Allow me
first of all to pay tribute to Mr. Jean Ping, who guided
the work of the fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly with great energy. He had the tremendous
responsibility of negotiating the United Nations
reforms adopted by our heads of State or Government
on Friday, 16 September. We commend him on his
courage, his faith in the future of the United Nations
and the wisdom and vision with which he discharged
his functions.
The tasks facing Mr. Jan Eliasson are inspiring
and crucially important. His presidency marks the
beginning of the implementation phase of the major
decisions taken by our heads of State or Government
on reform. We are grateful to him for focusing the
work of the sixtieth session on this topic.
My delegation has another good reason to be
pleased at seeing Mr. Eliasson presiding over our work:
the importance his country attaches to development
issues and its very sizeable contribution to the efforts
of the international community to eliminate poverty
throughout the world. Our two countries, Benin and
Sweden, successfully co-chaired the General
Assembly’s Open-ended Working Group on an Agenda
for Development. All of this bodes well for this
session.
The eradication of poverty tops the priority list of
the Benin Government. In this context, we negotiated
and adopted, with the Bretton Woods institutions, a
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. Its effective
implementation, jointly with our Government’s plan of
action and our national studies on long-term prospects,
entitled “Benin 2005: ALAFIA”, should set into
motion progress that will bring about the achievement
of the Millennium Development Goals. However, it
will still be necessary for the efforts carried out with
our bilateral and multilateral development partners to
converge to improve the situation in the seven critical
areas for making aid to least developed countries
effective. These are: substantially reducing the external
debt burden of least developed countries so they can
devote greater domestic resources to eliminating
poverty; strengthening institutional capacity to attract
foreign direct investment and develop free enterprise;
diversifying the destinations of foreign direct
investment; promoting public sector/private sector
partnership in least developed countries to promote
rural development; strengthening the impact of
remittances from our diaspora; the promotion of South-
South investment to improve the availability of
products on markets; and, strengthening the potential
of microcredit to eliminate poverty.
We are gratified at the decision taken in
Gleneagles, Scotland, by the Group of Eight (G-8) to
completely cancel the debt of 18 highly indebted poor
countries, 13 of which are least developed countries.
We urgently appeal to donor countries to seriously
consider the possibility of extending the benefit of this
new positive measure to all least developed countries.
The Coordinating Bureau of the Least Developed
Countries, which my country has had the honour of
chairing since 2002, will continue consulting with
12

international financial institutions and development
partners in close cooperation with the High
Representative for the Least Developed Countries,
Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island
Developing States, to bring about meaningful progress
in all these areas. This is the context of the ministerial
conference of the least developed countries on
remittances from migrant workers. The conference will
be held in Cotonou, Benin, in February 2006, not in
October 2005 as originally planned. In the context of
this conference, the 50 least developed countries are
planning to set up an international monitoring body for
funds transfers by migrant workers; it will be open to
all States. We urge all United Nations Member States
to support this initiative, which is intended to
strengthen the impact of these transferred resources on
the development of recipient countries.
In addition to these considerations that directly
affect the least developed countries, there is an urgent
need to promote and give appropriate weight to the
development agenda within the context of multilateral
trade negotiations in the World Trade Organization and
to translate into deeds the firm commitments by the
countries concerned on the elimination of agricultural
subsidies, in particular those for cotton, to which my
country attaches particular importance. Such a measure
would remove a considerable handicap on developing
countries’ efforts to fully take advantage of their
comparative advantages in order to become fully
integrated into the world economy. We reaffirm that it
is indispensable that access to world markets be
coupled with measures to strengthen the supply of
products from developing countries through adequate
support for the local processing of commodities.
No initiative, no measure, no activity and no
decision in the field of development can be successful
without peace. It is of particular concern that, on
essential matters such as disarmament and non-
proliferation of nuclear weapons, the United Nations
cannot forge the required consensus to secure the long-
term survival of our planet in view of the potential for
self-destruction that has built up. These questions
should be considered calmly, with the higher interests
of humankind in mind, setting aside the particular
interest of any country in pursuing some hypothetical
power that would reduce security for each and every
one of us.
Benin has no objection to the peaceful use of
nuclear power to serve the energy needs of the planet,
but it feels that any effort to divert peaceful
programmes to military programmes runs counter to a
vision of collective security based on promoting
disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction.
Our heads of State or Government decided to
confirm the Security Council’s key role as the organ
with primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. We urge all members
of the Assembly to commit themselves to ensuring that
the Security Council is expanded to make it more
representative and better able to counter old and new
threats to international peace and security.
In the 60 years of existence of the United
Nations, the Security Council has with varying degrees
of success, worked to manage and settle armed
conflicts. It has been able to respond to breaches of
international peace and security, but it has not always
been able to take action to stop or reverse events that
have led to an explosion of violence or armed conflict.
Given the loss of human life and the massive
destruction of property as a result of current threats, it
is high time for the Security Council to attach higher
priority to conflict prevention, in the spirit of Article
34 of the Charter, which states that
“The Security Council may investigate any
dispute, or any situation which might lead to
international friction or give rise to a dispute, in
order to determine whether the continuance of the
dispute or situation is likely to endanger the
maintenance of international peace and security”.
If we look at the spirit and the letter of this
provision, the Security Council is definitely competent
to analyse and monitor situations involving the risk of
conflict or a breach of the peace anywhere in the world
and to become actively involved in managing crises
before conflict breaks out or threats materialize. It is in
that light that we must view Security Council
resolution 1625 (2005), adopted at the 14 September
2005 Council summit at the initiative of the three
African members of the Security Council, led by my
country, Benin.
In the context of Security Council reform, the
General Assembly should consider the subject of a
proactive approach and reflect on how to structure
support mechanisms in order to enable the Council to
effectively play its role in the prevention of conflicts
and of threats to international peace and security.
13

Peace remains an invaluable and incalculable
good. We share the concerns expressed recently by the
Secretary-General at the launch of his Alliance of
Civilizations initiative. That constructive initiative
should be made part of the framework of activities to
counter threats to our world, including terrorism,
whose predominant religious ties lend credence to
theories of a clash of civilizations leading to certain
chaos. Benin supports the Alliance of Civilizations
initiative, which aims to restore peace in our hearts and
among religions so that weapons will fall silent and our
peoples will be able to express their aspirations for
peace.
We join the quest for peace of those peoples who
lack peace today. We express our solidarity with
peoples suffering armed conflicts in Africa, the Middle
East, Asia, Latin America and Europe. The
Organization must redouble its efforts to help them
procure national concord, understanding and cohesion.
In that context, we are pursuing a thoroughgoing
campaign against the recruitment and the use of
children in armed conflicts. Now that the Security
Council has adopted its resolution 1612 (2005), the
General Assembly, for its part, should establish an
open-ended working group to consider proposals for
actions to redefine that scourge as a crime against
humanity instead of a war crime. We are counting on
everyone’s support to make that initiative a reality.
In the Middle East, the withdrawal of the
occupying Power from the Gaza Strip and part of the
West Bank brings us closer, fortunately, to our common
vision of an independent State of Palestine living side
by side with the State of Israel within secure and
internationally recognized borders. We believe that the
Quartet’s road map can lead the Israeli and Palestinian
peoples to that goal. We call upon their leaders to
remain committed to the route of peace.
We ask the same of Iraqi leaders and urge them to
spare no effort to ensure that all Iraqi communities
participate in the transition process leading to the
restoration of peace and the strengthening of the
country’s unity. We make the same appeal to
Afghanistan, Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire, among others.
In the same spirit of dialogue, we welcome the
significant progress made in resolving the conflicts of
West Africa through the cooperation between the
United Nations and the Economic Community of West
African States aimed at promoting dynamic
peacebuilding processes for the gradual return of
normality in the countries affected by conflict and for
preventing the spread of conflict, through an
integrated, regional approach.
We invite all Ivorian parties to overcome their
differences of view and give peace and stability a
chance in the West African subregion. The holding of
the International Conference on the Great Lakes
Region and the remarkable success achieved by the
transition processes in the Central African Republic
and Burundi have restored the prospects of the entire
region. We encourage the countries concerned to reach
a regional agreement for peace, security, good
governance and development in the framework of the
second regional summit, to be held in Nairobi, and to
scrupulously implement that agreement in order to
promote peace, stability and prosperity in the region.
Those regional initiatives require enhanced
assistance from the international community if the
transition in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is
to be a success. In that context, Benin intends to pursue
its policy of active participation in peacekeeping
operations. Our country stands ready to increase its
contribution to the international community’s efforts in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo in order to
support the democratic transition process under way.
In East Africa, the United Nations and the
African Union have formed an unprecedented
partnership to restore peace in the Sudan and put an
end to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, in the spirit of
Chapter VIII of the Charter. Such a partnership is
essential also in Somalia. In that context, it is in the
interest of the United Nations to assist the African
Union in establishing and organizing its peacekeeping
capacities, in particular by strengthening the structures
for planning and for training national and subregional
contingents of the African standby force.
Another essential element to which we attach
great importance, and which we hope to see realized
promptly, relates to the decision taken by our heads of
State or Government on the establishment of a standing
police force. The establishment of such a force should
take into consideration the need for linguistic balance
in accordance with short-term and medium-term
deployment needs. The modalities of the force’s
composition should be defined promptly. To that end,
we propose carrying out a rapid evaluation of present
worldwide human resources and of Member States’
14

