38.	 Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you warmly upon your election to the important post of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We welcome in you a distinguished diplomat from socialist Yugoslavia, a country to which we are bound by the closest of relations. I am convinced that under your presidency this session of the Assembly will make an important contribution to the process of positive transformations which are at present going on in the world. The Polish delegation will spare no effort to see to it that this session of the General Assembly is constructive and fruitful.
39.	We should like to express our gratitude to the President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, for his active participation and his remarkable contribution to the work of the session that has just ended.
40.	From this rostrum, we should like once again to welcome warmly as a Member of this Organization the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose heroic people is pursuing a policy of peace, socialism, and friendship among nations. It is with particular satisfaction that we see it taking its rightful place in the United Nations. We wish the Vietnamese people all possible success. We are convinced that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will make an important contribution to the work of the Organization, and thus enrich the activities and progressive movements within the Organization as well as its role in the world arena.
41.	We should also like to bid welcome to the Republic of Djibouti. We hope that its efforts are successful, both in its socio-economic development and in its work in the United Nations.
42.	The thirty-second session of the General Assembly is taking place at a very complex time in the evolution of the international situation. The struggle for the maintenance and strengthening of the process of detente in the world has entered a particularly important stage, where all Governments share responsibility both for its future orientation and for its results. It seems to us that there exist at present not only the objective conditions but also forms and methods that have proved themselves such as to make of this process a firmly established element in international practice. In spite of difficulties and setbacks, the restructuring of international relations, both political and economic, is continuing to go forward in accordance with the principles of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems and at different levels of socio-economic development. Important bilateral, regional, and even world negotiations are taking place designed to consolidate International security, to put an end to the arms race, to bring about progress in disarmament and to develop co-operation on an equal footing among all countries in every field.

43.	The efforts of peace-loving States and numerous social forces have had a favourable impact on the strengthening of detente. At the head of the movement we find the socialist States, which have chosen as the fundamental objective of their foreign policy action to strengthen peace and to reject the use of war and of force as an instrument of policy.
44.	The efforts to that end which the Soviet Union, Poland and the other socialist States have ceaselessly made in total conformity with the principles of the Charter do not depend on tactics or political opportunism. They derive from the fundamental axioms of our ideology and political system, the aspirations and needs of our people and of all peoples. Their deep-lying roots are to be found in the objectives proclaimed by the Great Socialist October Revolution. The present session of the General Assembly coincides with the culmination of the celebrations held to commemorate the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Revolution. The influence of the October Revolution on the destiny of the world is as vast as it is diverse. In both the theoretical and the practical field, it gave birth to the Leninist policy of peaceful coexistence between States with different social systems, a principle which experience has shown to be entirely justified and far-sighted, a principle which began the historic transformation of international relations and which continues to exert a powerful influence on the strengthening of the process of detente.
45.	The Polish people is firmly convinced that the strengthening of detente and the extension of that process to new areas and new fields of activity have now become an imperative necessity for all States, whatever their political systems, whether they be great or small, developed or developing. Because detente is not just one more option among others; it is the only possible option.
46.	That is precisely the guiding principle underlying the foreign policy of Poland. The ties of unbreakable friendship and co-operation in all fields with our socialist allies constitute the foundation upon which rests the realization of the political and economic objectives of Poland. We are constantly strengthening our fraternal links and promoting close co-operation with the Soviet Union. Similarly, we are strengthening our co-operation with Czechoslovakia and with the German Democratic Republic, as well as with all States that make up our socialist community. We are broadening our political dialogue and co-operation, on the basis of mutual advantage, with States having different social and political systems. We are attempting to establish closer links of co-operation with the non-aligned States and with the developing countries.
47.	We are pleased to note that during the past year bilateral and multilateral agreements, in particular those among States which took part in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, have been multiplied.
48.	The implementation of the principles and provisions laid down in the Final Act of that Conference is a continuing process. These principles and provisions, which find expression in the practical policies of States, have been reflected in a great number of declarations and agreements concluded between Poland and its partners. There have also been a great number of meetings held between Polish leaders and the leaders of European States and of countries in other continents. The practice of systematic political consultation is a fast growing one. Relations between Poland and France are close and continue to develop fruitfully. Poland has established broad co-operation with the Nordic States, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Italy and Austria. In the spirit of the Final Act of Helsinki and on the basis of the relevant bilateral agreements, we are developing our relations with the United States. The process of the normalization of relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany is progressing, as is co-operation between our two countries.
49.	This is an important contribution to the establishment in the world of lasting conditions for peace and detente, without which there can be no solution of regional and world problems.
50.	This year is also marked by the Belgrade meeting of the representatives of States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Poland, like its socialist allies and friends, considers that, over all, the provisions of the Final Act have been implemented positively. We consider die Final Act as an integral part of a long-term process. We reaffirm our determination to put into practice all the principles and provisions of that important document. We therefore expect our partners to do likewise.
51.	The organs of the United Nations system—such as the Economic Commission for Europe and UNESCO—can and must play an important role in the implementation of the provisions of the Final Act.
52.	The United Nations has a leading role to play in the strengthening of the process of detente and international peace and security. The importance of the United Nations is today more than ever directly dependent upon the extent to which our Organization can help to find ways of reaching those objectives and succeeds in transposing positive regional experience to the world level and in creating conditions which will, in accordance with the Charter, make it possible to achieve settlements of conflicts and a relaxation of tension. And that is something which will be even truer in the future. The United Nations can and must, therefore, more than ever constitute  a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends .
53.	Possibilities for strengthening the positive trends in the world do objectively exist. However, this session will live up to the hopes placed in it only if it can contribute to the international efforts at strengthening the process of detente. There can be no doubt that this whole process is particularly influenced by the Soviet-American dialogue, to the pursuit and success of which we attach the greatest importance. The limitation of strategic weapons and the halting of the arms race are of supreme importance. Together with the overwhelming majority of States in the world, we hope for progress in this field, which is of paramount importance.
54.	More and more people today are becoming convinced that sources of tension and conflict can and must be eliminated by peaceful means. The United Nations Charter provides a wide range of measures to achieve that end. Their strengthening cannot but be furthered by the
important initiative of the USSR with regard to the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. If such a treaty were to emerge, it would facilitate the solution of situations of conflict, both present and future, in accordance with the United Nations Charter; it would constitute a valuable instrument for modelling international relations on a world-wide scale.
55.	In contrast to those positive actions and results, it is with much concern that We detect in the policies of certain States signs pointing in the opposite direction from the trend towards world detente and that we witness attempts at resolving world problems by a stepping up of tension and the recourse to force.
56.	The lack of progress towards a solution of the Middle East conflict is a source of deep concern to us. We wish to stress again that the only effective way of solving that problem is to return to the Arab States all territories occupied by Israel since 1967, within the framework of an over-all political settlement that would take into account the rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including their right to self-determination and the creation of an independent State. Such a settlement should also take account of the vital rights and interests with regard to the security of all States and all peoples of the region, including Israel. We shall continue to spare no effort to see to it that our participation in the United Nations Forces in the Middle East serves the attainment of these objectives, in accordance with United Nations resolutions.
57.	We declare our support for the prompt resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization.
58.	Polish public opinion has been very much alarmed by the recent illegal decisions of Israel to perpetuate its occupation of Arab territories by the establishment there of Israeli settlements.
