The
fifty-third session of the General Assembly provides us
once again with an opportunity to look at the overall
situation in the world and to reflect together on the future
of the peoples and the nations that we represent.
But first of all, may I extend to Mr. Didier Opertti our
warm and sincere congratulations on his well-deserved
election, which is but recognition of his intellectual and
personal qualities and which, I am certain, will ensure the
success of the work of this session. We would like also to
pay a warm tribute to his predecessor, who presided so
brilliantly over the work of the previous session.
My delegation is pleased to express appreciation for
the courageous and ongoing work being carried out by
Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, in support of
peace in the world and particularly on the African
continent.
When on 25 July 1996 we had to carry out a very
radical change of government in Burundi, the political
situation was an explosive one. Every day Burundians
were dying without really knowing why, and the threat of
genocide and widespread chaos was a very real danger.
I shall not go into the details of that situation, as the
Security Council, the Secretary-General and his
representative in Bujumbura have followed on a daily
basis the evolution of the crisis which has in recent years
disrupted my country.
Since that change on 25 July 1996, we have stated
clearly that restoration of security and the beginning of a
peace process are our basic concerns.
This fifty-third session provides me with an
opportunity to tell you about the efforts made by the
people of Burundi, its leaders and the international
community to attain our goals of restoring a lasting peace
in the country. Despite some acts of terrorism, I can say
to this Assembly that security has now been fully restored
in Burundi. The threat of genocide so feared by its people
is gone today. Two years ago the peace process was
initiated; it is now under way and proceeding in a manner
satisfactory to all those concerned. I should like to focus
my statement today on this peace project.

The idea of a peace-process project in Burundi is
based on the realization that despite the ethnic turn taken by
violence which brought such tragedy to my country over
the last five years, the underlying cause of the Burundi
crisis is essentially a political one. That is why we are
focusing our efforts on seeking a political solution to the
crisis.
Two years ago we set in motion a peace process
which was divided into two aspects: the internal aspect and
the external aspect. At the internal level, the dynamic
provided by the peace process led to a domestic agreement
on political partnership. Two years ago, the Government
which emerged from the change of 25 July 1996 and the
National Assembly elected in 1993 began a dialogue geared
towards a political rapprochement. This initiative led to an
agreement on political partnership.
Today, we have a provisional constitution which came
out of that partnership and which governs the institutions of
our Republic, primarily the Government and the National
Assembly. In Burundi, the political partnership is a reality
not only between Government and the National Assembly
but also with the majority of the registered political parties
and the representatives of civil society who have joined the
partnership for peace. It is within this framework that a
negotiated Government, bringing together the main political
forces in the country, is now in place and has been
functioning for three months. The National Assembly
elected in 1993 has been expanded to include
representatives of other registered political parties and
representatives of civil society.
I can say to this Assembly — and those who have
visited Burundi recently have been able to note this
themselves — that this partnership has transformed, and
continues to transform, the political landscape in Burundi
in a positive way. Today, the political class within our
country is organizing a wide-ranging discussion on the
partnership to enable the people of Burundi to absorb the
idea of peace, the ultimate objective being stabilization of
the country through the restoration of peace.
The Government, for its part, is preparing its
programme based on the political agreement which emerged
from the partnership. The major issues, such as democracy,
justice, security and development, are in the forefront of
this programme which the Government will be submitting
to the parliament at its next session in October. My
Government is determined to continue consolidating the
partnership within the country. We deeply believe that this
approach can establish the bases for an overall agreement
associating our compatriots living abroad with our peace
project.
It was the existence of this political partnership at
the domestic level which made possible the beginning of
a process of global negotiations involving Burundians
abroad in the peace process. The negotiations, bringing
together people of Burundi living at home and abroad,
began on 15 June 1998 in Arusha, in the United Republic
of Tanzania. The second negotiating session took place on
20 July, and the third meeting is scheduled for 12
October. These negotiations are proceeding in a manner
satisfactory to all the participants: the Burundians, the
facilitator and the representatives of the international
community.
I should like to declare that the Government of
Burundi is resolved to do its utmost to assure the success
of these negotiations. We divided the peace process into
two aspects, domestic and external, because it is simply
a question of methodology. The peace process is one and
indivisible. First of all, we wanted to get the people of
Burundi involved in the peace process before the Arusha
negotiations, so that we could take into consideration the
recent experience of our subregion. Peace negotiations
which do not involve the people often take a tragic turn.
I should like to declare from this rostrum that the
peace process is now under way to the satisfaction of the
people of Burundi. We are determined to resolve through
dialogue the dispute pitting Burundians one against the
other. Unfortunately, there are obstacles along our path
towards lasting peace, the main one being the economic
sanctions imposed on Burundi on 31 July 1996. These
economic sanctions affect in particular the most
vulnerable sectors of our society. They are destroying the
economic and social fabric of the country and over the
long term are jeopardizing stabilization over the long term
in our country. In fact, the impact of the embargo on the
people of Burundi is devastating. Let me give you a few
figures: grade school attendance has dropped from 70 to
43 per cent; the vaccination rate has plummeted from 80
to 40 per cent and malnutrition among children under the
age of 5 is now 43 per cent.
Moreover, the embargo imposed on Burundi is now
enriching a few individuals in the country in a scandalous
manner and is tragically impoverishing millions of people
there. This embargo is eroding trust between the
mediators and the parties to the conflict, particularly the
Government of Burundi. Even though all the conditions
imposed by those who initiated the embargo have now
been met, the economic sanctions are still being
2

maintained. Today there is absolutely no justification, moral
or political, for continuing the embargo against Burundi.
I would appeal to the countries of our subregion and
to the mediator organizing the negotiations in Arusha to lift
the embargo before it definitively torpedoes our peace
project. Our appeal is also directed to the international
community for support in our effort at peace-building in
Burundi.
We must act now to concert our peace efforts.
Tomorrow will be too late. Those who have sinned by
omission will bear an important responsibility.
The other significant obstacle to peace in Burundi is
the continuing violence perpetrated by armed factions based
in the territories of certain neighbouring countries. I call on
those countries to assume their share of the responsibility.
One cannot both call for negotiations and tolerate terrorist
actions by armed groups without jeopardizing the entire
peace process. For negotiations to begin, there must be a
cessation of hostilities.
Burundi, a landlocked country under economic
sanctions, needs international solidarity. Humanitarian
assistance must be stepped up in order to help those
afflicted by this crisis. We would wish to see international
cooperation with our country resumed without further delay.
Security conditions are no worse in Burundi than in the
other countries of the Great Lakes region. Burundians
simply ask to be treated fairly. Our commitment and
resolve to achieve peace in Burundi through dialogue must
no longer be called into question. The facts today speak for
themselves. We are negotiating with all Burundians who
have political demands.
My country?s domestic concerns will not allow me to
forget the other problems afflicting Africa and the world.
Far from it.
At this time of globalization, a sustained effort must
be made by the international community to promote
balanced development throughout the world. Africa
deserves special attention. If one advocates development
through trade, then one must also increase official
development assistance to stimulate the growth of
economies that remain fragile. Africa is being crushed by
the weight of its debt. The burden must be eased and
eliminated for the poorest countries. Globalization without
solidarity with the poorest nations will not lead to a
peaceful world.
In order to adapt to inevitable changes, the
developing countries must organize themselves. Here, I
envision the creation of regional areas of integration that
will make our economies viable. We are in favour of
regional integration, but one that respects the identity and
sovereignty of each country. We are opposed to regional
integration that includes the domination and hegemony of
the most powerful.
Regional economic integration can be achieved,
however, only in secure regions. Our region of the Great
Lakes remains subject to extreme instability. This cyclical
insecurity has endured for decades and has unleashed
floods of refugees. Entire defeated armies move through
the region, which has already experienced an
unprecedented genocide.
We continue to follow very carefully the evolution
of the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I wish to reaffirm that our country, Burundi, is in no way
involved in that conflict. However, we remain concerned,
on the one hand, by a certain tenor of statement that pits
peoples against peoples on the basis of ethnic identity;
and, on the other, by militias and certain rebels, whom we
in the region remember only too well. I would urge all
participants in this conflict not to allow themselves to be
entrapped and led down that road, because it leads only
to danger that could engulf the entire region in flames.
Burundi will continue to ensure that its security is
not destabilized. To that end, we shall take all appropriate
measures. We continue to advocate peaceful means and
dialogue to resolve this conflict. If the Government of
Burundi is asked to contribute to a political solution, it
will be very happy to do so.
In Burundi, we believe that the Organization of
African Unity and the United Nations should coordinate
their efforts more effectively in seeking a solution to the
crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
particularly when we consider the limitations of
subregional organizations.
At the global level, every region of our planet faces
varying degrees of environmental degradation, terrorism,
endemic disease, drug abuse and hunger, to mention only
the most widespread threats. To cope with this situation,
the United Nations will have to play a decisive role. Our
Organization has, in the past, demonstrated its strengths
and its weaknesses.
To take up these many challenges, the United
Nations must open itself up and become more democratic
3

