Since 1945 - when the United Nations was created in response to the clamour of peoples to preserve future generations from the scourge of war, to strengthen faith in fundamental human rights and to create the proper conditions for international coexistence characterised by greater justice and solidarity, thus laying the foundations for lasting peace - the General Assembly, the principal representative organ of the United Nations, has met each year to carry out, within the scope of its competence, the task of promoting, building and keeping peace. That is the first purpose of the United Nations and our paramount mission.
For that reason, I must begin by referring to the situation that exists today in the Middle East. In these past few months the shadow of war has cast a tragic shadow over the international situation, which until then had seemed to be following a hopeful path. Iraq's invasion and occupation of Kuwait precipitated the crisis that had been developing, and they pushed the world to the verge of an armed conflict of unforeseeable consequences.
The response of the international community, through the Security Council, has been rapid and energetic. Uruguay condemns the grave violation of international law committed by Iraq and fully supports the decisions taken by the Council.
By adopting this attitude, Uruguay is demonstrating once again its unconditional respect for and adherence to international law for the sake of peace, whatever may be the negative consequences for its economy and its development process. We must be fully aware that the aggression committed has already created chaos in the world economy.

Through the subsequent increase in oil prices, it has brought about a general crisis of extremely serious consequences for the whole of the international community, especially for non-oil-producing countries.
Moreover, we must bear in mind that war would only worsen this crisis and its consequences would be unforeseeable. Considering the characteristics of modern war and - unlike other examples from the past - no State would benefit from it. This is true, dramatically true, in the case of small developing countries with weak and vulnerable economies.
In the specific case of Uruguay its import and export trade has suffered precisely quantifiable damages as a direct consequence of the conflict and of the sanctions adopted. It has therefore sought consultations, as provided for in Article 50 of the Charter.
The Gulf crisis has tested the Organisation's ability to face situations that jeopardise peace and security. The United Nations has emerged from this test triumphant and stronger. It has ceased to be held hostage to the rivalries of the cold war, and this fact has allowed the Security Council to adopt resolutions which constitute the most extraordinary demonstration of political co-operation in its 45 years of history.
When Governments - and particularly those of Member States, which as such have greater responsibilities - decide to comply with and enforce the principles of the Charter, the United Nations becomes an appropriate and effective instrument ¿or restoring order, security and law.
The most important achievement of international law is the principle of the prohibition of the use of force by States in their international relations. Only this Organisation is entitled to make use of force - within the limits provided in the Charter - except with the exception of the provisional authorisation granted to States in case of self-defence. It is by the application of this system and by the observance of other fundamental principles of contemporary international law - and as the right of peoples to self-determination, the principle of non-intervention; and the sovereign equality of States - that the existence of all States and dele . against aggression are ensured.
The Gulf crisis has demonstrated two facts of particular significance the solidarity of the international community in responding to aggression end its confidence in the international security mechanisms of the United Nations. This reassessment of the current role of the Organisation at a time of profound and rapid change, gives us cause for optimism about its future, in spite of the undeniable gravity of the present situation in the Gulf.
The United Nations is by its nature universal. Hence there is need for a process by which all States of the world can become Members of the Organisation, in this regard Uruguay welcomes the solution of the question of Namibia and in full participation of Namibia as a member of the United Nations. We must now focus our attention on the few remaining exceptions to the principle of universality, such as Korea. We are eager to see South Korea, and if possible North Korea as well, admitted to the United Nations.
The admission of Liechtenstein to the Organisation is another notable step in the process towards full universality.
The reunification of lessen and the reunification of Germany - the latter of which took place yesterday - are praiseworthy events. Considering that it entails the reunification of Germany must be saluted as a triumph of end the enshrinement of the will of a people.
The events in the Persian Gulf rewind us of the vulnerability of peace when it is not based on a sys ten of international arms limitation and control, with the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament. Dividing walls may b· torn down; ideological confrontations may be mitigated; borders may be opened to communication and trade, the wings of democracy may fly over and destroy anachronistic authoritarian schemes, but no stable security or lasting peace will be attained as long as gigantic arsenals exist all over the world, ready to be used by any arbitrary and aggressive government.
An armed world, one in which the great and the small furnish themselves with powerful and inhuman instruments of destruction and death, does not provide the proper framework for peace The events of the Gulf were possible because the States involved thought they were ensuring the effectiveness of their reckless acts through the support of excessive military power, resulting from an uncontrolled arms race.
The international community must avoid the occurrence of similar dangerous situations in the future. That will be possible only if we accelerate the disarmament process. Uruguay understands that the immediate task in to concentrate on further advancing the regulation and limitation of armaments, whether conventional, nuclear, chemical, bacteriological, radiological or space weapons.
The task must be carried out through the launching of new negotiations or acceleration of the current ones, the preparation of new conventions on the subject, the ratification of existing treaties by those States that have not yet done so; the creation of more nuclear-weapon free zones, and the improvement and strengthening of the misting ones, and the full establishment of zones of peace.
The United Nations is the natural forum for the discussion of problems of disarmament and arms control. Naturally, the super-Powers have the major responsibilities in this regard. But there is no doubt that disarmament is a multilateral issue because the actions and the decisions of the super-Powers have an inevitable impact on the rest of the world.
In this contest Uruguay attaches great importance to the declaration of the South Atlantic as a zone of peace and co-operation. It is a first basic step and it must be complemented with a sound legal statute for that region.
At the same time we must undertake the promotion and diversification of procedures for the peaceful settlement of international conflicts. The history of international relations clearly shows that only political and jurisdictional solutions to international problems provide fair and lasting results that are respected by the parties.
In the last few years many disputes have been settled - or are being settled - by political or diplomatic procedures, with the participation of the United Nations or other intergovernmental organisations. Conflicts such as those in southern Africa, Afghanistan, Central America, Iran-Iraq, Cambodia and Western Sahara have been or are being settled by negotiations based on the application of peaceful procedures.
Together with political and diplomatic procedures, jurisdictional procedures for the settlement of disputes play a very important role. The increase in the number of cases submitted to the International Court of Justice is a very encouraging trend. However, of the 159 States that make up the international community, only 46 have accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. In this Decade of International Law, Uruguay calls upon all States that have not yet done so to consider the possibility of subscribing to the optional clause in paragraph 2 of Article 36 of the Statute of the Court. It is true that the request made by the General Assembly in its resolution 3232 (3QCIX) has not had the positive effect expected. Uruguay considers that it has the right to make this appeal since it was the first country in the world to accept unreservedly the compulsory jurisdiction of, first, the Permanent Court of International Justice and, then, the International Court of Justice.
The current political and military ¡conflicts cannot overshadow the fact that, even without them, there are menacing prospects in the present international situation. There are global threats that are not related to political or military issues, but are the result, on the one hand, of the persistence of underdevelopment in vast areas of the world and, on the other, of the fast pace of technological progress that have introduced revolutionary changes in our ways of life and methods of production and have had lethal consequences such as the depletion of natural resources, the degradation of the environment, drug trafficking and terrorism.
The co-operation of all States is required to combat these new dangers of universal scope.
One of the major challenges is the environmental issue. The international community has increased its awareness of this issue and is ready to react strongly against the ecological dangers to the planet. Uruguay is hopefully awaiting the Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in 1992, and is committed to participating actively in the work of its preparatory commission as well as in the related actions under way at the international level. We trust that at the 1992 Conference agreements will be reached on strategies and measures to halt and reverse the effects of environmental degradation. Uruguay believes that these strategies, which must be applied immediately and with the firm political resolve required by the gravity of the dangers, must meet the following basic criteria: first, the principle of the inseparability of environmental and development material secondly, the principle of fairness in the distribution of responsibilities and burdens, which means that the expenses entailed in the protection of the environment and the restoration of the ecological balance must be borne by each State in accordance with the extent of its participation in the ecological deterioration and with its financial and technological capacities; thirdly, the principle of respect for national sovereignty as understood in international law in a world of interdependence and solidarity; fourthly, the principle of co-operation, which requires a special effort by the industrialised countries since they must provide the developing States with the financial resources and non-polluting technologies which they lack and which are indispensable if they are to face the environmental problems. Without the co-operation of the industrialised countries, the developing countries will be unable to shoulder their responsibilities in regard to protecting the environment, however strong their will to do so.