59.	The past year has seen a great many events that have drawn the attention of the world community to the urgent problems of the African continent, to the national liberation struggle, to the elimination of racism and apartheid, and to respect for the right of peoples to choose their own path of development. The international forces of reaction and neo-colonialism have refused to loosen their grip, and are still attempting to oppose the historic process of the liberation of nations from colonial and racist oppression.
60.	The just struggle of the peoples of southern Africa enjoys the sympathy and support of the whole of progressive mankind, and thus of the Polish people. We resolutely demand that the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe be allowed, unconditionally and without delay, to exercise their right to self-determination and independence.
61.	We support the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its efforts to achieve the peaceful and democratic reunification of its country and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the Korean peninsula.
62.	The Polish people continues, indignantly to protest against  the persistence of mass persecutions and human rights violations in Chile.
63.	The implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions would greatly contribute, on the legal and political plane, to a relaxation of tensions in the Cyprus conflict and to ensuring respect for the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
64.	Disarmament and a halting of the arms race are of paramount importance if we want to ensure further progress in the policy of detente and to make that process irreversible. The preservation of peace and the dynamics of detente will depend upon the progress actually achieved in that field. In his report on the meeting of the Political Advisory Committee of States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, held in Bucharest, Comrade Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party stated:
 In the present phase of the situation in Europe and in the rest of the world, it is imperative to strengthen political detente by military detente, by the halting of the arms race, which is continuing and has even been stepped up recently, and by the creation of new prospects for disarmament.
65.	The Polish delegation is convinced that all the questions relating to disarmament on the agenda of the thirty-second session occupy a central position of priority in the work of our Assembly. We agree with the Secretary- General when he states in his report on the work of the Organization that:
 ... the United Nations cannot hope to function effectively on the basis of the Charter unless there is major progress in the field of disarmament.
If only for these reasons, we wish to reaffirm our support for the Soviet memorandum of 28 September 1976s and to stress the timeliness of that document, which contains a vast programme of measures designed to give further momentum to and inject increased vigour into disarmament negotiations.
66.	In the same spirit we subscribe to the proposals presented the day before yesterday by Minister Andrei Gromyko with regard to the deepening and consolidation of international detente and prevention of the danger of a nuclear war.
67.	We are firmly convinced that it is the responsibility and duty of every State and every Government to work for disarmament. For this purpose we have available organs which have proved their value, in particular the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. Poland participates actively in the work of that body, as it does in the Vienna discussions on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in central Europe. Indeed, we consider regional negotiations on disarmament to be an important complement to the talks held at the world level with the universal objective of general disarmament.
68.	Of the long list of questions relating to disarmament I should like to stress those which we consider to be the most important and urgent.
69.	It is urgent and necessary to strengthen the regime established by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It is indispensable to intensify efforts to make the Treaty universal and to prevail upon all States to act in accordance with its provisions. We expressed this conviction in the Polish- French Declaration published only two weeks ago.
70.	We call for the preparation of effective international instruments, of regional or universal scope, which would guarantee that fissile material, installations and nuclear techniques exported for peaceful purposes would not be diverted to the production of nuclear weapons. We condemn the ambitions of South Africa to obtain this type of weapon. We are also opposed to the use of foreign installations and territories for the development and perfecting of armaments.
71.	We should like to stress also the need for the urgent continuation of negotiations on a general and complete ban on nuclear weapon tests and the prohibition of the development of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction.
72.	We sincerely hope that it will soon prove possible to draft an appropriate agreement on the elimination of chemical weapons. Throughout the present session Poland will continue to play an active part in the consideration of this important question.
73.	As a member of the Preparatory Committee for the Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament we are trying to ensure that the work of this Committee will be an important stage in the work for disarmament and will at the same time lead to the convening of a world conference on disarmament.
74.	It is the historic responsibility and the duty of all Governments and all of us, their representatives at this thirty-second session of the General Assembly, to ensure a better standard of living for the present generation and for generations to come. It is precisely by strengthening international security and consolidating the process of detente that we establish the political foundations for the general progress of all nations and the installation of a new world economic order based on justice.
75.	It is above all thanks to progressive socio-political reforms, to the mobilization of domestic resources, to the acceleration of the process of industrialization and the introduction of planned methods of development that we shall succeed in satisfying the needs of man fully and permanently. The dynamic expansion of the forces of production makes external factors increasingly important, particularly the expansion of a mutually advantageous and equitable economic co-operation which would, in particular, give access at one and the same time to outlets, to supply markets and to sources of finance and modern technology.
76.	The organs of the United Nations are the only universal institutions within which the international community can and must find a solution to world problems, the problems which the nations face in their search for more rapid growth and a restructuring of economic relations at regional and world levels. The results of what is known as the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation have shown that these problems cannot be solved within a limited group of States.
77.	The principles and the machinery of international economic co-operation which are' being developed should take account of the interests of all States as well as the differences deriving from their level of economic development and their socio-political system.
78.	In the context of the socio-economic development strategy which it has chosen Poland is participating increasingly in the international division of labour. We take an interest and play an active part in the development of new principles and machinery designed to govern international economic relations. We support all well-founded proposals aimed at putting these relations on firm and long-term foundations and also on principles of the mutual advantage and equality of the partners. The studies of long-term trends and estimates with regard to economic development at world and regional levels recently undertaken on the initiative of Poland can undoubtedly contribute to the performance of this task. Over-all socio-economic estimates of the growth of the world economy up to the year 2000 could be useful for the development of the new international development strategy.
79.	In the long-term interest of all States it would be desirable for them to orient their external economic policy in such a way as to ensure the elimination of the remaining obstacles, particularly those which are protectionist and discriminatory in nature. The States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, of which my country is one, are pursuing a policy aimed at strengthening socialist integration in all fields and intensifying co-operation with all other nations. The development of bilateral economic contacts between Poland and countries with different socio-political systems and at different levels of economic growth strengthens this objective trend. Close co-operation, transcending the traditional patterns of trade, link us with many countries in all continents. I am convinced that this type of association which creates new structural ties between the participating States promotes the establishment of a new and more just economic order and lends specific substance to detente.
80.	Prompted by this spirit of broad economic co-operation, Poland and the other States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance hold that any restriction on such co-operation is a glaring anachronism in the world today. That is why they have proposed to the States members of the European Economic Community the negotiation of a draft outline agreement based on the most-favoured-nation clause which would constitute the basis for co-operation conceived in the broadest possible terms between the States members of the two economic groupings. We hope that the initiative of the States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance will be welcomed with realism by the members of the European Economic Community and that such an agreement can be concluded.
81.	My country attaches great importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The success of the Conference will depend, of course, upon the acceptance of compromise solutions which take due account of the interests of all States and groups of States in such fundamental matters as fishing, the status of the economic zone, the exploitation of the sea-bed, and so on. Recent attempts by certain coastal States to impose solutions to their advantage alone are hardly conducive to success in the work of the Conference and are in fact liable to lead to dangerous tensions which could be the cause of future conflicts.
82.	There can be no development or world progress until the most pressing social problems are solved and until conditions exist to permit the peoples of the world effectively to enjoy material goods and the advantages of progress and culture. That is why we give the highest priority in our Organization to the application of the principles laid down in the 1969 Declaration on Social Progress and Development, and also to action against racism, for the equitable distribution of national income, for the training of skilled personnel with a view to development and for the elimination of discrimination against women.
83.	Involved as it is in the struggle for peace and detente, Poland has often stressed from this rostrum the importance of international efforts to educate youth in a spirit of peace and mutual co-operation. This important element in the work of our Organization means without any doubt that we should be paying much more attention to it. Poland for its part would like to encourage all projects undertaken to this end. The many world youth meetings held in Poland, as well as the participation of Polish youth of other international gatherings, are best proof of this. We believe that international co-operation with a view to reviewing, bringing up to date and supplementing school textbooks, should play an important role in educating youth in a spirit of peace.
