Let me begin by
congratulating President Jan Eliasson on his election.
Allow me to assure him of Poland’s readiness to
support him in his efforts during this session. I would
also like to join the European Union presidency — to
whose statement we fully adhere — in expressing my
words of gratitude to His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping for
his leadership during the preparations for the sixtieth
anniversary summit.
This year in Poland we are commemorating the
twentieth anniversary of the Solidarity movement. In
the history of Europe since the Second World War,
there have been few events that can be celebrated with
a similar sense of pride and satisfaction. The history of
Solidarity — and in particular its rebirth in 1989 —
opened the way to profound historic changes in Europe
and the entire world, including the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the collapse of the Communist bloc. I hope
and believe that Solidarity’s message still remains an
inspiration not only for Poland, but also for the entire
world — wherever there are people who uphold or
aspire to freedom and solidarity. In that spirit, I would
like to repeat our call to celebrate 31 August as a world
day of freedom and solidarity. In our opinion, global
solidarity should be the central value in and the key
tool for achieving a new sense of community and
realizing our common interests.
Poland’s dedication to the concept of solidarity
also draws strength from the fact that Poland itself
benefited from foreign aid and support. Today, we are
undergoing an important transition in our status: from
aid recipient to donor. We hope that Poland’s active
cooperation for development will serve as a catalyst for
further change and help lay the foundation for
democracy, sustainable development, human rights and
the rule of law.
For us, however, the concept of responsible
solidarity is not solely limited to humanitarian
endeavours; it means more than assisting the poor and
underdeveloped. Solidarity is an operational principle,
which generates cooperative attitudes among countries
in need, including those plagued by terrorism, natural
and manmade disasters, weak State structures and other
calamities. Solidarity means rescue rather than relief,
remedy rather than alleviation. It should be driven by
need — not by right — and cut across dividing lines. It
is solidarity that can help to bridge religious and
ideological divides and overcome the difficult legacy
of the past. Indeed, if we want to build a world without
divisions we must first suppress all disputes that feed
on past grievances. We have to find a way to reconcile
divergent points of view without sacrificing our
principles.
The recently concluded High-level Plenary
Meeting was a product of enormous efforts to forge a
new global consensus on development, security, human
rights and United Nations institutional reform. The
agenda of the summit was long and ambitious. The
preparatory process, as well as the summit itself,
offered many insights, ideas and useful
recommendations that merit further serious
consideration. However, despite the great
determination and expectations, we failed to achieve
unity in confronting all of the world’s most menacing
problems.
The United Nations is a ponderous institution and
does not embrace change easily. Thus, we should not
expect that each and every summit will provide us with
revolutionary changes. Real breakthroughs are usually
the result of a lengthy process. Consequently, our
outcome document should be regarded not as the end
of reform, but as a guide for the further practical steps
that need to be taken. In that context, I call on
Members to devise a plan to implement our summit
decisions and to submit it to the General Assembly for
adoption. This time, we must break the vicious circle
of inaction and ensure a proper follow-up to the
summit. Finding workable forms and mechanisms for
cooperation has never proved easy and will remain a
serious challenge for the months ahead.
The United Nations operates in a constantly
changing international environment. We have already
identified major new threats, risks and challenges: the
fanaticism of international terrorism, the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, organized crime,
States in crisis and failed States. Although we claim to
know their nature, we will never be quite able to
predict how, where and when those threats will
manifest themselves. At the same time, such threats
cannot overshadow the importance of addressing their
root causes, such as development gaps, poverty, social
exclusion, natural disasters, discrimination and
intolerance, among others.
19

We are passing through a transitional stage with
all its strains and stresses. International institutions and
mechanisms — designed to serve the old international
system — must face the challenge of reform and
accommodation. The United Nations is not an
exception. As a consequence, we have had to find ways
and means to respond to the swiftly changing nature of
security threats and risks. Thus, the challenge remains
the same as for all of us: how do we manage that
change?
In this era of globalization and rapid change, no
country alone can fully ensure its own security. State
security is more than ever before dependent on external
determinants. What we need is an innovative and
imaginative approach to security, both in the realm of
strategy and in its constituent processes. Moreover, we
have to develop a new security paradigm according to
which the security of individuals is as important as the
security of States.
Likewise, we need a new concept of sovereignty
that attaches greater importance to protecting the rights
of people than to the prerogatives of State power. We
must place the human being at the centre of the
activities of international institutions.
It is true that the first duty of a Government
should be to protect those living within its jurisdiction
from genocide, mass killing and human rights
violations. However, in certain instances, the
responsibility of the international community to take
action must be ensured.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
is a longstanding problem that has afflicted the
international community for many years. However, in
the light of the particularly threatening nexus of
terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, it has taken
on a new dimension. No State is immune to it or is
protected from its consequences. At the same time,
existing systems of national control and international
non-proliferation agreements are not completely
effective and are undermined by loopholes and lacunae
which enable States and individuals to bypass the
regime. It is all the more disappointing, therefore, that
the United Nations summit failed to reach an outcome
on non-proliferation and disarmament.
To address that challenge adequately, we have to
strengthen the three pillars of the nuclear-arms-control
regime: non-proliferation, disarmament and the
peaceful use of nuclear energy. We should, however,
ensure that it works in a harmonious and self-
sustaining way.
Another issue is that of enforcement. Legal norms
that are not effectively enforced obviously do not serve
their purpose. We have to seek ways and means to
ensure effective verification and to enforce respect for
existing non-proliferation and disarmament obligations.
We cannot count solely on persuasion and containment.
More fundamentally, we need a comprehensive
review of the existing negotiating machinery. With that
in mind, two methods of action are possible. One
would be to establish a group of experts; the other —
perhaps a better solution — would be to request that a
respected international independent research centre —
such as, for example, the Stockholm International
Peace Research Institute — prepare a report containing
recommendations on how to make existing United
Nations institutions and mechanisms more effective,
operational and efficient.
Our concerted efforts to strengthen the United
Nations will be doomed to failure if we continue to
believe that only security issues matter. They certainly
do matter, but security is a much broader concept. It
does not involve only the absence of hard or soft
threats. It is, above all, about the absence of threats to
fundamental human values. Likewise, the eradication
of poverty is essential not only to peace and
development, but, first and foremost, to the
preservation of human rights and standards. Ensuring
social justice and reducing inequalities do not involve
only the allocation of scarce resources to guarantee
security; they also presuppose both human freedom and
human dignity.
In that context, Poland welcomes the proposed
changes to the United Nations human rights machinery,
especially the decision to establish a Human Rights
Council. We believe that such an organ would enable
us to promote respect for human rights in a more
efficient and responsible way.
We should also promote democracy through the
United Nations in order to protect human rights and
expand democratic freedoms. No one can claim that
democracies are free of contradictions and injustices.
But it is democracies that best serve to defend the
values we want to protect and promote.
In that spirit, on behalf of the citizens of Poland, I
would like to reiterate our sincere and strong support
20

for the Democracy Fund, established to assist countries
in their transition to democracy. I truly believe that this
new mechanism will help to address differences among
and within societies in a spirit of true respect and
understanding.
Poland’s commitment to the community of shared
values does not mean that we disregard the institutional
and technical aspects of reform. Institutional
adaptation should be characterized by openness,
transparency and effectiveness. These are precisely the
principles that have guided us in the process of
analysing Security Council reform and establishing the
Peacebuilding Commission and the Human Rights
Council.
Reform of the Security Council is proving to be
an enormously complex and divisive issue. Although
necessary, it should not be conducted at the cost of
compromising the Council’s capacity to meet its
Charter responsibilities. The Republic of Poland
believes that the effectiveness and efficiency of the
Security Council rests on the assumption that
membership not only grants additional privileges but
also increases responsibilities.
Furthermore, Poland fully recognizes the
importance of the ongoing process carried out by the
Secretary-General, which is aimed at enhancing
effective management of the Organization. We strongly
encourage continuing such efforts to strengthen United
Nations accountability and its oversight mechanisms as
well as to promote the efficient use of its human
resources. System-wide coherence, particularly
regarding operational capabilities and humanitarian
assistance, should be high on the reform agenda. We
hope that such an approach will enhance the
Organization’s capacity to carry out its new tasks and
meet its new challenges, thus enhancing the authority
of the United Nations and its role in the international
system.
Poland’s commitments in the framework of the
United Nations are not made based on tactical
considerations. We are not calculating what we can
gain from this or that choice. We do not expect to make
political profits or economic gains. But we share a
sense of solidarity and responsibility with respect not
only to our own country but also to the entire
international community.
A system based on values and principles may not
be perfect, but it is likely to be more peaceful and, in
the long run, more conducive and responsive to the
needs of peoples. In that spirit, I hope that this
anniversary session will provide a strong impetus to
rebuild the community of shared values and enable us
to replace the global psychology of competition with a
spirit of cooperation.


