79.	Mr. President, I should like in the beginning to join with those of my colleagues who have spoken in saying how happy I am that we meet under your guidance and to express my full confidence that you will steer us with complete success through the many difficult problems which face us. I am happy, too, that the honor which is done to you is reflected on your country, Indonesia, with which we have and still maintain the closest and most friendly relations.
80.	I have found myself on this platform on a number of occasions compelled to call attention to a feature of international life which has plagued for far too long the lives of ordinary men and women. It is in short the abuse of the function of politics and diplomacy by what I may call the cult of confrontation and the denial of dialog. To promote dialog is the essential function of this Organization, and, indeed, it is implicit in the very name "United Nations". So it is here, above all, that we should show concern at a development that threatens to drag civilization backwards, down the-road to violence.
81.	Confrontation may develop as an internal problem, as the distinguished Foreign Minister of Canada has just reminded us. I speak today from experience.
82.	In Northern Ireland a terrifying manifestation of the old danger of religious confrontation has reappeared, complicated in this case by other political and social problems.
83.	All through history, in every corner of the world, religion has been the reason or excuse for wars which caught up peoples in their toils and left a trail of misery for ordinary people behind. In the last century or two dogmatic political ideology has supplanted it. But the danger is the same and in fact as we survey the world's scene it is greater than ever. With the rapid communication of ideas, the sophisticated propaganda, these divisions can be exploited^ and exploited on a vast scale. Millions-and we see this every day when we look at the modern means of communication are duped into adopting the prejudices of the few even though they have little or no idea what the confrontation is about. The way is thus open for the anarchist who believes in revolution and sees nothing beyond his nose and no formation of society beyond that; he believes in revolution by destruction. The way is open, too, for the terrorist who wishes to enforce one point of view and rejects compromise and reason.
84.	In the unhappy situation which exists today in one part of the United Kingdom, such people care nothing for the beliefs and legitimate views of Roman Catholics or Protestants. Their snipers and bombs and land-mines are intended to bring about the total disintegration of society. They are able to exploit the fears and prejudices of others, to intimidate witnesses and even to stir up children to destroy, to throw fire-bombs and to harass forces whose only task is to keep the peace.
85.	I illustrate my theme with this example because our experience of it is first-hand. And though it is our own internal problem in Britain, and it is not always possible so easily to compare internal and international confrontations, the lesson to be drawn is surely universal, It has application to every one of the intractable international problems which face us in this Organization. Each of us has the means to redress legitimate grievances within our own community; that is what gives u& the right to insist that violence within the borders of our State shall not be used. But international confrontations cannot be so easily resolved.
86.	We have not yet succeeded in providing effective remedies for international wrongs. Peace-making is at a discount because we have no means to impose solutions, and a tiny minority interest, therefore, which is interested in confusion can thwart the majority will. I think we are all familiar with the perennial agenda of problems before the international community, situations that have threatened peace in the past and situations that could do so in future. I do not underrate for one moment the difficulty when the parties believe that their vital interests in security, or even their survival, are at stake. But I think the evidence must be-and it has accumulated in these last few dangerous years that time does not resolve many of these confrontations. On the contrary, time works for the anarchist. Sooner or later, uncompromising confrontation leads to violence; neighbors who will not live together will one day fight together. When intransigence escalates into violence the anarchist will find his opportunity and the innocent will be drawn in and will suffer and will die.
87.	I remember last year on this platform, speaking in the context of hijacking of aircraft, I drew attention then to this danger of anarchy-anarchy superseding the law of nations and with it the inherent challenge to all governmental authority. For us to face the fundamental dangers of condoning those who take the law into their own hands I said:
"We must call on those who have taken up arms to lay them down ... even though they claim to be carrying them in the name of justice" [1848th meeting, paras. 128429],
88.	Last year's General Assembly resolution on aerial hijacking [resolution 2645 (XXV)] and the subsequent Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft,  which my Government has signed and will shortly ratify, have brought encouraging progress in this particular field. Last week my Government also signed the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation.  I hope that as many nations as possible will sign and ratify both those Conventions so that this particular form of anarchy can be stopped. It may be modest progress, when we survey the whole field, but it is some progress.
89.	This year my plea goes wider. It is that in every case where there is international confrontation, existing or threatening, a conscious and urgent effort should be made by all the parties engaged, talking each situation one by one, to achieve a modus vivendi before the stage of open violence is reached, before the anarchist, armed with all the modern techniques of terror, infiltrates and takes charge and levies his fatal toll on society and on the law. This obligation lies plainly on each and all of us. But I think the effort • must first and foremost be made within the framework of the United Nations. Our Charter has equipped us with a whole range of remedies for these situations. There are the traditional diplomatic tools of mediation, conciliation and inquiry. If these fail us we are bound by the Charter to seek other peaceful means, and it provides new powers to investigate and to recommend.
90.	I think if we are honest with ourselves in this Organization we must admit that we have failed to make full use of this potential. Our Secretary-General-whose coming retirement deprives us of a devoted and wise counselor has lately given us a timely reminder of the true character of his role as a peace-maker as envisaged by the Charter. We have not allowed him or his predecessors to realize that capacity to the full. He has also made recently an important comment on the influence of this Assembly in peace-making. He said:
.. the majority must make it plain that they will listen to both sides of a case and not only to the larger faction. The majority must prove that they will seek a realistic way out of difficulties rather than resort to condemnations or threats" [A/8401jAdd. 1, para. 95].
I feel that he is right; but we have not taken those words of his seriously enough as yet. Too often in this Assembly and in the Security Council undisguised propaganda and the search for tactical advantages by this or that group block efforts to reach a just and a comprehensive solution of a problem.
91.	But until we can perfect the remedies which the United Nations offers I must also address this plea concerning confrontation to those who find themselves at this moment in direct and dangerous dispute. At this time of day challenge and confrontation are-to put it in plain language-just too dangerous. Compromise may be dull, but it is the sole recipe for peace and, with patience, it can usually-1 am tempted to say always-be had in honor.
92.	The confrontation which today carries the greatest risk of war is that between Israel and the Arab States. It is one which could draw into the lines of antagonism the most powerful countries in the world.
93.	A whole generation has matured in the Middle East in the shadow of war. A generation on the one side has grown up as homeless refugees; a generation on the other ride has been brought up in the fear of being swept by force into the sea. Violence and counter-violence have been the order of the day; and war has been and remains very near. And that war-so great has been the escalation of armament in the area in recent years-would be fought with modern weapons amply reinforced by the greatest Power.
94.	This dispute is concerned with the most emotional of all issues: the security, and therefore the life, of those who confront each other. The Arabs are totally convinced that the Israelis want to expand their territory at the Arabs' expense, and Israel is convinced that the Arabs want to encircle and destroy it.
95.	In such circumstances, what can others, or the United Nations, do? For unless action is taken, that war will come, I take it that we are resolved, in so far as we can influence events in this United Nations, that on this issue there should be no war. It would be catastrophic. We have, in fact, taken one positive step to help to avert it. Few can doubt that Security Council resolution 242 (1967), although not perfect, contains the essential ingredients of a peaceful settlement. I know it will be tempting to try to change that resolution for another. I consider, myself-I think that perhaps the great majority here would be with me-that it is the only resolution upon which we can count to command substantial support in this Assembly and in this Organization.
96.	We have, too, in the context of trying to find a solution to this problem, within the grouping of the four Powers, indicated a readiness to guarantee the terms of a settlement between the parties. That is not a task which any of us particularly relishes, but where distrust has run so deep for so long, we must take risks, and it may well be the only way to build the confidence which will lead to a permanent peace, taken together with, of course, measures for demilitarization and for the placing of United Nations personnel in evacuated areas.
