Let me at the very outset extend to Ambassador de Pinies of Spain my warmest congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly. The Greek Government is particularly happy with his election, seeing in him the representative of a country with which Greece maintains traditional bonds of friendship, both countries being Mediterranean neighbors. Moreover, we welcome the election of a person with long years of experiences in the United Nations and with great diplomatic skills and innate tact. These qualities ensure the success of his mission.
I also wish to congratulate the outgoing President, Ambassador Lusaka, on the successful way in which he carried out his difficult task.
It could be remiss of me not to refer at this point to the complex and demanding work of the Secretary-General. Devoted to his mission, in spite of the obstacles he encounters, he spares no effort to serve the cause of peace and to secure the best possible functioning of our Organization.
Our thoughts turn at this time to the people of Mexico, who have been grievously tried by the earthquake that struck that country. In a hopeful sign of international solidarity, the world community has declared itself ready to assist the Government and people of Mexico at this moment of hardship. My country will offer assistance within its possibilities.
The United Nations - that is to say, all of us - is celebrating the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. The Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic, Mr. Papandreou, will be presenting to the General Assembly, in a few weeks, Greece's views on the future of the Organization. At this time, however, I should like to point out that the United Nations constitutes a highly important international forum. This is so not only because of the wide spectrum of participation in it or of the Organization's prestige but mostly because it provides mechanisms that can be of help in the cause of peace, on condition that the political will of States concurs. We should not, however, underestimate the importance of our Organization as a venue where it is possible to meet and to exchange views and ideas.
For all these reasons, Greece has consistently supported the principle of the universality of the Organization. We hope that the obstacles still hindering the accession to membership of a very small number of States may be removed so that universality can be fully implemented.
It is still, however, a sad fact that, 40 years after the foundation of the United Nations, some of its basic principles remain in many cases dead letters. The United Nations has often confined itself to the role of passive observer of violations of its Charter. Interventions to resolve armed conflicts, when undertaken, have come late and focused rather on the external symptoms than on the real causes. We have, therefore, to find ways that will enable the Security Council to deal with conflicts from the very outset and establish procedures that will secure the implementation of the Council's resolutions.
Nevertheless, the United Nations should not be blamed exclusively for not having succeeded, during its 40 years of existence, in preventing crises, wars and bloodshed. This is because the Organization is based essentially upon the political will of its Members and its effectiveness depends primarily on the orientation of their policies, especially those of the great Powers. That is why Greece, along with all other countries, particularly the smaller ones, is looking forward to the forthcoming meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev and expresses the hope that positive results will be achieved - because, to be quite frank about it, the policies of the two super-Powers, as well as the relationships between them, have a decisive impact upon the issues of international security. We sincerely hope that a sense of high international responsibility will prevail at that meeting, since a number of important issues depend on its outcome.
The Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Poos, President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, of which Greece is a member, has presented the views of the Community on various international problems. I should like, however, to refer to certain points on the agenda, stressing Greece's position on them.
Unfortunately, this year's agenda still focuses on items such as international security and the closely related question of disarmament, the huge chapter of human rights, the issue of international economic disparities and violations of fundamental provisions of the Charter in the form of infringement upon the sovereignty of various States. That provides a sad and most alarming picture of world affairs. Will it be possible to achieve some progress, however modest, on these questions during this year's session of the General Assembly? As I have said, the answer will depend on the will of the Members of our Organization.
As regards the main items on the agenda of the General Assembly, I should like to start by outlining the basic positions of the Greek Government concerning the issues of security and the arms race.
Greece is deeply attached to the fundamental principles and ideals of the United Nations Charter and advocates the peaceful settlement of disputes, being convinced that security cannot be maintained in a climate characterized by recourse to force, military interventions, acts of aggression or occupation of territory by foreign troops.
Security and disarmament are closely linked to each other. Therefore, strengthening international security cannot be achieved through increased armaments.
Only the creation of a climate of mutual confidence in relations between States can lead to the solution of international security problems.
We consider it necessary to reinforce the mechanisms of disarmament as well as all the efforts of the United Nations aimed at safeguarding peace and at eliminating the risks of a nuclear disaster.
Greece is in favor of a mutual and gradual reduction of nuclear armaments by both the East and the West to the lowest possible level and supports all necessary efforts to that end, such as the adoption of effective means of verification.

We are firmly opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons? Their introduction into outer space could lead to great tensions with grave consequences for mankind.
Greece also attaches particular importance to the limitation of conventional armaments, not only because their accumulation has considerable economic repercussions on the peoples of the world but also because the existence of huge conventional arsenals could lead to local conflicts and possibly even to nuclear confrontation.
We are deeply concerned about the proliferation and use of chemical weapons in violation of international commitments. For this reason we are convinced that the total ban on the production and use of these weapons as well as the complete destruction of existing stockpiles is one of the most important issues we face.
I should not fail to mention, at this point, how significant disarmament is for economic growth, especially that of the less developed countries.
Being a small country firmly attached to the cause of peace, not only out of necessity but also because of its long cultural tradition, Greece has no illusions as to its power to influence international developments in .a decisive manner. Nevertheless, the Greek Government believes that the cause of peace is of critical importance for the whole of the international community and therefore even smaller countries can contribute to it, both through their bilateral relations and through their overall policies.
In this spirit of collective responsibility for world peace, Greece makes every possible effort to contribute towards detente at a local or wider level. Within this framework, the Prime Minister of Greece, Mr. Andreas Papandreou, together with the Heads of state or Government of Argentina, Mexico, the united Republic of Tanzania, India and Sweden, has joined in an appeal, the "Initiative of the Six", which calls for a freeze on the testing,.	j.on and development of nuclear weapons and for the adoption of similar measures in the field of space weapons.
In the same spirit, the Greek Government, while promoting bilateral relations, attaches particular importance to the situation in the Balkans, an area regarded only a few decades ago as the powder-keg of Europe. To this end, we are promoting the proposal to transform the Balkans into a nuclear-free zone. These efforts have not as yet yielded concrete results; nevertheless, positive steps have been taken in the direction of multilateral co-operation on security matters. In the bilateral field, Greece has also reached an enviable level of co-operation with most of its neighbors.
Within this context Greece closely follows developments in the Mediterranean, a sea not only of the Balkan peninsula and of the rest of Southern Europe but also one that links three continents. The Mediterranean, therefore, receives directly repercussions from the various crisis points in the area. For these reasons, my Government fully supports every effort which could lead to the consolidation of peace, the expansion of co-operation and the unhindered development of all the Mediterranean peoples, so that the Mediterranean may one day become a sea of peace and not an area of military confrontation.
Consistent with its overall policy in favor of peace and detente, my country has always supported the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) process as a means of maintaining a dialog between East and West. We should like to reiterate our hope that existing differences will be finally overcome so that the Stockholm Conference may achieve its objectives in due course.
I should like to refer, within the overall context of international peace and security, to another phenomenon which in recent years has repeatedly shocked the international community, that is to say, various cases of terrorist activity. The Greek Government categorically and unreservedly condemns these acts.
