Mr. President, the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is being presided over by a distinguished diplomat whom the whole of Africa is unanimous in recognizing as a man of commitment and devotion to the cause of the oppressed peoples. Over the long years of national liberation struggles, our peoples have always found in you, in your country the United Republic of Tanzania, in your people and in your Government the support, acceptance and understanding so necessary for the continuation of our struggle.
114.	The Tanzanian people uncompromisingly cast off once and For all the shackles of oppression and exploitation. This stands as an example to the peoples fighting to recover their dignity and to establish a just and equitable society. The constant contribution of the United Republic of Tanzania to the defence of the ideals of the peoples of the world and its attachment to the cause of the total liberation of the African continent have conferred upon the Tanzanian people and its great leader. President Julius Nyerere, a remarkable place in the world of today.
115. When we speak of you. Sir, we are speaking above all of a friend and the Ambassador of the United Republic of Tanzania, a country with which my own country, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, enjoys the best possible relations. Mr. President, in congratulating you on your unanimous election, my delegation is simply recognizing once again the fine qualities as a diplomat which you demonstrated so strikingly during your chairmanship of the Special Committee on decolonization, and we wish to express our certainty of your success in your work.
116.	My delegation would also like to congratulate your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Indalecio Lievano, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, on the results he achieved at the last session.
117.	The United Nations is now the richer by the presence of a new Member, recently come to independence. It is with great pleasure that we extend our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Saint Lucia,
118.	We are meeting at a time when the African continent is stricken with dismay at having had to bear, in the short period of less than a year, the sudden loss of two of its most brilliant sons: President Houari Boumediene of Algeria and President Agostinho Neto of Angola.
119.	It is for his devotion to the cause of building a democratic Algeria, an Algeria of the people, for his dominant role in the struggle to bring about a new international economic order, for his unswerving defence of the cause of the peoples, particularly those of Africa and the Middle East, and for his example of integrity and honesty—it is for all these things that President Houari Boumediene will be remembered for ever as an eminent statesman and as a man who discharged to the full his historical responsibility.
120.	The history of the people of Sao Tome and Principe will record the very positive action taken by President Boumediene in the negotiations in Algiers in November 1974 for the transfer of power from the colonial authorities to the liberation movement of Sao Tome and Principe, the legitimate representative of the people of Sao Tome and Principe.
121.	This sense of history, this need to give expression, at the cost of any sacrifice, to the will of an entire people and this ability to interpret that will to the point of identifying completely with it were also found abundantly in the person of Agostinho Neto, the President of the People's Republic of Angola. President Agostinho Neto was a committed man; committed to his people, whom he led during its long struggle for national independence until the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola, and committed, too when that national independence, once won, encountered all sorts of difficulties, difficulties which in the strength of his commitment he was able to overcome with patience and determination. President Agostinho Neto was also, and perhaps most importantly, a man committed to the future of the African continent, a future of freedom and dignity. The People's Republic of Angola was, in the mind of President Agostinho Neto, yet another piece of Africa liberated. The existence of the People's Republic of Angola and the consolidation of its political and economic independence had a fundamental objective: that of accelerating the process of the total liberation of the continent.
122.	The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe is convinced that contemporary history will give prominence to the contributions of President Houari Boumediene and President Agostinho Neto to the cause of a race of man that would be more humane.
123.	On 16 September 1975, in this Assembly, my country, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, made its debut before the international community as a full-fledged, free and sovereign State. The States Members of the United Nations gave us a warm welcome and we had the opportunity to express our gratitude for the unswerving support we had enjoyed throughout our struggle to win political independence. We were at pains to inform you of the difficulties which faced us, and to explain to you our commitment and determination to build, with our efforts and your solidarity, a more dignified existence for the people of Sao Tome and Principe.
124.	Four years have elapsed since that day, and we thought it our duty to inform you of the first results in our work of national reconstruction. We hope and wish that this may be a contribution to our common task of creating a more harmonious future for mankind.
125.	After five centuries of colonialism and obscurantism, what was the situation of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe on 12 July 1975, the day of its accession to independence? We took over a country with no infrastructure for development. Our isolation from the outside world was nearly total, and made worse by the inadequacy and precariousness of the means of communication, We had a dependent economy in a country rich in potentialities. Among the people, there reigned ignorance, a high rate of infant mortality, an alarming rate of illiteracy and a very low life expectancy. In the face of this situation, to which was added the lack of qualified personnel, our determination to build our country was never shaken and the co-operation of Member States—although limited and far from meeting our needs—was quickly forthcoming. The changes made over these four years have not yet solved all the problems faced by our people.
126.	Still these changes have made it possible for our hope for a better life to become a certainty, a certainty strengthened by the success already achieved in vital sectors such as health, education, food and, above all, the creation of an infrastructure for a harmonious development which, given our natural potential, will make it possible to satisfy our essential needs.
127.	In this process of development, we have had to face two fundamental difficulties. First, as the plan for society envisaged by the liberation movement of Sao Tome and Principe is translated into specific actions designed to promote the welfare of our people, it gives rise to resistance and hostility on the part of a minority whose frustrated ambitions have led to two attempted coups d’état, and to threats of invasion by mercenaries, thanks to the support that minority still enjoys among those forces which are hostile to the peace and progress of the people of Sao Tome and Principe. We had the opportunity last year to set forth these facts in detail before this Organization.  This minority, blinded by greed and devoid of the slightest feeling of identification with the real problems of our people, continues to use every possible pretext to destabilize the country.
128.	This situation, taken together with the Lack of available resources, the shortage of qualified personnel and the occurrence of natural disasters such as the drought which afflicted our country in 1978 leaving its effects on agricultural production, and, finally, the African swine fever, which led to the extinction of our herds of swine, has greatly jeopardized the implementation of many projects.
129.	Furthermore, the crisis in the world economy has a particularly strong impact on developing countries in general and on island nations in particular, whose economies depend on the production for export of a single crop which is subject to uncontrolled price fluctuations. Our appeals for international co-operation have not always been answered in an effective way, and this has caused problems which our efforts and our determination have not been able to overcome.
