1.	 Mr. President, on behalf of my Government, I wish to convey to you our most sincere congratulations upon the special distinction conferred on you by the Assembly in electing you its President for its twenty-sixth session. We are greatly pleased with this election because of the special ties which the defense of the legitimate rights and interests of the developing countries has forged between our two countries. Your election is a token of appreciation of your contribution to the cause of the independence of your country and your long and distinguished career in the service of Indonesia and in defense of the lofty ideals of the international community. It is, likewise, a tribute to the age-old continent, the cradle of civilizations, to which your country belongs.
2.	We should also like to pay a tribute of thanks to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Edward Hambro, who conducted the activities of the last session of this Assembly with skill, prudence and balance.
3.	We are especially happy, on this occasion, to extend a cordial greeting to the new Member States of the Organization: Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar.
4.	In this general debate, we shall refrain from giving our position in detail in relation to specific agenda items. Our delegation will give its views thereon in the relevant debates.
5.	I should like, instead, to turn my attention, in this unique forum of the nations of the world, to fundamental principles that my Government regards as essential for the consolidation and progress of international order.
6.	Technological advances have brought profound changes to means of social communication and transportation in general. As distances grow shorter and as relations among people are made easier, our earth, has become smaller and we who inhabit it feel closer to one another. When man reached the moon, a new, vital dimension was created: the space age. More than ever we are aware' of the unity and interdependence of the peoples of the world, that we are all members of the human race and that the whole earth is our great home. Can international borders perchance be seen from outer space?
7.	In addition, this revolution in time and space offered to us by technology has created on our earthly planet a new situation: a similarity in the way of life. We are all beginning to have similar problems, similar dwellings, common concerns, identical preoccupations, similar customs. Thus, on the one hand, national communities are becoming aware of their own individuality, while, on the other hand, we are coming to realize how the fate of one affects the fate of all.
8.	Gradually, in a somewhat confused though perfectly perceptible manner, we note that States that were regarded yesterday as a whole are today no more than parts of a- greater whole: our earth. Thus there emerges a new concept: that of mankind. We think of mankind as all the peoples of the world and, thus conceived, mankind appears to us as a world-wide society which encompasses us all and which is in opposition to individual societies or States, having their own lives, it is true, but dependent on the development of that greater society.
9.	We understand that society-both national and international-seeks not only to satisfy certain needs but rather to organize collective life in order that it may lead to the development of mankind as a whole. This modern concept of development has placed co-operation, both at the national and international levels, in a completely new perspective.
10.	The collective task is the development of civilization in other words, of man and of all men; of each people and of all peoples. There is need, therefore, for a social discipline capable of co-ordinating the activities of all for the benefit of ail. Today we can therefore speak, even in strictly scientific terms, of a universal duty to co-operate devolving upon all individuals and all communities. We, in fact, are here on earth to carry out together a common task: the development of mankind.
A/PV.1944
11.	The harmonious and human development of a civilization goes far beyond divisions within and between States. Art, science, philosophy and literature are today, more than ever before, the fruits of our collective work, it is thus that, over and above the particular characteristics of each nation, perhaps still not clearly defined but quite perceptible nonetheless, there progressively emerges the concept of the Universal Common Good towards which the interests of all peoples on earth should be directed.
12.	In my earlier interventions in this same Assembly on relations between peoples, international order and peace, 1 emphasized the fact that we should seek to achieve an international order inspired by International Social Justice and oriented towards the Universal Common Good. I had occasion to refer only to International Social Justice. Today I should like to speak about the Universal Common Good.
13.	Man does not stand alone. Society guarantees him a full life and his right to seek perfection. He has obligations towards the community where he lives. Therefore man must devote his endeavors to collective tasks, to the common good, that is to say, the good of all individuals in other words the good of individuals taken as a whole. Society constitutes a whole, because it unifies the action of its members for the benefit of all. It is thus that it has been possible to define the common good as the combination of all social conditions enabling the human person fully to develop all his faculties and perfect himself individually and socially. This is the concept of the common good taken from the point of view of a State.
14.	However, States are not alone, nor are they isolated in the concert of nations. Health, economy, agriculture, science, the arts, in short all man's activities in the contemporary world, are intimately dependent on the activities of other men and other peoples. Thus, Chen, as it does internally where each State seeks the realization of the common good of all its citizens, in the universal society of nations there is also need for a Universal Common Good wliich is the objective and raison d'etre of international authority and of the action of each of the States making up mankind.
15.	That Universal Common Good requires a contribution from all peoples on earth. Our international structures must be adapted to the realization of the Universal Common Good. That adaptation requires that we replace the erroneous and harmful concept of national egotism with the idea of sovereignty and patriotism prompted by solidarity between peoples in the light of the current values in International Social Justice.
16.	Thus from an international order based on bilateral agreements between Governments we must turn to another where, through  unilateral agreements, it may be possible to have institutions created by peoples.
17.	From the sphere of national autarchy we must move towards the creation of a supranational society, through successive stages of integration.
18.	We stated last year in this Assembly:
"The third condition for peace is the establishment of active solidarity which will truly bind the different peoples of the world together. This solidarity will be dynamic only to the extent that it is directed towards the universal common good, and only if it is based on international social justice." [184ist meeting, para. 128.]
19.	In effect, the Universal Common Good demands and requires active solidarity among nations. Mere coexistence, where perhaps the disintegration of others is expected or perhaps deliberately encouraged in a struggle for world predominance and triumph, is not enough. Far from it, the common good demands that we pass from coexistence to living together, We must turn from a system of relations, whatever they may be-whether of domination or exploitation or use of one State by another-to relations based on profound respect for the dignity of each State, while creating conditions for the liberation of everyone.
20.	The Universal Common Good requires a system of organized co-operation at all levels and in all sectors. In other words, it is necessary to pass from a system of international disintegration, where there is no harmony or over-all goals in the world, to a system of international integration, where we work with responsibility and a full awareness of what we are trying to do,
21.	The contents of the Universal Common Good are to be inspired by International Social Justice, in whose name we have the right to demand burdens and responsibilities that are in keeping with the possibilities, the power, the degree of development or wealth of some peoples in comparison with others.
22.	Thus we are faced with a logical development. Peace has a new name, and that name is development. International order cannot exist without harmonious, just and balanced development among nations, and this is only possible if it is oriented towards the Universal Common Good.
23.	The achievement of that Universal Common Good, as we have said, calls for the co-operation of all peoples on earth. Th<3 principle of the universality of the United Nations lies, in fact, in that same perspective. We are convinced that our Organization will fulfill more efficiently its lofty purposes to the extent that we can ensure the participation of the largest possible number of countries in the world,
24.	With this conviction, the President of the Republic of Venezuela on 4 March 1971, at his weekly press conference, stated the following:
"There is no doubt that the United Nations, in order to be more effective must, if possible, obtain the representation of the whole Universe. A country so powerful and highly populated, so important in many respects, as continental China should undoubtedly play a role in the world forum that the United Nations represents. In this connexion, we shall raise no obstacle, and we sincerely hope that some of the problems connected with the entry of that country will be solved. For instance, we maintain diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, whose Government is in Formosa, and that country's representation should not be scorned by us. We sincerely hope that this problem will be considered and analyzed in a truly suitable and satisfactory manner. I believe, moreover, that this question should be settled in a positive manner and in the not-too-distant future."
25.	These statements by President Caldera will guide the attitude of the Venezuelan delegation in the very difficult debate that will take place on this item-and I say a difficult debate because this problem is highly complex. We must endeavor to reconcile divergences of view through an open and forthright dialog in order to arrive at a formula that will allow for the full participation of continental China without the expulsion of the Republic of China,
26.	Mr. President, within each State the Common Good presupposes respect for the fundamental rights of the individual. Similarly, the Universal Common Good implies and demands respect for and recognition of the rights and the fundamental personality of different human communities. Moreover, just as each individual, by reason of the very demands of the Common Good, should be the architect of his own destiny, each State must be allowed to carry out its historic mission and to be primarily responsible for its economic and social development.