Another question that deeply preoccupies my Government is the protection of human rights, namely, the well-established civil and political liberties and the social, economic and cultural rights. We see with great satisfaction that the United Nations continues its efforts in this field, without being discouraged by the many obstacles it encounters and the many flagrant violations of human rights that frequently occur all over the world. The last session of the General Assembly approved, by consensus, the international Convention against torture. We hope that this Convention will be universally respected.
By enacting recently a special law categorizing torture as a criminal act, Greece has become a pioneer in the field of attempting to eradicate torture. Greece has also submitted recently to the Council of Europe a proposal aiming at the adoption of similar legislation on torture by the member states of this organization.
The Nairobi world Conference of 1985, marking the end of the United Nations Decade for women, identified the obstacles as well as the achievements of the goals of the Decade. It adopted new strategies for the rest of the century which are designed to improve the status of women and to integrate them into all aspects of development.
The Greek Government believes that, although the Decade has contributed substantially to a world-wide awareness of women's problems as well as to a greater understanding of their needs, the challenge remains. We still face the question as to hew to intensify our efforts for the adoption of concrete measures for the total eradication of discrimination based on sex, at the national, regional and international levels.
We therefore hope that the spirit of compromise which prevailed at Nairobi will be maintained at the General Assembly for the adoption of the Forward-looking Strategies by consensus, as well as for the adoption of concrete measures for the implementation of the achievements of the Conference.
The Greek Government is seriously concerned about the problem of international economic disparities. Foe third-world countries their excessive external debt is a major negative factor in their efforts to achieve development. A great part of their financial resources, which would otherwise be directed towards development targets, is spent in OEdeE to service their external debt. He consider that the adoption of long-term approaches would be the most appropriate method of coping with this problem. The stagnation regarding the North-South dialog is also particularly disturbing. We believe that no effort should be spared to overcome existing difficulties. Greece has consistently supported effoEts to EeinfoEce international solidarity aiming at a more balanced development of the international economy.
The unprecedented drought and the subsequent famine which, particularly during the last year, have hit almost the entire African continent have aggravated the severe economic crisis as well as the tragic problem of the continent's nearly 5 million refugees. Despite this year's relative improvement in some areas, the rapid desertification of wide areas is still spreading and famine still exists. It was gratifying to see the international community take vigorous measures with a view to averting greater disasters.
Unfortunately, all these efforts are but half-measures. Such disasters have occurred in the past and are bound to occur again. The only solution is through long-term structural reforms to support the fragile structures of the economies of the African countries, and also to enhance the effectiveness of the system designed to deal with the famine crisis and natural disasters. The fact that during our era of waste and affluence there are still people being deprived of the primary human right - the right to life - is a disgrace to our civilization. The Greek Government has taken action, within its capabilities, to assist in the relief of the distressed peoples of Africa, and will continue to do so for as long as the need is there.
We have had no indication during the past year that solutions to the various problems which confront the United Nations are forthcoming. In fact, some of them - the situation in South Africa in particular - have deteriorated.
During the past few months the international community has been hocked by developments in South Africa. The serious deterioration in terms of bloody clashes in South Africa, especially during the past year, which culminated in the proclamation of a partial state of emergency, urgently calls for immediate, practical and substantial measures on the part of the South African Government. It is now absolutely imperative that a real dialog be established between the South African Government and the authentic representatives of the non-white population of the country, directed towards the peaceful abolition of the inadmissible system of apartheid. The insistence by the Government of Pretoria on maintaining the inhuman system of apartheid has brought about, as expected, universal revulsion. Greece has repeatedly and in the strongest possible terms condemned this repugnant system reject any attempt by the South African Government to split the non-white majority, either by selectively granting nominal rights to parts of the population or through the continuation of its homelands policy.
Last year we expressed the hope that the agreements concluded between south Africa and neighboring States could contribute to the normalization of the situation in the region. Unfortunately, the expectation that those agreements could contribute to a climate of dialog, peace and detente in the area has not materialized. During, the past year South Africa has continued its destabilization policy against neighboring States, particularly Angola and Mozambique - a policy which has been condemned by the Security Council and the entire international community. The front-line States should be given full international assistance so •>at they may safeguard their sovereignty and territorial integrity, and promote their economic and social development, which is now in jeopardy.
The persistent refusal by South Africa to grant effective independence to Namibia constitutes an unacceptable offense against the will of the international community. It is the Greek Government's firm conviction that the question of Namibia can be solved only through the full, immediate and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
The Middle East problem dates from the very first years of our Organization. It may present itself occasionally under different aspects, but the substance of the problem remains always the same - how to find a way in which the Arab countries and Israel may coexist in peace.
My Government's position on this problem is clear and has been repeatedly stated. We believe that the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied since 1967 is a sine qua ran in order to achieve a just and lasting solution, which will be beneficial not only to one side but to both parties to the conflict. We believe that the Palestinians, no less than all the other peoples on earth, are entitled to exercise fully the right to self—determination, including the right to create their own State. We believe that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has an essential role to play in the efforts to reach a solution to the problem - efforts in which all interested parties should participate.
It goes without saying that sty Government, as well as supporting the rights of the Palestinian people, supports the right of Israel to exist within secure and internationally recognized borders.
Greece attaches particular importance to the security of the inhabitants of the occupied territories, who have repeatedly had their rights violated during the past years. In the Middle East conflict, as in the Cyprus question, we condemn without reservation all efforts to impose faits accomplis. we condemn any form of violence against inhabitants of the occupied territories.
During the past months we have observed increased activity on the Middle East problem. It may still be too early to tell whether those efforts will bear fruit. The Greek Government is watching those efforts closely and with great interest, and supports any initiative which would lead to a just, comprehensive and lasting solution.
The situation in Lebanon causes us grave concern. We appeal to all the parties involved to cease this fratricidal struggle and devote themselves to the difficult task of reconciliation and the rebuilding of their country. We also call upon all-those who exert influence in Lebanon to make every effort to ensure that the confrontation ends so that Lebanon may deal with the problems of reconstruction as a unified, independent and sovereign State, with its territorial integrity unimpaired and its central authority extended over the whole territory of the Republic.
The Greek Government strongly regrets the prolongation of the war between Iran and Iraq. Despite a certain decrease in military operations, the perpetuation of the war causes, among other things, heavy human and material losses, and is a constant threat to world peace. Greece, which maintains friendly relations with both parties, believes that only early negotiations can restore peace in the region. Greece is prepared to offer its good offices to help bring the war to an end.
The Greek Government is also concerned with two cases of continuing foreign intervention in Asia: I am referring here to Afghanistan and Kampuchea. I should like to stress unequivocally that foreign troops in those countries should be withdrawn as soon as possible, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, so that those countries may regain their independence and non-aligned status. I should like, in this context, to praise the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Secretariat in general. I also express my appreciation for the efforts made by the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in order to promote a solution to the problem of Kampuchea.
In Central America the situation remains fluid and gives cause for concern. We continue to believe firmly that a solution to the region's problems can be obtained only through peaceful means with significant steps in the social and economic fields.