I extend to you, Sir,
our warmest congratulations as you assume the high
office of the President of the General Assembly at its
sixtieth session. We wish you all the best and assure
you of Sri Lankaís support and cooperation in your
work. I convey gratitude to Mr. Jean Ping for his astute
leadership of the fifty-ninth session.
This sixtieth landmark session of the General
Assembly is doubly significant for Sri Lanka, as this
year we mark the fiftieth anniversary of our
membership in the United Nations. As a small nation
that has kept the flame of democracy burning through
many tribulations, we take modest pride in the fact that
what we said at the first session of the General
Assembly we addressed can still be recalled with
undiminished relevance. Prime Minister Bandaranaike,
representing Sri Lanka, said on that occasion:
"This is an Organization which expresses itself
most effectively by bringing to bear a certain
moral force - the collective moral force and
decency of human beings. That is a task in which
the weak as well as the strong can render a useful
service, and I give the Assembly the assurance,
on behalf of my country, that as far as we are
concerned, every endeavour that we can make in
all sincerity to assist in the achievements of those
noble ideals for which this Organization stands
will always be forthcoming in the fullest
measure." (Official Records of the General
Assembly, Eleventh Session, Plenary Meetings,
590th meeting, para. 42)
Five decades on, I have the pleasure to say that
my country has kept that promise by regularly
contributing to consensus-building in the Organization
in areas ranging from the law of the sea to
disarmament and from human rights to the issue of
terrorism. We remain fully committed to the United
Nations.
We continue to believe that the collective moral
force of this Organization is indispensable for a secure,
peaceful and humane world. We are convinced that
such a world can be realized through the honest
commitment of every Member State to its individual
2

and collective responsibilities. Our peoples live in the
hope and expectation that we shall deliver.
On the morning of 26 December 2004, Sri Lanka
and several other countries around the Indian Ocean
region woke up to a natural disaster of unprecedented
magnitude. Towering tsunami waves struck two thirds
of the coastal areas of our island nation, leaving in its
wake death and destruction on a scale hitherto
unknown by the world. Moved by the enormous scale
of that calamity, Governments, the United Nations and
other international organizations, civil society
organizations and countless well-wishers across the
world rushed to help my country and its people to
recover, rehabilitate and rebuild. It was a magnificent
gesture of human solidarity. Citizens of the world
reached out beyond the confines of geopolitical and
other man-made barriers in one magnificent gesture of
human generosity. That rekindled in us new confidence
in the power of peoples acting in unison across the
world to move Governments to act in the best interests
of humankind for a new and better world.
On behalf of my people and my Government, I
wish to convey my profound appreciation and gratitude
to all those who assisted and sympathized with us and
contributed generously to rebuild our country. Let me
take this opportunity to extend a special word of thanks
to President Clinton, the United Nations Special Envoy
for Tsunami Recovery, for his commitment and
leadership in coordinating the ongoing international
effort for sustainable recovery.
Just as my country was in national distress in the
aftermath of the tsunami disaster, we are now in
distress in the face of an ominous renewal of terror on
our soil. One month ago, my dear colleague Lakshman
Kadirgamar, the Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka, was
assassinated by a calculated and barbaric act of
terrorism. One more hero who fought relentlessly for
freedom and justice has been felled by the enemies of
peace and unity. As Foreign Minister, the late
Mr. Kadirgamar argued powerfully and worked
tirelessly against extremist racist ideologies that
employ violence to gain their divisive objectives. He
was bold enough to expose to the world the true face of
terrorism inflicted upon my country. For 11 long years,
from this very podium, Mr. Kadirgamar warned the
Assembly about the threat posed by terrorism to the
democratic way of life, not only in Sri Lanka but
across the world.
For over two decades, Sri Lanka has been under
sustained assault by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE), an armed group that employs brutal
methods and suicide bombings in its campaign of terror
to obtain a separate State. Disregarding the
implementation of the ceasefire agreement, that group
continues to engage in numerous illegal and terrorist
activities. Those include the conscription of children as
soldiers - in callous disregard for promises given to
many, including the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict -
and the assassination of democratic opponents, as part
of their policy of eliminating Tamil political leaders
and human rights activists, with disdain for all
international law and practice and despite sustained
efforts by my Government and Norwegian facilitators.
I tend to doubt that the Security Councilís recent
identification of that group in connection with child
conscription would suffice to deter such activities.
Targeted sanctions such as those proposed by
Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his report to the
Security Council should be imposed on those armed
groups that undermine national and international peace
and violate human rights.
I firmly believe that terrorism cannot be
eliminated through military suppression by State
machinery. The socio-economic and cultural roots of a
conflict must be sought and effectively redressed. We
recognize that a lasting solution to ethnic issues and to
terrorism in my country, or anywhere else, can only be
found through negotiation and dialogue. Accordingly,
my Government was the first, in 1994, to offer a
negotiated settlement in place of an armed conflict, as
well as an extensive devolution of power instead of a
separate State. In February 2002, the Government
entered into a ceasefire agreement with the rebel group
and began talks, with the facilitation of the
Government of Norway.
However, two and a half years ago, the LTTE
walked away from the peace talks for the sixth time in
18 years. All efforts to have the talks renewed have so
far failed. As a measure of good will after the tsunami
disaster struck us, I agreed to an arrangement with the
rebels for joint action in tsunami reconstruction work.
That was yet another measure in a long series of efforts
to engage and work with the rebels, particularly in
humanitarian ventures, despite their obdurate
insistence to remain armed and remain uncontested by
any other democratic Tamil political party.
3

My Government has reaffirmed its commitment
to the ceasefire and the peace talks. We continue to do
all that is required by a democratic Government to
ensure that we do not return to armed conflict,
fulfilling the wishes of all our people.
A peace process cannot, and does not, operate in
a vacuum. People demand that a process of peace
should include the commitment and good conduct of
all parties to a conflict. When a belligerent group - a
non-State actor - exploits the unique position offered
to it by a peace process to utilize the freedom
guaranteed under a democratic system of governance to
strengthen itself through infiltration and the coercion
of civilians, organizations and political parties, that
impinges seriously on the ability of an elected
Government to move forward effectively in its efforts
at reconciliation and peace.
The restoration of democracy, the creation of
space for dissent and the promotion of human rights in
the affected areas in the north and the east of our
country are now essential prerequisites for a successful
and meaningful peace process in Sri Lanka. A lasting
political solution can come to fruition only when the
rebel group becomes a democratic civilian
organization. That deserves the fullest support of the
international community.
As we have been for many long years, Sri Lanka
remains firmly committed to the global endeavour to
fight terrorism in all its aspects. No cause justifies the
indiscriminate unleashing of terror upon the innocent.
Sri Lanka has accordingly signed and ratified all
United Nations conventions aimed at combating
terrorism. We earnestly hope that at this session it will
be possible to conclude work on the comprehensive
convention on international terrorism, in order to
complete and strengthen the international legal
framework to combat terrorism through collective
measures. Sri Lanka will continue to provide its
contribution to facilitate a consensus in its capacity as
Chair of the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on this
subject.
Sri Lanka has pledged to meet the United Nations
Millennium Development Goals by the year 2015. We
have already achieved the targeted goals in primary
education and in infant and maternal mortality. We are
committed to further promoting the political and
economic empowerment of women so that gender
equality becomes a matter of human rights and social
justice.
Our National Child Protection Authority
implements many programmes to eliminate abuse and
violence against children and to ensure their protection
as well as their right to freely enjoy life's most
precious gift, childhood. Our success is due to the
outcome of sustained efforts in policy planning and
implementation.
Those benchmarks and other indicators
manifesting the high physical quality of life enjoyed by
our people will be further elevated as we strive to meet
the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. However,
poverty remains a major challenge for us. To eradicate
this scourge, we are now taking further steps through
the adoption of economic and social programmes, in
cooperation with our bilateral and multilateral
development partners.
If we look at the current world health situation,
although smallpox has been eradicated and polio is on
the verge of being eliminated, there are other
diseases ó often associated with poverty - that
continue to take a heavy human toll, especially in
developing countries. Every year, 6 million children
die from malnutrition before their fifth birthday. More
than 50 per cent of people in Africa suffer from water-
related diseases such as cholera. HIV/AIDS kills 6,000
people every day. Each year, more than 300 million
people are infected with malaria. New challenges, such
as severe acute respiratory syndrome and avian
influenza, indicate that national borders offer little
protection against such proliferating pandemics. In the
face of unparalleled advances, both in technology and
in human mobility, it is unconscionable to let some in
our nations suffer from diseases that can be controlled,
if not eliminated.
In my view, there are three evils plaguing our
world today that can have no place in the modern
globalizing era of the twenty-first century: poverty,
disease and terrorism. Today, these evils affect the
social, cultural and economic well-being of a majority
of humankind. No country can deal with them on its
own. International cooperation is in our self-interest
and needs to be mustered. We share the strong belief
that the United Nations, on the occasion of its sixtieth
anniversary, should seriously undertake comprehensive
reforms so that the Organization is fully equipped to
4

meet new challenges, taking into account the current
global realities.
We acknowledge with appreciation the valuable
contribution made by the Secretary-General and his
team to the ongoing reform process, which made
possible the adoption of the outcome document
(resolution 60/1) at the recent summit of the
Organization. We urge all Member States to work
together to build on that framework in order to
operationalize what has been agreed and to work
further on what remains to be achieved.
Recovery after the tsunami disaster taught us the
value and potential of humanity acting in unison when
fellow human beings are in distress. We now hope that
the same human spirit and common interests will
continue to prevail in addressing the socio-economic
and security challenges we face. Let us resolve to
commit ourselves collectively, on this solemn occasion
of the sixtieth anniversary of the Organization, to act
together in the interest of humankind in order that we
may strive to eliminate the three scourges of poverty,
disease and terrorism.


