At the outset,
allow me to express our warm congratulations to
Mr. Vuk Jeremič on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
I am confident that his experience will ensure the
success of our meetings. I should like to commend his
predecessor, Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser,
and to express my appreciation and gratitude to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his efforts to
strengthen the role of the United Nations. It is my hope
that deliberations at this session will be successful,
which would contribute to fulfilling the hopes and
aspirations of the peoples of the world to a life of
security, peace and stability, on the basis of the values and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations.
We were pleased to see that the main theme for this
session of the General Assembly relates to the peaceful
settlement of disputes. That principle is a fundamental
one, as the Charter of the United Nations stresses the
need to maintain international peace and security by
pacific means or through effective collective measures
aimed at eliminating threats to international peace
and security, in accordance with the Charter and
international law.
The peaceful settlement of disputes requires joint
efforts on the part of the international community
in order to tackle the root causes of conflicts. We
believe that the absence of sustainable and balanced
development is one of the main reasons why a small
minority of people have been able to appropriate the
greatest wealth in the world while the vast majority of
humankind lives in abject poverty, lacking all basic
services. Greater efforts must therefore be made to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals.
Disseminating a culture of peace, tolerance,
respect for others and the prevention of any violence
or incitement to cultural, religious, sectarian or ethnic
strife must be among the fundamental priorities and
concerns of the United Nations. The Organization must
ensure that no offensive statements about prophets
are made under the pretext of freedom of expression.
Perhaps the latest video insulting Prophet Muhammad
and the reactions thereto are the best evidence of the
seriousness of this issue and its effect on international
peace and security.
My country suffered through a long conflict — more
than six decades — that hampered the achievement
of peace, development and stability, and had strong
negative repercussions on the region. Proceeding
from the conviction of my Government as to the need
to put an end to that conflict, on the basis of United
Nations instruments for the pacific settlement of
disputes, difficult and thorny negotiations began that
took over a decade and culminated in the signing of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) under
the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD). Many regional and international
partners helped in reaching that Agreement.
The Government of the Sudan was committed to
implementing the Agreement during the prescribed time frame, which led to the known referendum in
which the people of South Sudan decided to secede.
The Government of the Sudan immediately
recognized the Government of South Sudan and fully
committed itself to assisting that nascent State, as was
stated by the President of my country — Mr. Omer
Hassan Al-Bashir — personally when the new State
was born in the south. Despite all of the assistance
provided by my country to facilitate the birth of the
Republic of South Sudan, many obstacles have cropped
up on the road to the normalization of relations between
the two neighbourly countries. The delay in the drafting
of important agreements provided for in the CPA
following the referendum has led to many tensions,
resulting in the adoption by the African Union Peace
and Security Council of a road map in April 2012 and in
Security Council resolution 2046 (2012), which stresses
the spirit of the African Union decision.
We have begun a new phase of serious negotiations
under the African Union High-level Implementation
Panel, headed by President Thabo Mbeki, which led
to the signing on 27 September in Addis Ababa of
very important agreements on the economy, security
and citizenship status in both States and a framework
agreement for cooperation between the two countries in
all fields. None of that would have taken place without
the firm determination, wisdom and patience of my
President, Omer Al-Bashir, who insisted on the need to
resolve disputes by peaceful means, beginning with the
signing of the CPA, the Abuja Agreement on Darfur,
the agreement on Eastern Darfur and the Darfur
Document. That has shown the world that Sudan’s
leadership acts on the basis of firm principles that prize
security and stability and are aimed at achieving peace
and development. We want everyone to know that the
goal of attempts to distort Sudan’s image and impugn
its leadership is merely to defame us and that they are
devoid of any substance.
We in the Sudan have been determined to address
the reasons underlying war and strife despite the strong
economic and political pressures brought to bear
against my country and the unfair sanctions imposed
by the United States of America. The Sudan requires
assistance in order to traverse this very sensitive stage
towards better horizons, and to that end we believe that
the sanctions must be lifted, our debt cancelled and our
economy supported. The Sudan has repeatedly stressed its commitment
to a policy of good-neighbourliness and is determined
to strengthen its brotherly relations with South Sudan.
The great achievements registered have brought an end
to the longest war on the Africa continent. With the same
determination, we have attempted to tackle the few
remaining issues. In order to ensure continuing sincere
cooperation with the Republic of South Sudan, on
Thursday, 27 September 2012, an agreement was signed
in the Ethiopian capital between the two Governments
on security, the economy, borders, oil, trade, rates
of exchange, pensions, debts and other economic
issues. That is an important step that shows Sudan’s
commitment to a policy of good-neighbourliness and its
determination to improve brotherly relations with South
Sudan and to reach a comprehensive understanding on
all issues.
Despite the fact that no agreement has been reached
on the final status of Abyei, and no terms of reference
have been found for its resolution, the Sudan stresses
its full support for the Abyei protocol and agreement
of June 2011, as well as the referendum law on Abyei
signed by both parties in the Sudanese Parliament in
2010.
We must stress here the important role played by
the two parties, with the mediation of the late Ethiopian
Prime Minister, Mr. Meles Zenawi, and his successor,
Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn, in the context of the
presidency of IGAD, as well as by other international
partners. Without those efforts, no agreement could have
been reached or signed with South Sudan. We would
therefore like to stress the importance of mediation and
serious negotiations in resolving disputes by peaceful
means.
Allow me also to stress the role of the international
community in fulfilling its responsibility to help both
parties and to keep all promises made following the
signing of the CPA by providing assistance in funds
and in kind for the development and growth of the
Sudan and South Sudan.
In his statement, the Vice-President of South
Sudan asserted that his country lays claim to Heglig
and sympathizes with those bearing arms against us in
South Kordofan and Blue Nile states (see A/67/PV.13).
That is regrettable and goes outside the spirit of the
agreement of Addis Ababa, taking us back to square one
as far as conflicts are concerned. As I have said before,
I sincerely hope that those words of the Vice-President were intended to be delivered to the General Assembly
before the agreement was reached in Addis Ababa.
The Government of the Sudan calls on the
international community to put further pressure on
the rebels to stop attacks on South Kordofan and Blue
Nile states. Let me also say that the Government of the
Sudan will continue to live up to its responsibilities
with respect to the protection of civilians and the
completion of development projects. Blue Nile state
is now home to the largest development project in the
Sudan — the building of a dam — together with many
other development projects.
The Government has a green-land policy designed
to expand agricultural projects in South Kordofan
and a policy to improve water quality and education
and health services there. Moreover, proceeding from
our belief that it is the fundamental responsibility of
the Government to protect its citizens, we renew our
commitment to the joint tripartite initiative between
the United Nations, the African Union and the League
of Arab States to bring humanitarian assistance to
civilians in the regions controlled by rebels in South
Kordofan and Blue Nile states.
Despite the efforts made by the Sudan to tackle the
negative effects following the secession of the south,
the burden of foreign debt weighs very heavily on
the Sudanese economy. Let me take this opportunity
to recall the pledges of the international community,
following the signing of the CPA, to cancel the Sudan’s
debts. Those promises have gone unmet. I am sure the
Assembly knows that the issue of debts was among the
fundamental questions that were discussed with the
Government of South Sudan. Based on the zero-option
approach, we are determined to work with our brothers
in the Government of South Sudan to take the steps
agreed upon with the international community and our
creditors so that we both may enjoy the fruits of peace
and ensure the viability of the two States.
At the same time, we stress the need to lift the
coercive unilateral sanctions imposed on the Sudan,
which run counter to General Assembly resolutions
and international norms and laws. At this point, we
cannot fail to mention the progress made in sustainable
development in Africa or the fact that such progress
has not risen to the ambitious level of the objectives
set forth in the Millennium Development Goals.
International cooperation and effective partnerships are
thus required, in the form of the complete cancellation
of debts, in accordance with the Debt Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries, if we are to fulfil our
commitments and build national capacities.
