First of all, on behalf of the people of
Equatorial Guinea and the delegation with me today, I
should like to congratulate Mr. D’Escoto Brockmann
on his fitting election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session. His election bears

17 08-51845

witness to the trust and credibility with which all States
Members of the United Nations view the sister
Republic of Nicaragua. We wish him every success and
assure him of our full cooperation during his time in
office.
 I would also like to pay tribute to the outgoing
President, Mr. Srgjan Kerim, for the excellent work he
carried out at a crucial time in the history of the United
Nations.
 The sixty-third session allows us a new
opportunity to share our views on the common
concerns of all peoples in the world. We would like to
say how pleased we are to see that the agenda of this
annual debate includes subjects such as the
democratization of the United Nations system,
including the necessary reforms in the functioning of
the Security Council and the Bretton Woods
institutions; funding for the development of Africa; the
food crisis and world hunger; climate change; human
security as part of international peace and security; and
the fight against terrorism.
 The world harboured the hope that after the cold
war mankind would achieve peace and live more
harmoniously together in greater solidarity. However,
we are extremely saddened to note the differences
separating the rich from the poor countries, causing
hunger, poverty, war and destabilization. In other
words, today we are facing new challenges that
jeopardize the budding institutions of developing
countries in many ways.
 For that reason, it is necessary to adopt
mechanisms and strategies that enable us to ensure that
our experiences can provide a bridge to a new form of
cooperation among peoples. Indeed, in the six decades
of the existence of the United Nations, we have seen
that only the establishment of a new, more open and
respectful global framework for cooperation will lead
to the stability, peace and progress of all nations.
 We have seen that the use of force by the strong
has not only failed to solve the problems affecting the
people of the world today, but has made them worse.
We know from experience that conflicts and threats to
world peace arise from a patent lack of dialogue among
the countries making up the international community.
Not only do many peoples and nations continue to face
old conflicts, but every day new tensions and threats to
world peace emerge.
 In addition to those challenges are the issues that
are the focus of our debate, such as injustice, poverty,
the energy and food crises, climate change, inequality
and poor access to the education, health care and new
technologies needed for poor countries to develop.
 Thus, Equatorial Guinea believes it appropriate
that the new strategy the world needs today must start
not only with the reform of our multilateral
cooperation institutions, but also with a change in the
mentality and behaviour of those who today hold
economic power, so as to achieve a manifestation of
democracy that fosters dialogue and cooperation
among peoples.
 In the recent past, our efforts to bring about a
better world have been based on the Millennium
Development Goals, which were intended to strengthen
international cooperation towards universal and
sustainable development. Achieving those Goals
requires, inter alia, the reform of the world economic
system, based on respect for different development
models, so that each may choose what is most
historically, politically, socially and culturally fitting.
 Clearly, that troubled global situation affects all
countries to different degrees and with varying impact.
In that regard, the African continent is the most
vulnerable in terms of economic and social
development, and it is not surprising that its peoples
are more affected by the widespread crisis threatening
the world.
 That which is presented to us today as a world
food crisis is not merely temporary but is one of the
many paradoxes of our time. For it seems
inconceivable that in an era of abundance the
underdeveloped countries of the South are confronted
by a deficit in a right so crucial to human beings,
namely, the right to food. Statistics published by the
Food and Agriculture Organization indicate that nearly
900 million men, women and children suffer from
hunger, with almost 80 per cent of them living in
developing countries.
 The supposed food crisis and other current
phenomena in our globalized world are the result of the
impact of the neoliberal policies that have been applied
on a global scale for more than four decades. I am
speaking in particular about the prescriptions advanced
by institutions of the international commercial and
financial system, namely, the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Trade

08-51845 18

Organization. In fact, they act as the voice of their
masters in erecting discriminatory barriers that impede
our ability to produce and trade.
 One of the consequences of the food crisis has
been the no-holds-barred liberalization of trade
imposed by those institutions. That has permitted the
flooding of African markets with highly subsidized
food products, which is destroying agriculture in our
countries. In that regard, Africa today is a continent
that produces and exports things that it itself does not
consume, while at the same time it imports from the
countries of the North things that it could produce for
its own use but does not.
 If there is any good in the food crisis it is the fact
that none of the countries of the South, and especially
those in Africa, has any interest in continuing to
depend upon food imports in order to ensure the
survival of its citizens, either as food aid or through an
unfair trading system. In that connection, what Africa
needs today is development based on solidarity and the
strengthening of its socio-economic fabric. A large part
of Africa’s fertile land is still not cultivated, but
statistics on Africa’s productivity are among the lowest
in the world. That is due to the exodus from the
countryside and the few incentives available to farmers
because of the high cost of agricultural inputs and the
relative prices of agricultural products on the
international market.
 With regard to the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development and the delay in its implementation,
Equatorial Guinea would like to propose the
establishment of an international steering committee
made up of experts from both donor and African
countries. The purpose of the committee would be to
identify mechanisms and projects that could contribute
to the economic integration of African countries. The
committee would also be in charge of implementing
projects and programmes at the continental, regional
and subregional levels, including the programme to
combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other
diseases endemic in Africa; identifying and financing
of energy resources in order to electrify countries in
landlocked regions; building a trans-African network
of roads and railways so that countries that are
enclaves and without access to the sea can transport
their goods; launching a satellite that ensures
communications for Africa; establishing an African
university to train our human resources; establishing
industries in countries experiencing emigration to
developed countries in order to create jobs for their
workforce; and granting low-interest loans in order to
promote development in Africa’s least favoured
countries.
 I should like to conclude my statement by
recalling the commitment of the international
community to preserve the environment and protect
ecosystems that have an impact on climate change,
which today poses a threat to humankind. Equatorial
Guinea is among the countries of equatorial Africa
making great efforts to preserve the forest ecosystems
of the Congo River basin, which, along with the
Amazon, serves as the lungs of humankind.
 Moreover, Equatorial Guinea would like to
reiterate its commitment to combating international
terrorism and organized crime in all their forms and
manifestations.
 With regard to national policy, Equatorial Guinea
is experiencing an unprecedented period of freedom
and development. Our people are flourishing and
developing in an atmosphere of peace, democracy and
stability. We look forward to a future of well-being and
justice for all our citizens.
 From this podium, I would like to reiterate the
commitment of my Government to promote and protect
human rights. We do not need anyone to give us
lessons about elections, or to attempt to usurp the
sovereign will of the people of Equatorial Guinea.
 Equatorial Guinea is proud to be part of the
United Nations. We believe this universal Organization
is today, and will continue to be, the sole option for
strengthening peace and stability and for achieving
development, to which we all aspire.


Allow me to congratulate the President and
his friendly country, Nicaragua, on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-third
session. I wish him every success in his mission and
express our satisfaction with the message of his
introductory remarks at the opening of the general
debate. I would also like to thank his predecessor,
Srgjan Kerim, for successfully steering the work of the
previous session. I extend to Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon our best wishes for success in the realization
of the purposes and principles of the Charter of our
international Organization.
 The Middle East region is one of the most
volatile regions of the world, and it continues to face
mounting challenges. Daunting as those challenges
may be, they must not deter us from moving forward
towards the light at the end of the tunnel and from
seeking better conditions. Syria is an essential part of
the solutions sought by the peoples of the region, by
virtue of its geographic location and the aspirations of
its people.
 For that reason, President Bashar Al-Assad took
the initiative to convene the Damascus Quartet
Summit, attended by President Sarkozy of France, the
Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa
Al-Thani, and the Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan of Turkey. All of those States have a stake in
the security and stability of the Middle East region.
Each and every one has made constructive
contributions, despite differing perspectives and
positions. The four leaders probed the issue of peace
and stability in the Middle East and stressed the need
for consultations and coordination and joint pursuit of
those objectives. They recognized that inaction, the
suffering resulting from the Israeli occupation of Arab
territories that has continued since 1967 and disregard
for the Palestinian people’s rights have driven the
people of the region into a state of despair. Under those
circumstances, attaining a just and comprehensive
peace becomes untenable and the region becomes a
fertile ground for anger and turmoil. In the final
analysis, that situation does not serve the best interests
of the world or of the countries of the region.
 By convening the Quartet Summit, Syria stressed
that a just and comprehensive peace is its strategic
choice and that it is striving to attain it in cooperation
with regional and international partners who share its
vision. The realization of peace requires all of those
who have a direct stake in the matter, or those who
have the power or who can influence the outcome, to
evince the necessary political will.
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08-53122 18

