123. Your assumption, Sir, of the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly gives the Algerian delegation much pleasure and many reasons for satisfaction. Your selection is fitting recognition of your well-known and highly regarded competence and experience, as well as evidence of the international community's gratitude to you as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, which has made a much valued commitment to the liberation of that Territory and the recovery of the full rights of its people and has made praiseworthy efforts to bring them about.
124.	Your selection, Sir, is also naturally a tribute to your country, Zambia, whose initiatives and actions have consistently demonstrated a profound commitment to the restoration of the rule of law wherever it is undermined and the restoration of justice wherever it is flouted. This commitment, which is part of your country's heritage and tradition, has found a powerful means of expression and implementation in the wisdom and enlightened vision of President Kenneth Kaunda.
125.	The fact that you come from Africa, Sir, gives a further dimension to your selection—that of the African presence at this session, which brings even more forcefully to the attention of the international community, meeting here, all that remains to be done to bring about the triumph throughout our continent of the aspirations of its peoples freely to decide their own destiny and be assured of the means to improve their lot.
126.	Your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, served the United Nations well. In a gravely troubled world environment, he strove to play his part, which was an important one, in our common endeavour to restore the dialogue and rebuild the confidence that are today so sorely lacking in the international community.
127.	The Algerian delegation wishes to include in these congratulations and this tribute the Secretary- General. We cannot praise too highly his actions and initiatives in his efforts to bring to bear, in the easing of tensions and the peaceful settlement of conflicts, the contribution of the United Nations, the force of its principles and the justice of its objectives of universal peace and prosperity.
128.	The Algerian delegation also takes pleasure in welcoming Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations.
129.	At this time of taking stock, looking back and evaluating what has been accomplished, so that we may better appreciate what has still to be done, we find no grounds for encouragement. The concerns expressed, the growing uncertainty and self-centred attitudes are sure to continue in view of the worsening of the international environment.
130.	The exacerbation of the East-West confrontation and the recrudescence of imperialist activities threaten world peace and hinder co-operation between nations. The few accomplishments of detente are still being questioned. The Movement of Non- Aligned Countries welcomed the beginning of detente, because it held the promise of universal application.
131.	There are strong, pressing tendencies today to reduce the aspirations of our peoples and the interests of our nations to mere aspects of the East-West rift. The search for spheres of influence and States which may be used as staging posts or strategic points remains at the heart of confrontational power relationships. The natural right of peoples to freedom and the sovereign right of States freely to choose their own means of nation-building are still being hindered or actively thwarted. Relations of co-operation and exchange between States are still subject to restrictive approaches conceived and carried out in terms of political allegiance and obedience.
132.	In its high degree of sophistication and destructive power, the escalation of the arms race combines the horrific and the absurd. Space itself is being opened up to rivalry and confrontation, the prospects of which boggle our imagination. Accordingly, the crisis in international relations has come closer to the brink than ever. It is accompanied by an unprecedented breakdown in dialogue and communication, which worsens the crisis, increases mistrust, adds to uncertainty and dangerously darkens the world horizon. In addition, it seriously disturbs the rare possibilities that still exist.
133.	It is hardly necessary to add that a world economic crisis worsens the crisis that I have described and feeds on it. An analysis of all recent international financial events can lead only to the conclusion that there is a constant decline in international co-operation for development.
134.	The clear threats to the international monetary and financial system have not sufficed to call attention to the crucial problem of development financing. The indescribably tragic economic situation in Africa has given rise to initiatives, recommendations and programmes of action, all of which have faced obstruction or, at best, indifference. The commodity market, international trade in general, monetary disarray, and access to technology and to capital markets are factors which are at the heart of today's fundamental imbalances in the world economy.
135.	At a time when interdependence is a fact, there is no room for narrow views of the world order. In the face of the obvious interrelationship among these problems and the influence of one sector of human activity upon others, it is futile to reduce the solution to a search for initiatives regarding individual sectors or for fragmented action. It is equally futile to bank on a fragile and precarious recovery in some countries without a guarantee of development for all the others.
136.	The international community cannot possibly avoid these facts which relate, essentially, to the structures of the prevailing system of international relations. The changes under way—however diverse their origins and varied their manifestation or means of implementation—all point to the need for structural action. The world economy today cannot merely submit to the natural state of affairs. In a situation of critical inequality of resources and of opportunities for growth and development, the laws of nature consolidate existing pockets of opulence and expand areas of deprivation, wherever they persist.
137.	The only conclusion to be drawn is that we seem to be determined—or at least resigned—not to see coexistence among our peoples and our nations except, on the one hand, through the primacy of force and claims to domination and, on the other, through exploitation aimed at keeping the largest possible number of people beyond the pale of prosperity and well-being.
138.	Is there no reasonable alternative to all this, which is part of a fatal fascination with destruction? In mankind's progress towards the fulfilment of its destiny, is it only the inevitability of fear which can dissuade, and guaranteed mutual annihilation which can lead to peace on this earth? Cannot human intelligence and the world's vast resources make possible a destiny—for all and with the participation of all—other than that of wealth for a few and deprivation for the majority?
139.	The improvement of international relations and the task of establishing a new universal order demand co-operation and participation by all. Everyone must make his contribution to the building of peace, justice and progress.
140.	Algeria learned from its war of national liberation, and it is identified with the ideal of non- alignment. It has taken on the duty strictly to observe principles leading to the achievement of co-operation, understanding and free exchange among nations. Algeria has also taken on the duty to contribute to the spread throughout the world of the policy of good neighbourliness, the negotiated settlement of disputes and the realization of the legitimate aspirations of peoples, with respect for the identity, the options and the rights of all.
141.	That same duty guides Algeria's behaviour in the region to which it belongs: the great Arab Maghreb. For my country, the building of the great Maghreb is part of a joint destiny and, hence, of historical determinism itself. We are convinced that what brings us together legitimizes our ambitions, the magnitude of our objectives and the credibility of our means of attaining them. We have faith in all our available means to overcome transitory hazards and passing problems, for we cannot believe that they can indefinitely thwart the task of unification which is so broadly shared and so greatly desired. There are imperatives to meet and demands to satisfy in the building of this structure. The first among them is to achieve the most favourable conditions, to define clear-cut principles and to establish a sound basis for bringing together the will of peoples and the pooling of their efforts.
142.	It is obvious that, in its very essence, the building of the great Arab Maghreb is also in keeping with the requirements of our national development processes through the mobilization of our potentials and of our complementary elements, without which there can be nothing but unavoidable harm and damage, manifested in dislocation in our ranks, in wasted resources and in lost opportunities. There can be nothing but retreat, when the need is to advance and rise to the heights required so desperately by the needs of our peoples. There can be nothing but disunity, when collective effort and a determination to overcome circumstances can and must make the endeavour an authentically united one.
143.	In making that endeavour, there are regional realities which must be taken into account, just as there are real opportunities which must be seized. It is essential that hidden realities do not degenerate into additional obstacles, just as it is essential that underestimating the opportunities available does not lead to resignation and a wait-and-see attitude.
144.	In all this, no lucid, coherent unified endeavour can be credible to or supported by our peoples unless it faces realities rather than ignoring them for the sake of making things easier or of short-term considerations.
145.	The very relevant lessons learned from past experience, the strength of our commitment to the ideal of unity and the respect rightly due to the aspirations of our peoples call, here too, for clear-sightedness in our approach and discipline in defining and reaching the various stages in the process.
146.	One fact must be understood: any unified action which disregards or is thought to disregard these imperatives cannot be implemented. When it is a matter of the destiny of peoples and the future of countries, a belief in voluntarism—however worthy of respect it may be—cannot take the place of the needed clarity and method, just as spontaneity itself—however creative it may be—cannot prevail over the need for discipline and for building gradually on experience.
147.	The treaty of fraternity and concord, which has been supported by Mauritania, Tunisia and Algeria, is steeped in these imperatives. It was created by actively taking these requirements into account, the cardinal objective remaining that of creating a healthier climate and the establishment of a framework more propitious for the unification of the Greater Maghreb.
148.	This treaty has a philosophy, namely, that of unity, and all of its provisions stem from the will for action undertaken towards that end. Benefiting from our past experience, it has integrated those lessons in the plan for action adopted and the objectives laid down. The treaty is open to all those animated by a sincere belief in the unity of the Greater Maghreb and by a genuine will to bring about its complete success.
149.	The plan for a Greater Maghreb can only be brought about by actions which, avoiding precipitate undertakings that might be harmful, are properly and thoughtfully organized. This plan is that of an endeavour which brings together that which is ready and does not divide any further that which is available to be pooled. The plan for a Greater Maghreb can only have as its grand design those elements which, free from temporary objectives, are aimed at meeting the true expectations of the peoples of the region.
150. In our region a body of understanding, peace and co-operation is being built. There are people ready to unite for the collective good; there are also the will and the determination—and in my country these are resolute—to work for active good neighbourliness in the enlightened interests of all the peoples of the region.
151.	The building of a Greater Maghreb offers unique conditions for overcoming misunderstanding, tension and conflict in the region, in particular, in Western Sahara. If the building of the Greater Maghreb brings about the conditions for a just settlement of that conflict, it is equally clear that in this work of construction nothing should be allowed to infringe the national rights of the people of Western Sahara or to damage or prejudice them in any way.
152.	It could not be otherwise for my country, for Africa and for the international community as a whole, which has determined that the question of Western Sahara is part of the ongoing process of decolonization. Particularly in this case, this is the view of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] expressed in resolution AHG/Res.104 (XIX), adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa in June 1983, and endorsed by the General Assembly in resolution 38/40. This view has been the subject of African consensus and of the international community as a whole. Through the OAU and the United Nations, whose actions and initiatives are complementary and mutually supportive in this matter, the means of bringing about a just settlement remain open. The OAU, in particular, provides the natural framework and the necessary means for such a just settlement. If that framework was not used and if those means failed, it is not because the current chairman of the OAU or the implementation committee established by the continental organization had not done everything possible to achieve peace; nor is it the fault of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, because it has abundantly demonstrated its commitment to reconciliation between the brotherly peoples of Morocco and Western Sahara. The current Chairman of the OAU and all of Africa have properly located the responsibility for the present impasse. The readiness shown by some who have attempted, albeit in vain, to thwart and to counter the intransigence of others can therefore be measured. Thus, on the eve of the twentieth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, those who have assumed their duty are well known, just as those who have shirked their duty are known. Algeria ventures to hope that the work of peace has not exhausted its available resources or had its last word.
153.	Since there is an awareness of the higher interests of our region which will prevail over the belief in the fait acompli and as long as the conviction prevails that there is no possible alternative to stability, security and progress of the Greater Maghreb without undertaking to guarantee the legitimate rights of all its peoples, this endeavour remains worthy of our continuing efforts and our constant determination to ensure that everything possible is done so that the logic of force will give way to the desire and need for peace, understanding and concord, which should prevail over conflict and disunity.
154. At this crucial stage when so much is at stake, the work of the OAU requires the contribution and support of the United Nations. It is vital for the international community here and now to have a clear understanding and appreciation of everything that is at stake in our region.
155.	The same contribution and the same support the United Nations must be given with respect to the OAU in its endeavour to achieve peace in Chad.
156.	This is the place to take note of the beginning of the withdrawal of foreign troops from Chad, which the OAU made a primary condition for the cessation of the fratricidal confrontation in that country. This was made possible through the constant pressure exerted by Africa and the firmness of its determination to make the destiny of Chad the subject of a free decision by the people of Chad themselves. The opening of the process of the withdrawal of foreign troops from that territory therefore represents a step within the process of the national reconciliation of Chad and, through it, a milestone in the building of an African consensus. The same pressure remains to be exerted, the same efforts remain to be deployed, and the same determination remains to be maintained that the withdrawal, far from reflecting the concerns of foreign Powers alone, must be carried out with strict respect for the national unity of Chad and for its full territorial integrity.
157.	Algeria, for its part, attentive as it is to all developments in this region, remains determined and ready to do everything possible to bring about the full implementation of African decisions and, through them, the restoration of understanding and concord among all the people of Chad.
158.	In southern Africa, the challenge of apartheid remains. Thus, a crime against humanity, a colonial fact and a policy of expansion and aggression still go unpunished. Certain attempts have been made to tamper with the constitution—and we know what their fate has been—in order to confer legality or legitimacy on a system which, because of its very essence, we believe cannot possibly be reducible to rearrangements or reforms; the denial of humanity cannot be allowed to continue; aggression and expansion, which are at the very heart of apartheid make it plain, if there were any further need of this, that the only possible improvement in that system would be its very disappearance. A crime against humanity cannot be absolved; it must be punished.
159.	Apartheid is creating in southern Africa, with tacit acquiescence and complicity, a structure of hegemonistic ambitions throughout the region. South African national resistance demonstrates every day to the world the strength of its aspirations and its essential claim that its rights be satisfied. Furthermore, the attitude of unusual lucidity and courage adopted by the oppressed South African communities has dealt a very severe blow to apartheid thus showing that in a situation of total oppression it is futile to bank on division in order the better to establish domination and exploitation.
160.	In Namibia, another manifestation of apartheid persists: the colonial occupation of a Territory which the United Nations has undertaken to lead to independence. Links have been established and conditions set which are an obstacle to the proper working out of this process, which enjoys the unanimous support of the international community. We cannot accept any pre-conditions based on external calculations which impede the independence of Namibia. The South West Africa People's Organization is the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people. The unswerving application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the framework and the instrument of the decolonization—which is at present being curbed or distorted—of this African Territory.
161.	A challenge of the same nature and scope confronts the international community in the Middle East. In this region, the exercise of the national rights of the Palestinian people has been thwarted; the territories of Arab States have been occupied or annexed and their security is being threatened. The occupation of southern Lebanon is an obstacle to the national unity of Lebanon. The Israeli-American strategic alliance encourages Zionist expansionism and gives it the means to achieve its ends. Only one conclusion can be drawn from all the tragic experience of the vicissitudes in this area, namely, that there will be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East until the national rights of the Palestinian people, the denial of which remains at the heart of the crisis in the region, are recognized.
162.	The martyrdom of the Palestinian people and its national resistance impose a duty upon the international community which it must discharge, first and foremost by ensuring the exercise of the right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State on its ancestral territory under the authority of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], its sole, authentic and legitimate representative. Within this context, action in support of the convening of an international conference on the Middle East in which the PLO would be assured full and effective participation is a major priority of the United Nations.
163.	Another priority of particular importance for my country is action to ensure the cohesion, unity and strengthening of the capacity to act of the PLO. This is the way to establish a platform of political initiative and action which would enjoy the authentic support of all Palestinians, reinforce Arab potential and, beyond that, provide the international community with a framework for solidarity and support of the Palestinian cause.
164.	Other conflicts and hotbeds of crisis in the world persist and are becoming exacerbated or intensifying. They give rise to legitimate concern on our part.
165.	The persistence and tragic course of the war between Iraq and Iran concern us deeply. It is because we believe in the possibility of and the existence of the means for a just solution that Algeria has worked ceaselessly to bring about the necessary conditions for a political solution which cannot but serve the ultimate interests of our brothers in Iraq and Iran and thereby those of the unity of our ranks dictated by our common destiny.
166.	The question of Cyprus also persists and reminds us of the need to do everything possible to bring about understanding and harmony between the two Cypriot communities. To this end, it is essential that there is full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non- aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. We venture to hope that this essential requirement will prevail over the still controllable effects of recent regrettable developments. In this regard, we are particularly encouraged by the tireless efforts of the Secretary- General.
167.	The growth of tension in Central America is also a subject of concern. The fundamental issue in this region remains the right of peoples freely to determine their own political and economic system and their path of development without interference, constraint or impediment. We cannot go on indefinitely denying this fact, which we have to thank the Contadora Group for highlighting by proposing a new approach to the settlement of the problems in Central America. It is the duty of the international community to give its support and assistance by constant action to bring about the restoration of peace and stability in the region.
168.	The escalation of the arms race is a very damaging factor in contemporary international relations; particularly because its effects are combined with the breaking off of disarmament negotiations. It is imperative for all that these negotiations be resumed in a spirit of sincerity and responsibility, free of any attempt to claim or achieve supremacy.
169.	If we realize that security through fear is not true security and that, if it is desired, there is the alternative of the peaceful coexistence of all peoples, it will be possible to establish a climate of peace and confidence among nations.
170.	To attain this objective, concerted action must be taken within the framework of a process for tackling the essential problems involved in setting up a system of true collective security. As long as disarmament efforts continue to be separated from the crucial question of collective security, and as long as this continues to be seen exclusively in terms of the balance of power, our efforts will be futile or, at best, totally inadequate to meet the requirements of the day.
171.	The interrelationship of the factors of security and disarmament dictate integrated action inasmuch as disarmament is not an end in itself, and its goals must serve to bring about universal peace and security based on justice and right. This is the fundamental stake and this is the major challenge we face.
172.	The meeting on strengthening of security and co-operation in the Mediterranean region, held at Valetta on 10 and 11 September last by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Mediterranean countries which are members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, is the expression of a determination to help meet this challenge and to perform this task, because the Mediterranean is, by its nature, a zone of peace and co-operation and cannot be dissociated from the security of Europe or separated from general international security.
173.	In an international environment which is universally in a state of unrest and instability, the world economic crisis is deteriorating into a critical phase. International commercial, financial and monetary structures are constantly in a precarious state. Liquidity has no relationship with the actual needs for development financing. The increase in the rates of interest, apart from creating extra obstacles to access to international capital markets, is enclosing more and more countries within the endless spiral of indebtedness, which is not aimed at the financing of development activities but rather at the mere servicing of the debt itself. Primary commodity prices have remained bogged down, thus cutting off countries which are often among the poorest from precious resources.
174.	A factor which aggravates this situation is that international co-operation for development is regressing in spirit, in effectiveness and in its extension. All the evaluations of the various international conferences, in particular the most recent ones, agree in drawing this conclusion. Even more serious, the organs or institutions of multilateral co-operation are intervening in sectors that are very sensitive for the developing world, which is facing what really must be called a diminution of its resources; this is the case with the IDA, IFAD and UNDP. This is an urgent situation which the international community must reverse. There are also fields of critical interest for the developing world where international action is urgently necessary. In this context, Africa must be the centre of concern of the international community. On that continent, the economic situation of a large number of countries has been reduced to a simple matter of daily tragedy. This situation requires an urgent collective effort and the highest possible priority. In this regard, the initiatives of the Secretary-General should enjoy the commitment of all and their whole-hearted support.
175.	The state of monetary and financial disorder represents a veritable axis of imbalance and instability in today's system of international economic relations. This has to do with structures that have to be remodelled and with an overall framework that has to be thought out again. To this end, the convening of an international conference on general financial and monetary problems is of the highest priority.
176.	The fact of the actual interdependence of nations is something we must ail understand; it has come to stay, just as has the fact of the interpenetration of problems facing us and their close and intimate interrelationship. Hence, if the plan for global negotiations is still meeting considerable obstacles as regards its implementation, nothing alters its validity and its capacity to bring about solutions.
177.	In a precarious and uncertain environment, it is a matter of legitimate satisfaction to note that South-South co-operation is being embarked upon with resolution and with a sense of responsibility as regards the honouring of promises. The meeting of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Ministers of Finance of 11 Latin American countries at Cartagena in June of this year was further evidence of this. This process, which has had such a good beginning, is worthy of our encouragement and of the strengthening of our commitment to it and of the consolidation of the conditions and means necessary for its accomplishment.
178.	This appraisal sheds harsh light on what is at stake and on the magnitude of the challenges facing the United Nations. In the face of such a profound and total crisis, it is of the utmost harm for dialogue and communication to have been broken off so completely. It is of the utmost harm also for the framework of the United Nations, which is of course so necessary for such dialogue and communication, to have fallen so much out of favour.
179.	If the fact of a divided humanity has made the United Nations powerless, united humanity can make its mission one of force and credibility.
180.	If we are convinced that the United Nations is an act of hope, then it is we who harbour the genius and potential for rehabilitating the United Nations in its work of civilization.


