Mr. President, on behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I wish to express my sincere congratulations to you on your unanimous election as President of the United Nations
General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. We are delighted to see a son of Africa, a distinguished diplomat from Cote d'Ivoire, a country with which Mozambique entertains friendly relations, presiding over our deliberations. I should like to pledge my delegation's cooperation in the discharge of your duties. I am confident that under your able leadership our deliberations will be successful.
I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity to convey through you, Mr. President, my utmost appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Ambassador Samuel Insanally, for the brilliant manner in which he conducted the work of the previous General Assembly session.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, deserves our warmest felicitations for the competent manner in which he has been discharging his duties. The people and the Government of the Republic of Mozambique remain grateful to his untiring efforts and dedication to the cause of peace in my country.
Our participation in this forty-ninth session of the General Assembly takes place at a crucial moment for my country. In about three weeks' time the people of Mozambique will cast their ballots in the first multiparty elections scheduled for 27 and 28 October.
The electoral campaign was inaugurated on 22 September last. To this end, 14 political parties, including two coalitions, are running for parliament and 12 candidates are contesting the presidential elections.
The electoral census shows that more than 6.3 million people of an estimated 7.5 million eligible voters have been registered. Given the existing difficulties deriving from 16 years of armed conflict, we believe the number of registered voters is quite significant and encouraging.
A code of conduct aimed at ensuring that the electoral process is carried out harmoniously was signed by presidential candidates before the beginning of the campaign. A similar document was also signed by the 14 contesting political parties. Both codes establish specific rules and guidelines which must be observed during the campaign. In these documents, all parties have, inter alia, pledged to commit themselves to abide by and respect fully the results of the general elections, once they are certified to have been free and fair by the United Nations.
The forthcoming multiparty general elections represent the culmination of a long and delicate process of implementation of the General Peace Agreement for Mozambique, signed in Rome in October 1992. The cantonment and demobilization of forces, including the dissolution of the High Command of the former Mozambican Armed Forces, has been concluded. In addition, the Government has transferred all its military assets and infrastructure to the new army. The formation of the agreed 30,000-strong Mozambican Defense Force (FADM) is also under way. However, owing to logistical and material difficulties facing the execution of this commitment, we will have a single army of only about 10,000 men by the time of the elections.
My Government appreciates the fact that a mission of the Security Council has recently visited Mozambique to verify on the ground the status of the implementation of the General Peace Agreement and the performance of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ). We took note with satisfaction of the conclusion arrived at by the mission, according to which conditions exists in Mozambique for the holding of free and fair elections, and that the United Nations will immediately endorse the results of these elections, as soon as they are declared free and fair. My Government attaches great importance to the need for ONUMOZ to certify that the signatories of the Rome Agreement have fully respected their commitments regarding the complete demobilization of their forces, so as to ensure a climate free of fear and intimidation during and after the elections.
As we move closer to the final stage of the implementation of the General Peace Agreement, the people of Mozambique look forward to a lasting peace and stability under which national unity will be preserved and national reconstruction will be carried on as a matter of priority for the progress and prosperity of our country. That is why my Government and my party, FRELIMO, believe that the winner of the forthcoming elections should be able to form a government which, taking into account the best interests of the nation, will select men and women - irrespective of their political affiliations - with proven qualities of leadership and with a recognized capacity in the management of government affairs who are dedicated to serving the people and preserving peace and stability in the country.
As President Chissano stated about 10 days ago, on the opening day of the electoral campaign, the government that will emerge from the forthcoming elections should be one that brings together all Mozambican citizens - a government that should truly serve the nation. He reiterated that, should he win the election, he would be guided by the ideals of reconciliation, dialogue and tolerance among all Mozambicans. That means that his government would seek permanent dialogue with the opposition in order to achieve consensus on the major issues and policies facing our country.
We believe that the winner must commit himself to strengthening institutional mechanisms that can ensure an effective participation by the opposition in the decision-making process, particularly within the framework of the Assembly of the Republic. Every guarantee will be extended to the opposition so as to enable it to play a meaningful and active role in the political life of the country.
That is our vision of the post-electoral future in Mozambique, a vision that will give high priority to the issue of unity and reconciliation, peace and stability, and rehabilitation and development in our country.
In the meantime, it is our strong belief that the international community should encourage and put pressure on the parties to faithfully implement the Rome Agreement and to pre-empt any move aimed at renegotiating the Agreement or undermining its implementation. Pacta sunt servanda. With the elections less than a month away, it is imperative that the signatories to the General Peace Agreement and the international community as a whole do not lose perspective and depart from the legal and political framework of that important peace-making instrument. If we are to witness a successful outcome of the peace process in Mozambique, it is essential that the signatories of the Rome Agreement respect fully their obligations and refrain from raising issues, conditions or preconditions in the implementation of the Agreement. The international community must therefore exert the necessary positive influence over the parties to abide by their commitments under the Rome Agreement.
My Government is determined to fulfil its obligations under the Agreement. In the course of 19 years of independence, FRELIMO and the Government of Mozambique have always respected their commitments, both at home and at the international level.
We have successfully established multiparty democracy in Mozambique; we have successfully embarked on economic reforms; and we have successfully concluded the General Peace Agreement. Today, at this critical juncture, we are once again ready to honour our obligations and responsibilities.
Mozambique is emerging from 16 years of a devastating conflict that has deeply rent its economic and social fabric. Therefore, apart from the relentless efforts that the Government has been deploying in honouring its obligations within the framework of the General Peace Agreement, our endeavour is also directed towards the monumental task of national reconstruction. This noble task constitutes a basic component of the whole process towards a lasting peace in Mozambique. Our success in national reconstruction will greatly contribute to the political, economic and social stability of the country.
The advent of peace in 1992 paved the way for the Government to fully embark upon the implementation of the economic recovery programme that was launched in early 1987. It is due to this undertaking that in 1993 our gross domestic product increased by 5.6 per cent as a result of a significant growth by basic economic sectors: agriculture, 8 per cent; transport and communications, 10 per cent; trade, 17 per cent; and construction, 3 per cent.
Likewise, the rate of inflation dropped to 30 per cent in 1993, as compared to 165 per cent in 1987. Economic forecasts show that the conditions are present to reduce even further the inflation rate in the years to come. This is an encouraging trend in the performance of our economy that provides confidence in its continued growth.
With regard to investment opportunities, the combination of two years of peace and wide-ranging economic reforms heralds a new era for Mozambican private-sector development. The role of foreign direct investment and other fields of cooperation with the international business community is recognized as being crucial to the success of national reconstruction in Mozambique.
Moreover, my Government is engaged in rehabilitating the economic and social infrastructures destroyed by war. The reintegration of demobilized soldiers into civilian life, the resettlement of refugees and displaced persons, and the rehabilitation of socio-economic infrastructures such as roads, bridges, health centres, commercial networks, schools and water supplies are real challenges that will require the special attention of the government that will emerge from the forthcoming elections.
In this context, we attach great importance to the ongoing demining process, as it will contribute to the normalization of life throughout the country, particularly to the resumption of agricultural production in the rural areas. This task is both delicate and enormous, bearing in mind the nature of the conflict that ravaged Mozambique and given the size of the territory. We therefore wish to reiterate our appeal to the international community to continue, in the light of General Assembly resolution 48/7 of 19 October 1993, to render its generous assistance in the form of financial, material, technical support and needed expertise for the mine-clearance programme in Mozambique.
My delegation welcomes the call for a moratorium on export of land-mines and endorses the appeal contained in the 1994 report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization for the international community to take appropriate measures to limit the production, use and sale of anti-personnel land-mines with a view to achieving their complete ban.
