137.	Mr. President, when my Prime Minister spoke, before the general debate opened [2122nd meeting], he conveyed to you the congratulations of the Government and the people of Pakistan on your election to your high office. Allow me to add my own and those of my delegation, and to extend our good wishes to you in your task. I take this occasion also to recall the ability and skill with which your predecessor, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs Trepczynski of Poland, conducted the proceedings of the twenty-seventh session of the General

Assembly last year, and in particular the remarkable role he played in putting to rest the controversy caused, during that session, by the application of Bangladesh for membership in the United Nations.
138.	On 6 October war broke out in the Middle East, as many had foreseen that it might. Since then, we have heard an account of the situation from the countries directly involved and the great Powers have made statements in the Security Council. In the view of my delegation, it will serve no purpose to determine who fired the first shot. In any event, the Arabs would be fully justified, morally and politically, in taking whatever steps they consider necessary to recover their own territory. The reason why the fighting has broken out is plain enough.
139.	For almost six years the Arabs and the rest of the world have waited for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East in accordance with resolution 242 (1967), adopted in the Security Council in November 1967. Every effort made since then to resolve this conflict has been frustrated by the intransigence of Israel. More than that, by continuing to take action to consolidate its hold over the Arab territories it seized during the 1967 war, Israel has put the world on notice that it has no intention whatsoever to part with that territory. In other words, it has no intention to implement the resolution in question. At the same time, it has tried from time to time during these six years to terrorize its Arab neighbours into submission. Their patience has been exhausted, and considering that all peaceful avenues to settlement have been blocked, it is small wonder that the Arabs have taken up the challenge and decided to meet force with force.
140.	War is tragic in that it inflicts suffering on innocent people as well. My delegation is shocked at the news that Israel has bombed civilian areas of Cairo and Damascus. The attack on Damascus appears to have been particularly vicious. The diplomatic quarter has also been hit and a number of embassies, including our own, have been severely damaged, and diplomatic personnel and their families have been killed or injured. This senseless act cannot be too strongly condemned. It can only lead to further escalation of this conflict.
141.	The time has come for the United Nations, and in particular the great Powers, to assert themselves in the cause of peace. It is no longer enough that we think in terms merely of another cease-fire. The Organization has to find ways not only to silence the guns but also to allow the voice of reason to prevail. The elements of an equitable settlement are contained in resolution 242 (1967). It is time to begin in earnest to implement it by requiring Israel to withdraw from all Arab territories it occupied in the 1967 war. Once this is agreed to and the evaluation of the territory begins, a long-term settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict can be worked out on the basis of resolution 242 (1967), tearing in mind that any settlement, to be enduring, must provide for the restoration of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine.
142.	I now turn to other matters. In the first place, we should like to welcome the admission into the United Nations of the two German States and of the Bahamas, the latest of the colonial Territories to achieve independence.
We extend to the representatives of all three States to this Organization our warmest good wishes on behalf of the people of Pakistan.
143.	Some delegations have expressed the hope that Bangladesh too will soon join the Organization. We share that hope. There are, however, certain impediments that stand in the way.
144.	In Delhi recently an agreement was reached, nearly two years after the India-Pakistan war ended, that India will repatriate the prisoners of war. But not all prisoners of war: 195 of them are to be retained in India for possible trials by Bangladesh for criminal offences allegedly committed by those prisoners during the tragic happenings of 1971. We tried very hard — I myself was involved in those negotiations — to persuade India to release all prisoners of war, without exception, in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and the Geneva Conventions, but we failed.
145.	As pointed out by my Prime Minister recently in this Assembly [2122nd meeting], the Government of Pakistan will abide by the letter and spirit of those resolutions and, in pursuance of those resolutions, will not resist the admission of Bangladesh to the United Nations as soon as all our prisoners of war, including the 195, have been repatriated to Pakistan.
146.	The key to Bangladesh's entry into the United Nations clearly lies in the hands of India and Bangladesh. We hope that agreement on the repatriation of these prisoners of war also will soon be reached. In that event we will not only not resist Bangladesh's entry into the United Nations, but will warmly welcome it.
147.	Despite India's inability for the time being to agree to repatriation of these 195 prisoners, the Delhi agreement is a major step forward towards an over-all settlement in the subcontinent. The three-way repatriation of the prisoners of war from India and of thousands of Bengalis and Pakistan nationals stranded in Pakistan and Bangladesh, respectively, is now under way. My Government attaches the highest importance to the speedy implementation of this agreement. As an earnest of our desire to implement it faithfully and speedily, we proceeded to repatriate Bengalis to Bangladesh 10 days before India started to repatriate the prisoners of war, even though under the agreement the repatriation of prisoners of war and of Bengalis had to be simultaneous. We also sent off the 203 senior Bengali civil and military officials we had originally intended to try for treasonable activities with the earliest batches of Bengalis repatriated 10 Bangladesh. We are hopeful that India and Bangladesh will also implement this agreement with the same dispatch and in the same spirit. We also hope that before long India will agree to repatriate the remaining 195 prisoners of war as well. The way will then have been opened for further moves for normalizing relations not only with India but. also with Bangladesh, with a view to strengthening the fabric of peace in the subcontinent.
148.	I should like here to record our gratitude to the international community for the generosity and speed with which it has come forward with assistance, and to the Secretary-General for undertaking a massive operation, for the repatriation by air of an estimated 170,000 to 200,000 men, women and children.

149.	It was at Simla that for the first time in the post- independence history of the subcontinent the Governments of Pakistan and India resolved to put an end to the conflict and confrontation that had hitherto marred their relations and work for the establishment of a durable peace in the subcontinent. The Agreement signed at Simla on 2 July 1972 states:
.. the prerequisite for reconciliation, good neighbourliness and durable peace between them is a commitment by both the countries to peaceful coexistence, respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs...".
The two countries also agreed to refrain from the threat or use of force against each other's territorial integrity or political independence. We consider that the agreement between India and Pakistan to order their relationship on this basis was the most important achievement of the summit meeting at Simla. We are resolved to fulfil that commitment in every respect.
150.	In fact, this has been the basis of our relations with all countries. In particular, the commitment not to interfere in each other's internal affairs on any pretext whatsoever has been the guiding principle of Pakistan's foreign policy in its relations with all of its immediate neighbours. We scrupulously refrain from interfering in their internal affairs, and we naturally expect from them the same respect for our sovereign rights.
151.	Our quest for peace and stability in the Middle East, in the subcontinent and in Asia in general leads us to welcome the detente that is beginning to mark the relations between the major Powers. We welcome it in the hope that it may, as it must, eventually encompass also other areas and issues which at the moment may seem to those Powers as being of subsidiary importance but which are of vital concern to the smaller nations. As has been tragically demonstrated again by the recent outbreak of hostilities in the Middle East, there is no assurance whatsoever that despite the detente what are often casually referred to as local wars would not continue to erupt. Indeed, there is cause for some apprehension that in their anxiety to promote and preserve the detente, the big Powers might be willing to overlook or sacrifice the interests of the smaller Powers. We should like to see the detente so develop that the smaller countries also may be able to live in peace and harmony with each other.