The international community is
currently going through a period of reflection and self-
definition. The great transformations that humanity
experienced during the course of the previous decade,
as well as current challenges, demand greater
responsibility on the part of our nations in playing an
active role in the search for urgent solutions to the
problems that are affecting us. This new session of the
General Assembly presents us with an excellent
opportunity to achieve that goal.
Today, the Dominican Republic reaffirms its
commitment to peace, the defence of human rights,
security, sustainable development and the
strengthening of democracy — pillars of indisputable
importance in safeguarding international peace and
stability.
The issue of the reform of the United Nations has
been on our agenda for a long time. Events of recent
years make it clear that this task must be undertaken as
a matter of priority. The reform the Security Council is
particularly urgent. Ever since the approval of
resolution 47/62 of 11 December 1992, we have been
engaged in an ongoing debate on the various reform
proposals. Now, however, it is time to act to restructure
the Council so as to make it more representative and
equitable, as well as more transparent in its decision-
making, thereby strengthening its legitimacy as the
guarantor of international peace and security.
Terrorism has emerged as an ongoing threat to
humanity. Uncertainty and pain have characterized the
beginning of the twenty-first century. Our nations have
the challenge of fighting together, at a global level,
against the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and in favour of equitable development and
free societies. Security problems call for decisive
action against international terrorism, organized crime
and the illegal trade in arms and drugs.
The Millennium Summit established as one of its
main goals the reduction of poverty by 50 per cent by
2015. Notwithstanding some progress in the
achievement of those goals, poverty remains a terrible
scourge. The Dominican Government, which considers
that issue to be one of great importance, has created a
Social Cabinet to act as a coordinating mechanism for
all governmental institutions for social welfare, and is
helping to ensure that both national and international
resources are distributed equitably and allocated to
regions that require social investment.
All countries must join efforts, accepting
responsibilities, both shared and separate, to guarantee
that growth and poverty do not go together and that, in
meeting the needs of the present generation, we do not
cause the destruction of future generations’ capacity to
meet their own needs.
The positive outcome of the Fourth Ministerial
Conference of the World Trade Organization, held in
Doha, Qatar, in November 2001, and of the
International Conference on Financing for
Development held in Monterrey, Mexico, in March
2002, was a key element for achieving millennium
development goals. The Doha Development Agenda
and the Monterrey Consensus provided a framework to
facilitate market access, improve multilateral
regulations for channelling globalization and increase
financial aid for development.
However, we must mention what happened at the
Fifth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade
Organization (WTO) recently held in Cancún, Mexico.
Although agreement was not reached because of
fundamental differences in the positions regarding
essential world trade issues, we are convinced that this
will not affect the multilateral system of negotiations.
On the contrary, some member states maintain that this
impasse may even be necessary to shape more
equitable international agreements at the heart of the
WTO. What is an important issue is not to lose the
development perspective within the work programme
of the WTO, as set in the Doha Development Agenda,
because that agenda includes the aspirations of millions
of people around the world, whose hope for progress
lies in the opportunities of the global economy.
The position of the Dominican Government with
regard to the Middle East conflict is based primarily on
unconditional adherence to the norms and principles of
international law, particularly those related to the
peaceful solution of disputes; condemning the use of
force and terrorism in all its forms; complying in good
faith with international treaties; and on strict
observance of resolutions of the United Nations and its
deliberative bodies.
Devoted to these principles, the Dominican
Republic has, in response to the humanitarian appeals
17