My country is also witnessing another important
development — the signing of the Doha Document for
Peace in Darfur, following the peace negotiations that
took place under the auspices of the State of Qatar. I
should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to
Qatar and His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa
Al-Thani for their much-appreciated efforts on behalf of
peace and stability in Darfur. The Doha Document has
been widely accepted and supported by the people of
Darfur and the regional and international communities.
With that instrument, we have turned a new page in
the book on Darfur — towards stability, development,
peace and the return of displaced persons — after
closing the chapter on fighting.
We call on the international community to protect
and secure the peace by countering the armed rebel
groups that have refused to join the peace process. We
further call on the Security Council to put pressure on
those movements in order to compel them to subscribe
to the Doha Document. I would also appeal to the
international community to effectively participate in
the donors’ conference for the rebuilding of Darfur to
be held in December in Doha.
The Government of the Sudan will continue
to implement its five-point strategy for Darfur’s
development. We shall give the utmost priority to the
return of displaced persons and refugees, in coordination
with the regional body that was set up pursuant to the
Doha agreement. The parties have begun to fulfil their
duties in implementing the Doha peace agreement, and
now the five provinces of Darfur are enjoying security,
stability and a return to normality.
That, in turn, has led the Security Council to
reduce the number of military contingents in the
African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in
Darfur, because, as expected, there has been a general
improvement in both the security and the humanitarian
situations. That improvement crowned with success the
many efforts made by the Government of the Sudan,
paved the way for launching development projects in
Darfur and facilitated the return of displaced persons
and refugees to their homes and villages to resettle and
re-engage in production and development.
The current session is being held while the world
is witnessing many varied and intertwined changes
and developments. Those require cooperation and coordination between members of the international
community for the good of humankind. We must make
sure that the reform of the United Nations and its
principal and subsidiary bodies is given the importance
it deserves. It has now become necessary to accelerate
the reform of the Organization so that it can undertake
its role in a just, transparent and effective manner and
confront the challenges that the world faces. Indeed, the
reform will not be genuine unless the General Assembly
can play its full role in a balanced and transparent
manner.
The reform of the Security Council is a fundamental
part of the reform of the United Nations. The Council
no longer reflects the realities of today’s world. Unless
its membership is enlarged, unless working methods
and procedures are reformed, and unless its decisions
are taken in a more democratic and transparent way,
reform will not be comprehensive but will merely
be partial or transitional. We call today for a more
balanced, multilateral and just international system.
What is needed is a system able to tackle the challenges
that we face, one in which respect for international law
prevails, in which the primary rules are the purposes
and principles of the United Nations, including respect
for the sovereignty of States, non-intervention in
their internal affairs for any ostensible reason and the
non-use or threat of force.
The Sudan is greatly concerned about new
concepts and agendas that are not internationally
agreed, controversial concepts such as humanitarian
intervention, preventive wars, the responsibility to
protect, political and economic sanctions and new
mechanisms to bring pressure to bear on States,
politicizing international justice. In this context, the
Sudan refuses and rejects the approach taken by the
so-called International Criminal Court. That body has
gone beyond the boundaries set for it at its founding
Rome Conference. Regrettably, it is now a political tool
that criminalizes entire States, while fully ignoring
heinous crimes being perpetrated by other States in
the name of humanity and the fight against terrorism.
Rejection of the request of the Palestinian Authority by
the Court is clear evidence of injustice in the name of
law and a good example of the politicization of justice.
The phenomenon of climate change corroborates
what we have already said. The problems associated
with it have grown ever greater and States cannot tackle
them on their own. That is the case too for many other
issues, such as energy, food security, immigration and terrorism. We therefore believe in the need to strengthen
international cooperation on climate change, based on
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change and its Kyoto Protocol.
We commend the State of Brazil for hosting the
Conference on Sustainable Development in July and for
the effective role it played in reaching agreement on its
final document (resolution 66/288, annex). That outcome
reflects the fundamental concerns of Member States,
stresses the promotion of international cooperation for
sustainable development through a green economy and
strengthens the institutional framework for sustainable
development. We hope that the implementation of the
concept of the green economy will take into account
the differences between developed and developing
countries, so that all may implement their own green
policies, and will ensure the f low of financial, technical
and technological assistance to developing countries
without discrimination.
My delegation condemns all forms and
manifestations of terrorism, whether perpetrated by
individuals, groups or States. Terrorism is a phenomenon
that is not linked to any one religion, culture or State.
We also renew the call for an internationally agreed
definition of terrorism, since terrorism is a grave threat
to all our societies. We must not confuse the concept
of terrorism with that of legitimate struggle against
foreign occupation, invasion or colonialism. We also
reject the stigma of terrorism currently being attached
to particular cultures, groups, religions or ethnicities.
Measures taken to fight terrorism must not infringe on
public freedoms, human rights or a State’s sovereignty
over its territory.
The current session of the General Assembly
coincides with some important indicators in the
international economy. First and foremost are the
consequences of the world financial crisis and the
escalation in the price of staples, particularly food
staples, and their effect on sustainable development.
Despite that, the Government of the Sudan is making
major efforts to realize economic and social development
in the country, in the belief that that can only come
about through realizing peace and security and growth.
That was reflected in the Sudan’s commitment to
implementing the objectives of the long-term national
strategy for 2007-2013 and our Poverty Reduction
Strategy.
The question of Palestine has been on the agenda
of the United Nations for more than six decades. Our Organization has adopted countless resolutions that
were rejected or remained unimplemented by Israel.
Israel continues to defy the will of the international
community. The Sudan expresses its full support
for the decision by the Palestinian Authority to seek
membership in the United Nations. It is their legal
right, based on the right to self-determination, one of
the fundamental principles of international law.
The situation in the Middle East continues to be
a threat to international peace and security, despite
continuing declarations by the Arab side of their wish
to reach a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the
region, based on the relevant United Nations resolutions
and the Arab Peace Initiative. However, Israel, the
occupying Power, continues to reject the option of
peace. It continues its inhuman, unjust siege, which is
in contravention of international law. It also continues
its plans for colonialist settlement. It continues to try to
change the demographic character of Al-Quds Al-Sharif
by demolishing homes, uprooting trees and engaging in
ethnic cleansing and coercive displacement, as well as
detaining thousands of Palestinians.
We renew our call on the United Nations, and
the Security Council in particular, to shoulder their
responsibility for maintaining international peace
and security and to take the requisite measures to end
Israeli occupation of Arab and Palestinian land. From
this rostrum, we renew our call for the establishment
of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and all
other weapons of mass destruction. Meanwhile, we also
underline the right of States to obtain nuclear technology
for peaceful uses, and we call for the resolution of
disputes through negotiations and dialogue, free from
attempts to spread fear and tension in the region.
Also with regard to the Middle East, my delegation
expresses its deep sadness and regret at the current
developments in Syria. There has been an escalation of
violence and an excessive use of force. That is not the
right way to resolve the disputes. From this rostrum, we
call on all parties to heed the voice of reason, to enter
into negotiations and to cease hostilities and military
confrontation. We believe that the appointment of the
new Joint Special Representative, Lakhdar Brahimi, to
the region is a good opportunity to continue to seek a
peaceful settlement to the dispute, and we hope that all
parties will cooperate with him, to protect Syria and its
social fabric.
The Sudan welcomes the latest political
developments in Somalia, notably its recent successful presidential elections. We congratulate the new
President, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and we wish
him every success in promoting peace and security
in Somalia. In this context, the Sudan commends the
African Union for its efforts in Somalia. We call on the
international community to support those efforts and
to stand shoulder to shoulder with the fraternal Somali
people at this critical juncture in the country’s history.
We want Somalia to resume its natural role within the
international community.
In conclusion, let me express our sincere good
wishes for a successful session under the wise leadership
of President Vuk Jeremić.


At the
outset, allow me to greet Mr. Vuk Jeremić, President of
the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. At
the same time, I would like to express my appreciation
to Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for his stewardship
during the previous session.
I have the honour to represent Guatemala for
the first time before this highest organ of the United
Nations. Guatemala, and my Government in particular,
will always support any initiative that furthers the
noble objectives and principles of the United Nations,
summarized in the words “peace”, “development” and
“human rights”.
