My delegation is pleased to see you. Sir, presiding over the forty-first session of the General Assembly. The important issues on the agenda of this session will undoubtedly call upon your leadership qualities and oriental wisdom, your experience as an internationalist and your vast diplomatic skills.
We pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, for his valuable contribution to the work of the historic fortieth session of the General Assembly.
We salute the return to better health of our friend Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the United Nations Secretary-General. In a year that has been particularly difficult for international relations, this Organization has drawn strength from the courage and dedication he has demonstrated in the performance of his heavy responsibilities. We wish him the very best for the future.
We assemble once again at a time when our generation faces grave challenges to many of our universal hopes and aspirations. At stake are our values, based on affirmations of basic human needs. Every sphere of existence seems to be dominated by a crisis of the human spirit, a crisis deriving from an apparent inability to comprehend the truth of the contemporary interdependence among States and among peoples.
It is essentially the bases of those various crises that we must continue to address together, whether or not the year marks a numerical milestone in history. We must keep faith with a universal will to survive. An overdose of subjectivity would destroy values of the common good.
The past year has witnessed the convening of a number of special sessions. The objective in each case was to highlight an aspect of the critical issues of our time. We recognized the circumstances and history underlying the fate that cements our destiny. Yet what has happened since does not inspire the kind of hope that gives impetus to the solution of international problems. It is our hope that this session will seriously address those critical questions in specific terms, avoiding recourse to confrontation and the hardening of national positions. We pledge ourselves to give of our best and to co-operate in the selection and treatment of urgent questions. It is clear to us that the resolution of many of these questions would enhance the cause of lasting international peace, security and development. We shall now set forth some of the views and policies of the Cameroon Government and peoples in an attempt to promote that advancement, (continued in French)
Last year, with all the solemnity due the event, we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. At that time, we expressed our gratification at the tremendous political, economic, cultural and legal achievements of the Organization during its four decades of existence.
Once again, we declared our firm attachment of the peoples of the entire world to the ideals, purposes and principles of the Charter that the founding fathers had made into rules of positive conduct for nations. Beyond those initial manifestations of gratification, however, we were, notwithstanding the hope that had been earlier aroused, distracted by the various upheavals that seemed to be making ever darker the prospects of our permanent quest for peace, security and wellbeing for all. Today, more than ever before, in this International Year of Peace, that distraction is exacerbated by anxiety over the challenges of the future.
First, there is the abhorrent crime of apartheid with all its implications in southern Africa and in the world.
The massacres of the black population, the daily incidents of violence, the restoration and tightening of the state of emergency, the increase in the number of barbaric raids against the courageous front-line States, which lack any adequate means of defense - all those developments bear witness to the stubbornness of the
Pretoria racists and to their determination to perpetuate a system of
dehumanization in South Africa and to extend it throughout the entire region as an integral part of their sinister plan to establish a constellation of satellite and vassal States in southern Africa.
In illegally occupied Namibia, the implementation of the United Nations plan for that Territory's peaceful accession to independence continues to be thwarted by the maneuvers of Pretoria and its friends and allies.
Cameroon considers Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) to be the only valid bases for the process intended to lead Namibia to independence while respecting its territorial integrity, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the Namibian people's sole authentic representative.
Once again, we cannot but reject the delaying tactics designed to establish a linkage between implementation of resolution 435 (1978) and the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola.
For Cameroon, the adoption of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against the supporters of apartheid is clearly a decisive way to exert the kind of pressure that will hasten the demise of the criminal system of apartheid in south Africa and the unconditional liberation of Namibia. We urgently appeal to the Security Council to embark resolutely and immediately upon that course, and we appeal particularly to' those of its members who bear a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and who on other occasions have always been quick to come to the defense of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
We urge the United States Government, the Governments of the States members of the European Economic Community, the Governments of the Nordic countries and others to go beyond the stage of selective and more or less token sanctions and to impose, with firmness, measures of constraint that would exert decisive and significant pressure on the rebellious South African Government.
The vast majority of the peoples of America and Europe have expressed their rejection of the abhorrent system of apartheid and have urged their Governments to adopt comprehensive and mandatory sanctions.
Peoples throughout the world are aware of the serious threat inherent in the explosive situation in southern Africa and its effect on peace and security in the sub-region, in Africa and in the world.
Loyal to its commitments, our country this year had the responsibility and the honor to host an international seminar on aid and assistance to the peoples and movements struggling against colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid, the conclusions of which will be submitted to the present session for consideration.
We appeal here and now to States Members and to the institutions of the United Nations system, as well as to non-governmental organizations, actively to contribute to the implementation of the recommendations that emerged from that seminar.
This is also the place to express our support for the results of the Paris International Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa, the Vienna International Conference on the Immediate Granting of Independence to Namibia and of the fourteenth special session of the General Assembly and to hope that they will be effectively implemented.
As a sign of active solidarity, our country this year invited our friend Sam Nujoma, the President of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), who carried out an important official visit to Yaounde, during which President Paul Biya reiterated to him the total support of the Government and people of Cameroon for the sacred cause of the immediate liberation of Namibia.
Cameroon reiterates its support for SKAPO and the liberation movements of South Africa, the front-line States, the United Nations Council for Namibia, the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, all of whom are making efforts worthy of encouragement.
We cannot pass over two other sources of conflict - namely, the situations in Chad and the Western Sahara.
In the case of Chad, we are pleased at the success of the efforts made under the aegis of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and several African Heads of State in order to effect the national reconciliation of Chad. This country, a neighbor of my own, has for a number of years been beset by a perturbed and disintegrating situation due to internal dissension aggravated by all sorts of interference.
But over and above reconciliation, which remains to be consolidated and perfected, Cameroon believes that it is more than ever necessary to weigh carefully the very crux of the problem in Chad - that is, the question of foreign interference and of the occupation of part of its territory - and to that end to work for the respect of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in order that Chad - stabilized, at peace and unified - can, under the leadership of its legal Government, pursue the tremendous task of national reconstruction and development.
In regard to the question of the Western Sahara, Cameroon believes that the solution to the problem can be found in the implementation of the resolutions of both the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, which advocate the organization of a referendum on self-determination under the auspices of both organizations. It is for this reason that we are pleased at the willingness expressed by the parties concerned to pursue contacts - which are for the moment, of course, indirect - as part of the efforts undertaken along these lines by the Secretary-General of the United Nations with the encouragement of the OAU.
We are similarly worried by the emergence, persistence and intensification of tension in other parts of the world, first and foremost in the Middle East. The
particulars of the situation prevailing in that region are well known to this Assembly. The position of my country is similarly well known.
We can only deplore the absence of agreement on a common formula that could serve as the basis for negotiation for the various parties to the conflict. In all events, we are convinced that the United Nations has a major part to play in the settlement of that issue, the most serious implication of which is the threat it poses to international peace and security. That is why Cameroon would like to reiterate its support for the resolutions adopted both by the Security Council and by the General Assembly.
