It is a pleasure for me to be addressing the General Assembly at its seventieth session. Let me begin by congratulating the President on his election at this historic session. We are confident that his vast diplomatic experience will enable him to steer the proceedings and contribute to the achievement
of the objectives that he has set. Kenya fully supports his leadership and will constructively engage with him as we strive to realize those objectives.
Seventy years ago, in the aftermath of the Second World War, the United Nations was established with the objective of saving succeeding generations from the recurrence of war. Thereafter, the world took up the challenge of defeating colonialism and its ideologies. That era was also seen as the precursor to greater global equality, increased social equity and the beginning of the fight against mass poverty. It also led to the growth of democracy and freedom.
Today, the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations is being celebrated against a backdrop of numerous global challenges. The adverse effects of globalization, the debilitating consequences of the world economic and financial crisis and the negative effects of climate change have increased the vulnerability of the global economy and affected the States Members of the United Nations to varying degrees. Today, as in the past 70 years, the challenges faced by developing countries, together with their aspirations, including peace and security, development, the protection of human rights, environmental conservation and global governance, remain as real and relevant as ever. They are expected to continue to be the primary concerns for a number of Member States over the coming years.
The maintenance of international peace and security continues to face increasing challenges owing to the growing intensity and complexity of conflicts in the Middle East and Africa, especially in the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa and the Sahel. The continuing grave security situation in Eastern Africa and further afield is of particular concern to Kenya, which has continued to invest millions of dollars in the maintenance of regional peace and security, while many Kenyans have lost their lives in the quest for peace. We therefore urge the international community, in particular the Security Council, to shoulder its responsibilities in such a way as to make a direct impact in the resolution of those conflicts.
There is a need to promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, to provide access to justice for all and to build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels, as stated in Goal 16 of the Sustainable Development Goals, in order to realize sustainable peace all over the world.
Global terrorism and violent extremism remain a major threat not only to the Republic of Kenya, but also to the entire world. To date, Al-Shabaab terrorists have been targeting the civilian population in Kenya on the pretext that Kenya has deployed its troops in Somalia. The continued threat by Al-Shabaab has had a major impact on Kenya’s national security and economy in general. Kenya therefore calls upon the international community to take strong and enforceable action in combating Al-Shabaab, together with other terrorist groups, including foreign fighters. At the same time, we must collectively address the radicalization of youth as the pipeline for global terrorism, including its financing at the grass-roots level, where most young people are radicalized.
Somalia is an important neighbour of Kenya. Kenya and Somalia share strong historical, cultural and trading ties that have benefited both societies. Somalia remains of major concern to the international community, and to Kenya in particular, owing to long-standing crises and the security situation, which remains a grave threat to peace and security in the East Africa region and throughout the Horn of Africa. While Al-Shabaab’s capacity to launch terrorist acts inside Somalia has greatly diminished owing to the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and its troops, Al-Shabaab’s continued presence in Somalia has a negative impact on the security, stability and prosperity of that country. The Kenya Defence Forces, within the framework of AMISOM, will continue working closely with the Somali National Army.
In spite of the threat posed by Al-Shabaab to Kenya, we will continue to stand firm in support of the Somali Government and the people of Somalia. We therefore call on the international community to support the Federal Government of Somalia in securing its territory. We remain committed, together with other international partners, to providing the necessary support to the Federal Government of Somalia in implementing its Vision 2016.
Kenya is also preocupied by the emerging governance and humanitarian crisis in South Sudan in the aftermath of the political crisis that occurred in 2013. The crisis in South Sudan remains an issue of great concern not only to Kenya, but to the region of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and to the larger international community. Kenya welcomes the recently signed peace treaty, calls upon both parties to seek a peaceful solution to the conflict
and urges the international community, especially the United Nations, to support the IGAD-Plus peace process and other initiatives geared to the realization of a comprehensive, just and sustainable peace in South Sudan. That should be achieved through the enforcement of the peace and security arrangements, support for the institutions of governance and democracy, support for the demilitarization of South Sudan and a response to the current humanitarian crisis. South Sudan needs to find the path of peace, development and reconstruction, and that needs to happen urgently.
At the beginning of this millennium we adopted the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Since then, the MDGs have galvanized and catalysed international action in support of eradicating poverty and realizing other social targets. The MDGs demonstrated that a set of development goals and targets could be important drivers of change. Indeed, where successfully implemented, the MDGs have had a positive impact on the lives of millions of people. But, at best, the results have been uneven. Many developing countries remain off track and have not been able to meet their 2015 deadline.
It was therefore necessary to begin a global process to shape a new development agenda, with the starting point being the unfinished business of the MDGs and the creation of a truly transformative and inclusive development agenda as was agreed at the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, held in Rio de Janeiro. The new Agenda — Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) — therefore seeks to address transformative challenges that cut across the social, economic and environmental dimensions of development. But transformative and inclusive development does not mean that we can abandon our responsibility to support the countries in the greatest need. On the contrary, as the international community, we must redouble our efforts to ensure that no one is left behind and that no country is left behind.
The year 2015 will be remembered in history as the time when it was decided at important conferences that the world should be on a sustainable development path. These began with the third World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction in March, then the third International Conference on Financing for Development in July, and the General Assembly, with its very recent adoption of the new Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), whose ambitious
outcome has put us on a a new sustainable development path, with a new set of Goals. The forthcoming Paris session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is also expected to reach an inclusive, balanced, ambitious and acceptable climate change agreement, including its financing, that, we hope, will this time turn plans into actions. The Paris Conference must succeed; failure in this case cannot be an option.
The third United Nations World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction, held in Sendai, Japan, underscored the importance of promoting efforts to reduce disaster risks at the international and regional levels, as well as at the national and local levels. The Conference noted that the cost of addressing disaster risk remained a huge burden to many countries. As a result, efforts to address poverty eradication and food security, among other challenges, have continued to be undermined.
Going forward, the Conference agreed that it would be important to mitigate the risks of disaster by implementing resilience measures. Member States would have to undertake to reduce disaster losses in terms of lives and the social, economic and environmental assets of communities. The Conference called for the full commitment and involvement of all actors concerned, in particular Governments, regional and international organizations and civil society, including volunteers, the private sector and the scientific community.
The Conference also called on Governments to mobilize the required means of implementation in order to address disaster risk reduction, which involves building capacities, especially in defining risk and mainstreaming risk pricing, in order to inform priorities in public expenditures. For effective implementation, capacity-building should cover enhanced global risk analysis and extend to local authorities and others at the subnational level. In order to address risk reduction, sound follow-up mechanism for monitoring and accountability are needed. We are glad to note that disaster risk reduction is part of the new Sustainable Development Agenda.
At the third International Conference on Financing for Development, held in July in Addis Ababa, important decisions were reached to follow up on the commitments made in Monterrey and Doha and to further strengthen the financing of the sustainable development framework. The Conference outcome
document focused on both financial and non-financial means of implementation. The required resources will have to be obtained through domestic resource mobilization, domestic and international private finance, business finance and international public finance, which includes official development assistance (ODA).
