Mr. President, first of all, my delegation is very pleased to see an eminent son of Africa presiding over the General Assembly at its thirty ninth session. In electing you to the presidency for this session, the international community wished, above all, to pay a tribute to your country, Zambia, with which Guinea-Bissau maintains relations of friendship and brotherliness, for its important contribution to the process of decolonization of the African continent and the realization of the ideals of peace and freedom which are so dear to the Organization. The General Assembly also wished to show its appreciation for the lofty qualities which distinguish you, to salute your dynamic and tireless activities as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, and to greet you as a humanist and staunch defender of the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations.
81.	I should like also to express to your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, my country's gratitude for the devotion and personal commitment he displayed throughout his term of office.
82.	I should like also to take this opportunity to welcome Brunei Darussalam to the great family of the United Nations and to wish it every success in the consolidation of its national independence and its economic and social development.
83.	We are particularly pleased with the Secretary General's report on the work of the Organization. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar's realism and farsightedness, which we had occasion to emphasize at previous sessions of the General Assembly, have been further confirmed in his persistent efforts to improve the functioning of the Organization and to strengthen its role in the consolidation of international peace and security, development and cooperation. We wish to commend his lucid analysis of the world situation, which is a reflection of the main concerns of the international community, and we subscribe to the measures advocated for remedying the various crises affecting international relations.
84.	In view of the complexity of the problems now confronting mankind and their constant deterioration, it is indeed a matter of regret to have to note that a certain spirit of pessimism and a certain conformism appear to be more and more prevalent in our work. This state of affairs may be explained by the structural nature of our problems and also by the lack of real political will to seek just and lasting solutions.
85.	A more and more noticeable trend towards crystallization of our discussions around the same questions indicates the urgent need for us to meditate on our own individual and collective conduct and to give our joint actions the necessary dynamism and motivation. Above all, it is important to eliminate the spirit of confrontation, selfishness and intransigence and the various kinds of pressure, which tend to undermine the proper functioning and the very raison d'etre of the United Nations.
86.	The numerous failures and disappointments we have noted in the efforts of the Organization to build a world of peace, justice and progress are nothing more or less than a corollary to our own inconsistencies and weaknesses. That being so, it is clear that the problems besetting mankind as a whole can be resolved only through a global approach and through effective participation in that process by all States. To try to avoid that reality or simply to ignore it would be tantamount to denying the principles contained in the Charter and to condemning the United Nations to repeated failures.
87.	That helps to explain the various attempts which have been made by the developing countries in general, and particularly by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, to encourage a constructive dialogue with the wealthy countries on matters of development. It may be said that, despite the persistent obstruction of certain countries, these efforts have nevertheless been pursued. The meetings held at Quito, Cartagena and Mar del Plata and the recent meeting held at San Jose, Costa Rica, with the participation of some Latin American States, the members of the European Economic Community, and Portugal and Spain, bear out that resolve.
88.	The economic indicators, in both the developing and the developed countries, clearly demonstrate the pressing need for re-launching global negotiations.
89.	When we speak of North South dialogue we do not understand it to mean a sort of accommodation designed to satisfy the wishes of a particular group of countries—in this case, the least developed countries. Rather, it is a common enterprise undertaken by the international community under the auspices of the United Nations, on the basis of a unanimous desire to put an end to the present intolerable international economic situation. This action should be geared to the creation of conditions that would make possible the achievement of balanced and equitable development which would be in keeping with the dialectic of positive interdependence among nations. In this connection, it is important that due account be taken of the constructive proposals made by the non-aligned countries and the Group of 77.
90.	The distortions of the present economic and financial situation, in addition to the natural catastrophes besetting the populations of developing countries, all require immediate and appropriate action. The burden of external debt, compounded by high interest rates the drop in production and exports, the constant deterioration of the terms of trade, the food crisis and lack of the resources needed to exploit their economic potentials have today placed the developing countries in a grievous situation, the persistence of which jeopardizes their achievements in many of these fields and compromises the attempts to satisfy the legitimate rights of their peoples to social well-being, health and education, and at the same time tends to diminish their faith in the future.
91.	The African countries are suffering particularly from the consequences of the present world economic crisis, and from the phenomenon of desertification, which affects most of them. Afflicted by drought, the countries of the Sudano-Sahelian area, including Guinea-Bissau, have experienced desert creep, a decrease in their agricultural capabilities and destruction of their cattle, without at the same time having the means necessary to enable them to cope with such situations.
92.	The impoverishment of Africa and the third world in general has thus reached alarming proportions, proportions which jeopardize the very possibility of survival for millions of human beings tragically affected by hunger and sickness.
93.	Nevertheless, nothing can justify acceptance of hunger as a necessary evil of our time. Nor can the absence of adequate measures for the eradication of this scourge be justified when it is borne in mind that there are enormous food surpluses elsewhere, in other countries, the rational utilization of which would make it possible to save millions of human lives.
94.	In the light of this gloomy and regrettable state of affairs, 1 think no one can deny the historic responsibility borne by our northern partners, regardless of their socio-political and economic systems, to be actively involved in efforts to promote collective prosperity.
95.	In this connection, we hope that the appeal made by the Secretary General of the United Nations and the Director General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations will help produce a heightened awareness of this tragedy and encourage the specific emergency measures the situation dictates.
96.	The question of peace, the relationship of which to development seems for the time being only to be viewed theoretically, is also a constant preoccupation of mankind.
97.	General and complete disarmament, which is often erroneously presented as a matter within the exclusive purview of the major military Powers, is one of the essential prerequisites for strengthening world security and creating a climate that would favour the advent of genuine global peace.
98.	The rechanneling of the tremendous resources now being used for military purposes so that they may be used to further the economic and social progress of the developing countries in particular would in this connection be a heartening sign of humanity's choice to realize its profound aspirations to peace, progress and happiness through a clear-sighted, consistent and beneficial action. This is, essentially, an indispensable step towards the establishment of the new international economic order, to which we all aspire.
99.	The current international situation makes it necessary for us once again to express our extreme disquiet at the recrudescence of violence, instability and insecurity in various parts of the world.
100.	The persistence and constant deterioration of areas of tension in the Middle East, southern Africa, Central America and southern Asia, as well as the scant signs of any positive developments in these matters make us wonder about our capacity to handle the present problems and a fortiori any others that might arise in the future.
101.	Thus, for example, although it is unacceptable and has been the subject of unanimous condemnation, the attitude of South Africa and Israel has still not been dealt with effectively by the international community. The arrogance displayed by those two States and their total scorn for the principles and norms of international law, the resolutions and decisions adopted by various bodies of the United Nations and all the initiatives that have been taken internationally can only be explained by the considerable support provided by their economic and military allies. The continuation of this situation is a threat to international peace and stability and clearly indicates the increasingly marked trend in certain States to seek simply to serve their own interests to the detriment of the rights of other peoples.
102.	Our solidarity must be ever more active vis-à-vis the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine, as also those countries that border on those bastions of apartheid and zionism, by way of defending their national independence and their territorial integrity.
103.	The effective support of the international community for the liberation movements in southern Africa, in particular the ANC and SWAPO; should be aimed at providing a clear-cut affirmation of the justice of their struggle and the need for full realization of the inalienable rights of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa to independence, progress and social justice.
104.	Full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the most appropriate way of ensuring Namibia's swift and peaceful accession to independence. The attempts to link that country's independence with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola are nothing more than a delaying tactic which the United Nations and the vast majority of its Members have rejected out of hand.
