It is a great
pleasure for me to address and greet the General
Assembly once again from this rostrum in my capacity
as Prime Minister of Turkey on the occasion of the
general debate of the Assembly’s sixty-fourth session.
 I would like to congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam
Treki on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. I also wish to
express my appreciation and thanks to Mr. D’Escoto
Brockmann for his able and prudent conduct of the
presidency of the Assembly at its sixty-third session. I
take this opportunity also to thank all the Member
States for the high degree of trust and approval shown
to my country in electing it last year as a
non-permanent member of the Security Council by a
wide margin of support.

09-52320 32

 The global problems of our age necessitate
solutions on a global scale, and we therefore need to
work in a determined fashion. From wars to economic
crises, from hunger and poverty to terrorism, from
energy security to climate change, the problems of our
world are extremely challenging. However, none of
them is insurmountable.
 If we are to resolve these problems, we need a
fair and inclusive global order that is based on trust
and regards diversity as a source of wealth. It is
possible to make the transition from a conception of
the world based on risk and perceptions of threats to
one that is based on trust and solidarity. Indeed, this
has become a necessity for all of us. To do so,
however, we need a new kind of leadership. We can
indeed make the twenty-first century an era ruled by
peace instead of war; trust instead of fear; justice
instead of injustice; tranquillity instead of terror and
violence; and prosperity instead of hunger and poverty.
It is our common responsibility and historic duty to
participate in the construction of such a world,
regardless of our differences of language, religion or
nationality.
 Threats such as terrorism and the proliferation of
nuclear weapons have become sources of worldwide
concern. Problems such as hunger and poverty, the
increased frequency of pandemics, food and energy
security, growing xenophobia and radicalism remain
grave challenges. In addition, global warming and the
financial crisis are fundamental issues that demand
substantial solutions.
 Against that backdrop, the relevance and
indispensability of the United Nations has become
even more evident. In order to establish a fair and
participatory global order, we must work together to
enhance the Organization’s efficiency. We certainly do
not despair. We maintain our hope that the achievement
of global peace and stability is within our grasp. We
therefore wish to see the United Nations serve as the
voice and spokesperson of the global public
conscience. We believe that a more representative,
democratic, transparent, just and effective United
Nations will be able to make a greater contribution to
global peace and stability.
 The United Nations must become a much more
effective institution on such matters as climate change,
sustainable development, the struggle against poverty,
gender equality and the protection of human rights and
dignity, and we fully support reform efforts to that end.
However, there is no doubt that the reform of the
United Nations system will be incomplete if not
accompanied by Security Council reform. I would like
to underscore once again that Turkey is in favour of
enlarging the non-permanent membership of the
Security Council.
 Another important aspect of reform that I wish to
underline is the need to improve the United Nations
peacekeeping system. In this context, we want the
views and expectations of the United Nations troop-
contributing countries, in particular, on such issues as
early and effective coordination, capacity-building and
enhanced cooperation with regional organizations to be
taken into full account.
 Turkey continues to be a force for peace and
stability in its region. Especially in the course of the
past seven years, we have made every effort to settle
our problems with our neighbours. Thanks to this
approach, which we call a zero-problem policy with
our neighbours, Turkey has made significant progress
in solving outstanding issues with its neighbours and
has greatly improved its bilateral relations.
 The problems of our region have global
implications as well. Therefore, our constructive and
peaceful regional policies serve not only our own
neighbourhood but also world peace. However, we do
not consider those efforts to be sufficient. We seek to
move from a relationship of passive good-
neighbourliness to one of active friendship and
cooperation. The positive impact of this approach on
regional and world peace is well appreciated by all our
friends in the East and the West.
 Another concrete example of this approach is our
ongoing dialogue with our neighbour, Greece. Another
case in point is our quest to normalize our relations
with Armenia, which has gained fresh momentum of
late and begun to bear fruit.
 We also believe that the conflicts and disputes in
the Caucasus, including but not limited to the problems
between Armenia and Azerbaijan, are issues that need
to be resolved. In this regard, we hope that our regional
partners will share Turkey’s vision for region-wide
peace, security and stability. We believe that the
Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform, which
we launched in the aftermath of the crisis of August
2008, can make a substantial contribution to efforts in
that direction.

33 09-52320

 Another issue of great interest to us and the world
is Iraq’s territorial integrity, political unity and internal
peace. We attach great importance to the continuation
of the political dialogue process encompassing all
groups in Iraq and the establishment of national unity.
A clear manifestation of this importance is the
neighbouring countries process regarding Iraq, which
was initiated by Turkey.
 In this connection, I also wish to emphasize the
significance of the strategic dialogue mechanism set up
between Turkey and Iraq, which is important in terms
of both the fight against terrorism and other aspects of
our bilateral relations. We are fully committed to
maintaining and further developing this process.
 Another area to which Turkey is sensitive is the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict. In our view, the resolution
of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, based on the vision
of two States existing side by side in peace and
security, is an indispensable element of regional and
global peace. The achievement of Palestinian national
unity will expedite the establishment of an independent
Palestinian State. Turkey has always stood by the
Palestinian people and will continue to do so.
 I wish to draw the Assembly’s attention to the
following facts. The aggression against Gaza carried
out at the end of 2008 quickly turned into a human
tragedy and resulted in the deaths of nearly
1,400 people, most of whom were women and children,
as the result of phosphate bombs. Over 5,000 people
were injured and the infrastructure of Gaza was
completely destroyed. Even United Nations buildings
in Gaza did not escape this destruction. Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon personally witnessed the
devastation and voiced his reaction. The 575-page
United Nations report on Gaza (A/HRC/12/48),
released on 15 September 2009, clearly confirms this
fact.
 It has been eight months since the declaration of
the ceasefires that ended the hostilities in Gaza and the
adoption of resolution 1860 (2009). Similarly, six
months have elapsed since the Sharm el-Sheikh
conference, at which the international community
pledged billions of dollars for the reconstruction of
Gaza. However, I regret to say that the human tragedy
in Gaza continues.
 People are living in tents and cannot find
drinking water. In the face of this situation, are we
fulfilling our humanitarian responsibility? What can
the United Nations or the Security Council do? What
measures have the United Nations and the Security
Council really enacted? We really must think about that
because the promises made in Gaza have not been
fulfilled.
 As at the time of aggression, Gaza has once again
been left to its own devices in the aftermath of the
heavy destruction it suffered. Currently, the
importation of construction materials to Gaza is not
permitted; only food and medication are allowed to
pass through, and the suffering of the people of Gaza
continues.
 We demand that these obstacles be immediately
lifted and normalcy restored to Gaza for the sake of the
peace and security of Israelis and Palestinians alike.
The Palestinian question cannot be resolved solely by
satisfying the demands of one party alone. The security
of the Palestinians is as important as the security of
Israel. The Palestinian people’s quest for freedom and
peace is as legitimate as Israel’s quest for stability.
 The settlement of the Palestinian question, which
is one of the greatest obstacles to regional and global
peace, will be possible only when everyone is treated
fairly and equitably. On every possible occasion,
Turkey has stressed that it is not possible to turn a
blind eye to the appalling conditions in Gaza, and we
will continue to make that point. It is our common
humanitarian and moral responsibility to ensure that
the tragedy unfolding in Gaza is brought to an end and
that an atmosphere of lasting peace is created in the
region.
 It is extremely important that the international
community remain engaged in this matter and inject
new vigour and momentum into efforts to resolve the
problem. We call on all parties concerned not to remain
indifferent to this question and not to condone further
suffering.
 We also believe that the resumption of the Israeli-
Palestinian talks, which have been disrupted by the
Gaza conflict, is of the utmost importance. We hope
that the peace process will be revitalized as quickly as
possible. To date, Turkey has made every possible
effort to contribute to the peace process in the Middle
East. The indirect negotiations between Syria and
Israel, which we hosted in 2008, are a case in point.
Depending on the mutual desire of both parties, we are
ready to resume our active role in the future.