27.	That Universal Common Good calls for the redistribution among peoples of the wealth that has been unjustly accumulated by a few countries which we have come to call the developed countries. From that need for redistribution flow several conclusions or corollaries.
28.	It is not compatible with the concept of the Universal Common Good to sacrifice some peoples for the sake of one's own development. In time past the world has seen ritualistic cannibalism which was carried out at the individual level: one man was sacrificed. Today, it is fair to speak of social cannibalism, between nations and peoples. Under the cloak of technological development or "economic assistance", human communities and peoples are swallowed up. In fact, in order that some may develop, the very raison d'etre of the developing countries is taken away from them: their lawful right to forge their own destinies.
29.	The introduction of a subtle neocolonialism is incompatible with the idea of the Universal Common Good. Apart from unilateral benefits derived from primary commodities, in the interests of better technological conditions, the use and exclusive development of new resources such as those of the sea and the atom and outer space are sought by some.
30.	Nor is the system of foreign investments in the developing countries compatible with the Universal Common Good, when such investments are not oriented towards the development of those countries. Foreign investments that are made only for the sake of gain and one's own benefit are not in keeping with the concept of the Universal Common Good; quite to the contrary, they are a denial of that Common Good since they stem only from egotistical interests that have no social function.
31.	In a recent document a very important religious figure in the contemporary world stated:
"Under the impulse of new production systems, national frontiers are coming down and we see new economic powers emerging multinational enterprises which, because of the concentration and flexibility of their means, can carry out autonomous strategies to a very large degree independently of national political powers and, consequently, without control from the point of view of the common good. By extending their activities these private organizations may lead to a new abusive form of economic domination in the social, cultural and even political fields."
32.	Neither can we reconcile with the Universal Common Good the struggle for predominance by blocs, their arms race and the expenditures involved in maintaining the balance of power. Those sizable investments are in essence the clearest demonstration of how international relations take precedence over the Universal Common Good.
33.	In the name of the Universal Common Good we must question the pattern of development of today's industrialized nations. That pattern has led to the division of peoples on earth between the haves-an exclusive closed club-and the have-nots. But this is not in keeping with the concept of the Universal Common Good. To continue on that line is to march towards suicide because that would increase the differences among nations and peoples. This cannot be the fate which history has reserved for mankind.
34.	The Universal Common Good presupposes, moreover, a system of international distribution of production. In other words, it is necessary for all countries members of the community of nations to become part of a real and effective universal economic system encompassing all stages of economic activity. This necessarily implies the formulation of a global integral policy of world economy oriented towards the development of mankind-the Universal Common Good-and not towards the development of a small, group of privileged countries.
35.	In this connexion we must also point out that the Universal Common Good calls imperatively for the establishment of an international monetary system. But such a system cannot be effective without the genuine cooperation of all the countries concerned.
36.	We note with fear that the so-called Group of Ten seeks to assume and maintain the privilege of being the only ones in charge of the operation, alteration and reform of the monetary system. Once again, the developing countries have not been allowed a say in the decisions which so seriously affect them.
37.	In international forums the risks involved in the monetary system have been pointed out consistently but the absurd struggle to maintain an untenable national prestige prevented the adoption of realistic decisions with the participation of all nations.
38.	Measures adopted unilaterally, and contrary to the Universal Common Good, today seriously endanger the less developed countries.
39.	In this great forum, it is fitting for Venezuela to reiterate an earnest appeal to the conscience of the developed countries made a few days ago in international meetings held in Geneva and Panama.
40.	It is incompatible with the ideal of a Universal Common Good for a State to seek to set itself up as the sole possessor of truth and the monopolizer of the meaning of history, and it is even more incompatible when that State tries to Impose Its brand (if the truth with violence, People must be persuaded to accept the truth, not forced to accept It. No nation -unless it is willing to be held in contempt by others with regard Itself m the sob possessor of truth. Truth is to be found hi 'he authenticity, hi the nobility of peoples and Individuals.
41 The political State is not in itself an absolute, Its general mission Is that of being the nucleus and driving tee behind the development and the progress of communities and the human Institutions it encompasses, If due to the moral corruption of power a State assumes the iniquitous right of dealing on the destinies of other peoples as its political oligarchy sees lit, that State violates the Universal Common Good, There exist peoples that are prisoners of their Governments, In such eases their moral right to determine their own destinies Is usurped by their Governments,
42* The Universal Common Good must not be only a set of material profits and benefits, It Is also and fundamentally a multidimensional balance between the human person, societies and nations, and other human communities and nature in general, That Universal Common Good is and must be material, Intellectual and moral to allow the development of the material, intellectual and moral potential of all peoples, All this presupposes a keen awareness of those realities on the part of the developing countries,
43* It is quite obvious that participation in the international community cannot be based on the selfish and negative idea of benefiting from political or ideological domination or economic exploitation of other peoples.
44.	And yet such a state of affairs cannot be removed unless the developing countries are able to set aside their partisan national egotism and unite in order to deal with an unjust international order,
45.	Perhaps members think this is Utopian. This same question was asked last year from this very rostrum, Is it, however, not more illusory to continue along the path on which we are embarked at present? Is it, perchance, the way to the development of peoples and peace among nations?
46.	In making these final remarks I cannot fail to invoke the figure of our Secretary-General, UThant. For many years, in the performance of his functions, U Thant has devoted himself to the defense of the great moral principles that should guide relations among peoples. He, too, believes that only by pursuing great ideals will it be possible for mankind to realize its aspirations for peace and justice.
47.	History teaches us that only human actions inspired by ethical principles have lasting value. We must therefore defend them in the international arena with the persuasive power of truth if we are to free ourselves from the coercive power of violence.


108.	 The current, twenty -sixth session of the General Assembly launches the second quarter of a century in the existence of the United Nations. With last year's commemorative session of the General Assembly, the first quarter of a century of this international Organization came to a close. Much has changed in this world of ours between the founding of the United Nations and its twenty-fifth anniversary, but so has the Organization itself.
109.	Here in the General Assembly hall, much of that change is reflected in the fact that we are already short of room to accommodate all the representatives of Member States. In other words, the architects of this building had not foreseen that, in a historically short period of 25 years, the United Nations would have more than 130, instead of only 51, Member States. That goes to show that neither the architects nor some founding Members of the United Nations could have imagined that the long-standing forms of the colonial system would disintegrate within such a short period of time.
110.	It would seem reasonable to pose the question here and now. What changes can the world, and thus the United Nations itself, expect? Will our children and our children's children celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations?
111.	The victorious Powers of the First World War brought into being the League of Nations, but the League did not live to celebrate its twenty-fifth anniversary. The Second World War broke out before the League could celebrate that anniversary. Although it had some useful achievements to its credit, the League of Nations was more than once instrumental in preparing the ground for armed conflicts. What is more, the League played a part in the outbreak of the Second World War, primarily by refusing to adopt proposals for peaceful coexistence, disarmament and the prevention of war.
112.	The successor to the League of Nations, the United Nations, was brought into being after the Second World
War, again by the victorious Powers. Already the United Nations has gone through many a crisis. The United Nations has also been made an instrument of armed conflicts, even of threats of world-wide war. Sometimes it was also the instrument of cold war activities. In Korea, for instance, the conflicting sides are still today negotiating under the United Nations flag. In bygone years many have warned in this hall that the United Nations might meet the same fate as the League of Nations. So far, the United Nations has overcome all these crises. This can be ascribed to certain specific reasons.