In its desire to contribute to the solution of those problems, ray country, as is known, participates with the other member states of the European Community in the common effort to help promote dialog with the countries of Central America, which started last year in San Jose. We look forward with particular interest to the continuation of the dialog with those countries, to be resumed at ministerial level in Luxembourg on 11 and 12 November. We support the efforts of the Contadora group, and we hope that the interested parties will show the necessary political will so that those efforts may lead, as soon as possible, to the signing of the Revised Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.
We cannot but express our deep satisfaction over the recent developments in certain countries in South America. The transition of many South American countries from an authoritarian to a democratic regime of elected Governments constitutes a fact of great importance, which we all welcome. At the same time we express the wish that that process of democratization will extend to those South American countries which still do not enjoy a free democratic life, whose peoples are obliged to struggle for the conquest of democracy.
I have left for the very end the issue which is of primary importance to my Government and also for Hellenism in general. I am referring to the Cyprus question. I shall be brief, both because it is for my colleague, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Cyprus, to refer to the details of the problem and because the facts are more or less well known to all.
Eleven years have passed since the Turkish army invaded Cyprus, and Turkey proceeded to the de facto dismemberment of the Republic by militarily occupying roughly 37 per cent of its territory and through the subsequent forced movement of the population. Ever since, the Turkish side has tried to impose an exceedingly complex and unyielding constitutional system in order not only to legalize partition but also to obtain effective control over the whole of the Republic. Turkey, furthermore, is trying to perpetuate the presence of its troops through the pretext of Turkish guarantees.
To put it bluntly, Ankara wants in practice to make of the Republic of Cyprus a Turkish protectorate. If it were only a question of the security of the Turkish-Cypriot community, as Turkey claims, that could easily have been achieved through reinforced effective guarantees by the international community, as has repeatedly been proposed by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, supported by ray Government.
For more than a year the Secretary-General has given the Cyprus question his particular and active attention. My Government has from the beginning supported, and it continues to support, the Secretary-General in his mission of good offices. The Government of the Republic of Cyprus has shown good will and great flexibility, and has made concessions which may have gone beyond safe limits. Turkey, however, pursues in Cyprus its own geopolitical goals and therefore remains intransigent, raising completely unacceptable claims. It is against those goals that all efforts to resolve the Cyprus problem have foundered.
The Greek Government has repeatedly stated that it supports a just and viable solution of the problem, to the benefit of all Cypriots, both Greek and Turkish. Furthermore, it has clearly stated that it would be inconceivable to contemplate any solution which did not entail the complete withdrawal of Turkish occupation troops from the territory of the Republic of Cyprus at the time of the agreement.
We sincerely hope that the Secretary-General's efforts will succeed, so that at last there may be reached a solution guaranteeing the territorial integrity and the unity of the Cypriot State, in order that the whole Cypriot population may live according to established democratic principles, under conditions of freedom, justice and security.
When States take an independent position vis-a-vis existing blocs, that is an invaluable contribution to the cause of peace, since it creates a balancing factor between opposing views. For that reason I should like to express once more the profound esteem of the Greek Government for the non-aligned countries and to express the hope that they will continue to affect positively the international situation, with cohesion and with a high sense of international responsibility.
Greece continues to trust in the United Nations, in spite of its inevitable weaknesses. If Member States apply in practice the principles we unanimously adopted 40 years ago, we can hope for a better future. Our ultimate goal should remain world peace in freedom and justice.


Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its fortieth session. In wishing you every success in your honored and responsible post, I should like to assure you of the Hungarian delegation's active co-operation in the performance of your duties.
May I take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, for his highly competent guidance of our work at the preceding session of the General Assembly.
In the year 1985 several anniversaries of historic significance are taking place. The world-wide celebrations over the past months have recalled the fact that the years of the Second World War witnessed the forging of broad international co-operation in the struggle for the defense of human civilization and democratic ideas against the common enemy, fascism. The victory of the anti-Fascist coalition is good testimony to the possibility of rising above the differences in ideologies and political endeavors among those fighting for common goals. It was in that spirit that 40 years ago the United Nations was born to promote the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security.
The terrible trials of the Second World War will always be present in the mind of mankind. Everyone of common sense will, however, realize that the appalling devastation of that war would pale by comparison to the horrors that a world conflagration in our age, a nuclear exchange, would bring upon the peoples, threatening the inhabitants of our globe with total annihilation. The most important lesson to be drawn from the events of four decades ago is still valid: co-operation between, and joint action by, countries with different social systems is not only necessary but also possible when mankind is in peril. In the world of today, fraught as it is with grave dangers, the common goal must be to avert a thermonuclear catastrophe and, to that end, to conduct a dialog between States, settling controversial issues by way of negotiations and developing co-operation based on mutual interests.
We are convinced that the cause of the development of Soviet-American relations has a determinant role in maintaining peace in the world. We feel that this year has in addition to long-standing serious problems also seen certain developments that may give cause for hope. The summit meeting of the leaders of the Soviet Onion and the United States scheduled to take place soon may contribute to the improvement of relations between the two countries and to the relaxation of international tension. We, for our part, welcome that meeting, just as we do the Soviet-American talks at Geneva, where it is possible and also necessary to make progress in the limitation of strategic weapons, keeping in mind - in accordance with the agreement of the parties - the close relationship between space weapons and strategic and medium-range nuclear weapons. We think this calls for substantive measures to prevent the militarization of outer space.
We support the efforts of the Soviet Union to reach agreement and welcome its highly important moves such as the unilateral suspension of the deployment of medium-range missiles and the halting of counter-measures, as well as the moratorium on nuclear explosions for a definite period. Those moves serve to create the more favorable atmosphere necessary for an agreement.
We think that international security would be greatly enhanced by a similar response by the United States on the Soviet initiatives. Many opportunities have already been missed for building mutual confidence and for meaningful progress in solving pressing problems; this new opportunity should not be allowed to slip away.
The Hungarian People's Republic considers that the fundamental goal of its foreign policy is to create favorable international conditions for peaceful national construction. Guided by this spirit, we feel duty-bound to make a contribution, commensurate with our means, to strengthening international security and promoting co-operation in good faith between States.
As a member of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, Hungary takes an active part in the elaboration of proposals seeking to lessen international tension, curb the arms race and reduce the level of military confrontation. We attach particular importance to those endeavors because we believe that the process of detente cannot become definitively irreversible unless it is extended to the military field. The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty based themselves on that premise in their appeal addressed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries in May 1984 in which they proposed the conclusion of a treaty on the mutual renunciation of the use of armed force and on the maintenance of peaceful relations.
With a view to safeguarding peace and further guaranteeing the security of their respective countries, the Warsaw Treaty States prolonged the validity of the Treaty last April. On that occasion we reaffirmed that we upheld our proposal concerning the simultaneous dismantling of the two military-political alliances, the Warsaw Treaty Organization and NATO, and that we were ready to start substantive negotiations on the subject. We also clearly expressed the intention of our alliance to launch initiatives on removing the danger of a nuclear catastrophe and preserving detente. An early constructive response by the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance to our initiatives would have a beneficial effect.