97.	But if war is to be avoided, those who are in confrontation must actively help to promote a dialog. The main ingredients of peace are known, and I will not rehearse them. On the one hand practical proposals have been put forward which would satisfy the Arab desire for Israeli withdrawal, and these are contained in Security Council resolution 242 (1967); on the other hand, there are ways and means of meeting the legitimate Israel need for permanent physical security. I will not debate the particular possibilities here in a program of peace-making in this dispute, but I will say this, and positively: that, unless a mechanism of dialog can be established, sooner or later-and maybe sooner than later-the fighting will start again.
98.	Confidence can only be established in this case through dialog: here an interim arrangement providing for phased withdrawal and the opening of the Suez Canal, with a link to the next and final stage of withdrawal, could serve to build confidence and to prove to the parties on the ground that there is more to be gained by dialog and coexistence than by war. I still believe that Mr. Jarring has a crucial role to yiin this process of establishing contact. But whoever stages this dialog, the tempo of it must be quicker than it has been until now, and it must be at closer range. When there is distrust between the parties of this depth and scope, it cannot be removed by long-distance correspondence, and the onus of adopting dialog must rest with those who now confront each other in arms. It is for us to help them to find the way to do it and I emphasize again that the time is short. This is a case where dialog must supplant confrontation.
99.	In spite of the experience of wars in Europe and the Middle East, new confrontations loom. In Asia the world watches the frontiers of India and Pakistan with increasing anxiety. India, by reason of civil disturbance in Pakistan, has been faced with a problem of refugees which distorts its economy and stretches its resources to the limit, and beyond. It has been valiant and resilient in meeting this burden. It has rightly asked for international help. Much has been given through this Organization, but we shall need to mobilize a lot more help in cash and kind than we have yet done.
100.	There is now an added danger of famine in the months to come in East Pakistan, arising mainly from a break-down in communications following civil strife. Relief will be needed here too on a massive scale. I hope that we are all conscious of an obligation to help, and to help urgently, because there could be no greater tragedy for the world-even including that in the Middle East-than that India and Pakistan should find themselves unwillingly at war. The United Kingdom has given £8 million to relief in India and £1 million io East Pakistan, and we are ready now to add substantially to that. Relief is beyond the capacity of Pakistan. Therefore, the machinery of the United Nations on the ground must be strengthened, and if it is to. be adequate to the task of recreating the necessary network of communications, then action must be taken to meet local conditions of famine and to meet them in time.
101.	Again, there is not much time, for recently this problem between India and Pakistan has assumed a new and appalling dimension. Guerrilla warfare and sabotage are adding to the fear and are hampering rescue. I am not sure if we yet understand the scale of the guerrilla warfare in that area; but the operations of the guerrillas, taking advantage of this situation, could create another panic in East Pakistan and start another avalanche mass movement of population from Pakistan into India. So this situation could run both countries unwillingly into war,
102.	Reconstruction of the Constitution of Pakistan must be an internal matter for the people of Pakistan. But the risks to peace, if they fail in that reconstruction, are appealing, and the truth of the matter is that the danger will be finally averted only when there is a return to civil government in East Pakistan which gives confidence to all Pakistanis to stay at home, to return home, and to develop their country in peace. Meanwhile, let the United Nations do the humanitarian work. It must never be said of the politicians that we met here and argued about who was to distribute food while millions of innocent people starved.
103.	In Africa we see the evil of apartheid and the frustration of many at its continued existence. Frustration and impatience can lead to violence. And as we have seen so often that violence, from which the innocent suffer, provokes counter-measures, and the lines of war thus become more sharply drawn.
104.	I am glad to see that, in spite of the deep feelings aroused by apartheid, which we share, the urge to dialog grows and it is being to some extent put into practice. There in Africa, as elsewhere, neighbors have no choice but to live side by side; and ultimately dialog must be resumed and must take charge.
105.	In the Far East, we have seen that China has for too long isolated itself from the world community. That had its dangers. When it plays its full part here in New York, a mighty voice will be added to our counsels and a major step will have been taken towards the true representation here of the balance of world power and world opinion, from which consensus can be hammered out, however painful at. times that process may be. With all the difficulties, I think the majority here recognizes that the future lies, not in isolation, not in confrontation or in ostracism, but in dialog.
106.	I hope that in Western Europe after centuries of conflict we have learn our lesson. The confrontation of Germany and France which nearly destroyed civilized life on our continent was ended because two great nations and two great statesmen were willing to take a risk, to pull down the historic barriers between them and peaceful coexistence. Those two great statesmen in particular took a risk with public opinion.
107.	On that essential political foundation is being built !ready the integrating Community of th? Six, the
European Economic Community. The United Kingdom and other European countries will, we hope, soon expand the Community to one of ten. That should usher in a new era of economic expansion and greatly enhance the prospects for peace. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, Mr. Schumann, yesterday, in one of his most felicitous phrases, described that enlarged community as a "community of hope" [1942nd meeting, para. 50}. I would underline that forecast. That Community is already committed, by reason of the many special provisions for territories once connected with France and the United Kingdom, to be outward-looking. It exists to encourage trade, and that is the healthiest form of assistance,
108.	Nevertheless, aid from the developed to the under-developed countries is a vital need, and my country and the Community recognize their duty in this. I am glad to be able to announce today that my Government has decided to increase its contribution to the United Nations Development Program. In 1972 to $19,2 Million, an Increase of one third, We had also made an advance pledge of $50 million to the International Development Association, to remedy the failure of the third replenishment this summer. Yesterday in Washington we announced that wo were raising this to $103,680,000, which completes our first year's contribution to that replenishment. Wo hope In this way not only to enable the International Development Association to continue its work but to encourage others to take action also.
109.	There is nothing we in Western Europe should till like better than closer economic and political relations with the countries of Eastern Europe. It was the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany again with a German statesman taking a risk to seek accord there, and thus open the way to East'West agreements, In particular agreement to ease the conditions of life for the people of West Berlin. Once that has been achieved, it should be possible to prepare a conference on the security of Europe, If that is to have any chance of success, each country must demonstrate that it respects the security of others; that is a .sine qua non of cooperation* and that alone can give confidence. With confidence we can do much; without It we can do very little. If this essential respect for one's neighbor Is shown, then in Europe we shall be embarking on a (UHvntv which is embracing and on which better and more enduring relations can be built. The trend, then, in Europe is to turn away from confrontation to detente,
110.	I have been concerned today to stress the responsibility we all bear to find the peaceful way out of our difficulties and differences. 1 believe that the first essential is to make a conscious effort to get back to a climate of good-neighborliness, with those with whom we disagree as well as with our friends.
111.	We have been exhorted to do more about last year's Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)J. I have no quarrel with that; but general declarations are of no avail unless our basic approach is the right one. Surely the right approach is laid down quite specifically in the Preamble to our Charter, where we declare that we are determined "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors". "Tolerance" is a word that is all too seldom heard today in these halls. I suggest that it is as Important now as it was in 1945, when the Charter was drafted. When differences and disputes nevertheless arise, neither side can escape the duty of looking to negotiation to secure the peace. Nor can we collectively escape the duty of overcoming the obstacles which stand in the way of the United Nations making an effective intervention before dispute hardens into confrontation and confrontation into conflict.
112.	Peace-keeping is the center of the problem, because so often peace cannot be made until all concerned are confident that it will be kept. The Charter foresaw the Deed. Hie machinery exists and it is available for our use. What has been lacking and I hope is not now lacking is the w21 to use it or to support it.
