I have the
honour to extend to the President the congratulations of the
delegation of the United Arab Emirates on his election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third
session. We are confident that his wise leadership and vast
diplomatic experience in international affairs will contribute
to strengthening the role of the Organization in the world
today.
I also wish to pay tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Ukraine, for the distinguished manner in which he directed
the work of the previous session. We also wish to express
our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, for his endeavours to maintain peace, security and
stability in the world.
As we stand at the threshold of a new millennium, the
international community is witnessing radical changes in
international relations, the implications of which are
reflected in the lives of peoples. The various aspects of
openness and globalization embodied in some of those
changes have not been comprehensive in their positive
aspects, but have resulted in widely divergent levels of
economic and social development among States and have
promoted the emergence of new patterns of problems that
require radical joint international solutions to contain and
deal with them.
There is now an increased awareness in the world of
the inevitability of renewing and developing the United
Nations as the essential international tool for dealing with
current world problems and achieving balance, transparency
and justice in international relations.
Consequently, we support the positions of the Non-
Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 regarding these
vital issues, particularly the questions within the purview
of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social
Council, and the reform of the Security Council and
enlargement of its membership. We also call for
strengthening coordination, cooperation and dialogue
between the United Nations and regional organizations in
order to mobilize and complement joint international
efforts to deal with many issues on the agenda.
The world has seen positive efforts in the area of
international law, the most important of which were
reflected in the conclusion of a number of international
conventions. The latest of these efforts was the
establishment in Rome of an International Criminal Court,
which we regard as an important step that will contribute
to supporting the principles of human rights worldwide.
We also call for reactivating the role of the International
Court of Justice, which is the essential legal instrument
for settling disputes between States.
Political events in the world, and particularly in the
Arab Gulf region, have proved that radical solutions to
regional disputes can only be achieved through peaceful
means and methods based on the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations and international law. Proceeding
from this belief, and true to those principles, the United
Arab Emirates has adopted a wise policy in its quest for
a peaceful solution to the question of the occupation by
the Islamic Republic of Iran of its three islands —
Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa — which form
an integral part of our national sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
The continued consolidation by Iran of its illegal
occupation of those islands and the imposition of a policy
of fait accompli through numerous military and civilian
measures designed to change their historical, demographic
and legal characteristics are a source of grave tension and
concern in the region. This runs counter to good-
neighbourly relations, peaceful coexistence and
confidence-building, as well as to the Charters of both the
United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference. Such actions are also incompatible with the
approaches taken by the members of the Gulf Cooperation
Council, which call for the settlement of existing disputes
by peaceful means in order to achieve permanent security
and stability in the region and strengthen relations and
common interests between the States members of the Gulf
Cooperation Council and Iran.
22

Accordingly, once again from this rostrum we appeal
to the Government of friendly Iran to demonstrate a serious
political will and accept our genuinely peaceful initiative,
supported by all fraternal and friendly States, either to
engage with us in dialogue and enter into bilateral
negotiations that would address the legal and historical
background of this question, not just its formalities, or
accept resort to the International Court of Justice with a
view to reaching a just and permanent settlement conducive
to terminating the Iranian occupation of our three islands.
Once again we reaffirm that our call for solving this dispute
peacefully emanates from the nature of our historical
relations with Iran and proceeds from our commitment to
the essential principles governing international relations.
This is also in the interest of preserving peace, security and
stability in our region and throughout the world.
The United Arab Emirates renews its support for all
peaceful efforts and endeavours by the Secretary-General of
the United Nations towards resumption of the activities of
the Special Commission in Iraq. But we consider it
necessary, in order to avoid any further escalation or
renewed tensions in the region, and in the light of the
importance of preserving the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Iraq and non-interference in its international
affairs, to continue upgrading the food-for-oil programme
and improving its operation in order to meet the
humanitarian needs of the fraternal Iraqi people and to
alleviate its ceaseless suffering. At the same time, we urge
the Iraqi Government to fully implement all the relevant
resolutions of international legitimacy particularly those
relating to the release of the prisoners of war and detainees,
citizens of sisterly Kuwait and other States, and to complete
the restitution of Kuwaiti property so as to ensure the lifting
of the sanctions imposed on Iraq and to enable it to resume
its natural role at the regional and international levels.
The Middle East peace process is at a dangerous
stalemate on all its tracks as a result of the adoption by the
Israeli Government of a policy of gradual recanting on all
the obligations and undertakings it has assumed under this
process. The most dangerous aspect of that policy is that
Government’s resolve to proceed with implementing its
plans for building more Jewish settlements in the occupied
Palestinian and other Arab territories, particularly in the city
of Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan. It daily perpetrates
atrocious and inhuman crimes against the Palestinian and
other Arab peoples, which constitutes a flagrant violation of
the basic principles on which that process and the Fourth
Geneva Convention of 1949 are based.
Aware of the danger inherent in the continuation of
these illegal Israeli acts, we believe there is a need for
effective action by the international community — in
particular, the co-sponsors of the peace process and the
European Union — to bring additional pressure to bear on
Israel to force it to comply with its legal obligations and
to demand that it resume the negotiations, without
preconditions, on the different tracks of the peace process,
on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973) and the principle of land for peace. We
also express our unceasing support for the Palestinian
people in their quest for self-determination and their
legitimate aspiration to establish their independent State
on their national soil, with Jerusalem as its capital.
Similarly, we support the position of the Government of
Lebanon, demanding that Israel implement fully Security
Council resolution 425 (1978), which calls on Israel to
end unconditionally its military occupation of the south of
Lebanon and its western Bekaa valley without condition.
The establishment of a zone free of all kinds of
weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East and Arab
Gulf regions is a requirement that complements the peace
process and represents an essential factor in the security
and stability of those regions. Accordingly, the
international community should demand that the
Government of Israel accede to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and subject its
nuclear installations to the control and safeguards regime
of the International Atomic Energy Agency. International
measures which so far have been achieved in the area of
world disarmament have not been global in their
coverage, especially since we are witnessing an arms race
and testing of nuclear and other proscribed weapons. Such
developments will not lead to the settlement of existing
disputes between States, but, rather, to an imbalance in
regional security, as is the case between India and
Pakistan and in other regions.
We therefore urge both friendly countries to exercise
self-restraint, renounce the use of force and resume
dialogue and negotiations with a view to reducing
tensions and solving their current disputes peacefully in
a manner that will serve the interests of security and
stability in that region. We also call upon the nuclear-
weapon States, and those in possession of such dangerous
weapons, to reconsider their policies, to refrain from
applying double standards and to promote the adoption of
equal measures for confidence-building among States.
Serious steps must be taken by the United Nations to deal
with this shortcoming in a way that contributes to the
creation of a peaceful and stable world free from tension
23

and from the threat or use of such prohibited weapons and
their damaging effects on humanity.
While we appreciate the efforts of the United Nations
peacekeeping forces, in cooperation with the regional
organizations, to deal with and contain conflicts and civil
and regional wars in certain parts of the world, we are still
concerned about the failure to contain several crises in
other parts of the world, such as Afghanistan, Somalia, the
Great Lakes region, Angola and other hotbeds of tension.
Recent examples are the situations between Ethiopia and
Eritrea and between Iran and Afghanistan, as well as that
in Kosovo, where the human rights of Muslims are being
flagrantly violated by the Yugoslav Serb forces, whose
actions we strongly condemn as contradicting legally
binding international norms and principles. The United
Nations, and the Security Council in particular, must
assume their responsibilities in putting an end to such
conflicts and violations and should promote the
participation of regional organizations in finding adequate
peaceful solutions to those problems. We also call upon the
parties concerned to cooperate in such efforts by
demonstrating the political will necessary to settle their
disputes by peaceful means.
The United Arab Emirates strongly condemns the
terrorist acts that were carried out recently in some African
States, resulting in heavy losses of lives and property. On
the basis of ethical and humanitarian responsibility, the
international community should intensify its efforts to
protect civilians and their rights and to confront the
phenomenon of terrorism, regardless of its origin or form.
However, combating this dangerous phenomenon should not
be carried out on a unilateral basis or through
indiscriminate military revenge, which destroys lives and
property, but through joint international action within the
framework of the United Nations in order to ensure the
elimination of all the root causes and manifestations of
terrorism and thereby preserve the security and stability of
societies and the territorial integrity of States.
The world economic and financial environment
continues to undergo numerous challenges which have
varying implications for development. Despite the
liberalization of trade, the open markets and the
globalization of the economy that have characterized
international relations, developing countries, representing a
majority of the population of this planet, are still facing a
multitude of problems especially together with the
exacerbation of unemployment, illiteracy and poverty, in
addition to debts and the cost of servicing them, declining
humanitarian and development assistance which have
become a heavy burden on many of those States,
particularly the least developed countries. As a result,
their development problems have increased, and that in
turn has led to the creation of a state of instability and
social disintegration.
Recent economic and financial crises in South-East
Asia and other regions not only pose challenges to
sustainable development, but also demonstrate that there
are clear imbalances in the world monetary, economic and
trade systems. Therefore, we call for the development of
global economic and financial strategies to remedy the
real causes of this phenomenon in order to achieve
stability in the world financial, economic and trade
systems. This will also require the reform of international
development and financial institutions to enable them to
adapt to the changing economic situation in the world and
effectively contribute to addressing many of those
problems. That in turn will require the initiation of
comprehensive and objective North-South dialogue, which
should lead to the fulfilment of the goals shared by both
the developing and developed countries.
In conclusion, I hope that the deliberations of the
Assembly at this session will succeed in reaching positive
resolutions that address our concerns as they are reflected
on the agenda for this session for the benefit, prosperity,
security and stability of our States and peoples.