105.	The self-styled constitutional reforms and the semblance of a democratic trend in South Africa can surely only be construed as an insidious attempt to improve cosmetically the racist image of the apartheid regime. Furthermore, the genuine reasons for this scenario are quite obvious: the further alienation of the black majority from political life in the country and the accentuation of racial stratification by arousing dissension in non-white communities and justifying the inhuman treatment inflicted on the black populations.
106.	Guinea-Bissau subscribes to Security Council resolution 554 (1984), which rejected the so-called new constitution. We should like here to express our full solidarity with the patriots of South Africa who have courageously and resolutely opposed this new manoeuvre on the part of the South African regime, thus issuing a heartfelt appeal to the universal conscience that steps be taken to make it possible to eradicate the odious system of apartheid.
107.	The extraordinary summit meeting of the heads of State of African countries whose official language is Portuguese—Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe—on 27 April last in Maputo, reaffirmed the unflagging support of our five countries for the struggle of the fraternal peoples of Namibia and South Africa. The summit went on to emphasize that as long as apartheid—being, as it is, the main factor leading to tension and destabilization in the region— continued to exist, there could be no genuine peace in that part of the African continent.
108.	The summit also welcomed the negotiating process initiated in southern Africa and reaffirmed its solidarity with the frontline States, the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique in particular, in their efforts to preserve their national independence and territorial integrity.
109.	Guinea-Bissau, which is aware of its own responsibilities in the total liberation of the African continent from all forms of domination and oppression, would, in the light of the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes among States, lend its support to any initiative that would take into account the expressed interests of the Namibian and South African peoples regarding peace and stability in southern Africa.
110.	In the Middle East, it is quite obvious that as long as there is no solution of the Palestinian issue— a solution that should involve full exercise of the Palestinian people's legitimate right to create a sovereign and independent State—and as long as Israel continues illegally to occupy Arab territories, there can be no real possibility of peace in the area.
111.	The seriousness and complexity of the explosive situation prevailing in that part of the world fully justify the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the parties concerned, including, quite obviously, the PLO, the sole authentic representative of the Palestinian people.
112.	Although we have achieved noteworthy results, particularly in the process of decolonization, along the lines laid down in the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), it must at the same time be admitted that this is a matter still at the forefront of our attention. Particularly on the African continent, certain Territories are still subject to foreign domination, despite the repeated efforts made by the international community to liberate them.
113.	In this connection, the situation prevailing in northwest Africa, where there is still a dangerous source of tension and conflict, is a matter of particular concern to us. We regret that resolutions on the question of Western Sahara adopted at the nineteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983/ and at the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, which, inter alia, advocate direct negotiations between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO, have as yet not been implemented. However, were those resolutions implemented, that would undoubtedly be a factor of prime importance, not only in ushering in peace in the region, but also in laying the groundwork for strengthening the unity of the peoples involved and of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], and the advent of a greater Maghreb.
114.	We would like to reiterate our continued support of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and the Frente POLISARIO in their just struggle for the independence of Western Sahara.
115.	The situation in Chad is also a matter of concern to us. Here, we remain convinced that the solution to the problem of Chad should be an internal one, free from any external interference. That is why we hope that the recent developments in Chad will help to promote a settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the OAU and also serve to safeguard the higher interests of the people of Chad.
116.	We could not give any coherent account of the history of decolonization or talk about the right of every people freely to determine its destiny without referring to the question of East Timor. The repression and massacre of the Maubere people are facts that no member of the international community, whatever its socio-political system or ideology, could possibly overlook. The final solution of that question presupposes recognition of the inalienable right of the people of East Timor to self-determination and independence and requires that negotiations be held among all the parties concerned, namely, FRETILIN," Indonesia, and Portugal as the legal administering Power.
117.	We believe that the steps taken by the representative of the Secretary General to find the necessary conditions for a final solution to this problem should be pursued and should enjoy the support of the parties concerned and of the international community.
118.	My country supports the plan for the peaceful reunification of Korea and welcomes the efforts that have been undertaken to make it possible for this legitimate aspiration of the Korean people to be satisfied.
119.	Safeguarding the national unity, territorial integrity and nonaligned character of Cyprus is also something that enjoys our full support. That is why we should like to commend the efforts made by the Secretary General to achieve those ends.
120.	The persistent tensions in South Asia, Central America and the Caribbean do not augur well for any lasting solution or any return to peace and stability as long as the legitimate rights of all States in those regions to the free conduct of their own affairs and the free choice of their economic, social and political systems are not respected.
121. The action of the Contadora Group to establish a climate of peace and understanding in Central America through dialogue and concerted effort deserves our encouragement. We believe that all the countries in the region, and particularly Nicaragua, should be in a position, quite free from any external interference, to resolve their domestic problems and create the necessary conditions for peace and development in their respective countries.
122.	My country is increasingly disturbed by the tragic situation prevailing in the Gulf as a result of the war between Iran and Iraq. Once again we urge those two member countries of the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Nonaligned Countries to opt for the path of negotiation, which is the only way in which the higher interests of the Iranian and Iraqi peoples can be safeguarded and the only way they can be guaranteed the peace that they so sorely need if they are to make progress within their respective frontiers.
123.	In recent years, Guinea-Bissau has suffered from drought, a drop in agricultural output and declining exports. The deterioration of climatic conditions, together with the devastating effect of the world economic crisis at large, is one of the main concerns of the people and Government of Guinea Bissau. That is why our Government is making every effort to stimulate agricultural output, particularly by having production support sectors whose commerce, transport and warehousing infrastructures will help to guarantee self-sufficiency in foodstuffs and an increase in exports.
124.	The implementation of the first national development plan is thus responsive to our country's desire to structure the economy by adapting it to the requirements of the process of economic and social development. It is in this context that, with the assistance of UNDP, this year we organized a round table involving the main trading partners of Guinea Bissau. A rapid follow-up to the conclusions reached at that meeting will lead to the implementation of measures required for the stabilization and revamping of our economy.
125.	On behalf of my Government, I should like to take this opportunity to thank all those countries and governmental and nongovernmental organizations which took part in that round table for their clearly expressed desire to develop fruitful cooperation with Guinea-Bissau.
126.	As we approach the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, despite its difficulties and weaknesses, we think it is quite legitimate to rejoice at its achievements. But there can be no doubt that a great deal remains to be achieved and that the responsibilities weighing on the United Nations are becoming ever heavier.
127.	We are convinced that the realization of the hopes of the peoples we represent here if within the grasp of the human resources and immense wealth available on this planet.
128.	Man's creative genius, judiciously used for peaceful purposes, can help to eliminate sickness, hunger, poverty and injustice and to promote the collective prosperity for which we all yearn so deeply. It is the duty and responsibility of our States to work to create peace in the world and to mobilize available resources in order to achieve development objectives on a global scale. Our efforts must be collective; they must all be focused on a better state of understanding among our nations; they should dispel mistrust and tension, thus making it possible to consolidate the bases for global cooperation which will serve the interests of all mankind


Allow me to congratulate the President on his election to chair the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His reputation as a skilled diplomat and a statesman of wise judgement assures us of the sober yet dynamic leadership that we need in the Assembly to accomplish our tasks.
99.	We should all be sadly remiss if we failed to commend the Secretary-general on his endeavours in the cause of peace and on his report on the work of the Organization. The secretary General is both a staunch defender and a stem critic of the United Nations. In performing that important and necessary task he has put all of us in his debt.