of the Security Council, participated in the efforts to
rebuild Iraq, in order to contribute to the development
of a secure and stable environment in which the
sovereignty of the Iraqi people may be restored.
Similarly, our country supports the peace process
outlined in the road map submitted by the United States
of America and endorsed by the Russian Federation,
the United Nations and the European Union. We
understand that a cessation of violence cannot be
postponed, along with the historic pledges of all parties
to make sacrifices to promote a lasting solution to the
conflict and peaceful coexistence.
Drawing up sustainable development policies
calls for dealing with problems before they emerge.
This implies making headway in achieving the
millennium development goals, particularly on crucial
issues such as energy and protection of the
environment. In this respect, our nation reiterates its
rejection of the international maritime transport of
radioactive and toxic waste, a position which has been
expressed in other international forums. This issue is
linked to international security.
The importance of guaranteeing women equal
rights and equity, and promoting their increased
political participation, has been a continuous concern
of the heads of State in various international forums.
The International Research and Training Institute for
the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), the only
institution within the United Nations system dedicated
exclusively to that end, has its headquarters in Santo
Domingo, capital of the Dominican Republic. The
Dominican Government calls upon Member States to
continue supporting the work of INSTRAW in the
Dominican Republic by providing contributions, to the
extent that they can.
Our country commends the culture of peace, and
is making efforts to ensure that at the primary level
children are taught about promoting mutual
understanding and learn about civics and human rights.
Similarly, we believe that a solid and permanent
democracy is an achievable goal. The challenges here
are clear: growing democracy, more respect for civic
rights, freedom of the press; freedom of expression of
political parties and public opinion; dignity and
transparency of all leaders and the moral legitimacy of
all.
Deeply concerned about the spread of HIV/AIDS
in our nation, the Government has made great efforts to
comply with the commitments entered into in the
Declaration on fighting this terrible disease. We call for
increased international cooperation and efforts to
guarantee the availability of drugs at affordable prices,
based on the Doha Declaration on intellectual property
and the right to health.
The Dominican Republic salutes with optimism
the role played by the United Nations and the
Organization of American States (OAS) in efforts to
develop humanitarian aid programmes for the Haitian
people. It is imperative to stress here the need for
greater support from the international community for
our neighbouring republic of Haiti and its neglected
population.
Although we are aware that this issue has been
excluded from the agenda of the current session , we
wish to state our support for the aspirations of the
Republic of China, Taiwan, to rejoin this Organization,
of which it was a Member for many years. Our position
is in line with the universal principles contained in the
Charter, the basis of the rules of international law and
the historical tradition of friendly relations with
Taiwan.
On behalf of the Dominican Government, Sir,
may I congratulate you on your election as President,
confident that your conduct of this session will be
successful, beneficial for the international community
and a source of pride to your country, Saint Lucia, and
thus to our Caribbean community.
I also wish to express the Dominican
Government’s rejection of the barbaric act perpetrated
against the United Nations Mission in Baghdad on 19
August, and to reiterate to the families of Mr. Sergio
Vieira de Mello and of the other deceased colleagues
our most heartfelt condolences.
We are all aware of the great challenges
confronting humanity. Our future depends on the
actions we take now. We have the opportunity to meet
the expectations of the nations of the world. Let us take
up this challenge with all due responsibility.


