I should like at the outset to welcome Mr. von Wechmar and to express our most sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We should also like to express our appreciation for the excellent work done by the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, during the last regular session, the two emergency special sessions and the recently concluded special session. We welcome with great pleasure the heroic people of Zimbabwe to membership of the United Nations. It was an honour for us to be present at its proclamation of independence. We also bid a very warm welcome to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as it joins our Organization.
110.	As Mr. von Wechmar put it so well, "this Assembly convenes at a time when the world has entered a difficult decade". It is difficult primarily because of the lack of political will and the incredible lack of vision, which seems to be symptomatic of a state of moral bankruptcy preventing the developed countries from appreciating the justice of the demands of the overwhelming majority of the people of the world. That majority is eager to uphold not only the right to live with a minimum of decency and dignity but also the fact that the right to such a life requires a new international economic order, a transfer of capital such as to make possible a significant increase in the industrialization of third world countries. They demand above all the right to fight for their liberation and to choose or build the development systems most in keeping with the just aspirations of peoples. We consider that the decisions which will be taken in the first years of this decade will be of unprecedented importance for mankind, for we must not forget the lessons of history with regard to the risks entailed when justice does not prevail through the persuasive capacity of reason. The obvious failure of the recently concluded special session of the General Assembly shows the lack of political will and vision, which is the most serious threat to world peace.
111.	Aware of this complex situation and eager to promote peace, Nicaragua believes that lasting peace can be achieved only through the eradication of exploitative regimes, together with imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid, Zionism and all the other ills contrived by capitalism to justify the exploitation of man by man. That is why, directly after the overthrow of the genocidal Somoza Debayle, we joined the non-aligned movement, whose principles and objectives Nicaragua will uphold within this Organization.
112.	The National Directorate of the Sandinist Front for National Liberation, which was in the forefront of our revolutionary process, and the Government of National Reconstruction are aware that the best way for us to stand together with those who want a genuine peace is to continue the fight to achieve or consolidate justice in our own country, Nicaragua.
113.	The world learned of the Nicaraguan people's heroism, determination to be free and patriotism, which, under the leadership of the glorious Sandinist Front for National Liberation, put an end to the 70 years of agony during which the enemies of freedom and justice, the allies of imperialism, tried to crush the indomitable spirit of the Nicaraguan people. But, as our poet, Ruben Dario, said, "Nicaragua is made of vigour and glory, Nicaragua is made for freedom". So it was that, shortly after the infamous Knox note whereby the United States initiated one of the darkest chapters in the history of interventionism, Benjamin Zeledon emerged on the scene in Nicaragua. He was the hero of the anti- imperialist resistance of 1912 and a precursor of the Sandinist struggle.
114.	The achievements of the General of free men, Augusto Cesar Sandino, half a century ago showed once again that moral superiority and patriotism are more important and can achieve more than the mere power of money and weapons in the service of plunder or domination. That great man, whose spirit represents the best of our people, lives in the hearts of all true Nicaraguans, as was amply demonstrated in the heroic insurrection that defeated the Somoza dictatorship and continues to live in our present struggle to rebuild our plundered, bombed but finally liberated Nicaragua.
115.	We had not yet recovered from the earthquake that destroyed the capital in December 1972 when the Somoza oppression became even stronger, intensifying the suffering of the people who were fighting for liberation.
116.	The economic disaster inherited by the Government of National Reconstruction has no precedent in the history of Latin America. To the tremendous material damage, amounting to $500 million, done to the physical and social infrastructure and the commercial, industrial, agricultural and livestock sectors, there should be added the state of complete internal and external financial insolvency.
117.	The external debt was about $ 1,650 million, much of which had been contracted with private international banks, with repayment periods and interest rates that were incompatible with development policy and especially incompatible with the payment possibilities of a destroyed country like Nicaragua. Thus in 1979, even with all our export earnings, we should not have been able to repay the capital and interest we owed.
118.	Our gross international reserves were barely sufficient to pay for two days of imports; the public finances had been totally destroyed and were in a state of insolvency; stocks had been exhausted or plundered; the distribution networks had been destroyed; and at the time of the triumph of our people, half of them required assistance in the form of food in order to survive. What is even worse, considering its long-term consequences, the agricultural cycle had been seriously interrupted.
119.	The gross domestic product for 1979 decreased by 25.1 per cent, and together with a negative growth rate of 6.9 per cent in 1978, brought us to the unusual position in which the gross domestic product per capita had dropped to its level no less than 17 years earlier, in 1962.
120.	What is more, 45,000 people were killed, between 80,000 and 100,000 were wounded, and 40,000 children were orphaned. All this bears striking testimony to the suffering of our people.
121.	The material and economic damage showed us what tremendous effort we would have to make. The plight of the people gave us the will to make that effort. Our only asset was the political legitimacy, national and international, of the Revolutionary Government.
122.	That legitimacy made it possible to unite the whole population behind the national reconstruction effort and, with the conscious support of an organized people, to carry out such important measures as the nationalization of banks and foreign trade, the repossession of the mines and natural resources, agrarian reform and administrative and institutional changes, which are powerful instruments for promoting national development.
123.	Our international political legitimacy was the result of the firm exercise of the independence won by our people. The broad sympathy and solidarity awakened by our struggle also made possible a suitable renegotiation of our external debt with private international banks.
124.	The efforts which have been made so far have focused on the Programme of Economic Reactivation that was established by the revolutionary Government in January 1980. This programme designates the working people, the patriotic elements of private enterprise, the Government of National Reconstruction and the international community as the historical elements of the national reconstruction. The mobilization of these elements has made it possible for us to overcome the serious problems resulting from the scarcity of basic commodities, to harvest the limited 1979-1980 crops, to root out speculation which tended to institutionalize inflation, to raise the employment level and to carry out the literacy campaign, taking people out of a state of ignorance, and to organize the "first agricultural year of the Revolution", a matter of great importance in a country as essentially devoted to agriculture as Nicaragua.
125.	While economic stabilization is of obvious importance for any country in a position similar to that of Nicaragua, it also should not be forgotten that what our people earned through the sacrifice of tens of thousands of its best sons was the right to carry out a genuine revolution, one which involved the eradication of crime and exploitation as a system and the creation of a new order guaranteeing respect for the inalienable rights of the human person, the rule of law and the satisfaction of basic necessities such as education, health and housing. Of course, this whole new order cannot be truly revolutionary unless the people are able gradually to take part in the entire process. It is not enough to abolish the totalitarianism which characterized the former regime; one must fight against attempts to create a democracy that is merely a matter of form, that is, one which defends only the interests of the privileged. Popular democracy is the only way of guaranteeing the right of our people to effective participation in the revolutionary process. Therefore we vigorously reject the attempts of those who, adopting a sanctimonious attitude, are trying to impose on us certain specific forms of democracy against the interests of our majority. The allies of the Somoza regime, the interventionists and those who try to impose presidents on us have little moral authority to speak of democracy.
126.	This is not the time to go into detail about the many achievements of our revolution in the first 14 months; but we would mention a few things to demonstrate what can be achieved when there is a will to move forward and overcome problems that at first appear to be insuperable.
127.	In the area of human rights, we wish to say that the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction has from the start expressed its concern to ensure full respect for the promotion of human rights. One of the first acts of the Government was the promulgation on 21 August 1979 of the Statute on the Rights and Guarantees of Nicaraguans, article 5 of which provided for the abolition of the death penalty, and on 20 July 1979 the Basic Statute of the Republic, which guarantees, in article 6, full respect for human rights. A few weeks after the revolutionary triumph, the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights was ratified. We have also ratified the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with its Optional Protocol, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
128.	Also, as an official policy, the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction has opened its doors to all international bodies which wish to see for themselves whether human rights are being fully respected. We have received two visits from Amnesty International and one from the International Commission of Jurists, which published a report that said, inter alia:
"It is obvious that the Government is concerned to prevent the torture and ill-treatment of detainees. A climate of freedom and guarantees exists in the country. The Government has demonstrated that it is favourably disposed to dialogue and prepared to consider carefully those suggestions which come from institutions and organizations which protect human rights."
