It is with a sense of both pride and satisfaction that I congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your unanimous election is not only a timely recognition of your personal qualities as an able and experienced diplomat, but also a fitting tribute to your country, the United Republic of Tanzania, and indeed to its eminent leader, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere,
69.	The constructive role you have played in the various international forums, especially in the efforts of the United Nations in the decolonization process, is a matter of record and needs no elaboration on my part. The United Republic of Tanzania, which you so ably represent, is well known for its championship of the just cause of the oppressed peoples everywhere, especially in southern Africa. It is in awareness of these facts that we embark upon our task at the current session of the General Assembly, confident that the explosive and dangerous situation currently obtaining in the southern part of the continent of Africa will receive a thorough examination that will lead to substantial progress in the eradication of the evil systems of apartheid and settler colonialism.
70.	I should also like to take this opportunity to convey to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the warm sentiments and appreciation of my delegation for the able manner in which he presided over the work of the last session of the General Assembly. Our gratitude and appreciation go also to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the dedicated and competent manner in which he has guided the Secretariat of our Organization. His sagacity and perseverance have enabled the United Nations to enhance its role in the search for global peace and prosperity.
71.	At this juncture I should like, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation, to welcome the newly- independent State of Saint Lucia into this ever-growing family of nations.
72.	Africa, the motherland of one third of the membership of the United Nations, has been the scene of the worst forms of racial degradation, economic exploitation and political oppression. Much has been sacrificed by preceding generations so that we might reach the stage at which we find ourselves today in the continuing struggle for continental liberation. It is true that much of colonial Africa has gained political independence. The last two decades, however, have demonstrated to us that the independence we enjoy today will soon become empty of substance if Africa continues to be divided and exploited for the benefit of a handful of multinational corporations. So will the dignity of Africans remain incomplete as long as the deprivation, degradation and subjugation of the masses in southern Africa is allowed to persist.
73.	A gallant and able leader in the struggle for continental unity and liberation has been Mr. Agostinho Neto, the first President of the People's Republic of Angola. The untimely death of this revolutionary leader and eminent statesman is mourned by the struggling masses of Africa with a deep sense of loss and a stronger commitment to his life-long objective of total African liberation.
74.	The total liberation of Africa is the responsibility not only of the present generation of Africans, but also of humanity at large. The current situation in southern Africa is marked by the escalation and intensification of the struggle for liberation, on the one hand, and the war of repression and aggression, on the other. The national liberation movements of Zimbabwe and Namibia, with the full backing and support of the African population of those Territories, are actively engaged in demolishing the colonial and racist edifice of Salisbury and Pretoria. In a desperate attempt to arrest the march of history, the racist and illegal regimes in southern Africa are for their part intensifying the repression of the African masses in all territories. The cold-blooded murder of freedom fighters as "terrorists" and the arrest and incarceration of the innocent civilian population as "guerrilla sympathizers'1, as well as the blatant armed aggression carried out against neighbouring independent African States, are becoming daily occurrences.
75.	While the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the Patriotic Front, the sole and legitimate representatives of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe respectively, as well as the national liberation movement of South Africa, are gaining increasing support and assistance from peoples all over the world that love freedom and peace, the collusion and collaboration of certain Western Powers with the racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury are also being strengthened. Despite the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against Rhodesia and a total arms embargo against South Africa, economic and military collaboration between certain Western countries and the racist regimes continues unabated.
76.	In parallel with these developments, both regimes are trying to hoodwink the international community by setting up puppet administrations, composed of the most treacherous and reactionary elements of the black population, in a vain attempt to win international recognition. The freedom fighters are, however, foiling these devious attempts by closing their ranks and exposing the true nature and ultimate objectives of those illegal and puppet organs in Windhoek and Salisbury.
77.	The independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the emancipation of the African masses from the shackles of apartheid has been for far too long on the agenda of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Now is the time for more concrete and meaningful actions by the international community. To this end, the leaders of independent Africa, at their last summit meeting in Monrovia,  resolved further to intensify their assistance to the liberation struggle in southern Africa.
78.	In this connexion, I should like to reaffirm revolutionary Ethiopia's unswerving commitment to the just cause of the suffering masses of southern Africa. While saluting all those who have contributed to that liberation struggle, Ethiopia would like to call upon all freedom-loving peoples and Governments to increase material and financial assistance to the liberation movements and to the front-line States, so as to hasten the day of liberation.
79.	It is a well-known fact that, without the racist regime of South Africa, settler colonialism in Rhodesia would have long been eradicated. It is equally true that, without We stern collaboration and collusion, the illegal occupation of Namibia and racial subjugation in South Africa would also have long been closed chapters of history. When tackling the situation in southern Africa, we should therefore not lose sight of these facts, and the measures we place should be commensurate with the problems posed.
80.	As regards Namibia, the United Nations has a special responsibility. South Africa has slammed the door on all attempts at the peaceful decolonization of Namibia. Abusing the goodwill of the international community, South Africa has indeed attempted to use the negotiating period of the last two years to evolve and establish illegal and puppet institutions to ensure a neo-colonial hold over the economic resources and future developments in Namibia. Though the United Nations has condemned and rejected Pretoria's manoeuvres, these measures by themselves have not altered the situation. It is thus incumbent upon the United Nations to take the necessary measures to implement its decisions so as to ensure the speedy emergence of a free and united Namibia. My delegation therefore reiterates its call to the Security Council to convene immediately and consider the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions on the racist regime of Pretoria. We hope that the Western permanent members of the Council, namely, the United States, the United Kingdom and France, will heed this call of the overwhelming majority of mankind for the immediate imposition of sanctions.
81.	Inasmuch as permanent membership of the Council entails greater responsibility, we had hoped that some of the permanent members of the Security Council would faithfully discharge the obligations they assumed under the Charter of our Organization. To our regret, however, it is in those same countries, particularly in the United Kingdom and the United States, that governmental action is being considered wilfully to violate international obligations and unilaterally lift economic sanctions. We view these developments with the utmost concern. It is obvious that the mere change of colour does not in any way constitute a change in the illegal and colonial nature of the Salisbury regime. That settler domination is still intact in Rhodesia and that, as a result, the struggle for genuine independence, freedom and equality has intensified, needs no further elaboration. In our view, that struggle has to continue unabated until the dignity of the African is fully restored and final victory achieved.
82.	If that final victory could be achieved through peaceful means, we would be among the first to welcome it. It is in view of this that socialist Ethiopia and indeed the whole of Africa follows closely the current London Constitutional Conference on Rhodesia. Despite our bitter experience with the series of manoeuvres which have served more to prolong than to expedite the process of liberation, we earnestly hope that the results of the London Conference will lead to a speedy transfer of effective power to the African majority in Zimbabwe.
83.	The achievement of majority rule in Zimbabwe and progress in the elimination of racism and apartheid in southern Africa require immediate and determined action by the international community. It is therefore imperative that the decision of the Security Council with regard to the arms embargo on South Africa be fully implemented. In view of the grave threat posed by South Africa's nuclear weapons capability, the Security Council is in duty bound to pronounce itself on the mandatory cessation of all types of nuclear collaboration with South Africa.
84.	While discussing the total liberation of Africa, I cannot fail to reiterate my Government's full support for the heroic struggle of the people of Western Sahara for self-determination and independence in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the recent decision of the sixteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OA U]
85.	In this connexion, Ethiopia lauds the wise and courageous stand taken by Mauritania in renouncing its claim over, and relinquishing its occupation of, a part of Western Sahara. It is our hope that Morocco will also reconsider its present position and follow the commendable example of Mauritania so that the people of Western Sahara will regain their independence and peace, and security in the region will thereby be ensured.
86.	Turning now to the general international scene, we note that the year has been marked by rising tensions and conflicts in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America, each gravely endangering global peace and security. The world has also witnessed the end of one tyrannical regime after another, a further testimony, if one were needed, to the fact that nothing can stand in the way of a determined people struggling for freedom, equality, justice, democracy and peace. The victory of the Nicaraguan people over the Somoza tyranny and the neo-colonialist regime was secured at the cost of indescribable sacrifice and as the direct result of the heroism of the fighting forces under the leadership of the Sandinist National Liberation Front. In this connexion, the Government and people of socialist Ethiopia warmly congratulate the Latin American and Caribbean countries on the high sense of responsibility, determination and firmness they have so courageously demonstrated in opposing all forms of intervention, particularly military intervention in Nicaragua.
