Sir, it is indeed a pleasure for me and the members of my delegation to extend to you our sincere congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Your election to this high office is a tribute to your personal qualities and record of distinction in your career as well as a recognition of your experience. It is also a well-deserved tribute to your country, with which Maldives has most cordial relations. I am fully confident that under your wise and able stewardship the Assembly will make positive and substantive progress and reach successful conclusions. My delegation joins previous speakers who have expressed appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasneed Choudhury, for the able and exemplary manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. As a member of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation, we were particularly proud and honoured to be associated with him and with his successes in our deliberations during the last year.
We are meeting at a time when important changes are taking place in the world and historic trends are taking shape. Some of these changes are to be welcomed, as unprecedented opportunities emerge from them for the advancement of peace, justice and security, while others pose new problems and challenges confronting the international community. While recalling the momentous and timely decisions taken by this Assembly to revitalize the functioning of the United Nations and to strengthen its role and its capacity in facing the enormous challenges confronting the international community, we are happy to note that the significant developments that have taken place in several areas of international relations have resulted in renewed confidence in the vital and irreplaceable role of the United Nations and recognition of the values upheld by this body. It is with satisfaction that we note the distinct improvement in the international climate and in particular in relations between the East and the West.
Like a number of previous speakers, we warmly welcome the agreement in principle reached last month between the United States and the Soviet Union on the complete elimination of intermediate- and shorter-range nuclear forces and we hope that this accord will lead to further agreements on the larger issues of global concern, such as strategic and space armaments. We also hope that this significant agreement will enhance the new atmosphere with respect to the multilateral disarmament negotiations aimed at genuine arms limitation and complete disarmament. In this context, we should like to see the Conference on Disarmament, in Geneva, progress rapidly in its deliberations on a chemical weapons convention and continue dealing with the vital issues on its agenda, such as a comprehensive test ban and the prevention of an arras race in outer space.
We should also like to acknowledge the link between disarmament and development as highlighted by the recently concluded Conference on Disarmament and Development.
Maldives resolutely continues to support all efforts being made towards the objective of disarmament and demilitarisation. It is also our belief that, while the bilateral agreements between the super-Powers and multilateral negotiations to provide the necessary catalyst towards general disarmament, ample opportunities exist for regional and sub regional arrangements which would eventually contribute towards the ultimate objectives of disarmament. It is for this reason that Maldives has supported the proposals for establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace in various parts of the world. We have, obviously, given particular importance to the United Nations Declaration on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and the proposal for establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia, where Maldives is located.
While highlighting the significant events that have taken place during the past year, I should also like to recall the conclusions of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII), convened in Geneva this summer, and to note with satisfaction the positive trends embodied in the final act of the Conference, which we genuinely hope will lead to a resurgence of momentum in North-South dialogue and signal a reversal of the current sceptical and adverse situation regarding international co-operation for development. While we are encouraged by the positive developments in the overall international climate, we remain deeply concerned at the mounting dangers and problems which threaten international peace and security, some of which are well within the issues discussed and debated again and again in this Assembly for many years.
There is no doubt that the most urgent concern of the international community at the present time is the conflict between Iran and Iraq, two independent countries, Members of the United Nations, have been engaged in a senseless war for seven long years, during which hundreds of thousands of people, including civilians, have lost their lives and enormous material destruction has been inflicted. The international community has now recognized the dangerous implications of this conflict for world peace and security. Security Council resolution 598 (1987) reflects the grave concern of the world community over the issue and the need for intensified efforts in halting that bloody conflict. As before, Maldives renews its call to the combatant nations to stop the fighting and resolve their dispute by peaceful means. It is our belief that the United Nations has an important role to play in the achievement of a peaceful and just solution to this conflict.
The aspirations of the Palestinian people to their inalienable national rights remain unfulfilled. Israel retains its unyielding hold on Arab and Palestinian lands, including Al-Quds, and continues relentlessly to go ahead with its policy of establishing illegal settlements in Arab lands. We have long acknowledged that the question of Palestine is the very core of the Middle East problem and that its just settlement is the only way to peace in the Middle East.
We have called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied Palestinian and Arab lands. We firmly believe that there cannot be a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian question and the aggravated crisis in the Middle East unless the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination is recognized and fulfilled. Maldives strongly supports the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in order to find а comprehensive solution to the problem.
Maldives has always condemned the odious policy of racial discrimination and resolutely supported measures towards its elimination. In particular, we resolutely condemn the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid practised by the regime in South Africa and consider it a crime against humanity. We view the latest developments in South Africa with the utmost gravity and concern. The crisis situation, as it continues to unfold, demonstrates the fact that South Africa's black majority is under virtual siege. The racist regime has shown itself to possess neither the policy nor the capacity for progressive change. We believe that apartheid cannot be reformed or improved upon by trifling incremental measures. It must be dismantled in its entirety. We are disappointed that agreement has not been reached on applying comprehensive and effective sanctions against the arrogant regime in Pretoria. However, we welcome the decision made by some multilateral corporations to stop their operations in South Africa.
The racist regime in Pretoria continues to occupy Namibia in defiance of international law and world-wide condemnation. It is plundering the immense natural resources of Namibia, to the benefit of the privileged white minority, and, to our deep regret, it is doing so with the help and complicity of some other States Members of the Organization. We believe that the only basis for a peaceful settlement in Namibia is Security Council resolution 435 (1978) , and we reject any attempts to link the question of Namibia's freedom to extraneous issues.
The situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have remained tense, without any significant developments towards a settlement. We reiterate our conviction that only through a comprehensive political solution on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops can the sovereignty and territorial integrity of those countries be restored, allowing their peoples to determine their own affairs for themselves. We pledge our full support for the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General in these complex issues.
Another conflict that needs our attention is the one in Cyprus. This prolonged conflict should be solved urgently, with due regard to the national integrity of Cyprus and the aspirations of its people. We appreciate the tireless and sincere efforts of the Secretary-General in seeking the settlement of that conflict.
