This session of the General Assembly opens during a period of unprecedented change. Threats and challenges such as poverty, terrorism, climate change, violations of human rights, gender inequality, armed conflict, displacement and irregular migration are ever more interconnected. Our responses to those challenges must reflect their complexity. Our responses will require better and deeper cooperation, and must involve more stakeholders, new solutions and more effective international institutions.
The evolving global landscape gives us an opportunity to renew and redefine how we work together. The United Nations must seize this opportunity. Denmark congratulates Mr. António Guterres on the successful beginning of his term as Secretary- General. He can count on Denmark’s full support in his efforts. More than ever, we need leadership and common purpose to steer the Organization in a new direction. Staying on the current path is not an option if we want to maintain the legitimacy of the United Nations. Fundamental and ambitious reform is the only way forward. This week, the Secretary-General laid out a strong vision for a reformed United Nations and a call for action to all — from Governments to the staff of this great Organization, to our partners outside this building. We must all invest in, and commit to, that agenda for change. As Member States, we have a responsibility to find common solutions that will turn our shared goals into positive change and protect the principles and values of the United Nations.
That spirit must also guide our work in the years to come. Denmark is committed to international cooperation through the United Nations, built on shared values, the rule of law and human rights. That is one of the reasons that Denmark is running for a seat on the Human Rights Council for the term 2019- 2021. Denmark has never before been a member of the Human Rights Council. As a longstanding supporter of the United Nations and a consistent advocate for the protection of the dignity and rights of all people, we believe that we could make a significant contribution in the Council, based on a commitment to promote dignity, dialogue and development.
Denmark is committed to an ambitious follow- up to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, at home and abroad. We have provided at least 0.7 per cent of our gross national income in official development assistance for the past 40 years and will continue to do so in future. We call on all developed countries to meet the 0.7 per cent target. With only 13 years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, we have no time to waste when it comes to fundamentally rethinking the United Nations Development System and its support for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. The Secretary- General has presented a set of clear reform proposals. Now we must come together and support their implementation. This is not a donor-versus-developing- country scenario, or a North-versus-South debate. Let us support the Secretary-General’s plan because we agree that we all have an interest in a United Nations that is cost-effective and can arrive at coherent and sustainable solutions on the ground. Citizens around the world expect nothing less. We need to break with the status quo, particularly in four priority areas.
First, a reformed United Nations development system must deliver on the promise of unified country- level engagements where silo-thinking, competition for resources and fragmented support strategies become a thing of the past.
Secondly, in our response to the many complex crises around the world, we need to build a stronger bridge between immediate relief and long-term development objectives. Our support for United Nations humanitarian work is as strong as ever. Denmark is one of the world’s largest humanitarian donors, and in our 2018 aid budget we will allocate more funds to humanitarian action than ever before. We are fully behind the Secretary-General’s call for a new way of working in responding to protracted humanitarian crises and displacement. We must meet the needs of those affected, while also giving hope for a better future. The new way of working is about much stronger cooperation and coordination among partners in and outside the United Nations system, and Denmark will continue to play a leading role in advancing that agenda.
Thirdly, the United Nations development system needs to be built on the basic premise that neither the United Nations nor Governments have the capacity or resources to realize the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Partnering with the private sector, civil society, academia and innovators will be crucial. The United Nations must rethink how it incorporates those resources on our way towards meeting the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. Denmark is taking the lead to support strong and meaningful principle-based partnerships. Together with our strategic partners — Chile, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mexico, the Republic of Korea and Viet Nam — the Danish Government launched a new initiative this week in support of the 2030 Agenda, entitled Partnering for Green Growth and the Global Goals 2030. The initiative brings together Governments, companies, cities, think tanks and investors to establish and boost public- private partnerships for a greener tomorrow. Through the initiative, we will leverage partnerships that will help us take better care of our planet.
Fourthly, Denmark welcomes the Secretary- General’s strong commitment to gender equality in our reform efforts. Women and girls all over the world must be empowered to contribute to stronger communities and societies. Ensuring equal opportunities for women is absolutely crucial for reaching the Sustainable Development Goals. In the Danish Government’s view, gender equality is first and foremost a question of dignity and ensuring the human rights of all women and girls, including safeguarding sexual and reproductive health and rights. That is fundamentally about the right to decide over one’s own body. As one of the founding members of the SheDecides movement, Denmark is committed to continuing to push for progress and protect the rights of all women and girls around the world. Just recently, Denmark announced a major increase in its contribution to the United Nations Population Fund. Too many young people today face a lack of opportunities and poverty. We have the largest youth population in history, and Denmark is committed to helping youth acquire the means and skills required to be drivers of development.
If we want to ensure a more stable and peaceful future, Member States must adhere to international law and common rules for coexistence and cooperation. Regrettably, we continue to see Member States that put national interests before respect for the dignity and rights of their citizens, or ignore the legitimate concerns of their neighbours, as well as regional and global stability. The nuclear and missile tests conducted by the Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea constitute a blatant disregard of our collective security, non-proliferation norms and rules, and the continued demands by the Security Council. Denmark strongly condemns that irresponsible behaviour and calls on the regime in Pyongyang to de-escalate the current situation and commit to a peaceful solution in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.
The recent outbreak of violence in Myanmar’s Rakhine state is deeply concerning. Denmark calls on the Government of Myanmar to facilitate humanitarian assistance to all those in need and commit to aiding the safe return of civilians fleeing from the conflict. We welcome the Government’s commitment to implement without delay the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, chaired by former Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The violence must stop, and the security forces must ensure the protection of civilians. We condemn the attacks on security forces and the subsequent serious human rights violations. We applaud the Government of Bangladesh for providing protection to civilians fleeing across the border. Denmark stands ready to assist both Myanmar and Bangladesh in pursuing integrated humanitarian and development solutions for the affected areas.
Denmark stands in solidarity with all those affected by terrorism and violent extremism. We continue to be an active participant in combating those threats to our societies, including through our military and civilian contributions to the Global Coalition against Da’esh in Iraq and Syria. We are also a key partner in other conflict areas, such as Afghanistan, Mali, the Sahel and Somalia. To defeat terrorism, we need to supplement our military effort with broad-based engagements that also focus on cutting off terrorist financing and repelling extremist propaganda online and offline, as well as stabilizing areas liberated from Da’esh and building peace in conflict-affected countries.
The United Nations plays a central role when it comes to stabilizing war-torn countries and building lasting peace, but comprehensive reforms are needed. Denmark welcomes the vision of the Secretary-General for the peace and security architecture of the United Nations with a streamlined, coordinated and effective response in the field. As Member States, we have an obligation with respect to, and a shared interest in, supporting those critical reforms so that the United Nations can fulfil its purpose and its promise to the world. The time for bold ambitions is now.
If we do not support reforms and deny generations’ hope and opportunity for a more prosperous future, we will continue to witness international turmoil and unprecedented levels of displacement. We will continue to witness people forced to leave their homes and venture out on dangerous journeys. And we will continue to witness many people falling into the hands of relentless smugglers and traffickers.
