Seventy years have passed since the United Nations was founded, after the most disastrous war in history. In the wake of that war, the noble declarations of the United Nations raised hopes for a common peaceful future, based on universal values, social justice and respect for human rights. Much has been achieved since. But, regrettably, the vision of the founders of the Organization is far from being fulfilled.
Today we are witnessing a vast humanitarian crisis, unprecedented movements of displaced people and an increase in poverty, violence, extremism and human
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rights abuses. Nevertheless, the big question for us is not to identify the challenges we face. The peoples of this world know very well what they face every day. This great Organization was established to answer the big question: how do we deal with those challenges on the basis of our shared values of the Charter of the United Nations?
Unfortunately, as the years go by, we seem to be returning not only to the same problems, but to the same old failed recipes that fostered those problems in the first place. That is why the biggest challenge we face today is an existential one: whether to continue with the same old recipes of social exclusion, political fragmentation and economic aggression, or to try to reclaim our future step by step, with confidence but also with the ability to learn from our mistakes. Allow me to refer to the efforts of my own country in confronting three specific crises in the past few years.
Like many other countries, Greece was hit hard by the 2008 economic crisis, due to the structural weaknesses of its economy and its high debt and budgetary deficits. Yet the neoliberal recipe we and other European countries were called to implement came at a devastating social cost and contributed to deepening the economic and fiscal crisis rather than curing it. We lost 25 per cent of our gross domestic product (GDP), our debt to GDP ratio grew to 180 per cent, unemployment reached 27 per cent and the migration of graduates to European countries accelerated.
We faced a firm commitment on the part of some to the idea that Greece must exit the eurozone, or that the institutional and structural reforms we need must be combined with tough austerity measures and welfare and wage cuts. After many months of negotiation, Greece agreed to a new stabilization programme that includes reforms in our public administration and in the pension and tax systems and gives us the opportunity to stabilize our economy by creating the foundation for a necessary reprofiling of our debt.
Unfortunately, at the same time, it imposes measures further burdening both society and the economy. Those measures should have been avoided. We needed and still need to struggle step by step to claim a growth agenda rather than an austerity agenda, to protect the most vulnerable members of society and distribute tax burdens justly; and to link the development of the economy and the restoration of confidence to the need to restructure our debt.
How familiar does that sound to others in the Assembly? How many times since the 1970s have countries in the developed and, more recently, in the developing world struggled when facing exactly those problems — problems that concern not just their weaknesses, but the recipes they are given to deal with them? We have to realize that we need a global financial and economic system oriented to fostering national growth strategies and our post-2015 development agenda. We have to discuss the issue of debt restructuring in all competent forums, including this one, in connection with developing growth strategies, not austerity strategies.
Another regional European crisis where Greece is at the forefront is the recent unprecedented migration flows. Since the beginning of the year, more than 300,000 people, mostly from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, have entered the country with the goal of transiting to Western European countries. Greece, like all other European countries, was taken aback by that development. Nevertheless, the people of Greece showed their solidarity by providing food and shelter to the refugees. In cooperation with the European Union and other international organizations, we are doing everything we can to manage those flows in an effective and humane way, by improving reception facilities and identification procedures, as well as by setting up hotspots to facilitate relocation.
Nevertheless, for some, the only way to deal with that challenge is to build walls higher, to repel migrants by force, or to ensure that they remain someone else’s responsibility, as far away as possible. We do not believe that the future of Europe or the future of our world can be built with ever-higher walls, or children dying at our doorstep. Neither can we forget that many of our ancestors were refugees and migrants. We cannot allow racism and xenophobia to destroy our common principles.
In the United Nations framework, we have to build the necessary mechanism for resettling people from countries neighbouring Syria, while also supporting those countries directly in hosting refugees and dismantling trafficking networks. That resettlement mechanism, together with the existing relocation mechanism in Europe, will give hope to those people, discouraging them from trusting traffickers. Furthermore, we have to increase support for frontline European States, such as Greece, in their effort to manage those flows.
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Greece is also at the centre of a third security crisis, one that causes this refugee crisis. We are at the heart of a triangle of destabilization, with Ukraine to the north and the conflicts in Libya and in the Middle East to the south-west and south-east. Located in that unstable environment, Greece has been striving to bolster regional security. It supports all efforts promoting peace and stability. Nevertheless, again we hear some who insist that we should embark on unilateral initiatives without considering their prospects and consequences, or leave the conflicts to be settled by themselves, without contributing to stabilization or reconstruction.
Yet those are exactly the mistakes that brought us here in the first place. We do not have the luxury to make foreign policy choices without examining in advance what their consequences will be. In Syria we must act decisively in favour of reconciliation and a political solution that will lay the ground for the Syrian- led democratic transition, foreseen in the Geneva Communiqué. In that regard, we support initiatives aimed at engagement with all relevant international and regional actors. In Libya, we fully support the United Nations efforts, and we welcome the successful completion of negotiations and political dialogue last week. Furthermore, we believe that the Middle East peace process is of key importance for the region. A new momentum for a solution must be promoted, with a view to the creation of a State of Palestine on the basis of the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, that coexists peacefully with Israel.
Concerning Ukraine, we support its territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty within its internationally recognized borders. We appreciate the efforts of the Normandy Contact Group and the conciliatory role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in avoiding a vicious circle of militarization in the region, And we call on the signatories of the Minsk agreements to implement the agreements in full.
We are also deeply concerned about the rise of jihadism, which must be dealt with decisively and comprehensively.
Beyond the crises I mentioned, Greece attaches particular importance to engagement with its immediate neighbourhood. There also it is important to foster new initiatives rather than remain trapped in the dead-ends of the past. I spoke of the need to avoid constructing walls. And truly it is shameful that for the last 41 years — the same number as my age — Cyprus
has remained divided. Today more than ever, and in light of the instability in our region, it is important that the momentum be grasped for a mutually acceptable, just, viable and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus issue, based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and on Cyprus’s membership in the European Union, to the benefit of all the people of Cyprus — Greek and Turkish Cypriots — as well as all other communities.
In that context, I would like to underline Greece’s full support for the intercommunal talks, held under the leadership of President Anastasiades and the head of the Turkish Cypriot community, Mr. Akıncı. I firmly believe that any real and lasting solution will have to eventually deal with the international issue of security, the cancellation of the anachronistic treaties of alliance and of guarantee and the withdrawal of all foreign troops, including the troops occupying the northern part of this island.
As a regional player keen on promoting security in the region, Greece has been making steady efforts to improve cooperation with Turkey. We have done so through a wide range of initiatives, including the promotion of our dialogue on confidence-building measures. Full respect for good-neighbourly relations and international law by Turkey, as well as a just and viable solution to the Cyprus issue, remain preconditions for the full normalization of Greek-Turkish relations.
In the Western Balkans, we promote robust bilateral relations and a commitment to the region’s European perspective. Greece has stepped up efforts towards the settlement of all differences in the region, among them the issue of the name of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. We have proposed a pragmatic settlement framework aimed at reaching an agreement and an agreed set of confidence-building measures that provide us with an opportunity to further enhance bilateral cooperation and trust.
People all around the globe are striving to achieve a better future for themselves and their children. People in my country are struggling every day, with pride and dignity, to overcome crises and regain hope. Even in their most difficult moments, they are assisting those more in need, those fleeing conflict zones. Even in their most difficult moments, they are asserting their democratic right to choose their own fate. That is a daily example of people insisting, even under the most difficult conditions, on their basic humanity and democratic rights. That example should guide us in taking the necessary steps towards a safer, just and

prosperous world for ourselves and future generations to live in.


I am pleased to be addressing the General Assembly on the occasion of this seventieth anniversary.
Seventy years ago, the United Nations was founded to promote cooperation among its Member States and
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to establish international peace and security. That would be a good reason to celebrate, but here we are, 70 years later, and if we are frank with one another —and we should be — it is obvious that there are no major reasons to be satisfied or to celebrate. That is because, on the seventieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations, it is not an exaggeration to say that in the years since the end of Second World War, Europe, where I come from, has not had to face at any one time challenges as numerous and as serious as those that it is facing now. And if we are talking about the world as the whole, putting things in a global context, we can say that since the end of the Cold War, the world has not had to face as many simultaneous difficulties as it is facing now.
