When we met a year
ago, there was widespread concern that we had reached
an impasse that threatened to paralyse the United
Nations. I am happy to note today that this looming
threat of division is receding and is being replaced by a
renewed commitment to multilateralism.
In that spirit, Denmark welcomes the Security
Council's unanimous adoption of its resolution 1546
(2004), on Iraq. The resolution is, first and foremost, of
great significance for the prospects of peace and
stability in Iraq and throughout the region. It is also of
great importance for the Security Councilís ability to
perform its role as the custodian of international peace
and security.
The United Nations must play a leading role in
the political process and in the reconstruction of Iraq.
The wisdom and skill of the Secretary-General and his
Special Adviser have advanced this process, and we
hope that the advisory role of the United Nations will
be further enhanced. We urge all Member States to
support the interim Government of Iraq in its
endeavours to establish peace and security in Iraq.
The year 2005 will be the year in which Member
Statesí willingness to work towards a strong, united
and effective United Nations will be tested. The
challenge is to develop credible, effective and
comprehensive United Nations responses to the threats
and challenges of the new millennium, whether they be
conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peace-
building, or the fight against terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or
respect for human rights and international law, last but
certainly not least, the enormous challenge of
achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
45

Denmark strongly supports the Secretary-General's
High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change and
looks forward to its report later this year. Efforts to reform
the Organization, including enlarging the membership of
the Security Council, must continue if the United
Nations is to meet the new challenges. Democracy is
also a question of representation, and if large parts of
the world do not feel represented in the Security
Council there is a risk that they will not feel bound by
its decisions. The Security Council must reflect the
realities of the world of today, not those of the past.
We live in a world in which the distinction
between military and non-military threats is
increasingly blurred. Most current threats are complex
and combine elements of both. Creating synergies
among development, political and security components
will be the key to the success of the United Nations.
Denmark will endeavour to assist in this process across
the full range of United Nations activities.
Denmark is a candidate for election to the
Security Council during this session of the General
Assembly. If elected, the focus of Denmarkís tenure in
the Council will be to seek new and more effective
ways of integrating security and development and
strengthening international law. In that connection, I
welcome the Secretary-Generalís important opening
statement in this debate (see ), in which he
outlined the fundamental principles for a world order
based on international law.
Greater coherence is needed in international
peace operations. We firmly believe that the United
Nations needs to give civilian crisis management the
same priority that is accorded to military crisis
management. More than 40 per cent of countries
emerging from conflict slide back into conflict. In
order to build sustainable peace, much more attention
needs to be given to the civilian aspects of crisis
management. This includes the demobilization and
reintegration of combatants as well as the social,
economic and legal reconstruction of war-torn societies.
We must make State-building a central goal of
conflict management and peace-building, alongside the
provision of basic security. Whatever mechanism we
set up, the challenge is to ensure the involvement of all
stakeholders. That includes national Governments, the
Secretariat, United Nations development funds and
programmes, the Bretton Woods institutions, regional
organizations and bilateral donors.
In order to improve compliance with Security
Council resolutions, the process towards targeted and
smarter sanctions should be continued. The challenge
is twofold. First, the Security Council must rigorously
implement its resolutions, including when they
stipulate serious consequences in case of non-
compliance. Secondly, the countries concerned must be
given positive incentives to comply with those
resolutions.
Terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction are serious threats to peace and
security and impede progress towards stability and
prosperity. Terrorists threaten the everyday life and
values of millions of innocent individuals. Terrorists
must be stopped by hard power and by soft power to
prevent decades of unrest and terror.
Countering new threats requires a multifaceted,
integrated response by the United Nations and its
partners. Success demands synergy, a finely tuned mix
of diplomacy, aid, police efforts, intelligence, legal
assistance and - if need be - military power. The
United Nations must take a leading role in the fight
against terrorism, providing both the framework for
global efforts and the legitimacy for collective action.
Terror must not lead to isolation; it must not stop
globalization. In the world of today, huge global
disparities in resources have become apparent to
everybody. Social and economic exclusion, as well as
deficient democracies, the absence of the rule of law
and lack of respect for human rights, contribute to
political radicalization and religious extremism.
Ensuring that new generations have access to the
benefits of globalization - such as democracy and
hope for a better future - is a global challenge.
The main responsibility for fighting terrorism lies
with individual States. This includes compliance with
relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as
ratification and implementation of the 12 United
Nations conventions against terrorism. Denmark
supports efforts to reinvigorate the Counter-Terrorism
Committee (CTC). We support efforts to renew and
upgrade the offer of technical assistance to countries
that need it. The work of the CTC must be better
focused and linked with the assistance extended to
countries that have the will - but lack the means ó to
meet the requirements of Security Council resolution
1373 (2001).
46

Just as important, we must strengthen
international agreements to prevent the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. Denmark therefore
supports Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), and
looks forward to its full implementation.
The United Nations has been instrumental in
establishing the core international human rights
conventions. This year we are celebrating the twenty-
fifth anniversary of one of those conventions - the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women. The importance of the
elimination of discrimination against women and of
ensuring respect for the right of women to decide
freely over their own lives - including in matters
relating to marriage, reproductive health and
HIV/AIDS - is self-evident. This main message of the
Cairo Programme of Action, adopted 10 years ago, is
as relevant today as ever.
With a view to eradicating torture, Denmark calls
upon all States to sign and ratify the Optional Protocol
to the Convention against Torture, so that it can enter
into force at an early date.
We are now in the era of implementation of those
human rights commitments that have been undertaken.
As the main body in its field, the Commission on
Human Rights has a crucial role to play in this respect
and should be further strengthened.
2005 will be a defining moment for the United
Nations. World leaders will meet in New York to take
stock of progress in the implementation of the
Millennium Declaration. That meeting will provide a
unique opportunity to break new ground, push ahead
with the interlinked agenda of peace, security and
development and follow up the recommendations of
the High-level Panel.
A key priority for Denmark will be to speed up
the implementation of the Millennium Development
Goals. The results so far are not sufficiently
encouraging - especially with regard to Africa.
Denmark attaches the highest priority to Africaís
development and would like the situation there and its
prospects to be high on the agenda at the 2005 summit.
In order to reach the Millennium Development
Goals, an effective partnership will be required
between developed and developing countries. The gap
between goals and resources must be closed. We are
deeply concerned about the inadequacy of the current
level of development financing. Further resources are
needed, as is better coordination in their allocation.
Last year, Denmark took the lead in making our
commitments transparent in a Millennium Development
Goals report. A new report will be published next
month. We call on all other States to do likewise.
Development efforts and conflict resolution in
Africa must go hand in hand. Progress achieved in
economic and social development will be sustainable
only if we manage to put an end to conflict on the
African continent. We stand ready to support the
significant and sustained efforts undertaken by the
Africans themselves in this regard. There is a need to
further strengthen the African security architecture in
cooperation with the African Union, subregional
African organizations, the United Nations, the
European Union and Governments acting bilaterally.
We also need to strengthen the regional approaches of
the United Nations in the field. Denmark stands ready
to contribute actively.
Furthermore, recent natural disasters illustrate the
importance of dealing with international environmental
issues such as climate change, biodiversity,
deforestation and desertification.
The Secretary-General has shown great
leadership in pressing for strengthened and effective
multilateralism, and things are slowly starting to come
together. Our common voyage will not be over with the
2005 summit - far from it. The High-level Panel's
report, a renewed focus on post-conflict intervention, and
the implementation of the Millennium Development
Goals can herald a new age of strong and effective
multilateralism if, collectively, we rise to the challenge.
The task of this generation is to hand the world to
the next generation in better shape than we received it.
Denmark will spare no effort in its endeavours to
translate that vision into reality.


