 My first words, Sir, from this podium are addressed to, you in expression of our sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of President of this the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your own long and distinguished service in the field of diplomacy and international relations is a matter of public record. You have served not only in the interests of your own country but also in pursuit of the noble objectives of international endeavor.
4.	I recall with particular pleasure the honor we in Guyana had of welcoming you in 1972 as a representative of the Secretary-General to the Conference of Foreign Ministers of NonAligned Countries. Since your return to the service of your country you have contributed to the strengthening of the bonds of friendship between the parties, the Governments and the peoples of Guyana and Iraq a friendship which is enhanced by our joint and cooperative activities as members of the Group of 77, the nonaligned movement and this Organization.
5.	The business of this session promises to be challenging, if not perplexing. We are confident, however, that your skill, your experience, your aplomb and your dedication to the search for just and equitable solutions to the problems which at present beset mankind will be tactfully and maturely applied, to the benefit of the Organization and the peoples here represented.
6.	Let me take this opportunity to express as well our thanks and gratitude to Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal
Republic of Germany, who, as President of the thirty-fifth session, only recently concluded, applied unremittingly his talents and his energies to the achievement of consensus in the Assembly.
7.	We must specially commend him for his untiring efforts to see launched a global round of negotiations on international economic cooperation as desired by the vast majority of Member States.
8.	Equally, I wish to extend to the Secretary-General our deep appreciation for his own consistent and steadfast work directed towards the fulfillment of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
9.	With the admission of Vanuatu to our midst, the Organization takes one more step towards its goal of universality of membership. Today we join with others in welcoming this new Member to our ranks. Guyana is convinced that this Republic will make a positive contribution to our work.
1Q. It was with particular pleasure that Guyana took note of the unanimous decision of the Security Council to recommend acceptance of the application for admission submitted by the newly independent Government of the sister Caribbean country of Belize.The struggle by the Belizean people for their freedom and independence has been long and arduous. Yet even at the very last hour attempts were still being made to frustrate Belize's movement to independence. The Assembly has given constant and unyielding support to the people of Belize in achieving their independence and making secure their territorial integrity. It will be a moment of great joy for the people of Guyana when Belize joins the Organization.
11.	The thirty-sixth session of the Assembly is being held at what may well be a historic crossroads for humanity. It is a moment for reflection on the real values and the present needs of mankind. It is equally a moment to make a projection as to where we go from here, for we seem caught up in the contradiction of extremes. Each hour that we meet, the number of hungry and starving people on this small planet of ours increases. While Saturn and Venus and other distant planets are being explored through the use of a technology which is a wonder indeed, there are people on this earth who spend days to get from one place to another on foot, sometimes in harsh conditions, in search of basic necessities like food, water and fuel. There are enormous extremes of wealth among nations. There are those who are luxuriously housed while others take shelter from the rain in the flimsiest hovels. There are others who remain illiterate while the bounds of knowledge expand continually. And each moment the preparations for war escalate.
12.	The specter of deformation and death due to hunger; and malnutrition, that of disease and deprivation through
lack of adequate housing, and that of decimation and destruction by conventional and nuclear warfare, even invoked in self-defense, combine to imperil the survival of mankind.
13.	At this particular juncture, we are all aware of serious Negative trends and tendencies in international relations, Increasing turbulence within the international system has led to a pervasive deterioration in political and economic relations. Developments over the past two decades, which had encouraged the hope that principles such as sovereign equality, mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and the right of each State to pursue its own path of political, economic and social development were achieving universal acceptance, are now challenged by postures and policies of confrontation, with resultant mistrust.
14.	The nonaligned movement gave a warning about the possibility of the present circumstances at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non Aligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979, and more recently at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non1Aligned Countries, held this year at New Delhi.
15.	Today there is a generalized mood of fear and foreboding. At the root of this outlook is the recrudescence, in virulent form, of confrontation and conflict, which some believe derive from ideological differences. It is a sad commentary on man's sense of values that, even as international political and economic relations have worsened and the plight of many peoples simple men, women and children has become more desperate, there can be an intensification in the preparations for war and an increase, both globally and within some nations, in the allocation of resources for such preparations.
16.	The drums of war are beating everywhere. As yet; it is largely a war that is conducted through rhetoric by the world's powerful nations. But in some less powerful countries the war dead are being mourned. However, elaborate preparations involve policies which include not only the fabrication and acquisition of even more sophisticated components for an already overstocked war system, but also the threat which stems from the possession of such instruments of war and the determination to use them.
17.	The question arises whether there are States in the various regions of the world which, egged on by the present circumstances, can feel secure in the belief that a recourse to lawlessness will go unpunished or, at worst, will be received with acquiescence by the international community.
18.	Already, the pursuit of such policies has threatened to render asunder the fragile fabric of detente so laboriously constructed. True, it was a detente that was limited in both its geographical application and its substantive scope. But it represented a beginning and was an element in the process of the relaxation of tension and the democratization of international relations. It kept alive the prospect of building relationships of equality and mutual benefit and of expanding the opportunities for global consensus on the solutions of problems which are global in nature.
19.	These developments threaten to negate the efforts which the United Nations has been so laboriously exerting over the years in the field of disarmament to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. The overall result is that the world is slowly inching further away from the goal of a secure and lasting peace which the Charter envisages and which is particularly needed in our day. In these circumstances, the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled to be held in 1982, assumes an important and urgent character. It is our sincere hope that optimum use will be made by other States, particularly the nuclear-weapon States, of the negotiating machinery provided for within the United Nations. It is also our hope that the negotiations will be approached in a positive and constructive spirit, one that will best facilitate the achievement of genuine disarmament. But there are certain crisis situations which antedate the dangers inherent in the present trends and tendencies and remain in need of urgent solutions.
20.	In the decisions taken at the recently concluded eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the" question of Namibia, we recorded our determination to maintain the momentum in the march towards universality. In anticipation of the adoption of those appropriate measures as provided for under the Charter, at the present session the Assembly must seek to advance further the cause of Namibian freedom and independence. We must demand that those Members of the Organization that, in one form or another, give succour to South Africa in its continued illegal occupation of Namibia and its acts of aggression against neighboring States join the mainstream of international rejection of the Pretoria racists and their apartheid policies. f
21.	The situation in southern Africa remains a clear threat to international peace and security. In this regard we must not relent in our desire to dismantle the structure of apartheid in South Africa itself.