Drug trafficking and terrorism, which are closely interrelated, are still taking a tragic toll in destruction and death, violating fundamental human rights, altering the basic principles of civilised coexistence and creating centres of disturbance of international security. To combat these two scourges we must use all possible forces of international co-operation.
While there is deep concern over increasing drug abuse and the immense power of drug traffickers, it is encouraging to see that through international co-operation effective Measures are being adopted based on the acceptance of responsibilities by both consumer and producer countries. The latter have launched an open war that has earned deepest admiration and solidarity.
These serious problems cannot be understood nor con a solution to then be found outside the framework of the enormous task the international community must undertake during the last decade of this century, namely, to bridge the immense gap dividing the human family and separating the world of affluence from the world of scarcity and under-development.
It cannot be denied that true peace is not possible in a world that is economically divided. The General Assembly has recognised the priority that must be accorded to reactivating economic growth in the developing countries in order to ensure the right of every human being to live free from hunger, poverty, ignorance, disease and fear. Naturally, each State is responsible for finding its own path to economic prosperity and social progress.
Uruguay is fully aware that the responsibility for its development rests fundamentally on its own efforts. In spite of the obstacles it faces, it has complied with its international obligations in a timely fashion it has implemented painful adjustment policies and the new government of President Luis Alberto Lacalle is devoting itself to the task of State reform, with the purpose of reducing bureaucracy and public expenditure and improving the efficiency of State-run services while simultaneously stipulating productive structures. As President Lacalle said when he took office on 1 March last, after as electoral victory that was an example of the traditional and currently sound and stable Uruguayan democracy:
"The government and the state must be the first to change in order not to become a hindrance and burden to society. The government, administration and State must rescue their condition of being a means to an end and not ends in themselves. They must readjust their powers so that they are not oppressive; reform their dimensions so that they are not a burden; redefine their functions so that they do not invade the individual's own sphere.
Uruguay is making efforts to attain a more beneficial position in the world economy through its participation in new programmes of subregional economic integration. It is thus working with the governments of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Chile in order to arrive at an efficient and significant integration with the aimed at the extension and opening of our markets and the improvement of our competitiveness.
The political context of the region could not be ,ore appropriate for this type of undertaking. The complete democratisation of the South American subcontinent - an extraordinary process which have not been clearly appreciated from the outside because of similar processes in other regions - was complemented by the establishment of governments with reform agendas and a modern and dynamic vision of international affairs. The Bush initiative for the Americas proposes a positive road for co-operation between the United States and Latin America. Uruguay is prepared to take that path in the certainty that ,ore equitable relations can be established in the hemisphere through the dialogue that the initiative proposes.
But the efforts of one country would be sterile if the world economic contest were to remain unfavourable. The General Assembly recognised the impact of external factors on the developing efforts of each individual country when it stated that the international community is responsible for supporting the efforts of developing countries towards the solution of their economic and social problems by creating a favourable international environment. Undoubtedly, no economic environment is favourable when the participation of developing countries in world trade is hindered by subsidies, restrictions and protectionism, when a large number of Latin American and African countries face an overwhelming foreign debt, when foreign investment has retreated and when the fluctuating, and usually decreasing, price of commodities is unpredictable. Perhaps the clearest example of the contradictious in today's international panorama is the massive transfer of resources from the countries that most need capital towards the industrialised countries. This fact stifles all possibilities of growth.
None the less, some encouraging signs can be seen in this hazy panorama. Creditor countries, for instance, have accepted shared responsibility and have recognised that the debt is not merely a financial problem, but also a political one. The issue of foreign debt weighs heavily on many developing countries. Uruguay, in spite of having unfailingly paid its obligations, is no exception.
The world requires a change of attitude on the part of the industrialised countries towards the prevailing international economic order. They hold the key to trade, technology and investments, and consequently it is they who are in a position to facilitate a more equitable incorporation of the developing countries into the world economic system. We are not asking for favours. Developing countries are not a group of beggars; nor do we ask for charity. What we do request is the opening of markets to our products, fair prices, technological co-operation and investment on fair terms.
Pour years ago the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) launched the Uruguay Bound to face the critical problems that affect international trade. Two years later, the objectives of the Bound were ratified in Montreal during a mid-term evaluation.
Last July, however, at the meeting of the Trade Negotiations Committee, the highest body of the Bound, over which I had the honour to preside, the results were not encouraging. The present status of the negotiations is marked by slow progress and stagnation in highly sensitive areas. If this situation remains unchanged, we shall go to the final meeting of the Bound, which is to be held in Brussels nest December, with partial and insufficient results.
This is deemed unacceptable by the developing countries which stated that the principal industrialised countries did not facilitate negotiations by maintaining their inflexibility on many topics, among which ray delegation wishes to place particular emphasis on access to markets and agriculture.
This sector is crucially important for Uruguay. The Cairns Group - of which we are members - has already expressed its conviction that the Round will not succeed unless satisfactory agreements are reached on agricultural matters. This is the position of Uruguay as well. If agricultural negotiations do not succeed, the whole Round will fail. We have no choice. The results of the Round must be consistent with the Declaration of Punta del Seste by which it was launched and through which its objectives were established.
This process must be clear and based on a multilateral consensus that allows for a more equitable commercial system. Uruguay will continue to work towards the ultimate achievement of these goals.
Peace is built day by day. It is built from deep in the hearts of men to become a reality in the life of nations. How could it be built then without first promoting the human being his essential rights his dignity and values? How can we expect to build peace if human rights and the rights of people are not respected? Therein resides the very origin of every upheaval and of any lack of peace. Respect for and promotion of human rights is therefore the inevitable foundation for peace.
As long as somewhere in the world there is no full respect for the dignity of men and women, flesh and blood, body and soul - the main protagonists of the world and its history - as long as apartheid persists as long as racism persists in its true and accurate sense without misleadingly stretching its meaning either historically or politically as long as persecution and discrimination exist as long as political rights are not recognised and enforced and as long as free and periodic elections are not held, it will be impossible to promote the development of man, and economic, social and cultural development will be inconsistent.
I should like to pay a tribute to the work done by the Secretary-General, an eminent Latin American citizen with whom I recently had the honour of co-operating as his Special Representative for the question of Western Sahara. His work during this last year - brilliantly set forth in his report to the General Assembly - has made a remarkable contribution to international peace and security. His work has already obtained successful results in some cases. In others, it has cleared the way by pointing out the applicable principles and criteria for the just and peaceful settlement of conflicts.
In his inaugural address President Lacalle defined today's world in the following words.
"The world we face today is a world in ferment, a world of change and renewal. Its main characteristic, its motive force, lies in the freedom of the individual and the independence of nations, two terns of the eternal equation of history."
This changing world presents challenges of great historic significance to the United Nations.
The General Assembly held a successful session last year under the presidency of the Ambassador of Nigeria, Joseph Garba, whom it is now my pleasure to congratulate on the performance of his task. This year we must take decisions on many subjects that are as complex as they are important, at a time of serious challenges that call for immediate solutions. The fact that you, Mr. President, have been elected to guide our debates lets us anticipate another successful session. We know your intellectual capacity, your awareness of the international situation, which, together with your sense of justice and your skills in conciliation, will I am sure, enable you to guide our work to a successful conclusion.
In the name of my Government, I congratulate you and wish you every success.