129.	At the present time, at the special invitation of the Governmental Junta, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is in our country, looking into the question of respect for human rights.
130.	At the judicial level, it is important to say that when the people's Sandinist revolution took control of our country, its first act was to abolish the Political Constitution, which supported the Somoza regime and all its structures, and to deprive of their powers all the former magistrates and judges who, for the most part, had already fled the country because of their complicity in all kinds of violations of the law.
131.	As a result, in the first days of the revolution, the country had no organized tribunals, police or other authorities, and everything had to be created.
132.	However, notwithstanding the ravages of the war and the precarious economic situation, just 14 months after our triumph the judicial power is functioning fully throughout the entire country; the military power of the revolution has been replaced by the legal power and the rule of law is now on a sound basis.
133.	In order to improve the standard of living of the Nicaraguan people and to eliminate the extreme poverty of the groups and sectors on the fringes of society, we have created a Ministry of Social Welfare, which, despite all its limitations, is developing a series of programmes to help the most deprived who, under the dictatorship, have traditionally been on the fringes of society, namely, women, children and the great working masses.
134.	On 19 July 1979, after 45 years of dictatorship, the general picture of housing in Nicaragua was truly gloomy. Substandard housing and slums made up 60 per cent, or 300,000 of the living units in the country.
135.	In the first year we have completed or initiated 10 times the number of units built in a single year during the dictatorship; but the challenge of the future is immense. To make up for lost time and meet the requirements of the growing population it will be necessary to build 30,000 housing units a year between 1980 and the year 2000. In other words, every year we shall have to build more than the dictatorship built in half a century.
136.	After the triumph of the people's Sandinist revolution, a number of fundamental changes were made in the educational system in order to put education at the service of the masses. The elitist, vertical, fragmentary education known in the past was abolished, as were the other flaws in the educational system that were the legacy of Somoza.
137.	A national literacy campaign involved the mobilization of more than 100,000 persons promoting literacy in all corners of the country. The result of their efforts has been to reduce the illiteracy rate from 54 per cent to 12.9 per cent of the population. All this has taken place in scarcely a year since Somoza's defeat. A campaign has been started among the English-speaking, Miskito and Sumo-speaking people on the Atlantic coast, and it is hoped that by June of next year the illiteracy rate will be reduced to 8 per cent.
138.	I will conclude this part of my statement with a few observations regarding the Council of State of the Republic of Nicaragua.
139.	The Council of State is a new institution, an innovation for which the revolution is responsible and an instrument intended to be a living expression of the democracy of our people. It brings together 29 people's organizations, trade unions, guilds, and political and social organizations, and there are 47 representatives of these organizations.
140.	For the first time in the history of our country, workers, peasants, women, young people, people from the towns and the country, discuss without intermediaries all the problems that concern them. They have decision-making authority with regard to those problems and can translate into laws the solutions which are viewed as appropriate by our workers and peasants.
141.	The Council of State is made up of democratically elected representatives; it is an experiment in democracy in the making; it is of benefit to our people as they seek structures that will make it possible for them to build a genuine people's democracy.
142.	In the area of international relations, Nicaragua has tried to strengthen its bonds of friendship and co-operation with old friends and our relations are indeed very cordial with many countries, including Mexico, Cuba, Panama, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Ecuador, Jamaica, Peru, Grenada, the Federal Republic of Germany, Spain, the Netherlands and Sweden.
143.	We have also established new and very good relations with the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Bulgaria and practically all the socialist countries of Europe. We have made overtures to Africa, a fraternal continent with whose people ours have much in common, including common aspirations. We have established diplomatic relations with Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia, the United Republic of Tanzania and a number of other African countries with which we wish to have strong bonds of friendship and co-operation. We have achieved those with our good friends in Algeria, our dear friends in the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the heroic POLISARIO4 Front, whose cause we support.
144.	We wish to strengthen our bonds with many other Arab countries, too, and have already established diplomatic relations with some of them. India is a country with which we have diplomatic relations and we should like to bring them to a level of great cordiality and co-operation. We would also like to strengthen our ties with other countries in Asia, where we have spiritual bonds with the heroic people and Government of Viet Nam, a living example of dignity, patriotism and valour.
145.	As we have already said on many occasions, we wish to maintain the best possible relations with the United States, and we are willing to continue to make whatever effort is necessary to heal the wounds which still exist among our people as a result of the policies of intervention and of complicity with tyranny which, until only a short time ago, were dominant. We appreciate the important efforts made by President Carter to bring about changes in the traditional policies of the United States towards our people. Regrettably, as the entire world is probably now aware, there are still powerful interests within and outside The United States Government that are eager to slander and damage the only popular, democratic and nationalist Government that Nicaragua has ever had over the past 70 years. There are two trends in the United States today—one realistic and the other interventionist—and the nature of our future relations with the United States will depend on which trend emerges triumphant. We wish to be friends, but we will never sell out, nor will we ever flag in our sacred task of building a new free and sovereign Nicaragua.
146.	Although we have nothing but the most cordial feelings for the sister people of Colombia, the obligation to defend our territorial integrity has obliged us to issue a declaration regarding the invalidity of the Barcenas Meneses-Esguerra Treaty,  which was signed and ratified during the United States occupation of Nicaragua and—this is important—under United States pressure. Although we realize that the present Colombian Government cannot be blamed for the fact that the 1928 Government took advantage of the United States occupation of Nicaragua to gain control over part of our territory, once we achieved independence and sovereignty with the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship, we could not fail to declare null and void a Treaty which had never expressed the sovereign will of our people, and which, even from the legal standpoint, is invalid, since it is at variance with the provisions of the Constitution in force in Nicaragua at that time. It is a matter not only of the San Andres and Providencia Islands and the keys, but of more than 80,000 square kilometres of Nicaraguan territory on our Atlantic continental shelf. We shall continue to do everything we can to see to it that this conflict is settled within a framework of fraternity and respect, and we maintain that dialogue is the best course of action. In our view, it is also important to stress that this is not a border conflict, since Colombia and Nicaragua have never been neighbours in the geographic sense.
147.	If I have dwelt on the progress of the revolutionary process in Nicaragua, it is because I feel the international community has the right to know the truth concerning a process about which the media speak so much, but often with the sole intent of distorting the facts. We should not be surprised that there are many who would like to see the Nicaraguan revolution fail. However, the fact is that, due fundamentally to our people's fighting spirit and will to win, and due also to the solidarity of the international community, the Sandinist revolution is gaining ground increasingly, to the point that we have no hesitation in declaring that it is now an irreversible process. It does have problems to one extent or another, but what is important is that there is now no turning back.
148.	We do not regard our revolution as something separate and apart from the world-wide revolutionary process; quite the contrary, it is an integral part of the fight of peoples for their liberation. That is why we cannot fail to identify with and to stand by all those still involved in this same process.
149.	Yesterday it was the people of Nicaragua. Today the heroic people of Zimbabwe is another link in the long, powerful chain of peoples that have waged great struggles for national liberation. And, just as the example of the Nicaraguan victory serves to advance the cause of liberation in Latin America, so does Zimbabwe's victory represent an enormous stride in the struggle for liberation in southern Africa, as did the victories of Mozambique and Angola before it. With Zimbabwe's victory, that struggle has reached a decisive stage, and we are convinced that, sooner rather than later, the people of Namibia, represented by its sole vanguard, the South West Africa People's Organisation, will join us in this hall.
150.	But it is the mortally wounded beast that is the most dangerous. The cornered racist regime of Pretoria is committing ever more criminal acts of aggression against the front-line States. At the same time, it is trying to impose its system of exploitation and repression by means of so-called "internal settlements", which violate the popular will of Namibia. More valid than ever now is the statement issued at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held from 3 to 9 September 1979 at Havana, that "freedom, peace, security and progress cannot be achieved in southern Africa unless the apartheid system of institutionalized racial discrimination, exploitation and oppression is crushed".  That task devolves fundamentally upon the South African people, but we believe that the role of the international community must not take the form of mere resolutions unimplemented by concerted action of the kind envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.