100.	The Philippines warmly welcomes Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations. The historic ties between Brunei and the Philippines are centuries old, and these have found modern reaffirmation in their active partnership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN], where they share common goals, aspirations and perceptions of regional peace, security and stability with the other members of ASEAN.
101.	I speak today at the same rostrum where my illustrious predecessor, Mr. Carlos P. Romulo, on many occasions delivered, with great eloquence and uncommon wit, the Philippine policy statements. Mr. Romulo has sought retirement after a long public life in distinguished service to his country and people and to humanity, as a passionate advocate of the United Nations, sharing deeply its resolve to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". We all miss Mr. Romulo at these sessions of the Assembly, but we find comfort in the thought that we can still avail ourselves of the gems of wisdom that he has left in the annals of this international body.
102.	Of the numerous photographs taken by the astronauts from outer space, there is one that is firmly impressed on our minds. It is the picture of the earth, taken from hundreds of thousands of miles away, showing a globe of ethereal quality and breath-taking beauty, suspended in space, calm, serene and peaceful. But as we look around us we are confronted by the chilling realization that we live in a world riven by suspicion and distrust, a world obsessed by the frenzied competition to accumulate weapons of mass destruction, a world where peace is constantly challenged by the overwhelming drive to dominate, to impose one's superior will on weaker parties, and to use both guile and armed strength to achieve such ends.
103.	Indeed, the peace of the world today hangs in a fragile balance; the world is on the brink of a self-imposed holocaust of dimensions so vast it could erase human civilization from the face of the earth.
104.	Let me turn to a most vital issue of our time. The subject of nuclear arms and their control has for too long been cluttered with the doctrines, concepts and esoteric jargon of the war room strategist and nuclear arms specialist. It is time for us to sweep all these aside and get down to the elementary facts which all of us can understand.
105.	First, nuclear weapons do not confer absolute security, and accumulating more and more of them diminishes security. Secondly, there can be no limited nuclear war. Once nuclear weapons are used, their use will escalate into a full nuclear exchange that could spell the death of all of us. The profound global climatic changes following the onset of the nuclear night, as both Soviet and American scientists have recently described it, will not spare even those of us outside the immediate areas of nuclear blast and radiation. Thirdly, human civilization as we know it will be effectively exterminated.
106.	Our generation has coined a word to describe the deliberate destruction of a group of people— "genocide". What word shall we use to describe the extermination of the entire human race? Shall we call it "humanicide"? Will the nuclear superpowers in the end be responsible for this absolute, this final crime against humanity? Shall they be the ultimate perpetrators of "humanicide"?
107.	The nuclear Powers have among them more than enough of the instruments of nuclear death to extinguish the human race. By the same token, they have in their hands the power and the means to ensure the survival of human civilization on earth. The options are clear to all of us.
108.	Surely, it should not be impossible for the nuclear Powers to see that, for man to survive, there can be only one possible course: we must utilize to the fullest extent the available means of negotiation and diplomacy to end the nuclear arms race and to reduce and eventually eliminate nuclear weapons.
109.	In the light of recent statements of the leaders of the superpowers, we are encouraged by the possibility of new initiatives emanating from them that could lead to resumption of negotiations.
110.	All over the world the flashpoints of danger of last year and prior years continue to fuel global unrest and instability. Foreign troops continue to occupy Kampuchea, imposing on its people the terrors of war and economic deprivation and sending thousands of them desperately to seek refuge in other lands. My delegation hopes that the repeated calls of the international community for the total withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from Kampuchea and a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem will finally be heeded by the parties concerned. The Philippines will continue to work for the ultimate triumph of the principle of self-determination in Kampuchea.
111.	Thousands of people have died and are dying violently each year in Afghanistan—people trapped in a savage war between foreign military occupiers and the Afghan fighters who seek to restore their national independence and sovereignty. The Philippines will continue to support the efforts of the secretary General to achieve a peaceful political solution to the problem of Afghanistan.
112.	We should guard against the illusion that stability has been achieved in the Middle East. Until the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination is accepted, the Middle East will remain a tinderbox posing serious threats not just to regional peace but also to the peace of the entire international community. We therefore urge renewed discussions on the modalities for the establishment of a Palestinian State.
113.	Success continues to elude the efforts of several States to bring to an end the dangerous conflict between Iran and Iraq. My delegation will fully support conciliatory efforts to bring peace and stability to the Gulf, a region of sensitive importance to many States where protracted war between two countries heightens the risk of escalated violence and enlargement of the area of conflict.
114.	The inherent evil of apartheid continues to fuel violence in South Africa and instability in that part of the African continent. South Africa's new Constitution, which purports to liberalize its policy of racial separation, merely deepens the chasm between the black majority and the white minority. Until the vast majority of the disenfranchised population is made a full part of the political process, apartheid will remain.
115.	The people of Namibia, long deprived of their independence, continue to pursue their struggle for national liberation. My delegation hopes to see the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, so that the Namibian people can finally beg n the task of building a nation and a viable economy which can contribute to peace and progress in southern Africa.
116.	The internecine conflicts in Central America have destabilized a once peaceful and prosperous region of the world, exacting a grim toll, through armed violence, in lives lost and properties destroyed. My delegation, sensitive to our close historic and cultural ties to the countries of Central America, fully supports the initiatives of the Contadora Group for the restoration of peace and stability in that region.
117.	Tensions persist in the Korean peninsula. My delegation takes a positive posture on the initiatives undertaken by both sides that could lead to a peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula. The interests of world peace and security would be served if North and South Korea could return to the negotiating table. In keeping with the principle of universality, they could, if they so desired, become Members of the United Nations without prejudice to reunification.
118.	A cause of future conflict lies at the bottom of the sea. In the past, wars have been fought over mineral deposits on land. The fabulous abundance of poly-metallic nodules in the deep seabed—the future source of manganese, cobalt, copper and nickel— could trigger dangerous conflicts and confrontations, unless the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea's and the regime set out in the Convention for the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the deep seabed in the international area are implemented and respected by all.
119.	We note with concern, therefore, the Provisional Understanding regarding Deep Seabed Matters concluded at Geneva on 3 August 1984 by eight industrialized countries. In our view, the agreement is contrary to the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

120.	The Philippines has ratified that Convention and my delegation earnestly urges others to do the same so that it may come into force very soon.
121.	The dismal picture of the world today is becoming even gloomier and more tragic because of the increasing economic inequalities among nations and peoples. The consequence is the uncontained deterioration of conditions in the poorer countries of the world. There can be no real peace without economic security.
122.	Peace, as understood by small and poor countries and their peoples, means the satisfaction of the basic needs of man; it means the preservation and sustenance of human life and the improvement of its quality. Since the United Nations is a vital instrument for peace, it must have the development of humanity at the very heart of its activities.
123.	It is in the interest of all countries—developed and developing—that global economic recovery should be sustained in a manner which would effectively halt the massive debilitating effects of recession on international growth and stability. The early signs of economic recovery, however, have not made the desired impact on the development efforts of small and poor countries. On the contrary, for many of them their efforts at development have been even more difficult, if not altogether frustrated.
124.	For economic recovery to foster global peace and security, continuous efforts should be undertaken towards a comprehensive and equitable solution of the development problems of many countries. To attain this objective, the position of the developing countries in such areas as international trade, global industrialization, money and finance, food and agriculture, and energy should be taken fully into account.
