I would like to begin by offering you, Sir, my warmest congratulations on assuming the high office of President of the General Assembly. It is only fitting that Malta, a fellow non-aligned and United-Nations-minded country, should be given the opportunity to guide this session of the General Assembly to successful fruition. Your election adds weight to the truth that all countries, large and small, have a role to play in the world of today and that of tomorrow, I would also like to thank the out-going President, Major-General Joseph Garba, for his skilful management of the forty-fourth session, which saw the encouraging trend towards consensus resolutions continue.
Allow me to echo the sentiments of previous speakers and welcome the Principality of Liechtenstein, a fellow small State, to the United Nations as its 160th Member, and allow me also to congratulate our friends from Yemen on their momentous decision to reunite their countries, and to welcome them here as a delegation of a united Yemen, although this means that we have one Member State less.
I would also like to express our great appreciation and esteem for the work of the Secretary-General, so much of which is connected with Cyprus, whose instructive and thoughtful report we have read with great interest. We commend his skill and commitment in handling the affairs of the United Nations and in further promoting the goals and objectives of this world Organisation, which constitutes the moral and social conscience of mankind.
In the 12 months since I addressed the forty-fourth General Assembly, we have witnessed a rapid and dramatic succession of political developments  Some of those developments have been positive beyond expectation; others, quite the opposite.
When taken together, however, they indicate that we are at a crucial juncture in world history. Like all such turning-points, the current one involves a period of transition characterised by both great opportunities and great difficulties. Undeniably, the most important positive development of the past 12 months has been the coming to an end of the cold war between East and West, which was effectively buried in the rubble of the Berlin Wall last winter. Dialogue and co-operation are fast replacing distrust and confrontation.
The euphoria generated by these positive changes, however, has already received its first sharp blow. The crisis in the Gulf triggered by Iraq's invasion and occupation of neighbouring Kuwait demonstrates that the long road to a truly peaceful world is not an easy one. The crisis, however, also brought to the fore a united United Nations, whose resolutions were given bite as well as bark.
Cyprus, itself a small State and victim of military aggression by a larger neighbour, Turkey, strongly condemns the Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait. We firmly support the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and express the hope that they can be effectively implemented without the use of force, but implemented they must be, and the earlier the better for all. Let us in this respect express the hope that the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait will, as President Mitterand so eloquently stated from this rostrum yesterday, pave the way to a speedy resolution of the other outstanding problems of our region.
I would also like to stress that there are very important lessons to be drawn by us all from the crisis in the Gulf, where the unrestricted supply of weapons and tolerance of other cases of aggression contributed to its happening. The first lesson is that despite, or even because of, the virtual erasure of the cold war lines of confrontation between East and Nest and the encouraging trend towards disarmament between them, regional conflicts may flare up in stark contrast to the peace epidemic on the broader East-West stage. As events on the United States-Soviet Union axis and in Europe divert attention from the periphery, as the structures of the cold-war client-State control mechanisms disintegrate and as arms merchants seek to replace lost or declining main-line markets, so the possibility remains that conflicts can arise with the potential to destabilize the entire globe
However, the international response to the crisis carries a clear message of hope, and this is the second lesson. In a distinct signal that the old divisive order no longer stands, the United States and the Soviet Union, unilaterally and collectively within the Security Council, delivered fundamentally the same message: that the world community, in its overwhelming majority - I would say, in its near totality - is not prepared to condone aggression or the use of force as means of implementing national claims. Peaceful negotiations, with due regard to the principles of international law, are the only permissible way to settle differences. In addition, the Gulf crisis has highlighted the key role of the United Nations in the handling of international conflicts, both as a forum for discussion and debate and as a body with the structure and authority to produce collective decisions guiding the international response to a given crisis situation
It also illustrated that the international community should not through the United Nations appease itself with words hut should seek ways to implement its resolutions through collective action, taking advantage of the changing order of world political relations.
Security Council resolutions are as binding today as they were in 1974, but as we know only too well they have not always been implemented. The Republic of Cyprus has been a firm advocate of the implementation of United Nations resolutions since its admission to the world body. It was Cyprus that proposed that the item "Implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations" be inscribed on the agenda of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. That item is again inscribed on the agenda to be discussed in plenary. I think that the time is now ripe to consider seriously the significance of Security Council resolutions in particular and United Nations resolutions in general and as a whole, and to seek ways to ensure their transformation from mere words into deeds. In this regard, it is fitting to refer to the work done to date by the Committee on the United Nations Charter and the Strengthening of the Role of the Organisation and to express the view that we should now give serious and effective attention to the work of that most important Committee.
Turning to the rest of the international political scene in this period of transition, a survey of developments yields a similar mixed message of hope and warning.
There is no doubt that the reunification of Germany in early October - in a few days from today - is a landmark event. Only a year ago, the Berlin Hall separated German from fellow German. Families that had been divided since the early 1950s were reunited. The speed with which the changes have taken place is of lightning proportions and we extend our most heartfelt congratulations to the people of Germany and our beat wishes for every success in addressing the challenges of reunification in which East and West go forward hand in hand.
In Cyprus, we too dream of the day when the Military wall of separation is finally dismantled so that Greek and Turkish Cypriots may too go forward hand in hand. This is our dream and guiding force as we approach the marking of the thirtieth anniversary of our independence.
In both Eastern and Western Europe - the epicentre of the historic changes which spelled the end of the Cold War - the process of fundamental and rapid economic and political reforms is gathering momentum. On the one hand the European Community is moving forward towards a single European market in 1992 and speeding up the process of economic and political integration. On the other, concurrently, the new emerging market economies of Central and Eastern Europe are in turn establishing the economic and political frameworks that will ensure their future prosperity. It is in the interest of the whole world that, when completed, these two processes make President Gorbachev's inspired vision of the Common European House, or the European confederation envisaged by President Mitterrand, a reality.
We all express the hope that the path of democratisation that the countries of Eastern Europe have embarked on will not be undermined by the daunting economic problems that face them, nor by the clearly re-emerging nationalistic tendencies that are challenging the very fibre that binds the State as a single actor on the international scene. It is of extreme concern to us all to witness In Europe and in other parts of the world this current upsurge of nationalism based on ethnic, religious, racial or tribal differences. No one here should be in any doubt that if this trend is allowed to fester its spiralling effect will be disastrous. We must recognise and accept that the interests of any one group within a country cannot be achieved through the oppression of other groups or the redrawing of the map of the world along sectarian or schismatic lines.
In South Africa, despite the serious problems that continue to exist, the beginning of the end of the abhorrent regime of apartheid has now been signalled by the start of talks between the African National Congress and the South African government of Mr. de Klerk. We hope that this trend is an irreversible one. In the same region, the past year has seen the historic transition of Namibia to independence, with which a major step was taken towards the reduction of tensions which threatened global stability. Once again, one cannot praise enough the role and work of the United Nations and its Secretary-General in the realisation of Namibian independence.
We particularly welcome the decision by the United States and the Soviet Union to work together for a mutually acceptable solution to the problem of Afghanistan, where the continuing civil war, despite the peace accords of 1988, is claiming many lives and causing untold hardships among the proud Afghan people.
We are heartened to note the progress made among the five permanent members of the Security Council in the search for a solution of the Cambodian problem. We welcome the acceptance by all the parties to the conflict of the framework agreement reached by the five for a solution. The envisaged role of the United Nations is again evidence of the new found convergence of views among the five permanent members in the resolution of conflicts and of the importance of the United Nations in their resolution.