09-52320 34

 We have always said that our neighbouring
country Syria is a very important country in our region
and is in a position to play a key role in the search for
regional peace, security and stability. Lebanon, too, is
of critical importance to regional stability. Turkey has
expended intensive efforts to ensure that a
comprehensive political compromise prevails in
Lebanon. We will continue to strongly support
Lebanon’s stability in the future.
 We also believe that the dispute over our
neighbour Iran’s nuclear programme, which has long
preoccupied the international community, should be
resolved through dialogue. Turkey defends the right of
all countries to benefit from the peaceful use of nuclear
energy. On the other hand, we also call on all countries
to act responsibly and to bear in mind the serious
consequences of the proliferation of nuclear weapons
for the whole world. In that spirit, we supported the
adoption of Security Council resolution 1874 (2009),
on North Korea’s nuclear test last May.
 We also closely follow the situation in
Afghanistan and developments in Pakistan. We support
the struggle against extremism by the peoples of
Afghanistan and Pakistan, with whom we enjoy
historical and brotherly ties. We are maintaining our
infrastructure investments in order to help those two
countries achieve the prosperity they deserve. The
ministerial-level meeting of friends of a democratic
Pakistan that we convened in Istanbul in late August is
an indication of the importance we attach to Pakistan’s
stability and prosperity.
 I would like to take this opportunity to announce
that, in addition to becoming the lead country on
Afghanistan in the Security Council in 2010, we shall
also assume the chairmanship of the Council’s
Counter-Terrorism Committee. Our strong support for
efforts to achieve security and stability in Afghanistan
and to combat terrorism will continue unabated during
the course of our performance of those duties on the
Council.
 The Balkans is another region that we follow
closely. We believe that the integration of the countries
of the region into Euro-Atlantic institutions is
important. That perspective should be maintained.
 Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus support efforts to find a comprehensive
solution on the island. The basis upon which such a
solution should be built is right here under the roof of
the United Nations. If all the parties to the current
negotiations were to act constructively, it would be
possible to reach a comprehensive solution by the end
of 2009. We believe that the Secretary-General should,
as he did in 2004, play a role in bridging the
differences on which the parties themselves cannot
agree.
 It should be our common objective to submit the
solution to be reached to a referendum in the spring of
2010, at the latest. However, at this juncture, I would
also like to stress that, if a solution cannot be found
due to Greek Cypriot intransigence, as was the case in
2004, the normalization of the status of the Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus will become a necessity
that can no longer be delayed. It is therefore essential
to realize that negotiations cannot be sustained
ad infinitum, that the current window of opportunity
cannot remain open forever, and that efforts must be
deployed to ensure the success of the process.
 I would also like to take this opportunity to
emphasize once again that a comprehensive solution to
be achieved on the basis of established United Nations
parameters, which will secure the founding of a new
partnership in Cyprus, will enjoy the open support of
Turkey as a guarantor Power. A fair and lasting
solution in Cyprus will make a major contribution to
the transformation of the eastern Mediterranean into a
zone of peace, stability and cooperation. I call upon
everyone to do their utmost to help achieve that goal.
 In the meantime, the Turkish Cypriot side is still
subject to unfair measures of isolation, despite the fact
that in 2004 it accepted all the sacrifices that the Annan
plan entailed. It is not fair to expect the Turkish side to
pay the price for a lack of a solution. The lifting of
such restrictions on Turkish Cypriots will not only
remove an unjust practice, but also accelerate the
process of resolution.
 Turkey continues to participate actively in
peacekeeping operations around the world under the
umbrella of the United Nations, NATO, the European
Union and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. We also strongly support least
developed and developing countries in their struggle to
resolve development problems.
 In addition, as a party to the Kyoto Protocol,
Turkey is ready to live up to its responsibilities with
respect to a vital issue that concerns the future of our
world. We support the determined efforts being made

35 09-52320

by the Secretary-General in the process of devising a
new climate change regime.
 I should also like to draw the Assembly’s
attention to another very important issue that poses a
threat to our world. We should not forget that each
culture and civilization flourishes through the
inspiration provided by the successes of other cultures
and civilizations. As a matter of fact, our common
values today, as well as our science, law and art, have
been influenced not only by the ancient Greek and
Roman civilizations, but also by ancient Eastern
civilizations. From Al-Khwarizmi, the father of
algebra, to Al-Farabi, who laid the foundations of
music; from Ibn Sina, who ushered in a new era in
medicine, to Sinan the architect, who produced the
finest engineering examples of his time, many Turkish
and Islamic scholars, men of learning and artists have
made significant contributions to the progress of
humankind.
 It is therefore essential to regard and understand
diverse cultures not as the other, but as individual
elements of humankind’s cultural inheritance, as well
as to inculcate that spirit in new generations. That is
the philosophy that underlies the Alliance of
Civilizations, which has become a United Nations
initiative that has strengthened its institutional
structure under the co-sponsorship of Turkey and
Spain. I have no doubt that the Alliance will make a
significant contribution. We should ensure that it has a
meaningful place in the Organization, as it can make
important contributions to shaping a global civilization
based on universal values centred on democracy, the
rule of law, good governance, human rights, gender
equality, young people and media.
 In conclusion, I would like to express my hope
that the sixty-fourth session of the General Assembly
will serve the best interests of all humankind, as well
as the interests of peace.


I should like to extend
my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Ali
Abdussalam Treki on his assuming the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. I
should also like to express my respect to His
Excellency Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his
excellent leadership at the previous session. I also
highly commend the dedication and leadership of His
Excellency Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in tackling
the various challenging issues that the United Nations
faces at the present time.
 It was 120 years ago, in 1889, that an electoral
system, while limited, was initiated in Japan. From that
time forward, the change of governments through
elections has been a matter of course in Japan. Japan
also enjoyed a period in the early twentieth century
known as the Taisho democracy.
 Japan is thus a nation with a solid heritage of
democracy and elections. Since the Second World War,
however, Japan has not experienced changes of power
through the ballot box. Tensions between politicians
and bureaucrats disappeared. It cannot be denied that
as a result, Japan’s foreign policy has been somewhat
deprived of vitality.
 However, on 30 August this year, the Japanese
people finally chose, through a general election, to
have a change of power. This is a triumph for
democracy in Japan and a victory for the Japanese
people.
 Last week, on 16 September, I assumed the office
of Prime Minister of Japan, and thus I stand before you
today. My new Administration embodies the dynamism
of democracy and will exert all efforts to address both
domestic affairs and foreign policy challenges through
our all-Japan agenda.
 Japan’s membership in the United Nations was
approved on 18 December 1956. The Prime Minister at
the time was Ichiro Hatoyama, my grandfather. At the
eleventh session of the General Assembly, where Japan
made its maiden speech, then-Foreign Minister
Mamoru Shigemitsu stated:
  “The substance of Japan’s political,
economic and cultural life is the product of the
fusion within the last century of the civilizations
of the Orient and the Occident. In a way, Japan
may well be regarded as a bridge between the
East and the West. It is fully conscious of the
great responsibilities of such a position.”
(A/PV.623, para. 80)
 My grandfather Ichiro, Prime Minister at that
time, was an advocate of the concept of “yu-ai”, or
fraternity. This “yu-ai” is a way of thinking that
respects one’s own freedom and individual dignity
while also respecting the freedom and individual

