The President of the
General Assembly has assumed the mantle of leadership at
a critical time, as we are about to enter the new
millennium. We are about to leave a century which has
revealed positive and negative aspects of the human
experience. On the negative side, the century has been
characterized by colonialism, armed conflict, racism and
racial discrimination, apartheid, dictatorship, the Holocaust,
genocide, ethnic cleansing, religious intolerance and other
forms of evil. In their wake many people, particularly
women and children, have lost their lives and have been
maimed, traumatized, dehumanized, displaced and forced to
seek refuge. Poverty and underdevelopment have wreaked
havoc.
On the other hand, humankind has demonstrated a
sense of magnanimity in overcoming suffering and despair.
We have made very strong efforts to wipe out slavery,
colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid. We have
striven, through multilateral institutions such as the United
Nations, to promote the togetherness of humankind and
improve the well-being of all. We realize, however, that
there is a lot more that can and must be done.
As this century comes to a close, Mr. Gurirab’s
leadership as President of the General Assembly, and his
country, Namibia, represent a beacon of hope for the
future. His qualities as an outstanding diplomat, freedom
fighter and consensus-builder are all well known to us.
My delegation wishes him well as he discharges his
heavy responsibilities and leads this esteemed
Organization into the new millennium.
In today’s globalized world, the challenges are many
and the opportunities are manifold. With the same spirit
that has enabled us to surmount hurdles in the past,
together we can make the twenty-first century a century
for the prosperity of all. The groundwork, the foundation
for all this, exists. To give credit where it is due, despite
many weaknesses, humankind has never been wanting in
ideas. The standard-setting strides and intellectual
innovations of this century, particularly since the
formation of the United Nations, could have been more
appreciated if only an extra effort had been exerted
towards implementation. Indeed, the twenty-first century
should focus on the implementation and concretization of
the ideas that have made this century worthwhile.
The consolidation of human rights, good governance
and human development seems to my delegation a useful
point of departure. The country that I represent was for a
long time under a dictatorship. The people of Malawi
suffered and know what it means to be deprived of
freedom. They are well aware of the impact that denial of
human rights and fundamental freedoms has on
governance and development. To us the promotion and
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms are
not optional, but essential prerequisites for the well-being
of humankind.
Human rights are universal and indivisible. They are
inalienable. When the people of Malawi went to the polls
in June this year, in the second democratic elections, we
confirmed our desire to strengthen further the
democratization processes that we started in 1994. The
entrenchment of democracy in Malawi has given our
people an opportunity to foster unity and common
understanding. We now have an environment conducive
to exploiting our full potential and maximizing our
contributions to the developmental efforts that the
Government is pursuing. We wish for all people of the
world, regardless of their origin, the same opportunity to
enjoy the rights and freedoms that Malawians are proud
to enjoy today.

Unfortunately, the situation globally does not give
cause for optimism, and there is no room for complacency.
Inasmuch as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights set
forth the yardstick of common achievement and has given
rise to numerous subject-specific binding instruments, every
effort should be made to assure their effective
implementation. The rights of women, children and the
disadvantaged, especially, must be given their fullest
practical meaning.
As we commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the
adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination against Women, we should reaffirm our
commitment to take all practical measures to eliminate
discrimination against women and review all practices that
impede the mainstreaming of gender in all our
developmental endeavours. Malawi welcomes and looks
forward to the review conference of the Beijing Platform
for Action next year. It is our belief that gender equality,
development and peace in the twenty-first century are
achievable.
Almost 10 years ago, world leaders assembled in this
very Hall for the World Summit for Children. They made
groundbreaking commitments to reach certain goals by the
year 2000. The State of the World’s Children 1999 report,
however, indicates that the benchmarks set are far from
being realized. Meeting the commitments of the 1990
Summit remains one of the challenges that we all face at
the beginning of the twenty-first century.
The continued recruitment and use of children as
soldiers in most of today’s conflicts is a major source of
worry. The use of children as child labourers and in
prostitution is also cause for serious concern. We remain
convinced that investing in children means a secure future
for us all.
Many other conferences have also taken place —
particularly during this last decade — including those in
Paris, Vienna, Rio de Janeiro, Istanbul, Cairo and
Copenhagen. In all these conferences, the protection of
human rights and fundamental freedoms has been a
recurrent and cross-cutting theme. Malawi fully supports the
outcome of these conferences.
The time has come to make good the pledges that we
made: personal liberties for all, particularly women and
children; social development, especially for the least
developed countries; protection of the environment;
provision of food and shelter; jobs and income; education
for all; and secure health, including reproductive rights,
remain the core of human security. Indeed, these
conferences have brought to the fore the interlinkages
between the protection of human rights and the questions
of good governance and development. Quite often, they
seem to give rise to conflicting interests; we aspire to a
rights-based approach to development, yet the facts are
stark: how can our countries, particularly those with
fragile economies such as our own, ensure strong public
policies aimed at promoting food security, for example,
when the very interventions intended to provide incentives
for local production and distribution are put into question
by our efforts to spur economic growth? How do we give
priority to public expenditures for basic social services
such as education, health and water when these are the
first to be cut in an effort to meet structural adjustment
conditionalities and the demands of debt servicing?
The challenge for us all is to minimize conflict and
aim to strike an appropriate balance to ensure proper
services that are human-rights compliant. Malawi supports
the statement in the United Nations Development
Programme Human Development Report 1999, to the
effect that national and global governance must be
reinvented with human development and equity at their
core. With our concerted efforts, this is achievable. My
delegation particularly welcomes the positive
developments that are taking place in our beloved
continent, Africa. As democracy blossoms, we are
increasingly witnessing efforts to harness progress in
human development: Africa’s renaissance is no longer a
slogan, but a realistic achievement for the twenty-first
century.
In Malawi, we remain committed to strengthening
good governance based on the principles of accountability
and transparency. Attention is also given to addressing
corruption and strengthening public sector administration,
in particular enhancing local participation in decision-
making processes. We will continue to carry out the
necessary economic and fiscal reforms.
Despite unpalatable structural adjustment
conditionalities and the impact of debt servicing, the
Government continues to give top priority to the provision
of basic social services, particularly in education, health,
water supply, community development and road
infrastructure. The Poverty Alleviation Programme and
the Malawi Social Action Fund seek to empower the
populace so that they can contribute more positively to
development. Free primary education for all was
introduced by the Government to ensure that Malawian
children, who hold the future of the country in their
12

hands, are given equal opportunities to grow into productive
and responsible adults.
In the health and water sectors, true to the slogan
“healthy people make a healthy nation”, the Government is
establishing more health centres in many parts of rural
Malawi: the Bakili Muluzi health initiative, which aims to
bring medical services right to the people, was introduced
recently. We are also making remarkable progress in
bringing clean and safe water to all rural areas.
In order to respond fully to the HIV/AIDS pandemic
in the country, the Government, in close cooperation with
civil society, has embarked on highly publicized awareness
campaigns which we hope will contribute to changing
behavioural patterns. We appeal for more resources:
additional funding for research is indeed imperative.
Meanwhile, for those already afflicted, it is important for
the drugs that are available now to be made more
affordable for the majority of our poor.
In agriculture, the mainstay of Malawi, the priority is
to achieve food self-sufficiency. In this connection, we have
embarked on irrigation programmes to supplement rain-fed
agricultural production.
The Malawian examples are typical of the important
steps that Africa is taking, which are positive signs of
renewal. Africa, however, needs the world in the same way
that the world needs Africa. Africa needs a partnership, one
that is shared and mutually beneficial — a genuine
partnership. We realize that the primary responsibility for
African development rests with African countries
themselves. It is nevertheless important for African
countries to be given meaningful assistance to enable them
to embark on sound economic development. The Cairo
Agenda for Action adopted by the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) in 1995 is an important blueprint for African
economic development: it sets out the broad priority areas
requiring specific attention. Numerous other initiatives have
highlighted the need to help the development of Africa. The
challenge as we approach the twenty-first century should
and must be to harmonize these initiatives with a view to
adopting action-oriented measures for urgent
implementation.
Whatever interventions are made, it has become
increasingly clear that a meaningful transformation of
African economies, even after introducing all the necessary
domestic, economic and market reforms, cannot be
sustained without complementary improvements in trade
flows, improvements in financial resource flows — whether
through increased official development assistance, debt
relief or forgiveness, or foreign direct investment — and
support for regional cooperation. All this must be done in
a conducive, secure and predictable environment. Indeed,
in the globalized economy of today what happens in one
part of the globe has ripple effects and impacts
developments elsewhere: the Asian financial crisis and the
recent sale of gold are clear examples of this
phenomenon.
We must act now if we are to avert a human
catastrophe in the near future. In particular, my delegation
wishes to single out the imperative need for the
international community to address the problem of debt.
Although encouraged by the positive responses in recent
months, we renew the appeal for debt forgiveness which
we made in this Hall several years ago. The current ratio
of external debt to gross national product, 89 per cent for
my country, is causing enormous economic stress and
hardship, particularly for women and children. The
situation does not augur well for the future, and is having
adverse effects on the Government’s poverty eradication
policy; also, the gains we have made politically through
democratization and good governance will become
meaningless without economic development.
Malawi is not alone in this predicament. Many other
countries find themselves in similar conditions, where
poverty is rampant and the disparities between the haves
and the have-nots are widening.
One of the major issues on which people look up to
the United Nations is because of its concern for national
identity. It is in this spirit that Malawi reiterates its
conviction that the question of participation by the
Republic of China on Taiwan in the activities of the
United Nations deserves consideration on the basis of
respect for the principle of universality and the sovereign
equality of States. The Republic of China, a democratic
country of over 21 million people, is a reality and cannot
be ignored. It cannot be wished away. Malawi believes
that readmission of the Republic of China to the United
Nations and to all its specialized agencies would be an
important factor for peace, stability and international
cooperation.
No progress towards improved human development
can be sustained without peace and stability. As we
commemorate the centennial of the first Peace Conference
at The Hague, my delegation wishes to reiterate the
importance that it attaches to the peaceful settlement of
disputes and respect for international law, including
13