However, domestic resource mobilization remains key in raising the resources needed to finance development. That means addressing fiscal constraints in the available fiscal space and strengthening the capacities of tax authorities. The non-financial means, which include international trade as an engine of development, debt and debt sustainability, and the taking on of system,ic issues, have also to be implemented. This being said, the role of ODA remains key to upholding the credibility of international development cooperation. It is therefore imperative that development partners continue to redouble their efforts to support and finance programmes in developing countries.
Kenya places great importance on domestic resource mobilization to cover both its recurrent and its development commitments. We have noted the importance of public international finance as a complement to domestic public resources, and we have therefore put in place a national external resources policy with emphasis on sourcing concessional or semi-concessional support for key projects. To effectively coordinate the architecture for the delivery of external aid, we have put in place initiatives to fully implement the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. Kenya therefore remains committed to adopting appropriate follow-up and review mechanisms, which will ensure that all the means of implementation are reviewed periodically. Going forward, we need to address capacity deficits in key institutions, such as our national statistical offices, in order to enable them to capture the timely and reliable data required for the follow-up and review process.
I wish to express my appreciation to the Secretary- General for the successful outcome of the Summit on the post-2015 development agenda. A few days ago, we adopted a bold, ambitious and transformative Agenda for Sustainable Development for the next 15 years. This pact was a culmination of more than three years of intergovernmental negotiations, which began with the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development. We are glad to note that the Agenda recognizes as its overarching goal ending poverty
in all its forms everywhere. The Goals and targets set by the Agenda are universal and will apply to all countries, while different realities and capabilities are nevertheless recognized.
This new Agenda acknowledges that sustainable development cannot be realized without peace and security; at the same time, peace and security will be at risk without sustainable development. That calls for building peaceful, inclusive and well-governed societies, with responsive institutions as the basis for shared prosperity. Fundamentally, the Agenda recognizes that we cannot reach our development goals without addressing human rights and complex humanitarian issues at the same time.
The Agenda addresses the requirements for all humankind to be able to live decent lives, free from poverty, hunger and inequality, with all men and women, girls and boys, able to develop their full potential. It commits all of us to being responsible global citizens, caring for the less fortunate and for our planet’s ecosystem and making action commitments regarding the climate, on which all life depends. It is important to note that the Agenda received valuable inputs from civil society, the private sector, academia and parliamentarians, as well as from millions of people from every corner of the world who shared their vision of the world we want.
Kenya is proud and honoured to have played an important role in the post-2015 development agenda process by co-chairing the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals and by co-facilitating the intergovernmental negotiations on the post-2015 development agenda. It is now the responsibility of all countries to implement this new universal development Agenda. The relevant means for achieving this have been developed and integrated into the Sustainable Development Goals, to be complemented by the outcome of the third International Conference on Financing for Development, to which I referred earlier. Implementation and follow-up will be critical. We will therefore need all partners on board to make it a success.
To complete our new path to sustainable development, all of us in Kenya look forward to the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris in November and December. COP21 is a crucial conference, during which global leaders will need the political will to reach the
expected outcome that will enable the Conference to achieve a new international agreement on climate that is applicable to all countries, with the aim of keeping global warming below 2°C. We therefore commend the efforts of France and all others in facilitating the United Nations search for consensus in climate negotiations. Similarly, Kenya will continue to constructively engage to ensure that we reach a meaningful universal climate change agreement that takes into account the issues affecting the developing world.
Kenya is happy to note that the efforts to deepen our regional integration within the East African Community continue to bear fruit. The East African Community remains one of the fastest-growing regional integration bodies and we hope this will continue. The East African Community is committed to widening and deepening cooperation among partner States in political, economic and social fields for our mutual benefit. Over the years, the East African Community has expanded its membership from three founding partners to five, which are now Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. This signifies a wider market that bears great strategic and geopolitical significance and prospects for a renewed and reinvigorated East African Community.
Much progress has been made and recorded in the East African Community since the establishment of the East African Customs Union in 2005. We are glad that much more progress continues to be recorded since the establishment of the Common Market in 2010. The Protocol Establishing the East African Monetary Union is already in place and its implementation under way. We remain committed to fast-tracking the process toan East African federation as a demonstration of the determination of the people of East Africa to construct a powerful and sustainable East African economic and political bloc.
Looking into the future, the new 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development has brought a new dawn for global development. We must collectively avoid the pitfalls of the past 70 years. We must, as a matter of priority, focus all efforts towards ending poverty and promoting sustainable peace and security. We should remain ambitious, yet at the same time practical, in order to bring real change to the lives of the poor around the world, as well as to guarantee the sustainability of our planet.
Kenya will remain robust in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We will build on our experience from the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). At the same time, Kenya will continue to pay special attention to fundamental sustainable development issues that were previously left out of the MDG framework, especially strengthening the means of implementation and revitalizing global partners for sustainable development, as well as the promotion of peaceful and inclusive societies, which remains critical to the realization of peace, security and sustainable development.
In conclusion, I assure the Assembly that Kenya remains committed to continuing to play its rightful role in the global community, remain an anchor of peace and security in our region, and foster regional, continental and global cooperation for accelerated economic and social development and prosperity for all.


The first three words of the Charter of the United Nations reads “We the peoples”. Those words make it clear that human life is at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations. It must remain the key principle guiding our work.
This year, we mark the seventieth anniversary of the adoption of the Charter, 70 years since the establishment of the United Nations. There is not a more opportune time to ask ourselves, “Have we served ‘we the peoples’ well?” The answer to that question is probably “yes”. I say that because succeeding generations have been saved from the scourge of inter-State war.
Yet we remain unable to counter intra-State conflict. Our faith in fundamental human rights is reaffirmed in principle, yet the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small are ignored. The rule of law and the values of good governance are advocated for some but ignored for others. We promised to promote social progress and better standards of life, and, yes, extreme poverty has been reduced significantly; more children than ever are going to school. Yet the gap between the rich and the poor is widening, and ignorance and intolerance are rampant. The Charter failed to recognize
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the environment as an issue of importance, and we fail the environment every day.
Despite all that, the United Nations is the best hope for humankind. And it must remain relevant. If we want the United Nations to become more resilient, face the emerging challenges of our time, give hope to the many who perish in dire situations, inspire courage in the face of adversity and protect the rights of nations regardless of size, then the United Nations must be reformed.
Last week, we adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), which recognizes at its core that development must be holistic, that poverty is a multidimensional problem, and that what matters is the human being, whose rights must be protected and promoted. Yet here in the United Nations we remain trapped in silos, hiding away behind the excuse of mandates. Why is it that the only issue the Security Council can discuss is guns and bombs, that the Economic and Social Council cannot discuss war and peace, that development and war cannot have a human rights dimension, that specific issues have to be confined to a specific body?
We believe that every problem can and should be looked at from every angle. That is the only way of responding to crises in a sustainable manner. In the real world, neither real problems nor real solutions fit neatly into separate compartments. A new way of approaching the global challenges of our time is necessary, so let us start organizing our work differently.
