103.	Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to this important office.
104.	We all learned this morning with shock and sadness of the sudden death of Pope John Paul I. His passing deprives the world of a wise and compassionate leader whose brief ministry had already given promise of greatness.
106.	A generation ago the United Nations was created by men and women who shared a vision. They saw the need in the wake of war to create stronger international institutions that could dampen the flames of conflict and life nations and people to a new level of material well-being; they saw the need to afford self-determination to millions; and they saw the need for the world community to take a compelling stand against repression, discrimination and the denial of the rights of man.
107. The men and women who gathered in San Francisco in 1945 raised their sights above the differences and divisions of the moment. They dared to see the world as it could be—a world where- those who are hungry are fed; where those who are poor have escaped the degradation of poverty; where diplomacy among nations is a pervasive substitute for violence among nations; and where the resources of the world are used effectively and shared equitably.
108.	In the years since, the record of the United Nations in working towards that vision has been one of accomplishment. It has played an indispensable part in the process of peaceful decolonization, in defusing tensions among nations through its peace-keeping missions, and in promoting , genuine economic and social progress.
109.	Today the Members of this body still share that common vision. And we understand far better than ever before our common destiny: that no nation acting alone can assure for its people peace and economic security; that the future of each of our nations depends upon the future of all of our nations.
110.	Our challenge today is to summon the political, will to act in concert towards the goals we share, to go beyond the rhetoric of interdependence and to begin to recognize its inescapable implications for the national interests of each of us.
111.	We must build a new consensus on this proposition: that in this new era each nation must weigh more carefully than ever before its long-term interest in a healthy global community when making decisions about its immediate concerns. For only through co-operation and compromise in the short run can we assure our longer-term future.
112.	On crucial issues, the coming months will present turning-points of incalculable importance. In negotiations on the Middle East, on southern Africa, on trade, on arms control and on many other pressing problems, genuine progress has been made. Without continued progress, the gains we have already made can be lost.
113.	This point applies not to any single nation nor any group of nations but to every nation, including my own.
114.	The resolution of dangerous regional disputes and progress in limiting weaponry must always be at the top of the immediate international agenda. I shall return to these issues later. But we cannot so concentrate our energies on the political diplomacy of international peace, essential as it is, that we discover too late that international inequities and poverty and injustice within nations make peace among nations impossible.
115.	So let me concentrate my comments today on those issues that so centrally touch people's lives around the globe-economic security, the equitable development of the earth's resources and individual freedom.
116.	Shared economic progress requires a global consensus on the benefits of co-operation among nations. Cooperation and compromise are often difficult. The economic problems we share require long-term efforts, but we are all constrained by domestic concerns which call for immediate attention; the problems we share are so widespread in their impact that solutions cannot be found by a single nation or group of nations; and these problems require more than general agreements. The application of substantial technical and financial resources is necessary. Debate over sterile texts will neither feed the hungry nor create new jobs for the unemployed. Only common action can be effective. And each must contribute if all are to benefit.
117.	Only three or four years ago there was extraordinary tension between North and South. Each side was deeply suspicious of the other's motives. Each held sharply different perceptions of global needs and priorities. But these differences have been narrowed. From the seventh special session of the General Assembly through the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation and the meetings of this Assembly, and through other serious efforts in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the economic summits, agreement has been achieved on several basic issues relating to a new international economic order.
118.	We are agreed on the need to work towards the elimination of poverty in all countries. Concessional aid flows have been increased. More attention is being devoted to food production. Satisfying basic economic needs is becoming a greater priority of the international community.
119.	We are agreed on the urgent need to accelerate equitable non-inflationary growth. The round of multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT now proceeding at Geneva are in their final stages. We are discussing guidelines for international investment. Private capital flows are increasing. The facilities of IMF have been expanded, and discussions are under way to expand the facilities of the multilateral development banks.
120.	We are agreed on the need to reduce economic instability and uncertainty. The IMF is playing a major role in providing balance-of-payments financing to those most severely affected by recent disruptions in the world economy. We are engaged in serious discussions on a variety of commodity arrangements, including a system of internationally co-ordinated national grain reserves.
121.	And we are agreed on the need to facilitate smooth adjustment for workers and businesses that have borne the brunt of changing economic circumstances. The Bonn Economic Summit Conference this year made clear that we must intensify our efforts in this area.
122.	Because we have come far, the road ahead will be even more challenging, for the most difficult issues remain. To maintain our progress, we should be guided by three fundamental principles in the North-South discussions over the coming months. First, every nation must resist the temptation to solve its own economic problems at the expense of others. We must fashion our domestic policies on the basis of global as well as national needs. Secondly, all nations which bear their fair share of responsibility should benefit from a healthy world economy. And, thirdly, all nations must enter international economic negotiations in a spirit of accommodation.
123.	These principles will not by themselves solve the problems we face. But without their general acceptance, there can be no genuine progress. Adherence to them will prevent critical negotiations from turning into polarizing and self-defeating tests of will.
124.	Let me discuss several major issues where the application of these principles can make the difference between success and failure.
125.	First I shall speak of the "Committee of the Whole" that is, the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. One of our most recent collective efforts to address the economic challenges we share was the establishment of that Committee. The Committee has the potential to look at economic issues comprehensively and to identify longer-term priorities. The United States strongly supports that forum. At its meeting in May it made progress in identifying some important areas of agreement between the industrial and the developing countries. Substantive discussions in the Committee had an important impact on the Ministerial Meeting of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, held on 14 and 15 June, and on the Bonn Economic Summit Conference. We of course shared the disappointment of other representatives that a procedural impasse earlier this month interrupted the Committee's work.
126.	Since the September meeting, we have carefully examined the statements made by others on this issue. We have noted in particular statements made by the Chairman to the Committee on 8 September and to the press on 11 September, and have taken into account subsequent consultations. It is now generally agreed that the Committee would not seek to provide specific solutions to problems outstanding in other bodies. Rather, it would achieve agreed conclusions on fundamental or crucial underlying issues, and only to the extent that all members agreed to decide on them.
127.	We are satisfied that on the basis of these statements sufficient procedural agreement now exists to resume substantive work in the manner suggested by the Chairman at the end of the informal consultations on 6 September [see A[33/34, part two, annex A].
128.	I turn now to the question of trade. The spirit which must guide our work in the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 applies as well to our policies on trade. The developing world is no longer on the periphery of world trade. Increasingly, growth in the developing countries is important to the health of the industrial countries.
129.	Commitment to open trade, however, is extremely fragile. It is tempting for one nation to use trade restrictions to export its economic difficulties. It is often easy to avoid adjustments which are beneficial in the long run, but which in the short run present difficult problems for workers and for industry.
130.	We must be concerned about rising protectionist pressures, but we should also recognize that world trade has expanded remarkably well in recent; years. Despite a deep recession in the early 1970s, we not only avoided the trading wars of the 1930s, but we continued negotiations to liberalize and to improve the world trading system. Our ability to conclude these trade negotiations successfully this year is a critical test of our commitment to an open trading system. An agreement will stimulate production, it will provide jobs, and it will help reduce inflation.
131.	Beyond our efforts to expand trade, the United States will fulfil our commitment to assist developing nations through differential measures, including, where appropriate, special and more favourable treatment. We, in turn, expect those developing countries which can do so to contribute to trade liberalization by improving access to their markets. Improved access will not only benefit the industrial countries; it will be even more important to many developing countries.
132.	Finally, we believe that in trade, as elsewhere, the developing countries should have a voice in determining the policies which affect them. We have encouraged their full involvement in the Geneva multilateral trade negotiations. We urge developing countries, especially those which play a large role in international trade, to participate actively in
GATT and in the agreements that result from the Geneva negotiations so that their interests are fully represented.