87.	We also support fully the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their just struggle to attain their legitimate rights over their natural resources and to conduct their political life without foreign interference so as to establish just and equitable social and economic systems.
88.	The Middle East situation continues to make the maintenance of international peace and security increasingly difficult. The cleverly orchestrated manoeuvres and betrayals which we have witnessed of late have succeeded only in highlighting the fact that the question of the rights of the Palestinian people is at the core of the Middle East problem.
89.	The Camp David agreements  and the subsequent treaty between Egypt and Israel  have not only ignored and circumvented this important and central issue but have also made Israel more arrogant and intransigent. This has been amply demonstrated by the continued establishment of illegal settlements in occupied Arab territories and has increased Israeli aggression against the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon.
90.	Furthermore, the separate deals between Egypt and Israel have increased tension and conflict among the States of the region. For these reasons, socialist Ethiopia rejects these separate deals and maintains that there can be no lasting solution to the Middle East problem unless it is sought within the framework of the Charter of the United Nations and relevant United Nations resolutions which require the complete withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and the full exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights to self-determination and the establishment of their own independent State. To this end, the participation of the PLO in all negotiations on the question is also of crucial significance. Therefore, Ethiopia extends its full support to the just cause of the Palestinian people and the Arab States whose territories have long been occupied.
91.	Socialist Ethiopia also urges all the parties concerned to exert the efforts necessary for the resumption of the intercommunal talks among the people of Cyprus with a view to arriving at a mutually acceptable solution on the basis of the principles and resolutions of the United Nations. Once again we reiterate our support for the struggle of the people of Cyprus to maintain and consolidate the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and the non-aligned policy of their country and, thus, we call for the cessation of all foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus.
92.	The situation in South-East Asia is no less grave today than it was last year. The heroic Vietnamese people have been subjected to yet another foreign armed aggression, but once again they have successfully repulsed the aggressor. However, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Viet Nam and Laos continue to be under imminent threat.
93.	Having overthrown the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary genocidal regime, the Kampuchean people, who are currently engaged in the arduous task of reconstructing their devastated country, are facing the concerted manoeuvres of international reaction and imperialism, which are trying again to impose on the people that discredited and murderous regime.
94.	In this regard, I cannot fail to express our deep dismay at the decision by the General Assembly to seat in the United Nations, as representatives of the Kampuchean people, individuals who have been disowned by their own people and discredited by their very actions. This decision will neither contribute to the maintenance of peace and security in the region nor will it enhance the prestige of our Organization. Such an outright denial of reality and justice will rather, in the long run, jeopardize the credibility of the United Nations, an organization which certainly deserves abetter fate than that of its predecessor, the League of Nations.
95.	It has been repeatedly confirmed that the cessation of the arms race and progress towards genuine disarmament constitute the most urgent and pressing problem in contemporary world politics. It cannot be over-emphasized that the early cessation of the arms race, particularly in the nuclear field, and the collective realization of the long-cherished objective of general and complete disarmament under effective international control would not only strengthen international peace, security and co-operation, but would also release substantial resources which would benefit the peaceful development of mankind.
96.	The newly re-established Disarmament Commission and the Committee on Disarmament have held and concluded their 1979 sessions with some degree of success. Yet the arms race is increasing at a pace which outstrips by far all the efforts to put an end to it. It is, therefore, imperative that all States should muster the necessary political will and strive to use with greater efficiency the newly-established deliberating and negotiating bodies which provide the basis for promoting the programme of disarmament as adopted by the tenth special session of the General Assembly.
97.	Last year the General Assembly stressed the urgency of concluding agreements on a comprehensive an of nuclear tests and chemical weapons, Regrettably, not much progress has been achieved during the year and, once again, we wish to underline the responsibility of the Committee on Disarmament for completing negotiations on these important matters. It should also be underlined that any failure on the part of the nuclear- weapon States to meet their responsibility and obligation to halt the arms race and to proceed to genuine disarmament measures will mean that the world is faced with the danger of the continuing erosion of the efficacy of the non-proliferation regime.
98.	Obviously, this trend is ominous and it has been further highlighted at the recent Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean. Aware of the dangers of the extension of the nuclear arms race into the Indian Ocean region, the littoral and hinterland States have long striven, individually and collectively, to promote conditions that will ensure the preservation of their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and also enable them to resolve their political, economic and social problems in conditions of peace and tranquillity.
99.	The Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, which was convened pursuant to the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly in 1971, clearly demonstrated the urgent need for the elimination from the area of the competitive escalation in the military presence of the nuclear-weapon States. Regrettably, and despite the expressed wishes of the littoral and hinterland States, recent developments in the region point in the direction of expanding existing military base; and the deployment of more naval units, which indicates the intensification of the nuclear arms race and thereby gravely endangers the independence, security and stability of the States of the region .
100.	At this juncture, I should like to emphasize that the clarion call by the OAU for the denuclearization of Africa can have no effect so long as certain imperialist Powers continue to collaborate in the nuclear field with the apartheid regime of Pretoria.
101.	A significant development that has taken place this year in the field of disarmament was the signing, at the conclusion of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT], of a treaty by the leaders of the USSR and of the United States of America. There is no doubt that this Treaty is a step in the right direction inasmuch as it contributes to strategic stability and to the reduction of the risk of nuclear war. Since the main thrust of the SALT negotiations is the limitation of the levels of strategic weapons of the two major nuclear Powers, the Treaty can assume global importance only if it constitutes a step in halting, and eventually reversing, the nuclear arms race.
102.	It is obvious that any progress in the field of disarmament and the maintenance of global peace and security would essentially require international cooperation, confidence between and among States, and strict compliance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We are therefore satisfied to note that two of the new proposals submitted to the current session of the General Assembly are of direct relevance to the furtherance of the objectives of disarmament and the strengthening of international security. We refer here to the proposals submitted by Czechoslovakia and the USSR and entitled, respectively, "Adoption of a declaration on international cooperation for disarmament", and "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". These two items are not only timely but also of crucial importance for the maintenance of international peace and security, and the Ethiopian delegation is pleased to extend its wholehearted support to them.
103.	I should like to turn now to a subject which is no less vital and pressing: that of economic co-operation and development.
104.	As we are al I aware, the international community finds itself at present in the midst of important negotiations in the economic field, which will have a critical bearing on our endeavour to create a just and equitable world economic order. The demand for equity and justice requires fundamental changes in the international economic system to assure to all nations a fuller participation in international economic life and an equitable share of benefits accruing there from. Although this perception found its expression in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order which was adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, the results obtained so far leave much to be desired.
105.	The negotiations conducted until now between developed and developing countries in various international forums to bring about structural changes have reached a stalemate. This lack of progress is due, evidently, to the absence of a genuine political will on the part of the large majority of developed countries to engage in meaningful dialogue. That was apparent during the fifth session of UNCTAD held last May in Manila, in the meetings of the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy, and at the recently concluded session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, where the industrialized countries demonstrated increasingly inflexible positions towards the legitimate demands of the developing countries.
106.	The inward-looking policies adopted by the developed countries have not only rendered the process of negotiation more difficult but have also made elusive the attainment of the goals set out at the seventh special session of the General Assembly. We are not simply concerned at the lack of political will to expedite those negotiations. If the dialogue between North and South is to succeed, a political vision is required, a vision which is inspired by the promise of a just future, rather than one marred by the desire to cling to the short-term privileges of the present. So long as the developed countries persist in their old ways, no realistic solution can be worked out for the major issues which affect the developing world.
107.	My delegation firmly believes that the international community should seek a new initiative and a dynamic approach to achieving concrete results which would enhance the establishment of the New International Economic Order. In that regard, we subscribe fully to the proposal of the Group of 11 that global negotiations on international co-operation for development be launched at the special session of the General Assembly in 1980. We believe that this approach, which was initiated at Havana by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, will be innovative and bring about a break-through in the present stalemate.
108.	We should exert our efforts to demonstrate a change in attitude and to embark on a new approach to bringing an end to the present climate of uncertainty and disenchantment in international economic relations. It is thus the view of my delegation that international economic relations built on the status quo will produce an adverse trend in the international economic situation which, in our opinion, will not augur well for peace and security.
