1.	 The people and Government of Costa Rica welcome the accession of a new State, Saint Christopher and Nevis, to independent life and to the United Nations. We were pleased to be present at the solemn celebration of its independence. We extend to its people and Government our wishes for prosperity in freedom and a national life full of accomplishment and constant development.
2.	International co-operation is an essential element in achieving the principles embodied in the San Francisco Charter in the sphere of human rights. In pursuance of those principles, the United Nations has adopted, among other instruments, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional Protocol, thus upholding the principle that the human being is the subject matter of international law.
3.	A great deal has been done in this Held. Regrettably, none the less, there still remain victims of discrimination by reason of colour, race, sex, religion or national origin. Millions of people, particularly in the third world, live in conditions of poverty unworthy of the human being. Regrettably also, the numbers of refugees increase because of persecution for ideological reasons, foreign occupation and forced displacement caused by military conflict.
4.	I should like to take this opportunity to express thanks on behalf of the Government and people of Costa Rica to UNHCR and the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration for the attention given to the great problem of refugees in my country. We have registered 11,464 refugees thus far—one third of the total number—but the flow of refugees in the past months  particularly that of Nicaraguan refugees, has increased rapidly. In March this year 45 refugees per week entered our country, and in October the average rate is 175 per week. This is a tremendous burden to Costa Rica, and we hope for international co-operation to resolve the conflict.
5.	So much violence, injustice and poverty illustrate the vast task we must carry out in the human rights Held in order to make them a reality for everyone. States' compliance with the principles and legal instruments protecting those values is an indispensable factor in that urgent endeavour, which is intrinsically related to peace, but we must rely on other machinery as well to make the work of the United Nations more effective and expeditious. Eighteen years ago Costa Rica, understanding that need, proposed the establishment of a United Nations high commissioner for human rights. That initiative has had many ups and downs, but the need for it is felt increasingly. It is not the first time in the United Nations that a good idea takes a long time to yield fruit.
6.	We hope that at the next session of the Commission on Human Rights, of which Costa Rica is a member, the resolution recommending the creation of a high commissioner's of the will be adopted. The proposal is not intended to be a panacea for the ills afflicting the world in the field of human rights, but the high commissioner could be an important factor in improving the situation and going beyond rhetoric. We urge all delegations to give careful attention to that initiative, which has been given serious study by the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. That Sub- Commission has helped to dispel doubts concerning the mandate of the high commissioner, whose work would provide the United Nations with another tool in the struggle which has already given it so much prestige.
7.	One serious danger to peace is what was so eloquently described by President Betancur as  this insidious disguise of barbarity which is terrorism , whose most recent manifestation was the Rangoon tragedy, where a group of high government officials from the Republic of Korea were killed, where an attempt was made on the life of its President and where the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma was plunged into mourning. The United Nations must wage an intense struggle against that dangerous scourge of modern man.
8.	There is a need to reactivate the process of peace through national reconciliation in Central America, Cyprus, Korea and Chad. This is true of Lebanon as well, where such reconciliation requires the withdrawal of foreign troops. It is as urgent there as in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. There is also an urgent need for peace for the noble Palestinian people. I reiterate here what I stated last year: Costa Rica is confident that we are not far from the day when that long-suffering people can at last live at peace with its neighbours in a territory where it can assert its national identity.
9.	Another terrible scourge is that of racism, which is so odiously manifested in South Africa. The international community must redouble its efforts to convince that country that its behaviour violates the fundamental values of mankind today. The tension caused by the conflict in South Africa is also a threat to world peace.
10.	One other manifestation of institutionalized racism and continuing colonialism is the illegal behaviour of South Africa in Namibia. Costa Rica had the honour of hosting the first regional symposium organized by the United Nations concerning that situation. On that occasion, the President of Costa Rica, Luis Alberto Monge, reaffirmed our determination to contribute, within the United Nations framework, to efforts to bring about the self-determination of Namibia and affirmed that  no force, interest or consideration alien to the legitimate will of the Namibian people to establish the Government of its choice should be allowed to weaken the pressure of the international community on the Republic of South Africa to comply with the United Nations resolutions on the problem of Namibia.
11.	The thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly is taking place in the midst of an unprecedented crisis which particularly afflicts the developing countries. It is a crisis which, as President Mitterrand has said, widens the gap between the rich, who are increasingly rich in spite of the crisis, and the poor, who are increasingly impoverished because of the crisis.
12.	The experience of recent years demonstrates that the world economy cannot work properly with the restrictive policy of the industrialized countries, the high rates of interest, the increasing indebtedness, the squandering of resources on weapons in both North and South and the social inequalities that exist within both poor and rich societies and lead to increasingly superfluous consumption. The stagnation of the financial system and the weakening of the sources of the growth of production have created untenable imbalances and generated a crisis which cannot be resolved through the traditional economic policies. The seriousness of contemporary problems makes necessary a reformulation of existing relations in the world economic order.
13.	What particularly concerns us in this bleak general picture is the foreign debt problem of the developing countries. The non-industrialized nations today have debts amounting to $700 billion, loaned for the benefit of creditors and debtors alike. On the one hand, the efforts to control inflationary pressure in the industrialized countries by restricting the supply and demand of money moderated the growth of production and trade and reduced the demand for local credit. On the other hand, in the developing countries it was necessary to compensate with external credits for the income lost through a decline in the value and volume of exports and the further imbalances caused by an increase in the price of oil for the importing countries. The convergence of excessive liquidity in the hands of the international banking system and the developing countries' growing need for external financing resulted in the creation of a situation whose seriousness calls for joint action by the industrialized and the developing nations.
14.	It is essential that the entire international community heed the appeals to begin the urgent task of global negotiations. The first signs of an economic recovery that is restricted geographically and limited to certain sectors should not be a reason for closing the door to those negotiations, which concern the future of the entire international economic system. We should not make the mistake of thinking that a few nations can by themselves bring about lasting well-being.
15.	The heavy burden of indebtedness of the third world nations endangers the health and the future of the world economy. Several developing countries, including Costa Rica, have shown an unprecedented sense of responsibility in imposing upon themselves austerity programmes which in many cases endanger their political and social balance. For example, Costa Rica has managed to control inflation. At the beginning of 1982 the inflation rate was 85 per cent per annum, and it has now been reduced to 17 per cent per annum. It has acted similarly to tackle the phenomenon of currency devaluation. Our exchange rate in 1982 was 64 colones to the dollar, and today it is 44 to the dollar. All this has been done at a high social cost which has tested the strength of our democratic institutions. This has taken place, and is taking place, during critical times, when the contraction of international trade, the marked deterioration in the prices of primary commodities and the ruinous terms of trade all work against us and the sacrifices that have been accepted by our people. Today, when the poor nations give daily proof of their good will and sense of responsibility, North and South must work together to formulate a new pattern of international economic relations so as to bring about justice through equitable distribution of the fruits of progress, giving new momentum to the process of development and also distributing responsibilities equitably.
16.	It must be clear that partial actions taken by some countries in collaboration with the major international institutions, although necessary and useful, can be only a first step towards more complete structural action.