84.	More than 40 States have ratified the International Covenants on Human Rights. These Covenants constitute an important body of principles aimed at guiding States in their observance of human rights. They are a basis for international co-operation in this field. Poland and the other socialist countries are among those which have ratified the Covenants. We consider this fact to be major importance since the very essence of socialism is to ensure democratic rights and opportunities for human progress. It is precisely the socialist States which, in the United Nations and its agencies, have always worked hard to promote the progressive development of the concept of human rights. To quote Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of our Party:
 It is we, it is our movement, it is our countries, it is socialism itself which has brought this idea to the attention of the world and has made it over the years a question of historic importance.
85.	The socialist countries are also those endeavouring to ensure for man conditions propitious to the effective exercise of these rights. They are proud of all they have done from the standpoint of general socio-economic growth, the development of socialist democracy and the constitutional and material safeguards accorded to the rights and freedoms of the citizen.
86.	In performing the above tasks confronting our Organization, we shall have to demonstrate goodwill, and a readiness to negotiate and respect each other's interests.
87.	On the basis of the experience acquired over the more than 30 years of the existence of our Organization, we are convinced that the United Nations can and must make an important contribution to the strengthening of peace, to the development of international co-operation and to the acceleration of socio-economic progress. Permit us to stress, at the same time, that it is only by unswerving attachment to the unshakeable principles of the United Nations Charter that we can reach these objectives.
88.	The achievements of the United Nations derive from the actions of all its Members. A share in this belongs to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We have followed with interest his efforts in the service of peace. We expressed this sentiment fully during the Secretary- General's recent visit to Poland.
89.	In conclusion, I should like to assure you, Mr. President, that Poland will give its whole-hearted support to the efforts of our Organization in keeping with the purposes and principles of its Charter and will continue to work actively within the context of the guidelines they provide.


 I wish to congratulate you warmly, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty- second session of the General Assembly. You bring to the office a wealth of experience in international affairs, high competence and familiarity with the work and procedures of the United Nations. Your election is also a tribute to the great esteem in which your country, Yugoslavia, is held. Sri Lanka and Yugoslavia have very close relations, both bilaterally and in the non-aligned movement, and we are therefore particularly gratified by your election.
1.	May I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to our outgoing President, Ambassador Amerasinghe. It is with a sense of pride that, as a fellow Sri Lankan, I have heard other speakers here make mention of the acknowledged competence with which he guided the meetings of the previous session of the General Assembly.
2.	Our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has been a source of great strength to the United Nations by his contribution in guiding this Organization successfully through difficult times. I should like to express our deep appreciation of the role he has played in enhancing the prestige of the United Nations and in strengthening its effectiveness in the cause of peace and international co-operation.
3.	Early this year the death occurred of an eminent jurist and diplomat who served with ability and distinction as President of one of the most historic sessions of the General Assembly-the anniversary session of 1975. I refer to Mr. Edvard Hambro, who served the international community well. I take this opportunity, on behalf of my Government and the Sri Lanka delegation, as well as on my own behalf, to pay a tribute to his memory in recognition of his invaluable services in the sphere of international relations, by which he maintained a proud family tradition.
4.	Sri Lanka has great pleasure is welcoming Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as new Members of this
Organisation. The admission of those two States is fully in accord with the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations. We are confident that they will play a constructive and valuable role in our common efforts to promote the purposes of the United Nations.
5.	It is my privilege to be here as Foreign Minister representing a Government which was elected by a majority unprecedented in the parliamentary history of Sri Lanka and perhaps in any other part of the world. It is the fervent hope of my Prime Minister and the Government to use this mandate as an instrument to establish a Dharmija Samajaya— fair, just and socialist society. I bring the greetings and good wishes of my Prime Minister, Mr. J. R. Jayewardena, for the success of this General Assembly session.
6.	Sri Lanka is a democratic society, and the recent general election held there has reaffirmed the commitment of its people to the democratic process. Sri Lanka lays the highest emphasis on individual human freedom and on social justice and equality. These values are a happy amalgam of Sri Lanka's cultural tradition of more than 2,000 years and the liberal humanist tradition of the West. By its faith in these values the Government of Sri Lanka has set itself the task of creating a new society in which the interests of the common man would be paramount.
7.	The present Government will follow an independent foreign policy which will be opposed to imperialism and colonialism in all their manifestations and will seek to preserve and protect the sovereignty, integrity and freedom of Sri Lanka. The Government will not permit any interference by foreign countries in internal or external affairs or allow the independence or security of the country to be threatened in any way. The Government is fully committed to the purposes of the United Nations and its agencies. It also has a special commitment to contribute, to the limit of its capacity, to the realization of the new international economic order.
8.	Before dealing with some of the major issues under consideration by this Assembly, I should like to make some observations on the seeming inability of the international community to grapple with some of the major problems which have been confronting the world. It suffices in this connexion to mention the question of disarmament, the problems of the Middle East and southern Africa and the continuing economic problems of the third world.
9.	The United National Party, which at present constitutes the Government in . Sri Lanka, has always had a commitment to the principles of non-alignment, first manifested at an international forum at the African-Asian

Conference, held at Bandung in 1955, at which, in the words used by the Political Declaration adopted by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August 1976,  the concept of non-alignment itself was given concrete expression . It is our view that the principles of non-alignment, which are fully consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter, are necessary for the realization of a satisfactory international economic, social and political order. However, the non-aligned movement could make a worth-while contribution to the evolution of such an international order only so long as it remains true to its own principles. It will therefore be the special endeavour of my Government to ensure that the non-aligned movement is not deflected from its proper path and retains its true character as a decisive force shaping the international order of the future.
10.	We place special emphasis on the problems of Africa, as it appears that international rivalry is most intensely focused today on that continent. While southern Africa has long been and remains the area of crisis, turmoil has seized other regions of that continent. This turmoil is not just the outcome of local dissension amongst the countries of Africa, but rather the consequence of interest, if not intervention, on the part of outside Powers.
11.	In South Africa, the massacres of last year in Soweto and elsewhere and the harsher repressive measures taken against the black population provided a continuing momentum for opposition to apartheid. But, that same repression sows the seeds of destruction of the evil and inhuman system. Outside South Africa, the more heartening picture is the changing attitude of some countries, hitherto silent or apologetic, but now more critical of the apartheid policies of the South African regime. Nevertheless, the South African regime shows no disposition to dismantle the apparatus of discrimination and repression built into the system of apartheid, and doggedly persists in its defiance of the international community.
12.	In regard to Namibia, there has been no significant progress towards the granting of independence. Our position is that no solution is acceptable to the international community without the participation of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), which is the sole and authentic representative of the people of Namibia.
13.	We welcome the recognition of the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe by the front-line States and the Organization of African Unity as a notable development towards a solution of the Rhodesian problem. We have to take note also of the active interest of the United States and the United Kingdom in renewing the efforts to bring about a solution of the problem. The latest proposals have yet to gain the acceptance of the nationalist leaders inside Zimbabwe, the front-line States and the Organization of African Unity. We shall continue to watch these developments closely. But may I say that Ian Smith should be left in no doubt that he cannot rely, as he has done during the last 12 years, on the support of outside Powers to sustain his regime and to deny to the black majority their legitimate rights, which form the core of the Anglo-United States proposals.
