 I am pleased to express the cordial congratulations of the delegation of Peru to our President on his election to the presidency of the thirty--sixth session of the General Assembly. His election is a well-deserved tribute to him and to his standing as an experienced diplomat and internationalist.
131.	I also wish to express my delegation's appreciation to his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, who carried out the delicate functions of President with undeniable brilliance both within and outside this hall.
132.	Peru wishes to extend a welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu. Because of its location in the Pacific Ocean, it is very close to our interests, and we welcome it to the United Nations in the conviction that it will contribute effectively to the work of the Organization.
133>. It is a special satisfaction for me to speak to this Assembly as Belize attains independence. I extend my warmest congratulations to that new State in Latin America.
134.	I wish also to express the admiration and appreciation of the Government of Peru to Mr. Kurt Waidheim, Secretary General of the United Nations, who for 10 years has rendered distinguished service to the cause of peace by his personal efforts, with diplomatic skill that deserves a tribute from our Organization.
135.	The gathering here each year of representatives from all the States Members of the Organization gives us an opportunity to take stock of the international situation and, which is even more important, to realize our responsibilities with regard to the preservation of peace and the attainment of prosperity for all our peoples.
136.	Over the past year two realities have, emerged with increased clarity on the international scene. On the one hand, the gradual expansion of universal ideo-political tendencies has given rise to a lively reaction and produced a new clash between different concepts of the way to achieve the wellbeing of the community. Thus international tension has increased and the competition for military supremacy has aggravated and deepened our fears and concerns.
137.	On the other hand, the manner in which the countries of the third world have asserted their positions at the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has in many instances convinced others of the justice of their views, which were at first unacceptable to the industrialized nations. This is clear demonstration of the enormous potential of the developing countries if they can stand together and apply their goodwill to coordination and action.
138.	This example gives a glimmer of hope in the still slow progress towards the attainment of a new international order. However, we believe that that is not the only historical task falling on the developing countries. There is now a growing realization that our demands to the developed countries do not reflect, enmity or mean confrontation; it is also true that, in the struggle for world hegemony, to which we have alluded, there is no reason why the developing countries need take sides in this struggle, which we had thought two decades ago was a thing of the past.
139.	This force which we are beginning to appreciate and which has been brought about by the convergence of the developing countries could well have a historic destiny here at the United Nations, that of preventing a suicidal conflagration and becoming the prime guarantor of peace.
140.	The active promotion of peaceful coexistence is the great undertaking of the third world at the present time.
141.	We reported in the previous session of the Assembly [5th meeting] on the meaning and importance of the assumption of the constitutional presidency by Mr. Fernando Belaunde Terry. We said that we had undertaken a solemn commitment to preserve freedom, respect human rights and work relentlessly for the building of a truly just society.
142.	Now that the first year of that Government has passed we can quote with legitimate satisfaction what the President of Peru has said: "Today in Peru the Constitution prevails, the law rules and freedom reigns in the entire Republic."	''
143.	New laws covering the agriculture, livestock, petroleum and mines are giving renewed vigor to the exploitation of the natural resources of Peru. The creation of the bank for the procurement of building and housing materials and the institution of social mortgages, with subsidized interest rates, have given creative momentum to a vast housing plan which at the present time, counting units under construction and those already completed, covers more than 10,000 housing units at moderate rents.
144.	An energetic beginning has been made on lengthening roads, repairing stretches of highway and building new roads along the PanAmerican highway on the coast and along the mountains and adjacent forest areas all of which has made it possible for the growing Peruvian population to establish new settlements with a view to the proper utilization of the national territory.
145.	The cumulative effect of the people's cooperation and voluntary work by the communities, with the technical advice of the State, which is internationally considered to be the most efficient way of using intermediate technology, is already bearing fruit among the most remote and the poorest peoples, thanks to the 150 provincial centers.
146.	We are carrying out this immense task while making every effort to improve the economy, which is still affected by the crisis we are facing and by the current world recession and inflation.
147.	We promised freedom of expression and we have altered the situation which we found and kept our word. Today in Peru national newspapers, television channels and radio stations have all been put in the hands of their rightful owners, thus giving the Peruvian people the right to the free interplay of opinions and ideas.
148.	We promised genuine municipal elections, and on 23 November 1980 such elections were held throughout the country.
149.	We know full well that to live in freedom and complete democracy is no easy undertaking. But what can enhance the prestige of a Government and the majority political party sustaining it more than respect for the representation and the criticism of all the political sectors of the country without exception? That is what is happening today in our country.
150.	Full respect for human rights and a sincere attempt to achieve social justice and progress are the best safeguards against any attempt to promote violence and social chaos. They are also the best guarantees of the stability of the democratic! system which today, fortunately, has been established thanks to the express will of the Peruvian people.
151.	Peru's foreign policy is founded on consistent adherence to and respect for the principles on which international legal order rests. Our policy is pursued in harmony with our position in the South American continent and our desire to promote cooperation and integration in the Andean, Amazonian and Pacific subregions, with our wish to establish links with all countries at the regional, hemispheric and intercontinental levels; it is in keeping with our status as developing countries bound together with all the countries of the third world, and in line with our status as an authentically independent nonaligned country.
152.	We are pleased that we have achieved the best possible relations with all neighboring countries, which guarantees not only fraternal links but also the effective attainment of our common objectives, namely, cooperation for development with respect for our national sovereignties.
153.	The task of promoting integration, which has been set forth in the Constitution of the State, has been vigorously assumed by the Government of Peru. We have contributed to a thorough analysis of the Cartegena Agreement and to making the various positions more realistic, thus paving the way for the revival of the most ambitious joint effort thus far to realize Bolivar's desire for integration.
154.	We are pleased that, in accordance with the strict timetable for the carrying out of those tasks, early in September a meeting of the Commission of the Cartagena Agreement was held in Bogota at which the Ministers of Industry and Integration took fruitful decisions.
155.	During this meeting effective steps were taken to carry out the Treaty for Amazonian Cooperation, and early this month in' Lima the first technical meeting took place with the participation of all member States. That was a preliminary step before the forthcoming meeting of the Council on the Amazon.
156.	Aware that without physical links any efforts at economic integration are purely Utopian, in the Organization of American States we emphasized the need to begin serious work to link the water basins of the Orinoco, the Amazon and the Plata. It is indeed heartening to note, that, now our proposal having been favorably received,' the first technical meeting for analysis and study of this most important continental project will be held in October 1981 in Lima, under the auspices of our regional organization.
157.	In his report on the work of the United Nations, the SecretaryGeneral has mentioned the happy outcome of a border incident between Peru and Ecuador [A/36/1, sect. IV]. In the early months of this year, Peru was forced, in defense of its sovereignty and integrity, to repel foreign military forces that had penetrated its territory.
158.	That situation was, however, resolved through the valuable intervention of the countries guaranteeing the PeruvianEcuadorian Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Frontiers of Rio de Janeiro and its complementary documents, still in force, which Peru and Ecuador solemnly signed in 1942.
159.	We should like to reiterate our appreciation to the Governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America which, in their letter of 23 February 1981,9 informed the President of the Security Council of the Declaration that had been produced at the Nineteenth Meeting of Consultation of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of American States, stating that they had assumed and would continue to assume their responsibilities as countries guaranteeing the Rio de Janeiro Protocol of 1942.
160.	Within the framework of this legal instrument, Peru remains willing to cease placing of landmarks over the remaining 78 kilometer length of the common frontier of the Cordillera del Condor.
161.	Over the past few years we have been concerned about the growing social unrest in Central America and the Caribbean, which is an expression of the problems and difficulties in achieving sustained development. The magnitude of those unfortunate confrontations has served to draw the attention of the international community to the region.