125.	The requirements of the developing countries in international trade would include, among others, first, the liberalization of trade and the reduction if not elimination of nontariff barriers, such as quotas, seasonal restrictions, licensing requirements, variable levies and antidumping regulations; and, secondly, the elimination of the so-called voluntary export restraint schemes which are undertaken on a bilateral and discriminatory basis outside the principles and rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
126.	Developing countries need to augment their industrial output and to increase their share in total world industrial production to support the self-reliant growth of their economies. But in order for them to be able to do so, they should be provided with all the needed assistance, including the transfer of technology. In the final analysis, the meaning of industrialization is to contribute to the eradication of endemic poverty in the developing world.
127.	In many developing countries the problems of hunger and malnutrition cannot be adequately addressed because of their balance of payments difficulties and mounting external debts. This suggests that current international efforts to relieve food scarcity in many areas of the world should be expanded. The impediments to food sufficiency and its availability on a wider basis, including the problems of production and distribution, should receive intensive scrutiny.
128.	The international monetary and financial system should be made increasingly responsive to the needs and interests of developing countries. The reform of the system should be supportive of a balanced and equitable development of the world economy and accelerated development of developing countries. It should also encourage the flow of official development assistance and increase regional development finance in response to the growing needs of developing countries. Furthermore, the reforms should focus on the resolution of the external debt problems of developing countries, now estimated to be in excess of $550 billion.
129.	Food and energy are interrelated. Every increase in the price of energy has adverse repercussions on the costs of production and distribution of food. The need to industrialize and to produce adequate food supplies will require an increase in energy supplies. If, however, the costs of access to energy supplies are prohibitive, the developing countries would be even more seriously handicapped in their development programmes and projects.
130.	After 39 years of the United Nations, the picture of the world today seems indeed bleak and discouraging. The prevalence of pockets of war in many comers of the world, of unprovoked acts of aggression by more powerful nations against weaker nations, of unabated racial discrimination, of the growing economic imbalance between the rich and the poor countries of the world with the resulting social inequalities and of the spreading hunger and misery among large sections of the earth's population—all that and more are the hard realities we must face.
131.	Many independent observers feel that, tested in the light of its aims and the principles embodied in its Charter, the United Nations has failed, and that it seems unable to accomplish the objectives for which it was founded. This may not be entirely correct or true, but it should make us take a hard second look at the Charter itself, because the perceived inadequacies of the world Organization may actually spring from factors inherent in its own constitution.
132.	We must not allow initiatives to review the Charter to languish from lack of support. We should devote our most vigorous and sustained efforts to make the Organization a more effective instrument for the attainment of its avowed objectives.
133.	The United Nations, after all, is the only remaining hope of mankind for universal peace and security. It is man's last best hope to free himself from hunger and fear. In your own words, Mr. President, "the world would become a more dangerous place without the United Nations". Accordingly, our solemn duty is to preserve and strengthen the world Organization while the opportunity exists and while time may still be on our side. That is the challenge confronting us today.


192.	Please accept our sincere congratulations, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are truly gratified to see the Assembly in the hands of a distinguished son of Africa and representative of the nation of Zambia, with which we have friendly relations and whose efforts for the cause of peace and development we are following with great sympathy and appreciation. Your experience of many years in presiding over important United Nations organs, your personal diplomatic talent and your negotiating skill fully guarantee the efficient conduct of our work.
193.	Acknowledgements of a high order are due to the outgoing President of the Assembly, the President of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca.
194.	I cordially greet our indefatigable Secretary- General, doctor honoris causa of Poland's oldest Alma Mater, Jagiellonian University in Cracow.
195.	Let me also take the opportunity of extending from this rostrum, on the threshold of the United Nations fortieth anniversary, my warmest congratulations on his recent 75th birthday to the only signatory of the Charter of the United Nations among us, that outstanding statesman, First Vice- Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Andrei Gromyko.
196.	We welcome in our midst a new Member of the United Nations, Brunei Darussalam.
197.	Not quite 200 years ago, on 5 May 1798, in the land which today hosts the United Nations, a nation- a! hero of both Poland and the United States penned these words:
"I, Tadeusz Kosciuszko, being on the point of departure from America, declare and resolve that, unless I make other disposition in my will of my property in the United States, I hereby authorize my friend Thomas Jefferson to use it in its entirety to purchase Negroes . . . and to grant them their freedom in my name . . . teaching them to be defenders of their freedom, their country and social good order."
198.	These words bear witness to the Polish ideals which inspired the noblest minds in our country's past, its will to freedom and social aspirations. It is well-nigh symbolic that Tadeusz Kosciuszko was the name conferred during the last war on the First Division of the reborn Polish Army, which, fighting alongside the victorious Soviet forces, brought freedom and independence to Poland.
199.	Let me take advantage of this solemn occasion to draw attention to the fortieth anniversary of the Polish People's Republic, which we have recently celebrated in our country. Historically speaking, it represents only a fraction of the thousand-year annals of the Polish State but it marks the consummation of the profound social changes that have been accomplished in a spirit of socialist ideals.
200.	For centuries Poles sought an answer to a question summed up as follows: our country is Poland, but what kind of Poland is our country to be? For it was by turns strong and weak, enlightened and backward; a land of justice and of privilege; long partitioned, briefly independent between the two World Wars, then struck down by Nazi occupation and in danger of total annihilation by German fascism. And yet it never stopped being Poland, for our people, owing to its love of fatherland and freedom, had withstood even the most dramatic upheavals of history.
201.	The achievement of the last 40 years is the final resolution of the dilemma: what kind of Poland? The answer was given by democratic social forces, left-wing intellectual movements and the political parties of the working class.
202.	The Manifesto of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, published on 22 July 1944, called on the Polish people to fight "for a Poland which would never again be threatened by the Germanic hordes, for a Poland which could be sure of lasting peace, the opportunity for creative work and a flourishing future".
203.	This programme resulted in Poland—devastated by the war of which it was the first, albeit victorious, victim—ceasing to be a pawn in international relations, gaining permanently secured frontiers and anchoring its existence to a natural, good- neighbour alliance and inviolable friendship, in accordance with that simplest of wisdoms, that friends are best sought close at hand.
204.	This k why subsequently the Poland which, to quote the words spoken by Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski in the Polish Parliament, "was at loggerheads with her neighbours, entangled in 'exotic alliances' and banked naively on the goodwill of the Western Powers, has receded far into the past. Today Poland's place is unambiguously and enduringly defined. Her international position depends directly on her significance in the socialist community. Our national interests are all on one side—on the side of peaceful coexistence between nations ... To live among friends, to have their joint guarantees and at the same time to be one of the underwriters of the post-war territorial and political order in Europe—this is the essence of the Polish raison d’état.
205.	The Polish People's Republic is the homeland of all Poles. Its identity is a blend of a continuity of history and a youthfulness of system. These have been at the basis of the Polish people's achievements and of the transformations of the past 40 years. This is not mere rhetoric. Only revolutionary political solutions could steer Poland on to a path of progress. Socialism was the only system that was capable of accomplishing this. We do not gloss over the shadow cast on the record of Polish achievements by the crisis of recent years with which we are still contending. We have gone into its sources frequently and frankly, in this forum as well as elsewhere.
206.	As far as the internal causes are concerned, we are dealing with them ourselves, since Polish problems are the business of Poles alone. That we are succeeding is evidenced by the normalization of life at home, the closing of society's ranks behind its basic interests on the platform of the Patriotic Movement of National Renaissance, the results of the country-wide local elections and the advances in socialist democracy. Further proof is the broad amnesty sponsored by the Patriotic Movement of National Renaissance and recently enacted by the Sejm.