109.	My delegation is of the view that the international community should share a vision of the world in which justice and equality prevail. It is equally of the view that an equitable world economic order can and must be based on an equitable economic system within each nation. Being strongly committed to the achievement of social justice at the national level, we are at present carrying out basic and fundamental structural changes in our country in all socio-economic fields.
110.	The Government of socialist Ethiopia has embarked upon a genuine economic development programme in a determined effort to raise the standard of living of the masses which for centuries languished under an archaic feudal system. In that regard, a proclamation has been issued providing for the establishment of a national revolutionary development campaign and a central planning supreme council, the main objective of which is the reconstruction of the national economy, which has been ravaged by wars of aggression, repeated natural calamities, and by acts of sabotage instigated and assisted by the forces of reaction and anarchy.
111.	In his address to the nation on 3 February 1979, on the occasion of the inauguration of the short-term plan of the national revolutionary campaign. Comrade Chairman Mengistu stated the following about the options open to our people:
. . . it is a historical day on which a choice has to be made between a country where the broad masses of Ethiopia would forever remain hungry, deprived, alms-seekers, illiterate, etc., or a country, a socialist one, proud and strong, in which equality, justice, peace, happiness and collective prosperity prevail".
112.	The Provisional Military Government of socialist Ethiopia, cognizant of the fact that the nation's economic destiny lies first and foremost in the hands of its own people and resources, has mobilized the country's human and natural resources to increase the productive capacity of the nation, primarily in the agricultural and industrial sectors.
113.	Stressing the expedience of improving the food supply of the nation during the campaign, Comrade Chairman Mengistu also said:
"Our campaign will chiefly concentrate on the agricultural, industrial, commercial and social fields, with special emphasis on the question of finding a solution to the current food-shortage problems. Our first and foremost task, therefore, is to save our fellow countrymen from the scourge of hunger, to which they had been subjected for so long."
Thus the current phase of the campaign gives priority to the settlement of people who have been uprooted as a result of the recurrent and prolonged drought and other natural disasters, from marginal areas to potential agricultural sites in different regions of the country.
114.	This undertaking has beyond any doubt put a heavy strain on our meagre resources. The financial burden has been shouldered so far by all Ethiopians who look on the campaign as a part of their sacred duty to help their less fortunate brothers and sisters. Since the sacrifice and contribution of our people alone would not be sufficient, we believe that the international community, which made a worthy contribution towards our relief efforts in the past, will equally demonstrate its humanitarian concern in the resettlement and rehabilitation effort currently under way, by coming forward with generous contributions.
115.	My delegation—and, indeed, the great majority of this Assembly—is guided by the thorough analysis of the international situation and the historic decisions adopted at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in Havana, Cuba, only a few weeks ago. It would therefore be appropriate to make a brief reference to that historic Conference, if only in order to refute the self-appointed critics of our movement who, for their own selfish ends, are desperately trying to divide the non-aligned countries.
116.	It is to be recalled that, prior to the Havana Conference, imperialism and international reaction were feverishly engaged in a well-orchestrated campaign of vilification directed against the host country of the Conference with the aim of thwarting its proceedings. Nevertheless, their efforts failed and the movement emerged stronger and more united than ever. Cuba, as the host country, and its revolutionary leader, Comrade Fidel Castro Ruz, therefore deserve our deepest gratitude and appreciation for the important role they played in making the Conference a great success.
117.	The pronouncements made at the Conference by most of our leaders, the Final Declaration, the Programme of Action, and the resolutions that were unanimously adopted were not only indisputable evidence of the outstanding success achieved at Havana but also a clear demonstration of the solidarity and the unity of purpose of the non-aligned countries. At Havana, the movement strongly reaffirmed its vigorous opposition to imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid and racism and charted a viable programme of action for the years ahead.
118.	It is precisely because of this fact that imperialism and big-country chauvinists with expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions persist in their concerted efforts to hamper the implementation of the decisions adopted at Havana and to undermine the unity of the non-aligned countries. These devious attempts should be condemned and rejected with the contempt they deserve.
119.	As we enter the new decade of the 1980s, we see the world faced with new challenges while existing problems still remain to be solved. It is recorded in history that each decade and each century has posed its own challenges, and more often than not humanity has mustered its ingenuity and resources and has met such challenges with courage and determination. It is our firm conviction that the issues and problems of the 1980s will be faced with the required vision and determination. We are also confident that the United Nations will play a more constructive and active role in the creation of a world order based on peace, justice, freedom, equality and prosperity.


Mr. President, permit me, in these first words, after congratulating you on the assumption of your important office, to express the confidence that we have in your wisdom and exceptional experience in the matters which affect the States which constitute the United Nations. Also permit us to extend, on behalf of the Government of the Dominican Republic, our congratulations and thanks to the General Committee of our Assembly over which you preside for the spontaneous initiative, which does it credit, of including item 125 in the agenda of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. This item relates to measures for providing assistance to my country and to the Commonwealth of Dominica, a small country which, like our own, was cruelly battered by the fury of the hurricanes of this season of cyclones in the Caribbean.
2.	We must admit that this, too, represents a contribution to the peace for which the United Nations is fighting so heroically, a contribution which takes into account in circumstances like these, not only the scourge of war, but also the destructive force of nature. This tragedy, which afflicts the peoples suffering from the results of the hurricanes, inevitably gives rise not only to hunger and destruction, but also to all the upsetting results produced when economies are disrupted and when human suffering reaches such depths that it bears comparison with what happens when war, an apocalyptic figure bent upon uprooting the constitutional instrument of the United Nations, is unleashed.
3.	Our country was the victim in less than five days of two cruel hurricanes which spread tragedy, horror and chaos among its inhabitants, who were hoping for a future of peace and labour in a climate of democracy, and when the Dominican Government had already set up action programmes for the economic development of the nation and had been mobilizing all the forces of production, in many scientifically new and revolutionary areas, in order to make the best use of all the resources at our disposal.
4.	These adversities have suddenly interrupted and damaged everything we had managed to achieve during the past year.
5.	A report by ECLA circulated to the representatives of the States Members of this Organization, reflects the extent of the damage caused in our country by the fury of these hurricanes. For the benefit of all the delegates here present, we should like to draw attention to the assessment contained in that document, which is available to all and which illustrates with reliable accuracy the disastrous situation from which the Dominican people is now suffering.
6.	Like Dominica, we are now confronting the unavoidable challenge of having to repair the tremendous damage which we have sustained and which has set back the process of development in which we were so earnestly and zealously engaged, while we continue to perform the difficult task of providing aid to the thousands of victims and survivors who are now in shelters and who are urgently calling for transfer to adequate, permanent housing. Many of them still urgently need medical treatment in order to survive the catastrophe, which has given rise to hunger, poverty and other cruel sufferings.
7.	In the calamitous situation through which the Dominican Republic is now passing, because of the devastation and damage caused by the hurricanes which passed through Dominican territory in the months of August and September, causing so much damage to the inhabitants of the country and to private property, we must recognize that this world Organization, its specialized agencies and the regional system, as well as many countries in the region of the Americas and other parts of the world have come to the assistance of our country. That permits us to say that we are not alone in the formidable ordeal which the Dominican nation is experiencing. We should also like to mention, in particular, UNDP, the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator [UNDRO], the World Food Programme and others which took such prompt and efficient action during the very first moments of the emergency.
8.	This experience, arising from the destructive force of nature, prompts us to recall that the United Nations has not only done what it is authorized to do in accordance with the constitutional principles by which it is governed, but has even gone beyond its sphere of competence on many occasions, in order to mitigate the effects of critical situations through humanitarian programmes, including assistance in the crises which from time to time afflict the territories of the States concerned.
9.	Nevertheless, these events have given the Government of my country an idea which could bring a certain tranquillity and confidence to the islands such as our own, which are at a natural disadvantage, being right in the path of tropical hurricanes and being their first victims. This devastating danger threatens the economic structure of those countries, inevitably, each year, during the period of dangerous weather.
10.	The plight of the Antilles archipelago has led us, as we come to this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, to inform the Secretary-General of the proposal of the President of the Dominican Republic, Don Antonio Guzman, whereby, its characteristic spirit of affording protection and assistance to peoples, particularly to its Member States, in its programme for peace, the world Organization should decide to create a permanent specific fund, which would make it possible to render assistance to the islands in the Caribbean in the tragic circumstances which unfortunately seem to recur every year without fail.