22.	The search for a lasting solution to the situation in the Middle East requires the reactivation of a more than peripheral involvement of the United Nations. The strategic consensus which the Organization must achieve and implement is one which would ensure for the Palestinians an independent State of their own and allow all States in the region to live in security and peace.
23.	Likewise, in Korea the present apparent stalemate must not lead to the reality of permanent division. The wishes of the Korean people for their peaceful reunification on the basis of principles which are well known, including the 10 point program of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea presented by its President Kim II Sung, at the Sixth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea, must be realized without delay.
24.	In Cyprus, the inter-communal talks must be encouraged, but always within the comprehensive framework which was devised by this Organization and others in 1974 and subsequently.
25.	Parallel to the turbulence in global political relations, to which I have already alluded, is an international economic system in deep-rooted crisis. It is a crisis from which no individual nation can insulate itself; it is a crisis with fundamental destabilizing consequences for all, especially the already battered economies of many developing countries. These countries continue to confront the twin dilemma of a longterm deterioration in the purchasing power of their commodity exports and a volatility in the prices they obtain from such products on the world market. At the same time, the import prices for essential manufactured and industrial goods from the developed countries show a consistent upward movement.
26.	Those of us who attempt to break out of this vicious circle of commodity trade by industrializing face the protectionist barriers that are erected. And some developed" countries are attempting to shift from multilateral cooperation to bilateral exchanges, with deleterious consequences for the capacity of international financial institutions to promote development.
27.	Compounding these difficulties is the increasing loss of skilled manpower from the developing countries to those parts of the world that are already highly developed. According to a conservative estimate by UNCTAD, over the decade and a half from 1960 to the mid-1970s, upwards of 420,000 skilled personnel moved from the developing to the developed countries. The skilled personnel that were lost included physicians, scientists, engineers, agricultural experts and other critical professional categories, all trained at immense cost and whose loss has considerably weakened our efforts to develop.
28.	There are some, moreover, who would wish to blame the ills of the poor on ideological preferences, and particularly the choice a country makes between a capitalist or a socialist path to development. There are those, also, who would wish to base their willingness to assist the developing countries according to the latter's choice in a so-called global ideological struggle.
29.	I ask: can we with genuine sincerity confront the harsh circumstances of today and the new reality of an interdependent world with the same old dreams, the same old illusions and the same old deceptions? We think not. The positive changes beckoning mankind cannot be contained, nor can we respond by merely clinging to the old economic order.
30.	It is within this context that Guyana expresses regret at the continuing impasse in the NorthSouth dialog. Indeed, the expressed hope of the vast majority or Members of the Organization for the launching of a global round of negotiations has remained just that a hope, We have not advanced much since the near unanimity on the procedures that was achieved at the eleventh special session only last year. We must seek at this session to overcome such barriers as remain to the launching of the global round of negotiations. While such negotiations can lead ultimately to the solution of problems which are structural in nature, many of us are faced with economic problems of both short and medium-term dimensions. These problems require urgent solutions.
31.	Yet even as lack of progress in the NorthSouth dialog is lamented, there may be a ray of hope on the horizon of economic relations at the global level. I have in mind in particular two developments. In May of this year the HighLevel Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries was held in Venezuela. That conference resulted in substantive decisions of an action-oriented nature designed to strengthen the bases of such cooperation. And there is to be held at\Cancun in October of this year a meeting at the highest political level of a group of developed and developing countries the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development for informal exchanges on the world economic situation. Guyana hopes that the Cancun meeting will, through the manifestation of the necessary political will, help to give impetus to the search by the international community as a whole for solutions to the problems besetting the world economy, including the launching of the global round of negotiations, and that it will enhance the prospects for international economic cooperation in all its dimensions. We recognize that it presents the international community with an opportunity to demonstrate a breadth of vision and the political will to impart impetus and to lend authoritative direction to the global dialog on economic relations.
32.	It must certainly be to our advantage that this meeting will be taking place against the background of an increasing realization and acknowledgment of the interdependent nature of the world in which we live. Let me hasten to add, however, that the interdependence I speak of is not the one that was born and nurtured in the systemic context of subordination and dependent relationships, for that was an interdependence between the exploiter and the exploited, between the rich man and Lazarus, one which saw the distribution of the results of that relationship shewed in favor of the powerful.
33.	A present danger is a lingering desire on the part of some to maintain such a patently unjust relationship. The emerging interdependence, and certainly the one to which we aspire, must be based on the principles of equality and justice and on an equitable distribution of the gains derived from it. We have a dynamic conception of an interdependent world, an interdependence which is symmetrical and based on mutual benefit and mutual respect.
34.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has now completed its tenth session. Throughout the years of negotiations, all States have had the opportunity of full participation and have contributed to the significant progress which has been made. Indeed, we are at the threshold of concluding a comprehensive treaty. This is why Guyana is concerned that there can be attempts at this late stage to upset a balance so patiently wrought. It is Guyana's lope that ail States will participate in the signing ceremony at Caracas in 1982.
35.	In the finely balanced life support system of this planet, the two most critical areas are those of food and energy. Food production and food security are now matters of universal concern. In his statement before the Committee on World Food Security at Rome in April of this year, the DirectorGeneral of FAO, in alluding to the precarious nature of the global food situation, said that we have to be prepared for the worst not only for this year, but also in the years to come. Indeed, for two successive seasons, as the DirectorGeneral reminded us, the world has consumed more cereals than it has produced. For us, therefore, it seems eminently reasonable to seek international support at all levels for promoting agricultural development, more especially in the developing countries.
36.	We in Guyana have long been embarked on a program of self-sufficiency in food. We have not yet achieved this, but last year, along with Zimbabwe, Guyana was a net exporter of food within the Commonwealth. We intend to accelerate this process. We therefore regard as contradictory, to say the least, the recent positions taken in one of the international institutions, the InterAmerican Development Bank, Dy which Guyana was denied financial resources for increasing its capacity for food production. We cannot understand how there can be on the one hand an expression of an interest in preventing hunger and on the other the adoption of positions which perpetuate that same condition. Guyana remains ready and determined to exploit its potential for agricultural development for the benefit not only of the Guyanese people but also of the people of the Caribbean and even beyond.
