38.	Mr. President, on behalf of the people of India, we offer you our warmest congratulations on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. This is a fitting tribute to your achievements as the Foreign Minister of Indonesia and to your interest in the political and economic problems of the world. As a fellow Asian. I take particular pride in your elevation to this high office. Indonesia and India have worked together in so many fields since we both achieved
our independence, and we have so much in common through history and geography, that I need hardly assure you of our fullest co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities.
39.	We should also like to compliment our outgoing President, Mr. Edvard Hambro of Norway, for the skill, independence and patience with which he guided our deliberations and for his stewardship of the commemorative session last year. The world may not care for nor long remember the millions of words we utter here, but the important documents which we adopted last year will certainly guide and inspire us in our work for years to come. For this achievement much of the credit must go to Mr. Hambro.
40.	During the year that has just passed, our Secretary- General, U Thant, has once again manifested his devotion to the cause of world peace by his scrupulous regard for the purposes and principles of the Charter and by his indefatigable efforts to improve our Organization in all possible ways. We can still hope that his decision to relinquish this rewarding, though onerous, office is not final. The Secretary-General of this Organization has always to be a person of the highest caliber, sensitive to the changing needs of the world situation and fully prepared to meet the administrative requirements of an ever-growing institution. He should also be able to contribute to the creation of conditions in which all nations, big or small, can live in peace and friendship and work in their own ways for their national progress and prosperity.
41.	We extend our special welcome to the three new Members that joined us a few days ago: Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar. We look forward to working in the closest co-operation with these new Members, with which we have had long and friendly association in several spheres. Their entry into the United Nations should increase the value of our debates and the strength of our decisions.
42.	One of the most important issues that we hope will be settled during this session is the question of the rightful representation of China in this Organization. There is only one China; there is only one Chinese seat, and only the Government of the People's Republic of China is entitled to occupy it in the United Nations. We have always been convinced that the presence of the People's Republic of China will make this Organization more effective. Too long have we postponed a realistic decision on this issue; let us not procrastinate any further.
43.	We have also repeatedly pleaded for universality of representation in the United Nations and we believe that the entry of the divided nations into our Organization would help in the reduction and removal of tensions. They could also contribute effectively to our work in many other fields.
44.	For India, the year 1971 opened with many promises. The economy was poised for a high rate of growth. In March we had our general elections. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was returned to power with an overwhelming majority. Her success reflected the solid support of our people for a concerted program for socio-economic progress. Externally we had tried to establish warmer
relations with all countries, particularly with our neighbors. The fact that Pakistan had a little earlier, in December 1970, held the first general elections it had ever held was welcomed in India. The introduction of a democratic process in Pakistan would, we had hoped, bring about improved relations with this important neighbor of ours. Yet the entire picture was changed overnight when the events in the eastern wing of Pakistan took a catastrophic course. An international problem of utmost gravity and concern was created. Several Governments and international authorities have recognized the true character of this problem. The Secretary-General, U Thant, not only has brought the situation to the attention of the members of the Security Council but has included his views in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [Al8401/Add.l]. The Assembly has already heard the concern which the outgoing President, Mr. Hambro, expressed in his speech on 21 September [1934th meeting].
45.	By the middle of April it had become clear that Pakistan had no intention of abandoning its military methods and that we would be faced with an unprecedented flow of Pakistani refugees into our country. Refugee camps had to be speedily organized, and the systematic and detailed registration of the large number of foreigners had to be undertaken. Ration cards and temporary permits for stay in India had to be issued, transport and food supplies had to be organized and medical attention had to be provided. These relief measures could, however, meet only a fraction of the needs of the refugees. We asked the international community for help, and although the response to the Secretary-General's appeal has been warm, it is but a very small part of what is actually needed. By far the largest contribution towards the upkeep of the refugees has had to be made by India from its badly needed resources. We are sheltering and looking after the refugees on behalf of the international community. We simply do not have the capacity and the resources to bear this burden. While we gave them-on purely humanitarian grounds- shelter and refuge when they were fleeing for their lives, we have made it repeatedly clear that they are with us only temporarily and must return home. This has been accepted and endorsed by the world community. It has been impossible to make any firm estimates of what it would cost us in the coming months, but on the basis of the present figure the total cost may well be more than $800 million by the end of next March.
46.	The consequences of this massive influx-some have called it a civilian invasion-of refugees into India cannot be determined in terms of money alone. We are facing grave social, economic and political consequences. In the areas where the refugees are now living in difficult conditions in comps, all of our schools have had to be closed to find shelter for them. All of our hospitals in these areas have had to tend to the urgent need of the refugees rather than to the normal needs of the local inhabitants. Prices are rising as a result of a higher demand for essential commodities. Wages are falling. Crimes of various kinds are on the increase. Local friction and tensions are not unknown. Our local administration has had to be diverted to the work of looking after the refugees, and that in turn has further affected adversely all of our development projects. The fear of epidemics is ever present, even though the outbreak of cholera has been controlled.
47.	The refugees must go back. The question simply is; How? Can anyone reasonably expect them to go back when thousands and thousands are daily fleeing from the same area? Pointless declarations and exhortations will not make them go back. On 21 May the President of Pakistan, Mr. Yahya Khan, called upon the refugees to go back; yet, since then, more than 5 million more have come into India. They will go back only when they are sure themselves that they can live in their own homeland in safety and freedom, when they are allowed to work as they wish, and when they are assured that their properties will be returned, their jobs restored and their daily lives not interfered with.
48.	To appreciate and understand the background to this unprecedented influx, it is necessary to recall the conditions prevailing in East Pakistan throughout Pakistan's existence. Pakistan is a unique country, in the sense that two parts of it are separated by a distance of 1,000 miles of Indian territory. The majority of the people-75 million- live in the East, and the West has a total population of less than 60 million. None the less, political, military and economic power was concentrated in the West, while the East continued to produce basic raw materials, such as jute and tea, and provided the largest source of foreign exchange for Pakistan. Even the Government of Pakistan has acknowledged that persistent discrimination and exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistan has taken place ever since the country became independent.
49.	Just to give one example, in the entire civil service and in the armed forces of Pakistan the Bengalis did not have a share exceeding 10 per cent. The East Pakistanis continued to protest and agitate against that discrimination and exploitation, and, for want of any effective remedy, their grievances accumulated.
50.	However, after the fall of President Ayub Khan in the middle of 1969 a new situation arose. Another General- President Yahya Khan-took over, and declared that he would hold general elections for the first time, on adult franchise with representation to both wings, proportionate to their population. For the first time the people of Pakistan saw in that democratic process a possible rectification of the injustices from which East Pakistan had suffered all those years.
51.	The elections were held in December 1970, after being postponed twice. The results of the elections were greeted in Pakistan as a success of democracy, as indeed they were. The broad results of the elections are worth noting. Out of a total of 313 seats, 169 had been allotted to East Pakistan. Of those 169 seats, the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won as many as 167. Winning 98 per cent of the seats in East Pakistan, Mujibur Rahman gained an absolute majority in the National Assembly and would, in normal circumstances, have been in a position to form the Government and become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. For the elections, the Awami League had adopted a six-point program to obtain specifically a greater degree of autonomy for East Pakistan with a view to putting an end to discrimination and exploitation.
I do not think the comment made by the representative of Pakistan calls for serious notice. What he says is that the Indian Foreign Minister is describing what is known to others. Then, certainly, there can be no grounds for a point of order if one is describing something which is known to others.
56.	What I am trying to give this august Assembly is an account of the circumstances that led to that unprecedented influx of 9 million refugees into Indian territory. Members must have noticed that the Secretary-General, in the introduction to his annual report on the activities of the United Nations, has devoted as many as 15 paragraphs, covering several pages, to highlighting, in a very lucid manner the various aspects-humanitarian and political-of the problem of the influx of the refugees f A/8401IAdd.l, paras. 177-179/.