113.	Firstly, the Charter is superior to the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Charter was drawn up by countries having different social systems but a common aim: to help all peoples for the sake of peace. That is why it was expressly stated that the goal was to free all peoples from foreign and colonial domination. It was even enacted that war as a means of resolving international disputes must be banned once and for all through disarmament.
114.	Secondly, the composition of the United Nations has undergone far-reaching changes. During the lifetime of the Organization, the new social system, that of socialism, emerged in several countries. This, in turn, has changed the international balance of power. The countries freed from the colonial yoke have made a vital contribution to this modification of tne balance of power. Their presence in the United Nations has effectively contributed to eliminating cold war subjects from discussion and to focusing attention on the fundamental problems in the life of the peoples.
115.	Now there can be a new perspective for the United Nations and it may be opened up this year. So far, one quarter of humanity-a country 800 million strong-has been debarred from the activities of the Organization, a country which is a founding Member of the United Nations. The time is growing ripe to restore the rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization. This is not a question, as some would have us believe, of ousting a country from this Organization but of restoring to a founding Member of the United Nations its fundamental rights. Those who hitherto opposed the seating of the rightful representatives of the People's Republic of China did harm to this Organization, to international relations in general, to the People's Republic of China and, last but not least, to themselves. It is gratifying to note that here at the General Assembly the number of members in favor of restoring to the People's Republic of China its full rights in the activities of the United Nations is increasing. These rights must be restored. There is only one China. Should the General Assembly decide to invite the representatives of the People's Republic of China, this decision should exclude the presence of a second Chinese delegation. Taiwan and mainland China have to settle their disputes between themselves. Clearly Taiwan also professes the "one China" principle.
116.	The fact that a solution of the question of the representation of People's China seems to be imminent is one of the factors that has decisively improved the atmosphere of political discussions at this session of the General Assembly.
117.	Peoples and Governments had pinned their hopes on the commemorative twenty-fifth session, when it seemed likely that Heads of State or Government throughout the world would meet here in honor of the anniversary last year. But this came to nought because of a gust of the cold war. As could be expected, those who were the target of criticism on this account were hardly gratified.
118.	Unlike last year's anniversary session of the General Assembly, the present session began in an extremely positive atmosphere, indicative of the many positive changes in international relations that have occurred since last year. I have touched on one of the causes of the change: the door is about to open to the People's Republic of China.
119.	A much more essential cause is, however, an improvement in relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. In the eyes of all democratic forces and humanitarian people, the pivot of international life is the desire to escape the threat of a thermonuclear war. This depends principally-at least under the circumstances of the present balance of power-on relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. The most important piece of international good news concerns the agreement reached between the Soviet Union and the United States on measures to reduce the risk of nuclear war and the agreement on improving the direct communications link between them, both signed at Washington on 30 September 1971.
120.	Part and parcel of improving the international atmosphere is the penetrating, realistic attitude being taken at the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT). Furthermore, a draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on their destruction [A/8457-DC/ 234, annex A] has already been submitted to the General Assembly.
121.	Humanity can be saved from a new world war, and the hazards of thermonuclear war can be eliminated, only by a gradual approach to general and complete disarmament.
122.	The partial agreements already concluded or still under discussion all serve this historic purpose. No one must be naive as far as these high aims are concerned. In this connexion I refer to the Soviet proposal for a meeting of the five nuclear Powers [A/8328] and a world disarmament conference [A/L.631J. The purpose of those proposals is to keep the questions of the ban on the armaments race and the realization of general and complete disarmament on the agenda of our everyday life. Humanity is capable of bringing disaster on itself, even without thermo-nuclear war, merely by maintaining and stepping up the present arms race.
123.	In addition to improved Soviet-United States relations as part of the positive turn in all-round international relations, recent events in Europe have fundamentally affected the international atmosphere and thus the atmosphere at the present session of the General Assembly.
124.	The enormous progress made by the German Democratic Republic has vitally contributed to those far-reaching changes in the European situation. There is also an East
German miracle; which has prompted the present West German government to take a policy which is more realistic than ever before. This more realistic policy matured in the conclusion of agreements between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany,  and between the four Powers on West Berlin.  Those agreements are the most important milestones in East-West relations in the post-war years since the Austrian State Treaty. At this point none of them has yet been ratified. Before ratification can take place much circumspect work in many fields still has to be completed.
125.	The point has been made that before further steps can be initiated to prepare the conference on European security all three agreements have first to be ratified and implemented. The Hungarian Government, in unison with the other States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, has repeatedly made clear the following point: in international relations it is unwise to make the solution of one question subject to the solution of another, however closely and logically those questions may be related. It has become increasingly evident in recent months, however, that some countries-without which the holding of a European conference on security and co-operation would be unthinkable- wished to make the next logical steps for preparing a European conference on security and co-operation dependent on the entering into force of the agreements relating to the two German States and West Berlin. But we have to be realistic in this matter. The spokesmen of this approach ignore two essential factors. The first is that the treaty settlement of questions fundamental to the future of Europe has been made possible by the more positive, all-round atmosphere created as a result of extensive bilateral or multilateral discussions, chiefly in the last two years, on a European security conference. The second is that it is precisely those who earlier had made the holding of the conference conditional on careful preparation- pending the coming into force of the German agreement  who have now put a full stop to any preparation.
126.	Although we are ready to sit down at the conference table, even tomorrow if necessary, we are obliged to accept this political situation. All we ask is, let us not sit back with folded arms and wait. In other words, until the time is ripe for all-round, multilateral talks, let us continue, within the framework of bilateral discussions, to clarify our views on how the conference, or rather the series of conferences, should be organized, what items should be included on their agenda, what documents should be drafted, and what the permanent organ of the conference or of a European security system should be.
127.	Efforts in this direction would expedite the entry into force of the agreements on the German question just as, in the same way, earlier talks on the European security conference paved the way for the successful conclusion of those agreements.
128.	The issue of European security is connected with the peace of the whole world. In the same way, the ideal of universal peace and security as expressed in the Soviet proposal submitted to the General Assembly is also connected with European security. The Hungarian delegation is ready to co-operate in the preparation of international projects relating to those proposals.
129.	A turn for the better can be observed not only in questions in which actual progress has been made, but also when very little or no progress could be registered towards a practical solution.
130.	Such questions are as follows: first, the aggression against Viet-Nam. The war in Viet°Nam is still going on. From time to time it has flared up and more recently it has spread to even larger areas than before. But respect for the Viet-Namese people deluding recognition of their right, has never been higher than in these days, not only in other parts of the world, but also here in the United States of America.
131.	Given these circumstances I should like to draw attention to the following. At the time when the escalation of war in Viet-Nam was growing in proportion-I mean in 1965 the Hungarian People's Republic was among the first to declare here in the General Assembly that the way to the negotiating table could be cleared only by putting an end to the bombing raids on the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam [135Cth meeting, para. 21]. This has since been proved true. Now we say with the same certainty and with the same sincerity that nothing but a coalition government, which can be established only by the joining together of all South Viet-Namese forces, will be able to put a stop to the fighting in South Viet-Nam and even in Laos and Cambodia.
132.	In the past, some nurtured the illusion that it might be possible, through the influence of one or other socialist country, to induce the Viet-Namese leaders to continue negotiating with their opponents by acquiescing in the loss, or at least the curtailment, of the independence of their people. That illusion has grown dimmer. But now it cannot be ruled out that some think such a goal may be attained through the influence of the People's Republic of China. Those who put their faith in such a view will be disappointed. The efforts of the People's Republic of China to normalize its international relations are inconsistent with the continued toleration >f aggression against the Viet-Namese people.
133.	The devotion of the Viet-Namese people to independence and to their right of self-determination can be broken by no overt or covert attack whatsoever, even by one launched with the catchword "Viet-Namization". Peace in South-East Asia can be achieved only by direct negotiation with the genuine representatives of the peoples cf that area.