 Years after the will to build peace lost its priority
status in the policies that influence the situation in the
region, we were asked to go to Annapolis. We all went
to Annapolis, despite the ambiguity of the undertaking.
We wonder what Annapolis achieved. Where exactly
do we stand? Have the Annapolis promises to establish
a Palestinian State before the end of the current year
been fulfilled? Has Israel stopped building settlements
in the occupied Arab territories?
 Despite all that, given that the withdrawal of
Israel from our occupied Golan to the line of 4 June
1967 and making peace are Syrian national priorities,
and notwithstanding the circumstances to which I just
referred, we entered into indirect negotiations with
Israel, with commendable mediation by Turkey.
 As President Al-Assad said, we wanted the
negotiations to establish the grounds and pave the way
for direct negotiations that would ultimately be
sponsored by many international parties. Peacebuilding
requires, however, genuine Israeli will that is capable
of accommodating the exigencies of peacemaking. It
also requires the American will to include peace in the
Middle East on its list of priorities after years of
deliberately ignoring and dodging the question, which
has exacerbated the situation in the region.
 Syria stresses once again its firm and consistent
support for the Palestinian people’s rights to recover
their occupied land and establish their independent
State with Jerusalem as its capital. Syria underlines the
need to restore Palestinian national unity through
national dialogue and is working towards that end in its
capacity as the current Chair of the Arab Summit.
 The Iraqi situation is a matter of prime concern to
Syria because Iraq is an Arab fraternal country and
because, as a neighbouring country, we are affected by
the negative and positive developments there. We have
always stressed the need to preserve the unity of the
people of Iraq, its territorial integrity, non-interference
in its internal affairs and the need to preserve its
sovereignty, independence, its Arab and Islamic
identity, and to oppose the calls to divide it. We have
repeatedly declared that the solution in Iraq begins
with national reconciliation built on the principle of
respect for the will of all Iraqis. We have reiterated the
need for foreign troops to withdraw from Iraq in line
with agreements reached with the Iraqi Government.
We have always condemned all terrorist acts
committed in Iraq, resulting in the deaths of many
innocent civilians. We believe that the stability that
Iraq longs for requires an Iraqi consensus to overcome
the obstacles barring its realization.
 It is regrettable that the abnormal circumstances
that prevailed in Iraq as a result of the United States
invasion in 2003 have prompted a great number of
Iraqis to leave their country in pursuit of safety and
security. Syria hosts many Iraqi brothers and sisters.
Therefore, we are deeply aware of the humanitarian
crisis that has forced Iraqis from their country and
exacerbated the situation in their country. We hope that
an improved security situation will permit all Iraqis to
return to Iraq.
 We in Syria are pleased that the situation in
Lebanon is being resolved after the conclusion of the
Doha Agreement, which enabled the Lebanese to elect
a consensual President, establish a Government of
national unity and initiate a national dialogue. Despite
unfounded claims to the contrary, we have consistently
supported all measures that could assist the Lebanese
in arriving at consensual solutions built on dialogue
and the affirmation of national unity. During the recent
visit of the Lebanese President Michel Sleiman to
Syria, we declared that we had jointly decided to
establish diplomatic relations between our two
countries with a view to maintaining and supporting
mutual, deep and wide-ranging relations and interests
between our two fraternal peoples. We also agreed to
resume the work of the joint Lebanese-Syrian border
demarcation commission in accordance with
mechanisms and priorities to be agreed upon by the
two parties. The two countries also agreed to entrust to
their respective authorities the task of continuing to
work together to control their common borders, fight
smuggling, undertake the necessary measures to
promote trade, create the conditions for economic
integration and establish a common economic market.
 Syria supports efforts aimed at guaranteeing the
Sudan’s unity and territorial integrity and promoting
peace and stability in that country. In that context, we
are completely opposed to the decision of the
Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and call
on the Security Council to suspend it with a view to
creating favourable conditions for pursuing the
initiative endorsed by the Council of Ministers of the
League of Arab States on 9 August 2008. The initiative
called for establishing an Arab ministerial committee
under the chairmanship of Qatar and entrusting it with
overseeing comprehensive peace talks between the
 A/63/PV.13

19 08-53122

Government of the Sudan and the armed groups in
Darfur. The committee would sponsor those
negotiations in cooperation and coordination with the
international mediator of the African Union and a
United Nations representative. It would also seek to
improve the humanitarian situation and to promote
development in Darfur.
 Syria, a member of the committee, calls on all
States concerned and on the international community to
support the committee in its efforts to fulfil its
mandate. In that regard, Syria welcomes the
normalization of relations between the Sudan and Chad
as a positive contribution to the solution of the Darfur
question.
 The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) guarantees the right of all States to
possess nuclear technologies for peaceful purposes.
Much has been said about the Iranian nuclear issue,
with some advocating a diplomatic solution while
others promote the use of force. Meanwhile, Iran has
time and again stressed that it is solely dedicated to the
peaceful uses of nuclear power. Deep mistrust between
Iran and its interlocutors complicates matters and
prevents the stakeholders from reaching an
understanding. We seek a political understanding of the
Iranian nuclear issue. Any other option is not in the
interests of any of the stakeholders and will only inflict
catastrophic losses on the region and the world.
 In that context, and in line with our principled
position, we call for declaring the Middle East a zone
free from all weapons of mass destruction. Similarly,
we recall the draft resolution that Syria submitted to
the Security Council on 29 October 2003. At the same
time, we stress the need to compel Israel to dismantle
the hundreds of nuclear warheads in its possession, to
submit its nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of
the International Atomic Energy Agency and to accede
to the NPT.
 The crisis that erupted in the Caucasus region
was an extremely ominous event. It is impossible to
ignore its dimensions and repercussions on
international relations. By now, we know who sowed
its seeds and are aware of the provocative acts
associated with it, prompting Russia to exercise the
option it chose. We appreciate Russia’s positive
response to the efforts of France in its capacity as
President of the European Union to arrive at a
settlement of the crisis that will guarantee regional
stability and spare the world a revival of the
international relations that prevailed in the past.
 Much has been said about the war on terror. Years
after waging that war, some issues still prompt us to
ask: Is terrorism less widespread today than it was
before? Can we claim to have prevailed over that
extremely dangerous phenomenon? Accusing countries
of sponsoring terrorism for ulterior political motives is
a desperate attempt by those promoting those claims to
justify the failure of their approach.
 The right approach requires us to address the root
causes of terrorism. How can we overcome terrorism if
we continue to conflate terrorism with the right of the
individual to live on his land, free from occupation or
threat of war and aggression? We call upon all States to
cooperate in the fight against terrorism. We particularly
stress the need to avoid confusing terrorism with
fundamental rights, because doing so gives terrorism
an opportunity to strike.
 Experience demonstrates that unilaterally
dictating the world’s political agenda is wrong. The
wars and the financial and food crises raging
throughout the world today require us to work together
to address that malfunction by seeking to engage all
regional and international stakeholders through active
diplomacy and dialogue as the means to settle
controversial questions.
 Closing the door to dialogue and imposing
isolation, unilateral sanctions and diktats have never
been successful tools in the exercise of sound
international relations. Contrary to claims made from
this very rostrum a couple of days ago, all attempts at
isolation are doomed to failure. Respect for the
principle of democracy in international relations that
takes into account the vision and interests of all States,
large and small, will contribute to the realization of
security and stability in the world and help it solve the
problems it faces.
 The Charter of our international Organization, in
which States of different perspectives and interests
enjoy equal membership, has set forth formulas that
remain valid and could be used to build a world in
which justice reigns supreme, based on mutual
understanding — a world free from the threat of terror
and in which there is no place for inciting hatred
among cultures and religions. Promoting those values,
principles and objectives and using them as guidelines
for our work will serve the interests of peace and
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08-53122 20

stability in the world and contribute to the good of
humanity at large.


