It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and on my own behalf, wane congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session.
Your election was indeed a great tribute both to the significant role our sister country of Nigeria plays in world affairs and to you personally, as a widely experienced diplomat. As I state my delegation's conviction that you will steer our deliberations to a successful conclusion, I wish at the same time to assure you of our fullest co-operation as you discharge your heavy responsibilities.
I wish also to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to your predecessor. Nr. Dante Caputo, for the effective manner in which he presided over the forty-third session of the General Assembly. Let me also put on record our sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for the firm commitment he has always shown to multilateralism and for his unflinching dedication to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Since the last session of the General Assembly we have been expressing optimism about new trends in international relations and increased hope about the future of our planet. The relaxation of tension in world politics over the course of the past two years has to a large extent justified that outlook. Today more than ever before we have sufficient reason to be more confident about the possibility of erecting a structure of peace in our world. The improvement in relations between the two major Powers has contributed significantly to the reduction of tension and to a better climate in international relations. Confrontation has started gradually to give way to dialogue and co-operation.
Obviously, the past cannot be undone. But lessons learned from past mistakes should prepare the international community to seize the new opportunities that are opening up.
It is to be recalled that the confrontation between the power blocs that was the hallmark of the period after the Second World War gave rise to a Mind-set which was oblivious to the common danger faced by the human race. The Mutual hostility engendered and fuelled by the cold war left no room for accommodation.
Reason has, however, always pointed to the fact that those differences, regardless of their significance, were never important enough for us to allow them to overshadow mankind's common interest in ensuring survival. Nevertheless, the establi3hment of durable peace became elusive. The wasting of human resources In the quest for military supremacy, a pursuit that has always been  chimera, drained off resources that could otherwise have been used to promote development and alleviate the sufferings of humanity.
The adverse implications of the cold war were especially notable for newly independent and developing countries. In a climate of intolerance for different ideas, efforts by independent nations to seek their own solutions to their problems were viewed with hostility.
In the meantime, it was becoming abundantly clear that, apart from the nuclear danger that has been a part of our life since the Second World war, the number of challenges directly impinging on our survival, the proper engagement of which required international co-operation, were reminding us of our interdependence and our common destiny. We are indeed gratified that in the past years the first steps have been taken, albeit in very limited areas of International life, to address issues of vital importance on the basis of accommodation and compromise.
In the past few years we have had the opportunity to see how, given the necessary political will, an international political environment conducive to the removal of obstacles to the search for solutions to some of the most intractable political problems could be created. The commencement of the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia is a testimony to the capacity of the United Nations to discharge such important responsibilities when there exists the appropriate international environment. At the same time, we recognize that the Organization is facing a major challenge in ensuring free and fair elections in Namibia under its supervision and control on the bas is of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
That South Africa is only going through a pretence of allowing free and fair elections in Namibia has been obvious all along. Its determination to steal the elections scheduled to take place next month has been made plain by events in Namibia in the course of the past few months. Not only is South Africa committed to seeing the elections conducted on the basis of rules that would allow it to get the elections to go its way, but it is also making every effort through intimidation and murder to prevent the South West Africa People's Organization from participating fully in a free and fair election.
Under the circumstances, the United Nations - and particularly the Security Council - must continue to be vigilant and take all necessary effective action with a view to ensuring that the November elections in Namibia are conducted in full compliance with the spirit and letter of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Successful implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia will no doubt constitute a significant step towards lasting peace and stability in the region, thus contributing to an improvement in international relations.
Although a conclusive settlement of the Iran-Iraq conflict is still awaited the fact that the cease-fire continues to hold is a significant achievement.
Tranquillity is yet to be restored in Afghanistan  but the Geneva Agreements have demonstrated the values of peace and the consequent reduction in international tension.
Ms are also hopeful that the efforts aimed at resolving the problem in Cambodia will pick up momentum once again. No doubt, the withdrawal by Viet Nam of its troops contributes towards expediting the achievement of a durable peace in Cambodia.
In Central America  the steps taken by the States in the region have paved the way for greater understanding. We extend to them our support in their continued efforts to implement their joint decisions. It is our earnest hope that Nicaragua will finally be given the opportunity to concentrate fully functional construction.
As we duly note the positive changes taking place in our world  we need at the same time to be realistic enough to acknowledge that such remains to be done in order to ensure peace and the survival of humanity  as well as to lay the foundation for a structure of international relations based en justice, equality and democracy.
Despite notable achievements made in the area of nuclear disarmament in the last few years the momentum towards the complete elimination of these dangerous weapons of destruction has not been commensurate with the expectation of the international community. The threat posed by the stockpiles of nuclear weapons remains as grave as ever. Older the circumstances  a speedy conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty  measures to prevent the extension of the arms race into outer space  and an agreement on the prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons continue to be priority issues. No less because  we feel it should be attached to the need to finalize and conclude as soon as possible, the ongoing negotiation on a chemical weapons convention.. The commitment expressed both by the Soviet Union and the United States at this session of the General Assembly to destroy the bulk of their chemical weapons will  no doubt  give impetus to the efforts under way at the Conference on Disarmament towards achieving an agreement on the long overdue convention.
It is also obvious that there are still a number of vital issues relating to international peace and security that have not yet been properly addressed or regarding which little progress has been made.
Indeed it remains a source of major disappointment to us that, despite the changed international climate and the reform promises of the racist regime, no significant move has been made towards the dismantlement of the evil system of apartheid. Conditions in South Africa continue essentially unaltered and no progress can be anticipated unless the international community takes effective measures to increase the pressure on Pretoria, including the imposition of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
In this connection, my delegation wishes to emphasize the significance of the declaration adopted by the Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa of the Organization of African Unity on the question of South Africa at its 3rd meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, on 21 August 1989. The implementation of the principles and ideas contained in that declaration could facilitate the peaceful resolution of the problems created by apartheid and the establishment in South Africa of a government based on equality, justice and democracy. At no time should it be forgotten, however, that this aim can succeed only if international pressure on the racist regime is vigorously continued.
In the Middle East, durable peace will always be beyond reach so long as the Palestinian people are denied their rights as a people. In this connection· I wish once again to reiterate the repeated call made by the General Assembly for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East  under the auspices of the United Nations  with the participation of all parties to the conflict.
The prevailing increased level of international understanding is yet to have an impact also on the state of affairs in the Korean peninsula. The quest for peaceful reunification by the Korean people should be addressed without further delay. My delegation fully supports the desire and efforts of the people of Korea foe the restoration of their national unity and looks forward to the day when it will assume its rightful place in this community of nations.
The search for global freedom and justice will remain incomplete so long as peoples continue to be subjected to the evils of colonialism and racism anywhere. In this regard, the year 1990 - during which we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as well as ensuring the success of the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism - should afford us added opportunity to intensify our concerted efforts towards the total elimination of all manifestations of colonialism by the year 2000.
These are but some of the major indications that the task of making the current improvement in world affairs more complete and comprehensive is a challenge, the international community has yet to address.
A new world order, radically different from the one we ought to leave behind us requires, as its foundation, a full democratization of international relations. This should be a world in which principles relating to the sovereign equality of States, non-interference in internal affairs and the sanctity of the independence and territorial integrity of countries are fully respected.
The new world order we wish to see would of course not be devoid of major Powers. But it should be an order in which the greatness of nations is measured not by their relative military might or economic power but by the respect they command through their contribution to international co-operation and harmony, as well as to the development of human civilization.
We should go beyond the conception that international peace and security are jeopardized only by issues that are political and military in nature.
The framers of the Charter of the United Nations had the foresight to declare  in Article 1  the achievement of ,international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic  social, cultural, or humanitarian character, as one of the purposes of the United Nations.