17.	At the thirty-seventh session from this rostrum, I commented on the initiatives promoted by Costa Rica to bring about peace in Central America. I spoke of the Forum for Peace and Democracy and the peace plan for Central America adopted at the San Jose conference held on 4 October 1982, with the participation of eight foreign ministers. The immediate result of the Forum was the creation of the Centre for Electoral Consultation and Promotion. That Centre is now establishing a group of experts able to provide, on request, services to Governments and public bodies in regard to the better conduct of voting procedures. It functions in San Jose and is part of the Inter-American Institute of Human Rights, which also has its headquarters in the capital of my country.
18.	What we are seeking to ensure through the activities of the Centre is that the will of the people, respect for which is essential to the exercise of the right of self- determination of the peoples, is expressed as authentically as possible through periodic, free and honest consultation of the people. Elections must be not only a means of expression of the people's acceptance of the system of governing the destiny of the nation, but also an essential criterion for deciding whether or not in any given country democracy is working. This is so because the exercise of electoral rights, together with that of all the other human rights, makes the ordinary individual's participation in the Government of his country possible, genuine and significant.
19.	The realistic and imaginative San Jos6 peace plan was followed by other joint efforts when the Contadora Group was formed, with its own commendable and sincere initiatives. Costa Rica was pleased to welcome that Group because it saw in it the development of the ideas put forward at San Jose, strengthened and enriched by the political will of four Governments that foster harmony and international solidarity. After many months of determined work, in September in Panama, the five Central American foreign ministers and the four from the Contadora Group prepared the Document of Objectives,' which is to play such an important role in the future. Costa Rica participated constructively in its drafting, with initiatives that were reflected in another document, entitled  Bases for peace in Central America , which was presented by Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. My Government also proposed a link between the ideas of peace and democracy, and that concept too was welcomed. All that work gave a strong impetus to the Contadora process and made it possible to progress beyond the initial statements and begin a stage of talks in which the political will of the Central American Governments would be tested. The parties concerned will soon set about giving legal form to the Document of Objectives with a view to its implementation. We are approaching the moment of truth.
20.	In the last analysis, we must ensure real freedom, and to achieve that noble and fundamental purpose we must promote the establishment in Central America of truly democratic Governments, so that in each country there will be, as is already the case in Costa Rica, political and legal mechanisms capable of dealing with the social
demands and problems with respect for the essential dignity of the human person. That is possible only when the citizens participate in the political process and in all social activities in complete freedom.
21.	Therefore, Costa Rica is confident that the Contadora process will soon reach its ultimate goal. Of course, many difficulties will have to be overcome. Some will arise as a result of the complex nature of the problems at the root of the crisis, others as phenomena promoted in order to hamper the work being done to bring about peace.
22.	The achievement of detente in Central America now and of lasting peace subsequently is basically the responsibility of regional bodies or mechanisms. Regional bodies are more suitable and appropriate than universal ones because they are closer to the circumstances and are better able to appreciate the causes of the occurrences and the reasons underlying the attitude of the countries involved in each problem or conflict. In the view of Costa Rica it makes no sense to confuse the issue and bring into the debate, as Nicaragua has done, those who have little basis for judgment and might, in spite of their good faith, be victims of harmful manipulations.
23.	My Government today reiterates its support for the Contadora process, because peace is its earnest aspiration. Why does Costa Rica want peace? This question might seem at first glance to be redundant, because peace is essential in any society. None the less, a careful examination shows that there are some that impose peace in order to eliminate any vestige of a free, creative or even rebellious spirit. That is the peace of the totalitarian State, of a monolithic society—a peace that subjugates. Others, on the other hand, promote peace so that all ideas may merge irrepressibly and assert themselves with full vigor. That is the peace of a democratic State, of a pluralistic society—a peace that is life-enhancing.
24.	Since the dawn of its existence, Costa Rica has had the good fortune to live in peace and develop a democratic society, in the constant and zealous search for styles of life consistent with the dignity of every inhabitant of the country. Democracy works in Costa Rica because it is a faithful reflection of the nature of Costa Ricans. There is nothing artificial or imposed in our political system. Democracy works in Costa Rica because Government institutions correspond to the way of thinking, the feelings and the beliefs of the people, that is to say, to its culture. It is the people that determines its destiny through periodic free and honest elections and participates in public office through its representatives or directly by constant control of the leaders, helped by the free expression of opinion. Similarly, in order to fulfil civic obligations and other social and individual tasks, the citizens make an intelligent use of the law. Costa Rica is a country that believes deeply in law as the fundamental means of bringing harmony to the society and making it possible for a constant process of change to take place. That is why electoral rights are enshrined in a special chapter of the Political Constitution, separate from the one that is devoted to the other human rights.
25.	This highlights its great importance. In that chapter we have the guiding principles for the electoral process and the basic prerequisites for exercising it. At the top of the system the Political Constitution puts an electoral high court with full jurisdiction to act independently of the legislative and executive branches. The pluralism of ideas expressed in the country fully and without limitation daily strengthens and tests the political system. The right to establish political parties is guaranteed in a constitutional clause, and in practice those organizations fulfil the complex and essential functions assigned to them in the modem State for the progress of government. Four political parties are represented in the Legislative Assembly—two major parties and two minority parties—and they reflect the spectrum of contemporary political thought.
26.	Pluralism is reflected as well in the functioning of the press, which is in the hands of private individuals and which acts with complete freedom, aware of its decisive role in safeguarding the democratic institutional apparatus. There are four newspapers and several weeklies, seven television stations and more than 100 radio broadcasting stations. The State has only one television station and one radio station, for cultural purposes.
27.	Freedom of worship is complete and is constitutionally protected. Artistic performances are varied, rich in expression and free from interference by the State. This alone suffices to answer the question  Why does Costa Rica want peace? . But we have other data further underscoring Costa Rica's desire to continue to live as it has thus far.
28.	Costa Rica allocates .2 per cent of its gross domestic product to education and 7.8 per cent to health costs. This contrasts with the 0.7 per cent allocated to the police forces in the country. Public expenditure per capita on education and health is 20 times higher than that allocated to the police forces. As a result of this allocation of resources to social development, life expectancy in Costa Rica today is 73.2 years, and 80 per cent of the population is covered by the social system, while there are other systems covering almost the entire population. Of the nine goals set by WHO for the year 2000, Costa Rica has already achieved seven. As to the other two, in 1983 we achieved 85 per cent of the target for one. With regard to chronic diseases, such as cardiovascular diseases and cancer, we hope to achieve the target in the near future. As regards education, at the present time 92 per cent of the population is literate, reflecting an educational system which is mandatory and universal.
29.	Therefore, Costa Rica wants peace in order to continue its progress towards the goals of individual and community growth. It does not want peace for repressive purposes internally or for aggressive purposes externally. Of course, there are great obstacles and dangers that the people must overcome in its indefatigable struggle for individual freedoms and general well-being. At the present time Costa Rica is confronting the obstacle of the world economic crisis, to which I have already referred. The impoverishment of broad sectors of the population puts pressure on the political system almost to the point of preventing its emergency adjustment machinery from functioning effectively, with the consequent negative effects on social stability. Costa Rica wants peace in order to correct this situation, always within the framework of democratic institutions.