It is in that spirit as well, in the exercise of its sovereignty and its freedom of choice, in its choice of non-alignment and without any hostility to anyone else whatsoever and without any intention of breaking away from its traditional partners in the region, that Cameroon recently decided to re-establish diplomatic relations with Israel. Our profound conviction is that the search for a just, lasting and peaceful solution to the problem of the Middle East must transcend the blocked situation of conflict that is neither real war - but rather latent - nor negotiations, nor real peace. Rather, it should resolutely be geared towards open, pragmatic and constructive dialog based on the principles and resolutions of the United Nations and should furthermore take account of the need to safeguard international peace and security as well as the fundamental interests of all parties concerned. In particular, in means the recognition of the State of Israel within internationally recognized frontiers and of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, independence and a homeland.
That is the construction which should be placed on the Israeli-Cameroon communique which ratified the re-establishment of diplomatic relations, as follows: "Both parties expressed their determination to work for peace and stability in the Middle East, in Africa and throughout the world and both are convinced of the need to promote the process of peace between Israel and the Arab States on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973)." Cameroon is convinced that it is along these lines that the international community and all people of good will should work. Certain recent signs would lead us to believe that an evolution in this sense is possible.
Recent pronouncements by Mr. Yasser Arafat at the eighth Non-Aligned Summit -in Harare, when he announced his acceptance of the principle of negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), appears to us to be a positive step. Similarly, the attitude of certain Israeli leaders seems to have evolved along the right lines to the extent that they no longer systematically reject the principle of 'holding an international conference to lay the foundations for a lasting peace in the area, which has always been the main concern of the United Nations. This new trend should be encouraged and supported by all States and by the international community.
We must, however, deplore the fact that the sometimes ambiguous positions of various States in the region on the delicate question of Palestine have not yet been clarified - not only to contribute to progress in finding a just and lasting solution, but also to ally the fears of those who wish to make a contribution to and show active solidarity with the noble struggle of the Palestinian people.
In this regard, the authority of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the legitimacy of its leaders should not constantly be called into question by
certain countries which nevertheless proclaim their commitment to the Palestinian cause.
Efforts to resolve problems in other parts of the world, where focal points of tension exist, are also of concern to us. This is particularly true of Latin America, where we praise the efforts made by the Contadora Group, or Asia, where the ASEAN countries continue to make a valuable contribution to peace. The strict observance of the cardinal principles of the Charter, including the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference, respect for territorial integrity and national sovereignty, as well as the right of every people freely to choose its future, should be observed by all.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century we are still faced with the appalling scandal that poverty, disease and illiteracy remain the daily lot of millions of human beings. This unquestionably constitutes a serious threat to the very foundation of the peace and security of nations and of the world. It results from deep structural intolerances in the world economic system. These imbalances, which are found in such spheres as trade, finance, money, technology, industry, transport and communications, exacerbate an already profoundly unfair situation. The industrialized countries determine erratic variations in commodity prices and welcome the advantages they reap. They enjoy the positive results of their balance of trade - which, however, does not always derive from genuinely good economic performance, but rather from depressed terms of trade, speculation and monetary manipulation. The recovery of some of their economies has had no major impact either in terms of true world economic recovery or of the social advantages we might have expected. Neither does it have any substantial positive effect on the economies of poor countries, which continue to bear the brunt of the disastrous effects of this situation, which involves regression, stagnation and excessive indebtedness.
Yet we know that in this era of interdependence individual States cannot resolve today's major economic problems by themselves or in small groups with selfish and narrow interests. This means that when rich countries block every effort to establish a new international economic order they are jeopardizing not only an improved life for the peoples of the South but also the interests of their own peoples. We deplore the lack of political will, which has thus far prevented the beginning of global negotiations, which are the appropriate framework for jointly seeking solutions based on justice and equity.
The convening earlier this year of a special session on the critical economic situation in Africa testifies to the gravity of the crisis in our continent. We are gratified at the attention the international community has given that situation and, especially, at the General Assembly's adoption of the United Nations Program of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. The main lesson of that special session concerns Africa's acknowledgment of its own primary responsibility and commitment regarding the economic and social development of the continent in the framework of the Lagos Plan of Action and Africa's Priority Program for Economic Recovery adopted by African Heads of State or Government. It also concerns recognition that this commitment can lead to success only if there is similar determination, even a pact of solidarity, on the part of the international community to create a world environment propitious to the success of our countries' efforts to achieve economic, cultural and social development.
We hope that despite an occasional display of hesitancy during the special session, the rich countries will make a concrete contribution in support of Africa's own efforts. It is therefore extremely important that the United Nations and the specialized agencies of the United Nations system work to establish follow-up machinery for the co-ordination of action to be undertaken internationally. Likewise, countries which have expressed their willingness to participate in Africa's Priority Program for Economic Recovery should make the necessary contact with Africa's national, sub-regional and regional follow-up bodies, and get the priority operations of the plan under way.
As if to exacerbate the problems engendered by the crisis I have just described, natural disasters - of late particularly massive - have stricken the world, plunging families and nations into grief and reminding us all of the common destiny of mankind. My country, Cameroon, was recently the victim of a geological catastrophe which took a particularly heavy toll. The efforts of the Government
and the people of Cameroon were promptly and massively supported by a great wave of international solidarity. I wish to take this opportunity solemnly to reiterate our gratitude for the good will of all those who came to our aid on that occasion.
My country views the question of human rights and fundamental freedoms as being of great importance. I shall not go again through the arguments which have too long been used to point the finger at certain States; Cameroon believes that human rights should be understood in their broadest and most universal sense, and should take into account the economic, social, legal, civil and political aspects of the concept. In the same way, Cameroon deplores the advent of new kinds of violence that blindly strike out at innocent victims, of which terrorism is the basest and most reprehensible manifestation.
A strange paradox of the twentieth century is that, in the face of serious challenges demanding a high sense of awareness, we are gradually day by day giving up on improving the human condition by taking advantage of the enormous possibilities of the latest achievements of science and technology, instead we are accumulating more and more so-called means of security, which far from guaranteeing security actually point us on the road to the total destruction of mankind.
The problem of world peace and security can no longer be viewed in purely military terms; there is now a close link between peace, security and development. That means that, well beyond purely military aspects, the true foundations of disarmament and international peace and security are to be found in economic justice and equity, in confidence-building measures, and in the promotion of good-neighborliness and peaceful coexistence.
Africa has always supported initiatives to promote peace, security and constructive co-operation amcng nations, because we consider peace to be a precondition for stability and development. Consequently, we continue to follow
closely developments in the relations between the super-Powers, since the actions of the world's two most heavily armed and powerful countries have a great influence on the chances for bringing about peace throughout the world. We hope that the leaders of those two Powers will continue the dialog they began last November. We hope their meetings will not consist of empty monologues that aggravate international tension, but will rather make it possible to undertake fruitful, constructive action towards the conclusion of specific, effective disarmament agreements. The super-Powers have the responsibility and the duty to take the first steps and to set an example, particularly as regards nuclear disarmament.
We reiterate that disarmament, the reduction of tension between States, respect for the right to self-determination and independence, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the strengthening of international peace and security are all closely linked. Progress in one of these sectors would have a positive impact on all the others and, by the same token, failure in one sector would necessarily have a negative effect on all the others. It is essential that this be borne in mind if progress is to be made towards an agreement on a realistic Program for comprehensive security for the international community as a whole.
