This forty-third session of the General Assembly takes place against the backdrop of a number of important developments in the international environment. The bipolarity of the world of aggressive confrontation and competing military alliances has begun to attenuate; old assumptions and attitudes have begun to crumble, what has emerged is a new phase of co-operative dialogue between the super-Powers and a new thinking about themselves and their relation to each other. This has encouraged considerable lessening of international tension and a concerted effort to seek urgent negotiated solutions to pressing international problems and areas of regional conflict. The United Nations as an instrument to manage the settlement of disputes is back in fashion.
It is therefore our good fortune that Mr. Dante Caputo, Foreign Minister of Argentina, has been elected to conduct the affairs of the General Assembly at this time. As a distinguished representative of our region of Latin America and the Caribbean; he will be able to bring his undoubted skills to the affairs of this body at this important transitional period. We are also indebted to his predecessor. Foreign Minister Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, who so ably guided the forty-second session of the General Assembly a, well as its several resumed sessions.
Last week the Nobel Peace Prize was conferred on the peace-keeping forces of the United Nations, a fitting and worthy tribute. To all of them, including those who have died in the service of peace, Jamaica pays homage, as it does to those Governments that have given such tangible support to the high ideals of the United Nations. As we recall the recent successes of the United Nations we cannot forget the direct involvement, patience and persistence of the Secretary-General and his special Representatives. We wish to commend Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar's dedication and unstinting efforts in the cause of the United Nations.
Jamaica, happily outside of regional conflicts, is nevertheless prone to the harsh and unpredictable vicissitudes of nature. Our vulnerability was brutally displayed on the eve of this session when Hurricane Gilbert traversed the island from east to west, leading in its wake massive destruction and loss of life. As requested a separate item entitled "Emergency assistance to Jamaica” will come up in the plenary Assembly, but we wish at this stage to thank all those countries, organizations, agencies and individuals who responded so generously and so rapidly to the tragedy that befell our country. Our empathy goes to the other victims of Gilbert - the Cayman Islands and Mexico - as well as to the floods in Sudan, Bangladesh and India. Natural disaster e humble the rich and poor, the strong and weak alike, and make us all one.
Perhaps at no other time in the post-war years has the climate of international relations been so favourable. As we reflect on the changes taking place, we have to acknowledge that they are testimony to the capacity of States to act decisively and meaningfully in critical situations, provided the necessary political will is applied. As Member States of the United Nations we have a collective responsibility to ensure that these achievements are nurtured into sustained co-operation based on mutual respect and realistic understanding of often conflicting interests, for we must be cognisant of the fragile and sometimes tenuous nature of the accommodations we seek.
Initiatives by Member States have contributed significantly to the improved international environment. Special note has to be taken of the greater degree of accommodation among the permanent members of the Security Council, which enhances its effectiveness. We have welcomed the agreements reached on Afghanistan, the agreement between Iran and Iraq on the cessation of hostilities  the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Somalia, the ongoing issues in South-western Africa and recent contacts between the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the Vietnamese authorities; the prospective breakthrough on Western Sahara the renewal of talks between representatives of the Greek and Turkish communities on the situation in Cyprus. All these developments seem to signal a new era in relations among Member states of the Organisation. We have also noted that North Korea and South Korea currently Observers within the United Nations, are seeking the support of Member States in the promotion of peace, reconciliation and dialogue in the Korean peninsula. In several of these the role of the United Nations has been, and will continue to be, significant.
The United Nations is at its best when States are willing to use it. This is especially true of the major Powers. So it is for this very reason that the present feeling of euphoria must not be overdone. The multilateral system is still subject to changes of mood. Yet there is such on the international agenda that requires our sustained collective effort. Even if we put aside for a moment regional conflicts, we still have before us the problems of the environment and ecology, drug trafficking, refugees, humanitarian and economic assistance, the array of economic problems and human rights.
This year we will celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but still the world bears witness to the continued and increasing violation of human rights in different countries and regions. Summary arrests, detentions, mass executions, torture and disappearances have all become deplorable features of life. When the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it provided international standards for measuring the behaviour of States in their protection and promotion of human rights as a permanent obligation.
Al though legal force has been given to the principles so eloquently and so baldly expressed in the Declaration, and despite its remarkable influence on the further development of human rights instruments, we cannot but be saddened by the fact that injustices and prejudices founded on race, colour, political ideology and sex continue to find sustenance in many countries and regions. As we commemorate this year as the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is our hope that Member States will give full support to the work of the Organisation in this area.
Disarmament and arms control is another issue that is always with us. Notwithstanding the Treaty between the two super-Powers on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles - the INF Treaty - the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament did not turn out as well as was expected, that was particularly disappointing was the marked reluctance of the nuclear-weapon States to contribute to the efforts to enhance the multilateral process and to strengthen the role of the United Nations in this regard. However, it did at least underline the appropriateness of the priorities established in the 1978 Programme of Action in favour of nuclear disarmament and urgent steps for the elimination of other weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons and conventional weapons. There continues to be a growing sense of urgency regarding the need to conclude a convention on chemical weapons, an agreement on a verifiable comprehensive test-ban treaty and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world.
The arm control process must be broadened from nuclear delivery vehicles to a total resources constraint on nuclear weapons through limitations on fissionable materials for military purposes. For we must emphasise, both the INF Treaty and the proposed 50 per cent cut deal with control of delivery vehicles, not nuclear weapons.
The situation in southern Africa admits no relaxation. The persistence of the repugnant apartheid abates and the systematic campaign of violence unleashed by the racist regime against the oppressed majority and also directed against the neighbouring States in the region and the evolution of events that we hopes will lead to the termination of Pretoria's illegal occupation of Namibia and the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) call for continued vigilance to ensure that international pressure on South Africa is maintained to preclude the possibility of any violation on its part of the commitments which it freely entered into under the Accords.
We strongly endorse the proposals of the front-line States for the early convening of the Security Council to authorise the timetable for the implementation of its settlement plans for Namibia, and for the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG).
Despite the renewed hopes for a settlement of the Namibian problem, the pressure of sanctions against South Africa must be maintained and intensified so long as the Pretoria regime refuses to release all political prisoners and engage in real dialogue with the majority population, with a view to terminating the obnoxious apartheid system.
In this hemisphere, prospects for a resolution of the Central American crisis were significantly increased by the signing of the Esquipulas Agreement a year ago. Although that agreement sets out the procedures for the establishment of peace in the subregion; repeated truce violation· and the deadlock In negotiation· between the respective parties are cause· for serious concern. The government of Jamaica therefore join· the International community in urging the parties concerned to settle their difference· through time prone· of dialogue and negotiations.
We support the United Nations Special Plan for Economic Co-operation for Central America, which addresses, on an immediate and long-term basis, the economic and social problems of all the countries of the area. It is our hope that this plan will help in establishing a firm and lasting peace through the promotion of economic and social development throughout the region.
Jamaica remains deeply concerned about the effect· of the escalation in illicit trafficking of drugs on international, social and political stability. Drug-related activities, particularly in the Latin American and Caribbean region, demonstrate the inordinate influence of drug trafficker· in destabilizing political and economic establishment·. The Government of Jamaica pledges its full co-operation to the United Nation· in the international campaign against drug abuse and Illicit trafficking.
We urge all Member States to implement the recommendations of the first United Nations Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking held last year and to lend full support to the adoption of the new International Convention against the Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances later this year.
The Government of Jamaica has always attached great importance to the work of the United Nations end its specialized agenda. We remain fully committed to the principles laid down in the Charter. Unfortunately, the role of the United Nations ha· been undermined and weakened over the years a· a result of the violation of its principles, the erosion of multilateral lam and disregard for its resolution· and recommendations. Although United Nations efforts at resolving problems and conflicts have not always met with the degree of success anticipated, it has consistently served as a centre for harmonising divergent viewpoints on the thorniest of issues. The United Nations has been able to bring warring factions to the negotiating table to facilitate the search for acceptable solutions, and that in itself is a significant achievement., We are firm in our conviction that there is as yet no alternative to this global system.
It is ironic that at a time when the united Nations is playing a more active and constructive role in world affairs, the Organisation is threatened by a desperate financial situation primarily due to the non-payment and the withholding by some Member States of their assessed contributions. The Government of Jamaica strongly rejects attempts to manipulate the United Nations system through the deliberate denial of financial support. We note with satisfaction, however, that some countries have now indicated their intention to reduce outstanding arrears and release funds previously withheld.
It is clear that the current cash flow and other problems demand a long-term solution so as to eliminate the risk of recurring short-term financial crises. Jamaica is ready to cooperate in the efforts to achieve a permanent solution to the budgetary problem, facing the Organisation and to seek reform of the united Nations system particularly within the framework of the recommendations of the Group of 18.
Only a strong and vibrant United Nations can continue to play a central role in world affairs. The attitude of Member States will, however, be critical to the future role of the Organization and its ability to initiate constructive action for the preservation of international peace and security as well as social and economic progress.
And now I turn to the international economic scene in which a number of important issues have engaged our attention over the past year. The grave problem of International debt have been discussed in many forums, and  number of decisions have been announced which are aimed at mitigating various aspects of the problem, we welcome these decisions¿ and acknowledge them as sincere efforts to deal with a problem that is now clearly recognized by the international community to be a matter of grave global concern. But we are constrained to point out that, despite these decisions, the debt burden of the developing countries still continues to grow. In 1307 developing countries had their debt increased by about 6 per cent and the outflow of resources from developing countries continues.
In such circumstances, the developing countries will simply sink deeper under an increasing burden of debt; they will be frustrated in their efforts to raise the level of their economies and improve the well-being of their people; and the international economy will continue to falter because an important segment of potential demand continues to be stifled.
This situation is in part caused, and certainly aggravated, by the weakness in commodity markets which seriously affects the export earning capability of practically all developing countries. It is aggravated by protectionist arrangements in many markets, and by threats of protectionist measures which Inevitably Inhibit investment planning.
It is therefore a range of problems that must be dealt with if we are to find a real solution. Central to everything, however, is the simply stated proposition that economic growth in developing countries must take place and must be facilitated. It is only by that means that they will be able eventually to cope with the burden of debt that now inhibits all their economic and social planning. This central fact is coming to be increasingly recognized and accepted internationally; but, of course, the question that must be answered is. How is growth to be achieved?
An important part of the answer is that developing countries must undertake whatever adjustments and changes are needed within their own economies in order to increase production, widen their productive base and improve their production efficiency. This will probably involve adjustments, and even reforms, in the fiscal and monetary areas, in order to facilitate and encourage the desired developments. The need to achieve efficiency cannot be over-emphasized. It is only by this means that developing countries can be assured of their competitiveness in international markets and thus of their ability to enhance their export earnings.
Regardless of the details of adjustment, however, it is of the utmost importance that the adjustment process, though specific to each country, involve the social sectors as well, and that these sectors be an integral part of the adjustment planning. The need for skills training, the need to ensure productive activity for youngsters coming out of the school system and the need to have programmes in place to sustain the needy in the society, including those whose earning capacity may be temporarily disrupted through the adjustment process, are examples of the necessary elements.
Another integral issue is critical poverty, which is becoming an increasingly serious scourge in many of our countries. Within the past few years the high rates of inflation, the adverse terms of trade, the problems of the debt crisis and many of the economic adjustments that have had to be made have all contributed to the growing incidence of extreme poverty in many developing countries. This is a matter to which many developing countries are now being obliged to give very serious attention in an effort to cope with the human, social, economic and political problems that are involved. In the carrying out of our structural adjustment programmes, therefore, this issue of critical poverty must also be part of the planning equation in which we seek to ensure the well-being of the most
The basic objective of the whole process, therefore, is to achieve economic growth while seeking to protect and to improve the well-being of the most needy and to create a stronger and broader economic base which brings increasing numbers of the population within the mainstream of the national economy.
The need for structural adjustment is now widely accepted, and a number of countries are carrying out reform measures. Jamaica's own experience shows that the social well-being of the population and the problem of critical poverty must be seen and dealt with as integral parts of the adjustment process.
Consequently, regardless of the menu of options already in place, the overriding principle that must guide all involved in dealing with the problem of developing countries' debt must be that the developing countries are assisted to achieve economic growth within the context of realistic adjustment programmes, and that the, flow of resources to these countries must not be engineered in such a way that they are prevented from achieving real growth in their economies. Failure to do this will simply sink them further into debt, with all the added problems that that implies. In addition, it will deny the international economy a potentially large new demand for goods and services which the developing countries represent.
The economic advancement of developing countries is also severely hampered by the many problems emerging from the 1970s, including loss of foreign exchange earnings due to low commodity prices and the deterioration in the terms of trade.
This situation has been made worse by the instability and unpredictability of the world economy and the resort to protectionist measures despite professed commitment to open trade.
It was against this background that the current Uruguay Round of trade negotiations was launched in September 1986, to liberalize and further expand world trade. Negotiations are proceeding, but it is still too early to predict whether results will place developing countries in a position to participate more fully and on an equitable basis in the world economy. The mid-term review to evaluate progress in the negotiations scheduled for Montreal in December will serve to demonstrate to the international community how far commitment made at Punta del Este are being translated into concrete action.
Jamaica, together with other developing countries, hopes that significant progress will be made in the negotiations, particularly in areas of export interest, such as tropical products, cited for special attention in the Ministerial Declaration of the Round. The implications of subsidies on agricultural products and their removal are also of concern and will have to be carefully assessed. In addition, we look forward to parallel advancement in the interrelated issues, such as tariffs and non-tariff Measures, safeguards and respect for the standstill and roll-back commitments to halt and reverse protectionist. At the same time, the principles of non-reciprocity and differentiated treatment must continue to be respected.
Jamaica remains convinced that a successful outcome of the negotiations will not only help to create a more viable and predictable trading environment but also add credibility to the multilateral framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
It is encouraging to note that, despite the uncertainty in the world economy, significant developments have been made in two areas in which developing countries have been specifically involved. We welcome the adoption in April this year of the Global System of Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, which is aimed at promoting and sustaining mutual trade among developing countries through the exchange of concessions, with the participation of some 48 countries. The Common Fund for Commodities, after eight years of negotiation, has completed its ratification process and is expected to become fully operational. Recent successes of the United Nations must not obscure the imperative need for similar efforts and progress in the economic arena, where developing countries are being buffeted daily. Jamaica expects that more attention will be focused here so that the goal of the Charter "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom will be achievable.