Over the past five years, we have seen 15 wars and armed conflicts launched or renewed. And now Europe is facing a war as well. A couple of years ago, we would not have thought that Europe would have to face a war again in the twenty-first century, but now that has happened. There is a war going on in Ukraine, in our neighbourhood; and if we look at the eastern region of Europe, we see a series of frozen conflicts and territorial disputes. The European Union runs a programme called the Eastern Partnership, through which we promote cooperation with six former Soviet republics that would like to have some type of European perspective. But Belarus is the only country of the six that is not involved in some kind of territorial dispute or frozen conflict.
And Europe still faces economic challenges. I do not want to discuss that in detail, since another entire general debate would not be enough to lay out all the economic and trade challenges that we have been dealing with, but what I can say is that Europe, whose share of the world’s population is between 7 and 8 per cent, produces 15 to 16 per cent of the world’s gross domestic product and at the same time contributes 50 per cent of the world’s spending on social welfare. One does not have to be an economist to see that that is an unsustainable situation.
Currently, however, the European Union is confronting the most complicated challenge that it has seen since its foundation, namely, mass migration. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find the right answers — yet. That is because we have no consensus in Europe, or worldwide either, about the nature, size and volume of this mass migration.
In that regard, I should underline that what we are facing is not a refugee crisis. It is much greater and more complicated than that. We are situated on the most travelled migration route, and I have to say that this mass migration is composed of asylum seekers, economic migrants and also, unfortunately, some foreign fighters.
As far as its size is concerned, this mass migration has an unlimited supply of people, and if we cannot stop the influx soon, the problem will stay with us for a long time. I totally agree with the statement made by the Secretary-General at the start of the general debate to the effect that there have never been so many people on the move as there are right now (see A/70/PV.13). There are 60 million people all over the world who have had to leave their homes because of armed conflicts or wars, and in 2014 we saw the biggest increase of all in the numbers of migrants and refugees. There have not been this many refugees, migrants and internally displaced persons (IDPs) at one time since the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was established.
There are two reasons for that. One is that there has been a series of bad international political decisions, in which Europe was not the only participant. The other is that the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham (ISIS) has been gaining additional territory. If we are honest with one another, we have had only limited success so far in fighting ISIS. Owing to those two reasons, a significant part of the Middle East and North Africa has been destabilized. As a result, more than 8 million people in Iraq and more than 12.2 million in Syria now live on humanitarian aid.
In Afghanistan, after the mission of the International Security Assistance Force concluded, the international military presence there was to be reduced by 90 per cent. There are already 1 million Afghan refugees in Iran and 1.5 million in Pakistan. We have not even mentioned the struggles in Libya and the lack of a unity Government there; we have not mentioned Boko Haram or sub-Saharan Africa, where there are already more than 12.5 million IDPs.
In the meantime, we also need to focus on the fight against climate change, in which our success so far has also been limited, since the average temperature on Earth has increased by almost 1 per cent since the last century. Global warming leads to rising sea levels, which lead to extreme weather conditions, which lead
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to droughts, a lack of food, and because of that, to further migration movements. Today, there are between 25 and 30 million people who are migrants because of environmental conditions, and some forecasts say that by 2050 there could be around 100 million.
The overall picture we are seeing is one of a destabilized region in the Middle East and North Africa, with 15 new armed conflicts and wars in the past five years and limited success in combating climate change and water shortages. And it is obvious that for those three reasons, a mass global migration has begun.
“Global” is the most important word here. We have to agree that this is a global challenge. And if mass migration is a global challenge, we need a global answer, a global solution with global participation. Currently, it is Europe, or more precisely the European Union, that is bearing most of the burden of the latest waves of mass migration. I have to say that if that does not change, if we cannot regain control over our borders, if we cannot reduce the influx and the pressure, Europe could be destabilized as well, first at the periphery and then even at the centre. I would therefore like to stress again that this is a global challenge that needs a global answer, a global solution based on global participation.
What should be done? In principle, instead of addressing only the consequences, we should handle the root causes. That is the key issue. For that we have a five-point proposal. First, we have to increase our international efforts to combat ISIS. Secondly, we have to stabilize the situation in the region of North Africa and the Middle East. Thirdly, we have to create a system of world quotas for the relocation of migrants. Fourthly, we have to continue and strengthen United Nations missions. And fifthly, we have to fully implement the Sustainable Development Goals. If we are not able to comply with those five requirements, I doubt that we will be able to address the challenges entirely.
With respect to ISIS, we need to take into account that, although we have put together a very broad military coalition, we have so far achieved only limited success. ISIS is still acquiring additional territory, killing people and committing brutal crimes. We have all seen the videos. ISIS has caused more damage to our common historical heritage than all armed conflicts in the world since the end of the Second World War. So we have to increase our efforts and take coordinated action. There also needs to be close cooperation between the transatlantic community and the Russian Federation.
Hungary has already done its homework. We have deployed 112 troops in Iraqi Kurdistan. Our original mission was to act as a force protection unit but, based on a request from the United States, we are now participating in training Peshmerga troops as well. We must not forget that ISIS has committed crimes against humanity, so we urge the International Criminal Court to investigate and sanction those brutal crimes properly.
My second point was that we have to create stability in the region of the Middle East and North Africa. The major challenge there is Syria, but it is obvious that if we fail to make peace in Syria, then the migration pressure on Europe will not decrease. The only acceptable means, and maybe the only successful means, is through negotiations. There I agree with the German Chancellor, who said that we have to ensure maximum political inclusiveness. That might be the successful way to settle the conflict in Syria. That returns us to the critical point that there will be no forward progress and no possibility for resolving the crisis in Syria unless there is agreement and cooperation between the transatlantic community and the Russian Federation.
If we study the nature of mass migration, we see that migrants are usually transported by human traffickers. That is why I urge the international community to take international action to harmonize and tighten its legislation against human trafficking.
Thirdly, there should be a system of world quotas. For that reason, we ask the Secretary-General to prepare a proposal to ensure that we address the challenge globally and that all major players in global politics and economics do their part to share the burden.
My fourth point was that we have to maintain and increase the efforts of United Nations peacekeeping missions. If we are successful in peacekeeping missions and if we are capable of creating peace in unstable parts of the world, then we can hope to successfully handle the migration crisis. Hungarian troops have taken part in missions in Cyprus, Western Sahara and Lebanon. We support those missions, and we urge the United Nations to increase its efforts in that regard. However, until long-term solutions are in place, we Europeans will have to take effective short-term measures to avoid becoming unstable ourselves as a result of the heavy pressure.
Our first task in that regard is to regain control over our borders. If we cannot regain control over Europe’s borders, we will not be able to stop the influx of migrants
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and we will be defenceless. It is our responsibility to establish a joint European Union force to protect the external borders of the European Union. Our second task is that we must pay tribute to all those countries, such as Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon, that have been bearing enormous burdens to properly supply and treat refugees. We cannot, of course, expect them to bear that burden on their own. They are now caring for hundreds of thousands or even millions of migrants and refugees. So we propose that the European Union take over the financing of the refugee camps and, if more camps are necessary, then we must finance them. Here we would like to ask the Secretary-General to consider how the United Nations can increase its efforts to help Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon and how it can share the burden relating to migrants and refugees.
Finally, I would like to draw members’ attention to the danger of anti-Muslim policies spreading throughout Europe or even beyond. We must stress that the Muslim faith has nothing to do with the root causes of this mass migration. I come from Hungary, a Christian country, and a Christian approach does not tolerate anti-Muslim policies. We honour and respect the Muslim faith, and we would like to cooperate, as we must, in addressing the root causes of mass migration.
To summarize, mass migration is a global challenge. We must respond globally. All major players must contribute. The burden must be shared. The United Nations should play a leading role in that initiative. We are ready to work together according to the agreed Sustainable Development Goals, which call for action to ensure that migration is safe, orderly and regulated.


The world has changed enormously since the establishment of the United Nations 70 years ago. It has become a real world body with 193 Member States. The United Nations has established a peacekeeping structure, overseen the development of a strong human rights framework and set up key agencies for development, humanitarian issues and the environment. And we have seen the codification of international law under the auspices of the United Nations through such landmark treaties as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Over the same period, the United Nations has witnessed the agonies and tragedies of several generations around the world —tragedies brought on by poverty, conflict and natural disasters.
The United Nations has not always met our expectations, but it is the only organization through which all countries can work to solve the problems that we face today and to prevent potential problems in the future. This anniversary year provides a striking example of how the world’s nations, within the forum of the United Nations, can work together to chart a future for our peoples. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda are achievements of which we should be proud. Iceland, together with many other Member
States, worked hard to achieve the balanced result we see today. We are particularly pleased with the prominence of gender equality and the empowerment of women, which are key to sustainable development.