Denmark contributes significantly to helping displaced populations and others in emergency situations live dignified lives. Last year, Denmark contributed more than $80 million to the Syrian crisis alone. Our programmes focus on helping refugees in their regions of origin, which enables us to use our funds more efficiently and ultimately help more people.
Unmanaged migration poses a significant global challenge. We need to strengthen our cooperation and commitment to existing international legal frameworks. In that regard, Denmark welcomes the dialogue taking place in preparation for the global compact on migration.
Through leadership and a renewed commitment to a reformed United Nations, innovation and willingness to challenge old ways of thinking, strong partnerships across the public-private spectrum, across age and gender divides and across different organizations and institutions, the opportunity to create a new path for our United Nations is here.


155.	  May I begin by expressing to Ambassador Hambro, on behalf of the delegation of Austria, our best wishes on his election as President of this General Assembly.
156.	We derive great satisfaction from the knowledge that this twenty-fifth session of the United Nations will be held under the Presidency of a man whom we not only admire as an experienced diplomat, but whose background and personality are so germane to the problems and the respect of international law. This may be quite significant at a time when national and international systems of law are exposed to increased attacks and hard tests.
157.	As representatives of a European State, we are also happy to see that this twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly happens to be held under a President from our continent. Starting with the first General Assembly of 1946, which convened under the presidency of that European statesman of genuine greatness Paul-Henri Spaak and up to this twenty-fifth anniversary session, a chain of outstanding personalities coming from all continents has presided over our Assembly. The President of this session is continuing this illustrious tradition.
158.	I also wish to use this opportunity to express the sincere gratitude of the Austrian delegation to Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, President of last year's General Assembly.
159.	A tragic event of the first magnitude has cast a dark shadow on our deliberations. President Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic died suddenly on Monday of this week. In him his own country has lost an outstanding leader and the world a statesman who, by opting for a ceasefire followed by negotiations, rekindled the hopes of millions for a peaceful solution of the Near East conflict. We bow our heads to the memory of a great man and extend our heartfelt sympathy to the people of the United Arab Republic in their great bereavement.
160.	The twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, which came into being after the end of the Second World War out of a genuine desire to free future generations from the scourge of war, is an occasion to consider what has been achieved and also what has been left undone so far; an occasion to examine our conscience and to ask whether each Member State has really made a due contribution to the peaceful cooperation of the peoples of the world, I believe that it should always be borne in mind that the United Nations can successfully exploit the possibilities open to it by the Charter only within the boundaries set for it by the will of all Member States, and especially by the great Powers.
161.	Looking back at the developments of the last twenty-five years one is entitled to ask to what extent have we shown respect for the fundamental principles of international law and acted in the spirit of the Charter? Have we, the States Members of this Organization, really refrained in our international relations from the use or the threat of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of other States? Have the Member States always settled international disputes by peaceful means and in such a way as not to endanger international security and justice? Has the principle been applied that no State should interfere in the domestic affairs of another State? Has the principle of the equality of sovereign States and their peoples and their right to self determination been observed? And, finally, have the States cited out in good faith the obligations assumed under the United Nations Charter?
162.	We must acknowledge, regretfully, that there is a flagrant discrepancy between the present international situation and those principles of the Charter and of international law which should have governed friendly relations among States. While we make speeches here, people are fighting and dying in SouthEast Asia and in the Middle East. Horrible acts of air piracy, kidnapping and murder of innocent hostages are increasing in a frightening way. The rules of international law, the principles of the Charter and human rights are trodden underfoot daily and real or imaginary wrongs are avenged by new lawlessness.
163.	I believe that this situation, which is of grave concern, can be resolved only if we find our way back to that deep and sincere desire for peace which filled all the nations of the world at the end of the last great war, and if we make the principles of the United Nations Charter the guideline for our conduct. Just as in the domestic life of a State, mutual tolerance must be exercised in relations between communities, as advocated by Comenius the 300th anniversary of whose death is being commemorated this year  when he said:
"No State receives internal peace as a free gift; it is the expression of mutual give and take, of self restraint, of freedom based on equal and inalienable rights and the dignity inherent in all men. The same applies to external peace: it will not just drop into one's lap without mutual give and take, self-restraint and continuous effort."
164.	Austria, as a permanently neutral State whose national security is closely linked to international stability, is vitally interested in all measures conducive to the strengthening of international security; accordingly, we welcomed the debate at the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly on the item entitled "Strengthening of international security" and conveyed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations our position and proposals on that item [A 17922]. To come closer to that objective of international security, it is first necessary to strengthen the United Nations as the most important institution for the preservation of world peace and to support it in the fulfillment of its task. The current anniversary session of the General Assembly provides a welcome opportunity to that end.
165.	Peace on our planet will be attainable only if each individual State makes its contribution to that end by endeavoring to solve, in the spirit of the Charter, all problems arising with its neighboring States and within its region.
166.	Since Europe, too, is not free of such tensions and since Austria has a natural interest in a detente, it welcomed the recent signing of a treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union  as an encouraging beginning. It also welcomed the proposal to hold a conference to deal with questions of security and cooperation in Europe. In a series of bilateral talks with interested States, Austria has endeavored to make its contribution to the creation of a generally acceptable basis for such a conference. Austria has outlined its position in a memorandum addressed to all interested States.
167.	A minimum of trust is a prerequisite for all cooperation and the foundation for the success of any conference. The best way to build trust remains the fulfillment of treaties and respect for United Nations resolutions. In this connexion it is a source of great satisfaction for me to be able to report to this Assembly on a problem which, in accordance with two resolutions of the General Assembly, it was possible to move appreciably closer to a solution during the last year, namely, the question of South Tirol.
168.	By its resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI) the General Assembly has called upon Austria and Italy to resume negotiations on the implementation of the Paris Agreement of 5 September 1946. which regulates the status of the German-speaking population of the Province of Bozen and establishes a system designed to guarantee to the German-speaking inhabitants of the Province of Bozen "complete equality of rights with the Italian-speaking inhabitants, within the framework of special provisions to safeguard the ethnical character and the cultural and economic development of the German-speaking element".  The talks were to be resumed with the objective of finding a solution to all differences related to the implementation of the aforementioned agreement.
169.	Last year, after nine years of effort, Austria and Italy worked out a proposal for a solution which has received, on a democratic basis, the approval of the elected representatives of the people both in Austria and Italy as well as that of the South Tirolean minority. The two Governments have conveyed this information to the States Members of the United Nations through the Secretary General in documents A/7927 and A/7928 of 22 July 1970.
170.	While the proposed solution could not be based on a reconciliation between the legal positions of the parties concerned, it provides nevertheless for a number of steps to be taken by the Austrian and Italian sides in accordance with a timetable called "calendar of operations". Within its framework and by means of a constitutional law, ordinary laws, executive regulations to the constitutional law and administrative decrees, Italy committed itself to granting a number of legislative and administrative rights to the province of Bozen the homeland of the South Tiroleans thus expanding the autonomy of that minority.