The world economy still continues to be caught in serious imbalances and dislocations, while the majority of developing countries are faced with serious difficulties in adjusting to structural changes imposed upon them by such reversal factors as the debt burden, exorbitantly high real interest rates, the fall in commodity prices and the arrogance of protectionism. On the other hand, the significant decrease in the growth rate in the industrial world has caused much disparity in an already aggravated situation. Debate as been going on for many years about the world economic order. A dialogue was initiated between the North and South without any concrete results. My delegation hopes, as I mentioned at the beginning of my statement, that with a new positive trend emerging in the international climate steps will be taken towards the implementation of measures capable of meeting the needs of global economic reform.
In a world which is teeming with tensions, conflicts and wars and in which mankind is still hostage to awful nuclear arsenals of its own creation, the importance and indispensability of the United Nations cannot be overemphasized. Although our Organization has its problems and difficulties, we feel that there is no better institutional arrangement than the United Nations to deal with problems and grievances among States and of peoples. Our firm belief in the constructive role which the United Nations is playing will not be diminished by its shortcomings, which are often caused by the deliberate and self-centred acts of a few. We will continue to have full confidence and trust in the United Nations and will support it as best we can.


It gives me pleasure to join other speakers who have preceded me and to convey to you, Sir, my delegation's warm congratulations upon your election to the high office of the presidency of this forty-second session. I should further like to extend to your predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, our appreciation for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the business of the forty-first session. Permit me also to express our gratitude to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our Secretary-General, for the able manner in which he has continued to guide his team of international civil servants in the service of the international community.
Forty-two years ago the tragedy of the Second World War called for the creation of an effective international arrangement to prevent the recurrence of a world war. The fundamental lesson learned in the wake of that war is to be found in the opening words of the Charter, which speaks of the determination of the peoples of the United Nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. The founders of the Organization reaffirmed, further, their faith in fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person and the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small. Those noble ideals and objectives, among others, constitute the guiding spirit of the people and Government of Kenya.
Since the founding of the Organization, one of its greatest achievements has been the catalytic role it played in the decolonization process. In the 1960s and 1970s a large number of peoples and Territories exercised their right to self-determination and achieved their national independence. They have since taken their rightful places as full, equal and active members of the comity of nations. Regrettably, however, pockets of colonialism, which must be eradicated, still remain in Africa and elsewhere.
Though the immediate post-war years saw the establishment of the United Nations and were characterized by relative international peace and security, decolonization and socio-economic progress, the present international political climate and socio-economic environment appear sombre by comparison. One of the paradoxical developments of our time has been the replacement of colonialism and foreign domination by super-Power rivalry for spheres of influence. The most powerful States, to which special responsibility was entrusted by the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security, have become engulfed in a bitter rivalry for control of the world's resources and for an extension of their political and economic influence through devious and unethical devices, including interference in the internal affairs of weak developing States and economic blackmail of them. This trend is not conducive to the promotion of peaceful coexistence among sovereign States, and must be arrested.
I now turn to specific issues of which the Assembly has been seized over the years and which have remained potentially explosive, thereby threatening international peace and security.
The failure to find a just and durable solution to the question of Palestine remains the basic cause of the continued tension and instability in the Middle East. In this context we support the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. We consider that for a just and lasting peace to prevail In the region it must be recognized that every State there has the right to exist within internationally recognized boundaries. By the same token, we believe that no solution to the Middle East problem is possible without the establishment of an independent State for millions of displaced and homeless Palestinian people.
With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, no durable solution can be found to the problem while foreign troops remain in that country. We therefore call for the withdrawal o£ all foreign troops from Afghanistan. Similarly, we support the call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea. On the Iraq-Iran war, we join the many delegates who have called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and support Security Council resolution 598 (1987) of 20 July 1987 and subsequent efforts by the Secretary-General in that regard. Concerning the Korean Peninsula, Kenya firmly believes that direct contact is the best way to reduce tension in the area, leading to a peaceful solution of the Korean question, in conformity with the three principles of independence, peaceful reunification, and great national unity, as set forth in the North-South Joint Statement of 4 July 1972.
In Central America, we applaud the efforts of the leaders of the region in their continued search for peace and the democratic process. In this context, we support the evolution of the peace process as initiated by the Contadora Group, augmented by the Support Group and culminating in the Guatemala agreement, which seeks to establish firm and lasting peace in the region. In this connection, we reject externally imposed solutions.
At home in Africa, the overwhelming majority of the people of South Africa continue to suffer the indignity of the evil system of apartheid, despite a clear and universal consensus that the system of apartheid is evil, cannot be reformed and must be dismantled. Various measures proposed to accelerate the destruction and demise of apartheid have met with stubborn and aggressive resistance launched by the racist regime, with the support of its allies and major trading partners. This resistance has made it impossible for the Security Council unanimously to agree on measures necessary to undo apartheid. We firmly maintain that there is a moral duty on every country and people to ensure the total destruction of this abhorrent system.
In the struggle to liberate South Africa from the tentacles of apartheid, we salute, and declare our unwavering solidarity with, the peoples of South Africa in their struggle against oppression, exploitation and denial of the right to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. We therefore continue to demand the unconditional and immediate release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners and detainees, so that they can participate fully in the political process in South Africa. Similarly, we call for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency, the ban on the liberation movements operating both inside and outside South Africa, and other oppressive measures. The current wave of censorship of news, escalated repression, indiscriminate detention, torture and murder of the black population, and aggression against the front-line States gives even more urgent reasons for the Assembly strongly to urge the Security Council unanimously to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the racist regime, because of its persistent defiance of the demand by the international community that it dismantle apartheid.
The world has for a long time been treated to a series of deceitful manoeuvres and tactics all designed to delay indefinitely Namibia's genuine independence or to substitute for an independent Government a puppet administration subservient to, > and controlled by, the racist regime. These evasive moves by South Africa to delay further Namibian independence must be brought to an end. We call upon the Security Council to convene immediately and take a firm decision with respect to the implementation of its resolution 435 (1978) , which remains the only internationally acceptable basis for the independence of Namibia. We now urge the Security Council to adopt an enabling resolution to trigger the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia's independence.
