On behalf of the Sierra Leone delegation I  should like, Sir to extend warm congratulations to you on your election to the presidency o£ the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Your unanimous election to that high office is in recognition of your distinguished record as a statesman and your long experience in diplomacy· I wish to assure you of my delegation's fullest co-operation in the discharge of your awesome duties.
May I also avail myself of this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor for the admirable manner in which he conducted the deliberations of the forty-first session.
I take this opportunity to express my delegations appreciation to the Secretary-General for the lucid and comprehensive report he has presented on the work of the Organization since the last session, vie are deeply heartened that the Organization is gradually becoming the object of a "greater commonality of views" among its Members, scarcely a year after its very existence was in jeopardy.
The renewed interest in multilateralism this development represents calls for deep reflection, since it entails complex processes at work, requiring skilled management on the part of the Secretary-General and the Secretariat. My Government is encouraged that the Secretary-General has risen sufficiently to this challenge by fearlessly pointing out flaws in the structure of the Organization and repudiating inappropriate conduct by Members, regardless of their size or influence.
In this regard we note with approval the critical view he has cast on the current structure of the Economic and Social Council and the reforms he has proposed, especially the call to upgrade representation in that Council at the ministerial level, as well as the need to establish a small planning staff for development which could consider integrated approaches to development-related problems, taking account of the capacity of the system as a whole. The Secretary-General's efforts represent only one facet of what we require to ensure the viability and efficiency of our Organization. But firm commitment to the provisions of the Charter is the other, and perhaps the most crucial, element in ensuring our Organization's effectiveness. It is therefore a matter of great regret to us that Member States have often undermined the credibility of the United Nations for purely short-term political objectives, or sometimes through wilful neglect.
The relevance of the United Nations as an instrument for the peaceful existence and orderly development of every nation no longer requires justification. Suffice it to say here that history is replete with instances of even weaker nations denying peace and orderly progress to greater nations in an unmanaged international environment. Thus it would be a serious mistake for any Member State to view its commitment to the United Nations as an altruistic gesture subject to its whims, rather than as a sacred duty dictated by an enlightened perception of its self-interest.
Since the previous session, developments in the security, economic and social conditions in many parts of the world have given us more cause for despair than hope.
As we observe the progress of negotiations towards the reaching of a historic agreement on disarmament between the super-Powers, our excitement is tempered by the knowledge that extensive testing of weapons capability is simultaneously taking place, and enormous resources are being devoted to the perfection of other means of mutual destruction. Therefore, as we acknowledge this remarkable disarmament effort between the super-Powers, we expect that the entire international community will perceive the true significance of this event as a major step in the urgent pursuit of more global and comprehensive arms control and disarmament agreements and as part of a greater security enterprise whose success also requires the peaceful resolution of regional and internal conflicts as well as the achievement of acceptable economic and social conditions in all nations.
We believe that it would be naive for anyone to assume that islands of peace and security could be created and sustained in a world awash in tension and fed by racial prejudice, religious intolerance/ economic injustice and, above all, hegemonistic aspirations. That is why we have been tireless in calling on all nations to be resolute and noncompromising in demanding majority rule in South Africa and self-determination in Namibia. We have also constantly advocated that equal resolution be applied in the search for just settlements of the disputes in the Middle East, Kampuchea, Central America, Afghanistan, the Western Sahara and Chad.
The Secretary-General has warned that a human tragedy of overwhelming proportions is imminent in South Africa unless, of course, timely action is taken to prevent it. The delegation of Sierra Leone has had occasion in this Assembly and elsewhere to offer its views on the kind of actions it considers appropriate for the international community to adopt to stave off this impending tragedy. We have no wish whatsoever to repeat those views here except, of course, to remind those who continue to oppose the imposition of comprehensive sanctions against the racist South African regime that they are endangering the very interests that they seek to protect by undermining the only viable instrument of gentle pressure against South Africa and making the violent destruction of that regime inevitable.
In the absence of the apartheid regime’s readiness to negotiate a democratic and peaceful transition to majority rule in South Africa, and because of the reliance by that regime on the use of naked force against the majority black population to perpetuate its illegal existence, it becomes absolutely absurd for anyone to claim to be on the side of freedom and justice in South Africa and at the same time to repudiate the use of effective pressure against South Africa either in the form of sanctions or in the threat or use of military coercion.
While we detest, as a matter of principle, the use of force for the achievement of political objectives as much as any other State Member of this Organization, we would not hide behind that principle to camouflage the abandonment of our sacred duty under the Charter to help eliminate from the face of the earth the barbarism, immorality and conflict all of which apartheid so visibly embodies.
Very few of us need reminding that any system such as apartheid, which continues to subsist on a daily diet of imprisonment, torture and murder of black children as young as seven years of age, the indiscriminate massacre of dispossessed, defenceless and innocent members of its community, as well as citizens of neighbouring States, offers very few options for redress. This becomes a classic case of what the late President Kennedy referred to, with characteristic eloquence and perceptiveness, when he said: "Those who make peaceful evolution impossible make violent revolution inevitable." That is the assessment of the situation in South Africa which those who directly carry its burden have now reached, as expressed by the African National Congress (ANC) leader, Mr. Oliver Tambo, who said;
"Nobody should demand of us that we seek change by non-violent means when we are denied all constitutional possibilities to redress the grievances of the majority"
We believe that the international community has the chance to avert the human tragedy in South Africa if it heeds the advice of the Secretary-General and takes timely action, for if by neglect or by cynicism we allow the tragedy to occur, the consequences may turn out not to be as bearable to some of us as we might have assumed.
There is ample evidence that apartheid is crumbling. Both the spiritual and the intellectual underpinnings of apartheid suffered severe assault recently when the White Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa, the body that formulated the theological justification for that system, declared that scriptural rationales for enforced racial separation were an error that should now be rejected. Also recently, the University of Stellenbosch, the erstwhile intellectual powerhouse of apartheid, became a centre of opposition to that system.
Let us realize that these events did not occur by accident or in a vacuum, but as a result of the intense and consistent political, economic and military pressures which the international community has exerted on South Africa in recent years.
It is therefore logical that we keep up the pressures that brought these changes about, not only to achieve the eventual dismantling of apartheid but also to accelerate the process for the independence of Namibia. In this context we recognize and commend, among other things, the efforts that have brought about massive disinvestments in South Africa, the activities of trade unions and church organizations, in and outside of South Africa, the resolution of the freedom fighters, as well as the fortitude of the front-line States in southern Africa.
The war between Iran and Iraq represents a tragedy of enormous proportions which the international community should do everything to end. The role of the United Nations in the pursuit of this objective is crucial, and we endorse the long-standing preoccupation of the Secretary-General with efforts to find a lasting solution to the conflict, culminating in his recent visit to Iran and Iraq.
We believe that Member States of this Organization can, in their individual capacities, make significant contributions to the peace process by helping to create the general climate of trust and urgency without which the current cloud of suspicion which pervades the atmosphere cannot be dissipated, and without which there will be a prolongation of hostilities. We note with interest and satisfaction the unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and appeal to the Secretary-General and all Members of this Organization to help create the conditions suitable for the implementation of that resolution.