My country is committed to the peaceful settlement
of conflicts, which is the central theme of our debate.
In that spirit, in late 2008 we agreed to sign a special
agreement with our neighbour, Belize, seeking a
resolution of a long-standing territorial dispute through
the International Court of Justice. Our Congress
unanimously approved the agreement, and on October
6, 2013, simultaneous plebiscites will be held in both
countries to democratically ratify our commitment to
resorting to the International Court of Justice.
Furthermore, we Guatemalans lived through an
armed conflict that lasted 36 years. I was a soldier who
participated in that conflict. And because I know war, I
highly value dialogue. That is why in 1996 I was one of
the signatories of the peace accords in my country. That
motivates me to reaffirm my support for the President’s
wise decision to convene this session to discuss the
peaceful settlement of conflicts.
My Government has set three overarching objectives
in order to advance firmly and sustainably towards a
Guatemala that fully enjoys the benefits of peace. First,
we have proposed the Hambre Zero initiative, which
seeks to reduce the chronic malnutrition that affects
over 40 per cent of our children below five years of age.
That reduction will be sustainable only if we are able to
better develop our rural areas in order to permanently
reduce the poverty of families living off the land,
particularly indigenous families.
Secondly, my Government is promoting a pact
for security, justice and peace, which seeks to reduce
the social violence that afflicts our country. In taking
office, I found a country with high levels of violence;
as a result, reducing those levels has become a priority of my Government. We are certain that we can attain
progress in that area, since the indicators over the past
nine months alone already show a notable decrease of
13 per cent in the number of homicides compared to the
same period last year. I can therefore state that, without
being satisfied with those indices, we are nonetheless
moving in the right direction in fulfilling our promise
of reducing the levels of violence and increasing
security in Guatemala in an environment of full respect
for human rights. In this endeavour, we work closely
with neighbouring countries, and especially with our
Central American brothers.
Thirdly, we are campaigning on the economic
front through the Fiscal and Competitiveness Pact.
Fiscal affairs have been one of the weaknesses of our
institutional arrangement, and for this reason, during
the very first days of my Government we successfully
promoted a fiscal reform, approved by Congress, that
increased our fiscal receipts by 15 per cent, allowing
us to maintain a stable macroeconomic environment
by reducing the fiscal deficit without having to reduce
public expenditures. At the same time, fiscal stability
is allowing us to stimulate private investments that
generate employment opportunities; that is, dependable
jobs, as demanded by our citizens.
Unfortunately, our efforts in relation to the three
challenges previously mentioned — lowering chronic
malnutrition among children, reducing violence, and
promoting employment — are nullified in part by the
scourge of drug trafficking. At least 40 per cent of the
homicides in our country are linked to the illicit drug
traffic, and my Government is obligated to allocate
scarce fiscal resources to combat transnational gangs
that operate between the producing countries in the
South and the consuming countries in the North.
Moreover, my country has gradually been transformed
into a producer and a consumer of drugs, thereby
compounding an already difficult situation.
The existing framework, born out of the
international conventions adopted during the past
five decades and currently in force, has not achieved
the desired results. The consumption markets expand
instead of decreasing; the number of producer countries
and the type of drugs available tend to multiply; and the
routes chosen for marketing and trafficking are trending
towards diversification. The drug problem is growing in
size and complexity. It involves an increasing number
of countries and persons. Clearly, it is a transnational
phenomenon, and it is for that reason that I raise it in
this universal forum.
It seems that the basic premise of our war against
drugs has serious shortcomings since, unfortunately, it
has not been possible to eradicate drug consumption. I
believe that the time has come to accept this fact and to
adapt our fight against the scourge in such a way as to
take into account the new realities.
Our youth, the group most affected by drug
consumption, demands more effective responses from
us. Let us realize that the problem is more a public
health issue than a matter for criminal justice and
deal with it accordingly. We must offer treatment,
prevention, social protection, economic opportunities
and development for the communities involved in the
drug market. Let us not fill our jails with thousands of
young people, who would have a different kind of life
if we were to approach the problem in a different way. I
invite the Member States assembled here to jointly seek
avenues that will enable us to offer our young people a
more promising future, improving their opportunities
for a better life and at the same time reducing violence
and poverty.
Fifty years provides sufficient time for us to
evaluate results, to gauge what we have achieved and to
conclude why we do not have the results we had hoped
for. In that regard, I also call on Member States to review
the international regulations that currently govern our
global policies regarding drugs. The Single Convention
on Narcotic Drugs of 1961, as amended by the 1972
Protocol, the Convention on Psychotropic Substances
of 1971 and the United Nations Convention against
Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic
Substances of 1988 must be evaluated on the basis of its
results and brought up to date to allow us to achieve the
desired outcomes. That is a serious challenge that must
be addressed in all earnestness so that we can have a
respectful and frank multilateral dialogue, informed by
clear scientific evidence regarding the best strategies
available to ensure that our young people are protected
from the scourge of drugs.
In that regard, last April the Heads of State and
Government of the Western Hemisphere met for the
Summit of the Americas in Cartagena de Indias. Our
host, Mr. Santos Calderón, President of Colombia,
invited us to discuss new avenues to combat drug
trafficking. The agreement reached was that we should
undertake studies to assess new alternatives, which we would discuss next year, in June, at a meeting of the
Organization of American States in Guatemala. That
is a step in the right direction and one that we believe
should be emulated at the global level.
In the same spirit, Guatemala would like to propose
the establishment of a group of countries that are well
disposed to reforming global policies on drugs. The
group would bring together Governments that are
interested in promoting in appropriate international
forums an objective and rigorous assessment of
prevailing policies and inconsidering new, creative
and innovative alternatives. We must seek such new
avenues responsibly and tenaciously, and I am sure that
with the cooperation of all producing, consuming and
transit countries, we will succeed.
Allow me to stress that it is not a matter of
abandoning the fight against the scourge of drugs.
Rather, it is a matter of arming ourselves better and
responding with greater effectiveness and clarity,
because our children and grandchildren deserve a more
integrated and effective response from the international
community.
I would like to conclude my thoughts by reaffirming
that Guatemala will not renege on any international
commitments to which it is party. We have no desire
for unilateral action, which would only sow chaos and
conflict when the response should be a global one. We
will wait patiently to change our policies in Guatemala
until the international community moves forward
and arrives at a new consensus. At the same time,
however, I commit my leadership to moving forward
on evaluating the global policy on drugs, so as to make
it more effective and based on current international
standards that reflect the challenges and realities of the
twenty-first century.
Before concluding, I would like to brief ly raise three
points that I believe to be important to this meeting of
the General Assembly. First, as a demonstration of our
commitment to defending and promoting human rights
on all fronts, on 14 January I said that Guatemala would
seek to ratify the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court and thus become a party to the Statute.
I am pleased to report that, on 2 April, we deposited our
instrument of ratification.
Secondly, in that same speech, I indicated that
we would make it a priority of our foreign policy to
contribute to the ideals of democracy, justice and peace,
within a framework of absolute respect for international law. In that regard, I indicated that Guatemala would
fulfil its duties on the Security Council responsibly and
in a constructive spirit. I believe that so far we have
kept that promise, and we are pleased that in six days
Guatemala will assume the presidency of the Council
for the month of October, and we will continue to act
responsibly.
Thirdly, regarding the events of recent weeks, we
reject all acts that defame religions. At the same time,
we condemn violence in any form, including assaults
on diplomatic missions. Such expressions of intolerance
offend us all.
Finally, I would like to recall that, on 21 December,
Guatemala will celebrate the beginning of a new era
according to the Mayan calendar. That era, 13 Baktun,
marks the start of a very positive new age that will
enable and invite us to renew physical and spiritual
energies in an atmosphere of peace, cooperation and
dialogue. All heads of State and Government are invited
to join us in Tikal National Park to share in the dawn of
this new era. The Mayans of yesterday and today, and
all Guatemalans, await them with open arms.