29 09-52320

dignity of others. There is a remarkable resonance
between the concept of the bridge in Mamoru
Shigemitsu’s address and Ichiro’s concept of “yu-ai”,
or fraternity.
 Now, 53 years later, here before the very same
General Assembly, I declare with firm determination
that Japan will again play the role of a bridge. Today,
the world faces numerous arduous challenges. This is
not an easy era by any means, but the new Japan will
not turn its back on such challenges. Based upon the
spirit of “yu-ai”, or fraternity, Japan will make utmost
efforts to become a bridge for the world, between the
Orient and the Occident, between developed and
developing countries and between diverse civilizations.
 Today, I should like to address the Assembly
regarding five challenges that Japan intends to take on
in serving as this bridge.
 The first is seeking measures to respond to the
global economic crisis. While the global economy
appears to have emerged from the worst stage of the
crisis, it is still difficult to predict its future prospects,
including the issue of employment. What Japan must
do in this area is, first of all, to revive its own
economy. The new Japan has a plan for achieving this.
Child allowances totalling 5.5 trillion yen per year will
serve not only as an investment in education but also as
a means of stimulating consumption and addressing the
low birth rate in Japan.
 The abolishment of provisional rates on auto-
related taxes will provide tax relief amounting to
2.5 trillion yen per year and at the same time is
expected to enhance the cost competitiveness of
Japanese industries through the revitalization of the
distribution infrastructure.
 On a topic I will return to later, we are setting a
very ambitious target to tackle climate change, which
should result in the creation of new markets, including
for electric vehicles, solar power generation and clean
energy businesses. Furthermore, we will ensure stable
potential for growth through the creation of new
industries and new technologies in maritime, space,
next-generation information technology and other
fields.
 By reviewing economic policies through this
change of power, Japan is sending a clear signal of the
forthcoming revival of its economy.
 The new Japan will also need to respond
appropriately to globalization. The deepening of
worldwide interdependence described by the term
“globalization” includes aspects of both light and
shadow. Expanding the light while controlling the
shadow has become a task on a global scale for today’s
world. As we advance the liberalization of trade and
investment, international coordination is necessary to
forge systems to rein in the issues of poverty and
economic disparity — which are difficult to coordinate
by simply leaving them to market mechanisms — and
excessive money-making games. Japan will play a role
as a bridge in international forums, including the
Group of 20, towards the formulation of common rules
to that end.
 The second challenge is to address the climate
change issue. As is apparent from the increased
incidence of extreme weather events, rising sea levels
and other phenomena, climate change is a danger that
is already confronting us. Furthermore, efforts by one
country can produce only limited effects. However, due
to differences in short-term interests between
developed and developing countries, and among
developed countries as well as among developing
countries, the path towards creating a post-2012
framework will be anything but smooth. The new
Japanese Government has set a very ambitious target
for a greenhouse gas emissions reduction of 25 per cent
by 2020, as compared to the 1990 level.
 It has also made it clear that it is prepared to
provide more financial and technical assistance to
developing countries than in the past, in accordance
with the progress of international negotiations. This
international commitment is premised on the
formulation of a fair and effective international
framework by all major economies and agreement on
their ambitious targets. Japan has announced this
ambitious pledge because it wishes to serve as a bridge
among countries with varied interests and to preserve
the planet for future generations. I would like to appeal
strongly to the representatives present today — let us
work together to ensure the success of the upcoming
Copenhagen meeting.
 The third challenge is that of nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. I welcome the
progress being made in the negotiations on nuclear
weapons reduction between the United States and the
Russian Federation. I also commend the United
Kingdom and France for their initiatives. It is urgent

09-52320 30

that all nuclear-weapon States take concrete measures
on nuclear disarmament. There are States currently
engaged in efforts to develop nuclear weapons.
Furthermore, there is an increasingly greater risk that
nuclear materials and nuclear technologies will be
passed onto terrorists or even actually used.
 In this area as well, Japan has the potential to
become a promoter of nuclear disarmament and to
serve as a bridge between States possessing nuclear
weapons and those without them. Japan can speak with
the greatest persuasiveness in urging nuclear-weapon
States towards nuclear disarmament and non-nuclear-
weapon States to avoid the temptation to acquire
nuclear weapons. Japan can do so because it is the only
country which has ever suffered the devastation of
atomic bombs and, as such, has never ceased to appeal
for no more Hiroshimas and no more Nagasakis. Japan
has also continued to maintain its three non-nuclear
principles, despite its potential capability to acquire
nuclear weapons.
 In April this year in Prague, President
Barack Obama articulated a vision of a world without
nuclear weapons, inspiring people throughout the
globe. I am one of those people. In order to ensure the
success of the Review Conference of the Parties to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,
to be held next year in May, we must take action now
towards the early entry into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the early
commencement of negotiations on a fissile material
cut-off treaty.
 Here, I must touch upon the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea. Its nuclear tests and missile
launches are a threat to the peace and stability not only
of the region, but also of the international community
as a whole, and cannot be condoned under any
circumstances. It is imperative that the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea comply fully with the
relevant Security Council resolutions and that the
international community implement these resolutions.
 Japan will continue its efforts to realize the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula through the
Six-Party Talks. Japan seeks to normalize relations
with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in
accordance with the Pyongyang Declaration issued by
our two countries, through the comprehensive
resolution of the outstanding issues of concern with the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, including the
abduction, nuclear and missile issues, as well as by
sincerely moving beyond the unfortunate past.
 In particular, regarding the abduction issue,
constructive actions by the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea, including swiftly commencing a
full investigation as agreed last year, will be an avenue
towards progress in relations between our two
countries. If the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea takes such constructive and sincere actions,
Japan is ready to respond positively.
 The fourth challenge is posed by issues related to
peacebuilding, development and poverty. Even in the
twenty-first century, the world has not been liberated
from the problems of poverty, infectious diseases,
health, education, water and sanitation, food and illegal
drugs. The situation is particularly serious in
developing countries.
 I am also compelled to point out the unfortunate
reality that fragile or failed States can become breeding
grounds for terrorism. The global economic crisis that
began last year has exacerbated the situation. The new
Japan should also become a bridge in this area. Japan
will work in partnership with international and
non-governmental organizations and strengthen its
assistance to developing countries in terms of both
quality and quantity.

 Japan intends to continue and strengthen the
Tokyo International Conference on African
Development process, and redouble its efforts towards
the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals
and the promotion of human security.
 For the stability and reconstruction of
Afghanistan, Japan has provided assistance in a broad
range of fields, such as strengthening the security
sector, including through assistance for police, and
developing social infrastructure. Japan has also
extended agricultural assistance and capacity-building
support, including vocational training, through the
Japan International Cooperation Agency, its aid
implementation agency.
 Japan will proactively support Afghanistan’s own
efforts to ensure its stability and reconstruction, in
conjunction with the international community. It goes
without saying that the primary actors in achieving
peace in Afghanistan and in advancing national

31 09-52320

reconstruction are the people of Afghanistan
themselves.
 As progress is made, the reconciliation and
reintegration of insurgents will become critical issues.
Japan will make vital contributions in these areas,
including possible reintegration assistance, such as
vocational training aimed at providing a means of
livelihood to people who have undergone
reconciliation. The stability of the surrounding region
is also important, and Japan is steadfastly providing
support for Pakistan and other countries in the area.
 In the world in which we now live, national
security and human security are becoming increasingly
intertwined. The path forward that will save humanity
is one which can bring about shared security in which
various nations, ethnicities, races and religions coexist
while acknowledging the differences among them. In
other words, it is to bring about shared security through
the principles of yuai, or fraternity.
 The fifth challenge is to build an East Asian
community. Today, there is no way that Japan can
develop without deeply involving itself in the Asia and
Pacific regions. Reducing the region’s security risks
and sharing in one another’s economic dynamism,
based on the principle of open regionalism, will result
in tremendous benefits not only for Japan but also for
the region and the international community. Given the
historical circumstances arising from its mistaken
actions in the past, Japan has hesitated to play a
proactive role in this region. It is my hope that the new
Japan can overcome this history and become a bridge
among the countries of Asia.
 I look forward to an East Asian community taking
shape as an extension of the accumulated cooperation
built up step by step among partners who have the
capacity to work together, starting with fields in which
we can cooperate — free trade agreements, finance,
currency, energy, the environment, disaster relief and
more. Of course, Rome was not built in a day, so let us
seek to move forward steadily on this, even if at a
moderate pace.
 In closing, I would like representatives to recall
that the United Nations is the forum in which bridging
diplomacy is made manifest. In resolving various
issues of international peace and stability, development
and the environment, among others, the United Nations
has an immense role to play. I intend to make greater
use of the Organization and to work to enhance the
effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations as a
whole.
 I firmly believe that Japan has the capacity to
play an even greater role in the United Nations, and
above all at the Security Council, as a bridge between
various countries. Japan will continue to participate
actively in the intergovernmental negotiations on
Security Council reform, pursuing the expansion of
both permanent and non-permanent membership and of
Japan’s permanent membership in the Council. This
concludes my message from the new Japan.


