Allow me to congratulate Mr. Bouteflika on the occasion of his election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His election to this high office is a tribute that is paid both to Africa and to the Arab world.
2.	I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on his excellent report on the work of the Organization [A/9601 and Add.I], in which he very rightly emphasizes the concern, which we share, at seeing the present economic troubles and tensions jeopardizing the progress made in the sphere of international political relations.
3.	As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France [2238th meeting] has done in his capacity as current President of the European Economic Community and on behalf of the nine States of which it is composed, I should like to welcome the admission to the United Nations, with the unanimous sponsorship of those nine States, of three gallant and peace- loving new countries. The Republic of Guinea-Bissau has just acceded to independence in complete accord and friendship with Portugal. I shall have the opportunity in the course of this address to refer once more to that event. As the result of a friendly negotiation with a Member State of the European Community, Grenada has joined us to add its voice , to those, each year more numerous and always heard with respect, of the Caribbean region. It was with deep emotion that I heard yesterday [2243rd meeting] the noble voice of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, raised in this forum. His presence here bears witness to the successful working out of a difficult problem. The spirit of moderation and conciliation shown in this matter by all the countries of the subcontinent a spirit that should set an example for all of us has been at the basis of this solution.
4.	I cannot fail to mention here the grave catastrophes that have repeatedly befallen Bangladesh and many other developing countries, the most recent being that of Honduras, so severely stricken last Friday. My Government has done its utmost to be of assistance on every occasion, both by using its own means and by joining with our partners in the European Community. I can give my assurance here to the Governments of Bangladesh and Honduras that now too we will, to the extent of our means, help them to overcome the present crisis.
5.	Owing to tragic circumstances, our general debate last year was dominated by the new outbreak of violence and human tragedy caused by the Middle East war. As in so many of our previous discussions, the political confrontation of the nations was once more by the force of circumstances at the very center of our anxieties. As a result, the disruptions of the world's economic organization did not appear to us as clearly as they do today.
6.	Today each State wonders what its future and its development will be and what degree of security its nationals will be entitled to expect. We must work out the answers to these questions jointly. Indeed, only international co-operation will make it possible to overcome the tensions that, otherwise, would be aroused by the confrontation of national egoisms and the excesses of a competition based solely on the concept of profit.
7.	We must realize that the energy crisis has altered the basic factors of the economic situation. The cost of the increased price of oil products is in the order of $100,000 million a year; we are far from having seen all its after-effects. The States of the European Community should react to this state of affairs by increasing their solidarity, strengthening their union and lessening their dependence on imported oil. Working together with other countries faced with the same problems, they should create the conditions for co-operation with the oil-producing countries. It is in everyone's interest to find an equitable solution; the consequences of inflation and monetary instability threaten all States in varying degrees.
8.	We cannot bring ourselves to believe that the oil-producing countries still hesitate to join in the dialog that is proposed to them. How can a confrontation be prevented if all the parties are not willing to make co-operation the focus of their concern? The countries of the European Community are already facing serious difficulties and must agree to make sacrifices in order to solve their own problems. This severely handicaps their ability to come to the assistance of those who are even more severely tried. In spite of that, we once more confirm our basic options, even without waiting for the States that have suddenly acceded to an extraordinary level of wealth to take their legitimate share in the task of bringing about international solidarity.
9.	In this respect, my country attaches the greatest importance to the Conference of Ministers which met in Kingston, Jamaica, on 25 and 26 July last, attended by the representatives of 44 countries of Africa, the Caribbean, the Pacific [ACP] and the European Community. The subject of the Conference was the search for a new type of relationship between industrialized and developing countries. That Conference made it possible to adopt a series of texts that will serve as guidelines for later work between the Community and the ACP countries.
10.	We note in particular the positive results obtained by the establishment of a system of stabilization of the export revenues.from basic commodities exported by the ACP countries to the Community. What is being contemplated here is a system designed to mitigate the harmful effects of a decrease in prices or in the amounts of the major products exported. The practical implementation of the system will be negotiated between the ACP countries and the Community.
11.	The Kingston Conference also recognized the crucial importance of industrial co-operation. The Community was in .agreement with the general guide-lines given in a memorandum submitted on the subject by the ACP States. As for the terms of trade, these will include, as an essential element, free access by the ACP countries to the Community market, the former not being bound to reciprocate. Also acknowledged, on the one hand, was the need to ensure the stability of these terms and, on the other hand, the lack of balance in the relationships between the developing countries and those of the Community. Finally, the Conference made remarkable progress as regards financial co-operation.
12.	My Government is deeply gratified at the fact that there is a common determination that the work of the Conference should succeed. A vigorous political impetus has been given to the negotiations, which augurs well for their final outcome. But while we are particularly pleased to see more stable and better-balanced relations taking shape among the nine countries of the European Economic Community and their present or future associated partners of Africa, the Pacific and the Caribbean, we are deeply concerned about the fate of the countries most seriously affected by the crisis in international prices and, more particularly, by the increase in the price of oil. The General Assembly at its sixth special session entrusted the Secretary-General with the task of launching an emergency operation, for a limited period of 12 months, to provide relief to the countries most seriously affected by the economic crisis resulting* in particular, from the increase in the prices of energy products, designed to maintain unimpaired during that 12-month period the essential imports of the most seriously affected countries {resolution 3202 (S-VI), para. X 2].
13.	On 1 May 1974 the spokesman for the European Community stated that the Community was ready to contribute substantially to that special effort, on condition that the other members of the international community did so also. That proposal was confirmed on 25 June by the then President of the Community Council, Minister Genscher of the Federal Republic of Germany.
14.	On the basis of global resources of $3,000 million, the Community is ready to make a special contribution of $500 million, provided that the other industrialized countries contribute two sixths of the total amount and the oil-exporting countries half. It is also obvious that an agreement has to be reached on the methods of allocating 'the emergency assistance and the criteria to be used in choosing the beneficiary countries.
15.	On the basis of the results of the Ministerial Meeting of Potential Contributors to the United Nations Emergency Operation, to be convened on 27 September, in New York, the Community will very shortly make known its views on how it will participate in the emergency operation. As far as we are concerned, we sincerely hope in particular that that meeting will clearly show the breakdown of the contributors' commitments and how much multilateral assistance they intend to provide. We should also like to have a clear definition and comparison of the conditions in which the contributions will be made and, more specifically, how generous they will be.
16.	Our main concern is that the oil-producing and industrialized countries should take action to come to the assistance of entire populations whose survival is at stake. But we are still faced by political problems.
17.	It is only fair that Europe, which in the course of this century has so many times been the cause of senseless conflicts, should today set an example of stability. On the regional level, the progress of detente gives good grounds for hope that there will be true co-operation among the States of Europe. We have cast aside war and the threat of war; we hope that the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will result in concrete achievements likely to draw States and peoples closer together; and we hope that negotiations on the balanced and mutual reduction of armaments will enable all our peoples to enjoy the same kind of security, while lessening the oppressive burden of expenditures on armaments.
18.	The Europe of the nine has a major contribution to make; Belgium is quite aware of that and for that very reason is looking forward to progress being made towards community integration; for, failing this, Europe will not be able to assume the responsibilities incumbent on it. More progress will have to be made before the end of this year. In many folds the nine European States already speak with r r? m- mon voice: they are getting ready, for instance, to initiate a dialogue with 20 members of the League of Arab States, and they have taken a stand on many of the problems that are on the agenda of this Assembly. I am therefore very pleased that the European Community, as a distinct entity, will soon receive the status of observer.
19.	Belgium takes a stand on the problems with which we are faced after consulting with its European partners, for we can no longer dissociate our national identity from the European identity. In this context 1 would recall the Cyprus crisis, the Middle East conflict and the problems of decolonization.
20.	The European position on Cyprus is well known. It is based on the territorial independence and integrity of the Republic. Two urgent problems, however, require our vigilant attention: the serious situation of the refugees, and the financing of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus.
21.	My Government will continue, and is considering a substantial increase in, its payments for the maintenance of the. Force, to which I am pleased to pay a tribute for the services it has rendered in difficult circumstances. I also wish to pay a tribute to the memory of those who have given their lives so that peace may reign in that part of the world.
22.	On the humanitarian level, we respond to the calls of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and we will very shortly make larger contributions to assist the Cypriot people.
