The Heads of State or Government, meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe during the eighth summit Conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, expressed their deep concern over the acceleration in nuclear rearmament, and stated that never before had mankind been so close to self-destruction, and that the alternative today is not between peace or war, but between life and death. It is in those circumstances that the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly takes place.
In his address to the Harare Summit, President Fidel Castro said:
"Our world faces two deadly and hitherto unknown dilemmas, peace or total self-destruction, and a just international economic order or the most horrible fate for the vast majority of the peoples of the earth represented here, even if peace prevailed."
That state of affairs is the legacy the consequence, of the centuries during which our peoples suffered exploitation, plunder and slavery, imposed first by the colonial Powers and then by the neo-colonialists and the imperialists. We have fought for centuries to shake the yoke of foreign domination, to attain freedom and independence, to achieve the right to strive for development. That battle is not over yet. Everywhere around the world, the stubborn refusal of the main developed capitalist countries to accept the true independence of our peoples is evident.
That is the explanation of the nuclear rearmament policy, the uninterrupted development of new weapons of mass destruction, the accumulation of every type of strategic bombers, aircraft carriers, battleships, submarines, and strategic missiles, and of the installation of military bases all over the world by the imperialists who, not content with militarizing our planet, are also attempting to militarize outer space.
The deployment of weapons, on earth and in space, is aimed at maintaining or recovering their military predominance and superiority, in order to continue to exploit the human and natural resources of the world. The United States leads and promotes this terrible process which is threatening the world with war and hunger, with nuclear destruction and endless poverty. Enormous sacrifices have been required to deal with that situation.
"Socialism, intrinsically, is incompatible with war, with the exploitation of the sweat and natural resources of other peoples. Socialism does not need to make investments abroad, to establish military bases outside its borders, or to carve up the world. It does not need to produce weapons to give impetus to the economy and enrich monopolies; it knows perfectly well that resources can and should be invested in factories, hospitals, schools, homes, recreation and cultural centers, and other more noble endeavors. The heaviest burden imperialism has imposed on socialism is the need for arms expenditure, as my country, only a few miles away from the United States, knows it all too well."
In Harare at the eighth summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Heads of State or Government expressed their concern over the rapid acceleration of the arms race, especially in the nuclear field. They expressed their deep concern over the announcement by the United States Administration that it would not abide by the provisions of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty of 1979 (SALT II). They called upon the United States Administration to reconsider the attempts to take the arms race into outer space and strongly reaffirmed the principle that outer space is the common heritage of mankind and should be used only for peaceful purposes. They welcomed the comprehensive and timely nuclear disarmament Program, with a phased timetable and various deadlines, recently proposed by the Soviet Union. They called for a moratorium in the production and deployment of nuclear weapons while negotiations for a nuclear-test-ban treaty were under way. They welcomed the unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests declared by the Soviet Union in August 1985, which has been extended several times, most recently, until January 1987; and they called upon the United States to join the moratorium.
Cuba wishes to take this occasion to reiterate its firm support for those demands, which enjoy the support of the Non-Aligned Movement, which virtually means the support of mankind as a whole.
The abundant resources now invested in the arms race could well be devoted to improve the quality of life of human beings, millions of whom suffer from hunger, and from lack of medical care, employment, education and social welfare.
Aware of the significance of the link between disarmament and economic and social development, Cuba regrets that the international conference on that question, which had been scheduled for last August, was not convened,; and looks forward to the adoption of the relevant decisions needed so that it can be convened and meet without fail in 1987.
The continuing world economic crisis whose cruel consequences are felt above all by the under developed countries, continues to cause deep concern. Despite years of efforts, despite the good will and flexibility that developing countries have displayed in multilateral organizations, it is shameful that they are still coming up against a lack of political resolve in developed capitalist countries, particularly in the United States, to begin a just and reasonable negotiating process to deal with and solve the problems of international economic relations.
The economic picture in 1985, and so far in 1986, and its main trends, confirms that the continuance of the present system of international economic relations perpetuates a state of economic instability and crisis. Even in industrialized countries an unprecedented imbalance in trade and financial relations was recorded during this period, while the net transfer of resources from developing to developed countries continued.
The majority of underdeveloped countries experienced negative or zero growth in their per capita gross national product in 1985. In Latin America, in particular, national income per capita decreased for the fifth consecutive year; and in the case of Africa this indicator is lower now than it was 15 years ago.
Sustained high interest rates, increased trade protectionism, growing manipulation of commodity prices, including the collapse of oil prices, to which there is no end in sight and which has had disastrous effects on the economies of many underdeveloped countries, as well as monetary speculation and unilateral variations in exchange rates, are evidence of an international economic order which is unjust and at a critical stage.
Unequal flows, the increasing deterioration of the terms of trade, subsidized agricultural production, dumping and the flight of capital to the major financial centers in the United States and Western Europe are problems which, far from being resolved, have become more entrenched in the system, thus widening the abyss between developed and developing countries.
Several years ago before this Assembly President Fidel Castro defined the untenable situation and the nature of the foreign debt as plunder. At the fortieth session of the Assembly my delegation joined other heads of delegations, including a great number of Heads of State or Government, to draw attention to the alarming nature of the third world's foreign debt as epitomizing, the distortions I have described. A large number of the delegations present expressed the opinion that the disproportionate external indebtedness of developing countries was a product of the old, unjust and irrational order prevailing in international economic relations, we stated that the decisive solution of this problem was essential and could not be postponed, and that it was an illusion to think that it could be resolved through mere palliatives, debt renegotiation and traditional prescriptions.
Only a few days ago, at the already historic eighth summit Conference of non-aligned countries, the Heads of State or Government of a large number of third-world countries confirmed this reasoning in their statements and decisions and reiterated their alarm at the political and social consequences which the persistence and growth of the foreign debt could have.
For some time now, Cuba has referred, on the basis of criteria and data analytically drawn from internationally recognized sources, to the unpayable and noncollectable nature of the debt. Recent world economic, social and political developments confirm our contention.
Today, the foreign debt of developing countries is a far more serious problem than it was a year ago. It is larger, the possibilities of repayment are even less, and a number of economic, social and natural problems have compounded and complicated the difficulties of the situation. Credit terms offered by international financial institutions have not improved, economic growth is not gaining momentum and development faces ever greater obstacles. In sum, the crucial demands made by developing countries in various groups and forums have been rejected or ignored and the political and social dangers already foreseen are becoming ever more threatening.
In this context, the imperialists continue to strive to preserve their interests. The United States Government's much lauded Baker plan proved inadequate and not in keeping with the magnitude of the problem.
As the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 have repeatedly said, the foreign debt is a political problem, the roots of which are to be found in the unjust international economic order impressed on us. Responsibility for its solution must be shared by the developed creditor countries and the international financial and banking institutions.
In line with historical and present reality, we are, in the final analysis, compelled to reiterate that our countries are not debtors but creditors; creditors because of the sweat, the blood and the wealth extracted from our peoples during centuries of the colonial exploitation that led to the development of today's powerful capitalist economies; creditors because of the resources stolen from us, day after day, through unfair trade; creditors because of the capital which flows from our countries towards developed countries in search of what are inordinately high and unjust interest rates.
The United Nations cannot remain aloof or fail to contribute actively to the solution of this problem. If its main organ, the General Assembly, did not devote the greatest attention to this matter it would be failing to fulfill its duties under the Charter.
Cuba reaffirms once again its firm conviction that the foreign debt of the third world cannot be paid and must, therefore, be written off; that the resources required to meet these obligations without affecting the financial community might be found in a reasonable reduction in expenditure on armaments, which endangers the lives of all human beings, rich and poor alike; and that the sole, real and lasting solution to this and other similar problems relating to the survival of the majority of the people on this planet lies in development and the implementation of the new international economic order approved by this Assembly in 1974.
He repeatedly ask ourselves how long the peoples can endure this heavy burden; how long it will be before the international community takes effective action to save the lives of millions of people and provide a more dignified life for many more whose existence is now short and painful? What should the United Nations role be in this endeavor?
He hope that the forty-first session of the General Assembly will give new life to the principles and instruments adopted on this question, such as the new international economic order, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and the International Development strategies, which continue to have full validity. We look forward to the ratification of the Convention on the Law of the Sea by all States, to prevent the indiscriminate exploitation of the oceans and sea-bed by imperialist countries possessing sophisticated technologies. We hope that serious thought will be given to these matters by those that wish to perpetuate an order which endangers the peace and stability of the world we all share.