We note with concern, however, the lack of progress towards the peaceful resolution of other regional conflicts and disputes. In the Middle East, the Gulf crisis has increased our concern over the interrelated problems of Palestine and Lebanon. The speedy and effective resolution of those problems as a vital element of comprehensive and lasting peace in the region is of particular concern to Cyprus and its people. We denounce the continuing oppression of the brave Palestinian people in the occupied territories. Effective negotiations must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We support the establishment of a Palestinian State as well as secure borders for all States in the area.
We continue to deplore the tragedy in Lebanon and the unending suffering of its people. Cyprus remains committed to providing humanitarian assistance to its Lebanese neighbours. For the sixteenth year Cyprus stands before this world assembly pleading for its voice to be heard. It has been 16 long years since another invasion and occupation unfolded in the eyes of the world, much like the one we have recently witnessed, and unfortunately the scars of that invasion still remain open.
Cyprus continues to be forcibly divided. Turkish troops continue to occupy about 40 per cent of its land. Thousands of refugees are denied access to their homes and properties. One thousand sis hundred nineteen persons are still missing as a result of the Turkish military operations. Our cultural heritage, which has existed for thousands of years and is the common heritage of mankind, is being plundered and obliterated. Furthermore, foreign settlers from Anatolia are still being brought in and settled on Cypriot soil, thus changing its demographic structure. The menace of foreign settlement is also threatening Varosha, a city under the control of the Turkish army since its inhabitants were forcibly expelled during the invasion of 1974.
And all of this is in total disregard of a plethora of resolutions passed not only by this Assembly but by the Security Council as well. Those resolutions clearly and unequivocally call for the reversal of all these acts of flagrant violation of international law. And yet the discouraging chasm between words and deeds today remains as wide as ever.
Many would have given up hope. However, the strengthening of the United Nations and the reinforced expectation of respect for and implementation of its resolutions is a development from which we draw hope. We are also heartened by the statements of world leaders that no peaceful international order is possible if larger States can devour their smaller neighbours, and that we must demonstrate beyond any doubt that aggression cannot and will not pay. If these words are transformed into deeds, then we shall finally be able to overcome the ills of aggression and set Cyprus on the course of peace and prosperity for the benefit of the whole of its population.
A just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem necessitates that negotiations are entered into in good faith and are result-oriented. We have, tine and tine again, displayed our commitment as well as our good will during the course of negotiations. We have presented proposals to the Turkish Cypriot side going far beyond the protection of cultural, religious  and linguistic identity, aiming at creating a federation consisting of two regions, one to be administered by the Turkish Cypriot community and the other by the Greek Cypriot community.
Unfortunately, Turkish demands that would have amounted to a permanent partition of Cyprus have, according to the Secretary-General himself, pushed the inter-communal dialogue into an impasse.
Despite the many difficulties, we are resolute in our determination to move out of this impasse. Particularly in today's climate, which favours implementation of United Nations resolutions and the overcoming of divisions, Cyprus cannot be the only exception.
We will persist in our offensive of good will and communication with our Turkish Cypriot fellow-citizens. We shall continue to promote contact and co-operation over whatever barriers or obstacles are placed in our way, convinced that these efforts will contribute to the impetus towards the security of our people and our country in a democratic federation. We will also persevere with our proposals for the complete demilitarisation of the Republic of Cyprus, which will be of benefit not only to the Cypriot people but also to the whole region. No obstacles will derail us from our goal of a united, sovereign, territorially integral Cyprus, her freedom, justice and human rights for all Cypriots will not be regarded as a luxury but as the vary basis of human assistance.
Let me take this opportunity to state in no uncertain tones that we shall continue to afford the Secretary-General our full support and co-operation in his efforts to achieve a breakthrough by way of result-oriented negotiations. Cyprus must not be left to suffer any longer from the catastrophic consequences of the maxim "might means right". .
Aside from the political or military oppression of the small by the large, the existence of economic oppression can be just as serious, and its repercussions are just as disastrous. The growing gap between the rich and the poor is a major problem which threatens to act as a time bomb in the foundations of the more peaceful world we are trying to build, unless it is defused in time.
This issue was discussed at length at the special session on international economic co-operation here in New York last spring. The latest World Bank World Development Support shows that more than one billion people in the developing world are constantly condemned to live in conditions of destitution, with an income of less than $370, not per day or per week or per month, but per annum. As a result, 40,000 children die every day due to avoidable causes.
The strategy for tackling the problem of development should, I believe, have three facets. First, effective and imaginative measure are required to tackle the developing countries $1.3 trillion debt problem, combining debt forgiveness, the use of the so-called peace dividend in the form of funds saved from the reduction in military spending as a result of the disarmament process, interest recycling and any other measures which can alleviate the debt burden. And we must not forget that if the Governments will do nothing about the debt problem, then the market forces will take care of it, and the results would not be to their liking.
Secondly, measures are to be taken to improve commodity prices, the low levels of which are directly related to the exacerbation of the debt problem in the 1910s, combined with steps to open up international markets to developing countries products through the abolition of tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade. Unfortunately, we have to note that the negotiations for the Uruguay Sound are dangerously delayed, and progress will cone only as a result of courageous political decisions. But progress is needed.
Thirdly, initiatives must be created to encourage investment which will act as a vehicle for the transfer of technology to the developing countries.
The developing countries must be allowed to share in the benefits of the technological revolution if they are to be able to develop successfully in the increasingly competitive international environment. However, they also have the responsibility of responding to such multilateral action, thereby maximising the benefits that will accrue from efficient domestic economic policies.
We meet here today against a backdrop of threats to the very survival of our planet. The drive for economic development has brought us to the brink of ecological disaster. The figures are indeed alarming. Since the middle of this century global economic production has increased five-fold and the total world grain production has more than doubled, but not without placing a monumental strain on this planet. In the same period the world's crop-land topsoil has been eroded by SO per cent; 20 per cent of the world's rain forests has also been destroyed; the ozone layer has been depleted by over 2 per cent world-wide, while tens of thousands of plant and animal species have become extinct.
Effective international action is required now to stem what could become an irreversible tide towards disaster. Sound economic development policies must go in tandem with sound ecological management policies. While recognising that the responsibility for repairing the damage caused to the Earth's fabric rests with those primarily responsible for causing it, namely the developed countries, we all have a responsibility to shift from development policies that deplete our natural resources to ones that preserve them. The establishment of a global fund for the environment, to which countries on the basis of national income may contribute, could generate funds for nature conservation world-wide and demonstrate our united commitment to dealing with a problem that affects each and every one of us.
We must remain equally united in our commitment to fighting the global problem of drugs in all its aspects production, trafficking and use; for, just as the destruction of the environment undermines our fundamental resources in the form of trees, water, the air and the soil, so the drug epidemic continues to undermine our precious natural resource in the form of human beings themselves.
I began by saying that we find ourselves at a crucial turning-point in history. If we rise to the opportunities which have now been opened to us we can take a giant stop forward in the direction of a more prosperous, more peaceful world, making the twenty-first century a century of peace, co-operation and achievement. If we succumb to the difficulties and fail to raise this day of opportunity and hope, then we stand to regress to a period of conflict and destruction even more terrible than anything we have already witnessed in this century.
The burden of responsibility is heavily and squarely on our shoulders. What it entails is placing the common good above our own immediate narrow interests; for we must recognise that in the long term that which is to the benefit of the whole international community will also be to the benefit of its individual members.
The crisis in the Gulf; the problems of unequal international economic development and the economic migration that it creates; the issue of environmental conservation; the social problems of drugs and AIDS - all clearly show that none of us can go it alone any longer, and that no one can shut the door on daily occurrences in the rest of the world, for development transcends international barriers in a way that makes isolationism impossible. We must all survive together or perish together. Let us work in the framework of a reinvigorated United Nations to ensure that the world will not perish but survive to become a better place for ourselves and our children.