162.	Although there is an awareness of the need and the desire to cooperate in efforts to promote socioeconomic development in the area, there has been a lack of specific machinery and a lack of coordination in efforts to achieve those objectives.
163.	We have noted that in spite of their willingness many Latin American countries that are technologically advanced and have the necessary human resources have not been able to transfer their experience and potentials to Central America and the Caribbean, because of the weakness of the economies of the donor and recipient countries, which stands in the way of the speedy and easy utilization of those resources. Consequently, now that many countries are anxious to establish what has been called a "miniMarshall Plan" for the area, Peru proposes a plan to support horizontal cooperation and establishment of a trust fund for that purpose.
164.	My Government would like to express its fraternal concern over the situation existing in the Republic of El Salvador. At the same time we express our hope that there will be a speedy settlement, and appeal for strict observance of the principle of nonintervention in a problem whose political and democratic settlement is strictly a matter for the people of El Salvador without any foreign interference, direct or indirect.
165.	Peru shares with other peoples of America, Africa, Asia and Oceania a common concern: development. The third world is an unavoidable reality in the great international discussions of our time. We have not yet found the path to a speedy and just development. But our countries continue to absorb, without a reciprocal balance, one third or more of the exports of the industrialized countries and we, contribute 40 per cent or more to the profits that those countries obtain from their investments. It is difficult for us to obtain fair terms of trade, but the statistics show that for the 19801990 decade we shall contribute nearly 30 per cent of the increase in world production. It should come as no surprise, then, that the countries of the third world are making a major effort to identify their common problems. Nor is it surprising that there has been a desire to reformulate international relations in such a way as to encompass all the nations of the world.
166.	Nevertheless, the continuation of protectionist policies in many industrialized countries, the problem of the decline in the prices of raw materials caused by forces quite beyond the control of the producing countries, the resistance to the transfer of financial resources to the developing countries, the postponement of demands for a new international economic order, the deterioration in the terms of trade, the defense of sovereignty and maritime jurisdiction are problems common to the entire developing world and must be the basis of a joint effort to overcome these problems. We need more than just a statement of the problems: we need determination to do away with whatever divides us and to affirm our areas of agreement.
167.	It is encouraging that the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues recognizes facts and underscores the prospects of the world today and tomorrow, and that it puts forward a body of solutions which, if strictly carried out, will make the NorthSouth dialog fruitful and might very well point the way towards the just world that we all aspire to. Peru is confident that a spirit of solidarity and a sense of balance will prevail at the meeting to be held shortly in Cancun, Mexico, with the participation of a limited number of Heads of State or Government of North and South. As the future of the international older is at issue, other summit meetings must be envisaged where those who are not participating on this occasion will be able to state their views.
168.	We view with interest the meeting that the Latin American Economic System [SELA] has scheduled for this year, to coordinate Latin American positions and to make effective our dialog with the United States, in an effort to bring about better understanding in our hemisphere.
169.	We consider that development should be the common heritage of mankind, the inalienable right of our peoples, and we believe also that peace and security should not be the privilege of any group of nations. In order to ensure this right to peace and international security, to ensure that it is enjoyed by one and all, the nonaligned movement arose, and inspired by the conviction that it is through the. association of all these countries, respecting the national sovereignty of all countries and rejecting any form of discrimination, that peace can be preserved without the need for nations to form blocs with one or another of the great world Powers.
170.	This year we are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the nonaligned movement, and I am pleased to stress our contribution to the coordination of efforts of the developing countries which have strengthened our position in the struggle to establish a new world order. It is important to preserve the very essence of nonalignment, based on no commitment to either of the great world Powers.
171.	The present Government, of Peru, which, from the Peruvian past, has inherited traditions of justice and work and has made them the nucleus of a new ideology, is particularly well endowed to pursue an independent, sovereign foreign policy while at the same, time making full use of anything positive that is applicable to our national realities which can be found in the various policies pursued in today's world.
172.	In the search for a new order, the developing countries have been aware that they cannot achieve immediate results in their dialog with the industrialized countries, and they have realized that full use must be made of 'their own present and potential economies. For that reason,' the Group of 77, which encompasses at the present time more than 127 developing countries, put forward the idea of what it calls "SouthSouth cooperation", and this year the program for economic cooperation among developing countries [see A/36/333] was approved at its most recent meeting at Caraballeda, Venezuela. In a concrete and consistent way it contains distinct sectorial objectives in the financial, monetary, commercial, food, raw material, energy and technological areas now at various levels of development.
173.	It should be mentioned here that horizontal cooperation should not be seen as a substitute for global economic cooperation between the developing countries and the industrialized countries.
174.	The Government of Peru appreciates the true dimension of the efforts that are needed, and it wishes to participate in the solution of international problems. We have promoted global negotiations within the United Nations as the best way to achieve, by negotiation and not through confrontation, a restructuring of the present unjust international economic order, lowering the rising level of world tension and forging a truly safe world for everyone.
175.	Peru has been active in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has been meeting since the end of 1973 and which in August completed its tenth session, at Geneva. In so doing, we have done nothing more than protect the higher national interests of our country, a mining country of the first order, which, in the future, with many other countries, could see the prices of its raw materials and minerals affected if in the future the free unilateral exploitation of the seabed by the highly industrialized countries and their transnational enterprises is permitted. That would violate the principle that the seabed and its resources are the common heritage of mankind.
176.	We are pleased by the fact that at the last meeting the unofficial text of the draft Convention became official, that the argument for 200 miles which was so tenaciously defended has finally achieved its official confirmation, the headquarters of the International Seabed Authority and of the International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea have been established and consensus has been reached on the difficult task of the delimitation of the economic zones and continental shelves between States with adjacent and opposing coastlines.
177.	As we have already stated, these achievements demonstrate that the States of the third world are united in their determination to prevent any changes in substantive aspects of the draft Convention. This is also a desires shared by the great majority of the developed countries that participated in the Conference.
178.	It is our firm hope that when the Government of the United States reviews its position on the draft convention it will reach conclusions similar to those that made it possible for its earlier negotiators to work within the Conference. This would mean an honoring of commitments negotiated by consensus among the other countries participating in the Conference. It would indeed be regrettable if the international law of the sea were to be undermined, for it is inevitable that it be established as the sole guarantee against chaos, confrontation and unlawful activities by any State.
179.	One of the most important events of the foreign policy of Peru this year has been Peru's accession to the Antarctic Treaty, signed in Washington on 1 December 1959. The Government of Peru considers that, given the special geographical position of our country, we have a direct and substantial interest in the Antarctic region and consequently, on the basis of the principle of the legal equality of all the signatories, we shall strive hard in the search for a general and final statute for that area in which equal consideration will be given to the interests of all the States involved.
180.	My country deems it opportune to mention the important step taken by the United Nations in promoting the Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which has permitted the drawing up of the Nairobi Program of Action on the development and utilization of those sources of energy." In addition, we believe that in order to consolidate the progress that has been made it will be necessary to bring about a real transfer of financial and technological resources from the developed countries to the developing countries with a view to the utilization of those new sources of energy.
181.	The Government of Peru views with apprehension the close relationship between the tense international situation and the deadlock in the disarmament process. The deterioration of the latter has been dangerously aggravated by an escalation in the arms race on a worldwide level which involves primarily those nations that have the largest arsenals of nuclear and conventional weapons. In this connection, Peru is particularly concerned over the fact that an appreciation of the universal importance of peace tends to be diluted in theoretical and binding formulations, if not in misunderstandings which lead to failure, and that the institutionalized efforts of the United Nations run the risk of becoming bureaucratized when they are not legitimized by the political will of Governments.