On behalf of the Government and the people of Suriname, I bring you greetings as well as congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session.
Your diplomatic skills and insight into international affairs are well known and, indeed, widely respected. We are therefore pleased to see you in this high office and offer you our full support.
We should also like to express; our appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Joseph Garba, for the skilful and knowledgeable manner in which he carried out the functions of the presidency during the previous session.
Furthermore, I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Javier Peres de Cuellar, who ones again put forth his best efforts in the performance of his tasks. We are facing an endless stream of problems, not least of which is the present situation in the Gulf region, and he meets those challenges with diplomatic tact and skill, patience and wisdom.
My delegation would like at this time to evil itself of this opportunity to bid a hearty welcome to the newest Member of our family of nations the principality of Liechtenstein. We look forward to developing and maintaining fruitful relations with this sinter nation.
It is gratifying that in a time of great changes the United Nations is resolutely carrying out its mandate and continuing to demonstrate its usefulness and importance as a legitimate vehicle for the preservation and consolidation of peace and security in the world.
It is the impartiality of the United Nations, its ability to take all legitimate interests into account, that makes it the most focal and appropriate institution for making and keeping peace.
The United Nations system, which was established on the foundation of a legal system of civilised international coexistence, has much too often been involved in achieving peace in the face of the hard reality of the balance of power and of international law and justice.
If the 45 years of existence of this Organisation has taught us anything, it is that the United Nations is a durable and highly viable organisation and that the vision of the founding fathers was far-sighted. Now that the United Nations Charter has been fully recognised as a valid and essential guide, we cherish the hope that it can meet the challenges of the 1990s and beyond.
Two years ago I already had the pleasure of informing the Assembly about the new phase Suriname had entered into as a consequence of the genuine desire of the Surinamese people for democracy. But then it was already clear that the transformation of the political and social order would not be an easy task. In fact, diverging interests in society have been impeding the realization of the objectives set by the Government for this phase of the democratization process, in which prime consideration is given to the strengthening of a common awareness, a general societal participation and a national consensus in the interest of a sustained national development.
My Government was pleased to find that in the community a number of initiatives were being taken aimed at promoting the essential national harmony, so to respond by initiating national dialogue as a constructive consensus mechanism. This mechanism, which embodies the mobilization of all social groups, should offer possibilities to work out strategies and to discuss the implementation of programmes aimed at the realisation of our national development.
We do realise that this national development should take place within a specific institutional political and legal framework which is applicable to the entire territory and which promotes national stability, peace and security. It is obvious that without sustained national economic and social development all our efforts to reinstate and promote a constitutional democracy will be in vain. Therefore, we are convinced that our endeavours should be directed towards forging the national consensus I mentioned earlier and towards overcoming the present economic impediments.
With its vast maritime area and hinterland and its abundant natural resources, Suriname has the physical basis to provide its population with an adequate living standard. However, the present social and economic conditions in the country have a negative impact on the full utilization of its natural potentials. Of course, we are convinced that no responsible Government can, for whatever reason, simply brush aside sound expert advice with regard to the internal causes of declining productivity and increasing inflation. Indeed, my Government has seriously embarked on the national preparation of a carefully considered programme, inspired by the need both for adjustment and for stability.
We draw justification for our caution from a review of the results of adjustments which have been introduced in some countries and have had serious effects on the stability of democratic processes. Therefore, when external economic and political pressure is exerted in defiance of solemn commitments sealed in a treaty and in disregard of the historically determined complexity of our society, we do perceive not only a deviation from formal lofty principles, but also an unwarranted attempt to interfere in the decision-making process in our society.
I am well aware that my country's problems, which I have just briefly touched upon, are not unique and apply to other countries as well. This is just one illustration of the adverse tendency in international economic relations, which is characterized by an ever-increasing gap between the industrialised North and the developing countries that are faced with increased dependency on foreign development-financing and the steadily growing impoverishment of their populations.
Many of these developing countries have ceased to grow in per capita terms, and phenomena such as poverty, misery, malnutrition and even hunger are becoming more and more a common concern of many of these countries. In most developing countries, immense human deprivation persists: 1 billion people live in absolute poverty and 900 million receive no education, while 14 million children die every year before the age of five.
During the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly,  in April, representatives of various countries from the North and the South expressed their increasing disappointment with the results of the development strategy planned for the 1980s. The expression "lost decade" strikingly illustrates the enormous disillusion with regard to the economic position of the developing countries, despite the immense technological changes and dynamic growth that characterised the development of the rich countries.
There is a growing awareness that our world is one of interdependent relationships, and that developments in one part of the world unavoidably affect other parts. Against this background it is not acceptable that islands of profusion and wealth exist in the midst of an ocean of scarcity and poverty. To reduce this gap between the rich and the poor countries it is desirable that urgent and effective measures be taken, such as the transfer of technology, the solution of the external-debt problem, access to the world trade market and adequate external financing. In this respect, my delegation hopes that the adoption of the new programme of action by the second Paris Conference on Least Developed Countries will indeed contribute to redressing the deterioration in the majority of developing countries.
More than ever before the central role of the human factor in the development process has to be recognised. Health, nutrition, housing, population policies and other social services are a key to improving both individual welfare and successful development. Education and training, which must be available to all, are essential for improving the quality of human resources and for sustaining economic growth.
The present international situation has, after the fundamental global changes that took place at the end of the decade, entered a new era. Some of the key assumptions, as well as structures and attitudes based on policies and concepts of the cold-war era, have become obsolete and are no longer adequate to serve the needs and imperatives of today. The end of the cold war and the end of the East-West confrontation now allow far cost savings through disarmament, which, in turn, can translate into more resources for development programmes in the developing countries.
Along with the positive changes that have occurred in many parts of the world, the current turmoil and explosive situation in the Gulf region demonstrates however that relaxation of tension between the two main Powers has not embraced all areas of international relations nor has it led to a solution of one of the key international issues.
The developments in the Gulf region have not only altered the balance of power in that region, but have also altered the balance of supply and demand in the world oil market. These events have already had a tremendous effect on the economies of many developing countries, especially the non-oil-producing ones.