I wish first to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo, on behalf of the delegation of Yemen and on my own behalf, on his election as President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am certain that his generally recognized qualities as an experienced diplomat will prove invaluable for the success of this session. I can assure him that my delegation will do its utmost in working closely with him as he endeavours to carry out the tasks assigned to him and in the Interests of satisfactory results for this session.
I am pleased to thank warmly his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, who guided the proceedings of the previous session and of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament with great confidence and dedication.
It is also a pleasure for me to congratulate warmly the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, on his praiseworthy efforts to resolve many problems In keeping with the objectives of this Organization and In the maintenance of International peace and security.
On this occasion I cannot fall also to congratulate the Secretary-General and his associates, especially those who are devoted to peace and security and who have devoted their lives to the preservation of peace In many areas of the world. I refer in particular to the peace-keeping forces, which most assuredly deserved the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. Those forces, which are active in many areas of the world, unquestionably reflect the unanimous will of the world community represented here to see real dialogue established where the sounds of war are heard. We thank the Nobel Prize Committee on Its choice, which reflects the confidence of the international community In the peace-keeping forces and In their humanitarian mission.
I am pleased also to praise the valuable report submitted by the Secretary-General on the work of the Organisation, an eminently positive role it plays within the context of the general trend to find solutions to the chronic problems which threaten international peace and security, and whose main aspect is the maintenance of international peace and security. Our Organization has given the international community proof of its effectiveness as a result of its efforts in Afghanistan, the Arab Gulf, South-East Asia, South-west Africa and Western Sahara. Those efforts not only prove that the Organization is playing an invaluable role in maintaining international peace and security but also show that success or failure in peace-making efforts all largely depend on the conduct of the Member States and their determination to find solutions - through peaceful means and by refusing recourse to force even when one of the parties enjoys marked superiority - to the problems the world faces, for problems there will be as long as the world exists. Whenever when one party to a conflict has a marked superiority, efforts must be made to bring about peace.
This session is being held in a general atmosphere of optimism and détente the result of the progress that has been made and the relaxation of tension between the two major Powers, a concrete expression of which was the signing of a treaty reducing intermediate and long-range missiles. That is a first step towards general and complete disarmament as my country said when the treaty was signed. My country expressed its great pleasure at the signing but we believe that what has been achieved so far applies to only a tiny fraction of the nuclear arsenals it is just a start.
The international community urgently calls for general and complete disarmament. Only when it is achieved can mankind's hopes for peace and understanding be realized. That is why we call on the international community; particularly the nuclear-weapon States - to make the Middle East and The Indian Ocean nuclear-weapon-free zones.
I cannot fail to express the deep concern of the countries of our pact of the world about the present situation there. A State born of aggression and usurpation - Israel - and another country whose policies are based on racial discrimination and racial exclusivity South Africa - refuse to have their nuclear facilities inspected by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as the international community desires.
The relaxation of tension between the two super-Powers augurs well for a future free from tension, on the basis of co-operation. Peaceful solutions to problems can be found in keeping with the right of peoples and free of outmoded policies based on efforts to gain illicit advantages which are likely only to bring the world to the brink of disaster. That is why my country supports the proposal to abolish nuclear weapons by the end of the century. We would also support any attempt to end nuclear tests and to strengthen the role of the United Nations politically and financially, in order to devote the sums poured into the arms race today to economic and social development, the kind of development that the least advanced countries sorely need and that is needed to create a world of peace, stability and justice in which we are all free from domination and exploitation.
My country believes that the militarization of outer space is a new threat to mankind, for mankind wishes to be free from the threat of the use of weapons and it would like to use outer space not for military but for peaceful purposes serving the interests of all mankind.
My country reaffirms its refusal to accept any military presence in the Indian Ocean. We should like to see a nuclear-free zone in that part of the world and in the Mediterranean basin, where there continue to be serious threats caused by the actions of a State born of aggression and colonial expansion. I refer to the Zionist entity in occupied Palestine.
The problem of the Middle East has existed now for more than 40 years. It was 40 years ago that Israel emerged as a racist, expansionist entity in the Middle East. For the past 40 years the region has been ravaged by successive wars which have seriously threatened regional peace and security and, even more, world peace and security. That has all been the result of Israel's aggressive policies and of the occupation of Palestine and other Arab territories since 1947.
There has been a refusal to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and Israel has engaged in aggression against the Palestinian and other Arab peoples. Time and time again we have called on the international community in this Assembly to discharge its responsibilities and face up to the situation in the Middle East, to force the Zionist entity to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories and to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. But, despite the international community's recognition of the legitimate rights of Palestinian people, in particular its right to return hone and to establish its own independent State on its own land, Israel continues to pursue a policy of tyranny, repression and terrorist against the defenceless Palestinians, thereby violating United Nations resolutions and defying the unanimous will of the international community, and thus defying all humanitarian values.
During the past 10 months, the world has witnessed an uprising of Palestinians in occupied lands and crimes perpetrated by Israel in an attempt to deal with the uprising. I refer, of course, to the killing, torture, arrests and deportations engaged in by the Israeli forces against the Palestinians, the old and the young, men, women and children, in defiance of the will of the international community and resolutions adopted by it, including resolutions adopted by the Security Council and other international bodies.
Israel's intransigence is matched only by the arrogance of that country, which has the support of certain Member States of the Organization. But we have every reason to hope that the popular uprising in the occupied territories will make it possible to draw a distinction between what is true and what is false. All of us who are members of the United Nations must follow the proper course of action. For the truth is now clear for all to see. I call on those who still hesitate to recognize the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people to realize that it is high time for all of us to work together and put an end to Zionist occupation, so that we may respect the promises, the commitments, we entered into when we members of the Organization. It is dismaying indeed to see some States which would have us believe that they are champions of human rights and which have imposed sanctions against certain other States which have allegedly committed acts against those rights, suddenly changing course when it is a question of their own affairs and Israel's actions against the Palestinian people. That is why we believe our relations must be based on well-established humanitarian principles and values, and not on duplicity, we must not apply a double standard·, we must view matters fairly.
That is why we believe the United Nations is now beginning to play an important role, owing to the relaxation of tension between the two super-Powers. We also believe that the Organization, and particularly the Security Council, will now be able to take proper action against Israel's inhuman acts against the Palestinians, committed daily for all the world to see. Everyone knows full well that the failure of the international community to find a solution to this problem is due to Israel's stubborn refusal to implement the United Nations resolutions. My delegation believes that the only framework within which a just and lasting peace can be established in the Middle East is that of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of the five permanent members of the Security Council and all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (РLO), the sole, authentic representative of the Palestinian people. If the rights of these people are not recognized, then failure will be inevitable
I wish now to stress the gravity of the situation in Lebanon. The situation is serious because of the failure of the efforts to elect a president of the Republic. My country warns against any attempt to partition Lebanon or to divide the people there. My country also reaffirms its desire to see peace and independence in Lebanon, a fraternal country. Yet my delegation believes that all this will be possible only if the Lebanese leaders, political and religious, understand that social and political equality will remain meaningless as long as they fail to reach a national consensus transcending psychological, religious and regional obstacles. From this rostrum we express our hope that our Lebanese brothers will succeed in overcoming their present difficulties, which only serve the interests of the enemy and frustrate their friends. We wish them every success in their endeavour.
I should also like to reaffirm my country's position of principle in favour of the prompt implementation of the Security Council resolutions calling for the immediate withdrawal of the occupying forces of Israel from Lebanese territory.
My country has expressed its deep satisfaction over the fact that Iran has accepted Security Council resolution 598 (1987), a resolution which Iraq accepted as soon as it was adopted. We are pleased that both parties have agreed to the cease-fire and have accepted direct negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General but we know that these negotiations will indeed be arduous and that success will depend largely ш the patience shown by both parties. Patience is needed if we are to achieve a just honourable and lasting peace, one that recognizes the legitimate rights of both parties and removes the nightmare and spectre o£ war for future generations a settlement that will re-establish good-neighbourly relations, fruitful exchanges, and peace and security for the region of the Gulf. Moreover, that would bring prosperity to the region and would put an end to the suffering and hardship caused by war.
We wish to thank all those who have contributed, directly or indirectly, to the efforts that have led to the acceptance by Iran of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). That has led to a cease-fire and direct negotiations between the two countries. We hope that the Security Council and the Secretary-General of the United Nations will be able to continue their efforts to bring the views of the two parties closer together in the current talks between them. We hope also that a genuine, just and lasting peace will be established and that the two countries will devote their efforts to national reconstruction and will restore everything that the war has destroyed. We hope that the developed countries will be able to provide both countries with whatever assistance may be needed for their task of reconstruction,
On the problem of Afghanistan my country has followed with interest the results achieved through the Geneva Agreements conducted under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. We would be very happy to see these Agreements implemented so that the Afghan people might be allowed to enjoy stability and so that the Afghan refugees may be allowed to return home. We trust that all the Afghan parties will be able to reach agreement on national unity and on the choice of a government, an agreement that will satisfy the desires of the Afghan people, who wish to preserve their independence, neutrality and non-alignment.
Furthermore, my country welcomes the efforts that have been made by the Maghreb countries, and foremost among them the fraternal countries of Morocco and Algeria, to reach a just and lasting solution to the problem oЂ Western Sahara under the auspices of the United Nations. That problem has always been a serious obstacle to the building of the greater Maghreb, and a resolution of the problem should lead to closer co-operation among the countries of the area, and to the greater Arab unity of which every Arab dreams.
My country is following with interest the Secretary-General's efforts to reconcile the differences between the two Cypriot communities. We wish for the fulfilment of the aspirations of the two communities, with respect for the rights of the Cypriot people to independence and to freedom of religion, which will guarantee their unity and independence.
I must also refer to the relaxation of tension in certain regional conflicts. I am referring to the conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia. Both countries have declared their desire to settle their problems through fruitful dialogue and in accordance with the rules of international law. We hope that the dialogue between these two neighbouring countries, with which my country has historic economic and cultural ties, will be successful. That is important if peace and security in Africa and in the Red Sea area are to be maintained.
As regards South Africa, my country has often expressed its strong condemnation of the acts of aggression of that regime and the terrorism and repression practised by it against the South African people and the Namibian people, not to mention the repeated acts of aggression against the front-line States. My country welcomes the negotiations which have begun between the parties to the conflict and we hope that the visit by the United Nations Secretary-General to South Africa, which is part of the efforts made this year in the interests of peace in many areas of the world, will make it possible for the Namibian people to enjoy freedom and will lead to the end of the policies of apartheid pursued by the