if it is to become more effective in addressing the realities
of the modern world. In order better to resolve the
problems of peace, the Security Council should be
judiciously expanded to include other Members of the
Organization.
Within the United Nations, Burundi will continue to
raise its modest voice against terrorism and the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, and in favour of allocating
greater resources to combat poverty and encourage
education and health, particularly in developing
countries — in short, to build a more balanced and fairer
world. In our view, this is the challenge facing our
Organization as we approach the new millennium.


May I begin, Sir, by congratulating you on your election as
President of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly.
I am confident that the skills and vast experience you have
acquired throughout your distinguished diplomatic career
will provide the guidance we need to guarantee the
successful outcome of the session. I must also recall the
valuable contribution of your predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko, to the work of the last session of the General
Assembly.
This year, 1998, has been a year of warning signals
and signs of hope. We have witnessed both setbacks and
strides forward in the quest for peace and international
security. In particular, we have witnessed great progress
towards the settlement of one of the longest and most
intractable conflicts — that of Northern Ireland. The Irish
peace agreement has proved to the world that it is never
too late to find answers to seemingly impossible
problems.
Unfortunately, wars, armed conflicts, acts of
terrorism and other forms of violence have shaken the
world during this last year and have had a negative
impact on international stability and security.
A party to all international treaties in the sphere of
the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
Armenia is deeply concerned about the possible
consequences of nuclear tests conducted by India and
Pakistan this year. We believe that as the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) comes into force, it will
contribute substantially to the strengthening of
international security. Also, within the framework of the
Conference on Disarmament, Armenia supports drafting
agreements on the prohibition of the production of fissile
materials for nuclear weapons and other explosive
devices.
The United Nations plays a great role in different
aspects of international life, ranging from tackling global
environmental problems to combating organized crime
and illicit drug trafficking. In support of United Nations
activities in these spheres, Armenia actively participated
in the twentieth special session of the General Assembly.

We strongly believe that the illicit traffic in drugs and
psychotropic substances seriously jeopardizes the economic
prosperity and political stability of many countries and
regions of the world.
Armenia also actively participated in activities leading
to the establishment of the International Criminal Court,
since we attach great importance to the battle against
international crime, including the crime of genocide, crimes
against humanity and war crimes. Believing that the United
Nations should play the leading role in the formation of an
international anti-criminal strategy, Armenia supports the
idea of holding, in Vienna, in the year 2000, the tenth
United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention and
Treatment of Offenders.
Armenia unequivocally condemns all acts of terrorism
as acts that have no justification on political, ideological,
ethnic, religious or any other grounds. The recent terrorist
attacks in Kenya and the United Republic of Tanzania once
again show us the necessity for cooperation among all
countries to combat that evil. We call for the accession of
the maximum number of countries to universal conventions
against terrorism, and support the Russian proposal on a
United Nations convention for combating acts of nuclear
terrorism. Armenia likewise supports including on the
agenda of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly
issues dealing with the declaration by the United Nations of
a decade of international law, as well as events to be
organized in 1999 devoted to the hundredth anniversary of
the first International Peace Conference.
For the international community, this year marks the
fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The semi-centennial anniversary of the Declaration
enables the States Members of the United Nations to
conduct a review of human rights conditions in their own
countries and to identify ways further to develop the
foundations of democracy and to promote human and
national rights.
This year also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the
adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. It is well known that
the international community did not, at the time, duly
condemn the genocide of Armenians in the Ottoman
Empire in 1915, and that failure encouraged certain regimes
to commit new crimes of genocide. After the Holocaust, the
United Nations addressed the problem of genocide, defining
it as a crime against humanity, and adopted, on 9 December
1948, the aforementioned Convention. Despite that fact,
over the past five decades, crimes of genocide have been
committed in various parts of the world on more than one
occasion. The recent recognition and condemnation by
several parliaments of the genocide of Armenians
committed early in this century is evidence of an
increased understanding of the necessity to combat that
evil.
The General Assembly, upon the submission of
Armenia and five other Member States, included on the
agenda of this session an item on the fiftieth anniversary
of the genocide Convention. We hope that, by combining
its efforts in the struggle against the crime of genocide,
humanity will take a decisive step towards the elimination
of that crime in the next century.
Equality and mutually beneficial cooperation among
countries in the political and commercial-economic
spheres, based on free market principles, should become
an important factor for political stability in the third
millennium. We have no other choice. Armenia adheres
to this policy in all its dealings, from its approach to
cooperation with international organizations to the process
of becoming a member of the World Trade Organization.
We attach special significance to regional
cooperation, be it in the framework of the Commonwealth
of Independent States, the Black Sea Economic
Cooperation organization or the TRASECA project.
Armenia is sincerely open to such cooperation, although
we have to state with regret that the blockade imposed on
Armenia by Turkey and Azerbaijan is a serious obstacle
to such cooperation. It is obvious that the region?s vast
potential cannot be fully exploited if attempts are made to
isolate one of its constituents. Such attempts are doomed
to failure.
Another factor of concern for political-military
stability in the region is the gross violation by Azerbaijan
of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
In three categories of ground equipment identified in the
Treaty, our neighbour significantly surpasses the national
limits set by the Treaty.
Despite the potential threat to our security, since the
earliest days of our independence we have clearly and
unambiguously forsworn the development of weapons of
mass destruction and adhere to the principles of non-
proliferation of such weapons and of control over the
destabilizing accumulation of conventional arms.
The peaceful settlement of regional conflicts is one
of the most important safeguards of stability and peace in
our region, the Transcaucasus. Armenia is committed to
2