Nevertheless, responsibility for world peace and security cannot rest with the two super-Powers alone. The United Nations should be seen as the regulator of our common higher interests, of which peace and security are the determining elements. It is thus essential to strengthen the role of the United Nations in any approach designed to lead to international peace and security.
We are pleased by the very thorough consideration given to the proposals on these lines made by Cameroon at the last session of the Disarmament Commission. We hope that at the present session, too, the Assembly will give careful attention to this matter.
We welcome the practical steps taken by the Secretary-General to ensure an effective beginning of the work of the United Nations Regional Center for Peace and Disarmament in Africa, in Lome, Togo. We hope that this important Center will have the material and financial support of the international community.
The relationship between disarmament and development is of particular importance. We deplore the postponement of the International Conference to deal with the subject, which it was originally planned to hold in Paris, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 40/155. We reaffirm our support for the convening of that Conference. Disarmament and development are two of the most pressing needs at the present international juncture. The achievement of these goals would make a major contribution to stabilizing international relations, as contemplated in the Charter, to promote the advent of a world free from the threat of war and poverty. However, peace, security and development would not rest on sound foundations if they were not based on a reformed world system geared to universally accepted juridical norms. In this connection we appreciate the dynamism demonstrated by our Organization in its standard-setting activities, in particular the codification and progressive development of international law. The Vienna Convention on the Law on Treaties between States and international organizations or between international organizations is to be attributed to that same dynamism. We hope that any remaining reluctance can be overcome so that this Convention may be put into effect without delay, along with a number of other instruments, in particular the agreement on the creation of a common fund for commodities and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, signed at Montego Bay.
In this connection we welcome the agreement adopted recently on the procedures and mechanisms for considering requests for registration as pioneer investors in sites for exploration of the deep sea-bed and the settlement of disputes relating thereto. This encouraging action should give new life to the work of the next session of the Preparatory Commission of the International Sea-Bed Authority and of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. At the same time, it represents a notable point of reference in progress towards the operational phase of the new juridical regime of the oceans. Cameroon will continue to give active support to this Convention and the work of the Commission, which will pave the way towards a new era of peace, security and economic co-operation in the seas and oceans.
At a time when this effort to codify a revised world legal order should be intensified, it is regrettable that the United Nations, which is the keystone of an orderly world system, is as was recently the case with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, in the grip of a serious crisis. It is essential above all that all Member States honor their financial commitment to the Organization so that it is not paralyzed and can function in a viable fashion and to continue to be the indispensable center where the nations of the world endeavor to reconcile their views and coexistence for common ethical purposes.
It is undoubtedly these preoccupations that have motivated the appeal made freauently by the Secretary-General since last year. Our country is one of those that responded favorably to that appeal, not only by paying its full part of our quota of the regular budget, but also by making available to the Organization considerable voluntary contributions, notwithstanding our difficult economic situation. This is further evidence of our devotion to the Organization and the ideals, principles and objectives which it represents.
Nevertheless, despite the financial aspects of the present crisis, it is really a reflection of the political will of certain Member States which already enjoy considerable influence and privilege in the Organization to get almost exclusive and sometimes abusive control of its decision-making machinery, thus endangering the ethical basis and even the future of multilateralism.. As we had occasion to say last year, if, in order to be effective, the structures and methods of the United Nations must constantly be improved, this must be done by democratization of international relations in order to achieve increasingly effective, dynamic and equitable participation by all the members of the international community in the conduct of world affairs on which the fate of each and every one of us depends.
It is in the light of these considerations that we shall consider the recommendations submitted to the General Assembly by the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations, and any other proposals relating to the structure, ir.anagement and budget of the Organization.
It is hoped that wisdom and tolerance will guide the action of all states in the international arena and that the general interest of the international community will prevail over selfish, sectarian considerations. Only then United Nations be able to play its full part. In this International Year surely the time has come for all of us to reiterate our solemn commitment together resolutely to assure and bequeath to future generations a better free from the scourge of war and the specter of poverty.
will the of Peace, to work world


I have the honor to convey to you, and through you to the members of this Assembly, greetings from my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikran Shah Dev, and his best wishes for the success of the forty-first session of the General Assembly.
On behalf of ray delegation, and on my own, I have great pleasure in extending warm and cordial felicitations to you. Sir, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. It is as much a tribute to your country, Bangladesh, which is deeply committed to the principles of the United Nations and with which Nepal enjoys excellent neighborly relations, as it is recognition of your own personal qualities and contributions for which we in Nepal have high regard. My delegation is convinced that under your able and wise stewardship the Assembly will achieve all desired results.
We take particular pride in the fact that such an eminent representative of South Asia should be called upon to preside over a session of the General Assembly so soon after the formal establishment of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC).
At this time, I should also like to place on record the deep appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, who presided over the memorable fortieth session of the General Assembly with such impartiality and distinction. I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continuing contribution to the cause of international peace and co-operation. We gratefully acknowledge his tireless efforts to strengthen and rejuvenate the United Nations in the past, confident that they will continue into the future as well.
Only last year we observed with due solemnity the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. We then collectively reviewed the achievements and shortcomings of the United Nations in the four decades of its existence. We were elated at the many successes of the United Nations but dismayed that more could not be achieved. And the sense of disappointment was nowhere perhaps more palpable than in the all-important sphere relating to international peace and security.
A significant and positive outcome of the fortieth session of the General Assembly was the proclamation to designate 1986 as the International Year of Peace. This has provided not only an opportunity for all of us to recommit ourselves to the cause of the promotion of peace - the principal purpose of the United Nations - but also to focus on its problems and prospects. Thus, though none of us present here can confidently declare the world is more secure in 1986 than in any preceding year because of the activities spurred, world-wide, by observance of the International Year of Peace, it must be acknowledged that there is now perhaps a better appreciation of the fact that global peace must be defined and nurtured in its totality. It is with considerable pleasure, therefore, that I can convey to this Assembly the fact that, in keeping with the United Nations resolution, the International Year of Peace is being observed in Nepal in a variety of ways designed not only to stimulate practical and concerted actions for peace but also to provide opportunities for serious reflection on its nature and condition. Among them are plans for lighting an eternal peace flame in Lumbini -the birthplace of that great apostle of peace and goodwill, Lord Gautam Buddah -from the peace torch that, at this time, is going around the globe as part of the First Earth Run which was inaugurated by the Secretary-General earlier this month.  Mention has already been made of the fact that real prospects for global peace and security were not enhanced in 1986 as they ought to have or could have been. The reasons for this are not far to seek. Primarily, of course, they can be traced to the fact that where the all-important question of nuclear war and the arras race is concerned no headway has been Bade in 1986. Indeed, though the process of dialog initiated between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in Geneva last November was encouraging and was welcomed as such, it has still to lead to another summit where concrete measures designed to promote the cause of peace can be agreed upon between the two super-Powers.