At
the outset, I should like, on my own personal behalf and on
behalf of the Republic of Chad, to express our great
pleasure and congratulations on your brilliant election, Sir,
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third
session. The confidence placed in you to guide our work
reflects the international community?s recognition of the
contribution of your country, Uruguay, to the defence of the
ideals of the United Nations. Your competence and
experience reinforce our conviction that you will conduct
our work with success. Please be assured of the support and
cooperation of the delegation of the Republic of Chad in
the accomplishment of your task.
I cannot continue without first expressing all my
delegation?s gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Y.
Udovenko of Ukraine, who, during his term of office,
worked with such dedication, competence and tact on the
many pressing issues calling for mankind?s attention.
I also pay a well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his constant efforts to
strengthen the role of our Organization on the
international scene, especially in the quest for
international peace and security. In this context, may he
rest assured of the renewed support of the Republic of
Chad for the reforms that are needed to make our
Organization better able to achieve its goals in the context
of the rapid changes sweeping the world.
The ever growing problems facing humankind —
including, inter alia, civil wars, famine, epidemics and
pandemics, terrorism, and the evils of globalization and
mondialisation — are making our United Nations
increasingly sought after to solve them. More than ever,
the Organization needs the genuine cooperation of each of
its Members in support of its efforts to ensure
international peace and security, the sine qua non for
economic and social development. The ongoing
participation of the Republic of Chad in the work of this
Assembly; its payment of all its arrears, despite its
financial difficulties; and the presence of elements of the
Chad Armed Forces in the Inter-African Mission to
Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui Agreements
(MISAB) and, later, in the United Nations Mission in the
Central African Republic (MINURCA) bear witness to
our desire to cooperate with our Organization in the
accomplishment of its noble mission. But this effort
would never have been possible had we not first sought
to stabilize the situation in our own country, which, until
recently, was beset by a civil war fuelled by all types of
outside interference.

In fact, since 1 December 1990, when President Idriss
Deby came to power, Chad has resolutely followed the path
of national reconciliation and pluralistic democracy. The
rule of law has become a tangible reality, based on the
Constitution adopted by referendum on 31 March 1996,
which was followed by presidential and legislative
elections. In order to complete the process of
democratization, the Government, together with the
National Assembly, is establishing the other institutions
provided for in the Constitution.
In this respect, I am pleased to point to the adoption
by my country?s National Assembly, in early 1998, laws on
the Supreme Court and the High Court of Justice. The bill
on the Constitutional Council is currently being considered.
At its next session, the National Assembly will consider a
bill on decentralization.
In the economic sphere, I would note that the extreme
poverty in my country is not irreversible, since we have
excellent opportunities to emerge from it. This conviction
has prompted my Government to take the course of
economic and financial reform with the principal goals of
restoring the macroeconomic balance, disengaging the State
from public enterprise and promoting the private sector.
Thus, since July 1995, the Government of Chad has
adopted a medium-term strategy for economic recovery.
This is aimed at laying the foundations for sustainable
economic and social development.
In this framework, a structural adjustment programme
has been adopted in order to achieve high and sustained
economic growth, reduced external imbalances and
strengthened competitiveness. This programme, supported
by the International Monetary Fund in the framework of a
triennial agreement under its Enhanced Structural
Adjustment Facility, covering the period 1995-1998, has
also enjoyed financial assistance from the World Bank and
other multilateral donors.
Apart from our hopes for agriculture and animal
husbandry in the fight against poverty, we rely on the
important mineral and oil resources beneath Chadian soil.
The exploitation of our oil is one of my Government?s
priorities, because with the expected oil revenue, Chad?s
income will increase substantially early in the next century,
not to mention the fact that the flow of oil investments will
also generate important added value for local enterprises.
In this respect, we have tirelessly reaffirmed that oil
income will be allocated to the fight against poverty and
will help to finance health, social and educational materials;
the modernization of agriculture and husbandry; and
infrastructure and environment. In other words, the entire
population of Chad will benefit from this oil manna.
In this respect, we stress the fact that Chad is one of
the rare countries of the world that is managing such a
sensitive endeavour as oil exploitation in all transparency.
Meetings and seminars with the various sectors of civil
society and open parliamentary debates have been
organized by the Government in order to explain this
endeavour in all its aspects.
Despite the political and economic advances in my
country, we deplore the campaign of lies that is being led
against my Government. Indeed, for some time now,
disinformation and untruths have been spread among the
international institutions and some friendly countries
about both the oil question and the human rights situation
in Chad.
Nonetheless, my country has made considerable
progress in the area of human rights. We have ratified the
main international instruments relating to human rights
and have suppressed all extraordinary judicial procedures,
such as the court martial established in 1991. To better
guarantee respect for human rights, we have established
a national commission for human rights, which chooses
at its own discretion the questions to be considered and
governs its own activities.
After more than three decades of civil war, foreign
interference and ruthless dictatorships, Chad, thanks to the
determination of its people, has succeeded in turning the
dark pages of its history and in making the necessary
institutional reforms for the establishment of a state of
law and pluralist democracy, and it now legitimately
expects the international community?s help in fulfilling
the fundamental right of the people of Chad to economic
and social development.
In this respect, I solemnly invite friendly countries
and international institutions, governmental and non-
governmental alike, interested in Chad?s development to
participate extensively in the Geneva IV round table, to
be held from 20-22 October 1998, on strategic
development options for Chad for 1998-2001.
Our appeal for the development of our country
would be incomplete if we were not to raise a serious
subject of concern, the improvement of our environment,
which has been endangered by the approximately 1
million mines that infest a large part of our national
2

territory and prevent all development activity. In this
respect, we reiterate the appeal for international assistance
made here by President Idriss Deby at the commemoration
of the fiftieth anniversary of our Organization and reiterated
by our delegation at the fifty-second session of the General
Assembly.
Our concerns about domestic policy in no way divert
our attention from the international situation. In Africa, we
are gratified at the progress made in settling conflicts
through negotiation. This applies particularly to Western
Africa, under the auspices of the Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS), particularly in Liberia,
Sierra Leone and, more recently, in Guinea-Bissau.
The efforts undertaken in the Central African Republic
first by MISAB and then by MINURCA have yielded
satisfactory results. My country is proud to have been a
participant in these efforts since 1996. We are duty-bound
to work towards consolidating peace, which remains fragile
in that fraternal neighbouring country. The legislative
elections will be an important stage in the peace process,
and the elections therefore call for the full support of the
international community. A premature withdrawal of
MINURCA, before these elections which are but one stage
of the process, would endanger the costly efforts made for
peace. In these troubling times throughout Central Africa,
we appeal for much more patience in order to enable the
international community to assist the Central African people
even farther along the path of national reconciliation and
security, as the United Nations does everywhere.
The strengthening of existing structures for the
prevention, management and settlement of conflicts in
Africa must be encouraged and firmly supported by the
international community, regardless of whether it is a
matter for the Standing Advisory Committee on Security
Questions in Central Africa or the United Nations Regional
Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa, located at
Lomé, Togo.
Despite the existence of these mechanisms, hotbeds of
tension have emerged here and there in Africa, dangerously
threatening peace and security on that continent, which
more than ever needs peace and security for its economic
recovery. Thus, we deplore the persistent situation of war
in the countries of the Great Lakes region, and particularly
the ravages of war in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. It is urgently necessary that genuine efforts be made
by the international community under the aegis of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), with the cooperation
of the States of the region, so that the Democratic Republic
of the Congo can exercise its right to national
reconciliation, the unity of its sons and daughters, its
territorial integrity and national sovereignty. This means
the withdrawal of the forces of aggression that occupy the
entire eastern part of that brotherly country.
With respect to Angola, Chad believes that
Mr. Jonas Savimbi is the only party responsible for the
deterioration of the situation. We therefore make a
heartfelt appeal to the international community and the
Security Council to acknowledge the new direction taken
by UNITA and to provide it the assistance necessary to
promptly achieve the terms of the Lusaka Protocol.
In the Horn of Africa, the armed conflict between
Ethiopia and Eritrea threatens peace in that part of the
continent. The relative calm obtained, thanks to OAU
mediation, must be observed in order to facilitate
negotiations with a view to a peaceful settlement of the
dispute between those two fraternal countries.
Close to those two countries, the situation of latent
war in Somalia is far from reassuring. In that country,
where the different factions in conflict are sowing terror,
war could break out at any time. It is important to make
a concerted effort to reintegrate that country into the
international community.
The consequences of these hotbeds of tension
afflicting the African continent can be measured in the
number of homeless people and refugees moving from
one country to another in search of a land that will
welcome them, not to mention the very high number of
innocent victims, including maimed and starving
individuals.
Having recently suffered the horrors of war
ourselves, our country is keenly aware of the value of
peace and appeals to the collective conscience to bring an
end to the multiple tragedies affecting innocent African
populations.
The same challenges confront us in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, where the implementation of the Dayton
Agreement must be firmly supported so that a lasting
peace can be established in that part of the world.
In Afghanistan, Chad urges the Taliban in power in
Kabul and the opposition coalition to undertake a frank
and sincere dialogue in order to achieve a lasting peace.
3

