It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir,
the congratulations of the Government of Finland
on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly. Finns and Hungarians have a common
ethnic and linguistic back¬ground spanning
thousands of years. This gives a special
character to our relationship which was evident
during the recent visit by the President of
Finland to your country. You personally bring to
your high office an exceptionally long
experiences in, and profound understanding of,
United Nations affairs. These, as well as your
determination and patience, will ensure effective
guidance of the Assembly's work at this
particularly crucial time.
243.	The Secretary-General is not only the
chief administrative officer of the Organization;
he is also the symbol and the guardian of its
authority. In Mr. Perez de Cuellar the United
Nations has a Secre¬tary-General who has shown
that he will perform those functions well. His
strength of will—sisu we would call it in
Finnish—combined with political realism are both
necessary for fulfilling the tasks entrusted to
him by the Charter.
244.	The new Secretary-General has taken
office at a particularly thankless time. Rarely
has the interna-tional environment been less
amenable to peaceful resolution of disputes by
collective action through the United Nations. The
Secretary-General himself has made a profound
analysis of this situation and the reasons for
it. His report on the work of the Organi¬zation
gives a graphic description of the erosion of the
authority of the Organization. His suggestions
for restoring the authority and ability of the
United Nations to act are of crucial importance
and have the full support of my Government.
245.	The viability of the collective security
system, as provided for by the Charter, is of
particular concern to small countries such as
those comprising the Nordic group. The Government
of Finland has therefore followed with growing
concern the gradual weakening of the United
Nations in a world of tension and strife. In a
statement made in mid-August on behalf of the
Government of Finland, I had occasion to expound
on that same theme. The matter was further
discussed at the meeting of the Nordic Foreign
Ministers in Helsinki who agreed to study amongst
themselves and with other Member States which
share this concern ways and means to remedy the
situation. Taking into account those
consultations, we intend to return to this matter
in greater detail.
246.	As a small neutral country, Finland has
sought and found security not through reliance on
military alliances but through a foreign policy
designed to keep it outside international
conflicts and controversies. We have a vested
interest in promoting the development of a
peaceful and rational world order based on the
universal collective security system provided by
the Charter. In the words of the
Secretary-General: "Without such a system there
will be no reliable defense or shelter for the
small and weak. And without such a system all of
our efforts on the economic and social side,
which also need their own collective impetus, may
well falter."
247.	In his report the Secretary-General warns
us that we are perilously near to a new
international anarchy. In fact, the notion that
it pays to use force to solve international
problems is gaining currency. Regional and local
conflicts have erupted into open warfare.
International tension mounts. Relations between
great Powers have steadily deteriorated.
Confrontation has replaced dialogue and
competition has overwhelmed accommodation. The
arms race continues. Resources badly needed for
the alleviation of poverty and hungers are
squandered on the perfec¬tion of instruments of
death. Confidence in the pos-sibility of peaceful
settlement of disputes is breaking down. The
international system which was set up to maintain
peace and security and to promote interna¬tional
co-operation is in jeopardy.
248.	This year has put the United Nations
security system to a harsh test. It has to meet
this challenge if it wishes to survive. The
conflict in th3 MiddleEast has assumed a new
dimension of violence compounded by the Israeli
invasion of Lebanon. The question of the Falkland
Islands (Malvinas) led to a bloody military
conflict. The war between Iran and Iraq
continues, causing devastation and suffering.
249.	In addition, the persistent problems of
the situation in southern Africa, South-East
Asia, Afghani-stan, Central America, Western
Sahara and the Horn of Africa stand unresolved.
All these remain ques-tions of legitimate concern
to the international com¬munity, yet the United
Nations has been ignored or pushed aside. Its
potential for crisis management and peaceful
settlement of disputes has been neglected.
250.	The United Nations has not been listened
to; there has been scant willingness to use its
services. At worst, the authority of the United
Nations has been flouted. The abuse of the United
Nations for short- term interests has
overshadowed its ultimate im¬portance to all
Member States as the only universal Organization
for finding peaceful and negotiated solu¬tions to
global problems.
251.	In his report the Secretary-General has
proposed concrete measures to halt the erosion of
the authority of the United Nations and to
restore its capacity to act. The
Secretary-General proposes, as a first step, that
Governments consciously recommit themselves to
the Charter. He proposes that the Security
Council keep an active watch on dangerous
situations and, if necessary, initiate
discussions with the parties before they reach a
point of crisis. He considers it useful for the
Council to give renewed consideration to
reviewing and streamlining its practices and
pro¬cedures with a view to acting swiftly and
decisively in crises. He appeals to the permanent
members of the Security Council to reassess their
obligations and to fulfill them at the high level
of responsibility indicated in the Charter. He
intends to develop a wider and more systematic
capability for fact-finding in potential
con¬flict areas, in close co-ordination with the
Security Council. He proposes that the authority
of peace¬keeping operations be underpinned by
guarantees, including explicit guarantees for
collective or indi¬vidual supportive action. For
its part, my Government pledges its full support
for all these measures suggested by the
Secretary-General.
252.	As a matter of consistent policy, Finland
has taken a balanced and conciliatory position on
the various controversial issues in the world. It
is our firm intention to continue this policy. We
believe that Finland can best contribute to the
search for a just and durable world order through
strict and consistent adherence to a policy of
neutrality which, while it enjoins us to refrain
from taking sides in disputes between the great
Powers, enables us to maintain friendly relations
with all States across the dividing lines of
ideology or military alignments and thus to work
whenever possible for the cause of conciliation
and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Neutral
States have, we believe, a special obligation,
not only to themselves but to the international
community as a whole, to conduct themselves with
objectivity and restraint in order to retain the
confidence of all sides and thus the ability to
perform such peaceful services as may be required
in the interests of international peace and
security.
253.	The situation in the Middle East is often
perceived as a regional conflict. This conception
belittles the pivotal political, strategic and
economic importance of the region, which
transcends the regional confines of the conflict.
The situation in the Middle East continues to
pose the most persistent threat to international
peace and security. The dangers inherent in the
absence of peace in the Middle East have been
demonstrated once again by the events in Lebanon.
Israel has invaded and occupied and con¬tinues to
occupy a major part of a sovereign State Member
of the United Nations, in defiance of the
repeated calls by the Security Council and the
interna¬tional community as a whole. The tragedy
of Lebanon has been compounded by the massacre of hundreds
of innocent civilians in the refugee camps of
Sabra and Shatila. On 20 September the Government
of Finland expressed its profound shock at that
tragic event and gave its full support to
Security Council resolution 521 (1982). Having
entered west Beirut with the declared aim of
maintaining law and order in Beirut, Israel
cannot now escape its responsibility for what
took place.
254.	In the conditions prevailing the
immediate concern of the international community
has under-standably focused on the crisis in
Lebanon. That crisis, however, should be seen in
a wider context. It is but a consequence of the
unresolved situation in the Middle East as a
whole. In our view the basic principles of a
peaceful settlement remain immutable. The
acquisition of territories by force is
inadmissible. Israel therefore must withdraw from
territories occupied since 1967. It is equally
imperative that the right of Israel and all other
States in the area to exist within secure and
recognized boundaries be guaranteed. Those
