102.	 Mr. President, first I should like to offer you cordial congratulations on your election to your responsible office and to wish you and the Secretary-General success in your work.
103.	Our sincere thanks go to the President of the thirty-seventh session, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the work he accomplished.
104.	The German Democratic Republic congratulates Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission to the United Nations.
105.	The period since the start of the last session of the General Assembly has seen a dangerous exacerbation of the international situation. Today, as the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, Erich Honecker, put it, "the world situation is such that the danger of nuclear war overshadows the life of all nations, threatening an inferno which would amount to self-annihilation of the human race".
106.	The course of confrontation results in a systematic poisoning of the international climate. How unscrupulously the Soviet Union has recently been provoked yet again is shown by the refusal of the United States authorities to make proper arrangements for the safe participation of the head of the Soviet delegation, Andrei Gromyko, in the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Those who stage-managed that unprecedented act are overtly aiming to generate anti-Soviet hysteria and hence to disrupt the political dialogue which has been maintained with so much difficulty and which is so vital, particularly at the present time. That is a course of abandoning reason and good will and of turning towards political and military provocation and aggression.
107.	The people of the German Democratic Republic lives at the dividing line between the world's two largest military alliances, those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty. It knows from its own painful historical experience what war means and is therefore committed to making maximum efforts to prevent the outbreak of another war. In this effort our people shares what are no doubt the hopes and aspirations of all peoples no matter in which geographical region they live.
108.	The planned stationing of new United States medium-range nuclear weapons in Western Europe runs directly counter to the common desire for lasting security. Most of those weapons are to be deployed in our immediate neighbourhood, on territory where a host of nuclear weapons is already deployed, more densely than anywhere else in the world. Those new American missiles will not afford more security; on the contrary, they will add considerably to the danger of nuclear war. Obviously their only purpose is to provide those who possess them with a first-strike capability enabling them to "decapitate" the Soviet Union in a surprise attack.
109.	These are elements of a strategy aimed at military superiority, as a result of which the world is already cursed with multiple overkill capacity. Let me be quite clear: super armament and confrontation, poisoning the international climate and fomenting regional conflicts in all parts of the world constitute a blueprint for direct and all-out preparation for war, a war which in our time would be a nuclear one from the very outset and would engulf the entire world.
110.	The socialist States do not want to join in that course and they certainly will not do so. They are making every effort to make reason and good will prevail again in relations among nations. They are and remain prepared to seek a peaceful synthesis of the legitimate interests of all sides through patient negotiations. This holds true for all problems, but most specifically for the overriding concern of preventing a nuclear world war.
111.	In the Prague Declaration and the Moscow joint statement of the leaders of socialist countries, the Warsaw Treaty States have set out a realistic solution based on the principle of equality and equal security. That principle also underlies the Soviet Union's proposals to negotiate with the United States at Geneva an agreed parity of nuclear potentials in Europe, with regard both to delivery vehicles and to warheads. Provided that the United States forgoes the deployment of new missiles in Europe, the Soviet Union would be ready to reduce the number of its missiles stationed in the European part of its territory to the level of the British and French missiles and to scrap its missiles covered by the reduction.
112.	Success at the Geneva talks, which are now in their decisive phase, would be important for global peace and security. This requires, however, that both sides contribute their share. Thus far, only the Soviet Union has shown, by its unilateral moves, that it seeks results at Geneva which would strengthen peace. Looking at the other side, one cannot but gain the impression that it needs those negotiations only as an alibi for its resolve to deploy its missiles in Western Europe in any event and as quickly as possible.
113.	In this situation, the recent statement by Yuri Andropov, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, is an urgent appeal to all those who bear political responsibility to let realism, reason and restraint prevail for the sake of humanity's survival.
114.	It is the mandate of the United Nations to make every effort to save humankind from the scourge of war. That obligation, formulated in 1945, has never been more relevant than today. Meeting it requires vigorous action now.
115.	The results of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries are evidence of the will of those countries to devote their energies to the attainment of these fundamental objectives. We highly value the responsible efforts of India, and notably those of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, to ensure the continuation and encouragement of political dialogue, also and especially in the face of the present- day tense international situation.
116.	It is encouraging as well that more and more people, regardless of political and ideological differences, are insisting on their right to peace as the elementary human right. We are confident that the forces of peace and reason will prevail over the forces of war, and those who are playing with fire and resorting to dangerous provocations against the Soviet Union and other socialist States, thereby seeking to plunge the world into another serious crisis, cannot change this certainty.
117.	Whatever the purpose of the aircraft provocation in the Far East, it is a fact that it was with reference to and reportedly "under the impression" of this event that the United States Senate approved the requested record military budget. There has even been a demand by Senators to break off the disarmament negotiations with the Soviet Union. People ask themselves with concern: how can it be that disarmament, in which all peoples are interested for the sake of their survival, should be made an element of a policy of sanctions and blackmail? The pattern and the circumstances of that provocation are certainly not new. World public opinion remembers only too well the pretexts fabricated to launch the First World War and the Second World War, as well as numerous conflicts in the post-war era.
118.	What is really diabolical is the laying of the blame for the aggravation of the international situation on the Soviet Union and the intention to furnish "fresh proof" that it embodies the "focus of evil" in the world. Acting in that way gambles recklessly with the destiny of mankind.
119.	The State that I represent here lives up to its people's profound commitment to make every effort to ensure that never again will a war emanate from German soil. Guided by this bequest of the 50 million dead of the last world war and of the fighters against Nazi barbarism, the Communist parties on German soil have urged all European working class parties, trade unions and youth organizations—indeed all people on the continent desiring a peaceful life—to engage in joint action to safeguard peace.
120.	Like the United Nations, the German Democratic Republic emerged from the anti-fascist liberation struggle of the peoples. That moulded and continues to mould its consistent and reliable policy at home and abroad. Hence, it has been submitting proposals to ban neo-fascist developments and to outlaw fascist regimes in the world. Thus, the German Democratic Republic has stood and stands for the elimination of the danger of nuclear war, in particular of the non-first-use of nuclear weapons, and for the prohibition of the nuclear neutron weapon and of chemical weapons.
121.	The German Democratic Republic has always stood at the side of the peoples struggling for independence and self-determination and against aggression, oppression, racism and apartheid. It is an active supporter of the world Organization's efforts to settle international conflicts peacefully and in the peoples' interests and to develop international economic relations that are beneficial to all States.
122.	At its thirty-eighth session, the General Assembly has the important task of contributing towards saving humanity from the danger of nuclear war, towards the speediest possible cessation of the arms race and towards the transition to disarmament. This presupposes that all have the political will and are prepared to scale down political and military confrontation, that no attempts are made to obtain security for oneself at the expense of the legitimate security interests of others, that there is an awareness of what is realistically feasible and that mutual agreements are strictly observed. That is what we understand by negotiating "in good faith", also in the difficult area of arms limitation and disarmament.
123.	The German Democratic Republic is for pledges by all nuclear-weapon States to forgo the first use of nuclear weapons. The Soviet Union's unilateral undertaking to that effect must now be matched by moves of the other nuclear-weapon Powers. The German Democratic Republic advocates an immediate freeze on all nuclear-weapon stockpiles and the non-deployment of new nuclear weapons either in Europe or elsewhere. It favours a moratorium on all nuclear-weapon tests, binding on all countries or—if that cannot be achieved at once—only on the Soviet Union and the United States. It also supports an agreement on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, an end to the qualitative arms race and, in particular, a ban on the production of neutron weapons.
124.	Together with its allies, the German Democratic Republic advocates a ban on stationing weapons of any kind in outer space and on the use of force in outer space and from outer space against the earth. The German Democratic Republic supports the pertinent proposal submitted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
125.	The work undertaken with a view to concluding a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations and to preparing an international convention on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons should be pursued at a quicker pace.
126.	The creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones is a matter of great importance. The German Democratic Republic at once endorsed the Swedish proposal for the establishment of a zone free of battlefield nuclear weapons on both sides of the dividing line between the Warsaw Treaty and NATO areas and has offered to make its entire territory available for inclusion in such a zone, provided that this zone is constituted in accordance with the principle of equality and equal security. Although that offer has met with a negative response from the Western countries so far, the proposal remains topical.
127.	We also welcome all efforts aimed at establishing the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. If peace and security in that region are to be strengthened, the conference intended to be held for this purpose must not be postponed still further.
