41.	 Mr. President, it is a signal honour and a most singular pleasure for me to extend to you my delegation's congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Your qualifications for this high office need no testimony. In the performance of your duties on behalf of your country and of this Organization you have displayed such sterling qualities that I am confident that under your leadership the deliberations of this Assembly will produce concrete results.
42.	Yugoslavia and my own country enjoy the most fraternal and cordial relations and I should like to pledge my delegation's support to you and to the officers of the Assembly in the discharge of your heavy responsibilities. I should also like to express from this podium my Government's appreciation to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the efficiency which has become the hallmark of his performance of his duties as Secretary-General. His years at the head of the United Nations have been characterized by dedication, competence and an unremitting sensitivity to the urgent need to solve pressing international problems.
43.	My delegation is not unmindful of the contribution that your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, made to the deliberations of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. The manner in which Mr. Amerasinghe conducted the work of that session deserves a word of thanks from all of us. We are confident that he will continue to discharge his duties skilfully as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
44.	We should also like to express our congratulations to the new Members of our Organization, Djibouti and Viet Nam. We are confident that this Organization will benefit from their membership.
45.	The agenda of this Assembly reflects a simple but horrifying truth. That truth is that every step towards the end of the twentieth century is accompanied by the emergence of new problems that threaten the security and peace of mankind, problems that confront humanity with new and frightful challenges.
46.	Technology has opened fresh vistas for the development of civilization. It has also presented unprecedented threats to the existence of that civilization. Thanks to advances in technology and humanity's weaknesses peace today hangs on the delicate and precarious thread of a balance of terror. The resources of States Members of this Organization still continue to be devoted, not to the interests and the betterment of the human conditions, but to a threat to human existence. Billions of dollars are being expended, not on the promise of eradicating poverty, disease and ignorance, but on making the bare survival of the human species more uncertain.
47.	Even more alarming is the fact that States which have demonstrated their contempt of every principle of international morality and international law are ushering in a nightmare era of nuclear-weapon proliferation. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by these States confronts this Organization with yet another set of problems which must be tackled with the urgency that it deserves. These problems should cause serious concern to every State that takes its obligations under the Charter seriously.
48.	Once more the problems of southern Africa, of the disparities in the wealth of the rich and the poor and of the Middle East feature prominently 9n the agenda of this session of the Assembly. There is a no more serious indictment of this Organization than the continued denial of legitimate rights to the people of Palestine and of the livelihood of the vast majority of humanity in conditions that the President of the World Bank has described as "defying any rational definition of human decency". The urgency of solving these problems has never become more imperative. We owe it to humanity to do something meaningful. We need to take action that is more effective than adopting resolutions which gather dust on the shelves of history. At stake is the fabric of an orderly international climate. That climate cannot be bequeathed to posterity on a platter. States Members of this Organization must display a willingness to make political sacrifices and to demonstrate meaningful political will.
49.	My Government has always deplored any action to change the social, economic or political topography of the Arab lands conquered by Israel. The recent actions of the Government of Israel in encouraging Jewish settlements on conquered Arab territory have once more underlined the critical urgency of the need for a Middle East settlement.
50.	My Government deplores these actions by the Government of Israel as unhelpful and unnecessarily provocative. We do not accept the fait accompli of conquered lands. The Government of Lesotho has on numerous occasions made clear its commitment to the right of Israel to existence. We shall not depart from that commitment. And yet we cannot agree to the proposition that that right constitutes a carte blanche for the illegal occupation of conquered territory. The right to perceive security interests is no basis for the denial of the rights of the people of Palestine nor the refusal to return lands acquired in battle. I should like to appeal to Israel and all other parties involved to implement Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) and all other resolutions of this Organization in their entirety. The right to existence of the State of Israel does not cancel the rights of the other peoples in the Middle East. In this connexion my Government urges the Government of Israel to recognize the imperative need for the representation of the people of Palestine at the Geneva talks. I am hopeful that the Government of Israel will go further and agree to the direct involvement in the Geneva talks of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Conquest of territory cannot, under any circumstances, confer any right of permanency.
51.	The establishment of a ski resort on the territory of Lesotho at Khoptjoane is clearly intended to alienate more of our land, and the refusal of South Africa to negotiate with the Government of Lesotho on the question of our joint boundaries is both unjust and a source of tension. Worse still is the fact that South Africa is complicating this whole issue by the establishment of Bantustans on our borders. The creation of these Bantustans on land that belongs to the Basotho nation is a most irresponsible act. On the south-eastern border of Lesotho, the Transkei Bantustan occupies part of the territory of Lesotho. On the north-western sector of the Lesotho frontier, the Qwaqwa Bantustan is already being constructed on the land of Lesotho. On the western sector yet another Bantustan, Bophuthatswana, has been created. The territory of Lesotho stretches all the way from Matatiele and Herschel in the Transkei Bantustan to the eastern Orange Free State, where the Bophuthatswana Bantustan has been established. South Africa is arrogantly continuing to include these lands in its Bantustan arrangements with a view to exacerbating the tensions in southern Africa. The intention is clear; the signs are unmistakable that South Africa is creating Bantustans on our lands in all sectors of our common frontiers in an effort to strangle my country.
52.	One hundred and fifty years ago the founder of the Basotho nation, King Moshoeshoe I, said in reference to the unjust and illegal boundary arrangements that were imposed on Lesotho by the former British colonial administration that, in his opinion, nothing had contributed more to racial disharmony in the past years than this single factor-the Warden Line. He considered it unfair, entirely impracticable and an affront to the Basotho. The persistent refusal by South Africa to deal in a spirit of neighbourliness with the question of our lands is bound to sour the relations between the people of Lesotho and South Africa for the foreseeable future; for no generation of Basotho is going to forget my country's just claims. What, after all, is Pretoria afraid of? Is it the risk of arbitration? Is its case so patently weak that it cannot stand up to proposals for a joint boundary commission to settle the question of these lands? We, for our part, are prepared to abide by a decision based on law. We are prepared to assist in shortening the agenda of southern Africa problems. We are prepared to avoid confrontation and to seek peaceful solutions to our problems. But we are not prepared to become orphans of colonialism and unequal treaties and a victim of apartheid.
53.	In his report the Secretary-General has rightly recognized that "the unresolved problems of southern Africa have this year commanded as much, or more, attention than any others. The Maputo and Lagos Declarations3 are ample testimony to that fact. The fact that the Smith rebellion continues to exist; the fact of South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia; the fact of the continuation of apartheid in South Africa-these are so only because some Member States are still putting a higher priority and a greater premium on their narrow sectional interests than on the interests of the majority of the people of southern Africa,
54.	My Government has taken note of the joint United States and United Kingdom initiatives on Rhodesia. We have studied the proposals that have been submitted to the Smith regime and the Zimbabwe liberation movements. We know of Smith's well-known perversity. His entrust- worthiness is a matter of public record. We do not, however, regard the Anglo-American proposals as completely satisfactory. In the view of my Government, the people of Zimbabwe deserve independence now. For Zimbabweans who have suffered oppression for scores of years, the simple test is whether the majority actually assumes power and whether Britain is now seriously committed to decolonizing Zimbabwe. The people have demonstrated by their sacrifices that the right to majority rule in Zimbabwe is their birth right. They and they alone are responsible for the current attempts at a settlement. We cannot forget that all other previous attempts have aborted because of the lack of a concrete commitment by the United Kingdom to enforcing its proposals. My Government thus attaches particular importance to article 10 of the Anglo-American proposals. It is the sincere hope of my Government that the United Kingdom and the United States Governments will carry out their obligations in terms of that article if Smith and his clique fail to honour the terms of the proposals.
