I would like first to congratulate the President, the representative of a country that is making a great contribution to the establishment of peace and expanding international cooperation, on his election to preside over the forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly and to assure him of my delegation's willingness to give him every assistance in the performance of his important and responsible task.
Our delegation is especially pleased at the admission to membership in our Organisation of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, with which we have for centuries enjoyed a tradition of friendly relations. We hope that those will grow stronger and be further enriched. We also congratulate the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on their admission to membership in the United Nations. We express our willingness to expand cooperation with those countries on a multilateral and bilateral basis.
We welcome the admission to United Nations membership of the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
In 1914 Maxim Bogdanovich, the well-known Belarusian poet, whose centenary is this year being celebrated under the aegis of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), wrote the following lines:
"There is such wealth and beauty everywhere, "Yet men still starve and toil "In poverty, in ignorance, "Because of boundaries and barriers."
The poet was expressing concern at man's deepening isolation, at his alienation from the world. He was inspired to seek the establishment of a sew and store just world order based oil the unshakeable principles of freedom and respect for the individual. Maksim Bahdanovich could not be criticized for believing in the idea of some kind of universal State without borders. He was one of the champions of the awakening of the national self-awareness of his people to whose selflessness we owe a great deal for the establishment of our modern State, the Republic of Belarus.
In order to understand the historical destiny of our people, we must of necessity take a look at the past that would shed light on the darkness of long-past centuries with their bloody past and on our movement towards freedom, the glorious and also tragic pages of our national history, which would help us better understand and try to envision our future. Today we note with pride that the traditions of Belarusian statehood have a history that goes back many centuries. It was embodied in various forms of a State system and reached its zenith in the Middle Ages. The Belarusians - whose language was used back in 1588 to draft the Statute, a code of legal norms which was advanced - even classic - for the Europe of that day, never showed any feelings of enmity or hostility towards their neighbours nor any desire to kindle the flames of disputes among nationalities.
The traditions of statehood were again made manifest in the first quarter of the twentieth century, when the Belarusian State was proclaimed. During the relatively short time of its independent existence it was recognized de jure and de facto by a number of European States, with which it began to develop bilateral relations.
It would, however, be wrong to portray the history of our ethnos as a serene sequence of achievements and successes. I think the contrary would be true. It is hard to find in Europe any people that has suffered so much and been so destitute, and which has so often been exposed to devastating raids, invasions and acts of aggression. Over the last 600 years, according to a very conservative estimate we have lost in the flames of war no fewer than 12 million people. Because of fate our geopolitical situation - at the crossroads between Central and Eastern Europe - was tragically reflected in the destinies of Belarusians, casting them implacably from the moloch of one war to another. Between the hammer and the anvil, between two strong neighbours - that, very generally speaking, is the way I would express the quintessential nature of our national history. Thus it was in the late eighteenth century, when under certain well-known historical conditions the Belarusian lands became part of Russia. Thus it was in 1918 in Brest, when the territory of Belarus was carved up at will, forgetting to ask the people what it wanted. Thus it was in 1921, when the tragic, for us, Riga Treaty was signed, cutting up into two parts for almost 20 years the war-ravaged, bleeding land of Belarus. Thus it was in January 1945 at Yalta, where the ruthless hand of Stalin laid hold of the map and manipulated the destinies of hundreds of thousands of Belarusians. We do not want to be a shadow of our neighbours; we do not want to be the small change in a big European game.
I say this, not in order to reverse the course of history or rewrite it: the past remains the past. But today we are absolutely devoted to the spirit of the Helsinki and Paris agreements and we believe in the unconditional recognition of the primacy of international law.
Now my motherland is experiencing another stage in its development of statehood. That is why I am deeply moved to inform this world parliament, the entire international community, that on 25 August of this year, a decision by the supreme legislative organ of our Republic gave constitutional status to the declaration of State sovereignty of the Republic. Our Supreme Soviet also proclaimed the political and economic independence of the Republic, and on 19 September of this year took a decision to rename the State - it is now called the Republic of Belarus - and also to establish new State symbols, the white-red-white flag and the coat of arms, the Pahonia, or Chase, as it is called, which have a centuries-old history behind them.
So the first steps have already been taken on the way to develop sovereignty expressed in the conclusion or start of the negotiating processes with contiguous States - Russia, Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania - a desire to build bilateral relations with our neighbours and other States on an equal footing.
The Republic of Belarus is counting on support from the world community for its initiatives and is hoping to establish full inter-State relations, to develop mutually advantageous cooperation in all areas with all interested States.
These days we are often asked, what guidelines will Belarus use in its foreign policy? Answering the question from this lofty rostrum I would say that the vital interests of the Belarusian nation are the cornerstone of our policy in international affairs; a balanced approach and realism are components of that policy.
By dint of this, the foreign policy principles and priorities of the Republic of Belarus might be summarized in the following points.
First, we must achieve real independence and sovereignty for our State. We must establish favourable domestic and external political conditions leading to a "wave" of diplomatic recognition. Yet we realize that sovereignty is not so much something that is proclaimed or declared, but rather a quality that is recognized and confirmed. For Belarus, sovereignty is not merely a goal; it is a difficult, thorny path, the historical distance of which is probably long. In no way can we slow down these processes; we would simply find ourselves on the sidelines of European development were we to do so. Nor can we speed them up, for that would lead to a dangerous divorce from reality. The Belarusian way to genuine sovereignty, as we hope, will be consistent, calm and civilised, reflecting the unshakable traditions of our tolerance and our respect for the peoples living in the territory of the Republic, taking account of the constant growth of the national self-awareness of our people. For us, sovereignty and independence, won by much suffering in our tragic history, is the desired ideal, the hope for survival in the extreme Chernobyl situation in which we now find ourselves. In fact, we have been proceeding towards this over the last centuries, and only in the late twentieth century have we really gained the eternal human right to be masters of our own land.
The second point is cooperation in the establishment of a unified economic space, a new union of sovereign States. We are in favour of preserving, developing and giving a new quality to traditionally established economic ties, and on this basis we favour participation in the process of creating a community of sovereign States to replace the USSR. The realistic approach Belarus has taken tells us that destroying the work of decades and establishing tariff barriers would lead to a sharp reduction in living standards and would be detrimental not to the Belarusian people alone. According to the available statistics this would mean for the sovereign republics losses of tens and hundreds of billions of roubles. Therefore the Republic of Belarus favours a common economic, energy and transport space within the former USSR, functioning on the principles of a modern, regulated market. We adhere to this approach not only in respect of the economic interaction within the borders of the former USSR but also at the global level. In this connection Belarus is following with interest the Uruguay Round being conducted under the aegis of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); this is broadening the framework of the universal international trading system.
The third point is mobilization of international support to resolve the Chernobyl problem. This problem is of crucial importance to us because Chernobyl was the worst disaster of the twentieth century - as far as its consequences go - and will be our national tragedy for centuries to come. Everything in this world is transient. We will all disappear from it, but there will be an endless stream of new generations of Belarusians who will continue this difficult, agonizing search for answers to the most complex questions posed during those few days of April 1986 by the Chernobyl disaster.
That is why the Chernobyl problems have become one of the main priorities of our foreign policy. In fact Chernobyl has turned out to be a catalyst in our movement towards sovereignty. Our people, our Republic, has always been amongst the first to assist others. However, at the most difficult time of our sufferings from Chernobyl we felt that we had been left alone to face our national misfortune in a country that was being torn by many contradictions.
To be frank, it must be acknowledged that the socio-economic system in our country was not prepared properly to react adequately to this major nuclear disaster of the century, to this tragic challenge of history. Members can judge for themselves. During the five years since the disaster, Belarus has received from Union funds for the Republic's health care a mere 5 million foreign exchange roubles whereas its annual requirements for health care are 75 million. At the same time, the Ministry for Atomic Energy of the USSR, the main culprit of the Chernobyl disaster, in 1990 received from its export deliveries $US 650 million. All this compels us to take another look at previous assessments and approaches and to focus now on the problem of international cooperation.
