1.	 It is a great pleasure for me to address the Assembly at its yearly meeting, this time at its thirty-eighth session. It is our deep hope that the work of this session will be successful so that reason and justice may prevail over selfish and hegemonic designs which today serve only to threaten the existence of the human race. My delegation's presence in New York is eloquent proof of our conviction that within the United Nations we could find the unity of nations, even in diversity. We could negotiate together the solution of problems and differences, though with different procedures; we could bring peoples closer together in spite of geographical distances, if we were all to resolve to do so. Only in this way, we believe, will we be able to ensure the socio-economic and cultural well-being to which each and every one of the inhabitants of our world aspires.
2.	With this outlook, it is a particular pleasure for me to convey to the representatives gathered here the greetings and wishes for success of Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, who since his accession to the highest office of our nation has placed the greatest emphasis on the importance and raison d’être of the United Nations, particularly now, when dialogue becomes increasingly difficult because those taking part are speaking at cross purposes and when the use of force becomes increasingly imminent because of the juxtaposition of interests.
3.	Mr. President, I do not wish to enter into the substance of my statement without first of all saying how delighted my country and my delegation are at your well- deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session. Although we are aware that because of the nature and volume of the items on the agenda and because of the present international situation your task will not be an easy one, we are none the less convinced that the ideals of freedom, peace and justice that characterize Panama, your country, and your own skills as a diplomat and statesman are a guarantee of the success of our work. The election of the other members of the General Committee is for us a source of pride and a sign of hope. To each and every one, we address our most sincere congratulations.
4.	At the same time, we express our sincere appreciation and congratulations to Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, as well as to each member of the General Committee at the thirty-seventh session, for the efficiency and dynamism with which they conducted the work of that session.
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5.	For the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, which is celebrating the fifteenth anniversary of its independence today, and for the United Nations and all its Members, the past year, September 1982 to September 1983, has recorded both encouraging and discouraging developments in the annals of history.
6.	One of the favourable developments is that the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, committed to its objectives and loyal to its principles, has put into operation a democratizing machinery, with the establishment, through the unanimous approval of our basic law in a popular referendum, of the three powers- executive, judicial and legislative—that are now governing our country.
7.	We know full well, however, that the mere availability of constitutional instruments and organs does not mean the effective and coherent functioning of those organs, much less the institutionalization of the democracy which protects the fundamental rights and freedoms of the human being, which should be aimed at the achievement of his full development. Nevertheless, we are convinced that the United Nations as a whole and all countries that cherish freedom, justice and peace individually will continue to make their valuable contribution to the attainment of those objectives to which the people of Equatorial Guinea aspires.
8.	Please allow me to take this opportunity to express the thanks of Equatorial Guinea for the multisectoral and multifaceted assistance given thus far by friendly countries and by the United Nations system in our process of national recovery. At the same time, we hope that the assistance pledged for the economic recovery and development of cur country will be received in the near future, and we also hope that there will be an increase in the list of potential donors and in the contributions themselves.
9.	In the context of international co-operation, Equatorial Guinea supports and encourages the establishment of economic and technical co-operation among the developing countries in the framework of South-South negotiations. But this in no way reduces our interest in the resumption and progress of the North-South negotiations. It is in this spirit that, in the central African subregion, my Government is currently engaged in negotiations to bring Equatorial Guinea into the Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa and the financial institutions of that subregion. An agreement in principle on membership was reached in the Council of Heads of State of the Union, which met at Yaounde in December 1982. The technical negotiations are now at an advanced stage, and we hope that our final admission will take place in the near future. This will be our own modest contribution to the realization of the declaration adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its extraordinary session devoted to economic problems which was held at Lagos in 1980.
10.	As I have stressed, this wish of ours to participate in regional and subregional efforts for the economic reconstruction of the African continent does not imply any obstruction of or opposition to bilateral and multilateral co-operation, which my Government encourages without distinction of political, economic or ideological systems.

11.	In that connection, apart from developing our relations with neighbouring countries, those of our region and Africa at large, we attach particular importance to our co-operation with the countries of Europe, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly with those of the Hispanic American group, in order to preserve and develop the existing ties between our peoples. On this basis we have worked and shall continue to work to maintain close and constant co-operation based on the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and on the principles of the Movement of Non Aligned Countries, with a view to promoting mutual advantage, defined as co-operation among States, not subject to the circumstances of domestic political change.
12.	In this connection, I to take this opportunity to make it clear that certain interests adverse to my country have in the course of this year embarked on a venomous campaign contrary to the true state of affairs in order to harm Equatorial Guinea's relations, especially those we maintain with Spain, a country with which we co-operate even to a greater extent than is called for in the agreements that have been signed between the two countries.
13.	As I have already indicated, the recent past has not been altogether filled with joy and optimism, because the political and economic imbalances currently characterizing international relations and the deadlock in the negotiations to correct the inequalities and imbalances have harmful effects in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
14.	One of the consequences of our faith in the United Nations is our constant need to express on every occasion our adherence to the principles and purposes of the Charter, as well as those of the Non-Aligned Movement, such as respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of countries, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, the peaceful solution of conflicts, the maintenance of good-neighbourly relations, the use of dialogue rather than force in the search for solutions to the differences that may arise between States and the promotion of relations of interdependence. These pillars are the be-all and end-all of the foreign policy of the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, presided over by Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.
15.	With regard to attaining these ideals, which constitute the prerequisites for the establishment of freedom, peace and justice in the world, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea notes with concern the deterioration of the international situation, which is now characterized by an unbridled arms race, fratricidal wars in the four comers of the world and the imposition by force of economic or ideological systems that do not correspond to the requirements of the populations concerned.
16.	Therefore Equatorial Guinea, not wishing to be a spectator before these errors of mankind, has joined in the efforts of the international community to establish a new international economic and human order. This involves, among other things, curbing the arms race, with a consequent decrease in military budgets; adopting preventive measures against international terrorism, which is claiming too many lives; and eradicating the system of recruiting, using, financing and training mercenaries— which are all factors destabilizing the political and economic order of independent countries.
17.	Today the international community watches indifferently as innocent men, women, children and elderly persons become the targets of ideological, military and hegemonistic rivalry. Yesterday it was the Palestinians and the Mack South Africans; today it is 269 persons travelling on a South Korean commercial airliner. In view of this further evidence of disregard for the human person, Equatorial Guinea cannot conceal its concern &t such occurrences and appeals to the international community and to the General Assembly to adopt specific resolutions making it possible for international organizations and Governments to take coherent measures to avoid similar acts in the future.
18.	A few days ago we welcomed with great happiness the admission to the United Nations family of a new State, Saint Christopher and Nevis. As we congratulate that fraternal people on its attainment of independence and its admission to our ranks, Equatorial Guinea wishes to remind the international community gathered here that the historic resolution 1514 (XV), adopted by the General Assembly at its fifteenth session, has not yet been fully implemented.
19.	Namibia remains illegally occupied by the racist regime of South Africa, which, with the complicity of certain Powers, turns an increasingly deaf ear to the reproof and condemnation of the international community, which cherishes peace, justice and freedom. We regard as inappropriate the linking of the independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, as that linkage would contradict the Charter and the norms of international law. Since its cause is just, Namibia must exercise its right to self-determination and independence.
20.	In South Africa the system of apartheid continues to be an insult to human dignity and a challenge to world public opinion. It is inconceivable and at the same time striking that the creator of a system such as apartheid should become increasingly arrogant and intransigent in spite of the fact that this system has been condemned by almost all the States Members of the United Nations. That arrogance and intransigence have not been confined to increasing the repression of the black South African majority and strengthening the illegal occupation of Namibian territory, but have extended to acts of military aggression and other destabilizing practices against Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe, with consequent loss of human life and property.
21.	In this connection, while Equatorial Guinea is in complete agreement with the need for material, political and diplomatic aid to be given to those countries for the safeguarding of their independence and territorial integrity, at the same time we believe that the eradication of the cause is the fundamental issue. To abolish the apartheid system in South Africa would be to bring justice to that part of the African continent.
