I would like to congratulate you, Sir, and your
friendly country, Uganda, on your election as President
of the General Assembly at its current session and to
wish you success in leading the work of the session,
bearing in mind the important and neutral role of the
President of the General Assembly. I would also like to
thank your predecessor, Mr. John Ashe, for his efforts.

Many events and significant changes have taken
place since I stood here last year (see A/68/PV.21). Those
events have surprised many of the countries represented
here today, but they did not surprise us, since we have
been warning the international community about
trends leading towards the current situation for the past
three and a half years. Speeches from this rostrum have
focused on the economic and political crises that we
have been waiting for the international community to
resolve. However, talking about such issues is no longer
a priority.

What we have been witnessing for a few months is
much more dangerous than all the political and economic
crises that have been happening in the world. More than
once and from more than one international platform, we
have talked about the grave threat of terrorism that is
striking Syria. We said that such terrorism would not be
limited to the territory of my country, since terrorism
has no boundaries. Extremist ideologies acknowledge
only themselves and do not recognize anything but
slaughter, murder and torture. Today we are witnessing
what the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), the
most dangerous terrorist organization in the entire world
in terms of its unprecedented funding and brutality, is
doing to Syrians and Iraqis of all stripes and religions.
That terrorist organization is enslaving women, raping
them and selling them in slave markets. It decapitates
and cuts off limbs, teaches children to slaughter and
murder and destroys historical and cultural monuments,
as well as Islamic and Christian symbols.

All that is happening before the eyes of the entire
world and countries that have vowed always to fight
terrorism, even though they themselves have not
experienced the scourge of terror. Today I stand here
to ask the following. Is it not time for all of us to stand

united in the face of the serious threat of terrorist takfiri
ideology worldwide? Has the time not come for all of us
to admit that ISIL, the Nusra Front and other Al-Qaida
affiliates will not remain within the borders of Syria and
Iraq but will spread to every place that they can reach,
starting with Europe and America? Should we not learn
the lesson of what happened in previous years and unite
all international efforts so as to deal with those groups?
Those organizations have rallied extremists from all
corners of the Earth and brought them to one place to
train and arm them. They then spread their ideology
and terrorism through those extremists back to where
they came from.

Some people may say that a resolution was recently
adopted unanimously under Chapter VII of the Charter
of the United Nations in order to prevent the expansion
of that organization and other terrorist groups and to
eradicate them. It is true that it is better to arrive late
than never. The resolution, adopted on 15 August, in
fact came too late. However, the issue here is whether
everyone is serious about its implementation, as we
have not yet seen any serious steps to implement it.
Furthermore, we have not seen any real sense of fear
among the regional States that continue to provide all
kinds of support to those terrorist groups, not enough
fear to cause them to work for the implementation of
the resolution. On the contrary, what we see on the
part of the United States Administration is a policy of
double standards and alliances in order to carry out
certain political agendas, in particular by supporting
with money, weapons and training groups that they call
moderate.

That will lead only to more violence and terrorism,
the shedding of more Syrian blood, a protracted Syrian
crisis and the prevention of any political solution.
Such behaviour creates fertile ground for the growth
of terrorist groups that are committing the most
heinous crimes on Syrian territory. That requires all
of us to seriously and effectively address and eradicate
terrorism in order to restore security and stability in
Syria and the region. Today, enslaved women look to
us to see what we will do for them, their sisters and
their children. The sons and daughters of the victims
beheaded by ISIL await our action and our response in
the face of the atrocities that are being committed daily
by that terrorist organization, the Nusra Front and other
groups.

Combating terrorism cannot be achieved through
unimplemented United Nations resolutions. Intentions
are meaningless. We can fight terrorism through
the real implementation of resolutions or, clearly, by
means of military strikes. But, most importantly, it
can be achieved by preventing States from arming,
supporting, training, funding and smuggling those
terrorist groups. We must also deprive terrorism of its
resources. Striking terrorism militarily while some
States continue to support terrorist groups will create a
vicious cycle from which the international community
will not escape for decades.

Military strikes should take place at the same time as
the implementation of Security Council resolution 2178
(2014), adopted on 24 September under Chapter VII.
We must also put pressure on countries that provide
multifaceted support to such terrorist groups. Those
countries are well known to us all. The most important
issue is to put pressure on those countries that have
exported and continue to export extremist Takfiri
ideology, thereby seriously jeopardizing international
peace and security. ISIL is an ideology transformed into
an organization that is supported, armed and trained
to be unleashed against Syria, Iraq and Lebanon like a
monster.

Let us together put an end to that ideology and
its exporters. Let us simultaneously put pressure on
the countries that have joined the coalition led by the
United States so as to put an end to their support of
armed terrorist groups. Only then does combating
terrorism militarily become viable. Otherwise, our
presence there will not measure up to the tears of the
captives, enslaved women and children who have fallen
victim to Daesh, the Nusrah Front and other groups.

Once again, the Syrian Arab Republic reiterates
that it stands with any international effort to combat
terrorism. We stress that that must be done with full
respect for the lives of innocent civilians and for
national sovereignty, in conformity with international
agreements. At the same time, the Syrian Arab
Republic would like to thank all countries that have
stood firm and rejected any prejudice to the sovereignty
of other States, underscoring respect for international
resolutions.

It is high time to unite all our efforts against
such terrorism, since everyone is surrounded by the
imminent threat and no country is immune to it. My
country maintains its declared position of the 1980s
with regard to fighting terrorism before it becomes
rampant, as is currently happening.

In Syria we respect our commitments and honour
our promises and pledges. We have confirmed that
position on more than one occasion, particularly since
the beginning of the Syrian crisis.

Syria agreed unconditionally to attend the Geneva II
Conference on Syria and participated in its deliberations
with an open mind, although we were convinced that
the solution to the crisis should be Syrian-owned and
take place on Syrian territory. However, as a goodwill
gesture, in order to put an end to the shedding of Syrian
blood, we went to Geneva, only to find a delegation that
was not negotiating on behalf of Syrians.

First, that delegation has no influence whatsoever
on the ground in Syria and has neither popularity nor
legitimacy among the Syrian people. The delegation
was negotiating with the Syrian Government while
following the orders of its Western masters. It does
not believe in combating or contronting terrorism.
Furthermore, that delegation does not respect Syria’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity. and it verbally
refuses to ask terrorist groups to stop their terrorist acts.
We know that that opposition and delegation would not
be able to pressure anyone, either armed groups or any
Syrian faction on the ground.

We went to Geneva with the priority of combating
terrorism, since we believed, and continue to believe,
that we cannot embark on any political solution while
terrorism is still rampant in Syria. Some in Geneva
opposed our acknowledging the fight against terrorism
as a priority, although it is a paramount part of the
provisions of the Geneva declaration. However, the
delegation of the so-called coalition continued to reject
any proposal to tackle or to condemn terrorism.

Now we see the entire international community
adopting our view that fighting terrorism is the top
priority and that nothing whatsoever can be done as
long as terrorism brutally strikes everything in its way
and terrorists return to countries from which they came.
Once again, we emphasize that we are ready for, and
even actively seek, a political solution in Syria and talks
with all honourable opposition members who oppose
terrorism in Syria and among Syrians themselves on
Syrian territory.

Everyone assumed their responsibility in the
presidential elections, which took place before the eyes
of the world. The will of the Syrian people is greater
than that of all those who have tried to suppress it for
more than three years now. That was demonstrated
when the entire world heard the voice of the Syrian
people both inside Syria and beyond.

Now, after the presidential elections, we would
like to tell all those who desire and look forward
to a political solution in Syria that they must first
respect the Syrian people’s will, which was expressed
explicitly, clearly, firmly and loudly. For the first time
in Syria’s modern history, they chose their President
in multiparty elections, with international monitors
from several countries who witnessed the integrity and
transparency of the elections, as well as the enthusiasm
of the people to participate in them.

I would like to emphasize that the Syrian people
have made their choice. Those who want to speak on
behalf of the people must first be representatives of the
people and, secondly, must respect the people’s will
and their decisions. Any dialogue must therefore be
based on respect for the will of the Syrian people and
their decisions. Accordingly, we are open to a political
solution in Syria with a genuine opposition that seeks
the prosperity, stability and security of Syria — an
opposition that does not depend on external elements
and speak on their behalf, an opposition that has an
impact in Syrian territory and has deep roots inside
Syria, not in hotels and Western capitals. It must be
a national opposition that upholds fighting terrorism
as its priority and encourages the ongoing national
reconciliation efforts, paving the way for a successful
political solution.

Humanitarian needs in many basic areas have
increased because of the continuing terrorist attacks in
Syria. The inhumane sanctions imposed by the European
Union and the United States have exacerbated the poor
living conditions of Syrian civilians. At the same time,
my Government is striving to meet the basic needs of
our citizens, in particular those forced by terrorist acts
to flee their homes. We are doing that in cooperation
with the United Nations and its humanitarian agencies,
in the context of the humanitarian response plans
agreed by those bodies with the Syrian Government.

We should note that a great number of our people
have been forced to seek refuge in neighbouring
countries. Regrettably, some of those countries put
displaced Syrians in military training camps resembling
places of detention in order to train them to take up
arms. From this rostrum, I underscore the fact that the
Syrian State guarantees for those citizens who wish it
a safe return and a decent life, free from the inhumane

conditions that they suffer in those camps. I affirm
Syria’s readiness to make every effort to deliver aid
from international organizations to all Syrian citizens,
without any discrimination whatsoever and wherever
they are, in the context of respect for our national
sovereignty.