Since the last session of the General Assembly, the southern African region has witnessed an unprecedented historical event. My delegation wishes to join the previous speakers in welcoming a free and democratic South Africa back into the family of nations. With the presence of President Mandela in this Assembly Hall this morning, we honour the people of South Africa, all the men and women in southern Africa, and people all over the world who have contributed to the struggle for the elimination of the abominable system of apartheid.
The accession to power of a democratically elected Government in South Africa represents the dawning of a new era not only in that sister country but also in the African continent in general. It is our firm expectation to see all the people of South Africa, regardless of their colour or social background, learn how to live together in harmony.
The new South Africa represents the end of the policy of destabilization in southern Africa and the setting up of a peaceful environment at the regional level, which will certainly lead to a fruitful cooperation among the States of the region in their quest for progress and economic development.
The eradication of the apartheid system in South Africa and the consolidation of multi-party democracy in the countries of the region have paved the way for the establishment of a climate of peace and stability in southern Africa. The countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), in building their community, are pursuing their joint efforts towards common regional security by addressing issues of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. The prospects of lasting peace and stability in southern Africa will allow us the opportunity to redouble our efforts within the SADC region in our search for progress. Furthermore, peace and stability in southern Africa will ensure our participation as equal partners in development cooperation with other regional economic groupings.
The present session of the General Assembly provides us with an excellent opportunity for a joint assessment of current international political and socio-economic developments. We note with concern that the end of the cold war has not meant the end of armed conflicts around the world. Indeed, armed conflicts continue to proliferate, especially at the regional level, where they constitute a real threat to international peace and security.
In this context, my delegation is particularly concerned by the tragedy and untold suffering which are taking place in the African country of Rwanda. Thousands of innocent people have fallen victim to violence, and as a result thousands more have been forced to leave the country, thus sparking another humanitarian crisis in our conflict-torn continent. We in Mozambique, having experienced a long- lasting conflict, wish to appeal to all parties concerned in Rwanda to settle their differences through dialogue. Only dialogue can bring peace and an end to the tragic situation and human suffering in that martyred country.
Peace in Angola cannot be delayed any longer. While we appreciate the role played by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, and his recent initiatives to bring about a successful outcome at the Lusaka Talks, we still believe that the United Nations should redouble its efforts aimed at putting pressure on UNITA to respect the Bicesse Accords fully and abide by their letter and spirit. My delegation appeals to UNITA to lay down its weapons and seek to achieve its political objectives through dialogue and national reconciliation as a legalized political party.
In the light of Security Council resolutions 864 (1993) of 15 September 1993 and 932 (1994) of 30 June 1994, the United Nations has a moral obligation to exhort UNITA to negotiate with the necessary seriousness, and in good faith, and to cooperate with the Government of Angola on an expeditious conclusion of negotiations under way in Lusaka. We further welcome Security Council resolution 945 (1994) of 29 September 1994 which, inter alia, calls upon both parties to honour the commitments already made by them at the Lusaka Peace Talks and urges them to complete their negotiations as soon as possible and to make every necessary effort to have the Lusaka Agreement formally signed before 31 October 1994.
In the Middle East, we note with satisfaction the implementation of the peace accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which have resulted in autonomy for Gaza and Jericho and the return of the PLO leader to his motherland. In the same manner, we believe that the recent Declaration signed by Jordan and Israel is a significant step forward in the relaxation of tensions in the region. The international community should continue to support these developments for the restoration of peace and mutual confidence in the Middle East. We encourage Israel and Syria to continue negotiations in order to conclude an early agreement on issues which for so long have been a source of conflict between the two countries.
The question of East Timor continues to be of grave concern to the international community. My Government wishes to express its support for all initiatives for a genuine dialogue conducive to the achievement of self- determination by the people of East Timor.
We have been following with keen interest the ongoing debate on the restructuring of the United Nations, in particular the flowing ideas within the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council. We believe that the expansion of the Council must reflect the growing need for justice and a balance of interests among nations and continents, with emphasis on increased permanent membership for developing countries in general and Africa in particular. To this end, we should sofar as possible work during the current session of the General Assembly to achieve consensus on this issue.
In our opinion, the adequate representation of developing countries on the Security Council will rectify imbalances deriving from the current composition of this body and ensure its efficiency and legitimacy. Above all, it will confer a democratic nature on the decisions taken by that organ. In this context, my delegation fully subscribes to the African common position on this issue adopted by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on 29 September.
Since last year's debate on this issue, some countries have been singled out as qualifying for additional permanent membership on the Security Council. This year a number of countries have described Brazil as meeting the requirements for permanent membership in the framework of these reforms. My delegation fully shares that view.
The presence of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique offers an opportunity to address the issue of peace-keeping operations. As we have stated on several occasions, peace-keeping forces will succeed only if they strictly adhere to the fundamental principles which guide them and scrupulously respect the terms of reference of the mission for which they have been established.
It is our considered position that there is no universal formula for the success of each and every peace-keeping mission. In this connection, we feel that, though we may recognize the basic rules that govern peace-keeping activities, it is important to bear in mind specific situations and concrete agreements that have to be fully observed in each case. In other words, we cannot prescribe the same medicine for every kind of disease. This could be a prescription for death rather than for recovery, a recipe for disaster rather than for success. We believe that it is extremely important for the United Nations always to take into account the need to safeguard the sovereignty of the State concerned. Where there is a Government, even with weak institutions, peace-keeping missions should work in close cooperation and consultation with the local authorities and respect and strengthen those institutions, rather than try to weaken or undermine them.
The International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo last month was a landmark in the efforts to control world-wide population growth in favour of sustainable development. The Programme of Action adopted by the Conference responds to the challenges that lie ahead of us. Similarly, the World Summit for Social Development, scheduled to take place in Copenhagen in March 1995, will offer an opportunity to the nations of the world to arrive at common ground on today's pressing issues, such as the social integration of disadvantaged and marginalized segments of the population and the eradication of poverty, especially in the developing countries. The Summit should also emphasize the need to improve the quality of life as an integrated approach to sustainable development, by incorporating health concerns in developmental strategies.
Similarly, we look forward to the holding of the World Conference on Women, in Beijing in September next year. It is our expectation that the Beijing Conference will culminate in the adoption of comprehensive strategies and policies in order to address pressing issues affecting women world wide.
It is regrettable to note that, four years after the holding of the World Summit for Children, the situation of children world-wide continues to be deplorable and a matter of concern. Amongst them, children in conflict situations deserve our special attention. My country is faced with an adverse environment for children, a legacy of 16 years of devastating war, which, among other things, broke up entire families and left many children orphans or deeply traumatized and without any kind of comfort or family warmth.
We therefore welcome resolution 48/157 of 20 December 1993 which, inter alia, requested the Secretary-General to appoint an expert to undertake a comprehensive study of the question of the protection of children affected by armed conflicts. We in Mozambique feel honoured by the Secretary-General's recent nomination of Mrs. Graga Machel to coordinate a working group on such a study.
Thirty years have now elapsed since Mozambique embarked on the search for independence and peace. It has been a long and difficult journey. Today we are at a crucial stage in the implementation of the General Peace Agreement for Mozambique and of the holding of multiparty general elections. On behalf of my Government, I would like to seize this occasion to reiterate our deepest appreciation to the international community for the solidarity and support it has extended to our people. It is our firm belief that we will continue to enjoy this support for the consolidation of peace, progress and prosperity in our country.