capacity to train police officers. A rational process in
that area would consist of taking best advantage of
those capacities and giving all Member States an equal
opportunity for participation in the new force.
Beyond peacemaking action, the need to help
countries emerging from armed conflict remain on the
path of peace and overcome the risk of relapse
constitutes a real challenge to which we have
adequately responded through our reflections on the
role of the United Nations. That is the reason behind
the Peacebuilding Commission. The consensus on this
question does honour to the Organization. The
Commission must become operational as soon as
possible to strengthen action to assist countries that
have undertaken particularly difficult democratic
transitions, such as Burundi, the Central African
Republic and Guinea-Bissau, if their Governments
request such assistance.
Countries facing an ongoing state of social
emergency can improve their chances for lasting
stability only if the international community mobilizes
the necessary resources to help restore a minimum of
normality by ensuring that those States can exercise
their sovereign rights in the areas of security and the
provision of essential social services such as health
care, child education, transport and access to financial
resources.
The success of disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration programmes in all their aspects is
decisive for making a peace process irreversible and
for guarding against the risk of the spread of conflict
caused by the dispersion of former combatants that
have not successfully reintegrated into productive civil
society. The international community must ensure that
the reintegration component of those programmes also
receives adequate financing.
In the same context, the Human Rights Council
must take its place in the machinery of the United
Nations. Its mandate, size, structure and operational
procedures must take into account the requirements of
representativity, credibility and effectiveness by
drawing all lessons from the experience and the
practices of the Commission on Human Rights, which
it is intended to replace. In that regard, the new
Council must become the preferred instrument for
identifying cases in which the international community
should exercise its responsibility to protect
populations. In that regard, the Human Rights Council
also has a crucial role to play as an early-warning
structure within the United Nations system and as a
key element of its conflict-prevention machinery.
We cannot conclude without underlining our full
support for the excellent idea of the Government of
Sweden to create a network of heads of State and other
world leaders to monitor effective implementation of
United Nations reform.


Saint Lucia supported
your unanimous election, Sir, to be President of the
General Assembly at its sixtieth session, confident that
your diplomatic skills and experience are just what we
need to ensure a positive outcome of this historic
sixtieth anniversary session. I congratulate you and the
Government and people of Sweden on behalf of the
delegation of Saint Lucia and on my own behalf and
pledge our cooperation to you in our common
endeavour.
My Government and delegation also extend our
thanks to your predecessor in office, His Excellency
Mr. Jean Ping, for his stewardship of the fifty-ninth
session of the General Assembly, charged as it was
with the preparatory work for this sixtieth anniversary.
In these times, when the demands on the United
Nations are significant and increasing, resources
limited and we, the Member States, are called upon to
strengthen our cooperation and keep detractors and
cynics of the Organization at bay, my Government
wishes to express its appreciation to the Secretary-
General for his continuing support for the work of the
United Nations.
In this sixtieth year of the United Nations, our
world is certainly not the prosperous and peaceful one
built on the unity and strength of nations that the
Charter envisaged. Should we conclude, therefore, that
had the United Nations exerted more authoritative
influence in global affairs, our twenty-first century
world would be a better one? Such an assertion seems
plausible in today’s world, replete with poverty and
19

hunger, disease, lack of sustainable development,
human rights violations, terrorism, conflict and war,
glaring inadequacies and a multitude of other grave
problems, including the unfinished agenda on
decolonization.
The record of the United Nations, however, does
not bear out so simplistic an assertion. If we look with
historical retrospection at the Organization’s record, we
see that it has wielded enormous influence over the
years. The challenge that we Member States must take
up at this sixtieth anniversary is to ensure that the
United Nations, the key Organization in global affairs,
has the authority and prestige to anticipate and meet
challenges of the nature and scale we are witnessing in
today’s world.
Development is foremost among the challenges
that Member States have identified for urgent attention
during this sixtieth anniversary. There is logic in this
approach. A significant proportion of the critical
problems that the world faces now and in the future is
intrinsically linked to development. It is for this reason
that heads of State or Government, in their Millennium
Declaration, defined succinctly what must be done to
advance socio-economic development in areas of vital
concern.
As we know, this comprehensive blueprint
underpins the Millennium Development Goals. The
global leadership was sufficiently confident to place
their Goals within specified time frames, understanding
as they did the desperate need for improvement in the
socio-economic conditions in numerous developing
countries.
What will we, the Member States of this United
Nations, say to the people of the developing world
grappling with poverty, hunger, HIV/AIDS and other
deadly diseases, illiteracy, gender discrimination and
other challenges if, by the date set, we have not met the
targets of the Millennium Development Goals? My
Government sees no merit in the discussion as to
whether target dates should have been set. Our
orientation should now be towards accelerating the
pace of implementation so that the Goals can be
accomplished within agreed time frames, or better still
even earlier than the target dates.
The United Nations must also show the people of
the developing world that comprehensive measures are
being taken to address the environment and sustainable
development. Natural disasters of phenomenal
proportions — from Hurricane Ivan in the Caribbean to
the tsunami in Asia and now to Hurricane Katrina in
the southern United States — have brought death and
destruction to developing and developed countries
alike. I take this opportunity on behalf of the
Government and people of Saint Lucia to extend our
sympathy to the Government of the United States for
the tragedy still unfolding in the Gulf Coast states.
Resource-rich developed countries are better
positioned to mitigate the impact of natural disasters,
although they too are not without their challenges. For
developing countries, however, including Saint Lucia
and other small island developing States in the
Caribbean and Pacific, decades of progress can be
obliterated in the course of a few hours by one
hurricane or typhoon. Beyond doubt the environment is
a critical element of the United Nations development
agenda. It is a compelling reason for all to sign on to
the Kyoto Protocol.
It is also in our common interest to meet all the
commitments made in the Monterrey Consensus on
Financing for Development. In many instances,
however, expectations are not being realized.
Developing countries still cannot rely on wide-ranging
development cooperation and assistance and debt
reduction responses that are predictable and reliable.
Needless to say my Government joins in urging the
developed countries that have not already done so to
meet the 0.7 per cent target. We recognize the G-8
initiative to take enhanced measures for Africa’s
development and hope that that initiative would be
speedily implemented.
Related to concern for the development and well-
being of all the world’s people, the Government of
Saint Lucia commends the establishment of the
$1 billion emergency fund to be finalized later this
year, which will enable the Organization to more
quickly and effectively respond to humanitarian crises.
This sixtieth anniversary provides us with yet
another opportunity to give impetus to initiatives to
spread the benefits of globalization and trade
liberalization more widely. Priority must be given to
ensuring that all developing countries benefit from
freer world trade, that a decline in their trade sector be
halted and reversed and that the competition they face
in the world economy be on a level playing field.
I am really tired of saying this — that one size
cannot fit all, an indisputable fact that the World Trade
20