I
congratulate you, Mr. President, most warmly on the
occasion of your election to this important post. The
tireless support of Bulgaria for your mission will be
among the most active, and I would like to express the
profound gratitude of my country to your predecessor,
Mr. Jean Ping, for his remarkable work and his real
courage.
Following the best traditions in Bulgarian foreign
policy, the new Bulgarian Government is deeply
attached to the principle of multilateralism in
international relations, and thus believes in the central
nature of the United Nations as the only
intergovernmental organization that is completely
universal and extremely representative of the peoples
of the world. Bulgaria is participating in the sixtieth
session of the General Assembly as a country that has
signed the Treaty of Accession to the European Union
and acts with the status of active observer in the bodies
and institutions of the European Union. My country
has unreservedly supported the positions of the
European Union during the preparatory work for the
summit that has just taken place, and we fully support
the analysis of the outcome document made by the
United Kingdom presidency.
The main purpose of this debate is to implement
the decisions of the summit. I hope that each Member
State will help to push forward reform in the United
Nations, as set out in the outcome document
(resolution 60/1). Substantial progress has been made
in many key areas, and this is a good basis for the work
of the sixtieth session. However, we are obliged to note
with regret that some of the ambitious and innovative
ideas in the report of the Secretary-General, “In larger
freedom” (A/59/2005), welcomed and endorsed by
Bulgaria, could not be adopted. We need to redouble
our efforts so that these ideas can come to pass.
Bulgaria supports the efforts of Secretary-General Kofi
Annan in this respect and expresses the hope that his
valuable contribution will continue.
In parallel with the sixtieth anniversary of the
creation of the United Nations, my country is also
celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of its membership
in the United Nations family. Over the last 50 years,
the challenges facing humanity have increased in
complexity and diversity, and the threats facing us tend
to interweave and compound each other in a manner
never seen before. However, just as 50 years ago, it is
the human being who is at the centre of our attention as
the supreme value, the human being with his individual
security and his right to a life of dignity and happiness.
The summit that has just concluded in New York
has revived hope that the struggle to eradicate poverty,
hunger and epidemics and to protect the environment
can be won. The condition is that we need to mobilize
the maximum amount of efforts and the maximum
resources so that we can implement a real global
partnership between the developed and developing
countries. We support the European Union’s position of
increasing official development assistance.
22

As a candidate for membership in the Economic
and Social Council for 2007 to 2009, Bulgaria has
decided to make its contribution to activities of the
United Nations in the social and economic areas.
The summit outcome document defines
HIV/AIDS as being one of the greatest threats to
humanity. Efforts of the entire international community
are required in order to counter it. Children and young
people are the most affected. The case of the Libyan
children, contaminated with the HIV/AIDS virus in a
hospital, is a tragedy deserving our compassion and our
support. Bulgaria welcomes the adoption of
appropriate measures to avoid such tragedies in the
future. It will participate actively in the European
Union’s plan of action, which it has just published,
aimed at limiting the consequences of the epidemic of
HIV/AIDS in Libya.
My country supports the emergence of a new
consensus in the United Nations relating to the chief
threats to international peace and security and
collective action against such threats. Bulgaria
categorically condemns terrorism in all of its forms and
manifestations. No cause can justify violence against
innocent people. The United Nations has a leading and
irreplaceable role in creating a global environment of
intolerance and rejection of terrorism.
For that reason, my delegation will support
unconditionally the adoption during the sixtieth session
of an anti-terrorist strategy. It is in the context of this
strategy that we should seek lasting and long-term
solutions to the political, economic and social causes
fuelling this phenomenon. Bulgaria also insists that a
common definition of terrorism be developed, making
it possible to adopt a convention on international
terrorism. It is clear that in order to combat terrorism
effectively we need to neutralize all ideologies
advocating terrorism. In that respect, we actively
support initiatives that facilitate coexistence and
dialogue between different civilizations, religions,
ethnic groups and cultures.
Bulgaria profoundly regrets that the problem of
the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
was not included in the summit outcome document,
and we associate ourselves with the Secretary-
General’s appeal to continue efforts in this priority area
for our collective security.
Bulgaria has wholeheartedly supported the idea
of creating a Peacebuilding Commission since its
inception. The creation of this body is one of the most
important decisions of the summit. Allowing the
Commission to begin its work as soon as possible will
greatly increase the ability of the United Nations to
consolidate the positive effects of peacekeeping
operations. In each specific case, the Peacebuilding
Commission cannot but benefit from the contribution
from neighbouring countries and also from interested
regional organizations.
As a country in South-Eastern Europe, Bulgaria
has been working tirelessly over the last few decades
for the transformation of the potential for conflict in
the Western Balkans into good-neighbourliness,
cooperation and development. We are convinced that
stability and prosperity in this region are ultimately
indissolubly linked with the European perspective for
the Western Balkans. The risks of military
confrontation are decreasing, and what we have seen
recently is the emergence of new forms of cooperation
between States with the consolidation of democratic
institutions, civil societies and rule of law in the
common fight against organized crime and corruption.
For my country such forms of cooperation are a
priority also as regards the States of the region of the
Black Sea, the Caspian Sea and Central Asia.
The international community is on the threshold
of a crucial decision for the future of Kosovo. The
situation there is an example of a long and sometimes
painful post-conflict settlement with the leadership of
the United Nations, and in partnership with the
European Union, NATO and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe. Reaching a just
and lasting solution cannot ignore European norms and
values. It must guarantee the rights of all of the
inhabitants of the region without distinction as to their
ethnic origin, their religious beliefs and language. This
solution must be based on a respect of the territorial
integrity of neighbouring countries and must contribute
to regional security and stability. For Bulgaria the
future of Kosovo lies in a unified Europe, and this can
be achieved solely through the implementation of
standards established by the Security Council.
Bulgaria supports the efforts of the Government
and the people of Iraq on the difficult road to peace,
security and economic recovery. The conclusion of the
constitutional process provided for by Security Council
resolution 1546 (2004) is the sole means of achieving
this. We have no doubt that the adoption of the new
Iraqi constitution will make it possible to overcome
23

existing divisions and will be a cornerstone for
constructing an Iraqi State that is unified, democratic
and guarantees the rule of law. For its part, Bulgaria
will continue to give its support to the Iraqi people in
their efforts to build a democratic, completely
independent future.
Mr. Zarif (Islamic Republic of Iran), Vice-
President, took the Chair.
My country welcomes the positive trends that
have been emerging in the process of consolidating the
Afghan State, which the recent parliamentary elections
have strikingly confirmed. Bulgaria will continue its
contribution to the efforts of the international
community to stabilize Afghanistan. We are continuing
our assistance to the Afghan army.
We agree with those who highlight the need to
focus the attention of the international community on
Africa. There is no doubt that a priority for the United
Nations must be the settlement of regional and local
conflicts on this continent, combating poverty, and the
transition to sustainable development. The role of the
African Union here is irreplaceable.
For Bulgaria the protection and the promotion of
human rights are priorities of the United Nations, as
are the problems of development and security. We
welcome the decision taken by the summit to create a
Human Rights Council. In our view this Council
should sit permanently and be elected directly by the
General Assembly with a set majority. Its status should
be higher than that of the existing Commission on
Human Rights. The role of this new body would be to
develop and improve the current practices of the
Commission, particularly by regularly reviewing the
state of human rights in all countries of the world while
being ready to react in cases of grave and serious
violations of human rights. In this respect Bulgaria
repeats its support for the Democracy Fund, which
could encourage the democratic process in countries
that need it and that wish to be helped in this area. My
country is now evaluating its national contribution to
this Fund.
Over the last few days in this Hall we have had a
discussion on the protection of human rights
worldwide. In this respect I cannot but mention a case
that is of particular concern for Bulgarian public
opinion. This involves the destiny of the five Bulgarian
nurses and one Palestinian doctor condemned to death
by a Libyan court in Benghazi. The innocence of the
accused has been categorically confirmed by leading
scientists in the field of HIV/AIDS. Bulgaria still
insists that a just and fair decision be taken by the
Supreme Court of Libya on 15 November.
The consensus that has emerged on the concept of
the “responsibility to protect” during the negotiations
on the outcome document of the summit is a real
breakthrough. It makes possible joint action by all
Members of the United Nations in cases of genocide,
ethnic cleansing and other mass crimes against
humanity when national authorities refuse to act or are
unable to protect their citizens.
I am convinced that we are on the threshold of
the most important and boldest reforms of the United
Nations in its history. Only the collective will of all
Member States can open the way to real change. The
stakes are enormous: allow the United Nations to
establish its reputation as the universal world
Organization capable of proving once again its vitality
in the face of the challenges of globalization.