We have seen throughout the 1980s the gradual deterioration in the economic situation of the developing world. The overall condition in these countries, especially in the least developed among them, is becoming a source of great concern.
In order to reverse the deteriorating economic situation and ensure sustained development, developing countries have resorted to what we may refer as the orthodox structural adjustment programmes. But these have not helped arrest economic decline, largely because the economic problems of developing countries are deep-rooted and require more than playing around with monetary policies for their effective resolution.
This has been obvious from the experience of existing structural adjustment programmes. These programmes, relying on a combination of devaluation, trade liberalization and deflation, have often failed to give sufficient attention to the human dimension of development. After the Khartoum Conference there is now universal agreement that countries on the brink of economic disintegration cannot possibly undertake a further cut in their social welfare budgets. In addition the historically inherited and persistent structural constraints on developing countries, particularly the least developed countries, are only now being fully appreciated. Such constraints are numerous and span a wide spectrum ranging from a lack of physical infrastructure and market integration to steady environmental degradation, high and accelerating rates of population growth, pitifully low levels of technology, and exceptionally narrow domestic markets. These are exacerbated by the unfavourable external economic environment.
In the African region, the recognition of these problems and the continued exacerbation of economic conditions, even with the orthodox structural adjustment programmes, have led us to search for an alternative conceptual framework for the alleviation of our economic difficulties. This search has involved a long process of consultation, discussion and revision, which has finally resulted in the unanimous adoption of the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes (AAFSAP) by the joint meetings of Ministers of Planning and Finance of the countries members of the Economic Commission for Africa in Addis Ababa last April.
AAFSAP, taking its cue from the Lagos Plan of Action and the African Priority Programme for Economic Recovery, and the lessons to be learned from a review of current structural adjustment programmes, aims at evolving an alternative, human-centred framework for adjustment with transformation. It should be noted that the African alternative framework is above all a framework and not a blueprint for economic transformation, and will no doubt be enriched by greater dialogue, application and monitoring.
Of course, even before the finalisation of AAFSAP many countries in Africa had already begun to think of appropriate development strategies for the 1990s. In ray Own country, despite the heavy burden on our meagre resources caused by a massive influx of refugees, now totalling nearly 1 million, we have initiated a number of  measures designed to ensure food self-sufficiency. These range from a detailed national food and nutrition strategy to the more recent disaster prevention and preparedness strategy intended to provide, inter alia, an effective early warning and food buffer-stocking capability. We have also been moving ahead with a national population policy to place development on a sounder footing. Various new economic programmes are also being implemented. The objective of the new economic policy initiatives and directions is to encourage the private sector to invest in agriculture, industry and services and the public sector to improve its management and thereby raise the level of its efficiency.
Currently, we are also engaged in the formulation of a national conservation strategy aimed at stemming the rapid erosion of forest cover and the consequent decline in soil fertility. In addition, during the last two years there have been institutional designs in planning and administrative structures geared towards greater decentralization of decision-making. By these means we hope to ensure that the great ecological and cultural diversity of the country is taken fully into account in the appropriate regional plans.
No doubt this search for new development strategies is under way in most countries in Africa. The adoption of adjustment with transformation as outlined in AAFSAP constitutes a further step towards the working-out of nationally led programmes of economic transformation in the coming decade.
It is clear that for their part developing countries need to do whatever is necessary and to exert maximum effort in order to remove the impediments to their economic development. In the final analysis, each country is indeed responsible for its own development. However, what we should not fail to appreciate is that a favourable external environment is needed to unleash the potential of the developing countries. Moreover, even in the best of circumstances, development will always be a difficult goal to achieve unless States are given the opportunity to establish peace within their territories as well as within their respective regions.
In this regard, I am happy to note here that the situation in our region has improved markedly over the last year or so. As the normalization of relations between my country and Sorealla pursuant to an agreement concluded between the two countries last year testifies, we have been exerting the maximum effort to create the necessary conditions for the prevalence of peace and stability in our region. We have also continued our effort with a view to establishing a firm basis for constructive and friendly relations based on mutual trust and confidence between my country and the Sudan.
Indeed, our commitment to peace has always been unreserved. There is no better testimony to this fundamental and decisive steps that the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia continues to take in our own country. It would be remiss of me, in this connection, if I failed to express appreciation to the international community for the encouragement and support it has given to our efforts to restore peace in our region and remove the obstacles to our economic development.
It has become evident that issues requiring international co-operation have started to proliferate. The problems of the environment, if not properly managed, could seriously affect the survival and viability of our planet. The scourge of drug-trafficking has assumed dangerous proportions, thus calling for urgent and concerted international action. Hence, attaining the goal of strengthening the role and voice of the United Nations in international affairs is a matter to which the highest priority ought to be given. As a country very closely associated with the Organization since its very inception, we draw satisfaction from seeing the United Nations becoming more effective in the discharge of its responsibilities in the maintenance of international peace and security. It is our earnest hope that the Organization will play an equally effective role in the quest for solutions to the problems that affect international economic relations.
In this connection, my delegation looks forward to the convening of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation and in particular to the revitalisation of economic growth and development in the developing countries,· which is scheduled to take place in April next year. We are confident that the special session will provide the necessary Impetus for removing the obstacles that have stalemated the North-South dialogue.
It goes without saying that as the tasks assigned to the United Nations expand so will its requirements for resources, if it is to be able to discharge its responsibilities effectively. Thus, the financial standing of the Organization should continue to be given the maximum attention it deserves.
In concluding, I wish to reaffirm Ethiopia's continued commitment t to the United Nations and our determination to contribute our share to all endeavours designed to give the Organization a decisive voice in world affairs.


At the outset I extend my warm congratulations to the President on his election to preside over the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. This session is being held at a time when encouraging changes are taking place on the world scene. I am confident that under his guidance the session will contribute to the improvement of the international atmosphere by addressing the issues before it with courage, vision and realism.
I should also like to pay a tribute to the President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Dante Caputo, who carried out his duties with competence and wisdom.
Since it came into being 44 years ago the United Nations has embodied the hopes and aspirations of mankind for a peaceful and prosperous existence on this planet. Unfortunately, the years of the cold war and East-West tensions prevented the world body from properly addressing those universal aspirations.
We now appear to be entering a new phase in international relations, one that is characterized by a keener awareness on all sides that to achieve the objectives sought by the founders of the world body co-operation must replace confrontation, mutual confidence must replace historical suspicions and constructive dialogue must replace propaganda and invective. Those are the trends that have become
discernible on the international scene in recent years, and the resulting greater East-West co-operation has seen a blossoming of activities within the United Nations that are bound to make our world a better and more peaceful environment for all of us. The new international atmosphere has made it possible for the United Nations to tackle more purposefully the still-too-many sources of regional conflict. Important advances, even breakthroughs, have been achieved in that area.
The Organization is also tackling the very important economic-development issues of our day with new vigour and much greater realism. We are hopeful that the fourth United Nations development decade will reflect that new spirit and that creative and innovative solutions will be sought to alleviate the debt burden that weighs so heavily on so many Members of the Organization.
As the spirit of the new era asserts itself, we expect to see the Organization become more active in the important field of human rights. Human rights is one of those areas where the interests of all mankind converge, and it is natural that that universal concern should be reflected to a much greater extent in our debates.
We are confident that that trend will continue and that this session of the General Assembly will be an important milestone in our search for a better and safer world.
As the climate of East-West relations continues to improve, the momentum initiated by the United States and the Soviet Union towards the consolidation of that climate is universally welcomed. All countries, notwithstanding their size and policy orientation, have an indisputable stake in the furtherance and expansion of this propitious atmosphere. That is why we must all strive to make our contributions to the transformation of the political, economic, social and ecological environment. In this spirit Turkey will continue to make its contribution towards overcoming the Challenges facing mankind. This is a huge undertaking that can be tackled only in a gradual but progressively expanding manner. Guided by this philosophy, Turkey will continue to pursue actively a policy aimed at creating in its region relations based on mutual confidence that would help foster beneficial co-operation.
