrel of a gun but, rather, we hold steadfastly to the imperative that power comes from the will of the people, who giveth and who taketh away. It is for this reason that we became so alarmed when in 1979 one member of our closely knit family of nations departed from this traditional path. This departure provided an opportunity for international adventurers to invade our region, introducing alien ways and strange concepts intended to keep the people of Grenada in subjection far worse than colonialism and, by subversion, to extend their influence throughout the region, with domination their ultimate goal.
39.	What other explanation is there for the introduction of over 10 million rounds of ammunition in a small country with a population of fewer than 100,000? What other explanation can there be for the supply to a country, surrounded by unarmed and friendly neighbours, of arms far in excess of its needs for self-defence, or for the construction of the most powerful radio station in the region and of a satellite earth station, or for the vast array of instruments of propaganda and subversion? What other explanation is there when young people from neighbouring islands are recruited and trained in subversion and terrorism and sent back home to practise their newly acquired skills?
40.	Our needs in the Caribbean are great, but guns and instruments of war are not among them. In most countries of the eastern Caribbean, our only defence is a police force seldom numbering as many as 300 men, including the band, armed only with batons or ceremonial rifles. Military assistance is, therefore, not welcome.
41.	However, between 1979 and 1983, the militarization of the island of Grenada progressed at a rate that caused alarm. One distant country with which we have no traditional association provided in excess of $ 15 million in military hardware, but not a single dollar for water supplies in a country where over 50 per cent of the population is without potable water. Others provided hundreds of military advisers, but not a single teacher in technical education. Armoured personnel carriers came, but not a single agricultural tractor. There were elaborate provisions for military training, but no provision for job training. Elaborate military installations were built, but not a single mile of farm road. And so the litany goes on. These were not the needs of the Grenadian people and were not the solutions to their needs.
42.	We, in the eastern Caribbean, drew our own conclusion, and this gave us no comfort. In fact, we became alarmed and when the opportunity presented itself we took action under the Treaty establishing the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States for our own self-defence and self-preservation and removed this cancer of militarization from our midst—action which is permitted under the Charter of the United Nations. Today, Grenada is a free county, and the eastern Caribbean can breathe easily again; we can sing the popular song that has now become an anthem: "We hope the day will never come when we will awake to the sound of guns."
43.	We are peace-loving countries struggling to provide basic essentials for our people, whose history of colonization has been so long and is so recent. Those with military and imperialistic ambitions must therefore look elsewhere. The Caribbean will provide them no haven. Bayonets planted in Caribbean soil will not grow. In a few weeks' time, Grenada will have a Government elected by the democratic process, the fairness of which is open to observation by the international community. That is our way, the only way we will have it. How many countries can boast of such a record?
44.	On another encouraging note, Saint Lucia applauds the recent proposals for a peaceful solution of the Beagle Channel dispute and the acceptance of these proposals by Argentina and Chile, and we congratulate these countries on so doing. I note, too, that Guatemala is prepared to negotiate a peaceful settlement of its dispute with Belize, and it is our hope that the dispute between Guyana and Venezuela, which has been submitted to the Secretary-General so that means of mediation may be found, will be speedily and satisfactorily disposed of so that these two countries—one a brother and the other a close friend—can then devote all their energies to the solution of their social and economic problems.
45.	We, in this hemisphere, have in this manner demonstrated to the international community our approach to the solution of disputes between ourselves. It is my hope that such an approach will be used as an example in providing a solution for the Falkland-Malvinas dispute—a continuing irritant between traditional friends. One approach which I commend to the parties is that Argentina should forswear the use of force as a solution to the dispute, while the United Kingdom, for its part, should suspend the fortification of the islands pending mediation under United Nations auspices.
46.	While the high drama of political issues held the spotlight, equally important, though less dramatic, were the battles of reviving the world economy from the longest and deepest recession since the 1930s, and the organs of the United Nations have played a leading role in this field. Though there are positive signs of recovery in the more developed countries, even in those the recovery is patchy and uneven, and most developing countries are still firmly held in the grip of the recession.
47.	Protectionist policies adopted to shield domestic industries from competition are still obstructing the free flow of trade; prices of the primary commodities on which most developing countries depend for their very survival are still depressed and in many cases below 1975 levels; and interest rates are so high that to borrow at all is to court financial disaster.
48.	The low level of earnings from exports from the third world, the decreased capital inflows and the high level of resources deflected to finance the arms race of the developed countries or to provide arms in some developing countries have resulted in a decreased demand for manufactured goods from the industrialized world. These have been analysed as the principal causes of the world recession. High interest rates have resulted not only in reduced capital inflows from the developed to the developing world but, in many cases, in a reverse flow. At current rates, the aggregate of less than five years' repaid interest equals the capital sum borrowed. This is nothing short of usury and exploitation.
49.	Economic growth in the developing world j holds the key to sustained recovery in the industrialized world and, while there is a large reservoir of unsatisfied demand, with low commodity prices and high interest rates even the tenuous recovery which we now experience will not long endure.
50.	As long ago as 1969, the Pearson Commission recommended in its report that the industrialized nations pledge a mere 1 per cent of their gross national product as economic assistance to the developing world. That plea was repeated in the Willy Brandt report. Many were the pledges, but few were honoured. In fact, the World Bank has reported a substantial decrease of concessionary aid flows in both real and actual terms since 1975, and there has been a disappointing response to the call for the seventh IDA replenishment. The Nordic countries are therefore to be commended for having continued, the world recession notwithstanding, to honour their commitments and, in some respects, to exceed the required target.
51.	The economies of island developing States have been identified as areas for special attention. But it would appear that the concept of their special position within the international system is being eroded, as the report by UNCTAD that was to have been prepared for this session of the General Assembly is not yet available and no satisfactory explanation has been forthcoming. It would appear, therefore, that in these cases the international community responds only to crises, and then too hastily and in too ill-considered a way, and consequently at too great a cost and therefore ineffectively.
52.	As small countries, we are here because of the insistence of the United Nations that all countries have a right to independence, and that size and economic circumstances should not be criteria. But independence should mean more than a flag, however colourful, or an anthem, however stirring; or even a place in this body. It should mean, among other things, the ability to provide one's people with the basic amenities of civilized life. Small countries cannot, like the Israelites of old, emerge from the bondage of colonialism to die in the desert of neglect. Small countries cannot be left like orphans stranded on the international shores by the receding tide of ' colonialism, only to be gobbled up by international predators or to become client States of powerful neighbours. Small countries such as our own need the umbrella of the social and economic programmes of the United Nations. They need help to help themselves without being dragged into the slip-stream c ideological struggles. Their entry into the international community must mean more than the right to address the Assembly.
53.	We sit here as equals whatever our size or importance, military or economic. It is because of the interdependence of the world community that each nation, like each man, should be his brother's keeper. The plight of the dirt farmer in the Sahel should evoke a sympathetic response in the vaulted halls of Moscow. The thirst for knowledge of a Saint Lucian child should tug at the heart-strings in Tokyo. Those who by accident of geography or history now possess most of the world's resources or the world's storehouse of knowledge must share with those who wish to cast off the bondage of underdevelopment. The goal in world politics today should therefore be not the exercise of power over the less fortunate but, rather, the dispensing of social justice to those in greatest need. This is what I referred to as the moral underpinnings of the United Nations and this is what membership of this family of nations should be all about.