37.	Guyana has a similar determination in the field of energy. Whereas eight years ago it required less than 10 per cent of Guyana's export earnings to pay for our imported energy needs, today we expend more than 30 per cent of those earnings, and this despite the fact that we have embarked on programs of conservation and have begun to use again alternative but once discarded sources of energy. We in Guyana have been beneficiaries of the generous oil facility established by the sister Caribbean Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. We pay a tribute to the Government of that country for instituting such a program and express our thanks for the assistance. In this regard, we also wish to commend Venezuela and Mexico, which have established an oil facility for the benefit of a number of Central American and Caribbean countries.
38.	Everyone knows that energy is critical in the process of development. That is why Guyana participated fully in the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held recently at Nairobi. That is why Guyana is resolved to bring into use its potential for hydro-power and other forms of renewable sources of energy and will resist all attempts, for whatever reason, to frustrate our development in that respect. Guyana will support wholeheartedly all States pursuing similar policies.
39.	There have been other recent developments in my region, Latin America and the Caribbean. Our area has not escaped the vicissitudes and dangers which beset the international community elsewhere! In the quest for independence, its maintenance and consolidation, in the pursuit of economic and social development, change is inevitable in Latin America and the Caribbean, as it is elsewhere. That process takes different forms and moves in different directions, reflecting the difference in history, culture and political norms and experience. As elsewhere, too, there are external attempts to dictate unilaterally the nature of change and to fit it into a prism often at variance with the wishes of the people themselves and detrimental to them. We see some of these processes now at work in our region. Let the Assembly not be seen to be equivocating on the right of the people of our region to fashion their own societies without outside interference.
40.	More generally, the people of Latin America and the Caribbean have increasingly been designing their own regional and subregional institutions with a view to advancing cooperation among themselves. Our attitudes are not autarchic. vVe seek to build bridges of friendship and cooperation not only within our region but also with other peoples and regions. The recent Caribbean Basin initiative can conceivably contribute to the realization of these objectives.
41.	The development of these mutual relations must of course be based on respect for the sovereign right of each of our States to pursue its own political, economic and social development, free from all forms of external interference, coercion, intimidation or pressure. Equally, we. of the Caribbean call for scrupulous respect for the wishes of our peoples for the Caribbean area to be respected as a zone of peace.
42.	There are, however, situations arising within our region itself, some of which contain a clear potential for threatening and indeed disturbing international peace and security. One such situation stems from the present nature of our relations with Venezuela.
43.	Several years ago the agenda of the General Assembly included an item entitled "Question of boundaries between Venezuela and the territory of British Guiana". The request for the inclusion of that item was made by the Government of Venezuela in 1962,' four years before my country became independent. The purpose of that request was for Venezuela to assert a claim to over two thirds of the territory of my country. It is apposite to note that, four months before taking such action, Venezuela had raised the question in the Fourth Committee, when the independence of my country was engaging the attention of the Organization, then, as now, in resolute pursuit of the goal of total decolonization. Although at that time Venezuela denied that the assertion of its claim was in conflict with its professed support for the independence of my country, the manner in which Venezuela prosecuted its case was tantamount to its making a settlement of its demands a precondition to the attainment of freedom and independence by the Guyanese people. Simply put, an attempt was made to weaken Guyana's urge for independence. With the full and active support of the Organization, however, our objective of independence was achieved on 26 May 1966.
44.	Early this year the Government of Venezuela reasserted its claim to over two thirds of the territory of Guyana. In prosecuting this claim, Venezuela embarked on a carefully orchestrated campaign aimed at the retardation of our economic development and the dismemberment of my country. I was born and bred in a village in the area of Guyana that Venezuela claims. I look forward to retiring there in peace and tranquility. It is a part of Guyana which is rich in resources mineral, forest, agricultural, including fish and livestock and hydro-power, and in which more than one third of our population resides. As I stand before the Assembly, I face the prospect of one day becoming an alien in my own village, a colonial once again, after our uncompromising and successful struggle for independence, or a refugee from the place of my birth. Thousands of people in my country face this specter, this terrible prospect of a return to the condition of colonialism or of exile from their place of birth.
45.	I do not wish to burden the Assembly with a detailed analysis of the Venezuelan claim, or the absurdity of its nature; nor, indeed, do I intend to chronicle at this time the legal, historical, political and moral justification for Guyana's position. In brief, towards the end of the last century Venezuela sought and received the support of the Government of the United States of America in placing before an international arbitration tribunal the question of the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana. Acting fully in accordance with the rules and norms of international law, Venezuela and the United Kingdom in 1897 signed in Washington a treaty which contained their agreement to submit the matter to arbitration procedures
as a full, perfect and final settlement. Suffice it to say that the Tribunal met and delivered its unanimous judgment on 3 October 1899 in Paris.4
46.	It is on the basis of that award that the boundary between Venezuela and Guyana was finally determined. Indeed, working assiduously between 1901 and 1905, Venezuelan and British commissioners spared no effort to ensure that the boundary on the ground corresponded in every relevant detail to the arbitrary award of 1899. It is that boundary which has given Guyana its present geographic form; we have lived on the basis of that boundary ever since. Incidentally, in 1932 Venezuela participated with the United Kingdom and Brazil in settling the tri-junction point where the boundaries of Venezuela, Guyana and Brazil meet.
47.	In 1962, Venezuela presented its claim to the Organization, contending that the arbitrary award of 1899 was null and void. The weight of Venezuela's evidence rested at that time, as it still does, on the recollections of one of the junior participants in the Paris proceedings, recorded some 50 years after the event and a few months after he had received a decoration at Caracas, and when all the major participants in the arbitration process, had died. There must be speculation as to the true significance of the request by that junior participant that those recollections of his should remain a closely guarded secret until after his death, when he was beyond the reach of questions.
48.	As the records confirm, in keeping with the time honored traditions of the Organization, Venezuela was given a full hearing in the Special Political Committee at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly [348th and 350th meetings]. As a result of the deliberations in that Committee, agreement was reached between Venezuela and the United Kingdom, with the concurrence of the then Government of British Guiana, that in order to dispel any doubt as to the validity of the 1899 award, experts from Venezuela and the United Kingdom should examine the documentary material relating to that award. At that session, the General Assembly limited its action to taking note of what had been agreed on by the parties [119th plenary meeting, para. 40].
49.	When that consensual position was reached, there was no ambiguity about what was agreed upon, or the nature of the exercise to be undertaken. To make this point pellucid, let it be recalled that the United Kingdom representative said at that time:
"In making this offer I must make it very clear that it is in no sense an offer to engage in substantive talks about revision of the frontier. That we cannot do, for we consider that there is no justification for it".