151.	No less than racism and South African expansionism, Zionism and Israeli expansionism have been repressing the peoples of the area which are defending their inalienable right to self-determination. The Government of Nicaragua, which recently formalized diplomatic relations with the people of Palestine and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO, considers it a primary duty of the United Nations to help bring about peace and stability in the Middle East, which, of course, involves defence of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians, including the right to establish a State of their own. Defence of the Palestinian struggle also implies rejection of any partial approach or agreement aimed at settling the future of the occupied territories and of the Palestinian people without full participation of the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
152.	We need decisive, imperative measures that will lead to a settlement of the question of Palestine and the Middle East problem. We are all well aware that the Middle East conflict may have a decisive bearing on international peace and security, and since the Palestine question is the crux of the problem in the region, we can only conclude that it is Israeli intransigence and that of Israel's supporters that keeps the world on the brink of disaster.
153.	In the course of the past year, the areas of confrontation in the world have apparently widened and become more serious. Nicaragua is well aware of the fact that, as long as there are exploiters and exploited, oppressors and oppressed, there will have to be struggle—often bloody—if peoples are to move forward in history. But the possession of nuclear weapons, particularly by a Power which today is toying dangerously with the absurd idea of preventive attacks and reckless concepts of limited nuclear warfare— which is undermining our efforts to secure non-proliferation and disarmament—only serves to increase international tension. The search for military bases and the creation of rapid deployment forces also increase international tension.
154.	Failure to ratify the SALT II treaty, manoeuvres by naval forces, the supply of weapons to reactionary Governments and military intervention by major Powers against countries in the Middle East and Indo-China further increase international tension and endanger world peace. In this context, with regard to the case of Afghanistan, our country would like to reiterate the appeal made at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly7 that a dialogue be started, without conditions, between the countries involved in this conflict, between the parties which in one way or another support or oppose the revolutionary plan that motivates the Afghan people, in order to preserve peace and stability in the area.
155.	In reiterating our support for the right of the Afghan people to self-determination, we consider that any discussion of this subject in this forum that is not accompanied by efforts to bring the peoples of the region together, as we have already said, will only serve rhetorical purposes, increase tension and make a settlement of the conflict even more difficult.
156.	Nicaragua takes a similar approach to the situation in South-East Asia; there too certain Powers are trying to destabilize the area and aggravate regional conflicts. How else can we explain the fact that the genocidal Pol Pot regime continues to occupy a place in this hall? Why are armed and economic provocations continuing against Viet Nam? Can it be that the necessary conditions for renewed aggression from the north against Viet Nam are being prepared? We vigorously reject the policy of punishment and threat of the use of force, which violates the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
157.	Tension in the Indo-Chinese region must be reduced. In this connection we applaud the proposals of the legitimate Government of Kampuchea put forward in July at the meeting of Foreign Ministers at Vientiane, where, together with Laos and Viet Nam, the decision was taken to solve the problems with Thailand by the creation of a demilitarized zone along the border. We believe that this proposal deserves the attention and the support of the General Assembly. We maintain that co-operation and understanding among the States of the area must be fostered and not obstructed.
158.	Of course, there is no greater need for understanding than among peoples which have been artificially divided. I refer to Korea and the just demand of the Korean people for peaceful reunification of its homeland, which the people and the Government of Nicaragua fully endorse. We condemn the unbridled military repression of the Korean people in the south.
159.	This year we commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In few other areas has the United Nations been more successful in promoting the ardent desire of peoples for peace, progress and freedom, that is to say, in giving effect to the purposes and principles of the Charter, than it has done in the field of decolonization.
160.	However, resolution 1514 (XV) speaks of the eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. We emphasize those words because there are still attempts in the world to give colonialism a new face, with the aim of impeding the historical process of liberation. There are peoples, such as those of the Sahara, Belize, East Timor and Puerto Rico, which have not yet achieved their inalienable right to self-determination and independence.
161.	Furthermore, there are countries which seek to dilute the principle of the complete transfer of powers to colonial peoples as a prerequisite for decolonization, as required by resolution 1514 (XV). Thus, in the case of East Timor, there are a number of resolutions calling for the withdrawal of Indonesia from the Territory and self-determination and independence for its inhabitants. Similarly, the General Assembly has recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the Sahraoui people against Moroccan occupation and urged Morocco to undertake direct negotiations with the POLISARIO Front, the indisputable representative of the Sahraoui people. Both Indonesia and Morocco have turned a deaf ear to the appeals of the international community and have at the same time responded with new military aggression. In both cases the occupying Powers are counting on weapons being supplied by the imperialists and their allies.
162.	Nicaragua and the Latin American peoples are seriously concerned about the colonial status of Puerto Rico because Puerto Rico is the only Hispano-American nation which has not yet achieved independence. We reaffirm that Puerto Rico cannot continue to be an exception to the process of decolonization. That has also been stated by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in its resolution of 20 August 1980 calling on the Government of the United States to present as soon as possible a plan for the decolonization of Puerto Rico and declaring unacceptable any measure aimed at changing the political status of that sister island without the explicit consent and participation of the people of that nation.
163.	That resolution calls attention to the military activities of the United States in the town of Vieques, which not only violate Puerto Rican rights but also constitute provocations against the peoples of the area, and tend to worsen the tense political situation in the Caribbean and Central America.
164.	The Bolivian people has constantly sought to recover its legitimate right to sovereign access to the sea. The fact that that country is land-locked is a major factor obstructing its economic and social progress. To that is added the constant unswerving struggle against foreign oppression and the need for a stable pluralistic social democracy. Those positions were reiterated during the elections which last July led to the victory of the People's Party of Democratic Unity. That triumph was suddenly interrupted by a coup d’état unprecedented in the history of that country and of Latin America in terms of political crimes, the killing of miners and corruption. It is necessary to point out that, unlike in the past, the political power generated by the economic power deriving from drug trafficking, under the auspices of various military members of the present dictatorship, had a decisive influence in the coup of Garcia Meza. Thus those are crimes committed by people who deserve no political consideration or protection. Hence the regime is absolutely without popular support and remains isolated from the Catholic and Methodist Churches, the democratic parties, trade unions, farmers, students, and the honest sectors of private enterprise.
165.	That coup has provoked such widespread repugnance that, three months after the regime took power, it has not been able to consolidate its position within the country and is rejected by the overwhelming majority of the international community. Nicaragua hopes that the isolation of those unworthy representatives of the military will continue and that the heroic people of Bolivia will be able to exercise their right to self-determination and be governed by those who were democratically elected on 29 June of this year.
166.	Nicaragua fully supports the two political demands of the Bolivian people: for an outlet to the sea and for democracy.
167.	We support the people of Belize and the Government of Belize who are about to realize their aspirations to be an independent country. We support the just demands of the sister republic of Cuba regarding the withdrawal of American troops and the reincorporation of the territory of Guantanamo into the country.
168.	With the liberation of Nicaragua, the situation in Central America has been changed in an irrevocable manner. Neither destabilization campaigns nor military manoeuvres, nor the most brutal military repression will stifle the desire for freedom of the peoples of El Salvador and Guatemala. We warn the world that outside intervention in El Salvador would involve a spreading of the conflict- to the entire central American area. Nicaragua does not intervene in the internal affairs of its neighbours, and we reject the ill-intentioned accusations which are levelled at us in this respect with the sole aim of disguising or justifying the intervention of those who have been intervening since the last century, as the history of Nicaragua shows. We reject any intention to set up what was erroneously named inter-. American peace forces, because they are merely new forms of intervention and new weapons for use against peoples.