Times of change are times of opportunities. We are happy to note that these opportunities are being seized.
The successful conclusion of the follow-up to the Vienna Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) opened up the way for the negotiations on conventional armed forces in Europe. Since the beginning of this new process of negotiations between the 16 members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the seven members of the Warsaw Pact, promising proposals have been put forward to establish a conventional balance at lower levels. This new and realistic approach to arms reduction negotiations, reflecting the constructive spirit that has begun to prevail in East-West relations in recent years, will have a positive effect on the future of multilateral arms control and disarmament efforts in general.
The implementation in good faith of the Helsinki Final Act and its concluding documents in all their aspects will decisively contribute to the attainment of an atmosphere of confidence and good will in Europe and thus to the smooth progress of the negotiations under way in Vienna.
The Preparatory Committee for the Fourth Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to take place in Geneva in August and September 1990, has already held its first and second sessions and completed an important part of its work in conformity with its mandate.
As a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Turkey holds the view that strict adherence to the Treaty is of vital significance. While the Treaty has so far performed its function, the need remains to strengthen further the non-proliferation regime. Similarly, increasing international co-operation in nuclear safety and the promotion of peaceful uses of nuclear energy should be given firm and universal support.
We welcome the proposals made by President George Bush in his statement regarding the elimination of chemical weapons. We welcome also the positive Soviet response contained in Mr, Shevardnadze's statement. We consider this an auspicious step in the arms control process.
The convening of the Conference on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in Paris in January 1989 and the unanimous adoption of a Final Declaration encompassing various aspects of this important problem constitute yet another major development. We hope that the Conference on Disarmament will move ahead faster to an early conclusion of a comprehensive convention that would globally ban the development; production, stockpiling, transfer and use of chemical weapons under effective verification. Turkey does not have chemical weapons in stock nor does it aspire to possess any in the future.
After the entry into force and the ongoing implementation of the Inter mediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, it is with great interest that the hopes of the international community are pinned on the successful completion of the strategic arms reduction talks (START). A satisfactory START treaty would contribute significantly to the maintenance of the momentum of the arms control negotiations.
Turkey attaches importance to the success of the arms control and disarmament process as a whole, which it views as a comprehensive, integrated endeavour
encompassing nuclear as well as conventional aid chemical weapons, and confidence- and security-building measures.
We support all realistic initiatives in this field that hold the chance of being translated into concrete, balanced aid verifiable measures without diminishing the security of any country or group of countries.
Last year witnessed great achievements in the CSCE process. The crowing of efforts undertaken by the participating countries in producing a balanced document in Vienna constitutes yet another stepping-stone on this long and arduous path. By retaining the indispensable balance between all three baskets, the Vienna document has covered further ground, especially in the field of human rights, since security and confidence presuppose strict adherence to human rights and fundamental freedoms. In fact, without addressing the sanctity of the individual and his basic right to freedom, achieving security in the military sense will fail. We are heartened that today respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms has become a universal concern, a concern that transcends all boundaries. Today no country can evade its responsibilities in the field of human rights by hiding behind the shield of national sovereignty. Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms has become the principal attribute of modern statehood.

In this connection I feel obliged to bring to this Assembly's attention a most serious issue that threatens to undermine the efforts to create an atmosphere of confidence, peace, stability and co-operation in Europe. It also affects the lives and well-being of 1.5 million people.
Bulgaria has been pursuing an inhuman assimilation and repression campaign against its Turkish minority since the end of 1984. Following the brutal and bloody repression o£ the mass hunger strikes and peaceful demonstrations staged by ethnic Turks in May 1989, the Bulgarian authorities have resorted to the deportation of our kinsmen in large numbers. Bulgaria's policies have resulted in
a mass exodus to Turkey of more than 300,000 people, fleeing their homeland to escape oppression. This figure alone can give some idea of the intolerable dimensions of this colossal humanitarian problem. We believe that the sheer magnitude of this tragedy transcends the religious, ideological, political and cultural differences among nations. All nations should join in condemning the shameful policies that forced hundreds of thousands of men, women and children to emigrate to Turkey, leaving behind their lands, homes, possessions, social rights and, in some cases, even their sons of military age and other close relatives. We know that decant people everywhere share our indignation. No human being respectful of human rights and upholding the principles enshrined in the very foundations of the United Nations can be oblivious to this enormous human tragedy.
We are not seeking to undermine the sovereignty or the well being of Bulgaria. We do seek, however, a peaceful aid just solution to end the sufferings of our kinsmen whose rights and existence are safeguarded by various bilateral agreements and multilateral documents. We insist that Bulgaria honour its international obligations, including its commitments under the CSCE. In this regard, we have oily two objectives - aid they are peaceful aid humanitarian. First and foremost, we demand that the usurped human and minority rights of Bulgarian citizens of Turkish origin be restored aid respected. Secondly, we wish to negotiate with Bulgaria with a view to concluding a comprehensive agreement on emigration to safeguard the rights aid family unity of those ethnic Turks who have already arrived in Turkey and to enable all those who my wish to emigrate to our country in the future to do so in an orderly manner aid without having to relinquish their social and property rights in Bulgaria.
To avoid any misunderstanding, let me stress here that our preference, of course, is not to see any more of our kinsmen uprooted from their homes. We would rather have them living in Bulgaria as loyal citizens of their country aid enjoying fully their human and minority rights. Let me reiterate, however, that Turkey is ready to receive, within the framework of a comprehensive emigration agreement, all the ethnic Turks in Bulgaria who may wish to leave that country.
Most regrettably, our repeated appeals to the Government of Bulgaria to enter into serious dialogue to bring about a satisfactory solution to this humanitarian problem have so far yielded no results owing to Bulgaria's intransigent attitude and its refusal to acknowledge the very existence of the problem. That is a clear indication that Bulgaria's real purpose is not to facilitate the emigration of ethnic Turks to -Turkey but to eliminate the problem by evicting these people from the country, to allow emigration only under its own specific terms aid to assimilate the remaining Turks in due course.
Turkey has therefore decided to revert to the existing visa regime between the two countries by putting an end to the exceptional practice, in use since the beginning of June 1989, of allowing Bulgarian citizens to enter Turkey without a visa. This unfortunate minority question is not simply a bilateral problem between Turkey and Bulgaria, but is an issue of principle between Bulgaria and the entire community of nations. That is why a large number of countries have voiced their objections to Bulgaria's unacceptable policies and urged it to heed reason. That is why international bodies, including the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Council of Europe and the European Parliament, have adopted unambiguous resolutions to the same effect. That is why the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of the Islamic Conference will hold an extraordinary meeting here in New York tomorrow on the tragedy of the Turkish Muslim minority in Bulgaria.
I should like to use this occasion to call upon my colleagues assent led here today to redouble their efforts to persuade Bulgaria to alter its anachronistic Practices. The Government of Bulgaria must be assisted - and effectively - to realize that to abandon those policies would not be a sign of weakness but a virtue. And Bulgaria knows full well that should it display the courage and wisdom not to persist in its untenable stand, Turkey, mindful of the once mutually beneficial relations of good-neighbourliness and cooperation between the two countries, will not hesitate to take reciprocal steps conducive to the normalization of Turkish-Bulgarian relations.