Allow me to extend to you, Mr. President, on behalf of the Gabonese Government and people, as well as on behalf of Mr. Omar Bongo, President of the Republic, the warmest congratulations of the Gabonese delegation on your unanimous election to preside over the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. You are a worthy son of Zambia, a friendly country with which Gabon has the most brotherly relations, and your election does us honour. You have earned the admiration and support of the international community as represented here by your unswerving dedication to the principles of the self- determination and independence of peoples and your personal contribution to the efforts to bring about lasting world peace—particularly peace in southern Africa—and the independence of Namibia, notably in your capacity as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia.
120.	I should like to include in these congratulations Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama, for the way in which, as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, he conducted our work. His constant availability and the qualities he demonstrated in fulfilling his responsibilities, despite his difficult and important duties, enhanced his personal reputation and his country's prestige.
121.	In the same vein, the exemplary dedication to duty and the pragmatism of the Secretary-General guarantee that the questions submitted for our consideration, no matter how sensitive, will be tackled with the determination needed to find solutions to them in the appropriate framework and through negotiation.
122.	Finally, I take this opportunity to welcome most cordially the sovereign State of Brunei Darussalam as the 159th State to become a Member of the Organization. I pay a whole-hearted tribute to the delegation of that country, and to the delegations of all the other States that champion the noble ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
123.	Once again, we are gathered here to discuss the major problems of our time and together to seek ways and means to help strengthen international peace and security and consolidate multilateral cooperation in a way more in keeping with reality. The climate of generalized insecurity which we are experiencing, compounded by a frenzied arms race, indeed demands that peace and detente be given a new chance. It is m this context that the Gabonese delegation, going along with the general consensus, supports all efforts to enhance the Organization's effectiveness and enable it better to discharge its primary responsibilities, namely, the maintenance of peace based on justice, on the one hand, and the contribution of all to the strengthening of international security, on the other.
124.	Respect for the Charter and the relevant resolutions that we have adopted here is naturally part of those concerns. We must encourage all States Members, and particularly the major Powers, to turn this political will of theirs into reality, that is, to have recourse, as required, to one of the fundamental principles of the Charter, namely, dialogue, which is the primary tool for the settlement of conflicts, which the Gabonese Government has chosen as the backbone of its foreign policy. It is on the basis of that conviction that I should like to revert to and stress some issues to which Gabon attaches the utmost importance and to the settlement of which we would like to make our modest contribution.
125.	First, disarmament. It is essential to pursue relentlessly the quest for an open dialogue and full co-operation between the two blocs in order to reduce tensions and establish a climate of confidence which is now lacking. Detente, a sine qua non of the maintenance of peace, should be part of a world-wide system of peaceful coexistence, encompassing all regions of the world and all aspects of State relations. It must be based on respect for territorial integrity and the political independence of all States, non-interference in internal affairs and non-use of force. To achieve a lasting peace, detente must also be sought in the context of a universal effort to achieve general and complete disarmament. All the more so since, at the thirty-eighth session, the General Assembly adopted resolutions—we shall not mention them all here—which have the virtue of showing quite clearly the links that exist between disarmament and development. That is the cast with regard to resolution 38/71 of 15 December 1983, which establishes a proper relationship between those two ideas. Thus, Gabon whole-heartedly hopes that the various negotiations on the control of armaments will soon lead to specific and positive results making possible the resumption, as soon as possible, of the negotiations that have been suspended.
126.	The Gabonese Government also supports certain initiatives which have been put forward from various quarters, particularly those which stress the need to hold an international conference on military expenditures and the different implications of the relationship between ' disarmament and development, such as the initiative taken on 24 September last from this rostrum by the President of the United States who suggested to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics the establishment of regular ministerial or governmental meetings between their two countries on those issues.
127.	I turn now to the situation in southern Africa. I continue to believe that the attitude of certain States which have important interests in that region—a mercantile approach which chooses to ignore the inhumane dimension of the policy of apartheid— cannot fail further to exacerbate tensions between the black and white communities and expose the entire South African society to upheavals that will not be confined to that area alone. That is why Gabon is of the view that a progressive disinvestment of the transnational corporations that operate in South Africa and the halting of all new investment would help bring about a peaceful solution to this problem.
128.	As we have done in all our meetings, we have continued to call for strengthening the United Nations role and wish tirelessly to work to achieve respect for the resolutions adopted for the benefit of Namibia. In this connection, Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which provides for Namibian independence and elections to be held under United Nations auspices, must be strictly implemented. South Africa must prove to the international community its desire to put an end to its despicable policy of apartheid and establish with its neighbours and the rest of the world relations based on mutual respect, non-interference and non-intervention. I therefore appeal to the conscience of statesmen who still support South Africa and whose countries have as the very foundation of their constitutions the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and call upon them to promote on a global, non-selective basis those rights wherever they have as yet not been achieved, in particular in South Africa, where the authorities, with reference to the recent constitutional reforms, have elevated discrimination to the level of a governmental system.
129.	The double defeat suffered by Pretoria following the sham parliamentary elections organized in August 1984—which have been declared null and void under the terms of Security Council resolution 554 (1984), confirmed a few days ago by the General Assembly at this session—becomes a warning and seems to us to constitute both encouragement and a guarantee of the justness of the heroic attitude of the black population.
130.	The Gabonese Government takes this opportunity to reaffirm its staunch opposition to this new strategy, which is now dividing the South African community into antagonistic classes. Gabon believes that that strategy cannot ever be a proper solution for the problems existing in that part of our continent. Therefore, my delegation supports and will always support the position that only the total eradication of the system of apartheid by means of sustained international pressure will enable us to overcome this tragic situation that victimizes the black majority.
131.	Still with reference to Africa, I wish to mention two cases of conflict of particular concern to my delegation. I am speaking of Chad and Western Sahara. Without reverting to the efforts already made in the past by the Gabonese Government and, more specifically, by President Bongo for the settlement of those two conflicts, I should like once again to voice the hope that an African and peaceful solution will be found. We can therefore most solemnly reaffirm here the role to be played by the OAU, which in our view is the appropriate place for the various parties to these conflicts to meet around the negotiating table. Gabon whole-heartedly hopes that the African continent may become a haven of peace and security and we will always support all initiatives to this end.
132.	Other hotbeds of tension in the world continue to be a source of concern for us. In the Middle East, first of all, the Gabonese Government is convinced that a settlement that would not take into account the deeply felt aspirations of the Palestinian people cannot be a lasting one. In this connection, we reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to a peaceful existence and to remain permanently within secure and recognized boundaries, like all other peoples in the region. Once again, we call upon the Government of Israel to put an end to its settlements policy in the occupied territories, a policy that is endangering the chances of an overall settlement of the conflict.
133.	Iraq and Iran continue to wage a war which has grave consequences not only for their populations but also for the very security and balance of that part of the world. The Gabonese Government supports the initiatives undertaken by the Secretary- General to help those Iwo fraternal countries to engage in an effort at de-escalation of that war. We again renew a pressing appeal to the two sides to cease hostilities immediately and begin a dialogue with a view to achieving a settlement of the conflict, which has lasted all too long already and which clearly serves neither their interests nor those of the other peoples in the region.