I salute Ambassador Essy and warmly congratulate him on
his unanimous election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at this session. I express our happiness and that
of the sons of Africa on his assumption of that important
post. It is our hope that during his term of office Africa
and the whole of the international community will achieve
the development and the consolidation of peace and security
to which our peoples aspire.
I wish also to convey our compliments to Mr. Samuel
Insanally of Guyana on his exemplary and able leadership
during his presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-
eighth session.

I should also like to salute the Secretary-General for
his tireless effort as leader of the Organization; we wish
him all success.
On this occasion it is my pleasure to welcome the
return of the sister Republic of South Africa to the
international community as a democratic country, that is
now free from apartheid and that is governed by its own
national will, to participate effectively in the development
of Africa and of the world at large. In welcoming South
Africa, I reiterate our continued support for its people, just
as we were devoted to their cause during the struggle for
the eradication of apartheid.
Indeed, it is the destiny of people committed to the
defence of their freedom to have their will tested. That is
exactly the fate of the people of Sudan which, since the
National Salvation Revolution came to power has decided
to have an independent voice in all regional and
international forums on all issues and in all fields, inspired
by its principles based on its cultural heritage and its
regional and international affiliations.
I have the honour of briefing the Assembly on a
number of the accomplishments my Government has
achieved despite the obstacles it has faced owing to its
adherence to the cultural choice of the Sudanese people.
The Government of the National Salvation Revolution
inherited armed discord in the South, with all its
consequences. From the start, it accorded the highest
priority to the achievement of a peaceful, negotiated, just
and lasting settlement. It is the conviction of my
Government that only a permanent solution will be
acceptable to the people. During its five years in power,
the Government has engaged in a number of peace talks
with the rebel movement. These have taken place
successively in Addis Ababa, Nairobi and twice in Abuja;
recently there have been four rounds of talks in Nairobi.
The talks have taken place with the help of neighbours
and brethren who share our belief that it is the sons of
Africa who can find suitable solutions to Africa’s
problems. The Government, with earnest determination
to ensure the success of the peace talks, proposed a new
mechanism to expedite the peace process. This calls for
the dispatch of personal envoys of the Presidents of the
mediating countries to engage in shuttle diplomacy
between the Government and the rebel movement.
My Government, which is anxious to reach a just
and lasting solution, not only entered into negotiations,
but has also adopted the federal system of government
that had long been called for by the southern Sudanese.
It implemented the formula of power sharing and the
sharing of wealth in the framework of Federalism. As
regards the relationship between religion and State, the
Government proposed a formula that would enable the
majority to choose whatever suits its cultural heritage,
without infringement on the rights of the rest of the
population, ultimately bearing in mind the need to respect
every citizen’s equal rights and the cultural diversity that
characterizes the Sudan and of which we are so proud.
That is why the southern Sudan, where the majority is
non-Muslim, has been exempted from the application of
Islamic law.
Given its conviction that those who joined the ranks
of the rebellion and those who happen to live in the
rebel-held areas are Sudanese citizens who deserve, and
are entitled to enjoy fully all their rights, the Government
signed the Operation Life-Line Sudan III Agreement to
ensure the delivery of food and medicines to whoever was
in need. Officials of the United Nations were candid and
sincere when they described Operation Life-Line Sudan
as unprecedented world wide. The allegation that the root
32

causes of the war in southern Sudan are religious or ethnic
is refuted by the fact that the majority of displaced persons
moved northwards and to the national capital, while only a
few migrated out of the country.
Citizens of the south who had suffered the ravages of
the lengthy war in the south took the initiative of convening
the Juba Conference in May 1994. That Conference was
also attended by a number of foreign Ambassadors
accredited to the Sudan. Those who represented the south
at that Conference reiterated the unity of the country and
categorically rejected the isolated agenda of the rebels
which aims at fragmenting the country.
Nations manifest wisdom when, in quest of national
identity and in search for an effective system of
Government that best suits their special conditions and
historical background, they draw inspiration from their own
heritage. Our people have found this in the application of
the shura, or consultation, as a system of Government to
ensure the universality of opinions free from the tribal and
sectorial fanaticism that causes disunity amongst the sons
of the nation. This principle is exercised without a
tyrannical authority that deprives them of their will. The
shura is the overall vessel for political, developmental and
social endeavour. To put the shura into practice, the
Permanent Electoral Commission was founded in
conformity with the electoral law enacted by the
Transitional National Assembly, which is composed of
neutral personalities of professional integrity. Voter
registration was introduced to ensure an atmosphere
conducive to fair and genuine elections that are scheduled
to take place early next year, after the full participation of
all the people is secured.
To enable all strata of the population to participate
effectively in administering and organizing themselves,
developing their resources and enjoying all their rights, the
central power made way for 26 State Governments within
the framework of the federal system. This minimization of
the administrative authority was aimed at achieving the
advancement and welfare of the country through the
development of its States.
Our belief that almighty Allah elevated the human race
above all other species is our guiding principle in the area
of human rights. My Government has translated that belief
into action in all areas. In order to ensure the effective
enjoyment by all citizens of their human rights, the
Government established the Supreme Council for Human
Rights and bestowed upon it full constitutional liberty. It
secured the freedom of the judiciary and protected it against
interference by the political authority. The justice system
was reformed to guarantee freedom of litigation, equity
and rule of law.
The Government of the National Salvation
Revolution strengthened the role of women in the Sudan
and upheld all their rights. It enabled women to occupy
high constitutional, judicial, political and economic posts,
while also upholding their social rights. Today, women
represent 50 per cent of the labour force in Government
offices, where they perform very ably. Statistics of the
Ministry of Education revealed that 60 per cent of the
students enrolled in universities and institutions of higher
education are female.
The best example of the confidence of the
Government in its performance in the area of human
rights is the fact that it opened its doors wide for
representatives of European Parliaments, including the
British House of Commons and House of Lords, the
Italian Parliament, and the United States Congress. In
addition, human rights organizations, religious
associations and other dignitaries have visited the country,
especially those areas where abuses of human rights were
alleged to have taken place.
As a manifestation of our tolerance, our country is
currently hosting the Inter-Religion Dialogue Conference,
in which Muslim and Christian scholars from different
parts of the world are participating. This Conference is
aimed at the enhancement of tolerance and peaceful
coexistence between religions in any one geographical
area. The purpose is also to prove that religion is not, as
alleged by others, mere fanaticism. The Conference is
based on the mutual conviction that ethics and morals are
the best guides for individuals and peoples. In this
regard, I would like to point out that the present
Conference is the sequel of a previous one that was
convened in Sudan two years ago, after which inter-
religion dialogue continued inside and outside the Sudan.
After this brief account, the Assembly may agree
with me that reports of violations of human rights in the
Sudan are nothing but malicious applications of political
pressure to deter the Sudan from exercising its freedom
to make its own decision and holding on to its cultural
options. I need not state that those who continue to level
baseless accusations against Sudan have not produced any
evidence whatsoever to support their allegations. This, as
I said earlier, seems to be the lot of all nations that
choose their own way.
33

Those who make unfounded allegations that Sudan
harbours terrorism have not produced a single shred of
evidence to prove it. They never expected that Sudan
would prove its innocence by capturing the most dangerous
and most wanted terrorist in history: Carlos, the Jackal.
Guided by standards of conduct that condemn violence and
bloodshed, and in accordance with its adherence to
international conventions and ethical ideals, Sudan arrested
that terrorist. By virtue of our doctrine of transparency and
openness, the doors of our country will remain wide open
for whoever wishes to see for himself that no terrorism is
harboured in the Sudan.
The rebel movement, which was hatched outside
Sudan, has kept changing its skin, with different
programmes and ideologies, in order to gain support.
Unfortunately, up to now the rebellion has received moral,
material and military support from those who do not want
the Sudan to enjoy its freedom of decision. The rebellion
thus became a pliant tool in the futile attempts to subjugate
the Sudan. The rebel leaders made themselves warlords,
indifferent to the plight of their own people and the blood
they continue to shed. Before the eyes of international
community, the rebels commit the worst and atrocious
kinds of violation of human rights: attacking and
commandeering relief barges and trains, killing relief
workers, looting villages and abducting men and children.
Leaders of the rebellion are now launching a repugnant
liquidation of their opponents in the ranks of the rebel
movement. As proof of its defeat, very large numbers of
returnees from the rebel movement came back home,
convinced that it lacked a proper objective and that it had
fallen prey to the influence of foreign powers.
The crime of our time was that which was committed
in the Kakuma Refugee Camp in Northern Kenya, which
accommodates children who are Sudanese refugees. The
Garang faction kidnapped 5,000 children at gunpoint to join
their ranks, undeterred by conscience or respect for the
international covenants that govern the status of refugees
and provide for their protection. To our surprise, this crime
was met with indifference from the international
community, which did nothing to ensure the return of those
children to their families. From this rostrum we call upon
all international agencies, the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the International Committee
of the Red Cross to condemn this crime in the strongest
possible terms and to work effectively and decisively to put
an end to the plight of those children and to work to reunite
them with their families in the Sudan as soon as is
practicable.
The relationship of the Sudan with the United
Nations has continued to exist on a basis of constructive
cooperation. Within the scope of such cooperation,
productive developmental schemes and child-care projects
have been set up, in addition to the humanitarian
operations under the auspices of the Department of
Humanitarian Affairs and the appointment of a special
envoy who played an effective role in coordinating
humanitarian efforts. The United Nations also
successfully raised from the donor community resources
equivalent to 60 per cent of the required finances of
Operation Life Line for 1994.
While we recall such positive achievements, we must
also refer to certain negative aspects that accompanied
that cooperation. In the field of relief distribution under
Operation Life Line, statistics have confirmed that the
greater portion of relief is directed to the rebel-held areas,
which represent less than 10 per cent of the area of
Southern Sudan, a situation which must be rectified.
Also, while we appreciate the valuable role of
non-governmental organizations working in the
humanitarian field, it is relevant to underline the negative
activities of some of them, which go so far as to violate
the national sovereignty of Sudan, and provide support to
the rebels, thus prolonging the war and adding to the
suffering and distress of our people.
As we look forward to the forthcoming celebrations
of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must
recall that its inception was a product of a human
awakening, following two destructive world wars that
caused devastation to mankind and the environment, and
crippled the progress of humanity. At a time when the
use of military power was the sole means to expand
political and economic influence, the establishment of the
Organization represented a hope for humanity to
overcome its destructive tendencies, which were spurred
by the possession of nuclear weapons and weapons of
mass destruction, and to strive for the horizons of peace
and development.
It was saddening that the human awakening which
culminated in the inception of the Organization was
followed by a Cold War that continued until the 1990s.
As a result, huge resources were drained away instead of
being invested in the areas of peace and development. It
is also saddening that the mentality of the Cold War still
prevails in what is conceived as a clash of civilizations.
34

