Sir, I have the honor to congratulate you on your election to the high and responsible position of President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. This gives me particular pleasure since you represent friendly, non-aligned Algeria, which, like my own country, through a national liberation war and revolution won independence and created the conditions for social progress and equal participation in international relations. Your election symbolizes the growing role in the world of the peoples and countries of Africa and their successful struggle for freedom, independence and equality, as well as the in-creasing role of the non-aligned countries and the policy of non-alignment in the contemporary development of international relations.
1Q8. The untiring efforts and the competence with which Mr. Leopoldo Benites conducted the twenty- eighth session of the General Assembly, last year, as well as the sixth special session of the General Assembly, merit our most profound thanks and recognition.
109.	My delegation has already had the opportunity to welcome the admission of the three new Members in the Organization and, in that connexion, to express our great pleasure. Permit me to congratulate once more the delegations of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, the Republic of Guinea- Bissau and Grenada on their admission, which is one more important victory on the road to achieving the universality of the United Nations.
110.	On behalf of my delegation, I should like to express to Secretary-General Mr. Kurt Waldheim our recognition of his great personal commitment to finding solutions to the crises in the Middle East and Cyprus, and of his efforts in that connexion, as well as in connexion with the carrying out of the program of emergency measures to mitigate the difficulties of the most seriously affected developing countries.
111.	In the period between least year's General Assembly session and this one, many turbulent and important changes have occurred which have not by-passed a single area of international relations, and from which no region of the world has been exempt. Almost never before have so many problems, in so short & time and with such intensity, engaged the attention of the international community.
112.	The basic characteristics of these changes are a profound social-economic ferment in many countries, and ever stronger and more organized demands for fundamental changes in international political and economic relations. The achievement of domestic progress is becoming increasingly tied to the struggle for complete political and economic independence and equality and for the elimination of the causes of tension and hotbeds of crisis.
113.	The process of relaxation of tension between the big Powers and in Europe has led to certain achievements important to peace and security. This is reflected in the initial results obtained in the field of the limitation of strategic nuclear arms and the removal of the danger of a general nuclear war, as well as in the convening of the Conference on Security . and Co-operation in Europe. The successful conclusion of that Conference would be a new, important contribution to consolidating the process of relaxation of tension and the strengthening of peace, security and equal international co-operation in Europe and the world. Yugoslavia decisive favors and, together with other participating countries, is making a constructive contribution to the successful outcome of the Conference, There is no doubt that the continuation of the process of relaxation of tension is of the greatest importance for the preservation of peace in the world and the solution of international problems.
114.	The relaxation of tension in the world is in the interests of all countries. It should become a world process and encompass the solution of the most serious international problems with the equal participation of all countries, especially those most directly interested. If such general relaxation is not achieved, or if it should remain limited in scope, content and participants, we would have no guarantee that we had really moved away from the danger to the peace and security of many countries, and not even from a confrontation of global proportions. The role of the United Nations is of the greatest significance in the further development of the relaxation of tension. The non-aligned countries particularly contribute to the development of this process, in which they see the expansion of active peaceful coexistence in the world and conditions for attaining their jointly established aims.
115.	In the complex and uncertain development of the world situation, the policy of non-alignment, which at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers in September 1973, gained new strength and established the basic directions for common action by the non-aligned countries, has been, further confirmed as the lasting political orientation of an ever-increasing number of States and as a world policy. The non-aligned countries have become not only a powerful moral and political factor but a real material force, which has shown that it can influence international relations and make a real contribution to the solution of the most important international problems. It should be stressed in this connexion that the non-aligned countries have always been inspired by a desire for equitable and broad co-operation with other countries, and that confrontation has been imposed on them by the positions and conduct of certain Powers.
116.	The challenge to the international community and the United Nations, and especially to the non- aligned Countries, is all the greater and more bold because of the frequency of cases of direct and indirect foreign interference in the internal affairs of other countries* often with the aim of overthrowing the legal government and changing the political orientation of a country. Furthermore, the internal social and economic difficulties?- encountered by certain developing countries are frequently used to the same end, whereas solidarity should be expressed and assistance extended to them in overcoming such difficulties. There is no hesitation even about attempting to legalize such interference as the right of the stronger. The United Nations must not permit any country, on whatever grounds, to secure the right to interference and intervention, for this would be the gravest blow to efforts for the relaxation of tension in the world and the establishment of equitable international relations; it would be a dangerous threat to peace and security, and even to the very existence of the United Nations.
117.	Why do we have these and similar dangerous phenomena in international relations? We find the answer in the reality of the existing profound differences and contradictions in the development of international relations in our era. Acting contrary to the process of relaxation of tension, to the struggles of peoples for full political and economic emancipation, equal international co-operation and peace and security in the world, are the forces of imperialism, colonialism and other kinds of foreign domination, hegemony and exploitation, which often resort to interference in the internal affairs of other countries and to various forms of pressure and do not even shrink from the use of force. As a direct consequence of this practice there is today a whole chain of crises and tensions, from Viet Nam and Cambodia, through the Indian Ocean and the Middle East, to Cyprus and southern Africa, which directly threaten the freedom and independence of many countries and peoples as well as world peace and security. In other parts of the world, too, there are many latent crises and conflicts which could lead to new and dangerous tensions in international relations.
118.	Following the significant changes resulting from the successful liberation struggle of the Arab countries and copies in the October war against Israeli aggression, which we view as only the first step towards an overall solution of the Middle East crisis, I must express concern over the lack of further progress and the return to the state of "no peace, no war". Moreover, the trends towards a heightening of this dangerous international crisis are becoming stronger. Obviously, the responsibility for this situation lies with Israel, which continues to show reluctance to comply with the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, resorts to aggressive conduct and is threatening a new armed attach. It is a dangerous illusion to believe that the crisis can be kept under control or that it can be localized while the settlement of the problem is postponed.
119.	Yugoslavia calls for the prompt and complete withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967 and subsequently. This is an essential prerequisite for achieving a comprehensive and just solution which would enable all the countries and peoples of the Middle East to live in peace and independence.
120.	We have always believed that a settlement of the Middle East crisis is impossible without a solution at the same time of the Palestinian problem. Therefore my country is among those that have wholeheartedly supported the initiative to include this item in the agenda of the General. Assembly [AI9742 and Add.I-4]. This comes at a particularly timely moment in view of the frequent attempts to push this problem into the background and by various maneuvers make it impossible for the legitimate representatives of the Arab people of Palestine to take part, on an equal footing, in its solution.
121.	Yugoslavia firmly supports the recognition and realization of the national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, and primarily its right to self- determination and free development, and considers the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] to be its sole legitimate representative. We are convinced that at this session appropriate decisions will be adopted in this direction and that the Palestinian representatives will be granted equal participation in all efforts to overcome the Middle East crisis and all phases of the negotiations.
122.	The crisis in the Middle East and the new Cyprus crisis are interconnected, intensifying tensions and increasing the danger to peace and security in that part of the world and generally. It is therefore essential that these crises be settled without delay. It has again been confirmed that peace and security in Europe, in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East, which are of fundamental importance for peace and security in the world, are interlinked and that they cannot for long be strengthened or consolidated apart from each other.
123.	Without going into the history of the Cyprus crisis I should like to set forth our views on its essence and the basic elements on which a settlement can be achieved. My Government believes that it is now most important to begin the process of settling this acute and dangerous situation. Provoked by interference on the part of imperialistic and reactionary forces in harness with the former Government of the Greek military junta, by means of the well-known putsch against the Government of the Republic of Cyprus headed by President Makarios, and in view of the unsettled relations between the two national communities in Cyprus, the crisis flared into an armed conflict and foreign military intervention, which despite the present cease-fire continues to entail great sacrifices and suffering of the population of the Republic of Cyprus.
124.	The independent and non-aligned Republic of Cyprus is, after Chile, the second non-aligned country within a year to fall victim to inadmissible foreign interference in internal affairs and to the policy of force. We view these events as dangerous attacks on the policy of non-alignment as a whole following the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Algiers which all non-aligned and other peace-loving countries must most resolutely resist.
125.	My country, as a neighboring and non-aligned nation having friendly relations with the Republic of Cyprus, with Greece and with Turkey, has endeavored from the beginning, within the limits of its capacity, to contribute to overcoming the crisis. The President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, sent messages to the leading statesmen o.f the Republic of Cyprus, of Greece and of Turkey. Believing this to be a crisis of the broadest international significance, President Tito then sent messages also to the chiefs of State of the permanent members of the Security Council and to a number of non-aligned and other countries, as well as to the Secretary-General.