113, There is even, I regret to say, at the present time one operation of peace-keeping, established by the Security
Council, that Is Involved in a serious financial shortfall. I refer to the endeavor that has successfully maintained the peace For more than seven years In Cyprus and consequently in that part of the Mediterranean. There is now a deficit of up to $70 million, half of which relates to former peacekeeping accounts, and this deficit Is growing every year, Therefore I share the Secretary-General's view that unless a remedy Is found In the very near future It will no longer be possible for us to fulfill the basic purpose and objective of the Charter,
114.	We must not slide backwards in peace-keeping, Every symptom of division In the international field urges us to do better, So let us each and all bend our minds to positive peace-making and positive peace-keeping, Let us prove it in each case where the danger of confrontation raises its stubborn head,
115.	To break the present stalemate In a number of the confrontations will not solve the problems of the world; but we can In this Assembly give the world a sharper instrument for peace, That will narrow the area for the anarchist and his operations and broaden the rule of law.


51.	  Mr. President, your unanimous election to the presidency of this august body, on which I congratulate you most sincerely on behalf of the Government and people of the Philippines, was a proud moment for Asia. In your modest and unassuming person, the members of the General Assembly discerned and recognized the indomitable nationalist who fought heroically for Indonesian independence; the far-sighted Asian leader who is one of the architects of regional solidarity in our part of the world; the initiator of the Djakarta Conference in May 1970 on the peaceful solution of the Viet-Nam war; and the international statesman whose exceptional diplomatic skill helped to achieve a peaceful settlement of the West Irian dispute, enabled Indonesia to return to the United Nations with undiminished prestige, and contributed decisively to Indonesia's present economic rehabilitation with the understanding and co-operation of its major economic partners regardless of their differing ideologies.
52.	Your predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who presided with admirable skill, perceptiveness and dedication over the historic twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly deserves our unstinting admiration and gratitude.
53.	Mr. President, it is particularly appropriate that an eminent Asian should preside over this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We have welcomed three new Members of the United Nations, Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar, all from Asia. The Philippines has co-sponsored the admission of yet another Asian nation, Oman, whose equally welcome entry into the United Nations now brings the Organization's total membership to 131.
54.	For the past quarter century the world has been in the throes of dynamic, revolutionary changes. The founding of the United Nations was an historic attempt to channel those changes along constructive lines. The history of the first quarter-century of the United Nations may thus be said to have consisted in essence of the fateful struggle to form a viable world community in the face of persisting, powerful and divisive national ambitions in time to save mankind from the ultimate catastrophe of extinction. As our Secretary-General, U Thant, aptly pointed out during the commemorative meetings of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly last year:
“It is intolerable that the peoples of the world should have to live on the brink of disaster and that so many of them continue in a state of utter misery
“Thus it has been for the most part in the first twenty-five years of the United Nations. With some notable exceptions. Member Governments have, in practice, been more preoccupied with using the United Nations as an instrument to promote their own national policies than as a new kind of organization in which the nations of the world in co-operation could forge and execute solutions to world problems and work together for a better futurE" [1883rd meeting, paras. 63 and 64].
55.	Unexpectedly, however, the second quarter-century of the United Nations has opened with a year of remarkable events -Events that seem destined to affect favorably the course of world history for years to come. Most spectacular of these, of course, is the developing detente in Asia, Here, as in other regions of the world, we are rapidly moving from an era of dangerous polarization to one of pluralization.
56.	This new era of pluralization will certainly be marked by a multiplicity of interests and relationships and will carry with it great opportunities for harmonization and co-operative action. Relations will become interrelations, partly political, perhaps, but even more economic, cultural and educational in character. Not only Asia but tHe world community generally can expect to benefit from these important changes.
57.	The remarkable initiative of President Nixon appears as the single event from which new possibilities must directly proceed. The first results have been both the complication and the clarification of the policies and intentions of nations in the region. The implementation of the "Nixon Doctrine", the clear enunciation of the policies of the People's Republic of China as, for instance, in the unprecedented interview given by Premier Chou En-lai to Mr. Reston of The New York Times; the intense and continuing policy discussions in Japan; the adjustments in the policies of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics-all these point to realistic realignments among the four great Powers whose interests meet in Asia.
58.	At the same time, "pluralization" means the opportunity for more creative participation in the affairs of the region by the smaller nations in joint, co-operative enterprises where their common interests meet, and for more independent initiative regarding their national interests. Speaking individually the voices of the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and others may not weigh heavily in the consideration of major decisions in Asia, but speaking with the collective voice of 300 million people, their roles and contributions must be more seriously regarded. It is against this background that the significance of joint efforts within regional organizations such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] and the Asian and Pacific Council [ASPAC] should be assessed. Other effective and special-purpose regional groupings can be expected to emerge and play their part. The strengthening of economic and social co-operation is certain to occur and be increasingly looked upon with favor since it will offer real possibilities for solving economic problems which the individual Asian countries find it difficult or impossible to solve alone.
59.	Interest in collective regional defense arrangements can be expected to decline. They have had their day. In their place may well develop collective political forums among the Asians-such as the Asian Forum long proposed by H.E. President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philippines  for the solution of political differences which may arise in
the future. It is predictable also that the future will see on the part of the Asian nations an increased interest in and reliance on the United Nations. In this context, the keen and continuing concern of the Philippines to maximize the effectiveness of our world Organization will be more fully understood.
60.	For the forest in the future, it is plain that the paramount force in Asia is likely to remain nationalism. Nationalism is of two kinds. For the small developing third world countries in Asia, nationalism is largely defensive in nature-an attempt to maintain the conditions in which a viable nation can be created and sustained in the face of internal dissensions and the effects of external circumstances. Great Power nationalism is different in quality; it assumes international dimensions and greatly complicates relations between States big and small.
61.	It is now evident that in Asia both types of nationalism are beginning to move toward more constructive expressions than have been the case in the past: the international nationalism of the large Powers is seeking accommodation, while the protective nationalism of the smaller Powers is seeking co-operative modes of expression for mutual benefit. In this connexion, I am refraining from discussing in this policy statement the question of Sabah because it is now a matter involving the highest level of both Governments concerned.
62.	A new era of reality is opening before Asia. In this respect, the question of die representation of China in the United Nations is of the greatest importance to us Asians. In the past, the Philippines had taken a position against the seating of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. The new realities have led the Philippines to reconsider its position.
63.	Our position on this extremely important question is based four-square on the state-of-the-nation message delivered by President Marcos of the Philippines before the joint session of the Philippine Congress on 25 January this year. These were his perceptive and forthright words:
“Vast forces are at work in Asia today. Although the full implications of the new developments are not yet clear, they bolster my belief that a process of change is under way which will radically alter our traditional view of our part of the world.
“Accordingly, the principal aim of Philippine foreign policy in 1971 is to seek an accommodation with reality. Realism will be the hallmark of our foreign policy. The objectives are to augment and diversify relations with other countries, where we feel that such will promote the national interest; and to seek new friends while strengthening ties with old ones.""
64.	This policy statement of the head of State of the Philippines, made in January of 1971, some time before the dramatic announcement of President Nixon's intention to visit Peking, is the basis not only of Philippine efforts to normalize relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries of Eastern Europe, but also of our support for the entry of the People's Republic of China into the United Nations, without depriving the Republic of China of its own United Nations membership.

65.	The Philippine position is based on the recognition of the fact that two Governments -the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of China-claim the right to represent the Chinese people or the Chinese State in the United Nations.
66.	The reality of the situation has two aspects. It is an undeniable fact that, since the founding of the United Nations, the Republic of China has continuously represented China in this Organization. Year after year, the General Assembly has upheld this continuous representation of China by the Republic of China in all bodies of the United Nations, including the Security Council.
67.	But it is also a fact that since 1949 the Government of the People's Republic of China has had effective control and authority over mainland China, while the Government of the Republic of China has had effective control and authority over other parts of the Chinese State, particularly Taiwan. Each has been accorded diplomatic recognition by an overwhelming number of nations. Recent statistics show that the Republic of China has diplomatic relations with 59 countries, 56 of which are States Members of the United Nations, while the People's Republic of China has diplomatic relations with 55 States Members of the United Nations'
68.	These facts indicate why it has not been easy to reach a precise and clear-cut solution to this question, and why it has confounded this Assembly for the last two decades.