The Syrian Arab Republic confirms its resolve with
regard to the full restoration of the occupied Syrian
Golan up to the line of 4 June 1967. It also emphasizes
its rejection of all actions taken by Israel, the occupying
Power, to change the natural, geographical and
demographic characteristics of the Golan, in clear
violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions,
in particular resolutions 497 (1981) and 465 (1980).

Syria also affirms that the Palestinian question is
the central issue for the Syrian people, who support
the inalienable and legitimate rights of the brotherly
Palestinian people, particularly their right to return,
to self-determination and to establish an independent
State on their land, with Jerusalem as the capital.

Last September, Syria accepted the initiative of the
President of the Russian Federation, His Excellency
Mr. Vladimir Putin, and acceded to the Chemical
Weapons Convention on the basis of the need to render
the Middle East a zone free of nuclear weapons and
all weapons of mass destruction. We also wanted to
prove to the whole world our commitment to stand firm
against any use of chemical weapons. Syria has met its
obligations pursuant to its accession to the Convention
and has fulfilled its commitments despite the current
difficult situation.

Were it not for Syria’s cooperation with the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
(OPCW)-United Nations Joint Mission, the Mission
could not have completed that task. The Special
Coordinator of the Joint Mission, Ms. Sigrid Kaag,
expressed her happiness at and gratitude for the Syrian
Government’s fruitful and constructive cooperation,
which led to the completion of that unprecedented work.

As a State party, Syria is committed to the full
implementation of the provisions of the Chemical
Weapons Convention within the framework of the
OPCW. However, the big question remaining is whether
those who are supplying terrorists with chemical and
other types of weapons will stop doing so and abide
by international law, especially the Chemical Weapons
Convention and the Security Council resolutions related
to terrorism.

Syria stresses that a Middle East zone free of all
weapons of mass destruction cannot be established
unless Israel, the only nuclear Power in the region,
accedes to all treaties banning the proliferation of
such weapons and puts its nuclear facilities under
the supervision of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. At the same time, we emphasize the right of
all countries to acquire and develop nuclear technology
for peaceful uses.

The imposition of unethical, unilateral coercive
economic measures by the United States and the
European Union contravenes international law and the
principles of free trade. Therefore, we call for lifting
the blockade that the United States has imposed on
Cuba for decades, and we renew our call to lift and
stop all the unilateral coercive measures imposed on
Syria and the peoples of other countries, such as Iran,
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Venezuela
and Belarus.

We look forward to the United Nations being
able to realize the aspirations of our peoples to live
in dignity and to achieve development and food self-
sufficiency, free from all forms of terrorism, tension
and confrontation, in implementation of the principles
and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, in
particular safeguarding the States’ sovereignty and
equality in rights and obligations. We also believe that
priority should be given to concerted efforts by the
international community to combat the terrorism of
Daesh, Nusra Front and other Al-Qaida affiliates and
to drain their resources so that security and stability
will prevail in our region and the entire world.


Mother Earth and humanity are suffering, stricken by
the environmental, climate, financial and food crises
generated by an inhumane, predatory capitalism that
turns human life and Mother Earth into merchandise.
Today we have an historic opportunity to build a new,
different world, and we must do so without delay.
The post-2015 agenda must express that mandate that
Mother Earth and humanity demand of us.

We welcome the proposal of the Open Working
Group on Sustainable Development Goals that
incorporates the proposals of Bolivia and the peoples
of the world to respect Mother Earth and the concept of
harmony with nature. That is not a matter of a simple
political statement. It is a commitment shared with
the entire world to change our visions of development
to a more comprehensive, holistic vision. What we
propose to the world is living well, in harmony with
Mother Earth, and the construction of a culture of life,
complementarity, solidarity and peace.

Respect for Mother Earth has been lost. Today
she is being marketed and manipulated, causing grave
danger to life. Now as at no other time, the premise
that man believes himself to be the lord and master of
nature is more true than ever. Humankind, encouraged
by capitalism, has turned everything into a market,
including genetic manipulation and the destruction of
human beings.

Human and natural life and their happiness
should be the reason why any vision, tool or focus for
development exists. No vision of development makes
sense if it does not respect or strengthen life. Economic
growth does not in itself lead to the realization of
social rights and good living. The horizon of equality
calls for the distribution of wealth and the economic
and political empowerment of the poor, the excluded
and the marginalized. It calls for strengthening
communities and building societies with solidarity, not
exclusive societies based on the accumulation of wealth
and governed by money, covetousness and the avarice
of the market.

Together with the Group of 77 and China, I must
state the fundamental importance of recovering the
sovereignty of our countries and peoples over our natural
resources. It is only by recovering control of our natural
resources that we will be able to garner greater benefits
for our peoples, in particular to eliminate poverty and
to invest in economic diversification, industrialization
and social programmes.

Each country has the right to decide on its priorities
and strategies for development, but it is important that
those strategies strengthen the environmental functions
and the ecosystems of Mother Earth in the framework
of complementarity and mutual support between
productive systems, communities and nature. It is vital
to strike a balance between the rights of Mother Earth,
the right to development, the rights of indigenous
peoples and social, economic and cultural rights, as
well as the right of the poor to emerge from poverty.
Complementarity and mutual support, not commercial
incentives, are instruments to preserve Mother Earth.
On this point we differ from the followers of the so-
called green economy.

An important issue to be promoted in the framework
of the post-2015 agenda is the human right to water and
the right of Mother Earth to enjoy water for regenerating
and reproducing life. Three billion people today live in
areas or regions where the demand for water exceeds
its availability, and that reality will worsen as years
pass. By 2030 the demand for water will have increased
by 30 per cent. In 2050, four billion people will suffer
from critical scarcity of water in the context of climate
change.

In Bolivia, in accordance with human right to
water and with our Constitution, and thanks to the
national programme known as My Water, we have
already reached the Millennium Goals. We did so three
years ahead of schedule. Declaring the human right to
water means it cannot be privatized. Water is life, and
it cannot be an object of profit or commercialization.
Likewise, to resolve serious social inequalities, basic
services such as water, electricity, telecommunications
and basic sanitation, as well as education and health,
must be a human right.

We have a pending agenda to eradicate poverty
and hunger, but for that we must also fight the pitiless,
inhumane forces of capital and the market, the
omnipresent power of banks and usurers who profit
from consumerism and hunger. The so-called vulture
funds are an expression of that. They are agents of
financial rapine who live off speculation, stealing from
developing countries with impunity, taking the bread
from the poor, extorting and defrauding with the help
of the legal systems of capitalism. They caused the
financial crisis and profited from it.

We must profoundly change the exclusionary
structures of financial institutions, such as the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
That should be part of the transformation of the world
financial architecture. Those organizations cannot be
governed only by developed countries, which, through
clever financial strategies, blackmail and oppress
developing countries, especially the poorest. That is
what we call eradicating financial colonialism.

In the world there still exists an offensive, abusive
reality — the 1.3 billion poor people and more than
800 million who are chronically malnourished — as
well as the gaps between the rich and the poor. That
is due to an unequal distribution of income, but also
to an unequal and discriminatory access to wealth, to
the means and factors to live well and to enjoy basic
services. The increase in the number of hungry people
in the world is due, without doubt, to the financial
crisis. If not for that, there would now be 413 million
fewer hungry people in the world. But the eradication
of hunger and poverty is unthinkable without changing
the international financial architecture.

The violence of war feeds the darkest interests,
such as the geopolitical control of the great Powers and
corporations that promote conflicts in order to ensure
their imperial or neocolonial interests. Today, it is the
economic interests of capital that promote neocolonial
wars. With the expense required for war campaigns,
humankind could overcome many of its problems,
including the Ebola virus, tuberculosis, AIDS or
dengue.

We have again witnessed the cruelty and barbarity
of the genocidal actions of the Government of Israel
against the Palestinian civilian population. We have
therefore denounced Israel for violating international
humanitarian law and universal human rights. We
demand an investigation of the crimes committed by
Israel in the Gaza Strip. The Plurinational State of
Bolivia, like other Latin American countries, agrees on
the profound need to reiterate the legitimacy of United
Nations resolutions demanding the end of the occupation
of the Palestinian territories and the construction of an
independent State within the borders existing prior to
4 June 1967. That is why we again reiterate the need
to recognize Palestine as a full-fledged Member of the
United Nations.

As Chair of the Group of 77 and China, I cannot
fail to mention the important commemoration of the
fiftieth anniversary of the creation of the Group of 77,

held on 14 and 15 June in the city of Santa Cruz de
la Sierra, Bolivia. The Summit of Heads of State and
Government of the Group of 77 and China adopted a
declaration entitled “For a new world order for living
well” (see A/68/948), which confirms the principles of
unity, complementarity and solidarity and the building
of a new world order that establishes a more just and
democratic system for the benefit of our peoples.

We commend the Bolivarian Alliance for the
Peoples of Our America-Peoples’ Trade Agreement
(ALBA-TCP) on completing 10 years of tireless work
towards the integration of peoples. That work goes
beyond commercial profit and focuses on promoting the
values of cooperation, solidarity and complementarity.
In its 10 years, ALBA-TCP has become a major player
in Latin America and the world.