It has been wrongly believed that the disappearance of one
enemy must be followed by the creation of a new one in an
attempt to keep the cycle of war and conflict going. While
the world witnesses the emergence of new States and the
decline of apartheid, some are still trapped in that erroneous
conception, which has given rise to various regional
tensions, such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Rwanda. Racial discrimination and xenophobia have
increased in a number of western countries; the exodus of
refugees and the flow of displaced persons continues.
In the economic arena, and despite the world’s drive
towards a free-market economy we have nevertheless
witnessed a deterioration in economic and social
infrastructures, especially in the developing countries. This
deterioration is a direct result of the unfair practices and
criteria that still plague international economic relations.
Contributions by wealthier States and international financial
institutions to assist developing countries have severely
decreased; selective non-economic conditions are often
imposed in dealing with the developing countries.
Moreover, economic performance is no longer the criterion
that is taken into account. Political considerations have
become the sole basis of cooperation with the lending
States and institutions.
The problems of indebtedness and debt servicing
continue to represent a huge burden on debtor States and in
particular, the least developed countries. The debt problem
remains unresolved because the creditors insist on imposing
conditions that related more to the political stances of the
debtor States and therefore, selectivity was resorted to in
resolving the debt problem. We call upon this august body
to adopt the resolutions and recommendations of the Non-
Aligned Movement Ministerial Meeting held last August in
Jakarta, Indonesia, on resolving the debt problems of
developing countries. The partial remission of debts is the
appropriate starting point to resolve the debt problem,
instead of the re-scheduling process, which has already
contributed to multiplying the amount of debt service in
excess of the principal.
The objective of establishing regional economic
groupings is to contribute to the creation of a free flow of
trade, investments and technology across national borders
and the integrated trading groups. The scale of
development in all countries, especially the developing
countries, must be stepped up and the politics of
protectionism practised by the major Powers vis-à-vis
developing countries for political reasons must end.
When we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations, we hope that the Organization will attain
tangible achievements in eliminating the political,
economic, social and humanitarian distortions that
influence the international arena. Such achievements can
be attained only by translating the principles and
objectives of the Charter into real terms that reflect the
values of justice, equality, and full participation by all
Member States in creating a better future.
In order to achieve such goals, the democratization
of the United Nations and all its organs must be
accomplished. According to the Charter, the General
Assembly has a role to play on an equal footing with the
Security Council in the maintenance of international peace
and security, as well as in supervising the performance of
other organs of the Organization.
Just as we fully support the call for increasing the
membership of the Security Council to ensure the
equitable representation of all geographic and political
groups in the Council, we also call for a reconsideration
of geographical representation by allowing Africa, Asia
and Latin America more opportunities to have permanent
seats on the Council. We also call for the complete
abolition of the veto power, as it contradicts all the
principles of democracy and maintains the hegemony of
the minority.
Furthermore, we note a lack of transparency in the
functioning of the Security Council, and believe that most
Member States are often unable to follow its work.
While we appreciate the efforts made to improve the
performance of the Council, its persistent practice of
holding intensive informal consultations marginalizes the
role of the majority of Member States in the maintenance
of international peace and security. Accordingly, rules of
procedure regulating the Council’s procedures must be
established to provide for a fair and objective guarantee
of the existence of the required transparency.
As regards the Council’s resolutions, it is regrettable
that the practice of double standards and selectivity, as
reflected in its resolutions and their implementation, has
greatly affected its credibility, a problem which we hope
will be resolved.
The Economic and Social Council, as a guardian of
economic and social rights should take more interest in
maintaining the right balance between political and
economic rights in its resolutions and decisions, which
have become more inclined towards political rights in
35

spite of the Vienna Declaration, which considered the right
to development a basic human right.
The peace process has already started in the Middle
East. In order for that process to reach the desired goals,
the peace that is hoped for in the regional should be based
on the pillars of justice and equality and the attainment by
the Palestinian people of all their rights and the withdrawal
from the territories occupied in 1967. The withdrawal from
the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon should be
carried out in full implementation of Security Council
Resolution 425 (1978). The withdrawal from Jerusalem
and all the other occupied Arab territories will remain
critical in determining the real Israeli intention to establish
a just and lasting peace.
The recent conflict in the sisterly state of Yemen
ended with the victory of constitutional legality, which
preserved the unity of Yemen; this incident should lead us
to stress the need to refrain from intervention in the internal
affairs of other States that might find themselves in similar
circumstances.
With regard to Somalia, which faces enormous hurdles
and internecine killings, we call upon all parties to heed the
voice of reason and to work together for the attainment of
a national reconciliation that would enable Somalia to
resume the role destined for it at the regional and
international levels.
We must also pause here to consider the suffering of
the Iraqi people, which is worsening as a result of the
embargo imposed on it even though it has been admitted
that Iraq has shown full cooperation in implementing the
relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the
lifting of the sanctions imposed on Iraq as soon as possible
and we urge the members of the Security Council to renew
their consideration of this issue.
As regards the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, we are
surprised by the continuation of sanctions in spite of all the
practical proposals made by the Jamahiriya, through the
League of Arab states, in order to finalize its dispute with
some Western countries over the Lockerbie incident in a
reasonable manner. The aforementioned treatment of Libya
lacks any legal and humanitarian justification.
The Bosnian peoples’ tragedy continues to be a
shameful blot the face of humanity. Factors of religious
bias have greatly contributed to the creation and escalation
of the Bosnian tragedy.
As for the Security Council, it has pursued a clear
policy of double standards in the case of Bosnia and
Herzegovena. Not only did the Security Council reward
the aggressors by granting them territories they do not
own, but it has deprived the Bosnians of their legitimate
right to self-defence as enshrined in the United Nations
Charter, through an arms-embargo resolution. Bosnia and
Herzegovena did not declare an intention to acquire the
lands of others, but only wanted to defend itself and its
people against aggression.
As I conclude my statement, I should like to pose
questions which, I believe, that are relevant to our
preparations for celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations and the International Decade of Tolerance.
Are we prepared to abandon the unilateral approach to the
tackling of problems of international relations? Are we
ready to recognize now that this world accommodates us
as distinct and diverse peoples and civilizations coexisting
with one another?
It is our opinion that fostering regional and
international peace and security does not mean the
omission of the underlying causes of tension. Equally,
comprehensive development does not mean the
entrenchment of the unfair economic and technological
practices existing in today’s world. Furthermore,
democracy in our opinion does not mean the imposition
of the western model of democracy alone and omission of
other peoples’ practices and civilizations in the field of
governance and systems of government. Moreover,
universality of sovereignty does not mean disregard for
the national and geographic sovereignty of States. Also,
the universality of human rights, which enjoys our respect
and commitment, does not necessarily mean cancellation
of the religious beliefs of peoples and their moral values.
In brief, the principles and values adopted by any one
society are not necessarily or definitely fit for application
by all other societies. By applying such a unilateral
perspective, we will deprive civilization of the benefits of
diversity and from its productive legacy and we will as
such deprive peoples of their right to opt for the political
models and social conduct that are more compatible with
their aspirations. Otherwise, we would only compound a
new phase of undesired cultural conflicts and tensions.
Let us turn a new leaf in international relations that
would be founded on the rejection of conflict and
confrontation, based on the principles of mutual respect
and non-interference in the affairs of others, without
extremism, bias or radicalism.
36

In conclusion, let our deeds speak louder than our
words in building up the tolerance with which we prepare
to commence the international decade, and let us extend
this it to embrace all aspects of politics, thought,
economics, culture, and religion.