Let me begin, Sir,
by paying tribute to your predecessor, Jean Ping, for
his extraordinary work — above all on the world
summit, but also throughout his year as President —
and by offering my congratulations to you on
beginning your year in office.
I should also like to express, on behalf of the
European Union and all its member States, our deepest
sympathy and solidarity to the people of the United
27

States, particularly those in the Gulf states, in their
hour of need.
In early July, my first duty in the presidency of
the European Union was to go to Srebrenica to mark
the tenth anniversary of the massacre there, the worst
in Europe since the end of the Second World War.
More than 8,000 people, mainly Muslim, were taken
away and killed as the international community just
stood to one side. To be sure, we had shown the right
convictions in words, but shamefully, we had failed to
act. The lesson of that massacre — and of the even
greater horror of Rwanda a year before — was that we
all needed better means to turn our collective will into
decisive action. I think that we in the European Union
have learned in the intervening period. Today, the
Union is on the ground as a military, police or civilian
presence in Bosnia, in Aceh, in Iraq, in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and, with the African Union, in
Darfur.
I also think that the United Nations has learned
the lessons of the past decade. At the summit this
week, we agreed on the further steps that we need to
take for the Organization to be even more effective. Of
all that was agreed at the summit, I believe it will be
the agreement on our “responsibility to protect” that
will be seen in the future as having the greatest
significance of all. If we follow through on the
responsibility to protect, then never again will
genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against
humanity be allowed to take place under our noses
with nothing done.
The responsibility to protect is, of course, a
reflection of our common morality. But it is also a
recognition that the world in which we now live is too
small for us to be unaffected by, or indifferent to, the
innocent victims of murder and oppression. This
shrinking of the world has been as sudden as it has
been profound. When the Berlin wall fell, a generation
of ideological certainties was swept away. People could
suddenly see partners where before they had only
glimpsed adversaries. And as that very visible barrier
was noisily being breached, a revolution in information
technology was quietly erasing the barriers of distance
and time. Continents and cultures are now cabled
together and bound by trade and services in a way that
was unimaginable even a decade ago.
In this new world, we can no longer safely
tolerate the general threat that can come from a
particular human tragedy, wherever it takes place. To a
greater extent than ever before, we share the same
world: the same threats and responsibilities, the same
opportunities and interests. And precisely because the
boundaries of our world have contracted, the
horizons — the ambitions — of many people around
the globe have infinitely expanded. For the first time in
our history, mankind has the ability to realize the
potential of individuals in societies of all kinds and in
every region through an open exchange of goods,
investment, technology and, above all, ideas.
Not least in all of this, it is the rise of India and
of China that is reordering the world economy.
Hundreds of millions there and elsewhere have been
lifted out of poverty. A new global market has been
created that ignores the divide — which seemed so
fundamental for so many decades — between East and
West.
Currently, not everyone has the chance to share in
all of that. Much of sub-Saharan Africa remains
blighted by poverty, disease and conflict. The
European Union has now set a clear timetable to
achieve the 0.7 per cent target for aid. Debt relief, trade
reform and development aid are all vital, but none of
them can work alone. Fundamental to making poverty
history are the Governments of the developing world
themselves. And where Governments fail, their own
peoples are the victims, as United Nations Special
Envoy Anna Tibaijuka’s damning assessment of the
situation in Zimbabwe only too graphically shows.
Sub-Saharan Africa is not alone in having yet to
achieve its potential. The American author Thomas
Friedman, in his recent book The World Is Flat,
highlights an extraordinary anomaly: it was the Arab
peoples whose forebears devised algebra and the
algorithms upon which our entire digital age is based,
but those peoples are now right at the rear of today’s
technological revolution, with, for example, fewer than
2 per cent of those populations having Internet access.
Three United Nations Development Programme Arab
Human Development Reports have now set out clearly
how limited economic prospects and stunted political
freedoms have led young and talented people towards
alienation and disillusionment.
The answer, however, does not lie in easy
stereotypes about some clash of civilizations. It is only
the terrorists and the preachers of hate who want us to
believe that Islam and the West are fundamentally
28

different. Theirs is a philosophy of mistrust and
despair, and we reject it utterly. Indonesia and
Turkey — to name just two — are both striking
examples of how countries with predominantly Muslim
populations can embrace democracy and modernity.
We in the European Union have seen the vibrant
Muslim communities in our own countries, and from
that experience have seen how Islamic and Western
cultures can be partners in a global society.
Everyone knows that the Arab peoples want
prosperity, freedom and democracy every bit as much
as anyone in Europe or America. So the fact that the
Arab world has the lowest scores in regional
measurements of democratic practices, civil freedoms
and good governance is not some cultural inevitability,
but a temporary failure of human will. In that regard,
the international community has a clear responsibility
to encourage regionally led political, social and
economic reform. The European Union strongly
supports such reform and will continue to do so.
Equally, it has been our active foreign policy that has
placed us in the lead with regard to Iran, especially on
the nuclear dossier.
With our High Representative Javier Solana and
my French and German Foreign Minister colleagues,
we have made detailed proposals for the relationship
between the European Union and Iran to be based on
cooperation and respect for international norms and
treaties.
Our proposals envisage a high-level, long-term
political and security framework between the European
Union and Iran, in which we would work together in
political, economic, scientific and technological areas,
including the civil nuclear field, in return for Iran
providing guarantees about its intentions and
capabilities concerning nuclear weapons. So, we will
listen very carefully to and reflect on this afternoon’s
speech by the new President of the Islamic Republic of
Iran, Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
On Iraq, the European Union now has a
comprehensive programme of engagement and has put
behind it divisions over the military action two and a
half years ago. We are supporting the goal of a
peaceful, prosperous, democratic and stable nation.
We are also giving very active support to the
Quartet’s efforts to secure a just and lasting peace
between Israel and the Palestinians, with two States
living side by side. We salute Prime Minister Sharon’s
brave decision to withdraw from the Gaza Strip, and
we salute President Mahmoud Abbas’s work to build
the first stage of an effective, viable State of Palestine.
In July, the European Union again suffered the
horror of a major terrorist atrocity. This time the target
was my country, the United Kingdom: its capital,
London. But none of us is safe from the threat of terror.
International terrorism requires an international
response; otherwise, we all pay the price for each
other’s vulnerabilities. The ratification of a
comprehensive treaty on terrorism is, therefore, at the
highest priority.
But the threat from terrorists and the political
instability they bring is made worse by the easy
availability of weapons in what has become an
anarchic, unregulated international trade. These same
weapons fuelled the killings in Rwanda and in Bosnia a
decade ago and are fuelling the conflicts in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and in Darfur today.
We already have international instruments to regulate
chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. We in the
European Union have a comprehensive arms control
regime. But I suggest to the General Assembly that the
time has now come for this Organization to embrace
the idea of an international arms trade treaty, which
would build on and strengthen existing initiatives.
It was in the killing fields of Europe, in two
successive wars, that the twin ideas of the United
Nations and of the European Union became imperative.
Today, the European Union’s commitment to the
United Nations is profound; it has never been stronger.
And it is reflected in what we give in voluntary
donations and to the regular budget and peacekeeping
operations.
The fundamental purpose of the United Nations
remains today what it was at its foundation: to remove
the scourge of war, to reaffirm the worth of the human
person and to promote social progress and better
standards of life. In this changed and changing world,
it is the responsibility of us all to ensure that this
Organization has the powers and the resources to
achieve all these aims.