This session is held against the background of a situation where the solution of the major problem of our time, namely, the elimination of nuclear danger, has entered a new phase. The ongoing negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union in Geneva and elsewhere fairly demonstrate that they have embraced the commitment of intent to reduce offensive weapons systems. They have also shown the world that significant progress in disarmament can be attained if there is political will on their part to engage in genuine dialogue and negotiations. We welcome the recently concluded agreement between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as the first ever involving an attempt at dismantling a certain category of nuclear weapons. Any success to this end should lead to further agreements on the larger issues of disarmament. Consequently, Kenya will continue to support the work of the Conference on Disarmament and the efforts of the super-Powers at arms limitation.
The recently concluded Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development formally recognized and accepted that there does exist a relationship between disarmament and development. To this end, reduction of military consumption of resources could lead to a healthier international co-operation for development.
I turn now to some legal aspects of the work of the United Nations which are of special interest to my delegation. Since the Law of the Sea Convention was adopted in 1982, the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea has been meeting to translate the laudable principles enshrined in the Convention to a reality. My Government has noted that although the preparatory work for the implementation of the Convention and bringing into being a universal regime for the exploration and exploitation of the deep sea-bed has been disappointingly slow, the last few sessions of the Preparatory Commission have registered encouraging progress. We therefore welcome the decision of the Commission, on 17 August, in registering the first pioneer investor. Kenya looks forward to the evolution of a practical sea-bed mining regime that will assure the international community as a whole the full benefits of the resources in the deep sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction which are the common heritage of mankind.
Over the past year the world economy has continued to lurch on an uncertain and perilous course. This assessment is fully corroborated by the overall thrust of our general debate here and by various analyses available before this Assembly. This adverse trend has been punctuated by stagnant and sluggish growth and widening disparities, by increasing imbalances and inequities which operate to the detriment of the developing countries. As a result the burden of economic adjustments is being disproportionately shifted to the vulnerable economies of the developing countries, thus seriously impeding their economic growth and stultifying their development efforts.
This persistent world economic crisis has dealt a severely damaging blow to practically all the developing countries. Many of them are already mired in economic stagnation. Further contraction of their development process would not only undermine the social and political fabric of their societies but also pose an added threat to international peace and security. In order to avoid such grim scenarios, there is no alternative but to strive for an early resumption of world economic growth, reactivation of the development process, in particular in the developing countries, and a drastic reduction of disparities between the developing economies and those of the developed countries.
International trade has traditionally been a vital engine for growth. Regrettably this function has now been gravely impaired. Rampant protectionism and numerous distorting devices, such as tariff barriers, export subsidies and voluntary quotas, together with numerous non-tariff barriers, in contravention or in circumvention of the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) have in recent years eroded the effective functioning of the international trading system. Moreover, the commitments by the developed countries to "stand still" and "roll back" protectionist measures remain practically unimplemented. In fact the liberalization of international trade has not only slackened but has also run counter to the interests of the developing countries, resulting in insurmountable constrictions of their exports and severe impediments to their access to international markets. It is indeed a telling indictment of the present international trading system that the share of the developing countries in international trade has risen only very modestly over the past two decades.
Moreover, their trade with developed countries has declined while manufactures imported from those countries have at the same time increased considerably and now represent a substantial portion of the total exports of the developed countries.
It is almost impossible for us to discuss international trade without singling out commodities. The crash in commodity prices and the near disastrous situation in commodity markets warrant our serious and close attention. This crippling situation has affected the majority of the developing countries where commodity exports account for most of their export earnings. We are deeply disappointed with the operations of some of the existing commodity agreements. However, we urge the need to pursue the full implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities, including making the Common Fund operational as quickly as possible, to complete the pending negotiations on individual commodity agreements and to improve the system of compensatory financing facilities.
At the heart of the current "development crisis" is the inadequacy of international flow of financial resources. Sharp declines in commercial bank loans and private foreign investments have accentuated the problem of reduced net disbursements from official development assistance sources. Consequently, since the early 1980s the developing countries have ironically become net suppliers of capital rather than net recipients. This reversal of financial flows is central to the payments difficulties and financial crisis facing the developing countries. The external debt crisis is the most visible manifestation of these reversals and casts a dark cloud over the entire international financial system. Few, and perhaps none, of the developing countries have been spared its adverse effects. The external debt crisis has reached alarming proportions engulfing the majority of the developing countries worldwide. Despite the most painful and strenuous adjustments by the developing debtor countries, debt servicing is also rapidly growing beyond their capacities to contain it and beyond their ability to withstand the resultant political and social pressures.
Kenya was particularly encouraged by the positive and business-like climate which prevailed in the deliberations at the recently concluded seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), It is worth recalling here that UNCTAD VII was unique in that its substantive discussions remained positive, non-confrontational and constructive. We managed, for the first time in the history of UNCTAD, to adopt by consensus a Final Act recommending a number of policy approaches and measures to deal with debt problems, resources for development and related monetary issues, commodities, international trade and the problems of the least developed countries. It is now for the international community as a whole to work out the modalities for the implementation of the conclusions of UNCTAD VII and translate them into reality. The General Assembly has a major role to play in this exercise, and I urge that before we conclude our current session we should be able to agree on the necessary modalities to enable us to put into practice the content of the Final Act as adopted by consensus in Geneva on 3 August.
It is true that the magnitude of Africa's development crisis was spelt out at the thirteenth special session of the Assembly. The adoption by consensus of the United Nations Programme of Action for Africa's Economic Recovery and Development 19B6-1990 raised great hopes for Africa's economic recovery. Regrettably, the international community has not yet adequately responded to the commitments it undertook in the Programme of Action. Kenya and other African countries are aware and convinced that the expected assistance from the international community as expressed in that Programme of Action can only supplement their own efforts. In this connection, and as will be observed from the records of the recent summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity, economic recovery and development continue to be given topmost priority by our Governments. African Governments have also adopted a series of bold and radical measures to save their economies from collapse and ensure fundamental restructuring and policy orientation geared to re-launching the continent on the path to self-sustained development.