133.	I turn now to the question of commodities. An essential element of trade for most developing nations is their export of basic commodities. At the fourth session of UNCTAD we agreed to intensify our collective effort to address commodity problems. Progress has not always been as fast as we all would like, but this has generally reflected the technical complexity of commodity issues rather than the lack of political will or good faith. We will continue to work for stabilization agreements and other measures that strengthen commodity markets.
134.	Let me affirm that we believe a soundly designed common fund could play a useful role in alleviating commodity problems. A well-structured fund will provide economic benefits to participating countries. We also recognize that the establishment of a fund is of major political importance to the general North-South dialogue.
135.	We will co-operate with others to bring the common fund negotiations to a successful conclusion. Recent consultations have identified a convergence of views on some issues. All agree that a fund could play a useful role in reducing the over-all financial costs of supporting buffer stocks, which effectively stabilize prices.
136.	In addition, there is a growing recognition of the importance of encouraging improved productivity and more effective marketing of many commodities. A separate "second window" of the common fund, based on voluntary contributions and operating under agreed guidelines, might be an appropriate mechanism. We are-prepared to negotiate flexibly on this issue, as on others, if there is a similar approach on all sides.
137.	While progress has been made on some issues, important differences still remain. Movement on all sides of the conference table will be necessary. But we are convinced that with mutual accommodation a workable agreement can be achieved.
138.	As with trade, increased resource flows to the developing world must be part of an international system of shared responsibility.
139.	We ought not to think of resource transfers as a sacrifice for donors or a unilateral benefit for recipients They are an economic investment in the future of all countries. They will contribute to global economic growth, greater trade and enhanced prosperity for us all.
140.	My country is committed to increasing our contributions to both multilateral and bilateral development efforts. We have" done so in the past year: our multilateral commitments increased by 31 per cent and our bilateral programme expanded by 20 per cent. And, because we are determined that United States aid funds will be used effectively, we will concentrate our efforts in countries where programmes are aimed most directly at meeting the essential needs of their people.
141.	The United States believes strongly that a key objective of foreign assistance should be to help meet basic human needs. We recognize that nations will have different development priorities in approaching this goal. Whether emphasis is on enhancing the productivity of the poor, increasing food production, improving health or expanding industry which creates jobs, the critical ingredient in every nation is to have all its citizens—men and women—as active participants in and beneficiaries of their nation's growth.
142.	Finally, we recognize the debt problems that many of the least developed countries face. We will soon have authority from our Congress for retroactive adjustment of certain aid terms which would permit us to help those most in need.
143.	As we work together to promote economic development, we must also ensure an equitable sharing of the world's resources. Four issues demand our immediate attention. Our first urgent priority is ensuring adequate food and stable agricultural prices for all people. Four years have now passed since the World Food Conference, where we agreed on measures we must take for the future.5 But despite our efforts the fundamental problems remain: food production is hardly keeping pace with the growth in population; food deficits in many countries are increasing; and negotiations on grain reserves have dragged on without success. We believe progress must be made.
144.	The United States has created a 9-million-ton farmer-held grain reserve. We have proposed to our Congress the establishment of an international emergency wheat reserve of 6 million tons to provide food for emergency needs in developing countries. We intend to maintain our food aid level at a fair share of the target set at the World Food Conference.
145.	We will continue to support the activities of international organizations devoted to food production such as the International Fund for Agricultural Development. And we intend to make food aid a more effective tool in support of development.
146.	I propose that this Assembly review the world food situation to identify the current obstacles to progress and to restore a sense of urgency in meeting mankind's most basic need. We must not be lulled by good weather and plentiful harvests. Another tragedy is inevitable unless we act now.
147.	Secondly, we must act now to develop new energy resources so that we may avoid a harsh transition to the time when fossil fuels will no longer be plentiful. This task has several dimensions.
148.	There must be an expansion of oil and gas production, and we need to improve our conservation of these energy resources, especially in my country, the United States. The World Bank has expanded its lending to help developing countries increase their fossil fuel supplies. We welcome this, and we also encourage the regional development banks to assist.

149.	The development of nuclear energy will also be central to the future of many countries. We hope the' International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation will provide a consensus on nuclear technologies free from the serious risk of nuclear-weapon proliferation. My Government supports the development of safeguardable nuclear power, including assured nuclear fuel supplies. The developing nations should, of course, participate in the design and management of the institutions which form the basis of an international nuclear energy regime.
150.	Priority attention must be given to the development of renewable energy resources. Many technologies already exist for harnessing solar, wind and geothermal power. All of us can benefit from these technologies, but a special effort should be made to meet the needs of the poorer countries.
151.	Two opportunities now exist for the United Nations to continue to play an important role. The United States supports the proposed United Nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy.  Such a conference could result in a more co-ordinated United Nations energy effort and clearer priorities. It could also provide up-to-date information on renewable energy technology, and examine the role of the private sector in energy development. UNDP might also expand its efforts to help nations assess their own renewable energy possibilities, finance the testing of new technologies and provide training and technical assistance for effective energy management.
152.	The United States is willing to contribute to a major global effort to develop new energy resources. We will intensify our assistance programmes in this area. We will increase domestic research, which can benefit all nations. And we will expand co-operative energy programmes from which we, too, stand to benefit.
153.	Thirdly, we must strive to conclude successfully the negotiations on the law of the sea. At stake is whether that vast expanse of the globe will be an arena of conflict or of co-operation. Considerable progress has been made on a number of issues in these negotiations. These achievements have been obscured, however, by continued stalemate over sea-bed mining. The basis for an equitable solution already exists and is widely accepted. It permits all sides to benefit fully from sea-bed mining, with- private firms as well as an international enterprise being allowed to mine on a competitive basis. A mutually acceptable solution is imperative, and it is, we believe, possible. Time is running out for reaching an agreed solution. Without it, sea-bed mining will inevitably take place, but in the absence of an international agreed framework. That would be less satisfactory than a widely supported international regime.
154.	Fourthly, and finally, there is the critical question of how best to harness technology and science for the benefit of mankind. We hope that the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, to be held next year in Vienna, will focus attention on how all countries can contribute their knowledge to global development. It will be particularly important to find ways for developing nations to enhance their capacity to generate, select and apply technology for their own development priorities. We will contribute to the work of the Conference, and we hope to benefit from it.
155.	Furthermore, to help mobilize the technical talents and knowledge of our nation on behalf of the development of others, we intend to establish during the coming year a new foundation for international technical co-operation.
156.	The ultimate purpose of all our policies is the enhancement of human dignity. The rights to food, to shelter, to a decent education, to adequate health—the' rights which lie at the heart of our approach to economic issues—are hollow without political and civil freedoms: freedom from torture and government mistreatment, freedom to worship, to travel and to speak without fear, freedom to participate in the affairs of one's Government. There is no incompatibility among economic, political and civil rights; no choice that must be made among them. They reinforce one another.
157.	We commemorate in this Assembly the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Dag Hammarskjold described the Declaration as a living document. We have a continuing obligation to keep that document alive in our own nations. And as Members of the United Nations we must strengthen the international machinery that serves to promote the full range of human rights, including political and economic rights.
158.	We have made significant progress in the past year. Concern for human rights is more central to international discourse today than ever before. But more needs to be done. This Assembly should review the activities of the various United Nations human rights institutions. We must resolve in this Assembly to make torture alien to the experience of every nation and to conclude an international agreement to outlaw it. We need to ensure that we are doing all we can to end conditions which are tantamount to genocide. And we must ask what more each of us can do to ensure the vitality of the Universal Declaration, to provide amnesty to prisoners of conscience, to ensure due process for all and to advance social justice and equity for our people.
159.	In addition, the plight of one group of individuals, refugees, demands our special compassion. We urge all nations to increase their support for the vital humanitarian work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
160.	The refugee problem is not confined to any single region. In Africa alone, some 2 million individuals are now outside their native lands. We must do more to offer them sustenance, security and a realistic hope of resettlement or return to their homelands.
