Mr. President, I am very pleased indeed to have this opportunity to congratulate Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am confident that as an eminent representative of friendly and non-aligned Sri Lanka, he will, with his vast experience and dedication to the United Nations, greatly contribute to the successful work of this session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
265.	I welcome the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to the United Nations, which constitutes a further step towards the realization of the principle of universality.
266.	The present session is being held in a crucial period characterized by an irreversible process of democratization of international relations. No nation is any longer willing to let others take decisions bearing on its fate, nor to reconcile itself to anyone's monopoly of decision-making concerning major issues affecting the international community. The peoples of the world are no longer satisfied with merely identifying and defining problems, but demand their substantive solution as well.
267.	We can be successful only if we firmly orient ourselves towards taking decisions and formulating guidelines that will be in keeping with these demands.
268.	The United Nations has obtained significant results in consolidating peace and security in the world; it has achieved decisive successes in eradicating the system of colonialism and it has made great strides forward in creating conditions for the development of co-operation among peoples and States based on a footing of equality and in the solving of other pressing international problems. The Organization has almost reached universality, even though Viet Nam and Angola, notwithstanding the widest support, continue to be unjustly prevented from admission to membership in the United Nations. This session of the General Assembly should declare itself emphatically in favor of the admission to the United Nations of these two countries, whose peoples have by their heroic struggle for freedom and independence deserved well of mankind and made an invaluable contribution to the principles towards the realization of which the United Nations is striving. Today the United Nations is engaged in an historical mission of changing the existing inequitable international relations and building new international political relationships and the new international economic order.
269.	The United Nations is still faced with the very strong resistance of forces striving to preserve inequitable relations by all means. Attempts at bypassing or ignoring the world Organization continue to be made, while the right of veto is abused with a view to blocking even actions that enjoy the broadest support of the international community. We also witness attempts to discredit in various ways the United Nations in the eyes of one's own public opinion or to extend to it only declaratory or verbal support.
270.	The basic question today is in what way to ensure the translation into practice of the decisions of the United Nations, since nothing is so damaging to the role of the United Nations as disrespect for, or the flouting of, the decisions adopted by our Organization.
271.	The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo stressed the importance of the role of the United Nations and strongly emphasized the demand to initiate without delay direct and concrete actions and measures aimed at resolving the pressing and most important problems facing mankind by relying first and foremost on the United Nations.
272.	The salient feature of the period following last year's session is an ever sharper discrepancy between profound changes in the world and the obsolete system of international relations.
273.	Significant steps forward have been made in the sense of relaxation of international tensions; nevertheless, peace and security are not yet within the reach of all peoples. Of particular concern is the fact that, in spite of numerous negotiations on disarmament, the arms race not only is being accelerated, but is also being extended to other regions of the world, engulfing an ever larger number of countries. In the struggle against imperialism, colonialism, hegemony and all other forms of foreign domination and against the use of force and coercion, great historic victories and successes have been achieved, but even today many countries and peoples are forced to defend, at the cost of great sacrifices, their right to self-determination, independence and freedom. Many countries are still subjected to continued actions of pressure, outside interference in their internal affairs, the undermining and breaking up of their political and national unity and territorial integrity-all this for the purpose of imposing new forms of dependence, patterns of internal development, changes in foreign policy orientation and a slowing down of the economic and political emancipation of countries. In the relevant resolutions of the United Nations on crises and hotbeds of conflict, we have adopted principles for their solution. However, these resolutions are not being implemented, while many crises are being exacerbated and new ones created.
274.	The international community as a whole has recognized that the existing international economic relations are untenable and that the situation of developing countries is becoming ever more difficult. Nevertheless, there is no substantive progress in the direction of changing these relations or creating conditions for the more rapid development and prosperity of developing countries. On the basis of the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations, the action for the establishment of the new international economic order, along with the increased solidarity of developing countries and their readiness to achieve progress through negotiations, has continued to make progress, as evidenced by the Conferences in Manila, Nairobi and Colombo. This action, however, has not met with adequate readiness on the part of some of the most developed countries to proceed to the undertaking of concrete measures. Instead, attempts are being made to solve problems of universal interest at meetings of a narrower circle of countries with a view to preserving inherited privileges.
275.	The Colombo Conference adopted decisions of far- reaching importance, decisions which provide a strong incentive and a basis for the United Nations to proceed resolutely along the road leading to the establishment of new, equitable international relations [see A/31/197J. The Conference has strengthened non-alignment as an independent global factor of international relations, firmly resolved to continue the struggle for changing the world through equitable co-operation with all international factors willing to engage in such action. Critical remarks about so-called "aligned non-alignment" or expectations that non-aligned should become an appendage of someone else's policy are absurd and pointless. The non-aligned movement has never been uncommitted or neutral on questions of peace, the liberation of peoples, the defense of the independence, security and unhampered development of every country, resistance to the policy of blocs and division into spheres of influence, and opposition to every form of aggression and domination. As President Tito stated in Colombo:
"Non-alignment has, indeed, become a world policy today because it proceeds from the integral interests of the world and because it strives for universal solutions, under conditions when ideological and many other divisions are still a reality."
276.	The non-aligned countries will continue to engage in constructive co-operation wherever this is possible, and we hope that other international factors too will respond to such co-operation based on equality.
277.	My country has always pledged itself, even during the most difficult days of the cold war and block confrontation, to genuine relaxation of international tensions. As early as the Belgrade Conference in 1961, the non- aligned countries came out resolutely in favor of a relaxation of international tensions and negotiations between the great Powers. However, we must observe that we are actually still in the initial phase of such a process, which has remained limited both geographically and in substance, because contrary tendencies towards rivalry and the exacerbation of existing crises and the provoking of new ones continue to gain strength in many regions of the world.
278.	The relaxation of tensions has neither embraced all areas of international relations nor led to the solution of
key international issues. To be for or against a relaxation of tensions: that presents no dilemma to us. What we are concerned with is what the term actually stands for. If dStente is to be understood as a synonym for relations among the great Powers and blocs or as an easing of tensions in restricted areas only, then it becomes understandable why non-aligned countries cannot accept it as a basis of peaceful coexistence or of lasting peace for all countries and peoples. Only a universal relaxation of international tensions-with the participation of all countries on the basis of equality in coping with problems of general interest and in the spirit of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence, rather than bloc rivalries, arms race and struggle for spheres of influence can bring about a radical change in the international situation and the elimination of aggression or the use of force and every form of foreign domination from international life.
