It is my pleasure, at the outset of my address to the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, to join with those who preceded me in expressing my sincere and profound congratulations to the distinguished President of the Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, on his unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current session. Your election, Mr. President, is a personal tribute to your accomplishments and your struggle. It is likewise a tribute to the struggle of our brother people of Algeria.
48.	I should like at the outset also to express the most sincere and heartfelt congratulations, and a fraternal welcome, on the occasion of the admission of three new States to our international family, namely Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. The admission of the two latter States to the family of the United Nations is further evidence of the twilight of the colonial era and its eclipse in the remaining Territories which for so many centuries have suffered under its yoke. It also heralds a new era of freedom and human dignity.
49.	My Government, while acknowledging with appreciation the wisdom and far-sightedness which the new Government of Portugal has shown, hopes that Portugal will continue its enlightened policy of decolonization in the other territories which have not as yet achieved their liberation namely, Mozambique and Angola.
50.	A cursory glance at the agenda of the current session, which consists of more than 100 items, conveys a clear picture of the broad and comprehensive scope of the present tasks which indeed constitute a permanent and continuous challenge of this universal Organization.
51.	In the agenda there are certain items which have become our inheritance year after year either because of their importance and their recurring nature or, in many instances, on account of the failure of the United Nations to find appropriate and effective solutions, notwithstanding the United Nations resolutions pertaining thereto, which have expressed the will of the international community by categorical and absolute majorities.
52.	On the agenda, and in the valuable report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [AI960I and Add.I] there are items of considerable importance and gravity. These items form significant landmarks along the road, if not decisive cross-roads. It is incumbent upon all of us to accord them optimum and most expeditious attention before the position deteriorates and they become unnameable to solution.
53.	I refer here to what the Secretary-General says in the introduction to his report concerning the sixth special session, which the General Assembly held in the spring of this year to discuss the situation regarding raw materials and development [Al960llAdd.l, sect. V]. We believe that these two matters constitute an embodiment of the great economic and social issues which confront the present international community.
54.	It has become all too clear that the acute economic crises and social upheavals which the world is witnessing today are not isolated or unforeseen occurrences. Nor are they confined to one country or region. Rather, they represent a rapid deterioration, the inevitable outcome of which may well undermine the entire economic and social structure of the whole world. They are the outcome of several phenomena, including a population explosion in many parts of the world which does not seem to lend itself to any control, as was seen during the World Population Conference held in Bucharest during the summer of this year.
55.	There is also the accelerating attrition and waste of the world's finite raw materials stemming from an inexorable consumer revolution, particularly in the developed countries, without regard for the rights and needs of succeeding generations.
56.	There is also the revolution of rising expectations, which is pervading the whole world, as a result of increasing progress and awakened consciousness unprecedented in the history of the human race. While the World Population Conference dealt with an important element in the current international economic situation, Jordan looks forward with considerable interest to the forthcoming World Food Conference, scheduled to meet at Rome next November. It is our hope that the Conference will succeed in formulating a world food policy which will include the expanded production of food-stuffs, the equitable distribution of food and the establishment of a sound basis for world food security.
57.	Last, but not least, is the deep and growing chasm between the developed and the developing countries, the "haves" and the "have-nots", whose efforts to catch up with the march of progress are being rendered more costly and difficult as a result of inflation, owing to which most of them are compelled to import, for reasons which have nothing to do with their own conditions but are rather the outcome of economic and social convulsions in the more advanced States and societies.
58.	These fateful, vital issues were discussed in depth and detail during the sixth special session of the General Assembly and this is not the appropriate place to analyze them or pass conclusive judgments on them. However, I feel compelled to refer to them, for two reasons.
59.	First, the current economic situation in the world affects the survival of hundreds of millions of the human race, particularly in the developing countries. Furthermore, the world today has become so inter-dependent that if one member is stricken all others feel the affliction, not in one area of life but in all its manifold manifestations.
60.	Secondly, there are persistent and unfair attempts to explain the current world crises by placing responsibility on the shoulders of a group of developing countries which nature has endowed with one principal raw material petroleum. This is being done at a stage in technological progress at which petroleum plays an important if not a cardinal role. But, we are entitled to ask and Jordan, incidentally, is not an oil- producing country is the inflation which threatens the economy of every country in the world a product of today or even of the recent past, as claimed by those who wish to link it to the rise in petroleum prices during this year? Do we not all realize that the runaway inflation which is getting more and more out of control is the consequence of years of economic and social convulsions in the developed countries?
61.	All States, big and small, rich and poor, are genuinely concerned about controlling the ever more devastating inflation, because a stable, reasonable and balanced criterion of value is an indispensable condition of the preservation of stability and confidence, which are the corner-stone of any sound economic or political world order. This can be achieved only by quiet dialog and objective appraisal in the search for appropriate solutions.
62.	Diverting attention from the real causes under-lying the destabilization of the world economic order or attempting to find a single fictitious scapegoat for the present world malaise, will not serve the interests of any party. On the contrary, this compounds an already sordid situation.
63.	The Government of Jordan wishes to acknowledge with approbation the initiative which the oil- producing countries have taken in the establishment of special development funds and programs to assist the developing nations of the third world in shouldering the burdens of the present and in -looking to a better future. It is our hope that good will may be followed by speedy and practical implementation because bureaucracy, as the experience of developed countries in carrying out assistance programs have taught us, often constitutes the major obstacle to satisfying the needs and the aspirations of peoples for a better life.
64.	We are convinced also that the peoples of the third world, including the 130 millions of the Arab nations, will receive a fair share of all the investment and assistance programs which countries with a currency surplus intend to carry out in order that every part of our world may become an active and positive factor in the world economy rather than a burden on it.
65.	This will also dissipate the myth that there are funds without peoples and peoples without funds. The Arab nations, in partnership with the peoples of the third world, are capable of absorbing a substantial ratio of any surpluses that may become available, for their own good as well as for the world economy as a whole.
66.	Economic development and sound international dealings presuppose the existence of an international order based on justice in every corner of the globe. Peoples can never devote any thought to the precepts of normal life, to which we all aspire, so long as they are deprived of the elements of peace and national security for their peoples or their homelands. Let us add to this what certain people suffer as a result of racial discrimination which is contrary to all the values of the civilized world and which is the scourge of every country or people which allows itself to exercise this discrimination.
67.	I am stressing this view because I represent a country that is an integral part of the greater Arab homeland and that has had to suffer aggression against its peace, security and territorial integrity. The share of such aggression falling to Jordan has been substantial.
68.	The agenda of this twenty-ninth session is studded with items concerning the Middle East which are in essence and in reality derivatives of one basic problem, namely, the Zionist aggression in Palestine and the extension of that aggression over the past quarter of a century to include territories and peoples of neighboring Arab countries.
69.	Thus, we have, for example, item 38, pertaining to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. I do not believe that anyone will disagree when I state that it is one of the oldest, if not the oldest, agenda item in the history of the United Nations. The tragedy of it all is that it pertains to the fate of one and a half million human beings who are still living a life of dispersal, deprivation and physical, as well as psychological, suffering in consequence of their forced expulsion from their homeland in 1948.
70.	Under this item the General Assembly also receives the report of the United Nations Palestine Conciliation Commission, which in the early 1950s, and in co-operation with all parties concerned, strove to arrive at a just and permanent solution to the Palestine question, on the basis of the implementation of all General Assembly resolutions on this subject. All the parties concerned, including Israel, came to an agreement and initialed what came to be known as the Lausanne Protocol. But no sooner had Israel signed that instrument than it retracted and refused to ratify it. It consequently caused the loss of an historic opportunity to settle this dispute once and for all, thus sparing all concerned the wars and tragedies of the past quarter of a century.
71.	Also on the agenda is item 40, which deals with Israeli oppressive practices against the inhabitants of the occupied territories since 1967; the violations of their human rights and Israel's systematic efforts to absorb their lands and transform their physical terrain and history. And while violations of human rights continue unashamedly, and unacceptably to our contemporary world, regardless of the guises and excuses under which they are perpetrated, they are nevertheless violations of the rights of humanity. They are reflected in the atrocious and irresponsible tampering by Israel with a civilization that has a legacy going back almost two thousand years. Before our eyes is the holy city of Jerusalem whose historical, architectural, religious and cultural legacy falls victim to the hammers of destruction, mutilation and distortion, regardless of its sacredness, its majesty and its eternity. The fact that it symbolizes the loftiest spiritual aspirations of humanity has not spared Jerusalem the agony of a ruthless metamorphosis.