May I, or behalf of my Government and the people of Solomon Islands, congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the forty-fifth session of the United Nations  General Assembly. It is my conviction that with your fine diplomatic skills and wealth of experience, the current session will be further enhanced by the successful and practical results we would all want.
I also wish to express my profound gratitude to your predecessor,
Major General Joseph H. Garba of Nigeria, for his excellent leadership during the last session.
I wish to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his untiring efforts and his dedication towards realising and upholding the principles and purposes of the United Nations.
On 12 October last year my Foreign Minister, Sir Baddeley Devesi, stood on this famous rostrum to voice - perhaps one could now say with hindsight - a somewhat over-zealous expression of optimism and trust in humankind and in the ability of the United Nations to influence man's desire for peace.
But world events today, as exemplified by the crisis in the Middle East, bear sad witness to the flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter. It has driven home to me and to my country, Solomon Islands, the frailty of man, his insatiable hunger for power, his oftentimes misplaced fervour and the temptation to dominate others outside the bounds of reason and rationality. It is even more disappointing and sad to know that while in the Gulf region last year the prospects for peace became visible with the United Nations-monitored cease-fire between Iran and Iraq, this year the "serpent's head" has emerged up once again in the same area of the world.
Notwithstanding that, we will not apologise for our optimism in the search for peace. What was said in this Assembly last year by Solomon Islands was said in good faith and still stands true today, namely that we must give peace a chance and not merely talk or preach about it. We believe we should not resign ourselves to accepting peace as an illusion to be couched in terms of what the great English and world statesman, Winston Churchill, would term a human tragedy.
My country, Solomon Islands, is a peaceful island nation. Peace is the only gift we can offer and contribute to this international body, the United Nations. We do not believe in guns or bullets, and so within the limits of our ability as a Christian nation, pray God, we have no enemies.
It is in this spirit of great concern for world peace that in a note verbale dated 10 August 1990 we immediately replied to the Security Council's call, through the Secretary-General, giving the Solomon Islands Government's assurances of its support for Security Council resolution 661 (1990) adopted on 6 August 1990, and the Government's commitment to implement the resolution to the limits of its ability as a comparatively small nation, and in concert with the aims of the Charter and the ideals and purposes of the United Nations.
Having said all that, and in consideration of peace in the global contest, it is probably correct to say that no two countries can have the same perception of peace now in this "Modern world. Certainly, that would be true between a country with a highly developed technology and arsenals capacity, such as, for example, the United States, and a small developing country like the Solomon Islands with a simple village-life orientation.
Peace to a super-Power would not be too meaningful without the acceptance and assurance of military strength; whereas in the Solomon Islands we would regard the manufacture and stockpiling of modern weapons of war as inviting war itself. Unfortunately, the reality of our world today would tend to draw smaller countries like the Solomon Islands into conflicts that we do not really care for in the first place, and which we know we cannot aspect to influence in any effective manner outside of our humble attempts to contribute to peace and love in the practice of sharing and caring for the needs of others.
Of course, the scenario in other countries such as those of the Middle East with long historical backgrounds of warfare and with their endowments of rich oil deposits, which would enable them financially to arm themselves, would be entirely different. The only common denominator for achieving harmony in the world is peace and love, which is the only weapon Solomon Islands knows and believes in.
With the present turmoil in the Middle East it could be a good thing for the world to take stock and to learn a few lessons. I venture to suggest three: first, man is a creature vulnerable to the misuse of power at any given time so we must all be alert to manifestations of this kind and help prevent such situations from arising; secondly, the super-Powers of the world henceforth cease selling destructive weapons, both nuclear and conventional, to other countries, big or snail, rich or poor, that do not yet possess then; and thirdly, the United Nations must seize the opportunity to take responsibility for world peace and not lot individual countries believe that they can take unilateral decisions over military action in the world.
Only in times of peace can nations think rationally about their own needs, and about the assistance the one can give to the other. Only in peace-time can balanced judgements for aid assistance to developing countries by the more developed countries be made.
In the present climate of world tension all the noble thoughts of sharing and hearing for one another have given way to amassing troops and weapons of war and round-the-globe visits in the name of diplomacy. The most powerful country in the world is now seeking financial aid from "friends" to contain the coats of an exercise which threatens world peace. It is ironic to so many that money became, available sore readily in time of war than in times of peace.
There are, however, hopeful developments the threat of war in the Middle East has brought the two super-Powers together and in Asia the two Koreas are moving in an unprecedented way towards reunification after 40 long years. The Cambodian factions have decided to talk with the blessing of the Soviet Union and China, while Iran and Iraq have exchanged prisoners of war. These are indeed encouraging signs for peace in the future, but we need not go to war or be threatened by the prospect of war to achieve harmonious international relations.
In the mean time my country, Solomon Islands, and its Pacific neighbours remain relatively peaceful. Pray God this will always be so. However, we do not wish to see our priorities, our important needs and what we value most in life - sovereignty and independence, the right to self-determination, a wholesome sea resource and no nuclear contamination of the sources of our livelihood - relegated to the back seat, pushed into the background and neglected by the world community because of a conflict and instability we had no hand in bringing about.
We are delighted that Japan, a leading member of our Pacific Community, has listened to our request and has taken the lead in banning drift-net fishing a year before the date set by a United Nations resolution. We have the highest regard for and a strong belief in the goodness of man and we therefore believe that Taiwan and Korea will soon follow suit.
We are moreover encouraged to hear of Japan's commitment to world peace and stability as expounded in this Assembly on 25 September 1990 by Mr. Taro Nakayana, the Foreign Minister of Japan. Japan, we have learned, in line with its Peace Constitution, is "firmly resolved not to become a military Power that could pose a threat to other nations of the world". (A,45,PV.7. p.26i
As a small nation in the Asia-Pacific region, Solomon Islands welcomes such a genuine commitment most sincerely.
Yet another welcome statement for today's world, with the background of the Middle East crisis, in the view of Solomon Islands was that delivered by Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, also on 25 September 1990. It illuminates with common sense the abhorrence of the spread and proliferation of nuclear, chemical, bacteriological and missile weapons, which would destroy mankind and our world.
As recently as last Monday, from this very rostrum, the President of the United States of America, Mr. George Bush, expressed his yearning and desire that his great country rid this world of all these diabolical weapons of war. Solomon Islands wishes to commend such admirable leadership and would remind members of the fact that these commitments are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
May I at this juncture explain that besides representing my country, Solomon Islands, I shall now speak briefly also as current Chairman of the Melanesian sub-group known as the Melanesian Spearhead Group of the South Pacific forum.
We applaud the efforts of independent organisations such as the Green peace Group and we praise our own South Pacific Forum for the fight they are leading to maintain a healthy environment in our region.
We cannot understand why the United States and France especially - the two countries that have stood up traditionally as champions of freedom and that we regard as friends from our colonial past - cannot lend their ears to our genuine pleas to stop polluting the seas from which we draw our livelihood and sustenance. They continue to dump wastes and test their nuclear bombs in our fishing grounds. Yet we ourselves continue to love and respect them without restraint. We give them our votes and our support at various international forums, especially here at the United Nations and its various other organs.
With all due respect to the great country of France, which over the last 10 to 20 years has assured us that the Mururoa tests are safe and would not leak radiation for thousands of years to come, we have just learned with dismay from an American scientist that radioactive leaks have in fact taken place at Mururoa and that we can expect snore leaks six years after every bomb is exploded by France.
France's indomitable love for the freedom of mankind led it, on 8 October 1886, to present to the people of the United States, and indeed the world, that unique reminder of the spirit of freedom - the wonderful Statue of Liberty, whose existence and beauty none of us in this honourable Assembly can deny.
When can we expect France to send a replica of that torch of freedom to shine over New Caledonia and its indigenous people and the peoples of the South Pacific?
The indigenous people of Tahiti, the Te Aho Maohi whose territory has been occupied by France since 1842, nuclear bombs tested on its land and its seas polluted - has been waiting patiently in the wings, anxious to be re-inscribed on the agenda of the United Nations Special Committee on the Implementation of the Declaration on Decolonisation with the aim of gaining independence and becoming a member of this community of nations in its own right.
In 1946 President Charles de Gaulle unilaterally withdrew Tahiti, together with Mew Caledonia, from the list of non-self-governing nations. I believe that there is now a new drive by the local indigenous people of the "Te Aho Maohi" to be re-inscribed on the list of the Committee of 24, now that New Caledonia was successfully re-inscribed on 2 December 1986.
Solomon Islands is pleased to have been one of the first countries to request on 10 October 1984 in the Assembly, the re-inscription of our Melanesian brothers of New Caledonia, and today we ask once again that our Polynesian brothers of Tahiti be favoured in the same manner by this world body, which believes in the legitimate freedom of man and of nations to look after their own affairs.
There can be no marking time any more. The United Nations, especially at this time, has shown and committed itself to act for what is right and against what is wrong in the world, and we are obligated by our Charter to stand up for the importance of the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights.
No other indigenous island people of the South Pacific in modern times has shed so much blood in the cause of freedom and independence as the natives of New Caledonia, and all they have so far received from France with respect to freedom and self-respect is the Matignon Accord which does not guarantee them independence.
May I conclude by humbly appealing to each and every one in this Assembly to look to the future with a new vision of peace and true equality of purpose. We are at the threshold of what we have been referring to lately as a new world order, with changing patterns of friendships and relationships between countries and peoples. Let us begin with love and respect for each other as individuals and fellow human beings with the right to live peacefully in this world. Only then shall we see the light ahead and give peace a chance.