130.	It is within that context that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe has provided the entire population with medical assistance, including free medical care and compulsory education.
131.	In the social field, we must stress the establishment of a social security insurance system which guarantees to all a life free from the nightmare of insecurity and of fear for the morrow.
132.	In the economic sector, the expropriation of large agricultural land holdings, the management of which was threatened by their abandonment by the former colonial owners, has enabled our Government to initiate a policy of crop diversification, the results of which will, in turn, make it possible for us to meet certain yet unfulfilled needs of our population.
133.	The control of foreign trade has made possible the better utilization by our Government of the proceeds from our exports and a more rational import policy.
134.	The stimulation of other areas of production is an urgent task, given its importance for our efforts to overcome the state of dependence on cacao as our single cash crop. The development of fishing and of other agricultural-food industries is also among the main priorities of our Government.
135.	The results of our efforts to overcome the isolation imposed upon us by our island state have been more modest because of the almost total absence of a communications network.
136.	The scope of the problem far exceeds our present resources and abilities. The co-operation of international organizations and Member States could be an important contribution to solution of this problem, which is of such vital and timely importance to our country.
137.	Our achievements in the housing sector have been equally modest. The colonial authorities were never concerned with providing workers with housing worthy of the name. Hence the building of homes on the agricultural land-holdings emerges as one of our foremost priorities, although the lack of resources has prevented us from meeting this requirement adequately.
138.	We should like at this stage to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his efforts in mobilizing international assistance for our country. The fact that this was only one of the many tasks entrusted to him by our Organization is eloquent testimony to his indefatigable efforts to implement our decisions.
139.	In presenting this brief report of our principal achievements and continuing difficulties, our intention has been simply to give an idea of the basic importance which the people of Sao Tome and Principe attach to their attainment of independence.
140.	For generations which have been subjected to colonialism, the difference between past and present is not merely that of regained freedom: the difference is that in the past our future was uncertain, if not non-existent. The present that we are building for ourselves day by day in the face of all sorts of difficulties will, we are convinced, guarantee a future of happiness and well- being for the people of Sao Tome.
141.	This concern for the future prompts us to pay particular attention to children. Hence the commemoration of the International Year of the Child is an event which has mobilized the efforts of all strata of our population. Its importance is attested to by the fact that the committee entrusted with the organization of activities connected with the International Year of the Child was sponsored by our Head of State himself.
142.	The admission of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe to the United Nations has set the seal on its status as a free and sovereign country, believing strongly in the ideals which led to its creation, and has committed it to the cause of peace, progress and well-being for all mankind. As a full-fledged Member of the international community, we have now embarked upon the process of joining the various specialized agencies within the United Nations system.
143.	The purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter are actively reflected in the non-aligned movement, which is such a dynamic force in the embodiment of the aspirations and hopes of the vast majority of the peoples of our planet.
144.	Intimately linked by a common past of domination, oppression, exploitation and contempt for their dignity, sharing the devastating effects of the prevailing international situation imposed and maintained by relationships of inequality established way back in their history, and suffering day after day from shortage and privation, the non-aligned countries constitute the most important element within the peace-loving progressive forces struggling for the establishment of a new international political and economic order whereby peace, equality and co-operation will take the place of war, injustice and exploitation.
145.	This community of interests cemented by a common past was reconfirmed by the success of the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries, held in Havana last September.
146.	The strengthening of the anti-imperialist positions of the movement—which implies consistency with the principles of the struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, apartheid, racism, zionism and ail forms of exploitation and domination—the reaffirmation of its principle of peaceful, active coexistence among States and its opposition to the division of the world into alliances or military blocs make an important contribution to the total liberation of peoples and the establishment of the essential foundations for promoting the advent of an era of peace so ardently desired by the peoples of the whole world.
147.	We are convinced that under the chairmanship of the Republic of Cuba, whose commitment to the policy of non-alignment was once again so amply demonstrated, the non-aligned movement will go on to record new and significant successes.
148.	The creation of conditions conducive to an environment of peace, security and progress for all mankind is one of the major objectives of the United Nations. Its implementation is closely linked with the struggle of peoples for total emancipation and for freedom of choice concerning the most appropriate ways and means of achieving their aspirations.
149.	The total decolonization of peoples still living under foreign domination thus becomes a matter of highest priority in the evolutionary process of the world today. For the developing countries, the solution of the crucial problems besetting them demands respect for their independence and territorial integrity, the effective exercise of sovereignty over their natural resources, acceptance of their social and cultural diversity, and mutually advantageous co-operation.
150.	In spite of our solemn declarations about the need to contribute to the total fulfilment of the noble objectives of our Organization, among which ensuring the right of peoples to freedom and independence occupies a prominent place, peoples throughout the five continents of the world still live under foreign occupation and domination, their legitimate aspirations ignored, their rights usurped, and their struggles subjected to all kinds of indescribable trafficking.
151.	The persistence of these situations, the responsibility for which lies unfortunately with certain States Members of the international community—because of the sacrifice of human lives to which it leads, because of the insecurity it injects into whole communities, because of the destruction of values which it engenders and because of the contradiction which it entails vis-a vis the ideals which we defend—constitutes so many distressing and repugnant acts of aggression which curb the harmonious progress of the world today.
152.	The right of peoples to self-determination is one of the most important achievements in present-day life, and the recognition of this right underlies the profound changes which have occurred in international society over the past few decades.
153.	Our country, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, the embodiment of the age-old aspirations of the Sao Tome peoples for a free life, has inherited from its triumphant anti-colonial struggle the responsibility which is common to all the States Members of our Organization: namely, actively to support the irreversible process of the liberation of other peoples. This explains the concern of our Government in the face of the difficulties imposed on the liberation struggles in various parts of the world, particularly the African continent.