In our international endeavors we, as a European nation, devote special attention to questions relating to peace on the continent and co-operation between its countries. The meeting of Foreign Ministers held in Helsinki to mark the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was another manifestation of the significance of the all-European process and its relevance in international politics.
We maintain that the most effective way of protecting the results of detente and strengthening European co-operation lies in the balanced implementation by all the participating States of the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act. The activities carried out by my Government in the spirit of Helsinki during the past 10 years and the development of its relations with all participating States are proof that small countries like Hungary can make a useful contribution to efforts to maintain peace and strengthen security and confidence.
We consider the Stockholm Conference to be an important forum which may have a major role to play in strengthening confidence between States and lowering the level of danger of military confrontation in Europe. We believe that agreement in that forum is possible even in the current complex international situation. In order to achieve it, all participating States must make further significant efforts and summon up the necessary political will.
Cultural co-operation, which creates a link between peoples and countries, occupies an important place in the process of European security and co-operation. We consider it a privilege to host in Budapest the European Cultural Forum scheduled to begin this month. The Forum will be discussing questions of creative activity, the dissemination of cultural values and cultural co-operation. For our
part, we shall make every effort to see that the Forum contributes to strengthening the Helsinki process and improving the general political atmosphere.
During its four decades of activity our world Organization has devoted great attention to timely disarmament issues, elaborated numerous positions of fundamental importance and adopted resolutions to implement them.
But, despite disarmament efforts made in the United Nations and in other forums, the arms race continues, and with increasing intensity. Following the development of new generations of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, the extension of the arms race to outer space emerges as a real danger. We are convinced that there is a real chance, even in the current situation, to curb the arms race and bring about a radical change in the course of events. A reliable path towards the achievement of that goal is the establishment of relations between countries with different social systems on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence and the elaboration and adoption of agreements based on the principles of equality and equal security, with a view to stopping the arms race, particularly the nuclear-arms race, and to avert the threat of a thermonuclear war.
We welcome and support the highly important proposals submitted by the Soviet Union to the General Assembly at its present session concerning the development of broad international co-operation in preventing the militarization of outer space and promoting its peaceful, non-military uses.
The organization called International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War held its fifth Congress in Budapest last summer. The basic theme of the Congress, which was attended by delegates from nearly all parts of the world, was to stress that co-operation, not confrontation, is imperative in a nuclear age. We fully agree with the assertion in the organization's appeal to the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States that "indeed, there is now a new international consensus - that the only rational response to the threat of nuclear war is to work for its prevention". The community of socialist countries, including the Hungarian People's Republic, has presented a whole range of concrete proposals in pursuit of that goal. In that context, we deem it of particular importance that every nuclear Power that has not yet done so undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. Such a commitment could be instrumental in bringing about an international atmosphere that would offer a more realistic possibility of halting and reversing the nuclear-arms race.
He think that, in addition to bilateral talks, the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, a multilateral forum established to elaborate disarmament accords, also has an essential role to play in this field. Concrete proposals for the elaboration of measures to prevent a nuclear war, as well as for the general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests, have long been on the table at that Conference. It is to be noted with regret that the negative tendencies generated by the attitude of extremist circles have in fact doomed that important disarmament forum to inaction and lack of success.
In connection with nuclear disarmament, my Government attaches great significance to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which it was among the first to sign and ratify. The experience of the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held recently, has confirmed us in our belief that there is a possibility of preventing the further spread of nuclear weapons and the common will to do so. Progress in arms control and disarmament on the European continent, with its stockpiles of destructive weapons, would be of paramount significance for the whole world. We welcome any positive effort aimed at the removal of weapons from that continent.
We support the proposal of Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic for the creation of a zone free of chemical weapons in Europe a proposal which could make an effective contribution to the elimination of this particularly inhuman type of weapon.
The past year has seen no improvement of the situation in local end regional hotbeds of crisis. Under the prevailing unfavorable international conditions, there are also no signs of actual progress in their settlement.
With the continuing Israeli occupation of territories of several Arab countries, the denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, the lack of any solution to the problem of Lebanon and the long-drawn-out Iraqi-Iranian war, the Middle East continues to be a most explosive regions of the world, one that is fraught with the gravest danger of conflict. That situation poses a threat not only to the peoples living in the region but also to the cause of universal peace. My Government deems it necessary therefore for both the countries of the region and the international forums, primarily the United Nations, to undertake the necessary efforts to find a negotiated solution to these conflicts.
We favor a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the Middle East crisis and the related question of Palestine that will ensure the legitimate rights of the Palestinian Arab people, including the exercise of its right to establish a State of its own, as well as all the conditions and guarantees necessary for all States of the region to live in peace and security within internationally recognized borders. For a comprehensive settlement of the problems in the region it is necessary to convene an international conference with the participation of all the parties concerned.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic follows with great attention the developments in the Latin American continent and is sympathetic to the constructive efforts being made to solve the political and economic problems of the region. He regret that tension is being further exacerbated in Central America and in the Caribbean region, and actions threatening the sovereignty of Cuba and Nicaragua have multiplied and intensified over the past few years. My Government is increasingly concerned at such developments, which endanger the independence and the peaceful constructive efforts of the peoples of the region. It therefore lends its support to all efforts towards the solution of the problems by peaceful, political means, including, in the first place, the internationally commendable proposals made by the countries of the Contadora Group. It is appreciative of the participation of more Latin American countries in the guest for a negotiated solution to help eliminate tension.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic continues to favor the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and respects its non-aligned status. It supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to secure a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the question of Cyprus in the spirit of the relevant United Nations resolutions with due regard for the interests of both ethnic communities.
South-East Asia continues to be a sensitive spot in the international situation. We believe that the elimination of tension and the strengthening of security and stability in the region would serve the interests of all the peoples concerned and would have a favorable influence on the efforts being made to create a system of Asian security. With this end in view, we support any effort aimed at a political settlement of the confrontation which has emerged in that part of the world concerning, in particular, Kampuchea. Also we follow with sympathy the efforts of the countries of the region to establish a zone of peace, good-neighborliness and co-operation in South-East Asia.
As regards the situation around Afghanistan, we maintain that what the people of Afghanistan needs more than anything else is peace for the continuation of its national construction program. We support the proposals for a settlement made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which take into account all the essential aspects of the problem. We welcome the activity of the special representative of the Secretary-General and are hopeful that the countries interested in a settlement will find a way to get down to direct negotiations.
The resumption of the inter-Korean dialog is intended to promote a peaceful settlement, free from external interference, of the contradictory situation prevailing on the Korean peninsula. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic sees promising prospects for further progress, and hopes that the constructive initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will meet with a positive response from the parties concerned.
The policy of the regime in Pretoria, which enjoys the support of influential external forces, continues to pose a grave threat to the peace and security of the African continent. Under the prevailing system of apartheid the black population still lives in conditions of complete subjugation, deprived even of its most elementary human rights. The situation has been further aggravated by the state of emergency recently declared by the authorities. The foreign policy of the South African Government seeks to destabilize the neighboring countries and, to that end, it resorts to various political and economic measures, not even shrinking from armed intervention. Acting in open defiance of United Nations resolutions and appeals, it continues to prevent the Namibian people from gaining independence. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic most resolutely condemns the actions of the Pretoria regime and calls for concerted and effective international action against it, including coercive measures as provided for in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It pledges support to and solidarity with the forces fighting against the system of apartheid and with the countries threatened by the racist regime, and demands an early implementation of the United Nations resolutions on Namibia.