One important way of doing that is to redefine the concept of security: to include all issues that threaten all of humankind, including climate change. For us in the Maldives, climate change is a security threat. It damages our economy, deprives us of our rights, our land and our way of life and threatens the very existence of our nation. When young children play by the beach, the waves lapping at their feet, when a fisherman looks to the sea for the day’s catch and when we feel the cool breeze of the ocean caressing us, it seems inconceivable that those same waters may become our watery grave.
The Maldives is ready to act. We have always been the first in line. Together with other small island developing States (SIDS), we have taken urgent action to keep the rise of global temperature below 1.5°C . We are reducing our emissions. We are working in good faith towards a legally binding agreement in Paris this year. If we, the smallest can act, why cannot the biggest?
The health of the oceans is another issue that demands attention. The oceans are intimately linked with our lives and livelihoods. Oceans and their wealth are the drivers of our economy, the source of our food and the backbone of our heritage and traditions. Unless we sustain the wealth of the oceans, we can achieve nothing. That is why the Maldives banned turtle poaching in the early eighties, declared a biosphere reserve in 2012 and made its entire area a shark sanctuary. We understand the value of our oceans and all the treasures they contain. Our oceans are home to some of the most valuable marine habitats in the world, yet the illicit exploitation of natural resources, maritime piracy and other criminal activities threaten and undermine the peace and security of our countries.
Building the resilience of our people must remain at the centre of all our efforts, abroad and at home. That is why President Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom’s Government has embarked on a national development programme based on empowerment, especially of the young and of children and women. We believe that investing in people is the best way to promote human rights, to guarantee a brighter future for the generations to come and to ensure that the democratic gains we have made are consolidated and further enhanced.
The Maldives is a nation that is governed by the rule of law. Our strong commitment to upholding the rule of law will continue, regardless of a person’s position in society and even in cases where it is most inconvenient to do so. I can assure Member States that we will not fail in that endeavour.
The United Nations rose from the ashes of war and destruction at a time when swarms of refugees were crossing borders and seas, leaving everything behind to seek safety and security and to save their own lives and their children’s. We have gone through those times and built a better, more integrated, more tolerant world. Fear of the other did not overtake humankind.
Today, as we see similar pictures of girls and boys, women and men seeking safety from war and certain death, I urge everyone to show compassion. A good start can be made by using the right term: it is a refugee, not a migrant, crisis. The refugees are running away from senseless violence — barbarism that is being carried out by terrorist groups in the name of Islam. The Maldives condemns the acts of those groups, which are not only un-Islamic but also anti-Islamic. They are fuelling the rise of Islamophobia around the world.
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The international community must not let those groups redefine our beautiful religion of peace, tolerance and compassion.
We thought that apartheid had been dismantled, yet Israel pursues apartheid policies in occupied Palestine and the world remains indifferent. Three days ago, we witnessed the raising of the Palestinian flag here at the United Nations. That was indeed a historic step, but if Palestine were to attain full membership in the United Nations that would be a much more significant step. A permanent solution would involve the complete withdrawal of Israel and the establishment of the State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem at its capital, within the 1967 borders.
The small island developing States of the world are different from the large States. We face different kinds of challenges that require very different responses. That is a fact that everyone now recognizes. However, the international architecture, including the United Nations system, is not designed to accommodate the unique features of small States. That needs to change, and changes need to happen now. We, the small States, do not want to be defined only by our vulnerabilities. We are ready to be part of the solution. In Samoa last year, the SIDS called for the building of partnerships as the way forward. Alone we might be weak, but united we can move mountains.
We in the Maldives have always believed that we can do anything we set our mind to, as long as we remain sincere in our intention and unwavering in our commitment. And the United Nations has never failed to inspire us in our resolve. That is why the Maldives joined the United Nations less than two months after gaining independence. Just a few days ago, we celebrated 50 years of our membership. The United Nations has served us well, and we are committed to expanding and further strengthening that valuable partnership.
Though short of finances, we have no shortage of smart ideas. Our former President, Mr. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, was the first to speak about the issue of sea-level rise from this rostrum. We were the first to introduce the concept of the security of small States to the United Nations and the first to start advocating here in the Assembly for the link between human rights with climate change. And we remain relentless in our pursuit of those issues, not only because it is good for the Maldives, but because it is also good for humankind.
Fifty years ago, when we applied for United Nations membership, some doubted our ability to survive and questioned our capacity to contribute. After 50 years of United Nations membership, I say to those sceptics that we are not only willing, we are also able. We are not only viable, we are also valuable. And as Maldivians, we are proud of what we have achieved.


At the outset, I would like to warmly congratulate Mr. Mogens Lykketoft of Denmark on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I am fully confident that under his able leadership our Assembly will produce results.
This year’s gathering is taking place at a critical juncture, as we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. It is an opportunity to reflect on how our world body can deal with today’s global challenges. Cambodia warmly welcomes the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda in the form of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), an ambitious vision for building an inclusive society through sustainable development and putting the world on a path to more equitable prosperity for
all by 2030. But we believe that the lessons learned from the Millennium Development Goals will be key to ensuring success with the new Agenda. We sincerely hope that over the next 15 years, all stakeholders from developed and developing countries alike will join hands in pursuit of our vital new Agenda.
Poverty, food insecurity and similar problems still remain as stumbling blocks along the way ahead. Today, more than 800 million people are undernourished and living below the poverty line. The world’s population will reach 9 billion by 2050, and the pressure on food security will be further exacerbated. I believe that the answers to that challenge include good governance, policy reform and more investment in food production.
Such challenges, aggravated by armed conflicts, have forced increasing numbers of people to flee their home countries. The refugee phenomenon, exploited by human traffickers, has now reached an alarming scale in Europe, though perhaps to a lesser degree in Asia. Cambodia would like to express its deep sympathy for the recent tragedies that have afflicted maritime migrants in Europe.
Climate change constitutes another serious global challenge. While it is the industrialized countries that have been the major emitters of greenhouse gases, it is the developing countries, which are largely dependent on agriculture, that have become the prime victims of climate change, with storms, typhoons and more frequent floods and droughts, which have a major impact on their food security, poverty and social welfare. Cambodia very much hopes, therefore, that the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris in December, can produce a binding agreement, in accordance with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, that will enable us to deal effectively with the global threat of climate change and its impact on people’s welfare.
For its part, Cambodia officially launched the Cambodia Climate Change Strategic Plan 2014-2023 in November 2013 as the first-ever comprehensive national strategic plan to respond to climate change through adaptation, mitigation and low-carbon development. We also adopted the National Strategic Plan on Green Development for 2013-2030. Additionally, Cambodia has launched its National Council of Green Growth aimed at promoting a green economy.
On international issues, Cambodia notes that criminal acts committed by the violent extremist group the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham and many other groups under different names in Africa and Asia continue to intensify and spread, in spite of allied bombing and national-level military operations. Cambodia believes that all nations should forge concerted efforts to fight those criminal and inhuman groups in a comprehensive and effective manner.