23.	As to the Middle East, the negotiations have fortunately started again. The successive initiatives of United States Secretary of State Kissinger have already resulted in military disengagements which are the first step towards an easing of tension. I have no doubt that other steps in the same direction will follow shortly, and I hope they will bring about the conditions necessary to achieve a peace agreement based on the cessation of the occupation of territory, respect for the territorial sovereignty and integrity of each State and recognition of the legitimate rights of, the Palestinian people. The Belgian contribution to this peace undertaking is made on the European level and, as has been said by my German colleague, Mr. Genscher, the opening of a European-Arab dialog could lay the foundations for the vast task of reconstruction and development of the south-east Mediterranean [2239th meeting, para. 72].
24.	Like all preceding speakers who have welcomed the admission to membership in this Organization of three new States among them Guinea-Bissau I share the hope that an irreversible step has been taken towards the disappearance of colonialism in Africa. In this respect I listened with attention to the statement made on 23 September by my colleague, Mr. Soares, on behalf of the "new Portugal", the birth of which, its present concerns and its ambitions for the future he movingly described for us.
25.	Indeed, the attainment of independence by Guinea-Bissau demonstrated, above all, the fact that its people had a legitimate desire to find dignity in national independence. But, as Mr. Soares recalled, "None of this ... . would be possible if the changes caused by the military and popular movement of 25 April had not occurred in Portugal." [Ibid., para. 105.] Since its installation in Lisbon, the new regime has received the full support of the Belgian Government. It was the return to the free interplay of democratic rules that enabled Portugal and Guinea- Bissau as well to free themselves.
26.	At the present Stage, Belgium hopes that the speedy, orderly and peaceful decolonization process exemplified in the recent developments in Portugal and Guinea-Bissau will be carried out in the
other Portuguese Territories of Africa, as envisaged in Security Council resolution 322 (1972). That hope is now a firm conviction because we heard Mr. Soares say on 23 September that:
. . the rapid and reliable decolonization of the Territories under Portuguese administration, to be carried out in accord with the legitimate representatives of the will of the respective peoples and leading necessarily to independence.1' [Ibid., para. 109. ]
27.	In another connexion, it can be foreseen and hoped that the success of this methodical process of decolonization will come as a revelation to the rest of southern Africa and, in keeping with United Nations resolutions, will prompt Pretoria to put an end to the occupation of Namibia and encourage Salisbury to return to legality.
28.	The success of African nationalism in the territories under Portuguese rule should be a serious warning to the regimes I have just mentioned. Especially in view of the results of the negotiations, both Pretoria and Salisbury could be led to reconsider their regimes from a more realistic point of view.
29.	In this context, Belgium continues to be acutely concerned by the situation which prevails, particularly in Rhodesia and Namibia, where- there are no indications as yet of any improvement. In this connexion the policy of Belgium is perfectly clear. It consists in applying sanctions to Rhodesia, and as far as Namibia is concerned I would remind you that Belgium subscribed to the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice on 21 June 197 P and has taken a series of measures to implement the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on the Namibia question.
30.	We have just made significant progress in the field of decolonization: the Belgian Government sincerely hopes that the field of human rights will also be made part of this dynamic action.
31.	We adhere firmly to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Belgium has always considered the United Nations, since its inception, as the surest if not the only guarantor of human rights. We have always expected the United Nations to set out and secure the observance of these rights, and we have always tried to make an active contribution in this respect.
32.	Thus it is that Belgium is the only country which, in the matter of human rights, entrusts to a supranational organization powers that are within its sovereignty. It has indeed accepted since 1951 that on its territory the eligibility of refugees shall be decided not by Belgian officials but by the representative in Belgium of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Further, my country allows such refugees to obtain Belgian nationality after a stay of only three years.
33.	Furthermore, Belgium is proud of having always been, since its independence, a haven for political refugees. Thus at the present time we grant refuge to nearly 30,000 political refugees while an average of 600 new refugees settle in our territory every year.
34.	I cannot fail to mention here the numerous stateless persons who come to us year after year seeking refuge and support. Often they are persons who have been deprived for too long of elementary * rights, and the international community has an obligation to them if it truly believes in the defense of human rights.
35.	Finally, I should like to say that recently public opinion, like the Belgian Government, has been deeply disturbed by various reports showing the increase throughout the world of cases of torture and ill-treatment inflicted on persons who are held in detention. Such disregard of the human person is not only an outrage to all mankind but a degradation. That is why the Belgian delegation will firmly support all initiatives this Assembly may take in denouncing and proscribing such practices, which belong to another age. In this matter, too, no voice could carry further than the voice of the United Nations. That voice must be heard.


Mr. President, your election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the Assembly comes at a time when dramatic events are taking place in Africa and the question of peace and stability on our continent is weighing heavily on the minds of the international community. May I on behalf of the Government and people of Ghana, and on my own behalf, congratulate you heartily and express our confidence that under your able presidency the urgent business before the Assembly will be conducted with all seriousness and in earnest. The election of such an eminent African statesman as President of this body is a matter of great pride to us from Africa. It carries with it prestige and preeminence, and is a tribute not only to our continent, your country and the people of Algeria, but also to you personally.
85.	Sir, my delegation cannot help recalling that it was in Algiers and with your active assistance as the Foreign Minister of your country that Portugal concluded, on 26 August of this year, its talks with Guinea- Bissau. Those talks, among other things, resulted in the long-overdue recognition by Portugal of the inalienable right of the people of Guinea-Bissau, and that of all others in its other dependent Territories, including Mozambique and Angola, to self-determination and independence. My delegation has no doubt whatsoever that you, Sir, will bring the same resourcefulness to the direction of the work of this session. We on our part assure you of our co-operation.
86.	Mr. President, my delegation is also gratified to have worked under the guidance of your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Benites. His patience, tenacity of purpose and dedication steered us not only through the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly, but also through the crucial sixth special session. I wish to convey to him through you, Sir, my delegation's unqualified appreciation.
87.	To the Secretary-General, through whose purposefulness and dedication the affairs of the Organization have been so well managed despite unexpected and serious difficulties at times, we express our deep appreciation and sincere thanks. My delegation gladly accepts his repent to this session [AI9601 and Add.I], and remains confident that the qualities for which he has become so well known will continue to be applied for the benefit of the international community.
88.	My delegation wishes to take this opportunity to welcome Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada to membership in this body. We are happy that one year after its independence Guinea-Bissau has been accepted as a member of both the Organization of African Unity and a Member of the United Nations, to mention only two organizations. We have no doubt that the participation of the new Members in our deliberations will contribute to the eventual attainment of the international justice and peace for which we all continue to strive.
89.	Mr. President, in welcoming Guinea-Bissau to the Assembly when you are in the presidential chair, I am reminded in particular of the striking similarities between the triumphant struggle of the Algerian people and-that of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Both countries faced the implacable and ruthless action of colonial Powers. Both waged a long struggle of national liberation against colonial Powers desperately determined to pursue the untenable constitutional myth whereby African colonial territories were considered extensions of European metropolitan Powers. In both cases, while the Organization grappled with the problem of bringing the colonial Powers concerned to see reason, the iron determination of the peoples of the territories triumphed over the arms of the oppressors. In both Algeria and Guinea-Bissau, the two colonial Powers out of desperation sought to intimidate and terrorize sympathetic neighboring territories. Thus Algeria's neighbours—Morocco, Tunisia and the Arab Republic of Egypt -can to this day show the world the scars of their wounds. Guinea- Bissau's neighbours—Guinea and Senegal - suffered the ravages of external invasion and threats to their territorial integrity.
90.	The heroic struggles of the peoples of Algeria and Guinea-Bissau have demonstrated to the whole world that colonialism is permanent aggression and a threat to international peace and security. Consequently, the struggles of both Algeria and Guinea-Bissau were given collective support by the United Nations. The independence of Algeria and Guinea-Bissau was recognized by the world Organization even before the formal ceremonial procedure of admission was effected. In their final hour of triumph, not only did the brave peoples of Algeria and Guinea-Bissau liberate their peoples but, by the irony of history, their struggles profoundly affected the internal politics of the metropolitan countries themselves, which led to popular, political, economic and social changes.
91.	Allow me to salute the gallant and heroic people of Guinea-Bissau. The Government and people of Ghana would like to pay tribute to both the people of Guinea-Bissau and the intellectual depth that has marked the philosophical and revolutionary horizons held out to the people by the vanguard party, Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC], at every stage of the long struggle.
92.	We pay a solemn tribute to the revered memory of our brother Amilcar Cabral, who laid down his life for the noble cause of his country's liberation. On this occasion we are reminded of his wise reflections on the intellectual arrogance of imperialists on the destiny of oppressed Africa:
"There is a preconception, held by many people, even on the Left, that imperialism made us enter
history at the moment when it began its adventure in our countries. This preconception must be denounced. We consider that, when imperialism arrived in Guinea, it made us leave history our history."