134.	Finally, as regards Lebanon, a country with which Gabon maintains excellent relations, we wish to express appreciation for the efforts at national reconciliation made by President Amin Gemayel, who has always worked very hard to help his country recover its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Here, the important thing is that all foreign forces should withdraw from the territory.
135.	With respect to South-East Asia, and more specifically the situation in Kampuchea, Gabon reaffirms its support for the principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and the inadmissibility of the use of force in international relations. All States of the region must embark upon a dialogue leading to a settlement of their disputes and the establishment of lasting peace and stability, as well as the elimination of interference, threats of intervention and the hegemonistic designs of outside Powers.
136.	Concerning the Korean peninsula, I should like also to stress that Gabon is following with special interest the development of the situation and we remain committed to the idea of a negotiated solution designed to bring about the peaceful reunification of the two countries.
137.	Finally, my delegation favours a political settlement of the question of Afghanistan on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops, full respect for its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and strict observance of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference.
138.	We cannot examine the hotbeds of tension which in our times are threatening world peace and security without mentioning the disturbing events in Central America and the Caribbean. Gabon believes that, despite the progress achieved recently by the Contadora Group and the five countries of Central America through the adoption of the document stating the objectives worked out in Panama, the situation in Central America continues to be a matter of concern and we believe that we must put an end to it on the basis of the universally recognized principles we have just mentioned and, in particular, dialogue. Better understanding among all peace-loving men largely depends on this.
139.	It was on the basis of this same spirit of dialogue, understanding and rapprochement among peoples bound by the same culture and ideals that our Head of State undertook the felicitous initiative of proposing to his counterparts in Central Africa the establishment of the International Centre for Bantu Civilizations, grouping together some dozen countries for the benefit of 170 million people. I take this solemn opportunity to pay a tribute to all the institutions and men of good will that worked to ensure the creation of this organization on 8 January 1983 by signing its constitution.
140.	The gravity of the international economic situation is of no less concern to us than the political questions we have just mentioned. Indeed, the serious recession which has so severely stricken all countries, in particular those of the third world, and the difficulties faced by our countries at the present time are a source of great concern, inasmuch as the survival of our populations hinges on their solution. Thus, for the developing countries, the hope of a new international economic order is an earnest guarantee of better control over the world economic system based on the observance of major imperatives, without which there cannot be any improvement in relations between rich and poor countries.
141.	Thus, for the delegation of Gabon, solidarity is the only asset that can truly reconcile the interests of the international community as a whole.
142.	The political and economic interdependence of the world in which we live indeed implies that we must manage the world as a single entity for the benefit of mankind as a whole. What else could we do when we know that one of the tasks entrusted to us by the Organization is precisely that of preparing a better world for future generations? And yet we must say that the way current economic relations are developing does not show a will on the part of some countries to fulfil this task.
143.	In this regard, I should like to stress the gravity of the current economic situation, characterized in particular by the instability of the prices of commodities, which has disastrous consequences, such as fluctuations in the export earnings and deficits in the balance of payments of the poorer countries.
144.	We must therefore emphasize the dimensions of the present threat to world trade, which is steadily shrinking because of the deterioration in the terms of trade and the instability of international liquidity. We must therefore seek ways and means to undertake an in-depth realignment of international economic structures so that the developing countries may be able, because of the quality, diversity and competitiveness of their products, to ensure their exports and thus obtain the financial resources they need for their growth and harmonious development.
145.	Moreover, the problem of the indebtedness of the third world countries appears day by day to be a serious matter for concern, reflecting the extent of the difficulties facing this category of countries.
146.	The paralysis of most third world economies causes us to argue in favour of a new definition of policies of development assistance. The success of such policies depends not only on the necessary coordination of efforts by the various partners but also on a better adaptation of the international financial institutions which must administer those policies.
147.	The experience of recent years makes it clear that it is becoming increasingly difficult to organize the appropriate co-ordination between the countries of the North and of the South. The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, and of the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August 1984, reflect better than anything else the lack of the will on the part of the rich countries to reach joint solutions in co-operation with the countries of the third world, especially on such fundamental questions as borrowing rates and industrialization. It is well known that industry in our countries represents only 11.9 per cent of the world economy.
148.	Notwithstanding the frequent failure of inter-national economic conferences, Gabon reaffirms its support for the launching of global negotiations, without which the world economy will never really be able to regain its momentum.
149.	My delegation therefore believes that the present deadlock in the dialogue between the industrialized countries and the countries of the third world should lead the latter to achieve self-sufficiency and promote the conditions for their internal, self-reliant development, thus making possible genuine, mutually advantageous South-South co-operation.
150.	With regard to the strengthening of horizontal co-operation, 18 October 1983 has become a memorable date for the countries of Central Africa, because on that day we saw the fulfilment of another initiative of President Omar Bongo: the establishment of the Economic Community of Central African States, covering a vast economic region comprising approximately 60 million people and endowed with immense and diverse natural resources. I have no doubt that the Community will make resolute efforts to permit our States to take control of their economies and thereby improve the living conditions of their populations.
151.	All the matters I have mentioned have in common the interdependence of the political, economic and human factors. They also have in common the need for reliable international institutions. That is why, as I have already had occasion to say, the role of the United Nations must be strengthened. All things considered, there is no viable substitute for the United Nations system in our efforts to build a new and better world, even if that system is far from perfect. But what work of man can ever be perfect?
152.	That is why Gabon, since its admission to the United Nations, has been grateful to benefit from the work of the Organization and, in its turn, within the limits of its modest resources, has constantly supported United Nations programmes and its efforts to achieve a more peaceful world, a more just world, a better world.
153.	With that noble ideal in mind, my delegation remains convinced that the Assembly will devote itself at the thirty-ninth session to strengthening the capabilities of our international system, on whose harmonious functioning peace, security and balance in large measure depend.
154.	Developments in international economic relations have not always been satisfactory, and the political situation is shaky, but my country, on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, supports the idea of intensifying international cooperation and believes that our efforts to this end must be encouraged, stimulated and renewed.
155.	A few years ago, His Holiness Pope Paul VI rightly declared that "the new name of peace is development". If the efforts of the Organization are aimed consistently at that noble objective, our hopes cannot fail to be fulfilled. Buoyed up by those same hopes, the Gabonese delegation is ever ready to co-operate fully with the Assembly so that the work of this session may be truly successful.


Allow me, Six, at the outset to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I pay a tribute to your friendly country, Zambia, and wish you all success and good luck in conducting the work of this session. I assure you of the full co-operation of the delegation of the State of Bahrain in carrying out the duties of your high international office.
140.	I should also like to offer the thanks of the delegation of my country to Mr. Jorge Illueca for his skill in conducting the work of the thirty-eighth session.
141.	It gives me pleasure likewise to pay a tribute to the unremitting efforts of the Secretary-General to strengthen the role of the Organization and achieve the goals of the Charter of the United Nations, particularly with regard to the maintenance of peace and security in the world.
142.	I have the pleasure also of congratulating the Government and people of Brunei Darussalam on the occasion of the admission of that country to membership of the United Nations, and wish this friendly State all prosperity and progress.
143.	We have all come to this international forum for the purposes of maintaining international peace and co-operation, finding effective solutions to current world problems and securing, further progress for all the peoples of the world. These purposes can be attained only by an international community which believes in interdependence and solidarity, works for justice and co-operation among the peoples of the world and adheres to the purposes and principles of the Charter, whose high goals we have all promised to respect.