55.	My Government has also followed with interest the initiatives of the five Western Powers on the question of Namibia. I have previously made clear my Government's rejections of the Turnhalle solution which the Government of South Africa was trying to impose on Namibia. In our view, SWAPO remains the authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.
56.	The initiatives of the five Western Powers, members of the Security Council, are nevertheless not far-reaching enough. In particular they have put a gloss of legality on South Africa's illegal occupation of that Territory in disregard of the resolutions of this Organization. The authority of the United Nations over Namibia is compromised in these proposals, and the authority of South Africa is conceded. The role of the Administrator-General appointed by Pretoria should be clearly limited; and the role of the representative of the United Nations Secretary- General should be clearly defined. The army of the Pretoria regime will continue to pose a threat to the liberation struggle in Namibia. It is clear, too, that the Pretoria regime hopes to limit the ability of SWAPO to participate fully in the electoral process. Despite these serious limitations, my Government is confident that the machinations of the Government of South Africa will fail and that the struggle of the people of Namibia will succeed.
57.	The dismemberment of Namibian territory by the amputation of Walvis Bay is unacceptable to my Government. Any previous arrangements incorporating the area into South Africa should not constitute the legal basis for South Africa's refusal to include the area in the independent Namibia which is now imminent. This would constitute a violation of the territorial integrity of Namibia and forever remain a source of tension in the area. If Mr. Vorster were serious on the Namibia issue, he would not have any previous arrangements incorporating the area into South Africa should not constitute the legal basis for South Africa's refusal to include the area in the independent Namibia which is now imminent. This would constitute a violation of the territorial integrity of Namibia and forever remain a source of tension in the area. If Mr. Vorster were serious on the Namibia issue, he would not have come up with such a provocative suggestion. SWAPO will reject it and the struggle over it will continue.
58.	In the security debates on the question of South Africa at the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos, my delegation made it clear that in our view the main cause of the problems of southern Africa in the apartheid policies of that Government which resulted in the closure of the south-eastern borders with my country. It is the same obnoxious policies which envisage the creation of Botswana and QwaQwa Bantustans around Lesotho. It is apartheid that denies basic freedoms to over 20 million Africans in South Africa. It is apartheid that catapults thousands of black South Africans into fleeing their country for political refuge in Lesotho. The Government and people of Lesotho have maintained a flexible policy of purposefully absorbing the fleeing refugees and integrating them into the fabric of our society rather than treating them as conventional refugees. It is the same apartheid policies that permit detentions without trial in South Africa. In pursuit of this policy, several Basotho people are either held hostage or detained in South Africa without access to judicial due process.
59.	The international community has recently been served with a painful reminder of the callous inhumanity of apartheid when the spokesman of the apartheid regime scoffed at the deaths of detainees and gloated with dispassionate insensitivity at the death of Steven Bantu Biko. These are the words of the South African Minister of Police when confronted on Biko's death: "I am not glad and I am not sorry ; he leaves me cold. I can say nothing to you". Such is the inhuman coldness of apartheid towards the black majority of Africans. Such is the unbelievable system of justice in South Africa. To the blacks in South Africa the death of Steven Biko is a great loss. In this mysterious death my Government sees a continuing selective process aimed at eliminating opponents of apartheid. Nothing, however, will deter the struggle; success is guaranteed.
60.	It is racism that sanctions the deaths of schoolchildren in Soweto, Langa and Mamelodi. The quality of life has so deteriorated in Soweto that it is no longer a place to live in, but has become a prison without walls; it is a place permanently patrolled by police troops-a case, in fact, of policy versus the people. Thousands of Soweto high-school children are out of school while more than 400 teachers have resigned since Soweto high schools were placed under direct jurisdiction of the white administration.
61.	The arbitrary detentions of students continue and their harassment by the apartheid police is becoming a pattern of life. As of 16 August this year, 11 more members of the Soweto Students Representative Council have joined- hundreds of other students in South African goals. And yet the students are not daunted. They continue to express their profound objection to apartheid and to Bantu education. I should like to take this opportunity to commend the students of Soweto, and indeed of all other townships, for their salutary contribution to the liberation struggle. I feel compelled, however, to bring to the notice of this Assembly the serious plight of the detained students, who include nationals of my own country.
62.	As I stated before, to be black in South Africa is to live in a twilight of terror; to be dehumanized; to live in perpetual fear of loss of liberty and life; to live in endless danger of unemployment; to live in fear of being sent to gaol-in short, to live without rights, for even in gaol there is no safety. Since 1963 over 37 detainees held in South African gaols have lost their lives under mysterious circumstances. In only two instances has the South African Government admitted culpability. The other deaths have simply been dismissed as unavoidable. The death toll over the past 17 months alone stands at 16. And yet all demands for explanations of the deaths of the detainees are continuing to meet with deafening silence. A few months ago Mr. Mzizi was found hanged from a cell window. Before him on 3 August, it was Dr. Haffejee who met a similar fate. With each death our concern for detainees must deepen and the urgency of action must increase.
63.	Pretoria pretends that its security police are gentle souls who would not dream of hurting a fly, let alone a political detainee. And yet even a South African judge was compelled to observe, with regard to the death on 19 March 1976 of detainee Mr. Mdluli: "The most probable explanation is that all or most of the wounds were inflicted by the security police." The United Nations has already responded generously to the plight of students who fled South Africa. It must now pronounce itself most clearly and in terms of action on those who are in detention. Month in and month out news of arrests under the detention laws reaches the outside world. There are no announcements and no explanations from Pretoria; Pretoria does not regard itself as obliged to give any. People simply disappear inside the gaols of South Africa, in solitary confinement. Some are lucky to reappear after 200 days. Others are less fortunate. Mr. Phantsi was held for 513 days in solitary confinement and then inexplicably released with no apology, no explanation. No one knows how many more are sharing a similar fate. Comfort has long dulled the sense of outrage of most whites in South Africa about their brutal injustice. The only hope for the detainees is action by the international community. It is no surprise to us that every effort by the Government of Lesotho to obtain the release of Lesotho nationals in South African gaols has met with suggestions that we should hand over South African refugees in exchange for the release of our nationals. Our reply has always been the same: "Never". And our record in getting back refugees kidnapped by South Africa speaks for itself.
64.	The catalogue of outrageous acts against the African population does not end in the shadows of South African gaols or on Robben Island. In a non-racial service in Cape Town on 14 August 1977, the congregation was moved, in response to the evictions of persons and the demolition of their buildings, to observe:
"...we urgently call upon the Government to stop forthwith the demolition of homes of people without providing them with alternative and adequate accommodations. We dedicate ourselves to work with our fellow South Africans for a society in which the rights of all people to live a secure family life in the place where they contribute to society by their work is firmly established."
This is an extraordinary statement from South Africa in response to the most perverse action yet taken by the twisted minds of the apartheid regime the destruction of the homes of Africans in Modderdam near Cape Town. Let me describe the demolition of those homes in the words of one South African newspaper:
"The bulldozers began at the height of an exceptionally cold, wet, windy winter. It would have been a humiliating eviction in ideal weather. In the bitter winter it was downright inhuman. In exchange for their homes, the squatters were offered temporary canvas shelter and rail tickets to the Bantustans of Ciskei and Transkei-tickets to broken family lives and the prospects of no homes and no jobs."
65.	In yet another article, a South African newspaper described the agony of Africans from Hoek-fontein near Pretoria in these terms:
"Thousands of people in the squatter camps, about 60 kilometres north of Pretoria, have become orphans of the Government apartheid system. They are living in appalling conditions and nobody wants to help them. The callousness of the Government in refusing to alleviate their plight is extraordinary. It is, after all, Government laws and policies which helped to create the whole mess in the first place."
