203.	The delegation of the newly independent
Central American and Caribbean nation of Belize
has listened with great interest to the various
statements made in the general debate during the
past two weeks. We have heard Presidents and
Prime Ministers, heads of governments and
Ministers for Foreign Affairs from rich and
powerful nations, poorer and less powerful
States, and even the poorest and least powerful
among us, relate their perceptions of the state
of the world today, their blueprints for a better
world, and even their anguish and agony at their
inability to mandate the necessary changes. One
perception is clear to our delegation: it is that
we are witnessing in the world today a crisis
situation of a political and economic nature
almost unparalleled in the history of the
Organization. But in the face of this bleak
prognosis, the delegation of Belize shares the
optimism of our distinguished Secretary-General
that "we now have potentially better means to
solve many of the major problems facing humanity
than ever before".
204.	In recognition of this great potential of
the United Nations to be an instrument for the
preservation of peace, stability and security in
these troubled times, one of the first acts of
independent statehood made by the Government of
Belize on Independence Day, 21 September 1981,
was to apply for membership of the United Nations.
205.	The delegation of Belize is pleased to be
able to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous
election to the high office of President of the
thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
You represent a country, Hungary, that has been
steadfast in its support of Belize's right to
exist as an independent nation on its own
territory-for which Belizeans will always be
grateful. We also pay a tribute to Mr. Kittani of
Iraq for his mastery as President of the
thirty-sixth session. He presided when Belize was
first admitted to the Organization and we hold Mm
in high esteem. The delegation of Belize also
taxes this opportunity to congratulate our
brother Latin American. Javier Perez de Cuellar,
on his appointment as Secretary-General. His
clear-minded and level-headed approach to the
job, as evidenced in his first report on the work
of the Organization, encourages us to believe
that he will be able to prod the Organization on
to achieve its lofty goals.
206.	We in Belize share with the
Secretary-General his profound concern for the
need to strengthen to the fullest the mechanisms
of the United Nations for the maintenance of
peace and security. Our path to freedom and
independence, with the co-operation and support
of the United Nations, is an example of the value
of concerted action by peace-loving nations, it
is therefore of vital importance to Belize, and
indeed to most countries, that the system of
collective security continue to be given
practical and effective application.
207.	Our foreign policy is rooted in certain
cardinal principles of international behaviour:
non-intervention in the internal affairs of
States; the inalienable right of peoples to
self-determination; and the strict observance of
the non-use of force in the settlement of
international disputes. Most of the conflicts,
injustices and tension that beset us today spring
from flagrant and continuing disregard of these
important rules.
208.	The barbarity of Sabra and Shatila that
fills the world with revulsion should not be the
price exacted from the Palestinian people for
their legitimate right to live in their own State
within secure boundaries. Our delegation puts on
record Belize's condemnation and revulsion at the
cold-blooded massacre of innocent civilians in
Lebanon. We record our support for the right of
the people of Palestine to determine their own
destiny and to establish their own homeland in
their own State within defined and secure
boundaries. We also support the right of Israel
to exist a§ a State with its security guaranteed.
209.	The constant attacks on the humanity of
the Mack peoples of southern Africa by Pretoria's
racist regime and its continued occupation of
Namibia and harassment of neighbouring African
States are affronts to civilized conscience. We
record our condemnation of the apartheid policies
of the racist regime of South Africa, and our
support for the right of the black majority in
southern Africa to determine the governance of
their territory.
210.	The senseless war between Iraq and the
Islamic Republic of Iran, the Soviet occupation
of Afghanistan, military conflict in the South
Atlantic, turmoil and destabilization in Central
America and the Caribbean -the list goes on. All
of those are possible because we ignore the norms
of international behaviour to which we all pay
lip service.
211.	We support the implementation of the
relevant United Nations resolutions concerning
Afghanistan with full respect for the