Pretoria regime. We are anxiously awaiting the practical steps that are to be taken to put into effect Security Council resolution 435 (1978) pertaining to the problem of Namibia and its independence and we believe that the forthcoming independence of Namibia is a victory for its fighting people and for all those who condemn colonialism and racism. It is also a victory for all peace-loving and justice-loving people in that part of the world and it is a further success to the credit of this Organization.

Yemen believes nothing can replace dialogue and negotiation in the resolution of regional and international conflicts. Thus we have been following with keen interest regional and international efforts to resolve the problem of Kampuchea.
My country has also been paying close attention to the contacts begun recently between the two Koreas and the agreement on a formula for the resolution of the Korean problem, which we hope will lead to the reunification of Korea with full respect for peace and democracy.
My country is deeply concerned by the political problems of the world, to which we have referred at length. We feel equal concern about its economic problems, which remain as urgent and important as ever.
Our highly developed world continues to be based on an unfair economic order. As has been emphasized, there is great need for change in this regard, and a new international economic order must be found, one based on equal opportunities and the interests of all parties concerned. That order roust be capable of resolving the pc obi eras of the third world and reducing the gap between the industrialized rich countries and the impoverished areas of the world, which continues to grow day by day. My country believes that the current crisis and the stifling situation of the third world, which is characterized by imbalances, inequality and recurring acute conditions, poses a threat to the entire world economy. The implementation by third-world countries of measures to rationalize their imports - given the debt and reduced revenues that have resulted from the collapse of prices for their primary commodities and the protectionism their products encounter - could lead to an even more severe paralysis of the world economy and further widen the gap between the haves and the have-nots.
Here I should like to welcome the decision of some developed countries to cancel the debts or the debt servicing of many developing countries. We hope further such measures will reduce the debt burden of the developing countries. We also hope that the world will be able to emerge from this crisis, this impasse, and establish a new international economic order allowing for the transfer of technology under the beat possible conditions with full regard to the sovereignty of the developing countries over their natural resources
To that end, we must strengthen the role of the United Nations in the area of international economic co-operation, which would encourage us to make further efforts to establish a new international economic order that recognizes the equality of all States in all areas.
Economic and social development is the paramount concern of our country and in this regard we have made remarkable progress in spite of our meagre resources. A few days ago we celebrated the twenty-sixth anniversary of our Great Revolution, and on that occasion we launched a number of vital projects. Prior to that we had held free, direct elections to the Council of State, in keeping with the Constitution of my country and with full respect for law, democracy and the equality of all Yemeni citizens.
I might also refer to the Agreement of 17 May 1988 which paved the way for the eventual reunification of the two parts of Yemen through democratic, peaceful means. This Agreement establishes freedom of movement between the two parts of Yemen for citizens solely on the basis of possession of an identity card, without any restriction or administrative procedures.
Our people reaffirmed their confidence in their leader.
Colonel Abdallah Salah, who had just been re-elected to a new five-year term of office as a result of the successes he has brought about for our country’s prosperity, development, peace and stability. This was achieved by 10 years of dedication and self-denial for the glory of Yemen and the enshrinement of democratic principles in an egalitarian and just republican regime.
I hope that this session will be crowned with success, and that future sessions will witness a further reduction of tensions in a world free of conflicts, injustices, exploitation, suffering and hunger, where justice, co-operation and human solidarity will reign.


On behalf of the Nigerian delegation. Sir, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. I am particularly pleased to see you occupying this high office because of the very friendly relations between our two countries. I am sure that this session of the Assembly will benefit from the sterling qualities that you will undoubtedly bring to bear on your duties as President. May I assure you of my co-operation and support and that of Nigeria during your tenure of office.
This session is taking place at a time of considerable improvement in the international political climate. The United Nations has proved its value as an effective and indispensable instrument in the painstaking process of negotiating the terms of settlement of most regional problems. This augurs well for the future of the United Nations and of mankind. At this point, may X congratulate the Secretary-General on the leadership role he has played in the cause of world peace and the strengthening of the United Nations.
The award a few hours ago of the Nobel Peace Prize for 1988 to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is the greatest tribute that could be paid at this time to our Organization, but it is also a challenge to the United Nations to strive even harder to progress from peace-keeping to peace-making. As Chairman of the United Nations Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations, Nigeria is proud to be associated with the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations.
The international economic environment remains extremely unfavourable for the developing countries. The Indices of this situation include the continuing decline in the prices of primary commodities, the general worsening of the terms of trade, the problem of rising protectionism, the increasing debt burden and net capital outflow from these countries. The political will needed to address these issues, in particular the debt problem, has not been sufficiently demonstrated by the developed countries. Indeed, the debt burden has become a major impediment to our economic growth and social development. The North-South colloquy has lost momentum, and with it the desire to look critically at the operations of the international economic system.
Nowhere has this worsening economic situation facing the developing countries been exemplified more vividly than in Africa. The economic situation of the continent remains critical. In our determination to improve our economic situation, we have embarked on major reforms of our national economies. Many of us have courageously undertaken fundamental structural adjustments aimed at reviving our economies, stimulating growth and promoting development.
The reform measures have included drastic devaluation of our currencies, reduction or elimination of subsidies, privatisation of publicly owned enterprises and the streamlining of our bureaucracies. These measures entail considerable political risks, and social costs arising from the sacrifices which our peoples have been called upon to make. They certainly demonstrate our willingness to do everything possible towards the development of self-reliant economies.
The mid-term review and appraisal of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Recovery and Development 1986-1990 has demonstrated that the serious economic difficulties faced by African countries remain largely unsolved and in most cases have worsened. The contributions of the international community to the implementation of the Programme have fallen short of the expectations of African countries. Yet, when the Programme was adopted at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly, two years ago, it was widely acclaimed as a positive response by the international community to the serious economic problems of the African continent.
Nigeria perceives the Programme as a compact between African countries and the international community. We in Africa are fulfilling our own side of the pact; we expect the international community to fulfil its commitment. Jointly, we must find solutions to the roost serious economic problems facing African countries through debt relief, an increase in official development assistance and support for agreements to stabilize the prices of primary commodities:, on which the economies of most African countries depend.
The Nigerian Government is facing the challenges of the overall development of our national economy with a courage and dedication unequalled in our history. The focus of the strategy is the modernization and transformation of our national economy. To this end we have adopted a structural adjustment programme designed to improve the performance of our economy. The implementation of this programme has opened up opportunities for our citizens and improved the climate for foreign investment in our country.
Two years of its implementation have brought into bold relief the obstacles that hamper our development. These include, principally, the lack of an adequate supply of external financing and the high cost of imported manufactured products and machinery. These problems have been made more acute by our crushing debt burden and debt-service obligations, as well as by huge losses in export earnings as a result of the sharp and continuing decline in the prices of our primary commodities, including oil. Thus the economic development of Nigeria, like that of most other developing countries, continues to be constrained by an adverse international economic environment.
We believe that the economic problems of African and other developing countries are issues that can no longer be swept under the carpet. The phenomenon of a world in which one fifth of the population lives in luxury and affluence and four fifths live in abject poverty and squalor cannot guarantee peace and security for mankind. Such a world would have little chance of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, nor would it promote fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person.
