I convey to you, Sir, the warm felicitations of my delegation on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. It was a memorable election, not without its drama. We have every confidence that under your dynamic and competent leadership the General Assembly will be able to deal effectively and comprehensively with the many tasks before it.
2.	I would also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the resolute and efficient leadership provided to the Assembly during its thirty-fifth session by your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar.
3.	The tolerance and patient diplomacy of the Secretary General are well known. I would like to place on record our sincere appreciation of the statesmanlike manner in which he has carried the awesome responsibility of his post.
4.	On behalf of the people and Government of India, I have great pleasure in welcoming Vanuatu and Belize, which have recently achieved their independence and joined the United Nations.
5.	The contours of the world landscape have indeed changed within the past year to such an extent that the shifts and turns make some of us wonder whether international peace and security can at all be preserved intact if the present slide continues. The tension around us is very palpable. Confrontation has become acceptable for bolstering up otherwise sagging egos. Meanwhile, those who are weak and small in terms of defense capability and economic muscle worry about their very survival as free nations. Additional weapons are being injected on a large scale into fragile regimes and areas where tensions are already high. There is a conscious and declared attempt to make relations with the developing countries function of the EastWest variable and to evaluate these relations in terms of the utility factor in the EastWest game. Considerations of the material wellbeing, peace or stability of a country are being subordinated to those of strategic superiority and containment.
6.	The grim international situation is perhaps both the cause and the consequence of the vast inequities and disequilibrium of the world economy. Tfe present structure is so designed and managed as to preserve and perpetuate its oases of privilege and affluence amidst a desert of dearth and deprivation. There is a strange scenario consisting of the economic problems of the developed world caused by what has been called a "system overload" arising from the divergent pulls of economic surplus, deceleration of demand, inflationary spirals and exiguous unemployment on the one hand, and of the grim problem of diminishing economic opportunities faced by the developing countries on the other. It is this dramatic contrast which is in part responsible for the mood of frustration and desperation in the world today. But what is most surprising is that there is an increasing tendency to tackle economic problems through political means. Obviously this will not work in the new context of a world composed of States having sovereign equality but steeped in gaping economic inequalities. No, it is time to realize that there can no longer be political solutions to economic problems.
7.	The pursuit of such a strategy for development can at best be described as misguided and unfortunate. We do not presume to prescribe panaceas to others, but we cannot possibly accept a denial of our own experience, namely, that an unbridled play of the forces of profit and acquisition can lead to concision and anarchy in economic relations. In structurally weaker economies it leads inevitably to an unbalanced allocation of priorities, distorting the social fabric by widening disparities, heightening tensions and leading ultimately to destabilization. Particularly in the developing countries, the State is the main instrument of change and almost the sole repository of power. It would be very unfortunate indeed if State power were employed to support those who are already powerful in the society, resulting in a disequilibrium which inevitably would generate centrifugal forces that would tend to destroy the society itself-. This is already threatening a number of recently emancipated societies. Such societies therefore need a structure wherein State power uncompromisingly stands by the powerless and maintains a balance between the underdog and those who have a long enough reach and strong enough hands to help themselves, no matter what. Within this overall structure there ought to be full scope for individual initiative, entrepreneurship and & civilized, as opposed to anarchic, interaction of market forces. I have no doubt that this logic holds good in international economic relations as well.
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8.	The Charter of the United Nations is based upon the yearning of mankind for peace and prosperity: peace
which is not merely the absence of a shooting war and prosperity that is not the enrichment of one at the expense of others. We cannot remain indifferent witnesses to the crumbling of detente. The great Powers have long sought security through a balance of mutual vulnerability. Raising the level of deterrence is not going to add any further to their sense of security. Hence a search is on for new strategic partners and allies. I would like to be optimistic, but true optimism invariably has to be based on a realistic and, objective assessment. The determined quest for new political and strategic arrangements on a global scale, with an almost callous disregard for the longterm interests of mankind, does not really leave much room for optimism.
9.	We in India have asked ourselves some basic questions and found some answers to them. The philosophy behind the answers is a simple one and was beautifully articulated by Jawaharlal Nehru in a broadcast he made to the United States of America on 3 April 1948 from New Delhi. It was entitled "The Age of Crisis". He said:
"Today, fear consumes us all fear of the future, fear of war, fear of the peoples of the nations we dislike and those who dislike us . . . But fear is an ignoble emotion and leads to blind strife. Let us try to get rid of this fear . . . and then gradually the crisis of the spirit will be resolved, the dark clouds that surround us may lift and the way to the evolution of the world based or. freedom will be clear."
10.	It is against this background that we see the destiny of India, both within, and in the world, more especially in our own region. Within India the reaffirmation of the policies set out by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi has been accompanied by a renewed dedication to national reconstruction and the consolidation of a secular and pluralistic political system. The stresses and strains of the international economy have impinged upon various aspects of our own economic growth but have not shaken the self- confidence of our people. Our dedication to our chosen objectives, especially to self-reliance, remains undiminished. If the successful inauguration of the APPLE geostationary satellite by our scientists represents one frontier of India's efforts and achievements, the harnessing of animal power through redesigning the bullock cart or the grinding wheel is symbolic of another equally relevant application of technology.
11.	Our self-reliance consists in trying to find solutions to our problems primarily according to our own genius. Our problems are basically simple food, clothing, shelter, health and education. It is their sheer magnitude that is baffling, not their complexity. There are no psychosomatic ailments, no paranoia of any kind afflicting us. We will therefore persevere, in our massive effort to lift ourselves up as a whole mass and not piecemeal, using methods and technology most relevant to our situation, ringing from the most sophisticated to the most simple, neglecting nothing useful because of its plainness, taking nothing irrelevant because of its dazzle. I am sure that many more developing countries now accept this pattern and that some of them have arrived at it by the circuitous and hard route of disillusionment arising from inappropriate models.
12.	India's relations with its neighbors are based on a recognition of the fact that the interests of the countries are so linked that there is no reason for us to be on any terms other than friendly. These relations are based on sovereign equality, a recognition of mutuality of interests and mutuality of perceptions to the extent possible. Where this mutuality does not obtain there is no undue keenness whatsoever to impose unwanted identities on one another. Whatever the depth of relationship at a given time, our sole interest is in promoting an environment of peace and stability that will enable all countries of the region to engage in fruitful development endeavors, avoiding outside influences.
13.	Some constructive steps in the direction of strengthening regional cooperation among the States of South Asia have been considered. We are confident that, given a sense of realism and the requisite political will, such cooperation would be feasible in advancing the development of the countries in this region. I would like to pay a special tribute to the wisdom and foresight of former President ZiaurRahman of Bangladesh for his dedicated efforts in this direction.