126.	In these messages, and on many other occasions, my Government pointed out the principles which it considers to be the basis for a just and lasting solution. These are: full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus; the withdrawal of foreign armed forces and bases from Cyprus; and the establishment of relations of equality between the Greek and Turkish national communities within the framework Of a State organization which they themselves will work out together. Not only must the legitimate representatives of the Republic of Cyprus, in the person of representatives of both national communities, participate in finding a just and lasting solution, but their role in the search for such a solution is of primary importance. Along these lines, the contacts between the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus, which have produced initial positive results, are encouraging.
127.	Yugoslavia regards as indispensable the full commitment of the United Nations to the finding of ways and means for a political settlement of the Cyprus crisis. In this connexion, we think that the presence and activities of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus are important and my Government extends its recognition to that Force. We deeply regret the casualties it has suffered.
128.	On the basis of these positions, Yugoslavia along with other non-aligned countries, especially those in the group established by the co-ordinating bureau of the non-aligned countries to follow the development of the Cyprus crisis and to offer good offices to the parties to the dispute is ready to continue to do everything in its power to open up prospects for a just and permanent solution of this crisis, in the interest of peace and security and in the spirit of the United Nations Charter, that is, the universally accepted principles upon which international relations should be based. Yugoslavia also supports all further initiatives and efforts for a peaceful solution of the Cyprus crisis that is acceptable to the parties to the depute.
129.	We note with pleasure that the successful struggles of the liberation movements in Africa and the positive changes in Portugal have made possible progress towards the final liberation of the peoples from Portuguese colonial domination. The independence of Guinea-Bissau and the agreement on the attainment of independence by Mozambique are very significant achievements which we believe will soon be followed by the liberation of Angola, the Cape Verde Islands and other colonies.
130.	By consistently supporting and assisting from the very beginning liberation and anti-colonial movements, Yugoslavia has actively endeavored to contribute to this development. Guided by that consideration, we resumed diplomatic relations with Portugal immediately following the removal of the Portuguese Fascist, colonialist regime. We approached this in the conviction that the democratic forces of the Portuguese people will consistently carry out the historic task of decolonization and with a profound belief in the unity of interests of the struggle of the democratic forces of Portugal, and the national liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies. We are happy to see that the democratic forces of Portugal are successfully carrying out this task in co-operation and agreement with the liberation movements. At the same time, we consider it essential that the United Nations engage in preventing any attempt by colonialist and racist regimes to restrict or halt this process.
131.	South Africa, however, remains a bastion of imperialism, neo-colonialism and foreign exploitation. Not only does the racist regime oppress the African majority of its population but it is also a constant source of threat and danger to the independence of its African neighbors. Without assistance from South Africa and international capital, the white racists in Southern Rhodesia would be unable to maintain their illegal minority regime, which defies all the sanctions of the United Nations. The people of Namibia are still exposed to cruel exploitation by the South African racists. We believe that the time has come for the United Nations to consider in more concrete terms what should be done to put an end to South Africa's constant violation of the fundamental principles and decisions of the United Nations.
132.	In our opinion, there are now favorable conditions for accelerating the liberation of all the remaining colonial strongholds or enclaves in various parts of the world and we should. therefore come closer to the complete realization of decolonization one of the most important goals of the United Nations and of the entire international community.
133.	In South Viet Nam the Saigon regime, with support from abroad, is brazenly violating the Paris Agreement and, by resuming military operations, endangering the freedom, independence and right to self-determination of the people of Viet Nam. The people and Government of Yugoslavia fully support the right of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet Nam - the only legitimate representative of the people of South Viet Nam to observer status and the right to participate in the work of our Organization.
134.	As we know, through procedural maneuvers, last year a discussion of the question of establishing in the United Nations the legitimate rights of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, led by Prince Sihanouk, was postponed, but the acuteness of this problem has not diminished. In fact, the postponement has proved to be completely unjustified. The Lon Nol regime is, as it always has been, an instrument of foreign intervention and interference. The liberation struggle of the people of Cambodia has registered new successes, while their legitimate Government actually controls most of the national territory. It is therefore essential for this session of the General Assembly to adopt a resolution in favor of recognizing the legitimate Government of Prince Sihanouk to represent Cambodia in the United Nations.
135.	The problem of Korea continues to occupy our attention. Important steps have been taken to overcome this heritage of the cold war. The duty of the United Nations, as we conceive it, is to induce the peaceful reunification of the Korean people. We therefore, together with a group of non-aligned and socialist countries, requested the inclusion of an item on the withdrawal of foreign military forces from South Korea under the United Nations flag [AI9703 and Add.1-3] and we favor the adoption of a resolution by the General Assembly in this regard, which is also in the spirit of the consensus achieved at the twenty-eighth session.
136.	The efforts and struggles of the peoples of Latin America to change the existing inequitable relations, for sovereignty over their natural resources and for political and economic independence enjoy the support of a wide circle of non-aligned countries, including my own. The adoption by an ever greater number of Latin American and Caribbean countries of the policy of non-alignment is of tremendous international importance, because it strengthens the power and role of the non-aligned countries, in international relations and in solving acute and' long-term international problems, while at the same time it is a further guarantee of the success of their struggle for emancipation and equality.
137.	In recent months we have witnessed the further deepening of theT crisis Of the world economy. The world trade and monetary systems are in a state of profound crisis. Inflation is rampant and, like a relentless tidal wave, is sweeping from one country to another, and the greatest sufferers from this are the broad working classes of the population and the countries at the lowest level of economic and social development.
138.	The so-called energy crisis and the crisis of the system of international economic relations, which most directly affect the development of political relations, have again confirmed that in today's world of increasing interdependence of countries and peoples no area can be isolated in either prosperity or crisis.
139.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development, provided a comprehensive analysis of contemporary economic problems. On the initiative of the non-aligned and other developing countries it reached a historic decision on the establishment of a new international economic order and adopted a Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)]. This offers a basis and framework which make it possible, by common effort and respect for the interests of both the developing and the developed countries, to seek solutions to the most serious economic problems confronting us. For that reason, in our opinion, our actions should be directed towards the most rapid and complete implementation of the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-F/)] and the Program of Action. We are convinced that a search for some other solutions and resistance to the inevitable process of establishing a new economic order could only worsen the already critical situation in which we find ourselves today.
140.	I should especially like to stress the importance of the most urgent and complete implementation of the Special Program contained in the Program of Action. Despite the fact that the General Assembly at the special session achieved a high degree of agreement on the need to extend urgent and adequate assistance to developing countries which are most seriously affected by the current economic trends in the world, the implementation of the Special Program as a whole is going slowly, so that there is a danger of its losing its basic purpose. The extremely difficult position of the most seriously affected developing countries places a great obligation on all countries to heed the appeal launched at the special session, in the name of solidarity, interdependence and common progress. We feel that at this session the General Assembly should give decisive support to the implementation of the Special Program.
141.	In this connexion, I particularly wish to emphasize the extraordinarily difficult position of the
People's Republic of Bangladesh, which is fighting the terrible consequences of inherited backwardness, war destruction, natural catastrophes and extremely unfavorable world economic trends. In addition, a matter occupying our close attention is the grave consequences of famine affecting many African countries, particularly in the Sudano-Sahelian region, and in some other countries in other parts of the world. It is of vital necessity for the international community and our Organization to approach more decisively the solving of these acute problems.
142.	Aware of the situation in the most seriously affected developing countries, the Government of Yugoslavia has decided, within the confines of its capacities, to contribute to the emergency measures provided for in the Special Program, despite the fact that my country, also, seriously feels the results of these unfavorable trends in the world economy that include restrictions imposed on its traditional export markets.
143.	The developing countries will continue to rely on their own capabilities and to utilize their own resources. They are determined to speed up their economic development by joining forces and through mutual co-operation and assistance. We feel sure that the meeting of representatives of the co-ordinating countries, which has just ended in Belgrade, and which prepared a number of proposals for the implementation of the Action Program for Economic Co-operation among Non-Aligned Countries, will contribute to this.
144.	In achieving the aims and performing the tasks laid down at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, the role of the United Nations is irreplaceable. We have often witnessed a lack of orientation on the part of certain organs and specialized agencies of the United Nations towards carrying out the resolutions and recommendations of the General Assembly, while today there is a growing tendency to bypass the system of the United Nations, and to seek solutions to outstanding economic problems in closed, privileged circles. What is essential today is to have ever more concentrated actions by the organs and agencies of the United Nations.
145.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and the World Population Conference, contributed to the solution of the problem of development, and thus also to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations. To those same goals should contribute such important actions in the coming period as the adoption of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, the World Food Conference, the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and, as the climax of a period of exceptional all-round activity by the United Nations, the special session of the General Assembly to be held in September of next year, in the preparation of which we should even now begin to pay the greatest care.