In recent months, the Government of the United Kingdom has reaffirmed in the British Parliament its position that the arbitrary award of 1899 is valid.
50.	The examination of the voluminous ,documentary material took place between the years 1963 and 1965. We in Guyana remain satisfied that there is not one scintilla of evidence to support the Venezuelan contention of the nullity of the award of 1899. Yet Venezuela maintains its contention.
51.	As our independence approached in 1966", and in order to facilitate the development of friendly relations with Venezuela, the United Kingdom, Venezuela and Guyana concluded an agreement in Geneva.6 That agreement provided mechanisms for ourselves and Venezuela to continue to examine the latter's contention of nullity of the 1899 arbitrary award and to find a practical solution to the controversy which had arisen as a result of that contention. But the ink from the signatures on the Geneva Agreement had hardly dried before Venezuela unleashed a campaign of hostility and aggression against us.
52.	In three successive years, 1967, 1968 and 1969, in the general debate of this Assembly, Guyana had occasion to draw to the attention of the international community repeated acts of pressure, intimidation, subversion and aggression by Venezuela against us. Let me recall two examples: in 1966, only a few months after the conclusion of the Geneva Agreement, Venezuela, through the use of her armed forces, occupied the Guyana part of an island through which our common boundary runs; and 'Venezuela today illegally occupies that part of our territory. In 1968, even as we were engaged in discussion within the framework of the Geneva Agreement, Venezuela, in flagrant disregard of it, sought publicly and privately to discourage investment for development in the region of our country which it claims. And there are many other examples.
53.	It will, therefore, come as no surprise to the Assembly when I report, as I do now, that during the four years which the Geneva Agreement provided for the purpose, Venezuela did not produce any evidence of nullity of the 1899 award. Instead, Venezuela demanded, and sought by all means open to it, a revision of the frontier.
54.	Venezuela claims that the 1899 award is null and void, and now denies its very existence. In many formal and official statements, as, for example, a recent letter to the former President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, opposing the involvement of that bank in the development of a hydroelectric project, the Foreign Minister of Venezuela described the 1899 award as "nonexistent".
55.	The Venezuelan record of breaches of the Geneva Agreement is a dismal one. That record notwithstanding, the Government of Guyana did not abandon the search for an end to the controversy, nor efforts to develop friendly and harmonious relations with the people and Government of Venezuela. Thus, in demonstration of our goodwill and our desire to live in peace and harmony with our territory intact, we agreed with Venezuela, in 1970, by the conclusion of a protocol to the Geneva Agreement the Protocol of Port of Spain on an initial moratorium of 12 years during which period there was to be no claim by either party to the territory of the other. Further, it was the jointly expressed hope that there should be intensive efforts to develop and strengthen relations of friendship between the two countries. That development was reported to the Assembly at its twenty-fifth session [1876th meeting paras. 6869].
56.	It is Guyana's view that by and large the Protocol of PortofSpain worked well. Although provision has been made in that Protocol for the automatic renewal of the moratorium, it also contains provisions whereby either
Guyana or Venezuela could terminate it. Venezuela recently announced its intention to do so.
57.	When the Protocol of PortofSpain comes to an end on 18 June next year, the parties concerned should return within the ambit of the Geneva Agreement and activate the provisions of Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations.
58.	Unfortunately, in signaling its intention not to renew the Protocol, the Government of Venezuela simultaneously embarked on the studied campaign of hostility, pressure and intimidation to which I earlier made reference. Venezuela has also belligerently revived its claim to over two thirds of my country, and has communicated publicly that it will oppose any major effort on our part to develop the resources, particularly a hydro-power facility in the Upper Mazaruni, located in the region of Guyana which Venezuela now claims. In doing so, Venezuela is in clear breach of the provisions of the Protocol of PortofSpain.
59.	In this connection, at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy held at Nairobi, Venezuela advised the international community that it would not recognize any form of cooperation which would be given for the development of Guyana if such development included the area claimed by it. The Government of Venezuela has also urged the European Community to withhold its participation in the development of the region.
60.	There is a position which Venezuela persistently but erroneously adopts. It is that the Geneva Agreement and the Protocol of PortofSpain, both of which Venezuela has repeatedly violated, repeatedly inhibit us from actively pursuing major development in the area of Guyana claimed by it. That position is juridically untenable. We will not succumb to such pressure. No one can reasonably ask the Guyanese people and their Government to place constraints on their development.
61.	Indeed, Venezuela has reneged on an agreement reached on the occasion of the conclusion of the Protocol of PortofSpain in 1970. Under that agreement there was the understanding that each Government would abstain from making any statement, issuing any publication, or committing other acts which would be detrimental to the economic development and progress of each other's State. Guyana has scrupulously adhered to that agreement.
62.	The history of Venezuela's behavior on the question of the frontier with Guyana gives us little cause for optimism. What causes further concern are other policies being pursued by the present Government of Venezuela in that regard. Thus, allied with the desire of that Government to acquire new and sophisticated weapons of war, including F16 fighter aircraft, there are increasingly claimant calls within Venezuela for a military solution to the controversy. 3 would remind the Assembly that the planes used to bomb the nuclear reactor in Iraq were of the same vintage as the F16s which are being purchased by Venezuela. Thus, the purpose of the Venezuelan posture in this regard is to maintain a regime of pressure to bend us to their will.
63.	I have deliberately refrained from making this presentation detailed. We have produced a memorandum which amply describes Guyana's position. The delegation of Guyana will, through the established procedures, have that memorandum circulated as an official document of the General Assembly.
64.	The Government and people of Guyana earnestly desire a speedy end to this controversy. We have no other wish than that of establishing a regime of peace, harmony and friendship with the people of Venezuela, with whom we share aspirations for a just and satisfying life and with whom we can together make a contribution to our development and that of our region and our continent, if the Government of Venezuela is of a like mind, then the Geneva Agreement, if henceforth scrupulously respected by Venezuela, can provide such an opportunity. It is oh that basis, and using that approach an approach which I am sure this Assembly will endorse that the Government of Guyana is willing to engage in discussions with Venezuela.
65.	The implications of the Venezuelan claim are serious as much for the future of the relations between Guyana and Venezuela as they are for the future of several States in Latin America, and indeed beyond our region in Africa and in Europe.