14.	All countries in our region face similar economic problems, and we should devote our energies towards development and development alone. India wants to have strong and self-reliant neighbors, since we are convinced that this alone is in our interest. We are, however, gravely concerned by the deteriorating security environment in our region. While India does not find itself- helpless in any way, we view with deep concern the possibility of the strategic calculations of outside Powers engulfing countries in our region.
15.	We are committed to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We are committed to the principles of nonalignment. Our twin commitments in the field of foreign policy are based on the objective necessity to contribute in a positive manner towards the creation of a peaceful and cooperative world. In India today, I am glad to say, there is complete unanimity regarding the content and relevance of the policy of nonalignment and the principles of Pancha Shila. Our commitment to nonalignment has made us unafraid to stand by ourselves, if need be, on our own conviction, whenever a point of principle is involved.
16.	More than two decades ago Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru spoke of the threat of the cold war coming to our doorstep. After a slight letup, this threat seems once again to have come back today. IWenty years since its inception, the nonaligned movement once again faces a situation which calls for the utmost ingenuity and pure purposefulness. However, despite the changes in the environment tending to exert pressure on the movement itself-, the nonaligned countries can still bring a semblance of sanity in international relations. No one has claimed or should ever claim that the nonaligned movement is a monolith. Its resilience and effectiveness, which unfortunately seem to be lost on some, are being recognized by more and more countries. It is not for nothing that every new independent nation promptly joins the nonaligned; the delicate plant of nascent freedom needs a nonaligned climate in order to grow and find its identity. Alignment saps it; alliances spell blight for it. It is a happy augury, both for the movement and for humanity as a whole, that on an increasingly large number of issues, such as decolonization, rejection of apartheid, the Middle East question, more equitable international economic relations, global interdependence and, we hope, many others that will emerge in due course, there has come about an identity of views between the nonaligned and several non non-aligned countries. We fervently hope that both the trend and the tribe will increase to a point where alignment ceases to be either fashionable or profitable.
17.	I shall now briefly refer to some of the world's unresolved problems, whose number unfortunately tends only to increase with each succeeding session of the General Assembly. The most important of the problems is, of course, the very survival of mankind.
18.	Nothing proves the unreality and mockery of international politics today so much as the failure of all attempts at disarmament. Despite this unreality, the world cannot afford to ignore the fateful implications of the arms race, particularly in its nuclear aspects, for the very future of life on this planet. Along with increasing levels of sophistication, new claims are being made regarding the possibility of waging "winnable" wars. On top of everything, we now have the neutron weapons. This development will set the stage for a qualitative jump in the nuclear arms race. While the Governments of the nuclear weapon States ostensibly practice deterrence, the choice which they are presenting their own people with seems to be one of death by their own bombs or by those of the enemy. Most certainly, it is not a choice between death and survival. I have no doubt that in spite of the intense psychosis created by these Governments in a variety of ways the people of the nuclear weapon States themselves feel disaster in their bones all the time. It is time that this feeling finds increasing articulation and leads to active opposition before it is too late. It goes without saying that for the rest of mankind this is a matter of the greatest concern. The world cannot afford to permit any State or States to endanger the survival of a)I mankind. peace-loving States should assume, in a more strident manner, the moral responsibility to urge nuclear disarmament on a high priority basis.
19.	The nonaligned countries have clearly and consistently stressed the primacy of their concern about nuclear issues. We are aware that each time there is a move to modernize a weapons system on one side, a corresponding mirror image action is taken by the other, resulting in the escalation of fear, anxiety and suspicion in the whole world. Each upward spiral in the arms race becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. It is our sincere belief that this vicious cycle of action and response can be broken. We hope that the dialog between the United States and the USSR which has just started will result in genuine and practical measures to give a fresh start in this respect. Meanwhile the world waits with bated breath, teetering on the brink of disaster.
20.	The Indian Ocean is another theater witnessing a great accumulation of sophisticated military hardware. This is in flagrant violation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace adopted in 1971 [resolution 2832(XXVI)], in which the General Assembly expressed opposition to the military presence of the great Powers in the context of their rivalry and calls for its elimination. There is an effort to divide the littoral and hinterland States. Arguments are being improvised to justify greatPower presences in the Indian Ocean area. There is a need for determined efforts to stop these moves, which ruin our security environment. Further, it needs to be reiterated that greatPower presences in the
Indian Ocean are unacceptable not only in the context of their rivalry but under any circumstances whatsoever. Were they to agree among themselves to stay put in this Ocean they would still be equally unwelcome. Together or separately, we want them out.
21.	India has consistently expressed its disapproval of all kinds of outside intervention and interference in any country. We have unequivocally opposed the presence of foreign troops in any country and all countries. For us this includes Afghanistan, whereas, presumably, to some other countries this should apply only to Afghanistan, A running argument has ensued on this question, and those who started with condemnatory polemics have now come round to prefer a political solution on the lines of the New Delhi Declaration adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries last February [see AI36I116 and Corr.l, annexJ, The Secretary-General is now considering the question and is currently engaged in removing the cobwebs to enable a dialog between the countries concerned. We wish him well in this quest. Meanwhile, the people of Afghanistan can only hope devoutly that the SecretaryGeneral's efforts may succeed; they have such a large stake in his success.
22.	The people and Government of India are saddened by the continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq. This conflict has taken a heavy toll in life and property, leading inevitably to the retardation of developmental activities of both these nonaligned countries. On their part, the nonaligned have attempted to find an acceptable solution to the conflict and will continue their efforts in consonance with the mandate of the New Delhi Declaration.
23.	India's ties with the countries of SouthEast Asia are based upon the closest social, cultural and intellectual links developed over the centuries. Having supported them in their struggle for independence, we cannot but be deeply interested in the developments in this region, particularly those affecting international peace and security in our own neighborhood. We continue to be prepared to join in all constructive efforts aimed at seeking a peaceful solution to the problems of the region.
24.	The people of Kampuchea have only just begun to emerge from the holocaust visited upon them by the Pol Pot regime in addition to the privations they had to endure earlier during the struggle of the peoples of IndoChina for national liberation, independence and sovereignty. They have just begun to look to the future with a semblance of hope and expectation. The prospects of famine and disease have receded. At this stage, the effort of the outside world should be to reassure the Kampuchean people that the process they have embarked upon will not be reversed and that their erstwhile persecutors will never be allowed to return and unleash once again a reign of terror upon them. It is, therefore, a great irony of the times that the same despotic regime should bring the stench of their genocidal acts into this august chamber in order to represent, as it were, their own victims in a bizarre inversion of the principles of the Charter. We still hope that before long wiser counsels will prevail. Indeed, at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs at New Delhi, it was clearly underlined that a comprehensive political solution should be found, providing for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and ensuring full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all
States in the region, including Kampuchea. The interference and intervention of outside Powers in the region have exacerbated tensions and must be eliminated. We are convinced that this can be achieved only through a dialog between the countries of the region.