I
am pleased to extend to you, Sir, my sincere
congratulations on your election to the presidency of the
forty-ninth session of the General Assembly and to express
to you my great delight at seeing you, a distinguished
friend from a sisterly country, conducting the work of this
session.
Your competence and great diplomatic experience are
assets which ensure the success of our deliberations. We
are convinced that, through you, Africa will bring to this
session its well-known capabilities and talents in order to
secure the best results for our work. Allow me to assure
you of the full cooperation of the delegation of the
Kingdom of Morocco.
I should also like to pay tribute to His Excellency
Ambassador Samuel Insanally, the Permanent
Representative of the Republic of Guyana and President of
the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, for the
laudable work he accomplished.
I should like also to express to our Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, my sincere regards and
appreciation for his untiring efforts in upholding the
principles of the Charter and for the wisdom and the
perspicacity with which he faces the increasing
responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in recent
years.
The end of the cold war gave the peoples of the world
cause for hope that they were about to see the dawn of a
new era in international relations, an era of democracy,
justice and an effective international solidarity which would
take into account the interests of all.
Years after that historic opportunity, we have come to
realize that our optimism was unjustified. We are to see
yet any sincere international effort towards the creation of
a new world order and of the hoped-for peace dividends we
have seen nothing concrete yet. On the contrary, what we
see now makes us fear that that historic opportunity is on
the verge of being dissipated in the fog of an ambiguous
international political atmosphere.
A close examination of the characteristics of the
present world order reveals that its thrust focuses almost
totally on the issues of economic openness, freedom of
international trade, democracy and human rights.
There is no doubt that these two last questions
deserve every attention, since they are among the
underpinnings of any system of honest government and of
social justice and have always been among the goals of
enlightened civilizations in their search for a fair society
in which justice and social peace may prevail.
Maybe it would be going too far to insist, as some
do, on the adoption of one model of democracy, out of all
the other models, by all the countries and societies of the
world without taking into account the numerous factors
which have to do with the civilizations of the peoples of
those countries, their customs, traditions, cultures, the
degree of their development, their general conception of
the universe we live in, or their views concerning life and
society.
As regards our Organization, the principles of
democracy require us to examine its methods of operation
in order to secure a unified implementation of its
resolutions and ensure efficiency in the discharge of its
duties.
In view of the ever-increasing importance of the role
the Security Council now plays in international affairs, we
must debate the extent of its adaptation to the great
changes that have taken place in the world recently and
which have affected the balance of power, side by side
with the new political and economic trends, so that we
may find consensus solutions in reviewing the Security
Council’s methods of work and in trying to enhance its
efficacy.
The changes I have spoken of require us to review
also some of the provisions of the Charter with a view to
enabling our Organization to face up to the new
international challenges with the participation of all in the
interests of all.
As for the question of human rights, the Kingdom of
Morocco attaches great importance to those rights, which
are enshrined in our constitution. However, I wish to
point out - as I did in past years - that human rights have
different aspects which must be respected fully. We
should not focus solely on the political aspect whose
importance has been established. The rights of the human
being to the essential, basic human needs such as food,
clothing, medicine and shelter are inalienable and
fundamental, just exactly as the right to life. That is why
the World Conference on Human Rights, which was
convened in Vienna last year, determined that economic
17

development which makes it possible to satisfy those needs
was a fundamental human right.
Consequently, the affluent nations have an obligation
to pay more attention to the economic interests of the
developing world in order to help it reach the levels of
development that will allow it to accord to those rights the
priority they deserve.
In this context, we expect the World Summit for
Social Development, which will take place in Copenhagen
next year, to define the essential needs of man the
satisfaction of which would guarantee a decent life and
expect the Summit to set up a plan of action to stimulate
social development and economic progress in the countries
of the third world.
The world has entered upon a new era marked by
fundamental changes in the traditional international relations
which emphasized the primacy of political beliefs. In
addition, the great Powers have engaged in a new race for
economic interests in place of the arms race. The race that
now concerns them is characterized by the strengthening of
relations within great economic groupings with a view to
the creation of new economic blocs. These developments
will undoubtedly alter the economic and political map of
the world and will, thereby, widen the gap between the
developed and the developing countries.
In a much more interdependent world, thanks to the
new means of communication and technology, such as live
television broadcasts, it has become ever more difficult to
persuade the peoples of the developing countries to be
content with their lot while the disparities between the
affluence of the developed countries and the misery of the
developing countries are constantly worsening. Therefore,
it would be illogical to expect that lasting peace and
security could prevail in a world wherein the overwhelming
majority of people live in despair, deprivation and social
misery.
The rich countries should find satisfactory solutions to
the economic problems of developing countries - in
particular, to those related to the deterioration in terms of
trade, the decline in commodity prices, external
indebtedness and technological weaknesses.
In April 1994, the city of Marrakech hosted the
signing of various agreements under the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Through these agreements,
the international community established the primacy of the
rule of law in international economic and trade relations
and put an end to the law of the primacy of strength that
prevailed in the past.
The agreements, which were signed by 109 States,
included a number of extremely positive elements. One
of the most significant results of the Marrakech
agreements was the creation of the World Trade
Organization, which will come into being next year and
will have competence in the areas of control and
implementation. We hope that this new organization,
thanks to its competences, the policies laid for it, and the
programme of work designed to pursue those policies will
be able to lay real foundations for international trade that
would free trade from the protectionism that plagues it
under many guises such as the so-called social
considerations that relate to workers’ rights and
environmental considerations.
In the aftermath of the Second World War and the
setting up of the United Nations, international relations
have been characterized essentially by the movement
towards the liberation of peoples from the colonial yoke,
especially in Africa and Asia. Nowadays, only some
enclaves remain from the colonial era. For particular
reasons, those enclaves required more time for their
liberation, and they are now involved in settlement
processes with the agreement of the interested parties.
The British colony of Hong Kong will revert to
Chinese sovereignty in 1997, as will the Portuguese
colony of Macau in the near future. Similarly, the status
of Gibraltar is the subject of continuous discussions
between Spain and the United Kingdom with a view to
the return of that Territory to Spanish sovereignty. These
are settlement processes that we in Morocco strongly
support.
As we know, some enclaves in the northern part of
Morocco are still under Spanish control. These are the
cities of Sebta and Melilia and the neighbouring islands.
Since its accession to independence, my country has
tirelessly asked Spain to return those enclaves so that we
may restore our territorial integrity and put an end to this
long-standing dispute.
There is no doubt the ideal solution in this respect
would be to follow the same procedure that was adopted
in the case of each of the territories I have just
mentioned, namely, dialogue, natural understanding and
harking to the voice of wisdom by heeding the logic of
our time and taking into account the interests of both
parties.
18