As it is, there has been no forward motion on scaling down the nuclear arms race, though this is not due to want of worth-while proposals. Indeed, bold and attractive offers for reducing long-range nuclear weapons, freezing nuclear arsenals at pre-determined levels and banning their deployment outside national borders and eliminating them altogether before the end of the century have been made. However, not only have they all been rejected on one or another ground, but the four-times unilaterally extended moratorium on nuclear testing by the Soviet Union has not been reciprocated by the United States either. Thus, even as the glow from the United States-Soviet summit meeting in Geneva last November rapidly faded, uncompromising endeavors to hurtle the nuclear arms competition into the arena of outer space - a common heritage of mankind - continued unabated. It is no comfort, in the meantime, to have to be reminded how vulnerable peoples everywhere are to the dangers of nuclear radiation, even in peacetime.
The tragedy is that, even in the year designated by the United Nations the International Year of Peace, there is no universal acceptance that in a nuclear age national security cannot be secured by unilateral means; that the mutual vulnerability of the super-Powers is an essential characteristic of our times; or even that the most effective first step in arresting the nuclear arms race is a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.
The Nepalese delegation is convinced that a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty would represent a turning point in the history of arms control by making such negotiations free from the pressure of constant technological developments. Also, apart from the fact that a specific commitment by the major nuclear Powers has been enshrined in various international agreements, including the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it is now technically possible to verify nuclear-weapon testing.
Yet, while it is clear that the very first priority on the global agenda must be to halt, then reverse and ultimately end nuclear armament, my delegation is also deeply concerned about the extension of super-Power confrontation in various parts of the world, including the Indian Ocean region.
No less disturbing is it to my delegation to note that a great many developing countries are themselves indulging in expensive and unbridled arms competition in conventional weaponry, with some even assuming the status of major arras suppliers or exporters.
To its great distress, ray delegation notes that, despite the pledges and spirit of the International Year of Peace, 1986, what was expected to be a historic International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development had to be postponed despite the great interest the Conference had naturally sparked and the convening in the United Nations of a number of preparatory meetings for the Conference. My delegation had been looking forward to the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development with much anticipation. Quite apart from the fact that Nepal has always championed the cause of general and complete disarmament, what bears particular recollection in this context is that it was precisely because of the close and intimate connection between peace and development that His Majesty King Birendra proposed in 1375 that Nepal bs declared a zone of peace, a proposal that I feel much gratified to state has received the support of 79 countries thus far, for which I take the opportunity to express our gratitude.
I wish also to reiterate that Nepal's peace initiative, rooted as it is in the idea of institutionalizing peace in what is a geostrategic part of the Indian Ocean hinterland, is in conformity with the ideals of the United Nations and the principles embodied in its Charter, as well as those of the Non-Aligned Movement, of which Nepal is a proud founding member. We also believe that it will act as a complement to, and not detract from, other worthy peace initiatives, whether they relate to the South Pacific, the South Atlantic, South or South-East Asia, the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean or even the African continent as a whole.
As we survey the world political situation we are naturally dismayed that no progress has been recorded as far as resolving the familiar and hemorrhaging, conflicts of yesteryear is concerned. Indeed, pernicious tendencies for the strong to dominate the weak continue.
It is the altogether depressing reflex of some to settle scores, real or imagined, by actual resort to arms or to crude threats to do so. The sacrosanct doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign States is trampled underfoot. Decades-old injustices and tyrannies, created by myths and prejudices of racial superiority, continue with impunity. Terrorism shows its ugly visage every now and then, too often accompanied by outbursts of horrific deeds and the spilling of innocent blood. And East-West rivalry exacerbates regional tensions and conflicts.
A sense of hopelessness and futility pervades west Asia, where the cycle of death, destruction and despair continues its grim progression. In other words, the
prospects for peace in West Asia not one iota brighter in the International Year of Peace than at any time in the past few turbulent decades.
As far as my delegation is concerned, we remain firm in our belief that a lasting solution to the problems besetting West Asia will continue to elude the international community unless the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and a homeland of their own in that region is universally accepted. Nepal is also convinced that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in West Asia cannot be achieved unless it is recognized that all States of the region, including Israel, have the inalienable right to exist within secure and well-defined boundaries - that is to say, the right to independent sovereign existence free from threats and acts of force. Finally, the third vital element in any comprehensive peace settlement for West Asia, in Nepal's view, is the withdrawal of all Israeli forces from territories occupied since 1967.
The situation in Lebanon exemplifies to a very great degree the tragedy and dilemmas of West Asia, providing as it does an ongoing stage for invasion, civil strife and the clash of competing foreign interests. Nepal has long viewed with concern the challenges to the sovereignty of that small and independent country, especially the suggestion that a part of that sovereign and proud country should be considered as falling within the defense perimeter of an adjacent neighbor. As a small, independent and peace-loving country that desires to be a zone of peace, Nepal is proud to be contributing, in however modest a way, to the cause of peace in southern Lebanon through participation in United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) operations. Nepal will continue to support any peace initiative that restores full and legitimate Lebanese sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon and secures the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the acceptance by all concerned of the need for non-interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon.
I take this opportunity to reiterate Nepal's appeal to Iran and Iraq, fellow members of the Non-Aligned Movement, to forsake armed conflict and seek a peaceful settlement of their dispute.
Similarly, Nepal renews its call for a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus problem and reiterates its support for the territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty and ncn-aligned character of Cyprus. It is the view of my delegation that inter communal talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General offer the best hope of achieving a satisfactory am' lasting solution.
The situation in Afghanistan, despite the best efforts of the Secretary-General's special envoy, Mr. Diego Cordovez, continues to be a source of tension in the region and a cause of deep anxiety for people everywhere, involving as it does the potential for a super-Power confrontation. It is distressing that all norms of inter-State behavior are being violated in Afghanistan through a, continued and prolonged foreign military presence.
This Assembly has more than once in the past unequivocally pointed out what the essentials of a satisfactory political solution of the problem in Afghanistan are. These entail the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghan is tan, the return of Afghan refugees to their homeland in dignity and honor and their participation along with others in determining their own political destiny free from outside interference or intervention.
Similarly, Nepal is deeply concerned about the situation in Kampuchea. Nepal notes with regret that, despite the continuing concern of the international community regarding the Kampuchean issue, as reflected in the relevant General Assembly resolutions and the Declaration on Kampuchea adopted by the International Conference, the prospects for peace and tranquility in the land of Ankgor Wat have not improved appreciably.
While taking positive note of the recent diplomatic initiatives and contacts in this context, Nepal calls for a just and lasting resolution of the Kampuchean problem. We reiterate our demand for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea, the restoration and preservation of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and respect for the inalienable right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny without outside interference. Such an approach, we are convinced, would not only contribute to the establishment of peace in Kampuchea but also greatly assist in making South East Asia a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, a concept which Nepal heartily endorses.
North East Asia too has for many years remained a source of considerable anxiety, in particular the politically divided Korean peninsula. Once the arena of an awesome global conflict, the Korean peninsula still retains its highly explosive potential. It is imperative in the interests of regional and international peace and security, therefore, that the tense situation in the Korean peninsula be defused. This, we are convinced, can best be achieved by the peaceful national reunification of Korea without any outside interference.
My delegation has just expressed its concern regarding the situation obtaining in several parts of the Asian continent, which is conditioned by Nepal's well known commitment to peace and its conviction that the doctrine of non-interference and non-intervention must remain inviolable if the principles and ideals of the United Nations Charter are to continue to have any meaning or relevance.
