181.	Mr. President, may I first of all warmly congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. The universal confidence placed in you by delegations of the entire world is clear evidence of the high esteem that the world community has for your people and country, which was one of the pioneers of the non-aligned movement. Your great experience in international affairs, as well as your wisdom and knowledge, give promise that you will contribute considerably to the success of the work of this session.
182.	I should also wish to praise the constructive role played by Mr. Amerasinghe, the outgoing President, who conducted the work of the previous session with flexibility and insight and in a manner that confirmed the excellent traits of character for which he is renowned.
183.	A few days ago, our Assembly enthusiastically received two new Members. They are the Republic of Djibouti, which won its independence recently following a bitter struggle for freedom and self-determination, and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose people fought for over 30 years to achieve independence and the unity of their homeland and made enormous sacrifices in their struggle against the fiercest colonialist and imperialist forces. We hail Arab Djibouti and friendly Viet Nam, whose admission to membership in the Untied Nations will undoubtedly contribute to the enhancement of the role of the international community and the consolidation of its universality.
184.	By placing our issues and attitudes before the General Assembly, we are affirming our belief that the world Organization must be the effective instrument to strengthen international peace and security and to establish equal and equitable relations among nations. Despite the achievements already realized by this Organization in all domains, we find it imperative to express our deep concern over the non-implementation of many resolutions adopted by the various United Nations organs, and over the persistent violations of the principles of the Charter and the abu3e of some of the privileges defined in it. We have all witnessed the unfair use of the veto in the Security Council in certain cases. The nations of the world do not wish problems to be merely pinpointed. Rather do they demand that we seek solutions, which they want to see carried out. This can be done only through showing due respect for the United Nations Charter and for the will of the world community.
185.	The one-year interval between the present session and the previous one revealed some major changes in, and facts about, the world of today. Some steps were taken to eliminate tension and to strengthen the concept of international detente. In contrast, peace and stability are still remote and beyond the reach of some peoples and regions. Attempts continue to be made to impose new forms of subservience on those peoples. Such attempts occur from time to time, in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
186.	A major and most essential global issue faced by our Organization today is the economic relations prevailing in the contemporary world. The problem is represented by the sharp contrast between the will of the international community, which has defined the bases of the new economic order, and; the attempts made by certain forces to obstruct the solution of problems that are worsening every day. The current crisis of the world economic order is being aggravated with the passing of time, and the developing nations have become victims of this chronic disease.
187.	This situation, which has never been witnessed before by the world, is a natural outcome of the crisis dominating current economic relations. It is a crisis that was engendered in the old colonialism era and kept active and growing in the era of imperialism and neocolonialism.
188.	All this prompts us to stress the need to change the present economic order, it is here that the role of our international Organization should be conspicuous, and in particular that of the General Assembly, which must contribute seriously and effectively to the removal of the obstacles and difficulties that are blocking the way to the establishment of a new order, towards the application of whose principles no progress whatsoever Ins been made.
189.	The maintenance of international peace and security, the easing of tensions and the safeguarding of the world from the holocaust of war and from various forms of armed conflicts are all directly linked to finding the solution of a number of issues and problems which the United Nations has for so many years been tackling at each of its regular sessions.
190.	The decolonization process which has taken successful steps within the framework of the United Nations at times stumbles in certain areas because of the obstinacy and manoeuvres of some colonialist Powers. Racism in all its manifestations persists in its oppression and its defiance of the world to the extent that it is extending me limits of its aggressions to the neighbouring independent nations. The racist regimes in Africa could not survive and persist in their oppression and aggression were it not for the political, military and economic support they are receiving from some Western countries, and were it not for the identity of fate that links those regimes with the Zionist racist entity in occupied Palestine. We are certain that victory will be achieved by those peoples still labouring under the yoke of racism, and that the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia will be liberated.
191.	The situation in Korea remains a cause of dangerous tension. This prompts us to stress again the need to have all foreign troops withdrawn from Korea, to have the military Armistice Agreement replaced by a peace agreement and to start a dialogue between the two parts of Korea with a view to peaceful reunification of the country.
192.	The Cyprus issue is still fraught with tension and a possible heightening of such tension-especially following the demise of President Makarios. Hence, it has become necessary to expedite the search for a solution based on negotiations between the two communities on the island under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General, on the principles of resolution 3212  adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session, and with due respect for the sovereignty of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity and unity, as well as its non-alignment.
193.	The actions taken by the United Nations in the field of disarmament and the progress realize  so far have been meagre and unsatisfactory. We appreciate the significance of the role which the United Nations could play in this domain, since international peace and security cannot be maintained without total and comprehensive disarmament. This can be achieved only when ail peoples and nations are able to enjoy security based on justice and to sense respect for their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and their right to choose the system they wish to adopt, and only if all forms of aggression, exploitation, colonialism and racism are eliminated.
194.	We attach great importance to the guaranteeing of freedom and the basic rights of r. an which represent a substantial factor for liberation and the elimination of subservience, exploitation and foreign domination. In this connexion, it is imperative to stress that human rights cannot be enforced under conditions allowing the exercise of force, oppression and suppression, the persistence of all forms of colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination, and where human beings are deprived of their country, their land and their homes. Such conditions are clearly seen in the sufferings of the Africans living under racist regimes in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia. They are also clearly shown in the sufferings of the Palestinians living under Zionist racism in occupied Palestine-; or in exile outside Palestine.
195.	The explosive situation in the Middle East is certainly foremost among the issues that engage the attention of the international community, which is striving to seek a solution to that situation because of the sure relationship between peace and security	region and peace and security in the world at large.
196.	The existing situation is the result of Israel's intransigence and continuing aggression against the rights of the people of Palestine and against the occupied Arab territories.' Israel is thereby violating the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations. The recent Israeli measures aimed at applying Israeli laws to the Arab inhabitants of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and at establishing new settlements in the occupied Palestinian and Arab lands as a prelude to their annexation to Israel, are aggravating the situation.
197.	The impact of an explosion of the situation in the Middle East might not be limited to the countries of that region: rather, it would imperil the whole world. We all remember that the 1973 October war brought the world to the verge of nuclear war because of conflicting international interests in the Middle East region. That region has 70 per cent of the world's oil reserves, and through it pass the routes of international communications between east and west. Hence, all talk about peace in the world is incomplete if peace is not achieved in the Middle East.
198.	We, the Arabs, realize this fact. We are part of the world. The attainment of world peace concerns us as much as it concerns the other nations of the world. Through peace we can ensure the prosperity and welfare of our peoples. We have repeatedly and on all occasions declared our sincere desire for peace. However, Israel has always reacted by further intransigence. Every step we took towards peace was met by Israeli steps escalating actions conducive to the obstruction of peace.