134.	The second question concerns Korea. On this question also there is some improvement. Those who earlier exploited this question for cold-war purposes have not pressed the point at the present session. The current talks between the two Red Cross societies in Korea also herald some good news. It could be of help here, in the United Nations, if the United Nations flag were removed from the negotiating table in Panmunjom, and if the members of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification 12
and Rehabilitation of Korea were to hand in their resignations.
135.	The third question relates to the Middle East. There is still no approach being made towards a practical solution of this question; nevertheless, some improvement can be registered here too. The peoples of the world understand the justice of the Arab cause better today than in 1967.In the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), taking into account the views so far stated by all parties concerned, the following might be considered.
136.	First, with a view to opening the Suez Canal, an arrangement should be worked out which contains an expression on the part of Israel of its willingness to withdraw its troops from the occupied Arab territories. Secondly, as the President of the United Arab Republic has recently proposed, the United Nations or other peacekeeping forces should provisionally take over from the Israeli occupiers the administration of the area east of the Suez Canal. Thirdly, the administration of all the other occupied territories should be similarly taken over by the same forces pending the settlement of all questions involved in this problem.
137.	We can thus see a number of indications during the current session that international relations are improving. But we know also that the process of improvement comes up against many difficulties and that a number of political elements are taking pains to stop and reverse that process. However, as the general debate in the General Assembly at this session has been characterized by good hopes rather than by recriminations, I do not now wish to specify those difficulties and negative factors.
138.	The foreign policy of the Hungarian People's Republic is guided by the following principles.
139.	First, as in our domestic policy we wish to work for the fundamental good of the people, so in our foreign policy we are out to ensure more favorable international conditions of existence for the people.
140.	Second, since the future of our people, and of all peoples, is fundamentally dependent on the possibility of preventing a thermonuclear war, we join in all major schemes of international co-operation aimed at warding off the dahger of thermonuclear war.
141.	Third, local conflicts also can lead to great wars; therefore we support any movement aimed at eliminating aggression.
142.	Fourth, in accordance with the principles of the Warsaw Treaty and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, we work towards over-all international cooperation. We are ready to take part in any discussion-for example, in the shaping of a European security system- which could make military alliances superfluous. But as long as the representatives of NATO are not ready to do the same, we continue to strengthen our defensive military organization. The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is an institution that does not cut itself off from countries outside the organization. We are in favor of greater integration movements, but we are against discrimination.
143.	Fifth, close relations within the socialist countries, and first of all with the Soviet Union, arc our aim and purpose. We seek to develop our ties with the other socialist countries as well. We wish to expand our contacts with the People's Republic of China and with all other socialist countries, including Albania.
144.	Sixth, we are making every effort to develop our relations with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
145.	Seventh, on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence we intensify our connexions with the countries of Western Europe and with the American continent. Recently we succeeded in settling a number of questions hampering Hungarian-United States relations. Consequently, new avenues can be opened up in the development of our relations. The improvement of relations between the two German States holds out new prospects for Hungarian- West German relations as well.
146.	The present session of the General Assembly is characterized, m comparison with previous sessions, by a very large number of bilateral talks between heads of delegations. Of course, the United Nations provides the most valuable regular meeting-place for representatives of peoples living in different parts of the world, and those contacts can contribute in this way to dispelling international mistrust and strengthening mutual understanding.
147.	I have already had opportunity, on the occasion of a personal meeting, to offer to you, Mr. President, my felicitations and the congratulations of the Hungarian delegation. It is the wish of the Government of the Hungarian People's Republic that the United Nations may set out safely, under your presidency, on the path of the second quarter-century of its existence in the service of a peaceful and happy future for mankind.
148.	In conclusion, I should like to say a few very warm and grateful words about our Secretary-General, U Thant. He has been serving as Secretary-General of the United Nations for 10 years now. I wish to lay stress on the word "serving": he really is the servant of the future of mankind. Earlier he had acted as Permanent Representative of Burma, as one of us who were often together in this building. All, without exception, pay tribute to the selfless devotion with which he has dedicated himself to service for a happier future for mankind. Now, for many reasons-some of which may be readily understood-he wishes to retire, but for the sake of the future of the United Nations-partly so that the Organization might avoid the fate of the League of Nations-it would be advisable for Member States to ask our Secretary-General, U Thant, to continue in office temporarily, for at least one or two years, until some consensus is reached regarding a new candidate for the office of Secretary-General. That is what 1 wish the United Nations, for the sake of its future and of the future world situation, and that is what I ask of our Secretary-General, U Thant.


1.	Mr. President, allow me to extend to you my warm and sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of President of our Assembly. The delegation of Yugoslavia sees in your election a tribute not only to a personality whose statesmanlike qualities we have often had occasion to admire, but also to the representative of a friendly and non-aligned Indonesia, a man who will know how to bring into our work the philosophy of life and age-long experiences of great Asian civilizations and happily merge them with the contemporary trends of the present political moment.
2.	At the same time, I should like to express our feelings of respect and appreciation to Mr. Edvard Hambro, who so competently presided over the twenty-fifth anniversary session of our Organization.
3.	My Government highly esteems the untiring activity of our Secretary-General, U Thant, who, in the past decade, has discharged his responsible duties with his own characteristic wisdom and dedication to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, constantly drawing attention to the numerous difficulties, but even more to the vast possibilities, of the world Organization, while expressing confidence in its future.
4.	I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to say how happy we are to welcome the admission of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar to the United Nations.
5.	It seems that a new period of significant changes and turnabouts in the world has begun. Perhaps this is precisely the right moment to take a look at some of the most important events of the period we have just passed.
6.	Conflicts and crises no longer remain isolated. So-called local disturbances have world-wide repercussions and bring the world to the brink of wider conflicts.
7.	Wars and outside interventions do not promise easy gains to the promoters of the policy of conquest, imperialism and hegemony. Even when such a policy seems successful, reverse effects also manifest themselves.
8.	Wars, interventions and foreign interference only strengthen the will of peoples to fight for independence, sovereignty and independent international development.
9.	No genuine people's movement had been broken by force. The fate of the world does not depend on violence alone, but on resistance to violence as well.
10.	Differing social systems have not been the basic causes of conflicts and crises. Quite often conflicts have not bypassed States with the same social systems.
11.	It has been confirmed that universal coexistence is, irreplaceable. Bloc approaches to international problems are in a state of crisis. The movement of non-alignment is asserting itself as a significant factor in international relations, a factor which cannot be ignored.
12.	The world is not willing to reconcile itself to the division into rich and poor, although it has not been able to overcome nor even alleviate this division so far.
13.	The young are emerging on the international scene in a greater measure than in the past, both in their respective countries and at the level of concerted international action. Even in those instances where the young fail to apply the most appropriate forms of struggle, the essential value of their aims and ideas cannot be denied.
14.	The extent to which we shall succeed in our efforts to change the conditions prevailing in the world will largely depend on the extent to which we grasp the difference between what is inevitable and what is likely to disappear. All this has always been important but never more than today when interdependence is a general rule and when the interrelationship of economic, political and moral values is reaffirmed, independently of State boundaries and socio-political systems.
15.	During the preceding 25 sessions and especially at the twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly, we adopt many decisions of the greatest significance. The results fall far short of the objectives set. Nevertheless, they represent some progress in comparison with the starting- point. Which of the decisions and declarations constitute a success and which of them a failure will be determined by the answer to the question: What has changed for the better and what has remained unchanged on the restless inter-national scene? My Government therefore strongly believes that this Organization should become more effective not
only in formulating decisions but also in ensuring that decisions become a reality.
16.	The positive changes which were perhaps more numerous last year than previously have not yet extricated the world from a state in which, true, there is no direct threat of a general war but in which genuine peace is not guaranteed either.