22.	Equatorial Guinea takes an optimistic view with regard to the statements made by King Hassan II of Morocco concerning the resolutions adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its sessions at Nairobi and Addis Ababa for a negotiated solution of the question of Western Sahara. We believe that the cessation of hostilities and the holding of a free and properly organized referendum under the supervision of the Organization of African Unity  and the United Nations, through which the people of Western Sahara would be able to pronounce itself clearly on its own destiny, constitutes the best way to a just and lasting solution to this conflict which for so long has claimed so many innocent lives.
23.	The terrible tragedy that the fraternal people of Chad have experienced for many years requires that the international community assist and co-operate so that the people of Chad themselves can through reconciliation
arrive at genuine peace in their country. The internationalization of that conflict which tends to impose a settlement of that interminable war by force of arms would only prolong it. In this connection, we support the proposal that all foreign forces withdraw from Chad and, at the same time, the parties to the dispute peacefully resolve their differences through dialogue.
24.	We express our support for and solidarity with the Argentine Republic in its struggle to recover its national sovereignty. We deeply regret the loss of human life and material goods caused by the conflict over the Malvinas, but we are none the less convinced that reason and justice will make it possible for Argentina to recover the part of its territory which it claims.
25.	The historic relations and cultural affinity that bind the Republic of Equatorial Guinea and the Latin American countries justify our concern at the prevailing situation in Central America. We appeal to all the parties involved in that tragedy, which is costing innocent human lives and considerable material losses, to engage in dialogue in order to find solutions to their differences, with strict respect for the free will of each people in the exercise of its right to choose the political and economic system most in tune with its national interests.
26.	It is regrettable that Latin America, which had been identified on the international scene as a labourer in the struggle against underdevelopment, is today the target of fratricidal struggles and the scene of political and hegemonic confrontations which merely serve alien interests. It is for this and other reasons that Equatorial Guinea supports and is at one with the initiatives taken by the Contadora Group. That is why we support the other peace initiatives being put forward by the countries of the region, directly or indirectly concerned. All of these efforts are aimed solely at ensuring the return of peace and stability for the progress of that region.
27.	In the Middle East, certain Arab territories have been occupied by Israel for more than a decade now, and the Palestinians remain without a homeland and are scattered throughout the world. At the same time, the positions of the parties involved in that complex dispute grow further and further apart. The sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon are increasingly stifled, while innocent lives are lost and hunger and poverty are the daily lot of that part of the world.
28.	We appeal to the Arab and Israeli Governments and to the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLC] for peace and reconciliation, to reconsider their antagonistic positions and sit down to negotiate together in order to find the most appropriate ways of returning peace, harmonious co-existence and stability to the Arab and Israeli peoples, who are doomed to live for ever in that afflicted region of the Middle East. We hope that third-party countries directly or indirectly involved in the conflict will contribute towards the achievement of that goal.
29.	It is regrettable to note that at the very time when the world is waging a war against hunger, illness and poverty—in a word, against underdevelopment—new hotbeds of tension are being created and existing ones are being exacerbated. In this context, in a region of strategic importance, both politically and economically, there has been loss of human lives and considerable material damage. I am referring to the conflict between Iran and Iraq, brother countries to which we urgently appeal that they cease hostilities and solve the problem in conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and international law.
30.	In South-East Asia and South-West Asia the search continues for peace and liability in Kampuchea and Afghanistan. We believe that it is the inhabitants of those countries first and foremost who must seek comprehensive solutions to their internal problems through peaceful negotiations, since the intervention of third countries not resulting from the free expression of the will of the indigenous inhabitants must be condemned as contrary to the Charter. It is the right of every people to decide its own form of government and to choose the economic, political and social system that suits it best, without external pressure or force.
31.	Similarly, the Korean peninsula remains artificially divided in spite of the firm desire for reunification constantly expressed by the Korean people in both North and South and endorsed by both Governments in a joint statement issued on 4 July 1972.' On the basis of that joint statement, we once again call upon the Governments of the two Koreas to establish conditions conducive to the resumption of negotiations, which we ho  will be concluded to the satisfaction of the Korean people as a whole.
32.	The independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned status of Cyprus continue to be threatened and cannot be strengthened because of the occupation of part of that country by foreign troops. We appeal for the withdrawal of those troops and ask the Cypriot communities to resolve their internal problems through peaceful negotiations and to create conditions conducive to the return of the Cypriot refugees, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council.
33.	For a very long time now mankind has been engaged in a constant battle against its worst enemies: hunger, disease and poverty. It is therefore inconceivable that, while success in that battle is still uncertain, mankind itself should be preparing with all haste for its own destruction. The proliferation of nuclear weapons and the increase of military bases, allegedly for reasons of security and protection, lead only to the victory of hunger, disease and poverty over the human being. We hope that statements on disarmament, the creation of zones of peace in various regions, the prevention of nuclear war and the reduction of military budgets will be matched by deeds. Only in that way will mankind be protected and feel secure.
34.	The lack of democracy in international relations not only constitutes a failure in the political relations among States but is also the cause of the unprecedented economic crisis of the world today, which is characterized by the stagnation of and decline in economic activity, an unending and growing deficit in the balance of payments of the developing countries, a steady increase in their external debt, low prices for raw materials and the corresponding enrichment of the more developed countries.
35.	These and many other irregularities have shown that the existing international economic order is inadequate and cannot respond to present-day requirements. Hence, the need to begin a process of global negotiations making possible the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equity, and not aimed at the enrichment of the rich and the impoverishment of the poor.
36.	Although we regret the intransigence of the developed countries, which continues to be an obstacle to the progress of the North-South negotiations, we are convinced that the economic recovery of the North is closely related to the economic survival of the South. That is why we hope that the political will of all will contribute to the democratization of international economic relations.
37.	The Non-Aligned Movement has always felt the need to begin an era of prosperity for all. This is why the

Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, laid the groundwork for the recovery and restructuring of the world economy.
38.	I would be remiss in my duty if I were to conclude my statement without conveying the feelings of gratitude and appreciation of Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, his Government and the people of Equatorial Guinea to the Secretary-General for his constant efforts to safeguard the principles and attain the objectives of the Charter. We greatly value the contribution which the United Nations unceasingly makes in the task of the national reconstruction of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
39.	May the United Nations remain the forum for peace negotiations and not a stage for confrontation,


215. It is indeed a great pleasure for me to address to Mr. Illieca
the felicitations of my delegation on his assumption of
the presidency of the thirty-eighth session. His election
is deserved recognition of his many accomplishments in?
the service of his Government and of the international
community. We are confident that we shall benefit from
his wisdom and experience in our work at this session.
216.	I should also like to take this opportunity to commend the previous President, Mr. Imre Hollai, on the way
he fulfilled his many responsibilities in difficult circumstances, and to record our deep appreciation of his guidance and leadership.
217.	On behalf of the Indonesian Government and
people, I extend a warm welcome to Saint Christopher
and Nevis on its accession to membership in the Organization. My delegation looks forward to close co-operation
between our two countries.
218.	This thirty-eighth session is meeting in an atmosphere of deep anxiety and frustration, as the world
continues to be confronted by multiple crises of unprecedented proportions and persistence. The turmoil and
tension in the political sphere are matched by the stagnation and disarray that today characterize the economies
of virtually all nations, affecting most severely the developing countries. The threat of nuclear catastrophe, fed
by an incessant arms race, is casting its ominous pal over
all other human endeavours. Yet, instead of mounting
a purposeful, global response to these challenges, the
international community seems to be locked In a perverse
inability to agree on even a common approach to the
problems.
219.	We have all come to recognize peace, disarmament
and development as the central, interrelated issues of our
time, but in acknowledging this reality we are in fact also
defining the comprehensive context, which is the only?
relevant content, for peacefully resolving the growing
insecurity instability in the world.
220.	In the present global setting, mutual interaction
and linkages between political and economic problems
are self-evident. In an increasingly interdependent world,
the political stability and economic well-being of both
developed and developing countries are becoming more
intertwined. As the promos we face today have assumed
global proportions, in scope as well as In their consequences, they accordingly Cali for a globalized effort in
finding solutions. The emergence of a new, more equitable and rational international order can come about
only through sustained international co-operation and
dialogue, conducted within a coherent and integrated
approach to the problems at hand.