the ceasefire established in the Karabakh zone of conflict in
May 1994 and will assist in its rigorous maintenance. We
emphasize the contribution of the Minsk Group and of its
individual member States, both to the maintenance of the
ceasefire and to mediation.
Unfortunately, at present, the negotiation process is at
an impasse. We believe that the main reasons for this
impasse are the unclear definition of Nagorny Karabakh?s
status as a party to the negotiations; Azerbaijan?s refusal to
negotiate directly with the leaders of Nagorny Karabakh;
and its insistence on preconditions regarding the future
status of Nagorny Karabakh, which we believe must be
negotiated. The international community must make every
effort to overcome these obstacles.
In our opinion, given the intensity and specifics of the
Nagorny Karabakh conflict, its resolution demands
unconventional approaches based on the principle of equal
legal rights for the parties to the conflict, an end to the
enclave status of Nagorny Karabakh and the provision of
international security guarantees for its population. Armenia
is ready to move forward and calls on Azerbaijan to resume
negotiations without preconditions in order to reach a
comprehensive settlement for the Nagorny Karabakh
conflict.
The challenges that the international community faces
today are diverse and complicated. We are convinced that
only a reformed United Nations can cope successfully and
effectively with the increasing number of problems. This
holds true especially for the reform of the Security Council,
since the maintenance of peace and security throughout the
world depends on a Security Council that functions
effectively. We also call for deeper institutional reform of
the United Nations, including in the administrative-
budgetary sphere. We believe that the fulfilment by all
Member States of their financial obligations under the
United Nations Charter is indispensable if the
Organization?s acute financial crisis is to be overcome.
Despite serious economic hardships, Armenia will fulfil its
duties in this sphere. We need only recognize that a
stronger and reformed United Nations serves our common
interests.


Thank you very much, Sir. But I
prefer to be called â€œFlight-Lieutenantâ€ and not â€œMr.â€
I join preceding speakers in congratulating the
President and the other members of the Bureau on your
election to direct the affairs of the fifty-third session of the
General Assembly. I am indeed very confident that under
your wise leadership the outcome of our deliberations will
constitute a great step forward in our efforts to build a new
world which meets the aspirations of our peoples in the
search for peace, justice and prosperity.
May I also avail myself of this opportunity to express
the deep appreciation of my delegation for the remarkable
achievements of Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, under whose
able guidance the Assembly at the preceding session took
very important decisions on United Nations reform
intended to prepare the Organization for the immense
challenges ahead as we move into the twenty-first
century.
In these laudable efforts, we also recognize the bold
initiatives and drive of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, whose vision for the future of the United Nations,
corresponding so much with that of the general
membership and the peoples of the world, facilitated the
continuing process of reform. We in Ghana and indeed in
Africa are proud to have for a son a man of his stature
and drive.
The commemoration this year of the fiftieth
anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
affords us the opportunity to take stock of what has been
achieved over the years and map out well-defined
strategies to improve the quality of life of our peoples, by
effectively promoting and protecting their fundamental
rights, which the Declaration holds as a common standard
of achievement for all people and all nations.
Womenâs rights must be at the centre of that process
and we should remain focused on their worldwide
promotion and protection. It is their right. It is our
obligation. The work of the United Nations in
strengthening the equal status and the human rights of
women, from the World Conference on Human Rights to
the Fourth World Conference on Women, is indeed
commendable.
Almost fifty years after the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, 12 million children under
five years of age die every year from preventable
diseases, 200 million children under five years of age are
undernourished and 110 million are denied basic
education. Eight hundred million people have no access
to the most basic health services, and 1.3 billion human
beings live in abject poverty around the world. This state
of affairs persists because of the inequitable international
economic system which discriminates against a
developing world, particularly Africa.

The persistent critical economic situation in Africa
should be of great concern to the international community
and should prompt us all to take effective and urgent
measures to address its underlying causes. Many of our
countries, particularly the poorer ones, continue to suffer
from a heavy debt burden and crippling debt-servicing
4

obligations, which, by diverting resources away from
development, prevent us from providing adequate social
services to our populations in basic areas such as education
and health and therefore reduce our capacity to compete in
the global market.
In this regard, we stress the need for debt-relief
measures to be accompanied by concessional financial
assistance, particularly to the least developed countries, with
the aim of enhancing the implementation of economic
reforms and creating a stable environment that enables
countries to extricate themselves from the debt overhang.
The international reverberations of the recent financial
turmoil in Asia and elsewhere, I believe, point to the futility
of any notions that any nation can play outside the rules,
that any nation in this world can stand alone.
In my view, the present approach of certain
industrialized countries who require developing countries to
adhere to standards or policies which they themselves do
not observe, or seem unable to observe, will severely test
relations between the developed and the developing
countries in the next century.
We must stand together if we are not to jeopardize the
prosperity enjoyed by hundreds of millions today and the
hopes of billions more for a life of dignity and a healthy
measure of comfort â€” nothing more, nothing less.
The new times we live in require new ideas suitable
to the dynamics of today. Policy makers and opinion
leaders in the developed countries bear great responsibility
in this regard, as we all do, for providing very clear
leadership of integrity. Much is demanded of those
countries that share a great part of the blame for the present
state of the world, as they no doubt have the means to be
able to provide what it takes.
Even though it had been clear for some time that
sustainable development around the globe could not be
achieved without a measure of fairness in economic
relations between North and South, because of short-term
considerations of profit and advantage, the countries
benefiting from the unjust economic order chose to ignore
the serious impact of that situation on living standards in
most parts of the world as well as in limiting world
economic growth.
Instead, we received sermons on the truths, realities
and moralities of life, and countries and peoples were
victimized if they were shown not to have lived up to
expectations. That was the price, in other words, that we
had to pay. It was obvious, however, that whenever a
situation required moral leadership from the capitals of
those countries which preached morality in the first place,
that morality manifested itself as no more than national
interest.
No one questions the need for States to look out for
their national interests. However, it is the blindness to the
need for enlightened self-interest that has lain at the heart
of the divisions between our States for so long, and which
has finally shaken the economic confidence of people,
whether in the North or the South, in recent times.
The end of the cold war has unleashed new threats
to global and regional peace. Intra-State conflicts, rooted
in ethnic, racial and religious intolerance, pose a threat to
the security of many States and regions. The tardiness and
selectivity of the international community in dealing with
some of these conflict situations have been rather
disturbing, as they have undermined the concept of
collective security enshrined in our noble Charter. Article
24 of the Charter not only confers â€œprimary
responsibilityâ€ for the maintenance of international peace
and security on the Security Council, but also calls for
â€œprompt and effective actionâ€ when a breach occurs.
However, in our part of the world, we often ask ourselves
where the â€œprompt and effectiveâ€ action of the Council
was when Rwanda was on fire. Where was the Council
when Liberia was in turmoil? Where was the â€œprompt and
effective actionâ€ when the people of Sierra Leone
agonized under the yoke of a brutal dictatorship?
In the face of the selectivity of the Security Council
in dealing with issues of international peace and security,
and in spite of our regionâs meagre resources, we have
had to rely on our own efforts to respond to internal strife
in some of the countries in our neighbourhood. We call
on the Governments of those countries to remain steadfast
in making sacrifices and doing everything possible to
bring about national reconciliation, peace and stability.
The international situation continues to be poisoned
by unilateral economic, commercial and financial
sanctions, which in some cases even have extraterritorial
consequences.
We have seen such actions undermine the positive
socio-economic gains made by Cuba over the last few
decades, with the resultant deprivation of an entire
populationâs human rights and dignity. The world stands
to gain from a peaceful solution to the differences
between the United States and Cuba, and we call on the
5