Since March 2011, 150,000 people have died in
Syria and 3 million people have fled as refugees to
neighbouring countries. Bolivia agrees that the future
and destiny of Syria must be determined by the Syrian
people themselves in the full exercise of democracy, in
accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.

Bolivia condemns and rejects the interference by
the United States of America in Iraq that triggered the
current crisis in the country. The war unleashed in 2003
against Iraq destabilized the entire region. It was said
that Iraq possessed large quantities of weapons of mass
destruction. That argument remains one of the biggest
lies ever told in the history of imperialism. On the basis
of that lie, peaceful coexistence among social, ethnic
and religious groups has been destroyed. The situation
has given rise to a terrorist group called the Islamic
State that is imposing a new war that threatens the entire
region. Bolivia rejects the extreme violence with which
that terrorist group has acted against civil society and
wholeheartedly affirms that nothing justifies fratricidal
violence.

The invasion of Iraq, together with other historical
events, has taught us a lesson that wherever the United
States of America intervenes, it leaves destruction,
hatred, misery and death in its wake, but it also leaves
wealth in the hands of those who profit from the wars:
the transnational corporations of the arms industry and
the oil industry. We must make use of the culture of
peace to eradicate extremist fanaticism, but also the
imperial warmongering promoted by the United States,
which, faced with war, threatens more war. The United
Nations was created to build and promote peace, not to
justify wars and invasions.

Using war against war is not the same as peace.
That is a perverse formula — the formula for death and
endless confrontation. We must resolve the structural
causes of war: marginalization, poverty, lack of
opportunities, cultural and political exclusion, social
discrimination, inequality, usurpation and territorial
dispossession, ruthless capitalism and dictatorship of
the interests of transnational corporations. Every year
here we hear Mr. Obama deliver a discourse on war,
arrogance and threats against the peoples of the world.
It is also a discourse of extremist fanaticism.

The economic, commercial and financial blockade
imposed by the Government of the United States
against Cuba is the main tool of United States policy
in its eagerness to destroy the revolution and restore its
hegemony over Cuban territory. The blockade against
Cuba is the most unjust, severe and prolonged system of
unilateral sanctions that has ever been applied against
any country. The blockade qualifies an act of genocide.
That colonial blockade must be ended immediately.

We want to affirm before this Assembly the historic
right of the Bolivian people to their access to the sea — a
right that was trampled by a brutal invasion promoted
by colonial business interests. The colonial imposition,
the absence of genuine participatory democracy and the
interests of foreign companies were interposed between
the Bolivian and Chilean peoples, fraternal peoples who
were led to a war favouring the transnationals. Because
my country firmly believes in and promotes peace and
harmony in our relations with all of our neighbours, we
turned to the International Court of Justice in search
of dialogue to resolve, peacefully and in good faith,
a prolonged dispute over our sovereign access to the
Pacific Ocean.

Our demand does not seek to alter the international
order of the limits and boundaries or to threaten
international treaties, as the the Government of Chile
would have people believe. On the contrary, Bolivia has
invoked international law and its principles to resolve,
methodically and in good faith, the issue of its sovereign
access to the Pacific Ocean. An effective and peaceful
solution regarding Bolivia’s sovereign access to the
sea would be in the interests of our peoples, the new
generations, the region and the whole world. I therefore
call on all countries of the United Nations system at
this sixty-ninth session of the General Assembly to join
us, not only Bolivia, but our neighbour Chile, in this
challenge to peace, justice and rule of law.

We must eradicate violence and war and denounce
the imperialist warmongering of the world Powers that

arrogantly believe they embody the ideals of freedom.
The imperial Powers use their communication media
to manipulate the wills and the emotions of the people.
They lie and deceive with impunity. They divide and
pit nations and communities against one another to
promote wars, control strategic resources and put them
at the service of their foreign capitals.

This is the century of peace, but peace with
sovereignty, with freedom for peoples and not with a
free market. This is the century of agreements on liberty,
life and peace and not for agreements on free trade
in life. There will be no harmony if the arrogance of
empires and their renewed colonialism harass, oppress
and kill human beings, cultures and the peoples of the
world. The empire of finance, the empire of markets,
the empire of the arms industry must all fall to give way
to the wisdom of life and life in peace and harmony.

To summarize with the greatest respect and
admiration for the Assembly, I would like to say that if
we want to put an end to poverty, if we want to defend
life and Mother Earth, our only path is to put an end
to the capitalist system and imperious thinking for the
well-being of humanity.


It is a great honour for
me to stand once again before the Assembly — the
last time I shall do so in my two terms as President of
Indonesia. I could not agree more with the theme chosen
for this session, “Delivering on and implementing a
transformative post-2015 development agenda”, which
is very much in line with the work of the High-level
Panel I have been privileged to co-chair.

For the past 15 years, the international community
has been working on a grand and ambitious project
for humankind, the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). Our hard work over the years has produced
achievements that include breakthroughs in combating
poverty, increasing school enrolment and improving
public health. Those achievements are encouraging and,
in some instances, inspiring. But humankind as a whole
has not achieved all the MDG targets. The successes
have been uneven, differing between regions, within
regions and even within countries. We have come a
long way, yet we still have a long way to go.

For those who have made it, as well as for those
who have yet to make it, I have learned one great lesson,
which is that the most important driver of change
lies in governance — not just good governance, but
smart governance. Smart governance usually involves
innovative leadership and active public participation.
Without at least those two elements, all the hard work
we put in will not produce the desired results. And with
smart governance, nations can exceed their potential
and leapfrog over others ahead of them. In Indonesia we
have managed to increase our national per capita income
by 400 per cent within just one decade, something that
was beyond our wildest imagination.

The quest to achieve the MDGs over the past
15 years has also reinforced the need for a more robust
global partnership. There has certainly been much
activity. But somehow, our efforts in the World Trade
Organization, on the post-Kyoto climate, on reforming
the global financial architecture and the United Nations
and in many other areas have proved painfully slow.

As we set forth a new global agenda for development,
I believe we can draw on those years of trial and error to
become more acutely aware of the promises and pitfalls
of development, and of what we want and what we do
not want. We do not want development that measures
progress in terms of material possessions alone and
ends up dehumanizing and marginalizing our citizens.
What we want is sustainable development with equity.

Yet the importance of our work lies beyond the
issue of development, since we are now also confronted
with yet another major problem. We are witnessing a
worrying deterioration in the relations between the
major Powers. None of us, certainly not the United
Nations, can afford to bury our heads in the sand about
that grim development.

It is especially worrying, given that for more than
two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world
actually witnessed a series of promising events. Most
fundamental was the fact that improved relations among
the major Powers created ample space for new strategic
and economic opportunities. Global trade totals have
reached $23 trillion, an almost six-fold expansion since
the year after the Cold War ended in 1990. The fastest
growth — one and a half times as fast as during the
preceding two decades — was from 2000 to 2013, the
period that coincided with our work on the MDGs. The
value of global investments reached almost $1.5 trillion
in 2013 for a near seven-fold increase since 1990.

In South-East Asia, that positive geopolitical
development has allowed us to develop stronger
cooperation and to develop the region’s architecture.
It led to the establishment of the East Asia Summit, a
vision for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) community, a progressive ASEAN Charter,
a more active ASEAN Regional Forum and other
institutions. And Indonesia has also been able to develop
strategic partnerships with all the major Powers as well
as with many emerging Powers.

Today I see that the international community
is concerned about the danger of the old Cold War
returning. Major-Power relations are worsening,
fuelled by mutual suspicion. Relationships that were
previously stable and cooperative are now marked by
volatility and tension. That benefits no one, and we
should therefore not let it become permanent. The
major Powers — indeed, all of us — have an obligation
to work together to resolve the major issues of our time.
To mention only a few, we must end the suffering of
the Palestinians in Gaza and the rest of the occupied
territory and deliver the still elusive two-State solution.
We must resolve the conflict in Ukraine that is now
upsetting relations between Russia and the West. And
we must find an effective and durable solution to the
ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq.

To do all of this, there must be mutual
accommodation. There must be a forward-looking
attitude that embraces a win-win predisposition
rather than a zero-sum attitude. Diplomacy must take
precedence. The deficit of trust must be transformed
into strategic opportunities and confidence-building.
It is not enough just to call for peaceful coexistence.
That is so twentieth century. Here in the twenty-first
century, we need much more than conditions in which
world Powers merely peacefully coexist. We need those
Powers to work passionately together in order to foster
strategic cooperation and to tackle global issues. They
must begin to turn the trust deficit into a new strategic
trust not only among themselves but also with emerging
Powers and with all nations of the United Nations. Is
that possible? I would say a resolute yes, for that is
what has transpired in South-East Asia. In the second
half of the 1960s, South-East Asian nations were poor,
divided and insecure, threatened by a war raging in
their neighbourhood and ignorant of one another after
centuries of separation during the colonial past.

The establishment of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations enabled countries in the region to form
the habit of dialogue and consultation with one another
and to learn to trust one another. Today, we can proudly
say that the once-divided 10 South-East Asian nations
now belong to ASEAN-10. Together, they are all drivers
of regional affairs and masters of their own destiny. A
number of sensitive inter-State and intra-State conflicts
have been peacefully resolved. Those that remain are
being addressed through dialogue and negotiation.
Economic interdependence has become the norm of the
day.