93.	It is the history of the people of Guinea-Bissau, interrupted by 500 years of imperialism, that is now resuming its natural course before our very eyes. In celebrating the formal admission of the people of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations, we are celebrating the victory of the whole human race, the victory of the progressive forces of the world. Imperialism has done its worst to splinter our common humanity into fragments by creating hatred between peoples and by setting race against race. But the human spirit has always resisted and reasserted its wholeness. In this, it has not lacked dedicated agents, among which, we submit, the victorious people of Guinea-Bissau ranks among the high and honored in the revolutionary world.
94.	Considering what havoc imperialism has wrought in terms of human and material resources, it is an achievement of no mean proportions and significance that the African peoples have yet managed to preserve their sense of dignity and to move forward in search of political, economic, social and cultural advancement. Suppressed, persecuted and betrayed even by those sections of the world community from which it could rightly expect support, African life has survived, seeking refuge in villages and forests and in the indomitable spirit of generations of victims of colonialist and racist oppression.
95.	The people of Guinea-Bissau have a homespun saying: "A crouching man cannot support anyone on his knees." In spite of all well-meaning assurances of future aid, Portugal cannot be expected to bear the entire brunt of making restitution for the years of economic misuse of the resources of Guinea-Bissau. We appeal to all Member States to offer genuine assistance. We feel bound, however, to qualify our appeal and to warn especially the once powerful allies of Portugal that if they join in making reparations to that small, newly independent State they must do so without any subtle attempts to substitute neo-colonialist arrangements for the crumbling colonial structure. We ourselves would have preferred all aid to be channeled, if possible, through the United Nations. That, at least, the people of Guinea-Bissau deserve of the United Nations. Let me restate here also that the time has come for those Powers to stop their unbridled interference in the affairs of the small nations, interference that has often created tragic situations for our peoples.
96.	I have dwelt at length on the independence of Guinea-Bissau because of its profound significance for peace and development in Africa. The aspirations of Africans are towards peace and development, and freedom in dignity is an essential ingredient of those aspirations. But so long as the framework of peace continues to be based on imperialist and racist interests in Africa, so long will our oppressed peoples continue to fight for their inalienable right to freedom and human dignity. The victory of Guinea-Bissau testifies - as, very soon, will the victories of Mozambique and Angola- to the indomitability of the human spirit, which, when aroused in indignation against injustices, oppression and all forms of indignity, can withstand and overcome ruthless forces of oppression.
97.	Just as today we welcome Guinea-Bissau, so shall we tomorrow welcome into the Assembly the new States of Mozambique, Angola, Sao Tome and Principe, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania. Time is on the side of the African majorities in southern Africa. Any conspiracy by the racist and reactionary white settlers in southern Africa to prevent the emergence of independent African States would not only be short-sighted but also would create a dangerous situation in southern Africa. Mother Africa can no longer remain heedless to the anguished cries of her sons and daughters still in bondage and servitude.
98.	It was our own Kwame Nkrumah who warned from this very rostrum some 14 years ago: "Africa wants her freedom; Africa must be free. It is a simple call, but it is also a signal, a red light of warning to those who would tend to ignore it."
99.	The racist minority regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa are frightened by recent developments in the Territories under Portuguese domination. They are increasing their defense budgets and imposing special surcharges on their citizens in order to maintain the status quo in southern Africa. They are recruiting and regrouping mercenaries in order to cause confusion and upheaval in Mozambique and Angola. It must be made clear to those racist minority regimes in southern Africa that the only honorable way out of their present predicament is to come to terms with the revolutionary events crowding in on them while there is still time.
100.	The Government and people of Ghana would like to place on record their satisfaction at the determination of the Government of Portugal to fulfill its promises of full independence for the peoples in the TerritorLi under its colonial control and express the hope that the progressive and enlightened influences in present-day Portugal will continue to respond positively to the urgent demand for freedom and in-dependence in its remaining Territories in Africa. It is our belief that, if the Government of Portugal keeps its pledge to the world and shoulders full translatability for the complete transfer of power to tnc accredited and proven leaders of the people in these Territories, Portugal can look forward to a new era of friendly relations and co-operation with independent Africa.
101.	No group of States relies more on conciliation, dialog and communication in the search for a peaceful and just world than do the Members from the developing world. No one believes more in the effect of peaceful negotiations than we do. An honest reading of the positions that we have been advocating would expose the weak moral grounding of the allies of the racist regimes of southern Africa.
102.	Our words and actions stand in sharp contrast to the world-publicized ambivalence of South Africa's Western allies. This is no time for recriminations, but we fail to see any consistency between their declared support for the principles of the Charter that concern human rights and their continued support of these racist regimes. Their objections to sanctions and their rejection of enforcement measures designed to weaken the resolution of the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia to pursue their iniquitous policies only help to shore up the flagging morale of those regimes. It is not enough to express horror at the evil policies of those racist minority regimes. If mere pious words or declarations constituted the ultimate remedy for these evils, I am sure that we would not need the help of South Africa's Western allies. In the face of the present situation in southern Africa, we invite the trading partners of South Africa and Rhodesia to join us in exploring the avenues for rapid solutions to the questions of southern Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia.
103.	My delegation has given consideration to South Africa's recent effort to save its face. I refer to document A/9775 of 26 September of this year.3 This document brings to our attention a statement issued by the Executive of the National Party of South West Africa. In the view of my delegation, the statement constitutes one more insult which the Organization has had to tolerate from South Africa. It is the hope of my delegation that the Organization will tell South Africa in no uncertain terms that the ultimate responsibility for the future of South West Africa lies with the United Nations. What is at issue here is South Africa's continued defiance of this Organization and its flouting of the decision of the International Court of Justice on the status of that Territory. What we would like to hear from South Africa is when that country will abandon this defiance.
104.	'	In defining the basis of Ghana's foreign policy recently, our head of State and Chairman of the National Redemption Council, Colonel I. K. Acheampong, said:
"We are not racists. Indeed we are opposed to racism in all its forms and manifestations. Thus we believe it is possible and desirable for various races and ethnic groups to live in equality and brotherhood in an African context, once all accept a common loyalty and devotion to the nation and its institutions. We have proved by many examples that it is possible to coexist with erstwhile colonialists when this takes place in an atmosphere of equality, freedom and tolerance."
It is this fundamental belief of Ghana, and our demonstrated commitment to it, which makes it possible for us to appeal here to the Western Powers to join us in the common purpose of helping to create speedily in southern Africa a society based on true freedom, equality and justice.
105.	While we are preoccupied with events in Africa, we are not unmindful of equally serious threats to peace that exist elsewhere. The Middle East, and more recently Cyprus, continue to pose a problem for the Organization. The Government and people of Ghana continue to view the situations with grave concern, not only because of the potential they have for causing a resumption of serious conflict, but more for the terrible consequences of those hostilities on the lives of the peoples of those areas.
106.	Ghana is committed to assisting the efforts of the United Nations at securing peace in the Middle East. To this end, we have contributed troops to the United Nations Emergency Force serving in the area in the hope that, with the combined efforts of the countries which have done likewise, and with the guidance of the Security Council, we shall succeed in generating a willingness on the part of all the States concerned to come to terms with each other, respect each other's rights and eventually live in peace and harmony. Our troops will continue to be available to the Organization for so long as their presence is deemed necessary.
107.	If there is any lesson to be drawn from the spiral of violence in the Middle East, it is that the claims of the parties to the conflict touch the very life and spirit of their peoples. Thus, my delegation believes that no lasting solution can be found without addressing ourselves seriously to the Palestinian question. It is evident also that there can be no easing of tension until the initial step is taken to discourage the acquisition of the territories of others by conquest. Historical claims to territory are the central issue in the question and the roads to peaceful negotiation will be blocked if there is any further alienation of territory from any of the parties to the conflict.
108.	True, there can be no lasting peace until all States in the area are assured of secure, recognized and guaranteed frontiers in an overall negotiated settlement. But, since peace begins in the minds of men, there can be no negotiation to determine secure and guaranteed borders until the parties can feel psychologically disposed to this. Therefore, we do not advocate negotiation based on pre-conditions. That is a denial of the very essence of negotiation/But it is clearly an illusion to believe that much can be achieved in this Middle East impasse by a reliance on the well- known proposition "negotiation from a position of strength". The foundations of peace in the Middle East have to be carefully laid on the basis of mutual tolerance and by avoiding the past mistake of resorting to a trial of military strength and technical superiority.