207.	The external causes of the Polish crisis, like those of many other crises, should, however, be tackled by the joint efforts of the international community. By this I mean the removal from international relations of imperialist diktat and multipronged coercion. This is precisely the task of the United Nations, whose Charter lays down non-interference in the internal affairs of States and cooperation between them on equal terms.
208.	In the last few years, hallowed principles of international intercourse have been brutally violated by certain North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries in their dealings with Poland. The attempts to use blackmail, diktat and restrictions as instruments of political pressure on Poland, a policy of which the present United States Administration is the driving force, were bound to prove a fiasco.
209.	The way in which some NATO countries have been treating Poland prompts thoughts that reach back beyond the current ideological confrontation. We encountered instances of attitudes of expediency towards Poland much earlier in our history. There were Western politicians in the past who applauded the partitions of Poland. We have not forgotten the cynical response of Horace Sebastiani, the French Foreign Minister, to the savage suppression of the November uprising in Poland in 1831: "Order reigns in Warsaw"—words that were to epitomize the whole of European reaction and feelings about Poland. We are familiar with the pro-tsarist, conservative attitude of America to the January uprising of 1863, which included the betrayal of the Kosciuszko, on which Polish patriots were sailing to assist their countrymen fighting in Poland. At Versailles in 1919, some Western States opposed the reversion to Poland of her native territories of Silesia and Mazuria and the restoration of our access to the sea. David Lloyd George, who questioned our right to Upper Silesia, later, declared, after Hitler's aggression, that Poland had got what it deserved. The Poles remember who sneered at their claims at the Potsdam Conference, who tried to prevent Poland becoming the 51st signatory to the Charter of the United Nations who temporized for years over recognition of the final nature of Poland's western frontier and who in, this day deliberately underplays Poland's contribution to the defeat of fascism.
210.	So, if anyone now sets out to lecture us on the management of our affairs and to expound the principles of tolerance, he had best make sure that there are no skeletons in his own closet and that he has a clear conscience as regards the Poles. Tolerance and reconciliation for the sake of the supreme national good have deep-seated humanitarian roots in Poland.
211.	The Government of the Polish People's Republic feels obliged to inform the General Assembly that for a number of years our country has been the target of unparalleled propaganda aggression by the media of certain NATO countries, above all the United States. The broadcasts in Polish of "Radio Free Europe" and "Voice of America" consist of deliberate dissemination of disinformation and lies, incitement of social unrest and attempts to destabilize the internal situation in Poland.
212.	We wish to state at this juncture that we fully support the proposal of the Soviet Union, announced yesterday from this rostrum, on the inadmissibility of the policy of State terrorism and any action by States aimed at undermining the socio-political systems in other sovereign States.
213.	Poland's position with regard to the policy of the United States was spelled out in an official note addressed to the United States Government on 3 November 1983, and most recently in a document of 16 August 1984. A day later, a ceremony was held at the White House which demonstrated yet again that the United States means to press on with its blatant interference in Polish internal affairs. On this occasion, the objects of manipulation were not only recent developments but also more ancient history. The fortieth anniversary of the Warsaw uprising was used to hark back for manipulative purposes to such historic events as the Kosciuszko insurrection of 1794, the November uprising of 1830 and the January uprising of 1863, twisting their meaning to suit the current needs of the anti-communist crusade. Anti-Polish purposes dictated another attempt to reinterpret the Yalta and Potsdam agreements, the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, and other international accords. It is therefore worth pointing out from this rostrum that the Charter of the United Nations, to which the United States President referred on this occasion, expressly states that: "Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize ... to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State . . . ".
214.	It should be recalled that bilaterally, on 1 June 1972, the United States and Poland adopted a document in which they agreed that the development of peaceful co-operation between nations must be based on "the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of frontiers, non-interference in internal affairs, sovereign equality, independence and renunciation of the use or threat of use of force". Three years later the United States Government solemnly confirmed in the Helsinki Final Act its will to uphold those principles.
215.	It is therefore reasonable to ask this. How do unlawful restrictions and other hostile measures in the political, economic, scientific, transport and other fields square with principle VI of the Helsinki Final Act, which requires the signatories "in all circumstances [to] refrain from any ... act of military, or of political, economic or other coercion designed to subordinate to their own interest the exercise by another participating State of the rights inherent in its sovereignty and thus to secure advantages of any kind"?
216.	How can the pledge made by the United States, in common with the other 34 European and North American countries, of its will to improve and expand mutual relations and further rapprochement and better understanding among nations accommodate a decision to continue propaganda aggression and to this end modernize the anti-Polish American broadcasting stations "Radio Free Europe" and "Voice of America"?
217.	How is the unilateral, arbitrary suspension or severance of international agreements to be reconciled with international law's fundamental rule of pacta sunt sevanda? What has a policy of carrots and sticks—dispensed by one of the world's great Powers according to the extent to which other States are prepared to toe its line and carry out its wishes—to do with observance of the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of States? Many more such questions present themselves.
218.	We listened with attention to the address by the President of the United States in which he offered to the world the arrangement of relations on a partnership basis; but still fresh in our memory was the statement he had delivered on the occasion of "Peace Through Strength Week", only two days before he appeared in this Hall, in which he resolutely spoke in favour of negotiations from a position of strength.
219.	The world, however, awaits from the United States not merely a change of rhetoric. Something much more important is needed—namely, a departure from the policy of confrontation. In the case of Poland, this should mean the lifting of United States economic restrictions and the cessation of propaganda aggression. Only that would make possible the normalization of bilateral relations.
220.	I wish to add that the various discriminatory restrictions applied heretofore against Poland have been in utter dissonance with the principles of the free flow of trade, about which the President of the United States spoke at such length in his address here. We expect those valid principles of international economic co-operation to be implemented by the United States with regard to Poland also.
221.	Against the backdrop of the anti-Polish arbitrary policy of the United States and of certain other NATO countries, it is with particular respect and appreciation that we regard the independent and objective stand taken vis-à-vis our country by the non-aligned countries and the majority of the neutral countries, guided as they are by the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and in particular the principles of sovereignty and the inalienable right of every nation to determine the directions of its internal development. We can give this full credit, especially as our bilateral relations with most of those countries are expanding fruitfully in a spirit of friendship, mutual respect and reciprocal benefit. This area of our foreign relations will be consistently developed in the future also.
222.	The history of nations is not a collection of miscellaneous events into which one can dip as required, as if it were a storage room for property. International documents, based on reciprocity, embody an agreed balance of interests and determine the degree of States' interdependence. Concern has therefore been understandably aroused in Poland by the practice of challenging the validity of fundamental agreements that form the bedrock of security in Europe. This applies in particular to the decisions reached by the Big Three at Yalta and Potsdam, decisions that laid down the framework and guiding principles of the post-war peace settlement. These provisions were definitively endorsed in bilateral treaties and sealed at Helsinki by the signatures of the leaders of 35 European and North American States on the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Without the Yalta and Potsdam agreements there would have been no Charter of the United Nations and no Helsinki. Those documents, which constitute an indissoluble whole, are the basis of the territorial and political organization of Europe.
223.	The astonishing thing is that the numerous interpreters of Yalta invariably address themselves to what is not contained in the decisions of that Conference, while they skirt round their essence and purpose. These were clearly and unequivocally stated: the destruction once and for all of German militarism and fascism, as the main threat to peace. The Yalta document further proclaimed:
"Only with continuing and growing co-operation and understanding among our three countries, and among all the peace-loving nations, can the highest aspiration of humanity be realized—a secure and lasting peace."