72.	The agenda also comprises a broad item under the heading "The situation in the Middle East" [item 109], This simply alludes to the fact that Israel, which launched an all-out aggression against three Arab States, namely, Jordan, Syria and Egypt, in 1967, still persists in that aggression by its continued occupation of vast areas of Arab lands. And even though the war of October 1973 was a reminder to Israel that its expansionist aggression and usurpation of other people's lands could lead only to an explosion, it has reverted once again to dragging its feet. Israel has been declaring to the world that it is determined to grab this part or that part of Arab occupied homelands; that it would be ready to withdraw from a bit of territory here and a bit of territory there, arrogating to itself the option of which parts of our homelands and rights it would not wish to relinquish, and without showing any serious concern lest such an attitude destroy the possibilities of establishing a just and permanent peace in the Middle East, in accordance with the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council.
73.	In historical hindsight it becomes abundantly clear that what happened in 1967 was a calculated and deliberate plan. If anyone has any doubt that this is so, let him look at how Israel, after occupying Jerusalem, the west bank of the Jordan and Gaza, went about absorbing those territories, in addition to occupying them. Let him witness how Israel today refuses to pull out, in any real or meaningful sense, from these occupied territories, notwithstanding the fact that the Arab States directly involved have agreed in unequivocal and categorical terms to accept peace, within the framework and provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and its subsequent concomitant resolution 338 (1973), which confirms it. What excuse remains in the arsenal of Israel for re-fusing to relinquish the territories which it occupied by force of arms in 1967?
74.	The agenda includes an item entitled the "Question of Palestine" [item 108]. And as the title indicates, it represents an initiative to restore the question to its roots and fundamentals, after it has lain in abeyance for more than 20 years. During all those years any discussion of the problem was restricted to subsidiary issues such as that of resolution 194 (III), paragraph 11, which the General Assembly adopted in 1948 asserting the rights of the Palestinians to return to their homeland and properties and ensuring compensation for those who might choose not to return. I need hardly remind this distinguished General Assembly that the said resolution, along with many others, has remained ink on paper and is being stored under a thick layer of dust and indifference became Israel wished it to be so. The General Assembly has remained immobilized and incapable of doing anything about it.
75.	The items to which I have referred will be dis-cussed in full detail when the time for their debate comes up. But I feel it is my duty, within the framework of this general debate to outline as clearly as possible the position of Jordan in regard to this question.
76.	First, Jordan supports without reservation, like all its sister Arab States indeed, like all States of the world that are committed to supporting right and justice the full restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people.
77.	Secondly, the rights of the Palestinian people have been victimized by the most flagrant of violations ever since 1948, when the majority of the Palestinians were forcibly expelled from their lands and from their homeland. Furthermore, the rights of the Palestinian people were once again trampled upon in 1967, when Israel occupied large areas of Arab territory within which live more than a million people. The rights of the Palestinian people quite obviously cannot be restored except on their own soil and in their own homeland, in accordance with the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations, and by their being enabled to return to their homeland through an ending of the occupation.
78.	Thirdly, Jordan's direct historical, national and moral imperative is to do all it can, in conjunction with the other Arab States, with a view to restoring the territories occupied as a result of the grave setback suffered by the Arab States in 1967. This duty stems from Jordan's national commitment, as well as from the special relationship which identifies Jordan with the hopes and aspirations of the Palestinian people.
79.	It should be recalled that, following the catastrophe which befell the Palestinian people in 1948 and which resulted in the loss of four fifths of their homeland, a voluntary unity was achieved within the framework of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan between the east bank and the west bank of the Jordan. That unity remained and stood firm until 1967, when Israel succeeded in occupying the west bank in its entirety, along with its occupation of other Arab territories.
80.	Jordan will continue every effort for bringing about the total withdrawal of Israel, so as to make it possible for the people of Palestine to exercise their right of self-determination in their own homeland and on their own soil. This is a position which Jordan shares with all the other Arab States.
81.	I wish to emphasize here that the only obstacle standing in the way of the Palestinian people in the exercise of their rights is the Israeli occupation and Israel's obduracy in refusing to implement the principles and resolutions of the United Nations.
82.	In close proximity to our territory lies the island of Cyprus, with its Greek and Turkish communities, with whose ancient and valiant peoples we have the strongest bonds of fraternal friendship. Our people were dismayed, as were other peoples, by the national catastrophe that has afflicted this small and beautiful island. My Government offers its deepest condolences for the innocent victims from among the two communities who lost their lives. Jordan also expresses deep regret for the destruction that has been wrought upon the economic structure of the island. It is our fervent hope that the international community will, after the restoration of peace and amity in Cyprus, offer the necessary assistance to enable that country to rebuild its shattered economy.
83.	The explosion of the situation in Cyprus, though its immediate cause was the mistakes of a handful of people who did not weigh the consequences of their acts, serves none the less as proof that a policy of sleeping through crisis situations and letting the fire smolder under the ashes, and failing to take serious initiatives with a view to solving deep-rooted crisis situations as was the case in Cyprus is the most short-sighted and most dangerous of policies. Time does not solve problems; it merely aggravates them. It is to be hoped that the tragic events in Cyprus will serve as a lesson to those who are content to leave crisis situations unresolved as is the case in the explosive Middle East because of either short-sightedness or lack of will, or both.
84.	Jordan quite naturally supports the preservation of the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus. We also believe that this should be based on the peace and security of the two communities, without allowing conflicting external interests in the world to stand in the way of such an accord. We hope that the leaders of the two communities will reach an agreement that will ensure such peace and security, without permitting external interests to aggravate the situation.
85.	Jordan has followed with profound satisfaction the continuation of the policy of detente which was the central theme of the debate at its twenty-eighth session. I wish to stress in particular the attitude of detente which permeated the two major Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, in their efforts to limit strategic weapons. But there is, as the Secretary-General has noted, a greater danger arising from the increasing proliferation of atomic capabilities among a growing number of States [A/96011Add./, sect. X], The danger is particularly great in view of the fact that any differentiation between atomic capabilities for peaceful purposes and those for military purposes is inconsequential. It is a noteworthy fact that there are at present perhaps 12 States with the potentiality of becoming nuclear-weapon States, but which have not as yet signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XX//), annex]. Some States have signed it but have not yet ratified it. This number may well double over the next few years.
86.	It is the duty of the United Nations, and particularly of the major Powers, to do everything in their power -and to do it before it is too late- to ensure a firm and effective system to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This can be achieved only on the basis of equality of treatment for all States within each region. If one State is permitted, either by silence or out of permissiveness, to acquire nuclear arms, it becomes impossible to persuade the other States of the region, which deeply feel this terrifying power hovering over their heads, to refrain from acquiring possession of such arms as time goes by. And therein lies the danger to world peace as a whole.
87.	Jordan fully supports the proposal to declare the regions of the Middle Bast and of South Asia nuclear- free zones similar to the one declared in the case of Latin America, and approves the increasing attention that is being given to proposals to declare the continent of Africa a nuclear-free zone as well. This can become a plausible and serious objective only if each and every State within the regions concerned abides by it without exception.
88.	The world today is passing through one of the most perilous periods in the history of the human race. On the one hand, this period holds out great hopes for the advancement of mankind; on the other, it is fraught with unprecedented dangers because of its potential for destruction. In many circles there is a growing feeling of inevitable doom. But we need not be unduly pessimistic because, given good-will, sound judgment and selflessness, we should be able to tackle and successfully overcome every problem that now appears difficult or incapable of solution.
89.	Jordan, as an integral pa.*t of the Arab world, believes that the time has come for the Middle East to surge forward, with all the human and material re-sources at its disposal, in a renascence that will not only resuscitate its own great cultural heritage -it is the cradle of civilization -but also work towards the enrichment of contemporary civilization and culture, side by side with the other nations of the world.
90.	Our nation looks forward with determination to becoming, shoulder to shoulder with the other peoples of the world, a positive force in shaping the present and the future. It will not tolerate a situation in which its causes remain but sordid and repetitive items at every session of the General Assembly.
91.	The capabilities of our nation are still either dispersed or immobilized in consequence of the aggressions and the unlimited and unreasonable demands made upon it. These aggressions and demands are unique in that they run counter to the aspirations of all peoples for freedom, progress, and unrestricted international co-operation and amity. Hence, it is incumbent upon the United Nations not only to stand by the cause of right and justice, but also to strive firmly with a view to making it possible for the Middle East to become an area of peace, progress and justice, for the good of our region itself and of the world at large.


On behalf of Sweden, I wish to join in the congratulations that have been addressed to Foreign Minister Bouteflika on his election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The high responsibilities entrusted to him testify to the important role of Algeria in international politics today, as well as to his own outstanding qualities as a statesman. The excellent relations that exist between Sweden and Algeria are an added reason to express pleasure in seeing him occupy this distinguished office.