66.	It is Pretoria that bolsters the Smith rebellion and that perpetuates the illegal occupation of Namibia. The solution of the problem of South Africa is the key to peace, stability and racial harmony in southern Africa. To ignore this fact and to attempt to isolate the problems of southern Africa is to turn one's back on reality and to raise false hopes.
67.	Apartheid constitutes the single most flagrant violation of human rights and the most direct threat to the peace of southern Africa, and concrete action must be taken to rid southern Africa of it. The morality of such action is no longer in doubt. This Assembly has itself classified apartheid as a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace. What is now required is not further declarations' and resolutions, but concrete action.
68.	Lesotho views with great concern another developing travesty of political justice which the minority racist regime is proposing in its so-called "new constitution" for South Africa. The Pretoria administration, with gloating insensitivity, is goading the South African Coloured and Indian population to join its national laager ritual of excluding the majority black Africans from exercising their inalienable political, economic, social and cultural rights in the land of their fathers and forefathers.
69.	It is important to remember that this so-called constitutional dispensation is still part of the strategy of the evil philosophy of apartheid The proposed dispensation violates civilized political morality. It emasculates the human spirit as it brutalizes the psyche of the Africans. It violates as it vitiates the life expectations and aspirations of the black majority. Given this continued insensitivity of the minority racist regime after years of pleading and encouragement, the international community must be prepared to bear witness to a continued and intensified liberation struggle in South Africa until this ugly philosophy and its institutional superstructure are eradicated.
70.	It has often been alleged that the majority of the people of southern Africa will be the major victims of any international action against the Pretoria regime. The experiences of my own country are a clear demonstration that there are no upper limits to the suffering that the racist regime is prepared to inflict on the people of South Africa. Citizens of Lesotho are detained in solitary confinement in South Africa. Throughout all the border posts connecting my country with South Africa, the people of my country suffer constant harassment and humiliation. With its plans to grant bogus independence to its Bophuthatswana Bantustan in December, the Pretoria regime is continuing with its designs to encircle my country with these bogus states in an effort to coerce my Government to grant recognition to its Bantustans. My delegation will elucidate fully in the deliberations of the Special Political Committee on incidents that show that there is no limit to the suffering of the black man. In the view of my Government, action by the United Nations to assist the people of southern Africa is long overdue. That action we owe to the people of southern Africa. We owe it to ourselves, too, in the name of morality and the conscience of mankind.
71.	The Government of Lesotho firmly believes that the United Nations provides the most appropriate forum for the negotiation of concrete modalities for the establishment of a new international economic order. It is because of this that we attach so much importance to the ongoing process of restructuring the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system to enhance their capacity to respond effectively to the problems and most urgent needs, of the developing countries.
72.	The record of the United Nations in the field of international economic relations has not been very encouraging. The targets of the Second United Nations Development Decade have not been met. The resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly still remain to be implemented. The recent Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation seems to have reached limited results. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has not produced conclusive results. As a result of the aforesaid developments, the rich countries are becoming richer and the poor ones are becoming poorer. There is no doubt in our minds that a solution to these problems would greatly facilitate social transformation, modernization and economic growth in all sectors of the economies of the developing countries, particularly of the least developed and of the land-locked countries among them.
73.	Despite the short-comings of the United Nations system in responding effectively to the economic problems of the developing world and in ensuring a balanced international economic order, it would be less than just if I did not, from this podium, record the appreciation of my country for the prompt action that the United Nations took in response to the closure of the south-eastern borders of my country by the racist Government of South Africa. I should like to express the particular satisfaction of my country with Security Council resolutions 402(1976) and 407(1977), General Assembly resolution 31/6, and Economic and Social Council resolution 2096 (LXII1). We are also grateful to the Secretary-General for sending his assistant, Mr. Farah, to consult with my Government on an effective international programme of assistance to Lesotho, and for his appeal to Member States to make contributions to the programme. Many Governments have responded generously to that appeal, and I should like to reiterate once more the sincere appreciation of Lesotho for this response.
74.	The attitude of the United Nations system in response to our problems has given added hope to the peoples of southern Africa in their struggle against white minority rule and racism. It has also served as a clear warning to Pretoria and Salisbury that the international community has not lost its capacity to respond to threats to the peace and security of southern Africa.
75.	Let me conclude by reassuring this Assembly that my Government will never give any comfort to the white minority regimes and that we shall continue, whatever difficulties are placed in our path, to respect and abide fully by the resolutions of the United Nations.


112.	Mr. President, I have much pleasure, first of all, in extending to you my delegation's congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your election to this post reflects the high, regard and respect in which Yugoslavia is universally held, especially by the non-aligned countries, for the pioneering and leading role it has played in the creation and consolidation of the non-aligned group and for its efforts to strengthen the foundations of world peace and security based on the principles of equality and justice. This election also reflects our appreciation of your own impressive record in the fields of law, journalism, foreign policy and diplomacy.
113.	I am also happy to express, on behalf of the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, our deep gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Amerasinghe, who presided over the previous session with such admirable ability and distinction. His presidency of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea continues to evoke our appreciation and admiration.
114.	The Government of the United Arab Emirates highly appreciates the untiring efforts of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to attain the objectives and purposes of the United Nations Charter, in the forefront of which is the maintenance of international peace and security.
115.	We observe with great satisfaction the increasing acceptance of the principle of universality of our Organization, as demonstrated by the admission of new Member States. On this occasion my delegation is happy to extend its warmest congratulations to the sister Republic of Djibouti on its admission to membership in our international Organization. The Republic of Djibouti has already joined our Arab family and we have declared more than once that we are prepared to do whatever we can to help that young Republic, following the attainment of its political independence, to deal with the difficulties and obstacles which face it at the present stage. I am also pleased to extend our congratulations to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on its admission to membership in the United Nations and to wish its people, who have suffered long from war and division, all prosperity and progress.
116.	The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [Aj'32/1 / during the preceding year gives rise to both our concern and our optimism. It gives rise to our concern because it objectively underlines the magnitude of the difficulties and challenges facing our Organization in its efforts to preserve the peace and security of mankind. On the other hand, it gives us reason for optimism because it clearly emphasizes a fact that we should all recognize, namely the determination of our international Organization to spare no effort to solve those complex international problems, the persistence of which could jeopardize world peace and security, thereby undermining the whole structure of the United Nations itself.
117.	Since its inception the United Arab Emirates has followed with deep concern the developments in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia because we are fully aware of the dangers inherent in the perpetuation of white minority rule in those African territories. We have strongly condemned the policy of apartheid practised by the racist Government of South Africa for that policy represents a flagrant denial of the most fundamental human rights and constitutes a clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations.
118.	Proceeding from this firm belief, the United Arab Emirates has acceded to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and to the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in all its Forms. In addition, we have never hesitated to extend material and moral support to our sister countries and to the African liberation movements in their struggle to restore the dignity of their peoples and recover their peoples' sovereignty over their national soil.
119.	We have-confirmed this support in a positive and effective manner on several occasions, the last of which was the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo in March of this year.
120.	In this connexion, it should be said that we have noted with satisfaction the increased isolation imposed by the international community on the two racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia. During the last few months intensified efforts have been made, particularly by some major Powers, to achieve a peaceful solution to this problem based on the recognition of the right of the black majority to administer their own countries, with a view to sparing the African continent the havoc of war and bloodshed.