In 1945, on the heels of the
most destructive conflict the world had ever seen,
facing an uncertain future characterized by the threat of
nuclear annihilation, the United Nations was
established by men and women of strategic vision. In
San Francisco, my country proudly sat among the
Organization’s founders.
 Our courageous political ancestors created this
Organization in the belief that international law, based
on the doctrine of sovereign equality of States, must
supplant the use of force to settle differences between
nations. This core abiding conviction of the founders
must be repeatedly reconfirmed. The founders’ sense of
purpose must also be reaffirmed. And the obligation
they handed down to us must continue to be exercised
by all with a solemn sense of responsibility.
 However much the world has changed since
1945, the United Nations remains the only universal
intergovernmental institution that unites us as a global
community of sovereign States. And standing at the
very heart of this indispensable Organization is the
General Assembly, the ultimate source of the
international system’s legitimacy. The unique world
forum that is the General Assembly brings us together
as sovereign equals, each acting on behalf of a country,
with one vote, as guaranteed by the Charter of the
United Nations.
 The sacrosanct character of the foundational
doctrine of sovereign equality and its accompanying
binding obligation to respect each other’s sovereignty
and territorial integrity constitutes the very nature of
the enduring legitimacy of the United Nations.
 This arrangement has not changed, and I believe
it must not change — unless we seek to overthrow the
Charter and overturn the global legal order upon which
it is built.
 I come before the General Assembly as the
President of a country that has become caught up at the
heart of one of the most dangerous challenges to the

29 08-51570

nature of the international system since the founding of
the United Nations. I speak of the unilateral, illegal and
illegitimate declaration of independence by the ethnic
Albanian authorities of our southern province of
Kosovo and Metohija, a territory that stands at the
crucible of the identity of the Serbian people. It is the
essential link between our proud national past and our
proud European future. It is what ties the living
tradition of Serbia to itself today.
 The attempt at secession took place on
17 February 2008, in direct violation of the Charter of
the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and Security
Council resolution 1244 (1999). Kosovo’s ethnic
Albanian leaders chose to take that unilateral step after
walking away from the negotiating table. They
believed that if they walked away, the path to securing
independence would open up before them. They
believed it because that is what they were told. And
they believed it because an artificial deadline on the
talks was affirmed from the outside, after which, if no
compromise solution was reached, Kosovo’s
independence would be imposed.
 Under such circumstances, a negotiated solution
was never a realistic option. With a fixed deadline and
a default position that fulfilled the maximalist demands
of Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians, what incentive did they
have to negotiate with Serbia in good faith? All they
had to do was to pretend to engage in a process
predetermined to fail and wait out the clock.
 The incentives for compromise were far
outweighed by the incentives for maximalism. The
result was the rejection of Serbia’s reasonable offer of
almost unrestricted self-government, the broadest
possible autonomy one can imagine.
 Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence
(UDI) amounts to an attempt to partition a State
Member of the United Nations against its will, and
with disregard for the firm opposition of the Security
Council, in order to appease a volatile and threatening
ethnic minority. As a result, the very nature of the
international system has been called into question.
 We all know that there are dozens of Kosovos
throughout the world, just waiting for secession to be
legitimized, to be turned into an acceptable norm.
Many existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts
could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.
 We have heard the argument that Kosovo is sui
generis, that it is a unique case. But the truth is, that is
tantamount to saying that Kosovo is an exception to
international law, that Kosovo should stand beyond the
rules that govern the behaviour of the international
community.
 The Republic of Serbia rejects that claim,
believing that no people is authorized to declare itself
an exception, especially when doing so is in defiance
of the position taken by the Security Council.
 We face a defining moment. We must stand
together in steadfastness and determination against a
fundamental violation of international law.
 Serbia responded to Kosovo’s UDI with utmost
responsibility and restraint. Despite political turmoil,
our country continued to work hard to contribute to
maintaining regional stability. From the very onset of
this grave crisis, Serbia has ruled out the use of force.
And we have not exercised other unilateral options,
such as the imposition of economic sanctions against
our breakaway province. Instead, we have opted for a
peaceful and diplomatic approach, the result of which
is that a vast majority of States Members of the United
Nations have refrained from recognizing Kosovo’s
UDI. They have continued to abide by their obligations
under the Charter of the United Nations to respect the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of my country. On
behalf of the Republic of Serbia, allow me once again
to sincerely thank these countries for their adherence to
the principles of international law.
 Serbia proposes a non-confrontational way to
respond to the threat posed to its territorial integrity.
We have chosen to use the law. While rejecting
violence and unilateralism categorically, we are equally
emphatic in demanding that justice be delivered
through the proper legal means at the disposal of any
State Member of the United Nations. To that end, the
Republic of Serbia has submitted a draft resolution to
be considered at this session of the General Assembly.
Let me make it clear that the text of the draft resolution
refrains from taking political positions on Kosovo’s
UDI. Instead, in simple and direct language, it asks the
principal judicial organ of the United Nations — the
International Court of Justice — to render an advisory
opinion on the following question: “Is the unilateral
declaration of independence by the Provisional
Institutions of Self-Government of Kosovo in
accordance with international law?”

08-51570 30

 We believe that sending the Kosovo question to
the International Court of Justice would prevent the
crisis from serving as a deeply problematic precedent
in any part of the globe where secessionist ambitions
are harboured. We also believe that an advisory opinion
from the Court would provide politically neutral yet
judicially authoritative guidance to many countries still
deliberating on how to approach Kosovo’s UDI in line
with international law.
 Members’ votes in support of the draft resolution
would serve to reaffirm another key international
principle at stake: the right of any State Member of the
United Nations to pose a simple, elementary question
on a matter it considers vitally important to the
competent court. To vote against is in effect to vote to
deny the right of any country, now or in the future, to
seek judicial recourse through the United Nations
system. To vote against means to accept that nothing
can be done when secessionists in any part of the world
proclaim the uniqueness of their cause and claim
exception to the universal scope of international law.
Such an attitude could lead to the end of the United
Nations system as we know it. Allow me therefore to
formally ask for the support of each and every Member
State for Serbia’s proposal before the General
Assembly.
 While the International Court of Justice
deliberates on the legality of UDI, Serbia will remain a
good-faith partner in the interim administration of our
southern province. The functionality of a reconfigured
international civilian presence under the overall
authority of the United Nations, as defined by
resolution 1244 (1999), is of great importance to my
country. It must remain status-neutral and cannot
therefore be based on the so-called Ahtisaari proposal,
which was rejected by Serbia and not approved by the
Security Council.
 It is well known that the European Union (EU)
has committed itself to building the much-needed
institutional and societal fabric of our southern
province. Let there be no doubt: My country supports
the deepening of Europe’s engagement in any part of
Serbia, including Kosovo. In order for Europe’s
presence in Kosovo to be fully anchored within an
acceptable, legitimate framework, it is vital that its
mandate be approved by the Security Council. We will
work with the Member States and the Secretariat to
ensure that we achieve consensus in the near future on
the international civil presence in our southern
province.
 In conclusion, I want to emphasize that the
central strategic priority of the Republic of Serbia is
rapid accession to the European Union. Serbia will join
the EU not only for reasons of geography, heritage, and
economic prosperity, but also because of the values we
hold in common. They constitute the intangible
greatness of twenty-first-century Europe and they form
the foundation of our democracy, our society and our
beliefs in what we can accomplish.
 Our common values also point to the significance
of reconciliation — an important reason why Serbia is
fully cooperating with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. We have
demonstrated our unequivocal commitment time and
again. We will continue to do so because it is our
duty — our legal, political and moral duty — to the
victims, to ourselves and, most of all, to the
generations to come.
 Europe has become the unifying force of the
region. My country’s absolute dedication to joining the
EU is shared by all the countries of the western
Balkans. If we choose, as democracies, to belong to
something that is greater than the sum of its parts, the
balkanization of the Balkans can be reversed.
 Serbia’s European vision is complemented by our
strong desire to continue restoring and deepening the
many close friendships that Yugoslavia made across the
globe during the post-Second World War period. It will
be one of the key priorities in the years to come for my
country and my Government. As a country that is the
largest successor to a co-founder of the Non-Aligned
Movement, Serbia will work hard to contribute to a
more equitable global community, devoted to
advancing the democratization of international
relations, economic and social development, and
human rights.
 I close by saying that my country remains ready
to further promote a nobler form of intergovernmental
cooperation that truly addresses challenges, alleviates
divisions, and reduces tensions. Such a vision can be
built only on the firm foundation of the universal
principles of sovereign equality, solidarity and
international law within the framework of the United
Nations.