principles are embodied in Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which we
continue to regard as basic. Furthermore,
provision must be made for the legitimate rights
of the Pal¬estinians, including their right to
national self- determination. This presupposes
the right of the Palestinians and the PLO, as the
most significant representative of their national
aspirations, to par¬ticipate in negotiations on
their own future within a comprehensive solution
in the Middle East.
255.	Finland has given its support to all
those pro¬posals and initiatives that aim at a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the
Middle East. Thus we supported the joint approach
by the United States and the Soviet Union in
1977, the Camp David process and the initiatives
by the European Community and the King of Saudi
Arabia. In this general context, the initiatives
by President Reagan and President Brezhnev and
the proposals made at the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference are of great significance. While these
initiatives approach the problem from different
premises, they all have a common denominator: the
achievement of peace in the Middle East through
negotiations. In substance they also have a
number of basically identical or similar
elements. In line with this general approach, the
Government of Finland has recently given its
support to another request bom out of the tragic
conflict in Lebanon and addressed to the
Secretary-General that he exert his influence to
convene an international conference on the
question of the Middle East.
256.	In southern Africa the Namibian problem
con¬tinues to pose a basic challenge to the
Organization. My country has ties of friendship
with the Namibian people that span more than a
century. Our commit-ment to early independence
for Namibia has been demonstrated by our
initiatives and contributions in different United
Nations forums. Based on a Finnish initiative,
the International Court of Justice declared, in
its advisory opinion in 1971, that the presence
of South Africa in Namibia was illegal. The
United Nations Fund for Namibia and the
Nationhood Pro¬gramme for Namibia have also been
launched on our initiatives.
257.	At present, the urgency of arriving at an
inter¬nationally acceptable solution to the
question of Namibia is more pressing than ever.
We support every effort towards a negotiated
settlement and hope that the people of Namibia
may be permitted without delay to determine their
own future through free and fair elections, under
the supervision and control of the United
Nations, as provided in Security Council
resolution 435 (1978).
258.	Finland stands on its own record of
contributing to the goal of a free and
independent Namibia not only in words, but in
deeds. It is natural therefore that we have
pledged our best efforts to the imple-mentation
of the United Nations plan by making Namibia a
major recipient of our bilateral development aid
and by keeping a peace-keeping battalion in a
state of preparedness should the Security Council
and the parties concerned choose to avail themselves
of our services in this respect.
259.	International tension fuels the arms
race, while the arms race feeds on tension. This
is the deadly logic of reality. The arms race
seems to be out¬stripping all efforts to contain
and control it. The continually increasing pace
of the arms race ultimately serves the interests
of none. Its new technological dimensions may
even undermine global strategic stability,
however imperfect and fragile. The arms race as a
threat to the security of nations was the
predominant theme when the special session of the
General Assembly on disarmament convened last
June. It generated a very high degree of public
attention and interest. Anxiety about the danger
of nuclear war had given rise to an increasingly
active world public. It would be a mistake to
belittle its significance. For all the intense
work and bargaining, the special session failed
to produce a commonly acceptable substantive
document.
260.	Progress or lack of progress, in
disarmament is dictated by political realities.
The past few years have again shown how
disarmament negotiations only too easily fall
victim to political confrontation. Yet at times
of confrontation, disarmament negotiations would
be particularly urgent, both politically and
militarily.
26 L Since the introduction of nuclear weapons
more than a generation ago, nuclear arsenals have
grown in size, sophistication and destructiveness
beyond any conceivable purpose. The development
and refinement of nuclear weapons have proved to
be the most dynamic field of advancing arms
technology. Ulti¬mately, such advances may upset
global strategic stability, an outcome that would
have incalculable consequences. It is equally
alarming that the develop¬ment of military
technology is likely to complicate any future
efforts to curb the arms race. It will be ever
more difficult to agree as to what weapons should
be limited, and how.
262.	The two major nuclear Powers, the Soviet
Union and the United States, have the main
responsi-bility for constraining the nuclear arms
race. They have recognized that responsibility by
engaging in the strategic arms limitation talks
in the early 1970s. The agreements reached have
marked limited but not insignificant efforts
towards constraining the arms race and reducing
the danger of nuclear war. The continuation of
the dialogue is, furthermore, in itself a vitally
important arms control measure and has intrinsic
political value. The Government of Finland has
therefore welcomed the resumption of the
strategic arms dialogue between the Soviet Union
and the United States last June. It is obvious
that the negotia¬tions will prove long and
arduous. Nevertheless, the goal should be a
significant quantitative and qualitative
reduction in nuclear arsenal.
263.	Nuclear weapons are a particularly acute
con¬cern to the nations of Europe, the continent
of the deadliest concentration of weapons. It is
an urgent necessity for Europe to reach concrete
and compre-hensive results in the Geneva talks on
nuclear weapons. The goal should be to eliminate
the danger of nuclear weapons, deployed or
scheduled to be deployed.
264.	The Committee on Disarmament has not for
the past few years produced tangible results in
the form of draft treaties on arms limitation.
This is to be regretted.
The Committee on Disarmament, as the central body
of the United Nations disarmament machinery, must
intensify its work. Its agenda reflects the
agreed priorities among disarmament issues: the
security of non-nuclear-weapon States, the
prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons
and the cessation of all nuclear testing. Finland
is prepared to continue its fullest possible
contribution to this work.
265.	In the post-war era, the Nordic region
has been largely untouched by international
tension. Our security environment is one of
stability. The absence of nuclear weapons in the
region is an important feature of this situation.
It is the basis of the idea of estab¬lishing a
Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone. Finland will
continue to pursue this idea. As emphasized by
6th President of Finland, Mr. Mauno Koivisto,
such a measure by the Nordic countries would
consolidate regional security. The question of
such a zone has been discussed between the Nordic
Governments in various forums, most recently by
the Foreign Ministers at their meeting last
August. The Ministers agreed to maintain contact
on the issue.
266.	In view of our interest in
nuclear-weapon-free zones, it is natural that
eight years ago Finland took the initiative at
the United Nations to undertake a comprehensive
study on the question of nuclear- weapon-free
zones. Since the study, progress has been
achieved in arrangements for such zones. New
con¬crete ideas envisaging the establishment of
nuclear- weapon-free zones in various regions
suggest the need for updating the comprehensive
study to reflect new realities. It could
facilitate the creation of such zones and thus
advance limitation of nuclear arms. Finland
proposed an updated study at the second special
session devoted to disarmament and will pursue it
during the present session.
267.	The proliferation of nuclear weapons is a
threat to all States, nuclear and non-nuclear
alike. It is par¬ticularly serious in regions
where international peace and security are
already in jeopardy. The Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the
best instrument to combat that threat. As long as
some nations remain aloof from the Treaty and
refuse to accept interna¬tional safeguards on all
their nuclear activities, sus¬picion about their
intentions is justified. This also hampers
international co-operation in the peaceful uses
of nuclear energy, the benefits of which all
nations should equally share. In this respect, we
attach great importance to the forthcoming United
Nations Conference on the Promotion of
International Co¬operation in the Peaceful Uses
of Nuclear Energy.
268.	While nuclear weapons represent the most
awesome threat, this should not overshadow the
problem of conventional weapons. The conventional
weapon is not only a threat but an instrument of
death and destruction used every day. Efforts