We are also pleased that the sustainable management of natural resources is central to both those Agendas. Eliminating hunger will require food security. That can be achieved only by safeguarding and sustainably managing the only two sources of food we have: the ocean and the land. Inefficient fisheries management and the lack of infrastructure in that field cost our societies around $50 billion every year. Also, arable land the size of South Africa becomes degraded every year. We now have a blueprint for fixing that, and Iceland is committed to contributing to those efforts.
Another highly significant aim in terms of the sustainable management of natural resources is Goal 7, on affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all. We need to aim for the elimination of carbon-based fuels and, in the meantime, to channel the enormous amount of subsidies granted in the fossil-fuel sector — some $14.5 billion a day — towards renewable energy resources. That would be a good start, and here, those who count need to be counted.
Iceland also worked hard with others to include in the 2030 Agenda language that deals with non-communicable diseases, including neurological disorders.
The universal nature of our new, common Goals requires each of our States to contribute at the national, regional and global levels. None of us can succeed alone. Iceland is committed to playing its part in reaching those ambitious Goals.
Everywhere we are witnessing the drastic consequences of climate change. Last month, with participants from other Arctic countries, I took part in the Global Leadership Conference in Alaska, aimed at drawing attention to the impacts of climate change, which are particularly revealing in that region. Temperatures in the Arctic are increasing at more than twice the average global rate. The region’s fragile ecosystem is increasingly at risk, and Arctic communities are experiencing at first hand the challenges of dealing with a rapidly changing climate. The consequences are far reaching, as shrinking glaciers in the North contribute to higher sea levels in the South.
There is still time to turn things around. The meeting on the United Nations Framework Convention
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on Climate Change in Paris in December will be a chance — maybe our last one — to put ourselves on track towards a sustainable future and to take decisions based on best available science. Iceland is committed to an ambitious, long-term global climate agreement and intends, working collectively with other countries in Europe, to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 40 per cent in 2030.
We have been asked to focus on the road ahead for peace, security and human rights. When injustice is the everyday experience of a large part of the population, and when people have no voice, peace and security are at risk. And without peace and security, we will not achieve sustainable development. At the same time, peace and security considerations cannot be used as a justification for violating human rights.
The imposition of the death penalty should not be justified by the pretext of needing to maintain order and security. In that regard, the case of Ali Mohammed al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia, a minor when his alleged crimes took place, is particularly worrying. I call on Saudi Arabia to uphold its international obligations and commute his sentence.
One characteristic of a just and humane society is the way it treats its minorities and the most vulnerable. Iceland will continue to work with others for non-discrimination, including on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. Human rights are for all men, all women, all girls and all boys, not just for some. “We the people” includes everyone.
Iceland will continue to be a champion of gender equality and the empowerment of women, as are many other committed Member States. At the beginning of the year I co-hosted, with my colleague from Suriname, a successful Barbershop Conference here at the United Nations. The aim was to get others to join in getting men to be more active on the issue of gender equality. I saw it also as support for the He For She campaign run by UN-Women. In the light of that success, Iceland intends to host Barbershops in other international organizations of which we are members.
The small size of our world is being set into sharp relief by the ongoing migrant and refugee situation. Particularly in Europe, well before the Syrian crisis, we witnessed the desperate efforts of men and women fleeing their own countries, often with tragic
consequences, in search of a safe future for themselves and their children. The search for a better life is nothing new. About one fifth of Iceland’s population left our country in the late nineteenth century in the face of extreme poverty and harsh weather conditions. For many Icelanders and millions of European who undertook the perilous journey to North America, emigration was a matter of survival. Others were escaping injustice and political systems in which they had no voice.
The current refugee crisis, however, is unprecedented in recent times. The term migration hardly captures the severity of the situation. This is an exodus. We have all seen the figures. This year alone, some 500,000 refugees and migrants have crossed the Mediterranean to Europe, and millions have fled to neighbouring countries. Here, I would like to pay tribute to Syria’s neighbours, who have quietly and resolutely given shelter to the great majority of the refugees. The conflict in Syria, with its complex roots in the larger conflicts in the region, has produced a scale of suffering that we all hoped never to see again. The long-term solution has to be to solve the conflict in Syria, and others like it, by political means.
The Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We call on all Security Council members, in the words of the Charter, to “unite their strength” to halt the bloodshed in Syria. The situation is already having consequences far beyond the region. Meanwhile, it is the humanitarian duty of the rest of the world to seek ways to reduce the suffering of the refugees. These are extreme circumstances and call for extraordinary measures.
The Icelandic Government has decided to allocate $16 million to deal with the crisis and to support the vital work of front-line United Nations institutions, like the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the World Food Programme and UNICEF, and to welcome increased numbers of refugees to Iceland. This is, however, not a numbers game. There are different circumstances in different countries. But we all have to do what we can. These are defining moments in history.
Iceland reiterates its strong conviction that the only path to peace between Israel and Palestine is the two-State solution. Both sides need to commit fully to that solution, and they must refrain from actions that undermine it. Of continuing and deep concern is the humanitarian situation of the Palestinians, particularly
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in Gaza, where we continue to call for the lifting of the blockade. Israel must abide by its obligations under international humanitarian law and human rights law. That includes an immediate halt to the demolition of Palestinian homes and an end to the displacement of Palestinians from their land. Terrorist activity on the part of Palestinian elements is also totally unacceptable and can only undermine peace. We condemn all acts of violence against civilians. The safety and well-being of civilians on both sides must always be ensured.
While the situation in the Middle East region gives little cause for optimism, there has recently been a triumph of diplomacy over conflict. I would like to congratulate all the parties that achieved the breakthrough agreement on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran’s nuclear programme. We hope to see that agreement contribute to greater stability in the region. We should be careful not to forget other disputes, which, if not attended to, could flare up. Here, I am thinking of the Western Sahara.
On this seventieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations, we should recall the basic tenets of the Charter of the United Nations and related instruments. They include refraining from “the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State”. It is a matter of grave concern when a permanent member of the Security Council acts to undermine the territorial integrity of another State. The rule of law and the peaceful resolution of disputes are of existential importance for small States like mine.
The United Nations is not perfect. I would like, however, to compliment Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on the determination with which he has approached the Organization’s shortcomings. There is important work under way to revitalize the General Assembly. Iceland welcomes resolution 69/321 on that topic, in particular with regard to the appointment of the Secretary-General. After a succession of eight men in the position of Secretary-General, it is high time for qualified female candidates to be seriously considered for that most important international position. The same applies to the position of the President of the General Assembly. The gender imbalance in high-level positions must be addressed if we wish to strengthen the credibility of the United Nations.
Iceland has long supported an expansion in the permanent and non-permanent seats in the Security Council. It is a difficult process, but we cannot ignore
the current increasingly indefensible situation, in which the Security Council represents the world as it was in 1945. The danger is that its authority will gradually be undermined if it does not better reflect the world as it is.
Iceland is ready to look at all options for squaring the circle. In the meantime, Iceland has stated its support for the initiative by France and Mexico on regulating the use of the veto and for the code of conduct on Security Council actions against genocide and other crimes against humanity, drafted by the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group of States.


It is an honour to be back in the Assembly, especially as Liechtenstein is celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of its membership in the United Nations. We may not have been among the earliest countries to join the United Nations, but we certainly were and remain among those who did so with full conviction. Today, United Nations membership is a key platform for our Government’s foreign policy. The Organization enjoys strong approval among our population, two thirds of which have expressed favourable views in recent polls.
For people to approve of the United Nations is important, of course. After all, the Charter of the United Nations is explicitly written on behalf of the peoples of the world. But we must ask: what about people who are more directly affected by its work than the population of Liechtenstein? In celebrating the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must ask ourselves what would approval ratings be among the people of Syria, Haiti, the Central African Republic, Ukraine or Sri Lanka. Are we achieving the purposes of the Charter that we fought so hard for seventy years ago in San Francisco?
There is much to be proud of even when just looking back at the recent past. The United Nations- led response to the Ebola crisis in West Africa saved thousands of lives, and it has prepared us to act with even more resolve in the future. The Millennium Development Goals have had a catalytic effect on our development efforts and paved the way for the 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), a visionary blueprint for sustainable development. The United Nations continues to provide emergency relief, education, health care and other services to millions of people around the globe. The United Nations is the strongest symbol for human rights, the rule of law, gender equality and the protection of vulnerable populations.