109.	Some of the tragic elements of the Middle East crisis appear to recur in the worsening situation in nearby Cyprus. We have from the very beginning advocated respect for the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus. We have never seen any virtue in claims for annexation of the island by any Power. The integrity of Cyprus cannot be predicated on the uncertain and short-term advantage which some believe may accrue to one or other of the two communities in the island.
110.	My delegation cannot subscribe to a permanent occupation of Cyprus by foreign troops of any origin; we cannot support any doctrine or policy aimed at uniting the island with any other State on purely ethnic grounds. It is our conviction that the solution to the Cyprus problem consists in creating a secure existence for all communities on the island. It is equally important to insulate the State of Cyprus from super-Power pursuit of strategic interests in the eastern Mediterranean.
111.	It was barely a month ago that the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea came to an end in Caracas. That Conference was the third substantive attempt by the international community in the course of this decade to evolve an equitable, orderly and peaceful system for the utilization of the benefits which the oceans and- their floor have bestowed on mankind.
112.	Since the Caracas Conference, there have been comments from some quarters which indicate some disappointment, even disillusion, at the results achieved. The Ghana Government does not share these assessments. In our view, the Conference achieved what it could reasonably be expected to achieve.
113.	While saying thL, my delegation would be the first to recognize that the extent of progress we make at the next conference, scheduled to take place in Geneva in March and April next year, will depend upon our political will to negotiate at that session. Perhaps, out of frustration, which as I have already indicated is unjustified, hints have been dropped here and there that, unless an early agreement is reached on a convention on the sea, certain countries intend to start unilateral exploration of the sea-bed and exploitation of its resources. It is our hope that no country will resort to that course of action. We say this because we consider that course of action to be fraught with great danger to the harmony and peace of the world. Any such action, therefore, could not be considered responsible and in the interest of the world community as a whole.
114.	The Caracas Conference followed closely on the heels of the sixth special session of the General Assembly on raw materials and a new economic order. That session taught all of us that it is only by conscious collective action that the problems of this planet can be resolved. Previous efforts at creating a fair and equitable international economic system, including UNCTAD, all foundered on the conflicting and seemingly irreconcilable interests of different groups of States.
115.	Recent events have shown and lent tremendous support to the conviction that it is only by creating a new economic and social order that we can hope to avoid the threatening catastrophe which is bound to be the fate of mankind if we persist in confrontation and the pursuit of selfish goals. The new economic and social order should reflect our global interdependence while eschewing the present inequities in international trade and world financial monetary systems.
116.	If my delegation urges the international community to ensure adequate assistance to needy countries, we should not be understood to be preaching the perpetuation of the dependence of developing countries on alms from the developed or industrialized countries. What we are urging is the transfer of such technological "know-how" and other inputs as are most likely to conduce to the self-generating development of the receiving countries. By our request we seek to ensure that developing countries will ultimately become as self-sufficient and self-reliant as may be compatible with international interdependence.
U7. Ghana, under the National Redemption Council, is today demonstrating its commitment to the idea of self-reliance which we have adopted as the cardinal principle of our charter of redemption. By its application in all our national endeavours we have achieved a measure of success in reorganizing our economy and improving our circumstances to the extent of reducing our dependence on external sources to feed ourselves. We are mobilizing our resources in a new spirit of self-confidence and our people are beginning to see the fruits of their efforts. Our expectation of a better life is therefore great. It is this great expectation that has made us so acutely conscious of the disastrous effects on Ghana's economy of the prevailing high and rising cost of oil.
118.	The estimated increase in crude oil prices for Ghana for 1974 is 300 per cent over the 1973 prices, while in terms of foreign exchange expenditure the 1974 prices of crude oil and petroleum products account for about 63 per cent of our total foreign exchange expenditure. These are indeed staggering figures.
119.	The over-all effect of the energy crisis on the Ghanaian economy is very wide-ranging not only because of the immediate strain it has placed on our foreign exchange disbursements but also because of the problems it poses, directly or indirectly, for the success of our policy of self-reliance. In this respect, an immediate victim wiH'Be the much-acclaimed "Operation Feed Yourself' program.
120.	There is little doubt that the picture I have painted applies generally to most if not all non-oil- producing developing countries. However, I do not want to be interpreted as indicting the oil-producing countries. I say this because it should be general knowledge that several factors are responsible for the present economic recession into which the world as a whole seems to be falling.
121.	We cannot ignore the fact that in the past prices paid for raw materials as a whole have been very low, while those for manufactured goods have maintained constantly increasing levels. The action by the oil- producing countries is therefore seen by my delegation as a reaction to this situation and an attempt to introduce an overdue balance. The right approach to the problem, in our view, would be to give careful consideration to all elements which could be considered responsible for the present dislocation in the international economy. We believe that the present world economic crisis can be solved only by co-operative action by the international community as a whole. Recriminations and apportioning of blame cannot be the answer.
122.	My delegation welcomes the agreements reached between the United States and the Soviet Union on further limitations on anti-missile defense systems and on the limitation of underground testing of nuclear weapons. We also appreciate the efforts being made for further limitation of strategic offensive weapons. We urge that these efforts be continued. In spite of this progress, my delegation does not believe that enough has been achieved in the area of nuclear disarmament to give us hope for the future of mankind.
123.	What to my delegation seems to be the greatest threat to peace and the human race is the arms race and the continued proliferation of nuclear weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons entered into force on 5 March 1970, but as yet not all countries have signed or acceded to it. My delegation has noted all the reasons which have been advanced by certain countries for not signing the Treaty. However, it is the belief of my delegation that so long as this situation persists, so long will these remain a real danger of other countries disregarding the Treaty and acquiring nuclear weapons of their own.
124.	It has been stated, for instance, that some countries are now using the increase in oil prices as an excuse for developing nuclear technology as a means of generating alternative sources of power. It is common knowledge, however, that there is only a very thin line separating the peaceful uses of nuclear power from its destructive uses. My delegation recognizes the positive benefits which nuclear power can bestow on mankind. The nature of nuclear technology, however, seems to suggest that a system of international control of its use is necessary if mankind is to be able to enjoy its positive benefits without suffering the effects of its negative uses. My delegation thus continues to hope that the third session of the Preparatory Committee of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to be held in February 1975, will be able to advance the establishment of such controls.
125.	I have touched on some of the central issues which affect the precarious peace and unstable development in the world. I have done this from the perspective of a third-world State which believes that the rights and interests of the millions of people of Africa and the developing countries generally should more than ever compel the mature attention of the international community. If we have met again this year to review the basis of peace, let us not subordinate the interests of the third world to those of the big Powers and their allies. Let us constantly remind ourselves that our search for peace will be illusory if we remain blind to the issues facing the third world.
126.	Traumatic events during the past year in Africa, the Americas, Europe, the Middle East, Asia and the
Far East point to the fact that we are at another historic turning-point. Whether or not the way ahead will lead to peace, justice and progress will, to some extent, depend on the positions each Member State takes on the urgent issues before us. Let us by our deliberations during this session, and actions to follow, demonstrate a determined will to pursue courses that will lead lo the ultimate fulfillment of the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and collectively tackle the problems of our time in the wider interests of the human race.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Japanese delegation, I wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. At the same time I wish to express my profound appreciation to Mr. Leopoldo Benites, the former President of the General Assembly. I wish to recall that Mr. Benites, with his broad perspective and objective judgment, superbly guided the twenty-eighth session and the sixth special session of the General Assembly, both of which were confronted with a number of difficult problems.
74.	On this occasion I should like to extend my sincere congratulations and a warm welcome to the delegations of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau on their admission to the United Nations at the current session.
75.	Against the background of the steady consolidation of detente among the major Powers, the world's today searching for a new international order based tin a just relationship among all States. However, it is also a sobering fact that the world of today is still confronted with the task of bringing about peaceful settlements of local disputes and tensions which have not yet been eradicated. At the same time the world is, on the one hand, exposed to the dangers of frequent nuclear testing and the further proliferation of nuclear weapons and, on the other, it is facing the grave challenge of finding a solution for diverse international economic and social problems which can well affect the whole of mankind. In the present situation of the world, which is confronted with problems of historic gravity affecting both peace and prosperity, it is my firm belief that the only course left for individual members of the international community is to work within the broad framework of international co-operation in seeking to achieve their own prosperity and peace rather than blindly seeking benefits solely for themselves.
76.	The successive efforts the major Powers have made during the past few years to seek understanding and co-operation rather than confrontation have resulted in the promotion of dialogs even among States with different political and economic systems. Despite that trend, however, some parts of the world have witnessed the emergence of fresh tensions and disputes and have continued to suffer from instability.