 I listened attentively to the statement made this morning by the Foreign Minister of Bulgaria. Mr. Mladenov referred, as we do, to dialogue as the best means for the mutually desired normalization of Turkish-Bulgarian relations. He neglected, however, to acknowledge that the tragedy imposed on ethnic -Barks in Bulgaria was and remains the only reason for the present tension. He also forgot to note that the implementation of the Belgrade Protocol to which he referred was inconclusive owing to the refusal of the Bulgarian side to discuss this humanitarian issue. Therefore, I must say - and with regret - that his statement today contained no new elements, despite the optimistic note he attempted to strike. But, of course, if through that statement the Bulgarian side implies that it is ready and willing to enter into a dialogue with us with a view to putting an end to the plight of the Turkish Muslim minority in Bulgaria in all its aspects, we would, as I stressed earlier, not hesitate to reciprocate. But, clearly, we cannot build castles of hope on vague positions; we cannot invest hope in calls for dialogue in a vacuum. Turkey, therefore, will wait for Bulgaria to demonstrate through concrete and significant steps its will aid commitment to contribute to the solution of the problem it has created. We shall wait for the Bulgarian Government to declare unambiguously its readiness also to discuss this particular issue in the negotiations the entire community of nations has been calling for. Otherwise, the positive mood the Foreign Minister of Bulgaria tried to create in this Hall will wither away before long.
By virtue of Turkey's geographical location and its historical ties, the Middle East and the fate of the people of that region are of particular interest for us. We have been following with concern the increasing tensions in the area. Turkey has on several occasions expressed, from this rostrum, its firm stand on the question of Palestine, which constitutes the crux of the Middle East conflict.
After more than two decades of occupation, the West Bank and Gaza have erupted into open rebellion. The frustration of the Palestinians is not a matter that can be dealt with by the use of force. The death toll aid the level of violence are bound to increase so long as the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians are suppressed. Since December 1987 events have demonstrated that the Palestinians will not be intimidated by violence and that the intifadah will not peter out. We are appealing once again for the end of harsh repressive measures.
The Palestine Liberation Organization has taken important steps to break the present deadlock by adopting policies which have been recognized as realistic and constructive. Israel should reciprocate those moves by adopting more conciliatory policies. Israel should also consider with self-confidence and vision the ideas that have been put forward in the hope of contributing to the initiation of a promising phase in the peace process.
Turkey is convinced that there can be no satisfactory long-term solution to this serious problem that is not based on negotiations with the participation of all the interested parties, conducted in good faith within the framework of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East.
Another source of concern for my Government is the tragic situation in Lebanon. We welcome the sustained efforts of Saudi Arabia, Algeria aid Morocco aimed at achieving national reconciliation in that country, Turkey believes that in bringing the state of anarchy in that coin try to an aid a framework mist be found that will ensure Lebanon's unity, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, aid the removal of all foreign troops.
A subject that arouses anxiety in Turkey is the tragedy of the hostages in Lebanon. The early release and safe return home of all hostages is the common wish of the international community.
We welcome all peace initiatives relating to the Iran-Iraq conflict. Special tribute should be paid to the dedicated efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative on the complicated issues relating to the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). We hope that these mediation efforts will create the necessary atmosphere of mutual trust favourable to the full and rapid implementation of that resolution. The present situation is unsatisfactory aid precarious, and it should not be allowed to continue.
As a country that maintains friendly relations with both parties, we reaffirm our readiness to contribute in any way we can to the progress of the peace process and the promotion of a climate of confidence.
The tragic situation in Afghanistan continues to be a source of particular concern aid distress for Turkey. The conclusion of the Geneva Agreements constituted an important step towards the political solution of the Afghanistan problem. Through those Agreements we have seen the withdrawal of foreign troops. Now, the need for a broad-based Government, fully representative of the Afghan people, stands out as an essential element for a lasting solution of this problem. At present, Pakistan continues to bear the brunt of the burden of providing shelter for the Afghan refugees who have been driven by war from their homes. Pakistan's generosity has rightly earned it the gratitude of the international community.
The signing, in New York last December, of the agreements among Angola, Cuba aid South Africa aimed at achieving peace in southern Africa aid the independence of Namibia within the framework of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has been
a source of deep satisfaction for Turkey. We are looking forward to the day when we welcome Namibia in our midst as an independent, democratic State. As one of the founding members of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Turkey is profoundly satisfied by these developments. It is imperative, however, that the remaining obstacles to the effective and full implementation or the United Nations plan for Namibia be completely removed.
In neighbouring South Africa, the apartheid system is a blatant violation of the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In spite of the many resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council condemning that abominable system. South Africa has chosen stubbornly to ignore the universal revulsion, and has so far refused to make a radical change in its racial policies. The complete elimination of apartheid is the only acceptable solution, and will continue to be our common goal.
The positive developments concerning the situation in Cambodia in the last few months give us hope that an end to the suffering of that beleaguered nation might be in the offing. Turkey appreciates the diplomatic activities, especially those of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, aimed at achieving this objective, and pays tribute to the efforts of the States that participated in the international conference on Cambodia.
In eastern Asia, the division of the Korean peninsula continues to be a source of unease for the international community. We attach importance to and support the initiatives undertaken by the Republic of Korea aimed at a meaningful dialogue with its neighbour. The peaceful solution of the questions between the two sides through dialogue based on mutual accommodation will, I am confident, lead to their eventual representation as full Members of our Organization.
International co-operation against drugs is a must. The new Convention against illicit trafficking is a major step in the right direction. It will make new demands on the United Nations bodies involved, which are already spread thin. The allocation in the regular budget of greater resources to the International narcotics Control Board secretariat and to the Division of narcotic Drugs is indispensable, for more effective use of United Nations expertise on drugs, contributions to the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control should be increased. Multilateral co-operation against illicit trafficking can offer the best challenge against the scourge. My country is a good example of the results that can be achieved in this area.
International terrorism continues to be a global problem and a major source of tension in international relations. Turkey has always condemned as criminal all acts, methods and practices of terrorism, regardless of their origins, causes or purposes. We believe that terrorism cannot be justified under any circumstances. In this context I would observe that attempts to differentiate between various forms of terrorism will only encourage the terrorists. Experience has amply demonstrated that tolerance and support of terrorism is a double-edged sword, and that those who have followed that path have always had reasons to regret their short-sighted policy.
Last year the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot sides embarked upon a new negotiating process. We welcomed that development. We had hoped that this latest set of negotiations would pave the way to a lasting settlement in Cyprus and lead to the establishment of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation based on the political equality of the two peoples on the island.
It will be recalled that, prior to this latest phase in the talks, the Greek Cypriots had rejected the framework agreement of 29 March 1986 Which the Turkish Cypriote had accepted, m doing so, the Greek Cypriots added yet another notch to their long list of missed and wasted opportunities for conciliation in the island. This new round of negotiations represents, in a sense, a last chance for an honourable settlement, because Turkish Cypriot patience is beginning to reach its limits in the face of constant Greek Cypriot intransigence. Looking back, it is difficult to say that the Greek Cypriots even came close to making wise use of this latest opportunity. They failed to negotiate constructively, and from the outset they preferred the intervention of third parties so as to have them exert pressure on the Turkish Cypriots. Once the Greek Cypriots opted for such a fundamentally erroneous and counterproductive approach, they felt no need to respond, even halfway, to comprehensive Turkish Cypriot proposals that had been presented formally and in writing in the course of the negotiations.
The Greek Cypriot side has in the mean time engaged in new acts of violence in Cyprus and has committed transgressions against Turkish Cypriot territory. It has also pursued a programme of intensive rearmament. Purchases of weapons and military equipment that are under way have reached alarming proportions. All of these Greek Cypriot actions spoil the atmosphere and deepen the mistrust in the island.