May I first
congratulate Mr. D’Escoto Brockmann on his
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-third session. I am sure that he will lead our
deliberations with great wisdom and skill. I also wish
to congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Srgjan Kerim, for
ably guiding our sixty-second session.
 It is timely and wise that we focus our
deliberations on the global food crisis and on the
democratization of the United Nations. While those
two issues appear to be vastly different, they have
more to do with each other than meets the eye. For
democracy means nothing if a part of humankind is
well fed while a larger part of it goes to bed hungry
every night. Human equality is a mirage in any country
where a part of the population struggles against obesity
while a larger part of it wonders where the next meal is
coming from.
 I do not exaggerate. According to the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, food
prices will remain high for the next three to five years.
Rice stocks are falling to their lowest level since the
mid-1970s. Wheat stocks are sinking to their lowest
since 1948. Compounding the situation is the explosive
growth of the world population.
 There is a huge unfilled demand for food. Food
riots have already erupted in parts of the Middle East,
Africa, Asia and the Caribbean. In 33 countries,
especially those with fragile States, there is a real and
present danger of social and political unrest because
people are hungry. We must vigorously address the
problem of global food insecurity. Otherwise, peace is
at risk in the developing world and in pockets of
poverty in the developed world. What the world needs
today is a new Green Revolution — a Green
Revolution that this time embraces the entire
developing world, especially Africa. Developing
countries must now put agriculture, especially food
production, back into the core of their development
agenda. For their part, the developed countries must
put agriculture and food production into the core of
their trade and aid programmes.
 In that regard, the experience of Indonesia may
be instructive. It is not easy to feed a population of 230
million, the fourth largest in the world, but there are no
food riots in Indonesia. Last year, we had a surplus
production of rice. We used that surplus to bolster our
national stockpile. That has contributed to national
stability. This year, we expect another surplus of 5 per
cent, which brings production to 36 million tons. We
are going to export part of that as our contribution to
global food security.
 We can do that because we have vastly improved
our rice productivity by providing our farmers with
microfinancing, improved seed varieties, cheap but
appropriate farm technology and affordable fertilizers.
We have thus developed some experience and expertise
that worked for us and can work in other developing
countries. We will continue to share those in the spirit
of South-South cooperation.
 Food security is a cause in which everyone must
be involved. In that light, I firmly believe that this
General Assembly of ours is called upon to take a
number of concrete measures.
 First, we can task the World Bank and the
relevant United Nations bodies to develop ways and
means of helping national Governments to spend more
on agriculture and on rural infrastructures to empower
small farmers.
 Secondly, let us ensure that the appropriate
United Nations bodies link up with regional
mechanisms for food security, such as common food
reserves and early warning systems on regional food

08-53129 16

crises. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has
such an arrangement and so do other regional
arrangements. The United Nations can serve as the
hub, while the regional arrangements serve as the
spokes of a global wheel for food security.
 Thirdly, let us establish the framework for a
global partnership on food security. We should ensure
that the World Trade Organization Doha development
negotiations reach a conclusion that supports increased
food production. Let us make use of the forthcoming
review of the Monterrey Consensus on financing for
development as an opportunity to devise ways to fund
the Green Revolution.
 Let us be mindful, however, that agriculture does
not always lead to a food harvest. It is even possible
that an imprudent rush to produce biofuels will lead to
a severe reduction of the food supply. It is true that by
switching from fossil fuels to biofuels, we can cushion
the impact of the skyrocketing of the world price of oil
and thereby address the energy crisis. It is also true
that, by making that switch in fuels, we reduce
greenhouse gas emissions and thereby address the
challenge of climate change.
 It would be unwise and reckless, however, to
address two crises by aggravating a third. We cannot
allay the energy crisis and the crisis of global warming
by deepening the global food crisis. That will only
worsen the plight of humankind, but we can carry out a
broad range of rational and coordinated policies and
initiatives that address those crises systemically. We
can address the energy crisis by developing all
alternative sources of available energy, which will help
mitigate global warming.
 Moreover, in the next 16 months we can advance
the climate change agenda through the Bali Road Map,
all the way from Bali to Copenhagen through Poznan.
Indonesia is fully committed to that process. After
hosting the Bali conference that produced the Road
Map, we have joined the troika of host countries to
give the process a push among world leaders. By 2009,
we should produce an ambitious post-2012 global
climate regime that will contain global warming to
within two degrees Celsius in the next 20 years. But
even before the process is concluded in Copenhagen,
we in Indonesia are partnering with other countries to
enhance our topical forests and coral reefs in an effort
to reduce carbon emissions.
 Even as we face the challenge of global warming
in the physical world, we must also deal with the
reality of a global chill in the politico-security field.
Symptoms of that chill are the military tensions that
have arisen in Eastern Europe.
 There is also a new arms race. There is more
military spending now than there was at the end of the
cold war. Moreover, the conflicts and tensions of a year
ago are still with us. The dream of establishing a
Palestinian State by the end of this year has virtually
crumbled. The Iraqi and Afghan conflicts keep raging
on. North Korea, the subject of so much uncertainty
today, is backsliding from its commitment to dismantle
its nuclear weapons programme. The nuclear issue in
Iran remains unresolved.
 In the face of those conflicts and tensions, the
Security Council should have been more decisive. That
the Council has failed to resolve them is a cause for
concern. Of the issues that the Council has failed to
resolve, two are of great concern to Indonesia, namely,
those recent cases that directly infringe on the principle
of the territorial integrity and political independence of
States, both involving external intervention that led to
the secession of a part or parts of a State. Both cases
involved major Powers.
 It is of the greatest importance to Indonesia and, I
believe, to many developing countries that those recent
cases do not set an ill-advised and dangerous
precedent. Developing countries in the midst of nation-
building and State-building would be extremely
vulnerable to such precedents. The danger is that it
takes only one misstep to kill principles that have been
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, such as
the principle of the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of States. If we kill those principles, we have killed the
ideal that holds the United Nations together.
 The sovereignty of States must be preserved if
there is to be a democratic spirit in international
relations. That idea is essential because, without
democracy, a world organization like the United
Nations cannot be effective. Indeed, the failure of the
Security Council to come to grips with recent
challenges to global security is due largely to the fact
that it is not democratic enough.
 To make the Council more democratic, the use of
the veto power of the permanent five must be
regulated. The misuse of the veto by any one
permanent member should no longer be allowed to

17 08-53129

paralyse the entire Council. Democratization of the
Council also means an equitable distribution of its
membership, not only in terms of geographical
representation, where we already have imbalances, but
also in terms of constituencies. Hence, the world’s
major civilizations should be proportionately
represented. The world’s community of 1.1 billion
Muslims must be represented on the Council if it is to
be truly democratic.
 The need for democratization is also deeply felt
at the regional level. In the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), I am pleased to say, we have
responded to that need. The cause of democracy is
gaining ground in the region as we transform ASEAN
from a loose association into a true community that is
firmly committed to the promotion of democracy and
human rights. All members, without exception,
strongly share that commitment.
 It is in that spirit that Indonesia is launching the
Bali Democracy Forum this December. It will be not an
exclusive forum among democracies, but an inclusive
and open forum for the countries of Asia to share their
experiences and best practices in fostering democracy.
A true democracy is always homegrown; it is never
anything that is imposed from outside.
 Meanwhile, we in Indonesia continue to tend to
our young democracy. We are seeing to it that
democracy takes root, not only by holding free
elections, but also by working hard to provide good
governance, to sustain a system of checks and balances
among the three branches of Government, and to
strengthen the roles of the mass media and civil society
in our national life. Thus we pursue the democratic
ideal: democracy at the level of the United Nations,
democracy at the regional level and democracy within
the nation.
 At each of those levels, we hope to see nations
and people taking control of their lives and taking part
in the decision-making processes that shape their
future. The realization of that ideal will give full
meaning to the first three words of the Charter of the
United Nations. Indeed, “We the peoples” is what
democracy is all about.


Allow me to begin by
congratulating Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann upon
his assumption of the office of President of the General
Assembly. I wish him success in his responsibilities
and endeavours. I also wish to express my appreciation
and respect to his predecessor, Mr. Srgjan Kerim, for
his effective leadership during the sixty-second session
of the General Assembly.
 I shall be brief. I would like to speak today about
the following three issues: the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) and the prospects for
realizing them; natural disasters and humanitarian
assistance; and the war between Georgia and Russia,
along with some of the conclusions that can be drawn
from it.
 Let me begin with the Millennium Development
Goals. We must bear in mind that over half of the time
originally allotted for achieving the Goals is already
behind us. Yet, have we actually reached half our
goals? As Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon reported
here 20 days ago, there are reasons to doubt that we
have. Some achievements can be regarded as
noteworthy progress, for example greater access to
education, a marked reduction in infant mortality, debt
relief for developing countries, an increase in access to
information and communication technology for people
in developing countries, and so on. We have also made
certain progress in the fight against HIV/AIDS.
 At the same time, however, progress in the
spheres of trade and development cooperation has been
modest. From the Secretary-General’s report, it is clear
that, although the donor States have increased their
official development aid, the actual flow of financial
assistance in the course of the past two years has
actually decreased.
 The European Union, of which Estonia is a
member, is on the whole, on track towards increasing
its development aid to 0.7 per cent of its gross national
income, the objective agreed at the United Nations.
Estonia has steadily increased its share among
international donors; our development aid has grown
fourfold since 2004.
 In addition to the actual decrease in development
aid, we suffered a serious setback when the Doha
Development Round of trade negotiations stalled and
where the main theme has been a more efficient
integration of developing countries into a world trading
system based upon equality and regulations.
 I would now like to set forth several positions
based upon matters of principle that Estonia regards as
essential, and which are also part of the United Nations
Millennium Declaration.
 First, every nation is primarily responsible for its
own development. In order to ensure their proper
development, developing countries must strengthen
their administrative infrastructure and capacity,
intensify their fight against corruption and put their
economic  environment in order. That is the only way
to create conditions suitable for an efficient mode of