We believe that the Moroccan-Spanish group proposed
by His Majesty King Hassan II to reflect and consult on
that question is the best framework within which it would
be possible to reach a settlement that may safeguard the
sovereign rights of Morocco and, at the same time, allows
Spain to protect its economic interests.
We are convinced that the historic ties of civilization
between Morocco and Spain as well as our relations of
good-neighbourliness and our fruitful cooperation in several
areas will make it possible to overcome the difficulties that
lie in the way of the settlement of this dispute.
The freeing of relations between Morocco and Spain
from the remnants of the past is a matter of significant
importance in view of the fact that both countries belong to
the Mediterranean region, that sensitive part of the world
which should be a region of cooperation, stability and
solidarity.
In this context, we are convinced that the prosperity
and security of Europe and particularly of its Mediterranean
countries could not be fully achieved without genuine
efforts to contribute to the development of the southern
Mediterranean countries. We are also convinced that this
will be achieved only through the eradication of the existing
gap between the countries of the two sides of the
Mediterranean and the establishment of a multifaceted
cooperation that would be inspired by a comprehensive
vision of the concept of cooperation and anchored in the
will of both sides to enter into a partnership that may
provide a solid foundation for the prosperity and stability of
the region.
Proceeding from this conviction, the Kingdom of
Morocco proposed to the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe at its fourth session held in
December 1993 in Rome, the convening of a ministerial
meeting to address the issues of security and cooperation in
the Mediterranean region in which all the Mediterranean
countries as well as all other countries interested in the
future of that sensitive region would participate in order to
consult over the various issues and problems that face the
region. We do hope that the proposal will gain the support
of the countries concerned.
Along with our brethren from the countries of the
Arab Maghreb, Morocco has made sustained efforts aimed
at securing the unity of the region and ensuring the coming
to being of the institutions of such unity.
However, it is no secret to anyone that the
achievement of the desired unity still faces certain
difficulties regardless of all that has been accomplished so
far at the institutional, structural and regulatory levels.
Nevertheless, it is the conviction of all concerned that the
setting up of that edifice will benefit all the people of the
region and will open up great vistas in the areas of
development and progress.
It is obvious that the pace of progress towards the
achievement of the desired objectives is rather slow at the
time. However, my country remains prompted by a
sincere determination and by a firm will to overcome
those difficulties, in the conviction that its future and that
of the countries of the region depend to a great extent on
the achievement of such unity and solidarity amongst
them. In all this, there is the awareness that the ties of
common heritage, of common history, of culture, of
language and of religion bind all our peoples together.
With regard to the so-called question of Western
Sahara, the United Nations settlement plan has entered the
final stage of implementation. The Kingdom of Morocco
has cooperated sincerely with the Secretary-General, as
attested to in the Secretary-General’s reports, with a view
to facilitating his mission and speeding up the ongoing
process. Therefore, we look forward with optimism to
the holding of the referendum within the next few
months.
The past decade was one of the most disastrous for
the African continent in economic and in social terms.
The limited international effort provided to assist the
continent has not yielded any improvement so far. As a
matter of fact, standards of living in many sub-Saharan
countries continue to worsen as the per capita income
continues to decline while the growth rate of the gross
national product dropped to less than 1.5 per cent at a
time when the population grows at a much greater rate.
Thus the overall economic situation in Africa has
fallen to a level below the one recorded in the seventies.
Because of such constant deterioration and the
marginalization from which Africa suffers, partial and
temporary solutions cannot satisfy us. Exceptional
international efforts should be undertaken and drastic
solutions designed to remedy to the situation.
On the occasion of the holding of the historic
meeting of Marrakech, in the context of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Agreements,
His Majesty the King has called upon the leaders of the
19

world to integrate the economy of Africa in the global
economy and urged the elaboration of a Marshall Plan with
a view to reducing poverty and alleviating the suffering of
millions of human beings in our continent.
As an African country, the Kingdom of Morocco
continues to do its utmost in assisting sisterly countries in
the sub-Saharan region by all the means at its disposal. In
fact, my country channels 90 per cent of the funds it
allocates to international cooperation to the assistance of
sisterly African countries.
During the month of April 1994, the African scene
witnessed an important event, namely, the victory of
democratic forces, the forces of peace and freedom, against
the forces of racial discrimination. Thus, South Africa’s
first free elections in which all segments of its people
participated have resulted in the election of Mr. Nelson
Mandela to the presidency of the Republic.
The Kingdom of Morocco had earlier expressed its
satisfaction at those decisive developments, which ended a
half-century-long conflict and allowed South Africa, a sister
country, to usher in a new era of national harmony and
democracy and give it reason to look forward to a
prosperous future for all its people. My country made its
contribution by giving an impetus to the reconciliation
process through meeting with and offering encouragement
to Presidents Mandela and De Klerk, both known for their
wisdom and clearsightedness.
We were one of the first countries to establish
diplomatic relations with the new South Africa - more than
two years ago now - and we will make every effort to
strengthen the basis of our cooperation with that country,
which, to our great satisfaction, has taken back its rightful
place within the United Nations. We have no doubt that
South Africa will greatly and positively contribute to the
enrichment and effectiveness of the work of our
Organization and to the well-being of the entire African
continent.
One year after the signing in Washington of the
Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government
Arrangements in Gaza and Jericho, between the Palestine
Liberation Organization and Israel, we note today that the
peace process in the Middle East is moving along at a
steady pace, thus giving rise to some optimism for the first
time in the last 50 years.
In spite of the hindrances and obstacles it faces from
time to time, this agreement is being effectively and
practically implemented. We hope that this encouraging
start will continue and will include all the occupied
Palestinian territory, and that it will result in the transfer
of all powers to the Palestinian National Authority to
pave the way for a comprehensive solution that would
grant the totality of its legitimate rights to the Palestinian
people, including the creation of an independent State
with Al-Quds as its capital, in accordance with the United
Nations resolutions.
It was only natural that the Palestinian self-
government experience should face initial difficulties and
experience sensitive beginnings. We hope that the States
members of the international community that have
followed this issue for decades and that supported the
struggle of the Palestinian people throughout its different
stages will not fail to grant all the necessary material aid
and assistance to the Palestinian National Authority
during this delicate period, in order to help it build its
national institutions and its economic structures, and to
ensure the success of this experience.
Similarly, Jordan and Israel have signed an
agreement recently in Washington. However, the advent
of peace and security in that region will always depend
on the achievement of a comprehensive solution, which
would guarantee the recovery of Syrian and Lebanese
territories, in conformity with international legality and in
particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338
(1973) and 425 (1978).
The Kingdom of Morocco, convinced of the virtues
of dialogue and concerted action among the parties to the
Arab Israeli conflict, was one of the first to recommend
and promote this approach as the ideal means for the
settlement of disputes. My country strongly believes that
the logic of war and violence does not lead to permanent
solutions. That is why we feel a great deal of satisfaction
today as we see the parties in the Middle East engaging
in a constructive dialogue to achieve an agreement that
would put paid to conflicts and tragedies and usher in a
new era of peace, cooperation and well-being in the
region’s history.
In order to encourage peace efforts and to make the
Arab world benefit from their dividends, Morocco will
host next month, in Casablanca, an Economic Conference
for the Middle East and North Africa. Highly placed
government officials, and businessmen as well as
financial and economic experts will participate in the
Conference. This gathering will aim at setting the rules
for boosting the economy and development in the two
20

regions, and at creating economic programmes based on
partnership for the benefit of the countries of the two
regions and their peoples.
Regarding the dispute between Iran and the United
Arab Emirates, we hope that the two countries, which are
members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference,
will resort to dialogue to resolve their dispute over the
future of the islands of Abu Moussa and the Greater and
the Lesser Tumbs. The historic and friendly relations
between the two peoples, which allowed them to coexist
under United Arab Emirates sovereignty on Abu Moussa
island, should enable them to return to normal relations.
Contemporary history has known few tragedies
comparable to the one being experienced by the people of
the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who have been,
and still are, subjected to all kinds of collective
punishments, massacres, "ethnic cleansing", displacement,
confiscation of property, destruction of places of worship
and demolition of cultural monuments. The inability of the
international community and of the United Nations in
particular to put an end to these outrageous criminal acts
and their inability to uphold the principles of international
law, which is violated daily by Serbian practices, is
intolerable and unacceptable.
Our Organization will celebrate next year its fiftieth
anniversary. The period that has elapsed since its inception
has known many activities and accomplishments but also
some failures and setbacks. As regards its
accomplishments, one should underline its sustained action
to liberate peoples from the colonial yoke and to assist
them in obtaining their political independence, as well as
its activities aiming at the settlement of many conflicts by
peaceful means and the maintenance of international
peace and security through, inter alia, peace-keeping
operations. Its specialized institutions and agencies have
also made considerable contributions through their great
efforts in social, health and cultural matters.
However, our Organization has been unable to
accomplish some tasks entrusted to it by the Charter. I
refer in particular to economic and development issues.
No large-scale action has been taken to help developing
countries in particular achieve economic development,
despite the efforts and the many meetings devoted to this
question.
This fiftieth anniversary will take place in an
international environment that is totally different from the
one that followed the Second World War. Our
Organization must adapt to this change by exploring the
prospects of the twenty-first century, of which we are on
the threshold.
To this end, several ideas have been put forward
with the aim of strengthening our Organization, reforming
its structures and affording it the means whereby it could
meet the new and increasing demands made upon it in
many areas. In short, the aim is to enable the
Organization to satisfy the current needs of the
international community. The Secretary-General’s report
"An Agenda for Peace" appeared at the right moment to
show us the appropriate means by which the organs of the
United Nations might serve international peace and
security. The report also introduced new ideas
concerning preventive diplomacy with the aim of
preventing the eruption of new conflicts and dealt with
the issues of building and maintaining peace, as well as
many other issues, and put forth proposals which we are
sure will improve the functioning of our Organization.
There is no doubt that the fiftieth anniversary
celebrations will be an opportunity for many world
leaders and other high officials that are rich in experience
to rethink the future of our Organization in order to
enable it to meet the highest aspirations of mankind in the
twenty-first century: to live in peace and security, in
social justice and human dignity.