Such a peace would, in the words of the 1941 Atlantic Charter, which foreshadowed the United Nations, "afford assurance that all men in all lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want". That is an important heritage for contemporary and future generations. Only dialogue, understanding and cooperation between the great Powers and all the countries of the world can free humanity from the threat of nuclear holocaust. The policy of the arms race and confrontation, of the severance of agreements and suspension and obstruction of co-operation, increases the risk of such a catastrophe.
224.	In political assessments it is actions, not words that are the proper measure of the behaviour of States. The first of September was the forty-fifth anniversary of Hitler's invasion of Poland, the act of aggression which started the Second World War. If our minds go back to those years, it is not for the purpose of musing on the events which left Poland standing alone against an overpoweringly superior enemy, but in order to be wiser in the future. Paper guarantees failed to shield Poland from havoc and to prevent the death of millions of human beings.
225.	The first and most crucial lesson that we have learned from our experience in September 1939 is that security cannot be guaranteed by "exotic alliances"; it can be guaranteed only by the natural ones that stem from a community of interests. We are bound by such an impregnable alliance with the Soviet Union and the other States members of the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The peaceful coalition of socialist States—the Warsaw Treaty—has for nearly 30 years been the guarantor of peace in Europe. The second lesson taught us by the Second World War is the necessity of developing a system of security in Europe which will ensure that the security interests of all its nations are equally protected.
226.	On the other hand, the policy of arms race and confrontation and international tensions foster the mobilization of forces hostile to peace and destabilize the situation in Europe and other parts of the world. We perceive a particular threat to peace in attempts to change the political and territorial map of Europe as shaped by post-war developments. The problem is not that the Polish frontiers are in jeopardy. They are inviolable and permanent. Nevertheless, the resurgence of Grossdeutsche ambitions and revisionist currents in the Federal Republic of Germany, accompanied as they are by militarization, cannot be shrugged off by anyone in Europe—least of all, in view of our historical experience, by the Polish people. On issues of fundamental significance to the nation there are no differences between Poles. The tragedy of the Nazi occupation is still too fresh in their memory. That is the context in which we view the militarization processes of the Federal Republic and weigh the declarations against the facts. The declarations are full of peaceful reassurances; the facts often tell a completely different story. On 2 May 1984, the Federal Chancellor said at Oxford: "The security and peace policy of the Federal Republic of Germany serves an important political purpose: overcoming the division of Germany and Europe". On 28 June 1984 the Council of the Western European Union lifted the last remaining bans and restrictions imposed on the Federal Republic, allowing it to go ahead with production and possession of strategic bombers and medium- and long-range missiles. As a result of the deployment in Western Europe, and in particular on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany, of new United States nuclear missiles systems, the security of Europe has diminished; the threat to world peace has increased. There is a close link between the forces professing Grossdeutsche ambitions and those seeking the military instruments for the pursuit of these aims.
227.	We judge and shall continue to judge the Federal Republic of Germany as we do other countries: on the evidence of facts, actions and political practice. We listened with attention to the statement of the Vice-Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, and in particular to his remarks pertaining to the territorial integrity of all States of Europe within their present frontiers and proclaiming that the Federal Republic of Germany has no territorial claims at present and will have no such claims in the future, in accordance with the provisions of the treaties concluded by it with Poland and other socialist States.
228.	We are ready to enter into dialogue with the Federal Republic of Germany and with all forces and States, regardless of their socio-political systems that recognize the existing realities in Europe and wish to make an honest effort to further detente and improve East-West relations. I declare from this rostrum that we are prepared, as we have always been, to entertain any constructive proposals that could lessen the danger of war in Europe.
229.	In the present extremely tense and complex world situation, a fundamental question looms ahead, namely, what to do to steer international relations out of the deadlock and on to a path of lasting peaceful co-operation among nations and States? To answer this question, what is needed is, first and foremost, authentic consideration of the good of one's own country and of the common good of humanity, bona fide political intent and bold imagination. The search for an answer ought to start in the most critical area, with improvement of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States, since those two leading nuclear Powers bear an exceptional responsibility for the fate of the world. Soviet-United States relations exert a decisive influence on the overall climate of relations in the world in all fields, as was so conclusively demonstrated in the 1970s. We express the hope that today's meeting between the First Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union and the President of the United States will contribute to recognition by the United States Administration of the realities of the contemporary world, a world of different socio-economic systems. There is no sensible alternative to the peaceful coexistence of those systems. The policy of confrontation can only lead to a catastrophe.
230.	We attach supreme importance to averting the nuclear threat and to halting and reversing the nuclear arms race. This purpose would be served by following up the momentous initiative of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Konstantin Chemenko, concerning the elaboration of, and agreement on norms of behaviour among the nuclear Powers and other Soviet proposals currently on the table, namely, those concerning a ban on the militarization of outer space and a moratorium on the development of anti- satellite systems, as well as the most recent one, submitted yesterday, on the use of outer space exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of mankind. A concrete contribution to reducing the nuclear threat has been made by the Soviet Union through its unilateral no-first-use pledge. We appeal once again to the other nuclear Powers to enter into a similar commitment.
231.	We also hail the Soviet Union's readiness to abide by its earlier constructive proposals for armament reduction should the United States and the other States members of NATO show signs of being prepared to restore the situation that existed prior to the deployment of cruise and Pershing II missiles in Western Europe.
232.	Our programme is also aimed at the elimination of current regional conflicts and tensions. Behind most of them we detect both the goals and the results of an imperialist policy based on a position of strength and designed to preserve the remnants of colonialism and reinforce neo-colonial practices and racism. Ample evidence of this is provided by the history of the prolonged and appallingly tragic conflict in the Middle East. Now that the sterility and
fragility of any settlement predicated on forcing the Arab world to conclude separatist agreements with Israel have been so starkly revealed, solutions of a universal, equitable and lasting nature can be all the more irrefutably seen to be the only effective ones. They are guaranteed by the programme of action set out in the Soviet Union's proposals on a Middle East settlement of 29 July 1984 reiterates its complete readiness to make a positive contribution to the implementation of that programme.
233.	We are greatly disturbed at the conflict between Iraq and Iran. It is draining the life-blood of two nations which are members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, delaying their development and exacerbating their mutual antagonisms.
234.	We condemn the imperialist policy of aggression, destabilization and intervention in Central America. The brutal occupation of Grenada continues. The people of Nicaragua, who are fighting to decide their future free from outside interference, enjoy the deep sympathy and support of Poland.
235.	We categorically demand that the NATO States responsible for the situation in southern Africa respect the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council concerning the independence of Namibia and the ending of the policy of apartheid and its degradation of human dignity.
236.	We avow our solidarity with the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in its defence of its revolutionary gains and with the policy being pursued by its Government in the interests of the normalization of the situation in South-West Asia.
237.	We are in favour of the settlement of the disputes in South-East Asia by means of political dialogue between the States directly concerned, without any outside interference whatsoever, and of the immediate reinstatement of the People's Republic of Kampuchea to its rightful place in the United Nations.
238.	We support the consistent struggle of the Korean people for reunification on the basis of the recent constructive proposals put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
239.	Ten years have elapsed since the adoption by the General Assembly of the historic Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. To this day it remains a document of immense significance. Although we are still a long way from application of the principles of international economic relations, the intervening period has borne out the Tightness and justice of the objectives which that Charter delineated. In the light of that Charter, we can clearly see that tensions in the political area are being used to destabilize economic co-operation and that disruptions of the latter in tum impede the improvement of political relations. This lowers the threshold of international security in its various fields.