57.	It is noteworthy also that the representative of Pakistan did not care to point out, as is customary in such cases, the particular provision, either in the Charter or in the rules of procedure, under which he was raising his point of order. I am not asking this august United Nations General Assembly to intervene-if he had Article 2, paragraph 7, in mind. I am saying that this is a problem, unprecedented in history, in which 9 million refugees have crossed over into Indian territory, and I am asking: Is the international community interested in knowing what the root-cause of that is, and what should be the direction in which the efforts of the international community should be directed to find a satisfactory solution of this tragic problem? If I may say so, to treat this matter by a point of order in a light-hearted manner is inconsistent with the international community's responsibilities: responsibilities first to find out and analyze what are the root-causes of these most tragic happenings in that part of the world and then to direct its attention to finding a satisfactory solution. I thought that, while dealing with a problem of such magnitude, this Assembly would be interested in knowing the relevant facts of the situation, so that it might be properly appreciated, and attention might be directed to finding a satisfactory solution.
58.	I am the last person, I would assure the Assembly, to interfere in the internal affairs of another country, but to give a description of the circumstances which led to the uprooting of 9 million people is certainly neither an interference in any other country's internal affairs nor any comment on what is happening in the country itself. One has to understand properly the circumstances of the
situation in order to come to the right conclusion. Therefore, while appreciating the anxiety of the representative of Pakistan, I have carefully avoided referring in any manner to matters which might be barred either by any provisions of the Charter or by any rules of procedure. If anything, we should concentrate on the basic problems, rather than become involved in a procedural debate which is pointless.
59.	Coming to the facts of the situation, I was referring to the elections that took place in Pakistan, giving Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League a majority of 167 out of 169 seats and thus giving him an absolute majority in the National Assembly of Pakistan. For the elections, the Awami League adopted a six-point program to obtain specifically a greater degree of autonomy for East Pakistan with a view to putting an end to discrimination and exploitation. Apparently, the results of the election so startled the rulers of Pakistan that they saw in them a risk to their economic, military and political domination over ' the eastern wing; this explains their swift action and their desire to continue military rule. So, on the fateful night of 25/26 March, the armed forces set out to crush the verdict of the 75 million Bengalis.
I am sorry that the representative of Pakistan in his wisdom has chosen this path of raising objections after every sentence or after every paragraph of my speech before this Assembly. I am not discussing the internal affairs of Pakistan and I am not interested in the internal affairs of Pakistan; but it would be a truism to say that the conduct of internal affairs by any country, if it results in the uprooting of 9 million people who cross over to the adjoining territory, should be a matter of concern to the international community, which
should be concerned about the circumstances that created a situation in which the conduct of internal affairs in that country compelled 9 million people over a period of a little more than six months to cross into the territory of India. Now, if a strict interpretation were accepted under which conditions in Pakistan could not be mentioned, then we would virtually come to the ridiculous position that a refugee who left his village in East Pakistan should not be described and the conditions prevailing in that part should not be taken note of and only when he crossed into Indian territory should we start mentioning him. I am sure that that would be neither the correct spirit nor the correct manner in which we should deal with such serious matters, I am fully conscious of and have regard for the principle of coexistence. We are not interested in whether there is a presidential system or a military system or a military rule in Pakistan. That is entirely its concern. We have learned to live in a spirit of coexistence with whatever may be the social or economic system prevailing in any part of the world, and this applies particularly to our neighbors. But when, while dealing with their own affairs, within what they describe as domestic matters, they create a situation where 9 million people are shoved on to us, then surely the international community would like to know the circumstances in which these people have left their country. They have not left their country of Pakistan as tourists to do sightseeing in India. This is a very serious matter. Therefore we should view this problem in the proper perspective. The international community will never be able to understand unless it knows the circumstances that prevail in that unfortunate country, where 9 million people, its own citizens, had to cross and come over to Indian territory. I am not interested in its internal set-up, but I am interested in putting across to the international community the circumstances which led to the creation of conditions that compelled these unfortunate men, women and children to leave their homes and hearths.
64.	On the fateful night of 25/26 March, the armed forces set out to crush the verdict of the 75 million Bengalis. However, before the army was given the signal to let loose a reign of terror, protracted negotiations started; in the meantime the strength of the armed forces in East Bengal was considerably increased.
The suggestion made by the representative of Saudi Arabia -- who perhaps has a longer association with the United Nations than almost any one of us-has been listened to by me with great care. I was thinking that perhaps he had some point of order which came in the way of my proceeding with my speech, but instead of that, I find that he has appealed to me and placed me in the embarrassing position of being called upon to make my comment upon his appeal. I would appeal to him, and also to other representatives, to judge for themselves who is responsible for creating an atmosphere of tension. We have the accepted procedure that any points which might be mentioned by any leader of a delegation can be replied to substantively and also that another viewpoint can be presented before this august Assembly. But instead of adopting that usual procedure, efforts have been made to obstruct me when I am actually delivering my speech before the Assembly.
71.	The situation is such that I would be failing in my < duty if I were to respond much as I would like to-to the appeal made by the representative of Saudi Arabia. I owe it not only to my country, I owe it not only to the 9 million refugees, but, I believe, I owe it to the international community to tell them these things in the frankest possible manner, while trying always to remain within the procedure and the provisions of the Charter in making my presentation.
72.	I believe I have used my words carefully; I have not indulged in rhetoric, But I am sorry that I shall have to crave the indulgence of this august Assembly, and of you, Mr, President, to permit me to place before you in a dispassionate manner the facts which have led to this unprecedented tragedy. It is not pleasant for me to mention these facts, but the situation is so grave and the consequences that might flow from it so serious that I would be failing in my duty, as I said, not only to my country and to the refugees, but to the international community, if, simply for the sake of preventing objections from being raised, I Were not to proceed with giving the facts to the international community. If the facts are wrong, the representative of Pakistan has the right to make his statement and to say that the particular facts I mention are incorrect. Therefore, I would request him, and also the representative of Saudi Arabia, to permit me to present these facts, which are of the utmost importance in an issue that, I think, has resulted in the most tragic events in recent memory.
73.	What the army did, and is continuing to do, in its massive assault on the civilian population is now well known and I do not wish to take up the time of the assembly in describing the innumerable instances of killings and atrocities. A reign of terror prevailed and still prevails. The leader of the Awami League, Mujibur Rahman, was arrested and is still in prison. He is now being secretly tried in a military court on a charge which carries the death penalty. The freedom of the press and civil liberties were totally suppressed, and the foreign journalists were expelled. The International Red Cross was not allowed to visit the area and all attempts were made, not always successfully, to conceal what was happening in. that part of the world. Killing, raping, burning and looting became widespread. The inevitable consequences followed: the people fled from tenor and violence to India, leaving behind all that they had. Their number rose from less than a million, at the end of April, to nearly 4 million at the end of May, crossed the 6-million mark before June was over, and has been rising steadily ever since. Their number now exceeds 9 million, and the exodus still continues. This is an exodus of refugees unprecedented in history, across any international frontier.
74.	Pakistan’s military action and the snuffing-out of all human rights, and the reign of terror, which still continues, have shocked the conscience of mankind. There is a popular revolt against these actions. Some have fled from the tenor, while others are resisting it as best they can. The hard core of this resistance was provided by thousands of men who had defected from the army and the police and various paramilitary organizations at the time of the -military crackdown. They have been joined in ever-increasing numbers by people of all ages.
75.	The Pakistani authorities have tom up solemn declarations and conventions to which Pakistan had subscribed. Pakistan has desperately tried to divert attention from its outrageous actions. Its actions have made so many serious inroads into much that our Charter stands for that it would indeed be a travesty of international law and a mockery of international justice to suggest that what is involved is an internal issue. It is even less an internal issue when one keeps in mind that other nations are having to support the enormous cost of the massive exodus of Pakistani citizens into India.