69.	In this connexion I should like to recall that last year I stated for the record [1855th meeting (addendum)] that the Government and people of the Philippines have no desire to be in a posture of permanent opposition to the People's Republic of China. I expressed our sincere hope that our biggest neighbor in Asia would do everything in its power to merit membership of the United Nations on terms consonant with the provisions of its Charter.
70.	I must emphasize this last point, namely, that the People's Republic of China should enter the United Nations on United Nations terms, not on terms which it apparently seeks to impose by proxy through its spokesmen in this Assembly. The People's Republic of China is a big Power, but it is not bigger than the United Nations, and it should not attempt to dictate the terms of its own entry into the United Nations even before the question has been decided by the General Assembly and the Security Council.
71.	The Philippine delegation, in a spirit of frankness and objectivity with respect to the existing situation, believes that the fair, just and realistic solution would be for both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China to be seated in the General Assembly and be eligible to become members of other bodies of the United Nations system.
72.	But with respect to the permanent seat of China in the Security Council, my Government would be prepared to agree to its allocation to the People's Republic of China with its 750 million people, in recognition of the direct and logical relationship between permanent membership in the Council and the maintenance of international peace and security.
73.	At the same time, the Philippine delegation will oppose any proposal that will, explicitly or by implication, result in the expulsion of the Republic of China from the United Nations. Expulsion, in our view, would be an act of injustice to a Government and people that have consistently shown sincere adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, It would be unfair to a Government that has faithfully fulfilled its obligations under the Charter since the founding of the United Nations to be deprived of its legitimate seat in the Organization.
74.	The Republic of China's population of some 14 million people is bigger than the populations of two thirds of the Members of the United Nations. Moreover, the Republic of China has attained a noteworthy degree of economic progress and stability. These are facts too relevant and important to be overlooked. Consequently, my delegation will support the position that any proposal which would result in depriving the Republic of China of a seat in the United Nations is a question important enough to require a decision by a two-thirds vote of the General Assembly.
75.	We feel that this Assembly simply cannot ignore the fact that the Republic of China, respecting the obligations of a Member nation, has not only represented China in the United Nations all these years but has also developed a separate social and economic system, with its own distinctive character, different from that on the Chinese mainland. And the clock cannot be turned back. What is history is fact.
76.	Major steps towards accommodation and detente have likewise occurred in other regions of the world since the twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly. We have witnessed a major breakthrough in the re-establishment of good relations in Central Europe, particularly between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. This development is due in considerable measure to the commendable courage and statesmanship of Chancellor Willy Brandt. It is our earnest hope, shared, we believe, by Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko of the Soviet Union among others, that the remaining difficulties will soon be overcome, thus paving the way for the entry into the United Nations of these two States at the earliest possible time and bringing yet nearer to realization our goal of universality. At the same time ways should be found to provide for the simultaneous entry into the United Nations of the other divided States, without prejudice to whatever arrangements they might later wish to make between themselves. And in this connexion, the retention by the Republic of China of its membership in the United Nations is most relevant. The expulsion of that country may close the door to the admission of divided States into the United Nations.
77.	The completion of initial agreements at the Strategic Arms limitation Talks in Helsinki, although these agreements are not yet of great consequence in themselves, and the commendation to this Assembly of a draft convention on biological weapons,    even though it does not yet extend

to chemical weapons, are other hopeful straws in the wind. While favorable winds are blowing, the international community should resolve to consolidate these gains with concrete undertakings and initiate new efforts in the areas of possible accommodation and consensus which are now open to us.
78.	In this connexion it is vital to recall the new opportunities for enhancing the effectiveness of our United Nations. The recent reorientation of the United Nations Development program, the report of the Special Committee on the Rationalization of the Procedures and Organization of the General Assembly [A/8426], which we will shortly consider, the attention being given to the revitalization and enlargement of the Economic and Social Council, our review at this session of the role of the International Court of Justice [item 90] and the report of the Committee for the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the United Nations [A]8425], our agreement to consider during the twenty-seventh session the overdue review of the United Nations Charter [resolution 2697 (XXV)], and the deepening concern for effective action to cope with the population explosion are all evidence of the recognition by Member States of the necessity for endowing the United Nations with the means to discharge more adequately the responsibilities entrusted to it in an era of accelerating interdependence and community of interest.
79.	With regard to resolution 2697 (XXV) asking the Secretary-General to invite Member States to communicate their views and suggestions on the review of our Charter, the Government of the Philippines is preparing a detailed exposition of its views, as expressed at the twenty-fifth session, for circulation well before the twenty-seventh session. We trust that this subject will be given priority consideration by Member countries so that our discussion next year will prove as fruitful as possible.
80.	Since the founding of the United Nations a major goal in the realization of international peace and security has been the achievement of safeguarded disarmament. Efforts in pursuit of this goal have been seriously handicapped by the absence from the disarmament negotiations of two of the nuclear Powers-France and the People's Republic of China. Here again, new opportunities have opened up to us in recent months. An entrance to the disarmament negotiations for the two missing nuclear parties might well be provided by the proposal for a world disarmament conference [A/L.631]. It should be understood, however, that although such a conference might well serve several purposes, including that of a timely review of the progress made thus far towards disarmament, it could in no way take the place of the kind of detailed working out of specific problems that is now being done in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. Even if the result? are not always up to expectations, the work of the Committee is characterized by a high degree of seriousness, commitment and competence. It may be necessary, however, to reconstitute the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in order to secure the participation of those additional countries which should be taking part in its deliberations.
81.	A world disarmament conference would be a major step towards giving meaning and substance to the Disarmament Decade, now running concurrently with the Second United Nations Development Decade. In two years the Assembly has not succeeded in taking any other new initiatives on a scale or of a content sufficient to justify the designation “Disarmament Decade", or adequately to emphasize the interdependence between a Disarmament Decade and the Second Development Decade. It will be recalled that the Government of the Philippines advanced some preliminary suggestions in this regard during the twenty-fifth General Assembly.4 We will return to these proposals at an appropriate time.
82.	Meanwhile' we would suggest that any world disarmament conference should either be held under the auspices of the United Nations or be organically related to it. Thought should be given to the activation, for this purpose, of the Disarmament Commission, that body of the whole which has not been utilized in recent years. The present new opportunities may make it possible, for the first time since the founding of the United Nations, to move beyond "non-armament" measures to measures providing for actual, concrete steps towards the reduction and destruction of armaments. Thus will begin the redeeming of a vital promise made to the world's peoples a quarter of a century ago.
83.	Rather suddenly, the United Nations is faced with a number of new issues having global aspects beyond the possibility of resolution by the efforts of individual States alone. Foremost among these is the question of the deterioration of the human environment. Under the auspices of the Stanley Foundation, this important subject was discussed in depth at the Sixth Conference on the United Nations of the Next Decade, held at Sinaia, Romania, last June, by world statesmen, and a report on the conference proceedings was submitted to the Secretary-General. Nothing can serve to illustrate more vividly than the problems of environmental pollution the common destiny of mankind, the profound, global ramifications of local actions and the urgent need for a unified, integrated approach to economic and social development. Air and water are the first lifelines of space-ship earth. If they are anywhere impaired the total system is to that extent impaired. Most specific pollution problems can and must be dealt with locally, but that does not absolve the international community from the ultimate responsibility to see to it that they are resolved.