152.	Another disturbing feature of the present situation is that the major Powers continue to arm themselves in spite of the detente. Perhaps it is too early yet to see the detente reflected in the field of disarmament. The acid test of the genuineness of the detente will, in our judgement, be the readiness of the major Powers to disarm themselves, which may act as a catalyst for a world-wide move towards general disarmament. The present situation, however, involves a contradiction. For all the talk of a detente, the major Powers remain engaged in producing tools of destruction which are ever more sophisticated and ever more deadly. We fear that there is a basic lack of trust among the nuclear Powers. We fear for them and for the rest of mankind and the terrible price that all of us might have to pay if a major war were unleashed.
153.	Born and nurtured under conditions of insecurity basically stemming from an imbalance of power, now greatly altered to its disadvantage, Pakistan's commitment to the goal of general disarmament can scarcely be doubted. Realizing that an arms race between India and Pakistan is senseless, largely self-cancelling, and involves an appalling waste of the scarce resources desperately needed for their economic advancement, Pakistan at one stage unilaterally cut its defence expenditure. Unfortunately, this action failed to evoke a suitable response, and in recent years in both India and Pakistan the diversion of resources to military expenditure has continued at a disturbingly high rate, to the neglect of their pressing economic needs. We consider that both India and Pakistan should seriously ponder whether the time has not come for them drastically to cut their military budgets and put their resources to better use in staging a war against their common enemy, poverty. As stated by my Prime Minister during his recent visit to this country, we will be ready to discuss this issue with India at an appropriate time in the context of our joint agreement to work for durable peace in the subcontinent.
154.	It was the realization that the arms race that afflicts the world is dangerous and self-defeating that led Pakistan to propose, as far back as 1961, that a study be undertaken of the economic consequences of disarmament. The conclusions of that study are more than ever applicable today in view of the vast increases in military expenditures that have since taken place. The world is now spending something like $225,000 million a year on armaments. What a sad commentary on the "Disarmament Decade". What a macabre tragedy in terms of resources wasted when hundreds of millions of people on this globe live in abject poverty, haunted by the continual threat of starvation or death from malnutrition, when a mere fraction of this enormous expenditure on arms could help lift the pall of fear that envelopes this unfortunate segment of mankind.
155.	The time has come to shift the current emphasis from world-wide military security to world-wide economic security. Constructive action in the field of arms control and disarmament could release substantial savings for development which alone could lead to the effective underpinning of a durable structure of world-wide peace.
156.	The need for disarmament is universally recognized. And yet, after years of negotiations and numerous studies, hardly any real progress has been mad . Armaments continue to pile up at an alarming rate. In particular, delay in controlling and eliminating nuclear weapons could be fatal. The monopoly of a few could soon become the preserve of many, making the task of eliminating nuclear weapons even more difficult and the danger of a universal holocaust more real.
157.	The existing "balance of terror" — which is in fact only a modern version of the old principle of "balance of power" in a nuclear garb — has so far prevented the outbreak of war on a world-wide scale. However, this could create a false sense of security. It should not make us oblivious to the dangers to peace posed by regional imbalance in armaments, by resurgent desires for hegemony or by the perpetuation of intolerable injustices, and by the rapidly widening gap between the north and the south, the white and the coloured, the rich and the poor. The mere prevention of a major war does not ipso facto mean the assurance of justice on the basis of which alone a durable peace can be built.
158.	We see proof of this proposition in the recent flare-up of fighting in the Middle East and the situations prevailing in South and South-East Asia and in Africa.
159.	It is a matter of great regret and disappointment that . after 28 years of its existence the United Nations should still be considering the questions of colonialism and racial discrimination. Those questions should have been resolved long ago in conformity with the provisions of the Charter. The shocking spectacle of millions of people still subjected to ruthless colonial domination and exploitation, and still suffering degrading racial discrimination, continues to weigh heavy on the conscience of mankind. The situation is particularly distressing in Zimbabwe, Namibia, the Territories under Portuguese administration and in South Africa. We may derive some satisfaction from the fact that the just struggle of the oppressed peoples themselves to achieve their inalienable right to freedom and racial equality is making steady progress. Temporary set-backs have only spurred them to rededication to waging this struggle even more relentlessly. Pakistan's known commitment to this struggle and its solidarity with all those who are fighting for freedom on the basis of their right to self-determination remains strong and firm. In this context I am happy to announce that my Government has recognized Guinea- Bissau.
160.	These are some of the issues that in our judgement deserve consideration by this august body. There is one other issue which is exercising the minds of people everywhere. Whither United Nations? We believe that the effectiveness, and indeed the future of the United Nations, will depend not only on its ability to prevent war, but on its ability to ensure justice. It is on the distinction between justice and injustice that the Organization will founder or survive. The Charter accepts and makes clear that distinction, but does the membership of the United Nations? In December 1971, the General Assembly, expressing the voice of mankind, issued a clarion call by 105 votes to protect the integrity and sovereignty of a Member State. The Security Council, hampered by a procedure that has lost relevance to today's world, muted and suppressed that voice by a single negative vote.
161.	That part of history is behind us. But is this to remain the pattern for the future? It is our profound hope that it will not. Our faith in the United Nations survives the vicissitudes of the past. It is a faith tempered by a keen awareness of its shortcomings. It is a faith that demands that the United Nations be made stronger and more effective: a United Nations which has the ability to settle disputes that threaten peace, an Organization under which the survival of the weak will find the same guarantee as that of the strong, an Organization guided by principles, not political expediency, where justice will rule instead of the dictates of power politics. Therein lies the hope of mankind and that of generations to come.


1. Mr. President, in these last days of the general debate I should like to pay a tribute to the authority and distinction with which you are presiding over our work.
2.	I shall be relatively brief, for I wish to avoid repetition and, besides, I have no taste or desire for making propaganda. But I would prefer that the truth should prevail even if it should emerge as the truth which is obvious on the banks of the Seine, the Loire, the Garonne and the Rhone, the four principal rivers of my country.
3.	This debate is drawing to a close without surprises, except those that we have ceaselessly warned against, and without excesses. Everyone is gratified by this, even if, in order to achieve it, one had to keep silent on many questions and take for granted what is merely adumbrated in the same way that a fad secures a grip upon minds before it prevails in the streets.
4.	You will no doubt understand what I am referring to. To speak of peace does not call for any great precision. On the other hand, to invoke detente, to believe in it as one would believe in spring when one suddenly comes upon it around the bend after winter, would seem to warrant more assiduity and curiosity. Who does not wish for detente, or could reject it?