May I now turn to the problem of the Middle East, which is again moving towards a dangerous conflict. We cannot allow this to happen without exposing the world to the risk of a massive conflagration. I urge those at the helm of affairs in Israel to end their recalcitrance and heed the voice of world opinion as manifested in the resolutions and declarations of the United Nations. I also appeal to those countries which have the undoubted capacity to influence Israeli thinking to prevail upon it to honour its obligations under the Charter and join the other nations of the world in the common task of building a peaceful world and a fair and just international order.
16.	The international community cannot condone the continued occupation by Israel of the Arab territories which it seized during the June 1967 war. Nor can it tolerate the policy deliberately adopted and vigorously pursued by Israel, ever since the occupation, of altering the political, demographic, cultural and historical character of these territories. The annexationist designs of Israel have become even more blatant in recent weeks by the establishment of  ore settlements in the West Bank area, which obviously calls for strong and effective measures by the international community, as they constitute a further violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force is an incontestable and well-established principle of international law.
17.	An enduring peace in the Middle East will not be achieved without a just and equitable solution of the Palestinian problem. We remain firmly committed to the full restitution of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as set out in the relevant resolutions of the non-aligned countries on the subject, and particularly the resolution adopted at the Conference held in Colombo in August 1976.2
18.	Sri Lanka has a special interest in the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, in regard to which there has unfortunately been no worth-while progress since its adoption in 1971 . We are all aware that the great Powers have been engaged in negotiations on the Indian Ocean. Certainly Sri Lanka would welcome any understanding on their part to prevent the escalation of rivalries as a preliminary step towards their total elimination, as that would be consistent with the purposes of the Declaration. On the other hand, a delimitation of spheres of influence in the Indian Ocean aimed at achieving a balance between the great Powers, which can only be provisional and precarious, would be contrary to the purposes of the Declaration. At this stage, we appeal to the great Powers and the major maritime users to co-operate with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, which has as its immediate purpose the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean.
19.	In our view, the concept of a peace zone in the Indian Ocean requires not only the elimination of great Power rivalry in the area, but also an obligation on the part of the regional Powers to observe restraint and act in the interests of peace. It might be useful to emphasize that this conception has been fundamental to Sri Lanka's thinking
from the very inception of the efforts to take international action towards the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. This was amplified in the memorandum presented by Sri Lanka to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Conference held in Singapore from 14 to 22 January 1971-where action was initiated preparatory to the introduction of the Declaration at the United Nations- which contained the following statement:
 A parallel corollary of a peace zone is that regional States bordering the Indian Ocean will themselves refrain from action prejudicial to the concept of a peace zone. Their defence requirements therefore would have to be measured against their obligations not to compromise the concept of a peace zone.
20.	On the question of disarmament there has been a mountain of documents which, unfortunately, has not generated any really significant disarmament measures. We realize that our objective of achieving general and complete disarmament cannot be implemented forthwith or in the near future by fiat. But what is disheartening is that the very limited progress made towards disarmament is hardly commensurate with the efforts made so far. On the contrary, in the process our goal of general and complete disarmament has become even more distant as a result of the multiplication of newer and more horrifying weapons. Even while the argument was between the cruise missile and the backfire bomber, the neutron bomb has entered the stage. This last weapon is viewed with special horror sis it is aimed at the destruction of human beings while preserving the material edifice of human society. What is of particular concern to countries of the third world such as ours is that current expenditure on armaments is estimated at $300 billion a year. Only a fraction of that sum could do much to alleviate the problems of poverty, hunger and disease which continue to plague the third world.
21.	The Colombo Conference of non-aligned nations last year decided to seek a special session on disarmament and this, approved by the last session of the General Assembly, is scheduled :o be held in May and June 1978. The non-aligned nations that have played their part will continue to do so, and it is our hope that the great Powers will extend their co-operation in making the special session a success.
22.	Sri Lanka has a democratic system of government and the longest record in Asia for universal franchise, which has been exercised for almost five decades. In accordance with this democratic orientation Sri Lanka is committed to unqualified respect for human rights and it is the constant endeavour of our Government to uphold them. We therefore have a special interest in the gathering momentum for the realization of human rights embodied in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I must, however, stress that without economic rights, human rights have no meaning whatsoever. It is our hope that in the deliberations at this session a constructive approach will be adopted to the advancement of human rights.
23.	I now pass to the sphere of international economic relations. If the democratic freedoms which we cherish are to be preserved, it is vital that the anomalies which characterize the differential treatment of developing as compared to developed countries in current economic theory and practice be eliminated.
24.	Let me illustrate the point by referring to a few of the more glaring anomalies. When a rich country falls into balance-of-payments difficulties as a result of a sharp increase in import prices as has happened recently, safety nets of all kinds are designed to cushion it. No similar flexibility exists for developing countries. Another anomaly is that, while developing countries are encouraged in the name of self-help to develop production for export of those non-traditional commodities which are not exposed to volatile export prices, the access of those new exports to markets has a habit of drying up as soon as developing countries acquire a comparative advantage and a degree of competitive efficiency in their products. While we appreciate the difficulties of developed countries and the resulting market disruption and unemployment problems, there is an irrefutable case for a medium-term programme of structural adjustment in the economies of developed countries to accommodate developing-country exports in a phased fashion. Certainly, we in Sri Lanka are aware of the fact that certain countries are actively pursuing such measures and transplanting appropriate industries to developing countries. We welcome this trend.
25.	To my mind, there is a case in regard to these issues for a greater effort at leap-frogging over the immediate questions on which the North-South dialogue has so far concentrated with limited success. This should be done without in any way relaxing the pressures for resolving, on terms satisfactory to developing countries, those issues that are currently on the negotiating table, by taking a long hard look at the structural changes required within the world economy in the 1980s and in its  rule book  in the light of recent developments.
26.	As my country sees it, it is the economic dimension of non-alignment which must be paramount and which helps to knit together the entire Group of 77 on a wide range of economic issues. In this context, I expect to place before the Assembly certain specific proposals designed to ensure that the export development which I have mentioned and which all developing countries are currently being encouraged to undertake takes place under propitious conditions so far as all parties are concerned.
27.	First, there will have to be satisfactory arrangements in regard to. primary commodities, to encourage orderly investment. We see the common fund as the key element in the programme of UNCTAD for an integrated approach to the commodity problem, which we endorse. While we note that an agreement in principle was reached on the common fund at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, we would also like to make sure that the fund that eventually results is of the kind that will support commodity markets on a broad basis at times of falling prices and, therefore, act as a catalyst in permitting the conclusion on equitable terms of many more commodity agreements than have been concluded in the past.
184
28.	Secondly, an important element in promoting export development involving foreign investment concerns ways of insuring against non-commercial risks. Proposals for an international investment insurance agency have been discussed for several years in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the World Bank and more recently in the Development Assistance Committee. The scheme has failed to command agreement for a variety of reasons. On the one hand, host countries have always entertained fears about intervention, through the arbitration of an international body, on matters concerning national sovereignty. On the other hand, some circles fear that the establishment of international investment insurance for non-commercial risks might constitute an encouragement to expropriation. In order to meet these views, many key developed countries, the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Japan and the United Kingdom among others, have developed purely national investment insurance facilities covering the risks of expropriation and so forth. No insurance, of course, is provided in these cases against the commercial risks of investment.