169.	The Nicaraguan revolution stands with the peoples fighting for their liberation, and we wish to issue an appeal to the international community to increase its efforts to win respect for the principle of non-intervention and self- determination of peoples as an indispensable condition for the peace which the peoples of the world desire.


I join the previous speakers in extending congratulations to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation, on your unanimous election to the post of President of this session of the General Assembly. We are confident that, with your excellent record and vast experience, you will be able to provide the leadership, guidance and direction essential to the success of this session.
44.	I also extend my delegation's congratulations and appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, for the efficient manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the previous session.
45.	This year two new States have been admitted to the international family of nations, namely, Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. My delegation is pleased to welcome them into this family. We look forward to developing close and cooperative relations with them. We also welcome them as members of the Commonwealth of nations, of which Papua New Guinea is a member.
46.	My Government is pleased to note that the new nation of Zimbabwe has embarked on its own road to destiny. Our experience has been that the early days of independence are as difficult as they are exciting. My delegation is pleased to note that the Government of Zimbabwe has, eagerly and efficiently, addressed itself to the task of providing a strong, progressive and stable Government in its pursuit of a better life for its people.
47.	It is commendable and perhaps prophetic that Zimbabwe was born as the fruit of lengthy international negotiations. The accession to independence of Zimbabwe and its admission to the United Nations is a great achievement for the international community. Independence could not have come at a better time than on the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is encouraging to note that, in these troubled times, peaceful negotiation has proved mightier than military action. Those who assisted and contributed to the achievement of Zimbabwe's independence deserve our high praise.
48.	Closer to my own country are the two new independent island nations, namely Kiribati and Vanuatu, the latter formerly known as New Hebrides. Their peaceful transition to independence is both an achievement by, and a tribute to, the inhabitants and the administering Powers. We look forward to developing firmer and closer cooperative relations with them.
49.	Our support for decolonization has been expressed many times here and elsewhere. We have stressed the right of dependent peoples to choose their own form of government and determine their own destiny. In the last three decades most of us have made that choice and taken up the challenge. It is our hope that in the next decade the remaining dependent Territories will make their choice and join us in this community of nations. Those Territories are not many, but the focus is definitely on them. Concern for such Territories will undoubtedly intensify. The United Nations has played a most fruitful and constructive role in this area. We see its continuing involvement as essential and valuable.
50.	I am sure that the remaining colonial Powers are well aware of this. Awareness is one thing; but the crucial issue is to take positive and substantive steps towards decolonization. There are many avenues open. Some of them have been trodden by many of us. Some of us have had to struggle very hard to convince or even force the administering Powers to grant independence, whilst some of us did not have to strive so hard. Thus, the attitudes and policies of the remaining metropolitan Powers will largely influence the course taken by our dependent colleagues.
51.	Papua New Guinea is particularly concerned with the remaining dependent peoples of the Pacific area. We note that some metropolitan Powers have taken positive steps to create a suitable climate in which a real choice can be made by South Pacific islanders. They have done so voluntarily. We are proud to call them friends. They have nothing to hide and nothing to lose. They can only gain the goodwill, gratitude and friendship of the peoples they administer. We salute and commend them, for they have a strong commitment to the principles of the United Nations Charter.
52.	In the South Pacific the path to independence has been gained without acrimony. We would like to see that trend continue. Unfortunately, in Vanuatu an armed insurrection influenced by foreigners has clouded their excellent record. Nevertheless, the successful resolution of this issue through cooperative effort within the South Pacific community of nations demonstrates our commitment to regional solidarity and decolonization. Our hope is to see the remaining dependent Territories take their true place with us through peaceful means. We therefore call upon all remaining metropolitan Powers in the South Pacific to help to keep this record intact.
53.	I shall now turn to disarmament and international security. My Government sees the question of disarmament to be of utmost importance to international peace and security. We strongly believe that lasting peace and security cannot be built on the accumulation of weapons. Genuine and lasting peace can be created only through the effective implementation of the security system outlined in the Charter of the United Nations.
54.	General and complete disarmament under effective international control should be the principal objective for ensuring the survival of mankind and eliminating the danger of war, thus ensuring that war is no longer used as an instrument for settling disputes. It is our desire that the peoples of this world have peace and security, so that we can all concentrate our efforts on the development and improvement of the lives of our peoples. I am sure that we all desire peace and security. Unfortunately, greed and selfishness have made this wish only a dream.
55.	The Disarmament Decade, introduced by resolution 2602 E (XXIV) of the General Assembly, came to a close at the end of 1979. My Government is disappointed that there was neither real progress made towards a reduction of arms nor any negotiations leading to a treaty on general and complete disarmament. Even the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons' ended without any agreement.
56.	However, we note with some satisfaction the signing of the SALT II agreement. Disappointingly, the agreement has not been ratified. Nevertheless, we are hopeful that some international agreement such as the comprehensive test ban treaty will be negotiated and agreed to as soon as possible. In this connection, we welcome the General Assembly's decision to declare the 1980s as the Second Disarmament Decade and hope that something concrete will be achieved during this period.
57.	My delegation is opposed to all forms of nuclear testing, atmospheric or otherwise. We are equally opposed to the dumping of nuclear wastes everywhere, in particular in the South Pacific region, where nuclear testing takes place. These tests and nuclear waste dumpings are endangering our environment and our lives. Our desire is to preserve our many beautiful islands for our future generations. We therefore once again call upon responsible Governments to cease all forms of nuclear testing and nuclear waste dumping in the Pacific. This is because we do not believe that the tests and low-level nuclear waste dumpings in the Pacific region are harmless. Indeed, the long-term effects could be catastrophic. As a demonstration of faith in their own technology, the nations responsible should carry out their nuclear tests and dumping of nuclear wastes within their immediate boundaries.
58.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is meeting at a time of deteriorating stability in the Middle East. We are concerned about the war between Iraq and Iran. The untold misery brought to the innocent in the conflict must be viewed with grave concern. We are also concerned that, if the situation is not resolved quickly, there is a real possibility that the conflict will escalate, causing the oil supplies to be substantially cut with the danger of bringing about a worldwide economic recession. The third world will suffer greatly because of our great dependency on these oil supplies. We commend the untiring efforts of the Secretary General and the Islamic Conference in trying to have the parties stop the fighting and resolve their disputes by meaningful discussions.
59.	My Government is troubled by the continuing failure to find a solution to the longstanding problems that exist between Israel and the Palestinian people. We are mindful of the right of all parties to the dispute to exist within recognized and secure boundaries. We believe that if there is to be peace then there must be respect by each for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the others. Unless positive measures are taken by all concerned, any attempt to restore peace will fail.
60.	Moreover, my Government regrets the recent action taken by Israel in enacting legislation to change the character and status of Jerusalem. This is contrary to the spirit of the Camp David accords and the peace process. The legislation is a serious obstruction to achieving a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
61.	Papua New Guinea is geographically far removed from events in the Middle East, but we do not think for a moment that we can divorce ourselves from the enormous problems that beset this region of the world. The dispute between the United States and Iran cannot be resolved if the Iranian Government continues to hold the American hostages. Obviously such action by Iran does not help to minimize the tension in the area. It aggravates it. Papua New Guinea notes that Iran, as a signatory to the Geneva Convention on diplomatic privileges and immunities, has by its seizure of the hostages flouted international law and the law of humanity. Already elsewhere we have seen a similar series of attacks on diplomatic missions. We fear more future violations by political extremists. Because of our fear and concerns, we will support any call by the United Nations and vigilant Governments to deter further violations of diplomatic missions. We support the previous calls for Iran to effect immediately the unconditional release of the American hostages.
62.	Adding to the problems of the Middle East is the question of the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet troops. We call once again on the Soviet forces to withdraw without delay so that the people of Afghanistan can be free once again to determine the course of their future. Independence and basic democratic rights cannot be practised in circumstances of insecurity and foreign interference. The principle of territorial integrity must be respected.