221.	It is a matter of deepening concern, therefore,
to observe what our Secretary-General in his report
on the work of to- Organization	so aptly described as the continuing "erosion of multilateralism and
internationalism".
222.	The growing tendency of some major Powers to
resort to a bilateralism based on considerations of expediency and a narrowly defined concept of security must
be checked, as it earn only lead to heightened polarization
and the revival of naked power politics. If such a drift
were allowed to continue, while inequalities and inequities
among nations remain unresolved, interdependence will
sadly become a mere euphemism for new forms of dependence and domination. When, furthermore, each and
every conflict situation in the acid is being perceived
and east within the context of East-West rivalry, then the
solution of problems will only be further complicated
and the risk of world-wide escalation correspondingly
enlarged.
223.	My Government, therefore, fully endorses the coil
made by the Secretary-General to take a fresh collective
look at the problems we are facing, to exert renewed
efforts at the highest level to strengthen international cooperation and to support the United Nations as the
principal, collective instrument through which Governments can and should control conflicts and work out
solutions together.
224.	The threat to the very survival of human civilization from nuclear war remains the greatest danger facing
the world today. The nuclear arms race, far from abating,
continues to escalate to the point of complete irrationality. The more money is spent on arms, the more people
seem to be taking leave of their senses, proceeding inexorably on a path of self-destruction, spending more and
more and gaining less and less.
225.	Faced with the prospect of an irreversible spiral
of escalation, the Seventh Conference of Heads of State
or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New
Delhi last March, has called for priority action on a freeze
on the production and deployment of nuclear weapons,
the speedy finalization of a comprehensive test-ban treaty
and a treaty banning chemical weapons, as well as for
action to ensure that outer space is used exclusively for
peaceful purposes. The heads of State or Government of
Non-Aligned Countries also reaffirmed the importance
of establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones on the basis
of arrangements freely arrived at among the Stash. I of the
regions concerned.
226.	For its part, Indonesia has always emphasized the
validity and relevance of the regional approach to security
and disarmament. The States of the Association of South-
East Asian Nations	have long advocated a zone
of peace, freedom and neutrality within which there is
provision for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free
zone in South-East Asia. In that part of the world,
ASEAN has built an edifice for co-operation and progress
among regional States which to date has proved not only
its utility out, more importantly, its durability. The establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South-East
Asia, as a component element of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, would be a logical and meaningful
contribution to regional peace and stability.
227.	In a climate of growing distrust and heightened tensions between the super-Powers, conflicts have become increasingly more difficult to resolve. It is to be regretted, therefore, that the shocking incident involving the shooting down of the South Korean civilian airliner on 1 September 1983 has further exacerbated this climate of tension and mutual suspicion. Indonesia welcomes the recent decision on this matter taken by the ICAO Council, which is the appropriate forum to conduct a thorough investigation and to ensure that tragedies of this kind do not occur in the future.
228.	In South-East Asia, peace and regional harmony
continue to elude us because of the unresolved probate
of Kampuchea. Central to this problem is the question
of how to secure the restoration of national independence
and sovereignty for the Kampuchean people and, indeed,
how to secure their very survival as a nation. As long as
foreign forces remain in that country, as long as the
Kampuchean people arc denied the right to determine
their own future and to pursue their own political and
economic system, free from external interference, no just
and durable solution can be found to this problem.
229.	We are encouraged to note that the Coalition
Government of Democratic Kampuchea has been gaining
widening support, inside Kampuchea as wet as abroad.
230.	My Government reiterates its firm belief that it is
in the interest of all parties concerned to seek a comprehensive political solution through negotiation rather than
confrontation. We remain convinced that the elements
contained in the Declaration on Kampuchea provide
the best framework for such a solution. They offer an
equitable approach to ensure the re-emergence of Kampuchea as an Independent, sovereign and non-aligned
nation. That Declaration also takes fairy into account the
legitimate interests and security concerns of all countries
in South-East Asia including Viet Nam.
231.	 should take to stress that what Indonesia and the
other member countries of ASEAN aspire to is not a
solution beyond the attainable, given the often-expressed
desire of all States in the region for peace, stability and
mutual co-operation in South-East Asia. But it must be
based on the premise of the withdrawal of all foreign
troops from Kampuchean soil and the establishment of
a Kampuchean government of the people's own choosing,
through internationally supervised elections In which all
Kampucheans will participate, for only then can the
various political groups in Kampuchea actively work
towards the goal of national reconciliation.
232.	Yet another issue which begs for a speedy political
solution based on the withdrawal of foreign forces is the
situation In Afghanistan. In addition to endangering the
peace and security of South-West Asia, this conflict has
justifiably aroused world-wide concern because of its
ramifications on a number of global issues. The sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and non-aligned
status of the country must be restored and the Afghan
refugees must be allowed to return to their homes In
safety and dignity. 1 would like to take this opportunity to commend the efforts of the Secretary-General to
find a negotiated solution, and we are encouraged by
the indications of progress so far made by his specie
representative.
233.	The search for a just peace in the Middle East revolves around the questions that remain at the core of the protracted conflict in that region: self-determination and sovereign nationhood for the Palestine people and the cessation of Israeli aggression and illegal occupation of all Arab territory, including Jerusalem. Developments in this seed-bed of turbulence nave followed an unchanging pattern of movement from one violent crisis to the next, triggered by the aggressive and expansionist policies of Israel and its defiant flouting of all decisions of the United Nations. From proclaiming Jerusalem as its capital to the annexation of the Golan Heights, by the further establishment of illegal settlements in the occupied territories and the continued oppression and violation of the human rights of the Arab people in those territories, Israeli policies have been title root cause of aggravated tensions, making any meaningful progress towards solution exceedingly difficult. Ironically, these policies have brought neither peace nor greater security for Israel. Indonesia has consistent; supported all Arab initiatives, including the proposals of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, tied at Fez, as they provide a sound basis for the search for a just and durable peace in the region. Indonesia remains steadfast in its support of the PLO, the soy and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
234.	The International Conference on this Question of
Palestine, just had at Geneva, was a historic gathering
of the international community which underscores the
urgency and concern we all attach to securing the rights
of title Palestinian people. The decisions of the Conference, in the view of my delegation, contain the key ferments for a peaceful solution to the question of Palestine.
Most importantly, it called upon the Security Council to
adopt effective measures to establish an independent and
sovereign Palestinian State white assuring the right of all
States to exist within secure and internationally recognized boundaries. In this regard, the Council was invited
to convene an international peace conference on the
Middle East, with alt parties, tincturing the PLO and the
big Powers, as wet as other concerned States, participating on an equal footing. Our task is to secure this goal
through a process of negotiations leading to a comprehensive settlement.
235.	Israel’s massive invasion of Lebanon test year
shocked the world and underscored the impunity with
which Israel has tried to impose its designs on the region?
in complete disregard of world censure. A year after the
invasion, Israeli forces continue to occupy large areas of
Lebanon, and the situation is further aggravated by the
involvement of more extra-regional States. My delegation
maintains that the key to the preservation of the territorial
integrity and independence of Lebanon is to secure the
immediate and tactic withdraws of ate Israeli forces and
the scrupulous observance of non-interference by all
outside Powers. This would greatly facilitate efforts In
encouraging all contending Lebanese factions towards
negotiations leading to national reconciliation. We therefore welcome the recent cease-fire as a positive step in this direction.
236.	The plight of Namibia continues to be an affront
to our sense of justice and a hearty burden on the collective conscience of the international community. How long
should we bear witness to the pain and suffering of?
millions who are fighting for human dignity and soda
justice Indeed, how long can we remain patient, year?
after year, la the face of Pretoria's ruthless perpetuation
of its twin policies of occupation in Namibia and
apartheid in South Africa
237.	Despite concerted International efforts, most re
entity at the International Conference in Support of the
Struggle of the Namibian People for independence, held
in Paris from 25 to 29 April 1983. the prospects of a free
and independent Namibia seem no better today that they
did last spring. Most significantly, the further report of
the Secretary-General on his recent visit to the region'
has shown that the stalemate continues because of Pretoria's insistence at Making progress towards Namibia
independence to extraneous issues such as the presence
of Cuban troops in Angola. The racist regime also persists
in efforts to perpetuate its integral occupation of Namibia
through a calculated potties of social and political fragmentation and imposing puppet regimes. As the Secretary General pointed out, unit a date is fixed for the
implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978
and a cease-fire comes into force, the calm of substantial
progress cannot be sustained. Against this background,
it would be naive to entertain the hope that South African
racists will ever abandon their policies and abide by the
terms of relevant Security Council resolutions without the
imposition of mandatory sanctions.