30.	The upheaval which is afflicting the brother peoples of Central America also threatens the peace of Costa Rica. As the tyrannies of the past several times endangered the democratic vocation of Costa Rica, the Costa Rican people is now afraid that dictatorships of another character may interfere in the activities of a society which only pursues progress in freedom. Costa Rica wants peace in order to avoid the realization of its fears in Central America.
31.	My country is not involved in the armed conflicts taking place in other parts of Central America. Its neutrality is a result of its respect for the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States and the fact that 35 years ago it banned the army as a permanent institution in order to devote its resources—as I have
already pointed out—to social programmes of great priority. None the less, this does not mean that my country is not concerned by what is happening in the region. On the contrary, Costa Rica feels that it is bound to continue to promote vigorously and tenaciously the united participation of the international community, especially the democratic community, in the establishment of a climate conducive to freedom. In this way the Central American conflict can be settled, leading to the creation of genuinely democratic political institutions and thus to the firm establishment of the reign of peace which Costa Rica desires, for its own benefit and for the benefit of all its brother countries.


1.	 All the countries of the world are suffering the effects of the crisis in the international economy, some more than others, but the 4 billion human beings who inhabit the Earth are affected by its tragic and pernicious consequences.
2.	The industrialized nations were the first to feel these effects, towards the end of the '70s, through the difficulties that arose in the monetary system in 1974 and 1975 because of the adjustment of oil prices, and especially since 1979, when their economies became stagnant, with consequences that were immediately felt by all nations. Furthermore, in 1978 the centrally planned countries, which had attained a high rate of growth up to the first part of the 1970s, also began to suffer from an economic crisis. The countries of the third world have been enduring a similar fate since 1981, with the stagnation and deterioration of the relative degree of development they had attained in recent years, a phenomenon which has not spared even the oil-exporting nations or recently industrialized nations.
3.	How has it been possible for a phenomenon of such unprecedented scope to have affected all nations, whatever their resources, the efficiency of their rulers and administrators, the economic model they follow or their existing political system? What is the explanation for the sudden paralysis in a development process which was considered to be limitless? Was it not thought that multinational corporations, free from "negative political controls" and possessing the highest degree of technology, were the best means for distributing development throughout the world? Was it not thought that the degree of modernization attained through public policies of industrialized nations, capitalist as well as socialist, ensured that they would rapidly bring about such a result? How could the experts of the financial transnational make such glaring mistakes? How is it that the international co-operation systems and agencies, largely set up in order to avoid crises, are incapable of achieving the aims for which they were established?
4.	But I have not come here in order to absolve the nations of the third world from any responsibility, not even my own nation. We are aware of the mistakes we have made, as well as of our weaknesses, which have also helped to cause the problems we face today. But our contributions to world development should not be forgotten. In the last 13 years, developing economies have attained higher rates of growth than the industrialized nations and the economic crisis reached our countries later, which proves the impact of outside factors. Some nations began to export manufactures. Latin American nations made progress, as did oil-exporting countries. To this must be added our contribution in food, raw materials, energy sources, financial resources due to the flight of capital and workers, who today remain unemployed in the countries of the North. But the crisis which began in the industrialized nations has offset the modest progress achieved through so much effort, with the result that today the third world is beset by serious economic imbalances which in some cases are becoming chaotic.
5.	Much has been said about the origins of the crisis, but often only the most immediate causes are mentioned: higher oil prices and interest rates, discrepancies between economic and social policies, stagnation in productivity, irrational decisions by the business sectors and the fall in world trade. No doubt that analysis is correct and has been useful; nevertheless I believe the present phenomenon is more complex and more significant than that, and consequently it cannot be dealt with properly by an analysis of merely circumstantial factors. In other words, it is my view that we are faced with an unprecedented structural phenomenon, which calls into question the bases on which the post-war world economy was organized. Since today's crisis is not of a traditional type, it may well be asked if it can be resolved within the framework of the traditional structures now in place.
6.	I should like to make some comments here. Military expenditures have resulted in the diversion of vast sums from genuinely productive activities and from pressing social problems. Furthermore, in the present state of military technology and exploitation of the material resources of the planet, wars do not add to the wealth of the world economy, but rather destroy what there is. Major investments devoted to the use of atomic energy, to space exploration and to scientific research have done little to invigorate productive activities in the short term. Transnational corporations bypass national sovereignty, and they lack vision and interest in economic and social development. Oligopolistic control of technology has prevented this sector from being included among the needs and problems of the third world and might even be a new element acting against it. International organizations, controlled or bypassed by the major Powers, have less and less influence on international relations and the direction of economic activity. The remarkable economic expansion of recent years seems to have lacked the basis necessary to ensure its continuity and a system to control and guide it.
7.	Getting ahead of history and foreseeing the economic events we now witness today, in the mid-1970s the General Assembly adopted a programme of action for restructuring international economic relations through the establishment of a new international economic order. Later on, the General Assembly decided to undertake what was termed global negotiations in the areas of commodities, energy, monetary and financial problems, trade and development. At present both initiatives are at a standstill, and it is not an exaggeration to say that so far at least they have failed. The same could be said about the Cancun meeting,' which was guided by the lucid report of the Brandt Commission and the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. In view of these frustrating facts, pessimism is rampant and many wonder whether these initiatives have any meaning in practice, whether any positive results are to be expected of them and whether the industrialized countries, over and above their always generous statements of good intent, are truly interested in shouldering the essential responsibility which they bear for the development of the third world.
8.	But if the principles of international policy defined in the Charter of the United Nations, its initiatives and proposals regarding the search for agreement and the enlightened analysis and thorough study of social and economic development in the world have not been sufficient to lead us to think deeply, the serious events which beset all nations today should do this. In this context, the economic crisis in Latin America today is a good example.
9.	After three decades of continuous growth, Latin America and the Caribbean are probably immersed in the deepest depression of the century. Although the United Nations Development Decade has only recently come to an end, our peoples are not only still far from attaining its purpose, but are going through a process of social involution caused by a decline in their economies. Inflation, which in 1983 may well reach three figures, and the rising level of unemployment and underemployment are seriously affecting standards of living at the lower and intermediate levels. There are nations in which the scourge of hunger has appeared—something which was not believed possible in the region. Social conflicts are worsening and political stability is becoming increasingly vulnerable, with obvious consequences for the frequently proclaimed need for hemispheric security, which today is economic and social in nature, above all, and not military, as some believe.
10.	In facing the crisis Latin American countries have shouldered their responsibilities. Almost all of them have developed adjustment policies aimed at cutting the deficits of their external and fiscal sectors. But the results have been harmful in terms of income distribution and economic growth, which in almost all countries of the region today is negative. It must be remembered that austerity programmes are bearable only if they are temporary, if they are kept within certain limits and if they offer real possibilities for overcoming the problems. But, despite the major sacrifices made by our peoples, we do not see any evidence that the recovery of the continent may have begun. The reason for this is that the international factors which gave rise to the crisis still exist, to which we should add the floods and the drought which exacerbated the economic problems of some countries of the region.