279.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is one of the most important achievements in the relaxation of international tensions however, its decisions are being implemented slowly and are meeting with obvious difficulties,
280.	Next year Yugoslavia will act as host for the first follow-up meeting of the representatives of the countries participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe held in Helsinki. We believe that the first follow-up meeting will afford a favorable occasion not only for reviewing the extent to which the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference has been implemented, but also for exerting efforts for its comprehensive application and for encouraging further promotion of intra-European co-operation. In that respect, special attention should be paid to the necessity of making a positive contribution to the settlement of problems in regions in the immediate proximity of Europe, in particular in the Mediterranean, as well as to the solving of problems of development, decolonization, disarmament and other issues of interest to the whole world.
281.	Progress in the relaxation of tensions will depend on when and how the Middle East crisis will be dealt with, when colonialism in southern Africa and in other remaining colonial enclaves will be terminated, how quickly we shall advance towards a peaceful reunification of Korea, when progress towards the solution of the Cyprus crisis will at last be made, when the Indian Ocean will be transformed into a zone of peace, when and how outstanding problems in the region of Latin America will be solved and how other problems will be handled-that is, problems whose solution is sought by the peoples fighting against all forms of dependence and subjugation, for independence, unimpeded development and equality. Whether any advance will be made with regard to the question of halting the arms race and resolving disarmament problems, whether an end will be put to pressures and interference in the internal affairs of individual countries, whether the urgent solution of international economic problems will be approached in a fully responsible manner through the building up of the new international economic order-all this is of crucial importance to the easing of international tensions.
282.	The Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries, recently held in Colombo, adapted clear positions on all those matters. My country participated actively in the adoption of those decisions and will strive for their implementation, since non-alignment constitutes its national foreign policy, which it has been pursuing consistently.
283.	The Middle East crisis has been further aggravated primarily because of the developments in Lebanon, which are being exploited by Israel to prolong its occupation of Arab territories and to delay the solution of the crisis, at the core of which is the Palestinian problem. The responsibility for such a state of affairs rests both with Israel and with those forces which make it possible for Israel to behave in such a manner.
284.	The General Assembly has on several occasions reasserted the principles constituting the basis for a lasting and just settlement of the crisis and has, in particular, supported the realization of the national rights of the Palestinian people and the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, its sole legitimate representative, in all phases of settlement. We feel that the resolution of the non-aligned and other countries of last January  - which obtained wide support in the Security Council but was regrettably vetoed-constitutes the most acceptable platform for further actions in seeking a way out of the crisis. At the current session of the General Assembly a further step should be taken towards an early solution of the Middle East crisis. It is high time for the Palestinian people, whose fate has become a matter of conscience for mankind, to achieve its rights as other peoples have done and to establish a State of its own. No lasting solution of the Middle East crisis is possible, nor can the independence and security of all peoples and States of the region be ensured, unless those rights are achieved.
285.	The successes of the liberation movements of Namibia and Zimbabwe, the growing wave of demonstrations, resistance and the struggle of the African majority in South Africa itself, and ever widening international pressure demonstrate that the day is not distant when these last strongholds of colonialism, racism and apartheid will be eliminated, At the same time the South African colonialists and racists, relying on foreign military and economic assistance, do not hesitate to resort to the most ruthless terror against the African population and are attempting in various ways, such as "bantustanization", to prevent the liberation of these countries, to break up their unity and to deceive world public opinion. We consider that the United Nations should denounce all such attempts most resolutely and should do everything in its power to compel South Africa to comply with the decisions of the United Nations as soon as possible.
286.	A complete and unconditional withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia, which should finally attain its independence, should be carried out without delay. The United Nations, which has the obligation to take care of the interests of Namibia until it attains independence, should lend maximum assistance to the people of Namibia in its struggle for independence.
287.	In Zimbabwe power must be transferred to the African majority. The United Nations should take concrete measures and, in particular, extend effective support to liberation movements in southern Africa in order to help them to accelerate the process of the attainment of the objectives of their just struggle. We hope that even those Western countries which are still providing extensive support to the racist regime in South Africa will finally come to realize that their true interests cannot be opposed to the yearnings of the whole of independent and free Africa, which is bent on eradicating colonialism and racism from African soil.
288.	My country is also deeply interested in the solution of the Cyprus crisis as early as possible and feels that it is high time for measures to be taken for the implementation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX). My country fully supports the continuation on an equal footing of negotiations between the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish- Cypriot communities under the auspices of the United Nations as well as the preservation of the territorial integrity and independence of non-aligned Cyprus.
289.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Helsinki and the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo devoted due attention to the problem of the Mediterranean in the context of strengthening peace and co-operation in that region and in the world. As a Mediterranean country, Yugoslavia is vitally interested in seeing started the implementation of the documents on the Mediterranean adopted by those important conferences. We feel that the moment has come for the United Nations too to give consideration to the question of transforming the Mediterranean into a zone of peace and co-operation, since today the Mediterranean is an area of grave international tension and of great, acute and potential dangers to peace in the world, a region where the process of detente is not yet felt.
290.	The situation in Korea constitutes a dangerous focus of tension. The United Nations should act more resolutely towards securing the withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea, the dismantling of foreign military bases, the dissolution of the United Nations Command and the replacement of the Korean Military Armistice Agreement by a lasting peace treaty and towards enabling the people of North and South Korea to effect a peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the joint North-South communique of 4 July 1972.
291.	The efforts exerted by the United Nations and the results so far achieved in the field of disarmament are so modest that we cannot be satisfied with them. Yugoslavia, like the other non-aligned countries, has for years been drawing attention to the ever more serious and dramatic situation created as a result of the failure to solve essential problems of disarmament. Durable peace cannot be safeguarded on the basis of a balance of power and of blocs as central factors of security. Moreover, the influence of the world Organization in this sphere of the settlement of the disarmament problem has been diminished, while this question is being gradually withdrawn from the competence of the United Nations. Even the initiative for convening a world disarmament conference has met with almost insurmountable difficulties in spite of the broad support it commands.