The Government of Suriname condemns the invasion of Kuwait and supports Security Council resolutions 660 (1990) and 661 (1990). Ha underline the principles of good-neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States and the inadmissibility of any attempt to change a country's system of government by force.
The present crisis once again brings into focus the vulnerability of small States in terms both of their security and of their sovereignty, and the need for special regional and international mechanisms addressing potentially dangerous threats to the security and sovereignty of small States, For this reason we urge the Secretary-General to explore ways and means for the facilities to be put in place within the framework of the United Nations Charter. The present crisis also highlights the urgent need for more intensive efforts to be made for the resolution of other crises such as the question of Palestine. In our view a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East problem is not possible without fully taking into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 /1973). Having said this, we feel that a comprehensive lasting and peaceful solution to the Middle East problem should be pursued within the framework of an international  peace conference under the auspices o£ the United Nations and with the participation of all relevant parties.
Improved East-West relations have provided a positive momentum across the full range of areas control and disarmament issues. Although some hopeful bilateral agreements such as the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - IMF Treaty - have been reached and progress has been made in the fields of disarmament and confidence-building Measures, the explosive situation in the Gulf area demonstrates the sombre reality of the areas build-up. Hunan beings are not infallible, so in a strenuous situation even a well-intended decision can result in a miscalculation and lead to a serious threat to mankind, world peace and security; certainly in a situation like the one in the Gulf region, where it has already been proved that some countries do have chemical and nuclear weapons.
Many Member States have time and time again called - without significant results however - upon the international community to negotiate a binding commitment to general and complete disarmament under effective international control. Complete disarmament should include nuclear arms, chemical weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.
The Gulf crisis must have taught us at least one lesson that the proliferation of chemical and nuclear weapons must be definitely and effectively stopped. My delegation is therefore pleased to note that a large part of the work of the Conference on Disarmament at its 1990 session was devoted to the ongoing elaboration of a Multilateral convention on the stockpiling of chemical weapons.
Forces of change have indeed had »any effects and provided a powerful impetus to the struggle against domination such as the movement against apartheid in South Africa. Force, for a long period, has been the main weapon used to suppress the will of the majority of the South African people. There were more than enough weapons at the disposal of the apartheid regime and they did not lack readiness to use them against the oppressed people of South Africa. It is encouraging to note that the authorities in Pretoria have at long last accepted the inevitability of the demise of apartheid and conceded that negotiation is the only way to avoid a dangerous future. Nelson Mandela's triumphant release from prison was dramatic evidence of a changing South Africa.
My Government welcomes the joint declaration of the Government of South Africa and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) of 6 August 1990 and the adoption by consensus of resolution 44/244 on 17 September 1990. We look forward to the time when the phenomenon of apartheid will truly be extinct and a united, non-racial South Africa, based on the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa has joined the Organization.
She winds of change in international understanding have also touched on Cambodia. After many years of conflict and suffering in that country the recent agreement, reached in Jakarta, to form a national council based on the United Nations peace proposal, is a sign that the parties are moving towards a more concrete and hopeful state, clearing the way for a comprehensive and durable solution. We whole-heartedly welcome this agreement and urge the world community to encourage these developments which will offer the Cambodian people new perspectives for peace, stability and security.
The prevailing level of international understanding is also having its beneficial impact on the problem of the Korean peninsula. The praiseworthy initiative of the leaders of the two States in arriving at a negotiated settlement deserves the support and encouragement of the world community. The Government of Suriname supports the aspirations of the South Korean Government to become a Member of the Organisation, as it is not unfavourably disposed towards separate membership of the two States involved in anticipation of the unification of the Korean people.
The developments in Central America have now reached a stage which nurtures hope for a durable peace in the region but it is necessary to secure stability through progress in economic and social development.
Suriname follows with great interest the preparations for the forthcoming elections in the Republic of Haiti. We cherish the hope that the electoral process will take place in a peaceful way, offering the Haitian people new hope to decide their own destiny. The nature and scope of global environmental problems are now widely known. Suriname is ready to contribute to a solution of these problems by preserving a substantial part of its rain forest. To this end, however, we have to overcome some obstacles. Our existing institutional framework regarding environmental policy has to be strengthened and supplemented while supplementary laws and regulations on the environment need to be enacted.
At the regional level/ Suriname has actively played its part in this regard within the context of the Treaty of Amazonian Co-operation.
We do hope that, during the upcoming discussions at regional and international levels, agreement will be reached with respect to solutions of problems related to the destruction of the environment.
During the seventeenth special session, held in February this year, the General Assembly adopted by consensus a Political Declaration and a Global Programme of Action regarding the problem of illicit drug trafficking and drug abuse. During that session, practically all States and different organizations paid great attention to this problem and its negative effects.
My Government has already taken measures at the national, bilateral and multilateral levels to prevent, curb and eradicate the illegal production, consumption and trafficking of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. We realise, though, that much remains to be done.
I am taking this opportunity to pay a tribute to the United Nations for its constructive work in this field.
The diplomatic activity pursued by the international community over many years through the United Nations has at last begun to bear fruit. This, among other matters, is mainly due to an international climate in which tensions have been eased by markedly improved relations between the two major Powers.
The international community is rediscovering the usefulness and indispensability of multilateralism. It has been given new opportunities actively to perform its task of maintenance of international peace and security. The United Nations and its principal organs are beginning to live up to the high expectations of the world community.
However, this somewhat idyllic portrayal of the changes in international political relations must not lead us to overlook the sources of international conflict that keep darkening the sky,, such as world poverty, the debt problem, environmental destruction, the rampant drug problem and the injustices that mark international economic relations. These sources, plus the recent conflict that has arisen in the Gulf region which threatens world peace, have proved clearly that expected benefits of an improved political climate are neither automatic nor balanced.
World history has shown time and again that the propensity of certain States to take unilateral action in order to further their national interests has been the greatest threat to international security because it has led to tensions, conflict and the use of military force.
The current complex and contradictory international situation makes it necessary that the peace-keeping potential of multilateralism be exploited to the fullest for the benefit of all mankind.