Allow me at the outset to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside over
the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. Given
your role at this critical moment, Guinea-Bissau, in its
capacity as a Vice-President at this session, will spare
no effort in supporting you in your work.
I also extend my warmest congratulations to your
predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, Minister of State and
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the sisterly Republic of
Gabon, on the commitment and skill he demonstrated
during his presidency of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session.
I also congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr.
Kofi Annan, on his excellent work at the head of our
Organization to strengthen its credibility, promote
essential international solidarity, and achieve consensus
on major issues relating to security, counter-terrorism,
development and human rights.
The world awaits the dawn of a new order, which
will require a more realistic and democratic international
political framework, global commitment, and the
collective will of all Member States to meet the
challenges facing humankind in the context of
increasing interdependence. We endorse the
conclusions and recommendations contained in the
Secretary-General's report, and I reiterate my country's
readiness to contribute to all global agreements that
will allow us to meet the current challenges of
development, security, the fight against international
terrorism, respect for human rights, and institutional
reform of the United Nations, in particular that of the
Security Council, where Africa should enjoy the
legitimate right to hold two permanent seats.
To carry out these reforms, it is important that
there be political will, based on the collective action of
States, which is the foundation of this international
system. I cannot overemphasize the fact that
cooperation which could lead to this collective action
will be possible only if the policies of our countries
take account of the needs of our own citizens, as well
as the needs of others, because we are part of the same
human family, forced to live together on this same
planet, and we have an obligation to share it and
protect it.
In this regard, I would express my concern vis-a-
vis the phenomenon of globalization. We are aware of
the enormous potential and advantages of a well-
managed globalization and all that it has to offer in the
economic, financial, commercial, technological and
communication fields. However, it is equally
important, at this stage of globalization, to recognize
that it has not been sufficiently inclusive. Exclusion
and marginalization in international relations are the
negative effects of globalization. These are factors that
contribute to the existence and proliferation of conflicts
- situations which require properly-coordinated, global
responses, as well as multilateral frameworks for
dialogue, agreement and effective interaction.
Inter-State conflict, civil wars, organized crime,
terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and the illicit trafficking in small arms and
light weapons are phenomena which threaten
international security. But such threats are not limited
solely to these spheres. They also involve poverty,
pandemics and natural disasters affecting the planet.
The growing link between security and
development is proof that the gesture of solidarity
desired with regard to financing for development of the
poor is needed more than ever. This responsible and
4

positive attitude is one of the main pillars in our efforts
to pursue the Millennium Development Goals, a
challenge which mankind cannot fail to meet. I hope
that there will be sufficient political will so that the
new partnership for development which we wish to see
established among States in the very near future will
dispel any doubts and fulfil the hopes raised during the
internationally-organized conferences within the
framework of the United Nations in the economic,
financial and social and related spheres.
The outcome document we have just adopted at
the conclusion of the recent High-level Plenary
Meeting is still insufficient, but it is forward-looking.
We must underscore the fact that discussions,
agreements and negotiations need to be pursued in a
transparent fashion in order to achieve desired results
by all Member States.
Africa has rightfully been the recent subject of
increased attention on the part of the international
community. I am pleased to express our satisfaction at
the decision recently adopted at the Summit of the G-8
regarding debt cancellation for some African countries,
and the possibility of extending this measure to other
poor countries, including my country, Guinea-Bissau.
On 1 October, Guinea-Bissau will continue and
conclude the process of complete return to
constitutional normalcy through presidential elections.
The success of this political transitional period that
began in September 2003 is the fruitful result of
balanced relations among institutions of the Republic,
based on the separation of powers and characterized by
good governance.
We must recognize that this has not always been
easy, and quite often we have faced situations which go
beyond our national capacity to resolve. The
framework for constant cooperation and agreement
with the international community has been an
important instrument in following up the socio-
economic situation and the political internal process.
We wish to express our thanks to the Member States of
the Economic Community of West African States, the
European Union, the international community and
Portuguese-speaking countries for contributing to the
political transitional process in our country. Without
this support for Guinea-Bissau it would have been
difficult for us to face the numerous constraints during
the transitional phase.
The role played by the United Nations system -
the Economic and Social Council's ad hoc group and
the Group of Friends of Guinea-Bissau in particular -
deserves special mention and our most heartfelt thanks.
The support of the international community has
been very important in the success of the transitional
period in Guinea-Bissau. However, more decisive
action is required to meet the challenges of
reconstruction and the rebuilding of the infrastructure
in my country, to improve the economy and create
minimal conditions for governability and to strengthen
the foundation of a democratic State, which we wish to
see in Guinea-Bissau. These factors are essential for
peace and for political and social stability.
Once again, I would call from this rostrum for the
support of the international community in the
November Donor Round-Table Conference with
partners in peace for development in order to adopt
together a document on the national strategy to reduce
poverty. This goal is in line with the concerns of the
United Nations aimed at more effective assistance to
countries in post-conflict situations, contained in the
proposal to create a Peacebuilding Commission, which
we fully support.
We recognize respect for the rules of democracy,
for human rights and good economic and financial
governance. We feel that they are the foundation for
the rule of law. We reaffirm the commitment of my
Government, in strict compliance with our constitution,
to work in close cooperation with all institutions of the
Republic to create conditions aimed at promoting
national reconciliation, peace and domestic political
stability, to consolidate our relations of friendship,
brotherhood and solidarity with our neighbours and to
restore a climate of trust, credibility and effective,
lasting partnership with the entire international
community for socio-economic development in our
country.


May I begin by extending my congratulations on your
election as the President of the General Assembly at its
sixtieth session. I am confident that under your
guidance this session will achieve fruitful results. I also
wish to take this opportunity to express my sincere
respects to Mr. Jean Ping, President at the previous
session, and to the Secretary-General.
This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of the
end of the world war against fascism and the founding
of the United Nations. Just a few days ago in this Hall,
world leaders solemnly adopted the outcome document
of the High-level Plenary Meeting (resolution 60/1).
Now, it falls to us to fulfil the important and pressing
task of working towards a harmonious world of lasting
peace and common prosperity by translating that
document into action and turning fine words into
reality. This session should serve to promote peace,
harmony and common development.
We want peaceful development. Progress of
mankind needs a peaceful environment. Stability and
security of one country cannot be built on the
turbulence or crisis of another. Only a new security
concept featuring mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality
and coordination will enable us to develop in peace and
safeguard peace through development.
We want harmonious development. To build a
better future is the long-cherished dream of mankind.
Any development strategy should be guided by a long-
term and holistic perspective instead of immediate and
sectoral benefits. Therefore, we should work together
for more democratic and law-based international
relations and a harmonious environment in which
countries respect one another, treat one another as
equals, and in which different cultures can emulate and
interchange with each other.
18

We want common development. No model of
development that benefits only a few countries or a
small group of people is acceptable or sustainable.
Countries should cooperate with each other more
closely so that economic globalization may yield
successful results, benefit-sharing and common
prosperity.
This session should serve to push forward
reforms of the United Nations and strengthen its role.
Having weathered 60 years of vicissitudes, the United
Nations needs multifaceted and multidimensional
reforms so as to be able to make a greater contribution
to mankind’s noble cause of peace and development.
The position of the United Nations as the core of
the world collective security mechanism must be
strengthened so that it can perform its duty of
safeguarding peace in a more effective way. China
supports the efforts to enhance the Organization’s
capacity on conflict prevention, mediation and good
offices. We also favour a greater role by the Secretary-
General in this respect and the fostering of a preventive
culture.
We support the efforts to strengthen United
Nations peacekeeping operations, particularly with
regard to rapid deployment capacity and strategic
preparedness, as well as the capacity to fully mobilize
regional organizations and their resources under the
leadership of the Security Council.
China supports the establishment of a
Peacebuilding Commission to more effectively
coordinate United Nations efforts in the areas of
peacekeeping, post-conflict rehabilitation and
development. In that respect, the Economic and Social
Council and other development assistance agencies
should have an important role to play in the
Commission.
It has been our consistent position to oppose the
use or threat of force in international relations. We do
not support the reinterpretation or revision of the
provisions in the Charter of the United Nations related
to the right of self-defence. Should an occasion arise
that calls for the use of force, it is the Security Council
that should make sound judgements and take prudent
decisions as to the merits of the situation.
The international community should continue to
press ahead with the international process on arms
control, disarmament and non-proliferation; safeguard
and enhance the authority and effectiveness of existing
multilateral treaties; give full scope to the role of the
United Nations and other international organizations in
the area of non-proliferation; and seek solutions to
related issues by political and diplomatic means.
The United Nations should be able to cope more
effectively with non-traditional security threats. We
welcome the comprehensive strategy on counter-
terrorism proposed by the Secretary-General, and we
hope to see the early conclusion of a comprehensive
convention on international terrorism, taking full
account of the concerns of various parties, particularly
developing countries.
In the effort to reduce and prevent large-scale
humanitarian crises, the international community
should strictly observe the United Nations Charter,
respect the opinions of the countries or organizations
concerned and, with the Security Council’s
authorization, explore, to the greatest extent possible,
peaceful settlement within the United Nations
framework. We oppose any rash intervention carried
out on the basis of the claim that a nation is unable or
unwilling to protect its own citizens.
Development should be a main focus of United
Nations reform. Although China is a low-income
developing country, it is prepared to contribute as
much as it can to international cooperation for
development. As President Hu Jintao announced at the
summit, China will take substantive steps in five areas.
We will join hands with all Members to advance
reforms in the area of development so as to facilitate
the resolution of development issues. The United
Nations should put in place a fair and rational
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) review
framework to assess progress made in various
countries and to monitor follow-up of international
cooperation and aid commitments. We support the
coordinating role of the Economic and Social Council
in development-related areas.
The Doha Round should embody development in
its focus, paying more attention and taking actions to
address the concerns of developing countries,
particularly with regard to agricultural produce and
special and differential treatment. China has decided to
grant zero-tariff treatment to some commodities from
39 least developed countries, which will cover the
majority of China’s imports from those countries.
19