63.	I turn now to events in IndoChina and the question of IndoChinese refugees. My Government is concerned over the security implications along the Thai-Kampuchean border and the refugee problem. We are aware that the refugee problem is a complex one. There may not be any easy solution, but a solution can be found if all parties show a positive and political willingness to cooperate. Basically there are two refugee problem areas. First, its cause and, secondly, its results. The more crucial of the two is the cause. We should do our utmost to eradicate the cause. Once this is achieved, we believe the whole refugee problem will surely disappear..
64.	The other concern is the results, that is, the flow of refugees from their homeland. It is our duty to find a solution. Several international conferences have sought means to end the flow of refugees. The ones my delegation endorses are General Assembly resolution 34/22, the Tokyo Economic Summit of industrial nations, held in June 1979, and the Geneva conference on the special problems of Indo Chinese refugees. We support the efforts made by the Secretary General to bring. Viet Nam and Thailand to the conference table to discuss their differences. We also support the calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and for the holding of a free and democratic general election under the supervision of the United Nations. We share the view of other countries that the donors of aid to Viet Nam should focus their efforts on the resettlement and rehabilitation of the IndoChinese refugees.
65.	But we cannot treat these two areas as separate problems any more than a physician can treat the symptoms of a contagious disease without being seriously concerned about the eradication of the disease altogether. My country is worried that we may handle the results of the refugee problem too well. We may encourage some nations to use our refugee management programmes as a means for exporting elements of their societies viewed by authoritarian Governments as being, for one reason or another, undesirable. In brief, there is evidence that some Governments will use the United Nations refugee programmes as a means of dumping their unwanted citizens onto the already overburdened United Nations refugee facilities and onto the strained resources of those generous nations that open their borders and their hearts to these disinherited people.
66.	We must devote as much of our limited resources to the solution of the cause of the refugee problem as we are applying to the results. We must find the basic causes of this inhumanity of man to man and root them out.
67.	In addition to the regional problems to which I have just referred, there are some more general subjects of worldwide significance upon which I should like to touch. These include the subject of human rights.
68.	My Government takes pleasure in noting the measures taken by States Members of this body to safeguard human rights. But there are still too many instances where some Governments continue to deny basic rights to their citizens. The denial of basic human rights on any grounds—racial, political, economic or any other arbitrary grounds—gives rise to injustices which my Government finds totally intolerable. My Government appeals to the international community to condemn those Governments which persist in violating basic human rights. We call on the Governments which violate such rights to take prompt and effective action to respect the dignity of their citizens as well as that of those citizens whose countries were taken by force.
69.	My Government notes with regret that the racist regime of South Africa continues to suppress and exploit the black peoples of that country. It is obvious that the Government of South Africa considers black people to be inferior, that they should live less comfortably and be denied the wealth and privileges that have been earned more often than not through the sweat and toil of black South Africans.
70.	The ghettos of Soweto are an affront to the dignity of man and an indictment of the callous, degrading and inhuman policies of the racist South African regime. I reiterate the fears my delegation expressed last year on the question of apartheid. Persistent failure to deal effectively with this abhorrent offence to mankind is likely to have an horrendous outcome for both the white and black populations of South Africa.
71.	My delegation is disappointed that, despite many pleas, the South African Government remains steadfast in its determination that the black man will be prevented from seeking the freedom and fulfilment that is the right of every human being. Further, my delegation is concerned at the contradictory stance many Members of the United Nations have taken on this issue. On the one hand, some nations, both developed and developing, endorse the view that apartheid is barbaric and has no place in the world. Yet these same nations lend considerable support to the Government of South Africa through active trade relations. If the United Nations is seriously opposed to apartheid, it should take positive steps to bring maximum pressure to bear on the Government of South Africa to abolish apartheid. We believe properly enforced trade embargoes would eventually force South Africa to relent and to adopt a more humane attitude towards its black peoples.
72.	Papua New Guinea compliments the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and the Council for Namibia on the role they are playing in seeking a solution to the Namibian problem. My Government learnt with contempt and indignation that the Government of South Africa's illegal administration in Namibia had installed a so-called Ministerial Council as the governing body of the territory of Namibia. This action by the racist Government of South Africa is in total defiance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. It is a further sign of South Africa's refusal to comply with the Security Council plan for free and fair elections, under United Nations supervision, to bring Namibia to genuine independence.
73.	The international community today recognizes the need to move quickly towards a New International Economic Order, even though there exist differing views on major proposals that have been put forward. The Government of Papua New Guinea is deeply concerned at the slow progress being made.
74.	The attempt to regulate world trade in primary commodities, the reform of the external framework for the industrialization of developing countries, the reform of the international monetary system and the strengthening of economic cooperation among developing countries are still outstanding issues. There are many reasons why they have not been resolved and I do not propose to go into them. But I should like to say that one of the main reasons has been the opposition from developed countries, with the result that conferences, such as the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila in 1979, have repeatedly failed to achieve agreement on any one of the issues that I have mentioned.
75.	If the international community has learned anything in recent years, it has surely been that the economic welfare of each sovereign nation depends on a network of interdependence. My Government is deeply concerned at the failure of the long-awaited world recovery to come about. We believe the current economic problems cannot be blamed on the management of individual national economies. The management of each economy is becoming dependent on the external environment. Recovery and development require enlightened attitudes of mutual appreciation of each other's needs, interests and problems. Without such an appreciation, the prospect that any dialogue between developed and developing countries will lead to constructive changes in the international economic order must be regarded as gloomy indeed.
76.	A concrete example of international cooperation for development is the Lome Convention on trade and aid between the European Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries.  The long negotiations on a successor agreement were finalized and signed on 31 October 1979.  It appears that the successor agreement will, in general, be similar to the previous one. However, the Lome II agreement contains a new mechanism which purports to assist mineral exporting countries. The Government of Papua New Guinea welcomes the conclusion of the Lome Convention. But we have reservations about the new mechanism in that it offers assistance only to countries which have suffered a reduction in their capacity to produce certain minerals and export them to the European Market. The assistance itself is restricted to project or programme aid confined to the mineral sector and designed to restore production or export capacity. There is no help for those countries, including my own, which have suffered a loss of Government revenue as a result of low export prices.
77.	All developing countries are concerned that, in a harsh world, the poor countries are supposed to be grateful for what they are offered and should not expect to have a say in what the offer contains. Such a situation gives rise to extreme difficulties in the formulation of plans for development, as long as developing countries, to which category my country clearly belongs, are not given a greater say in deciding how they are to be helped. We will continue to face great difficulties in providing for the basic needs of our people. A classic example is the International Cocoa Agreement which was broken in March this year because consumer and producer could not come to an agreement on any acceptable price.
78.	Despite the frustrating lack of progress that seems to characterize these negotiations, when they are viewed from the broader perspective of their entire span, it appears that some convergence of views has taken place. There is some evidence of agreement in specific areas and most certainly the negotiations should continue. They represent the greatest challenge and the best hope for a mutually constructive future for the fullest development of our nations.
79.	I have highlighted some crucial issues that beset our times. Some of these issues have remained unresolved for some time. We should, nevertheless, be encouraged by the fact that they have not been long with us if we take the history of mankind into account. Most of our problems have arisen only in the last decade or so. A majority of them is brought upon us by ourselves, mostly as a result of our human weakness. The tendency to gain prestige and the desire to accumulate wealth for oneself seem to be the root cause of all our problems.
80.	Despite these human frailties, it is worth noting that we do make a commendable attempt at resolving or soothing the effects of these problems. I refer in particular to the part played by the United Nations to bring about just and practicable solutions.
81.	The United Nations is a world parliament to which the majority of our people belong. It has a vital role to play; it has done some good work for the world and has failed in some areas. It must not be allowed to become a stumbling block to the advancement of mankind. Let us make it work so as to produce good results for the present and future generations. We can only arrive at our goals if we are sensitive enough, if we are realistic and practical in our approach to the problems around us. Let us make a fresh start in order to build a better world for all mankind.