The history of Latin America is to a large extent a history of united States aggression against Latin American peoples for the purpose of plundering their natural resources and subjecting them to domination. Many chapters in that long and sad history refer to Cuba. For 25 years, and to this day, the United States has continued to impose an illegal economic blockade against our country, a blockade that has been extended by the present Administration. It continues to conduct spy flights, in violation of our air space, and the Guantanamo Naval Base, a putrid excrescence of empire, remains entrenched on our territory, against the expressed will of our people and Government.
A similar and more recent case is that of Nicaragua, whose right to self-determination is violated by continued acts of aggression organized and financed by the United States with the support of its allies in the region. The dirty war against the people of Sandino has caused the Nicaraguans heavy losses and led the Latin American peoples and States to understand ever more clearly that, as long as imperialism persists, they will suffer the same fate as the Nicaraguan people when they choose to take the road towards true independence.
We recently witnessed the predominance of the United States Government when it unscrupulously vetoed a draft resolution in which the Security Council requested strict observance of the findings of the International Court of Justice related to activities against Nicaragua. In Harare, the Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries condemned the rejection of the Court's decision by the United States Administration as a flouting of international law.
Mankind must not allow a country - no matter how powerful - to violate international law with impunity. Disregard for the Court's findings and the subsequent veto of a draft resolution in the Security Council are further steps in the United States aggressive escalation in the region which deserves our strongest condemnation.
The history of the more than seven years that have elapsed since the triumph of the Sandinista Revolution has shown the flexible negotiating position of the Nicaraguan Government, while revealing the real designs of the present United States Administration, which obstructs peace efforts to achieve a negotiated political settlement tb the Central American crisis.
At their Summit Conference, the non-aligned countries expressed condemnation of the escalation of aggression and attacks against Nicaragua, particularly the violation of its airspace and territorial waters, the holding of international maneuvers and other acts of intimidation, the use of neighboring countries as bases for aggression and the training of mercenary groups. They term those actions "terrorist practices". They likewise condemned as illegal and immoral the United States appropriation of funds to finance mercenary forces, while emphasizing that it is not only a violation of Nicaragua's sovereignty and independence but also an attack on the principles and objectives of the Non-Aligned Movement and a violation of the United Nations Charter.
The crisis in El Salvador is ever more serious. Despite United States imperialist's sustained support for the genocidal regime, the people's support for the struggle of Salvadorian patriots rallied around the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation-Revolutionary Democratic Front (FMLN-FDR) continues to grow.
The Eighth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, recalling General Assembly resolution 39/119 which called on all States to refrain from interference in the internal affairs of El Salvador, reiterated its appeal to the United States Administration to take a constructive stand in favor of a political solution of the Salvadorian conflict.
Cuba supports a negotiated settlement to the conflict in Central America, including a United States commitment to renounce its aggressive actions against the Nicaraguan people and favor a negotiated political solution in El Salvador.
My country supports Latin American efforts to seek a negotiated solution in the context of which action by the Contadora and Support Groups, in spite of all the difficulties, are an expression of the wish of Latin American countries that their sovereignty be respected without the interference of the big Power to the North.
Our America has been the theater of imperialist intervention. If we were to mention all United States interventions in Latin America - from Mexico to Argentina, from Cuba to Grenada, from the Dominican Republic and Haiti to Colombia
and should we include the regimes installed or kept in power through open imperialist intervention, the map of the continent would be filled in without exception.
We must therefore reiterate our solidarity with the struggle for independence, freedom and development of the peoples of our region; with the heroic Chilean people, facing the cruel and pro-imperialist Pinochet regime, which has currently stepped up terror and repression and for which, sooner rather than later, the great vistas depicted by Salvador Allende shall be open; with Peru, that suffers pressures from the International Monetary Fund (IMF); with Panama, that demands respect for the Canal Agreements and faces an imperialist campaign of destabilization; wit** Bolivia, claiming its right to a recognized, useful, sovereign and free outlet to the sea; with Guatemala, which for more than 30 years has been suffering the most cruel repression by pro-imperialist military regimes which assassinated more than 80,000 citizens and labeled them as "missing"; with Paraguay, where the long-standing Stroessner tyranny drains the nation's blood; with Haiti, striving to get rid of a "made in USA" Duvalierism without Duvalier; with all the peoples who have had to face the consequences of imperialist penetration and domination.
We condemn the presence of imperialist military bases in Puerto Rico, Guantanamo, the Malvinas Islands and other parts of our America, which are a true threat to the security of our countries and to peace in the region. As President Fidel Castro recently said:
"In the Middle East and the North of Africa, Cuba has been, is and will always be in solidarity with the just struggle of the Arab peoples, victims of imperialist and Zionist aggression. Cuba resolutely supports the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) and embraces the noble cause of the Palestinian people and their right to independence and a national State. Disregard of those rights cannot last forever nor will it be possible to envisage peace in the Middle East while such monstrous injustice continues to exist." Cuba calls for the convening under United Nations auspices of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
Earlier this year we condemned the unjustified act of aggression against Libya by the United States which left a toll of hundreds of dead and wounded and many material losses. Regrettably, this Organization was unable to condemn that despicable act because of the abuse by sense countries of their veto power in the Security Council.
Cuba reiterates its well-known stand on the need to persevere in efforts to put an end to the Iraq-Iran war, establish peace and initiate the process of recovery from the damages caused by a conflict which should never have begun.
Cuba supports the just cause of the Lebanese people for national unity and peace. It supports the people of Cyprus in its struggle to defend its national unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment.
Cuba reiterates its repudiation of-the continued United States military presence in Taiwan, an inseparable part of the People's Republic of China.
Cuba expresses its strongest solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its struggle for the peaceful reunification of the country and the withdrawal of United States occupation troops from the South of the peninsula. We reiterate our position that the next Olympic Games should be shared by North and South Korea, otherwise Cuba shall not participate in an event which will serve only to support one of the most repressive and discredited regimes in the world. Cuba supports efforts to seek a negotiated political solution to the situation in South-West Asia, with strict respect for Afghanistan's sovereignty.
In the present world millions of human beings long for peace. However, a look around us suffices to realize the extent to which mankind is threatened today by war and destruction.
In fact it is not a question of one war but of many wars provoked by colonialism, which refuses to disappear, and by neo-colonialism, which has followed it.
The Sahraoui people are still unable to exercise their right to self-determination and independence, notwithstanding their readiness to negotiate a just and definitive solution to the conflict in their region. The fighters of the Polisario Front, representatives of the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, are faced with the obstinate refusal by the Government of Morocco to discuss the implementation of the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and of the General Assembly. My country reaffirms its support for the Sahraoui people and urges the countries which have not yet done so to recognize the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic.
A similar situation developed in the south Atlantic with the British military occupation of the Malvinas Islands, which in 1982 brought mourning to two States Members of this Organization. The united Nations has been unable to ratify Argentina's sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands only because of the United Kingdom's refusal to recognize it and its insistence on perpetuating that colonial anachronism. Several resolutions by this Assembly provide for a negotiated solution of this dispute, which should be settled through negotiations as soon as possible.
Puerto Rico continues to be under the colonial domination of the United States of America despite the subterfuges by consecutive United States administrations to cover up that fact. Recently the United Nations Committee on decolonization adopted a resolution on the colonial situation of the people of that country, recognizing their right to independence and self-determination, their Latin American and national identity, and the need for the Committee to continue to devote its attention to the issue after having heard several dozen petitioners,
representing all political views in the country, all of whom agreed that Puerto Rico was a united States dependency and therefore was fully entitled to choose freely its political status.
Before concluding my statement I should like to mention an issue which will undoubtedly have a bearing on our work. We are taking part in this forty-first session under the shadow of the financial uncertainty created by the policy of blackmail and pressure exerted by the United States Government against democratic multilateral organizations. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has already been under such pressure because of its work, which is consistent with the will of the international majority, and we are now witnessing new attempts by the United States Government to undermine the principles of the United Nations through immoral pressure which constitutes blatant violations of the Charter. It is true that the Organization requires administrative and managerial adjustments, but it is sheer fiction to call a political phenomenon, which has its roots in the design of one Government to subject the action of States in United Nations forums to its own will, a "financial crisis". The Kassel um amendment and other legal schemes of the United States roust not hang over our heads like so many swords of Damocles. The mere formulation of such schemes by United States legislative bodies is not enough, for those very bodies have established international commitments and obligations under the Charter of the United Nations.