182.	Let me take this opportunity also to thank Mr. Leopoldo Benites for his outstanding work as President of the General Assembly at its last two sessions.
183.	Since last year's general debate important, often dramatic, events have occurred which clearly have influenced relations between countries and groups of countries. Those events have illustrated both the possibilities and the limitations of our Organization.
184.	Since this is the first time that I have spoken before the General Assembly, let me confirm the determination of my Government to support, as before, all efforts to strengthen the authority of the
United Nations and its capacity to further the aims of the Charter. At the same time, Sweden consistently pursues a policy of non-alignment in peace aiming at neutrality in time of war.
185.	These two principles in Swedish foreign policy have the overwhelming support of public opinion in Sweden. They supplement each other.
186.	We are deeply aware of the connexion between peace and security in Europe, global detente and disarmament, a more just relationship between rich and poor nations, and respect for the right of all peoples to decide their own future. We have found that the aims of our foreign policy, as I have described them, give rise to expectations that Sweden should make active contributions in these various fields. At times they may also give us special opportunities to act.
187.	The Organization should be a forum where all peoples can present their policies and defend their interests. That is also what we need in order to tackle the immense problems which now confront us and which concern all human beings. In this spirit I wish to welcome our new Members, Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau.
188.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development, became a milestone in the history of the United Nations. It stressed the increasing interdependence between all countries. It made clear that co-operation on equal terms between developed and developing countries is a necessary condition for the progress and development of the world community. This is also true for the fight against world inflation.
189.	The gap between rich and poor nations is widening. The world's resources are unequally distributed. They are scarce, and tend to become even more so, in relation to a growing world population that expects at least satisfaction of basic needs for food, housing and employment. A more just world economic order must be created, where the rich countries show restraint in the use of the world's resources. We must be aware of the limits of what the human environment can bear when the world's resources are being exploited at a rapidly increasing pace.
190.	The World Population Conference in Bucharest emphasized, in its Plan of Action, the relationship between, on the one hand, population trends and, on the other hand, economic and social conditions, as well as the distribution of the world's limited resources.
191.	Today millions of people suffer from hunger. If we do not succeed in solving the problems of food production, we have to reckon with the fearful prospect of new millions being condemned to malnutrition and premature death. The World Food Conference in Rome must be followed by concrete measures and commitments.
192.	The next session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea must establish conditions for the exploitation of the oceans with a view to guaranteeing good management and fair distribution of their wealth.
193.	The United Nations has to come to grips with the problems arising from conflicts between growing multinational enterprises and the legitimate needs and claims of individual countries.
194.	The world conferences in 1974 and 1975, together with the review of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, provide a unique opportunity to work out an integrated approach to problems of global development. We regard this work as an indispensable part of the efforts to secure peace in a long-term perspective.
195.	Of equal importance is the work of the United Nations to avert and overcome crises which constitute imminent threats to peace and security, and to create the foundation for lasting peace by means of disarmament.
196.	The Charter of the United Nations places the main responsibility for peace and security on the permanent members of the Security Council. This assumes a willingness and ability on the part of the States to reach agreement. Two of them, the United States and the Soviet Union, have come to play a special role on account of their economic strength and their military resources, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons. All attempts to limit their immense armaments should be greeted with satisfaction. The results so far, however, have been quite inadequate. No efficient barriers have yet been created to halt the development of their most destructive weapons. The cessation of all nuclear testing still meets resistance. The unwillingness or inability of the leading nuclear-weapon States to live up to their commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is one of the reasons why the Treaty has not gained, sufficient support. The threat increases that nuclear arms may be produced by a growing number ,of countries. Six Powers have carried out nuclear explosions during the past year. A strengthening of the control of fissionable material is a matter which requires urgent international attention. The multilateral agreements which have so far been reached in the field of armaments are of limited value. The negotiations on a ban on chemical weapons proceed only too slowly. The efforts to prohibit the use of particularly cruel weapons have not yet resulted in any decisions.
197.	States Members of the United Nations must raise their voices to make it clear that practical results are now needed in the struggle against war and the means of war.
198.	The United States and the Soviet Union have tended to seek bilateral understanding also on other vital issues. The efforts towards detente by these Powers seem to imply mutual recognition of, and respect for, the interests of the other party as well as an understanding to follow closely and to attempt to limit any crisis which ultimately may lead to a major war. Agreements between them for these purposes are essential for lasting world peace. However, this policy also entails problems for States and peoples whose legitimate interests may not be duly taken into account. The policy of detente is incomplete as long as it does not tackle the basic political problems which create local tensions and conflicts.
199.	The great Powers have in a number of cases been anxious to anchor their agreements in decisions by the United Nations. If other Member States are given reasonable opportunities to influence the final results of negotiations, such ratification by the world community is in the interest of all. Confidence in the United Nations is strengthened. All States are given joint responsibility for translating the agreements into practical action and for making them a basis for peaceful and permanent solutions.
200.	There is anxiety in many quarters that States commanding superior resources may use them in order to influence internal political developments in smaller countries. The Charter of the United Nations as well as the Declaration on Principles of Inter-national Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV), annex] aims at establishing protection against such interference. The Declaration emphasizes that every State has the duty to respect the right of all peoples freely to determine, without external interference, their political, economic and social conditions. It is emphatically stated that no nation shall
"... organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another State, or interfere in civil strife in another State".
Evidently those principles are as binding for great Powers as for small nations. No State may evade those obligations by referring, for instance, to interests of national security.
201.	The tragic fate of Cyprus is a matter of serious concern for the United Nations and its Members. No one can deny that the crisis was triggered by the irresponsible policies of the earlier Greek regime. The dangers of expansionist dictatorship, lacking democratic support, have again been demonstrated. We welcome the fact that the people of Greece will have the opportunity to shape its own destiny.
202.	The military intervention of Turkey in Cyprus could be viewed against the background of 10 years of unsuccessful attempts to regulate the relationship between the two population groups on the island and the situation that suddenly arose this past summer; but in the light of the Charter, the Turkish intervention is a matter for serious concern. Today there is an urgent need for clear confirmation that the objective of the intervention is restricted to maintaining the independence of Cyprus and protecting the legitimate interests of the Turkish minority.
203.	In our opinion, any settlement of the Cyprus problem must provide guarantees for the independence and territorial integrity of the country. Independent Cyprus must also be enabled to continue its policy of non-alignment. Sweden does not try to persuade other States to adopt a policy of non- alignment but regards it as essential that such a policy, once freely chosen, be respected. Strategic interests must not take precedence over the right to self-determination of small countries.
204.	In the other serious conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean, the United Nations involvement dates back to the role played by the General Assembly in the question of Palestine during the years immediately following the Second World War. Time and again basic United Nations principles have been violated in the tense situation that has since then prevailed in that area. Negotiations aiming at a peaceful solution did not prove possible. The way in which the great Powers pursued their interests, often in competition with each other, contributed for a long time to the aggravation of the situation. When they changed their policies in the direction of mutual detente, they left the Middle East problem as deadlocked as before. It was a tragic paradox that a new military flare-up became a precondition for the active involvement of the great Powers in bringing about negotiations which might open up prospects for a settlement. The world now waits with impatience for the parties to begin at last substantive negotiations in Geneva. It is obvious that the endeavours towards a lasting peace in the area must be based on certain principles which have gained widespread support among the Members of the United Nations. The acquisition of territory by war is not admissible. The right of the State of Israel to exist must be clearly recognized. All States in the area must be able to live in security. The legitimate interests of the Palestinian Arabs must be satisfied. The responsibility of the United Nations for any solution that may be reached must be clearly stated.
205.	The United Nations has been kept out of the problems in a third conflict area, IndoChina; but important principles of the United Nations have been at stake in the Viet Nam conflict. Resistance to a necessary process of decolonization lay behind the many years of cruel and brutal fighting. The Paris Agreement put an end to the extensive and direct great-Power intervention; but fighting is still going on in Viet Nam, and tens of thousands of human lives are being sacrificed. This is because the fundamental political problems have not been solved in accordance with the Agreement. In particular it is obvious that the Saigon Administration has no intention of implementing the provisions of the Paris Agreement. A devastating war is driving Cambodia ever deeper into chaos and misery. The United States still bears a heavy responsibility for the absence of a solution to the problems in IndoChina. It should also be noted that the Paris Agreement provides for international machinery to be put into effect should the Agreement be violated; but this machinery has not yet been used.
206.	The continuous debate and pressure of opinion within the United Nations led to the increasing international isolation of the former Portuguese regime and eroded the basis for its antiquated colonial policy. Within Portugal, strong popular forces carried on a courageous struggle against the dictatorship and its policies.