I would like to begin today by
telling the Assembly about an American named Chris
Stevens. Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley,
California, the son of a lawyer and a musician. As a
young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps and taught English in Morocco, and he came to love and respect
the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He
would carry that commitment throughout his life.
As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from
Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the
streets of the cities where he worked, tasting the local
food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking
Arabic, listening with a broad smile. Chris went to
Benghazi, arriving on a cargo ship, in the early days
of the Libyan revolution. As America’s representative,
he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent
conflict, cared for the wounded and crafted a vision
for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would
be respected. After the revolution, he supported the
birth of a new democracy as Libyans held elections and
built new institutions and began to move forward after
decades of dictatorship.
Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the
country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that
he met.
Two weeks ago, he travelled to Benghazi to review
plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize
a hospital. That is when America’s compound came
under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris
was killed in the city that he had helped to save. He was
52 years old.
I tell this story because Chris Stevens embodied
the best of America. Like his fellow Foreign Service
officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures and
was deeply invested in the international cooperation
that the United Nations represents. He acted with
humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles, a
belief that individuals should be free to determine their
own destiny and live with liberty, dignity, justice and
opportunity.
The attacks on the American civilians in Benghazi
were attacks on America. We are grateful for the
assistance we received from the Libyan Government
and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt
that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers
and bringing them to justice. I also appreciate that,
in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the
region — including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen — have
taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities and called
for calm. So have religious authorities around the globe.
But it should be understood that the attacks of the
last two weeks are not simply an assault on America.

They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which
the United Nations was founded — the notion that people
can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy
can take the place of war, and that, in an interdependent
world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater
opportunity and security for our citizens.
If we are serious about upholding those ideals, it
will not be enough to put more guards in front of an
Embassy or to put out statements of regret and wait for
the outrage to pass. If we are serious about those ideals,
we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the
crisis, because we face a choice between the forces that
would drive us apart and the hopes we hold in common.
Today, we must affirm that our future will be
determined by people like Chris Stevens, and not by
his killers. Today, we must declare that such violence
and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.
It has been less than two years since a vendor in
Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive
corruption in his country and sparked what became
known as the Arab Spring. Since then, the world has
been captivated by the transformation that has taken
place, and the United States has supported the forces
of change.
We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that
toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own
beliefs in the aspirations of the men and women who
took to the streets.
We supported change in Egypt, because our
support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of
the people.
We welcomed a transition of leadership in Yemen,
because the interests of the people were no longer being
served by a corrupt status quo.
We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition
and with the mandate of the United Nations Security
Council, because we had the ability to stop the
slaughter of innocents and because we believed that the
aspirations of the people were more powerful than a
tyrant.
And as we meet here, we again declare that the
regime of Bashar Al-Assad must come to an end, so
that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a
new dawn can begin.
We have taken those positions because we believe
that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture. Those values are not simply American
values or Western values — they are universal values.
And even as there will be huge challenges that come
with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that,
ultimately, Government of the people, by the people and
for the people is more likely to bring about the stability,
prosperity and individual opportunity that serve as the
basis for peace in our world.
So, let us remember that this is a season of progress.
For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and
Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were
credible, competitive and fair. That democratic spirit
has not been restricted to the Arab world. Over the past
year, we have seen peaceful transitions of power in
Malawi and Senegal and a new President in Somalia.
In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and
opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has
been elected to Parliament, and people look forward to
further reform. Around the globe, people are making
their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity and
the right to determine their future.
And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that
the path to democracy does not end with the casting
of a ballot. Nelson Mandela once said, “To be free is
not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way
that respects and enhances the freedom of others”. True
democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in
jail because of what they believe and that businesses
can be opened without paying a bribe. It depends on the
freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble
without fear and on the rule of law and due process,
which guarantee the rights of all people.
In other words, true democracy — real freedom — is
hard work. Those in power have to resist the temptation
to crack down on dissidents. In hard economic times,
countries may be tempted to rally the people around
perceived enemies at home and abroad, rather than
focusing on the painstaking work of reform.
Moreover, there will always be those who reject
human progress — dictators who cling to power, corrupt
interests that depend upon the status quo, and extremists
who fan the flames of hate and division. From Northern
Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas,
from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we have witnessed
convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new
political order. At times, the conflicts arise along the
fault lines of race or tribe, and often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with
the diversity and interdependence of the modern world.
In every country, there are those who find different
religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those
who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves
how much they are willing to tolerate freedom for
others. That is what we saw play out in the last two
weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage
throughout the Muslim world. Now, I have made it
clear that the United States Government had nothing
to do with that video, and I believe its message must
be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as
well, for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we
are a country that has welcomed people of every race
and every faith. We are home to Muslims, who worship
across our country. We not only respect the freedom
of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from
being harmed because of how they look or what they
believe. We understand why people take offence at that
video, because millions of our citizens are among those
people.
I know there are some who ask why we do not just
ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our
laws; our Constitution protects the right to practice free
speech. Here in the United States, countless publications
provoke offence. Like me, the majority of Americans
are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against
our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country
and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that
people are going to call me awful things every day, and
I will always defend their right to do so.
Americans have fought and died around the globe
to protect the right of all people to express their views,
even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not
do so because we support hateful speech, but because
our founders understood that without such protections,
the capacity of individuals to express their own views
and practise their own faith may be threatened. We do
so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech
can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress
minorities. We do so because, given the power of faith in
our lives and the passion that religious differences can
inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech
is not repression; it is more speech — the voices of
tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and
lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

I know that not all countries in this body share
that particular understanding of the protection of free
speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time
when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive
views around the world with the click of a button, the
notion that we can control the f low of information is
obsolete. The question then is how do we respond? And
on this we must agree: there is no speech that justifies
mindless violence. There are no words that excuse the
killing of innocents. There is no video that justifies
an attack on an embassy. There is no slander that
provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in
Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death
and destruction in Pakistan. In our modern world with
modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to
hateful speech empowers any individual who engages
in such speech to create chaos around the world. We
empower the worst of us if that is how we respond.
More broadly, the events of the past two weeks also
speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the
tensions between the West and the Arab world, which
is moving towards democracy. Now, let me be clear:
just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the
United States has not and will not seek to dictate the
outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not
expect other nations to agree with us on every issue,
nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or
the hateful speech of some individuals represents the
views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any
more than the views of the people who produced that
video represent those of Americans.
However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all
leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against
violence and extremism. It is time to marginalize those
who, even when not directly resorting to violence, use
hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central
organizing principle of politics. For that only gives
cover, and sometimes provides an excuse, for those who
do resort to violence.
That brand of politics, one that pits East against
West, and South against North, Muslims against
Christians and Hindus and Jews, cannot deliver on the
promise of freedom. To young people, it offers only
false hope. Burning an American f lag does nothing to
provide a child with an education. Smashing apart a
restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking
an embassy will not create a single job. That brand of
politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must
do together, namely, to educate our children and create the opportunities that they deserve; protect human
rights and extend democracy’s promise.
It should be understood that America will never
retreat from the world. We will bring to justice those
who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will
stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with
countries around the world to deepen ties of trade
and investment, science and technology, energy and
development — all efforts that can spark economic
growth for all our peoples and stabilize democratic
change.
But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual
interest and mutual respect. No Government or
company, no school or non-governmental organization
will be confident working in a country where its people
are endangered. For partnerships to be effective,
our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be
welcomed. A politics based only on anger — one based
on dividing the world between us and them — not
only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately
undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an
interest in standing up to those forces.
Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the
most at the hands of extremism. On the same day that
our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police
officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his
wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car
bomb in Sana’a; several Afghan children were mourned
by their parents just days after they were killed by
a suicide bomber in Kabul. The impulse towards
intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the
West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same
impulses towards extremism are used to justify war
between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It
leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. In less
than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests
bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than
a decade of violence. And extremists understand this.
Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives
of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant.
They do not build; they only destroy.
It is time to leave the call to violence and the politics
of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice
between the promise of the future or the prisons of the
past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must
seize this moment. And America stands ready to work
with all who are willing to embrace a better future.