However, it is not a question only of assistance in that narrow, traditional, even over-simplified meaning of the word, as was the case before, with food assistance, clothing, and so on. Belarus, Ukraine and Russia now need very special equipment such as children's oncological tomographs, the latest diagnostic equipment, the most modern kinds of oncological preparations and the latest methods for treating the many diseases from which dozens of countries are suffering.
The tragic experience of Chernobyl, a unique planetary disaster, can be understood and handled only by the collective intellect of mankind, only through comprehensive international cooperation. In a way we have inherited the tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as a focal point of human suffering. The course of events has shown that practical implementation of the programme of cooperation under United Nations auspices is not easy; indeed, it has encountered obstacles.
In these conditions we are particularly grateful to countries that stated at the pledging conference on 20 September that they would participate financially in international programmes to mitigate the consequences of the Chernobyl catastrophe. We are sincerely grateful to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and the United Nations Coordinator of International Cooperation for Chernobyl, Ms. Margaret Anstee, for breathing life into the well-known General Assembly resolution 45/190 and for doing so much also to convene the conference of donor countries and to coordinate future international cooperation.
Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar has constantly demonstrated a warm, friendly attitude towards Belarus and has visited our Republic. He have profound respect for him as one of the most authoritative political leaders of our time.
The fourth point is transformation of Belarus into a nuclear-free zone and a neutral State. I wish to stress that the achievement of this priority is dictated by the fundamental interests of our people, especially in the post-Chernobyl era. In the course of moving towards this goal proclaimed in the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Belarus, in October 1990 we put forward from this lofty rostrum the initiative of establishing a nuclear-free belt - from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, including Belarus, the three Baltic States and Ukraine. The experience of this past year has certainly shown that in putting forward that idea our evaluation of these processes was correct. Moreover, over the past year and in particular over the past month we have moved even farther towards the goal that we proclaimed than we had thought possible. A powerful catalyst for these and other processes with regard to deepening the democratisation process was the defeat of the August putsch in Moscow.
Taking the next step forward, we are proposing today that practical consultations be held with all interested parties regarding the necessary measures to establish such a nuclear-free zone and also the procedures, methods and steps to be taken to that end, including the international legal steps. The truth is that the Belarus people is tired of being hostage to other people's military decisions. Far too often, and all too ruthlessly, our well-being, culture and future were trampled underfoot by the military boot. Today, we are doubly reluctant to be hostages to, other people's nuclear decisions. The future of the nuclear potential on the territory of Belarus, its use, deployment or re-deployment, can be and should be resolved only with the participation of Belarus, not behind its back. At the same time we state clearly that monitoring and management of nuclear weapons must of course lie with the unified centre.
Belarus will promote the speedy ratification of agreements between the USSR and the United States on reducing nuclear arsenals.
While understanding the great complexity and delicacy of the military and political problems here and knowing that their solution depends on European realities and the positions of other countries, Belarus considers it necessary to have appropriate channels for conducting the necessary international work to bring about these goals. These very considerations compelled us at the beginning of this year to address the Conference on Disarmament, working on a permanent basis in Geneva, to request membership there.
The fifth point concerns integrating Belarus into the all-European process.
At the present time we are re-analysing the problem of integrating Belarus into the Helsinki process. If Belarus, particularly in its dire post-Chernobyl situation, becomes a site for the deployment of large numbers of armaments and armies withdrawn from Central and Eastern Europe, should we not have a say in the military decisions being taken during this process? If human rights and the exercise of them in our territory are to be determined from now by the laws of Belarus and not any other acts, should we not too participate in the fashioning of the contents of the Helsinki humanitarian basket? If the economic realities for the existence of an 11-million-strong nation, including settling foreign trade problems, are now to be determined by decisions taken in Minsk, should not the capital of Belarus participate directly in fashioning the common economic space in Europe?
We do not see any serious obstacles to participants in the Helsinki process recognising the new realities and accepting the equal participation of Belarus in its important efforts which, to a large extent, will determine the future of the continent. The proper time for this might be the foreign- minister-level meeting of the countries of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, to be held in January 1992 in Prague.
The times we are living in pose many new questions, and we must all give a lot of thought to them and work hard to see to it that answers to them will provide the stability that our people seek - genuine stability, not pseudo-stability; long-lasting, not fleeting stability; stability based on justice, without any discrimination. Anyone familiar with history can say that discrimination and stability are political antonyms.
The sixth point concerns creating conditions for establishing market structures in Belarus for its economic development.
He view the unequal levels of economic development as the basic destabilizing factor in Europe as well as at the global level, and today this contains the seeds of further cataclysms.
What we previously called the ideological confrontation turned out to be totally surmountable, but it is being replaced by new contradictions stemming from highly unequal levels of economic development and of the conditions necessary to start and expand a market economy. Of course, they can be ignored. So far they are not as acute as the economic problems in North-South relations, but I am convinced that if we do not act now, then in a few years' time they will definitely recur. Economic migration alone can become a serious problem for all Europeans. Of course, as an antidote, the protective functions of the State, stricter visa regulations and the building of camps for displaced persons could be used, but all these administrative measures - which, by the way, can be called a kind of iron curtain - are doomed to failure, as history suggests.
The way to resolve many tragedies that lie in wait for peoples that have gained their long-awaited freedom should be sought in the market economy. Belarus is consciously adopting this approach, and recently a number of in-depth reforms have been implemented. He are now focusing on establishing a legal, socio-economic infrastructure for the market economy. Dozens of laws that lay down the basis for business activities have been enacted, or soon will be.
Our serious and fundamental attitude to the market economy stems from the fact that we view it as a means of accumulating material resources for resolving many problems caused by Chernobyl. But the need at this time to concentrate enormous resources in this area is making this shift to a new type of economic activity difficult.
The new political and economic realities facing the Republic - further, complicated by the Chernobyl factor - have compelled us to re-evaluate the adequacy of the current contribution of Belarus to international organizations. This is a complicated methodological and political problem. But for us it is relevant, and we are prepared to engage in consultations and to have close cooperation with the appropriate organisations in order to find possible approaches to resolving it.
The seventh point relates to ensuring ecological security.
Unless this is achieved, any further progress for mankind and its survival at the beginning of the third millennium will be impossible.
In this context, the preparations for the Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in 1992 in Brazil, are of primary importance. We must see to it that this Conference become a landmark in mankind's growing awareness of the full magnitude of the ecological threat and of coordinating for the next decades common approaches to a strategy for ecological cooperation among States.
The decision to create in the United Nations at the beginning of 1992, on an experimental basis, the Centre for Emergency Environmental Assistance is a clear sign of success in moving towards this new understanding of the problem.
We are convinced that it is high time - particularly bearing in mind the bitter lessons of Chernobyl - to think about creating, within the United Nations system, a mechanism that would be automatically triggered and provide large-scale humanitarian assistance in the case of major disasters.
The eighth point provides for free interchange of cultures. Here our basis is the universal value of culture; its great humanitarian function. We are convinced that culture should play a major role in the rapprochement, integration and development of mutual understanding among States and peoples.
Accordingly, we will be playing a more active role in forming the cultural basis and preserving the heritage of Europe and the world and in restructuring our relations with our neighbours on the basis of constant cultural values and ideals and common traditions in our spiritual lives. Culture is national in its essence, but knows no boundaries. For example, the stained glass windows in the cathedrals of Reims, Prague, Krakow and those of the cathedrals of the Belarusian city of Grodno are close in their spirit and artistic form. This example demonstrates the great magnetic force of culture, its irreplaceable integrating role, and its historic mission. Belarusian culture has always been developed in the best humanitarian traditions of Europe, creating a favourable environment for the different forms of human genius.
We note with satisfaction that the writer F. Dostoevsky, the composers I. Stravinsky and S. Shostakovich, the artist M. Chagall, and the poet Guillaume Apollinaire, all had their ancestral roots in Belarus, and all made a significant contribution to the spiritual treasure house of our peoples and influenced the culture of the world with their philosophical depth, their innovative methods, their originality and individuality and refined aesthetic principles. We are determined to create conditions for the free movement of peoples, the exchange of ideas and cultural values, by preserving and developing our age-old tradition of tolerance.