The economic situation is extremely grave in most countries of the African continent. The servicing of accumulated foreign debts absorbs a large part of the national income of those States, while the unparalleled drought in several countries threatens millions of people with starvation. My Government contributes, within its means, to alleviating the consequences of this tragic situation. At the same time, it shares the position of the Organization of African Unity that, in addition to the relief supplies that help to meet immediate needs, a lasting solution of the problems and the creation of conditions for economic progress on the continent call for joint efforts by the countries involved and require the implementation of long-term programs.
It will be recalled that it was exactly 25 years ago that the General Assembly adopted the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which solemnly called for an early and unconditional elimination of all forms of colonialism. The practical implementation of the purposes and principles laid down in that document has brought about significant changes in this respect. We believe that broad international co-operation and resolute action are needed, on the part of the United Nations, too, in order to do away with the remaining vestiges of the colonial system. We support the just struggle of the national liberation movements and are in solidarity with the peoples fighting for the consolidation of their independence and against dictatorial and racist regimes.
The Hungarian People's Republic lends support to the just aspirations of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. He practice fruitful co-operation and maintain friendly relations with many countries of the movement. He seek to continue strengthening those relations, and that endeavor is facilitated by the fact that our views are identical or similar on most issues of international politics. We are firmly convinced that the Non-Aligned Movement will remain an important and positive factor of international life in the future as well.
These days the world economy is faced with worsening problems in the solution of which the United Nations and its specialized agencies have a significant role to play and a great responsibility to bear. It is our conviction that there is but me way leading to recovery, that of developing co-operation and creating the necessary conditions for it. The expansion and deepening of international co-operation requires recognition of and respect for the legitimate interests of all parties concerned. Several countries, including mine, are confronted with great difficulties as a result of the increasingly widespread policies of discrimination, embargo and protectionism. Their elimination from international practice would be greatly instrumental in coping with the problems of the world economy.
The Hungarian People's Republic continues to favor the development of trade, economic, scientific and technical relations among States based on mutual benefit and free from discrimination.
Joint efforts are similarly required in removing th<s disorders of the international monetary system, making rational use of raw materials, energy resources and food, and protecting the environment. We wish to be a good partner of States participating in the work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies and to make a contribution, within our means, to the solution of the pressing problems faced by the community of nations.
It derives from the nature of our social system that we attach great importance to co-operation within the framework of the United Nations in promoting the fullest possible exercise of human rights. He regard it indispensable for the international community to take joint and effective action against the mass and gross violations of human rights. We, for our part, contribute our share to the implementation of human rights by developing our society, strengthening the substantive elements of socialist democracy and, in accordance with this? consistently fulfilling our international obligations.
In referring to the difficulties and problems to be met by the international community, it has been my aim to underscore the urgent need for well-considered steps, broad international action, constructive approaches and forward-oriented deeds. We are convinced that mankind has the intellectual and material resources which, if mobilized, will enable it to meet the challenges of our age. However, finding successful and lasting solutions for the global questions and for other pressing problems affecting the future destiny of the world is conditional on exploiting the body of experience accumulated by mankind in the course of centuries, on making use of the almost unlimited potential created by the modern technology of our time for the attainment of those lofty goals and on putting an end to the inordinate squandering on an arms build-up of immense material and intellectual resources.
In establishing international co-operation and co-ordinating joint actions, a major role is reserved for the United Nations, which is celebrating the fortieth anniversary of its foundation. The world Organization set forth in its Charter four decades ago the purposes of maintaining international peace and security, developing relations among nations and achieving international co-operation in solving economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems.
It is a fact that since the United Nations was founded the world has witnessed deeply penetrating changes that have left their mark on our Organization as well. Nevertheless, we maintain that the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter are still valid today. Despite the significant results achieved during its 40 years of existence, the world Organization has not been able, nor has it been enabled by international realities and the divergent endeavors of Member States, to find solutions to all the problems that mankind has to face today. But this does not alter our conviction that the United Nations has an indispensable role to play in molding the shape of our future. We do believe that the community of nations, including our world Organization, can do a great deal "for a better world", as is also emphasized by the official theme of the United Nations Year. The fulfillment of this role would be greatly facilitated by enhancing the effectiveness of the work of the United Nations system.*
The celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations are of particular relevance for Hungary, since it was 30 years ago that our country was admitted to membership in the world Organization. On that occasion, the Hungarian Government pledged that, in its foreign policy directed at safeguarding peace and promoting international co-operation in the spirit of the United Nations Charter, it would use its best efforts at the forums of the United Nations as well for maintaining and strengthening universal peace and security and ensuring peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems.
During me past 30 years, the Hungarian People's Republic has pursued its foreign policy in accordance with that declaration, and it intends to conduct its future international activity in that same spirit. With its foreign policy course aimed at serving the universal cause of peace and progress, my country reaffirms its commitment to the purposes and principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. This is evidenced by our efforts to improve the international atmosphere and carefully and purposefully to cultivate relations among peoples. I should like to confirm that it is the intention of the Hungarian Government to continue working in pursuit of those goals.


At this moment of great tragedy which has befallen the people of friendly Mexico I cannot but, first and foremost, express the deepest condolences and solidarity of the people of Yugoslavia. We are convinced that the international community will do its best and provide necessary relief to the people and Government of Mexico in their self-sacrificing efforts to overcome the effects of this dreadful catastrophe.
Mr. President, it gives me pleasure to congratulate you, the representative of Spain, a country with which Yugoslavia has good and friendly relations, on your election to the high office of President of the fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly of the united Nations.
I also wish to express our appreciation to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continued efforts to make the United Nations a forum for an equitable dialog on all issues of vital interest for the international community.
We come to the fortieth session of the General Assembly feeling that it is necessary to recall, for the sake of the future, the path that our Organization took to reach this anniversary. Moreover, we come with a feeling of responsibility to make a common decision, at this historic turning point, as to what should be done with a view to building a better and more just world.
The United Nations was conceived as an expression of the desire and effort of peace-loving peoples of the world to embark, after a war that had caused unparalleled destruction and loss of human lives, upon a road of peace, co-operation on equal footing, a road that would ensure the fulfillment of the essential aspirations of countries and peoples for freedom, independence and progress. The principles and objectives laid down in the Charter, which we have made universal, have been our lodestar and support in securing the basic inalienable rights of all countries and peoples irrespective of race, level of development and political system. Experience has shown that there can be no true peace or progress in the world unless these rights are fully exercised.