5.	At the risk of causing irritation, I would remind you that we have had a long experience of detente and the concept thereof. For the last 15 years it has been the concern of our foreign policy. Judge for yourselves: decolonization; the establishment of East-West relations; friendly and active co-operation with the Soviet Union; the fundamental treaty between France and Germany in 1963; the building of a European entity; as early as 1964, understanding of, and respect for, China, to which the President, of the French Republic has, as you know, just completed a trip; unfailing support for the third world, for the independence of nations and for a more equitable distribution of resources, and, to take a current example, for the harmony of the Comoro islands with their destiny. All these things protect us from naivete, but they have shown us that lucidity and generosity should always go hand in hand.
6.	Meanwhile, we learn that 1973 is to be primarily the year of detente. And reference is made to this at every turn, as if a single year were sufficient to meet its needs and as if this year promised exceptional developments. To be quite truthful, I see but two such events — much discussed, but the full expression of which is not yet completely manifest and of which the consequences, you will agree, are not yet entirely known.
7.	In the first place, I see the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. It is, of course, as we all know, not yet concluded. Its principal merit consists in its having gathered together 33 European countries and the United States and Canada. Apart from this essential fact, the results, if they are good, will be, as it were, thrown into the bargain. They will, furthermore, serve the concept of detente mainly by representing compromises between opposing stands that could not have been developed at leisure. In the long run, the contents will matter less than the way in which they were obtained. For our part, we are doing all we can to ensure the success of the Conference, and I am sure that this is well known.
8.	This Conference is therefore an important fact, an unaccustomed event, unusual in recent international practice; it is a development that is comforting to note. For all that, it is not the Eden of detente, it does not represent the alpha and omega of conciliation. It is a joint effort, an arduous effort that is the business of all. It is a state of mind that is being born — a miracle indeed! — among the poisonous flowers of the arms race, which remains, however, fraught with the mistrust and the ambitions to which it gives rise.
9.	Let us therefore be reasonable in our appreciation, cautious in our enthusiasm, and realistic in our behaviour. Let us not allow ourselves to be trapped in the all-too-easy syllogism: the Conference serves the idea of detente; detente can serve to nourish all speeches; therefore, he who refers to the Conference is, assuredly, one who practises detente.
10.	Furthermore on 22 June last, the United States and the Soviet Union published the news of an agreement they had reached on nuclear strategy. That agreement is but a
beginning and is to be followed up, so it is stated, in 1974. Its authors were gratified and they invited the whole world to share in their gratification. Why? Because this undoubtedly is an agreement between two very great Powers and it consequently concerns us all — or rather it affects us all, because it can be clothed in the chaste cloak of detente. Those two reasons are not sufficient to mask the reality that has gradually become apparent to all. In order to avoid bankruptcy, and with political considerations in mind, the two Powers have preferred to limit the development of some of their nuclear armaments while at the same time maintaining a sufficiently strong mutual vulnerability to deter each other from upsetting the balance.
11.	Thus, this type of detente would be limited to such an exercise in balancing between the two treaty partners. When children fight, one often notices that the strongest avoid a head-on clash with each other and instead attack the lightest-weight members of the other gang, who can be easily knocked down by a few simple blows. It is the same with nations. And if the light-weight nations are at present worried, how can anyone be surprised? The only surprising thing is that it has taken them so long to become nervous, finding themselves with a mere rifle in their hands while the pressures and presences remain the same at their frontiers. All that one very famous actress wore was perfume. I fear that, so scantily clothed by detente alone, we still run the risk of shivering.
12.	My analysis of the recent months would perhaps have been rather less cruel in so far as detente is concerned —  detente is, after all, a French word which we have endowed with its full significance by our actions — had it not been for the fact that certain slanderous campaigns have sought to cast slurs upon our very idea of national independence, shared by so many others.
13.	The past and geography have taught us lessons that we are not likely to forget. We are like prey that has been so often hunted that the hunter can no longer approach. Illusions, wars, more illusions and war again: this has been our fate. Henceforth, we rely primarily on ourselves, on our own efforts. I cannot imagine anyone, unless he is under an illusion, who could think of making us renounce this.
14.	We have been distressed, I would say hurt, to hear from our friends or from peoples for whom we have affection statements made here or there whose lack of reality in comparison with the facts or the actual situation in the world seems surprising to me. Even more surprising are the steps which have been taken to convince us that the questions at issue are mere figures of speech that we are wrong to feel uneasy about, but merely justified by the domestic considerations of a sovereign State.
15.	Can one really deal so lightly with a serious matter of concern to us all? Because it is a matter of national independence for a nation which does not want to be the pawn of world strategy. In its turn, after many others, and left to its own resources France provided itself with nuclear armaments, not in order to indulge in dreams of grandeur, but because its every existence was at stake. Alone, we covered the ground of difficult research, with a considerable time lag. And today some people are indignant that we have dared to tread this path, which is presumably the royal way reserved to those who today hold power; that we have placed our footsteps in their tracks, such deep tracks. And yet what protests did their actions give rise to? I look for them in vain.
16.	Nowadays one is less modest, doubtless because one knows that with France, a peaceful Power whose only ambition is to live in harmony with all and not to be taken by surprise, one does not run a great risk. Well, one does in fact.
17.	I shall not refer to the risk of ridicule. But a risk one is essentially exposed to is the risk of not understanding that one is being manipulated, used, propelled against one's own interests. And more serious still is the risk of being wholly mistaken in one's analysis of the world situation, to have understood nothing, with gaping mouth and, unfortunately, closed eyes. Finally, there is the risk of opposing the will for independence, which should be that of all peace- loving peoples and which France is convinced it is serving while ensuring its own destiny as a free nation.
18.	We shall at least preserve a vivid memory of the moment of collective blindness in which some have foundered, dragging down with them, by means of false evidence, some quarters of public opinion whose irrational fears were nursed at leisure. And we shall therefore abide by our conduct so that our fate cannot be settled except by ourselves, since from now on everyone can realize that we cannot disappear without damage to others.
19.	And again, we are convinced, we are sure, that by so doing we are strengthening the ground on which Europe must be built by affirming our steadfastness, our independence, our determination not to slacken our defence efforts.
20.	How could I avoid, after all, referring to Europe? Everyone quite rightly wonders, does Europe already exist, and particularly in the consciousness of others rather than in the consciousness of Europe itself? Is it something that is really going to exist? I refer to it only as a citizen of one of the States that go to make it up, attached like so many others to those landscapes and those shores which have borne witness to such diverse activity and been the scene of so much meditation. I speak about Europe only from a certain memory of the past and with the reasonable hope of a more just, more secure and fuller life.
21.	I am sure that this is the deep aspiration of all those European peoples who live on an exiguous territory, densely populated, closely partitioned, the internal boundaries of which are crumbling a little more each day, yielding to the thrust of time — a universal phenomenon.