08-51839 8

transferring development aid and for increasing the
benefits of the aid received.
 High levels of corruption, inefficient
administrative capacity and an unresponsive economic
climate make it difficult for donor-nation public
opinion to support increases in development aid. In a
word, our electorates — and here I am of course
speaking of democratic countries with free and fair
elections — do not understand why their taxes are
spent that way.
 Secondly, donor States and organizations can
enhance the effectiveness of development cooperation
by mutually coordinating and standardizing the
procedures involved in development cooperation.
 Finally, I would like to stress that Estonia
strongly supports British Prime Minister Gordon
Brown’s and Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s
initiative, the Millennium Development Goals Call to
Action. The objective is to inform the general public of
the importance of fulfilling the objectives of the
Millennium Development Goals programme. This year,
Estonia also joined that initiative. I personally hope
that Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon was right when he
said that the MDGs are still achievable if we act now.
 The second Wednesday of October is the
International Day for Natural Disaster Reduction. In
that connection, as opposed to the fight against poverty
or diseases, we cannot of course set objectives for
ourselves that can be expressed in monetary amounts.
We can, however, formulate and implement measures
that can help to minimize the dangers and threats to
people and their property, and to avoid or reduce
destruction to physical infrastructure and the
environment. We can thereby limit losses and alleviate
the suffering of people. That, in turn, can prevent the
social and economic convulsions that natural
catastrophes have on repeated occasions triggered
throughout history.
 In the case of humanitarian catastrophes, be they
natural or man-made disasters, it is of the utmost
importance that help arrive on the scene as quickly as
possible and that the access of humanitarian experts be
ensured, regardless of their nationality or the State or
organization that they represent. Unfortunately, there
have recently been a number of occasions when
various countries have permitted help from abroad only
under very specific conditions. As a result of such
policies, it is the weakest and the most vulnerable who
suffer the most.
 As I said earlier, I would like to talk about recent
and ongoing events in the southern Caucasus,
specifically the military conflict between Georgia and
Russia. There are a series of complex issues involved,
but here in the General Assembly I would like to raise
one fundamental question: What do those events mean
for us, the United Nations?
 To begin with, we must realize that the principles
governing relations between States have been seriously
damaged. It is regrettable in the extreme that the basic
principles of the United Nations as enshrined in the
Charter, such as the unacceptability of threatening the
use of force or actual aggression against a nation’s
territorial integrity, were grossly and grotesquely
violated. Those principles must be and must remain the
bases for the activity of the United Nations and the
Security Council. Therefore, we have the right to
demand and ensure that the United Nations be capable
of convincing one Member to withdraw its military
forces from the territory of another sovereign Member
State and to terminate its aggression.
 The capacity of the United Nations to fulfil the
expectations placed upon it cannot be dependent upon
whether said Member nation chooses or not to act
according to the good practices of international law. In
the alternative case, the United Nations loses its reason
for existence. We cannot allow international law to be
followed selectively and only when convenient, for
then it is no longer law.
 Russia’s behaviour in the weeks following the
cessation of combat activity showed us that,
unfortunately, even in the first decade of the twenty-
first century, it is possible to refuse to adhere to
international treaties, to interpret them arbitrarily and
to observe international laws only when it serves one’s
interest. A permanent member of the Security Council
should be especially committed to fulfilling the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That
forces us once more to conclude that, in the interests of
the international community, it is imperative to
improve the capacity of the United Nations to regulate
and resolve conflicts. Looking at recent events, it has
become quite clear how important it is to proceed with
the reform of the Security Council.
 The previous month’s events in the southern
Caucasus raised another issue. Even before the armed

9 08-51839

conflict broke out, Georgia was the target of a
cyberwar aimed at Government websites, as well as
those of news agencies and banks. In the case of
cyberattacks and cyberwarfare, it is becoming ever
more difficult to determine and apprehend the
perpetrators. As I stated last year from this very
rostrum, cyberattacks are an international problem —
indeed, a form of aggression — that no nation is able
to deal with on its own. Cyberattacks can be launched
against any nation on any continent, and from any
continent.
 Administering and policing the cyberworld to
avoid criminal and hostile attacks requires extensive
cooperation and the standardization of relevant
international regulations. I call upon all United Nations
Member nations to deal with the risks associated with
cybersecurity with the utmost seriousness. Estonia,
which has extensive experience dealing with and
repulsing cyberattacks, is ready to contribute its
expertise to thwarting that new form of criminal
warfare.


It is a
special pleasure for me to address the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session. Allow me to
congratulate the Assembly President on his election to
his high position. Albania welcomes cooperation with
him. I would like to take this opportunity to assure the
President of the full support of my country. I would
also like to express my highest praise to Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon for his vision and continuous
efforts to revitalize and to reform our Organization, the
United Nations.
 Allow me also to confirm Albania’s commitment
to a strong and coherent United Nations, capable of
successfully tackling the challenges we currently face.
We fully support the joint initiatives and actions aimed
at strengthening collective peace and security in order
to achieve sustainable and long-term development to
promote human rights and international cooperation.
We consider that reform of the Organization in all its
aspects is possible only through cooperation, dialogue
and consensus.
 The global fight against terrorism, especially
through guaranteeing an effective response to this
collective threat, demands that the United Nations
continue to play a very important role. My country,
Albania, has very actively met its responsibilities in the
global fight against terrorism. In compliance with the
United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy,
which the General Assembly unanimously passed on
8 September 2006, Albania continues to be a stability
factor in the region and beyond through its moderating
and constructive policy. It contributes with
peacekeeping troops in the framework of the United
Nations and other security organizations in
Afghanistan, Iraq, Georgia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina. It recently deployed 68 troops to Chad as
part of the European Union-led peacekeeping force.
Albania is also working to enhance its domestic
capacities to enable a greater presence in aiding global

08-51839 38

peace and security by deepening its cooperation with
the United Nations in the field of peacekeeping
operations.
 Albania has already become part of the United
Nations system-wide coherence effort for reform of the
Organization by willingly joining the One United
Nations initiative. It fully supports this project and is
actively working with United Nations agencies to secure
new ways of partnership in the fields of development,
humanitarian assistance and the environment. One United
Nations is being carried out in full respect for national
sovereignty and national ownership of development and
in compliance with the needs and priorities of our
country, especially of the integration to the European
Union (EU) and meeting the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs).
 As a pilot country, we are aware of this
responsibility, and we will do everything possible to
turn this initiative into a tangible success. In my
country the MDGs are not viewed simply as
development objectives, but also as a means for
growth. Albania has nationalized the MDGs by drafting
and following step-by-step implementation instructions
for the zonal strategies of development. It has also
added one more objective: that of good governance.
Keeping in mind experiences to date, meeting the
MDGs in countries with small and medium incomes
demands continuous support from the national
leadership, a more efficient use of resources and a
closer partnership among all the players — in
Governments, the international community and civil
society.
 We are very active in the framework of the
Alliance of Civilizations, and we are convinced that
this initiative already presents a political instrument of
the United Nations to build peace in the broader
meaning of the term. Following up that commitment,
Albania has compiled a national strategy of
intercultural dialogue, which reflects the centuries-old
tradition of full religious harmony and understanding.
 Climate change presents a global concern and
threat, and as such it affects my country as well.
Albania considers it a priority issue and assesses it in
the framework of the implementation of the One
United Nations initiative. It joins the international
community with determination in the challenge of
global climate change and modestly contributes to
reducing emissions quotas to secure a better and a
more developed future.
 The world food crisis continues to be one of the
most complex challenges faced by humanity. It not
only affects the health and survival of millions of
people all over the world, but directly threatens
political and economic stability by seriously putting
into question the achievement of the MDGs. The
causes of this crisis are numerous and complex. As
such, they demand a multilevel, coherent and well-
coordinated response. My country hails the Secretary-
General’s establishment of the High-Level Task Force
on the Global Food Security Crisis.
 Albania is undertaking a full programme of
institutional, economic and legal reforms through
which we aim to transform Albania into a country
attractive to foreign investments, with a market open to
free enterprise. I have the pleasure to point out that the
latest World Bank report listed Albania as second
among countries that have implemented successful
reforms to facilitate business practices during 2007 and
2008.
 Albania has gained the status of a medium-
income country, and I believe that this progress must
be consolidated in compliance with the new challenges
of development. The national strategy for development
and integration has determined our vision for the next
seven years of Albania as a country of high democratic
standards, fully guaranteeing the fundamental human
rights, with its sustainable economic and social
development aimed at integrating into NATO and the
European Union, as well as harmonizing with the
MDGs — a country providing a better and safer life to
future generations.
 Albania enjoys a solid and irreversible
relationship with the EU. The Stabilization and
Association Agreement serves as our guide, and the
primary objective is the conclusion of the ratification
agreement by the end of this year. The European
countries and the European Commission have invested
considerably in Albania. We have responded to this
contribution not only with natural gratitude, but also
with concrete commitments and with joint and
coordinated work programmes in the fields of good
governance, institutional functioning and economic
growth and in the fight against organized crime and
corruption.