People around the world place their faith in the Organization, but all too often, they have been disappointed. It is true that the United Nations has a huge task. Mistakes are unavoidable, and at times, perhaps, the same can even be said of failure. Nonetheless, there can be no justification when the Organization fails at the very core of its mission. There is no justification when the very people who should be protecting civilians and children exploit them instead in the most abusive way possible. There is no justification for the failure of diplomacy in Syria, with civilians suffering from unspeakable violence and terrorist extremism taking over an entire region. We should not look for justifications. We need to look for solutions. We need to do better.
The maintenance of peace and security is at the heart of the Charter. Therefore, in the eyes of the world, the work of the Security Council has a decisive effect on whether the Organization as a whole is seen s a success or a failure. Like many others, we want the Security Council to act with resolve and be effective and be guided by a common sense of purpose. That is primarily the task of the Council members themselves. Others, however, must contribute, as well. The Council works on our behalf, and we are bound to carry out its decisions. In other words, we are all in this together, both in times of success and in times of failure.
Some of the Council’s most damaging failures have occurred in the face of atrocity crimes. Rwanda, Srebrenica and now Syria sadly stand out in that respect. When we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the Organization later in October, we should clearly acknowledge the damage done, and we should commit ourselves, therefore, to taking decisive action in the future when it is needed. To that end, Liechtenstein has led the discussion in the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group, which has resulted in a Code of Conduct regarding Security Council action against genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. That Code of Conduct is a voluntary political commitment that any State can enter into.
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The pledge is twofold. First, it is aimed at supporting timely and decisive action in the Security Council and at ending or preventing mass atrocity crimes — in other words, at being constructive. Secondly, it is aimed at not opposing credible draft resolutions put forward for the purpose of preventing such crimes — that is, at not being obstructive. Fifty-nine States have already made that commitment. I hope that many more will be on the list when we launch the Code of Conduct on 23 October, and I hope that that will give impetus to efforts aimed at finding agreement among the permanent members, who have the right of veto, in pursuit of the objective of preventing mass atrocity crimes.
Preventing mass atrocities is so important because their effects are irreversible. They have no remedy. How can one possibly make compensation for the slaughter of civilians, the mass rape of women or the brutalizing of children? Our primary objective must be to prevent those crimes from happening. That is a complex and long-term task, involving all parts of the United Nations system, but when volatile situations move closer to escalation, preventive diplomacy remains one of the most powerful tools at our disposal. Clearly, however, we need to make much stronger investments in it, both politically and financially.
As we consider how we can sharpen our tools for conflict prevention and resolution, one conclusion is already clear. We must get better at including women and their perspectives in those processes. The fifteenth anniversary of the women and peace and security agenda, laid out in Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), therefore marks a bittersweet moment. That agenda sets out a comprehensive vision for how to include women in peaceful solutions and how to protect them from the effects of armed conflict. It is in itself a remarkable achievement. Yet, we have, by and large, been unable to fulfil the promise made fifteen years ago. Girls born into a post-resolution 1325 (2000) world still suffer from abuse, sexual violence, forced recruitment and displacement. Let us take decisive steps forward when we meet later this month in the Security Council.
These are turbulent times, not just for the United Nations but also for an institution closely affiliated with it, the International Criminal Court (ICC). As the first treaty-based international court with jurisdiction over the worst crimes under international law, it is shouldering a massive responsibility. In just over ten years, the Court has established itself as the world’s central player in the fight against impunity.
It is an independent judicial institution and therefore does not engage in political calculations. Quite often, however, it finds itself forced to navigate a politically charged environment. We must, therefore, step up our support for the Court. More States should join the family of the current 123 parties to the Rome Statute. Consistent support should come from those who can, should or must cooperate with the Court, including the Security Council. We must also intensify and give greater assistance to national efforts to investigate and prosecute.
The link between the ICC and the United Nations will soon get stronger, thanks to the Kampala Amendments on the crime of aggression, which will enable the ICC to help enforce a core provision of the Charter of the United Nations, namely, the prohibition against the use of force. The most serious forms of the illegal use of force are no longer merely breaches of the Charter; they also entail criminal accountability for those responsible for such acts. We are only a little over a year’s time and a handful of ratifications away from activating the Court’s jurisdiction over that crime. We look forward to more States ratifying the Kampala consensus. It will be a big step, both for international criminal justice and for the United Nations.
Finally, let me offer some thoughts on the unprecedented levels of the displacement of persons in the world, which is quickly turning into one of the biggest challenges for the United Nations. Countries close to the conflicts have been grappling with that issue for quite some time already. More recently, Europe has been impacted in ways that test the fabric of our region. Even though we are not a member of the European Union, Liechtenstein feels strongly that Europe is not just a continent. It is also a symbol of common values and a promise to address challenges together, irrespective of our models of political and economic integration. We therefore want to contribute to a sustainable solution based on international law and human rights.
Regional approaches will remain key to such solutions. But migration and refugee flows are not simply a regional phenomenon, and by far the largest share of people who have left their homes are still in developing countries. A truly global discussion is therefore required, as well. The World Humanitarian Summit next year seems to offer a good and timely platform.
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We are confronting daunting challenges, yet to lose hope is not an option. Therefore, in closing, I would like to share with you the perspective of a man whom I greatly admire and who has extensively collaborated with Liechtenstein. In 1944, he landed on the shores of Normandy, he participated in the liberation of the concentration camps, and he led the prosecution in history’s biggest murder cases at the Nuremberg trials. He is now 95 years old and continues to fight for law, not war, as he has done all his life. His name is Benjamin Ferencz, and he has three pieces of advice for all of us: “Never give up. Never give up. Never give up.”


As I address the Assembly from this rostrum on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Joseph Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, whom I have the honour and privilege of representing, I should like at the outset to join earlier speakers in congratulating Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. His experience as President of the National Assembly, Foreign Minister and Finance Minister of Denmark, as well as his skills in development issues, are major assets for the success of his mandate. I would also like to commend his predecessor, Mr. Sam Kutesa, Foreign Minister of the Republic of Uganda, on his excellent work as President of the General Assembly at its sixty- ninth session at a historic moment of our Organization. Lastly, I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his tireless efforts to defend and promote the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Seventy years after its creation, the objectives and principles of our universal and increasingly indispensable Organization are more relevant than ever. Peace and development are indeed the perennial and common desires of all peoples. The core of our collective action as a community of nations will essentially and necessarily continue to be maintaining international peace and security, ensuring justice, upholding human rights and promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. Those objectives of our Organization are complementary and reciprocal.
Without peace, no human rights can endure, whether civil and political rights or economic, social and cultural rights. The systematic denial or constant violation of such rights will inevitably lead to a breakdown of peace and social cohesion and to latent or open crises. Likewise, without peace, development
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is hypothetical and the satisfaction of the vital needs of the populations is problematic. On the other hand, underdevelopment and the poverty and insecurity that accompany it are fertile grounds for social demands that often result in violence that is directly proportional to the perceived suffering.
Moreover, in a perpetually changing world in which issues involving security, development and basic human rights know no frontiers, all our fates are interrelated. Solidarity of action and synergy of efforts are not mere options, but rather sine qua non conditions for survival and success.
The reform of our Organization, particularly reform of the Security Council, is another sine qua non condition for our collective effectiveness. Security Council reform must mean expanding its membership and improving its collective representation, while ensuring that the continent of Africa, so far marginalized, is incorporated neither too slowly nor too fast. We cannot sacrifice justice and fairness for speed. The Democratic Republic of the Congo would also like to reaffirm its support for intergovernmental negotiations and would like the integrity of this process to be maintained. It would also like to reaffirm its wholehearted support for the Ezulwini Consensus, which provides the only reasonable basis for remedying the injustice done to Africa and settling the question of its representation.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo believes that armed conflicts, civil wars and all the acts of cruelty and destruction committed by terrorist groups, which perpetuate suffering and misery and create profound tension in the world, must be condemned, regardless of the perpetrators, places, goals or motivations. Today, terrorism is one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. One of the priorities of our Organization must be to fight this scourge, and each of our States must support and participate in the global counter-terrorism strategy. To remain passive against the rise of radicalism and extremism in their most barbaric and murderous forms would be no more nor less than to condone the dehumanization of the world.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a peace-loving country whose history has taught it the inestimable value of peace. It is working tirelessly to preserve peace and stability within its borders, in the Great Lakes region of Africa and in the world. To that end, on 28 February 2013 in Addis Ababa, it signed the
first Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region. It is resolved to keep all the commitments it made by this signature and we call on the other signatory States to do likewise.