I should like at the outset to convey to you, an able, creative and experienced diplomat representing a great country with recognized distinction, my delegation's heartfelt congratulations upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. It attests to the increasing role played by your country in Europe and in the European community as a whole. We are confident that your country will thus contribute to a better future for mankind.
32.	I should like also to pay a special tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim for his skilful leadership of the deliberations of the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session. He represented not only his great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, but also the whole African continent, with admirable competence.
33.	May I also take this opportunity to welcome, on behalf of Egypt, the admission of a sister African country, Zimbabwe, to the United Nations, an event of particular significance. Zimbabwe's success in its heroic struggle stands out as glowing testimony to the triumph of a just cause— namely, the exercise of the inalienable right to self-determination, a right that, notwithstanding the viciousness of colonialism, foreign occupation and racism, will always triumph and assert itself in every corner of the world. The independence of Zimbabwe is a valid example of how perseverance in struggle, coupled with wisdom, can bring about a peaceful solution that satisfies the legitimate rights of peoples, while not losing sight of the practical considerations involved.
34.	I should also like to extend Egypt's congratulations to the people and Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the United Nations.
35.	In reviewing the present international situation—in particular, the events of the past year since we met at the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly—the delegation of Egypt would like to single out a number of major issues that pose serious threats to the world and which require particular attention and continuous sincere efforts so that we may be able to safeguard the very essence of international relations.
36.	International economic relations, particularly in the light of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, were given primary importance at the special session and at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] held at Lagos in April. However, we must intensify our efforts in order to establish a new international economic order based on justice and efficacy.
37.	The eleventh special session was convened with a view to evaluating the present stage of international economic relations. It was hoped that agreement could be reached to begin serious global negotiations to resolve the acute economic crisis that confronts our contemporary world, in particular, the developing nations, which suffer from such serious problems as increased indebtedness and the obstacles which hinder socioeconomic development. There is no doubt that the special session of the General Assembly showed how much we need dialogue in order to resolve the difficulties inherent in present economic relations.
38.	Whether in the African or international sphere, Egypt upholds the position espoused by the developing world that economic development is both a right and an obligation; it should be one of the basic results of rational and equitable relations. As a member of the Group of 77, Egypt realizes full well that its economic salvation must ultimately lie in self-reliance. Nevertheless Egypt realizes that certain complementary factors, such as economic cooperation among developing countries and interdependence between developed and developing countries, are essential. There exists, in fact, a wide area in which developing countries can satisfy one another's needs, thereby effecting change in the pattern of international economic relations.
39.	In that connection, I wish to cite as an example Egypt's latest endeavour in establishing a fund for technical cooperation designed to launch a new era of multilateral cooperation with its sister African countries. That fund started operating following the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which was held at Freetown from 1 to 4 July. While giving priority to enhancing its indigenous capabilities, Egypt at the same time considers that the role of the developed countries, particularly their political will, is essential in bringing about genuine solutions to the present economic crisis.
40.	By dealing first with international economic relations and, in particular, the new international economic order, I have merely sought to emphasize the important role the economic situation plays in contemporary international life. I am, however, of the view that it is primarily political will that can bring about change in the present pattern of international economic relations. Political will derives from and is closely related to the existing international political order, which, in my view, requires our serious consideration.
41.	The recent alarming developments that have challenged the Charter and the international order that we have subscribed to and adhered to since 1945 have not only created a perilous situation of political upheaval sometimes even bordering on chaos, but have also accentuated the disparities between the powerful and the weak countries. Moreover, such challenges have resulted in the continuance and exacerbation of racist policies and ideologies, the use of force in international relations, the acquisition of territory by war, the denial of legitimate national rights—foremost among them the right to self-determination—and last but not least the aggravation of the situation which has caused the efforts to achieve disarmament to become locked in a vicious circle.
42.	The continuance of such policies and the situation resulting therefrom have had a negative impact on the conduct of international relations. The time has therefore come for us to intensify our efforts to put an end to the problems posed by such policies and to explore means of satisfying the requirements of the international community and therefore the interests of the peoples and nations.
43.	Suffice it to mention that, although the Charter has existed for over 35 years and despite the purposes and principles embodied therein, the Palestinian people have not been spared the yoke of occupation and the agony of the denial of their rights; the invasion of Afghanistan has not been prevented and the people of southern Africa have not been protected against the evils of occupation, racism and apartheid. It is relevant to note that full-scale war has been avoided thus far not as a result of respect for the Charter of the United Nations and its purposes and principles but rather as a result of the existence of a balance of nuclear deterrence. If this balance were disturbed or if development drastically altered the status quo, the world could be threatened by a nuclear holocaust.
44.	Unfortunately, the use of force in international relations has recently emerged once again, to resume a prominent place in the conduct of contemporary international relations. If the international community does not take a firm stand on this issue, the events that have taken place in Afghanistan could be the precursor of similar happenings elsewhere in the world, and in particular in the third world. By taking such a stand, the peoples and nations of the third world can defend themselves against a massive invasion similar to that to which Afghanistan has fallen prey.
45.	Events in Kampuchea are a further manifestation of recourse to the use of force in international relations. Regardless of the excesses attributed to one regime or another in that country, no justification of military intervention and external interference to impose a certain regime on a people is acceptable.
46.	I should like also to refer to what is taking place in southern Lebanon, where Israel continues its armed attacks on the people of that sister country. Its policies constitute a grave threat to the security of the region and a serious obstacle to peace.
47.	The policies of the Government of South Africa, whether in Namibia or in South Africa itself, and South Africa's recurrent attacks on Angola bear witness to the use of force for the purpose of the subjugation of a people.
48.	The use of force has proliferated in such a way that it has now come to constitute a definite pattern of conduct in interstate relations, a fact attested to by recent conflicts between Iran and Iraq and between Morocco and Algeria.
49.	In this connection, we wish to emphasize the importance of adhering to the principles on which the United Nations is based and implementing the United Nations resolutions on the question of Korea so that the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people may be realized.
50.	Another most disturbing phenomenon, parallel to the use of force, that undermines the fabric of international relations is subversion—the flimsy pretext of an invitation to foreign troops, inciting armed conflicts, and the intensification of the arms race for the narrow benefits of the armaments manufacturers and merchants. In various parts of Africa we see attempts at foreign intervention, which we deplore regardless of its origin. It is not our intention, however, to confine ourselves merely to condemnation but rather to focus attention on the dangers that surround the international situation.
51.	After 35 years of a unique international experiment, the time is ripe to undertake an objective appraisal of the existing political order and, in particular, of the role of the existing international machinery. Accordingly, the Government of Egypt will in the near future propose the convening of a special session of the General Assembly to take up this whole matter.
52.	In making that proposal we are not forgetting that progress towards international detente, which is of such importance, is halted because there is no firm foundation on which to build. Detente must apply to all countries so that the aspirations of all the peoples of the world may be realized and their rights guaranteed; it should not be for the benefit of the two superpowers alone.
53.	In this connection, I would call upon the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to initiate a dialogue on the present international situation. The timing of this initiative is all the more appropriate in that it coincides with the twenty fifth anniversary of the Bandung Conference, which called for the end of colonialism and was therefore a milestone in the development of the international order. May the memory of Bandung inspire this group of nations to agree on a common position for the third world in preparation for the proposed special session and in order to protect coming generations from the ordeals of an uncertain future. It is, after all, the responsibility of those peoples to unite in the defence of their sovereignty and freedom in the face of the dangers confronting the world today.
54.	We call for political interdependence, economic cooperation, recognition of the need to establish justice on the basis of sovereign equality in international relations and for detente not to be pursued to the detriment of the third world. We solemnly urge that the renewed strategic conflict should not be carried out at the expense of small countries and the aspirations of their peoples.
55.	This brings me to the question of the polarization in the present international situation. The increasing competition between the superpowers brings the threat of a new cold war, which would consolidate the policy of occupation and sacrifice the interests of the peoples to those of the world strategists.