The revival of the idea of an international peace conference on the Middle East, and the current wide international support which that idea enjoys, is of great interest to my delegation. We have followed closely the progress of the Secretary-General's efforts to mobilize a consensus on the procedural aspects of the conference among the parties concerned, and we observe with deep disappointment that it has not yet been possible to obtain the agreement of some of the parties to the idea of convening an international conference.
Our confidence in the resilience of the Secretary-General and in the goodwill of Members of this Organization encourages us, however, to hope that the existing obstacles will be overcome before long. At the same time we expect that the enormous suffering which the Palestinian people endure because of Israel's brutal activities in the occupied territories will continue to incense the conscience of Members of this institution and elicit sufficient resistance to Israel's designs to perpetuate its occupation.
We see a total absence of moral strength and logic in a policy which seeks to preserve the rights of one people to a homeland and security by assaulting the same rights and the security of another people. What we have noted, as a result of this policy, is greater suffering and insecurity in the region and a greater threat to the stability of the international system as a whole. It is therefore in the interest of every member of the international community to work sincerely for the speedy resolution of the Middle East conflict; failure to do so would simply raise the cost for all and leave everyone much worse off.
Many in this Hall will recall that not so many years ago Viet Nam was fighting to defend principles which it held dearly, and for which it received the sympathy and support of many nations. Today, however, it continues to deny the people of Kampuchea what Viet Nam itself claimed to have fought for so vigorously during those years. The paradox of yesterday's victim and tomorrow's oppressor always furnishes constant amazement.
Last year, my delegation welcomed the eight-point peace plan put forward by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea to resolve the situation in that country. We expected the practical approach offered by that plan to secure a positive response from Viet Nam# if only as a measure of indicating the latter1 s peaceful intentions. At this stage we believe that Viet Nam has only two options: to demonstrate a genuine intention to withdraw its forces from Kampuchea and allow the people of that country to set up their own form of government, or to continue to prove unfaithful to its Charter obligations and to incense the international community.
The Korean peninsula has remained an area of constant tension since the end of hostilities three decades ago. We believe that for the establishment of a durable peace in the region, both North and South Korea, whose membership of this Organization is a logical step, should implement proposals for the revival o£ high-level talks between them. Those talks should continue to be direct and devoid of extraneous issues which undermine trust and confidence.
Recent developments in Central America, culminating in the signing of the Guatemala Agreement, the Arias Plan, have rightly aroused considerable optimism about the chances of durable peace in the region.
We trust that all peace-loving nations will contribute sincerely towards the realization of our collective wish for the peace and prosperity of the Central American peoples.
Although some progress towards a resolution of the Afghanistan situation seems to have occurred, notably the reported agreement on the monitoring of foreign troop withdrawal, the failure of the contending parties to agree on a date for the withdrawal of foreign troops continues to cause many delegations some anxiety.
While not wishing to minimize the significance of the perceptible narrowing down of the difference in the various positions over the date for troop withdrawal achieved at the recent proximity talks in Geneva under the supervision of the special United Nations representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, we submit that so far there exists no cause for celebration; the danger that the Afghanistan situation poses to international peace and security remains as potent today as it has ever been. The continuing stalemate in Western Sahara is causing tremendous human suffering and economic devastation in the occupied territory, and countries in the region, particularly Algeria, are having to cope with huge refugee problems. The valuable assistance offered by the United Nations High  Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in mitigating those refugee problems is highly commendable.
While Sierra Leone continues to recognize the legitimate right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination, we appeal to all the parties concerned to co-operate with the Secretary-General in his effort to bring about the implementation of all relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, with specific regard to General Assembly resolution 40/50.
The various reports on the status of the world economy are again unanimous this year in expressing pessimism about prospects for the economic well-being of the world, both in the short and medium terms. Each year, for over half a decade now, we have had to listen in this Assembly to gloomy forecasts for the world economy, and at the end of every session we have left here assuring ourselves that we have done enough to dispel the gloom after adopting resolutions and promising too.
The progress we seem to achieve each time never proves to be adequate, as we not only continue to have the same set of problems but their magnitude has even tended to multiply. This has been happening particularly in the case of the development crisis, of which the debt problem is an integral part, under which most of the developing countries have been labouring for almost a decade now.
The various manifestations of this crisis and its impact on the peoples of the developing world have for many years been a subject of extensive analyses and recommendations by academics, policy makers and development experts both in the United Nations and elsewhere.  The general climate of slow or negative growth that currently prevails in the affected countries is causing further deterioration in the commodities of life which have already reached record lows. Efforts to reverse this trend, especially in Africa, have encountered severe countervailing forces in the international environment, notably contracting capital flows, currency instability, falling commodity prices, rising protectionism and agricultural subsidies in industrial countries, and above all a crushing debt burden.
For example, it has been established that borrowing countries now transfer huge net capital to creditor countries in the industrialized world: $107 billion from 1983 to 1986 and an estimated $27 billion in 1987 for the major borrowing countries alone; African countries have lost over $19 billion so far this year in falling commodity prices; the effect of the European agricultural subsidies is said to be equivalent to a 124 per cent tariff on wheat and a 226 per cent tariff on sugar; and the third world's total external debt increased from $729 billion in 1981 to over a trillion dollars this year.
In the face of these paralysing obstacles, pleas for understanding to the rest of the international community often elicit paternalistic responses at best, and derision at worst. Where an offer of assistance has been given, it has often been conditional on the implementation of economic policies that paid little attention to structural differentiations in the developing countries.
Thus the rigid enforcement of structural adjustment policies which always insist on import restriction and unregulated internal economic libetalÍ2ation - wholesale removal of subsidies, massive devaluations, auctioning off of public enterprises - has merely accelerated the decimation of the structural foundations of the target economies, spawning grotesque social and political problems in the process. It is most refreshing to note the recent signs of a rethink regarding structural adjustment policies in their original cast — "structural adjustment with growth", which is the new version embodying this evolution in thought, explicitly acknowledges, among other things, the necessity not only for greater external assistance to those developing countries undertaking adjustment but also for the protection of vulnerable groups in society during the adjustment process.
Consolidation of the commitment by the industrialized countries which this development portends will definitely enhance the effectiveness of developing countries' efforts as they grapple with their economic problems.
In this regard we note with deep appreciation the impressive actions already taken by the Secretary-General, international financial and development Institutions, as well as individual Governments and non-governmental organizations, to facilitate the successful implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery. However, we renew our call for a fresh approach to the debt problem which is currently of very urgent concern. Sierra Leone acknowledges the value of multi-year re-scheduling, longer maturities on new loans and capitalization of interest but, as we have already pointed out, total third-world obligations, instead of being reduced, have increased to a record level in 19Ö7 under these policies. What we need are policies that actually reduce the debt burden. Such policies would require the active intervention of Governments in creditor countries as well as international financial and development institutions.
We have an enduring vision that because of its inherent dynamism the international system requires a new economic and political order that distributes, fairly, responsibilities and benefits to all nations, and not an order that can be artfully manipulated to "benefit a few greatly, some not at all, and dramatically increase the cost for all."