238. Indonesia will continue in its staunch support of the valiant struggle of the Namibian people under the determined leadership of SWAPO, their solo and authentic representative.
239. In South Africa, the odious policy of apartheid continues to be pursued. In the face of increased repression by the regime, the people have intensified their resistance. This was demonstrated by last month's protest meeting in Cape Town, the largest held in South Africa in over two decades.
240. It is clear that South Africa's protects of internal
oppression and external aggression have reached such a
magnitude as to pica international peace and security
in imminent jeopardy. The front-line States have borne
the brunt of South Africa's repeated armed aggressions
and attempts at military, political and economic destabilization. Such continuing threats must be
addressed by the Security Council, which has the authority and responsibility to compel South Africa's compliance with its obligations under the Charter of the United
Nations.
241.	All too often the cessation of armed hostilities has led to a slackening of efforts to achieve peaceful settlement of a dispute. New efforts should be exerted to resume negotiations, as procrastination can only idea to a prolongation of the dispute or even to a resumption of armed hostilities.
242.	Within the same area of the world, we continue
to view with concern the tensions and strife that have
beset Central America and the Caribbean. The factors
that have embroiled this region in incessant turmoil are
fundamentally rooted in internal, unresolved proms
women in the past thwarted movement towards social and
economic justice as well as growth towards true independence. Movement toward the solution of these problems
is hampered by externally induced overt or covert pressures. The most rational approach has come from the
Stats in the region themselves, which ultimately have the
greatest stake in re-establishing stability in the region.
243. it is in this context that my Government supports
the Contadora Group's initiative. The Group's understanding of the unique historical circumstances and its
comprehensive regional approach fully deserve serious
attention. In addition, my delegation hopes that the
exiting regional organizations wimp also pays a greater
reef in building a vibe: infrastructure for economic
co-operation, political cohesion and overall stability.
244. There is no doubt that Antarctica is of great scientific, environmental and climatic significance to the world, in addition to holding out considerable economic potential. Thus in recent years there has been increasing international interest towards the sixth continent, which in many aspects constitutes the last frontier on earth. Unfortunately, however, information about this region has not kept pace with this increased interest. There is, therefore, a real need for the universal sharing of such information and for wider international co-operation to ensure that all futures activities in Antarctica will be for the benefit of all mankind.
245.	We are aware that the parries to the 1959 Antarctic
Treaty has promoted scientific co-operation and environmental research and has succeeded in preventing
territorial claims at the militarization of the region.
None the is, all of these commendable activities do not
detract from the fact that knowledge about the workings
of the Treaty and the modalities of its functioning have
so far been the privilege of a few. Hence, the initiative
of Malaysia and Antigua at Barbuda
in asking the United Nations to undertake a
comprehensive study of the region is a commendable one,
which my dedication fully supports. It is also in tune with
the decision taken at New Delhi by the Seventh Confer-
once of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries
246.	Indonesia does not share the apprehension of the
Treaty's signatories that such a study would in any way
undermine what it has already achieved. Indeed, we
should air ensure that such an examination will contribute?
to increasing the informed interest at participation of
the international community in the development of the
potential of Antarctica, without undermining the legal
regime already in force.
247.	In reviewing the global economic situation and
international economic relations, we cannot disguise our
exasperation at the protracted malaise that continues to
afflict them. The economic crisis which has tons since
reached global proportions is threatening the stability and
stiffing the growth of all countries. Consequently, the
economic resilience and margin of safety once available
too many developing countries have been severely eroded.
Their vulnerable economies, left exposed to the relentless
onslaughts of this extremely induced -.rises, have sustained
a most damaging impact.
248.	The harsh realities besetting the world economic
scene today, compounded by factors, are in truth
symptomatic of more fundamental inadequacies plaguing
the international economic order. In the last decade, since
the sixth special session of the General Assembly, in 1974,
many initiatives were taken and numerous conferences
and meetings were held in vain attempts to redress these
structural imbalances. The failure of these efforts to begin
the democratization of the international economic order
does not negate their validity, nor should it diminish our
commitment to their eventual achievement. Indonesia,
for its part, reiterates its strong commitment to the establishment of the new international economic order. We
cannot settee for is. We want equitable participation in
the productive and decision-making processes of the
global economy.
249.	What then should be our response to this multiple crises? Some industrialized countries have responded by inaugurating recovery policies which are rooted in the so-called trickier-down theory of economics. Such policies are tantamount to relegating the development of the developing countries to being a mere by-product of the economic revival of the North. But can recovery policies based on such exclusiveness be sustained against the reality of global economic interdependence? Conversely, can lasting development of the developing countries be ensured without world economic recovery?  These fundamental  questions pose a challenge to the collective wisdom of the international community.
250. Consequently, Indonesia fully supports the efforts of the non-aligned countries and the Group of 77, manifested at New Delhi and Buenos Aires earlier this year, to address these problems specifically. Immediate measures to stimulate world economic recovery and the accelerated development of the developing countries are urgently needed. Prominent among these measures is the proposal to convene an international conference on money and finance for development, to which Indonesia fully subscribes.
251. Concurrently, decisive action should be taken
effectively to launch global negotiations. At New Dei hi
a two-phased approach was broached; those issues concerning connotation and allocation on which agreement
has been reached will be taken up in the first phase of
the negotiations and those issues affecting the structure
of the international economic system and its institutions
will be discussed in title second phase. This flexible approach demands a corresponding constructive response
from the developed countries, in a spirit of mutual interest at interdependence, we therefore strongly cat upon
our partners to attach the global negotiations without
delay.
252.	The outcome of the sixth session of the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development has been
deeply disappointing. A golden opportunity was indeed
missed. Far from responding adequately to the gravity
of the world economic situation, the developed countries
at the Conference failed to demonstrate flexibility
corresponding to that displayed by the developing countries. Moreover, the failure of the Conference to achieve
any meaningful progress could set a damaging precedent
resulting in the erosion of multilateral co-operation. That
is not to say that we completely denigrate the results of
the Conference. We can agree with the assessment of the
Secretary-General that it did yield some positive elements which could form a basis for further dialogue and
negotiations.
253.	Collective self-reliance of the developing countries,
as expressed through economic and technical co-operation
among them, Is a dynamic process? Such a process should
not only prove critical for revitalizing the development
of their economies but should also greatly contribute to
a sustained global recovery. Since its inception at Bandung in 1955, and as amplified in Algiers, Caracas and Buenos Aires, South-South co-operation has made commendable progress. Economic and technical co-operation among developing countries has become an integral part
of Indonesia's foreign policy. Within our limited capacities we have extended technical co-operation programmes to various countries both within and beyond our region. This we will continue.
254.	The 1980s, so far, have brought au a distressing increase in political tensions, conflict and economic
dislocation on a global as well as a regional scale. This
turn for the worse has been accompanied by a corresponding aggravation of mutual suspicions, divisions and
polarization among nations and a continuing incapacity
of the international community to develop the necessary
concepts, policies and institutions capable of meeting the
new realities of our time. Conversely, however, the inexorable trend towards the greater independence of nations
and of solutions to problems has also strengthened a
growing consciousness of the common fate and common
future that all humankind shares in this, our one-world
community.
255.	Great adversity and crisis always pose a threat, but they also offer an opportunity to effect fundamental change. So even though it may be tempting to lapse into cynical resignation or pessimism, the compelling need is to rise to the challenge and to arrest and reverse the slide into uncontrollable and unmanageable chaos and the collapse of the present international order. We should stop paying only lip service to interdependence, which as of now is asymetric l and therefore unjust anyway. Instead we should marshal our collective capacity and political will to really start dealing with the implications of genuine, global interdependence on the basis of mutual benefit and common security. Indonesia believes that there is no better time and place than right here and now, as it remains convinced that the United Nations is the international instrument best suited to develop such a capacity.