The Turkish Cypriot people have been compelled to react to this situation through a resolution adopted in their parliament. Despite all the provocations, the resolution kept the door open to direct negotiations without any preconditions. It is yet to be seen whether the Greek Cypriots will return to the path of fair and honest talks. It is also yet to be seen whether they can take a step forward by pledging respect for the existence of the Turkish Cypriots as one of the two distinct and politically equal peoples of the island. We attach paramount importance to this point, because only then, without the burden of hostile practices, will the negotiating process have a reasonable chance of success.
Last week, the Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece made extensive comments on Cyprus in his statement to the General Assembly. I regret to say that the mentality and the attitude displayed in that statement cast a dark shadow over the efforts for a negotiated settlement in Cyprus. We have seen in his statement a very unfortunate approach designed to misrepresent the facts on Cyprus with a view to misleading the international community.
There is much to be said concerning the grave responsibility of Greece with regard to the emergence and the perpetuation of the Cyprus question. It is Greece and the Greek Cypriots who were fully responsible for the destruction of the bi-communal partnership republic in Cyprus in 1963 through the use of force. Greece and the Greek Cypriots have been responsible for keeping Cyprus in a constant state of crisis for 11 years and for keeping the Turkish Cypriots virtual hostages in their own lad prior to 1974. Greece and Greek Cypriots are responsible for the coup of 15 July 1974 in which they tried to deal a final blow to the independence of the island and to the Turkish Cypriots' existence there. Turkey can take credit for bringing this unacceptable state of affairs to an end and for providing security for the Turkish Cypriots.
I would have preferred not to be placed in the position of having to recall the dark role played by Greece at critical stages in the recent history of Cyprus. I am deeply disturbed to see that Greece is once again on a similarly harmful course at another critical juncture in Cyprus. With the utmost regret aid reluctance, I feel compelled to bring this situation to the attention of the Assembly on this occasion. We have also brought this to the attention of the Secretary-General.
Today the world economic prospects for growth and trade call for more optimism than before. A rapid rate of growth in the industrialized countries has been associated with the expansion of employment, the relative reduction of external imbalances, the meaningful progress in some structural reforms, aid the acceleration of both export and import volumes.
As far as developing countries are concerned, the economic environment has also improved considerably in some of them as a result of policy reforms and world trade expansion. However, many of those countries have not derived their fair share from revived economic growth and they continue to face major problems, including high inflation rates, heavy debt burdens, structural adjustment challenges and population pressures. A number of challenges are also faced by industrialized countries on the path of continuing stable expansion.
All those problems, risks and uncertainties call for improved international co-operation in an increasingly interdependent world. Only thus, we believe, can the challenges we face together be met successfully for the benefit of humankind as a whole. In concluding, I wish to renew our hope that this forty-fourth session of the General Assembly will be fruitful and will contribute to the security and well-being of all nations.


The delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam wishes to extend to the President its congratulations upon his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that his guidance will help ensure the Assembly's success in the discharge of its high mission.
I should also like to express our appreciation to Mr. Dante Caputo, President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly, for his contribution to the successful work of the last session. Let me convey my delegation's special appreciation of the efforts ma de by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, towards maintaining peace and solving regional conflicts in many parts of the world during the past year.
Since the forty-third session of the General Assembly we have been witnessing profound changes in international relations, the driving force behind which has been the unprecedented advances of the scientific and technological revolution, together with the dynamic struggle of · peoples throughout the world for peace, national independence and socialism over the last 40 years.
Today, all peoples share a common desire for peace, stability and the promotion of international co-operation for the sake of development. The human race has awakened to the danger of the scourge of nuclear war and is constantly on the alert in the face of the readiness of certain ruling circles to continue the arms race. While these circles are continually paying lip-service to peace and disarmament, their arsenals of weapons of mass destruction remain as huge as ever, their annual military budgets have not been reduced in the least, and they continue to set up more military bases abroad. Therefore,- the prevention and elimination of the threat of nuclear war, and the defence of world peace, remain a primordial task of the international community, aid an arduous battle.
We offer our strong support for the constructive proposals of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty on the elimination of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. We warmly welcome the positive initiatives of the Soviet Union with regard to conventional armed forces, a comprehensive ban on all nuclear explosions, end chemical weapons that were put forward by President Gorbachev last December at the forty-third session of the General Assembly aid by Foreign Minister Shevardnadze in the general debate at the current session. We share the views of almost all Member States regarding the imperative need to conclude, at an early date, a convention on the strict prohibition of all chemical weapons.
The political documents concerning international security aid disarmament of the Ninth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries recently held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, and the Six-Nation Initiative developed in the five years since May 1984 have generated a positive momentum in the struggle for peace and disarmament.
Undoubtedly, the forces of peace have prevailed over those of war, but the path leading to a world free of nuclear weapons and violence in international relations is still fraught with trials and hardships. At present, we are witnessing attempts to redraw the political nap of the world through "peaceful subversion", and thus to bring about the collapse of socialism from within. This is only an illusion. In the course of the past few decades, the road towards socialism has been opted for by more than one third of mankind. The new social system is making its positive impact strongly felt. The contribution of socialism lies in the mainstream of the changes in today's world. Temporary difficulties notwithstanding, the forces of socialism will continue their rightful course aid are certain to overcome every obstacle and gather greater strength to make a major contribution to human development.
Another equally serious threat that continues to cause concern to all is the economic aid social situation of developing countries. The objectives and targets of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade (1981-1990) have not been implemented. Production has stagnated, per capita income has declined, unemployment and hunger have affected hundreds of millions of people, external debt has exceeded $US 1.3 trillion and the outflow of financial resources from developing to developed countries has reached more than 330 billion a year. There are nearly one billion illiterates.
The gap in the levels of economic, scientific and technological development as well as in living standards between developing and developed countries is increasingly widening. These countries are in danger of being left far behind in poverty and backwardness, the inevitable result of which will be an extremely negative impact on the world economic situation and on international economic relations.
To avoid that situation what is of paramount importance is to establish a new international economic order, and in which international economic relations would be based on real equity, equality and democracy. An immediate and unconditional end should be put to acts of economic blockade aid embargo, to the use of economic assistance as an instrument for exerting political pressure, to the shifting of the burden of economic adjustment onto the shoulders of developing countries, taking advantage of capital and technology to maintain the domination and exploitation of developing countries. Developing countries should be completely free to choose their economic and social system without foreign interference or pressure. The resumption of North-South negotiations is a legitimate and urgent demand. The decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly in April 1990 devoted to international economic co-operation, in particular to the revitalization of economic growth and development of developing countries as well as the adoption in 1990 of the international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade, 1991-2000, ate important initiatives of developing countries. These events will provide a good opportunity for all nations, especially developed market-economy countries, to work together to find an effective solution to economic and social difficulties facing developing countries and at the same time to cope with intractable global problems of the world economy and of international economic relations.
The demand for strengthening international co-operation to protect the environment is urgent, fundamental and of long standing. We hope that the second world conference on the environment and development, to be held not later than 1992, will come up with the adoption of a code of conduct for the protection and preservation of the environment for the common interest of the international community,
We also fully support all efforts of the international community to fight illicit drug trafficking aid drug abuse, which are spreading throughout the world.
We have been witnessing the unfolding of the arduous and complex process of seeking political solutions to the many regional conflicts that have dragged on for decades.
In Namibia, with the signing of the agreements on South West Africa, the granting of independence to Namibia, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), has made a start, albeit not an easy one. We hope that soon the international community will be able to welcome an independent and sovereign Namibia. Ho this end it is required that all parties concerned, the South African regime in particular, abide fully and strictly by resolution 435 (1978) aid the agreements reached, ensuring the necessary conditions for a free and fair election in the Territory.
We welcome the efforts made and the agreements achieved by the countries of Central America with a view to restoring peace and stability in the region. Those agreements must be observed, free from outside interference. Viet Nam further reaffirms its most vigorous support for, and solidarity with, socialist Cuba. We also extend our support to the peoples of Nicaragua and Panama, particularly at this juncture, in their struggle to defend their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity against external interference. We support the position of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea towards the peaceful reunification of Korea.