240.	A serious problem for the world economy is the global debt crisis, which cannot be solved on a long-term basis without profound reforms in the world monetary system, the removal of protectionist barriers to the exports of debtor nations, a substantial cut in effective interest rates and a flow of fresh financial resources. Consequently, we are in agreement with the recommendations of the meeting of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Ministers of Finance of 11 Latin American countries at Cartagena in June 1984 especially with regard to the desirability of joint discussion of financial problems by the debtor and creditor States.
241.	The way to remedy the situation is to place economic co-operation on an equitable and democratic footing, as was urged by the States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in their Declaration of June 1984. Awareness of the dangers inherent in the deterioration of economic relations led Poland to submit a proposal to the United Nations for the reconstruction and reinforcement of such relations. We welcome and acknowledge the report of the Secretary-General on confidence-building in international economic relations, prepared pursuant to General Assembly resolution 38/196, containing the replies of over 20 Governments and international organizations. The implementation of this initiative would make possible a gradual increase in economic security and an expansion of economic co-operation that would be beneficial to all. We consider it our duty to follow up our initiative and are counting on further support for it in the United Nations.
242.	An extremely important factor in strengthening international security is the broad process of preparing societies for life in peace. This concept was first given codified form in the Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace, which my country had the honour of sponsoring. At the current session of the General Assembly another review will be made of the implementation of that Declaration. The record does not give cause for optimism, but that makes discussion all the more necessary. Societies expect greater involvement by politicians in efforts to further understanding among nations, to eradicate prejudice, intolerance and arrogance and to show moderation in speech and responsibility in action. We hope that these aims will be reflected in the document which the General Assembly will most likely adopt in conjunction with the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
243.	Our perception of the responsibility and the role of heads of State or Government is in tune with the initiatives of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The correctness of our opinions was confirmed at the Meeting of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Heads of Delegation of the Non-Aligned Countries to the General Assembly at its Thirty- eighth Session, held at United Nations Headquarters last October on the initiative of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, which was also attended by the Chairman of the Council of State of the Polish People's Republic, Mr. Henryk Jablonski. It significantly broadened our comprehension of the position of the non-aligned countries and the very positive role played by the Non-Aligned Movement in a number of matters of vital concern to the contemporary world.
244.	In a year we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Its second 40 years will be launched by the International Year of Peace. On 9 May 1985, we shall also have the fortieth anniversary of the victory of the united forces of democracy over fascism. We shall observe this date as a day of struggle for peace and international security and against fascism, racism, hatred and intolerance. I should like to announce here that a World Congress of Intellectuals will be held at Warsaw on this occasion. We count on all peace-loving forces in the world to support this undertaking.
245. At this session and in all its international endeavours, Poland, which is open to co-operation with all States, will faithfully implement the lofty goals of the United Nations. Our programme is the programme embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.


275. It is with great pleasure that I extend to you, Sir, the warm congratulations and good wishes of Sri Lanka on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Zambia and Sri Lanka, founder members of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries and fellow members of the Commonwealth, have enjoyed the most cordial of relations. We have admired your negotiating skill and witnessed your gentle but firm use of the gavel at many United Nations and non-aligned forums. Sri Lanka is therefore pleased that you, a distinguished son of Zambia, will guide us through this session.
276.	My delegation wishes to place on record its appreciation of the admirable manner in which the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Jorge Illueca, conducted the business of the thirty- eighth session.
277.	Sri Lanka welcomes the entry of a fellow Asian State—the State of Brunei Darussalam—to the United Nations and wishes it well. Brunei Darussalam, with its long history and traditions, its resources and its location, could play a considerable role in the life of the international community.
278.	In a survey of the international landscape, both political and economic, an overall impression of bleakness is unavoidable, making the imperative of international co-operation all the more compelling.
279.	In the economic sphere, the prospects of a global, co-operative approach to restructuring inter-national economic relations are dim, and economic disparities between nations have heightened. A climate of economic recovery among the developed countries will, of course, provide grounds for some optimism as regards restructuring. But there is every reason to believe that the recovery of the last year may not prove to be durable.
280.	As a recent study of a Commonwealth expert group on the international debt problem has indicated, the recovery owes virtually everything to the build-up in the last two years of unsustainable budget deficits through expansionary policies in a single powerful economy. It is therefore inherently fragile in not being sufficiently broad-based. At the same time, the thrust of economic policy elsewhere has been profoundly recessionary. In a word, over-expansion on one side and over-restriction on the other is the combination of macro-economic policies that needs to be corrected if the current recovery is not to turn down once again into a deep depression.
281.	It is our responsibility to prepare our countries for ways of coping with the eventuality of another depression. Everyone in this forum is aware of the fact of global economic interdependence; and any recession originating with the developed countries cannot fail to have damaging consequences for developing countries as well.
282.	The long-term strategy surely is to strengthen economic linkage within the third world so that we become less vulnerable to disturbances emanating from economic policy failures in the developed world. A third-world bank, or bank of the South, is one solution that has been advanced, and this is currently under* negotiation within the Group of 77.
283.	It would be idle, however, to pretend that such initiatives would yield fruit in time to insulate the developing countries against the impact of any collapse of the current bout of recovery. What is required to moderate the resulting chain reaction of collapse within the third world is adequate and flexible methods of balance-of-payments financing. This can come about today only from long overdue reforms in the Bretton Woods institutions—namely, the IMF and the World Bank. There must, at a minimum, be put in place a facility that would provide unconditional and substantial-enough finance when countries experience an external shock such as a collapse of commodity prices. The facilities available today are notoriously inadequate.
284.	Otherwise, the budgets of developing countries would in turn collapse—for example, from the failure of export revenues. Countries would then be faced with an impossible choice between curtailing their development programmes, on the one hand, and, on the other, risking inflation by printing the money needed to finance their budget deficits. A second emergency requirement would be an IMF facility to meet the international debt problem. Finally, there is the need for IMF to create special drawing rights in the required measure. An irrefutable case has been made for this by numerous organizations and authorities. This gains special weight during a period when recovery in the developed countries is as delicate as it is and when inflation has declined. A genuine and enduring recovery of the international economy requires, in brief, a global effort.
285.	Only a truly international effort within the framework of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea can ensure that the full bounty of the oceans is developed for the benefit of all mankind. The developing countries need to acquire capabilities in marine affairs, particularly in science and technology, which can be best advanced through the establishment of a well-planned and co-ordinated programme under the United Nations to operate at the global and regional levels. The Indian Ocean, which is bounded by Africa and Asia, requires special emphasis in this context. A co-operative United Nations inter-agency effort would be timely and invaluable for realizing the benefits of the new ocean regime.
286.	The Antarctic continent must remain free of militarization and international confrontation. The resources of that vast continent should be developed equitably, rationally and safely. Sri Lanka supports a comprehensive study of the entire Antarctic system and the establishment of an ad hoc committee for that purpose.
287.	In political terms, international tension has risen and in some areas has led to situations of confrontation and conflict. Relations between the two major defence alliances have been deteriorating, and a dizzy acceleration of the arms race has been one alarming fall-out. The nuclear dimension of the armaments race bodes ill for all mankind. The nuclear deterrent theory, which is advanced as a means of securing peace, is being perilously maintained at constantly rising levels of armaments, increasing, rather than reducing, the threat of a global confrontation. Sri Lanka will always welcome, there-fore, any initiative to promote dialogue and negotiation on the priority questions of disarmament in order to break down dangerous barriers of doubt and suspicion, particularly between the super-Powers.