256.	The presence here in New York of a large number
of heads of State or Government, in response to the
initiative of the chairman of the Movement of Non-
Aligned Countries, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, not
only serves to bolster our unwavering support for the
United Nations; the informal meetings which have been
held among these world leaders, in a spirit of sincerity
and good faith, have also provided a unique focal point
where at least the beginnings of a concerted global approach to the problems of peace and peaceful coexistence,
disarmament and development can be fashioned.
257.	If this should be the ease, then 1983 could yet turn
out to be, in the words of the Secretary-General, a year
of reassessment and a turning point.


I should like to associate myself with those who have spoken before me on this rostrum in congratulating Mr. von Wechmar, on behalf of the Haitian delegation, upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. The success of this session has thus been ensured, by virtue of his great personal qualities, his experience and his dynamic nature. I should not like to let pass this opportunity of expressing to him the satisfaction of my Government at the development of relations between Haiti and the Federal Republic of Germany. I would assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation.
183.	I also wish to acquit myself of the pleasant duty of presenting once again my warm congratulations to our brother from the United Republic of Tanzania, Mr. Salim, who presided with such rare skill and remarkable talent at the thirty-fourth session and three special sessions of the General Assembly.
184.	My delegation wishes to reiterate its gratitude to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to make this Organization an active international force, a home of conciliation, justice and peace.
185.	The admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of the Organization fills us with joy. My delegation is happy to convey to its people and Government the wishes of the Haitian Government for a future of peace and prosperity.
186.	I should like to take this opportunity to welcome again the delegation of Zimbabwe and to wish it much success in its participation in the thirty-fifth session.
187.	A period has elapsed between the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and the current session of which the best that can be said is that it was not particularly good for international relations: a period in which hopes of peace appear to have grown weaker and new hotbeds of tension have arisen in various parts of the world. The situation in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Indo-China, the Horn of Africa, and the war between Iran and Iraq are causes of deep concern for the international community. The continuing arms race, the widening gap between rich and poor countries, the world economic crisis and its effects on socioeconomic systems: all stress the broad outlines of the work that lies ahead for the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. More than any other session, it will have to give the international community new reasons for hope. It should on an urgent basis arrive at a solution of the problems of international peace and security and co-operation among nations. The world expects the Assembly and the United Nations to avert the threat of a third world war and, to that end, to reduce injustice and inequality on this earth, to reduce the numbers of the tortured and the slain and of those suffering from hunger, poverty and ignorance.
188.	The objectives of the Assembly at the present session will be achieved only to the extent that delegations realize the urgent need to halt the arms race, to denounce as inadmissible the policy of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of States, to eliminate centres of poverty in the world by establishing a new international economic order and thus consolidating peace and co-operation among nations.
189.	If at the thirty-fifth session those objectives should fail to be achieved, the world will remain confronted with today's problems as well as with the problems of tomorrow, which may be even more serious. In Kampuchea there will still be an army of occupation and a people which suffers and which aspires to independence. On the outskirts of Middle Eastern cities there will still be a Palestinian Diaspora in quest of a homeland and an Israel on the alert and on a footing of war. The war between Iran and Iraq will become a threat to peace; the racist leaders in southern Africa will continue to practise with impunity and with the help of their allies their policy of apartheid and racial discrimination and the poor countries will become even poorer because they will be affected to a greater degree by the pressures of galloping world-wide inflation, while remaining deprived of the means of escaping from underdevelopment.
190.	During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on development and international co-operation, I had the honour of putting forward the views of the Government of Haiti" on the prospects for success of the North-South dialogue, in keeping with the urgent and immediate needs of the developing countries. At the same time the Head of State of Haiti, Mr. Jean-Claude Duvalier, made a statement for the periodical Leaders, which he published under the title "A challenge to the world leaders". The President listed the following development objectives of the third world nations: to create more employment; to become self-sufficient in the production of food; to intensify educational programmes; to improve housing, health and social services; and, for the attainment of those objectives, to give priority to agriculture, industry, tourism, infrastructure and housing.
191.	That approach to the problem, to the extent that it presupposes efforts for development on the part of the countries concerned, would be bolstered by the implementation of a production programme. That approach would make it possible to remove the obstacles to the search for a solution likely to bring to bear on the core of the problem the rational use of international aid. That approach would lend itself to the compromise that it is desirable to envisage during the debates which the Assembly is called upon to resume at the thirty-fifth session on the refinement of the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
192.	My delegation is confident that, despite the difficult circumstances prevalent in the world, the reopening of the North-South dialogue is still a sound prospect for a third world ravaged by disease, hunger and ignorance.
193.	In that regard, the President of the World Bank, Mr. Robert McNamara, did not conceal his concern in a speech made last week at the thirty-fifth annual meeting of the Bank and IMF. He stated that 600 million human beings were called on to live in the most absolute poverty until the year 2000. He then made a dramatic appeal to the large share-holders of the Bank, particularly the United States, Japan and the United Kingdom, to increase their assistance. Given those bleak prospects, it would be desirable to prevent the possible consequences for the North and for the South of any delay in moving towards action.
194.	Of course there is the World Bank, but its operational criteria are ill-adapted to the present situation in the developing countries. There are the multilateral economic institutions, but they do not sufficiently meet the special needs of our countries. There are the developed countries, but they in their relations with the South maintain obsolete practices that slow down trade, the financing of projects and the positive applications of science and technology in the service of development.
195.	Apart from that, it is urgent to find a solution to the problems of energy, balance of payments and foreign debt. It is urgent to establish a new international division of labour to facilitate access by the third world to financial markets and to take a step towards reforming the monetary system.
196.	And, since all the problems confronting the world are related, it is difficult not to link the success of the dialogue with a reduction of the arms race. No rich country can devote 1 per cent of its gross national product to international assistance if military expenditures exceed $500 billion.
197.	In the context of those concerns my delegation urges that agreements be concluded that would lead the rich countries not only to freeze and to reduce their military expenditures but also to disarm. The Haitian Government considers it extremely urgent that the General Assembly intensify its negotiations on disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament. The countries of Latin America have already expressed their interest in the creation of a zone in the subcontinent that would be effectively denuclearized. My Government makes an appeal in the strongest terms to the great Powers that, within the time limits provided for the Second Disarmament Decade, they conclude the current negotiations in a manner satisfactory to all those peoples which hope to see peace and co-operation among nations established on lasting foundations.
198.	The United Nations is the only universal forum charged with ensuring international peace and security and where States, large and small, can unite their efforts with a view to collective action.
199.	Haiti, as a founding Member of the Organization, has always followed the line of conduct of encouraging the establishment of an international order based on peace and co-operation among nations. It is, incidentally, in that spirit that at all times it expresses its desire to live at peace with all the countries of the world, in particular those in its region, while respecting international commitments and the principles of self-determination, non-interference and sovereignty.
200.	With the Dominican Republic, a sister and neighbouring country, our relations have been established under the sign of these principles. The already historic meetings between President Duvalier and President Guzman have led to the conclusion of agreements on co-operation and development, which show the common interests and aspirations of the two peoples and their desire to exist in peace and mutual respect.
201.	My delegation has listened with great pleasure and satisfaction to the lengthy friendly passage that Mr. Emilio Ludovino Fernandez, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, devoted to Haiti in his brilliant address. In truth, we could not express better than he what our relations were in the past and what they are today, nor better forecast what they will be tomorrow. We are both certain that between two peoples which wish to live in peace there is room only for co-operation, mutual assistance and understanding.
202.	Haiti contributes to the extent of its means to the strengthening of Latin American participation in international gatherings. Our country brings its solidarity and co-operation to problems affecting our region and considers that its action will only be positive in the global perspective within which those problems may be solved.
203.	We have affirmed our will to establish stable relations with all countries in the world. However, some are con-fronted with situations which threaten world peace and security. My delegation wishes, in this connection, to put forward the views of the Haitian Government.