The problem we are facing is political and therefore it requires political solutions. Cuba will do its best to contribute to an improvement of the administrative and budgetary management of the Organization and will support any initiative honestly aimed in that direction. At the same time, Cuba will condemn and oppose actions which are directed against the democratic integrity of the
Organization or which try to suppress, weaken or derail Programs of interest to the majority of the States Members of the United Nations.
At this time when the future of the United Nations is threatened, it is imperative that all those who believe in the Organization should .reassert its principles and support its work on behalf of peace, development and the well-being of our peoples.
Only a week ago, from this rostrum, we expressed Cuba's views regarding the situation in southern Africa. We reiterated our solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia against apartheid and for freedom and independence. Twenty years have elapsed since the United Nations terminated South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and assumed direct responsibility for the Territory. Since then, that decision has been ratified by the Security Council and many international organizations. The International Court of Justice, for its part, has declared that the continued occupation of Namibia by South Africa is illegal and constitutes a violation of international law. The United Nations has been quite clear concerning the obligation of South Africa to withdraw from Namibia and by resolution 435 (1978) it adopted a universally accepted plan for the establishment of Namibia's independence.
Efforts by the international community have, however, come up against the arrogance of racist South Africa which, protected by its shameless alliance with the Government of the United States and supported by other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), has not only remained illegally in Namibia -where it has also set up the heinous apartheid system - but has also turned it into a launching pad for its acts of aggression against independent neighboring States, in particular against the People's Republic of Angola, making southern Africa one of the most dangerous centers of tension today.
As President Fidel Castro aptly pointed out,
"Apartheid is a direct consequence of the colonial system, of the brutal manner in which the African peoples were forcibly deprived of their lands and natural resources and their children enslaved and sold the world over. Apartheid has endured solely because of the support extended to it by the United States and NATO countries, which have in South Africa a strategic ally, a source of raw materials, a market for investments and profits for the transnational corporations, at the expense of the sweat and blood of millions of Africans."
Therein lies the meaning of the commitment of those countries to Pretoria: defense of the sordid interests of their corporations, it is truly a commitment to destroy human dignity, to exclude all possibility of independence, to spread the cancer of apartheid to the rest of the continent and to subject it to neo-colonial and imperialist exploitation. For that reason the struggle for Namibia's independence necessarily requires the eradication of apartheid.
The powerful movement that threatens to bring down the corrupt structure of the opprobrious system in South Africa and crown with victory the heroic struggle of the Namibian people is now joined by an international consensus in favor of the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and of the imposition of sanctions on South Africa to compel it to abide by the will of the United Nations.
President Fidel Castro proclaimed at Havana:
"Both the Yankee imperialists and the South African racists are doing everything possible to have Cuban internationalist troops withdraw from Angola and are trying to make their withdrawal a condition of Namibia's independence. The Governments of Angola and Cuba have jointly replied:
Implement resolution 435 (1978) on Namibia, cease all threats against Angola, stop the foul war and support for mercenaries: then the gradual withdrawal of the 20,000 Cuban fighters who are defending strategic lines in southern Angola will begin. The rest of the Cuban military personnel will be withdrawn only when the sovereign Governments of Angola and Cuba deem it unconditionally proper.'"
"The true key to the question is that as long as apartheid exists in South Africa, as long as that country is ruled by a racist and fascist Government there will be no security for Angola or for any other country in southern Africa and the independence of Namibia will be nothing more than fiction." I must reiterate that Cuba is ready to stay in Angola, in fulfillment of its internationalist duties, for as long as necessary - that is to say, until threats against the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Angola have ceased, until apartheid has disappeared and Namibia is independent.
The tine has come to translate words into action. This Assembly oust demand that the comprehensive mandatory sanctions envisaged in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter be imposed against the racist South African regime. The so-called linkage, which the imperialists and their partners in Pretoria use as a pretext for obstructing Namibia's independence, must be firmly rejected. The Security Council must ensure the implementation without further delay of resolution 435 (1978). We must condemn the shameful alliance of imperialism and Herr Botha's Boer fascism and demand the immediate cessation of the in famous imperialist support for apartheid. It is absolutely necessary to increase and broaden the economic, political and military assistance to the liberation movements in southern Africa so that they may continue to wage successfully their liberation war for independence and social justice and against racist fascism and apartheid. Further, we must strengthen our political and material solidarity with the front-line States in their struggle against the aggression of the apartheid regime.
Each day, each hour, that brings us closer to the collapse of apartheid in South Africa will be one day, one hour, less of blood and pain for the peoples who suffer under and struggle against oppression and of shame for mankind.
Those peoples and their struggling vanguards share the glory - as President Fidel Castro asserted in Harare -
"of having shown the world that today, as yesterday and tomorrow, nothing can stop the march of history; no force in the world can keep human dignity and freedom indefinitely in chains".


I wish first, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to preside over the General Assembly at its forty-first session. Your election, which is an honor to your country and to you, is a recognition of your personal and professional qualities and constitutes a clear expression of the international community's confidence that you will guide the Assembly's work to success.
I am also happy, sir, to express my Government's particular satisfaction over the excellent way in which your predecessor, Mr. Don Jaime de Pinies, presided over the Assembly's work last year. Our warmest fraternal greetings go to such an illustrious citizen of Spain, a country to which, foe obvious reasons, we Hondurans feel very close ties.
I wish also to express ray Government's appreciation of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the excellent work he is doing in his important post. I am pleased to see him fully recovered from the health problems that he had a few months ago.
On 27 January this year, Mr. Jose Azcona assumed the presidency of the Republic of Honduras, as a result of the majority will of the Honduran people,
freely expressed in elections held on 24 November 1985. Although such an event would be regarded as normal elsewhere, because it happens regularly, it has special significance for us, as it was a reaffirmation of the democratic system of government that our people has chosen, and was a big step in the creation of the necessary political climate to improve its general living conditions.
In a region such as Central America, where taking power by violent or irregular means has been the rule for parts of our independent existence, the interruption of that dramatic tradition of coups d'etat, guerrilla bands and electoral fraud means the elimination of one of the causes of the regional crisis. That is why the coming to power of regimes clearly on the basis of a popular mandate freely expressed at the polls, as has been the case with Honduras, Costa Rica, El Salvador and Guatemala, constitutes the best augury for peacefully overcoming economic, social and cultural underdevelopment. The Government of Honduras has as its fundamental economic and political objectives on the one hand the improvement of the quality of life * its population and on the other the consolidation and development of democracy.
It is true that our problems, like those of other countries of the region, are caused, inter alia, by economic backwardness, the existence of socially underprivileged and the lack of pluralistic democratic political development. In order to achieve our objectives, Honduras requires not only dynamic honest and efficient public and private action, but also a climate of peace and security that will make possible a process of development in freedom and with justice.
Just as we have learned how to elect our authorities by means of referendums and to solve our internal problems through dialog, so we wish to see at the international level the settlement of existing differences by the peaceful means of settling disputes which exist in law. Thus, with the Republic of El Salvador, with which for a long time we have had a border dispute, we have concluded two important treaties this year: one aimed at finalizing the demarcation line agreed upon in 1980, and the other containing the commitment to submit the dispute jointly to the International Court of Justice.
The President of the Republic, Jose Azcona Hoyo, while addressing the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador during his recent official visit to that sister country, stated the following:
"The commitment made by Honduras and El Salvador to resort to the International Court of Justice will put an end to our border disputes and thereby to the friction and disagreement they have caused between our two countries."
Thus we are moving towards a definitive solution of the land, island and maritime dispute, in the knowledge that recourse to peaceful means of settling disputes between States is a considerable contribution to the maintenance of peace and harmony in the American continent. My Government was convinced of this when signing the Treaty on the delimitation of maritime borders with the Republic of Colombia. This Treaty, after ratification by both States, will open new avenues of cooperation and understanding.
In contrast to that constructive attitude, the Government of Nicaragua has attempted to disavow and reject that Treaty, alleging that it violates alleged Nicaraguan rights of sovereignty in the areas concerned. Honduras, in its note of reply, has declared that Nicaragua's claim is unjustified and unacceptable, and has proposed the continuance of talks with a view to a final fixing of the maritime border between the two countries on the basis of the line traditionally established and observed by them.
The United Nations system offers a praiseworthy model for the improvement of international co-operation. My Government has taken note with interest of the Secretary-General's report on the situation in Central America and is pleased that the attention of the international community has been drawn to the critical economic situation in the area, as is evidenced in the decline of savings and investments by over 40 per cent between 1978 and 1985, the deterioration in the terns of trade of approximately 50 per cent and a fall of 25 per cent in the value of exports. As the report points out, the United Nations has stepped up its co-operation efforts in Central America and has devoted almost 3100 million per year to the region.