international humanitarian law. In this connection, Malawi
also welcomes the adoption of the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court last year. We have already
signed the Statute, and steps are under way to assure
ratification without delay. We are confident that as the next
century nears, the early entry into force of the Rome Statute
will fortify our resolve to bring an end to impunity.
Much as the Rome Statute will go a long way in
bringing to book those perpetrators of heinous crimes, it is
incumbent upon us all to rid the earth of all weapons of
mass destruction. The Review Conference of the States
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) next year affords us an opportunity to
make greater strides in the area of nuclear disarmament. It
is worth recalling the words of Albert Einstein: “Peace
cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by
understanding.” Indeed, peace cannot be sustained by a
threat of use of force. So long as the spectre of a nuclear
war exists, the world will never be at peace with itself. We
urge all countries to sign and ratify the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and those countries that have
nuclear weapons to destroy them in order to finally realize
general and complete disarmament and a nuclear-weapon-
free world.
We also appeal to those countries that have not yet
done so to become party to the Chemical Weapons
Convention and the anti-personnel landmines Convention.
We equally enjoin current efforts to address the
proliferation of small arms. In our region, this problem has
assumed frightening proportions, as robberies and thefts
have become more and more violent. Urgent action needs
to be taken to tackle this problem resolutely. In particular,
Malawi supports a moratorium on the import, export and
manufacture of small arms and light weapons. We must
also look for ways of stopping their flow. This Organization
should prevail upon the manufacturers of these weapons to
stop the illegal export of their deadly merchandise to
Africa. Let them stop manufacturing and exporting these
weapons to Africa. That is the bottom line. There is no
point in inviting us to conferences when, under cover of
darkness, the manufacturers of those small arms continue
exporting them to Africa.
The biggest threat to international peace and security
remains humankind. As events in Kosovo, Sierra Leone,
Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Afghanistan, Somalia, Rwanda, Guinea-Bissau, the Middle
East, the Korean peninsula and many other parts of the
globe, including, most recently, East Timor, have shown,
human beings continue to be the main centre of activity
where armed conflict, tensions and the quest for power
exist.
As the Constitution of the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) reminds us, “wars begin in the minds of
men”. Only human beings can control their own destiny.
Just as those who sat at The Hague Conference 100 years
ago were, we are capable of renouncing violence and of
resolving all disputes through peaceful means. In this
regard, we would like to welcome the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) Summit declaration that the year
2000 will be a year of peace, security and solidarity in
Africa. We remain optimistic that the Israelis and the
Palestinians; the people of Western Sahara and East
Timor; our brothers and sisters in Angola, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone and Somalia; and
many others whose rights and liberties remain unprotected
will finally find peace. We can together provide a
conducive atmosphere for the provision of all other basic
needs that have an impact on peace and security.
In the view of my delegation, the United Nations
remains a singular Organization that is capable of
consolidating peace and promoting sustainable human
development. The relevance of the United Nations in the
maintenance of international peace and security has
become even more pronounced in recent years. My
delegation wishes to pay tribute to Secretary-General Kofi
Annan for providing leadership and a renewed sense of
mission to the Organization. Reform of the Organization
systemwide and of its funds, programmes and specialized
agencies has rekindled hopes for a secure world. Effective
collaboration by all United Nations bodies, each focusing
on areas of expertise, is a sure way of reaching our goals
and realizing our aspirations.
The task that remains is to make the United Nations
more responsive to the responsibilities ahead — the
challenges of the twenty-first century. For six years now
we have been talking about reform of the Security
Council, but without any breakthrough. It is imperative
that the Security Council be made more democratic,
transparent and accountable. Representation of developing
countries in the permanent category is necessary in order
to ensure the continued legitimacy of, and respect for, the
Council’s decisions. The United Nations must be properly
resourced in order for it to carry out adequately its noble
activities.
Similarly, the United Nations cannot remain aloof to
the requirements of civil society. Increased cooperation
14

between the Organization and civil society, including the
private sector, can only make the Organization stronger.
The important role played in particular by non-
governmental organizations in the adoption of the Rome
Statute and the anti-personnel landmines Convention must
be acknowledged and ways explored to enhance it. We
believe that increased contacts between the Organization
and civil society will ensure the continued relevance of the
Organization in the twenty-first century.
As the Organization prepares for the Millennium
Assembly next year under your leadership, the role of civil
society in the consolidation of human rights, good
governance and human development might be a subject that
should be given in-depth consideration within the context
of the overall theme of the United Nations in the twenty-
first century.
Finally, Malawi would like to congratulate the three
new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga.
We welcome them to the United Nations family.


I am greatly pleased to extend
my warmest congratulations to our newly elected President
of the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Also,
I join previous speakers in expressing our debt of gratitude
to the outgoing President, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his able
stewardship of the proceedings of the Assembly during the
past session.
I welcome the newcomers to the United Nations
family, Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga.
It has not been an easy year for our Secretary-General.
We all appreciate his wisdom and sense of balance in
steering the reform process of the United Nations itself with
a firm hand at a time of profound change on the
international scene.
Whether we like it or not, globalization is upon us. A
satisfactory definition of the term may not be yet available,
but we all feel the effects of it: pervasive; subtle or less so;
disturbing; sometimes perverse; and, above all, challenging.
The end of a millennium and the advent of a new one
is a good time for reflection. It is not just coping with the
millennium bug, which may cause our computers to go
awry; it is — to use the Secretary General's well polished
phrase — a “symbolically compelling moment”. It is not
for me to answer the question of where we are and where
we are heading: the collective wisdom of the United
Nations Member States, assisted by academia and, we
hope, by civil society too, will take charge of that at the
millennium summit next year. I think we must take that
event seriously: although we may have a lot to celebrate,
we still have a lot more to do, earnestly, pragmatically
and effectively.
Like all good things, globalization produces
beneficial effects; then again, as happens with most good
things, those benefits are not evenly distributed: those
who are better equipped to face the challenge of going
global will reap its fruits sooner, while those who are not
will have to try harder. What I mean is that as we talk
about globalization we do not have to indulge ourselves
in slogans or idolatry: globalization involves great
benefits, but also great risks. We should not forget that
our century first experienced the dark side of
globalization: world war. Luckily, it is also
globalization — this time in its good sense — that can
make it impossible for conflicts to become chronic,
because the whole world instantly learns about any local
dispute and mobilizes all available energies to identify
and implement solutions.
The moral underpinning of globalization is called
solidarity. One could say that in its very structures and
goals the United Nations anticipated contemporary
globalization: the United Nations is all about
institutionalized solidarity, and to belong to this
Organization means making solidarity the norm of best
conduct. Social, political and economic solidarity;
cultural, inter-ethnic and regional solidarity; solidarity
born out of respect for values, and fostered by goodwill
and good faith — these are the ethics that we wish for the
forthcoming millennium.
It should be clear that the individual must
necessarily be the beneficiary of any form of solidarity:
international organizations, States and governments do not
acquire legitimacy and cannot be judged otherwise than
through their impact on individual destiny. The real man
or woman, rather than generic mankind, and the values
embodied by the human species, rather than self-serving
projects, are the true subjects of politics.
This way of thinking has lately brought up the issue
of humanitarian intervention, human rights and reform of
the system of international law. This is a sensitive issue
and one full of pitfalls. There are those who say that we
should not tolerate legal injustice under the pretext of
39