204.	Concerning the Middle East, the Haitian position was clearly stated last July at the seventh emergency special session on the question of Palestine. A just and durable peace can be found only if the following objectives are achieved: recognition of the right of Israel to exist within secure boundaries accepted by its neighbours; recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination; acceptance by all the parties to the conflict to renounce the use of force, in particular in Lebanon. The Camp David accords and the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt are important steps towards the peaceful settlement of the conflict.
205.	The situation in Kampuchea and that in Afghanistan are still a source of concern for the world community. Despite General Assembly resolutions 34/22 and ES-6/2 calling for the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from those countries, those peoples are still suffering from the rigours of war.
206.	Those military interventions endanger the essential principles of balance and peace in the world. They affect the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of the nations concerned. For the Haitian Government, they are unacceptable. If there is a situation that prevails in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, only the peoples of those countries are called upon to solve it—and that without foreign interference.
207.	In southern Africa, the independence of Zimbabwe has highlighted the little progress recorded by the international community as regards Namibia and the policy of apartheid in South Africa. The Haitian Government, which bases its foreign policy on respect for historic traditions, the struggle for the total elimination of all forms of colonialism and racial discrimination and the principles of self- determination, freedom and independence, considers it intolerable that South Africa continues to practise apartheid and its acts of aggression against the neighbouring countries and Namibia.
208.	With respect to Namibia, the Haitian Government deplores the delay—attributable to South Africa—in the organization of free elections enabling Namibia's people fully to enjoy its right to self-determination. The problem that remains to be solved is that of South Africa. The international community should increase its pressure against the Government of that country, whose policy obstinately runs counter to history, and in order to make that pressure effective, certain countries must disengage themselves. The support they give that Government in contravention of United Nations resolutions encourages South Africa to perpetuate with impunity a policy that the whole world has condemned.
209.	As regards the taking of hostages in Iran, we express the hope that a solution will be found. In this connection, we already support the initiative taken by the Nordic countries to include on the agenda of the thirty-fifth session the question of the protection of diplomatic and consular missions and representatives.
210.	The ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea concluded its work on 29 August last. We noted with much satisfaction that it concluded with general agreement on the adoption of a convention on the peaceful uses of the resources of the seas and oceans. The Haitian Government is gratified at the happy results of that Conference.
211.	The World Conference on the United Nations Decade for Women unfortunately did not meet our hopes. The Haitian Government considers it, however, of great importance that the General Assembly at its present session should adopt the results of the Copenhagen Conference on the legitimate rights of women. There is much profit to be drawn from that Conference as regards the status of women and the work of UNITAR.
212.	At the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on development and international co-operation, we stressed the situation of Caribbean migrant workers coming from countries along the cyclone route. In a broad approach to the problem we should understand "migrant workers" as cheap labour imported from the poor countries of the third world to meet the needs of the Christian West. These workers for decades have been making a remarkable contribution to the industrial development of the rich countries. Living as minorities, they are subject to police and security laws where they work, but they have no recourse to justice to defend the rights which barely exist. They have difficulty in securing decent living standards for their families, or educational, health and recreational benefits. In addition, the employer has no obligations. Moreover, since the recession has reduced employment, they are confronted with a deplorable situation where, together with bad treatment and harassment by the police, they are the victims of racism and racial discrimination. These are flagrant violations of the principles contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
213.	That is why my delegation is gratified to see that the problems of these workers have been included on the agenda of the Third Committee of this Assembly under item 12. In addition to the international convention on the protection of all migrant workers and their families which is to be drafted during this session, the relevant drafting committee is certain to suggest the establishment of a high commissioner's office for migrant workers.
214.	Here we have another problem to be included under the heading of protection of human rights. The Haitian Government reiterates its irreversible attachment to this principle in keeping with the ideals of equality, fraternity, justice and freedom, which form the ideological bases of the struggles of Haiti for independence. It is in the legitimate desire to make respect for human rights a militant national enterprise that my Government has felt it necessary to create the Haitian Bureau of Human Rights. It is charged with ensuring liaison between the public services concerned and various national and international specialized institutions which champion human rights. All of this eloquently demonstrates the determination of President Jean-Claude Duvalier to spare no effort in advancing the process of the liberalization and democratization of my country.
215.	Lastly, my delegation deplores the regrettable events taking place at present between Iran and Iraq. It hopes to see those countries respond as quickly as possible to the appeal for a cease-fire launched by the Security Council and the Islamic Conference. It enjoins the Powers concerned to do everything they can to keep the conflict circumscribed to the geographical limits within which it has broken out. This is the only way of avoiding its generalization and of reaching a settlement.
216.	We cannot remain silent on the question of Belize, a happy solution of which could only be beneficial for Latin America. In this connection, the Haitian delegation, in voting on 21 November 1979, in favour of General Assembly resolution 34/38, only reaffirmed one of the principles which have always characterized the foreign policy of the Haitian Government.
217.	Today still, it is determined to give its unconditional support to the inalienable rights of the people of Belize to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. It hopes to see the Governments of the United Kingdom and of Guatemala respond to the wishes expressed in that resolution by reporting to the General Assembly on the measures that have been taken to enable the people of Belize to exercise its rights as a free people.
218.	We must recall other questions of which the United Nations has been seized of late. I am referring to Cyprus and Western Sahara, two points in the world where ravages of war continue, sowing disarray and grief among families. The United Nations would have put an end to these crises if the parties concerned had complied with General Assembly resolutions 34/30 and 34/37. We appeal for a settlement of such situations in order that the people of Cyprus may again find peace and that those of the Western Sahara may be in a position to exercise their right to self-determination, by the rigorous implementation of resolution 34/37.
219.	At its thirty-fourth session the General Assembly adopted three resolutions—34/61 on African refugees, 34/161 on women refugees and 34/174 on student refugees from Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa—which stress the acuity of the problem and the imperative need to do everything to improve the condition of the millions of men, women and children who desperately hang on to life and hope for a less tragic future.
220.	My delegation is gratified by the programme of assistance to refugees implemented by the United Nations. We hope that those resolutions will be followed by concrete action on the part of States, governmental organizations and non-governmental organizations called upon to contribute to them.
221.	We have stated before this Assembly the position of Haiti on certain questions included in the agenda of the current session. It is not surprising that we should attach special importance to problems of development; they are and will remain for a long time responsible for all the imbalances which disrupt the world. The recommendations which we shall be called upon to make on that issue encompass new living conditions for man, his anxieties, his hopes and the great changes that all of this implies.
222.	The quest for the happiness of all, the quest for justice, the right to live in freedom, to think, to speak, not to be afraid, are the commandments of man's new destiny. It is up to each and every one of us to follow them, so that peace and justice will triumph on earth, so that there will no longer be people suffering and dying in Kampuchea, Afghanistan, the Middle East, southern Africa or elsewhere.
223.	We express to the members of the General Assembly the hope that at this session it may give to mankind, if not immediate results, at least new reasons for hope.


We are pleased to extend to you, Mr. President, at the very outset of our statement the congratulations of the delegation of Mauritania on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election is a tribute to an experienced diplomat, but it is also a token of confidence in the Federal Republic of Germany. My country, which has forged friendly relations with your great nation, both bilaterally and at the level of European-African co-operation, most sincerely welcomes your election.
111.	I should like to take this opportunity also to thank your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, on his enlightened and responsible leadership of the deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, which was without a doubt the most active session in the life of the Organization.
112.	I would also greet our faithful and determined Secretary-General. Finally, I warmly welcome to the Organization the State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
113.	In about two months the international community will be celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV). That resolution was the first massive, consistent demonstration and the first genuine mobilization of the Organization's determination to accelerate the end of colonialism which indeed was already on its last legs. The year I960 also saw the emergence on the international arena of a large number of new nations, which had thirsted for freedom and had finally won it. The year 1960 saw the dawning of great hopes that with the end of political subjugation, there would be an era of prosperity in a world that had finally recognized that the struggle of the peoples was sacred, that their liberation was inevitable.