I should like first to extend my sincere felicitations to Mr. Peter Florin on his unanimous election as President of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. His outstanding ability and statesmanship will serve to guide our deliberations most efficiently and effectively. May I also record my delegation's appreciation of the successful and productive presidency of Mr. Humayun Choudhury, Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, at the forty-first session of the General Assembly.
This annual assembly provides yet another occasion for Member States to focus attention on the challenges and opportunities confronting the international community, in the weeks ahead we shall deliberate on the many burning and pressing issues which make up the contemporary world - issues which demand the attention of our Organization, It is the fervent hope of my delegation that in the often frenzied atmosphere of speech-making and lobbying we shall not lose sight of the fact that the ever growing number of issues before this body demand solution. We are here because we believe in the role of the United Nations as the highest and broadest forum for deliberating upon the affairs of the international community, indeed upon the affairs of mankind, and for the construction of international peace and development.
There can be no illusion about the fact that peace, freedom, social justice and economic progress and development are of fundamental importance to the United Nations. It is true that in many parts of the world confrontations still persist, controversial issues remain unresolved and suffering continues. It is true that the sovereignty of nations, small nations in particular, continues to be violated. It is equally true that a large part of mankind is living in poverty, in dire need of food, shelter, medical care and basic education. Hence, the Organization must not be regarded as the special preserve of some patties or be manipulated by others.
Let me state categorically that Malaysia firmly believes in the United Nations and its efficacy in dealing with the expanding contemporary world. Despite the challenges that confront and threaten us, the world is a better place today than it would have been without the United Nations. Today mankind is able to anticipate the future with a degree of optimism.
Malaysia has given substance to the belief that contemporary international problems should be resolved through the United Nations. In recent years, the international community has been alarmed by the dramatic rise and impact of drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking on societies throughout the world. It was obvious that it was only through effective international action that the problem could be eradicated. For this reason, Malaysia strongly supported the initiative Secretary-General's initiative that led to the convening of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in Vienna last June. Our commitment found expression in the fact that our Prime Minister, Dato Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, presided over the Conference. We are pleased with the results of the Conference, which provided the political will and laid down the framework for combating the drug menace. We urge societies everywhere and at all levels to make every possible effort to put that framework and political will into effect.
In Vienna, the Conference agreed to declare an International Day against Drug Abuse and requested the Assembly to choose an appropriate date. It seems to us that 26 June, the day the Conference adopted its Declaration, would be appropriate. It would remain us of our pledge to express the political will needed to sustain the fight against the drug menace. The Assembly must also, at this session, take practical measures for implementation of the guidelines contained in the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline (CMO). Increased contributions must be provided to enhance the effective work done by the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control. Particular benefits can be derived through the convening of drug-related international and regional seminars, training programmes and the vital exchanges of information. The Division of Narcotic Drugs can be made the central depository for all information on drug-related activities and methodologies and such information should made readily available to Member States.
Similarly, we are concerned over developments in Antarctica and their impact on the interests and concerns of society as a whole. In our view, and in that of many like-minded countries, the Antarctic Treaty does not adequately address those interests and concerns. We have brought the issue before the United Nations, convinced that it is the right place for dealing with the matter in a constructive manner. We are not unaware of the fact that the existing Treaty does contain some provisions that are conducive to international co-operation and regional peace. We must be satisfied that the interests of mankind are not disregarded in those instances. Despite what has been said about our motives in bringing the matter before this body, I should like to state emphatically that it is still our hope that through dialogue and consultations with the parties to the Treaty we shall eventually succeed in arriving at a consensus for an Antarctic Treaty system that would be universally accepted as representing the interests of mankind. The United Nations must of course have a role to play in that exercise.
Our Organization continues to be faced with many cases of failure to adhere to the basic principles of the Charter and to United Nations resolutions. In Kampuchea, Vietnamese forces continue to defy General Assembly resolutions calling for their withdrawal and for the restoration of the right of self-determination to the people of that country. As long as this defiance of United Nations resolutions persists the peace and stability of the region of South-East Asia will be threatened. In spite of the inherent threat posed by the occupation of Kampuchea by Viet Nam, the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have consistently encouraged a comprehensive and lasting political solution to the Kampuchean problem, in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. In this respect, we are grateful that the Secretary-General and his Special Representative are taking an active interest in the matter.
I am sure that it has not escaped the notice of most delegations that following recent developments there has been a flurry of notes circulated as United Nations documents. If, for some, the circulation of those notes has confused rather than clarified the Issue, we are not surprised. There has been no hesitation on the part of Viet Nam to confuse the international community. Viet Nam and all the parties concerned should persist in the search for a political solution. In this context, the recent initiative taken by the Foreign Minister of Indonesia is a step forward. The proposal is for a meeting of certain persons in their individual capacities with a view to effecting the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces, and for national reconciliation. This would help to bring about a lasting settlement.
Let me state the basic issues again: first, Viet Nam usurped the sovereignty of a small neighbouring State·, secondly, with the help of 150,000 of its troops, Viet Nam installed a puppet regime whose legitimacy has been consistently rejected by the international community through successive resolutions of the United Nations. General Assembly and the survival of that regime continues to be dependent on the presence of Vietnamese forces; thirdly, successive United Nations resolutions have called for the withdrawal of those forces, the restoration of Kampuchean sovereignty, and a comprehensive and lasting political solution; and fourthly the Kampucheans have suffered needlessly for far too long. Masses of innocent people are displaced from their homes and forced to seek refuge and relief in Thailand.
The ASEAN countries stand firmly behind the resolutions of the General Assembly, and we urge Viet Nam to enter into a genuine and constructive dialogue with the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea under the presidency of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Only on this basis, we feel, can a comprehensive and lasting political solution be reached in consonance with the Charter of the United Nations. There is the other question of refugees from Viet Nam itself. The ASEAN countries are still facing a continuing flow of refugees from Viet Nam as a result of Viet Nam's failure fully to implement an orderly departure programme. It is imperative that Viet Nam address this problem urgently.
Afghanistan is another instance where the sovereignty of a small nation has been violated and trampled upon. We continue to follow with interest the mediation efforts conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, and remain concerned that while those efforts are going on Afghanistan continues to be ravaged by repression, resulting in the deaths of many Afghans, while millions more are forced to live as refugees. A political solution is contingent upon the early withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, recognition of the right of the refugees to return to their homeland and the restoration of Afghanistan's sovereignty. We call on the Soviet Union to demonstrate the necessary good faith and flexibility so that the process initiated by the Secretary-General can be successfully concluded and there can be self-determination in Afghanistan.
Some of the major threats to international peace and security, such as the situation in the Middle East, the question of Palestine and the apartheid policy of South Africa, have for a very long time remained resistant to solutions. These questions cannot be resolved as long as the major Powers, in particular, refuse to act decisively and in accordance with United Nations decisions.
In the Middle East, Israel has not ceased its aggression against the Arab peoples; it has not given up the Arab territories that it occupies; nor has it accepted the reality of the Palestinian people as a nation or respected the inalienable rights of the Palestinians, which include the tight to their homeland. Israel has continued to pursue aggressive and expansionist policies, with total disregard of the norms of international conduct. Encouraged by the stand of certain Powers, Israel continues to choose the option of brute strength, military might and terrorism, while rejecting peaceful solutions. The attitude of Israel and its supporters has severely constrained the ability of the United Nations Ь act effectively. Malaysia cannot ignore the fact that these are severe transgressions of the Charter.