199.	Ever since its creation, Israel has been pursuing a constant policy based on expansion and the acquisition of more Arab territories. It is persisting in implementing this policy, heedless of the wishes of the international community and disregarding the lessons of the 1973 October war. The statements made by Menachem Begin since the first day after the Likud won the elections prove the validity of my assertion. It would take me some time to list all those statements. However, I shall refer to a few of them in order to give you an idea of the course the Israeli leaders are pursuing.
200.	On 17 May 1977 Menachem Begin declared that the West Bank was an integral part of what he termed Israel's  historical homeland .
201.	On 18 May 1977 Begin declared that the new Israeli Government would call upon Israeli youth to settle in the occupied territories since they were part of the  land of Israel. He added that there was no need to annex the West Bank because  no one would annex what is his. He also stated that his Government would not call the West Bank  an occupied territory  but, rather,  a liberated territory , and that Israel would not withdraw from the West Bank since it was  an integral part of Israel. He added that the Arab leaders must become aware of that fact.
202.	On 23 May 1977, in a declaration published by the French weekly L'Express, Begin, in reply to a question as to whether his Government intended to annex the West Bank to Israel, said that only foreign territories were usually annexed, while the West Bank was  a liberated territory .
203.	On 7 September 1977, Begin declared that  every Jew has the right to settle in the land of Israel  and that the West Bank fell within the  historical boundaries of the land of Israel . He has also made other similar declarations and statements which you must have read when they were made.
204.	Nevertheless, I find it imperative at this point to refer to the statement made on 9 September 1977 by General Ariel Sharon, Israel's Minister of Agriculture, when he disclosed that Israel had secretly established 10 settlements during last August. Sharon said:  The United States must understand that the settlement of Jews in Arab territories is more important than peace .
205.	That statement alone is, I believe, sufficient to shed light on Israel's expansionist intentions and on the extent of its adherence to peace. I must also refer to the plan announced by General Sharon to double Israel's population so as to bring it up to 6 million. I would like to ask, How can Israel, within its small area, assimilate that many people, and how could such a plan be carried out other than through plans aimed at the occupation of more Arab territories?
206.	Begin has implemented his ideas about the  historical  homeland . He has taken a series of measures aimed at annexing the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to Israel by applying Israeli laws to the population of those areas. The timing chosen by Israel to announce those measures is significant, as they were announced only a few days after the last visit of the United States Secretary of State to the countries of the region. Israel's intention is explicit and clear: to undermine the efforts exerted by the United States Secretary of State to reconvene the Geneva Peace Conference.
207.	Israel was established on aggression and it cannot survive without aggression. Peace is indeed incompatible with its aggressive and expansionist plans aimed at annexing Arab lands and expanding at the expense of the Arabs. Therefore, it has always resorted to placing obstacles in the way of peace and worked to undermine efforts at achieving peace. It is within this context that we can interpret Israel's attitudes and policies from its inception to the present time.
208.	Just one glance at Israel's proposals for peace in the Middle East confirms what I have just said. Those proposals are, in fact, no more than attempts to undermine the efforts which are being exerted to solve the conflict in the Middle East. Moreover, they are attempts to perpetuate the present situation and to confront the world with a fait accompli, which is in line with Israel's traditional policy. Those proposals do not have the remotest chance of achieving peace, for the following reasons.
209.	First, those proposals ignore the fact that the Palestine issue is the origin of the Middle East conflict, and disregard the rights of the Palestinian people. They misrepresent the situation as an issue of refugees who can settle in the neighbouring Arab countries, and ignore the fact that the problem is one of a people that was expelled from its land and homeland, to which it wishes to return to determine its own fate there. This right to self-determination has been recognized by the United Nations.
210.	Secondly, Israel refuses to withdraw to the borders of 4 June 1967, and affirms its intention of retaining part of those territories-foremost among which are Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip—thereby violating the United Nations Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions.
211.	Thirdly, Israel is laying down pre-conditions for convening any peace conference. It refuses to allow the participation in such a conference of the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is regarded by the world community as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Palestine. Israel also denies that people the right to establish its State in Palestine, as is stipulated in General Assembly resolution 323.
212.	This having been said, allow me to put this question to you. If Israel insists on retaining the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Jerusalem, if it refuses to withdraw from all the territories belonging to Syria and Egypt which were occupied in 1967 and if it also refuses to recognize the rights of the Palestinian people, how do the Israelis conceive of the possibility of the establishment of peace in such conditions?
213.	On numerous occasions we have declared our genuine and sincere desire to attain peace in this region of the world. It is this desire that prompts us to welcome any effort exerted to establish peace in our region. We have declared that the peace we desire and strive for is the peace that would lead, first, to Israel's total withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, and secondly to securing the national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish their own independent State, their right to self-determination and their right to return, in conformity with the relevant United Nations resolutions, to their lands from which they have been excluded since 1948. The acceptance of these two conditions is the key to a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
214.	Israel would be very much mistaken were it to believe that it could impose its will on the Arabs and perpetuate the present situation, or if it believed for a single second that the Arabs would cede one inch of their territories or any of their rights. The hysterical military threats recently reiterated by the Israeli military leaders will not frighten or alarm us. History has taught us that the party that makes threats is not always the winner. The history of nazism is not so remote as to be forgotten; nor is the October war. Throughout history our people have made enormous sacrifices and have endured many sufferings to defend their rights. Today they stand ready to make more sacrifices for their land, their rights, their freedom and their dignity.
215.	Never in the history of this international Organization has a Member State flouted the United Nations as Israel has done. Israel has violated the Charter, disregarded United Nations resolutions and defied the will of the international community. I need not list all such violations now since they have become a daily occurrence and members are quite familiar with them.
216.	We all know that Israel was admitted to the United Nations under resolution 273 (III). Moreover, we all know that Israel's admission under the said resolution was conditional upon the fulfilment of the following two conditions: first, that it undertake to comply fully with the United Nations Charter from the first day of its admission to membership; and secondly, that it carry out the provisions of resolution 181 (II), on partition, and of resolution 194(111) by permitting the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes. The then Foreign Minister of Israel undertook at the time to accept the two conditions. Needless to say the undertaking was dishonest. Israel has not honoured either of the two conditions. Resolution 194(111) remains a dead letter and the same applies to resolution 181 (II), since Israel has occupied territories four times as large as the territories allotted to it under the partition resolution.
217.	Israel is practicing a policy contrary to the aims of the United Nations Charter, the rules of international law, the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, human rights and basic human freedoms. Accordingly Israel is not worthy to be a Member of the United Nations, We call upon the international community to apply against Israel those sanctions provided for in the Charter, and to reconsider resolution 273  under which Israel was admitted to United Nations membership.
218.	The United Nations Commission on Human Rights has repeatedly condemned Israel for violating the fourth Geneva Convention in the occupied Arab territories. The Commission considered those violations to be war crimes and an affront to mankind.