Cambodia welcomes the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States after 52 years of an unjust embargo against the Cuban people. It also demands that all blockades be lifted unconditionally, following the resumption of diplomatic relations.
Cambodia also welcomes the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the nuclear programme between Iran and the P5 plus Germany. It shares the view that this agreement will not only become a turning point in Iran- United States relations, but that it will also create an atmosphere conducive to regional peace, security and political stability.
In the light of current realities, Cambodia supports the United Nations reform aimed at making the Organization more democratic and more effective in coping with the crucial challenges the world is facing. To that end, in Cambodia’s view, the General Assembly should be more empowered to enhance global governance in the United Nations system. At the same time, the Economic and Social Council has to follow up on the effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted unanimously by our leaders a few days ago. The Security Council should also become more democratic and representative in both its permanent and its non-permanent membership so as to be able to assure universal peace and security in the face of the evolving dangerous situation that prevails in the world today.


Today’s world is faced with both challenges and tasks. We are witnessing a plethora of serious international crises in various parts of the world, crises that have impacted international peace and security, most notably in the Middle East, but also in Europe and Africa. Those crises affect, in particular, huge segments of the civilian populations, who, in desperation, are fleeing in order to save their lives and forge a better future.
As an international community, we are dutybound to react with solidarity to restore peace and deploy a response that will enable us to minimize the suffering of both the victims of war and those who are fleeing from war. We commend the efforts that many countries are making to take in the refugees, but we must do more. That is why my Government has decided to take in refugees from the civil war in Syria, and it is also why Chile will expand cooperation with Africa. As of 2016, for example, we will be participating in United Nations peacekeeping operations in that region.
In addition to facint the most urgent challenges threatening peace, our planet has yet to stem growing inequality or reach an agreement that would halt global warming. It is for that reason, against the backdrop of such serious international challenges, that this seventieth session of the General Assembly will go down in history as a momentous occasion on which the international community succeeded in forging an agreement, namely, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). That Agenda is replete with hope and is binding in nature. It focuses on addressing various aspects of inequality, which is the main challenge to be found in Latin America, and of course, it goes without saying, in Chile as well.
In this new phase of our economic and political development the new Agenda is broad and ambitious and is commensurate with the pressing challenges and long-term goals of fair, creative and peaceful human coexistence. It does not sweep aside the commitments that have already been entered into whose fulfilment is still pending, but rather incorporates new goals and targets, integrating them multidimensionally into the concept of sustainable and inclusive development. It is, in other words, an Agenda of change.
That is an approach that we share and vigorously support — equality within and among countries, equality
between men and women, growth, industrialization and inclusive and sustainable consumption, the protection of the environment in its various facets, and social peace, to name but a few of the Agenda’s Goals. They are the face and indeed the foundation of a mode of coexistence based on very deeply held values.
We have an opportunity to address the feelings of despair and hopelessness about the future and the lack of trust in institutions that permeate some of our societies. The chief responsibility for sustainable and more equal development rests with each individual country. Chile is wholeheartedly committed to delivering on that responsibility. However, success in that endeavour requires a propitious environment, since many of the targets are affected by global dynamics and most of the challenges that we face today cannot be resolved by any single country acting in isolation.
Only if we can deliver on an agenda of change at the global as well as the national levels will it be possible to promote more inclusive and sustainable societies. When international trade does not act as an engine of growth, when financial flows are asymmetrical, minimal and volatile, if there are no fair and effective mechanisms for dealing with sovereign debt, if there are not enough predictable flows of official development assistance, then emerging countries, especially the poorer ones, will have great difficulty in attaining the Goals contained in the 2030 Agenda.
Similarly, it is clear that international financial, monetary and trading systems must operate more democratically, effectively and fairly in relation to the interests of developing countries. That is not always the case at present. Consequently, a basic prerequisite for making the Agenda a reality is to strengthen the system of global institutions and multilateral cooperation with broad representation, clear mandates and effective tools. We are calling for an architecture of multilateral institutions that will provide backing for the national policies proposed under the 2030 Agenda.
Chile has strengthened the role it plays in the multilateral system. In 2014 and 2015 we have served as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. In the light of that experience we wish to reaffirm our belief in the need to reform the Council by increasing the number of its permanent members and by reducing the use of the veto, at the very least in cases involving crimes against humanity. Such a reform is necessary, reflecting the considerable change and progress seen
in the multilateral system, and it would undoubtedly confer greater legitimacy on that most important organ of the United Nations.
We as a country are aware that we are all responsible for ensuring that the international system works properly. One essential element for bringing that about is the principle of adherence to international law, which includes strict respect for treaties, as a means of guaranteeing peace and international stability. That requires respecting what has been agreed on and refraining from misusing the mechanisms that have been designed for peacefully resolving any differences that may exist.
From its home at the southern tip of the American continent, Chile is looking forward, full of hope, to the outcome of the 2015 Paris Climate Conference in December. We have one of the longest coastlines in the world. We will soon be hosting the second Our Ocean Conference, at which countries will be asked to make voluntary commitments to reducing pollution of the seas, combat illegal fishing and protect the diversity of marine resources.
As for its intended nationally determined contribution, my country committed to reducing its CO2 emissions by 30 per cent by 2030, compared with 2007, and by up to 45 per cent if we can count on robust international support. Moreover, we are determined to restore 100,000 acres of forest and to reforest an additional 100,000 acres of land.
Agenda 2030 gives us a shared horizon, a shared destination. Now we must act. Each country must act individually, of course, but at the same time we must cooperate with each other in the various North- South and South-South forums and must tackle global challenges jointly in the multilateral forums that we have available to us.
I should like to conclude this statement by congratulating two Governments of our region that have resumed diplomatic relations recently, namely, Cuba and the United States of America. That is an historic step for our region and for the world. Chile applauds the use of dialogue and respect for international law as the civilized way for countries to resolve their differences.
I should also like to say that we are extraordinarily pleased to see that there have been numerous other agreements reached as well, for instance between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia. We believe that is also proof that where there is a will, there is a way to come to an agreement. Colombia and its people can count on our active support in that process, which we are confident will lead to a lasting peace.
We have reason to be proud of our joint achievements and also, let it be said, to be concerned about and attentive to our collective future. But there are grounds for hope as well. Those beliefs should guide our action and our commitment to build a better world, a world in which there is better balance between development and the preservation of our environment, a world in which we see more justice, cohesion and equality in our societies and among our peoples.


I would like to thank our Ambassador Maria Emma Mejía Vélez for giving me the floor. What a source of great pride it is for us that a Colombian woman is presiding over this meeting at this historic moment, when the General Assembly is considering the topic “The United
Nations at 70: the road ahead for peace, security and human rights”, which is the road along which Colombia is travelling, now more successfully than ever before.