207.	The liberation movements in Africa contributed to creating a new situation. Portuguese soldiers and officers who all too long had been forced to fight a meaningless war without hope decided one day to set their country upon the path of democracy and human rights. Thereby the road was cleared for negotiations on a peaceful liquidation of colonial rule. The new Portuguese Government has shown a constructive attitude which deserves the appreciation of the international community. The African States and the liberation movements have important tasks to fulfill in the final solution of the problems of decolonization. GuinearBissau has already gained independence. Mozambique has taken decisive steps in the same direction. In Angola, it is necessary to create appropriate and effective forms for the transition from colonial rule to true independence. Sweden has, within the .framework of international law, supported and will continue to support the forces striving for decolonization.
208.	Our Organization must now consider how to tackle the problems of Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa. Great vigilance is called for against any effort to secure or expand white minority rule. The sanctions against the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia must be made more effective. The Smith regime has every reason to fear future developments. Nor can the white ruling class in South Africa remain unaffected by the ever stronger winds of change.
209.	The United Nations must increase its efforts to make South Africa abandon its abhorrent policy of apartheid and respect United Nations decisions on Namibia. The non-white majority in South Africa deserves all possible support in its struggle for liberation. Sweden is prepared to make practical contributions to the efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia.
210.	When the United Nations was founded, problems such as apartheid were considered to be outside the competence of the Organization. Developments since then have meant the rejection of too narrow an interpretation of the expression, in Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, "matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State".
211.	In a similar way, the United Nations has demonstrated a growing interest in human rights, traditional civil rights as well as economic and social rights, which have a decisive importance for safeguarding human dignity and for offering a better life to all inhabitants of the earth. There are still no means available to induce Member States to respect those rights even when they are stipulated in conventions and solemn declarations. A wide gap often appears between legal documents and reality. But public opinion must constantly be mobilized in support of human rights. Non-governmental organizations have an important task to fulfill in this field. Commitments made by Governments must be observed. New commitments must be prepared. This work also serves the cause of peace and detente. Extreme violations of human rights evoke international tension. The campaign of protest against the brutal regime in Chile is a case in point. The new rulers of Chile must be reminded that the exercise of power based on brute force can only bring misery to the people and dishonor to the country.
212.	Only through strenuous work for justice in relations among nations, as well as among citizens in any one nation, can the United Nations realize the ideas embodied in its Charter.


Mr. President, I am happy to join those who preceded me in paying tribute to you on your election to the presidency of this, the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, We recall with satisfaction the initiative taken by the President of Algeria which led to the convening of the sixth special session of the General Assembly to deal with a matter of immediate concern to all nations. At this time when our preoccupation must be the need to forge a new international economic order, we can think of no better tribute to you and your Country than that the honor of presiding over the deliberations of this session should be bestowed upon so illustrious a representative.
141.	I wish also to place on record our deep appreciation of your predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, whose wise and efficient guidance of our deliberations during the twenty-eighth regular session and the sixth special session of the General Assembly not only earned him the respect of the international community but also brought credit to his country and all of Latin America.
142.	I should also like, on behalf of my delegation, to pay due tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the untiring efforts he continues to devote to the service of the United Nations.
143.	Today we greet three new Members of this Organization. My delegation has great pleasure in being able on this occasion to extend a cordial welcome, to our sister Caribbean State of Grenada, which has long-established links with the English-speaking States of the Caribbean, links which are the result of a common historical experience. We are indeed happy to share with Grenada the stirring challenges that face this body.
144.	As one of the first States to recognize the sovereignty of the people of Bangladesh, we take particular satisfaction, too, in welcoming a delegation from the People's Republic of Bangladesh and would reiterate to them our sympathy concerning the recent natural disasters which so cruelly struck this new nation. Our condolences also go to the Government and people of Honduras on the suffering which that sister Latin American State now experiences after the grave tragedy which befell it on the eve of this Assembly session.
145.	These calamities must serve as forcible reminders of the obvious responsibility this Organization must seek to discharge in providing assistance in cases of natural disaster.
146.	We must welcome, too, the fact that the Portuguese people have found a new leadership persuaded to end the vicious wars which that country has waged in Africa for over a decade. The presence of a delegation from Guinea-Bissau in this Assembly is a welcome indication that the Portuguese Government accepts the inalienable right of a people to govern itself. We look forward to being able by the next session to welcome delegations from the other Territories which, until recently, formed part of the Portuguese empire.
147.	The universality of membership of this Organization will provide the possibility of greater contentment and, it may be hoped, easier dispersal of the suspicions and frustrations of its Member States. But the admission of any new Member State reminds us that Belize, a member of our Caribbean community, has yet to achieve its independence, not because the metropolitan Power has refused to surrender its control, but because it fears possible assaults upon its territorial integrity. We believe it to be the responsibility not only of States like mine that share a common destiny with Belize but also of this forum to be continually seized of the problem and to work towards a solution that will help to ensure the ultimate goal of independence for that Territory.
148.	We regret to note, too, that in southern Africa the indigenous peoples are yet struggling to attain the human status which the Members of this Organization are committed to guarantee to all peoples of this world. It would be difficult to justify in any human terms the oppression meted out to the African populations of Namibia and Rhodesia and the abominable repudiation of human values practiced under the system of apartheid in South Africa.
149.	My Government has time and again emphasized its abhorrence of the malevolent system of apartheid and will continue to condemn the South African Government for its criminal imposition of this system on the peoples of southern Africa, for its refusal to hand over Namibia to its legitimate rulers and for its support of Rhodesia's illegal Government -all in defiance of the United Nations and its Charter.
150.	But while we display eagerness for every people to enjoy its inalienable right to political freedom and would share in their joy of newly gained independence, we must reflect whether the attainment of sovereignty is not threatened by the political and economic instability of today's world. Barbados is pleased to note the continuation of the very positive steps which some countries have taken during the past year further to resolve their differences. The widening and deepening of detente between the superPowers will no doubt save humanity from the ravages of another major war, and the poorer and weaker countries must applaud all efforts to strengthen peace and security in the world.
151.	But it is with regret that we observe that no lasting settlement has yet been found for the conflict in the Middle East. There are few international problems which so clearly bring home to the small countries of the world how negligent the so-called great Powers have been. It was these Powers that sponsored the creation of the State of Israel. But their pursuit of shifting and contradictory policies and their use of the area as a stamping-ground have been largely to blame for the sorry and wasteful belligerence that has prevailed in the region since 1948 and the tragedy that has overtaken millions of Arab refugees.
152.	We would applaud the tireless and concerted efforts which brought about disengagement in the region after last October's conflagration, but we feel it the moral responsibility of the same Powers to bring all parties to the long-standing conflict to the conference table, to have the problems of frontiers worked out and to have the problem of the wandering and buffeted Palestinians resolved -in short, not only to effect disengagement, but also to create a lasting and effective basis for peace in that part of the world. It would then be possible to ensure that the human and material resources now devoted to the waging of war in that l ea could be better deployed to the general fulfillment of all the legitimate goals of humanity within the Middle East.
153.	My country also deplores the damage done to the political independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus during the past few months. Here is ,a case of a small, defenseless country ripped apart at the will of more powerful countries and made the battle-ground upon which the latter choose to settle their differences. This most recent experience is indeed a sad commentary on the achievements of this body since the Second. World War, for it again reminds us that our system of international peace-keeping is at best selective, at worst ineffective.
154.	Another area of major concern must of necessity be the economic injustice suffered by the majority of States and peoples. At no time in the history of this Organization has the world economic outlook been as gloomy as it is today. Throughout the countries of the developing world there is a common denominator: life is poor in quality, poor in prospect. And yet it is not by divine inevitability that the rich grow richer and the poor grow poorer.
155.	As we approach the mid-point of the Second United Nations Development Decade, we might understandably extrapolate from our accumulated experience in international co-operation for development and ask whether that experience justifies faith in a future of fruitful action in this sphere. Unless we would proceed blindly in today's world of crises, inflation, disequilibrium and deepening poverty, we cannot escape the responsibility of examination and analysis of the factors underlying the frustration of our agreed goals and objectives.
156.	Thirty years ago the Charter of the United Nations committed the international community to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being and to ensuring a minimum standard of living consistent with human dignity through economic and social progress. The launching of the First and Second Development Decades marked attempts to give substance to this pledge and to adopt policies of international co-operation to achieve the agreed purpose. It was true then, and remains tine today, that the scale of such co-operation should match the magnitude of the problem.
157.	That the record of achievement of the stated goals has been less than satisfactory is a common-place. That there is a probability of abandonment of the goals is now a common fear. So let us not forget that the crisis in energy* is but the latest in a series of crises or setbacks that have characterized the international economy in recent times.