39 08-51839

 Albania’s path towards full Euro-Atlantic
integration is widely supported by the Albanian public
and its political spectrum. In particular, the invitation
to join NATO at the Bucharest Summit, the signing of
the alliance and the protocols on 8 July 2008 and the
ongoing ratification process all mark historic
achievements for Albania and are a positive assessment
of the new and tangible Albanian reality. Albania will
respond to this assessment with greater responsibility
and determination in the face of the obligation that
stems from full-fledged membership in the alliance,
which will serve peace and security not only in the
Balkans, but in the Mediterranean region and beyond.
 Albania pays particular attention to the
strengthening of multilateral regional relations. It
seriously encourages the process of regional
cooperation by being an active partner in all of the
initiatives undertaken in South-East Europe. That
engagement serves to promote good neighbourliness,
strengthening security, building trust among the
regional countries, stability and full integration of all
the countries in the region in the Euro-Atlantic
structures.
 Challenges such as the fight against terrorism,
organized crime, arms proliferation and border
management have an interlinked character that can be
overcome only through joint actions, initiatives and
commitment. We will continue to play the same
constructive role for our benefit and for that of the
whole region.
 Albania considers the foundation of the
independent and sovereign State of Kosovo as the most
important historical event and development of our
region at the beginning of this century. An independent
and democratic Kosovo, oriented towards Euro-
Atlantic integration, is the just and most sustainable
solution. It is an example of the most successful
investment made by the international community
towards the implementation of the rule of law, to long-
term stability and peace and development in the
Balkans and beyond.
 The independence of Kosovo finally frees that
part of Europe from the nightmare of war, of
inter-ethnic conflicts and of ethnic cleansing and
genocide. It fulfils and respects the free will of the
people to break free from political oppression,
historical injustices and the inability to develop.
Kosovo is no longer being led by the failed Yugoslavia,
nor by the new moderate Yugoslavs. It is being led by
the principles of a civilized Europe and those of the
universalized United Nations.
 Albania encourages the people and the
Government of Kosovo in their commitment to build a
democratic and multi-ethnic society in which,
regardless of ethnic considerations, its every citizen
will feel like a free man in his home and on his
property. The new constitution of Kosovo and the
Ahtisaari package meet the highest standards of human
rights and offer widespread protection to all the
communities living in Kosovo, especially to the Serbs
of Kosovo.
 We are convinced that, following the guidelines
of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, all
necessary actions will be taken as soon as possible: the
United Nations presence will be reconfigured and the
European Union Rule of Law Mission Kosovo —
EULEX — will be spread over the entire territory of
Kosovo, thus avoiding any vacuum of power and
imposition of competences on top of each other and
preventing any possible regressive attempt, regardless
of where it may have originated, against this Euro-
Atlantic process.
 Albania deems as unfounded the efforts to draw
parallels between Kosovo and the regions of Georgia —
Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Numerous historical,
judicial, constitutional, political and demographic
arguments demonstrate that Kosovo is a unique case —
a sui generis case — and the solution implemented is
unique as well. As such, it does not and cannot serve as
a model to solve other conflicts either in the region or
beyond it. Any political, economic, military or
diplomatic endeavour against the consolidation or
soundness of the State of Kosovo would be a hopeless
attempt against its process of integration to NATO and
the EU, a regressive move against the investments and
progress that we so direly need, and it could not be
sold as valuable to the European Union. Historical
dreams must not darken the vision of the future.
 Albania is convinced that the recognition of the
new State of Kosovo is in the interests of Kosovo,
Albania, Serbia and of all its close and distant
neighbours. It is in the interest of the European and
Mediterranean region. That is why Kosovo — this new
political, economical and social reality — fully
deserves to be a Member of our United Nations as soon
as possible. I call upon the Assembly to admit with

08-51839 40

realism this irreversible development by recognizing
and supporting, without any reserve, the Republic of
Kosovo.
 Albania continues to remain committed to
cooperating with and enriching and fulfilling the
United Nations ideals by fully believing in the active
role of the international community as it faces the
present global challenges. In order to fulfil this
mission, we must all together give our support and
readiness to this Organization, which embodies not
only universal values, but also the aspirations of
humanity.


I wish
at the outset to sincerely congratulate you, Sir, on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-third session. We are convinced that your
diplomatic ability and skill will help us to ensure the
success of this session and to attain the objectives to
which we all aspire. I should also like to thank
Mr. Srgjan Kerim for his excellent work and his
valuable contributions to the smooth conduct of the
previous session. Our sincere thanks go also to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his generous
efforts to promote the work of the Organization and to
enhance its performance in addressing various issues of
importance to our countries and peoples.
 The choice of the main theme of this year’s
general debate — the impact of the global food crisis
on poverty and hunger in the world — reflects the
importance of that issue and the growing awareness
among all countries of its seriousness and of the need
to work together to find effective solutions to reduce
its impact and repercussions on national economies,
particularly those of developing and poor countries,
and on the increasing rates of poverty and hunger
throughout the world.
 In that context, the central role played by the
United Nations is of crucial importance in addressing
those issues and in striving to achieve a better balance
in international relations and greater solidarity, justice
and equality. That requires that we enhance the

5 08-53129

Organization’s reform process and strengthen its
capacity to keep abreast of international developments.
 In recent years, the world situation has been
characterized by increasingly swift change, which has
disrupted international balances and undermined
prevailing development formulas. It has also created
many problems and difficulties that have clearly
affected the economies and development processes of
many countries. In addition, it has weakened their
capacity to make progress and increased their
vulnerability. Furthermore, the world has recently
witnessed serious economic problems, in particular an
excessive rise in oil and basic food prices, which has
threatened world food security and reduced the
purchasing power of individuals, thus hampering the
achievement of the goals and approaches set at the
Millennium Summit. If we are to address this grave
situation, we must step up international efforts by
adopting development strategies based on the noble
human aspects of world solidarity. In that context,
Tunisia has called on international financial institutions
and other organizations that specialize in economy and
trade to establish and implement agricultural and
production policies that guarantee the availability of
food, which is a fundamental right enshrined in
international human rights instruments.
 I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate
our call for intensified efforts to operationalize the
World Solidarity Fund, endorsed by the General
Assembly in 2002 (resolution 57/265) on the initiative
of Tunisia as a mechanism to address the issues of
poverty and privation in the world and to reduce
disparities among peoples.
 In order to keep abreast of the profound changes
on the international scene and the new realities they
have produced in international relations, along with the
various challenges and complexities those changes
represent, we must act to strengthen the capacity of the
United Nations to act more efficiently. We must also
endeavour to reform the Organization, develop its
structures and enhance the role it is expected to play to
ameliorate the current international situation and turn
globalization into a process that helps to guarantee
peace and development for all peoples.
 In that context, Tunisia supports all efforts and
initiatives aimed at establishing new frameworks and
mechanisms for action that can help to find collective
solutions to common challenges in the vital fields of
security, peace, development, the environment and
food security, as part of an appropriate approach to
international relations founded on the complementarity
between peace, security and development. However,
that should be accompanied by strengthened
multilateral action on the basis of cooperation,
solidarity and a constructive dialogue among all
countries.
 Despite efforts to contain it, the heightened
problem of terrorism in the world strengthens our
belief in the need to unify the international approach to
fighting that scourge and finding adequate solutions to
it. Since the early 1990s, Tunisia has warned the
international community against the dangers of
terrorism and has called for the adoption of a
comprehensive and efficient approach that takes into
consideration the root causes of the scourge. Today, we
renew the call of His Excellency President Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali to convene an international
conference under the auspices of the United Nations to
develop an international code of conduct for the fight
against terrorism to which all parties shall commit
themselves.
 Climate change and the resulting intensification
of the problems of desertification, drought and the lack
of drinking water pose a threat to all humankind today
and are a source of great concern to all. While
affirming the close link between the environment and
development and the crucial importance of promoting
cooperation and solidarity to respond to the challenges
in that regard, we should like to emphasize the need to
include concerns about the potential effects of climate
change, particularly in the African and Mediterranean
regions, among the international community’s
priorities, as called for in the Tunis Declaration
adopted by the International Solidarity Conference on
Climate Change Strategies for the African and
Mediterranean Regions, which was held in Tunisia in
November 2007.
 We would also like to reiterate the need to
mobilize the necessary financial resources to promote
research into climate monitoring and meteorology and
the development of natural disaster early warning
systems, in addition to the need to invest in reducing
the greenhouse gas emissions that cause global
warming.
 We are convinced that the success of
development efforts and the strengthening of