154.	In the southern part of our continent racist minorities persist in denying millions of people their true status as subjects of history. Aware of their precarious existence the systems of oppression which are repugnant to the conscience of mankind are every day revealing themselves more brutal in their acts of aggression, more persistent in their obsessions and more insensitive to and arrogant towards the appeals of the international community.
155.	At the same time, supported by forces which make defending their economic and strategic interests in the region the raison d'etre of their policy and the right of peoples to freedom an aberration, these regimes seek to make the international community an accomplice of their system of oppression.
156.	It is a fact that the colonial question of Rhodesia is not limited merely to the simple promotion of the cause of Africans within the machinery of the repressive racist apparatus. It is fundamentally a question of transferring power from the racist minority to the legitimate representatives of the African majority; it is in fact a question of destroying the repressive racist machinery and allowing the people of Zimbabwe to take charge of their country. The so-called internal settlement cannot win recognition from the international community because of the very fact of its fraudulent nature.
157.	Although the minority Rhodesian regime wants to get us accustomed to its unilateral taking of positions, in spite of the decisions taken in so many international meetings, whose purpose was to find a solution favourable to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe, our Government is following with sustained attention the negotiations going on in London. We hope that the administering Power will live up to its responsibility fully in its search for ways and means of permitting the majority of the people of Zimbabwe to exercise their right to self-determination and independence,
158.	To the Patriotic Front, the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe, which in its persistent armed struggle is opening up the path to true liberation, we should like to express here our firm support and active solidarity.
159.	With regard to Namibia, in whose forthcoming independence we came to believe at the time we took part in the debate at the thirty-third session of the Assembly, our hopes have been drowned in the innocent blood of the Namibian people that continues to drench the paths of liberty, which has fallen victim to South African Fascist repression.
160.	The plan prepared by the Secretary-General of the United Nations  with the active participation of all interested parties and in keeping with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) has not been put into effect because of the delaying tactics of1 South Africa.
161.	Thwarting the efforts of the international community to find a solution capable of putting an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia, South Africa wants to impose upon the Namibian people the so-called National Assembly. This attitude should be most vigorously rejected by the international community and calls for a clear, firm and consistent stand to be taken.
162.	The Security Council, in the face of this situation which poses a threat to international peace and security, should take action in keeping with Chapter VII of the Charter and order economic sanctions against South Africa.
163.	We wish to reiterate to SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, our commitment to active support for its liberation struggle for the national independence and territorial integrity of its country.
164.	South Africa, sustained and encouraged by its allies, is persisting in its policy of apartheid and has reduced the people of South Africa to the status of mere means of production which it coops up in Bantustans and uses in order to perpetuate their odious system,
165.	No one can deny today the important life- support role being played by the economic and financial co-operation of the West in the survival of the racist regime. Shaken by the continuing revolt of the oppressed peoples and the most vigorous rejection by the international community, the apartheid regime finds in this co-operation the support it needs to keep its repressive machine active ana efficient. That makes its stance of defiance of mankind even more arrogant and limits the effects of its increasing isolation. We are convinced that history will record the fact that those who are so obsessed by their immediate short-term interests are prolonging the death-throes of a regime which is the most repugnant and despicable of our time and every day is imperilling the security of the African continent and thus threatening international peace.
166.	Faithful to the principles and objectives proclaimed by the Charter of our Organization, we should step up our action in solidarity vis-^-vis the South African people and support the national liberation movement, which, in the towns of the racist citadel and in the countryside, is communicating to the enemy its faith, which we should share, in the inexorable end to this racist nightmare.
167.	To the National African Congress of South Africa, we wish to express our total determination to continue to provide it with the support and solidarity which it deserves in its just struggle.
168.	At the same time, concrete and effective measures, as provided for by our Organization, should be adopted and resolutely applied as a matter of urgency.
169.	The repeated acts of aggression against fraternal front-line countries, particularly Angola, Mozambique and Zambia, to prevent them from doing their historic duty towards the liberation movements of southern Africa deserve the most vigorous condemnation from us.
170.	Furthermore, the international community should provide assistance to these countries to help them overcome the damage they have sustained as the result of these barbarous acts of aggression.
171.	With similar concern, we are following the development of the struggle in the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for the assertion of its identity as a full-fledged member of the international community. This situation gives rise to even greater concern if we take into account that the total liberation of the African continent should be one of the major purposes of our collective efforts. It is within this context that we condemn the invasion of that country by the army of a neighbouring State.
172.	We wish to take this opportunity to congratulate the Islamic Republic of Mauritania on its positive attitude towards the peace proposal presented by the Frente POLISARIO.
173.	It has now become obvious to the international community that the only obstacle to peace in the area lies in the negative attitude of the Kingdom of Morocco, which persists in thwarting the relevant decisions of the OAU and the General Assembly.
174.	The elimination of hotbeds of conflict, which threaten international peace and security and jeopardize the possibility of harmonious peace and cooperation among the peoples of our planet, is one of the tasks to which our Organization devotes sustained and continuous attention.
175.	If the results that have been achieved so far have been modest, this is due partially to the complexity of the problems that we face. Also, the decisions adopted by the United Nations are in some cases deliberately ignored, and even thwarted in their essence and aims, by Member States whose first obligation should be to promote their effective implementation. These facts are disturbing in themselves, and in certain situations take on a highly negative significance.
176.	The question of the Middle East is a flagrant example of the situation that we have just described. After more than three decades of intensive debate the relevant decisions of the principal organs of our Organization have not decisively influenced the solution to the Palestinian problem even though the main guidelines which could promote consistent action have long been laid down.
177.	We must recognize the right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign homeland, to return to the land of their birth and to have restored to them the Arab territories occupied by force by Israel in 1967. We must recognize the right of all the States in the area to live in peace within internationally recognized frontiers. Four wars, with all their train of death and destruction, a situation of permanent insecurity, and millions of people condemned to enforced exile have not succeeded in bringing peace to the region.
178.	True peace and real security for the peoples of the region cannot be brought about without the consent of the Palestinian people. Such consent presupposes recognition of their legitimate rights.