29.	These national insurance arrangements are frequently complemented by bilateral agreements with interested host countries defining their mutual legal obligations with provisions for the settlement of investment disputes. However, looked at internationally, this combination of facilities and agreements has certain built-in advantages to investors from the larger countries which have a long tradition of foreign investment and the resources to mount a national operation. On the other hand, the present framework of bilateral arrangements places at a disadvantage those smaller developed countries, in particular, which find it difficult to organize adequate national insurance facilities but whose investments many developing countries will welcome on a commercial basis and which have in addition by and large supported third-world causes in many forums. An international investment insurance arrangement would obviously provide a very attractive source of support to smaller investing countries but it is, as mentioned earlier, open to the objections which have frustrated its acceptance so far.
30.	The solution to this dilemma which I should like tentatively to propose to the Assembly runs as follows. Existing national insurance agencies in developed countries could pool their risks through a reinsurance agency that might be set up on a multilateral basis. The savings resulting from the pooling of risks in this manner might encourage those smaller developed countries that have hitherto failed to secure international agreement for a multilateral investment insurance agency to set up their own national insurance facilities on an adequate basis. Developing countries, and of course only those countries that are interested in joining such an arrangement on a voluntary basis, might pick up some part of the reinsurance risk to the extent feasible. At the same time the whole arrangement can be given an  international umbrella  through an enlargement of the guarantee powers of the World Bank Group. In other words, the proposal I am making is an evolutionary one which seeks to build on existing arrangements to meet the legitimate aspirations of the smaller developed countries while at the same time keeping the developing countries' contribution within affordable limits by having recourse to these enlarged guarantee powers.
31.	Thirdly, let me now turn to a proposal which covers a substantial area of commercial risks, that of exploration in the field of minerals and energy, where potential private investors are understandably reluctant to assume the very high risks of failure they face without an assurance of a reasonable return on their capital out of the profits that would invariably result to the host country from a successful exploration venture. It has been all too common, in fact, for countries to aggravate this reluctance by unilaterally revising the terms of any exploration agreement to the disadvantage of the investor in the event of a successful  find . This again is an area where progress can be made on a similar evolutionary basis. The World Bank, under the auspices of the Development Assistance Committee, is considering proposals whereby it would lend Governments sums for exploration ventures, whereas at the moment it is limited to financing exploitation alone. With the international community involved in this area, under suitable auspices, this would ensure that the terms applicable to all the parties concerned are reasonable and that the obligations between the government and the enterprise concerned are adhered to, again of reasonable terms. A set of international arrangements that satisfies the mutual interest of all parties concerned would promote investment, which is now lagging in necessary areas.
32.	There is, in this context, a particular role for the United Nations Revolving Fund for Natural Resources Exploration to play, a role which involves the relaxation of its current onerous terms and includes also an element of subsidy. It would be necessary for contributions to this Fund, which now stand at $7 million, to be substantially increased as an arrangement along these lines permits increased use of the funds now available. It would also be necessary to have the work of the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations and of UNCTAD drawn upon so as to ensure adequate codes of conduct for the transfer of technology and for ensuring a reasonable return to the investor on terms that host countries can live with. Once again my delegation will co-operate with others in framing an appropriate draft resolution in the relevant committee.
33.	These proposals I have made are of international interest, but I should not disguise the fact that they will help accomplish a transformation of Sri Lanka, while at the same time preserving the best elements of Sri Lanka's traditional commitment to meeting basic human needs and human aspirations, a policy combining rapid growth with social justice. Sri Lanka, as you are aware, has pursued policies which have, over the years, achieved a life expectancy of 68 years, a literacy rate of 81 per cent and an infant mortality rate of 45 per 1,000, rates which compare very favorably with those of many developed countries which have a per capita gross national product considerably higher than Sri Lanka. Concealed within these averages, however, is a significant deterioration, particularly since 1973, in these standards, affecting certain populous parts of the country.
34.	What Sri Lanka's recent experience outlines is the need to implement the basic human needs strategy which the ILO world employment Conference endorsed last year

and which many governments represented here have endorsed in various other forums. As I understand it, this strategy seeks an international commitment to maintaining and establishing certain minimum human needs at a time when countries like Sri Lanka, despite the areas of flexibility recently introduced, are under pressure to abandon these standards. I should emphasize that no one owes a country like Sri Lanka a living. All that we can legitimately expect is an adequate degree of support and a sufficiently long period of time within which to effect the necessary domestic adjustments. All we seek is an adequate volume of essentially bridging support from the outside world and this will involve without doubt a revision of the present rules of the game so as to guarantee the minimum basic needs of the largely unemployed poor living in developing countries. Any programme of adjustment must take into account both the social and economic realities of countries like Sri Lanka without at the same time impairing work incentives during the interim period that must inevitably elapse before the necessary corrective policies can begin to yield tangible results in terms of growth and employment.
35.	Finally, in the economic sphere I turn to the question of regional co-operation which can, under suitable conditions, evolve in the direction of an Asian common market. Those of us who come from Asia cannot fail to be struck by the fact that many countries in different regions of the world have found that the way to ensure economic advancement is by the device of regional co-operation. We are pleased that institutional arrangements are already available in the region for such co-operation in certain specific fields. This will of course have to evolve alongside a political willingness to co-operate among the nations concerned.
36.	As I have already mentioned, my Prime Minister, Mr. J. R. Jayewardena, has proclaimed building a Dharmista Samajaya, which also implies the equalization of opportunities. We see this as meaning a commitment to redistributive social justice and a protection of the basic human needs of the bottom 40 per cent of our society. It also implies a liberal framework of incentives within which the social product can expand rapidly enough to emancipate us from dependence on aid except during a transitional period. And finally it implies a society where both these developments are consistent with an absence of the extremes of inequality and of conspicuous elite consumption. It is only on this basis that a viable social fabric can hold together within a socialist democracy. International politics as symbolized by those who worked out the United Nations framework at Lake Success and on the strengthening of its economic arm at Bretton Woods was not entirely a game of real-politik it was imbued with a spirit of what 1 can only call practical idealism. Those men who sought to shape a new world in the late 1940s were both eminently of this world and also outside it. What we have to reconstruct today is that combination of the practical and the ideal which is now required to serve the interests of the world community in a totally different situation. We must, in other words, go beyond what the founding fathers of the United Nations system had in mind. The task today is to work towards a world in which idealism, if it does not transcend the requirement of practicability, is not unduly limited by it. We should strive towards the outer edge of the possible of which reasonable men can be convinced by reasoned argument. To say this alone may seem to be idealistic but unless international thinking flows in these currents our  planet earth  may well run the risk of disappearing into a  black hole  which collapses into itself under the gravity of its own inertia.


134.	 May I congratulate Mr. Mojsov on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly.
135.	It is with great pleasure that we greet the admission to membership of the United Nations of two new Members: the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. We should like to avail ourselves of this opportunity to wish the heroic Vietnamese people success in their efforts to consolidate the victories they have achieved for the progress and prosperity of their country. We also wish the people of the Republic of Djibouti success in their efforts to strengthen their national independence and freely and independently to develop their country.
136.	As at every session of the General Assembly, the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania wants to express the views of its Government on several important international problems which preoccupy the peoples of the world. We think that in the assessment of the situation existing in the world today there is no room for complacency and still less for euphoria. Events show that the international situation continues to be turbulent and fraught with dangers to peace and security.
137.	The imperialist Powers, above all the United States of America and the Soviet Union, are persistently continuing their policy of war and aggression; they are threatening the freedom and independence of peoples, trying to stamp out wars of national liberation, dividing peoples and sovereign States and pitting them against each other in order to stir up incidents and even armed conflicts among them.