It is therefore only logical that my delegation should view with alarm and distress recent developments in Central America. We consider it essential that outside Powers should refrain from actions aimed at setting in motion forces of instability and tension in that region. I therefore take this opportunity to reiterate Nepal's endorsement of Security Council resolution 530 (1983), which reaffirm the right of all the States of the region to live in peace and freedom, as well as its support for the admirable efforts of the Contadora Group to bring about a peaceful resolution of the problem of sovereignty, independence and honor for all the States of Central America.
Turning now to the African continent, ray delegation is outraged by the manner in which the racist regime in South Africa continues to suppress, exploit and dehumanize its blade majority under the socially unjust, morally indefensible and brazenly racist policy of apartheid. Nepal is fully convinced that the unmitigated evil of apartheid, the source of acute suffering, deprivation and violence in South Africa and much of southern Africa, must be wiped once and for all from the face of the earth.
We are fully convinced that the application of comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa represents the best and last chance that remains for peaceful change towards democratic majority rule in South Africa. We therefore join others, including fellow members of the Non-Aligned Movement, in urging the invoking of such sanctions against South Africa under chapter VII of the Charter, and are encouraged that public opinion in some Western countries that oppose sanctions is increasingly supporting the need for them and their effectiveness in expediting the long overdue political transformation in South Africa.
Is it any surprise that a stubborn racist regime such as South Africa's should continue, with virtual impunity, to defy the will of the international community by continuing to delay the granting of immediate independence to Namibia, for which the United Nations has the sole responsibility? Nepal reaffirms its unwavering support for the struggle of the Namibian people for independence and salutes the South West Africa People's Organization for its heroic endeavors to achieve that laudable end. My delegation renews its call on the international Community to
speed endeavors to bring about the early implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions as well as the program of Action outlined by the Vienna International Conference on Immediate Independence for Namibia, which was endorsed by the General Assembly at its special session only last week.
Nepal is seriously concerned about the problems of drug abuse and illicit trafficking, which require for their resolution the urgent collective attention of the international community. We therefore look forward eagerly to participating in the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Drug Trafficking, to be held in June next year in Vienna under the presidency of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mr. Mahatir bin Mohamad.
Another serious problem of our times is the menace of terrorism, which appears of late to have taken a particularly virulent form and has involved the taking of innocent human lives. Since terrorism, in all or any of its manifestations, depends on spreading terror by the seeming randomness or senselessness of its incidence, it is a particularly vile and dangerous form of organized violence, especially in an age of easy access to weapons of mass destruction.
My country would therefore join in any concerted international effort to help eradicate this scourge, including the effort sponsored by the United Nations. We were particularly gratified during the fortieth session of the General Assembly that the Security Council unanimously and unequivocally condemned all acts of hostage taking and abduction as well as terrorism in all its forms. We believe efforts in that direction must continue at both the international and the regional levels.
It is for this reason that Nepal is encouraged that terrorism ~ which has yet to be defined by the United Nations - is also receiving due attention in regional forums, such as the recently launched South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), which, at its meeting last month in Dhaka, deliberated in depth on the problem.
However, efforts to curb the menace of terrorism in South Asia are, as the Assembly is well aware, only one of the many areas that have been identified for co-operation among members of SAARC. Though the scope and significance of regional co-operation among the nations of South Asia is immense and a beginning only has been made in regional co-operation for the socio-economic development of the teeming millions of people in South Asia, I am pleased to say that the idea has, despite some early adverse predictions, very definitely, and happily, struck root. We believe that, apart from providing an effective instrument for co-operation in our region, the creation of SAARC comes at a time when the weakening of global economic independence and difficulties in the restructuring of the international economic order mean that there are greater responsibilities than ever before on South-South co-operation.
Mr. President, my delegation shares your view, expressed in your eloquent opening address to the forty-first session of the General Assembly, that for some time now the world economy has presented a sombre picture. This is due, as was underscored at the recent summit meeting of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Harare earlier this month, to a crisis in the international economic situation itself. As all developing countries are only too painfully aware, this is manifested in imbalances and inequities that work against their economic well-being.
As was also noted in Harare, this gloomy situation has been further aggravated by the myopic, self-centerED policies of some developed countries which favor neither the growth of the world economy nor structural reforms in the international economic system.
My delegation is concerned about the effects of the continuing instability of
the world economy and is conscious of the clear nexus that exists between trade,
money, finance and development. It is only natural, therefore, that Nepal should
view with dismay and frustration the spectacle of steeply falling commodity prices triggering a further deterioration in the terms of trade of developing countries, a proliferation of protectionist trends and a general increase in discriminatory practices. All this has led not merely to disregard of the principles and practices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) but also to other trade restrictions that have been specially severe as far as the exports of the developing countries are concerned. At the same time, it has spurred high interest rates, monetary and financial instability, unmanageable and mounting external debt repayment burdens, a misalignment of exchange rates and, to top it all, a reverse transfer of scarce resources from the developing to the developed countries.
The impact of these sombre developments on the international political and social climate is obvious and, indeed, awesome. Indeed, in this interdependent world of ours it reQuires no great prescience to realize that instability thus caused could not merely easily lead to domestic upheavals but ultimately constitute a threat to regional and international peace. As it is, it is most disconcerting to note that the harsh economic uncertainties facing the developing world, particularly the least developed countries, come at a time when there has been a decline in concessional flows. This being so, we cannot but regret that the official development aid target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product called for under the Third United Nations Development Decade, continues to remain unfulfilled.
Similarly, we cannot remain indifferent to the fact that despite strong international coMmiitment official development assistance flows to the least developed countries have remained less than half the target of 0.15 per cent agreed to in the Substantial New program of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 198 s. As last year's mid-term review meeting on the implementation of that Substantial New program of Action demonstrated, there is a regrettable gap between the promises and the performance of the donors. While earnestly hoping for the attainment of the target of 0.15 per cent of their gross national product, or the doubling of their current official development assistance for the least developed countries, I take this opportunity to renew our appeal for effective implementation of the special measures adopted by the United Nations for land-locked developing countries.
My delegation looks forward with considerable hope to both the forty-first session of the General Assembly and the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) resulting in constructive dialog between the developed and the developing nations towards identifying a common approach to the all-important interrelated problems regarding money, external debt, trade and development.
I have already referred to the Harare summit of non-aligned countries in the context of its concern with regard to the world economic situation. As a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Nepal takes great pride in the advances which the Movement has recorded in its 25 years of existence in the worthy pursuit of peace and social and economic justice, based on the ideals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Nepal was not only honored to celebrate this peace movement's silver jubilee in Harare but particularly happy that the prestige and weight of the 101-member Movement could be brought to bear on a multitude of crucial political issues of our times, including especially those pertaining to the arms race and disarmament and to the situation in South Africa and Namibia. Nepal, I know, is not alone in believing that the Non-Aligned Movement continues to be as relevant today as when it was first founded at the height of the cold war.