17.	Among the positive developments in the present phase of changes we should mention the establishment of contacts between those who have not had them-to their own detriment and surely to that of the international community. My country ranks among those which maintain contacts and co-operate with a large number of countries on all continents, and is thus able to appreciate readiness and ability for dialog between friends and also perhaps even more between those whose views and interests are different or even conflicting. In this world of contradictions but also of growing interdependence, peaceful contacts and talks mean something more. Even when they do not bring about rapid solutions, they generate an atmosphere which promotes agreement and discourages conflicts. Without harboring illusions as to the possibility of rapid favorable changes, we believe in the possibility of substantive progress.
18.	When I spoke of new developments in international relations I also had in mind the ever-more-strongly expressed desire of the international community to have the People's Republic of China finally occupy the place which in reality belongs to it in our Organization. It is not only a matter of correcting the injustices of yesteryear, but of a more profound process of revising dogmas and norms inherited from the past. It seems that at last a sense of reality is proving to be stronger than prejudice.
19.	It follows that the question of the representation of China must be definitely removed from our agenda. There are not two Chinas-only the Government of the People's Republic of China has the right to be the legitimate representative of the Chinese people in the United Nations.
20.	Allow me now to recall the problems of development in the first place, without underestimating thereby any field of activity which is of interest for the further progress of the international community. It is obvious, in that field, that we have taken only initial steps and that we have not reached a decisive level of readiness to change the unfavorable situation. There is a justified fear that the consequences of the chronic crisis of the international economic, trade and, now, even monetary systems will affect the position of precisely the developing countries most adversely. That merely increases the difficulties they will have to face. The monopolies of closed economic groupings and their most powerful protagonists are also contributing to this negative balance.
21.	All those circumstances make it imperative to establish new bases for the trade and monetary systems, promoting a closer integration between the economies of the developed and. the developing countries. For this reason, it is more than justified to demand that the latest protectionist measures should not be applied to the developing countries, Monopoly, discrimination and protectionism at the expense of others not only impede general progress but also widen the material base for conflicts and crises in the field of political relations.
22.	We expect the developed countries to show greater understanding for the solution of this problem. On the solution of the problems of the developing countries depend not only stability in international economic relations but also the perspective of peace and security in the world in general and, by the same token, the long-term interests of the developed countries themselves. In this context, the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], to be held at Santiago in April 1972, is of particular significance. For this reason, we attach great importance to the forthcoming Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 developing countries to be held at Lima later this month, which should contribute much to the preparations for the third session of UNCTAD and consolidate the unity of action of the developing countries.
23.	The international community is faced with a new situation of conflict on the Indian subcontinent. The refugee problem, which has assumed vast proportions in Asia as a result of the mass exodus of refugees from East Pakistan to India, cannot be isolated from the whole complex of economic and political problems. The internal nal community should not remain indifferent to this situation, nor can its involvement be limited to merely providing the material assistance necessary to alleviate the untold suffering of millions of innocent people. It is essential to create political conditions making it possible to remove the causes, without relaxing our efforts to cure the effects at the same time, so that refugees can soon return to their homeland. Unless this is done soon, the existing situation may lead to even more tragic consequences.
24.	We have long since accepted the axiom that peace and security are irreplaceable premises for any normal progress. We have also recognized the truth that, without an effective system of over-all security no one, by himself, is safe. Although there is less likelihood, today, of a world conflict, the possibility of threats to the security, independence and sovereignty of small and non-aligned countries, in particular, far from having been reduced may even have increased. The United Nations has adopted the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], embodying a precise program of action, but it has done very little to establish a system of collective security. Dependence on military alliances and bloc formations lias not proved to be a reliable factor of security, sometimes even for countries belonging to such alliances. We should strive towards greater solidarity with, and greater assistance to, countries which are threatened with, or are the victims of, aggression. At the present session we should take one step forward in implementing the basic provisions of this Declaration.
25.	It goes without saying that the end of the arms race governs any action to reduce the threat to peace. While welcoming the draft convention on the prohibition of biological weapons,  we urge, at the sams time, the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons, the total prohibition of underground nuclear tests and the adoption of other measures of a partial character. The most recent initiative of the USSR for convening a world disarmament conference [see A/8491] which had already been proposed by the non-aligned countries first at the Conference in Cairo  and then at the Lusaka Conference  gives specific form to the repeated demand of many countries who feel that all nations should take part in solving the question of disarmament.
26.	It is difficult to speak of disarmament while weapons talk. The war' in Indo-China has caused great suffering to the peoples of that region, but it does illustrate the paramount truth that the struggle for independence and freedom cannot be defeated. We are deeply convinced that the proposals of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam, set forth in seven points, provide a framework within which it is possible to find an acceptable solution and that, before anything else, the United States should fix a time-limit for the earliest possible withdrawal of its troops from Viet-Nam.
27.	There is a certain feeling of weariness and absence of initiative in the search for a solution in the Middle East crisis. I wish to reiterate the conviction of my Government that in the Middle East no solution has any future unless its point of departure is the radical canceling of the results of aggression.
28.	The fallacious truce which Israel is using for purposes of annexation is too dangerous to be able to last any longer. The total withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories as well as the realization of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine constitute the sine qua non for the solution of the crisis. Ambassador Jarring has done a great deal to assist in finding a solution and has submitted proposals which all-with the exception of Israel, unfortunately-have approved and judged acceptable and just.
29.	The last strongholds of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racial discrimination, particularly in Africa, of course, constitute a great danger for the independent African peoples and for peace in the world. Southern Rhodesia, the Portuguese colonies, Namibia and South Africa are glaring examples of attempts to preserve relations of inequality and subordination. The resistance to the implementation of the decisions of the United Nations by those who are in the best position to contribute to the elimination of the residuum of colonialism is the major cause of the deterioration .of the situation in southern Africa. Therefore the world Organization should-among other things increase its assistance to the movements of national independence.
30.	Progress in Europe became possible once the conviction prevailed that European realities cannot be changed by the use of force and that contacts and expanded co-operation can bring benefits to all.
31.	It seems to us that the prospects for the convening of a conference on European security are more favorable because some of the most delicate issues, such as the German and Berlin questions, a way out of the deadlock is emerging. Progress on the Berlin question is important in itself. It is, however, even more important as proof that the most sensitive issues can be settled by patient negotiations and mutual understanding. Fortunately, the dilemma "for" or "against" a European conference no longer exists; it is now only a question of how to ensure its success. This is how we view the role the United Nations can have, as an organization for, and interpreter of, the universally recognized principles of the Charter, in contrast to theories and practices advocating special or distinct norms in international relations. We even more persistently maintain the point of view that not only the central but also the southern part of Europe-particularly the Balkans which, together with the Mediterranean, form a compact geographical and political region should become an area where peaceful relations and co-operation inspired by the spirit of good-neighborliness are governed by the same norms.
32.	It is evident that no real progress can be achieved unless we find a way out of the existing crises and conflicts and unless we are able to accelerate-all of us to an equal degree and all of us together the solution to the long-term problems of security, disarmament and development.
33.	The policy of non-alignment has never been an end in itself. Since the Belgrade Conference,  the tenth anniversary of which is this year, non-alignment has always sought, as a reflection of progressive aspirations, actively to meet the vital needs of mankind. The significance of the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries seems to be greater today than at the time when it was held. The recent consultations among non-aligned countries have confirmed their agreement on the necessity to ensure the continuity of their efforts, both in the United Nations and on a broader international plane, in the struggle for peace, universal security and general progress in the world.
34.	It has been demonstrated that non-alignment, far from being removed from reality, is an expression of reality . The non-aligned are not powerful enough to prevent brutal blows inflicted by force, but they are sufficiently strong not to bear them passively.
35.	Yugoslavia, like the other non-aligned countries, highly appreciates the contribution of the United Nations to world peace, to co-operation and to development, even though the results through no fault of our Organization- have not always been satisfactory or complete.
