36.	  Mr. President, may I, on behalf of the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic, congratulate you on your election to the high post of President of the twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly and wish you every success in the performance of your important duties. I also take great pleasure in congratulating, on behalf of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, the delegations of Bahrain, Bhutan, Qatar and Oman on the admission of their countries to membership of the United Nations
37.	Since I have the honor to address this great forum for the first time and moreover as the representative of a nation which in July this year celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the achievement of its national independence and of its successful development along the path of progress and revolutionary change, I should like to begin my short statement with a few words about my country-the Mongolian People's Republic.
38.	The quintessence of the historical transformation that has taken place in Mongolia over the last 50 years has been the transition of our country from a medieval feudal society to a socialist society, completely bypassing a whole stage in social development, that of capitalism.
39.	Mongolia, where formerly nomadic cattle-breeding was almost the only branch of the national economy, has now become an agrarian-industrial State with a rapidly growing economy, a country of universal literacy with a modern culture and a constantly increasing standard of living for the people.
40.	Today our nation, relying on close co-operation with fraternal socialist countries, is working towards a solution of th<5 vast and sometimes complex problems of building a developed socialist society.
41.	Since its foundation, the Mongolian People's Republic has consistently followed a policy of peace and peaceful co-operation among States. It has constantly sided with peace-loving peoples against the forces of international reaction and war and supported the struggle of oppressed and enslaved peoples. That policy stems from the very essence of socialist society and is determined by the constructive tasks of building a new life.
42.	It is therefore quite natural that the Mongolian People's Republic, like the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations, should believe that the cardinal issue of international life today is to maintain and strengthen universal peace and security and stave off the threat of another war. Our Government therefore welcomed the consideration by the General Assembly of the item on the strengthening of international security and the adoption of a Declaration on that question [resolution 2734 (XXV)], which has commanded wide support among the Members of the United Nations and the world community. The Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security contains a whole series of measures which are necessary for the maintenance of peace on the basis of the strict implementation of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The aim now is to work out specific measures and recommendations designed to ensure the implementation of the provisions of the Declaration and to find a positive solution to the urgent problems of international life today, the first task being to eliminate existing hotbeds of military conflict and prevent any acts of aggression or any arbitrary conduct in international affairs.
43.	This clearly means that the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security should be the major subject for consideration at this session of the General Assembly, too. In this connexion, we are glad to see that the communique of the consultative meeting of non-aligned countries agreed that the General Assembly should discuss the status of the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security on an annual basis.
44.	We feel that the task of preserving universal peace and eliminating the threat of a world-wide thermonuclear war'S becoming more and more practicable and realizable at that an increasing number of favorable preconditions exist which can guide the United Nations.
45.	The activation of the struggle of peoples in all countries for international security and the growth of the forces of peace and social progress are determining factors. Recognition of this genuine reality paves the way for '.he normalization of international relations and the stabilization of peace. Of special importance in this connexion is the active struggle of the socialist countries against the forces of war and reaction, a struggle which they are waging in alliance with and with the co-operation of peace-loving States and the anti-imperialist democratic forces.
46.	The consistency and purposefulness of the policy of the socialist countries is reflected, for example, in the comprehensive peace program announced at the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. That program contains constructive proposals aimed at the relaxation of international tension, the achievement of new agreements on disarmament and the development of international co-operation in various spheres. The Soviet peace program is commanding increasingly wide support and recognition throughout the world community.
47.	A great responsibility rests on our Organization, which can, and must, make a real contribution to the implementation of the provisions of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. This is even more important in the present circumstances when the world situation is becoming increasingly tense and precarious, although positive elements can be discerned in some areas.
48.	The Mongolian People's Republic is vitally concerned with maintaining peace and security in Asia where acts of aggressions and flagrant interference in the affairs of the peoples of the region still persist.
49.	The continuing war of aggression waged by the United States against the peoples of Indo-China is causing great concern to the peoples of the world. The United States, under the cover of the "Viet-Namization" of the war, is intensifying its punitive activities against the population of South Viet-Nam, escalating its aggression against the peoples of Laos and Cambodia, and resuming the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. At the same time the United States of America is sabotaging the quadripartite Paris talks in every possible way and avoiding giving a positive reply to the constructive proposals advanced again and again by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam, in particular the famous seven-point proposal which provides a practical basis for a peaceful settlement of the Viet-Nam problem.
50.	The successes achieved in their heroic struggle by the Viet-Namese and other peoples of Indo-China receiving increasing support from peaco-Ioving forces convincingly demonstrate that any imperialist intrigues against the cause of national liberation and social progress are doomed to total failure.
51.	The Indo-Chinese problem can be settled only on the basis of an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of American troops from the region. People throughout the world are demanding that there should be a speedy end to the neo-colonialist war against the peoples of Viet-Nam, Laos and Cambodia and that these peoples should be given the opportunity to decide their own fate independently and without outside interference.
52.	The situation in the Middle East is fraught with danger to universal peace; that that situation is still an explosive one on account of the continuing consequences of Israeli aggression against the Arab Republic of Egypt, Syria and Jordan.
53.	It is a well-known fact that at the twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly the majority of States Members of the United Nations voted in favor of. resolution 2628 (XXV), calling once again for a speedy settlement of the Middle East crisis in accordance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. Yet Israel not only continues to hold the occupied Arab territories, but is also taking criminal measures with a view to the complete annexation of a large part of those lands. Tel Aviv is challenging the United Nations and world public opinion in this manner, because it has secured the political, military and financial support of the United States of America and of Zionist circles in some Western countries.
54.	The Mongolian People's Republic and other peace- loving States strongly support the implementation of the provisions of the Security Council resolution, which calls for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories as a first precondition for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East.
55.	We think that the United Nations should make more energetic efforts to eliminate the consequences of Israeli aggression and restore a just and lasting peace in this region in full accordance with the legitimate interests and rights of the Arab peoples, including the Palestinian Arabs.
56.	There are other hotbeds of tension too. In particular, the situation in the Korean peninsula is becoming increasingly tense owing to the continuing military occupation of South Korea by the United States, the rapid rearmament of its puppet army and the fact that South Korea is being made into one of the links in the plot against the peace and tranquility of the peoples of Asia. The United Nations must find an immediate solution to the problem of the withdrawal of American and other foreign troops from South Korea, and dissolve the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. It has a duty to do so because its flag is still being used illegally as a cover for the United States military presence in South Korea and for interference in the internal affairs of the Korean people.
57.	The presence of occupation forces in South Korea and the existence of the so-called United Nations Commission are the major obstacles to the peaceful unification of Korea on a democratic basis. The urgent need for a positive solution to these problems is self-evident. Consequently, our delegation deeply regrets that the United Nations has postponed consideration of these problems, because that postponement is contrary to the interests of the Korean people and the aim of strengthening peace and security in that region.