As usual, the agenda of the General Assembly is a full and wide-ranging one. Given the responsibilities of the United Nations, it could hardly be otherwise. In a sense, however, this year it will have an additional task: that of examining how the financial and administrative effectiveness of the Organization can be improved, as it must be, especially against the background of the financial crisis of the United Nations. We shall as usual lend our unstinting support to any endeavor that aims at preserving and strengthening the United Nations, for in Nepal's oft-stated view the alternative to the present United Nations can only be a stronger and more effective United Nations.


Sir, it is  indeed a great pleasure for me, on behalf of the delegation of Thailand, to extend  to Ambassador Choudhury our warmest congratulations, on his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are highly gratified at the honor bestowed on one of Asia's most distinguished sons from Bangladesh, a third world Member and a friendly country with which Thailand enjoys cordial relations and close co-operation. We are confident that, with his political wisdom, proven diplomatic skills and vast experience, the Assembly's deliberations will be constructive, and lead to a fruitful conclusion.
I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Jaime de Pinies, President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over that historic and eventful session. His qualities of leadership, dedication, and wisdom have thus earned our respect, admiration and gratitude.

Hy delegation would also like to extend our warm felicitations to all the Vice-Presidents, who represent the different regions of the world, reflecting thereby the universality of our Organization.
The delegation of Thailand pledges its full co-operation with the President and all the Vice-Presidents who are entrusted with the responsibility of guiding the deliberations of the General Assembly.
During the past 12 months there have been extraordinary events which have given rise to concern and hope. In the course of history, sane years bear the stamp of certain dominating events or series of events for which they remain memorable. I fear that the past year may be remembered as an unfortunate year for the number of large-scale disasters, both natural and man-made, which have struck different places in different forms. We recall the sadness brought on by drought, famine and locusts in Africa, the Chernobyl incident, the Challenger accident, terrorist attacks against civilian targets, and the tragic calamity in Cameroon, all of which meant suffering, death and devastation. These catastrophes demonstrate how fragile the human condition is and the extent to which we are all susceptible to shattering blows by natural calamities or malfunctioning technology. However, it is adversity of this kind which often emphasizes the common bond of humanity that unites us and places in true perspective the barriers dividing us. We have seen this reflected in the generous outpouring of sympathy, solidarity and support from the world at large to the peoples of the afflicted nations. Thailand wishes to express once again its sympathy to the Governments and peoples affected.
Apart from these disasters, the international situation remains charged with tensions and uncertainties. Although some developments, during the past year, have generated optimism, it cannot be said that the past year has witnessed any significant resolution of problems or issues confronting mankind Indeed, the lack of major progress is distinctly disappointing and in direct contrast to the obvious urgent need for solutions. Among the central issues confronting the international community today are the nuclear threat and the plight of the Namibian, the Palestinian, the Afghan, and, in my own region, the Kampuchean peoples.
In looking at our world today, it is hard to remain an optimist. Many problems confronting us appear to be insurmountable. There is a great temptation for us to let go and rely exclusively on fate.
My Government has done its best to resist such temptations. We are determined not to be passive. We feel that the lack of international justice is a major contribution to international conflict. There can be no lasting peace without justice.
We do not have much time. As the world population grows, the fight for limited resources will intensify. With advanced weapons technology, it is now possible for mankind to destroy itself and all future generations in an instant. We urgently need an equitable system to redistribute the world's limited resources. We urgently need to lead mankind away from total destruction.
We need a new world order of peace and justice under which all nations can co-operate with one another and live in harmony. Our world is at present a divided one. Members of the developed North perceive that their interests are threatened by members of the developing South, and vice versa. The same applies to the East and the West. We do not have much time left. If we do not stop fighting and join our hands together now, we may not live to see another opportunity.
International co-operation was once desirable; it is now vital for our survival. In our interdependent world, inter-State relations are no longer zero-sum. One country's gain is no longer another country's loss. When the international community gains, each member will gain.
My delegation feels that justice is a prerequisite for peace. We must work together to promote international justice. As a developing country and a steadfast member of the Group of 77, we share the common concerns of all other developing countries. We feel that there is a lack of justice in the relationship between the North and the South. We must put an end to this. Most importantly, we must tackle our problems through mutual understanding. We must give and take. A new world order of peace and justice can come about only through understanding and a willingness to compromise. We do not want to destroy the existing international order. We want to improve it. We want to work from within to render the international order more just and therefore more peaceful.
In our interdependent world, the North cannot live without the South; the South cannot live without the North. We are all in the same boat. We must work together or sink together.
A new world order of peace and justice requires all States to observe strictly the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law. My delegation is deeply concerned about the growing gap between what States say and what States actually do. All States have proclaimed their acceptance of the principle of non-intervention. All States have proclaimed their support for the principle of non-use of force in international relations. All States have proclaimed their respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other States. However, the actual behavior of some States has proved otherwise. We must bridge this gap. We must make certain that our deeds complement our words. We must make certain that our deeds will reinforce our stated desire to see peace and justice.
Keeping in mind the urgent need for understanding and compromise, my Government has pursued the firm policy of promoting objectivity and moderation in international relations. Let us look, for example, at our activities in the Security Council. The end of this year will see the end of our first two-year term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. As a member of the Council, we have had to make many difficult decisions. Each decision has been guided by our firm adherence to the principles and purposes oS the United Nations Charter and the rules of international law. Furthermore, our activities have been guided by our desire to promote objectivity and moderation in the Council's decisions.
We are in a unique position. We enjoy excellent relations with developed countries although we are a member of the third world. We are not part of the West nor of the Socialist bloc. We are not a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries although we do share its basic values and principles. In this unique position, we have served the third world and the international community in a positive way by helping to bridge the gap among conflicting groups of countries.
During our term on the Security Council, we have offered several suggestions aimed at improving the Council's ability to maintain international peace and security. Today, we should like to offer another suggestion. Keeping in mind the unavoidable linkage between regional and global peace and security, my delegation would like to see the United Nations establish and maintain regional mechanisms to serve as an early warning system for the Security Council. My delegation feels that an early warning system of that nature would improve the Council's ability to play an early role as a problem develops affecting the regional peace and security. With such a mechanism in the various parts of the world, the Security Council's role in the maintenance of international peace and security could be enhanced. The Council would be in a better position to act quickly and early before a situation erupted into an international crisis.
A new order of peace and justice requires also a viable multilateral mechanism to enhance international co-operation. Our Organization represents the most far-reaching, albeit imperfect, effort in that direction. It is therefore a matter of concern to all Members that the United Nations is facing a serious financial crisis. My delegation hopes that the General Assembly will soon address this important issue in a spirit of give-and-take, taking into account our common goals of efficiency and effectiveness, without losing sight of our common commitment and obligations. The report of the Group of 18 should thus be considered in a constructive manner. As we look at the world economic situation, it is important to state that the world economic outlook has shown little improvement. It has indeed become worse in recent months, especially for the developing countries. The debt burden has hit the hardest at the economic and social foundations of those countries, while market access for their exports is being gradually curtailed in the developed economies.
Threats to international peace and security do not come from political and military conflicts alone; they come also from economic factors. The increasing tide of protectionism, together with other unfair trade practices, could lead to a trade war with terrible consequences for all.