humanitarian intervention. That is true. Similarly, some say
that we should tolerate either social injustice nor crime
under the pretext of non-interference in domestic affairs.
Undoubtedly respect for human rights is primarily the
responsibility of national Governments and State
institutions. However, if they do not fulfil this task, there
should be an instrument capable of enforcing respect for
international standards and there is no better instrument for
doing so than the United Nations.
Preventing conflicts is a complex undertaking.
Unfortunately, we do not always have time to act subtly
and imaginatively. We are not doing enough in the field of
education in the sense of cultivating values of respect for
the integrity of the individual and for his or her right to be
different. We do not always understand in time that the
most efficient way to fight war and violence is to fight
poverty. We do not always know how to distinguish
between political manoeuvring and public interest, between
national pride and universally valid principles. We must
reflect on these things not only when crises are unleashed
but instantly calmly and clear-mindedly. There is no simple
way of coping with complexity. It requires vision,
enlightened foresight, careful planning and hard work.
The revolutionary changes of ten years ago in Central
and Eastern Europe and the ensuing process of transition
were essentially focused on values — political pluralism,
parliamentary democracy, separation of powers, individual
freedom, market economy and human rights, including the
rights of people belonging to ethnic, religious or other
minorities. Those values prevailed because they were right,
because they survived in our hearts and minds through
decades of totalitarian communist oppression, and because
they were embraced by the vast majority of people in our
countries.
But shared values themselves are not enough to build
a truly prosperous democratic society: they have to be
underpinned by an equally coherent set of institutions
designed to serve and actually implement those values. The
two — values and institutions — are inextricably linked in
a functioning democracy, and it is precisely from this
linkage that the indispensable ingredient for further progress
arises: leadership. That, in a nutshell, is the substance of
good governance. We are reminded here of the idea that:
“The important thing for government is not to do
things which individuals are doing already, and to do
them a little bit better or a little bit worse, but to do
those things which at present are not done at all.”
[John Maynard Keynes, “The End of Laissez-Faire”]
We in Romania, much like those in many other Central
and East European countries, have been and still are
learning that simple truth the hard way in a difficult and
sometimes painful process of transition.
It is in that spirit and in recognition of the
international dimension of good governance at a time of
global change that the Romanian delegation has submitted
a draft code of democratic conduct (A/54/178, annex) for
examination by the Assembly this session. The text before
the Assembly is the result of extensive consultations and
includes meaningful contributions from many quarters
based upon the original framework from the Conferences
of New or Restored Democracies. The important — and
I would say, novel — thing about this document is that,
in addition to listing principles and stating general aims,
it also spells out practical modalities for carrying them
out in the political, legal, administrative, economic and
social spheres. Last but not least, it emphasizes the crucial
role of non-institutional players — business communities,
unions, non-governmental organizations, civil society, the
media — in shaping policies and in building consensus
for implementation.
In a changing world, the world Organization itself is
also changing. The scope and pace of its reform and
adaptation to the new realities and requirements may have
been uneven, patchy in some respects and even
disappointing, but the process has gained momentum and
there are hopeful signs for steady progress in the future.
The United Nations is uniquely equipped by its structure
and acquired expertise to seek specific rather than
standard solutions to specific problems. Every crisis we
have had to face in recent years and months had a
physiognomy of its own. To be effective, the response
must match the challenge in terms of innovative
complexity.
In relation to the enlargement of the Security
Council membership and its improved performance, we
believe that proper consideration should be given to the
interests of all regional groups, including the Group of
Eastern European States, which has seen the most
spectacular rise in numbers over the past three decades.
Romania welcomed the initiative to create the United
Nations Stand-by Forces High-Readiness Brigade and
takes part in it. Recent events across the world have
demonstrated the urgent need to make it operational as
soon as possible. We have been reminded of this in a
most dramatic fashion by the recent events in East Timor.
Romanian contingents took part in several United
40

Nations-led and other peacekeeping, peace support and
policing operations and are further prepared to improve and
diversify their contribution to such activities.
Our cooperation with the United Nations agencies has
become better focused and more effective. I should like to
mention the importance we attach to the support of the
United Nations Development Programme in designing and
managing specific, high-priority projects for Romania,
notably in public administration, in the preparation of a
national strategy for sustainable development and of a local
Agenda 21 programme. Further useful work is expected to
be done jointly with the World Bank for the formulation of
a comprehensive development framework at both the
national and the regional level.
The Balkan tragedy has been in the headlines for the
whole of this past year. We all had an object lesson on the
harm that ethnic and religious intolerance compounded by
rabid nationalism can do to an entire region. As so many
times in history, it was the innocents that had to suffer
most, individuals and nations alike. But we have also
learned that determination and prompt action by the
international community can make a difference. It is
gratifying to note that trans-Atlantic solidarity again passed
a crucial test in these past few months. In fact, if we are
able to look into the future of the region with a reasonable
degree of optimism, it is because we have seen concerted
action at work.
The Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe is such
proof of a new, bold approach — a comprehensive, forward
looking programme which proposes to deal with the entire
region with specific action envisaged on three tiers:
international security, economic development and
democracy and institution-building. Romania has welcomed
the plan from the very beginning, is part of it and seriously
means to do its utmost to bring it to fruition. It is still
early, but three preliminary observations may be in order.
First, the actual participation of the countries in the
region and of its immediate neighbours, such as Romania,
is crucial for its success.
Secondly, in focusing on the eventual integration of
the region as a whole into the European and Atlantic
structures, the sequence and content of the steps to be taken
should realistically differentiate among the actual
requirements and capabilities of each participating country.
Thirdly, besides action at the governmental level, it is
vital to secure the active involvement of business interests
and the various organizational expressions of civil society
in order to give substance and continuity to the whole
process.
Almost as an afterthought, I think I should also
mention the need for a watchful eye on transparency,
applying equally to political decision-making and to
procurement procedures, including those practised by the
agencies of the United Nations family. This is a
legitimately sensitive subject for the countries of the
region, particularly for the companies registered there, and
ought to be duly considered as such.
Romania's commitment to its strategic goals of
European and Atlantic integration is steady and
unwavering. It has passed the acid test of the Kosovo
crisis. We are looking forward with confidence and hope
to the major decisions which are due to be taken before
the year's end and thereafter.
The United Nations may not be perfect, but is
perfectible and, after all, is the only world forum
available. It is up to us to make it live and deliver. We,
the Member States, have to deliver in order to live in a
peaceful world. For this I hope and pray.