I am therefore honoured to come to this Assembly to share some news which is also historic. Today, I proclaim to the entire world that one of the more than 20 armed conflicts taking place across the globe, which are causing so much pain, poverty and suffering, that of my country, Colombia, is finally nearing a genuine solution. We will put an end to the longest and most recent armed conflict in the Western Hemisphere. Achieving peace — in Colombia or in any part of the world — is a responsibility that nobody must shirk.
As Pope Francis said so well a few days ago in the Congress of the United States of America,
“When countries which have been at odds resume the path of dialogue — a dialogue which may have been interrupted for the most legitimate of reasons — new opportunities open up for all. This has required, and requires, courage and daring, which is not the same as irresponsibility.”
In Colombia we have tried to work with the courage, the audacity and also the sense of responsibility of which the Holy Father spoke, and we are beginning to see the fruits of our efforts. We have had more than 50 years of internal warfare in a country destined for progress and happiness, and we are determined to put an end to that conflict. Peace is a difficult goal to attain, but not an impossible one. Peace is something more than the fruit of a political, social or economic process. Peace, more than anything, is a great process of collective cultural transformation that begins with an individual spiritual change, and it requires that all individuals — each within himself or herself— open their minds, hearts and souls to reconciliation.
Why do I say that today I come to this Assembly with greater optimism than ever before? Well, it is because less than a week ago in Havana, after almost three years of negotiations in which we made progress on most of the items on the agreed agenda, we reached an agreement on what was perhaps the major obstacle to peace. We reached an agreement on the most difficult element of any peace process — a system of transitional justice that ensures that there is no impunity for the most serious crimes committed during the conflict. In this agreement, which respects the norms and principles of international law and our own Constitution, we put the greatest emphasis on the right of victims to justice
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and on truth, reparations and the non-resumption of the conflict, placing them at the centre of the solution to an armed conflict. And we are reaching our goal: the maximum degree of justice compatible with the attainment of peace.
It is also the first time in the history of conflicts in the world that a Government and an illegal armed group — in a peace agreement, not as the result of something that was imposed later on — are creating a system of accountability in a domestic court for international crimes and other serious crimes. We are setting a precedent that could serve as a model for other armed conflicts in the world. The progress made is so important and significant that it has enabled us to take two additional steps, which is the best news that I could convey to this great forum of nations. We have agreed to a deadline for signing the final agreement that would put an end to our armed conflict. It will be, at the very latest, 23 March 2016, in less than six months from now. On that date at the very latest, we shall bid a final farewell to the last and longest war not just in Colombia, but in the entire Western Hemisphere. In addition, we have also agreed that the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) will begin to lay down its weapons no later than 60 days following the signing of the final agreement. That means that next year, when I return to this Assembly, I will do so as President of a Colombia that is at peace and has achieved reconciliation.
Our talks with the FARC guerrilla forces offer a glimmer of hope in a world overshadowed by war, violence and terrorism. This is also an opportunity to thank the international community, on behalf of 48 million Colombians, for its support for our peace efforts and for its willingness to assist us in the post- conflict stage. A peaceful Colombia will be a positive factor for the world in several distinct but interrelated areas, such as combating climate change and illegal drugs, security and eradicating extreme poverty.
Our country is proud to be the most biodiverse country in the world in relation to its size. However, we are also one of the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change. That is why we insist on the environmental dimension of the Sustainable Development Goals. At the end of my term in office in 2018, I hope to have left behind protected areas in Colombia of approximately 20 million hectares, accounting for almost one-fifth of our landmass. We fully support the twenty-first session of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, which is to be held at the end of this year in Paris, where we will commit to assisting in the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
We are also addressing the problem of illegal drug crops with a comprehensive strategy that we have proposed to the rest of the world. At the Summit of the Americas, held in Cartagena, Colombia, in 2012, I raised the need for an objective assessment of the outcome of the so-called war on drugs declared here more than 40 years ago, which has been so costly in human lives and resources. The study was conducted and submitted by the Organization of American States two years ago. Now, we are preparing for the special session of the General Assembly on this issue to take place seven months from now. We continue to advocate a new global strategy based on scientific evidence that puts greater emphasis on health, education and tackling the social roots of this phenomenon and seeks to minimize the negative effects of drugs through the use of smarter, more effective and more humane strategies.
In Colombia, we have gone even further. Last week, I presented a comprehensive crop-substitution plan based on that multifaceted approach. Not only will we attack the mafias, whom we will pursue relentlessly, but we will also provide social and economic opportunities for farmers, ensure that the State and the justice system are ever-present, prevent drug use and treat it as a public health issue. If we end the conflict, the guerrilla forces that have been a negative factor in drug-trafficking will become, once they lay down their weapons, an ally in combating it. It will be extraordinarily symbolic when those who once protected these illicit crops will help us to eradicate them. In that way, Colombia wins and the entire world wins. We will begin to free ourselves from coca and, at the same time, to preserve and save millions of hectares of tropical forest. As the Pope so eloquently said in this very Hall four days ago, “war is the negation of all rights and a dramatic assault on the environment” (A/70/PV.3, p. 5).
A peaceful Colombia will also be a safer Colombia because the enormous energy and effort that today are dedicated to dealing with this domestic conflict will be focused on improving security and on fighting crime in the cities and villages of my country. Of course, it will be a Colombia with more opportunities for everyone where we will continue to reduce poverty and create jobs, as we have been doing at a rate that has made us the leader in Latin America in terms of social progress,
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in recent years. Achieving peace will enable us to meet the Sustainable Development Goals, which are now enshrined in Colombian law and which we adopted in 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1).
I now invite all Colombians, without exception, and all citizens of the world to pave the way for peace. The most worthwhile legacy we could leave to our children and to future generations is peace. Nothing could be more important or more urgent because peace is the supreme good of any society. It is the most sacred good and the very reason for the existence of the United Nations. Today, I am delighted to announce the good news that, in fewer than six months, bells will toll in Colombia to announce that the time for peace has come. I hope that clocks around the world will be synchronized with our own to show the same time — a time for peace, a time for humankind.


The founding of the United Nations 70 years ago cast light on the dark twentieth century. That was a pivotal moment for our world. It came not against a backdrop of glorious sunshine and green pastures, but amid the ruins of the Second World War with its more than 50 million graves. As the winter of the Cold War spread its frosty fingers, the mothers and fathers of the United Nations forged the foundations of a new order — an order that is not perfect, and which may never be perfect, but which has often enough protected us from relapse into the old barbarism.
Today, 70 years on, it is clear that we are again living in turbulent times. Millions of people are gravely affected by wars and violence, and more than 60 million people have fled their homes — more than at any time since the end of the Second World War.
The foundations of the United Nations are still strong, but the world order built on them has come loose from its moorings. The old balance of power is under pressure. Powerful new players have emerged on the world stage. Most serious of all, non-State actors are now increasingly responsible for war and violence. They abide by no rules — not even the minimum standards enshrined in the international law of war.
We therefore urgently need new buttresses and pillars so that the order based on the United Nations can withstand the tempests of our times. What form could these new pillars take? How should the world order of tomorrow look?