Developing countries have suffered enormously from the protectionist policy of some industrialized countries at a time when they need to trade to sustain their meager subsistence. Their indebtedness and debt-servicing accentuate their plight more profoundly. Since Thailand is a developing country heavily dependent upon export earnings from food products, agricultural commodities and industrial raw materials for the financing of its social and economic development, it is concerned that in recent years commodity prices have dropped to their lowest levels in more than 30 years. Export subsidies for agricultural products also place us at a disadvantage in the world market, where it is already difficult to compete in a fair manner. The hope of some years ago that economic recovery in the industrialized countries would ease our plight has remained unfulfilled. International efforts to stabilize prices at a level fair to both consumers and producers have not materialized.
International trade in textiles in 1977 departed from the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which consider safeguards to be temporary measures to allow for adjustments in the importing countries. That provisional clause, now renewed for another five years, appears to be becoming a more permanent feature as the number of bilateral restraints proliferates through the introduction of more and more categories. The textile industry is the only one in which manufacturing progress has been achieved by a large number of developing countries. Consequently, lack of access to markets in the industrialized countries would have destructive results.
In this connection my delegation is gratified that it played its part in the successful launching of the new round of multilateral trade negotiations by the GATT Contracting Parties at their recent Ministerial Meeting at Punta del Este, Uruguay. My delegation is particularly happy that the massive distortion in agricultural trade created by subsidies and import restrictions will for the first time be seriously addressed, and we look forward to an early start on the negotiations in this priority sector, which has so far been given little attention.
Thailand considers it to be a matter of great urgency for the interrelationship of such problems, as trade, development, finance and monetary
systems, as well as the indebtedness of developing countries, to lead to a political dialogF between Governments of developed and developing countries and with international financial and banking institutions in order to reach an equitable global arrangement for the relief of the economic plight of developing countries.
In the light of the foregoing, my delegation wishes to reiterate its support for the convening of an international conference on money and finance to address many of the issues that are critical even to the developed countries.
My delegation joins others in calling for the early revival of the dialog between North and South. Delay in reopening that dialog will lead to a rapid erosion of multilateralism, which will weaken the fabric of international peace and security. We remain committed to the launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, in compliance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 34/138.
Thailand attaches great importance to the goal of collective self-reliance through economic and technical co-operation among developing countries, both within its own region and at the global level, under the aegis of the Caracas and Buenos Aires programs of action.
The delegation of Thailand is deeply concerned by the gravity of the multifaceted problems facing Africa today and stresses the urgency of the need to provide aid and thus bring about durable solutions. We therefore welcome the resolution on the critical economic situation in Africa, adopted by consensus at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly and hope that all concerned will join in the implementation of that program of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. Thailand, for its part, remains committed to participating in the international effort towards a long-term solution, particularly in the areas of agricultural development and food security.
The United Nations has declared 1986 International Year of Peace. However, numerous obstacles to peace still exist in our world today.
In the Middle East, no progress has been made in the search for a comprehensive peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. After 39 years the question of Palestine still remains the core of the Middle East conflict. There can be no permanent peace in the Middle East until the question of Palestine is resolved, taking into account the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the legitimate security concerns of all States in the region, including Israel. Thailand wishes to reaffirm its support for the unrelenting efforts of the United Nations and various Member States in the search for a just, comprehensive and lasting solution to the conflict in the Middle East on the basis of relevant United Nations resolutions, particularly Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In this connection we would like to urge all the parties concerned to revitalize the peace process so that a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian problem may be achieved.
Thailand is also in favor of the early convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East to deal with this important matter, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 38/58 C, 39/49 D and 40/96 D.
My delegation views the situation in Lebanon with deep regret. The mounting violence and continuing bloodshed in Lebanon, caused by civil strife among the various factions and outside interventions, continue to pose a grave threat to Lebanese sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
While recognizing the importance of maintaining peace-keeping operations in Lebanon, my delegation wishes to emphasize the need for the speedy and full implementation of Security Council resolutions 425 (1978) and 509 (1982), which call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces to the internationally recognized boundaries of Lebanon. Thailand is gravely concerned over the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which has continued unabated for over six years. Thailand enjoys diplomatic relations with both conflicting parties. We wish to see our two friends refrain from any action which would further aggravate the situation. We call upon them to take a peaceful and negotiated route towards resolving their differences.

Let roe now turn to Namibia. My delegation commends the special session of the General Assembly on Namibia concluded a week ago. During the special session the delegation of Thailand had an opportunity to reaffirm the Thai Government's position on this important question.
In this connection, my delegation fully shares the view that any linkage between the independence of Namibia and the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is unwarranted. Such linkage has been rejected by the Security Council as being incompatible with its resolution 435 (1978). Furthermore, we strongly condemn the apartheid regime in Pretoria for its establishment of the so-called interim Government in Namibia and resolutely denounce it as null and void. My delegation also condemns South Africa's continued use of Namibian territory as the springboard for launching military attacks against and incursions into neighboring independent African States.
My delegation wishes to reaffirm Thailand's firm solidarity with the Namibian people in their just and heroic struggle for freedom and independence in a united Namibia under the sole and authentic leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO).
World attention is at present focused on the problems of southern Africa, with apartheid as the root cause. The United Nations has played a crucial role in informing us of the plight of the unfortunate people in southern Africa who fall victims to the Pretoria regime's inhumane policy of racial segregation.
In view of South Africa's persistent defiance of the relevant United Nations resolutions and decisions, I should like to reiterate ray delegation's support for a world-wide comprehensive system of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa - aimed at bringing to an end that country's apartheid system, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its aggression against neighboring States.
It is very important .for my delegation to draw the Assembly's attention once more to the Vietnamese invasion and continued illegal occupation of Kampuchea.
Peace and stability in the South-East Asian region cannot be realized unless the States of that region commit themselves to respect each other's sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. The Vietnamese invasion and illegal occupation of Kampuchea constitute a clear violation of that country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. Vietnamese actions are in blatant violation of international law and the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter.
I should like to reiterate once again Thailand's firm conviction that the Kampuchean problem can be settled only through political means, by the parties directly concerned. For this reason, Thailand and the other countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) fully welcome and support the eight-point proposal of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea issued on 17 March 1986. The proposal, in Thailand's view, is comprehensive, reasonable and flexible.
While the eight-point proposal has received a positive response from most members of the international community, it is regrettable that Viet Nam has rejected this constructive initiative by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. Moreover, Viet Nam refuses to acknowledge that the Kampuchean problem stems from Viet Nam's illegal occupation of Kampuchea. That is why, despite some unwarranted optimism in certain quarters, there is in reality no emergence of a Vietnamese change of position and thus no prospect for a genuine Vietnamese withdrawal from Kampuchea in the near future. Viet Nam's outright rejection of the proposal is a manifestation of its continuing inflexibility and unwillingness to solve the Kampuchean problem by political means. Thailand strongly urges Viet Nam
to consider the eight-point proposal seriously and to respond positive!* by engaging in direct or indirect talks with the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea with a view to seeking a political settlement of-the Viet Nam / Kampuchea
conflict.