179.	It is clear to us that any solution to the Palestinian problem must envisage the participation of the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, the PLO. If so, it is difficult for us to understand how the Camp David agreements could really be expected to lead to the peace which is so ardently desired in the Middle East.
180.	By ignoring the other parties directly concerned in the conflict, excluding them from the negotiations, denying the fundamental nature of the Palestinian problem in the Middle East question and attempting a partial solution to the question, the Camp David agreements seem to have placed one more obstacle in the path of a viable and definitive solution to the Middle East problem.
181.	Far from reducing tension, these agreements have actually promoted an escalation of violence in the area. Far from prevailing upon the Zionist State to refrain from aggressive action against Lebanon, these agreements have led to their intensification. Far from the arms potential in the area diminishing, these agreements have actually increased it alarmingly since they were signed. The resistance and determination of the Arab and Palestinian peoples, far from breaking, has grown steadily since that time.
182.	Once again we reaffirm our support for the PLO and all Arab peoples in their legitimate struggle for the recovery of their occupied territories, for the creation of a sovereign Palestinian State and for lasting peace in the area.
183.	The situation prevailing in the eastern Mediterranean is also a matter of concern.
184.	In Cyprus the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of that country continue to be threatened in spite of our decisions and the personal efforts of the Secretary-General.
185.	We express our hope that there will be an effective application of resolution 3212 (XXIX) and an end to all outside interference in the internal affairs of this sovereign State.
186.	We repeat our support for and solidarity with the Korean people in their struggle for the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean homeland. We very much appreciate the initiative taken by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the problem.
187.	The record of the activities of the United Nations in the field of decolonization is a good one.
188.	The end of the process of decolonization, in spite of remaining difficulties, has today become irreversible and is a matter of urgency. We should like here to refer particularly to the armed struggle of the heroic people of East Timor, legitimately represented by FRETILIN, who are seeking to gain their independence. We call upon our Organization to intensify its efforts in order to prevail upon the invading country to respect the rights of the people of East Timor to express themselves freely on their future, in keeping with the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly.
189.	The right to self-determination of the peoples of the world necessarily presupposes that after winning independence and in keeping with the socio-cultural realities, they should be totally free to adopt the policies of development that best conform to their aspirations. This right of peoples to decide on their own future has become imperative in present-day historical development, and a necessary condition for the establishment of a new international order which would be more just and more conducive to the self-fulfilment of men and women. Unfortunately this respect for the rights of peoples to self-determination and to decide on their own future has not yet been accepted by the whole international community.
190.	In Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe people are subjected to oppression and the exploitation of their natural resources and their labour. These victims of fear, poverty, humiliation and torture have made their rebellion and courage their principal allies in their fight against these dictatorial and bloody regimes.
191.	These peoples have earned the respect and admiration of the international community. Their victories have been very hard-won at a cost of thousands, and in certain cases millions, of innocent victims—men, women, old people and children, whose only crime against imperialism has been the wish to assert their human dignity and reject exploitation, domination and moral degradation.
192.	These obsolete or obsolescent regimes have always found in the imperialist forces the moral, political, economic and military support to help them fight their peoples who have risen up or are rising up to say "enough" to the regimes of oppression. These forces have on their hands the blood of innocent people, yet they invoke human rights in support of regimes which have silenced, in the peace of the graveyard, the cries of people who struggle against domination and exploitation.
193.	We know that the voracious machine of imperialism always needs human sacrifices in order to maintain its economic and strategic interests. But as long as there are people who are determined, the forces of oppression are condemned to disappear; hence their hatred for and ruthless aggression against any regime which clearly and consistently has made liberty and the dignity and well-being of the people its fundamental objective and article of faith.
194.	Underlying this fact, which today has become undeniable, is the right of all peoples to exercise permanent and effective sovereignty over their wealth and natural resources.
195.	In promoting the true exercise of this right, the United Nations will make a considerable contribution to the developing countries, whose situation today is due principally to the foreign domination imposed by imperialist ambition.
196.	It is not a matter of defending autarchy, a fact which has been superseded by the realities of today, but rather a matter of promoting true international cooperation based on equality, equity and mutual advantage in mutual respect for the sovereignty of each State.
197.	In this way we shall create the conditions which, once prejudices have been dispelled and artificially erected barriers broken down, will usher in an era of fruitful co-operation and the peoples of the world will be engaged in building a world of peace and brotherhood among men.
198.	In this area also, our efforts have met with resistance from those who, impressed by the privileges conferred upon them by the present order, deny by their very actions the idea of a new international economic and political order.
199.	Although we recognize the complexity of certain questions that are being studied, we feel that the results achieved so far in the negotiations to bring about a new international economic order are still modest, not to say disappointing.
200.	These results reflect the absence of any real political will on the part of certain industrialized States to restructure the principal machinery and institutions governing world economic activity.
201.	This refusal to engage in a more constructive dialogue only delays the solution of some problems that are vital for developing countries and is a factor for tension which it is urgent to eliminate.
202.	Because of the important role that UNCTAD is designed to play in the international economic negotiations affecting international trade and problems relating to economic development, particularly the negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order, it has become the principal instrument of the General Assembly for examining and following the evolution of the international economic situation, in the light of the relevant provisions of General Assembly resolution 1995 (XIX) and UNCTAD resolution 90 (IV).  That is why we believe that the strengthening of UNCTAD should be considered as one of the key elements in the current restructuring of the social and economic sector of the United Nations.
203.	In view of the wide range of questions on the agenda and of those on which a decision was not taken at the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila from 7 May to 3 June 1979, the results of that session were extremely limited. However, we hope that the target of $350 million set for the creation of the Common Fund will soon be achieved and that the negotiations for the effective creation of that Fund, which was scheduled for December this year, will be successful.
204.	The transformation of UNIDO into a specialized agency 3 at the same time as it strengthens the role of the United Nations in the industrial development of developing countries, also represents progress which we hope will help us to overcome the delays which have occurred with regard to the achievement of the objectives advocated in the Lima Declaration and Programme of Action on Industrial Development Cooperation.