219.	It is regrettable and unfortunate to see certain big Powers, instead of dealing with Israel on the above basis, extending to it all sorts of military and economic aid and assistance and supplying it with the most up-to-date lethal weapons, as if Israel were the victim of aggression, as if it had not perpetrated a brutal aggression against an entire people by expelling them from their homes and lands, and as if it were not occupying territories of three States Members of the United Nations. Such military and economic assistance increases Israel's greed and ravenous appetite for expansion and aggression, as well as heightening its intransigence and its defiance of United Nations resolutions. Had those Powers sided with right and justice and had they stood firmly against Israeli intransigence and arrogance, Israel would not have dared to pursue a policy which is in direct contravention of the United Nations Charter and resolutions.
220.	We appeal to all States to cease extending any economic or military aid to Israel and to refrain from giving it any form of help, since such help would inevitably lead to perpetuating the present situation and would encourage Israel to continue its aggressive action against the rights of the people of Palestine and against the occupied Arab territories.
221.	Given the responsibilities entrusted by the United Nations Charter to the Security Council regarding the maintenance of world peace, and in view of the fact that Israeli practices and policies constitute a grave danger to that peace and threaten the gravest consequences, we request the Security Council to put an end to such practices and to take the necessary steps to cancel all Israeli measures imposed in the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, notably those relating to annexation, colonization and Judaization.
222.	I have outlined the situation in the Middle East with all its gravity and dangers. Peace in our region depends upon your sincere desire to enforce the provisions of the United Nations Charter as well as on the help you give us and the support you lend to our just struggle. We look forward to your help and backing since thereby you would strengthen the United Nations and its power and consolidate world peace, which is our common objective.


51.	It gives my delegation great pleasure to salute our present President, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, the representative of Yugoslavia, which is a founding member of the non-aligned movement and an ardent fighter for the principles of non-alignment and their implementation. It is with great satisfaction that my delegation is participating in the work of the General Assembly at the current session, fully convinced that under your experienced leadership, Mr. President, the Members of our Organization, and in particular those belonging to the non-aligned movement, will rise to the challenges and respond to the opportunities of our changing times.
52.	My delegation wishes to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, whose invaluable and dedicated leadership during the Assembly's last session does honour not only to himself and his country but also to the non-aligned movement as a whole. His important and manifold contributions to the work of our Organization are well known and will long be remembered.
53.	It is a source of gratification for my delegation to be able at last to welcome the representatives of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in our midst. Indonesia has consistently supported the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and it participated in sponsoring draft resolutions to that end. Now that it has become a Member of our Organization, my delegation would like to reiterate its conviction that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will contribute positively to the work of the United Nations. We look forward to close and fruitful co-operation with that country within the United Nations system in all matters, particularly those which are of common concern and interest to both our countries and our region.
54.	My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Government and the people of the Republic of Djibouti on the successful completion of the decolonization process leading to their independence, and to welcome them to membership in our Organization. The completion of this process marks the fulfilment of one of the important objectives embodied in the Charter. My delegation looks forward to close and useful co-operation with the delegation  of Djibouti in the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations.
55.	My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Governments of Panama and the United States, in particular General Torrijos and President Carter, on the signing of the Panama Canal treaties. The signing of the treaties indicates that international issues, however intractable they might appear, can be ultimately resolved through negotiations.
56.	My delegation wishes to reaffirm Indonesia's continued commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. Indonesia believes that the United Nations is the best available instrument through which mankind's aspirations for peace, justice, freedom and economic and social well-being can be fulfilled. It is the best vehicle through which the existing world order can be transformed into a more just and equitable one, not through confrontation and armed strength, but through mutual co-operation and understanding, through dialogue and the recognition of the existence of diversity among the Members of our Organization.
57.	While acknowledging this diversity, Indonesia believes that, nevertheless, the Members of our Organization are bound together by the many common interests which they share and by the task of having to deal with a continually expanding number of global problems which can be solved only through the concerted action of all nations and which no single nation, however strong and powerful, can solve on its own. Let us therefore, whenever possible, solve problems through consensus and seek solutions which take into consideration the individual needs and interests of Member nations.
58.	In reviewing the world situation as it has developed during the past year, the thirty-second session of the General Assembly is confronted by a number of complex and difficult issues such as the Middle East, Cyprus, southern Africa and the question of disarmament which has dominated the agenda since the convening of the first session. The present session is, moreover, faced with the problem of providing the necessary political impetus for the realization of the new international economic order.
59.	Let me turn first to the situation in South-East Asia, where an era of protracted and destructive war has passed and a new era of peace has set in. While there is no disagreement with regard to the need for establishing mutually beneficial co-operation between all countries in the region, the fact remains that such co-operation involves countries with different economic and social systems. Indonesia, like the other members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], firmly believes that these differences should not stand in the way of establishing friendly and mutually beneficial relationships among all the countries in South-East Asia. I wish to literate Indonesia's determination to work with all countries of the region towards the achievement of peace, progress and prosperity.
60.	We are well aware that a great many obstacles have made it difficult to achieve any significant progress in the efforts towards implementing the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. Not the least among those obstacles are the complexities of major-Power involvement in the region, which, for instance, are reflected in the continued escalation of the military presence of those Powers in the Indian Ocean. Indonesia therefore finds some encouragement in the statements made by the leaders of both the United States and the Soviet Union which reflect a more positive attitude towards the principles and purposes of the Declaration. We hope that this attitude will result in a greater willingness on the part of the two Powers to co-operate with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. This, in turn, would undoubtedly render the prospects for progress in the Committee's work more favourable.
61.	Since the inception of the United Nations, the problem of disarmament has always featured prominently as one of the principal concerns of the Organization. The recognition by the world community of the vital importance of disarmament for world peace and the well-being of mankind is reflected in the relevant articles of the Charter and also in the very first resolution adopted by the United Nations, which addressed itself to problems dealing with nuclear disarmament.
62.	The entire history of our Organization has been marked by constant endeavours to give effect to one of its main goals, namely, the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security with the least diversion of the world's human and economic resources for armaments purposes. Mention must also be made of bilateral and regional initiatives taken in the field of disarmament.
63.	Notwithstanding the pursuit of numerous and manifold efforts to bring about disarmament measures, the results, to our disappointment, have been marginal. The absence of a strong political will appears to be the main obstacle towards reaching agreement.
64.	Recent developments, however, have raised new hopes for real progress towards disarmament. The most prominent of these developments is the resolution adopted by this Assembly last year calling for a special session in 1978 devoted to disarmament. Instrumental to this resolution was the decision taken a few months earlier by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries meeting at Colombo. In this context, it may be recalled that in 1961 the non-aligned group had already called for a special session devoted to disarmament issues or a world disarmament conference. The success of our efforts in the field of disarmament will be conducive to our endeavours to establish a new international economic order. In this connection, we should like to underline the remark made by the Secretary-General in his report:
 Disarmament must therefore be a vital part not only of our efforts to establish a better system of international peace and security, but also of our attempts to restructure the economic and social order of the world.
In spite of the various and persistent efforts currently pursued to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, we must regretfully observe that the situation in the region is seriously deteriorating.