I should
like at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session and to commend the outgoing
President, Mr. Julian Hunte, for his work. I should also
like to express once again our appreciation for the
efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, to
promote peace and multilateralism.
We have come from the South to renew our
resolve to participate actively in United Nations efforts
to promote peace, economic development and the
eradication of hunger and poverty. My country is
grateful for the endorsement of the Group of Latin
American and Caribbean States to occupy a seat on the
Security Council for that regional Group as a non-
permanent member during the period 2005-2006.
There, the Republic of Argentina will reaffirm its
willingness to promote consensus aimed at
strengthening international law and international peace
and security. Those are values that we associate with
representative democracy, respect for human rights, a
fair global trade system, a better distribution of the
benefits of globalization and the democratization of
decision-making in international organizations.
The United Nations must strengthen itself and
move forward in the establishment of valid rules and
procedures to guarantee international peace and
security.
The report of the High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change could play a key role in this
area. Its proposals should be properly discussed and
agreed upon in order to implement concrete decisions
that reflect and meet the different perspectives and
interests of all Member States.
We are convinced that there is no acceptable
alternative to multilateral action. Only through
collective debate and consensus could a majority of
countries ensure genuine action. The only legitimacy
for the use of force must come from the decisions of
the Security Council. Because of this, we support
efforts to provide the Council with greater
transparency, and with the participation of the
international community in its decisions, without this
meaning increasing the existing privileges or
establishing new categories.
27

The Council's action should be innovative and
express the political will of the international
community, all the while recognizing the fact that the
primary responsibility in avoiding conflicts will always
rest with the parties involved.
We firmly condemn the acts of international
terrorism and related crimes that have so deeply
marked the memory of the people of Argentina and of
other nations of the world, making it the maximum
priority. In this war against terrorism, we require the
active participation and cooperation of the entire
international community, based on respect for
international law.
There is a necessary link between respect for
human rights and the fight against terrorism. And we
must preserve the balance between necessary defence
and respect for human rights. In order to successfully
tackle terrorism, we must ensure legitimacy by having
the support of international public opinion. According
to this logic, the fight transcends the purely military
and predominantly unilateral reaction.
In our view, modern threats to peace come from
both the criminal action of terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, from
massive human rights violations and the absence of
democratic political participation. But stability and
security are also affected by hunger and extreme
poverty, by social exclusion, by ignorance and
illiteracy, by the spread of disease and epidemics and
by irreversible damage to the environment.
As a result, understanding that peace and
development mutually reinforce each other, we must
work in a multilateral framework that promotes
national and international economic systems based on
the principles of justice, equity, democracy,
participation, transparency, responsibility and social
inclusion. Our commitment to peace and to the
strengthening of democracy in the world requires
decisive action, which makes it possible to combat
hunger, illiteracy and disease. These phenomena
weaken peopleís autonomy and dignity and make it
difficult for them to exercise their full rights as
citizens.
In June 2005, the Third Inter-American Meeting
of Ministers of Health and the Environment, which we
are preparing, will work on the assessment of our
compliance with the Millennium Development Goals in
the region and will submit its conclusions to the
Summit of Heads of State of the Americas, which will
take place in Argentina in November 2005.
We know that the problems that are linked to
inequality and poverty cannot be resolved with social
policies that are based purely on assistance. Even when
plans and programmes providing assistance are a
necessary resource, we should avoid the growth of
societies that are divided between those who work and
those who receive assistance. In this framework, it is
important for work to feature prominently on the
international agenda, linked to freedom, justice,
security and protection, taking into account the fact
that it is the principal means of social integration.
Economic growth is a necessary prerequisite, but
it alone is not enough to remedy the high rates of
unemployment, lack of job security and work in the
informal sector besetting our societies. In the recent
past, many of our countries we have experienced
periods of high growth with low rates of job creation,
high concentrations of income and a significant
increase in poverty. It is clear evidence of the
erroneous nature of the myth that economic growth has
trickle-down effects. Accordingly, it is important for us
to pursue active policies that stimulate business and
productive investment and give priority to the
generation of decent jobs, within a new model that
endows economic change with a strong ethical
component. Decent jobs are a more effective
instrument for ensuring material and human progress
and should become a goal during the international
community during the next decade.
Institutional conditions that would generate jobs
are of a varied nature and depend on the specific
context of every country. However, in developing
countries, the ability of democratic governments to
meet the legitimate demands of job creation from their
societies are impaired by the protectionist measures
that limit trade, especially in the agricultural sector.
The developed world spends more than $300 billion a
year on production subsidies, a figure six times higher
than that of the direct aid given to poor countries. The
poorest countries lose almost $40 billion a year
through loss of exports due to the agricultural
protectionism of industrialized countries.
The world and the attitude of the developed
countries must change if we are to turn things around.
No political system or economic plan can be
sustainable while we have the current critical levels of
28

poverty and inequality. This is not something that will
favour a particular group of countries; it will promote
peace and security throughout the world.
In addition, there is the problem of excessive
external indebtedness, the current design of the
international financial machinery and the role played
by multilateral funding organizations. The 1990s, with
its financial excesses at the global level, saw the
expansion of already oversized debts for a large
number of countries. For the sake of the development
of these countries and the international financial
system itself, it is important to emphasize the idea that
economic growth is the central and decisive variable
when it comes to capacity to pay and debt
sustainability.
During the recent international financial crises,
multilateral funding agencies made a series of mistakes
in trying to resolve these problems. The solutions
proposed spread to other countries, and this greatly
magnified the problem of hunger and poverty.
Argentinaís case is an example. After having
applied throughout the 1990s the formulas proposed by
the multilateral financial agencies, the country
experienced a financial crisis that is still not entirely
resolved. In 2002, the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) made a serious mistake in diagnosing the
problem that led to major prognostic errors and poor
policy recommendations.
On the basis of our more recent experience, and
because of the debt experience, we conclude that we
have to provide greater leeway to national authorities.
We need a different relationship with the IMF, one
favouring a solution consistent with the countryís
capacity to pay, sustainable over the medium and long
term and supportive of the principles of equality, social
justice, the fight against poverty, hunger and
unemployment.
We must promote the reformulation of fiscal
accounting methods in the majority of countries, and in
particular in the international financial organizations,
with the aim of excluding investment in infrastructure,
from current spending in the calculation of surpluses.
We know that fiscal surpluses are necessary in
order to stabilize economies and respect obligations to
the international financial community, but it must be
understood that no surplus is defensible. When
surpluses are achieved, thanks to the elimination of
investment in physical and social infrastructure, this
affects the possibility of political stability and growth,
which turns something that was positive for countries
into an imbalance and a negative for the overall
functioning of the economy.
From the tragedy of excessively indebted
countries, we conclude that simple formulas which
claim to be universal and applicable under any
circumstance, at any time and in any place are only
ideological approaches to concrete issues that must be
resolved with realism, flexibility and proactive
attitudes.
We take responsibility for the adoption of alien
policies that led us to the worst of all worlds. But it is
not enough for the multilateral lending agencies simply
to acknowledge their mistake in recommending,
requiring and supporting such policies. What we need
is an urgent and drastic structural reform of the IMF
that will enable it to prevent crises and help to resolve
them. From a lender of development funds it has
become a creditor demanding concessions. This trend
has to change. Otherwise, we will be confined to
structural reforms of a theoretical nature the results of
which will guarantee nothing to anyone, and then a
series of self-critical reviews.
Meanwhile, in our countries inequality will
increase because of the implementation of those
reforms. The excluded millions those reforms have
created will weep and poverty will spread. Mea culpas
will be uttered, and we will see the growth in the
number of poor people, if we bother to notice them.
That is why we say that what is most in need of
structural reform are the international lending agencies.
On another subject, we firmly support United
Nations peacekeeping operations set up through the
appropriate organs. This year we have doubled our
military and police staff in peacekeeping operations;
currently Argentina is involved in eight of the present
16 operations.
The recently created United Nations Stabilization
Mission in Haiti is of particular importance. It is the
only mission established by the Security Council today
that is located on American soil. The region has made a
commitment to help the poorest country in the
Americas to return to the path of growth and freedom
and to guarantee democracy as the best way of
ensuring dignity, social and economic development and
full respect for human rights.
29