56.	In the Middle East we suffer from a volatile situation resulting from dangerous strategic rivalry which day by day comes clearly and aggressively closer. In the Arabian Gulf looming external threats are endangering the freedom and sovereignty of the Arab people in the region. By such threats I do not mean the reported threat to the oil wells, for in Egypt we espouse a different approach based on our keen interest in safeguarding the integrity, rights and riches of the Arab nation. From this rostrum I declare most solemnly that Egypt is willing and able to carry out its historic role and shoulder its responsibility for safeguarding the sovereignty of the Arab people in the Gulf in accordance with their wishes.
57.	In this regard, we are following with the utmost concern and dismay the ongoing war between Iran and Iraq. This outbreak of armed hostilities not only adds a new dimension to the already precarious situation in the Middle East, but has resulted in much bloodshed and destruction in two neighbour countries to which Egypt is bound by history and the common heritage of Islam.
58.	The situation in the area is fraught with inherent danger, compounded by clear external strategic ambitions detrimental to the interests of its people. We therefore urge self-restraint and call for collective action to bring about a climate conducive to the resolution of the problems that resulted in the present conflict that would take into account the necessity of bringing the bloodshed to an end and safeguarding the stability of the region.
59.	As a littoral State of the Mediterranean Sea, Egypt is closely following, in conjunction with efforts undertaken within the context of European security, the effects of the serious international developments on the security of the States in the region. Egypt therefore urges that at the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, to be held at Madrid, a greater role be accorded to the non-European Mediterranean States so that those States may present and be able to discuss their security problems, thereby protecting their legitimate interests in the face of the ongoing rivalries and in order that no international agreements should be concluded without their active participation.
60.	The issues of polarization and the stagnation of detente lead us perforce to the role of the nonaligned movement in the relaxation of global tension and safeguarding the interests of the people of the third world. Egypt, as one of the founding members of the movement and a pioneer in projecting, elaborating and developing its principles and underlying concepts, is determined to strengthen and bolster the movement through active and responsible participation. The rapid international developments, the heightened international tension and the challenges that confront non-alignment necessitate joint and sincere efforts by all its members.
61.	The nonaligned movement was established to secure the freedom and independence of States at a time when the cold war and the rivalry between major Powers dominated the international scene. The movement is now called upon to pursue its goals without distraction and to perform an increasingly more decisive role in defending mankind against the spectre of polarization.
62.	Unfortunately, at present the nonaligned movement is the target of vicious and sinister attempts—oblivious either to the genuine interests of the movement as a whole or even to its possible extinction—to divert it from its true and original path and to inject alien concepts capable of turning the movement into a weapon to be exploited by a superpower. Such attempts cannot but undermine the basis of the movement and wipe away its accomplishments realized through many years of struggle in defending freedoms and safeguarding the security and sovereignty of the peoples and countries of the third world.
63.	The nonaligned movement was conceived and has been developed at Belgrade, Cairo, Lusaka, Algiers and Colombo as a movement that embodies great and lofty ideals. Nonalignment Us for peaceful coexistence, the realization of justice a peace, intensification of cooperation among peoples, an end to interference in the affairs of States and respect for human rights. In essence, the movement was designed to protect nations against recourse to force and the evils of polarization. It is on this premise that we cannot tolerate the manoeuvres of certain forces from within the movement to transform it into a tool of a certain superpower, thereby defeating the very purpose of its existence.
64.	We did not establish the nonaligned movement so that it might be exploited by either of the rival blocs or end up as part of the system of competing political alliances, or for that matter as an appendage to a particular military pact. Rather, we established that movement as a sound moral and spiritual force to play a positive and effective role in international affairs. On behalf of Egypt, I declare that we shall resist with all vigour the destructive roles that countries play within the movement. The nonaligned movement will not be permitted to be a tool in the hands of any bloc—I emphasize "any bloc". It will continue to be a vigorous and free force. Whoever aspires to lead the movement, or merely to assume its leadership, not only should possess the political skills and moral values to prevent him from being a puppet of either superpower but also should retain his intellectual independence and his political and economic freedom.
65.	The time has come for the nonaligned movement to resist sliding into the abyss of polarization and to confront the negative forces that seek to push it into the labyrinth of regional conflict and use it for settling petty accounts or serving ambitions to leadership, and should energetically pursue its genuine goals. The movement should overcome attempts to destroy it from within and safeguard its existence. Its creation should be considered as a landmark amongst the greatest political developments that have effectively contributed to peace and progress in the last two decades.
66.	I should like now to turn to one of the most important fields of international activity, namely, disarmament. The continuation of the present arms race, whether in the conventional or nuclear sense, poses grave dangers for both the present and the future. It is a foregone conclusion that the exacerbation of the arms race, in particular in the nuclear field, in the present areas of potential conflict and the escalation of strategic rivalry enhance the possibilities of global war.
67.	Nuclear disarmament, because of its implications for mankind, should be accorded the greatest priority. Therefore, during the Second Disarmament Decade the utmost attention should be given to arresting the qualitative development of nuclear weapons, ceasing the production of fissionable materials for military purposes, preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and destroying stockpiles of such weapons. In this connection, we call for a collective commitment to the goals and objectives of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. By such a commitment the nuclear weapon States would discharge their obligations to undertake accelerated measures for nuclear disarmament and cooperate with the non-nuclear weapon States in the field of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, while the latter fulfilled their obligations under that Treaty.
68.	The position of the nuclear States at the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons  in refusing to take positive steps towards nuclear disarmament made it imperative for the nonaligned movement to respond by requesting firm guarantees for the security of the nonnuclear weapon States and to reject the restrictions imposed by some nuclear fuel exporters, restrictions that have impeded the international transfer of nuclear technology for the benefit of the development of the countries of the third world.
69.	In this context we should also like to emphasize the importance of creating nuclear weapon free zones. To complement the efforts undertaken to that end in Latin America, where a treaty is in force, and in Africa, whose leaders, with the support of the United Nations, have declared it a nuclear free zone, Egypt strongly urges the adoption of practical and effective measures for the establishment of a nuclear weapon free zone in the Middle East.
70.	Effective international supervision and an unambiguous legally binding commitment by the States of the region to respect the provisions of the Non-proliferation Treaty under international supervision and control and international safeguards under the auspices of IAEA are the only guarantees against a nuclear arms race in the area—a race which, if not arrested in good time, may negatively affect the chances of realizing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace and stability in the area.
71.	Nuclear technology is no longer the monopoly of some. Egypt, a country that has produced a substantial crop of nuclear scientists, will work towards saving the Middle East from the perils of nuclear destruction. In this regard, Egypt will submit to the First Committee a draft resolution which we hope will continue to command the unanimous support similar resolutions have enjoyed during the past six sessions.
72.	Egypt would also like to declare, in the clearest terms, its total support for the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. Such a zone should be created only after a careful and integrated study of the situation in central and west Asia, so that we may avoid the strategic rivalry we are now witnessing in the waters and shores of that area. We are fully aware of the implications of such developments. Our primary concern is the interest of the peoples and States of the region, their independence and their nonalignment and with safeguarding them from hegemony and domination and keeping them out of the arena of rivalry and conflict. It is therefore our hope that the Conference on the Indian Ocean, which is expected to take place at Colombo in 1981, will result in agreement to safeguard the interests of the region.
73.	I have dealt with the major problems that face the world in its quest for peace. I shall now deal with the problems of southern Africa and Palestine, problems that continue to pose serious dangers that by far transcend the confines of their respective regions and thereby endanger international peace and security.
74.	The situation in southern Africa will continue to be explosive as long as the racist regime in South Africa persists in its vicious policy of apartheid, a policy doomed to failure. The racist policies of the Government of South Africa must be totally eradicated so that an acceptable and humane order may emerge.