121.	While supporting the current efforts to achieve a peaceful solution of this problem, we still believe that the racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia are determined to persist in their intransigent attitude. Therefore it is necessary to adopt further practical and effective measures, especially on the part of the major Powers, to ensure the compliance of these racist regimes with the wishes of the international community. More assistance should also be made available to the African liberation movements to help them meet this racist challenge.
122.	While international efforts are being mobilized to settle the issues of Namibia and Zimbabwe on a peaceful basis, important developments are taking place in the search for a peaceful solution of the problems of Palestine and the Middle East.
123.	It is now universally accepted that the settlement of these problems cannot be achieved except on the basis of the exercise by the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Palestine of their right to -self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. This unanimity, however, is challenged by Vorster in respect of Namibia, by Ian Smith in respect of Zimbabwe and by Begin in respect of Palestine.
124.	It is not necessary for me to reiterate that the issue of Palestine is the core and essence of the problem of the
Middle East, as well as all the related problems, some of which are included in the agenda of the General Assembly. The international community has recognized this fact in various resolutions, statements and declarations adopted by various institutions, organizations and meetings, both at governmental and non-governmental levels, unilaterally, bilaterally and multilaterally. The international community, with the exception of Israel and a few of its supporters, has recognized that the Palestine Liberation Organization is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
125.	Bearing all this in mind, how could anyone, including Israel, conceive of, or even consider, the possibility of a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict without a solution of the Palestine problem and without the participation of the Palestinian people through their genuine and legitimate representative in the peace-making process?
126.	The refusal of Israel to recognize this fact leads us to conclude that Israel does not really wish to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict, nor does it want the establishment of peace and security in the Middle East.
127.	This conclusion is obvious to anyone who has any knowledge of the Zionist doctrine and is aware of its purposes and follows the implementation of its programmes in Palestine. This leads us to a fundamental principle in the Zionist strategy, namely, that the perpetuation of a state of tension and strife is the best guarantee for the consolidation and expansion of Israel, since it galvanizes material and moral support of the Jewish community in the world and therefore the establishment of the Zionist entity on Palestinian territory.
128.	There is enough evidence to support this conclusion in the recent measures taken by the Government of Menachem Begin to set up settlements and to apply Israeli laws to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Such measures are obviously designed to integrate those areas within Israel.
129.	Israel is fully aware that these measures have been condemned and rejected not only by the Arabs but by the whole international community, as has been manifested in the various statements and declarations made by different States and organizations, including some made by those who are known to be supporters of Israel. However, those States should not content themselves with a condemnation of such measures but should rather seriously reconsider their military and financial aid to Israel, for without such aid Israel could never persist in its expansionist policies. Although Israel is well aware of these facts, it still pursues its aims of annexing Arab territories, with the consequent frustration of all peace efforts and the prolongation of the state of tension and conflict in our region.
130.	We fully appreciate the statements made by those in the highest positions of responsibility in the Governments of certain major Powers condemning those measures as obstacles to peace. We hope that such statements will be translated into specific actions in accordance with the provisions of the fourth Geneva Convention reactive to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War,12 a convention to which Israel is a party. Under article II, all the States parties to the Convention are enjoined not only to observe and implement its provisions but also to ensure that other States parties do likewise.
131.	Considering Israel's refusal to observe and implement the provisions of the Convention, and since the establishment of settlements in the occupied territories is dependent on the financial assistance extended by those States and by the Zionist organizations located within their territory, we wish to call upon the responsible authorities in those States to take appropriate measures to withhold military, financial and other forms of assistance to Israel. This is an obligation they have accepted as signatories of the fourth Geneva Convention. Such measures will- lend credence to their policy statements; otherwise these statements and declarations will be nothing more than empty words.
132.	It is indeed regrettable that the question of Cyprus remains without a solution' that could bring a just and permanent peace to the people of the island. The Secretary-General has indicated to us in his report on the work of the Organization that progress so far has been slow and disappointing. Faced with that fact, we cannot but repeat our appeal to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldehim, to continue his efforts, which we fully appreciate, in order to reach a settlement that will ensure the peaceful coexistence of the Greek and Turkish communities within a federal system protecting the interests of both sides and guaranteeing the island's territorial integrity and non-alignment.
133.	The issue of the Comorian island of Mayotte is another of the urgent matters included in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly. The General Assembly considered this question at its previous session and adopted resolution 31/4 affirming that the island of Mayotte was an integral part of the Comoros. On 18 October 1976 our representative affirmed that the continuation of the island of Mayotte outside the national sovereignty of the Comoros was a matter of concern for most States, especially Arab and African States, which maintain strong relations of friendship and co-operation with France. We still hope that the issue will be resolved in a manner that will ensure the territorial integrity of the Comoro islands and will maintain the strong ties of friendship which exist between France and the Arab and African States.
134.	The failure to achieve any substantial progress on the question of disarmament is a matter of concern to us. The arms race and-the proliferation of lethal weapons, whether nuclear or otherwise, is a heavy burden on humanity and endangers international peace and security. We therefore believe that it is essential to take practical and concrete steps for the reduction of military budgets and the transfer of human and material resources from disarmament to the fields of development where they are most urgently needed. We are indeed hopeful that the special session of the General Assembly which will be convened next year for this purpose will take positive steps in that direction.
135.	The United Arab Emirates has, since its independence, supported the General Assembly resolution declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace /resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. We support all measures and steps designed to give effect to that declaration. We spare no sincere effort to promote and strengthen co-operation among the Gulf States, with a view to guaranteeing the security and stability of our region. We have always called and will continue to call for the solution of existing or future disputes among States of our region by peaceful means and without any foreign intervention. This position is dictated by our firm belief in the need to keep our region far removed from the conflicts among the major Powers.
136.	Our region has witnessed intense efforts during the past few years, and the General Assembly through its regular and special sessions has adopted several resolutions aimed at bridging the gap between the developed industrial nations and the developing countries and at establishing a new international economic order based on justice and on more equitable economic relations which would ensure rapid progress for the developing countries and the improvement of the standards of living of their peoples.
137.	Then came the initiative of the President of the French Republic for the convening of the Conference on International Economic Cooperation, which was attended by both industrially developed countries and developing countries. However, after 18 months of intensive negotiation, the Conference failed to achieve any results and merely recommended that the dialogue on unresolved issues should be continued within the United Nations system and other related bodies. The resumption of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly helped to underline the commitment of the developing countries to establish a new international economic order, in spite of the disappointment brought about by the failure of the Conference on International Economic Cooperation. However, the resumed session of the General Assembly also failed to produce tangible results.
138.	We believe that political security is closely linked with economic stability and that there can be no real political security as long as urgent and dangerous issues remain unresolved. The terms of trade continue to deteriorate to the detriment of the developing countries. This has led to the rise of their indebtedness with the consequent increase of their heavy burden of debt. Those countries are thus obliged to allocate a high proportion of their export earnings to service those debts at the expense of their basic imports from the industrialized countries. At the same time, the prices of primary commodities exported from developing countries to industrial countries continue to deteriorate with the resulting aggravation of their balance of payments.
139.	The agenda of this session of the General Assembly includes a most important item, namely, the one relating to the North-South dialogue. We believe that the United Nations is the most appropriate forum for the continuation of that dialogue. In spite of the failure of the Conference on International Economic Cooperation to produce definite results, we still believe that it has clearly defined the issues. The forthcoming debates will be difficult and strenuous, but they will be a necessary step towards the consolidation of international economic co-operation.
140.	Political determination will lead to new conditions that will consequently pave the way to the establishment of a new international economic order based on the interdependence and solidarity of all States, developed and developing.
141.	The United Arab Emirates, itself a developing country, belongs to the third world and to the group of non-aligned countries. It has contributed and will continue to contribute to any international co-operative effort, inspired by its deep faith in the principles of the United Nations Charter and its fundamental aim of promoting human welfare and establishing an international economic order based on justice and equality.