36.	Our persistent emphasis of the inviolability of the principles of freedom, sovereignty and non-interference in the affairs of others, etc., may appear monotonous. However, this repetition of these principles is only a consequence of their repeated violation throughout the
4 First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 1 to 6 September 1961.
world and in reality. We defend these principles because they defend the world to which we belong.
37.	We fully appreciate that we are not entitled to expect more from this Organization than we contribute to it. It is precisely for this reason that we declare our readiness to make our utmost contribution to the United Nations.


80.	 Mr. President, at the outset of my statement I want to extend to you the warmest congratulations of my delegation upon your election as President of the General Assembly. The complete confidence which the General Assembly has placed in you provides a happy augury for success in your extremely important task. Your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro of Norway, has indeed set a high standard in his tenure of this office, for which he deserves great credit. We pledge our support to you, Mr. President, as you uphold that high standard.
81.	I would also like to pay a tribute to our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, whose departure is imminent. The world community is greatly indebted to him, and his contribution to mankind-will be kept in the records of human hist~.y. Also in his case a tremendous void has to be filled, and it is our fervent hope that the United Nations will be fortunate enough to show the same kind of
overwhelming support for the election of the new Secretary-General as was shown in your election, Mr. President. Various worthy candidates have been mentioned during the last few weeks for the post of Secretary- General. We must find and elect another able man dedicated to the tradition of strong and independent , leadership, a man who can help to make this Organization into a more effective instrument for peace, justice and progress.
82.	My Government believes that Ambassador Max Jakobson of Finland would be eminently qualified for the post of Secretary-General, and it reiterates its support for his candidacy.
83.	On behalf of my delegation, I want to use this opportunity to extend our congratulations to the thee new Members of the United Nations. Iceland has now been a Member of the United Nations for a period of 25 years, and we cherish that membership as we know these three new Member States will also do.
84. Like all nations, not least the small ones, the people of Iceland have from the beginning placed high hopes and expectations in the United Nations. It has to be admitted that our expectations have not altogether been realized. My delegation therefore looks favorably on various suggestions put forward for organizational improvements in the work of the United Nations, aiming at increased authority and executive power.
85.	Since the adoption of the Charter of t .e United Nations over a quarter of a century ago, the world has undergone some fundamental changes and important experience has been gained in the application of the Charter in promoting international peace and security. We should draw on this experience in an attempt to make our Organization more effective in meeting its responsibilities. In this re-evaluation of our purposes it may be necessary to amend the Charter, just as individual States find it necessary from time to time to change constitutions and laws in conformity with changed requirements.
86.	My Government will support all attempts aiming at the relaxation of tension in the world and the strengthening of peace and reconciliation between nations. We shall contribute to the recognition of the legitimate aspirations of all nations to freedom and the right to self-determination and to representation in the United Nations.
87.	True to its policy of equal rights for all nations, my Government will at this session of the General Assembly support the membership of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. In the opinion of my Government it is not conducive to world peace, besides being an injustice, to deny a nation of over 700 million people representation in this Organization. We are therefore strongly in favor of ' the principle that the Peace's Republic of China should be admitted to membership in the United Nations with all the rights and obligations involved.
88.	We have profound sympathy for the struggle of the poorer nations of the world for equality and economic self-sufficiency, and feel that it is the responsibility of the international community to make renewed efforts to help
them to attain those goals in the shortest possible time. The economic and human inequalities between nations and within nations is a constant source of national and international conflicts which must be eliminated in order to attain a just and durable peace,
89.	The Icelandic people continue to look to the United Nations as the best hope of mankind for international peace and justice. We consider this Organization a guarantor of our own national independence and we seek its support in safeguarding our economic viability. When we survey the record of achievements, however, we are bound to admit that much remains to be done and many disappointments are only too evident. Our distinguished Secretary-General, in the introduction to his report to this session on the work of the Organization [A/8401/Add. 1], has eloquently stated his views on the subject.
90.	I am not going to deal with the whole range of issues, but I should like to mention a few positive signs of achievements as my Government sees them.
91.	As we look at recent developments in international affairs there is reason to welcome in particular the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September. That agreement raises real hope for improved relations in Europe. Negotiations have started between the two German States on the implementation of that agreement and on their bilateral relations in general. With perseverance and the goodwill of both parties it can reasonably be expected that they will resolve their differences, paving the way for a new era in East-West relations and assuring them their rightful place in international organizations. For the first time since the end of the Second World War the German problem appears on the verge of solution. Assuming that an accommodation can be reached between the two German States, we can look forward to the convening of a conference on European security, which my Government hopes could remove one of the last vestiges of the Second World War-the German problem which, for far too long, has remained one of the principal sources of tension in Europe and in the world.
92.	In spite of prolonged and determined work by this Organization in attempting to promote peace, the world is constantly living in the shadow of war. Suspicion and mistrust, fed by social, cultural and economic inequalities, are a continuous source of friction. With rapid technological progress the consequences of war assume frightening proportions. We can therefore look with some satisfaction at the progress which has been made in Geneva in the field of disarmament. It is true that disarmament does not cure the basic, underlying causes of war, but it is hoped that it will give added time for finding solutions to them.
93.	Even more significant and encouraging is the progress registered in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the Soviet Union and the United States. We can only hope that those talks will result in an agreement putting a halt to the race in the production and perfection of nuclear weapons. An agreement, even on a limited scale to begin with, could contribute in no small measure to mutual trust and understanding and the lessening of tension the world in general.
94.	It is appropriate in this context to mention the speedy implementation of the resolution on assistance in cases of natural disaster adopted at the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [resolution 2717 (XXV)]. Tills is indeed a most timely and necessary action which will help to alleviate the consequences of major disasters wherever they may take place, But we should continue, as has been suggested, and establish as soon as possible an office for assistance in cases of unnatural disasters. The experience in Pakistan has grimly emphasis the need for such an organization.
95.	We should also like to commend highly the excellent work done by the United Nations technical organizations, such as the United Nations Development program and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. Only by strengthening the activities of the United Nations in this field will we be able to narrow the widening gap between the rich nations and the needy nations.
96.	It is a much-too-frequent practice in many quarters to criticize the United Nations for failing to maintain law and order in the international community. Some go so far as to blame the United Nations for most if not all of the things that bother a troubled world. Those who are more reasonable realize that what hampers the United Nations is insufficient powers to deal with major problems of war and peace and a lack of will by some Member States to back up the United Nations. In any case, it is extremely important that public opinion should be aware of the fact that, although armed conflicts rage beyond the reach of the United Nations, extremely useful and constructive work in the interest of peace and lawful co-operation is constantly being carried out by the United Nations and under its auspices. And it is only fair that attention should be drawn to those positive assets in the balance-sheet.
97.	I should like to dwell briefly on one such matter today a matter which for centuries has had in it the seeds of struggle, conflict and even war, but which is now, with patience and hard work, being dealt with in the spirit of international co-operation for the benefit of mankind. I am referring here to the valuable efforts to prepare the third United Nations conference on the law of the sea, which is scheduled for 1973. At present the representatives of 86 States are engaged in this preparatory work; but since the problems involved are of great and even vital interest to all the Members of the United Nations, they are an appropriate subject in this general debate. They will of course also attract the attention of the First Committee when the report on the preparatory work done this year is dealt with there in due course.
98.	The preparatory work for the third conference on the law of the sea has in effect been going on for more than 20 years. The General Assembly in 1949 instructed the International Law Commission to deal with the law of the sea in its entirety [resolution 374 (IV)], and the First and Second United Nations Conferences on the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva in 1958 and 1960 respectively, used the work of the International Law Commission as a basis for their efforts. A large number of the problems were successfully dealt with in that way, but the fundamental questions of the text of the territorial sea and fishery limits were not solved. Those two questions, together with other fundamental issues-such as the international sea-bed area, pollution, archipelagos, fishing on the high seas and problems of the land-locked States-still remain unsolved and are now being studied in preparation for the third conference. It is of course clear that the solution of these remaining problems would greatly contribute to peace and stability instead of the present dangerous conflicts and uncertainty.