146.	Present developments in the world are accompanied, and to a great extent conditioned, by the strengthening of the influence of the military factor on the policy and actions of some Governments. This also leads to an acceleration of the arms race which is acquiring disturbing proportions, and to an increase in the role of the military-industrial complex in certain developed countries.
147.	The greatest danger threatening humanity is the possible use of weapons of mass destruction. For this reason, Yugoslavia, together with other non-aligned countries, and in the spirit of the resolutions adopted at their conferences, has always most resolutely favored the undertaking of urgent measures for the complete prohibition of the use, development, production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons, and for the destruction of existing stockpiles. In this context, we also support the prohibition of all nuclear and thermonuclear weapons tests for military purposes, in all areas and by all countries. For the same reason, we firmly support the efforts for the earliest possible prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of all chemical weapons and the destruction of existing supplies.
148.	While the development and production of nuclear weapons continues, we cannot refrain from pointing out that very modest results have been achieved so far in the field of the transfer of nuclear technology to the developing countries. This leads the developing countries to rely on their own resources and, by uniting their capabilities, to seek solutions in this area, also, which would enable them to emerge more quickly from the economic difficulties confronting them. It is high time for the world Organization to find a proper answer to this problem too.
149.	Negotiations on disarmament being held bilaterally or within broader frameworks, have yielded some results, which my country supports, but we feel it is essential to give a new powerful stimulus to these efforts. We believe that a world conference on disarmament could open new paths and perspectives for the abandonment of the armaments race, and for disarmament, in conditions of a strengthening of trust among peoples and States.
150.	We welcome with satisfaction the success of the Special Committee on the Question of Defining Aggression, of which Yugoslavia is a member, in submitting to the Assembly at this session an agreed draft definition [fee A19619 and Corr.l]. Although the draft definition is a result of compromise, it defines the most important characteristics of the act of aggression, a definition that can assist the United Nations in identifying an aggressor, preventing and arresting aggression, or checking a potential aggressor. To this end, my delegation is in favor of the General Assembly's adopting, by consensus, the proposed definition of aggression.
151.	This decisive turning-point in international relations, makes it essential for us to combine our efforts on the broadest possible basis so that the search may continue for the solution of outstanding questions by peaceful means and in the spirit of the principles to which we, so often, as Members of the Organization, have declared our attachment.


Before beginning my statement may I express on behalf of Venezuela our condolences and our grief on hearing the sad news of the passing of Mr. Paul Hoffman. He was more than a United States citizen: he was a citizen of the world. His devotion and activity not only in the cause of freedom but also in that of helping the poor will be a lasting example to all Governments and peoples of the world.
130.	I should like to begin with a most cordial and friendly message of solidarity from the people and Government of Venezuela for the noble efforts of co-operation which this great Organization is making for development, good understanding and peace among its Members. Despite the diversity of the economic systems and the degrees of development of its Members, the United Nations provides all of them with the most favorable atmosphere for the presentation, analysis and solution of their individual and collective problems, thus giving a clear example of what can and must be achieved through dialog for the benefit of mankind as a whole in all the diverse aspects of present day life, beset as we are by the most complex circumstances.
131.	The United Nations undoubtedly represents the best effort that the mind and soul of man have been able to devise in this century for the realization and strengthening of man's oldest and most constant dream: freedom and peace. It was thus that our own liberator, Simon Bolivar, saw it, and to that end he struggled to the day of his death, he who was the Father of our Venezuelan homeland and of five other nations of the Western hemisphere. It was thus that he anticipated by more than a century the very conception of an organization for which he drew the guidelines and which is similar to this Organization to which we have the honor of belonging.
132.	Venezuela shares in full solidarity the pain and anguish of its sister Republic of Honduras at the vast material damage and loss of life which it suffered as a result of the recent hurricane which devastated that country. The people and Government of Venezuela have been co-operating from the very first moments of the catastrophe, mobilizing available resources to assist the affected townships.
133.	We wish also to extend to the Government and people of Peru our sympathy and sorrow in the natural calamities that have recently befallen that brother nation.
134.	Without disguising my own personal pleasure at this first opportunity given to me to enjoy the honor of addressing this world parliament, it is with satisfaction and pride that I discharge the pleasant duty entrusted to me by the Government of Venezuela of paying public tribute to the eminent Latin American who preceded you, Mr. President, in your high office. Mr. Leopoldo Benites carried out with talent and skill the delicate tasks entrusted to him by the General Assembly, not only at the twenty-eighth session but also at the sixth special session and later on his visits of goodwill and understanding to a number of Member States of the Organization. Among them, my own country enjoyed the privilege of welcoming him as a distinguished guest, as befitted his high office. We Latin Americans in particular are justifiably proud at having been so ably represented by this experienced and invaluable statesman, who fulfilled the highest and noblest task that the Organization can require of any person.
135.	Mr. President, I wish to extend to you the warmest and most sincere congratulations of the Government of Venezuela on your well-deserved election to preside over the present session of the General Assembly. I am sure that under your efficient guidance we shall successfully complete the delicate tasks entrusted to us. For Venezuela and the Venezuelan people it cannot but be a source of satisfaction to see a distinguished son of Algeria elevated to occupy such a high post, for Algeria is a country linked to our own by close ties of friendship which date back to the days when the valiant people of Algeria were struggling for their independence. Today, Algeria and Venezuela stand together in the just struggle which is being fought so that the peoples that are still oppressed may achieve the recognition of their inalienable right to both political and economic freedom and independence.
136.	We stand together also in the effort to achieve an international society where a mere just social and economic order prevails, and therefore an order that will be more equitable. We stand together—Venezuela and Algeria, united as we are with all the peoples of Africa, Asia, Latin America and, in general, the third world in the constant and unremitting struggle to bring about an international society which will lead to a more equitable distribution of the wealth of our planet, in order to benefit all mankind and put an end to the odious differences between great and small countries, between weak and powerful nations, between rich and poor peoples. We in Venezuela believe the time has come to refine and combine our efforts to make a reality of the much advocated but as yet theoretical principle of the legal equality of States. For this to become an actual fact and be reflected in genuine conquests of contemporary mankind, we must put an end to the privileges enjoyed by the few to the detriment of the many. It is imperative that we at long last effectively assist the peoples who have up to now been dominated selfishly by the hegemony of certain countries in a system in which great masses of men, women and children have been kept in intolerable material and spiritual wretchedness. That reality has sometimes been covered over with the mask of apparent aid that in some cases has resulted in the creation of a new form of economic dependency.
137.	I am particularly pleased, too, to express to the Secretary-General our gratitude and support for his constant dedication to the United Nations and for the invaluable services he has always rendered to the Organization, and for his political, economic and social endeavors.
138.	On the occasion of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, we enjoyed the honor of a visit of the Secretary-General, to whom the Government and people of Venezuela extended the hospitality which is due to so exalted a personality.
139.	We in Venezuela are convinced that the time has come to encourage and to carry out jointly among all States the adjustment and transformation required by the new international economic order that was proclaimed by the sixth special session of the General Assembly.
140.	The United Nations has many accomplishments to its credit; but when decisions have to be made, hesitations arise and vested interests tend to take over and in many cases the pressure of the strong over the weak becomes manifest. This proves the need for a thorough and genuine restructuring of the Organization, which is rapidly progressing towards universality.
141.	My country has always asserted the need to transform the Organization into a true international forum, a place where pressing problems of all kinds that beset the international community can be aired and studied freely and objectively. That is why it is a matter of particular gratification for my country to welcome the three new States that have just joined the United Nations, namely, Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau.
142.	Two )f those new States emerge into independent life after a lengthy period of colonial domination, and, as far as Venezuela is concerned, we cannot hide the fact that in the specify case of Grenada we are especially pleased. Not only is Grenada our close neighbor, located in the Caribbean, but also, we are linked by ties of friendship and co-operation based on the search for a real and honest Latin American integration for the mutual benefit of our peoples, so closely linked by history and a promising common destiny.
143.	The admission to the United Nations of each new State that emerges into independent life highlights once again the invaluable work done by the United Nations in this field.
144.	The phenomenon of decolonization is an irreversible historical process. The latest events in Africa prove if proof is still necessary that no Power can hope to keep under the colonial yoke those peoples that aspire to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination, freedom and independence.