08-53129 6

cooperation among our countries depend on providing
a secure and stable international environment.
Obstacles to success in that effort include the
intensification of tensions and conflicts and the
persistence of unresolved problems. In that regard, we
reaffirm Tunisia’s commitment to the values of peace
and to the principles of international legality as the
path to achieving just and lasting solutions to pending
international issues. We also renew our determination
to promote the values of moderation, tolerance and
mutual respect in relations among countries and
peoples and to establish bridges of communication and
dialogue among all civilizations, cultures and religions.
 In that context, while reaffirming Tunisia’s
position in support of our Palestinian brothers and their
just cause as a people, we renew our call to the
international community, especially its most influential
members and the Quartet, to increase their efforts to
bring Israel to end its aggressive practices and
settlement activities. We call on them to intensify their
work to reinvigorate the peace effort and to facilitate
the resumption of negotiations between Palestinians
and Israelis on the basis of the relevant international
terms of reference, the Arab Peace Initiative and the
results of the Annapolis Conference, with the aim of
achieving a just, lasting and comprehensive solution to
the Palestinian question.
 Such a solution would guarantee that the
Palestinians regain their legitimate national rights and
establish an independent Palestinian State on their
national territory. It would also guarantee the
withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories,
including Syrian and Lebanese land. That solution
would also provide security and stability for all the
peoples of the region.
 We also call for joint regional and international
efforts to address the deterioration of security and
humanitarian conditions in Iraq and to help the
brotherly Iraqi people to restore security and stability
so that they may devote their energies to reconstruction
efforts while preserving their national and territorial
unity.
 We wish to take this opportunity to express our
satisfaction with the recent positive developments in
our sisterly country of Lebanon, namely, the election of
the country’s President and the establishment of a
Government of national unity. We trust that our
Lebanese brothers will further strengthen that process
in order to preserve Lebanon’s security and stability.
 Since the change of 7 November 1987, and under
the wise leadership of President Zine El Abidine Ben
Ali, President of the Republic of Tunisia, we have
succeeded in accomplishing remarkable achievements
in every area, due to substantial reforms that have
strengthened the democratic process, promoted
mechanisms to protect human rights and culture and
consecrated public freedoms. Those reforms have
enabled us to expand the scope of consultation and
participation by the various sectors of civil society in
identifying major trends and determining crucial
national options within the framework of the rule of
law and respect for institutions.
 Those reforms have also made it possible to
achieve many of the Millennium Development Goals,
which has led to the improvement of living standards
and the well-being of all segments of Tunisian society.
Those achievements reflect the sound development
choices and approaches implemented in Tunisia, which
have allowed us to reach a high position on the list of
countries with the highest human development
indicators. That has earned Tunisia the respect of
international financial institutions and the specialized
agencies of the United Nations.
 In its various development plans, Tunisia has
continued to work for development and modernization
in order to strengthen its capacity to keep up with
international changes and actively contribute to
building a world of peace and security and to make
international relations more balanced and based on
solidarity.
 Based on its desire to achieve a higher level of
integration at the regional and international levels,
Tunisia is working to expand its participation in
regional and international organizations and to develop
political relations with friendly countries. It also
endeavouring to expand and diversify its scope of
cooperation with them so as to establish an effective
partnership based on mutual respect and common
interests. In that regard, Tunisia firmly believes that the
Arab Maghreb Union is a strategic and crucial choice
for all peoples of the region. In cooperation and
coordination with the other friendly Maghreb
countries, we are sparing no effort to speed up the
establishment of the Union.

7 08-53129

 Tunisia is also eager to promote joint Arab action
and to enhance its ability to interact with regional and
international bodies in order to address the changes
taking place in the region and to contribute to the
promotion of the reform and modernization process in
the Arab world, in conformity with the decisions of the
2004 Arab summit held in Tunis.
 With regard to Africa, Tunisia is contributing to
the achievement of peace and security in the continent
by participating in United Nations peacekeeping
operations and by developing economic relations with
friendly African countries. Based on our belief in the
importance of joint African action and the fact that the
African Union is the ideal framework to address the
continent’s problems and achieve the integration to
which our peoples aspire, Tunisia reaffirms its strong
determination to pursue the process decided within the
framework of the African Union to establish and
operationalize its institutions, enhance its role in the
resolution of conflicts and promote the development
process in Africa.
 With regard to Europe, Tunisia attaches strategic
importance to its relations with the European Union
(EU) and is continuing to work to develop those
relations on the basis of a solidarity-based partnership
with EU countries on the basis of dialogue, cooperation
and mutual respect. The building of a Euro-
Mediterranean cooperation framework is one of
Tunisia’s priorities and a tenet of its foreign policy.
Tunisia has therefore supported every initiative and
mechanism that contributes to the promotion of peace,
solidarity and development in the Mediterranean
region — including the Barcelona process, the 5+5
Dialogue, and the Mediterranean Forum.
 Tunisia was among the first countries to welcome
the French initiative on the establishment of the Union
for the Mediterranean. We are convinced that the future
of that initiative depends upon an effective partnership
that guarantees the active participation of the countries
of the southern Mediterranean in establishing the
foundations of the Union and in the taking of decisions
of concern to the region.
 Meeting the challenges posed by the new
international situation and the profound changes taking
place on the world scene requires us all to step up
efforts to further entrench the noble universal
principles and humanist values on which the United
Nations was founded. It also requires perseverance in
enhancing the process of United Nations reform to
make its work more efficient and to ensure its active
contribution to providing optimum international
conditions that can help us find collective solutions to
common challenges and current international issues,
respond to our peoples’ aspirations for stability, and
provide the appropriate conditions for prosperity and
well-being in an environment of cooperation and
solidarity-based development.


It is with great
pleasure that I associate the delegation of Barbados
with previous speakers who have congratulated the
President on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-third session. We are
particularly proud to see a fellow member of the Latin
American and Caribbean group assume that high
office, and I pledge to him the full support of the
Barbadian delegation as he carries out his most
important mandate. We wish also to commend his
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Kerim, for leading the
Assembly over the past year through complex
discussions on a range of global challenges.
 I also extend the good wishes of the Barbadian
Government to the Secretary-General. We offer him
our continued support as he leads the United Nations at
this critical juncture in world affairs and seeks to
identify meaningful pathways to progress for Member
States with differing interests and national priorities.
 On 15 January 2008, the citizens of Barbados, in
exercise of their democratic right, which they hold
sacred, voted in general elections to bring into office
the Government of the Democratic Labour Party, which
I have the honour to lead. It is a tribute to the good
sense of the Barbadian people and to the maturity of
our democracy that in our country free and fair
elections take place every five years and that the
transition to a new Administration is seamless, orderly
and peaceful. That exemplary process affords me the
opportunity to address the Assembly for the first time
today as Prime Minister of Barbados. I am humbled by
the confidence the Barbadian people have shown in me
and am conscious of the responsibility that now falls
upon my Government to respond to the overwhelming
call for change that brought us to office.
 Barbados is a stable, progressive small State
whose high human development rating can be
attributed to the emphasis successive generations have
placed on the development of social capital. Our
country is not endowed with abundant natural
resources, and it is therefore our human resources that
are our greatest asset.
 Within our well-developed social democratic
system, the new Barbadian Government will place the
greatest priority on policies that nurture the talents and
enterprise of individuals and continue to assure our
people universal access to quality education, health
care, adequate housing and decent working conditions,
all within an environment of respect for human rights
and the rule of law.
 We are well aware that we are now called upon to
do that in a time of unprecedented global, economic
and social volatility, which is shaking the foundations
of societies far larger and more powerful than our own.
In these circumstances, my Government’s immediate
focus must be on policies that seek to address the high
cost of living, which is driven largely by high energy
and food prices, to reduce the levels of domestic and
international debt and to stabilize the national economy
while keeping it competitive. Barbadians are a resilient
and resourceful people. We have weathered
international storms before, and with strong and
competent leadership we will do so again.
 In international affairs, Barbados cherishes the
reputation it holds as a successful small State whose
positions are based on principle and whose actions
reflect a profound respect for democratic values. In its
engagement with the rest of the world, the
Government, which I have the honour to lead, pledges