United States to settle its differences with Cuba through
negotiations on the basis of equality and mutual respect.
We are equally concerned by the effect of the
imposition of sanctions by the Security Council against the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. However, we are extremely
pleased with the recent developments concerning the
possible trial of the two suspects in the bombing of Pan
Am flight 103 over Lockerbie.
We call upon the United Kingdom, the United States
of America and the Netherlands to engage in discussions
with the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, directly or through the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, to arrive at trial
arrangements which will offer appropriate safety measures
for the two suspects.
On Western Sahara, we call on the Security Council
and the Secretary-General to continue their efforts for a
peaceful and just solution to the persistent outstanding
differences and for a free and fair referendum. We will not
have a neighbouring African country recolonized by another
African country.
Ghana shares the concerns and frustrations of the
international community on the deadlock over the Middle
East peace process. We believe that initiatives taken so far
in support of the process, including the Madrid and the
Oslo agreements, as well as the principle of land for peace,
are an adequate basis for a just and long-lasting settlement.
The international community is unanimous in its
determination to see a just peace in the Middle East, and
the Palestinian question no doubt holds the key.
My delegationâs condemnation of all forms and
manifestations of terrorism and mercenary practices is
rooted no doubt in their tragic consequences on the political
stability as well as the economic and social development of
States. Terrorist acts, in particular, are totally unacceptable
as a means of seeking redress for any grievance, achieving
political ends or supporting a cause. It is in this connection
that we have condemned the recent terrorist bomb attacks
in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam that claimed hundreds of
innocent lives, injured thousands of people and caused
massive destruction to property, as well as the persistent
threat to Americans around the world.
I am proud to say that since joining this Organization
on 8 March 1957, only two days after acceding to
independence, Ghana has remained true to its commitments
to contribute to the promotion of international peace and
security, the principal raison dâÃªtre of this Organization.
Only three years after independence, in 1960, my country,
Ghana, responded to the call of the Organization and
committed troops and resources to the United Nations
peacekeeping operation in what was then the Belgian
Congo, now the Democratic Peopleâs Republic of the
Congo.
We have since remained actively engaged,
consistently participating in the peace efforts of the
Organization, in all regions of the globe. As I speak,
Ghana is listed as one of the major contributors of troops
to United Nations peacekeeping efforts, with personnel
serving in eight United Nations missions in Africa,
Europe, Asia and the Middle East.
The Government and people of Ghana are indeed
proud of our participation in these international peace
efforts, even though it has been at great expense to our
developing country. It is not a sacrifice in material
resources alone, but also in human terms, as Ghana, as
well as her neighbours, has lost her sons and daughters in
these operations.
We welcome the adoption last year of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on
Their Destruction. My country was among the large
number that signed the Convention in Ottawa last
December, and it is in the process of its early ratification.
We hope that conditions will, in the not-too-distant future,
permit the Conventionâs universal adoption, to enable us
to rid our planet of these inhumane weapons which
continue to kill and maim innocent civilians long after the
conflicts in which they were laid. We are sincerely of the
view that the international community should pay greater
attention to demining and rehabilitation, because of the
havoc that the presence of mines wreaks on the
economies of the affected countries as well as on the
contribution of millions of peasants towards the feeding
of their families.
The United Nations Diplomatic Conference of
Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International
Criminal Court, convened in Rome in June and July this
year, is a welcome development in our collective effort to
provide a legal and institutional framework to hold
perpetrators accountable for genocide, crimes against
humanity, war crimes and serious violations of
international humanitarian law. It is our sincere hope that
the spirit of compromise that led to the overwhelming
endorsement of the Rome treaty will similarly be brought
to bear on the work of the Preparatory Commission, to
ensure the early establishment of a fully functional and
effective court.
6

Once again Ghana has the unpleasant task of joining
others to express concern at the financial situation that
persists in the Organization, characterized by very little
cash and huge arrears. The persistent critical financial
situation places our Organization in jeopardy at this time of
reform. It is regrettable that a number of States are neither
paying their assessed contributions nor making full payment
of their arrears, while some persistently aggravate the
situation by attaching unreasonable as well as unacceptable
conditions or benchmarks to the discharge of their Charter
obligations. In this respect, let me admit that there are very
small but extremely rich countries among us who could
have helped without making a dent in their national wealth
and resources.
Support for the United Nations must be demonstrated
not in pious proclamations but in the willingness of all
Member States to meet Charter obligations to the
Organization, including payment of our contributions to
ensure that the Organization is put on a sound financial
footing to tackle its mandates and pressing commitments.
I wish to conclude by expressing once more my
delegationâs appreciation to the Secretary-General and to
the Assembly for the comprehensive reforms being
undertaken to restructure, revitalize and democratize the
United Nations. I congratulate most sincerely the Secretary-
General and the Assembly on their achievements so far.
And I assure you that my delegation, my country, will
continue to work with you in this reform process and in all
aspects of the Organizationâs work in order to ensure that
the Organization continues in the twenty-first century to
better serve the global community and generations yet to
come in the maintenance and enhancement of our collective
security and the promotion of international cooperation to
advance the economic and social well-being of all our
peoples.
That happens to be the vision of the founding fathers
of the United Nations. And this is our commitment.


May I congratulate Mr. Opertti
most warmly on his well-acclaimed election and express to
him, on behalf of my Government, our full confidence and
support for his presidency.
We want also to pay tribute to Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko of Ukraine for his commitment and determined
leadership during the fifty-second session.
At this stage of my statement, I am honoured to speak
as Chairman of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS)
and to do so on behalf of 32 AOSIS States that are
Members of the United Nations.
I take the opportunity from the outset to declare our
heartfelt concerns and deepest feelings for the people and
communities of the Caribbean and those bordering the
Caribbean and in the southern parts of the United States
who have lost families and properties or have been left
homeless by hurricane Georges. We join in the call for the
most generous assistance to them all. Several of the
countries suffering severe damage and devastation — such
as Antigua and Barbuda, Cuba, Saint Kitts and Nevis and
the Virgin Islands — are AOSIS members, and we have
them especially in our thoughts at this time.
For our small island States, these climate-related
events are occurring with alarming force and regularity.
We have it from the experts that powerful hurricanes like
Georges could be linked to the “cold event” of La Niña,
the contrasting weather phenomenon to El Niño, and that
La Niña may be setting conditions favourable to more
frequent and dangerous Caribbean hurricanes like
Georges. These were the same events described by the
Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea in his address to
this Assembly last week, when he spoke of the damaging
effects of El Niño, and by the Deputy Prime Minister of
Fiji earlier today. They are events and disasters which
demonstrate and underscore the extreme exposure and
vulnerability of our island communities.
AOSIS welcomed the action authorized by this
Assembly last year towards early understanding of the El
Niño phenomenon and its impacts, and we fully support
the United Nations system-wide strategy now being
developed. We welcome in particular the proposals
initiated by the United Nations Environment Programme
(UNEP) to reduce the impact of environmental
emergencies through early warning and preparedness,
especially in the case of El Niño/Southern Oscillation. We
note in this connection the importance of practical support
for such initiatives, especially the generous financial
donation from the Ted Turner Foundation.
In Barbados in 1994, at the Global Conference on
the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, the international community recognized their
special characteristics and needs and adopted a specific
Programme of Action to address these needs. The United
Nations Agenda for Development, adopted last year,
reinforced the acknowledgement of special circumstances
and stressed the need for international support to help
island communities with their development efforts.
The months ahead will be a critical time for our
countries as we work towards the first five-year review of
the Barbados Programme of Action next year at the two-
day special session of the General Assembly. The review
will be carried out against the background of the appraisal
of Agenda 21 and the assessment arrived at by the
world?s political leadership then that the overall trends
with respect to sustainable development are worse today
than they were in 1992.
The conclusions of the Commission on Sustainable
Development (CSD) at its sixth session earlier this year,
which reviewed several chapters of the Barbados
Programme of Action, highlighted the continued
7