161.	In South-East Asia hundreds of new refugees from Indo-China appear daily, some risking their lives to cross borders, others challenging the sea in every form of vessel. We urgently need greater efforts to provide them with sanctuary. We hope that the High Commissioner will consider convening an international conference in the very near future to seek humane solutions to the desperate plight of these refugees.
162.	We propose that consideration also be given at a later date to a general conference on the world-wide refugee problem.
163.	Let me now turn to international peace-keeping. Too often the anguish of the uprooted is grim testimony to our collective failure to achieve international peace. War and strife are the enemies of the fundamental rights I have discussed. Today my Government and many of those assembled here are actively pursuing the path of peace in troubled areas of the world.
164.	The accords achieved at Camp David  offer hope that at long last a turning-point has been reached in the Middle East. The agreements achieved between Egypt and Israel, with active American participation, constitute a framework for a comprehensive peace settlement. Much remains to be done in the ensuing stages of negotiations, but a major step has been taken in resolving the difficult issues that lie at the heart of 30 years of Arab-Israel hostility. As negotiations are pursued on the basis of the Camp David framework a dynamic process will be set in motion that can profoundly change attitudes on the issues that remain to be resolved. That process will significantly advance legitimate Arab objectives while protecting Israel's security. It is our hope that the Members of this body will lend their full support to the task of building a just and lasting peace upon this framework.
165.	In his address before Congress on 18 September  President Carter reviewed the main elements of the Camp David agreements. As the President said, our historic position on settlements in occupied territory has remained constant. As he further said, no peace agreement will be either just or secure if it does not 'resolve the problem of the Palestinians in the broadest sense. We believe that the Palestinian people must be assured that they and their descendants can live with dignity and freedom and have the opportunity for economic fulfilment and political expression. The Camp David accords state that the negotiated solution must recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
166.	The Camp David accords make a solid start towards achieving these goals for the Palestinians in real terms. In the West Bank and Gaza, the framework provides that Israeli occupation shall end and a self-governing authority shall be instituted. This can be achieved within a few months. Thus, for the first time the Palestinians have the prospect of governing themselves within the framework that has been agreed.
167.	The Camp David framework also gives the Palestinians a vital role in shaping their destiny by recognizing them as participants in all aspects of the negotiations that determine their future. The Palestinians will participate in the negotiations to set up their self-governing authority, in those to determine the final status of the West Bank and " Gaza, and in those leading to a Jordan-Israel peace treaty. Finally, the agreement on the final status of the West Bank
and Gaza will be submitted to a vote of representatives of the inhabitants for either ratification or rejection. These steps set in motion a political process of the utmost importance to all Palestinians.
168.	The Camp David accords concentrate on the means by which self-government can be established for the Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza, but there was also clear recognition by all three leaders at Camp David that the problem of the Palestinians living outside these areas must also be addressed. We recognize that this problem has political as well as humanitarian dimensions which must be resolved as an integral part of a durable peace settlement. When the Camp David accords call for the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects, they acknowledge and embrace that central fact. As the political institutions of self-government take shape, West Bank and Gaza through negotiations among parties, the relationship between those institutions and the Palestinians living outside the area should be defined, including the question of admission of Palestinian refugees to the West Bank and Gaza.
169.	The framework provides for the establishment of a committee to decide on the modalities of admission to the West Bank and Gaza of persons displaced in the 1967 war. For the first time the parties to the conflict, Egypt and Israel, have agreed to work with each other and with other interested parties to establish agreed procedures for a prompt, just and permanent resolution of the refugee problem.
170.	As President Carter stated in his address to Congress, the United States is irrevocably committed to bringing about a satisfactory solution to the problem of the Palestinian refugees. We will play an active role in the resolution of this problem. A solution must reflect the relevant United Nations resolutions relating to the refugees. We urge the international community to support Egypt and Israel in establishing procedures urgently to address this issue in all its aspects. And the international community should contribute to a programme to promote economic development in the West Bank and Gaza, as well as to assist those refugees residing elsewhere.
171. We are determined to achieve a fair and just
settlement of the Middle East question in all its parts, and
we hope the Palestinian people will seize this historic
opportunity. It is our hope that the people of the Middle
East will agree that it is imperative to begin the negotiating
process now and not to stand still until every last issue is
resolved. We urge the other interested parties to join the
negotiations without delay.
172. As the Middle East peace process moves forward, it is
vital to maintain the effectiveness of the United Nations
peace-keeping role there. It is critical that the mandates of
the United Nations Peace-keeping Forces in the Golan
Heights [UNDOF] and Sinai [UNEF] be renewed this fall.
Those Forces have thus far helped all sides avoid renewed
hostilities; they must now remain to help achieve a stable
peace.
173. Let me briefly review several other regional disputes
of major importance.
174. In Lebanon, the fighting and tragic loss of life
continue. UNIFIL in southern Lebanon has done much to
stabilize the situation in that part of the country, and we
call on all to support this effort to help reassert Lebanese
authority. Elsewhere in Lebanon confrontation and tensions
continue at a high pitch. President Carter made clear
in his address to the joint session of Congress following the
Camp David summit meetings, and again yesterday, his
determination to spare no effort to assist in finding a
solution to the Lebanese tragedy. As the President said
yesterday, it is time for us to take joint action to call a
conference of those who are involved and to try to reach
some solution. It may involve a new charter for Lebanon.
175. In Namibia the world community faces a fundamental
challenge. I will be commenting on this more
fully this afternoon in the Security Council. Let me
simply say now that "the United States is determined to see
Namibia achieve independence in accordance with the
contact group proposal and Security Council resolution
431 (1978). We call upon South Africa to co-operate fully
with the United Nations so that this critical opportunity for
a peaceful settlement will not be lost.
176. In Rhodesia, time may be running out for the
possibilities of diplomacy. But we will continue to work
with the United Kingdom Government, the Governments in
the region and the parties to seek a negotiated solution, We
condemn the murder of innocent civilians as a matter of
both conscience and reason. The prospects for peace in
Rhodesia will diminish if violence increases.
177. On Cyprus, an opportunity now exists to help the
two communities narrow their differences and achieve a
just and lasting solution to this long-standing problem. The
United Nations has done a commendable job of nurturing
an atmosphere which should now make possible productive
intercommunal negotiations. To grasp this opportunity, we
would welcome and. actively support a renewed effort by
Secretary-General Waldheim to help the parties reach
agreement on a sovereign, bicommunal, non-aligned federal
Republic of Cyprus which would meet the concerns of the
people of Cyprus.
178. In this Hemisphere, we must respond to the agony of
those caught up in the violence and bloodshed of
Nicaragua. We and several countries in Latin America have
offered to assist in the mediation of Nicaragua's internal
crisis. It is our hope and expectation that all parties
concerned will accept these offers and 'agree to a fair
mediation process in which all can have confidence. Only a
democratic solution in Nicaragua-not repression or
.violence-can lead to an enduring stability and to true
peace.
179. As we work together to find peaceful resolutions to
the most dangerous regional disputes, we must also seek in
this Assembly to strengthen the United Nations peacekeeping
capability.

180. And while this Organization works to limit violence
among nations, we must not lose sight of the havoc
wreaked by those who perpetrate terrorist acts on innocent
persons. No sin(;k' nation, acting alone, can deal adequately
with this serious problem. Collective action is essential.

181.	We are beginning to make some progress. Last year the General Assembly adopted a significant resolution on aircraft hijacking resolution 32/8. The Joint Statement on International Terrorism adopted on 17 July 1978 at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference  produced a much needed agreement on the harbouring of hijackers. We strongly urge all nations to subscribe to this Statement.
182.	The pursuit of peace and security must go beyond resolving conflicts and preventing violence. The security of all is enhanced if nations limit the weapons of war through mutually negotiated arms control agreements.