11.	In the final declaration of the Williamsburg Summit the industrialized nations recognized that the "weight of the recession has fallen very heavily on developing countries" and said that they were "deeply concerned about their recovery". They thus recommended that certain measures be adopted—-infer the opening of their markets and the re-establishment of the flow of resources and official aid.
12.	In this case, as in many others, there is a gap between words and actions. The deterioration in international trade continues. The fall in the value of commodities has been so great that some of them are at levels below those of 1930. The protectionism of the industrialized nations takes a wide variety of forms and is reaching inadmissible limits. In 1982 Latin America received less than half the net inflow of capital that it had received the previous year, and it is expected that the amount will be still lower in 1983. In the last 12 months some countries have not had a single loan from international banking, and those that have had loans have got barely enough to make their overdue payments and service their debts, much less finance their development. In some cases the scarcity of foreign exchange is so great that some nations cannot even acquire essential raw materials and foodstuffs. The high interest rates charged by the creditor banks make it extremely difficult to renegotiate the debt.
13.	The so-called Group of Seven believes that the recovery of their economies is the best incentive for the reactivation of the economies of the less developed countries. It is no doubt essential for Latin America that the recovery in North America be consolidated and extended to other industrialized nations. But even if these optimistic forecasts prove to be right, it will probably take more than a year for the effects to be felt, and the delay will aggravate the difficulties of the region. Furthermore, if the problem of the debt remains unsolved and the present stagnation continues, the recovery of the industrialized nations might not occur to the extent desired. If that happens, we may well be faced with a collapse of the world economy.
14.	It has been stated that in order to revitalize growth there must be no increase in oil prices or interest rates. The former condition has been achieved at a cost to the oil-exporting countries, which are suffering today from serious economic problems. With regard to the latter condition, the situation is uncertain and one wonders whether high interest rates have not been mot e to blame for today's crisis. It is true that nominal interest rates have fallen, but real interest rates remain high because of the high margins charged by creditor banks and because of a drop in inflation in the industrialized countries.
15.	We are faced with a serious economic problem which has exceeded the ability of any State to solve on its own and before which the traditional standards for action of the international co-operation agencies have proved inadequate and have become markedly political in character. The United Nations is the highest world political body and the Organization was established precisely to deal with this kind of problem. As this is the first time a President of Ecuador has had the great honour of addressing the General Assembly, I have chosen to refer to a problem which is of vital importance to all nations.
16.	Interdependence is one of the factors characterizing the second half of the twentieth century. If national political conflicts or localized wars place world peace at risk, how will it not be threatened when all nations and their peoples suffer from a social upheaval hitherto unknown to those who inhabit the planet today and to which we cannot see a possible solution? Awareness of these risks and the conviction that international co-operation and multilateralism—which are so underestimated—are today more than ever essential has led me to request of two regional agencies, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Latin American Economic System, that they develop a programme of action for Latin America and the Caribbean in order to deal with the crisis. In order to study this, the personal representatives of the heads of State of the region met in the capital of my country and at Santo Domingo. In January an economic conference will be held at Quito to adopt it. Latin America wishes thus to contribute to the quest for a shared response by all of us who must deal with a solution to the crisis: the countries of the South and of the North, agencies of international co-operation and international banking.
17.	To this end, the costs of the adjustment must be fairly distributed among all the parties concerned and not only among third world nations, which has been the case up to now. It must be borne in mind that the indebtedness was due to the permissiveness of international banking, which resorted to every possible means to place its surpluses and through pressure converted them to short-term debts. These operations have yielded excellent profits. Thus, for example, it is estimated that almost half of the 1982 profits of the ten largest North American banks derived from their international operations. With regard to the industrialized nations, the recovery of the third world is in their interest since the contraction of its imports is having a negative impact on the economic recovery of the North. They must therefore honour their commitment to increase their quotas in IMF and use their influence in this body, as well as in the World Bank and in others, to ensure that their decisions and programmes are adequate to meet the challenges of the crisis. Renegotiation agreements must take into account each country's actual ability to pay, which depends on the volume and value of its exports. Public financing must cover part of the credit which used to come from private banks. Above all, interest rates must return to their levels of the previous decade. We must not forget that mankind is sailing in a fragile ship which may well founder if we do not all join together to keep it afloat. If it does go down, it could take everyone with it. That others may ignore this risk is explicable, but it would be unpardonable for us, who are in government, to disregard it.
18.	Greater still is the tragedy of peoples who are not only suffering from the economic crisis but also from the scourge of war often visited upon them by extraneous forces. My country has witnessed with much distress the Central American conflict generated by the authoritarian and exploitative regimes which held sway in the region, a conflict which today is promoted by foreign intervention intent on ending the East-West conflict. Ecuador once again reiterates its support for the Contadora Group and makes a fervent appeal to all parties concerned to cooperate with the Group. There can be no further talk of peace in Central America with weapons in hand. For so long the only language heard has been that of weapons, and the time has come for the voice of the people to be heard.
19.	Ecuador has maintained, and will continue to advocate, the imperative need for an end to colonial intervention in the Malvinas Islands; for the withdrawal of foreign troops operating in Afghanistan, Lebanon, Cyprus, Kampuchea, Namibia, Chad and other areas; for an end to the cruel military conflict between Iran and Iraq; and for a negotiated solution for the problems of the Middle East, in particular of the Palestinian people.
20.	For the good of mankind the arms race must cease, especially that of the major Powers, and the threat of a nuclear holocaust must end. After having lived through a promising state of detente in recent years, we now find ourselves in the midst of a political and military confrontation whose consequences might be more serious than those of the cold war. People everywhere are duty-bound to defend peace, whether they come from the East, the West or the third world. A return to dialogue and sanity is, above all, a responsibility of the major Powers.
21.	The United Nations must continue to preserve international peace and security and promote the peaceful settlement of existing disputes in accordance with its principles, which do not recognize the use of force, territorial conquest or the occupation of territory, and on the basis of reason and justice.
22.	In the American continent there are problems which are harmful to peace, security, co-operation and development, such as the territorial claim by Ecuador in the area of the Amazon, which must be resolved for the common good of two peoples that wish to live in peace within a framework of fruitful co-operation.
23.	After one of the longest periods of dictatorship in its history, on 10 August 1979, thanks to the will of the Ecuadorian people and the co-operation of its armed forces, a democratic system was re-established in my country. A month ago I began my last year in government, during which democratic institutions have been consolidated with full observance of public freedoms and human rights and with attention to social needs, especially those of farmers and the poorest, despite the economic crisis which has also affected my country. Our citizens are now preparing for the election next year of new rulers and parliamentary leaders. With this background information and in the name of Ecuadorian democracy, I wish to express my sincere desire that all peoples of the world may live in freedom.