114.	The Declaration is, in fact, but a reflection in this forum of the admirable historical process that began in Bandung in 1955 and spelled the end of the old colonial empires. The spirit of Bandung and the struggle of the peoples of the world have made possible what had hitherto seemed unimaginable, have made commonplace certain ideas that in the past had been regarded as heretical by the colonial Powers. And, what is more, the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) has made possible the rehabilitation— timidly, it is true, but effectively—of "subversive" ideas that, thanks to the blood shed by martyrs, have become so natural and so necessary to the equilibrium of the world.
115.	But the euphoria did not last. The promises of the 1960s did not outlast the celebrations that marked the attainment of sovereignty in the new nations. There has been a brutal awakening from the splendid dream—indeed, the delirium. We have had to confront a sad, bitter and sometimes terrible fact: the rejection by the wealthy countries of the just aspirations of the third world.
116.	Not everything about the ending of the illusions that followed independence is negative. Indeed, realism triumphed and gave us a more just, truer and often more complex and sadder vision of international relations. Thus the rights of peoples are no longer limited to political dimensions. Scarcely three months after the adoption of the Declaration, the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in February 1961 at Belgrade was to usher in a new era, the era of non-alignment and of the undeniable awakening to the other dimensions of the rights of the peoples of the world, and particularly those of the third world. It was the emergence of a new world, in which the economic, social and cultural rights of the peoples that had formerly been dominated became an objective essential for the maintenance of genuine universal security based on justice and independence for the powerful and the weak, the rich and the poor.
117.	Why be surprised then if the aspiration of the peoples of the third world to a reassessment of their wealth should have given rise to the demand for the establishment of a new international economic order? Why be surprised if the aspiration of those peoples to the diversification of centres of interest throughout the world should have given rise to the demand for a new information order? If tomorrow those same peoples, refusing to accept polarization around a single ethical standard, a single civilization, call for the rehabilitation of mankind's cultural values and civilization as a whole, that, too, will be only just.
118.	The anti-colonial aberrations of yesterday have become today's self-evident truths. Certainly no one ventures to challenge openly the economic, social and cultural rights of developing peoples. Of course, it is nice to believe in détente and in the moral improvement of international political life. Yet the serious problems of the Middle East and southern Africa have dragged on throughout the years. Furthermore, new conflicts in Africa and elsewhere have broken out, complicating the international situation and threatening peace and security.
119.	However, since the thirty-fourth session we have had a real cause for satisfaction where Africa is concerned: the independence of Zimbabwe after the implementation of the principle of one man, one vote, and the emergence of a democratically elected African national Power. Thus the maturity and sacrifice of the people of Zimbabwe, together with the undeniable statesmanlike qualities of Prime Minister Mugabe, made it possible for the majority to accede to power in Salisbury in order and dignity, contrary to the alarmist prophesies of the racists,
120.	None the less, in our continent there remain many reasons for sadness. In a country next to Zimbabwe there is an implacable regime that openly despises all universal values and maintains in South Africa a system whose excesses have exceeded in horror all other modern examples of fascism.
121.	We reiterate our support for the successive decisions of the Credentials Committee of the General Assembly which, year in year out, has regularly refused to accept the credentials of the delegation of the Pretoria authorities. Mauritania will join any plan aimed at making the South African regime act in accordance with the unanimous will of the community of nations and restore the fundamental freedoms of the victims of apartheid. Finally, we hail the struggle of the people of South Africa and express our full solidarity with ANC and all the patriotic forces of that country in their struggle for dignity, freedom and democracy.
122.	That same apartheid regime, scorning the decisions of our Organization and the right of the people of Namibia to national independence and territorial integrity, maintains its illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia by refusing any dialogue with Namibia's legitimate representative, SWAPO.
123.	The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, while supporting the framework for the independence of Namibia laid down in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), condemns the manoeuvres of the South African occupying Power and reiterates its support for the implementation of sanctions against it in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. It is worth reminding the Assembly of Africa's understanding attitude to the settlement plan of the five Western Powers. That plan, which was approved by the Security Council, apparently received the support of South Africa. Unfortunately, despite the efforts of the Secretary- General and the approval of that plan, the South African authorities have not fundamentally changed their position. Experience has shown that all the attempts at a peaceful settlement that the Organization has made have been in vain because of the totally negative attitude of Pretoria. In this connection the Islamic Republic of Mauritania wishes to state that it endorses the Algiers Declaration and Programme of Action adopted on 1 June by the United Nations Council for Namibia at the extraordinary plenary meeting.
124.	Our Government thus believes that all possible material and moral support must be given to SWAPO to enable it successfully to oppose any plan to destroy the territorial integrity of Namibia or to install a puppet regime. Our country also reaffirms its full solidarity with all the African front-line countries in the face of the acts of intimidation of the Pretoria regime. We should like especially to extend our fraternal support to the People's Republic of Angola in its resistance to South African aggression against its national territory.
125.	By equating Zionism with racism the Organization has simply legalized what South Africa and Israel have long demonstrated in diversifying and accentuating the many forms of co-operation between them. The similarity and the community of interest between the South African and the Israeli forms of colonization need no further proof. In Palestine as in southern Africa we witness the same suicidal arrogance, the same denial of the rights of peoples, the same provocations regarding the United Nations.
126.	The General Assembly, which has so often dealt with the problem of the Middle East and specifically with the question of Palestine, is well aware of the facts of a process that began long before the creation of our Organization and which has led to the plundering of the land of Palestine and the oppression of its people. The work of the seventh emergency special session devoted to that problem earlier this year and the outstanding efforts of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People have shed further light on all aspects of this distressing conflict. I should like to take this opportunity to extend our heartiest congratulations to that Committee and in particular to its Chairman, Mr. Falilou Kane, for the application and competence that characterized his work.
127.	We do not wish to repeat the statement we made at the emergency special session devoted to Palestine, but we should like to recall the position of our Government on a problem which concerns us directly. Any genuine, just and lasting peace in the Middle East must, in our opinion, satisfy certain conditions.
128.	The first is the complete and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all Arab lands occupied as a result of the aggression of 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem.
129.	The second is the complete restoration of the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine including their inalienable right to create an independent State in the land of their ancestors.
130.	The third is the urgent need to associate the PLO, the sole representative of the Arab people of Palestine, with any settlement in the Middle East. Consequently, we reaffirm our opposition to any partial settlement, especially the Camp David one, which creates confusion in the Arab ranks and causes the Israeli occupying authority to become even more arrogant.
131.	The fourth is the rejection of all attempts to make demographic, institutional or other changes in the Arab, Moslem and Christian character of the Palestinian lands which have been occupied, particularly the Holy City of Al Quds.
132.	In this connection, the General Assembly in its resolution ES-7/2 and the Security Council in its resolution 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980 reaffirmed their condemnation of Israel's unilateral decision to declare Jerusalem the eternal and indivisible capital of its State. We express our satisfaction and gratitude to those countries which, out of respect for international law, have decided to transfer their embassies from the Holy City.
133.	On the other hand, we vigorously condemn Israel's systematic refusal to abide by the decisions of the international community and we believe that the Organization should apply sanctions against Israel and should in particular reject the credentials of its delegation at the present session because of that country's permanent obstruction and its scorn for all forms of international consensus.
134.	We condemn Israeli aggression against Lebanese territory and extend to the fraternal people of Lebanon our solidarity with their courageous struggle for the unity, independence and territorial integrity of their country.
135.	Our total identification with the tribulations of the Palestinian and other fraternal Arab peoples and our horror at the systematized racism in southern Africa does not make us forget other places in the world where peoples are suffering and dying. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, whose fraternal solidarity with Iraq is only natural and which welcomed the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is painfully concerned over the fratricidal conflict which is taking place between those two nations in the Middle East. We add our voice to those of the Islamic Conference and the international community and call upon Iraq and Iran to end their bloody confrontation and to settle their territorial dispute in a fraternal, just and lasting manner.
136.	In Afghanistan, we find a dangerous source of tension which since the end of 1979 has further complicated a regional situation that was already quite complicated. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, bound to Afghanistan by spiritual ties deeply rooted in the multi-secular history of the two peoples over past centuries, is very aware of the Calvary of the Afghan nation resulting from the inadmissible occupation of its national territory and the stifling of the sovereignty. Our bonds of solidarity with the Afghan people, and also our concern for the triumph of moral principles in international relations, require that we remain faithful to two principles: first, the refusal to compromise on the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghan territory and on the free choice of that fraternal people of the political and social structures which best suit their cultural heritage and development needs, in accordance with resolution ES-6/2 adopted by an overwhelming majority at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly; second, total condemnation of the attitude of those who arrogate to themselves this rather strange right to change by force the internal balance of a neighbouring country which they judge to be hostile, a theory which, in our view, is completely reprehensible and dangerous.