Let my first
words before this world parliament be of confidence in
the human capacity to overcome challenges and to
move towards higher forms of partnership, both within
and among nations. On behalf of the Brazilian people, I
reaffirm our belief in the United Nations. Its role in
promoting peace and social justice remains
irreplaceable.
I pay tribute to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for
the leadership that he has shown in defence of a world
united through respect for international law and
solidarity among nations.
The Assembly convenes under the impact of the
brutal attack on the United Nations Mission in
Baghdad, which took the life of its head officer, the
High Commissioner for Human Rights, our compatriot
Sergio Vieira de Mello. Sergio's renowned competence
was nurtured by the only weapons in which he
believed: dialogue, persuasion and, above all, concern
for those who are most vulnerable. On behalf of the
United Nations, he showed a tolerant, peace-loving and
courageous humanism that mirrors Brazil's libertarian
soul. Sergio's sacrifice, and that of his colleagues, must
not be in vain. We can best honour his memory by
redoubling our efforts to protect human dignity
wherever it is threatened.
I warmly greet Mr. Julian Hunte, who was elected
President of the Assembly at a particularly grave
moment in the history of the United Nations. The
international community faces enormous political,
economic and social challenges requiring an
accelerated pace of reform. Only thus will our
collective decisions and actions be truly respected and
effective.
In my nine months as President of Brazil, I have
conferred with leaders of all continents, and I have
sensed in them a deep concern to defend and strengthen
multilateral institutions. The improvement of the
multilateral system is a necessary counterpart to
democratic practice within nations. Every nation that
practices democracy must strive to ensure that in
international affairs, decision-making is equally open,
transparent, legitimate and representative. The
tragedies that have befallen Iraq and the Middle East
can be overcome only within a multilateral
framework   one in which the United Nations is given
a central role.
In Iraq, the prevailing climate of insecurity and
growing tension makes national reconstruction an even
more complex task. That impasse can be overcome
only under the leadership of the United Nations
leadership not only in re-establishing acceptable
security conditions, but also in guiding the political
process towards the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty as
soon as possible. We must not shy away from our
collective responsibilities. A war can perhaps be won
single-handedly, but peace   lasting peace   cannot
be secured without the support of all.
Two years later, the images of the barbaric attack
on 11 September still haunt us. There is a
commendable willingness today to adopt more
effective measures to deal with terrorism, with
weapons of mass destruction and with organized crime.
Unfortunately, there are also worrisome signs of an
attempt to discredit the Organization and even to divest
the United Nations of its political authority. Let there
be no ambiguity on this subject: no matter how
invaluable its humanitarian work, the United Nations
6

was conceived to do more than simply to clear away
the rubble of conflicts that it was unable to prevent.
Our central task is to preserve people from the scourge
of war, to negotiate settlements inspired by the
principles and objectives of the San Francisco Charter.
Let us not place greater trust on military might than on
the institutions we created with the light of reason and
the vision of history.
Reform of the United Nations has become an
urgent task, given the present risks to the international
political order.
The Security Council must be fully empowered to
deal with crises and threats to peace. It must therefore
be equipped with the tools for effective action. Above
all, its decisions must seen as legitimate by the
community of nations as a whole. Its composition, in
particular as concerns permanent membership, cannot
remain unaltered almost 60 years later. It can no longer
ignore the changing world. More specifically, it must
take into account the emergence on the international
scene of developing countries. They have become
important actors that often exercise a critical role in
ensuring the pacific settlement of disputes.
Brazil believes that it has a useful contribution to
make. It seeks not to advance an exclusive conception
of international security, but rather to give expression
to the perceptions and aspirations of a region that today
is a hallmark of peaceful coexistence among its
members and that is a force for international stability.
Given the support we received in South America and
beyond, Brazil is encouraged to continue advocating
for a Security Council that better reflects contemporary
reality.
We also favour an Economic and Social Council
capable of bringing about a fair and just economic
order. It is crucial that the Economic and Social
Council regain the role bestowed upon it by the
founding fathers of the Organization. We wish to see
the Economic and Social Council cooperate actively
with the Security Council in preventing conflicts and in
nation building.
The General Assembly, in turn, must be
strengthened politically so as to focus on priority issues
and avoid duplication of effort. The General Assembly
has fulfilled a historically important role by convening
major conferences and other meetings on human rights,
the environment, population, women's rights, racial
discrimination, AIDS and social development.
However, the General Assembly should not hesitate to
assume its responsibilities for maintaining international
peace and security. Our Organization has shown that
there are legal and political alternatives to a veto-
induced paralysis and to actions lacking multilateral
endorsement.
Peace, security, development and social justice
are indivisible. Brazil has endeavoured to practice with
utmost consistency the principles for which it stands.
The new relationship we are forging with our South
American neighbours is founded on mutual respect,
friendship and cooperation.
We are moving beyond our shared history and
geography to create a unique sense of kinship and
partnership. In this context, our relationship with
Argentina remains crucial.
South America and Latin America are
increasingly seen as a region of peace, democracy and
development that aspires to become a new outpost for
growth in a stagnating world economy.
We are deepening the already significant ties with
traditional partners in North America and Europe,
but we also seek to widen and diversify our
international presence. Our relations with China and
the Russian Federation have revealed unexpected
complementarities.
We are proud to be the country with the second
largest population of African descent in the world. In
November, I will be travelling to five countries in
Southern Africa to foster economic, political, social
and cultural cooperation. With the same goal in mind,
we will also host a summit meeting between South
American countries and the member States of the
League of Arab States. With India and South Africa we
have established a trilateral forum for political
consultations and joint projects.
The protectionism practised by rich countries
unfairly penalizes efficient producers in developing
countries. Today this is the greatest obstacle to
launching a new era of economic and social progress.
Brazil and its partners in the G-22 maintained during
the World Trade Organization summit meeting at
Cancun that the crucial goal of effectively opening
markets is achievable through pragmatic and mutually
reinforcing negotiations that bring about an effective
opening of markets. I reaffirm our willingness to travel
along a path that converges towards solutions that
7