65.	The gravity of the situation is the direct result of Israel's continued policy of occupation and expansion and its repressive practices against the Palestinian people. While numerous peace efforts are being pursued at present, Israel defiantly intensifies its policy of colonization by extending Israeli laws to the Israeli-occupied Arab territories on the West Bank and by establishing new settlements.
66.	A highly explosive situation once again prevails in the area and may ignite an armed conflict engulfing not only the countries in the region but also inviting the involvement of external Powers. My Government has in no uncertain terms expressed its strong condemnation in regard to those Israeli policies and actions. These policies and actions constitute a violation of the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, and of relevant United Nations resolutions; they must, therefore, be considered null and void.
67.	My. delegation wishes to reiterate its considered opinion, that the Palestinian question remains at the core of the Middle East problem. No just and lasting peace can be established unless it is based on the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967. Indonesia has always maintained that the Palestine Liberation Organization must take part in all discussions regarding the future of Palestine. We hope that an acceptable formula will be found with regard to participation by the Palestine Liberation Organization in any meeting that might be convened in the search for a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem.
68.	Indonesia also supports the demand of Moslems all over the world that the holy city of Jerusalem be returned to Arab custody.
69.	As regards the Cyprus question, my delegation feels that the process of intercommunal talks initiated under the auspices of the Secretary-General offers the best hope for a just and lasting settlement of this problem. It is, therefore, imperative that the momentum generated by these negotiations should not be lost. My delegation is of the view that a peaceful solution can only be achieved if it gives adequate recognition to the legitimate rights and aspirations of the two communities in an independence non-aligned, bicommunal federal Republic of Cyprus.
70.	The deteriorating situation in southern Africa is a matter of profound concern for the international community. Numerous initiatives have been taken under United Nations auspices and on the regional or bilateral levels towards finding a peaceful solution of the problem caused by colonialist oppression and racial discrimination. The adamant refusal by the minority racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury to accept a peaceful settlement has forced the peoples of southern Africa to intensify their armed struggle as the only way left open to them to achieve their sacred rights of freedom, independence and human dignity.
71.	Two historic meetings under United Nations auspices were held recently in Mozambique and Nigeria and focused world attention on the evils of colonialism and racialism which have plagued the peoples of southern Africa for so long. Indonesia took the opportunity, in Maputo and Lagos, to reaffirm its strong commitment to the cause of freedom and racial equality, a commitment founded upon its experience of three and a half centuries of suffering inflicted by the same evils. Let me here, on behalf of the Government and people of Indonesia, once again express Indonesia's firm determination to continue to extend political and material support to those oppressed by racism and colonialism until the last vestiges of those twin evils are eradicated from the face of the earth.
72.	My delegation was shocked to learn of the death of the young African leader, Steven Biko, while under detention in a South African prison. His killing, on top of the killings perpetrated in Soweto, will strengthen even more the determination of the black population in South Africa to fight for its political and human rights.
73.	Indonesia considers the armed struggle waged by the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia to obtain freedom and human dignity to be entirely just and legitimate, and therefore lends them its firm support. My Government, however, continues to hope that at some stage a negotiated settlement might possibly be arrived at. We sincerely believe that the most desirable solution is a peaceful one, and we would urge the minority regime in Salisbury and Pretoria, even at this late hour, to accept the inevitable course of history.
74.	With regard to Namibia, my delegation reiterates its firm support for the decision taken by the Assembly last year -in particular, the call for action by the Security Council.
75.	On the question of East Timor, my delegation has made its position clear on a number of previous occasions, most recently in the General Committee of this Assembly at its 1st meeting on 22 September 1977.
76.	The problem of East Timor has ceased to exist as a problem of decolonization. Its people, in the exercise of their right of self-determination, have made their choice to be independent through integration with Indonesia, and this process was completed on 17 July 1976. As a result of these developments, East Timor and the East Timorese have become an integral part of the Indonesian nation. Together with their kinsmen in the other provinces of Indonesia, they have now embarked on the long and difficult road of development. In the meantime, a general amnesty has been offered to the FRETILIN remnants who voluntarily surrender to the provincial authorities no later than 31 December 1977. Quite a number of former FRETILIN followers have made use of this amnesty and have returned to their villages. They are now participating in the reconstruction and development of their province.
77.	In the economic sphere, we continue to witness uncertainties, with regard to both the world economic situation and the transformation of international economic relations. While signs of economic recovery are noticeable, the upturn remains hesitant. This situation has led many Governments, particularly in the developed countries, to focus their attention more on short-term problems and measures, and t9 pay no heed to the interests of the world economy as a whole, with a consequent spread of protectionist tendencies. Such development is not conducive to the expansion of international trade and also hampers the common efforts towards the restructuring of international economic relations.
78.	The impact of this kind of development on the economies of the developing countries has been felt more severely on account of their vulnerability to cyclical fluctuations. Their development efforts have been adversely affected by persistent unequal terms of trade, instability of export earnings and erosion of purchasing power.
79.	The intensive negotiations undertaken both within and outside the United Nations system in order to bring into  Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente concrete realization the broad global understandings at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly have so far produced limited results. The Conference on International Economic Co-operation was intended to pave the way to the restructuring of the international economic system in favour of the less fortunate countries, and simultaneously to break new ground in the efforts to resolve the fundamental global economic problems. The results, however, fell far short of the envisaged objectives, because the Conference made little headway in the areas of critical importance to the developing countries.
80.	The resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly which was convened to make an overall assessment of these results was unfortunately not able to arrive at a consensus due to a basic divergence of opinions. We believe, however, that the inability of the session to agree on an assessment should not distract us from the urgent task that lies ahead. What is of paramount importance at this stage is to move vigorously towards the realization of a more balanced and equitable world economy.
81.	During the resumed thirty-first session, there was a clear determination to implement without delay matters on which there was agreement. We are encouraged to note that all sides recognize the need to renew and intensify their efforts to secure positive and concrete results, within a reasonable time-frame, on outstanding issues relating to the establishment of the new international economic order.
82.	It is against this background that the General Assembly this year will once again focus its attention on the complex and multifaceted problems of international economic co-operation and development.
83.	My delegation entertains the hope that our present deliberations could lead to an intensification of negotiations in the process of establishing the new international economic order. To this end the General Assembly should provide guidelines for the conduct of such negotiations in the various bodies of the United Nations system and find solutions to the outstanding problems.
84.	We do not suggest that in the General Assembly we should try to agree or negotiate on measures in all their detailed specifications. What is expected from us at this session, in our view, is the enunciation of our basic commitments, principles and decisions that will give major political impetus to the ongoing negotiations in the various existing forums such as UNCTAD, the multilateral trade negotiations and UNIDO. A much higher degree of political determination and readiness will indeed have to be shown in order to advance more rapidly and resolutely towards the attainment of our common objectives and the ramifications and stakes involved in our present common endeavour.