Please accept my country's congratulations, Sir, on your unanimous election as President of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The people of Antigua and Barbuda feel connected to your country, not merely because we are members of the Commonwealth of Nations but also, and primarily, because Malta is a small, island country much like ours. Malta's role in international affairs serves as a beacon of achievement for small countries.

We congratulate you Sir, on your election to this high office and hold great expectations for the success of this session.
My delegation welcomes Liechtenstein to the family of nations and wishes to express particular pride in the admission of a small state. Small states need the United Nations; membership for us is neither a luxury nor an afterthought.

However, if the events of the past eight weeks have taught a single new lesson, it is that large and powerful States have an equal need for the United Nations. The rule of law, so necessary for the preservation of peace, is of paramount importance if the principle of the sovereign equality of States is to endure. Small States can be assured of the permanence of their sovereignty by being members of the United Nations, the world's parliament and peace-making body. We congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, on the leadership role be has played in securing peace. Permit me also to express my profound respect for your predecessor, Ambassador Garba of Nigeria. His leadership during countless negotiating sessions confirmed the faith placed in him last year and explains the admiration he has won. The people of my small country extend special thanks to former President Garba for the kind words addressed to me in his parting statement.

Twenty-five years ago three outstanding Caribbean statesman - Errol Barrow of Barbados, Forbes Burnham of Guyana and Vere C, Bird, my Prise Minister - met at Dickenson Bay, Antigua, to lend their signatures to the charter of what is known today as the Caribbean Community. My small, developing, island country takes pride in knowing that it has served as the bedrock of regional integration in the Caribbean. The Caribbean Community, 25 years old this year, now embraces every English-speaking independent country in the Caribbean and three non-independent Caribbean States. Act the regional integration movement in the Caribbean gains momentum, our experience has confirmed the assertions made in 1965 by the founders of the Caribbean Community. They had long argued that seemingly intractable common problems within and community nations are best tackled by the multilateral approach. Out island country will thus continue to promote multilateralism, convinced that it does provide the mechanism for co-operation, continuity and peaceful coexistence. We view the United Nations as the principal stage for the promotion of this common-sense approach to problem solving.

It is widely recognised, for example, that the prestige of the United Nations today is higher than it has ever been. My delegation is firmly convinced that the unanimous condemnation of Iraq for its occupation of Kuwait is possible in 1990 because of the multilateral approach adopted in the hour of crisis. If nations large or small, wealthy or poor, are to be persuaded to turn their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks, then multilateralism must become a tenet of the foreign policy of States, and the mechanism of the United Nations must be relied upon as an integral actor. The United Nations must not be made merely a convenient tool to be included in or excluded from tumultuous world events at the whim of States; the legitimacy of the United nations will quickly be eroded if it appears to be the handmaiden of a few.

My Government and people join in the universal condemnation of Iraq. As a small State, we feel a bond with the people of Kuwait, we share their sense of loss and outrage, and we wish then to know that my small, developing, island country will do all that it can within these walls and elsewhere to help bring an end to the injustices perpetrated by the invaders.

Another injustice, perpetrated by indifference and greed, brews without surcease in the Caribbean country of Haiti. In 1804, when the Haitian revolutionary Toussaiat L'Ouverture succeeded in eradicating slavery from Haiti, he heralded a new world order which, in the three decades following, hastened the end of the evil system of slavery throughout the Caribbean. Haiti became the first independent republic of transplanted Africans in the New World. As we stand on the threshold of another new world order, democracy in Haiti cries out for assistance. The United Nations is being asked to provide a tested method of assistance at the behest of the Government of Haiti. My small Caribbean country, determined to repay its historical debt to Haiti and to lend shape to the emerging new world order, has joined in sponsoring a draft resolution which is sure to be adopted unanimously by this Assembly. A resolution on Haiti does not, however, translate into material assistance; it behoves us to make pledges of financial support for the electoral process in Haiti and to contribute to the eventual rebuilding of an economically viable and politically stable Haiti. If we do not succeed with this initiative, if we fail in this venture, than we shall have failed in our effort to contribute to the creation of a fair and decent world.
A fair and decent South Africa eludes us for yet another year. The evil system of apartheid has been shaken by continued universal condensation; the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners and the unbanning of the African National Congress and other political groups are the direct result of the counting pressure brought to bear on South Africa by sanctions imposed by the United Nations. Those sanctions cannot be relaxed at this time.

My country and people welcome the far-reaching changes taking place in South Africa. We continue to call on the racist regime to move swiftly to dismantle apartheid, conscious of the fact that the longer official racism remains in place the more difficult will be the reconstruction period following its demise.

Apartheid must be dismantled now in order to save South Africa's black and white children from suffering the pain and misery inflicted on adults and children alike by an oppressive and unjust system maintained by force.

The continued violence against indigenous peoples in the modern world cannot be allowed to continue. A year ago Antigua and Barbuda issued a call for their protection following revelations that more than 200,000 indigenous people had perished by violent means in the preceding twelve-month period. The plight of the world's indigenous peoples since then has improved not at all, Gold-miners, land-grabbers and thoughtless criminals have invaded the lands of indigenous peoples, causing disease, environmental degradation and massive disruption of traditional life. The islands of my Caribbean were once the home of several indigenous peoples that were virtually exterminated by war and slavery, beginning in 1492. Today's indigenous peoples fight, like the heroic Caribbean peoples of centuries past, against more formidable foes, who will surely also drive them into extinction. Antigua and Barbuda will thus readily give its support to the Group for the Study of Indigenous Populations, connected to the United Nations Subcommittee for the Protection of Minorities, in proposing that 1992 should be declared the "International Tear of the Indigenous Peoples of the World".

Two years after becoming a Member of the United Nations, Antigua and Barbuda joined with Malaysia and several other developing countries to press for the protection of Antarctica. It would not be unreasonable to conclude that we are disappointed with the progress made thus far; yet we hold great expectations for the outcome of the environmental protection conference of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties to be held in Chile next month.

We assert the right of Secretary-General or his representative to be present, though we acknowledge the greater need for non-Treaty parties to have a meaningful role in the decision-making process. It is our fins belief that Antarctica should be brought under the umbrella of control of the United Nations. The frozen continent must not become the possession of large States only.

My country is unshakably pledged to the cause of preserving Antarctica as the common heritage of all mankind. Our contribution to the debate on the rational uses of Antarctica is an extension of our commitment to the preservation of the environment. Threats to the Earth's environment have multiplied a thousand-fold since the start of the industrial revolution, at the turn of this century. In less than 100 years, mankind has succeeded in upsetting the ecological balance which evolved over the 3,000 million-year history of our planet. Within the next 40 years, it is estimated that mankind will burn more fuel than has been consumed since the discovery of fire half a million years ago. Increasing levels of pollution, coupled with a simultaneous decrease in the ability of natural systems to absorb atmospheric wastes, will accelerate environmental decline.
Rain forests, the most valuable of mankind's terrestrial assets, are being destroyed at an alarming rate daily. Our oceans are polluted by various contaminants - including fertiliser run-off, industrial wastes and oil spills - while low-lying agricultural lands weld wide, including entire islands in the Caribbean and in the South Pacific, are threatened with submersion by rising sea- levels brought about by global warming and the melting of the polar ice-caps. Ours is an ill planet which will become more ill unless our countries are willing to alter significantly our patterns of consumption.

Ironically, the wellspring of this state of affairs can be found in causes stemming from both wealth and poverty. Developed and developing countries both contribute. The solutions therefore, lie in both national and international actions. My country thus welcomes the 1992 Conference on Environment and Development to be hosted by Brazil, and applauds the Maldives for the Conference on Sea-Level Rise held recently.

One month ago at the United Nations Congress on Crime, held in Havana, my Government outlined its policies to combat international crime - one of the modern scourges of mankind. And, at the special session on drugs earlier this year, we shared with the Assembly our concerns and the approaches we have adopted to eliminate the danger posed by drug trafficking.
At the Congress on Crime and at the special session on drugs, the consensus clearly pointed to a need for а multilateral assault on the purveyors of these evils. My country has thus formulated a regional plan of action in concert with eight other Caribbean island nations to deter regional drug traffickers and to dissuade criminals with grandiose schemes. We have formed a regional security force which is prepared to respond swiftly and forcefully to any threats to its members’ sovereignty.

My Government has also given its support to the proposal, put forward by Trinidad and Tobago, to breathe new life into the idea of an international criminal court of justice. We are confident that such an institution would provide a workable mechanism as part of a whole range of services required for the fair administration of international criminal justice.
Drug trafficking and criminal terrorism pose special security problems to island countries with hundreds of miles of unguarded shorelines and with scarce resources to match the ultra-modern equipment which wealthy drug barons have the wherewithal to purchase. But beyond security lies another problem.