66.	As a result of the award of 1899, Guyana lost territory to Venezuela. I ask this rhetorical question: if Venezuela's contention of nullity is valid, is it prepared under those circumstances to entertain on an equal footing a claim by Guyana to territory which is now regarded as part of Venezuela?
67.	Venezuela brought the question of our boundary to the United Nations in 1962, at a time when our independence was being considered. We bring it back to the Organization in 1981 to help us maintain our independence and to have our territorial integrity respected.
68.	We have given notice to the 'Assembly of the dangers inherent in the prosecution by Venezuela of its claim. There can be a threat to peace and security, and we have alerted this Assembly to it. Guyana reserves the right to request, if it become y, consideration by the United Nations of the threat which the claim and the manner of its promotion pose. However, we now appeal to the Organization and each and every one of its Members to prevail upon Venezuela to abandon the ill-conceived course of action on which it has embarked for too long.
69.	The complexity of the political and economic crises facing the international community today, and the vast scope of the day-to-day concerns of the world's peoples place the Organization, I suggest, before a challenge which exceeds anything conceived at the time of its creation. The Organization is not perfect. Yet it has effectively over the years helped to mute and contain confrontation in specific areas. Equally, it has played a positive role not only in promoting those principles of a universal character which should guide the actions of Member States, but also in enhancing the prospects and devising appropriate mechanisms for international cooperation on matters of global concern.
70.	The range of problems of increasing concern to individual States, particular regions or groups of States has narrowed. In any event, the interrelationship of issues and the necessity for the successful resolution of conflicts and controversies point to the increasingly global nature of problems and the concomitant imperative of a global approach to solutions. The capacity of the Organization to contribute to these solutions would clearly be enhanced if major Powers and those which act in their image would make their recourse to it less selective and self-serving.
71.	I believe that now more than ever we need to optimize the use of the Organization for the fulfillment of its primary purposes. Foremost among these must be, in the words of the Charter, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". We must resolve to turn back the tide, which is heading towards a holocaust of unprecedented dimensions. We must resolve to embark unremittingly on a program of general and complete disarmament.
72.	The second purpose is the provision of security of food, clothing and shelter for the masses of the world's peoples.
73.	Finally, there is the dire necessity to create the conditions for a regime of genuine peace and security. We are increasingly an interdependent world in which survival is dependent on mutual support and on collective action for mutual benefit.
74.	The nonaligned movement has been in the vanguard of international action for the achievement of these goals. It continues to fulfill its vocation as an independent non-bloc factor in international relations, free from competition for spheres of influence and from hegemony and domination. The role of the movement as a force for positive and constructive change in the international system is universally acknowledged. There is now no question of the authenticity of our positions or the legitimacy of our cause.
75.	So successful have we been that instead of the derision which we have attracted in the past there is now the adoption of not-so-subtle stratagems for infiltrating the movement and diverting it to purposes which are not of our making or in our interests. We need to continue to resist these efforts'. Now more than ever we in the movement need to adhere to our principles and to be resolute in our determination to pursue the policy of nonalignment. To those ends the people and Government of Guyana remain irrevocably committed.
76.	Guyana believes that when a better world is created by us all through our cooperation and concerted efforts it must be managed by us all in keeping with the standards and qualities befitting our humanity. Even the mightiest and most sophisticated implements of war cannot achieve this, Such armaments can only achieve what they were created for destruction, not only of the weak but also of the powerful and strong.
77.	The developing countries must be encouraged to use the resources, both human and natural, that are available to them for the benefit of their peoples. The development process should be geared towards producing self-reliant nations which can benefit from the reality of independence, not by patterning their development styles after other nations but by a global effort for mutual cooperation and true partnership.


192.	Mr. President, may I congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I recall with satisfaction that relations between Yugoslavia and Iraq are distinguished by warm friendship and cooperation. We are confident that your vast experience and well-known devotion to the cause of the United Nations will contribute meaningfully to our fruitful deliberations.
193.	It gives me great pleasure to welcome the admission of the Republic of Vanuatu, which has recently gained its independence, to membership in the Organization. Thus a new step has been taken towards complete decolonization, the achievement of which is one of the most noble goals of the United Nations.
194.	Rarely has there been such concordance in our assessment that the state of international affairs today is very grave and disturbing. During the past year new crises have arisen and the tension between the great Powers has increased. The situation is acquiring dangerous proportions, affecting negatively the international climate as a whole.
195.	The relaxation of tensions, negotiation and cooperation based on respect for mutual and common interests are giving way to an ever wider and more frequent use of force, which is being imposed as a rule of international conduct. The , right of peoples to determine their own destiny is being denied. New forms of political and economic domination are threatening to become a chronic illness of international relations.
196.	The world community is again at the crossroads. Peace, security and development are becoming ever more uncertain, as they were in the darkest days of the cold war. It is more than clear that the old order of privileges, monopolies and inequalities, based on the division of the world into blocs, cannot meet the requirements of our time. Not only has it proved its impotence, but it also carries risks for the future of the international community. However, I should like to point out that the peoples have never opposed the policy of force and foreign domination more resolutely than now. Aspirations to independence and equality, as well as the demands for substantial changes in the international order, are an encouraging feature of our time.
197.	If we want to end the present stalemate and ensure lasting peace and progress for mankind, we must search for appropriate answers to the burning questions with which we are faced.
198.	It is our belief that those answers are contained within the alternative offered to the world by the policy of nonalignment. Twenty years of the policy of nonalignment and its role in the international scene have irrefutably confirmed this. The full affirmation of nonalignment as an independent and positive political force has not been due to its military and economic power, but to its moral values. This policy truly reflects the hopes and needs of mankind. Owing to this, and to its comprehensive program of new international relations, it has won followers on all continents and has become a universal policy serving the interests of the entire international community.
199.	No global strategy can yield positive results in She search for a way out of the present situation if it rejects or ignores this program. We hold that that has been confirmed by life itself.
200.	Lasting peace and security can be achieved only through universal detente that takes into account the interests of all States and enables them to participate on an equal footing in the solving of vital international problems. In other words, detente cannot exist only between the superPowers and their respective military and political alliances, although it would be inconceivable without their participation and responsibilities. World relations cannot be reduced to their mutual relations.
201.	The policy of relaxation of tensions must be clearly directed towards the elimination of all hotbeds of crisis, military interventions and interferences in the internal affairs of States. It must seek the peaceful settlement of disputes, progress in the field of disarmament, and the bridging of the gap between developed and developing countries.