The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt; it must be claimed by those in
Tahrir Square who chanted, “Muslims, Christians, we
are one.” The future must not belong to those who bully
women; it must be shaped by girls who go to school,
and those who stand for a world where our daughters
can live their dreams just like our sons.
The future must not belong to those corrupt few
who steal a country’s resources; it must be won by the
students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business
owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people.
Those are the women and men that America stands
with; theirs is the vision we will support.
The future must not belong to those who slander
the Prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who
condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we
see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated,
or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is
denied.
Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims
and Shia pilgrims. It is time to heed the words of
Gandhi: “Intolerance is itself a form of violence and
an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit”.
Together we must work towards a world where we are
strengthened by our differences, not defined by them.
That is what America embodies; that is the vision that
we will support.
Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must
not belong to those who turn their backs on the prospect
of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on
conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist.
The road is hard, but the destination is clear: a secure,
Jewish State of Israel and an independent, prosperous
Palestine. Understanding that such a peace must come
through a just agreement between the parties, America
will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that
journey.
In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator
who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries
out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it
is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets
at apartment buildings. We must remain engaged to
ensure that what began with citizens demanding their
rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence.
Together, we must stand with those Syrians who
believe in a different vision: a Syria that is united and
inclusive, where children do not need to fear their own
Government and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed, Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians.
That is what America stands for. That is the outcome
that we will work for, with sanctions and consequences
for those who persecute, and assistance and support
for those who work for this common good, because we
believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will
have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.
In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and
unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people
have a remarkable and ancient history, and many
Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside
their neighbours. But just as it restricts the rights of
its own people, the Iranian Government continues to
prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist
groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the
opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear programme
is peaceful and to meet its obligations to the United
Nations.
So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this
issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there
is still time and space to do so. But that time is not
unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access
peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the
United Nations is to see that we harness that power for
peace. Make no mistake: a nuclear-armed Iran is not a
challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the
elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations and
the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering
a nuclear-arms race in the region and the unravelling
of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons. That is why a coalition of countries is holding
the Iranian Government accountable, and that is why
the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran
from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
We know from painful experience that the path
to security and prosperity does not lie outside the
boundaries of international law and respect for human
rights. That is why this institution was established, from
the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed
over tyranny in the cold war, and that is the lesson of
the last two decades as well.
History shows that peace and progress come to
those who make the right choices. Nations in every part
of the world have travelled this difficult path. Europe,
the bloodiest battlefield of the twentieth century, is
united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa,
from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia,
people of different races, religions and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the
rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities
as nations.
It is because of the progress that I have witnessed
in my own lifetime, the progress that I have witnessed
after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever
hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in
Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We
have begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America
and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014.
Al-Qaida has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden
is no more. Nations have come together to lock down
nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing
our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made, from
Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan, to put more power in
the hands of citizens.
At a time of economic challenge, the world
has come together to broaden prosperity. Through
the Group of 20, we have partnered with emerging
countries to keep the world on the path of recovery.
America has pursued a development agenda that fuels
growth and breaks dependency, and has worked with
African leaders to help them feed their nations. New
partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and
promote government that is open and transparent, and
new commitments have been made through the Equal
Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can
fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity.
Later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the
scourge of human trafficking.
All those things give me hope. But what gives
me the most hope is not the actions taken by us, not
the actions of leaders; it is the people that I have
seen — the American troops who have risked their lives
and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world
away, the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager
to use their knowledge to benefit mankind, the faces in
a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see
democracy giving voice to their aspirations, the young
people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai
whose eyes shine with promise. Those men, women,
and children of every race and every faith remind me
that for every angry mob that gets shown on television,
there are billions around the world who share similar
hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common
heartbeat to humanity.
So much attention in our world turns to what
divides us. That is what we see on the news. That is what consumes our political debates. But when you strip
it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to
determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with
work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice
that exists when Governments serve their people and
not the other way around.
The United States of America will always stand up
for these aspirations, for our own people and for people
all across the world. That was our founding purpose.
That is what our history shows. That is what Chris
Stevens worked for throughout his life.
I promise you this: long after the killers are brought
to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives
that he touched, in the tens of thousands who marched
against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the
Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of
Chris; in the signs that read simply, “Chris Stevens was
a friend to all Libyans”. They should give us hope. They
should remind us that so long as we work for it justice
will be done, that history is on our side and that a rising
tide of liberty will never be reversed.


At the outset
I would like to congratulate Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-seventh session and to wish him all success.
I would also like to express my thanks to
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, President of the
General Assembly at its previous session and one of the
most capable Qatari diplomats, for his efforts to ensure
the successful work of the General Assembly. I would also like to seize this opportunity to thank
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his continued work
in support of the role of the United Nations.
These days, the Arab world is experiencing a
difficult and risky period that is, at the same time, full
of hope. As a matter of fact, it is an impressive attempt
to correct prevailing conditions in a region with a
special history, at a time when the world order is rapidly
changing. The current period represents a special, new
and unprecedented experience that forms part of human
history. Today’s experiences differ from the previous
experiences of nations and peoples who participated
in changing times. They accepted the necessary
consequences and bore the costs with the knowledge
that the costs were consistent with moving forward at
the appropriate time in response to ambitions towards
freedom, enlightenment, respect for the dignity of man
and development. But the Arab experience of transition
is unique in its pace and process.
Conditions in the Arab world, seen from afar,
may show disturbances and problems in many places
with images of smoke and flames. However, I would
like, from this rostrum, to reassure all those who are
following the events in the region and may sometimes
feel uncomfortable about what they see and hear. Those
events represent the movement of a nation struggling to
cope with the times and continue its forward march, as
it has many times before. Yet now that march has been
interrupted by obstacles, both external and internal and
regional and international.
Those obstacles have frustrated its will and derailed
its march. But it has recently taken matters into its own
hands after having suffered dictatorship, dependence
and corruption.
We remember that the American political and social
experience was born of a civil war that the country
had to undergo to affirm its unity. Today’s Europe
experienced terrible world wars until it achieved a
degree of unity that could not be achieved by arms or
hegemony. And Asia has seen highly successful cases
of nations advancing and achieving their aspirations,
after long periods of painful new birth.
I say this to assure whoever cares about our part
of the world and its future that what is going on in our
region is natural and historic.
It is not reasonable to expect that people can attain
their freedom as soon as they ask for it. Human history shows that peoples have sacrificed their lives and wealth
to gain freedom. In the same way, dictatorships do not
change at the first signs of revolution but require real
resistance to depose them. The desire for advancement
will not eliminate backwardness except through hard
work. Occupied territories will never be restored by a
mere rejection of the occupation, but by persistence in
demanding rights and by resistance using all legitimate
means.
What adds to the difficulties of the transition in
our Arab world is that it takes place in a time of great
aspirations and a climate subject to all sorts of changes
and complications. Our peoples have had to fight to
change their lives under circumstances that differ
greatly from those faced by others in similar situations.
In America, Europe, Asia and other places, historical
transitions have taken place within certain limits. In the
Arab world, however, that birth has had to take place
under spotlights, before the eyes of the entire world,
under the watchful eye of satellites crisscrossing space
and shaped by electronic media, without any shield or
barrier of any sort.
In order to achieve their objectives, those who
undertake internal and external interventions to peoples
from attaining their legitimate rights do not hesitate
to use all means at their disposal, from exploitation
of the past and its complex legacy to other means of
provocation. They can even use arms, shedding seas of
blood, if other means fail or take too long. All of that
has made our transition from past to future and from
backwardness to development a risky process, under
fire from all corners.
Together with others, we realized the risks inherent
in the current phase of the evolution of our nation and of
the Arab world. If we could ask for one thing during this
session, it would be an encouraging reconfirmation of
the right of our Arab world to continue its advancement
and achieve its aspirations in a new world, a world
shaped by science and technology, a world that the
pioneers who wrote the well-known conventions on
rights and freedom could not have imagined.