08-52265 20

to uphold and carry forward the proud traditions of the
father of our independence and national hero, the Right
Excellent Errol Barrow.
 His address to this Assembly as we joined the
ranks of sovereign States remains as relevant today as
it was when it was first delivered 42 years ago. His
clear definition of the parameters of Barbados’ foreign
policy is the creed by which our Government and
people continue to live. It is perhaps appropriate if I
quote his words directly,
“We will support genuine efforts at world peace,
because our society is stable. We will strenuously
assist in the uprooting of vestigial imperialism,
because our institutions are free. We will press
for the rapid economic growth of all
underdeveloped countries, because we are busily
engaged in building up our own.
 “We have no quarrels to pursue and we
particularly insist that we do not regard any
Member State as our natural opponent. We shall
not involve ourselves in sterile ideological
wranglings because we are exponents, not of the
diplomacy of power, but of the diplomacy of
peace and prosperity. We will not regard any
great Power as necessarily right in a given
dispute unless we are convinced of this, yet at the
same time we will not view the great Powers with
perennial suspicion merely on account of their
size, their wealth, or their nuclear potential. We
will be friends of all, satellites of none.”
(A/PV.1487, paras. 76 and 78)
 The position of the new Government of Barbados
will be guided by that enduring philosophy. Because
we are a small island, we will champion the issues of
greatest concern to small island developing States. We
will argue for the need for special recognition of their
inherent vulnerabilities and for sensitive responses to
the critical challenges, such as climate change and
susceptibility to natural disasters, which constrain their
sustainable development.
 Because a one-size-fits-all mentality threatens to
further marginalize us in the new international trading
arrangements, we will continue to show leadership
within the group of small vulnerable economies in
advocacy efforts to create a regime of special and
differential treatment to cater to our unique
circumstances.
 Because we are a middle-income developing
country deemed too successful to qualify for
concessionary financing but too high-risk for
favourable terms on the capital markets, we will join
with like-minded colleagues to lobby for adequate
support mechanisms to ensure that our development
process is not derailed. Because we are a Caribbean
country, we will partner with our fellow Caribbean
States to protect our shared patrimony — the
Caribbean Sea — from over-exploitation and
environmental degradation and to secure our borders
from the threats of drug and arms trafficking, money-
laundering and terrorism. We are fervent advocates of
the notion of the Caribbean as a zone of peace, and we
view with great concern any action, from whatever
quarter, that seeks to reintroduce the anachronism of
cold-war rivalry into our peaceful regional community
of nations.
 Finally, because we are a responsible member of
the international community, and because we believe in
the positive role that small States can play in advancing
the cause of international peace and equitable social
and economic development, we rededicate ourselves to
the building of an international system that operates on
the principle of multilateralism and that respects the
sovereign equality of States and the tenets of genuine
non-alignment.
 Whatever semantics are used, there is little doubt
that we have entered an international economic crisis
of grave proportions which threatens to derail the
progress of many States and to worsen the already
desperate circumstances of the most vulnerable among
us. The volatility of oil prices makes managing the
economic affairs of our countries a daily challenge, and
the escalating cost of basic foods has had immense
political and social consequences throughout the world.
The signals could not be clearer. Investment in
renewable sources of energy such as wind, solar,
geothermal and biofuels is imperative. National efforts
will certainly not be sufficient, and we will therefore
need to forge global partnerships, with increased
investment in research and development and
meaningful incentives to reverse our excessive
dependence on fossil fuels.
 The issue of food security is now at the centre of
our national and international policy agenda. The
measures proposed by United Nations agencies and
those agreed upon at the High-level Conference on
World Food Security, held in Rome, must now find

21 08-52265

expression in specific programmes and projects. In
addition to immediate humanitarian relief for the most
severely affected countries, policies must be put in
place urgently to boost production and productivity in
agriculture and to correct distortions of the market that
jeopardize the global supply of food. Crisis situations
are often catalysts for creative national action. But the
enormity of the current crisis means that for many
developing countries national action will have a limited
impact unless it is accompanied by a supportive
framework of international cooperation and the
honouring by the donor community of past
commitments for increased resources for development.
A successful outcome to November’s Doha Review
Conference on Financing for Development must
include a genuine global partnership to provide the
required financial resources for the achievement of
internationally agreed development goals, including
the Millennium Development Goals.
 The availability of additional financial resources
is not, however, the only requirement. Meaningful
changes must also be made that will allow for a greater
voice, representation and effective participation of
developing countries in international decision-making
within the international financial institutions. The
causes of the present global financial crisis are firmly
rooted in the failure of the international community to
reform an undemocratic and antiquated system of
international economic governance that has not kept
pace with the rapid growth of global interdependence.
Barbados believes that those responsible for the crisis,
and who also created, controlled and manipulated the
global financial system for their own advantage, cannot
now be trusted to heal it. Developing countries must
demonstrate leadership in the search for a lasting
solution to the global financial crisis and insist that any
exercise to institute reforms must strictly adhere to the
principles of openness, transparency and inclusiveness,
with the United Nations taking the lead.
 The Economic and Social Council must be
empowered to play a more meaningful role in global
economic decision-making, consistent with the
mandate entrusted to it by the United Nations Charter.
Even with the recent strengthening of the Council, its
current responsibilities fall short of the role envisaged
for it by the founders of this Organization. As a
member of the Economic and Social Council, Barbados
is ready to work with other member States to end the
marginalization of the Council from the global economic
policy-setting and decision-making processes.
 The Economic and Social Council is by no means
the only principal organ of the United Nations that is in
urgent need of reform. The Security Council as it exists
is not representative of the current realities and
dynamics of international politics and must be
reformed to reflect the situation today. We join those
who have called for the start of intergovernmental
negotiations on Security Council reform during the
sixty-third session.
 As Prime Minister of a small island developing
State in a region at the epicentre of the global climate
crisis, it is my hope that the current international
efforts within the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to respond
to the scientific evidence on climate change prioritize
the concerns and needs of these vulnerable developing
countries, which are already being affected by the
dangerous impacts of climate change. Failure to take
urgent, ambitious and decisive action would be nothing
short of reckless indifference.
 In the wake of the destruction and devastation of
the 2008 hurricane season, we in the Caribbean are
acutely aware of the precarious nature of our very
survival, as well as the urgency attached to action to
mitigate the causes of climate change. At the
Copenhagen Climate Change Conference in 2009 we
must deliver an agreement that is comprehensive,
ambitious and inclusive, which adopts a package of
mitigation-related activities that will ensure that long-
term temperature increases are stabilized well below
2 Celsius degrees above pre-industrial levels, and also
provides small island developing States and other
vulnerable developing countries with new, additional,
predictable and easily accessible sources of funding for
adaptation. Time is not on our side.
 During the sixty-third session the Assembly will
consider a draft resolution entitled “Towards the
sustainable development of the Caribbean Sea for
present and future generations”, which will again seek
to gain international support for the initiative of States
members of the Association of Caribbean States to
have the Caribbean Sea recognized as a special area
within the context of sustainable development. Since
the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution
61/197 two years ago, the States members of the
Association of Caribbean States have made significant

08-52265 22

strides in developing the institutional and legal
framework for Caribbean Sea governance and have
collaborated with various civil society stakeholders on
measures to ensure sustainable management and
conservation of our most precious natural resource. We
look forward to continued assistance from the
international community in helping us to achieve the
objectives of that initiative.
 The Government of Barbados looks forward to
maintaining the excellent relations that we have
enjoyed over these many years with the United
Nations. We pledge to continue to uphold the principles
of its Charter and will do everything to assist in
maintaining an international system and community in
which all nations can make their own contribution to
the betterment of mankind.