99.	The Government of Iceland welcomes this opportunity to thank the Committee preparing the Conference for its valuable efforts during the meetings of the Committee in March and again in July and August of this year. Progress has seemed lather slow in the initial stages, but it is hoped that next year further accomplishments will be facilitated by the extremely valuable groundwork already done, although many complicated problems are involved. I am not going to discuss further the work of that Committee here; but since, as I said, the issues involved are also important to a large number of States which are represented in this Assembly but not on the Committee, I should like to make a few additional remarks concerning the views of my Government in this field. -
100.	We fully support the endeavors to establish an appropriate regime for the international sea-bed area and will do our utmost to contribute to the accomplishment of the task outlined by the adoption of the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction by the General Assembly last year [resolution 2749 (XXV)]. The wealth of material already available in this field is being studied by the appropriate authorities in my country with the utmost attention. The same applies to the questions of pollution and scientific research.
101.	Since jurisdiction and control over coastal fisheries is a matter of fundamental importance to Iceland and forms an inseparable part of the problem of coastal jurisdiction in its entirety, I should like to take this opportunity to summarize in just a few words the position of the Government of Iceland in this field.
102.	A great development is taking place as regards the problem of coastal fisheries. It is generally admitted that the system of narrow fishery limits on the one hand and the so-called freedom of fishing-subject to minimal agreed conservation measures equally applicable to all beyond that area-on the other hand, was heavily weighted in favor of the countries that want to fish as close as possible to the coasts of other nations. This obsolete system is now being replaced by a new pragmatic approach. This new progressive international law is based on two fundamental propositions. The first is that the interest of the inter-national community in the freedom of the seas for purposes of navigation and commerce should be protected. The other fundamental proposition is that the coastal fisheries are a part of the natural resources of the coastal State up to a reasonable distance fir m the coast and that this problem is entirely different from the concept of the territorial sea. The distance required for this specialized jurisdiction over fisheries would vary in different countries and regions, but
it would be determined on the basis of the relevant local considerations-geographical, biological, economic and " others- The task is now to ascertain the claims of the various States in this field as regards exclusive fishery limits, preferential and conservation zones. Such a pragmatic approach will provide the necessary foundation for a realistic and reasonable system.
103.	My Government is convinced that this new system already has the support of the international community and is preparing the extension of the Icelandic fishery limits in conformity with these views so as to cover the waters of the continental shelf of Iceland. That criterion is clearly indicated in Iceland; that is an area which, for example at the depth of 400 meters, would extend to approximately 50 to 70 miles from the coast. The outlines of this platform on which the country rests follow those of the coast itself, and in these shallow underwater terraces ideal conditions are found for spawning areas and nursery grounds for the fish stocks upon whose preservation and utilization the livelihood of the Icelandic nation depends. That environment is an integral part of the natural resources of the country. Indeed the coastal fisheries in Iceland have always been the foundation of the country's economy. The country itself is barren there are no minerals or forests  and most of the necessities of life have to be imported and financed through the export of fisheries products which have constituted approximately 90 per cent of total exports. The coastal fisheries are the condition sine qua non for the Icelandic economy. Without them the country would not have been habitable. It is indeed as if nature had intended to compensate for the barrenness of the country itself by surrounding it with rich fishing grounds. The continental shelf area in our case constitutes the natural fishery limits and the Icelandic Government has announced that it will issue new regulations in conformity with these considerations before 1 September 1972.
104.	The Icelandic Government considers that as far as Iceland is concerned we have to protect our interests now. It is quite clear that at any time the highly developed fishing fleets of distant-water fishing countries will be increasingly directed to the Iceland area. These fleets have now for some time had huge catches from the Barents Sea. Fishing there is no longer as profitable as it was, and they are directing their attention to the Iceland area. And the absence of highly developed fishing techniques and fishing capacity with huge factory trawlers, electronic equipment, and so on could very well cause irreparable harm to the Iceland area. I might mention in this connexion that the three nations mostly concerned in the Barents Sea area have for some time tried to establish some kind of quota system for that .area, but as far as we know those efforts have not met with success. In any case we cannot afford to take the risk of just doing nothing and we sincerely hope that our actions will be understood in that light by other delegations in this Assembly.
105.	We are hopeful that the forthcoming conference will eventually provide a system that would consider the measures which we are going to take, and must take, to be entirely lawful, just and equitable. Our action is in conformity with that spirit. It is in conformity with the strong conviction that progressive international law will replace the system which for far too long has been
tolerated. Indeed, more than 20 nations have already proclaimed rules and regulations for their increased protection in this field.
106.	A matter which is clearly related to the problems of the conservation and utilization of fishery resources is the protection of the marine environment. That matter is also receiving the attention of the Committee preparing the third United Nations conference on the law of the sea. The Committee had before it a valuable report from the Secretary-General on the prevention and control of marine pollution.
107.	We are now faced with the ominous fact that ocean pollution presents a very serious danger to marine life, and even to man's activities in this environment.. Scientific studies have indeed made it clear that in time all oceans will be threatened with pollution, It is therefore high time that the United Nations should undertake effective and speedy action to reverse these developments and preserve the oceans for rational exploitation of their valuable resources.
108.	The delegation of Iceland joined hands with other delegations at both the twenty-third and the twenty-fourth sessions of the General Assembly in urging that those problems be given priority attention by the relevant United Nations bodies.
109.	We are gratified to observe the progress that has since been made in this field in the preparations for the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held at Stockholm next year, as well as by the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organization and other agencies, and also on a regional basis.
110.	The question is how we can best obtain early and effective results in our endeavors in this important field. We believe that all Member States should as soon as possible take the necessary steps to stop the growing pollution of the oceans caused by their citizens. This should include effective prohibition against dumping poisonous or radioactive waste in the oceans.
111.	Global and regional agreements must be negotiated to these ends, establishing the obligation of all States to desist from destroying marine resources and the marine environment by pollution and defining pollution standards, liability and damages.
112.	Only by such early and concerted action can we hope ' to avert the present threat to ocean resources and thereby protect alike the interests of the coastal State and the international community as a whole.


26.	  Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you the warm congratulations of the Greek delegation on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your election is a tribute both to your own high personal qualities as a distinguished statesman and to your country, with which Greece maintains relations of sincere friendship.
27.	I am happy, too, to express our appreciation for the high-mindedness and great competence with which your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, conducted the work of the twenty-fifth session.
28.	U Thant’s decision to terminate his tenure of office as Secretary-General saddens us. For 10 years he has devoted himself to the cause of peace and has brought to the exercise of his functions his high moral qualities, his great experience of the affairs of our Organization and an objectivity that has withstood all trials. We would like to hope, together with other speakers who have preceded us, that it is too soon to say good-bye to him.
29.	The admission of four new Members, to which we address our heartiest congratulations, constitutes a positive and welcome development, adding to the many accomplishments of our Organization. Greece, which, ever since the creation of the United Nations, has applied itself to upholding all efforts made towards recognizing the right of self-determination of peoples will give its support, as it has in the past, to the search for realistic and reasonable solutions aimed at the attainment of the principles and ideals that we uphold.
30.	The introduction to the report of the Secretary- General on the work of the Organization is a document of great interest which merits our particular attention. If the record of the United Nations over the last 10 years is not negative, concludes our Secretary-General, it falls, nevertheless, considerably short of our hopes; perhaps also, I might say, of our possibilities. This is due, in U Thant’s judgment, to the fact that "the rivalry of nations continues to be the dominant factor in international life" [A/8401! Add.l, para. 6J. In this respect the most powerful Member States bear the greatest share of the responsibility that naturally is incumbent on all Member States.