292.	In such a situation the non-aligned countries at the Fifth Conference in Colombo launched an initiative for convening not later than 1978 a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations devoted to disarmament [see A/31/197, annex I, para. 139], convinced that it would thereby be possible to provide fresh impulses and to open up new prospects for a genuine solution of priority disarmament problems, such as the banning of the use, production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction, the reduction and halting of the race in conventional armaments, the withdrawal of foreign troops and the elimination of foreign military bases from foreign territories as well as the undertaking of other measures designed to contribute to the reinforcement of peace and security in the world. We are profoundly convinced that a thoroughly prepared special session devoted to disarmament would contribute to the broadest involvement of the international community and of all States in this field. Hence we feel that during the present session a decision should be adopted on the convening of a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1978 so that preparatory work may commence as soon as possible.
293.	It is quite certain that there is general agreement today on the need for a complete restructuring of the entire system of international economic relations regardless of the differences of position and the difficulties encountered in this sphere.
294.	The international community has embarked irreversibly on the road of the establishment of the new international economic order, which represents an important gain in the ineluctable process of the democratization of international relations on the basis of equality and respect for the interests of all countries. Our principal task at present is to proceed, on the bases we have jointly laid down, to the adoption of such measures and actions as will enable us to make further progress in implementing the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions.
295.	I should like to emphasize that constructive negotiations are one thing while attempts at using them as a pretext for perpetuating existing relations are another. The developing countries cannot accept further delays in finding adequate solutions to the individual problems facing them, If it becomes evident that the negotiations do not serve their purpose, the developing countries will be compelled to re-examine their positions regarding the ways and means of solving international economic problems.
296.	The establishment of the new international economic order to which the Colombo Conference devoted exceptional attention is of the highest political importance and should be dealt with as a top-priority question at the present session of the General Assembly. A clear distinction must be made between the objectives to be reached through negotiations and the instruments and mechanisms through which these objectives should be attained. Developing countries, for example, are prepared to discuss no longer the need to protect their purchasing power on the basis of their raw-material exports, but only how and in what way this should be achieved, This session of the General Assembly should reach political decisions on these and other objectives and thereby contribute to the overcoming of difficulties in all current negotiations, particularly those within UNCTAD and at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
297.	It is very important to ensure the implementation of the consensus reached at the fourth session of UNCTAD regarding the fulfillment of the integrated program for the settlement of raw materials problems, as well as regarding the external debts of developing countries.
298.	The continuation of negotiations at the Paris Conference is a sign of a growing sense of responsibility on the part of its participants for the fate of these negotiations. However, the success of the Conference will depend on the political will to arrive at agreed solutions.
299.	The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] was formulated in essentially different conditions. Therefore, preparations should already be started for elaborating the international development strategy for the third United Nations development decade, with a view to having it entirely geared towards support for the establishment of the new international economic order.
300.	For further accelerated development it is indispensable that the developing countries should rely increasingly, and above all, upon their own individual and collective forces. With this purpose in mind, these countries are taking important initiatives for the development of mutual economic co-operation.
301.	We attribute great importance to the safeguarding of human rights and fundamental freedoms, which are a component of the struggle for the elimination of all forms of dependence, exploitation and foreign domination. Human rights cannot be exercised in conditions of the use of force, the persistence of colonialism and neocolonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid, as is best illustrated by the situation in southern Africa, in Chile, in the occupied Arab territories and elsewhere.
302.	The protection of individual human rights in inseparable from that of the rights of peoples to self-determination, freedom, independence and sovereign economic and social development, since an individual may exercise his rights only as a member of a broader community. This applies also to the rights of persons belonging to ethnic, national, religious or linguistic minorities whose members, according to article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,[resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex]:
"... shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language".
In view of the frequent occurrence of non-respect for the rights of minorities, which cannot but affect relations among States and peoples, it is our opinion that the United Nations should devote due attention to this problem also, and undertake a detailed formulation of the obligations of States with the aim of adopting an international instrument for the protection of the rights, and promotion of the status, of minorities. The United Nations would thus make an important new contribution to the consolidation of peaceful coexistence, co-operation and rapprochement among States and peoples.
303.	The entry into force of the International Covenants on Human Rights constitutes a success for the international community and provides the basis and framework for a more comprehensive treatment and a more effective implementation of human rights. However, all States should accede to these Covenants so as to ensure their universal application.
304.	The numerous and complex tasks facing this session of the General Assembly show how great and difficult our obligations are. However, we can be fully confident of the capability of our Organization to stand up to them since, in this respect, it enjoys the support of the overwhelming majority of mankind. We can only feel encouraged by the fact that countries and peoples wishing to take a direct part in, and to make their concrete contribution to, the progressive development of the international community have become exceptionally active. Without underestimating all the difficulties, we must not allow the existing opportunities to be wasted and the trust we enjoy betrayed.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the high office of President of this General Assembly. Your election is a recognition of your qualifications and it also does honor to Sri Lanka, a nation which has always been in the first ranks of the developing world. In this connexion I would especially like to refer to your presidency of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, during which you demonstrated your outstanding talents in the field of modem multilateral diplomacy.
151.	I am also pleased to express my deeply felt appreciation for the excellent guidance of Mr. Thorn, the Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Mr. Gaston Thorn will always be remembered by the Government and people of my country, since Surinam was admitted to membership in the United Nations during his presidency of the General Assembly.
152.	I also wish to transmit to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, the gratitude of my people for his tireless efforts to achieve peace and international co-operation in this troubled world.
153.	We welcome with enthusiasm the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to our Organization. The admission of the Republic of Seychelles is yet another proof of the continuing process of decolonization and its entry into the Organization is a further step towards the goal of universality. My Government looks forward to fruitful co-operation between our two nations and extends its best wishes to the new Republic.
154.	It has often been said that the United Nations has lost its original vigor and that the world Organization cannot achieve its principal goals as contained in its Charter: the achievement of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations among nations and the promotion of international co-operation.
155.	In the opinion of those pessimists, international problems such as the arms race, the prohibition of nuclear arms, population growth, the problems of international economic relations, and others, could be dealt with better within the framework of closed international forums, limited in scope and membership. That rather gloomy view does not, however, take into account the growing inter-dependence of the nations of the world, whatever the ideological differences in their political systems. Further-more, it does not pay a tribute to the fact that the United Nations has played an important and constructive role in various conflicts which threatened or are still menacing international peace and stability.
156.	The United Nations, based on the principles of equality and universality, is in our opinion the most adequate instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security and for the solution of the complex problems of the world economy. Certain undeniable short-comings are not inherent in the bask structure of the Organization, but are primarily the consequence of the refusal of some Member States to act in harmony with the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and their refusal to implement the decisions of the organs of the Organization, thus undermining confidence in its effectiveness. We wish to state emphatically that we do not believe that the problems which keep haunting mankind problems of war and peace and the safeguarding of the national sovereignty of smaller nations can be solved through big-Power policy or through the establishment of military blocs. Despite all its short-comings, we firmly believe that the United Nations offers the best safeguards for the maintenance of international peace and of the sovereignty of nations, particularly the small and medium-sized countries, and for the handling of international economic problems.