China is in favour of incorporating the prevention
and treatment of HIV/AIDS and the building of the
public health sector into the development programmes
and activities of various countries and of the United
Nations. We will be submitting at the current session a
draft resolution on strengthening global capacity-
building in the area of public health. In the next three
years, we plan to provide more aid and medicine to
developing countries for preventing and treating
malaria and other communicable diseases and to help
them establish and reform their public health systems
and train medical personnel.
The international community — particularly
developed countries — should take substantive steps to
help developing countries break the vicious circle of
debt. Such steps include substantial debt reduction and
the streamlining of debt relief procedures and
requirements. In the next two years, China will write
off or otherwise cancel the overdue portions, as of the
end of 2004, of interest-free or low-interest
Government loans owed by all heavily indebted poor
countries having diplomatic relations with China.
We call on the United Nations to give priority to
helping developing countries to strengthen their
capacity-building. China will help developing
countries train 30,000 people for various professions in
the next three years.
My country also favours setting a timetable for
developed countries to allocate 0.7 per cent of their
gross national income to official development
assistance. New fund-raising methods should be
explored so as to put more funds into development.
China pledges $10 billion in concessional loans
to developing countries in the next three years within
the framework of South-South cooperation.
The Charter of the United Nations grants the
Security Council the primary responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security. A
highly efficient, responsible and representative Council
serves the long-term interests of the United Nations
and the common interests of all its Member States.
China supports reform of the Security Council
aimed at strengthening its authority and efficiency and
improving its working methods. The representation of
developing countries, particularly African countries,
should be increased so that small and medium-sized
countries would have more say in the Council’s
decision-making. No reform proposal can work that
addresses only the concerns of a few countries,
disregarding the interests of the majority of countries,
and treats developing countries in Africa and in other
parts of the world unfairly.
China supports the principle of cooperation based
on democratic consultation. As reform will affect the
future of the United Nations and the interests of
various parties, there should be no artificial timeframes
or attempts to force decisions through a vote. Instead,
Member States should seek consensus through dialogue
and consultation and in accordance with the principle
of democratic international relations.
China embraces the spirit of unity and
cooperation. The United Nations family has 191
Members. Unity is the source of strength. We want
unity, not division. As long as Member States respect
one another’s interests, accommodate one another’s
concerns and show pragmatism and flexibility, we will
be able to find a reform path that is acceptable to all.
The current session should focus on Africa.
African countries make up a quarter of the United
Nations membership, and their populations account for
13 per cent of the world’s total population. If there is
no stability in Africa, the world will have no peace. If
Africa remains poor, there will be no development for
the world. The outcome document of the summit calls
for efforts to meet the special needs of Africa. I believe
that that is correct and necessary.
Despite the gratifying progress made in Africa in
recent years, conflicts in some of its regions have
persisted. The Security Council should pay special
attention to African problems and give them priority on
its agenda. That means not only devoting more Council
meetings to African issues, but also, and more
important, taking concrete actions to heed Africa’s
voice, respect its views and accommodate its concerns.
China applauds the mediation and good offices of
the African Union and other regional organizations
aimed at conflict settlement in Africa. We support
close cooperation between the Security Council and
those organizations by providing them with funds,
logistics and technical assistance to strengthen their
peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction
capacities.
African countries face difficulties in the area of
development, particularly in attaining the MDGs. More
20

than 300 million people are still living under the
poverty line. One third of all children are
malnourished. More than 30 million people are
suffering from HIV/AIDS. With less than 2 per cent of
the world’s economic aggregate, Africa is weighed
down by debts amounting to $300 billion. All of that
poses a challenge to the conscience of mankind.
The international community should reach a
global consensus on African development and help the
continent to achieve the MDGs on schedule by
implementing the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development. Those who provide assistance must do
so in all sincerity and respect the right of African
countries to make their own decisions. Assistance must
also have a clear aim: to meet the basic and long-term
needs of the African people. Assistance is by no means
charity or a gift; it is a response to the call for mutual
benefit and common development. Furthermore, it is
our moral duty to help the needy and redress injustices.
In the twentieth century, Africa shook off
colonial rule and achieved national liberation. That was
an epoch-making event. The twenty-first century will
bring peace and development to Africa — it is
historically inevitable. The Chinese people will
continue to stand beside their African brothers and
sisters on that journey of historic significance.
The recently concluded Six-Party Talks in Beijing
on the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue have reached an
important consensus and issued a joint declaration,
marking an important step forward in the Talks and a
crystallization of the political will and diligence of the
parties concerned. It also reflects the common
aspiration of the international community. Because it
was so hard-won, this result needs to be especially
prized. We hope that the parties will continue to work
together to promote further progress in the Six-Party
Talks, resolve the nuclear issue on the Peninsula
through dialogue and by peaceful means, ensure lasting
peace and stability in the region and realize its
common goals for development and prosperity. The
Chinese Government will continue to make a positive
contribution in that regard.


The people
of Ecuador wish to express their deepest condolences
and fraternal solidarity to the South-East Asian nations
affected by the tsunami, as well as to all our brothers
and sisters living in the southern United States who
were so severely affected by Hurricane Katrina.
 Faced with the danger of natural disasters,
Ecuador is committed to the implementation of the
Hyogo Framework for Action and to support the
International El Niño Research Centre, based in
Guayaquil.
 Today, the nations of the globe have come
together to celebrate 60 years of human hopes, 60 years
after the proclamation of the founding Charter of the
Organization that represents every man, every woman,
and every child. Six decades have passed since we
inaugurated this institution and its essential objectives
of human coexistence, peace and the international rule
of law. After six decades we can rejoice with old
Neruda, who lives on in our hearts, along with
Stravinsky, Garcia Marquez and Mother Teresa. Let us
celebrate, but let us also take stock of the dream yet to
be fulfilled. Sleeplessly, we face threats and challenges
that affect the survival of our species. When the second
millennium ended — quite unlike the first — our world
was not threatened by the terror-filled visions of the
apocalypse and the seven trumpets that would
transform a third of the world into blood, darkness,
smoke and locusts. However, our new millennium
faces the reality of increasing poverty in two thirds of
the planet. Water is becoming scarce, there are holes in
the ozone layer and, along with biodiversity, the
Amazon is being destroyed. Entire nations are being
disinherited and condemned to roam the earth, mortal
illnesses hover over humanity and terrorism lurks in
every corner.
 I have come from the middle of the world to
speak of faith in the renewal of the dream. Ecuador is a
small nation in South America sharing an identity with
almost 400 million human beings living in an area of
8 million square kilometres. We have more than one
fourth of the fresh water of the world and immense
energy, mineral and food resources; we boast the
greatest tropical rain forest in the world and colossal
mountains, deserts and prairies. Yet, our region remains
a realm of social injustice.