85.	It is hardly necessary for me to reiterate the basic premise, that the best solution for the recurrent adverse international economic situation is the structural transformation of the international economic system, based on the recognition of the interdependence of nations and problems. We are aware that has not been sufficiently appreciated that the solution of the problems confronting the developing countries could contribute significantly to the global recovery process. From this perspective the international measures so far taken to help the developing countries have not been commensurate with the magnitude of their problems.
86.	As a consequence, we are of -the view that a global policy of adequate amplitude and scope in favour of the developing countries in the crucial areas of international trade, development finance and indebtedness is urgently required. Such a policy could provide a powerful stimulus to the hesitant upturn in the world economy.
87.	The restructuring of the commodity market with a view to strengthening the export earnings of the developing countries must become a major objective of international economic policy. Successful international action to strengthen and stabilize commodity markets as envisaged by UNCTAD's Integrated Programme for Commodities will constitute a break-through in international economic policy and contribute significantly to the over-all restructuring process.
88.	The agreement in principle that a common fund should be established as a new entity to serve as a key instrument in attaining the agreed objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities, should be translated into a fuller and more specific agreement on the character of the fund. My delegation sincerely hopes that both sides, particularly the developed countries, will make every effort towards the successful conclusion of the forthcoming negotiations on a common fund as well as on individual commodities.
89.	Another element of importance to the developing countries in the global economic policy is an increased flow of official development assistance and improved access to capital markets of the developed countries. It is indispensable that the developed countries display their political will to increase such flows to developing countries on a predictable, continuous and assured basis in order to achieve the target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product by the end of this decade.
90.	An issue of concern in the current economic context is the problem of the growing external indebtedness of the developing countries. International action to cope with inadequate growth and the rising levels of indebtedness of developing countries can contribute positively and significantly to the improvement of the over-all economic situation. This would entail an interrelated attack on the problems of strengthening the export earnings of developing countries, of increasing the transfer of resources on concessional terms, and of finding effective means to deal with the growing debt problems of developing countries.
91.	An essential ingredient for bringing about the structural transformation of international economic relations is the realization of collective self-reliance through the promotion of economic co-operation among the developing countries. Indonesia has long since been convinced that the promotion of economic co-operation among developing countries can contribute significantly to their individual and regional resilience. Within the framework of ASEAN, we have sought joint solutions to the problems of national development and regional co-operation. Based on the Declaration of ASEAN Concord adopted at the first ASEAN summit in Bali in February last year, which outlined the programmes of action for co-operation in various fields, the ASEAN Heads of Government in Kuala Lumpur in August of this year agreed to further expand and intensify the implementation of the programme with a view to attaining its goals and objectives. The Kuala Lumpur summit also constituted another milestone in the history of ASEAN, because it was the first time since its inception that ASEAN as an organization conducted a dialogue at the level of heads of government with a number of developed countries in the region. Based on the directives given by the Kuala Lumpur summit, the economic ministers of ASEAN have taken concrete steps towards intensifying and accelerating the pace of economic co-operation in various fields. Among other measures, they agreed to expand the produce coverage of the ASEAN preferential trading arrangements and to implement the ASEAN industrial projects as soon as possible.
92.	Thus, 10 years after the establishment of ASEAN, that Association, has grown into a viable and cohesive entity, which, I believe, will not only benefit the economic and social advancement of its member countries but also that of the international community.
93.	I would not wish to conclude this statement without registering the appreciation of my delegation for the valuable efforts made by the Secretary-General on behalf of our Organization and for the great services which he has rendered to the international community. We are most gratified that his gifts remain available to us during his second term and that we will continue to have the benefit of his incisive analyses of the challenges confronting our Organization.
94.	We share his belief, as expressed in his illuminating report on the work of the Organization, that among the basic problems confronting the United Nations is the need to strike a working balance between the demands of national interests, on the one hand, and those of the international order, on the other. In dealing with the challenges posed by an increasingly interdependent world, the members of the international community must find ways to harmonize these conflicting interests and to make greater use of our Organization for constructive purposes.
95.	The United Nations must be made more effective to exercise its harmonizing role and to become the machinery through which the international community joins hands in co-operative efforts towards solving the global issues that confront us today. The strength and the effectiveness of our Organization are dependent primarily and ultimately upon the composite attitude of its Member States. In this regard, we are happy to discern the emergence of a new mood among the international community—a mood characterized by an increasing desire for co-operation and accommodation. Let us capture the opportunities afforded by this spirit of co-operation and accommodation to make our Organization more responsive and better equipped to deal with new problems and new opportunities.


1.	First I must extend to you, Sir, the warm wishes and congratulations of Samoa, my delegation and myself on your Installation as President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. You will bring to this Assembly the wisdom and experience that Yugoslavia has developed over the years in the fields of international relations and diplomacy.
2.	Yugoslavia has long been a leader in the search for world peace and in the evolution of the non-aligned movement through which the bulk of the developing countries can make themselves heard as a force both for peace and for the betterment of life for the majority of the peoples of the world.
3.	Samoa doubly congratulates you on the honour that this world body has bestowed upon you and, through you. upon Yugoslavia.
4.	Samoa has close links with Yugoslavia, and only recently we were honoured by the visit to Samoa of the Vice-President of the Council of Deputies of Yugoslavia. Samoan leaders will likewise visit Yugoslavia next year, and both our countries are in detailed negotiations on economic co-operation matters. Samoa welcomes your presidency of this Assembly.
5.	I also express my country's gratitude to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, both for his inspired leadership of the United Nations and for his personal assistance to us during Samoa's first year of membership. I value this very much, and we are most grateful for his assistance and the assistance of the various staff members of the United
Nations who have helped us during this year and in the establishment of our Permanent Mission in New York.
6.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express to the Government and people of Viet Nam the congratulations of Samoa on the achievement by Viet Nam of membership status in the United Nations. Likewise, we also congratulate the new State of Djibouti on its accession to membership in the United Nations.
7.	Samoa was the first nation of Polynesia to achieve independence and the first Polynesian State to become a Member of the United Nations. Polynesia stretches from the islands of Hawaii in the north to New Zealand in the south, from Samoa and Tongo in the west to French Polynesia and Easter Island in the east. The Polynesians are a homogeneous group with close cultural and linguistic affinities. The word "love" in the Maori language is "Aroha", in the Samoan language is "Alofa", and in the Hawaiian language is "Aloha".
8.	The major issue confronting the world today is the search by man for a harmonious relationship with his fellow man and with his environment. The Polynesians by necessity achieved a relationship with the environment over a thousand years ago. The quarters of the moon tell us about the tides and the seasons of fish. The flowers bloom and they also have a message. The Polynesians are a seafaring people and produced mariners who navigated by the stars over countless thousands of miles. They struck a balance with nature. They were one with the environment.