76.	Apart from accusing others of their own most unwise and deadly activities, the rulers of Pakistan have taken a number of measures which are no more than eyewash. How unrealistic these measures are can be judged from the impact they have had on the flow of refugees. The
Resident of Pakistan has from time to time called upon the refugees to go back; yet, the flow continues in ever- increasing numbers into India. A so-called civilian government has been formed in East Pakistan consisting of men who have no representative character whatever and who are mere figureheads, obliged to take orders from their military commanders. An amnesty is proclaimed, but Mujibur Rahman and other elected representatives are at the same time treated and tried as traitors. We witness the strange spectacle in which the party which would have been, by right, the Government of Pakistan, has been banned and disqualified from political activities. Half the elected representatives have been disqualified from sitting in the National Assembly. In our view, the flow of refugees will not stop, nor will the refugees already in India begin to go back, until a political solution acceptable to the elected representatives of the people has been found. Secretary- General U Thant and many other distinguished statesmen, politicians and leaders of public opinion have consistently maintained that the problem is essentially political. As a first step towards a political solution, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the Awami League, should be set at liberty without delay, and negotiations should be started with him. It has been proved beyond doubt that he alone can speak on behalf of the people of East Bengal. He, and he alone, symbolizes and represents the aspirations and will of the people of East Pakistan. Apart from these actions, which the Pakistanis themselves can take, what can the international community do in these circumstances? The first and foremost action which this Assembly, and all other international organs within or without the United Nations system, can take is to impress on the military regime of Islamabad the fact that force will not succeed and that, therefore, a political settlement between the military regime and the already-elected leaders is essential. We consider it wholly short-sighted to wait until worse crises have arisen. Bilaterally, all Governments can do their utmost to ensure, by whatever means are available to them, that the military regime stops its repression, enters into negotiations with the elected leaders to achieve a political settlement with their consent, and sends the army back to the barracks. Only by these measures will the flow of refugees be stopped and the refugees already in India be able to return home. Our only fault has been that we gave temporary shelter to millions of refugees homeless, food-less, without clothing; sick and aged, men and women, helpless children and dying infants-who were fleeing from terror, many of whom bore marks of recent army brutality. Only by the measures I have suggested can the threat of famine be alleviated and normal conditions restored. If these measures are not taken, and if attempts are made to divert attention by false analysis or wrong accusations, then the prospect is indeed gloomy. We here in this Assembly may argue in a sophisticated manner as long as we like, but those who have been the victims of aggression and who are fleeing from terror and massacre will not have such a tolerant outlook. They will not forgive us or those who did not stand by them in their hour of trial.
77.	It is only natural that I should have devoted some time to an important matter which is uppermost in the minds of most Indians, but we are not insensitive to other important issues that the world has faced during the last year. We believe that the world scene is changing and rearranging itself in a manner which is often difficult to comprehend
and even more difficult to analyze. Whether it is in Europe or Asia, in Africa or in the Americas, several trends are noticeable which can affect our traditional values and even some of the concepts on which the Charter is based.
78.	During the last 12 months there have been many welcome signs of reduction of tensions among the great Powers. The progress in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT], though slow, is an important step forward. The treaty between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin    are important landmarks and should lead to a better understanding of the German problem. The greater degree of accommodation now evident will contribute to European peace, progress and prosperity. We congratulate all those whose untiring efforts have resulted in an accord over some of the most difficult issues facing the international community.
79.	At the same time, I must utter a note of caution. The concerns of the nations assembled in this hall are far wider than the preoccupations of the great Powers. One of the basic concepts underlying the setting-up of the United Nations was that in the solution of world problems and in the achievement of the political, social and economic objectives of the human race all sovereign States should have a voice. While talks among the great Powers can on suitable occasions be helpful, the viewpoints of other States, and particularly of the developing countries, must not be ignored. The concept of non-alignment, of which Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the principal exponents, was meant to modify the bipolar view of the world. The relevance and validity of non-alignment are not diminished by the lessening of East-West tensions in some fields.
80.	Indeed, with the lessening of cold-war tensions the importance of non-alignment has become even greater. The issues are no longer so clear-cut and, therefore, the non-aligned countries will .have to examine the ever- changing situations in a much more detailed and comprehensive manner. Decisions can then be based on principles, taking into account ail the factors. It is for those reasons that the Lusaka Declaration  was widely welcomed by many speakers in this Assembly last year. It is also for those reasons that we have found it necessary to continue discussions among the non-aligned countries on all important problems. Such a regular and systematic exchange of views will enable us to come to some agreed conclusions, even at short notice. As this Assembly is aware, in two days the non-aligned group of countries will meet at the Foreign Minister level.
81.	In Asia a new political equation is discernible, with rapid industrialization and economic development in several countries. Not only is a new relationship emerging among the Asian countries themselves, but several outside Powers are working for the establishment of new contacts and relations with Asian countries, including China. India is
conscious of those developments and is adjusting its own attitude in the context of those important changes.
82.	The agony of the people of Viet-Nam has not yet ceased. Their freedom is still to be achieved, although large-scale warfare and massive slaughter are not so much in evidence. Raids, local fighting and a daily toll in lives continue throughout Viet-Nam. We regret particularly that there has been a recent resumption of bombing in parts of North Viet-Nam. Policies, especially in South Viet-Nam, have not shown any signs of moving towards the goal for which many lives have been sacrificed and for which the people of Viet-Nam have suffered so much. We welcome the United States and other foreign troop withdrawals that have already taken place. We hope that, through negotiations in Paris and elsewhere, the agony of Viet-Nam will be brought to an end without further delay; that United States and other foreign troops will be withdrawn completely by a definite date; and that the people of Viet-Nam will be allowed to decide their own future in accordance with their own wishes, without any outside interference. In that context the seven-point proposals made in Paris appear to us to provide a reasonable basis for a negotiated settlement.
83.	In the Middle East, the lack of progress in the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is creating new tensions. The cease-fire, accepted as a, temporary measure to help the parties negotiate a settlement through Ambassador Jarring, has unfortunately tended to freeze the situation in favor of the aggressor, despite the willingness shown by the Arab countries to go to the farthest limit m meeting their obligations under the above-mentioned resolution. Our own conviction that no country should be allowed to retain foreign territories taken by force of arms remains unshaken, and we would reiterate that this problem will not be solved unless Israel withdraws from the Arab territories which it has occupied since 5 June 1967 and restores the legitimate rights of the Palestinian refugees.
84.	In Latin America, too, new economic and political forces are emerging. Various developments in various States in that continent have proved beyond doubt that the conflict between traditional politics and a growing awareness of national interest is adding new dynamism to the situation. That will no doubt have an impact on international issues.
8$. The result of all those trends and tendencies has been to bestir people to new lines of -flunking and to a new realization that problems of great concern to the world cannot be solved by force. It is in this context that our discussions this year on the question of international peace and security will assume added significance. Such a discussion, by enabling all Member States to express their considered views, will substantially increase the effectiveness of the United Nations,
86.	India pointed out at the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [1932nd meeting! that post-war developments had amply shown that disputes in the traditional sense are not the only situations which become a threat to international peace and security, the structure of which today is more often than not imperiled by actions which
amount to systematic violations of many other important objectives and principles of the Charter. This Organization must acquire and develop the skill and the strength necessary for dealing effectively with complex problems which have far-reaching consequences.
87.	The Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, adopted last year by the General Assembly [resolution 2734 (XXV)], recognizes the integral link between peace, on the one hand, and disarmament, decolonization and development, on the other. General and complete disarmament under effective international control remains the imperative and most urgent need of our time. We are concerned with the threat to mankind posed by the ever-increasing arms race, by the existing large stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction and by the impending new qualitative advance towards even more devastating nuclear armaments.