138.	At the same time, United States imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the other reactionary forces are exerting strenuous efforts to exploit, in their own interests, the political and economic situation and the backwardness of some countries. In particular, that is being done to the detriment of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. The imperialist Powers are seeking to preserve at all costs the privileges that they have secured through violence, plunder and exploitation on those continents; they are trying to hamper their independent economic development and to inhibit the development of productive forces. They never willingly renounce their aim of keeping oil and other raw material resources under their control in order to dictate their prices on world markets.
139.	However, imperialism, social-imperialism and reaction are not in a position to stamp out the struggle of peoples. We are witnessing a great development in the whole of international life and international relations, represented by the increasing growth, in both content and intensity, of the national and social consciousness of peoples. The struggle of the peoples for liberation, for the affirmation and for the defence of their independence and national sovereignty, and their efforts to become masters of the assets stolen from them by the imperialist Powers for centuries, to root out the remnants of colonialism, to cut the tentacles of multinational monopolies, to defend their national traditions and culture and to develop them further, are all playing an important role in the present historic world process.
140.	The People's Socialist Republic of Albania unreservedly supports the revolutionary and national liberation struggles of the peoples, and the efforts of democratic and progressive States to defend and affirm their national independence and to exercise their complete sovereignty over their national assets. The leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha has said:
"Today, the majority of the peoples of the world are exerting great efforts and opposing by force colonial laws and neo-colonialist domination, rules, practices, customs and unequal agreements, old and new, established by the bourgeoisie in order to perpetuate its exploitation of peoples, its hateful distinctions and discriminations in international relations. The two super-Powers are trying by all manner of means to preserve and perpetuate those laws, to secure privileges for themselves and to enslave various peoples. The progressive peoples and democratic States which do not put up with that situation and an fighting for the establishment of sovereignty over their national assets, which are struggling to strengthen their political and economic independence and which are for equality and justice in international relations enjoy the complete solidarity and support of the Albanian people and State."
141.	The Albanian people have been and continue to be in solidarity with the just cause of the peoples of the whole world; in particular they are the friend of those peoples which are fighting for their freedom, independence and national sovereignty. They have great respect for the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, who have ancient cultural traditions, who have a great yearning to live free and happy and who are courageously fighting for those lofty objectives.
142.	Many of those peoples today are at war not only with the external enemy, which is made up of the super-Powers and the other imperialist States, but also against internal reaction. The external enemy, which in particular is represented by the two super-Powers, is the common enemy that should be fought by all, and especially by the peoples of those continents that languish under its domination or are threatened by it. The Albanian people, who have liberated themselves from their external and internal enemies and who hate foreign oppression and exploitation, want to see all the peoples which are fighting for their freedom and national independence free, independent and sovereign, and they are in complete solidarity with their just struggle.
143.	We have never interfered, nor will we ever interfere, in the internal affairs of others; but we stand against all the reactionaries who, linked with the big imperialist Powers and playing their game, have become an obstacle to the peoples fighting to win their freedom and independence, to escape from poverty, to enjoy a new life and to utilize the assets of their countries for their own benefit. Nothing can unite the peoples in their struggle with the interests of the imperialists and the local reactionary politicians.
144.	The Albanian people express their ardent desire for the complete freedom of all the fraternal peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America who have militant traditions and an advanced culture that in various epochs has flourished and shone forth from the pages of history. We are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of the world, and we support their just cause, despite the hostile stand adopted towards us by some of their ruling cliques, which we too hate as anti-popular. Our alliance with the peoples is based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and of proletarian internationalism and on the policy of supporting the liberation movement; this is the reason for the existence of this friendship, solidarity and understanding between the peoples of the world's continents and little socialist Albania. Socialist Albania feels strong not only because it relies on its free and monolithic people-and that is of great importance-but also because it enjoys the support of the freedom-loving countries and peoples of the world. The Albanian people are friends with all the peoples; in particular they are linked in close friendship with the great
Chinese people. In support of its rights socialist Albania has the sympathy of hundreds of millions of people in the world.
145.	Herein lies one of our strengths, and this strength is directed against imperialism, social-imperialism and against all reactionaries and revisionists. Imperialism, social- imperialism, the revisionists and international reactionaries are striving to set up new empires, to forge new chains for the peoples. We are against these new chains; therefore, we love peoples, and they love us with all their hearts and fight together with us on one front.
146.	In the present conditions it is more necessary than ever for the sovereign, freedom-loving and progressive peoples and sovereign States to increase their vigilance, to thwart the plans of their enemies, to prevent themselves from becoming pawns in that big and dangerous game which is being played by the imperialist Powers on a world-wide scale. Every day new events occur which show that one State is in conflict with another, and as soon as one fire is put out another flares up. This is clearly shown by the events in the Middle East, the conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia, the events in Angola and the strife in Zaire. Who is fanning' these fires? Who is causing these conflicts? Is it the peoples? No. The conflicts which exist today among some African countries and in various areas of the world have their roots primarily in the "divide and rule" policy of United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. The peoples aspire to solidarity, love and brotherhood. And when we say so, we are not in the least indulging in idealistic dreams, but assessing things realistically. These situations arise because there are exploiting classes which fight against the exploited because, on a national as well as an international plane, there is a clash of conflicting and irreconcilable interests between these classes.
147.	The interests of the peoples call for a courageous and determined struggle to strengthen independence and sovereignty against political, ideological, economic and military aggression, against imperialist intrigues and intervention. In order to keep in check the activities of big and powerful enemies backed by numerous resources, solid unity and true solidarity among the freedom-loving, progressive and democratic peoples and States is essential. The peoples achieve this unity and solidarity through determined struggle and concrete actions against all their enemies. The attempts to ignore essential differences among political forces in the world in the name of the unity and solidarity of the peoples and to reduce the question of unity to heterogeneous groupings of States expressed in algebraic and arithmetic figures, with the most varied political regimes and options ranging from those maintaining anti-imperialist stands to those imposed by imperialism on some peoples and countries—these attempts create confusion, leaving the imperialist Powers and some reactionary regimes a free field of activity to speculate on the aspirations of progressive peoples and States and to weaken the genuine anti- imperialist unity of peoples. The successes achieved by the various countries struggling for their independent political and economic development are not the result of the fact that they are united in various groupings, but are the result of their struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Imperialism and social-imperialism cannot be fought with success nor can complete freedom and independence be secured if those in their service are not combated as well.
148.	Likewise it would be dangerous for the peoples and countries which have recently shaken off the colonial yoke if, in their efforts to strengthen their independence, they agree to join the old colonial Powers or the groupings of the imperialist Powers, which are maintaining not only many economic, cultural and military positions there, but are also trying to occupy new ones. The colonialism of former times has suffered defeat. But imperialism, whether old or new, lives on and the methods it employs to establish and extend neo-colonialism are even more refined and dangerous.
149.	Life has borne out quite convincingly the fact that the two imperialist super-Powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, are equally dangerous, to the same extent and in the same degree, to the peoples and their freedom. Even if under certain conditions one of them is forced to change tactics because of the blows dealt it by peoples, that does not mean that it has become less dangerous and that it is abandoning its aggressive and expansionist policy. Experience has shown that when a people or a nation is threatened or oppressed by one super-Power, it does not mean that the other super-Power no longer poses any danger to them and, even less, that it has become their "friend". Events in many areas of the world, such as the Middle East, in Africa and in other parts, prove quite well that both super-Powers have the same aggressive and hegemonistic intentions and are feverishly seeking to share the spheres of influence or to snatch positions from each other. The leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha, has said:
". .. both when the super-Powers work together and when they quarrel, it is others who pay the bill. The collusion and rivalry between the super-Powers are the two sides of the one contradictory reality, important expressions of the same imperialist strategy: to rob the peoples of their freedom and to dominate the world. They pose the same danger and this is why the two super-Powers are the main and greatest enemies of the peoples. That is why one must never rely on one imperialism to fight or escape from the other."