128.	We should like to stress the significance of the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, which has proved to be a reliable basis for maintaining the demilitarized and denuclearised status of the South Pole region.
129.	A few weeks ago the Madrid follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe came to an end. Its results open up prospects of a fresh impetus for detente and peaceful coexistence. This can happen, however, only if all the areas of the Conference's process equally guide States in their dealings with one another. The experience of Helsinki, Belgrade and Madrid tells us that results can be achieved only in a spirit of harmony. This also remains the prerequisite for implementing the Madrid agreements.
130.	With its policy of seeking dialogue and promoting co-operation, the German Democratic Republic has played no small part in preventing the spirit of cold war from entirely arresting the momentum of detente. By engaging in normal, mutually beneficial co-operation at the bilateral level in the political, economic and cultural fields, the German Democratic Republic endeavours to help reduce international tensions.
131.	Conscious of its particular responsibility for international peace and security that arises from both its history and its geopolitical situation, the German Democratic Republic conducts relations with the Federal Republic of Germany on the basis of the generally recognized norms of international law and the mutual obligations agreed with that country. We think it will be necessary in the future also that agreements such as the system of European East-West treaties and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, which have proved useful and beneficial and have generated confidence in international relations, be carefully guarded.
132.	Any careless handling, let alone any non-observance, of these obligations, any insistence on unrealistic conceptions, would not only affect bilateral relations but also aggravate international tensions and, in the end, even erode peace on our continent.
133.	The States Members of the United Nations note with concern how, in the wake of the arms build-up policy, international conflicts are expanding, sparing no region of our globe.
134.	In Europe, almost 40 years after the defeat of Hitlerite fascism, those agreements of the anti-Hitler coalition, which have guaranteed the peaceful development of this continent and are also a basic element of the Helsinki Final Act,' were recently negated once again at Vienna in a statement by a Washington politician.
135.	I want to put it as clearly as possible: it is not by accident that such attacks on the European post-war order are made by those forces which seek to begin the deployment of their missiles on European soil in the near future.
136.	In Central America a crusade has been launched against social progress. Nicaragua has to defend itself against massive attacks on her sovereignty and independence; the people of El Salvador has to resort to the use of arms to fight for its rights. The German Democratic Republic reaffirms its solidarity with the peoples of that region. It supports such approaches to a political settlement of the crisis in the area as are embodied, for example, in the activities and initiatives of the States of the Contadora Group.
137.	As for the conflict in the South Atlantic, the German Democratic Republic understands the growing concern of the Latin American States and peoples and advocates a settlement on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the Political Declaration of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi
138.	The German Democratic Republic emphatically demands that the Namibian people, led by the South West Africa People's Organization, be granted independence without further delay. It is imperatively necessary to implement the decisions adopted at the Paris Conference on Namibia and to enhance the responsibility of the United Nations for the settlement of the question of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
139.	It is urgently necessary to settle the Middle East conflict, the most lengthy and dangerous conflict of all. This requires that the Palestinian people be enabled to exercise its inalienable rights, moulding its right to establish an independent State of its own. The decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly point the way.
140.	The German Democratic Republic supports the proposal, reaffirmed by the recent International Conference on the Question of Palestine, that the Middle East question be settled within the framework of an international conference with the participation of all interested sides, including the PLO. It demands Israel's immediate withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 1967. The German Democratic Republic strongly condemns the imperialist policy of force against Lebanon as well as the preparations for aggression against Syria, accompanied by a campaign against the PLO and other patriotic Arab forces.
141.	We follow with sympathy the efforts being made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the People's Republic of Kampuchea to ensure their sovereignty and security. This goes both for the current endeavours to find a political solution concerning the situation around Afghanistan and for the constructive decisions taken at the Summit Conference of the States of Indochina last February.
142.	The German Democratic Republic supports the foreign policy activities of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea designed to preserve peace on the Korean peninsula and the struggle to ensure the withdrawal of the United States troops from South Korea and for the peaceful, democratic unification of Korea without outside interference.
143.	We note with great concern that more and more financial and material resources are being channelled into war preparations and are thus withheld from economic and social development. The current international economic and financial crisis is essentially due to the policy of an all-out arms drive. How can a State be proud of having spent some $222 billion on its armament in 1982? How can a State propose to spend over $367 billion on arms programmes in 1986 when, at the same time, tens of millions are jobless in the capitalist industrial States and when according to an FAO report 120 million people in the world are threatened with death from starvation? According to UNICEF data, every day more than 40,000 children die of hunger and disease. Is it not preposterous that, as the Secretary-General noted, at present as much money is spent on military purposes in 18 days as is spent in a whole year on all government assistance to developing countries?
144.	A mere tenth of the amount currently going into armament world-wide would suffice to eradicate illiteracy and wage a successful war against illness, hunger and food shortages. The situation could be remedied by the sum representing the 10 per cent reduction in the annual arms budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council recommended by the Soviet Union.
145.	At the current session measures should be agreed upon against the imposition of trade restrictions, blockades and other internationally illegal sanctions. This could help to re-establish confidence in international economic relations and to normalize international trade. Moreover, such a step would create the atmosphere needed for the earliest possible convocation of global negotiations on key economic problems, in accordance with the relevant decisions which the General Assembly has adopted by consents.,
146.	Equal rights, respect for sovereignty, non-discrimination, mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs are the principles that guide the German Democratic Republic, in accordance with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, in its relations with the developing countries. Last year my country provided extensive assistance to developing countries and national liberation movements. Indeed, it has continuously carried on its support and even increased it despite the fact that the world economic situation has become much more complicated.
147.	For the future of mankind it is essential for the peoples to cope with the many challenges now facing them. These include the mastery of the scientific and technological revolution, the elimination of want and misery, the eradication of hunger and disease, the protection and sensible management of the environment, multiplication of the world's riches for the peoples' benefit and the realization of the right to work and to a life worthy of a human being. All these problems can be solved. Mankind has the experience, the knowledge, and the strength to do so. What it needs is peace.


227.	It is indeed an honour and a privilege for me and the members of my delegation to participate in the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We bring warm greetings from the Government and people of Bangladesh.
228.	I take this opportunity of congratulating Saint Christopher and Nevis on its independence and welcome it to our midst in the United Nations.
229.	On behalf of the delegation of Bangladesh and on my own behalf I wish to extend to you, Sir, our most sincere felicitations on your assumption of the high office of President of the Assembly. The constructive role of your great country, Panama, in connection with regional as well as international issues, as evidenced particularly in the remarkable efforts of the Contadora Group, has earned the deep appreciation of us all. Your own longstanding association with the United Nations gives us every reason to believe that under your able and dynamic leadership we shall be able to achieve some fruitful and constructive results at this session.
230.	We were particularly moved by your inspiring address immediately after you took over the presidency. Your assessment of the international economic situation, coupled with your strong plea for adoption of action- oriented programmes by the Assembly, leads us to believe that you will be playing a leading part in what the vast majority of us perceive to be the most critical issue facing us at the present time, that of our ability to exercise political will, our constituencies notwithstanding, to face the realities of the international economic situation of the day and to apply that will to substantive dialogue and negotiations.
231.	In this and other efforts, Mr. President, we assure you of our fullest support and co-operation in the discharge of your responsibility. I should like to express our sincere congratulations to the other officers of the Assembly on their election to the various positions of responsibility.
232.	My delegation would like to take this opportunity to convey our deep appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, for the very able manner in which he guided the deliberations of the thirty- seventh session. His wisdom, dedication and diplomatic skill have won him the admiration of all.
233.	I would also like to record our sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General for his unremitting efforts to realize the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and for his contribution to the cause of international security, peace and progress. The Secretary- General's illuminating report has been read with great interest, and I believe this document constitutes an important input to the work of the current session.
234.	The thirty-eighth session must certainly count as one of the most exceptional and crucial sessions of the General Assembly. Already nearly 20 heads of State or Government have addressed us during this session. We have, for the first time during the General Assembly session, seen an exchange of views carried out, even though informal and outside the framework of the General Assembly, in a manner aimed at creating a direct impact on making our work here both more productive and meaningful. The thirty-eighth session also takes place at a time of unprecedented crisis. The international situation, both in the political and economic sense, has often been described as the worst since the Second World War. Indeed, it is not without reason that a number of speakers in recent days have recalled those sad and bitter days of the thirties which presaged the outbreak of the Second World War. But, however close the parallel, the world has not stood still these past 50 years. The eighties are not the thirties and the United Nations is not the League of Nations. The essential difference, during this epoch- making half century, has been the emergence of more than 100 independent sovereign Member States. This is what gives the United Nations its strength and moral authority. The presence of sovereign States has acted as a force of restraint and moderation in international affairs over the years.