88.	We are pleased at the emergence of an agreement on bacteriological weapons as a result of the discussions in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, and we look forward to early steps towards an effective agreement on chemical weapons. We are pleased of course that the United States of America and the Soviet Union continue their discussions in the field of disarmament and that those contacts are helping to lessen suspicion and are creating and improving the atmosphere for negotiations in many other fields. However, the proceedings of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament have not been marked by any significant progress this year and we should consider how to strengthen further the mechanism of the Committee on Disarmament. We could perhaps do so by adopting the suggestion made in that regard by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [AI8401/Add.l, para. 52]. It is imperative that China and France participate in the deliberations. India also believes that it would be useful to convene a world disarmament conference, after due preparation, with the participation of all the countries of the world.
89.	The Fourth International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy has demonstrated the need to make nuclear energy and technology available to a greater extent to the developing countries of the world. We are convinced of the important contribution that the technology for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy can make to the economy and the progress of the developing world.
90.	If the lack of progress towards total disarmament continues to be a threat to peace and security, there are other factors which also contribute to that threat. Colonialism and racialism have taken many forms in recent years, and all the efforts of the United Nations have been unavailing in bringing about the independence of such large and important colonial Territories as Angola, Mozambique, Guinea, Southern Rhodesia and Namibia.
91.	We are gratified at the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on Namibia  and our efforts should be concentrated on concrete steps to be taken in asserting the United Nations authority in Namibia. The liberation movements in other colonial Territories need to be encouraged. We are disappointed that the progress in. these fields has not been significant and we shall, at an appropriate stage, propose steps which can be taken to bring all colonial Territories to independence,
92.	Security and political stability cannot be achieved if the international community does not organize economic co-operation for speedy development in a rational and dynamic way. The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] was a major step forward, but the developments which have taken place since the Strategy was adopted are causing us some uneasiness. The commitments made in the Strategy are still to be fulfilled, and yet attempts are being made to take advantage of the differences of interests, which undoubtedly exist in the developing countries, to modify this commitment. We hope that these attempts will not succeed, and that, on the one hand, the developing countries will present a united front on their basic needs and, on the other hand, that the developed countries will fulfill to the utmost the obligations they have accepted.
93.	The world today is facing a major economic crisis comparable to the one that arose when sterling went off the gold standard and new trade barriers began to disrupt world trade. Something similar is threatening the system of international trade and payments which had been built up after the Second World War. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development have not between them been able to provide the kind of orderly and balanced growth in world economy which was hoped for. The developing countries, which had very little say at the time of their establishment, have long cherished the feeling that a new look at the articles of these three bodies is called for, if the widening gap between the rich nations and the poor nations is not to grow wider each year, as it has unfortunately done in the last two decades. In the crisis that now confronts them,-some of the most developed nations have also begun to feel that the charters of these institutions do not provide adequate answers to the emerging problems. What we are unhappy about is the attempt to ignore and bypass these institutions and to try to seek solutions to the world's economic problems in a small group of the 10 richest countries. We believe that, while we must reform these institutions, we must not wreck them. Concerted thinking on the ways in which a new dynamism can be imparted to them has to be given in a forum which is truly representative of developed and developing countries alike,
94.	Already some of the measures that have been taken to solve the problems of prosperous nations have created serious problems for the less developed countries. Then- trade is confronted with new obstacles. The inflow of capital so essential to their growth and development, which is well below the target of 1 per cent of the gross national product adopted by the United Nations is in danger of being reduced. Poor countries of the world are victims of measures taken in the name of alleviating the payments crisis of the richest nations in the world, even though they themselves had not contributed to the crisis in any
conceivable manner. Without a concerted and cooperative approach, such progress as was made in the first United Nations Development Decade can easily be wiped out in the Second.
95.	Last year the Assembly gave much time and attention to formulating a just regime on the utilization of the resources of the sea and on the preservation of the human environment. During this year some progress has been made for the solution of these problems, but much more remains to be done. Similarly, on the problem of outer space we have achieved some success, particularly in formulating a draft Convention on Liability for Damage Caused by Objects Launched into Outer Space. We would like to record our appreciation to the United States of America and to the Soviet Union for reaching agreement regarding expanded co-operation towards developing compatible rendezvous and docking systems for the spacecraft of both the nations. We look forward, as a developing country, to increasing benefits from progress in the field of earth resources, surface remote sensing and other connected matters.
96.	I have mentioned all these specific problems in order to take into account the various major factors which are changing the conditions of the world we live in. The United Nations, reflecting all these concerns, has to adjust itself to these changing conditions. Our Charier was drawn up 26 years ago. Our methods of work and the procedure of our debates, as indeed our budget all subjects of separate studies-have to be adjusted and adapted to new demands and conditions. We must maintain a flexible attitude towards these matters and we hope that the present session of the Assembly would, in coming to decisions on substantive problems, keep in mind the need for this adjustment. No organization in this rapidly changing world of ours can hope to face successfully new trends and new developments unless its basic concepts can be modified speedily and effectively. Last year we had a World Youth Assembly. Although the people who attended this Assembly did not achieve any concrete results, they did demonstrate a need for the world Organization to be more responsive to the changing situation.
97.	The Prime Minister of India, while speaking at the last session of the General Assembly [1881st meeting], had referred to the unfinished revolution the completion of which is our common purpose. We have endeavored to fulfill purpose though we may not have succeeded fully in our efforts the world still continues to be in turmoil and to. be subject to natural and man-made disasters and tensions. In such an atmosphere of strife and ferment, the United Nations remains the only hope for States and peoples all over the world. The ideals of the Charter are not static norms to which we rededicate ourselves for form's sake every year. Each year representatives from Member countries assemble here to reaffirm their faith in the objectives and activities of this august Organization. It is strange, therefore, that in spite of these declared commitments, the conscience of mankind finds itself reticent and cautious in face of crises born of violations of the very principles of the Charter, violations which are at times deliberate and calculated. If this Organization is to survive and contribute constructively toward a new world in which the rights of the individual are safe, and his welfare ensured
in a just and honorable environment, it is essential that the United Nations assume a credible image on the basis of tangible activities, The foundations for this purpose were laid during the last commemorative session. It is for all of us now to see if we have the strength to build on these foundations. It is my earnest hope that representatives assembled in this session would give thought to this imperative necessity and act in concert to make this Organization an instrument of their common endeavor to achieve peace, stability and justice all over the world.


122.	  Mr. President, it is my privilege to address this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly on behalf of the Government and people of Jordan, and to convey a solemn message of salutation and hope from our people on both banks of the river Jordan, a river whose meandering flow reflects the checkered fortunes, and misfortunes, of the people living astride its historic water-bed, from the dawn of history.
123.	My message is, of necessity, mute, but none the less sober and deep-felt. For half our people, on whose behalf I have the honor to address this august gathering, have been suffering the indignity and ordeal of bondage for well over four years since the cataclysm of 1967 and its aftermath.
124.	Allow me, Mr. President, to associate myself with all the other delegations in extending to you heartiest congratulations on your highly deserved election to the pinnacle of our universal Organization as President of the General Assembly. Your illustrious career in the service of your great country, your wisdom and dedication, will be invaluable in steering the work of our Assembly to fulfillment of the high expectations which humanity at large cherishes, and which is its only alternative to an appalling and irrevocable course of self-annihilation.
125.	My delegation takes joyful pride in welcoming to the fold of the United Nations the three new Member States of Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar. We are firmly convinced that their membership will be a positive and most worthy contribution to the goals of universal representation, which goals have all along represented the United Nations aspirations, striving and accomplishments. As they are sisterly countries with which Jordan is inextricably tied by nothing less than national identity, it is particularly my unbounded happiness to welcome to our fold the States of Bahrain and Qatar, and to express the firm conviction that they will, in conjunction with the larger Arab family of people, always be in the forefront in furthering the common ideals of the United Nations.