11.	The Dominican Republic's spirit of international co-operation—which prides itself on having been one of the founding Members of this Organization and of the American regional system—was highlighted recently in the peace-making efforts which it undertook, together with the Republic of Guatemala and the United States of America, in order to find a solution to the conflict in the Republic of Nicaragua, which was on the point of spreading to other countries. This mission of mediation, carried out on a basis of equality and mutual respect which are essential elements of the law of non-intervention that is constitutionally guaranteed by this Organization as well as by the inter-American legal system, exhausted our utmost efforts in that very difficult task which was throughout inflamed by the emotions aroused by a policy with heavily dynastic overtones.
12.	The negotiations to find a constitutional formula which could put an end to the fratricidal war were blocked and, finally, peace had to be imposed by force of arms. Nevertheless, the Dominican Republic does feel satisfaction at having taken the part of a mediator in that conflict in the search for a less distressing solution for the sister Republic of Nicaragua.
13.	Moreover, we must recognize that the establishment of Nicaragua's Junta of National Reconstruction has rescued democracy in that territory and we trust that it will be maintained in a lasting fashion. The problem of Nicaragua is one of freedom, the cause for which countries fight that have adjured slavery and condemned it as an anachronistic phenomenon which has no place in present-day civilization.
14.	In the same spirit of international co-operation, the Dominican Government supports the world energy plan proposed by Mexico for all the countries of the world, without discrimination, whether or not they produce oil. The objective of that plan would be to provide for a progressive transition, in an orderly and just fashion, from the present historical process towards a new one which would provide many more realistic prospects for the progress of mankind.
15.	By speaking of these things, the Dominican Government is performing the duty it has to pursue effective international co-operation, in the conviction that, despite the inherent competence of the Organization of American States [CMS], there is a constitutional link between our two organizations, the justification for which is the preservation of peace and the prevention of war as a method of solving disputes and conflicts among States.
16.	The world Organization, whose creation as a con-sequence of the Second World War is one of the greatest historic events of the century, has not been able to escape criticism, some of it malicious, which branded it as incapable, in spite of the means it possesses, of preventing armed conflicts which have broken out and continue to break out in various parts of the world. Those who make that judgement tend to overlook how difficult it is to maintain peace in a world which has not yet been able to free itself from the material and moral wounds inflicted on man and his ancient race by the two world wars.
17.	Nations reflect man's imperfection, and therein lies the root of the evil which will last until the last judgement, but which we might perhaps avoid if, instead of accumulating nuclear weapons, multiple- warhead weapons and guided missies, man is able to redeem himself in the centuries to come from the negative repercussions of his origins. We may rest secure, however, in the fact that our Organization will be able to fulfil thoroughly, within a framework of indisputable realism, all the requirements for it to achieve its fundamental objectives.
18.	The not entirely satisfactory events which have occurred since the signing of the Charter 34 years ago have been events which could be described as isolated, directly ascribable to the imperfection of men and nations. We must admit, however, that these accidental and sporadic aberrations have been caused, in large measure, by the very States which founded the Organization. These States are responsible for the controversies and disputes, misunderstandings, lack of international co-operation and, above all, the lack of trust which prevails throughout the greater part of the world.
19.	If this state of affairs is acceptable, what is no less acceptable is the fact that it is important to draw up an inventory of these imperfections of the historic process of the world Organization which will demonstrate to us that one of the reasons for its existence is to prevent war and preserve peace. And this is something which has obviously been done, although international tensions, the cold war and geo-politics have succeeded in causing certain erosions in the advantages of peaceful coexistence for the benefit of all peoples who are fighting in the spirit of conviction—or convention—for the predominance of peace, and although in certain periods detente has succeeded in bringing about an easing of the anxiety generated by the arms race.
20.	Over the past year we have felt that the degree of progress achieved has yielded great relief for situations still awaiting solution which have been dragging on for several years. Many cases of this kind could be cited as examples where in actual fact isolated, armed conflicts have not been able to degenerate into a war of aggression which has extended to such a vast scale as did the First and Second World Wars.
21.	I think we would not be mistaken if we were to say, with a feeling of justice, how much more precarious the peace enjoyed by the world would have been if our Organization had not existed. It does have defects, some of them congenital, such as the right of veto, which was essential to the very foundation of the Organization, so much so that it was said at San Francisco that if there had been no right of veto, there would have been no Charter.
22.	In recent years we must feel glad at the fact that several conflicts have not broadened into true war situations and that a careful, evolutionary diplomacy has succeeded in freezing these critical situations. Just to mention two examples, let us recall the case of the Middle East and that of Central America, which is so recent in our memories.
23.	Nor can we refrain from alluding also to the spirit of Camp David as well as the great and active sense of diplomatic patience displayed by the United Kingdom in its peace-making efforts in the anomalous situations in Africa now on their way towards solutions conducive to political equilibrium at the African summit.
24.	On the other hand, in considering the progress made in finalizing the implementation of the Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel signed on 26 March 1979, we cannot disregard the aspirations of the Palestinians or fail to respect the solidarity of the Arab nations, which have made such great contributions to the history of civilization. Efforts must continue to be made, however, to find appropriate and honourable formulas for the restoration of peace within secure and permanent frontiers in this area of controversy.
25.	A fact of the utmost importance which will go down as a new chapter in the history of the Americas has just been written in Panama City when, pursuant to the agreement between the United States of America and Panama to finalize the status of that inter-oceanic canal which separates the two Americas, one of the fundamental parts of the agreement has been complied with, leading in time to the total exercise of Panamanian sovereignty over this maritime route.
26.	This solution is indeed an example of how much can be achieved within the framework of justice and goodwill among States when far-sighted men, united by the most lofty ideals, come to an agreement in their decisions face to face with the challenge of history.
27.	In the midst of the tidal waves and storms of international politics, we must also concede that this world Organization has made progress in many areas where international tensions and the cold war have kept today's disturbed world in a state of expectancy. I am referring to the growing progress that is being achieved in the various areas of human rights.
28.	The wisdom and good judgement of the Commission on Human Rights, as part of the machinery of the United Nations, should not be overlooked. This assertion would be incomplete if special reference were not made to an event of the utmost importance, affecting as it does human rights in the region of the Americas and coinciding with violent explosions in certain areas where an entire freedom-loving people was plunged into a blood-bath before it succeeded in winning back its freedom. This was indeed the case with Nicaragua, as has also happened in other countries where it has still not been possible to control this evil, which seems to be on the decline at times but at others seems to be causing a new crisis.
29.	With these references, we must recognize that the creation of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which has its seat in the non-militaristic capital of Costa Rica, completes the evolutionary process of human rights, which had already been initiated by the appropriate commission within the framework of the OAS. And although it is true that it has brought to human rights an institution like that of the Inter- American Court of Human Rights, it is none the less true that the accelerated changes in the political outlook of the Americas require that a new injection of vigorous blood be given in order to adjust to the imperatives of our time in this part of the world.
30.	We are sure that many Member States will agree that this is an imperative necessity if they do not wish to see this regional organization languish in semi-statism and decadence.
31.	The Court of the regional system is an innovation and an admirable experiment which should lead to beneficial experiences which will perhaps one day make it possible for there to exist in the world Organization an organ of justice of the same kind but of wider scope.
32.	As far as the Dominican Republic is concerned, we are in a position to assert here that we have made important progress in this area, as a projection of the integrated programmes of the Dominican Government for the development of the country. These programmes, now more than ever, require international conditions not likely to have an adverse effect on the efforts, which the Head of the Dominican State proposes to redouble, with vigour and energy, in all the country's area of activity.
33.	Furthermore, the Dominican Republic wishes to reaffirm its support for the fundamental principles of international economic relations as expressed in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Here, as is the case with all the Latin American countries and particularly those which produce commodities and raw materials, we would ex- ort the developing countries to conduct their economic relations in such a way as to take into account the interests of other countries, particularly in order to avoid any action detrimental to the interests of the developing countries.
34.	There exists an initiative which without doubt could be taken through dialogue within a framework of equality and mutual respect and adapted to the delicate conditions of the particular case, one that could serve to attenuate the risk to international security engendered by flash-points of crisis. I refer to the establishment of a new international economic order in such a way as to provide the present era of civilization with what it clamours for.
35.	There is also a well-tested and extremely effective method for contributing to the solution of the problem of security. It is enshrined in the Charter of this Organization, and its application has produced positive results. This is the principle relating to the self- determination of peoples. This is precisely the essence of the item relating to the "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples".