202.	It is important to note that Europe has not been able to avoid the general worsening of the international situation either, which has had adverse effects upon cooperation and security on our continent. We attach great significance to the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, as it is a positive program for life in Europe. There must be constant efforts to implement its provisions.
203.	At the Madrid review session of the Conference, Yugoslavia, with other neutral and nonaligned countries of Europe, searched for means of mutual cooperation beneficial to all. Because of bloc rivalries that could not be achieved, but the hope remains for success when the Madrid meeting resumes its work. We believe it would have a positive impact on the general situation in the world.
204.	My country's dedication to the spirit of Helsinki is a logical result of its foreign policy of nonalignment. In this regard, we also attach the greatest importance to the promotion of good relations with all neighboring countries.
205.	Noninterference in internal affairs, and unconditional respect for sovereignty, the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity are cornerstones of this policy. We also consider full recognition of the rights of national minorities to be an important element of mutual confidence and good-neighborly relations. In our view, these principles must be consistently respected in relations among all States, particularly between neighboring States. They should, of course, be applied on a basis of reciprocity.
206.	Such a practice prevails today in the Balkan region. Hie importance of this positive process can best be understood if we recall that not so long ago this area was often referred to as a gray zone between existing power blocs.

207.	With regard to the major problems facing the world today, we are of the opinion that their solutions must be sought primarily within the framework of the United Nations. However, there are tendencies to exclude the United Nations from that process, allegedly for the sake of greater effectiveness. We consider that to be completely unacceptable.
208.	Undoubtedly, the solving of major problems with the participation of a large number of countries is, like any other democratic process, neither easy nor simple. But it is the only lasting and effective way to reach solutions that will be in accordance with the interests of the world community as a whole. With that in mind, the Yugoslav delegation will again do its utmost to contribute to the success of this session of the General Assembly.
209.	We consider the question of disarmament to be of great urgency. The unprecedented escalation of the arms race has become a dominant phenomenon of our time. Disarmament negotiations have so far failed to produce even a minimal result. Region after region is being covered with medium-range and long-range missile systems. Enormous financial resources are wasted for such purposes. They already equal annually the total debts of all the developing countries. This has the gravest consequences for international relations. In order to curtail that race, it is essential that this session ensure successful preparations for the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
210.	Today, nobody can deny that peace, security and the progress of mankind are closely linked to the state of the international economy. True, scientific and technological achievements are supposed to promote faster economic and social progress. Yet there is more hunger today in the world than ever before. The most recent data, as Well as the many international meetings held this year, have clearly confirmed this. A quarter of the total population of the developing countries is exposed to permanent starvation, while another quarter suffers from malnutrition.
211.	Still, efforts to establish the new international economic order have so far not produced even initial results. The global negotiations are not yet off the ground. We believe that at this session the necessary political will should be demonstrated to launch those negotiations and thus to pave the way for international cooperation. Progress achieved in this regard would greatly contribute to the creation of a favorable climate for dealing with the acute issues confronting the world. We will welcome any positive demonstration of goodwill and readiness to contribute to that end.
212.	It is important that at this session the Assembly devote the greatest attention to the final elaboration and adoption of the proposed Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States." That would greatly increase the readiness of nations to resist the use of force in international relations.
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213.	The security of the Mediterranean is of the utmost importance not only to the littoral countries, but also to all of Europe as well as to the Middle East. Current developments in the. Mediterranean give us cause for great concern. We are witnessing intensified bloc rivalry, a concentration of armaments and the increased presence of for eight fleets. This calls for constant effort on our part to transform the Mediterranean into a zone of peace and international cooperation.
214.	Hotbeds of crisis have year after year been high on the agenda of General Assembly sessions. Again we note with concern that those crises are not being settled; on the contrary, they are flaring up. That is due to the continued violation of the basic right of nations to independence and to free choice as regards their own internal development.
215.	We believe that it is clear to everyone today that there is no way out of the Middle East crisis without the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied since 1967 and without a solution of the Palestinian question with the participation, on an equal footing, of the PLO. Any just, lasting and comprehensive settlement must include the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self determination and to its own State, as well as the recognition of the right of all countries and peoples of that region to live in peace and security.
216.	Needless to say, partial solutions to the Middle East crisis can be neither just nor realistic. In spite of that, there has been no progress since the last session. The situation has deteriorated, particularly because of the repeated aggression carried out by Israel against Lebanon, which threatens to escalate the war even further.
217.	With all these circumstances in mind, we are deeply concerned by the protracted conflict between Iran and Iraq. We strongly believe that that conflict should be resolved by peaceful means, with full respect for the principles of the Charter and the policy of nonalignment.
218.	The crisis in southern Africa is becoming increasingly dangerous. Despite the endeavors of the great majority of Member States, the United Nations has regrettably not succeeded in achieving independence for Namibia. The aggressive policy of South Africa against Namibia and other front-line States is transforming the whole of southern Africa into a powder keg, with global implications. The latest brazen aggression against Angola is yet another grave warning in that respect.
219.	It is really the crucial moment for justice and political realism to prevail; now is the time to cease any kind of support for and to stop tolerating provocations by the racist regime of Pretoria against its neighboring African States. Such dangerous playing with fire can produce far reaching consequences.
220.	It seems proper to recall the positive contribution made by the nonaligned movement to eradicate finally the last vestiges of colonialism and racism on African soil. Those include efforts exerted at the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Coordinating Bureau of the NonAligned Countries on the Question of Namibia, held at Algiers, at the Security Council and, later, at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly. By their efforts, the nonaligned countries have searched for a just solution and have sounded a warning which should not remain unheeded. We also believe that the five-member contact group, which had presented a plan for Namibia, should itself firmly resist Pretoria's blackmail. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) should unambiguously be reaffirmed as the only possible basis for the urgent and just achievement of independence by Namibia, with the full participation of the South West Africa People's Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. Only thus can peace be brought to the peoples of southern Africa and independence and non alignment in that part of the African continent be strengthened.
221.	Remaining colonial problems, anywhere m the world, should be eliminated, since they constitute an unacceptable anachronism. We are also of the opinion that the necessary conditions must urgently be created to enable all peoples whose right to self determination is still denied to decide freely their own destiny.
222.	We support all efforts in that direction. This ap plies equally to the right of the people of Western Sahara and to the search for a just solution based on the decision of the OAU [see A/361534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res. 103 (XVIII)].