84.	The time is past for mere lip-service in this vital matter. For instance, we continue to hear pious protestations of grave concern over the pollution of the human environment. Yet nuclear tests, with their concomitant danger of contaminating the air and the seas with their radio-active emissions, continue in disregard of the expressed wishes of the peoples affected. The Philippine Government has repeatedly protested the testing of nuclear weapons in the Pacific Ocean, which washes its eastern shores, but these protests have gone unheeded.
85.	A second major subject of global scope concerns the utilization of the resources of the sea-bed beyond national jurisdictions as the common heritage of mankind and the elaboration of an international regime for that purpose.
86.	My country, which is an archipelago, is vitally affected by this problem. In the course of the current general debate, some countries, particularly Iceland [1945th meeting] and Fiji [1951st meeting], referred to the question of archipelagos in connexion with the conference on the law of the sea in 1973. My Government expects that in the forthcoming conference this problem with other related issues will be settled along the lines demanded by the progressive development and codification of international law affecting peace and stability in ocean space.
87.	In his report, the Secretary-General calls our attention to the fact that to deal with, such global issues it may be necessary, "in the near future, to envisage new subsidiary organs or substantive departments in the United Nations" f A]8401lAdd.l, para. 91], He correctly states that the creation of such new bodies "should be viewed by the membership as an appropriate response to the ever new challenges of our world" [ibid.].
88.	Should we fail to endow the required efforts with the requisite resources or authority, then, of course, we shall have nobody but ourselves to blame if the unwanted conditions persist. Our hopes are high that the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held at Stockholm in 1972, and the projected conference on the law of the sea will take the first major steps toward meeting the issues involved at the level and on the scale necessary to be effective.
89.	Only a year ago this Assembly made an historic decision. It adopted for the first lime an International Development Strategy which would serve as the program of action for implementing the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. Today the international trade and monetary crisis, which is still unresolved, threatens to undermine that Strategy and casts a pall of uncertainty over the prospect of attending the goals of the Development Decade itself.
90.	By far the most deplorable aspect of this crisis is the plight of the developing countries. Innocent bystanders, with no role either in precipitating me crisis or in its solution, these poor countries stand to suffer the gravest injuries from its consequences.
91.	The predicament of the developing countries has been recognized by the President of the World Bank Group, Mr. Robert S, McNamara. In the introduction to his address to the World Bank's Board of Governors on 27 September, he declared and these are very important words:
"It is clear that we are in for a difficult period of basic readjustments in international monetary and trade arrangements and that the repercussions may continue for some time. Although the solution of these problems is not the responsibility of the World Bank, We are deeply concerned with the manner of their resolution because of the impact it may have on the external trade of the developing countries, and on the resource Rows to them".
92.	Mr. Pierre-Paul Schweitzer, Chairman of the Executive Board and Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, was even more explicit in his statement of the same date. He said:
“I am particularly concerned about the impact of the current situation on the developing countries. Inflation and balance of payments difficulties in the industrial world ... The present exchange rate uncertainties add a new and serious impediment to the development efforts of these countries, which also must contend with the effects of the U.S. import surcharge and the cuts in U.S. aid. All this is not an auspicious beginning for the Second Development Decade, when developing countries have the task of finding new avenues of productive employment for their growing populations.
93.	Both officials stressed the need to take into account the plight of the poor countries in the search for a solution to the international trade and monetary crisis.
94.	Mr. McNamara said:
"Whatever steps are taken to improve the operation of the international monetary system must be such as to permit a continuing increase in capital flows to meet the targets to which the developed countries have subscribed: an increase in public development assistance from $8 billion per year in 1970 to $12.5 billion in 1975".
95.	Mr. Schweitzer expressed the hope that the solution of the monetary crisis by the industrial countries would be followed "by an increased willingness in these countries to maintain a steadily improving volume and quality of development assistance and to widen access to their markets".
96.	Such is the hope. But what is the reality? Mr. McNamara’s own report contains the following sad and ominous admissions:
“The developing countries have justifiable grounds for complaint that they are being treated unfairly in their attempts to expand their manufactured exports to those markets [the markets of the richer countries]. On the average, tariffs are higher on the kinds of manufactured goods imported from poor countries as compared to imports from rich countries
"Even worse than the absolute level of tariffs is their structure. Tariffs rise with the degree of fabrication ... This ... could well offset the comparative advantages in processing found in many developing countries"
He continue.,.
"Finally, and perhaps worst of all, non-tariff barriers to trade have proliferated throughout the rich countries in
recent years ... They too are more severe for developing countries".
97.	In other words, the promotion of economic diversification, of a fair and rational international division of labor, and of the progressive industrialization of the developing countries, goals which are accepted in principle in the United Nations, are in fact being impeded if not actually negated in practice.
98.	Nor is the sombre situation limited to manufactures. The Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization, Dr. Boerma, has called attention to what he has described as tlkD "completely unbalanced" state of world agriculture, warning that if this condition is allowed to persist, it might provoke intensified trade war.
99.	There is something fundamentally wrong in an international economic order under which such things can happen. The Philippine delegation feels that the time has come for the United Nations to discharge fully its duties under paragraphs 3 and 4 of Article 1 of the Charter with respect to international co-operation in the economic and social fields. It should henceforth be one of its urgent major concerns to help devise means of protecting the poor countries from the adverse effects of international monetary and trade crises concerning which these poor countries have little or no say but which could ruin them financially or set back their development efforts for years with disastrous economic and social consequences for their peoples. We must arrest the present accelerating drift towards a new age of domination based on economic advantage.
100.	In other major fields if United Nations concern, the glaring discrepancies between principle and practice, between the felt needs of the international community and the limited action permitted by national ambitions and interests, are also apparent.
101.	Despite the welcome signs of growing detente in Europe, to which I have referred, peace in the Middle East continues to hang by the thread of a cease-fire tenuously maintained amidst a mutual escalation of armaments.
102.	In this International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, no substantial progress has been achieved in the struggle against apartheid. Meanwhile, the flow of trade and investments, as well as the supply of arms, that sustain the practitioners of apartheid continue, hardly abated by United Nations sanctions against that universally condemned policy. Remnants of classical colonialism, which is also a form of racial oppression, likewise continue to exist in its last strongholds, particularly in Africa, in defiance of the United Nations Charter and of the repeatedly expressed will of the international community.
103.	Every year, references are made to the need for a stronger support for the United Nations. Yet this same Organization has been permitted to reach the brink of financial bankruptcy. One major Power concerned has announced that it will contribute an "important" sum to help cover past United Nations financial deficiencies; other Powers equally concerned, however, have remained silent.
104.	The present international trade and monetary crisis has simply dramatized the central dilemma that has afflicted the United Nations since its inception. The Member States, particularly the great Powers with the special responsibilities inherent in their status as permanent members of the Security Council, have never quite accepted the requirement, implicit in the Charter, to subordinate narrow national interests to the general well-being of mankind, or-as last year's Conference on Human Survival so aptly put it-to recognize that "human sovereignty transcends national sovereignty".
105.	In moving from the era of frozen polarization into a new period of pluralization. it is essential to accept that the first requirement is for a flexible common instrument through which that pluralization can be constructively and creatively expressed. But although *hat instrument already exists in the United Nations, its full utility as the focal point for forging collective decisions has yet to be realized. "Foreign policy" in this sense is becoming obsolete. Nations now hold collective responsibility for r, non- divisible world. The policy-making emphasis will be more and more toward joint problem-solving for planetary development and management. Only in such a context can the security and freedom of nations and peoples be assured and the great promise of our earth for the well-being of mankind be realized.