Moreover, South-East Asia is on the verge of
becoming a true community. We regard that as the apex
of strategic trust, which we believe can be replicated
everywhere. The culture of peace and coexistence
that we are trying to attain in Indonesia and in the
ASEAN region is clearly the antidote to the poison
of fundamentalist prejudice and deep intolerance, as
practised by a terrorist group in Iraq and Syria that
falsely defines itself as the Islamic State. The ideology
of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant not only
betrays the true teaching of Islam as a religion of peace
but also harms and seriously upsets the Islamic Ummah
throughout the world.

It has been a great privilege to forge closer bonds
between Indonesia and all nations represented in this
great assembly, the United Nations. As I look back,
I must admit that there remain many challenges that
Indonesia must resolve. Some of our efforts are already
on the right track. In a world desperately grappling
with climate change, we are progressively and boldly
applying a moratorium on deforestation — our
important contribution to reducing carbon emission. In
a world of economic uncertainty, we have increased our
national income per capita by 400 per cent within just
a short decade.

In a world witnessing rising extremism, Indonesia
continues to hold firm to the values of freedom,
tolerance, moderation and multiculturalism, which
form the basis of our nationhood. In a world still
burdened by insurgencies, we have managed to find
a permanent peaceful political solution to end the
30-year conflict in Aceh province. In a world marked
by turbulent transitions in the Middle East, time and
again we have shown to our people and to the world
that, in Indonesia, democracy, Islam, modernity and
human rights go together.

In a world often stigmatized by the past, Indonesia
has opened a entire new chapter of peaceful relations
with Timor-Leste on the basis on equality and mutual
respect. In a world where territorial disputes often
erupt into open conflicts, Indonesia has continued to
peacefully resolve, one by one, the overlapping maritime
borders with Vietnam, the Philippines, Singapore and
other nations.

The Indonesian and South-East Asian experiences
underscore the dawn of a new age of globalism for the
twenty-first century — a world that openly embraces
change as opposed to being intimidated by it. What the
world so desperately needs today is a pioneering spirit:
the boldness to break old boundaries and to create new
frontiers. Given that spirit, I believe that humankind
can overcome the challenge of climate change, conquer
poverty, eradicate social injustice, hasten the global
economic recovery and create a culture of peace among
all religions, including the Abrahamic faiths. In that
spirit, we can, hopefully, end the cycle of violence,
hatred, fear and humiliation that has made so many
conflicts around the world seem intractable for decades
and centuries.

In saying that, I am neither a Utopian nor a blind
idealist in understanding international relations.
However, I believe that, with a strong commitment and
political will, we can make the impossible possible. As
we say in Indonesia, where there is a will, there is a
way. We must drive the frontiers of nationalism into
a new globalism, where we can devise solutions to
national, regional and global issues at the same time.
We must achieve a new globalism, where no nation is
left behind and no nation dominates and where rights
are protected and responsibilities are met. In the world
of a new globalism, wars are unthinkable. In the first
place, wars are fought because nations play a zero-
sum game, where the winners take all and the losers
weep — the game of us against them, which the “us”
must win and the “them” must lose. Winners today are
losers tomorrow.

Let me conclude by saying that now is the time for
all of us to start the serious business of building a new
world of peace, prosperity and justice and of making
everybody a winner by creating and nurturing the new
all-inclusive “we” that leaves no one behind.


There is growing evidence today of a contradiction
between the need for collective and partnership efforts
in order to develop adequate responses to the challenges
common to us all, on the one hand, and, on the other,
the aspiration of a number of States to domination and
a revival of the archaic bloc thinking based on military
drill discipline and the erroneous logic of friend or foe.

The United States-led Western alliance, which
portrays itself as a champion of democracy, the rule of
law and human rights within individual countries, acts
from a directly opposite position in the international
arena, rejecting the democratic principles of the
sovereign equality of States enshrined the Charter of
the United Nations and trying to decide for everyone
what is good or evil.

Washington has openly declared its right to the
unilateral use of military force anywhere to advocate
its own interests. Military interference has become a
norm, despite the dismal outcome of all the operations
involving the use of force that the United States has
carried out in recent years.

The sustainability of the international system has
been severely shaken by the NATO bombardment of
Yugoslavia, the intervention in Iraq, the attack against
Libya and the failure in Afghanistan. It was due only
to intensive diplomatic efforts that aggression against
Syria was prevented in 2013. The various colour
revolutions and other schemes aimed at changing

unsuitable regimes inevitably give the impression that
their goal is to create chaos and instability.

Today Ukraine has fallen victim to that policy.
The situation there has revealed the deep-rooted and
systemic flaws remaining in the existing Euro-Atlantic
architecture. The West has embarked on a course
towards a vertical structuring of humankind tailored to
its own standards, which are hardly inoffensive.

After the West declared victory in the Cold War
and the so-called end of history, the United States and
the European Union opted to expand the geopolitical
area under their control without taking into account
the balance of legitimate interests of all the peoples
of Europe. The Western partners did not heed our
numerous warnings with regard to the unacceptable
violations of the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations and the Helsinki Final Act, and time and again
they have avoided serious joint work to establish a
common space of equal and indivisible security and
cooperation from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans.

The Russian proposal to draft a European security
treaty was rejected. We were told directly that only the
members of the North Atlantic Alliance can have legally
binding security guarantees, and the NATO expansion
to the East continued in spite of the promises to the
contrary given earlier. NATO’s instant switch to hostile
rhetoric and the reduction of its cooperation with Russia,
even to the detriment of the West’s own interests, and
the additional build-up of military infrastructure along
Russia’s borders revealed the inability of the Alliance
to change the genetic code embedded in it during the
Cold War.

The United States and the European Union supported
the coup d’état in Ukraine, recklessly justifying any
acts by the self-proclaimed Kyiv authorities, who
opted to suppress by force that part of the Ukrainian
people who had rejected the attempts to impose an
anti-constitutional order throughout the country and
wanted to defend their rights to their native language,
culture and history. It is precisely the aggressive assault
on those rights that compelled the population of Crimea
to take its destiny in its own hands and make a choice
in favour of self-determination. That was an absolutely
free choice, no matter what was invented by those
who were responsible in the first place for the internal
conflict in Ukraine.

There have been attempts to distort the truth and
hide facts behind blanket accusations at all stages of the
Ukrainian crisis. Nothing has been done to track down
and prosecute those responsible for the bloody February
events at Maidan and the massive loss of human lives
in Odessa, Mariupol and other regions of Ukraine. The
scale of the appalling humanitarian disaster provoked
by the acts of the Ukrainian army in south-eastern
Ukraine has been deliberately understated.

Recently, horrifying new facts came to light when
mass graves were discovered near Donetsk. Despite
Security Council resolution 2166 (2014), a thorough
and independent investigation into the circumstances
of the loss of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17 over
Ukrainian territory has been delayed. Those guilty for
all those crimes must be found and brought to justice.
Otherwise, national reconciliation in Ukraine can
hardly be expected.

Russia is sincerely interested in the restoration of
peace in a neighbouring country, and that should be well
understood by anyone even slightly acquainted with the
deep-rooted and fraternal relations between the two
peoples. The path to a political settlement is known.
As early as this April, Kyiv made a commitment in the
Geneva Statement on Ukraine — agreed upon by Russia,
Ukraine, the United States and the European Union
(EU) — to immediately start a nation-wide dialogue
involving all of Ukraine’s regions and political forces
to implement constitutional reforms. The fulfilment
of that obligation would allow all Ukrainians to agree
on how to live in accordance with their traditions and
culture and would allow Ukraine to return to its organic
role as a link between the different parts of the European
space, which certainly implies the preservation and
respect by everyone of its non-aligned, neutral status.
We are convinced that with goodwill and the refusal
to support the party of war in Kyiv, which is trying to
push the Ukrainian people into the abyss of national
catastrophe, a way out of the crisis is within reach.

A way to overcome the situation has opened with
a ceasefire agreement for south-eastern Ukraine on
the basis of initiatives of Presidents Poroshenko and
Putin. With the participation of representatives of Kyiv,
Donetsk, Luhansk, the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and Russia, practical
measures are being agreed on for the consecutive
realization of those agreements, including the separation
of the parties, the withdrawal of the heavy weapons of
the Ukrainian military forces and of the militias, and
the organization of monitoring through the OSCE.

Russia is ready to continue to actively promote a
political settlement, both under the framework of the
well-known recommendations of the Minsk process
and in other formats. But it should be quite clear that
we are doing this for the sake of peace, tranquillity
and the well-being of the Ukrainian people, and not to
appease someone’s ambitions. Attempts to put pressure
on Russia to force it to abandon its values of truth and
justice are absolutely futile.

I will allow myself a digression into recent history.
As a condition for the establishment of diplomatic
relations with the Soviet Union in 1933, the United
States Government demanded from Moscow guarantees
of non-interference in the internal affairs of the United
States, obligations not to undertake any actions aimed at
changing the political and social structure of America.
At that time, Washington feared the revolutionary virus,
and such guarantees were secured between America
and the Soviet Union, on the basis of reciprocity.

Perhaps it makes sense to return to that subject
and reproduce the then demand of the American
Government on a universal scale. Why not adopt a
General Assembly declaration about the inadmissibility
of interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign
States and non-recognition of coups d’état as a
method of regime change? It is time to fully exclude
from international interaction attempts at illegitimate
pressure by some States against others. The meaningless
and counterproductive nature of unilateral sanctions is
obvious in the example of the American blockade of
Cuba.