We have come to the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly in the hope that it will be able to establish mechanisms for the evaluation of the implementation of the Programme of Action. Kenya will participate fully, together with other Member States, to ensure a successful culmination of such exercise. At this stage we wish to reiterate once more the significance of the important role that can and should be played by the international community as a whole in the implementation process of the Programme of Action. We therefore appeal for the expeditious adoption of realistic measures to mobilize the resources required for the successful implementation of the Programme, since time is not very much in our favour.
We all recognize the mutual advantages that could accrue from economic co-operation between developed and developing countries and also from co-operation between developing countries. Economic co-operation among developing countries should not, however, be seen as in any way the application of an isolationist policy. Rather, it is aimed at achieving international co-operation of wider scope. Kenya has continued to work closely with, particularly, other countries of east, central and southern Africa in pursuit of different types of economic trade and other forms of co-operation. Kenya is a member of the Preferential Trade Area (PTA), which encompasses 15 member States of eastern and southern Africa, with a market potential of well over 160 million people. We are also actively involved in the 6-member-State Djibouti-based Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development, one of whose objectives is to give member states early warnings on drought, which continues to plague most parts of the continent. In the recent past we have also concluded agreements with most of our neighbours establishing joint consultative economic commissions, including sectoral commissions.
It will be recalled that the Assembly, cognizant of the close interrelationship of economic development and environmental issues, established the World Commission on Environment and Development in 1983, through resolution 38/161. Today the Assembly has before it the report of the Commission, entitled "Our Common Future". I wish to record my delegation's appreciation of that excellent document, which we feel will be useful as reference material on the related issues of development and the environment. We congratulate Mrs. Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway, who so ably presided over the Commission. The Commission's propositions are consistent with policies adopted by the Government of Kenya, particularly on issues related to food security, energy, industry, housing and human settlements, to mention but a few. Kenya continues to appreciate and support the United Nations Environment Programme for its commendable work in the field of the environment.
In another interrelated area, that of human settlements, I wish to put on record the Government of Kenya's appreciation of the role that the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (HABITAT), working closely with Governments and other concerned institutions, has continued to play to improve shelter conditions all over the world, particularly for the poorer and disadvantaged segments of the society. I also wish at this stage to reiterate the Kenya Government's full commitment to the right of all persons to an adequate standard of living, including adequate housing for themselves and their families. This year is being observed as the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless, which was successfully celebrated on the tenth anniversary of the formation of the Commission on Human Settlements, in April, at HABITAT headquarters in Nairobi, Kenya. The International Year of Shelter for the Homeless has provided an impetus in mobilizing governmental, non-governmental and international support for shelter problems. We wish to appeal for continued support for the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements in order to enable it to cope with the pressing challenges of our time relating to shelter and homelessness.
This year has also witnessed the successful holding of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, in June, in Vienna, Austria. Indeed, that Conference was an important milestone and a rich experience for most of us. We managed to adopt by consensus both the Declaration and the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline of Future Activities in Drug-Abuse Control. The Vienna recommendations set forth practical measures that could contribute to the fight against drug abuse and illicit trafficking. It is now for the Assembly to work out modalities for the implementation of the Vienna Declaration, together with its Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline of Future Activities in Drug-Abuse Control. Kenya will co-operate fully with other Member States towards the realization of such an endeavour.
Finally, let me recall here that we fully share the notion that peace cannot be maintained in a world where one third of the population lives in economic splendour while the other two thirds continue to wallow in the vicious grip of economic squalor, misery and human degradation. In promoting the establishment of a new international economic order and further strengthening international peace and security the United Nations system has, over the years, continued to pursue a noble task whose objectives are manifestly enshrined in the very ideals and objectives of the United Nations Charter. Since Member States are solemnly committed to those ideals and objectives, each Member State has a role that it can and must continue to play now. It is imperative that we make positive efforts to perceive our interdependence in a more comprehensive and enlightened perspective, for it is only through such a perception that meaningful recommendations and concrete action-oriented programmes can be evolved, quickly agreed upon and thereafter implemented.
Regarding the ongoing review of the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations, Kenya will continue to support initiatives or measures designed to strengthen the efficient functioning of the Organization. We will however resist any attempt to tamper with the fundamental principles and purposes of the Charter. Accordingly, in the implementation of resolution 41/213, care must be taken to ensure strict compliance with the provisions of the Charter.
At this forty-second session of the General Assembly, we wish once again to reaffirm our commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and our respect for the rule of law enshrined in various international instruments. Such respect, in our view, constitutes the only guarantee of the continued preservation of the basic rules of conduct between States, the only guarantee of the maintenance of international peace and security.
I wish to conclude by wishing you, Mr. President, the Secretary-General and all representatives gathered here continued good health and success in our individual and joint pursuit of international peace, security and development.


Please allow me to congratulate you, Sir, to your unanimous election. We are confident that, with your sensitive understanding of the complexities of the international situation and your considerable diplomatic experience, you will guide our deliberations fairly and wisely in the coming months. I should also like to welcome Ambassador Joseph Reed to the podium and congratulate him on his assumption of the post of Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs. The Secretary-General could have found no better person for the job. Last, but not least, please allow me to place on record our appreciation of the good work done by your predecessor His Excellency Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury.
This session of the Assembly is being held at a time when profound changes are under way in the basic structures and processes of international politics. A summit meeting between President Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev will be held towards the end of the year. The two super-Powers are on the verge of concluding important arms control agreements. At the same time, relations between China and the Soviet Union now include an increasingly important co-operative dimension.
These developments do not concern only the three great Powers directly Involved. When these Powers reorder their relationships, the ripples spread to the farthest corners of the International system. None of us can escape their consequences. We must all also adapt to these changes. Readjustment is never easy. Cherished habits of thought. Ingrained patterns of behaviour and comfortably familiar policies must be ruthlessly and dispassionately examined in the light of the new situation and, if necessary, discarded. Human nature being what it is, this is necessarily a painful process. But it has to be done.