144.	It is regrettable that developments over the years have rendered our duty more difficult and more onerous. We have to take such developments as a challenge which requires collective, concentrated effort.
145.	The war in the Gulf has now entered its fifth year. Its dangers and the threat that it poses to world peace and security have intensifies It has taken a particularly dangerous turn over the last few months with attacks outside the zones of hostilities on oil tankers belonging to States which are not parties to the Iraq-Iran conflict. This dangerous development requires us more than ever before to increase our efforts at mediation to settle this dispute peacefully.
146.	Moved by their desire for peaceful co-existence and good-neighbourliness, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Arab States of the Gulf Co-operation Council asked the Security Council to adopt a draft resolution calling upon States to respect the territorial integrity of the States that are not party to the hostilities in the Gulf, to exercise the utmost restraint and to refrain from any act which might lead to a further escalation or widening of the conflict.
147.	Security Council resolution 552 (1984) con-firmed the conviction of the international community that such attacks constitute a threat to the safety and stability of the area and have serious implications for international peace and security. The Security Council is requested to follow up the implementation of this resolution to ensure the free and safe navigation in international waters and sea lanes for shipping en route to and from all ports and installations of the littoral States that are not parties to the hostilities in the Gulf. The Security Council should carry out its responsibilities, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter, and take positive and decisive action to end this war and have it settled peacefully.
148.	To reduce the tension of the war, the State of Bahrain called upon Iraq and Iran, early in July of this year, to accept the principle of the neutrality of seaports in the Gulf, as a natural step after both parties, on the proposal of the Secretary-General, had agreed not to attack civilian targets. We hope that our call will be heeded by Iran, since Iraq has responded to it, so that the lives of civilians in the warring States may be spared and the economic interests of all countries in the Gulf protected.
149.	We again call upon the two neighbouring countries, Iran and Iraq, to settle their differences by peaceful means and to re-establish normal relations between them on the basis of mutual respect, good- neighbourliness and non-interference in each other's domestic affairs, so that peace and constructive co-operation may prevail in the region, for the well- being and prosperity of its people. I commend the positive response of Iraq to all international attempts at mediation to settle this war by peaceful means.
150.	The Arab Gulf region has been the centre of attention of the States of the world because of its important strategic location and large oil reserves, which supply world markets with a great part of their energy needs. The Gulf Co-operation Council countries have frequently affirmed that the maintenance of peace, security and stability in the region is their own collective responsibility, free from any foreign interference whatsoever. This joint policy has become a fact, thanks to fruitful understanding and cooperation among the countries of the Council in the political, economic, defence and other fields.
151.	The war in the Gulf, the continuous Israeli aggression against the Arab countries, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the intensification of East-West rivalry are all dangerous warnings that the world is constantly facing acute crises that threaten international peace and security and entail the elimination of all the achievements of the United Nations over the four decades since the Second World War. Now, more than ever before, the international community is facing a difficult historical option: either war and the non-observance of the rule of law, or the peaceful settlement of disputes and respect for the Charter of the United Nations. Peace based on justice, on the dignity of man and on non-interference in the internal affairs of other States is a noble human aspiration which should be attained despite all difficulties.
152.	The crisis through which the United Nations is passing is due to the fact that some Governments ignore the Organization and its Charter and try to reach certain political goals through the threat or use of force to prevent the United Nations from accomplishing its main objective: the maintenance of international peace and security. The Security Council, the organ responsible for the maintenance of peace and security, is often unable to carry out its duties because of East-West rivalry and conflict.
153.	The two super-Powers, which should bear greater international responsibility as regards the maintenance of peace and security, have disappointed other States by their preoccupation with the arms race, particularly strategic nuclear weapons, and the creation of political and military spheres of influence in the world. This has stalled detente between the two super-Powers and disturbed the atmosphere that is needed for positive and constructive dialogue between them.
154.	Although detente between the two super-Powers is considered to be a positive factor for the reduction of world tensions, the current crisis in international relations should not be looked upon as a crisis between two parties, without a third. The current crisis is unfortunately universal in its nature and ramifications. The security and stability of the world should therefore be the collective concern of all countries. Atomic terror, the world food crisis, and peace and stability in the world are problems of a universal nature, which all States in the world should effectively contribute to solving. Hegemony in international relations should therefore be replaced by equality and the rule of law, in order that faith in the international Organization may be strengthened and it can play a prominent humanitarian role, enabling all the peoples of the world to enjoy peace and prosperity.
155.	The aggravation of acute international problems is a source of concern and pessimism in relation to the future of current international relations. We still hope, year after year, that this concern and pessimism will vanish through the emergence of a new era of co-operation and understanding among States. We believe that the cause of the pessimism is not the existence of problems in international relations, for mankind has always faced such problems. What is really distressing is that, after centuries of civilization and progress in all fields, nations have not been able to establish an effective international system based on co-operation, justice and mutual respect. Narrow national interests still dominate international relations and often involve the use of force as the main instrument for securing such interests.
156.	A question that arises in this respect is the nature and role of the United Nations—as the Organization that should maintain and preserve peace and security in the world—in such a welter of international problems and crises.
157.	Despite its great contributions in the social and development fields, the United Nations has not been able—or has not on many occasions been afforded the opportunity—to play the role entrusted to it under the Charter. The international community should face this fact with a sense of responsibility and realism so that it may disentangle itself from the vicious circle of hope and wishful thinking and so that the international Organization can become an effective instrument for the implementation of the purposes and principles of the Charter. To do so, of course, is not easy. It is an arduous and complex task and one that requires a new, collective outlook characterized by courage and faith. It is clear that there is a collective international feeling that changes should inevitably be made in the United Nations to modify and strengthen its role, particularly as regards the maintenance of world peace and security.
158.	The Middle East has been the scene of bloody and tragic events since 1948, when the Arab land of Palestine was forcibly seized to establish a Zionist State on it. All the international attempts and efforts to reduce tension in this strategic and sensitive region of the world have failed because they have not touched the root of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
159.	The core and the root of the Arab-Israeli conflict the refusal to grant the Palestinian people their imprescriptible and inalienable right of sovereignty and the establishment of their own State on their national soil, under the leadership of the PLO, their sole legitimate representative.
160.	Israel's refusal to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which have been reaffirmed by recurrent United Nations resolutions over the course of 37 years, has aggravated tension in the Middle East, particularly since Israel has revealed its imperialist and expansionist ambitions through its militaristic, sectarian and racist war against the Arab States, the occupation of their lands by force and the exercise of the most inadmissible forms of repression and terrorism against the Arab population, especially the Palestinians who live under the yoke of Israeli occupation.
161.	The increase in the ferocity of the Israeli aggression against the Arab people has reached such a level that decisive and effective international measures should be taken to curb it because it contravenes the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. The Organization, and particularly the Security Council, which is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, are still unable to prevent Israel from pursuing its aggressive policy because of the support it receives from the United States Government.