24.	My country, which was one of the founders of the United Nations and has always remained loyal to its principles, will continue to support it. We consider the Organization to be an essential instrument for the preservation of peace and the promotion of development. It is my hope that this tragic year in which peace has been violated on all continents, not only by violence and war but also by serious economic and social problems, will see the opening of a path along which the peoples of the third world and the countries of the North will find the necessary common response to the critical situations which weigh so heavily on the future of mankind.
25.	As a representative of the people of my country and in compliance with the resolution adopted at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, it has been a high honour for the President of Ecuador to come to this forum of peace and address the representatives of all the nations of the Earth.


Confrontation and suspicion characterize relations between the great Powers. They seek security in advanced weapons technology and in the threat of mutual destruction. They hold us in constant fear that their nuclear weapons may be put to use. One of the few gleams of light in the international situation is the recently concluded follow-up meeting at Madrid of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The result of the Madrid meeting can be the beginning of improved co-operation and greater understanding between the States of Europe, and between East and West. My country is honored to host the 1984 Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. We shall endeavor to make this Conference a stepping-stone in the arduous work of turning distrust into confidence and of reducing the risk of armed conflict in Europe, so that, in time, it may prove a valuable contribution to a disarmament process. The great Powers confrontation has impeded the solution of regional conflicts in the world. Tensions between the super-Powers have long hampered the ability of the United Nations to maintain peace and security. There is an increasing tendency among States to resort to force. Frequent violations of the borders and territorial integrity of States take place in disregard of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. Nowhere can such actions be defended. Last autumn, a debate on the strengthening of the United Nations was initiated in the Assembly, largely inspired by the Secretary-General's clear-cut analysis of the Organization's problems. In the view of my Government, it is essential that this debate be continued. It should be pursued with the definite aim of producing constructive, realistic contributions to the solution of United Nations problems, thus strengthening the ability of the Organization to resolve conflicts. The five Nordic Governments have sought to make such a contribution in a joint study. As members of the Assembly, we must seriously consider whether the resolutions we adopt are likely to promote solutions of conflicts. We must avoid using the Assembly for shortsighted and tactical purposes. Political tensions must not be allowed to influence the role of the United Nations as a forum where all interested parties can take part in the discussions on equal terms. The results of the two international conferences recently held at Geneva are a source of encouragement in this context. The constructive co-operation in negotiations at the Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination was a definite step forward in comparison with the Conference in 1978. My Government also appreciated the spirit of co-operation and compromise shown by the participating States that led to the outcome of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine. The recommendations of that Conference merit serious consideration by the United Nations organs concerned. Our debate on the problems of the United Nations is particularly focused on the Security Council, which according to the Charter bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace. The privileged position of the great Powers in the Council places upon them a special responsibility for upholding the principles of the Charter and for the proper functioning of the Council Sweden regrets the inadequacies shown by the Council at present in following up its own resolutions and in dealing with conflicts in time to prevent violence, as well as its inclination to hand over difficult and sometimes impossible tasks to the Secretary-General without giving him the necessary support. In his recent report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General refers to the obligations of the Security Council and points out that threats to international peace are of such importance that they should override the differences of interest and ideology which separate the members of the Council. The significance of this cannot be over-emphasized. My Government welcomes the Secretary-General's intention to give priority in the coming year to an examination and appraisal of the administration of the Secretariat with a view to its improvement. The Secretary-General has questioned whether he still commands sufficient authority to meet effectively his responsibilities as chief administrative officer of the Organization. We share his concerns, but our answer is clear: the authority is there, vested in him, according to the Charter. Nowhere has the involvement of the United Nations been greater than in the Middle East. There have been important achievements, not least through the United Nations peace-keeping operations. Throughout the years, Sweden has taken part in these operations and in various mediation assignments. This year we are commemorating my countryman, Folke Bemadotte, who was murdered 35 years ago during his mission as a United Nations mediator in Palestine. We have been concerned and depressed to see how large-scale violence has broken out once again in Lebanon. Lebanon's sovereignty and independence must be respected, and all foreign forces remaining in the country contrary to the wishes of the Lebanese Government must be withdrawn. It is the sincere hope of the Swedish Government that the agreement just announced in Lebanon will mark the end of the violence and the beginning of constructive negotiations towards national reconciliation. The civilian population in Lebanon is suffering greatly from the chaotic situation in the country. Palestinian refugees also run the risk of new attacks. It should be the urgent duty of the United Nations to ensure the legal and physical protection of these refugees. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza is also cause for continuing concern. Israel's occupation policy, particularly its illegal settlements, is a serious impediment to a peaceful solution of the Middle East conflict. The conflict in the Middle East can be solved only if the legitimate right to self-determination of the Palestinian people is fulfilled, including the right, should it so wish, to form a state of its own in the West Bank and Gaza. Israel has a right to exist in peace within secure and recognized borders. The parties should meet in direct negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In these negotiations the PLO must be accepted as an equal party. It is high time that the great Powers restored the Security Council to its central role in the efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement of the Middle East conflict. South Africa persists in flouting united world opinion and international law in an unparalleled manner. In order to protect the repugnant social structure known as apartheid, South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia and escalates its attacks and pressure on neighbouring States. For five years the negotiations on the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia, unanimously adopted by the Security Council, have regrettably come to serve as an argument against putting South Africa under the pressure of sanctions. My Government maintains that the Security Council should exert the pressure on South Africa which is necessary to ensure that the negotiations yield results. No country deserves more than South Africa to be subjected to sanctions as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan is now in its fourth year. Acts of war are continuing. Fundamental human rights are being constantly violated. More than 3 million Afghan refugees are waiting in vain to return. The occupation is particularly serious considering the position of the Soviet Union as a permanent member of the Security Council, which entails a special responsibility for the observance of the Charter. The talks in progress under United Nations auspices must continue and lead to the withdrawal of the Soviet troops and to the exercise by the Afghan people of their right to self-determination. There is a danger that the conflicts in Central America will turn into general war. In the present situation, the initiative taken by the countries of the Contadora Group stands out as particularly important in turning developments to another course and in strengthening efforts to find political solutions. Sweden supports the endeavors of the Contadora countries and finds it encouraging that more and more countries are becoming convinced that the path towards a solution of Central America's problems goes via negotiations and not via military escalation. The present situation in Central America has its roots primarily in the economic and social injustice in the region. The countries there must be given the opportunity of building up their societies in peace and in a state of national independence. A first step in reducing tensions must be the cessation of all deliveries of weapons, all arms traffic and all military assistance to and within the region. Ten years ago democracy was crushed in Chile. Since the military took power, the people have seen their conditions of living drastically deteriorate and have been deprived of their civil rights and liberties. However, the people of Chile have shown that they will no longer tolerate the suppression of their traditional freedom. Today, the dictatorship is shaken. In this crucial phase, the international community should continue to support efforts aiming at the restoration of democracy and respect for human rights in Chile. In my country's neighborhood, in Poland, we have seen