I was reminded of this simple fact by a recent statement made by an important international leader. At a meeting of disarmament experts organized by the United Nations, held in June this year, he said:
"... we had to review analytically the traditional approaches to, and established notions about, peace and security. In other words, we had to apply new thinking to that major issue of our times. In the process of sorting out. outdated dogmas and stereotypes, we made at least two fundamental conclusions. First, in terms of the supreme interests of survival, the world is one, notwithstanding its diversity. .. Second, the security of any State would be greater If It abandoned the attempts to diminish the security of the other side."
I wish to emphasize that last sentence. That statement was made by the Deputy Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Alexander Bessmertnykh. If a super-Power recognizes the need for change, no other country should deceive itself with the illusion that it can keep to the well-trodden path. History is littered with the rubble of States that tried to do so.
The United Nations is itself the consequence of a similar period of international readjustment that occurred after the Second World War. It was intended to reorder the manner in which the international system worked and the way in which States dealt with each other. If its purposes and promise have not been entirely fulfilled we should nevertheless ask ourselves what role the United Nations can play in helping the vast majority of its Members adapt to the profound transformations that are now under way. We, the small States of the third world,
make up that majority.
I believe that the United Nations has an important role to play. To dismiss it as irrelevant is easy, cheap, cynical and a serious mistake. Few, if any, of us present here are privy to the private discussions of the great Powers. Few, if any, of us have the ability to influence directly the recalculations of national interests that are occurring as the great Powers slowly but inexorably reorder their relationships. Only in the United Nations can we meet as formal equals. The United Nations, for all its obvious imperfections, is still the only 0rganization that has at least the potential to protect the rights and interests of small States. Great Powers may be able to do without international institutions, but to Namibians and Palestinians fighting for their homelands, to the South Africans battling against the evil system of apartheid and to all oppressed peoples struggling against foreign invasion and occupation only the United Nations offers some hope that their interests will not be cast into oblivion as the great Powers reposition themselves. The United Nations is thus uniquely situated to help the smaller States adapt to changing patterns of international politics. Only in the United Nations are our
interests protected·, and only the United Nations can define issues in a manner that helps to ease the painful process of readjustment. It does so because when the international community speaks through the adoption of United Nations resolutions by overwhelming majorities no State, even if it does not wholly support a particular resolution, should feel threatened. Every State, whatever its particular interest, is also part of that same international community. The United Nations compels States, even against their will, to recognize what is ultimately in their own best interest. It would be a mistake to regard the United Nations merely as a reflection of national interests. The United Nations speaks for all, and in upholding universal principles of law and justice the United Nations transcends the national and specific by speaking also to that irreducible core of common interests that bind us together, whatever else may divide us.
It is an axiom that States act in their own interest, but the United Nations acts in the interest of all. No State, however intransigent, however indifferent, therefore, can indefinitely ignore the United Nations. A case in point is an issue of vital importance to my country's region: the issue of Kampuchea. As a study of how the United Nations has influenced the definition of Member States' interests, Kampuchea is an issue of more than parochial significance.
When the United Nations Security Council first met to discuss the invasion and occupation of Kampuchea, in January 1979, Viet Nam at first denied that it had sent any of its forces into Kampuchea. Later it claimed that it had only sent in volunteers. Finally, under pressure from the United Nations, Viet Nam admitted that it had sent its armed forces into Kampuchea, but it insisted that they had entered at the invitation of the regime it had installed in Phnom Penh after the invasion, which was really an attempt to suggest that the cart had pulled the horse into Kampuchea.
United Nations pressure has also changed Viet Nam’s position on the crucial issue of whether a political settlement is necessary in Kampuchea. On 5 January 1980 the Vietnamese Foreign Minister and some of his Indo-Chinese colleagues signed a communiqué which dealt with Kampuchea. He said/ "The situation in Kampuchea is irreversible." He also affirmed that efforts to "find a political solution for Kampuchea were in vain and useless". Six and a half years later after successive General Assembly resolutions had enjoined his country to agree to a political solution, the Vietnamese Foreign Minister, at a similar meeting, signed a communiqué acknowledging that he had to work with other countries "to reach a political solution on the Kampuchean question". The move from a denial that a problem even exists to an admission that there is a problem that can be solved only by political means is a very significant first step.
The United Nations can take credit for this Important first step; but it Is only a first step. For Viet Nam to take the next step of actually commencing negotiations to find a political solution, the United Nations must persuade Viet Nam by continuing to take a firm position on the issue. For a political solution to be durable, it must be just. It must address the common concerns of the parties involved and not merely be a covet under which to impose one State's will over another by duplicitous means.
This simple truth was stated with clarity and brevity by Mr. Gorbachev when he
Said: "The ultimate wisdom lies in not thinking solely of oneself or, worse still, to the detriment of the other side. All must feel that they have the same degree of security." We hope that Mr. Gorbachev's friends and allies will share his insight and take his advice. In formulating proposals that embody this principle  the United Nations also has a vital role to play. The resolutions of the General Assembly on the situation in Kampuchea that have been adopted, time and again, by overwhelming majorities sketch out the framework for such a solution. They take into consideration the Interests of all the parties concerned, not least of which are Viet Nam's interests. And because they reflect the voice of the international community, United Nations resolutions should not be regarded as a victory for one State or one party over another but rather as a triumph of our common humanity. There should be no dishonour or disadvantage in complying with United Nations resolutions.
One recent proposal which is fully in accordance with the United Nations spirit is that made by my Indonesian colleague, Professor Kusumaatmadja, who has proposed that an informal meeting of all the Kampuchean parties be convened. Such a meeting would take into account the fact that the Kampuchean problem also has to be resolved between the different Khmer factions, a point that Viet Nam has maintained ever since the Kampuchean issue was first considered by the United Nations Security Council in January 1979. But it is obvious that Viet Nam, as the State whose military forces and civilian administrators are in occupation of Kampuchea, holds in its hands the unique ability to determine whether such a meeting among the Khmers would be meaningful or a mere charade.