31.	It is true that, if colonialism is in the process of disappearing, the confrontation of social ideologies giVes rise to mistrust and explains the feeling of insecurity that pervades various regions of the world.
32.	In so far as ideological dogmatism becomes the instrument of a will to power and to domination, it can constitute a threat to peace. It provokes reaction and defensive measures, as much on the internal front within States as on their frontiers.
33.	We should like to believe that the philosophy of the will to power a philosophy which generates armaments
and, what is worse, the temptation of aggression has become obsolete. It is doomed to disappearance. It is condemned by all peoples without exception who wish to live in peace and understanding and who do not find cause for disagreement or confrontation in their social systems. That philosophy is destined to vanish because it is contrary to international morality and to the conscience of the developing peoples. Our hope is that it will disappear without having to be buried under the ruins of a nuclear war. May it disappear in the warmth of co-operation and active peace founded on independence, freedom, mutual respect and the elimination of mistrust deriving from doctrinal conflicts and inadmissible interference in the domestic affairs of others.
34.	We think that the United Nations is the best instrument to promote such a development. We believe that it is within the framework of the United Nations rather than elsewhere that crises are defused and lose their virulence, that the mighty recognize that power is created not only by material strength but by moral strength as well, and that the international community represents more than the mere sum of the Members of this Assembly. Universal conscience is forged by mutual understanding and co-operation amongst peoples, and is expressing itself, even though as yet incompletely, in the United Nations, despite the effects of politics and the automatic voting that sometimes occurs.
35.	My country, Greece, has always had faith in the United Nations and does not forget the assistance that the United Nations has rendered to Greece on many occasions. We believe in the universality of the United Nations and in the necessity for bringing before this universal Organization all differences and all disputes.
36.	We think that the United Nations should be kept informed of major political events by official communications, in order to strengthen its presence and even its action in the interests of peace. This would have a beneficial effect in both ways. It would remind Member States of their responsibilities towards the international community assumed under the Charter, and it would provide the United Nations with the advantage of all appropriate preventive action in favor of peace.
37.	It is in this sense that I think it useful, in passing from the universal to the regional, to invite the attention of the Assembly to political developments that have taken place in the Balkans during this year. The re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Greece and Albania normalizes the situation in that region. Furthermore, by the combined efforts of all the Governments of all the countries of that area, by official visits and repeated contacts, a climate of co-operation, of understanding and of friendship has been created. It is interesting to note that the Balkan States are not only endowed with different social structures and institutions, but are also linked by very different political affiliations. This co-operation should not cast doubt on their loyalty or attachment to the international commitments they have entered into or the fundamental principles of their political orientation.
38.	This proves that, to the extent that goodwill exists, it is possible to work together for the benefit of all. From this experience of co-operation in detente we can see that
peoples, independently of the regime they have adopted, aspire to peace and independence. In the political field, peace and independence are revealed as constituting a common denominator. In the material field, it is natural that all peoples, and particularly the developing nations, aspire to an improvement in their standards of living and to better social conditions.
39.	Furthermore, what I have just said is relevant to efforts made to reinforce international security, thus giving effect, in a sense, to resolution 2734 (XX\ ) adopted by the General Assembly during the twenty-fifth session, on 16 December 1970. I would recall that Greece has already replied [see A/8431, sect. II] in a positive way to the circular note of the Secretary-General inviting Member States to furnish information on steps taken in pursuance of this resolution. My delegation reserves the right to take an active part in the debates to be held on this question.
40.	We also think that it is in this spirit that efforts are being made to prepare for a European security conference. This conference could be held quite soon, under good auspices, in view of the favorable development of the situation in both Eastern and Western Europe.
41.	Parallel to this effort, we should pursue with vigor the implementation of the Second United Nations Development Decade program. There can be no lasting and stable peace as long as the peoples that are to benefit therefrom are haunted by the specteR of misery and poverty and as long as the possibilities and opportunities for progress and development are not assured.
42.	The question of disarmament, which we ail want to be general and complete, is a matter of concern, as it has been in the past, for the General Assembly. Greece has taken an active part in the work of the United Nations on matters of disarmament. These achievements, which are well known and which I shall refrain from enumerating here, are certainly important developments. However, they are of a marginal nature, and their effect is not yet being felt in terms of the realities that condition our security and our existence. This makes necessary the existence of defensive military organizations and alliances. It is regrettable to note that the arms race continues and that year after year the quantity of weapons which weighs so heavily on the destiny of this world is on the increase.
43.	Meetings, conferences and yet more conferences, always on disarmament, are suggested to us. We are ready to participate, as we have done in the past. However, we think that the process of disarmament is essentially political in nature. We must resolve differences by negotiation, abandon dreams of domination, avoid confrontation and bring about detente, through tolerance and the promotion of a climate propitious to psychological and emotional disarmament. Without this, disarmament will remain in the realm of fiction and polemics. No one disarms in a climate of mistrust.
44.	It is well known that the question of the representation of China will be raised from a different angle this year. We think that in the United Nations there can be only one seat for China: one seat in the Security Council and one seat in the Assembly. It is a question of recognizing the

rightful holder of that seat. The question of exclusion or expulsion does not, in our view, arise. If, however, this question, which we consider essentially simple, were to be posed in a complicated form or in the form of a synthesis, we would be inclined not to commit our responsibility in a way that would risk leading us into deadlock. On this point we will have the advantage of being further enlightened when the question is discussed in the General Assembly.
45.	It is natural for us to continue to be concerned with the situation in the Middle East, for as long as this illegal situation persists, recourse to violence remains an alternative and constitutes a danger to all those most directly interested-a danger to peace in this region and a danger to peace in general.
46.	Our position in favor of the full implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is well known. The return, in keeping with this resolution, of occupied Arab territories could not reasonably exclude a negotiated arrangement which alone would allow Israel to lead an industrious existence in peace and security. The argument of force is not always the best, and an armed truce is neither the best of solutions nor the best of guarantees. Respect for international legality opens the way to negotiation. Needless to say, as in the past, we hold that the problem of Palestine refugees should be resolved in a just and humane manner.
47.	I wish equally to reiterate our attachment to past Security Council resolutions and to a very recent one, 298 (1971), of 25 September, concerning the status of Jerusalem and the protection of the holy places. A considerable proportion of the Christian sanctuaries in this city has always been in the custody of the Greek Orthodox Church. Greece could not remain indifferent to this problem,
48.	With regard to the Mediterranean, and apart from present considerations, one should bear in mind that the Mediterranean States represent also a permanent and important factor. To *he extent that the solidarity of the coastal countries of the Mediterranean could manifest itself in a form more concrete and more in conformity with their interests and the aspirations of their peoples, this factor should be borne in mind.
49.	Reference is made in the introduction to the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization to the question of Cyprus. U Thant expresses his concern that as a result of the impasse reached in the talks between the two communities on the island a new crisis might occur. He states that he has been "ceaselessly urging restraint upon the Government and the Turkish Cypriot leadership" [A[8401lAdd.lt para. 232]. Greece, being extremely interested in the maintenance of order on the island and in the search for a peaceful and just solution, has constantly acted in the same spirit. Not only has it tried to contribute to inter-communal understanding, by suggestions which it has deemed constructive, but it has been very careful to avoid interfering in the polemics which, coming from all sides, at times have poisoned the climate. We have tried to follow a responsible and serious policy.
50.	At present we are making ourselves available to all concerned in order to assist them towards conciliation.
Fortunately , there is no lack of peaceful procedures. If one attempted negotiation has failed, this does not mean that . other talks would meet the same fate. It is, however, necessaRy to recognize that our possibilities are limited. As far as we are concerned, any assistance aimed at promoting an agreed settlement in the framework of the United Nations is welcome.