I extend our gratitude to the
Secretary-General for continuing to spearhead the work
of the United Nations at a time when our membership
is beset by historic challenges.
 I am told that it is only what one says from the
rostrum that is reflected in the record of the meeting. I
hope that perhaps in the future, we can change the
system. If we do so, we may be able to say more
without spending a lot of time at the rostrum. So I shall
circulate the full text of my speech and focus on only
two areas that I think are important at this point in
time. The first has to do with the financial crisis and its
impact on the Caribbean, and the second concerns the
climate change crisis.
 In the case of the prevailing financial crisis, the
small, vulnerable economies of the Caribbean have had
to bear the brunt of global recession. That has
manifested itself both through depressed prices for
primary exported commodities, such as bauxite, and
through depressed demand for services, such as
tourism. The result has been losses in export and
foreign currency earnings, with attendant dislocation of
exchange rates and Government revenues, exacerbating
an already tenuous fiscal and debt situation and
causing the loss of jobs and welfare and a reversal of
gains previously made against poverty.
 Even as we seek long-term solutions to bolster
the resilience of our economies, the need for relief and
support is immediate. The capacity of the small
countries of the Caribbean to respond with

09-52425 12

countercyclical measures is virtually non-existent, with
no available fiscal space and levels of indebtedness
that are among the highest in the world. The case is
therefore compelling for the global community to
relieve and restructure the debt of these heavily
indebted vulnerable small countries, including those
that were not previously considered for debt relief
because of their income levels, but whose debt ratios
are clearly unsustainable by any standard.
 The case is equally compelling for new additional
flows of development assistance to be delivered to
these countries by both multilateral and bilateral
development partners. Despite injections of large
amounts of additional resources into some of the
multilateral institutions and the approval of new
facilities by those institutions, very little has actually
materialized in terms of additionality in disbursements
to smaller States. This needs to be corrected urgently if
we are to avoid the perception that there is an absence
of concern at the global level for the needs of smaller
countries.
 My fear is that, as the crisis abates, so too will
the will to change the global financial architecture.
Therefore, we are advocating urgent action in this area,
and we are also saying that this solution — a new
global financial architecture — must involve smaller
countries in its articulation. Our fear is that, if we
continue along the same path, we will have a new
architecture that caters only to the concerns of the large
countries — now expanded to the Group of 20 — and
that the smaller countries will not see their concerns
reflected in it. That is why, last year, I called for a new
Bretton Woods-type conference at which all the
countries in this Hall would help to create that
architecture.
 The second crisis that I wish to mention is that of
climate change. This week, there has been much talk
about the urgency of tackling climate change. Thanks
to the vision exhibited by the Secretary-General and
the work of leaders and citizens from countries across
the world, the level of understanding about the nature
of the climate challenge is increasingly clear.
 But we need to move beyond simply
understanding the challenge. We need to work as a
global community to shape a solution that is in the
interests of all countries, and many of the building
blocks that will enable us to do this have been
identified. The challenge for the Copenhagen meeting
is to turn these building blocks into an agreement that
can start to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
 In doing so, we should be guided by science and
by the need for solutions that treat all countries fairly.
But we also need to recognize that the challenge now is
as much about political will as it is about scientific,
economic and institutional considerations. In
addressing the politics, we need to recognize that in all
countries — developed and developing — there are
concerns about the commitment of others to the long-
term global partnership we need. Many developing
countries question whether the international
community will commit to the scale of financial
transfers that all major analyses agree are needed.
Others are worried that acting on climate change now
will stymie their national development, precisely at a
time when many are poised for historic levels of
economic growth and social advances.
 On the other hand, many developed countries are
worried that the financial transfers needed will be an
excessive burden on their budgets during extremely
challenging economic times. Domestic constituencies
in the developed world are also fearful about
transferring significant sums of money abroad, and
they worry that jobs or investment will be driven away
from their economies. There are also fears from
individual countries that they will be expected to carry
a greater burden than other developed nations. These
political concerns could be a recipe for a stalemate that
the world cannot afford. Failure to overcome them now
will mean misery for future generations, and the
eventual costs of tackling climate change will be even
greater than they are now.
 We therefore need to find a way through. This
will require leadership from all nations. I welcome the
proposals laid out by Gordon Brown, and subsequently
supported by the European Union, to generate funding
in excess of $100 billion per annum to address climate
change in the developing world. For the first time,
there is a proposal that starts to square up to the
magnitude of funding that is required for adaptation
and mitigation.
 Having spoken with many of my fellow leaders
this week, I am confident that, with the right signal
from the developed world, developing countries are
ready to play their part. Of particular urgency will be
finding ways to work together to address the 17 per
cent of greenhouse gas emissions that result from

13 09-52425

tropical deforestation and forest degradation globally.
As with climate change in general, we now have a
large degree of clarity around the nature of this specific
problem. We know that it causes more emissions than
the entire European Union, and we know that this is
because the world economy makes trees worth more
dead than alive. We also know that the only sustainable
way to address the problem is national-scale action in
forest countries coupled with international incentives
that place a value on trees to make them worth more
alive than dead.
 We now need to rapidly move from constantly
rearticulating this problem towards putting in place
workable solutions. In Guyana, we remain ready to
play our part, and we have launched our low-carbon
development strategy, which sets out how we can place
our entire forest under long-term protection, not only
to provide the world with badly needed climate
services, but also to move our economy onto a long-
term, sustainable low-carbon development path, where
jobs are created across our country in sectors that do
not threaten our trees.
 Thanks to the visionary leadership of the Prime
Minister of Norway, our two countries are also
working together to provide a functioning model of
how low-deforestation and low-carbon economies can
be created in countries such as ours.
 In parallel, Guyana continues to play its part in
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC) process, which must provide the
long-term framework for combating forest-based
emissions through the United Nations Collaborative
Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation
and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries
(REDD) or the REDD+ Programme. But we also
believe that the world can move quickly to slow down
deforestation starting now, not in 2013. Guyana was
pleased to participate in the April G-20 side meeting
that addressed how this can happen. We support the
proposals made by the informal working group on
interim financing for REDD, which was set up after the
G-20 side meeting. We support its report, which lays
out how the world can achieve a 25 per cent reduction
in global deforestation rates by 2015 with an
investment of less than €25 billion in total.
 Using highly conservative estimates of forest
carbon, this could lead to seven gigatons of greenhouse
gas emissions being avoided between now and 2015. If
this occurred, it would be the single biggest
contribution to averting climate catastrophe over this
period. And it can be done. Rainforest countries
representing the vast majority of the world’s tropical
forests have worked with the informal working group
and are willing to act. The question now is: Will the
developed world understand the enormous potential
this offers our world, and will it act to generate the
finances that are needed?
 The sum of money needed for this interim period
may seem large, but it does not only represent a very
good value for money abatement solution; it can also
generate significant financial flows for developing
countries, it can create alternative livelihoods for
indigenous peoples and other forest-dependent
communities, and it can preserve the enormous
biodiversity present in the world’s forests.
 Twenty-five billion euros over five years
represent less than 1.5 cents per citizen per day in
developed countries. It is a fraction of what the world
has generated to save the financial system from
collapse, it provides a bridge to a long-term REDD+
solution under the UNFCCC, and it buys the world
badly needed time in the race to defeat climate change.
To turn away from making this proposal a reality
would be a mistake of historic proportions.
 I have just said to President Chávez Frías that I
wish I could conclude by singing, but I do not have his
wonderful voice. Instead, I will confine myself to
saying that we all have an important role to play in
solving this crisis, but the developed world has a moral
obligation to play a greater part in solving both the
financial crisis and the climate change crisis, because it
is due to its actions that we are in this situation. I hope
that the developed world recognizes this obligation and
the urgency to act upon it now.