Professor Kusumaatmadja's proposal therefore envisaged that Viet Nam would respond to our consideration in good faith of its interests by participating in the meeting of the Khmers, though not necessarily in the initial stages. Unfortunately, Viet Nam has refused to acknowledge that it holds the key to the solution of the Kampuchean problem and has not agreed to participate in such talks. Instead Viet Nam has tried to distort the nature of the understanding that was reached, it has loudly claimed that some kind of agreement was reached between the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Indo-Chinese States and that the international community could best help by refusing to take a position that would support one side or the other. The bald and simple fact is that Viet Nam has not agreed to participate in any discussion that will lead to the withdrawal of its military forces from Kampuchea and enable Kampuchea to re-emerge as a free and independent nation.
It would be a tragedy for the Kampucheans, for the South-East Asians and for the international community if the United Nations did not continue to take a clear and principled stand on the issue. It was the pressure of the United Nations that forced Viet Nam to accept the fact that a Kampuchean problem existed and that it required a political solution. It will also be the continued pressure from the International community that will force Viet Nam to accept a solution based on the principles of the United Nations Charter,
The efforts of the international community and the efforts of the South-East Asian States to find a solution are mutually complementary and not mutually exclusive. The ASEAN States will continue with their good faith efforts to find a solution. We will stay in close touch with Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who has sent a valuable political signal to Viet Nam by deciding to take leave for a year to make himself available for discussion with any party in order to move towards a solution of the Kampuchean problem. Prince Norodom Sihanouk remains the only Kampuchean leader who is widely respected both inside and outside Kampuchea. No viable solution can be found without Prince Norodom Sihanouk's participation. The international community should urge the Vietnamese leaders to talk direct to Prince Norodom Sihanouk. .
History has demonstrated that all attempts to deny international change must ultimately be futile. Reality has an inconvenient habit of imposing itself even on the most ostrich-like. As the major Powers make the recalculations that will shape the international politics of the next century  our participation in the United Nations helps to ensure that we adapt to the new situation without too long a delay and without too much pain. But even as we acknowledge the necessity of adaptation, we must not lose sight of certain constant and fixed points of reference. The United Nations Charter embodies such points of reference and contains the basic moral principles that it is our duty to cleave to even as we adapt to survive.
Herein lies the uniqueness of the United Nations; it is a vehicle for steadfastness as well as a vehicle for change; a means of ensuring that the necessary and inevitable adaptations will be purposeful rather than random or cynical. It is for this reason that, despite the inevitability of disappointments along the way, I continue to believe that with the perseverance and dedication of this body, just solutions to the Questions of Kampuchea, the Middle East, South Africa, and the many other troubled regions of the world are still possible. The United Nations is a sophisticated instrument that enables its Members to navigate safely the treacherous shoals of international politics to reach the safe harbour of international order. It remains the duty of us, its Members, to find the will to use the United Nations.


On behalf of the Government of Honduras I extend to you, Sir, sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. Your personal qualities and your knowledge of this world Organization guarantee wise and successful guidance of the Assembly's work. We should also like to express our appreciation to Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, the representative of Bangladesh, who preceded you in your important functions.
To the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, I wish once again to express my Government's great appreciation for his outstanding work in charge of the Organization. The democratic Government of Honduras, presided over by José Azcona, constantly reaffirms its commitment to peace, development and democracy.
It should be seen as an encouraging sign that in Central America, torn by violence and political radicalisation, ray country is fighting resolutely for political freedom and economic and social well-being. This is so because the Honduran Government has set as its primary objectives improved living standards for the people and the consolidation and development of democracy as a system of life and of Government.
These goals are faithfully reflected in the foreign policy of Honduras. Just as domestically, at the governmental and the private levels, we are endeavouring by peaceful means to overcome the obstacles of underdevelopment, internationally, we are endeavouring to resolve our differences with other countries by resorting to the peaceful means of settling disputes contained in international law. President José Azcona, in his annual message to the National Congress of the Republic, at the beginning of this year stated the following:
"I reaffirm to you that peaceful goals are the standards by which our Government operates. Hence we proclaim that dialogue and the means of international law must prevail for settling disputes among nations. This is how we resolved our border disputes with Guatemala and Nicaragua in the past, and that is why at the present time we have placed our trust in the International Court of Justice in its consideration of the border problem that is pending with the Republic of El Salvador.
"My Government is entirely willing to support any peaceful settlement for the political, ideological and military crisis in Central America. It is for this reason that we have offered and continue to offer full support for negotiations being conducted by the Contadora Group sponsored by Panama, Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico, with its Support Group made up of Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil and Peru."
The Government of Honduras is convinced that resort to the peaceful means of settling disputes is the beat guarantee for the maintenance of peace and harmony in the international arena.
My Government notes with just concern that, rather than diminishing, international crises are increasing, emerging one after the other and lasting longer. The use of violence and force seems to be encouraged by certain states with hegemonistic designs, thus diminishing the goal of peace to a simple balance of power. International tension continues to challenge the ability of the United Nations to give effect to the purposes and principles of the Charter. Failure to resolve pending conflicts and the alarming shift of those conflicts to and polarization of the developing countries are true tests of the machinery for world peace and security. It is therefore necessary to strengthen the United Nations in order to strengthen international peace and security.
My Government reaffirms its faith in the world legal order and believes that it provides the best way of putting international standards above the particular interests of each State.
Honduras notes with concern the lack of progress with regard to disarmament and the reduction of arsenals. The possession of large amounts of nuclear arras, on which the present balance of power - or terror - is based, has not provided security, but rather brought us ever closer to the destruction of mankind.
Therefore arms limitation cannot be thought of in unilateral terms. It requires verifiable agreements, since in the world in which we live the survival of freedom must no longer be based on the nuclear monopoly or nuclear hegemony of a super-Power.
Great-Power confrontation is an unending drama. The nuclear-arms race continues, despite the hundreds of resolutions on disarmament adopted by the General Assembly. However, a ray of hope has recently appeared on the horizon. Just as last session we expressed our satisfaction at the Reykjavik summit, which took place in October 1986, so today we express our satisfaction at encouraging signs regarding world peace. The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics are moving nearer to agreement on the elimination of short-range and medium-range missiles in Europe.