Organization stubbornly refuses to acknowledge with
respect, inter alia, to bananas and sugar in Caribbean
Community and small island developing States.
Indeed, the cause of development would be greatly
enhanced by a positive outcome from the next round of
the Doha trade negotiations scheduled for Hong Kong,
China, in December 2005, and an early and successful
conclusion of the round overall, hopefully in 2006.
Developing countries must be equal partners in
this process, and together with the developed countries
take the decisive action required at the World Trade
Organization.
What my Government seeks to emphasize by
drawing attention to the development imperative is that
the time has come for a paradigm shift in the United
Nations approach to development. For more than a
decade we have, through a series of United Nations
summits and conferences in the economic and social
fields, formulated an agreed framework of a United
Nations development agenda, which includes the
Millennium Development Goals.
To these we have now added the outcome
document of the sixtieth anniversary summit. Are these
courses of action that we have agreed upon to be
regarded as mere platitudes, destined to be relegated to
the archives of the United Nations? The developing
countries have communicated through the Group of 77
and China that the partnership and cooperation of the
countries of the developed world, and indeed all
stakeholders, are urgently needed to accelerate action
and implementation of the United Nations development
agenda. This sixtieth anniversary, we believe, has a
responsibility to launch this process afresh and to carry
out the commitments that we have made in this
development agenda.
A more influential Economic and Social Council
and a United Nations development system that is
strong and cohesive would ensure that the Organization
implements its development mandate effectively.
Making the United Nations responses equal to its
challenges through reform and revitalization was an
important element of our deliberations in the
preparatory process for this sixtieth anniversary.
Let me say that my Government is prepared to
actively work together with other Member States to set
precise and unambiguous mandates for new or
reconstituted bodies, including a Peacebuilding
Commission and Human Rights Council, on the basis
of consensus. It is our considered opinion however that
a credible process of United Nations reform must result
in a strong General Assembly, the Organization’s sole
universal organ from which no Member State can be or
is excluded.
We can ill afford to further erode the General
Assembly’s role and authority, since the Charter
confirms in a practical sense the importance of the
Assembly by the expansive mandate that it has been
given in areas that include the maintenance of
international peace and security. No other organ has
been given such broad responsibilities nor has the
potential to deliver over such a wide range of Charter
ideals. We are also convinced that a strong General
Assembly would enhance the credibility and standing
of the United Nations as a whole. Therefore, the
momentum of General Assembly revitalization must be
maintained, and our efforts in this area must be as
dynamic and flexible as are the forces shaping today’s
world.
Reform of the Security Council has also been a
major preoccupation in the lead up to this sixtieth
anniversary, as it has been for some 12 years. An
indisputable case has been made for the expansion of
the Council to reflect the exponential growth of the
United Nations membership from 51 in 1945 to 191
today. We all know that the obstacle to moving beyond
this point is the diverging and strongly held views
about whether an expanded membership should include
new permanent members. Again this is an issue that
my Government would wish to see resolved by
consensus.
Perhaps this matter might be put into better
perspective if we were to reflect on the role and
function of the United Nations as a whole. Within the
broad range of human endeavours entrusted to the
Organization, the Charter gives the Security Council
one specific, albeit critical, mandate — that is, the
maintenance of international peace and security. My
Government is of the view that it was not intended for
this collective security mandate to be carried out by the
Security Council functioning as an independent and
separate entity, but rather to be carried out in
cooperation with the United Nations as a whole, and
certainly in tandem with the General Assembly, where
all Member States of this Organization have a voice
and a vote. After all, global peace and security concern
all citizens of the world, not just the citizens of those
21

countries who happen at any given time to hold seats
on the Security Council.
For the present, war and conflict loom large, and
this must be of concern to the Council. But we must
hold out hope that we, the Member States of this
Organization, can make its constituent parts — the
General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council,
the development system and other organs and agencies,
and particularly the Security Council — work together
to substantially reduce, if not eliminate, war, conflict
and crises.
We must also ask ourselves, what is the nature of
the membership that the Council requires to implement
its mandate? Far more than any consideration, it is the
commitment — and I underscore the word
“commitment” — of the Council’s membership,
permanent or non-permanent, to enforcing its
decisions — all of them — to responding to situations
that threaten international peace and security wherever
they may arise and to combating the insidious spread
of international terrorism that determines the success
of the Council’s work.
We can no longer posture and bicker while the
people of the world wait, particularly the people of the
developing world, who so desperately need the United
Nations. We must take the historic opportunity that this
sixtieth anniversary presents to set our sights on a
twenty-first century world framed in the ideals
enshrined in the Charter, a world of prosperity, peace
and security, with a strong United Nations at its core.
We need the United Nations. It has the unmitigated
support of the Government and people of Saint Lucia.


I wish at the outset to
congratulate you on your election as President of the
sixtieth session of the United Nations General
Assembly and also for the excellent manner in which
you and your Bureau are steering the work of this
session. I would like to assure you of my delegation’s
full support. I further commend His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan, our Secretary-General, for the
dynamic and sterling leadership of the United Nations.
The theme of this session is germane to the
proposals for reform of the Organization. There is the
imperative of taking stock of its strengths and weaknesses
so that we can create a better future. Within the context of
this theme, the Secretary-General, through his report
entitled “In larger freedom”, has made important
proposals that will make the United Nations more
effective and credible. The proposals aim at enabling the
United Nations to provide the required leadership in the
implementation of the global development agenda and
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
My country, Malawi, has followed closely the
debate on the report. I feel that, from the diverse
opinions that have been expressed, a consensus is
emerging on the need to implement United Nations
reforms and make the Organization respond more
effectively to the challenge of change.
Let me, however, express the view that, in
addition to the reform of the Security Council, there
are other equally important reforms of the United
Nations that are critical to the realization of the global
development agenda. I will turn to these later. For the
moment, it is critical that we remain focused so that all
elements of the reform receive our undivided attention.
Mr. President, let me assure you that Malawi
appreciates the role played by the international
community and the United Nations in the efforts to
eradicate poverty and promote development and
prosperity for all. The just-ended High-level Plenary
Meeting is one such initiative that offers great hopes
for the way forward. However, previous experience has
taught us that a lot is generally said and promised
within the United Nations, but little or nothing is
delivered. It is my earnest hope that the outcome of
this session will not turn out to be another talk show.
Malawi faces serious problems in instituting an
effective system of political and economic governance.
2

My country continues to face critical challenges in
determining our political agenda, which in turn affect
our development efforts. We still face extreme poverty,
food shortages, hunger and malnutrition. HIV/AIDS
continues to claim more lives. Malaria is still killing
millions each year.
Over and above these problems, we face
mounting domestic and external debt, an unfair and
inequitable global trading system and the prevalence of
conflicts and political instability. We therefore feel that
for any United Nations reforms to be meaningful, we
need assistance in the areas of good governance.
In Malawi, we are promoting good governance by
pursuing sound macro-economic policies, reduction in
public expenditure, bench-marking the activities and
performance of the civil service and fighting corruption
at all levels. We have also instituted effective reforms
of the private sector, and through dialogue the business
community is now responding positively to economic
and social reforms. In many of these reforms, I can say
that we have made a good beginning.
It is for this reason that my Government
welcomed the establishment of the African Peer
Review Mechanism under the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD) of the African Union.
Our accession to the African Peer Review Mechanism
is a manifestation of our desire to adopt policies and
practices that emphasize accountability and
transparency in public sector management.
Malawi has made efforts to implement the
Millennium Development Goals. Our report, entitled
“Malawi and the Millennium Development Goals:
challenges and achievements”, has been circulated.
However, my country is facing severe constraints in
implementing the MDGs because we are allocating a
significant amount of limited resources to servicing
external debt and for managing the HIV/AIDS
pandemic, at the cost of the social and economic
transformation necessary to fight poverty.
Malawi, therefore, supports the proposal to find
comprehensive and durable solutions to the external
debt problem. In this regard, we welcome the recent
proposal by the G-8 to cancel 100 per cent of
outstanding debt owed by 18 countries, including 14
from Africa. I would like to appeal to all creditors to
follow this noble example, because debt cancellation
has the potential to assist the poor countries in
achieving the MDGs and, hence, attaining national
economic recovery and economic transformation.
Another challenge for Malawi is that my country
finds it hard to be integrated into the global trading
system, partly due to the lack of products that meet
high quality standards, but also due to an unfair and
inequitable global trading system. We therefore join the
appeal for the speedy completion of the World Trade
Organization Doha Round of multilateral trade
negotiations in order to assist poor countries, such as
Malawi, to benefit from global trade. Furthermore,
there is need to provide immediate duty-free and
quota-free market access for all exports from the least
developed countries, including the elimination of all
non-tariff barriers, such as trade distorting subsidies
and domestic support, especially in agriculture, by
developed countries.
In the African perspective, development efforts
have also been heavily undermined by the prevalence
of conflicts and political instability in many parts of
the continent. Realizing this, we in Africa have taken
bold and far-reaching initiatives to promote peace and
security on the continent. For instance, my own
country, Malawi, has participated in peacekeeping
activities in Liberia, the Sudan and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
I commend the role played by the United Nations
Security Council and the G-8 in supporting the African
Union’s initiatives in conflict resolution and
management. I also wish to draw the attention of this
Assembly to the fact that peacekeeping in Africa
constitutes the bulk of the Security Council’s work. I
therefore earnestly believe that the role of the United
Nations in Africa can be enhanced by encouraging
Africa’s representation in the Security Council. In that
regard, Africa’s call for the expansion of the Security
Council should be supported by the international
community.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic poses serious social
and economic challenges to Africa. However, the
General Assembly may be interested to know that
Malawi is one of the few success stories in managing
the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The people of Malawi have
welcomed the provision of voluntary counselling and
of free anti-retroviral drugs. For instance, since the
middle of last year, we have established more than 30
anti-retroviral clinics throughout the country and have
treated many people. We expect that by this time next
3