We believe that, unless the international community takes more seriously its obligations and commitment to establish conditions in which justice and respect for human dignity prevail, the primary purpose of our Organization, which is the maintenance of international peace and security, will continue to be in jeopardy.
In a few weeks we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the adoption by the United Nations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Since its adoption the world has witnessed tremendous progress in the field of human rights, globally, regionally and nationally. The one exception to the universal advancement of the rights of the individual is South Africa, where a white minority continues to trample upon the rights of the black majority. When we in Africa discuss the issue of human dignity, we do so with the conviction that our African culture recognizes the sanctity of life and liberty as universal. We believe that when any man's dignity is trampled upon anywhere in the world, all mankind suffers a little. That is why we denounce apartheid as morally outrageous and indefensible and politically unacceptable to the civilized world. The pernicious apartheid system continues to be an affront to the international community. Worse still, the racist regime continues to destabilize the front-line States of southern Africa.
It is not only unfortunate but out rightly unacceptable that this evil regime in Pretoria should continue to pursue its obnoxious policies with the active support of important Members of this world Organization. Though we are told with sanctimonious piety that sanctions do not work, the same countries that make the claim are quick to impose sanctions on other States with which they disagree. We call on all Member States to rise above pecuniary considerations and impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions on that evil regime.
The Commonwealth Committee of Foreign Ministers on southern Africa, of which Nigeria is a member, has produced incontrovertible evidence to attest that sanctions indeed do work. I know that South Africa has been feeling the effect of the limited sanctions imposed on it by some Members of the United Nations. We ate most disheartened to know not only that a number of countries are continuing unashamedly to trade with South Africa while proclaiming their abhorrence of the evil system of apartheid, but that some of them are benefiting from the limited sanctions imposed on that State. This must stop.
We call on all those who give the racists succour and support to join the civilized world in ostracizing that pariah State until a non-racial regime comes to power in South Africa. Nigeria will continue to support progressive forces within and outside South Africa that are committed to the dismantling of apartheid. This is a commitment that is shared by our people and our Government. Nigerians see the denial of basic human rights to black people in South Africa as a slut on mankind. That is why as far back as 1976, for example, individual Nigerians voluntarily contributed 315 million to support the peoples of southern Africa in their just struggle to be free.
Africans ate a generous and forgiving people. When right triumphs over wrong in South Africa, when freedom overcomes tyranny, when harmony replaces discord and dissension, the Boers will not be victims of reverse racism, as many of them fear rather they, along with all God's children on the African continent, will march forward in freedom and harmony for the good of the human race. This is the thrust of the Lusaka Manifesto adopted by the Organization of African Unity in 1969.
We call on this Assembly to convene a special session in 1989 devoted to apartheid in South Africa and the destructive consequences of South African aggression against the front-line and neighbouring countries. We hope that the special session will formulate new strategies for the early liquidation of the apartheid system.
We welcome the ongoing negotiations on Angola and Namibia. We believe Angola should be left to develop along its chosen line. It is also the sovereign prerogative of Angola to secure its independence. The recent withdrawal of South African forces from Angola is only a return to sanity, legality and international decorum. Ten years ago the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 435 (1978). The continued illegal occupation of Namibia constitutes not only an affront to the United Nations but a deliberate challenge to the Security Council. South Africa must withdraw forthwith from Namibia.
It is to us an irony of our times that any group of countries, fully aware of the grave dangers posed to lives and the environment, would either condone the dumping of toxic and radioactive waste or actively encourage their export to other countries. The international community must accept, as my Government has actively canvassed, that dumping of toxic and radioactive waste is a moral equivalent of war.
The Nigerian Government has made its position clear on this matter, and followed this up with a call on the international community, at the subregional and regional levels, to enact laws to discourage this callous and unacceptable assault on lives and the environment.
At the levels of the Organization of African Unity and the Economic Community of West African States, firm resolutions have been adopted to discourage the importation of these hazardous wastes into our continent and to penalize any persons or private organizations which collaborate with outside interests to turn Africa into the garbage dump for toxic and radioactive waste. At the meeting in July, in Rio de Janeiro, of the countries of the South Atlantic, bold new steps were taken to strike back at this menace before it becomes truly unmanageable.
Recently also, the Nicosia meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement adopted a Declaration which strongly condemned the dumping of hazardous waste. With the establishment of a "Dump watch", my country is currently collaborating with many Members of this Organization in the dissemination of precise information on the extent and location of toxic waste vessels now roaming the high seas. We have co-operated with and will continue to count on the excellent support of non-governmental organizations which have devoted their time and other resources to the protection of the environment.
Nigeria was a victim of this despicable practice. Between August 1987 and May 1988, toxic wastes were secretly dumped in the Koko Port area of my country. By this act, the people and the environment of Koko were put at very grave risk. In addition, the economic life of the area was dislocated. The Nigerian Government moved with despatch to have the waste removed. It also enacted appropriate national legislation against the dumping of toxic and radioactive waste.
My delegation is gratified to note that several delegations have in the course of this debate and in other forums condemned this act and expressed their willingness to crusade effectively against it. As a starting point, we have called on all Member States to curb the activities of those involved in the Tran boundary movement of waste. We call also on all Member States and non-governmental organizations to adopt the "Dump Watch".
Just as we are worried about the dangerous effects of toxic and radioactive wastes on the environment, we are also concerned about the possible hostile use of these wastes. We are equally happy that the International Atomic Energy Agency at its thirty-second session, last month, condemned all practices of nuclear-waste dumping and requested the Director General to establish a working group of experts to draw up a code for international transactions involving nuclear wa3te. We call upon the present session of the General Assembly to give the Conference on Disarmament the mandate of commencing negotiations on a draft convention on the prohibition of the dumping of radioactive and toxic waste for hostile purposes.
In the Middle East, after four decades of endemic cycles of violence and needless loss of life, the United Nations has finally outlined a peace process which, if faithfully implemented, has a credible chance of bringing durable peace to that area. Nigeria supports a United Nations-sponsored international conference on the Middle East.
Another area where a solution compatible with the Charter of the Organization is urgent is Kampuchea. Nigeria will continue to work within the United Nations, particularly through the Committee on Kampuchea, in pursuit of an acceptable solution to this problem. The ongoing withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan has demonstrated what is possible when there is political will. It is our hope that the Geneva accords on Afghanistan will be adhered to by all the parties concerned.
Similarly, we commend the peace initiatives of the Latin American and Central American countries. We call- on the entire international community to support the ongoing process for a lasting peace in Central America.
I had the opportunity at the fifteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, to congratulate the two super-Powers on the conclusion and ratification of the Treaty on intermediate-range nuclear forces. That agreement is historic as the first true nuclear disarmament measure eliminating an entire category of nuclear weapons. The joint declaration by President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought has given great relief to a world dangerously threatened by the possibility of self-destruction.
My delegation, like others that worked hard for the successful outcome of the special session devoted to disarmament, is naturally disappointed at the failure to agree on a concluding document. However, we believe that the international community cannot afford to be totally discouraged by such periodic reverses. We appeal to the super-Powers to see multilateral involvement by the United Nations in disarmament as a useful and necessary complement to bilateral and regional efforts. An urgent area for multilateral action is the negotiation of a convention on chemical weapons.
The achievements of the Organization in the four decades of its existence have been quite impressive. The United Nations has contributed substantially to the decolonization process. But we should ensure that we respect and modernize the instruments and frameworks of, accountability such as the codes, conventions, norms and principles that at present regulate international relations.
We are encouraged by the resurgence of hope and faith in our Organization. We are further encouraged by the increasing desire to use it for the primary purpose of advancing international peace and security.
The United Nations is indispensable to all the countries of the world. The presence of all of us here is a reaffirmation of that fact. My country, Nigeria, remains firmly committed to the United Nations Charter.