171.	The administrative decrees provided under this timetable of operations have already been issued. The constitutional law was introduced into the Chamber of Deputies by the Italian Government at the beginning of this year and is now under parliamentary consideration. The ordinary laws should be submitted to the Italian Parliament before the end of this year. It is our sincere hope, and we are encouraged therein by the Government declaration of Prime Minister Colombo on 10 August 1970, that the parliamentary procedures for the projected legislation will not consume too much time, so that its positive political effects may not be impaired by excessive delay.
172.	As soon as the measures enumerated and described in detail in the official annex to the Italian Government declaration of 3 December 1969, which were noted with approval by the Austrian Parliament at its meeting of 16 December 1969, and which are to be incorporated in a Constitutional Law, ordinary laws and executive regulations to the Constitutional Law, become legally valid in South Tirol, Austria will declare that it considers as terminated the dispute which was the subject of the aforementioned resolutions of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
173.	Hand in hand with the implementation of measures in favor of the South Tirolean minority in Italy, an agreement between Austria and Italy will be signed and submitted to the ratification procedures and, after completion of these steps, will come into force. This will make the provisions of Chapter 1 of the European Convention on the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes  applicable, in the relations between Austria and Italy, to disputes concerning the interpretation and implementation of bilateral agreements in force between the two parties, also in those cases where disputes refer to facts or situations prior to the coming into force of the aforementioned European convention between the two States.
174.	I am happy to acknowledge that, through the new regulation envisaged for autonomy in South Tirol, a cornerstone was laid for a renewed and fruitful cooperation between the two neighboring countries, Austria and Italy. The Austrian Government is firmly
8 Signed in Strasbourg on 29 April 1957 under the auspice'; of the Council of Europe.
resolved to honor its commitments under the proposed solution. At the same time, it confidently trusts that Italy will make its contribution to the further development of friendly and rewarding relations between our two countries by a speedy implementation, in letter and spirit, of the measures envisaged, and also by following a policy of understanding in respect of the South Tirolean ethnic group. Austria is sincerely interested in such a development.
175.	Notwithstanding the efforts by European States to arrive at a lessening of tensions and to achieve closer cooperation, the overall political picture of our world remains clouded. It is an undeniable fact that it has not become possible to put an end to warfare in the Middle East and in SouthEast Asia, or even to reduce the hazards the situation in the Middle East presents to world peace. There was no lack of earnest endeavor from various sides. In particular one has to rate highly the efforts deployed by the great Powers to reach a formula acceptable to all parties for settling the differences in the IsraeliArab conflict. The ceasefire and the renewed search for a political solution to the conflict through the interposition of the United Nations mediator, Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, were overshadowed by the sanguinary battles fought in Jordan. In the long run, however, the only hope for a solution would seem to lie in a settlement of the deeply rooted differences among the peoples of the Middle East by peaceful means. Austria is convinced that the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)] points to a way that would lead to a peaceful coexistence of the peoples of that area, a region so rich in cultural heritage and economic potential. Austria is prepared to continue its contribution to the United Nations peacekeeping operations in that area and is also willing, whenever it is deemed desirable, to provide observers or contingents even on a larger scale.
176.	The war in VietNam goes on and in the course of this year has even spread over a wider area because of the hostilities in Cambodia. While here, too, efforts aimed at a peaceful settlement and a deescalation of military actions should not be overlooked, we cannot refrain from expressing this year again, our serious concern at the continuation of the armed conflict.
177.	We hope that in the face of the continuing human suffering and of the apparent deadlock in this horrible war, all sides will eventually realize that here too a political solution and the use of peaceful means can alone lead to a settlement, a suitable basis for which may be provided by the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. We have to realize that all planning for the future would be pointless, that we would lack credibility unless we succeeded in settling problems of this scope and urgency.
178.	Among the grave problems confronting us, I should now like to point with purpose to those occurrences which not only represent a retreat from the fundamental rules of a civilized world, but which may also become a serious threat to the maintenance of peace. I am referring to the increasingly frequent acts of air piracy and bombing attempts against civil aircraft in flight, as well as to the abuse and even slaughter of innocent hostages to enforce political ends. I agree entirely with SecretaryGeneral U Thant when he calls such acts savage and inhuman and asks for effective international measures to prevent the perpetration and spreading of these crimes.
179.	In the light of our interest in the strengthening of international security, Austria follows the development of the disarmament talks with the greatest attention. I should like to express here our satisfaction that the two super-Powers found themselves ready to engage in negotiations on the limitation of strategic weapons. The fact that the latest phase of these talks was held in Vienna underscores anew the relevance of a permanently neutral State as a venue for such meetings. May I express the hope that the continuation of these talks will lead to concrete agreements whereby the threat of an atomic devastation of our planet would be at least diminished, if not altogether removed.
180.	At the same time I should like to emphasize the significance of multilateral disarmament efforts which have worldwide disarmament measures as their objective. The coming into force of the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] in march of this year was certainly an important step forward. Austria, one of the first countries to ratify this Treaty, appeals to those States which have not yet decided to do so to accede to it, despite the perhaps not entirely balanced commitments between the nuclear and the nonnuclear States. Austria also welcomed the fact that important tasks relating to the implementation of the Treaty were referred to the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna.
181.	The complexity of the question of disarmament is directly related to the revolutionary progress in science and technology. It is therefore logical that in the last years the United Nations has increasingly directed its attention to the long-range problems which are closely linked to this technical evolution. I am referring here mainly to the practical applications of space technology which are likely to change our daily life in the future. I should also mention, in this context, the attempts to institute a legal system for outer space and the ocean floor and, last but not least, the efforts of the United Nations to preserve the human environment.
182.	Despite an encouraging start in the area of legal arrangements for outer space, a slowdown may now be observed in this work. Nor have the efforts to set forth a declaration of principles for the seabed, so far, achieved the desired goal. This immobility must be overcome because, not only in theoretical but also in practical terms, legislative action of the United Nations in these two fields appears to contribute constructively to the future evolution of the world Organization.
183.	The technological, scientific and also political developments of the last decades have made the interdependence of human activity all over the globe even clearer. This is evident in the political and, perhaps even more so, in the economic field. Accordingly, industrial States must take into account, in their economic policies, the interests of the developing countries. The United Nations and its subsidiary agencies on their part should carry out the technical preliminary work necessary for a better understanding of the increasing needs and also for the coordination and execution of the various programs. The Second United Nations Development Decade, approved by the twenty-first session of the General Assembly and designed to reduce the gap between the poor and the rich by promoting the economic growth of the developing countries, thus acquires particular significance. Austria will make its contribution to the goals of this decade and within the limits of its economic possibilities will in particular make every effort to achieve, during that period, a volume of development assistance equivalent to 1 per cent of its gross national product.
184.	The presence in Vienna of important United Nations institutions, particularly the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, and the holding in our country of numerous international conferences underline once again the importance which we attach to the Development Decade. In this regard I wish to point out that the Austrian Government incurred very substantial expenses to provide UNIDO with fully adequate working premises mainly through new construction   and we are proud to note that our efforts in this direction were rewarded by the appreciation expressed from all sides, including the Secretary General.