2$. The political situation in West Asia continues to smolder as a result of Israel's adventurism and intransigence. If anything, it has been rendered more serious by IsraeKs arrogation to itself- of the right to launch "preemptive" attacks against its neighbors, as happened recently in southern Lebanon, on the spurious pretext of safeguarding its own security. Similarly, the 7 June attack on and destruction of the Osirak atomic reactor by Israel F16 aircraft a reactor known to have been intended entirely for peaceful purposes was an example of blatant aggression.
26.	A just and comprehensive solution of the West Asian problem can be achieved only by ensuring the total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from Arab territories occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national right to self-determination, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, as well as the recognition of the right of all States in the area to live within recognized and secure boundaries. Such a peaceful solution cannot be attained without the full and equal participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, in any settlement or negotiating process. We have already seen convincing evidence of the failure of a partial solution undertaken without the participation of the PLO.
27.	The recent emergency special session on Namibia has served to focus the attention of the international community on the grave situation in southern Africa. The credibility of the United Nations will be seriously eroded if it is unable to secure freedom and justice for the people of Namibia. Only through an early implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) could the peaceful decolonization of Namibia be achieved. All attempts to dilute, modify or attenuate the details of the United Nations plan to which that resolution refers for any further purpose are unacceptable to the overwhelming majority of world opinion. The Government of India reiterates its full solidarity with the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] as the authentic representative of the Namibian people and will continue to extend moral and material support to it in its struggle for national liberation.
28.	We had all hoped last year that the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea would successfully finalize a comprehensive, convention. However, the Conference has since met twice and our hope has not yet been fulfilled. The Government of India is deeply concerned that the efforts of the Conference have been frustrated, creating uncertainty about its future. Some 150 countries have labored hard for over eight years to arrive at an acceptable compromise package relating to the law of the sea which, in our opinion, serves the best interests of the community of nations as a whole. In this era of multilateral interdependence, national interests of one country cannot override the overwhelming interests of the entire international community. The resources of the international seabed area have been proclaimed the common heritage of mankind. An orderly and safe development and rational management of these resources for the benefit of mankind as a whole are imperative necessities. We do hope that the Conference will successfully complete its task at Caracas in September 1982, without reopening any of the issues already settled.
29.	All of us, each in a different way, have found that peace is stable only when prosperity is equitably shared. Mutatis mutandis, the same is equally true in the context of our global village, this little earth of ours. What are the mechanisms to be evolved so that the worthwhile things in life are within everyone's reach? That is what all of us are striving for in building a new international economic order in which production expands, labor is shared, and the products of labor are available to all, without pockets of misery or wasteful pockets of surpluses.
30.	While there may be no simple solution to the global economic crisis, the erosion of a multilateral framework will certainly make the situation much worse. A withdrawal from the processes of international cooperation is bound to lead to increasing recourse to bilateralism. This was not the vision of the founding fathers of the Charter of the United Nations, to which every speaker before me has expressed an unqualified commitment. Total bilateralism at the expense of multilateral cooperation would run into alliances that may not be in the interest of harmonious relations and relaxation of tensions.
31.	The attempts to erode the multilateral framework of economic cooperation appear even more indefensible in view of the rapid and continuing aggravation of the economic situation of most developing countries. Their terms of trade have further declined, and their exports have faced the rising walls of protectionism erected by several powerful industrialized countries. Food and energy have become more scarce. Balance of payments deficits are growing alarmingly, and external debt is assuming unmanageable proportions.
32.	Developing countries are unable to improve their terms of trade when the wall of protectionism keeps rising in one form or another in response to every innovation that they make. Access to capital markets is practically blocked through artificially inflated interest rates. The result of all these phenomena, which are manipulated by a few centers of economic power and over which the developing countries have no control, becomes manifest in sluggish economic activity at home and further aggravates balance of payments and debt burdens.
33.	Closely linked to this process is the role of the international financial institutions. Only a few months ago, at the second regular session for 1981 of the Economic and Social Council, we welcomed the many innovative mechanisms evolved by these institutions, making it possible for larger financial resources to become available to developing countries. I must note with some regret, however, that even while more rigorous conditionality has been maintained some of the progressive mechanisms of lending by these institutions have come into question in recent months. After the tremendous effort during the past decade to impart a greater and more effective developmental role to these institutions, this retrograde trend is most unfortunate. I would like to express my strong conviction that the achievements of the past decade and the progress made in making these institutions more responsive to the needs of the developing countries should not be reversed or eroded.
34.	I would also hope that the United Nations system will sincerely take serious measures to implement the policy measures defined in the International Development Strategy so that the goals and objectives of the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56] are attained. The Strategy was adopted by consensus, and its goals and objectives are modest. If there is sincerity about interdependence, these modest goals should not be difficult to achieve.
35.	The Caracas high level conference of the Group of 77 made progress in a pragmatic manner in the field of economic cooperation amongst the developing countries. The attitude of the developed countries towards technical cooperation amongst the developing countries has not been negative, though not exactly enthusiastic. In both the SouthSouth and the NorthSouth context a number of proposals designed to alleviate the burden of oil-importing developing countries have been under consideration. It is necessary to devise an early action oriented program to solve this important problem in its various aspects. This has perhaps been delayed because of the failure to launch the global negotiations. The energy resources of the developing countries can be developed on the basis of a definitive expansion of the multilateral flow of public finances, about which interesting ideas have been adumbrated, including that of an energy affiliate of the World Bank. Both the objective and the urgency of these steps need to be underscored.
36.	One of the major obstacles to a meaningful North South dialog so far is the widespread impression that on issues of resources and technology transfer it is the South that needs the North, without having much to offer in return. This is not a correct reflection of the situation. The intimate dependence of the economies of the North on world markets makes it impossible for them, as the Brandt Commission notes in its report to put even their own house in order if they forget the rest of the world. This is the lesson of the 1980s, which the North could ignore only at its own peril.
37.	We would like to reiterate, therefore, that the international community should face squarely the reality of interdependence among nations. The benefits of strengthened international economic cooperation and the dangers inherent in the growing tendency towards isolation and protectionism need to be realized more in practice. This should be reflected in the full participation by all developed countries in the process of solving international economic issues in the context of NorthSouth cooperation. There can be no exception or reservations to this process or any ground whatsoever historical, ideological or merely rhetorical. While the task of apportioning blame should now appropriately belong to academic endeavor, all developed countries should put their shoulders to the wheel.
38.	While saying this I am not underestimating the difficulties that willing Governments of the North would face in convincing their own people of the fact of interdependence in terms intelligible to the members of a self-solicitous affluent society. The realization that the purchase of the next automobile by one family in a developed country would be truly dependent on the availability of the next meal to another, starving family in a developing country is not easy to induce. Yet this is precisely the core of the concept of interdependence. The ancient Indian dictum which treats the whole world as one family seems to be on the verge of complete vindication in a very different context which none of the ancient sages had perhaps anticipated. Ancient intuition and modern scientific experience find a strange coincidence at this point.