We have learned from other island countries in advanced stages of development, like Singapore, that investment in children and youth is the most certain route away from under-development. Priority in my island country has thus been given to the development of human resources. To neglect our human resource base is to undermine the potential for future economic growth. Yet, scarce financial resources must be diverted .to combat drug traffickers and criminal terrorists, while official development assistance slows to a trickle and borrowing, at lower than the market rate of interest, has become unavailable. My relatively poor island-developing country, with a per capita income barely exceeding $2,000 per annum, has been graduated to a middle-income country, thereby putting concessionary loans beyond our grasp. Small island countries so vulnerable to devastating natural catastrophes, so lacking in natural resources and with exceedingly small populations, cannot reasonably be judged by the same economic yardsticks as populous, resource-endowed, large countries.

We therefore call once again for the use of more reliable economic indicators in judging the well-being of small island-developing countries.
The economic well-being of an independent Namibia is of great importance to Antigua and Barbuda. We welcome Namibia to this forum as a free, independent Member country. Our small voice was frequently raised in condemnation of South Africa for its unlawful occupation of Namibia, and we have recently matched our words with a financial contribution to the nation-building exercise. Political independence can become meaningless if economic conditions remain poor and Namibia remains dependent on South African goodwill.

Continuing on the African continent, we wish the people of Western Sahara also to know that they can count on our continued support in their struggle for self- determination. My country welcomes the approval by the Security Council of the Secretary-General plan to supervise a cease-fire between Morocco and the POLISARIO, and to organise and conduct a referendum.
Antigua and Barbuda is equally pleased by the decision of the Cambodian parties to accept an enhanced role for the United Nations and to form a Supreme National Council to facilitate negotiations.

There has been no progress in Cyprus and the situation in Lebanon appears to be at a stalemate. We must redouble our efforts here at the United Nations to bring these tortuous civil wars to an end. He will also continue to seek a just solution to the Palestinian problem.
In Central America we welcome the triumph of peace and rejoice with the Nicaraguan and Panamanian peoples. We adhere to our earlier pronouncements that economic injustice is the root cause of many of the conflicts in that region. They were exacerbated by cold-war tensions, which, thankfully, have disappeared. Until economic reforms are instituted, Central America will continue to experience civil strife.

We have also witnessed a lessening of tensions in Europe. On 3 October 1990, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, previously separated by a hideous man-made wall, peacefully reunited and became the nation of Germany. This remarkable change is perhaps the most encouraging indicator that East-West cold war tensions are disappearing. The destruction of the Berlin Wall demonstrates the irreversible changes taking place on the Eastern half of the European continent. On behalf of the Government and the people of Antigua and Barbuda, my delegation welcomes the new Germany to the United Nations, and extends heartfelt best wishes to its Government and its people.

The lessening of tensions can also be witnessed on the Korean peninsula. It is our hope that the Koreans, like the Germans and the Yemenis, will join hands one day soon. Until that day, my country supports the Republic of Korea in its request for membership in the Organisation. We consider unjust the continued denial of membership for reasons other than those stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations.

As mankind approaches the final decade of the twentieth century, it is faced with the task of fashioning what is increasingly being called a new world order. It is our function at the United Nations to give structure to current events so that the world of the twenty-first century may be better organised. Our task is to meet the needs of the human family while minimising environmental degradation, eliminating brutal dictatorship, ending apartheid and senseless discrimination against women, and dispensing an acceptable standard of health, housing and education to the world's poor and powerless.

A country as small as my own will not pretend to have a measurable impact upon any emerging new world order but it would be dangerously presumptuous for large nations to assume that there is nothing to be learned from small countries.

It was the Haitian revolution which hastened the destruction of slavery and paved the way for the introduction of a new economic system in the Western hemisphere at the dawn of the nineteenth century. It is Liechtenstein, the smallest State Member of the United Nations, which enjoys the highest per capita income of any country in the world. It was Marcus Garvey of Jamaica who fired the minds of African and Caribbean leaders in the struggle to eliminate colonialism in the twentieth century. It was Sir Arthur Lewis of Saint Lucia whose writings on development economics and whose practical suggestions for economic development plans earned him the Nobel Prize for economics 12 years ago.

Antigua and Barbuda can be counted on to live up to its responsibility to its people, to its region and to the world at large. Whatever the forum, be it the cabinet, the Caribbean Community or the community of nations, my country will courageously promote those ideas that constitute the corner-stone of a new world order.
"Small size", my Prime Minister has frequently said, "does not mean small minds or the absence of grand ideas." And the grandest ideas are peace and justice.


At this time,
when I have the honour to take the floor before this
august Assembly, above all I would like to express to
you, on behalf of the Congolese people as well as on
my own behalf, my warm congratulations to Mr. Jean
Ping on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly as well as the election of the members of his
Bureau.
I also take this occasion to congratulate and give
my continued support to Mr. Julian Hunte, the
President of the previous General Assembly, for the
significant quality of the work he accomplished during
a difficult international situation.
This debate provides me the opportunity to bring
the message of my country to the world — a message
of peace and national reconciliation — and to express
our vision concerning the violent events taking place in
the world and the most appropriate way to find lasting
solutions to those events.
In that respect, looking back at world
developments, we can only note and deplore the rise in
international terrorism in all its forms with its long line
of victims, distress and desolation. This appears to me
to be the appropriate time to announce that my
country’s commitment to the ratification of all
international legal instruments on terrorism is moving
into its final phase of adoption. Our aim is to combat
that scourge which — I repeat — spares no one.
Apart from terrorism, the international
community is confronted with the resurgence of other
disasters which are just as murderous and devastating
and which require us to strengthen our collective
efforts. In particular I am thinking of HIV/AIDS,
malaria, tuberculosis and other endemic diseases.
That list of forgotten diseases should not obscure
the immense poverty and the natural disasters that we
see throughout the world. Moreover, we must not
forget the areas of tension, civil wars and other armed
conflicts which increase the misery and hopelessness
of humanity and which thus sorely test international
peace and security.
During the intersessional period, the situation in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been
characterized by a process of political transition. In the
long term, we plan to organize elections which will
enable the Congolese people to freely choose their
leaders. In that respect, I would like to point out that
that process reached its midway point on 30 June 2004.
It has thus entered a decisive phase which requires
from all institutions of the transition a redoubling of
effort in order to meet the electoral deadlines as laid
out in the global agreement.
Today we can congratulate ourselves on the
following significant progress: the reunification of
national territory through the setting up of a land
commission under central authority; national
reconciliation, symbolized by the presence in the
Government of former enemies; and the beginning of
the process of integration of the army and the
establishment of the national police force.
Nevertheless, much remains to be done, including
the complete restoration of the authority of the State
throughout the country and the establishment of the
necessary internal and external conditions for the
holding of the aforementioned elections.
Thus, taking into account the desire for peace of
all of the Congolese people, and the determination
expressed many times by the transitional Government
to respect the deadlines, it is important that we
reinforce, in terms of quality and quantity, the United
Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (MONUC), whose support of
the forces of order will help us put an end to the
30

activism of the militias which continue to sow death
and desolation in the eastern part of the country. In
addition, given the results obtained by the political
players in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the
fulfilment of their obligations under the global
agreement, we launch an urgent appeal to the
international community and ask it to respect its
promises and commitments in bringing about the
objectives of the transition.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a
peace-loving country, resolutely committed to
developing, maintaining and promoting excellent
relations with all countries dedicated to peace and
justice and particularly, with its neighbours.
Also the principle of good neighbourliness, far
from being a simple slogan, is for us a living and daily
reality. That is why I am happy to see the signature of
the terms of reference, establishing a joint verification
mechanism on the eastern border of our national
territory. This will enable us to rebuild trust in relations
in the region, a process which will culminate in the
international conference on peace, security and
development, scheduled to take place shortly.
The other major task in the Great Lakes region
remains preventing a recurrence of unfortunate events,
such as the massacres of the people in Bukuvu, Ituri
and those recently committed in Gatumba, Burundi,
during which 160 of our fellow citizens tragically lost
their lives. This assassination of Congolese refugees on
Burundian soil is the work of the enemies of peace and
of peaceful cohabitation in our subregion. The people
of Congo are waiting impatiently for the report of the
inquiry being prepared under United Nations auspices
on this very subject.
I solemnly express the Congolese people’s faith
in the United Nations, which has stood at our side at
the cost of many sacrifices. We firmly believe in its
ability to take even more responsibility on its
shoulders, with a view to the ideas and principles
contained in the Charter, particularly with regard to its
process of revitalization and the adaptation of its
structures so that it is able to rethink its working
methods in order that we will see peace, security and
peaceful cohabitation come about among peoples
throughout the world.
I would like to conclude my statement by
assuring the Assembly of our will to bring to a
successful conclusion, with the help of the whole of the
international community, the process of transition
within the set deadlines so that the sons and daughters
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo are able to
live again in peace and dignity so long denied them
and to which they legitimately have the right.