Allow me first of all, Sir,
to extend my most sincere congratulations on your
election to the presidency of the fifty-fourth session of the
General Assembly and to wish you every success in
discharging this extremely responsible mission. This
election is a well-deserved tribute to the personal qualities
of the dean of African Foreign Ministers, as well as
evidence of the indisputable authority your country enjoys
among the members of the international community. The
active and responsible position of Namibia as a member
of the Security Council serves as another confirmation
that the right choice was made by this General Assembly.
I would also like to express our gratitude to your
predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his effective
organization of the work of the fifty-third session of the
General Assembly. In addition, I have the pleasure to
greet three new United Nations Members — Kiribati, the
Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Ukraine
sincerely welcomes them into our family.
The twentieth century will remain, in the history of
mankind, as one of unprecedented ideological clashes,
with subsequent divisions of the world. The last 10 years,
however, have been marked by an entente universelle to
build this world on the basis of respect for cultural
21

diversity and universally recognized values. This
tumultuous period of transition from bloc rivalry to
rapprochement and cooperation obviously lacks stability and
clear vision. That is why the role of the United Nations, a
firm anchor in these troubled waters, takes on increasing
and immense importance for all of its Member States.
I would like to place special emphasis on one
fundamental factor that determines the significance of the
United Nations and makes it universally meaningful. On the
eve of the twenty-first century, we have to admit that
humankind is still far from achieving the purposes
proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. But at the
same time, we must recognize that this document, which
has withstood the test of time, has remained the most
ambitious yet most realistic code of world order for more
than half a century. There exists no alternative to the order
defined by the rules and principles of the United Nations,
as no alternative exists to the Organization itself, which is
destined to be the centre for the coordinated actions of
nations in achieving and maintaining such an order.
This vision of the Organization's significance to
international life is what has prompted Ukraine to take an
active position in carrying out concerted efforts aimed at
strengthening the United Nations. Two years ago, we all
welcomed the programme of institutional reforms put
forward by the Secretary-General, which were designed to
adapt and update the Organization and to ensure its ability
to promptly respond to the challenges of our time. That
powerful start, however, dwindled to a slow pace, while our
initial optimism and our readiness to go ahead with the
programme of reforms of the United Nations remained
largely unrealized.
This sort of criticism is all the more pertinent when it
comes to the reform of the principal United Nations organ
entrusted with primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security. For years, all of us seemed
to be in agreement on the need to modernize the Security
Council and replenish it with new energy and fresh ideas.
I am confident that a new impetus should be given to the
work of the Working Group on Security Council reform to
get the matter off the ground in the course of the current
session.
What could our response be to the challenges that
have haunted humankind for the last 55 years? First, the
most important conclusion that we can draw from all of the
United Nations deficiencies is this: for the Organization to
manage to unite nations around basic universal values, it
must have adequate tools to protect these values. Universal
values must enjoy full support by means of legal,
political, economic and military enforcement.
Secondly, the age of confrontation is giving way to
an age of cooperation. We should create a world order in
which it would be in no one's self-interest to wage wars,
oppress national minorities or exert economic pressure on
other nations. A broad and ramified system of regional
and subregional cooperation would serve this purpose by
upholding a universal code of conduct.
In this context, I wish to refer to the recent summit
held in the Ukrainian city of Yalta, called “Baltic-Black
Sea Cooperation: to the Integrated Europe of the 21st
Century Without Dividing Lines”. It would be no
exaggeration to say that there is here an unavoidable
parallel with Yalta 1945. That post-war summit was an
example of how three people decided the fate of the
world and divided Europe. Yalta 1999, on the contrary,
was evidence of how 22 neighbouring countries found
sufficient motivation to resolve their problems together
and be unanimous in determining their future in a United
Europe.
We are particularly encouraged by the increased
attention paid by the Security Council and the United
Nations in general to humanitarian issues. A major lesson
learned from the eruption of numerous local and regional
conflicts is that there is an obvious and urgent need to
respond to the challenges posed by humanitarian crises
and flagrant mass violations of human rights.
The primary role of the Security Council in
maintaining and restoring international peace must be
reiterated. This role is expressed in the clear and proud
language of the Charter. The past and continuing
experience of the Council underscores the importance of
the adoption of a holistic approach that brings into
prominence both security and humanitarian issues. As
Secretary-General Kofi Annan imaginatively put it
yesterday, a global era requires global engagement, and
the collective interest is the national interest.
How can this ambitious goal be achieved? An
important step forward towards the goal of protecting
human life and dignity is, of course, the ongoing process
of establishing the International Criminal Court. Today, a
year after the remarkable conclusion of the Rome
Diplomatic Conference, we are pleased to observe that the
significance of the adoption of the Court’s Statute is
widely and rightly recognized as it relates not only to the
codification and progressive development of international
22

law but also to the system of international security in the
next century.
It is this perception of the nature and purposes of the
future judicial institution that determines the position of the
Government of Ukraine with regard to the signing of the
Rome Statute. I would like to take this opportunity to
inform representatives that Ukraine intends to sign the
Statute in the course of the current session of the General
Assembly.
Guided by its belief that the United Nations and
regional organizations should play a key role in conflict
prevention, Ukraine was one of the first to come forward
with peace proposals during the initial stage of the Kosovo
crisis. The peace plan of President Kuchma of Ukraine
proved to be realistic, since most of its provisions were
consonant with the provisions of Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999).
For years, Ukraine has been active in United Nations
peacekeeping operations. Last July, the President and the
Parliament of Ukraine decided to send an 800-strong
contingent from Ukraine to participate in KFOR. The
Ukrainian military have gained a very positive profile,
merited by their earlier service in the United Nations
Protection Force, the Implementation Force and the
Stabilization Force in Bosnia. Their expertise and
contributions outweighed by far the financial costs entailed.
We fully recognize our share of responsibility in the
common cause of restoring and strengthening peace in the
Balkans.
At the same time, recent events in Kosovo and East
Timor provide evidence that we should continue to increase
the level of security for peacekeepers. As a co-author of the
Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated
Personnel, Ukraine appeals for the elaboration of further
practical measures to implement its provisions.
The lesson of Kosovo proves that as long as human
rights or the rights of national minorities and international
law are ignored, the world will continue to be threatened by
humanitarian disasters. It is therefore necessary to pay
special attention to regions with so-called frozen conflicts:
areas with the potential for new outbursts of violence,
refugee flows and economic recession. As a guarantor of
peaceful settlement in Transdniestria, Moldova, and an
active supporter of the peace process in Abkhazia, Georgia,
and in Nagorny Karabakh, Azerbaijan, Ukraine is doing its
utmost to translate the relevant agreements into real peace
settlements.
Joint efforts are also necessary in post-conflict
rehabilitation. Ukraine therefore welcomes both the idea
and the adoption of the Stability Pact for South-Eastern
Europe and is actively proposing specific projects in
cooperation with its neighbours. The purpose of the Pact
is not only to help reconstruct the Balkans but, most
importantly, to give those countries a clear perspective on
European integration.
Integration into European and Euro-Atlantic
structures remains the key priority of Ukraine’s foreign
policy. Membership in the family of European nations
and sharing common values means economic growth,
stable democratic development and the consolidation of
the European identity of Ukrainians. At the regional level,
Ukraine is an active participant in the Organization for
Black Sea Economic Cooperation, the Council of the
Baltic Sea States, the Central European Initiative and the
GUUAM forum, to which Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan,
Azerbaijan and Moldova belong.
I have already mentioned the Yalta Conference and
the summit of the leaders of Baltic and Black Sea States.
In addition, last May Ukraine hosted a summit meeting of
eight Central European States. We are developing
confidence-building measures on a bilateral basis with our
neighbours and in a multilateral framework to reduce
naval military activity in the Black Sea region. Pursuing
the line that intensive cooperation is the best remedy for
conflicts, Ukraine is engaged in various trilateral
cooperative agreements promoting free economic areas
and transborder projects.
As one of the founders of the United Nations,
Ukraine continues to make its contribution to United
Nations efforts in strengthening international peace and
security, the non-proliferation regime, disarmament and
arms control, crisis management, the promotion of
economic and social development, human rights and
freedoms and compliance with the fundamental principles
of international law. By fostering internal harmony in
society, creating an environment of stability and shaping
a vast network of regional cooperation, Ukraine is striving
to make the fullest possible use of its rich experience and
constructive potential for the benefit of the whole
international community.
Over three years ago, Ukraine voluntarily renounced
its nuclear stockpile — the third largest in the world —
and it is strictly abiding by its commitments as a
non-nuclear State. We should multiply our efforts to
enhance the efficiency and universality of the Treaty on
23