22.	There is no collective will or power here; only the certainty that in joining forces everything will eventually become simpler, even if the path towards it is not entirely mapped out. This effort might perhaps also warrant the fair name of detente, the effort that nine States, often so different, pursue tirelessly in order to bury antagonisms, adjust their policies, and ensure their well-being. It would warrant being hailed often from this rostrum, and even better to be encouraged from the bottom of people's hearts. It would warrant an organization such as the United Nations showing it henceforth less indifference. Finally, it would warrant an appreciation of the extent to which Europe undoubtedly would be useful to the international order because, besides the virtues of its own joining of forces, Europe would become a pole of peace in a world drifting from one spell of vertigo to another.
23.	Recently in Copenhagen, "the Nine" — as they have become known these days — agreed to define their common identity among themselves and to express with one voice their opinion on an important matter — their relationship with the United States — as they have already done in other cases, for example the Conference on European security. There is nothing unwonted in such behaviour nor is there in the approaches which are to follow, because some State or other will also have wished to establish such a dialogue. There is nothing unwonted either if, in the weeks to come, a common view is expressed within the framework of the Atlantic alliance, where thinking is going on in the light of world developments.
24.	Perhaps even, but I do not want to dream too much, the latter will have to take into account this common will which may animate European countries so that a more equitable and better shared universal order may prevail.
25.	A more equitable and better shared universal order: it is there that genuine detente will truly be able to flourish.
26.	As long as the independence of everyone is not fully recognized and respected, as long as the living conditions of every country are not made more secure, where indeed is detente?
27.	Does it not lie in the restoration of international monetary regulations, which would give equal opportunities to all, and in a stability without which the weaker will be trampled underfoot?
28.	Does it not lie in the establishment of normal trade practices that would limit emergency measures which have an unexpected effect on markets?
29.	Does it not lie in a rational, generous and far-reaching concept of production and trade, which would share major commodities equally between producers and consumers?
30.	Does it not lie in the establishment of an international code defining the rights and obligations of each State in the world commercial order?
31.	There is nothing new left to be said about these topics. Should one be irritated at the fact that nothing can yet be put down to the credit of international co-operation? Should one be irritated that the monetary organization has been smashed to smithereens under the pressure of its own deficiencies? Should we be irritated that the selfishness of nations hinders any progress towards agreements on primary commodities? Should we be irritated at the fact that shortage is replacing affluence, that the forecasts of technicians are not borne out by the facts and that humble and innumerable lives, often wrecked by hurricanes and droughts, are also suffering from unforeseen vicissitudes, the origin of which they do not know, and that even squander the slender resources of days of starvation?
32.	Should one allow onself to become disheartened enough to accept the false pretences, the abortive texts, the proposals which aim at politics and not at the well-being of our fellow men?
33.	For our part, we shall continue crying out certain truths, perhaps in the wilderness of some meetings which are too densely packed with words. We shall continue, by our national action, and also in Europe with our partners,, and everywhere in the world where we are bound by ties of history and friendship, we shall continue to affirm that stability, generosity, responsibility, respect for others are concepts without which there can be no monetary or commercial future for the world, without which there would be just one single prospect: that of bitterness and violence.
34.	In this year of 1973, it would have been easy, had one wished, to restore equanimity to the whole world. Away from dialectics which cause one to lose sight of realities and which deflect the deep inclination for peace of peoples, could not those who claim to bear the highest responsibilities have found the path to true glory?
35.	However, only interested motives, too well-understood and thoroughly weighed, seem to have guided their thoughts and actions. Take South-East Asia — where the fighting is taking so long to be extinguished after having been endless — and on other frontiers where it is still the eve of battle, with sudden outbursts.
36.	There is the Middle East where the situation, one had been told, was under control. And so why should it change? And being so sure of tomorrow one had left until tomorrow what should have been done today. And the results are there for all to see. Did not so much certainty, such assurance, warrant the present being dealt with before the irreparable occurred?
37.	Let us hope that those conflicts of another era —  anachronistic to the point that they last without causing inconvenience except, unfortunately, for the suffering populations — will cease. Let us hope that the collective conscience will be heeded before they go astray who, in keeping with their tremendous present responsibilities, must quickly understand the friendly and urgent message that we put to friends that they be inspired by tolerance and prompted by the will to concerted action not only in their own meetings, but also in their relations with all peoples who, in their powerlessness, follow the progress of such merciless games.
38.	On the subject of those absurd, ruthless, unfair wars, my country has long since, over and over again, voiced its views and stated its policies. Therefore I shall not dwell on that.
39.	In this assembly of nations we have many friends. We feel a community of thought with many peoples, many States, young or old, which, like us, are seeking their way in order to assert their dignity by themselves assuming the responsibility for their destinies.
40.	We believe with them that this rostrum, this international gathering, this periodic and organized pooling of world preoccupations are indispensable so that peoples souls may sometimes throb and that some cries may be uttered here and there; and these, heard by the multitude, may so animate them that nothing will ever be as before; so that falsehood may lose its assurance, that indifference may finally come to be tinged with concern; and that those who make demands and claims may also heed the voice of responsibility; that friendship may cease to be a matter of subservience and influence cease to be burdensome; that the veiled but ever-present threat may no longer weigh on people's minds and hearts, and that from now on, nobody may dare to give expression to it.
41.	I myself, prepared this speech several days ago. Before coming here today I changed nothing except the tenses of two verbs, from the present to the past, and inserted two phrases quite spontaneously.
42.	This address is a statement of our policy, a statement of its concepts, duration and determination. I delete nothing. I add nothing to it.
43.	But since last Saturday, fighting has been resumed and all the evidence indicates that it is particularly bloody. I offer the assistance of my country so that the war may quickly subside and not flare up again. We could make suggestions to contribute to a peaceful settlement on condition that everyone wants this and really wants a just and lasting peace. I am convinced that our European friends share this wish. I hope that these sincere wishes are not offered in vain


119.	It is an honour for me, Mr. President, as a newcomer to this Assembly to offer the congratulations of the Irish delegation to you, whose long and distinguished career at the United Nations has now culminated in your election as President of the twenty- eighth session of the General Assembly. Your declared loyalty to, and faith in, our Organization will inspire our work. In you too we salute the loyalty to the United Nations of Ecuador and Latin America. As you have so rightly said, Ecuador has been guided in international affairs by "the ethical and legal principles which form the common cultural heritage of Latin America derived from a thousand years of history" [2117th meeting, para. 44], from its own soil and from its blending with the culture of Europe. And perhaps I may be permitted to recall that an Irishman, Florence O'Leary, companion and biographer of the great Bolivar, was privileged to fight for liberty beside Juan Jose' Flores, who became the first president of your country. We in Ireland treasure these links with Ecuador and Latin America and they give us an additional reason for rejoicing in your election to your high office.
120.	My delegation also wishes to pay a tribute to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski of Poland, the President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, who carried out the duties of his high office with outstanding efficiency, distinction and courtesy.
121.	Ireland is happy to welcome the Commonwealth of the Bahamas as the one hundred thirty-fifth Member of the United Nations-this first land of the New World seen by Columbus, and a land whose culture unites those of many continents.