Allow me, first of all,
to congratulate you, Sir, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Gabon, on your election as the President of the General
Assembly and to wish you every success in this
important position. I would also like to extend our
appreciation to Mr. Julian Hunte for the excellent
organization of the previous session.
The serious challenges to global stability and
sustainable development that the international
community faces vindicate the urgent need to further
develop the legal and institutional foundations of
multilateral cooperation. There is no doubt that the
central role in coordinating these efforts belongs to the
United Nations. It is important, today as never before,
to define the direction of the dynamic adaptation of the
United Nations to current realities, based on the
Organization’s unique experience of over half a
century, and to find adequate responses to the pressing
issues of the contemporary world.
Developments in the Central Asian region
provide a vivid demonstration of the intermingling of
the contradictory processes that are unfolding around
the globe. The aspirations of the peoples of Central
Asia to fully integrate into the world community, to
create conditions for sustainable stability and economic
development are facing serious challenges. The region
is faced with a combination of transnational threats,
namely terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking.
Similar patterns can be observed in other regions of the
world as well.
Not a single day passes without terrorist acts
taking place somewhere in the world. It is obvious and
undeniable that international terrorism has challenged
the civilized world. It makes no exceptions and does
not distinguish between places, nationalities, religions
or social systems. It sows death and devastation in both
affluent and developing nations. We need to admit that
international terrorism, which is capable of quickly
transforming and adapting to the changing
circumstances of the contemporary world, is trying to
impose its terms and conditions and keep entire regions
in fear.
From the outset, Uzbekistan has firmly and
vigorously supported the efforts of the anti-terrorist
coalition aimed at eradicating transnational threats.
The political leadership of Uzbekistan is deeply
committed to the fight against this plague of the
twenty-first century and calls for a consolidation of the
international community’s efforts in this area.
However, effectively fighting international
terrorism requires, above all, combating its ideological
sources. It is vital to oppose the ideology of extremism
and fanaticism and to outlaw militant radical religious
groups that nurture international terrorism.
At the same time, Uzbekistan strongly opposes
any kind of allegations or assertions linking
international terrorism with the ever-growing religion
of Islam, which has made an immense contribution to
the history of humanity. Uzbekistan, home of the
greatest thinkers and philosophers of the East, is
adamantly pursuing an all-out support of traditional,
enlightened Islam. Only by promoting and encouraging
ideas of an enlightened and tolerant Islam can we
effectively withstand militant, politicized extremist
factions and avert further confrontations in the world.
Uzbekistan holds that, in reviewing the urgent
issues of global security, the regional agenda should be
given priority. Only by means of secure and stable
regions can we gradually move towards global security.
The establishment of a nuclear-weapons-free zone in
Central Asia remains one of the priorities of our
foreign policy. We again call upon the permanent
members of the Security Council to develop — in
cooperation with the States of the region — a
consolidated position on the provisions of the treaty
and its protocol. We trust that the establishment of this
nuclear-weapons-free zone would become an important
element of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime.
Many issues of regional development are directly
linked to the processes taking place in Afghanistan. We
believe that Afghanistan is historically and
geographically a part of Central Asia. Uzbekistan has
been giving all possible assistance to the Afghan
people for the social and economic reconstruction of
the country and its harmonious integration into
regional structures. The Government of Uzbekistan, in
cooperation with United Nations agencies, has set up
and is successfully implementing a delivery
mechanism for international humanitarian assistance to
Afghanistan via Uzbekistan. To date, over 2.5 million
tons of such cargo has passed through our territory. In
addition, we are doing all we can to reduce transit costs
and improve the service infrastructure.
In light of the continuous threat of narcotics
proliferation from Afghanistan, Central Asia, on the
24

frontline of combating narco-aggression, is facing the
problem of effectively countering this global menace.
We look forward to the international community’s firm
and continuous support of Uzbekistan’s initiative to
establish a Central Asian regional information and
coordination centre to combat transborder crime related
to illegal drug trafficking.
The United Nations has been present in
Uzbekistan for over a decade. During this period, the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has
carried out numerous important projects aimed at
strengthening the country’s potential in implementing
reforms, protecting the environment and creating
sustainable sources of income. We truly appreciate this.
In this regard, we look forward to assistance from
UNDP and other United Nations agencies in
implementing Uzbekistan’s initiative to establish a
Central Asian common market. This would contribute
not only to creating a large and robust regional market
and attracting more foreign investment and modern
technologies, but also to properly addressing the social
and environmental problems of Central Asia, including
its sustainable development and economic prosperity.
Overcoming the transportation and
communication isolation of the region is another top
priority. In that context, I would like to draw the
Assembly’s attention to the multilateral initiative to
establish a trans-Afghan transport corridor, which
would link Central Asia with the Persian Gulf. The
implementation of that project would significantly
expand trade and economic relations and
fundamentally improve the region’s economic
prospects.
We agree with the view of the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, that the present juncture is of crucial
importance for the United Nations. There is no other
multilateral forum similar to the United Nations, in
which countries that differ from one another in terms
of cultural and historical heritage, economic potential
and geographic location can work together as equal
partners.
In the context of the current, increasingly
complex globalization processes, the strengthening of
the Security Council is of paramount significance.
Uzbekistan supports the enlargement of the Security
Council in both categories of membership, taking into
account the political and economic capabilities of
countries, geographical representation and other
criteria. We reiterate our support for the inclusion of
Germany and Japan in the Security Council as
permanent members.
In conclusion, I should like once again to
underscore the fact that Uzbekistan is confident that
the United Nations will retain its role as the main pillar
of the international security and cooperation
architecture. We believe that the invaluable potential of
the United Nations, which withstood all the upheavals
of the previous century, will long serve the cause of
consolidating our efforts in the face of global
challenges.


The United Nations
faces unprecedented challenges: the recent past has
brought about a worrisome erosion in the standing and
credibility that this great Organization has enjoyed
24

worldwide. Use of military force without prior
authorization by the Security Council and increasingly
difficult and dangerous conditions under which United
Nations personnel operate in many places are but two
examples illustrating this trend.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan has given a two-
tiered response. First, he issued a call for an
unequivocal commitment to the principle of
multilateralism, upon which this Organization is built.
And secondly, he commissioned a report from eminent
and highly experienced personalities on how the
Organization should address new threats and
challenges.
Liechtenstein believes that this was the right
response. An unequivocal and unwavering commitment
from all of us is the basis for collective action and for
observing the rules we have set for ourselves. Only this
commitment can give meaning to our decisions to
tackle new challenges, and only this can enable us to
further develop a rules-based framework in order to
look confidently into the future.
We must acknowledge the fact that the challenges
we are facing today were not foreseeable when the
founding fathers agreed on the terms which guide the
work of this Organization. At the same time, we must
always recognize the Charter of the United Nations as
the unique achievement that it is and examine our
current ways of applying this great tool that was passed
down to us. It is therefore our obligation to conduct an
in-depth and sober analysis of these new challenges in
order to make an informed decision about how best to
address them within the framework of the United
Nations system. Changes and creative approaches will
be needed.
We therefore very much look forward to
receiving and considering the report of the High-level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change established
by the Secretary-General. But however insightful their
findings and however visionary their recommendations
may be — and we have high hopes that they will be —
the necessary decisions to expand the existing
multilateral architecture will have to be made by us,
the States gathered in this Assembly on the threshold
of the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. Not
in 10 years. Now. The time is right.
In a globalized world, collective action is the
necessary response to a great number of challenges.
Effective measures in numerous areas — the
environment, HIV/AIDS, poverty-reduction, the fight
against terrorism, to name but a few — can only be
taken on the basis of genuine and efficient global
cooperation. Such cooperation can only be successful
if it is based on a set of transparent and clear rules
applied in the same manner to everybody who
participates in it. International law is clearly the
primary instrument in this respect. However, we have
witnessed contradictory tendencies in the area of
international law, especially in the recent past.
On the positive side, there have been landmark
achievements, most notably the establishment of the
International Criminal Court. For the first time in the
history of mankind, there is an independent Court,
based on a Statute negotiated by the international
community at a diplomatic conference, that has the
competence to try individuals responsible for the worst
crimes when States themselves fail to do so. We are
sadly reminded every day how much such an
institution is needed. On the negative side, we have
observed a dangerous erosion in the application of
long-standing international law standards, most notably
in the field of international human rights and
international humanitarian law. The stage we have
reached is critical and there can be only one response:
We must urgently reverse this trend and uphold the
primacy of the rule of law, both nationally and
internationally.
We firmly believe that the rule of law is an
indispensable element of sound domestic policies —
often referred to as good governance — and an
indispensable part of sustainable development
worldwide. International organizations, including the
United Nations, are called upon to continue their
efforts to assist States in establishing and applying the
rule of law. We strongly support the efforts made over
the past year to strengthen the role of the United
Nations in that respect.
The rule of law at the domestic level must be
complemented at the international level through full
and unconditional respect for internationally
recognized standards and transparent and fair rules in
international decision-making. We have been very slow
in dealing with the changes in the world and its
consequences, most notably with regard to non-State
actors who fall outside the framework of international
law as we have known it in the past. We must ensure
that all those individuals and groups that play a
significant role in the international arena are not
25