39.	Let there be no mistake. The United Nations, being the largest multilateral system, must have the capacity to provide the umbrella under which the urgent and complex task of restructuring international economic relations could and should be undertaken. From an almost purely political institution, the system has gradually come to grapple with complex economic issues lying in the bowels of international relations today. A successful launching of the global negotiations on major economic issues and a coherent and integrated framework in the spirit of mutual benefit will constitute the real success of the United Nations system. We reiterate, therefore, that this process should be started without further delay.
40.	We are today on the eve of the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held at Cancun, which will bring together leaders of some developed and developing countries to enable a better understanding of each other's perceptions, achieve a real meeting of minds and generate the requisite political impetus to make hopefully a determined assault on all questions concerning international economic relations. The growing frustration and cynicism generated over the years by frequent setbacks to every NorthSouth exercise represent a dangerous trend. We, for our part, will continue our serious commitment to work tirelessly and ceaselessly to reverse this trend. We wish god-speed to the Cancun conclave.
41.	In the course of the general debate so far, we have heard several statements which rekindle one's faith in the desire of the North to engage in a mutually advantageous dialog with the South. I was particularly heartened by the question posed by the Minister for External Relations of France in his statement before the General Assembly on 23 September where he said: "But how often do you hear it . acknowledged . . . that the progress of the North South dialog is a prerequisite for world progress and perhaps even for world peace?" [9th meeting, para. 26.] He himself- provided the answer with characteristic finesse: "The South has become part of the life of the North." [Ibid, para. 27.)
42.	I would like to join wholeheartedly in this statement, as well as in similar inspiring statements made by several colleagues from other developed countries. These pronouncements are indeed refreshing trend-setters, inasmuch as they seek to demolish the hitherto impregnable NorthSouth divide. North and South must, therefore, share the same objectives, as their destinies are intertwined. Together, we can make sure that while following our paths, we can contribute to each other's prosperity as well as security, provided we follow the logic of peaceful cooperation and steer clear of the twin mistakes of isolation and confrontation.


254.	 Mr. President, allow me at the outset to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You bring to that office an uncommonly solid and variegated experience of work in and for the United Nations. I have every confidence that the Assembly will be most competently guided.
255.	I wish also to join in the tributes paid by other speakers to the outstanding and tireless work of the President of the thirty-fifth session, Mr. von Wechmar.
256.	Our thanks and appreciation go also to the Secretary-General for his tireless work in the service of the Organization and in the pursuit of solutions to many of the most intractable problems facing the international community.
257.. Let me also welcome the most recent Member of the United Nations, Vanuatu. The admission of this new nation to the Organization brings us a step closer to the goal of complete decolonization and the United Nations ideal of universality.
258. Since the previous session of the General Assembly the international climate has deteriorated even further. Detente has, to an increasing extent, been replaced by distrust. Some features of the situation certainly remind us of the days of the cold war. Once again we see the foreign policy of the Super-Powers being dominated by the fear that one adversary might gain, either directly or indirectly, an advantage over the other. Once again, they both seem inclined to view local conflicts and problems primarily in the light of the struggle for power between the two systems they represent. Once again they both seem to fear that the opponent is on the verge of acquiring military superiority. Both see the actions of the opposite side as threats to their own security. Neither sees its own actions as threats against the other side.
259.	The struggle of the Super-Powers to rectify the perceived imbalances in some areas, or to compensate for them by attempts to achieve superiority in others, leads to increased insecurity for all of us. By reason of their nuclear arsenals, the two Super-Powers hold the fate of the entire world in their hands. Therefore, every State has the right to demand that the Super-Powers maintain a stable pattern of contacts in order to avoid misunderstandings and overreactions. We therefore welcome the fact that the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union and the United States are using the occasion of this session of the General Assembly to hold bilateral meetings.
260.	However, we cannot rest content with the resumption of the necessary dialog between the two Super-Powers. We must call upon them to review and reconsider the course their global actions have taken, the most dangerous dimension of which is the nuclear arms race. The negotiations on theater nuclear forces in Europe, which are now scheduled to begin later this year, should have been commenced long ago.
261.	Four years have passed since the Soviet Union started deploying a new medium-range ballistic missile, the SS20, and two years since NATO decided to install new medium-range nuclear missiles on West European soil. It is reported that more than 300 SS20s have already been deployed and that at least two thirds of them may be targeted on Western Europe.
262.	The recent decision of the United States to produce the neutron weapon constitutes a further dangerous escalation of the nuclear arms race between the Super-Powers. It is therefore high time for the Super-Powers to sit down at the negotiating table and agree on measures to restrain the arms race and reduce the risk of war. No category of weapons should be excluded from negotiations, but we urge the Super-Powers in particular to resume in the near future their talks on limitations and reductions of strategic arms.
263.	That demand is supported by a wave of popular protests in Western Europe against nuclear armaments. All slogans are not as unbiased as they may seem and some ideas put forward may be less realistic than others, but in general the protests against nuclear weapons must be seen as an expression of a genuine and legitimate concern about what people feel is the lunacy of the nuclear arms race and the incapacity of political leaders to do anything about it.
264.	All human beings yearn for peace, no matter in what country they live. The fact that there is no freedom of expression in some countries should not diminish the importance of popular protests in countries where such freedom can be enjoyed. Nor should the fact that some devote more and more attention to planning for the eventuality of war prevent others from dedicating themselves to planning for peace. Every region and every country, no matter how small, has the right and the duty to interfere in international affairs for the sake of peace.
265.	In the northern region of Europe the desire to uphold the vision of a more peaceful world has been reflected in the idea of establishing a Nordic nuclear weapon-free zone. The active discussion on this idea can be seen as an expression of strong concern over the intensified nuclear arms race in Europe and as a demonstration of the strong desire of the Nordic peoples to maintain the low level of tension in our part of the world".
266.	My Government is in favor of exploring the possibilities of establishing a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone and the conditions under which such a zone could improve the already existing stable pattern of Nordic security. As the Nordic countries do not have nuclear weapons, such an improvement would, in the view of my Government, have to include concessions from the Soviet Union and the United States as regards nuclear weapons relevant to the Nordic region.
267.	So far the United States has not been willing to consider a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone.
268.	The Soviet Union has suggested that it subscribes to the idea. It has also hinted that it could consider concessions relating to its own territory. However, what has been said so far has been more than vague. If we are to have a meaningful debate, further clarifications from the Soviet Union are necessary as to what concessions it has in mind.
269.	World peace is not something to be discussed exclusively in closed sessions between the major Powers. All States should be given the possibility of making their voices heard on matters which relate to their security and to world peace. This is. the idea behind the proposal to convene a conference on confidence and security-building measures and disarmament in Europe with the participation of the Soviet Union and the United States.