182.	In keeping with our traditional positions, Peru will continue to work in every way possible for general and complete disarmament.
183.	Our Organization, through its work on the constant and difficult task of promoting a world order in which each individual and each nation can enjoy without any encumbrance, limitations or threats the elementary rights to freedom, security, development and wellbeing, is the appropriate framework for the consideration of any matter that may have to do with the defense of human rights.
184.	Two decades ago, Peru ratified the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and we are a signatory the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional Protocol. Regionally, we have ratified the
American Convention on Human Rights, known as the "Pact of San Jose, Costa Rica". We have also signed other international instruments the purpose of which is to protect human rights.
185.	Peru, in keeping with its demonstrated humanistic calling, today reiterates its devotion to those principles and rights as well as its determination to contribute to the promotion of the essential dignity of the human person and the development and wellbeing of society in a framework of freedom, social justice and full respect for the basic rights of the individual.
186.	This historic position of principle, set forth in the new Political Charter of the State of Peru, has been and will be zealously respected by the Government of President Belaunde Terry.
187.	We reject as inhumane and contrary to the march of history the system of apartheid which prevails in South Africa. Peru is a country which is proud of its multiracial ancestry, and we cannot allow the establishment of discriminatory differences of any kind. This is set forth in one of the articles of the Peruvian Constitution.
188.	Peru once again denounces the unlawful occupation of the territory of Namibia, in flagrant violation of the express injunctions of the United Nations and of the advisory opinion of 21 June 1971 of the International Court of Justice.12 We reaffirm here the unconditional support of my Government for the self-determination of the Namibian people, their inalienable right to independence, respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity and their right to their natural resources.
189.	Peru reaffirms its devotion to peace and its full and total support for the principle banning the use of force in the settlement of disputes, which is the fundamental guiding principle of its foreign policy. Disputes must be settled by the peaceful means set forth in the international instruments to which the parties are bound, for respect for the obligations arising from treaties, as enshrined in the Charter, is the indisputable foundation on which contemporary international relations are built. Thus, Peru will cooperate in the adoption of any international instrument which bans once and for all the use of force in relations among States.
190.	It is therefore regrettable that situations of tension persist between Iraq and Iran, in Cyprus, in Kampuchea and in Afghanistan. My delegation considers that every effort must be made in this Assembly and in the Security Council to put an end soon to those situations. At the same time, we give full backing to the SecretaryGeneral in his efforts to find negotiated political formulas which would contribute to their solution, whether by mandate of the Council or on his own initiative within the framework of his prerogatives.
191.	My delegation cannot fail to indicate its rejection of the recent invasion of Angola by foreign troops, which not only is an attack on the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, but which furthermore contributes to an increase in the threat to international peace and security.
192.	We express our serious concern over the deterioration in the situation in the Middle East. We condemn the aggression and the use of force in recent events both in Lebanon and in Iraq; they violate the standards of peaceful coexistence and the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
193.	if is urgent that the General Assembly find valid procedures and machinery which would bring this painful conflict to a satisfactory solution, bearing in mind the relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, the secure existence of all the concerned States and parties in the region and all valid efforts to achieve peace and understanding.
194.	Peru considers that it is the obligation of the Assembly to tackle the task of making the provisions of the Charter of the Organization more effective. To that end, we believe that the decision-making machinery of the United Nations must be revitalized to make it more effective, especially in the case of the Security Council. It is discouraging to note the abuse of the exceptional privileges of certain countries in the Organization. It is therefore our urgent and inescapable obligation to resolve this serious situation.
195.	In my country, the Head of State has appealed to all political parties and all sectors of national activity to join together, without setting aside their own convictions, "in their humble homes with all their unfulfilled yearnings, in the squalor of their urban and rural slums, in their decaying schools, to take the decision to overcome their afflictions".
196.	He called for a great united effort: for national brotherhood.
197.	At this time of tension and trial for the international community, I think that it behooves us too to think deeply. There should be an appeal to the conscience of all nations to join together making use of only what is positive in progress and science to solve mankind's problems.
198.	For its part, my country, at this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, calls for world brotherhood.


25.	Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of Finland, I wish to extend to you our congratulations on your election
as President of this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You bring to your high office unique knowledge and experience based on service in various capacities spanning more than two decades. Those qualities will stand us, in good stead during a session which may have more than its normal share of difficulties.
26.	May I also extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu, the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations. "The accession of that country to sovereignty and membership of the United Nations is yet another proof of the success of the Organization in the peaceful dismantlement of erstwhile colonial empires.
27.	Twenty years have passed since the death of the second SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjold, and those who died with him. Both in life and in death, Hammarskjold was the incarnation of the immutable ideals of the United Nations. Today the memory of Dag Hammarskjold should stand as a constant reminder and an inspiration to us all in a quest for a more rational and peaceful world order as prescribed in the Charter of the United Nations.
28.	The present world situation causes profound anxiety, which runs deeper than it has in years. Its cause is not a sudden change in the realm of realities. The threat of a major war has not become imminent. Regional conflicts, while acute, have remained regional. The sharp increase in tensions therefore has other causes less tangible, yet of equal impact. What I have in mind is a change in political perceptions and attitudes. The policies resulting from that change could bear the name of confrontation. As a consequence, the EastWest dialog and cc operation have reached their lowest level for well over a decade.
29.	Confrontation pits against each other two major Powers with a preponderance of military might. Less than 10 years ago, the same two Powers solemnly declared that in the nuclear age there was no alternative to peaceful coexistence. At the same time they committed themselves to refraining from seeking i" 'lateral advantage at the expense of each other, to cooperation in preventing conflicts that could increase international tension and to limitation of armaments bilaterally and multilaterally. Today confrontation seems to have overtaken these pledges.
30.	But confrontation does not exist in a void. It is a complex phenomenon, with elements of historical legacy, ideological convictions, political and economic interests. The consequences of confrontation are global. No one is totally immune from its impact. Confrontation fuels the arms race, while the arms race feeds on confrontation. The disarmament process has come to a halt and even retrogressed. Policies of confrontation aggravate regional conflicts and further complicate their peaceful resolution. Tensions become endemic. International economic exchanges suffer. Problems of the developing world are either ignored or seen in the distorting light of EastWest confrontation.
31.	Policies of confrontation generate a sense of uncertainty and insecurity. The risks involved are compounded by unpredictability. Confrontation is thus inconsistent with the quest for a stable international order. The time has come for a reassessment in the search for a new international consensus. The basis for such a consensus exists. It is the Charter of the United Nations and a strict respect for its provisions by nations large and small, respect not only in word but in deed. The broad objectives of this action should remain detente, disarmament and development. The instruments for this purpose are readily available. They consist of dialog and negotiation. The very essence of an orderly conduct of international affairs is a continuous and unhindered communication between States. The responsibility lies, in the first instance, with those Governments that, because of their overpowering military might, hold the balance of peace in their hands.
32.	In spite of these troubled times, Finland has managed to enjoy both external and internal stability. Pursuing a policy of neutrality, Finland continues to stay outside the conflicts of interest between the great Powers and maintains good relations with all countries. Finland has made use of its international position for the benefit of the entire international community in actively promoting international peace and cooperation, particularly in the United Nations and at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Finland will continue to pursue this policy.
33.	Finland is part of the Nordic region, which during the whole postwar era has remained largely untouched by international tensions. This has been the result of the endeavors of the Nordic Governments and the willingness of the great Powers to preserve the stability of the Nordic region. At their meeting at Copenhagen on 1 and 2 September this year, the Foreign Ministers of the Nordic countries confirmed again the importance of the stable and balanced security situation of the Nordic region. They underlined its contribution to the maintenance of peace and security also in a wider international context. The continued absence of nuclear weapons in these countries is a vital element in this regard. In order to strengthen further the existing security policy situation, the Nordic countries have also agreed to continue their contacts concerning the idea of a nuclear weapon-free zone in the Nordic area.