In the Middle East, the hope of peace raised by the
Oslo accords is fading daily because of the stalled Israeli-
Palestinian talks. We urge all the parties concerned to
respect their commitments, as this is the only way to
achieve a lasting peace in that part of the world. Neither
violence nor extremism, much less intransigence, will
enable the achievement of a just and definitive solution to
this crisis which has lasted too long.
My country, Chad, noted with satisfaction the end of
the bipolar world and the radical change that took place in
the international situation. By resuming diplomatic relations
with the Republic of China on Taiwan, the Government and
the people of Chad had only one consideration: to diversify
relations of friendship with cooperation with all the peace-
and justice-loving countries of the world on the basis of
equality and solidarity. Thus Chad gave its support to the
request that an examination of General Assembly resolution
2758 (XXVI) of 25 October 1971 be inscribed on the
agenda of the fifty-third session, because of the radical
changes in the international situation and the coexistence of
two Governments, one on each side of the Straits of
Taiwan.
We are gratified at the progress, however slow, that
has been achieved in recent years in the fields of
disarmament and the fight against narcotic drugs. However,
we denounce the scandalous trade in conventional weapons
which fuel so many conflicts and bring bloodshed to so
many parts of the world. We are prepared to support all
measures aimed at combating this scourge.
Furthermore, and in the face of the globalization and
universalization that is engendering the arrogant
triumphalism of the powerful, the international community
must rise above the disparities among its members and find
adequate ways of overcoming the negative impact on a
fragile international balance of the mutations that are
currently taking place. In so doing, it must give priority to
consensus and agreement among its members and reject
unilateral actions conducted in its name but in disdain for
the principles and rules that govern it. Therefore, it is
urgent that peace- and justice-loving nations speak out to
denounce the frequent interferences in the internal affairs of
States and take a unanimous stand against the economic
sanctions that are often ineffective and are unjust and
fraught with social consequences, as well.
For this reason, Chad once again firmly condemns the
haste with which unilateral air strikes were made against a
simple pharmaceutical factory in the Sudan, causing the
loss of innocent lives in that fraternal neighbouring country.
In this respect, Chad reiterates its support to the appeal
made from this rostrum by the current Chairman of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) to send a fact-
finding mission to study the matter.
As for the Lockerbie affair, while we support the
resolution of the latest OAU summit, in Ouagadougou, on
this question, Chad is also gratified that the United States
and Great Britain have agreed that the trial of the two
suspects take place in a neutral country. We appeal to
those two countries and to the Netherlands to undertake
negotiations with Libya, either directly or through the
mediation of the Secretary-General of the United Nations,
in order to conclude an arrangement for the
implementation of Security Council resolution 1192
(1998) and thus to establish the modalities for the trial,
including measures of security and guarantees for the
suspects. These negotiations are indispensable if this
question is to be truly resolved.
That being said, may there be no mistake as to the
meaning of our policy. We wholeheartedly condemn
terrorism in all its forms. The many victims of the recent
terrorist actions against the United States Embassies at
Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam, as well as the equally tragic
reactions that have ensued, force us to reaffirm strongly
that no end can justify such recourse to an aggressive and
blind fundamentalism.
It is clear that the infinite despair in which millions
of human beings are submerged cannot be alleviated by
the use of force, wherever it may originate. Furthermore,
the radical fundamentalism often inveighed against today
is not the preserve of any specific faith. To attribute it
lightly to one religion or one people inevitably reduces
the scope of the actions undertaken to circumscribe it.
We therefore support the plan for the urgent
convening of an international conference under United
Nations auspices in order to establish the modalities of an
effective international cooperation for the total eradication
of terrorism in all its forms.
On another matter which is related to the preceding
concerns, we would like to express our deep concern at
the present state of international economic relations. It is
indeed deplorable to see that the process of detente that
is evident in the international political situation and in the
globalization of the economy has in no way modified the
unequal economic relations, so that the imbalances
between rich and poor States are increasingly glaring. If
growth has continued in the developed countries for
4

almost fifty years now, the opposite has taken place in the
developing countries, where growth has stagnated, if not
regressed. Thus, the eternal problems of indebtedness and
deterioration in the terms of trade have been compounded
by the problem of the constant marginalization of the
developing countries, in particular those of our African
continent, on international economic circuits.
In order to achieve the objective of lasting growth and
development in the interests of humankind, we invite the
international community to work for a system based on
rules that are just, fair and more open; for the progressive
liberation and elimination of obstacles to trade, in both
goods and services; for the rejection of all forms of
protectionism; etc. It is therefore urgent that concrete
measures be adopted to make it possible for Africa to
achieve sustained growth which should lead to real
development.
In conclusion, we would like to reiterate our complete
support for the United Nations both in the maintenance of
international peace and security and in the establishment of
a just and equitable international order.
But if the United Nations wishes fully to play the role
it has been given, it must adapt to the realities of the day.
It must be credible and its legitimacy must be undeniable.
The Security Council in its current form is far from
enshrining these ideals, for two principal reasons: first, its
composition does not at all reflect the views of the whole
and especially of the least and the smallest; secondly, it
pursues a policy based on a double standard, which makes
its decisions increasingly vulnerable.
Given this situation, the need for Security Council
reform is self-evident. Such reform must respond to the
expectations of Member States. This means that there must
be a recomposition of the Council as well as a review of its
decision-making procedures, in particular the right of veto,
which is used and abused. We must reaffirm the position
taken by the last Assembly of Heads of State and
Government of the Organization of African Unity: the
African continent must be equitably represented in that
organ where the fate of all humanity is at stake. It is
inconceivable and impossible to accept that an important
sector of humanity continues to endure the harshness of
decisions in which it did not participate.