235.	The third world, the South, the developing countries, the three great continents of Africa, Asia and Latin America, constitute a major force in world events, both politically and economically. In times of distress and conflict, these countries, which make up more than three- fourths of the population of this globe, can become a powerful and effective force towards the maintenance of peace and stability. Our inability to recognize this important reality at times has caused not only the spirit, of international co-operation to suffer, but also the effectiveness of the United Nations.
236.	The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, to which two thirds of the United Nations belong, has championed the cause of peace and justice since its inception. Its growing membership and consistent principles have established its natural role in sustaining peace and diffusing global tension. We believe that this great Movement is now an indispensable catalyst in promoting understanding among peoples, ideologies and nations.
237.	I humbly submit that in our experience, democracy, no matter how we choose to interpret it, has never meant that the voice of one or two, or even a handful of countries, should determine the destiny of mankind. International co-operation cannot be built on an edifice where some dictate and others follow. Peace and security, like development, are built brick by brick through the active involvement and participation of all Member States Nowhere has this process been made more clearly visible or possible than at the General Assembly.
238.	The 1950s and the 1960s witnessed tremendous development throughout the North, but the capacity of the developed countries to grow in any meaningful manner during the 1970s and 1980s was inextricably and inexorably linked to the fate of the developing countries. For it was the growth and development of this group of countries that constituted and provided the dynamic element of growth for the entire international community. For developing countries to grow and develop, two requirements stand out crystal clear: first and foremost is the creation of conditions of peace and stability, and the other is to create and maintain reasonable confidence in the economic system which could sustain us all. These requirements are interrelated and interdependent.
239.	We have learned from recent history that progress in disarmament talks between the two super-Powers has a direct and positive impact on the international climate. Absence of progress has invariably resulted in an escalation in both numbers and quality of armaments, with concomitant pressures on countries both far and near. The interaction between disarmament and development and the glaring discrepancy between the amount spent on armaments and that spent on development do not bear recounting. Suffice it to say that the voice of the General Assembly must be heard loud and clear in support of concrete measures to promote disarmament and to divert resources from armament to development. One concrete way of doing this would be to institute without delay some measure of international taxation on all expenditure on nuclear arms.
240.	This session of the General Assembly must also take concrete measures to arrest the increase in armaments, particularly nuclear weapons. We must devise ways and means to depoliticize, as far as possible, the consideration of such questions within the United Nations. Technical issues, particularly those relating to verification and assessment of relative strength, should be determined As objectively as possible, perhaps by seeking the advice of eminent experts or through creation of supra-national bodies similar to the International Court of Justice.
241.	Many more substantial suggestions in this regard have been made during this session. What is important is that these proposals be studied and examined seriously in the coming days. Considering the almost unanimous view that the arms the single biggest threat to humanity, it is inconceivable that we should not take practical concrete measures at this session to at least partially redress the situation.
242.	I must refer here to the recent tragedy involving a South Korean civilian airliner. The tragic incident is a manifestation of the brinkmanship to which we are prone at a time when all of us are engaged in avoiding conflicts and areas where peace exists at its critical limits. It reinforces our belief that even dimensions such as these pose a direct and serious threat to global peace and security, and we must therefore find ways and means to avoid a recurrence of such an unfortunate incident.
243.	Many, if not most, small nations and developing countries such as my own attach the highest importance to the work of the United Nations system as a whole. Whether we vote for or against a resolution is a matter which is studied very carefully. Those are not decisions which are taken at the behest of anyone country or a group of countries. We make a conscious effort to weigh the pros and cons, looking for the principles underlying each issue. It is the respect for these principles that provides the greatest security for countries such as Bangladesh.
244.	We want to see the development of a code of conduct for Member States, a code that permits no nation to take the law into its own hands. Bangladesh believes that the moral authority of the United Nations should be its greatest strength, a moral authority based on the principles embodied in the Charter. A strong United Nations whose voice is respected by all provides the best insurance and safeguard for all Member States. Moral authority and the political weight of the Organization are determined by its own Member States.
245.	How seriously do each of us take the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council? Do the Articles of the Charter need to be invoked only when we find it convenient to do so? Where is the spirit that gave birth to the Charter? How can we choose to ignore the historic role played by the United Nations in the process of decolonization? More than 100 States have joined the Organization since its birth. The newly independent States of Africa, Asia and Latin America are in a sense the products of the United Nations. Certainly, the United Nations and their presence and participation in the work of the United Nations remain an important manifestation of the sovereignty and independence of these countries. The principle of one country, one vote is vital to the whole spirit of the sovereign equality of States and the essence of the Charter.
246.	The persistent presence of colonialism and racism in southern Africa is an outrage to humanity. It continues to pose a dangerous threat to peace and security in the region. Bangladesh is irrevocably committed to the cause of the oppressed peoples of Namibia and South Africa. We pledge our unstinted support to their legitimate struggle for freedom, liberty and human dignity. We are fully convinced that their efforts will ultimately triumph. As an active member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, we firmly believe that the independence of Namibia can and must be achieved in accordance with the United Nations plan for Namibia, the only viable basis for peaceful transition of the territory from colonial subjugation to independence, and we have consistently asked for its full implementation without any modification whatsoever J
247.	In the same spirit, we cannot condone the right of States to interfere in the affairs of other States. We have therefore consistently voted against the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. We should permit the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea to determine the governments of their choice. This should be done without the presence or threat of foreign troops.
248.	We were dismayed when the sanctity of frontiers was so brutally violated by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Bangladesh expresses its deep sympathy for the brotherly people of Lebanon who have suffered so greatly. There can be no normalcy in Lebanon until there is a total withdrawal of all Israeli troops from Lebanese territory. We commend the efforts which have led to a cease-fire in that country, and I think we speak on behalf of all when we say that the efforts should now be extended to maintaining the cease-fire.
249.	Bangladesh's position on the question of Palestine is clear and unequivocal. We have consistently maintained that any just and lasting peace in the area must be based on the acceptance by all parties of the fact that the question of Palestine lies at the heart of the crisis, that the acquisition of territory by force imposes an obligation on Israel to withdraw completely and immediately from all occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and that the Palestinian people have the inalienable right to self-determination, including the right to have a State of their own in their homeland under the leadership of the PLO, their sole and legitimate representative. We strongly condemn the continued Israeli occupation of Arab and Palestinian territories and the defiant establishment of settlements. It is on the basis of these essential principles that we can foresee an end to the turmoil and strife that have tormented the region for over three decades. In this context, we have consistently supported the Arab peace plan as a sound basis for establishing durable peace in the region. The quiet but effective efforts being made by the Al-Quds al-Sharif Committee are equally aimed at contributing towards this peace process in the Middle East. The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva only last month, has demonstrated once again the deep and firm commitment of the vast majority of the international community to the early restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
250.	We cannot but express our distress and anguish at the continued conflict between Iran and Iraq. We are
convinced that both Iran and Iraq want peace, and our discussions with the leaders of these two countries convince us that the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Gulf Co-operation Council and the United Nations must continue to assist the process of peace both separately and, if necessary, through a co-ordinated effort. I must say that this war has not only brought in its trail untold suffering and destruction to the great peoples in those two countries, but has also cast a shadow on the prospect for global peace and security. We should therefore like to make a renewed appeal to both Iran and Iraq to take full advantage of the many proposals which have been made to them for bringing this conflict to an end. I would even submit that both these brotherly Moslem countries may wish to take advantage of the current session of the General Assembly for this purpose.
251.	The unfortunate developments in the brotherly country of Chad also give us cause for concern, and it is our sincere hope that it will be possible to resolve this matter through peaceful means.
252.	The lack of progress in the inter-communal talks between the Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot communities has been a cause of concern to all of us. We urge both communities to engage in meaningful discussions for reaching a mutually acceptable solution of the problem that would enable them to live in honour and dignity within the framework of a federated Cyprus, where the rights of both communities "will be fully protected. These talks have continued much longer than was expected, and unless there is some progress in the immediate future, the situation in Cyprus may take an irreversible turn.