157.	For the United Nations to function effectively, all independent States which subscribe to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be Members of our Organization. The principle of universality on which our Organization is" based necessarily implies a politically pluralistic structure for our Organization: it implies an organization consisting of all independent nations, whatever their economic and political structure. For these reasons, we are in favor of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the two States of North and South Korea- pending their peaceful reunification under a single Government and the Republic of Angola.
158.	Although the threats to international peace have been somewhat diminished since the termination of the Viet Nam war and the adoption of the policy of detente, certain areas of the world continue to be a cause of grave concern. The conclusion of an agreement between Egypt and Israel for the disengagement of troops in the Sinai has avoided the outbreak of another military confrontation between the two nations. There can be no doubt, however, that the positive results of the Sinai Agreement should induce the parties concerned to direct their efforts towards reaching a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem as a whole. Piecemeal agreements, however gratifying they may be, carry the danger of intensifying frustrations which will eventually lead to further upheavals. This was clearly demonstrated by the violent confrontation between the occupying Israeli forces and the inhabitants of the West Bank, and also by the outbreak of open warfare in Lebanon. The Government of the Republic of Surinam endorses: first, the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), supplemented by Security Council resolution 338(1973), and will support a solution based on a withdrawal of all Israeli troops from the territories occupied during the 1967 war; secondly, the security of the State of Israel, within secure frontiers negotiated by the parties concerned; and thirdly, a solution of this problem based on the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
159.	With regard to Namibia, it is the view of the Republic of Surinam that the United Nations has an obligation to put an end to Namibia's illegal occupation by the Pretoria regime. The United Nations should provide the people of Namibia with the opportunity to determine their own future and it should prevent the Balkanization of Namibia into "bantustans". The Government of the Republic of Surinam fully endorses Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which declared that, for the people of Namibia to freely determine their own future, it is imperative that free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations be held for the whole of Namibia as one political entity and that South Africa should urgently make a solemn declaration accepting the holding of these elections. The Government of the Republic of Surinam, however, rejects recent South African proposals for leading Namibia to independence by the end of 1978. These proposals are, in our view, the latest in a series of deceptive devices to circumvent the implementation of United Nations resolutions, since they do not mention the holding of free elections under the supervision of the United Nations. We are in complete agreement with the statement made by the Secretary-General on Namibia Day, 26 August, that the proposals of the South African Government do not constitute an adequate response to the needs of the situation in Namibia and that South Africa must abandon its unilateral approach and recognize that co-operation with the United Nations is indispensable to solve this matter to the satisfaction of the people of Namibia and the international community.
160.	Recent disorders in South Africa are the logical and inevitable result of the oppressive and repugnant policy of apartheid on which the South African Government continues to base its political system, in defiance of universal condemnation It is to be expected that these disorders will increase in the future, and so will their intensity. The South African Government and the illegal regime of Salisbury did not heed the wind of change blowing in the southern part of the African continent even after the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire, and time is rapidly and inexorably running out for them. The Government of the Republic of Surinam will give full support to the oppressed peoples and their liberation movements in that region of the world, in their just and legitimate struggle.
161.	Developments in southern Africa during the last few weeks seem to indicate that there is some movement in hitherto frozen positions, which could conceivably spell the beginning of the end of minority rule and racial oppression in the whole region. There is some hope that the oppressed majority will finally be able to reach their goal and attain
freedom and human dignity without having to sacrifice their lives in a protracted war of liberation. Long and bitter experience has, however, taught the suffering people and the international community that not much trust can be placed in the oppressive regimes in southern Africa. The situation, therefore, calls for the utmost watchfulness on the part of the United Nations against any maneuvers which might frustrate the awakening hopes for a peaceful and genuine transfer of power. At the same time, the international community must throw all its weight behind those who are trying to advance the cause of freedom. The pressure on the two Governments in southern Africa must be kept up. My delegation considers the recent acceptance by the illegal regime in Rhodesia of majority rule as a possible first step towards a final solution and supports the call by the Presidents of the five front-line States to the United Kingdom to convene a constitutional conference outside Rhodesia. We sincerely hope that this conference, to the convening of which the United Kingdom has agreed, will result in the achievement of the goals for which many of the freedom fighters in that Territory have given their lives.
162.	During the first half of the Second United Nations Development Decade, there have been serious short-comings in achieving the goals, objectives and policy measures specified in the International Development Strategy as envisioned by General Assembly resolution 3517 (XXX). The hope that those measures would result in effective and concrete international economic arrangements, benefiting both toe developed and developing countries and closing the gap between those nations, has not in the least been fulfilled.
163.	In our opinion the results achieved up to now are only a first step towards the restructuring of existing inequitable international economic relations.
164.	We are, however, seriously concerned about the fact that no concrete results were achieved at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which has consequently led to a deadlock.
165.	We do not want to dwell on all the underlying causes of this disappointing situation. We are of the opinion that the existing international social and economic injustices will ultimately result in a political confrontation: a confrontation which we do not Want and which can only result in the destruction of international peace and security. The solution of long-ranging problems of international economic co-operation should be found in a constructive dialog between both groups of nations.
156. In this context we particularly welcome the adoption of the Declaration of Abidjan  at the meeting of the Economic and Social Council at its sixty-first session in the Ivory Coast. In the Declaration of Abidjan the Council declares its adherence to the principles of national independence, sovereignty and self-reliance and its faith in co-. operation, dialog and negotiations between developed and developing countries, based on a real political will to promote an equitable and just system of international economic relations in conformity with the principles of the
United Nations Charter. We strongly support this declaration and my Government will participate actively in all the activities leading to the implementation of its contents.
167.	In a number of areas our Organization provided both an instrument for negotiations and a forum for the formulation of political guidelines. Despite fundamental conflicts of interest, developed and developing nations generally negotiated in a spirit of co-operation.
168.	These negotiations led to the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration and the program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)J as well as the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States in 1974. The Government of the Republic of Surinam will base its future policy on these instruments which, if fully implemented, will give a most important impetus to terminate the inequity which characterizes the distribution of the wealth of the world.