I am pleased to note the efficiency with which the United Nations Development Program has been working in Honduras. By country is uniquely situated in terms of co-operation for development, because the resources allotted to it have been increased through projects financed under cost-sharing arrangements between Honduras and friendly countries.
I also wish to mention the efforts made by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) whose agency has taken care of 121,900 Central American refugees, of whom 46,000 have been recorded in Honduras, thus making Honduras one of the two countries with the largest number of refugees in Latin America and the Caribbean.
My Government, recognizing with appreciation the efforts of the UNHCR to alleviate these problems, makes a new appeal to all nations of the world to share the heavy burden that is borne by the Republic of Honduras. This affects our economy and our society, and the democratic Government of President Jose Azcona has initiated a new dialog with the multilateral agencies which support economic and social development and humanitarian support. My Government believes that technical, financial and humanitarian co-operation, both international and multilateral, especially that related to the United Nations system, constitutes an important contribution to national development. In this regard, we commend the additional efforts, which are also referred to in the Secretary-General's report, made by the United Nations Development Program, the United Nations Children's Find, the united Nations Fund for Population Activities, the United Nations High Commissioner foe Refugees and other organs of the system to support the efforts of Honduras nationally mid regionally.
My Government remains convinced that the question of Korea must be resolved peacefully through dialog and negotiation between South Korea and North Korea. We wish to reaffirm our conviction that the purposes of the United Nations make it essential that all nations that wish to do so aid have assumed the obligations embodied in the Charter form part of our Organization.
With regard to Kampuchea, my Government supports the resolutions of the General Assembly calling for the withdrawal of the occupation forces, the restoration and maintenance of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and the affirmation of the right of its people to determine its own future without foreign interference.
On the situation in the Middle East, Honduras is aware of the need to resort to negotiation as the main instrument in a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and views with satisfaction efforts by the State of Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt to promote peace in that region.
Furthermore, my Government deplores the armed intervention in Afghanistan; it urges all States to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, and non-alignment of that country; and restates the need for an immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.
With regard to the unfortunate conflict in the South Pacific between two countries with which we have the friendliest of relations, strengthened by our common democratic ideals, Honduras must express its wish that the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom will do their best to settle their differences peacefully, definitively, and in accordance with justice.
Turning to the political process in the Philippines, the Honduran Government welcomes the fact that the country has been able to return to the path of democracy. This auspicious event will allow the Philippines to realize its hopes for development in peace and freedom.
It is also a matter of particular satisfaction for ray Government to note the forthcoming meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachov, since in a world thrown into turmoil by confrontation, it is an encouraging sign along the road to world peace.
Until 1978, Central American nations had been showing marked economic growth. Although the period 1973 to 1978 witnessed an increase in the price of their main imports, the countries of the area were able to sort out their difficulties owing to an improvement in the international price of their export commodities and the inflow of external capital. Things changed drastically beginning in 1979, a year when a recession began, aggravated by the weakening of the world economy marked by a decline in production and exports, an increase in oil prices, and interest rates, a fall in private investment, and the accompanying factors of increased unemployment and intensification of political and social conflict in some countries of the region.
As a natural consequence. Central American countries have had to endure high fiscal and balance-of-payments deficits and a serious foreign currency shortage. The latter not only had an impact on trade with third countries, but it also had a negative effect on regional trade.
Internally, our countries have been forced to adopt severe measures designed to reduce the fiscal deficit through cuts in current expenditure and capital investment, tax adjustments, the elimination of subsidies to staple commodities, increases in public service charges and wage-freeze policies. These measures, which call for serious social sacrifices, naturally result in tensions which in turn aggravate the political and social crisis. According to data from the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA), for 1980, 64 per cent of Central Americans were living in poverty.
Today, some of the negative factors which led to the crisis have abated. Nevertheless, the negative impact of the last six-year period will affect our peoples for many years, especially if the international structural factors which seriously limit our development persist.
When signing the Charter of the United Nations, Member countries reaffirmed their:
"faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human
person" I feel that this session offers the right opportunity for all nations to recommit themselves to the observance of human rights.
My Government condemns all acts which violate the freedom and dignity of the individual. It is a pleasure for me to announce in this forum that last March I had the honor, as the representative of my Government, to sign the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Torture, in the knowledge that respect for human rights is not a gracious concession by a State but rather a legal and moral obligation.
All mankind is increasingly appalled by terrorism which continues to plunge into mourning the homes of innocent victims irrespective of age, race, sex or religion, and endangers the life of passengers on aircraft and ships. Moreover, we also note that diplomats and officials of international organizations are, with increasing frequency, the target of terrorist attacks.
Terrorism threatens life, without discrimination, and constitutes a factor which has a negative impact on international co-existence. As stated by the President of my country:
"There is no reason, nor can there be any, to justify man falling as low as to engage in this, the most dastardly and cruel form of violence." and he adds:
"The time has come for anti-terrorist conventions to cease being a dead letter and for the democratic countries to pool their efforts to ensure that the international community does not allow these criminal fanatics to act with impunity."
Among the many important items to be considered by this Assembly we have once again the item on "The situation in Central America: threats to international peace and security and peace initiatives." As a country in the region, Honduras wishes to state its views on the item. It is urgent to make an effort to understand the course of the Central American crisis and analyze the obstacles on the way to peace. Such an effort implies setting aside prejudices, preconceived notions and rash alignments in order to allow for thoughtful and productive analysis. Only in that manner will we be able to avoid greater confusion with regard to the Central American situation and foster the hope of finding a negotiated and peaceful solution.
Central America has been molded by special circumstances arising out of its unique geography and history, which have made true interdependence necessary. Central America has its roots in the colonial past and in its history of federation, which led to very similar conditions of political instability, economic backwardness and dependence on others, all of which have given rise to dangerous social tensions. Beginning in 1979 internal strife brought about by social unrest in certain countries became instruments in East-Wost confrontation. Democratic hopes were dashed by the imposition of new dictatorial practices and systems which denied the right of peoples to self-determination. The struggle for national liberation in a Central American country resulted in its total alignment with the Soviet bloc. The economic plan announced, which was to bring its people out of poverty, was distorted in order to establish and consolidate a real war-machine with hegemonistic and expansionist designs.
These facts, which sum up the recent history of that country, have brought cm insecurity, mistrust and tension in the entire area. Likewise, the contradiction between the democratic aspirations of the Nicaraguan people and the implementation of oppressive internal measures, solely to serve foreign interests, have increased the social divisions in that country. It has brought about a stream of refugees and of persons who have been persecuted for political reasons, all fleeing to
neighboring countries, and a simultaneous emergence of Hicaraguan armed opposition, which is trying to get back on the original path of that popular rebellion.
Mrs. Violeta de Chamorro - a member of the first junta of the Government for National Reconstruction in 1979 and the widow of Nicaraguan journalist Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, who was murdered - has denounced before the conscience of the world the fact that the Government of that country systematically represses all statements against the regime and that the Sandinist movement has turned all of Nicaragua into a vast concentration camp.
The internal armed conflict in Nicaragua has had catastrophic effects in neighboring com tries. On the economic level it has brought about a deterioration in intra-regional trade, the flight of capital, and a decline in private foreign investment. On the political level, campaigns to discredit neighboring countries have been undertaken and social unrest has been encouraged. As regards security, encouragement has been given to subversive movements in the form of training, supplies, shelter, and communication and information facilities*, and the surrounding territories have been harassed by acts ranging from minor border incidents to bombings and massive artillery raids, such as the one carried out in my country in March this year.
Likewise, under the leadership and with the advice of its political and military allies, the Sandinista government has developed an arms build-up without precedence or parallel in the Central American region and has imposed a strong militarization of its society to the detriment of the security of the other countries. it is well known that Nicaragua has received thousands of tons of weapons valued at hundreds of millions of dollars. As a country directly affected because of its geographical location, Honduras has stated that Nicaraguans should.
through internal dialog, establish a pluralistic national reconciliation regime, breaking its political and military ties to the Soviet bloc, since these seriously disturb inter-Central American and international relations. Here we should recall resolution 1514 (XV), adopted by this Assembly in 1960, which affirms the right of all peoples to choose the type of government which best suits them and declares that this should be done through democratic procedures, impartially applied, and based upon universal adult suffrage. Obviously, this resolution can be applied only if every State guarantees the full exercise of democracy internally.