36.	Over the years events have shown that the policy that has satisfied such aspirations of countries which have come to the end of an evolutionary process has proved to be correct and has justified their aspirations to become free and independent. The Dominican Republic, like all free countries of the Americas, has had to go through that process. Hence the situation prevailing in the region of the Americas today. In the circumstances, the Dominican people have lived and suffered through this experience and, whatever the vicissitudes to which we have been subjected by our destiny, absolutely all the sons of our land are also sons of liberty.
37.	No matter how strewn with pitfalls is the life of free peoples, this is the road of peace and concord among men and nations. In this conviction we must recognize, in line with the thinking of the martyr of Cuban independence, Jose Marti, the truth of the statement: "Our wine may be bitter but it is our wine".
38.	Therefore let us welcome with open arms that small island in the Caribbean, Saint Lucia, as we see it entering the United Nations as a Member. In spite of its small size its spirit is broadened by its acceptance of the obligation imposed on it to proscribe war and to maintain peace in the world, and its dedication to the principles governing us all.
39.	This idea of peace should be inculcated as a mystic teaching every day among men and nations, so that perhaps in the course of time it will cease to be a Utopian idea and man can then say that he has achieved the impossible. Therefore the Dominican Republic joins in the most recent initiative of Costa Rica for the creation, within the United Nations system, of a University for Peace.
40.	Finally, permit me to invoke on this solemn occasion that provision of the Charter which calls on all States Members of the Organization—and this is the comer-stone of our policy for avoiding the scourge of war and is perhaps the synthesis of all the objectives justifying the very existence of the United Nations— "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours".


As the general debate opens, I have the honour and sincere pleasure of conveying to you, Sir, the first expressions of congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. You have the support of the international community represented here, thanks to the esteem we have for your country and for your own personal qualifications, which we recognize and admire. Your constant dedication to the principles of sovereignty and self- determination and the remarkable contribution you have made in the efforts for peace and independence have distinguished your role in the last years as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. You are well aware of the significant ties that exist between the African nations and my country. Endowed with a common heritage in many fields, and as partners in basic aspirations, we have striven to develop our ties into a network of mutual co-operation, which already includes a wide range of activities. It is with particular satisfaction that, in this context, I refer to the imminent opening of the Brazilian Embassy in Darussalam, which will thus establish a direct diplomatic channel with one of the most important capitals of Africa.
3.	Before proceeding, I should like to express my Government's appreciation for the very able and productive manner in which a distinguished South American—a representative of Colombia, a country to which Brazil is bound by fraternal links—Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano Aguirre, conducted the work of the thirty-third session.
4.	For many years and in various ways I have been associated with the work and the development of this Organization and have therefore witnessed its transformation into a true universal forum. Thus it is with satisfaction that I welcome a new Member State—a country from Latin America—Saint Lucia, to whose representatives I extend my warm greetings, anticipating fruitful co-operation in this Organization.
5.	Upon taking office on 15 March last, President Joao Figueiredo reaffirmed that the foreign policy of Brazil is dedicated to the noble ideals of peace, justice and inter-national co-operation for development. In the coming years we shall persevere in exploring new paths for understanding and co-operation with nations from all parts of the world. In this endeavour we shall be guided by our traditional capacity for friendly dialogue and by our sense of national dignity.
6.	As we look to the future, it seems fitting to reaffirm Brazil's adherence to the principles of national independence, the sovereign equality of States, the self- determination of peoples and non-interference in the internal and external affairs of States, as well as our support for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, as provided for in the United Nations Charter. In this connexion, Brazil will continue to work for the strengthening of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security, in co-operation for development and in the furtherance of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.
7.	For the Brazilian Government, it is a matter of satisfaction that relations with our immediate neighbours, the sister nations of Latin America, are increasingly pervaded by positive trends. Winds of change are blowing in Latin America. The countries of the region are conscious of the need to add new dimensions to their historical ties through the intensification of their political consultations, the establishment of new and dynamic cultural links and a substantial expansion of their trade and economic relations. While retaining their own features and peculiarities, Latin American countries are closer than ever to each other. As the area for co-operation expands, new forms of joint action will be required. For its part, Brazil is ready to co-operate, and our concern is that peace and tranquillity prevail in our region and that the countries of Latin America face, side by side, the common struggle for development. With this aim, we are prepared to work with other nations from all parts of Latin America.
8.	Brazil feels especially close to its neighbours to the east, the nations of Africa. The links that we have developed over the years reflect not only geographical proximity but also the deeply rooted affinities between our peoples. Together we have identified our interest in the establishment of new patterns of economic and technical co-operation and new flows of goods and services. Together we have sought common solutions in our efforts to overcome the challenges of development and independence, on a basis of mutual trust and respect.
9.	We are particularly sensitive to the profound grief of the people of Angola over the untimely death two weeks ago of President Agostinho Neto. To his people he was the guide in the struggle for independence and nation-building and an African leader whose personal qualifications won him great respect and esteem. In my country he was also regarded as one of the most significant contemporary poets of our common language. His death came before Africa could achieve the goal of complete freedom from political and economic domination and racial injustice. But, as he would say, the struggle continues for the self-determination and independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia and for the elimination of apartheid.
10.	With the nations of the Middle East, Brazil has forged strong ties of friendship, understanding and cooperation. We view with increasing concern the problems afflicting that part of the world. During the past year, new developments have marked the situation in the Middle East. However, it would be excessively optimistic to say that the prospects for peace—a just, lasting and comprehensive peace—are, in some way, better than they were a year ago.
11.	Nevertheless, some States are still reluctant to accept the changes that must be brought about for true peace to be attained. Some still insist on closing their eyes to the basic fact that there will not be peace in the area until all territories taken by force are vacated and until the rights of the Palestinian people—their inalienable rights to self-determination, independence and sovereignty in Palestine, in accordance with the United Nations Charter—are duly recognized and implemented, Furthermore, one cannot foresee true success in peace negotiations without the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is one of the relevant parties in the region's political scene.
12.	We believe that all States in the region have a right to exist within recognized borders. This right implies, actually, the recognition of the right of all peoples in the region to live in peace, including those who are homeless and have suffered the most. The world can no longer afford delays in the adoption of effective measures directed towards a future of good understanding, peace and justice in the Middle East. It is the hope of the Brazilian Government that the present session of the United Nations General Assembly may help create diplomatic conditions that will allow for a new political situation to the benefit of all.
13.	The world economy is about to enter the decade of the 1980s in a state marked by widespread uncertainties. After more than 20 years of intensive negotiations for the reformulation of relations between the industrialized North and the developing South, the results achieved did not go beyond the theoretical recognition of unbalanced situations and the need to revise them.
14.	It cannot be denied that practical measures for the correction of the factors of economic imbalance have been essentially limited to the convening of international conferences or to the creation of multilateral organs concerned more with the debate of the problems than with their negotiation and solution.
15.	The institutionalization of UNCTAD and the unfolding of its work over five high level meetings; the establishment of UNIDO; the addition to the text of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of a chapter on trade problems of less developed nations; numerous sessions of the General Assembly and dozens of meetings and conferences on a variety of subjects; the launching of two United Nations Development Decades; the so-called North-South Paris Conference —all this huge effort fell short of modifying the picture of injustice and asymmetry which deeply marks the North-South relationship.
16.	The remarkable prosperity enjoyed by the Western economy in the post-war period is threatened today by numerous difficulties. The very essence of the economic problem experienced by the highly developed nations has changed. Formerly, during the period of accelerated growth, the question was how to minimize the elements of instability in a context of sustained expansion; now it is a matter of preventing the international system from reaching heights of intolerable instability.
17.	At present, there is a disquieting slackening in international trade, the volume of which until 1973 grew at an average rate of 9 per cent but today increases at an annual rate of less than 5 per cent. The contraction of economic activities anticipates the increase of protectionist trends, and introduces a disturbing element of friction in an economy which is becoming more and more interdependent and internationalized.
18.	In the commercial field, it is increasingly clear that lines of division are being established between the North, which is as integrated as ever, and the South, where the share of countries like Brazil in international exports is less than proportional to their contribution to world prosperity. This contribution lies not only in the acquisition of goods and services, but also in well remunerated imports of technological inputs and financial resources, either direct investments or capital loans.