I do not think that there is a theoretical answer to that question; the only answer is a practical one. Just as the Charter of the United Nations was adopted as a bold response to war and suffering, today new pillars will be built only if States are ready to assume responsibility and work together to find concrete answers to the crises of our times — to poverty and underdevelopment, to refugees and migration, to the devastating civil war in Syria and the failing States across the arc of crisis from Libya to Afghanistan, to religious extremism and terrorism and the murderous deeds of the people who call themselves the Islamic State.
There is, however, one major difference between now and the situation 70 years ago. The world of today
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is more closely interconnected than ever before. Borders are becoming blurred. In this age of globalization, some say, the world has become a village. If that is so, then we are all neighbours, and I would advise us to act as good neighbours. We come from very different backgrounds. We have different traditions, religions, values and world views. That diversity must be respected. No world view takes precedence over any other, but I can think of no culture in which people are unaware of what it means to be a good neighbour and in which people do not appreciate living in an atmosphere of good-neighbourliness.
Nobody is investing as much hope in that spirit of good-neighbourliness today than the millions of women, men and children who have fled their homes. My country has assumed its responsibility towards them over the past months. Since the beginning of the year, we have taken in 600,000 refugees. Currently, upwards of 10,000 new refugees are arriving every day. Those statistics show that even we cannot absorb such numbers by ourselves over the long term. We need to arrive at a European solution, together with our European neighbours, as well as with our neighbours around the Mediterranean, especially Turkey.
Secondly, the relief agencies of the United Nations system — the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the World Food Programme, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs — all help people in need, on the spot and with no intermediaries. It is scandalous that those organizations are underfunded to the point that they have to cut food rations and medical aid. Accordingly, I met with the members of the Group of Seven and other partners the day before yesterday, and I am delighted to report that together we have raised an additional $1.8 billion, of which over $100 million will come from Germany, intended for the United Nations relief agencies. That will also help relieve the burden on the neighbouring countries in which the huge majority of refugees arrive, especially Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. They too need our help, so that one exodus does not trigger another.
But good-neighbourliness comprises more than just humanity and compassion. Good-neighbourliness also presupposes that we agree on joint rules that we all must obey. They include respecting each other’s borders and sovereignty. That fundamental norm is still being violated, even in Europe. The European
Union unanimously condemned Russia’s annexation of the Crimea and the actions in eastern Ukraine, and we responded, not only in terms of condemnation and isolation, but also by launching a political process to defuse the conflict. The Organization for Security and Cooperation (OSCE) has played an indispensable role in that process from the outset. We want to further strengthen the OSCE as an institution for our common security when we Germans assume its chairmanship next year.
Active political responsibility is also part and parcel of good-neighbourliness. A neighbourhood in which nobody looks beyond their garden gate will not be worth living in for long. People must be vigilant, because there are many conflicts that can only be solved in concert and by means of multilateral diplomacy. While that may take time and perseverance, it works.
This past summer, the five permanent members of the Security Council and Germany concluded an agreement with Iran. After more than 10 years of negotiations, we managed to agree that Iran will never have an atomic bomb and that we can verify this. The negotiations succeeded in bringing a number of actors to the same table, including Russia and the United States of America. The negotiations have therefore proved that while neighbours may not like one another, they can still solve problems together. Indeed they must do so, if living side by side is not to become unbearable for them both.
The agreement that was reached has created common ground on which greater security can be established in the Middle East, if we persevere in our joint efforts. However, the realities are still somewhat different. In Syria, in the fifth year of the war, the slaughter knows no end. We will only put an end to it by acting together. We have to halt the brutality of Al-Assad’s dictatorship, as evinced by its use of barrel bombs and torture. We have to break the control of the Islamic State. We have to silence the guns in Syria and provide the people who live there with access to humanitarian aid.
Moreover, we also share the commons goals of preserving the territorial integrity of Syria and restoring conditions in which all ethnic and religious groups can live in peace with each other, as well as in peace with neighbouring countries. Those are goals that all the actors must believe in, whatever differences may exist between the United States of America and Russia or between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
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We already have a basis for joint action aimed at achieving those goals, as illustrated by Security Council resolution 2139 (2014). We must now implement it together with all the stakeholders as a first step towards defusing the conflict. I appeal to the stakeholders in Syria and Syria’s neighbours — but not only to them. Instead of multilateral decisions, such as those recently taken by Russia, regarding military action in Syria, we need Russia to now take political action that will advocate transition in Syria. That would be an important contribution to ending the stalemate. For that stalemate is a lethal one, which claims new lives every day.
At the risk of repeating myself, let me stress that when dealing with a humanitarian catastrophe as horrifying as the one in Syria, we are all neighbours. That is what must prompt us to crawl out of our diplomatic trenches, for there can be no military solution. Neither supposed eternal truths nor national interests must be allowed to obstruct efforts to take the first steps in defusing the conflict in Syria.
In these turbulent times, the idea of universal good- neighbourliness would be no more than a dream if there were not already an umbrella, a roof, under which universal good-neighbourliness has been practised for decades. Today we need the United Nations more than ever. We need a legitimate and responsive United Nations, and that is why Germany is campaigning for the reform of the United Nations and the Security Council. That is why we are working with others on the major global projects, on the ambitious 2030 Agenda Sustainable Development Goals (resolution 70/1), which has just been adopted and on the equally, if not more, ambitious goals to combat climate change, which we hope to adopt together at the Conference of the Parties in Paris this December.
The United Nations provides a framework, a roof, for our global endeavours. But under that roof, the work must continue at many levels. We Germans believe, first, that the way forward lies in regional cooperation in the European Union and the OSCE and in cooperation with other regional organizations, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the African Union, among others. Secondly, we are committed to re-establishing and stabilizing State structures across the arc of crisis from Libya to Iraq and Afghanistan. And thirdly, especially in our capacity as President of the Human Rights Council, we are championing the fundamental importance of human rights. For no political order can endure if the people are not secure in their rights.
In conclusion, I would like to return to the founding of the United Nations 70 years ago. As magnificent as that moment was, it also inspires a sense of great humility in me as a German, because the Charter of the United Nations was part of humankind’s response to the war and inhumanity that had originated in my country. In the seven decades that have passed since that time, Germany has been fortunate enough to be gradually and cautiously welcomed back into the heart of the international community. For that, we Germans are grateful, but we are also aware of our responsibility. When Mr. Willy Brandt became the Federal Chancellor of Germany in 1969, he said that we Germans want to be a people of good neighbours. At the time, Germany was still divided, and those words were meant as a gesture of reconciliation towards Poland, France and the other European neighbours that had suffered greatly at German hands.
Today, when a Syrian family in Berlin tells me their tale of war and expulsion, Mr. Brandt’s words take on a new meaning. Now the world has become smaller, but the crises are no fewer. It is time for us to once again reaffirm that we Germans want to be a people of good neighbours to others near and far.


It is with the utmost pleasure that I address the Organization today. It is a privilege for me to take the floor for the first time in the General Assembly, particularly because the Member States have come together to celebrate the Organization’s seventieth anniversary.