A policy of ultimatums and a philosophy of
superiority and domination do not meet the needs
of the twenty-first century; they are in conflict with
the objective processes of forming a polycentric,
democratic world order. Russia promotes a positive,
unifying agenda. We have always been and will be open
to discussing the most difficult questions, no matter
how intractable they may seem at first. We will be
ready to seek a compromise and a balance of interests
and to agree to exchange concessions, provided only
that the conversation is respectful and equitable.

The Minsk Agreement of 5 and 19 September about
the ways out of the Ukrainian crisis and the compromise
about the dates of entry into force of the Association
Agreement between Kyiv and the European Union are
good examples to emulate, as is the readiness, at last,
of Brussels to begin negotiations on establishing a free
trade area between the EU and the Customs Union of
Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, as Mr. Putin suggested
back in January.

Russia has consistently advocated the harmonization
of integration projects in Europe and Eurasia.
Agreement on political benchmarks and terms such
as “convergence of integration” would be a real
contribution to the work of the OSCE on the topic
of Helsinki+40. Another important aspect of that
work would be to launch a pragmatic, de-ideologized
conversation on politico-military architecture in the
Euro-Atlantic area, so that not only members of NATO
and of the Collective Security Treaty Organization but
all the countries of the region, including Ukraine, the
Republic of Moldova and Georgia, would enjoy equal
and indivisible security and not have to make a false
choice of “either with us, or against us”. New dividing
lines must not be allowed in Europe, especially because
in the context of globalization they could become a
watershed between the West and the rest of the world.

It must be stated honestly that no one has a
monopoly on the truth; no one can forcibly tailor global
and regional processes to suit their needs. Today there
is no alternative to developing consensus on the rules
of sustainable global governance in the new historical
conditions, with full respect for the cultural and
civilizational diversity of the world and the multiplicity
of development models. To attain such a consensus
on every issue will be difficult, perhaps tedious. But
recognizing that in every State democracy is “the worst
form of Government except for all the others” also took
a long time, not until Churchill issued his verdict. It
is time to recognize the inevitability of that axiom in
international affairs, which currently suffer from a huge
deficit of democracy. Of course, someone will have to
break the age-old stereotypes, to abandon claims to
eternal exceptionalism. But there is no other way.

United efforts can be built only on the principles of
mutual respect and mutual consideration of interests, as
is done, for example, within the Security Council, the
Group of 20, the BRICS States of Brazil, Russia, India,
China and South Africa, and the Shanghai Cooperation
Council.

The theory of the advantages of collective work
are confirmed in practice, for instance, the progress
in settling the situation concerning the Iranian
nuclear programme and the successful completion of
the chemical demilitarization of Syria. By the way,
speaking of chemical weapons, I would like to obtain
honest information on the state of Libya’s chemical

arsenals. We understand that our NATO colleagues,
having bombed the country in violation of Security
Council resolutions, do not want to stir up the disorder
they created. However, the problem of uncontrolled
Libyan chemical arsenals is too serious to turn a blind
eye to. We believe the Secretary-General must show his
responsibility in that matter.

The main thing today is to see the global priorities
and avoid making them hostage to a one-sided agenda.
There is an urgent need to refrain from double
standards in approaches to conflict resolution. By
and large, everybody agrees that the key task is to
resolutely counter the terrorists, who are trying to
gain control of increasingly larger areas of Iraq, Syria,
Libya, Afghanistan and the Sahel-Sahara region. That
being the case, that problem cannot be sacrificed to
ideological schemes or to settle a score. Terrorists,
whatever slogans they hide behind, must be outlawed.

At the same time, of course, the fight against
terrorism should be based on the solid foundation of
international law. An important stage in that fight
was the unanimous adoption of a series of Security
Council resolutions, including those on the issue of
foreign terrorist fighters. On the other hand, attempts
to act contrary to the Charter of our Organization
do not contribute to the success of joint efforts. The
fight against terrorists in Syria should be built on
cooperation with the Syrian Government, which has
clearly stated its willingness in that regard. Damascus
has already demonstrated its ability to cooperate with
the international community and to fulfil its obligations
in the framework of the programme for eliminating its
chemical weapons.

From the very outset of the Arab Spring, Russia
urged that it not be abandoned to the control of
extremists, that a united front be created to counter the
growing terrorist threat. We have warned against the
temptation to take as allies almost anyone who declared
himself an enemy of Bashar Al-Assad, whether
Al-Qaida, Jabhat Al-Nusra and other fellow travellers
of regime change, including the Islamic State of Iraq
and the Levant (ISIL), which today is the focus of
attention. As they say, better late than never. This is not
the first time that Russia is making a real contribution
to the fight against ISIL and other terrorist groups in
the region. We are delivering large-scale supplies of
arms and military equipment to Iraq, Syria and other
Middle Eastern and North African countries, and we
will continue to support their efforts to suppress the
terrorists.

The terrorist threat requires a comprehensive
approach if we want to eradicate its causes and not
be doomed to reacting to the symptoms. ISIL is only
part of the problem. We propose to organize, under the
auspices of the Security Council, an in-depth study of
the threat of extremism and terrorism in all of their
aspects throughout the Middle East and North African
region. That integrated approach also presupposes
that chronic conflicts should be considered, above
all the Arab-Israeli conflict. The failure to settle the
Palestinian issue over several decades remains, as is
widely recognized, one of the main factors of instability
in the region, and that helps extremists to recruit more
and more new jihadists.

Another area of our common work together
demanding attention is uniting our efforts to implement
the decisions of the General Assembly and Security
Council to combat the Ebola virus. Our doctors are
already working in Africa. There are plans to send
additional humanitarian assistance, medical equipment
and instruments, medicine and teams of experts to assist
the United Nations programmes in Guinea, Liberia and
Sierra Leone.

The United Nations was established on the ruins
of the Second World War, and it is entering the year
of its seventieth anniversary. We all have an obligation
to celebrate in an appropriate manner the anniversary
of the great victory and to pay tribute to the memory
of all who perished for freedom and the right of each
people to determine their own destiny. The lessons
of that terrible war and the entire course of events in
today’s world require us to join efforts and forget about
unilateral interests and national electoral cycles when
it comes to countering global threats to all humankind.
National egoism should not be allowed to prevail over
collective responsibility.


Fourteen years
ago, in this very Hall, the international community, in a
promising move, pledged to attain a series of common
goals by 2015, essentially, to eradicate poverty and
achieve a prosperous and shared world in a secure
environment. Now, one year before that deadline, we
must recognize that humankind has not been able to
create all the conditions necessary for the development
we aspire to. The very foundations of our Organization
are likely to be shaken if steps are not taken to deal with
the immense challenges facing us.

Poverty always goes hand in hand with major
pandemics, undermining any glimmer of hope for
the decent life to which our people are entitled.
Humankind’s aggressiveness towards the environment
pushes it out of the balance that is essential for its
growth and for sustainable development. Fundamental
rights are still being trampled on, opening the door to
intolerance, frustrations and social crises. Peace and
security are faltering in many countries, threatening
more than ever the stability of our planet. It is clear that
only a comprehensive and cooperative approach will
lead us to a society free of the defects that prevent true
progress.

In congratulating the President of the Assembly on
his election, we would like to state that he is without
a doubt contributing to the momentum for a new
global partnership, which we have all been hoping
for and which is so crucial. Today, we wish to assure
him that we will provide him with the same kind of
unfailing support that we provided to his predecessor,
Ambassador John Ashe, to whom we pay tribute for
his leadership in seeking solutions to our issues of
concern. I must address the issue of the serious health
and humanitarian crisis that Sierra Leone, Liberia and
Guinea are currently facing. As members know, the
Ebola virus, a disease characterized by haemorrhagic
fever, continues to threaten international security.
Since its most recent appearance in March 2014, it
has caused over 2,500 deaths and continues to cause
victims. Health-care workers have not been spared.

Faced with the spread of the epidemic, an
extraordinary summit of heads of State and Government
of the Mano River Union was held in Conakry on
1 August. The summit adopted a common strategy
for fighting the disease and made an urgent appeal to
the international community for a coordinated global
response. At the national level, my Government declared
a health emergency on 13 August. The quarantine line
was reinforced by the establishment of compulsory
medical checks at all border crossings and crossing
places in the country, in particular airports and ports.

The negative impact of the Ebola virus on the
country’s economy can be seen in the decrease in trade,
productivity and activity in the transport, investment
and tourism sectors. To date, Guinea has suffered a loss
of nearly 2.5 per cent in the growth forecast for gross
domestic product. That loss could increase if adequate
measures are not taken in time to stem the epidemic.
There have been other adverse consequences for the
affected countries, in particular in terms of borders
being closed, the free movement of persons hindered,
flights cancelled and nationals of the States affected by
the disease stigmatized.

The Ebola epidemic reminds us of the urgent need
for a comprehensive approach to contain and defeat this
terrible disease. We must isolate Ebola, not countries.
We must counter the irrational panic that has gripped
the world. Ebola is a very serious epidemic, but it is not
a death sentence. Ebola can be cured.

We therefore welcome the fact that several African
Heads of State have joined President Ibrahim Boubacar
Keita of Mali and the King of Morocco, to whom I pay
tribute, and France and England, as President Alassane
Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire, President Teodoro Obiang
Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea, President
Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of Congo and
President Ali Bongo Ondimba of Gabon have decided
to lift the ban on flights and the use of airports. I thank
them.