19.	Paradoxically, the very difficulties which prevail in the present situation have encouraged increased integration among the highly industrialized economies. Another ambitious round of negotiations within GATT has just been concluded. We note that the results of this round benefited above all the trade of the sophisticated among the highly industrialized nations. In the Northern Hemisphere reciprocal trade is liberalized and constructive solutions are adopted, leading to greater intertwining of the respective industrial sectors, with added financial technological co-operation and increased exchanges of direct investments.
20.	Meanwhile, the industrialized world has been drawn closer to those nations which have come to enjoy a greater availability of financial resources as a result of increases in the price of oil.
21.	These facts are positive for the world economy and, to that extent, they deserve recognition and support.
22.	From the point of view of the specific interest of developing countries like Brazil, however, the pattern of commercial relations with the developed world gives rise to concern, for what is taking place is not the removal of protectionist structures but their development into new modalities, which at times are more subtle, but which none the less are always effective.
23.	Far from being abolished, protectionism acquires new features and is updated; it strikes with redoubled impact precisely those nations which, due to a chronic tendency towards external imbalance—an inevitable requirement of their development effort—are more in need of access to the larger world markets.
24.	Concern for the pressing aspects of the economic difficulties—such as inflation in the developed world and the rise in the price of oil—must not overshadow the broader issue of the struggle to overcome the structures of under-development. Industrialization in developing countries is being hindered at the very moment when the efforts of these countries are starting to yield results, and when they can most contribute to the world economy also as suppliers of increasingly competitive manufactured products. Probably worse than openly practised protectionism, in the form of trade barriers against the sales of those countries, is the omission implicit in the disregard for the problems of North- South relationships which became evident, for example, at the Tokyo Economic Summit, held from 28 to 29 June 1979.
25.	As President Figueiredo recently stated in a speech made at the launching, by both the Brazilian Government and private businessmen, of a renewed exports drive:
"To our industrialized partners we affirm our disposition towards dialogue and understanding, and our rejection of any unwarranted attitude of confrontation. We wish to reach, together, stable and constructive solutions. Through them we expect to eliminate the spectre of protectionism which has been revived by current widespread difficulties, and also open increasingly wider channels for trade and international co-operation."
26.	In this spirit, we address our friends from the developed world. Brazil favours the resumption of the North-South dialogue through a new and intensified effort for effective negotiations with a view to reshaping the relationship between the developed world and the developing nations.
27.	In this context we look forward to the practical results we trust will be attained by the special session of the Assembly to be held in 1980.
28.	We trust that the developing world will maintain its fundamental solidarity before the highly industrialized countries. But the developing world cannot have its unity based exclusively on the coincidence of interests vis-a-vis the developed nations. This unity must reflect an effective sense of understanding and co-operation. In order to be authentic, the solidarity of the developing world must be increasingly geared to concrete action. I refer here particularly to the present energy crisis. New forms of commercial co-operation between developing countries must be established. Direct economic and financial flows among developing countries must increase on a mutual basis so as to ensure that situations of acute imbalance do not become a permanent feature in the third world. With this aim, we think that developing countries should maintain urgently all necessary consultations, which should also serve as a preparation for the dialogue they will have with the industrialized countries.
29.	Brazil, for its part, is undertaking a major effort to increase its relations of trade and co-operation with other developing countries. We have shared, to the limit of our possibilities, the experience we have accumulated as a tropical country with a relatively high and diversified level of industrialization. Our trade relations with nations from Latin America, Africa and Asia, which in the 1960s accounted for 9 per cent of our exports and approximately 23 per cent of our purchases, represent today 25 per cent of our sales and more than 40 per cent of our imports. More than a billion dollars was allocated by the Brazilian Government in the last few years to the opening of lines of credit in favour of other developing nations. We have provided technical co-operation, though still on a modest basis, to some 40 countries in Latin America and Africa, and we have today approximately 15,000 foreign students in Brazilian technical institutions and universities.
30.	In the field of renewable sources of energy, we are opening an entirely new area for our co-operation with other countries. Thanks to substantial investments in the production of alcohol for fuel purposes and the development of a technology for its use, Brazil can become the focus of a broad effort of developing alternative sources of energy with beneficial effects for all countries, producers and consumers, which seek the rational use and adequate conservation of oil reserves, as well as greater stability and predictability in the market development of such an essential product. We are thus contributing to the maximum of our possibilities, to broadening and enhancing the sense of harmony and solidarity in the developing world, which is an indispensable condition for success in the task of revising the patterns of relationship between North and South.
31.	Serious political and economic problems with world-wide repercussions have made us all acutely conscious of the importance of dialogue and co-operation among States. Developing countries have awakened to the fact that they can and should seek each other to solve their common problems. They are also aware of the fact that they are denied access to negotiations and to the international decision-making processes which directly affect their legitimate interests and aspirations in so many ways.
32.	It can no longer be ignored that all States, without discrimination, have the right to participate equitably and effectively in the decisions affecting their national destinies. It is not only in the energy, trade, monetary and other issues in the economic field that such participation is required. I wish also to consider the present situation in the field of disarmament. Although the tenth special session of the General Assembly, held in 1978 on disarmament, fell far short of producing a clear-cut commitment to nuclear disarmament, it did produce what appeared to be a more open and democratic machinery for disarmament negotiations. But the results of the first year of work of the Committee on Disarmament have not been encouraging. The Committee concentrated on debating its rules of procedure and other procedural questions, while negotiations on basic, substantive questions continued to be conducted directly by the two main military Powers.
33.	The agreements reached as a result of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT], hailed in some quarters as a major break-through in the field of nuclear disarmament and described in others as not more than a limited step towards what might be called the rational management of the arms race, are a result of such direct negotiations between the two main military Powers. Presumably all other States will be asked to commend the agreements during the present session of the General Assembly. We shall not stand in the way of such a request. But we see the second round of these talks primarily as an intermediate stage which should lead to the early start of negotiations on the third round of SALT, with its promised substantive reductions in nuclear armaments. At any rate, SALT negotiations should be integrated in a broader effort open to the participation of all States, with a view to general and complete disarmament, under effective international control.
34.	The Committee on Disarmament itself did not have the opportunity even to begin meaningful negotiations on two measures that had been on the agenda of its predecessor, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament for a great many years. Neither the trilateral talks on a nuclear weapons test ban, nor the bilateral discussions on the prohibition of chemical weapons led this year to the long-awaited presentation of concrete proposals to the Geneva Committee on Disarmament. Instead, the multilateral negotiating body was presented, at almost the last moment, with a draft on radiological weapons produced by the two major military Powers, with the recommendation that it be speedily approved and forwarded to the General Assembly for endorsement. While welcoming the initiative, the Committee wisely decided that it was entitled to discuss the proposed text more thoroughly. Furthermore, it is significant that the only major disarmament effort in 1979 open to the participation of all States had to do, not with the top priority area of nuclear weapons, but with certain specific conventional weapons.
35.	Before concluding, I wish to refer to two issues which received ample consideration at the United Nations during this year. I refer to the law of the sea and to science and technology. The Brazilian Government has actively participated in the work of the Third United
Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, spurred on by the desire to reach, with all members of the international community, a universally acceptable legal structure for the use of maritime space. The results of the latest session of that Conference seem to indicate the path towards solving some of the most delicate points of what would be the future convention. However, we are under no illusion about the difficulties still facing us, difficulties which can only be resolved in a constructive mood and in a serene atmosphere. It is regrettable that untimely initiatives should disturb the natural pace of the Conference's work, which is now moving into its decisive phase. I refer, inter alia, to the possible adoption of unilateral legislation on the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, defined by this Assembly as the common heritage of mankind. Brazil hopes that in this case as well the sense of collective responsibility, which is essential for the success of such a complex and vast project, will again prevail.
36.	Brazil has also participated very actively and with great interest in the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. We hope that the Vienna Programme of Action1 and the Intergovernmental Committee on Science and Technology for Development, to be established, as well as the continuation of negotiations, including those in conferences already programmed within the United Nations, will lead North and South to solutions on the issue of the transfer of technology and the revision of rules which regulate industrial property, in accordance with the needs of the developing countries.
37.	In concluding, I should like to assure the Assembly that as in the past the delegation of Brazil stands ready to work together with other delegations for the solution of the issues before the General Assembly. I should also like to state that in Brazil we remain confident and optimistic regarding the future, despite the frequent and serious adverse changes which in the present international situation have opposed our efforts. We are convinced that we are able to overcome the various obstacles facing our country and we are determined to continue to co-operate on an equitable basis in international efforts, here at the United Nations and elsewhere, for the promotion of justice, development and peace.