58.	The Mongolian People's Republic firmly supports the well-known proposals of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful settlement of the Korean problem proposals which were set forth once again in the eight points of the appeal of the Supreme People's Assembly of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
59,	Another cause for concern is the development of events in the Indian subcontinent. We think that the abnormal situation which has arisen in East Pakistan should be settled through political channels in accordance with the interests of its population and on the basis of guaranteeing the safety of refugees returning home.
60,	A further aggravation of the situation could not only seriously worsen relations between India and Pakistan but could also adversely affect the international climate. We hope that the leaders of those countries will display statesmanship and a spirit of mutual understanding in the interests of peace and tranquility in the subcontinent and in Asia.
61,	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic proceeds from the pretense that the expansion of contacts between States in Asia and the development of fruitful co-operation on the basis of the principles of equality, mutual benefit and non-interference in each other's internal affairs would undoubtedly help to establish a stable peace in that part of the world.
62,	In this connexion, our delegation welcomes the treaties concluded by the Soviet Union this year with the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Republic of India. We regard these instruments as an important factor which serves to strengthen peace and the spirit of co-operation in Asia and the Middle East,
63,	As I have already said, the Mongolian People's Republic supports the development of normal relations between States in the general interests of strengthening peace and international co-operation.
64,	In this context, dialog between China and the United States on the normalization of relations between them does not surprise us in any way. But time will show how this "normalization" will meet the long-term interests of peace, national independence and the social progress of peoples in Asia and elsewhere.
65,	Developments in Europe show that positive improvements are taking place there which could lead to a thaw and improve the climate of relations between European States, These changes have been made possible mainly through the purposeful policy and tireless efforts of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in Europe. The treaties with the Federal Republic of Germany concluded by the Soviet Union  and the Polish People's Republic  are of great importance and reflect the reality of the political and territorial changes that have taken place in central Europe as a result of the Second World War. We believe that a rapid ratification of these treaties would enhance their constructive role in reducing tension and creating an atmosphere of trust between States in Europe and throughout the world.
66.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic shares the view that the agreement on West Berlin  recently reached by the USSR, the United States, France and the United Kingdom will be a real contribution to the relaxation of tension in Europe and the improvement of the prospects for peace and security in that region. Yet another step in this direction would be the normalization of relations between the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany based on the recognition of the non-validity of the Munich Agreement from the very outset.
67.	Another constructive development is that the idea of convening an all-European conference on matters relating to security and co-operation is becoming more and more feasible. If such a conference were convened and if it were successful, it would help to reduce international tension and would establish a solid basis for a system of collective security in Europe.
68.	Among the most serious causes of increased inter-national tension are the last vestiges of colonialism, the intensified intrigues of colonialist and racist forces aimed at impeding the exercise of the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence,
69.	The situation which has developed in southern Africa is a cause of concern to the world community.
70.	The United Nations must seek more effective means to ensure the full implementation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 15 ^ (XV)].
71.	Our delegation welcomes the steps taken this year to co-ordinate and combine the work of three United Nations bodies the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Special Committee on Apartheid and the United Nations Council for Namibia. It is to be hoped that concerted and effective measures to eliminate colonialism and racism, which derive from an inhuman ideology, will follow.
72.	The strengthening of universal peace and security depends essentially on finding a solution to the problems of limiting and halting the arms race and on reaching agreement on general and complete disarmament under strict international control. In present circumstances, when the arms race and, in particular, the nuclear arms race is continuing unrestrained and consuming vast human and material resources, the problem of disarmament has become more urgent than ever before.
73.	An important act of the last anniversary session of the General Assembly was the approval of the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof [resolution 2660 (XXV)]. Our delegation welcomes the first results of the jSoviet-American talks on the Limitation of strategic arms. We feel that agreement on more substantive measures in this field would be a real contribution to disarmament.
74.	The problems of halting the nuclear arms race and averting the threat of a nuclear missile war should have a special place in the system of disarmament measures. In this context, the proposal of the Government of the USSR to convene a conference of the five nuclear Powers to consider problems of nuclear disarmament [A/8491] is most timely. Merely to convene such a conference would be an important event in that the talks would, for the first time, involve all the nuclear Powers. It would be hard to find any real justification for refusing to participate in such a conference, particularly in view of the responsibility of the nuclear Powers towards humanity.
75.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic attaches particular importance to the Soviet proposal to convene a world disarmament conference [A/L,631]. We hope that this peaceful initiative will receive unanimous support from all States. The Mongolian delegation welcomes the position taken by the non-aligned countries which have also called for such a conference at the proper time, and with the participation of all States.
76.	The Mongolian People's Republic, like other socialist countries and peace-loving States, attaches great importance to the problem of eliminating other types of weapons of mass destruction, namely, chemical and bacteriological means of warfare. We hope that at this session the General Assembly will approve the draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons [A/8457- DC/234, annex A], submitted by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. The real importance of this convention is that when it enters into effect it will for the first time remove from the arsenal of weapons one type of weapon of mass destruction. Once again our delegation stresses the need for an early agreement on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons.
77.	Our delegation agrees with the view that an important factor in the strengthening of international security is the normalization of international economic relations, the development of co-operation between States on a basis of equality, mutual benefit, justice and due regard for the legitimate interests and requirements of develops countries.
78.	The United Nations cannot remain indifferent to the fact that on the whole the position of developing countries in the capitalist economy has been noticeably deteriorating in recent years. The intensification of the monetary and financial crisis of capitalism is seriously affecting the economies of developing countries and aggravating this already difficult situation.
79.	The United Nations can and must play an effective role in introducing new and just democratic principles into international economic relations and in removing artificial discriminatory barriers to the development of trade and economic co-operation between States.
80.	In present conditions it is particularly important to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations. Our delegation believes that its effectiveness should be ensured above all through the strict observance of the Charter. As experience has shown, the slightest deviation from the principles and purposes of the Charter has always dealt a blow to the prestige of our Organization and prejudiced the cause of peace and international security .
81.	Another important matter is the observance of the principle of the universality of the United Nations. That principle derives from the very essence of the aims and tasks of our Organization.
82.	Proceeding from this premise, we have supported and continue to support the admission to the United Nations of all independent peace-loving States which recognize the high purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and wish to participate in its activities. This could only redound to the benefit of international co-operation and result in the strengthening of the peace and security of peoples.
83.	The Mongolian People's Republic continues to support the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and the expulsion of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from all United Nations bodies.
84.	We support the simultaneous admission to the United Nations of the two German States, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The crux of the matter is that the United Nations and, in particular, some of its organs, continue to discriminate against the German Democratic Republic, a socialist State on German soil. That country is making a constructive contribution to the normalization of the situation in Europe, and the strengthening of peace in that continent and throughout the world. The German Democratic Republic, as one of the highly developed countries of the world., maintains extensive political and economic ties with other countries and advocates the strict observance of the Charter of the United Nations in relations between States. Our delegation is firmly convinced that the time has come to put an end to discrimination against the German Democratic Republic.