Malaysia strongly supports the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East, with the participation of all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, in order to find a comprehensive solution to the problem. This just and reasonable approach has been supported consistently by the General Assembly.	,
In southern Africa, despite the condemnation of virtually all the Member States of the United Nations, the racist minority regime of South Africa persists in its policy of apartheid. The time is long past for merely debating this issue. What is required now is decisive action against Pretoria in the form of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. Some major nations with vested interests in South Africa remain opposed to mandatory sanctions on the ground that sanctions would be ineffective and create hardship for blame South Africans and the front-line States. We reject this argument because the same countries have not been loath to apply sanctions when it has suited the interests.
In any case, if those countries are truly concerned about the repercussions of sanctions, there are practical measures which can be taken to alleviate the effects of sanctions for black South Africans and the front-line States. For instance, the Non-Aligned Movement has established a Fund for Southern Africa for this very purpose. We therefore urge the major Powers concerned to act decisively so that the evil system of apartheid may be terminated.
It is also incumbent on the international community - in particular the permanent members of the Security Council - to restore the inalienable rights of the Namibian people, on the basis of Security Council resolution 43 5 (197 8) . We reject any linkage of the Namibia question to extraneous issues. In this connection, Malaysia reiterates its firm support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in its struggle for justice and freedom for the people of Namibia.
If this Organization is to serve mankind effectively, Member States must able by the fundamental principles of the Charter. They have the obligation to have recourse to peaceful means for the settlement of disputes. Yet we are witness to the Iran-Iraq conflict, now in its eighth year. Thousands have been sacrificed j cities have been ravaged·, chemical weapons have been used·, and vast economic resources which could otherwise have been used for constructive purposes have been wasted. Whatever the final outcome of the conflict may be, it is clear that no side will emerge the victory both sides will inherit the destructive results of the war and the consequences of lost resources and lost opportunities.
The world had hoped that with the unanimous adoption last July of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) some positive result would ensue for the termination of the conflict. Instead, what is occurring is a heightening of tension as the conflict escalates and the warships of several nations converge in the area. Each major actor appears to be putting conflicting national and strategic interests before the objectives of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). Yet we note the unanimity in the adoption of that resolution. Malaysia totally supports the Secretary-General's efforts to secure application of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and we appeal to the two belligerents to be responsive to him and to stop the carnage and insanity of the conflict,
Malaysia has consistently advocated the principle that regional countries have a primary duty in the resolution of regional problems through dialogue and consultation. We firmly believe in regionalism as a basis for developing strong neighbourly relations in the interest of peace and stability. That is the foundation of our co-operation in ASEAN, which has contributed to progress and a growing sense of confidence in the region. We believe that this confidence is crucial in our effort to address current challenges and in forging peace and stability in the area. ASEAN has recently commemorated its twentieth anniversary and is currently preparing for a third summit further to enhance co-operation between Member States and make the Association stronger in the coming decades. We are happy to note that a similar trend is emerging in Central America, where a peace plan was signed last August in Guatemala. That plan received the support of the Contadora and the Support Groups, I would like to express the hope that this trend will enable the peoples of Central America to attain justice, to defend their freedom and independence and to concentrate on development free from super-Power rivalries.
In North-East Asia, Malaysia urges the resumption of bilateral dialogue between the Governments of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for normalization of relations which would reduce tension in the Korean peninsula. It is hoped that through earnest efforts common ground can be found. Malaysia stands ready to support initiatives of either patty that are directed to achieving enduring peace and security in that region.
Malaysia hopes that the discussions between the various interested parties conducted through the auspices of the International Olympic Council will bring about positive results and help pave the way for the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to interact in other areas of their relations.
For decades the international community has been staggered by the arms race. For many years the United Nations has been addressing this vital and complex question, in the final analysis, while the nuclear-armed States, especially the two super-Powers, are primarily responsible to effect real change, all nations must also contribute by working against nuclear proliferation and being supportive of the disarmament process. A stop must be put to this insane race, not merely because of its implications with respect to the survival of mankind but also because, in the stand-off, huge amounts continue to be spent which could otherwise be channelled into more constructive pursuits. We are encouraged by the United States and the Soviet negotiators closing the ground on an agreement covering medium and short-range nuclear missiles. The two super-Powers must enter into serious negotiations on strategic weapons and a nuclear test ban. It is hoped that these negotiations will pave the way for agreements covering the whole range of nuclear disarmament. In this context the recommendations of the recently concluded International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development will provide some impetus for change in the flow of resources from armament to economic and social development at both the national and international levels.
The security and well-being of the peoples of the world cannot be separated from social and economic development. In fact, the United Nations has an equally pivotal role to play in this regard. For the past few years the international community has had to grapple with the growing international debt problem, continuing recessionary trends in commodity prices, major problems in food and agriculture and, in general, international trade. Protectionist measures are on the rise and are being manifested in new legislation and trade restrictive actions in developed countries.
It is difficult to envisage any progress in the international trading environment, unless the developed countries themselves believe in the need to maintain a more liberal and open international trade system and give favourable and differential treatment to developing countries. It is to the interest of all to adopt steps to roll bade protectionism and resuscitate international trade. It is for this reason that Malaysia sees a significance in the new round of multilateral trade negotiations.
The seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII) concluded recently with a consensus agreement. We are encouraged by this result as it manifests a common desire of States to consult together on major economic problems confronting the world today. We are particularly pleased that all the obligations for the establishment of the Common Fund have been fulfilled. Malaysia would wish to see the Common Fund activated to strengthen trade as well as research and development in commodities. We stand ready to participate positively in bringing equilibrium back to commodity prices.
The international economic trends of the 1980s have convinced us that the pressing economic problems confronting the international economy cannot be resolved in isolation by a particular group of countries, be they developed or developing. Malaysia firmly believes that multilateral co-operation provides an effective means to overcome these problems. We cannot ignore the fact that the world economy is characterized by the high concentration of decision-making power among a few developed countries. Indeed, no country or bloc of countries should claim the wisdom to prescribe cures for what ails the global economy. The close interdependence of the global economy has time and again proved resistant to such selective prescription. Developing and developed countries must honestly acknowledge this simple reality and work together. The best way is to enter into global negotiations. We appeal to those few countries that still have reservations to show goodwill and magnanimity.
Malaysia also believes that meaningful co-operation need not be confined between the developed and the developing countries. Substantial gains are in store for South-South co-operation - that is, between and among the developing countries themselves. Arguably, while most developing countries share somewhat similar levels of development and are competitive in their efforts, there remains among them, this is not true of developing countries. This provides opportunities for meaningful and mutually beneficial co-operation among the developing countries themselves. Malaysia has been a prime mover in the call for accelerated South-South co-operation· We welcome the establishment of the South Commission headed by Mr. Julius Nyerere former President of Tanzania, and look forward to the early commencement of work by the Commission and its recommendations for specific projects for South-South co-operation.
In recent years some institutions of multilateralism have been under increasing attacks by a few - bringing in vogue the description that there is now a retreat from multilateralism". However the "retreat" has not brought about solutions to the many problems confronting the international community. On the contrary, it has exacerbated these problems. To our minds, the attainment of a stable and secure world must be accomplished through a genuine search for solutions - through meaningful multilateral co-operation.