Sir, it is with great pleasure that I convey to you, an islander like ourselves, the warm congratulations of the people and Government of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros upon your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. We are confident that your outstanding diplomatic qualities will ensure the full success of our work. I should also like to convey our gratitude to Mr. Joseph Garba for the competent manner in which he carried out his tasks at our last session.
I should like also to pay a very sincere tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, for his patient efforts, courage and perseverance in the service of peace, which is the principal objective of our Organisation. His sense of responsibility, his accessibility and his tireless will to work for the progress of mankind and for greater solidarity in the international community are qualities that deserve our gratitude.
If the credibility of the actions of the various organs of the United Nations and the confidence of the international community have greatly increased during these last months, our task, none the less, remains immense. The reduction of tension between the super-Powers, the end of the confrontation of blocs and of the East-West antagonism had offered the hope that solutions would be found to the conflicts in the world. The collapse of the Berlin Hall, a symbol of the cold war, the rebirth of democracy in Eastern Europe and the beginning of multiparty systems in Africa had given us hope for a better future. Unfortunately, the onslaught of Iraq in the Gulf on 2 August has put a halt to the euphoria that existed in the international community. Today, there is indignation and we deeply grieve over Iraq's invasion of the State of Kuwait. The negation of the existence of a sovereign State, its occupation and the encroachment upon its territorial integrity are flagrant violations of international law. They are acts that run counter to the fundamental principles of the Charter of our Organization.
Concerned for the preservation of peace in that part of the world, which has so often been the scene of fratricidal wars, the Government of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, at the Islamic Conference in Cairo, which occurred two days after the onslaught by the armed forces of Iraq, was one of the first Governments to condemn the invasion of Kuwait.
Our country approves the courageous resolutions adopted unanimously by the Security Council. Only the unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and the recovery by Kuwait of its sovereignty and territorial integrity will open the way to a peaceful solution. It is for that reason that here, on behalf of the Government and people of the Comoros, in the name of the principles of Islam and brotherhood, I solemnly appeal to our Iraqi brothers to withdraw their forces from Kuwait and bring about the settlement of the conflict by peaceful means,
The stormy winds that are blowing at this time have, in any case, brought about the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and the final settlement of eight years of war between Iran and Iraq. For the first time in its history, the Security Council has managed to carry out its responsibility with the unanimous agreement of its five permanent members. That is an extremely encouraging event, one which greatly enhances the credibility of the United Nations. For small countries such as ours, which do not have armies capable of preventing aggression against us, the decisive measures adopted by the Security Council are more than merely reassuring.
The Council, on behalf of the international community as a whole, has reacted clearly and unambiguously to as, unjustified act of aggression against a Member State. In this new context the delegation of the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros can only express the sincere hope that the cohesion and new spirit of co-operation shown by the five permanent members of the Security Council will continue. What would happen if all this was only temporary opportunism and not the expression of a well-thought-out and lasting will motivated solely by the desire for the maintenance of the peace and security of the entire international community? Let us hope that, on the contrary, our Organization and mankind as a whole are witnessing the emergence of a new era in which international law will definitively prevail over force.
Does not this unanimity about the invasion of Kuwait give us, by the same token, new hope with regard to another conflict with which the Assembly has been regularly dealing for decades, namely, the Palestinian problem, the problem of another people expelled by force from its country? We Comorians are profoundly concerned by the persistence of the crisis in the Hear East. It too is the direct result of the brutality unjustly suffered by our Palestinian brothers. Our position on this question has never varied: we unreservedly support the struggle for the restoration of their inalienable right to self-determination, independence and freedom. The international community must no longer accept two sets of weights and measures: the suffering of the Palestinian people deserves our full attention, and the same just severity must be shown in regard to Israeli behaviour in the occupied territories. That is why we reaffirm our adherence to the convening in the near future of an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Fortunately, despite these upheavals, solutions have been found to certain painful conflicts - Namibia provides proof of that. In this context, on behalf of the Government and people of the Comoros I welcome the Namibian delegation, which like that of Liechtenstein, is participating in the General Assembly for the first time as the representative of a full-fledged Member State.
The liberation of Namibia marks the success of a people's struggle for its fundamental right to sovereignty. This victory is also a victory for the Organisation and is thus our own victory, and I should like to congratulate most particularly the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, on the efforts h, constantly exerted during that country's independence process. Today free Namibia is involved in a new struggle which is just as crucial - the struggle against underdevelopment and poverty. We hope that the international community will lend its support to Namibia in facing this challenge.
Now, then, can we fail to welcome again here the freeing of Nelson Mandela and the lifting of the ban in South Africa on the liberation movements - measures that are the forerunners of the dismantling we all desire of the hateful and inhuman apartheid system. Since President De Klerk seems to be sincere in the efforts he is exerting to find a peaceful solution to a problem which for more than 40 years has aroused criticism and condemnation of his country, we must give him encouragement until apartheid is totally abolished and a multiracial South African society emerges.
Still on the subject of Africa, how can one fail to hope for an end to the fratricidal struggles which have led to so much bloodshed and have spoiled so many lives? I am thinking here particularly of Liberia. Cambodia, on which
negotiations have now reached a decisive stage, which we are happy to welcome certainly provides an example of the settlement of such conflicts.
The Comoros Government is also following with interest the developments on the Korean question. We hope that the high-level contacts which have taken place recently between representatives of North Korea and of South Korea will be reflected in better mutual understanding and will create the necessary conditions for a peaceful settlement of that problem. In accordance with the principle of universality, which is one of the fundamental features of the United Nations, we support the aspiration of the Korean people to become a Member of the United Nations and thereby contribute to the strengthening of international peace, security and co-operation.
A less violent but no less crucial problem has faced us Comorians for more than 15 years now: the question of Mayotte. We cannot fail to refer to the problem of this Comorian island, which indeed will be discussed very soon in the Assembly. For 15 years now we have been repeatedly and very objectively setting forth to the Assembly the facts on this territorial dispute which pits Comoros against France. Today, I wish to express again the determination of our President, Said Mohamed Djohar, and his coalition Government to spare no effort to bring about the reintegration of the island of Mayotte into its Comorian family. Firmly convinced of the justice of the claim to this part of our territory, the Government and the people of the Comoros are none the less open to all avenues that might lead to a peaceful settlement through the simple application of international law.
Is it not unfortunate that the political detente between West and East has not yet given rise to economic détente between North and South? Indeed, international economic relations are still very unfair and impose on the weakest numerous burdens that are increasingly unbearable. The hope that the benefits expected from the growth of worst economic output would, through the trickle-down effect, benefit the poorer countries also, has not been realized. Given today's trends, one cannot rule out the possibility that the situation will continue to deteriorate. In such circumstances it is all the more urgent co establish increased international economic co-operation, based on the reality of the growing interdependence between national economies.
It is very important that the developed countries and the poorer countries mobilize their efforts so as to be able, in a spirit of real solidarity, to find new solutions, not only to the problem of indebtedness, which ravages the economies of the third-world countries, but also to all other problems that hinder progress towards development. It is time to put an end to pious hopes and kind words and get down to action.
As regards the resurgence of our economies, we should like to be certain that the specific measures adopted at the last special session of the General Assembly devoted to international co-operation, and those adopted at the second Paris Conference on the Least Developed Countries, really will be implemented so that we may be helped to break out of the vicious circle in which we now find ourselves because of the fluctuations in commodity prices, the constant deterioration of terms of trade, the strengthening of protectionism, the general contraction of the flow of financial resources to the poor countries, and the burden of debt repayment.
The problem of indebtedness, which emerged in nearly all the poor countries in the early 1980e, has now spread, and it fuels a persistent crisis, which hinders expansion, disturbs social order and increasingly threatens the political stability of poor countries. Despite constant strong efforts at adjustment and rescheduling operations, the current international financial and monetary system makes it virtually impossible for the poor countries to deal with this burden. Of course, specific measures have recently been adopted by certain States and certain institutions to alleviate the debt of the least developed countries. In this connection, we express our profound gratitude to those States, particularly France, for the gesture of solidarity that has led to the writing off of Comorian debt. But is this enough to ensure that the objectives of justice, which all of us claim to pursue, will be attained? Is it enough to reverse the violence inflicted on the weakest by extreme poverty? Are nations not yet sufficiently convinced that, once again, those moat disinherited would be the first victims of today's crisis in the Gulf? What choice, what weapons, will be offered to us so that we may escape?
We realise that the improvement of our national economy calls for a greater opening-up of our country, in spite of the aggravation of the international context after the emergence of new centres of interest to the rich countries in the Committee on Aid for Development. For now the development of South-South co-operation is becoming a pressing duty that we may ensure that the effects of development aid are reinforced. That is why we have chosen a policy of solidarity and regional integration as an effective tool of progress. Our entry, in 1986, into the Indian Ocean Commission demonstrated the importance that the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros attaches to the General Assembly's recommendations on the need for the poor island countries to co-operate on a regional basis in order to be better able to face their own problems. It is in that spirit that the Indian Ocean Commission has adopted a strategy that calls, as a matter of priority, for the strengthening of trade, industrial co-operation, and the improvement of transport and telecommunications. If that objective is to be achieved, the Indian Ocean Commission needs the help of international financial institutions. We therefore appeal to the international community as a whole to lend its active support to our young institution.
On the home front, the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros has been tireless in its efforts since the election of President Said Mohammed Djohar last March. Ever since his investiture he has undertaken to work for a democratic, dynamic and open society and to struggle against corruption so that the economic and financial recovery of our country may be undertaken decisively. It is in that spirit that he entered into a dialogue with people of all political persuasions in the Comoros with a view to an amendment of our Constitution.
One of the priorities in our development strategy is protection of the environment. As Comoros is a small and overpopulated country, our survival depends on protection and on policies designed to prevent soil erosion. We are therefore happy to note that, having for too many decades ignored all the warning signals, the industrialized countries have now begun to be seriously concerned about the environment. For that reason we support fully the proposal for convening the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Brazil in 1992, in the hope that a concrete plan of action will be adopted.
The Earth is our common heritage. All countries bear the responsibility of preserving and protecting our environment, and we should never lose sight of the fact that poverty and environmental degradation are indissolubly linked.
These issues must be dealt with in conformity with the approach taken to the Gulf crisis; that is, any solution has its basis in solidarity by all parties, with complete respect for international law. There is no magic formula: a genuine and sincere commitment by the whole international community is needed more than ever before if the goal of peace, freedom and justice for all is to be achieved.
The Comoros has confidence that our Organization is indeed capable of carrying out this noble task.