year, we will have been able to treat more than 80,000
people.
I therefore welcome the call at the High-level
Plenary Meeting to provide, as a priority, assistance for
HIV/AIDS prevention, care and treatment in African
countries on a grant basis. I also welcome the emphasis
placed on the need to encourage pharmaceutical
companies to make anti-retroviral drugs affordable and
accessible in Africa. My Government appeals for more
funding to enable us to adopt a holistic approach that
takes into account the medical, economic, political and
social impacts of HIV/AIDS on the implementation of
the Millennium Development Goals.
I take this opportunity to commend all countries
that continue to make contributions to the Global Fund
to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The Fund
has enabled Malawi to introduce free anti-retroviral
treatment programme for those infected by HIV/AIDS.
In terms of agriculture and food security, Malawi
has not fared well this year. My country is facing
severe food shortages owing to the drought that we
have had since January this year. As a result of a very
poor harvest, we shall require approximately 270,000
metric tons to feed some 4.2 million people who will
be in need of food until the next harvest season,
sometime in April or May next year. I therefore appeal
to the world community to help us to obtain more food
sources for our people.
I am grateful for the pledges of relief food
assistance made by our cooperating partners such as
the World Food Programme, the British Government,
the European Union, the Japanese Government, the
United States Government, the Belgian Government
and the Norwegian Government. We are also grateful
to the Secretary-General for the special appeal he has
made for Southern Africa.
I am pleased to announce that the people of
Malawi are also doing something to feed themselves.
We have made provision in our budget to buy food for
our people. We have also established a Feed-the-Nation
Fund, through which people in Malawi from all walks
of life are making voluntary donations to purchase
food for the poorest of the poor. The response has been
overwhelming.
With a view to a medium- to long-term solution,
we have adopted concrete policies aimed at reducing
our dependence on rain-fed agriculture. We have
established a full ministry responsible for water
development and irrigation. We look forward to
technical assistance from those countries that have
expertise in the area of irrigation.
Turning to the subject of United Nations reform, I
wish to bring to the attention of the General Assembly
an important aspect of reform of the Organization,
concerning the determination of eligibility for United
Nations membership. As members are aware, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees the
right of all the world’s peoples to belong to the United
Nations and that no country should be denied
membership in the Organization. Malawi believes that
the United Nations was founded on the principle of
inclusivity in its membership.
That is why we in Malawi call for the admission
of the Republic of China (Taiwan) as a Member of the
United Nations. That request is made on the premise
that, following the collapse of communism in Eastern
Europe and in the Soviet Union, the new States that
emerged therefrom expressed their desire to become
sovereign and independent Members of the United
Nations. They were granted membership. That was a
political decision. In the same way, when the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia broke up into the
separate States of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia,
Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro and Slovenia, each
State was admitted into the United Nations. That also
was a political decision. Czechoslovakia broke up into
the Czech Republic and Slovakia, and each of those
States was admitted into the United Nations. In South-
East Asia, Singapore pulled out of the Federation of
Malaya and became a Member of the United Nations.
Later, East Timor broke away from Indonesia and was
also admitted as a Member. Those were political
decisions.
The Government of Malawi is therefore puzzled
that the Republic of China (Taiwan), which took a
similar political decision, is denied membership in the
United Nations. How can the United Nations stand for
equity and justice when it is denying membership to
more than 23 million people who contribute
significantly to global trade and development? How
can the United Nations justify its denial of membership
to Taiwan when, in fact, the countries listed above
were admitted? Why is Taiwan being discriminated
against in the United Nations?
4

Unless those questions are honestly answered,
observers will conclude that the United Nations is
applying a double standard. The Government of
Malawi believes that the United Nations should use the
same standard to grant membership to the Republic of
China. I therefore appeal to the United Nations,
through you, Mr. President, to extend membership to
the Taiwanese people in the same way as it has done
for countries of Eastern Europe and South-East Asia.
That would enable the dynamic and resourceful people
of Taiwan to play their rightful role in global affairs,
industrialization, trade and development. I believe that
the admission of the Republic of China (Taiwan) into
the United Nations would also bring credibility to the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Long live the United Nations!


I am indeed greatly
honoured to join those who preceded me in
congratulating the President on his election to the
presidency of the sixtieth session of the General
Assembly. I assure him of Grenada's support as he
guides the deliberations during this historic year
towards the promotion and maintenance of
international peace and security. My delegation would
also like to express its appreciation to Mr. Jean Ping,
who laboured assiduously during his presidency of the
fifty-ninth session, for his tireless efforts in guiding the
preparatory work for the High-level Plenary Meeting.
In addition, Grenada commends the Secretary-General
for his energetic pursuit of change at the United
Nations. We subscribe to the Secretary-General's view
that the world cannot be a safer place without
development and poverty eradication.
Permit me, at this juncture, to extend, on behalf
of the Government and people of Grenada, empathy
and profound sympathy to the Government and people
of the United States of America, particularly those of
the Gulf states, for the loss of life and severe
destruction of property suffered as a result of
Hurricane Katrina.
When the Millennium Declaration was adopted,
many viewed it as a landmark document containing the
blueprint for the eradication of poverty and as a vehicle
to transform the condition of humankind in the twenty-
first century. While it did not take on the momentum
that we had hoped for, we have now moved to review
its implementation. This year, the outcome document
adopted by heads of State and Government at the
conclusion of the High-level Plenary Meeting gives us
another chance to address in earnest the commitments
that were made in the Millennium Declaration and at
major United Nations conferences.
Grenada is heartened by the recent renewal of
commitment to development and security, including
poverty eradication and the endorsement to positively
transform the world for the betterment of our peoples.
We also welcome the efforts made to address the
special needs of Africa. Those are high ideals, but we
are convinced that peace, security and prosperity can
only be achieved globally with the commitment,
5