the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In this
context, it is of the utmost importance to break the
stalemate in the preparatory process for the 2000 NPT
Review Conference.
Ukraine has signed the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty (CTBT) and is now successfully completing
legislative procedures to fulfil its international obligations
under this Treaty. Last February, our country became a
party to the Ottawa Convention banning the use of anti-
personnel landmines, while in March Ukraine’s Government
decided to prolong the moratorium on exports of all types
of anti-personnel landmines.
My country is ready to participate in the development
of collective measures to fight the proliferation of and
illegal trafficking in small arms and light weapons. We
support the initiative of Canada and the Netherlands to
establish an international regime for the control of light
weapons and to start negotiations on working out a
convention on the prevention and combating of the illegal
transportation of firearms and light weapons.
Aware of the danger of the uncontrolled circulation
and accumulation of conventional weapons, Ukraine strictly
abides by Security Council and General Assembly
resolutions imposing restrictions on international arms
trafficking. All of these factors explain Ukraine’s ambition
to be elected as a non-permanent member of the Security
Council. Our ambition is particularly strong since it is our
first bid for this seat as an independent State.
If elected, Ukraine would base its position in the
Security Council on the following fundamental principles:
paying adequate attention to conflicts and tense situations
in different parts of the world, judging them by the real
requirements of each particular case; using all political and
diplomatic means available to the Security Council to
prevent or manage conflicts; increasing the importance of
the humanitarian dimension among the Council’s priorities;
and enhancing the ability of non-members of the Security
Council to influence the decision-making process in that
body. In addition, there is a need to analyse the present
mechanism of sanctions to ensure that their imposition is
balanced and well-grounded, in particular taking into
account eventual negative consequences for third countries.
Ukraine remains deeply concerned at the problems of
Africa. Our concerns are nurtured by the strong traditional
ties of friendship that unite Ukraine with African nations.
One could hardly disagree that Africa is a continent with
unlimited potential for economic and social development.
At the same time, it is absolutely imperative that the
international community take very concrete and effective
steps to assist African States in developing that potential
and in responding to the challenges facing their continent.
Nowadays it is difficult to blame the United Nations
for the lack of attention to Africa. For example, at this
very moment, the members of the Security Council are
responding to a briefing on recent developments in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, given by the President
of the Republic of Zambia, His Excellency Mr. Frederick
Chiluba. In just a few days, the Security Council will
hold another meeting to reaffirm its commitment to the
cause of peace and prosperity in Africa. I intend to
present my delegation's contribution to the deliberations
of the Council, and will make more specific remarks on
this matter in the course of that meeting. At the same
time, Ukraine hopes that commitment to Africa on the
part of the Security Council and the United Nations as a
whole will be reflected in concrete deeds that benefit
Africa.
The situation in the Middle East requires closer
attention by the Security Council. We believe that the
Security Council should send strong encouragement to all
the parties to the Middle East peace process. It is time to
come back to the negotiating table to find a final
compromise solution to the pending problems on the basis
of the relevant Security Council resolutions. In that
context, Ukraine welcomes the recent signing of the
Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum on 4 September, brought
about thanks to the constructive approach of the new
Israeli Government and to the position taken by the
Palestinian leadership.
East Timor continues to be a hot spot. Ukraine
welcomed the success of the 30 August 1999 popular
consultation of the East Timorese people, which was
possible thanks to the constructive position taken by the
Government of Indonesia and the active intermediary
mission of the Secretary-General. Ukraine supported the
Security Council's adoption of its resolution 1264 (1999),
which authorized the establishment of a multinational
force pursuant to the request of the Government of
Indonesia.
The past year has been marked by an unprecedented
outbreak of terrorist acts in various parts of the world.
We are convinced that intensified international efforts to
combat terrorism need a more concentrated focus on the
underlying causes of this extremely acute international
phenomenon, on its deep social roots and on relevant
24

historical conditions, as well as on situations that may give
rise to international terrorism and endanger international
peace and security. At the same time, whatever actions are
undertaken at the international, regional or national levels,
they must all be in full conformity with the basic principles
of international law and must not run counter to the
fundamental provisions of the United Nations Charter.
Underdevelopment and impoverishment, the threat of
marginalization, the burden of external debt, a lack of
resources, and ecological disasters pose a real threat to
international peace and sustainable development.
Circumstances such as the global financial crisis and the
war in Kosovo have considerably impeded economic
progress in many parts of the world. Ukraine has managed
to curb its losses and maintain macroeconomic stabilization
since August 1998. On the other hand, the curtailment of
navigation on the Danube has paralysed economic the
activities of Ukrainian shipping companies, ports and
enterprises. The total accumulated losses of Ukraine amount
today to more than $300 million. Together with Romania,
Bulgaria and other interested parties, we are ready to clear
the waterway for the soonest possible resumption of
navigation as the best way to cope with the humanitarian
hardships of Balkan peoples.
Speaking about global issues requiring joint efforts of
the international community, I must again emphasize the
problem of Chernobyl, which is so painful for Ukraine and
for its neighbours, Belarus and Russia. Our country is
meeting its commitments to decommission the Chernobyl
nuclear power plant as envisaged in the memorandum of
understanding between the Government of Ukraine and
Governments of the Group of Seven and the European
Union. It therefore has every ground to expect the
fulfilment by its partners of their obligations. We welcomed
the statement issued by the Group of Seven in Cologne last
June regarding the convening of a second pledging
conference for the mobilization of financial resources to
implement the working plan on the transformation of the
Shelter facility into an ecologically safe system. We
consider this to be a confirmation by our partners of their
commitment to the memorandum of understanding.
From this rostrum I call upon all potential donors to
take part in that conference and to make pledges to the
Chernobyl Shelter fund, to enable it to reach the required
amount of just $770 million. According to the Human
Development Report published by the United Nations
Development Programme, expenditures for cigarettes in
Europe amounted to $50 billion in 1998 alone. Compared
to this, the amount needed for Chernobyl looks like quite
a small price to save the environment of that vast region.
The present century gave the world so notable a
document as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Still, we have witnessed the most brutal and massive
violations of those rights. Famine, genocide, ethnic
cleansing, torture and various forms of discrimination
continue to haunt mankind. That is why the strengthening
of international mechanisms to monitor human rights
violations is especially urgent today. The Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
should play a leading role. Cases of the most massive
violations of human rights should be considered by the
Security Council with a view to taking preventive or
coercive measures.
Hence, it is imperative to strengthen the role of
international law in international relations in order to
ensure strict observance of the main norms and principles,
first and foremost respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Ukraine
continues to support the International Court of Justice as
the Organization's principal legal institution.
The establishment of a world system that would
guarantee peace and security, prosperity and sustainable
economic development, and the preservation of the
environment for future generations requires decisive joint
action by the international community. That process
should be led by a reformed and renewed United Nations,
an organization with great experience and opportunities to
solve problems of global dimensions. For that purpose,
the General Assembly has approved a comprehensive
programme for United Nations reform — by the way,
under the presidency of my predecessor Hennadiy Y.
Udovenko, who is present in this Hall today. But while
debating it, we did not notice that two years had passed
and that we were approaching the brink of the
millennium. The prominent Ukrainian philosopher of the
eighteenth century, Grigory Skovoroda, said that a waste
of time is the heaviest of all losses. Let us bring to life
what we have conceived for the benefit of the United
Nations.


I bring to you, Mr. President,
to Secretary-General Kofi Annan and to all representatives
the greetings and best wishes of His Majesty King Birendra
and of the Government and people of Nepal. Your election
is testimony to the wide recognition of your great country's
contribution to the cause of freedom of the peoples and to
the work of the United Nations. Please accept our
congratulations and pledge of support. Our appreciation
goes also to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the
wise manner in which he conducted the business of the
fifty-third session of the General Assembly.
The massive loss of life and property and the untold
suffering caused by the recent earthquakes to the peoples
of Turkey, Greece and Taiwan have touched the hearts of
the Nepalese people. Indeed, our hearts go out to the
hundreds of thousands of peoples across the globe who
have suffered from both natural and man-made disasters.
Nepal wholeheartedly welcomes Kiribati, Nauru and
Tonga as new Members of the United Nations. Their
admission has enriched the world Organization and
enhanced its universality.
Following the restoration of the multi-party political
system in Nepal, I had the unique privilege of steering the
country at a turning point of history as its Prime Minister,
entrusted with the twin responsibilities of overseeing the
formulation of a new democratic constitution of the
Kingdom and the holding of free, fair and peaceful
general elections at the beginning of the last decade of
this century. With the people's trust and guidance, the
cooperation of all political parties and the support of His
Majesty the King, and above all with God's will, those
responsibilities were fully discharged.
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal not only
guarantees the fundamental human rights of the people
but also the independence of the judiciary. It defines and
protects the basic tenets of parliamentary democracy in
Nepal, and it identifies the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations as the fundamental plank of
the foreign policy of the country. Standing today before
this Assembly of nations, I wish to reaffirm Nepal's
commitment to the principles and objectives of the United
Nations and to share, in brief, our hopes, aspirations and
views.
Last year we observed the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a milestone in
human history. The fiftieth anniversary of another
historical milestone — the Geneva Conventions of
1949 — this year provides the international community
with another opportunity to reiterate its deepening
commitment to democracy, human rights and improved
living conditions for peoples. At the national level, we
regard the protection and promotion of human rights as a
sine qua non for the all-round development of the people.
Democracy and development, I believe, are two sides of
the same coin, hard to guarantee and secure except in a
13