185.	Regarding the establishment of a United Nations , city in Vienna, which would serve as headquarters for
the organizations already located there, as well as those that would wish to move to Vienna in future, an international competition of urban architecture has now been completed. The projects selected by the jury are now being examined by the Austrian Government in respect of their feasibility, and it may be expected that a decision on the project to be adopted will be made, in consultation with IAEA and UNIDO, even before the end of this year. Austria hopes that by providing the financial support for this undertaking it will make a further valuable contribution towards the attainment of the objectives of the Development Decade.
186.	I should like now to point to two more subjects which, in our view, deserve particular attention on the part of the United Nations. I am referring to the fact that the uses and the significance of data processing in economy, education, administration and science have grown to such an extent that individual States can no longer, by themselves, keep pace with this development. At the same time a situation should be avoided in which, because of higher technical capability, individual States or groups of States acquire a monopoly in this important field. The Austrian Association for Data Processing therefore submitted some time ago a memorandum to SecretaryGeneral U Thant, which contains a proposal for the setting up of a central service for the processing and exchange of data within the United Nations framework and which, in addition to the processing of the material,
would also have the task of carrying out an objective evaluation of all the data on the basis of unified standards, thus preventing possible manipulations.
187.	The second thought I wanted to submit is that, in view of the continuously increasing demands on national administrations and on the secretariats of international organizations, the problem of the auditing of these administrations acquires a growing significance. Austria is happy to be host in Vienna to the International Secretariat of the Organization of Supreme Audit Institutions, which has set itself the task of promoting principles of efficient administrative controls through periodic exchange of experience. In accordance with a wish often expressed by developing countries a seminar has been planned within the framework of that Organization's activities, to be conducted in Austria in the spring of 1971, with assistance from the United Nations Development Program, which will deal with State audit problems at the highest level, with particular emphasis on problems peculiar to developing countries.
188.	In conclusion, I should like to go back once again to the phenomenon of the increasing acts of violence occurring both in international and national life. According to Art 1, paragraph 1 of the Charter, the primary purpose of the United Nations is to settle international disputes and situations which may lead to a breach of peace by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law. It would therefore be correct to say that the United Nations is built on the principle of "peace through law".
189.	The external peace to be ensured in accordance with that principle necessarily implies internal peace within the members of the family of nations as its prerequisite. That internal peace cannot exist, in the long run, inside a State which does not respect the fundamental rights of the person, which are also consecrated by the Charter of the United Nations. Human rights and fundamental freedoms can no longer be exclusively regarded today as the classic rights which we may find in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10 December 1948.
190.	The principle of the equality of all men has since been expanded by the codifying activities of the United Nations, aimed at preventing all forms of racial discrimination. Discrimination based on the color of the skin or on ethnic origin, such as we find it today in particular in southern Africa, is therefore liable to compromise external peace. The Austrian Government has repeatedly stated that it rejects the concept of apartheid, which is contrary to the Charter, just as it rejects every other political concept based on racial, religious or ethnic discrimination. I wish to restate this position of ours most emphatically and to stress, in this context, that in the opinion of Austria, the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa, which was endorsed by the twenty-fourth General Assembly, points to a practicable way towards the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization adopted ten years ago.
191.	The developments in southern Africa are the more alarming since the discriminatory policies, condemned by the whole world, are spreading to an area which by virtue of decisions of this Organization had been placed under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The inhabitants of Namibia must be given the right freely to determine their future, just as all the other peoples of the world.
192.	In connexion with this problem we welcome the decision of the Security Council reflected in its resolution 284 (1970) of 29 July 1970, which requests an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding "the legal consequences for States of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia, notwithstanding Security Council resolution 276 (1970)". One hopes that the advisory opinion to be handed down by the International Court of Justice will bring this Organization one step nearer to the solution of the Namibian problem.
193.	In this connexion, it would seem appropriate for me to say a few words about the International Court itself. We believe that the proposals submitted to the General Assembly to review the role of the Court deserve close study. Those proposals are designed to expand the sphere of action of the Court, and in that context more emphasis could be placed on the concept of the peaceful settlement of disputes. Especially interesting is the idea of setting up regional chambers of the Court which could be used for the settlement of disputes within a given region. To stress the significance which Austria attaches to the role of the International Court of Justice, I should like to state here that the Federal Government of Austria has decided, during these last days, to introduce a bill in Parliament which would provide for the issuance of a declaration under Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, according to which Austria will recognize the jurisdiction of the Court as "compulsory ipso facto and without special agreement, in relation to any other State accepting the same obligation".
194.	I have focused my remarks more specifically on the aspects of international security and the maintenance of law and order in the world. This in no way means that we underrate the significance of other problems. I am, however, firmly convinced that a firm re-dedication by all Member States to the principle of friendly relations and cooperation among nations would be an essential step to bring us nearer to peace and to the solution of all pending problems.
195.	We must learn from the past that peace, justice and progress form an indivisible whole and constitute as such the condition sine qua non for the survival of mankind.


33.	  Mr. President, I take great pleasure in following the fine tradition of congratulating Your Excellency upon your election. Your election is a recognition of your personal merits and of your long connection with the United Nations.
34.	I should also like to repeat in this hall the tribute which the President of Mexico made publicly a few days ago with regard to our SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, when in the capital of my country there was inaugurated the extraordinary assembly of those organizations which have as their objectives the promotion of tourism. He said: "He is a man full of wisdom, strength, patience and faith in humanity, who on occasions we feel is surrounded by the incomprehension of many people as he carries out his difficult and noble task."
35.	Now that the United Nations is concluding its first twenty-five years, we believe that perhaps its most outstanding achievement is to have survived. And this is not negligible if you think that, as was the case with the League of Nations, the end of the United Nations would have also meant the end of universal peace.
36.	Now, this quarter of a century has not been calm and peaceful. Even more, I might say, several of the conflicts which occurred during this quarter of a century have shown that the United Nations was not able fully to complete its mission to maintain and restore peace. Frequently, there has been no community of aims and purposes among the Members, aims and purposes upon which the Charter made collective security rest. But it would be unfair not to recognize also that the Organization has not ceased its efforts towards transforming itself and adapting itself to changing circumstances and requirements. Partial achievements, though incomplete and modest, and the hope of surviving in a dangerous epoch, are the most outstanding features of the picture which might be drawn of the United Nations during its first twenty-five years.
37.	We should not give to this celebration any sense of false optimism. It would be sterile, however, to go to the opposite extreme. The constructive thing would be to think about ways which would allow us in the future to overcome the obstacles lying in its path.