126.	The Jordan delegation has studied with utmost attention the report of our esteemed Secretary-General U Thant [A/8401 and Add J] concerning the present state of affairs of the world. Its panoramic and incisive analysis of the deepening world crisis is an ominous warning of what lies ahead if the individual and collective will of the United Nations remains lulled into a state of masterly inaction in the face of mortal challenge.
127.	In certain areas of conflict partial progress has been achieved. In other and more serious arenas of conflict little or no progress has been attained. In the forefront of such explosive and unresolved situations loom the dark shadows that envelop the Middle East.
128.	The mortal threat inherent in the situation is not confined to the peace, stability and even survival of this cradle of civilization and its people, for it has all the elements of overflowing to encompass the whole world.
129.	My delegation is not oblivious of the dangers inherent in other areas and in other situations of conflict. We should have liked to follow the usual pattern of running through the long catalog of the items with which the agenda of this year's session abounds. We are fully aware that our fortunes and our fate are inextricably bound to the fortunes and the fate of the world community as a whole, of which we are but. a part-an integral part.
130.	But there are overriding considerations that impel my address to this august gathering to focus on the so-called crisis of the Middle East, even at the risk of appearing self-centered and limited-though, I assure you, we are by no means unconcerned.
131.	There are unique features in the Middle East crisis that make the use of the term "crisis" a misnomer, if not downright misleading. A crisis situation invariably involves a conflict between two or more ideologies, Governments and varying patterns of national or international modes of existence,
132.	It is a sad and tragic fact that what is commonly referred to as the Middle East crisis should in fact be nothing less than a total reversal of everything the collective will of the United Nations has painstakingly and proudly pursued over the past quarter-century.
133.	The Assembly is fully aware that one of the cardinal corner-stones of the United Nations Charter is that no country large or small under whatever pretext-should be allowed to conquer and despoil the territories and enslave the peoples of other States, let alone Members of the United Nations. The territorial integrity and inviolability cf every Member State is sacrosanct under the Charter, and forcible conquest is the very antithesis of its being and its rationale,
134.	Forgive me for repeating platitudes, but when platitudes describe a present, continuing and blatant state of affairs then those platitudes become a stark novelty deserving of our most serious attention.
135.	I represent a Member State half of whose people and territory have been the victims of aggression and occupation for more than four consecutive years, and the end is by no means in sight. The situation is as novel as it is tragic, yet who can dispute its existence?
136.	We solemnly, and in the name of our aggrieved people, request this General Assembly to assert in the strongest and most unequivocal terms its determined stand against this unprecedented and unabashed violation of everything the United Nations has been set up to safeguard. We all realize that the United Nations as originally constituted was specifically intended before all else to safeguard peace and to preserve the independence and sovereignty of its Member States., We appreciate full well that Members of this Organization abhor and condemn the flagrant Israeli disregard for those principles of the United Nations, a disregard demonstrated by Israel's continued occupation of its neighbors' territory and its loud and deliberate defiance of United Nations resolutions and pronouncements on the issue.
137.	Yet the question that imposes itself upon all of us should be this: is the role of the United Nations one of observing, disapproving, condemning and, by inaction, acquiescing in situations that run so blatantly counter to its fundamental premises and innermost fabric?
138.	What is commonly referred to as the Middle East crisis represents in plain and forthright taJk an openly declared and very-much-boasted-of aggression by Israel on the dawn of 5 June 1967 against three States Members of the United Nations: the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Syrian Arab Republic. The so-called preemptive strike against us occurred with cold and deliberate calculation at a crucial moment when the United Nations and all the Powers, big and small alike, were frantically exerting every effort to arrest the awesome drift to war in consequence of Israeli threats against Syria and inevitable Arab precautionary measures to attempt at least to stem such a threat.
139.	The sequence and unfolding of events since the 1967 aggression and the resulting occupation up to this day are even more telling and more ominous. By words as well as by deeds Israel has nde no secret of its penchant to retain and possess the territories it acquired by aggression and by conquest.
140.	For, as Members all know, shortly after the war the Security Council adopted resolution 242(1967). That resolution was intended to define a just and lasting solution to the problem. Its points were clear, its intent specific. It reaffirmed the established principle that the acquisition of territory by military force is inadmissible and cajleii for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territory they had occupied. It called for an end to belligerency in the area, it guaranteed the right of all States in the area to live in peace and security within recognized boundaries and it guaranteed freedom of passage for all ships wough international waterways. It also called for a just solution to the problem of the Palestinian refugees. It struck a balance between the obligations of both sides. It met the natural Arab demand that Israeli occupation of our territory be decisively ended. It provided the guarantees for future peace and security in the area, which the Israelis alleged were the only aim of their policies, and, conditions for ending a temporary military occupation, r
141.	Two principal Arab parties, Jordan and Egypt, accepted the resolution and the obligations devolving upon them therefrom. My Government was repeatedly assured by major Powers in the Council, and especially the United States, that, were the resolution accepted, its implementation by Israel would be ensured and their full weight would be thrown behind it to assure Israel's compliance. The Arab Republic of Egypt was given similar assurances pertaining to implementation. And that was done even before the resolution was adopted by the Security Council in an attempt to guarantee Arab acceptance of its terms.
142.	It hardly occurred to our Governments that the process of implementation was to be subverted and even sabotaged by a game in semantics and procrastination which continues up to this day. The game went so far as to overtax the patience and hope of even the United-Nations representative, Ambassador Jarring, an indomitable and patient diplomat by the most stringent standards.
143.	My Government co-operated fully with Ambassador Jarring, whose terms of reference were defined in the Security Council resolution. Like the Governments of Egypt and Lebanon, it received him repeatedly and responded positively and sincerely to all his questions and efforts. Without hesitation we announced our acceptance of Security Council resolution 242(1967) and expressed readiness to implement our part of it. Israel continued to equivocate about the resolution, sometimes referring only to its "spirit", sometimes only to one element in it, 1 sometimes fully ignoring it. Two whole years were spent in this tragic game.
144.	In the second round of Dr. Jarring's efforts, which climaxed in his series of questions addressed to the parties in March 1969, my Government displayed an equally positive attitude. Reaffirming its commitment to an ultimate just peace, it replied in writing:  "Jordan accepts the right of every State in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threats or acts of force". Furthermore, "Jordan agrees to pledge termination of all claims or states of belligerency". To another question my Government replied that Jordan would not oppose the establishment of demilitarized zones. And in reply to yet another question by Ambassador Jarring, we stated that in case demilitarized zones are established, Jordan accepts that such zones be supervised and maintained by the United Nations. The Arab Republic of Egypt gave equally clear commitments to peace. In addition, it gave assurances on freedom of navigation in international waterways in the area.
145.	This explicit Arab commitment to the obligations defined in the Security Council resolution was certainly noA matched by Israel. Ambassador Jarring could not get any commitment from Israel on an ultimate total withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, even in the context of complete implementation of the Security Council resolution and the achievement of peace.
"i
146.	To forestall a breakdown in the peace efforts, the four big Powers initiated, in the spring of that year, consultations aimed at breaking the deadlock by getting the Security Council to exercise its responsibilities in the matter. Again we welcomed this move in the Council. We regarded it as natural and necessary. Israel vehemently opposed this initiative and opened a violent propaganda campaign against it. It realized that the intervention of the Council was bound to lead to an agreed position that, while peace in the area was the ultimate objective, Israeli evacuation of the occupied territories was a natural prerequisite.
147.	The following year witnessed a deterioration in the situation in the area and frequent resumption of hostilities. It also witnessed a crystallization of a public posture by Israel confirming what we had always warned against: that, peace or no peace, Israel Intended to keep the territory it occupied.