85.	May I express the hope that this twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly will contribute to the solution of the urgent problems of international life for the sake of strengthening mutual understanding and cooperation among States, and consolidating the peace and security of peoples. Any positive move by the United Nations in this direction will have the full support of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, the constant aim of whose foreign policy remains the promotion of peace and friendly co-operation among peoples.


32.	 Permit me first of all, Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Niger, to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the highly responsible post of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly, The unanimous choice of your person testifies to the confidence placed in your eminence as a statesman and an experienced diplomat, but it is also a deliberate and carefully reflected choice of your great country, which is a symbol of liberty, the historic site of the awakening of the third world, which was "rushed under the yoke of colonialism and under development. Bandung 1955 still echoes in our hearts as the rallying cry of all the oppressed peoples of the earth for their determined march towards liberty and dignity. We are particularly pleased because your visit of friendship to our country two years ago strengthened even further the bonds of solidarity and fraternity between our two peoples,
33.	May I also, Sir, take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Hambro, who served so admirably as President of the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session.
34.	I should like now to address myself to U Thant, the distinguished Secretary-General of our Organization, to convey to him the feelings of confidence and high esteem of the President of the Republic of Niger and his Government towards him personally. Indeed, for 10 years he has carried out an overwhelming task and defended the ideal of the United Nations with vigor and perseverance. I should like to express to him once again our gratitude, and to repeat to him here, publicly, the profound hope of my Government that he will find it possible to renew his tenure of office.
35.	I should like also to express our feelings of friendship with, and to bid welcome to our great universal family, to the new States of Bahrain, Bhutan, Qatar and Oman and to assure them of our total and sincere co-operation.
36.	Speaking after so many distinguished representatives who have preceded me, I shall not dwell at any great length on the great international problems which still await solution and which sometimes arise again in more pressing form to threaten world peace. I should like, in passing, to express regret at what might be considered a gradual weakening of the powers originally conferred on the Assembly by the United Nations Charter. A mere glance at the list of items on the agenda of this session shows clearly that most of the urgent questions upon which world peace and security depend have been circumvented -and, what is even worse, the Security Council itself has practically been denied the opportunity to deal with the most thorny problems, That is a situation which we believe to be most disturbing.
37.	Having said that, we can nevertheless express satisfaction regarding some matters.
38.	In the Middle East, although a final solution is not yet in sight, it must be noted that the cease-fire has been respected for a year and there are certain grounds for hoping for at least the beginning of a detente and a partial solution.
39.	I should like to repeat here the unreserved support of my Government for Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which should be implemented without further delay. We are in favor of the right of peoples to self-determination, and it is on that basis that the problem of Palestine, including the status of Jerusalem, must be resolved. Recently we considered it a good sign that the two sides, the United Arab Republic and Israel, had accepted the principles of a visit from the Committee of African Heads of State of the Organization of African Unity, entrusted with seeking new approaches for attaining a just and lasting solution. -
40.	In Europe, we note with satisfaction the signing, on 3 September 1971, after long and arduous negotiations, of an agreement among the four occupying Powers on the status of Berlin. Although that Agreement does not bring any final solution to the distressing problem of the division of Germany, it none the less represents a step forward and gives us reason to hope for new measures which will lighten the burden of armaments and further relax tensions between East and We*''
41.	In the same context we impatiently await tangible results from the SALT negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on the limitation of anti-ballistic rocket systems and offensive strategic weapons. We also hope that the efforts of the great Powers in that area will not cease there but will lead to progressive disarmament measures, which will free for other, more humane tasks the enormous sums of money squandered each year on the arms race.
42.	In the Far East we glimpse 'a" real hope in the Indo-China peninsula, which has not known true peace for more than 25 years. The decisions of President Nixon gradually to withdraw American troops from Viet-Nam and to begin a dialog between the United States and the People's Republic of China have opened up new and promising prospects.
43.	The Government of Niger will support any action in favor of the dual representation of China. If the law of numbers is a factor which is to influence our judgment, it is none the less true that the moral quality and sense of responsibility exhibited by the Republic of China for more than a quarter of a century must command the respect and admiration of this Assembly.
44.	A supporter of peace, freedom and justice, my country will spare no effort to see to it that the Republic of China, a founding Member of our Organization which has always respected the Charter, continues to enjoy an honorable place within the United Nations. In this regard, I must state that the Republic of Niger will reject any proposal to expel the Republic of China, to which my country is , inked by bonds of friendship and co-operation and which has always consistently upheld the ideals of freedom and democracy.
45.	On this understanding, the Republic of Niger will not oppose the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations.
46.	Within this disturbing international context, Niger, in so far as it is able, has never ceased to strive for peace and understanding both within the framework of the Organization of African Unity, the African, Malagasy and Mauritian
Common Organization, as well as in the more limited context of the Council of the Entente, whose cohesiveness has been strengthened from year to year.
47.	We also take pleasure in the harmonious development of bonds of friendship and co-operation with all our neighbors.
48.	The eminently peace-loving disposition of our people and Government does not blind us to the still open wounds in the flesh of our continent. We solemnly condemn the obduracy of Portugal in remaining the only colonial Power in Africa which refuses self-determination to the peoples of the Territories under its domination. We have duly condemned the barbarous act of aggression perpetrated against the sister Republic of Guinea on 22 November 1970, and the repeated violations of the territories of Senegal, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia.
49.	In the face of the inhumane practice of apartheid in South Africa and the occupation by that country of Namibia in spite of the relevant decisions and resolutions of the United Nations, we can only note and deplore once again the indifference to these problems on the part of the great Powers, whose concerted and energetic action could alone sway the policies of these racists.
50.	With regard to the illegal regime instituted in Rhodesia by a white minority, we reiterate our appeal to the United Kingdom rapidly to restore legality in that country, a country which is the responsibility of the British Crown.
51.	While we are deeply concerned about these problems, we in Niger do not lose sight of the vital problem of economic development which, in the final analysis, influences all the others because it is on the strength of their material superiority that the industrialized countries deny us the right of raising our voice in favor of our brothers.
52.	If I have not dwelt at any great length on certain political problems, it is to highlight their real importance because, in the final analysis, these problems are only the reflection of another more important problem as we see it; this is the economic and social development of the third world, especially on the African continent.
53.	The unequal development of the world where the rich countries continue to grow richer and the poor countries grow poorer is at the root of what is so seriously wrong with our world. If the wisdom and the will of the great Powers cannot prevail over their desire for domination, we are all running the risk of a conflagration one day whose consequences are immeasurable. The great financial and economic crisis of 1929 has given the first evidence of this. The recent monetary crisis is likely to give us further proof if the international community does not take the necessary urgent measures.
54.	The developing countries remain powerless spectators of the interplay of the great Powers. Their development suffers constantly from the often irrational nature of the assistance which is contractual and specific and does not make it possible to carry out long-term planning. This situation is made even worse by the effects of unequal trade, In this regard the President of the Republic, His Excellency, Elhadji Diori Hamani, said four years ago:
"Until we can find together a solution to a phenomenon which appears to be the simple result of the working of the law of supply and demand, whose effects must be remedied, a phenomenon which has the effect of causing the price of the major primary products to remain stagnant and often decline, while the price of industrial products constantly increases in relative value, there will be no tangible progress for the developing countries."