Our great Interest in the work of Agencies and organs of the United Nations system may be explained to a large extent by the fact that for many years the United Nations was for Belarus virtually the only window onto the outside world. But even in these new circumstances, when the Republic is beginning to establish and expand bilateral relations, the significance of the United Nations will endure. Therefore, we are particularly mindful of the historic role the Organisation will play in the future and we are ready to work with others to enhance its authority and prestige.
At this time the renaissance of the United Nations is being noted by all. Accordingly, we are renewed interest in the United Nations by the large States too, which sometimes believed the United Nations to be marginal. We are a small State and we welcome this process. Therefore, it must be noted that it reflects a living truth that if in certain sharp turning-points in history the interest in the United Nations increases, this demonstrates that it is necessary as an instrument for cooperation and mutual creative action by States.
It must be recognised, however, that the world has undergone a radical change. Therefore, the instruments being used by the world community must also be updated. The required changes in the United Nations can be made without shaking the foundations established in 1945, but on the basis of the new realities in our reading of the existing Charter of the Organization. We are proposing at this session of the General Assembly that a process of consultations could be initiated, the subject of which would not be merely the machinery of the General Assembly itself but, in the broader sense, the new role of the United Nations as a whole.
In particular, we need to establish consensus on the new role of the United Nations in the maintenance of peace, and the main importance of this goes beyond resolving a specific conflict, such as what is happening now in the Persian Gulf region. In fact, there is a new understanding of the forms and methods of work of the United Nations appropriate to this particular period of world history, where the primacy of universal interests over selfish aspirations is recognised.
The renaissance of the United Nations is not a mere fortuitous occurrence, nor is it episodic. It has been prepared by the entire development of mankind in recent decades. The Organisation, the idea of which was clearly ahead of its time, is now in step with its time. The national State renaissance of Belarus, which we are seeing now, is no mere happenstance, nor is it a mere episode. Now is the time for embodying in practice the age-old aspirations of Belarusians, a quarter of all Slav peoples. In ancient times we were between the Varangians and the Greeks. Now we feel that we are part of the community of nations and the renaissance of Belarus is our unique contribution to the renaissance of the world family of nations. A family is truly powerful and prosperous when that time of prosperity is valid for all members.
Blessed be the future of my native Belarus!


"Mr. President, I add my voice to the congratulations expressed by previous speakers on the occasion of your election. Your personal experience in this Organization, together with your unanimously recognized diplomatic skills, are the best guarantee for the quality of our debates.
"I must also congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, for his exceptionally active role as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. His dynamism was highlighted in the course of the proceedings concerning the restructuring of certain activities of the General Assembly.
"A special word of thanks must also be addressed to the Secretary-General, Mr, Javier Perez de Cuellar. As always, his report on the work of the Organization during the past year has furnished us with an inspiring synthesis. We art grateful to the Secretary General for the ten yearn during which he has guided the United Nations with full personal commitment. A number of multilateral diplomatic successes of recent yearn bore the undeniable mark of his own input, especially where the resolution of long-standing regional conflicts is concerned. Moreover, the prospects for speedy settlements in a number of cases still pending are also due to his personal efforts. Thus, his activity has certainly contributed to translating the Organization's political revival into concrete actions in the field.
"The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, Mr. van den Broeck, has already spoken here on behalf of the 12 member States of the European Community. I subscribe to his statement, and I share in his expression of the Community's views on the major questions facing us today. The wide range of his statement allows me to focus attention on a limited number of subjects.
"Before doing so, however, I wish to express my Government's satisfaction at the fact that several new Member States were admitted to our Organization at the beginning of this session. Belgium has always been in favour of universal membership of the United Nations. In that spirit, we welcome the simultaneous admission of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to membership of the Organization. The admission of new Members is even more welcome when it contributes to the lessening of regional tensions or when it reflects the fast pace of change in the world. We are convinced that the new Member States will enrich our debates with their particular insights.
"The events of recent weeks and months in the Soviet Union have accelerated and confirmed the collapse of communism. The failure of the coup has demonstrated that democratic thinking is alive and well in the Soviet Union and that perestroika could not be undone by a handful of military and KGB personnel.
"Belgium joins in the rejoicing at the victory of constitutional and legal order over the totalitarian adventurism of those in the Soviet Union who had failed to realize that the reforms initiated by President Mikhail Gorbachev had reached the point of no return.
"Would it be true, then, that the history of this twentieth century is merely a passing phase - one that has already passed? Indeed, our century has, by and large, been marked by the 1ife-and -death struggle against two evil forms of totalitarianism: fascism and communism. These two perverted forms of sociological thinking and of political action have, throughout the major part of this century, reduced hundreds of millions of individuals to conditions of mental slavery, moral exploitation and, eventually, self-destruction. These totalitarian ideologies are responsible for the loss of human lives by the millions.
"Today, it is our privilege to see, with the utmost relief and joy, this century ending in 1991 with the implosion of communism. Communism has come to an end both as a political regime and as an ideology.
"The rejection of communism by ever more people in the world means that this ideology is no longer credible as a guideline for social reform. Because of the events in the Soviet Union, democracy and the defence and exercise of freedom and basic human rights have considerably enhanced and are now quite likely to be accepted internationally. "The recognition of political freedoms must, however, go hand in hand with the granting of economic freedoms. Thus we get this dual concept of democracy and a competitive market economy, which seems to be conquering the world - democracy as a political framework ensuring a socially responsible redistribution of the benefits gained through an efficient market economy.
"After the revolutionary changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the leaders in the Soviet Union have the historical duty to bring the democratic and economic reforms in their country to a speedy conclusion. But this task must be achieved in a spirit of international solidarity. In this regard, the European Community and its member States, including Belgium, cannot and will not shun their responsibilities. Obviously, such support cannot be seen as a substitute for the reforms democratically elected leaders in these countries must undertake. That being said, we must offer them the broadest and most effective cooperation possible.
"Moreover, the Europe of the Twelve also serves as a model: its various forms of economic cooperation among its members; and the manner in which it cooperates with third States and regions or constituent republics of third States. In this context we hope that the Soviet Union - and I stress the word 'Union' - will be able to work out a balanced formula for cooperation between its various constituent republics. "National feelings harbour great energy which can be applied to good purposes as well as to evil ones. When a national feeling degenerates into nationalism, that is, into forms of collective selfishness, a destructive force can be set free. History is replete with tragic examples of this. But the national conscience of peoples able to enjoy their own language, history, culture and religion is an important asset for the world community. Without such inputs, international society would become merely a colourless mixture of stateless people.
"Personally I am convinced that the countries of the European Community, having undergone the great ordeals of the first half of this century, have cast out their nationalistic demons thanks to a policy of integration in numerous fields.
"The European Community has also given an example of how to transcend national feelings; and we are willing to assist others in seeking workable solutions for similar problems. We hope that the granting of a wide measure of autonomy will neither increase the risk of proliferation of nuclear weapons nor obstruct or undermine the trend towards disarmament which, happily, exists in so many fields.
"Belgium welcomes with satisfaction the regained independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. My country never recognized their annexation by Stalin's Soviet Union. We are particularly proud that we were able to contribute to the establishment of a Baltic information centre in Brussels and that we supported their delegations in various international forums prior to their recognition under international law. We also salute the memory of those citizens of the Baltic republics who gave their lives in the struggle for independence. "The events of recent months and years, so full of hope for peace and for the freedom of ever more people in the world, have also demonstrated the growing importance of human rights. The Marxist notion, according to which respect for human rights, in keeping with a materialistic logic, is seen as a consequence of a specific of socio-economic development, is now clearly being abandoned. Respect for human rights now appears to be the sine qua non for the balanced socio-economic evolution of any society. Hence there is an interaction at work between development and respect for human rights.
"There is no doubt that States individually, rather than the international community, bear the primary responsibility for the protection of human rights within their territory. But each State is responsible to the international community in cases of non-compliance with its obligations. International consensus on this issue is steadily growing: States are liable internationally for their national policies in the field of human rights. This combination of national responsibility and international liability entails an increasing internationalization of human rights issues. We therefore favour a definition of human rights which is both broad and precise.