143. It was this position that led to Israel's clumsy and nervous reaction to the United States initiative in June 1970 to revive the efforts of Ambassador Jarring on the basis of the Security Council resolution. Israel hesitated, resisted, made angry noises about the prospects of revival of United Nations peace efforts, and finally managed to sabotage the initiative and the renewed Jarring mission. Not before it stated explicitly, however, that total withdrawal was out of the question.
149.	The Israeli position has become clear to all by now. The Foreign Minister of Israel in his statement before this Assembly [1946th meeting] made it even clearer. Rhetoric and diplomatic language apart, let us see what the implications of Mr. Eban's statement are.
150.	He went to considerable lengths in his thinly disguised attempt to sell and rationalize expansion. During the past quarter-century the Israelis claimed that Israel harbored no territorial ambitions and that its only aim was to arrive at a lasting peace. Reading Mr, Eban's statement, this is something which belongs to the past and has no relevance to the present or the future. The basic Israeli thesis is now undisguisedly that, peace or no peace, negotiation or no negotiation, territories acquired in 1967 will not be relinquished. This thesis runs through the whole of Mr. Eban's speech, in which he attempts to soften up the world Organization to accept it.
151.	Where would negotiation lead to when the official Israeli position is that, at the minimum, Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and Sharm El Sheikh are not negotiable and that in the rest of the occupied areas more would be annexed on the pretext of security or sentimental reasons? Yet, the Israeli spokesman speaks of negotiations without preconditions.
152.	Negotiations, direct or indirect, are a procedure that must lead to a goal. So are arbitration and adjudication and resort to the Security Council. Negotiation is not an end in itself. Mr.Eban makes it an end in itself, and the exclusively legitimate end. But in his preconceived and prejudged position on the substantive issues of withdrawal and territorial inviolability he destroys the very goal of negotiation. Come to the table, he says, with no right to question our decisions to acquire your territory but with the full duty to give our acquisition your seal of approval. This position deprives negotiation of any meaning and renders Mr. Eban's call for negotiation most deceptive and cynical.
153.	But if Mr. Eban's statement extolling the virtues of negotiation is meant to underscore his claim that the world Organization has confined its role to public debate, then the whole General Assembly would be more than justified in taking strong exception to his statement.
154.	For over four years, as I have stated earlier, the United Nations has attempted to promote settlement of the Middle East problem through the various avenues at its disposal.
155.	Ambassador Jarring could hardly be accused of engaging in public debate in his thankless task of working to achieve a settlement by quiet negotiation. His mission, as we all recognize, and, as Mr. Eban admitted in his statement, is stalled and in abeyance. He is still awaiting an Israeli reply to his specific questions of last February.
156.	The four major Powers, over an extended period, attempted to promote a settlement, only to give up in despair because of Israel's adamant refusal to comply with the United Nations resolutions and the dictates of law and justice. They were as tight-lipped as Ambassador Jarring, and the only thing that came out of their endless meetings was an announcement informing the world of the date of their next meeting. Has the work of the four major Powers been a world debate of issues rather than quiet deliberation to resolve the crisis?
157.	Mr. Rogers, the United States Secretary of State, and his assistants likewise engaged in efforts to resolve the crisis. The motto of their efforts was quiet diplomacy, to the point where it almost ran counter to the United States practice of public disclosures on major issues, Has anything come out of these efforts? The General Assembly, I am sure, is entitled to know.
158.	Mr. Eban has Openly disparaged and disdained United Nations resolutions, including those of the Security Council. To use his own words:
.. majorities [have] no moral value, little practical effect and a very short life in the world's memory" (1946th meeting, para. 64].
If other Members of the United Nations share Mr. Eban's assessment of its role, then there is little else for it to do but to wind up its business and abdicate its responsibilities under the Charter.
159.	Mr. Eban was less than discreet when he referred to what he called "automatic majorities" in the United Nations [ibid]. What automatic majorities do the Arabs possess other than a rightful cause and an indefensible Israeli position?
160.	The Security Council recently adopted resolution 298 (1971), regarding Jerusalem, with no dissenting voice. Does Mr. Eban wish to tell us that we have a magic formula by means of which we have succeeded in harnessing the support cf all member States of the Council: the aligned, the non-aligned, the European, the American, the African and the Asian, the major Powers and the non-permanent members, respected statesmen representing every color, race and creed? Has it not occurred to Mr. Eban that there must be a reason much more fundamental than the my th of an automatic majority which has caused the Council to act with such unanimity? Perhaps if the Israeli Foreign Minister examined things introspectively for once, he would find the answer and thereby make it easier for all concerned to achieve a fair and equitable solution.
161.	As I have already said, Israel's position has become very clear. Israel will accept peace only if peace is defined as an Arab formal declaration that their territories under occupation be ceded to Israel; that the people in the occupied lands are not their concern ; that the rights of the Palestinians recognized in repeated United Natidns resolutions are forfeited, and that Israeli hegemony in the area and a privileged economic and political position are submissively recognized.
162.	What kind of peace is that? Which of you would accept this definition in theory, let alone making his own country a field for its application?
163.	If what Israel Wants is.peace and security, then the guarantees for peace and security have been amply articulated in the United Nations documents during the last four years and in the United Nations machinery which we all respect and agree to co-operate with. But security cannot be achieved by continuous incursions into the territories of neighbors and the reliance upon a military machine devouring and feeding on rich foreign sources and increasingly becoming the idol of Israel's society and its ultimate goal. The United Nations cannot accept this concept of security. The Arab countries adjacent to Israel-with their own security and rights-reject such a concept.
164.	Foreign occupation of the territories of other States is abhorrent in itself by every internationally recognized standard. But when such an occupation is accompanied by the dispersal and expulsion of the victims from their ancestral homeland, the plundering of their lands and means of livelihood, and the undisguised and openly declared intent to take over that territory irrevocably, sooner or later, then the time has clearly come for the international order and those who wish to be its guardian to take stock of themselves and of the system which they purport to uphold. Has the world reverted again to the jungle status from which it has sought and fought to extricate itself? .Does not the world community realize that peace and justice are indivisible; that, if Israel is permitted to reap the bitter harvest of its aggression, then which country in the world, apart from the super-Powers, could feel safe about its; future and its security? Those are questions very real questions which must seriously be pondered by all peoples who have a stake in world peace with justice.
165.	There are three aspects of Israeli occupation which deserve to be highlighted in this context. They are not by any means the only obnoxious ones, but they are the most flagrant.
166.	First, may I draw the attention of this Assembly to the plight and agony of the half a million of our brethren in the Gaza Strip. Twice or possibly more in a lifetime, they have been condemned to a life of refuge and squalor, herded in refugee camps. For 20 years they had survived their suffering in the hope that they wouH eventually be repatriated, to their homes in their homeland.
167.	And now the Israeli forces of occupation are expelling the people of Gaza from their hornet, blowing up their houses and forcing them to find shelter in the wilderness of the Sinai peninsula. This is part of a planned depopulation program that will eventually lead to Gaza's being incorporated into the Israeli State. What happens to the people is no concern of the Israelis. It is the land they covet. There is nothing more certain in our minds than that. But if it is the land they want, they will have to struggle for ever to maintain it. As we have said many times, they may choose land or peace. They can never have both.
168 , The second aspect of the occupation has been the ruthless and inhuman treatment meted out to our brethren in all the occupied territories, in flagrant violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the various Geneva conventions governing the basic rights of civilians under occupation and, above all, the inherent and natural rights of the indigenous inhabitants in their own homeland. Thousands of homes in towns and villages have been obliterated on the flimsiest pretext that they had been harboring resistance. Many thousands of youths, young boys and girls, have been languishing in prisons, in numerous instances subjected to torture, off and on for years. Even United Nations investigation of the plight of civilians under occupation was arrogantly rejected by the forces of occupation.
169. But the peak of the tragedy in the Middle East and its greatest manifestation is the tragedy of Jerusalem. Tragedies can and do befall individuals. But individuals are
transient and finite creatures whose suffering passes with their passing away.