The Government of Honduras is aware of the fact that the best guarantee of its national sovereignty and independence rests with the faith of its people in a democratic way of life. Thus the true foundations of its security are the existence of a state of law, respect for the freedom and dignity of the individual, free and periodic elections and an improvement in the economic, social and cultural living conditions of Hondurans. On the other hand, as a peace-loving State Honduras bases its security mainly on international law - both universal and regional American law - as regards peace and legitimate collective self-defence. One of the basic tenets in this connection is that acts of aggression against one American State constitute acts of aggression against all other American States.
It is precisely because the Organization of American States (OAS) constitutes a regional organization within the United Nations that Honduras wishes to refer to the peaceful settlement and collective security mechanisms of the hemisphere, both as a member of the OAS and as a member of the United Nations, in full agreement with the Charter adopted at San Francisco.
Unfortunately, threats to peace and security in Central America persist. There are Governments bent on an unbridled arms race and unwarranted military development which refuse dialog for purposes of national reconciliation and which represent a threat and challenge to international peace and security. Foe these reasons, the Government of Honduras, in the exercise of its sovereignty and in compliance with the constitutional obligation to defend its people and territory with no less right than that enjoyed by other nations represented in this Assembly, has sought to establish a special relationship of security with the United States of America and other democratic Governments, a situation which we find essential until the present political and military situation in Central America changes.
The Government of Honduras has participated actively in and supported collective negotiations cm establishing peace, and, with a high sense of responsibility, in the efforts made under the auspices of the Contadora Group.
Ow 6 June this year, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Contadora Group presented to their Central American counterparts a draft Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America. As was stated at that time, the mediation role on substantive aspects of the document had come to an end, but the Contadora Group remained available to co-operate in negotiation of the operative aspects of the Act.
It is the view of the Government of Honduras that the proposed Act was not adopted by the Central American States because it did not offer adequate guarantees concerning security democratization and national reconciliation. In the sphere of disarmament, the Contadora proposal deferred negotiations on the limitation, redaction and verification of military weapons and troops to some time after the entry into force of the Act. This is especially serious, because its acceptance would amount to legal approval of a de facto situation: the military hegemony of one Central American State over the others.
Most Central American Governments have affirmed their political will to sign the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America when it contains verifiable agreements on security, democratization and national reconciliation. But the intransigence of the Sandinist Government has prevented such essential commitments' being included, with the necessary guarantees of implementation.
I reaffirm the willingness of the Government of Honduras to continue exploring new formulas to overcome the obstacles to the agreement, with the understanding that a just solution must take account of the legitimate interests of all Central American States.
We must, however, eliminate the impediments to fluidity in diplomatic activity, since such activity is inconsistent with Nicaragua's continued improper recourse to the highest international jurisdictional organ, making a mockery of the Contadora initiative and the prospects for a political solution of the crisis in Central America. On 25 July this year, the Sandinist Government filed with the International Court of Justice an application instituting proceedings against the Governments of Costa Rica and Honduras.
Honduras, with a high sense of responsibility, has designated its agent before the Court. However, ray Government wishes to stress that the true origin of the situation about which the Government of Nicaragua is complaining can be found in internal political developments in Nicaragua itself. Those developments are the result of Nicaragua's unconditional political and military alignment with the Soviet bloc, which has led to friction with its neighbors and caused it to commit a series of illegal international acts, in particular encouraging and fomenting civil strife in countries of the region and the organization of armed raids into their territories.
My Government welcomes the declaration by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Contadora Group and the Support Group, distributed during the present session of the General Assembly, in which the following brotherly statement appears:
"The peace of Central America is ... our own peace.
"As Latin Americans we wish to see pluralistic democracy and economic and
social development make headway in Central America.
The Governments directly or indirectly involved in the conflict have the
primary responsibility for the prevention of war." (A/41/662, p. 2)
The Government of Honduras will maintain its full support for the peace initiatives of the Contadora Group, but the international community must realize that a negotiated resolution of the problems of our region will be achieved only whet the Soviet bloc decides to end its various methods of intervention in Central America, a region with which it has no relationship beyond the arrogant manifestations of its military machine.
However, the undeniable, disturbing interference should not discourage us, but rather spur our efforts to achieve peace with freedom, justice and democracy. FOr those of us with faith in God it is very easy to believe that the future holds a better world, a world of peace, freedom and democracy.


“Never forget” is a summons that has remained one of the most important watchwords of the international community since 1945. There is no question that the memory of the tens of millions of victims of the Second World War, the atrocities committed by the Nazis and their criminal policies of genocide enabled us to agree on a new world order that is still helping us to avoid another world war whose consequences would be disastrous for the entire planet. And yet today, unfortunately, we are closer than ever to crossing that dangerous line.
There can be no doubt that issues related to peace and security, sustainable development and climate change are some of the most pressing currently on humankind’s agenda and it is they that are being discussed most actively in international forums. We are actively seeking joint solutions to the many challenges facing the international community, such as terrorism, transnational crime, drug trafficking, human trafficking and illegal migration. At the same time, numerous new and emerging risks await the development of adequate and above all timely responses. It is becoming increasingly apparent that the capacities of individual or even groups of States are no longer sufficient to resolve these problems and save the world from disasters, whether military, economic or climatic.
Belarus is a State that believes that all of those global challenges require effective joint solutions on a similarly global scale. The key elements in that approach are ensuring that all States Members of the United Nations, without exception, participate in implementing the measures that we agree to, that all the available political, economic and intellectual resources are mobilized and that given its universal composition and mandate, the United Nations fulfils its role as a leader in uniting and coordinating international efforts. Unfortunately, we are dealing increasingly with the fact that the multilateral mechanisms of the United Nations are either not working or have stalled, becoming hostage to biased approaches, mutual recriminations or excessive ambitions. Cases involving the implementation of measures that undermine the norms and principles of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, are increasing and doing serious damage to the multilateral approach.
Dozens of local conflicts are tearing the world apart, and many of them have the potential to ignite a new world war. We believe that both ongoing and frozen conflicts should be resolved through dialogue based solely on the fundamental principles of international law, including respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and for refraining from the use or threat of use of force. We now find ourselves in a situation of dangerous and conflicting realities. It is quite clear that we must find answers to our common challenges before those realities have catastrophic consequences. I think many will agree that this is not the way that the international community would like to celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations next year. The anniversary summit should give us a powerful incentive to find those answers and above all should help to enhance the role of the United Nations in strengthening peace and security, restoring dialogue and trust and, most importantly, preventing the threat of conflict on a global scale. Belarus urges the world leaders who will gather in this Hall next year to dedicate the meeting to those issues. If the anniversary summit becomes just another protocol event, all of us — the Organization and all its members — will lose. The dreadful spectre of a third world war could become a reality.
In the past few years, Belarus has been taking concrete steps by actively insisting on the importance of avoiding confrontation and resuming a broad dialogue on key issues of international security. That dialogue would enable all of us, and especially the great Powers, to agree on a path for maintaining peace and finding a concerted response to the ever-growing number of global challenges. The events of recent months have affirmed the rightness of the approach of States such as Belarus that have consistently supported launching a new negotiation process similar to the Helsinki process of the mid-1970s, aimed at stabilizing international relations, strengthening international dialogue and improving predictability.
In August, the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, one of the pillars of the modern disarmament architecture and a symbol of the end of the Cold War, ceased to function, creating a real danger that the types of missiles it covered, with a flying time of a few minutes, could be deployed in various regions of the world, including Europe. That will inevitably lead to a further increase in tensions and a new spiral of political and military confrontation, making the risk of a nuclear apocalypse more likely. That is why we support immediate concerted action to preserve the Treaty’s achievements in our shared home, the European continent. At the High-level Conference of Heads of Counter-Terrorism Agencies of Member States, held on 3 September in Minsk with the theme “Countering terrorism through innovative approaches and the use of new and emerging technologies”, President Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus declared that Belarus, as a full- fledged signatory to the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, has not withdrawn from it and does not intend to produce or deploy such missiles unless its security threatened.
President Lukashenko has called for an initiative to develop a declaration on the part of responsible countries on the non-deployment of intermediate- and short-range missiles in Europe. We propose starting work on preparing a draft declaration as soon as possible and call on all States on both sides of the Atlantic that care about the fate of humankind to support us in that initiative. The United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe could be suitable platforms for that work. In our view, a key element of the declaration would be clear and firm commitments on the part of States to refraining from producing or deploying intermediate- and short-range missiles on their territory. We realize that implementing this initiative will require political will and a difficult negotiation process. But as a Latin saying has it, viam supervadet vadens — that is, to get to the end of the road, one has to keep walking — because, after all, there was a time when treaties banning chemical and biological weapons or reducing nuclear and conventional arsenals also seemed an impossible dream.