158.	We all know that the widening gap between rich and poor countries predated the energy crisis. We all know that the phenomenon of international inflation -the export of inflation from the rich to the poor countries -predated the energy crisis. We all know that the specter of global food shortages predated the energy crisis. We all know, too, that foiling levels of development assistance predated the energy crisis. All this is known.
159.	But the phenomenon of vastly increased prices for the world's main source of energy has aggravated these trends. For oil-importing developing countries the prospects are bleak indeed. The most affected among the developing countries can hardly afford to buy food any longer. For the rest, the disequilibrium of crippling external payments prevents the expansion in productive capacity that is a prerequisite to growth and improved living standards. In this period of international economic crisis the future prospects of the majority of the world's peoples will depend on how poor countries like Barbados, with fragile economies, are able to manage the immediate problem. The case for immediate emergency relief to the most affected countries of the world is beyond dispute. The problem is survival today, or we may not reach the challenges of tomorrow.
160.	The international community has in fact ad-dressed itself to that problem. The elements for the mechanism of relief were agreed in the Special Pro-gramme contained in the Program of Action adopted at the sixth special session of the Assembly. The dimensions of the problem and the magnitude of assistance needed have been outlined by the Secretary- General. But once again performance unhappily falls below requirements and expectations. And, if we must be frank, it falls below the collective ability of those able to assist. The world is treated to the spectacle of posturing by all but a few of the donor countries, while those in need remain uncertain of the fulfillment of the aims of the Special Program and of the magnitude of the assistance they will receive, and are doubtful whether such assistance as is eventually rendered will reach them in time.
161.	But let us not forget that development -not mere survival- remains the essential path to peace and justice. And let us not be fooled into believing that the improvement in the living standards of the vast majority of the world's peoples will necessarily be achieved by stop-gap measures, any more than it will be achieved by an exclusive concern with the survival of those on the brink of total disaster. Countries like mine, which previously received little by way of development assistance, can no longer view with equanimity either the absence of such assistance or its painfully slow rate of disbursement.
162.	It has long been recognized that an essential ingredient of international co-operation for the achievement of a more equitable world order is the transfer of resources from the developed to the developing nations. In today's realities, oil-exporting countries can play a crucial role in making such transfers possible. Looked at in the longer term, what is doubtless needed is a restructuring of the productive capacity of the world as distinct from the mere redistribution of its incomes. That, as we see it, is the essence of the new economic order called for by the sixth special session. The elements of the new order are already perceived. The courage for its implementation is yet to be demonstrated.
163.	The demand for a new order of international economic justice has been nowhere louder than at the United Nations Conference recently convened in Caracas to work out a new regime for the control of the resources of the sea, My country put forward the view that the formulation of the principles of any regime governing the use of the sea may well depend on the willingness of the developed maritime countries to accept the fact that the rules of the traditional freedoms of the sea as at present interpreted by them have to give way to a new and revised order based on political and economic justice. Developing countries must exercise sovereignty and control over the marine resources within their national jurisdictions, while at the same time accepting responsibility for ensuring that the traditional interests of the community of nations in the areas of their sea are respected and protected. It is to be hoped that whenever the new regime that will govern the use of the sea is finally elaborated there will be an effective expression of political and economic justice on the sea -justice which, regrettably, we cannot say now exists on land.
164. The Government and people of Barbados believe that we are here to bend our several efforts to the improvement of the human condition. If by our words and our deeds we fail to justify that belief, I must then ask, why are we here?


Mr. President, it is a great pleasure for me on behalf of my Government and personally to congratulate you on your election as President of the twenty ninth session of the General Assembly.
15.	We congratulate not only you as President on this honor and this confidence that have thus been placed in you personally, but also your country, Algeria. The place of your country and your own personal place in the field of international cooperation will make it greatly possible for you during your presidency to initiate those progressive, conciliatory  and mediating activities upon which the success of our General Assembly depends.
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16.	In his interesting report on the work of the Organization [A/9601 and Add.I], the Secretary General has made it quite clear that this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance. Our attention this year must be focused on the danger of a recession in the industrialized countries, on the new possibilities for cooperation between industrialized and developing nations, and on the urgent need for emergency assistance to the countries most seriously affected by the economic crisis.
17.	The United Nations must be prepared to keep abreast of rapidly and radically changing problems. At the same time, nations must be ready to meet new challenges. We must all realize the steadily growing interdependence of nations. The traditional grouping of countries is undergoing changes. International solidarity has become indispensable for an increasing number of countries.
18.	The past year has seen sharp changes in international price relationships. The rate of inflation rose steeply. Balance of payments difficulties are threatening a great many countries. The deliberations of this General Assembly on economic and social problems are taking place against the background of fears of a world economic recession unprecedented in the history of this Organization. If we allow the situation to become further aggravated, the whole world will stand to lose.
19.	Not only a feeling of solidarity, but also far sighted self-interest should inspire the wealthier nations to contribute to the promotion of economic progress in the less fortunate countries. These countries, for their part, must recognize that stable economic growth in the developed countries is a sine qua non for the expansion of world trade and, in turn, for the economic development of the developing countries.
20.	At the sixth special session of the General Assembly I stated from this rostrum [2218th meeting] that, in the view of the Danish Government, changes in relative prices are not only acceptable but necessary if technological and economic progress in all parts of the world is to continue.
21.	But at the same time I warned against substantial price changes over short periods. Industries need time to adapt techniques to changed circumstances, Only by taking these factors into account can we hope to accomplish our aim of a more equitable distribution of resources among the peoples of the world at a steadily increasing level of wealth.
22.	The present economic difficulties of countries like mine cannot, of course, be compared to those of a number of countries of the third world, where people are often wanting the most basic amenities of life. However, being heavily dependent on foreign trade, including imports of most raw materials, Denmark is also faced with very real problems that are especially hard to solve for a small country with an even distribution of income and with a democratic political system.
23.	In Denmark we are striving to adjust ourselves to the hew economic situation. *We have just made a substantial change in the economy of our public sector by reducing our income taxes by 7,000 million Danish kroner a year, which corresponds to about 25 per cent, and at the same time reducing public expenditure by about 7,000 million Danish kroner. We know that to overcome the present situation the active part of the Danish population will have to work harder and more effectively to maintain the present standard of living. We have in fact been able to make this drastic cut in public expenses without changing the Danish development policy or the amount to be allocated to development assistance. We will continue, to the best of our ability, to maintain the high level of our contributions to multilateral development organs. We recognize that long term assistance provided by industrial countries is the type of aid with which developing countries can best improve their economies and raise the standard of living of their people. It is our sincere hope that these efforts will not be undermined by policies leading to a contraction of economic activities in other industrial countries. Finally, the need for assistance in emergencies must certainty be recognized. As a member of the European Economic Community, Denmark will participate in the planned contribution by the Community to the developing countries most seriously affected by the economic crisis.
24.	By organizing a series of worldwide conferences on economic and social problems, the United Nations has provided a framework for shaping new policies in international development cooperation. These conferences present unique opportunities which we must utilize. We must endeavor to understand the problems facing other Governments and the limitations set for their freedom of action. We must recognize that only widely accepted recommendations can lead to workable and lasting solutions.
25.	The scope of these problems has also presented the European Economic Community with great challenges. It is the justified hope of the Danish Government that the nine members of the Community will be able to live up to these challenges so that the European buildup may gather renewed momentum for the benefit of the member States of the European communities as well as for all other nations of the world. My country attaches particular importance to the responsibility and open-mindedness of the European communities towards the outside world. We for our part expect that other economic groupings of the world will show understanding of the importance and necessity of growing economic cooperation in Europe.
26.	Denmark together with the other member States of the European communities has wholeheartedly supported the establishment of a European Arab dialog. This dialog, which is directed neither against any other State nor against any other geographical area in the world and which in aim and content differs from the efforts made to solve the current Middle East conflict, is a natural continuation of a tradition based upon geographical, historical, cultural and economic realities. The dialog is an innovation a form of region to region cooperation based on the presumption that close neighbors have a concern for one another.
27.	In Portugal, the firm resolve of the new Government to bring an end to 500 years of colonial rule in Africa has so far resulted in the admission of the Republic of GuineaBissau to membership in the United Nations, in the formation of a Government with African representation in Mozambique, which will soon attain independence, and also in the opening of negotiations for the future existence of Angola in freedom and independence. To a representative of a European country, which, throughout the lifetime of the United Nations, has made persistent and active efforts to speed up such developments, it is extremely gratifying to note that this mission of the United Nations is about to accomplish its ultimate goal. It is our hope that in the final phase of this process all sides will show the understanding necessary to ensure that the process can be terminated in peace and cooperation.