"The individual human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration and in the two International Covenants remain the basic components of any evolving human rights policy. Consequently, these Covenants ought to be accepted and applied by all United Nations Members. Aside from the right of peoples to self-determination, more attention should now be given to the social exercise of certain individual human rights, such as cultural and religious freedom, including the elimination of ethnic and other forms of discrimination.
"Belgium continues, as in the past, to plead that we take into account the regional dimension of respect for human rights so as to enable each region to consider its cultural and socio-political idiosyncrasies in respecting fundamental rights. It is also necessary to grant special protection to persons belonging to certain social groups, such as women and children. The Convention on the Sights of the Child and the recent World Summit for Children made significant progress in that respect.
"The protection of human rights is of course a duty, but it is also a right. In signing the Charter and in adopting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the two additional Covenants, the Member States of the United Nations undertook to respect human rights within their territories.
"True exercise of State sovereignty consists not of resisting any external interference in this field, but, rather, of mobilizing of all means available to States to ensure respect for human rights. Each State has this obligation not only to its own citizens - in particular minorities within its borders - but also with regard to other States.
"In contradistinction to the position generally advocated by the now increasingly discredited totalitarian regimes, actions by third States to protect human rights should not necessarily constitute interference in domestic affairs. This is very clear in cases where actions are undertaken in response to a request by a State no longer able to ensure the protection of human rights on its own territory. But even if the action is taken without the consent of the State on whose territory human rights are violated, it is not necessarily interference in domestic matters.
"Indeed, effective respect for human rights is at the heart of the problem. The international community must help States to respect human rights, and force them to do so if need be. To prevent any abuse the Charter rightly implies that any such intervention must take place in an orderly and acceptable fashion. It should be in accordance with well-defined rules. The existence of a violation must, as a matter of principle, be clearly established. The response must be gradual and must obtain the agreement of the international community. Only in the case of actions undertaken in situations of extreme emergency should it be possible to bypass these rules until the international community itself is able to take all the necessary measures.
"This rostrum is not the appropriate place to enter into the details of a juridical exposition. Let me just point out that Article 56 of the Charter implies the possibility of interference of this kind. Each United Nations Member has committed itself to individual or collective action in defence of the principles set forth in Article 55, including the protection of human rights. All States and the international community as a whole are obliged not only to respect human rights but also to have them respected.
"Protection of human rights encompasses both combating violations and preventing them. It is the duty of Member States to ensure that basic political rights are effectively granted to their citizens, that they can participate in political decision-making, that conditions for economic growth are created, that there is the indispensable social redistribution of wealth, and that sound sanitary and ecological standards of living are achieved. Inversely, it is also true that respect for human rights contributes to political stability and to a spirit of entrepreneurship.
"Using confidential procedures, direct and indirect pressure and diplomatic interventions, third States and the international community can bring about a change of attitude by a State violating human rights. If these measures fail, the greatest leverage against those violating human rights is to be found in concern publicly expressed by third States or by pressure groups. For that reason, the work of non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International must be vigorously supported.
"But the international community must also be able to intervene rapidly. The diplomatic impact of the United Nations must be strengthened, and the Organization should be able to take action at very short notice. Now more than ever before, countries should train military and civilian units required for rapid deployment within the framework of such United Nations operations.
"Moreover, Member States should whenever possible consider the inclusion of human rights clauses in international agreements, following the example of the Lome Conventions and the recent constituent Act of the new European Development Bank. Such clauses are inspired not by any type of cultural imperialism, but by our deep conviction of the interrelationship between human rights, pluralism and economic and social development. In this spirit, Belgium has recently insisted upon the introduction of the notion of respect for human rights in its bilateral agreements with States with which it maintains close traditional links of cooperation.
"The international community therefore must provide itself with sufficient means to make States violating human rights change their behaviour when confidential procedures or pressure from public opinion are ineffective. He clearly see a role for the Security Council in this field. Prior multilateral approval of interventions is desirable in almost all cases. In certain extremely urgent and flagrant cases, a State should be allowed to intervene on its own initiative to protect human rights. Such an intervention could be legitimate when, for example, citizens of that State outside its borders are subjected to gross and systematic violations of their basic human rights. Such situations generally arise in times of war or civil war, when State authority collapses, or when States obstruct the delivery of the necessary humanitarian aid. But even in those cases it is of course indispensable for the State carrying out the intervention to submit its actions within a reasonable time limit to the Security Council. Such unilateral intervention should, moreover, be discussed and monitored by the relevant regional forums.
"Existing multilateral institutions are already in a position to do a lot of useful work in this field. In the longer term an extension of legal options could be envisaged. We view the creation of an international court for human rights and the appointment of a high commissioner as the most important possible innovation.
"What we are aiming for is the establishment of a more structured mechanism to investigate individual, specific cases of human rights violations and then reach a conclusion and ensure legal redress. We are well aware that In these matters we have to attain and respect a balance between existing and future institutions, between political fields of competence and legal procedures, and between mechanisms at the national, regional and International levels. More specifically, the powers of the Commission on Human Rights may have to be reviewed to allow for transmission of the files on the worst cases of human rights violations to the Security Council.
"The international court for human rights and the high commissioner should 'filter' dossiers, thus enhancing their authority, avoiding procedural abuses and preventing overburdening the Security Council.
"Taking into account these ideas, we may envisage the following procedures: the high commissioner would have to submit complaints by States to the court, while he would have the option of submitting complaints from individuals; he would have the right of inquiry and the court would be able to summon States; if the State involved refused to collaborate, its refusal would be notified to the Commission on Human Rights; the court would determine whether the State had indeed violated human rights; the State would then be given an opportunity to acknowledge its responsibility, restore the rights concerned and make legal reparation to the victims, and if that were not done the court's judgement would be transmitted to the Commission on Human Rights.
"The Commission is a political organ which has to concentrate on the policies and practices of States violating human rights. Its effectiveness could be strengthened in, for example, the following ways. The behaviour of a State could be brought to the Commission's attention by another State, by the court or by the high commissioner. The commissioner would then check whether human rights had indeed been systematically violated. It would be entitled to order an inquiry. Refusal to collaborate would be viewed as an aggravating factor. If the Commission found that a State had indeed systematically violated certain human rights, that State should be given a short period to put the matter right. If the State did not take such action, the facts would be notified to the Security Council.
"When It is thus clearly established that a State refuses to end its violations of human rights, two further means of pressure can be envisaged. First, States can use existing unilateral means of exerting pressure, which they will have a right to apply to the extent that they have Inserted human rights clauses in their treaties with other States. A number of States will inevitably want to review their economic, political and diplomatic relations with another State on whose territory human rights are systematically violated. Secondly, if the Commission on Human Rights finds that a State persists in systematic and gross violations of human rights, that State's attitude will be brought to the attention of the Security Council for consideration.
"When we recommend the path of pluralism and respect for human rights with such insistence we may run the risk of seeming self-righteous.
"States in which democratic institutions have been functioning for generations have no other choice but continuously to watch ever the vitality of those institutions and be increasingly aware of the problems arising outside their own borders, in a spirit of solidarity.
"There, too, we face a real challenge.
"The greater attention now being devoted to the development of new East-West relations does not mean that Belgium, or indeed Europe as a whole, will forget the urgent issues pertaining to North-South relations.
"We are even more aware of the urgency of these issues since the General Assembly recently concluded its assessment of the Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. Criticism has been levelled, rightly, at the implementation of this Programme.
"We must not forget that the economic situation of many developing countries is also linked with the political reforms they are currently undertaking. Our aid must be adjusted accordingly, both quantitatively and qualitatively.
"It is also becoming increasingly clear that we need to envisage a new relationship between donor countries and recipient countries, taking into account the interdependence of the world economy. We must also find an acceptable level of economic growth, while giving due attention to its adverse side effects, especially for the environment.
"I cannot close without emphasizing that the past year has been exceptional for our Organization. The widening of its role and the extent of its intervention in the political world order would have been inconceivable only a few years ago. Having for long pleaded for a return to the spirit which inspired the authors of the Charter, we find ourselves now to some extent prisoners of our own words. The Members of the United Nations are capable of uniting their will-power and assuming with determination their responsibility for peace, human dignity and social progress."