2 05-51226

 The world order that governs us is not the one we
want. It is unjust, inefficient and inhuman. We must
therefore set in motion factors that were unimaginable
in the middle of the twentieth century. The economy,
international law and biology constitute a fundamental
triangle from which the future of the human being can
be projected. I set out for the Assembly the idea of
building a new world order based on this trilogy.
 First, with regard to international law, Ecuador
reaffirms its commitment to the San Francisco Charter
and the principles of non-intervention and the self-
determination of peoples, the peaceful settlement of
disputes, and the rejection of all forms of colonialism,
discrimination or segregation. In accordance with these
principles my country believes in the need to
strengthen the Organization, transform it and
democratize it. The United Nations must develop new
mechanisms to protect the survival of our species and
of all forms of life.
 Secondly, the economy must eliminate
marginalization and redress the unequal nature of
opportunities, among both nations and individuals.
This is the conflict. In 1945, the vital need to establish
policies to promote a just and progressive distribution
of surpluses was proclaimed. Nevertheless, 60 years
later we see ever more regressive patterns of
distribution and growing gaps at all levels, basically
produced by the tragedy inherent in the accumulation
of foreign debt, which represents such a heavy burden
for developing nations. The burden of the debt has
pauperized our peoples. It has put a brake on
productive development and cancelled out the
aspiration of all to have access to food, health, shelter,
safety and education. The ethical mandate of our time
demands a change in the collective conscience of social
welfare. Heavily indebted middle-income countries
must organize their efforts to arrive at joint agreements
with the world’s creditors.
 Thirdly, the incorporation of biology into the new
international order obliges the United Nations to
transfer its focus from man to biology. The presence of
this new factor — biology — brings with it the need to
raise the level of ethics and international law to the
highest degree of respect for biodiversity and the
preservation of all forms of life. Ecuador attaches
particular importance to this topic and is therefore
concerned at the controversial spraying of glyphosate
as a herbicide to eliminate illegal crops along border
areas between Colombia and Ecuador. Studies on this
substance suffer from technical and methodological
shortcomings. Ecuador therefore calls upon the United
Nations system to promote a comprehensive, reliable
and credible study on the actual impact of this
spraying. Ecuador considers that it is essential to apply
the precautionary principle that has been recognized in
many international agreements and other instruments,
in particular the Rio Declaration on Environment and
Development. Consequently, Ecuador has asked its
neighbouring Government of Colombia to suspend
aerial-spraying activities in a 10-kilometre strip north
of our border.
 As I said in my statement during the High-level
Plenary Meeting (see A/60/PV.5), in my country’s
opinion the Millennium Development Goals constitute
a well-honed and effective tool for this century to carve
out a path towards a more just humankind. I am firmly
convinced that ethical regulations to preserve the
biological heritage of the planet constitute the
paramount goal for this third millennium. With
conviction and resolve, my country has adopted a date
for its future: 2015. Copies of the reports on my
Government endeavours to attain the Millennium
Development Goals are available in the General
Assembly Hall.
 I should now like to talk about migrants.
Globalization is creating urgent demands for the new
century. One of these arises from the pain that is giving
rise to a new exodus. Today the United Nations must
take over the role of a new Moses. It must lead the
people to their homeland and provide the bread to calm
the hunger of the wretched of the world. More than 175
million human beings have been forced to leave their
homeland in search of better days. Today migrants are
treated worse than capital or commercial goods: we are
always looking to provide freedom of transit for these.
The mere existence of this fact forces us to recognize
that for the hungry of the third world there is no liberty
and even less the equality and fraternity symbolized
two centuries ago by the French revolution. The link
between the migrant issue and development is
undeniable and must be handled in a transparent
manner based on a vision of shared responsibility on
the part of all nations involved.
 On migration routes we must overcome the police
stigmatization of the undocumented. Regularization
requires that the rights of migrants be viewed as a
fundamental human right and must be reflected in
every State’s population policy. The Government of

05-51226 3

Ecuador calls upon this forum to address the problem
of migrants in terms of equality for all nationals. We
propose that this problem be addressed at the high-
level dialogue on international migration and
development, to be held in 2006.
 We in the Government of Ecuador, aware of the
need for migration and its consequences to be treated
in an integral and responsible manner, have approved a
law revising our criminal code to define crimes of the
sexual exploitation of minors and the trafficking of
persons. In addition, we have placed before our
National Congress a new proposal to punish all forms
of trafficking in human beings.
 I should like to talk about indigenous peoples and
peoples of African descent. The International Decades
of the World’s Indigenous People, proclaimed by the
General Assembly, have been a valuable opportunity to
increase awareness of the situation of our brothers and
to promote respect for their identity and the chance to
find viable solutions to their problems. The biology of
the new world order requires recognition of their rights
as protagonists of history and as leading actors in
society. In the Ecuador of the last decade, indigenous
peoples have been significant components of our social
and political life. That is recognized in our
Constitution and in International Labour Organization
(ILO) Agreement 169.
 In recent years, Ecuador has witnessed a serious
deterioration in its democratic institutions. Faced with
that situation, my Government has pledged to restore
the rule of law by means of profound political reform
legitimized through a referendum of the Ecuadorian
people. We are determined to firmly fight the
corruption that erodes democratic structures. Only
three days ago, on 15 September, my Government
deposited its instrument of ratification as the thirtieth
State party to the United Nations Convention against
Corruption, which made it possible for the Convention
to enter into force.
 The voice of my people, the people of Ecuador,
echoes the deep-throated clamour of Latin America.
We want to be part of a greater nation, South America,
a human assembly that can make its voice heard and
follow the path to genuine, just development
accompanied by greater solidarity on behalf of the
principles that we have recalled here.


Burkina Faso is delighted to see this
important session of the General Assembly being
presided over by an illustrious son of a great country,
Sweden, with which we have maintained exemplary
and fruitful relations of friendship and cooperation for
several decades.
I hasten to assure the President of the full
cooperation of my delegation. It is also my pleasure to
pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, whose
talents as a seasoned and effective diplomat we have
been able to appreciate throughout the fifty-ninth
session of the General Assembly.
I would like to associate in this tribute the
Secretary-General, a man of great vision, who has been
the architect of this new United Nations that we have
so earnestly sought and who has had the courage to lay
its foundations.
The current session will receive specific notice in
the annals of the United Nations. Apart from its
coinciding with both the midterm review of the
Millennium Development Goals and the reform of the
Organization, this session is also being held at a
watershed in world history and international relations.
In Africa, despite the constant efforts of States
and regional groupings, the persistence of numerous
conflicts and hot spots continues to be a subject of
major concern. I am thinking particularly of the
situation in the Great Lakes Region, Darfur, Somalia
and Côte d’Ivoire. In the Middle East, the struggle for
survival is the daily battle of the Palestinian people. It
is our conviction that only the strict implementation of
the Road Map will make peace possible in that sorely
tried region.
The numerous terrorist acts throughout the world
claim our attention and remind us of how vulnerable
we are in the face of terrorism. We must, henceforth,
realize that no strategy, no matter how energetic it
might be, will be able to wipe out this scourge, unless
it attacks the underlying causes, which are injustice,
exclusion, humiliation and poverty. It is quite obvious
that desperate behaviour stems from those sources.
More than ever, the quest for democracy, good
governance and respect for human rights has become
part and parcel of the daily behaviour of peoples and
nations. It is this vision that makes it so necessary that
unprecedented reform be carried out of the United
Nations, which, 60 years after its creation, is duty
bound to take full account of the new challenges and
new problems that have arisen. In this connection, once
again we should welcome the Secretary-General’s
lucidity and farsightedness, whose report “In Larger
Freedom” (A/59/2005) gives us a thought-provoking
framework, indicating that comprehensive and
thorough reform is essential for our Organization.
Furthermore, the African position on this reform,
particularly that relating to the Security Council, is
now well known. Burkina Faso is convinced that
justice must be done to Africa and has fully joined the
other members of the African Union to formulate a
common platform that will make it possible for Africa
to reclaim without hesitation its legitimate place in the
essential United Nations decision-making bodies.
7

Nevertheless, however committed and however
passionate our debate is on the reform of the United
Nations, it is of paramount importance that we give
even greater priority to the question of development.
Speaking of development, as is so aptly pointed
out in the final document of the High-level Meeting
that we have just adopted, it is not so much promises
and commitments that are lacking but rather their
diligent and consistent fulfilment, given the urgency
and acuteness of the problems we face. Under these
circumstances, Burkina Faso willingly associates itself
with all activities that promote genuine international
solidarity.
That is why we have associated ourselves with
President Lula da Silva’s anti-hunger initiative. That is
also why we support President Jacques Chirac’s
international solidarity contribution initiative involving
an airline ticket levy, which is aimed at helping to
finance the struggle against AIDS, tuberculosis and
malaria; Prime Minister Tony Blair’s International
Finance Facility; Qatar’s Fund for Development and
Humanitarian Assistance; and President George W.
Bush’s Millennium Challenge Account, of which my
country has just become a beneficiary.
Burkina Faso also welcomes the G-8’s recent
decision to cancel the multilateral debts of a number of
developing countries. We hope that additional
countries will be included on that list.
There can be no doubt that trade relations
between industrialized and developing countries
continue to be marred by inequality — even inequity. It
is therefore essential to recall the need to respect the
rules of the multilateral trading system, which are the
foundation of the World Trade Organization.
It should therefore be clear why Burkina Faso
continues to demand an end to the unfair export
subsidies of the countries of the North, particularly as
concerns cotton.
Burkina Faso is a staunch proponent of
democracy, good governance, respect for human rights,
and peace and development in Africa and throughout
the world. In that context, it is actively involved in
peacekeeping operations in Africa and in other regions.
Furthermore, my country, which currently holds the
chairmanship of the Community of Sahelo-Saharan
States and of the International Organization of La
Francophonie, is proud to serve the cause of regional
integration and of international brotherhood and
solidarity.
We believe that working for peace also means
respecting international conventions. We therefore
believe it to be our duty to discharge our international
obligations by acceding to most of the relevant
agreements and treaties, such as the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which Burkina Faso has
signed and ratified. I should like to take this
opportunity to encourage other countries to do likewise
in order to speed up the coming into force of that legal
instrument, whose importance for world peace and
stability is fully evident.
I hardly need recall that the current session’s
leitmotif is the democratization of the United Nations.
It is therefore rather difficult to understand how we can
continue to disregard the rights of 23 million
Taiwanese people. The time has come to deal justly
with that people, which for decades now has
demonstrated its commitment to democracy, peace and
international solidarity.
Today more than ever, the fate of humankind is in
our hands. Moving in concert, in the same direction
and inspired by the same principles, we must assume
our new common responsibility: to build a world in
larger freedom, with development, security and dignity
for all.