77.	With regard to the Korean peninsula, I believe that we should reaffirm the aspiration of the people of Korea to the peaceful reunification of their country, as manifested in the consensus reached in the General Assembly last year, and that we should continue, as. in the past, to follow developments in the question of Korea, keeping in mind the fact that both the Republic of Korea and North Korea still entertain a common desire to bring about detente through their dialog and increased contacts.
78.	In Cambodia, to our deep regret, fighting still continues, and no breakthrough towards a peaceful settlement is yet in sight. I earnestly hope that the unfortunate state of affairs in Cambodia will be brought to an end at the earliest possible date through talks between the parties concerned. For this purpose, all the parties concerned should indeed devote serious efforts to achieving a peaceful settlement of the Cambodian problem, and the United Nations, for its part, should spare no effort to achieve this goal. In accordance with this belief, I consider it encouraging that the Secretary-General made the following statement regarding peace in Cambodia in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization: "I hope also that the time will come when the United Nations may be able to play a more active role . . ." [ibid., p. 7].
79.	With regard to Laos, the Government of Japan sincerely welcomed the establishment last April of a National Coalition Government for the reconciliation of the Laotian people, an event which may mark an important turning-point in the effort to establish a lasting peace in all of IndoChina.
80.	In the Middle East, the trend towards peace has been gaining momentum since the fourth Middle East war, last October, and Japan, like other peace- loving countries of the world, entertains earnest hopes for the future progress of the Peace Conference in Geneva.
81.	The problems which immediately confront the United Nations the situation in Indochina, the fourth Middle East war and the recent armed conflict in Cyprus seem to indicate that detente among the major Powers does not necessarily lead to immediate reductions in local tensions. In this regard I wish to commend the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations, which have played a significant role in the restoration and maintenance of peace, as well as in preventing the recurrence of fighting in the Middle East and Cyprus.- However, in view of the magnitude of the hopes entertained regarding the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations, the fact that all past operations were established on an ad hoc basis and that the United Nations had to improvise solutions to problems arising from their establishment and administration makes us apprehensive about whether the United Nations can take truly prompt and effective action in the event of similar emergencies in the future. Therefore I would express my sincere hope for the early establishment of guidelines for peace-keeping operations on the basis of lessons drawn from our past experiences. At the same time, I wish to assure the Assembly that the Government of Japan will continue, as in the past, to extend every possible assistance to peace-keeping operations.
82.	Another area in which the United Nations is now expected to play an important role is in the solution of various problems with which the African countries are confronted, particularly in the attainment of self-determination and independence by the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories and the abolition of racial discrimination. I firmly believe that the early solution of these problems will contribute immensely to the promotion of world peace. Accordingly, the Government of Japan welcomes the decision by the new Government formed in Portugal last April to recognize in principle the right to independence of the Territories under Portuguese administration Africa. I sincerely hope that it will not be long before these Non-Self-Governing Territories accede to independence by peaceful means and are admitted to the United Nations as peace-loving States. In the same spirit* I wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau on its attainment of independence and to the provisional Government of Mozambique, established on 20 September, on its achievement of an important step towards full independence. At the same time, the Government of Japan wishes to reaffirm its unchanging and basic position in opposition to South Africa's policy of racial discrimination and to South
Africa's continued occupation of Namibia, as well as to the white minority rule in Southern Rhodesia. The Government of Japan will continue, as in the past, to observe strictly the relevant United Nations resolutions, including those requiring economic sanctions against Southern Rhodesia, and will continue to provide the fullest possible co-operation with the peoples of Africa for the early achievement of their aspirations.
83.	At this point I wish to invite the attention of the Assembly to the emergence of a situation which; as I said at the beginning of this statement, should be a source of serious concern for all countries, regardless of their size and geographical position, in view of the dangers it constitutes for the survival of all mankind.
84.	The first of these dangers is that of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. On 18 May this year after a lapse of 10 years, another State conducted a nuclear explosion for the first time. Meanwhile the nuclear-weapon States, for their part, conducted intensive nuclear tests, both in the atmosphere and under ground, within a short span of time, in defiance of the opposition of world opinion to these tests.
85.	I cannot fail to express the grave concern of the Government of Japan over the possible consequences of the recent series of nuclear explosions which may well open the way to the further proliferation of nuclear weapons in the world. To block such a dangerous trend towards nuclear proliferation is today undoubtedly a matter of the utmost urgency, and the concerted efforts of the international community are urgently required for the achievement of this goal. This is assuredly the well- considered view of the Government of Japan, which is now making the necessary preparations for the ratification of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], in keeping with its fundamental policy of dedicating itself to the cause of peace and renouncing nuclear armaments. At the same time, I wish to state with renewed emphasis that, for the concerted efforts of the international community to become truly effective, it is indispensable that the nuclear-weapon States, which bear special responsibilities, make positive contributions in keeping with those responsibilities.
86.	As has been pointed out repeatedly in the past, any effective and fasting measures for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons require the efforts of the nuclear-weapon States, in particular efforts to promote nuclear disarmament, starting with a comprehensive nuclear test ban, and also efforts to produce tangible results leading towards the realization of effective measures to strengthen the security of the non-nuclear-weapon States.
87.	In the field of the peaceful uses of atomic energy, we fully recognize the need to promote inter-national co-operation. To lessen the risk of further nuclear proliferation, however, we should not only strengthen the existing regime of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons but also bring nuclear activities of States not parties to the Treaty under safeguards equal in stringency to those of the Treaty. Here again, one can hardly overemphasize the necessity for States which supply nuclear technology and materials, and above all the nuclear-weapon States which are the principal suppliers to maintain a cautious attitude and manifest a spirit of co-operation with the purposes of the Treaty.
88.	In view of the special importance and great urgency of preventing nuclear proliferation in order to maintain peace and security in the world, it is our firm-belief that the United Nations the Security Council in particular should seriously address itself to this question and should play a central role in dealing with this issue. In accordance with this conviction, I venture to propose that the Security Council be requested by the General Assembly to study possible measures which might be adopted by the United Nations for securing the more effective prevention of nuclear proliferation, taking fully into account the outcome of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to be held in Geneva next May.
89.	I should like to observe, in connexion with my earlier reference to the special responsibilities incumbent upon the nuclear-weapon States, that the agreements reached between the United States and the Soviet Union early in July this year, and particularly the agreement pertaining to a partial underground nuclear test ban, do represent a valuable forward step towards the achievement of complete nuclear disarmament. However, I must state also that this agreement, although valuable, still falls far short of giving full satisfaction to the Government of Japan, and we hope that still further efforts will be made in this area by the States concerned.
90.	It may be recalled that the Government of Japan submitted a draft convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons at the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament this year. In the same spirit, my Government welcomes the agreement reached between the United States and the Soviet Union last July under which they are considering a joint initiative on this matter. It is my sincere hope that the agreement thus reached between those two counties will produce a breakthrough to facilitate the solution of this problem.
91.	I should like now to turn to the second problem that is of concern to the world community in its aspirations to peace and prosperity. This is the problem of the present instability in the world economic and social situation, including the problem of natural re-sources. As our position was made clear at the sixth special session of the General Assembly regarding the resources problem itself [2211 th meeting], I should like to deal particularly with the role the United Nations should, in our view, play in the afU^'pt to solve such problems.
92.	There exist innumerable problems in the various fields of the world economy, such as energy, natural resources, food, population, the sea and the sea-bed, and the environment, which vitally involve the very existence of mankind. Solutions should be sought for these problems with great urgency. I believe that most of them can be solved only through global, comprehensive and co-ordinated programs and, in this context, every country is looking increasingly to the role to be played by the United Nations, the most universal and comprehensive international organization.
93.	We held the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on resources and development, last spring and the World Population Conference in Bucharest last August. In addition, the World Food Conference will take place in November. Those Conferences, together with the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was held to establish a new legal order for the sea, provide good examples of the roles now being played by the United Nations.
94.	In order for the United Nations to respond effectively to these problems, it has become increasingly necessary to combine and co-ordinate all the efforts of the United Nations family and to make integrated plans for that co-ordination. However, because of the insufficient co-ordination among various United Nations bodies, the activities of the United Nations system as a whole show duplications. There is a tendency for the activities of the United Nations system in the economic and social fields to proliferate without limit, because of the lack of serious consideration in fixing priorities for projects and in setting up new funds and institutions. It is abundantly clear that the United Nations activities will not provide an active and efficient response to the requirements of the age if this situation remains unremedied.