This
General Assembly Hall is, in fact, the situation room of
the entire world. It seems to me that over the years we
here in this Hall have collectively understood and
known what to do. The main thing now is to agree how
to do it. We all need an effective tool.
 There is hope that we are already close to a
common understanding of how and with what tool we
can achieve our goals. For the international community
to emerge from a series of multiple crises and to
overcome multidimensional new threats, we must
achieve a policy of partnership. Modern international
relations are increasingly being built on the basis of
horizontal networks that include all interested and
constructive stakeholders in today’s world — States,
international organizations, civil society and the
private sector. Partnerships are a mechanism of
engagement that has no reasonable alternative in the
context of a pluralistic and contradictory world.
 One particular political factor that raises hope
that that approach is a realistic instrument is an
emerging meeting of minds — involving various forces
on different continents — that see in partnerships a link
by which one can extend the chain. By way of
illustration, I will cite the example of the call of
Belarus, from this rostrum two years ago, for systems
based on opposition and confrontation to become new
international ones based on engagement and
partnership (see A/62/PV.11). A year ago, when
opening the sixty-third session of the General
Assembly, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon noted,
 “Nations can no longer protect their interests or
advance the well-being of their peoples without
the partnership of other nations.” (A/63/PV.5,
p. 1)
This year the United States declared its readiness to
“build partnerships and solve problems that no nation
can solve on its own”. The European Union has also
addressed the General Assembly with the same
message of cooperation and partnership. The President
of Russia spoke from this rostrum about a “collective
agenda for unification” () dictated by life
itself.
 After a long break it seems that the international
community is starting to think along the same lines on
security, partnership and development and that the
world’s political leaders are beginning to speak the
same language — that of common sense.
 An important proof of the principled readiness to
walk the path of partnership is the efforts of the
20 largest world economies to combine their resources
to lead the world out of the global economic crisis. We
welcome in that connection recent meetings of some
regional economic and political groups of States. On a
less positive note, it should be noted that some aspects
of the agreements reached remain to be carried out by
the parties, for example, the rejection and removal of
protectionist measures in international trade. It should
be said that the Group of Twenty format — let alone
the Group of Eight — is too narrow to be considered a
representative partnership. In this regard, engaging
economic regional groupings of States with significant
potential, for example in our region — the Eurasian
Economic Community — would make the format more
representative.
 We also believe there is great potential for
dialogue and partnership between the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) and other major centres of power,
as was discussed recently at the recent summit of the
Non-Aligned Movement in Egypt. After all, today the
Movement represents a significant international factor.
Its members make tangible contributions to
international security and are important actors on the
international socio-economic stage.
 Today I address my colleagues from the European
Union, the United States, Russia and other developed
countries and call upon them to show leadership in
dealing with the unprecedented global challenges
through close partnerships and coordination with all
members of the international community, including
Belarus. Members of the international community,
especially the world’s power centres and leading
political groups, should give practical effect to their
good intentions by developing global partnerships and
crisis strategies.
 The greatest potential for responding to global
threats and challenges is clearly here in the United
Nations. As a founding member of the Organization,

09-52592 36

Belarus is convinced of the ability of the United
Nations to play a leading role in generating
partnerships to overcome the most acute global
problems.
 Was it not under the aegis of the United Nations
that the foundation was laid for the establishment of an
anti-terrorism coalition and elaboration of a counter-
terrorism strategy after the tragic events of
11 September 2001? And by the way, should the United
Nations not consider proclaiming 11 September as the
day of the fight against terrorism? We would be
interested in hearing States’ reactions to this idea. Have
not the achievement of the General Assembly in
establishing the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development been acknowledged worldwide? The
Millennium Development Goals were also formulated
in the context of a global partnership for development.
 United Nations capacities have been strengthened
by some of the progress made in reforming the
Organization. In this regard I note, in particular, a new
positive element, namely, the thematic debates in the
General Assembly.
 Bearing in mind the experience and potential of
the United Nations, Belarus has proposed the
establishment of a global thematic partnership against
human trafficking and slavery in the twenty-first
century. An informal mechanism on the topic initially
took shape at the Global Forum to Fight Human
Trafficking in Vienna in February 2008. It must be
institutionalized to work effectively — I stress
institutionalized, not bureaucratized — through the
elaboration and adoption by the General Assembly of a
global plan of action to combat human trafficking.
 The idea for such a plan garnered wide support in
May during the thematic debate in the General
Assembly. We have also heard expressions of support
from high ranking participants in this general debate.
We welcome the recent decision by the President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-third session to appoint
the Permanent Representatives of Cape Verde and
Portugal as facilitators of the consultations on the
global plan. We call on all our partners and friends to
engage actively in this work.
 Global economic development is always driven
by certain engines, which are replaced by new and
more effective ones. For example, coal and steel were
engines for the European industrial revolution; the
engine for the global economy after the Second World
War was oil, which was replaced by information
technologies in the 1990s. The economic engine of the
past decade was finance. It is absolutely obvious that
the global crisis has demonstrated the need to replace
the outdated financial engine. What can and should
replace it? We believe there will be not just one engine
for the future, but a number of elements that include a
leading role for clean, green technologies. Given the
increasing interdependence of energy and environment
and the determining role of energy in global survival, it
cannot be otherwise.
 This year we face an especially momentous task:
elaboration of new post-Kyoto agreements to deal with
global warming that include universal introduction of
new and renewable energy sources. This issue was
discussed in depth at the thematic dialogue of the
General Assembly held in June 2009. That was a good
beginning, yet we must move decisively forward. The
increasing topicality of the energy and environment
agenda requires creation of a specific partnership — a
global mechanism to improve the access of developing
countries and countries with economies in transition to
new and renewable energy sources.
 This issue must not be shelved. We need to lay
the foundations for a qualitative breakthrough at this
session of the General Assembly. Belarus will initiate a
comprehensive study of this issue with the involvement
of leading international experts and include in its
results conclusions and recommendations for the future
report of the Secretary-General. We believe that, given
current conditions, the strengthening of the economic
potential and political role of middle-income countries
could be yet another motor of economic and social
progress.
 Experience has clearly shown that resources and
capacities of a narrow circle of traditional world
leaders are insufficient for overcoming the crisis. The
greatest potential for growth rests with middle-income
countries. To a certain extent, one could draw a parallel
here with the key role played by the middle class in the
stable economic and political development of States. It
is no coincidence that the majority of United States and
European companies are turning their eyes to the Asian
and other developing world markets.
 Mindful of such importance, let alone the mere
numerical strength of this group of countries, which
includes more than 100 States, the United Nations
system must take an active role. With this idea in mind

37 09-52592

last year, Belarus, together with its partners, sponsored
the adoption by the General Assembly of a resolution
on cooperation for development with middle-income
countries.
 This year, for the first time within these walls, a
substantive discussion was held on how to make the
best use of the capacity of the United Nations system
to assist such countries in addressing their specific
social and economic problems, which are particularly
important for sustainable global development.
 We hope that the work of the General Assembly
on that topic will not be seen simply in terms of
competition for the scarce resources of the donor
community and the United Nations. That is not the
point. The larger the number of economically
prosperous States in the world, the stronger and more
predictable the world economy will be. There will be
increased predictability and fewer crises and
catastrophes. There will be more opportunities for
economic growth in the poorer countries and an
increase in international assistance will be generated.
In the long run, everyone will be a winner.
 I cannot but turn to the subject of Kyoto and post-
Kyoto, which sets the tone for the current session of
the General Assembly. The possible outcome of the
Copenhagen meeting is, unfortunately, not quite clear.
All of us, big, medium-size and small States, have to
do our utmost to ensure its success. But the perfect
does not have to be the enemy of the good.
 Belarus is the only State in the world that, for
several years, has been trying to achieve what may
seem, at first glance, to be a paradoxical goal. That is,
to take on significant commitments to reduce harmful
emissions. The commitments we have taken happen to
be more significant than many of our neighbours, and
even than those of some European Union countries.
 Since we are all partners here, I will put it in a
blunt and straightforward way. We do not understand
why many States, including powerful groups of States,
which are, by the way, leading the way in post-Kyoto
advocacy, do not allow us to assume legally binding
and significant Kyoto commitments. I address this call
to partners and colleagues. If we want to strengthen the
Kyoto paradigm, let us not undermine it. I sincerely
hope that the call of Belarus for speedy ratification of
our accession to Kyoto will be heeded.
 In a year’s time, here in New York, there will be
the 2010 United Nations Summit. That is the only
forum that has united the heads of State and
Government of the G-8, the G-20, the European Union,
the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth of
Independent States and others. Belarus proposes
considering the 2010 Summit as a summit of
partnerships, the venue for putting forward and acting
upon the ideas of global partnerships.
 We support the intention of the President of the
current session of the General Assembly to start
preparations for the Summit well in advance. At the
Summit itself, we propose the adoption, at the level of
heads of State and Government, of a mechanism, an
algorithm or a plan of close cooperation on the part of
Member States for the years to come on how to
overcome global challenges. And in the next few
months, delegations could make suggestions as to the
substance of such a document. Negotiations on the
document could start in January 2010.
 Sixty-five years after the signing of the United
Nations Charter, we can and should make an
honourable attempt to return to the roots of the United
Nations by restoring the original meaning of the word
“united”, which forms part of our name. It all depends
on us.