sacrifice and concerted, cooperative efforts of all
Member States.
We welcome the creation of a Peacebuilding
Commission to ensure post-conflict recovery where it
is most needed, and especially to focus on issues
relating to women and children within that process.
Grenada also supports the strengthening of the human
rights machinery through the creation of a Human
Rights Council, and we resolve to participate in the
negotiations to establish a working mandate for that
body during the sixtieth session of the Assembly.
Grenada welcomes the outcome document's
strong condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations. We regret, however, that there has been
no meaningful progress on the issue of disarmament
and non-proliferation and call for continued
negotiations in that regard.
Reform is vital in order for this unique
Organization to reflect the aspirations of its 191
Member States. It is extremely important that the
United Nations address the burning issues and realities
that preoccupy the global community. Grenada fully
supports the measures called for in the Secretary-
General's report, "In larger freedom" (A/59/2005), and
remains convinced of the usefulness of addressing
peace and security on a broad spectrum.
Grenada agrees that Security Council reform is
imperative. The Council must be expanded in a manner
that will convince every region of the world that they
have an active voice in one of the most important and
powerful organs of the United Nations.
Grenada, like the other countries of the English-
speaking Caribbean, places a high priority on the
reorganization of the Economic and Social Council.
The Charter clearly designed the Economic and Social
Council to address development. In the twenty-first
century, therefore, the Economic and Social Council
must have, as the outcome document states, a more
focused agenda built around the major themes
contained in the Millennium Declaration.
The theme for this year's deliberations is well
chosen and we accept the challenge to work towards
that goal. Grenada hopes that United Nations reform
and the implementation of the goals set out in the
outcome document will come to fruition soon, in order
to ensure a stronger Organization and a more just
world.
My country, Grenada, knows quite well the
challenges faced by developing countries. In less than
one year Grenada experienced two hurricanes, causing
infrastructural damage amounting to 250 per cent of
our gross domestic product (GDP), crippling the
tourism sector, increasing unemployment to 31 per cent
and having an immeasurable psychological and social
impact on our population.
Prior to those events, Grenada was well on track
to achieve the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) of universal primary education, lowering child
mortality rates, and reducing the poverty rate by half.
Also high on our country's agenda was the
implementation of policies to combat diseases,
including HIV/AIDS. Today, even with the most
rigorous national efforts, if Grenada is to achieve the
MDGs, it can only do so with substantial financial and
technical assistance.
Currently, countries of the Caribbean face
growing unemployment and poverty because of the
recent World Trade Organization ruling that resulted in
the removal of preferential arrangements that once
facilitated our trade. As a direct result, two of the
industries most vital to the Caribbean ó bananas and
sugar ó are rapidly declining, sending thousands to
the bread line and abject poverty. Here, I would refer to
the statement made yesterday by the Prime Minister of
Saint Kitts and Nevis, which confirmed the effects that
the demise of the sugar industry is having on his
country.
Countries of the Caribbean require more than just
aid; for aid alone cannot eradicate poverty. What
Caribbean countries desire most fervently are trading
opportunities. We crave opportunities that will
recognize the diversities and disparities in the
economic world. Given our disadvantageous
economies of scale, our limited land mass and our late
admission into the international economic order, it is
impossible to make progress without special
concessions.
Grenada has no desire to see its future
generations become mendicants, seized by poverty and
a lack of opportunities. The MDGs, as well as United
Nations declarations, constitute a global partnership for
development. Both the developed and developing
countries are called upon to implement changes and
adjust their modus operandi to advance a more secure
and just world.
6

We applaud the European Union for its decision
to increase its overseas development assistance to the
recommended 0.7 per cent of their GDP. However, we
urge them and other developed countries to continue to
provide freedom in trade with developing countries, in
order to facilitate the transfer of technology and to
assist with our environmental protection.
Those of us in the developing world have also
given our commitment to devise national policies to
improve the standard of living of our people, promote
education, practice good governance and strive for
better health care for all. That, however, is virtually
impossible in the current international economic
climate, as some international regimes seem committed
to crippling the economies of developing countries, in
particular those of the Caribbean.
Hurricanes and other natural disasters add to the
Caribbean region's challenges and remain a very real
and formidable enemy. Grenada acknowledges that
natural disasters are unavoidable phenomena that
cannot be stopped. However, we can mitigate their
effects, ease human suffering with sound measures and
speed up recovery by designing mechanisms conducive
to quick responses, particularly from the international
community. From hurricanes to tsunamis, from floods
to droughts, we have come to realize that natural
disasters know no boundaries and do not differentiate
between developed and developing countries. In the
light of scientific predictions that indicate an increase
in the frequency and intensity of natural disasters, we
must address this matter and give disaster mitigation a
high priority on our agenda.
I recall that during his address to the Millennium
Summit five years ago, the Prime Minister of Grenada,
the Right Honourable Keith Mitchell, joined his
colleagues in making a clarion call for the
establishment of a disaster relief fund to facilitate
quick responses to aid victims of hurricanes,
earthquakes, volcanoes and other natural disasters that
strike us with such frequency and ferocity. I wish to
reiterate that call today in light of the realities that now
surround us.
Some countries, particularly small island
developing States, are extremely vulnerable and can
experience a complete reversal of economic, social,
cultural and infrastructural progress with the passage
of one natural disaster, as was evident when Grenada
was struck by Hurricane Ivan in September of 2004.
For small islands it is exceedingly difficult to stop the
downward spiral that disasters can cause. Generally,
recovery is virtually impossible without major
international assistance.
Grenada welcomes the reference made to the
vulnerabilities of small island developing States. We
look forward to the effective implementation of the
Mauritius Strategy for the Further Implementation of
the Programme of Action for the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States in the
very near future. Grenada implores Member States to
support the call of small island developing States for
special recognition of their vulnerabilities.
In the same vein, I turn now to the issue of the
Caribbean Sea. Our economies derive tremendous
benefits from the resources of the Caribbean Sea. In
fact, the annual estimate of the economic value to
Grenada of production from the sea is more than 30
million Eastern Caribbean dollars. That is a
contribution that we as a people strongly feel must be
conserved, preserved, maintained and protected, not
merely for this generation, but for future generations.
I would like specifically to refer to the trans-
shipment of radioactive materials through our waters,
which continues to pose a tremendous threat to the
human health, marine life, ecosystems, tourism and
economies of the region. As has been repeatedly
affirmed by Grenada and other Caribbean Community
member States, that practice must stop. Grenada once
again calls on those concerned to desist from such
activity. We welcome the reference made in the
outcome document in that regard, and further urge the
international community to be more cognizant of the
situation and its impact on our economies and our
peoples. Since this matter is of grave importance to the
Caribbean region, we will continue our efforts to have
the Caribbean Sea designated as a Special Area in the
context of sustainable development.
Finally, judging from the commitments made
over the past few days, it is clearly evident that
Member States are willing to take up the challenge to
implement the necessary reforms to strengthen this
body. We too pledge our full support to that process,
despite the bleak economic realities we currently face.


The recently concluded
High-level Plenary Meeting has rekindled the hopes
and aspirations of humanity for enduring peace,
security and development. The outcome document
(resolution 60/1) is a testimony to our shared vision,
collective wisdom and renewed commitment to global
partnership to address the most pressing challenges of
the twenty-first century. The commitments to eradicate
poverty, to resolutely fight against terrorism and to
bring about the timely reform of the United Nations as
the pivot of multilateralism, can be achieved and
translated into action only by our working together.
The outcome document has reaffirmed the
world’s topmost priority — combating terrorism — as
the most pressing global issue. Terrorism is not just the
problem of a few countries; it is a threat to world peace
and stability. In today’s interconnected and interlinked
world, terrorism does not remained confined within
geographical borders. Its reverberations have been felt
far and wide. As every act of terrorism defies basic
human values, we must deal it with resolutely, firmly
and comprehensively, without double standards or
selective interpretations.
As a country that has been suffering from
senseless and brutal terrorism for a decade, Nepal
unequivocally condemns terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations and supports the early conclusion of a
comprehensive convention against international
terrorism.
14

His Majesty the King’s commitment to multiparty
democracy is unflinching and total. His Majesty is
determined to re-energize multiparty democratic
institutions by restoring sustainable peace and making
democracy meaningful, mature, cultured and refined.
To that end, we will be holding municipal elections by
April 2006, to be followed by national parliamentary
elections within two years. That will be an important
step forward in re-energizing our democratic
institutions through free and fair elections. I urge the
countries and organizations which support democracy
to come forward and help us to conduct free and fair
elections. His Majesty’s Government is ready to
welcome international observers for the elections.
Democracy has been sustained not only as a system of
governance but also as a way of life in all parts of the
world.
The beauty of our planet lies in its diversity. We
reaffirm the acknowledgement in paragraph 135 of the
outcome document that, while democracies share
common features, there is no single model of
democracy. Sovereign countries and peoples must be
allowed to have every right to choose the system of
democratic governance that is suitable to their needs
and aspirations.
His Majesty King Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah
Dev recently stated that the use of force alone is not a
solution, and that the solution rather lies in talks. We
are convinced that lasting peace can be achieved only
through dialogue based on trust and confidence. But
any overture must be credible and sincere enough to
dispel all doubts and suspicions surrounding it. This is
our principled position: to work with all constitutional
forces in efforts towards establishing durable peace and
stability in our country.
His Majesty’s Government has initiated
programmes to alleviate the plight of people suffering
as a result of conflict. The Government has accorded
top priority to implementing programmes for broad-
based economic growth, social inclusion, anti-
corruption efforts and the speedy delivery of essential
services to needy people. Special relief package
programmes are being carried in an integrated manner
to the areas hit by conflict; these include food, shelter,
health, education and the rehabilitation of persons
internally displaced due to terrorist violence.
International peace and security can be
maintained only in an atmosphere of mutual
understanding, trust and confidence. Nepal has always
stressed that the international community must make
genuine efforts for the general and complete
disarmament of all weapons of mass destruction,
including biological, chemical, nuclear and
radiological weapons, in a time-bound manner.
However, the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and slow progress in global disarmament
negotiations have weakened hopes for a safer and more
secure world.
We firmly believe that regional mechanisms,
including the establishment of United Nations regional
centres for peace and disarmament in various parts of
the world, can make a significant contribution to global
disarmament efforts by enhancing confidence-building.
Our commitment is reflected in Nepal’s ardent desire
to relocate the United Nations Regional Centre for
Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific to
Kathmandu at the earliest possible date and to
continuously pursue the Kathmandu process as a part
of the world disarmament campaign.
The role of the United Nations in peacekeeping,
peacemaking and post-conflict peacebuilding has
assumed great significance over the years. Nepal has
been continuously participating in United Nations
peacekeeping operations since 1958 and has already
contributed more than 50,000 peacekeepers to 29
United Nations peacekeeping missions. With its current
deployment of around 3,500 peacekeepers in 13
peacekeeping missions, Nepal ranks among the top five
countries contributing troops to the United Nations
peacekeeping missions. The sacrifice of the lives of 54
Nepali peacekeepers in the service of humanity in
difficult conflict zones around the world stands as
testimony to their dedication to the cause of world
peace.
Nepalese Blue Helmets have earned international
repute for their dedication, discipline, impartiality and
professionalism in the discharge of their duties. This is
reflected in the inclusion of a Nepali peacekeeper in
the United Nations team that went to Stockholm to
receive the Nobel Peace Prize, and in the several
excellent honours and awards that have been accorded
to them, the most recent being in the Central African
State of Burundi. Over the years, our peacekeepers
have also been involved in peacebuilding,
reconstruction and rehabilitation exercises in various
United Nations missions.
15