55.	The industrialized countries have certainly made considerable efforts to help the under-developed countries but they give more and more the impression of trying to fill a bucket in the bottom of which they themselves have punched a hole.
56.	Increased efforts must be made by our Organization with the participation of the rich countries, to inform the people of the rich countries and to make them more aware of the ever-deepening tragedy which is afflicting the developing countries.
57.	The rich countries should not rest on their laurels but should realize that their fate is necessarily linked to that of the "proletarian nations". One cannot talk from this rostrum of peace, freedom and justice, while millions and millions of people are suffering from hunger and disease,
58.	The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, adopted unanimously [resolution 2626 {XXV}] by rich and poor alike, should give us grounds to hope that beyond resolutions and expressions of sympathy, there does exist a will to act, to forge this great alliance mentioned by the President of the Economic and Social Council, this great alliance against poverty, injustice and misery.
59.	This requires a great deal of goodwill and courage both from the rich and from the poor. It also requires a restructuring of certain United Nations agencies and this is certainly what the Secretary-General felt after the adoption of Economic and Social Council resolution 1553 (XLIX) of 30 September 1970 with regard to regional structures and arrangements of the United Nations and its subsidiary organs and specialized agencies.
60.	In addition to its unambiguous response to the Secretary-General's questionnaire, my Government reiterates its unreserved support for the proposal to expand the membership of the Economic and Social Council. We feel that the present composition of the Council no longer reflects with sufficient accuracy the present state of the community of independent nations, and that, as has been done elsewhere in most international bodies, there should be a readjustment of quotas which are now more than a quarter-century old.
61.	These, then, in a few words are the comments which the Government of Niger has instructed me to make to this august Assembly. My Government, which lives in peace with all of its neighbors and desires to maintain relations of friendship with all nations, will give its support here to any action which, within the framework of mutual tolerance and understanding, will better assure world peace and interdependence of nations.


134.	 Mr. President, first of all, speaking on behalf of Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, the Prime Minister of Mauritius, I should like to join with the other delegations to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this lofty post, Sir, is a tribute to your statesmanlike qualities and a fitting recognition of the useful contribution your country has made to the promotion of international peace and understanding. I am confident that your wide experience in the field of international affairs will immensely benefit the work of the present session. I should also like to associate myself with the tribute paid in this Assembly to my distinguished colleague and friend, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who very ably presided over the historic twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
135.	Now, continuing to speak on behalf of my head of Government and also in my own name, 1 wish to express my very sincere felicitations to the Secretary-General, U Thant, who is completing his second term of office this year. The dedicated service of the Secretary-General during the past 10 years for the fulfillment of the lofty ideals embodied in the United Nations Charter has won him not only the deep appreciation but also the admiration of all those who are concerned with the preservation of international peace and the betterment of the conditions of life around us. That is why the decision of the Secretary- General not to accept a third term of office is very much regretted by us. However, it is beyond any doubt that U Thant will be remembered by future generations as one of thcM outstanding personalities of our times who have left a lasting mark on our endeavours to promote a better world in the true spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.
136.	One of the primary objectives of the founders of the United Nations was that this world Organization should serve as a center for harmonizing the actions of the Member States in the pursuit of common goals-peace, prosperity and social development. The goodwill and co-operation of many of the Member States represented here have enabled the United Nations to take some positive steps towards the attainment of the objectives the Organization set itself to achieve 26 years ago.
137.	The Organization can pride itself on having averted serious crises threatening international peace on several occasions and also on having been instrumental in restoring freedom to millions of people who had been condemned to colonial exploitation for years. But the hopes and aspirations of millions of our brethren have yet to be fulfilled.
138.	In various areas of the world, freedom and peace have been bi; a mirage to generations of people born in our century. In Viet-Nam hundreds of precious lives are being lost daily. The Middle East, for so many years now, has continued to be the theater of armed struggle or tension. In the African Territories still under colonial domination, freedom is denied to the large bulk of local population. Then there is the question of millions of refugees across the world whose fate words are inadequate +o describe. These are so many human tragedies that endanger international security, mar the prospects of world peace, and are a blot on the conscience of mankind.
139.	We in Mauritius have welcomed the move by the United States to normalize its relations with the People's Republic of China, which we would like to see occupying its rightful place in this Assembly without, for that matter, depriving Taiwan of a seat among us.
140.	On the Middle East problem my country continues to believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) continues to provide an adequate basis for negotiations leading to an honorable settlement between the Arab Republic of Egypt and Israel. We have also appreciated the diplomatic efforts undertaken by soma States and recently also by the Organization of African Unity to explore new grounds for a settlement of the problem. I hope that those initiatives will lead to at least a partial solution to be followed by a just and lasting solution in the spirit of the Security Council resolution 242(1967). The United Nations, through its High. Commissioner for Refugees, should, in the short run, redouble its efforts to assist countries having to harbor refugees and, ultimately and urgently, to find peaceful political solutions to the problems of this disinherited portion of humanity.
141.	This year is ';sing observed throughout the world as the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. It is inconceivable that, in an age of so much scientific and technological progress, the human mind should still tolerate such old prejudices as racial superiority. But the worst is the institutionalized forms of racism, like the apartheid policy of South Africa. Mauritius is a multiracial country where people of different ethnic origins from Asia, Europe and Africa have long coexisted in harmony. We therefore unequivocally condemn apartheid and all other forms of racial and religious intolerance wherever these are being practiced in flagrant violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
142.	My Government has supported the various United Nations resolutions relating to the Territory of Namibia. We welcome the recent verdict of the International Court of Justice  and we shall support all recommendations that the General Assembly may make towards the implementation of the verdict of the Court.
143.	The maintenance of international peace and security constitutes one of the major responsibilities of the United Nations. Mauritius considers the adoption last year by the General Assembly of the Declaration on Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] an important step towards the fulfillment of one of the main objectives of the United Nations Charter. We will continue to support all positive action by the United Nations in the field of international security.
144.	My Government strongly supports the efforts of the United Nations to provide for the progressive development of the international law of the sea. We welcome the establishment of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction to elaborate the legal principles and norms which would promote international co-operation in the exploration and use of the sea-bed and the ocean floor and to ensure the exploitation of their resources for the benefit of mankind. Those areas of the seas are the common heritage of mankind and their resources should not benefit only the technologically advanced countries.
145.	According to Article 55 of the United Nations Charter, conditions of stability and well-being are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations, In the developing countries, the problems of stability and well- being are in fact our major preoccupations. Faced with unfavorable trade patterns, growing populations and a lack of financial resources, we often find it extremely difficult to offset the odds of economic under-development at a rate to correspond with the demands of a more and more articulate population for better employment opportunities and improved standards of living. This is perhaps especially true of a small and highly over-populated country like Mauritius.