253.	If the effectiveness of the United Nations system is being eroded in the area of maintaining international peace and security, we notice with equal concern and alarm the drift away from multilateral co-operation and multilateral institutions towards bilateralism. That is all the more regrettable because Member States have always had the highest praise for the excellent work being done by various development agencies within the United Nations system. This tendency has perhaps become more pronounced as a result of the lack of progress in North- South dialogue aimed at international economic cooperation. Notwithstanding the considerable flexibility and pragmatism that marked the outcome of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned countries at New Delhi and the Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 at Buenos Aires, we regret that there has been so little progress. The situation is further compounded by the fact that hopes were indeed raised when at the Summit of Industrialized Nations, at Williamsburg, the importance of the role of the South, the global nature of the current international economic crisis and the extent of interdependence between the North and the South were clearly acknowledged. At Belgrade also, at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, there was general agreement on the nature of the crisis and, in general terms, the remedial steps that were required, although there we faltered in the area of concrete measures. Why then, despite the present economic crisis involving both the North and the South, are we unable to act?
254.	With regard to launching of the global negotiations, we feel there is an immediate need for close consultations within the framework of the United Nations, more particularly during this session, when we are already witnessing intensive initiatives at the highest level. We also feel that we should concentrate on exploiting those areas where agreement already exists or where agreement is possible. We believe that the time has come to step away from the Versailles meeting cul-de-sac and start meaningful negotiations here in New York.
255.	We have noted with interest the recommendations recently made by the Committee for Development Planning on the subject of money and finance. Some other expert bodies nave also addressed themselves to this important subject. Recalling the proposal of the Conference of non-aligned countries, we believe that it would be useful if we could initiate at this General Assembly session preparations for an international conference on money and finance for development. But there is also a need for measures to be taken in favour of developing countries without any further delay.
256.	The situation in the least developed countries is particularly desperate. These are the countries which now have little or no access to commercial credit and whose capacity for trade has been seriously hampered. Therefore, at least the following measures need to be taken urgently: a substantial increase in the official development assistance on highly concessional terms to the developing countries, particularly the least developed; the seventh replenishment of the International Development Association's funds to provide for a substantial increase in real terms in lending to recipients; a special drawing rights allocation of 15 billion for the next two-year period; the cancellation of all official debts of the least developed countries without any further loss of time; the waiving of all barriers of tariffs and quotas in respect of the least developed countries; commencement of the operations of the Common Fund to be set for 1 January 1984; abstention by developed countries from imposing new restrictions or other protectionist measures on any exports of developing countries; and full and effective implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries.
257.	A number of other measures in the areas of food and agriculture, trade, raw materials, money and finance and energy should also be initiated. We should be in a position to take action on all these matters at this session of the Assembly.
258.	One of the subjects to which we have attached the very highest importance in the Group of 77 has been the role of the United Nations system in support of economic co-operation among developing countries and the Caracas Programme of Action.? We are gratified to note that there has been some progress in this area, though much still remains to be done. The fundamental basis of South- South co-operation is that the South must be permitted to decide, of its own volition and without interference, the framework and substance of such co-operation. We sincerely hope that there will be no impediment created to the United Nations system's supporting the Group of 77 in strengthening and developing economic cooperation among developing countries.
259.	I have endeavoured to explain why a country such as Bangladesh attaches so much importance to the United Nations and the United Nations system. In Bangladesh our own efforts during the past 18 months have focused on three broad fronts. First, we have endeavoured to take the Government to the people, and in so doing to engage the people more directly in the process of nation-building. Very belatedly in the post-colonial sense, we are the first in our region to reorganize the once remote local administration in the rural areas, where 90 per cent of the 95 million people of Bangladesh live, into effective and vibrant centres of real development activity. We are trying to provide infrastructural support for each of these centres, which we expect will also emerge as the first echelon of our political activity.

260.	Secondly, we have intensified efforts to implement various measures geared to making the country self-reliant, particularly in food production. We have also stepped up a country-wide family planning programme to reduce the growth of population.
261.	These steps are aimed at moving us swiftly towards strengthening our representative institutions, which have always formed an integral part of our society. We shall hold local government elections throughout the country this winter. These will be followed by elections at higher echelons, leading to parliamentary elections in March 1985. These democratic processes are integral to our way of life. In our perception, it is equally indispensable that there be peace and stability to sustain development and democracy. This will explain why Bangladesh attaches such great importance to a more stable system in the global sense.
262.	Bangladesh must be permitted to proceed unimpeded with the delicate and complex task of national reconstruction and development. We need the friendship, understanding and assistance of our neighbours, our friends, the international community and the United Nations system. Conscious of the need to create an atmosphere of harmony and accord in South Asia, Bangladesh has joined six other countries of the region in promoting regional co-operation. Very recently we held the first-ever meeting of seven South Asian foreign ministers. We have been able to identify specific areas of co-operation, and we remain confident in Bangladesh that as this regional co-operation develops so will the overall climate in the region.
263.	In our efforts to build a solid base for the relaxation of regional and international tensions, we have always supported the creation of zones of peace and nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world. We have also consistently supported the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
264.	I wish to conclude by saying that the Bangladesh delegation expects to see the General Assembly take concrete and effective steps at its thirty-eighth session towards: the emergence of a free and independent State of Palestine; the emergence of a free and independent Namibia; the ending of the Iran-Iraq armed conflict; the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and Kampuchea; the halting of the arms race and the rapid scaling-down of nuclear armouries; the immediate launching of global negotiations and the initiation of preparations for a conference on money and finance for development; the adoption of a set of immediate measures in favour of developing countries; the strengthening and revitalization of the United Nations system through expression of full respect for and total observance of the goals and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations; the implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly; and the renewal of support for multilateral co-operation, as well as for the development activities of the United Nations system.
265.	Above all, we should like to see the restoration of a sense of respect for the dignity of man, for human life; respect for the equality of man and his right to pursue a life of his choice, free from interference; and the restoration of healthy human values which ensure that we treat each other with compassion and understanding.


I should like at the outset to express
the hope of the Central African Republic, its Government and its President, General Andr6 Kolingba, that the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly will make a valuable contribution to strengthening our Organization and enhancing its effectiveness in defending the ideals of peace, security and progress.
225.	It is also an honour for me to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the thirty- eighth session.
226.	I should also like to take this opportunity to hail the considerable efforts made by his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, during his term of office.
227.	I wish in particular to re-emphasize our country's support for the Secretary-General.
228.	The qualities that distinguish each of these persons and their total devotion to the cause of the Organization are all the more reassuring in that they have been displayed in a very troubled and disturbed world.
229.	Finally, my delegation congratulates Saint Christopher and Nevis on its accession to independence and warmly welcomes its admission to the United Nations.
230.	In order to create certain conditions likely to make for a happier century, the United Nations has from the very outset drawn up a series of important covenants on human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirty-fifth anniversary of which we are celebrating this year, is without any doubt the most prestigious of instruments in view of its impact on the political and constitutional life of States. The covenants, conventions and other instruments which subsequently
completed this Declaration by emphasizing civil and political rights and economic, cultural and social rights, have provided the international community with a legal framework which is well adapted to mould a world where noble aspirations are met so that the agony of hope can continue.
231.	The energies to be channelled should be aimed at promoting and enshrining human rights so that human beings can, individually and collectively, in freedom and dignity, flourish physically, mentally, socially and economically, without any discrimination.
232.	Nevertheless, numerous attacks have eroded and endangered these rights both within our States and between them. Accession to these covenants has not yet given rise on a world-wide scale to any encouraging progress for the freedom, dignity and security of human beings—that is, progress in their formulation and their interpretation and the specific meaning to give to them.
233.	Freedom and the dignity of the human being is not simply a question of paying lip-service to the sacred and unquestionable values which are inherent in them.
234.	They also mean as a necessary corollary that each of our States must be in charge of its main material means, cultural resources and economic heritage. Indeed, what are freedom and dignity in poverty and deprivation? The erosion of freedom and dignity is the consequence of these evils which have been engendered and maintained by the inequities of the present political, social and economic order which is the very quintessence of indifference, contempt, intolerance and violence.