On the other hand, I hope that this world gathering
will take a stand that reflects sympathy with the
historic transformations under way in the Arab world.
That would reassure the people who are working
hard and with determination to carve out a place for
themselves in history and who struggle to achieve
freedom and dignity, hoping for a better tomorrow for
future generations.

The situation in Syria has reached an unacceptable
phase. Hundreds of innocent Syrians are killed every
day, under the fire of a regime that does not hesitate
to use all sorts of weapons against its own people. We
have used all available means to help Syria extricate
itself from the cycle of killing, but in vain. The Security
Council has failed to reach an effective position.
In view of that, I believe that the Arab countries
themselves should intervene, in order to fulfil their
national humanitarian, political and military duties, and
do what is necessary to stop the bloodshed in Syria, the
killing of innocent people and their displacement and
guarantee a peaceful transition of power. We do have
a precedent in that respect. Arab forces intervened in
Lebanon in the mid-1970s to stop the internal fighting
there, and their efforts proved effective and useful. We
urge all countries that believe in the cause of the Syrian
people to provide every type of support to that people
until they are able to secure their legitimate rights.
Despite all the suffering in the Middle East, the
core problem remains the Palestinian question: the
continued Israeli occupation of the Arab territories
in the West Bank, the Golan and Shaba’a farms in
southern Lebanon, the stif ling blockade imposed on the
Gaza Strip and the continued arrest and imprisonment
of thousands of Palestinians in Israeli prisons. The
peace process has stalled because of the current
Israeli position that insists on continuing the policy of
settlements in the Palestinian territories and Jerusalem
and refusing to cede them.
Sometimes I would like to ask why the international
community does nothing to implement the relevant
resolutions on the Middle East. Why does the Security
Council not adopt a resolution under Chapter VII that
would force Israel to lift the blockade of Gaza and stop
its settlement activity, a resolution that would return
the peace process to the comprehensive track instead of
the piecemeal approach, which does not lead to results?
I find no answer to my questions.
We firmly believe in the importance of the freedom
of expression and the right of people to express their
opinion based on our belief in the sanctity of humanity
and the dignity of man, who was created by God as
free and dignified. At the same time, we believe that
freedom should not exceed reasonable limits and
become a tool to hurt and insult the dignity of others or
ther dignity of religions, faiths and sacred beliefs. This is a phenomenon that we have seen lately and which has
regrettably led to the killing of innocent people.
We have called and we continue to call for dialogue
in order to exchange information and experience. We
have called and continue to call for dialogue among
civilizations and religions. We have established the
Doha International Centre for Interfaith Dialogue.
We have called and still call for dialogue aimed at
acquainting ourselves with ideas and experiences from
all over the globe and to learn about different faiths in
order to ensure that human culture is interconnected and
everyone has a say in its creation. Everyone should reap
its dividends, based on understanding, appreciation,
knowledge and the full exercise of rights.
I have on previous occasions reiterated the
importance of that question and the need to strike a
balance between respect for sacred faiths and religions
and freedom of expression in order for tolerance to
replace intolerance and acceptance of the other to
replace rejection and stereotyping, which is neither fair
nor right. Today, I would like to take this opportunity to
call on the United Nations, those who exercise wisdom
and reason and those who have decision-making power
at the international level to drsft internationally agreed
laws, procedures and controls aimed at preventing
religions and faiths from being insulted under any
pretext and, at the same time, upholding the right of
mankind to know and express its opinions.
Ms. Flores (Honduras), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
One of the great challenges that we must face is
the question of climate change and its terrible and
destructive consequences for all countries. This
requires us to cooperate and work together to reach
the best solutions to that challenge and overcome our
differences.
I would like to note that the State of Qatar will host
the eighteenth session of the Conference of the Parties to
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change. The importance of this conference is that it
could produce a road map that could help us deal with
the negative effects of this phenomenon. I would like
take the opportunity of speaking in this international
forum to invite all countries of the world to participate
in the conference so that we may reach an international
consensus on the matter.

Before concluding, I would like to welcome the
election of our brother Hassan Sheikh Mohamud as
President of the Somali Republic, and to wish him
every success in achieving security and stability in that
country, whose people have suffered so much. I call
on the international community to exert greater effort
to help Somalia to reach a solution to its crisis that is
acceptable to all the Somali parties, one that will pave
the way for the return of peace to the country and will
help rebuild the State after the long years of war and
destruction.


I am pleased to address
the Assembly for the first time since assuming the
office of Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia.
We live in times of rapid changes, some of which
are positive, others deeply troubling. The world is
becoming more interconnected, which strengthens
economic opportunities and accelerates development.
Advances in science and technology are bringing
measurable progress for humankind. The profound
transformations in North Africa have raised the hopes
of people for real democracy and freedom. However, there is also much that is disturbing.
Conflicts in many parts of the world are wreaking
havoc on innocent civilians. Our planet is experiencing
growing environmental damage. The global financial
and economic crisis is still negatively affecting the
majority of countries in both the developing and the
developed world. International peace and security
are under strain from terrorism, extremism, poverty,
inequality, human rights abuses and persecution.
In confronting such challenges, Croatia acts in the
global arena on the basis of two fundamental tenets.
We stand ready to assume our responsibility towards
our own citizens and our neighbours in the region
and to be a constructive actor in Europe and a reliable
partner to all peace-loving countries in the world. We
actively promote solidarity with vulnerable groups
and communities and with the poor, the needy, the
defenceless and the underprivileged. Responsibility
and solidarity are two central principles of our
engagement in the United Nations in the pursuit of
peace and security and in advancing freedom and
democracy, protecting human rights, enhancing
sustainable development, respecting international law,
ensuring equality and social justice and promoting the
rule of law.
This year, Croatia marks the twentieth anniversary
of its membership of our global Organization. We are
grateful to the United Nations for playing an important
role in our country’s struggle for political independence,
international recognition and full territorial integrity.
We have great expectations of the United Nations.
As a beacon of multilateralism, it provides the only universal framework for finding common solutions to
international crises and current challenges. However,
we must ask ourselves whether the United Nations does
enough and what we can do collectively to improve its
performance.
We support the United Nations reform process,
which seeks to enhance its accountability, efficiency,
effectiveness and transparency. United, we are stronger
than alone. But let me stress something. If each of our
countries becomes more democratic, more developed,
better run, more stable and more responsible, our
combined strength will rise exponentially.
The topic of the general debate, namely, resolving
international disputes by peaceful means, is at the very
heart of the United Nations. The Organization was built
to prevent war and to keep the peace. We highly value
the instruments of preventive diplomacy and mediation
and other peaceful means of resolving disputes. In
particular, we see merit in resorting to the International
Court of Justice, the Permanent Court of Arbitration
and other existing institutions. We ourselves have
done so. We agreed to settle the border issue with our
neighbour, Slovenia, through arbitration.
However, we must understand that, in the long run,
peace cannot be imposed on parties to a dispute. Each
situation has its own pace and dynamics. However,
there should be no excuse for a lack of genuine effort.
Moreover, without a thorough resolution of issues,
there can be no room for a true reconciliation process
to take place. In that vein, it is reassuring to note that
support for the peaceful resolution of disputes comes
from many parts of the world, including countries that
have opted to use military means to settle disputes with
their immediate neighbours in the recent past.
Not everyone, however, shares equal respect
for peace and international law. This year has been
particularly unfortunate in terms of the efficiency of
the United Nations in the area of conflict prevention,
mediation and the protection of civilians. We have
witnessed appalling events, and thousands of civilian
victims have been exposed to heavy arms and the
brutality of armed forces and paramilitary groups.
The lack of univocal action against the most severe
violations of the United Nations Charter is deeply
troubling. We must resolutely counter such an obsession
with violence and repression. We should not shy away
from our responsibilities.
At this juncture, I must strongly condemn the recent
killing of the United States Ambassador to Libya. People
come from different cultures, legal traditions, historical
backgrounds and forms of Government. Violence can
never be an acceptable response to freedom of speech.