I extend my congratulations on your election, Madam,
and my respects to His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa
Al-Khalifa and to the Government and people of the
Kingdom of Bahrain. I assure you of Brunei
Darussalam’s full support in the coming year and wish
you great success during your term of office.
 I would also like to thank your predecessor,
Mr. Jan Eliasson, for his excellent leadership of the
Assembly over the past year.
 Finally, may I express my special appreciation to
our Secretary-General. For many years, he has been the
United Nations most public figure. That has never been
easy, but he has served us with great distinction. His
programmes of action have strengthened our voice. His
personal leadership has inspired us, and I thank him
most warmly for that.
 During the past few years, we have regularly
discussed United Nations reform, and I am sure that
discussions will continue in the coming years.
Therefore, at the opening of the sixty-first session of
the General Assembly, I would like to take this
opportunity to mention a few of our own feelings in
Brunei Darussalam about the question of United
Nations reform.
 I would like to start by acknowledging the fine
work done for so many years by our United Nations
agencies in the field, particularly by the World Health
Organization, the United Nations Economic and Social
Commission for Asia and the Pacific, the United
Nations Children’s Fund, the United Nations
Development Programme, and the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, and
by United Nations volunteers all over the world. Those
agencies can truly be called our body’s life blood, and
at times literally so. Every day of every year, they
attempt to bring hope, confidence and meaning to the
lives of ordinary people. They provide people with the
simplest and most basic definition of security. By that,
I mean that they give people a feeling that even the
most severe problems can be faced and solved. I thank
them with great respect for their dedication and their
professionalism. They represent the United Nations at
its best.
 Consequently, I believe that any reform of our
Organization should be considered with one crucial
primary question in mind: Does it directly strengthen
the work of our agencies and people in the field? That
is becoming more and more important to the ordinary
people we represent.
 The new century has brought a host of new
challenges. The past year, like every year of this new
century, has presented problems that are typical of
those the United Nations is increasingly going to face
and expected to solve. They are, sadly, all the stuff of
regular breaking news: natural and environmental
disasters, health, economic and security disasters,
countless political failures and the enormous human
suffering that follows.
 The immediate impression is a dramatic one. Our
new century seems to be defining itself in images of
disaster — landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis and
terrorist bombings. The most lasting images are human
ones. Those are the countless victims of events over
which they had no control and of which they had no
knowledge or warning. The long-term result is a deep
sense of insecurity. It is reaching into the lives of every
individual, every family and every community in every
country we represent.
 Many people are feeling so insecure that they are
engaged in finding any way they can to salvage some
hope for themselves. In Asia, Africa and the Americas,
they are doing so in their hundreds of thousands. They
are leaving their families and homelands to emigrate.
They often put their lives at enormous personal risk in
the search for somewhere where they hope to find
hope.
 That presents a bleak vision of the future for
millions of our people. It would be even bleaker
without the United Nations. Sometimes, in the refugee
camps, in the disaster areas and in all the other arenas

06-53323 42

of destruction, the United Nations offers all they have
by way of hope. Hence, the second consideration we
give to proposals for reform is a human one. We ask a
simple question: Is the proposal relevant to ordinary
peoples’ personal lives and problems?
 Those lives are increasingly dominated by the
extremely complex challenges of our new century.
Those challenges are global. They are scientific,
technological, economic, environmental and political.
They now involve over six and a half billion people.
Those people are becoming more and more dependent
on each other for survival. That means, I believe, that
we must continue to stress the need for more than just
administrative reform. So our third consideration
regarding reform is practical.
 Does the proposed reform reflect the current
century, its priorities, its special challenges and its
changing character? In other words, are we certain that
we are not trying to solve twenty-first-century
problems with the mechanisms, priorities and
procedures of the twentieth century and sometimes
even of the nineteenth century?
 We look forward to continuing our discussions
with colleagues in the coming year on this critical
matter of effective and lasting reform. We are starting
to see what the twenty-first century is presenting, both
the good and the disturbing. We are also seeing the
demands it is making on the United Nations. They are
considerable. We believe, however, that the
considerations I have mentioned are the essential basis
for reforming the United Nations in a manner that will
ensure that our world body is well capable of meeting
the twenty-first century on twenty-first century terms.