In that regard, Argentina reaffirms its position of
principle based on universal respect for human rights
and for international humanitarian law. The history of
Argentina explains my Governmentís firm position on
an issue that is now part of its identity as a democratic
nation.
International disputes must be settled through
peaceful means. The United Nations has established,
through different resolutions of the General Assembly
and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard
to the Implementation of the Declaration on the
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and
Peoples, that the question of the Malvinas South
Georgia and the South Sandwich islands is a special
colonial situation, which must be resolved through
bilateral negotiations between my country and the
United Kingdom. The decolonization Committee has
expressed itself repeatedly on this issue, and we greatly
appreciate its work to promote the resolution of this
question. We reaffirm once again the constant
willingness of my country to reach a just, peaceful and
lasting solution to this sovereignty dispute, which is an
issue of great importance for the people of Argentina.
We urge the United Kingdom to comply promptly with
the international communityís appeal and to resume
negotiations.
In the southern framework, we are committed to
protecting the international communityís interests in
Antarctica by ensuring that all activities there are
compatible with the Antarctic Treaty and with its
Madrid Protocol on Environmental Protection. The
establishment of the Antarctic Treaty secretariat in
Buenos Aires is already a reality. We are grateful for
the assistance of those who always supported
Argentina as home of the secretariat, which
undoubtedly will contribute to achieving the main
objectives of the Antarctic Treaty system.
As a peace-loving State committed to
multilateralism, Argentina has always supported the
settlement of disputes through negotiation and
dialogue, in keeping with equity and justice. In that
respect, our country fully supports the achievement of
a stable and lasting peace in the Middle East, based on
the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and to an independent, viable State,
while at the same time supporting the right of Israel to
live in peace with its neighbours within safe and
internationally recognized borders. We hope that the
parties will resume negotiations with a view to
resolving their differences and will comply with their
respective obligations under the road map ó a plan
which Argentina, along with the rest of the
international community, considers the best way to
achieve a lasting and just peace in the region.
The Argentine Republic supports the attainment
of the objectives of reducing hunger and poverty and
the provision of safe drinking water and sanitation,
which were the main topics of the World Summit on
Sustainable Development, held in Johannesburg
10 years after the Rio de Janeiro Conference on
Environment and Development.
The protection of the atmosphere is of special
concern to us, with respect not only to the ozone layer,
but to all the action needed to attenuate climate change
and to help adapt to the changes that are already taking
place ó which are at the root of the severe weather
conditions that affect developing countries in
particular. In view of our concern, and convinced of the
need for the prompt entry into force of the Kyoto
Protocol, we have invited to Buenos Aires the tenth
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change in order to
help to give greater impetus to our joint effort to adapt.
I hope to be able to welcome and host Government
delegations at the high-level segment that I will have
the honour of opening in Buenos Aires.
For that reason, we are calling upon the
Assembly to show the necessary strength, courage and
resolve to create a world of justice and equity and to
put an end to the unfair rules often imposed by
multilateral financial institutions, which cause very
difficult problems for many countries and which
increase poverty.


Allow me to congratulate you,
Sir, on your election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. May I assure you of
India’s full support in ensuring its success.
As we gather here in the sixtieth year since the
United Nations was founded, we might perhaps pause
to reflect on the fate of the ideas and ideals of the
international community that inspired its creation. The
post-war generation had already become aware that the
world which had emerged from the ashes of a global
war could no longer be a peaceful world unless the
underlying forces of conflict were addressed
effectively by the entire community of nations as a
collectivity. Nations were therefore united to make the
world a safer and more peaceful place — a world in
which free peoples could pursue together a destiny of
shared prosperity.
The impulse behind the creation of global
institutions nearly 60 years ago has become an even
more pressing reality today. If we look around us, the
single most defining characteristic of our contemporary
world is the global, transnational character of the
challenges we confront, whether these are in the realm
of international security or in that of development.
Virtually every major issue that we face as nation-
States has both a domestic and a transnational
dimension. It is becoming increasingly apparent as
never before that, unless we fashion a global response
to those challenges based on a meaningful consensus,
we will not succeed in creating a world that truly
manifests the ideals of the United Nations.
Terrorism is one such challenge for which many
of us have paid an unacceptable price. We shall not
forget that, three years ago, it was this great city that
witnessed the single most horrendous terrorist act in
human history. Approximately three weeks ago, in
Russia, the world saw another brutal act of terror
which took the lives of hundreds of innocent civilians,
including a large number of young children.
Terrorism exploits the technologies spawned by
globalization, recruits its foot soldiers on ideologies of
bigotry and hatred, and directly targets democracies.
And yet, it is a sad reality that international networks
of terror appear to cooperate more effectively among
themselves than the democratic nations that they target.
We speak about cooperation, but we often seem
hesitant to commit ourselves to a truly global offensive
to root out terrorism with the pooling of resources, the
exchanging of information, the sharing of intelligence
and the unambiguous unity of purpose that is required.
That must change. We do have a global coalition
against terrorism; we must now give it substance and
credibility, avoiding selective approaches and political
expediency.
I now turn to other challenges that we face today,
such as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
There is an increasing reliance on restrictive regimes
and on the use of punitive action to confront this threat
to international peace and security. Although India is
firmly opposed to proliferation and has an impeccable
record in that respect, we believe that it is only a global
consensus of willing nations that will ultimately prove
to be truly effective in that regard.
The Chemical Weapons Convention is a good
model to follow with respect to other weapons of mass
destruction, including nuclear weapons. It is through
representative institutions, rather than through
exclusive clubs of privileged countries, that we can
address global threats posed by the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and their means of
delivery. As far back as 1988, Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi outlined a series of specific steps in an action
plan, whose central proposition remains valid even
today — that progressive steps towards the elimination
14

of weapons of mass destruction must be based on a
balance of obligations between those who possess such
weapons and those who do not.
It is quite evident today that a global discourse is
required for evolving a more cooperative and
consensual international security order. India believes
that such consensus must differentiate between States
whose actions strengthen non-proliferation and those
that weaken the realization of its objectives.
Let me now turn to the central theme for the vast
majority of United Nations Members; the challenge of
development and the eradication of mass poverty.
Globalization has undoubtedly brought enhanced
effectiveness and efficiency in the functioning of our
economies. It has integrated marketplaces, higher
standards of living and a revolution in global
connectivity.
But there is also the phenomenon of widening
economic disparities, both within and among countries.
Connectivity also means that the people are painfully
aware — in real time — of how far and how fast they
are falling behind in their relative living conditions.
Development today is no longer a function of domestic
resources and national policies alone. It is a process
that is vitally linked to the international economic
environment that the developing countries face.
The international community must find ways to
contract those circles of exclusion. We need to find
innovative sources of financing and access to new
technologies that are necessary to assist those who are
on the margins of globalization. Just as prosperity
cannot be sustained by being walled in, poverty cannot
be banished to some invisible periphery. Development
must therefore return to the centre of the global
discourse. We must evolve equitable and rule-based
regimes to manage global trade, investment flows and
the movement of services.
Four years ago, at our Millennium Summit, we
adopted ambitious global development goals, but it is a
matter of concern that we have already fallen behind in
their implementation.
While globalization has generated new
challenges, it has also given us new technologies to
deal with those massive challenges. The world faces
ominous pandemics such as HIV/AIDS, but it today
also possesses remedies and skills that can rid the
world of that scourge. We face problems of
environmental degradation in many parts of our planet,
but we also have available safe and environment-
friendly technologies.
Many countries are beset by problems of hunger
and malnutrition, but we possess modern techniques of
food production and processing to make a hunger-free
world a credible and realistic dream. Although our
excessive dependence on hydrocarbons raises concerns
about the long-term availability of energy and about
the security of supplies, technology has made available
many environmentally sound alternative technologies.
What we lack, however, is a truly global agreement and
a mobilization of the international community to
overcome the massive challenges.
The experience of the decades since the inception
of the United Nations demonstrates the great
significance of democracy as an instrument for
achieving both peace and prosperity. While it is
gratifying that the frontiers of democracy have
expanded dramatically in the last decade and a half,
they still exclude significant numbers.
Only a few months ago, in India’s fourteenth
general election, our country went through the largest
exercise of popular will in the world. I can therefore
assert with confidence, the importance that national
articulations in global forums have in truly reflecting
the democratically expressed will of their people. We
choose to overlook the absence of democracy in too
many cases for reasons of political expediency.
Democracy’s representative nature validates the
commitments we take on as countries; it should also
determine the manner in which the architecture of
international institutions evolves. What is required for
the international community to successfully deal with
global challenges — whether they be security
challenges, economic challenges or challenges in the
sphere of the environment — is the existence of
international institutions and a culture of genuine
multilateralism.
The United Nations and its specialized agencies
are the only instruments available for responding
effectively to the challenges we face collectively. But
what is missing is our sustained commitment to
democratizing the functioning of the United Nations.
It is common knowledge that the United Nations
is often unable to exert an effective influence on global
economic and political issues of critical importance.
15