It is also in that context that, although at a prohibitively high cost, given our country’s limited resources, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been leading successful operations against hostile forces and armed groups, which over the past 15 years have spread death and destruction in the eastern part of its territory. To that same end, it has also dispatched its own sons and daughters as soldiers and police officers to serve under the flag of the United Nations throughout the world.
It also feels challenged, as does the rest of humankind, by the current migration crisis, which demonstrates — as if a demonstration were needed — the precariousness of the human condition.
While the efforts undertaken by others to overcome that crisis are welcome, it is important, necessary and urgent to attack the root causes, which include the denial of human rights, underdevelopment, poverty, armed conflicts, and natural disasters, some of which have been caused by climate change.
Moved by this need, the Democratic Republic of the Congo participated in the drafting and adoption of the new post-2015 development agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (see resolution 70/1). That agenda embodies every hope for the peoples of the world. Our collective duty is to do everything possible to make it a reality. Impelled by the same need to take action, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been actively involved in preparations for the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris in December, as well as in relevant international negotiations.
We are all striving for development that is economically efficient, socially equitable and ecologically sustainable. The realization of those aspirations requires action and firm commitments from all of us. In that respect, we all subscribed to the Millennium Development Goals. However, their full and complete implementation has been hampered by numerous issues that we need to resolve promptly, as well as by many challenges that must be urgently
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addressed, especially those regarding the environment. In that respect, we can no longer hesitate.
Climate change is one of the major challenges that our planet faces today. Its negative impact on vital socioeconomic sectors such as agriculture and health is more apparent than ever. The same can be said of its effect on the availability of resources that are necessary to life, such as water. It is urgent that we conclude a universal and legally binding agreement that holds the increase in global average temperature to below 2°C in relation to pre-industrial levels. Let us all demonstrate our commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals, in particular to the targets involving environmental protection, by making the December session of the Conference of the Parties our deadline.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we are committed to making responsible sacrifices without jeopardizing our development. To that end, we have developed and submitted an intended nationally determined contribution. It includes both mitigation measures, focusing on four main priority sectors — agriculture, forests, energy, and transportation — and adaptation measures, which in addition to those four sectors also concern the protection of the coast. All of that will result in a 17 per cent rate of reduction in greenhouse gas emissions — the equivalent of 77 million tons of carbon dioxide — by 2030.
We have established the same timetable in our country for a comprehensive and ambitious development programme known as the revolution of modernity. In turn, we hope that the international community will reward our efforts accordingly within the REDD+ process.
Having given our position on some of today’s burning issues, I would now like to talk briefly about the situation in my country. Allow me to talk about the Democratic Republic of the Congo today, a country that has certainly seen difficult times and could have very well disappeared from the map, if it had not been for the United Nations support and, especially, had it not been for the sacrifices made by a people determined to maintain, against all odds, the sovereignty of the country and the integrity of its territory.
I would like to take the opportunity to acknowledge the gestures of international solidarity that we have benefited from and that have come from other States Members of our Organization, in particular from
the contributors of troops to the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I pay tribute to the heroism of our defence and security forces and of our population, who represent a mix of every age and background.
Owing to the concerted efforts of all concerned, we can affirm, without fear of contradiction, that despite the persistence of a few residual areas of unrest, which we are actively trying to quell, peace, security and State authority have been restored to almost the entirety of our national territory. In conjunction with important structural reforms, the restoration of peace and security has fostered the resumption of large-scale economic activities. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is today one of the fastest-growing economies of Africa, with an annual growth rate, from 2010 to 2014, consistently higher than the average for sub-Saharan Africa. In 2014, the growth rate stood at 9.5 per cent, the third fastest such rate in the world. For nearly three years, we have had an inflation rate of less than 1 per cent and a remarkable level of stability in the exchange rates of our national currency. Furthermore, governance and the business environment have continued to undergo such significant improvements that the Democratic Republic of the Congo was ranked among the top 10 reform-oriented countries in the “Doing Business” classification of the World Bank in 2013.
However, we continue to face major challenges on the path ahead. We are well aware of that, because we know that we are a post-conflict country. Institutional stabilization efforts, security planning and the reconstruction of basic infrastructure must and will continue, with the aim of overcoming poverty, injustice and social inequalities.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo today is a large building site and abounds in business opportunities. It is a country full of potential and, in order to fulfil that potential, is open to the possibility of partnerships of every type, provided that they respect its sovereignty, do not harm its vital interests and are mutually beneficial. In that regard, several sectors of commercial activity that had been limited to the public sector have been opened to competition. Accordingly, new laws are either in the process of being adopted or have already been adopted to liberalize the electricity and insurance sectors, to promote public- private partnerships in the fields of agriculture and infrastructure and to attract and retain domestic and foreign investors.
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The obligation that now lies with the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and with all partners truly concerned about the welfare of the Congolese people, is that of ensuring the consolidation of all those achievements. Maintaining peace and stability and making our democratic achievements and economic and social progress irreversible are therefore our top priorities. That is why we attach great value to the process of decentralization under way, which has recently been accelerated with the establishment of provincial assemblies in the 21 new provinces and the imminent arrival of provincial executives in those provinces.
Similarly, and in accordance with the electoral timetable published by the Independent National Electoral Commission, the Democratic Republic of Congo is preparing its general election, the third after those of 2006 and 2011. This election, scheduled for the 2015-2016 cycle, confirms a definitive break with the spiral of violence and instability that has characterized our country in recent decades and ushers in a lasting era of democracy for the Congolese people.
Despite the many financial and logistical constraints complicating the electoral process, everything necessary for the holding of transparent and credible elections in a peaceful climate has been put in place by the Independent National Electoral Commission, with the support of the Government and under the direction of the Head of State. To this end, convinced that dialogue is a central principle of democracy and a powerful factor in social cohesion, the Head of State has held consultations since last May with all segments of Congolese society — political actors, civil society, religious and traditional authorities — with a view to supporting a national dialogue.
Finally, after the defeat of the Mouvement du 23 mars and the surrender of several rebel groups, the Democratic Republic of the Congo wishes to consolidate the new-found peace and return to normal life. Accordingly, while we remain sincerely grateful to the United Nations for its contribution to the restoration of that peace, we believe it is high time to reconsider the question of a United Nations presence on Congolese territory and to think about a gradual but major withdrawal of the troops of the Stabilization Mission from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Our country expects to receive the Assembly’s support for this responsible and legitimate request of a Member State, which it makes in full exercise of its sovereignty. It is a request that already has the support of the regional economic communities to which we belong, the Southern African Development Community and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, as well as the African Union. We fully expect that the ongoing strategic dialogue with the Secretary- General and his experts will lead to a recommendation to the Security Council to this effect.


I would like to congratulate the President on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I also wish to commend the work of His Excellency Mr. Sam Kutesa, President of the General Assembly at the sixty-ninth session, and to express sincere thanks to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his tireless efforts in leading the United Nations. The result of such efforts culminated in the very successful United Nations Summit for the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda and this general debate, as well as the historic
visit of the Holy Father, Pope Francis, to the General Assembly (see A/70/PV.3). Moreover, San Marino appreciates the constant and impartial attention that the Secretary-General has paid to all States Members of the United Nations.
After 70 years, the United Nations has not only passed the test of time, but it continues to represent a shining beacon of hope for all our countries. I believe that in future we will have to be even more willing and inspired to strengthen and improve the role that this great institution plays. In fact, the first and last line of defence for San Marino, a small State without an army and with limited territory and resources, is the United Nations.
Even the strongest and largest countries cannot deal with the complexity and the multitude of today problems all by themselves. They need the United Nations too. With the help of the United Nations system, we, the Member States, have over the years built the foundations for peace by preventing and ending numerous disputes. We have been able to free millions of people from extreme poverty and have made important progress in advancing human rights and democracy and in promoting justice and international law.
Unfortunately, despite all our efforts and successes, the international community continues to face the same challenges: wars, poverty, inequality, discrimination and violence against women and children. In addition, today we face new global challenges, such as climate change, economic and financial crises, unrelenting unemployment, international migration and terrorism. Those new threats are interdependent, and we should work together with the United Nations to take them on and defeat them.