146.	With your permission I would like to stop a while and refer briefly to the efforts my Go^ srnment is presently making to promote economic development and describe a few of the problems we have to face. We are confronted at present with a very serious problem of unemployment which has been the logical consequence of an essentially monocrop agricultural economy in a country with limited land resources. Various economic surveys of Mauritius have recently been carried out and it has been the general consensus that industrialization should occupy a priority
place in our plans for all future development.
147.	We have, therefore, embarked on a plan to set up a number of industries starting with import-replacement industries. Under our export processing zones scheme, a number of export-oriented industries are being set up. Several of the industries being labor-intensive, we feel that we may be on the right track towards satisfying our urgent need to create massive employment. We have adopted various export-promotion measures with the collaboration of foreign entrepreneurs and suppliers to whom we have provided a number of incentives.
148.	The success of this conscious effort to solve the serious unemployment problem depends on a number of external factors over which Mauritius has unfortunately little or no control. I am referring, in particular, to the trade policies which are adopted by developed countries to protect their economic interests. Such measures seriously impede the economic progress of the developing countries, some of which, like ourselves, have only recently embarked on export-promotion programs, the success of which may indeed be vital to their economic survival. The adoption of those measures detracts from the concessions previously offered under the generalized system of preferences and nullifies the professed support of the principles of assisting the trade of developing countries as embodied in the activities of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD].
149.	I think I am voicing the unanimous feelings of the whole developing world in stating that we are pinning our hopes on the success of the Second United Nations Development Decade, which is to be implemented as from this year. We trust that the developed countries will consider the vital interests of the developing world in any future adoption of trade policies. In short, we must provide instruments for the promotion of trade between the developing and the developed countries and this, not simply to the advantage of the latter.
150.	It is against this background that I view the probable enlargement, in the not-too-distant future, of the European Economic Community and the accession of more African and Caribbean States to associate membership. It is my hope and prayer that, when that historic moment comes, Europe will rise above narrow parochial considerations and use its united strength to succor the developing countries with which it has been associated, in one way or another, for centuries.
151.	To alleviate further the problem of over-population and unemployment in Mauritius, my Government has embarked upon a program of assistance to Mauritians who wish to settle in countries which lack manpower and which would welcome them. We therefore believe that countries which do not have over-population problems and where employment opportunities exist should open their doors to immigrants from over-populated areas of the world.
152.	My Government is convinced that the welfare of the peoples of this world can only be achieved through co-operation in all fields of activities between all the States of this world irrespective of their size, geographical situation, racial appurtenance and ideological aspirations cooperation based on mutual respect of national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Those ideals Mauritius tries to pursue by maintaining friendly relations with the other nations of the world and through its membership in various international and regional organizations.
153.	Millions and millions of people throughout the world, and we in the developing countries especially, have placed their faith in the United Nations and we are confident that this Organization can fulfill the mandate conferred upon it if each of the present Member States gives its full and unconditional support to the principle of the Charter.


116.	 I should like, Sir, on behalf of the Irish delegation, to add my warm congratulations on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The Assembly has chosen a President who knows how to bear wisdom lightly and, in electing you to this high honor, has paid tribute to you as a distinguished leader and statesman of your great country, a country of rich cultural "diversity in unity" and one which has such an important role in the affairs of your region and among all the nations.
117.	I am happy to join in the universal tribute that has also been paid to. Mr. Hambro, the distinguished representative of Norway, whose patience, skill and dynamism were so brilliantly displayed as President of the twenty-fifth session of the Assembly.
113. It is my pleasant duty to join in welcoming three new Member States, Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar, Together they are further encouraging evidence of the spirit of freedom which has animated this Assembly from its beginnings. My delegation looks forward to happy and fruitful co-operation with them. We shall be most happy to vote this afternoon for the admission of Oman,
119.	The United Nations has striven to establish the right of all nations to political freedom and a voice in the council of nations. In this it has achieved great success, the number of newly independent States which are Members of the Organization being now greater than the number of States which signed the Charter. We must remain unshaken in our resolve that those which have not yet achieved independence, or have had it snatched from them, must be given this right, this essential condition-as freedom is an essential condition-for progress. Political freedom is not everything-though perhaps only those who have ever lost it know fully how precious it is. The great tragedies of poverty, of economic exploitation, of the threat of war, of the rivalry of nations, of a polluted environment remain. Political freedom will not of itself solve these problems. But at least no nation should have to remain a helpless prisoner, unable to do anything to try to solve them, or to join with others in trying to solve them, and resign itself to seeing its future decided by outsiders.
120.	It is our very great loss that we must fear we shall soon no longer have the personal guidance of 'U Thant in these efforts of ours. I say personal guidance, for even when he will lay down his office-despite, I am sure, the unanimous wish of this Assembly that he should stay-his courage, his words, the attitudes he has taught us and his tolerance will remain to guide and inspire us. His most recent achievement, in the comprehensive, thoughtful, objective and challenging introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [Al84QllAdd.l], has given a picture of 10 full years, of failures and accomplishments- and of the frightening problems facing humanity. If we can follow his advice, if we do not squander the years before us, we will be able to produce a better balance sheet at the end of the next decade.
121.	U Thant has been a man of peace. It is a very difficult thing to be, for it demands the exercise of that most difficult of virtues, tolerance. We all have strongly held beliefs and we are quite sure we are in the right, it has been said that there are neutral countries but no neutral men. U Thant is too imbued with philosophy and religion to be neutral in human issues. But he has striven to see both sides of the various problems which affect us and he has, despite the experience and ^o doubt the frustrations of a decade in office, affirmed his faith in humanity.
122.	I have been moved especially by two sentences of his report:
"I feel more strongly than ever that the worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and the end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains," [Ibid., para. 146.]
It must give us pause when we realize that that last sentence could be proved false. Humanity remains, but easy means now exist to wipe humanity off the face of the earth. There have been, and there are, disarmament talks. There has been progress. There have been six major treaties. These include the partial test-ban Treaty,  the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and the agreement to prohibit nuclear and mass- destruction weapons on the sea-bed,  and the great Powers have agreed not to place weapons of mass destruction in outer space. And then there are the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. These last may lead to some reduction in future production, This is perhaps poor consolation when we realize that the two super-Powers have enough nuclear weaponry to destroy each other and all the rest of us and enough automatic systems to continue the salvos over the corpse of humanity. Was there ever such a waste "f human effort?
123.	For poverty and the diseases of poverty continue to threaten two thirds of mankind in this Development Decade. And yet the scientific and technological basis exists for an abundant world food supply. The Secretary-General has told us that by promoting the uses in less developed areas of new types of cereals and legumes was can help 300 million children grow up healthy in mind and body [A/8401/AddJ,, para. 74/. One of mankind's victories has been the war against malaria, so that 1,000 million people now live in areas from which it has been eradicated.