First, I wish to
congratulate Ms. Haya Rasheed Al-Khalifa and the
State of Bahrain on her election as the President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-first session. As an
Asian, a Muslim and the current Chairman of the
Summit Conference of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, I welcome her election with pride and
satisfaction. I am confident that she will be able to
steer the proceedings of the Assembly with
consummate skill and achieve meaningful results.
Needless to say, Malaysia will support her in any way
that we can.
 Allow me to also pay tribute to her distinguished
predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson, the Foreign Minister of
Sweden, for the exemplary way in which he guided the
proceedings of the Assembly’s sixtieth session, during
some of the most trying times for the United Nations.
 Speaking of trying times, I would also like to pay
tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan for his tireless efforts in
serving humanity, not only during his tenure as the
Secretary-General but throughout an entire career
dedicated to the ideals of our Organization.
 I must pay a special tribute to the members of the
Secretariat and those serving under the United Nations
banner, in particular those who have made the ultimate
sacrifice of their lives, like the four members of the
United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon who were
killed last July during the height of the Israeli offensive
against Lebanon.
 Mr. Mérorès (Haiti), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
 We must continually remind ourselves that the
United Nations was brought into being to serve as a
forum, and, as in Tennyson’s words, to be a parliament
of man. Six decades later, we have yet to achieve the
intentions of the United Nations Charter. Indeed, the
situation in some corners of the world is bleaker than it
ever was before. Yet the human family is still unable to
find solutions to its own problems.
 As I review in my mind the events of the past
year, I personally feel most disturbed that many of the
ills in the affairs of our world were the result of
irrational actions caused by prejudice in human
attitudes. Basically, we have failed to engage in
dialogue, communicate and reach out to one another as
fellow humans inhabiting the same planet. Indeed, the
greatest discord today exists among the descendants of
Abraham. These are the People of the Book: the
followers of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, who in
fact share a common beginning, which was the religion
of Abraham.
 Of course, dialogue will be endless if it is not
accompanied by action. The purpose of honest
discussion and engagement is to enable us to formulate
rational and effective policies. To achieve this, I
believe that all of us need to listen well and be sincere
in our relations with one another. Much of the dialogue
that takes place results in the parties talking at, instead
of talking to, one another. Any dialogue will certainly
fail if it is predetermined that certain States are
“rogues” or that certain countries are necessarily
“evil”. Such name-calling provides an excuse not to
listen, let alone engage in serious negotiations to find
amicable solutions to serious problems.
 A blatant example of the refusal to grant even a
hearing was the early decision by many important
countries not to recognize or do business with Hamas
after that group was elected to power in Palestine
through a properly conducted democratic election.
External assistance was stopped. Funds were blocked.
As a result, millions of Palestinians have suffered for
months without pay or food. I hope that all sanctions
against Palestine will soon be a matter of the past,
when President Abbas succeeds in the task of putting
together a coalition Government embracing all parties
in Palestine. Surely, to dictate or show preferences as

06-52885 32

to who should be elected to power in other countries is
irrational and a sign of double standards.
 The oppression of Palestine, which is being
allowed to fester; the invasion of Afghanistan; the
conquest of Iraq; and, most recently, the unrestrained
destruction of Lebanon have all been carried out in the
name of the war against terrorism. The actions of Israel
in the Middle East are being supported, either openly
or tacitly, supposedly in defence of the Judeo-Christian
tradition against the spread of radical militant Islam,
thus legitimizing all those actions, no matter how
brutal. Even Western commentators have conceded that
Israel’s latest assault against Lebanon has helped make
what may once have been extremist opinions part of
the Muslim mainstream. The Muslim world certainly
sees all this as complicity to humiliate Muslim
countries and Muslim societies.
 I am afraid that the schism between the West and
the Muslim world will grow even deeper unless the
international community is prepared to accept certain
facts as the truth. The fact is that the sense of
humiliation being felt by the Muslim world is the root
cause for the loss of trust and confidence between the
Muslim world, on the one side, and Judeo-Christian
civilization, on the other. If the international
community refuses or fails to accept this fact, then I
am afraid we are denying the truth.
 I believe that much of the prejudice against
Muslims stems from a lack of understanding of the true
nature of Islam and what it stands for. For instance,
there is a lack of appreciation in the West of the role of
religion in the lives of Muslims. Modern Europe has
generally embraced secularism and has largely
removed religion from the public domain, placing it in
the confines of the home and family. For Muslims, the
teachings of Islam serve as their guide for doing all
things, whether conducting their affairs in the public
domain or practicing the religion in their private
homes. I suggest that many of the misunderstandings,
especially those between the Christian West and the
Muslim world, arise out of this fundamental
misunderstanding of the place of religion in the daily
lives of Muslims all over the world. When dealing with
Muslims, one cannot separate them from their religion,
because that is their way of life.
 My country, Malaysia, is a multi-ethnic, multi-
religious, multicultural country. However, Islam is
respected by all our people as the official religion. The
Government which I now lead has embarked on a
programme to communicate a proper appreciation of
Islam as a force for good. We call it Islam Hadhari,
which is an approach for achieving a progressive
society that is compatible with modernity yet firmly
rooted in the noble values and injunctions of Islam.
This approach has been accepted by everyone in
Malaysia because underlying the whole message of
Islam Hadhari is a call for equitable development and
progress. It is a call for moderation and tolerance as
well as the assurance of justice and fairness for all,
irrespective of their faith.
 The point I am making is that Islam the religion
is not the source of intolerance between people of
different faiths. In fact, one of the fundamental
teachings of Islam is the requirement to respect other
religions. The Holy Koran contains that commandment
by God. We must not confuse the perverse words and
evil deeds of a small number of extremists who operate
on the fringes of Muslim societies as a reflection of
Islamic culture. The demonization of Islam must be
stopped and Islamophobia must be removed. The
politics of fear must cease to dictate the conduct of
relations between peoples and nations. If the politics of
fear is not stopped, then prejudice and irrationality will
continue to prevail in the affairs of the world, and
dialogue will continue to fail.
 However, we must persevere, not only to
eliminate political and religious discord among men,
but also to eradicate social and economic injustices,
particularly poverty and disease. That is an
international responsibility, not only in the name of
humanity, but also as a necessary aspect of maintaining
international peace and stability.
 We must therefore do all we can to ensure that the
impoverished and marginalized also enjoy the fruits of
economic growth, globalization and free trade. It
would indeed be unfortunate if we were unable to do
so, because the world has become more wealthy than
ever before. We should learn from history that any
economic system in which disparities exist cannot be
sustained in the long term. All too often, such societies
come to a violent end. The civil wars and social unrest
we witness today mark a phase that we must stop.
 Malaysia firmly believes that the key to
prosperity, inclusion and equity is sustained economic
growth based on the building of national capacities,
particularly human capital development. While

33 06-52885

education and skills by themselves are no guarantee of
success, they are indispensable ingredients for the
greater productivity of individual citizens, which in
turn gives them hope for a better future.
 However, efforts at the national level alone are
not sufficient. Those efforts need to be supplemented
by the establishment of an international economic
order that would cover areas such as trade, finance,
debt, official development assistance (ODA) and
development, and that would enable the developing
world to overcome its difficulties and contribute to
global prosperity. Some progress has been made, but
the overall results have been far from satisfactory.
 Given the economic clout that the developed
countries possess, it is essential that they demonstrate
flexibility and goodwill at this critical juncture in the
world trade talks. Malaysia will continue to be
supportive of multilateral trade negotiations.
Malaysia’s approach will, however, never be premised
simply on the notion of progressive liberalization. We
will continue to take a pragmatic approach by
combining liberalization with regulation in a policy
mix consistent with the country’s economic conditions
and development needs.
 It is all too clear that our human family must
come together and that its members must talk to one
another if we are to overcome the problems that
threaten to engulf us all. To talk, however, is easy; to
engage in dialogue and to communicate is more
difficult. Indeed, this may be the most difficult of all
human endeavours, given the human temperament with
all its passions and foibles. It will require courage,
humility and an appreciation of the diversities that
make us human.
 We must not be patronizing or condescending in
our relationships, and we must certainly not be
threatening. We must be persuasive and patient in
dealing with complexities. The pursuit of peace, justice
and fairness in relations among nations and peoples has
never been easy. Let us take up this challenge, with all
the fortitude that it requires, and together put into
effect a better world.