vulnerability of small island developing States, particularly
to climate change, and the critical need for capacity-
building in such areas as the management of wastes;
freshwater biological resources; and science and technology.
Placing priority on human resource development and the
transfer of appropriate environmentally sound technologies
are essential. Our national institutions and administrative
capacities have been hampered by a severe lack of financial
and technical skills, and the use of regional institutions and
mechanisms for coordination needs to be strengthened or
supplemented.
We look forward to engaging the international
community in detailed dialogue on these aspects at the
donors? conference next February and during the other
review preparatory processes next year. In doing so, let
there be no doubt about our own determination in the
matter, for the primary responsibility for the success of the
Barbados Programme of Action lies with the small island
developing States, first and foremost. We will not be
sidetracked from the ultimate prize of self-reliance, but we
must be assured of the vital support of the international
community.
The AOSIS countries continue to set high priority on
the development of the vulnerability index and will follow
with close attention the quantitative and analytical work
which we believe must continue on the index. Recognition
within the Barbados Programme of Action that small island
developing States are a special case is further supported by
the work of the ad hoc expert group on vulnerability
indices, which reported to the Economic and Social Council
earlier in the year. AOSIS takes particular note of the
conclusion of the experts that, as a group, small island
States are more vulnerable than other groups of developing
countries.
Looking to 1999 and the work of the Commission on
Sustainable Development, we warmly welcome the election
of the Minister of Environment of New Zealand, The
Honourable Simon Upton, as Chairman of the CSD at its
seventh session and look forward to a successful year of
consultations under his leadership.
The agenda for the Commission?s seventh session is
full and an extremely important one: oceans, our heritage;
sustainable tourism, so important to our future; and patterns
of consumption and production, for we know all too well
the need to change if our children are to have adequate and
right choices for their own future. We hope that all States
will take full advantage of the continued constructive
dialogue that we have had in the past and which we expect
during the Commission?s seventh session and the
preparations for the review of the Barbados Programme
of Action. The special session next year will provide an
excellent opportunity to agree on the next steps to
implement the Programme of Action, and to explore in a
focused way the many difficulties which remain.
It is no accident that the first chapter of the
Barbados Programme of Action deals with climate change
and that it leads off with a clear statement that small
island developing States are particularly vulnerable to
climate change, climate variability and sea-level rise.
Indeed, the assessment of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) is that small island States are the
least able to adapt to the impacts of climate change.
We remain at the front line of this issue, an issue
not of our making, and one that calls for urgent and
concerted international action. With the passing of each
season, small island States experience ever more serious
impacts, and practical steps must now be taken to assist
them, especially with the adaptation options that are
available. The impacts of climate change put at risk
habitats and fresh-water reserves, the very life force of
our islands and communities, and thus the need for
AOSIS to restate once again our profound concerns.
As the globe suffers what is on track to be the
hottest year in recorded history, it is essential that the
international community as a whole be formally and
unequivocally reminded that neither the efforts made thus
far in implementing the Framework
Convention on Climate Change nor the emissions
reduction targets, on average 5.2 per cent, adopted in
Kyoto last year, represent an adequate effort to stabilize
greenhouse gases concentrations in the atmosphere at safe
levels. We know from the IPCC reports that we need to
do much more, and to do it immediately, by cuts of
emissions of up to 60 per cent and more.
There is emerging scientific evidence, supported by
experience in almost every part of the world, that climate
change is indeed taking effect, with devastating impacts,
from the forest fires of South-East Asia to the extra
severe and unprecedented flooding in China and
Bangladesh, to the blistering heat of the American
summer. These events, backed by science, must continue
to drive the development of the Convention and the
Kyoto Protocol.
Developed country parties have an acknowledged
historical role and remain primarily responsible for the
8

accumulation of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, and
they must be the first to accept the responsibility to redress
the situation. They possess the skills and the capacity
effectively to do so now.
It is not sufficient per se to point to the new
mechanisms created by the Kyoto Protocol, for there are
numerous uncertainties concerning the new mechanisms.
They are supplemental to domestic actions and they need
rules for governance and compliance. Nor is it sufficient to
say that developed country actions are conditional on
developing country commitments. In the judgement of the
AOSIS countries, such commitments must be allowed to
evolve over time and in line with a common but
differentiated principle, as well as the other fundamental
principles of the Convention.
There cannot be any doubt as to the major importance
of the first steps taken in Kyoto, and of the quantum
improvements brought about by the provisions of the
Protocol. Notwithstanding the uncertainties I have referred
to, we see a clear obligation on all parties to make every
genuine effort towards early entry into force of the Kyoto
Protocol and the implementation of its provisions. The size
and the urgency of the problem require this of us all. It is
the intent of the AOSIS countries to apply themselves in
every positive and constructive way to help clarify such
uncertainties. In this manner, we have submitted our
suggestions and proposals in respect of several agenda
items and in connection with the preparations for the fourth
conference of the parties in Buenos Aires.
We would need to acknowledge that the science on
climate change is imperfect and incomplete. But the fact
that we do not know everything is not a reason for ignoring
the evidence which does exist. In this connection, we are
concerned by the actions of certain industry interests which
seem yet again to be determined on undermining the
existing credible and universally acknowledged scientific
findings, findings of the IPCC and others on this matter,
and so to work in a negative way to influence public
opinion. Climate change is far too serious and too urgent a
concern for all humanity to be the subject of such
manipulation.
May I now turn briefly to address some additional
issues which are of particular importance to my country,
Samoa. First, we are deeply grateful to Mr. Kofi Annan, the
Secretary-General, for his leadership and for the reform
process he has initiated. Samoa fully supports the ongoing
efforts to strengthen and revitalize our Organization to
better position it for the challenges of the new era. We need
to say, though, that it does not accord with any real sense
of commitment to look to the Secretary-General for
performance, while denying him and the Organization the
means to do so. We, like so many other Governments,
must repeat the call for all arrears to be made good, and
for all contributions to be paid in full, on time and
without qualification.
We are especially concerned about the failure, thus
far, in reform measures for the Security Council and
measures to deal with its current composition.
Membership of the Council must be enlarged in both
categories to reflect the realities of the present time and
to enhance the Council?s effectiveness and legitimacy. We
think the situation of Japan and Germany deserves special
consideration.
We believe very deeply in the sustaining power of
international law in support of the Charter principles. The
United Nations has been a necessary and a cohesive force
in the elaboration of international law and rules for
international cooperation, which now regulate a
phenomenal range of human activity. An important and
often overlooked fact is the comparatively high rate of
State party adherence to international instruments and the
acceptance of a wide range of obligations, whether on the
environment, social development, non-proliferation of
nuclear weapons or in so many other areas. The latest
example would appear to be the Ottawa anti-personnel
mines Convention, an unprecedented global achievement,
which my own country has ratified, and which, by action
of the international community, is soon to come into
force. It is essential that all countries, large and small,
take part in the creation of these rules for international
conduct and behaviour. For small States, they constitute,
ultimately, the most effective measure of protection.
Samoa was able to play a role in the Rome
negotiations for the establishment of the International
Criminal Court, and is a signatory of its Statute. We
believe that the Court will contribute significantly to the
international legal order and security, for it offers, for the
first time, effective responses to serious crimes of
international concern: genocide, crimes against humanity,
war crimes and the crime of aggression. The challenge
now is to bring the Statute into force and to implement its
provisions. We all have a duty to see to this, at the
earliest moment. As the Secretary General has said, it is
an opportunity to take a monumental step in the name of
human rights and the rule of law. Let me note here our
welcome for the recent and very important findings and
decision of the International Tribunal for Rwanda in
9