270.	Many States not least, neutral and nonaligned countries in Europe are working hard towards this goal at the current follow-up meeting in Madrid of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
271.	A conference on confidence-building and security building measures and disarmament in Europe, held in successive stages, could result in the adoption of new confidence-building and security-building measures as well as progress towards limitation of nuclear and conventional weapons. Concrete, practical results of a first stage of the conference would certainly be conducive to a situation where meaningful negotiations on disarmament proper in Europe could be initiated. The conference could thus also promote progress towards a military balance between the two alliances at substantially lower armament levels.
272.	The Super-Powers may have differing views on many of these and other issues discussed at the Madrid meeting, but they must not forget that the preservation of the process of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe is in their common interest. They must therefore mobilize the political will for the adjustments and compromises necessary for reaching a substantial and balanced result in Madrid covering all fields of the Final Act of Helsinki.
273.	It is important that we develop the contents of the Final Act of Helsinki with new initiatives. It is just as important that we uphold respect for the principles already enshrined in that very Act. The Helsinki Act reaffirms the right of every State to territorial integrity, freedom and independence. Any interference in the internal affairs of another State, as well as any use or threat of force, is a breach of the principles that direct cooperation between the States of Europe.
274.	These solemnly worded principles also apply to Poland. During the last year we have witnessed a promising development towards the implementation of certain fundamental democratic rights in Poland. However, at the same time and with increasing concern, we have noted the open and brutal demands of the Soviet Union that the trends in Poland be turned back. We see no reason why an internal political process in Poland should cause its greatPower neighbor to make menacing statements. On the contrary, we see strong reasons why the Poles should be allowed to determine their own future without any foreign interference.
275.	The Charter of the United Nations bestows no mandate on the great Powers to impose their will on smaller nations. On the contrary, the Charter confers greater responsibilities on the great Powers as guardians of international peace.
276.	Regional conflicts throughout the world can easily escalate to a confrontation between the Super-Powers and become a threat to world peace.
277.	In southern Africa, the. Pretoria regime, emboldened by the regional strategic concepts recently put forward by the United States, has escalated its attacks against its neighbors, Angola in particular, in flagrant violation of international law.
278.	The internal developments in South Africa are also ominous. The vague talk of reforming the apartheid system has served only, as I see it, as an attempt to mislead the critics of apartheid. In reality, the system has remained as rigid as ever. The human degradation in which the majority of the country's population still has to live is surpassed only by the human, and indeed moral, degradation of the regime itself. But despite the efforts of the regime to silence trade unions, writers, students, churches and other civic groups, opposition is obviously stiffening. Events now taking place in the country could eventually lead to a violent showdown.
279.	Every nation deVoted to democratic ideals and human rights should strive for the abolition of the apartheid system. No democracy should support a system which violates the very idea of democracy itself. It is now high time that massive world opinion be reflected in firm demands that South Africa finally cooperate in implementing the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978). None of the five Western Powers with special responsibility for implementing this plan must through its own actions give Pretoria the impression that the demands that the South African regime end its illegal occupation of Namibia are not seriously meant.
280.	In this process the Security Council must, as Sweden has repeatedly stated, be prepared to impose sanctions against South Africa. This may be the only language South Africa understands.
281.	SouthWest Asia is another area where tension is reaching a dangerous level. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, the war between Iran and Iraq,, the terror and bloodshed in Iran, the conflict between Israel and the
Arabs, the increased American and Soviet presence in the Indian Ocean, the arms flow to that region, the social and political unrest, the economic and strategic importance of the Middle East and Gulf region all these factors combine to make this part of the world a powder keg. What is needed in that region is not more violence, not more terror, not more bombing, not more violations of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, but more efforts for peace.
282.	The Soviet armed intervention in Afghanistan continues, however, in open contempt both of massive world opinion and of the Charter. The only results the Soviet troops have achieved are increased international tension and instability. Popular resistance to the invaders is as vigorous as ever and shows that a lasting solution of the Afghanistan problem can be found only when foreign interference has ceased.
283.	In the Middle East two adversaries, Israel and the PLO, stand face to face. We urge them to recognize each other and start negotiating for peace. This is to say that the PLO must recognize Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries. This is also to say that Israel must recognize the legitimate national rights of the Palestinians, including their right to establish, should they so wish, a State of their own, living in peace side by side with Israel. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), supplemented by an endorsement of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinians, remain the basis for a peaceful solution to the Middle East problem.
284.	When Israel recently attacked Lebanon, causing many casualties among Palestinians as well as Lebanese, the United States took prompt and decisive diplomatic action and was able to contribute to a ceasefire. However precarious that ceasefire may be, it represents a welcome attempt to set in motion the difficult process of peace with the involvement of all the parties concerned.
285.	We also welcome the fact that further steps have been taken in preparation for the final withdrawal in April 1982 of Israeli forces from the occupied areas of Sinai. A dismantling of the Israeli settlements on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip would be a constructive next step. Human rights in the occupied territories must be observed in a way that is compatible with Israel's tradition of democracy and the rule of law.
286.	In the Middle bast me price of inaction might be very high. The mere lack of initiatives for peace constitutes in itself a danger. If no progress is seen towards solving the crucial Palestinian question, bitterness and hostility will deepen and tension rise. In few other regions of the world is it therefore as important to maintain the momentum for peace through initiatives to implement the resolutions of the Security Council.
287.	The war between Iran and Iraq has now lasted a whole year. Tens of thousands of people have been killed, and destruction is widespread. The economic development of both Iran and Iraq is being hindered by the continuation of the conflict. The efforts of the United Nations in sending the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Olof Palme, to help lead the parties onto a course of peaceful settlement have the wholehearted support of the Swedish Government. The parties should explore every possibility for a negotiated settlement, based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, via an impartial third party.
288.	In IndoChina, shattered by decades of war, peace is being sacrificed to the attempts of some States to gain regional power and to the strategic ambitions of the great Powers. The Swedish Government has given its support to United Nations efforts to find a political solution to the Kampuchean problem. We regret that Viet Nam did not choose to take part in the International Conference on Kampuchea, since a dialog between the parties to the conflict could create a favorable political climate necessary for a solution. Every avenue should be explored for the bringing about of such a dialog with the participation of all the parties concerned.
289.	Both the Heng Samrin regime installed by Viet Nam and the earlier Pol Pot regime claim the right to rule over the people of Kampuchea. Sweden regards neither of these regimes as the legitimate representative of the Kampuchean people. An acceptable settlement of the conflict must include the withdrawal of all foreign troops and the restoration to the Kampuchean people of its right to self determination. In our view, it is open to question whether the continued recognition of the Pol Pot regime by the United Nations is not an obstacle to a solution of the Kampucheain problem within the framework of the United Nations.