May I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to your high post. Your long experience of international affairs and your diplomatic skills, which are well known to your colleagues, will serve this Assembly well. Our warm relations with your country and with yourself will make working with you a pleasure.
May I also pay tribute to your predecessor - Malta's Foreign Minister, Guido de Marco - for his proficient leadership of the General Assembly at its last session.
This last year has seen a great expansion of the role of the United Nations and an enhancement of its stature that are most gratifying to us. Among the most recent examples in this connection is the sensitive role the Secretary-General has been playing regarding the hostages held in the Middle East, and we pray that through his efforts they may soon all be released. His quiet diplomatic skills, patience and integrity have contributed in no small measure to the renewed vigour of the United Nations. We thank him for his wise and compassionate leadership over these past difficult, but momentous, 10 years and we wish him well in his future endeavours. He will leave a much more vital Organization and a strengthened role for his successor. Whoever that might be, he will be able to depend on Samoa's continued faith and active support of the Organization.
The number of Members of the United Nations is increasing, and during this session of the General Assembly we have been pleased to welcome seven new Members to the Organization.
First of all, it gives us a great deal of satisfaction and joy to welcome fellow nations of the Pacific and the Pacific Rim to the United Nations. Both the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands are, like Samoa, members of the South Pacific Forum, and it is a special pleasure to see them joining us in this international forum as well. We know from working with them in the region that they will add to the vitality of the United Nations and contribute to the attainment of its objectives.
We have long supported the admission of the Republic of Korea to United Nations membership, and it pleases us to see this finally achieved. We believe in the advantages of universality and, with the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea both belonging to the United
Nations, we feel that an environment will be provided for reconciliation between them.
We also welcome the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania - States we know will make a worthy contribution to our work. They were, of course, members of the League of Nations, and their proud histories and indomitable spirits well qualify them for membership.
Last year we spoke of the immense speed at which world events were moving. This year there has indeed been an acceleration of the pace, and we are witnessing the beginning of an era of a courageous new world; a world that requires the utmost understanding, patience, compassion and flexibility of its leaders; a world where the voice of the people is becoming paramount and wise leaders listen. Democracy is resolutely on the march across the globe and, as evidenced by the recent events in the USSR and also in the Gulf, those that stand in its way only seem to hasten its pace. He see all about us the breakdown of repression and old tyrannies.
Democracy and freedom are spreading swiftly throughout Eastern Europe, where the Iron Curtain once barred the way, and there is now new hope for peoples once denied them. Sadly, violence continues in Yugoslavia. We welcome the Security Council resolution on this matter and endorse the arms embargo. We hope that the European plan succeeds in bringing peace to the country.
I am encouraged that in South Africa the repressive apartheid system shows signs of ending. Where for so many years the world's entreaties fell on deaf ears, finally there is movement forward. Though the South African Government's proposals for a new constitution leave much to be desired, it evident that the South African Government can no longer deny the basic rights of the majority of its people nor the direction the country must take. It would seem that even in that most intransigent bastion of racism at long last movement is beginning on the road to democracy. It is our hope that now that a peace agreement has been signed by the parties, steady progress will continue and not be set back by violence or retrograde steps.
In the Middle East the pace has also quickened; a Middle East peace conference is expected to begin this month, an eventuality many thought to be far in the future if indeed it would occur at all. This is the outcome not only of the new international order but of determined and enlightened diplomacy, and we are hopeful for the success of this peace initiative led by the United States. While many key procedural issues remain open, this opportunity to begin the healing of old wounds must be given every chance to succeed, with all parties represented and policies that could impede its progress discontinued. In Lebanon too there has been some progress; the civil war has finally ceased. Lebanon, however, must be allowed to rebuild without foreign forces on its soil or domination from others.
In Cambodia events move steadily forward towards a comprehensive political settlement, and the new developments in this process are very pleasing. The United Nations must maintain its strong presence in the achievement of peace for Cambodia and Indo-China.
We hope that the proposed conference on the Cyprus dispute will take place as planned. The Secretary-General will bring to that conference his vast experience and skills and we wish him success in his efforts to find a solution.
In Afghanistan and Western Sahara we trust that the work of the Secretary-General, the resolve of the United Nations and the positive undertakings by the United States and the Soviet Union and the parties concerned will restore the processes of peace in these countries.
In all these events, the trend is a drive for freedom through self- determination, more representative government, and individual rights. We confirm our belief in the rights of people freely to decide for themselves what they want. In our country we have practised representative participation in elections since independence, but in accordance with the requirements of our customs and traditions. Only this year did we implement universal suffrage after our people had made a conscious choice by referendum that universal suffrage should become part of our way of life.
We have watched and noted the important work of the United Nations in eliminating abuses of individual freedom around the world, in particular in Central America, where most recently the protagonists in the long-lived civil war have finally signed a peace agreement. Samoa's hope is that it will be able to participate more actively in the worthy work of the Commission on Human Rights, and we enthusiastically support the holding of the World Conference on Human Rights in Berlin in 1993.
While the United Nations has been successful in supporting freedom and individual rights, a matter that casts a shadow over the integrity of our approach is the long-standing resolution 3379 (XXX) adopted in 1975, which states that Zionism is racism. Learned speakers at this rostrum have expounded the anomalous nature of this resolution and we join in the call for its reconsideration.
It is sometimes suggested that with the end of the global bipolarism that drove the arms, the need for arms control and disarmament is now less urgent. To the contrary, my Government feels that we should not be complacent and should seize the opportunity created by new world conditions to hasten the progress of disarmament. The announcement by the United States that it plans to retire a large part of its nuclear arsenal and the very positive response of the Soviet Union are promising developments. We applaud these moves, which are substantial advances in the nuclear-disarmament process. We look forward to similar positive steps from the other nuclear-weapons Powers.
We welcome the decisions of China and France to become parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and are pleased that other countries have recently done so. It is important that this Treaty and the safeguards it establishes be strengthened and observed. The events in Iraq and the information uncovered by the Special Commission in its inspections abundantly highlighted this need.
Concluding a comprehensive test-ban treaty remains an urgent priority. We think the circumstances are now conducive for the nuclear Powers to take steps to negotiate such a treaty, and we urge them to do so. A comprehensive test-ban treaty would reinforce global non-proliferation efforts. In our region, we have the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty, which also makes an important contribution in addressing nuclear non-proliferation; and we renew our plea to the United States, France and the United Kingdom to become parties to its protocols.
The Gulf conflict has served to focus attention on the dangerous proliferation of other weapons of mass destruction as well. We can clearly see that there is an urgent need to achieve a comprehensive chemical-weapons convention at the earliest possible date. While no chemical weapons are produced in the South Pacific, we have been forced to grapple with the issue of the disposal of toxic agents from such weapons in our region.
We were pleased to see the support given at the recent Biological Weapons Convention Review Conference to strengthening the current regime and we wish to see it become universal.
Equally, the instability brought about by the huge and un-monitored accumulations of conventional weapons calls for urgent measures. The merchants of death, the arms dealers, are operating on ever-larger and more efficient scales. The resulting weapons build-ups contribute to regional and ultimately global insecurity. We therefore support the proposal for a United Nations-based register on arms transfers. Transparency in the conventional-arms trade could be the launching pad for more ambitious measures at a later date.
While disarmament should lead to a more peaceful way of life on earth, this peace will be of little use to us if the quality of life generally continues to be destroyed by our lack of respect for the environment. We have heard colleagues from low-lying island countries speak of the threat of the rise in sea level to their very existence. That is the reality of the situation at its grimmest. Even we in the relative safety of our higher islands could still lose most of our coastal land.
We must indeed learn and practice respect for the living systems of which mankind is but a part. For this reason we attach great importance to the convening of the first-ever "Earth Summit", as it is being called. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development taking place in Brazil next year is an opportunity for serious stock-taking of the world's resources. It is a chance to assess the damage already done and to plan immediate preventive measures. We must strive to maintain an ecologically sound environment whilst ensuring that sustainable development is accelerated for the benefit of both humankind and the planet. "Eco-development" is no trendy catchword; it is essential if we and the Earth are to survive and prosper.