162.	We declare now, as we did last year, at the thirty-eighth session, our support and approval of the unified Arab peace plan, adopted at Fez on 9 September 1982 by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference. That plan, which deals with all the aspects and details of the Arab-Israeli conflict, is a realistic attempt to find a just and lasting solution to the Middle East conflict. Its elements are derived from the principles of the Charter and from resolutions of the United Nations which call upon Israel to withdraw from all the Arab occupied territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and to dismantle all settlements which it has unlawfully established in those territories. The plan also reaffirms the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the exercise of their imprescriptible and inalienable rights, including the establishment of their independent State on their national soil.
163.	Israel has rejected the Arab peace plan for the Middle East and all serious initiatives for the solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It has thereby confirmed that it is an expansionist settler State which condones the crimes and massacres perpetrated against the Arab nation, particularly against the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples. For how long will the international community remain powerless to carry out its declared intention, embodied in recurrent resolutions, to put an end to Israeli aggression, the dangerous nature of which is escalating daily, threatening not only the security of the region but that of the whole world?
164.	The continuation of aid and support to Israel has made it more arrogant and resolute in its violations of United Nations resolutions and basic human rights. Israel still procrastinates and imposes unreasonable and unacceptable conditions for its withdrawal from Lebanon, which proves its evil intention to perpetuate its occupation.
165.	It is a principal historical duty of the international community, as represented by the Security Council, to restore security and stability to the victimized land of Lebanon. This can be done only by restraining Israel and compelling it to withdraw from all Lebanese territory, in accordance with the numerous Security Council resolutions in that respect.
166.	The Israeli invasion of Lebanon has complicated the internal situation in the country and increased tension in the Middle East region. We hope that Arab Lebanon will recover from its ordeal through the unity and solidarity of its people, so that its territorial integrity and sovereignty may be maintained for a better future, with the restoration of security, tranquillity and stability to that Arab country, whose sufferings have been beyond imagining.
167.	There are other important questions which still occupy the attention of the international community and for which suitable solutions have not yet been found.
168.	Soviet forces have been occupying Afghanistan since the end of 1979, despite numerous United Nations resolutions and renewed appeals to the Soviet Union to withdraw from Afghanistan so that its people may regain their freedom and return to the policy of non-alignment which they have adopted for themselves. I should like to call now—and it is a call of the international community as a whole—upon the Soviet Union to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan and leave the people of that country free to choose its political system without any pressure or threat.
169.	In South Africa, the minority white Government subjects the black majority to the harshest forms of racial segregation and discrimination, contrary to all the high moral principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations. I appeal to the Security Council to take all appropriate measures to ensure that the Pretoria Government abandons its racist policy.
170.	With regard to the question of Namibia, the Government of South Africa still procrastinates and evades the finding of a just solution. The State of Bahrain is convinced more than ever of the need to increase international pressure on South Africa to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which calls for the independence of Namibia under United Nations supervision.
171.	With regard to the question of Cyprus, we reaffirm the importance of creating a suitable atmosphere to pave the way for a peaceful settlement acceptable to both parties to the dispute. We should pay a tribute to the ceaseless efforts of the Secretary- General to narrow the differences between the parties and find a durable and just solution to this problem.
172.	In connection with the attempts made to settle the dispute between the two parts of Korea, we welcome the call for unconditional negotiations and the unification of the Korean peninsula for the well- being and prosperity of the Korean people as a whole.
173.	The world is now passing through the worst stage of economic stagnation and recession since the Second World War. The recovery the world witnessed some years ago, which varied in different parts of the world, is now over. The end of the recovery in some large industrialized countries has aggravated the economic difficulties of developing countries, particularly the poorest among them.
174.	Economic stagnation and recession in the world have caused the debts of developing countries to increase to an amount estimated at present to be over $800 billion. It is worth noting that the increase in the debts of the developing countries was caused originally by the reduction of the prices of raw materials produced by those countries and the increase of the prices of manufactured goods imported from industrialized countries. This has had dangerous adverse repercussions on economic and social development in developing countries and widened the deep gap in the standard of living between the countries of the North and those of the South.
176. We may ponder whether on the same planet two such different worlds can coexist—one too rich and one poor, suffering from hunger and disease— without acute crises arising in the world, both North and South. We should realize that our world is one in which interests are interconnected and interrelated and in which the importer and the exporter depend on each other. The rich and the poor are individuals of one community and, if the gap between them widens, deprivation will inevitably lead to confrontation. The international community should therefore consolidate its collective efforts to reduce the intensity of the crisis and its destructive effects. This cannot be achieved except by the establishment of the new international economic order based on justice, independence and collective partnership.
176.	The delegation of my country hopes that the current session of the Assembly will adopt appropriate resolutions to deal with world problems which threaten humanity with dire consequences if no collective action is taken to combat them. I should like to reaffirm that the Government and people of Bahrain are fully prepared to work with the peoples and Governments of the world to attain the aspirations of the world community, in accordance with the high aims and principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. We should work to build a better world in which security and harmony prevail, so that we may fulfil our mission to allow future generations to live in peace, prosperity and stability.


40.	I am pleased to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Thailand, our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. You are recognized as the person most eminently qualified for this high office during a crucial period in the life of the United Nations. Your undoubted dedication and wisdom, together with your proved diplomatic skill and sense of fairness, are bound to have a beneficial impact on the Assembly's deliberations. It is fitting, therefore, that in these challenging times, the international community has chosen wise and prudent leadership and is grateful to Zambia and to Africa for providing the services of one of its most distinguished sons.
41.	In the same manner, I should like to pay a warm tribute, on behalf of my delegation, to Mr. Jorge Illueca, an illustrious son of Panama and of Latin America, and President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The United Nations is indebted to him for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the Assembly and for his invaluable contribution to international peace and co-operation.
42.	My delegation wishes also to congratulate all the Vice-Presidents of the General Assembly, who represent the different regions of the world, reflecting thereby the universality of the United Nations.
43.	The admission of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations is a historic milestone in its inevitable progress towards complete universality. I am indeed most gratified to extend, on behalf of the Thai delegation, our sincere congratulations to the Government and people of Brunei Darussalam and to its delegation on this momentous occasion. Brunei Darussalam and Thailand are fellow members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] and are thus committed to the cause of regional peace, harmony and co-operation.
44.	The past year has been marked by contrasting developments which portend both promising and ominous prospects for the future.
45.	On the one hand, the industrial nations have overcome one of the most serious recessions since the Second World War; on the other hand, the developing countries are saddled with a crushing debt burden with little relief in sight. While recovery is proceeding, albeit at an uneven pace, in the developed economies, the poorer nations can only look forward to a continued stalemate in the North-South dialogue and various interrelated multilateral agenda.
46.	While the world has escaped a major conflagration for another year, armed conflicts continue in many parts of the globe, with increasing risks of escalation. While mutual restraints prevail, there is a virtual deadlock in all super-Power negotiations relating to arms control, with grave implications for all mankind. Not only the fearsome spectre of nuclear holocaust but also the ghosts of famine and mass starvation, indiscriminate violence and terrorism continue to stalk and haunt us, and the basic requirements for exorcising them are too often neglected or ignored. The root causes of these and other problems are too frequently a matter of controversy, and as long as they are not dealt with the problems will persist and may indeed worsen.
47.	In all these developments the United Nations has an abiding interest and an important stake. Its membership represents the variegated world in which we live. Its difficulty is derived from the varied interests and preoccupations of our troubled and divided world. Its opportunity can arise from the growing sense of interdependence which the Organization itself has helped to foster over the years.