Other continuing conflicts threaten the system of world peace and security. We reaffirm our conviction that the question of Korea must be resolved peacefully through dialogue and negotiations between South Korea and North Korea. We reiterate that, in accordance with the principle of universality set out in the United Nations Charter, all nations that so desire must be a part of that universality and assume the obligations set forth in the Charter. There must be an end to the legacy of the cold war that persists in the Korean peninsula and in no way contributes to the attainment of international peace and security.
My Government supports the General Assembly resolutions on Kampuchea, which call for the withdrawal of all occupying forces and the restoration of the country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. In this connection, we strongly support the eight-point proposal for a political settlement presented by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
The Government of Honduras condemns the armed occupation of Afghanistan and urges all States to reach a political solution based on the unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan, full respect for Afghanistan's political independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the adoption of measures guaranteeing the right of the Afghan people to decide its own future without foreign interference, as well as on the return of Afghan refugees to their homes.
In view of the unfortunate events recently experienced by the Government of the Philippines, we express our hope that peace and harmony will return to that country so that it can pursue its development in the framework of freedom, justice and democracy. The persistence of the conflict in the Middle East makes it even more essential to find a lasting solution through the peaceful means of negotiations. Honduras views with satisfaction the efforts of the State of Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt to promote peace in the region, strengthen the peace treaty between them and resolve outstanding problems. We believe those efforts are important for the prospects of peace with other Arab States.
The armed confrontation that has continued for seven years between Iran and Iraq is a very clear example of extreme nationalism compromising world security. That war has not only claimed hundreds of thousands of victims and brought back the use of illegal methods of warfare, but also interfered with freedom of navigation and international maritime trade. My Government hopes that the belligerent States will heed the appeals of the international community for agreement on a peaceful settlement of their conflict.
The Government of Honduras takes this opportunity to reiterate its condemnation of the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, which is a clear violation of human rights. Once again the Government of Honduras states its sincere hope that the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, countries with which we have traditionally maintained the best of relations, will settle their differences on the highest level of justice, understanding and peace. The Government of Honduras would be most willing to co-operate - if its efforts might prove useful - in the attainment of a speedy settlement of the dispute.
One of the objectives of this Organization is the promotion of its purposes and principles through regional co-operation, which finds its reflection in various kinds of co-operation with other intergovernmental organization. We are pleased that an item has been included in the agenda of the present session relating to co-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of American States. This is the result of an initiative by Honduras, with the support of many other Latin American States. It will surely contribute to the common search for solutions to the many economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems that beset the international community.
Another purpose of the United Nations system is to promote technical co-operation for development/ and that is particularly important for my country. In this regard, the Government of Honduras appreciates the many co-operative efforts being made by organs and bodies within the United Nations system; in particular we appreciate what has been done so effectively in Latin America by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
My Government is pleased that the fourth UNDP programme of co-operation for Honduras has been adopted and will support the activities of those organizations in the area of forestry and agriculture/ public enterprises working in this area and technical co-operation among developing countries. The fourth programme will make it possible for Honduras to give attention to environmental problems and the protection of natural resources as a matter of priority.
We should like to emphasize that the adoption by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) of the support programme for the new period is important to Honduras. It will make possible the adoption of a number of basic programmes protecting mothers and children in Honduras. We also welcome the design for the new five-year programme covering population activities.
In keeping with its humanitarian traditions, since 1979 about 200,000 persons have sought refuge in Honduras. They have been drawn there by a climate of peace and freedom, having fled from political and social violence in their countries. About 47,000 of those refugees have been receiving assistance from the international community - they deserve its recognition - and from other organizations.
My country has also received much assistance at the international level from other friendly countries to help refugees. But the flow of refugees continues and will continue until a climate propitious to their return home has been created. The promotion and respect of human rights is one of the primary purposes of the United Nations. However, the international community continues to witness barbaric acts violating human rights, freedoms, man's dignity and fundamental rights. It is therefore urgent that the international community take concerted action and wage a broad campaign against terrorism, which threatens domestic and international peace and can by no means be justified.
My Government is convinced that those nations professing faith in human rights have a legal and moral obligation to protect them and to condemn the countries which inexcusably and repeatedly violate them. Once again in the United Nations we shall consider the item entitled "The situation in Central America: threats to international peace and security and peace initiatives", which has already been the subject of a number of General Assembly resolutions. We believe that to carry out a proper analysis of the crisis in Central America it is important to understand its origins and political and social development. It is necessary to understand the colonial, federal and republican backgrounds of Central America which have led to the present economic, social, political and security situation. The accumulation of those events in the history of Central America has led to the social tension and internal struggles besetting the countries of the region today, and now the crisis has come to the periphery of East-West confrontation.
Internal conflicts in certain countries have led to a massive exodus of refugees, whose repatriation must be undertaken in keeping with the commitments to national reconciliation. This cannot be delayed, lest economic and social problems become more acute. Of late, one of the primary receiving countries of refugees has been Honduras. The persistence of these internal conflicts has caused irreparable harm to economies, productive investments, and the social and security balance in neighbouring countries; armed opposition movements have tried to use border areas as sanctuaries and all too frequently those actions nave led to claims, protests, tensions and even armed raids such as those suffered by Honduras in March and December 1986. Those raids have prompted the Honduran army to expel aggressor forces from our national territory.
The arms race is another force disruptive to peace in Central America; it too has led to growing insecurity in the region. The Government of Honduras has insisted that the arms race be halted, that armaments be limited and military forces reduced - all under effective international control. Given the abnormal situation now prevailing in Central America, Honduras has endeavoured to assume a dispassionate and thoughtful position in its relations with neighbouring countries. Our foreign policy has been realistic, forthright and free of undue passion.
In January 1987 the countries of Central America were honoured by the visit of the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) , who met with the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Contadora and Support Groups. Those distinguished visitors informed the Central American heads of State of their concern at the crisis afflicting Central America. The Honduran Government/ which fully appreciated the visit, expressed its willingness to maintain and consolidate peace by all legal means.