95.	Therefore, for the purpose of discharging effectively its responsibilities in the economic and social fields, in response to the expectations of every country in the world, the United Nations assuredly must strengthen its capacity for comprehensively planning and co-ordinating economic and social activities in the United Nations system, with a view to utilizing efficiently our limited financial and human resources and concentrating these resources upon the activities that are most needed.
96.	It is, in my view, the Economic and Social Council that should be the central forum for such planning and co-ordination. I should like to propose that the Council, taking into account the achievements of the World Population Conference, and the results that we expect from the World Food Conference to be held in Rome, should study concrete ways to co-ordinate programs carried out by bodies within the United Nations and outside, while at the same time formulating the vision of "The Earth in the Twenty-first Century" and "The Future of Mankind". I believe that, when such a study is made, the qualitative aspect, which takes into consideration the quality of life, should be fully considered, along with a quantitative approach to the problem of human existence, so that mankind, recognizing the interdependence of nations, can put into effect a rational distribution of the world's limited supply of food and other resources, permitting everyone to lead a life of dignity, worthy of human beings.
97.	Although Japan is far from being rich in natural resources, it is endowed with high standards of education and technological proficiency. We intend, by utilizing this endowment, to provide financial and technical co-operation for the development of the world economy. In pursuance of those efforts, and in response to the request made at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, my country is now providing the most seriously affected countries with assistance in the forms of commodity aid, debt relief, and aid on a grant basis, by adding at least $100 million to the level of assistance achieved during the past year, with a view to contributing to alleviating the difficulties that confront those countries as a result of the energy crisis. I am glad to add that we are now considering additional contributions, if necessary. The contribution to which I referred is being provided in spite of the serious effects of the present energy crisis on the economy of my country. I should like to take this opportunity to express our strong expectation that all other potential donors will make similar efforts.
98.	I believe it was made clear at the recent special session of the General Assembly that the traditional North-South concept, which has become accepted in the field of economic and social development, should be fundamentally reviewed. I say this because it is becoming obvious that the gap has widened between developing countries with natural resources and others with very limited such resources, and the necessity is being increasingly felt tKat all countries with the capability to assist, whether in the North or in the South, should strengthen their cooperation in helping to develop relatively less fortunate developing countries. This trend prompts a fundamental re-examination of the traditional concept of how aid should be given. In the provision of aid for development, it is essential to expand mutual co-operation from the. viewpoint of equity and solidarity, avoiding the creation of a particular group of countries enjoying prosperity while other groups suffer from severe difficulties. In my view, therefore, those countries which are endowed with capital and technology, as well as those with natural resources, have a duty, as members of the international community?* to co-operate in aiding the expansion and development of the world economy by utilizing their special assets. I firmly believe that the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, can acquire useful significance only by taking such an approach.
99.	In view of the importance of all the subjects which I have mentioned, we cannot avoid confronting the problem of strengthening the United Nations. One of the problems we face is the fact that the United Nations is prevented from performing effectively and smoothly because of its accumulating budget deficit. I should like to take this opportunity to call once again on all Member States to take concrete action in order to find ways to solve this problem. Together with the strengthening of the financial basis of the Organization, it is also important to emphasize the reinforcement of the organizational framework of the United Nations. More than a quarter of a century has passed since the Charter was adopted, and there has been a great change in the international atmosphere in which the Organization finds itself. It would be desirable for us to face this change and prepare ourselves for future developments, bearing in mind that the United Nations should not become incapable of adjustment or lack the flexibility that the times require because of the gap between what was expected in the Charter and the changed circumstances. We have repeatedly stated that there is no change, of course, in Japan's support for the basic ideals of the United Nations and the principles of the Charter. But in view of the altered circumstances, we note that the question of Charter review has again been placed on the agenda of this session [item 95]. I should like to emphasize that our intention is to see the United Nations evolve, in fact as well as in theory, into the sole, comprehensive and universal international organization for world peace and prosperity, as the world enters into a new era. We should like to ask the understanding and the support of all Member States for Japan's hopes for this great Organization.
100.	In this statement, I have made two proposals on the basis of my firm belief that the role to be played by the United Nations will become more and more important in the world of today, since the goal of a truly stable global peace is still distant, in spite of the basic trend towards detente.
101.	The first proposal is that the General Assembly recommend that the United Nations, in particular the Security Council, study measures for securing the effective prevention of nuclear proliferation on the basis of the outcome of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The second proposal is that the Economic and Social Council, as the organ for the overall co-ordination of the economic and social problems of the world, be asked to formulate its vision of the future of mankind. Admittedly, the implementation of these two proposals is fraught with enormous problems, and it cannot be completed within a short period of time. Because of the importance and scope of the proposals, however, I am convinced that they deserve serious consideration by the United Nations which is dedicated to the promotion of peace and justice in the international community.


 Mr. President, your unanimous election to the presidency of this Assembly is sure proof of the eminent personal qualities with which you have been so generously endowed and which have won for you today the esteem and confidence of this Assembly. That esteem, through you, goes to Algeria, your motherland, which throughout the sombre years of its history has fought with courage and determination to achieve its independence, and which today, under the noble guidance of its leader, Colonel Houari Boumediene, is the most successful example not only of the political, economic and cultural liberation of a nation, but also of a perceptive and tireless champion of universal social justice and of the full development of the third world.
148.	Your election pleases us all the more since it comes at a time when Africa, of which you are an illustrious son, is at a turning point in its total decolonization. We are convinced that your customary flexibility in negotiation, your dynamism and the clear thinking which has always characterized your approach to problems will enable our debates to reach realistic and practical solutions. My delegation would like to assure you that it pledges its full contribution to the success of this session of the General Assembly.
149.	I am also called on to repeat our expressions of appreciation to Mr. Benites of Ecuador, who during two sessions directed our work with wisdom, competence and devotion rarely equaled, especially in view of the exceptional circumstances of his presidency.
150.	This is also a good opportunity for us to reiterate to the SecretaryGeneral, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the expression of the confidence of my Government because of his untiring and ceaseless efforts to render the Organization an effective instrument in the service of peace, social justice and security in the world. We publicly recognize the keen awareness with which the SecretaryGeneral has discharged his noble mission, to promote, at whatever cost, cooperation among the nations. Throughout his world travels his constant concern has been the endeavor to protect and defend understanding among men, peoples and nations.
151.	More than ever in the past, this Assembly requires that we all become more keenly aware of our international responsibilities, in the interest of the fate of mankind as a whole. Since the twenty-eighth session many changes have taken place in the world. It has been clearly demonstrated to us that it is high time for the Organization to be given the adequate moral and material power, which is needed effectively to thwart the misdeeds of the ever present or latent forces of retrogression and reaction.
152.	My delegation is pleased to welcome the new States Members of the Organization, Bangladesh, Grenada and GuineaBissau, which, through their admission, have enlarged the family of nations. Our particular welcome goes to the Republic of Guinea Bissau, which has achieved its independence at the cost of so many sacrifices. Our sister country knows very well what our sentiments were at the dawn of its hopes, and we express our best wishes as it takes its new path towards progress and full independence.
153.	In Africa, the thaw in the situation in the Territories administered by Portugal is an event without precedent in the history of that country, which was the most unshakable bastion of colonialism. That development calls for adjustments on our part, and the international community, in order to carry out its mission properly, must channel that change towards a successful conclusion that is to say that on the one hand it should strike an appropriate balance between social justice and economic growth and on the other hand it should promote the maximum conditions for the exercise of equality and freedom for all men.
154.	The efforts towards decolonization made by Portugal are appreciated by all of us. We know that the problem is to strike a balance between the imperatives of legal principles and the economic interests of the moment or of an era. That has often been the stumblingblock to the best of compromise formulas. Lisbon needed real courage to come to such a change of heart, but it is urgent to transform intentions into actions. Mozambique ar.d Angola await impatiently the glorious sun of real, authentic and unclouded independence.
155.	The crises and tensions in certain corners of our planet, the deportations and separations of peoples and nations, have always been, and still are, a matter of great concern for my country, whether the problems concern Palestine, Korea, Viet Nam, Cambodia or Cyprus. My Government still believes that any attempt to settle the crisis in the Middle East must take full account of the legitimate aspiration and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to return to the country of which they have been robbed, and to decide their own fate.