9.	it is this same oneness with the environment that we are seeking today. We are all seeking a balance between man and nature. It would be unrealistic to retreat to earlier eras: there are new pressures on the world that make retreat impossible. World populations have grown; there are increased pressures on natural resources; there are new demands for a higher quality of life. These pressures and demands cannot be ignored. We must find a new ecological balance with the environment. In a positive sense, it is what the law of the sea is about. In a negative sense, it is what nuclear-weapons testing is about.
10.	We need to approach these problems with the correct perspective. But what is the correct perspective? The English language recognizes two perspectives: the "bird's- eye view" and the "worm's-eye view". The Polynesians recognize three perspectives: that of a man on top of the mountain, that of a man on top of a tree and that of a man in a canoe. Who is to say which man has the right perspective? The man on top of the mountain certainly has the best panoramic view and can see the whole picture. But the man in the canoe is better placed to see the school of fish.

11.	All have a role to play. The art lies in allowing each to make his contribution, in the pooling of complementary resources. The man on top of the mountain makes his contribution, the man on top of the tree his, and the man in the canoe his. But neither can ignore the other. Likewise, each Member country, no matter how large or small, must be able to contribute to the common good. That is why Samoa feels that a small nation, like the man in the canoe, can make an essential contribution to the United Nations. The United Nations needs the three perspectives, or as many perspectives as are available to it.
12.	An important factor in the formulation of Samoa's perceptions is the colonial experience, which has exacted a high price from our people. Samoa was partitioned in the late nineteenth century by decree in Europe. We are still separated from our fellow Samoans. We have experienced the demeaning nature of colonialism. We have always struggled against our colonial masters. Lives have been lost. Samoans have been exiled simply because they held dear the principles of the dignity of man. Our struggles were spread over 100 years and coincided with the great freedom movements in Asia and Africa. Samoa was an integral part of the independence struggle. We know what it is all about.
13.	Samoa achieved independence in 1962. Samoa welcomes the fact that in our region three countries—the Solomon Islands, the Gilbert Islands and Tuvalu-will achieve independence in the very near future. But problems remain, and elements of colonialism linger in the South Pacific and elsewhere.
14.	Samoa is watching with interest the political developments that are occurring in the New Hebrides. Our sympathies are with the people of the New Hebrides in their struggle for freedom, and we look forward to the day—which, we hope, will be in the near future-when that country achieves full and independent nationhood.
15.	Samoa is sad, however, that the political process towards independence in other parts of the South Pacific is not moving at the same pace. We hope that the people of these remaining Territories will grasp the opportunities that present themselves to reassess their political future and will choose paths that will lead towards the full realization of the destinies of their various countries.
16.	Samoa did not achieve independence because it was fashionable, nor does Samoa now oppose colonialism because it is likewise fashionable. On the contrary, Samoa achieved independence because the Samoan people fought for it. We continue to oppose colonialism because we cannot accept the dominance of one group of people over another. We cannot compromise on this basic issue. The rule of a minority against the wishes of a majority cannot be tolerated. We deplore racism and repression in whatever form they might take. We regard apartheid to be abhorrent. Our sympathy and support for the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe is based on these clear principles. So when Samoa talks about colonialism and repression, whether in Africa, in the South Pacific, in Asia or elsewhere, it is not just rhetoric. Rather, Samoa's opposition to colonialism is fundamental because of its own experience.
17.	By the same token. Samoa is not engaging in rhetoric when it expresses its opposition to nuclear testing. We in the South Pacific are experiencing, against our wishes, the continued testing of nuclear weapons. We are firmly opposed to nuclear-weapons testing in all environments, anywhere in the world. The concept behind the acquisition, testing and proliferation of nuclear weapons is wrong and cannot be justified if we all have as our basic objective the attainment of world peace.
18.	The whole idea of the United Nations Charter is to gather the nations together to seek a consensus, to solve by discussion rather than by conflict. We are all part of the human family. Issues are discussed here which affect us all. We should all have a voice. Not only the super-Powers, which have enough in their arsenals to destroy themselves and the whole world, but the other nations, should be allowed to put forward their perspectives, unshackled by old and discredited formulas.
19.	Samoa is a non-committed nation. It has no defence treaties with anyone. Samoa has a close affinity with the non-aligned movement. We are of the third world. The problems and aspirations of the third world are our problems and aspirations. We will approach from that basic point of view the problems that come before the United Nations.
20.	We will determine our position on the various issues that come before the United Nations on the basis of our own assessment. Our approach to the important political issues such as Africa, the Middle East question and the Korean question will be constructive. We will not intervene for the sake of scoring debating points, but when we do speak it will be to state a point of view that might contribute in a small way to a solution. We are encouraged that, as time progresses, attitudes change, new priorities are established, the meaning of words differs, an evolutionary process develops—all of which tends to make it easier for a consensus or an accommodation to be reached on contentious issues. We are mindful also that usually in such issues it is the major players who must reach an accommodation. This might be by quiet diplomacy in this building or elsewhere. It might also be by bilateral talks. We support this concept and shall respect such activities whenever we are speaking.
21.	Our concern will be that one party does not dominate to the detriment of the other. The rights of all must be protected. The right to exist, the right to prosper and the right to have one's point of view respected are valuable rights to which Samoa strongly subscribes. Dominance by one country or one group is evil and contains within it the danger of a reaction from other groups. Similarly, great- Power rivalry and great-Power dominance, often for the sake of dominance rather than for any other reason, is to be deplored. The South Pacific has in the recent past been free from such rivalries—but the indications are that this is changing. Samoa is firmly opposed to attempts from any direction to create such rivalry. Samoa views this as senseless activity which serves no good purpose and which might even aggravate world tensions. Samoa will do all in its power to prevent this from happening.
22.	Samoa has no quarrel with any nation. We have old friends and we are gaining new friends. We have a basic policy of universalism and we pledge to work closely with all countries that extend to us the hand of genuine friendship.
23.	My address would not be complete without a brief reference to two economic matters, the new international economic order and the law of the sea. I do not have to remind you that the major economic problem facing the world today is the wide gap between the standard of living of the advanced industrial countries and that of the developing countries. It is also the major political problem, because the disparity between developed and developing transcends political ideologies.
24.	As a third-world country, Samoa joins in the urgent demand of the developing countries for a new international economic order. The demand is for fundamental changes in the structures of economic dominance and inequality. We believe it must proceed and apply universally and not sectorally. The changes must be structural rather than marginal. Above all, they are changes that must relate to human needs and the human condition. We believe that any new international economic order must be founded on moral and social justice no less than on economic and political realities. There is too much at stake for it to be otherwise.
25.	Likewise, we regard particular aspects of the law of the sea as forming an integral part of the new international economic order. These provide a means of ensuring a sharing of a major resource among the people of the world on a just and equitable basis.
26.	For all nations of the South Pacific, the law of the sea has special meaning. The sea does more than provide sustenance to us. It has shaped and influenced our respective characters and our livelihoods for centuries. For some South Pacific nations, the sea and all it contains is their only exploitable resource. Samoa regards it as essential that a satisfactory conclusion be reached on the law of the sea. We urge that the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea act positively in the creation of a new law of the sea which will be both sensible and fair.