Nepal welcomes the establishment of a
Peacebuilding Commission as an intergovernmental
advisory body. This, we believe, will be instrumental to
United Nations efforts in effecting sustained recovery
and reconstruction and will provide guidance and
assistance in laying the foundation for lasting peace in
countries emerging from conflict. The Commission’s
mission, objectives and goals should be clearly
defined; there should be equitable representation from
among the troop-contributing countries; and the
Commission should be adequately funded.
Nepal is unswervingly committed to the
principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter
and its contribution to the maintenance of international
peace and security. After almost two decades, Nepal is
seeking non-permanent membership of the Security
Council for the period 2007-2008; we have an earnest
desire to contribute to the Council in its important role
in the maintenance of international peace and security.
I take this opportunity to renew our appeal to Member
States for their invaluable support to Nepal in the
elections slated for next year.
Nepal is fully committed to the protection and
promotion of human rights. We view all human rights
as universal, indivisible and interdependent. I wish to
reiterate His Majesty’s Government’s commitment to
the implementation of human rights instruments and
international humanitarian law through the
strengthening of national human rights institutions and
through full cooperation with United Nations human
rights mechanisms. The human rights situation in
Nepal needs to be properly understood in the context of
the unabated violence perpetrated by the terrorists. The
tendency to equate the constitutional duty of the
Government to protect the lives and property of
ordinary citizens with that of the dreadful acts of the
terrorists needs to be corrected. The terrorists have
exceeded all norms and values by resorting to the most
heinous acts of violence, indiscriminate killings, the
maiming and abduction of innocent civilians,
kidnapping and the forceful recruitment of children as
soldiers and extortion and intimidation of the civilian
population.
We have been providing asylum to more than
100,000 Bhutanese refugees on humanitarian grounds
for a decade and a half. His Majesty’s Government has
shown its honesty and sincerity and has walked the
extra mile for the solution of the refugee problem
through a bilateral process. We strongly believe that
sincere implementation of bilateral agreements will
lead to a lasting solution of the problem. We believe
that a lasting solution to the refugee problem will have
a salutary impact on Nepal-Bhutan relations, which
emanate from monarchical cultures.
Nepal’s peace and stability have a great bearing
not only on its own people but also on its neighbours
and on South Asia and beyond. A stable, peaceful and
prosperous Nepal, small in size but strategically
located, can greatly contribute to maintaining
sustainable peace, stability and prosperity in the region
and beyond.
The world has seen that peace and stability in the
world community cannot be guaranteed without the
peace, stability and prosperity of smaller and
vulnerable States. Therefore, the international
community must come forward to help countries with
special needs, such as least developed and landlocked
developing countries, to help them achieve peace,
stability and prosperity. The new international financial
and development architecture should, therefore,
address the legitimate interests and aspirations of those
countries.
We call upon the developed countries to augment
the level of official development assistance (ODA) and
to provide better market access, increased foreign
direct investment and substantial debt relief measures
to alleviate the hardships of developing countries,
especially the least developed and the landlocked ones.
We urge the international community to come forward
with technical assistance to meet the special needs of
the small, landlocked and fragile States with special
challenges emanating from terrorism and natural
disasters.
Nepal’s location between the two fastest-growing
economies — India and China — provides us with
tremendous opportunities for economic growth and
development. We have proposed Nepal as a transit
point between our two neighbours, acting as a bridge
between them to realize their full economic potential.
Nepal firmly believes that only a strengthened
and revitalized United Nations can address the
multitude of challenges of the contemporary world.
Timely reform and necessary restructuring of the
United Nations, preserving and promoting the
centrality and sanctity of the principles and purposes
enshrined in the Charter, are needed to make the world
body more robust and vibrant. Nepal has always looked
16

to the United Nations as a torchbearer for peace,
security and the dignity of nations. It is also our firm
view that United Nations reform should give more
emphasis to strengthening the Organization’s role in
promoting international cooperation for the economic
and social development of Member States, particularly
the developing countries.
Nepal has consistently supported the reform of
the Security Council, including its method of work, to
make it more representative, transparent and
accountable, in order to reflect present-day realities.
We have also maintained that the General Assembly, as
the principal deliberative organ of the United Nations,
needs to be further strengthened.
The six-decade-long journey of the United
Nations has been arduous and at times even
tumultuous. It has seen high expectations, deep
frustration and the harsh realities of realpolitik but has
never floundered or wavered from its noble objectives.
This year marks the fiftieth year of Nepal’s
membership of the United Nations. Since we joined the
United Nations, on 14 December 1955, Nepal has
cherished its association with the world body and has
played an active role in its activities. The Nepali
people are proud of their association with the world
body and are celebrating the occasion in a special way
befitting its significance. Nepal acknowledges its
sincere appreciation of the United Nations and its
various specialized agencies for their most valuable
contribution to our socio-economic development
endeavours.
We reaffirm our solemn pledge to the Charter of
the United Nations and renew our unwavering
commitment to make the Organization more equitable,
credible and relevant to face effectively the challenges
of the twenty-first century.


I am particularly pleased to express to you,
Sir, Cameroon’s heartfelt congratulations on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixtieth session. I wish you every success in
carrying out your noble mandate and assure you of my
delegation’s full cooperation. I pay a warm tribute to
your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping,
Minister of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Cooperation and Francophonie of the Gabonese
Republic. His great talent, consummate negotiating
skill and competence contributed decisively to the
success of the work of the fifty-ninth session. To the
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, I
once again express Cameroon’s full appreciation for
his tireless efforts and dedication in the service of the
Organization and its ideals.
At your wise suggestion, Mr. President, the main
theme of our debate is the implementation and follow-
up of the outcome document (resolution 60/1) of the
High-level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly.
That reflects the great importance of this debate —
importance clearly shown by the strong participation in
it. My country is pleased to add its voice to those of the
representatives of 184 other countries, who have
already spoken during this exercise.
Cameroon fully supports the outcome document
adopted at the end of that historic summit. Some would
have preferred that it be stronger, others that it be more
proactive. Cameroon believes it is a balanced and
realistic document with regard to all the major global
concerns now considered to be priorities. Furthermore,
it is a document that reflects a new consensus on the
role of the United Nations and its place in today’s
international system.
Our heads of State or Government took stock of
the main challenges of our time and of the priority
actions that we must take together to build a genuine
global partnership for development and to ensure
lasting collective peace and security. They also set out
guidelines to be followed over the next decade to
complete the whole United Nations renewal process
and the effective achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). The time has come to
move from words to action. Indeed, it is only by
implementing those commitments that we can measure
their value, force and relevance.
It is indisputable that the world has made
considerable progress in implementing some of the
MDGs. But there is another undeniable fact that is far
less encouraging: the situation in Africa. Africa is the
world’s only region that, with 10 years until the
deadline, is alarmingly behind in implementing the
MDGs. If it does not receive substantial external
assistance very soon, most of the Goals will not be
attained by 2015. Most of them may remain a mirage
for a long time.
We are aware that the current economic growth
rate in our countries averages approximately 3 per cent
. That is not sufficient to create the macroeconomic
conditions necessary to achieve the MDGs. Today —
particularly in sub-Saharan Africa — without large-
scale job creation, revenue creation, a massive inflow
of private capital or official development assistance, an
effective global and sustainable solution to the nagging
issue of debt, and equitable participation in world
trade, our efforts will be doomed to failure.
For their part, the Governments of African
countries, who have the primary responsibility for their
own development, are implementing national poverty
34