43.	 The adoption in 1945 of the Charter of the United Nations marked a step forward towards the establishment of the rule of the law that should govern relations among nations. The respect for and observance of the universal principles stated in that important document should facilitate the maintenance of international peace and security, which are the fundamental goals of our Organization. My country remains deeply dedicated to the sacred principles of the Charter; in particular the principles of non-intervention in the internal and external affairs of other States; strict respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of every State; non-recourse to force in international relations, and the peaceful settlement of disputes through negotiation, mediation, conciliation or arbitration. Unfortunately, we note that these principles are flouted by certain States.
44.	The thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly is taking place at a crucial moment in the history of my country. Chad has been subjected to serious aggression on the part of Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi's Libya, which has, since 1973, placed the Aozou Strip in the north under military occupation, and to his constant interference in our internal affairs." This interference is designed to overthrow the lawful Government of Chad through Chad traitors and mercenaries, to perpetuate the occupation of the Aozou Strip and to break up the State of Chad with a view to satisfying expansionist designs, on the one hand and, on the other, to set up a puppet State, which would give its allegiance to Tripoli.
45.	At this very moment when I am addressing the Assembly, the uranium-rich region of Aozou is being ruled with an iron rod by the Libyan army and police. The Libyan authorities have established there the various branches of their administration, while an air base is being built with the help of foreign technicians.
46.	This new phenomenon in relations between neighbouring States is taking place at a time when independence and open co-operation should encourage rapprochement between the peoples of Chad and Libya, who have been living in brotherhood and harmony for thousands of years. Our people, who have shared the same destiny in the past and are today facing the same tasks in fighting against the enemies of Africa, should understand each other, come together and unite their efforts for their better future.
47.	The most serious thing is that this aggression and interference by Libya, supported and encouraged by certain Powers in the form of military aid, seriously threaten peace and security in our region, cause needless loss of human lives, and obstruct our economic and social development. We believe that in behaving as they do, sparing no thought for a peaceful country such as Chad, these Powers are assuming a grave international responsibility. We then ask ourselves why it is that here they preach detente, disarmament and the elimination of conflicts, when elsewhere they are creating hotbeds of war. As for Libya, does it believe it can start a revolution by interfering in the internal affairs of its neighbour or by squandering petrodollars which could be used for the benefit of its own people.
48.	For its part, the Supreme Military Council, the highest body in the Chad nation, has, since the events of 13 April 1975, consistently advocated dialogue as the method for settling disputes with neighbouring and friendly countries, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity. I therefore feel that I ought to inform this Assembly of the various attempts which the Council has made to secure the restoration of the rights of the Chad people.
49.	In 1971, rumours were circulating at N'Djamena concerning the Libyan military presence in the northern part of the country. While for political reasons—which still, remain to be made clear-the then Government of Chad thought that it need not immediately denounce this serious situation, it nevertheless remains true that some patriots attempted to do so as early as 1972 because they felt that a blow was being struck against Chad's independence and sovereignty. In 1973, Libya installed itself at Aozou without further ado, invoking the Franco-Italian Agreement of 1935, the so-called Mussolini-Laval Agreement. Now, that agreement never met the full requirements of existing international law and was even denounced by Italy and France.
50.	Thus, true to the line of conduct laid down by the Supreme Military Council, the leaders of Chad have sent several missions to Tripoli, with a view to a friendly settlement of the problem of the occupation of the Aozou strip, and the aid which Libya has been giving to the opponents of the regime.
51.	The most recent mission to Tripoli was led by the Vice-President of the Supreme Military Council. The mission failed because of Libya's claim that Aozou formed a part of southern Libya under the Mussolini-Laval Agreement and on the basis of lines traced on some maps. It was, however, agreed that the two parties should meet again at N'Djamena, as early as possible, in a technical commission, to discuss the border problem. The meeting, which was postponed several times, took place on 23 June 1977 at N'Djamena.
52.	This new meeting again failed, since the Libyan representatives insisted on speaking rather of the implementation of the agreements concluded between our two countries in the economic, trade, cultural and technical fields. According to them, the frontier problem was a political one and had no place in a technical discussion. Nevertheless they indicated in this connexion that, in their view, the Mussolini-Laval Agreement still remained valid and even said that the Treaty signed between France and Libya in 1955, which recalled all the agreements and conventions on the present frontiers of Chad, in no way bound their country. That Treaty, "full of hypocrisy, with confused articles"-to use their own words-had apparently been signed by a non-independent Libya because of the American and British presence on its territory and the French colonial presence in Chad. In their view too, Libya's desire would be "to triumph over colonialism, which had created ideological and psychological separation between the north and the south and between the blacks and the other races of the continent by drawing up artificial frontiers which in no way corresponded to reality, to customs, or to races".
53.	But to our horror, at the very moment when the Chad and Libyan delegations were beginning these talks, unprecedented attacks instigated by Libya were launched by the rebels against the Chad military posts of Ounianga- Kebir, Zouar and Bardai', situated in areas close to Aozou, with heavy arms weapons and rockets causing many deaths and casualties. The clear aim of these attacks was to influence the course of those talks.
54.	As we have seen, all the negotiations between Chad and Libya have failed. The Chad Government therefore thought it appropriate to bring this matter before the OAU at the time of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, -which was held at Libreville, Gabon, at the beginning of last July. President Malloum there stated Chad's position without any ambiguity. After having listened carefully to the parties concerned, the Heads of State and Government unanimously decided to set up a six-member committee of mediation and arbitration charged with finding a solution to the problem and reporting back to the Assembly. Thus the Committee, which met at Libreville on 10 August 1977, adopted a recommendation creating a sub-Committee of experts to study the frontier problem in all its aspects and to report back to it as quickly as possible.
55.	Now, it should be noted that the former colonial Power, France, stated on 3 August 1977, after a meeting between President Valery Giscard d'Estaing and General Joseph Garba, Commissioner for External Affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, specifically on the frontier dispute between Chad and Libya, that "the only frontier of Chad recognized by France, by virtue of the responsibilities that it exercised there, is the frontier which marked the boundaries of territory of Chad at the time of its independence on 11 August 1960". By this statement Paris stated by implication that it did not recognize the occupation since 1973 of the Aozou Strip in the north of Chad by the forces of Tripoli.
56.	I reaffirm that the people of Chad are asking only for recognition of its independence and sovereignty, the inviolability of its territory and non-interference in its internal affairs.
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57.	Thus, faced with the Libyan threat, which is becoming increasingly serious, the masses of the people held enormous demonstrations throughout the country from the month of July on, to demand from the Government that the Aozou Strip be immediately restored.
58.	The Government of Chad hopes, however, that a just and peaceful settlement is still possible, since the problem has been laid before the OAU in clear terms. We have full confidence in the wisdom of the African Heads of State or Government and we express the firm conviction that they will be able to find an urgent solution to the dispute between Chad and Libya.
59.	The specific problem of Chad which I have just described has not caused me to lose sight of the topics which are a source of international concern.
60.	At the present time southern Africa is going through a period of crisis, and we should make the necessary effort to find a just solution in favour of the Africans, who have been stripped of their rights by a white racist minority.
61.	In Zimbabwe, all the plans aimed at permitting the transfer of power to the black majority have failed. We firmly support, on the one hand, the effort made by the leaders of the Patriotic Front as well as by the five front-line countries and, on the other, the recent Anglo- American plan for power to be transferred to the genuine representatives of the people of that country.