48.	On the eve of its fortieth anniversary, gnawing self-doubt and external criticisms are threatening to cause a severe malaise towards and within the United Nations. Although this institutional crisis is not the first, or even the worst in United Nations annals, it can lead to paralysis, to the discredit of multilateralism at the very time when international co-operation is imperative to reduce world tension and to strengthen international peace and security.
49.	Since collective security and peace-keeping were the main concerns of the founding fathers of the Organization, and these areas are the primary functions of the Security Council, much thought-provoking discussion has been focused on the role of the Council.
50.	It is to the credit of the Security Council and the United Nations system in general that, despite recent criticisms of its performance, there is never a lack of candidates for the vacant seats in the Council. Another interesting point is that, on most issues where no veto power is exercised, the votes in the Council tend to reflect the sense of the international community as expressed on the same or related issues in the General Assembly. This point highlights the need to maintain a proportional balance in the Council's membership.
51.	Another significant aspect of the Council's composition is that, while there is a need to maintain a balance in proportion to considerations of geography or group, there is also a need for objectivity and moderation, especially in the face of explosive situations. Above all, adherence to principles and a just and reasoned approach to issues are prerequisites for improving the Council's performance.
52.	Among the serious issues faced by the United Nations there are two which would seem to many observers to be less difficult to resolve, partly because they do not appear directly to involve the vital interests of the super-Powers or to indicate any prospect of immediate super-Power confrontation. Moreover, failure or further delay in resolving them will in the long run injure certain important interests of the respective super-Powers. These two issues are the question of Namibia and the situation in Kampuchea.
53.	In both instances it is clear that the respective occupying Powers are acting illegally as well as in an inhumane manner. Any country or individual professing love of freedom, independence, human decency and dignity must find the ongoing situations in those two countries—Namibia and Kampuchea— abhorrent and unjustifiable. Thailand's positions on both issues are identical. We continue to support the legitimate rights of the Namibian and Kampuchean peoples. We continue to support the demands for withdrawal of the occupying forces without delay. As the front-line State in the Kampuchean situation, Thailand suffers similar attacks and acts of aggression, as well as a similar refugee problem, to those experienced by the front-line African States. We continue to support the just struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] in the same way that we continue to support the just struggle of the Kampuchean people under the leadership of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea with Prince Sihanouk as its President. At the same time, we continue to support the role of the United Nations in trying to achieve a peaceful solution in accordance with its relevant resolutions and the principles of the Charter.
54.	Despite the efforts of the United Nations for many years, especially in the case of Namibia, the Namibian and Kampuchean peoples remain deprived of their legitimate rights and dignity. It is not difficult to see why. Both South Africa and Viet Nam have used similar tactics to deceive the world while determinedly maintaining their ruthless objectives. Both South Africa and Viet Nam have relied on their superior military capabilities to subjugate the occupied countries as well as to intimidate neighbouring countries.
55.	However, a cogent argument is that the super-Powers also have a vital interest in maintaining peace and stability in the regions of southern Africa and South-East Asia, which are undoubtedly important parts of the world. Moreover, their interests can be severely damaged by strained relations with the majority of countries in those regions. Since their immediate interests are not involved in supporting South Africa and Viet Nam, respectively, but only their fears of the other's intentions, their interests would be better served by ensuring the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978), and the framework for a settlement of the Kampuchean problem adopted by the International Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York from 13 to 17 July 1981.
56.	Thailand had the honour of hosting the extraordinary plenary meetings of the United Nations Council for Namibia, held at Bangkok, from 21 to 25 May 1984, at which the Bangkok Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia were successfully adopted. My Government will continue to maintain its support for the Namibian people until they achieve sovereignty and independence in a united Namibia.
57.	By the same token, Thailand will maintain its support for self-determination by the people of Kampuchea. Recently, the Foreign Ministers of the member countries of ASEAN issued a joint appeal calling for the restoration of full independence and sovereignty to Kampuchea through withdrawal of all foreign forces from that country, national reconciliation among all Kampuchean parties and the exercise of self-determination free from outside interference.
58.	It is important to note that in the ASEAN appeal there is a factual cognisance of the existence of Kampuchean factions whose reconciliation is necessary—indeed, essential—for the survival and well-being of the nation, and that an independent, neutral and non-aligned and united Kampuchea will best serve the interests of the Kampuchean nation. On the other hand, foreign occupation, under whatever pretext, will never conform to the legitimate aspirations of the Kampuchean people. Moreover, it will only lead to more bloodshed, regional tension and external intervention. For these reasons, therefore, the ASEAN States hope that their joint appeal will find increasing support among the States Members of the United Nations.
59.	With reference to the incidents near the Thai- Lao border, my Government regards them as minor border incidents which can unfortunately occur in any part of the world. The issue itself concerns only three small, remote villages covering an area of 19 square kilometres and with a population of 1,100 people. The matter arose when Lao troops began harassing a Thai work crew building a road some distance from those villages and well inside our border. Once military actions had taken place, it became difficult for either side to yield for fear of giving the advantage to the other side.
60.	This bilateral issue was further complicated by an undue interference from a third country, which has seized upon the opportunity to divert world attention from its military occupation of Kampuchea and to introduce an extraneous factor in the form of linkage to the Kampuchean problem.
61.	It has long been the policy of the Royal Thai Government to maintain good-neighbourly relations with Laos. The issue of the three villages should not be permitted to stand in the way of improved relations between the two peoples, who speak the same language and have relatives on both sides of the border. Therefore, despite efforts of the other side to impede progress towards a peaceful settlement, the Royal Thai Government has decided to remove the Thai military presence from the three villages in order to defuse the situation and bring about a peaceful solution to the problem.
62.	The situation in Afghanistan involves one of the super-Powers as a combatant against the Afghan patriots, who only wish to see the restoration of sovereignty and independence to their country. Having undergone some internal dissension, Afghanistan fell prey to foreign intervention and naked armed aggression. Five years of foreign occupation have resulted in nearly a quarter of its population being displaced and in their hapless existence in refugee camps in neighbouring countries. My delegation wishes to pay a fitting tribute to Iran and Pakistan for providing these unfortunate refugees with temporal^ refuge, which imposes a serious burden on their economies.
63.	The Thai delegation reaffirms its full support for the repeated calls by the C nation of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the General Assembly for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan, in order to allow the Afghan people to exercise their right to self-determination, free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind. My delegation also reaffirms its full support for the effort of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative to bring about a negotiated settlement in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
64.	The Middle East continues to be embroiled in conflicts which are of the greatest concern to us all.
65.	The war in the Gulf area between Iran and Iraq constitutes a worrisome source of instability in the region, with grave implications for international peace and security, as well as tragic human consequences.
66.	The Government of Thailand enjoys friendly relations with both conflicting parties and earnestly wishes to see the two parties engage in a cease-fire and peaceful settlement of their dispute. We watched with deep concern the start of the present conflict by Iraq and continue to watch with equal concern the determined persistence of Iran in proceeding with the war until certain conditions are met. Does this mean that the hostilities and the accompanying agonies and risks will be prolonged? The world has already witnessed "qualitative" escalation in the use of arms both on land and sea, including chemical weapons. It bodes ill for the patriotic youths of both great nations having to lay down their lives in a war that may never be won.