allowed to move in a legal vacuum and we must clarify
which rules apply to them. That, however, we can do
credibly and thus effectively only if we, the
Governments representing States, continue to respect
the standards we have created for ourselves.
The one body that is particularly called upon in
that respect is the Security Council — to many, the
epitome of the United Nations as a whole. The Council
must meticulously observe the mandate given to it
under the Charter and ensure transparency and clarity
in its decision-making. That is of special importance
where the Council’s decisions directly affect the rights
and obligations of individuals who are not entitled to
individual legal remedies — a situation which can be
difficult to reconcile with the rule of law.
A strong momentum is gathering for reform of
the Security Council after more than 10 years of
deliberations on that very complex topic. In light of the
challenges before the Council and the open questions
concerning its role, in particular with regard to
increasing legislative activities, successful reform must
address all aspects. Enlargement to make that body
more modern and representative is one such aspect. We
believe that it is not sound for a universal Organization
to have its major decisions in a truly vital area taken by
only a handful of States.
Furthermore, the working methods of the
Council, its accountability to the membership as a
whole and its mandate must also be addressed.
Liechtenstein, and its delegation in New York in
particular, will continue to stand ready to make their
contribution to that end.
In accordance with the Charter, the Council acts
on behalf of the entire membership in carrying out its
duties, and its decisions are binding on all Member
States. All States should therefore take a strong interest
in its work and make use of their opportunities to
interact with and express their views to the Council,
whether they are members or not. More openness and
inclusiveness in the Security Council are still both
desirable and feasible. The question remains, however:
Is the Security Council too powerful or do we simply
lack the necessary system of checks and balances? We
support a dynamic and strong Security Council and
therefore tend to the latter view, with a clear focus on
an enhanced role for the General Assembly, the only
universal organ of the United Nations. The measures
on revitalization upon which we were able to agree
during the last session show us how far we still have to
go. It must be our goal to make this Assembly an
efficient and effective body that can act and react
quickly and with resolve.
We are still very far away from that goal. The
momentum gathered over the past year must be
translated into further, bold measures and trigger a
process that is not reversible. This is no time for
complacency and no time for indifference. This
Assembly has historical tasks before it. We must leave
lethargy and short-term national interests behind in the
interest of the greater good. Secretary-General Kofi
Annan put it very aptly in his speech this past Tuesday:
If we cannot reach agreement on the way forward,
history will make the decisions for us. We must set a
vision for the future and live up to our responsibility.
We owe this to all future generations and to ourselves.


Sir, it is with great
pleasure that I congratulate you on your election as
President of the fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly.
We are living in trying and turbulent times. As we
meet, the world continues to be haunted by the spectre
of terrorism, as most recently evidenced in Russia and
Iraq. The victims are, as always, the innocent. The
objective is global instability and insecurity, leading to
increased intolerance and social regression. The
hideousness of the means employed by terrorists
exposes them for what they are. No just political cause
can be served by such acts.
The war against terrorism is a struggle against
barbarism. The perpetrators of terror must be rooted
out and their bases and networks destroyed. This war is
inherently a campaign in support of the values of the
48