I bring very warm greetings
from the people of Ghana. Allow me to join previous
speakers in congratulating the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session on his election.
His long distinguished service to his country and to
Africa gives us confidence that we are in experienced
and capable hands. I also wish to express my
delegation’s appreciation to his predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, for the
able manner in which he presided over the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session.
 Last Monday, 21 September, Ghana celebrated
the centenary of the birth of an illustrious son of Ghana
and of Africa, our first President, Mr. Kwame

09-52320 4

Nkrumah, under whose leadership Ghana became a
Member of the United Nations on 8 March 1957, only
two days after achieving independence. We recall
Mr. Nkrumah’s declaration before the General
Assembly on 23 September 1960 that the United
Nations was the only organization to hold out any hope
for the future of mankind. At the same session, he
called for the reform of the Security Council in order to
bring it in line with a rapidly changing world. Those
views were expressed almost 50 years ago, but they
remain relevant.
 Then, as now, Africa faced a deep crisis, with
profound and far-reaching implications for
international peace and stability. Today, the combined
effects of climate change, high food and energy prices
and the current financial and economic crisis threaten
to erode the modest but hard-earned economic growth
and democratic achievements of the past two decades.
Africa remains volatile, and violent conflicts still
persist. Therefore, it is my humble proposal that we all
support the United Nations and its regional allies, such
as the African Union, in living up to those and to the
other pressing challenges facing the international
community.
 While we acknowledge that globalization has
expanded and accelerated economic interdependence
among States, the truth is that the benefits for many
developing countries have been negligible. Indeed, the
economies of many developing countries have not been
transformed in any significant manner. Despite almost
a decade of impressive growth of about 5 per cent, only
a few countries have been able to reduce the proportion
of their population living on less than $1 per day.
Consequently, most of those countries remain
vulnerable to the various external shocks that continue
to pose threats to their growth.
 In fact, over-reliance on high commodity prices
and mineral exports has not lessened, but rather
exposed structural impediments to food security. That
is particularly true of sub-Saharan Africa, where the
ongoing world financial and economic crisis threatens
to erode decades of modest growth, and thereby make
the Millennium Development Goals unattainable in any
meaningful way.
 Ghana, therefore, reiterates its support for global
integration that ensures inclusive and equitable
development and also leads to a substantial reduction
in poverty, including full and productive employment
and broad access to social services.
 A number of developing countries have adopted
various measures to mitigate the impact of the crisis on
their economies, including interest rate reductions,
recapitalization of financial institutions, trading
reforms, and increased liquidity to banks. Ghana has
also exercised fiscal restraint in response to the crisis,
by cutting out all low-priority public spending and
shifting the balance from recurrent expenditure to
infrastructure investment.
 In addressing the impact of the crisis on their
economies, African countries would like to see the
following: rich countries making a greater effort to
meet existing commitments on aid and debt reduction;
the acceleration of disbursements and improved access
to existing financial facilities; the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) being urged to put in place a
new facility with relaxed conditions to help African
development during this crisis period; a capital
increase for the African Development Bank to enable it
to scale up its interventions in support of African
development; the sale of IMF gold reserves to release
more resources to help African development during
this period; and finally, the issuance of new Special
Drawing Rights.
 International trade carries enormous potential for
poverty reduction and alleviation as well as for driving
economic growth so that millions of our people can be
lifted out of the quagmire of poverty. The ongoing
Doha Round of trade talks promises, at least in
principle, to improve market access for poor countries.
This commitment, in our view, is very important,
especially in low-skill and labour-intensive sectors
such as garment manufacturing, from where most
African exports come.
 Sustained economic growth requires that poor
countries increase their exports to rich countries.
Unfortunately, the current system of trade
discriminates against poor countries, hinders their
participation in the global economy and damages the
earning potential and opportunities of rural
communities in those countries.
 These developments do not work in the interest of
our developing countries. Indeed, trade-distorting
subsidies, as well as tariff and non-tariff barriers
instituted by most advanced countries, discriminate
against African products. Developing countries,

5 09-52320

including Ghana, though we accept that liberalization
is, indeed, required, believe that liberalization must be
accompanied by predictable access to markets,
elimination of the abuse of anti-dumping measures as
well as the reduction of tariffs and non-tariff barriers.
 In the face of all these developments, we in
Africa acknowledge and recognize that all our efforts
to achieve social and economic development will not
yield much result unless we demonstrate our
commitment to good governance. In spite of the
difficulties and challenges, I can say without fear of
contradiction that, leaders across the continent have
embraced democratic values, except in a few cases
where narrow self-interests are threatening the
commendable gains that we have made in the past
decade.
 We are also confronted with the grave risks to
environmental, social and economic development
posed by climate change. The need for concrete, timely
and decisive measures to enable us to deal with this
largely man-made problem is obvious, and meeting
that need must not be deferred any longer.
 As we proceed to the United Nations Climate
Change Conference scheduled for December 2009 in
Copenhagen, the issue of financing mitigation and
adaptation to climate change in developing countries
will remain central to the deliberations. In fact,
progress on these issues will be crucial in determining
any outcome in Copenhagen.
 The intrinsic link between security and
development has been generally recognized by the
international community. Despite the pivotal role
played by the United Nations in identifying the threats
confronting the international community and
marshalling the necessary international support to deal
with those challenges, humanity’s hope and aspiration
for a peaceful and prosperous world are weakened by a
litany of unfulfilled promises and failures.
 Rather than being discouraged by these
shortcomings, we in Ghana are unwavering in our
conviction that, though daunting, the challenge to the
community of nations could be surmounted through
innovative, bold, and achievable measures.
 Peacekeeping operations have played a pivotal
role in the Organization’s efforts to fulfil its core
mission of maintaining international peace and
security. Ghana, as one of the oldest and most
consistent troop-contributing countries, deems it a
matter of privilege and honour to be associated with
this success story of our Organization. We equally
acknowledge that increasing demands have placed
further strain on an overstretched system.
 It is for this reason that we applaud and renew
our support for the reform process that is in place and
also acknowledge the fruitful dividends that have come
out of it, even though we admit that much more needs
to be done if we are to achieve our objectives.
 Ghana cannot but commend the growing
cooperation between the United Nations and regional
organizations. We call for its intensification to enable it
to take advantage of the cooperative strength of the
United Nations and regional organizations in a
mutually complementary manner.
 Next year marks the fifteenth year since the
adoption, at the Fourth World Conference on Women,
of the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action. In view of the
huge gap between policy and practice and the
unyielding progress in implementing that international
convention on gender equality and the empowerment
of women, it is our suggestion that we need to take a
coherent, integrated and multisectoral approach to this
problem.
 Over the years, Ghana has demonstrated its
commitment to implementing in an accelerated manner
the goals of the Beijing Platform for Action, and we
have done so by adopting concrete administrative,
legal and constitutional means. Our efforts have
yielded some measure of success, as clearly testified to
by the appointment of our first female speaker of
parliament, the first female attorney-general, and quite
a number of female ministers and deputy ministers.
 At its sixty-third session, the General Assembly
adopted resolution 63/194, urging us to improve our
efforts and join the international initiative against
human trafficking and for the protection of victims. We
in Ghana concur with those who view the elaboration
and adoption of a United Nations global plan of action
as an effective and practical way to give life and effect
to the international initiative against this despicable
crime. It is our expectation that the President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session will make
this an urgent and priority issue. I can assure him of
Ghana’s commitment and support.