Allow me to congratulate the
President of the General Assembly on his election and to
wish him success in discharging his duties. I wish us all a
constructive fifty-third session of the General Assembly.
In 1995, the United Nations system commemorated its
golden anniversary. This year, the United Nations celebrates
the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. This is a major
accomplishment for humankind. The Declaration has
inspired the development of a reliable and effective
international system for the protection of human rights.
At the time of the adoption of the Universal
Declaration, Latvia was under Soviet occupation. The
Soviet Union did not respect human rights, even though
it participated in the preparation and adoption of the
Declaration. I will mention one example among many
violations of human rights: three and a half months after
the adoption of the Declaration, the people of Latvia,
including myself, experienced the largest of several
deportations. Tens of thousands of people, even elderly
people and children, were deported to the gulag. This left
a lasting mark on the collective consciousness of the
people of Latvia and significantly altered the demographic
situation.
During the period of occupation, the people of
Latvia were unable to utilize fully the human-rights
protection system of the United Nations. That situation
changed as Latvia restored its independence. In the seven
years since Latvia became a Member of the United
Nations, it has benefitted from the moral and political
support of the largest international organization.
Immediately after the restoration of independence,
our nation had to achieve the removal of a foreign
military force. This process was helped by two General
Assembly resolutions and the good offices of the
Secretary-General. I am pleased to announce that less
than a month ago the last military installation of the
Russian Federation in Latvia â€” the early-warning radar
station in Skrunda â€” was closed. This event illustrates
that international institutions can constructively assist in
the fulfilment of bilateral agreements. Cooperation

between Latvia and the United Nations has been rich in
accomplishments. The experience gained in the United
Nations community has helped us in our democratic
development.
At present, Latvia is paying particular attention to
economic and social development. Latvia is experiencing
healthy economic growth at present. Latvia has one of the
highest rates of growth in gross national product and one of
the lowest rates of inflation among European Union
candidate States. It has a balanced budget, and expects to
have one next year also. This creates justifiable optimism
that the process of accession to the European Union will
continue successfully.
The development of an integrated society is a national
priority. This is a complicated task because the Soviet
regime intentionally created a situation in which Latvians
almost became a minority in their own country.
Nevertheless, Latvia is dealing resolutely with this task. By
the end of the year the Government will have completed the
elaboration of a programme for the integration of society.
This programme will stimulate the development of a civil
society and provide more opportunities for the learning of
the Latvian language. When implemented, the programme
will permit all residents of Latvia to participate to an even
greater extent than at present in public and civic life.
Already Latvia ensures broad opportunities for the
development of the culture of various ethnic groups and for
education in their mother tongues.
This past June, Latviaâs parliament adopted a far-
reaching decision about changes in the citizenship law.
Most of the major political forces support these changes in
the citizenship law. Shortly, the people of Latvia will voice
their opinion of these changes in a referendum.
Cooperation with United Nations institutions,
especially the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), has enhanced the social and economic welfare of
Latviaâs inhabitants. The UNDP has helped our country
resolve sensitive and important issues of integration. On
behalf of the Government of Latvia, I would like to express
gratitude for the assistance provided by the UNDP in
enhancing the welfare of Latviaâs inhabitants. The
successful cooperation should continue.
The fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights spurs a consideration of Latviaâs possible
contributions to the human-rights protection system. As a
first-time member of the Commission on Human Rights
beginning next year, Latvia will support the promotion of
human rights as a priority of the United Nations, and the
Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights as the
primary institution for that task. Latvia believes that the
priority role of human rights requires increased funding.
Latvia has decided to continue to support financially the
project for the development of national human rights
institutions.
On the country level, I may note the National
Human Rights Office which has operated actively in our
country for several years and which is the first institution
of its kind in Central and Eastern Europe. The Office was
established with the support of the United Nations. Latvia
desires to continue this constructive cooperation with the
United Nations. In support of the reform package
proposed by the Secretary-General, the Government of
Latvia will establish â€œUnited Nations Houseâ€. By the end
of the year a building in Riga will be the home of five
institutions of the United Nations system.
It is significant that during the golden anniversary of
the adoption of the Universal Declaration, the United
Nations diplomatic conference in Rome adopted a
decision to establish an international criminal court.
Latvia supports the establishment of an effective court
and hopes that an overwhelming majority of United
Nations Member States will do likewise.
The best protection for human rights is a world in
which peace and security prevail. The bipolar order, with
its characteristic threats to peace and security, is gone.
However, the world is still unsafe. International terrorism
and crime are growing, access to weapons of mass
destruction is growing, ethnic conflicts exist, and threats
to the ecology of our planet are mounting.
In order to solve these problems, the enhanced
participation of the United Nations, including the Security
Council, is essential. To fulfil its role effectively, the
Security Council must reflect the real balance of the
worldâs economic and social power and use skilfully the
resources available to it. Latvia reiterates its continued
support for an expansion of the Council that would result
in the equitable representation of small States and all
regional groups.
As I speak from this rostrum, I appreciate the rare
opportunity to address the shapers of world political
opinion. We, the leaders of the United Nations Member
States, must realize clearly that the highest mission of the
United Nations is service to humankind. The United
Nations should become a universal Organization. It will
2

retain credibility in the eyes of the world only if the results
of its efforts are clearly evident.
A prerequisite for this credibility is the ability to
condemn and deter those who have violated internationally
accepted norms of behaviour. The United Nations has
shown the ability to do this on many occasions. I believe
the time has come for world society to evaluate one of the
most inhumane regimes of this century â€” Soviet
totalitarianism. I take this opportunity to call upon
victimized peoples to commence a joint effort to evaluate
its legacy. The people of Latvia have endured the horrors
of Soviet and Nazi occupations and therefore have the right
to appeal to world society to do everything in its ability to
avert the future appearance of similar scourges.

We live in an era when the human mind has created
much that is useful for promoting mutual respect and
understanding in our everyday lives. I hope that the results
of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly will be
a lasting investment in shaping the United Nations for the
next millennium.


Allow me to
begin by congratulating Mr. Didier Opertti, on behalf of
the Government of the Republic of Angola, on his
election to the presidency of the fifty-third session of the
General Assembly. We are convinced that his experience,
wisdom and diplomatic skills will help us to achieve the
goals we set for this new session.
Angola is especially pleased by the election of a
representative from Uruguay, a country that has greatly
contributed to the preservation of peace and security in
the world, as was recently demonstrated by its
participation in the United Nations peacekeeping operation
in Angola.
I should like to pay tribute to the outgoing President
for the manner in which he conducted the work of this
important body during his mandate. And a word of
appreciation goes also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, for his dynamism and for the wisdom he has
demonstrated at the helm of our Organization.
Almost 10 years have passed since the end of the
East-West confrontation. We had hoped that by this time
there would have been a greater positive impact on the
international scene, especially regarding peace and
security, and economic development.
Unfortunately, in spite of the progress we have
made — particularly in the promotion of democratic
values and in the greater respect for human rights, among
others — we are still witnessing the proliferation of
internal armed conflicts, violent border disputes among
nations, military aggression against independent and
sovereign States, continued degradation of the
environment, and economic decline with the consequent
social and economic deterioration, especially in
developing countries. We are also witnessing an increase
10

in transnational organized crime and terrorism, which poses
a serious threat to the stability of all nations.
This scenario casts a shadow over the prospects for
the rapid implementation of the new political world order
that emerged as a result of the end of the cold war, which
would bring peace, stability, development and democracy.
We still have a long way to go.
It is incumbent on the United Nations, given its
universal character and singular role in international
relations, to shoulder the main responsibility in the search
for solutions to all the problems that have become obstacles
to achieving peaceful development and the well-being of
our peoples, and in devising fair and effective formulas that
meet the collective interests of its Members.
The question of conflict resolution and prevention
should be given high priority, for this will ensure the
alleviation of tension in the world. The urgent creation of
early-warning mechanisms will certainly enable the
international community to act in a timely manner to
prevent the triggering of potential conflicts, thus avoiding
the repetition of past mistakes, such as those we have seen
recently in Africa.
In this connection, Angola shares the views of the
Secretary-General as expressed in the recommendations in
his report (A/52/871) on the prevention of conflict and the
promotion of sustainable development in Africa, and hopes
that the members of the Security Council will turn them
into practical action.
United Nations international arms control efforts
should not be restricted to weapons of mass destruction. We
must urgently focus on the issue of small arms and other
war matériel sold to terrorist groups by some producer
countries. These supplies have led to an increase in armed
actions by subversive groups and are an incentive to all
those who wish to take power by force. We believe that the
creation of special mechanisms for the control of small-
arms exports to armed groups, as well as the imposition of
restrictive measures against those States that violate them,
could help to stop the proliferation of weapons around the
world.
The United Nations, in cooperation with regional and
subregional organizations, should promote the creation of
collective defence and security mechanisms as a means to
prevent the threat of conflict and guarantee the territorial
integrity, independence and sovereignty of States.
The United Nations will not be able to face many of
its challenges unless it can count on the commitment and
engagement of its Member States. This is especially true
with respect to the resolution of its financial crisis and the
reform of its structures to conform to the new
international reality. We feel encouraged by the reforms
undertaken by the Secretary-General aimed at turning the
Organization into a more dynamic and effective body.
The reform process must be thorough and include the
United Nations main bodies, especially the Security
Council. The Council’s current structure is outdated.
Angola supports eliminating the current geographical
imbalance in the composition of the Security Council by
increasing the number of both permanent and non-
permanent members to ensure that the main regions of the
world are fairly represented.
The claim of the African continent to at least two
permanent seats should be adequately addressed, not only
because the region is not currently represented at all, but
also because it is the largest regional group in the United
Nations. Angola also supports the Brazilian claim to a
permanent seat given the exceptional role the country has
played in United Nations activities in all areas, and
especially because it belongs to a region that has no
permanent members in the Security Council.
The Republic of Angola is facing a difficult and
critical phase in its history. We cannot yet announce the
end of the war and the beginning of a new era of
consolidation of democracy in Angola. The peace process
and all related efforts made by both the Angolan
Government and the international community are blocked
due to UNITA’s deliberate, systematic non-compliance
with the provisions of the Lusaka Protocol, the pertinent
Security Council resolutions and Angolan law. Mr. Jonas
Savimbi has demonstrated his unwillingness to transform
UNITA into a civilian political party.
As Members are aware, the Lusaka Protocol, signed
by the Government and UNITA in 1994, should have led
to the end of the internal conflict, which was resumed by
UNITA after its defeat in the 1992 general elections. But,
four years since the agreement came into force the peace
process has yet to be concluded, and, what is even more
dangerous, it has suffered serious setbacks due to the
successive obstacles raised by UNITA’s militarist wing,
led by Mr. Savimbi. UNITA deliberately deceived the
United Nations and the international community when it
declared that it was totally demilitarized. As the Security
Council itself could determine, UNITA continues to
11