27.	The South Pacific nations are willing to share this resource with the other nations of the world. It is important for all nations, developed and developing, that a comprehensive and workable law of the sea regime, which includes an effective system for the settlement of disputes, be achieved. If not, the South Pacific nations should not be blamed if they group together to protect their major resource from outside encroachments.
28.	Finally, I thank the Assembly for its attention. This is the first time that Samoa has taken a full role in the general debate of the United Nations. This for Samoa is a historic occasion. For me it has added poignancy. Samoa's delegation, which included the present Head of State and my father, travelled to the United Nations in 1958 to put Samoa's case for independence to the world body. It was the United Nations that accepted what they had to say-and it was the United Nations that agreed to Samoa's independence. Now it is the United Nations that has welcomed back the new generation of Samoa as a full Member.


	 Mr. President, the delegation of Rwanda adds its tribute and good wishes to those which have been addressed to you on your brilliant election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and wishes it complete success. At the same time, my delegation would like to pay a particular and well-deserved tribute to your country, Yugoslavia, a firm pillar of non-alignment whose contribution to international peace and security merits recognition by the world community.
2.	Your predecessor, the eminent Ambassador of Sri Lanka, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, once again deserves our great appreciation for the remarkable manner in which he discharged his responsibilities as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
3.	My country, Rwanda, has always greatly appreciated the efforts and the wisdom shown by our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in carrying out his very delicate tasks to ensure for the United Nations influence and effectiveness in keeping with its mission. Thus it is with real gratitude that I express once again the confidence of my Government in his tireless devotion to the ideals of the Charter and his personal role in bringing about the advent of a world of peace, justice and international solidarity.
4.	It is with profound joy tinged with some emotion that my delegation welcomes the entry of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the young sister Republic of Djibouti into our great family.
5.	We always deplored the obstruction of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations despite the support of almost all the international community. Its admission to our Organization is a tribute to the wisdom and objectivity of those who realized that the opinion of the vast majority of the international community could no longer be opposed. Once again we salute the courage and determination of the Vietnamese people and their leaders, who by glorious combats and untold sacrifices have won their independence and their dignity and earned the consideration and respect of the whole world.
6.	We reiterate our friendship and brotherhood with the valiant people of Djibouti and salute their resistance to the violence and pressures of all kinds to which they were subjected as well as the wisdom which enabled them to counter all the deceitful manoeuvres designed to obstruct the conquest of their dignity and national sovereignty.
7.	The glorious history of each of these newcomers to our large family is a guarantee of their future contribution to progress towards the attainment of the objectives of our Organization.
8.	Since the last session of the General Assembly the vast majority of the nations represented here have enjoyed relative peace. It is no less true that this peace continues to be endangered as long as hotbeds of tension exist and the quest for power by some among us leads them, instead of seeking to find appropriate alternatives to the relations of force and confrontation, to try to transform the conflicts into spring-boards for the attainment of political, ideological or economic interests.
9.	On most of the questions which will have to be debated at the present session it seems clear that unfortunately we face the same difficulties that our efforts seem powerless to r solve. Whether it. is a matter of the problems of apartheid and racial discrimination, the agitation and dissension provoked by the ideological balance, the occupation of Arab territories by the Zionist State, the usurpation of the most inalienable rights of the Palestinian people,, the dismantling of Cyprus or the occupation or arbitrary division of nations such as Germany or Korea, there has been no substantial change in the positions as we have known them in the past. The preoccupations of the international community are the same today as they were yesterday.
10.	Africa, barely liberated from the most humiliating forms of the oppression and violence of colonialism, has in fact for some time been the centre of simmering armed conflict supported by barely veiled neo-colonialism, which is visibly reflected in the campaign" for hegemony and influence and has reached its height in the lengthy blood-letting in the eastern area, today the theatre of action.
11.	For 20 years, from north to south and from east to west, our continent has been the subject of continuous disturbances: mutinies, political tension, innumerable acts of aggression between brother countries fighting against each other. This phenomenon of destabilization could be attributed at the outset to the consequences of colonialism and to the difficulties of young, independent States; today it has assumed alarming proportions; it has undermined the cohesion of the African States to the extent of bringing into question their frail independence. In the light of the universal transgression of the fundamental principles of our Charter, Rwanda wishes to express its extreme concern.
12.	In relation to that very important point, His Excellency Major-General Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Rwandese Republic and Founder-President of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development, stated:
"We have already on several occasions denounced and deplored this confrontation among brother countries; a confrontation that results from struggles for influence among the Great Powers. Our continent remains the scene of conflicts sustained by ideological differences. Africa has no need of these struggles. What we ask of friends who wish to help us is support in the campaign we are waging against under-development. Poverty and ignorance are our common enemy, and this struggle concerns all of us, whatever the colours under which we fight."
13.	The world will never be at peace as long as the abscess in Africa, which gnaws at the southern part of our continent, is not lanced once and for all.
14.	Last year, we welcomed with some glimmer of hope the initiatives then undertaken by Washington and London to find a peaceful solution in that part of the world. But we had not considered the extreme perversity of the rebel Ian Smith and of Vorster, his neighbour.
15.	Ian Smith's arrogance and obduracy have resulted in the failure of all negotiations, what can then be done other than to intensify armed struggle, since peaceful solution has failed? Nevertheless, African leaders remain willing to seize every opportunity to realize the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe for freedom and justice without bloodshed. They could not depart from that attitude unless it were from despair, as they have no interest in fanning the flames of war in the heart of their own continent.
16.	But Ian Smith and his clique continue to challenge the international community by strengthening the ignominious oppression of the Zimbabwean people. Further, they continuously prepare to implement plans of aggression against neighbouring African States, that is, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. They will learn to their loss that these acts of intimidation against "front-line States", far from discouraging Africa, will but strengthen the necessary support and solidarity for the patriotic fighters of Zimbabwe.
17.	Therefore it is up to Ian Smith and his allies in Pretoria to grasp the last chance offered to them to introduce the changes called for by the international community and the genuine African majority.
18.	U is more than 10 years ago since the General Assembly decided to administer Namibia itself. In defiance of this decision, the racist regime of South Africa continues its illegal occupation of that Territory, which is unquestionably under the authority of the United Nations. The people of Namibia, victims of immoral tormenters, are the object of such inflictions and horrors that only the apartheid system could conceive: the corruption of puppet tribal chiefs, arrests, imprisonment, torture and the summary execution of the true representatives of the Namibian people, and many more, for which only the demented Government of Pretoria is responsible before history.