38.	In San Francisco we thought that with the United Nations there was beginning an era in which the promotion of national interests was going to be subject to more and more effective machinery for international regulation. The balance which could be drawn up of this period which is past reveals that this hope was premature. Nevertheless, we do not overlook the progress which in certain areas of the planet, particularly in Europe, although in a less spectacular form in other regions, has been achieved in creating economic zones which are greater that those delimited by the frontiers of States. However and this is one of the most interesting paradoxes of our time those countries which in abstract would be most called upon to find a solution for their problems by supranational or at least multinational means are those States in which nationalism in its diverse manifestations is an ever stronger and more vigorous force.
39.	The reason for this paradox is not, in my opinion, of a logical nature, but historical. In many instances it is a case of the noble aspirations of peoples who for many years lived in oppression or colonialism and who now seek to affirm their identity and dignity.
40.	We must not forget that the countries which have accepted economic integration in various forms, accepting limitations upon their sovereignty in order to accelerate their progress, have done so in the assurance that they were associating themselves with others in a similar state of development, and that in undertaking these integrations they did not compromise their vital interests.
41.	This confidence is lacking, quite rightly, among many members of the third world, and not only in connexion with the strict sphere of their economy, but also in the broader and more important sphere of knowing how far they can or should subordinate their own interests to interState organisms.
42.	In the international field there does not exist, and perhaps there will not exist for a long time, any organ which can define what international law provides, except in a very few cases which may reach the International Court of Justice at The Hague. Now, the norms that are specified in international law were drawn up in the past, which was not a happy past for many people.
43.	On the other hand, and in spite of the progress achieved, and thanks to the pressure of world public opinion, which is more and more informed as to what is happening in any corner of the world, there is no real means of obliging all States to respect the norms of international law, because there is no possibility, as we know, of using coercion through any other procedures than those mentioned in the Charter, which come under the responsibility of the Security Council, and the respective texts are very categorical regarding use of force. This is logical, because otherwise war would be unleashed on a catastrophic scale and force could never be used against a great Power, or, to use the technical formula, against a permanent member of the Security Council.
44.	A legal organ that consecrates this inequality is of course imperfect, because when the reality of power intervenes, then law must yield before some other form of regulation or accommodation of the conflicts of interests, namely political means.
45.	The weakness or imperfection of international law and of the United Nations, which at the present time are both the highest source and the crowning result, comes about because, in the face of this reality of power, or rather the different kinds of power political, military or economic of States, the reconciliation of interests which is the objective of all international organizations can better be achieved through norms of a specific nature rather than general rules, and not by coercive orders coming from a higher authority placed above the contending parties; rather it must be achieved by agreements among them, although at times they are not considered as just as the weaker party might desire. With all its restrictions, with all its risks, nothing can substitute for negotiation as a formula par excellence to resolve conflicts between States.
46.	Furthermore, the antecedents of certain fundamental precepts of the Charter of the United Nations and the exegesis of them which eminent jurists have given us show that the organ of greatest effective authority in the international community, namely the Security Council, is not subject to what is called in the jurisprudence of one of the great legal systems of the world the doctrine of stare decisis. The Council can settle in a different manner similar or even identical cases when it considers that it thus furthers the maintenance of peace throughout the world which is its primary responsibility. This is an enormous power which can, indeed, fly against our idea of justice. And if the majority of States have accepted this in the interests of peace, we have the right to expect that the great Powers will exercise it not in an egotistical spirit but rather with nobility and a sense of responsibility.
47.	Fortunately, the international legal order is not restricted to this imperfect positive law in the process of formation. It includes also another element whose existence becomes more and more evident every day if we raise our eyes to the higher level on which the conscience of man, not force, prevails. It is on that level that the General Assembly acts with greater authority than any other organ when those who are its Members are capable of stating their opinions and casting their votes, not in a spirit of narrow egotism, but rather as spokesmen for humanity, to whose laws their agreements and resolutions refer.
48.	The United Nations cannot be stronger or make more rapid progress than human solidarity allows. It would be unrealistic to pretend that any one of the Members of this Organization would come here to neglect its fundamental interests, but we must not overlook the fact that there is an intermediate zone between the national and the universal, that is, the regional zone, especially when, in addition to geographical considerations, there is also, as is the case in Latin America, a community based on language and origin.
49.	Therefore, I believe that the past twenty-five years show that the founders were right when they recognized the outstanding function that the regional organizations could play with regard to both the maintenance of peace and security and the promotion of social progress or the very important and delicate task of defending human rights. Naturally, we must be very careful that the actions of the regional organizations are carried out strictly within the framework of the Charter of the United Nations.
50.	After these reflections of a general nature upon the occasion of the anniversary we are celebrating, I shall take up certain aspects of the present international situation, which I believe shows some encouraging signs despite the dark shadows cast by events in the Middle East. With regard to them, I shall restrict myself to saying on behalf of my Government that we most sincerely hope that the States directly concerned, as also the great Powers, will find some means of resolving this conflict soon and establishing peace. It would be absurd were it otherwise.
51.	Among the encouraging signs is the fact that for the first time there are real possibilities that the two great nuclear Powers may agree to limit, and perhaps reduce, their launching systems for offensive and defensive nuclear weapons. If this hope becomes a reality, there will have occurred one of the most transcendental events since the Second World War. The confidence it would generate as a basis for new disarmament agreements, and the vast resources it might free for the benefit of humanity, would doubtless change the whole picture of international relations.
52.	The Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, established under the Treaty of Tlatelolco,  has continued to make progress gradually but without interruption. In the course of the present year two new States have become members of that Agency: Guatemala and Venezuela. This has increased the area of the Latin American zone subject to a regime of complete absence of nuclear weapons. It now extends to more than 6,600,000 square kilometers, and the population of the zone now amounts to 117 million.
53.	Shortly after I had the privilege of addressing this Assembly last year, the Government of the United Kingdom, on 11 December 1969, deposited its instruments of ratification to the two Additional Protocols of the Treaty, thus becoming the first State Party to them. Later, on 13 August 1970, the President of the
United States announced that on that date he had sent Additional Protocol II to the Senate recommending that it be given early and favorable consideration.
54.	The General Conference, the supreme organ of OPANAL, has just concluded its first session, the opening meeting of which was honored, on 7 September 1969, by the presence of the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations and the DirectorGeneral of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
55.	In addition to electing as SecretaryGeneral of the organization an outstanding Latin American personality well known here at the United Nations. Ambassador Leopoldo Benites, the Conference adopted a series of important resolutions, among which I would point out those having the object of expediting the conclusion of safeguard agreements between member States and the Vienna Agency, which we hope will serve to promote the utilization of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in the region so that we can accelerate economic and social progress among our peoples.
56.	The Latin American States, as U Thant said very well last year, have worked long and hard in constructing the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. Hence it seems that we have a right to receive from the nuclear Powers that cooperation which the General Assembly of the United Nations exhorted them to extend to us.
57.	The delegation of Mexico, which participates in the work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, has made a constant effort to cooperate so as to improve as far as possible the draft treaty on the prohibition of the emplacement of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction on the seabed and the ocean floor.
58.	We attribute the greatest importance to the formal commitment undertaken by, among other States, the Soviet Union and the United States which for a long time the two Chairmen of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament considered it very difficult to accept to continue in good faith negotiations concerning further measures for the prevention of an arms race on the seabed and ocean floor.