Around the world, our people look to the United Nations for leadership. That is why reform of the United Nations is fundamental and must remain at the core of our collective efforts during the seventieth session of the General Assembly. We must make the Organization more effective, while preserving its integrity and enhancing its status.
Every day, we witness the tragic migration from Africa and Asia towards Europe. Those desperate people have left their countries and their families behind, fleeing from conflicts, violence and persecution. Thousands of them have died in the Mediterranean Sea. We are pleased that, a few days ago, the high-
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level side event here at Headquarters on strengthening cooperation on migration and refugee movements in the perspective of the new development agenda was organized.
San Marino cannot remain silent about what is happening in Iraq and Syria, where an ongoing inhuman ethnic and religious cleansing is being carried out with unprecedented ferocity. We hope that under the able stewardship of Mr. Staffan de Mistura, a diplomatic solution will be found in the near future.
San Marino believes that one of the most important tasks for us to deal with is the total elimination of nuclear weapons, thousands of which are ready to be employed at any time. We cannot afford to wait any longer.
San Marino strongly believes in further revitalizing and empowering the General Assembly, the forum where solutions to today’s challenges can be found and where consensus on issues of common interest must be reached. We commend the Security Council for all the delicate and challenging work that it has accomplished over the years in favour of peace and security. Nevertheless, it is time for a reform. We believe that Security Council reform should include an enlargement of the category of non-permanent members and a more balanced geographical distribution. We are convinced that, for that reform to be legitimate, it must be achieved with the widest possible consensus.
We welcome the new post-2015 development agenda adopted a few days ago as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). It represents a unique opportunity to prepare a brighter future for our citizens. The Goals at the core of the new Agenda are ambitious; they will guide our efforts in pursuit of poverty eradication, the empowerment of people, the safeguarding of human dignity, shared prosperity, decent jobs for all, and the protection of our planet. It is important that each country, after adopting its national agenda, assume responsibility for its own citizens and for the international community in working to implement the new Agenda. San Marino welcomes the fact that the high-level political forum on sustainable development and the Economic and Social Council will be assessing the progress of that implementation. However, it is critical that a comprehensive and effective mechanism for review and accountability be established.
The Republic of San Marino has always paid special attention to the most vulnerable groups, such as
women, children, the elderly and the disabled. Today, women are still the victims of discrimination and violence in many parts of the world, including in the most developed countries. Trafficking in women is an issue that is far from having been solved. Women living in conflict and post-conflict situations are often subject to sexual violence, torture and summary execution. Children, the most vulnerable group, are also subject to violence, abuse and exploitation. A large number of children all over the world do not yet have access to basic services, health care and education. We have the duty to protect and help our children. Moreover, the international community must strive for the full inclusion and participation of the elderly and people with disabilities in the economic, social and cultural life of our communities.
Freedom and peace have always represented the core values of the Republic of San Marino over its centuries-old history. San Marino is a small country, but one strongly committed to the implementation of the universal values of the United Nations and the principles enshrined in its Charter. We are honoured to offer our contribution to the United Nations community.


Let me congratulate the Secretary-General, the staff of the United Nations and, indeed, all Member States, on the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of this all-important international Organization.
“Study history, study history”, Winston Churchill, the famous British Prime Minister once said, for “in history lies all the secrets of statecraft”. And so we study history. In millions of schools throughout the world, there are untold numbers of students studying history and learning about the events of our past. And in the pages of the books they use to study, history is compressed and reduced to its barest essentials. The immensity of a whole era is whittled down and conveyed in mere paragraphs, with significant events carefully packaged into simple sentences. Nevertheless, within those pages are indeed the secrets of statecraft. From those pages, we come to understand what our world once was and the process by which it evolved to become what the world is today. Reading them, we learn from the mistakes that were made.
The world, into which the United Nations was born 70 years ago, seems like such a faraway reality. In 1945, the names that filled newspapers were those of Auschwitz, Buchenwald, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Dresden and even that of the Red Army. In 1945, Ecuador declared war on Germany and Japan. Syria
also declared war on Germany and Japan. The Soviet Union was victorious in the Battle of Konigsberg, as well as the Vienna Offensive. Spain broke off diplomatic relations with Japan. And the historically neutral country of Switzerland closed its borders with Germany. Those are just a few of the events that took place before the watershed San Francisco Conference in April of that year, when 50 nations convened to declare their commitment to peace.
My country, Ghana, was not among those nations. It would take another 22 years for the then Gold Coast colony to gain its independence and become Ghana. In fact, a great many of the countries represented here in this Hall — particularly those from the so-called developing world — did not exist as sovereign nations. Nevertheless, here we are today, very much a part of this Organization, aptly called the United Nations, and very much a part of this world. That is why I wish to state, quite emphatically, at the start of my address, that it is time for there to be greater inclusivity at the United Nations. Truth be told, it is long past time. The world that was in 1945 does not exist now in 2015. Therefore, the visionary Organization that was formed to meet the needs of that world must now be reformed to meet the needs of today’s world. And those needs are many.
The names that fill today’s newspapers are those of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, Boko Haram and Al-Qaida. The hashtags that circulate on the social media now refer to Sandra Bland, who died under suspicious circumstances while in police custody in Texas; Aylan Kurdi, a young Syrian boy who, along with his family, washed up on the shores of a beach in Turkey; and Madau Gach Dut, one of the thousands who have died in the conflict in South Sudan. I could continue, because the names are many and the lists are long.
Thousands have died in Syria, Pakistan, Nigeria, Mexico, Afghanistan and Somalia, and thousands more, the majority of whom are from African nations, have died in the Mediterranean Sea, while attempting to flee poverty, hunger, disease, political strife or persecution. Then, too, there are those who did not die while seeking refuge and whose perilous journeys brought them safely to the borders of other nations While some of those nations welcomed their arrival, others subjected them to further alienation and degradation.
The numbers are staggering. That is not the history that is being taught in schools — at least, not yet. Those
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are not events that lend themselves to being written down in a book and condensed into nicely worded paragraphs and sentences. Those are not events that once happened a long time ago. Those are events that are happening today. They are events that are happening in our time. And as we gather here today to discuss the road ahead, I wish to quote a few words from the speech that Franklin Roosevelt, before his untimely death, had been writing and preparing to deliver at that fateful San Francisco Conference. Mr. Roosevelt wrote, “The work, my friends, is peace”.
Despite all the changes that have occurred in the world over the course of the last 70 years, that singular truth remains the same. But peace, as so many great men and women have reminded us, is not just the absence of war. Peace is also the presence of dignity in one’s life, the achievement of equality in one’s endeavours and the respect of one’s humanity and its attendant rights. If we are to discuss the road ahead, we must do so with new language, with ideas and solutions that do not exist in the annals of history. And we must begin with an examination of our most basic institutions — governmental, cultural, societal and personal.
Some of the institutions that were set in place to protect and promote peace are the very ones violating their mandates and engendering fear in the public. When one race of citizens feels as though their lives do not matter, when refugees successfully escape the horrors of war only to be further brutalized on foreign soil, when the already-traumatized victims of conflict are violated by international peacekeepers who were sent there to ensure their safety and well-being, then we, as leaders and as the world community, must stop being silent and start taking action. We must create change, because fear serves as fuel for disillusionment and apathy, for hatred and xenophobia, all of which form the seed that, if allowed to take root, will ultimately grow and bear the rotten fruit of war.
What we learned 70 years ago, with the formation of the United Nations, is that we must each be our brother’s keeper; we must allow ourselves, as people and, even more, as nations, to belong to one another. In Ghana we are also reviewing our rules of engagement to maintain a balance between the maintenance of law and order and the basic rights of our people to free speech and free expression.
Since the beginning of time, cultural and societal traditions have been used as markers of identity. Kente cloth is as defining to Ghana as kimonos are to Japan, as quinceañeras are to Latin America, and as bar mitzvahs are to Judaism. Yet some practices and beliefs, although considered traditional, have no place in our world today, and they should not be permitted a place in the world that we are planning for the future. Among those traditions are those that deny individuals, particularly women and children, their basic rights and force them into situations that relegate them to a life vulnerable to poverty, disease and other unbearable hardships.
Most of the world’s poorest people are women. Currently, we create programmes and policies to address that imbalance; yet, regardless how successful they may be, they are not permanent solutions. They do not solve the ultimate problem, that is, the vast inequality between men and women that so many traditions have inculcated over the years.