I wish, on behalf of my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly. I am pleased to express our confidence in your ability to undertake the very important duties with which you have been entrusted.
I also extend our deep appreciation to His Excellency Major General Joseph H. Garba, President of the General Assembly at the forty-fourth session, for the exemplary manner in which he carried out his difficult task.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines welcomes the admission of the Principality ff Liechtenstein as the 161st member of the United Nations, The entire international community takes great pride that this event which has brought us one step nearer to the achievement of the goal of universal member ship
My government unequivocally supports the call for Iraq's withdrawal from the territory of Kuwait. No small vulnerable country in the United Nations system can be expected to adopt any other stand, and we are fortunate that the United Nations exists to provide a forum for international opinion against plunder to be asserted.
I support the proposal, put forward by President Mitterrand of the Republic of France, that an international conference be called to attempt to settle the outstanding issues of the Middle East. I wish to state that I consider the eloquent presentation by President Mitterrand to be the most lucid advice ever put forward for resolution of the Middle East crisis. We remain convinced that no settlement of the Gulf crisis, which continues to threaten the welfare of all our peoples, can be accomplished without resolving the outstanding issue of a homeland for the Palestinians. We who have represented the landless poor in our own countries know the fervour with which our own people pursue the objective of owning their own land and homes.
The General Assembly, however, should not continue to engage in the credentials controversy on Israel's fight to a place in this Assembly. Vow that the legitimate voice of the Palestinians has recognised Israel's right to exist there should be no challenge to Israel's position in the United Rations or any of its agencies.
But if the United Nations is to maintain its high moral ground on the annexation of Kuwait and endorse all the Security Council resolutions on Iraqi aggression, then Security Council resolution 243 (1967), which concerns the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, should also be observed. The occupation of
Lebanon is similarly reprehensible. We have to be logical and consistent. It is for these reasons that we support the call for an internationally negotiated settlement in the Middle East. To attempt to get around the holding of an international peace conference means that the United Nations system is being used merely as a convenience, to deal with only part of the problem.
A peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis is in the best interests of the international community. War will mean further hardship for the dispossessed in the Middle East itself; provide further cause for the religious terrorists; create untold chaos with respect to inflation in other lands; and in general aggravate social tensions everywhere.
The stalemate in the Gulf cannot be allowed to drift interminably. The sanctions must be meticulously observed, and any variation should be the responsibility of the Sanctions Committee. Let me go further and say that no group of countries should think that any conflict in their area that undermines the international economy will be left entirely to them to settle without the intervention of the international community.
In summary, our humble opinion is that, first, Iraq must withdraw
unconditionally from Kuwait in accordance with Security Council resolution 660 (1990); secondly, sanctions against Iraq must continue, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 661 (1990) and 670 (1990); and, thirdly, an international peace conference on the Middle East should be celled, with the objective of ensuring implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
When I last spoke in this Assembly about the Disarmament Conference I very early put forward the idea that the savings resulting from disarmament should be applied to the environment. I went further and suggested that halting desertification in Africa should be the first such project. This concept has gained currency and I still hope that it will be considered as a principle to be generally endorsed. There is need, however, to ensure greater international co-ordination of the various initiatives being undertaken to address environmental issues. We do not, however, need new agencies. The importance of the environment has led my Government to declare the 19908 as the decade of the environment, and we have been giving this matter the priority it deserves.
In respect of using the peace dividend for environmental purposes, let me add that those who are among the poorer nations in this world have no moral authority to demand any benefits from the lessening of the East-West conflict when an inordinate percentage of their own budgets is dedicated to military expenditure.
The economic and political developments in Eastern Europe reserve the commendation of this Assembly. While the momentum of change is now firmly in the heads of the people of those countries, and similar changes are being pursued in Latin America, South East Asia and the Koreas, none of this would have happened without the brilliant leadership of President Gorbachev. I wish to pay tribute to his vision. Our Caribbean has benefited from his leadership, and we therefore wish to place our appreciation on record.
It is a tragedy that what has been gained by the re-establishment of the pre-eminence of the free market economy and the lessening of East-West tensions should be so critically undermined by the illogical behaviour of Iraq. But again let me assert that the recognition by us of illogical behaviour and the refusal to recognise the weight of international response, indicates that there is essentially a basic conflict between different Modes of thinking. It looks as though our Cartesian heritage in Western civilisation does not equip us to deal with the extravagances of religious fundamentalism in the Middle East, a deep and perilous canyon divides our cultures. We should therefore adopt a posture of standing firm, while at the same time using every possible means of communication, by utilising expertise which can bridge these different methodologies of thinking and so permanently resolve these issues.
My delegation reiterates the solidarity of the Government and people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines with the people of the Republic of Haiti. It is our wish that before long the opportunity will be given to the Haitian people to exercise their sovereign right to choose and to participate freely in the determination of their own destiny without any external interference. We note, however, that while the people of Haiti must ultimately determine their own destiny and that of their country, the support of the international community is a necessary condition for the country's early progress towards democracy and development. We therefore urge the international community and relevant international organisations to increase their technical, economic and financial co-operation with Haiti in order to support its economic and social development efforts.
Changes taking place in several Eastern European nations and Measures aimed at encouraging such changes must contribute to world peace. There is a movement away from outmoded political and economic systems and greater emphasis is being placed on individual liberty, initiative and enterprise.
I wish to congratulate the people of Germany on the historic unification of their country. Important lessons for many of us can be drawn from the German experience, beginning with Germany's well-structured constitution and the discipline of its peoples in the workplace. The interaction of these factors has yielded the surpluses with which to bargain for freedom and has helped to offset the burden of decades of communist misdirection.
We in the Caribbean recognise the need for our political unification and I pray that the day will come when we can request this Assembly to recognise the new statue that should attend our current initiatives.
On the Kampuchean problem, we support all initiatives aimed at achieving a political solution that would ensure respect for the territorial integrity o£ Kampuchea and the right of the Kampuchean people to self-determination. We fully support the recent United Nations peace plan agreed to by the four Cambodian factions for a comprehensive peace settlement. I have seen the desperate conditions of their refugees on the border and congratulate the United Nations on the relief efforts made on their behalf.
Coming nearer home, the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines takes note of the recent developments in Central America and expresses the hope that the peaceful conditions which at present exist will become a permanent feature of the entire subregion. It is our hope that these favourable conditions will facilitate the early return of refugees and displaced persons to their countries of origin so that they may participate in the orderly reconstruction of the subregion.
I wish to conclude by congratulating the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, on the excellent job he is doing to ensure that the objectives of the United Nations are honoured.