state of peace and stability under a system of participatory
good governance.
Nepal is a nation with a young democratic setup and
an ever-deepening commitment to human rights and the all-
round development of the people, who are beset with the
numerous unique and onerous challenges characteristic of
a small land-locked and least developed country with
difficult Himalayan and mountainous terrains and the
greatest of contemporary problems — poverty. At no point
in history have we witnessed poverty eating up so
systematically the spiritual richness of peoples in many
countries, including Nepal — the land of the Buddha.
Nepal's development efforts are driven by an
overriding objective of poverty eradication through
employment and income generation, social mobilization and
the strengthening of social capital within a democratic
values-based system. The country has almost unlimited
potential for hydropower development and tourism, and we
have created legislative conditions for the participation of
foreign investors in these sectors as well as in other trade
and services-generating sectors in Nepal. Our commitment
to sustainable development has been translated into several
measures aimed at the preservation of the environment and
ecological balance, including the earmarking of a large part
of our land area for the development of wildlife parks and
nature reserves. I want at this stage to reiterate our
commitment to the development of Lumbini — the
birthplace of the Buddha — as an enduring peace
monument, a holy shrine for pilgrimage and one of the
world's greatest cultural heritages.
I am disheartened that despite several world summits,
conferences and international commitments, absolute
poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and hopelessness should
still remain the lot of the bulk of the world's population.
One billion adults, the majority of them women, cannot
read or write. Almost a billion people are underfed and
malnourished, and a similar number have no access to clean
water, shelter or health care. Many millions die before they
reach the age of 40.
Equally threatening is the ever-widening gap between
the haves and the have-nots. The conclusion of this year's
Human Development Report is the unbelievable polarization
between peoples and countries, which the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) characterized as
grotesque and dangerous. The one fifth of the world's
population in the highest-income countries commands 86
per cent of world gross domestic product and 82 per cent
of world export markets, while the bottom fifth, in the
poorest countries has just 1 per cent of both categories.
How long can the world go on like this, with a small part
of its people living in freedom and prosperity while the
larger segment is living in fetters under abject conditions,
before calamity engulfs us all?
A few years ago, at the request of the heads of State
or Government of the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation, I undertook the task of chairing the
Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty
Alleviation as part of a regional endeavour to work out
regional strategies and programmes of action for the
eradication of poverty from South Asia. My own
experience as Chairman of that Commission leads me to
the inescapable conclusion that the goal of poverty
eradication requires, among other things, sustained
political will and commitment of the highest order, an
integrated and coordinated approach and decisive national
actions, with the participation of all, including grass-roots
organizations and civil society, backed by enhanced
international development cooperation.
But the fast-dwindling official development
assistance flows and ever-increasing resource constraints
of United Nations development agencies, such as the
United Nations Development Programme, make our task
of poverty eradication and development harder and harder
with each passing year. This is particularly true in the
case of least developed and landlocked countries such as
Nepal. While we deeply appreciate the help of our
development partners, we urge developed countries, which
are undoubtedly in a position to do so, to generously
increase the volume of their official development
assistance so as to attain the target set by this Assembly.
Reallocation of official development assistance in favour
of the less developed countries is another area which
deserves attention.
As we are a democratic nation, women — who
make up half of every country's population — are the
backbone of Nepalese society. We can hardly remain
oblivious to the urgent need for their empowerment and
advancement. We have made legislative arrangements to
guarantee their participation in the national polity by
reserving exclusively for them as many as 40,000 seats in
the local elected bodies. In the three general elections
since 1991, the number of women parliamentarians has
steadily gone up. But we are aiming for more. Their
literacy rate is also improving. The Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women, to which
Nepal recently presented its country report, has
acknowledged the progress made in raising the status of
14

women in general and in increasing understanding of
gender issues and the human rights of women among the
Nepalese population. We know we have to do a lot more,
and I am personally committed to this.
We are equally committed to the protection and
promotion of the rights of the child as well as the rights
and interests of other vulnerable and disadvantaged sections
of society. In short, we have before us a large agenda for
nation-building, for the consolidation of gains in democracy
and human rights and for living up to our international
commitment to peace, cooperation and development in the
world. We are dealing with the agenda with a sense of
purpose and commitment, although there are several
obvious difficulties, including the economic, social,
environmental and political problems created by 100,000
refugees from Bhutan. We seek the continued support and
understanding of the international community in the
creation of an environment conducive to the resolution of
this problem through bilateral negotiations. We also seek its
support for their sustenance until they are repatriated.
I wish to place on record our appreciation of and
gratitude to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the world's
foremost public servant, for his efforts and successes in
defusing tensions around the world and solving many
seemingly intractable problems, such as those of Libya and
the popular consultation in East Timor. I am impressed with
his impassioned call for the transition from a culture of
reaction to a culture of prevention in the United Nations.
He has drawn our attention to the benefits and risks
provided by globalization and to the need for strengthened
international cooperation to offset the vulnerability of many
countries, particularly the least developed and landlocked
ones, and the marginalization of Africa.
We have noted his emphasis on the maintenance of
international peace and security as the primary
responsibility of the Security Council. We thank him also
for his dedication to comprehensive United Nations reform
and for his package of reform proposals. Reform is a
continuing process. It will be neither meaningful nor
complete unless we arrive at a ratifiable global consensus
on the functioning and composition of a reformed Security
Council. The statement of the Foreign Ministers of the five
permanent members that any attempt to restrict or curtail
their veto rights would not be conducive to the reform
process is a matter of deep disappointment. Nepal supports
the common position evolved at the Durban Summit of the
Non-Aligned Movement on the question of Security
Council reform. We are also firm in our view that no
reform measure should curtail the authority of the General
Assembly, which is the nearest thing to a world
parliament.
The United Nations cannot continue to function
effectively without a fair and sound financial base.
Assessed dues must be paid in full and on time.
Peacekeeping is a unique and most useful instrument for
the United Nations in the maintenance of international
peace and security. Nepal has participated in United
Nations peacekeeping for over 40 years in all parts of the
world. Some 35,000 of our troops and 800 of our police
have served with many peacekeeping operations, 39
having been martyred and several more wounded in the
line of duty. It is the firm policy of Nepal not only to
maintain but also to increase our contribution to United
Nations peacekeeping.
It is disappointing that for three years in a row the
principal United Nations forum for disarmament
negotiations, the Conference on Disarmament, has not
been able to agree on an agenda of work. Some important
arms control and disarmament measures have been
adopted without reference to the Conference on
Disarmament. As host to the United Nations Regional
Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the
Pacific, Nepal's commitment to general and complete
disarmament, including total nuclear disarmament,
remains undiluted.
In the summer months of this year, South Asia
witnessed a flare-up between two of our close neighbours.
Disquieting because it broke a peace that had lasted for
nearly three decades, it also exposed the myth fostered in
a bygone era that countries possessing nuclear weapons
would not go to conventional war against each other. The
risk of an accidental nuclear war engulfing other countries
was magnified by the close proximity of the two
countries. Leaving aside the causes of that flare-up, I
would like to commend the Prime Ministers and the
Governments of the two countries for their restraint, good
sense and wisdom in containing the conflict and
displaying a high degree of responsibility to their peoples,
to the rest of South Asia and to the peoples of the entire
world. May I take this opportunity once again to appeal
to the Prime Ministers of those two countries to resume
their dialogue, begun in Lahore last February.
Nepal welcomes the Sharm el-Sheikh accord
between Prime Minister Barak and President Arafat as an
irreversible step forward in the Middle East peace
process. It opens the way to a just, lasting and
comprehensive peace. We hope, for the sake of peace,
15

that negotiations between Syria and Israel and Lebanon will
soon resume in accordance with relevant United Nations
resolutions.
Let me conclude with a brief mention of the South
Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC),
which consists of the seven countries of the region,
representing one fifth of humanity. We are united in a
common effort to enhance the quality of life of all our
peoples. I am looking forward to hosting the next summit
meeting of heads of State or Government of the South
Asian region in two months' time at Kathmandu. Our
important agenda will deal with such issues as free trade
and a SAARC social charter. We will also be signing a
regional convention on combatting the crime of trafficking
in women and children. This will be another landmark in
the work of SAARC, a regional association dedicated to
peace and cooperation in South Asia.