benefit all countries, taking into account the interests
of developing countries.
We are entirely in favour of free trade as long as
we can all compete on a level playing field.
Liberalization should not require countries to abandon
the prerogative of formulating industrial, technological,
social and environmental policy. In Brazil we are
engaged in setting up a new framework that balances
economic stability and social inclusion. From that
standpoint, trade negotiations are not an end in
themselves, but rather a means to foster development
and overcome poverty. International trade should be a
tool not only for creating wealth, but also for its
distribution.
I reaffirm before this truly universal Assembly
the appeal I launched at the Davos and Porto Alegre
forums and at the Enlarged Summit of the G-8 at
Evian. We must wage   both politically and
materially   the only war from which we will all
emerge victorious: the war against hunger and extreme
poverty.
The eradication of hunger in the world is a moral
and political imperative. And we all know that it is
possible. What is truly required is political will.
I do not wish to dwell on indications of
barbarism. I would rather acknowledge ethical and
social progress, no matter how modest. Yet we cannot
dismiss the statistics that expose the terrible scourge of
extreme poverty and hunger in the world. Hunger today
touches a fourth of the world's population, including
300 million children. Daily, 24,000 people fall victim
to malnutrition-related diseases.
Nothing is more absurd or intolerable than the
pervasiveness of hunger in the twenty-first century, this
golden age of science and technology.
With each passing day, human intelligence
enlarges the horizons of the possible and achieves
prodigious feats. Yet, hunger persists and, what is
worse, it is spreading throughout various regions of the
planet.
The more we seem to approach the divine through
our creative abilities, the more humanity betrays its
aspirations through our inability to respect and protect
our fellow creatures. The more we celebrate God by
generating riches, the more we hurt our ideals by not
minimally sharing them.
What is the use of all our science and technology,
of all the abundance and luxury that it has generated, if
we do not put it to use, guaranteeing the most sacred of
rights: the right to life?
I recall the penetrating warning, made by Pope
Paul VI 36 years ago, but which is still surprisingly
relevant: The starving people of the world
dramatically address their plea to the wealthy'.
Hunger is an emergency, and it should be dealt
with as such. The eradication of hunger is a
civilizational challenge that requires that we seek a
shortcut to the future. Will we act to eliminate hunger
or will we forsake our credibility through omission?
We no longer have the right to allege that we were not
home when they knocked at our door asking for
solidarity. We have no right to say to the famished who
have waited for so long: come back next century. The
true path to peace is to fight hunger and extreme
poverty to the end, in a campaign of solidarity that
unites the planet rather than deepening the divisions
and the hatred that inflame people and sow terror.
Despite the failure of systems that favour the
generation of wealth without reducing extreme poverty,
many people still persist in their short-sightedness and
greed.
Since my inauguration as President of Brazil on 1
January, significant progress has been made on the
economic front. Stability is back and the groundwork
for a renewed cycle of sustained growth has been laid.
We will continue to work hard to balance public
accounts and to reduce external vulnerability. We will
spare no effort to increase exports, raise the savings
rate, attract foreign investment and start growing again.
Yet at the same time we must strive to cope with
the need for food, jobs, education and health services
for millions of Brazilians living below the poverty line.
We are committed to bringing about major social
reform in the country.
Hunger is the most dramatic and urgent
expression of a structural imbalance requiring
correction through integrated policies that foster full
citizenship. That is why I launched the zero hunger'
programme in Brazil. It seeks to eradicate hunger and
its root causes in the shortest possible time by
promoting major solidarity and wide-ranging
programmes bringing together Government, civil
society and the private sector. The results of those
8

emergency and structural measures are already
benefiting 4 million individuals who were previously
denied the right to a daily meal. The goal of this
programme is to guarantee that no Brazilians will go
hungry.
The United Nations adopted the highly acclaimed
Millennium Development Goals. The Food and
Agriculture Organization has at its disposal outstanding
technical and social expertise. But we need to make a
qualitative leap in the global endeavour to fight hunger.
That is why I proposed setting up a global fund to fight
hunger and suggested means to make it operational.
Other proposals have been put forward as well, some
already integrated into existing United Nations
programmes.
What has been lacking until now is the
indispensable political will of us all, especially of those
countries in a position to contribute most. Creating new
funds is of no use if no resources are committed to
them. The Millennium Development Goals are very
worthy, but if we remain passive, if our collective
behaviour remains unchanged, those Goals may never
materialize, and the ensuing frustration will be
immense.
Now more than ever, good intentions must give
rise to concrete gestures. We must put commitments
into practice. We must practice what we preach   with
audacity, good sense and our feet firmly on the ground,
yet boldly, and with new methods, solutions and
intense social participation.
For this reason, I am submitting a proposal for
consideration by the General Assembly to establish a
world committee within the United Nations itself to
fight hunger. It would be made up of heads of State or
Government from all continents with the purpose of
unifying and operationalizing proposals. We hope to
attract donations from developed and developing
countries according to their capacities, as well as from
large private enterprises and non-governmental
organizations.
My life experience and political history have
taught me to believe above all in the power of
dialogue. I will never forget Gandhi's invaluable lesson
that when out of violence something good appears to
result, this good is at best short-lived, while the evil
that it produces is enduring. Democratic dialogue is the
most efficient of all tools for change. With the same
determination that goes into my endeavours and those
of my partners to make Brazilian society more just and
humane, I will invest in the establishment of
international partnerships that foster equitable
development and a more peace-loving, tolerant and
unified world.
This century, so full of technological and material
promise, must not be allowed to slide into political and
spiritual decline. It is our obligation to mould, under
the reinvigorated leadership of the United Nations, an
international climate of peace and conciliation. True
peace will bloom from democracy, from respect for
international law, from the dismantling of deadly
weapons arsenals and, above all, from the final
eradication of hunger in the world.
We cannot afford to frustrate such high hopes.
The greatest and noblest challenge facing humanity is
precisely that of becoming more humane. It is time to
call peace by its true name: social justice. I am
convinced that together we shall be able to grasp this
historic opportunity to bring about justice.