122.	And we warmly welcome what you, Mr. President, have described as "historically and politically the transcendent event of this session", the admission of the Federal Republic of Germany, our partner in the European Economic Community, and of the German Democratic Republic. The achievements of the German people in the realms of literature, philosophy, music, art, science and scholarship have enriched the cultures of all our countries and pervaded our thinking. Gutenberg, Luther, Goethe, Kant, Marx, Beethoven-there is no end of famous men and women of whom we might say, as Goethe did of Kant, "Even if you have not read him, he has influenced your thinking". These are the makers of European and world culture, for they are not bounded by any country; these are true citizens of the world who are not so much children of Germany as of humanity.
123.	The Federal Republic has long been a Member of the United Nations family and has given loyal and distinguished service to many of its organs. Its presence in the Assembly and that of the German Democratic Republic will bring to our deliberations the great qualities of the German people as a new and active element in the Organization. Perhaps, too, we can hope that their co-operation here, where they sit side by side, will hasten the day when Germany will again be peacefully reunited.
124.	In his introduction to the annual report on the work of the United Nations, the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, has told us that this body will not develop through ritual public statements of approval and support which are not backed by inner conviction, realism and whole-hearted participation [A/9001/Add. 1, p. 2], and he has asked us in his closing words to examine our consciences, to decide just what kind of world organization we need and are prepared in reality to accept [ibid., p. 8]. Do we want an Organization which is more than a conference machinery and a forum for the pursuit of national policies, one which will develop an impetus of its own?
125.	These blunt questions deserve thoughtful and at the same time frank answers. The role of our Organization needs to be reviewed at this time for two quite different reasons: first, and most obviously, because of public disquiet, one might indeed say disillusionment, with its achievements as they are known-incompletely, be it said-to public opinion; but also, and ultimately more importantly, because the last few years have seen the emergence of world problems not previously realized or understood, some indeed quite new. Their resolution will require without question a global approach through an Organization representative of all the peoples of the earth.
126.	The last two decades have seen for the first time in the life of this planet the emergence of an almost comprehensive range of organized independent States representing virtually all the peoples of the earth. In the perspective of history it will no doubt be seen as ironical that this should have coincided precisely with a stage in the economic organization and in the economic development of the world that began to render unworkable the very concept of absolute national sovereignty and to demand, with rising urgency, a pooling of sovereignty in certain specific areas of activity in the joint interest of the world's peoples. For some long-established and powerful States this is an unwelcome development, accustomed as they have been to an almost unfettered exercise of sovereignty in the interest of their own peoples-often in the past, be it said, without much regard for the interests of others. Such countries naturally find it hard to accept the constraints on the exercise of their power which this new situation imposes. But this development also poses great psychological problems for States that have come into existence only in recent decades, with an understandable ambition to exercise, within the ,limits imposed by their economic power and geographic extent, the attributes of sovereignty, so long and so harshly denied to them. As the representative of one of these newer States, I am very conscious of this aspect of the problem and can sympathize with the many even newer States that have hardly yet had the chance to consider how best to use the sovereignty so recently secured. We in Ireland know just what is entailed in a recognition of the need to pool parts of our national sovereignty; we have faced this choice and our people, in May of last year, by a majority of five-sixths, decided to recognize that it would be counter-productive and contrary to their interests to insist on the preservation, undiluted, of sovereignty in matters where this sovereignty could not effectively be exercised save in co-operation with neighbouring States. The reality that we in Ireland have faced is one that all the Member States of this Organization-even the most powerful and the most-proud-must also recognize as this extraordinary century draws to its close. None of our States is capable of controlling single- handed the environment in which their people live. Pollution is ubiquitous. Technology is universal. The airwaves reach every corner of the globe, and out beyond it to the stars, whose secrets we are starting to probe by voyages into space. No State can by its own laws or its own power safeguard its people's interests from external influences, be they good or bad. We have no choice, therefore, but to seek each other's co-operation in determining which is the pervasive forces of technology , and which manifestations of economic power endanger our peoples unless controlled and in agreeing on how to control them.
127.	Our human loyalties start small: first to our families, then to our local communities. For many people even the extension of loyalty beyond the local community to the State is difficult. And so we do not find it easy to widen our loyalties to new and larger entities perhaps lacking in cultural cohesion and comprising other States or peoples with which we have in the past had deep and perhaps bloody differences. Least of all do we find it easy, yet, to see the world as one community of peoples owing loyalty to each other and to the earth which gives them life and sustenance and shelter. That is why the first tentative efforts towards a recognition of the interdependence of States in the modern world has come at the regional level, among peoples who, however diverse their individual cultures, share a common heritage. Western Europe is today the scene of a development which, while yet at this stage unique, may prove a fore-runner of other similar free unions of culturally diverse sovereign States seeking to overcome mutual suspicion in a sharing of their sovereignty over those features of their economic and social affairs which can no longer be controlled at the level of the individual State.
128.	Many of these problems, however, today demand global rather than regional solutions. They require, in the words of the distinguished representative of the United .States, Mr. Henry Kissinger, whom we warmly welcomed here this morning, the acceptance of the imperatives of a global society [2124th meeting]. As Mr. Kissinger said, they will not be resolved by a world fragmented into self-contained nation-States or rigid blocs. They will not, indeed, ultimately be resolved until the world's peoples can raise their sights to a level of vision elevated enough to command a wider view of these problems.
129.	But we cannot afford to wait-for the growth-of technology and the expansion of economic activity will not delay-until a sense of global loyalty emerges, strong enough to carry the superstructure of common decision making needed to resolve all these problems at one swoop. Instead we must start together to tackle these problems with the very limited means now available' to us-the cumbersome mechanisms of decision-making by unanimity which is all that our peoples, and, be it said, their governments, are ready to concede at this stage. The problems that fall to be tackled in this way-first of all through the existing quite inadequate level of international co-operation, but ultimately by something much more highly-developed and more appropriate to the scale of these problems — are . well known to us all. First there is the problem of the maldistribution of the world's resources in relation to the spread of its people on the surface of the globe. Here we face both the problem of the maldistribution of natural resources, and that of the maldistribution of the capacity to harness them. There are countries with natural resources far exceeding their present ability to develop. There are States with virtually no natural resources at all, which also lack the technological base to import and process such resources. And there are advanced countries which, with or without their own natural resources, have, through their historical development, secured a position of economic power and wealth which places them many levels above States in other parts of the world.
130.	Such disparities between people on the one hand and wealth on the other are morally unsustainable. They fly in the face of the conscience of a growing proportion of mankind which is coming to feel that our neighbour is indeed every other human being; that this feeling is most acute amongst the younger generation in our countries is perhaps one of the most hopeful features of the modern world..