While we accept that there are various areas of institutional imperfection in the United Nations, as well as in other international forums, the answer to that problem lies neither in being oblivious to those weaknesses nor in ignoring or denigrating the United Nations and the process of multilateralism in general. To begin with we should search objectively for a solution to the financial crisis that has beset the Organization. Some momentum towards alleviating that financial crisis was achieved during the forty-first session of the General Assembly with the adoption by consensus of a resolution that laid down the basis for further efforts. It must be emphasized, however, that we should not run away from our common responsibility regarding the proper functioning of the Organization. It is to be hoped that our deliberations on this important issue during the current session will be directed primarily towards ensuring the financial stability of the United Nations.
We cannot overstate the importance of the interests and concerns of mankind that require attention by the United Nations nor the crucial role that the Organization can play in achieving world peace, progress and harmony in the next millennium. We must renew our commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter, which represent the collective will and wisdom of our founding fathers and which, remain more than ever relevant to the resolution of the problems of mankind and of the contemporary world.


It gives me much pleasure. Comrade President, to extend to you hearty congratulations on your election to preside over the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-second session and to wish you every success.
We appreciate the judicious work of the President of the General Assembly at its forty-first session I wish good health and energy to the Secretary-General, Mr· Javier Perez de Cuellar, in his responsible post. We very much appreciate that during his visit to the German Democratic Republic last June we had fruitful talks serving the purposes of the United Nations·
The forty-second session of the General Assembly is being held at a time when ever more people have come to realize that the conventional posture of States on the political, economic and military issues and their own old habits of dealing with the environment and nature are no longer adequate to guarantee the survival of human civilization.
With the world's population now exceeding 5 billion, there is growing evidence that in this age of nuclear weapons and high technology the politics of the arms race and confrontation and the pursuit of selfish interests are bound to multiply and in the end dangerously aggravate the numerous conflicts and crises that already exist in the world. The risks of such policies are becoming increasingly incalculable. This fact alarms peoples on all continents and stirs all those who feel responsible for the fate of humanity to search for alternatives.
To assure the future of mankind it is necessary, first and foremost, to avert a nuclear inferno, to agree immediately on a world-wide halt to the arms race, to lead purposefully that halt to a comprehensively controlled process of reduction c forces and armaments; to refrain from militarising outer space; to forgo the deployment of arms and forces in places where there are means to settle peaceful existing conflict; and to promote coexistence among States and peoples and arrange for their co-operation with a view to solving the global issues facing mankind, such as the preservation of the foundations of life on this planet, the eradication of underdevelopment, hunger and disease, and the elimination of living conditions that are incompatible with human dignity.
Seven decades ago, immediately after the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the young Soviet State addressed its Decree of Peace to the world. Amidst the conflagration of the First World War that call was something entirely new, unusual and unique, giving fresh vigour to the yearning for peace. Since those times, the safeguarding of peace and the transition to disarmament have become the main concern of world politics. Chiefly owing to the initiatives taken by the socialist countries, the non-aligned States, the Group of Six and, last but not least, thanks to the activities of the United Nations and the vigorous action of the world-wide peace movement, there is growing awareness that peace in our time can no longer be achieved by arming against each other, but can be ensured only with each other. To give fresh dynamism to the efforts in favour of a secure peace, arms limitation and disarmament requires common sense and realism. To that end all States must live up to their responsibility.
At their Berlin summit held last May the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty submitted a comprehensive programme of disarmament which also provides for measures for strict verification and confidence building. That programme is based on the analysis of what is necessary and feasible to build a lasting peace with ever fewer weapons; and it is the logical conclusion from the common Soviet-American perception "that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought; that any war between the Soviet Union and the United States of America, whether nuclear or conventional, must be prevented.
That is what, we recall. General Secretary Gorbachev and President Reagan stated as a result of their meeting at Geneva in November 1985. It is in this context that the German Democratic Republic appreciates the efforts made and the results achieved in the Soviet-American talks at the foreign-minister level which ended last week and went a long way to bringing the world closer to genuine nuclear disarmament. Pursuant to its objective to secure peace with ever fewer weapons, the German Democratic Republic has used all its possibilities, and will continue to do so, to contribute to bringing about a double-zero solution without ifs and buts.
In the view of the German Democratic Republic, the agreed conclusion and the
implementation of an accord between the USSR and the United States of America on the global elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter range missiles permit a start on disarmament proper. Some day historians will certainly describe that step as a turning-point in international and State-to-State relations. It therefore deserves absolute priority and every support. It is only too understandable that now there is a resolute call for the signing and implementing of the accords, because it is common knowledge that, regrettably, there are forces willing to foil this.
Along parallel lines, efforts must be intensified to reduce drastically the number of offensive strategic weapons whilst strengthening the anti-ballistic missile Treaty regime and preventing an arms race in outer space. This would also benefit the further strengthening of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). At the same time it is imperative to bring about a world-wide prohibition of chemical weapons and a general and complete ban on nuclear-weapon tests.
Threatening potentials and "nuclear deterrence are not only incompatible with a reasonable code of conduct consistent without nuclear and space area; they are also a highly dangerous anachronism. The strategy of so-called nuclear deterrence by no means creates a greater measure of security, but is rather a stumbling-block to rapid progress on nuclear disarmament. An alternative has been offered by the document on their military doctrine the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty adopted at their Berlin summit. That entirely defensive doctrine is fully consistent with the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter concerning the non-threat or non-use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. The allied socialist States declare: that they will never in any circumstances initiate military action against any State or alliance of States unless they are themselves the target of an armed attack·, that they will never be the first to employ nuclear weapons; that they have no territorial claims on any other State, either in Europe or outside Europe and that they do not view any State or any people as their enemy.
The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty have proposed to the member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that they enter into consultations on their respective military doctrines. That, too, could open up a way which would lead finally to a non-offensive capacity on both sides. Military imbalances that have emerged regarding any kind of weapon must be reduced through disarmament by the side that has the advantage over the other, in order to restore the balance at a lower level. That would be better, and less costly, than to stick to the principle of counter-deployment, which in the end has always sent the arms race spiralling upwards.
For the socialist States, verification of all agreements on arms limitation and disarmament is indispensable. What they want is verification without loopholes that includes necessary on-site inspections. The German Democratic Republic, situated as it is in the heart of Europe, has been working above all for a lessening of military confrontation and the strengthening of security on the European continent, since any conflict at the divide between the two most powerful military alliances with the highest concentration of destructive potential would be fatal for humanity as a whole. Security must be strengthened there through global and regional efforts. Yet we do not wait for global solutions. Together with the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the German Democratic Republic has put forward proposals aimed at the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free corridor and a chemical-weapon-free zone in Central Europe. Their implementation would not hamper but facilitate global solutions. Likewise, we attach great importance to the proposal made by the highest representative of the Polish People's Republic, Wojciech Jaruzelski.
The translation of these initiatives into reality would constitute at the same time a direct contribution to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) process, which plays an indisputably essential role in promoting confidence and co-operation in Europe - a role that is increasing, as borne out by the follow-up meeting in Vienna. The German Democratic Republic is working for the successful conclusion of that meeting.