towards conventional disarmament and control of
arms transfers should therefore be intensified,
both globally and regionally. Results from the
Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces,
Armaments and As¬sociated Measures in Central
Europe continue to be urgent.
269.	The signatory States of the Conference on
Security and Co-operation in Europe should make
every effort to reach a decision on a conference
on confidence-building and security-building
measures and disarmament in Europe as envisaged
in the follow- up meeting of the Conference in
Madrid. A success¬ful outcome of the Madrid
meeting, which was inau¬gurated two years ago, is
of utmost importance in the present international
situation. The persistent efforts of this meeting
and the results achieved so far are proof of a
widely and seriously felt need to preserve the
process itself in order to revive and enhance its
con¬tribution to detente in Europe. A successful
outcome of the Madrid meeting would not only have
a positive effect on the relations between the
European States, but also have an impact on the
international situation as a whole.
270.	The Charter of the United Nations
established respect and promotion of human rights
as one of the main principles of the
Organization. In terms of the Preamble, respect
for human rights is equal in urgency with saving
future generations from the scourge of war. The
United Nations has created an ample body of
international legislation on human rights. Yet
the implementation of these rights and freedoms
is woefully inadequate. Violations of human
rights are the rule rather than an exception. Yet
all Member States have undertaken a solemn
commitment to promote and respect human rights.
Observance of human rights is not an option but
an obligation. The rights of man are not
dependent on political or ideological
considerations.
271.	The Finnish views and values in the field
of human rights are well known. They are based on
the Nordic concept of freedom, solidarity and
justice. While we firmly believe in the validity
of these funda-mental convictions, we are equally
aware that the international work in this Held
can best be carried out on the basis of common,
accepted codes of conduct; no purpose is served
by attempts to impose one set of values on
another. ESorts towards finding common ground are
therefore of primary importance. On the whole we
see a great task for all countries in promoting
and implementing human rights, both nationally
and internationally. Success in this task will
help to strengthen the rule of law and build a
durable world order in peace and security. It is
on that basis that Finland approaches its term as
representative of the Nordic countries in the
Commission on Human Rights.
272.	The plight of an increasing number of
refugees and displaced persons fleeing wars,
oppression and persecution bears witness to a
serious aspect of human rights violations.
Refugee outflows confront the United Nations and
its Member States with some of their most
pressing humanitarian, legal and political
problems. The response of the international
com¬munity to the tragedy of the massive refugee
exodus cannot be limited to humanitarian concern
but must encompass all aspects of the problem,
including its underlying causes.
273.	The Government of Finland notes with
satis¬faction that the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea'^ was adopted last spring
with the support of an overwhelming majority of
States, although full consensus could not be
reached. The general acceptance of the
Convention, which could well be the most
significant legal instrument of this century, is
obviously not in doubt. It is therefore of great
importance that the Convention gain the widest
possible adherence in order to serve its purpose
in accordance with General Assembly resolution
2749 (XXV), the Declaration of Principles
Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and
the Subsoil There¬of, beyond the Limits of
National Jurisdiction. A satisfactory order
governing the world's oceans would greatly reduce
the possibilities of inter-State conflicts and
consolidate the role of the United Nations in the
codification and progressive development of
interna¬tional law in other fields of human
endeavor also.
274.	In his report the Secretary-General has
drawn attention to the crisis in multilateralism.
His analysis applies also to international
economic co-operation. The lack of confidence in
the multilateral negotiating mechanism, the
increasing resort to unilateral action in the
field of trade and the decreasing financial
backing of multilateral development institutions
all point to this crisis in multilateralism.
275.	The prolonged delay in launching the
global round of negotiations on international
economic co-operation and development is a case
in point; yet, given the global dimensions of
many of the difficulties currently affecting
national economies, a global effort to tackle
those difficulties should call for general
support. The envisaged global round should not,
however, hold up urgent remedial action.
Negotia¬tions in various economic forums must be
vigorously pursued and all multilateral
institutions must be fully utilized.
276.	The tendency to resort to unilateral
trade measures as a means of coping with
structural problems in the world economy causes
serious concern. With a Western market economy
heavily dependent on international trade, my
country is affected by these developments. We
sincerely hope that the forth-coming ministerial
meeting of GATT may strengthen the determination
to maintain a free and open multi¬lateral trading
system and to resist protectionist pressures. The
sixth session of UNCTAD, to be held next spring,
can for its part give new stimulus to the
North-South dialogue, which at present lacks
dynamism.
277.	The severity of the liquidity problems
faced by many developing countries is a serious
issue not only for those countries but also for
world trade as a whole. As a result of their
debt-servicing problems, developing countries
have had to resort to growth- reducing policies.
The poorest among them have fared particularly
badly. They are entitled to the special concern
of and action by the international community.
278.	Multilateral development institutions
contribute to a more equitable geographical
distribution of aid, taking particularly into
account the needs of the poorest countries. Those
institutions must be provided with necessary
resources, and that can be done only by reversing
the decrease in official development assis¬tance
in general and in multilateral aid in particular.
279.	Finland will continue its strong support
for multilateral development activities. In our
develop¬ment policies we have traditionally
concentrated on the poorest countries. Finland
has committed itself to allocating at least 30
per cent of its bilateral assis¬tance to the
least developed countries, in compliance with the
Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s
for the Least Developed Countries adopted at the
United Nations Conference on the Least Developed
Countries. We have also consistently emphasized
the value and the unique role of United Nations
programmes aimed at human resources development.
In that spirit, my Government is pro¬posing for
1983 to increase the Finnish contribution to UNDP
again by 14 per cent and to double our support to
UNICEF.
280.	On this occasion I wish to reaffirm the
deter¬mination of the Finnish Government to
continue the rapid growth of our international
aid program. This year Finland has reached the
medium-term target aimed at doubling the share of
gross national product for official development
assistance which we set ourselves five years ago.
The budget proposal for 1983 includes a further
increase of aid appropriations by 28 per cent.
This means that we are well on our way to
reaching the United Nations target of 0.7 per
cent before the end of the decade.
281.	While the realities of the present
international situation seem to give little cause
for encouragement, this should make us more aware
of our duties as Mem¬bers of the United Nations.
The United Nations is the principal instrument
available to the international community for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
It is the only universal forum where the nations
of the world can unite their efforts for that
purpose. The Charter of the United Nations is not
simply an expression of the aspirations of the
interna¬tional community: it is a legally binding
document through which nations, big and small,
have accepted a code of conduct for relations
between them. These obligations transcend
considerations of political expediency, which
only too often lead to their viola¬tion. During
its existence the United Nations has proved its
viability as an instrument for preventing
conflicts and assisting the peaceful settlement
of disputes, for enhancing the rule of law and
promoting human rights and economic development,
whenever it has been given the opportunity to do
so. Finland therefore remains committed to the
United Nations as the principal instrument for
the maintenance of international peace and
security and for averting the impending anarchy
of which the Secretary-General warns us.