the process of democratization being shattered. Without a real dialogue between different groups of the society a better future for the Polish people is hardly possible. The repeal of martial law last summer will therefore have to be followed by further measures in the same direction. It is 35 years since the General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Along with the Charter and a number of international conventions, this morally binding Declaration lays down the rights of the individual which all States have the duty to respect. These documents provide the basis for the self-evident right and duty of the United Nations to engage in the protection of human rights. Violence between States often has a connection with violence within a State. The violence which consists of oppression of the individual by the authorities and machinery of government can become the root of international tension and conflicts. Efforts to safeguard human rights are part of the work for international peace. However, it is not primarily the risk of international tension which guides our involvement in efforts for human rights. Our interest is focused on the situation of the individual. Attention should be drawn to violations of these rights wherever they occur. It is gratifying to note that these problems have taken an increasingly central place in the activities of the United Nations. At the same time, we see that violations of human rights continue on a frightening scale throughout the world. We must find ways and means to improve the efforts of the United Nations in this field. Torture is a particularly abominable violation of human rights. I urge all States to play their part in the speedy realization of the convention to combat torture which the United Nations has so long been trying to finalize. I also appeal to all States to make financial contributions to the United Nations Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture, so that this Fund can effectively alleviate some of the great needs in this field. Some States are examined by the Assembly for violations of human rights. The Assembly's attention in these matters, however, leaves an impression of selectivity. My Government regrets this. In the Assembly we must not refrain from dealing with governments' violations of human rights when the conditions for doing so are at hand. No nation has escaped the effects of the international economic crisis. As always, the poorest countries are the hardest hit. The patient efforts of the United Nations have led only to a partial alleviation of their situation. There are signs today of an economic recovery. However, that recovery appears weak and uncertain. It is difficult to argue that any significant upswing is under way as long as unemployment continues to rise. At any rate, the recovery needs to be supported by a well-balanced and coordinated economic policy. A stable recovery of the world economy requires the involvement of the economies of the developing countries. This will not least necessitate increased financial support to and a greater solidarity with the developing countries, infer in order to reduce their debt burden. Economic growth in these countries is essential in itself, but it also serves to promote recovery in the industrialized countries. We are not lacking ideas—both the Brandt and the Palme Commissions have presented guidelines for action. Sweden regrets that so far it has not been possible to start global negotiations within the framework of the North-South dialogue. However, the dialogue has not come to a standstill. The ministerial meeting of the GATT Contracting Parties in the autumn of 1982 laid the foundation for deepened co-operation in the field of international trade. A decision has been taken on a certain strengthening of the resources of IMF. Furthermore, the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has generated concrete results in some important issues and given impulses for continued practical work. It remains to be seen with what degree of determination Governments will follow up, in UNCTAD and other international organizations, the concrete decisions made. Sweden has adopted a programme of action to give substance to the follow-up of these common undertakings. The developing countries' readiness for dialogue and consensus must be met by a readiness of the industrialized countries for practical co-operation. In the Held of the environment, Sweden attaches significance to the efforts to reactivate and intensify international co-operation. This co-operation is vitally important to our common future well-being. My country gives its full support to the proposal for a special commission entrusted with the task of formulating long-term environment strategies which can contribute to a stable social and economic development. The overriding problem in today's world is nuclear weapons. Our entire existence is put in jeopardy. We must create the political conditions necessary to ensure that these weapons of mass destruction will never be used. The goal is a world free of nuclear weapons. One important step in this direction would be the introduction of a comprehensive ban on nuclear-weapon tests. The Assembly year after year has stated that a comprehensive test ban is a crucial measure in the efforts to halt the nuclear arms race. We attach the greatest importance to this issue. After very detailed preparatory work, Sweden therefore put a draft comprehensive test-ban treaty before this summer's session of the Committee on Disarmament. In the 1963 partial test-ban Treaty" three of the nuclear-weapon States undertook to stop all nuclear- weapon tests and declared their determination to continue negotiations to this end. They confirmed that commitment in the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We find it deplorable that the nuclear-weapon States concerned have not fulfilled their commitments. We appeal to them to enter without delay into serious negotiations for a comprehensive test-ban treaty. If they do not, this will also increase the risks of a proliferation of nuclear weapons. Peace and stability in different parts of the world will be endangered. The responsibility rests heavily on the nuclear-weapon States concerned. Achieving a test ban is a central element in the efforts that must be made to freeze nuclear-weapon arsenals at their present levels and to proceed to reductions. A freeze is not intended to alter the approximate parity that exists between the great Powers. Last year the Assembly called upon the Soviet Union and the United States to initiate a freeze on nuclear weapons immediately a call which both these Governments have so far ignored. This appeal is no less urgent today. Progress in the on-going negotiations at Geneva on the limitation of intermediate-range missiles in Europe would be an important step towards controlling the nuclear arms race. The Swedish Government believes that no further deployment of nuclear weapons should take place and that a substantial reduction should be made in the nuclear-weapon systems already in place. In this context a balance in conventional weapons must also be achieved at a lower level. The goal of parity should be sought at a lower, not a higher, level. For more than a generation the search for security in Europe has been guided by the concept of deterrence. The existence of nuclear weapons may have led to a degree of caution on the part of the two super-Powers in dealing with conflicts, but the doctrine of deterrence and its logical consequence—the accelerated arms race— have created insecurity and mutual suspicion. Suspicion heightens the risk of war breaking out by mistake or misunderstanding. This risk is increased by the rigid procedures automatically set in motion for protection against surprise nuclear attack. The Soviet shooting-down of a civilian airliner has been condemned by Sweden in the Security Council. This tragic incident is a reminder of how close we are to a situation in which the forces of destruction can be released. No sensible military or political goals can be achieved by using nuclear weapons. If they are used, the nuclear exchange that would follow would be virtually impossible to control and to limit. Yet a dangerous ambiguity remains about the role of nuclear weapons in military planning. Is their role only to deter their use by the opponent or will they be used in certain circumstances to redress a military situation? The technological development of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, the continuous modernization of nuclear forces in Europe and elsewhere and their deployment in forward positions give the impression that limited nuclear warfare is considered a possibility. In the long run, nuclear deterrence offers very poor protection for mankind against the horrors of nuclear war. Other paths must be tried. One guideline must be respect for the security concerns and interests of the opposite party. States must realize that in the nuclear age the search for military superiority is futile. States must develop mutual understanding, confidence and co-operation across ideological and political barriers if the nuclear threat is to be removed. Those are the principles on which the concept of common security is based. It is particularly important to recall these principles at a time like this, when tensions have increased and the great Powers confront each other. Now more than ever there is a need for negotiation, for mediation and conciliation in order to settle conflicts. It is now, when the task is so difficult, that patient and determined efforts are needed. We should not let the great-Power confrontation overshadow the work of the entire international community. The general debate of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly should be seen in that light. In my view, this is a very important debate, for it will set the tone for the international dialogue in the months ahead. That tone may be one of increased confrontation, which means increased danger, but it can also be a tone that reflects an effort to transcend the ideological boundaries and to seek dialogue and detente.  This is our responsibility. I have the privilege of speaking from this rostrum on the first day of the general debate. Let me conclude by saying that as far as my Government is concerned we pledge to do our best to contribute to a constructive dialogue.