Over the years the Helsinki Final Act, that code of peaceful coexistence, has become a solid foundation for State-to-State co-operation in Europe. It was that positive regional experience from the CSCE process that encouraged the socialist States to submit their proposal to create a comprehensive system of international peace and security. We would expect the current session of the General Assembly to build on the exchange of views already begun, to which General Secretary Gorbachev's article of last week made an impressive contribution, and to lead it towards an intensive dialogue about such a system that would include political, military, economic, humanitarian and ecological aspects. That would be in accordance with the mandate which the world Organization must fulfil by virtue of its Charter.
For every people peace begins on its own doorstep. For this reason, and because of a well-understood historical responsibility, the overriding issue of a secure peace in our time was the central theme of the visit that Erich Honaker, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, paid to the Federal Republic of Germany recently. As the leading representative of the German Democratic Republic stated at the end of his visit:
"The results and agreements reached are a success for the policy of common sense and realism, they benefit the people and peace."
The most important result of that visit, which is certainly of concern and interest to all States and peoples, was the agreement, as underlined in the joint declaration
"that the relations between the two States must remain a stabilizing factor for constructive East-West relations. It should generate positive impulses for peaceful co-operation and dialogue in Europe and beyond."
That remains possible provided the two sides - as they have agreed - proceed strictly from realities, show political will, reason and realism, and continue to normalize their intergovernmental relations. That is the only way to honour the obligation undertaken by the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic f Germany to do everything to ensure that never again will war, but only and always will peace, emanate from German soil - an obligation that the two German States have reaffirmed.
That visit has rightly met with a remarkable international response, as its realization reflects the general growing awareness that today one cannot any lone τ have peace for oneself alone and that it is no longer the quantity or quality of weapons that is decisive in ensuring peace, but only the quality of the policies pursued.
The visit of the Head of State of the German Democratic Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany illustrated that constructive political dialogue is possible and can indeed be fruitful even when international conditions are complex. Dialogue remains an indispensable tool for mutual understanding and in the search for specific ways to reduce confrontation.
Our policy of good-neighbourliness does not leave out Berlin (West). It is based on the quadripartite agreement and thus on the strict observance of the legitimate rights and interests of all concerned.
The dangers to world peace arising from seats of tension and conflict are a matter of great concern, since the faintest spark could engender a world-wide flare-up. The German Democratic Republic holds that any dispute or conflict should be brought up and settled at the negotiating table, that is peacefully, through dialogue, with all participants on an equal footing, and on the basis of strict respect for the United Nations Charter. The German Democratic Republic appreciates the relevant efforts made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on behalf of the Security Council. We would expressly encourage him to persist in them. Resolution 598 (1987) of the Security Council is a good basis for the peaceful settlement of the conflict between Iran and Iraq, We endorse the appeal addressed to all States to refrain from any act which might lead to an extension to other regions or to an internationalisation of that conflict. Any show of military strength is incompatible with that aim, as it is bound to exacerbate tensions in the Gulf, The draft declaration entitled "Enhancement of the effectiveness of the principle of non-use of force in international relations drawn up by the Special Committee, should be adopted at an early date and, above all translated into practical measures.
The Middle East conflict remains, now as before, unsettled and the Palestinian people continues to be denied the establishment of an independent and sovereign State; yet there is a growing response to the proposal to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East in which all interested parties would participate, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Direct arrangements by the United Nations Security Council for a negotiating mechanism could bring such a conference nearer. This approach could pave the way to a lasting peace for all States of the region.
The German Democratic Republic believes that the implementation by all parties of the Central American peace plan signed in Guatemala on 7 August is an appropriate means of settling the conflicts in Central America peacefully and putting an end to the overt and covert war against Nicaragua·
The German Democratic Republic welcomes the initiatives taken by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union for a political settlement of the situation that has developed in the region. The process of national reconciliation which the Afghan Government has initiated must no longer be affected by foreign interference.
World public opinion is deeply disturbed about the increased brutality and aggressiveness to which the South African regime of apartheid resorts vis-à-vis the country's black population and the neighbouring States. The peoples in southern Africa demand self-determination and the eradication of racism and apartheid , which means peace at home and a peaceful environment. It is time now that the United Nations plan for the granting of independence to Namibia be implemented.
The German Democratic Republic supports the insistence of the summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity on the imposition by the United Nations Security Council of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the regime of dyed-in-the-wool racists in South Africa.
A representative international conference on Cyprus, to be held within the framework of the United Nations, is, as before, necessary for the settlement of the Cyprus question. The presence of foreign troops on the island Impedes the search for solutions that might be acceptable to all sides.
The German Democratic Republic follows with sympathy the dialogue that is developing between the three States of Indo-China and the States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and hopes that it will be a success.
The German Democratic Republic expressly supports the demand for the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, in keeping with its foreign policy of welcoming and promoting all regional initiatives for zones of peace, security and co-operation.
With regard to the lessening of tensions on the Korean peninsula, the German Democratic Republic supports the pertinent constructive proposals put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Peace and disarmament, social objectives and the elimination of underdevelopment ate today more closely intertwined than ever before. This, too, was underlined in the document entitled "On the elimination of underdevelopment and the establishment of a new international economic order" adopted by the States patties to the Warsaw Treaty at their Berlin summit in May 1987. Is it not alarming to note that every minute 28 children die of hunger and avoidable diseases while in the same span of time - as was the case in 1986 - $US 1.7 million is spent on armaments? The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development held recently furnished ample proof that the continued arms race is the main reason why fewer and fewer funds are provided to alleviate the situation of more and more people who ate socially disadvantaged.
We are satisfied to note that the outcome of that Conference has made it abundantly clear that disarmament is the first prerequisite of development. As the Soviet Foreign Minister has convincingly pointed out, the developing countries' indebtedness has an increasingly negative impact on international relations. At their Berlin summit the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty called for a global and just settlement of that problem.
The United Nations is an appropriate body to promote the democratization of international economic relations. The German Democratic Republic advocates agreement on mutually acceptable principles which would ensure a predictable operation of the world economy. That is precisely the aim of the initiative proposed by the socialist States to draw up a concept of international economic security.
The German Democratic Republic stands for Increased co-operation among States for the implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms. It is guided by the precept that the fundamental human right is, above all, the right to live in peace.
The German Democratic Republic promotes the enjoyment of human rights and speaks out firmly against the gross and mass violations of human rights by the practice of apartheid, racial and social discrimination, genocide and fascism.
This world Organization has a multitude of issues to resolve that are crucial for the existence and survival of humanity. It is invaluable as a forum for dialogue, negotiation and co-operation. In saying this we do not overlook the fact that its effectiveness and that of all its bodies, the strengthening of its role and authority, the enhancement of its effectiveness, the binding character of its resolutions as well as the implementation of its decisions depend on the co-ordinated co-operation of all its Member States. If that co-operation is lacking, the strength of the United Nations is bound to be limited. Let me assure this Assembly that the German Democratic Republic will do all it can to help carry out the tasks that face this world Organization.