205.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, in the context of negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order, assumes the utmost importance.
206.	The creation of machinery that will make feasible the practical implementation of the concept of the common heritage of mankind and the solution of problems still unsolved is a task to which the participants in that Conference will be able to give the best possible response.
207.	The efforts which have been made in the past several years to carry out intensive negotiations have already begun to yield certain results, and we hope that the forthcoming sessions of the Conference in 1980 will make possible the adoption of a convention which will govern the activities of States on the seas.
208.	These efforts should in no way be compromised by unilateral measures, and for this reason we appeal to all the participants to refrain from such acts.
209.	The unbridled arms race, and in particular the nuclear arms race, because of the latent danger it represents for the whole of mankind and because of the waste of human capacities and precious resources for purposes which are far from being the goals we are aiming at, constitutes a serious impediment to the patient efforts of the international community to create a world of peace, progress and fraternity among peoples.
210.	The trend in favour of the arms race advocated by certain sectors should be resisted through our firm determination to bring about general and complete dis-armament under effective international control.
211.	The results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, demonstrate our collective will that each Member State should promote the putting into effect of the measures advocated in the Final Document adopted at the end of the session and that the common aspiration of our peoples to peace should be the major concern of our Governments. In the world of today we must all fully assume this collective responsibility. From that standpoint, my Government reiterates its devotion to the principle of convening a world conference on the whole question of disarmament within the framework of the United Nations.
212.	In this connexion, we are pleased to note the signing of the SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. This marks an important stage, to the continuation of which we should devote our best energies and abilities.
213.	In that way we shall be acting in keeping with the aspirations of the peoples and we shall be contributing to ensuring that humanity never loses its hope in man.


Mr. President, on the occasion of your election as President of this important forum of States of the world, I have the pleasure to extend my congratulations to you, the representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, a country with which Romania maintains relations of close friendship and co-operation.
2.	Romania is taking part in this session in the determination to contribute, along with other States, to the debate and to the adoption of just and lasting solutions to the problems which beset mankind in the interests of strengthening peace, detente, understanding and international co-operation.
3.	We bring to this forum a message of peace and co-operation from the Romanian people, who are celebrating this year the thirty-fifth anniversary of their revolution of anti-Fascist and anti-imperialist social and national liberation, which was an event of epoch-making importance for our people's destiny and which has opened the way to the democratic and socialist development of Romania. The progress achieved over this period in the many-sided development of our country and in the raising of the material and the intellectual standards of all our people is eloquent proof of the creative capacity of a nation liberated from exploitation and foreign domination, a nation which has committed all its resources to the achievement of profound revolutionary changes, the supreme purpose of which is the full assertion of the human personality.
4.	Romania's foreign policy, which is an integral part of this vast work of construction, is consequently dedicated to the goals of peace, security, co-operation and progress and to the establishment of new international relations based on equality and mutual respect, and is aimed at ensuring favourable conditions for the development and prosperity of all peoples.
5.	Romania constantly places in the forefront of its international activities the development of friendship, solidarity and co-operation with all socialist countries, At the same time Romania is developing its many-sided co-operation with the developing and non-aligned countries and is expanding its relations with all States of the world regardless of their social system and is taking an active part in the international division of labour and world exchange of goods and assets.
6.	The decisive role in the elaboration and promotion, of the foreign policy of my country and in the broad and dynamic development of its international relations falls to the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceaugescu, who is persevering in his activities in the service of the cause of freedom and independence, and of security and co-operation among peoples.
7.	The international relations of socialist Romania form part of the universal process of the free and independent affirmation of the nations on the world scene, and constitute a contribution of the promotion of the policy of detente, understanding and equal cooperation among all the States of the world. All the international activities of the country are based on a new concept of the foundations of peace, on the strict observance, in the relations among States, of the principles of national independence and sovereignty, equality of rights and non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage and the non-use of force or the threat of force. These principles are the corner-stone of the establishment of a climate favourable to mutual confidence and respect and to peaceful co-operation among peoples.
8.	In its approach to the complex problems of international life, Romania is basing itself on current realities, on the fact that vast new transformations of ail economic, social and political nature are taking place in the world, as are profound changes in the global balance of forces. The will of peoples to put an end once and for all to imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist policies and to all forms of domination and oppression is becoming more and more manifest, as is the determination of peoples to be the master of their own national resources, to choose the path of their social and economic development without any outside interference, and to live in peace, security, friendship, understanding and co-operation. At the same time, international life is being adversely affected by a generalized sharpening of economic, national, social and political contradictions, by an intensification of the struggle for a hew division of the world into spheres and zones of influence. These disquieting developments are aggravated by crisis conditions in the fields of raw materials and energy, the acceleration of the arms race, the maintenance and widening of economic gaps, by the revival of old policies of force and diktat and of interference in the affairs of other peoples. All this serves only to increase tension in international life, to create a climate of concern and insecurity, to create grave dangers to peace and to threaten the national independence and sovereignty of States, in particular of small and medium-size States, while impeding the economic and social progress of all peoples.
9.	In the circumstances, a guarantee of the independence and sovereignty of every country and of the sacred right of each people to decide freely and independently its destiny, without any interference, coercion or aggression, is an essential requirement of contemporary life. The facts of international life have shown that every violation of the sovereignty and national independence of peoples causes serious harm not only to the peoples concerned but also to the interests and to the yearning of all nations for peace, confidence and security. Strict observance of international law, of the sovereign rights of each people to be the sole masters in their own country, is today a. sine qua non for the establishment of an atmosphere of genuine international detente and of a relationship of trust and fruitful and peaceful co-operation among all States. Romania believes that it is necessary for all socialist countries and all the developing and non-aligned countries and all States of the world to strive for the elimination from international life of all forms of interference in the affairs of others and of all forms of domination or claim to domination. They should do so by giving pride of place to the principle of freedom and independence for all nations and of the sacred right of every people to determine for itself the course of its social, economic and political development. We firmly believe that it is in the power of States and Governments, on the basis of the aspirations of the peoples and the pressing need to strengthen peace, detente and security, to create the conditions necessary for a constructive settlement of the problems confronting mankind. In so doing they would bring about a drastic shift towards a new pattern of international relations consistent with the requirements of historical progress.