The good will shown by the Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union and their scrupulous implementation of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan must be duly matched. The other parties concerned must likewise implement those agreements strictly.
Our strong support goes to the just struggle of the Palestinian people. The constructive position adapted by the State of Palestine has facilitated the search for a political solution to the question of Palestine. We stand for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of all patties concerned and of the State of Palestine on an equal footing.
For over a year there have been positive developments in the search for a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian question, especially after the State of Cambodia and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, with the concurrence of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, issued their statement of 5 April 1989 announcing the completion of the total withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from Cambodia by the end of September 1989. Abiding strictly by its commitment, Viet Nam successfully completed the last withdrawal between 21 and 26 September last, witnessed by over 100 observers from 20 countries, 6 international organizations and over 400 foreign journalists. The heroic sons of the Vietnamese nation have discharged their sacred mission and returned home. International opinion has recognized this fact of decisive significance. I am most heartened by the objective assessment of Viet Nam's good will by many delegations in this forum. From this rostrum I solemnly declare that as of 27 September 1989 there does not remain a single volunteer Vietnamese soldier in Cambodia - either army man, adviser or military employee. The arguments put forth by a minority with a view to distorting that reality are used only as an attempt to justify continuation of the war so as to restore the genocidal regime or to interfere in the internal affairs of the Cambodian people.
The total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia is an important and fundamental contribution on the peaceful settlement of the Cambodian question. It resolves one of the two key issues of a comprehensive political solution, as was determined by the Djakarta Informal Meetings. The task that now poses itself is to continue resolving the second key issue that is interlinked with the troop withdrawal and is an indispensable requisite if a comprehensive settlement is truly to be achieved.
The second key issue is the need to prevent the genocidal Pol Pot clique from kindling civil war and re-establishing its genocidal rule in Cambodia. It is both a fundamental political issue and an imperative demand of the Cambodian people, former victims of the scourge of Pol Pot's genocide, as well as of the human conscience, which does not want the nightmare of the killing fields ever to repeat itself, especially in view of the fact that the fortieth anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention aid Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was commemorated not long ago. lb this end, the countries concerned need scrupulously to honour their own commitments, terminating all military aid to all the Cambodian parties and refraining from any act that may encourage civil war and from interfering in the internal affairs of Cambodia. This will be a test of their goodwill, of whether they really wish to help secure lasting peace and national reconciliation for Cambodia.
On the basis of the dialogue between the two sides in Cambodia and of the conclusions of the First and Second Jakarta Informal Meetings, the International Conference on Cambodia was held from 30 July to 30 August last in Paris, under the presidency of two co-presidents, France and Indonesia. Although there remain a few substantial outstanding differences, the Paris Conference has agreed on many important issues and thus laid the ground for an early comprehensive settlement of the Cambodian question. It is generally accepted that the momentum generated by the Paris Conference should be kept up and its initial results be built upon further, if durable peace and stability in Cambodia as well as in South-East Asia as a whole is to be restored soon. This would be in the spirit of the communiqué issued on 27 September by the French and Indonesian co-presidents.
The Ninth Summit Meeting of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade from 4 to 7 September last, once again demonstrated the Non-Aligned Movement's judicious approach to the question of South-East Asia end Cambodia. We highly appreciate the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations himself to induce the countries concerned and the Cambodian parties to engage in negotiations. In the face of the new developments in the situation of Cambodia and South-East Asia, the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session ought to adopt an objective approach and refrain from siding with one side against the other, which can lead only to the impasse of the last 10 years. Those actions that in fact jeopardize the role which should be played by the United Nations ought not to be repeated. At the present juncture, our common expectation is to see this important world body manifest its equity and impartiality.
The international community's present concern is the need to adopt urgent and effective measures to prevent the danger of a civil war initiated by the genocidal Pol Pot clique and other Khmer opposition parties. On 23 September last the Prime Minister of Thailand put forward an initiative calling for a ceasefire between the Cambodian patties and for the convening of an informal meeting on Cambodia. Viet Nam supports the efforts of the Thai Prime Minister aimed at promoting a ceasefire, preventing civil war after the total withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops, curtailing military aid to the Cambodian parties and preventing the re-establishment of the genocidal regime in Cambodia.
Viet Nam supports the position of the State of Cambodia that in the transitional period from the total Vietnamese withdrawal to the general elections the political and military status quo should be maintained in Cambodia and an on-the-spot ceasefire observed between the two opposing Cambodian forces. Only the Cambodian people can, through internationally controlled free and democratic general elections, modify this status quo and choose their political regime according to their own wish.  We hold the view that foreign countries should respect Cambodia's independence and neutrality and refrain from interfering in its internal affairs. We support turning South-East Asia into a zone of peace, freedom aid neutrality, following the principles advanced by the Lao people's Democratic Republic.
As we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, the tireless struggle for peace, national independence, development and social progress is bound to be successfully carried forward, thus enabling future generations to enjoy lasting peace and rise to new heights of human civilization.
Working for our children's future and our future generations' education: such was the greatest goal of the whole life of President Ho Chi Min, whose centenary as a Vietnamese hero of national liberation aid a great man of culture will be celebrated by the Vietnamese people and the peoples of the world in 1990, as decided by the General Assembly of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. We take this opportunity to convey our support for the convention on the rights of the child and for the convening of the forthcoming summit conference on children and the world conference on education.
True to the ideals of President Ho Chi Minh, the Vietnamese people pledge to do their utmost to strengthen their solidarity and friendship with other nations of the world, contribute to the victory of the forces of peace aid socialism aid turn to the new millennium with a firm belief in a bright future of peace, development and a happy life on our planet.


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Mr . MBON IMPA (Burundi): As I have the honour of speaking in this important forum of the United Nations, I am happy to convey to the Assembly a message of fraternity and best wishes for every success from Major Pierre Buyoya, Chairman of the Military Committee for National Salvation and President of the Republic of Burundi.
I am also pleased to express on behalf of the Burundi Government warm and heartfelt congratulations to you, Mr. President, and the other officers of the Assembly on the confidence shown in you by the Assembly in entrusting to you all the task of guiding our work. We pay a tribute for you, Mr. President, not only as a wise diplomat, experienced in dealing with the many current concerns of the international community, but also as a great defender of solidarity and co-operation between peoples in a spirit of harmony and mutual respect. Through you. Sir, first Nigeria, your country, and then Africa are honoured. I assure you. Sir, that my delegation is determined to give you all the support it can to bring about the success of your noble mandate.
We also join previous speakers in expressing our deep gratitude to Mr.. Daite Caputo, who, as President of the forty-third session guided the Assembly in its many activities with competence and dedication, thus doing honour both to the United Nations and to his country.
We also pay a tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his constant, highly commendable efforts in the service of the international community and for the outstanding successes he has achieved - to his own credit and to that of our Organization - since he assumed his high office.
Exactly a year ago I reported here on the situation prevailing in Burundi following the events that had occurred in the north of the country in August 1988. I tried then to explain the origin of those events, their causes and the way in which the authorities of the Third Republic had managed the crisis. Today I wish to report solemnly that Burundi has regained its tranquillity and that its sons and daughters are new living in peace, reconciled and trusting one another.
Steps have been taken to organize the return of the refugees who left their motherland. Those steps have been taken in close co-operation with the other member countries of the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries - Zaire and Rwanda - and with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, At the beginning the return to the fold was slow, because of fear and unhappy memories of what had happened, but it has now become spontaneous and massive. Over 98 per cent of the refugees had returned by the end of May this year, confounding all the forecasts and proving to the whole world that Burundi is always capable of doing its best. It is undoubtedly an example of success very rare in the voluntary repatriation of refugees anywhere in the world.