In my capacity as Acting Chair of the Mano River
Union, I would like to welcome the appointment of
the United Nations System Senior Coordinator for
Ebola Virus Disease and pay tribute to the work of
the World Health Organization, the United States
Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta, Médecins
sans Frontières, the International Federation of Red
Cross and Red Crescent Societies and other bilateral
and multilateral partners who are sparing no effort to
support coordinated action by the affected countries to
eradicate the Ebola virus.

My Government welcomes with genuine satisfaction
Security Council resolution 2177 (2014), which was
co-sponsored by 134 Member States and adopted
unanimously by the members of the Council, and
resolution 69/1, on the establishment of a United
Nations Mission for Ebola Emergency Response. I
welcome the spirit of solidarity that continues to be
shown to the countries affected by the epidemic and
express our gratitude to all States and organizations
that have assisted us. I thank in particular President
Obama, President François Hollande and the Secretary-
General for their support and their call to action to all
the countries of the world.

Our countries have urgent needs that must be met
to further boost our efforts to fight effectively against
Ebola. Those needs are in a variety of areas, including
strengthening our infrastructure and health systems
and increasing the number of health-care workers and
financial, material and logistical support, as the gaps in
those areas inhibit our efforts. Promises are nice, but
there is an urgent need for action on the ground. The
faster we act, the better chance we have of stopping the
disease.

Sustainable development remains the cornerstone
of the harmonious development of humankind. The
international community has an obligation to end the
poverty that still grips almost 2 billion people, most of
whom live in Africa. Beyond the economic and social
concerns, it is a matter of human dignity. It is a matter
of justice and fairness. We therefore do not have the
right to back off, much less to give up.

Certainly, progress has been made, if unevenly,
towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Illiteracy has been pushed back, although efforts
are still needed to achieve the quality and equality
required in the pursuit of knowledge. The essential
role of women in transforming society has been further
enhanced. However, family health and access to water,
basic health care and social protection deserve further
investment and political commitment. Worse, the
digital divide has been slow to show any improvement,
for lack of an adequate policy of ownership or transfers
of science and new technologies. However, encouraging
results have been achieved in the fight against malaria
and HIV/AIDS despite the spectre of the disease, which
still haunts the lives of millions of people who do not
have access to antiretroviral medicine.

The many challenges facing our world require an
urgent, comprehensive and coordinated response. In
the collective quest for well-being, Africa in particular
has seen renewed growth, but it is having difficulty
in translating that growth into a true engine for
development. Eradicating poverty is an uphill battle.
The new Africa that we aspire to should promote
structural changes that enable it to acquire robust and
diversified economies so as to guarantee reinvestment
in value-added and environmentally friendly industries
in future.

In that context, the Climate Summit held on the
sidelines of the current session has provided hope that a
binding agreement will be adopted at the international
conference to be held in Paris in 2015. It goes without
saying that those measures will build on the foundation
of a vibrant private sector that is underpinned by strong
institutions that guarantee good governance, which is
itself the crucible of inclusive development.

That is why, despite the backdrop of a relentless
systemic crisis and the scarcity of external resources
because of unfulfilled commitments, Africa will be able
to enter into the international system, gain confidence
and increase intra-African trade to influence the flow of
world trade. That is also why our continent will, relying
primarily on its own strength — and that is extremely
important — be able to become less vulnerable and
build resilience through coherent strategies and the
search for innovative financing to accelerate its full
potential.

Recognizing all those challenges, Guinea has made
a decisive commitment to promoting democracy and
the rule of law, which are the foundation for sustainable
development. In doing so, since our assumption of the
country’s leadership in 2010 we have taken measures
that affect all areas of our national life. The reform
of the defence and security sector ensures that our
armed forces are at the service of the Republic and
increases their participation in the development process
and in peacekeeping in the world. The independence
of the judiciary is now ensured. Our stabilized and
competitive macroeconomic framework strengthens
Guinea’s credibility at the international level.

Guinea has been admitted to the Extractive
Industries Transparency Initiative and today has one of
the most attractive mining codes. Even better, the review
of all contracts allows us to make the environment safer
for investors and ensures a development process that
benefits Guineans while preserving our ecosystem.

Of course, the development of the mining sector
will rely on promoting agriculture to ensure our food
security and to pass on to future generations the
resources needed to shape to the world they hope for.
The growth we aspire to will be even more promising
as it creates decent jobs for our youth and empowers
women — two sectors of society that constitute the rich
and inexhaustible source of all progress.

Our unquenchable desire to ensure the well-being of
our people can be fulfilled only in a stable environment
that is free from crises and conflicts. Multilateralism,
which is the only way to realize our goals, is imperative,
since our States, whether big or small, strong or weak,
are determined to contribute to building a more just
and equitable global society within a reformed United
Nations that is responsive to the needs of humanity.
In that context, Africa, the continent that is the most
affected, will shoulder its responsibilities by pooling
its efforts through greater regional integration, which
is an essential element of a global partnership leading
to a more dynamic and pragmatic peace.

That is why we must be more involved in the
struggle against terrorism, extremism and intolerance
and the illicit trafficking in small arms and light
weapons, which fuel cross-border crime and maritime
insecurity — the numerous scourges that hinder
development. The time has come to be the true builders
of our destiny. The rule of law, respect for all human
rights and good governance remain intangible realities
that we must promote. Likewise, the implementation
of the African Peace and Security Architecture and
the ability of Africa to respond quickly to crises will
strengthen our credibility with regard to stabilizing the
continent.

I should like to stress in particular the unacceptable
suffering that our Palestinian brothers are experiencing.
Guinea has always clearly and unambiguously expressed
its unconditional solidarity with the just Palestinian
cause and firmly condemns the heinous acts committed
by Israel in the Gaza Strip, which is now suffering
under the yoke of a cruel and vile embargo. My country
remains convinced that any viable and lasting solution
to the situation in the Middle East hinges on the
creation of two States living side by side within secure
and internationally recognized borders, based on the
pre-1967 borders.

We will soon have the opportunity to take stock of
the Millennium Development Goals. On the eve of that
meeting and bearing in mind that we decided, at our
sixty-eighth session, to set the stage for the sustainable
development goals, it is clear that the implementation
of those legitimate goals remains dependent both on
the appropriate means for its implementation and on
whether the priorities of poor countries, in particular
African countries, are taken into account.

That is why Guinea, which has a member on the
Secretary-General’s High-level Panel of Eminent
Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, calls
for greater attention to be given to the African Common
Position on the post-2015 development agenda. That is
all the more relevant since, if Africa does well, the world
will do better. The new Africa — more ambitious and
more promising and aware of its human and economic
potential — is now ready to assume its responsibilities.

I again thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon,
who has devoted all his actions and energy into forging
an adequate response on the part of the United Nations
to all the challenges we face. He deserves our gratitude
and respect. There is no doubt that his efforts will
chart the course for the indispensable reform of the
international system, so that the United Nations will be
true to its original objectives of promoting peace and
security and respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms in a world of democracy, equity and progress
for all.


Despite our
aspirations to create a more just and peaceful world,
atrocities continue to take place. Every day we witness
expressions of the darker side of human nature:
thousands of innocent civilians besieged on a mountain
in northern Iraq by heavily armed extremists; a Syrian
dictator who bombs and starves his own people,
leaving more than 10 million people in need of urgent
humanitarian assistance; the persecution of people
because of their religious or political beliefs, their
gender or sexual orientation; disrespect for national
borders, challenging the basic principles on which our
rules-based international order is built; climate change
causing great risks to human health, global food security
and economic development and to the natural resources
on which so much of our prosperity depends; and a
world of more than 7 billion people with an increasing
demand for key resources and an unsustainable pattern
of consumption and production.

The challenges we face are complex. There are
no simple solutions. What is required of us is strong,
collective international action, not only to manage
the crises and conflicts of today but to prevent the
crises and conflicts of tomorrow. I am a true believer
in international cooperation and in the virtues of the
United Nations, but as the world changes and we are
faced with new challenges, we must find new ways to
adapt.

I am also confident that we will adapt, but only if
we have a strong United Nations, and only if we act
together. As Member States each one of us must fulfil
our obligations under the Charter. That is our common
commitment and our shared responsibility. I see three
challenges where we, the United Nations, should act
and should act now. Urgency is key.

First, we need stronger international cooperation
and action on peace and security. Secondly, we have to
reach an ambitious international agreement on climate
change next year in Paris. Thirdly, we have to agree on
the post-2015 agenda for sustainable development.

Of the three challenges, the first is international
peace and security. This past year, we have seen the
rise of a violent and intensifying conflict fuelled by
extremism, in particular the horrific and brutal terrorist
organization, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
(ISIL). ISIL represents a distorted political ideology
that must be confronted, degraded and defeated by the
entire international community, including, of course,
countries in the region. As we are gathered this week,

the States Members of the United Nations are sending a
clear message that we utterly condemn ISIL’s cowardly
acts of terror and that we are unified in our firm
resolve to oppose and confront its violent and extremist
ideology. Let it be clear that we are determined to
support the Iraqi Government in protecting its people.

Denmark will stand up for our common values as
enshrined in the United Nations Charter, and Denmark
will support the victims of ISIL’S atrocities. We are
taking part in the humanitarian relief efforts in northern
Iraq, and we will continue our active contribution to the
international efforts to support Iraq in the fight against
ISIL. To stop the advance of ISIL, it is imperative to end
the flow of foreign fighters and financing from outside.
That indeed is a common obligation. It is also critical
that we address the root causes of violent extremism
and improve the conditions in Syria that ISIL has been
able to exploit.