09-52320 6

 In conclusion, I note with regret that conflicts,
particularly in the developing world, have robbed us of
an opportunity to improve the circumstances of our
peoples. Indeed, it is well known that sustainable
development can only be achieved in an international
environment characterized by peace and stability.
 We in Ghana therefore want to take this
opportunity to renew our commitment to the ideals of
the United Nations and to fulfil our Charter obligations
by joining together with other Member States to assist
the United Nations in playing its role in the
maintenance of international peace and stability and in
the promotion of fruitful international cooperation. We
are convinced that the United Nations remains the ideal
multilateral instrument for achieving international
peace and security and promoting fruitful international
cooperation. I would therefore want all of us to
strengthen our resolve and muster the necessary
political will to assist the United Nations to more
effectively discharge its obligation to redeem our
peoples from war, disease and poverty.
 We in Ghana have pledged to build a better
Ghana. We therefore want to assist the United Nations
to build a better world. May God bless us in all these
efforts.


I should like to
warmly congratulate Mr. Treki on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth
session. We express our readiness to work with him to
achieve the ambitious agenda ahead of us during this
session. I should also like to extend our thanks to
outgoing President Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his
hard work during the previous session.
 Each new session of the General Assembly
provides an opportunity for us to share our
achievements and concerns with each other, and to join
our efforts in moving the global agenda forward. We
are going through a truly challenging period. In the
past year, we were all devastated by the impact of the
financial crisis. The crisis left no corner of the world
and no economic sector untouched. Many countries
experienced unprecedented economic decline, which
seriously challenged their hard-earned advances and
prospects for attaining the Millennium Development
Goals by 2015. Armenia was not spared the dramatic
effects of the ongoing financial crisis. However, the
Armenian Government has done best to safeguard the
socially vulnerable. No budget cuts have been made in
the social sector.
 We believe that our endeavours must be guided
first and foremost by the need to mitigate the human
costs of the crisis in order to avoid serious
consequences for human security. We believe that an
equitable global recovery requires the full participation
of all countries, irrespective of their size and level of
development, in shaping appropriate responses to the
crisis. And we have to come together here, in this
universal body, to take decisions that will help us
overcome the past and build for the future, because
there are still painful gaps separating the dreams of our
people and their prospects.
 In accordance with their respective mandates, the
United Nations funds, programmes and agencies have
an important role to play in advancing development in
accordance with national strategies and priorities, and
in assisting countries in achieving the internationally
agreed Millennium Development Goals. We understand
that achieving these goals, the deadline for which is
2015, will require enormous efforts. The General
Assembly will continue to address this issue during its
sixty-fourth session, and Armenia is ready to contribute
to the preparatory process for a high-level meeting on
this topic in September 2010.
 We have embarked on the process of United
Nations reform in order to ensure that this forum can

13 09-52604

better reflect present-day realities and to enhance its
capabilities and effectiveness in addressing modern
challenges. Armenia commits itself to strengthening
the institutional capacities of the United Nations,
supports the process of United Nations reform and is
ready to make its contribution.
 We have successfully agreed on several vital
decisions, including the creation of the Peacebuilding
Commission and the Human Rights Council. We aspire
to further advance the protection of human rights, in
conformity with the obligations of Member States, and
we see honest discussion within the Human Rights
Council on outstanding issues and the sharing of
experiences on how to overcome them as the true path
to success in this respect.
 We regard the prevention of genocide and the
responsibility to protect as the key principles and
cornerstones of the overall human security system. In
this respect, we commend the report of the Secretary-
General on implementing the responsibility to protect
(A/63/677), which charts a course for the United
Nations to prevent genocide, war crimes and ethnic
cleansing by bolstering the capacities of the
Organization.
 As is rightly stated in the report, genocide does
not happen all of a sudden. The instigators propagate
intolerance and hatred, preparing the ground for
violence. As survivors of genocide, we Armenians
welcome all efforts to prevent and combat racist and
xenophobic attitudes. We have done and will continue
to do all we can to provide for continuous advocacy in
favour of the prevention of genocide. The international
community must be vigilant to the development of
such situations and events, and demonstrate its ability
to act in a timely fashion to prevent future tragedies.
 We consider achieving the goals of disarmament
and non-proliferation to be major elements of global
and regional security systems. We must shoulder our
responsibilities and work towards not only
non-proliferation and the elimination of nuclear
weapons, but also the elimination of the militaristic
aspirations of some States. It is totally unacceptable
that threats to resolve disputes by military means are
made at the highest level, and that they are left
unchallenged by the international community.
 The Nagorny Karabakh peace process, which is
mediated by the co-chairs of the Minsk Group of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), is moving forward. The Presidents and
Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Armenia and
Azerbaijan meet regularly to discuss the principles of a
comprehensive resolution of the conflict. Armenia is
convinced that, in order to create an opportunity for
progress in the peaceful settlement of the Nagorny
Karabakh conflict, the parties should commit to
refraining from taking steps that could hamper
dialogue and the peace process.
 Azerbaijan consistently misrepresents the essence
of the Nagorny Karabakh problem in the international
arena, as it did two days ago in this forum, trying to
downplay ethnic cleansing and its policy of violence
against the people of Nagorny Karabakh. The
international community will recall Azerbaijan’s open
aggression, large-scale hostilities and war against
Nagorny Karabakh, in which it was also aided by
mercenaries closely linked to terrorist organizations.
These events ultimately claimed lives of tens of
thousands of civilians.
 We believe that there is a serious basis for the
settlement of the Nagorny Karabakh problem if the
provisions contained in the declaration signed by the
Presidents of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia in
November 2008; the declaration of the Ministers for
Foreign Affairs of the co-chair countries of the OSCE
Minsk Group; and the declaration adopted by the
Ministers for Foreign Affairs of all 56 OSCE member
States in Helsinki in December, are met. Pursuant to
these documents, the parties must commit themselves
to the peaceful settlement of the problem through
negotiations based on the Madrid principles of the
co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group.
 The basic principles around which negotiations
are currently being held are anchored in benchmark
codes of international law as incorporated in the
Charter of this Organization, the Helsinki Final Act and
other relevant international documents. The
international principles of the non-use and non-threat
of use of force, of the self-determination of peoples
and of territorial integrity are equally viable.
 Some have long attempted to downplay the
importance of the notion of the self-determination of
peoples as a second-rate principle in the system of
international law and as inferior to that of territorial
integrity. I have to disappoint the advocates of double
standards. The right to self-determination is an
unconditional clause of international law; it is a

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principle of liberty and of the freedom of any people to
choose its future and fate, and to defend its collective
rights whenever those rights and that future are
jeopardized. If self-determination were a principle
inferior to territorial integrity, there would have been
only 52 Member States of the United Nations, instead
of the current 192.
 Trust and accountability among neighbouring
States are guarantees of sustainable cooperation and
durable security in any region. We in the South
Caucasus have yet to witness that. Our region, in fact,
is among the most sensitive hot spots on the world’s
political map, overloaded with a plethora of security
threats and challenges. The region is devastated by
conflicts and inter-State tensions, dividing lines and
economic blockades. Closed borders and ruptured ties
have become the norm of life.
 However, a courageous act and a courageous
response hold the promise of changing the situation for
the better. The process of the normalization of
Armenian-Turkish relations was begun in September
by the President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan. That
initiative on his part — known as football
diplomacy — promises to bear fruit despite all
difficulties. Over the past year, with the help of our
Swiss mediators and other international partners, we
have made progress towards opening our shared
border, one of the last closed borders in Europe, and
the normalization of our relations with no
preconditions. We trust that the necessary political will
shall finally overcome the mentality of the past and
that the wisdom and courage necessary to taking the
last decisive steps will prevail.
 We have been most encouraged by the support of
the international community. We are well aware of the
fundamental and positive implications of the
normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations and of the
opening of the border for the security and stability of
the region.
 We must reinforce the bridges between United
Nations Member States, working out mutually
beneficial and comprehensive security and cooperation
plans. Our common objective should be the shaping of
an environment that is safe and prosperous for all. To
meet the political, economic, environmental and social
challenges, we have to jointly muster our efforts,
resources and political determination. Only together
can we successfully confront these challenges and push
forward the international development agenda.