As you know, Madam President, there is
one African tradition, but its forms are many. That is
why the African continent is the cradle of mankind and
this African tradition universal. We can see this
universal nature here in New York within this forum of
the United Nations where the values of solidarity and
brotherhood symbolize a common desire for peace and
love.
 How can we not fail today to recall the vitality
which marked the World Summit which was held in
2005 in this very Hall, following the fifty-ninth
session, which was undoubtedly the longest ever due to
the intensity of the consultations begun by His
Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, President at that session,
with a view to reaching a consensus on questions
related to reform of our Organization, including that of
the Security Council. Those questions divided, and
continue to divide, delegations and regional groups,
and finally overshadowed the discussion of other
items.
 But the Summit and the ensuing sixtieth session
nonetheless had the merit of establishing the Human
Rights Council and the Peacebuilding Commission.
 Despite all the differences among United Nations
Members and despite the criticism of some of its
actions, the United Nations remains the international
organization which, due to its universality,
representativity and authority, cannot be ignored. The
Central African Republic, which reiterates its
commitment to the purposes and principles of the

5 06-53341

Charter, would like to reaffirm its ongoing desire to
continue to contribute to all efforts to reform the entire
United Nations system.
 Having said that, I should like, on behalf of His
Excellency General François Bozizé, President of the
Republic, head of State, and on behalf of the
Government and the people of the Central African
Republic, to warmly congratulate you, Madam, on your
election as President of the General Assembly at the
present session. I view it as a sign of confidence and a
well-deserved tribute to your beautiful country, the
Kingdom of Bahrain. I am also pleased to express to
your predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson, my high esteem for
the remarkable way in which he led the work of the
sixtieth session. In addition, I express my warm and
sincere thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, a worthy son of the African
tradition, for his praiseworthy and tireless efforts, in a
particularly difficult international context, to promote
the role of the Organization, to attain its objectives and
to promote peace and security throughout the world.
 The theme suggested for the present session is
“Implementing a Global Partnership for Development”.
We should recall that, six years ago, the highest leaders
of the Organization’s Member States made the firm
commitment to unite their efforts to collectively fight
poverty and all the scourges it causes, which pose a
serious threat to international peace and security and a
major obstacle to the development processes in many
countries.
 In the Millennium Declaration, which resulted
from that commitment, the 189 signatory countries —
including the Central African Republic — solemnly
pledged to do their utmost to overcome poverty, which
continues to devastate the majority of the world’s
population. To that end, several Goals were defined.
 Ms. Blum (Colombia), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
 As the Secretary-General has stated, the main
Goals have been implemented to varying degrees:
“Accordingly, we will not enjoy development
without security, we will not enjoy security
without development, and we will not enjoy
either without respect for human rights. Unless
all these causes are advanced, none will succeed”
(A/59/2005, para. 17).
 In the case of the Central African Republic, we
must acknowledge that many challenges remain to be
addressed if we are to truly strive to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) within the
agreed time frame. Indeed, my country experienced
more than two decades of serious crises, from which
we only recently emerged by holding general elections
and establishing republican institutions and the
Government of National Reconciliation. But we must
still fight the cross-border insecurity raging in the
subregion and push back out of our territory the
aggressors, supported from abroad, who seek to
destroy our democratically established republican
institutions.
 The Central African authorities are striving to
restore security throughout the territory. It goes without
saying that no development is possible unless we
eradicate the endemic insecurity maintained by those
who set up roadblocks and by the rebellion raging
mainly in the north-eastern part of the country,
bordering on the Sudan and Chad. The security and
defence forces deployed in the back country face many
difficulties — particularly logistical ones — in
overcoming that phenomenon. The proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in the subregion — due
to the long crisis in Darfur and its effects on the
Central African Republic — are hardly helping to put
an end to that scourge.
 The Central African Republic supports the
proposals made by Presidents George Bush and
Jacques Chirac and by the Chairperson of the African
Union, Mr. Denis Sassou Nguesso, on the positioning
of United Nations troops on the border between the
Central African Republic, Chad and the Sudan.
 In addition, since 2003, the Central African
Republic, one of the seven countries in partnership
with the World Bank’s Multi-country Demobilization
and Reintegration Programme, has taken a new
comprehensive, integrated approach that is integrative
and inclusive aimed at resolving the thorny problem of
the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of
former combatants. The results today reflect the
Government’s willingness to succeed in that process.
Moreover, our country has just developed a new
structure to fight the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons, namely, a national commission against
the illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons
and for disarmament.

06-53341 6

 The deteriorated state of the Central African
economy is hardly likely to encourage the
implementation of the Development Goals in order to
promote a robust fight against poverty, which for us
remains an ongoing threat to peace and stability.
 In the area of finance, the Government has taken
energetic measures to restore financial health by
implementing an extensive system to monitor civil
servants and establishing a body to verify their
academic credentials.
 The other challenges — just as great — facing
the Central African Republic are those of health care
and education, which are among the main MDGs. With
respect to health care, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and
other diseases, such as tuberculosis and malaria, are
sources of concern for our country.
 The recent conference on AIDS, held here at
United Nations Headquarters in early June 2006,
highlighted the particularly disturbing characteristics
of that calamity among the most impoverished sectors
of the population: women and children. There is a
health emergency, and thus the Central African
Republic is requesting greater assistance and action
from its development partners.
 The education and training sector — covered by
Goal 2 of the MDGs — has undoubtedly been the main
victim of the long period of political and military
crises, whose wounds are gradually healing. The many
empty years of discouragement resulting from the loss
of motivation on the part of the teaching staff, delayed
salary payments, the lack of State resources to build
schools and purchase equipment, and the continued
insecurity in some areas of the country for the past
several years — all of that has led to a decline in the
quality of teaching and a drop in the literacy rate.
 However, since the burst of patriotism of
15 March 2003, the Government has been doing its
utmost to ensure that the school year will no longer be
interrupted and to restore the former credibility of the
Central African educational system. Thanks to the
assistance of certain donors — among which we must
mention the International Organization of la
Francophonie — the Central African Republic is
beginning to take up the challenge between now and
2015. Indeed, it will not be possible to ensure that
democracy and a culture of dialogue and tolerance are
firmly established unless the people have access to
quality education and are able to grasp what is truly at
stake, and thus make sound judgements in full
knowledge of the facts.
 The United Nations Millennium Development
Goals Report 2005 highlights the need to ensure a
sustainable environment by intelligently exploiting
natural resources and protecting the ecosystems upon
which the survival of humanity depends. Climate
change and global warming owing to the depletion of
the ozone layer are worrisome phenomena for our
country, whose northern region is being increasingly
overtaken by desert. The initiatives set out in the Kyoto
Protocol show that progress is possible if there is
political will on the part of the major consumers.
 If we are to prevent and reduce the risks related
to natural disasters and to equip ourselves with better
organization and more effective means to make the
world safer, we must support the transformation of the
United Nations Environmental Programme into a
specialized agency with a broader mandate, as
proposed by France.
 Despite delays in the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the Central
African Republic is determined to reach them,
especially Goals 3 and 4, relating to the empowerment
of women and the promotion of gender equality and to
the reduction of under-five mortality. Indeed,
considerable progress has been made in terms of
vaccination coverage and also with respect to the free
distribution of mosquito nets to pregnant women and to
children under the age of 5.
 The Central African Republic greatly appreciates
the proposals made during the 2005 World Summit by
Presidents Chirac, Lula Da Silva and Hu Jintao
regarding the promotion of peace, security and
development.
 However, the results of MDG implementation
will remain mixed until international solidarity fully
plays its part. We live in an interdependent world; the
development of the Central African Republic is closely
linked to that of the rest of the world, because the
United Nations is a community of nations.
 May God bless the United Nations. May God
bless the Central African Republic.