113.	Sheikh ALHEGELAN (Saudi Arabia) I wish at the outset to
convey to you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your well-deserved
election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. That election was indeed a wise decision and
testifies to your great competence for this post. 1 cannot fail to
pay a tribute to the outgoing President of the thirty-sixth session
of the general Assembly, Mr. Kittani, and to express to him my
country's very great appreciation of his untiring efforts in
presiding over the proceedings of the general Assembly. 1 also thank
him sincerely for his successful presidency of that session. It gives
me great pleasure, too, to express on behalf of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia our sincere congratulations to Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his
election as Secretary-General. We wish to express to him our hopes
for his success in strengthening the effectiveness of the
Organization so that it can achieve the purposes and principles of
the Charter.

114. The thirty-seventh session has opened in an atmosphere of
tension and anxiety. International conflicts and crises are becoming
all the more complex and interlinked, and the factors that divide
nations outweigh those that bring them together. The agenda of the
Assembly is replete with complex problems that involve a genuine
danger to international peace and security. A careful consideration
of the international situation reveals to us clearly that the gap
between our aspirations to a peaceful world, where relations between
peoples are based on right and justice, and the actual situation,
dominated by criteria of force, the policies of hegemony and attempts
to impose apartheid exists and has indeed probably widened.

113. International relations at present are characterized by grave
indications of cold war. Polarization breeds instability in the world
and detente, which marked relations between East and West in the last
decade, has turned into confrontation, with unforeseeable
consequences.

116. There is an escalation in the arms race. The use and threat of
force and terrorism have become dominant characteristics in
international relations. On the other hand, the continued stagnation
of the North-South dialogue and the resultant widening of the gap
between the industrialized and the developing countries have resulted
in a further deterioration of the international situation, which has
dashed the hope of establishing a more stable world. In short, the
world is gliding back to the old system based on zones of. political
and economic influence based on hegemony, domination and dependence.
There is no doubt that this is a source of anxiety and fear. Hence we
must master all our resources to tackle this grave situation.

117.	Is it not ironical that man, who in this age has been able to
achieve incredible progress in science and technology, is unable to
solve some of the problems that he himself has caused? Is that not
enough to make us intensify our efforts to face these challenges and
seek ways of ensuring stability, peace and security for the
international community and of protecting the interests of peoples
and nations? It is not enough simply to draw attention to
international crises and problems. In order to solve and eliminate
them it is necessary, after taking objective stock of the
international situation, to put forward practical concepts and
positive ideas which will enable the international community to face
the dangers that confront it.

118.	As pointed out by His Majesty King Fahd bin Abdul Aziz in hi&
address to the Saudi people last August, we in the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia,

  ... work on the comprehensive international scene within the
framework of the United Nations, its agencies and organs. We abide by
its Charter, support its efforts and fight any abnormal action aimed
at weakening it and restricting the force of international law with a
view to replacing it by the force of arms and the language of
terrorism. Our actions have effectively reflected and will continue
to reflect our sense of commitment to the international community, as
one family, no matter what the difference in interests, and our
belief in the principles of peace based on right and justice. We
believe that international security and political stability are
linked to economic justice.

119.	Proceeding from that premise, we believe that the following
conditions must be fulfilled in order to erect a solid edifice of
relations between States through which it will be possible to reduce
international tension and overcome many of the dangers that threaten
international peace and security.

120.	First, we join those who insist on the need for reform of the
present political system and believe that in this respect the
following must be taken into account.

121.	One of the main things that encourage nations to try to
acquire zones of influence and to adopt a policy of force to solve
problems is that they do not accept the rule of law or respect moral
and ethical principles. Therefore if such States really want to
maintain peace and stability in the world and ensure prosperity,
progress, wealth and well-being for the peoples, they must
scrupulously observe moral principles and be guided by them in the
labyrinthine complexities of contemporary international relations. In
this respect, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia offers its experience to
the international community as its contribution to ensuring stability
and peace and eliminating the problems that jeopardize the very
existence and survival of nations.
122.	As pointed out by His Majesty King Fahd,

  Saudi Arabia is one of the Islamic nations and was created so that
the law of God would be respected and God has honoured it by allowing
it to serve as His house of worship and the sanctuary of His Prophet.
Thus its responsibility was increased, its policy became set and its
duties expanded. It performs those duties on the international scene
by respecting God's way of wisdom and morality. Islam is a religion
of mercy, of mind and of strength; it fights terrorism and overcomes
disorder, weakness and humiliation.

123.	The United Nations is the principal body for the promotion of
freedom, peace, and justice, security and international co-operation.
Therefore we must make available to it all that it needs to face the
challenges that confront it. It should become an effective instrument
for promoting world peace and economic and social progress for all.
If the Organization is to continue as an effective instrument of
peace, the peoples of the world should place their trust in it, and
our commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter should
be beyond discussion or doubt.

124.	The arms race and the magnitude of the resulting expenditure
has increased tension in the world, and that has forced many
countries, and especially the least developed, to devote a great
portion of their limited resources to defence, at the expense of
their progress and economic and social development. We hope that the
efforts which the international community expects the Organization to
exertand the positive role that it can play in this respect will lead
to concrete progress which will protect humanity from the dangers
which threaten it and will spare the developing countries the
conflicts and struggles for influence that have become a danger to
humanity in general.

125.	Secondly, one of the important goals of our contemporary
world and for the future is the establishment of a new and more
equitable international economic order which will meet the
aspirations of the peoples of the world to higher standards of living
and a better life. In order to establish such a system we must
grapple with the many important economic subjects that demand our
attention.

126.	The agenda includes many subjects and issues of extreme
importance as regards international economic co-operation for
development. Therefore we deem it important that the launching of a
new round of global negotiations be accelerated in a serious attempt
to improve the economic performance and increase the efficiency of
international co-operation for development.

127.	It is regrettable that the general Assembly's efforts aimed
at the launching of a new round of global economic negotiations have
been hampered by the existence of differences over certain procedural
questions which we had earnestly hoped would be solved in the light
of the conclusions of the International Meeting on Co-operation and
Development, which was held at Cancun in 1981, for the establishment
of confidence between developed and developing countries. We also
maintain that real efforts should be exerted to achieve the
objectives of the International Development Strategy for the Third
United Nations Development Decade and to support in every way
FAO, WFC, the International Fund for Agricultural Development and WFP
in their efforts to overcome world food problems in general and to
increase food and agricultural aid to Africa.

128.	I should also like to stress the importance of economic and
technical co-operation among the developing countries. In Saudi
Arabia we consider it to be complementary to but not a substitute for
co-operation between developed and developing countries. The
international community should pay careful Attention to this.