During the 40 years of the existence of the United Nations, the world underwent vast changes. The United Nations was an integral part of these changes, affecting them and changing itself in the process. During these decades our Organization gave a great contribution to the preservation of peace and security in the world. Under the auspices and with the assistance of the United Nations, the struggle for the liberation of peoples from colonial rule and domination was won. Newly liberated and sovereign States, with equal rights entered the world scene, thus radically changing the map of the world. Often, when we sought ways of meeting the great challenges that we had to face, this universal forum witnessed patience, wisdom and faith in progress. This is where a new international practice and awareness were forged, notwithstanding all the difficulties and resistance encountered. This is where we elaborated, codified and tried to make universal the rules governing relations among sovereign nations and States. This is where we adopted the concept of the new international economic order. This is where we defined the ideals of peace and progress for all, in keeping with the new, historic era, thus narrowing the scope for the use of force and for the pursuit of the policy of domination.
In this period mankind advanced greatly in all fields. The technological revolution has given rise to possibilities undreamed of before.
The struggle for freedom and independence, equitable international relations, a world free of blocs and development led .to the inception of the policy of non-alignment. This policy was essential in that struggle and with its principles, objectives and thrust it has become an irreplaceable, independent factor of positive influence in global international relations.
However, these long decades have brought us many disappointments and much distress. Quite a few of our aspirations of 40 years ago are still unfulfilled. The purposes and principles of the Charter pertaining to the preservation of international peace and security, respect for the tenets of self-determination and the sovereign equality of all countries, refraining from the threat or use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as many others, have been in constant and serious jeopardy. The achievements of mankind are far from being accessible to all. Many people the world over are deprived of basic opportunities for development and of means for a bare existence.
Therefore it is justifiable to ask what is the nature of the peace in which we live and how far we are from lasting and universal peace. Unfortunately, the peace of today is neither lasting nor universal. He have been living in a state of permanent uncertainty, faced with confrontations, local wars and conflicts, bloc rivalries and the arms race. Four decades after the most horrible of all wars we wonder whether the danger of a new one has been removed and, if so, to what extent. We are not sure that a new war, far more terrifying and totally devastating, will not break out.
For a long time now the world has been at a historic crossroads. Which way and how should we proceed in order to ensure lasting peace? Which way and how should we proceed in order to overcome all the factors that make this peace so fragile and uncertain? Which way and how should we proceed in order to eliminate injustices and inequalities, so as to achieve development and progress for all in a world in which peace would be enjoyed by all?
Awareness of the need to carry out radical changes in all spheres of international relations has grown in the world, as have the forces striving to that end. These changes would lead us out of this time of grave challenges towards the goals we defined and set for ourselves in this very forum. In the world of today of great achievements of the human mind, no one should be a passive onlooker while wars are being waged for the sake of others and people are dying of hunger or living without hope. We can neither condone nor accept the idea that peace and prosperity for anyone can be built on such foundations. We can neither condone nor accept the idea that peace and progress can be ensured by the stockpiling of ever more destructive weapons. The arms race imperils the security of all, while inequality in economic and other relations threatens the stability and prosperity even of those who perpetuate such a situation through their monopolistic and privileged positions.
The forthcoming negotiations between the great Powers and their approaching summit meeting are awaited with great attention and interest by us all. At their recent conference in Luanda, the non-aligned countries welcomed that development in the relations between the great Powers, calling upon them
"to eschew mutual confrontation, overcome mistrust and embark upon responsible and fruitful negotiations, with a forward-looking approach and in a spirit of goodwill, bearing in mind the interest of all mankind".
We expect that their dialog will lead to the easing of tension in their relations and in the world at large, since confrontation and the strained relations between them and between the blocs have afflicted us all. Like all other non-aligned countries, we believe that, in order to be fruitful and universally beneficial, this dialog should be carried on in keeping with the objectives of the United Nations and with the establishment of a true system of collective security.
At the same time I wish to emphasize our profound conviction that all should be involved in the quest for solutions to the crucial issues of the world. Our experience to date has shown that the only possible way of ensuring true detente is to involve all countries and peoples and consider their vital interests. Today it is not in the interest of a single country or group of countries to remain on the sidelines of world developments, without any influence over them, because the<t own independence and prosperity depend thereon. The horizon of international relations can be cleared of all clouds only if all countries are active in the implementation of the principles of peaceful co-existence and the broadest possible co-operation. Every contribution to that end is truly invaluable.
My country has always attached the utmost importance to disarmament issues, being deeply convinced that security and stable relations throughout the world cannot be built under the shadow.of stirs. Disarmament has today become the pivotal issue for the survival of mankind. Military expenditures, which have reached exorbitant figures this year, have hindered development and the progress of nations. Although the announcement of negotiations between the great Powers brings much relief and rays of hope, the continuance of the arms race and the attempts to extend it into outer space give rise to new fears. In the present international situation the beginning of the process of disarmament, both nuclear and conventional, is of paramount importance. As regards disarmament, the direction is clear and the measures that should be taken urgently to halt the arms race are well known. This path should be embarked upon and these measures should be carried out. Our demands and expectations go beyond starting the process of halting the arms race. Our expectations are the creation of an atmosphere conducive to a relaxation of international tension which will lead to the solution of all problems jeopardizing peace and security.
In southern Africa, the blood of innocent people is being shed only because they seek the elementary human right to freedom and independence and to liberation from domination and racial oppression. In South Africa, at this precise time, hundreds and hundreds of people are being killed only because they wish to have equal rights. There should be no further hesitation regarding the application of sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against the Pretoria regime, By holding its ministerial conference in Luanda and by deciding to hold the eighth summit of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in a front-line State, freedom-loving Zimbabwe, the world of the non-aligned expressed its full solidarity with and support for the struggle of the people of South Africa and the struggle for the final liberation and independence of Namibia under the leadership of its sole and legitimate representative, the South west Africa People's organization (SWAPO). We most strongly condemn the constant pressure and flagrant aggression by South Africa against non-aligned Angola.
Concerted efforts are indispensable to bring the war between Iran and Iraq to an end. There is no justification whatsoever for its continuance.
The full exercise of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to establish their own State under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their legitimate representative, can no longer be delayed; nor can the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied Arab territories.
He are deeply concerned and troubled by the escalation of armed intervention and pressure against the sovereignty and independence of Nicaragua.
The peoples of Kampuchea, Afghanistan and Grenada must be given the opportunity to decide their destiny themselves, free from the presence of foreign troops. He support all efforts to preserve the integrity and independence of Cyprus. We also support the efforts made by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to fulfill the aspiration to unification of the Korean people.
International economic relations form one of the main fronts in the struggle for the stable development of the world as a whole and for the further democratization of international relations. There can be no safe development and sure survival for anyone in conditions of an enormous gap in the level of development and affluence such as exists today and is constantly widening.
The developing world is faced with basic problems of existence. The development of entire continents is stagnating. If the present rate of growth were to remain unchanged, developing countries would need almost an entire century to reach the current level of the developed part of the world* Yet in the year 2000 they will account for 80 per cent of the world's population.