59.	In the First Committee we shall attempt, in consultation with the co-Chairmen of the Committee on Disarmament, to achieve what we could not achieve in Geneva. Nevertheless, if our efforts fail once again I announce here and now that Mexico will not be an obstacle to the approval, which we hope will be unanimous, of a resolution on the draft treaty of which I have been speaking similar to those which have been adopted in the past with regard to the Treaties on Outer Space [resolution 2222 (XXI)] and the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)]. Naturally, in that case the eventual signature of the treaty by the Government of my country would have to be accompanied by an interpretative declaration which would cover certain aspects of particular interest to us, among which I would note the question of the emplacement of conventional weapons on the continental shelf, which would be impossible for Mexico to accept because according to our Constitution the continental shelf is part of our national territory.
60.	Another matter concerning the question of disarmament which was given special attention was the problem of chemical and bacteriological weapons. This year various declarations have been made which have strengthened the Geneva Protocol of 17 June 1925 and accelerated the process of converting this Protocol into an instrument that can be adhered to universally, as was requested by the SecretaryGeneral of our Organization.
61.	However, we recognize the enormous difficulties involved in achieving an agreement on a matter as delicate as this. That caused us to propose a provisional measure that in essence consists of requesting that States issue declarations in which they unilaterally renounce the manufacture and use in wartime of bacteriological weapons and undertake the firm commitment to eliminate present stocks as soon as their renunciation takes the form of a convention.
62.	For several years, and especially during the negotiations which culminated in the approval of the nonproliferation Treaty, Mexico has insisted on the necessity of not forgetting the goal set in 1959, namely, general and complete disarmament under effective international control, which the General Assembly then called "the most important question now before the world".
63.	Consistent with this position of Mexico, we participated in the elaboration and negotiation of a draft comprehensive program of disarmament, which the representative of Mexico had the privilege of submitting on behalf of the three cosponsoring delegations  Mexico, Sweden and Yugoslavia on 27 August last.
64.	We are convinced that the approval of this comprehensive program by the Assembly at the present session would deserve to occupy an outstanding place among the various acts by which the United Nations intends to commemorate its twenty-fifth anniversary.
65.	My Government has been concerned about the apparent stalemate in which the work of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations finds itself. We see there a problem which has been of concern to the Organization from the time of its creation; that is to say, the need to take collective measures exclusively under the Charter when Member States prove powerless to prevent violence.
66.	I must repeat that it is urgent for the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space to conclude its task of elaborating a draft on liability for damage caused by the launching of objects into outer space. We believe that we have a right to expect that the space Powers will give us cooperation as enthusiastic as that which we showed in the elaboration of the Agreement on the return of astronauts [resolution 2345 (XXII)].
67.	A year ago, in this Assembly [1833rd meeting], we asked the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Seabed and Ocean Floor Beyond the Limits "Of National Jurisdiction to accelerate the preparation of a complete and well-balanced declaration of principles capable of promoting international cooperation in the field of the exploration and utilization of the seabed and the ocean floor. We believe that we should not delay that declaration any longer because that zone and its resources constitute the common patrimony of all mankind. We think also that we must establish an international regime which would include machinery to ensure the just distribution of the benefits, and that the establishment of such a regime need not wait until States agree on the precise delimitation of the zone, since there are vast undersea areas which are obviously outside the jurisdiction of any country.
68.	Our Charter mentions the International Court of Justice as one of its six principal organs. It is obvious, however, that the Court has not played the role assigned to it when our Organization was established. My Government has cosponsored an item which calls upon the Assembly to examine the reform of the Statute of the Court. Mexico would like to see, as a result of the study by the Assembly, a renovated Court in which the Judges could keep their independence but which would not, because of that, keep them isolated from the great currents which govern international law in our day and the international realities which influence it,
69.	The Special Committee established by the Assembly, which began its work in the capital of Mexico in 1964, has already drafted a declaration on the principles of international law referring to friendly relations and cooperation among States. I note with particular satisfaction that among them there figures the principle of nonintervention, which is defined in the draft in terms essentially similar to those approved by this Assembly at its twentieth session, when it made the most complete and precise formulation which had been achieved so far of this principle in which we Mexicans have seen, in the more than a century and a half of our existence, the cornerstone of international coexistence.
70.	Some speakers have referred in this debate to the problem to which Mexico attributes special importance of the hijacking of aircraft, which endangers the lives of many innocent persons. Recently, the President of Mexico expressed his deep concern over this situation and made various suggestions with regard to the motives and consequences of such criminal acts, stating his confidence that by means of international cooperation it would be possible to achieve some means of preventing these hijackings, and especially of denying hijackers impunity.
71.	The principal economic item on our agenda is the adoption of an international strategy for development for the decade 1970-1979. After six long sessions the Preparatory Commission succeeded in preparing a draft which has been submitted to this Assembly [A/7982, para. 16].
72.	We attribute fundamental importance to this document, which reflects the economic and social aspirations of developing countries. These aspirations in the last few years have at many international forums been identified with ever greater precision with a view to establishing the necessary policies if these goals are to be attained. Goals and policies are set forth in the project not only in the field of international trade and finance, but also in the very important field of human development, because, as long as we maintain an economic imbalance throughout the world the origin of many conflicts and tensions we cannot think that there will be any stable political order.
73.	Of great importance in reducing these economic imbalances is international cooperation which will make it possible for the technology of industrialized countries to be transferred to developing countries without the latter having to accept the excessive exigencies of private entities. As has occurred already in other fields, the transfer of technology should become a true international public service.
74.	Now the adequate transfer of technology to developing areas depends not only on the ability of the population to absorb the new techniques, but also on their ability to import machinery and modern equipment, which in turn depends upon an increase in their exports. Therefore, among the objectives to be achieved during the decade, we find an increment of 7 per cent annually in exports and imports. To this end we shall have to eliminate many obstacles which restrict the access of the production of these countries to international markets.
75.	I should like now to repeat the profound concern of my Government with regard to the possibility that a wave of protectionism might arise in the industrialized countries. This would be in absolute contradiction to the objectives of the decade and would invalidate to a great extent the system of universal preferences which is being discussed in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
76.	A war of trade restrictions among the developed nations would reduce the access of all countries to markets. This would principally be to the detriment of the poor countries, although the restrictions were not immediately addressed to specific products. We would thus have taken a step backward in world policy for the liberalization of international trade which was put into practice at the end of the Second World War and has been an important factor in the increase in production and consumption in the participant countries. Why return to the policy of the 1930s, of sad memory? It is true that 1970 does not find the United Nations as many of the founders would have liked it to be.
77.	However, let us recognize that the second postwar period, which culminated and terminated in the dreadful days of November 1962, when the two super nuclear Powers, with common sense and great realism avoided the hecatomb which for a decade had been threatening the world, was in many ways fruitful since the other period, after some ten years of pressure from the Versailles Treaty, resulted in the worst economic depression of all times and ten years later in the most terrible war the world has ever suffered in addition to the fact that in that first postwar period the empires strove to continue their status as if the nineteenth century had not yet come to an end.