independence, sovereignty and non-aligned status
of that country.
212.	Belize also endorses the position of the
non-aligned movement in respect of Western Sahara
and appeals to the parties to initiate
negotiations in order to obtain a fair and
lasting solution of the conflict in Western
Sahara in accordance with the principles of
General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the
decisions of the OAU and the principles of the
non-aligned movement.
213.	We look forward to the solution of the
problem of the people of East Timor with due
regard to the principle of self-determination.
214.	The outbreak of hostilities earlier this
year in the South Atlantic between Argentina and
the United Kingdom was a cause of grave concern
to Belize. Consistent with our principles, we
unequivocally reject the use of force in
attempting to settle this dispute. Belize calls
for a formal end to hostilities and for the
negotiation of a peaceful settlement in
accordance with the relevant United Nations
resolutions, and with the participation and good
offices of the Secretary-General.
213. War, and the consequences of war, must
always remind us that the use of force is never a
permanent solution to a dispute.
216. In our own region of Central America and the
Caribbean, the struggle for peace and freedom and
the struggle for development are clearly linked.
The social unrest and tension in this part of the
world are, in many ways, products of a long
history of exploitation and abuses of human
rights, aggravated by external pressures and
disregard of the principles of non-intervention
and non-interference.
217 Although we in Belize have embarked on
policies and practices designed to prevent
exploitation and abuse, we are not unaffected by
the problems of the, region. It is incumbent on
us to strive resolutely for regional harmony
based on mutual respect, and for the elementary
democratic right of a people to shape their own
destiny.
218. In this context, Belize welcomes the
initiative of President Lopez Portillo of Mexico
and President Herrera Campins of Venezuela to
bring peace to the region by way of a political
solution. We also endorse the decision of the
non-aligned movement to convene an extraordinary
ministerial meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau
in Managua, Nicaragua, from 10 to 14 January 1983.
219.	Because Belize shares the view that
direct dialogue among democratic countries is an
appropriate mechanism for reviewing the situation
in their region, and seeking solutions to common
problems, the Mme Minister of Belize, Mr. George
Price, met in San Jose, Costa Rica, on 4 October
with representatives of Colombia, El Salvador,
the United States of America, Honduras, Jamaica,
Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic.
220.	Belize subscribed to the final
declaration of San Jose which stressed support
for the principles of representative, pluralistic
and participatory democracy, and concern about
the serious deterioration of the present
international economic order and international
financial system.
221.	The San Jose meeting declared its
conviction that in order to promote regional
peace and stability, it is necessary to support
domestic political understanding that will lead
to the establishment of democratic, pluralistic
and participatory systems. Such understanding
would lead to absolute respect for delimited and
demarcated borders in accordance with existing
treaties, compliance with which is the proper way
to prevent border disputes and incidents,
observing, whenever applicable, traditional lines
of jurisdiction.
222.	The meeting in San Jose also declared
respect for the independence and territorial
integrity of States, rejection of threats or the
use of force to settle conflicts, a halt to the
arms race, and the elimination, on the basis of
full and effective reciprocity, of the external
factors which hamper the consolidation of a
stable and lasting peace.
223.	Belize, for its part, continues to extend
the hand of friendship, and an attitude of good
neighbourliness to the Republic of Guatemala. As
two sovereign nations, which must inevitably live
together with shared borders, we are optimistic
that, together, we can work out areas of
co-operation for our mutual benefit. We stand
ready to take steps to resolve, peacefully, a
controversy born in another century. Belize must,
however, insist on respect for its independence,
sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
non-aligned character.
224.	The refusal, to date, of the Republic of
Guatemala to recognize the reality of Belize
within its long-established and traditional
borders, is in open defiance of-and shows a
contemptuous disregard for-the overwhelming
support we have received from States Members of
the United Nations. For the Republic of Guatemala
to assert that they have "legitimate rights over