I
am returning to the Assembly Hall after 10 years. In
September 1995, I had the honour of being elected
President of the General Assembly. I well know,
therefore, what a difficult task it is, and I congratulate
you, Mr. President, Ambassador Jan Eliasson, on your
recent election. I wish you every success in discharging
your lofty functions. I would also like to compliment
the outgoing President, Mr. Ping, on the exceptional
work that he did during the previous session.
I offer my best wishes to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan. My country greatly values the
excellent work that he has done so far, and the
Portuguese Government wishes to express its solidarity
with him in connection with the difficult times that has
been through, as well as its continued support for the
enormous tasks and challenges that lie ahead.
We share some of the disappointment felt by the
Secretary-General regarding the failure to approve
many of the proposed reforms of the Organization that
he set out in his excellent report, “In larger freedom”.
The entire process started 10 years ago, in 1995-96,
under my presidency, and I can assure the Assembly
that one year later, when I left office, there were
already many consensus-based solutions that could
have been approved. But insufficient use was made of
the 10 years that have since passed.
We are left with the conviction that progress
towards sound reform will be viable only if it
maintains, as its reference, the objectives set out in the
proposals of the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan.
What is sound reform of the United Nations? In
my opinion, such reform would fulfil, at least, the
following five prerequisites.
First, such reforms must respect and reaffirm the
fundamental principles and values of the Charter.
Secondly, they must create better conditions for the
maintenance and re-establishment of peace,
guaranteeing security and dealing with the offenders in
either case. Thirdly, they must include strong measures
in support of development so as to improve the living
conditions of the world’s poorest countries and reduce
the enormous gap that exists between the countries of
the North and those of the South.
Fourthly, such reforms must promote democracy,
human rights and the rule of law, internationally, as
well as within each State. Fifthly, they must establish a
basis and the necessary conditions for a better
understanding among peoples, for a dialogue among
civilizations, for an understanding of cultural and
religious diversity, and for a spirit of tolerance,
cooperation and friendship among nations,
Governments and individuals.
In addition to those five prerequisites, there is
still a need to consider reorganizing the Secretariat,
which is an important instrument for attaining the
objectives of the United Nations. Make no mistake: I
have enough personal experience to be able to state
that the staff of this Organization is, generally
speaking, highly competent, dedicated and
professional. But we must all understand that, in a
large Organization such as this one, like in any other,
there will always be a need for constant modernization.
Last week the United Nations reform was set in
motion. We must continue to work hard, year after
year, phase by phase, with the energy and the spirit of
compromise that is the hallmark of diplomacy and
which must therefore not be absent from the “temple of
diplomacy” that is the United Nations.
24

First and foremost, the tasks to be accomplished
in the coming months — which have Portugal’s
unreserved support — will be to do what is necessary
to make the Peacebuilding Commission operational; to
implement the already approved concept of the
“responsibility to protect”; and to establish the new
Human Rights Council.
Development is an urgent task that cannot be
postponed. The poorest countries call for justice, and
they deserve it; the richest countries insist on a code of
ethics, and they must therefore fulfil the duties that
derive from it.
In that regard, Portugal fully endorses the vision
expressed and reaffirmed by the United Nations which
accords priority to development — understood to be
comprehensive development, as expressed in the
Millennium Development Goals — and which is
closely linked to security and the rule of law.
Democracy and security constitute the sine qua non
condition for effective, sustained and equitable
development.
In terms of official development assistance,
Portugal hopes to reach the agreed target of 0.51 per
cent of gross domestic product in 2010, in order to
pave the way to achieving the ambitious goal of 0.7 per
cent in 2015.
The efforts of Portugal have been mainly — but
not exclusively — directed towards the least developed
countries, and sub-Saharan Africa in particular.
We therefore reaffirm the need to pay active and
committed attention to the special needs of Africa. In
that way, we will fulfil effectively the commitments
undertaken to strengthen cooperation with the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development and with
regional and subregional organizations.
The report of the Secretary-General rightly
reminds us that every country is primarily responsible
for its own development, in a framework of good
governance, which is a prerequisite in this context.
Basically, it is a matter of implementing the
eighth Millennium Goal: to create a global partnership for
development, whose importance in promoting a more
equitable and just world I would like to stress here.
That is why I have no hesitation in stating that we
must remain actively committed to the implementation
of the Millennium Development Goals, including
strengthening action in priority areas. Our common
future is at stake, and I would like to take this
opportunity to announce that Portugal has decided to
contribute to the United Nations Democracy Fund.
For Portugal, environmental concerns are a clear
priority; addressing them must promote, not detract
from, development. In that domain, we will actively
participate in international efforts to combat climate
change, honouring our commitments and limiting
greenhouse-gas emissions, so that the European Union
can attain the goals agreed in the context of the Kyoto
Protocol. We hope that the next Conference, to be held
in Montreal, will mark the launching of a negotiating
process on climate-related issues for the post-2012
period.
One of the most serious threats to peace and
security today is terrorism. It must be fought with
resolve, within the framework of the rule of law and
with respect for human rights. There can be no doubt
that one of the aims of terrorists is to weaken and
distort even the most elementary of the universal
values adopted by States and their peoples. Because we
are fighting back in self-defence, they say that our
actions — theirs and ours — are morally equivalent.
Portugal strongly rejects that view.
There can be no ambiguity in fighting terrorism.
We must be clear on this and state, quite bluntly, that
all acts that aim to kill or seriously injure civilians or
non-combatants are acts of terrorism.
We believe that the United Nations provides a
framework of reference for combating terrorism, and
we therefore urge that a global convention on terrorism
be adopted. Similarly, we welcome the counter-
terrorism strategy drawn up by the Secretary-General,
and we appeal for its effective implementation.
In that context, Portugal will sign the
International Convention for the Suppression of Acts
of Nuclear Terrorism during this session of the General
Assembly.
We must recognize that the largest cluster of
threats to international peace and security today lies in
the broader Middle East. Regardless of countries’
positions on the Iraq war, it is now essential to do all
we can, based on the clear existing mandates of the
United Nations, to see that peace, democracy and
human rights triumph. That could take a number of
years, as in Afghanistan.
25

Regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is
important that, taking advantage of the current positive
momentum, we hold serious negotiations aimed at
reaching bilateral and multilateral agreements. The
road map cannot be forgotten or indefinitely
postponed. Just as Israel has an unquestionable right to
live in peace within secure borders, the Palestinian
State also has an unquestionable right to exist. Only
through what is called the two-State policy can there be
peace in the Middle East.
As for Iran, I should like to stress and support the
efforts of the European Union to avert, through
negotiations, another dangerous case of nuclear
proliferation. The international community as a whole
and the Iranian people themselves owe a great deal to
the intelligent approach of the European Union in this
matter. We are, and will continue to be, united in
solidarity. Negotiations must continue.
Portugal is committed to strengthening
cooperation among regions and civilizations in order to
promote international peace and stability. Accordingly,
the high-level political dialogue between Europe and
Africa must be further strengthened, including through
the convening of the Europe-Africa summit, towards
which Portugal has been working tirelessly.
I reiterate Portugal’s appeal to all interested
parties to join in our effort to re-launch the Cairo
process, which we believe could be instrumental in
establishing that strategic partnership.
I also wish to publicly place on record my
country’s support for Spain’s Alliance of Civilizations
initiative. The European-African dialogue is also a
dialogue among civilizations, as is the Ibero-American
process, to which Portugal, Spain, Andorra and the Latin
American countries are committed. That process will be
formalized at the Salamanca Summit in October.
Over the past nine years, the dialogue among the
eight States members of the Community of Portuguese-
Speaking Countries — which represents 200 million
people living in four continents — has been intensified,
with great success. Portugal participates in the dialogue
with countries from Europe, Africa, Latin America and
Asia, a dialogue that it would like to see broadened as
an indispensable tool for civilizations to live in peace
and not be at war.
I would like to conclude by reaffirming
Portugal’s faith in the centrality, legitimacy and
indispensable role of the United Nations. While not
forgetting our setbacks, but learning from them so that
they are not repeated, we should bear in mind our
many successes. Timor-Leste, which is here with us
today as a full Member State, is one example of a
United Nations success story.
In conclusion, I would like to remember the wise
words of our second Secretary-General, Dag
Hammarskjöld, who said:
(spoke in English)
“The pursuit of peace and progress cannot end in
a few years in either victory or defeat. The
pursuit of peace and progress, with its trials and
its errors, its successes and its setbacks, can never
be relaxed and never abandoned.”