2 1 Few people have fought so hard and so long for self-determination as have the Vietnamese. It is a tragic irony that Viet Nam now seems unable to recognize that same fundamental right when it comes to the sorely afflicted people of Kampuchea.
29 i. Another nation urgently in need of peace is El Salvador, More than 20,000 people have been killed in the civil war raging in that unfortunate country. The opposition in El Salvador has declared that it is willing to negotiate in order to arrive at a peaceful settlement of the conflict. Sweden has long advocated the idea of a negotiated settlement, and we note with satisfaction that this idea is gaining in international support. A negotiated settlement which establishes a ceasefire and a coalition Government in control of the army and the guerrilla forces would make peace and democracy possible.

292.	The struggle in El Salvador is a struggle between a prevailing oligarchy and the demands of the people for greater justice. In the final analysis it is in this conflict that the democracies of the world have to choose sides.
293.	El Salvador is not only a country with a high level of political violence. It is also one of the many poor nations of the world. Just as violent upheavals in many countries have their origins in deep economic and social injustices, so the widening gap between the rich and the poor countries may ultimately lead to international conflicts.
294.	One fifth of mankind is living on the margin of existence, in hunger, unemployment and illness and without adequate shelter. This is intolerable from the point of view of human solidarity and, in the long run, incompatible with world peace and stability.
295.	The crying needs exist, not only because resources are limited or not fully used, but also because the resources available are expended in an unwise and unjust way. The sums that the world spends for military purposes exceed the total income of that half of mankind which lives in low-income countries. The per capita consumption of energy in the industrialized countries, one of the most vital world resources, is 120 times as high as in the least -developed countries.
296.	In a month's time a summit meeting on North South questions will be held in Mexico. It is not intended to take the place of global negotiations within the framework of the United Nations, but Sweden hopes that the meeting will give the necessary political impetus to break the present deadlock and set the NorthSouth dialog in motion. We trust that it will identify so many areas of common interest that a global round of negotiations will be unanimously agreed upon and launched at this session of the General Assembly.
297.	There are a few areas where mutual interests dictate joint discussions.
298.	The first concerns food security. No question can be more vital than how to work out policies and measures that ensure sufficient food for all mankind. Such discussions must deal with short-term disaster measures as well as longer-term policies to stimulate food production on a sustainable basis.
299.	Secondly, action concerning commodities, trade and industrialization is necessary. Growth in international trade is of mutual interest to developing and industrialized countries. Resistance to protectionism is therefore a necessity.
300.	Thirdly, we know that a serious international disequilibrium exists, with pressing balance of payments problems for many countries. Concerted efforts are therefore needed which aim at curbing inflation and unemployment and at increasing the transfer of resources. The establishment of an energy affiliate attached to the World Bank would be an important and constructive measure.
301.	Fourthly, and finally, the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy has recently stressed the necessity of expediting the transition from oil to alternative sources of energy. It also pointed to the risks of a too intensive exploitation of firewood and charcoal in developing countries. Continued stimulation of conservation and efficient use of all forms of energy are needed. Stable and predictable market developments are in the interest of all countries.
302.	The idea of having a global round of negotiations is based on the knowledge that all countries, whether rich or poor, would benefit from international economic cooperation.
303.	The demand is there. The developing countries have an enormous need for imported goods for the development of their resources and infrastructures. The human resources are there. Millions of people are unemployed in the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The capital is also there. Oil production has created a vast surplus of capital in search of a productive use.
304.	What is lacking is the imagination and the political will to utilize the potentials available and to turn the problems into possibilities. This will can be mobilized only if we increase the awareness among political leaders and among the public that development cooperation is a matter of survival, not of charity, and that the North in the wider perspective is just as dependent on the South as the South is on the North. Solidarity between the two will mean better chances of survival for both.
305.	In the present tense world climate it is more important than ever that we vigorously defend the principles of self-determination, territorial integrity, the non-use of force or the threat of force and respect for human rights. These principles are equally applicable to conditions in East and West, North and South. The rights of peoples or individuals must be protected whether they live in Afghanistan, El Salvador, Kampuchea, Namibia, Poland or any other country. We cannot accept the suppression of fundamental human rights or the erosion of the principle of self-determination in the name of any ideology or for the protection of any strategic interests.
306.	In the nuclear age the risks involved in any great Power conflict are immeasurable. That is why we must not let tension grow to a point where the process of escalation can no longer be controlled. That is why we demand a halt to the arms race between the Super-Powers. That is why we urge the Super-Powers to start spending for development instead of spending for destruction. That is why we urge the Super-Powers to reconsider the course their actions have taken in Asia, the Middle East, southern Africa and Latin America. In many of these areas the present policies of the Super-Powers combine to heighten the risks of war. In all those areas the principles of the Charter of the United Nations provide the guidelines for peace.


The delegation of Barbados wishes to add its congratulations to those which have already been expressed on your election, Mr. President, to preside over the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
67.	The decade of the 1980s is probably the most dangerous, certainly the most critical, since the Second World War. The world economy is in crisis. Inflation in all countries, rich and poor, has got out of control. The recession in the developed market economies has generated a concomitant downturn in the economy of the developing countries. There was a sharp slowdown of world economic growth in 1980. The year 1981 has so far not provided much hope for economic comfort, and politically the prevailing atmosphere and forecasts for the future are equally dismal. The level of violence across the globe is awakening the consciousness of world leaders to the need to look for solutions to the social, economic and political problems confronting us. Under your guidance, Mr. President, we hope to resolve some of the problems which paralyse the world community and to arrest some of the numerous disturbing trends in the international situation.	"
68.	My delegation wishes to place on record its appreciation of the efforts of the outgoing President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar. He dedicated himself effectively to the variety of issues that confronted the Organization and that also threatened the maintenance of international peace and security.
69.	As we bid farewell to a President from the North and say welcome to you, Sir, a President from the South, my delegation continues to observe the overwhelming economic and social disparities between North and South. We note that repeated attempts to thrash out the manifold problems of NorthSouth cooperation have so far produced little. It is indicative of the cynicism and lack of political will of the developed countries that the Brandt report a useful blueprint for economic cooperation between the developed and developing countries, is gathering dust in the chancelleries of the North.
70.	Unless there is significant progress in NorthSouth cooperation in the immediate future, the lives of the peoples of the South will continue to be ravaged by poverty, starvation and disease. My delegation, therefore, regrets that the Governments of the United States and the United Kingdom are cutting back further on aid to the developing world.
71.	It may be timely to warn that continuing mass unemployment, mass poverty and mass starvation will destroy the world community as we know it today. The third world will not collapse and die in splendid isolation. Either we eat together, work together and prosper together or we die together. It is time for those developed countries to reorder their priorities and spend more on foreign aid to alleviate the suffering of peoples in the developing countries.