On the occasion of the fifty-
fourth session of the General Assembly, marking our last
meeting in this century, I am humbled to address this body
on behalf of President Charles Ghankay Taylor, the
Government and the people of Liberia.
It gives me great pleasure to congratulate the President
most cordially on his election to preside over this fifty-
fourth session and to assure him of my delegation’s support
and cooperation during the session. When we give
consideration to the scope of his diplomatic experience, the
expanse of his wisdom and the integrity of his heart, we
can only conclude that this is his hour, when his
qualifications bespeak eloquently his ability to preside over
the Assembly.
I recall my country’s involvement in the struggle for
Namibia’s independence, and I am proud that, just about a
decade after achieving independence through the sustained
diplomacy of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and
the United Nations, Namibia is serving in such a high
capacity. Significantly, it presides over the agenda of the
last session of the General Assembly of the twentieth
century, where constructive discourse on new paradigms for
peace, development and social progress will shape the new
millennium.
I pay tribute to Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay. We
have witnessed his many attributes, especially his wise
stewardship of the fifty-third session, which has laid the
basis for this one. I therefore offer to Mr. Opertti best
wishes in his future callings.
For many reasons, I would like to express special
appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr.
Kofi Annan. My focus is on his innovative leadership at
the helm of this world body. In particular, I note that only
two years since his introduction of system-wide reforms
the Organization has been geared in the direction of
rendering improved and better services and better
handling of world situations. We recollect the happy
moments of his visit in July to Liberia, which gave
further testimony to the Secretary-General’s commitment
to solving the problems of Africa. The Government and
people of Liberia are deeply proud that the United
Nations leadership has focused on the search for sustained
peace in our region, especially in the work of the United
Nations Peace-building Support Office in Liberia, which
has been instrumental in the consolidation of peace in
Liberia.
We heartily welcome the admission of three new
members: the Kingdom of Tonga, the Republic of Nauru
and the Republic of Kiribati. We look forward to their
contribution to the ideals of the United Nations.
It is encouraging to note that the inflexible attitudes
generated by the cold war have been superseded by
dialogue. For the promise of a better future, innovative
and alternative efforts are required in all areas of human
endeavour. Accordingly, the world is experiencing a
transformation in international relations. At the dawn of
a new millennium, we are moving from confrontation to
cooperation. Nation States continue their search within
subregional organizations for the stabilization of civil
order, the elimination of human suffering and the
maintenance of peace. Liberia reaffirms its commitment
to the concept of world peace that is sustainable in
context and global in approach. Hence, we believe that
equal treatment should be accorded to all conflicts,
wherever they might occur.
Liberia takes a dim view of the disparity in the
resources committed by the Security Council to the
conflicts in Kosovo and East Timor, on the one hand, and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on the other.
Regarding the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia
commends President Chiluba of Zambia for his mediatory
role, which led to the signing of the Lusaka Agreement
by all the concerned parties. We endorse his recent
request to the Security Council that it authorize and
support the deployment of a peacekeeping force in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, with an appropriate
mandate.
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Following the relaxation of tension in international
relations, there should be a renewed determination on the
part of us all to search for creative avenues to resolve civil
conflicts and promote regional, political and economic
cooperation for the prosperity of all peoples.
At the onset of his assumption of national leadership,
following free and fair elections, President Charles Taylor
embarked upon sound programmes aimed at achieving
national reconciliation, the resettlement of all refugees and
internally displaced persons, the rehabilitation and the
reintegration of ex-combatants and reconstruction. Not only
is our Government making every effort to achieve these
specific goals; we are also committed to improving the
quality of life of our people.
In this regard, President Taylor’s Administration
remains committed to three cardinal principles: ensuring
national unity through national reconciliation, resettlement
and reconstruction; good governance through accountability,
efficiency and transparency; and the guaranteed protection
of human rights.
Regarding good governance, I should like to state that
mechanisms for revenue collection have improved and
expenditure has been strictly controlled to ensure prudent
fiscal and monetary management and public accountability.
Our human rights record has improved tremendously and
remains the focal point in our continued efforts to meet the
challenges of national reconciliation. In furtherance of this
objective, President Taylor holds regular consultations with
leaders of the opposition, civil society, religious groups and
the media on matters of national interest.
I should also mention that in response to President
Taylor’s policy of inclusion, opposition political leaders in
May this year toured the United States and certain
European capitals to further sensitize the international
community and donor Governments to post-conflict
problems confronting Liberia and to seek assistance.
The Secretary-General, in his statement to the fourth
Ministerial Meeting of the ad hoc Special Conference on
Liberia, held on 3 October 1997, highlighted the
Government’s commitment to national reconstruction. He
urged the international community to render necessary
assistance to achieve this goal. Accordingly, a donors’
conference on Liberia was held in Paris, France, in April
1998. The amount of $230 million was pledged for
Liberia’s national reconstruction programme. However, it is
disheartening to note that donors have not yet honoured
their commitments. We earnestly appeal to them to give
humane consideration to the difficult circumstances of
post-conflict reconstruction. We are eager to rejuvenate
the economy, revitalize productive activities, restore the
social infrastructure and improve the standard of living
for all Liberians. Unfortunately, these efforts cannot be
launched without support and assistance from the
international community.
The evolving trends of globalization pose enormous
threats to weak and vulnerable nations, which are
continuously marginalized in a global economic system.
For most developing countries, particularly the least
developed countries, which include Liberia, the debt
overhang and the unequal levels of trade are perennial
problems for their socio-economic development and
reintegration into the world economy.
The huge debt burden inherited by Liberia remains
a major obstacle in our post-war reconstruction efforts.
Our debt stock is $3 billion. This means that each
Liberian man, woman and child carries a debt burden of
$1,200. In a country where the per capita income is
barely $275 it may never be possible to fully repay this
colossal financial obligation. Additionally, the cost of
rehabilitation and resettlement makes it imperative that
consideration be given to our request for debt relief. We
are continuously undertaking economic reforms to deal
with the massive demands of our people and the
international community. In view of all that, we call on
our creditors to consider relieving Liberia of this
enormous financial burden.
Debt relief should be considered on a humanitarian
basis against the background that such a move would
consolidate existing peace, enhance rehabilitation and
foster social and political stability. We believe that it
would be supportive of Liberia’s desire for inclusion in
the evolving global economy.
The resolution of the Liberian civil crisis would not
have been possible without the close cooperation that
existed between the international community and the
Liberian people. We believe that the high level of
collaboration between Liberia and the international
community should continue to guide our future
endeavours in post-conflict Liberia so that the gains made
by all stakeholders will not be lost.
Of major concern in our reconstruction, rehabilitation
and healing programme is the condition of women and
children, for no amount of planning for reconstruction can
ever succeed if the plight of women and children is
33