129.	Thirdly, word peace, security and stability are affected by a
number of international problems at present afflicting the
international community. If we really want to maintain international
peace and security and to make progress, well-being and prosperity
available to the countries and peoples of the world, we must,
intensify international efforts and work tirelessly to find rapid and
equitable solutions for those problems. These problems increase and
worsen with the passing of time and increasingly threaten world peace
and security.

130.	In South Africa, the racist regime continues to enforce a
policy of racial discrimination and	M against the vast majority
of that country's population. That violates the most elementary
international norms and humanitarian principles. While we support the
people of South Africa, we call on the international community to
exert the necessary pressure on the States which support the racist
South African regime in order to put an end to it and to force the
regime to submit to the will of the international community. South
Africa must cease its invidious practices, immediately halt launching
attacks on neighbouring African countries, put an end to its
occupation of Namibia and comply with relevant United Nations
resolutions.

131.	We further call on the international community to take a firm
stand against the aggressive attitude manifested in the present
co-operation between South Africa and Israel, especially in the
nuclear field, and in their joint nuclear tests in particular. That
poses a direct threat to the peoples of Africa, to the Arab nations
and to the rest of the peoples of the world.

132.	One of the most serious problems facing the international
community and requiring an effective, urgent solution is that of
Afghanistan. The continued foreign military interference in the
internal affairs of Afghanistan constitutes a flagrant violation by a
superpower of the sovereignty and independence of a small,
non-aligned country. Today, after almost three years of Soviet
interference in Afghanistan-coupled with continuous acts of
aggression against the Afghan people, against mosques and peaceful
villages, bombardment with incendiary bombs, the use of chemical
warfare, and violations of the most elementary principles of human
rights-we once again urge the Soviet Union to withdraw from
Afghanistan so that the fraternal Afghan people may regain its
freedom and independence and have the final say in the choice of its
leaders and representatives and so that it may exercise sovereignty
over its own land.

133.	The raging war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran
is another problem which troubles us. Saudi Arabia is pained by that
war, because it is being waged between two Islamic countries. In this
regard, we wish to express our hope that the Iranian Government will
respond to Iraq's offers and to the missions of good offices of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, the United Nations and the
non-aligned movement, so that a just settlement may be achieved, thus
ending the bloodshed and destruction, establishing a good-neighbourly
policy. That solution would be based on the principles of
non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and
international law.

134. One of the gravest problems threatening international peace and
security, one which is prejudicing stability and prosperity, not only
in the Middle East but throughout the world, stems from Israel's
continuing aggression and its terrible racist settlements policy.
Israel's continuing defiance and its aggression constitute a most
dangerous factor in the Palestinian issue, which is an important
issue for all those who believe in the right of every people to
self-determination and the right to expression of free will. When we
speak of Israeli aggression, we do net describe it merely as
aggression against a secure people settled in its own homeland, or as
usurpation of that people's territory and property, or as disregard
for all human ideals, or as a flagrant violation of and challenge to
the resolutions of the Organization. We describe it as aggression
against the Charter of the United Nations and all the ethical and
humanitarian principles enshrined therein.

133. I do not wish to go into the history of the Palestinian
question, which stretches back over 34 years. We in Saudi Arabia
consider this our primary cause, but it has rightly become the cause
of the whole world. It has absorbed more of the efforts of the
Organization than any other issue. Despite recognition by most of the
countries and peoples of the world of the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people, including its right to self-determination and to
the establishment of an independent State on its own territory, and
despite the fact that the international community has come
increasingly to recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people, Israel persists in its
aggressive policy and its imperialist settlement policy on the land
of Palestine.

136.	By means of its policy of physically liquidating the
Palestinian people, and its attempts to distort the history of
Palestine and destroy its religious and cultural institutions, as
well as to bring about changes in the demographic pattern there,
Israel is attempting to put an end to Palestinian identity, with no
respect either for international public opinion or for the United
Nations.

137.	If Palestine is our primary cause, the Holy City of Jerusalem
is its essence. In this connection, Saudi Arabia, on its own behalf
and on behalf of the Islamic countries which are members of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, reaffirms its determination
to preserve the Islamic Arab character of Jerusalem and to return the
Holy City to Arab sovereignty, under which it was always a meeting
place for all believers in the three revealed religions and a place
of hope, tolerance and coexistence for the followers of the various
religions.
138. Israel persists in following a policy of force and aggression,
and it does not confine its aggression against the Palestinian people
to occupied Palestine. It goes far beyond that territory to commit
acts of aggression against neighbouring Arab countries. The flagrant
and barbaric act of aggression against the fraternal people of
Lebanon, and all the consequent massacres, which constitute a source
of shame for all of humanity, are a violation of the principles and
norms of international law and signal a return to the law of the
jungle. They are a setback for the principles and ideals which the
international community has observed, enshrined and safeguarded.

139.	Israel's use, in its barbaric aggression against Lebanon, of
the most destructive and deadly weapons against civilians-women,
children and the aged- does not merely reveal Israel's malicious,
aggressive, terrorist and evil nature; it also lays responsibility at
the door of the countries that supply Israel with weapons.
Sophisticated weaponry flows to Israel under the fallacy, which has
been spread throughout the Western world and of which Israel has been
able to convince the highest-level politicians, that it is needed for
Israel to secure its safety. But that is a very dangerous policy and
Israel's arsenal and nuclear capability have become a direct threat
to world peace and security.

140.	Israel's theory of security is the most dangerous and
aggressive that has been seen in our era. It is no less dangerous
than the Nazi and Fascist theories which dragged the world into a
destructive war. Today in the Middle East, the Zionists are trying to
apply the same theories as the Nazis applied in Europe before the
Second World War.

141.	The barbaric acts committed by Israel in west Beirut, to
which thousands of Palestinian refugees -women, children and the
aged-have fallen victim in the Shatila and Sabra camps, are but
further confirmation of Israel's aggressive nature and criminal
character. These massacres of innocent and defenceless civilians were
not only aimed at the Palestinian and Lebanese people, but are a
shameful stigma for humanity itself. They have given the lie to
Israel's calumny and its fallacious claims that Israeli troops
entered west Beirut to maintain peace and security. For it has been
proved beyond doubt that this flagrant act of aggression was aimed at
liquidating the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples.

142.	We call on the international community to support Lebanon, to
assist it in regaining its sovereignty and securing the unconditional
withdrawal of the Israeli invading forces from its territory, and to
take all necessary measures against Israel so that it will be unable
to pursue the policy of hegemony and force that it has tried to
impose in the Middle East. The international community should be no
less courageous than the voices heard in Israel itself in denouncing
Israel's aggressive practices in Lebanon and requesting that they
leave. The absence of international deterrence and the abuse of the
veto in the Security Council encouraged Israel to persist in its
arrogance and to depend on force to achieve its expansionist aims and
ambitions. We call on all countries, especially those which support
the Zionist entity and provide it with political, military and
economic help.
to stop that help forthwith so as to put an end to Israel's
aggressive policy in the Middle East.