In Ghana, through the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty programme, we have provided cash grants to a total of 77,000 households throughout the nation. That programme, which is aimed at poverty alleviation, also entitles its recipients to the provision of free health care through the national health insurance scheme. In order to address the issue of child mortality and malnutrition, preparatory work is under way to earmark disbursements for pregnant women and mothers of children under the age of one year.
It is not a secret that when it comes to gender equality, education is the key to change. Gender inequality is a problem that must be addressed at its root. We speak often of ability and access, and those are honourable concepts, but the actuality is that being able to get an education and having access to an education is not the same as actually getting an education.
In Ghana, we have made tremendous progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) target on universal basic education. We have instituted the Girl Child Programme, which encourages parents to send girls to school, and at the primary level we have achieved gender parity between boys and girls. But what happens beyond the primary level is another matter altogether. Young girls are often taken out of school and married off. Africa has the highest rates of child marriage in the world, following only Asia. It was the intention of the 1964 United Nations Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage
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and Registration of Marriages to abolish the practice of child marriage. Yet in West Africa, two out of five girls will be married before the age of 18. Those young girls will face increased maternal mortality rates and increased rates of sexually transmitted diseases; they are subject to the sort of poverty that is nearly insurmountable. However, research shows that 64 per cent fewer girls will become child brides if allowed to complete secondary school.
Recognizing the significant difference that that change could make in our nation, Ghana has launched a campaign, under the auspices of UNICEF, to end child marriage in our country by focusing not only on young girls’ access to school, but also on their completing their education. That is being achieved through enhanced access to secondary education and beyond, without compromising quality.
Thus far this year we have had a fruitful General Assembly. We adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (resolution 70/1), we have discussed how to establish resilient health systems, and we have held a summit on peacekeeping and strategies to deal with religious extremism. We will take many memories back with us, but one remarkable image that made a huge impression on me in the early days of this gathering was the Pope’s car. It was breathtaking to watch the pontiff as he greeted massive crowds and moved even Government officials to tears in an open gallery; but nothing was more breathtaking than watching him entering and being driven through the streets of New York in a tiny Fiat 500. It was a great metaphor for the times in which we are living, and a powerful lesson about some of the changes we must make to confront our rapidly changing future.
I felt a strange sense of solidarity with that small vehicle as I watched it cruise down the streets of New York, dwarfed by the humongous sport-utility vehicles surrounding it. It reminded me of the plight of the so- called developing nations in our relationships with the wealthier, larger, more established nations of the world. There is a sense of being protected, yet also of being overpowered; of being guided, yet intimidated to stay the course they are navigating. However, more than any of that, what struck me was the modernity of the moment. The survival of our planet depends on us coming to terms with such modernity. It requires us to redefine our relationship with nature and to realize that we are just one part of a larger ecosystem. We must
finally realize that we are dependent upon nature, and not the other way around.
In recent years, signs of transformation in Africa have generated great hope and very high expectations. Many African nations have embraced democracy, and free and fair elections have become a regular occurrence on the continent’s calendar. Several African nations are seeing accelerated economic growth, and a more than modest amount of success is being achieved in reducing hunger and poverty on the continent.
My own country, Ghana, has benefited greatly in working to achieve the MDG targets. Ghana is considered one of the bright lights of Africa, that place that was once derisively referred to as the dark continent. Our nation boasts a strong, stable democracy, with an economy that has been growing positively for more than two decades. While we are exposed to the current uncertainty in the international markets, strong cooperation with our multilateral and bilateral partners has led to positive movement towards fiscal consolidation. Moreover, our current agenda for transformation is aimed at diversifying our economy and accelerating growth. My Government is committed to maintaining strict fiscal discipline in order to stabilize the macroeconomy and stimulate growth and business activity.
All of that notwithstanding, one of the major constraints facing all of Africa is a shortage of electric power, and there Ghana is no exception. In many African nations, power outages resulting from shortfalls in power generation are even considered normal. In Ghana, two decades of consistent, positive growth has resulted in the demand for power outstripping supply. The resulting load management programme has, unfortunately, slowed growth, while taking a steep toll on economic and social life. Small and medium-sized enterprises, which can least afford the high cost of purchasing and operating generators to back up their power supply, are being severely affected by that. We are pursuing a programme to introduce emergency generation so as to balance demand and supply. Looking forward, we plan to put an additional 3,500 megawatts of power into our transmission grid, utilizing the significant gas reserves that we have discovered in our offshore concessions. That will be supplemented by renewable power, mainly from solar, biomass and wind sources.
The road ahead, not only for so-called developing nations like Ghana but for all nations, demands that we
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achieve energy sufficiency in a sustainable manner that does not further worsen the fragile environment of our planet. In December, representatives from around the world will meet in Paris to discuss issues of climate change, the effects of which have become undeniable. The changes to our planet as a result of global warming are apparent for all to see: the receding glaciers in temperate climates, the reduction in rainfall and the advancing deserts in Africa, and the lakes that are virtually disappearing in the Middle East and Asia. All those things should serve as a wake-up call for us to take drastic and immediate action to save our planet and save humankind. We must curb our consumerism, not just out of respect for the environment but also in the exercise of tolerance and the mindful practice of coexistence.
Recently, the United States and Cuba have taken significant measures to normalize relations between their two countries. That is an important first step towards discarding the relics of the Cold War represented by the economic blockade of Cuba. I am also encouraged by the historic agreement between the United States and partners, on the one hand, and Iran, on the other, to curtail the development of nuclear weapons in that country and encourage the peaceful use of nuclear technology. That gives me hope that, with dedication and focus, we can also resolve the seeming intractable issue of Palestine. Ghana supports a two- State solution to that conflict, with a peaceful and stable Israel in coexistence with a sovereign Palestinian State. To that end, we call for the immediate cessation of settlement construction in the Palestinian territories.
Seventy years from now, I wonder what those looking back at this era will think of it. I wonder what they will think of us. When those millions and millions of girls and boys study our era and the events that are now shaping our world and lives, what will our actions or inactions say to them? What secrets of statecraft will they learn? And most important, what sort of world will the work that we are doing here today — the work of peace — produce for them to inherit? It is, after all, their history that we are holding right now in our hands. We cannot fail them.


Last Friday ushered in a new era in our search for an innovative plan of action for people and the planet. The significant milestone event was the adoption by the United Nations of the new set of Sustainable Development Goals as part of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1).
Our 17 Sustainable Development Goals are inspirational and ambitious. They are global in nature and universally applicable to every United Nations Member State, developed and developing alike. Every Goal is important and deserves priority attention. They are interrelated, they carry equal weight and they all matter. Achieving some Goals at the expense of others is not a preferred option. All Goals must be realized, which should be the overriding objective.
In my firm belief in the importance of the work of our Organization, I have tried to attend the annual General Assembly debates as often as possible since becoming Samoa’s Prime Minister. I am therefore acutely aware of the diversity and gravity of issues confronting our Organization and the need sometimes to refer to them in one’s statement. However, partly in recognition of the new Agenda we have now agreed to implement and as a gesture to the seventieth anniversary of our Organization and the imminent danger of climate change for small island developing States (SIDS), my statement in essence is devoted to Sustainable Development Goal 13, “Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts”. That is also a priority goal enshrined in the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway, the outcome document of the third International Conference on SIDS.
Climate change will continue to be the major preoccupation and priority policy determinant for Samoa well into the future. I think that the same would be true for all our Pacific island countries and the wider SIDS. Thus, to contextualize our perspective on climate change, allow me to share with representatives a part of our narrative.
First, here are some givens. Climate change is the single most urgent challenge confronting humankind; it is facilitated largely by human-induced activities driven for the most part by profit motives, with some degree of insensitivity to the consequences of such action on others, particularly those vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, who are usually ill-prepared to adapt and in most cases had barely contributed to the causes of climate change in the first place.
Climate change is not a future phenomenon. It is real, irreversible and is already happening with far more frequency. It is no longer a question of when; rather, it is about the severity of the magnitude of the impacts and the full cost society must bear. Even now in my country, we are suffering drought conditions. These will give way to the onset of the cyclone season, which is predicted to have a high likelihood of severe cyclones in our Pacific region.
As this is a cross-cutting issue, ambitious actions or solutions at the national and international levels to try to address the root causes of climate change will inevitably end up either being compromised, watered down or put aside due to political, social and economic considerations taking precedence over basic climate logic. Climate change is not a concern of small island developing States alone; it impacts every country, but some — such as small island developing States — more extensively like than others because our capacity to respond quickly and effectively is constrained by our realities.