The humanitarian situation in Syria continues to be
of great concern. Though progress is difficult, we must
spare no effort to seek a political solution leading to a
transition from the current regime. There will always
be a risk that political transition will be exploited by
violent extremists. Still, history shows that democratic
and inclusive Governments, open societies and a
fundamental respect for human rights remain the only
viable path towards stability, security and prosperity
for our citizens.

Bringing an end to the violence in the region will
require a sustained and comprehensive contribution
from every one of us. The successful removal of
Al-Assad’s chemical weapons clearly demonstrated
what can be achieved when we join forces in decisive
international action. A coalition of Denmark, Norway,
Russia, China, Finland, the United Kingdom and the
United States effectively secured and destroyed those
horrendous weapons of war.

Our united response is also required against another
growing threat. The Ebola epidemic has become a severe
humanitarian, social and economic crisis for countries
in West Africa. If we fail to act now, it may develop into
a global health crisis, impacting millions of people. If
so, we will not only be confronted with a health crisis
but also with a threat to international peace, prosperity
and security. It is very clear that this challenge cannot
be tackled by any one nation alone. That is why we
must all lend our support. The United Nations and its
Member States have a common responsibility to bring
Ebola under control.

Ebola is not just a regional challenge; it has now
become a global crisis. Denmark is committed to that
cause. We have already contributed to the international
response, including the United Nations humanitarian air
service, and we will now increase our support. Today,
I can announce that Denmark will provide a maritime
transport capacity to the United Nations. With that,
we will support the construction of needed housing
facilities for the international health personnel in the
affected areas. We will provide additional funding to
the World Health Organization. As the situation evolves,
we will stand ready to consider additional steps.

The global community is based on international law.
That law must be respected and not blatantly violated, as
we have seen done in the past year. We have witnessed
an unacceptable foreign intervention in Ukraine.
Fundamental principles of national sovereignty and
non-interference have been disrespected. The recent
ceasefire is an important step on the only viable way
forward, namely, a political solution. Yet, we have
to see Russia’s commitment to a political solution
demonstrated in action, not only in words. Throughout
the conflict Russia’s self-proclaimed support to the
peace process has been in stark contrast to realities on
the ground.

We remain fully committed to a political solution
that respects Ukraine’s territorial integrity and
sovereignty. Respect for international law and human
rights should always be at the very core of peace
and development, as should the rule of law and good
governance. That is why Denmark strongly supports
bold and significant new steps in the United Nations,
such as the Secretary-General’s recent Rights Up Front
initiative.

This year also marks the thirtieth anniversary of
the adoption of the United Nations Convention against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment. Together with Chile, Ghana,
Indonesia and Morocco, Denmark has launched a
long-term initiative for the universal ratification and
implementation of that Convention. We have made
significant progress, but we also need to do more to
protect men and women in all parts of the world from
torture and ill-treatment.

My second point is about the need to advance our
collective answer to the challenges posed by climate
change. Earlier this year I had the privilege, together
with the Premier of Greenland, of hosting a visit by
the Secretary-General to Greenland. We travelled

together by dog sleigh on the receding ice, and we
heard the stories told by the local population about how
the changes are affecting local livelihoods. Climate
change is painfully visible in the Arctic. That is beyond
discussion. Let there be no illusion that climate change
will have only regional impacts. The changes will affect
each and every one of us on this planet. That is why
ambitious action is required of us now. One crucial step
would be a binding global agreement to reduce carbon
dioxide emissions in Paris next year.

Since 2010, Denmark has dedicated $350 million
to climate action. This year alone, we will commit
more than $100 million. But Governments cannot do
this alone. We need to engage the private sector and
other partners to commit to action and ensure adequate
climate finance and foster innovation and green
solutions. Some still might fear that the green transition
will limit economic growth. That is not necessarily
so. For example, the Danish economy has grown
by 40 per cent since 1990, while our total emissions
have decreased by 20 per cent in that same period. In
other words, it is possible to de-link economic growth
from increased emissions. At the Secretary-General’s
Climate Summit yesterday, world leaders expressed
their commitment to address those issues. Now is the
time to deliver on that commitment.

The third and final area where Denmark sees an
urgent need for action is on the post-2015 agenda for
sustainable development. As stated by the Secretary-
General: “Ours is the first generation that can wipe
poverty from the face of the Earth” (A/68/PV.5, p. 1).
That is not a message based on wishful thinking. It
is based on the facts. It is within our reach and it has
to be done. Over a 20-year period, from 1990-2010,
700 million people have been lifted out of extreme
poverty. Child mortality has been reduced by almost
50 per cent. Ninety per cent of children in developing
regions now attend primary schools. That represents
truly historic progress. But still we need to do more.

The Millennium Development Goals were
formulated almost 15 years ago, and the world has, as
we know, developed rapidly since. Clearly, the new
set of sustainable development goals must address
and integrate the economic, social, and environmental
dimensions of development.

Another important factor is to ensure women’s
empowerment, gender equality and the rights of women
and girls. That includes sexual and reproductive health
rights. In too many places those fundamental rights are
still not observed. Women and young girls must have
the right to decide freely whether they want to have
children, when, how many, and with whom.

All young people must have access to proper
education. Two hundred years ago, compulsory
education was introduced in my country. Education for
the many and not just for the few has been a primary
driver in transforming Denmark into a democratic and
prosperous nation. Education has also been a driver of
gender equality, and still is. That is one aspect of the
post-2015 agenda that is particularly close to my heart.
I have been very proud to be one of the Secretary-
General’s Champions for his Global Education First
Initiative. One of our key priorities must be to ensure
quality education also for the most disadvantaged
groups and in the most vulnerable countries.

As we look at the global landscape today, insecurity
is sadly on the rise. We all know who is paying the
highest price. Today for the first time since the Second
World War, more than 50 million people throughout
the world have been displaced owing to conflict and
violence. Far too many of those people are children.

We need a United Nations that can help mediate,
prevent and resolve armed conflicts and promote
universal respect for human rights. We need a United
Nations that is committed to act against climate change.
And we need a United Nations that can help deliver
sustainable development for all and provide effective
assistance to countries suffering from the Ebola virus.

But the United Nations can do nothing without the
collective political will of all of us, its Member States.
The world needs a United Nations that adapts to new
challenges and reflects the changing global political
realities. Denmark supports a reformed Security Council
that fulfils its primary purpose and responsibility when
peace and security is threatened. We need a United
Nations based on the strong values and obligations
enshrined in the United Nations Charter. More than
ever, we need a United Nations that acts.


I wish to congratulate you,
Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of
the General Assembly at this year’s session. I wish also
to commend your predecessor, Ambassador John Ashe
of Antigua and Barbuda, and his team, for so effectively
setting the stage for what will now follow under your
tenure, as it relates to the post-2015 development
agenda and other critical issues that warrant the focused
attention of the international community.

This debate in the General Assembly is taking place
on the eve of the target year set by world leaders in
2000 for achieving the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). It is therefore a timely moment to assess the
progress that has been made, and also to understand
why we could not achieve all the Goals in full. That is
essential if we are to move forward with the post-2015
agenda that we are now about to finalize. I should recall
that in 2000, when the eight Goals were announced,
they inspired great hope and enthusiasm around the
world, particularly in developing countries and among
the poor. It is true that we have made tangible progress
in our efforts to achieve the MDGs. Global poverty
has fallen and continues to fall; many more children
are attending primary schools; health services have
improved for many people, resulting in a significant
decline in child mortality; and the spread of HIV/AIDS
and malaria has been halted and even reversed in some
regions.

In Guyana, despite the negative effects of the
international financial situation, we have managed
to keep our economy growing steadily over the past
eight years. In fact, we have succeeded not only in
growing our economy but also in ensuring that the
growth has resulted in an improved quality of life for
our people. Indeed, we are one of only 17 countries
in the world recognized by the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations for not only
meeting the goal of reducing hunger by half but also of
improving their people’s nutrition. We have achieved
universal primary education and are close to achieving
universality for secondary education, too. We have also
made important strides in housing, health, water and
other social facilities. In that regard, I would like to
express my country’s gratitude to all the development
partners that have contributed greatly to the gains we
have made in working towards the MDGs. Guyana’s
success in building its health-sector capacity could not
have been possible without Cuba’s assistance, which
included training hundreds of our doctors, and which
Cuba has done despite its own economic difficulties.
We would like to join the vast majority of the countries
of the world in once more calling for an end to Cuba’s
economic blockade by the United States.

While we should recognize the gains that have been
made around the world, I hasten to point out that they
have not been uniform across countries or regions. In
some places the progress has been dramatic. Asia, for
instance, has had remarkable success with many of the
Goals. In Latin America and the Caribbean there has
also been considerable progress. There are, however,
some areas that have seen almost no noticeable change
since 2000. In others, mainly countries ravaged by
conflicts and wars, laudable gains have been reversed.
Some Goals have also proven more elusive than others.
Maternal mortality in particular requires additional
attention. It is clear that the world could have advanced
much further along the road to achieving the MDGs.
Unfortunately, that did not happen, because the
partnership needed to achieve every objective was
not strong enough. We should therefore examine the
reasons for the sub-optimal results.