10.	Of decisive importance in this respect is the total abolition of the policy of the use or threat of use of force, the elimination of any interference or pressure and the final renunciation of the use of military instruments in relations between States. The particular urgency of this goal is of vital importance for the peaceful future of mankind, and this was recently stressed with the utmost clarity by the President of Romania, when he said:
"In view of the fact that there are many complex problems in the world, that the long imperialist and colonialist domination generated many disputes and conflicts and left them unresolved, we declare ourselves firmly in favour of the solution of all problems between States solely by means of negotiations between the interested parties and for the complete renunciation of the use of military force or the threat of force. This is in keeping both with the interests of the peoples concerned and with those of all peoples and the cause of international peace and cooperation1'.
11.	More recent developments have confirmed that when the path of negotiation, of direct contacts, has been chosen, it has been possible to find mutually acceptable solutions of the thorniest problems, or at least to achieve an easing of tension. In actual fact, recourse to force has never led to the settlement of a conflict between States, but has always caused serious loss of human life and material damage, has poisoned the international climate and has created grave dangers to peace in the regions in question and throughout the world.
12.	The use of force is in fact the most brutal violation of the elementary principles of international law and constitutes a defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and of the conscience of mankind, and hence it must be eradicated finally and completely from the practice of relations between States. We believe that nothing can justify recourse to force or the threat of force, in any form whatsoever, still less armed intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
13.	The attempt to settle disputes by means of military intervention or by the use of force is typical of the old imperialist policy, which was based on the right of the strong against the weak, on the violation of the principles of international legality, on the defiance of the principles of justice and of the sacred rights of peoples to freedom and national independence. The path of force and armed aggression constitutes a grave anachronism in our day that must be totally eradicated from international life if we really want to establish a world of justice and equity on this planet.
14.	In the light of the close interdependence of the world today and the most complex circumstances of the present international situation, recourse to force in any area of the globe and the outbreak of military clashes and conflicts are likely to jeopardize not only the tranquillity, security and life of the peoples concerned, but also the peace and security of the whole world. The facts are such that the slightest spark can lead to a tremendous conflagration capable of engulfing mankind in a new world cataclysm. That is why all peoples, all mankind, have a vital interest in the final abolition of military action as a means of settling disputes and in the solving of all disputes and outstanding problems that may exist between States exclusively by peaceful, political negotiations. Experience has shown that there are no problems, no matter how complex, which cannot be solved if reason prevails and if there is forthcoming a sense of responsibility for the tranquillity and security of peoples and for the general cause of human progress, of international peace and detente.
15.	In proposing the inclusion in the agenda of this session of an item entitled "Settlement by peaceful means of disputes between States’’, Romania has based itself precisely on the need to focus attention and mobilize the efforts of Governments, public opinion and all peoples on these problems vital for the peace of the world. We are convinced that a thorough debate of this proposed item will lead to a clearer identification and utilization of the possibilities provided by the United Nations and its Charter to act more vigorously and more effectively in the prevention and settlement of disputes and conflicts between States, on a just and lasting basis. In this regard, it is our belief that it would be of the utmost importance to agree on the drafting of a General Assembly declaration on the peaceful settlement of disputes, as a first step towards the conclusion of a treaty on the subject.
16.	Romania, as it has already pointed out on other occasions in this world forum, also considers that the idea of setting up a permanent commission of the General Assembly for good offices and conciliation is as topical as ever. The establishment of such a commission, which would not act independently but, rather in close connexion with the Security Council, would provide our Organization with an effective instrument for the better implementation of its role with regard to the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security.
17.	Romania stands ready for consultations and active co-operation with all other States in order to ensure that the consideration of this item results in the adoption of measures which would lead to an increased capacity of the United Nations to fulfil its important prerogatives of contributing to the just and equitable settlement of disputes, on the basis of respect for the legitimate interests of each people, of peace, good understanding and international co-operation. We trust that the delegations participating in this session will take account of the importance of the intensification of efforts to settle all international problems by negotiations and will bring their valuable and indispensable contributions to bear in ensuring a thorough examination of the proposed item, and to finalizing it with results which would respond to the common interests of all States and the expectations of peoples.
18.	Romania, as a European country, naturally places among its main preoccupations the strengthening of security, peace and co-operation among the European States. Although certain positive steps have been taken in the right direction in the relations among the States which signed the Final Act of Helsinki, nevertheless we note with concern that the feverish arms race continues, that huge quantities of ever-more destructive weapons are being accumulated on our continent, that foreign troops and military bases are still present on the territories of many European States, and that it is in Europe that the two opposed military blocs, heavily armed, face each other.
19.	Therefore, we consider that it is of utmost importance to start without delay a sustained effort for the thorough preparation of the Conference's second review session, to be held at Madrid in 1980, which is aimed at accelerating the implementation of the Helsinki Final Act and at giving further impetus to the process begun by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. To this end, Romania is determined to continue broad and detailed consultations with all States participating in the Conference. Furthermore, we are of the view that the organization of a multilateral consultative meeting, with the participation of all States signatories of the Final Act, for a broad exchange of information and opinions concerning the substantive problems of the Madrid meeting, would contribute effectively to the adequate preparation of that meeting and to a better understanding of the positions and preoccupations of the participating States. It would help also in the definition and selection in advance of the main problems and in their constructive consideration.
20.	It would be of particular importance for the success of the Madrid meeting—as has been pointed out in a series of consultations which have taken place so far—for it to be held at the Foreign Ministers level.
21.	Such an approach to the preparation and ordering of the coming Madrid meeting will create propitious conditions for the adoption of concrete measures concerning the wide and unrestricted development of economic, scientific and cultural co-operation, and, in particular, concerning military disengagement and disarmament, without which the strengthening of peace and detente and the establishment of genuine security cannot be conceived.