170. But such is not the case with historic cities whose structures, stones, alleys, sacred sights, memories and associations symbolize a soul, immutable and indestructible. The agony A such souls is all the more infinite because it does not perish no matter what the magnitude of the aberration inflicted upon it. And so it is with immortal Jerusalem whose fate has so often been to suffer agony commensurate with its undying glory. It is a city, beautiful, sad and serene. The burden of history left an indelible mark upon its landscape and its people; the cataclysmic past, the uncertainty of the present and the dread fear for the future.
17 . Where does Jerusalem stand today? It is being defaced and dismantled gradually but persistently beyond recognition. Ugly concrete structures are ringing the city in all directions in violation of the norms which govern the status of ancient and historic cities. The occupied city is being ruthlessly and systematically swallowed by the Israeli State. Its Arab inhabitants, who lived in it for centuries, are being drowned in a flood of imported Israelis, who are demolishing the ethnic, cultural and national character of the city. Through legislation, administrative regulations, transfer of population, and crude physical action, the Israeli authorities are contriving the demise of the occupied \rab city.
172.	The Israelis call their annexation "unification". There can be no unification in bondage, where one community tramples upon the human dignity, the soul and the lands of other communities.
173.	The Israelis claim that Jerusalem was never in history the capital of any nation. Would the Israelis deny that Jerusalem has, throughout history, been the object of infinite veneration, worship and hope for countless millions in the Moslem and Christian worlds? For 1 ;400 years we have been the proud custodians of Jerusalem; centuries before that even before the days of Aw~Jiam our ancestors founded and inhabited the city and ail "he land around it. It is the roots cf our religious and historical past that bind us to Jerusalem; and we shall never let them be cut off, despite the present Occupation of the Holy City by the military and political forces of Israel.
174.	The Israeli objective is clearly designed to stifle the soul of the remnant of the Arab city and the remnant of its Arab inhabitants. Indeed, the real aim of the so-called Israeli development plan is to cut off Arab Jerusalem altogether from the rest of the West Bank of Jordan and the Arab world, Moslem and Christian, by means of massive intervening structures, and turn in thereby into a virtual ghetto, which the Israelis hope will wither as the years go by.
175.	At its recent emergency meeting, the Security Council adopted resolution 298 (1971) with no dissenting vote, which once again categorically condemned the Israeli aggression in Jerusalem. The resolution reaffirmed previous Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on Jerusalem; it repeated that all Israeli actions in the city are totally invalid and called on Israel to rescind all those actions and measures; it also requested the Secretary-
General, in consultation with the President of the Security Council and using such instrumentalities as he deem appropriate, including the dispatching of a representative or a mission, to report on Israel's compliance with the Security Council decision. Israel immediately declared, as it has always done, its rejection of the resolution and its defiance of the will of this Organization. Jordan will await the report of the Secretary-General on his efforts, and if Israel persists in its intransigence, then the Security Council and the General Assembly will have to take the necessary action to enforce their will and +o reappraise their relationship with that recalcitrant Member.

176.	I must pause here to say, in as quiet and unemotional a way as I can, that there will be no peace in the Middle East so long as the Holy City of Jerusalem remains under the domination of Israel. I do not say this emptily; I say it because it is an accepted truth in the mind and heart of every Arab-Moslem and Christian. The liberation of Jerusalem is the corner-stone of peace in the Middle East; it is the essential prerequisite for any move towards the final solution of the problem.
177.	In conclusion, Jordan would like to put its position on record once again. Believing that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is the right basis for an immediate and just peace in the Middle East, Jordan once again pledges itself to its full acceptance. It subscribes to every one of its principles and it agrees to implement its specific provisions. We accept the call for a just and lasting peace contained in that resolution. We are ready to fulfill our peace obligations as defined in it.
178.	Let Israel declare its acceptance of the obligations required of it and contained in the resolution-that it end its or pupation and withdraw its forces from the Arab territories it occupied in June 1967. Let the Israeli Foreign Minister come up to this rostrum and declare in unequivocal terms that, in the context of a peace solution, Israel will withdraw from the west bank of the Jordan, from Arab Jerusalem, from the Gaza Strip, from the Sinai Peninsula, from the Sharm El Sheikh, and from the occupied Syrian heights. Let the Israeli spokesman and his Government declare that Israel wants to live in peace with its neighbors and not to live at our expense, by annexing our Jerusalem, occupying our land and enslaving our people. Let Israel declare all that, and the road to peace in the Middle East will be opened.
179.	For almost 25 years Israel has played the theme of peace and peaceful intentions. Now the challenge and the test of intentions are available. It is Israel which has the answer to the question whether there will be war or peace in the Middle East.
180.	Hie world Organization is, without doubt, at a most crucial cross-roads in the stupendous challenges which confront it, particularly over the Middle East. It is my country's hope and prayer that it will succeed in surmounting the crisis, thereby ensuring not only its own survival but also the survival of a world based on justice, freedom and the rule of law.


1 Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, on behalf of the Swedish Government, our warmest congratulations upon your election to the high office of President of this session of the General Assembly. Your election constitutes a tribute to you as a representative of a leading nation in Asia. We are convinced that under your presidency of this session of the General Assembly we will be able to achieve important results, and we pledge our full co-operation.

2 At the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Edvard Hambro of Norway presided over our deliberations. He guided us skilfully and efficiently, with authority and firmness, and we want to thank him for his significant contribution to the work of the United Nations as President of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.

3 On behalf of the people of Sweden and of my Government, I want to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General. For ten years U Thant has served the United Nations and the world community with unselfish devotion and great wisdom, with vision, courage and integrity. His departure from his high office will be a loss for this Organization and will be deeply regretted in my country. The United Nations and all the Member States owe him a great debt of gratitude, and I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express the sincere and warm thanks of .the Swedish people to U Thant and to extend to him our heartfelt good wishes for the future.

4.	This year the General Assembly meets against the background of important changes in the international political structure. These changes may soon be reflected in the work of the United Nations. They give rise to hope that the ability of this Organization to fulfill its goals may be increased.

5.	We have very good reasons to believe that during this session the People's Republic of China will take its legitimate place in all organs of the United Nations. Finally it has become generally accepted that this people of 800 million must be represented in the United Nations. Sweden has persistently supported the efforts to render possible the participation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.
6.	The progress achieved with regard to the German problems gives cause for expectations that both the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic will soon be seated as full Members, thus closing another of the most unfortunate gaps in the ranks of United Nations Members.
7.	The Swedish Government shares the hope expressed by the Secretary-General that other divided countries also will be admitted to the world Organization [A/84Q1/Add.l, para. 104], conscious of the fact that universality creates better; possibilities of achieving realistic solutions. The trends towards universality are a Consequence of the conviction that international problems cannot be solved by excluding some nations from the international community. Universality reduces tensions and promotes peaceful cooperation. At the same time it is? a manifestation of the detente which characterizes the international political situation of today.
8.	Solutions of global problems are, however, frequently found within the regional context. Since nations of one region often are at approximately the same stage of development-in a political, economic and social sense- regional co-operation constitutes a framework for collaboration which does not bestow special favors or disfavors on one nation or another. Of course this does not imply that global co-operation is less important than regional co-operation. On the contrary, strong trends in technological and economic development illustrate the growing interdependence of all nations. We must find a way to global coexistence and see to it that regional co-operation should be an integral link in a universal order of peace.