183.	We are engaged with the Soviet Union and other nations in a broad range of arms control negotiations.
184.	The conclusion of a strategic arms limitation agreement with the Soviet Union is a fundamental goal of the United States. We hope that we may conclude an agreement as a result of the second series of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks before the end of this year.
185.	The United States hopes that early progress can be made in concluding a comprehensive agreement to end the testing of nuclear weapons.
186.	Increased efforts are critically needed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. It is important to prepare fully for the 1980 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; to continue to make progress in the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation; and to recognize one of the important achievements of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament: the decision by several nuclear Powers to pledge, under specific circumstances, to refrain from use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States. We suggest that the Security Council take note of these pledges.
187.	The United States will also work to ensure compliance with the call in the Declaration of Principles and Programme of Action of the special session on disarmament [see resolution S-10/2] for restraint in the transfer of conventional arms. We are actively discussing with the Soviet Union how our two nations might encourage restraint in consistency with the legitimate right to self-defence and international obligations. We are encouraged by the new initiatives already being taken to promote restraint on a regional basis in Latin America and we stand ready to support similar efforts by countries in other regions.
188.	In conclusion, let me emphasize that on all the issues I have addressed today what we share is greater than how we differ. We share the same small planet. We share human aspirations—for better lives, for greater opportunity, for freedom and security. And because we share a common destiny, we are compelled to resolve our differences.
189.	If we focus on these common interests, we can begin to find the common ground for global progress. We can, as Jean Monnet said, "put our problems on one side of the table and all of us on the other".
190.	The measure of our progress will not be whether we achieve all our goals in this generation, for that will surely not be possible. It is whether we can now summon the will to move forward together so that our children may benefit from our efforts and our vision.


138.	It is a great pleasure and honour for me to convey to Mr. Lievano, through you, Sir, on behalf of my Foreign Minister—who, for compelling reasons, is unable to attend this crucial session-and on behalf of the delegation of the State of Qatar, warmest and most sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. His election to that important post is a clear acknowledgement of his excellent personal attributes and his thorough knowledge of the working of this Organization, which fill us with confidence that he will carry out his immense task with skill and wisdom.
139.	I should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the President's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, on the excellent way in which he directed the work of the thirty-second session of the .General Assembly.
140.	Similarly, my country's delegation would like to praise the great efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in the service of the international community, and to assure him of our total and sincere co-operation in his noble task.
141.	It is also with pleasure that my country salutes and welcomes the admission of the Republic of Solomon Islands to membership in the United Nations, a new victory for justice and for the freedom-loving peoples. My country's delegation would like to take this opportunity to wish this young nation success in consolidating its independence.
142.	The true suffering experienced by humanity makes it incumbent on the United Nations not to be a mere rostrum for ideologies or only a medium for disseminating messages of peoples' aspirations and hopes. Man's suffering imposes on our world Organization the need to be a base for serious work and a place for achievement and the achievement of all our legitimate ambitions as an international family, united in striving for a. better life.
143.	The United Nations emerged at the end of the Second World War pledged to achieve peace, security and freedom for all peoples, but we find a bitter state of affairs after 30 years of activity. Our international Organization has not fulfilled its pledge, not out of lack of capability or deficiency in the provisions of its Charter, but because of the great Powers' hegemony and their persistence in imposing schemes and policies based on interests that do not correspond with human aspirations to freedom, peace and security. We can only reiterate that the proclaimed human rights are an ideal. We ask at the same time, "Where is its effective implementation, and what is its extent? "
Today, 30 years after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted, we find countries practising racial discrimination in its most abominable forms, discrimination based on race, religion, language or thought, in addition to colonialism and other forms of military and economic aggression practised by Governments signatories of the Declaration. The principles and articles of the Declaration have no effect in restraining those Governments from using those hideous methods, which amount to a degradation of human dignity and a denial of basic rights.
144.	The issue of decolonization and the liquidation of all the remnants of racism and racial discrimination is directly related to the preservation of international peace and security and the alleviation of world tensions, sparing the world the misery of war and armed struggles. Yet racist regimes still practise various forms of repression, persecution and mass murder against the original inhabitants of South Africa and Rhodesia.
145.	Those odious racist regimes would not have been able to survive without the political, military and economic support that they receive from some Western countries, and especially from Israel, which has now come to represent the prime source of weapons for those despised regimes. We in the State of Qatar hail and support the heroic struggle of those peoples who still suffer under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination. We shall support their efforts until they achieve total liberation. We appeal to the countries that support the racist regimes, whether in the economic, military or nuclear fields, to stop their assistance immediately. We also appeal to all countries to increase their assistance to the peoples that have fallen under the yoke of racial discrimination and segregation. We call upon the world community to reject any steps taken by the South African Government tending to weaken the geographical unity and security of the territory of Namibia and to oppose the legitimate and free expression of the will of the people of the Territory concerning its future. Any constitutional arrangements drawn up for this Territory ought to be considered invalid unless they are based on the views and wishes of the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO and in conformity with Security Council resolution 385 (1976), concerning the exercise by Namibia of its inalienable right to freedom, national independence and the integrity of its territory, including Walvis Bay, which is an integral part of that Territory.
146.	The world today is heading towards a catastrophe which threatens humanity with extinction as a result of the frantic arms race and the accumulation of destructive weapons, especially nuclear weapons. The arms race not only threatens us with the catastrophe of extinction but saps our human, material and intellectual resources at a time when the peoples of the world in general, and the developing countries in particular, are in dire need of those resources to dispel the spectre of hunger. To that end the non-aligned countries took the first initiative for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the problems of disarmament. Its aim was to dispel the spectre of war and extermination that threatens mankind and to divert the material and human resources devoted to the production of weapons to the field of development. For the first time in the history of the United
Nations a special session was convinced for a global evaluation of the question of disarmament, a question that lies at the heart of the problem of our world order. International concern regarding that session gave us reason to hope that resolutions and recommendations would be adopted that would further disarmament and limit armaments, thus speeding up the process of economic development. Yet the great Powers which are directly responsible for the escalation of armaments did not make any tangible efforts for the success of the session, because they had a negative attitude to it. They also torpedoed many of the constructive proposals put forward by the third-world countries.
147.	My Government supports and reaffirms the principal role to be played by the United Nations in the field of disarmament in achieving the complete implementation of the provisions of the Final Document of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament [resolution S-10/2J, in increasing efforts to ensure an end to the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, and in diverting efforts in the opposite direction to serve the economic and social development of all peoples.
148.	The State of Qatar also fully supports the special declarations regarding the establishment of nuclear-free zones in the Middle East, the Indian Ocean, South Asia, Africa and Latin America and to make all the oceans and seas zones of peace. In our view, this will contribute to the alleviation of international tension, dissipate the fear that hovers over the peoples in those areas and strengthen international peace and security.
149.	My country also supports the notion of providing comprehensive international guarantees to the countries that do not have nuclear weapons and of having the United Nations, and especially the Security Council, take effective measures against South Africa and Israel to prevent them from exercising nuclear blackmail. There is no doubt that Israel's refusal to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will certainly expose that particular region to the dangers of destructive nuclear weapons.
150.	The imbalance in the economic relations between the developed and the developing countries has come to endanger peace and stability in the world and to jeopardize its prosperity and progress. It is among the most important reasons for the initiation of the North-South dialogue for the building of a new international economic order based on the principles of justice and equality among nations in regard to their policies and the control of their national resources without foreign interference. However, that dialogue did not reach its desired conclusion, because of the developed countries' position. Therefore my country stresses the importance of resuming the North-South dialogue in order to deal with the problems of raw materials, energy and development and to solve them on the basis of the resolutions of the General Assembly's sixth special session, namely the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)].
151.	In the light of the worsening economic situation in the developing countries, which are unable to solve their development problems alone, it is imperative to establish profitable technical co-operation between those developing countries and the developed ones and to stop foreign monopolies from jeopardizing and obstructing the efforts of the developing countries for the achievement of economic independence. It is deplorable that the developed countries export their economic problems of inflation and rising costs to developing ones instead of assisting them with their practical experience, technology and technical training. All the present economic indicators point unequivocally to the fact that the international monopolies are plundering the third world's wealth without helping its development, thus creating a huge gap between the revenues of the developing - countries and those of the developed ones.