145.	Regardless of whatever form colonial domination may adopt, it is a fallacy to perpetuate the subjection of a people that sooner or later must end by liberating itself, as had just been done by the former so-called Overseas Provinces of Portugal. I avail myself of this opportunity to offer to the Government of Portugal our most heartfelt congratulations on its change of stand regarding the colonial question, an action which ennobles Portugal in the eyes of the peoples of the entire world.
146.	Along this same line of thinking, we are pleased to take note of the fact that Spain has clearly expressed its intention to comply with and implement General Assembly resolution 3162 (XXVIII), so as to terminate the colonial regime in the Spanish Sahara. It will thus be implementing the principles contained in resolution 1514 (XV), in defense of the interests of the population of that Territory. Also, by inviting the United Nations to be present during the process of self-determination, Spain is complying with the relevant United Nations decisions and reaffirming its support for the principles of decolonization that have been advocated and championed by the Organization.
147.	In the twenty-ninth year of its existence, the United Nations will have to face the collapse of one system and direct its efforts to the creation of a new one, one more in keeping with the reality of a rapidly changing world.
148.	Thus far, our system of coexistence has been characterized by the existence of independent and dependent States. The development, wealth and welfare of the former were nourished by the subordination and submission of the latter and the exploitation of their natural resources. At present, thanks largely to the work done by the United Nations, that relationship of dependency has changed and given way to a relationship of interdependence. The crisis threatens to display features more marked than those that are beginning to emerge in those countries that developed their industry according to their own exclusive needs and desires. The present period of transition and expectation is unprecedented in the history of mankind. For the first time mankind is becoming aware of the fact that it is, in fact, one and indivisible. Well-being and the benefits of culture and civilization, in general, must be shared more far more if they are to be genuinely lasting. All States should have access to markets and to technology. Each must contribute its share, but not for the excessive benefit of some and to the detriment of others.
149.	The developing countries are now sovereign States, aware of their rights, of their duties and of their potential and ready at all times to defend their permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. The developed nations achieved their positions through the purchase of raw materials and sources of energy at unjustifiably low prices.
150.	The well-being of one third of the world has hitherto been achieved at the expense of the other two thirds: a single industrialized country, with only 6 per cent of the world's population, uses for its own benefit more than half the mineral resources of the world. The emergency situation the world is experiencing calls for concentrated efforts to seek and apply corrective measures urgently and promptly. The need has become obvious for rational management of renewable and non-renewable resources that would take into account the interests of all countries.
151.	A confrontation on a world scale to effect a redistribution of markets and raw materials will not have to happen if we, the States Members of the United Nations, as consumers and producers, are reasonable enough to hold an open dialog, with the aim of seeking equitable formulas for understanding on the basis of new definitions of the terms of trade that will redress the long-standing and unfair treatment by the developed countries of those on the road to development. To reconstruct the system along lines consonant with the new international dynamics and requirements will require bold and vigorous efforts that may at last make possible a world based on equality, justice and equity the only viable conditions for the achievement of that cooperation which is the basic source of well-being and peace.
152.	As we see it, the Assembly is the appropriate forum for that purpose. It was created for that end and not as an arena for the uttering of threats by those who possess the dubious privilege of controlling the means of international intimidation and force. Here we can and must find new formulas for peace, cooperation and understanding.
153.	We hope that during the present session the work in regard to the happy initiative of President Echeverria of Mexico will be crowned with success and that we may be able to adopt the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, a project to which Venezuela has at all times given its wholehearted backing.
154.	The developing countries, aware of their responsibility, advocated the convening of the sixth special session of the Genera) Assembly in order to discuss openly and plainly the bases for new mechanisms for the harmonious conduct of international relations, in accordance with the present world situation.
155.	The initiative of the developing countries has led to one of the most important steps ever taken by the United Nations. I am referring, of course, to the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] and the corresponding Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-VI)] which were adopted in May of this year. Thus the developing countries wished to anticipate the emergency situation which has arisen lately, to the real or potential detriment of the entire international community and particularly to the detriment of those countries whose economies are especially vulnerable.
156.	We are bound to recognize that, despite the great efforts made by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, the emergency operation that the Assembly requested the Secretary-General to launch as part of the Special Program of the Program of Action has not got under way as successfully as it should have. The majority of the developed countries have adopted a "wait and see" attitude as though the onus of the financial burden of such an operation should fall on the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). These countries in defense of their common interests have after many years of effort managed to attain their rightful position in a world where their main, and at times only natural, resource is squandered a resource which is as vital for them as it is for the rest of the international community.
157.	We believe it imperative to insist that neither Venezuela nor the other petroleum-exporting countries will in any way shirk their responsibilities in the present situation a situation that is undeniably financially favorable to them but certainly not one where there is real wealth and no grave problems. We, the petroleum-exporting countries, have tried to tackle the difficulties created by the new situation, in which, besides oil, many other factors of equal, if not greater, importance have had a powerful effect, factors such as the inflation that affects the whole world and that has been generated primarily by the industrialized States.
158.	In keeping with this vie w, Venezuela has pledged contributions to help in facing the difficulties of the present situation that amount to a considerable sum, according to the financial structure and capacity of our country. I must of necessity draw attention to this matter, even if only in generic terms not immodestly, but as an objective demonstration of the position adopted by my country in this field of international economic co-operation.
159.	The financial contributions made by Venezuela are equivalent to 1.2 per cent of its gross national product, and it is relevant to point out that the pledges made by the industrialized countries to assist the developing nations along these lines in most cases do not even reach one percent of their gross national product.
160.	The financial contributions pledged by Venezuela include $100 million for the Special Program; $500 million for a trust fund to be operated by the Inter- American Development Bank, $150 million for the Trust Funds of the Andean Development Corporation, the Central American Development Bank and the Caribbean Development Bank; and for the latter we have set up a special fund of $10 million. We have also made a contribution of $450 million for Special Drawing Rights which are the equivalent of $540 million for the so-called oil facilities of IMF. Venezuela is also ready to contribute to the Fund of OPEC, and intends to help encourage agricultural and industrial development projects in the countries of the third world. We are thus ensuring the fulfillment of one of the targets of the recently created Venezuelan Investment Fund, which is to strengthen international co-operation.
161.	The foregoing is simple, but I think appropriate and a clear demonstration of the stand of the President of Venezuela, Carlos Andres Perez, and his Government in this respect, but I feel that it is also appropriate to supplement the information by mentioning the position taken by my country in the preparatory session of the World Food Conference, that is, that there should be no acceptance of discussion that assessment of contributions to international organizations can be specifically based on oil income, for we contend that such contributions must be based on national per capita income with special consideration given to those developing nations which are going through difficult economic situations.
162.	In line with this argument, let me refer to the Declaration and Program of Action that proclaimed the new international economic order. As might have been expected, the reasons that led the General Assembly to take such action at that time are still valid, so the process of implementation must be speeded up vigorously. If that holds true regarding the emergency situation, which continues to deteriorate with all its real or potential risks to the entire international community and particularly to those countries whose economies have been most severely affected, it is also true in regard to the medium- and long-range programs that are intended to set the new international economic order in motion. Both aspects are indissolubly linked. For all efforts to be tightly and coherently co-ordinated on a world-wide scale, the totality of measures making up the Program of Action must be fully implemented.
163.	As an immediate step, as the Secretary-General has pointed out, it is necessary that the United Nations possess sufficient resources to be able to attend expeditiously to urgent needs and to ensure a certain balance in the distribution of the total resources of the emergency operation. Furthermore, the Government of Venezuela attaches special importance to the prompt beginning of the activities of the Special Fund, failing which the Special Program provided for in the Pro-gramme of Action will not be fully realized, as was so cogently pointed out by the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Leopoldo Benites, at the beginning of this session [2233rd meeting].
164.	The present critical situation which the world is going through will not be resolved without a convergence of all efforts at the international level which will also take in the overall problem of raw materials. In the measure that correlation and balance is struck between the prices of raw materials and manufactures, we shall strengthen the possibility of putting a brake on the inflation which has been unleashed in the industrialized countries, the damaging effects of which no one has escaped and which might lead to a profound crisis with unforeseeable effects on all mankind.
165.	Furthermore, the delegation of Venezuela considers it necessary to reaffirm before this great Assembly, where representatives of almost all the States of the present international community are represented, some of the ideas expressed by the President of Venezuela, Carlos Andres Perez to the President of the United States of America, Gerald Ford, a few days ago in an important document which is already on public record [see AI9784]. This defines the position of our head of State in the light of the address made to this very same General Assembly [2234th meeting] by the head of State of the most highly industrialized country of all the already developed nations. The President of Venezuela felt bound to define quite clearly and firmly w he and his Government feel regarding issues as vital and crucial for the present and future of our developing nations, as was the statement made by the Head of the Government of the United States, the host country to the United Nations.