143.	Israel should not be allowed to continue its unlawful acts
with impunity. It is time for the international community to go
beyond the stage of condemnation and take effective measures to stop
such conduct. Those who blatantly support the Zionist entity
encourage the most hateful and dangerous theories against humanity
and its rights and support aggression and expansion.

144.	The Arab world is eager to maintain the principles of peace,
stability, right and justice. We wish to live in peace on our
territory and to have equal and proper relations in order to achieve
those goals, and to choose our friends and enemies on these noble
principles. Thusthe Israeli aggression which seeks to impose hegemony
in the area is met by a genuine trend in the Arab countries, seeking
the consolidation of stability and peace in the Middle East and the
world as a whole.

145.	The Arab position is based on the principles adopted at the
Arab summit conferences, especially the Twelfth Conference held in
Fez last month, the resolutions of which have confirmed that the
Arabs seek to achieve right, peace and justice and to exert every
effort to maintain a peace which is just and comprehensive in the
Middle East in compliance with the resolutions of the United Nations.

146.	The resolutions of the Fez Summit Conference reaffirmed the
Arab will for peace based on justice because it took into account the
true situation in the area and that involved the principles and bases
which could be an objective starting point for establishing a just
and lasting peace. Among those principles is the inalienable right of
the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment
of an independent State on its own territory and under the leadership
of the PLO, its sole legitimate representative. This is in accordance
with the principles of right and justice and the resolutions of the
United Nations. Thus at a time when the Arab countries reaffirm by
resolution adopted at Fez their will to establish peace base on
justice, Israel proves, through its conduct, that it does not wish
peace but rather seeks more expansion and more occupation of
territory. It has become clear that Israel is not the party that
seeks security. Those who look for security are the Arabs.

147.	Peace will not be achieved as long as there is a people
suffering oppression, occupation, humiliation, racism, imperialism
and other forms of domination. History has taught us that the people
who have been deprived of their basic rights have stood resolutely in
defence of those rights. That resistance has taken different shapes
and forms. Genuine peace in the Middle East will not be established
unless there is a complete recognition of the right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment of its
own independent State, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all
Arab occupied countries, including the Holy City of Jerusalem. There
will hot be genuine peace in the Middle East so long as Israel
persists in violating the simplest principles of human rights in the
occupied territories and in Lebanon. Peace will not be realized so
long as Israel adheres to its expansionist designs and racist policy.
148.	Last, but not least, finding a comprehensive and just
solution to the Palestinian question will be a starting point for the
solution of many international problems which pose a danger to
international peace and security. If such a solution is not reached,
then international tension and a deterioration of the situation in an
unpredictable way will be a constant source of danger.

149.	If we want to keep the world away from the edge of the abyss
and from the policies of extremism, force and aggression, then wisdom
and reason should prevail in all our conduct and we should also
observe all the principles and bases that can lessen international
tension and overcome many of the dangers to international peace and
security to which I have referred. We should co-operate to find a
solution for all international problems and conflicts, in order to
establish an international community which enjoys stability,
progress, peace and security.