152.	The consecutive sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea constitute an outstanding precedent in the history of our Organization and that of the world, but we note that those meetings have not yet produced an agreement on a final convention which would deal with extremely important subjects on a just basis and specify the means for the maximum utilization of the vast natural resources in the oceans in order to make them available for the general good of humanity at large. Some very important questions are still under discussion, such as those of the international authority, economic zones, the rights of land-locked and geographically disadvantaged countries, the peaceful and legal means necessary to solve disputes that arise between countries over the aforementioned questions and others related to the exploitation of maritime natural resources.
153.	It is obvious from the discussions and1 deliberations of the Conference that the major Powers are ignoring the vital interests of the developing countries and raising obstacles in order to prevent the Conference from reaching its desired conclusion and from solving the questions under consideration in a way that would enhance the exploitation of resources and their just distribution. The State of Qatar appeals to the great Powers to abandon their egotism and give the same consideration to the interests of other countries, especially the developing ones, as they give to their own.
154.	The question of Cyprus remains unsolved despite the commendable efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Consequently, the Government of Qatar supports the holding of serious and constructive negotiations to solve this problem. Those negotiations should be held freely with equality of representation, and without foreign intervention, so that eventually an agreement acceptable to the relevant parties could be reached which would achieve independence and territorial integrity for the island and guarantee its non-alignment, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX).
155.	My Government also welcomes the efforts being exerted to solve the Korean problem by peaceful means free from foreign intervention. My Government believes that a peaceful solution of the Cypriot and Korean problems would contribute to the easing of international tensions and the strengthening of world peace and security.
156.	The situation in the Middle East is fraught with the . gloomiest consequences as a result of the stubborn intransigence of the Zionist entity and its procrastination and lack of commitment to United Nations resolutions, especially General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which aims at the establishment of a just and permanent peace in the Middle East. This entity, based on Zionism, which has been judged by the United Nations to be a form of racism, is still occupying Syrian and Egyptian territories in addition to the whole Palestinian homeland, thereby violating the sovereignty of Member nations of the United Nations and preventing the Palestinian people from exercising its legitimate inalienable national rights, including the right to self-determination and the establishment of an independent State on its own national soil.
157.	The primary goal of Israeli aggression is the achievement of Israel's expansionist aims, as has been clear from the time of the armistice until now from the various ways in which the Israeli authorities have annexed demilitarized zones and subsequently occupied the whole of Palestine and portions of Egypt, Syria and Lebanon. As this is not the time to list continuous Israeli aggressions from the inception of Israel to the present day, I shall limit myself to the latest aggression against Lebanon and the occupation of parts of the territory of that country. Israel is still persisting in this occupation, defying the United Nations Charter and disregarding Security Council resolution 425 (1978), which calls for immediate Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, and Security Council resolution 426(1978). Israel committed that aggression in fulfilment of goals and plans that are based on expansion and aggression, in fulfilment of the Zionist colonialist plan to establish a Jewish national homeland and the desire of some Western nations to secure their interests in the Arab region, and in fulfilment of Israel's role of the powerful guard who guarantees the division of the Arab world and its exhaustion in order to prevent its progress towards the exploitation of its own natural resources.
158.	By repeated aggressions Israel is manoeuvring itself into a more strategic position for further territorial expansion, and therefore Zionism will never accept any international guarantees of its boundaries with Arab States in spite of its persistent claim to want those guarantees. Israel can never live in peace within the boundaries that were decided upon at its inception for the following five reasons: first, because of considerations appropriate to its basic ideological belief that it must establish a state within an area larger than its boundaries; secondly, because it follows a policy of encouraging immigration and the absorption of the majority of world Jewry; thirdly, because of its worsening economic situation; fourthly, because of its nature as a colonialist stooge in the area, which makes it constantly seek to keep the area in a state of tension and upheaval; and fifthly, because it has benefited from the constant state of tension and upheaval in the area which has enabled it to remain in the spotlight and allowed it to request more funds from international Zionist organizations and to receive increased support from some countries which have a vested interest in it.
159.	The Palestinian problem is at the core of the dispute in the Middle East and at the heart of its bloody struggle, a struggle that was imposed by Israel on the Palestinian Arab people after Israel forced them to leave their homeland and possessions through repeated savage and barbaric aggressions over recent years. That wicked aggressor has used various savage and barbaric practices against the Palestinian people and is planning to liquidate the Palestinian cause. In spite of all Israel's criminal, barbaric deeds it has not succeeded in exterminating the Palestinian people or in liquidating their just cause. Instead, the Palestinian people, through its national liberation struggle, is proceeding to the recovery of its legitimate rights and will be able through its steadfastness and continuous struggle and with the assistance and support of the peace-loving nations of the world, to impose its existence and defeat all Zionist plans to eliminate it.
160.	The world community as a whole is convinced that the Palestinian question is at the heart of the Middle East struggle and that there cannot be a solution to that struggle without a just solution to this problem in accordance with international law and the resolutions and Charter of the United Nations. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East requires the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the territories Israel occupies and its recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries that was held in Belgrade recently reiterated what has already been accepted by the world community, namely, the importance of strengthening co-ordination between the non-aligned countries and the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people [see Aj33/206, annex I, para. 65J. It also reiterated the right of the PLO to reject all forms of compromise settlements and solutions that aim at the liquidation of the Palestinian cause and the denial of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The Government of Qatar totally supports the important decision adopted by the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries which calls for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine, with a view to adopting measures conducive to the implementation of the United Nations resolutions concerning Israeli withdrawal from occupied Palestinian and Arab territories as well as the achievement of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people [ibid., annex III, resolution on the Middle East, para. 21].
161.	The question of Palestine is an international issue at the heart of the Middle East struggle and upon its solution depends peace or war in the region. There cannot be peace and security in the Middle East without the recovery by the Palestinian people of their legitimate rights under the leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and the total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including Arab Jerusalem. It is therefore incumbent on our world Organization, and all its organs to strengthen international faith in its capacity to make peace, bring about stability, ensure justice and restore the rights of rightful owners. We are confident that through the honest collective determination of all Member States we shall be able to realize these noble and lofty objectives.


236.	Allow me first of all to convey to you, Sir, the cordial congratulations of the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin on the occasion of your outstanding election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. My country is glad to see you in charge of the work of the Assembly this year. By elevating you to this high office, the Assembly has sought to pay tribute to your eminent self, but at the same time it has paid a tribute to your country, the Republic of Colombia, a country which has always played a dynamic role, not just within the Latin American sphere, but also in the context of the countries of the world which are resolutely committed to the sacred battle for the establishment of the new international economic order. My delegation is convinced that under your wise and far-sighted leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success.
237.	Mr. President, you are the successor to one of the most distinguished Presidents of the Assembly, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, to whom my delegation offers its admiration and esteem for the remarkable way in which he conducted the work of the thirty-second session, and for the unflagging spirit he showed at the eighth, ninth and tenth special sessions of this Assembly. The results achieved by those sessions might not appear to amount to very much, but that in no way detracts from the merits and the qualities of this statesman, who is known for his tact and perspicacity. We would now be congratulating Mr. Mojsov on the positive result, achieved during his term of office, were it not for the discreet but extremely effective and praiseworthy assistance he received from our Secretary-General, Mr. Kua Waldheim. My delegation yet again wishes to pay a tribute to the outstanding qualities of the chief officer of this Organization, and his dedication to the cause of the noble ideals of international peace and security. We are convinced that, with him, this Organization will continue to make positive progress towards the realization of the noble objectives which it has set itself, and will do so thanks to the support of each and every one of us.