This is undoubtedly a historic moment in the life of the United Nations, when we can celebrate and honestly reflect on the principles and spirit that led to the establishment of the Organization, as well as the failures and successes of the past 70 years. Those failures and successes are intimately associated with various world events, including the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, whose status as a sovereign State was internationally recognized on 20 May 2002.
Nonetheless, the world has changed dramatically since the Charter of the United Nations was signed seven decades ago, in 1945. Today, we are an Organization with 193 Member States, many of which were formed after the end of the Second World War. The world in the twenty-first century is marked by a combination of complexities, challenges and different opportunities
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that require coordinated actions by the States. While in the 1940s we already had the audacity to proclaim that no country is an island, that adage is even more relevant in our own century with the advances in communication and transportation technologies that transform our world into a global village in which distance and location are no longer impediments to interaction among peoples and States. It requires from us a stronger commitment to understanding and cooperation as a means to better capitalize on the potential and to minimize the adverse risks of that new reality.
Our commitment to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the multilateral system therefore constitutes an indispensable element in the interactions of humankind in our century. Today, using the words of the Preamble to the Charter, we must repeat our undertaking “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war” and “reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights” with dignity and equality for all. We must strengthen our commitment to “justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law” and to “social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom”.
Those ideals are the pillars of the Organization and have guided its work since its foundation, but we must acknowledge that we have yet to respond to the aspirations of all peoples in all nations of the world. Now is an opportune moment to renew our efforts towards fulfilling those principles. To that end, the United Nations needs a reform that will allow it to take up the challenges that have emerged in the new circumstances of our century. Reforming the Security Council is one change that has been suggested, with a view to making the Council more representative and balanced. Improving the system is the only way for us to be prepared for the long journey ahead and for us to honour and fulfil the promise of peace, security and human rights for all.
At the United Nations sustainable development Summit a few days ago, from 25 to 27 September, we all met to launch the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). Through the changes outlined on the new Agenda, we have redefined the pillar of development for the United Nations and set the planet on the path to sustainable development. The dynamic of change must now focus on the other pillars of the Organization, which are peace, security and human rights.
The United Nations was born out of the need for States to develop closer relations and work together in a world dismayed and marked by war. Yet, conflicts and violence continue to ravage the world, and millions of people continue to be forced to abandon their homes and countries. We currently have the largest number of refugees since the Second World War, and estimates indicate that the number will increase. In addition to those refugees, there are many other people who migrate in search of better opportunities.
We are seeing thousands of people arriving in Europe every day, trying to escape threats to their lives, which they face in the conflict zones in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, among several other countries. It is crucial that we bear in mind that we must provide those who are forced to flee persecution and armed conflict with the protection to which they are entitled under international law. We cannot forget that crises, wherever they crop up, can drag on and spread indiscriminately, affecting economies, social life, peace and stability in particular regions and in the world. Notwithstanding the progress achieved since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, we must acknowledge that there remains much to do and fulfil. Conflicts and crises persist in Africa, the Middle East, Asia, Europe and the Americas. The Saharans, Palestinians and many other peoples continue to be denied their fundamental rights.
When there is disagreement, leaders must recognize that dialogue is a means to an end. Timor- Leste is particularly pleased that the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba have re-established diplomatic relations. It congratulates them and hopes that a frank and open dialogue will quickly lead to the removal of impediments to economic, financial and trade relations.
New and different threats to peace, security and human rights have emerged since the creation of the United Nations. Terrorism, organized crime and extreme violence are new obstacles to international peace and security. The United Nations and the international community must adapt to those new threats in order to ensure a process to build peace and to build an inclusive, responsible and transparent State with a view to achieving lasting peace.
Another challenge, which may not appear as consistently in the mass media but which affects us equally, is climate change, and the international community is approaching a moment of decision in that
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regard. The discussions that will take place at the end of the year at the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris, must produce universal, ambitious and legally binding results. It is time to act with respect to climate change. The whole world is advancing towards a consensus that recognizes the urgency of combating climate change, including citizens, civil society and religious leaders, as seen in the message of His Holiness Pope Francis (see A/70/PV.3) and the declaration by Muslim leaders, which underscore our moral duty to protect those who are most vulnerable and to care for the planet we inhabit.
We also know that the impacts of climate change are even more pronounced in the developing small island States, which are on the front lines of the struggle. Our neighbouring islands in the Pacific have been assailed by the same storms and by an increase in the number of natural disasters, which are compounded, as if that were not enough, by soil erosion and the rise of sea levels.
Timor-Leste has been a part of the community of nations for 13 years and is ready to roll up its sleeves, leverage its national experience and contribute to the international community. We are a young nation, but that has never been nor will it ever be a reason for us to ignore the events and realities of the world we share. We officially announce our desire to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, boost progress in fragile States through the Group of Seven Plus and accede to the international mechanisms for the promotion of peace, democracy, justice and human rights.
We have been serving in the presidency pro tempore of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries since 2014. We wish to instil a new dynamic in that Community of sister nations and bring it to the forefront of economic globalization, with investment opportunities that could improve the living conditions of our peoples and contribute to the development, peace, and stability of the peoples of the world. We have had the opportunity to share our experience with other brotherly countries and peoples, such as Guinea- Bissau, Sao Tome et Principe, and the Central African Republic.
Timor-Leste’s participation on the stage of international politics reflects our conviction as to the importance of solidarity, mutual respect, and cooperation for a better world. We have also undergone a Government transition recently. After many years at
the helm of the country, our outstanding leaders and former Presidents of the Republic, Xanana Gusmão and José Ramos-Horta, who are present here today, understood that Timor-Leste lacked a model of inclusive democracy. That type of democracy, which gave rise to the sixth constitutional Government, which is currently in office, was achieved peacefully and with dignity. The Government that I am honoured to lead is committed to preserving the peace and stability that has been achieved. It is also committed to continuing the efforts of previous Governments to foster growth and development in our country and the well-being of our people.
However, the road ahead for the Timorese is still long and arduous. In addition to building our institutions and promoting sustainable development, the national consensus in Timor-Leste is that we must work to fully assert our national sovereignty under international law and standards. That full assertion of our sovereignty includes the demarcation of our maritime borders with our two great neighbours, Indonesia and Australia. As a matter of principle, Timor-Leste has opted for negotiations in accordance with international law and standards and, when dialogue fails to resolve disagreements, our country has chosen to use international conflict-resolution mechanisms.
Though small, Timor-Leste has also helped other nations in their development efforts. The recent report of the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations (see A/70/95), chaired by former President José Ramos- Horta, proposed fundamental shifts for the future of peace operations, which will have an impact on the lives of thousands of people. The four major shifts proposed by the Panel would help to enhance the credibility, relevance and legitimacy of the United Nations, thus making it more effective in preventing and resolving conflicts, and in peacemaking and peacekeeping, so that people can live in security and freedom.