First of all, Mr. President, I wish to convey to you my most sincere
congratulations on your assumption of your office at this thirty-
seventh session of the General Assembly. I also wish to express my
Government's and my own pleasure at the good work done so tirelessly
by the Secretary- General since the day he assumed the lofty and
important responsibilities of his office. We are certain that his
sound knowledge, his broad judgement, his sensitivity and his
experience are and will continue to be positive factors that,
together with his realistic outlook, will lead to the accomplishment
of the mission entrusted to the Organization by the peoples of the
world.
I should now like to present the general foreign policy views of the
Government of National Unity, which I represent. Beginning in 1979,
El Salvador took the first steps towards the establishment of
appropriate and effective mechanisms to make the frequently postponed
process of social, economic and political change a reality; to enable
the great majority of the population to enjoy better living
conditions, democracy and social justice; to bring about effective
enjoyment of human rights by the exercise of self- determination; in
short, to enable Salvadorian society to improve its overall way of
life. Now, as then, my Government is engaged in a hard struggle to
reduce the numbers of people living in or on the borderline of
poverty, while also attempting to establish new structures with the
sole purpose of fostering the development of the human person.
The entire world already clearly recognizes the scope of the
structural reforms my Government has undertaken, particularly
agrarian reform, which has been termed the most thorough ever
undertaken in the Americas, and the nationalization of banking and
foreign trade. At the same time, we are undergoing a political,
democratic, participatory and pluralistic process the legitimacy of
which was confirmed when, on 28 March this year, our country entered
into history through the open door of elections held under the
scrutiny of observers from more than 50 countries, recognized
international organizations and institutions and some 300 foreign
journalists. On that day, before the eyes of a world that was half
indifferent and half amazed, the people of El Salvador rejected
violence, totalitarianism and terrorism and opted for the exercise of
self-determination by peaceful and rational means as a solution to
our many problems. The country chose the formula of pluralism and a
multi-party system. The present Government thus joined the political
forces that represent 92 per cent of the electorate and, acting in
keeping with the aspirations of the people, adopted the basic
platform of government known as the Pact of Apaneca, which emerged
from the common objectives of the various political parties as
expressed in the electoral campaign. Those basic objectives are
peace, democratization, human rights, the consolidation of social
reforms, the establishment of a climate of institutional and
juridical confidence, the strengthening of international relations
and economic recovery.
Naturally, since we are aware that good declarations are the
framework of great actions, and that at the present time pragmatic
steps that can achieve visible results are called for, my Government
has set up three commissions: a political commission, a peace
commission and a human rights commission. The Political Commission,
which is made up, infer of the forces that were proved most
representative by the elections, is designed to bring a greater
dynamism to the democratic process, to ensure its effective
implementation and to adopt the necessary measures for the
implementation of the Government's basic platform. The Peace
Commission seeks the attainment of peace in a social climate that
will enable all Salvadorians to live, work and fulfil themselves as
human beings through national reconciliation, the abandonment of
sectarian attitudes and the channeling of political interests along
an institutional path. It also proposes the solutions necessary to
bring about lasting harmony and social stability. The Human Rights
Commission serves as an instrument for the protection, promotion and
maintenance of human rights in the broadest sense and recommends
appropriate measures for the effective attainment of human rights.
To give an example of the way in which these commissions operate, I
am able to announce that the Political Commission has prepared a
timetable which includes deadlines for important political events,
among them the holding of presidential and municipal elections on 28
March 1984 at the latest. We hope that in these elections all
political sectors will be represented, without distinction as to
ideological or political views. It is clear that we are moving
forward along the path leading to peace, harmony, justice and
national unity.
A/37/PV.28
We must emphasize that the overall solution to the problem in El
Salvador is not to be found in El Salvador alone, since everybody
knows that there is a general situation of conflict in Central
America which gives rise to fresh tension and fosters old tension,
making it difficult for any political project to be viable and
stable. In this connection, the existence of various political
projects designed to meet and overcome the conditions resulting from
underdevelopment at the social, political and economic levels gives
rise to tension and conflict when there is an attempt to give one
priority over the other, and in certain sectors this nurtures the
illusion that the concepts are mutually exclusive. Thus, when there
is interventionist behaviour, regional peace is endangered in Central
America.
On the other hand, the situation in the region is not isolated from
the serious disorders in the international monetary system, the high
rates of unemployment, excessive protectionism and the many other
negative symptoms, all of which the Central American subregion is
encountering in its own social and political crisis.
Thus it is that there will be no peace in Central America if the arms
race continues; there will be no peace if the traffic in arms
continues; there will be no peace as long as people continue , to
support armed groups which seek to overthrow established Governments;
there will be no peace if there is no respect for the right of
peoples to self-determination; there will be no peace if people do
not reject overt or covert foreign intervention; there will be no
peace if there is no respect for ideological pluralism; there will be
no peace if unfair social and economic structures are not eliminated;
there will be no peace if democratic institutions are not
strengthened and if human rights are not fully exercised. In sum,
there will be no peace if people do not have faith and work for peace.
Through the introduction of political interests alien to Central
America, which derive from confrontations on a larger scale,
countries of the region tend to perpetuate our problems and to play
the game of the merchants of war. If we do not begin to formulate
ideas which lead to harmony based on trust, cooperation, our common
origin, our common geography and our common destiny, our peoples can
begin to write their own obituary-unless men of good will devote
themselves with great enthusiasm to the quest for peace. As long as
there is no peaceful coexistence, as long as there is no respect for
the principles of the self-determination of peoples and
non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, as long as
base foreign interests influence the behavior of some countries in
the region, stability, peace, democracy, development and social
justice will be beyond our reach.
That is why I pledge the good will of my Government in the efforts to
achieve that peace, which is the first and the essential factor in
the attainment of the other conditions in which the well-being of the
peoples can increase. For the same reason, it is essential that
Central American countries adopt consistent policies to limit
armament and military equipment; that end all traffic in arms; that
we neither accept provocation nor harass a neighbor; for we are all
entitledto organize ourselves at the social, economic and political
levels in the manner determined by the sovereign will of our peoples.
My appeal, the appeal of my people and of my Government, is for the
establishment of democracy, the full enjoyment of human rights, the
rule of social justice and peace, tolerance and brotherhood among the
peoples of Central America.
Aware of the fact that ideological pluralism must be the philosophy
which inspires our Government so as to make possible the free
interplay of ideas and thus the promotion of democracy, our domestic
position can be reflected at the international level only by an
attitude of respect for the struggles of the third world countries,
which find expression in political forums such as those of the Group
of 77 and the non-aligned movement. In the latter, El Salvador
retains its observer status, bearing in mind the origin and the true
doctrine which led to its foundation. Thus we wish to stand aloof
from East-West confrontations so as to facilitate progress along our
true path to development, while we strengthen our freedom, our
independence and our sovereignty.
There is no doubt that so far in 1982 situations of conflict have
arisen which have led to serious breaches of world peace. Some of
those conflicts started a long time ago; others have emerged in more
recent times and situations.
Certainly the behavior of the super-Powers in their mutual relations
as well as with regard to countries that are within their respective
spheres of influence has left much to be desired when it comes to the
quest for peace. Such situations lead only to greater conflict,
increasing suspicion and the stepping up of the arms race.
Historical experience of relations between nations convinces us that
no country remains indifferent to a disproportionate increase in a
neighbor's arsenal, although the latter may claim threats to its
territorial integrity as an excuse. Even an endless arms buildup
cannot alter the absurdity of that argument. That is why, in
principle, the technological and economic gap between the developed
and the developing countries must be closed, especially when
developing countries are poor in financial and investment resources.
The question arises as to whether this might be a legitimate need in
terms of security, and the answer is obviously that it is not. The
pretense of absolute security when dealing with a super-Power is
either an absurdity in itself or a pretext for extending hegemonistic
designs. The irrational arms buildup is offensive in its internal
effects on the poor countries, a source of concern for the wiser and
more prudent statesmen of the peoples living in the relevant region
and sows the seed of discord. National situations which are
exacerbated demagogically from outside and international tension
provoked by the extremist policies of ideological unilateralism which
denies pluralism constitute an explosive mixture which, unless action
is taken, could set the region ablaze.
We recognize that the process of change in societies becomes
irreversible both nationally and internationally and that the
strategy to be followed is not to fight against the march of history
but rather to adapt existing institutions to the necessary and
inevitable change. But, if we have firm conviction and faith in the
destiny of Central America, we can overcome our differences with a
view to adopting, by mutual agreement, methods which, without
sacrificing our vital interests, would allow harmonious coexistence
in the region, bearing in mind that the peoples are those who, in the
final analysis, will define and determine their own destiny.
In this sensitive and complicated context, the Governments of Costa
Rica, Honduras and El Salvador established in San Jose, Costa Rica,
on 19 January 1982, the Central American Democratic Community, a
noble integration initiative based on the common historical destiny
resulting from an identity of ideals, unswerving devotion to
democracy, recognition of the economic and social interdependence of