maintain active military units with sophisticated weaponry.
UNITA has also hindered the process of normalization
of State administration by refusing to abandon the areas it
illegally occupies. At the same time, it has initiated a new
escalation of hostilities throughout the country, unleashing
armed attacks against local government authorities, the
national police and the national armed forces, while also
engaging in massacres of the civilian population. Hundreds
of people have been killed, mostly civilians; about a million
have been displaced; and UNITA has reoccupied areas
where State administration had already been normalized.
The United Nations Blue Helmet units and humanitarian
convoys have also been targets of UNITA’s military
actions, which constitute crimes against humanity, given
their nature and characteristics as well as the coldness and
cruelty with which they are committed. They are terrorist
crimes as defined by international human rights and
humanitarian law instruments. The international community
cannot passively watch these systematic abuses, which flout
international legal and moral values.
During the recent summit in Durban, South Africa, the
heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned
Movement condemned Jonas Savimbi for these systematic
human rights abuses. Similarly, the heads of State or
Government of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) — well aware of the seriousness of
the Angolan situation, which has had terrible repercussions
for the whole region — held Mr. Savimbi solely
responsible for the current stalemate in the application of
the Lusaka Protocol. Due to Mr. Savimbi’s staunch pursuit
of war as the only means to attain political power, he is
continuing to reinforce his military wing’s capabilities. This
behaviour was declared by SADC to be that of a war
criminal. As has been done in some other regions of the
world, Mr. Savimbi and perhaps his closest collaborators —
who together are responsible for all the war crimes
committed in Angola — should be made to respond in
court for the heinous crimes they have committed over
many years.
Throughout the peace process, Jonas Savimbi’s stance
has revealed a personal strategy aimed at creating
generalized chaos in the country in order to take power by
force. The facts are clear: it does not make sense for
UNITA to resort to armed struggle against a State where
political activity is not restricted and where UNITA
participates in its main political institutions — namely, the
Government and Parliament. Furthermore, Angola’s armed
forces include hundreds of UNITA members, including
generals.
It is unacceptable to have a political organization
such as UNITA, which is not even subject to international
law, challenging each and everyone, including the
Security Council by blatantly and systematically violating
its resolutions. UNITA itself is being penalized because
of one man, Mr. Savimbi, who abuses the good faith of
his countrymen who believed in UNITA as a credible
political alternative in the emerging political system of the
fledgling Angolan democracy.
For all those reasons, the Security Council in
resolution 1127 (1997) tried to separate the wheat from
the chaff. In the course of imposing new sanctions against
UNITA, the Council issued a list of UNITA members
universally considered dangerous elements. This list is
headed by Mr. Savimbi, who is thereby forbidden to
freely circulate in the world. Only a criminal would
receive such a sanction from the international community.
Along those lines, the Angolan Government has
suspended UNITA members from participation in the
Government. The Government demanded a clarification
of their position vis-à-vis the peace process in Angola:
either they are in favour of peace and democracy, or, like
their leader, they choose war as a means to take political
power. All those who chose peace have since resumed the
activities for which they had been appointed within the
framework of the Government of Unity and National
Reconciliation. Recently, political leaders and party
cadres, together with officers from UNITA, made it clear
that they did not support war as does Mr. Jonas Savimbi.
On 2 August, they issued a political manifesto
denouncing Mr. Savimbi’s behaviour and, in an effort to
revitalize UNITA, they created a Renovation Committee
which removed Mr. Savimbi from the leadership of the
party. The goals defended by the UNITA Renovation
Committee in its political manifesto are those of peace
and the consolidation of democracy. This renovation
movement supports the peace accords, national
reconciliation and the effective transformation of UNITA
into a civilian political party, and it has given a new
breath of hope for the conclusion of the peace process.
For that reason, the Angolan Government has
decided to recognize UNITA’s Renovation Committee as
its only interlocutor and partner in the implementation of
outstanding tasks in the Lusaka Protocol. The SADC
countries have already recognized the Renovation
Committee, and we are convinced that the international
community at large will not hesitate to support and
promote the efforts of the new UNITA leadership as it
12

assumes its role in the young, multi-party democracy in
Angola.
The Government of Angola does not believe it is
either prudent or realistic, but rather, dangerous, to yet
again give Mr. Savimbi the benefit of the doubt. This
would only lead to more false expectations, and we would
be wasting much valuable time to take appropriate
measures in this respect.
In the light of the new situation in UNITA, the
Angolan Government feels optimistic and therefore is still
committed to the successful conclusion of the Lusaka
Protocol. It will, however, continue to take all necessary
measures against those who pursue attempts to disrupt the
political order, so as to guarantee the territorial integrity of
the country and the protection of its citizens.
From this rostrum we want to draw the attention of
countries, such as the Togolese Republic and Burkina Faso
to the fact that the Government of Angola will not continue
to tolerate the support they are providing to UNITA’s
militarist wing led by Mr. Savimbi. This includes facilities
for military training for these groups to commit terrorist
acts in Angola. This is a clear violation of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) Charter, the United Nations charter
and Security Council resolutions 864 (1993), 1127 (1997)
and 1173 (1998).
I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my
Government’s heartfelt tribute to the efforts and role of the
United Nations in the peace process in Angola, and
especially the contribution of the late Matre Blondin Beye,
former Special Representative of the Secretary-General, in
support of peace in Angola.
I would also like to reiterate my Government’s appeal
to the international community to continue to render
humanitarian assistance to the displaced people in Angola
and to assist in the rehabilitation of social and economic
infrastructures.
Angola is also concerned about events in other areas
around the world. In the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, the military invasion by foreign forces is a serious
threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that
country. This could also destabilize the central and southern
regions of the continent. This led some countries, including
Angola, to consent to the request for military aid by the
Congolese authorities within the framework of the SADC
Organ on Politics, Defence and Security.
The recent summit in Victoria Falls of the leaders of
the countries involved in the problem is a step in the right
direction for the resolution of the crisis. Angola supports
the withdrawal of the invading troops and the drafting of
an agreement that ensures respect by all countries in the
region of the independence, territorial integrity and
sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
This would enable that country’s authorities to begin the
task of establishing a broad internal dialogue that should
lead to general elections in 1999, in accordance with the
democratization programme established by President
Kabila.
Angola welcomes the reinstatement of the
legitimately elected authorities in Sierra Leone and the
initiation of the process of the return of the refugees.
Angola hopes this is the beginning of the normalization
of the situation in that country.
In Guinea-Bissau, the signing of a ceasefire
agreement between the Government and the junta opens
broad opportunities for a negotiated end to the conflict.
We salute and encourage the efforts being developed by
the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries
(CPLP), where Angola, along with the countries of the
region, will continue to contribute to their efforts to foster
reconciliation between brothers and sisters in Guinea-
Bissau.
In Western Sahara, the obstacles placed in the path
of a peaceful solution have been progressively removed.
Angola continues to believe that a referendum held on the
basis of fairness and justice is the best means for the
people in the territory to choose their own destiny. We
support the continuation of United Nations and OAU joint
efforts.
We would also like to call the attention of the
international community to the problem of Somalia.
Although we recognize that the parties to the conflict
have the primary responsibility for finding a peaceful
solution, we believe this will be possible only with the
support of the United Nations.
We regret the lack of significant progress in the
Middle East peace process. Angola encourages the parties
to comply with the commitments made under the Oslo
agreement. We continue to defend the right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination, and we advocate
a rapid and fair resolution of the issues of the occupied
Arab territories, including Palestine, which should take
into account the interests of all the peoples in the region.
13