The repatriates, welcomed as Burundi citizens, have been resettled on the lands they left. As soon as they were resettled they were invited to be involved in our national unity and to live in the understanding and solidarity that have always characterized Burundi society.
The Chairman of the Military Committee for National Salvation and President of the Republic, Major Pierre Buyoya, has called on the refugees and all those who have not yet decided to return to their country, the Burundi citizens who have chosen domicile in the countries that have taken them in, to act as ambassadors of Burundi and not as destroyers, as was the case in the past.
At the physical level, it has not been easy to resettle the repatriates. The Governments has made every effort, resorting to the spontaneous generosity of its citizens, but also to the humanitarian, material and financial and provided by friendly countries and agencies. I take this opportunity to express our thanks to all those who have come to our assistance in the operation to repatriate and resettle the refugees as well as in the socio-economic reconstruction of the stricken region.
We also thank those who continue to support us in our effort to attain oar goal of the total and final reconciliation of the Burundi people. While past regimes were content to evoke the concept of national unity in official statements and sterile debates, the authorities of the Third Republic have matched words with deeds, with the aim of establishing national unity and reconciliation.
National unity is the spearhead of all progress. It is a resource that must be exploited rationally. It has become the corner-stone of the policy of the Administration of the Third Republic, a gamble to be won and a challenge to be met at all costs. We are increasingly proud of our concrete achievements in that direction.
Concrete measures already taken by the authorities of the Third Republic include the formation of a government of national unity the establishment of a National Commission charged with studying the question of national unity} and the massive repatriation of refugees in the good conditions I have already described. The aim of those measures is to achieve the fundamental objectives of national reconciliation, social justice and socio-economic development. Let me dwell on those achievements which undoubtedly will have the greatest effect on the future of the Burundi nation, that is r the work of the National Commission entrusted with studying the question of national unity.
As I had the honour of stating on 10 October 1988 during the General Assembly's forty-third session, that Commission is composed of persons chosen for their wisdom and integrity and representing all social and professional sectors and all ethnic groups of Burundi. Their task was to carry out a thorough analysis of the question of national unity and to make constructive recommendation s based on research into the historical, social and cultural foundations of Burundi unity and its evolution, and the ways in which it had frequently been thwarted.
After thorough and painstaking work, the members of the Commission submitted a report to the President of the Republic. It has been distributed both within Burundi and abroad.
For its analysis, the Commission studied the historical and cultural foundations of national unity. It also gave careful consideration to the present situation in respect of the unity of Burundi. The report stressed that divisionists continued to use fallacious reasoning, such as ethnic, regional or clan origins. It revealed that more than 90 per cent of the people of Burundi are peasants who want to live in peace and that therefore the overwhelming majority of the population is not involved in the conflict.
The Commission suggested to the Government a series of clear recommendations to guide the people of Burundi in building the country. These recommendations pinpoint actions and a line of conduct for all partners in the Burundi nation and involve our citizens as well as the public administration. The Commission believes that it is necessary above all to condemn and combat all forms of exclusion as well as all phenomena that would back that type of ideology. These phenomena are mainly violence, globalization, extermination, a confusion between the political majority and the ethnic majority, and discriminatory practices.
Another recommendation concerns the ethic of national unity. It should be based on respect for the fundamental rights of citizens, the sense of the common good, truth and a love of work. The ethic of national unity should take concrete form in the equality of citizens' rights and duties.
The National Commission entrusted with the question of national unity recommended for adoption the establishment by Burundi of a charter of national unity, to be ready in December 1989, a pact to be ratified by the whole population of Burundi, a proclamation of faith and a solemn commitment to justice, peace and democracy.
The charter of national unity will define the duties and responsibilities of each citizen regarding unity, the rights of citizens, and, in particular, the security and equality of all. The charter of unity will therefore be a code of conduct and a guideline for living.
The other recommendations involve the essential areas of national life, and concern in particular the management of public affairs, education, the training of youth, economic development and information. More specifically, at the political level we shall work for the democratization of institutions, giving priority to the strengthening of a sound political climate. In fact, it is essential that the population be guaranteed an atmosphere of confidence and security, without which no policy of democratization can succeed.
The democratization of national political life must be accompanied by the democratic functioning of institutions. This process should provide the country with a Constitution that takes into account Burundi realities and provides for specific machinery to regulate the democratic functioning of the institutions.
When he officially received the report of the National Commission entrusted to study the question of national unity, the President of the Republic pledged to follow its recommendations. The Head of State immediately announced practical provisions to be taken by the Government in order to ensure transparency and fairness in the essential areas of life, such as education, employment, security, democratic institutions and the question of refugees.
I am pleased to inform the Assembly that most of those provisions have already been implemented and are being carried out successfully.
As regards education, appropriate regulations have been drawn up and adopted to guarantee transparency and fairness at all levels of instruction. In the field of employment, access of workers to higher posts in all sectors will be based solely on competence.
In pursuance of this endeavour of national reconciliation, on 24 July 1989, the President of the Republic published the results of various provincial colloquia on national unity. The guiding principle of these colloquia, which brought together a large number of our citizens from all social and professional sectors, was that the report of the National Commission on national unity should not be considered as a conclusion but rather as a starting-point for deep reflection by all the citizens of Burundi on the question of national unity.
The recommendations made by these colloquia will make it possible to complete the constructive analyses and proposals of the Commission, particularly by drawing up the charter of national unity, which must emerge from the whole Burundi people as a shared vision of a future of unity.
Since the establishment of the Third Republic fundamental choices have been made to ensure that institutions are as democratic as possible, even though at one point these developments were curbed by the events of August 1988. Since democracy means participation by all citizens in managing the affairs of the country, all the people of Burundi are participating in the life of the country through dialogue and harmonization, which have become a real mode of government in our country.
The Party of Unity for National Progress - which had long been the crucible of national unity - has been restructured in order to serve as the ideal framework for the exercise of this democracy in Burundi. Elections by universal suffrage and secret balloting have already been successfully organised with the aim of establishing the basic organs of the Party. This democratic process will continue up to the highest levels of the Party and the Administration.
This process should lead to the establishment of social justice - another concern of the Government of the Third Republic.
There is a constant struggle to establish social justice. Measures are taken every day in the health, employment and education sectors so that all citizens of Burundi can participate in the construction of their country, to make it a State of law and peace. Only on that condition will our country be able to focus on its social and economic development.
In regard to the latter, the Third Republic has given priority to the development of the rural areas, where 90 per cent of the people of Burundi live. In this context, the fifth five-year plan for social and economic development gives priority to the sectors of agriculture and rural development, and concerted and sustained efforts are being made to develop the social infrastructure, such as schools, health centres and supplies of drinking water. Furthermore  economic management has been improved through a relentless struggle declared by the President of the Republic against corruption  misappropriation of public funds fraud and other misuse of funds. The establishment of a Board of Auditors is part of the same concern.
In spite of the priority given to the search for solutions for the internal problems of our country  Burundi is also closely following developments in the international economic and political climate  threatened as it is by hazards of all kinds.
Convinced that peace and security are the prerequisites for lasting development, the authorities of Burundi have made them the central objectives of their foreign policy. Tb this end, we focus our efforts on maintaining a calm atmosphere with all of our neighbours, near or far.
At the international level, we are indeed pleased at the progress achieved in respect of peace and disarmament. The international community’s particularly encouraged by the detente which now characterizes international relations. The improvement in Soviet-American relations gives the entire world hope for international stability, since it is seen as a possibility for lasting peace and fruitful co-operation.