238.	My country, the People's Republic of Benin, warmly welcomes the accession of Solomon Islands to full national sovereignty and its admission to the United Nations. My delegation assures the representatives of this new State of its active solidarity and brotherly co-operation.
239.	We find ourselves today meeting once again in this forum to express our hopes for a better future. We are meeting here again to seek through the growing awareness of the peoples of the whole world—and more particularly the awareness of the exploited and oppressed peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America—just solutions to the numerous problems confronting mankind at the present time. The decisions that we take here and the challenges with which we will be confronted involve not only the immediate future of the exploited and oppressed peoples of the world, who are refusing to remain eternally passive in their status of outcasts and refusing to be excluded from the march of progress, but also the future of the generations to come and the future of our children, who will have to continue the task of promoting the cause of the human person, the cause of peace and justice, and all the noble ideals which form the very purpose of the existence of this Organization.
240.	The problems confronting the international community are numerous and complex. But some of these problems, by their scope and their importance, are coextensive with -certain others and are viewed by our peoples as being of particular relevance. This is true, for example, of the problem of international peace and security.
241.	It is without question a platitude to affirm that the peoples of the world want peace, a peace which would make possible their development and the satisfaction of their legitimate aspirations. It is equally banal to say that the peoples of the world desire security. The quest for peace and security has always been in fact at the very core of the concern of the peoples of the world as a whole. The Government of the People's Republic of Benin, faithful to the legitimate aspirations of its people, struggles resolutely and consistently for the establishment of effective peace and security among all the nations of the globe and makes available its militant and unreserved support for all concrete initiatives taken in this sphere by friendly countries. The People's Republic of Benin supports the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the first review session in Belgrade, and regards their results as of great importance in the quest for international peace and security. It salutes the countries and organizations which promoted those conferences and congratulates in particular the Soviet Union and the socialist countries for the decisive role which they have played in the success and in the results which have been achieved. Thanks to the efforts of those countries and the farces of progress in the world at large, a measure of detente has come about in relations between socialist and capitalist countries. This is certainly an important contribution to the cause of international peace and security, and a major new factor in international relations.
242.	None the less, to be quite truthful my delegation must say that in order to achieve the desired effectiveness and take into account the true problems of the present time, those agreements must be extended to all regions of the world, and their content applied to the whole of the international community.
243.	Peace, like security, is a fundamental aspiration common to all the peoples of the world which, both in its conception and its realization, cannot be split up into
sectors. There will be peace and security for all peoples or for none. Here more than in any other area we must show great vigilance to ensure that our laborious efforts to attain an objective so close to the hearts of our peoples will not be surreptitiously and dishonestly used by some for their own purposes, against our peoples and, in the last resort, against international peace and security.
244.	We must be quite aware that, even considered in a partial sense, peace today has nothing but friends but some of those who speak most loudly about it do not always have the purest of intentions. Otherwise, how is it possible that, while everyone talks about international peace and security, the yearning of the African peoples for peace and security is being thwarted in the most brutal and, indeed, the most official manner by the diabolical undertakings, the subversive manoeuvres and the repeated and manifold forms of aggression committed by certain Western capitalist Powers, which openly oppose peace and security for the African peoples?
245.	How is it possible that, at a time when everyone talks about international peace and security, the leaders of those countries at the very highest level openly make threats of reprisals and of colonial reconquest against the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America which oppose their exploitation and diktat, and indeed actually carry out those threats?
246.	We very much fear that behind these professions of faith and sweet words the imperialist Power really see in the agreements signed at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Helsinki and the limited detente achieved in Europe as nothing more than a long-dreamed-of opportunity for them to free themselves of the European front in order to concentrate all their military, economic
financial might against our defenceless countries.
247.	Everyone is aware that the dominant fact of the international situation today is the exacerbation at a critical level of the contradictions between international imperialism, with its record of exploitation, and the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, who have been oppressed and plundered, between the camp of the forces of liberation and progress and the camp of oppression and man's exploitation of man.
248.	Throughout the world today, the dominant and irreversible trend of the struggle of the peoples is towards revolution. In Asia, in Latin America and, more particularly, in Africa, the situation is characterized by the struggle of countries and peoples to break the chains of imperialist domination, to put an end once and for all to reactionary social and economic structures inherited from colonialism and neo-colonialism and to take their destiny into their own hands.
249.	From being exploited, alienated and mere chattels, the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America have now become enlightened and active participants in world history. That is why the liberation movements in the various parts of the world are struggling to snatch their confiscated national independence and sovereignty from the claws of the colonial Powers. That is why the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are resolutely struggling to snatch their
pilfered natural resources from the grasp of the great capitalist monopolies. That is why the working classes of the capitalist countries are struggling to overthrow the bourgeoisie and to eliminate the unjust system of exploitation practised at their expense. That is why the revolutionary storm is blowing ever stronger each day causing disarray in the imperialist circles of the world.
250.	Faced with this irresistible surge of the struggle of the peoples for their liberation and independence, international imperialism, finding itself hard pressed, now aims at our countries certain criminal designs involving armed aggression, the physical elimination of political leaders, the destabilization of progressive regimes in order to recover their lost positions, to gag our peoples and quietly to pursue the plundering of our natural resources.
251.	In the People's Republic of Benin, the continuous and impetuous development of our democratic and popular revolution and the brilliant victories won by the militant and hard-working people of Benin on all fronts of the struggle, especially since the proclamation of 30 November 1974 of its choice of scientific socialism as the path of development, has constantly given rise to the fury and rage of international imperialism.
252.	Our fundamental objective is the complete and final elimination of the material and ideological bases of imperialism in our country with a view to its liberation from foreign domination and all forms of exploitation, oppression and alienation, in order to construct in the People's Republic of Benin a prosperous and independent national economy and a socialist society in which it will be good for all citizens, both men and women, of Benin to live, relying on their own strength.
253.	It is our firm determination to attain these noble objectives, which accounts for all the plots and attacks on the part of reactionary forces, both local and international, plots and attacks which reached their pinnacle with the ignoble imperialist armed aggression of which our country, our people and the revolution were the victims on Sunday, 16 January 1977.
254.	Condemning armed imperialist aggression in its resolutions 404 (1977), 405 (1977) and 419 (1977), the Security Council invited the international community to contribute to making good the damages suffered by our country. The Secretary-General's report, which appeared on 29 September in document S/1287320 gives an account of the favourable and positive reactions of the international community with regard to the appeal made at that time by the Security Council.
255.	This is a fitting occasion on which to renew our sincere thanks to all the States and international organizations which have been unstinting in their support during these painful events.
256.	We are surprised that certain States which without any doubt play a major role on the international political scene and which unequivocally declare their concern for the
maintenance of peace and security throughout the world did not feel any obligation to contribute towards compensating the People's Republic of Benin for the damages it suffered, although they recognized and condemned that ignominious and criminal act against a sovereign State as a flagrant violation of the sovereignty of an independent country and a grave threat to international peace and security. At any rate, taking into account the gravity of this iniquitous act and the danger which it represents for the independent African countries, the African Heads of State and Government at the fifteenth ordinary session of the Organization of African Unity [OAUJ roundly condemned the armed imperialist aggression committed against my country, as well as those who had planned, organized, financed and carried it out.
257.	The people of Benin is not suffering from "aggressionitis". No, far from it; the people of Benin is not obsessed with the fear of aggression.
258.	The question of imperialist aggression and policies of war and colonial reconquest is not something peculiar to my country. It concerns all the progressive countries wishing to affirm their sovereignty and national independence.
259.	Imperialist aggression and the implementation of policies of war and colonial reconquest today constitute a real danger to international peace and security.
260.	If it wishes to remain consistent with its own declarations, the international community is not entitled to remain indifferent to this important problem.