62.	In South Africa, with the recent bloody events at Soweto, apartheid constitutes a true scourge which should be fought with the appropriate weapons. Many combatants have fallen in the struggle against apartheid. We pay a tribute to all those who, like Steven Biko, have fallen in the cause of justice, freedom and peace.
63.	Independence must be granted to Namibia without any conditions. The extremely clear situation of this country has been lost sight of because of the egotistical designs of certain States.
64.	It was through the complicity of the great Powers that a territory in Palestine was granted to Israel. For 30 years now the United Nations and, in particular, the Security Council have been considering the problems of this part of the world. We believe that the principles for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East contained in Security Council resolution 242(1967) remain the basis for any negotiation. However, we think that that resolution should be supplemented to take into account the legitimate claims of the Palestinians, in particular concerning their return to their homeland and their recovery of the property stolen from them.
65.	We vigorously condemn the Israeli practices in the occupied Arab territories. The expansionist policy of Israel is a flagrant violation of the 1949 Geneva Conventions-in particular the Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War-and the principles of non-transfer and non-immigration of the nationals of the occupying country to the occupied territory and respect, for the laws and regulations governing the territory before its occupation.
66.	In our opinion, it is essential to reach a final settlement of this problem. Thus, there would be benefit to be derived from working for the early resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, in which all the parties concerned would take part, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
67.	Chad cannot fail to express its indignation at the ceaselessly renewed designs on Mayotte, Cyprus and East Timor.
68.	Mayotte should once more be included in the Comorian nation, of which it is an integral part.
69.	The independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus should be respected.
70.	With regard to East Timor, like the other former colonies, it should attain sovereignty.
71.	Disarmament is a problem which concerns the survival of mankind. The world community is seeking international peace and security, and we are convinced that they can only be attained by means of general and complete disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament under international control.
72.	The delegation of Chad cannot fail to stress its disappointment at the failure of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation and to express its disapproval of the negative attitude of the developed countries at the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
73.	Indeed, after 18 months of discussion at Paris, we really wonder whether Governments, particularly those of the industrialized countries, have genuinely taken into account the economic problems that arise at the international level, although they have recognized that interdependence is a reality and that solutions can be found to issues only in an atmosphere of co-operation and compromise.
74.	The lack of imagination and of political will to seek daring initiatives leads us to note these nationalist, even protectionist, attitudes and makes us think that the economic prospects for the future are grave, both for the developed countries and for the developing countries.
75.	The stubbornness of the developed countries in protecting their privileges, as well as their refusal to give the necessary support with regard to the concerns of the disadvantaged peoples, are causing economic relations, which are already bad enough, to deteriorate still further.
76.	This is a humanitarian question and we think it is unjust and abnormal that a tiny part of the world should live in abundance, while millions of men, women and children are reduced to poverty, unemployment, sickness and ignorance.
77.	So as to avoid confrontation, the third world appeals to the international community and to the conscience of mankind to put an end to exploitation and poverty. Today more than ever before, international co-operation is necessary and the industrialized countries must reconsider their positions and take the opportunities which are offered us to ensure that the future will be better for everyone.
78.	To enable the third world to satisfy its aspirations, it is necessary for it to receive just payment for its products; for its economies, harmed by inflation, to be rebuilt, and for it to enjoy relief from its debt and effective participation in the world economic process, particularly in the monetary field.
79.	As my delegation has repeatedly done from this very rostrum, we again appeal to the rich countries to show greater understanding in alleviating the disastrous economic situation of the third world.
80.	Mr. President, in conclusion, I should like to discharge a pleasant duty, that of offering you, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, most sincere congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
81.	I should also like to say how grateful we are to Mr Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe. Because of his impartiality, objectivity and understanding, he was able to direct the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly in an outstanding manner.
82.	To Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our eminent and tireless Secretary-General, who devotes himself daily to the cause of peace in the world and, particularly, in Africa, I wish to express the gratitude of the Republic of Chad.
83.	My country's delegation welcomes the admission to membership in the world Organization of the sister Republic of Djibouti, a State whose accession to independence demonstrates once again that the process leading to the complete elimination of all the vestiges of colonialism in the world which has already begun cannot be stopped. We appeal to the conscience of all States, in particular to that of Djibouti's immediate neighbours, to respect its independence and territorial integrity scrupulously and to give it friendly and disinterested assistance in consolidating its economy.
84.	Finally, we welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has just taken up its rightful place in our Organization. The admission of that country to the United Nations is both a victory for the Vietnamese people and a just application of the principle of universality of the United Nations.


79.	 Mr. President, allow me, first of all, to join the previous speakers in conveying to you my warmest congratulations and best wishes and to associate myself whole-heartedly with the expressions of appreciation which have been voiced for the outstanding work of your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, and for the work that the Secretary-General has accomplished with his usual efficiency. To you, Mr. President, I wish to convey my feelings of complete confidence, bearing in mind the closeness of the ties which unite our two countries and the special contribution which the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has made to the strengthening of peace and to the development of international co-operation in Europe and throughout the world.
80.	This year, in particular, a significant event has occurred in the history of our two countries which provides a confirmation of the possibility of resolving controversies in a way both new and just. I am referring to the ratification by our respective national parliaments of the Agreements signed at Osimo in 1975. With the entry into force of these important agreements-and not without a grave sacrifice, which, however, it accepted with the conscience of the perspective it opened-Italy has put an end to a period of uncertainty and strain in its relations with the neighbouring and friendly people of Yugoslavia, and the foundations were thus laid for increasing fruitful co-operation between the two countries. This was an important event, not only for the parties directly concerned but also, I believe, for all those members of the international community which may find themselves confronted by similar situations. In accordance with the principles on which Italy bases the conduct of its foreign policy, we followed in this instance the method of the peaceful settlement of disputes, which consists in systematically and patiently searching for points of convergence and opportunities for co-operation. Italy therefore feels entitled to propose this method to the Assembly again at a time when new tensions and new conflicts are being added to those inherited from the past and threats to the peace of peoples become more serious, making the task of peace-keeping even more burdensome for the United Nations.
81.	With this session of the General Assembly, the great family of the United Nations also includes the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti.
82.	May I be allowed to associate myself whole-heartedly with those who have addressed words of welcome and good wishes to these new Members and to their delegations here present.
83.	Italy already enjoys relations of friendship and cooperation with these States and proposes to amplify and develop them in the common interest.
84.	The United Nations has thus taken a further step, which we consider to be particularly significant, towards the goal of universality, which we believe is essential for the effective discharge of its functions and for the strengthening of its role and authority.
85.	In this respect, we welcome and fully approve of the report on the work of the Organization presented to the General Assembly at this session by Secretary- General Waldheim. In particular, we share the basic idea underlying the whole report, namely, his appeal to all Member States to harmonize their respective national interests in all sectors-political, military, social and administrative-with the long-term interests of the whole international community.
86.	Since strains and dangers on the international level originate not only from tensions between States but also from disputes and conflicts within States, between individuals, groups and their institutions, it is particularly urgent that greater efforts be made to enable the United Nations to play a larger role in the protection of human rights. We are therefore interested in any proposal and any useful initiative in this field, and we pledge our full support for the proposal to appoint a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, while we also feel that the procedures envisaged in Economic and Social Council resolution 1503 should be strengthened.
87.	Italy is convinced that the individual person should be the focal-point of any institution which the international community seeks or proposes to set up, and that the dignity and the freedom of the individual person must represent the foundation, the reference point and the final aim of any system of guarantees between States. The United Nations must be able to respond in adequate terms to this appeal, inherent in contemporary history, and to this mission. This is the dramatic demand arising from a way of thinking that is becoming increasingly rooted and widespread in the world conscience and which, because of its growing intensity, can no longer be classified as a mere humanitarian reflex. To recognize it and to recognize its political nature is an act of realism, even though the differences of opinion as to the best means of satisfying it remain great.