reduction strategies in keeping with the need to achieve
the MDGs. With specific regard to Cameroon, the
Government is tackling that with determination.
Furthermore, the implementation of its Poverty
Reduction Strategy Paper is supported by the donor
community.
My country has begun to review its strategy to
ensure that it is fully in line with the Millennium
Development Goals. It is also implementing, with the
same determination, its national programme of
governance. Thus, the Government of Cameroon has
stepped up its efforts to combat corruption and has
committed itself to a more transparent and effective
management of public finances.
My country would have liked to see more
ambitious and courageous commitments adopted
together with a specific timetable for the development
of Africa. Nevertheless, if the commitments made by
world leaders in the outcome document are speedily
implemented, Africa would make considerable
progress in implementing most of the Millennium
Development Goals and could even — depending on
the adequate mobilization of national and external
resources and the political will to take action —
achieve all those goals by the agreed date.
During a recent crisis, the United Nations was
nearly shaken to its very foundations. During those
events, our sometimes differing views about our
system of peace and collective security became openly
apparent. Fortunately, given the need to overcome all
the global threats that weigh on our collective security,
the summit reached a healthy consensus on the
essential nature of joint actions that we need to take for
the peaceful settlement of disputes, counteracting
terrorism and the maintenance and consolidation of
peace.
Nonetheless, the process of revitalizing the
Organization will remain incomplete until we are able
to agree on the enlargement of the Security Council.
May I recall that, as the President of Cameroon, His
Excellence Mr. Paul Biya, declared on 14 September,
Cameroon remains faithful to the African position on
reform of the Security Council. This reform is
necessary and must take place soon, bringing nations
together rather than dividing them. This is the firm
conviction of Cameroon, and my country will continue,
however long it takes, to work with other States to
overcome our differences and forge a solid consensus
in order to achieve this very important reform.
Recourse to law for the peaceful settlement of
disputes has, necessarily, as a corollary, the obligation
to implement fully, willingly and in good faith the
decisions of the International Court of Justice. This is
how we understand the reference made in the outcome
document concerning “the obligation of States to settle
their disputes by peaceful means in accordance with
Chapter VI of the Charter, including, when appropriate,
by the use of the International Court of Justice”
(resolution 60/1, para. 73).
Implementation of a decision of a court through
positive negotiations is based first and foremost on a
peaceful course of action, specifically on the basis of a
deep commitment to the values and principles
enshrined in the Charter. In no case may that be
interpreted as an open possibility to renounce even
partially the fundamental elements of that decision.
Very much to the contrary.
The outcome document of the High-level Plenary
Meeting allows for coordinating the activities of the
principal bodies of the Organization within the
framework of their mandate under the Charter for the
prevention of armed conflicts and settlement of
disputes. Cameroon therefore believes it desirable that
we should find ways to ensure that Member States,
through the Security Council and in the General
Assembly, are informed formally of the status of
implementation of judgements handed down by the
International Court of Justice, as they are of the
Court’s annual activities.
The Secretary-General could thus inform the
Security Council regularly and in detail and report to
Member States as is done in his report to the General
Assembly on the activities of the Organization.
Good practices in this area would take root and
inspire us all. In that way, we would be able to identify
potential sources of conflict at a very early stage
through difficulties identified and to make timely
recommendations to prevent them.
Cameroon, which looks forward to the rapid
creation of the Peacebuilding Commission and the
Human Rights Council, counts on your wisdom to
ensure that the negotiating process that will lead to
their creation will be open, transparent and inclusive.
35

During the present session, which coincides with
the Organization’s sixtieth anniversary, we should be
inspired by the visionary dynamism provided by the
heads of State and Government. This is a new
opportunity, perhaps one of the best opportunities,
along with the Millennium Summit, to make a decisive
contribution to improving the human condition and
achieving an ideal world where all women, men and
children live free from fear, hunger and disease.
It is our responsibility here and now to fulfil the
generous promises made by our leaders to humanity a
week ago. Let us do so without making excuses,
without seeking loopholes. Let us do it now.


The summit
marking the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations
is over, but to bring it to completion our work here
must build upon its outcome document (resolution
60/1) so as to fulfil the agreed package of reforms with
vision and determination. The Holy See, having
followed the outcome document's development closely,
welcomes much of what is proposed. However, the
lack of consensus on arms control and non-
proliferation issues is regrettable.
I should also like to add at the outset that the
Holy See understands the references to both the Cairo
International Conference on Population and
Development and the outcome of the Fourth World
Conference on Women, held in Beijing, and to
reproductive health found in paragraphs 57 (g), 58 and
58 (c) in the sense that it set out in its reservations and
statements of interpretation at those Conferences, that
is, as applying to a holistic concept of health that does
not consider abortion or access to abortion as a
dimension of those terms. These caveats aside, the
document is a basis for implementation and ongoing
discussions on United Nations reform.
Due to the human tragedies of genocide, war
crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity,
the "responsibility to protect", as reflected in the
outcome document, has, for humanitarian reasons,
gained more acceptance. Its definitive legal
formulation could greatly contribute to the enrichment
not only of international law but also of sincere
solidarity among nations. To identify carefully and
honestly the causes of such man-made disasters is
indispensable to creating more timely prevention
measures. Protection of those in distress and assistance
to them go hand in hand with lucid analysis and public
awareness of the causes of humanitarian crises.
The silence of the outcome document regarding
disarmament and non-proliferation is worrying.
Nuclear armament is simply devastating for people and
for the environment; it destroys people's lives and the
substratum of every decent economy. We therefore
must insist upon nuclear non-proliferation. Likewise,
we must insist on complete nuclear disarmament and a
strengthened International Atomic Energy Agency
verification and safeguards system. No effort should be
spared to discourage not only the production of nuclear
weapons but also any trade or exchange in such
materials.
Of course, a secure world will not just be free of
the menace of war: it will be one where sustainable
human development is also assured, through sound
global governance. But, while global governance has a
logic of its own, it lacks its own ethics, something
which the world's nations must supply. We live in an
interdependent but fragile society and, in many places,
people's best interests are not served well. I should like
to mention here but three specific areas of ethical
challenge in this regard: solidarity with the poor, the
promotion of the common good, and a sustainable
environment.
Small gains made in this last area remain under
risk from, among other things, climate change, new
diseases, the irresponsible destruction of forests, water
pollution, depletion of fish stocks, the destruction of
global commons such as the oceans, and so on. It is
estimated that 15 out of 24 essential services provided
by ecosystems are being used unsustainably. The
enormity of today's environmental challenge obliges us
to rethink our notions of interdependence, global
cooperation and our common responsibility for the
stewardship of the planet. Differences on how to
address challenges should not stop agreement on the
identification of specific environmental threats and
common measures to tackle them.
Another core principle needs to be set out in the
form of the proper devolution of power to local levels
to ensure greater effectiveness and accountability,
known also as subsidiarity. The application of this
principle would foster a genuine respect for the rights
of nations and for the significance of culture, balancing
particularism and universalism. Global governance also
has to address the democracy deficit in order to assure
globalization without marginalization.
In this context, the United Nations becomes the
projection of the hope for peace and well-being in the
world. To fulfil this high calling, which is proper to the
Organization's nature and function, will require clear
characteristics of leadership, the courage of the
Organization and those who are part of it and a
common vision for its leaders, collaborators and
interlocutors at every level, so that they may succeed in
finding the right road to achieve the goals in view.
30