261.	International imperialism in its essence and objectives has remained true to form. It is not prepared to yield on any of the countless interests which it has dishonestly arrogated to itself at the expense of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It obstinately insists on maintaining its domination over the world and continuing with the shameless plunder of our wealth, and any desire for genuine independence immediately brings intervention on its part. Thus numerous threats of aggression still hover over our countries, which only aspire to peace and security so that the pressing objectives of their economic and social development can be attained. My country, the People's Republic of Benin, is one of those countries.
262.	In the implementation of the policy of war and -colonial reconquest of international imperialism, certain .African Heads of State are playing a role which is
particularly harmful and prejudicial to peace and security in Africa. There is one among them who is personally most hostile to the peace and security of the people of Benin.
263.	Indeed, when at Khartoum, in the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, the Heads of State of the OAU adopted a resolution vigorously condemning the armed imperialist aggression which had been cynically perpetrated against my country, the People's Republic of Benin, as well as those who had planned, organized, financed and carried it out; when at Khartoum the Heads of State of the OAU resolutely condemned all threats of imperialist aggression which weigh so dangerously on the sister Republic of Sao Tome and Principe; when at Khartoum the Council of
Ministers of the OAU took the historic decision to expel from the Assembly the representatives of Bob Denard—this adventure-seeking mercenary well known in Africa and the world, this international outlaw who in a still recent past was the sole and genuine master of the Comoros-when at the Assembly of the Heads of State of the OAU at Khartoum the question of the base, cowardly and barbaric armed aggression of colonial reconquest against my country, the People's Republic of Benin, was discussed and firmly condemned, international imperialism, with the culpable complicity of that puppet African Head of State, decided to launch a new criminal assault in its senseless dream to destabilize at all costs our revolutionary regime and put an end to the revolution of the people of Benin. Thus, after the crushing defeat of the vile aggressors on 16 January 1977, a particularly bloody and murderous man-hunt was unleashed on 21 July 1978 against my compatriots, throughout the country and on the express order of this African Head of State.
264.	This African Head of State has thereby incurred grave historical responsibility by violating more than once the fundamental principles of human rights so dear to all of us, principles which are contained in the Charters of the OAU and the United Nations.
265.	That is why, on behalf of the peaceful industrious and militant people of Benin as a whole and its democratic popular revolution, we appeal in this Assembly to all States Members of the United Nations and all the peoples of the world which desire peace, justice, dignity and social progress to bear witness to our words.
266.	The OAU and the United Nations, as well as history, have recognized and recorded the sole responsibility of that African Head of State for these criminal and inhumane acts of plunder and the systematic looting of property, rapes, murders, humiliations and extortions of all sorts against thousands of men, women and children of Benin who were living in peace and working together with the people of that brother country and who were torn away from their work and gagged, pushed along and led away like cattle and left in concentration camps without food or care in abominable hygienic conditions and at the mercy of the weather. What is more, it was in those conditions that on 5 August 1978, upon the personal instructions of that African Head of State, his country's soldiers opened fire in cold blood on a crowd of innocent victims, again causing several dead and wounded.
267.	The criminal decision on the expulsion of Benin citizens taken by that puppet African Head of State and his imperialist masters fits nicely into their policy of aggression and destabilization of the regimes of progressive countries of our great and beautiful African continent.
268.	However, in the face of the increasingly aggressive behaviour of its enemies from within and outside, the people of Benin have closed ranks so as to move more resolutely towards socialist development.
269.	My country, the People's Republic of Benin, can but renew here before this Assembly the expression - of its satisfaction at the historic decision of the Council of Ministers of the OAU at its thirty-first session at Khartoum
to expel from the Conference the representatives of Bob Denard, that well-known French mercenary and adventurer.
270.	No one today has any doubt that Bob Denard, this knave well known to the peoples of Zaire, Nigeria, the Sudan and Angola, was the infamous Colonel Bourgeaud of Cotonou. This professional perpetrator of mass crimes has now been reported as having left Moroni for an unknown destination, after having, of course, completed his crime. Towards what country and towards the murder of which African or other people are the dark forces which manipulate this dangerous adventurer soon to be steering him? And what kind of international peace and security will result?
271.	All of these facts eloquently prove that the imperialist policy of colonial reconquest is not mere empty words. International imperialism shrinks from nothing in its attempt once again to endanger the independence of numerous African States and the most effective and least compromising way for them to achieve their diabolical aims is the use of mercenaries. The peoples of the world must courageously denounce those Powers which come here and talk profusely of international peace and security, the need to leave Africa to the Africans, of non-interference in the affairs of independent African States, but at the same time step up their policy of aggression and brute force in Africa.
272.	The people of Benin, its Government and progressive party, the Party of the Popular Revolution of Benin, headed by our distinguished militant comrade, President Kerekou, have clearly understood all these fine honeyed words of imperialism which is so arrogant in its exploitation and oppression. The Benin people, its Government and party have understood now that international imperialism will continue with repeated plots and acts of aggression against our national democratic and popular revolution and it will not resign itself to the crushing defeat which it suffered in our country on 16 January 1977. The Benin people, its Government and party, have perfectly well understood that, in order to thwart the subversive designs of international imperialism and to free itself completely from foreign rule, the continuous strengthening of the unity and solidarity of the peoples of the world who cherish peace and liberty is indispensable. This is why, on the initiative of our progressive party, the Party of the Popular Revolution of Benin, a week, of solidarity with the peoples and countries which are struggling for their national liberation and the International Conference on Mercenaries were organized at Cotonou from 9 to 16 January 1978 to celebrate the first anniversary of 16 January 1977, on which date our people crushed the imperialist aggression against it.
273.	Forty or so delegations representing democratic countries, parties and organizations took an active part in these events. The delegations worked without interruption in an atmosphere of cordial friendship and drafted a number of important documents including the Declaration of Cotonouz1 and a general declaration on the use of mercenaries. These documents are a positive contribution
to the problem of the maintenance of international peace and security and as such they have been published as official documents of the Security Council.
274.	The peoples of the world that are the victims of humiliation, harassment and aggression by international imperialism, those peoples whose national resources have been systematically looted by capitalist monopolies, must abide strictly by the spirit of Cotonou. They must unite and organize themselves increasingly over a broad front in order to oppose imperialism's policy of war and intervention and must by deeds require imperialism not only to. recognize the rights of peoples to self-determination and to the choice of the economic and social system they prefer, but also to abolish the use of mercenaries in the world, in other words to respect international peace and security.
275.	Total decolonization of the territories still under colonial rule is also an essential prerequisite for the preservation of international peace and security. The imperialist Powers which pursue their policy of war, aggression and provocation are quite well aware of this, so much so that they spare no effort to prevent the real decolonization of countries still under colonial rule.
276.	That is why those imperialist Powers give massive financial, economic, political and military support to the minority colonialist, racist and Fascist regimes of southern Africa with a view to keeping under their control the  immense wealth of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa.
277.	These territories under colonial and foreign rule are the main bridge-head of international imperialism in Africa today. Their total liberation and the ending of the oppression and exploitation suffered by the African populations of southern Africa is a matter of grave concern for the imperialist Powers, which still cling to their selfish and dishonest interests. Everything, including armed violence, has been set in motion in order to thwart the legitimate aspirations of the people of these territories to independence, sovereignty, peace and security in the land of their forefathers. The decolonization of Namibia and Zimbabwe are thus two matters of very special concern to imperialism and for a very good reason. The strategy of the imperialist Powers, confronted as they are with the inevitability of the liberation and independence of these Territories is now to use every stratagem to put in their own puppets and set up fake neo-colonial regimes wholly dedicated to the defence of imperialist interests. This is the aim of the numerous plans for so-called "peaceful negotiation" being rigged up here and there today in connexion with Namibia and Rhodesia and which, to the accompaniment of great diplomatic proclamations, are being forced down the throat of the international community.
278.	Namibia, a Territory adjacent to the racist bastion of oppression and exploitation, South Africa, is the subject of a plan for a settlement of this sort.