This situation has been dramatically aggravated by the enormous debt burden on the shoulders of the developing countries. The non-aligned countries devoted a great deal of attention to this matter at their conference in Luanda. They invited international financial and banking institutions as well as the Governments of creditor countries to take part in a constructive political dialog in order to find a just and lasting solution to this problem. They also proposed several concrete and realistic measures which could serve as a basis for reaching agreement on this problem, which has spread far beyond regional boundaries and become a global political problem.
Together with all non-aligned and developing countries, we call for an urgent guest for solutions through a dialog with developed countries with regard not only to debts but to other issues upon which the development and future of all depend. This is in the interest of both developed and developing countries and creditors and debtors alike. Any delay could cause a chain reaction of upheaval and disruption, with far-reaching consequences. Yugoslavia calls for the united Nations to take an active role in resolving the debt problem, which does not preclude the participation of other international bodies. We believe that everything possible should be done at this session of the General Assembly to ensure the convening at an early date of an international conference on money and financing for development. We fully support the request of the Organization of African unity regarding the convening of a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations devoted to the critical economic situation in Africa.
I should also like to point out the importance that we attach to the adoption at this session of the declaration on the right to development. We consider this to be an integral part of the efforts aimed at promoting human rights and freedoms.
Yugoslavia, as one of the founders of the United Nations, has contributed through its commitment and activity in this forum over the past four decades to the search for solutions to all the problems that weigh upon the world today. I should like to recall the deep faith that President Tito always had in the United Nations and its mission of democratization of international relations. We are determined to proceed along that path together with all others who share the same aspirations.
In spite of many challenges, the lasting value of the united Nations Charter has been confirmed during the past 40 years. Today more than ever before the world needs reaffirmation of the role of the United Nations. Yugoslavia deeply believes that the United Nations is an irreplaceable factor in bringing all countries together on an equal footing in endeavors aimed at resolving the vital problems of the world. It is precisely for that reason that the United Nations will be equally necessary to the world in the decades to come.
If the gap in development continues to grow and if the arms race is not halted, it is an open question whether and how we shall observe future anniversaries and what the world will then be like. We must find a way to ensure development for all. There can be no peace without development, nor development without peace. Peace and detente should therefore be imbued with new substance and given a fresh impetus. Only in a world at peace can spiritual and material well-being be enhanced, differences eliminated and the qualities of peoples and countries and human dignity promoted.
Let us do our best to make the fifth decade of the United Nations a decade wide open to co-operation, understanding and the resolution of problems by concerted effort, in the common interest of all countries. This we can do by strengthening the role of the United Nations and providing for far greater efficiency in its activities. We are convinced that the forthcoming gathering of Heads of State or Government in this same forum will give a strong creative impetus to such efforts and such development.


My delegation would join in the condolences expressed to the Government and the people of Mexico in connection with the tragedy which has just befallen them and associates itself with any initiative taken by the international community to provide immediate assistance to the people and the Government of Mexico.
I should like to join preceding speakers in congratulating the President most sincerely on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation on bis election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly. In this connection, I would assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation.
I should also like to express ay great appreciation to his predecessor, an outstanding diplomat, His Excellency Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the competence and perseverance that he demonstrated during the thirty-ninth session and during the inter-sessional period.
I also wish to express my delegation's appreciation for the dynamism and clear sightedness shown by the Secretary-General of our Organization, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, from the time that he assumed that post.
On 4 October 1973( the Founder-President of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and President of the Republic, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, made a substantial contribution to the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly by conveying to the international community a message of peace and friendship from the people of Zaire as a whole as represented in Popular Movement of the Revolution.
True to his belief in the ideals and purposes of the United Nations, President Mobutu Sese Seko, who has never missed any of the major gatherings of our Organization, including the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, has undertaken personally to attend the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of our Organization.
This commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, which coincides with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, takes place at a particularly troubled time in world history, when the antagonisms between the major Powers have been increasing, tension and confrontation have been aggravating this trend and a particularly acute economic crisis affects all developing countries in general, and Africa in particular, slowing down their growth and jeopardizing their very development.
The international situation is worsened still further by an unbridled nuclear-arms race which threatens the survival t .mankind and increases the danger of a nuclear conflagration. The improvement and stockpiling of conventional weapons in any parts of the world, and particularly in the developing countries, provide a new dimension to the arms race, particularly in the case of States that have the largest Military arsenals.
The massive supply of such weapons to States that base their philosophy on expansionism, domination and intervention in the internal affairs of other States increases the danger of confrontation between States and prompts such over-armed States to launch attacks and commit acts of aggression against other states less well-armed and therefore more vulnerable.
This commemorative session on the fortieth anniversary offers the international community an opportunity for frankness, requiring a lucid and enlightened analysis of the international situation, in the light not only of the nuclear arms race, but also and above all of the sources of conflict among States, conflicts which have been increasingly frequent since the use of the last atom bomb. It is undeniable that more than 150 conflicts have arisen since the Second HOrld War, and many of them have occurred in third world countries.
The collective security system as established by the Security Council and General Assembly should be reviewed and adapted to the wars that pit the states Members of our Organization one against another.
The conflict between Iran and Iraq is a clear illustration of this approach, as are many other confrontations which are currently occurring in the world.
In view of the many violations of the provisions of the United Nations Charter concerning international peace and security, the means the Charter provides for peaceful settlement of disputes should be strengthened so as to allow for more intensive consultations between the belligerents. Such a procedure would reduce tensions between the States in conflict and would facilitate conditions favorable to a lasting peace agreement, the aim being to make operational and effective the system of collective security.
In fact, faced with many such cases occurring in Africa, Asia and Latin America over the last few years, the United Nations, which is supposed to ensure the independence and territorial integrity of all States, whether large or small, rich or poor, has not been able to take effective action to halt such conflicts. It was because of that sane inability that Zaire had to send its troops into Chad to assist that brother country in defending its sovereignty and also to defend the aspirations of its people to unity and territorial integrity.
I believe that was a task which should have been carried out by the United Nations and, more specifically, by the Military Staff Committee, whose function is to advise and assist the Security Council on all questions relating to military requirements for the maintenance of international peace and security, the employment and command of forces placed at its disposals the regulation of armaments and possible disarmament, as provided for in Article 47 of the Charter.
It is regrettable that this Military Staff Committee, although it does exist, and is supposed to act as policeman in all cases of threats to or breaches of the peace, has not yet been able to function, thus cutting off the system sounding the alert and ensuring the collective security provided for in the United Nations Charter.
So it is easy to lay a special responsibility upon the permanent members of the Security Council who, moreover, signed the United Nations Charter in San Francisco and undertook to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war just after the Second world War.
It is precisely this gap in the collective security system that enables the white minority in South Africa, under the leadership of Peter Botha, to indulge in barbaric acts which tragically recall the atrocities of the Nazis, against whom those same Powers now permanent members of the Security Council fought in the Second World War.
The entire international community is aware of the cruelty and intolerance prevalent in South Africa today, so repugnant to the universal conscience. To suffer the policy of the extermination of black people through organized massacres and the humiliations going beyond all human understanding is the daily lot of the black people of South Africa, the only excuse for the commission of these barbaric acts being the color of their skin.