166.	The categorical statements made by our President not only have enjoyed unanimous support among all the political sectors which make up public opinion in our country, but have also received solid endorsement by highly authorized spokesmen and great personalities of many nations. We obviously consider this to be a signal honor, and it also proves how accurate are the ideas contained in that weighty document. In substance, it is clear and simple but it is also eloquent since as our Head of State has averred truth is always clear and simple:
"The raw materials produced by our countries were purchased year after year at prices which were never in proportion to or in equilibrium with the prices of the manufactured goods which our countries require for their development and which have been purchased largely in the United States, not only for geographical reasons but also because of the credits tied to the United States economy that have traditionally been made available to us."
Particularly as regards Latin America, our President's letter adds:
"For many decades, we in Latin America have persistently demanded just and equitable treatment by the developed countries and primarily, of course, by our neighbor and traditional friend, the United States of America. We have repeatedly pointed to the impoverishment of our countries .
"Each year we, the countries which produce coffee, meat, tin, copper, iron or petroleum, have been handing over a larger amount of our products in order to obtain imports of machinery and other manufactured goods, and this has resulted in a constant and growing outflow of capital and impoverishment of our countries.
"In Latin America, as in the other developing countries, we can assert that the developed countries have been taking advantage of the fundamental needs of the Latin American, Asian or African man. To cite the particular case of Venezuela, petroleum prices showed a steady decline for many years, while our country was obliged to purchase manufactured goods from the United States at ever- higher prices, which, day after day, restricted even further the possibilities of development and well- being for Venezuelans.
"The establishment of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was a direct consequence of the developed countries' use of a policy of outrageously low prices for our raw materials . . .
"The world food crisis is a consequence, inter alia, of the high prices at which the developed nations sell us agricultural and industrial machinery and other inputs essential to agriculture and the growth of our economies."
The President of Venezuela also maintains in his letter to the President of the United States of America that the Government of Venezuela agrees with the view expressed by him in the United Nations to the effect that "a world of economic confrontation cannot be a world of political co-operation" but our President goes on to say:
"The economic Confrontation has been created by the major Powers, which refuse to allow the developing countries equal participation in the search for an indispensable balance in the terms of trade. Within the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Venezuela has not used no r will it use its energy resources as a political weapon because that is not and never has been the purpose for which that organization was established; rather, its purpose was to protect the basic wealth extracted from our subsoil at prices that have never compensated for the costs of our imports and of the technology needed for our development.
"We see no other way to confront the economic totalitarianism that has been coming to the fore in business and world trade" said our Head of State "and portends as much evil for the world as was threatened by political totalitarianism in the form of Nazi fascism, against which your great country fought, rendering the world a heroic and splendid service that earned the gratitude of all mankind.
"The World Food Conference which FAO is preparing to hold in November will not be able to achieve its lofty objectives if we in the developing countries do not succeed in guaranteeing remunerative prices for the raw materials we produce, prices that are in the necessary and fitting balance with the prices of the manufactured goods we import."
And President Carlos Andres Perez of Venezuela concludes with the following telling remarks:
"In view of your important statement in the United Nations, I wish to place on public record this statement of Venezuela's position and the willingness of my Government to work in an international forum to establish a balanced relationship between the raw materials produced by our countries, on the one hand, and the manufactured goods and technology, on the other, which are possessed by the developed countries and are in essence the source of economic marginality and growing poverty in which over half of mankind continues to live. Venezuela perforce takes a sympathetic view of any attempt at finding solutions to the great problems of our time in global terms, but only if a global perspective does not mean that the large countries will prevail over the small countries. It would be dangerous, ineffective and harmful for global and universal solutions to lose sight of the fact that the world includes us as well. It cannot be supposed, Mr. President, that consumers are limited to one part of the world."
167.	The ideas quoted above are equally applicable or similarly apposite to the nature of bilateral or multilateral relations which, in the economic field, have been applied in terms of trade between the few industrialized countries of the world and the many that are painfully embarked on the road to their own economic and social development.
168.	The phenomenon is not characteristic nor exclusively that of a few countries but is common to all, both developed and developing, the only differences being those of degree and form. But, as I pointed out at the beginning of my address, what is at the root of the matter and I want to emphasize this is that while political independence has slowly but progressively been achieved over the centuries by the members of the international community, their economic independence, as well as the economic interdependence among them, will brook no further delays. The political values of the international community have, almost perceived, been replaced by economic values; a skillful manipulation of incalculable magnitude has taken place whereby the clumsy hegemony of the powerful over the weak which was genetically referred to as "colonialism" has given way to an equally imperialistic but less obvious attitude that has been called " neocolonialism".
169.	Permit me, without unduly prolonging this speech, to make a few remarks concerning some of the items on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly. We are all aware that the main problems in the Middle East still await solution. We believe that perhaps the best forum in which to seek such solutions is that provided by the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East if, that is, that Conference is given the determined support of the Organization and if, within the framework of the United Nations, the great Powers co-operate frankly and fully. Venezuela, as an eminently peace-loving nation, is mindful of the law and advocates international co-operation, and will always support any action aimed at achieving a truly just settlement which will respect the rights of ail the parties involved in the conflict.
170.	Another case that must be settled within a wide political consensus of the parties involved is that of Cyprus. In that matter the United Nations must play the role assigned to it by the Charter. The interference of third parties in the evolution of domestic policies must be totally barred and the principles of self-determination and non-intervention enshrined in the Charter must be fully and effectively ensured. As the Secretary-General points out in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, it is obvious that the effectiveness of the United Nations in the solution of the Cyprus problem hinges basically on the support which the Member States may'.give to the decisions of its organs, as prescribed in the Charter.
171.	In these situations of conflict, Venezuela fervently hopes that the decisions of the Security Council will be complied with and that the parties concerned will abide fully by the peace-keeping measures adopted.
172.	With regard to general disarmament in all its aspects, I should like to stress the special interest of Venezuela in this matter. We adopt a practical approach to the subject from the point of view of international security, and therefore in the hope of achieving world peace, for peace that rests on fear is always precarious.
173.	The total prohibition of the use of chemical weapons is the least that the Assembly should achieve at the current session. The manufacture and use of such weapons conflict with the elementary principles of humanity and the fundamental values of mankind, as well as the spirit of the texts and instruments which the international community has drafted and pledged itself to respect and ensure respect for. We would go so far as to say that, even if the Charter of the United Nations did not exist, we should still be justified in protesting against the use of weapons which represent scientific progress only in relation to mass destruction and which highlight the most primitive and bestial instincts of destruction. If world wars and their tragic lessons do not provide arguments capable of dissuading nations from procuring even greater powers of collective destruction and devastation, we can hardly be optimistic about the achievement of harmonious progress for mankind.
174.	In speaking of this tragic and negative aspect of weapons of mass destruction, the peace-loving nations hope that a total ban on nuclear-weapon tests, including underground tests, will soon be implemented. Venezuela is especially gratified to note that on 31 March 1976 a test ban will come into force.
175.	It might seem that we, the smaller nations, can adopt this attitude because we do not have the "commitments" of the nuclear Powers, but we believe that nothing could be further from the truth. It is those "commitments" that may make victims of the weak because they amount to admitting as a yardstick of the greatness of a State its power to destroy, including even the danger of annihilating all mankind.
176.	There can be no doubt and herein lies the root of the problem that disarmament will be broad, complete and viable only when the moral values of our civilization change. It would seem at times that most of the leaders of the great Powers are themselves possessed by a series of doubts, suspicions and reservations which do not reflect the grandeur of their nations. We have no doubt that everybody will agree that it is precisely the great Powers which must set the example, since on them depend the manufacture, distribution and use of nuclear weapons. It is they which in some cases solve their balance-of- payments problem by the sale of weapons; they stimulate conflicts, sponsor wars, dismember nations and withhold vast resources from the solution of the great economic and social problems which confront mankind.
177.	Venezuela is by tradition among those States which support the total prohibition of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons and nuclear tests. We also support negotiations aimed at creating nuclear-free zones all over the world, as has been done already in Latin America. In this connexion, Venezuela is also in favor of holding a world disarmament conference at the earliest possible moment.