9.	The European scene is now marked by efforts aimed at a detente between East and West and by the integration process in Western Europe. Renewed endeavors to expand economic relations between Eastern and Western Europe are also under way.	»
A/PV.1942 and Corr.l
10.	The treaties concluded last year between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union  and between the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland, as well as the recent Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin,  offer new
1	Signed at Moscow on 12 August 1970.
2	Treaty on the Bases for the Normalization of Relations, signed at Warsaw on 7 December 1970.
3	Signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971.
ways for improved relations between East and West in Europe. At the same time this development in East-West relations in Europe will improve international relations in general. It is of vita! importance that the agreement on Berlin be accompanied, as soon as possible, by an agreement between. East and West Germany. All these events create favorable conditions for a regional security conference in Europe with the participation of the United States and Canada. The preparations for the conference should benefit from this and now enter into a more active phase.
11.	Sweden is contributing, in its measure, to bridging the existing gaps between East and West in Europe. We support present efforts to reach a detente in Europe. We intend to take an active part in the proposed security conference.
12.	The integration process in Europe renders possible an end to the existing market split. The expanding economic integration of Western Europe creates possibilities for substantially increased prosperity. The creation of this large market also puts the participating nations in a better position to further international trade and co-operation. Sweden will make its contribution to this process, in forms consistent with its policy of neutrality.
13.	The rapid development towards prosperity and increasingly higher standards of living in the industrialized nations is not exclusively beneficial. We now experience a wastage of resources unparalleled in our history. This is not only a question of pollution and wear in the industrialized countries. Scarce natural resources are exploited at an accelerated pace in both developed and developing countries. But to an overwhelming degree it is the developed countries which are benefiting from and consuming these scarce resources. Thus, the problem of the distribution of resources is added to the problem of the wastage. Both these aspects must be considered when we formulate a future environmental policy on a world-wide scale, Sweden, like other United Nations Members, sets great hopes upon the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held in Stockholm in June of next year. In order for the Conference to have a bearing on future work in the environmental field, it must be held at the governmental level. A change of this character of the Conference is not acceptable to the Swedish Government.
14.	The uneven distribution of resources between developed and developing countries brings me to the situation in the third world. The developing countries are excluded from the process of integration and from the development of modern technology which are the basis '/or the rapid expansion in the developed part of the world. An ever- widening gap thus emerges between developed and developing countries. If this trend is permitted to continue, it may constitute a threat to peace.
15.	Many of today's open conflicts and risks of conflict are found in the third world and their causes are related to the demands inherent in the process of development. Economic emancipation has often been considered as incompatible with strong political and commercial interests within the developed world, The far-reaching changes in the socio-economic structures of the developing countries bring about risks of conflict, just as does every process of
^ redistribution of political and economic power. Only by
accenting the demands of change con these risks be reduced.
16.	All United Nations Member States, last year, in approving the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade resolution 2626 (XXV)], thus agreed on the necessity of social change. The economic collaboration between developed and developing countries must be founded on a basis which strikes a fair balance between the different interests involved.
17.	Solidarity and unity among the developing countries should be welcomed since it strengthens their bargaining position. Until the developing countries have achieved full economic independence, the developed countries should fashion their policies towards the developing countries in a manner which facilitates the economic independence of these countries.
18.	The United Nations has a vital mission to fulfil in the developing process of the third world. It is true that the assistance extended by the United Nations system is still fairly limited in scope. United Nations assistance is, however, of particular importance to the developing countries as it is adapted to their own interests and in accordance with the principles of national sovereignty. The capacity of the United Nations to render assistance must be substantially increased, as outlined in the Development Strategy, to enable this Organization to live up to the great responsibility set forth in its Charter.
19.	Within the United Nations, the Economic and Social Council is the supreme body for all questions related to development. It is essential that the Economic and Social Council should be given a composition suited to its task, and therefore we support the expansion of the membership of the Council.
20.	In the future, the United Nations should increasingly promote co-operation between developing countries on a regional basis, since regional co-operation constitutes one of the most effective instruments for stimulating development. It must therefore be of high priority to increase the resources of the regional organs of the United Nations. The regional organs reach their full effect only when the developing countries themselves can exert a decisive influence on their work.
21.	In many parts of the world the drive for liberation is still being met with violence. No solution has been found for the conflict in Viet-Nam. The war has this year spread to Laos and has turned into a second Indo-China war. The Swedish Government has persistently expressed its support for a political solution to the Viet-Nam tragedy. What is true for Viet-Nam is equally true for Laos and Cambodia. A political solution in Indo-China must take into account the sovereign rights of the Indo-Chinese peoples, their right to choose their own path, their own way of life and their own institutions without outside interference. Only then can we hope for conditions which will permit economic and social development in Indo-China and peaceful co-operation between these countries, as well as between them and the outside world.
22.	The start of the negotiations in Paris in 1969 was made possible by the cessation of the bombing of North Viet-Nam. It is therefore with grave concern that we have to note that bombings on a large scale have taken place again,
23.	The conflict in East Pakistan has led to the collapse of social order in the region. Famine and epidemic diseases are spreading among the population. More than 8 million people have fled into India. The Indian people has, with great sacrifices, made an impressive effort to alleviate the plight of the refugees. The strain on India is unreasonably heavy.
24.	This conflict has generated problems which, to quote the Secretary-General, necessarily are of concern to the international community fA/8401/AddJ, para. 177]. Among the refugees in India, the United Nations has initiated activities which are in line with the best traditions of the Organization in the field of refugee relief. In the efforts to bring humanitarian assistance to the affected people in East Pakistan as well, the United Nations can play an important role also in providing international coordination and control of the humanitarian assistance received from abroad.
25.	The Swedish Government supports the initiative of the Secretary-General to assist both the suffering people in East Pakistan and the refugees in India and has taken financial measures to this end.
26.	Even if none of the States in the region desires a conflict we cannot overlook the risk that the severe human suffering and the serious tensions might lead to a widening of the crisis. The Swedish Government joins those who appeal to the Government of Pakistan to show moderation and restraint in order to bring an end to the violence in East Pakistan. Only a political solution, based on respect for human rights and on the will of the people as expressed through the ballot, can solve the problem of East Pakistan.
27.	We note with deep regret that no solution of the crisis in the Middle East is yet in view. The Swedish Government firmly believes that a political solution must be sought on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). It has for us always been a matter of course to support the Secretary-General and his personal representative in their efforts to achieve the realization of the decision of the Security Council, and i wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express again our hope that their endeavors will meet with success.
28.	In "southern Africa, the policies and repressive measures of apartheid have been intensified over the last decade. But, so also has the struggle for freedom in all southern Africa. It is of paramount importance for the international community to assist in appropriate ways the efforts undertaken by the oppressed people of southern Africa to liberate themselves from oppressors and to reach a higher social and educational standard of living.
29.	It is not only in the areas of acute crisis that political solutions to conflicts must be sought. We must strive to "demilitarize" relations between nations. International detente is a prerequisite for disarmament. Progress in the
field of disarmament will in its turn lead to further detente. The partial test-ban treaty was a first important step in the disarmament efforts. But so far no comprehensive test ban has been achieved. To our disappointment no agreement to ban underground nuclear tests has materialized. The superPowers continue the qualitative development of their nuclear weapons at their will.
30.	Sweden has consistently advocated a ban on all chemical and biological weapons. We must work with all our strength to reach agreement to ban the production and use not only of biological but also of chemical weapons.
31.	The comprehensive 'disarmament program submitted in 1970s must be fulfilled. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva should, on the basis of tills program, be given a renewed mandate to negotiate measures leading to general and complete disarmament,
32.	Sweden will support all proposals which could lead to results in the field of disarmament. Thus, it may, for instance, be justified to study and to develop further proposed plans for nuclear-free zones advanced during previous years. The prospects for reaching limitations of conventional weapons on a regional basis should be examined.
33.	As I said in the beginning of my statement, Governments now appear prepared to draw the practical conclusions from the principle of universality. But the right to participate in international co-operation is not a final goal. True universality presupposes a genuine ability to participate. All nations must participate in global development and in this process arrive at a more equitable distribution among nations of the fruits of our joint endeavors. That will constitute true universality.