106.	And now permit me to conclude my statement with three expressions of well-deserved tribute. The first is to Mr. Paul Hoffman, the exceptionally able Administrator of the United Nations Development program [UNDP], who is about to retire after some 12 years of devoted service to the cause of that indispensable component of lasting peace: economic and social development. Under Mr. Hoffman’s inspired and dedicated leadership, UNDP has become the largest operational agency of the United Nations in the field of development with good prospects of doubling its operational funds to $500 million by 1975. This impressive progress has been achieved through far-sighted planning, sound operational methods, including the application of pre-investment aid in the vital sectors of national development programs, and effective response to the keenly felt needs of the developing nations. The United Nations owes Mr. Hoffman an inestimable debt of gratitude for his work in building up UNDP to its present size and its enhanced potential for service towards the accelerated development of the poor countries.
107.	My second tribute is to the United Nations Children's Fund [UNICEF], which is observing its twenty-fifth anniversary this year. Supported entirely by voluntary contributions, UNICEF has rendered invaluable service to countless mothers and children in needy countries throughout the world. Starting as an emergency operation, it has with admirable flexibility adapted its work to the changing requirements of the developing nations and is now involved in vital aspects of development concerning mothers, children, youth and the family. It deserves a special tribute for a quarter-century of devoted service to mankind under the direction of that distinguished humanitarian, the late Maurice Pate, and his worthy successor as Executive

Director, Mr. Henry Labouisse. The United Nations Children's Fund has merited our gratitude for having projected across national and ideological frontiers during the past 25 years the profound concern and compassion of the United Nations for the new generation of children and youth, who will have the responsibility of building a better world.
108.	Finally, I would like to pay a tribute to our modest, loyal and highly esteemed Secretary-General, U Thant. He has had the unprecedented responsibility of leading the United Nations Secretariat through an entire decade of grievous trials and crisis. And he has discharged this heavy responsibility so admirably that he could, if he wished, command unanimous support for continuing to occupy his eminent position. Much of his work for the preservation of peace, the promotion of human rights, and the attainment of a better life for all mankind has been accomplished by quiet diplomacy, an art in which he has few equals. A place of high honor is assured for him in the history of our time. And it is most fitting that this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly, which may be the last that U Thant is attending as Secretary-General, should salute him as one of the immortals of the United Nations.


154.	 : It is not only in order to keep up a tradition that I shall start my statement by presenting to you, Mr. President, the congratulations of my delegation, and my own congratulations, on your election as President of this session. Your election is not only an honor to you but also a tribute to your country and the whole Asian continent, to which we are linked by so many common concerns and common aspirations. Your long political experience and your clear awareness of the problems of today's world are, we are convinced, the best guarantee for a successful session.
155.	It is also a pleasant duty for me to address our thanks to Mr. Hambro, who presided with competence and authority over the twenty-fifth session, which will remain an especially important one in the history of our Organization.
156.	Four new independent States have been admitted to our Organization. Those four countries-Bhutan, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman-whose arrival among us we greet with the warmest sympathy, will make their contribution to the search for and strengthening of peace in the world, that peace without which the independence of young States would have only a formal significance. In bidding them welcome to the international community I should like to present to them the best wishes of Algeria and its people for a prosperous future and happiness for their peoples.
157.	Each session of our General Assembly, in offering us an opportunity of undertaking a general consideration of the international situation, of drawing up a balance-sheet of our activities, and an inventory of our difficulties, invariably leads us to a somewhat pessimistic assessment of the evolution of the world. Constant resort to violence and intimidation, the persistence of conflicts, the expansion of zones of unrest, the aggravation of threats weighing upon mankind from all sides are factors which, among others, lead us to be skeptical or become discouraged.
158.	Indeed, we rejoice, together with all delegations that have spoken before us from this rostrum, that relations among the super-Powers remain characterized by the establishment of a peaceful dialog which, albeit without result for a long time, now seems to be bearing its first fruits, especially in the field of disarmament. The progress thus achieved in that field is, of course, well below our hopes, but we greet it as the beginning of a situation which could lead to more effective action, associating all countries concerned with efforts to put an end to the arms race and reversing the trend towards the perfecting and stockpiling of such weapons.
159.	By the same token, the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September 1971, by eliminating one of the last sequels of the cold war, makes it possible to hope for the disappearance of a hotbed of tension and the advent of an era of peace for the whole European continent. The establishment of a dialog between the two Germanys and the improvement of links between East and West Europe could lead to the convening of a conference on European security, which would strengthen stability in that part of the world and, therefore, peace in the world as a whole.
160.	Finally, the contacts established between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, by being a harbinger of the end of the policy of isolation of Peking practiced by Washington for over 20 years, certainly open up new and promising prospects for the settlement of problems upon which peace in Asia and the Pacific depends.
161.	But on the other side of the ledger, and as opposed to these encouraging findings, the situation prevailing in the rest of the world continues to give rise to the gravest concern. Whether it be in South-East Asia, the Middle East or Africa, we always meet the same problems problems which become more serious over the years through the accumulation of misfortune and destruction. For the countries of the third world the fight against under-develop- ment is being carried on energetically without their seeing in the foreseeable future any signs of a successful conclusion to their efforts. The fight for freedom, for human dignity, for the minimum conditions of a better life remain the only resort of many people confronted with difficulties of nature, vicissitudes inherited from history and the merciless constraints of an international order whose weight they bear without actually being able to change it.
162.	I started by speaking of South-East Asia. That is because war is still being waged there. It directly involves one of the super-Powers. It perpetuates a dramatic situation for the people concerned and is a matter of deep anguish to all those who aspire to peace. Many hopes born in preceding years and based on the awakening of international opinion and the intentions proclaimed by governments have been seriously dashed.
163.	The Paris talks aimed at restoring peace to Viet-Nam, the opening of which was greeted as the starting-point of a long-awaited step towards a peaceful settlement have not lived up to expectations and continue to reflect the contradictions, hesitations and obstinacy of the various parties. The will to independence of the Viet-Namese people and their determination to break all foreign domination are clearly expressed in an implacable struggle which, after so many years of sufferings and sacrifices, has not succeeded in shattering their will. Nobody could gainsay the Viet-Namese the right to settle their own internal problems themselves and to decide the future organization of their political institutions and social structures. Intervention in the affairs of the Viet-Namese people on the part of the United States, which continues to support an alleged government discredited both inside and outside the country, a government unable to claim any genuine representative character, is incontrovertibly the essential element which constitutes an obstacle to any peaceful prospects in the area. It is inconceivable-ai:d this has been clearly proclaimed that the Viet-Namese people will abandon their struggle so long as they are not assured their total freedom and the choice of their future.
164.	It is only once the true intention of the United States to abandon any intervention in the internal affairs of South Viet-Nam is proved that the modalities for the cessation of the war can be studied. The first step towards such a development is the withdrawal of United States troops and of all other foreign troops from the area,, The latest proposals of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam in this connexion constitute a valid and reasonable basis for negotiations; they should make it possible speedily to reach an agreement by offering at one and the same time to the South Viet-Namese people genuine possibilities for ensuring free and democratic participation of all currents of opinion in deciding on the future of the country, and to the Government of the United States honorable conditions for disengagement from what now appears to have been an adventure doomed by international opinion as well as by American public opinion itself.
165.	Until the voice of reason prevails in the final analysis, the war continues, increasing disorder and confusion in South Viet-Nam and expanding the theater of operation to the whole of the Indo-China peninsula in flagrant violation of ail international agreements and of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Renewing in Cambodia and Laos the same tragic errors committed in Viet-Nam, the United States pursues its policy of direct intervention in the internal affairs of those countries by imposing government leaders obedient to their instructions, but deprived of any popular base.
166.	Algeria proclaims once again its constant and firm support for the struggle waged by the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam and that of the Khmer people, convinced that their just cause will prevail in the end and that there is no other peaceful solution to their problems than that which will guarantee the unity, independence and territorial integrity of their countries.