178.	As was rightly stated in this same forum in 1962 by the then Foreign Minister of Venezuela, Marc Falcon Briceno:
"Nations which have no powerful army and which use no language other than that of principle" as in the case of Venezuela "firmly maintain that the problems plaguing this world in crisis can be solved by peaceful means" recognized by international law. " ... In keeping with the ideal of peace which is the very basis of our world Organization the Charter of the United Nations tells us 'to practice tolerance* and 'to live together in peace'. That is an ideal which cannot be achieved overnight. The history of mankind has been different, but its long and dramatic past has given rise to the conviction that war is not a solution, that it is always better to negotiate than to fight. It is in order to negotiate that we who constitute the United Nations have come together here. If only the great Powers, too, might be guided in their deliberations here by that spirit of understanding and faith in principles. If only those great Powers might forget that they possessed the most destructive weapons hitherto known, and might, like the small Powers, the unarmed Powers, rely on a surer and more human arsenal in their international disputes: on international law and the procedures laid down in our Charter, which are the only civilized means of solving any kind of problem between the States Members of our Organization."
179.	In matters of human rights, our position is, has been, and will be consistent and unchanging. We shall defend them wherever they may be in jeopardy. We advocate their strengthening wherever they are not practiced with sufficient determination, we support the institutions that protect them, and will raise our voice to call for their full implementation. Many of the subjects to be discussed by the Assembly are, in one way or another, connected with human rights. Injustice, inequality, discrimination, breaches of the peace all these are violations of human rights, and these very violations are a contradiction of the very essence of our nation.
180.	I wish to repeat that Venezuela is ready as always to support any proposal, any measure, calling for an investigation of the facts whenever there may exist a presumption that human rights have been violated, whether directly or indirectly. We advocate that jointly we should draw up a realistic balance-sheet of the social and economic situation of the world, as we are convinced that the inevitable relationship between underdevelopment and respect for human rights will be made manifest by us. The United Nations must continue its struggle to bring us ever closer to the ideal of social justice, the goal to which we all so earnestly aspire.
181.	The policy of detente which, as has been said, is indivisible and is being applied among the great Powers with' promising results, should be extended to the countries of the third world for the solution of their problems. Venezuela has advocated and will continue to support ways and means that will also bring about detente in our hemisphere. In this connexion, I wish to thank the Minister for External Relations of Cuba for his expression of support for Venezuela and its Government during his statement in the general debate [2258th meeting] when referring to the stand taken by President Carlos Andres Perez in defense of the interests of the Venezuelan people and of the developing nations. Those expressions reflect the desire of our Governments to normalize relations between two Caribbean neighbors, whose past history has more than once found them united in the defense of the interests of Latin America.
182.	Furthermore, and still speaking specifically of Latin America, including all the nations of the Caribbean, of which mine is one, President Carlos Andres Perez has, since he assumed office, been encouraging the holding in Caracas of a meeting of Latin American Heads of State or Government. The purpose of such a meeting would be to adopt practical measures to help solve our common concerns and meet our joint needs, thus taking advantage of the singular historic opportunity presented to our peoples. This initiative has been warmly welcomed by the majority of the Governments consulted.
183.	Venezuela is always ready to contribute, to the extent of its abilities, to building a new international order, and in this task it offers its co-operation as a country which, though small, has profound democratic and liberal convictions, is a convinced lover of peace and freedom, and a conscientious observer of the principles of non-intervention and self-determination of peoples.
184.	In the present picture in the main discouraging and sombre there is nevertheless one positive and encouraging aspect in that we can meet here, with our different points of view, and at times our conflicting interests, and still leave no doubt as to our firm determination to avoid the kind of confrontations in the world that have thus far proved ineffective as a means of solving problems.
185.	Those of us whose responsibility it is to govern must strive with all our strength and intelligence to combat the state of fear and of constant uncertainty facing the common man of today. We must not forget that partly because of that very state of fear and concern over a future that threatens us not only with wars, but also with misery and want, there can be no other possible alternative but that of a constructive dialog for peace, for security, and for economic and social justice.
186.	In closing, may I be allowed to make a firm declaration. Venezuela is fully aware of and accepts its responsibilities within the unstable scenario of our time. We will fulfill them, and we will do so with the unshaken determination to contribute to a fruitful and united co-operation among all the peoples of the world.


Mr. President, in the name of my delegation and on my own behalf, I should like to extend to you my warm congratulations on your brilliant election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. In the current world context, during this period of decolonization, it is of particular significance that the session is being presided over by a great son of Africa. Indeed, Africa is extremely proud to see that Guinea-Bissau has now joined the United Nations and that the decolonization process as far as Portugal is concerned, at least is accelerating and intensifying and is in the process of transforming our continent into a completely liberated one.
241.	Moreover, your election, Sir, falls within the historical context of a process which is leading the world inexorably towards the total liberation of every form of shackles, enslavement, inequalities, injustice, discrimination, hunger and poverty. I am therefore convinced that your long and vast experience in international affairs, your valuable contribution to the African cause, your lucidity, modesty and firmness, not to mention the great services you have rendered to your own country, will all be of vital use to the Assembly in this crucial period for the international community and at a time when the word "crisis" is mentioned all around the world with alarming persistence.
242.	In addition, your election follows the holding, last April, of the sixth special session, which dealt with the pressing issues of raw materials and development.
243.	You are indeed the worthy representative of a sister State whose courage and determination were able to overcome a decaying colonialism. The blood shed by the Algerian people serves as an example and a symbol for all of Africa and for all those struggling for their liberation.
244.	The presence in this Hall of the delegation of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau to whom, on behalf of my delegation, I extend a hearty welcome is the tangible result of the armed struggle of the PAIGC against the forces of evil. It is also proof of goodwill on the part of the new Portugal since its change of Government on 25 April 1974, and gives the international community grounds for hope. The United Nations, which has always recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the Guinean nationalists, is thus reaping the fruits of that victory.
245.	The Republic of Zaire, which made its full contribution to the struggle of the African liberation movements, is particularly gratified over this stunning success, all the more so since it was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau's independence. We therefore welcome with open arms, to both the African group of States and the international community, this young sister State with which we shall be maintaining close relations of friendship, and developing intense co-operation in all fields.
246.	May I also take this occasion to extend a warm and cordial welcome to the other new States just admitted to the Organization, namely, Bangladesh and Grenada.
247.	On behalf of the Founding President of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and President of the Republic of Zaire, and on behalf of the Executive Council and in the name of my delegation, I sincerely congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his courageous efforts to hasten the liberation of territories still under colonial and racist domination. A great pilgrim for peace, the Secretary-General traveled to Portugal, where he made arrangements with the new Government of that country to advance the cause of those territories.
248.	Although his mandate in regard to certain territories remains unimplemented, my delegation feels that the new steps taken by the Secretary-General should be encouraged,; and supported by all States Members of the Organization, because, as was stated from this rostrum on 4 October 1973, during the twenty- eighth session, by the Founding President of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and President of the Republic of Zaire, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko: "Africa today remains the only continent where colonization, racial segregation, apartheid and contempt of man because of the pigmentation of his skin persist." [.2140th meeting, para. 103.] Both for the honor of the Organization and for international peace and security, it is high time that this situation changed. Fortunately, the new Portugal has given us grounds for hope.
249.	Indeed, we are impatient to see the former Portuguese colonies rapidly achieve complete independence, but we should also pay all due tribute to the new Portugal, which, itself emerging from the shadows and from fascism, has already begun the process of complete decolonization, at least for Guinea- Bissau and Mozambique, and we earnestly hope that this will be the case also with Angola.
250.	To be sure, although we cannot overlook the particular situation in that territory in relation to the other Portuguese colonies, we have noted with satisfaction the repeatedly stated determination of the new Portuguese authorities to initiate negotiations as soon as there is unity among the various liberation movements representing the fighters in Angola. The international community can but encourage and spur Portugal on to assume all its responsibilities towards that end.
251.	While congratulating the new Portugal on the action it has undertaken, the Republic of Zaire nevertheless considers it premature to enter into diplomatic relations with Lisbon until it has carried out its decolonization task to the full.
252.	Despite these bright promises, however, it must be noted that in many cases the world is still in total darkness. Such is the situation in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania.
253.	Portugal, which was formerly accused of obscurantism, is today carrying out a struggle on two fronts: on the one, to vanquish domestic fascism, and on the other, to liberate the territories still under its domination. To this end, it has not hesitated to crush the revolt of the minority settlers who were longing for the bygone era of colonialism; whereas the United Kingdom, under the same conditions, has sacrificed the interests of the Africans for those of a minority of colonists, for the most part, British.
254.	The worst of it is that that country, acting wickedly and in very bad faith, has succeeded in hoodwinking international opinion, rocking it to sleep with lullabies about trumped-up sanctions, when in reality it has betrayed our black brothers into the hands of the minority in Zimbabwe. That country bears full responsibility for its defeatism and I hope it realizes it. Taking refuge behind these trumped-up sanctions, the United Kingdom has the cynical presumption to go so far as to act as the policeman with regard to these measures and to accuse certain brother countries, mine among them, of violating the sanctions against Rhodesia.