It is a welcome tradition in each session of the General Assembly to begin policy statements by paying a tribute to the President of the General Assembly and other office-bearers on their election to the high posts of the Assembly sessions, as a fitting recognition of their experience and qualifications, which are an important factor in their election to such responsible posts. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan therefore takes pleasure in observing this tradition by extending its sincere and warm congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to the high office of the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I deem it necessary to mention that you, Mr. President, not only represent your great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, but also the struggling continent of Africa whose people have decided with faith and conviction to eradicate from their continent the evils of apartheid and racial discrimination and the last vestiges of colonialism and alien domination. Your outstanding contribution to the decolonization efforts of the United Nations and your personal dedication to the cause of freedom and the liberation struggle gives us every assurance that the important deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly will be termed a successful endeavour in the ongoing struggle of this Organization for a peaceful and prosperous world.
51.	May we also express our appreciation to your predecessor, the prominent Colombian statesman and diplomat, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for the successful conduct of the deliberations of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
52.	When we assess the successes and failures of this Organization in matters of peace and security, the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, dedicated to the realization of the aims and objectives of the Charter, deserve our admiration.
53.	The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes with joy the admission of Saint Lucia as a new Member of this Organization. This admission which reflects the success of the decolonization process in that former Territory takes us one step closer to the objective of the universality of this Organization.
54.	Last year when we came to this Assembly at its thirty-third session, only six months had elapsed since the Afghan people had successfully carried out the Saur (April) Revolution under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the vanguard of the working class of the country. At that time, from this very rostrum, we declared to the world that the Afghan people, having struck down the towers of tyranny and despotism, had dedicated themselves to building a new society free from the exploitation of man by man despite enormous economic and social problems which we inherited from the previous despotic regime.
55.	In such circumstances, the first step required for building such a prosperous society free of exploitation was the uprooting of feudalism in the country and thus the liberation of the toiling people of Afghanistan, namely, the workers, the peasants and other toilers, from the unjust feudalistic relationships prevailing in the country and from the domination of imperialism and reaction.
56.	In order to achieve this lofty goal, the Revolutionary Government, among its other measures, successfully implemented, during the year and a half that elapsed since the victory of the April Revolution, three major decrees issued by the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
57.	By the implementation of Decree No. 6 we have removed the burden of the system of unjust mortgages, usury and interest payments that was previously imposed on millions of our working peasants by the feudal fords and big landowners.
58.	By Decree No. 7 we ensured the equality of the rights of Afghan men and women before the law and in all political, economic, social and other fields. Afghan women are no longer exchanged for money or material goods under the guise of bride-money, dowries or marriage expenditures.
59.	As I stated earlier, one of the major tasks of the Revolutionary Government has been to eliminate the feudal and pre-feudal relationships from the socio-economic structure of the country. For this purpose the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan successfully implemented Decree No. 8 in a record period of six months with the all-round co-operation of the Afghan people, as a result of which more than 3 million jeribs of land previously owned by feudal lords and big landowners were distributed free of charge to thousands of landless farmers and petty landowners. The joy of an Afghan farmer and his dependants who have become the owners of land for the first time in their entire lives can be imagined. Today the land in Afghanistan belongs to those who cultivate it.
60.	Another major undertaking of our Government is the campaign for the total elimination of illiteracy, which is the legacy of past despotic regimes and which is estimated to afflict the disturbing figure of 90 per cent of our population. At present, more than 1 million people are registered in the illiteracy campaign courses throughout the country.
61.	Another important accomplishment of the Revolutionary Government is the successful completion of the national population census, done for the first time in the country. That will offer reliable scientific data for the developmental projects undertaken by the Government within the framework of the new five-year economic development plan of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. This plan is intended to remove the causes of the economic and social backwardness of the country and to provide decent conditions and higher standards of living for the Afghan people.
62.	I have given a brief account of some of the important measures which our popular Government has taken so far in the interest of our working people. I considered it my pleasant duty to draw the attention of this Assembly to what we have done for our working people in order to change their lot for the better. However, imperialists, reactionary circles and left extremists in Afghanistan's vicinity are engaged in hatching conspiracies against our revolution. Using a handful of fugitive enemies of our people and of our revolution, and, with the co-operation of their agents inside Afghanistan, they make armed attacks on and intrude into Afghan territory, in the course of which they damage schools and hospitals and kill women, children and elderly people.
63.	We have stated time and again that we want to live in peace with all peoples and nations, and particularly with our neighbours, on the basis of peaceful coexistence and provided they do not interfere in our internal affairs.
64.	The April Revolution of the Afghan people, being a victorious workers' revolution, by its nature calls for peace and peaceful coexistence, because in peace it can achieve its aims and objectives in the interest of the working people of Afghanistan and for their ultimate emancipation from exploitation.
65.	Unfortunately, this peaceful desire of our people and this genuine call of our revolution for peace and peaceful coexistence is not reciprocated by some of our neighbours. As I indicated earlier in my statement, the reactionary circles in Afghanistan's vicinity not only encourage the anti-revolutionary escapees who have lost their economic bases and interests in Afghanistan after the victory of the April Revolution to carry out subversive activities inside Afghanistan, but also provide them with comfortable shelter for the realization of their nefarious designs.
66.	One thing is obvious: the April Revolution of the Afghan people is irreversible. The reactionary circles, the imperialists and other enemies of our people and of the revolution will eventually realize that they cannot succeed in their heinous designs. They cannot alter the determination of the Afghan people to build a society free from exploitation of man by man; they cannot reverse the process of history.
67.	The foreign policy of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which is the reflection of its internal policy, is one of peace, peaceful coexistence and cooperation with all peace-loving countries and nations, and particularly with our neighbours.
68.	Our relations of close friendship and mutual co-operation with the Soviet Union have developed positively during the last 62 years, and especially after the April Revolution, in the interest of our two peoples. These relations, which reflect the mutual desire of our two peoples constitute an excellent example of friend-ship, co-operation and good neighbourliness between States, and are based on sincere respect for the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State and on the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs.
69.	Our amicable relations with India, which have long and firm historical roots, are developing day by day, to the benefit of our two peoples.
70.	As far as our relations with Pakistan are concerned, our Government and people have the sincere desire to maintain friendly relations with that country on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. We hope the feelings of friendship of our working people towards the noble working people of Pakistan will be taken into account and reciprocated by the Government of Pakistan in its attitude towards the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the April Revolution. This in our view will positively contribute to paving the way for the normalization of relations and the promotion of mutual co-operation between our countries in the interest of peace in this region and in the world.
71.	We further hope that our only remaining political problem with Pakistan will be solved by peaceful means and through sincere and amicable negotiations.
72.	With regard to Iran also, we have the same desire for friendly relations and mutually beneficial co-operation on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. This sincere desire emanates from the feelings of brotherhood and solidarity maintained by our working people towards the noble working people of Iran.
73.	Concerning the rest of the countries, we not only are desirous of maintaining friendly relations and mutually beneficial co-operation with them, but also we would spare no sincere efforts to achieve that goal.
74.	Needless to say, we are meeting at a crucial time as far as the international situation is concerned. Despite our common and continued efforts aimed at removing threats to international peace and security and at limiting the opportunities for resorting to the policy of force, the world still faces complex political and economic problems which are fraught with dangers to peace and security. However, some positive developments in the international situation offer us promising hope that the encouraging opportunities which are still at our disposal may be utilized in the interests of world peace. They may also provide concrete assurances to the international community that present and succeeding generations will not fall victim once again to the scourge of another world war or nuclear holocaust. We are pleased to note that even greater victories are won as a result of the struggle of peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
75.	In the present international situation, domination and hegemonism have caused much concern among different countries. So we support the proposal made by the Foreign Minister of the USSR against the policy of hegemonism and domination, and the inclusion of an item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations" in the agenda of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan hopes that due consideration will be given to this issue.
76.	Mr. President, as you and other distinguished representatives attending this Assembly are aware, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held earlier this month in Havana, Cuba, successfully concluded its deliberations on the major political and economic problems with which mankind is confronted today. The positive results of the Havana summit meeting of the non-aligned countries will certainly contribute not only to the successes of this Assembly in indentifying the challenging problems which affect us all, but also to the formulation of more effective approaches and solutions to those problems.