78.	We face at present new difficulties; but some either reflect new problems a natural result in the case of a densely populated planet with better communications on which technological progress has widened in a surprising manner the distance between wellbeing and poverty or else old forgotten problems, such as the perennial longing for equality and dignity among all men.
79.	Many of these problems have a solution, others perhaps do not. Some fall within the sphere of every country whereas others, such as that of peace, can be attacked by international action. Many times the frontier between them is not very precise. Those relating to economic and social progress are fundamentally of an internal nature, but they require cooperation from the United Nations, its specialized agencies and its regional organs if they are to be eventually overcome.
80.	What we have no right to do is to become disenchanted. The United Nations is an imperfect instrument but it is the only one available to us and for that reason even if not for the many others it is important that we renew our resolve to make it ever more effective and respected. It is at least our duty to keep our Organization alive and strive to have it some day gather together all peoples as coming generations succeed more appropriately and energetically in bringing it into line with new times and with the anguish and the hopes of both the present and the future.


122.	  I cannot begin my intervention without referring to the solemn resounding tribute which our Permanent Representative paid yesterday from this rostrum [1852nd meeting] to the memory of President Nasser whose death made a profound impact on the Congolese people and particularly on President Marien N'Gouabi who was very close to the late President and had for him a feeling of very great personal affection and militant comradeship and also on myself, since I was, for three years, Ambassador of a friendly country to the United Arab Republic and benefited from the kindness of a man who has now joined the select group of the heroes of history.
123.	For three years, day after day, I had a chance to observe the many-faceted work of President Nasser. I particularly noticed his absolutely resolute will to turn Egypt into a powerful country, to build in it an independent economy, to turn the Egyptian fella into a man aware of his own personality, his own value, a respected man. I have admired his unequaled courage, which, like the courage that animated the pharaohs, enabled him to carry out the great Aswan Dam project and to overcome thousands of difficulties.
124.	President Nasser succeeded and he has died at precisely the moment when his people valued him so much, when Africa is partly liberated and when it is engaged in the decisive fight to expel from its land the colonialists and the imperialists.
125.	A citizen of the third world, nonaligned, supporter of liberation movements, panAfrican, pan Arab such was President Nasser to whose memory we now pay solemn tribute.
126.	The People's Republic of the Congo through my voice is happy to join in the chorus of congratulations which are fully deserved and which have been addressed to President Hambro with warm and moving eloquence by the speakers who have spoken before me in the general debate. President Hambro's great moral, and intellectual qualities of exceptional caliber and his talents as diplomat, jurist and statesman have been sufficiently described by the various speakers to remind us that the fate of the twenty-fifth session has been entrusted to a man most qualified to lead our debate towards that ideal to which we all aspire, a real convergence of peoples towards a better understanding and greater cooperation between all races and peoples.
127.	President Hambro is taking over the presidency from Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph who left the imprint of her strong and captivating personality on the twenty- fourth session, giving the nations of the world definitive proof of the serious intention of African women to free themselves from the bonds of the past and to take part fully in the construction of a new world.
128.	But I can feel satisfied that I have really done my duty only when I pay tribute to the courage, lucidity and devotion to the cause of peace of our Secretary General, U Thant.
129.	We have open to us several ways of celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. In any case, it is a chance and a place for all of us to carry out an overall health checkup of the Organization.
130.	Some, intoxicated by technical progress and swept away by hypocrisy which we are used to now  set about this event by indulging in pseudo philosophical discourse which, far from identifying objectively the difficulties which persist unfortunately in the international community, contribute, often by their aphorisms and the facile predetermined vocabulary of deceit, only to making more opaque the mask which conceals the crucial problems of our time and which prevents any durable solution from being achieved.
131.	Others, on the other hand, who find themselves in the front row of this great theater of violence, injustice and exploitation, which can be said to be the true background of our society of today, make it a point of honor to set against that exalted lyricism the harsh law of reality to reveal the truth, certainly without arrogance but without weakness also, in order to draw from it valuable lessons and definite claims based on the spirit and letter of the Charter which so many people here quote from so readily and abundantly.
132.	The celebration of the anniversary of the United Nations provides an excellent opportunity, but unfortunately it is in danger of remaining a mere polite formality unless the purposes and principles of the Charter, above all, are respected, since they govern the direction in which the activities of the Organization should lead. These goals and principles, we must emphasize, are designed to guide the conduct of the Organization and Member States in order to lead to the happy accomplishment of the common objectives those States have set themselves.
133.	In all objectivity I must state that there lies an abyss between these principles and their proper implementation. What do we see every day? The hypocrisy of certain great Powers which day by day move further and further away from the hope expressed in the Charter to see established a peace which will offer all nations the means of living in security within their frontiers, a peace which will provide all men in all countries with an assurance that they will live a normal life free from fear and need. This hypocrisy has cruelly disappointed the young nations of the third world, which had foolishly placed their hopes in the United Nations.
134.	What have the great Powers done in a positive sense to eradicate tyranny, subjection, oppression and intolerance? Let us have the intellectual courage which consists of finding out the truth or admitting it to ourselves when it displeases us, or just simply telling the truth to take note of our defects and deficiencies. Some speakers, from this rostrum, have urged all delegations to engage in self-criticism and to examine their consciences on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Organization.
135.	Let me say that the revolutionary people of the People's Republic of the Congo is thoroughly devoted to peace. We are convinced that it is in peace and harmony with our neighbors that our people can construct a prosperous, independent economy. That is why we welcome the reconciliation brought about last June between the two sister Republics of the Congo, whose Heads of State, President Marien N'Gouabi and President Joseph Desire Mobutu, on that occasion showed a courage and a sense of responsibility of which Africa can justly be proud. Our two leaders thus showed the world that ideological differences should never constitute permanent reasons for division and tension.
136.	Within our frontiers, the Congolese Labor Party tirelessly pursues the same policy of peace, democracy and justice, involving in the difficult task of national construction all Congolese devoted to the ideals of the revolution without distinction as to ethnic origin or region.
137.	Notwithstanding this fervent desire for peace, every day we are under attack by imperialism, which tries to create agitation and stir up trouble in our midst. The Congolese people, united as one man around their leader and their party, is determined to thwart these criminal moves of imperialism.