The condemnation of such actions by the international community is strong and is sufficient proof that the threshold of tolerance for that regime has long been passed.
My delegation fully appreciates the sanctions decided on by some developed countries against South Africa and we earnestly hope that these measures will be strengthened and constitute an example to be followed by all free peoples in the world, as an expression of their solidarity and their devotion to the concept of human dignity.
The delegation of Zaire associates itself with all the other delegations uAich have called for the release of Nelson Mandela and condemned the many violations of the borders of the front-line countries, particularly those of Angola, by the rebel forces of South Africa. The absence of any political will on the part of the racist regime of South Africa to start negotiations with the representatives of the black people of South Africa, particularly the leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) is further proof of the obscurantism and the obstinate stubbornness of that regime in its refusal to move away from its policy of apartheid.
The Ministerial Meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement, held in Luanda from 2 to 7 September 1985, proffered its moral, political and Material support to the black people in South Africa in their legitimate struggle and for the purpose of the intensification of the political mobilization of the masses within that country.
That peace which is sought after in South Africa is also needed in Namibia where the Namibian people, mobilized in the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) under the clear-sighted leadership of Sam Njoma, its President, seek to free themselves from feSie illegal colonial occupation of their territory by the racist regime of South Africa. The United Nations, in terminating South Africa's Mandate to administer the territory, placed Namibia under its own direct authority. Despite many resolutions by the Security Council and the General Assembly calling on the South African regime to withdraw from Namibian territory. South Africa is still, on various false pretexts, trying to perpetuate its domination and exploitation of Namibia. The time has come for the United Nations to demonstrate pragmatism and effectiveness, and to take specific action to speed up the liberation of Namibia and enable its people to enjoy all the fundamental human freedoms.
In the north Africa is faced with the problem of Western Sahara. My delegation believes that a final settlement of the question of the Western Sahara requires the holding of a free and democratic referendum on self-determination under United Nations auspices.
For nearly 40 years now the United Nations has been dealing with the situation in the Middle East. The absence of dialog between the States in the region increases distrust and aggravates tensions. The very idea of peaceful coexistence within the context of a lasting peace, which should gradually win over the States of the region, in view of the efforts made by the United Nations and some States, is virtually non-existent today. Peace in the Middle East involves: respect for law, that is, the principles of international law relating to friendly relations and co-operation among States; recognition of the sovereignty of each State; respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of each State in the region and its right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force or war; and the guarantee of a just settlement of the problem of refugees.
Resolution 3236 (XXIX) reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and resolution 3237 (XXIX) recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. It is therefore the duty of the United Nations to ensure that law and justice prevail in the Middle East, it being understood of course that its mission is to replace the spirit of war and confrontation with the spirit of consultation and constructive dialog.
Not far from that region, two brother countries, Iran and Iraq - both also members of the Non-Aligned Movement - are waging an unending war, causing great loss of human life and material destruction, without the United Nations being able to propose any approach that could lead to consultations directed towards negotiations on how best to halt the hostilities. My delegation would once more urgently appeal to the two brother countries, on the eve of International Peace Year, to seek an understanding in a spirit of reconciliation and fraternity.
In Asia, the peoples of Democratic Kampuchea and Afghanistan also aspire to live in peace and independence, honor and national dignity. The sufferings inflicted on those peoples prevent them from concentrating on mobilizing their forces and their national resources to build a united country, neutral, non-aligned and prosperous.
This tragedy must be ended through a just solution based on the restoration of the sovereignty of the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan and the total withdrawal of all foreign occupation troops from those territories.
In Central America, we should encourage the implementation of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, in keeping with the wishes expressed by the States that signed the Act.
During the four decades of existence of the United Nation a great change has taken place in international economic relations. The pluralism of the United Nations system, strengthened by its universality, has resulted in the creation of a series of economic, financial and commercial institutions and organizations dedicated to increasing multilateral co-operation.
The increased participation of the developing countries in international trade has contributed to the expanded volume of trade between the industrialized and the developing countries. The efforts of developing countries to improve the living conditions of the peoples of the third world have encountered many obstacles. For example, export earnings often suffer the consequences of fluctuations in the prices of the products concerned, thus upsetting the development plans and programs of those countries. Then there are the demands made by the payment of public debts on maturity; the reduction of loan facilitators of the financing of development projects by ;he relevant financial agencies, not to mention soaring interest rates; and the transfer of technology, where the absence of any policy at the level of the United Nations system jeopardizes the chances of increasing the industrialization of those countries.
In Zaire a program of economic, financial and social recovery, established in agreement with the International Monetary Fund, has been started and has permitted the repayment of our debts at a satisfactory rate. In the budgetary year 1984 alone, for example, Zaire paid off its medium- and long-term debt amounting to $328 million, although its actual capacity to repay, having regard to its export earnings, scarcely exceeds $250 million a year.
That means that Zaire's commitment to meet its financial obligations continues, but it must not jeopardize the objectives of its economic and social development, for the repayment of debt should not prejudice the standard of living of the peoples of the third world and the investment necessary for the progress and development of those peoples.
The developed countries should show solidarity with the developing countries in their approach to the debt question. My delegation welcomes the statement by the President of the French Republic, Mr. Francois Mitterand, on the initiative he intends to take to convene a meeting of the leaders of the richest countries of the East and the West and the representatives of the poorest countries of the world to discuss this question. We must recognize that at the level of our Organization, although the General Assembly adopted the International Development Strategies for the First, Second and Third United Nations Development Decades, so little progress has been made that at its thirty-ninth session the General Assembly declared that it was very disappointed that the Committee entrusted with the task of reviewing and appraising the application of the Strategy for the present Decade had not been able to carry out its duties owing to a lack of positive, concrete elements.
Furthermore, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, adopted in 1974, is still being studied to see what measures can best be taken to implement it.
The General Assembly also adopted in 1974 the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order based on justice and equity. The restructuring of international economic relations was to be discussed between the underdeveloped and the developed countries within the framework of global negotiations, but unfortunately that North-South dialog has not taken place because of the intransigence of certain industrialized countries, which, being well-off, refuse to consider the demands of the developing countries in that regard.
The acute economic crisis affecting the third world, and Africa in particular, results from the present inadequate economic and monetary system, and should lead Member States to show more solidarity and co-operation in making a better world for all peoples. In that connection, my delegation calls on the wealthy nations involved in competition in outer space, in an unbridled nuclear arms race and in star wars to come down to earth and to devote their surplus resources to meeting the pressing, immediate needs of man and his survival.
The Republic of Zaire has great faith in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and undertakes to comply with them, as it has always done in the past.
As we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of our Organization, the delegation of Zaire associates itself with all the ideas of peace, development and complementarity expressed by other Member States in calling for their realization, for the good of all mankind.
Our Organization should emerge from the celebration of the fortieth anniversary as an instrument truly at the service of the general interest of the international community, of peace, justice and equity for all Member States, large and small, rich and poor.
The future prospects for our Organization therefore involve a strengthening of its role* not only with regard to international peace and security or the liberation of oppressed peoples so that they may achieve self-determination, but also to build a better world in which the peoples enjoy a better quality of life.