I bring to the
Assembly greetings and good wishes from the
President of the Republic of Palau, Tommy E.
Remengesau, Jr., and from the people and the
Government of the Republic of Palau.
Nearly 60 years ago, in his final inaugural
address, United States President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt reflected on the lessons of the first half of
the twentieth century. He said:
“We have learned that we cannot live alone,
at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on
the well-being of other nations far away. ... We
have learned to be citizens of the world, members
of the human community.”
Those words have more resonance today than ever
before as Palau and the rest of the world enter into the
twenty-first century. The Republic of Palau is enjoying
rapid development, which came with its independence
on 1 October nine years ago. However, at a time of
rapid globalization, when events halfway around the
world — and most recently in our own backyard — can
profoundly affect our safety and prosperity, Palau
realizes that it must join the international community in
this new challenge to protect our people at home and
our way of life.
To that end, the Republic of Palau reaffirms its
unwavering support for the war led by the United
States against terrorism. We all benefit when nations
12

come together to deter aggression and terrorism, to
resolve conflicts, to prevent the spread of diseases and
the spread of dangerous weapons, to promote
democracy and human rights, to open markets and to
create economic and financial stability, to raise living
standards and to protect the environment — to face
those myriad challenges that no nation can meet alone.
Globalization, however, also brings about risks.
Outlaw States and ethnic conflicts threaten regional
stability and progress in many important areas of the
world. Weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, drug
trafficking and other international crimes are global
concerns that transcend national borders. Other
problems originating overseas — such as the depletion
of resources, rapid population growth, environmental
damage, new infectious diseases such as severe acute
respiratory syndrome (SARS), pervasive corruption
and uncontrolled refugee migration — have
increasingly significant implications for every nation’s
security. National economies will suffer if the global
economy is unstable or if markets collapse, and the
highest environmental standards — such as those set
out in the Kyoto Protocol — will not protect small,
struggling island countries like Palau if other countries
do not join the global effort to bring about peace and
stability.
Protection of the environment is a major concern
to us. Decisions made today regarding the environment
and natural resources can affect every nation’s security
for generations. Environmental threats do not respect
national borders, but they can pose long-term dangers
for every nation’s security and well-being. Scarcity and
depletion of natural resources can trigger and
exacerbate conflict. Environmental threats — such as
climate change, the depletion of stratospheric ozone,
the introduction of nuisance plant and animal species,
the overharvesting of fish and of other living natural
resources, and the transnational movement of
hazardous chemicals and waste — directly threaten the
health and economic well-being of every people of the
world. For Palau, the immediate danger is the rise in
sea level.
Another issue that we wish to address is that of
the cloning of human beings. We believe that any
global and comprehensive ban on human cloning must
include a ban on the cloning of human embryos for
research purposes. While the goal of finding cures to
chronic illnesses is laudable, progress and economic
gain achieved by creating and destroying human life
come at too high a price. We believe that adult-stem-
cell research is a promising field of study that can
provide an ethical source of stem cells for scientific
investigation. The international community must not
allow human life to be devalued in any way, and we
encourage all States to adopt such measures as may be
necessary to prohibit techniques of genetic engineering
that may have adverse consequences on respect for
human dignity.
In public health, we note that many peoples
around the world are suffering and dying each day
from the scourges of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria,
cancer, polio and similar diseases. Combined
international support for public health beyond the
clinic walls must be advocated and put into practice if
we are to eliminate some of those challenges to quality
human life.
Such international support and collaborative
efforts were recently manifested during the spread of
severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS). I also urge
all members of this body to support and ratify the
Framework Convention on Tobacco Control adopted by
the World Health Assembly this year. More
importantly, we should combine our efforts to
implement the mission of the Convention to control
tobacco use, which contributes to diseases and death
throughout the world.
The United Nations is to truly represent all
peoples, with discrimination and exclusion eliminated
from its operational practice. To be effective at
ensuring international peace and security, all nations,
large and small, must be represented in the United
Nations. The Republic of China on Taiwan can no
longer be kept on the sidelines of the most important
international Organization and the leading forum for
international dialogue. Over the past half-century, the
hard-working people of Taiwan have transformed their
country into the world’ s seventeenth largest economy
and a vibrant democracy. In 1996, Taiwan had its first
direct presidential election and, in 2000, accomplished
its first peaceful transfer of executive powers. Since
then Taiwan’s popularly-elected Government has acted
in accordance with United Nations resolutions to
combat international terrorism and to support
humanitarian relief in countries throughout the world,
and yet it is still excluded from the process. Our
experience with SARS has shown us that exclusion can
bring no benefits to anyone. The 23 million Taiwanese
people have an equal right to a voice in the United
13

Nations and should be welcomed by all members of
this body.
The central purpose of the United Nations is the
preservation and advancement of world peace. It
accomplishes its peacemaking and humanitarian
assistance efforts through international cooperation. Its
191 Member States, large and small, rich and poor, and
with different political views, strive collectively to
address global challenges and advance world peace.
Together, they consider and decide on the world’s most
pressing problems. Thus, in this regard I ask the world
here today, at the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly, to study and discuss the roots of terrorism
and possible solutions, including inter-religious
intervention; to promote conservation standards to
protect our Earth’s environment; to promote world
public health; to protect the human dignity by banning
the cloning of human embryos; and to continue our
quest for peace and security for all peoples of the
world.


I would like to take this
opportunity to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
election. My Government is deeply gratified by the
recognition of your accomplishments, especially given
that you are a fellow islander. We are confident you
will lead the work of this body with the same high
competence as your distinguished predecessor, His
Excellency Jan Kavan of the Czech Republic.
Before going further I must pause in respectful
remembrance of the second anniversary of the terrorist
attacks of 11 September 2001. We honour the memory
of all who were lost. I must also express our sincere
condolences over the great loss of life recently at the
United Nations headquarters in Baghdad.
I am grateful for the privilege of appearing before
this body for the first time, as President of the
Federated States of Micronesia. We feel a deep sense of
responsibility in joining with nations present here to
work toward a better world for all peoples.
For the past several years, much of the discussion
here and elsewhere has focused on political challenges
around the world. After 11 September, it is not at all
surprising that these challenges have commanded the
lion's share of everyone's attention. We in the
Federated States of Micronesia remain committed to
the eradication of terrorism in all its forms, and will
continue to play the role open to us as the world strives
to reach this goal.
However, the challenges of the environment and
of sustainable development that occupied so much of
our attention during the 1990s have not gone away.
Despite the immediacy of so many pressing demands
today, those remain challenges that the international
community cannot afford to put on hold. We cannot put
them on hold because they are part and parcel of the
worldwide security challenge, especially over the
longer term.
No part of our world is immune to the wide range
of fundamental security threats. War and terrorism are
only consequences of their deeper root causes: poverty,
human injustice and, more recently, environmental
degradation. These are most often discussed in the
context of the more populous regions of the world, but
I ask the Assembly not to overlook the fact that they
also present themselves to the small island developing
States.
The unique vulnerability of our island States to
all those scourges is widely recognized. Even so,
global threat assessments most often are not followed
up by a realistic allocation of resources to the more
remote   yet also more vulnerable   places, where
threats to global security often find their origin or seek
refuge. I submit to the Assembly that the region of the
Pacific islands has for too long been overlooked in that
way.
We welcomed the initiative of the international
community to address those and related development
problems during the World Summit on Sustainable
Development. But we returned home, and we still find
ourselves struggling just as much as ever with
fundamental needs. As memories of Johannesburg are
pushed into the background by seemingly more urgent
crises, our people are beginning to ask questions about
this process. They are asking whether repetitious
discussion of traditional development strategies at a
lengthening string of summit venues offers the most
productive avenue for achieving real development
18