At this juncture, ray delegation would like to take .the opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the Chairman of the AdHoc CorJittee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, Ambassador SarrS of Senegal, as well as to the other members of the AdH°£ Committee, for their continuing efforts to find a just and durable solution to the Kampuchean problem in accordance with the mandate entrusted
to them by the International Conference on Kampuchea.
My delegation would also like to express its deep appreciation for the ongoing efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative. My delegation urges the United Nations to continue to play its legitimate role in fostering a ' peaceful process within the framework of the Charter for the resolution of this
pressing international issue.
In commenting on Thai-Lao relations, I should like to stress that our relations are of a special and unique character because our two countries are bound by history, religion, race, culture and language. Even though Thailand and Laos have different political and economic systems, such differences do not deter the . development of good-neighborly Thai-Lao relations. The Thai policy towards Laos has been consistent. The Government of Thailand always regards Laos as a fraternal neighboring country. Accordingly Thailand has carried out several economic assistance projects for Laos. In this context, my delegation wishes to state that any hindrance or misunderstanding which may appear should be settled bilaterally through peaceful means, without any interference from third parties. The refugee problem is one of the most tragic consequences of the Indochinese conflicts. It deserves the close attention of the international community because, in addition to creating individual human suffering, it also has serious consequences for the domestic order, stability and economic development not only of the receiving States but of the entire region, and thus endangers international peace and security.
My delegation wishes to stress to the international community that the principle of burden-sharing must remain the cardinal tenet in dealing with the aftermath of an influx of refugees. Not only must the international community do its part in alleviating their burden but it must also try to deal with the root causes of the Indochina conflicts in order to alleviate the refugee problem itself.
In that connection, the Group of Governmental Experts on International Co-operation to Avert New Plows of Refugees has presented a report with recommendations. It is my delegation's fervent hope that they will be implemented urgently to avert new refugee situations. At the same time, the international community must continue to pursue every effort to end existing refugee situations by peaceful means.
Now let me say a few words on the situation of the Kampuchean displaced persons in Thailand, particularly along the Thai-Kampuchean border. At present there are approximately 250,000 Kampuchean displaced persons stranded in Thailand as a result of the invasion and occupation of Kampuchea by Vietnamese forces and their armed attacks on the Kampuchean civilian encampments along the Thai-Kampuchean border since 1979. The foreign forces have also been trying to prevent those unfortunate people from exercising their right to return to their homeland. They have deliberately planted more than 20,000 land mines on Thai territory near the Thai-Kampuchean border. Moreover, some 23,000 Thai villagers have had to be evacuated from their home villages to safer areas. This situation, if allowed to continue, will increase the already heavy burden on Thailand in the near future.
Without a political solution to the root cause of the Kampuchean problem, the international community will be obliged to continue to share the burden.
The situation in Afghanistan has disrupted the process of detente. It has, indeed, increased tension in the world. The delegation of Thailand reaffirms its full support for the calls by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the General Assembly on the urgent need to seek a comprehensive political solution on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and respect for Afghanistan's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status. It remains the firm conviction of my delegation that it would be in the interest of all the parties concerned to seek a negotiated political solution to the Afghan problem, one which ensured that the Afghan people could determine their own future free from foreign intervention, interference, coercion, subversion or constraint of any kind.
As a country of temporary refuge for Kampuchean refugees, Thailand expresses its full support for the continuation of humanitarian assistance to the growing number of Afghan refugees in neighboring countries - in particular, Pakistan, which has had to bear an enormous burden.
The prevailing situation in Central America constitutes one of the major focal points of tension both at the regional and international levels. In spite of the efforts of the Contadora Group of countries aimed at securing a negotiated solution to the crisis in Central America, the problems remain unresolved, thus endangering the peace and security of the entire region. In this regard, Thailand supports the tireless efforts of the Contadora Group and its Support Group in Central America,
It is regrettable that senseless acts of terrorism continue, despite the endeavors of the international community to prevent them. Terrorism has .affected innocent human lives, regardless of nationality. It also jeopardizes friendly relations between States and endangers international peace and security. Therefore, the General Assembly last year, for the first time, unanimously adopted
a resolution condemning terrorism and recommending measures to combat it. It is also the firm belief of my delegation that terrorism enjoys no legal justification nor should it be condoned under any circumstances.
The arms race in all its aspects, particularly the nuclear arms race, has placed the world's survival in jeopardy. Moreover, advanced technologies are being applied to the deployment of new weapon systems, including those in outer space, resulting in a further increase of tension in international relations.
We welcome the declaration of President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev in Geneva last November in which both parties maintained that
a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought" and agreed to accelerate their negotiations so as to
"prevent an arms race in space and to terminate it on earth, to limit and reduce nuclear arms and enhance strategic stability." (A/40/1070, p.3) Aside from the continuing threat to mankind from nuclear weapons, the dangers stemming from the conventional arms race are also quite apparent. My delegation therefore believes that, while proper emphasis should be placed on nuclear disarmament, adequate attention should also be given to conventional disarmament measures.
Thailand is very concerned about the diversion of precious financial, material and human resources from development and welfare to armaments, in both their nuclear and conventional aspects. We believe that if the immense cost of the arms race could be saved the enormous amount of resources involved could be used for economic and social development. My delegation therefore fully supported the decision of the General Assembly at its fortieth session to convene an International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. It is our fervent hope that the Conference will be definitely convened in 1987.
Another major threat to mankind is the problem of narcotic drugs. In recent years the danger from illicit drugs has increased by leaps and bounds. Today the situation is much worse, and has reached an alarming stage. Me must now face up to the danger and do everything humanly possible to reduce and eliminate the harm being caused to our human family. Thailand has always shown grave concern over the increasing danger of drug abuse and illicit trafficking, and has taken strong and effective measures to cope with the problem at the national level.
The problem also has grave implications at the international level. Thailand has long been a firm and consistent advocate of decisive and concerted efforts at the global level to combat the very serious threats posed by the international drug problem. For that reason, Thailand cc-sponsored General Assembly resolution 40/122, which provides for the convening in Vienna in 1987 of an International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. Thailand is convinced that the success of the Conference will depend on the commitment of all States to co-operate with one another in dealing with this global problem.
Having reviewed the various developments around the world, the general outlook appears sombre. It seems that we are all powerless in the face of the numerous crises confronting us everywhere. It is difficult to be an optimist. Yet we cant.ot and must not give up. The urgency is all the more compelling now for us to work together to bring about a new order of peace and justice. We must rededicate ourselves to the task of creating a new awareness of the perils that face us. We must have a new awareness of the vital need for more effective international co-operation, because without it we may not long survive. A new world order of peace and justice is only possible through understanding and willingness to compromise. Yet it must be based on the strict observance of the universally accepted principles and the rule of international law.
Thailand believes that, if we join hands and hearts in our common search for a more peaceful and just order in the world, then with perseverance and the political will we shall succeed. We cannot fail, because we owe it to ourselves and to posterity not to do so.
In concluding my remarks, Thailand would like to pay a warm tribute to our able and tireless Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, upon whose shoulders fall the heavy task of heading this world Organization, particularly at a time when the Organization is facing a financial crisis. He clearly earns and deserves our continued full support in the performance of his important and very difficult task. For his industry and dedication to the cause of peace, freedom, justice and human progress, we salute him.