34.	Policies of confrontation and lack of trust have brought disarmament negotiations to a virtual halt. Arms negotiations are fewer and results almost nonexistent. Conversely, military imbalance, real or perceived, leads to new rounds  of the arms race. Pursuit of military superiority, in whatever form or for whatever purpose, is as futile it is dangerous. Security is in disarmament, not in arms.
35.	The gap between achievement and aspiration in disarmament is wider than ever. Weapons of increased sophistication are developed, produced, deployed. Military doctrines are adjusted in response to new technologies. Ultimately, advances in military technology may prove upsetting to global strategic stability, an outcome that would have incalculable consequences.
36. Whatever the commitment to curbing the arms race, the perilously advancing military technology will make all efforts in future more complex than hitherto. It will be ever more difficult to agree what weapons should be limited, and how. Verification may prove increasingly complex. Entirely new mechanisms may be necessary.
37. The continuing arms race threatens the security of Europe. Nuclear weapons in Europe have become a subject of acute controversy. Whatever the merits of the claims and counterclaims concerning military balance in this field, the end result is the same: less security for all. There is only one way out: negotiations in good faith, and the sooner, the better. As for the Finnish Government, we have consistently opposed the development and deployment of all new nuclear weapons, their spread to new owners and their deployment on new territories.
38.	Direct negotiations between the two major Powers on these questions are urgently called for. Every effort should be made to reach a decision on comprehensive talks on confidence and security-building measures and disarmament in Europe, as envisaged in the ongoing talks at the Madrid follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
39.	A successful outcome of the Madrid follow-up meeting as a whole is of the utmost importance in the light of the present international situation. The persistent efforts of this meeting, which has already continued for over a year, and the results achieved so far reflect, in our opinion, a widely and seriously felt need to preserve the process itself in order to revive and enhance its contribution to detente in Europe. Positive results from Madrid would not merely have an effect on relations among European States but would make an impact on the international situation as a whole.
40.	In a world of scarce human and natural resources, the arms race is a crippling economic strain, both globally and within national economies. The arms race is a choice against development and, ultimately, a choice against the needs of people everywhere, particularly in the developing world. We should also bear in mind that the production of arms is a senseless waste of resources and is destructive to the environment. In view of the vulnerability of the environment and the scarcity of resources, the potential for industrial growth should be used for the purposes of development.
41.	Despite the unpromising outlook, the search for security through disarmament must continue. Efforts to limit nuclear arms must be revitalized. Strengthening the nonproliferation regime is more imperative than ever. The United Nations disarmament machinery must proceed with its work. Its priority items should remain a comprehensive test-ban treaty, a chemical weapons treaty and security guarantees to nonnuclear-weapon States. Progress on these items is essential if next year's special session on disarmament is to provide a new momentum for international disarmament efforts.
42.	The questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea remain on the agenda of the General Assembly. A peaceful settlement of those conflicts has not been reached. They therefore constitute a severe strain on relations between major Powers and thereby on the international situation as a whole. At the same time, some new elements have been injected into these questions in the form of proposals from various quarters. Efforts in the direction of a peaceful settlement should be pursued in the interest of strengthening international peace and security in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
43.	The situation in the Middle East is increasingly critical. Many developments in the area have no direct link with the ArabIsraeli conflict. Yet this problem, as long as it remains unsolved, is the key to the situation and a constant threat to peace and security not only in the region, but in the world as a whole. Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and actions to change the status of Jerusalem are in conflict with the efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The recent raids on Beirut and Baghdad have further aggravated the situation. The cycle of violence must be brought to a halt.
44.	The Finnish Government continues to consider that a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East crisis must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Israel has to withdraw from Arab territories occupied since 1967. Acquisition of territories by force is inadmissible. The right of Israel and all other States in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries must be guaranteed. Furthermore, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], as the most significant representative of the national aspirations of the Palestinians, has the right to participate in negotiations on a comprehensive settlement. The implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to national self-determination, is an essential part of the settlement.
45.	As long as a comprehensive negotiated solution has not been reached in the Middle East, the United Nations must continue its vital task of peacekeeping in the region. The necessary conditions for this activity have to be secured, in particular in Lebanon, where they are in jeopardy. Finland, for its part, continues to contribute to
the peacekeeping operations in the Middle East.
46.	Southern Africa is another region of protracted conflict. South Africa's policies of apartheid have created tensions in the region. Not only does South Africa continue its illegal occupation of Namibia; its attacks on Angola are a serious escalation of violence. Finland, together with the other Nordic countries, has strongly condemned the South African military attacks against Angola.
47.	Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the basis of a peaceful solution of the question of Namibia. South Africa has committed itself to the United Nations plan for Namibia, which the Council approved by this resolution. Yet, three years have gone by since the adoption of the plan without its implementation. It is understandable that the African nations begin to despair of the prospects for a negotiated settlement. South Africa must be made to realize that its attempts to prevent the independence of Namibia run against its own interests.
48.	Human rights are closely related to peace, security and prosperity in the world. The record of the United Nations in creating a viable code of conduct for nations in the field of human rights is impressive. Genuine observance of human rights in most parts of the world falls well short, however, of the advanced norms to which the States Members of the United Nations subscribe. Human rights must be respected everywhere without any conditions or qualifications. Disregard of human rights is itself a cause of tension within and between countries.
49.	One aspect of the general question of human rights concerns refugees. The international community has been able to alleviate to some extent the suffering of refugees and displaced persons. The International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held last April, was evidence of that. Unfortunately, most of the .great human tragedies of our time are deeply rooted in political and military developments. While humanitarian assistance to refugees must continue, the underlying causes must be removed.
50.	EastWest political confrontation, to which 1 referred at the beginning of my statement, has pushed the question of NorthSouth cooperation into the background. Yet if we do not urgently tackle the problems of development and poverty we shall be heading towards another confrontation, a confrontation between North and South. The danger of such a development for world peace and stability is manifest. Therefore urgent and determined action is now necessary. This is the responsibility of all Member States of the United Nations. In particular, all developed nations must assume their equitable share of that responsibility.
51.	The dimensions of international economic problems are immense. Population pressures continue; abject poverty, hunger and malnutrition prevail; the human environment deteriorates; and the limits set by the scarcity of natural resources are evident. Radical change is imperative. Priority must be given to mobilizing all our resources for the fight against these problems. This requires structural change in the world economy and increased transfers of resources, as well as a profound change in attitudes and internal economic adjustments, particularly in the industrialized countries.
52.	New efforts must be made to revitalize negotiations on international economic cooperation and development. In this respect, my Government shares the hopes which have been placed in the meeting of Heads of State in Cancun next month. We hope that that meeting will provide new impetus for the launching of the global negotiations by the General Assembly later this year.
53.	Two major United Nations conferences on development have taken place this year. They have demonstrated that significant progress can be achieved through negotiations within the United Nations in areas which are central to international economic cooperation.
54.	Sustained international economic development cannot be achieved without extensive global cooperation on energy. The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy held at Nairobi was a first step on that road. Finland will, for its part, work actively for the implementation of the Program of Action adopted by the Conference.3 Increased Finnish development assistance will be allocated for the transfer of advanced technology in the field of energy. In this context, an international symposium organized by the Nordic countries and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] on the financing of new and renewable sources of energy in developing countries will be held in Helsinki in a few weeks' time.
55.	The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held at Paris was a success. The Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries adopted by the Conference is an important political recognition of the legitimate requirements of those countries. I pledge the full support of my Government to the New Program of Action. In addition, it is the firm intention of my Government to continue its policy of channeling at least 30 per cent of its bilateral development assistance to the bast developed countries.