235.	That is why the Central African Republic, whose principles and ideals of non-alignment remain at the heart of its foreign policy, considers that the state of the world can improve only if within each State everyone cherishes the love for his neighbour and at the same time cultivates generosity and solidarity aimed at promoting freedom, security and development.
236.	The Central African Republic for its part has embodied in its internal legislation the main provisions contained in the international covenants guaranteeing essential human rights. It has maintained contact with the various international bodies whose task it is to ensure their implementation.
237.	Thus, despite the burdensome heritage of the storm-tossed history of the past 14 years, the Military Committee of National Reconstruction has proceeded to focus its efforts on realizing all the progress required to give new hope to the people of the Central African Republic and fan the flames of a faith that will make it possible for them better to appreciate the dimensions and the terrors of the nightmare they have gone through.
238.	There must also be generosity and solidarity between States in order to promote freedom and dignity throughout the world.
239.	If States made a requirement of that ideal, there can be no doubt that the present circumstances surrounding international relations would be considerably modified in favour of respect for the sovereignty of States and the aspirations of the peoples still struggling for their political emancipation.
240.	The current session is being held at a time when some negotiations are being broken off or are deadlocked, thus reinforcing the frequently expressed feeling that our Organization is powerless to settle conflicts and supporting the belief that international relations are based on cynicism. The Central African Republic is convinced, however, that the Organization remains the most effective framework for the settlement of these matters, involving as they do universal principles and ideals. The Organization, as it has shown in certain circumstances, is quite equal to the task of providing solutions to the problems which face the international community, as long as each of its Members accepts and acts and behaves in accordance with the vocation of the Organization.
241.	In this connection, the situations which persist in certain parts of the world, particularly Africa, the Middle East, Asia and America, should continue to be given special attention by the international community.
242.	It is intolerable that Namibia continues to be deprived of its right to freedom and self-determination simply because of the will of one over-confident State that continues to defy the Organization. The Central African Republic is one of the countries which, at the end of the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence held last April in Paris, felt that the decisions adopted at that time should not remain a dead letter.
243.	The Member States of the Organization should contribute actively to the implementation of those resolutions so that Namibia could no longer serve as a pretext for South African acts of aggression against other States of the region, but should accede immediately to independence, without any pre-conditions, under the leadership of SWAPO, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
244.	We cannot but denounce the obstinacy displayed by the South African authorities in their attempts to perpetuate the odious system of	and in their recourse to summary and barbaric executions, the most recent of which shocked the entire world. Let us hope that these crimes will strengthen the ardent faith of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa who struggle for their freedom and their flouted dignity.
245.	It is that same demand for freedom and dignity that will make it possible for the peoples of Western Sahara to choose their own future and lead to the reconciliation of the States in that part of Africa, which will undoubtedly help to bring peace to that region which is so vital to the destiny of the African continent. This is inherent in the bold initiatives adopted last June at the nineteenth session of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity

246.	Closer to the Central African Republic, the great people of Chad have for more than a decade been experiencing a tragedy whose serious effects threaten the stability of the central African region. Chad has been experiencing untold suffering, brought about and maintained by intolerable interference in its internal affairs. We appeal for the immediate cessation of that interference and of the hostilities. The Central African Republic, faithful to the major principles underlying international relations, supports the legitimate Government of Chad in its efforts to defend its territorial integrity, and condemns the act of aggression which is undermining the authority of the State and the national unity.
247.	Consequently, my country associates itself with any action that circumstances may dictate to thwart the shameful efforts to undermine the legitimacy of the Government of Chad and Chad's sovereignty.
248.	This is the context in which to assess the generous assistance given to the people of Chad at their express request by their friends. The Central African Republic welcomes this attitude, which will create the conditions necessary for national reconciliation in Chad and peace in the subregion.

249.	Deprived of its right to freedom and dignity, the Palestinian people seem to be doomed to wandering. We ail deplore this, but we have been powerless to do anything about this for the past 30 years. These people, united behind the PLO, have been dispersed and shaken by a serious crisis of identity caused by their enemies. They have been used as an excuse to tear Lebanon apart and intimidate other States in the region. Their frustration and bitterness will not be contained indefinitely if the international community does not at last ensure the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions recognizing their right as well as that of Israel to a free, sovereign and guaranteed existence.
250.	The situation is little better in the rest of the world.
251.	States must agree on concerted action to ensure that United Nations resolutions on the question of Democratic Kampuchea are implemented. It is unacceptable nowadays for certain States to occupy the territory of others, without regard for their freedom, dignity and sovereignty. The usurped national rights of Kampuchea and Afghanistan must be restored.
252.	The Korean peninsula has become an increasingly serious subject of concern in view of the threats there to peace. The Central African Republic believes that it is urgently necessary to make this nerve centre a zone of peace. Only then will the two parties concerned be able to make effective use of the South-North Joint Communiqué of 4 July 1972,9 which is a valid basis for a free dialogue which could lead to the peaceful reunification of the Korean people, without any foreign interference.
253.	The situation in Central America is no less disturbing. The Central African Republic appeals to the parties to show the political will to reduce tension through negotiations and bring peace back to that part of the world.
254.	If it is true that States must cultivate solidarity and generosity to promote freedom and dignity, it is equally true that these same ideals must be the means of combating those factors which encourage insecurity and a holocaust.
255.	Action against civilian aircraft which makes victims of the innocent is unjustifiable in our eyes and contrary to the rules of international civil aviation. These ignoble acts clearly demonstrate the underlying desire to create tension and division and perpetrate crimes against peoples which aspire to unity and peace. They remind us how fragile is peace and how necessary it is to combat the factors that underlie the conflicts.
256.	The proliferation of sophisticated weapons of mass destruction is not likely to bring about a propitious climate for the cause of freedom and dignity in the world.
257.	The Central African Republic, while deploring the deadlock in the negotiations on disarmament, expresses the hope that members of the international community will engage in concerted and sustained action to reduce and curb the arms race and make possible general, complete and verified disarmament and the transfer of the efforts and resources thus released to the process of development. There would then emerge a kind of solidarity and generosity regarding development which would protect mankind from the scourges from which it suffers at present.
258.	Such solidarity and generosity concerning development are essential, for that alone can make the end of our century a happier time in which to live, or at least a less gloomy and austere time. This is the kind of solidarity and generosity that is defined in the philosophy that guides our head of State and President of the Military Committee of National Recovery, General Andre
Kolingba, in his ceaseless action over the past two years to bring about the reconstruction and development of the Central African Republic.
259.	In view of the heavy burden on his shoulders, the Central African head of State, putting particular emphasis on the national effort, proposed to the Central African people a contract of solidarity, entailing huge sacrifices, for the development of the key sectors of the national economy. Priority has of course been given to agriculture in order to achieve self-sufficiency in food.
260.	From my delegation's point of view, this kind of solidarity and generosity at the national level can be transferred to the international level if we truly wish to tackle the economic crisis which spares no country today. In an impulse of solidarity, States must help one another contain the effects of this crisis, namely inflation, increased interest rates with consequences for the burden of debt, restriction or even refusal of access to markets and to capital, an unprecedented fall in raw materials prices, the drying-up of multilateral sources of finance—all further aggravated by difficult access to technology and the inadaptability of the present international monetary and financial system.
261.	Two thirds of mankind, mainly the least developed countries and above all the land-locked countries like the Central African Republic which have been heavily penalized, had legitimate hopes in the results of the 1982 Williamsburg Summit of Industrialized! Nations and in the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held recently at Belgrade. Unfortunately, it has to be noted that the results of those two meetings fell short of expectations.
262.	If we must wait for the economic recovery to begin and to take shape in the countries of the North for attention to be paid to the position of the countries of the South, then what will happen to the latter as the crisis seems to be increasingly permanent rather than merely temporary? It must be clear to everyone that what is now involved is essentially the structures on which international economic relations are based today. Those structures can no longer support the economic exchanges among States. They must be modified, but that presupposes a meeting of minds.
263.	The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which should have given us another opportunity to restore the North-South dialogue, patently reveals the refusal of the countries of the North to join in such a meeting of minds.
264.	Such a refusal will serve only to prolong the crisis. Just as the international community cannot be satisfied for long with a dialogue based on crisis where various proposals merely reflect the situation in certain countries, neither can it be satisfied with negotiations on a sectoral basis. As the crisis is global, a global solution must be found for it. Only global negotiations can get the North- South dialogue out of this impasse and lead it to a new stage on the road towards true international co-operation based on justice and equity.