72.	Barbados has given unstinting support to General Assembly resolution 34/138, calling for comprehensive negotiations on international relations in the fields of raw materials, development, energy, trade and the monetary system. Barbados itself has, as far as its resources would permit, laid great stress on policies such as the proper management of the economy, improved trade relationships, the development of new sources of energy and the more equitable distribution of its resources. We are firmly convinced that economic development has a better chance of being achieved if there is a commitment to social justice, for then the entire population of each one of our countries will believe that they have a stake in their country's prosperity.
73.	To illustrate the general slowdown in the rate of economic growth, it may be noted that world output has fallen steadily from the modest growth rate of 4.7 per cent in 197678 to 3.8 per cent in 1979 and to a mere trickle of 2.2 per cent in 1980.
74.	The economic indicators point to an even gloomier outlook for 198182. The World Development Report 1981, recently published by the World Bank, warns that if the world economy does not reduce poverty and expand international trade, 220 million more people will become absolutely poor by the year 2000. Unfortunately, there is every indication that rather than am expansion of international trade there is an ever increasing tendency towards protectionism. And we shall suffer as a result. The interdependence of the economies of our nations is too well known to need repetition here.	; ,
75.	As we have repeatedly affirmed, in concert .with other developing countries* any attempts to contravene the principle of universality as far as the third programming cycle, 198286, is concerned are doomed to failure as far as correcting the causes of the world's economic malaise is concerned, In this regard, we view with grave misgivings any attempt to differentiate unilaterally, and arbitrarily among and classify developing countries,
76.	But this is exactly what the World Development Report 1981 does. Continued use of per <capita !gross< national product and population size as basic criteria for allocation of resources works seriously against^ small developing countries like Barbados. The Report states that, unfortunately, aid flows to the third world are unlikely to grow, that they are already too heavily biased towards the middle-income countries and that reallocating concessional aid from the middle-income to low-income countries is almost as important as increasing its overall amount.
77.	This ominous admission suggests that it will become increasingly difficult for developing countries to receive the assistance necessary for their economies to take off. But there is a solution. The Brandt report referred to it when it stated:	'
"One half of one per cent of one year's world military expenditure would pay for all the farm equipment
needed to increase food production and approach self
sufficiency in food deficit low-income countries by
1990
78.	For all these countries there is no substitute for increased development assistance. In 1979 the combined current account deficits of the non-oil-producing countries amounted to $43 billion, while their accumulated debt burden totaled $330 billion. At the same time, net official development assistance to them from member countries of the Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD] fell from a level of 0.4 per cent of the latest gross national products in the late 1960s to 0.3 per cent in 1978. Those developed countries which have attained' the agreed objective of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product are to be commended for their efforts.
79.	The Report states that for the developing countries the 1980s will be a difficult decade of adjustment to external conditions and recommends that third-world countries should adopt an outward orientation that includes export promotion and import substitution in line with international prices.
80.	Is it not a fact that after the Second World War some developing countries attempted to develop industry to achieve import substitution but failed because of inherent infrastructural weaknesses? Their base was weak because the local market was small. They were faced with such drawbacks as limited technological infrastructure. Products were of inferior quality, and their prices were far higher than those of similar products in the international markets.
81.	Not only did this import substitution policy have disappointing results, but it coincided with a period of neglect of agricultural development which has had dire consequences, for the world's peoples, especially those of the developing world. It is acknowledged that the policy did not achieve its objective of improving the balance of payments. The external debt of Latin American countries 40 years ago was $6 billion. It is now $70 billion.
82.	The lesson that the world has become an interdependent unit and that it is impossible for countries really to develop and achieve autarky in isolation has obviously not sunk in, in spite of all the evidence so far. During the Second United Nations Development Decade a number of possible solutions to the deep seated structural imbalances in the international economy were identified. Although some of the quantitative targets have been achieved, the social aims in particular have not been realized.
83.	Barbados was among those countries which welcomed the opportunity to start afresh with the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which was adopted at the thirty fifth session of the General Assembly. It set a clear {framework of realistic objectives and targets. The obligations and commitments placed on both developed and developing countries should form a major plank in our efforts towards a transformation of the world economic order.
84.	We also believe that collective self-reliance and economic cooperation at all levels among developing countries should be encouraged. Particular emphasis should be placed on regional cooperation. In this respect, Barbados will continue to exert every possible effort to achieve effective economic integration with its neighbors in the Caribbean area and to develop further economic and other links among the peoples of the wider region.
85.	My delegation represents a tiny but proud and industrious Caribbean nationState. We are peace-loving, forward-looking and rigorously democratic. We support the principle of the equality of States and the principle of the universality of the United Nations. My Prime Minister said from this podium at the thirty-first session that "we island people from the Caribbean stand at the crossroads where history meets and where alien civilizations converge." [26th meeting, para. 5.]
86.	At this time, as we look across the Caribbean Sea and to our brothers and sisters to the south of us, we are painfully aware that history, politics, economics and alien civilizations have merged seemingly to negate the peaceful development of the islands of the archipelago and our continental neighbors.
87.	It is with grave concern that we view the open competition in this region between the two major superPowers. It is unfortunate and frightening that Moscow and Washington should choose the internal conflicts of Latin America and the Caribbean to extend their theater of war. We reiterate our firm commitment to ensuring that the Caribbean will remain a zone of peace. Barbados believes that the problems of Latin America and the Caribbean must be solved by the people of Latin America and the Caribbean.
88.	Latin America and the Caribbean suddenly erupted on to the world agenda as a major trouble spot. As we view conflict in Nicaragua and El Salvador devastating the peoples and economies of those sad countries, my delegation once again appeals to the superPowers to respect the tenets of the Charter, which they were instrumental in framing.
89.	Only ethnocentrism and neo-colonial ambitions could inform the superPowers that the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean cannot settle their problems themselves. Implicit in the fact of political independence and national sovereignty in the Caribbean and Latin America is the rejection of imposed solutions.
90.	My delegation does not claim to have any unique insight into how the numerous and seemingly intractable problems of the world can be solved. Indeed, we have no particular optimism that they can be easily solved. We are aware, however, of the primary motivating factors born of realpolitik priorities in Latin America and the Caribbean.
91.	In recent times plans have been designed to revitalize the economies of the Caribbean and Central American States and provide what is categorized as "sustained economic development". While my delegation welcomes capital and other development assistance in the region, I would caution that the essential objective of such activity should be the genuine and unfettered economic development of the area, rather than the promotion of the security interests of exogenous Powers.
92.	The development of any plan for the Caribbean and Central America should involve at all stages the people of the region and the indigenous regional financial institutions. This would help us to avoid the adverse sociocultural appendages and the political and social consequences that could result from imposed solutions to the area's problems.