56.	I should like to recall my statement at the thirty- second session of the General Assembly [10th meeting].
At that time, four years ago, I announced my Government's decision to double, over a period of five years, the share of its gross national product allocated to official development assistance. I am happy to state now that according to the budget bill which my Government has decided to submit to Parliament that target will be achieved in 198^. Thus we have practically reached the half way mark towards the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product, a target to which, my Government remains fully committed.
57.	Finally, I should like to draw attention to a specific issue which is both topical and important the problems of disabled persons. The proclamation of this year as the International Year of Disabled Persons reflects the resolve of the international community to work for their welfare as a measure of social justice. Disabled persons, as well as others, are Entitled to full respect for their rights as integrated and equal members of their community. Our main task now is to ensure that the momentum of action generated is sustained after the year 1981. The ongoing work towards a longterm solution of the problems of the prevention of disability and the rehabilitation of disabled persons must be pursued.


2.	 Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are familiar with your reputation as a skillful and experienced diplomat, and that will surely guarantee success in the conduct of these meetings.
3.	I am also pleased to congratulate your worthy predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, on the efficient manner in which he discharged his task during his presidency.
4.	It is fitting and proper to pay a tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for his diplomatic tact and for the outstanding and balanced manner in which he has directed the sensitive tasks of the Secretariat.
5.	America is in mourning. Romulo Betancourt has achieved immortality. This man, a champion of democracy in Venezuela, overcame party differences to rescue the democratic and social values of his country from the clutches of totalitarianism. Today in their hearts the Salvadorians feel they have lost a friend. The strengthening of democracy in America is a source of solace to us and inspires us to continue his fight. We ask our Venezuelan brothers to permit us to share their grief.
6.	We wish to reaffirm from this rostrum the line that we have followed in fighting for our own national sovereignty and political independence. Consequently, we reject all attitudes of expansionism, hegemony and subjugation. Thus we take note of this twentieth anniversary of the founding of the doctrine and practice of nonalignment, with the authentic and genuine philosophy of which the Government of El Salvador agrees.
7.	In taking stock of international events over the past few months, it is obvious that there is a deficit for world peace. Sources of international tension have multiplied. If we add to this that relations between the superPowers have worsened, we can conclude that the world is taking steps backwards. The struggle between the superPowers to win new areas of influence.and to win supporters of a given political plan in areas far from their countries with different cultural values is largely responsible for the deterioration of the international situation.
8.	On the pretext of giving assistance to nationalist positions, there are attempts to inject ideas or to impose models, covertly at first and openly later, which are not in keeping with the special features of the peoples concerned, using propaganda and subversion, trying to divide society, fomenting class hatred and promoting existing disparities in order then to pose as redeemers of situations in which, as if by magic, underdevelopment disappears and peace arrives. We believe that genuine nationalism  which responds to the conditions of its own environment and therefore rejects any transplant of foreign models, as they are not the product of the needs and desires of a country's nationals must assert itself.
9.	Conflicts in sensitive areas such as the Middle East seem not only to be becoming permanent but at times to threaten to spread dangerously close to a conflagration of major proportions. When speaking of the Middle East, the ArabIsraeli conflict comes to the foreground. New initiatives in the search for peace are welcome. In this context we support the efforts of Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia as set forth in his proposal of last August. We must not lose sight of the fact that the formula for understanding lies in adequate treatment between the solution of the Palestinian problem, which is the kernel of the matter, and recognition of the security and survival of the State of Israel. El Salvador cannot condone the acquisition of territory by the use of force, nor can it accept threats against the existence of a State.
10.	The development of events in Lebanon, with the violations of territory and the bombings staged there, is one more ingredient in this explosive situation. We can only deplore these acts.
11.	In the same context, we condemn the air attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor.
12.	The Mediterranean area, with its long tradition of culture, is an area that has been a theater of conflicts. However, there is good reason to hope that, thanks to the diplomatic tact demonstrated throughout these many years
by the United Nations Secretariat, a lasting settlement can be found through inter-communal talks, with the aim of preserving the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Cyprus, its desire to adhere to non alignment, and the harmonious life of its two communities.
13.	While many local conflicts are becoming more serious, the nuclear disarmament outlook is not promising. The possibility of an atomic world holocaust is present every day, while new arms of mass destruction are developed in a competition between the superPowers to achieve the most sophisticated techniques for annihilation. It has been repeated ad nauseam by many countries in this forum that if a small percentage of the amounts spent on the nuclear arms race were spent instead to finance development, the world would have higher living standards than it has now. If we cannot reverse the nuclear arms race, theft we can only hope that common sense will prevail for the benefit of mankind. The last quarter of a century could be characterized by the fostering of such international scourges as terrorism, but this folly cannot extend to the point at which civilization is destroyed by a world conflagration.
14.	One of the fundamental principles of international law is the repudiation of invasion of national territory by foreign forces. This is a violation of the very essence of the concept of sovereignty. El Salvador could never tolerate the occupation of its territory, whatever the motive or supposed justification, and it is this principle on which it bases its attitude to events elsewhere. For this reason we view with sympathy all recommendations coming from the United Nations or from any other State, without any ideological distinctions, which are aimed at upholding this principle when it is violated. Moreover, it must be kept in mind that when this basic tenet of the Charter of the United Nations is violated, it unfortunately leads, to the human tragedy of refugees fleeing from armed invasions by foreign troops, which constitutes a major human disaster. In accordance with the foregoing observations, we shall support any draft resolution aimed at the cessation of foreign occupation, such as has occurred in Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
15.	The recently held eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the question of Namibia, demonstrated once more the dangerous situation for international peace and security created by the conduct of South Africa. Its refusal to comply with Security Council and General Assembly resolutions aimed at the independence of Namibia, together with recent events involving punitive expeditions into the territory of neighboring countries, are a check to the continuing hopes and efforts towards the proposed settlement. Indeed these acts mean an increase in armed conflict and an expansion of the conflict. El Salvador, for reasons of principle, vigorously condemns South Africa's armed incursions, and we urge acceptance of the concept of a demilitarized zone along all these borders.
16.	Regrettably, when speaking of South Africa, we must at the same time speak of apartheid, an odious system which persists to this day and is the cause of continuing violence. Consequently, until institutionalized discrimination is eliminated, as a cause of frustration and weakness, bloodshed will continue.
17.	Peace and development as abstractions are separate ideas, but in practice they become interdependent in that one cannot exist without the other. Our commitment then must be to make tireless efforts in both directions.
18.	As regards the question of global negotiations, my Government views with sympathy the recent momentum that has been given to initiate the NorthSouth dialog, and we hope that the proposed meetings will yield promising results.
19.	Our country favors economic cooperation among developing countries. This is a valuable instrument in the SouthSouth dialog, and we are convinced it will lead to the economic development of our peoples. The agreements reached by the Group of 77 at the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas in May this year, deserve our support.
20.	After arduous and delicate negotiations, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, having made praiseworthy progress in many areas, lost the momentum that it had gained. There is a threat to reconsider the philosophical concept of the common heritage of mankind as regards the seabed, with all the consequences that would ensue. El Salvador, which has made substantial contributions to the negotiations, is very concerned by the line which has been taken, but it is our hope that negotiations will conclude in 1982.