124.	How much more could not be done if the $200,000 million spent each year on armaments could be put to useful purposes. We may well ask, when we realize that only 3 per cent of that amount is spent on aid to developing countries. Whatever the problems that face us, however deep our passions may be, they cannot justify a threat of nuclear war. When Pope Paul came here at the twentieth session at the invitation of U Thant he bade us listen to the call of humanity: "Never again war, war never again! "[1347th meeting, para. 33.]
125.	We Europeans have for many centuries known the evil results of war. In this century Europe has twice seen unparalleled devastation. From that misery a new Europe has arisen. Great rivalries have been resolved in friendship and co-operation, and the anxieties they provoked stilled,
126.	One of the most imaginative initiatives taken in Western Europe, after economic stability had been restored largely due to the generosity of the United States, was the creation of the European Economic Community.
127.	There is now every reason to believe that the Community will shortly be enlarged by the accession of four more countries, including my own. This is a prospect which my Government warmly welcomes, for, while the economic aspects of the Community are of course of the very highest importance, its objectives go much further in calling for co-operation in many other fields. But at the same time, as the Foreign Minister of France said here on 28 September, the very structure of the Community keeps it from becoming inward-looking [1942nd meeting, para. 46]. Indeed, we see in the Community and its evolution an important instrument for the promotion of detente between all European countries, east and west. And this detente is bound to lead to a co-operation in several areas which, we are convinced, will promote the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
8 Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and O-her Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof [resolution 2660 (XXV), annex].
128.	In this connexion, my Government continues to follow closely all developments calculated to create a favorable climate for convening the conference on security and co-operation in Europe, which, if successful, will greatly assist in furthering world peace and security in conformity with the provisions of the Charter and the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], adopted with virtual unanimity at the twenty-fifth session of the Assembly. We have in the past made known our active interest in the conference, while pointing out that careful preparation beforehand is essential to ensure positive results and obviate the risk of failure of a far-reaching initiative which is bound to attract world-wide attention.
129.	Several previous speakers have called attention to the progress which has been made within the last 12 months on issues which have been the cause of division in Europe. Like them, we welcome the treaties concluded between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union,  on the one hand, and between the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland  on the other. We also welcome the recent Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin between the four big Powers which will, we hope, shortly be completed. These developments have much enhanced the prospects of convening, with an assurance of success, the conference on security and co-operation in Europe.
130.	We are preparing for another conference which affects all of us, the Stockholm United Nations Conference on the Human Environment to tackle pollution and environmental problems. And, while it seems clear that the national effort in the conservation of resources and the environment must be primary at this stage, global effort will certainly also be necessary. International co-operation is still in its infancy. My Government sincerely hopes that the Stockholm Conference will provide helpful guidelines for action on a global scale and will likewise stimulate action by each of us in a national context.
131.	None of these noble efforts can succeed while we devote so much energy to war and preparations for war. But, however devoted we are to the need of peace, the shadow of war will be there if we do not seek to end the causes of war. We all know that injustice breeds violence. It is our duty to prevent and eliminate injustice and tyranny. It is our business in the United Nations to seek out and strive to end tyranny, whatever form it takes whether the form of colonialism or racialism, of apartheid or master- race theories, or of economic exploitation-which has plagued the earth for too long.
132.	To do this duty of ours, we must represent all countries, great and small. The President has expressed the hope that this Assembly might be remembered as an Assembly of universality [1934th meeting]. That is obviously not possible while the representatives of China, with one quarter of the world's population, remain outside this Organization. This is a great problem. Twenty years ago China was divided in civil war. Two Governments remain which claim to be the Government of China. One of them, the Government of the People's Republic of China, controls all mainland China. The other controls the island of Taiwan. It does not claim to be the Government of an independent Taiwan, indeed it refuses to sanction any formal partition of China into a so-called mainland China and a State of Taiwan. It also claims to be the Government of all China, including Taiwan.
133.	On the rights and wrongs of that great civil war it would be inappropriate for me to speak. The fact remains that the People's Republic of China emerged from that war and its Government rules over mainland China and more than 700 million people. They must be heard. Moreover, the People's Republic of China has also a special importance as a nuclear Power, and, as my Prime Minister said here last year,
.. we must ensure that the United Nations is representative of all the Powers which have a special role in this respect and we should not enshrine in our practice policies which lack realism." [1879th meeting, para. 40.]
It seems clear that this great Power will not come to this Organization while a rival Government claiming the same jurisdiction continues to be represented here.
134.	China, as a great Power, was properly given one of the permanent seats on the Security Council, the organ of this Organization with the right to make decisions binding on all Member States, and where the realities of power were recognized by permanent membership and the right of veto. That the People's Republic of China should sit there is now recognii. ii by all the other great Powers without exception. The representatives of the Republic of China, deprived of real power in China, have continued to exercise the rights of a permanent member and have done so with a moderation and balance that have been exemplary. But this is an unreal situation. We should regret the departure of those who have loyally tried to serve China and the Charter, but it is a question of deciding who is in reality representing the people of China. The future relations between Taiwan and mainland China are, and obviously must be, a matter for peaceful negotiation.
135.	Conflicts also rage or threaten within the framework of the Organization, between or within Member States. The Secretary-General's introduction devotes a section to events in East Pakistan and the consequences of those events [A/8401/AddJ, paras. 177-191], What he says conforms, I believe, to the views generally held throughout the world. They closely reflect the opinions expressed in the Irish Parliament when the matter was debated there some months ago. In particular my Government, and the Irish Parliament, agree with his statement that a solution depends on a political solution based on reconciliation and that this is an indispensable prerequisite for the return of the refugees now in India [ibid., para. 184].
136.	I am only too conscious that we have here a problem which, as U Thant said in his letter to the President of the Security Council on 20 July, and again in his introduction, highlights the conflict between the principles of the territorial integrity of States and self-determination, a conflict which, in his opinion "has often before in history given rise to fratricidal strife" [ibid., para. 185]. The formal conflict on these Charter principles seems to us a matter to which the Organization could well and usefully devote attention. And here may I say that my delegation was impressed by the observations on this topic by the Secretary of State for External Affairs of Canada last week [1944th meeting], and those of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium on 4 October [1950th meeting], who hoped that peace-keeping institutions are conscious of the need for imaginative studies on the development of pacification procedures in domestic disputes.
137.	This is indeed a problem, to which the Secretary- General has elsewhere called attention, when he speaks of the "violation of human rights within the frontiers of a State" [A/8401/Add.l, para. 147], a problem which he says has been almost daily in his mind during his time as Secretary-General. As the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands has said:
"The machinery available to the international community at present cannot essentially facilitate or promote the universal observance of human rights" [1948th meeting, para. 94].
My delegation joins with the Netherlands delegation in hoping that this Assembly will, as a step in the right direction, decide to create the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, as recommended by the Commission on Human Rights.
138.	It is the ardent hope of my Government that the political solution, based on reconciliation, in Pakistan, of which the Secretary-General speaks, can be realized; and also that the refugees in India'-and we are dealing here with a number of refugees which much exceeds the population of my country and of very many Members of the United Nations-that these refugees who place such an enormous burden on India can return without fear to their homes in East Pakistan. The Irish delegation will be happy to be associated with any action to that end by the Assembly.