Every year we hear, including from this rostrum, more and more about the growing role of technology in the modern world. On the one hand, new technologies are emerging that open up unprecedented opportunities for progress in many areas of human life. On the other, there is the risk that technologies and resources could be used for criminal purposes. The recent drone attacks on infrastructure in Saudi Arabia, which only further destabilize the situation in the Middle East and in the Gulf region in particular, are a clear example of that. Belarus firmly condemns such acts, regardless of their perpetrators. The great Albert Einstein once said, very appositely, that “technological progress is ... like an axe in the hands of a pathological criminal.”
The fact is, we are at the beginning of a long-term global process that people are already calling a technological arms race. The danger is that forces of evil are just as likely to exploit that race as forces of good, and it is our job to do everything possible to ensure that evil has no chance whatever to dominate. In the current context of tensions and growing competition between countries, cyberspace is increasingly becoming an arena of confrontation. We are constantly hearing about destructive hacker attacks. That all speaks to the scale of the threats in that area, and also to how crucial it is that we expand inter-State digital cooperation and improve mutual trust in the information arena.
Speaking in Minsk at the Conference of Counter-Terrorism Agencies, President Lukashenko proposed the establishment of a linked digital neighbourhood based on concluding bilateral and multilateral agreements for ensuring international information security. The key elements in the agreements could be the notions of digital sovereignty and neutrality, as well as the non-interference of countries in one another’s information resources. Digital sovereignty should guarantee a State’s ability to control its information space, prevent and block cyberattacks, and reliably protect its critical digital infrastructure. Digital neutrality would imply that countries would undertake no actions in cyberspace that would be detrimental to other States’ security. Such agreements could ultimately lay the groundwork for developing international rules for responsible conduct in cyberspace. Through these agreements, as President Lukashenko put it, waves of digital security could be launched, strengthening ties between countries and enhancing the effectiveness of concerted action against terrorist threats in cyberspace. Belarus is ready to develop cooperation and strengthen ties in the area of international information security with every country in the world, and especially its neighbours.
The global economy has also been affected by the turbulence in today’s world, becoming increasingly feverish as the scope of digital trade and financial flows grows ever greater. Economic cooperation at the regional level is growing and people’s welfare is improving in many parts of the world. Significant regional integration initiatives are being implemented. There are also many problems in this area, however. Political differences between countries are taking the form of protectionism and sanctions. Speculation in financial markets continues. Artificial barriers have been created to prevent a number of countries from joining the World Trade Organization. The world’s leading economies are engaged in a full-scale trade war, which only makes it harder to solve problems and increases the risk of real war. The language of unilateral coercive measures, which has no place in the United Nations, remains a reality in relations with a number of countries, including freedom-loving Cuba.
All of that leads to another acute problem, which is the inequitable nature of economic globalization. In the opinion of many, it has not turned out to be the rising tide that lifts all boats. What actually happens is that the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. The potential for cooperation between regional economic blocs is not being fulfilled. That issue deserves special attention. Some analysts predict that the future global order will be a world built around regions rather than major Powers. Indeed, life has shown us that wherever regional integration is successful, the chances of political fragmentation diminish.
We firmly believe that regional processes must cooperate effectively with one another. Belarus is an actively participant in various regional integration blocs. Moreover, for a number of years we have consistently worked to establish partnerships and cooperation among integrating alliances. In Minsk in 2020, as President of the Eurasian Economic Union, Belarus plans to host its first forum on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in cooperation with the Eurasian Economic Commission. That will not only help the countries that our partners in the Eurasian bloc to synchronize watches and share their experiences on issues related to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, it will also enable the Eurasian Economic Union region to speak with its own unique voice in the global debates on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, raise common issues and help to highlight our States’ diversity. As a matter of principle, Belarus believes that regional economic organizations must be actively involved as effectively as possible in efforts to implement the SDGs, in order to help coordinate the economic policies of regional blocs’ member States. That can create a multiplier effect for national economies, which are the backbone of the entire system of regional and global sustainability. Progress in that direction, along with Belarus’s proposal for a comprehensive dialogue on security, could be an important contribution to overcoming our geopolitical uncertainty.
I would like to focus on one more important topic. Against the backdrop of the world’s ever-increasing population and the resulting growth in the exploitation of the Earth’s limited resources, we can see that the problem of climate change is becoming more acute. We are probably very close to a point of no return if we do not take decisive action. The efforts of the international community to reduce emissions are so far clearly lagging behind the devastating processes of climate change. The Climate Action Summit, which was recently held at the United Nations Headquarters, offers hope for consolidating the international community’s efforts and implementing meaningful initiatives to reduce emissions. As a responsible participant in the collective efforts to combat climate change, Belarus intends to make an unconditional commitment to reduce its greenhouse-gas emissions by a minimum of 35 per cent of its 1990 levels by 2030 and will exclusively use its own resources to do so. Launching an incentivizing mechanism for the transfer of advanced knowledge and technologies to developing countries, along with climate investments, would be a powerful driver for the transition to a low-carbon economy.
Today, on the eve of its anniversary, the United Nations and the whole world are facing their next important frontier. We will be able to cross that symbolic boundary if we can succeed in finding the right answers to our existing and emerging challenges on the politics, economy and technology fronts. To that end, it is more crucial than ever that we restore confidence in relations between States at the global and regional levels. We must learn once again how to be good neighbours and solve problems together in our home, our planet. Belarus is ready to continue to contribute in that regard, in every format and on various platforms, including in Minsk. The important thing is that we work to make our world a calmer, fairer and cleaner place and to give our peoples hope for peace and prosperity.


Building a rules based world, promoting dignity and universal values, surmounting the climate challenge and launching humankind on the path to sustainable development — those are the commitments that should bring us together.
Each country and nation has its own history and benchmarks, but every human being carries within themselves a spark of freedom, a thirst for emancipation and those universal values that nothing and no one should be able to undermine. That is the meaning of the Charter of the United Nations that unites us.
In a changing world, to use the words of Jacques Chirac, there is no greater risk than standing still. Multilateralism is about movement and continuous dialogue, first to better understand each other and even more to respect each other and build a foundation of trust. Of course, there will be many differences of opinion, people will often refuse to compromise and misunderstandings are possible. History always shows, however, that progress comes from cooperation. To be patriotic is to love one’s own and wish the best not only for them but also for others — that is the very essence of our Organization. It is not a matter of opposing, dividing or regressing; on the contrary, it is a question of connecting, bringing together, strengthening and better committing oneself with the strongest of bonds — universal values and the rule of law.
Three global challenges are today testing humankind: climate change, sustainable development, and peace and security. We know that those three challenges are intrinsically linked. Tireless determination, innovation and intelligence are more necessary than ever. We need multilateralism that is bold, brave and enterprising.
Back in the nineteenth century, Victor Hugo already understood that “Nature speaks and humankind does not listen”. Our Secretary-General just a few days ago, in words as apt as urgent, perfectly expressed the urgent need to take action on the climate challenge. In my view, there is no room to be paralysed by fear or anger, which are always bad advisers. It is on the contrary a question of translating the appeals to our conscience into positive and irreversible forces, seeking the remedy with a clear mind and taking bold action.
The impact of climate change becomes more evident and destructive by the day. The most recent estimates show that change is accelerating and that the efforts made to date are not enough. In that regard, the vast majority of European States have committed to becoming carbon neutral by 2050. I also welcome the Chilean initiative to achieve climate neutrality in keeping with the Paris Agreement on Climate Change.
Safeguarding our biodiversity, forests and oceans must also be at the heart of our joint actions. Climate change is having a structural impact on food security, migration and even stability in many countries. But it is our responsibility not to fall into the fearful trap of catastrophism — the transition to carbon neutrality can and must offer positive opportunities for the development and improving our way of life.
Innovation, technology, initiative and freedom of enterprise are more crucial than ever and governments, businesses, start-ups, non-governmental organizations and citizens all share responsibility. My message is an optimistic one — we can and will succeed.
My country, Belgium, together with its European partners, is determined to do its part in our global effort, all the more since the reduction of the climate threat must be achieved by strengthening our capacity to attain the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which constitute the keystone of personal dignity and our collective security.