our peoples and the firm will to resolve, in a coordinated manner and
on a basis of solidarity, the social, political and economic problems
which beset Central America.
We wish to express cur disappointment at the results of the second
special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which
dealt particularly with the problems of nuclear armament and the
dangers this poses at the present stage of history. Peoples all over
the world, although they have certainly been more vocal in certain
regions than in others, have clearly expressed their commitment to
peace and their rejection of any atomic confrontation, however
limited.
Recent events in Lebanon, including the reprehensible massacre in the
refugee camps, constitute a clear call to seek, by means of new
political formulas, a lasting and just agreement in regard to the
Palestinian problem, which continues to be at the heart of the
Arab-Israeli conflict. The absence of an overall solution in the
Middle East constitutes a permanent threat to world peace. We believe
that President Reagan's proposal, which was made known on 1
September, is truly intended to lead to a viable and just formula.
There is no doubt that, because of the influence the United States
has on events relating to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the initiative
of the United States President represents a step towards the solution
of the problem and therefore towards the achievement of peace in the
Middle East. This initiative is also in keeping with the letter and
the spirit of Camp David. In the circumstances we cannot but applaud
such a praiseworthy proposal, which points in the right direction.
I need not repeat that my country condemns the acquisition of
territories by force regardless of the method used to that end but we
also believe that the formal existence of the State of Israel must be
recognized and also its right to live, free from all threats or
pressures, within its own boundaries. This is a legitimate
aspiration, and equally legitimate is the aspiration of the
Palestinian people to establish its own State.
We must also refer to the question of Lebanon. After the trials that
this nation has experienced, the international community must see to
it that Lebanon enjoys full sovereignty, eliminating from its
territory all foreign military forces regardless of the pretext that
may be used for remaining there, and restoring to it, as an
independent country, complete control and jurisdiction over its
territory. In other words, Lebanon should be allowed to exercise all
the attributes of a sovereign State, capable of rejecting foreign
intervention or occupation. El Salvador, which does not and never
will permit interference by foreign troops in its territory, supports
any international initiative designed to enable Lebanon, as a free
and independent State, to achieve its political unity and territorial
integrity.
The agenda of this session of the General Assembly again includes the
question of Cyprus, which has been debated for many years. Thus the
international community is justly concerned over reaching a
definitive agreement. We have taken note with satisfaction of the
continued efforts of the Secretary-General and his missions of good
offices with a view to promoting talks between the two communities, a
mechanism which so far has proved the best vehicle for solving the
problem in a concerted manner. We must recognize in this case that
UNFICYP has fully carried out its basic mission of maintaining and
preserving the necessary climate of political tranquility to enable
the talks between the Turkish and Cypriot communities to be
successful.
We also wish to express our concern over the continued war between
the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq. This international conflict
has demonstrated the impotence of the United Nations. Had we not
known that the Security Council had discussed the matter and that the
Secretariat had made renewed efforts to resolve the dispute by
peaceful means, we would say that the entire machinery set up by the
Charter to end international disputes was a dead letter. How much
longer will war between those two nations continue without the
international community stopping it? The conduct of those two
countries has undoubtedly increased scepticism about the Organization.
Afghanistan continues to be a source of tension for the international
community. So long as the Afghan people is unable to determine its
own future, free from the flagrant intervention represented by the
presence of almost 100,000 Soviet soldiers, in violation of the most
basic principles of the Charter, there will be no just political
solution.
That situation has its counterpart in the occupation of Kampuchea by
Vietnamese troops, which has harmed the peace efforts in the entire
region of South-east Asia. An agreement to end this abnormal state of
affairs should be sought in the light of the tenets of the Charter.
The withdrawal of foreign troops is a prerequisite, because the
United Nations was created precisely to prevent such gross violations
of international peace and security.
El Salvador condemns in the strongest terms racial discrimination,
which has become the normal practice in the Government of South
Africa. The world's conscience has condemned apartheid which is the
antithesis of humanism. Therefore, cannot be reconciled with the
values of equity and harmonious coexistence. It is a link in the
chain of causes of the intermittent outbursts of violence which have
been manifestations of protest and rebelliousness against a clearly
unjust state of affairs. That is why we shall continue to co-operate
in the United Nations efforts to bring South Africa to respect the
universally accepted standards of the Charter.
The other question affecting southern Africa is related to South
Africa's behavior in Namibia. Through the United Nations, the
international community has promoted a framework for a solution by
which Namibia may attain its independence. To date South Africa has
been able, through subterfuge, to undermine a political settlement,
thus continuing its illegal occupation of the territory. What is
more, the territory has been used to launch continuous acts of
aggression. Therefore, efforts should be redoubled to remove
obstacles and bring about the prompt liberation of the people of
Namibia, thus eliminating another source of tension which is
poisoning international, including East-West, relations.
At the global level, the United Nations will continue to be an
appropriate instrument for dealing with crises and ending conflicts,
if we collectively renew our faith in it. But its institutional
machinery should not be .abused by diverting it towards propaganda,
for the benefit of sectarian interests, in the knowledge that such
action would be aimed not at the solution of problems but, rather, at
a temporary effect on public opinion.
Nevertheless, the threat to the United Nations as an institution is
even greater when it is given competence in the domestic affairs of
States, simply because these issues are linked with ideological
trends. In that case, the possible influence of the Organization
would be an obstacle to overcoming problems whose only solution
should lie, because of its character and nature, in the hands of the
people of the country, which knows its own situation better than
anyone. The artificiality of giving an international character to
national situations clashes with the essential principle of the
self-determination of peoples. I do not need to say that in giving
such situations that artificial character the interventionist
interests at work violate the principle of non-intervention in the
internal or external affairs of other States.
I turn to another matter-the Third United Nations Conference on the
Law of the Sea. It has been an exercise in patient negotiation in an
attempt to reconcile very varied interests. For that reason alone, it
is logical to say that no State could be completely satisfied. How
far have legitimate expectations been expressed in the final text
which has now been adopted? In our view that is the question which
all States are asking themselves. On their answer will depend the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, an international
instrument governing the norms and laws of the seas, including the
sea-bed. The vote on 30 April this year shows that this international
instrument commands wide acceptance.
Peace and development: these are two key words. Economic conflicts,
such as the North-South confrontation affect international relations
just as the hotbeds of political tension do. In that context, we all
know that the question of global negotiations was reexamined by the
General Assembly at its eleventh special session, just as it was at
the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth sessions, without progress being
made. ' I do not believe that we should waste time by futilely
apportioning blame for the lack of progress. Rather, we must
emphasize the need to break out of this impasse, which has hurt
economic relations between developed and developing countries so much.
The great family of the Americas has so far this year given two
exceptional examples of solidarity, to which I wish to refer because
of the great significance of joint, simultaneous action which
presages the better days of which the Liberator Simon Bolivar dreamt.
I refer, in chronological order, to the valuable and emotional-but
none the less objective-backing which El Salvador's process of
democratization received from the overwhelming majority of brother
countries of Latin America, gathered at a meeting of the Organization
of American States in Castries, Saint Lucia. Thanks largely to that
support, the elections of 28 March this year were transformed from
ideals into reality.
The other demonstration of hemispheric solidarity was on behalf of
the sister Republic of Argentina, arising out of the stubborn
persistence of an obsolete colonialism. I am referring to the
Malvinas Islands. My Government supports Argentina's aspirations to
achieve full exercise of its sovereignty over the islands, on the
basis not only of hemispheric solidarity and of law, but also on the
basis of the principles contained in General Assembly resolution 1514
(XV). In keeping with these principles, El Salvador has supported,
still supports and will continue to support the process of
decolonization everywhere in the world. In reaffirming its commitment
to peace, El Salvador urges the parties involved to seek the means
available through international law to put an end to the dispute, in
particular by recourse to negotiation.
Today we celebrate the discovery of America. Irrespective of
polemics, legends or the myths of "popular history" concerning who
was the first navigator to sight American coasts and where he came
from, what is certain is that Columbus and Spain represent a symbol:
the symbol of the faith and the value of a man, the symbol of the
faith and the value of a kingdom.
Like the peoples of bygone days, the peoples of today are witness to
incredible feats, which are not unworthy of the great epics recorded
and transmitted by history.
However, to our shame, the peoples today, just as those of bygone
days, continue to witness remnants of colonialism that defy the trend
of history, provocations, hegemonism, aggression and exploitation.
While it is true that mankind has made prodigious technological
advances in its organization, procedures, aspirations and psychology,
there yet remains something akin to that mankind which once lived in
caves.
It is imperative for us to bring technological development into line
with social development, and vice versa. It is imperative for us to
break away from that absurd contradiction of a human race that has
not changed much since the Stone Age, with a technology that takes
the elements of war into outer space. It is imperative for us, for
mankind, to recognize the false steps that are taking us to the edge
of the abyss. It is imperative for us all to remember that the
victories of peace are nobler and more desirable than the victories
of war.