goals. We must consider these things with a broader
consciousness. The challenges are enormous, and they
are immediate. I say to the Assembly respectfully that
business-as-usual multilateralism is not getting the job
done.
Before proceeding, I should say that today's
Micronesians do enjoy a much-improved standard of
living in comparison with the conditions that existed
when we were introduced to the world economy less
than 50 years ago. However, we still have very far to
go before we can reach the levels of even the
moderately successful developing countries, let alone
of the industrialized world.
In saying what I do here about my own country's
difficulties, I must add that we are by no means alone.
Therefore, we stand with developing countries
everywhere, and we fully support the positions to be
expressed here by His Majesty the King of Morocco on
behalf of the Group of 77 and China, and by His
Excellency the Prime Minister of Mauritius on behalf
of the Alliance of Small Island States.
We must all do more. For our part, the small
island developing States need to ensure that we meet
our obligations and fulfil our undertakings to the global
community. We are not just supplicants; we have roles
to play. My country has made commitments to
environmental responsibility in line with our capacity.
We have pledged increased accountability and
oversight of development assistance. We have resolved
to build our capacity to govern more effectively and to
increase regional interaction.
I believe that all developing countries should
explore how we can mobilize our limited resources,
individually and collectively, even as we seek
assistance. In that regard, I commend to the
Assembly's attention the communiquÈ of the Pacific
Islands Forum issued this year at Auckland, New
Zealand. It is illustrative of the kind of regional
collaboration I encourage here. For example, we in the
Forum agreed this year to an important and
comprehensive statement of principles fundamental to
good governmental leadership and recognized by all. I
think that it deserves close study by the Assembly.
Serious attention was also given by the Forum leaders
to the challenges presented by international criminal
elements attracted to our region. They are attracted in
part by our out-of-sight, out-of-mind' status. It was
recognized at the Forum that, given our limitations
individually, we can confront those challenges only
through regional, collective action.
We are also now seeing, more than ever before,
entire regions of the world marginalized in the global
economy, as witness the sad breakdown of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) meetings recently. Some
countries have been virtually ignored until social and
political conditions have severely deteriorated.
We are hearing more frequently the term failed
State'. It has no clear definition, but it has been used
on occasion to justify outside intervention. That may
be necessary under certain circumstances, but it is in
the interests of all that such conditions should not
develop in the first place. I submit that the causes of
any such so-called failure can be traced far beyond the
borders of the unfortunate country that is so labelled.
The time is ripe for a new way of looking at
international peace and security. No longer can
economic, social and environmental issues exist in a
parallel universe, divorced from geopolitical
considerations. The linkages are becoming all too clear,
as the alarming findings of this year's United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) report on
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals
confirm.
Despite our best efforts, we still face the full
range of threats to our natural environment. Those
threats are not diminishing. In fact, on a global scale,
progress by the world community has been glacial in
the face of ever more pressing demands for action. We
may say to ourselves that any disastrous outcomes lie
well in the future, but we can act only in the present.
We are literally making   or failing to make   life
decisions for the yet-unborn.
One of the most clear and present emergencies
has figured prominently in our statements in the
general debate every year since our country became a
United Nations Member; I refer to the need for
immediate international action to combat climate
change. Regrettably, I cannot speak with any less
concern this year. If anything, our appeals must
become more urgent. At a time when we speak of many
wars, there is also the war against climate change   a
war that mankind cannot afford to lose.
I know you can appreciate better than most,
Mr. President, that, for my family and me, the issue of
climate change is a present reality. My island, Woleai,
19

in Yap State, is an atoll with no point higher than two
meters above sea level. The frequency and the intensity
of storms in our region have been increasing for some
time.
During the last year we experienced three major
typhoons, as well as other destructive storms. One of
them triggered massive mudslides on the state of
Chuuk's higher islands, and 50 people died. In Yap
state, a recent storm washed away a large and very old
cemetery. These and similar recent events in our other
states are unprecedented. Everything we are, and hope
to achieve as a people, is under grave threat because of
global climate change.
Having confirmed that the climate change crisis
is real, the entire world also now possesses
indisputable evidence that its steady progression can be
laid at the doorstep of human activity. Yet some of the
worst polluters among the industrialized countries see
it as their top priority to protect vested interests. They
are purposely delaying the immediate action that is
required to begin to turn the tide of destructive climate
alteration.
In the Framework Convention, it was agreed by
all that those bearing the responsibility for causing this
problem must take the lead in resolving it. Yet, I must
ask today, where is that leadership?
It is very sad that the Kyoto Protocol, which is a
positive achievement, has been converted by some
Governments into a political target   a rallying cry for
the worst polluters. In fact, it represents nothing more
than a small first step that must be followed up by
strong subsequent actions if the war against climate
change is to be at all effective. The scornful attitude
toward the Protocol shown by some countries will
doom the entire Framework Convention to utter failure
if the current situation remains unchanged. The Kyoto
Protocol must be brought into effect without further
delay. The industrial Powers cannot continue to make
the plea of Saint Augustine, Lord, make me thy
servant, but not yet awhile.'
Since our people live in such close harmony with
the natural environment, we also face a host of other
pressing environmental issues. Our coral reefs are
getting a great deal of international attention partly
because of their potential for commercial exploitation.
We appreciate those possibilities and are determined to
preserve our legal rights in any exploitation that takes
place.
But we also appreciate the reefs as our natural
buffers against the sea and the hosts for marine
resources far beyond the regular bounty of present-day
fishing. This is more than a resource; it is a lifeline for
many island countries. The serious decline in the health
of coral reefs all over the world must be reversed.
Stocks of our only substantial economic
resource   tuna   have seen a marked decline in
recent years. Other species and key elements of the
ocean ecosystem are also now imperilled as never
before. The Federated States of Micronesia will be
lobbying for an aggressive oceans resource protection
policy in both the regional and international arenas.
Water itself, and access to it, is very much a
threatened resource in our country, where we are
surrounded by the ocean but have limited fresh water.
We rely upon rainwater and its collection in the lenses
that lies beneath our atolls. Every drop is precious. We
say that a vulnerable life, such as that of a child, is like
morning dew on a taro leaf, to be handled with care so
that it does not slip away.
Members may be surprised to learn that islands in
the Pacific Ocean, so often pictured in everyone's
dream of paradise, are more concerned about drought
than any other natural threat, including typhoons. Not
only do we experience the salt-water corruption of our
fresh water and our food crops, as a result of increased
storm activity and sea-level rise, we also now must try
to cope with droughts brought on by increasingly
unpredictable El NiÒo activity linked to climate
change.
Fortunately, the world in general seems to be
waking up to the universal human requirement for
access to adequate, clean water. The special exposure
of island countries received welcome attention at the
recent Third World Water Forum in Kyoto. In addition,
I wish to point to a very important, first-ever
interregional collaboration on this vital subject, in the
form of a Memorandum of Understanding recently
concluded between our South Pacific Applied
Geoscience Commission and the Caribbean
Environmental Health Institute.
I have spoken much about my country's concerns
but, of course, we are not alone in these concerns. The
world's small island developing States face largely the
same set of issues in different degrees.
20

For that reason, we were grateful for the
international attention generated by the first United
Nations Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, held
in Barbados in 1994. The Barbados Programme of
Action, which was the product of that Conference, has
been a limited success. The Conference succeeded in
focusing attention on the unique set of problems our
small island nations face. However, it seems that the
international community has to some extent been
content to raise awareness of the issues, while showing
a waning interest in implementing specific measures
during the years following the Conference itself.
We applaud the decision to hold a follow-up
conference in Mauritius in 2004, and we look forward
to a frank evaluation of the progress, or lack thereof, in
implementing the Barbados Plan of Action during the
past 10 years. It is my hope that the Mauritius
conference will afford an opportunity to regain lost
momentum.
This is a landmark year for my nation. We have
completed 17 years in a post-trusteeship political
relationship with the United States. By all accounts,
this has been a success. Never before has free
association been attempted on this scale.
I am pleased that both my country and our
development partner, the United States, have seen fit to
continue this relationship into the future by amending
the treaty between us known as the Compact of Free
Association. As we celebrate the success that this
renewal represents, it is proper to recall the long and
effective stewardship of our region by the United
Nations Trusteeship Council.
We are grateful for the lasting contribution of the
United Nations system to the history of Micronesia,
and we look forward to continuing to work in this body
and others in the United Nations system to reach our
collective goals.
In closing, I would like to refer to the words of
the American President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who
once said,
If I were asked to state the great objective which
church and state are both demanding for the sake
of every man and woman and child in this
country, I would say that the great objective is a
more abundant life.'
I believe that the President was speaking of true
abundance, not only in a material sense, but also in the
sense of the security of mind and body that comes with
freedom, opportunity and human fulfilment.
We must ask ourselves whether what we are
striving for here at the United Nations is faithful to that
lofty ideal. This Organization is the greatest forum ever
created on this planet. It cannot afford to allow its
important role in conflict management to push aside
the even greater task of managing the conditions that
produce those conflicts. We bring together here, under
the guidance of the Charter, for the first time in human
history, all kinds of resources necessary to lead
mankind to a more abundant life. Let it not be said of
us later that we failed in that task.