ignored. Thus, we are implementing programmes that
refocus their emphasis towards pursuing educational
opportunities and safeguarding the rights of women and
children.
Over the past two years Liberia has repeatedly sought
the lifting of the 1992 arms embargo imposed on it by the
Security Council. Our request is based on a principled legal
stance that the Liberian civil war, which had necessitated
the imposition of the embargo, effectively ended on 2
August 1997 with the installation of a duly elected civilian
Government. Thus, the intent of the arms embargo, which
was to contain the war and the proliferation of arms in
Liberia, is no longer necessary.
In our submission to the Council requesting that the
embargo be lifted, we referred to the 1996-1997 final
communiqué of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), by which that regional organization
lifted all sanctions and embargoes on Liberia and called
upon the international community to do the same. It is
important to note that it was ECOWAS that saw the need
to impose an arms embargo on Liberia and to request the
international community, including the Security Council, to
support the embargo.
The Government of Liberia continues to stress that the
arms embargo presently imposed against Liberia by the
Security Council is unjust. There are no defined criteria or
time limit for its lifting. It has been expanded in perpetuity
without any explanation. The Government of Liberia
reiterates that the continued refusal by the Security Council
to lift the arms embargo is a clear infringement of Liberia's
sovereignty, which the United Nations Charter defends.
Like all Member States, Liberia has the unqualified right to
defend itself and all those within its borders. The attitude
of the Council on this matter imputes partial sovereignty
and has hindered the freedom of a Charter Member of this
Organization.
The arms embargo has created an imbalance, with the
potential for adverse consequences for peace and security.
The substantial advance of the destruction of arms in
Liberia was followed by cross-border aggression. The arms
embargo on Liberia does not contribute to peace in the
subregion; rather, it contributes to a fragile situation of
insecurity and suspicion, which could lead to instability.
Such an untenable condition need not exist in a region with
a high population of refugees and former combatants,
poverty and deteriorating socio-economic conditions.
In our continued efforts to prevent the proliferation
of arms left over from the civil war, and to ensure
regional peace and stability, on 25 July 1999 the
Government of Liberia decided to destroy arms and
ammunition collected from the then warring parties during
the disarmament process. This destruction exercise is
being carried out with the assistance of the United
Nations, ECOWAS and the United States Government.
Most of the ammunition and arms have been destroyed.
The arms and ammunition destroyed as of 10 September
1999 are as follows: 3,156,156 total rounds of
ammunition of all sizes and 19,297 total weapons of all
sizes. Following are the categories of weapons that were
destroyed: 18,420 small arms; 626 heavy machine guns;
150 anti-tank launchers; 63 mortars; 26 recoilless rifles;
9 guns and howitzers; and 3 rocket launchers. The total
is 19,297.
The destruction of these arms and ammunition does
not negate the necessity of lifting the arms embargo. The
former represents a clear departure from war mode to the
institution of a culture of peace. The latter restores
Liberia's sovereign right to equip and maintain a national
armoury under the aegis of a restructured national army
to ensure proper accountability and fulfil the elected
Government's constitutional responsibility for national
security.
Liberia's international efforts are geared towards
peace and security, primarily in our subregion and
generally in the world. Our stability is inextricably linked
to security in the West African subregion. It is within this
context that President Taylor took bold initiatives which
significantly contributed to peace in Sierra Leone. Liberia
always felt that the conflict in Sierra Leone was primarily
internal. Our persistence to bring about a negotiated
settlement, rather than the use of force and violence,
emanated from our national experience with the futility
and destructiveness of armed confrontation.
In this connection, my Government participated in
various talks, which led to the signing of the historic
Lomé Peace Agreement. Presently, Liberia is hosting two
leaders of the Sierra Leonean conflict in Monrovia in
order to resolve internal differences and facilitate their
early return to Freetown for the smooth implementation
of the Agreement. My Government is genuinely
committed to the Sierra Leonean peace process and will
do everything to ensure that peace and normalcy return to
that sister Republic.
34

We concur with the Secretary-General's
recommendation to the Security Council on the
establishment of a United Nations peacekeeping force for
Sierra Leone; this, we believe, will sustain and strengthen
the efforts of ECOWAS.
Liberia has been concerned about its borders with
neighbouring countries, especially Guinea. We have
witnessed two incidents of armed aggression along our
northern border, which resulted in the loss of life, property
and the displacement of people. In this regard, we appeal to
the international community to provide us with all the
necessary assistance to enable our Government to cope with
the problems of refugees and internally displaced persons,
as well as to address the humanitarian crises created as a
result of the attack by dissidents. We are indeed gratified
that the Secretary-General has added his voice to the appeal
for assistance.
Liberia is committed to finding a diplomatic solution
to the problem along the Guinea-Liberia border and
reaffirms its adherence to the practice of good-
neighbourliness. We call on the international community to
duly consider the vulnerability of the subregion due to the
large volume of refugees and the attendant humanitarian
crisis. My Government is of the strong conviction that
dialogue and cooperation between and among neighbours
will enhance security, peace and stability in the subregion.
Accordingly, at a mini-summit of the heads of State and
Government of the Economic Community of West African
States, (ECOWAS) held in Abuja, Nigeria on 16 September
1999, Liberia reached an understanding with Guinea
relative to security and cooperation. We therefore call on
the international community to lend its support to the
efforts aimed at reactivating the Mano River Union.
Since 1992, Africa has experienced numerous
impediments to its economic development. There has been
a continuous decline in its exports, imports and the flow of
direct foreign investment and overseas development
assistance. This situation is compounded by the increasing
debt burden, estimated at $300 billion. These negative
trends hamper Africa's integration into the global economy,
thus leading to its marginalization. We therefore call for the
creation of a more favourable economic environment that
taken into account the unique problems of Africa.
We congratulate the Secretary-General on the
measures he has taken in helping create a favourable
economic environment for Africa, as outlined in his
“Progress report on the implementation of the
recommendations contained in the report on the causes of
conflict and the promotion of durable peace and
sustainable development in Africa” (S/1999/1008).
Furthermore, we reaffirm our commitment to the
provisions of the Algiers Declaration of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) with respect to the establishment
of a genuine international partnership.
We welcome the offer of the United States President
Bill Clinton to forgive the debts of the world's poorest
countries, including Liberia.
As a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child, my Government has taken measures to improve
the environment for nurturing and developing the child.
We hereby reiterate our commitment to the rehabilitation
and reintegration of children into civil society, in
accordance with the Maputo Declaration adopted by the
OAU. We therefore call upon the international community
to provide support for efforts in this regard.
Liberia firmly believes that the unification of China
should be peacefully pursued and that although it is a
matter for the Chinese people themselves to determine,
there is nonetheless a need for the United Nations to
examine the exceptional international situation pertaining
to the Republic of China on Taiwan. In so doing it will
ensure that the fundamental rights of 22 million people to
participate in the work and activities of the United
Nations, and it will do honour to this great world body.
The Republic of China on Taiwan has contributed
substantially to the international community in the area of
technical and development assistance and has shown a
strong commitment to human rights, democracy, market
economy and multilateralism. The unparalleled economic
and political development of the Republic of China on
Taiwan has brought a strong desire of its people to
participate in international activities.
Resolution 2758 (XXVI), however, denies over 22
million people their right to participate in United Nations
activities and contravenes the United Nations Charter's
principle of universality. Taking into account the changing
international climate, characterized by global economic
interdependence, it is essential for the United Nations to
review this unfair resolution as it steps into a new
century. Liberia believes that the Republic of China on
Taiwan can play a more important and beneficial role in
the United Nations community and that it is willing to
play that role. Liberia strongly urges the United Nations
to find a speedy and satisfactory resolution to the
Republic of China on Taiwan's participation in the United
Nations.
35

In conclusion, since its establishment, the United
Nations has represented mankind's legitimate aspirations.
Despite its shortcomings, we continue to see it that way.
Liberia cannot overemphasize its support for the ongoing
reforms of the United Nations. Twenty-five years ago,
Liberia called for a review of the United Nations Charter to
ensure its effectiveness to cope with some of the
fundamental problems that continue to beset the world
community.
Although we have not been favoured with the usual
level of international support to help speed up the pace of
progress in rebuilding our country, Liberia is most grateful
for the vital support it has received, especially in the areas
of rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-combatants and
resettlement of refugees and displaced persons. It may not
be intentional, but it is regrettable that the issue of African
refugees has received little attention from the international
community, as has the issue of the developmental needs of
the continent. The United Nations must ensure that on its
agenda the treatment of refugees around the globe is not
skewed unequally against a particular region.
If this world body will underline the promotion of
sustainable development, the pursuit of global peace and the
need to safeguard human progress, and if we realize that in
order to succeed we ought to rededicate ourselves to high
and inspiring objectives, then we can truly ensure the future
of all mankind, irrespective of our places of origin.
In Liberia, we have evolved four strategies for the new
millennium: first, to eradicate ignorance, disease —
particularly the HIV/AIDS pandemic — and poverty, and
to promote human rights; secondly, to strengthen the full
capacity of the United Nations to effectively preserve the
international system; thirdly, to promote universal harmony
and globalization; and fourthly, to protect humankind
against the scourge of nuclear, chemical and biological
warfare, and to preserve our ecosystem.
As we enter a new century, we need to re-evaluate our
undertakings and take measures to improve conditions in
our world with an unflinching respect for the dignity of
humankind.