150.	Peoples are becoming ever more convinced that their liberation struggle can be crowned with success only when they fight unwaveringly and uncompromisingly against United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, that the independence of States and national sovereignty, security and peace can be preserved and strengthened only by maintaining an unwavering stand in the face of the two super-Powers and the other imperialist powers.
151.	For several years the two imperialist super-Powers have been indulging in demagogy and have been resorting to various machinations in order to force the peoples into accepting the dangerous idea that every country must seek protection under the umbrella of United States imperialism or Soviet social-imperialism, that they have no recourse but to accept the protection of its "umbrella". Of course, the peoples cannot accept placing themselves under the tutelage of one or the other super-Power or joining one of them in order to oppose the other only because they are beset with feuds and contradictions in the framework of their rivalry for domination and hegemony in the world.
152.	The indignation of the peoples at colonial exploitation, tutelage, diktat and hegemony, national oppression and racial discrimination will rise to a boiling point. The subjective factors have already arisen and will also arise in the future, and the moment will come when the peoples will be free of all shackles. Shaking off the yoke of all foreign occupiers, the peoples themselves will achieve their national liberation and social emancipation. Socialism will achieve successes everywhere, for the peoples want it and dream about it, it is what they "desire. Of course this can only be achieved through their joint efforts and resolute struggle, because the imperialists will never willingly lay down their arms.
153.	The unity of the peoples in their fight for freedom, independence and social progress is essential. Unity is one of the main weapons of proletarian internationalism. The countries which are building socialism should do all they can to help the peoples fighting to achieve and preserve their national independence, as well as other peoples that aspire to advance on the road to socialism.
154.	The so-called "aid" which the Soviet revisionists give other countries is not all sincere and free of self-interest; on the contrary, it is part of a policy of subjugation and coercion, of a chauvinist policy of a big State towards small nations. The revisionists' views about small nations are not in the least different from those of the imperialists. We say this advisedly, for we have had personal experience of it.
155.	We are striving, and we shall always "strive, to see that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America are given sincere and disinterested aid which is free of any political condition and with no hidden motives. Only thus can true friendship be understood. Our Party and our State of the proletarian dictatorship have fought and will go on fighting courageously in that spirit and they are not alone in following this course. The peoples of the world are fighting together with them, among them the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
156.	The concept of the relationship between the large States and the small States, between the large nations and the small nations, interpreted in the sense that the small must submit to the large is a deadly disease, a chauvinist concept, a survival from the past, a heritage of the capitalist-imperialist world outlook.
157.	The progressive and freedom-loving peoples are waging and must continue to wage a ruthless struggle against this point of view. We- well appreciate the importance and the role of the large States and large nations, but one should also have a thorough and correct grasp of the importance and the role of the small countries and nations, no matter how small they may be. Every nation, whether large or small, makes its contribution to the cause of the freedom and progress of mankind. Life itself, practice and struggle make things clear, distinguish people, sort out who is on the side of the peoples and who is against them.
158.	Here in the General Assembly the great Powers have said quite enough about small nations. When one listens to the statements of the representatives of the great Powers, the impression is given that their only concern is how to do good to the peoples of the small countries, how to take care of their progress and prosperity. But all this honey coming out of their mouths, all this alleged "concern", is but a sinister deception. The big Powers like to take the smaller countries by the hand, as if they were not able to walk on their own feet. They want to be their teachers and to treat them as if they were barbarians of the era of slavery, whereas they regard themselves as belonging to the nuclear age. They formulate a great number of proposals; they advocate the setting up of all sorts of organizations, allegedly to protect the peoples, particularly the smaller countries, from harm. In fact, what they desire is to put them under their own "umbrella" and to embrace them in order to suffocate them. All this "concern" shows that the big Powers are afraid of the small countries, hence each of them seeks to paralyse the militant energies of the peoples of these countries, to lead them astray from their just struggle, to set one against the other. But the great Powers are bound to fail; for the times when the small nations used to be impressed by myths and empires are gone. Peoples are masters of their own destinies. They will never accept chains, but will break them once and for all.
159.	They attack Socialist Albania because it speaks the truth. It is true that we are small in number, but we are not afraid of the attacks of the enemies, for we know that today the true words of a small people are listened to with sympathy and respect by all honest men and the peoples of the world. The strength of small peoples lies in their militant spiritual unity with all the peoples fighting for their rights without sinking into intrigues, in their determination to carry through to the end their struggle for the fulfilment of their aspirations, against the aims of the imperialists and the revisionists.
160.	In recent years many events have taken place which demonstrate that the so-called detente is a slogan invented and spread with the purpose of misleading the peoples, creating illusions that, in the world today, the chances of establishing peace and calm are allegedly greater than the dangers of war.
161.	For years on end whole speeches from the rostrum of this Assembly have been devoted to the praise of "detente". But what is the real situation? The world has never been at peace. What we see in the world is not detente, but aggravation of contradictions, increasing conflicts and rising dangers of war. Not a single session of the United Nations General Assembly has been held without some grave crisis or a hotbed of war somewhere in the world created by the interference of the imperialist Powers. The so-called detente is but an aspect of the relations between the two super-Powers at various stages of bargaining between them. But bargaining between the imperialist Powers can in no way be considered as easing of tension. It is a source of danger for the peoples, and for international peace and security.
162.	For some time the Helsinki Conference on so-called "European security" has been presented as a model of detente. But, just as expected, the Helsinki Conference brought no good to Europe. Not a single positive change has taken place on this continent. Nothing has changed in the policies, the designs or the practices of the United States and the Soviet Union; on the contrary, the two super-Powers have intensified their efforts to strengthen their positions in their respective zones of influence and to challenge each other. Now it can be said with greater assurance than ever that even the decisions adopted at Helsinki have remained dead letters. The fiasco of the Helsinki Conference is evident also from the fact that the two sides are reduced to hurling accusations at one another for non-observance of the commitments entered into with so much ado in the Final Act of the Conference. One cannot but be surprised at the political actions of a Government which seeks to broaden the Belgrade conference through the participation of the countries of the Mediterranean area at a time when that same Government is providing the Soviet and American fleets with innumerable facilities in the ports of its own country.
163.	The Albanian delegation states once again that for real steps towards true European security to be taken the first step must be to liquidate the aggressive military blocs of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty, to compel the United States and Soviet troops to withdraw from the territories of European countries, to dismantle their military bases and to prohibit their military manoeuvres in the vicinity of the borders of the European countries.
164.	In the Balkan Peninsula, the situation is such as to give no grounds for satisfaction either. The two imperialist super-Powers are renewing their attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of the States of this area. The peoples of the Balkans, who have suffered much from the games of the big Powers, regard those actions with legitimate concern and demand that the interference of United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism in their internal affairs be stopped, that they be deprived of the possibility of using the Balkan States, as their instruments, against one another, or of using the territory of a Balkan State as a bridge-head for the realization of their aggressive plans.