It is true that we all have a responsibility for the
welfare of the people of the world and the state of our
planet in general. The reality, however, is that some
countries have far more resources than others, and
some also use much more of the world’s resources.
And while our responsibilities are shared, they must
necessarily be differentiated. The gaps between the
top and bottom segments of the world’s population
are widening greatly. The concentration of wealth in
the hands of a few has reached dangerous proportions.
Oxfam International recently highlighted this
phenomenon, and some figures are startling. Oxfam
noted that the richest 1 per cent of the population of the
world owns about 46 per cent of global wealth — some
$110 trillion — while the bottom 50 per cent owns just
about $1.7 trillion, or 0.7 per cent of the world’s wealth.
That amount, $1.7 trillion, is the same as that possessed
by 85 of the world’s richest people — in other words,
85 persons have as much wealth as 50 per cent of the
world’s population. Clearly, such a degree of inequality
is unsustainable.

In much the same manner, while we have all agreed
on increasing development assistance to developing
countries, the reality is that the net transfer of financial
resources from developing to developed countries
continues unabated, amounting to $200 billion in 2002
and increasing to $557 billion in 2010. That perverse
trend continues today. And this transfer of financial
resources is only a part of the picture. Developing
countries also suffer a net loss of skills to the developed
world through migration. That is after the former
countries have expended huge amounts on training.
In addition, our efforts in the health and education
sectors are often frustrated by the high costs of school
books and essential medicines, owing to the strictures
of intellectual property rights. These imbalances
are clearly unsustainable and can be addressed only
through concerted global action.

While many developing countries have shown
serious determination in working towards the Goals
by allocating more resources to human development,
the support offered to them by developed countries, as
envisaged in MDG 8, has fallen significantly short of
expectations. It is extremely disappointing, to say the
least, that in the face of pressing needs, only about half
a dozen developed countries have kept their pledge to
reserve 0.7 per cent of their gross national product for
official development assistance. As we prepare for yet
another conference on financing for development, in
Ethiopia next year, I would like to remind the Assembly
that the commitment of 0.7 per cent was made over four
decades ago in this very Assembly, and was reiterated
in 2002 at the International Conference on Financing
for Development in Monterrey.

In the light of those failures, it is imperative that
the post-2015 framework include, first, a time-bound
commitment for delivering official development
assistance on which commitments have already been
made; secondly, a global framework for managing
intellectual property rights that places the development
imperative at its centre; thirdly, a global trading
architecture that recognizes the asymmetries in the
global state of development and is suitably responsive
to them; fourthly, a framework that ensures that
private-sector investment is consistent with the
development agenda. The recommendations of the
Open Working Group on Sustainable Development
Goals and of the Intergovernmental Committee of
Experts on Sustainable Development Financing provide
a good platform on which to build.

As we craft a transformative agenda, it will be
especially important to ensure that it is flexible enough
to address the peculiar needs of some countries. The
special circumstances occasioned by the vulnerabilities
of small island and low-lying coastal developing States
bear particular mention in that regard. Far too often,
the progress made can be speedily reversed owing to
the impacts of climate change and natural disasters. We
must spare no effort to ensure that we have a legally
binding agreement on this matter in 2015.

Ironically, as we discuss the post-2015 development
agenda, many Caribbean Community countries are
being graduated from eligibility for concessionary
financing, since they are classified as middle-income
based on the narrow measure of gross domestic product
per capita. In addition, many of those countries are
heavily indebted, as they must make unavoidable
investments in building and rebuilding social, economic
and productive infrastructure to strengthen their
resilience. We call on the international community
to reconsider that approach by adding a vulnerability
index to the equation. We also call for debt relief, as
the debt accumulated by most of those countries makes
their economies unsustainable.

The most important precondition for progress
is peace. Many conflicts and potential for conflicts
continue unresolved, while new threats to global
security have risen to dangerous levels.

The situation in the Middle East is the most
disturbing. Still at the heart of it is the great tragedy
that is the plight of the Palestinian people. Once again,
we have seen the bombing of an almost unarmed
population in Gaza by one of the world’s most powerful
military machines, supported and replenished by even
more powerful military forces. Guyana calls for the end
of the apartheid-like situation that exists in Palestine,
where poverty and degradation are weapons used to
repress a whole people. The people of Palestine have a
right to live with dignity in their own country, and the
United Nations must never compromise on the principle
of self-determination.

The continuing wars in Syria and Iraq are most
distressing. They are leading to more extremism and
a rapid descent into barbarism. That has resulted from
years of financing and arming of radical forces to
promote political objectives. We condemn the barbaric
and grotesque killing of journalists, humanitarian aid
workers and other hostages and the loss of civilian lives
in those conflict areas by the murderous extremists in
those countries. Guyana condemns terrorism in all its
forms and manifestations.

The situation in Ukraine is another cause for
concern. We must not forget that the two world wars
had their origins in Europe. That is why we should
exert every effort to bring all the partners to the table
for a peaceful resolution. Attempting to secure military
advantages is not only foolhardy but downright
dangerous. The solution has to be based on justice and
the aspirations of the peoples in that country.

The many unresolved border issues that exist in
our world are always a potential source of conflict and
are often used to retard the development of countries,
preventing them from improving the quality of life of
their own peoples and from promoting the welfare of
the region to which they belong. My own country is not
unaffected by this. The United Nations must therefore
redouble its efforts to assist in the resolution of such
issues.

We currently face a stark reminder of how fragile
global welfare is in the face of singular threats such as
the Ebola epidemic. Make no mistake, that is a global
problem that requires an immediate global response
many times greater what is currently being done. Let
me acknowledge the prompt response and leadership
shown by Cuba and the United States of America in
rendering assistance to the countries in West Africa.

In our time, we must continue the search for new
approaches to many of the global problems that confront
us. In today’s interconnected and interdependent world,
the destinies of States and peoples are increasingly
intertwined. The concerted global action that is
necessary to address today’s problems can be achieved
only with strong multilateralism and through relevant,
responsive and more democratic global institutions.

Critical issues include reforms to the Security
Council and the international financial institutions.
Concrete progress in Security Council reform is
imperative in order to assure the continued legitimacy
and relevance of that important United Nations organ.
Likewise, accelerated reform of the international
financial institutions is critical if we are to ensure their
effectiveness in protecting global financial stability
and supporting sustainable development.

In conclusion, I would like to recall the proposal
that Guyana made through its first democratically
elected President, Mr. Cheddi Jagan, for a new global
human order, on which the General Assembly has
pronounced itself in several resolutions. That proposal
seeks to balance the interests of developed and
developing countries. It is a proposal whose time has
come, and it should be pursued with other initiatives
to find solutions so that we can realize the dreams of
generations that came before us for peace, progress and
prosperity.

Just as the Millennium Development Goals provided
a new focus and raised hopes in the year 2000, so today
we must rekindle that spirit to eradicate poverty and
inequality in the post-2015 period.

Let me express our appreciation to the Secretary-
General and the staff of the United Nations for their
tireless efforts in carrying out the mandate of the
Organization in very challenging times. I assure them
that they have the full support of the people and the
Government of Guyana.


I want to start by congratulating
you, Sir, on your election as President of the General
Assembly.

We are living through a period of unprecedented
progress in human development. The success of
the Millennium Development Goals framework
demonstrates that international cooperation remains
strong, though we wish the expected results would
come faster. Even on climate change, if the public and
private sectors work together to increase investment
in scientific research, we can look forward to a future
where countries no longer have to choose between
green energy and economic growth.

While we work on building peace and well-being
in Africa, crises elsewhere in the world have aroused
grave concern. Efforts to address them seem to have
little effect, and in some cases they may even make
things worse.

Two critically important public goods have been
consistently undervalued by the international system in
its approach to conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
They are physical security and national identity. When
security breaks down, the human costs are enormous.
Extremists and opportunists are empowered. Citizens
lose faith in public institutions, as grievances are
settled in the street. As a result, sustainable gains in
good governance cannot be made. It takes time and
patience to build a better political system. There are
no shortcuts. We are dealing with real people who want
change, but with continuity and safety. They must be
fully included in the process of consensus-building.

That is because structures of governance that are not
developed from within will not take root. We should
encourage full ownership and partnership, and the
approach of international institutions and Member
States should take those realities into account. In
countries that have known only peace, such arguments
may sound self-serving. But they are not, because lives
are at stake.

The second neglected element is national identity.
That is just as important. To manage the diversity in our
societies, politics must be national in scope. Whatever
differences we may have, our common citizenship
is a bond that unites us. The negative experiences
of nationalism have created doubt about affirming
patriotism and national identity. However, what we see
around the world today is that national identities are too
weak, not that they are too strong. As a result, ethnicity,
region and religion become the dominant currency
of politics, and nations are torn apart. International
systems should encourage efforts by Governments and
civil society to strengthen national unity.

In Rwanda, we have focused on building
accountable governance institutions and renewing our
dignity as a nation. As a result, Rwandans today are
among the most optimistic and civic-minded people
in the world. For us, stability is not an abstraction, it
is a reality that abides in the minds and hearts of the
people and the institutions they build to sustain it. Once
achieved, the horizon expands from poverty reduction
to wealth creation and the attainment of ever higher
measures of human development.

Therefore, our task in the international community
is not to manage conflicts, but to help prevent and end
those conflicts. If we focus on keeping people safe and
bringing them together to solve their problems, we will
be able to do so.