88.	From the respect for and adherence to this mission, the United Nations can derive the impetus to act in a way that must be all the more incisive because the main problems afflicting mankind are becoming more acute and remain unsolved.
89.	In this respect, I wish to refer to the views expressed on Monday in this forum by the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs in his capacity as the current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community.
90.	Italy is particularly aware that the continuation of the present deadlock in the Middle East has grave implications both for the security of the region and for international peace itself. We are especially aware of the urgent need to make a determined effort to reactivate, with the involved participation of all the interested parties, effective peace negotiations within the framework of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. In order for that to be possible, all the parties must make the maximum effort to summon up a firm resolve and a new determination to overcome distrust and renounce mutual preclusions.
91.	Italy is deeply aware of the need for a prompt resumption of the peace negotiations, and has therefore reiterated on numerous occasions its readiness to contribute to the search for solutions and to the stage of implementation, namely, through participation in a system of international guarantees within the framework of the United Nations. In the context of a global arrangement, the
Arab side will have to be ready to accept the right of Israel to live in peace within secure and recognized frontiers, just as Israel must be willing to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people.
92.	We consider that the participation of the representatives of all the countries directly concerned, including the representatives of the Palestinian people, must be ensured in the peace negotiations in an appropriate manner, to be worked out in consultation among all the parties concerned.
93.	On several occasions Italy has stated the principles on which, in its view, the action aimed at achieving a just and lasting peace settlement must be based. As for the substance of the problem, they call for: the necessity of the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in June 1967 and refraining from all the measures-and I refer to the new ones as well as the old—which consolidate the fait accompli of the occupation, and therefore represent a course of action directly opposed to the desirable one: respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the region within secure, recognized and internationally guaranteed frontiers; concrete recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people, who cannot be denied a fatherland, to express their own national identity, also through the constitution of a State entity.
94.	With great anxiety we also observe the other signs of conflict and distrust that darken the Middle East horizon and retard the prospect of a settlement. I refer in particular to the continuation of tension in southern Lebanon, a possible source of uncontrollable events. I should like to express the hope for the prompt cessation of the threats which still menace the unity, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and which impede the process of national reconstruction resolutely undertaken by the Lebanese Government on the basis of the inter-Arab agreements of autumn 1976.
95.	In Cyprus, too, there still exists a serious situation of painful confrontation We are convinced that a satisfactory settlement of the Cyprus dispute must be based on the objective of safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the country This can emerge only from a direct dialogue between the parties concerned and from the will to reconcile the divergent community needs in the higher interests of all Cypriots. We therefore continue to address to both parties the warmest appeal to explore together the path of dialogue and compromise.
96.	It is not only in the eastern Mediterranean that signs of tension, uncertainty and conflict persist; unfortunately we also find them, to an increasing extent, in the African continent, where they also provide opportunities for external interference and for artificial confrontations, both ideological and political, among the countries of the continent themselves, at the expense of their priority requirements of development and co-operation.
97.	In the Horn of Africa we are following with deep concern the heightening of tensions and, regrettably, of conflicts which are bringing grave sufferings to those friendly peoples and which run the risk of altering the
delicate equilibriums of an area of vital importance for international peace and co-operation.
98.	The positive solution of the question of Djibouti, which has attained independence peacefully and whose accession to the international community we welcome, has not yet been followed by appropriate negotiations for the solution of the other delicate problems of the region.
99.	Given the situation that has arisen between Ethiopia and Somalia, the most urgent and essential objective is that the two countries should find the way to reduce tension and to bring about the conditions for a constructive dialogue. To these two African countries, with which we are bound by profound ties of friendship and co-operation, we therefore address a warm appeal for peace from this prestigious forum of the United Nations General Assembly.
100.	The international community must do its utmost to encourage the initiatives that are being carried out within the framework of the principles and purposes of the Organization of African Unity in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. The search for more stable and peaceful arrangements in the area, if they are to permit forms of fruitful co-operation among all the countries of the Horn of Africa, must be pursued through negotiations mindful of the aspirations of their people.
101.	We are also convinced that, in order to prevent the extension and exacerbation of the conflicts in Africa, we must stamp out as rapidly as possible the remaining vestiges of the colonial past and firmly oppose racist policies. The strategy which has recently been worked out in various international forums and which has found its most advanced formulations in the declarations of Lagos and of Maputo must be implemented through firm and co-ordinated action on the political and economic levels with the purpose of pressing for just and realistic negotiated solutions. In firmly and whole-heartedly supporting this line of action, we hope that it may be implemented by interventions designed to avoid bloody clashes between the forces that are most directly confronting each other.
102.	In the case of Southern Rhodesia, Italy supports the plan recently worked out by the United Kingdom with the support of the United States. Italy considers this plan as a comprehensive attempt to ensure a rapid, effective and ordered transfer of all powers to the peoples of Zimbabwe.
103.	For Namibia, the negotiating process initiated by the contact group of the five members of the Security Council provides the parties most directly concerned with a most valuable opportunity to ensure the exercise by the Namibian people of their right to self-determination and independence and to the exercise of their sovereignty.
104.	Here I should like to pay a tribute to the spirit of sacrifice and to the moral determination of those who in South Africa have decided to endorse the values of democracy, civil liberties and human dignity. Among them are men of all colours and creeds. Some of them have fallen along the difficult road they had chosen, and for all of them I wish to pay a tribute to the memory of Steven Biko, who just before his death was appealing for a non-racial society which would be just and equal for all and in which colour, creed and race would not be reasons for division or hatred.
105.	For the international community, the persistence of apartheid in South Africa poses problems, a valid response to which must be commensurate with the growing opposition of the majority of the South African population to a regime which is guilty of the most extreme examples of racial discrimination and violations of human rights. This response can only consist in the creation of a society open to contributions from all its ethnic members and to participation of all its citizens on the basis of equality.
106.	On the other hand, the news from other continents is more positive. In this connexion, I should like to recall my visit last June to the People's Republic of China, which further contributed to the strengthening of fruitful ties and co-operation between the two countries. Events of great importance for the international community have taken place this year in Asia. After the crises of previous years, that continent can today rediscover in a framework of greater detente and stability in inter-State relations a climate that favours the development among its countries of forms of closer collaboration which will pave the way for peace and economic development. We hope that such forms of co-operation may become deeper and more constructive in the years to come and that the causes of tension and crises that still exist in the area can be removed in a spirit of justice and fairness.
107.	Also, in inter-American relations certain developments encourage dialogue and understanding. Both the approval of the documents presented to the June Assembly of the Organization of American States and the recent signature in Washington of the agreements between Panama and the United States constitute proof of the will of the parties concerned to follow the path of negotiation and reconciliation of their respective claims. The presence at the signing of those agreements of the Heads of State from North and South America appears to us, moreover, to confer on those agreements and on the method followed in achieving, them a significance which goes beyond their specific legislative content and which underlines the general spirit of Pan-American co-operation and solidarity.
108.	The United Nations has a unique and irreplaceable role to play in tackling such problems as development and economic co-operation.
109.	The situation of the world economy continues to present disturbing features. We are indeed confronted by the persistence of marked imbalances in the international economic system, which, far from developing in accordance with expectations, has witnessed inter alia the continuation of serious inequalities between industrialized countries and developing countries and also inequalities within both categories of countries.
110.	The basic inadequacy of the strategies so far proposed to confront the serious problems of development
may be attributed certainly to the objective conditions of the present international economic situation, but also to the difficulties of perceiving the peculiar structural differences in the situations of the individual developing countries and of applying specific remedies to them.