156.	The Government of Rwanda is following with great feeling the evolution of the situation in IndoChina. It hopes that the Paris agreements on Viet Nam will be fully implemented in order to improve the fate of the VietNamese people as a whole, We are pleased at the very substantial improvement of the situation in Laos and we follow with the closest attention, and with feelings of sympathy, the situation in Cambodia, a country torn apart by a long and harsh internal war. It is high time that an equitable and rapid solution be found, to bring that war to an end and allow the Cambodian people full opportunities of accomplishing the heavy task of national reconstruction and economic and social development.
157.	The Korean problem is a cause of great concern. My delegation has never ceased to assert from this rostrum that the Organization must deal effectively with that problem. After the withdrawal of foreign troops from the entire territory of Korea, the peaceful reunification of the country, without foreign interference, is a matter for the Korean people alone.
It is for them, in the full exercise of their sovereignty and independence, to bring about democratically the reunification of the country and to ensure its future. That is why the Organization should beware of sanctioning any acceptance of a separation between the Korean peoples. Rather it should facilitate renewed contacts between North and South Korea with a view to reaching an equitable solution to this most important problem.
158.	Finally the drama of Cyprus still warns us of the fragility of peace on our planet. Aims of geopolitical and strategic supremacy in the Mediterranean and the Balkan peninsula have created a new hotbed of tension, which could lead to incalculable consequences if it is not dealt with in time. The solution of the problem of Cyprus will come only from concerted efforts, on a basis of sovereignty and free from all foreign interference, of the two communities inhabiting the island of Cyprus.
159.	All sorts of foreign interference mark the four corners of the world, but IndoChina, more than any other region of the globe, has been a permanent source of conflicts and of insecurity. Today, as yesterday, the strengthening of peace and justice is one of the great aims of the United Nations. But everybody is aware that we live in a world of insecurity and injustice. This world which possesses this power of mass destruction; this world of local conflicts, sought and tolerated on behalf of power politics; this world where the most fundamental rights of men are daily flouted; this world of great masses, that have become aware of their destinies in the modern era, but have not become free from hunger and misery; this world, finally, where there is little security because many States have violated the principles solemnly proclaimed in declarations that reverberate around the walls of this house.
160.	The sovereign equality of all States, the noninterference in the domestic affairs of other States, the respect for the commitments undertaken in good faith, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the renunciation of the use of force, freedom and self-determination as well as universal social justice are the principles that should guide an international community worthy of our times and of future generations.
161.	Unfortunately, reality does not reflect these principles. It is said that peace reigns among the great of this world, that there is detente; but there are devastating conflicts in various parts of the planet. IndoChina, the Middle East, Cyprus and southern Africa are still theaters of internal conflicts, sources of destruction and of misery. Since the last world war there have been 50 local wars, all of them disastrous. The world today is full of contradictions and a series of euphemisms. Thus, total and complete disarmament is no longer mentioned; rather we talk about mutual control of armaments. Peace have taken the name of detente among the great Powers. Hence there will be no "war" unless it is an atomic war and unless the superPowers are directly involved.
162.	These are the facts that we cannot resign ourselves to. Far from finding an excuse for discouragement, the United Nations should redouble its efforts to become more effective. Universal morality advocates these efforts not only to thwart the nefarious forces of colonialism, racism and imperialism but also to silence weapons and to seek a new economic order which should transcend narrow egotisms and aim at universal social justice.
163.	Peace, a thinker has said, does not come by accident; it is created; it is built; it is a constant creation; it can be imagined only as a supreme duty rather than as the fruit of a well meaning order coming from outside. We are duty bound within our means and .our specific responsibility to work for the building of peace and international security. Our Organization cannot expect lasting peace as long as the arms race and the perfecting of increasingly deadly weapons and their introduction into hitherto peaceful regions proceed uncontrollably.
164.	The international community cannot believe in peace when here and there in the world there are wars of attrition, struggles for influence, and millions of victims are claimed throughout the world. The international community will not know true peace as long as the unrepentant supporters of colonialism, apartheid and of zionism oppose with bad faith the appeals of this Organization to abide by its recommendations and resolutions.
165.	The sixth special session forcefully proved that it is not only wars that violate peace but also social injustice. It is for this reason that we very clearly state that the international community will always be far removed from peace as long as three quarters of mankind possess only the right to live in poverty while a quarter of the inhabitants of the planet hold for themselves in their own consumer society 80 per cent of the wealth of the world.
166.	May I take this opportunity to deal with the problem of the present international economic situation. My delegation as well as others have expressed the views of their Governments on the nature of the economic relations between the developed and the developing countries. I do not claim that I am bringing up a new subject, but I think that we should return to these matters more insistently than in the past since any objective observer of the present international situation must acknowledge the fact that there has been no tangible improvement On the contrary, there are signs of deterioration that constantly cause us concern and worry.
167.	In almost all the developing countries, economic relations with the developed countries are characterized by a dependence that is far too close. The developing countries are forced to export raw materials and to import manufactured goods. But in this field, injustice and inequality could become the rule and could be systematized to the detriment of those who are weak.
168.	For over a century the terms of trade have constantly deteriorated and still do so to the detriment of the poor countries. These countries cannot influence the market laws that are set by the wealthy countries without any consultations with the developing countries. Thus the prices of raw materials follow the inherent factors of the political, economic and financial situation of the industrialized countries.
169.	The deficit in the balance of payments further aggravates the already precarious situation of our economies. The poor countries are deprived of a sizable amount of foreign currency upon which they were entitled to rely to cover the cost of imports they require in order to survive, such as capital goods and consumer items. The scarcity of these articles leads to a general increase in price since the local products inevitably follow the movement of inflation.
170.	We must also not forget that the reduction of imports has also reduced the revenues of States since in our countries customs duties generally represent the greater part of government revenue. Since the prices received for exports have also followed a downward curve the State is forced to subsidize exports for obvious economic and political reasons. Often this can be done only by reducing or eliminating export dues, which, again, is a drain on the national treasury and a policy from which we at the moment cannot escape.
171.	The situation that I have just outlined is serious enough to call on the international community to put an end to itFor, when all is said and done, proof has been given that in the long run the developed countries in turn may also suffer from an overall lack because of the breakdown in the harmony that should exist in international relations.
172.	In order to force the wealthy countries to take into account the interests of three quarters of mankind, some countries have already taken drastic measures to control the development and marketing of their own resources on terms which they themselves fix. But this is a decision that must fall to the sovereignty of each State, and my delegation has repeatedly and unreservedly supported this fact. We stress that the States that can today act in this way are not too numerous. It is therefore, more than ever, indispensable that an international understanding be arrived at on terms of trade between the wealthy and the poor countries.
173.	My delegation welcomes the conclusions and recommendations of the sixth special session, on raw materials and development. It was, in fact, encouraging for the international community to have recognized that it is urgent that everything possible be done to remedy the present situation by taking the necessary steps to improve the terms of trade for the developing countries by eliminating all maneuvers that might leave our countries in a deficit trade balance situation every year.
174.	But to achieve these goals, the international community must insist that the developed countries eschew all action detrimental to the poor countries. It is, therefore, urgent to take drastic measures to abolish the trade barriers with the developing countries. That trade must be carried out at prices that take into account the interests of the exporting countries. The various techniques designed to manipulate the raw materials market in order to force a decrease in prices must be eliminated from international trade practices, which must remain fair, sound and mutually advantageous.
175.	As I pointed out here at the sixth special session [2222nd meeting], for my country the question of world currency exchange is but one aspect of the much greater problem that covers the entire range of international relations, including the particular aspect of cooperation among nations. For years, the idea of international solidarity among the wealthy countries and the developing countries has been gaining ground. All the international conferences that have been held over the past decade have insisted, in vain, on the absolute necessity for the developed countries to lend their assistance to the economic and social development of the poor countries. Those appeals have fallen on deaf ears; and thus disturbing signs have been appearing more and more frequently in the gloom as the situation regarding assistance among nations deteriorates.
176.	In fact, since the world energy crisis, bilateral aid has been diminishing. Multilateral aid, which generally draws its resources from investments made by the developed countries, will inevitably follow this trend if the attitude of those countries is not changed. This is why my delegation takes this opportunity to make a solemn appeal to the developed countries, urging them to maintain and to improve the volume and quantity of their aid to the developing countries. In this field, certain developing countries deserve particular attention, above all those which, as a result of the petroleum crisis, have lost considerable amounts in foreign exchange.