167.	I have spoken about the situation in the Indo-China peninsula, but I cannot gloss over other hotbeds of tension in other parts of the Asian continent. The situation created on the border between India and Pakistan by the arrival of enormous numbers of refugees from East Pakistan raises social and humanitarian problems which, quite justly, have deeply moved international public opinion. The Government of Algeria which has the most friendly relations with both India and Pakistan cannot conceal its alarm at seeing the possibility that this situation could become a source of conflict between the two countries and maintain in the area a climate of suspicion and hostility which would harm, above all, each of the two countries. This friendship that we feel for both leads us to express a wish for the speedy return of refugees to their homeland, the widest manifestation of international co-operation in the field of effective international assistance and the establishment of a climate of national reconciliation to which the Pakistan Government is already devoting all its efforts because, no matter what the concerns of the international community, it is abundantly clear today that, to be a genuine solution and not to create similar difficulties for other countries in the world, the final solution of this painful problem can be ensured only through respecting the unity and national integrity of the territory of Pakistan.
168.	The problem of Korea, of course, is not a new one; nevertheless it is a question deserving of all our attention, first of all because our Organization was involved in it at the outset. The delegation of Algeria deeply regrets that the General Assembly should have seen fit to postpone consideration of this problem until the next session. We already had an opportunity to stress the unjustified character of that decision. We consider, in fact, that it is high time to move resolutely towards normalizing the situation in the Korean peninsula because this area will not know peace as long as the southern part of Korea remains occupied by foreign troops under the flag of the United Nations and cut off from the other part of Korea. That is why we think that any lasting solution of this problem is necessarily predicated upon the withdrawal of foreign troops from Korea and on the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. To that end my Government expresses its total support for the eight-point proposal for national salvation which tl|e Government of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea put forward in April 1971.
169.	Almost all speakers have justly stressed from this rostrum that they are deeply concerned by the situation in the Middle East, by the fact that no progress towards a satisfactory settlement has occurred. Yet, attempts to reach an agreement have been numerous, whether at the level of the super-Powers, at the level of the four big Powers, or within the framework of the mission of Ambassador Jarring, Special Representative of the Secretary-General.
170.	Africa, in turn, is trying to make its contribution to the search for a solution by appointing a mission of four eminent African Heads of State, who would inform themselves on the spot about the state of affairs and the intentions of the main antagonists, and seek ways and means which would lead to proposals acceptable to all parties. Algeria as an African country, is happy to welcome this initiative, which is consonant with the idea of the solidarity of our continent with an African country victim of
aggression, a part of whose national territory, like a part
of that of some Arab countries, is still illegally occupied by Israeli troops.
171.	We have never had the slightest illusion about the aggressive and expansionist character of Israel. Its creation was marred by flagrant injustice, since it was brought about in conditions that are well known, to the prejudice of the Palestinian people expelled from its national territory. Its existence is based on the permanent maintenance of this original sin which dooms it to showing continuous hostility towards its neighbors. Finally, its policy dooms it to constantly seeking to expand its territory, thus making its own the notorious theory of lebensraum.
172.	The arrogance which has always characterized the attitude of Israel is probably encouraged by the impunity which it has so far enjoyed. We are entitled to wonder, as a Member of this Organization, how far and until when such contempt for our international institution and the principles of our Charter will be condoned. What credence will still attach to our decisions if they can be ignored and trampled on in such a deliberate and constant manner?
173.	But if attempts to reach a solution have failed until now, it is also because an essential element has been forgotten or neglected, an element which is fundamental to any settlement of the situation in the Middle East. I have in mind the Palestinian people, whose inalienable rights have been recognized and reaffirmed by our General Assembly. This people, despoiled of its national territory, is now waging a struggle within the framework of the wide liberation movement evident in the whole world. The echoing solidarity aroused in world public opinion by its struggle confirms the legitimate and just nature of its claims. Indeed, these are founded on sacred notions such as freedom and dignity. They are those for which a people is ready to accept any sacrifice and for which it will always find sufficient resources to attain its objective. It would therefore be dangerous to neglect this fundamental element in the in-arch for a solution, but nothing will prevent it from being strengthened and from developing as it is in line with the normal course of the history of all peoples accidentally deprived of their freedom and their national rights.
174.	To see in the problem of the people of Palestine merely a problem of refugees who must be assisted and for whom one implores international charity is a grievous error whose consequences can be tragic. One can easily understand that Israel prefers for reasons of its own to conceal under purely social humanitarian aspects a problem whose political dimensions are as important as they are incontrovertible. But-and we shall never tire of repeating it -a just and lasting peace cannot be established in the Middle East except on the basis of the integral recognition of the rights of the people of Palestine to national independence and sovereign existence.
175.	I now turn to events in Africa, and I cannot help saying how painful it is to us to have to speak about the same topics each year. If we run the risk of tiring those who listen to us or of losing the interest of public opinion we must do so because of the persistence of problems afflicting our continent. This clearly shows the impotence of the Africans to protect themselves from foreign interference and ensure respect for their dignity, but it shows especially and above all the ineffectual nature of our institutions which in these matters, as in so many others, are more likely to adopt resolutions than to undertake firm and decisive action.
176.	The problems of Africa therefore remain what they were for years: the fight against colonial domination, the fight against racial segregation, the fight against underdevelopment. Once again the Organization of African Unity has drawn the attention of the General Assembly to the danger of this situation at present and in the future. I could not plead the cause of Africa better than it was pleaded from this rostrum by the President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, Mr. Mokhtar Ould Daddah, present President of the Organization of African Unity /1938th meeting],
177.	But what I should like to stress here is that several countries, sometimes great Powers, directly or indirectly contribute to perpetuating if not to worsening this state of affairs. Without the support which is granted to Portugal it is ^doubtful that the colonial war waged by that small country in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) could go on for long. The liberation struggle is developing in those Territories. We have full confidence in the final result but the present situation represents a great threat for all neighboring countries, and it suffices to remind the Assembly of the latest Portuguese aggressions against Guinea and Senegal. It will therefore be understood that the African countries consider themselves at one in their will to free their continent in its entirety from any colonial domination. They will always continue to bring all assistance to back the liberation movements and they renew their appeal to world opinion and the countries concerned to put an end to the support they grant to Portugal, which enables that country blindly to pursue a policy that has been unanimously condemned. That small country would be better advised to think of its own development, of its own internal development, instead of squandering important resources which it is now spending in its effort to maintain a colonial empire which ineluctably it will lose.
178.	Must we once again mention the problem of Southern Rhodesia where, in spite of the resolutions of the Security Council and economic sanctions imposed on the Ian Smith regime, the African majority of Zimbabwe remains in the hands of a white minority? The United Kingdom, the administering Power, still tries to negotiate with an illegal Government which deliberately opposed its authority. No matter what the results of these talks it remains clear that the United Kingdom is primarily responsible in this matter but that this responsibility must be laid also at the door of all members of the international community which must heed the decisions of our Organization.
179.	If the Salisbury regime was able to defy public opinion and to cause the action taken against it to fail, it is, above all, because of assistance from Portugal and especially from South Africa. The Pretoria regime which made of apartheid a political system has become a gigantic war machine thanks to the complicity of the Western Powers. Possessing ultra-modern armaments in abundant numbers, this country is now able to produce and export war material of all kinds. There is no need to wonder what those armaments are for. It is obvious that no foreign threat seems at present to menace South Africa. This military force is exclusively destined to prevent and to squash any attempt at rebellion by the black population against the racial segregation regime imposed upon it. This is an immediate danger against the independent countries of the area and enables the authorities of Pretoria to strengthen their domination of Namibia in full contempt of the decisions of the United Nations.
180.	We are not among those who think that the Africans would be able to convince the white racists of Pretoria and compel them to abandon their apartheid policy by opening a dialog with them. Such a discussion presupposes that there is a common language, that there is respect for the same principles, the same values and the same meaning of human dignity. Who could claim that such conditions exist in this case when with every passing day we see the most incontrovertible proof of the way in which the South African authorities intend to discuss with the black populations pining under their yoke?