28.	We have witnessed encouraging trends in international developments, but there are still areas in which human tragedies occur and political tensions prevail. I should like, in particular, to underline that, in order to secure for individuals respect for fundamental human rights, we consider torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment to be impermissible, wherever in the world it occurs.
29.	In southern Africa, the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa and the attitude cf the minority regime of Southern Rhodesia are frightening examples of developments that are incompatible with universally accepted trends. My Government is prepared, now as before, to contribute, within the framework of the Charter, to such effective measures as can be adopted to reverse the trend in these areas.
30.	Although the situation in the Middle East remains very serious and fraught with danger there are still, in our opinion, prospects of progress towards an overall solution of the Middle East conflict. It is essential to keep up the momentum in the international efforts which are being made to provide a just and durable peace on the basis of the troop separation agreements, with due regard for all legitimate interests, including the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.
31.	In the last few months, we have witnessed a tragic conflict in Cyprus. We have the greatest sympathy for the Cypriot people, and we deplore the painful humanitarian problems which the crisis has created. The Danish Government, having contributed to the peacekeeping as well as to the humanitarian efforts in Cyprus, hopes that all parties will abide by the resolutions of the Security Council and observe the ceasefire, respect the United Nations flag and facilitate in every way the work of the United
Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus in discharging the important tasks imposed upon the Force. We are convinced that a just and durable solution to the problems of Cyprus can be achieved only through negotiations in complete conformity with the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations.
32.	The major Powers, evidently, have a special responsibility for ensuring more stable developments in these troubled areas developments opening possibilities for solutions equitable to both parties. Against this background it is most essential that developments in EastWest relations should be marked by continuity in the policy of detente a continuity which may hold out hopes for the viability of this policy.
33.	The efforts to bring nuclear weapons under control and to expand cooperation in various fields between the United States and the Soviet Union have been continuing, and in our part of the world important questions stemming from the wish to develop mutual trust and cooperation and to reduce the level of military forces have been the subject of significant multilateral talks in Geneva and Vienna.
34.	Denmark has noted with interest the agreements in the field of disarmament that were concluded between the United States and the Soviet Union at the summit meeting in Moscow in July. We hope that these agreements will provide a basis for progress towards limitations of strategic arms and complete disarmament. Denmark hopes that the treaty concerning underground nuclear arms test explosions may be extended to cover more than explosions exceeding 150 kilotons.
35.	Efforts should be made in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament to reach agreement on a complete test ban treaty and on a treaty prohibiting the development, manufacture and stockpiling of all chemical weapons and providing for the elimination of existing stocks of such weapons.
36.	My Government considers it to be of great importance to achieve, as soon as possible, the adherence of all States Members of the United Nations to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex].
37.	The efforts which Denmark has made for years to convene a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe spring from a wish to give real substance to EastWest detente in regard to the States as well as the peoples and the individuals involved. It remains our view that the' mandate of the Conference, which was drafted during the preparatory talks in Helsinki, reflects in a realistic manner questions with respect to which it should be possible at the present juncture to make progress towards a solution. We believe also that such progress would be of great significance for continued and further detente both in Europe and in a broader perspective, which would be the primary aim of the Conference.
38.	The Conference has just resumed its work in Geneva, and Denmark will continue its efforts to bring about as soon as possible a solution of the outstanding issues that will fully redeem the hopes which the convening of the Conference has generated in all participating countries.
39.	In conclusion, I want to say that it is well known to this Assembly that Denmark has always attached decisive importance to participation in the work of the United Nations and has always regarded the United Nations as a fundamental element in the efforts to bring about a just world order and to preserve international peace and security. The existence of a workable and universal United Nations is one of the cornerstones of Denmark's foreign policy.
40.	As a Nordic country we have, together with other Nordic countries, enjoyed a high standard of living and we have, jointly and to the best of our abilities, tried to help to promote development of the least favored nations. The intention of my further remarks is to emphasize that a country which does not produce raw materials and energy is also interested in continuing economic development and in contributing to progress and development in ether parts of the world. It calls for understanding in other countries.
41.	As a member of the European communities, we want to be able to participate in the progressive development of European cooperation so as to make Europe a cornerstone of world peace and an important economic factor in the efforts to promote development and raise the standard of living in other countries. That work too has met with difficulties in the present economic situation; that work too demands that other countries understand and accept what we are doing in Europe.
42.	In the long term, the solution must be found in the 'evolving of new technology and in cooperation on an equal footing with the countries possessing natural resources. The task now before us is to ensure, by mutual understanding and cooperation, that the changes take a smooth course, leaving reasonable room and possibilities for countries with widely differing structures.
43.	This Organization should be judged by its ability to reconcile conflicting views, to bend our wills towards one another, and to adapt its activities to the ever changing problems.


Recent developments in the international situation have aroused hopes. The agreements concerning peace and co-operation reached in areas of tension in the world; the dialog to bring about greater equality and justice in trade and co-operation between rich and developing countries initiated at the sixth special session on raw materials and development; the victory of progressive forces in certain parts of the world as on 25 April in Portugal, when the Portuguese people triumphed over fascism; and the troop disengagement agreements in Sinai and the Golan Heights aimed at achieving a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis, are all events which mark an important stage in the liberation struggle of the peoples.
93.	However, while we are gratified at these developments we must recognize that there are still many hot-beds of tension.
94.	In the Middle East the disengagement agreements binding the parties in no way get to the root of the problem, and a great deal remains to be done to bring about a just and lasting peace in that area. Here, any peace settlement which does not take into account the fate of the Palestinian people and the restoration of their rights will not encompass the basic elements of the fundamental problem of the area.
95.	When weSnention Palestine we are hardly thinking of the notoriety which the vicissitudes of history have conferred on the place. Our hearts, our attachment, our respect and our unconditional support go straight to this nation of martyrs, victim of oppression and deprivation, a people whose right to life would be denied.
96.	In the Mediterranean, it is Cyprus which has been the scene of a bloody confrontation. As we have said here and elsewhere, the internal affairs of every country must be managed by its people without any foreign intervention. This principle must prevail in any solution to the tragedy of Cyprus.
97.	South-East Asia still remains a source of concern to the international community. The elementary and inalienable rights of the peoples are being made the subject of deals and bargaining and the chances of peace there continue to be jeopardized.
98.	The obstinate resistance of the regimes of Phnom Penh and Saigon to the liberation forces regrettably removes any grounds for optimism. The greatest good which could be done by those who support Lon Nol in Cambodia would be to stop all aid to his regime which has amply demonstrated its unpopularity, and to recognize as the only legitimate Government, that of Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
99.	In Viet Nam, the situation remains critical and requires an urgent solution before it is too late. The hopes aroused by the Paris agreements are vanishing with every passing day in the face of the flagrant and repeated violations of clause of those agreements by the Saigon regime, which is still being supported and strengthened against the liberation forces.
100.	In the Korean peninsula, as has been stated and continued by the Korean people themselves, re-unification should be brought about with independence without recourse to force or outside intervention. Hence, the United Nations should recall and withdraw all troops stationed under its flag in South Korea. The continued maintenance of these troops is contrary to the rights and aspirations of the Korean people and makes no contribution to bringing this people closer to national unity and reconciliation.
101.	These are situations -just to mention a few- fraught with consequences that have a dangerous effect on the prospects for peace. Peace can last only if it is founded on the solid foundation of justice, because without justice the world may well be compared to a house built on sand which collapses when the slightest crack appears.
102.	Mr. President, at this stage of the discussion, permit me to associate myself with previous speakers in conveying to you our warm congratulations on your election and expressing to you our great pleasure at seeing you in this important post at this session. Your ability, your vast experience, your great knowledge of the questions which are of concern today to our Organization, confirm us in our faith that, under your Presidency, this session will be crowned with success.
103.	I could not fail to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the President of the twenty- eighth session, Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, who discharged his functions with such authority, skill and devotion and with such a high sense of responsibility.
104.	May we also take this opportunity to repeat our great appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr, Kurt Waldheim, for the many efforts he has made in such a short time to advance the cause of understanding among peoples and peace and justice throughout the world. He may be assured of our full co-operation and support.
105.	It is quite natural for us to rejoice at the admission of the People's Republic of Bangladesh and Grenada to the family of the United Nations. The achievement of their independence and their admission to the United Nations represent another victory for the ideals of our Organization. It is also a reaffirmation of the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. We are counting on close co-operation and collaboration with the delegations of both countries.
106.	My delegation cannot express with sufficient force or the right words the deep satisfaction we feel at the admission of the sister Republic of Guinea- Bissau to the United Nations; for that event represents the culmination of the constant ardent appeals of my people and Government made over the course of many years, in many forums, ranging from the General Assembly to meetings and deliberations of other international organizations, conferences and seminars.