That is due to what may be called its democracy
deficit, which stands in the way of an effective
multilateralism based on a democratically-evolved
global consensus.
Therefore, reform and restructuring of the United
Nations system can alone provide a crucial link in an
expanding chain of efforts to refashion international
structures, imbuing them with a greater degree of
participatory decision-making so as to make them more
representative of contemporary realities.
Our Millennium Declaration recognized the
urgency of the reform of the United Nations Security
Council. An overwhelming majority of the world’s
population cannot be excluded from an institution that
today legislates on an increasing number of issues,
with an ever-widening impact. The expansion of the
Security Council, in the categories of both permanent
and non-permanent members, and the inclusion of
countries like India as permanent Members would be a
first step in the process of making the United Nations a
truly representative body.
I would like to make brief references to two
countries with which India has had historically friendly
ties and whose early return to political normalcy is the
focus of the world’s attention.
The situation in Iraq causes us great concern. The
United Nations has a central role to play in erasing the
discord of the recent past and in ensuring that the Iraqi
people can soon exercise effective sovereignty,
preserving the country’s unity and territorial integrity.
An end to the suffering of the Iraqi people and
recognition of their aspirations should be the guiding
objectives. Consistent with our longstanding ties of
friendship with the Iraqi people, India will contribute
to Iraq’s humanitarian and economic reconstruction.
In the past three years, the international
community has assisted Afghanistan in pulling back
from the brink of chaos and chronic instability. We
sincerely hope that the upcoming presidential elections
and the subsequent parliamentary elections will allow
the Afghan people to express their will, free from
interference and intimidation. India’s assistance to
Afghanistan’s reconstruction and development will
continue.
Relations between India and Pakistan have been a
matter of attention for the international community. It
is known that in January this year India and Pakistan
initiated a composite dialogue to resolve all issues,
including that of Jammu and Kashmir. I reaffirm our
determination to carry forward that dialogue to a
purposeful and mutually acceptable conclusion.
In closing, I would like to reaffirm India’s
commitment to the principles that have brought us
together in this Organization. Those principles retain
their relevance and validity even while the global
economy and the international political order pose new
and very different challenges. All of us have to grow
out of the comfort of the predictable, discard
constraining habits of thought, and move forward with
confidence to meet the demands of the present and the
future. Each of us has to be prepared to take on new
obligations and larger responsibilities relevant to the
needs of our time.
I deem it a privilege to say unhesitatingly that
India is conscious of the responsibilities that lie ahead.
I speak of an India on the move — on the cutting edge
of economic, technological and developmental
transformations. This is an India endowed with
outstanding human resources, and we are putting in
place policies which will respond to emerging and
critical tasks. We have the capabilities and capacity to
take these on, and to participate in the restructuring of
a just and dynamic world order. We are confident that,
in the inextricably interdependent world we live in, our
commitment to the common good, which this
Organization embodies, will be resolute and full.
In this, we are inspired by the vision of
internationalism bequeathed to us by India’s first Prime
Minister, the great Jawaharlal Nehru — a vision of a
world order whose pillars are peace, harmony,
cooperation and development. That vision needs to
reanimate the collective wisdom of the world
community for a new partnership to meet the
unprecedented challenges we face.


A few weeks ago, 200
innocent children were killed by terrorists in Beslan.
Today alone, 1,700 children will be born marked by
death from HIV/AIDS from their first breath. Also
today, hundreds of children will die from starvation,
bullets or mines in numerous parts of the world.
Has this world become a better place than it was
a generation ago? Yes, I still believe it has. Democracy
is more widespread than ever before. The cold war has
come to an end. Fewer people are suffering from
famine.
Better - but still, this world is not a good place.
As long as children die of famine, as long as war and
violence end lives that have barely started, the world is
not good. As long as children die from curable diseases
such as malaria and tuberculosis, we - the political
leaders of our countries - have not done enough.
We need a stronger commitment, a stronger link
between words and deeds. We must pull together, more
determined than ever. Each individual carries a
responsibility to take action for the sake of the
collective. We need a stronger United Nations.
I want to see progress. Sweden is a staunch
supporter of United Nations reform efforts. While
advocating reforms, we believe that the core principles
of the United Nations Charter remain as valid as ever.
Threats to international peace and security must be met
collectively. The use of force is permitted only as a last
resort and when authorized by the Security Council,
unless it is an act of self-defence.
We need to make the United Nations more
relevant. We need a United Nations that can act early
and quickly, in an integrated, sustainable and
legitimate manner. Last year, the Secretary-General
called upon us all to take decisive action in order to
safeguard multilateralism. He will need our strong
support to follow up on the report of the High-Level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change.
For the Security Council to remain legitimate,
representative and relevant, its composition must better
reflect the world of today. Since the adoption of the
United Nations Charter, a small number of countries
have emerged as key political and economic Powers.
Those countries should be given a role which is
commensurate with their importance. We also need a
Security Council that ensures the legitimate interests of
small and medium-sized countries. An expansion of the
Security Council should not undermine its efficiency.
A way to safeguard this would be to limit the use of the
veto power. I hope that the High-Level Panel will
present a bold proposal that will end the present
stalemate. A joint seat for the European Union should
not be ruled out as an option for the future.
Managing transition from conflict to peace has
become a primary responsibility of the United Nations.
A standing committee of the Security Council to advise
it on post-conflict transition issues would facilitate that
task. The Economic and Social Council must be more
effective in bridging the gap between peacekeeping,
peace-building and development.
Still, weapons of mass destruction constitute one
of the main threats to international peace and security.
The threat of terrorism in connection with the
proliferation of such weapons is real.
The need for strong policies in disarmament and
non-proliferation is acute. The nuclear-weapon States
must show real progress towards disarmament. Efforts
to combat proliferation must be strengthened.
Compliance with existing treaties leaves much to be
desired, and must improve.
A wave of terrorist acts has shaken the world in
the past few years. The months when we have not had
to mourn victims of terrorism are easily counted. We
are all repelled by the barbaric acts of terrorism around
the world, from Beslan to Jakarta. Nothing can be
crueller than the violent, senseless and tragic loss of
innocent lives. All States must work together to
preserve a democratic, secure and open society. That is
how we will defeat terrorism.
But we must also admit that we will never be
successful if we fail to defeat the causes of terrorism.
For me, it is clear: fanaticism and fundamentalism
42