75.	On the same basis, the situation in Namibia should not be permitted to continue. The obstacles South Africa scatters in the way of the implementation of the United Nations plan make it imperative to employ the stern and effective measures called for in the Charter so as to force that country to comply with the relevant United Nations resolutions. Egypt's position in this regard is a matter of principle: it is total support for the Namibian people in their struggle for self-determination and independence. On the basis of this position of principle, Egypt strongly deplores the request made by the Government of South Africa to the Secretary General on 13 May for the United Nations to withdraw its recognition of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. Egypt views this request as a useless effort by South Africa to disregard reality in a futile attempt to stop the wheel of history.
76.	The question of Palestine was considered by the General Assembly only a few weeks ago at the seventh emergency special session. At that session an international consensus was vividly manifested in support of the national legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. A just resolution of this problem is urgently required.
77.	The problem of Palestine, more than any other problem, has suffered over the past quarter of a century from international indifference. It was only after the Ramadan October 1973 war, and as a direct consequence of it, that definite and effective movement on the road towards a peaceful settlement of this problem occurred.
78.	Notwithstanding the unanimous support on the part of the international community, obstacles continue to obstruct the right of the Palestinians to self-determination. On the other hand, attempts persist to drown meaningful efforts in a sea of rhetoric. As a result of these attempts and in spite of the principles enshrined in the Charter and the various resolutions of the United Nations on this question, the Palestinian people continue to be deprived of their right", to suffer under the yoke of oppression and the agony of displacement and foreign occupation, without a glimmer of hope of the feasibility of their freedom and the exercise of their inalienable and legitimate right to self-determination without foreign interference on their own land.
79.	Egypt considers the Palestinian question an Egyptian, Arab and African problem—a problem that relates to and affects the third world as a whole. Consequently, Egypt has embarked on the solution of this problem, first by shattering the status quo which some have tried to perpetuate and then by ushering in a transitional period which could be utilized as a preparatory phase for a comprehensive negotiation of the final settlement in which the Palestinian people will participate on an equal footing with the other concerned parties.
80.	This has been the rationale of the successive Egyptian initiatives over the past 13 years, starting with the acceptance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), then the welcoming of and cooperation with the Jarring mission, the war of attrition, the acceptance of the Rogers plan of 1970, the mission of the African Wise Men in 1971, the glorious October war, President Sadat's initiative in November 1977 and the signing of the Camp David accords.
81.	In all its endeavours, Egypt has never overlooked or ignored the fundamental premises laid down by the international community in the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement for a settlement of the Palestinian problem. The essence is always the rights of the Palestinians to self-determination and return.
82.	On these fundamental premises there can be no compromise. No one has the right to make concessions in their regard for they constitute the only real guarantee for achieving a just peace, as well as being the core of the peaceful settlement.
83.	It is universally recognized that the Palestinian problem is a complex one, comprising many intricate and intertwined components. All efforts for its resolution must therefore focus, first of all, on terminating the foreign occupation of Palestinian territories in the West Bank, Arab Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, and the restoration of the inalienable and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Egypt's signing of the Camp David accords is a step in that direction. The Camp David accords represent a concrete step towards the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), a step that would usher in a transitional arrangement in preparation for the exercise of self-determination by the Palestinian people. The accords are also designed to foster Palestinian Israeli coexistence. Once Israel respects the rule of international law and legitimacy, the two peoples can appreciate the mutual advantages of peaceful coexistence and cooperation in the future. When we embarked on the negotiations to establish the transitional arrangements, we had much hope that despite the vilification campaign, it would be possible to proceed to alleviate the plight of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories and to enable them to exercise full authority over their territory and later participate on an equal footing with the Israeli Government in negotiations aimed at determining the present as well as the future. However, Israel's vacillation and obstructionism, together with its settlements policy and the illegal measures it is undertaking in Jerusalem, have all, more than once, resulted in stagnation and stalemate. Egypt, in spite of being the first to condemn such Israeli policies, still believes that an opportunity exists to achieve tangible progress towards a comprehensive settlement.
84.	To surmount the obstacles posed by Israel's procrastination in the negotiations and its policies in the occupied territories, obstacles that impede any meaningful movement towards the interim objectives stipulated in the Camp David accords, namely, the establishment of full autonomy in the West Bank, including Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, for a period not exceeding five years, President Sadat proposed the convening of a summit meeting with the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Israel after the United States presidential elections. The purpose of the summit is to discuss these obstacles with a view to resolving them and thereby paving the way towards the establishment of the interim period in which the Israeli military Government will be replaced by a Palestinian authority, and the Israeli armed forces will commence their withdrawal from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
85.	Egypt's perseverance in resolving the Palestinian problem within a practical and effective framework, away from irresponsible rhetoric, stems from its conviction that security, peace and stability in. the Middle East hinge upon solution of the Palestinian problem. Egypt in no way suggests that it monopolize the settlement of this problem but, on the contrary, it encourages all efforts towards that end. We encourage and support the European initiative, a sentiment transmitted to Mr. Thorn, the Chairman of the European fact-finding mission, on his recent visit to Cairo. Equally, we support the ideas advanced by the Romanian President, Mr. Ceausescu, which call for the convening of an international conference, a proposal previously put forward by the Secretary General, Mr. Waldheim. I take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to him for his tireless efforts and dedication to enhance the cause of peace. Egypt's Vice President, Mr. Mubarak, has only recently concluded a tour of Europe in which he presented Egypt's position and expressed its total support for any initiatives that might contribute towards a just settlement of the Palestinian problem.
86.	Meanwhile, it is relevant to recall that since the efforts of the African Wise Men in the early 1970s, the question of Palestine, since it is also an African problem based on the unity of struggle for liberation and independence, has been and continues to be the subject of intensive contacts among African leaders.
87.	It is necessary to state in the clearest terms that all these initiatives, ideas and proposals should take two basic considerations into account, namely, completing the efforts made and those to be made for the peaceful settlement of the problem; and basing those efforts on the following principles: first, the legitimate and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to exercise their right to self-determination without external interference; in addition, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to establish their own independent State in Palestine as an undisputed right, equal to that of all peoples, to independence; secondly, any settlement should provide for the implementation of all the principles embodied in Security Council resolutions, and in particular resolution 242 (1967), which stipulates the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States in the region; thirdly, the right and the obligation of the Palestinian people to participate in all the stages of negotiations leading to a just settlement; fourthly, the rejection of all the Israeli measures which are contrary to international law, the Charter and relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the binding international conventions, in particular those measures relative to the building of settlements in occupied territories; fifthly, the security of the area is indivisible and therefore does not relate to Israel alone; genuine security cannot be realized for one party at the expense of the security and rights of the others; and sixthly, the necessity that Israel immediately undertake certain confidence building measures to bring about a climate of understanding and coexistence between the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, a climate that would, on the basis of international legitimacy, pave the way towards friendly relations between the two peoples in the future.
88.	As stated by President Sadat, if the question of Palestine is at the centre of the Middle East conflict, Jerusalem is the essence of it. It has become absolutely clear that any attempt on the legal status of Jerusalem will be rejected and any bilateral attempt to change it will be denounced and rejected by world consensus. Security Council resolution 478 (1980) on the inadmissibility of the measures taken by Israel affecting the status of the City of Jerusalem, states that those measures are null and void. The resolution best represents the unanimous opinion of the world on the subject. We in Egypt are strongly opposed to any measure taken by Israel to integrate Jerusalem and express our gratitude to the countries which have withdrawn their embassies from Jerusalem as a sign of opposition to Israel's policy and in compliance with that resolution. We call upon all States to affirm the inadmissibility of any measures taken by Israel to dominate Jerusalem or likely to strengthen its claim thereto.
89.	Egypt has chosen the path of peace. Egypt will spare no effort in its quest for peace because it believes in the lofty principles and objectives of the United Nations and the principles of nonalignment, for which it has struggled and will continue to struggle until they have become the established norms for the majority of nations.
90.	Egypt's foreign policy should be seen as a manifestation of the historical role it has played since the dawn of civilization.
91.	Egypt will continue, together with other peace-loving nations, to strive for the elimination of the spectre of war, the development of friendly relations and fruitful cooperation among nations in order that an international order with justice and peace may prevail.