21.	The United Nations, one of whose objectives is to create a system of international peace and security and vast economic, social, cultural and humanitarian programs, must not become a sounding board for propaganda about purely domestic conflicts. This would distort the purposes of the Organization and harm its reputation. Resolutions having no ethical basis, realism or good faith would be mere pieces of paper with no practical content. The road to the revitalization of the world Organization is not through intervention in the internal affairs of a State, or whatever pretext, because what is not permissible for any individual State is also prohibited for several or many States together, in accordance with the rule universally accepted in any code of international conduct that what concerns the institutional structure of a State or its future must be resolved exclusively by that State. The best service that can be rendered to the cause of peace is not to intervene in the internal affairs of another State. Here I would recall Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, which says:
"Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter."
22.	If we wish to strengthen the Organization, we must not yield to demagoguery or extremism. We must not select or exclude topics for ideological reasons. Finally, we must avoid the absurdity of irrational resolutions whose sole purpose is to encourage violent attitudes.
23.	Thanks to the unremitting efforts and good will of the Government of Honduras and the present Government of El Salvador, on 30 October 1980 we signed a general peace treaty between the two countries. By virtue of this agreement, relations of friendship and mutual respect are at the highest possible level for the benefit of our peoples. El Salvador is at present involved in no dispute to use the term in the Charter with the countries with which we share territorial borders, much less with more distant countries. We have made reciprocal efforts with our Central American brothers to promote plans for cooperation in the isthmus. It must be recognized that in the signing of this international instrument the Organization of American States played an important role.
24.	The regional organizations, which by their very nature, their proximity and the cultural roots of their members can understand more clearly the interpretation of what happens in their respective regions, are called to play a leading role in matters of international peace and security. Political logic requires that they play a primary part, as is recognized by the Charter of the United Nations. Only States with no faith in the moral and legal strength of their arguments will try to repudiate, because of the localization and, gravity of a conflict, an international system which is structured from the regional to the global scale. One result of such mad action could be to disrupt the harmony between regional organizations and the world Organization, with all the dangers that that would involve.
25.	To strengthen international law in toto, we must not weaken the parts that make up the whole. Only in this way can an integrated system function. It has been the constant practice in this world Organization not to deal with situations which have been dealt with in regional organizations. The Organization of American States [Q4S] and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] have carried out exemplary and praiseworthy work in coordination between both spheres.
26.	In the sociological dynamics of a political process, no State, no countries bound by ideological ties or for reasons of opportunism, no international political group has the capability to impose stubbornly its will on another country through control of events there, contrary to the wishes of the majority of its people.
27.	Furthermore, full support for the bask norms of international law including, of course, the principle of good faith is a sine qua non for any peace initiatives.
28.	If, because of circumstances in any part of the world, there are events which have given the advantage to certain philosophical or political currents, this does not necessarily mean that neighboring countries must adopt the same course of action, because what might be right for one country might well be a disaster for others. To resist the apparent advantages of immediate political gains, which are merely illusory compared with the legitimate, stable, proper national interests, is a choice requiring a pragmatic, intelligent decision. The long term must be thought about, and not the emotional attitudes of the present. In this choice one must resist those who take advantage of juvenile passions and incite the social hatred of the dispossessed, pushing them towards irredentist violence, like those who wish to return at all costs, using violent means, to a status quo which is no longer relevant because it is unjust. Both forms of conduct are worthy of condemnation because they lead to the destruction of human lives in a fratricidal struggle.
29.	It is never too late to learn the lessons of bitter experience, to turn one's back on irrationality and to move in the direction of concord.
30.	El Salvador is ready to continue to cooperate in a resolute manner to promote an atmosphere of confidence among the brother States of the region, for our international conduct will always show our attachment to the principles of the Charter, principally those that promote mutual respect and respect for the sovereignty of other States and for the principle of nonintervention in internal affairs. No one can legitimately say that my country has violated those principles or provoked conflicts with other countries in the area. We have been tolerant about the attitudes of others when those attitudes were at variance with international law and with the requirements of harmony among sovereign nations, because it is our hope that such behavior will be corrected as a sign of political maturity and respect for international law. It cannot validly be claimed from the ethical, juridical or political point of view that so-called solidarity of organizations or movements which share an ideology is enough to discard the entire framework of fundamental principles of international law which were accepted and agreed to by all the States here when they signed the Charter of the Organization.
31.	El Salvador has endeavored, and will continue to endeavor, to promote genuine cooperation for reciprocal benefits in Central America. My country is aware that in Central America certain political events have occurred which have created different models for economic and social development. In accordance with this philosophy, on 15 August this year, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of El Salvador and the countries of the Central American isthmus signed the Declaration of Tegucigalpa.11 wish to quote certain preambular and operative paragraphs from that Declaration, relating to international cooperation:
"Considering that those initiatives offer the countries of the Central American Isthmus opportunities that should be exploited, in the understanding that such cooperation is not to interfere with national objectives of any kind or with the manner in which each country proposes to achieve those objectives;
"1. Reaffirm the intention to work toward integral development of their countries so as to improve the spiritual and material wellbeing of all the inhabitants, within the framework of the development strategy that each of the countries sovereignly adopts;
"3. Call upon the international community to cooperate with the countries of the Central American Isthmus in internal and intraregional efforts they make to eliminate the obstacles to their development, through concerted and determined action which takes account of the priorities that each of those countries has established, independently of the manner elected to achieve them, and which reinforces the existing coordination and complementation of economic development among the countries in the region."
32.	Our philosophy of regional international relations is one of cooperation and mutual respect.
33.	Central America is more than a region made up of countries; it is a symbol of historic brotherhood and unity.
34.	May I here extend to Belize a warm welcome to the Organization. El Salvador has always believed that Belize because of its special position, the product of history and geography can be the integrating bridge between Central America and the Caribbean. It is our hope that the matters awaiting settlement with the sister and neighboring Republic of Guatemala will be resolved satisfactorily for both parties on the bases of understanding previously negotiated. We hope that they will renew their talks in the spirit of concord and understanding set out in that document.
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35.	We wish also to welcome Vanuatu, the other independent State that has recently joined the international community.
36.	El Salvador does not wish to be the subject of a dispute nor shall we allow that to happen. Neither do we wish to be prey to the hegemonistic ambitions of the great Powers, nor do we consider ourselves the natural zone of influence of any State. Our people, proud by heritage and vocation, the product of a miraculous melting pot of mixed races, insists upon being master of its own destiny. We are convinced of the sureness of our people's judgment, and we know that the path of hope lies before us, leading to a more just and more humanitarian society imbued with true social content.
37.	We have emphasized time and again that El Salvador's problems must concern Salvadorians alone. Consequently, solutions must be sought on a national basis, taking into account the idiosyncrasies of the people, democracy as we know it in our country and our search for social justice, essential elements in the consolidation of peace and national harmony.
38.	Nevertheless, we wish to explain from this rostrum certain aspects of these complicated problems, not to invite any country to meddle in our domestic affairs and thus violate the principle of nonintervention, but that there may be a proper appreciation of what is happening in El Salvador and the path to solution which we Salvadorians consider best.
39.	My Government, in spite of the prevailing violence, has persisted in its determination to build a democratic, participatory and pluralistic society, where man can enjoy a more just and more humane and interdependent life in peace. We have not been deterred by the impetuous attacks of extremists, whose terrorist activities have increased because of the external support they receive from those who want El Salvador to have a totalitarian system.
40.	Thus we have continued to strengthen the structural changes proven over time, basically consisting of nationalization of the banks and of foreign trade and the most thorough agrarian reform in Latin America, in the firm conviction that with their development and in a climate of peace, they will overcome poverty and the backwardness from which our country has suffered for so long.
41.	Politically, we are already coming to the decisive stage of implementing the electoral process which our Foreign Minister announced barely a year ago in this forum as a means of allowing our people to determine their own destiny in a democratic way for the first time. Not only has the timetable been strictly adhered to, but measures for internal detente have been advanced, the most important being the political draft which, as President of the Revolutionary Junta of the Government, I announced on 15 September last, the date on which we commemorate our independence.