We believe that this will ease the tensions in Arab-Israeli
relations.
The situation in East Timor, a territory with which
Angola shares linguistic links and a common anti-colonial
struggle, has recently seen positive developments as a result
of the understanding reached between Indonesia and
Portugal, under the auspices of the United Nations on the
reduction of the Indonesian military presence in the
territory, will contribute to the achievement of a peaceful
solution. Angola reaffirms its support for the struggle of the
people of East Timor for their right to self-determination.
The current world economic situation raises serious
concerns, since it contributes directly to the deterioration of
the standards of living of millions of human beings,
especially those in developing countries. We are concerned
by the imposition of unilateral restrictions to free trade and
financial and economic cooperation, such as the embargo
imposed against Cuba. Its victims are the most vulnerable
groups in society: women and children. The extraterritorial
nature of these measures runs counter to international law
and does not contribute to forging links of friendship
among peoples.
We believe that we urgently need to promote
international economic cooperation based on a partnership
that will allow all those that participate in the process to
share equitably in its gains. In spite of the implementation
of endless reforms and structural adjustment programmes,
as recommended by the International Monetary Fund and
the World Bank, the economies of developing countries
continue to make such modest advances that we must
question the real objectives of such reforms.
We join with those who have spoken before us in
reiterating our need to consider establishing a new
international economic order that is more real, more fair
and more equitable, capable of strengthening the
international financial system and supporting national
efforts to promote economic development throughout the
world.
It is not enough to appeal to the understanding of the
developed countries. We need to be more strongly involved
in the transformation of the international economic picture.
The application of measures that would have an immediate
impact, accompanied by well-structured programmes, such
as the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative for
Africa, deserve special attention if they are to attain the
success we expect of them.
The Final Declaration of the twelfth summit of non-
aligned countries, recently held in Durban, South Africa,
also defines some steps that can be taken to solve the
crisis, among which it underscores an increase in South-
South cooperation.
This year, we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
This occasion should be an incentive to develop effective
instruments to promote and protect all human rights and
fundamental freedoms, since non-respect of these rights
is the main cause of conflict and instability. The
establishment of the International Criminal Court will be
a significant step in this direction. The Angolan
Government is sparing no effort to promote, protect and
defend all human rights. Were it not for the bellicose
behaviour of Mr. Savimbi, Angola would have hosted,
late this year, the first ministerial conference of the
Organization of African Unity on human and peoples’
rights in Africa. That initiative was my Government’s
contribution to the jubilee of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
In conclusion, let me emphasize the role the United
Nations is playing to promote and protect human rights
throughout the world.


I congratulate you, Sir, on your
election as President of the General Assembly, a sure
guarantee of the success of the fifty-third session. At the
same time, I wish to thank your predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko, for his fine job in handling the difficult issues
that arose last year.
On the broader issues facing the General Assembly in
the year to come, Italy associates itself with and supports
the statement made on Tuesday by the Foreign Minister of
Austria on behalf of the European Union.
Fewer than 10 years have gone by since the euphoric
days that surrounded the fall of the Berlin Wall. As our
decade began, “a new world order” was on everyone’s lips.
Many believed that we were at the threshold of a new age
of stability, freedom and prosperity. In the ensuing years,
we have indeed witnessed rapid growth in the world
economy, but we have also seen an outbreak of new forms
of nationalism, ethnic hostilities and acts of aggression.
Our peoples have grown apprehensive about the future
as they watch the performance of the stock market, internal
instability in various regions of the world, the failure of
financial institutions, the rise and unpredictability of
terrorism, unchecked waves of immigration, the constant
flow of refugees and the resurgence of misplaced nuclear
ambitions. In some countries, a few short months of crisis
was all it took to wipe out the gains of an entire generation.
Such crises shed light on an improper balance
between the power of the market and the power of
institutions. Globalization and liberalization certainly have
great merits. They have forced the national political
classes to set public finances in order and to promote
economic efficiency. But a global market requires some
measure of global government built on the knowledge that
the wealth of single States cannot be separated from the
welfare of the international community, a government
whose strength rests on the democracy of institutions. As
Secretary-General Kofi Annan underlined in his speech,
globalization requires good government.
This is why we urgently need to strengthen
international leadership. The institutions are still not
strong enough to provide such leadership, restore
confidence, introduce change, stabilize the global
economy, guarantee growth and protect the most
vulnerable of us in the race towards development.
Technology, communications and the market are
progressing at a much faster pace than politics and
institutions, thus creating a widening gap.
In the final years of this century, our challenge is to
strengthen institutions and their capacity to coordinate the
action of Governments. Globalization has impacts on
ideologies and behaviour, societies and institutions. The
opening of markets to competition must be accompanied
by reaffirmed cooperation among the largest possible
number of States. The burden of responsibility falls on
the shoulders of the stronger nations, particularly those of
the G-7. They have a duty to show solidarity,
transforming their privileges into benefits for all
humanity.
The system of international institutions has the
United Nations as its paramount and most authoritative
benchmark. The United Nations must be the driving force
behind a review of the network of interdependence. Like
industrialization in its early days, globalization produces
both great progress and dangerous imbalances. Thus, it
requires governance. No one country can govern it,
however great its political, economic and military power.
Our century is drawing to a close with a revitalization of
institutions upon which we can build the three pillars of
stability: prosperity, security and respect for fundamental
freedoms.
The first pillar of stability is governance of the
economy to prevent crises from degenerating into
catastrophes. The time has come to perfect the rules of
conduct that guide the development of the global market.
19

While these rules are imperfect and not always respected,
we must assert the conviction that it is important and
appropriate to observe them. This is the secret of their
success. It is up to the economically stronger countries to
guarantee continuity in the development of the market.
They must be buyers, lenders and the final guarantors if we
are to instil confidence and forestall the threat of a global
recession. The forces that drive the global economy are the
same as those that uphold the fundamental freedoms: the
circulation of information and ideas; open borders and
societies; the rule of law and individual rights. The
challenges facing the economy are the same as those facing
freedom.
At times, the markets are driven by a short-term logic
that privileges the earnings of today over the growth of
tomorrow. They conduct constant but instant referendums.
The stock market does not always move at the same pace
as the economy and society. Relentless technological
progress can lead to the exclusion of many from the world
of employment. Recent major economic and financial crises
show that the market does not always grow when the State
shrinks. Rather than enhancing freedom, sometimes it only
increases the power of the strongest. It is a dangerous
illusion to think the economic sphere can be unhinged from
the political system, the social context and the history of
nations. There can be no healthy economy without a strong
State, without the rule of law, without social cohesiveness
and protections — in other words, without respect for
peoples or awareness of their history.
The market’s supporters should not turn into the
standard bearers for a new fundamentalism. The
international financial institutions must know how to couple
theory and practice, how to avoid strategies that damage
society and destabilize the political system for the sake of
defending the market. They must initiate policies and
reforms that minimize moral hazards in their rescue
operations. They must look at society as a whole and not
just at its financial dimensions. Otherwise, some will rebel
against or flee the market.
The United Nations and the international community
can rely on the new cohesiveness of the European Union.
The European currency, the Euro, demands new
responsibilities at the international level as a repository of
value and as an investment and reserve currency. It will
allow the Union to project abroad standards that it would
not otherwise be able to preserve, such as stability,
competition and social solidarity. The European Union has
no intention of hiding behind the shield of its currency. It
has no illusions of being an oasis of prosperity sheltered
from the tempests of the world.
The politicians of Europe are the first to have
rethought the limits of national sovereignty. Today, the
European Union, in the wake of the single currency, is
about to become a political subject, and to participate as
such in world leadership, to correct the fragility of the
complex systems that govern the world. It is not enough
to have strong national powers. For the European Union,
too, the time has come to be a “leading nation”. The time
has come to further enhance the rules that have allowed
us to unite the continent, banishing war within our
borders.
To the South, Europe is facing massive waves of
immigration. Europe is well aware of the needs that drive
to its shores so many people trying to escape from
suffocating demographic trends. Europe knows that the
only solution is an ambitious policy of solidarity and
development. Otherwise, like King Canute, it would be
trying to hold back the sea with a wave of its hand.
Our cooperation policies must be revitalized to help
close the gap between North and South. The Economic
and Social Council, whose presidency will be assumed by
Italy at the start of the coming year, can be instrumental
in eradicating poverty and harmonizing the differences
between and the needs of the two hemispheres.
Renewed institutions will also have to manage the
second pillar of stability: security. Here, too, the United
Nations must play a central role. I refer not only to its
traditional role of direct involvement in peacekeeping
operations. Italy, I would underline, continues to provide
a strong logistic base, as well as men and resources, for
such missions and has long proposed ways to make these
operations more efficient and effective.
I refer also to the novelty of the future: growing
relations with other institutions, including the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), to which the
transatlantic community entrusts its defence. The Atlantic
Alliance is redefining its strategies, missions and
membership, but it is also rethinking its relations with the
United Nations in a new spirit. It is looking to the United
Nations for additional legitimacy to broaden the scope of
its mission. This is another crucial aspect of the system of
institutions that can guarantee peace and stability and on
which we must build our future.
20