In summary, climate change cannot be wished away. It is real, irreversible and already happening. It has significant security implications and its impact threatens the continued existence and viability of some small island developing States. Even those countries that to date have been in denial of the climate change phenomenon must surely now accept the weight of scientific evidence.
Samoa is a small island developing State of the Pacific, a region recognized and acknowledged as most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Our islands contributed the least to the causes of climate change, yet stand to suffer the most and are least able to adapt effectively to the adverse impacts.
Climate change is a security risk of far greater proportions than many people are prepared to admit. For some of the low-lying Pacific islands, climate change may well lead to their eventual extinction as sovereign States. Just a few months ago, I was privileged to attend the special Security Council open debate on the security concerns of SIDS (see S/PV.7499). It was an important opportunity to highlight in the Council the security threat posed by climate change to all our small island developing States.
Against the backdrop of the existential threat climate change poses, especially to atolls and low- lying islands, SIDS have long advocated for ambitious mitigation efforts to be undertaken by Member States with the capacity to do so, and for a global goal of limiting the rise in average global temperature to well below 1.5°C in order to prevent some of our low-lying islands from being submerged by sea-level rise. We have also consistently called for a loss and damage mechanism to be anchored in a new Paris agreement to be treated separately from adaptation. With the gradual operationalization of the Green Climate Fund, we have asked SIDS representatives on the Green Climate Fund Board to ensure that the spirit and letter of the governing instrument of the Fund, as they relate to those areas that will be beneficial to SIDS, are retained and not compromised.
Our pleas over the years on the 1.5°C and the loss and damage caused by climate change have largely gone unnoticed. At least the countries our messages had been intended for have remained unconvinced, but I hope not uninterested. Part of this, I think, is due to some misguided notion that climate phenomena and related events affect small island developing States only. Some might have concluded already that climate change is not life-threatening and does not affect them, either because their countries are huge in size or have well-developed infrastructure to shield them from any real damage from climate change impacts.
It may also be that there is an implied sense that if the large problems of the bigger, stronger, more populous and well-developed countries are solved, then the solutions to the afflictions of SIDS will automatically follow. As a result, challenges facing SIDS are conveniently viewed by others through the same lens that blurs the distinctions and fails to bring out the truth about the urgency and dire consequences of the problems we face because of climate change.
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But times are changing and the world has witnessed in recent months and years an epic outbreak of horrific natural disasters unprecedented in the 70-year history of our Organization. Tsunamis, hurricanes, earthquakes, flooding, bush fires and droughts have resulted in the loss of countless lives and untold sorrow and suffering. Especially noteworthy is the fact that developed countries are no longer insulated from the reach and destructive force of these events. Some countries and regions have been visited by climate-related and natural events like cyclones, bush fires, flooding, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, droughts, tornados, and so on.
What is happening across our planet is quite significant because it discredits the perception long held by some that climate change is a small island developing States concern only. Nothing could be further from the truth. Events of the recent past have demonstrated that climate-related disasters do not discriminate between poor and rich countries, big or small. Climate change affects us all, developed and developing countries alike, although in varying degrees. I submit therefore that this realization should shape our overall approach going forward to the Paris Climate Change Conference in December and beyond. It should, I hope, also help to shift the focus in the relationship, in the specific context of climate change, from that of donor/recipient or donor/victim to one of partner/partner in a joint partnership.
While that may sound overly simplified, its real value lies in the change of perspective which this reorientation should bring and in how we view our respective roles when trying to address climate change. This, I think, should be beneficial to all. Because we are now all affected by climate change in one way or another, that should energize everyone to do their utmost, either as current or future victims of climate change impacts, so as to ensure that we address the root causes urgently and in a decisive manner.
After all, human nature tells us that when we are asked to do something for a friend or someone else, the impact is not the same because there is no sense of obligation, commitment or urgency. But when we have to do something because it will affect us personally, our children or family, nothing will prevent us from doing all that is possible within our power, especially if it affects our own safety and future. I hope that Member States, imbued not just with the projections of science but now with the advanced evidence of actual events,
will be prepared to go the extra mile to do the maximum possible for their own future survival.
Climate change is a societal problem requiring a decisive response from the global community. It is a challenge that should unite us, not divide us. No country can deal with this problem alone. We must work cooperatively in a partnership of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capability if we are to succeed. But true partnerships should be underpinned by trust. Without trust, they cannot be sustained. Apportioning blame for past wrongs would be counterproductive; it would not restore our environment to its pre-industrial state.
Clearly we want leaders who view the world as a single constituency where everyone must work together within the limits of their capacity and capability to be part of the total solution. Sadly, some in our global community have been dismissive and remain unconvinced. Others, through their actions, have been indifferent and unsympathetic. But there is hope, and our whole focus is on Paris. What is needed is principled action. The Paris agreement will require a new brand of cooperation and a broader outlook. The narrow pursuit of self-interests, the use of economic and political expediencies should be set aside and must not be allowed to derail the goal of concluding a universal, ambitious and legally binding agreement.
Climate change is also everyone’s job. While acknowledging that historical responsibility is real, allowing it to get in the way of making decisions to reach a comprehensive agreement would be a grave mistake. A durable climate change agreement in Paris will therefore be a test of multilateral solidarity. Time is running out. The impacts of climate change are getting worse daily. Playing the blame-and-shame tactics or waiting to be led but not willing to lead are no longer options, for no single nation, no single group of nations and no single organization on its own can win the war against climate change. The divergent, yet inextricably linked interests of Member States demand that we seal a good deal in Paris.
The Paris agreement should focus on bold national action and the inclusion of all stakeholders; it should be a timely reminder that no action is too small or insignificant. All contributions matter and every action counts, irrespective of the source. Importantly, it must place the responsibility of addressing climate change squarely on every individual leader in terms of
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what national actions he or she can commit to deliver as his or her country’s contribution to our collective task. Samoa is putting the final touches to its intended nationally determined contributions, which are quite ambitious and will be submitted in due course to the secretariat in Bonn.
Often at times we blame others for our misfortunes and the current status of our development, including by telling others what they should do, by when and how, but rarely saying what we can contribute to make a change. So when my country and our people are continuously exposed to the impacts of climate change, we want to be part of the solution by committing to doing everything possible for the benefit of our people, our generation and those to follow. That must be our universal message, simple and unambiguous.
As for those suggesting that they are implementing bold actions for the sake of our vulnerable small island developing States, they should instead be reminded to take time to inform their constituencies and supporters alike, especially those who deny climate change, that in the final analysis the actions being recommended, if implemented, will ultimately benefit their economies, their own people and the survival of their own countries.
The United Nations remains our last best hope to provide the political will and the commitment necessary to turn the tide against climate change. Samoa calls upon those States Members of our Organization in a position of world leadership to lead the charge in finding and implementing solutions to the causes of climate change. As present custodians of our world’s environment, we owe it to our children and future generations to do what needs to be done quickly and decisively before we run out of time. It is therefore imperative to complete the Paris climate agreement in time for the twenty-first session of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in December to adopt an agreement that is ambitious, universally applicable, effective, binding, capable of swift implementation and universally owned and respected by all Member States.
In the same way that nations in leadership roles are called on to do the right thing for our world, so must all Member States of the United Nations uphold their part of the bargain in the work that needs to be done. Without that cooperation on the part of all Member States, reaching the objectives we all know should be achieved will continue to elude us.
International terrorism is a global menace. It creates an atmosphere of collective fear and intolerance. It preys on the innocent, vulnerable and defenceless, and disrupts any progress towards peace and development. Terrorism in all its forms and manifestations should always be condemned unreservedly. Over the past several weeks, we have witnessed the tragedy of people fleeing their countries mired in the destruction from war and terrorism. Obviously, a credible and long- term response is needed to this grave crisis, which has cost so many lives and affected so many people. The individual actions of States cannot in themselves provide a solution. We must shoulder our responsibility to act together to meet the threat through the concerted multilateral action that underpins the spirit of the Organization. Ideally, it must start in the Security Council, which is entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining world peace.
The coherence of the response of the United Nations depends on the work and cooperative spirit of the Security Council to see the larger picture of the future of our world. The reforms to our Organization must therefore be given priority and take account of the concerns of our full membership. Our world has enjoyed peace and security for 70 years by faithfully observing and following the Charter of our Organization. As world leaders, it is our moral duty and responsibility to ensure that our people continue to live in peace and harmony for many more years to come.