19.	This already disastrous situation has created another, because it is not only a question in Namibia of the independence of a country long deprived of its rights by a usurpation of power, an illegal occupation and humiliations of every kind; the right of a nation to self-determination and to its territorial integrity is equally at stake. In fact, last August the unholy regime of Pretoria decided to annex part of the Territory of Namibia, the enclave of the port of Walvis Bay, a characteristic way that South Africa has of extending bantustanization. Need I say that this is yet another episode in making vassals of people by the economic fragmentation of those who depend on South Africa, by the creation of serfs having the nationality of artificial and unviable African States serving only as a reservoir of manpower for the South African economy. In brief, it is yet another cosmetic disguise of apartheid the essence of which is disguised under another label.
20.	My delegation considers that the whole world community must do everything within its power to assist the Namibian people, represented by the South West Africa People's Organization, to win its independence and sovereignty.
21.	In its hideous mantle of apartheid the South African Government, which is racist and illegal—I say "illegal", because legitimate power cannot be recognized without the framework of human dignity and the interests of all strata of the population-continues to impose atrocious humiliation and suffering on the black populations. Arbitrary imprisonments and the massacre of African populations are the normal procedure for preventing the majority from claiming the exercise of their inalienable rights and self- determination: Soweto in 1977 is the same as Soweto in 1976. The blood of all those martyrs would have been shed in vain if the international community did not compel Vorster and his clique to make the necessary changes imposed by the march of history.
22.	To that end, the international community must strictly apply the sanctions which have been recommended against the rebel Rhodesian regime, and the total economic embargo, particularly on weapons, against South Africa. Great ills require great remedies.
23.	The recommendations of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May, and the more recent World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August, should present a valuable guide for the action to be taken to give effect to the self-determination of the oppressed people' of southern Africa today. The attainment of that objective will remain a glorious symbol of the grandeur of our Organization and of international co-operation for present and future generations.
24.	A glance of the map of the world shows that it is not only Africa which is being injured in its southern and eastern parts. In the Middle East an oppressed people—the Palestinian people—is bleeding to death. Let us call on those who have the power to persuade Israel that it is in its own interest to live in an atmosphere of peace with its neighbours and that any settlement must include the restitution of the occupied Arab territories and cannot take place behind the backs of the Palestinian people, represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization.
25.	Cyprus too for a long time has been, as it remains, a subject of major concern of this Assembly and of our Organization. For the delegation of Rwanda, the territorial integrity and national unity of Cyprus should guide every discussion among the parties concerned, which should be free from foreign interference.
26.	With regard to the divided nations, my country, Rwanda, has always hoped to be able one day to support an initiative which would assist the German people in their long march towards the unification of the two German States into one great nation. We have always hoped for this in the firm conviction that the final settlement of the German problem would constitute a very important step towards the peaceful coexistence so often proclaimed by the civilized world.
27.	Likewise, the question of Korea, which since the last session has not been included in our agenda, remains no less a matter for anxiety. Our position is well known: the withdrawal of all foreign troops is an essential prerequisite to enable the Korean people to attain their dream of unification in peace.
28.	The tragedy through which a divided people lives can be felt only by that people itself, and all the international community can do is promote all factors which would help towards the attainment of that inalienable aspiration to national unity. We all know that national unity in freedom is not a gift but a fundamental right.
29.	In addition to the rather discouraging picture I have just drawn of the situation in certain areas of our earth, there is a certain atmosphere which continues to weigh on contemporary man, threatened as he is in his security by the weight of armaments of the most sophisticated and deadly kind. It is regrettable indeed to note that even today proliferation, both vertical and horizontal, of nuclear weapons proceeds apace, contrary to appeals for moderation and wisdom. New types of weapons are continually being developed, and nuclear technology spreads like an oil stain throughout the world. Gloomy predictions are made that by 1985 approximately 40 countries will have nuclear capability. It is intolerable that more than $300 billion should be swallowed up annually in the arms race while three quarters of mankind live in the anguish of poverty, ignorance and disease. It is not conviction of the absurdity of a nuclear war that will continue to reassure us. The continual war preparations, even in the hope that war will never be waged, are as immoral as war itself, and that is why my delegation unreservedly supports unreservedly the convening as early as possible of a special session of the General Assembly to study all the problems related to disarmament.
30.	The principle of harmony and community of interests should complement the principle of international democracy in the reforms it is fitting to introduce in our Organization. In all these reforms to be effected or envisaged it is necessary that profound changes likewise take place in the minds of men, -who must perceive the objectives of the reorganization of our system. Effectiveness will depend on true reflection, not on the psychosis of an apocalypse which would follow on the division of responsibilities.
31.	With regard to world economic relations, the relations of domination of the developed world over the third world have led to the definition of a new international economic order based on a world-wide democratic redistribution of power in the economic, commercial, financial and industrial sectors. The third world, faced with the constant deterioration in the terms of trade, could no longer be satisfied with simply being a provider of raw materials and energy in exchange for what amounts to alms in place of the co-operation promised by the wealthy countries. The fear of seeing the third world transformed into an equal partner in the conduct of world economic affairs might suggest to certain strategists, politicians and economists the making of a few spectacular concessions and a favourable response to specific claims in order to defer the fundamental requirements. Thus the adoption of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the convening of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation might appear to be bold concessions.
32.	But what exactly do we see today? The creative and venturesome dialogue that the third world requested has not been seriously started. It is constantly deferred to a later time. The fundamental problems remain the same, and my Head of State, Major-General Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Rwandese Republic and Founder-President of the National Revolutionary Development Movement, recently expressed again his concern in the following terms:
"At the level of international economic relations, it is regrettable to note that the present economic crisis weighs daily more heavily on the peoples of the third world. Any declaration and any programme of action will remain a dead letter in the absence of a definite commitment by the developed countries to alter the structures of world economy and trade.
"The conduct of the developed countries during the latest negotiations was not fully in accordance with the declarations of good intentions they had made at the seventh special session of the United Nations General Assembly.
"To be persuaded of this, it is sufficient to note how little heed was paid to the legitimate and reasonable
proposals of the third-world countries formulated at the fourth session of UNCTAD and Nairobi, or at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation which, at the beginning of last June, decided that an intensified review of the many problems in abeyance should be continued within the United Nations."
33.	Along with all these timid steps, we might mention the law of the sea. The Third Conference on that subject has just concluded yet another session, pending another one, but in the most absolute silence. What was expected to be cried out loud as the greatest victory of mankind within the United Nations did not occur. Rather it was in an embarrassed silence that the representatives departed. Once again a convention on the law of the sea acceptable to all was not forthcoming. It is certainly a failure, because mankind has not been able to agree with itself on its own interests, but there is not yet nothingness, since the dialogue has not been definitely broken off.
34.	The crises, the tragic divisions and the inequalities which our earth is witnessing today show how far we are from the attainment of the objectives included in the Charter of our Organization. Nevertheless, it is not Utopian to expect that the aspirations of mankind to peace, unity, freedom and universal social justice will be attained, if only in certain measure. It is to the extent that each Member State is vigilant in seeing to it that new international ethics prevail that our Organization will be strengthened and fully play its role as a privileged centre for dialogue and agreement and also for seeking the final triumph of justice and solidarity throughout the world.