exploit people's sense of injustice and lack of hope.
Poverty, oppression, insecurity, intolerance, absence of
democratic structures and lack of political freedom ó
they are all part of the breeding ground.
The fight against terrorism must be carried out
with determination. There are no short cuts: human
rights must be respected; international law must be
followed. Our global human rights instruments aim at
protecting the individual. But just as human beings are
equal, so are States, big and small. International law is
the ultimate guarantee that all States, no matter their
size or power, are treated equally. For the sake of all
nations, we need a strong multilateral system.
The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians
continues to take innocent lives, causing unending
human tragedy. Commitment from the parties to a
peaceful solution and an end to occupation is crucial.
On the Israeli side, excessive violence, extrajudicial
killings, settlement activity and destruction of property
must end. Israel's right and obligation to protect its
people must be exercised within the context of
international law. On the Palestinian side, areas of
particular concern remain corruption, and security and
political reform. The indiscriminate and horrendous
terrorist attacks must stop, and the Palestinian
Authority must do more to achieve that.
To realize the vision of two States - a viable and
democratic Palestine living in peace and security side
by side with an Israel within secure and recognized
borders, on the basis of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967) and 338 (1973) - the parties need to meet
their obligations. The road map of the Quartet is the
tool to achieve this, but both sides must demonstrate a
will to use it.
In Iraq, a united international community should
give the Iraqi people all necessary support for the
building of an independent and democratic Iraq. To
that end, the role of the United Nations is vital. What
Iraq and the whole region need is not a new war, but a
new peace.
In Afghanistan, the security situation remains
worrying. The attacks against national and
international assistance workers are unacceptable. The
international community should stand by Afghanistan
in building a stable, secure and democratic society.
The size and scope of United Nations
peacekeeping operations have expanded dramatically. I
welcome the trend towards peacekeeping operations
with broad and comprehensive tasks, including the
protection of vulnerable civilian populations.
Children continue to be victims of war and
conflict. Nothing can be more important than the life
and health of children. The late Swedish Prime
Minister Olof Palme used to say that it is not
meaningful to talk about 'my children and your
children'; it is all about our children - the only
tangible connection to the future that we have. Their
protection should be paramount to all of us.
Four years ago, Security Council resolution
1325 (2000) on women, peace and security was
adopted. It was a groundbreaking achievement. But
now we need to do more to translate its common
objectives into concrete improvements for women
around the world.
An increasing number of United Nations and
other peacekeeping missions are set up in Africa.
While hardship is the plight of countless men, women
and children on the continent, Africa today brings hope
of a more vigorous leadership to confront its
challenges. President Thabo Mbeki showed the way
with his bold New Partnership for Africaís
Development (NEPAD) initiative. From that followed
the creation of the African Union, which is now
establishing itself as a decisive body for addressing
violent conflicts.
International law should guide us in all our
collective efforts to attain freedom from weapons of
mass destruction and terrorism, sustainable
development and respect for human rights. Our finest
achievement in international law in recent years is the
creation of the International Criminal Court. I call on
the Security Council to consider the possibility of
referring matters to the Court. Sovereignty entails
responsibility. The prevention of atrocities requires
international action if Governments fail to assume their
responsibility.
At the Stockholm International Forum on the
prevention of genocide last January, we pledged to
shoulder our responsibility to protect potential victims
of genocide, mass murder and ethnic cleansing. We
pledged to ensure that the perpetrators of genocidal
acts are brought to justice. And we pledged to
cooperate in the United Nations on these efforts.
Discussions on the definition of genocide should never
stop us from taking action when it is called for.
43

The recent Security Council resolution, resolution
1564 (2004), on the terrible tragedy in Darfur is a
necessary step in this direction. I particularly welcome
the request to establish an international commission of
inquiry. My Government stands ready to give the
Secretary-General our full support in that task.
I also welcome the appointment by the Secretary-
General of Professor Juan Mendez as his Special
Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide. That will serve
to make clear the link between massive and systematic
violations of human rights and threats to international
peace and security.
Another issue of serious concern is the use of the
death penalty. For me, as a democrat and humanist, it
can never be accepted. I want us to make every effort
to seek the abolishment of the death penalty.
The Millennium Declaration and the Millennium
Development Goals are at the core of the worldís
efforts to put an end to hunger and poverty. The
collective political will to give priority to sustainable
global development, over short-term national interests,
will be the decisive factor in turning promise into
reality.
Rich countries must fulfil their commitments. I
am proud to tell you that Sweden will reach its national
goal of 1 per cent of gross national income for official
development assistance in 2006. But development
assistance alone will not yield the needed results. Both
the developed and the developing world must move
forward on a number of other issues. And Sweden will
do its part.
We have translated the international agenda into
national policy, giving the entire range of government
activities one single objective: to contribute to
equitable and sustainable global development. We will
act in a coherent way with that single objective in
every field, whether trade, environment or agricultural
policy. But this is not enough. Other decisive areas are
good governance and transparency, democracy and
human rights, women and workersí rights. Let us end
the blame game. Let us focus on getting the job done.
Next year, we will gather in this Hall for a
summit meeting to review progress on the
implementation of the Millennium Declaration. By
then, we will also have reflected on the findings of the
High-Level Panel and the recommendations of the
Secretary-General.
It will be a decisive moment for the United
Nations. It will be a chance for us, the Members of the
United Nations, to show that we believe in collective
action and that we will shoulder our responsibility for
making our international institutions stronger and more
effective.
Let us not fail the United Nations at this most
critical juncture. Let us not shirk our responsibilities in
the face of complex new realities. Let us choose a
secure and prosperous future for all.


First, I
wish to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your election
as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session.
The most recent Arab Human Development
Report of the United Nations Development Programme
identified the pressing challenges facing the Arab
world both now and in the future. Thus, it contributed
to triggering a broad debate on the future of reform in
the Middle East.
Partly in response, the Tunis Arab Summit
adopted in May 2004 a document on the process of
development, modernization and reform in the Arab
world with a view to improving joint Arab action. That
platform paper highlighted the need to consolidate
democratic principles and to broaden the base of
political participation. It also called for intensifying
efforts to improve performance in the political,
economic, social and educational areas by: giving more
attention to youth issues, the advancement of women
and the modernization of social institutions throughout
the Arab world; improving education; completing the
Arab common market plan; and laying out a pan-Arab
economic development strategy. Jordan, for its part,
supports this vision, which is in line with the plans we
have already been pursuing within our national reform
agenda.
Jordan believes that for reform to be truly
meaningful it has to emanate first and foremost from
within society and be sensitive to the particular
characteristics and needs of each country. Accordingly,
we in Jordan sought to develop an integrated agenda
that addresses the primary issues of concern to our
citizens throughout the country. Those include broader
political development and personal freedoms, greater
roles for women and youth, a more efficient judiciary
system, educational reform and the achievement of
steady economic growth with a view to improving the
living conditions of all individuals, leading to a more
progressive, open and tolerant society.
Within the same framework, the Government of
Jordan sought to strengthen the partnership between
the public and private sectors, both inside Jordan and at
the larger, Arab regional level. The most recent inter-
Arab initiative was launched by Arab private sector
12

and grass-roots civil organizations, with active
Jordanian participation, in Amman on the margin of the
World Economic Forum, which was convened at the
Dead Sea last May. That initiative laid the foundation
for the delineation of a vision for the Middle East for
the year 2010. A well-developed plan of action will be
laid out at the Davos World Economic Forum in 2005.
The plan will provide a framework for pooling and
analysing constructive inputs and proposing answers
for the challenges facing Jordan and the region in
general.
However, the series of reform measures currently
under way in Jordan will be inadequate without the
support of the international community. The help we
need involves support for our development projects,
direct assistance to the Jordanian economy and foreign
debt relief. Of special significance in this regard is the
aid needed and expected from the Group of Eight
industrial Powers to Jordan’s plans and initiatives,
which have been based on positive, realistic and
sustainable goals.
The long-standing status quo in our region has
made virtually impossible all serious efforts to forge
ahead with the overall Middle East reform exercise.
The creation of a favourable climate that helps
accelerate regional development and progress depends
on the termination of the Israeli occupation of Arab
land on the basis of international legality with a view
to ensuring security and stability in the region.
The time has indeed come to focus on starting the
peace process on the basis of the road map and the
terms of reference it contains, including the Arab peace
initiative and implementation by both the Israeli and
Palestinian sides of their respective obligations under
the road map. In fact, the road map provides a well-
defined vision of the ultimate solution of the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict, namely the vision put
forward by President George Bush of the United States
of two States living side by side in peace. President
Bush reaffirmed that position in a letter he sent last
May to His Majesty King Abdullah Bin Al Hussein.
The letter also elaborated the firm position of the
United States, which rejects any measures that would
prejudice the outcome of final status negotiations on
the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973).
The launching of any serious political process
requires immediate action on the part of all parties to
put an end to violence and to all forms of killing of
civilians. Let me recall here that, according to the road
map, the obligations of both sides must be carried out
in concert. For its part, Israel should fulfil its
commitments, beginning with the cessation of all
settlement building and all extrajudicial killings. At the
same time, the Palestinian side should complete the
reforms required to control the security situation in the
occupied Palestinian territories and bring violence to
an end. In that regard, we welcome the decision to
consolidate the Palestinian security apparatus. Israel’s
announcement of its unilateral withdrawal from Gaza,
however, must be effected as an integral part of the
road map and within its terms of reference. The
withdrawal must be coordinated with all parties
concerned, especially the Palestinian side, in order to
ensure a smooth transfer of power.
It has become abundantly clear, now perhaps
more than ever before, that there is a real need to
develop an effective monitoring mechanism, operated
by the Quartet, to ascertain whether all parties meet
their mutual obligations and to ensure the scrupulous
implementation of the road map by the two sides in
their progress towards a successful conclusion. Here, I
wish to pay tribute to the Quartet for its persistent
efforts to maintain the momentum of the peace process.
Once again, I wish to reaffirm Jordan’s
commitment, along with that of all other Arab States,
to the Arab peace initiative which the Arab Summit
adopted in Beirut in 2002 with a view to putting an end
to the Arab-Israeli conflict through the conclusion of a
collective peace agreement providing for the security
of all countries in the region and laying the foundation
for the establishment of relations with Israel. The
agreement would also create a framework for a
solution to the Palestinian refugee problem on the basis
of General Assembly resolution 194 (III), a full Israeli
withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied in 1967
and the establishment of an independent, sovereign and
viable Palestinian State.
Jordan stresses the need to respect and implement
the advisory opinion of the International Court of
Justice (ICJ) on the separation wall being built by
Israel in the occupied Palestinian territories. The
pronouncement of the International Court of Justice is
the law, and no peaceful settlement of the Palestinian
question can be realized unless it is based on
observance of the rules of international law and the
recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
13