22.	Since the military budgets of the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe represent a large part of world military expenditure, agreement on practical measures of disarmament on the continent not only would have great importance for the European States, but also would constitute a substantive contribution to the promotion of the cause of disarmament, security and peace throughout the planet.
23.	To bring about disarmament, and primarily nuclear disarmament, has become a vital need of all mankind. The ceaseless accumulations of armaments and the race in the development of new types of weapons of ever-growing destructive power have reached levels which cannot be justified. They far exceed the defence needs of the respective States and have increasingly become a factor of insecurity for all nations and a direct threat to the independence and free development of peoples and to the destiny of peace and civilization.
24.	The size of military expenditures, the huge wastage of fuel and raw materials and the squandering of an immense scientific potential for destructive purposes all contribute directly to the aggravation of the phenomena of economic crises, to the widening of gaps and to the perpetuation of underdevelopment, and all these factors are felt as a growing burden by all the peoples of the world.
25.	At present it is necessary as an objective of the utmost urgency and importance to concert the efforts of all States in order to ensure the cessation of the armaments race and the transition, without further delay, to the adoption and implementation of effective measures for disarmament, primarily nuclear disarmament.
26.	Romania considers that the conclusion of the Treaty resulting from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] between the USSR and the United States, together with its ratification, constitutes an event of political importance in international life, a positive step that could open the way for disarmament measures with the participation of all States.
27.	Romania stands also for the cessation of the production and further improvement of nuclear weapons; for the destruction of existing stockpiles and for the outlawing of these weapons. Measures to be taken in this area should in no way diminish the access of all States to the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. The balance, the guarantee of equal security for all States, should be brought about not by an increase in armaments, but by a reduction.
28.	Being firmly in favour of the cessation of the arms race and of the organized transition to a reduction in military budgets, arms and armed forces, Romania considers that a priority measure, for which the United Nations should work more determinedly, is the freezing and reduction of military expenditures by 10 per cent to 15 per cent in the initial stage. The funds so released could be used both for the progress of each country and to assist developing countries. In this respect Romania will submit appropriate proposals to the General Assembly at this current session.
29.	My country supports the adoption of measures to strengthen coexistence among States and to reduce tension and conflicts. We have in mind the withdrawal of foreign troops, the dismantling of military bases installed on the territories of other States and the reduction of the military activities of blocs and the liquidation of such blocs. We attach particular importance to the promotion by all States of mutual relations of good neighbourliness, understanding and co-operation at regional levels and we will submit to the General Assembly a draft resolution on the development of relations of good neighbourliness among States.
30.	Romania is working for the development of cooperation among Balkan States, for the intensification of their bilateral and multilateral collaboration, for the peaceful settlement of existing disputes and for the transformation of that region into a zone of peace and good neighbourliness, free from nuclear weapons, as an element of security and co-operation in Europe.
31.	In its concept of the establishment of lasting peace and real security Romania includes, along with the cardinal problem of disarmament, the increasingly acute problem of erasing under-development and the anachronistic division of the world into rich and poor countries—the bringing about of the new international economic order.
32.	Mankind can no longer ignore a situation in which almost two thirds of the world's population lives in conditions of under-development as a consequence of a long period of colonial exploitation and the perpetuation of unequal relations which enables the few rich to accumulate even more wealth while the poor become poorer. It is unacceptable that there should be hundreds of millions of human beings suffering from hunger, malnutrition, disease and poverty, prey to ignorance and isolated from all the achievements of civilization, while the great explosion of the scientific and technical revolution is placing at the disposal of mankind new means of mastering nature and improving the environment and life on our planet. Such a state of affairs defies the most elementary ideals of justice, equality and humanity, and this cannot but constitute a grave factor for tension and serve to generate profound contradictions in international life, as well as impeding the progress of all mankind. It is obvious that we cannot speak of political and economic stability, of peace or progress unless this situation is adequately solved within a short period of time, and unless means are found to assist energetically the eradication of under-development through the strenuous efforts of each country, as well as through a more active assistance by developed countries and by establishing new economic relations based upon equality and equity.
33.	In spite of the resolutions and recommendations adopted by the United Nations, and in spite of the persevering efforts of the developing countries, the negotiations that have taken place so far, including those at the fifth session of UNCTAD, have not been marked by any significant progress, primarily as a result of the position of the developed countries. At the same time, the economic inequalities among States have become more acute, and the economic and financial difficulties of the developing countries have increased, primarily as a consequence of the economic, raw material and energy crises.
34.	In view of the great importance we attach to the international framework which should ensure the support of the developing countries and to the crystallizing of political measures for the establishment of a new international economic order based on equality and equity, Romania considers that the special session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1980 has a special role to play. Romania attaches great importance also to thorough preparation for that session so that it may mark a turning-point in the adoption of practical measures towards the eradication of underdevelopment, ensuring the more rapid progress of the developing countries and promoting the establishment of a new international economic order.
35.	It goes without saying that, in the eradication of under-development, the intensification by the developing countries of their own efforts, and the mobilization and full deployment of their human and material resources, is essential. At the same time, the strengthening of solidarity and co-operation among the developing countries, both for their economic and social development and in their negotiations with developed countries to enable them to reach solutions which will ensure the more rapid progress of the developing countries and contribute to the achievement of general economic development and stability, is of great importance.
36.	International action aimed at the development of agriculture, industry, communications, free access to modern technology, the regulation of the activities of multinational corporations in developing countries, and increasing the flow of financial resources and technical assistance to those countries—all these have a very important role to play.
37.	In order to facilitate broad access by all countries to the achievements of advanced science and technology, the Assembly should at this session adopt appropriate measures for implementing the decisions of the recent United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development.
38.	Within the context of the settlement of international economic problems, priority attention should be given to the conclusion of an agreement, with the participation of the developing countries, the oil-producing countries and the industrialized nations, to establish balanced relations in the pricing of oil and other sources of energy, raw materials, manufactured goods and food products. Such agreements should ensure stability and price control in order to avoid chaos and disorganization, which is damaging to all States, particularly the non-oil-producing developing countries. It is only through such means of negotiation and agreements— and not through recourse to force—that one can bring about a solution that will promote the stability of the world economy in the interest of all peoples in the light of the grave economic problems confronting mankind.