respect of the offences of genocide and crimes against
humanity.
Our Pacific region is one of peace, and we treasure
our peace. But our security and environment have been put
under threat by explosions and the testing of far too many
nuclear weapons. We will continue with our quest for a
total ban through the development and the implementation
of the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty, the second
oldest of the international regional arrangements, and we
call for the active participation and support of all nuclear-
weapon States for the Treaty and its protocols. In like
manner, we will give solid backing to all international
efforts towards the final elimination of these weapons, in
particular, the resolutions of this House on the landmark
Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice
concerning the obligation to pursue in good faith and to
bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear
disarmament in all its aspects.
Samoa condemns all testing of nuclear weapons, as we
did the underground testing in the South Asia region earlier
in the year. However, we have heard in this Hall
encouraging statements by India and Pakistan, and we join
others in urging that they commit to a lasting moratorium
by becoming parties to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty (CTBT) and that they adhere to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
Let me say also that we applaud Brazil?s accession to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
We welcome these positive developments most warmly.
The United Nations remains a significant part of the
modern development and progress of my country. It is with
complete faith that we renew our commitment to the
Charter. We do so as a small country and with abiding trust
in the principles of the Charter and the most supportive
concern for the welfare of the Organization.


I would first like to congratulate our colleague,
the Uruguayan Minister Didier Opertti, on his election to
the presidency of our General Assembly.
I would also like to associate myself with the
statement made by our colleague, Mr. Wolfgang SchÃ¼ssel,
who spoke on behalf of the European Union. My country
shares and supports entirely the concerns and objectives
he outlined.
Unprecedented crises over the last few months have
shaken our economies and the economies of the entire
region. To varying degrees, the economies of the world
have all sustained the social and political consequences of
interdependence and the information systems that link
them. It therefore seems to me that the time has come to
rethink seriously the way in which international
institutions and national Governments deal with the
tensions and constraints which result from globalization.
This means specifically that we must reflect upon
the quality of life humankind will have in the next
century. Despite worrisome forecasts, we seem unable to
come up with a list of priorities which reflects the global
public interest. We must establish a common frame of
reference that ensures the peaceful coexistence of States
and their citizens while at the same time respecting their
diversity. This task is the indispensable corollary of
globalization, which has numerous ramifications for
current problems. The international communityâs
responses have therefore been flawed and partial and
subject to corporate logic and a narrow view of the
issues.
The limitations of these responses are well known to
us. Countless children died last year from diseases which
could have been eradicated. Tropical forests covering an
area equivalent to three times the size of Belgium
21

disappeared. The developing worldâs debt remains
untenably large, while expenditures for weapons continues
to grow. Incalculable numbers of people have been
detained, tortured, killed or forced to flee their countries.
Hundreds of innocent victims have lost their lives in
terrorist attacks.
Global information networks and new technologies
reduce distances. Thanks to television, more than one
billion people can today discover both manâs incredible
inventions and the worst abuses he is capable of. This is a
scenario which touches our conscience.
Todayâs crises affect the entire global system and call
for solutions on the same level. The only way to respond
effectively is to give a greater role to international solidarity
and social justice. Those are the two pillars of the new
international ethic that I would like to call for today. This
is not a simple task. No Government likes to limit its room
to manoeuvre, even for just causes, if it is the only one
paying the price for its commitments.
I am nevertheless convinced that the United Nations
is the best forum to have a debate on this matter of
international public interest. It is here, and nowhere else,
that we can draw up universally accepted norms that have
the approval of the largest possible number of States. The
Organization can help us strengthen international consensus
and the acceptance of codes of conduct designed to set the
boundaries of human dignity and peaceful coexistence.
Economic and financial power dominates the world,
but the last few months have shown that it is not capable of
running it. The globalization of political life and civil
society leads us to attempt to reach beyond national
limitations to confront our problems. Liberalization has
generated significant growth in trade and investments. It has
also led to increased transparency between our different
social systems. This transparency obliges us more than in
the past to reflect upon our concepts of the rights of the
individual and the need to defend them.
However, access to the global economic village has
not led to a concomitant strengthening of solidarity. The
capacity of men and women to adapt has been severely put
to the test. The grip of the logic of the marketplace on the
individual seems to relegate him to a secondary role in the
international system. Our societies should henceforth
reconcile the often very divergent effects that globalization
has on the individual and on the State â€” namely,
unemployment, competition and financial speculation. The
balance between the freedom of some and the rights of
others is all too often disturbed. Marginalization and
abject poverty are reappearing, thereby threatening the
exercise of the most fundamental of rights. After the
1980s â€” a lost decade, from the point of view of
development â€” the decade of structural adjustments has
been unable to put economies back on the road to
sustainable development. Differences in income, both at
the level of society and at the global level, have been
accentuated. What can we do? What must we do?
The Internet and the financial markets by themselves
cannot hold the international community together. We
know that Governments alone are incapable of dealing
with the problems with which they are confronted. This
is why new forms of solidarity and new ways of dealing
with these issues are indispensable. Only a strong political
international organization can counterbalance the forces of
the financial markets. The loss of power of nation-States
over financial and economic decisions is glaring; the
social consequences are even more so. This does not call
into question the existing consensus on the validity of
controlled liberalization of trade, but it does put all
Governments up against the wall. Has the time not come
for some sort of regulation that benefits everyone?
Indeed, liberalization cannot be an end in itself. It
has no purpose if it does not contribute to social progress
for the largest possible number of people. We should
therefore strive together to find concerted responses to the
uncontrolled and painful effects of this evolution by
strengthening public control throughout the world. In this
regard some have proposed an economic security council.
This is obviously an ambitious idea, but it does serve to
show how serious the threat of financial instability and
economic uncertainty is to our societies. In any case, an
intensified dialogue between the United Nations and the
Bretton Woods institutions must be instituted as a first
step.
Of course, regional strategies have been developed
to strengthen economic convergence in certain regions
and to integrate them into zones. Nevertheless, these
regional strategies should respect the rules of
multilateralism. Efficient partnerships based on mutual
trade have to be developed with other regions without
marginalizing third States. Developing countries must be
integrated in commerce and enjoy the fruits of market
liberalization. In this respect, my country supports the
efforts placed on record by the European Union in the
spirit referred to as â€œfair tradeâ€.
22