265.	We are still most shocked by the failure of the sixth session of the Conference. But we should like to hope that the countries of the North will understand that it is desperately urgent to adopt emergency measures to deal with the most serious problems of the developing countries. This will be a sign of active solidarity and would be to the credit of mankind.
266.	I cannot conclude my statement without addressing to the Secretary-General, to his associates, to international institutions inside and outside the United Nations family and to contributing States the most sincere thanks
of the people and Government of the Central African Republic for having responded to the appeal reiterated by the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly for assistance for the reconstruction, rehabilitation and development of the Central African Republic . The recent calamities that have struck my country have seriously disrupted the economy and the fulfilment of the aid programme under way. In order to limit their harmful effects, we alerted the international community at the time and requested emergency action.
267.	The Central African Republic is grateful to the Assembly for its attention and it hopes that efforts can be mobilized to increase assistance to it. It is in this spirit that we shall propose, in the Second Committee, the renewal of that resolution and we hope for broad support from Member States.
268.	In a constantly changing world, the Organization strives to ensure that its principles—and only its principles —will govern international relations. This is a difficult task in view of the real state of affairs but it deserves to be followed up and supported. Born of political will, the United Nations, which suffers the consequences of the political weight of its Member States, should be able to rely on them in order to achieve success in its action.
269.	It is thus clear that the state of the world can be only what the States wish it to be: a world free of tension and relations of domination, a world where States, organized in a framework like the United Nations, would engage in concerted, unified and generous action with a view to defending certain values such as freedom, development, prosperity and peace.
270.	That is possible. We can achieve that if we want to. Just as a coalition was created to defeat fascism during the Second World War, a similar coalition can be created to adapt international relations to the new shape of the world.
271.	This is really what two thirds of mankind expect today from the international community, gathered within the United Nations, which must satisfy their hopes. In this way new prospects would be opened up towards making this century a happier and more pleasant one in which to live.


1.	 My first and foremost obligation is to convey to the Assembly warm greetings from the people and Government of Solomon Islands. Although I have come some time after the commencement of this particular session, may I extend my most sincere wishes for its success.
2.	The people and Government of Solomon Islands warmly salute your election, Sir, as the President of this session. We are confident that with your vast experience as a diplomat you will lead the Assembly's deliberations to a fruitful conclusion.
3.	We also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, for his commendable work during the last session.
4.	To the ever-hard-working Secretary-General we say this: We are fully aware of the very difficult tasks entrusted to you in your high office. Admirably, your diplomatic tact has over the past year persistently succeeded in bringing about understanding in areas of great conflicts of interests.
5.	When, five years ago, my country was admitted as a Member of this great Organization, we were so warmly welcomed by all our friends here. In return for that intimate welcome, the Solomon Islands people and Government have the great pleasure of welcoming Saint Christopher and Nevis to this family of nations. We congratulate the people and Government of Saint Christopher and Nevis on their achievement of statehood, and we wish them every success in the years ahead.
6.	The purpose of my being here today is twofold: first, to reaffirm the commitment of Solomon Islands to the Charter of the United Nations and its principles; and secondly, to express our concern over certain issues which have important implications for the international community, particularly for the survival of humanity. Solomon Islands has pledged its commitment to the ideals of the Organization in the firm belief that it holds the hope and potential for the betterment of all the peoples around the globe, including our own people in Solomon Islands. We reaffirm this very pledge today. We also pledged five years ago that we would do that which was within our capability and means to promote peace and harmony in the world. We accordingly reaffirm that pledge too.
7.	We renew these pledges, including our support for the various organs of the United Nations, with the full realization that Solomon Islands is a small island developing nation whose resources may not go very far towards resolving tensions that threaten the noble aims of the United Nations: to replace war with peace and to live with civilized behaviour instead of violence.
8.	Herein lie  our concern. The weapons of war are such that the peace and security of our peoples throughout the world are at stake. Today the situation in parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and the North Pacific endanger the peace and security not only of the countries of those regions but also of the entire global community.
9.	In this respect, we join in the call to bring peace and stability to Lebanon. Our support for the various United Nations resolutions and peace plans for Israel and Palestine is strongly maintained, as we believe these provide a basis for a negotiated and lasting solution.
10.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq is most regretted by the Solomon Islands Government. These two oil-rich countries are being tom apart and much suffering has been caused for their peoples. But the overall effects of this conflict are being felt not only by the people of those two countries but elsewhere by the innocent peoples of other countries of the world.
11.	My Government strongly believes in the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. Thus, we earnestly urge those involved to withdraw their forces from Afghanistan and Kampuchea. In relation to Kampuchea we welcome and support the initiative of the Association of South-East Asian Nations for peace and stability in that region.
12.	The South Pacific is a stable region, but the situation in Korea, in the North Pacific, poses a threat. The policy of the Solomon Islands Government is that the parties involved must recognize the need for and the necessity of a peaceful settlement through negotiation without outside interference.
13.	At this juncture, I wish to state categorically my Government ; position regarding the two most recent acts of total disregard for human dignity and lives. The e two acts are the hallmark of barbarism and insincerity
in terms of the United Nations desire for civilized behaviour. I refer here to the downing of the Korean airliner by a Soviet military aircraft early last month and the bomb blast in Rangoon early this month.
14.	Only those with inhuman feelings and thoughts could fail to condemn these premeditated actions causing the loss of human lives. Whatever the reasons, Solomon Islands condemn these incidents, and those responsible must ask themselves whether such acts are in keeping with intentions of the Charter. It is sporadic incidents of this kind which pose a real threat to world peace and civilized human relations.
15.	The United Nations has done much for the decolonization process, and we are glad that this is still a top priority. We welcome the Secretary-General's efforts in pursuit of the implementation of the United Nations plan for the liberation of Namibia. The successful achievement of independence by Namibia will be significant for the liberation of the indigenous peoples of southern Africa who are still plagued by the evil system of apartheid. This system, in all its manifestations, must be totally eliminated because it is inhuman and uncivilized.
16.	Mention has already been made by colleagues from the South Pacific islands region of the question of New Caledonia. My Government upholds the principle of self- determination for colonized peoples, and it is therefore our desire to see the smooth transition of New Caledonia to peaceful independence. To this extent, the French Government's intention to move this territory towards an act of self-determination is encouraging. But I sincerely plead that this intention be translated into action, in line with the wishes of the people of New Caledonia. Otherwise, procrastination will inevitably lead to inaction.
17.	The international economic situation is also of great concern to the Solomon Islands Government. Just as the world is confronted with the threat of nuclear war and mounting political tensions resulting from the escalating arms race, developing countries such as Solomon Islands are confronted with the gloomy global economic climate. Our independence and nationhood would be quite meaningless without an appreciable degree of viability, but this depends to a very large extent on the recognition and appreciation by the developed countries and multilateral financial institutions of our basic development needs.
18.	The greatest challenge that faces the international community is the pursuit of a balanced utilization and distribution of resources on a fair basis, taking into consideration that the ultimate goal of development internationally is the betterment of all mankind. Unfortunately, the prospects of developing countries are getting bleaker as the developed countries advance to new heights of industrialization and sophisticated technology.
19.	It is interesting to note that the Williamsburg Declaration on Economic Recovery, issued at the Summit of Industrialized Nations in May of this year, acknowledges that the weight of the recession has fallen heavily on developing countries. Yet no solutions to the third world's problems seem to be in sight. If solutions should be forthcoming, and we hope they will be, then a certain degree of emphasis should be given to all small island States, to give us some slight preference over our bigger third world brother countries. The United Nations and its agencies have a duty to ensure special treatment for small island States like Solomon Islands.
20.	Solomon Islands, as an island nation depending on its marine resources for a major part of its livelihood, joins other South Pacific countries in strongly condemning and opposing nuclear testing and the dumping and storage of nuclear waste in the Pacific Ocean. These are inhuman acts and they are a real threat to our economic development. In this regard, I am obliged to point out that Solomon Islands is opposed to and abhors attempts by super-Power rivalries to infiltrate the South Pacific region. In the South Pacific, and I believe in the third world generally, we expect the super-Powers to assist us in our development instead of trying to steer us towards dehumanization and eventual destruction.