Like many previous speakers, I stress the
importance of keeping strong international attention
on Syria. We align ourselves with the position of the
European Union on the situation in Syria. We see the
need for prompt action on two fronts. The immediate
priority is to stop the loss of life on both sides in the
conflict, to provide humanitarian aid and assistance to
the Syrian people and to support plans for the country’s
economic and political stabilization. Further fighting
and militarization will only exacerbate the suffering and
make a peaceful resolution of the crisis more difficult.
In addition, we have to remain committed to pursuing
a Syrian-led political transition that will meet the
democratic aspirations of the Syrian people. Resolving
the crisis is our common responsibility. We therefore
call unceasingly for the full respect of international
law, especially international humanitarian law, human
rights and refugee law.
There is no peace without justice and there is no
justice without the rule of law and without the fight
against impunity. We support concepts of human
security and the responsibility to protect, as well as
their implementation and improvement through an
open and constructive dialogue within the framework
of the United Nations. We also support the work of
the International Criminal Court. Undoubtedly, there
are sufficient conflict prevention tools at our disposal.
The question remains whether we can muster enough
resolve to use them.
Syria is the most recent and most striking example
of the need for a greater role for preventive diplomacy
and mediation in the early phases of a conflict. The later
we engage, the more divided we are. Timely prevention
is crucial for successful conflict resolution. Prevention
is also indispensable for countering other threats that
destabilize countries and societies. Let me cite an
example. If a country is forced to fight corruption
through its law enforcement bodies and the judiciary,
that is usually a sign that it is too late, that corruption has
already left its corrosive imprint on society. Our goal is
to invest efforts aimed at building a society in which
corruption is not an endemic phenomenon, in which
elected officials in Government structures demonstrate
responsibility towards their public office. That in turn encourages citizens to foster a corruption-free culture
through their daily behaviour. When leaders lead by
positive example, people tend to follow. That is because
culture f lows from structure. That is also the reason
why, at the level of the United Nations, we provide our
full support to the implementation, wider acceptance
and universalization of international legal instruments
on non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament,
countering terrorism and preventing corruption.
The global economic crisis combined with the
effects of globalization has contributed to the rise
of popular distrust in the capability of political
leaders to deliver needed solutions. That calls for
greater responsibility, better governance and stronger
cooperation among States, civil society and the private
sector. The Croatian Government has made notable
progress in making its work more transparent and
more available to its citizens. As a member of the
Open Government Partnership initiative, we have
become active in the fields of fiscal transparency,
access to information, information technology and
civil society participation. We are pleased to host the
Second European Outreach and Support Meeting of the
Initiative on 4 and 5 October in Dubrovnik, where we
expect to see the sharing of best practices and further
promotion of cooperation between Governments and
civil society organizations.
Croatia has undergone an extensive but successful
political, economic and social transition in a fairly
short period of time. For that reason, we have a
special understanding and first-hand experience of the
interwoven nature of peace, security, development and
the promotion and protection of human rights. Today
we are sharing our knowledge and experiences with
countries in the region of South-Eastern Europe and with
countries emerging from crises, where our post-conflict
understanding in nation- and institution-building is
particularly relevant.
Croatia is currently a Vice-Chair of the
Peacebuilding Commission. My country stands ready
to assume its responsibility for creating more relevant,
better-performing and more empowered peacebuilding
structures. Croatia has already joined the Civilian
Capacity Project’s CAPMATCH initiative designed to
address the State-building needs of fragile and conflict-
affected countries by offering our help in various fields
of expertise gained through our own political transition,
post-conflict rehabilitation and unique European
Union accession process. Promotion and protection of human rights at the universal level remains one of
the cornerstones of the role of the United Nations in
the world. Further development of the capacity of the
Human Rights Council is of the utmost importance
if we are to address seriously and efficiently urgent
human rights situations and crises.
We give special attention to continually improving
the degree of respect accorded the fundamental human
rights of women and girls in different post-conflict
societies. Women and children do not have armies to
protect them or trade unions to negotiate on their behalf.
Yet, more and more women are becoming the primary
breadwinners in their families. The empowerment of
women and their full and equal participation in societies
are prerequisites for security, economic opportunity,
effective governance and social development. Croatia
will also continue with its active contribution to the
work of the United Nations human rights forums,
in particular safeguarding the rights of vulnerable
members of society, such as lesbian, bisexual, gay and
transgendered persons, promoting the moratorium
on the use of death penalty and ensuring the right to
conscientious objection to military service.
In times of economic uncertainty, be it due to
financial crisis or long-term poverty, some tend
to downplay the importance of human rights or of
consolidating democracy. Every day we witness the sad
realities of starving children, deaths from preventable
communicable diseases, inadequate education and
health systems, and the continuous degradation of the
ecosystem. Challenges we are facing require integrated
solutions across interconnected issues and the
further strengthening of the multilateral architecture.
We welcome the outcome of the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development and encourage
its follow-up process. We look forward to more
energetic work on the implementation of sustainable
development goals, which should complement existing
commitments and encompass all three dimensions
of sustainable development — economic, social and
environmental — in a balanced and synergistic way.
Croatia sees the Economic and Social Council and its
subsidiary bodies as a cornerstone for the achievement
of balanced integration of sustainable development.
Croatia is firmly devoted to participation in those
processes, in particular in the fields of education and
gender equality. Education is a sector which builds
a firm foundation for responding to the challenges
of pursuing a post-2015 development framework. of human rights at the universal level remains one of
the cornerstones of the role of the United Nations in
the world. Further development of the capacity of the
Human Rights Council is of the utmost importance
if we are to address seriously and efficiently urgent
human rights situations and crises.
We give special attention to continually improving
the degree of respect accorded the fundamental human
rights of women and girls in different post-conflict
societies. Women and children do not have armies to
protect them or trade unions to negotiate on their behalf.
Yet, more and more women are becoming the primary
breadwinners in their families. The empowerment of
women and their full and equal participation in societies
are prerequisites for security, economic opportunity,
effective governance and social development. Croatia
will also continue with its active contribution to the
work of the United Nations human rights forums,
in particular safeguarding the rights of vulnerable
members of society, such as lesbian, bisexual, gay and
transgendered persons, promoting the moratorium
on the use of death penalty and ensuring the right to
conscientious objection to military service.
In times of economic uncertainty, be it due to
financial crisis or long-term poverty, some tend
to downplay the importance of human rights or of
consolidating democracy. Every day we witness the sad
realities of starving children, deaths from preventable
communicable diseases, inadequate education and
health systems, and the continuous degradation of the
ecosystem. Challenges we are facing require integrated
solutions across interconnected issues and the
further strengthening of the multilateral architecture.
We welcome the outcome of the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development and encourage
its follow-up process. We look forward to more
energetic work on the implementation of sustainable
development goals, which should complement existing
commitments and encompass all three dimensions
of sustainable development — economic, social and
environmental — in a balanced and synergistic way.
Croatia sees the Economic and Social Council and its
subsidiary bodies as a cornerstone for the achievement
of balanced integration of sustainable development.
Croatia is firmly devoted to participation in those
processes, in particular in the fields of education and
gender equality. Education is a sector which builds
a firm foundation for responding to the challenges
of pursuing a post-2015 development framework.

Therefore, Croatia salutes the launching of the
Secretary-General’s Education First initiative and is
pleased that the Croatian President has been invited to
join the steering group known as the Group of Member
State Champions.
I have already mentioned Croatia’s successful post-
conflict transition. In addition to having joined NATO
since 2009, Croatia will become the twenty-eighth
member of the European Union (EU) next year. Our
international engagement is visible and strong. Croatia
has been an active participant in United Nations
peacekeeping missions, and I praise our women and
men who have risked their lives for the common good.
We have been providing substantial contributions
to international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan and
improve the living conditions of its people, highlighting
the need for the protection of human rights, in particular
the rights of women and children. Croatia is also actively
participating in EU meetings at a time when the Union
is intensively trying to find ways of overcoming the
crisis and assuming its rightful place in the world.