1.	  I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to that august office. Your long association with the United Nations and your experience give us hope that during your tenure the Organization will gain strength. We are glad also to see the Secretary-General by your side. His analysis of the current world situation deserves serious reflection. We wish success to his patient and untiring labour in the cause of world peace.
2.	I welcome our newest Member, St. Kitts-Nevis.
3.	I am here on a quest of peace and co-operation. I have the privilege of addressing the Assembly not only on behalf of the people of India, one of the founder Members of the United Nations, but also on behalf of 100 other members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which met at New Delhi in March at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and renewed their pledge to work for a world which would not be driven by distrust and hatred and for a truly international community where nations would grasp hands of friendship across geographical frontiers.
4.	For the last 20 years the non-aligned have customarily met once in three years, and the Chairperson has reported to the United Nations. Firm faith in the United Nations is central to the non-aligned. All members of the Non- Aligned Movement are Members, current or potential, of the United Nations. However, the United Nations is an institution, the non-aligned group a movement. The United Nations is, or ought to be, a forum for solving disputes; the Non-Aligned Movement eschews discussion of bilateral problems. But the aim is the same: to maintain peace by removing the sources of tension and to bring out the humanity in human beings.
5.	At the New Delhi Conference we adopted a comprehensive statement on the economic and political state of the world. Our views were summed up in what has now come to be called the New Delhi Message. The final paragraph says:
"The crisis which confronts our civilization today is unprecedented in history. Great tasks call for wise decisions. We appeal to the great Powers to give up mistrust, engage in sincere, forward-looking negotiations in a spirit of shared good faith to reach agreement on various disarmament measures and to find a way out of the deepening economic crisis which threatens all of us. United, the members of the Non-Aligned Movement are prepared to do everything in their power to assist in this process. The earth belongs to us all- let us cherish it in peace and true brotherhood, based on the dignity and equality of man." I am here to give this message to the entire world.
6.	When the non-aligned plead with the aligned to give up confrontation and conflict, it is not out of any presumption. We are only too keenly aware of our own weaknesses, of the unnecessary discords and disputes between ourselves. But, being militarily weak, we do not have to find justification for strength. We are familiar with pain and suffering, we do not want them to increase anywhere. Our plea for peace is not out of superior virtue but because peace is indispensable, because humankind now has the choice, the knowledge and the power to prevent the calamity of extinction.
7.	Scientists, scholars and some notable soldiers have vividly described the outcome of a future nuclear war. Imagine a hundred or a thousand Hiroshima at one time. Imagine a world with nowhere to hide and perhaps nobody left to hide. As more and more people in all countries comprehend the full implications of the monstrous stockpiles of nuclear death, peace movements grow in number and beyond political ideology, driven by peoples' inmost urge to live. We can all live only if we all combine in the struggle for peace.
8.	Some quarters believe that nuclear armaments can be controlled, and deployed with exact calculation of cost- effectiveness. Equally frightening is the preparation and willingness to use other deadly chemical, biological and other such devices. Even more disturbing is the talk in depersonalised terms of using outer space for future wars.
9.	This relentless search for ever increasingly barbaric weapons systems is undertaken in the name of security. India and other non-aligned countries are convinced that only general and complete disarmament can provide real and enduring security. Nuclear-weapon Powers owe it to humanity to renounce the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in any situation whatever. As a first step they should resume negotiations for disarmament and ban the production and testing of all nuclear weapons.
10.	In four days we shall celebrate Mahatma Gandhi's one hundred and fourteenth birthday. There is renewed awareness of the continued relevance of his message of non-violence and tolerance. He said:
"Man as animal is violent, but as spirit is non-violent. The moment he awakes to the spirit within he cannot remain violent. Either he progresses towards non-violence or rushes to his doom. That is why the prophets and avatars have taught the lessons of truth, harmony, brotherhood, justice—all attributes of nonviolence."
11.	The other major theme of the non-aligned is development. We are largely poor and technologically backward. Even the handful of the rich amongst us are not technologically self-reliant. Most of us have become free from colonial rule only in the last 35 years. Our national freedom is new; our national unities need to be consolidated. Freedom itself releases long-pent-up hopes and yearning for rights. In this age of instant globe-encircling information technology, the media dazzle eyes and fill ears with images and reports of affluence. Even the modest expectations of our peoples are far beyond our present means. Besides, we are hard put to preserve our independence because of the many economic, political and military pressures.
12.	The present world economic order is based on domination and inequality. The basic aim of the programmes of action drawn up at New Delhi was to strengthen the economies of weak nations. We outlined a mechanism to pool our own technological resources, a South-South dialogue as a supplement to the North- South one. We also indicated some immediate measures, the most important of which was the convening of a conference on money and finance for development. To help developing countries is not mere largesse. It will directly benefit the industrialized because development in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the enlargement of their incomes by removing obstacles to their export, will absorb industrial goods and machinery from advanced countries, stimulate economic activity and ease their unemployment problem. What better investment can the North make in its own future than by turning today's deprived of the South into tomorrow's consumers?
13.	Existing international institutions and those who have headed them have done valuable work, but these bodies are not wholly representative, nor do they reflect the changes that have occurred in the international economy. No country or set of countries is without dilemmas. The affluent ones which follow market economies have problems of production, unemployment and currency instability. Industrialized countries with planned economies, which do not formally belong to the international monetary system but participate in the global activities of commerce and technological exchange, also face problems of production and renovation. We the developing are caught between the inadequacies of internal and external resources. All these are parts of one global crisis. There is no way out except through dialogue among us all. Each country, however powerful, has more to gain by accommodation and co-operation than by withdrawal into individual isolation or adoption of policies to maintain the solidarity of the strong. That is why we advocate a new international economic order based on equality and justice. Unfortunately, over the past three years the procedural hurdles to the launching of global negotiations have not been overcome.
14.	The advanced countries have held consultations regarding their own problems and the accumulated burdens of the economically weakest. Nothing concrete has emerged. Intentions are offset by supposed domestic compulsions. The Summit of Industrialized Nations at Williamsburg in May and the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in June and July have shown up once again the fear of the unfamiliar, of lowering easy, safe, existing protective barriers and releasing restrictive rules. Why should these countries be afraid of the demands of the weak? It is time for bolder moves in trade and in financial and technological cooperation and a daring new initiative to eliminate global poverty by the end of the century. The demand of the developing countries for a North-South dialogue is all too often seen as yet another plea of the have-nots which has to be resisted by the haves. The world today is too complex for such a simplistic division. Political independence is not an end to problems, but only a recognition of the realities of governance in adverse circumstances.
15.	Ideas and initiatives come through discussion, through collective counsel. At New Delhi the non-aligned felt the universal need for further communication and more informal discussions with one another, hence the suggestion that the current session of the General Assembly could be an occasion for heads of State or Government leaders of the developing and the developed countries, the non-aligned and the aligned, the North and South, West and East of common parlance, to be together for just a few days to think and talk about the great problems of peace and security, disarmament and development. We expect no dramatic results, but the immensity of our challenges calls for persistence. Every attempt may take us just a little further in promoting a climate of peace.