Peace is also jeopardized by resurgent temptations to
brandish nuclear weapons in an effort to restore regional
balances, enhance national prestige and consolidate national
unity. While such goals can be in themselves legitimate,
they become totally illusory if entrusted to the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, instruments that threaten
the very right to life. In the framework of institutional
strengthening, we must, as a matter of priority, root out
senseless ambitions that rely on lethal weapons. We must
aim instead to complete the non-proliferation regime and
make it more effective and more universal.
Security is jeopardized by a breed of terrorism that has
become more and more irrational, threatening fragile peace
processes, privatizing terror and directing its hatred mostly,
but not exclusively, against the Western world and the
values it represents. We must therefore redouble our
common efforts to fight this scourge.
Individual rights are the third component of
institutional strengthening, along with prosperity and
security. The market and fundamental freedoms, as we
increasingly discover, are two sides of the same coin. But
human rights are likely to remain abstract or illusory if the
United Nations cannot enforce them to the benefit of all
individuals and, if necessary, also against their
Governments.
The international community, and all of us
individually, must deepen our commitment to safeguard
these rights. The measure of our civilization is the
protection we afford to the weakest and most vulnerable
social groups. I am thinking first of children who are
victims of atrocities whose true dimensions the media is
only now beginning to expose.
The Rome Statute to establish the International
Criminal Court represents what is probably the greatest
institutional advancement since the San Francisco Charter.
In this field, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration
of Human Rights, it confers certainty and universality on
the Charter’s system of values. But here, too, we must
complete our journey. Therefore, I urge those countries that
have not yet done so — and they are the majority — to
sign the Statute and to start to move towards prompt
ratification.
The core of every reform touches on the Security
Council. It is not enough to strengthen institutions: we must
make them more democratic and representative. And it is
on the concepts of democracy and representation that the
debate over the future of the Security Council pivots.
Significant progress has been made in recent months
in identifying measures aimed at improving the
transparency and the working methods of the Security
Council: greater openness of informal consultations; more
involvement of countries that contribute troops to
peacekeeping operations and multilateral forces; more
prompt and detailed briefings on the Council’s activities
by the President-in-office; and ready availability of texts
and documents being examined by the Council.
But the stalemate continues on the issue of enlarging
the Council. The Italian Government will be willing to
support any reasonable formula, provided that it does not
prejudice the eventual establishment of a common
European seat on the Council, distance Italy from the
other principal industrial countries or increase the number
of countries that are “more equal” than others,
transforming the majority of Member States from
protagonists into mere spectators.
The essential problem is one of principles and
criteria. Italy has made and will continue to make an
active contribution to this question that is of fundamental
importance to international peace and stability. It will
continue to fight for a more democratic, efficient and
geographically representative Security Council. No one
should feel excluded. Every country, no matter how large
or small, has a contribution to make, an experience to
share.
Given the current stalemate over increasing the
number of permanent members, we wonder whether it
would not make more sense to concentrate for the time
being only on an increase in non-permanent seats. The
solution of increasing the number of elective seats for
every regional group would make it easier for all Member
States to have access to the Security Council. After all,
this is the same solution that was adopted in 1963, when
the only previous enlargement of the Council took place.
As to the method we should follow to get there, we
believe that on a matter of such crucial importance it is
essential that any decision with Charter amendment
implications should be adopted by a majority of two
thirds of all Member States, as prescribed by Article 108
of the Charter.
These are some of our suggestions for the “quiet
revolution” of the United Nations, to which Secretary-
General Kofi Annan has dedicated such passion. We are
grateful to him for his efforts.
21

The century that is about to end has taught that there
are no definitive and total solutions. Although the
institutions are imperfect, they are flexible instruments. It
is our high duty to improve them so that they can become
the visible hand of stability, together with the invisible hand
of the market. Institutions are the only truly indispensable
power.


I should like, Mr. President,
to extend to you our very warm congratulations on your
election to lead the business of the General Assembly at its
fifty-third session. Your election bears testimony to the
very high esteem in which we hold you and your country.
You can count on our unstinting support and cooperation
during the year that lies ahead. Through you, Sir, permit
me also to salute your very worthy predecessor, Mr.
Hennadiy Udovenko, the former Foreign Minister of
Ukraine, for the illustrious manner in which he led the
General Assembly at its fifty-second session.
In your address at the opening of this session,
Mr. President, you challenged us to focus our attention on
the major issues of our time. The list of issues that you
provided was comprehensive, but I wish here to highlight
only some of them — without passing judgment on their
relative worth.
The Secretary-General has submitted a report on
causes of conflict in Africa at the request, last year, of the
Security Council. It is an excellent report, for which the
Secretary-General should be commended. The recent
events in Lesotho, to a large measure, fit in with the
Secretary-General?s diagnosis. Nothing could be closer to
the truth than the Secretary-General?s observation that
“Where there is insufficient accountability of
leaders, lack of transparency in regimes, inadequate
checks and balances, non-adherence to the rule of
law, absence of peaceful means to change or replace
leadership, or lack of respect for human rights,
political control becomes excessively important, and
the stakes become dangerously high”. (A/52/871,
para. 12)
Our recent experience in Lesotho is that instability is
likely to arise even when Governments are deeply
conscious of the need to abide by those prescriptions, if
other political players are not similarly committed to
them.
On 23 May 1998, a general election was held in
Lesotho under the management of an Independent
Electoral Commission established with the full
cooperation of all political parties. The Commission, a
new institution in the history of Lesotho, was without
previous experience. The elections were observed by 400
local and 150 international observers, including observers
from the United Nations, all of whom declared them free
and fair. Soon afterwards, however, three of the 12
opposition parties alleged that the Lesotho Congress for
Democracy had won through fraud. Vice-President Thabo
Mbeki of South Africa attempted to mediate in this
dispute, and all the parties agreed to an audit of the
9

election results, conducted by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), in order to determine
the existence or otherwise of fraud. The Commission of
Investigation, which came to be known as the Langa
Commission after its Chairman, Justice Pius Langa of South
Africa, found that, while there had been administrative
irregularities, there had been no fraud and the elections
could not be said not to represent the will of the electorate.
But even in the absence of fraud, the opposition
parties still insisted on the resignation of the Government,
the dissolution of Parliament and the establishment by the
King of a government of national unity in which all the
major parties would be equally represented. In an attempt
to achieve this, the opposition parties perpetrated
lawlessness, which resulted in an army mutiny, the forced
and illegal dismissal of the command structure by junior
officers, and open support by those junior officers for the
opposition-led civil unrest in preparation for an illegal
takeover of the Government.
It was in this state of virtual coup d?état that the
Lesotho Prime Minister appealed to the Presidents of
Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe for
military assistance to restore law and order and to enforce
discipline in the Lesotho army. The responsibility was
shouldered by the SADC member States Botswana and
South Africa on behalf of the entire SADC. While these
SADC troops were busy neutralizing the army mutiny and
the virtual coup, the supporters of opposition parties
embarked on a campaign of arson and looting in the central
business district of the capital, Maseru, which later spread
to other towns of the country.
Although the full extent of the damage to business
infrastructure is not yet known with certainty, preliminary
estimates put it at above $200 million. For a small least
developed country like Lesotho, such an amount is a heavy
burden on an already fragile economy. The Government of
Lesotho therefore appeals to the international community
for assistance in rebuilding the infrastructure that has been
so wantonly destroyed.
We have already made contacts with the World Bank
for a more precise assessment of our needs in this regard,
and once these are known we shall be making a more
focused appeal. Above and beyond the assistance with
physical reconstruction, it is quite clear that the type of
assistance which the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) and some bilateral donors were giving
to reorient the minds of our army has not yet had a lasting
impact. Lesotho has had a sad history of an army that was
deliberately filled with supporters of one political party
when that party was in power for over 20 years. As a
consequence, our army has had great difficulty in
submitting to the authority of a new master. Recent
events have underscored the urgent need to overhaul the
Lesotho army, as was done under international
supervision in Haiti.
Furthermore, all political parties need to submit
themselves to the discipline and responsibilities that are
demanded of them as actors in the democratic system.
This includes the acceptance of defeat in general
elections. Otherwise, those politicians who deliberately
undermine the democratic culture should be exposed and
officially branded by the international community as
criminals, as the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) has done with Savimbi in Angola.
Since 1993, Lesotho has been embarked on a
programme of entrenching democracy, the rule of law and
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The
current crisis has amply demonstrated how difficult it is
to make people whose only preoccupation is the
achievement of personal political power participate in this
process.
The Government of Lesotho is grateful for the
support of the countries of SADC in once again reversing
a coup in Lesotho. SADC has given practical expression
to what has become an all-Africa commitment to the
abhorrence of military overthrow of legitimate
Governments, such as occurred recently in Sierra Leone
and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The extent of recent lawlessness in Lesotho has
underscored the need to control the illicit possession of
small arms and light weapons. In Lesotho recently, young
people, many of them in their teens, were able to
intimidate law-abiding citizens with guns and to force
them to surrender Government property and to evacuate
Government offices and private industrial enterprises.
Small arms and light weapons have become so
commonplace that they have encouraged habitual recourse
to violence, thus threatening the cohesion and well-being
of many societies. These low-tech, inexpensive and easy
to use weapons — numbering hundreds of millions —
cause as much as 90 per cent of the deaths in
contemporary conflicts. Their proliferation contributes to
violence, loss of life and property, social instability, the
disruption of economic development and the threat to
democratic governance.
10