177.	However, the picture is not entirely gloomy. For the developing countries, it is encouraging to note that international cooperation relations have more and more been assuming new forms. In fact, besides those vertical relationships that have hitherto existed between the rich countries and those less favored, and principally between the former colonial Powers and their ex-colonies, we are witnessing the birth of a new horizontal international cooperation. I mean the cooperation that has been in existence for some years now among the developing countries themselves. These relations already exist in Africa, where efforts at regional integration are ready under way, with varying degrees of success. The friendly and fruitful relations that have been building for some time between the African States and the Arab States constitute a specific example of such solidarity among the developing countries. More often than not it is a question of the type of cooperation that can speedily prove to be mutually advantageous to the partners involved. Arab countries with capital available to them .can channel that capital into productive sectors and thus participate in the development of the African countries, while at the same time being assured of an adequate and reasonable return on their investments of capital.
178.	My delegation is gratified at the progress achieved in this field. By their decision to create a development fund, the Arab countries that possess considerable financial means as a result of the petroleum prices have demonstrated to the world that the lofty proclamation of solidarity among the third world nations is not a mere exercise in rhetoric. The important actions they have taken in full exercise of their sovereignty deserve our admiration, for not only do they open up financial possibilities for the less favored countries but they also constitute a real change in international financial policy.
179.	Here likewise we have a profound transformation in the conception, on the part of the developing countries, of what they have to do in order to win the war against ignorance and want. In fact, for some years now our countries have realized that the development of the third world will take place first and foremost through the efforts of the parties concerned, and that foreign assistance will only complement our own efforts.
180.	This realization on the part of the developing countries constitutes a guarantee to the wealthy countries that th; assistance the latter may grant will not be wasted, for the simple reason that it is regarded by the beneficiary countries as a necessary complement for continued economic, social and cultural development of their populations, who mu be the first to benefit from assistance to development. For it is to my delegation an obvious fact that man must be the focal point of concern in any economic policy or plan /or cooperation.
181.	Since I have raised the problem of the economic, social and cultural development of our peoples, I should also like to set forth briefly the point of view of my delegation concerning the question of population growth, which is still a very timely subject. This obviously involves a complex problem that concerns individuals as much as States and each country as well as the international community as a whole; and it is precisely because we are dealing here with a complex problem that the views expressed and the solutions proposed with regard to the question of population growth are far from receiving unanimous approval. Some utter cries of alarm; in a few years there will be too many human beings on the earth and there will not be enough to feed them. For others, more optimistic, the as yet unexploited potential of the earth will be sufficient, and the real problem is to mobilize all the manpower and all the technology, so that every human being, thanks to his own labor and assisted by international aid, will have every opportunity to lead a new and better life.
182.	My delegation is of the view that, whatever the opposing positions may be, this question, in the last analysis, cannot be isolated from the general political context. The international community as a whole is involved. It is for this reason that my delegation was highly gratified at the initiative taken by the United Nations in convening the World Population Conference. We are very pleased that the third world succeeded in making itself heard there and was able to refute certain theories that all too often reflected only the selfishness of certain poorly disguised interests. For have we not, as a matter of fact, often heard it said that the developing countries should, at all cost, slow down the growth of their populations if they wish to develop? Certain theoreticians have gone even further than that and have subjected foreign assistance to the conditions of this twentieth century Malthusian policy. But in Bucharest the bell tolled with a different sound. The third world wanted to see birth control matched by a simultaneous limitation on the waste that goes on in the industrialized countries; in other words, they want to see a parallel reduction in both fecundity and inequality.
183.	My delegation is not unaware of truth of the profound realities and difficult problems created by the population explosion. On the contrary, Rwanda is all the more aware of those problems in that we are confronted with them. In fact, though a small country, we must feed a population of an average density of more than 150 inhabitants per square kilometer. In certain regions our population density reaches 200 or 300 inhabitants per square kilometer. And may 1 add that the annual rate of natural increase stands at about 3 per cent, while at the same time our arable land is being exhausted day by day and our limited means do not permit us for the time being to modernize our agriculture and live stock raising so as to increase their yield.
184.	Yet we believe that birth control, or, more generally, the slowing down of population growth cannot itself be set up as a valid policy. On the contrary, we are convinced that instead of being a goal, population policy must be considered as only one instrument among many used by a State to achieve its fundamental purposes, which must be primarily social and economic progress and the "welfare of its inhabitants. For after all, the latest discoveries of the scientists demonstrate that the present total resources of our planet could feed more than 30,000 million human beings. For this reason we agree with those who say that the target in the field of population should be that of improving the standards and qualities of each individual's existence, bearing in mind, on the one hand, the diversity of conditions in the different parts of the world, and, on the other, the sovereign right of each country to determine its own population policies.
185.	My delegation also feels that we should no longer try to impose a population policy that would be valid for the entire world. That is thinly disguised imperialism. We can agree to the United Nations coordinating national policies, but it must do so in absolute respect for the sovereignty of each State as also in respect for the right of each family to have the children it wants.
186.	As the French Minister of Labor and Population, Mr. Michel Durafour, stated:
"A population policy must be integrated into the general development policy that is a prerequisite for the prosperity of mankind. In this perspective, the developed countries must give their technical and financial assistance to the underdeveloped countries that request it."
187.	That statement coming from the representative of an industrialized country is highly encouraging. We hope that the other developed countries will adopt the same view and, above all, will implement it in the interest of the international community as a whole.
188.	My delegation once again makes a solemn appeal to all the wealthy countries not to express international solidarity merely by declarations of good intent that are not followed up by concrete acts. We still see the insufficiency of official development assistance. That assistance not only falls short of the needs of the third world and of what the industrialized nations can afford but it is only half of the target set by the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade. That target was to bring official development assistance up to 0.7 per cent of the gross national product of the developed countries. But, unfortunately, we note today that official aid has not passed the 0.35 per cent of the gross national product of all those countries.
189.	In speaking of this economic selfishness, we may recall another matter that is also of current interest, namely, the law of the sea. This is surely a field in which international understanding and cooperation should replace the traditional egotism of nations.
190.	It is regrettable that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea that was just held at Caracas concluded without arriving at very positive results. On the contrary, the positions of the wealthy countries and those of the poor countries were so opposite that we might even say that the Conference was a failure.
191.	My country considers it normal that a coastal State should claim the right to a much larger maritime economic zone than the area that is at present held to constitute territorial waters.
192.	As regards the utilization of the sea, one principle has long prevailed, namely, the freedom of the high seas. To be sure, that principle corresponded with the colonial and naval interests of the great Powers. It was a satisfying basis for world order at a time when oceans were only used for navigation and fishing and in a manner that was relatively harmless for the marine environment. But that principle has already begun to be challenged. The development of technology has made possible a far greater and more intensive exploitation of the oceans. Thanks to modern technology, very possibly the resources of the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction can soon be exploited on an industrial and commercial scale.
193.	It is to be feared that these resources will only profit a small number of countries that possess the advanced technical means required for large scale exploitation of this common wealth. In this field again, economic selfishness on the part of the developed countries may become widespread to the detriment of the countries of the third world, if we do not elaborate a new regime that will take into account the needs of mankind in general and of the developing countries in particular.
194.	A hard task awaits the codifiers of the new law of the sea, namely, to reconcile the particularly wide divergences of interest between States. In fact, the great Powers wish to maintain as wide a zone as possible, free from any restriction. On the other hand, the coastal States would like to monopolize the exploitation of the resources of the waters adjacent to their territories. It is therefore imperative that international law should succeed in taking account of the interests of both sides in order to ensure better worldwide cooperation.
195.	But there is another category of countries that follows questions concerning the law of the sea with an interest that is all the greater since they do not have a natural access to the sea the landlocked countries. My delegation asserts that, in order to survive, the landlocked countries must have free access to the sea and freedom of transit across the coastal States. And within the framework of international cooperation, they should also be able to take advantage of the harbor facilities and related services of the coastal States.
196.	We note that at present all countries seek to join or have already joined wide regional or international groups. Cooperation in this field therefore is possible. There are numerous examples all over the world to prove it. We all know how the landlocked countries of Europe have been able easily to gain access to the sea and thus develop their own maritime trade thanks to the understanding of their neighbors. All these examples prove that cooperation among the landlocked and coastal States is possible and that it can be consonant with respect for the interests of both sides. The new law of the sea will thus be founded on actual practice and will become a charter respected by everyone.
197.	It is imperative for all countries, including the landlocked countries, to be able to benefit from the wealth contained in the oceans. An equitable distribution must be carried out in the interests of the international community as a whole in order to ensure a balanced development which is an absolute condition for lasting peace among nations.
196. We trust that all these appeals will be heeded and thus by combining all their efforts men will cooperate from now on in the effective creation of a world of justice, progress, understanding and peace. A world where with the prospect of a new world order, all men of all continents and of all races will at long last be able to enjoy freedom, equality and dignity.