We wish to place on record our appreciation to the United Nations Environment Programme for the coordination of the Conference preparations and in particular for their assistance with national statements for countries of our region.
Environmental matters are certainly of great concern to the Pacific. We are pleased to report that the South Pacific Regional Environmental Programme (SPREP) has been strengthened into a fully autonomous regional organization, with its headquarters in our capital, Apia. Several important environmental conventions are in force in the region. These are the Convention for the Protection of Natural Resources and Environment of the South Pacific Region; the SPREP Convention and its associated Protocol for Combating Pollution Emergencies and the Prevention of Pollution by Dumping; and the Convention on the Conservation of Nature in the South Pacific, the Apia Convention.
In addition, the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty expresses our strong opposition to nuclear weapons and their testing in the region. The reasons for such tests have become even more obscure to us, with reduced global tensions and the dramatic progress that has been made in disarmament. The immediate and pressing concern is the danger that these tests pose to the fragile environment in which they take place.
The Convention for the Prohibition of Fishing with Long Driftnets in the South Pacific has also recently entered into force. Marine resources provide an essential part of the life-support system of the island countries of the Pacific, and Samoa is pleased that the importance of their conservation is now being realised. He welcome the ongoing implementation of the General Assembly resolution on driftnet fishing and look forward to the global cessation of such practices in accordance with the time-frame set by the United Nations. We welcome the undertakings that have already been made in this regard and we hope that not only driftnet fishing but all other techniques that are proven threats to the conservation of the resources in question be dealt with firmly.

A matter that continues to require our attention in the region is New Caledonia. The United Nations has adopted a Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial peoples and is committed to the eradication of colonialism by the year 2000. In this regard, we are encouraged by the measures to promote political, economic and social development taken by France under the Matignon Accords to prepare the way for the act of self-determination in 1998.
We also welcome the willingness of the Government of France to accept the Forum Ministerial Committee, which recently visited New Caledonia. Its report was both informative and constructive, and we believe that further visits should be facilitated.
The ending of the cold war has political change and reform around the world moving at a crisp pace. It also means that the United Nations has an increasingly important role in ensuring security and preventing crises from escalating into tragedies, as happened in the Gulf War. Guardianship of the peace is paramount and the Secretary-General's call for preventive diplomacy by the United Nations must be supported.
Diminishing world tensions, new-found freedom and the enlightened spirit of cooperation provide new hopes of opportunities for all to fulfil their reasonable aspirations. But hope can be easily dashed and turn to bitterness if an adequate degree of economic well-being is not achieved and poverty sets in. Clearly, priority must be given to providing conditions to meet economic objectives. A cornerstone factor is trade - liberalized trade. The Assembly has repeatedly heard the call made for the successful and urgent completion of the Uruguay Round, and we add our voice to that call.
Economic security is the key to our success in preventing future conflicts. Without it, the stability we have worked so hard to achieve in our individual countries and in the world would be in grave danger of disintegrating. In our region, attaining and maintaining levels of economic development to meet the growing needs of our people is not an easy task for small nations of the Pacific, including Samoa. What we have achieved, as late entrants into the modern world of economics and international commerce, has been to a considerable extent due to the willing cooperation of the family of nations. The relative stability enjoyed by our country and our region has been the result of our combined effort, and we thank each and every nation for their contributions to our development. We hope that we can continue to count on their support in the partnership we have forged.
It is appropriate that we are addressing the Assembly in the week which includes the International Day for Natural Disaster Seduction, because disasters, either man-made or natural, are phenomena which, because of the small size of our island nations, have a cruel effect on us. Our region, like some others, is particularly prone to cyclones and earthquakes. Besides the threat they pose to life and damage to the environment, at their worst they are capable of plunging agrarian-based economies like ours into severe decline. We therefore fully support any undertaking by the United Nations to improve its disaster arrangements. We would suggest, however, that it is essential that these arrangements go beyond Immediate relief and, as well, address disaster-mitigation measures and rehabilitation requirements adequately.
I and all of our colleagues have spoken of our successes, but we have also identified the numerous problems and challenges that are the reason for the existence of this Institution, the United Nations. Together we can agree on standards of conduct, within our individual countries and amongst our family of nations, to resolve disputes and maintain peace. We have asked the United Nations to assume a greater role in many areas, including peace-keeping and monitoring, mediation and verification, and enhancement of economic security and stability. We must give it the support required to carry out these roles.
We are at one of the pivotal moments in history when the direction of the world can be changed for the better. Too often in the past, when we stood at the crossroads, we have been too preoccupied with our disagreements and narrow perspectives to grasp the opportunity. We have the chance now to leave the legacy of a secure world to our children; it must not be lost.
Samoa looks forward with great pride and expectation to the achievements which will be initiated by this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.


I should like first to extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi upon his election as President of the General Assembly at this historic forty-sixth session. I am pleased also to have this opportunity to express my respects and appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco for the very able manner in which he presided over the forty-fifth session.
On behalf of the Government and the people of Japan, I wish to extend a hearty welcome to the countries that have been newly admitted to United Nations membership: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania. With these seven new Member States and with the Cambodia an Supreme National Council occupying its country's seat, I am glad to see the Organization's enhanced universality at the very time when the United Nations may be expected finally to attain the high ideals held for it since its founding.
Lastly, I wish to pay a high tribute to the Secretary-General for the important contributions he has made for world peace.
In a span of just two years the world has undergone a historic change with the end of the cold war and with the Gulf crisis. The international community is thus in a historic time of transition as efforts are being made to fashion a new world order. Now, as the world moves from confrontation to cooperation, tremendous possibilities are opening up for human progress.
This shift has provided new impetus for the resolution of regional issues through dialogue. It is clear that the process of bringing an end to the Gulf crisis has had a favourable impact on progress towards the peaceful resolution of conflicts in the Middle East, Cambodia, Western Sahara, Angola, Central America, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Prospects for the future are bright in Europe as well, with the 1992 integration of the European Community and Its link-up with the European Free Trade Association, and the return of the East European States to the European fold.
At the same time, however, it must be recognised that the world is beset by the uncertainty and instability common to any time of transition. There is also the danger that religious, ethnic, territorial and other disputes may resurface as the cold war structure is dismantled. The Gulf crisis was resolved through the resolute action of the international community, and it is essential hereafter that we fully understand the characteristic features of this time of transition and respond unerringly. In this respect, Japan is profoundly concerned about developments in Yugoslavia and supports the efforts of the European Community and others to mediate a peaceful resolution to that conflict.
The situation that is emerging in the Soviet Union is one of historic transition toward the universal values of freedom and democracy as we approach the twenty-first century. Home to three-fourths of the Earth's population, many of the world's developing countries continue to suffer from the problems of grinding poverty, sluggish growth, burgeoning debt and population growth. It is the responsibility of the International community to work for sustained development in these countries.
In addition, with increasing interdependence, humankind is faced with a spate of problems, such as those concerning the global environment, refugees, drugs and terrorism, which no one country or region can solve on its own but for whose solution we must all join together, on the basis of the realization that the world is one. At this historic time of transition, each country throughout the world is called upon to forge a new approach appropriate to the new era, and then all must work together in a shared effort to create a new world order.
With a sense of sincere contrition over the past war, the Japanese people are resolutely determined never again to become a military Power. In the more than 40 years since the Second World War, while striving to attain the level of development that it enjoys today, Japan has worked tirelessly, through a wide range of economic and other exchanges, to translate into actual policies the philosophy of living, and the resolve to live, as a nation of peace.
In considering the circumstances that enabled Japan to achieve its present prosperity in an international climate of peace, I believe that the new international order that we seek must be one that strives, first, to ensure peace and security; secondly, to respect freedom and democracy; thirdly, to guarantee world prosperity through open market economies; fourthly, to preserve an environment in which all people can lead rewarding lives; and, fifthly, to create stable international relations founded upon dialogue and cooperation.