137.	Turning to South-East Asia, we consider that the occupation of the national territory of Democratic Kampuchea and the aggravation of the indescribable suffering of its people are inadmissible. No ideology and no motive can justify that flagrant and brutal interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. We demand, along with the overwhelming majority of the community of nations, the unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea also so that its people can exercise its full sovereignty.
138.	Unfortunately, as I have already stated. International political relations over the years have not led to the acceptance of the right of others to be different or to the refusal of States to succumb to the temptation to use force in the settlement of conflicts.
139.	Economic relations as well, despite well-intentioned declaration, have not in fact led to the recognition of the interdependence of nations, the solidarity of peoples, the unity of the world and the need to bring about some sort of balance in economic relations based on equity and on the realities of today. In fact, it is rather difficult today to draw a picture of international economic relations without being pessimistic. The basic truth would show that, since the adoption almost seven years ago of the historic Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, the actual progress achieved has fallen far short of the expectations of the international community, which had unanimously set certain goals for itself.
140.	That situation is an insult to the principle of the interdependence of nations and has led to a good deal of disappointment. The most bitter disappointment and the most recent one was the conclusion in haste and confusion of the special session, which ended on the eve of the present session. My Government believes that the lack of agreement on procedural matters concerning the global negotiations can only exacerbate an already serious situation, which cannot help any country or group of countries represented here hope that those delegations which blocked the consensus on this question will, in their own interest and in the interest of the international community, join in this new effort of the community of nations. International solidarity requires that that be done, as does the urgency of outstanding problems.
141.	In the field of trade, finance and food, to mention only those areas, the reasons which set off the process of negotiations of the past 10 years remain basically unchanged.
142.	The imbalances in international trade, which are the legacy of the colonial era and which were at the origin of the initiative aimed at establishing a system of compensation, continue generally to characterize relations between the North and the South. It must also be pointed out—and we are gratified by this—that UNCTAD successfully carried out certain negotiations on a code regarding restrictive commercial practices, a multimodal international transport system and a common fund for raw materials.
143.	With respect to monetary and financial problems, it would also seem that the decisions of the Assembly have not been applied. The balance-of-payment difficulties experienced by a growing number of developing countries cannot be separated from the lack of initiatives which continues to characterize this particularly sensitive area of international economic relations.
144.	The actions taken thus far have been too timid and too fragmentary to lead to any concrete benefits for the developing countries. Any partial solution, it seems to us, would be vain inasmuch as the present system, by its very nature, is in contradiction with the types of reform which we should like to see carried out. Thus, an increase in financial assistance for development and the lightening of the debt burden, among other things, are only palliatives compared to full and effective participation of the developing countries in the international decision-making process.
145.	Another problem which I should like to take up here and which has a special significance and importance concerns agriculture and food. Here again there is a distressing gap between the needs of the international community and its achievements. The developing countries have two thirds of the world population and represent 91 per cent of the agricultural jobs, but produce only 44 per cent of the food of the world. A billion human beings living in 40 countries with a permanent food deficit are in danger of dying if the shortages are prolonged; 450 million human beings are chronically underfed—and all this at a time when the world continues to allot $1 million a minute to military expenses.
146.	These figures, which seem to us to beggar comment, make it necessary to give some thought to solutions that can change the situation. The General Assembly has, on a number of occasions, taken up that problem and proposed a series of measures which, if they had been implemented, might have led to a solution. The net results are, in the meantime, easy to tabulate. Apart from the conclusion of a new Food Aid Convention which brings the guaranteed minimum to 7.6 million tons, which is well short of the objective of 10 million tons recommended by the World Food Conference, everything else remains in the area of intentions.
147.	Finally, I should not like to conclude my comments on food assistance without mentioning the timely initiative of the Director-General of FAO, Mr. Edouard Saouma, in convening a meeting of donors last month in Rome, with a view to mobilizing food assistance to benefit a certain number of African countries particularly affected this year by the drought. We hope that the commitments made at that meeting will be followed up.
148.	. With regard to the negotiations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, we welcome the results of the ninth session held recently at Geneva. We are thinking particularly of the agreement on a system for exploiting the sea-bed and the informal draft of a convention on the law of the sea. We hope that the tenth session of the Conference, scheduled to begin on 9 March 1981, will at last make possible the conclusion of these difficult negotiations, which, moreover, is in our view an essential factor for the future of international economic relations.
149.	Indeed, the approach which is taken in the final negotiations on the law of the sea will be the best test of the good or bad faith of the industrial Powers of the East and the West with regard to the technological lag of the third world and the temptation to plunder, without regard to principle, the incomparable wealth of the sea-bed of the world.
150.	Those are the thoughts which occur to us with regard to the state of international economic relations in general.
151.	In respect of Africa, aware of its share of responsibility in the building of a more just and equitable economic order but aware too of its tragic, paradoxical condition of being the continent at once richest in resources and least developed, it devoted an extraordinary session in April of this year—the first of its kind—solely to problems having a bearing on the economic development of the continent. To that end the needs were identified, the priorities determined, the means surveyed and the Lagos Plan of Action adopted. We hope that international solidarity will not be found wanting in the implementation of the Lagos Plan.
152.	I should like to conclude this statement by expressing our sorrow at the continuation on our doorstep of another conflict, which concerns us more closely, that of Western Sahara. Shortly after the changes in our country in July 1978, the head of our delegation to the thirty-third session of the General Assembly stated at this rostrum:
"We in Mauritania want to turn this dark page of our history and commit ourselves resolutely to the search for peace, which requires that the protagonists in this drama clearly understand that they share the same ineluctable destiny.
"... our ingenuity, our courage, our fighting spirit must henceforth be directed to producing concord among our peoples to promoting their development and to achieving all their aspirations. That is the firm belief of the Mauritanian people and its Government."®
153.	We have thus knowingly taken historical action in favour of the peaceful and fraternal coexistence of the peoples of the western Maghreb sub region, in keeping with the spirit and the letter of the charter and the resolutions of the OAU and those of the United Nations. More specifically, on 5 August 1979 we put an end to the state of war which then existed between us and the people of the Western Sahara by signing, with the Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro [POLISARIO] the Algiers agreement, which was then reported to the Assembly.10 In so doing we put an end to this fratricidal war and we believe we have made a positive contribution to the quest for a lasting and general peace in our region.
154.	No longer making any territorial claim to Western Sahara, but particularly affected by the continuing confrontation on its borders, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania has since July 1978 consistently given its total, loyal cooperation to the efforts of OAU and the international community to find a just solution to the problem. Thus we participated in September in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU and approved the plan for a settlement of the Western Sahara conflict that it had adopted, The proposed peace plan provided for a six-point process and, in particular, a cease-fire in December 1980 at the latest, and the organization of a referendum on self-determination in the Sahara.
155.	Having emerged from an anachronistic situation, and in a desire to leave behind a dark chapter in its history, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, for its part, recognized the inalienable and undeniable right of the fraternal Sahraoui people to self-determination in accordance with our long and fraternal common history, with our understanding of good-neighbourliness and with the recommendations contained in resolutions of OAU and the United Nations.
156.	In more general terms, by deciding to put an end to our military commitment in the Western Sahara conflict and by affirming our neutrality with regard to the protagonists in this fratricidal tragedy, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania is at the same time determined to have that neutrality and the inviolability of its national territory respected by all its neighbours.
157.	My country makes that commitment from this rostrum. It also makes another: to plan not on the permanence of tension, hatred and fratricidal confrontation but on the necessary return of the Maghreb sub region to tranquillity, peace and fraternal harmony. At the dawn of the fifteenth century of our Muslim era, that is the most sincere wish of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania—not only for the Maghreb but also for the Arab nation, Africa, the Islamic Ummah and the entire human community.