77.	The Sixth Conference of the non-aligned movement, reviewing the current international situation, expressed its satisfaction that efforts for the attainment of genuine peace, equal security for all, universal application of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence, and equal co-operation were intensifying.
78.	The Middle East still constitutes one of the most dangerous hotbeds of crisis in the world and poses a serious threat to international peace and security, which results primarily from the hostile, aggressive and expansionist policy of Israel, backed by imperialism, and from the denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
79.	The conclusion of partial agreements in the absence of the main party—namely, the Palestinian people, headed by the PLO—has further complicated the possibility of finding a just, lasting, and comprehensive solution to the Middle East problem. The Sadat- Begin agreements have violated the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the non-aligned Conferences and have totally disregarded the rights and interests of the Palestinian and Arab people.
80.	A just and lasting peace in the Middle East can only be achieved when all the Israeli occupationist forces are unconditionally withdrawn from the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem, and the usurped national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish a national State of their own, are restored, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly.
81.	The reported acquisition of nuclear weapons by Israel is a matter of serious concern at a time when Israel is continuing its illegal occupation of Arab and Palestinian land and its flagrant violations of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The possession by Israel of nuclear weapons cannot but introduce a dangerous dimension to the already deteriorating situation in the Middle East. It furthermore raises the question of violations by certain nuclear- weapon States parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of their obligations under that Treaty.
82.	The crisis in Lebanon has not yet found a lasting solution. The continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon, particularly the escalation of air raids against the Palestinian camps in southern Lebanon, is further proof of the aggressive and anti-peace policy of Israel.
83.	For the purpose of maintaining peace and security in the world, Member States are obligated under the Charter to settle disputes or situations which might endanger world peace by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law. This obligation entails another basic obligation for Member States: to refrain in their relations with other States from the use or threat of force. It is therefore a matter of concern to all peace-loving countries and forces to note that the resort to the policy of using force is still being resorted to by certain countries.
84.	The acts of provocation and intervention against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose people have already made enormous sacrifices during their heroic anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist struggle, causes us concern. We hope the people of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kampuchea—who, like any other free people in the world, do not need to have lessons taught them from abroad—will be left alone to continue their national missions of reconstructing their damaged countries after those hard and arduous years of colonial and imperialist domination.
85.	We oppose attempts to internationalize the question of Kampuchea after the Kampuchean people victoriously established a legal and popular regime in their country. The bringing to this forum, as a new agenda item, of questions relating to Kampuchea is nothing but an attempt to restore to power a clique in exile, which has been rejected by the Kampuchean people.
86.	The concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace has yet to materialize. Certain Powers are increasing their military presence and are strengthening their military bases in the Indian Ocean, contrary to the United Nations Declaration on the matter, and against the will and aspirations of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean. We demand the dismantling of imperialistic military bases in the Indian Ocean and an immediate halt to the deployment of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the Indian Ocean.
87.	We reiterate our stand for the peaceful reunification of Korea without any foreign interference and for the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the southern part of the Korean peninsula.
88.	The situation in southern Africa has further deteriorated as a result of the persistence of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and the joint imperialist-racist man-oeuvres to prolong the domination of Namibia and Zimbabwe. The so-called internal settlements, or bogus elections, are nothing but conspiracies against the aspirations of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. Imperialists and racists must realize that they cannot impede forever the access to full independence of Namibia and Zimbabwe under the leadership of their legitimate and authentic liberation movements— namely, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front, respectively.
89.	In the name of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, I reiterate the solidarity of the Afghan people and Government with Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and your own country, Mr. President, the United Republic of Tanzania, as front-line States confronting the racist entities which have been planted on the African continent by the colonialists and imperialists against the will and aspirations of the African people.
90.	The struggle of the people of Western Sahara for self-determination and independence under the leadership of their authentic liberation movement, the Frente POLISARIO, seems to be in the last stage of its total victory. The establishment of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for the purpose of ending the domination of their country will, we hope, close another chapter of colonialism on the African continent. We further hope that the decisions and recommendations of the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Monrovia in July will contribute to speeding up the process of decolonization in Western Sahara. We welcome the agreement reached between the Government of Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO; we praise the courageous decision of Mauritania to give up all territorial claims to Western Sahara.
91.	The Cyprus problem is another acute problem which causes our concern: a fellow non-aligned country is confronted with the challenge of the infringement of its independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment as a result of foreign interference in its internal affairs. While supporting more constructive, serious and effective negotiations between the representatives of both Cypriot communities on an equal footing and without foreign intervention, we believe conditions of normality and peace could better be provided by the withdrawal of all foreign military forces and by ending the foreign military presence in Cyprus.
92.	We hail the victories of the peoples of Nicaragua and Grenada against the dictatorships which brought considerable hardships to those peoples and damage to their countries.
93.	The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the inclusion in the agenda of an additional item relating to assistance for the reconstruction of Nicaragua. We are confident that the international community will respond positively and generously to the needs of the people of Nicaragua, who suffered a lot as a result of the repressive Somoza military dictatorship and of the immeasurable hardship and bloodshed it imposed on that courageous people.
94.	We demand the speedy application of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to the remaining colonial Territories in Latin America and elsewhere in the world.
95.	Furthermore, we demand the termination of all imperialistic foreign military bases on the soil of other countries and consider them as an infringement of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries where these bases are located.
96.	The concept of peace and security as a long-held desire and as a shared objective of peace-loving mankind, in our view, cannot be realized until general and complete disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is achieved.
97.	The continuation of the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, and the excessive expenditures on armaments not only pose a serious danger of extinction for our civilization, but also reflect our very limited success in giving effect to the resolutions and decisions adopted on disarmament, particularly at the tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. In this connexion, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes and supports the formal proposal presented to the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly by Czechoslovakia calling for inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "Adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament".
98.	The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan considers the conclusion of the Treaty on strategic nuclear weapons between the Soviet Union and the United States a positive step towards curbing the arms race and a success of the policy of peace. We hope the effective implementation of that Treaty will pave the way for the conclusion of new agreements on limiting strategic arms.
99.	We maintain the view that the convening of a world disarmament conference with the participation of all nuclear-weapon States would offer a good opportunity and a suitable forum for assessing our achievements and our failures regarding the speedy implementation of the resolutions and decisions on disarmament.
100.	We firmly support the broadening and deepening of the process of détente and hope that political detente will soon be supplemented by military detente and will encompass all regions of the world.
101.	Afghanistan considers the United Nations as an indispensable instrument for maintaining international peace and security, despite violations of the Charter by certain Member countries and the non-observance of United Nations resolutions by those countries. We shall continue, inter alia, our efforts towards the further strengthening of the role of this Organization in responding effectively and quickly to situations which tend to threaten world peace and security.
102.	The very slow progress in the ongoing efforts at restructuring present international economic relations is further compounded by the prevailing crisis in the world economic system, which has severe repercussions on the economy of the developing countries, particularly the land-locked and least developed among them, because of their greater vulnerability to external economic influences.
103.	The developing countries which have inherited backwardness and poverty from the dark era of colonialism are determined to emerge from exploitation to economic emancipation and from dependence on imperialism to self-reliance. For this purpose they have sincerely and seriously continued their efforts for the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equality. We hope that through positive dialogue and with a demonstration of political will on the part of the developed market-economy countries, this shared goal will soon become a reality.
104.	I deem it necessary to draw once again the attention of this Assembly to the well-known special problems and particular needs of the developing landlocked, least developed and island countries. The measures taken so far in their favour have yet to be implemented. The United Nations Special Fund for Land-Locked Developing Countries, established by this Assembly to compensate for the additional transport, transit and transhipment costs of the land-locked countries has yet to become effectively operational. We hope generous financial contributions will be made to the Fund during the new pledging conference.
105.	I should like to conclude my statement by reiterating our faith and conviction in the ability and constructive strength of peoples and nations, in the dignity and worth of human persons, and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.
106.	Despite many problems and challenges facing mankind, we have every reason to believe that we have the ability to build together a new and better world, where people and nations can live together in peace with one another without any concern or deprivation.
107.	Let us make the ideal of building such a world of peace and prosperity a reality where there exists freedom and equality of rights for all without any discrimination and without any exploitation of man by man. Let us rededicate ourselves to the realization of this lofty objective with all our strength and potentialities and with some higher degree of determination and faith.