169.	It should be pointed out, however, that the reluctance shown by some developed countries to harmonize their national interests with the needs and just wishes of political instruments and the attainment of positive and concrete arrangements. We do hope that these nations will broaden their views and the future will give evidence of a less rigid position. Reconciliation is not a one-way street and can only be realized through concerted efforts by all parties concerned.
170.	At the fourth session of UNCTAD, held in Nairobi this year, a program to restructure global commodity trade in order to stabilize and increase earnings of developing countries, was launched. UNCTAD, inter alia, agreed on the establishment of a common fund for the financing of buffer stocks. The operation of buffer stocks, which could be held or sold if conditions so require, would help to end the fluctuations in commodity prices that have chronically plagued developing countries which depend on their commodity exports. My Government will actively participate in the negotiations relating to the establishment of this fund.
171.	It would be a grave omission on my part if I did not express my country's appreciation for the assistance which we have received and continue to receive from the United Nations Development program [UNDP]. We are aware of the fact that rapidly improved rates of program delivery, combined with cost inflation and a shortfall in expected resources,, confronted the program with a severe liquidity problem and we are glad that the Governing Council of UNDP took major substantive decisions about the program's liquidity problems.
172.	My country supports the efforts of UNDP to promote the technical co-operation among developing countries; This should, in our opinion, not merely consist in the exchange Of experts and equipment among the developing countries but should in addition seek to strengthen the technological capacity of those countries and their scientific and technical institutions.
173.	This year a number of other important United Nations conferences on global issues have been convened. I
am referring in particular to the Habitat Conference in Vancouver  and the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of an International Fund for Agricultural Developments Furthermore, next year the United Nations Water Conference will take place in Argentina. These events are also within the purview of international economic co-operation and the work of these conferences proves the close and strong interdependence between social and economic development at both the international and national level.
174.	May I say a few words about the recent session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea, the outcome of which is a matter of the gravest concern to my country.
175.	We are of the opinion that a continuation of the existing impasse, which was created as a result of disagreements on crucial issues, can only play into the hand of the industrialized nations.
176.	If compromises cannot be reached soon between developing countries and industrialized nations on the one hand and between developing nations among themselves on the other hand, this will irrevocably have the devastating effect of placing the industrialized nations in a position of utilizing their technology and capital to execute a unilateral policy of exploitation.
177.	We, as developing countries, must prevent at all costs that the colonial policy of the industrialized nations with regard to the natural resources of the continents be repeated with respect to the resources of the seas.
178.	Surinam remains prepared to participate actively in the search for a just solution and hopes that the international treaty on maritime law will be concluded within the foreseeable future. Some specific issues, such as the exclusive economic zone, are of eminent importance to my country.
179.	In the absence of an international treaty soon to be agreed upon, Surinam will find itself compelled to confirm its right in this zone. In this connexion my Government wishes to state that serious damage has been caused to its fishing industry by the ships of several nations that, during the past years, have been plundering its fish resources in an indiscriminate way. It is clear that the Government of the Republic of Surinam will not tolerate this behavior in the future and that it will protect its national interests regardless of the outcome of the negotiations on the establishment of an international treaty on maritime law.
180.	It is almost one year ago that Surinam became independent after having been under colonial rule for many ages. During the past year we made a start towards ending the isolated status in which we found ourselves as a former colony. We are new in the process of integrating ourselves into the region to which we belong, namely the Latin American continent and the Caribbean area.
181.	Surinam has already established embassies in two countries that are very dear to us, Brazil and Venezuela. In addition, we have established diplomatic relations with various other countries in the region. Furthermore, Surinam has joined the Economic Commission for Latin America and soon hopes to apply for membership of the Organization of American States and the Latin American Economic System. As far as the use of nuclear arms is concerned, one of Surinam's first acts after its independence has been the signing of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco).
182.	The integration into Latin America is the more fitting, since this year we will commemorate the fact that 150 years ago the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama was convened by the liberator Simon Bolivar. The Liberator once stated that the new world should consist of free and independent States bound together by a system of mutual regulations which would govern their foreign relations. It is in the spirit of this declaration that we shall establish, maintain and intensify our relations with other nations of the Latin American region.
183.	In this respect the Government of the Republic of Surinam sincerely hopes that the negotiations between the Government of Panama and the Government of the United States will in the near future result in the conclusion of a new agreement between the two countries, safeguarding the just and sovereign rights of the people of Panama.
184.	Besides our policy leading to integration of Surinam within the American continent the Government of the Republic of Surinam has also established relations with countries in other regions of the world.
185.	Our membership in this world Organization implies that we actively participate in international affairs, thereby observing binding international regulations. It is on these foundations that we shall base our policy as a member of the international community and we give the assurance that we will, in doing so, conduct ourselves in conformity with the sacred principles of the United Nations Charter.


First of all, I should like to express my warm congratulations to Mr. Hamilton Amerasinghe on his election as President of this Assembly and to extend to him every good wish for the success of his noble mission. At the same time, I should like to extend my greetings and my thanks to President Gaston Thorn for having carried out such excellent work in this capacity at the thirtieth session.
134.	Uruguay also would like to extend a friendly and cordial welcome to the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to our Organization and on having attained full participation in world affairs.
135.	Just as at the last session I intend to give the general lines of my country's thinking about international economics and politics without entering into detail about the numerous items on our agenda. These general lines describe the foreign policy of Uruguay, which remains unchanged in accordance with the traditional principles which constitute its essence and in accordance with the deep-rooted feeling of its people.
136.	It is a commonplace to say that modern weapons technology has created special conditions in international politics which are very different from classical concepts. Hegemony cannot be acquired through traditional means, except on very rare occasions and in very limited ways. Therefore, an attempt is made to try and achieve this through new means which in substance pursue the same end, domination. Thus the conquest of countries is sought by means of subversion and guerrilla warfare; constant agitation to destroy the economy; external selective support (from the supplying of money to the sending of weapons and combatants); infiltration in countries' institutions; campaigns of international deprecation with a view to isolating the country; all this in close connexion with the various subversive movements, at both the operative and ideological levels.
137.	All those actions, therefore, are instruments or means placed at the service of one sole objective, namely, to impose upon countries radical changes in their political, economic and social systems as well as the very characteristics of their national identity.
138.	What cannot be attained directly, because of conditions of strategic equilibrium, are sought to be obtained indirectly. The battlefield, so to speak, has moved within countries, thus giving rise to violence and agitation. What is involved is a real war within a purely formal peace.