On the subject of the Human Rights Council, a
reform that improves upon the present arrangements is
to be welcomed. International law and its institutions
are vital for the application and enforcement of human
rights. Likewise, we should not lose sight of the
importance that the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights attaches to the incorporation of its principles
into national law and to education in fostering a rights-
respecting culture. Promotion and enforcement of
human rights at the national level and constant
attention to education will continue to be indispensable
to allow those rights to flourish in the new system.
The international community, the happy
possessor of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights since 1948, appears, however, in the meantime
to have forgotten that not only essential human rights
but also human duties underpin the Declaration. These
duties establish the framework in which our rights are
contained, so that the latter are not simply exercised
upon a whim. The reference to duties in the Universal
Declaration reminds us that rights usually entail
responsibilities; and that if we expect our own rights to
be respected, we must respect the rights of others.
Indeed, the Declaration's recognition of the
interdependence of rights and duties was one of the key
features that enabled it to win consensus from nations
East and West, North and South. Today, when
globalization has rendered us more interdependent than
ever, a greater sense of universal human duties would
benefit the cause of peace, because awareness of our
mutual responsibility acknowledges duties as being
essential to a social order which does not depend upon
the will or the power of any individual or group.
The question has resurfaced of how there can be
universal rights in view of the diversity among
cultures. Some maintain that all rights are culturally
relative; others claim that universal rights are just
instruments of a given cultural imperialism; and some
believe the gulf between those two positions cannot be
bridged. My delegation, however, shares the faith of
the principal framers of the Universal Declaration, that
certain values are so fundamental that they can find
support in the moral and philosophical traditions of
cultures. For that reason, such universal principles or
basic human rights are undeniable. In their essential
core they have to be universally recognized and must
be operative erga omnes. To reject the idea that basic
rights are relative, however, does not require one to
reject a legitimate pluralism in their implementation.
Quite the contrary, for pluralism is the only way to
move beyond the sterile relativism-imperialism debate.
The Holy See, on the basis of its own long
experience in seeing how a common core of principles
can take root and flourish in vastly different cultures,
affirms the wisdom of the drafters of the Universal
Declaration in this respect. The framework they
fashioned is flexible enough to allow for differences in
emphasis and implementation, but not so malleable as
to permit any basic human right to be completely
eclipsed or unnecessarily subordinated for the sake of
other rights. Regrettably, the legitimately pluralist
approach to basic rights is sometimes forgotten, but it
must be retrieved if we are to avoid a top-down,
homogenizing vision of human rights.
In the wake of recent acts of terrible violence,
calls have come from various quarters to promote
greater understanding among religions, cultures and
civilizations. The Holy See supports the initiatives in
the field of interfaith cooperation and dialogue among
civilizations, especially where, in the spirit of their
reference to and reliance on God, they form
consciences, foster common moral values and promote
intercultural understanding and proactive
commitments. Those tasks require continued
evaluation with regard to motivation, policies, laws and
institutions. It is the mission of civil and religious
leaders to be a source of inspiration, support and
guidance for all people of good will who strive towards
sustainable peace.
The Holy See also understands that there is a
particular type of interreligious dialogue in which
religious representatives and their constituents engage
in discussion on the theological and spiritual tenets of
their respective religions and exchange positive
experiences with a view to promoting mutual
understanding and respect among all. That type of
dialogue does not appear to be part of the United
Nations Charter and is therefore better left to religious
experts and appropriate representatives of religions.
Nevertheless, the United Nations can make a valid and
important contribution to interfaith cooperation for
peace and development.
In concluding, I should like to add a word of
acknowledgement of the important contribution that
the United Nations staff makes to the Organization in
its efforts to promote harmony and solidarity among
peoples. Likewise, I should like to express once again
to you, Sir, the best wishes and support of my
delegation as you look ahead to an important and
fruitful presidency of the General Assembly.


At the outset I wish to
express my congratulations to you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixtieth session. Rest assured that you have the full
support and cooperation of the Ukrainian delegation.
Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, for his tireless efforts in the
preparation of the world summit.
 The world summit of 2005 has just come to its
conclusion. Its outcome document (resolution 60/1)
provides us with clear guidelines. It is our common
task to implement ambitious goals for building a safer
and more prosperous world.
 In talking about implementation I wish to
emphasize two key elements indispensable for the
follow-up activities of the United Nations and, indeed,
for the success of the global peace endeavour. They are
credibility and democracy — or rather, credibility
based on democracy. We know that the way ahead is
beset with serious threats and challenges. We have to
make sure that a lack of unity is not among those
challenges. Every nation likes to sing its own song. It
takes our fundamental values and a great deal of
human wisdom to perform the role of a tuning fork in
the global chorus of so many different voices. The
credibility of the United Nations is indispensable if we
are to accomplish our missions in the new millennium.
Effectiveness, capacity, rapid response, financing for
development and all the rest of it will come along with
credibility.
 Security Council reform is a vivid example of
how difficult it is to accommodate the interests of 191
nations. That reminds me of a joke about the
distribution of committee posts in the Ukrainian
Parliament. They say that we should have 450
committees — that is the number of members of
Parliament — in order to make everyone feel happy
and important. Unfortunately, we cannot afford to
apply a similar approach in the case of the Security
Council, since its powers exceed by far those of any
other United Nations body. The official position of
Ukraine on the matter is clearly reflected in the
statement made by President Yushchenko during the
summit (see A/60/PV.6). Ukraine highly appreciates
the job done by the experts who have explored the
various options for Security Council reform. We must
not abandon hope and should continue to seek
consensus.
 Ukraine has fully supported the Secretary-
General’s bold initiative to reform the Organization
and has actively participated in that process. We
reiterate our support for strengthening the position of
the Secretary-General. In view of the forthcoming
election for Secretary-General in 2006 we would like
to remind representatives that throughout the 60-year
history of the United Nations it is only representatives
of our Eastern European regional group that have never
occupied that highest of posts. Therefore, we believe
that the Eastern European Group has priority in
nominating a candidate.
 In building this statement around the words
“credibility” and “democracy”, I cannot but stress the
key function of the Organization, which is to maintain
international peace and security. The memory of
Rwanda, Srebrenica or, quite recently, Darfur should
lead us to look for urgent remedies. One of these could
lie in the “responsibility to protect” concept, which
Ukraine fully endorses. We must not remain passive
observers of genocide, crimes against humanity or
gross and flagrant violations of human rights, as
happened in 1932-1933 when Ukrainians experienced
the great famine with devastating effects. The horrible
memory of that man-made calamity lives on today in
every Ukrainian family, including my own. Twenty
thousand innocent souls a day, half a million a month,
10 million altogether were taken as part of the death
toll of Stalin’s favoured ethnic policy. The Ukrainian
Government will never tire until it makes the
international community abandon hypocrisy and finally
recognize that act of genocide against the Ukrainian
nation. It was therefore in earnest and with much hope
that Ukraine followed the deliberations on the new
concept.
 Early warning, prevention and rapid response are
key to ensuring the success and durability of our
concerted action. An expert combination of diplomatic,
political and assistance tools should suffice to avert
future humanitarian disasters. But should such
measures fail to stop atrocities, the Security Council
must be ready to act swiftly and resolutely, including
with the use of force, as a final resort. I should like to
reiterate the position of Ukraine that, apart from self-

05-51226 19

defence as provided for in Article 51 of the Charter,
only the Security Council may legitimately take
decisions on the use of force.
 Peace and stability go hand in hand with human
rights, the rule of law and freedom of the media. The
credibility of Governments rests on those fundamental
values. We were all aware of malfunctions in the
Commission on Human Rights. Poor mechanisms led
to poor results. The credibility of the entire
Organization was at stake. Therefore, Ukraine
welcomes the establishment of the Human Rights
Council. We firmly believe that this important
achievement of the Organization will be reflected in
the new Council’s future activities, not only in the
change of name. Likewise, Ukraine supports the
establishment of the United Nations Democracy Fund.
 Another matter of significance that should
enhance the credibility of the United Nations is the
creation of the Peacebuilding Commission. It is evident
that conflict resolution always requires a complex
approach. The institutional gap between prevention,
settlement and post-conflict rehabilitation has finally to
be eliminated.
 To save time at this late hour, I shall not mention
many areas of cooperation and many regions of the
world that genuinely require our undiminished
attention and action. Non-proliferation; hot and frozen
conflicts; AIDS; the fight against poverty; the Middle
East; and Iraq: most often these are issues of the
democracy of governance or the credibility of policies,
or both.
 To conclude, let me recall the phenomenon of the
Orange Revolution in my country, for it was the
quintessence of what our Organization stands for. It
was not a one-time act. It is a process. It is not country-
specific, but is part of the global heritage of
democracy, an unselfish gift to all nations striving for
freedom around the globe.