Mr. President, it is a marvellous feeling, one of deep gratification, to be able to address so illustrious a successor as you. For me to hand over the gavel to a person of such experience was both a pleasure and a privilege. Your election is a manifestation of the high esteem in which you are held. This recognition is most appropriate in view of your many contributions to the cause of peace, progress and multilateral co-operation. It is an honour well earned. May I offer you the assurance of my delegation's complete co-operation in the discharge of your onerous functions.
Bangladesh is deeply appreciative of the significant contribution being made by our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to the effectiveness of the world body. His reappointment to a further term was a most well-deserved tribute to his dedication and commitment to the United Nations and its lofty ideals. He has earned the gratitude and respect of the international community by his humane attitude and deep understanding of global problems. We assure him of our continued full support and co-operation. I am positive the new Under-Secretary-General for General Assembly Affairs, Mr. Joseph Verner Reed, a capable diplomat of charming disposition, and his staff will be to you. Sir, a perennial source of support when you need it.
The United Nations - a product of our relentless search for peace, security and development in our times and a symbol of our desire to banish forever the pangs of poverty, hunger, war and illiteracy - is a sturdy monument to the values of human civilization. The hundred million people of Bangladesh, under the bold and dynamic leadership of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, believe that to be so. Our unflinching and abiding commitment to this Organization is based on that belief. We are happy to see signs of the restoration of global confidence in this institution. We trust that the worst is over for the "last hope of mankind" and that the years ahead will bring in newer assurances for the effective functioning of the United Nations system.
Bangladesh has been playing an active, constructive and purposeful role in the international arena despite the many and varied constraints it confronts. Our activities in this sphere are guided by basic foreign policy objectives; first, to consolidate and safeguard our independence and sovereignty, secondly, to develop friendly bilateral, regional and international co-operation) and, thirdly, to co-operate with the global community in promoting the cause of peace, freedom and development. In pursuing these objectives, we adhere strictly and with scrupulous respect to the principles of sovereign equality of all nations, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, peaceful settlement of all disputes, and the tight of every nation to determine its own social, economic and political system.
Those are the principles upon which our policies are based. Those are the values that determine our external expression.
It is because of the United Nations that the world community today gives high priority to the cause of development, which in its simplest form means improving the quality of life of all people in the world, particularly those in developing countries such as our country. The United Nations has been actively involved in the process of our development since the very beginning of our nationhood. The responsiveness of the United Nations system to the needs of a country such as Bangladesh has been proved time and time again. Members are aware that my country has recently been in the grip of a devastating and unprecedented flood. Many lives have been lost and hundreds of thousands of people have been rendered homeless. Standing crops were washed away. We are grateful to the United Nations system, its agencies and the international community for a timely response with support and succour. Perhaps it is time we devised a method whereby our contemporary capabilities could be marshalled to predict and control human sufferings from such natural calamities. In this connection may I draw the attention of the General Assembly to the resolution it adopted in 1985 on "long-term and effective solution of the problems caused by natural disasters in Bangladesh" (resolution 40/231). It is important that the international community give serious thought to the main focus of that resolution by the United Nations system to consider a long-term and effective solution of this problem. We look forward to the guidance of the Secretary-General in this regard.
Copies of the text of my statement are being distributed, wherein representatives will find the rest of what I wish to say. Mindful as I am of the financial constraints of this august body, and of the valuable time of representatives, I should like to conclude at this point.


It is a great honour for me to extend to Mr. Florin of the German Democratic Republic, on behalf of His Excellency, General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic, Head of State and founding President of the Central African Democratic Assembly, the warm congratulations of the delegation of the Central African Republic on his election to the presidency of the (General Assembly at its forty-second session. His personal qualities, his ability, and his great experience will ensure the success of the session.
I also take this opportunity to extend to his predecessor, Mr. Huraayun Rasneed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, the thanks of my delegation for the very able manner in which he discharged his duties.
To the Secretary-General of our Organization I confirm the support of the Central African Government for his steady efforts to ensure a greater role for the United Nations in the search for peace, security and international co-operation.
Lastly, on behalf of my delegation, I should like to congratulate Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed on his appointment as Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs.
It is two years now since our critical, rigorous and perceptive analysis of the 40 years of existence of the United Nations, The hope born of the "new pragmatism" which was cited by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, and which offers
"... a promising basis for broadened multilateral co-operation and increased effectiveness of the United Nations" (A/42/1, p.2), must not conceal the fact that our system is still in a state of crisis. It is a crisis because of the chasm between the aspirations of most peoples for a new world order and the ability of the system to make a real contribution towards solving the problems that arise from those aspirations.
It is a crisis as regards collective security, specifically as regards the maintenance of collective peace and security, for the structures of the United Nations are not always able to operate in accordance with the Charter, for obvious reasons.
Accordingly, the changes the world is undergoing today make the revitalization of the United Nations imperative since its credibility depends on an effective and vigilant system that can promote good management of international co-operation..
Political will and deep-reaching structural reforms adapted to the current context of international relations could indeed enable the United Nations to emerge from the crisis and fulfil its mission as set forth in the Charter.
For some time now the United Nations system has found a new vitality in resolutely committing itself to organizing multilateral aid for development and, above all/ providing a framework for major negotiations on the future of international economic co-operation. The United Nations would like to be accepted to a greater extent as playing the principal role in the search for this new world order to which all States legitimately aspire.
In this context the work of bodies such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) is decisive.
This aspect of the Organization's work, while it has been properly identified only very recently, has nevertheless led to a short increase of confidence in the United Nations on the part of third world countries, in particular African countries, whose overall situation worsens routinely from one session to another.
In this century of extraordinary scientific progress and unprecedented accumulation of wealth in the northern hemisphere there are still countries desperately seeking the means of survival. Yet we note that despite that harsh reality it is still difficult to arrive at a consensus on what solution should be provided.
Africa's economic situation was described without any window dressing by the African States themselves at the recent special session of the United Nations on the critical economic situation in Africa just a year ago. A United Nations Programme of Action for the Economic Recovery and Development of Africa 1986-1990 was then adopted. The assessment that is to be made will enable us to see how far we have gone in applying that Programme, for whose implementation we are all responsible, for, after all, we made a solemn commitment to ensure this.
The Central African Republic, while it was establishing the bases for the new Central African society, whose Constitution describes the outlines of our system, has for the last six years been undertaking an extensive, thorough going reform at the social and economic level. The action taken has involved tremendous sacrifices on the part of the Central African people and, although to varying degrees, it has been possible to attain the development objectives sought by the Government, primarily food self-sufficiency.
However, the Government's work cannot be strengthened, broadened and developed unless there is a propitious international environment. The fall in world prices of commodities, including coffee, cotton and wood, which are the bases of the Central African Republic's economy, will simply cancel out the work done by our Government if a concrete and resolute International dimension is not provided as well.
An improvement in the world commodity prices combined with an increase in aid and the granting of loans on favourable terms should make it possible for the Central African Republic to see its work crowned with success.
The round table on the Central African Republic held last June in Geneva, at which General André Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of. State, himself participated, was not only part of the framework for strengthening the economic and financial recovery that has since been undertaken, but also an opportunity to reassure the immensity of the work done.
The interest demonstrated by various friendly countries and some financial institutions give ground for our Government to be cautiously optimistic and we hope that there will be greater participation in the economic take-off of our country.