Let me emphasize that Croatia greatly appreciates
the role that the EU has been playing in the United
Nations as a significant and positive force behind a
number of initiatives. At the same time, for Croatia,
the process of EU accession was primarily an exercise
in institution-building and State transition. We built a
stronger State so we can play a more substantive role in
world affairs.
The perspective of EU membership has proved
to be the main motivator and catalyst for social and
political reforms. We want our neighbours in South-
Eastern Europe to undertake the same demanding
but rewarding road. We do not intend to assume a
mentoring role in the region, but we stand ready to share
our experiences and contribute constructively to the
reforms in neighbouring countries based on democracy
and European values.
A peaceful and prosperous South-Eastern Europe
is in Croatia’s strategic interest. Our vision is not just
a region devoid of war. We strive to achieve genuine
political, societal and economic development. We want
people, especially young women and men, to have
better standards of living and better prospects, to live
in a clean environment and in a well-organized State
with fully functioning institutions, to speak less about
what was and much more about what could be.

That reminds me of a quotation by Croatian public
health expert Dr. Andrija Štampar, a man who founded
the World Health Organization decades ago, who once
said that, “All people, regardless of whether they are
rich or poor, have the right to be healthy!” I agree. Only
healthy and self-confident people can shape a healthy
and progressive society. It is our primary responsibility,
individual and collective, to build such a world and
bequeath it to our children.


On behalf of the
delegation of the Kingdom of Thailand, allow me to
congratulate the President of the General Assembly
upon his election to preside over the Assembly at its
sixty-seventh session.
I would also like to convey our appreciation to the
outgoing President, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser,
for his outstanding leadership of the General Assembly
during the previous session.
We continue to live in challenging times. Much still
needs to be done to restore stability and confidence in
the global financial and economic system, and to find
long-term solutions to the eurozone crisis. The Arab
Spring has taught us that it is very important to listen to
the voice of the people. The risk of conflict in various
regions around the globe may affect our efforts to
promote peace, prosperity and democracy.
We have also seen how religious insensitivity and
hate can lead to violence. In the light of this, we need
to promote a culture of tolerance, mutual respect and
understanding, both in and among societies. These are
essential factors to prevent conflict and promote lasting
peace.
In our efforts to promote lasting peace and security,
we are confronted with a wide range of threats, both
old and new. It is therefore necessary for us to seek
innovative solutions and new thinking. We need strong
leadership, political will and good global governance.
It is imperative that we settle international disputes
by peaceful means. But even beyond that, we need to
think in terms of preventive and preemptive actions to
prevent such disputes from arising in the first place.
Most important, we have to think in terms of promoting
inclusive and comprehensive peace and development,
both within and among countries. Peace, security and
development are all interconnected.
Economic development must go hand in hand
with political advancement. Here, I would like to
emphasize three points. First, an inclusive national
development strategy is vital. During this period of
economic uncertainty, we must not consider economic
growth alone. It is important to put people front and
centre in the development agenda. Sustainable growth
and development, job creation, promoting poverty
reduction and equality and addressing climate change
must go hand in hand. That is what every Government
should do — put people at the heart of the country’s
economic development strategy — because we believe
that the greatest asset of any country is the people, and
how much a country can excel depends on how much its
people can fully realize their potential. Secondly, an inclusive regional development is the
way forward and would help strengthen the fabric of
regional peace and security. Thailand strongly believes
that we and our neighbours in the region have a shared
objective. We have a shared interest in fostering common
peace and prosperity. We need to therefore strive to
prosper together because only by working together can
we create a much-needed synergy that would support
our common development. That will also help limit the
chance of conflict.
In South-East Asia, that is the spirit that drives the
10 States members of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) to establish an ASEAN Community
by the year 2015. As ASEAN moves towards greater
integration, great efforts are being made to close
development gaps and expand connectivity across
South-East Asia and beyond to the wider East Asia
and South Asia. That would help spread development
and growth more broadly across the continent. And as
economic activities become more concentrated in East
Asia, that closer integration and expanded connectivity,
together with an expanding region-wide network of free
trade agreements, will further strengthen the resilience
of East Asia, create greater opportunities and unleash
the full potential of this promising region.
Thirdly, an inclusive process at the global level
is crucial as the international community considers
the post-2015 development agenda. The Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) have been an important
tool that resulted in better livelihoods for millions of
people. With 2015 fast approaching, the international
community should mobilize an all-out effort to make
the final push in realizing those MDGs.
At the same time, it is important to prepare beyond
2015. The successes and failures of the implementation
of the MDGs should be taken into account as the
international community starts to frame the post-2015
development agenda or the sustainable development
goals. The process towards that end should be as
inclusive as possible to ensure that the post-2015
development agenda will enjoy the broadest possible
support and ownership of the international community.
Thailand will play an active and constructive role in
that process because development is an issue close to
our heart.
In this age of globalization, the concept of absolute
security has become obsolete. Peace can never be
achieved in isolation. We can only seek peace through common security and stability. We must work closely
with our friends in each region to strengthen their
capacities in meeting their development goals. We
believe that the peace and prosperity of our neighbours
is that of our own. That is particularly relevant in the
current case of Myanmar during the critical period of
transition towards greater democracy, which Thailand
fully supports. We must all work together as partners
to help Myanmar continue in its process of change. We
will all benefit from that economic cooperation and
integration.
We live in a world of increasing interconnectivity,
but our peoples continue to face insecurity from cross-
border challenges. In this age of globalization, the
concept of security must be people-centred. Therefore,
transnational challenges — from people smuggling to
human trafficking, from narcotics to pandemics, from
natural disasters to illegal trade in arms and materials
for weapons of mass destruction — must rank high
on our national agenda. The international community
should redouble its collective effort to act forcefully
against transnational crimes that exist in a world of
increased interconnectivity.
One of the worst forms of human indignity is
human trafficking. I consider that inhumane form of
exploitation to be a matter of national priority and am
fully committed to eliminating it.. Whether it is human
trafficking or other transnational crimes, the key is
to ensure that the rule of law prevails and the basic
rights of peoples are guaranteed. Vulnerable groups,
such as women, children, the elderly and people with
disabilities, in particular deserve our attention.
Solutions to those challenges cannot be achieved
by Governments alone. We need to work with all
stakeholders, especially in strengthening international
norms and standards. Through the United Nations, we
need to promote the rule of law as a solid foundation to
achieve peace, international security, human rights and
sustainable development.
We are committed to promoting peace and
prosperity within countries and internationally, but,
ultimately, the process must begin at home. It can best
be accomplished by providing space for all within
a democratic framework and promoting national
reconciliation. Above all else, we must think in terms of
partnership and work together as responsible members
of the international community.

Working through the United Nations, we need
to reach out to people who have been denied their
legitimate rights and aspirations. It is in that spirit that
the Royal Thai Government established diplomatic
relations with the State of Palestine on 1 August 2012,
in the hope that both Israel and Palestine can achieve
true and lasting peace based on a two-State solution.
Elsewhere in the Middle East, the situation in Syria
continues to worsen. Thailand is deeply concerned
about the humanitarian impact of violence against
civilians and strongly condemns such violence. We
call for an immediate end to the use of force against
civilians. We call for all sides to engage in dialogue
towards a political solution, which can be achieved only
by the efforts of the Syrian people themselves.
In the quest for peace and security, we believe it
is necessary to continually look beyond our borders.
Thailand wishes to reaffirm our commitment to
peacekeeping in difficult times as necessary. From
Timor-Leste to Haiti to Darfur and in the Gulf of Aden,
Thailand’s peacekeeping operations also assist in local
and community development, sharing our best practices
in agriculture, health and water resource management.
In sum, Thailand has continued to engage with the
international community across all three pillars of the
United Nations: peace and security, development and
human rights. The management of those interconnected
issues will provide us with long-term solutions, not only
for conflict resolution via peaceful means, but also for
ways to prevent conflicts from arising altogether.
I assure the Assembly that Thailand will continue
to be a strong partner of the United Nations in helping
to address those shared challenges of humankind.
It is with that conviction that we have submitted our
candidature as a non-permanent member of the Security
Council for the term 2017-2018.