the territory of Belize" is to reveal a blatant
expansionist policy devoid of any legal,
historical, or political merit.
225.	No part of the territory that is Belize
has ever been possessed or occupied by Guatemala.
Belize belongs to the Belizeans. The peace-loving
and democratic people of Belize know this. Our
other neighbours in Central America and the
Caribbean affirm it. The world, through the
United Nations, recognizes the sovereign,
independent nation of Belize.
226.	We reiterate our commitment to find a
peaceful resolution of differences with the
Republic of Guatemala for the mutual benefit of
our two peoples. But the territorial integrity of
Belize cannot be sacrificed as a "quick fix"
solution. Rather, we seek a permanent and lasting
peace with all our neighbours-a peace based on
mutual trust and respect, conducive to the
continuing development of all our peoples.
227.	In this same spirit Belize supports our
sister Caribbean Latin American nation of Guyana
in its efforts to preserve its territorial
integrity, and calls on the parties to seek a
peaceful solution through an acceptable
international forum.
228.	If there has emerged one clear consensus
in international thinking today, it is that the
world is plunging into economic disorder; that
the international financial system urgently
requires overhauling.
229.	More and more men and women who want to
work cannot find jobs. Trade is slowing down to a
trickle. Commodity prices are falling rapidly
exchange rates are unstable and the level of
investments is very low. These conditions cause
havoc among the poorer nations. Added to this,
cruel protective trade barriers deny us a market
for our products. The costs of servicing external
debts keep soaring, and speculation runs rampant
and uncontrolled in the financial markets.
230.	In the face of all this, is it any wonder
then that the economic struggle for poor
countries like Belize is one of sheer survival?
231.	The richer, developed and industrialized
countries are not encouraging the development of
the exports of the developing countries, by their
refusal to pay just prices for our commodities,
which in the long run would lead to a healthy
expansion of international trade for the benefit
of all. Instead, they prefer to finance the
imports of the third world with loans on
exorbitant terms. We are now reaping the bitter
harvest of this unenlightened policy.
232.	Many third world countries had a higher
rate of growth, but it was artificial, because it
resulted in an unprecedented increase in their
debt burdens. The inevitable consequences now
affect us all. Even those countries which had the
courage to practice good husbandry and fiscal
responsibility are victims of this unjust
economic system, which has created the phenomenon
of a liquidity crisis and a slow-down in
investments. In a situation such as this, no one
can win; all will suffer. And because of our
vulnerability, the small, poor, developing
countries suffer most. Common sense and simple
equity demand a change. The cry for a new
international economic order can only be stifled
at the risk of total economic chaos.
233.	We appeal to the industrialized world to
implement bold and effective initiatives to
strengthen the economic recovery efforts of our
countries. We recognize the co-operation of the
United States Government in approving President
Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative, and hope
that the measure is a first step in a wider
economic co-operation effort. We also applaud the
economic co-operation and assistance efforts by
the Nassau Group of countries in this
hemisphere-Canada, Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela.
234. Belize notes with great satisfaction that
after 14 years of difficult negotiation the
United Nations has finally adopted the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. This
Convention, which has attracted almost universal
support, is perhaps the single most important
example in recent times of the possibilities for
co-operation in an enterprise designed for a
better future. It gives us hope that we shall
find other formulas for co-operation in other
spheres of human endeavour. And what better place
to devise such formulas than the United Nations?
233. The delegation of Belize feels that the
Charter of the United Nations holds the key to
the mechanisms to create a better world. The will
to use the machinery of the Charter must be
consciously strengthened. For this reason, we
support the recommendation of the
Secretary-General that a meeting of the Security
Council be held at the highest level "to make a
serious effort to reinforce the protective and
pre-emptive ring of collective security which
should be our common shelter and the most
important task of the United Nations". Indeed,
the United Nations remains the last best hope for
mankind.