139.	In this context the relaxation of tensions among great Powers is, in the view of my Government, one aspect- obviously a very important one, but nevertheless a partial aspect-of the question. It avoids atomic crisis and brings about forms of co-operation between those Powers, but it is not comprehensive in providing moral, political and practical assistance to each country in achieving its own national life, safe from interference and aggression.
140.	The fact of the relaxation of tension, therefore, is insufficient, and does not create either the appropriate atmosphere or conditions for security. Reality shows that the current and concrete threat for most nations does not come from any possible atomic holocaust or any conventional invasion; that threat consists in the utilization of certain of the instruments of struggle which I have mentioned and which could be referred to generically as organized subversion. These instruments are implanted in and made part of any of the many motives and causes of domestic conflict and tensions which are inherent in the internal life of countries and which cannot be eradicated completely. Thus in this way those motives, those causes, lose their original characteristics when injected with an ideological content. They are used as pretexts for the true purpose of violently imposing on countries radical changes in their systems. Conflicts and local tensions are in this way brought into a field of outside forces, thus forming part of an alien universal strategy in the midst of ideological confrontation. Tensions and local conflicts become part of the world situation and of the balance of power.
141.	Consequently, it is clear that until such time as covert policies carried out in new forms of struggle are ended, conflicts will continue, since an extraneous element, political and ideological in nature, is added to their original factors, preventing them from being resolved. Then insecurity and violence will continue gaining intensity in the world. It is even possible to foresee that the various disarmament initiatives will lack any scope as long as this situation persists, because if the conquest of countries through indirect means persists the necessary basis of confidence to achieve this will be missing.
142.	In this context, if the relaxation of tension between the great Powers is to be complete and benefit all, it should also include the rapid reduction, leading ultimately to the complete elimination, of the new forms of struggle and conquest. This is the major issue to be solved.
143.	My country hopes that an increasing effort made by all countries in this connexion, together with a constant policy of international security, will enable self-determination to acquire real effectiveness as an expression of the freedom of peoples and the creative capacity of the human mind.
144.	Uruguay for its part is carrying out in this connexion a political process of development and institutional restoration which is truly its own and has a national character free of any extraneous influence, in order to give new juridical forms to its continuing ideals of freedom and democracy in an integrated and just society.
145.	As my country scrupulously respects the path chosen by every other nation, by the same token it demands equal respect in turn. The respect for national personality is the true and only path towards international peace. Until such time as this principle is firmly established in the international community my country, resolved to defend its national individuality and the free development of its political processes without interference, will assume, as it has done thus far, full responsibility for that defence using the resources available to it and, under domestic and international law, will prevent the occurrence on its territory of the phenomena of violence to which I have referred.
146.	The initiatives announced for joint action to combat terrorism can therefore count on the resolute support of Uruguay, which for many years has been vigorously pressing, both in this Organization and elsewhere, for action on this matter, in line with the thoughts I have just expressed, inasmuch as we reject all forms and pretexts under which this manifestation of violence appears.
147.	Therefore I cannot fail to express the pleasure with which the delegation of Uruguay welcomes the comments in this connexion contained in the Secretary-General's introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A131/1 Add.l, sect. VI], as well as all initiatives taken on this matter. My delegation trusts that these will be given specific form during our present session.
148.	However, I should like to draw attention to the fact that such initiatives are limited to one aspect of the situation and do not cover the whole problem. In actual fact the terrorist phenomenon of our day generally occurs not as an irrational action of a few isolated individuals, but as a method of struggle adopted by vast and complex subversive organizations with an ideological motivation, which are very closely interrelated, giving each other mutual support at the international level. Therefore these are, I would say, the multinationals of violence.
149.	This necessitates concerted and far-reaching action, in keeping with the nature of the challenge, which will disrupt their operations. Otherwise we would be attacking only one aspect of the phenomenon, leaving all the others intact, as well as the real inspiration of this activity. That is to say, it is not enough to focus attention on the terrorist agent and leave aside all the organizational structure of a subversive nature which makes the terrorist action possible.
150.	Initiatives with regard to terrorism are usually presented in conjunction with others relating to human rights. The link between the two topics, in my Government's view, deserves very precise comment.
151.	First of all, it is necessary to distinguish between concern with human rights as such and the use of this subject as an indirect way of attacking countries which resist the new modalities of struggle and domination.
152.	With respect to the substance of the topic of human rights, in its internal aspects, my Government attaches priority attention to this and reaffirms its continuing efforts to maintain and improve the high levels attained throughout the history of Uruguay. This does not stem from circumstantial motivation nor from rhetorical declarations of the moment, nor does it come from external or international factors. It results from the existence in my country of moral and political patterns which are very demanding and which stem from a free, civilized and cultural society.
153.	With regard to the international aspects, my Government rejects beforehand and with equal resoluteness the use of any mechanisms in this connexion aimed at interfering in its domestic political processes or favoring the forces of subversion and intervention under the pretext of protecting human rights.
154.	International activity, if it is sincere and Motivated by genuine feeling, cannot be discriminatory and concentrate almost exclusively on a few countries, which happen to be the same which, through their own efforts, have succeeded in checking the action of internal and external factors threatening to corrode and destroy its national personality. Such international action should be extended simultaneously everywhere, with equal intensity and depth, and include in its investigations similar and comparable periods, so that it will express true humanitarian concern free of political or ideological colouring. Greater demands should not be made of one than of another. Otherwise, all international machinery in this matter would fall into increasing and wide-spread disrepute which would inevitably render them practically powerless.
155.	For this reason, my country, consistent with its traditions, considers it necessary to bring about a far- reaching change in the approach and in the means used up till now at the international level. It proposes, for our joint consideration, a new approach in order to free the concern for human rights from any trace of political or ideological purposes which perturb judgement: instead of concentrating on the formal defence of partial aspects, this new approach should assume a positive role in promoting the true substance of human rights, encompassing all their aspects.