On that occasion, the Secretaries-General indicated that their organizations would co-operate in the settlement of internal disputes and accompanying regional tensions. Their offer was greatly appreciated and proved to be an important contribution towards regional normalization.
When the President of Costa Rica proposed a new peace initiative in February 1987, my Government supported it as a suitable and timely method for maintaining peace in Central America through political negotiation. We also recommended that the peace initiative be implemented in two stages - at the national level, in relation to agreements concerning national reconciliation, that is, on a cease-fire, amnesty, democratisation, supervision and control) and at the international level with the participation of the Contadora Group and the Support Group, to seek agreement on the following: the cessation of military assistance to insurgents; the non-use of territory for the launching of acts of aggression against other States; disarmament and the relocation of insurgents; limits on and control and reduction of weapons and military advisers; the arms trade; international verification and control; and co-operation on political, economic and security questions.
On 1 August, at the initiative of Honduras, the Foreign Ministers of Central America and the Contadora Group met once again, this time in Tegucigalpa, in order to continue efforts to normalize the situation in the region. We considered the Arias plan, modifications suggested by the Governments and the document entitled "Proposals by Honduras regarding peace initiatives for Central America", which attempted to harmonize the political objectives of democratisation included in the plan with a Honduran recommendation that mediation by the Contadora Group be reactivated so that agreements on problems of security could be reached.
That meeting, which represented a milestone in the peace process, culminated in the signing by the Central American Presidents, on 7 August of this year in Guatemala City, of the document entitled "Procedures for the establishment of a firm and lasting peace in Central America". We are pleased that many of the proposals by Honduras regarding peace initiatives in Central America have been included in the Esquipulas II agreement, including that for active mediation by the Contadora Group in security matters.
Three important meetings have been held regarding execution of the commitments embodied in the Guatemala accord - the first in San Salvador, where an executive committee was set up; the second in Caracas, where the International Committee on Verification and Follow-up was created; and the third in Managua, where a framework for action by both committees was decided.
The Executive Committee, composed of the Presidents of Central America and invested with the power to regulate, implement and enforce compliance with the commitments entered into under the Guatemala agreement at the recent meeting in Managua, endeavoured to define principles, guidelines and orientation for the work of the International Committee on Verification and Follow-up, which was assigned the task of enforcing the various commitments entered into by the Governments. Consequently, the Executive Committee will see to it that the International Committee on Verification will have the support and facilities it needs to carry out Its task.
Indeed, it is up to the Committee on Verification to ensure the simultaneous implementation of the agreements on amnesty, including those on irregular forces and political prisoners, a cease-fire, democratisation, cessation of assistance to insurgent forces and the non-use of territory to carry out acts of aggression against other States.
The number and nature of commitments entered into are not the same for all the parties, for these depend on the political and social situation of each country. Some Governments are called upon to implement all the commitments. Others, such as Honduras, which has avoided much of the social unrest affecting its neighbours, have entered into those parts of the agreement that apply specifically to them.
Central America, by means of the Executive Committee, now has within its control the process of a return to normalcy in countries suffering from civil war and bilateral and multilateral tension.
In order to ensure the success of the process of peace and detente in the region, it is essential that irregular forces fully accept the Guatemala agreement and act in accordance with it. This applies to those forces operating in Nicaragua and El Salvador. After irregular forces publicly accept the agreement, the Governments of Nicaragua and El Salvador must take all necessary action to agree on and implement an effective cease-fire within a constitutional framework.
All the Central American countries must ensure that their territory not be used for acts of aggression against other countries, in regard to material aid as well as to moral and propaganda considerations. Again, this is an obligation that must be fulfilled by States members of the International Committee on Verification and Follow-up and by those States expressing an interest in efforts to normalize the situation in Central America.
The Central American countries having made an international appeal for the cessation of military assistance to irregular forces and insurgents, we trust that it will be accepted and complied with, in good faith, by all the States involved in that type of activity, including those which have stubbornly denied their involvement despite proof to the contrary. The restoration of the equilibrium of security in Central America depends upon our ability to keep out of the East-West conflict. We must recognize that if the regional crisis were not so complex it would not have taken five years of patient negotiations and the contribution of 13 countries and 2 international organizations, 1 regional and 1 world-wide, to bring about its return to normalcy,
Honduras is participating in good faith in the process agreed to in Guatemala, a process based on mutual trust, arising from the premise that all Governments will abide by the commitments they have entered into, as agreed.
The Central American homeland demands democratic peace. For that reason, we trust that the principles of good faith and mutual trust underlying the Guatemala agreement will be strengthened. That can be done by putting an end to certain international juridical situations that represent an unjustifiable threat to such principles and that are incompatible with certain international treaties provided for in the agreement.
An essential part of Esquipulas II is an appeal for the cessation of hostilities. Those Governments of the States that are at present the victims of activities carried out by irregular or insurgent groups have committed themselves to whatever action is necessary to implement a cease-fire within a constitutional framework.
An effective cease-fire is essential for the attainment of peace in those countries suffering from civil war. Once the hostilities are over citizens will, as an inevitable result of socio-political realities, return to normal civil life and take an active part in the democratisation of their countries.
Once the hostilities are over, refugees will return to their countries of origin and their homes and give their families the fruit of their work, and the quiet home life that is the cement required to build national tranquillity. Once the hostilities are over, the tensions among neighbouring countries produced by such refugee movements will come to an end. Once the hostilities are over, there will no longer be any need for external assistance provided for the purpose of destabilizing Governments.
The situation in Central America is quite unlike the situation anywhere else in the world, the crisis there should not be viewed as an international conflict in the sense of hostilities among nations. Its essential characteristic is the existence of long-drawn-out civil wars in the region that have given rise to tensions among Governments. Those civil wars must therefore be brought to an end, for they are a threat to peace and security in the region.
May God enlighten the leaders of our countries and the leaders of the irregular forces now involved in those civil wars. May they enter into a patriotic dialogue, and may they reach agreement on an effective cease-fire that will lead to national reconciliation.