people, including the right to self-determination. In
that regard, the Court’s opinion was both clear and
specific on the following points.
First, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is
an occupied territory and, under international law,
Israel is an occupying Power. Accordingly, the claim
that the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is a
“disputed territory” has been dismissed once and for
all.
Second, the relevant rules of international
humanitarian law are applicable to the occupied
Palestinian territories, including The Hague
Regulations of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva
Convention of 1949, which, according to the
International Court of Justice, are legally applicable to
that territory.
Third, the Palestinian people have the right to
self-determination and Israel is violating that right in
contravention of the binding norms of international
law.
Fourth, the Israeli settlements built in the
territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem,
are in breach of the rules of international humanitarian
law.
Fifth, the construction by Israel of the wall in the
occupied Palestinian territories, including East
Jerusalem, is illegal. Furthermore, Israel must cease its
violations relating to the construction of the wall by,
inter alia, dismantling those portions of it erected in the
occupied Palestinian territories, reinstating the rights of
the owners whose lands were lost and compensating
those who incurred losses as a result of Israel’s illegal
actions.
Sixth, the construction of the wall and its route
create a fait accompli on the ground which could
become permanent and which, in that case, would be
tantamount to the actual annexation of the occupied
Palestinian territories.
Seventh, the international community is under a
legal obligation to refrain from abetting Israel in its
illegal activities and is prohibited from recognizing the
illegal situation effected by the construction of the
separation wall.
Accordingly, Jordan welcomes General Assembly
resolution ES-10/15 and considers it an important step,
reflecting the international community’s recognition of
the legal conclusions of the International Court of
Justice and its desire to take practical steps to enforce
it.
The separation wall threatens the national
security of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The wall
is not only a barrier to the establishment of a viable
independent Palestinian State, but it also partitions the
West Bank into three distinct, isolated sections.
Moreover, and in view of the arbitrary Israeli closures
and restrictions on movement, the occupied Palestinian
territories are witnessing an unprecedented level of
deterioration in every aspect of their political, social,
economic, security and humanitarian situation. This is
bound to have a spill-over effect on neighbouring
countries, especially Jordan.
That is the backdrop against which Jordan
supported the efforts leading to the adoption of the
International Court of Justice advisory opinion and
Assembly resolution ES-10/15. Jordan will continue to
support the Palestinian people in its efforts to establish
an independent State on its national territory, on the
basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338
(1973), 1397 (2002) and 1515 (2003), the principle of
land for peace, the road map and the Arab peace
initiative. We also stand ready to provide any
assistance that the Palestinian side might seek to help it
to reform its administrative and security structures with
a view to fulfilling its obligations under the road map.
Jordan welcomes the formation of the interim
Iraqi Government and the restoration of Iraqi
sovereignty at the end of last June. In that regard, we
wish to pay tribute to the Secretary-General of the
United Nations and his Special Adviser, Mr. Lakhdar
Brahimi, for their unrelenting efforts, which
culminated in the formation of the interim Government
despite the enormous odds they encountered at every
stage of the process.
Jordan underscores its support for the
Government of Iraq and stands ready to lend all
possible assistance to Iraq, its people and Government
in the forthcoming phase in order to enable the country
to rebuild its institutions, manage its own affairs and
recover its regional and international status. The
ongoing transition in Iraq and the need for it to develop
its political and economic processes require the
cooperation of all parties. With support, the Iraqi
people will be able to determine their political future
without external intervention, gain control of their
14

natural resources and preserve Iraq’s territorial
integrity.
Despite overwhelming odds and the current
instability, it is our hope that elections for the
transitional national assembly and the formation of a
transitional Government will be completed by the end
of January 2005. Jordan calls upon all States to provide
every possible assistance towards the achievement of
those goals. The United Nations obviously has a
pivotal role to play in ensuring a successful outcome.
In that regard, we welcome the appointment by the
Secretary-General of his Special Representative for
Iraq, Mr. Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, and express our
willingness to fully cooperate with him in order to
ensure the complete and smooth fulfilment of the
United Nations mandate in Iraq as set forth in Security
Council resolution 1546 (2004).
In the meantime, Jordan strongly condemns
violence, the killing of civilians and beheadings in
Iraq. We remain committed to helping our Iraqi
brothers in the training of Iraqi police and army units
in order to enable them to improve their capacity to
restore control over the security situation, as well as
through the provision of necessary humanitarian
assistance. It is indeed regrettable that there is still a
tiny minority representing extremist movements and
organizations that seek political power by means of
intimidation and violence under the false pretext of
Islamic action. Such groups exploit Islam as a means
of achieving political or even personal gain by
resorting to violence and terrorism and thus,
unfortunately, tarnishing the image of Islam, a faith of
moderation and tolerance.
We also condemn all acts of terror, including
those gruesome and blind acts perpetrated in Madrid
and Beslan, which require our firm collective stand in
combating them.
The events of 11 September 2001 marked a new
era of immense challenge to the international
community in terms of dealing with the repercussions
and implications of such events. Fighting international
terrorism entails taking measures that affect
international relations and the principles that have
guided States since the creation of the United Nations
and the adoption of its Charter.
In our view, a meaningful and effective global
campaign against terrorism requires consensus on the
following principles: Respect for the provisions of the
Charter and the rules of international law, and non-
transgression against the sovereignty of States; striking
a balance between the counter-terrorism measures
taken by States and the principles of human rights,
public freedoms and non-abuse of the state of
emergency to justify counter-terrorism measures;
providing a clear and specific legal definition of
“terrorism” as well as of the concept of “terrorist
groups” that would not allow any legal justification for
the commission of terrorist acts. By the same token,
such definitions should not compromise the rights
envisioned in the Charter and in the provisions of
international humanitarian law, such as the right to
self-determination.
In the same vein, combating global terrorism
ought not be a tool for discrimination against the
followers of any creed or a cover for assault against
their religious beliefs. Finally, the “no justification for
terror” policy should not lead to disregard for its
underlying causes. Rather, an effective battle against
terrorism would require global cooperation in
addressing its root causes and the genesis of the
phenomenon.
I am pleased to announce that the Government of
Jordan has welcomed the formation of the High-level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change to examine
the modalities for improving the performance of the
United Nations in the maintenance of international
peace and security and its reform in general. We
support the exercise undertaken by the Panel and look
forward to receiving its recommendations at the end of
the year.
We share the vision, laid out by the Secretary-
General in his reports to the General Assembly, that
reform is a continuous, comprehensive and dynamic
process that must include all political, economic,
administrative and financial activities of the United
Nations. We also believe that, if reform is to succeed,
genuine partnership between Member States
represented by the regional groups and the Secretariat
of the United Nations is required. In this regard, we
believe that the thrust of reform should be an
upgrading of efficiency and not a reduction in the
expenditures or in the budget of the Organization.
Therefore, a set of benchmarks must be developed to
assess performance. In the meantime, there should be
no room for the random setting of agenda priorities or
for selectivity in implementing reform.
15

Regarding reform of the Security Council, I
would be remiss if I failed to commend the Open-
ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable
Representation on and Increase in the Membership of
the Security Council and Other Matters related to the
Security Council. Jordan supports the principle of
increasing membership in both permanent and rotating
seats in order to make the Council more representative
of the United Nations membership.
In this regard, Jordan is of the view that the
responsibilities of Council members should be
reconsidered in order to ensure that all members have
the capacity and political will to contribute effectively
to peacekeeping operations by way of meeting their
obligations under the Charter. The contribution by
Security Council members of human resources to
peacekeeping field operations, not just of financial and
equipment inputs, is an essential requirement for the
success of those operations. This is indeed a primary
responsibility that must be met by members of the
Security Council, especially the permanent ones. In
addition, we think that effective operations require the
development of a flexible mechanism that allows the
adoption of clear resolutions by the Council, in close
coordination with troop-contributing countries that are
not members of the Council, as well as functioning in a
transparent framework.
In closing, let me once again thank you, Sir. I
would also like to wish this session of the General
Assembly every success as I pray to almighty God to
guide us to better serve our people and to live up to the
responsibilities entrusted to us.