21.	Our seas and soil provide the main sources of livelihood in Solomon Islands, and their pollution is fatal to our future survival. That is why we attach great importance to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Solomon Islands is a signatory to this Convention, and steps are being taken to ratify it at the earliest possible opportunity.
22.	I am pleased to announce that Solomon Islands has just established its permanent mission here in New York this month. This is a great achievement for us in terms of our foreign relations. In fact, it is our first overseas mission ever, and it reflects the great importance we attach to our commitment to the United Nations and its noble work. For this, we are grateful to Australia and the Commonwealth secretariat for assisting us. Having realized this achievement, Solomon Islands is well placed to request the United Ns ;;<ins Secretariat to examine or review the protocol dealing with the admission of new States as Members and the accreditation of their permanent representatives thereto. I say this out of the experience which the Solomon Islands has had in the pas t five years. Although Solomon Islands was admitted as a full Member in September 1978, our permanent representative's accreditation was not accepted, merely because we did not have a permanent mission in New York. In our view, this protocol requires serious examination so that small States such as ours are not deprived of their privileges as full Members of the United Nations because of their obvious financial constraints.
23.	We have overcome this awkward situation and are now able to meet the cumbersome protocol and procedural requirements. On this basis, let me assure all the representatives that we will now participate more fully in the deliberations of the General Assembly and its committees and agencies. I hope, in future sessions, that we will participate with Solomon's wisdom.


1.	 Mr. President, may I first of all congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. My delegation finds particular pleasure in your election since it testifies to the abundance of talent to he found in our region, Latin America and the Caribbean. Your vast experience of multilateral diplomacy within the United Nations with be much needed during a session which already promises to be of vital importance to the future of mankind as a whole. Beyond the policy statements which we have already heard from such a large number of heads of State is the crucial work which must take place behind the scenes to reconcile divergent views and turn dissension into discussion. Your well-known negotiating abilities will help to carry this session to a sensible resolution of the issues which lie before us.
2.	I also wish to take this opportunity to welcome the newest Member of the United Nations, Saint Christopher and Nevis. This is a small island State, a neighbour of my own country, which has demonstrated that although it is small it is prepared to play a role in international affairs.
3.	Apart from Saint Christopher and Nevis, my country, Antigua and Barbuda, was the most recent State to become a Member of the United Nations. We are a small island State, a member of that group of States that is militarily weak and economically vulnerable. In the wide scheme of great-Power politics, we are ignored because we do not point a missile at some other country's capital; we are marginalized because we threaten none with weapons of mass destruction; we are disregarded because we have neither the economic strength nor the inclination to intimidate other nations in the world community.
4.	In other words, in a world that has become progressively more susceptible to the threat of power, small countries such as mine are discovering with increasing frequency that the principles of justice, equality, universal peace and development for which this body was created are nothing short of illusions—illusions which now only scantily conceal the reality of naked power currently dictating the destiny of humanity as a whole.
5.	Thus, in the drama of negotiation which is being enacted at Geneva on disarmament and arms limitation, the starring roles—indeed the only roles— are being played by the two countries whose arsenals have the capacity for total human obliteration. The rest of us— even though we represent the majority of mankind—have no voice, no say, not a single utterance in those discussions which may well decide whether we live or die.
6.	My people find it difficult to place their fate in the hands of any whom they cannot bring to account. I
suspect the majority of the peoples of the world hold a similar position. We are dissatisfied with the tyranny of the minority. We are frustrated with being discarded by a handful of countries. We deeply resent the arrogance which leads some States to believe that they have a God- given right to make decisions for the rest of us without dialogue and without discussion. Unless this wanton and wilful disregard for the majority of the world's peoples is corrected, global peace will always elude us and global stability will remain a meaningless dream.
7.	Of necessity, the principal characters in disarmament and arms Imitations talks must be those who have so developed and stockpiled those weapons that their participation is mandatory. But the Assembly cannot abandon the task to them alone, for we are now all involved; we are now all consumed by the folly which threatens the extinction of the human race. We have an obligation to our own peoples and to humanity as a whole to bring an end to the madness of militarization.
8.	In this context, Antigua and Barbuda calls for the fullest internationalization of the discussion on arms limitation and disarmament. At the least the United Nations should have a presence at the Geneva talks. But this body should also establish practical mechanisms to sensitize the peoples of the world to the dangers of arms escalation and to alert them to the frightening military technology which now surrounds us. For it is only through such methods, it is only by educating world opinion, including the opinion of the people whose Governments are the principal participants in the arms race, that we can hope to recall this planet from the precipice of mass destruction.
9.	My delegation supports the proposal of Canada that a working group on arms control and outer space be established by the Committee on Disarmament. In our view, the Prime Minister of Canada is fundamentally correct that we can wait no longer if we are to foreclose the prospects of wars from space. Already it appears that faceless men, in anonymous offices in a few of the world's capitals, are determined to make a reality of science fiction—to play space roulette with the lives of people as the stake and ultimate destruction as the purse.
10.	My country resents the fact that we are simply a pawn in a series of global war games. We call upon this body, we urge all nations, large and small, and we summon all peoples, white and black, to resist the tyranny of the minority and to call to account those Governments whose philosophy of militarism threatens the survival of all.
11.	The South Korean airline tragedy in which an aircraft carrying 269 civilians was shot down by the Soviet Union brought the human face of cold-war politics brutally and vividly to the world's attention. We looked at that face and it was ugly. We saw mothers weeping for children they would never see again and wives fatally wrenched from husbands. We looked upon that ugly human face that could so callously cause innocent life to be slaughtered, and anger raged within us. There, but for fortune, could have been your wife, my children, your mother. The has come for the Assembly to demand a halt to the madness which produces such tragedy. The time has come for sanity to be recalled to international relations and to be given pride of place.
12.	It is not as if these Governments are incapable of negotiation; it is not as if they are unable to reach agreement. During this debate and in a meeting of the General Committee preceding it we heard several countries which are normally antagonists tell us how they are able to co-operate in their mutual interest. Two very large Powers told us in a meeting of the General Committee that in Antarctica they co-operate one with the other; they exchange information and conclude conventions on exploitation of marine resources. We were delighted to learn of this co-operation. We recognize that we had not heard about their co-operation before because for 22 years all the meetings of the Consultative Parties to the Antarctic Treaty' have been secret, held behind closed doors. Not only the rest of the world but their own people were denied any knowledge of the decisions reached or plans made by that small group of States.
13.	It took an initiative before this body by my small country, Antigua and Barbuda, together with another small country, Malaysia, for the world publicly to learn that two super-Powers co-operate in Antarctica in a way they failed to do through the cold war, the Cuban missile crisis and the invasion of Afghanistan. Further, it took that same initiative for the world to learn from the mouths of the representatives of two other countries which last year were at war with each other that they, too, are able to co-operate with each other peacefully and constructively in Antarctica.
14.	My country welcomes the news of such magnificent co-operation among the Contracting Parties, and we call upon each of them individually and all of them collectively to extend this capacity for co-operation from Antarctica t$ other areas in which they are involved, including arm: imitation, disarmament and territorial disputes. Were they able to do so, the world would become a safer place for this generation to inhabit and for succeeding generations to inherit. The quality of all our lives would improve and the prospects for sustained betterment would be assured.
15.	My delegation joined t le delegation of Malaysia in proposing the inscription of the question of Antarctica in the agenda of this thirty-eighth session
We are grateful that the General Committee saw merit in endorsing the inscription.
16.	Antarctica covers one tenth of the Earth's surface. It is larger than Australia, larger than Europe, larger than the United States and Mexico combined and larger than India and China together. It is half as big again as the United States. It seems likely that Antarctica's continental shelves harbor vast reserves of oil and gas. It is known to have other minerals, and its marine life is abundant.
17.	Since 1959 a handful of countries have arrogated to themselves the right to manage Antarctica under the Antarctic Treaty. They have thus far concluded a convention on marine resources and established a secretariat to service their activities under the convention. They are now in the process of negotiating a regime on minerals exploitation.
18.	But there has been no consultation with other States; there has been no discussion with other countries. Of course, their response to this charge of lack of consultation will be that the Treaty is open for signature to all, but this ignores the reality that signature does not accord membership in the decision-making commission, nor does it take account of the fact that the presence of South Africa among the Contracting Parties makes it impossible for any State which genuinely opposes the vileness of apartheid to sit in the council of the decision-making commission of the Antarctic Treaty.