I extend my
delegation’s sincerest congratulations to the President
on her very well-deserved election. I would like to
congratulate her predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson, on his
stewardship of the historic sixtieth session of the

9 06-53341

Assembly and to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-
General for his dedicated service to the Organization
over the past decade. It is also my pleasure to welcome
Montenegro as the newest Member of our
Organization.
 The Assembly is meeting against a backdrop of
dire human tragedy. The recent wanton Israeli
aggression in Lebanon has shocked the world. Most
disconcerting has been the fact that the international
community failed to respond promptly and effectively,
as colossal devastation wrecked Lebanon and the
Lebanese people. In the end, the Security Council
redeemed itself by ordering a ceasefire in Lebanon. Let
us hope that the Security Council will exercise its
mandated responsibilities so that such atrocities and
violations of human rights do not occur in the future
under any pretext.
 Alongside Lebanon, the dire situation in Palestine
has worsened owing to the continuous use of
disproportionate force by the Israeli Government. We
call upon the international community to make sincere
efforts to put the peace process back on track.
 The scourge of terrorism knows no boundaries. It
is professed and carried out by a handful, and the vast
majority of victims are innocent men, women and
children. Efforts to combat terrorism and its
protagonists globally and nationally may have seen
some positive results. However, action to combat terror
by individual countries has created divisions between
peoples and affected interfaith harmony. Many
individuals are being subjected to racial or religious
profiling, which foments suspicion, misunderstanding
and even hatred. That is what the terrorists are actually
looking for: to divide the nations of the world. We
must ensure that they do not have their way.
 Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia has
unequivocally declared that Bangladesh abjures
religious extremism and does not and will not support
any kind of militancy. The Prime Minister has
reasserted her Government’s vow to eliminate all
militants and their networks. She has called for the
passage of tough laws to punish the perpetrators, whom
she has repeatedly dubbed enemies of Islam, enemies
of democracy, development, humanity and the people
of the country — our country, beloved Bangladesh.
 In this connection, I must mention that a small
group of extremists carried out a country-wide
bombing attack on 17 August last year in Bangladesh.
But the extremists underestimated the will of the
Government and the people of Bangladesh. Instead of
fear, there was anger. The Government mobilized all
available resources to relentlessly hunt down the
leaders and the operatives. I am proud to inform the
Assembly that we have been able to bring all the
leaders of the outlawed militant group to justice.
 Bangladesh today is what it has always been: a
moderate, tolerant society that practises democracy and
where the equal rights of each and every citizen are
preserved. Our determined action did not allow the
opportunists and the perpetrators of terror to destroy
the values of democracy and tolerance that we treasure
most.
 For smaller States, the United Nations remains
the premier world body, addressing the challenges they
face. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has
proved invaluable in times of crisis and in the tasks of
preserving global peace and security and promoting
sustainable development.
 At present, we are seized of the issue of reform of
the United Nations. Bangladesh holds that reform is a
process and not an end in itself. We do not think that
arbitrary deadlines or pressure in order to obtain a
particular outcome are helpful. It is our belief that, for
meaningful reform, an environment of mutual trust,
confidence and respect for divergent positions is
indispensable.
 We trust that the new Human Rights Council will
not be a mere replication of the Commission on Human
Rights. It must not indulge in politicization of its work.
Bangladesh, as an elected member, is committed to
advancing the work of the Council in a fair and
balanced manner.
 We hope, too, that the newly constituted
Peacebuilding Commission will fill the existing
institutional gap in the United Nations system to
facilitate the transition from peacekeeping to
peacebuilding. Bangladesh, being one of the largest
contributors to United Nations peacekeeping
operations, will bring its experience to the work of the
Commission in all its aspects.
 As the United Nations deals with individual post-
conflict situations, it must not lose sight of wider
issues, such as disarmament and small-arms
proliferation, as well as weapons of mass destruction.

06-53341 10

Bangladesh would like to see sustained efforts by the
United Nations in these very critical areas.
 The Outcome Document of the 2005 World
Summit (resolution 60/1), which had development as
its centrepiece, has hardly progressed beyond mere
pledges. For the least developed countries (LDCs), the
savings-investment gap and lack of capital remain the
primary constraints to development. Official
development assistance (ODA) to the LDCs in 2004,
according to the most recent data available, amounted
to $23.8 billion, or $35.70 per person living in these
countries. This is certainly not sufficient to
complement income or boost investment. Faster growth
in exports, and the consequent rise in income, could
help the LDCs accumulate the resources needed for
development. For this, we would need unhindered
market access for all LDC exports. The Doha
development round must resume to ensure special and
differential treatment for the LDCs. We would also
need increased ODA, full debt cancellation, foreign
direct investment and transfer of technology to enhance
the global partnership for development.
 We can also increase capital flows to LDCs by
addressing one of the fundamental inequities in the
global financial system. It is utterly inefficient and
unfair that the LDCs cannot utilize their own foreign
exchange reserves — a staggering $28 billion — to
finance their own development efforts and that these
reserves yield very low interest, or none at all. On the
other hand, when LDCs borrow against their own
reserves, they pay a huge premium in interest or
service charges. The United Nations system must lead
the international effort to reform the global reserve
system and to make arrangements that enable the LDCs
to borrow at a zero mark-up of the interest rate against
their own foreign exchange reserves.
 The General Assembly has just concluded the
midterm comprehensive review of the implementation
of the Brussels Programme of Action for the LDCs. In
this context, I would like to point out that, unless duty-
free and quota-free market access for all LDC products
is ensured, the agreed development goals and targets
will remain unattained for a long time to come. We call
on the developed countries to fulfil their pledges of
support for the framework to facilitate aid for trade, to
which they have committed many times over. An
effective monitoring capacity under the auspices of the
United Nations can significantly facilitate this task.
 Let me now turn to two issues that are of
particular concern to Bangladesh. I begin with
migration. Liberalizing the movement of labour can
generate significant benefits and a win-win result for
both sending and receiving countries, as well as for the
migrants themselves. Numerous studies have found
that a modest commitment under the World Trade
Organization’s General Agreement on Trade in
Services Mode 4 would offer substantial welfare gains
for both developing and developed countries. It may
even exceed the gain of complete market liberalization
in merchandise trade.
 The second issue is the threat of natural disasters,
which often undermine our development efforts. The
Asian tsunami was a wake-up call for all of us. In these
times of increasing global interdependence, disaster
risk management is a matter of global concern, as the
impact of a disaster in one region adversely affects
others. Bangladesh has advanced considerably in the
field of comprehensive disaster management. We stand
ready to share our experience, which has been
internationally recognized as the best-practice model.
The United Nations must gear its efforts to introduce
weather insurance and weather derivatives to manage
the risks of natural disasters, especially in developing
countries.
 Within weeks of her assumption to power five
years ago with a massive mandate from our people, the
Government of Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia
launched a reform programme to restore discipline in
our country. Thanks to our relentless efforts, we could
accelerate the growth momentum remarkably without
destabilizing our macroeconomic fundamentals.
 After maintaining a growth rate of 6 per cent for
the past five years, we expect a growth rate of 6.7 per
cent this fiscal year, against the backdrop of a global
economic slowdown. Given natural disasters, political
unrest and many external shocks — such as the global
economic recession, the phasing out of the Multifibre
Arrangement and the oil price hike — that affect our
economies, that is a remarkable achievement.
 Keeping our commitment to the Millennium
Declaration, we have already achieved two Millennium
Development Goals by ensuring access to safe drinking
water and removing gender disparity in primary and
secondary education. Enrolment in primary education
has been ensured for 97 per cent of our children. Of
course, there is no complacency on our part and we

11 06-53341

know that we should try to achieve 100 per cent
enrolment in our primary schools.
 Apart from those achievements, Bangladesh has
achieved remarkable success in the reduction of child
and maternal mortality and malnutrition and in
improving food security. We have begun channelling
resources to targeted programmes in the light of our
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. Our development
efforts, however sincere, will not reach their goals or
even see the light of day unless they are complemented
by international support.
 Bangladesh has been pursuing meaningful
regional cooperation to improve the socio-economic
conditions of South and South-East Asia. As the
current Chair of the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation and as members of the Bay of
Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and
Economic Cooperation, the Asia Cooperation Dialogue
and the Developing Eight Countries, Bangladesh has
demonstrated its commitment to working with other
countries of the region. We are working in total
harmony with the nations of our region. Our recent
partnership in the Regional Forum of the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations bears testimony to our
commitment.
 The present Government will complete its tenure
towards the end of next month and will hand over
power to a neutral caretaker Government in accordance
with the provisions of the Constitution. We very much
hope to return to work again with the General
Assembly. We have had peaceful transfers of power
over the past three elections under neutral caretaker
Governments when the voters exercised their franchise
freely and without fear or intimidation. The system has
worked and has been accepted by the people.
Democracy has taken firm root in our country and the
next general election will be one more opportunity for
the people to demonstrate that they are the ultimate
source of power.
 I end with the assurance that we will work
together for a better tomorrow for future generations.