These goals are basic tenets of Japanese policy and are consistent with the purposes of the United Nations as set forth in its Charter. In this new era of collaboration and cooperation, the United Nations will be expected to play a central role in surmounting the many challenges facing the international community. This view was also expressed in the Political Declaration of the London summit.
Dedicated to peace in full recognition of its past experiences and cognizant of the global responsibilities that accrue as a result of its economic strength, Japan has a historic mission to make the maximum possible contribution to our common efforts to achieve the goals of the new world order.
The international community coalesced magnificently around the United Nations in response to the crisis in the Gulf. Japan, too, extended maximum cooperation to the efforts of the countries concerned to restore peace to the Gulf and to the front-line countries hard hit by the economic dislocations resulting from the war. As a result of Japan's participation in this international response to the blatant challenge to the rule of law and the violation of peace, there developed among the Japanese people a heightened awareness that, as a peace-loving country, Japan has an obligation to contribute actively to efforts led by the United Nations to secure and maintain world peace. Accordingly, after the cease-fire Japan dispatched to the Gulf region Japanese disaster relief teams to address environmental problems and to provide refugee relief, and also dispatched minesweepers to ensure navigational safety in the Gulf.
Although a ceasefire is in effect, numerous problems remain, including the questions of establishing international borders, of monitoring the cease-fire, of Battling the reparations issue, and of eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. The resolution of these issues has been entrusted to the United Nations. It is essential that Iraq faithfully comply with all Security Council resolutions so as to facilitate their smooth and prompt implementation, and that it cooperate with the work of the Special Commission on the destruction of weapons of mass destruction. Likewise, recognising that all Member States have an obligation to support these tasks of the United Nations actively, Japan will continue to be unstinting in its support.
The Gulf crisis is past, but for the sake of long-term regional stability, it is essential that remaining issues, such as the problem of peace in the Middle East and the security of the Gulf, be resolved. This will require the active involvement of the international community as a whole, respecting the initiatives and wishes of the countries in the region. Through the efforts of the United States and the Soviet Union, progress is now being made towards holding an international conference on peace in the Middle East, and we very much hope that all of the parties concerned will strive to conduct these negotiations flexibly and realistically and that they will succeed in their shared endeavour.
Japan intends to intensify its dialogue with the parties concerned and to extend all possible and appropriate cooperation to efforts to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, in line with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
There are a number of lessons to be learned from the Gulf crisis. The first of these is that once armed conflict erupts it inevitably causes tremendous human suffering and takes vast amounts of human and material resources to resolve. From this it is clear that conflict prevention is a matter of special urgency and deserves highest priority. If the United Nations is to be able to engage effectively in preventive diplomacy, it is essential that the Secretary-General, the Security Council and the General Assembly each function effectively within their realms of responsibility.
In an effort to add substance to the draft declaration on fact-finding by the United Nations that has been submitted at this session of the General Assembly, and to enable the Secretary-General, with the support of the Security Council and others, to move vigorously at a very early stage to prevent conflict, Japan would like to propose the establishment of a conflict-prevention system based on the following measures.
First, the Secretariat's ability continuously to monitor and analyse information relating to possible conflicts should be substantially strengthened. Secondly, on-site fact-finding missions should be dispatched. Thirdly, early warnings should be issued as the situation requires. Fourthly, good offices and mediation efforts should be undertaken under the authority of the Secretary-General. Japan hopes to work together with other Member States during this session of the General Assembly for the early establishment of an effective system for conflict prevention.
The second lesson to be learned from the Gulf crisis is that the amassing of massive arsenals by one country through the international transfer and proliferation of weapons contributes to aggressive behaviour when such actions are tied to that country's political aims. Thus, the most important issue in the wake of the Gulf crisis is that of strengthening efforts in the fields of the international transfer of conventional weapons and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and missiles. This is an area in which Japan has long taken active initiatives.
There is an urgent need to establish a United Nations reporting system that would enhance the transparency of such international transfers of conventional weapons. Japan has advocated the establishment of just such a system since March of this year. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu announced at the Kyoto Conference on disarmament issues in May that Japan would be submitting a draft resolution to this effect to the General Assembly at this session. At present, we are consulting with the countries of the European Community and others concerned, and re hard at work drafting this draft resolution. Given the importance of establishing such a system as soon as possible, I very much hope it will find wide support throughout the General Assembly.
Recognising that there may be some technical issues involved in ensuring that such a system operates smoothly, we are prepared to cooperate with the United Nations in hosting a meeting next year in Japan to elaborate these issues. Likewise, should the need arise, we are also prepared to offer appropriate cooperation to enhance the database capabilities of the Department for Disarmament Affairs for the implementation of this system.
As the only country to have suffered the devastation of atomic weapons, Japan is working for the ultimate abolition of all nuclear arms and has proposed a step-by-step approach to the cessation of nuclear testing. I pay a high tribute to the United States and the Soviet Union for having concluded the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty this year. I hope that still further efforts will be made towards nuclear disarmament. At the same time, I would point out in regard to the current situation in the Soviet Union that the international community very much hopes that that country will ratify and fulfil its treaty obligations in the field of arms control and will maintain the strictest control over its nuclear arsenals.
Furthermore, it is very important that the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) gain greater universality, and I have long called upon all countries that have not yet done so to accede to this Treaty. I am sincerely gratified by France's decision to sign the NPT; by China's announcement, during Prime Minister Kaifu's recent visit, of its intention to become a party to it; and by South Africa's accession to it. I very much hope that France, China and all other countries that have not yet done so will become parties to the NPT promptly and that the Treaty will be extended wall beyond 1995.
In order to strengthen the NPT, it is also important to reinforce and improve the safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and for this purpose Japan has proposed a system which includes the use of special inspections. It is deplorable that there is still a country that is a party to the MPT but has not yet concluded a safeguards agreement as called for by the Treaty, and I hope that this situation will be rectified as soon as possible.
On the question of chemical weapons, as I stressed in the statement I delivered at the Conference on Disarmament in June of this year, it is important that the negotiations on the chemical weapons convention be concluded at the earliest possible date, before we lose the momentum provided by the Gulf crisis. There is very little time until the mid-1992 deadline and I hope the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva will continue its work even while the General Assembly is in session. The position of Japan on the question of missiles was set forth in its appeal at the Tokyo Conference on the Missile Technology Control Regime this March, and it is hoped that all countries will adopt the Regime guidelines.
The Gulf crisis demonstrated anew how very important it is that conflicts be resolved peacefully through international cooperative efforts led by the United Nations. At the same time, it made the world aware once again of the importance of United Nations peace-keeping operations to ensure that a cease-fire once established is not breached. In today's changing world, the peace-keeping operations are an increasingly important and indispensable activity for promoting the resolution of regional conflicts, and it is expected that they will be further activated in the months and years ahead. Enhancing their function and authority will require broader participation in terms of personnel from the United Rations membership and a more stable financial base.
So far, Japan has sought to buttress the peace-keeping operations by voluntary contributions to start-up costs and by subscriptions to the trust fund for such operations. Further, the Government of Japan has just presented to the National Diet a bill that would put in place new domestic arrangements enabling Japan to strengthen its contribution to efforts for world peace in terms of personnel while continuing to extend financial cooperation.
The wave of reform under way in the Soviet Union gives us hope that it may be possible to develop a new cooperative relationship with that country in the context of the new international political and economic order. Japan sincerely welcomes the historic changes taking place in the Soviet Union, and intends to work to develop a new relationship based upon the following principles.
First is the principle of strong support for, and solidarity with, the total thrust of the reforms in Soviet domestic and foreign policy and of enhancing and expanding appropriate and effective assistance.
The second is that of dramatically strengthening and enhancing multifaceted cooperation with the republics, especially our neighbour, the Russian Republics. In this connection, Japan very much appreciates the view expressed by the leadership of the Russian Republic that the distinction between victor and vanquished has no place in the creation of the new world order, and hopes to strengthen new cooperative relations along these lines.
The third is that of expanding appropriate cooperation so that an open Soviet Union can be accepted as a truly constructive partner in the Asia-Pacific region.
The fourth is that of actively supporting expanded cooperative relations of the Soviet Union with international economic organisations, including a special association with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, so as to integrate the Soviet Union into the world economy.