In discharging her duties as SDG Advocate with all of her heart, Queen Mathilde is demonstrating the sincere commitment of my country in the service of those noble objectives. Undeniable progress has been made on several fronts. Extreme poverty has reached its lowest level since records began. Infant mortality and infectious diseases are decreasing and access to drinking water, schooling and education are on the rise. The gains are real, but we know we still have an extremely long way to go. Every 11 seconds, a pregnant woman or newborn child dies somewhere in the world. Hundreds of millions of people do not currently have regular access to drinking water. Too many children do not have access to school and suffer every day from malnutrition.
We must continue to innovate and work towards progress. The private sector can play a major role in reducing poverty. We must promote free trade with reciprocal rules and ambitious social and environmental standards. Investments in basic infrastructure and technological innovation must also be expanded. New technologies, artificial intelligence and the data economy must, however, be better regulated and aligned with personal freedoms, respect for our private lives, and the protection of democratic values against any arbitrary intrusion into our freedom of conscience and expression.
The most recent report of the Secretary-General rightly shows that gender equality is central for overcoming development challenges. I am proud that the Deputy Prime Minister of Belgium, Alexander de Croo, makes a powerful appeal in that regard in his book The Age of Women. I share the belief that feminism is a matter for men as well.
We must change mindsets — a prosperous society depends on the talents of all its people. For that reason, all forms of discrimination must be fought — racism, antisemitism, homophobia, xenophobia, Islamophobia, hate speech are always devastatingly toxic, insidious, brutal and undignified forms of violence. In the words of Nelson Mandela, “to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others”.
Without progress, peace is not possible; without peace, progress is not possible. For the sixth time in its history, my country, Belgium, is a non-permanent member of the Security Council. We contribute to the prevention and resolution of crises on a daily basis. We endeavour to make the protection of civilians, especially women and children, the top priority. Every peacekeeping operation, with its particular challenges, is necessary. Mandates must be more specific and better targeted. Effectiveness must be a constant requirement.
We also wish to pay attention to areas of tension and the seeds of conflict — situations not yet in the spotlight but which could quickly take centre stage should they deteriorate. We must detect the warning signs, tackle the root causes, invest in political dialogue, strengthen mediation, promote democratic values, encourage links among different groups, fight hate speech and stop impunity.
The world is changing. We want a better world that is more predictable. The multiplication of tensions and crises, if not defused swiftly enough, can spiral out of control, seriously threatening peace and security. In the Gulf region, an atmosphere of escalation is growing stronger, threatening not only regional but also global stability. Oil facilities in the Strait of Hormuz are strategically important for the global economy. We call on all actors concerned to refrain from any unilateral measures likely to inflame tensions. We must avoid any incident liable to trigger ever worse consequences. We call for restraint and dialogue to open the way towards a more stable and secure future in the Gulf region.
A divergence of views on the nuclear deal with Iran generated the current tensions. We continue to support the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. We call for discussions to resume on all subjects of concern — the nuclear question, Iran’s role in the region and its ballistic missile programme. We therefore express out full support to the mediation efforts under way at the initiative of France.
The situation in Syria also remains cause for concern. We are worried by the escalation of violence in and around Idlib. In the Security Council we have taken, together with Germany and Kuwait, a position against the escalating violence, proposing a humanitarian draft resolution last week aiming to achieve a ceasefire and protect the millions of civilians living that area. We regret that, despite broad support, the draft resolution was subject to a double veto. The bombing of civilian populations, schools and hospitals in no way advances the fight against terrorism; rather, it likely helps fuel terrorism.
We will not abandon the Syrian people. There is no military solution to that conflict. Only a political process under the auspices United Nations will make it possible to bring it to an end. The establishment of the Constitutional Committee is a step in the right direction.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for decades, yet today peace seems a more remote possibility than ever. The situation on the ground is deteriorating, violence and mistrust are reinforcing each other and settlements are actively continuing. Nonetheless, we must promote the emergence of a just and lasting peace in the interests of both the Palestinians and Israelis and of the region as a whole.
The parameters for a just and lasting peace are well recognized. International law is the cornerstone of the multilateral order and any initiative seeking to circumvent it only fuels further injustice and conflict. The aim must remain to create an independent sovereign, democratic and viable Palestinian State living side by side in peace and security with Israel and its neighbours. Israel must enjoy peace and security within secure and internationally recognized borders.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Belgium’s leading international cooperation partner, we continue to work side by side with the population. The first steps towards the expansion of political space, such as the release of political prisoners, are heartening, although immense challenges remain to better meet the legitimate expectations and aspirations of the population. We will support all positive forces seeking to contribute to forging a better future for that great country at the heart of Central Africa.
Turning to the Sahel, the security situation is deteriorating despite the actions of the States of the region and the efforts of the international community. Insecurity is spreading and inter-ethnic conflict, fanned by the proliferation of militias, is being capitalized upon by terrorist groups, which are steadily extending their murderous reach beyond the Group of Five for the Sahel countries to threaten neighbouring countries as well. Flows of displaced persons are intensifying, cultures are in danger and the humanitarian situation is overwhelming the region’s populations. We need to mobilize side by side with the States of the Sahel and we must uphold our commitments to them.
We are not rid of terrorism. The fall of the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria does not signal the end of its deadly criminal ideology. Da’esh continues its indoctrination and threatens innocent and vulnerable targets as well as law enforcement, seeking to spark radicalization with an absolute cynicism and relentlessly stirring up hatred and anxiety.
My country, like many others, has been directly afflicted by the cowardice of terrorism. We must be tireless and fearless in our fight against violent extremism. Prevention and suppression must be more effective. International cooperation will be crucial here, too, to eradicate the scourge that inflicts such sorrow on our world.
The shared dream we must all work to realize is that of a world that is more stable, more predictable and more just. To our children and their children in turn, we wish to leave a planet that is healthier, better living standards, rights and freedoms. No border can interrupt that universal dream.
Eradicating the climate threat, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and working tirelessly for peace and security will require broad and unwavering determination. Preventing conflicts at an early stage and defusing them, dealing peacefully with disputes, weaving the fabric of dialogue and nurturing the bonds of trust, that is what we believe is necessary to live up to the Charter of the United Nations, which obliges us to enact those binding universal values and, above all, to live up to the humanity that resides in the heart and soul of everyone one of us.


At the outset, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. I wish to assure you, Mr. President, of Armenia’s full support for your leadership during this seventy-fourth session. I also want to express our profound gratitude to Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, President of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session, for her effective leadership and important legacy.
This is my second opportunity to represent my country in this Hall as Prime Minister of Armenia. Momentous changes have been taking place in our country since my previous appearance at the General Assembly (see A/73/PV.7). Parliamentary elections were held in Armenia last December. For the first time in about 25 years, those elections and their results were fully accepted by our public and not contested by any political party. They received the best possible assessment from international observers, who hailed them as free, fair and transparent. That was a major achievement of the Armenian people’s non-violent velvet revolution of 2018.
Armenia’s peaceful revolution received praise and recognition from the international community. International media groups acknowledged Armenia’s role in the global democratic surge as providing hope for global democracy. In recognition of our democratic achievements, The Economist magazine proclaimed Armenia “country of the year” in 2018. Our determination to advance democracy and reforms is solid, uncompromising and unwavering. It is based on the strong mandate of our people, to whom we are accountable in delivering reforms, securing justice, improving economic and social conditions and developing our nation.
Our democratic transformation and zero-tolerance policy on corruption are not without resistance from corrupted former elites, whose vast financial resources are directed at escaping justice. Our Government has not pursued a single case of property redistribution. At the same time, our resolve to press forward with reforms and ensuring justice is unwavering. Our mass media are completely free of Government control or interference. However, some are not free from meddling and control by the same old circles in the former Government and are fabricating fake news and spreading mistrust in the public domain about the origins and purposes of the velvet revolution.
Despite such challenges, our resolve to promote and protect the freedom of the media is unrelenting. We have witnessed plenty of suspicion about the nature and purposes of our revolution. Some believe that the revolution was instigated by global competitors in our region. Others have asked, “if they are not behind this revolution, who else could have done it?”. From this rostrum, I would like to firmly state once again that the velvet revolution in Armenia was carried out by its proud citizens in a manifestation of their will to reject corruption and the abuse and monopolization of power, as well as the consistent falsification of elections and political fraud.
There is absolutely no need to reproach the free expression of will of the Armenian people, who are their country’s ultimate sovereign in the sight of the international community. The political transformations in Armenia represent the fulfilment of a dream to have a free, democratic and happy country — a dream that was born in the late 1980s, at the end of the Cold War, and that led our people to independence.