131.	But that is only one of many problems which must be tackled globally. There is the problem of our environment and the using up of resources some of which we now believe to be within sight of exhaustion within the lives of our children or grandchildren. There is the problem of multinational companies, many of them, be it said, responsible for technological breakthroughs which have benefited mankind but which, nevertheless, escape the control of national governments. Some are operating on a scale controllable in the public interest only by a world authority, exercising at world level the same protective function as that undertaken by our national governments within our own States vis-à-vis purely domestic private interests. And there is also the overflow effect of modern international advertising, operating through pervasive communications media, which may involve abuses that no national government could today control effectively in its own territory without impairing the ability of its own domestic enterprises to hold their own in competition with external concerns free from such constraints.
132.	Because these and similar problems can be tackled effectively only at a global level, and because the interests of the world's peoples demand that they be tackled, the United Nations has a future role to play, the importance of which should not be underestimated. It was perhaps with considerations such as these in mind that a working group was established some time ago to prepare a charter of economic rights and duties of States, and it was such considerations also, no doubt, that the President of Mexico had in mind when he some weeks ago addressed a letter to the Secretary-General asking that work on that charter be accelerated [A/9142].
133.	But it is not only in areas such as these that the old concept of absolute national sovereignty must start to give way to a wider sense of human solidarity. Human rights transcend national boundaries. In our membership of this body, and in certain of its activities, that fact is partially recognized. But we are still far indeed from the point where throughout the world the basic rights of human beings are protected by a code of legislation universally enforceable on an international basis. There is more lip-service, and less real commitment, in this aspect of our joint activities in the United Nations, than perhaps in any other.
134.	In this particular area the member States of the Council of Europe have something to offer. We have accepted a significant measure of derogation of sovereignty in human rights matters-permitting domestic actions in matters involving human rights to be effectively challenged in an international forum. My own country was indeed one of the first to be challenged by this process; happily we were vindicated. I believe that if what we in the Council of Europe have developed were to become generalized, and if States in other parts of the world were to accept the same measure of derogation of sovereignty in this field that we in that Council have accepted, great progress could be made. This is an area where, it must be said, there has been a deterioration rather than an improvement in recent years as, in more and more countries-most recently in Chile- regimes have come to power lacking the consent of their peoples, and many of them hold on to power by repressive measures that undermine human rights.
135.	In this year when we commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Secretary-General has very pertinently said that the credibility of the United Nations is especially at stake [A/9001/Add. 1, p. 5]. That credibility can be restored only if, as the preamble to the Universal Declaration proposes, human rights are protected by the rule of law-the rule of international law-which alone can be effective vis-à-vis domestic repression in Member States.
136.	How can we make real progress in this matter? Surely by seeking to create an effective international human rights jurisdiction. Many States will, I believe, accept such a proposal — in Western Europe alone there are more than a dozen that do so already. Others can be embarrassed or shamed into doing so. And those who remain outside — or who, having joined, later renege on their obligations-will have identified themselves as unwilling to give their own citizens the guarantees that only the international rule of law can provide, without which, as the preamble to the Declaration states, the seeds of violence will be sown.
137.	This problem of human rights takes on a special dimension in southern Africa. There the deprivation of individual freedom is based on race and colour. No consideration of personal achievement, level of education, or even of loyalty to the regime, influences the treatment meted out to those whose colour is different from that of the ruling minority. From birth, and because of birth, the majority are condemned to unequal treatment, humiliating to the human spirit, degrading those who impose it as much as those on whom it is imposed.
138.	We condemn that policy, and believe that its intrinsically evil character makes it ultimately unworkable. Condemnation alone is not enough, however. Indeed condemnation without any attempt to understand the fears that lie behind this evil imposition may be counter-productive. We have to face the fact that because of their history white South Africans have become a dominant but fearful minority in that beautiful land. Their fears, however unreal they may appear to us, are real to them, and one way of helping to bring the curse of apartheid to an earlier demise will be to seek means of reassuring this misguided dominant minority as to its future in a free and democratic South Africa. In the policies which the United Nations adopts in relation to South Africa this consideration should have a part, without our ever for a moment relaxing our abhorrence of the evil itself or ceasing to counter the attempts by reactionary elements in some countries to mitigate or explain away this most degrading of all repressive policies.
139.	A separate and special problem is that of Rhodesia, where the illegal regime retains its control and where there appears to be little immediate hope of change but, rather, ominous signs of greater misery ahead. Hopes that the way to a just and peaceful society recognizing the principle of majority rule might be paved by a constitutional conference have not been fulfilled, and the illegal regime seems bent on even more intransigent and suicidal measures to preserve control by the white 5 per cent of the population. The majority have shown great patience and have continued under their chosen political leaders-some imprisoned for many years-to search for peaceful solutions. Ireland will maintain its support of the right of that people to independence, and will continue strictly to adhere to the Security Council's mandatory sanctions against the illegal regime.
140.	Elsewhere in southern Africa, there are the problems of Namibia and of the Portuguese Territories. The attitude of the people of Namibia to the illegal South African regime-which persists in exercising authority in the region in defiance of the United Nations, which seven years ago terminated South Africa's mandate for the Territory [resolution 2145 (XXI)]-has been shown by the boycott of elections in one of the so-called "homelands", by industrial action, and, indeed, by rebellion against the denial of human rights. We support the United Nations in its efforts to free this country from the illegal South African regime.
141.	We also support the calls made by the Security Council and the Assembly to Portugal to recognize the right of the people in the Portuguese African Territories to self-determination and independence. There is no other solution, and in the end that will be the solution. Much misery-not alone for the Africans in those Territories but also for the Portuguese in Africa and at home — could be spared if that reality were to be recognized by the Portuguese Government, which in its present policy is doing an injustice to its people, to their traditions and to their past contributions to human knowledge and culture. The tragedy of this residual colonial situation has been deepened recently by the disturbing reports of massacres in Mozambique, which have not yet been the subject of an independent investigation.
142.	The problems of the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America owe a good deal to past colonialism, but by no means all their problems can fairly be attributed to that cause. In addition to past exploitation, there are also deep underlying causes of poverty in many of those countries which cannot be solved in the foreseeable future without generous recognition by the better-off States of the world of their obligation to share their wealth with countries less fortunate.
143.	My country shares with other developed countries this duty and obligation of aiding our economically less fortunate neighbours in the world community. It is a duty which our membership in the United Nations has brought clearly to our attention. It is a duty and obligation which Ireland has accepted in principle but one where to date our performance does not match our duty. In the past our performance operated on an unplanned basis. My Government accepts that there is a need for real and substantial improvement in Ireland's aid to developing countries. In the current year our official financial transfers to developing countries have been doubled. The intention of my Government is to increase thereafter the annual level of this assistance in absolute terms and as a percentage of our gross national product in a planned manner over a period of years. We are developing a comprehensive and coherent programme which will show a balanced growth in its various sectors and will be designed to achieve the greatest benefit for developing countries. That will still not immediately match the generous acceptance of this obligation by some other developed countries, but it is an indication of our will to meet our United Nations obligations in this essential work.