I would now like to say a few words about the United
Nations, which is at the centre of all these interactions. I
say to you, the representatives of the 185 nations committed
to the pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations, that
we have all too often forgotten our obligations under the
Charter. Now that we are free of the shackles of the cold
war and its ideological deadlocks, the obligation to
strengthen cohesion between States and to promote social
justice is more than ever the real order of business.
In this respect, I support the proposal to devote the
Millennium Assembly to the issue of the fight against
poverty. The gaze of much of the world will be turned
towards the United Nations at that time. It would be a
terrible failure if on that occasion we were only able to
refer poverty to various committees, soothing our
conscience with meetings of fleeting significance. As the
Secretary-General stresses in his report, the fight against
poverty starts with good governance. Political
democratization and mechanisms for revenue sharing are
indispensable elements.
The question of Central Africa is currently of
particular importance for Africa. After hopes were raised
for what some wanted to call an African renaissance, the
continent has again become prey to violence that is
becoming dangerously ethnic in character. Once again, the
principal victims are among the most vulnerable people in
the world.
The crisis in the Great Lakes region is a moral
challenge for the United Nations. It imposes on us the duty
of solidarity. We must help Africa to find solutions and to
implement them without interfering or trying to impose
solutions. The United Nations, together with the relevant
regional and subregional organizations, should involve itself
in an initiative to restore dialogue to the region and to put
confidence-building measures in place. I believe that a
conference on regional security and cooperation in the
Great Lakes region â€” if it is viewed as a process rather
than as a single event â€” could serve as the vehicle for
stabilizing the region. My country is willing to support such
an initiative.
Political instability, uninterrupted violence and
challenges to the nation State have led to large-scale
population movements. In Central Africa, Kosovo and
elsewhere, hundreds of thousands of families have been
forced to flee their homes and their land. It is our shared
duty to continue to assist humanitarian organizations in
their efforts to come to the aid of these refugees and to
enable them to return home. However, sometimes, when the
roads or the family land are littered with landmines and
children cannot go to school without being exposed to
physical danger, returning can be a problem. We must rid
ourselves of these landmines; their production must stop.
These devices of death must be for ever banished from
the Earth.
I welcome the entry into force of the Convention on
the total prohibition of anti-personnel landmines and
appeal to donor and victim countries to support the
integrated activities undertaken by the United Nations in
this field, including through voluntary financial
contributions.
But that is not enough. Conflict prevention should be
a priority, and within our Organization we must also pay
attention to the less spectacular aspects of conflict
prevention, such as early warning and the establishment
of an appropriate United Nations presence on the ground.
Conflict prevention will make no sense if we do not
at the same time put an end to the acquisition of arms by
those who attempt to resolve their problems through
violence. Belgium has responded positively to the
European Union initiative to formulate a code of conduct
for arms transactions. My country is also a strong
advocate of giving the United Nations Register of
Conventional Arms effective universal application. It is
also behind several initiatives designed to block the illegal
transfer of small arms. The Brussels conference, which
will take place in October, and our participation on the
Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms, provide
further examples of our commitment, which extends to all
sectors of disarmament. How could it be otherwise, when
some countries consider it useful to put on an alarming
show of their nuclear expertise?
A significant contribution to ethical renewal in
international relations was the adoption, after much work,
of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. It is
indeed shocking that those responsible for the most
reprehensible crimes, in particular genocide, can go
unpunished. Belgium has recently signed the Statute of
the International Criminal Court and intends to work for
its effective establishment. My country will also continue
to support the two existing United Nations ad hoc
criminal tribunals. Some countries still harbour doubts
about that important undertaking. However, a balance has
been found between international security and justice. The
only remaining question is whether we, so-called civilized
nations, are prepared to adopt binding rules so as to
ensure respect for the most elementary and universally
23

accepted principles of respect for the human being and
international coexistence. Adopting voluntary restrictions to
strengthen an international ethical code can only benefit
States and their citizens. That is truly the role of the State:
to ensure that its citizens are protected â€” if necessary,
through international law.
I do not consider it realistic to develop a global ethical
code without working for the protection and education of
our children. Working together with other countries, the
United Nations Childrenâs Fund (UNICEF) and other
United Nations organizations, Belgium has played an
important role in a number of initiatives. I propose that the
General Assembly at its fifty-third session build upon its
achievements with respect to the definition of standards for
the protection of children. Child labour is a waste of human
beings â€” for the girls and boys who are subjected to it and
for future generations. Market forces must yield in this
area. Like the enlistment of child soldiers, child labour is a
moral scandal that must be remedied through the
development of alternatives adapted to the sociocultural
context at the local level.
One of my Governmentâs priorities is the fight against
the most repugnant forms of exploitation. We are alarmed
by the use of the Internet by those who traffic in children
and by networks of prostitutes and all the new forms of
crime that make a mockery of traditional methods of
defending the rule of law. Here, too, international
cooperation is the only solution.
I am also ready to take the initiative, on the occasion
of the tenth anniversary of the Convention of the Rights of
the Child in 1999, to organize, together with UNICEF and
all interested countries, a meeting in Belgium at which we
can all share our experiences with regard to our respective
legislation.
The ideas that I have outlined will be not bear fruit if
Member States do not cooperate fully with the
Organization. Denying the Secretary-General the resources
needed to turn the United Nations into an efficient
instrument will only make matters worse. The Secretary-
General deserves our full support in his reform efforts.
The Security Council is crucial for the maintenance of
international peace and security. Its reform is of concern to
us all. I hope that in the not-too-distant future, a balanced
enlargement of the Council can be agreed upon. The work
undertaken during the past year has sometimes been
disappointing because of the stubborn resistance of several
countries. Belgium belongs to the majority of Member
States arguing for a strengthening of the authority of the
Council. My country clearly laid out its position: we
would like an equal increase in the number of permanent
and non-permanent members, better representation of the
various regions and self-imposed limits on the use of the
right of veto under certain conditions provided for in
advance. The privilege of veto is excessive when it is
used to the detriment of the interests of the international
community as whole.
The consensus proposal put forward by the group of
10 has numerous advantages and offers material for
further reflection. It is quite disturbing to see that a
minority of Member States are ignoring the evolution of
international relations over the last 50 years while at the
same time claiming for themselves a preponderant role in
the maintenance of international peace and security.
Postponing reform of the Security Council is tantamount
to an assault on its credibility.
The financial health of the Organization has not
improved much over the course of the last year. Belgium
believes that countries that accumulate arrears harm the
entire international community. The damage goes beyond
the resulting debt, because the Organization is denied the
means fully to discharge its mandate. Furthermore, the
reform process is jeopardized. Nothing can make up for
the damage this does to international cooperation and
social progress. The political and moral responsibility of
those Governments is at stake. None who speak from this
rostrum can claim their attachment to United Nations
ideals without accepting the financial obligations involved
in being a Member, that is, payment in full, on time and
without conditions of their financial contributions.
In face of the excesses of the international system,
the international community must be on guard. Here as
well our Organization can be the worldâs conscience. Its
weighty role is to help Member States formulate adequate
responses to the globalization with which we are
confronted. It is therefore in a serious yet hopeful frame
of mind that I look at the agenda of this session of the
General Assembly and pledge my countryâs full support
for the work ahead of us.