223.	We also favor continuation of the dialog on the peaceful reunification of Korea, which corresponds to the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people. We fully support the constructive initiatives by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the solution of that question.
224.	Regarding the crises in Afghanistan "and Kampuchea, we continue to support a peaceful political solution, which should be found on the basis of General Assembly resolutions calling for the withdrawal of all foreign troops, the elimination of foreign interference and full respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and nonaligned status of those countries.
225.	As far as Cyprus is concerned, we envisage a settlement through the continuation of inter-communal talks and within the provisions of General Assembly resolution 32/15 confirming the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and nonalignment of Cyprus. Yugoslavia has always supported national liberation struggles and the right of peoples to freedom and independence. Those inalienable rights must not be denied to any nation, anywhere on earth, from Africa and Europe to Asia and Latin America, and Central America.
226.	The current session of the General Assembly will consider a number of issues of vital importance for mankind and for peace in the world.
227.	The accumulation of international problems and the exacerbated relations between great Powers threaten to instigate confrontation instead of the constructive cooperation we would like to see at this session. We are afraid that such tendencies would deepen the already existing atmosphere of mistrust and thereby create new difficulties.
228.	So far, on several occasions in critical situations, the United Nations has made a very significant contribution to the consideration of complex international issues and to the lessening of tension in international relations. If all of us here, regardless of which groupings of countries we belong to, exert a joint effort and unite our political will, we could again succeed.
229.	Such an effort certainly calls for a high sense of responsibility, especially on the part cf the great Powers. We must demonstrate our common readiness to meet new challenges and to search together for solutions which would not favor selfish interests but would reaffirm the lofty principles of the Charter, on the basis of which we have joined, together in the Organization.
230.	Thus we would, despite all the existing difficulties, open new avenues into the future, to a world of cooperation and peaceful coexistence, to economic prosperity and independence and to a life in peace and security.


 Mr. President, your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is a tribute to your outstanding qualities as a diplomat and to your vast experience, and it augurs well for the success of the work of this body, which most clearly represents international public opinion. Please allow me to congratulate you most warmly on behalf of the Greek delegation and on my own behalf.
36.	The outgoing President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, has earned the gratitude of the Assembly for the exemplary way in which he guided its discussions, for his constructive initiatives and for the prestige which he has won for his important office.
37.	We also wish to extend our congratulations to the SecretaryGeneral, who has once again during the past 12 months demonstrated the greatest dedication to his mission, thus winning for himself the confidence and esteem of all.
38.	I should also like to take this opportunity to welcome the delegations of the Republic of Vanuatu and of Belize, young countries which, we are convinced, will play a constructive role in the great family of nations.
39.	The acting President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, Lord Carrington, has expressed [8th meeting] in a succinct and eloquent way the views of the 10 members on the principal problems at the heart of the present international situation. Greece, of course, fully supports that presentation. Please allow me, however, to describe the position of my own Government on a few questions of more particular interest to my country.
40.	First of all there is the problem of the Middle East, a region of which we are very much aware both because of its geographical proximity and because of the links which for so many centuries have united us to most of the peoples inhabiting it. Unfortunately, the tensions in that region so crucial to world peace, far from diminishing, have persisted and even worsened.
41.	IVvo events, above all, have caused a deterioration of the situation: the destruction of the nuclear reactor at Tamuz by the Israeli Air Force and the violent bombings of Beirut and other parts of Lebanon which, because of the loss of life and the material damage caused, have given a new magnitude to the escalation of violence. These are facts which, far from contributing to the success of peace efforts in the Middle East, have fueled distrust and perpetuated confrontation.
42.	The prolongation of the ArabIsraeli conflict and the failure of all unilateral attempts to resolve it demonstrate that only dialog among the parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], can lead to a just and lasting solution. Our Organization has defined the guidelines for such a solution in several resolutions: first, the withdrawal from Arab territories occupied as a result of the wars of 1967 and 1973 and, secondly, the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, as well as of Israel's right to secure and recognized borders. The existence of the PLO is an undeniable reality, as is the fact that that organization represents the Palestinian people which, just like any other people, has a right to create its own State. The State of Israel is, likewise, a reality and has a right to exist within borders which everyone, including itsArab neighbors, recognize and respect.
43.	In this context, there is a need to stress the responsibility of countries that have special weight in world affairs or that have particular links with any party to the conflict, that is, the responsibility of those countries to exert all their influence to make it possible for negotiations to begin.
44.	Before concluding my comments on this question, 1 should like to say a few words about Lebanon, a country which has attracted general sympathy because of the misfortunes afflicting it simply because it finds itself at the center of a conflict with which it is only indirectly concerned. Greece affirms its support for all resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly which demand respect for the independence, territorial integrity and internal order of Lebanon and which affirm the right of the Lebanese Government to restore its authority throughout its national territory.
45.	In Namibia also, prospects for a negotiated settlement have diminished since the thirty-fifth session. The failure of the pre-implementation meeting at Geneva, owing to South Africa's intransigence, has given rise to serious doubts about the possibility of an agreement in the near future on the accession of the Territory to independence. Yet, the basis for a satisfactory and viable settlement does exist and, moreover, has already been accepted by SWAPO and the front-line countries as well as by South Africa. It consists of the full application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which provides for free elections under United Nations supervision. It goes without saying that all Namibian political forces should be enabled to participate in such elections. Moreover, conditions must be created to enable the different ethnic groups of the Territory to live in harmony. This will strengthen the feeling of security in the region.
46.	In the search for a peaceful solution in Namibia, the initiative of the five Western countries which form the contact group is of particular importance. Greece extends its full support to that initiative and hopes that the five countries will see fit to persevere in their efforts, always on the basis of resolution 435 (1978), of which they are the authors.
47.	A factor related to the Namibian problem which affects peace and stability throughout southern Africa is the continuation of armed incursions by South African forces into the territory of neighboring countries, especially Angola. These incursions have recently assumed truly
alarming dimensions. It is clear that if any country whatsoever were to claim the right to police an entire region, we would no longer be able to speak of international order, but rather of the law of the jungle. This is further food for thought for the Organization.
48.	Another international crisis of serious concern to my Government is that of Afghanistan. The presence of Soviet troops in that country is fraught with consequences that we cannot accept. The United Nations, which has on many occasions expressed its views on this subject, must continue its efforts to arrive at a political solution, which, as for any dispute of this nature, must take into account the* basic principles of the Charter, that is, respect for the independence and territorial integrity of Afghanistan and recognition of the right of its people to be sole master of its destiny.