More than ever, Africa is making headlines in the
international community. Unfortunately, it is more
about crises, wars and problems of failing States that
are attracting the worldís attention. Yet, some positive
aspects do exist.
African countries are resolutely taking their
destiny into their own hands. Good governance is no
longer an empty word. Democracies are developing
and taking root. The fight against corruption is
seriously under way. In many States on the continent,
there is a strong willingness for peace, security and
stability, as well as better conditions for development.
African countries are deciding to unite in order to
strengthen their abilities. The African Union, the New
Partnership for Africaís Development (NEPAD), the
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the
Southern African Economic Community, as well as
other organizations, are becoming more and more
efficient in resolving conflicts on the African
continent. They are gradually gaining the respect of
their partners from Europe, America and Asia.
For its part, Madagascar has successfully
undertaken major reforms in order to ensure stable
democracy and good governance, to establish a trustful
policy, to protect freedom of the press, to decentralize
and evolve the administrationís functions and
responsibilities and, lastly, to encourage international
investment.
Madagascar is seeking to play an active and
efficient role in African and international
organizations. We strongly support the strengthening of
the United Nations. We endorse the enlargement of the
membership of the Security Council in order to have a
better balance between developed and developing
countries. It is high time for Africa to obtain a
permanent seat, and this is also the case for Germany,
Brazil, India and Japan, which are major contributors
to the United Nations.
Madagascar supports any effort to promote peace,
democracy and the rule of law in Africa. We are
devoted to good governance, respect for human rights
and the fight against terrorism in Madagascar and
elsewhere in Africa. Recent examples attest to our firm
political will, including Madagascarís strong support
for the declaration for free elections, signed in Port
Louis; its participation in the Moroni Agreement to re-
establish peace in the Comoros; and its signing of the
agreement on human rights in Geneva.
Madagascar has made great progress, which has
been recognized by international institutions and the
major Powers. Economic and political development has
become a reality in our country. However, we are also
threatened by natural disasters, such as cyclones, as
10

well as by the rise in oil prices, by the debt burden and
by the lack of access to the markets of industrialized
countries. We are concerned by the slow
implementation of the Brussels Programme of Action
adopted by the international community in 2001. We
need more foreign investment on our continent, both in
the public and private sector.
I urge the Assembly to assume more
responsibility for a just and fair world and urge
Members to assume more responsibility for Africa.
Africa is ready to take its destiny into its own hands.
We are aware of our own responsibilities; however, we
must share them. The globalization of the economy
must go hand in hand with the globalization of
responsibilities.
We know of success stories relating to this kind
of responsibility. Nevertheless, we have experienced
some cases, mainly in Africa, where the world has
failed in its responsibilities with resulting tragic
repercussions. Let us look at the African continent. Do
not forget the catastrophes of the past nor overlook the
catastrophes of the present. But, above all, consider the
potential of our future. How will Africa look in 10 or
20 years? Can we imagine this?
Africa can become a flourishing continent; it has
enormous potential, which may be the source of
prosperity for both Africans and the world. First of all,
it has human potential. More than half of the African
people are under the age of 25. Todayís young Africans
are more open and more dynamic. They can narrow the
gap between the past and the challenges of today. They
deserve a better education and professional training
that is suited to the needs of the market. Education-for-
all programmes are vital. Investing in education is
more profitable than any other investment in poverty
reduction. Africanís destiny will depend on the
education of our young people.
Women in Madagascar are sometimes more
persistent than men. They deserve more than their
traditional role within the family. Let us give them the
chance to fulfil themselves, to enjoy the same rights as
men. All of us will benefit from their wisdom and
dedication.
I would now like to speak about agricultural
potential. In Madagascar, more than half of the arable
land is still unexploited. We can double or triple the
productivity rate. Let us help farmers to organize
themselves, to use better seeds and modern irrigation
systems and to obtain easier access to fertilizers. Let us
set up infrastructures to develop markets. Let us
simplify land registration. Let us institute appropriate
financial systems to encourage farmers to become
entrepreneurs. Let us set up infrastructure and systems
for the processing of natural products. Let us build
food processing units and undertake related activities.
Let us extend the food chain. Let us develop food
processing networks in rural areas. The green
revolution that the Secretary-General spoke about
recently is not a dream.
Next, I wish to speak about economic potential.
Development at the base, sustained by international
investment, will generate high economic growth.
Madagascar experienced economic growth of 9.6 per
cent in 2003, and we hope to achieve the same
performance in 2004 and 2005. This is also possible
for other African countries. With such a high economic
growth rate and more than 900 million consumers, the
African market will become increasingly worthwhile.
As to energy, we are all aware of the fact that the
world energy situation is critical and affects not just
our economies but our ecology as well. What potential
exists in Africa? Half of the African countries, like
Madagascar, could produce an abundant supply of
hydraulic energy; only 7 per cent of this potential is
exploited; only 1 per cent of the worldís solar energy
comes from Africa. Let us conclude an agreement on
energy development in Africa. The potential lies in
reforestation and in the Kyoto process.
Then, there is ecological potential. In addition to
the energy and the climate, we can share the values of
our nature with the world. Seventy per cent of
Madagascarís plants and fauna are endemic. At
present, we cannot truly assess the extent to which they
will be of benefit for medicine, as well as in other
fields.
With all this potential, the development of Africa
is in the interest of the great Powers. Their leaders
should know what African development can offer to
world prosperity, peace and security. Africa is a
continent of the future. Africa can become a
flourishing continent. Let us seek a common vision and
find new approaches to develop Africa.
Africa is ready for a new future. We Africans are
ready to resolve armed conflicts. We are ready to win
the war against poverty and other diseases. We are
ready for enhanced democracy and good governance.
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We are ready to work and cooperate closely for peace,
stability and security. We are ready for an open market
system. We are ready to strengthen our abilities. We are
ready for competition. We are ready for new
leadership. We are ready for a new Africa.
That is why we ask for international rules that are
acceptable to and accepted by all countries, be they
large or small. We are asking for mutual respect. We
are asking for closer cooperation.
We are asking for a comprehensive plan for the
development of Africa. We are asking for a ìMarshall
Planî for Africa: a plan that should be based on the
NEPAD objectives; a plan that includes the Evian
Summit objectives and measures, adopted by the
Group of Eight, but that goes even further; a plan that
is more than just an emergency measure; an
appropriate plan that promotes all the assets - the
entire potential - of Africa. Let us act at once and
without delay to implement it.
Let us promote the potential of Africa. The
impact for African people and for the international
community will be enormous.