Nothing is created without men; nothing lasts without
institutions. Those words of Jean Monnet, one of the
founders of the European Union, remain as true as
ever. Security, climate change and some effects of
globalization are challenges that all our countries face.
That is why a global approach, with the United Nations
playing a central role, is needed. But the United
Nations must earn that central role. As President
Barack Obama said here (see ), we cannot
complain, on the one hand, about the so-called
unilateral action of the United States while at the same
time expecting it alone to solve all the world’s
problems.
 In that spirit I would call for a new multilateral
commitment, as the reform of international institutions
is crucial in order to enhance their legitimacy,
representativeness and capacity for action. Nothing is
created without men; nothing lasts without institutions.
From now on, those institutions should work
efficiently, starting with the United Nations. It is
essential to move ahead rapidly on the reform of the
Security Council and of the functioning of the General
Assembly.
 Indeed, there is an urgent need to improve the
efficiency of our own operations. A glance at the
organizational chart of the United Nations allows us to
see not only the overlaps but also the gaps in the
system. It is out of commitment to the Charter of the
United Nations that Belgium, one of the founding
Members, strongly appeals for more rigour and
transparency in the management and budget of the
United Nations in order to better use its limited
resources.
 In addition to the fragmentation of the United
Nations system, two other trends reveal the need for
enhanced multilateral commitment. The first is the
multitude of regional and subregional organizations
almost everywhere in the world. It is true that this
multitude enhances international cooperation, but
regional and international organizations sometimes
lack harmonization. Better cooperation should
henceforth allow the optimal use of the resources of
all.
 The second trend can be summed up by the words
“imperfect multilateralism”. Countries get together on
an informal basis to discuss international issues, for
example — and this is very pertinent — the economic
and financial crisis. These informal groups may,
particularly at first, expedite the decision-making of
international multilateral organizations, but they cannot
replace those organizations themselves because
multilateralism cannot be exclusive. Rather, it should

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be inclusive and transparent. Nothing can last without
institutions, but even the best organized institutions
cannot function in the absence of inspiration and
human will. Even the best organized institutions are
powerless when men prevent them from working.
 The economic and financial crisis has been given
a great deal of attention, which is only natural. The
crisis most severely affects developing countries. It is
now more important than ever that donor countries
meet their official development assistance objectives of
0.7 per cent of the gross national product. Belgium
plans to achieve that goal in 2010.
 The worst international disorder is violence
between States and within States. Within some States,
violence continues to kill, maim and rape millions of
people. The worst international disorder is reflected in
the wars, civil conflicts, inter-ethnic fighting and harsh
repression that deprive millions of people of a decent
existence. This is our first and foremost challenge
because without peace and security there is no
development, let alone sustainable development.
Without peace and security, there can be no fair
distribution of the wealth of our Earth.
 As stipulated in the preamble of the Constitution
of UNESCO,
 “since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the
minds of men that the defences of peace must be
constructed”.
Indeed, conflict prevention begins with the banishment
of all hate speech attacking the dignity of human
beings, nations and communities, or the right of States
to exist. Far too often, we have witnessed bloodbaths
provoked by incitement to hatred. Such speech has no
place in this Hall or in this Organization, whose
primary mission is precisely to promote peace and
security through constructive cooperation.
 To function efficiently, our multilateral
institutions need leaders and representatives of States
who share basic approaches established on the core
belief in the unique dignity of each human being.
National sovereignty implies responsibility. That is
why Belgium wholeheartedly supports the principle of
the responsibility to protect. The principle requires
Governments to safeguard their citizens against
genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes
against humanity. Incidentally, Belgium would like to
thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his excellent
report on this topic (A/63/677) and fully supports his
efforts in this area.
 It is civilians, and women and children in
particular, who are often the primary victims of
violence and of indescribable and unacceptable
suffering. Indeed, women constitute half of the world’s
population, but too often we forget that human rights
also fully apply to them. In situations of war and
violence, women are frequently twofold victims
because of the sexual violence inflicted upon them. My
country is therefore determined to pursue its action
against sexual violence and any kind of violence
against children.
 Wars are caused by men, not by weapons.
Nonetheless, the arms control issue has to be high on
the international agenda. That is why Belgium
welcomes the meeting of the Security Council at the
highest level on the subject of non-proliferation and
nuclear disarmament (S/PV.6191). That meeting was
undoubtedly a highlight of this week. Resolution
1887 (2009), adopted yesterday, represents, in our
opinion, a milestone for a world free of weapons of
mass destruction.
 However, unfortunately, the latest news from Iran
seems to be heading in the opposite direction. My
country therefore endorses the very urgent call on Iran
and North Korea to cooperate with the international
community and respect the Security Council
resolutions that pertain to them. If they do not, they
will be ostracized by the international community.
 At the same time, the fight against the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction should
not make us overlook conventional weapons, which
currently kill on a massive scale. In particular, I refer
here to anti-personnel landmines. The Convention that
prohibits these weapons entered into force in 1999, and
Belgium hopes that it will be strengthened at the
Review Conference scheduled to take place in
Cartagena, Colombia, in early December. With respect
to that Convention, Belgium, along with Thailand, will
head the Standing Committee on Victim Assistance and
Socio-Economic Reintegration. Furthermore, Belgium
has spared no effort to push for the conclusion of the
Convention on Cluster Munitions.
 Human rights in all their aspects are a major
concern for Belgium. That is why my country plays an
active role as a member of the Human Rights Council.
In that regard, I would like to thank the members of the

27 09-52592

Council that entrusted my country, Belgium, with the
responsibility and honour to preside over that
important institution. That trust is, in my view, a
recognition of our commitment.
 Finally, human rights also concern the rights of
future generations. We do not own this Earth; we have
it on loan from our children. Today more than ever,
that heritage is threatened, and that is why
environmental protection should be our main shared
concern and priority. The Climate Change Conference
scheduled for late 2009 in Copenhagen is an
opportunity that cannot be squandered. We need to
make specific and binding commitments there. I
believe that the European Union has shown the way
with its ambitious package of measures adopted in late
2008.
 Institutions cannot function without the input of
men. Therefore, those who undermine the performance
of these institutions should be held accountable. That is
why Belgium has been particularly active in the fight
against impunity. An international legal order is
required, but it can function only if it is upheld by
States governed by the rule of law. I therefore reaffirm
the need for common positions that are essential for a
world that is safer, fairer and more prosperous. In the
words of former Secretary-General Kofi Annan,
 “There is no long-term security without
development. There is no development without
security. And no society can long remain secure,
or prosperous, without respect for human rights
and the rule of law.” (Press release
SG/SM/10425)
Strengthening the rule of law at the national and
international levels is more vital than ever for
achieving a more equitable form of globalization.
 I will conclude with these words. Peace and
security, sustainable development, and a fair
distribution of the wealth of the Earth are the essential,
global challenges that we face. To meet these
challenges, we need solid international institutions, but
institutional multilateralism is not enough. We also
need a multilateralism of minds, and men and women
of conviction to carry it forward.
 This will, belief and ambition motivate my
country, a founding Member of the United Nations, to
offer the candidacy for the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fifth session of our compatriot
Louis Michel, former Minister for Foreign affairs of
Belgium and former European Commissioner in charge
of Development and Humanitarian Aid. We are
convinced that the strength of his conviction and
dedication will unite us further. It is indeed only when
the men and women who take the floor here are fired
by a shared vision of human rights, peace and
development that our institutions will be able to deliver
what we need: collective results rather than individual
achievements.