107.	These feelings are inspired by the common destiny and active solidarity binding the peoples of Africa, not to mention the unreserved adherence of the Democratic Party of Guinea to their cause and its sincere and unconditional support for the right of peoples to self-determination.
108.	Nor can I conceal my deep emotion in recalling our sheer jubilation at the recognition of the victory of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC], a universal recognition of inde-pendence which, far from being a mere act of kindness, is rather an acquiescence in the conquest by the valiant people of Guinea-Bissau of its right to join the community of sovereign nations which is our Organization. We wish also to extend our gratitude to all those who, throughout the struggle, were unstinting in their support and encouragement.
109.	The independence of Guinea-Bissau has been a dramatic achievement, the background to which was a veritable tapestry of tribulation and suffering, sacrifice and bloodshed, which only unswerving devotion to the cause of liberty and a rare tenacity and courage can really account for. Among those martyrs to the sacred cause, those fighters, living or dead, there stands out as an undying memory and source of inspiration an eminent figure in the world struggle for the emancipation of peoples, one who has been seen and heard at all international meetings devoted to the problems of Africa and its oppressed: an incomparable military leader, a statesman of rare nobility and a tireless pilgrim for peace, Amilcar Cabral, whose memory we devoutly honor.
110.	The United Nations must now do for others what it has done for Guinea-Bissau, and what it is in duty-bound to continue to do. To achieve universality, the Organization's task, objective and obligation is to wage a continuous struggle to see to it that the interests of States and peoples be given the highest priority on the agenda of all proceedings that require decision making.
111.	The developments in Portugal confirm, beyond the shadow of a doubt and in themselves, the justness of the struggle and of wars of national liberation, and of the continuation of unrelenting pressure, which are sources of decency and constructive realism capable of surviving the longest nights.
112.	The process begun by the liberation movements has opened a new chapter in Portugal's history and has ushered in a new era -an era of dynamism that instills in the people and progressive forces of that country, the natural allies of the African peoples, a sense of history and a taste for restored liberty and reconquered human dignity, and the need to preserve democracy. Amilcar Cabral was right in saying that it was through the liberation struggle that the African Territories under Portuguese domination, in liberating themselves, would be freeing Portugal from fascism.
113.	Experience has taught us that the liberation movements are more than ready to assume their responsibilities, particularly at a time when confidence and good faith are essential for an effort to put an end to centuries of colonization which have left behind them nothing but a dismal record of acts of genocide and sinister, cold-blooded crimes.
114.	While it is true that the Portuguese people and armed forces movement as a whole, have unreservedly rejected fascism, it is still more true that, in organizing their resistance and in taking up arms, the peoples of the Territories under Portuguese domination have unequivocally given notice to Portugal and the world of their unshakable will to put an end to servitude.
115.	To preserve the intent of the agreements reached between the Frente de Libertaao de Mozambique [FRELIMO] and Portugal agreements whereby the Portuguese Government solemnly undertakes to guarantee the security and territorial integrity of Mozambique in order finally to lead it to independence on 25 June 1975, it is important that the guarantor Power and the international community constantly bear in mind that the advocates of colonization who were behind the terrorism which we deplored in Lourenzo Marques and in the other large urban centers of the country would not hesitate, given the opportunity, to bring about what was inflicted on Africa in 1960 and 1962 in two of its countries, during and after the liberation struggle. Indeed, the protection and complicity enjoyed by the die-hards in well-known influential circles in Salisbury and Pretoria can hardly reassure us.
116.	For Mozambique, Angola, the Cape Verde Islands, Sao Tome and Principe, there is only one thing that matters: total and immediate independence. As it was so well put by President Ahmed Sekou Toure, "Liberty is non-negotiable: it is a right". Indeed, independence will not be given to those peoples: they will win it by themselves.
117.	While it is undeniably true that the action of the young officers fully. Satisfied the legitimate aspirations of the people to rid themselves of fascism, the Portuguese right wing, through subtle maneuvers, is trying to compromise, as least partially, the victory of the Portuguese people, which is a consequence of the other victories of the peoples of Africa. In this situation, we know that the Portuguese people are organizing themselves into political parties and that they are now working towards the building of a genuine democracy.
118.	We reaffirm that the present successful stage of the anti-colonial struggle -and we want this to be so, determined as we are to contribute to it by all means at our disposal, as we have always done - marks what, without overstating the case, can be called the beginning of the end. We have considered it an offensive, a single movement on a single front, where any success or break-through in one sector leads to successes and victories in others. Peace and liberty cannot stand in isolation. That is why we must not permit the creation of a situation in which there is progress in one area but stagnation elsewhere. It is consequently important that after the radical change that has occurred in what were the Portuguese colonies, our collective efforts should be concentrated with ever more conviction and political will on Zimbabwe,
Namibia and apartheid in South Africa, where inter-national imperialism, realizing every day more and more the magnitude of the natural resources and potential of those Territories, is fostering a more widespread policy of genocide which would reduce what remains of the African peoples to the status of mere third-class citizens deprived of all rights.
119.	Africa would not be surprised if tomorrow, in accordance with the poles of interest as we can discern them on the current geo-political map of the exploitation of southern Africa, the systematic Balkanization of this region were undertaken at the very moment when Mozambique and Angola are to achieve independence.
120.	We are only too sensitive to what happens in this strategic region, where the scope of the international economic interests at stake has direct repercussions on the military involvement of certain great Powers in the Indian Ocean, and continuously conjures up the specter before us of a possible partition of the emergent States, a partition that could be used for a control so ominous for the balance in Africa, particularly that area of Africa where structures are already very fragile. It is no accident that whichever way you turn you find the same forces supported by the same metropolitan countries attempting to perpetuate their grip on these sensitive regions
121.	Is it not revealing that just a few months after the coming to power of the Portuguese military junta we are witnessing new imperialist maneuvers the sole purpose of which is to mortgage the inalienable rights of the peoples of the so-called Portuguese territories to liberty? The formation of a so-called liberation front of the enclave of Cabinda, a movement not recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], is surely a constituent part of a new strategy of imperialism which would lead to the balkanization of Angola and which recalls to us the sad realities of the recent past: the tragedies of Katanga and Biafra.
122.	That is the meaning of a, situation that we have ceaselessly denounced, namely, that imperialism will never cheerfully agree to its own defeat in the so- called Portuguese territories, and that it will attempt the impossible to keep itself in power through its agents.
123.	Solidly behind the struggle of the heroic people of Angola, so honorably led by the Movimento Popular de Libertao de Angola [MPLA ] in " e spirit of African liberty and dignity, the Government of the Republic of Guinea condemns such machinations and holds the Fascist element of the Portuguese military junta and its imperialist allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] alone responsible for this situation.
124.	We would clarify our position on the colonial question and say that we are in favor of Africa having a greater capacity to protect itself and to meet the various dangers which continue to beset it as if it were only a field of experimentation.
125.	To come back to the responsibility of the United Nations, it is regrettable that a name such as that of Namibia, where the situation is getting gradually worse, is considered to reflect the failure of our Organization rather than the perverse blindness of an imperialist structure, persecuting, exploiting and murdering so many of our people on the soil of their ancestors. The case of Namibia, where the mandate of the United Nations High Commissioner for Namibia is to expire without the slightest improvement in the status quo, is sufficient to indicate the urgency and firmness with which the United Nations must act if this Organization wishes- to preserve its authority, its mandate and its purpose.
126.	For us, mention of the situation along the Mozambique Canal and the southern third of Africa involves mention of the situation that we are witnessing along the shores of the Indian Ocean, where the people of the Comoros, in unity and territorial integrity, wish to take charge fully of their own destiny without any insidious subjugation. |4 this regard, and recalling the declaration of 26 August last of the Government of the administering Power of the Comoros, a declaration to the effect that the consultation of the population on the independence of the Archipelago would take due account of the natural identity of the territory, that is to say, its geographical frontiers, excluding a plurality of statuses for the different islands, my delegation considers that in order to give logical effect to such a view, it is essential to permit the return of all Comorian citizens residing outside their country.
127.	Within the same context, we hope that the process of decolonization begun in the Comoros will be extended to what is known as French Somalia, as well as to the other colonial territories in Africa and elsewhere.
128.	The so-called Spanish Sahara remains a problem and a matter of concern to African countries, and to all peoples who love peace and justice. That is why my delegation takes sincere pleasure in the spirit of lofty understanding which our brothers in Morocco and Mauritania have displayed in their statements on this problem.