49.	The same principles should serve as a starting point for the settlement of the problem of Kampuchea: withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and a free expression of the will of the Khmer people under United Nations supervision. It is time for that unfortunate people, which has suffered so much in the course of two wars and under the ' cruel regime of the years 1975 to 1978, to reap at last the fruits of a peaceful existence and dedicate itself to the enormous task of national reconstruction.
50.	The conflict between Iraq and Iran has lasted for more than a year. We hope it will be resolved without delay by means of negotiations. It would in fact be inconceivable for those two developing countries, members of the nonaligned movement, to continue a war from which neither can benefit.
51.	While mentioning the nonaligned movement, I should like to reiterate from this rostrum the best wishes of my Government on the occasion of its twentieth anniversary. In the course of its 20 years of existence the movement has gathered together countries of different political and socioeconomic systems which have a common denominator: the desire to remain separate from blocs and to contribute to detente and understanding among peoples. This is a highly commendable aspiration in which we hope they will persevere.
52.	This review of the international situation, however brief, would not be complete without a reference to my country's determination to contribute as much as possible to the successful conclusion of the work of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Limited progress has been achieved thus far at Madrid. My Government remains committed to the Final Act of that Conference, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, and hopes that the countries participating in the Conference will make every effort to ensure that a comprehensive and balanced final text is adopted.
53.	I should now like briefly to review a few questions which I believe are of universal interest. I shall begin with the problem of apartheid, in order to express once again our repugnance at that degrading regime which constitutes an affront to mankind.
54.	Apartheid is an extreme case of violation of human rights. It is not the only one. In a number of countries individuals are arbitrarily deprived of their fundamental freedoms, torture is practiced systematically, and persons
disappear without trace or are illegally detained. Each year thousands of such cases become known to the world public, and an equal, if not larger, number of violations of this kind never become known beyond the borders of the countries where they are committed.
55.	This is a situation in which we can take no pride. However, the task is not easy. Too often Governments invoke the principle of noninterference in their internal affairs to refuse any monitoring, any cooperation with the competent organs of the Organization. Therefore we must remain ever watchful and give human rights the broadest possible definition: not only the right to choose one's leaders freely, to express oneself freely and to practice the religion of one's choice, but also the right to a basic standard of living, one's own culture and one's own personal ethics.
56.	The economic development of all countries, but above all of those which for various reasons are deprived of a satisfactory standard of living, has become increasingly the responsibility of the Organization. This is a source of gratification. In fact the close link that exists between the major economic problems of our day makes it impossible for us to consider the wellbeing of any particular country or economic entity as an isolated case. That is why we welcome the idea of dealing with the great economic challenge by means of negotiations open to all Member States.
57.	It was not possible for the global negotiations to begin this year, as we had at one time hoped. We do not wish to underestimate the causes of this delay. It is natural that the Governments, especially those which in the final analysis will be called upon to contribute most to the common effort, should be given time for reflection in order to weigh the implications of the commitments they will be asked to undertake, but they must act quickly. The negotiations themselves will not prove easy, and this is one more reason why they should not be delayed. The millions of children whose growth may be arrested because of inadequate nutrition will not forgive us for our failure.
58.	Greece, a maritime country par excellence, believes in the need to conclude without further delay a convention which covers all the aspects of the law of the sea and is acceptable to all countries, large or small. Without such a convention mankind may soon be faced with chaos. I hope that this fact will be recognized by all and that all the parties concerned will show moderation and a spirit of cooperation, which are so necessary if we are to arrive at a convention for which the international community has been working for over 10 years.
59.	I could conclude my statement on that note if it were not for a problem of particular importance to all Greeks, a problem which has the sad privilege of being one of the oldest in the agenda of the Assembly and which in the course of recent years has not advanced a single step towards a solution. As you may have guessed, I am referring to the problem of Cyprus.
60.	The situation has remained unchanged during the past 12 months. A considerable part of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus is still occupied. The refugees, approximately one quarter of the population, /continue to live far from their homes, and the fate of. some 2,000 persons who disappeared remains unknown.
61.	I should like first of all to say a few words on the missing persons. Following lengthy negotiations, the two parties agreed on the establishment of a committee of inquiry, which began its work a few weeks ago. Unfortunately, from the outset the work of that committee met with procedural difficulties. Hence, I should like to make an appeal for the committee to begin its work without further delay and report on the fate of the missing persons, thus putting an end to the anguish of their families.
62.	As for the inter-communal talks, after having registered no progress for long months, some progress has finally been achieved through the introduction of TUrkish Cypriot proposals on the territorial aspect of the problem. However, although these proposals are a small step forward, they cannot be considered a substantial contribution to a successful dialog.
63.	For its part the Government of Cyprus, in spite of justifiable disappointment, has made reasonable proposals on the constitutional aspect reasonable because they are consistent with the notion of a unified State within which the two communities could live in harmony and with equal rights.
64.	There can be no doubt that the respective positions are still far removed from each other. The SecretaryGen eral and I wish to take this opportunity to thank him and his Special Representative for their tireless efforts  while noting this fact in his report, has expressed his intention to undertake an initiative to make it possible to bring the divergent views closer together [see AI36I1, sect. IV\. We trust him to seek with his wisdom and customary skill the best way of making a contribution to the common effort at this crucial point in the dialog.
65.	That is the situation at the beginning of the thirty- sixth session. A few days ago [12th meeting] my colleague from Cyprus assured us from this rostrum of his Government's desire to continue the dialog. We hope that this desire is reciprocated. We are convinced that a solution can emerge from the inter-communal talks if they are conducted in a constructive spirit and with the genuine political will to arrive at a solution acceptable to all.
66.	As far as my Government is concerned, it is prepared to support any solution consistent with the principles of the Charter, General Assembly resolutions and the genuine interests of the two communities.
67.	The case of Cyprus may prove to be the touchstone of the United Nations. It is the case of a small country which has placed all its hopes for survival in the Organization. If the United Nations were not to succeed in ensuring that the rule of law prevails it would be failing in a fundamental duty.
68.	Force has for too long governed the world. It is high time for it to yield to justice and reason. The ideals most cherished by mankind since the beginning of civilization have found expression in the Charter. It is up to all of us to see to it that they are not reduced to meaningless words.
69.	I should like to conclude with this marvellos sentence from Saint Exupery. "Only the spirit can breathe life into clay and make it man."