111.	Those considerations underline the need for a renewed effort to achieve more and better results in the field of economic co-operation, establishing moreover an order of priority in the use of available resources. Italy is firmly convinced that the time has come to establish a new international economic order which would allow all States to follow the path of development most suited to their requirements and traditions and to play a more important role in the international decision-making processes. This goal will be successfully attained if we prove able to begin to solve existing problems, especially those concerning raw materials, trade, the transfer of technology and indebtedness, which are crucial for both developing and developed countries.
112.	The achievement of the new international economic order must be based on a concept of development to be assessed not only in quantitative terms but also, and above all, in terms of the social components which are to be closely connected with it. I am referring to the need to seek higher levels of nutrition, health care, education and housing, as well as adequate employment opportunities and an equitable distribution of wealth.
113.	The international community must base its own programme and action on the establishment of the prerequisites and material conditions which will allow the primary requirements of life to be met in all parts of the world. The objective of our co-operation efforts must be the gradual elimination of those obstacles which, in many parts of the globe, still impede the satisfaction of needs which constitute the basis of any other kind of concern which may be expressed about the dignity and fulfilment of the human person.
114.	For those reasons Italy, too, is committed, whether bilaterally or multilaterally, to facilitating the economic and social development of the developing countries.
115.	Moreover, the recognition that destabilizing factors exist in the international economic system and that we still have not solved many problems which characterize relations between the industrialized world and the developing countries necessarily lead us to emphasize the interdependence of the various economies and the growing awareness of the indivisibility of prosperity and progress.
116.	I should like at this point to comment on the results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. Undoubtedly those results have fallen short of expectations, even though the desire to continue the dialogue has been reiterated. The discussion of one point -for example, energy-was clearly inconclusive, since it was not even possible to agree on a forum for its continuation.
117.	On both the national and international levels, Italy is applying and promoting specific energy-saving measures and hopes that those countries whose energy consumption is relatively high will also increase their efforts to facilitate access to energy sources by those countries which most need them for their development.
118.	The reduction of consumption will have only relative significance, however, unless it is accompanied by a decisive effort of diversification based on nuclear energy suitably integrated, where possible, with the exploitation of other renewable sources. In this regard, Italy has noted with concern that in many countries programmes seem to be slowing down and that at the international level difficulties have been encountered in working out forms of co-operation for the peaceful development of nuclear energy.
119.	We must make a joint effort to solve existing problems so as to allow mankind to count on this irreplaceable resource, with due respect for environmental requirements and non-proliferation. The prospects for energy consumption in the coming years do not, in our opinion, permit delays and indecision.
120.	In this respect, the Italian Government considers that we must follow the path of dialogue and work out practical forms of co-operation in order to achieve a positive solution of these problems, which are so closely bound up with the needs which must be faced by numerous developing countries deprived, like Italy, of natural resources in this sector.
121.	For this purpose too, the Italian Government considers favourably the Secretary-General's proposal for the establishment of an energy institute within the United Nations system.
122.	Ours is a foreign policy of peace, solidarity and co-operation which, in conformity with precise national requirements and on the basis of a broad parliamentary convergence, continues to develop within three separate but interdependent frameworks: the European Community, the Atlantic Alliance and the United Nations.
123.	Italy is resolutely committed, with all its resources, to the building of a united Europe. For us. the election by direct universal suffrage of the European Parliament represents a highly significant moment in a democratic process aimed at achieving a more advanced step of political, economic and social integration. Moreover, since procedures under way for the admission to the European: community of Greece, Portugal and Spain. while confirming the solidarity of -the European community in the democratic choice which those countries have made. will also enlarge the external projection of the community itself.
124.	Indeed, the European Community has already demonstrated its desire to be not an egoistic and autarchic body defending positions of privilege, but a body which, instead, is open, in the largest possible way, to all forms of useful co-operation.
125.	The second major reference point for Italy is the Atlantic Alliance, in which it participates with the un-shakeable conviction that this Alliance still plays a decisive role in the maintenance of an equilibrium essential for safeguarding peace and developing a constructive dialogue
The third and largest sphere of external activity in which Italy participates is the universal sphere of the United Nations, which we feel is the most appropriate forum for dialogue, negotiation and meeting with all the countries of the world, and particularly the developing countries.
126.	The traditional support of my Government for the principle of the universality of the United Nations includes all the specialized agencies, which, together with the United Nations, constitute a unique and irreplaceable system of international co-operation.
127.	We cannot, therefore, but express our concern at the intentions expressed in the United States to leave the oldest of the United Nations specialized agencies, the 1LO, which today still plays an important role in the elaboration of international norms and policies in the labour field. We are confident that the United States, overcoming its otherwise understandable motives for dissatisfaction, can continue to make its contribution to the ILO so as to keep its original characteristics and operating efficiency
128.	Italy also whole-heartedly supports the efforts of the United Nations to achieve disarmament.
129.	Besides the moral judgment that we must express as we face the serious diversion of resources which, in the final reckoning, results from any arms race, and beyond any criticism we are bound to make of the tendency to pile up weapons of death and destruction, I believe that we must say aloud how mistaken it is to seek stability through military balances, in a continuous progression, when this could be achieved and defended at levels much less onerous for everybody. To defend the security of States and to prevent their peoples from sacrificing an excessive and ever-increasing share of the fruits of their labours, the only solution is the gradual, balanced reduction of existing military deterrents.
130.	To follow the path of arms limitation, moreover, means not only meeting the needs of life and development, which are immediate and urgent, but also promoting that relaxation of tension among States which may help to bring about, without necessarily indulging in Utopian hopes, concerted dialogue on the subject of general disarmament. With a view to a similar effort, the special session of the General Assembly next May represents a most valuable opportunity for the international community, and Italy, which, together with other countries, sponsored the initiative at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, is constructively and actively working, especially in the Preparatory Committee, for its implementation and success.
131.	The preparation of a programme of general and complete disarmament also involves the establishment of certain priorities in a harmonious and balanced framework. Italy considers that these priorities must include both the search for significant measures of nuclear disarmament and efforts to make progress along the path leading to conventional disarmament, and in particular to the prohibition of chemical weapons. We therefore attach vital importance to the current negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States for a limitation of nuclear weapons, and we hope that they will be accompanied by further progress towards specific reduction in existing atomic arsenals, as provided for in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This Treaty is a highly important instrument also for achieving increased international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and we hope that all those States which have not yet signed it will be able to do so.
132.	In order to encourage a balanced limitation of armaments, we must intensify and extend throughout the world the process of detente which in Europe was initiated some years ago and which in Belgrade is now about to receive its first verification.
133.	In this respect, I wish to point out that the Italian Government has always thought that the Belgrade meeting should tackle concretely and constructively the task entrusted to it by the Final Act of Helsinki to promote, without prejudice to a coherent development of detente, a renewed effort to implement all the provisions of the Final Act by the 35 signatory States. This view is reflected in the final document issued by the Preparatory Meeting, and there is every reason to hope that the debate about to take place in the Yugoslav capital will develop in accord with expectations.
134.	In order to ensure that detente is further consolidated and becomes an irreversible process in Europe, we think that we should all increase our efforts to promote that freer circulation of men, ideas and experience which will allow us to understand ever more clearly how the interests and the aspirations of peoples have a common denominator.
135.	Mr. President, allow me to conclude by saying that I am certain that, under your highly respected leadership, the work of this thirty-second session of the General Assembly will be fruitful and will be able to respond to the expectations of the international community. I can assure you that the Italian delegation will do its utmost to help you achieve this goal.