I join the speakers who have preceded me in congratulating you, Sir, on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. We are living in critical times characterised by revolutionary changes in world politics. My delegation is therefore pleased that a seasoned and well-respected leader is guiding the work of this Assembly, We have no doubt that, given your vast experience in international affairs, you will steer our deliberations to a successful conclusion.

Your predecessor, Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria, presided over the last session with exemplary seal at a time of unprecedented developments, particularly in Eastern Europe and southern Africa. Indeed, the world witnessed during his tenure of office the successful implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), leading to the independence of Namibia. We commend him most sincerely for his tireless efforts in the promotion of global peace.
It is with great pride that my delegation welcomes the Republic of Namibia as a Member of the United Nations. We are happy that the independence of Namibia has closed the sad chapter of colonialism on the continent of Africa.

My delegation is also delighted to welcome in our midst the Principality of Liechtenstein. Liechtenstein's admission to the world body brings us a step closer towards the realisation of the goal of universality.

I also wish to take this opportunity to express our profound gratitude to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for the commendable efforts he continues to make in the promotion of international peace and security.

Since we last met to review the complex issues confronting the world, a number of events have come to pass. Of these, the most important is, of course, the welcome improvement in the relations between the super-Powers, resulting in the end of the cold-war era and in the emergence of a process towards the elimination of hotbeds of tension in the world.

Forty-five years ago the founding fathers of our Organisation envisioned a world in which peace and security would be preserved through international co-operation and understanding. With the end of the cold war, mankind has, for the first time since the end of the Second World War, an opportunity to bring about the realisation of that vision through the abolition of nuclear and chemical weapons and the reduction of conventional weapons throughout the world.

Against this background, my delegation welcomes the recent positive achievements in the area of arms control and disarmament. In this regard, the agreement to eliminate a class of nuclear weapons, which was signed between the Soviet Union and the United States in 1987, represents an important corner-stone and a good beginning. Since then, efforts aimed at a reduction in strategic missiles have continued. We look forward to an agreement on a treaty on strategic missiles, which we hope will be signed soon. The ultimate goal, however, remains the eventual complete elimination of all weapons of mass destruction from the face of the Earth. To achieve that goal, there has to be a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty, which will forbid improvements in weapon systems of mass destruction. We have also welcomed the continuing efforts aimed at the projected destruction of stockpiles of chemical weapons, and we call for a total ban on the manufacture of those destructive weapons.

We have followed with great interest the negotiation in Vienna on the reduction of conventional weapons in Europe. We welcome the progress made and we congratulate those involved in the negotiations.

Let me now turn to southern Africa. The front-line States continue to follow events in South Africa with keen interest and some concern. While we have welcomed the "talks about talks" between the African National Congress of South Africa and the Government, which have resulted in the Groote Schuur end Pretoria Minutes, we remain concerned about the increase in violence in black townships in recent times, which has led to great loss of life and property.
We reaffirm our call on the Government of South Africa to end without further delay the ongoing violence in townships and deal with those who are behind it. At the same time we urge all anti-apartheid organisations in South Africa to demonstrate unity of purpose against their common enemy, the apartheid system itself.

The international community has a binding responsibility to ensure that apartheid is eradicated. The Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa we adopted by consensus last December remains a blueprint for establishing a climate conducive to negotiations leading to the ultimate elimination of apartheid.

We are delighted that the Assembly continues to remain unanimous in its conclusions that the measures taken thus far by the South African regime do not constitute profound and irreversible change, as called for in the Declaration, and that therefore this 'ί not the time to relax the existing sanctions against South Africa. Our judgement remains that the oppressed people of South Africa, which the sanctions were intended to support in their struggle against apartheid, are the best judges of how and when the sanctions should be removed.

In Angola talks between the government and UNITA aimed at a peaceful solution for the conflict in that country are under way. We appeal to those external Powers aiding UMITA to stop such assistance so that negotiations can take place in an atmosphere free of violence. Similarly, in Mozambique the peace initiatives of the government should be encouraged and supported. In both Angola and Mozambique, millions of people have been displaced by the wars imposed on those countries from outside. As a result, many children, women and old people continue to suffer from the effects of destabilisation. We appeal to the international community to extend humanitarian assistance to both Angola and Mozambique.

The front-line States and the other neighbouring States in southern Africa, which have suffered great devastation in both human and material terms at the hands of the apartheid regime, also need international assistance to enable them to rebuild their economies. Indeed, South Africa's policy of destabilisation against neighbouring States through the use of its proxies continues unabated. In the case of own country, the activities of the RENAMO bandits are on the increase, suffering in great loss of life and property. The most recent case took place on 20 September 1990 in the Eastern Province of Zambia, in which an ambush by BEHAMO resulted in the death of 10 Zambians and the destruction of several vehicles. It is against this background that we reiterate our call for increased assistance to the affected countries to rebuild their economies as called for in the declaration.