16.	It is gracious indeed of so many heads of State and Government to listen to this call of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries. We are having informal meetings individually and collectively, joined by the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General. Could 1983 mark a watershed in the history of the United Nations? This great world body was founded as a group of nations united in a wartime alliance. With the entry of newly freed countries, the end of the decade saw its expansion into a much bigger body. The next 30 years have brought about near universality in its composition. Today, because of the unique authority entrusted to it in controlling military crises through its instruments and its influence on social and economic developments through its various specialized agencies, the United Nations is an integral part of the lives of nations and individuals. It has not yet come near the beginnings of a global approach. Its progress has to be halting and tentative, sometimes unavoidably ineffectual in facing up to immediate problems, because of the very nature of its origin and institutional structure, particularly the ideological divide, which was not envisaged by those who drew up the Charter. It is our task to improve this institution to make it capable of facing difficulties which were not foreseen 40 years ago.
17.	Some issues arouse intense feeling in individual nations, others our common indignation. One such is the persistence of racialism. How can the denial of freedom to the majority of the people of South Africa and the people of Namibia be condoned? I affirm our total support for the freedom struggle of the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SPK4PO], and to the Governments and peoples of the front-line States, which have to endure pressure and provocation. Almost my own first conscious thoughts were admiration for those who fought for freedom and concern for those who suffered. Nelson Mandela, a flaming symbol of freedom, and many others are behind prison bars, but their voices cannot be stilled; they resound the world over.
18.	The turmoil in West Asia remains the most serious threat to peace. Driven from their homes, the Palestinian people are in physical and mental agony. We support the valiant efforts of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] to secure their legitimate rights. The occupation of the land of others will not guarantee Israel's security. The Palestinians must be masters in their home, and all States of the region should live within secure international frontiers. The voice of the non-aligned spoke out firmly at the New Delhi summit for a peaceful settlement which ensures justice. This call was endorsed and reaffirmed by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva in August and September. All parties concerned should begin the process of reconciliation.
19.	The sufferings of the people of Lebanon, caused by the intervention of foreign forces, have been of great concern to all of us. Here again, the Israeli aggression triggered the crisis. We are relieved to learn of the ceasefire, which we hope will be maintained. All foreign forces should be withdrawn and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon should be respected by all.
20.	The crisis in Central America must be urgently defused. We should demand and support efforts to create a climate of negotiation without external interference. India and the other non-aligned countries have welcomed the peace initiatives of the Contadora Group.
21.	The non-aligned have always stood for non-interference and non-use of force. The complex situation in Afghanistan can be solved only on the basis of these twin principles. We fully support the representative of the Secretary-General in working for a solution which takes into consideration the concerns of all the involved parties. The tragic and wasteful Iraq-Iran war harms both countries. Conflicts in other regions also, including Kampuchea, admit only of political solutions.
22.	Militarily, today's leading countries are incomparably more powerful than in the days when a single gunboat could silence and immobilize millions. The weak are not so weak, nor the strong so strong. The essence of the concept of non-alignment is peaceful coexistence and the promotion of constructive co-operation. The "non" in non-alignment relates to the importance of resisting attitudes of irreconcilable hostility. The positive aspects are the desire for friendship with other nations irrespective of patterns of government—which are their own business —and to strengthen the fabric of our own nations.
23.	In India we work for self-reliance in action and self- respect in thought, which Bertrand Russell called "the better half of pride". But this pride is for human achievement and human potential. Its justification would be our ability to discern the future beyond the gloom of the present.
24.	The safety of the weak is the strength of the strong. That is why the weakest and the poorest amongst us, within each society and in the international community, must be shielded from the inclemencies of the international climate. Continued disparities also aggravate political tensions and lead to instability. The strong, with the help of the rest of the international community, can think of measures to contain the enormous destructive potential which gives them illusions of strength but whose very power is troublesome. It is a welcome sign that the two most powerful nations are engaged in negotiations on vital strategic matters and have not allowed even serious incidents to deflect them. The myriad other problems concerning the environment, the optimum utilization of the resources of our planet and the reorganization of political and economic systems at the global and State levels need our co-operative endeavours.
25.	The Industrial Revolution gave a major turn to history. Out of it emerged industrial capitalism and, as a reaction to it, Marxism in its various forms. Together these have given rise to the great social upheavals of our time. The two have followed different paths but their ethos is basically materialistic. All that begins must end. And the seeds of the ending are present from the very beginning. What we have witnessed—the two world wars, the possible approach of a third, so much more destructive and disastrous, and the struggle for power—are the end of the road for the existing order of competing systems. Out of this chaos a new order is struggling to be born. This is our last chance of appealing to the old and entrenched not to infect the new with its diseases: neocolonialism, monopoly, economic oppression, class divisions and big-Power politics, as well as the idea that power is invincible and can feed on itself, with militarization as the ultimate tool.
26.	For us, the non-aligned, and for all who are deeply concerned with the future of humanity, the question is whether we help the birth of this new creation or throttle it before it can draw breath. The matter is not simple, because history has proved time and again that ideas and movements can be obstructed, but not stopped. How long can a few pockets of affluence continue to exert influence on the large populations, the natural resources, the cultural strength of the others? How long can allies and supporters, who may not have a base in their own countries and who are not in tune with the changing times, be perpetuated? You cannot kill an idea by killing its adherents. The newborn will not die; the birth can be delayed but the cost will be much higher and the affluent will have to pay. When peaceful change is thwarted, violent upheaval occurs. Previously, the end of a civilization brought destruction and trauma in its trail. If we keep to past trends, we too will be engulfed by circumstances. But today we have the opportunity, which may well be the first in human history, for humankind to bridge the transition from the old to the new in a conscious way, to build a new era, to move together to a new future.
27.	The barriers which have been put up to shut out the new are the different faces of colonialism—economic, technological and the powerful weapons of food and information. These are the walls at which we raise our voices. That is why we lay stress on a new economic order, a new information order, preserving cultural identities. Walls do not move and can be got around.
28.	Vast knowledge and technological advances concentrated in the hands of a few can lead to a new type of oppression, the barbarity inherent in technological excellence when it is monopolized by the powerful and used for their ends. What just a few years ago were considered as interesting fantasies are today perilously close to the facts of contemporary living. Brainwashing is not confined to any one system or one part of the world, to say nothing of the other cruelties of deprivation.
29.	The shape of this new order is not clear. What form the future will take is being moulded right now by our actions. When I speak of the new order, I am not talking merely of more effective and more widespread use of technology, however dramatic it may be, of which we read so much and about which there are many prognoses. I speak of entirely different thought processes and emotional reactions m the use of technology. We must imbue technology with deeper understanding of the difficulties of others and ensure protection against any further technological colonialism. The new order cannot be confined to the economic or social or cultural. It must encompass all of these and yet be much larger. We must create a new international order of humanity, where power is tempered with compassion, where knowledge and capability are at the service of all humanity.