67.	The core of the Middle East problem remains the question of Palestine. Thailand deplores the fact that the Palestinian people are still denied their inalienable rights, including self-determination. While we are asked to ensure the right of all States in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, the rights of the Palestinians to national independence and statehood are ignored. While we were rightly horrified by Nazi persecution of the Jews and are deeply moved by the plight of dissident Jews, the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and properties has never been adequately addressed. Nor has the plight of the Palestinians in the occupied territories.
68.	The Arabs in the occupied territories, too, share a similar plight, having to live under foreign occupation while Israeli authorities adamantly refuse to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions and to withdraw their forces from the Arab territories occupied since the 1967 war. Thailand's consistent policy is to demand the prompt withdrawal of all Israeli forces from those territories and the full implementation of all relevant United Nations resolutions without further delay.
69.	Since the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the Middle East has been fraught with heightened dangers. Lebanon is today wracked by civil strife and outside interventions, posing a grave threat to Lebanese sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. It is with genuine sadness that we observe Lebanon, with its dynamic people and ancient heritage, being ravaged by destruction and incalculable suffering. It has been the consistent policy of Thailand to recognize the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon. The ongoing crisis in its southern part, which is under Israeli occupation, has recently deepened, owing to illegal actions by the occupying authorities. It seems only just that the position of the Lebanese Government be scrupulously respected, since it constitutes the Administration recognized by all, including Israel, which had indeed concluded an agreement with the same Administration.
70.	Above all, Thailand calls for the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 509 (1982) and urges all United Nations Members to respect the sovereignty, political independence, unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon, as well as its inalienable rights to its resources, and to support the efforts of the Lebanese Government to restore the legitimate authority of the Lebanese State throughout its territory within the internationally recognized boundaries.
71.	The situation in Central America continues to be a cause of concern for the international community. My delegation is of the view that the Contadora Group's proposal for negotiations among all parties concerned, in order to arrive at a peaceful settlement with viable guarantees, is constructive and conforms to the aspirations of the peoples of the region. We wish, therefore, to express Thailand's support for the efforts of the Contadora Group, which apparently enjoys increasing acceptance not only by the regional countries, but also by the international community.
72.	One of the tragic human consequences of conflict is the refugee problem. While we have not successfully dealt with its root causes, we must continue to perform our humanitarian task, within the limits of our capabilities, in taking care of uprooted and displaced persons. There is nothing more symptomatic of our troubled times than the existence of millions of refugees all over the globe. The fact that poorer countries have had to bear a disproportionately heavy burden also indicates the state of the world's conscience.
73.	The refugee population in Africa alone numbers 5 million. It is gratifying to note the successful convening at Geneva, from 9 to 11 July 1984, of the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, and the fact that other countries with a similar problem, including Thailand, participated in that Conference and made their pledges to assist their African brothers.
74.	In numbers, Asian refugees follow closely behind those in Africa. There are 2 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan, for instance. The magnitude of the problem in Asia is often compounded by the circumstances and duration of their plight, as in the case of the uprooted Palestinians. In Thailand, some Indo-Chinese refugees have languished for over nine years. Following the invasion of Kampuchea by Vietnamese forces, the number of Kampuchean refugees reached its peak a few years ago. Continued Vietnamese occupation has brought about widespread famine and food shortages and has driven a quarter of a million more Kampucheans to the Thai border, a fact that is a matter of concern to the international community.
75.	The refugee influx has, in turn, displaced the local population. However, their predicament is less well appreciated by the world at large and should be given due sympathy and assistance.
76.	On the other hand, international concern is more clearly perceived with regard to the Vietnamese boat people. Since 1975, Thailand has given temporary refuge and protection to approximately 80,000 Vietnamese boat refugees. It continues to be Thailand’s policy, as in other refugee cases, to assist these hapless boat people in ways that are commensurate with Thailand's limited resources and capabilities. The fact is that, long before their plight had become an issue of international concern, Thai authorities had provided them with relief and assistance. As long as the root causes are not dealt with, there will continue to be people who are willing to flee their country in rickety boats and to risk dangers on the open sea. Unfortunately, there will also be ruthless individuals who will prey on them. In 1981 the Royal Thai Navy set up an anti-piracy unit of its own. In 1982 the Government commenced an anti-piracy programme in co-operation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. However, owing to financial and territorial constraints, it was possible for the programme to cover a sea area of only 15 per cent of the total area envisaged. In this connection, it should be noted that the so-called Gulf of Thailand comprises sea areas belonging to several coastal States, as well as parts of the high seas. Even then, according to UNHCR statistics, the incidents of piratical attacks on the boat people as well as on fishermen have decreased significantly. In July of this year, the programme was extended for another year, thereby indicating the confidence of the participants in the continued usefulness of the programme.
77.	The principle of burden-sharing must remain the cardinal tenet in dealing with the aftermath of a refugee influx, so as to enable the countries of first refuge to continue with their humane policies. Not only must the international community do its part in alleviating their burden, but it must also try to deal with the root causes in order to alleviate the refugee problem itself.
78.	There are many important aspects of the humanitarian problem of concern to mankind, but among the most serious and appalling must be the deprivation of the basic and fundamental human rights of the black majority in South Africa. The policy of apartheid and its practice by the Pretoria regime are roundly condemned by the international community. Thailand's consistent policy is well known to all, and my delegation will continue to demand the abrogation of apartheid by the Pretoria regime and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the black people in South Africa in accordance with the principle of majority rule and with respect for human dignity and equality.
79.	By the same token, the international community has a stake, and an important role to play, in dealing with another humanitarian issue, namely, drug abuse. The Royal Thai Government intends to remain in the forefront, in co-operation with the international community, in its efforts to suppress opium cultivation and to interdict trafficking in illegal narcotics in the areas under its jurisdiction. While it is true that not all our efforts have been completely successful, we remain no less committed and determined. The task is made more difficult by the inability to curb demand, which is often the responsibility of another sovereign Government, and by the rugged terrain and the limited equipment in the hands of enforcement officers. Moreover, in the case of opium cultivation by hill tribesmen, any ill- considered actions in contravention of their age-old custom and belief should be avoided. Indeed, one can safely predict that if such precipitate actions were taken, they would be condemned by many people from the same country which now demands such actions.
80.	The problem of drug abuse, if permitted to continue unabated, would become a time bomb that might ultimately lead to the debasement, and even the destruction, of man. Death would not be as rapid as in a nuclear war, but man would lose his reason for being long before death overtook him.
81.	The world is still confronted with the unprecedented threat arising from a massive build-up of arms and competition in the qualitative refinement of weapons of all kinds. Furthermore, rapid advances in science and technology have made the extension of the arms race into the new dimension of outer space a very real possibility.
82.	Negotiations, both within and outside the framework of the United Nations, to halt the spiralling arms race and reduce the risks of nuclear confrontation have not thus far made any significant progress. To this paralysis of multilateral negotiations is added the recent suspension of the bilateral talks between the two super-Powers on intermediate- range nuclear forces and strategic arms reduction issues. Moreover, the deterioration of the international situation provides added impetus to the arms race, thereby bringing the world closer to the brink of doom.