We are saddened by the civil war in Liberia, which has brought about untold suffering among innocent civilians. We appeal to the international community to send urgent humanitarian assistance to the people of Liberia to alleviate their suffering. We welcome the regional initiative taken by the countries members of the Economic Community of West African States (BCOHAS) in helping to bring peace to Liberia.
In Western Sahara, we commend the efforts of the Secretary-General as well as of the current Chairman of the Organisation of African Unity tot their continuing efforts towards the holding of a referendum for self-determination.
With regard to Cambodia, we welcome the unity of purpose displayed by the Cambodian people that has resulted is the formation of the Supreme national Council. We commend the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for their contribution to this development. We look forward to a peaceful transition within the framework of the plan by the five permanent members of the Security Council.
Zambia congratulates the people of Yemen for the historic decision to merge their divided country into a single republic.
In Korea, we welcome the talks by the Prime Ministers of the two countries. We hope that this interaction will lead to the realization of the aspirations of the Korean people to achieve unity through peaceful means. In the same spirit, Zambia warmly welcomes the reunification of Germany.
In Afghanistan, it remains our hope that recent talks between the United States and the Soviet Union will pave the way to the achievement of a lasting peace in that troubled country.
In the case of Cyprus, we note with regret that, despite the efforts of the international community to find a solution to the problems of that country, there appears to be little progress in that regard. We therefore appeal to the Secretary-General to persevere in his efforts to resolve the crisis and urge the parties concerned to co-operate with him.
In Central America, we are gladly witnessing a transformation from conflict to an unprecedented atmosphere of national and regional reconciliation. We hope that this process will ultimately lead to lasting regional peace, stability and development.
We view the recent event, in the Gulf region with great concern. Zambia maintain· good relations with both Kuwait and Iraq, which are fellow members of the Mon-Aligned Movement. In the context of our friendly relations with both of them, we have called on Iraq to withdraw its forces from Kuwait in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions and urged both countries to resolve any outstanding differences between then through negotiations.
The Gulf crisis has given rise to many ramifications. One of these is the apparent relegation to the background of the question of Palestine. The plight of the Palestinians, of which this Assembly has been seized since 1948, must be addressed with the same ferocity and determination as is being shown in the case of the Gulf crisis. It should be remembered that there will be no real peace in the Middle East until the rights of the Palestinian people are justly addressed.
Zambia continues to believe that an international conference should be convened under the auspices of the United Nations at which all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PL0), should be represented. This is the only way the concerns of Israel, the PLO and the rest of the Arab nations can be addressed.
Secondly, the Gulf crisis has given rise to serious economic and financial problems. I am referring, for example, to the loss of revenue suffered by those countries that are close to the region and that are required by the international community to participate in the enforcement of the sanctions. The international community is making efforts to minimise the financial losses suffered by these countries. However, nothing so far is being done to assist them, especially the oil-importing countries in Africa, whose external positions have been adversely affected by the escalation in oil prices.
I wish to take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to come to the assistance of those countries, including Zambia, whose economies are being seriously disrupted as a result of the Gulf crisis.
The third aspect of the Gulf crisis relates to policy and, in particular, to the enforcement of Security Council resolutions. Since the beginning of the Gulf crisis, much has been said in this Assembly and in the Security Council itself about the principle of the inadmissibility of acquiring territory by force. This, of course, is a cardinal principle in international relations, and we in Zambia subscribe fully to it. We do believe, however, that this noble principle should be universally applied whereas it is of course within the competence of the United Nations to demand that one country should withdraw its forces from another, whose territory it is occupying vi et armis, that demand should apply equally to all countries whose forces are illegally occupying the territories of others. It is only in this way that double standards will be avoided and confidence in our Organisation enhanced.
Let me touch now on a number of economic and social issues. The reduction in ideological tensions and the resultant improved atmosphere for political discourse are providing us with a unique opportunity now and in the coming decades to bring the pressing issue of economic co-operation to the top of the global agenda. For many years now, this question has lingered unresolved and, as a result, economic growth and development have not been attained worldwide. On the contrary, the position of developing countries, especially in Africa, has continued to worsen.
Innovation, far-sightedness, imagination and statesmanship are needed to resolve the question of economic relations, especially those between North and South. The status quo cannot be consolidated any further without risking global instability. Problems such as the net transfer of financial resources from the developing countries, which amounted to $26 billion last year, simply cannot continue without destroying the basis for future co-operation.
Recent innovations and initiatives in respect of the external debt crisis, which has been with us since 1982, offer some hope. The Toronto summit initiative, the Brady strategy and the recent British and French initiatives come to mind here. But for many countries that are affected, more requires to be done to mobilise resources for investment which will enable then to grow out of the debt problem.
One aspect of the debt crisis is that an increasing number of low-income countries are finding themselves owing much of their debt to multilateral financial institutions. The burden of servicing the debts owed these preferred creditors has become inconsistent with resumed growth and creditworthiness, and is an issue which requires additional and new solutions.
The field of trade policy is full of uncertainties as to what direction the international trading system will take. Experts advise us that the results of the Uruguay Round will be modest if the current mood surrounding the negotiations prevails. The positions of developed countries on the issues of subsidies, tariffs, quantitative restrictions and other non-tariff barriers exhibit an unwillingness on their part to establish new rules of trade within the principle of free trade.
Issues pertaining to the environment and development have acquired especial importance, and deserve global recognition. Indeed, this is as it should be. It is heartening to note the common commitment to the preservation of our environment, which it manifesting itself in a new spirit of international co-operation. In this regard, we in Zambia look forward with keen interest to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development.
The irresistible interest of the international community in the issues of human rights and democracy and in their relation to questions of economic development signifies a deep-rooted desire for human progress to be anchored in justice, equity and self-sustainability. Zambia welcomes this growing interest. The record of human rights and democracy in Zambia is true to the ideals of social justice and fair play. The Zambian Government is keen to respond to the democratic aspirations of all the people of Zambia, and works relentlessly to maintain this position; our latest move is towards pluralistic politics, which will be used to consolidate our democratic traditions and institutions.
However, there are some odd notions, on the issues of human rights and democracy, which need to be discarded by the international community. There is a need, for example, to discard the tendency to think that a few countries are the pillars of human rights and democracy and that all the others must be measured by how close they come to the likeness of those few countries. The diverse cultures and history of the human race, which was bred and is sustained in circumstances that are in no way uniform, should be sufficient impetus for en early demise of such notions. What is required is for each country to develop institutions and structures that are appropriate to its own experience and reflect the needs and wishes of its people.
The insidious scourge of drugs leaves no room for complacency. International co-operation against the illicit production, supply, trafficking and distribution of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, and against the demand for them, must be intensified.
Similarly, the problem of AIDS calls for the international community to evolve more strategies for its containment and eradication. The incidence of the disease is growing and is in many cases threatening the family unit. We need to counter this danger with the degree of activism to be expected from a society threatened with extinction.
Zambia attaches great importance to the welfare of children. In this regard, we welcome the recent adoption by this Assembly of the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of the Child, and of the Plan of Action. Along with the adoption of the Convention on the Sights of the Child and other related instruments, the international community has now firmly established the political and executive frameworks for fostering the emergence of an enabling environment where all our children, and their children, can develop without the violence of neglect, deprivation, abuse and exploitation.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our belief that, given the political will, the States Members of the United Nations can make our Organisation play the important role for which it was created, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security and the promotion of co-operation and understanding between States so as to ensure the success of multilateralism. The world needs peace and economic prosperity.
As we approach the last decade of the twentieth century, let us, in the spirit of the prevailing international political order, work together to enhance collective security in order to ensure a peaceful and stable world for the generations of the next century and beyond.