129.	Africa can count on the habitual wisdom and the competence of the International Court of Justice in reaching a just solution of this problem. However, the Republic of Guinea, faithful to the ideal of justice which inspires all peoples, faithful above all to its so often repeated determination to tolerate no foreign occupation of any fragment of our continent, will continue to work by the side of all peace-loving peoples and demonstrate vigorously to the Spanish Government that it is time, high time, to return to the so- called Spanish Sahara its long-denied liberty. We are sure that by so doing the Spanish Government will win a worthy place of history, and will thus guarantee the future of its interests in that territory, restored to its proper owners, who will freely make their own decisions.
130.	We also wish to recall that we share the concerns of all those countries that have coasts on the Indian Ocean, which has been declared a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], and which should be one. In this regard, in accordance with resolution 3080 (XXVIII), whereby the General Assembly calls upon the great Powers to halt the escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean, to eliminate from this region all bases and military installations, and to co-operate to this end with the Ad Hoc Committee set up by resolution 2992 (XXVII), my delegation firmly supports the appeal addressed by the coastal States of the Indian Ocean to the United States and the United Kingdom to give up their project to enlarge the naval air base on the island of Diego Garcia, the dismantling of which should and indeed must be contemplated in the interest of the peace and security of the peoples of that region.
131.	Within the same context, and to a large extent, all the great Powers, taken individually or collectively, must put an end to their search for zones of influence, which today has led to the proliferation of military bases throughout the world. This state of affairs, far from solving the problems posed by the competition, not to say the rivalry, which persists among the great Powers, is a dangerous threat to international peace and security , the strengthening of which is more than ever necessary given the current concerns of the peoples of the third world, who need to wage their battle for economic and social progress in peace and harmony.
132.	The events which have occurred in Africa, more particularly in the Territories administered by Portugal, show that the independence of colonial peoples is an inexorable process. Respect for this process is a sure guarantee of the improvement of international relations in the sense that it makes possible the evolution and development of the universal community in the most rational and peaceful way. For history is not made up of intentions or promises, but rather of specific facts which mold the processes of history and determine its successive phases of development towards the accomplishment of the destiny of each striving nation.
133.	If we are able to remember, it is because we are able to hope. And it is thus that we remain open to all currents of thought which, through effort and action, subscribe effectively and democratically to the principle of dignity. That is why, believing that detente is not something which merely happens to suit private interests, we believe it will strengthen human understanding in the service of the full realization of man's destiny.
134.	We want peace and development for ourselves and others; we hope for happiness, as does everyone. The third world, too, wishes this the third world which has hardly had time to stanch the wounds of the last war but is drawn away from that task by the sounds of new wars.
135.	Learning the lessons of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held recently at Caracas, particularly on the problem of the regime to govern the sea-bed, it is interesting to recall that today more than in the past national sovereignty of States seems to embrace an ever wider field. It is well known that positive international law sanctions this and that the sovereignty of a State applies to the national territory and the air space above it, all delimited by de facto or de jure frontiers of the State in question. The juridical protection and determination of this status is of extreme political and strategic importance for the international community. To delimit the zone of territorial waters over which there shall be full and unobstructed exercise of State sovereignty has become one of the most imperative concerns of States and of the international community.
136.	The Republic of Guinea, for its part, in 1964, delimited its territorial zone, which it considers to be a zone having a direct bearing on its security and the development of its economy. In this very territorial zone it has been carrying on important prospecting work, both on fishing resources and on mineral and energy resources, which has led most happily for the future of our people to discoveries of immense economic potential, whose exploitation is reflected in the priorities in our five-year economic and social development plan. Now, it is at the very time when we are linking and will continue legitimately to link these discoveries with our prospects for rapid economic growth that we see the organization and intensification of an all-out movement by certain Powers designed to reduce the ocean space of States.
137.	In any case, the Republic of Guinea reaffirms that it will not reduce, under any pressure or for any reason whatsoever, its minimum limit of 130 nautical miles of territorial sea -confused here with the economic zone. Conscious of the need for international communications and trade, Guinea will, however, grant freedom of navigation to nations, individuals and corporate entities which ask for it, just as it will facilitate the laying of submarine cables and pipelines. We recall that our country has never impeded freedom of navigation, which certain maritime Powers have abused by bringing into our territorial waters a number of pirate trawlers to engage in the systematic pillaging of our fishing resources and thus threaten criminally to deplete our fishing zones. But, if we do not have the right to mortgage the future of our people by permitting this exploitation under any condition, we are very much aware of the economic interdependence of all nations and the fact that our fate is indissolubly linked with that of mankind.
138.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly on primary commodities and development was a decisive turning-point in the history of our Organization. We heard representatives of developing nations which, in spite of their persevering efforts to ensure the rapid economic development of their countries, are thwarted in their determination by the persistent inequality which prevails in international economic relations. The international economic order will continue to be detrimental to developing countries and is being marked by an aggravation of the existing inequality in the rates of economic growth in developed countries as compared with the developing countries. Attempts to counter this disastrous trend have really not produced any satisfactory results.
139.	The main difficulty lies in the selfishness of the most highly developed countries which are unwilling to give up their privileges and refuse to change a system which promotes their own prosperity at the expense of the countries that produce primary commodities. The disappointing results of the first United Nations Development Decade are familiar to everyone. The Second Decade does not seem to be giving any further grounds for hope. The disruption resulting from this disparity in the distribution of wealth may have even more sinister effects on the whole of the international equilibrium, and the crises that have already occurred in the energy field attest to the depth of the malaise which is a feature of the present international situation.
140.	The monetary crisis that we are now witnessing has had a most adverse effect on developing countries, while the responsibility for it lies exclusively with the industrialized countries, which alone should bear its consequences, In the circumstances, it would be an illusion to expect short of a miracle any reduction in the gap which at present exists between the industrialized and the developing countries by the mere growth of a few sectors of the economy of the latter. Faced with the depletion of the world's natural wealth and over-consumption which profits only one side, the developing nations which own vast quantities of most of the primary commodities necessary for the survival of the imperialist economies are ever more exploited and sometimes even plundered. The gap which separates them from the industrialized Powers far from narrowing, is getting wider and deeper, and they know it.
141.	The situation thus created and the long experience accumulated by the developing countries in the course of their arduous struggle for independence and sovereignty have now led these peoples both to an awareness of their state as proletarian nations which are becoming ever more proletarized and at the same time to the conviction that they can change everything.
142.	The international community is now undeniably approaching a new stage in its history: a radical challenge now exists to an economic order that has become outmoded. As was so correctly written by President Ahmed Sekou Toure: "We must deliberately break out of the present situation. To do this, what we need it not evolution but revolution." We need this to permit the establishment of a new economic and trading order in the interest of all peoples. No matter how remote the victory may be, its inevitability mobilizes us ever further for the sake of the noble ideals of justice which it implies.
143.	Another aspect of the problem of development was raised quite recently by the World Population Conference at Bucharest. Much was made of the "population explosion" factor as a danger which might slow down the economic and social development of third-world countries. The revolutionary people of Guinea places the human element above everything else as an expression of the existence of peoples and of the worth of the individual which is an important social component.
144.	The economic imbalance that has been mentioned and the inadequacy of resources in face of the immense needs of peoples are problems deriving from the failure of the systems of distribution of wealth available to mankind to adapt to the real requirements of harmonious democratic progress. As a result, from the strictly demographic point of view, the developing countries must have a predominantly young population. Such a structure will make it possible effectively to place demography at the service of development. Hence, in our view, it follows that the question is far from being solely a demographic problem but, rather, the result of a whole complex of problems of development and planning and the utilization of human resources. It is there that the remedy is to be applied.
145.	In the final analysis, concrete action and a historically just solution for the countries with under-developed productive power can only mean an all-out struggle to reduce the death rate to a minimum and to intensify education and professional training, all based upon planning, which alone can reflect the scientific organization of labor.
146.	The Guinean Revolution has chosen to make the economy its revolutionary policy and not the politics of its economy. That is why economic problems must be studied in relation to the real needs of the peoples. But imperialism and capitalism always make use of the economy, not to liberate peoples, but to exploit them. To that policy the Republic of Guinea will never stop saying "No".
147.	In conclusion, my delegation would like to state once again the need to overhaul the Charter of the United Nations. That need is all the more urgent because our Organization, which had 52 Members when it was created, now has 138, of which three fourths are from the third world. The United Nations, conceived as an instrument to serve mankind, must take account of the economic, political and social development of mankind and must not remain a frozen, rigid institution in a world in perpetual flux. That is why the Republic of Guinea will continue to condemn the well-known veto right, whose continued existence amply demonstrates the lack of democracy that unfortunately still marks our Organization, which is supposed to be democratic and just.
148.	The delegation of Guinea, faithful to its fundamental political views, to its ideals of true freedom, peace, justice and democratic and social progress, will make its full and whole-hearted contribution to the work of this session.