255.	As far as my country is concerned, this accusation is based on the fact that Zaire permitted an aircraft registered in Africa and trading with Rhodesia to land on its soil. But I ask you whether my country should have allowed an aircraft in distress and, what is more, of African registration to crash. If to come to the aid of an aircraft in distress is tantamount to trading with Rhodesia, we must frankly admit that we have here some rather curious reckoning which it can only be assumed is typically British.
256.	All countries represented here are aware of Zaire's determination in the struggle for African liberation and none of them can doubt our will or determination to achieve the total liberation of Africa.
257.	By those defamatory allegations, the United Kingdom Government is deliberately trying to mislead international opinion. The United Kingdom, curiously disguised in the cloak of virtue, pretends to forget that it is the cause of the daily tragedy of life for the black majority, oppressed by a white minority clique. Let it rather assume its responsibilities by following the example of the new Portugal and restoring order in its rebel colony instead of spreading servile and shameless lies. Zaire, for its part, will assume all its responsibilities and will not rest until peace and justice are established in Zimbabwe. The United Kingdom must intervene effectively to restore to the majority Zimbabwe people their rights, which have been usurped by a minority of racist colonizers.
258.	Whatever may be the attitude of the racist minorities in southern Africa, we believe that the era of regimes of occupation, enslavement and domination has passed, because the international community is ever more aware of the absurdity of these regimes. They in turn, although they are now at bay, should still try to cure themselves of the political blindness that afflicts them and learn from the present situation.
259.	My statement would be incomplete if I did not also speak of the situation of the Sahara still under Spanish domination, of Djibouti and of the Comoro Islands which France and Spain continue to keep under their yoke.
260.	So far as the so-called Spanish Sahara is concerned, we are particularly gratified by the agreement reached between Morocco and Mauritania to submit the question to the judgment of the International Court of Justice. All the States Members of the United Nations should praise the wisdom of these countries and encourage them to pursue the peaceful road they have taken. In consequence, Spain must abandon the fallacious pretence of holding a referendum, because a referendum) is not synonymous with decolonization and, in any case, as far as we know, Spain did not organize a referendum when it seized that part of Africa. The decolonization of Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau was not accomplished by means of a referendum. And, incidentally, we may ask why Spain has not applied the same principle of holding a referendum in the case of Gibraltar.
261.	Despite the comparative relaxation of tension that can be observed in international relations and at which my country rejoices, new causes of tension are being added to the discontent, the frustration and the spirit of revolt that are the habitual source of the crises that continually threaten international peace and security. The rapprochement between the United States and the Soviet Union, on the one hand, and the United States and China, on the other, is an important step towards the achievement of peaceful coexistence.
262.	We have noted with satisfaction the efforts of the United States to find a solution to the Middle East problem, and we hope that more substantial results will follow the first steps that have been taken towards the achievement of a just and lasting peace in that part of the world. In any case, the Palestinian people is entitled to an existence worthy of that name and to a homeland. No definitive settlement of the Middle East problem can ignore the rights of that people. If the Israelis have a homeland, then it is essential to put an immediate end to the kind of Diaspora to which the Palestinian people seem to be condemned.
263.	The forthcoming reopening of the Suez Canal will strengthen economic co-operation and trade be-tween the countries of that region and of other regions. It should also create an atmosphere of confidence and make the Indian Ocean a true zone of peace.
264.	The Korean problem must also be solved in a just and satisfactory manner. The Republic of Zaire recognizes both Koreas and maintains good relations with both. We consider that it is for the Koreans themselves first of all to find a peaceful solution to their problem. Consequently, my country is at once in favor of accelerating the process of unification and opposed to anything that can hamper the achievement of the will of the Korean people.
265.	The Paris Agreement of January 1973 has unfortunately not settled all the problems in Viet Nam. The parties concerned in the conflict must, therefore, continue their efforts to re-establish peace once and for all by eliminating all ambiguous situations.
266.	With reference to Cambodia, Zaire denounces all foreign intervention. We believe that the efforts undertaken by the Government of Prince Sihanouk will achieve the complete reunification of the country.
267.	Another conflagration has unfortunately erupted, this time in Cyprus. Zaire pronounces itself in favor of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and against all foreign intervention. The Cypriot problem must be solved by the Cypriots themselves, without any foreign intervention, within the framework of existing agreements and with respect for the rights of the communities involved.
268.	Peace is one of the objectives sought by the Republic of Zaire in its relations with other States. Immediately after gaining its independence, my country suffered years of tragic civil war provoked by intervention on the part of foreign interests. We therefore attach great importance to the question of peace. The United Nations, whose main purpose is to maintain peace amongst nations, will find our country a steadfast ally: The people of Zaire are grateful to the United Nations for its contribution to the restoration of peace in Zaire.
269.	Peace throughout the world that is the objective of the United Nations. Unfortunately, however, we are compelled to recognize that since the inception of the Organization peace has not generally prevailed throughout the world; conflicts have erupted almost everywhere in the Middle East, in Viet Nam, in Cambodia and, recently, in Cyprus.
270.	The Organization has often been powerless to safeguard peace. This impotence is chiefly due to the fact that States Members and those not the least among them are very often in disagreement with the fundamental principles of the Charter. Various reasons have been advanced to explain the weakness of the Organization, whose structure, established in San Francisco after the Second World War, no longer suits the needs of the time.
271.	The principles which govern decision-making in the Security Council, for example, by according certain States primacy over others, seem to us to contradict the principle of the equality of States. Those same States, moreover, have the right of the veto. Experience has shown that those privileged States in the Security Council have always used their right of veto whenever their own particular selfish interests were at stake.
272.	The permanent members of the Security Council have an excessive advantage and they act accordingly by safeguarding their own prerogatives while preaching, of course, in their own cause. We can understand that these States are opposed to any revision of the Charter. But are we ready to make this forum the Disunited Nations or the United Nations?
273.	We feel that the veto right belongs to another period, a period of the past, and should disappear from the text of the Charter. The Organization would thereby gain in prestige, and confidence in it would be renewed, because the maintenance of peace is no longer the monopoly of a few privileged States but, rather, a task incumbent on each Member State. It was on this basis that, in 1971, our country initiated the idea of revising the Charter. On 4 October 1973, before this very Assembly, the President of Zaire, Mobutu Sese Seko, confirmed this suggestion [ibid., para. 202].
274.	Acting on the basis of the non-representation of the African continent at the time of the elaboration of the Charter at San Francisco in 1945, we can state that this is the time to revise the Charter. For indeed, out of 51 signatory States, only three represented Africa, whereas now, out of 138 Member States, 42 are African, almost a third of the entire membership. It seems to us that this important African presence in the Organization cannot continue to be ignored.
275.	Lack of respect for the fundamental principles of the United Nations and the non-application of its recommendations and resolutions by certain States weaken the role of the Organization.
276.	In violation of the principles of the -Charter, the United Kingdom refuses to fulfill its obligations towards the black majority in Rhodesia, while South Africa persists in the implementation of its policy of apartheid and seeks to extend that ignoble policy to Namibia. Finally, certain States become the accomplices of those others by supporting the enemies of the Organization, thus sapping its authority.
277.	Despite certain weaknesses. of the Organization, Zaire is very gratified over its progress in safeguarding the cultural independence of Member States. Indeed, the recovery of their cultural heritage, which had been pillaged by the former colonial Powers, has made it possible for the third-world States to give effect to resolution 3187 (XXVIII), which deals with the restitution of works of art to countries victims of expropriation.
278.	We are very pleased to pay tribute to the perspicacity of the United Nations and to the wisdom of certain countries which have begun to implement this resolution. This applies notably to Belgium, which, although it did not always have extremely cordial relations with Zaire, nevertheless has given a useful example. Even before the adoption of that resolution, Belgium recognized the legitimacy of our action and promised to restore our works of art. We believe that this example should be followed by countries which have expropriated the cultural heritage of other countries.
279.	In April of this year, on the initiative of the President of Algeria, the sixth special session of the Assembly was held in this very room. That session dealt solely with the problems of raw materials and development, which arc the main concern of all countries.
280.	This awareness of world economic interdependence gave to the debates in this Hall an unequaled scope and depth. The special session was important both for the high level of representation at it and for the quality and tenor of the statements made. The debates presented a striking picture of the world economic situation. The majority of the countries, after having recognized the fundamental injustice of the present international economic system, formulated an extraordinary number of constructive proposals which the Ad Hoc Committee on the Special Programme, established by resolution 3202 (S-VI), must harmonize in order to transform them into policies and plans of concerted action to govern the new international economic order. That new order, based on equity, equality, independence, the common interest and co-operation among all States, will correct inequalities and remedy injustices so as to ensure, for present and future generations, harmonious economic and social development.