39.	In the circumstances of the increasingly close interdependence which characterizes contemporary developments, support for the developing countries, the achievement of substantial progress in building a new international economic order, and the establishment of new international co-operation based on equality and mutual advantage are in the interests of all States, including the developed nations, and of peace and world economic stability.
40.	As a developing socialist State, Romania is determined to spare no effort to these ends, working together with the other States members of the Group of 77, and with all States of the world.
41.	There is profound concern over the continued existence, in various parts of the world, of tension and conflict and of armed confrontation between States, which endangers general peace and security. Romania is firmly convinced that in the present international situation there is a real possibility of replacing force by reason and by respect and concern for the rights and interests of each nation.
42.	It is in this spirit that Romania supports solution of the Cyprus problem by political means on the basis of respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, while ensuring the peaceful coexistence of the two Cypriot communities.
43.	The present situation in the Middle East requires an intensification of efforts at a comprehensive solution of the conflict by political means for the attainment of a just and lasting peace, which should lead to Israel's withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied in 1967, the implementation of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination—which includes the establishment of their own independent State—and the ensuring of the independence and sovereignty of all States of the region.
44.	The recognition of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination, including the creation of their own independent State, constitutes the core of the problem, Upon which a just and lasting solution of this conflict depends. The interests of peace require the convening of an international conference under United Nations auspices, with the participation of all concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], as well as the two Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East—the Soviet Union and the United States. We must also put an end to the military actions against Lebanon to ensure that country's integrity and independence, as well as the achievement of national reconciliation which would make possible its independent, democratic development.
45.	Romania supports the constructive initiatives and proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful, independent and democratic reunification of Korea and for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the peninsula, such action being in the interests of the Korean nation and of peace and stability in Asia and the whole world.
46.	Romania wishes to declare its active solidarity with and to lend its full support—political, diplomatic, moral and material—to, the just struggles of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe for their national independence. We stand firmly and militantly in favour of the total elimination of the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa and condemn the attacks committed by the racist regimes against the front-line States. The meetings and fruitful discussions held by President Nicolae Ceausescu with the leaders of the front-line States, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAFO], the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe and the African National Congress of South Africa, both in Romania and in Africa, all evoked a reaffirmation of our constant position.
47.	In the present circumstances, the United Nations should take more energetic action in support of the earliest possible liberation of the peoples of southern Africa to put an end, once and for all, to all violations of their freedom and lawful national rights.
48.	The abolition of colonialism and of all forms of domination by one nation over another, and of the imperialist policies of force and diktat are a sine qua non for the social and economic development of every people and for the effective realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
49.	We believe that international concern in the social and humanitarian fields should be precisely in keeping with these requirements, so essential for ensuring the political, economic and social rights of peoples, which in turn are indispensable for the full assertion of the human personality.
50.	It is in this spirit, we believe, that the human right to peace, security, work, education, health care, participation in the solution of the problems of society, as well as the right to have the opportunity to develop and fully use one's creative potential, is of the highest priority.
51.	In particular, we consider that the General Assembly can make an effective contribution to the universal implementation of the right to education through the development of an educational system and the training of national personnel in all spheres of activity, particularly for the developing countries, in keeping with the requirements of their multifaceted progress.
52.	Along the same lines, we advocate the proclamation of an International Youth Year, The activities connected with such a year would significantly contribute to the intensification of national and international efforts to create better educational, working and living conditions for the younger generation and broaden its participation in the over-ad development of society and in the creation of a world of peace and understanding.
53.	The solution of the complex problems facing mankind today requires the democratization of international relations and the creation of conditions conducive to the full and equal participation in international life of all States, regardless of their size or social system. In particular, the greatest significance must be placed on the more active participation in international life of the small and medium-sized countries, the developing States, and of the non-aligned countries, which can and should have their say on all international issues.
54.	Romania places great value on the role played by the United Nations, in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter, in the democratic solution of all international problems in the interests of all peoples. The United Nations offers the most appropriate framework and the only forum for in-depth debate and the finding of lasting solutions to all problems facing mankind, with the participation of all States, regardless of their size or social system, on terms of equality.
55.	Experience has shown that it is not possible to solve major international problems within a limited circle of States, however great and powerful they may be. The strengthening of the role of the United Nations, its improvement and the democratization of its activities in conformity with the demands of today's international life are therefore major factors in the strengthening of international peace and security and in the development of co-operation among all nations.
56.	It is here in the General Assembly, where all the States and nations of the world are represented, that we should democratically and equitably debate and solve all grave, difficult and thorny problems facing mankind today, and through our concerted efforts find judicious solutions, which could ensure that world politics will develop in keeping with the aspirations of every people, the general interests of peace and with the easing of tension. It is only through the active and responsible contribution of all nations that the serious difficulties and grave tensions and conflicts which still persist in international life can be overcome, that further steps and concrete measures towards disarmament, towards the establishment of a new economic and political order, towards detente, and towards security and peace, can be ensured. It is to this goal precisely that the work of Romania is aimed in the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. My country's contribution is aimed at identifying ways and means of raising the level of the United Nations to that of the tasks with which it has been entrusted in this world.
57.	This summer, we had the opportunity to welcome to Romania the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who at that time held fruitful talks with the President of Romania, Mr. Nicolae Ceaugescu. I should also like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of the Romanian Government for the Secretary-General1 s contribution to the promotion of the goals and principles of the United Nations and for his endeavours to find negotiated solutions for the major problems of the day.
58.	The Romanian delegation is ready to contribute together with all other delegations to the search for just and equitable solutions to the problems which the United Nations General Assembly Is to consider. Let us hope that this session may bring us closer to the objective of ensuring the advent of a new international life marked by detente, national independence, progress and peace.