In just 15 months, our world will
enter a new millennium, leaving behind it a chequered
past to face the challenges of a yet uncharted future. It is
not too early to contemplate this historic conjuncture and
to give some thought to how best we may deal with the
uncertainties ahead.
This fifty-third session of the General Assembly
offers, we believe, a timely opportunity for such
reflection. Your leadership, Mr. President, will be
essential to the success of our exploration. We are assured
that your diplomatic experience and skills, demonstrated
in the service of your native Uruguay, will contribute
greatly to the success of our deliberations.
To your predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko of the
Ukraine, we offer our sincere appreciation and thanks for
the admirable guidance which he provided the Assembly
over the past year.
Our gratitude is extended to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for the inspired direction which he has
given to our Organization. From the report that he has
been good enough to present us on the activities of the
last 12 months, we are able to see clearly those areas
where our stated goals have been reached and, equally
importantly, those which require our further attention and
effort.
Certainly, among the developments that are most
heartening is the spread of democracy within recent times.
It is a happy coincidence that this year we celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights,
which embodies the principles of democracy. The
democratic system has emerged as a popular form of
government for many States Members of the United
Nations. Guyana has rejoined this growing majority.
Unfortunately, this had to come after hard struggles and
our people experienced three decades of lost opportunities
under an undemocratic regime. Only last December, for
the second time this decade, elections were held under
international scrutiny, leading to the re-election of my
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Government to office. However, despite the fact that the
outcome was adjudged by international observers to be free
and fair, the minority opposition refuses to abide by the
result. Consequently, the will of the electorate has been
questioned. Unfortunately, this negation of elections
conducted in a free and fair manner is not limited to
Guyana and increasingly requires our attention. Naturally,
my Government cannot tolerate this state of affairs, nor
should the United Nations, which by its Charter is called
upon to protect the gains of new and restored democracies.
It is vital that the international community and the
United Nations rally in support of our efforts to achieve
better governance and to guarantee the enjoyment of all
human rights by our citizens. We need to go beyond the
holding of periodic elections to ensuring the observance of
the rule of law and building the institutions upon which
democracy must rest.
Regrettably, many of our democracies are severely
limited, in terms of their own resources, in their ability to
satisfy these pressing needs. As a result, hard-won gains are
under constant threat of erosion. We firmly believe that it
is in the interest of the international community as a whole
to assist in the strengthening of the democratic system as a
bulwark against encroachment by oppressive regimes. Only
through such cooperation can the democratic ideal take root
and flourish throughout the world. On our part, we will
staunchly defend the gains of our people and we are
resolved not to allow ourselves to slide once again into the
darkness of dictatorship.
Needless to say, the spread of democracy within States
must be matched by democracy among States. The United
Nations was founded in 1945 on the premise of the
sovereign equality of all States. This principle is the rock
upon which international cooperation among peoples has
been built. In their operation, therefore, all organs and
agencies within the international system must be cognizant
of the views and wishes of all States. Developing countries
in particular need to be adequately represented in these
bodies to ensure that their concerns are addressed.
In this scheme of things, we attach great importance
to reaching general agreement on how the Security Council
must be transformed into an organ that enjoys the
confidence and support of all States. Clearly, the body
which was created in the aftermath of the Second World
War is no longer appropriate to the circumstances of
todayâs world. Sorely needed now is a more representative
and transparent Council that can adequately address new
threats to international peace and security. Accordingly, we
encourage the Working Group that was created to reform
the Council to persist in its search for a suitably reformed
Council.
Our task is made especially urgent by the realization
that, despite our perseverance, the achievement of
international peace and security remains a frustrating will-
oâ-the-wisp. There are today more peacekeeping
operations than the international community appears able
or willing to sustain. Some have been reasonably
successful, and, others appear to promise eventual
settlement. Most, however, seem to be ending with little
to show for the considerable investment of time and
money.
One can only conclude from these varying results
that increasingly we will have to turn to preventive
diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-building to fully
address and treat the root causes of tension.
We are also constantly reminded that,
notwithstanding the abatement in East-West tensions, the
dangers of a nuclear catastrophe are still very real and
present. It is impossible to guarantee, in an unstable world
such as ours, that nuclear weapons will not be used, either
intentionally or inadvertently. Only a complete prohibition
of such weapons, binding upon all States, can reduce the
risk of nuclear disaster. My Government therefore urges
the international community to move swiftly to a total
elimination of these weapons coupled with an undertaking
to discontinue their production.
At the same time, we must redouble our efforts to
curb the flow of conventional weapons, which serves to
fuel conflagrations in trouble spots throughout the world.
We must also intensify our search for a collective system
of security upon which all States can rely for protection.
Peace, as has been so aptly said, is not the mere
absence of war. True peace can only come if it is built on
a foundation of sound economic and social development.
The foremost obstacle to peace is poverty, which, when
it can be borne no longer, explodes with a vengeance. It
is imperative, therefore, that the problem of poverty be
squarely addressed by the United Nations with a view to
halving its incidence by the year 2015. Reaching this
target will require concerted action by both developed and
developing countries. The developed countries have a
vested interest in the economic prosperity of developing
countries, since they represent important markets for their
exports. A renewal of the dialogue between the industrial
and the developing nations is urgently needed to achieve
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the eradication of poverty. My Government intends to make
this a primary goal during this yearâs session of the
Assembly.
Notwithstanding the onerous debt obligations and a
physical infrastructure which we are tackling as a priority,
Guyana has come a long way in overcoming poverty and
maximizing its full growth potential. Thus, we continue to
rely heavily on external assistance for our economic
development. We are therefore particularly concerned by
the rapid diminution of resources made available for
financing by both bilateral donors and multilateral agencies.
While private investment flows have a role to play in the
development process, they are still far too selective to be of
benefit to weak economies. We need to be assured of the
continued provision of official development assistance,
sufficient investment flows, technological transfer and trade
opportunities that would allow for adequate development.
As we move into the next century, we have to
recognize the reality that developing countries are extremely
vulnerable to changes in the world economy. The present
course of globalization and liberalization has led to
marginalization of the poorer countries. Guyana is a case in
point. We have returned to the democratic fold and have
achieved fairly high growth rates despite structural
adjustment programmes. But after a few years, we are now
faced with a steep drop in prices of our main export
commodities, the drying up of developmental aid, adverse
global weather conditions and so forth. At the end of the
day, our people face tremendous hardships.
We are being told that growing investment is needed.
We open our economies to work with the private sector for
development, and we see investment being directed away
from the poorer countries, making them incapable of
modernizing their economies. There is a need for a global
consensus to assist developing countries to complete their
transition so that they can be equal players in the
globalization process.
The alternative is to continue to ignore the danger
signals which are becoming more and more evident. And,
as usual, the rich countries will be able to solve their
problems, but will do so at the expense of the poorer
countries. The gap between the poor and rich will become
greater, and conflicts will continue. The narcotics trade,
mass migration, international crime, poverty and other ills
will put severe strains on new and restored democracies.
As we have become painfully aware, threats to our
environment also impinge on our peace and security. Global
warming and climate changes have increased the
vulnerability of small States such as Guyana to a wave of
natural disasters. The El NiÃ±o phenomenon recently
inflicted on our country a period of intense drought,
taking a heavy toll on our economy.
In our continuing efforts to develop our country and
meet the needs of our people, especially those living in
poverty, my country remains dedicated to the preservation
of the environment and the sustainable development of
our resources. We are concerned, therefore, that when we
seek to exploit our forest and other resources for the
benefit of our people, we face criticisms from those who
accuse us of disregard for the environment.
These reproaches are entirely ill-informed, if not
mischievous. A land of abundant and pristine forests,
Guyana runs no risk of deforestation. We have in fact put
in place firm legislative and administrative arrangements
to ensure the conservation of our natural resources.
Moreover, under the Iwokrama rain forest project, we
have set aside almost a million acres of these forests for
research by the international community into the
preservation of biodiversity and the sustainable use of the
forests.
The four pillars which I have listed â€” democracy,
economic and social development, human rights and the
elimination of poverty â€” are indispensable to the
construction of peace. Events in the post-war period have
not only confirmed this fact, but have also shown that the
building of peace and development must be the work of
the international community. Persuaded of the need for
enhanced multilateralism, my Government is committed
to the realization of the late President Cheddi Jaganâs
vision of a new global human order. The thrust of his
proposal sought to reduce the ever widening and
dangerous gap which exists between countries in the
North and those in the South.
Recalling the Marshall Plan, which served to rebuild
Europe from the ashes of the Second World War,
Mr. Jagan argued for a similar enterprise to eradicate
poverty, promote good governance and bring development
to all peoples. Only through such enlightened cooperation
can the world enjoy the blessings of peace. I wish,
therefore, to renew his plea and to call for early
agreement on the establishment of a more just and
equitable system of international relations. With the
necessary determination and effort, we can make the
twenty-first century a golden age for all humanity.
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