Over the past three years, we have witnessed an unprecedented effort on the part of the States Members of the United Nations, and the international community in general, to redefine our approach to sustainable development. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) embodies a remarkable balance of interests and priorities in its set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which are profoundly interlinked and indivisible. Timor-Leste is particularly pleased with the inclusion of Goal 16, which strengthens the essential elements of peace, justice, and
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institutions. We know from our own experience that those elements are crucial to our joint commitment not to leave anyone behind on our path towards sustainable development. Goal 16 is the basis for a truly inclusive Agenda and, together with Goals 5 and 17, serves as the cornerstone for achieving the other Goals. Timor- Leste is committed to working with other countries and development partners and sharing what little we have to implement those Goals and the other SDGs.
In conclusion, I wish to thank the United Nations, its Secretary-General, the President of the General Assembly and all States Members of the United Nations here present, as well as all the sectors of society that supported us in our struggle for liberation until we were recognized as a sovereign State. It is with humility that we once again express our profound gratitude and declare our commitment to being a part of this great team of nations that fights tirelessly for a more prosperous, just, and peaceful world. We believe that nations, when united, are much stronger and produce better results.


It is an honour for me to address the General Assembly and to convey my congratulations to President Lykketoft on his election. Peru is ready to contribute to the success of his mandate.
Seventy years ago, we established the United Nations Organization so as to maintain international peace and security, promote and protect human rights and cooperate at the international level for the development of our peoples. We now renew our commitment to its purposes and principles and affirm the need to continue working to ensure that its vision becomes a tangible reality for all and that we leave future generations a sustainable planet.
My country is particularly proud to have been a founding member of the Organization and to have steadfastly been committed to its Charter and to multilateralism. We would like now to recall three illustrious Peruvians who held three high-ranking posts: Ambassador Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, who was Secretary-General; the former President of Peru, José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, who was President of the International Court of Justice; and Mr. Víctor Andrés Belaúnde, who was President of the General Assembly.
There is no doubt that the United Nations system has contributed, and continues to contribute, a great deal to the progress of humankind. We must realize that, for over 70 years, we have not seen another major war such as the ones that beset the world in the first half of the twentieth century, nor has there been an economic crisis of the magnitude of the Great Depression. However, there is no doubt that the achievements of the United Nations have not reached everyone equally. The world compels us to rethink what kind of Organization it is that we need and to redouble our efforts to ensure that peace and security, human rights and sustainable development are truly universal.
Peru attaches the greatest importance to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). We have agreed to transform the world in a single
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generation in a process throughout which our people have been heard and our cultural diversity has been acknowledged as a catalyst for development. For the first time in history, humankind has a universal instrument through which we have committed ourselves to eradicating poverty in all its forms and dimensions and to achieving sustainable development over the next 15 years without leaving anyone behind. In fact, we have decided to strengthen and renew the global partnership for sustainable development. In line with Peru’s priorities for social inclusion, we are happy to see that the 2030 Agenda reflects that same transformational character throughout.. We must be inclusive in order to grow, and we must give priority to the economic and social groups that have been left behind and those that are most vulnerable, which, more often than not, include indigenous peoples, the elderly, persons with disabilities and migrants.
In order to implement the new Agenda it is essential to allocate sufficient resources. We need to increase the budgets for programmes that involve social inclusion, especially in the fields of health and education, giving priority to the care of our children, gender equality and the empowerment of women. Peru considers it vital to adopt at the twenty-first meeting of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Conference on Climate Change, to be held in Paris in December, a universally binding, ambitious and balanced agreement to address climate change. As the current Acting President of that Conference, Peru is sparing no effort to reach that goal, in accordance with the Lima Call for Climate Action. Climate change and environmental challenges are endless. The experts say that we will be facing a particularly serious situation with regard to El Niño over the next few years. We must invest more in disaster prevention and risk reduction as part of our development plans. Peru, a country of stupendous biodiversity, would also like to call attention to the great potential of biodiversity for development. In that regard, we are particularly concerned about the preservation and sustainable use of land and sea ecosystems.
As is the case with sustainable development, the United Nations must make strides in the area of international peace and security in order to ensure respect for and promotion of human rights. Peru commends the important progress that has been made towards achieving peace in the sister Republic of Colombia. We also welcome the restoration of relations between the Republic of Cuba and the United States,
and we again appeal for an end to the economic and financial blockade.
Concerning the question of Palestine, the Security Council must be proactive in promoting a dialogue that leads to direct negotiations. Palestinians and Israelis should live together in peace and should prosper in two States within secure and internationally recognized borders. The status quo is unsustainable. Peru reaffirms its commitment to defending and promoting human rights, the rule of law, the peaceful resolution of disputes and conflict prevention.
We believe that the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court should be universally recognized. We therefore encourage States that have not yet done so to fully accede to their respective statutes. We must strengthen our ability to react to humanitarian crises and prevent impunity for atrocities. No State can ignore the responsibility to protect human beings. Peru deplores the situation that has developed in Syria and the evil crimes of the so-called Islamic State.
We must ensure the continued legitimacy of the Security Council. It is vital that we work to achieve its comprehensive reform, both in its composition and working methods and by restricting the use of the veto, if we are to ensure its representativeness and effectiveness. In that regard, Peru has been working within the Accountability, Consistency and Transparency group on the adoption of a code of conduct that can guide the Security Council’s action where heinous crimes are concerned.
Aware of the new tasks included in the mandates of peacekeeping operations, Peru will be sending an engineering company to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic, the first time that a Peruvian company has deployed outside our region.
Peru has been working to deal decisively and effectively with the global drug problem. In that regard, we have been implementing a successful strategy with a comprehensive approach that includes actions aimed at prevention, control and interdiction, as well as sustainable alternative development programmes for farmers. In the past year, as a result of that strategy, we recorded a net reduction in illicit crops that was almost 14 per cent greater and cocaine seizures that were 40 per cent higher than the figures for 2013. In the past year alone, we expanded our alternative development
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programmes to cover more than 50,000 hectares, and we have reforested about 15,000 hectares that had been affected by illicit crops. The special session in 2016 that the General Assembly will devote to the scourge of drugs should reaffirm full enforcement of the international conventions relating to drugs and the commitment to addressing the problem through national strategies.
We also consider it very important to continue promoting an environment conducive, at every level, to effective arms control, including limiting conventional weapons and enforcing the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We reaffirm our commitment to the Arms Trade Treaty and the principles of disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation, without prejudice to the inalienable right of all States to research and produce nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.
As I noted at the beginning of my statement, the international community is taking on the ambitious task of transforming the world by eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable development through its implementation of the 2030 Agenda. In order to achieve the new Agenda’s Goals, States will have to significantly increase the resources that they dedicate to the implementation of the Goals and strengthen international cooperation in every way. A renewed global partnership should also strengthen cooperation in the field of disarmament and non-proliferation and promote confidence-building measures aimed at preventing conflicts, arms races and humanitarian crises, because without peace there can be no development. Seventy years after its creation, this Organization can and should contribute to making a reality of the future we all want.