288.	The oceans and the land mass of this planet have long been fouled by the contaminants of militarization. Now even man's last frontier, outer space itself, faces the ultimate pollution of the arms race. Sri Lanka hopes to continue at this thirty-ninth session an initiative pursued at the last two sessions for the prevention of an arms race in outer space.
289.	An initiative in disarmament of special significance for Sri Lanka is the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. The States of the Indian Ocean, the great Powers and the major maritime users of the ocean are engaged in an exercise of co-operative endeavour to convene the Conference on the Indian Ocean at Colombo next year. The Conference itself will not establish a zone of peace overnight but will chalk out the essential principles and the appropriate modalities, mechanisms and machinery for the establishment of the zone of peace.
290.	One of the natural extensions of the Indian Ocean is the Gulf, where two non-aligned Islamic States with which Sri Lanka has the closest of relations, Iran and Iraq, are in conflict. We hope that this tragic dispute will come to a speedy end, bringing peace once more to the peoples of Iraq and Iran and security to the region.
291.	The Middle East as a whole continues to be an area of tension. Numerous international gatherings held under the sponsorship of the United Nations, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference have identified the key elements of a Middle East settlement, and international consensus has been established on these elements. It is clear that the question of Palestine is the core of the Middle East question and that no just or viable settlement is possible without the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab and Palestinian territory and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. These rights include the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, the right of self-determination and the right to establish an independent State in Palestine. In the settlement of this question, the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must participate in full measure and on an equal footing with other parties. Sri Lanka has been happy to host at Colombo a resident mission of the PLO with the full diplomatic status of an embassy.
292.	Sri Lanka is greatly concerned about developments in Lebanon and calls for full respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon within its internationally recognised boundaries.
293.	It is our firm view that, like the PLO in Palestine, SWAPO in Namibia constitutes the van-guard of the struggle by a majority people against the tyranny of a racist minority. For Namibia, a comprehensive peace plan already exists in the form of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) but, because of the intransigence of	South Africa, this remains unfulfilled. Sri Lanka rejects the linkage of extraneous issues, such as the presence of Cuban troops in Angola, with Namibian independence.
294.	In South Africa itself, the apartheid regime has sought to foster so-called constitutional reforms to tighten its grip on the majority people of South Africa. Sri Lanka expresses its solidarity with the majority people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle for a non-racial democratic society in a united, non-fragmented South Africa.
295.	Although the respective situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have each a separate and distinct complex of circumstances at root, Sri Lanka believes that a just and lasting peace is not possible in either country unless it is founded on a comprehensive political solution in which the indispensable elements would be the withdrawal of foreign forces and guarantees to ensure the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the respective States. TP Secretary-General's efforts to find solutions to these questions require the full support of the international community, particularly the parties directly concerned.
296.	The instability and insecurity sensed by the States of Central America cause us concern. It is hoped that the Contadora process will help ensure the preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of those States and bring stability and security to that region.
297.	Sri Lanka supports the desire of the Korean people to reunify their homeland peacefully through direct dialogue, without foreign interference and in conformity with the principles of the South-North Joint Communique of 4 July 1972.
298.	In regard to Cyprus, we support the endeavours of the Secretary-General to encourage meaningful intercommunal talks in order to effect a viable settlement which will bring peace to the Republic of Cyprus. No settlement is possible without the unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces from the northern section of Cyprus. Sri Lanka has consistently supported the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus. I should like to emphasize that no State should use its armed forces to interfere or intervene in the internal affairs of another State on any grounds. Interference and intervention on the grounds of ethnic interests and affinities with people in other States should be severely checked, in the interest of international stability. Aggression remains aggression even when wreathed in expressions of concern for the welfare of kindred racial or religious groups elsewhere.
299.	In the aftermath of the Second World War, individual States, depending on differing perceptions of their defence needs, followed different strategies. Some joined mutually exclusive military alliances; some opted for neutrality; and many committed themselves to a policy of non-alignment. In post-war times, many States have had to endure threats to their independence and freedom. It is important to note that those affected have been mainly small States: Cyprus, Kampuchea, Afghanistan.
300.	It is therefore relevant in this connection to recall the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations 	and to reiterate that the territory of no State should be permitted to be used for the preparation or commission of hostile acts against the territory of another State. There can be no contextual application of these principles, no limiting qualifications, no extenuating arguments to justify threat, pressure or subversion. These principles apply universally, be it in Sri Lanka's own area of South Asia or in the distant region of Central America.
301.	Sri Lanka is a democratic, multiracial, multi-lingual, multi-religious country. We are committed to the rule of law. We respect the rights of the individual. The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the grounds of race, religion or language. Historically, we have been a model of communal harmony for centuries. The communal disturbances of July of last year were therefore a tragic development in the life of our nation. Attempts have been made by certain ill-motivated parties outside Sri Lanka to pillory us and to place us permanently in the dock. It is a sad commentary on international relations that the aberrations of small States are sensationalized and blown up to massive proportions.
302.	The President and the Government of Sri Lanka have been working, despite set-backs, to find a political solution to the problems we face. An all- party conference, in which the majority groups as well as the minority groups are represented, is meeting under the leadership of the President and is striving to find solutions that will meet with the acceptance of all concerned.
303.	Meanwhile, motley groups of terrorists who seek to impose, through violence and terror, a separate State based on racist grounds have made the application of the democratic process much more difficult. These terrorists, who constitute only a small minority within the Tamil community, direct their violent campaign not only against the majority community and security forces but also against innocent civilian members of the Tamil community who are committed to a united multiracial Sri Lanka.
304.	The terrorist group finds refuge, training, sympathy and even encouragement on foreign territory, posing a rising threat of destabilization of the country.
305.	Terrorism has its sordid international ramifications. International co-operation is therefore vital in dealing with and eliminating international terror-ism. Last year the General Assembly adopted by consensus a resolution which called on all States to fulfil their obligations under international law to refrain from organizing, instigating, assisting or participating in acts of civil strife or terrorist acts in another State [resolution 38/130].
306.	The President of Sri Lanka has proposed concerted action by the international community through the United Nations to eradicate international terrorism. The United Nations, in keeping with agreed international instruments, should once more urge and, indeed, ensure that all States co-operate more closely with one another, especially through the exchange of relevant information concerning the prevention and combating of international terrorism and the conclusion of special treaties, in particular to ensure the extradition or prosecution of terrorists. We believe that the United Nations should take effective steps to establish machinery to implement agreed measures against international terrorism.
307.	It has been my privilege to represent Sri Lanka at several General Assembly sessions. The perspective that presents itself at this session, on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, is neither worse nor better than that of the last few years. We must therefore guard against a sense of resignation, which would lead either to despair and apathy, on the one hand, or to an aggressive and callous pursuit of narrow interests, on the other. Both extremes are dangerous.
308.	Recently, the Secretary-General described the option before us as between unilateralism and multilateralism. The United Nations is composed of 159 independent nations, each with definite commitments to its people. In exploiting the full potential of this great Assembly for building greater global harmony and understanding, we should ensure that all States, irrespective of differences in size, economic strength and military muscle, command equal acceptance, respect and dignity in the demonstration of the Organization's will.