Canada is very pleased, Sir, that you have been elected to
the presidency of the Assembly, and it is certain that you
will, with tact and efficiency, assume the responsibility of
guiding our work. You can count on our full cooperation.
The United Nations has always had a special place in
Canada’s foreign policy. As I address the Assembly for the
first time as Minister of Foreign Affairs, I am reminded of
something one of my illustrious predecessors, Lester B.
Pearson, said about the United Nations:
"We must cultivate international ideals, develop
international policies, strengthen international
institutions, above all the United Nations, so that
peace and progress can be made secure."
The Government that I represent shares his broad and
noble vision of the role and place of the United Nations.
In order to face the challenges that await it at the dawn of
the twenty-first century, the international community needs,
more than ever, a strong, credible multilateral institution
equipped with the tools needed to fulfil our expectations.
These challenges are the maintenance of peace and
international security, as well as development, justice,
democracy, human rights and the fight against inequalities.
At a time when we are preparing to celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, there is no more
urgent task than the intensification of our efforts for
reform in order to give our Organization the second wind
it needs. Let us draw inspiration from the vision and
enthusiasm of the people who drafted the Charter of the
United Nations 50 years ago.
The extensive upheavals that have shaken our planet
since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the cold
war can be symbolized in a few images. I am thinking of
the moving image of President Nelson Mandela taking the
oath of office as democratically elected President of South
Africa and the historic handshake between Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestine Liberation Organization
leader, Yasser Arafat. For their people and those in
Cambodia, El Salvador - and soon, perhaps, Mozambique
and Angola - who have discovered the road to peace, with
the help of the United Nations, the future is filled with
hope.
There is also hope in Haiti, where a courageous
people has been subjected for too long to oppression and
abject poverty. We shall share their joy when they can
finally welcome to his native land President Aristide, a
living symbol of nascent democracy.
But there are also unbearable images of the victims
in the market in Sarajevo and the flood of humanity
fleeing the killings in Rwanda.
The international community cannot remain
indifferent to conflicts that threaten the lives of millions
of innocent people and expose them to the worst
violations of their most fundamental rights. Recent
experience has shown us that only a concerted and
determined effort on the part of the international
community can solve these problems.
It is no easy task. Faced with the problems in
Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda or even Haiti, some people will
be tempted to give up and wonder if the United Nations
is wrong in trying to resolve essentially internal conflicts
that have numerous complex causes.
Canada does not share this opinion. We think that,
despite these problems, the Security Council is on the
right track, even though the steps it has taken have not
always proved capable of solving all the problems.
Consistent with that belief, we have always made a
tangible contribution to United Nations operations, as far
as our circumstances permit.
9

The Canadian contribution to peace-keeping operations
in the territories of the former Yugoslavia totals more than
2,000 soldiers and civilian police. The Canadian
Government decided a few days ago to renew once more
the mandate of its troops for a six-month period. Canada
has always been convinced that there can be no military
solution to the Yugoslavian conflict. It is because we wish
to give peace another chance that we have chosen to
maintain our contribution to the United Nations Protection
Force.
We have also responded to the Secretary-General’s
appeal for help in the tragedy of Rwanda. For two months
ours was the only country providing an air bridge to Kigali.
There are 600 Canadian soldiers serving under the United
Nations flag, and many Canadian non-governmental
organizations have mobilized to provide help to those in
distress.
We will also be in Haiti, with 600 soldiers and 100
police officers when the time comes to deploy the United
Nations peace-keeping force. Our participation is a logical
sequel to our numerous efforts of the past three years to
restore the democratic process in this country, to which we
are attached by language, geographical proximity and the
many personal ties between our peoples. The Haitian
people can count on Canada’s lasting help as they rebuild
their economy.
We are also contributing to the Middle East peace
process. As the leader of the multilateral Working Group
on Refugees, we are tackling with determination that task
entrusted to us by the international community. Our
objective is to contribute to the construction of a renewed
region where, 10 years hence, no one will consider himself
or herself a refugee. We are also providing substantial
financial assistance to the Palestinian people’s
reconstruction projects. We would favourably consider
sending peace-keepers if the need should arise, thus
carrying on a lengthy tradition of Canadian participation in
peace-keeping operations in the region.
(spoke in English)
The economic and social problems facing the
international community often receive less headline
attention than the armed conflicts. However, they are every
bit as urgent. Hundreds of millions of people around the
world continue to be condemned to a life of poverty. For
whole sectors of humanity, such basic needs as a proper
diet, drinking water, education and medical care are more
of a dream than a reality.
Certain parts of the developing world are currently
experiencing remarkable progress, while others,
unfortunately - the African continent in particular - are
continuing to struggle.
It is estimated that there are an unprecedented 19
million refugees and displaced persons in the world. We
are witnessing a massive movement of people that none
of our societies is able to manage without the cooperation
of the entire international community.
The recent Cairo Conference revealed the urgent
need for effective measures to cope with the problems of
population and development, problems that cannot be
resolved without giving full recognition to the essential
roles of women.
Our ability to translate into reality the concept of
sustainable development will have a very direct impact on
the daily lives of our fellow citizens. The fishermen of
Newfoundland and the Maritime Provinces of Canada are
all too familiar with this problem. Their livelihood has
disappeared, through the plundering of fish stocks in
international waters off our shores. This is why we
believe an agreement must be reached without delay on
fishing on the high seas.
We could easily add to the list of pressing problems
that I have just mentioned. And no one can challenge the
fact that all of these problems - from peace-keeping to
development, including the fight against AIDS, drug-
trafficking and the protection of human rights and the
environment - require a determined, coordinated effort on
the part of the international community.
A great deal has been done over the past few years
to help our multilateral institutions to effectively face
these numerous challenges. However, much more needs
to be done. Too often, the intervention of the United
Nations comes too late, is too slow and is carried out
under inadequate conditions.
The lack of political will on the part of Member
States cannot be blamed on the Secretary-General. On
the contrary, I would like to pay special tribute to the
Secretary-General and his staff. They have done more
and better than anyone should expect from an institution
deprived of the most elementary resources, lacking even
a solid financial foundation.
We must fully assume our responsibilities and give
the United Nations the tools required to fulfil its unique
10

mandate successfully. However, it seems that we are
unable to take a second look at the habits of the past.
We invest too much energy in activities of marginal
use and in unimportant quarrels when there is an
emergency right under our noses.
We waste valuable resources by allowing the
numerous institutions and agencies we have created over
the years to jealously protect their independence and resist
change when circumstances require a pooling of energies.
As a result of our extreme reticence to implement
administrative reforms, we are handicapping the only
institution on which we can depend, when modern and
flexible management methods would enable us to respond
much more effectively to the needs of the moment.
Canada believes that the reforms of the United Nations
system must be deepened and accelerated. We must do
more and better with the resources at our disposal.
Efforts should be concentrated on the following five
major priorities, which I would like to bring to your
attention.
Firstly, we must strengthen the United Nations
system’s capacity for preventive action. The United
Nations already has a number of tools for detecting
potential conflicts, and can use a variety of mechanisms to
try to eliminate problems before crises break out. Lack of
information is not the problem; what we need is the ability
to better analyse this information, to develop appropriate
strategies and above all to mobilize energy from all
components of the system.
In order to act rapidly, the United Nations must be
able to count on qualified human resources, available on
short notice, to complement its own personnel. This is why
Canada has prepared for the Secretary-General an inventory
of resource persons suited to missions of good offices or
specializing in elections, human rights, the administration
of justice and other such fields.
At its first summit in January 1992, the Security
Council recognized that non-military sources of instability
in the economic, social, humanitarian and ecological fields
have become threats to international peace and security.
Let us recognize once and for all the need to expand the
traditional concept of security, and to mobilize all
components of the United Nations system to attack conflict
at its very roots.
We also feel that the preventive capacity of the
United Nations system will be strengthened if we make
better use of the expertise of those who have direct
knowledge of the field. The United Nations Economic
and Social Council should periodically hold public
hearings, similar to those held last June on the Agenda
for Development, with a view to assisting the United
Nations to better anticipate problems and to develop
strategies for attacking the economic and social causes of
conflicts. The findings of its hearings could and should
be provided to the Security Council and the Secretary-
General so that they can develop appropriate preventive
measures.
Any strategy for preventing armed conflicts also
involves pursuing tangible disarmament objectives.
Canada has established two priority objectives for the
next few years: nuclear non-proliferation and the control
of conventional arms.
Nuclear arms control and disarmament are under
way: we are continuing negotiations on a comprehensive
test-ban treaty to ban nuclear testing for all time. Canada
is working in the Conference on Disarmament to secure
a mandate for negotiations on a convention to prohibit the
production of fissile material for weapons purposes.
Together, these treaties will have the effect of
constraining and preventing a future nuclear arms race.
In 1995 we will have to decide the fate of the
world’s nuclear non-proliferation regime; the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is very
important for Canada, and we believe that there is only
one option: that the NPT must be indefinitely extended.
I urge all Governments to support this option, which will
allow for the continuation of a crucial instrument in
preventing the spread of nuclear-weapon technology and
provide new impetus to reduce existing stocks.
We must also recognize that, although the threat of
nuclear weapons is of prime concern, the ongoing use of
conventional weapons is an equally dangerous and very
real threat to peace and security.
The task of controlling conventional weapons is the
responsibility of every Government. Huge sums are
being spent each year purchasing such weapons, often to
the detriment of services essential to the public, such as
education and health care. Those who are more
concerned about the size of their military arsenal than
about the welfare of their people should no longer expect
to receive unconditional international aid.
11