181.	I do not think it is necessary for me to dwell any further on these problems which unfortunately are not new and whose permanence would lead us to believe that they are an integral part of our present-day world. If mankind achieves any progress, it is in the field of science and technology, but far from being applied to an improvement in the standard of living of peoples and their relations within the international community they tend to extend to outer space the mastery of man over nature. We applaud the exploits and the achievements on the moon and in the matter of exploring the universe in which our modest planet moves about, but we cannot help thinking that there are many other achievements which must be accomplished and realized which are more urgent and just as prestigious to enable all men to have a worthier life.
182.	Human genius, which was able to reach dimensions which were even unsuspected yesterday, is not incapable of doing this, but such a task is predicated less upon intelligence than upon generosity, disinterestedness, unselfishness and qualities of the spirit and the heart. The behavior of States ignores such feelings and more than ever we see developing selfish national interests, attempts at domination and hegemony. The international situation remains under the influence of the super-Powers which, having reached some equilibrium in their military and nuclear power, are now engaged on peaceful coexistence excluding from its implementation the rest of the world. Their confrontation is at the level of establishing developing zones of influence for the enslavement of other peoples and often brutal intervention in their own affairs. The conflicts which are called local arc born from the direct confrontation between the will of those Powers to impose their political, economic and strategic domination and the stubborn opposition of peoples which defend their freedom and want to preserve their natural wealth, but we cannot accept the thesis according to which, obviously, it is essentially through such localized conflicts that mankind will be able to prevent a generalized war.
183.	It is on this deep conviction that the policy of non-alignment, which Algeria has always made one of the essential principles of its international behavior, is predicated. It is significant that the countries of the third world which adhere to this policy are getting ever more numerous, thus making of the non-aligned group an important element of international equilibrium and their action in the cause of peace and progress will exert a positive influence upon the evolution of the world situation,
184.	Everybody seems agreed that the era of colonialism has finally come to an end, that every people is entitled to independence and freedom. The principles solemnly enshrined in the Charter were reaffirmed in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; and, at its twenty-fifth session, the General Assembly adopted a program of action for the complete application of that Declaration [resolution 2621 (XXV)]. We have seen that in the third world, especially in Africa, there are Territories which still remain under colonial domination. But can we fail also to mention political pressures exerted on small countries, military threats against them, the practices by which their natural resources are exploited for the profit of foreign interests? Because, there again, those are imperialist and colonialist manifestations; they involve not only the super-Powers, but also many countries which have reached a high level of economic development and military power.
185.	With the end of the cold-war period and the accession to independence of numerous Spates, the division of the world into developed and under-developed countries has succeeded the division into blocs based on ideology. The newly independent States rapidly became aware of the vital necessity to promote their economy in order to fulfill the needs of their social development and the aspirations cf their peoples. The recovery of their natural resources was one of the first steps in a long and arduous struggle which recently has been much debated by world public opinion in the matter of natural fuel. That crisis again stressed the injustice of which the under-developed countries are victims in international trade relations, as they are condemned to derive very small profits from their raw materials without being able to compensate for the progressive exhaustion of their reserves for building up new economic structures which would yield employment and income. Indeed, foreign assistance is indispensable to our countries to ensure our development in all fields, but the first means for such action must be found in our own resources. That assistance becomes a mere mystification if it is accompanied by a rapacious plunder of our wealth which, in any case, we shaJ never again allow.
186.	This is only one of the elements of the struggle against underdevelopment. There must be a readjustment in the terms of trade in order to remedy the injustice due to their present degradation. But there are other aspects to this struggle-agriculture, industry, transport, public health, education-which require much effort and sacrifice on our part. The scope of those problems, the immense resources required for their solution, make it necessary that there be concerted action on the international level, the importance of which was stressed by the institution at the level of the United Nations of a first, then a second, Development Decade.
187.	This manifestation, this token of international solidarity, is based upon a conviction that the maintenance of an imbalance in the levels of development is a source of tension in the world and a danger for peace. Such an enterprise obviously requires the contribution of. 11 countries, especially those which have already reached a high level of economic expansion, which have abundant income for which no better use could be found than the struggle for a better distribution of the wealth of this earth.
188.	It is probably in this field that the United Nations has achieved the most positive results in its action and has' most obviously proved its usefulness. The expansion of those activities of its specialized agencies clearly shows to what extent they are needed in our countries. The failures of our Organization are numerous, such as its inability effectively to achieve and carry out its mission for maintaining peace, its inability to ensure the implementation of its own decisions. They reflect, above all, the contradictions in our international community. The evermore pronounced trend of the great Powers to take the place of the United Nations in settling the most crucial problems of peace and security in the world is incontrovertibly the source of the crisis of authority in our Organization. But an important role is also played by the absence from our Organization of several countries, not the least influential, which are decisive elements in the international equilibrium.
189.	The problem of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is not a new one. The most objective analysis of the deterioration in international relations proves, if need be, that no viable and valid solution can be found to world problems without the participation of that great Power. And yet, despite an increasingly favorable view in the matter of attributing to Peking the seat of China in the General Assembly and the Security Council, the question could not be settled until now, because of procedural machinations incompatible with the political importance of the problem and its incalculable consequences foi the maintenance of peace. If we do not seek any credit for having long ago denounced as an unjust and dangerous anomaly the absence from the United Nations of the People's Republic of China, we are satisfied to note that there is a clear-sighted and courageous evolution in the attitude of many States on this matter.
190.	To those who still manifest some hesitancy in accepting an irrefutable reality, those who still want to find refuge in outmoded fiction, we would merely say that political wisdom does not accept any half-measures. Why deny the evidence? This evidence is that there is only one China, that Taiwan is only s province of that huge country and that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only representative of the Chinese people. We have great hopes that this debate, which has lasted far too long, will finally be concluded ana that this session will not end without restoring a situation more in keeping with the realities of our world and the principles of our Charter.
191.	But I cannot speak of our Organization without evoking the pre-eminent role for over 10 years of its Secretary-General, U Thant. It is with the greatest sympathy and the most sincere admiration that we followed and supported his efforts to strengthen the authority of this high institution and to enable him fully to discharge its mission for the maintenance of international peace, I hope he will accept here the expression of the deep friendship of
Algeria, which will be especially grateful to him for the vigorous action carried out by him in favor of freedom for all peoples. We can never forget his personal attitude in favor of the independence of Algeria and his contribution to our cause. Sharing the opinion of very many delegations, we should like to see him continue to preside over the fate of our Organization, a task to which he has devoted himself for so long and which has earned him our unanimous respect. No matter what his final decision, may he know that he will always be entitled to our gratitude and our eternal friendship.
192.	Our impatience may be too great to see justice and wisdom prevail everywhere in the world and our energies entirely devoted to problems governing the development and well-being of our peoples. We are aware of the fact that, like any new member of the international community, we have a somewhat Utopian conception of relations among States, characterized by an absolute faith in the principles of international morality. Brutal contact with reality leads us to a more correct assessment c! things and convinces us of the need to continue to wage a long struggle to break down all narrow interests and impose strict respect for rules which should govern an international society based upon justice and the primacy of right over might.
193.	Disappointing and discouraging as this long journey towards a better future may sometimes be, where in a world reborn the genius of man would serve the well-being of mankind, we shall not abandon this fight which translates ever better the solidarity of our peoples. Our voice, those of all disadvantaged countries, will not always remain without an echo. It carried with i* the hopes of millions of men representing over half of the population of our globe. Why could we not think that one day this voice will be heard and will finally impose a world order placed under the sign of friendship among peoples and fraternity among men?
194.	It is with the expression of this hope that I shall conclude.