93.	The decade of the 1980s is a period of challenge, contradiction and rampant cynicism. On the one hand, the march of science and technology has pushed back the frontier of ignorance that inhibited our understanding of our environment and of ourselves. The potential for the improvement of the quality of the human condition is vain. On the other hand, mankind seems unwilling fully to come to terms with and effectively to harness the vast potential of science and technology which could significantly improve the human condition.
94.	It is a cruel cynicism that the human race seems to have identified as its imperative mission and ultimate destiny the annihilation of itself. An endless torrent of meetings, speeches and mechanisms has failed to promote real progress in halting the arms race or lowering the tensions among nations. The goal of general and complete disarmament remains elusive. Mankind continues to live in the lengthening shadow of burgeoning nuclear arsenals.
95.	The economic and social problems which form the basis of the NorthSouth dialog cannot be viewed in isolation from the arms race and the ever increasing military expenditure. Nations cannot fulfill the just aspirations of their peoples in an atmosphere of tension. Peace and security cannot coexist with immense stockpiles of armaments.
96.	The world has embarked on a dangerous new round in the arms race. As more nations think it necessary to acquire more sophisticated weapons, the arms race becomes more competitive, more complex and more dangerously compelling. It is a sad paradox of twentieth century life that third-world economies, buffeted by recession in the developed market economies, are spending better than 12 per cent of their gross national product on the procurement of weapons of war. It is a dramatic commentary on the alleged intelligence of mankind and his choice of priorities.
97.	The continuing absence of the required political will to adopt national policies and implement appropriate strategies to engender confidence among States has resulted in the persistent squandering of scarce resources on military budgets. Today's announcement on the new round of talks on the reduction of nuclear arms gives the world a small ray of hope. The extent of the misuse of the world's resources and the contradiction between urgent human needs and tardy and reluctant responses call for no recapitulation here. It is necessary only to remind ourselves that more is spent on the means of self-extinction than is available to the poor of this world to spend on the means of survival.
98.	It is a fact of life that in 1980 the two superPowers accounted for 58 per cent of world military expenditure. In collaboration with their respective allies they accounted for 80 per cent of all military budgets. Military expenditure tends to contribute to the aggravation of inflation and to adverse balance of payments problems. It should be remembered that more money spent on the military increases inflation and consequently generates a reduction in foreign aid to the developing world. We ignore at our peril the nexus between the menace of the arms race and the encroaching economic, social and security crisis.
99.	The five nuclear Powers, which bear special responsibility for safeguarding peace and international security, and in particular the two superPowers, should assist the United Nations to make general and complete disarmament a triumph of experience over seemingly spurious hope.
100.	It saddens me to have to say that the studied avoidance of the serious and pressing problems facing the continent of Africa is nothing short of scandalous. Too many words have been spoken on the problems of apartheid and Namibia, and far too little realistic action has been taken or even attempted. Apartheid and Namibia are matters that have been the subject of debate in one form or another since the first regular session of the Assembly. They have also been subjects of consultations and discussions in the Security Council and at special conferences and meetings.
101.	The General Assembly and Security Council have passed resolutions, and special conferences have formulated declarations. There is not a single delegation here that is prepared to stand up in public and defend South Africa for its adherence to the inhumane system of apartheid, or for its occupation of Namibia. Indeed, 15 years ago the United Nations declared that occupation illegal {General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI)].
102.	Yet now some Member States are urging, in the second year of the decade, a gradual solution of the
Namibia problem, Some of these same nations are reluctant to interrupt their lucrative economic ties with South Africa and balk at imposing sanction? for fear,, they would have us believe, of hurting the African, States that have the misfortune to border on or .to. be encompassed' by South Africa. In other words, the same countries are so concerned about the welfare of the front-line States that they continue to prop up the economy of South Africa. They are so mindful of the need for democracy in Angola that they will ignore their own resolutions while continuing, to support the illegal occupation of Namibia
103.	The Government and people of Barbados were distressed when we realized that the Springbok rugby tour of New Zealand was to proceed as planned. Our
was, however, somewhat relieved by the large number of countries that not only spoke abut against the tour, out took action which was aimed at stopping it, or at least making it more difficult for it to proceed. We were particularly gratified by some of the positions adopted and the , actions taken by some of the older members of the Commonwealth and by a large number of New Zealanders themselves.
104.	I will not attempt to dictate to those who have for centuries been dictating to others and have been determining the course of history is less powerful countries over the globe. I will not attempt to tell them how to end the misery of millions of black people who are held hostage and captive in the lands of their birth in Namibia and Azania. They know what should and must be done as well as anyone else and better than many.
105.	The illegal and racist regime in Pretoria should not be allowed to defy further the collective decisions of the international community. I call upon this body today to end the charade, to close ranks and to move with dispatch to bring the South African Government to its senses, or to its knees, before we meet here again for the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
106.	Another important matter about which my Government feels very strongly is the question of mercenaries. The General Assembly has already touched on this matter at two sessions without making any notable progress,
107.	From the point of view of a small developing country, for which self-defense is difficult at the best of times, the need for ensuring combined and concerted action against mercenaries is of vital importance. I heed do no more than to cite the designs on the Commonwealth of Dominica by a group of racist adventurers, including some members of the Ku Klux Klan.
108.	Barbados will continue to do all in its power to work towards the early preparation of a convention against the recruitment, use, financing and training of mercenaries and urges all concerned countries not only to join in this attempt, but to apply the spirit of the future convention even before its letter has taken shape.
109.	We are extremely concerned by the recent turn of events in the Middle East, which would seem to put any hope of a reasonable solution further out of reach. It is our hope that the actors in the area, as well as the reactors from other areas, will find the magnanimity to look beyond purely narrow self-interest and work towards guaranteeing peace and security in the region.
110.	At its thirty-fifth session, the Assembly adopted resolution 35/20, in which it declared that Belize should become art independent State before the conclusion of the thirty-sixth session and in which it called upon the administering Power to do whatever was necessary to ensure the effective and continued existence of an independent Belize.
111.	We note with satisfaction that, after a series of negotiations between Belize, the United Kingdom and Guatemala, the terms of the resolution are being implemented and that three days ago Belize became independent and will tomorrow, we hope, become a Member of the Organization. Barbados rejoices with the people of Belize. However, there is a tinge of sadness in all this, because Belize's neighbor has not acknowledged its independence.
112.	We call on all countries in the area to give general support to Belize, whose territorial integrity and sovereignty must be upheld. We hope that there will be no necessity to take any action other than the steps which have already been given full publicity.
113.	Last week we had the pleasure of welcoming Vanuatu to the family. Later in this session, we may have the pleasure of welcoming another State, the Caribbean island of Antigua.
114.	These developments underline the continuing success of the United Nations in achieving solutions to seemingly intractable problems. The Government of Barbados believes the Organization has the capacity to influence world opinion for the good of all mankind. Let us together keep that faith alive.