156.	The community of nations should, therefore, embark upon a far-reaching process of review with regard to the status of human rights throughout the world in each and every country and carry out a mature and meaningful analysis of the real effectiveness of these rights everywhere. This review, however, should not be limited to a few isolated cases of presumed violations. In the present circumstances of tensions and struggles in which slandering countries is a political instrument for undermining their progress, an analysis of isolated cases, in only a few countries, lends itself to political manipulation or publicity or as an instrument of coercion to bend the will of States. The approach is fragmented, with events disconnected from the real context in which they occur and which frequently reveals their true causes. We lose sight of the general level of the effective observance of rights in a given society and are implicitly making over-all judgments on the basis of partial samples. Therefore this review should cover the totality of human rights in its broadest meaning and be carried out according to models and methods which are comparable in both time and space. What should be determined is how in fact the men and women of all our countries live; whether they are members of free societies in which each human being is of value per se, or if, on the contrary, they are members of totalitarian societies in which everything is regimented; even the most intimate aspects of human life and in which personality disappears, dissolved into abstract categories; what inter alia are the conditions in which the members of those societies work, whether they can choose or change their jobs,-what social protection they have against abuses; whether they have free education and access to higher levels of culture; what is the degree of their social mobility and their real possibilities of acceding to key positions in the various fields of endeavour, including political affairs; whether they have freedom to obtain information and to express their views; how public power is really obtained; what are the conditions in prisons and of prisoners; whether the death penalty or life imprisonment is meted out; what are the general conditions of health, hygiene and life expectancy, the level of nutrition, the absence or lack of absence of discrimination as to sex, race or religion, the way in which wealth is distributed, the existence of conditions of security and tranquility for the life and honour of persons, or the degree of violence which prevails in a community.
157.	All of this, however, should not just be the letter of the law but should be a living and concrete reality in the daily acts of life. This is a matter which concerns, whether we are capable of collectively assuming an attitude of self-analysis and examination without exceptions or concessions, without hypocrisy and without any political use being made of human rights.
158.	As long as this path is not embarked upon, my country will, within the frame of international law, continue to exercise, in this field as well as in others, all its attributes as a sovereign State, without permitting any interference or directives and without accepting or tolerating distortion of international mechanisms by political factors.
159.	These considerations and these rules of conduct are surely applicable to international relations; they are a fortiori applicable to the unilateral conduct of countries. Thus, it is inadmissible for a State or an organ of a State to go beyond the sphere of action defined by international law and to claim, for itself and on its own, the function of judging other countries or Governments on the-sole basis of its material power, or in other words to assume, for itself and on its own, a supposed universal code of the political and moral values without any validating international title.
160.	Still less admissible, if possible, is that such an attitude should be used to bring to bear selective and discriminatory criteria of evaluation or arbitrarily to choose a target for attacks in the light of circumstantial political sympathies, disregarding the real levels of the over-all effectiveness of human rights.
161.	I am, of course, referring to the measure which was taken against my country by the United States Congress this week. In this case or in any other similar case, relating to my country or other countries, Uruguay will systematically oppose decisions such as the one I have just mentioned which, aside from the undeniable internal authority of a national organ to dispose of funds as it sees fit, means in its international projection an offence to national dignity and interference which is totally unacceptable and which my Government rejects sharply and vehemently.
162. Therefore I say, repeating what has been said on numerous occasions, that these or any other actions from wherever they may come, will not change the path followed by my country in pursuit of its national objectives. On the contrary, such actions will be a reason, as in the present case, for greater consideration and unity against this interference.
163. In the context of these various aspects which I have just mentioned it is quite clear in the world of today, and perhaps more now than ever before, that the maintenance of international peace and security depends basically on full respect of the principle of non-intervention and rejection of the use of any coercive measure, including economic measures, which would tend to induce any State, unlawfully, to adopt a given political conduct. These two principles are binding on all States in the international juridical order but in the order of ideas to which I have referred they should constitute the point of departure in relations between the most powerful and the less powerful.
164.	We cannot attain in an effective way an order of peace based on law for the achievement of values of justice as long as interventionist practices continue, whatever their purposes or the pretexts used to justify them.
165.	We will not attain a real policy of security and the relaxation of tensions as long as we continue in the attitude of wishing to impose in an exclusive and intolerant way concepts and points of view which for some may have the virtue of truth but which for others give rise to the exercise of the inalienable right to hold a different view.
166.	It is therefore in adherence to the principles and norms of international law that we must seek the solution to disputes as the only valid path towards international justice, peace and security.
167.	Permit me now to refer to certain economic aspects of the present world picture.
168.	A brief analysis of economic developments over the past year shows that the forecasts made by my country during the thirtieth session of the General Assembly  have been fulfilled and the trends outlined at the time have persisted.
169.	The measures undertaken to alleviate the crisis of 1973-1974 proved to be inadequate to help the oil- importing developing countries, which are affected both by the increase in import expenditures and by the drop in their export earnings. The deficit in the current account of those Countries, according to the International Monetary Fund, went from $10 billion in 1973 to $37 billion in 1975. Those nations have participated only in a very limited way in the so-called recycling of the greater part of the earnings from increases in the price of oil. They have encountered very serious obstacles in commodity trade owing to the
protectionist measures adopted by the industrialized countries.
170. The developing countries with medium income have not been given adequate attention, since they have been left out of the emergency plans devised by the United Nations and the "third window" of the World Bank. The trade prospects for those countries have been limited by the protectionist policies of the industrialized nations.
1-71. The economy of the Industrialized countries, as was to be expected, reacted more rapidly than that of other countries. Thus, for example, in Latin America 16 countries showed lower growth rates in 1975 than in 1974 and only two showed any increase. The rate of growth for the whole of Latin America was over 3.5 per cent, as compared to 7.3 per cent in 1974. In the main industrialized countries the estimated gross product for 1976 showed an increase of 5.5 per cent, which is markedly higher than that for 1975, which was negative.
172.	The attempts to overhaul the international economy are far from their attaining their objectives. The various forums in which the main international economic questions are discussed have still not made any significant progress. Therefore efforts must continue to bring into operation such machinery as the integrated commodity programme, the common fund for buffer stocks of commodities, and the International Fund for Agricultural Development.
173.	The picture that I have just described shows clearly the lack of specific solutions for the situation of medium- income developing countries which do not export oil. Uruguay has faced this adverse situation by opening up its economy, liberalizing its system of foreign trade, diversifying its exports through internal efforts, seeking new markets for its traditional products and adjusting its currency in realistic terms. It has compensated for the inadequate response from the international community as a whole by an active policy of regional ties.
174.	Now I should like to outline my country's position with regard to the picture that I have just described.
175.	Uruguay will continue to co-operate constructively in the various forums in efforts to devise global solutions through negotiation and accommodation, and it will be glided by the following criteria: first, it will seek preferential treatment for developing economies in all existing machinery, including the middle-range economies'; secondly, it will promote understanding and progressive association between the developed and the developing countries in respect of constructive and mutually advantageous solutions, taking account of the difference in their levels of development and seeking consistently the growing expansion of their economies and trade; and thirdly, it will seek the opening of markets generally, including rectification of protectionist policies in developed countries and the quantitative and qualitative expansion of preferences for developing countries.