First of all, allow me
to congratulate you on your election to the office of the
President of the fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly. I wish you every success and all the best in
your very important work. I would also like to thank
your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for his leadership
of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session.
The current session is very significant for
Estonia, since it is the first time ever that we
participate at the General Assembly as a member State
of the European Union and the NATO. We are
therefore more aware than ever before of our shared
responsibility for the world, but also of our
vulnerability to global threats.
During the last few years, we have all witnessed
new threats to world peace and security. We have also
seen how these threats are all connected to economic,
social, cultural and humanitarian problems. The fifty-
eighth session of the General Assembly focused on the
situation in Iraq. However, securing peace and stability
in the Middle East remains an ongoing concern. I hope
that all of this has only deepened our conviction that
the goals and principles of the United Nations Charter
have not really lost their topicality but rather, are even
more topical now. In today’s world of new threats and
changing global security, we need shared solutions
more than ever before. The United Nations is the only
organization established to coordinate, on a global
scale, the efforts of States in safeguarding international
stability and security. The United Nations has to be
even more decisive and efficient in order to
successfully fulfil its important responsibilities in this
new situation.
The reduction of world poverty continues to be a
central issue on the global development agenda; less
poverty would certainly mean more international
stability and security. The international community has
made a commitment to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals by the year 2015, halving poverty
in the world by that time. That is a very optimistic
promise indeed, and it assumes that all countries must
perform even more purposefully and in an even more
coordinated manner. High-level meetings in Doha,
Monterrey and Johannesburg have shown us the way;
now, we must act.
At the forthcoming 2005 summit, we will review
our progress in fulfilling the goals set out in the
Millennium Declaration. I would like to appeal to all of
25

us here to work so that we would be content with the
conclusions in the interim report.
Together with other United Nations Member
States, Estonia shares responsibility for balanced
development in the world and makes its contribution
towards achieving the common goals. Only recently,
we were one of the recipient countries of international
aid. Now that we are one of the donors, we are very
much aware of how important it is that international
aid be coordinated and harmonized. We began
providing international aid in 1998. Time has shown
that the Estonian experience in building up democratic
institutions, implementing economic reforms and
involving civil society in public life and decision-
making can really help other countries where such
processes are still in their initial stage.
Despite the work that has already been done to
achieve the very challenging Millennium Development
Goals, we must admit, unfortunately, that the gap
between the rich and the poor is widening. What is
more, it is taking new forms in our changing world. In
addition to economic inequality, the information era
has brought about the so-called digital divide, a divide
between information-rich and information-poor States
and nations as well as social groups. I would like to
briefly elaborate on this topic.
In spite of the rapid development in information
technology over the last ten years, only a small group
of privileged countries and social groups have
benefited from the so-called digital revolution. For
example, let us consider access to the Internet. Many of
us cannot really imagine life without the Internet, but
four-fifths of the world population have never had any
contact with the Internet. More than a half of Internet
users live in Europe or in North America, which
together represent only 17 per cent of the world’s
population. In Africa, only 1.4 per cent of the
population uses the Internet.
The digital divide exists not only between
countries but also within countries, between different
social groups. The causes of such a divide can be age,
gender, language, education or income. The digital
divide is a reflection of technological, social and
economic backwardness, perhaps due to a lack of
infrastructure or to that infrastructure being very
expensive. At the same time, the digital divide is not
only an expression of existing socio-economic
inequality, but also amplifies it and even causes it.
Today, the social and economic value of access to
information is much higher than it was 20 years ago.
Unequal access to know-how, information networks
and opportunities to contribute to these networks, will,
in the longer term, lead to a further marginalization of
poor countries and poor social groups. Paradoxically,
the very same Internet is behind this marginalization,
although it is supposed to be the cheapest and most
efficient way to exchange information and knowledge
in the world.
Since information technology has a strong impact
on economic growth and competitiveness, there is no
doubt that it is a new factor in development policy.
That is why in recent years, more and more attention
has focused on the causes and consequences of the
digital divide. For example, the United Nations
Development Programme’s Human Development
Report 2001 concentrated on those problems and was
the centre of attention at the 2003 World Summit on
the Information Society in Geneva.
I am very pleased that Estonia has, in a relatively
short period of time, achieved a remarkable level in
several areas of information technology. We have
managed to create a favourable environment for
development in this field and have ensured that the
necessary infrastructure has been created through close
cooperation between the public sector and the private
sector, businesses and non-governmental organizations.
As a result of this, Estonian citizens of limited means
now have access to several information society
services. According to “The Economist”, as of 2004,
Estonia ranks 26th in the world in e-readiness and
holds a leading position among Central and Eastern
European countries. More than half the Estonian
population regularly uses the Internet; 38 per cent own
computers; 80 per cent own mobile phones; 62 per cent
use Internet banking; and 59 per cent fill out their tax
returns electronically. Estonians can communicate with
both the central Government and local governments
over the Internet and are able to use legally binding
digital signatures. All those indicators are in line with
European Union averages even though Estonia’s gross
domestic product remains considerably lower than the
European average.
I believe that, as a former country in transition,
Estonia has experiences which could be very useful for
developing countries with respect to the promotion of
information and communication technologies. Estonia
is in a position to provide development assistance, first
26

and foremost in the form of know-how. We have
already taken steps in that direction: in the summer of
2002 the Government of Estonia, the United Nations
Development Programme and the Information
Programme of the Open Society Institute jointly set up
the Estonian e-Governance Academy. The purpose of
that unique Academy is to improve the public-private
cooperation in the information and communication
technologies. The initial beneficiaries of the project are
Central and Eastern European countries, countries of
the Commonwealth of Independent States and Asian
countries, but we already have future plans for African
countries as well. The e-Governance Academy has
already held training courses for officials from
Kyrgyzstan, Sri Lanka, Albania, Kazakhstan and other
countries.
The year 2004 is the final year of the
International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People.
I am an Estonian, and as an Estonian I have a specific
reason to talk about indigenous peoples: we are a
nation that knows how important it is to preserve and
develop our culture and language. Therefore, I am very
happy that recent decades have seen increased
momentum in the activities of the United Nations and
its agencies to protect the rights of indigenous peoples.
But the approaching end of the International
Decade of the World’s Indigenous People must not
mean diminished attention to the situation of
indigenous peoples. The rights of indigenous peoples
must be codified in international law without further
delay. Estonia firmly supports the speedy formulation
and adoption of a declaration on the rights of
indigenous peoples. Regardless of the progress that has
been made locally, many of the world’s peoples remain
uncertain about the preservation of their cultures and
languages. Restrictions on the rights of indigenous
peoples are one of the reasons behind the emergence of
hot spots and crises.
Scientists enter endangered species into a Red
Book in order to help save them from extinction. But
we do not yet have a Red Book of peoples. When a
species of wildlife disappears, nature becomes poorer
and the ecological balance can be damaged. By the
same token, the extinction of a people means that the
whole world becomes intellectually and culturally
poorer.
Anthropologists have used the concept of the
“fourth world” to refer to the ever increasing
marginalization of indigenous peoples and the
deterioration of their living conditions. The living
conditions of Finno-Ugric peoples in their historic
homelands provide a worrying example. The Council
of Europe Parliamentary Assembly has expressed its
concerns in that respect. In August this year, the fourth
World Congress of the Finno-Ugric Peoples took place
in Estonia under the motto “Youth is our future.” The
final document of the Congress expressed concern
about the ongoing loss of national identity by Finno-
Ugric peoples and called on the international
community to devote greater attention to the protection
of human rights and the rights of indigenous peoples
and national minorities.
I would like finally to touch upon the future of
the United Nations. The United Nations needs to be
strengthened and improved: it needs to be reorganized
so that it can better respond to new challenges.
Reorganization and increased efficiency would make
the Organization more reliable and provide it with
greater authority. Here, all Member States share a
common goal: to ensure the steady development of the
United Nations and to effect reforms that would
enhance its effectiveness as a multilateral organization.
Estonia firmly supports that process.
I believe that greater attention should be devoted
to the prevention of crises and conflicts. We await the
publication on 1 December of the report of the High-
Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, which
could provide essential guidelines for making the
United Nations function more efficiently in the
changed global framework.
Thanks to the efforts of Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and the President of the fifty-eighth session,
Julian Hunte, and thanks to the cooperation of Member
States, discussions on revitalization of the work of the
General Assembly have yielded concrete and desirable
results, reflected in resolution 58/316, adopted on
1 July. That resolution is an essential landmark in the
process of changing and modernizing the General
Assembly to keep pace with developments in world
events. At the fifty-ninth session, under the presidency
of Mr. Jean Ping, we must continue and intensify our
efforts in that direction.
Finally, it is also high time that we moved
forward with reform of the Security Council, which
27

would enable the United Nations to participate more
effectively in resolving world problems and crises.