I should like to extend my Government's thanks to the current and future partners of the Central African Republic, which, fully respecting the principle of the sovereign equality of States and reciprocity, have provided and will provide assistance towards our development.
On a broader scale and on the same lines, African countries have long since become aware that real progress in development requires that their peoples be assured at least a minimum, above all, of food. Therefore agriculture is still our top priority, but the development of agriculture involves vast efforts in the spheres of education, training, health and an adequate mobilizing infrastructure, It is therefore essential that the African countries have access to credit and, ideally benefit from a major transfer of financial resources for this purpose. It goes without saying that in the search for the means to promote agriculture the stabilization of the prices of commodities, the basis of our economy, and an increase in those prices are of paramount importance.
Our situation can never improve unless there is a real solution to the question of the foreign debt of African countries. This is essential to the recovery of the African economy, which is itself vital to the health of the world economy. In any event, one thing is clear: the foreign debt of African States is now well beyond the ability of their economies to repay.
The sustained attention given by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to this problem and the fact that one of its sessions will be especially devoted to it bear witness to this.
While General André Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of State, restated to the partners of the Central African Republic at the round table in Geneva the intention of the Government to honour all obligations entered into by the Central African Republic regarding its creditors, he added:
"It is, however, clear that our resolve is limited by our resources, which in turn depend on the authorities you represent."
This is why the Central African Republic wishes to join those who, since the Quebec Summit, both elsewhere and in this Hall, have paid well-deserved tributes to Canada, which has decided to cancel not only the debts of the French-speaking countries of Africa but also, at the forthcoming meeting in Vancouver, those of the Commonwealth countries.
This remarkable and exemplary action reminds us of the action taken by the Federal Republic of Germany, to which the Central African Republic extended its thanks when it cancelled our debts earlier.
But, as was emphasized by the Secretary-General in his report to the forty-first session, we face a human problem and a human solution must be found to it so that beyond new individual attitudes there may be a concerted approach at the intergovernmental level.
The search for solutions to the serious economic problems of the day is possible only if there is an atmosphere of trust in relations between States. But the lack of trust, the division of the world and fear result in the spiralling arras race, involving the use of enormous resources for purposes that go well beyond the requirements of national security. This trend has become an end in itself, even though the Powers already have the means to destroy the entire human race.
The arms race is thus a real threat to international peace and security and is certainly an obstacle to development, because major resources are devoted to it when they could have been used for development. This point was made recently at the Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development which, incidentally, emphasized the close interdependence between disarmament, development and security. Therefore, everything must be done to ensure the achievement of general and complete disarmament. But the primary condition remains the easing of tension in relations between the Powers that have committed themselves to the arms race, and here I mean primarily the two super-Powers.
The agreement concluded between the United States and the Soviet Union on reducing medium-range missiles can, above and beyond the principle that it establishes, be regarded as opening up the path towards that easing of tension.
This is something that my delegation welcomes. We ardently hope that at the third special session of the United Nations on Disarmament the international community can establish the outlines of the strategy to bring about disarmament.
However, while the strengthening of relations of trust between States has to be ensured through effective disarmament, a balance requires respect for the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, as also the principles of the equal sovereignty of States and non-interference in their internal affairs. It is failure to respect those principles that leads to continuing hotbeds of tension throughout the world.
The African land of Namibia must become independent without any preconditions whatsoever under the leadership of its authentic representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). The Security Council must shoulder its responsibilities and demonstrate political will to ensure the implementation of its plan for that Territory.
In their daily struggle to build a new society, the majority of the South African people must participate in the management of the affairs in their country. To that end, it is essential to dismantle the abhorrent system of apartheid. That is a precondition for the restoration of peace in South Africa and, hence in southern Africa as a whole. The international community must continue to mobilize its efforts to that end.
While the resolve with which Chad, a neighbouring fraternal country, has endeavoured to defend its sovereignty - in other words, its right to survive — has been commensurate with the threat facing it, my delegation still believes in the virtues of a negotiated solution to the Chad-Libyan border dispute, and we welcome the action taken by the Ad Hoc Committee of the Organization of African Unity on this question, which indeed represents an effort to seek a definitive settlement of the dispute.
The Central African Republic believes that such a settlement should make it possible to re-establish the territorial integrity of Chad, which is essential for the legal Government of the Republic of Chad to continue the work of national reconstruction in which it has been engaged. We thus appeal to the interested parties not only strictly to comply with the Lusaka recommendations, but also, as they have undertaken to do, to co-operate sincerely in those efforts. Other members of the international community should be involved in them if they truly hold dear peace and the rule of law, so that peace can at last return to that area.
It cannot be repeated often enough that the situation in the Middle East requires that account be taken of the interests of the Palestinian people, and particularly of their right to a homeland, so that a settlement may be arrived at that would put an end to the sufferings that have been imposed upon them. My delegation, while confirming the right of the State of Israel to existence, would again state that it is only through the convening of an international conference on the Middle East, involving all the interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, that a real contribution can be made to the search for a settlement.
The fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq has caused tremendous loss of life and there is a clear danger of the situation becoming internationalised. Given the breach of peace in that region, only a bold initiative along the lines of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) can provide a just and lasting solution to the conflict. My delegation, which greatly appreciates Iraq's constant willingness to seek such a solution, which can be seen from its acceptance of that resolution, calls upon the other party to abide by it. We also call upon other States to refrain from any action that could worsen the situation.
The use of occupation as a means of crushing the soul of a people is contrary to the principle of freedom held dear by the United Nations. That is why Democratic Kampuchea must at last be enabled to exercise all the attributes of its sovereignty in accordance with United Nations principles. The principle of freedom must also be observed in the case of Afghanistan so that its people may begin the procedure of democratisation, which they so ardently desire. The right to decide their own destiny in all freedom must be recognized. Accordingly, foreign troops must be withdrawn from Democratic Kampuchea and from Afghanistan.
The situation in the Korean peninsula is still a matter of concern, in view of the threat to peace in the region. In this connection, my delegation believes that the principle of peaceful reunification must be observed and that at the same time direct dialogue, without outside interference, should be resumed between the two parties. This does not exclude the possibility that in the meantime they may, together or separately, request admission to membership in the United nations, in whose system they already participate.
In Central America, the cause of peace has finally triumphed in the form of the Agreement recently arrived at among the five States of the region on the procedures to be followed to bring about a stable and lasting peace in that part of the world. My delegation welcomes this, and trusts that the international community will make its contribution to promote a positive outcome.
Above and beyond these major challenges, the basic characteristic of this century remains the desire of the peoples for peace. After all, the Charter that brings us all together begins with the solemn commitment of the peoples of the United Nations to establish the necessary conditions for the advent of peace. It is thus up to the Member States that represent those peoples to contribute, in action and through sustained and consistent political will, to the emergence of new international relations marked by justice and equity.
They certainly have the political will to do so; that is evident from the many dialogues - which have often been difficult, incidentally - that have taken place in dealing with many issues of great importance involving the question of security and international economic co-operation. For the Central African Republic  this political will must be expressed by giving the United Nations a greater role in managing international co-operation within the framework of efforts to bring about the new international order,