Armenia’s non-violent people’s velvet revolution is proof of the potential of democratic change in the contemporary world. Yet the revolution was just the beginning of our mission and probably the easiest part of it. We are currently in a new, more important and difficult stage of our mission. We would like to prove that democratic transformation in Armenia is sustainable. We are proud to have already delivered some concrete results. Our economy is growing steadily and quite rapidly, thanks to a very important ideological transformation that has occurred in our country.
The individual effort of every citizen does matter. That principle is the most important driving force of our economic revolution, and the most important mission of our Government is to inspire and convince our citizens to trust their talent and ability to make real changes. Individual efforts have been the main driver of the success of our political revolution. Before the revolution, only a small group of people believed that individual efforts could bring about political changes in our country, but today that is a commanding idea for the overwhelming majority of Armenian citizens. Our overall goal is therefore to accomplish an economic revolution in exactly the same way that the political revolution was achieved earlier.
The reform and strengthening of institutions are the most powerful instruments we possess in addressing the challenges that democratic Armenia is facing today. Immediately after coming to power, we initiated a package of drastic measures to establish the democratic institutions that never previously existed in our country, such as efforts to establish an independent judiciary, anti-corruption bodies and a level playing field for all economic and political players. The empowerment of women is another area in which we have taken bold steps to register visible results.
The most important part of our institutional reforms is education. We believe that only through promoting education can we make our democracy irreversible and achieve sustainable economic growth. Our vision is to make lifelong education a nationwide activity for all layers of our society, from children to adults. The Armenian Government is determined to continue its institutional reforms, but we also count on the support of the international community to stand with the young Armenian democracy to address its challenges. We need to have access to international best practices to save time and resources. We need to avoid the mistakes previously made by other democracies in order to make our democratic reforms more fruitful and efficient.
I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all our international partners who are fully committed to assisting our reform agenda. In particular, we are grateful to the United Nations and its programmes and agencies, as well as regional partners such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. As I mention the United Nations, our global Organization embracing the whole of the international community, I hope that all members of that international community would like the Armenian democracy to succeed.
Unfortunately, the world has not become a safer place for all of us this year. It is difficult to find any region in the world that has not been destabilized or affected by tensions in its neighbourhood. Two of the four international borders of Armenia, including the border with Turkey, have been closed for almost three decades. By refusing to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia, overtly assisting Azerbaijan against Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh, Turkey remains a serious security threat to Armenia and the Armenian people, who have experienced the deep tragedy of genocide and continue to face the fierce denial of truth and justice.
The various degrees of tension existing in relations among our neighbours and strategic partners create very challenging circumstances for us. Russia is our key strategic partner and ally, while Georgia and Iran are our strategic neighbours, and we have a strategically significant agenda and partnership with the United States, the European Union and its Member States. We observe with concern the various disagreements among our friends, strategic partners and allies.
Those realities present us with significant challenges because we face the persistent risk of not being correctly understood by some of our friends — or even worse, by any of them. We are doing our best to remain a reliable partner and a good friend to all of them without damaging our relations with any of them, without promoting relations with one partner at the expense of another. We will continue to invest every effort into making our region’s geopolitical environment safer.
The peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict is of crucial importance to the stability and security of our region. Since my very first day in office I have been taking steps in that context, and I publicly stated that any solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict must be acceptable to the peoples of Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan. It is noteworthy that I was the first Armenian leader to voice such a position about the settlement of the conflict. I was heavily criticized in my country for proposing such a formula to resolve the conflict, which places the three parties of the conflict on an equal footing.
Nevertheless, I strongly believe that this is the only way to achieve a peaceful and lasting settlement of the conflict because it offers a possibility for compromise, mutual respect and balance. I introduced the formula not only publicly but also within the negotiations being conducted under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group co-chairmanship.
In order to enable us to move forward, I expected a similar statement from Azerbaijan. However, Azerbaijan’s highest authorities have maintained their position, which is based on a solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict that is acceptable only to the people of Azerbaijan. What does that really mean? It means that the Azerbaijani authorities have no intention of resolving the conflict.
Instead, they want to defeat the people of Nagorno Karabakh. They do not want to seek any compromise. What they aim at is revenge for their unsuccessful attempted aggressions against the people of Nagorno Karabakh in the 1990s and in 2016. That is why they are inflaming anti-Armenian sentiments among their people and spending enormous resources on armaments, and why anti-Armenian hate speech has become official policy in Azerbaijan.
In fact, the Azerbaijani authorities want to bring back the Soviet-era status of Nagorno Karabakh, but that is a futile effort because the people of the Soviet-era Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Region declared their independence and exercised their right to self-determination, as did Azerbaijan in seceding from the Soviet Union. That position of Azerbaijan is tantamount to claiming the restoration of the former Soviet Union.
The Azerbaijani Government presents the Nagorno Karabakh conflict as a territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We totally disagree with such an interpretation of the conflict. It is not a dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It is not about territorial claims. It is about people, about real men and women and their right to live in their homeland as their ancestors lived over many centuries. Unfortunately, the Azerbaijani authorities do not want to talk to those people or negotiate with them because they want to have the territories but not the people. To be more precise, they want the territories without the people.
It is very important to explain the reason why I am referring to that part of the story. Do the members of the Assembly think that I want to contribute to the tension in our region? Of course not. On the contrary, I want to make it clear that the conflict of Nagorno Karabakh is a very complicated and painful issue for the peoples of the region and that it is impossible to settle it without hard and consistent work — without a compromise, mutual respect and balance. I therefore wish to invite my Azerbaijani counterpart, President Ilham Aliyev, to accept the formula that will create the conditions for a breakthrough in the peace process. Any solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict must be acceptable to the people of Armenia, the people of Nagorno Karabakh and the people of Azerbaijan. We need to work together to translate this formula into reality.
A few days ago, we celebrated Armenia’s Independence Day. Twenty-eight years ago, Armenia became a full member of the international community as a sovereign nation, regaining its place and role in the global arena. We are benefactors of international cooperation and contributors to fulfilling its security, development and human rights agenda. We greatly value effective multilateralism. We work with all our partners, both at the international and regional levels, to advance global security, fight against international terrorism and champion non-proliferation, nuclear security and peacekeeping operations. Armenia participates in international peacekeeping operations in Lebanon, Mali, Kosovo and Afghanistan, and has been conducting a humanitarian mission in Syria delivering medical assistance and providing humanitarian mine clearance for the benefit of the civilian populations affected by the crisis.
The benefits of effective multilateralism are strongly reflected in our global efforts aimed at advancing cooperation in the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In Armenia, the process of incorporating the SDGs into our national plans complements the launch of an ambitious transformational national strategy for 2050, which involves 16 megagoals that embrace all the SDGs.
The priorities of advancing education, innovation, smart development and an inclusive and participatory political and economic environment illustrate the interlinkages that exist between development and human rights. Further advancing the role of women and youth is also of critical importance for Armenia. We will continue to focus on all these issues in both our domestic and international agendas.
Enhancing our integration of economic and environmental policies is very important. Having registered a 1.3°C average annual temperature increase, Armenia is already confronting the negative effects of climate change. To address this global challenge, we have been working to develop an innovative climate-finance mechanism, which is part of Armenia’s national pledge for the United Nations Climate Action Summit.
Promoting sustainable development and human rights should be an inclusive process. Sustainable development should be made accessible to everyone, regardless of political status or geographical location. No one should be left behind, including the people of Nagorno Karabakh, who should have access to the same tools of sustainable development that are available to others. Nagorno Karabakh should be able to benefit from international financial and technical assistance, so as to strengthen human rights, eradicate poverty, improve education, respond to climate change and build an inclusive society.
As a democratic country and a reliable member of the international community, Armenia will continue to make its contribution to international cooperation in order to maintain global peace and security, promote sustainable development and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We are committed to maintaining a constructive dialogue with all international partners to address common challenges and bring progress and prosperity to our nations. We are against dividing lines and the policy of confrontation. We are against closed borders, which in the twenty-first century are considered redundant and unacceptable and yet still continue to exist in our region.
As a nation that has experienced the horrors of genocide in the past, we stand for promoting mutual understanding and peace in our volatile region. Escalation and arms-race policies based on illusory hopes for military superiority have no future in the South Caucasus. The peoples of our region deserve to live in peace and prosperity, freely exercise their human rights and freedoms, and build a brighter future for themselves and their children.