139.	The Middle East continues to hold terrible dangers, but at least fragile peace has been established for some time though no peaceful and agreed solution is yet in sight. The Security Council's oease-fire resolutions of June 1967, resolutions 233, 234 and 235 (1967) and its resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 provide the essential framework.
140.	The break-down of peace talks under Ambassador Jarring acting as the Secretary-General's Special Representative is a set-back; but we must hope that the search for peace between the parties can be intensified, bearing in mind that the Secretary-General has said-and this is all too apparent that time is of the essence. I do not wish to minimize the difficulty of this task; I realize the almost superhuman efforts of tolerance, of forgiveness, of justice and of compromise which wili be needed to reach even the beginnings of such a settlement, but we know, too, that failure might mean the widening of the conflict to a point that none of us dares contemplate.
141.	The United Nations has had limited successes in bringing about the end of conflicts, but even its powsr for limited action has been eroded steadily by a simple lack of
money. No wonder a spirit of cynicism has spread when all the nations of the world cannot agree on providing the sums of money it needs, sums which are insignificant in comparison with our expenditure on war and defense arrangements. Putting the financial system right is primarily the duty of the permanent members of the Security Council, for it is with them that power resides. The problem derives from differences of principle.
142.	But there is surely an element of paradox in the fact that, when the Security Council set up one peace-keeping mission-the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus-it decided that its costs should be met from voluntary contributions. If the Council thought right to set up the Force and to extend the mandate every three or six months over the past seven years, it should have decided on means to pay for it or should now remedy that defect -which only it can do.
143.	Last year the Assembly adopted the historic Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] aimed at the strengthening of peace and security of all peoples and increasing the effectiveness of the United Nations in this most important part of its work. That Declaration will be nullified if the financial aspects of peace-keeping are not put right very soon. Whatever the problems of principle are, it is now time to find a compromise solution, if we are serious about international security. Sterile arguments about the past are of no service to humanity; and they certainly do nothing to solve the very grave over-all financial position of the Organization which, as the Secretary-General has warned [A/8401j Add J, para, 121], and you, Mr, President, recalled on 21 September [1934th meeting], now faces the prospect of imminent bankruptcy.
144.	Ireland has been proud to provide soldiers for United Nations peace-keeping and observer missions. Irish soldiers have died under the United Nations flag. It is with regret, then, that I must refer to the fact that the Irish Government and the Irish people themselves have had, in the last two years, to face the reality of escalating violence and bloodshed in Ireland itself, though in that part of Ireland over which the United Kingdom retains control.
145.	The problem of my country may seem small compared with those of other Member countries, but perhaps they may have a moral for the more terrible problems. We have tried to be a loyal Member of the United Nations; we have tried to work in harmony with others for peace. The violence and bloodshed in Ireland are not of our seeking or our making, and we hope that the conscience of mankind as here represented will help to end it. For human misery, wherever it exists, affects us all.
146.	The occupation of Ireland in recent centuries was dictated by what were felt to be the strategic needs of a powerful neighbor which was constantly embroiled in war wife oilier neighbors. In such quarrels the rights of small nations have never been much regarded.
147.	like many others here, we Irish are no strangers to defeat. We know that there is no humiliation in defeat itself but, rather, in the acceptance of defeat. But we equally know that too often -in the words of Simone Weil  "Justice is a fugitive from the camp of victory". When Ireland was divided in 1920-and that division was reinforced by an unequal treaty in 1921-those who had struggled for national independence, for justice and for peace with justice were, in a sense, defeated. But those who succeeded in dividing Ireland, and into whose hands Britain delivered the six Counties of the North, thereby assumed a grave responsibility.
148.	The establishment of the Northern Ireland Administration was a victory for those who were opposed to Irish independence and who wished to remain part of the British Empire-then still a vigorous and powerful figure on the international scene. The Northern Unionists, paradoxically, had threatened to fight Great Britain in order to remain within the British Empire and outside an independent Ireland. "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right" was their motto. But were they right? Has the society which evolved in Northern Ireland vindicated the forceful resistance of the Northern Unionists to the democratic wishes of the masses of the Irish people?
149.	We must measure the value of a society, not by the mottoes and slogans inscribed on the walls of its temples or proclaimed in its constitution and laws; these are usually impeccable. The true measure of a society or a political system is the actual relations in that society between man and man and between community and community. And by this standard of measurement Northern Ireland has been a tragic failure. It is a society which has oppressed the economically and politically deprived and, worse, which has sought to justify that oppression. For 50 years, every attempt by the minority to assert its human dignity and to obtain elementary civil rights was characterized by the Northern regime as an attempt to overthrow the Northern State. Justice, indeed, was a fugitive from the camp of that victory.
150.	But even a regime whose origins are dishonorable may validate itself in time and may secure a measure of consent or reluctant assent to its authority. A de facto regime which does not legitimate itself is doomed. There is ample evidence-from the dispassionate investigations of the political scientist, from the passionate testimony of the petrol bomb, mass civil disobedience by the minority, and the threat of violent reaction from Orange extremists and armed militia-that the Northern regime has not achieved that consent to its democratic legitimacy which is the hallmark of a just and stable society.
151.	The non-Unionists repudiate a regime which oppresses them and denies their national aspirations. The reactionary elements in the Unionist community and the Orange Order regard themselves, for their part, as the final source of the regime's authority. If the Northern Administration should appear to falter in what the reactionaries consider is the duty of the Administration to maintain Northern Ireland as a sectarian State, they threaten in turn to withdraw their consent from the regime and thereby bring it either to heel or to defeat.
152.	The contradictions and divisions in Northern society which reflected the divisions in Irish society as a whole when our country was divided in 1920 were not resolved by partition; they were compressed, exacerbated and
intensified. Because of the political and demographic structure of Northern Ireland, discrimination against and oppression of the minority became not merely a choice for those who held power but, in their eyes, an absolute necessity.
153.	To maintain its grip on the Northern masses, the Unionist regime made its supporters into a caste. The Northern Protestant worker was reminded, whenever there seemed a danger that he would pursue the real interests of his class or social group, that any deviation of that kind would result in the dissolution of the Northern Administration and the consequent loss of his caste privileges and the material advantages which he enjoyed over his Catholic neighbor.
154.	Thus, the political life of the North was distorted, the norms of British democracy, which the regime pretended to uphold, were flouted, and the British parliamentary structure, which the Stormont system was supposed to emulate, was perverted into a caricature and farce. The world has witnessed the tragic cycle of events in Northern Ireland over the past three years. Demands for elementary civil rights were met with official repression, which led in turn to an increasing resort to violent means and finally to the suspension of habeas corpus, the withdrawal of the opposition from Parliament, mass arrests and detention without trial and the virtual collapse of civil order in the North.