United Nations — the values that we all seek to
foster — and it is in response to a threat that has
serious implications for all of the Member States of our
Organization. Our challenge is actively to defend
freedom against the forces of tyranny to affect the
conditions that help create the spectre of terrorism.
If anyone thought the threats to global security
that provided the impetus for looking at serious
reforms of the United Nations system had receded,
then surely the recent terrorist outrage in southern
Russia gives pause for reflection. The great challenges
in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as in parts of Africa,
and the considerable work still remaining to achieve
the Millennium Development Goals testify to the fact
that the need for change has not passed. On the
contrary.
The High-level Panel will soon submit its report,
and next year a summit is planned for the sixtieth
anniversary of the United Nations and the fifth year
after the Millennium Summit. Iceland believes that we
now have a historic opportunity to undertake
meaningful and long-awaited reform. This would in no
small way be a reinforcement of the idea of
multilateralism and, if genuine and far-sighted, will
equip the United Nations to deal more effectively with
threats to global security.
It will be our weighty responsibility here next
year to hammer out decisions on reform. We will have
the opportunity to make changes that will equip the
multilateral system to be more effective in preventing
conflict, in resolving conflict where it occurs and in
post-conflict peace-building.
We can of course choose to do nothing. We can
linger complacently in the inertia of the status quo. The
consequence would, however, be that the United
Nations would become less and less capable of facing
these common challenges to our security.
In particular, we must grasp the chance to make
the Security Council itself more representative, while
increasing its efficiency and effectiveness. The
discussions of many years on increasing the number of
non-permanent and permanent seats must reach a
conclusion. It is time that certain countries that have
long made a considerable contribution to the work of
the United Nations be given permanent seats on the
Security Council. I am referring in particular to
Germany, India, Japan and Brazil. But it is no less
important to ensure that Africa also be given a
permanent seat on the Council.
Smaller States make up the vast majority of
United Nations Members. Ensuring that smaller States
are adequately represented in the various organs of the
United Nations is not only a matter of paying due
regard to the principles of sovereignty; it is also a
practical matter of ensuring that the particular
challenges faced by smaller States — both island States
and others — are taken into account in the multilateral
system. Iceland knows the problems related to being
far away from potential markets. We know well the
struggle of small economies to diversify, and we have
direct experience of the vulnerability of small countries
to external economic shocks and natural disasters. I
would like to take this opportunity to extend our
sympathy to all those Caribbean States that have
suffered so much in the recent hurricanes. My
Government is considering ways in which it could
contribute to disaster relief or reconstruction.
Just as it is fundamental to the legitimacy of the
Security Council that there be fair representation of the
various regions of the world, it is also important that
the many smaller States feel that their issues are
understood and taken into account. In that context, I
would like to refer to the previously announced
candidacy of my country, Iceland, for a non-permanent
seat on the Security Council for the period 2009-2010,
which was already endorsed in 1998 by the Nordic
States — Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden —
within the Group of Western European and other
States.
Smaller States make a valuable contribution to
running the multilateral system. Smaller States provide
some of the most innovative thinking on approaches to
the challenges we face and — in per capita terms and
often in absolute terms — are some of the most
generous contributors.
An issue of key concern to small island States,
but also to the world at large, is sustainable use of the
world’s resources. As Iceland completed its term as a
member of the Commission on Sustainable
Development (CSD), my Government was very pleased
to see the organizational changes in the working
methods of the CSD implemented at its twelfth session,
in April. My Government looks forward to continuing
its active participation in the future work of the CSD to
achieve and promote the sustainable development of
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the world’s resources. Iceland will also continue to
work on alternative energy resources, particularly the
possibilities of hydrogen as a clean-energy provider.
Iceland is committed to attaining the Millennium
Development Goals as they are set out in the
Millennium Declaration. My Government will
participate actively in the preparations for the major
summit in 2005. It is clear that the international
community must speed up its efforts in order to
achieve, before 2015, the goals set by the Millennium
Summit. We regard the 2005 summit to be one of the
important milestones on the way to attaining them.
I now turn to questions concerning particular
regions. Iceland warmly welcomes the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
initiative and its aim of ensuring democracy, human
rights, good governance and sound economic
management. The efforts of African countries in the
management and resolution of conflicts in their own
region and the establishment of a Peace and Security
Council within the African Union are ground-breaking
developments, as are the African mediation in a
number of conflicts and the efforts of the African
Union and African regional organizations to develop
their capabilities for peace-supporting operations.
Sub-Saharan Africa continues to be the focus of
Icelandic bilateral development cooperation, and we
will continue to increase our contribution to and
involvement in multilateral development cooperation.
Iceland welcomes the recent understanding
among members of the World Trade Organization on a
framework for the continuation of the Doha
development round of negotiations on trade
liberalization. The multilateral trading system is a
proven vehicle for promoting economic development
and growth, and it is central to the future prosperity of
our nations. It is noteworthy that particular attention is
paid to the needs of the least developed countries. It is
important that they fully reap the benefits that the
multilateral trading system has to offer. Iceland
believes that the framework will give the negotiators in
Geneva a new platform for the prompt conclusion of
the Doha round. We want to do our part in making sure
that globalization benefits all countries, not least
through targeted development cooperation. In an effort
to assist African countries in making the most of the
Doha round, Iceland is participating, together with the
other Nordic countries, in the Nordic Africa initiative.
Security Council resolution 1546 (2004),
unanimously adopted on 6 June, provided for the
restoration of sovereignty in Iraq. The resolution
assigns the United Nations a leading role in helping to
build a legitimate representative Government and
democratic institutions. It also demonstrated the will of
the Council — and indeed of the rest of the
international community — to resolve past differences
and to give first priority to the political and economic
reconstruction of Iraq. My Government remains
prepared to lend its support to the difficult work ahead
in Iraq. In Iraq, as elsewhere, Iceland would like to
emphasize the importance of ensuring the safety of
United Nations missions.
Afghanistan will continue to occupy our attention
in the coming months. The United Nations has done
valuable work in registering some 10 million voters.
The presidential elections on 9 October in Afghanistan
will be an important milestone in the process of
rebuilding the country. We must maintain an ongoing
commitment to Afghanistan, where serious challenges
to the rebuilding of the country continue to be faced.
Iceland has demonstrated its support and has assumed
the leading role in running the Kabul international
airport, under the auspices of the NATO-led
International Security Assistance Force.
An area of continuing concern is, of course, the
Middle East. The Icelandic Government continues to
call on Israel and the Palestinian Authority to resume
negotiations on a political settlement. The road map
sets out a realistic way to achieve a two-State solution.
Iceland fully supports the efforts of the Quartet. We
urge the Quartet and all other well-intentioned parties
to continue to focus on this issue.
At the beginning of my remarks, I concentrated
on terrorism. Terrorism is an assault on human rights. I
would like to express strong support for the initiative
of the Secretary-General urging Member States to
ratify all those conventions that concern protection of
the rights of the ordinary citizen.
In conducting the war against terrorism, we must
protect the human rights that terrorists themselves
flout. We must be sure that human rights and
humanitarian law are not sacrificed. Here, I would like
to refer to the key role played by the International
Committee of the Red Cross — and by the entire Red
Cross and Red Crescent movement — in monitoring
the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, and at
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the same time to express my appreciation for that
work.
During this session of the General Assembly,
Iceland will continue to work to advance the issue of
human rights. In that context, we look forward to
marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of the entry into
force of the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women, and we urge
those States that are not parties to accede to the
Convention. Iceland will also continue to work with
others to uproot racism and religious intolerance as a
major way to prevent conflict and create a secure
human environment.
Iceland is totally committed to the multilateral
system, of which the United Nations is the fulcrum.
Without an effective multilateral system, conflict and
its causes will be much more difficult to address. But,
in order to be effective, the system needs change. The
Government of Iceland sincerely hopes that we can
bring about necessary change during the next year, and
we look forward to working with all Member States to
that end.


Allow me at the outset to convey the greetings and best
wishes of the people of my country to Member States
and their people, and to the Secretary-General.
War, oppression, crime, hatred and suffering
plague hundreds of millions of men and women all
over the world today. In pursuit of the ideals of peace,
democracy and happiness, the United Nations is the
united conscience of humankind. In order to achieve
the goals of the Millennium Declaration, our
Organization must be strengthened structurally,
economically and spiritually.
Serbia and Montenegro therefore supports both
the initiatives for the enlargement of the Security
Council, that based on the need for equal
representation of all continents, and that which
concedes a special role for the most developed
countries, without whose support the United Nations
would be unable to fulfill its noble goals.
The fight against global terrorism in all its
manifestations, such as anti-Semitism and anti-
Islamism, is our primary responsibility today. Those
who perpetrated, masterminded and bankrolled terrorist
atrocities in New York, Washington, Moscow, Beslan,
Jerusalem, Madrid, Istanbul and other places have not
only declared war against all nations, but also against
God himself, who is the same God for all people.
In the fight against terrorism, force is
unavoidable, but prevention is what we need most.
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Politicians, international religious and spiritual leaders
and the media must constantly emphasize that the
killing of children and of innocent civilians are crimes
that the terrorists are perpetrating against their own
religions and nations and that God will neither forgive
them nor reward them with paradise for such crimes.
Multilateralism is the only means to prevent the
catastrophe of the clash between faiths and
civilizations. At the same time, terrorism must be
condemned with equal resolve by everyone. There can
be no acceptable terrorists, nor should terrorists be
proclaimed as `freedom fighters’ anywhere.
Serbia and Montenegro is a small country that has
been confronted with most of the world’s current
problems and misfortunes. The recent wars that saw the
break-up of Yugoslavia - one of the founding members
of the United Nations - have had immense and painful
consequences: unemployment; poverty; the tragic
plight of some 600,000 refugees; hopelessness among
young people, which breeds drug dependence; a rising
suicide rate; and the desperate position of Serbs in
Kosovo and Metohija.
The reality of Kosovo and Metohija today is both
dramatic and grim. Over the past five years, the
international administration and dominance of the
Albanian majority of this Serbian province have led to
the killing or abduction of more than 2,500 Serbs,
including many children, and to the destruction of
1,500-year-old churches and monasteries and
approximately 40,000 homes. As a result of terrorism
and massive violations of basic human rights, nearly
200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians have been
expelled from Kosovo and Metohija.
The hopes of suffering victims are directed
towards the United Nations, particularly its bodies and
specialized agencies. I take this opportunity to express
my most profound gratitude to the Secretary-General
and to the Director-General of UNESCO for the
decision to convene, in November, an international
donor conference aimed at funding the reconstruction
of destroyed churches and monasteries in Kosovo. We
are also grateful for the principled position that all
homes must be rebuilt, that conditions must be created
for the return of all of those who have been expelled
and that the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija must be
guaranteed the right to life and to freedom of
movement and all civil, national and religious freedoms.
The spirit of a united Europe and a united world
lives in the hearts of Serbs and Montenegrins. While
we respect the existing State borders that we share with
our neighbours, we wish to erase them in everyday life
and to build a common European future based on
dialogue, reconciliation and equality among all nations.
We are fully confident that, with the strong support of
the United Nations, we will attain that goal.
But the insistence by some on the creation of a
sovereign State of Kosovo amounts to a call for the
break-up of the sovereign State of Serbia and
Montenegro. Such an objective breeds new hatred and
misery and is contrary to the basic tenets of
international law and to the Charter of the United
Nations. We will not agree to the violation of the rights
of our State and its citizens.
By applying consistent standards in addressing all
crimes, the United Nations will assist the efforts of the
democratic Government in Serbia and Montenegro to
fulfill our obligations to the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which is something
we must do. The nation is innocent; responsibility rests
on the individual, and none of those who have been
indicted for war crimes has the right to hold a nation
hostage.
All of us on this planet are brothers and sisters.
Gens una sumus: we are all one family. Therefore, the
primary obligation of any majority, whether religious,
racial or ethnic, is to fully protect the rights of
minorities. I can assure the Assembly that my
Government is unreservedly committed to that
principle.