176.	There is no doubt that the reality of interdependence at the world level necessitates global situations which must also be adopted at the world level. However, the search for joint over-all plans should not interfere with the solutions that must be found immediately to certain problems.
177.	In this connexion my delegation suggestions are focused on two aspects, namely the promotion of regional agreements which progressively will cover the fabric of international relations and the intensification of efforts on certain subjects or sectors which, because of their nature or the urgency of the problems they involve, should be given priority.
178.	Uruguay wishes once again to stress the important role which regional efforts can and must play in the task of organizing and rationalizing the relations of interdependence. Naturally, I should like to stress in particular the position of Latin America, where most countries are at an intermediate stage of development with special features. The main economic and social indicators and the growth rate of the Latin American economies show levels which, generally speaking, are higher than those in most developing countries. However, on the whole Latin America is still far from attaining the higher stages of dynamism and strength. This region has old economic relations with the developed countries and in recent years we have begun to discern a very intense interregional economic activity, which thus is added to the old cultural and historical ties of the continent.
179.	This singular set of circumstances places this region in an exceptional position to achieve great advances in the formation of more orderly and more advantageous mutual relations and to contribute to a greater understanding at the world level between the various areas of development -that is, between the developed and the developing world.
180.	My Government considers that this outstanding role in the building of a more co-operative and stable world is consonant with the traits that characterize America and is consistent with its contribution to the Charter of San Francisco and its participation in much of the work of the Organization. I offer Uruguay's willingness to co-operate with the other nations of the American continent with a view to reshaping the area's function in the world context and its constructive and independent support, seeking, not confrontation, but agreed formulas and a balance in these main topics of international economics.
181.	This morning, at the 13th meeting, we could discern the spirit which inspires Latin America in the comments and exchanges of view between the Foreign Ministers of Peru and Ecuador, who dealt with very delicate subjects for their countries and their mutual relations in a cordial, constructive and balanced way. This confirms my optimism about Latin America's ability to make, together with other nations, an important contribution to the building of a more co-operative and peaceful world.
182.	I should like now to indicate the second direction: solutions for priority matters.
183.	Special reference should be made to agriculture and food, two subjects that are closely interconnected with the problems of population. In the opinion of my Government, this is one of the most critical areas not only in economic terms but also from the political and moral points of view. No system can indefinitely support a situation in which many lack food-stuffs vital for survival, while others face serious difficulties because they cannot find a market for
these same products. In the face of this contradiction, any agricultural development programme to increase world production of food loses all effectiveness. This dramatic vicious circle causes more suffering and death than any other factor. This criterion will continue to be the pillar of international economic policy.
184.	In this connexion, I should like to pinpoint certain aspects which we think might guide us in solving this dilemma.
185.	First of all, a financial mechanism which will stimulate the production of food-stuffs and simultaneously make them available to peoples with lowest incomes must be established. This point is what Uruguay calls a food bank and which I would like once again to put forward for your consideration.
186.	Indeed, I must lay special emphasis on the fact that the agricultural programmes and the funding to support them will not be effective unless mechanisms for stable marketing can be found for the increased production. Otherwise, we may find paradoxically that these surpluses will give rise to economic and financial disaster for their producers, while failing to reach the people who need, but lack the means to acquire, such products.
187.	In the second place, upsets in food-stuff production and trade must be avoided. I am referring now to the agricultural policy of the developing countries, and, in particular, of the European Economic Community. It is obvious that the protectionist policies followed, with their restrictions on trade, subsidies and dumping, disrupt the market and discourage agricultural production in developing countries. This results in a drop in the over-all world supply of its products because it eliminates all incentives and even minimal security for farmers. In the case of Latin America, these practices disrupt the formation of the regional agricultural market, substituting subsidized and uneconomic production for regional supply at competitive and efficient levels.
188.	The adoption of unilateral policies is inadmissible because this would bring about tremendous disruption with far-reaching consequences for the economy and for man-kind. We must therefore all look at this problem together. In a joint approach, we must make appropriate proposals to try to reconcile the social interests involved with the principles of sound economy, making a comparison of the relative advantages. My country is prepared to discuss this problem as part of its policy of co-operation. We are sure that a similar spirit also inspires other developing countries and we hope that this position will find an equally constructive echo in the developed countries so that the present unjust unilateral policy will be transformed into a constructive association beneficial to the lofty values involved.
189.	With regard to energy, I should like to reiterate that which I have repeated on several occasions since 1973. It is certain that developing countries which do not produce oil have had to face a rise in energy prices that has entailed greater indebtedness and internal upset in their fledgling productive structures.
190.	The international community must devise special measures to alleviate the burden of indebtedness already contracted in order to mitigate the cumulative effect that this phenomenon will continue to have on weaker economies. The resources devoted in the past to this emergency have been insufficient and, with regard to my country, have been limited to facilities formerly offered but now discontinued by the International Monetary Fund.
191.	The topic should be looked at as a whole: not solely as a temporary emergency, but as an ongoing factor permanently affecting development.
192.	I believe that the United Nations can play a very significant role in the co-ordination and promotion of projects and proposals emanating from the various international agencies with regard to the priority topics of food-stuffs, agriculture and energy. This would represent a specific step forward along the road towards world co-ordination.
193.	I have referred to the political and economic aspects of the world as seen by my country. We ;are obviously living through an era of threats and hopes, of violence and of achievements. It would be easy to give way to the temptation to bend our efforts in one direction only: to concentrate on the task of building and achieving in accordance with aspirations and hopes, or to concentrate on defence against the threats and attacks which surround us. To do so, however, would incur great risks and the result would be negative. If we were to opt exclusively for vigilance and the prevention of attack and aggression of any kind, development and levels of living might suffer irreparably. But if we opt solely for the promotion of economic and social expansion, we risk the loss of our freedom in the context of power politics.
194.	The road to follow is not easy, but it is clear. The characteristics I have described of politics in our time impose on us the immense task of doing both things at the same time: to defend ourselves from attack and to find the answers to economic, social and human development. We must balance the exigencies of an undeclared war against the growing requirements of our peoples. Uruguay is willing to do this at both international and national levels, in the context of its policy of development in security.