42.	The Government of El Salvador considers that the solution of the present crisis in the country must essentially be political and democratic in nature. We feel that the electoral process, representing as it does a beginning, is the right way to bring about that democratic settlement, whose fundamental element is dialog. It must be an inter-party dialog open to every political party regardless of its ideology.
43.	From that inter-party dialog the necessary conditions and machinery will be created to ensure the smooth functioning of the democratic process and the proper results of elections. My Government has appealed to every political party and other political groups interested in participating to join in that electoral dialog. At the same time, an appeal has been made to the Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario and Union Democratica Nacionalista political parties which are recognized as such by the law and are part of the Frente Democratico Revolucionario to set aside their hostile attitudes and take part in the inter-party dialog, to debate, study and implement all aspects relating to the electoral process, as the sole democratic solution open to the Salvadorians.
44.	The Frente Democratico Revolucionario has also been invited to cease its armed struggle, become a political party and take part in the electoral process, setting aside its attempt to sabotage, by continued recourse to violence, the results of elections which will be fair, free and legitimate. Consequently, it must choose between the road of peace and the tortuous path of terrorist violence.
45.	My Government's expressed desire for peace and concord completely excludes any negotiations or dialog with organized armed sectors. Of course, any group of that kind which lays down its weapons could participate in the electoral process.
46.	It is that proposal for peace, concord and national harmony that I am placing before all the peoples of the world represented here in this great forum. To all of you, representatives of all countries, I solemnly state that in this great democratic crusade to bring about peace and national unity, we are prepared to devote all our energy, all our goodwill and all our soul to establishing the best possible conditions under which the Salvadorians can determine freely, at the ballot box, the fundamental characteristics of our new homeland, elect a constituent assembly which will have to determine, in a new political constitution, the basic foundations of a democratic, egalitarian, interdependent and just society.
47.	The internal economic, social, cultural and political causes of domestic violence and the present crisis are being, overcome by the necessary structural reforms. We now have a political timetable leading to free elections, which should allow a truly objective solution of the crisis.
48.	These efforts being made by Salvadorians must be accompanied by efforts to eliminate external factors which serve to complicate the problem.
49.	May I express a final thought. The conflicts and differences among the great do not help democracy, but the clamor of the small is necessary for the survival of the ideal of mankind, an ideal that has been muffled by the noises of a materialist civilization which has willfully deprived itself of its eyes and ears.
50.	In this world any clamor may seem useless. I am saying this because I know about the hundreds of millions of men, women and children who gnaw at their despair and struggle in discouragement in so many parts of the world, because the sun never seems to set on the kingdom of injustice.
51.	If God listens the the clamor of the small, why should not the leaders of the great nations, the powerful nations, the developed nations, do likewise? Let them not rely on the fear caused by their weapons and their actions because it is precisely that fear that they should fear.


150.	At the outset, I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate Vanuatu and Belize on their independence and welcome them on their admission to the United Nations. On behalf of the Government and the people of Israel, I wish them success and prosperity as independent and sovereign States.
151.	The Government and the people of Israel have always upheld the ideals and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It could not have been otherwise, for Israel's intellectual and moral traditions have given birth to some of the most important elements inherent in the shape and meaning of the Organization. The brotherhood of man, social justice, the rule of law both domestic and international the equality of nations, the peaceful settlement of international disputes and the outlawing of war those and other ideals had grown and taken root among the shepherds and peasants of Judea and Israel long before they came to be accepted as principles of current international life.
152.	Unfortunately, these ideals have been honored more in the breach than in the observance in the practice of the United Nations. In recent years the Organization has repeatedly permitted itself to be abused by Israel's adversaries who enjoy a built-in majority in the Assembly on any issue related to the ArabIsraeli conflict. In recent years Israel has more than once been the victim of discriminatory treatment in the United Nations.
153.	It must be stressed that international organizations which allow their fundamental rules to be violated cause severe damage to themselves and thereby undermine their very raison d'etre. Decisions arrived at in disregard of the relevant provisions of constitutional instruments are illegal, however often repeated and however overwhelming the majority that supported them.
154.	The distortions which pervade the United Nations system have also manifested themselves in the attitude of the Organization towards the Camp David accords and the treaty of peace between Egypt and Israel. By any yardstick, the conclusion of peace between two former enemies is surely not only a legitimate but also a desirable development which should have been welcomed by the United Nations, the primary purpose of which is the promotion and maintenance of international peace. No third party, including the Assembly, has the legal or moral authority to question, let alone to deny, the validity of the accords attained or of any treaties deriving from them,
155.	A major issue that has rightly engaged the attention and growing concern of all mankind is that of international cooperation for development and the widening gap between the standard of living of the poor nations and that of the wealthy nations. However, the NorthSouth dialog has remained largely a debate among nations and groups of nations, and, as might be expected, those suffering hunger and deprivation have not had their lot improved by this debate.
156.	For the last 20 years Israel has been involved in the effort to develop ways and means of raising the standard of living in the less developed societies. It is our wish and we believe that it is within our capacity to make a further contribution of our own to joint efforts to tackle specific development problems and advance towards a solution.
157.	Ever since its establishment Israel has had to cope simultaneously with a wide range of grave social, economic and security problems. We have absorbed and integrated hundreds of thousands of immigrants many of them victims of persecution in the Arab countries from which they had come and at the same time set about creating a progressive and rapidly developing society. With all the urgent problems that weighed upon us, we have spared no effort in cooperating with other young developing nations in such fields as agriculture, hydrology, rural development, health and youth leadership. This fruitful process of international cooperation with dozens of countries, regardless of political outlook, has been constantly moving forward.
158.	In their continuous search for solutions to the evolving challenges of development, Israel's experts have recently formulated some new ideas on development, referred to by them as the Transitional Economy Plan. It is a model for empirical dynamic development, well within the means of the countries concerned. I wish to take this opportunity to invite the attention of the General Assembly to document A/36/497, circulated at the request of my delegation, which contains a report entitled "An Outline of Development through Promotion of the Transitional Economy". We do not claim that this plan is a panacea for all the world's economic ills. Rather, it aims at applying a gradual, step-by-step, relatively low-cost program of improvements to the rural sector of society, a sector that so far has not been given sufficient attention. We will be happy to cooperate with any national or international organization for the purpose of putting the concepts contained in this plan into practice.
159.	At the thirty-fifth session [15th meeting], we appealed from this rostrum to the Soviet Government to remove all the limitations and obstacles hindering Jews in the Soviet Union from leaving for Israel. Already at that time there were grounds for fearing that the Soviet Union was going to close its gates to those Jews. Unfortunately, those fears have since been substantiated. Over the past year we have been watching with growing anxiety the steady decrease in the number of Jews leaving the Soviet Union to the lowest number for the last 10 years. The Soviet Union is thus forcibly preventing many thousands of them from living in their homeland.
160.	In parallel, we have witnessed again a regrettable increase in the violation of fundamental human rights in the Soviet Union. Over the past six months the number of prisoners of Zion detained under false pretexts and sentenced by Soviet courts to long prison terms has doubled. The sole crime of these people is their desire to live as Jews in their own land. Ida Nudel, Victor Brailovski, Anatoly Shcharansky and others have been gaoled for that desire, while others who have been refused exit permits have been subjected to pressure to refrain from so-called antiSoviet activity. The Assembly should know that the antiSoviet activity in question consists of the study of the Hebrew language and of the reading of books on Jewish history and Judaism.
161.	From this rostrum I wish to appeal once again to the Soviet Union to reopen its gates for Jews who wish to return to their homeland and to cease the persecution of the Jews in the Soviet Union.