83.	In view of the unabated escalation of the arms race and the dangers that confront the world today, disarmament has become more urgent and imperative than ever before. The Thai delegation fully shares the views expressed in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, the first special session devoted to disarmament, that, while the final objective should be general and complete disarmament under effective international control, the immediate goal must be the elimination of the dangers of nuclear war and the implementation of measures to halt and reverse the arms race. My delegation urges that all States, particularly the nuclear-weapon States, pursue as a matter of urgency negotiations on the implementation of the Programme of Action contained in the Final Document, taking into account the legitimate security interests of nuclear-weapon and non- nuclear-weapon States alike.
84.	As a further step to advance the cause of disarmament, measures to halt and reverse the arms race should be complemented by other initiatives, such as the establishment of zones of peace. Such zones could strengthen the fabric of regional peace and stability and prevent extra regional interference, thereby creating conditions conducive to regional cooperation in economic and social development. In the light of this fact, Thailand and the other countries members of ASEAN will exert every effort to bring about the early establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia.
85.	In the same manner, Thailand supports an early convening at Colombo of the Conference on the Indian Ocean. My delegation urges that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean continue to make determined efforts to overcome the outstanding problems and finalize all preparations for the Conference in a timely manner.
86.	Recent reports of the use of chemical and biological weapons in certain parts of the world, including South-East Asia, are an appalling reminder of the urgent need to control and eliminate this type of armament. In view of their inhumane and indiscriminate effects, my delegation is strongly opposed to the development, manufacture, stockpiling and use of these weapons in any circumstances. A comprehensive treaty banning such weapons, with adequate mechanism for verification, should be a matter of the highest priority in the ongoing work of the Conference on Disarmament.
87.	On the eve of this session of the General Assembly, my delegation was encouraged to see some signs that the two super-Powers were more inclined towards a resumption of their bilateral arms talks. While it may be too optimistic to hope for a meaningful dialogue between them before the end of this year, it should be realized that time passes and with each passing day the risks of confrontation increase. In this connection, the tone set by President Reagan in his statement before the Assembly should further encourage us to renew our collective efforts in the quest for a world free from weapons of mass destruction. Such a step would indeed be a giant step for mankind.
88.	If the world can be spared the immense costs of the arms race, then enormous amounts of resources can be released for such constructive uses as the economic and social development of the poorer countries.
89.	The Thai delegation is conscious of the crisis at present affecting the global economy. While the underlying problems are structural in nature, interna-tional efforts to revitalize the development process in the developing countries are indispensable for sustained global recovery. In this regard, my delegation is convinced that such recovery and continued economic development are inseparable. My delegation therefore wishes to express its disappointment at the lack of progress towards the launching of global negotiations and to reiterate its call for their early inauguration. At the same time, we endorse the proposal for an international conference to re-examine the functioning and rules of the present international monetary, financial and trading systems and to bring them within the framework of global negotiations.
90.	Since Thailand is a developing country heavily dependent on export earnings from food products, agricultural commodities and industrial raw materials for the financing of its development programme, it is concerned that in the past year commodity prices have dropped to their lowest levels in more than 30 years. Increasing recourse to protectionist measures, including export subsidies, quantitative restrictions and the use of other non-tariff barriers by the industrialized countries continues to accentuate the economic plight of the developing countries, to the detriment of trade growth and global economic recovery. The Thai delegation believes that verbal commitments to honour an open trade system must be followed by concrete actions to reduce trade barriers.
91.	Protectionism in developed countries has imposed severe constraints on our food production and marketing, and too little attention has been paid to the impact of trade barriers on the problem of famine and malnutrition in the world at large.
92.	Thailand is deeply sympathetic regarding the economic difficulties of the least developed and land-locked developing countries, which are the world's poorest and most disadvantaged. These countries include Thailand's neighbour, the Lao People's Democratic Republic. Many such countries, in Africa in particular, have to face serious famine and deprivation. Despite its limited resources as a developing country and despite its various commitments, Thailand has been able to provide modest assistance in the form of food aid and financial contributions, as well as technical assistance, to those nations most severely affected. Recognizing the seriousness of food shortages, particularly in Africa, my Government will look further into possibilities for bilateral co-operation with African countries in food production in order to promote self-sufficiency.
93.	Regarding the question of energy, recent adjustments in fuel prices should not be regarded as diminishing the need for lasting and effective solutions to energy problems, including those of energy conservation and the utilization of alternative sources of energy. Investment, development and growth of production in the energy fields in the developing countries should also be encouraged. The Thai delegation supports the need for a sustained mobilization of international financial resources as a means of assisting the national efforts of developing countries in using domestic energy resources. My delegation also renews its call for the early establishment of the proposed energy affiliate of the World Bank and for an early implementation of the Nairobi Programme of Action for the Development and Utilization of Mew and Renewable Sources of Energy.
94.	With regard to the debt problem, Thailand feels that it not only imposes a burden on debtor nations but also constitutes a far-reaching constraint to world trade and recovery and contributes to the weakening of the international financial system. We were therefore disappointed at the failure of the London Economic Summit of the seven major industrialized countries, held from 7 to 9 June 1984, to address adequately the problem of debt and the whole range of problems besetting the majority of countries in the world, including trade liberalization, commodities and financial flows.
95.	On science and technology, Thailand welcomed the agreement reached on 20 June 1983 on the establishment of the long-term financial and institutional arrangements for the United Nations Financing System tor Science and Technology for Development. Although the agreement falls short of world-wide expectations, it is hoped that successful collective efforts will be made to mobilize adequate resources for the system, to enable the long-term arrangements to take effect as soon as possible. The Thai Government stands ready to make a financial contribution to the arrangements.
96.	As a founding member of the Group of 77, Thailand attaches high priority to the goals of collective self-reliance through economic and technical co-operation among developing countries, both within its own sub region and at the global level, under the aegis of the Caracas Programme of Action4 and the Buenos Aires Platform, respectively. In this connection, Thailand has recently played host to two technical meetings under the sponsorship of the Group of 77 and at the Group's request. One of the important outcomes was the establishment of an action committee on co-operation in fossil fuels, which is the first of its kind under the Caracas Programme of Action.
97.	This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Group of 77. It is indeed a significant milestone in international co-operation. My delegation joins the other Members in extending its best wishes to the Group, as well as in thanking its chairmen, past and present, and their able staffs for their dedicated work on behalf of the Group, to which Thailand is proud to belong.
98.	It is perhaps through lending one another a helping hand that we can best learn to experience the multilateral approach. The value of multilateralism cannot be gainsaid in a forum such as this, where leaders of so many countries have taken the trouble to be present.
99.	This is an opportune moment to pay a well- deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, who has courageously appraised the role of the United Nations, noted its accomplishments and shortcomings, and added stature to his position during his relatively short tenure thus far.
100.	In the conclusion to his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General has reiterated his call for a multilateral and rational approach to the problems of international peace and development, and he states that:
"It is widely understood that without such a system we shall run unacceptable risks and that it is therefore irresponsible to weaken the multilateral approach. Without the safety net which multilateral organization provides, the world would certainly be a much more dangerous and disorderly place."
101.	My delegation fully subscribes to his views. On the eve of the Organization's fortieth anniversary, the Thai delegation pledges its continued co-operation to you, Mr. President, and to the Secretary-General in the furtherance of the noble aims and objectives of the United Nations. Let the cry in this Hall be: "Forty more years!"