The recently established United Nations Register of
Conventional Arms is a start, and I urge Member States to
make information available to the Register as Canada has
done.
More can be done, however. For example, next year
we will be reviewing the Convention on certain
conventional weapons that deals with land-mines. The
abuse of land-mines is responsible for continued suffering
and death of civilians long after the fighting has stopped.
I welcome the proposal made by President Clinton on
Monday to reduce and eventually eliminate the use of anti-
personnel land mines. He can count on the support and
assistance of the Government of Canada on this useful idea.
We must strengthen the Convention by extending its scope
to cover internal as well as international conflicts and by
insisting on effective verification measures to ensure
compliance. We will create a task force in Canada to
consider other initiatives that might be taken in the coming
months, and I look forward to sharing ideas on this subject
with other ministers.
Secondly, we must conduct an in-depth review of the
United Nations economic and social activities. I think I
speak for most members of the Assembly when I express
serious concerns regarding what can best be described as
the drift of the United Nations in the economic and social
sectors. While the debate on the United Nations mandate
in the areas of peace and security is lively and productive,
it is unfortunately too often vague and directionless when
we tackle economic and social problems.
We are not saying that everything must be changed -
far from it. But certain reforms have already been
introduced; to mention but one, we welcome the decision
to make the United Nations Development Programme
Administrator responsible for system-wide coordination.
But at a time when large sectors of international economic
activities are beyond the control of States, and when the
resources devoted to development and international
cooperation are subject to all manner of constraint in all of
our countries, we must rethink the role and mandate of all
our multilateral institutions, including those of Bretton
Woods. These questions will be taken up at next year’s
Group of Seven summit, to be held in Halifax, and should
be debated as widely as possible within other relevant
institutions.
Canada is ready to proceed with a comprehensive re-
evaluation of its multilateral system as it applies to
economic and social issues. If necessary, the relevance of
certain institutions must be rethought, and a real solution
must be found to the problem of duplication.
We expect great things of the next chapter of the
Secretary-General’s Agenda for Development. We share
to a great extent his visions of development, which
encompass all facets of human activity, and particularly
its social dimensions. Although the full importance of
these dimensions has finally been grasped, they are still
poorly integrated in our development strategies. The time
has come to translate this vision into new operational
priorities and to adapt our institutions and structures to it.
The Secretary-General should not hesitate to recommend
radical reform if necessary. Together we can restore the
relevance and leadership of the United Nations system.
We must adapt it to the new realities of an ever-changing
world.
Thirdly, we must strengthen the rapid-intervention
capability of the United Nations. The implementation of
a number of the proposals advanced by the Secretary-
General in "An Agenda for Peace" has enabled the United
Nations to make great strides in the area of peace-
keeping. Last April the Government of Canada took the
initiative of inviting the major troop-contributing countries
to a meeting in Ottawa to discuss problems associated
with political direction, command and control and the
training of peace-keeping- operations personnel.
In this regard, I am pleased to announce that Canada
will soon open a centre for peace-keeping research and
training. The centre, to be located on the site of the
former military base in Cornwallis, Nova Scotia, will be
named after Lester B. Pearson, Canadian recipient of the
Nobel Peace Prize. I invite Member States to come and
join us so they can share our experience and help fine-
tune our future approach.
The experience of the last few years leads us to
believe that we need to explore even more innovative
options than those considered to date. Recent peace-
keeping missions have demonstrated the limitations of the
traditional approach. As we now fully realize, rapid
deployment of intervention forces is essential.
In the light of the prevailing situation, the
Government of Canada has decided to conduct an in-
depth review of the short-, medium- and long-term
options available to us to strengthen the rapid-response
capability of the United Nations in times of crisis. From
among these options, we feel that the time has come to
study the possibility, over the long term, of creating a
12

permanent United Nations military force. We will ask the
world’s leading experts for their input and will inform all
Member States of the results of the study.
(spoke in French)
Fourthly, we must improve the functioning of United
Nations decision-making bodies.
The Security Council currently bears enormous
responsibilities. Its decisions are binding on all Member
States and have a determining influence on millions of
people. It is essential that the Council be able to reflect as
accurately as possible the wishes of the entire international
community. For this reason, it is imperative that the
composition of the Council be reviewed. By making the
Council more representative of today’s world, we can
enhance the legitimacy of its actions and facilitate their
implementation. Canada will continue to play an active
role in the negotiations launched during the last session of
the General Assembly, with a view to concluding an
agreement as soon as possible.
However, an expanded Council must not be seen as a
panacea. As we have said on a number of occasions, the
Council must make its working methods more transparent
and become more receptive to the viewpoints of non-
member States with special concerns. More specifically,
Canada has advocated closer dialogue between the Council
and troop-contributing countries. The informal practices
developed in recent years are a good start, but in our view
we must look for practical ways to institutionalize them.
We ask the members of the Council to keep an open mind
in this regard.
Finally, we must put the United Nations on a sound
financial footing.
It goes without saying that the United Nations can
fulfil the mandates we give it only to the extent that
Member States meet their financial obligations and
contribute generously to its voluntary funds. The sums in
question are no doubt modest when compared with those
invested elsewhere, but they represent none the less a
burden that is already significant and growing larger at a
time when many of our countries, Canada most definitely
included, are going through a difficult period of budgetary
adjustment.
Our taxpayers do not question the need to contribute
to the United Nations, but they are entitled to expect that
their contributions will be spent judiciously. That is why
we attach such great importance to the need for sound
management of the system’s resources. The recent
creation of the new position of inspector general should
help tighten controls and improve administrative practices.
There is also a need to review budgetary procedures in
order to make them more transparent and to simplify
those that govern peace-keeping operations.
Reviewing the scale of assessments is always a
perilous undertaking, but I believe the need to do so has
become urgent. The current system suffers from serious
distortions and no longer reflects properly Member States’
ability to pay. We hope the General Assembly will make
this a priority issue at the current session.
In the final analysis, the future of the United Nations
depends on the willingness of its Member States to lend
it political and practical support. This support depends in
turn on the degree of support the Organization receives
from our respective citizenries. It is not only Member
States’ credibility that is at stake, but, even more
important, that of the United Nations.
Governments must strive to work together and in
cooperation with private enterprise and non-governmental
organizations to define our new vision of the United
Nations for the next century. This is, in part, why the
Canadian Government has provided support to the
Canadian Committee for the Fiftieth Anniversary of the
United Nations. That Committee, which brings together
leaders from all sectors, has prepared a remarkable
programme of activities to commemorate the anniversary
everywhere in our country. The emphasis is being placed
on youth education and the main subjects of the United
Nations agenda.
Next year at this time, all eyes will be turned
towards the General Assembly. Let us make that
anniversary the beginning of a new era for the United
Nations.