279.	My delegation wishes to reaffirm that the famous so-called Western plan for the settlement of the Namibian question23 would never have seen the light of day at all had
it not been for the long armed struggle of the Namibian people under the far-sighted leadership of its revolutionary vanguard, SWAPO, and without the concessions and serious compromises made by the leaders of SWAPO.
280.	We therefore wish to express our concern at the results to be expected from the present set-up which is designed solely to encourage an alleged internal solution where everything is being done to facilitate the task of the Pretoria regime, which has already rigged the electoral rolls so as to permit the placing in office of a bogus regime which would set up a nice cordon sanitaire, as it were, for the racist bastion of southern Africa. The Namibian people, in our opinion, must recover their full independence and enjoy the integrity of their territory, including Walvis Bay.
281.	In Southern Rhodesia the masquerade of the imperialist Powers who support the regime of the devious Mr. Smith has now reached its peak, all the attempts to break the united activity of the Patriotic Front and the front-line countries, for the benefit of the internal settlement, having literally failed.
282.	Ever since the so-called rebellion of that British colony, despite all the assurances we were given here, the Western Powers-and particularly the United Kingdom, the administering Power—have done nothing but openly violate the mandatory sanctions imposed by our Organization on the illegal Smith regime.
283.	The recent scandal of the breach of the sanctions discovered in the United Kingdom is one more proof of the immoral nature of Western policies in southern Africa.
284.	The People's Republic of Benin will continue to support the policy defined and defended by the Patriotic Front for the total liberation of Zimbabwe. The internal settlement concluded on 3 March 1978 is entirely bogus. It is a gross attempt to fool everyone. We condemn and oppose it because it is designed not, as some would have us believe, to create an independent Zimbabwe, but simply to set up a neo-colonial regime dedicated to international imperialism.
285.	The People's Republic of Benin appeals to all peoples that cherish peace and justice to give diplomatic and material aid to the Patriotic Front in the armed struggle that must lead to the total independence of Zimbabwe.
286.	In Western Sahara international imperialism gives financial and economic support, and support in the form of the most sophisticated military equipment, to the Moroccan annexationists and expansionists, with their insane dream of preventing the Saharan people by all means, including genocide, from exercising their legitimate right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty.
287.	Yet the Frente POLISARIO, in deciding on a unilateral cease-fire on the Mauritanian front after the recent political changes in that country, a decision confirmed by the recent Congress of the Frente POLISARIO, has proved to the world that its people want only to have
peace and to live in complete harmony with all the peoples of the region.
288.	The People's Republic of Benin reaffirms its complete support for the just cause of the Saharan people, and supports the resolutions of the Third Congress of the Frente POLISARIO calling for the total liberation of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic from the claws of international imperialism and its Moroccan puppets.
289.	The Middle East is also a region in which, in order to endanger peace and security there, imperialism is doing its best to spread disorder and terror.
290.	The People's Republic of Benin unequivocally reaffirms the right of the Palestinian people to life, independence and national sovereignty. The twin policy of the imperialist Powers, to stifle and eliminate Palestinian resistance, makes it necessary for this Organization to remain vigilant in order to thwart all the Machiavellian delaying tactics and the attempts at division cynically carried out by imperialism so that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East will not take place with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization PLO.
291.	My delegation reaffirms that the Palestinian problem is the very core of the question of the Middle East, and that no just and lasting solution can be found unless this painful problem is settled with the effective participation of the PLO.
292.	Recently a great deal of ink and a great deal of hot air have been .expended on the subject of human rights. Human rights are the right to life, freedom, work, well-being and dignity. It is paradoxical that it is precisely those who would pass themselves off as the champions and most ardent defenders of those rights that are the first to deny them to others.
293.	What countries give economic, military and political support to the Fascist regimes of Latin America, the racist regimes of Africa and the puppet regimes of Asia?
294.	How can one talk of human rights and at the same time ally oneself with Pinochet, Vorster, and Park Chung Hee?
295.	How can one talk- of human rights and permit on one's own soil the recruitment, training and financing of mercenaries, these specialists in mass crimes?
296.	How can one talk of human rights and refuse to the peoples the right to self-determination?
297.	How can one talk of human rights and stubbornly oppose the principle of the sovereignty of States over their natural resources?
298.	How can one talk of human rights and firmly support the odious system of apartheid and racial discrimination?
299.	To establish the rights to life, freedom, dignity, work and human well-being, it is necessary to put an end to the odious system of the exploitation of man by man.
300.	Young people and students from all over the world, who represent mankind's future, have well understood this question. That is why at the Eleventh Festival of Youth and Students held in Havana, in the free land of Cuba, in July this year, they accused and rightly condemned imperialism as being responsible for all the evils afflicting mankind. That is why they rightly proclaimed that the struggle for a new international economic order was an integral part of the anti-imperialist struggle, of the struggle for independence and national sovereignty.
301.	The forces of exploitation and domination are today becoming increasingly aware of the danger of destruction hanging over them in the shape of the struggles for liberation of the peoples. That is why they are increasing their brutality and violence, allying themselves with reactionary forces in all countries, maintaining military bases and recruiting mercenaries. That is why the oppressed countries and peoples must resolve the contradictions that must inevitably arise between them and unite in the common struggle against the common enemy.
302.	The forces of exploitation and oppression are allying themselves in all spheres with the forces of reaction throughout the world. The forces of progress, democracy and the well-being of the people must also unite and help each other, giving each other mutual support.
303.	That is why we wish to declare aloud our militant gratitude to all the friendly countries whose internationalist aid constitutes a powerful factor in the development and consolidation of the national liberation struggle.
304.	For the triumph of real peace and security for all the peoples of the world, my country, the People's Republic of Benin, firmly and resolutely supports the just struggle of the Korean people for the independence and peaceful reunification of their country. The puppet clique of Park Chung Hee must put an end to its policy of fascism and terror in the South of the country and stop its acts of provocation against the North. Foreign troops and arms must be completely removed.
305.	The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the just struggle of the heroic peoples of Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos for the strengthening of their sovereignty and their national reconstruction.
306.	The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the courageous struggle for national independence and sovereignty waged by the peoples of East Timor, the South Moluccas and Belize.
307.	The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the revolutionary national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.
308.	The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the revolutionary struggle waged by the peoples of the Front-line countries in southern Africa-Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia.
3Q9, The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the struggle of the peoples of Latin America against fascism and terror,
310.	Some 30 years ago the nations of the world, having seen the horrible, spectacular destruction of the Second World War, decided to create the United Nations as a centre for the permanent search for harmony, for the cause of peace and international security and the development of man
311.	Since then, however, many of the countries which at the time were most enthusiastic about the establishment of the United Nations and seemed most interested in its noble objectives, appear to have forgotten even the meaning of gratuitous armed violence, humiliation and misery unjustly inflicted on a people. They appear to have forgotten even the meaning of justice, liberty and the dignity of man. Impelled by their sordid designs and pursuing their petty mercantile interests and dreams of power, they have today become the champions of the repression of peoples who seek peace and freedom They have become the champions of oppression and the robbing of the hard-working masses and inflexible and merciless executioners arrogantly inflicting on defenceless peoples precisely those things which the world had fought from 1939 to 1945 to spare itself. We are profoundly dedicated to international peace and security and we are convinced that the shortest way to achieve it is not by war but by the simple restoration of justice for the benefit of the legion of the oppressed..
312.	All the States represented in this Assembly, particularly those which still aspire to control and exploit others, must at last realize the meaning of true international peace and security and act accordingly to establish it. Those Powers which talk so much about peace and security in their own countries must put an end to their policies of war and plunder in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
313.	The militant, hard-working people of Benin, who seek to build in their own country an independent, prosperous national economy and construct a socialist society, are ready to work in harmony with all the nations of the world for the triumph of the noble ideals of this Organization: peace, security and justice. They are ripe for the revolution. The struggle continues.