162.. There are also other countries in which Jews have been subjected to discrimination and oppression. In particular, 1 must again express anxiety over the condition of the tortured Jewish community in Syria, whose human rights are severely curtailed and many of whom have been imprisoned and have had their property impounded. I would thus also appeal to the Government of Syria to respect the basic human rights of its Jewish community, which it holds hostage and which it prevents from leaving.
163.	Permit me to turn now to the subject of the nuclear menace posed by Iraq. The item on the agenda of the Assembly dealing with the destruction of the Iraqi nuclear reactor has been formulated in a manner clearly intended to prejudge the outcome of the debate. As has been stated by Israel, the decision to destroy that reactor was taken only when it became absolutely certain that Iraq was on the verge of producing nuclear bombs, the principal target of which would have been Israel. People in all parts of the world, including the Middle East, are sleeping more soundly today, secure in the knowledge that that particular reactor has been removed. Iraq's nuclear reactor had to be destroyed before it became operational in the summer of 1981, for its destruction at a later date would have brought about radioactive fallout, endangering the civilian population of Baghdad.
164.	Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel, Iraq has been conspiring against it, both politically and militarily. Iraq set out to acquire nuclear facilities and expertise and then proceeded to assemble all the ingredients required for the development of nuclear weapons. This indicated a calculated effort on the part of Iraq to embark on a nuclear weapons program, Our concern about the Iraqi nuclear program was shared also by authoritative foreign governmental and professional assessments. None the less, six years of diplomatic and public efforts to bring about the cessation of the Iraqi military nuclear program yielded little more than reference to IAEA inspections under the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to which Iraq is a signatory. Israel has had to conclude that a country which acquired a complete fuel cycle and is openly bent on the destruction of Israel will not balk at going ahead with its program, whether or not it is a party to the NonProliferation Treaty.
165.	Let me take this opportunity to reiterate Israel's policy that it will not be the first country in the Middle East to introduce nuclear weapons into the region. Faced as it is with the stark realities of the Middle East, Israel must insist on distinguishing between spurious and genuine safety. As the case of Iraq has clearly demonstrated, the NonProliferation Treaty cannot effectively prevent such a country from resorting to nuclear weapons so as to achieve what more conventional means have failed to do.
166.	The only genuine way to remove the nuclear threat to the Middle East can be found in the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone, freely and directly negotiated among the countries of the region and based on mutual assurances, on the pattern of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. In the Assembly we shall continue to advocate and support constructive steps genuinely advancing the prospect of a Middle East free of nuclear weapons. At the same time, we shall warn against, and oppose, steps designed to exploit this subject as a tool of antiIsrael political warfare.
167.	The situation in Lebanon has been a source of grave concern in our region for a number of years. That country has been subjected to strife and bloodshed from the mid-1970's onwards, due to the exploitation by Syria and by the PLO of domestic rivalries in Lebanon, followed by outright invasion of the country by the Syrian army. The situation has been worsened by the tightening of the PLO's grip on large parts of the country. Furthermore, in order to promote their regional strategic aims, the Syrians have subjected the Lebanese civilian population to brutal attacks which have brought about the destruction of a large portion of the country. Some 120,000 Lebanese civilians have been the victims of Syrian and PLO atrocities. It is characteristic of the double standard practiced in international relations that these atrocities have never been condemned by the international community, including the United Nations. Arab and Soviet bloc supporters of Syria and the PLO have made any such condemnation impossible.
168.	It is our hope that an independent and free Lebanon will soon reemerge and maintain good relations with all its neighbors, including Israel. But this will be very difficult to achieve as long as the PLO is allowed to nest in Lebanon and to hatch schemes aimed at promoting international terrorism and the mounting of brutal and cowardly attacks against the civilian population of Israel, especially in the northern part of our country. There will be no end to the tragedy of Lebanon as long as the Syrian occupation continues and as long as the PLO maintains its terrorist bases in Lebanon, supported by armaments from foreign Powers, mainly the Soviet Union and Libya. The Government of Israel will at all times support the reestablishment of a truly independent Lebanon, within its internationally recognized boundaries, free of Syrian occupation and PLO terror.
169.	The main cause of the ArabIsrael conflict has always been the refusal of Arab States to accept the existence of an independent and secure State of Israel and their avowed commitment to its destruction. The events of the last four years have brought about a major breakthrough in that respect: after Egypt abandoned the path of war and announced its readiness to negotiate peace, peace inevitably followed. Furthermore, while the winds of war have been constantly blowing in other parts of the region, Egypt and Israel, which not long ago were faced with the imminent danger of war, are now learning to coexist in peace and represent an island of stability in the Middle East. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case with regard to the other Arab neighbors of Israel. These Arab States, which have been invited by the signatories of the Camp David framework for peace to join the peace process, have so far refused to do so.
170.	One of the clearest manifestations of their categorical opposition to the peace process is their continuing and unprecedented military buildup through arms purchases from the Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc nations, as well as from the United States and Western Europe. Since 1978 the major Arab countries, excluding Egypt, have concluded arms deals valued at $27.8 billion, of which $11.6 billion worth has already been delivered.
171.	These acquisitions of arms reflect a formidable quantitative and qualitative military buildup in those countries. These arms are unfortunately intended primarily for use against Israel. Needless to say, the stepped-up arming of the Arab States serves to strengthen their conviction that the ArabIsrael conflict can still be solved by military means. Moreover, it jeopardizes the internal stability of several of the Arab regimes, as well as of the region as a whole.
172.	The Camp David accords have been and remain the only feasible path to peace; no other viable solution appears on the horizon. Just last week we resumed the negotiations with Egypt, with the participation of the
United States, on the establishment of full autonomy for the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district. We hope to bring these negotiations before long to a successful conclusion.
173.	Our people were not handed their State on a silver platter. We fought for liberation against a colonial Power. We then had to fight against a host of Arab armies that sought to prevent the establishment of our State. Subsequently, we have fought four more wars to defend it. We know very well the meaning and the price of combating colonialism, of a struggle for liberation and of fighting for self-determination.
174.	These concepts are now being abused and exploited by a number of Arab Governments in the name of the Palestinian Arabs. The Palestinian Arabs do have a State on a major part of the territory of Palestine. In Jordan, there exists a Palestinian Arab State in everything but name. It is a Palestinian Arab State by virtue of its geography, demography, history, culture, religion and language. It has even been declared as such by an impressive number of Palestinian Arab and Jordanian leaders, There is thus no need to speak further of Palestinian self-determination; their homeland is already in existence. Moreover, in 1964, when the PLO approved the so-called Palestinian National Covenant with a view to "liberating" Palestine, at a time when Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district were still under Jordanian and Egyptian occupation, the real goal of the Arab States was to "liberate" Israel from Israelis, to deprive Israel of its existence. That aim is still fervently pursued today under the cover of the slogan of a "homeland for the homeless Palestinians", which is given immense publicity by Arab propagandists and their supporters.
175.	Israel firmly believes in a vision of peace for our region and will strive towards its realization. The Middle East is rich, not only in history and in spiritual and cultural assets, but also in immense natural resources and manpower. The people of Israel has as much to offer for the development and progress of our region as have the other neighboring peoples, each in its own way.
176.	The Jewish people has reestablished its home in the land of its forefathers, where the Kingdoms of Judea and Israel flourished for centuries. We have now restored our sovereignty over this area after 19 centuries of homelessness, with Jerusalem, which has always been the center and sole focus of the national and spiritual life of the Jewish people, as the undivided and indivisible capital of Israel
177.	We have returned to the land of Israel and have come there to stay. Together all the nations of the Middle East can usher in an era of real peace and cooperation in the region. The opportunity is there. Let us not miss it.