155 . It is natural that my delegation should bring to the attention of the international community the plight of the minority in Northern Ireland. We have done so with restraint, both in this Assembly and in the Security Council. It is not our purpose to try to coerce the Unionist community in the North of Ireland into a united Ireland. We do not believe that power, political or, above all, moral, grows out of the barrel of a gun. On the contrary, we are convinced that political power, and the moral power of a community its ability to transform values into facts-lies in the capacity of people to act together in concert. We trust that in time the people of Ireland, of all Ireland, will join together in the exercise of a collective political will to translate into living and permanent realities our aspirations for peace, justice and progress, principles which the twenty-fifth session of this Assembly adopted as its motto, since they are the essential and interdependent elements of a decent international order.
156.	Our conviction that the achievement of justice and stability lies essentially in national unity has secure growing recognition not only in Ireland. Mr. Michael Stewart, the former Foreign-Secretary of the United Kingdom, whose task it was to deal with this matter in 1969 when it came before the United Nations, said two weeks ago in the United Kingdom Parliament that if the situation was to be sorted out, the proposition had to be accepted that "the whole island of Ireland has to be a single Republic"; and he said that internment, the impossible position of British troops and the employment of terrorist methods, all arise from the fact that "we are trying to maintain a connexion which cannot be maintained".
157.	In our commitment to national reunification we are sustained by the recollection of those men and women, from north and south, who over the centuries suffered and died in the cause of justice for Ireland. And if we must keep faith with the dead, how much more are we obliged to keep faith with the living, and ensure that justice is accorded to the minority in the North of Ireland now? But the means by which justice for the minority in the North is secured must not render the achievement nugatory. The tragic history of past and present conflict, both national and international, has taught us that the means used to achieve political goals are often of greater relevance to the end result than the intended goals themselves, however just they may be. It is thus vital to eschew those means which would bring even greater tragedy to Ireland.
158.	The Charter prescribes recourse exclusively to peaceful means for the settlement of any dispute between Member States, and those are, we believe, the means by which justice in Northern Ireland must be sought. But justice there is the essential condition for the social and economic progress of the area as, indeed, for the social and economic progress of Europe and of the international community as a whole.
159.	My Government is firmly committed to a policy of peace and justice in Ireland, which we regard as the indispensable foundation for progress and the promotion of a national society informed by the purposes and principles of the Charter. We are determined to build this society peacefully, both because we would otherwise negate our achievements since independence and because we thereby conform strictly to the letter and spirit of the Charter which enjoins us "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors".
160.	The establishment of justice and the consolidation of peace in the North of Ireland fall now within the power and responsibility of another Member State: the United Kingdom. We do not doubt its consent to these aspirations. But consent to values demands commitment, and promise demands performance. Practical political steps are necessary so as to guarantee to the minority in the North of Ireland an effective exercise of their political will and an effective role in the collective life, both of Northern Ireland and of Ireland as a whole.
161.	Several speakers have referred to the usefulness of a dialog in resolving political problems. The United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, in his statement on 29 September [1944th meeting] concerning the risk of confrontation, laid stress on dialog as a principal means of preventing the deterioration of dangerous situations. My delegation shares this view and, as the representatives are aware, we are actively engaged on dialog on this issue. However, dialog, if it is to be worthwhile, must not solely create an impression that something is being done to improve matters but must give positive results. The resolution of political problems by dialog demands a dispassionate diagnosis of the roots of the problem. And a reiteration of received ideas is a poor substitute for objective analysis.
162.	In this connexion I must say that my delegation would find difficulty in accepting the Foreign Secretary's opening remarks on the situation in the North of Ireland. He is, of course, quite right in speaking of the existence of a highly dangerous situation there, but it would not be correct to suggest that this arises solely or mainly from a confrontation stemming from religious differences. Rather would I invert the order of Sir Alec Douglas-Home's observation that in Northern Ireland:
"... a terrifying manifestation of the old danger of religious confrontation has reappeared, complicated in this case by other political and social problems" [ibid., para, 82].
In my view, what we have there is a confrontation because of political and social problems, complicated by the exploitation of a religious factor. Confrontation, particularly within national societies, is not simply a manifestation of anarchic forces at work, still less the result of doctrinal differences. It is much more likely to arise when the existing political or administrative structure fails to provide the means of effective democratic participation by a large section of the community or frustrates their demands for justice and equality of treatment. And the Belfast regime's failures in this regard are there for all to see.
163.	My Government deplores the use of violence as a means of solving political problems and more specifically we deplore the use of violence as a means of solving the problem in the North of Ireland. We in no way whatever condone the use of violence there by either side.
164.	But in order to end the present violence we must try to understand and eliminate its causes. It seems obvious to us that the current campaign of violence has as its cause the growing frustration of the minority in the North at the failure of the reform program to afford them substantial redress. The promise of redress was set out in the declaration on human rights and absolute equality of treatment issued jointly by Mr. Harold Wilson and Mr. Chichester-Clark from 10 Downing Street on 19 August 1969. Lord Caradon read the terms of that declaration into the record of the Security Council on the following day, at its 1503rd meeting, and he spoke of the determination of his Government to pursue relentlessly the program outlined in the declaration. He also said that the British troops which had been sent to the North were a peace* keeping force, and that no better peace-keeping force could be there. I ventured the opinion, on the same occasion, that the use of British troops alone was unacceptable and that in the long run they would prove to be more a hindrance than a help. Events have vindicated my opinion. British troops have been used in one-sided arms searches and in carrying out a policy of mass arrests and internment. From a peace-keeping force they have become, in the eyes of the minority, a coercive instrument to prop up the Northern regime. It is in these events that we can find the causes of the present violence and through understanding them endeavor to bring about the changes which will bring the peace and stability we all long for to the suffering people of Ireland.
165.	The Foreign Secretary o; the United Kingdom has rightly said:
"Each of us has the means to redress legitimate grievances within our own community; that is whaA gives us the right to insist that violence within the borders of our State shall not be used" [ibid., para. 85].
I would say that it is when we fail to use that means to redress legitimate grievances that violence will appear, to demand redress. The history of almost every country has only too many examples of violence doing what statesmanship had neglected to do. A French writer has said that we all have sufficient fortitude to bear the misfortune of others. Complacency, too, can be the enemy of justice.
166.	Great Britain is rightly proud of its people's profound regard for democracy and fair play. And indeed, even when we were engaged in our bitterest struggles with British Governments, there was never lack of voices raised in Britain on our side. Many British statesmen have pleaded eloquently for Ireland. And the voice of the plain-working English men and women has always been raised against policies of their Governments which, whatever their specious justification, were wrong and unjust.
167.	It is essential that through dialog a structure will be created in the North of Ireland which will permit the minority there to play an effective role in the community and permit them likewise to realize their passionate aspiration for national unity. If stability and peace are to return to Northern Ireland, they will only return when an administrative structure which establishes justice is created there. Such a structure is the indispensable foundation on which to build the national consensus which will reunify Ireland and finally guarantee to Irishmen, and to all the children of the nation, full political and civil freedom so that together we can face the future enriched by, and cherishing, car several traditions.