19.	Antarctica is not so unique as to render a universal leper any less leprous.
20.	We have asked for a study of Antarctica in an effort to take into account all the concerns about the area. Not least among these concerns is the environment and the damage that could be done to it, with untold harm for all the nations of the world.
21.	These are not decisions which should be confined to a handful of Governments meeting in secret sessions. The world as a whole, including the people in those States whose Governments are now Contracting Parties, should be given the democratic right to hold known officials accountable for activities undertaken in Antarctica.
22.	My delegation does not discard the Antarctic Treaty, nor do we devalue the 24 years of experience gained by the Contracting Parties in Antarctica. That experience and the Treaty itself could well form the basis for a consensual approach to Antarctica satisfactory to everyone. It is my delegation's hope that the Contracting Parties will support our call for a study and will wed the wisdom of their experience to the freshness of new perceptions which other countries can bring to Antarctica.
23.	The President of the United States made an eloquent plea in the Assembly last week for all nations to uphold the original ideals of the United Nations. My delegation supports President Reagan in that call. Indeed, when my country was admitted to this body two years ago, I had the honour to state that in the Charter of the United Nations the peoples of the world had a sacred bond. I affirmed then and reaffirm now that my country places the greatest value and the highest importance on that bond, for, had we not, we would have chosen to remain outside this body.
24.	Some States draw attention to the high level of their financial contributions to the Organization, as if an undesirable and heavy burden had been imposed upon them. We should all make it clear that we appreciate the contribution made by those States which pay the most. In this regard, the Assembly would be wanting if we did not take particular note of the very substantial contribution of the United States of America. But the financial contribution which my own small country makes to the Organization places an equally great burden, in comparative terms, upon us. We have no great industrial wealth, no massive population; we have no transnational that bring home money from abroad; our resources are meagre and our revenues miniscule. Yet, despite great hardship, we make our financial contribution to the United Nations and do so gladly, for we agree with President Reagan's observation that the United Nations and its affiliates have made more important contributions to the life of this planet.
25.	In our view, the United Nations should be accorded the role for which it was intended, to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. In this context, it is a matter of grave concern to my country that yet another year has passed with Namibia still not independent. Indeed, social progress in Namibia has been further retarded and freedom hijacked by the heinous regime in South Africa.
26.	South Africa's pre-condition that Cuban troops should be withdrawn from Angola before Namibia gains its independence challenges the very efficacy of the Organization. The tacit support given South Africa by some who sit in this chamber serves only to weaken the Organization which so many professes to value. And we should
not be deluded by South Africa's assertions that it is under siege from international communism and is the protector of Western influence. No Western interests can conceivably be served by the oppression of South Africa's people under	or by the continued illegal occupation of Namibia.
27.	The truth is that South Africa is not seeking to protect itself from the bogy of a communist threat, for a far more powerful spirit haunts it: the spirit, among South Africa's oppressed majority, which cries out for human freedom and dignity.
28.	Violent abrogation of freedom and human dignity is not limited to Namibia. In Afghanistan, the Soviet Union continues to use military force to suppress the Afghan people. Resolutions by this body urging the Soviet Union to get out of Afghanistan have fallen upon deaf ears. My delegation deplores this continued occupation of Afghanistan, just as we condemn the Turkish Government for its occupation of Cyprus and its refusal to respond to the pleas of grieving families for information about their relatives missing from the Turkish- occupied sector of Cyprus since 1974.
29.	The world would be in a sufficiently troubled state if the areas of military aggression were confined to those I have just mentioned. But in addition Kampuchea is still occupied by Vietnamese invaders. We welcome the efforts by the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations to seek a political settlement in Kampuchea, and we urge Viet Nam to join the search for a process which would leave Kampuchea in the hands of its own people.
30.	The prospect of partition in Lebanon now looms large in the future of that agonized and war-torn land, where children are born into carnage with little hope of living a normal life. Last year, as the session began, the world mourned the massacre at Palestinian camps in Lebanon. This year, Lebanon's agony has known no surcease, its people no respite from the ravages of war. This country needs to solve its internal problems, but it will not do so while it is at the mercy of foreign troops. Lebanon would be well served by the international community if we collectively secured the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory and provided an opportunity for it to reassert its independence and sovereignty.
31.	This body has been concerned for some time with the question of Korea. Peaceful reunification of this land best lies in direct negotiation between the two sides. The Republic of Korea has made definitive and reasonable proposals on this issue. If the North Koreans are genuinely interested in peaceful reunification, we urge them to respond positively to the proposals of the South.
32.	Closer to my own home, foreign military intervention in Central America is helpful only in prolonging conflict. The cause of peace and stability in the region is retarded by those who seek military solutions to deep- seated social and economic ills. It is equally adversely affected by those who seek to exploit the difficult economic circumstances in order to impose an ideology, without the exercise of a free choice in a democratic process. My delegation welcomes the United States effort to look for other means of addressing the difficulties of Central America, through the work of a commission headed by former United States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. We are not prepared to prejudge the commission; we shall give it a chance and hope it produces widely acceptable recommendations. Meanwhile, we support and endorse the efforts of the Contadora Group to bring peace to the area.
33.	I began this address by drawing attention to the fact that naked power now dictates the destiny of mankind. Dialogue and discussion, consultation and communication are words without meaning, illusions without substance. Small countries protest this domination and inequality, but we know we protest in vain. We have witnessed the failure of too many efforts to convene meaningful convocations on the international economic condition to place any hope in the possibility that the rich countries will accord importance to our survival unless it coincides with their own national interest.
34.	Fortunately for the poor, the economic condition of the world has reached the point where, in the words of India's Prime Minister, India Gandhi,  Each country, however powerful, has more to gain by accommodation and co-operation than by withdrawal into individual isolation or adoption of policies to maintain the solidarity of the strong . In other words, the global economy has now reached the point where for the strong to ignore the predicament of the weak would serve to court catastrophe for the strong themselves. Quite frankly, it is the reality that the rich are severely affected by the world's financial and trading system that provides my country with some glimmer of hope that at last we may be able to begin a series of discussions, however limited, leading to a change, however moderate, in the international economic order.
35.	My delegation is impressed with a study recently undertaken by the Commonwealth Secretariat entitled  Towards a New Bretton Woods . Free of radical rhetoric and moralistic diatribe, it is a practical discussion of the means of creating greater multilateral co-operation within the framework of the existing institutions. This study is a positive contribution to solving the global economic crisis, for in our view only multilateral cooperation will extract the world from the economic morass in which it now languishes. It is now widely accepted that economic recovery in one or two countries, however strong they are, cannot provide the engine to pull the rest of the world to economic health.
36.	Equally, it is time we dismissed the prescriptions of the medical economists in the North that the answer to the economic illnesses of the South lies in individual national efforts. Vulnerable to market forces amongst our major trading partners, dependent on the economic strength of the tourism market place, victims of high interest rates in the banking systems of the North, countries such as mine are at the mercy of the international system.
37.	When we produce real growth, however small, in such adverse economic conditions, as we have managed to do in Antigua and Barbuda, it is a tribute to the resilience of our people. But as the Venezuelan Foreign Minister told the Assembly just a week ago, national efforts  cannot replace a global approach, with full and responsible participation by both developing and developed countries  .
38.	My country calls on the Assembly to take special note of the need for special measures of assistance to countries whose small size and isolation place them at a peculiar disadvantage which constrains their prospects for economic growth. Those who control IMF and the World Bank group should be particularly mindful of the need to modify the policies of these institutions towards small States.
39.	What is obvious in the world today is that we are in an age of intolerance, an age of confrontation, acquisitiveness and narrow-mindedness. These are the symptoms of a world divided against itself, with nations more concerned to grab their own narrow benefits today than
to guard against global suffering tomorrow from which none, including the rich, can escape. That is a terrifying world—terrifying in the scope of the destruction it can bring itself and terrifying in the obstinacy which propels it towards such destruction.
40.	Despite the fact that my country is small and excluded, disadvantaged and disregarded, isolated and ignored, we are determined to play a part in recalling the world from such a frightening fate and in rebuilding a vision of prosperity and peace for all mankind. We stand ready to work with any committed to such a task.