We also note with great satisfaction the fact that statesmen from all continents are increasingly demonstrating their will and their readiness to do ALL in their power to search for just, peaceful and lasting solutions to armed conflicts or potential conflicts everywhere in the world. This leads one to hope that peace will become a continuing concern throughout the world.
In the field of disarmament, Burundi is of the opinion that the narrowing in the American and Soviet positions is creating favourable conditions for the completion of negotiations under way in the bilateral framework, at the Conference on Disarmament  or within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact. We are also confident that 1er.g disappointed hopes that some military expenditures could be released for development activities may at last become a reality. We are pleased at the encouraging and reassuring words expressed from this very rostrum by Mr. George Bush, President of the United States of America, and by Mr. Shevardnadze, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet №ion, concerning the progressive elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons, and the redaction of conventional weapons.
The international community is now paying particular attention to the evolution of regional conflicts. The peace process in Angola see rte today to be at an impasse, after the announcement of UNITA of the suspension of talks following the Gbadolite agreement. We know that that agreement, in which 20 African Heads of State, including my own, were involved, is the result of patient and courageous work. I should like to pay well deserved tribute to President Mobutu of Zaire, for his mediation efforts for peace. I also hope that his recent meeting in Washington with the United States President George Bush will impart new momentum to the peace process begun in Angola. We also urge the parties to the conflict rapidly to resume their negotiations and to comply with the commitments that emerged from the Cìbadolite agreement.
In South Africa, the Government of the country of apartheid unceasingly proclaims its intention of beginning a new era in that country  but to this day so-called reforms do not have much credibility and remain insignificant because they are not aimed at the foundations of that Ignoble system.
The International community must therefore remain vigilant, because those so-called reforms may very well be aimed only at diverting public opinion, we can lend credibility to statements made by the South African authorities only If those authorities resolutely decide to raise the state of emergency now in force, to free all political prisoners including Nelson Mandela and for put an end to the reign of terror against anti-apartheid filters.
As regards the question of Namibia the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) - the very basis of the independence process of Namibia - is under way with some difficulty. None the less, the organization of free elections planned for November this year constitutes for the international community a glimmer of hope that Namibia will be independent in 1990 and that we shall be able to welcome it into the community of sovereign nations at the next session of the general Assembly.
By the thousands of Namibians who have returned to their motherland we extend fraternal greetings and our wishes for a better life in a free and prosperous Namibia.
Still on our own continent, acceptance by the parties to the conflict in Western Sahara of the peace plan of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) is an important step in the settlement of the Sahraoui question. That approach will allow the development of the Sahraoui people. Which will thus be able freely to decide on its future. Burundi urges Morocco and the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to persevere in their efforts at dialogue and at the peaceful settlement of the conflict.
Likewise, the recent conflict between two neighbouring fraternal countries, Senegal and Mauritania, has been given great attention by the authorities of my country. We earnestly hope that the peace efforts made by the President of Mali on behalf of the OAO, and the efforts resumed in May by the President of Egypt, current Chairman of our continental Organization, will soon be successful. We also recognize the peace efforts that President Mubarak is making in southern Africa end in particular in Namibia. That great statesman has had an impact beyond the borders of our continent,  d this augurs well for the success of his initiatives. In the Middle East, we support and encourage the initiatives to restore peace between the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, and in particular the 10-point peace plan proposed by President Mubarak. That plan - which kindled hope - has been seriously considered by the Palestine Liberation Organization (РШ), but we regret that it has just been rejected by the other party to the conflict, Israel. Burundi, which saw in that plain a glimmer of hope for the solution to the problem of Palestine, still hopes that the rejection is only temporary and that Palestinians and Israelis will SOOT  meet at the negotiating table to discuss their long-awaited peace.
Elsewhere in the world, the situation in Lebanon has become explosive once again. It is our most ardent wish that the various factions will reach an understanding that will preserve human lives and spare suffering in Lebanon. Our country supports and encourages the mediation efforts of the Arab Tripartite Committee.
The International Conference on Cambodia, which has just been held in Paris last August, was aimed at finding a political solution to a crisis that dates back almost 20 years. The global settlement plan for the Cambodian question, which has not yet been accepted by all the parties involved in the conflict, should make it possible to speed the restoration of peace in Cambodia and the subregion. Burundi supports these direct talks and urges the parties to the conflict to choose to strengthen the spirit of dialogue and reconciliation instead of to continue armed fratricidal confrontation.
Concerning the question of Korea, my country supports the principle of peaceful reunification. In this framework we urge the leaders of the two fraternal countries to continue their dialogue so that the peace process can soon come to a successful conclusion. Regarding 'the Iran-Iraq conflict, the peace process, already reflected in a cease-fire, should be strengthened by the implementation of the other elements of the peace plan recommended by the United Nations and accepted by the two parties.
In Cyprus, the dialogue begun by the two communities, and the process of reconciliation, should continue, for the preservation of the Cypriot nation and in the higher interests of its people.
We are sincerely pleased at the atmosphere of understanding and harmony that is developing in Central America. In this context, we are pleased at the conclusion of the Tela accords, and we are glad to welcome the prospects for normalization of relations between the countries in the region.
The delegation of Burundi wishes to express its great pleasure at the ever-widening role played by the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of regional conflicts, and to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General for his zeal, dedication and effectiveness in the accomplishment of that noble mission.
Together with this somewhat troubled political situation - which does have some encouraging prospects - the developing countries are confronted increasingly by grave economic and environmental constraints. The debt problem, the worsening economic situation and climatic disturbances ate all concerns that increasingly affect the neediest sectors of our populations.
In the framework of their efforts to confront the debt problem and the related economic difficulties, many developing countries are implementing economic adjustment programmes. In this respect, the failure of negotiations on the renewal of the International Coffee Agreement has placed the producer countries - especially the smallest among them, including my own - in an extremely delicate situation. In fact, these countries, most of which had just undertaken structural adjustment programmes in their economies - programmes that had begun to generate results will see their hopes crumble if the countries responsible for the failure of negotiations do not review their position. We therefore appeal to the latter to adopt a responsible and united attitude towards the producer countries that are so seriously stricken.
Recently a number of countries announced measures to alleviate or write off the debt of the developing countries. We want to take this opportunity to extend our most sincere thanks for these gestures, which reassure us and encourage us to persevere in our programmes for economic recovery. However, these efforts of the developed countries should be accompanied by consideration of measures that would involve the net transfer of resources to the developing countries, as well as the prices of commodities. The strategy of a case-by-case debt resolution, supported by the seven most industrialized countries, seems to us insufficient as a solution to the debt problem. Therefore my country supports firmly the proposal to convene an international conference on debt. We believe that the holding of such a conference could lead to a global approach to the thorny question of indebtedness.
Since the problem of the environment began to be studied the international community has become aware of the danger involved in the pollution of the atmosphere, deforestation, desertification and other scourges by which nature is damaged. It has also undertaken intensive activity to mobilize State and specialized agencies involved in these fields in order that appropriate international regulations may be established. Burundi is confident that, thanks to this understanding and cooperation by all, the world will be spaced this danger. We cannot gloss over criminal actions of certain industrialized societies in the northern hemisphere that are with impunity transferring toxic wastes to third-world regions. The dangers that this poses to human, animal and vegetable life, present and future, has been denounced many times by the International community. The drug problem constitutes another grave threat to the survival of mankind. We encourage the American and other States that have decided resolutely to combat this scourge, and we urge other nations to follow their example.
Today, on the eve of the next century, conditions seems conducive for achieving milestones towards building a world in which peace, justice and security will prevail. Within States dialogue and reconciliation are winning out over confrontation, and in inter-State relations respect for international law is increasing. Considerable progress has been achieved in disarmament. That is why the Burundi delegation urges all Members of the United Nations to do all in their power to safeguard these important achievements and to strengthen this movement for peace and solidarity among nations and peoples.