During the cold war, arms control and disarmament
efforts focused exclusively on major weapons systems, such
as tanks, jet fighters and nuclear weapons. Although this
has begun to change in recent years, there are still no
international standards regarding small arms. Their
production, trade and possession remain essentially
unmonitored and unregulated. Lesotho therefore strongly
supports current efforts to find an international solution to
these problems posed by the unregulated proliferation of
illicit small arms and light weapons.
The Government of Lesotho is understandably
disappointed that its efforts to build and consolidate a
culture of democratic governance seem to have suffered a
setback, especially this year, when we are celebrating the
fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. However, Lesotho will not be deflected from the
path it has chosen of moving forward to truly democratic
governance in which all citizens enjoy their right to
political freedom and personal happiness.
Fifty years ago, the peoples of the world set down
standards for their security, happiness and well-being in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In the intervening
period, the international community and the United Nations
have made great strides in the area of human rights. Of
great significance are the major human rights treaties which
have been adopted and which include the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The
battle to make human rights truly universal has regrettably
not been won decisively, although there is no doubt that we
are on the way to achieving that goal. We therefore need to
redouble our efforts to pursue it.
In the post-cold-war era, attention has unfortunately
been focused almost exclusively on civil and political
rights, with less attention being paid to economic, social
and cultural rights. That development is a human right is
often forgotten. Such a narrow approach misses the
important link that exists between the enjoyment of civil
and political rights and development. The Declaration on
the Right to Development was intended to emphasize such
a link but, regrettably, this latest of recognized rights has
yet to be factored into our human rights programmes.
As we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, no topic is of
greater significance than the establishment of a permanent
International Criminal Court. Over 50 years ago, this idea
was conceived out of the realization that domestic courts
are often inadequate to deter crimes under international law,
resulting in impunity for perpetrators of human rights
abuses. The adoption of the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court less than three months ago
was the culmination of a long battle fought by courageous
men and women for justice. The Statute is therefore our
proud bequest to future generations.
Over the years of negotiation on the Rome Statute,
Lesotho always affirmed the need for a court in which we
could have faith: an effective, independent and impartial
Court that enjoyed universal acceptance. In order to
achieve this, a number of thorny and sensitive issues had
to be resolved over the five-week period of the Rome
Conference. While not everything that we had hoped for
has been included in the Statute, we believe that the
positive aspects of the Statute far outweigh its negative
elements.
If, in the years ahead, there is to be greater respect
for international law and international humanitarian law,
all States will have to take the International Criminal
Court seriously and adopt measures to ensure the coming
into operation of the court without delay. We thus urge
the Secretary-General to convene the Preparatory
Commission in early 1999 to begin work on the rules of
procedure and evidence, guidelines for the court on the
elements of crimes, the headquarters agreement and other
instruments. We also call upon the Assembly to endorse
the Rome Statute and urge States to ratify it in sufficient
numbers so that the court can start its work. Lesotho
remains ready to work towards the accomplishment of
these tasks.
During the current session of the General Assembly
and the twelfth summit of the Non-Aligned Movement,
recently held in Durban, South Africa, the concern of the
international community has focused on the phenomenon
of globalization, an issue of particular importance for the
least developed countries. The liberalization of trade
regimes and the promotion of an open and secure
multilateral trading system are central requirements for
the promotion of economic development.
While the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade
negotiations has resulted in significant improvements in
market access conditions for the majority of countries of
the world, the expected gains for the least developed
countries from the stimulus to world trade arising from
the Uruguay Round are less clear. These countries
continue to face significant obstacles to market access for
their exports. There are still tariff peaks and tariff
escalations against their major export items. Furthermore,
11

some standards are too difficult to meet due to the
differences in technological advancement.
The problems enumerated above attest to the
importance of the United Nations in shaping a world of
peace, prosperity and development. A question that has
plagued the United Nations since its founding has been that
of disarmament, and in particular nuclear disarmament.
Nuclear weapons pose a serious threat to all humanity and
its habitat, yet they remain in the arsenals built up during
the height of the cold war. Their time has passed, yet
assertions of their utility continue. Nuclear weapons are
held by a handful of States which insist that these weapons
provide security benefits, and yet reserve uniquely to
themselves the right to own them. This situation is highly
discriminatory, unstable and untenable. The possession of
nuclear weapons by any State is a constant stimulus to
other States to acquire them. For these reasons, it is a
central reality that nuclear weapons diminish the security of
all States.
The recent testing of nuclear weapons by India and
Pakistan was a self-fulfilling prophecy. As much as we
deplore the measures taken by these two countries, we must
not lose sight of the fact that they have been led down that
path by the resistance of nuclear-weapons States to fulfil
their obligations towards negotiating in good faith for a
total ban of all nuclear weapons. We call upon all nuclear-
weapons States to respond to the wishes of all humanity to
ban nuclear weapons from human experience by negotiating
a binding treaty for such a ban.
Lesotho supports the efforts of the Secretary-General
towards reforming the United Nations Organization. There
is general agreement that the Security Council must be
made more democratic and its working methods more
transparent. For the great majority of States, the United
Nations is an indispensable tool for the realization of our
dream for collective security and development. We are
therefore troubled that the efforts to reform the
Organization are bogged down in the most crucial area,
namely, the reform of the Security Council. The Charter
has conferred on that organ the most important
responsibility for international peace and security. The
Working Group on Security Council reform has been
working for almost five years without reaching a
conclusion. The time has now come for a negotiating text
to be prepared and for negotiations to commence.
Otherwise, the whole exercise will turn into a charade in
which all will lose interest.
The scourge of conflicts in Africa continues to
undermine efforts towards economic and social
development in that continent. Lesotho is deeply
concerned by the failure of UNITA to comply with the
agreed timetable for the resolution of the conflict in
Angola, in accordance with the provisions of the Lusaka
Protocol and the relevant Security Council resolutions.
We thus call on the international community, and the
Security Council in particular, to assume its responsibility
to apply firmly and resolutely the measures decreed by
the Council, especially within the context of resolutions
1135 (1997) and 1173 (1998). Lesotho, as a member of
SADC, supports the resolution of the recent SADC
summit in Mauritius, which held Mr. Savimbi accountable
for the resumption of hostilities in that country and thus
declared him a political criminal.
The situation in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo is another source of concern to the Government of
Lesotho. This situation has seriously jeopardized efforts
at consolidating peace, security and stability in the Great
Lakes region. Lesotho supports all efforts aimed at
promoting a climate of peace and security in that region,
including the SADC initiative as carried out by
Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola.
Finally, we remain disappointed by the slow pace of
efforts at finding a lasting solution to the long-running
problem of Western Sahara. We therefore appeal to all
parties concerned to respect and commit themselves to the
letter and spirit of the United Nations settlement plan,
within the context of the Houston accord, so that the
people of Western Sahara can at last join the rest of the
international community as a peaceful, democratic and
stable society as we move across the threshold of the next
millennium.