144.	In what I have said here today I have hitherto concentrated on problems which concern our Organization outside the field of peace-building, the settlement of disputes and detente. This is not because I underestimate the importance of seeking a de-escalation of tensions between States in many parts of the world; indeed, unless such relations are improved and peace preserved none of the other matters of which I have spoken will have much relevance. But we must face the fact that it is in this area of activity that world public opinion has expected more from the United Nations than it could possibly perform and where at the same time the Organization has at times performed less well than might have been expected even by realistic and reasonable people. This disparity between expectations and performance has damaged the credibility of our Organization, and I have no wish to aggravate this problem by highlighting the unresolved problems that remain in
, relations between States. But I think it is right to remark that there is a measure of detente since at last the futility of the cold war and its sterile polemics is recognized. The major Powers do seem to be moving, however slowly, towards a measure of accommodation with each other, although the balance thus created is not yet stable since the world has yet to learn to cope with the more complex interactions between Powers and blocs in this new situation.
145.	The most explosive situation remains that of the Middle East. We regret that its solution does not seem to have been brought any nearer, though we realize how grave are the problems involved end the difficulties facing diplomacy. We welcomed the visit of the Secretary-General to the countries of the Middle East, under the aegis of the Security Council. We can but hope that that visit may result in some initiatives which might break the present deadlock and help the process of diplomacy in securing peace between the parties, in finding a peaceful solution to their problems based on acceptance by all countries concerned of Security Council resolution 242(1967). In the meantime the major Powers can help towards a solution by adopting a genuinely neutral attitude towards the contending interests
rather than, as has been the case in the past, aligning themselves with either side, thus converting this tragically divided region into a mini-cockpit of the cold war. They could also help by agreeing amongst themselves to refrain from arming the two sides in a manner that can only make a recurrence of violence more likely and more bloody if it occurs. The intransigence of the parties to this dispute has in the past been intensified rather than eased by the actions of outside States pursuing what they have conceived to be their own interests through involvement with the contending parties. Hopefully, this phase is coming to an end, and with that the chances of peace in the area should be enhanced.
146.	Before concluding, I must refer to the tragic situation in Northern Ireland. The conflict that has torn apart that little community of 1.5 million people, costing almost a thousand lives and injuries to many thousands of others while reducing large areas of its urban centres to rubble, has yet to be resolved, but there are signs that a solution may be found in the months ahead. None dare put it more hopefully than that.
147.	The divisions that have contributed to this tragedy owe much to history. Fear lies at the root of the situation-the fears of the majority in that area that they might against their will be forced to become a minority within an all-Ireland republic and the fears of the minority in Northern Ireland for their future in a situation dominated by a frightened majority. Those two communities in Northern Ireland, locked into a situation of apparently inevitable and endless conflict, differ somewhat in their origins. But unlike, for example, the more deeply divided communities in the island of Cyprus, they speak the same language, English. In the absence of linguistic differences, the most evident distinction between the two communities happens to be one of religion, and it is this that has given the conflict its anachronistic reputation of being a religious war. Differences on points of dogma between Christian denominations have little to do with the conflict between the two communities, however.
148.	The fears of the northern majority are the key to this situation, for it is their actions in response to those fears that pose a threat to the lives and well-being of the minority in Northern Ireland. If those fears, aggravated by the uncertainties and physical distress of the past four years, could be eased, the problem of Northern Ireland would be on the way to solution. My Government has a role to play here. We do not seek to impose or to have imposed on the people of Northern Ireland any solution unacceptable to a majority there.
J49. We know that any attempt to impose such a solution could only multiply the bloodshed and the bitterness. It is the people of Ireland we seek to unite; the territory of Ireland is nothing without its people. And this unity of the people of Ireland can be secured only in peace and reconciliation, with the consent of a majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland.
150. The solution now proposed to this terrible problem is one on which broad agreement exists between my Government and that of the United Kingdom. It entails the establishment of a new executive in Northern Ireland, comprising elected members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, drawn from parties representative of both communities; the reform of the police and civil service in Northern Ireland so that they may be acceptable to the minority community as well as to the majority; and the creation of a Council of Ireland, with equal representation Iat executive level for Northern Ireland-which has half the Republic's population-and functions in relation to economic co-operation between the two parts of Ireland. That Council must have the power to evolve and to undertake new functions, but the pace of any such evolution must be governed by the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. The desire of the minority to identify with the new institutions should be recognized, and also their concern that justice will be fairly administered.
151.	We believe that this policy reconciles the concerns of the majority in Northern Ireland with the legitimate aspirations of the great majority of the Irish people to national unity. It is a policy of reconciliation; it is a policy which we believe we can submit to this Assembly as one in full accord with the principles of the United Nations. And I hope, and I believe, that my Government will enjoy the sympathy and understanding of the States represented here in pursuing such a policy.
152.	Should we fail in our efforts, together with the United Kingdom Government, to secure a solution along those lines, the situation could become grave indeed. I hope and pray that we shall not fail, and that I shall not at any time in the future have to come before the General Assembly to seek your assistance in finding a way out of the dangerous and tragic situation that could then arise.


89.	Mr. President, I wonder whether I should congratulate you or sympathize with you in the onerous task ahead of you? Although, in electing you President of this session, this august Assembly has shown due recognition of your skilful diplomacy and high appreciation of your deep erudition — qualities which your country and the United Nations have had the privilege of enjoying in the most altruistic way. But, Mr. President, "uneasy lies the head that wears a crown". I bring you warm and fraternal greetings from my Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, the Government and the people of Mauritius.
90.	The outgoing President, Mr. Trepczynski, deserves our thanks and appreciation for his leadership and service during his tenure of office.
91.	We are meeting at a very grave moment in the history of the United Nations, when three Member States which have pledged to abide by the United Nations Charter are at war. We members of the developing world have always dedicated ourselves to the cause of freedom and peace, and in such a spirit we pray and hope that wisdom and peace, justice and equity will soon prevail in the Middle East. It cannot rain all the time.
92.	We warmly welcome the new Member States: the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.
93.	Here I would like to pay a special tribute to my friend and distinguished colleague Comrade Willy Brandt for his perseverance, dedication, conviction and positive approach to a delicate, if not at that time a thorny, situation. All his noble and persistent efforts are now happily crowned with success in bringing about the close association of both Germanys. I am sure that the pages of history will record his far-sighted vision and cool patience since his accession to power and in making his latest hope a reality with an enduring reconciliation.
94.	We are indeed gratified to underline that, in admitting these new States, the United Nations is steadily progressing towards the desired goal of universality. It is only by becoming truly universal that our Organization can fully achieve the aims so clearly defined in the Charter. That is why we sincerely hope that those States which are still outside the United Nations — by choice, for political or any other reasons — will be willing to join us in the
9
near future and will not hesitate to take their rightful places in the family of nations.
95.	By the admission of the two German States to the United Nations as sovereign States, we have accepted prevailing realities of today with the concurrence of the two Governments concerned. But we trust that the present ideological differences between the two States will not prove irreconcilable as to render the gap unbridgeable —  for, in our opinion, such differences should not divide, but should allow mutual tolerance to sustain peaceful coexistence.