281.	At the sixth special session, the Assembly prepared directives in the form of a general Declaration of principles and a Programme of Action. By laying down a line of action to be followed, the Assembly made an enduring contribution, because, from now on, economic relations will be viewed in an entirely new light.
282.	The Programme of Action has provisions relating to the difficulties encountered in the field of raw materials and the field of commerce, development and financing, as well as in the monetary system, the transfer of technology, industrialization, and the permanent sovereignty of States over their natural resources.
283.	Regardless of the results achieved, we can state that the session provided an opportunity to all States Members of the United Nations to realize the inter-dependence and complementarity of their respective economies, and demonstrated that each Member State has a voice in and a contribution to make to the development of the world economy.
284.	There is a tendency to attribute the present economic difficulties solely to the energy crisis, whereas that crisis is the result of Inflation which has been manifest for some years now. Naturally, the oil problem has aggravated the situation, particularly as regards the poor countries, but we must not forget that inflation preceded the oil crisis. Furthermore, owing to the fact that it has affected all the countries of the world, this crisis which then seemed to be a necessary evil is, in the last analysis, a good thing. Because it affected exclusively the under-equipped countries, the rich countries were pleased and they chanted the hymn of prosperity and invoked the laws of the market and other magic principles. However, it now appears that everybody is concerned, and we can only hope that more lasting solutions can be found, not based on intimidation or sorcery but within a large framework, with the good faith of everyone.
285 As to the oil-exporting countries, in view of the decisive role that oil plays in the world economy, these countries must bear their share of the responsibility in achieving a satisfactory settlement of the present crisis. We would therefore suggest that, at this session, the General Assembly give serious attention to this question and decide on the practical modalities for the application of the two important resolutions the Declaration and the Program of Action adopted at the sixth special session.
286.	The Republic of Zaire, under the leadership of President Mobutu Sese Seko, did not await recognition of the right of all countries to their own resources, because for some years now our people has been master of its own soil apd subsoil. On 30 November 1973, nationalization measures were taken in order to complete our economic action programme so as to ensure for our r^ople full enjoyment of its sovereignty over its natural resources and effective and complete control of its entire national production. Thus, after achieving political independence, Zaire has attained full economic independence.
287.	As we can see, economy problems are of concern to most States, particul&ciy the under-equipped countries. What we are demanding is greater justice in the field of economic co-operation with the developed countries, for any assistance given to the under-developed countries should contribute to their de-velopment and should not return in one form or another to the donor countries.
288.	This well-known assistance for development is mostly a myth that is used to assuage the conscience of the rich countries. Not only is this assistance much too small to safeguard the standard of living of the recipient countries, but the instability of prices of raw materials and the scarcity of investments, together with the effects of inflation and the ever-rising prices for finished products, has kept the underdeveloped countries in a precarious situation, forever receiving assistance and up to their ears in debt. In these conditions, escape from underdevelopment is hopeless, and the haunting specter of colonization or recolonization retrains.
289.	Zaire fully supported the proposal of the President of Mexico on the adoption of a Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Such a document would be a very important and historic contribution. In order to obtain the support of all concerned, the economic rights and duties of States must take into account the principles of equity and international economic justice.
290.	The world community must call on science and technology in the service of all. The transfer of technology constitutes, for the underdeveloped countries, the point of departure for real and harmonious development.
291.	The sea-bed and ocean floor contain vast riches and resources which could be put at the service of all mankind. The sea increasingly appears to be a source of food, energy and minerals which could make up for the exhaustion of the earth's resources. According to data issued by the United Nations, 15 per cent of oil resources is already being obtained from offshore exploitation, and that figure will reach 33 per cent in 1980. Sixty-five million tons of fish were harvested from the high seas in 1972. Furthermore, it has been estimated that certain mineral resources of the seabed are far more plentiful than those of the earth.
292.	All that wealth must be shared, and to that end maritime frontiers. must be defined. That has been done only imperfectly in the four conventions signed in Geneva in 1958, conventions which are today largely discredited. More than half of the countries of the world have refused to ratify them, considering them too much a reflection of the interests of the main maritime Powers.
293.	That is why the controversy on the law of the sea has finally been seen as an essential element of the problems upon which depend the fate of humanity, and of the struggle against underdevelopment and against the hegemony of certain Powers which would like to see the sovereignty and jurisdiction of States strictly limited, so that they can freely exploit the natural resources of seas other than their own.
294.	The Third United Nations Conference oh the Law of the Sea, which met in Caracas from 20 June to 29 August 1974, strikingly confirmed the antagonism existing between the developed and the poor countries, since no text was adopted by that Conference. However, Caracas provided an opportunity for the third world to make its voice heard and to clarify its position.
295.	The exploitation of the mineral resources of the sea and the sea-bed must be carried out in an organized, rational manner, from the point of view of well-applied international justice and with the object of preserving and conserving those resources for future generations. It should not serve to provide advantages for some to the detriment of others, particularly by prejudicing the interests of the underdeveloped countries whose prosperity depends essentially on the exploitation and exportation of raw materials. In order to avoid wasteful exploitation of those resources, control measures must be adopted, with the firm application of the principle of complementarity between the resources of the earth and those extracted from the st
296.	We hope that the Conference at its third session, which is to be held in Geneva from 17 March to 10 May 1975, will find equitable solutions so that the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction may indeed constitute the common heritage of mankind, as was stated in the Declaration of Principles on this matter unanimously adopted by the General Assembly [resolution 2749 (XXV)].
297.	The new conventions on the law of the sea should not enshrine as a principle the right of the strongest nation or of the nation which can best exploit the resources. All countries, whatever their size or degree of development, are equally entitled to exploit the resources of the sea.
298.	A few weeks ago, the World Population Conference concluded its work in Bucharest. Several tendencies were revealed during the debates, particularly concerning the delicate problem of the birth rate. It is the view of my country that priority should be given to economic development and to the fairest redistribution of wealth rather than to the reduction of the birth rate.
299.	Although we recognize the relevance of a realistic and responsible policy on population, Zaire cannot support the Malthusian theses which make the limitation of the birth rate a goal and an end in itself. That seems to us a policy of expediency designed to divert attention from the real problem, that of the inequality and injustice of the present international situation. The problem of poverty cannot be solved by killing off the poor.
300.	In our view, the population density per square kilometer is one of the determining elements in deciding on any limitation of births. Countries with a population density of 200-300 per square kilometer are faced with the problem of birth control, while those with a population density of less than 50 per square kilometer have no need to concern themselves with it.
301.	Propaganda would have us believe that there is a "yellow peril", whereas the true peril is the "white peril". The demographic statistics of China, for example, show that that country has not yet reached the critical threshold of over-population. In absolute numbers, with a population in China of 800 million, in a country of 9.8 million square kilometers, the population density is only 80 per square kilometer, whereas certain Western European countries have a population density twice, or even three or four, times as high.
302.	In the final analysis, economic development and the raising of the standard of living are the primary objectives, while control of the birth rate is a matter of principle whose application must be left to each country in the light of its own capacity to feed its population and of its economic perspectives.
303.	The present international situation, characterized as it is by coexistence and harmony between the great Powers, as well as by the appearance of many centers of power in the world, is not simply the result of rapprochement between the super-Powers but rather is the result of a long historic struggle of forces, and of new social values that have appeared in the contemporary world. Those new social forces have put the established order in question and imposed as a necessity world coexistence and ideological pluralism.
304.	The center of gravity of international relations and conflicts, because of the joint struggle of the oppressed peoples to overcome their poverty, has shifted to the third world, which now carries real weight on the international scene, enabling the countries of the third world to play a new role in contemporary history.
305.	The new historic stage in which we find our-selves calls for a new approach on the part of the industrialized countries, which must realize that relations between developed and underdeveloped countries can no longer be what they were in the past, with the dependence of the latter upon the former. They must rather be those of interdependence and a rich and dynamic complementarity.
306.	Once again, the Republic of Zaire wishes to express its confidence in the United Nations, which seems to us, in spite of everything, to be the most appropriate organization for dealing with problems relating to international peace, security and co-operation, and the most appropriate framework for finding just and equitable solutions to the various disputes which arise between States.
307.	I should like to conclude by expressing the most sincere congratulations to the President of the twenty-eighth session and of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador. The successful outcome of those two sessions was, in our view, the result of his ability and his great sense of duty.