I should like to start by
extending our warmest congratulations to you, Mr.
President, on your election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, as well as our full
support. I also wish to pay tribute to Mr. Jan Kavan,
the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
seventh session.
The memory of the many innocent people who
lost their lives during the horrors of 11 September, and
that of many other victims of terror all over the world,
including in my country, are still very fresh in our
minds today. We also mourn the painful loss of our
United Nations colleagues. They were working in the
service of the international community to secure peace
and to uphold human dignity in Baghdad. The loss of
Sergio Vieira de Mello was particularly tragic for us, as
his visit to Ankara two weeks before his tragic death
unfortunately turned out to be his last. Terrorism is a
crime against humanity. We are duty-bound to
eradicate that evil from the face of the Earth, and soon.
We must also not forget that there are other major
challenges that remain to be addressed, namely,
poverty, illiteracy, organized crime, the problem of
narcotics, ecological disasters, epidemics such as
AIDS, the issue of refugees, the illegal trade in human
beings, gender inequality, corruption, racism and
xenophobia, among others.
In the new global security environment, there is a
clear and pressing need to strengthen international
organizations and institutions. The United Nations is at
the top of that list. The many challenges facing the
world today underline the central role of the United
Nations, as has been highlighted so eloquently by the
Secretary-General. The efforts to adapt this unique
Organization to the realities of today’s international life
should be resolutely pursued. The world needs a more
representative, effective and efficient United Nations.
In close cooperation with the United Nations,
Turkey has accumulated vast experience over the years
in the areas of regional cooperation, peacekeeping and
conflict prevention. We have also shown a strong will
to solve our bilateral foreign policy problems. Today
we have very good relations with some neighbouring
countries with which we experienced difficulties in the
recent past. We are also doing our best to contribute to
the solution of problems in the Middle East, the
Balkans and the Caucasus.
In order to promote harmony among civilizations,
we convened a meeting last year in Istanbul between
the European Union and the countries of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). Next
year, both the NATO summit and the OIC’s ministerial
meeting will be held in that city.
My Government’s reforms at home reflect a
sustained effort to promote democracy, human rights,
5

the rule of law, civil society, good governance,
accountability and gender equality to the highest
standards set by the United Nations and the European
Union. The results show that national and spiritual
values can be in perfect harmony with contemporary
living standards. Integration with the world is not
possible without bringing our values and traditions into
harmony with modernity.
It is on the strength of that increasingly relevant
Turkish experience and on the strength of the richness
of our ties with the international community that
Turkey has decided to present its candidature for a seat
in the Security Council for the years 2009-2010.
The situation in the Middle East will remain of
crucial significance for the evolution of the
international environment for some time to come. We
do not believe that the Middle East is condemned to
eternal strife and suffering. This is one cradle of
civilization that had enjoyed peace and prosperity for
centuries. That is why we believe that it is feasible
today to transform the Middle East into a region of
security, cooperation and prosperity. There is an urgent
need today for a fresh start in the region. The situation
in Iraq and the Arab-Israeli conflict are at the core of
efforts to bring stability to the region.
The events of this year have brought Iraq to the
beginning of a new era. All of us need to help the Iraqi
nation in its formidable task of building a united, free,
democratic and prosperous future. It is therefore highly
important for the Security Council to agree on a
mandate responsive to the needs of stabilization and
reconstruction. Iraq is our close neighbour. That
country’s future and the future of the region’s stability
are inter-linked.
In the Middle East we are again witnessing a
cycle of terror and violence that is taking hostage all
efforts towards peace. We view the restoration of the
channels of communication and dialogue between
Palestinians and Israelis as the most urgent task at
hand. We believe that sending the elected President of
the Palestinian National Authority into exile cannot
serve any good purpose. We call upon the Israeli
Government to review its position. At the same time,
we urge the Palestinian side to make every effort to
prevent further terrorist attacks. Turkey has close ties
with both Israelis and Palestinians. We remain ready to
contribute to the implementation of the road map, to
which we believe there is no alternative. We are also
willing to contribute to the improvement of the security
environment as needed, and to the alleviation of the
harsh living conditions of Palestinians.
In order to achieve progress, resources have to be
utilized rationally and to the benefit of the people, as
the Iraqi case has shown. The need for reform is not a
novelty in the Middle East. What may be new is the
growing recognition that progress is dependent on
political and social factors, as well as on economic
ones. Gradual steps towards more representative and
accountable structures are being taken by a number of
countries in the Middle East. They deserve the
encouragement of the international community.
The world needs the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction. It does not need them to proliferate.
The inherent logic of that argument has been
recognized by the community of nations that have
adhered to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons. We strongly support the efforts
aimed at increasing membership in non-proliferation
agreements and regimes.
My country’s regional policies are shaped by our
desire to achieve durable peace and greater cooperation
in our neighbourhood. I have already outlined our
approach with regard to the Middle East.
The Balkans, which is to our west, was in turmoil
until recently. That region has come to enjoy relative
peace and stability in the past two years. International
organizations, notably NATO, the European Union, the
United Nations and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe, played a major role in that
turnaround. However, the situation in certain parts of the
region should continue to be monitored on an ongoing
basis, as it is a potential source of destabilization.
We are determined to further enhance our
relations with Greece within the current process of
constructive dialogue. We are pleased with the progress
achieved so far, as highlighted by my Greek colleague,
Mr. Papandreou, in the statement he made this
morning. We have already covered considerable
ground. We are convinced that the ongoing dialogue
and the resulting atmosphere of mutual confidence will
serve the interests of both Turkey and Greece.
Turkey sincerely desires a lasting political
settlement establishing a new partnership in Cyprus.
This issue has been with us since 1963. Attempts to
distort the facts in the island will not help efforts aimed
6

at a comprehensive settlement. We continue to support
the good offices mission of the Secretary-General. A
new partnership in Cyprus should be based on a
compromise between Turkish and Greek Cypriots and
on equal status. Furthermore, a settlement should
preserve the bizonal character of the island and ensure
the security of the Turkish Cypriot people.
At the present stage of the situation in Cyprus it
is necessary to create a basis for substantive
negotiations. The opportunity created by President
Denktas’ latest proposals, which are designed to
overcome the lack of confidence between the two
sides, should be seized. Indeed, the Greek Cypriot side,
instead of trying to take advantage of the prospect of
its unilateral accession to the European Union, should
act in a spirit of goodwill and contribute to the
negotiating process. All embargoes and restrictions
imposed upon the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus should be lifted as a matter of priority.
The Caucasus is another strategically important
area of great interest to Turkey. The long-standing
conflicts there must end, and good-neighbourly
relations and regional cooperation should be given a
real chance to flourish. The problems of Nagorny
Karabakh and Abkhazia still endanger peace and
stability in the entire region. Turkey expects Armenia
to fully comply with the relevant United Nations
resolutions in order to find a prompt and just solution
to the Nagorny Karabakh conflict. The peaceful
settlement of this conflict will contribute to the
normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations and to
regional cooperation. As regards the Abkhazian
conflict, Turkey believes that a peaceful settlement
should be reached within the context of the territorial
integrity, sovereignty and political unity of Georgia.
Close historical and cultural bonds with Central
Asia constitute one of the pillars of our Eurasian vision.
We have developed mutually beneficial bilateral relations
with the Central Asian States since their independence.
We should make substantial efforts to improve regional
stability and security and continue to support those
States with a view to their further integration into the
international community. We all know that the security
of Central Asia is inseparable from global security.
Traditionally a close friend of Afghanistan, Turkey
has contributed for many years to the rehabilitation of that
country. We are pleased that the Bonn process has so far
been implemented successfully, despite numerous
difficulties. We commend the performance of the
Transitional Administration in this respect. The success
of the Bonn process will depend to a large extent on
greater support from the international community.
We firmly believe that it will not be possible to
establish global stability unless peace, security,
democracy and sustainable development are promoted
in Africa. Recent trends in the management of crises in
Africa, as well as the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development, give us fresh hope in this regard.
In conclusion, I should like to stress that Turkey
is determined to remain a major contributor to peace,
security and stability in our region and beyond. Turkey
pursues a multidimensional foreign policy that is active
in various regions. We believe in the vital role of the
United Nations and its increased relevance in the present
international environment, and we are committed to
promoting the effectiveness of our Organization.