The fifth and most important is that of concluding, in line with the principle of law and justice, as emphasised by the Russian Republic, a peace treaty between our two countries by way of resolving the territorial issue at the earliest possible time and hence effecting a fundamental development in our bilateral relationship. Japan is confident that such a dramatic improvement in Japanese-Russian and Japanese-Soviet relations can make a creative contribution to the structuring of the new world order that we all desire.
There are still a number of unresolved conflicts and disputes in the Asia-Pacific region. As an Asian-Pacific country itself, Japan is pursuing an active foreign policy so as to create an international order for ever free of confrontation and division.
In this sense, the fact that South Korea and North Korea have joined the United Nations simultaneously at this session is an event of historic significance, and one we welcome as heralding peace and the relaxation of tensions on the Korean peninsula. I very much hope that South Korea and North Korea will continue to work for peaceful unification through direct dialogue in keeping with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Thus I appreciate the constructive proposal for peaceful unification which resident Roh Tae Hoo made in his statement this morning. For its part, Japan has been engaged in negotiations since the beginning of this year for the normalisation of its relations with North Korea, and intends to continue to negotiate in good faith so as to contribute to peace and stability on the peninsula.
There is at long last good cause for optimism that a comprehensive settlement may be achieved in Cambodia. Recognising that the promotion of dialogue among the Cambodian parties themselves is the most important factor for peace in that country, Japan has undertaken a number of diplomatic initiatives, including the hosting of the Tokyo meeting on Cambodia last year. We thus sincerely welcome the recent progress made by the Supreme National Council under the leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk. Japan very much hopes that the Paris Conference on Cambodia will be reconvened at the end of October, that lasting peace will be attained with appropriate United Nations involvement and that vigorous nation-building efforts in accordance with the will of the Cambodian people will begin as soon as possible.
Japan also welcomes the rapid progress that is being made to bring about domestic reforms in South Africa, including the abolition of the legal foundation of apartheid. We hope that discussions for the drafting of a new constitution will commence soon. Japan is ready to support the efforts of all parties concerned for the establishment of a free and democratic society without racial discrimination in South Africa.
Turning to the situation in Afghanistan, Japan welcomes efforts to achieve a political settlement, including the Secretary-General's five-point proposal and the agreement by the United States and the Soviet Union to end their arms shipments to combatants there. Japan continues to support the tireless efforts for peace of all the parties concerned.
Many of the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America are beset by increasingly grave economic and social difficulties. It is vitally important for all the world that development be promoted and prosperity achieved in those countries. With the threat of nuclear war having receded and ideological conflict being a thing of the past, this is now the international community's most important responsibility. It is essential that we support those developing countries that are making self-help efforts for economic reconstruction and development in close consultation with international organisations, and it is especially imperative that the necessary financial resources, including resources from the private sector, be made available by the industrialised countries. Japan is working to enhance its official development assistance under its Fourth Medium-Term Target, and it is also steadily implementing its capital recycling programme.
In view of the special needs of the least-developed countries, Japan cooperated with the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) to host the Least-Developed Countries Tokyo Forum this May to study ways to deal with their problems. In an effort to widen further the loop of cooperation, Japan is planning to convene in Tokyo in 1993 a summit-level African development conference to address the problems of African countries.
The maintenance and strengthening of the free and multilateral trading system is indispensable to world economic development, and the successful conclusion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Uruguay Round is both the most important issue facing the world economy and a priority foreign policy issue for Japan. Japan intends to cooperate with the other countries concerned in making every possible effort to conclude the Uruguay Round by the end of the year.
As a prerequisite to sustained prosperity, it is most urgent that we work to resolve the many global environmental issues threatening the very survival of the human race and to create a world more congenial to human life. However, threats to the world environment, global warming, depletion of tropical forests, destruction of the ozone layer and encroaching desertification have grown more serious in recent years. During this International Decade for Natural of Disaster Reduction, which commenced last year, it is essential that we redouble our efforts to prevent and mitigate natural disasters.
Resolving these global environmental issues will require that people everywhere transcend the barriers that separate them and work together.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held next year is an important opportunity for all countries to join together and agree on ways of ensuring a congenial environment for the future. As an industrialised Asian nation, and one that has managed to reconcile the dual demands of development and the environment, Japan hopes to contribute to building a cooperative framework for industrialised and developing countries, and is determined to take active initiatives for the success of this Conference. It is also from this position that we intend to continue to play an important role in the negotiations for the framework convention on climate change.
Hoping to support the upgrading of developing countries' ability to deal with the need for environmental conservation, Japan intends to continue to implement vigorously its development assistance, including the establishment  of the United Nations Environment Programs International Environmental Technology Centre in Japan and its support for the sustainable management of tropical forestry resources through, for example, the International Tropical Timber Organisation. Creating a world in which human values are respected and people everywhere can lead lives of dignity is beyond the capabilities of any single nation and is truly a task for all humankind. As the first step in creating such a world, it is essential that the fundamental human rights of everyone be guaranteed, and that all people be enabled to exercise their God-given abilities. Believing that respect for human rights la a universal value and the foundation of world peace and stability, Japan is making an active effort to have human rights respected and promoted world-wide. We are thus concerned that there are still some countries where these fundamental human rights are not yet respected.
The wave of democratisation in Eastern Europe has swelled to a major current of democratisation world-wide and has sparked global reforms. This April the Government of Japan stated that its official development assistance will be extended with special attention to the following considerations: the trends in military expenditures by the recipient country, its efforts to promote democratisation and to introduce a market-oriented economy, and the situation with regard to securing basic human rights and freedoms. In line with this approach, Japan intends through its aid to support and contribute to efforts for democratisation and economic reforms world-wide.
The tragedy of an increasing number of refugees and displaced persons generated by regional problems and armed conflicts in many parts of the world is a direct affront to the concept of respect for humanity. It is imperative that the entire world join together in extending relief to these unfortunate people, said to number some 17 million, and Japan intends to continue its vigorous assistance through the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other international bodies. In this regard, Japan feels it would be appropriate for a working group, to be organised with the participation of international organisations and other interested parties, to study the possibility of a system to forecast new flows of refugees and to issue early warnings.
There is an urgent need to strengthen the ability of the United Nations to provide relief assistance in the event of major emergencies. Measures must be taken to strengthen the coordination and cooperation structures among the humanitarian relief agencies under the Secretary-General and also to ensure that the relief activities of these agencies have maximum effect. Believing that it would be useful for all countries and United Nations agencies to form a stand-by network for the provision of whatever personnel and relief goods they can offer, Japan intends to take an active part in such an international endeavour.
It is hoped that the United Nations will play a central role in international cooperation for the creation of a new world order. Never before in the nearly half a century the United Nations has been in existence has support for it been so widespread and expectations so high. This is perhaps the first time ever that conditions have been so favourable for achieving the high ideals envisioned by the Organization's founders.
We are at a historic watershed, and whether the United Nations will be able to achieve the great things that people everywhere expect of it and to create a better world for the twenty-first century depends upon what uses we make of it and how well we as Member States support and defend it. Indeed, the United Nations is what its Member States make it.
At present I would be hard pressed to say that the United Nations is capable of fully and effectively meeting our expectations. We need to create a strong and efficient United Nations able to respond fully to the needs of this new era. It is imperative that all States that value the United Nations work together and with the Secretary-General in strengthening the functions of the Organisation. Japan, for its part, will be unstinting in its cooperation. I should like, in this connection, to remind Member States once again that the "former enemies" clauses in the United Nations Charter are utterly inappropriate historic relics which should be promptly deleted.
This session of the General Assembly is a historic one that will consider the new world that is emerging in the wake of the cold war and the Gulf war and the great reforms in the Soviet Union. Recognizing that it has a historic mission to do everything it can for the world order consistent with its position as a nation of peace, Japan is determined to make the maximum effort for the realization of a peaceful, prosperous and humane world for all.
We need to give further impetus to efforts of this kind in order to achieve tangible progress. Let us join together to ensure that this forty-sixth session will prove to be truly significant by providing that impetus.