96.	It is in the same spirit that we view the problems concerning the Korean people. Mauritius maintains friendly relations with both South and North Korea and would support their dual representation in the United Nations, thus paving the way for the creation of favourable conditions for the reunification of the country with the mutual consent of both parties. How rightly can I say here, quoting the words of Saint Francis of Assisi:
"O Lord, give me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can and the wisdom to know the difference."
97.	My country welcomes the agreement reached between India and Pakistan for the peaceful settlement of their neighbourly differences. May we hope that Pakistan and Bangladesh resolve the outstanding issues so as to enable this new sovereign State to become a Member of the United Nations at this session. Bangladesh is a sovereign State, which Mauritius recognized as such as early as February 1972, and it is noted with satisfaction that the majority of Members represented here have given due recognition to this fact. We should encourage India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to continue their efforts, by direct negotiations, to achieve peace and harmony in the region and the cherished universality that we all desire.
98.	Ever since we joined the United Nations, we have noted that, session after session, Assembly after Assembly, the Organization has considered the same problems under different guises, without apparent positive results, thus causing stagnation. No communion of people can progress if it does not move with the times. The process of decolonization is at a standstill. In southern Africa, millions of people who are looking to us for assistance and help to exercise speedily and peacefully their fundamental rights to self-determination, freedom and independence are forced to resort to armed struggle against their oppressors.
99.	I shall deal with the relevant issues later, but let me say here that the basic problems concerning disarmament have not been settled, and hopes that a great number of countries had placed on the Second United Nations Development Decade are now being disappointed.
100.	It follows that more co-ordinated efforts and concerned action are essential, made in a spirit of good faith and brotherly understanding. It is in this respect that I welcome the detente between the great Powers. This reduction of strains and tensions will allow the great Powers to concentrate on the United Nations and cooperate with the whole membership to enable the Organization to achieve the goals laid down in the Charter. So, in commending this detente in so far as it creates an atmosphere conducive to a more effective United Nations, it should not be a mere entente between those concerned for the sake of narrow and selfish interests. We are convinced that this detente in which Mr. Brezhnev, President Nixon, President Pompidou, Mr. Chou En-lai and Herr Willy Brandt have contributed, is certainly not at the expense of the developing countries. On the contrary, I hope it will enable the latter to develop their resources and channel their energies in peace and freedom, without becoming the victims of one super-Power or another. We pray and trust God that, for the sake of mankind, nuclear weapons should never be allowed to be utilized whatever may be the reason.
101.	In our part of the world, decolonization and the elimination of racial discrimination are problems that are not yet resolved. We have on record all the resolutions made in this respect indicating very clearly what action should be taken to tackle those evils effectively. What is lacking therefore is the political will on the part of the great Powers, and here I indict the permanent members of the Security Council; only they can help the Council to take positive action to enforce those resolutions and thus compel South Africa to respect the political and human rights of that country's non-white majority and abandon the evil policy of that system which is not to be named among civilized people: apartheid. This Assembly has declared that apartheid is a crime against humanity. At its last session, the Commission on Human Rights adopted for the consideration of this Assembly a draft Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [item 53 (b)]. Mauritius, as a multiracial country, abhors racial discrimination and supports this draft convention. We trust that the right-thinking members of this august Assembly will rise up to the occasion. We believe that effective measures to eradicate apartheid will still be needed to give effect to our solemn declarations and other pronouncements concerning apartheid. Let us here remember that the white notes of the piano alone will never give us the symphony we desire if the black ones do not participate too.
102.	The case for effective action is clear, is very clear, as far as Namibia is concerned, in view of the special responsibility of the international community towards the people of that country. The Secretary-General has told us that his contacts and efforts in this direction have not produced the desired results. We concur with him when he says:
.. it is important that the competent organs of the United Nations, and the Security Council in particular, should continue to seek effective approaches in their endeavour to bring about a solution based on the inalienable rights of the Namibian people to self determination, national independence and preservation of the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia." [A/9001/ Add. 1, p.4.]
103.	The United Nations decided to take endorsement action for the first time — I am referring to the sanctions against Rhodesia — but the results have not been conclusive. This is a sad reflection on the first positive stand.
The fact that some countries can break the sanctions imposed by the United Nations against the illegal, unlawful and self-imposed regime of Ian Smith, shows that the United Nations should show more determination in taking endorsement action. This colonial regime in Salisbury should not be allowed to continue to defy world opinion any longer.
104.	The question of disarmament will no doubt constitute one of the most important issues before the Assembly. It is obvious that the prevailing detente has not had any bearing on the attitude of those whose co-operation is needed. Military expenditures are increasing steadily and nuclear tests are still being conducted. We believe that a comprehensive test-ban treaty and general and complete disarmament should be the ultimate goals. It is regrettable that the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference set up by the Assembly at its last session [resolution 2930 (XXVII)\ has been unable to function. We sincerely hope that it will be possible to find other ways and means of making some headway. It is noted with great interest that the delegation of the Soviet Union has proposed a new item entitled "Reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries" for the consideration of the Assembly [A/9191].
105.	We propose, and we pledge ourselves, to support that positive action. In this connexion I should like to refer to the Conference of the International Monetary Fund held last month in Nairobi, at which Robert McNamara, President of the World Bank, laid emphasis on the economic situation of the developing countries and went on to say:
"Despite a decade of unprecedented increase in the gross national product of the developing countries, the poorest segments of their populations have received relatively little benefit."
"Nearly 800 million individuals — 40 per cent, out of a total of 2 billion — survive on incomes estimated at 30 cents per day in conditions of malnutrition, illiteracy and squalor. They are suffering poverty in the absolute sense. That absolute is no abstraction here."
106.	The high hopes which the developing countries had placed in the Second Development Decade are fading fast, but we believe that new ones will grow. This session will achieve much if more importance is attached to the economic and social progress of those countries. Is not the time opportune for us to give serious thought to the proposal of the President of Mexico for a charter of economic rights and duties of States?
107.	Those are some of the points to which I wanted to refer, but before concluding may I state that my Government welcomes the peace agreement on Viet-Nam.  However, that will not be complete until the Provisional Revolutionary Government of Viet-Nam is allowed to pay its proper role as agreed at the Paris Conference.
That alone can bring about "durable peace", to use a phrase of President Nixon, in that part of the world.
108.	I reiterate the support of my Government for the liberation movements of Africa, which deserve all our encouragement and praise in their valiant struggle. My Government will give positive effect to the request of President Gowon, as President of the Organization of African Unity, with regard to the recognition of Guinea- Bissau as a sovereign and independent State.
109.	May I say, as I said once before in another international forum, that it is not what we achieve which matters but the efforts we make to achieve it. To quote the words of Browning:
"This high man, with a great thing to pursue,
Dies ere he knows it.
That low man goes on adding one to one,
His hundred's soon hit."

110.	Mr. President, I wholeheartedly trust that where there is war peace will return, and where there is hatred understanding will prevail.