165.	The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has spared no efforts to contribute to the cause of peace and security in the Balkans. More than once it has declared—and this it has borne out with facts—that never, and in no way, will the slightest evil come to neighbouring countries through its territory. We uphold the opinion that in the present situation the aspirations of the peoples of this area can be served better through the development of bilateral relations.
166.	The continuing tension in Cyprus and the complications deriving from this situation are instigated and utilized by the two imperialist super-Powers for their intentions and interests. As always, the Albanian Government is of the opinion that a just solution to the Cyprus problem must be found by the interested parties, allowing no interference whatsoever by the imperialist Powers, and in compliance with the sovereign rights of the Cypriot people and the interests of the two communities living on the island.
167.	The peoples of the Mediterranean countries have many proofs to convince them that their aspirations to turn the Mediterranean into a sea of peace and tranquillity cannot be realized as long as the aggressive military fleets of the two super-Powers stay in that area. Therefore, a determined effort must be made to compel the United States of America and the Soviet Union to withdraw their fleets from the Mediterranean, and to refrain from providing anchorage or support bases for these fleets. For tranquillity and understanding to be established in the Mediterranean, every Mediterranean country must refuse to play the game of the two super-Powers in this area.
168.	In the Middle East, the two super-Powers are becoming ever more embroiled in their interests, and are resorting to all means, wiles and intrigues in order to preserve their present positions and to penetrate deeper into this strategic area so rich in oil. With the powerful support of the United States of America, Israel continues to keep the Arab territories under its occupation and is becoming ever more intransigent. While the Soviet Union feigns to give support to the Arabs, it is really trying to deceive the world for, in fact, it is backing Israel and its aggressive policy in various ways.
169.	It is clear that the plans of the imperialist Powers, such as the "step-by-step" solutions, the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, or the creation of a Palestinian mini-State, are nothing. but dangerous manoeuvres prejudicial to the Arab peoples. These are meant to trample underfoot the rights of these peoples, to fan quarrels and divisions among them, to put down the just struggle of the Palestinian people and to liquidate their cause.
170.	The Arab peoples are seeing ever more clearly that the Middle East crisis cannot be solved by the United States imperialists or the Soviet social-imperialists, who have provoked it and who keep it ablaze, and that their just cause- will triumph by their relying not on the super-Powers, but on their own determined straggle,, on the strengthening of their unity.
171.	The Albanian people, who have been and will always be on the side of the just struggle of the Palestinian people and the other fraternal Arab peoples, are convinced that these peoples, with so glorious a tradition, will in the end emerge victorious from the protracted struggle against their numerous enemies.
172.	The peoples of Zimbabwe, Azania, and Namibia have intensified their just liberation struggle against the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury, which are propped up by the United States of America and the other imperialist Powers.
173.	The Albanian Government supports the just struggle of the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia and of the other African countries against the racist regimes, against apartheid and racial discrimination, against neo-colonialism and the brutal interference of the two superpowers. It firmly condemns the policy of savage oppression and exploitation practised by the racist regimes in Africa. It also condemns the armed provocations of these regimes against the neighbouring States. The struggle of the African peoples enjoys the powerful solidarity and support of all the peoples of the world; it is a just struggle and it will triumph.
174.	The Korean peninsula has been and remains a centre of tension and a danger to peace and security in Asia because of the aggressive policy of United States imperialism and the presence of its troops in South Korea. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always supported and continues to support the just struggle of the Korean people against United States imperialism and its instruments, and for the independent unification of the homeland.
175.	The United Nations has been dealing with the question of disarmament for a long time, and quite a few resolutions have been adopted. Notwithstanding frequent talks, both overt and covert, and despite innumerable resolutions on disarmament, the armaments race is continuing at an ever more feverish pace and the two super-Powers are manufacturing more lethal weapons. The war budgets have been inflated as never before. Arms trade has assumed unprecedented proportions.
176.	The Albanian delegation holds that the demagogic propaganda on disarmament, which the two super-Powers are conducting, must be exposed in the eyes of international public opinion. Imperialism and social-imperialism do not even think of disarmament. On the contrary, they are seeking to have a recognized right to uncontrolled and unlimited arming and uninterrupted perfecting of their weapons of mass extermination. They are trying to disarm others while preserving and increasing their stockpiles of weapons in order to bring permanent pressure to bear on peoples.
177.	The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is building socialism successfully and is forging ahead, firmly trusting in the principle of self-reliance. While Albania has received and may still receive some internationalist aid from a socialist country, this aid is by no means decisive for the fate of the socialist construction of the country and in no circumstance whatsoever can it become a cause for infringement of the independence and sovereignty of our country. Never before, and even less so today, has the People's Socialist Republic of Albania based its existence, freedom, independence and sovereignty on others. Albania has enshrined in its Constitution the fact that it desires to have political, economic and cultural relations with various States on the basis of equality, respect of sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and mutual benefit.
178.	We do not stand for autarky and have a correct idea of what commercial relations among various countries should be. Those relations must be correct, equal and mutually beneficial, according to the "give-and-take" principle. We will be for trade with all those who want to develop trade relations with us. Of course, we do not base the development of our socialist economy on foreign trade, but on the all-round development of industry and agriculture, relying mainly on our own forces; therefore, the fact that we engage in trade with other countries by no means implies that the People's Socialist Republic of Albania is dependent on anybody.
179.	We will also promote cultural relations with other countries, in compliance with the principles and norms defined by our country, provided they are acceptable to the other party, too. We will maintain such relations with those States which wish us well, in fields such as the exchange of literature., artistic presentations, films and the like. We should like cultural and artistic activities of other countries that take place in Albania to have a progressive, freedom- loving and popular spirit. There is no doubt that we have welcomed and will continue to welcome such activities with pleasure because they are a suitable means of communication and strengthening of friendship with various peoples and countries of the world.
180.	The foreign policy of socialist Albania has been and is a correct, principled, above-board and consistent policy, the independent policy of a free and sovereign country. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has not traded on principles and will never do so. The imperialists, 'he social-imperialists and the other reactionaries are in vain to spread diabolic slanders about Albania; they are trying to create the impression that, under the pressure of international events, Albania will be compelled either to choose isolation and separation from the world or abandon the road it has been following to date. We declare openly and not in diplomatic terms that nobody should cherish illusions that "Albania is not an isolated country", that "it cannot live without foreign aid", or that "it will be compelled to stretch out a begging hand to anybody".
181.	The imperialist Powers must entertain no illusions about that nor must they follow their ambition of imposing their will on socialist Albania. Nobody can impose his will on Albania; it does not threaten anybody, nor does it allow anybody to threaten it. It will successfully oppose any aggressor that may dare to violate its sacred borders. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania lives and will live on free, independent and enjoying full national sovereignty.
182.	Albania is a fully independent country; it has long ago denounced the Warsaw Treaty and will never have military alliances with any State. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania and its armed people will always successfully guarantee the defence of the freedom, national independence and territorial integrity of the country, because the policy of socialist Albania is a correct unequivocal policy opposed to any form of aggression, rapacious war, diktat to hegemony, tutelage or colonial exploitation, national oppression or racial discrimination. Albania has taken every measure to cope with any danger successfully. It will stand rock-firm, in the first place because its people are led by a strong and truly Marxist-Leninist party and because there is unbreakable unity between the Party and the people. Under the leadership of the Labour Party, with Comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, our people are successfully building socialism and vigilantly defending the victories achieved.
183.	In conclusion, the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania wants to point out that it will never fail to make its modest contribution to the discussion of the questions on the agenda of this session.