138.	As an African, I can only give a very severe opinion of the decolonization mission entrusted to the United Nations by the African peoples. This year which really seems to be the year for negative anniversaries we are celebrating the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. To say that nothing has been done in the ten years that have elapsed since the adoption of the Declaration would be wrong, but in all objectivity we must recognize that results in this field are quite meager. It is difficult for me to understand why a citizen of the Congo is more entitled to freedom than his brother in Angola, Mozambique, Namibia or Guinea (Bissau). Could someone tell me: is there really a proportional distribution of dignity and independence? The colonial and criminal war which Portugal has imposed on the African peoples benefits from the active and undeniable support of certain great Powers, Members of this Organization. With the whole world looking on, the Portuguese colonialists are able to draw on the organic cooperation of NATO, together with the financial and military aid of the capitalist countries which, wearing their cloak of deadly hypocrisy, exploit the credulity of the African countries as they become the bloodstained accomplices of the enemies of our peoples. Sheer calculation and a flair for making deals have guided the hand of imperialism, and the monopolistic capital of exploitation, in its rapacious determination to bring under its control the immense mineral and agricultural wealth of Angola and Mozambique. Alert minds are beginning to grasp this fact. The African peoples now know that those who help the Portuguese colonialists to keep part of Africa under the colonial yoke are, and can only be, the worst enemies of the peoples of our continent.
139.	For ten years we have constantly denounced with abundant proof the policy of apartheid and the imperialistic aims of the Pretoria Government, which, strengthened by the assurances and substantial aid it constantly obtains from certain Western Powers despite Security Council resolutions, stubbornly persists in its lofty disdain for any international order. It continues to commit foul crimes against the people of Namibia and the other peace-loving peoples of Africa. The minority regime of Salisbury, supported by the racists of Pretoria and the inveterate colonialists, in our opinion constitutes a constant and intolerable challenge to the international community. Can we tell Africa how the great Powers have responded to the Lusaka Manifesto,  which is an appeal to reason and fraternity? The responsibility for the fate of the Zimbabwe people belongs, we declare once more, to the United Kingdom, which, notwithstanding the repeated requests of the African countries, has not been willing to reestablish the right of the majority to manage a country which is really their own.
140.	The common destiny of the African peoples, upon whom the most cruel colonial domination in history was inflicted, dictates to us the sacred duty to support by all possible means the just struggle of the national liberation movements, which will sweep from our continent the consequences and stains of colonialism and imperialism.
141.	I have spoken of Africa, but elsewhere in this world also intolerance and dreams of imperialist domination have kindled flames which are a real threat to peace and security in the world. The crusades undertaken by a great Power, the United States of America, which in the most dubious name of anticommunism, are spreading grief and destruction everywhere, have never been condemned here with the vigor they really deserve.
142.	This attitude of renunciation, this lack of perspicacity and firmness on the part of the Organization make us all supporters of hypocritical compromises. accomplices of the aggressive forces, which, notwithstanding the vigorous resistance constantly put up by the patriotic forces struggling bitterly for national liberation, independence and peace, are far from abandoning their bloody enterprises.
143.	That is why, on this twenty-fifth anniversary, we should not hesitate to denounce any threat to peace.
144.	We must denounce all maneuvers and juridical artifices used by certain Powers to thwart the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China as a founding Member of the Organization. That is a duty that the international conscience must face up to. The brave Chinese people has the inalienable right to have in Peking the Government and institutions it chooses. Is it not immensely arrogant to try to have that great people which has made a great contribution to the progress of mankind represented by the Chiang Kaishek clique, which is a kind of Chinese-speaking American Government?
145.	For twenty- years obstacles have been placed in the way of a thorough discussion of the Korean problem, another instance of aggression sustained by the United States of America in Asia. My delegation would once more draw attention to the danger imposed on the peaceful life of the Korean people by the imperialist American Government. How can we fail to experience a feeling of revolt, given the artificial frontier imposed by the aggressor on this culturally rich nation, a nation with traditions going back thousands of years? We would assert that in order to serve the cause of the unification of Korea and serve peace, it is very important and urgent that the American occupation troops which unscrupulously make use of the United Nations flag should withdraw from the south part of Korea; and that, moreover, the United Nations Commission for the so-called reunification and rehabilitation of Korea which is an abject instrument of the American administration should be disbanded and an appeal made without discrimination to the North and South Korean delegations in order to seek a solution to the severe problems of that country.
146.	Is there any need to talk about the fierce aggression of the Washington Government against the VietNamese people, the Cambodian people and other peace-loving peoples of SouthEast Asia, where the United States is setting up the bloodstained puppets devoted to them alone? These barbarous aggressions unfortunately have provoked only the mildest of protests here.
147.	The war of extermination continues in VietNam, notwithstanding the constructive proposals made by the Democratic Republic of VietNam and the National Liberation Front at the Paris Conference, proposals which the United States has clearly never taken into account. The aggressive American forces have invaded Cambodia and wrought terrible destruction there, and no one said a thing about it.
148.	This is how the Organization and the great Powers which lead it intend to set up peace on this earth.
149.	The People's Republic of the Congo fully supports the IndoChinese people's struggle to resist aggression.
150.	The events in the Middle East and their tragic aftermath also bear the mark of the criminal work of imperialism, which now intends to set Asians against Asians, Latin Americans against Latin Americans, Africans against Africans and Arabs against Arabs. We favor peaceful solutions of disputes but as far as concerns the Middle East dispute, the fundamental interests of the Palestinian people must be protected. There will never be a solution to this crisis as long as the Palestinian people, denied their rights, are excluded from any negotiations that may take place.
151.	I will not talk about the failure and this because the pain is too great of the international development strategy which is a kind of enshrining of the supremacy of the developed countries over the Asian, African and Latin American countries; this economic imperialism which constantly threatens our still fragile independence, prompts us to voice doubts once more as to the sincerity and effectiveness of the new United Nations Development Decade. The economic great Powers are themselves the first to recognize that the gap separating them from what are normally called the developing countries is constantly growing wider.
152.	But what they do not say is that they are not prepared to take appropriate measures to cope with the situation which bears within it the seeds of a general revolution and of which we might, I think, with some justification say that such a revolution would not be to the benefit of future generations of the developed nations, because it would be conducted without them and necessarily against them. In our opinion and this is no blackmail at all, because as far as we are concerned President Marien N'Gouabi has always taught us that we should rely on our own strength only the renunciation of national selfishness would make it possible to avoid, or if not to avoid at least to lessen, the inevitably disastrous effects of such a confrontation of interests among States.
153.	Let us hope that this problem will occupy a preeminent place amongst those which it is our duty to examine on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of our Organization.
154.	This gloomy picture, which reflects the widespread discontent and the areas of tension which threaten to throw discord into the message of peace and hope contained in the United Nations Charter, nevertheless need not make us forget that we must all sincerely face the joint weight of our international obligations and help revive the United Nations by our day-by-day conduct, and not just by declarations which are quickly forgotten. We must restrain the arbitrary aims of certain Members and lead everybody to a strict respect for the principles and purposes of the Charter. This is a duty while this session, entrusted to the talents of its President, must not fail to accomplish. Let us never forget that our quality as Member States imposes on us a status of dual nature: if we have rights, we ought not to forget that our duties are of equal magnitude: the duty of obedience to the provisions agreed to in the interests of this Organization, of peace in the world, of friendship and progress among peoples. The People's Republic of the Congo, its President, Commander Marien N'Gouabi, its Party, the Congolese Labor Party, and its Government are ready to subscribe, fully and wholeheartedly, to this program of friendship, solidarity and peace.