It is a great pleasure to begin by extending to the President on
behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, our most
heartfelt congratulations on his election at this thirty-seventh
session of the general  Assembly. Allow me to avail myself of this
opportunity to express our great satisfaction at seeing preside over
this august Assembly, a distinguished representative of a socialist
country, the People's Republic of Hungary, with which we maintain
excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. We
wish him every success in the exercise of his lofty responsibilities.
May I also reaffirm to Mr. Kittani, our deep appreciation for the
dignified and clear-sighted manner in which he acquitted himself of
his mandate during the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly. May I
further reiterate to the Secretary-General our most sincere
appreciation for his tireless efforts in seeking the most appropriate
solutions to the grave problems which the international community
faces.
184.	The thirty-seventh session is being held at a very critical
time, since the international situation has deteriorated seriously to
the point of gravely threatening the survival of a certain number of
peoples.

185.	Every year we all come to participate in the annual session
of the general Assembly; a torrent of speeches is heard, support for
the noble principles of freedom, peace, justice, democracy,
solidarity, development and co-operation is reaffirmed by every one
of us, but, unfortunately, the application of these ideas stops for
some among us as soon as we leave the United Nations Headquarters.

186.	Repeatedly, and from this very rostrum, we have expressed our
profound concern because of the progressive deterioration in the
international situation and because of its disastrous consequences
for all of mankind. We cannot, nor should we conceal our great
anguish at seeing the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of
the competent international bodies when faced with the proliferation
of hotbeds of tension, which are deliberately and dangerously kindled
by imperialist Powers, and in particular by the present United States
Administration.

187.	No one here should ignore the causes and agents which are
responsible for so sombre a picture. We wonder how long peoples and
Governments which love peace and justice will have to wait for the
adequate existing United Nations organs firmly to shoulder their
responsibilities and take really effective measures -which are
available to them-with respect to the Governments of certain Western
Powers, in order to put an end to: the flagrant violations of the
fundamental principles of the Charter; continuance of colonial wars,
and the promoting of aggressions of every kind, directly or
indirectly against States which adopt independent and progressive
positions; the economic plundering of underdeveloped countries and
the persistent prevention of a gradual reduction in the ever-widening
gap between the rich developed countries, and the poor underdeveloped
countries; the imposition of military bases in every comer of the
world, generally maintained against the will of the peoples; the
insistence on hampering the serious efforts made by the socialist
countries and progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente,
general  and complete disarmament, the global prohibition of the
manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular
nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, including the neutron bomb;
the accelerated rise of military budgets and expenditures stimulated
by an escalation in the arms race, so that these astronomical amounts
of money might be judiciously devoted to the economic and social
development of the underdeveloped countries; and the systematic
manoeuvres designed to counter the establishment of a new
international economic order, as advocated by the movement of
non-aligned countries.

188.	Faced with this alarming situation, which obviously endangers
the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy endured by
millions of human beings, who are still deprived of their freedom and
the right to choose their own destiny, lacking in the ways and means
to fight against servitude, humiliation, tyranny, wretchedness,
famine, ignorance and disease, we feel compelled to repeat, who bears
the grave responsibility, in the first place, for such a
deterioration in the international situation? As we see it, it is the
present United States Administration, and certain of its allies and
agents, or preferred instruments which, bear this responsibility: the
racist and Fascist regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv.

189.	We see it this way because of the firm conviction of the
Government of the People's Republic of Angola that no country that
was socialist, progressive or loved peace and justice has taken or
will take initiatives to promote hotbeds of tension, to unleash a
nuclear war or use other weapons of mass destruction, because the
survival of mankind, international peace and security, the
independence of peoples and peaceful coexistence are for them a
primary principle and objective.

190.	World problems which seriously affect peace, security,
development, freedom and independence require considerable efforts
from the international community as a whole and a global response
that has due regard forth fact that each people has the right freely
to choose its own political, economic, social and cultural system,
without intimidation or pressures; that it is the right of every
people to be in charge of its own national riches and to exploit them
for its own benefit; that it is the right of every people to reject
any form of subordination to and dependence on any source, and any
interference or pressure, political, economic or military.

191.	There is no denying that in the present situation detente,
general and complete disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms
race are the major concerns of countries that love peace and justice.
In this respect, may we recall that the position of Angola has been
clearly defined once again during the second special session of the
General Assembly devoted to disarmament, so we need not repeat it
here.

192.	Since the People's Republic of Angola is a geopolitical
component of the African continent, it is legitimate for the
Government of Angola to give primary attention to African problems,
in particular to those of southern Africa, in view of the grave
implications for the region and for the world.

193.	For some 20 years many relevant resolutions have been adopted
by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement,
recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to
self-determination and independence and, on the other hand,
denouncing or firmly condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by
the criminal South African regime.

194.	Directly confronted with threats, aggression and armed
invasion by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime since 1975, the
People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community
a decisive commitment in line with the requirements of our time,, so
that the problem of Namibia may be finally settled and so that the
people of Angola may, for its part, be able to expel the racist
invaders, to respond to future aggression and to ensure the defence
of its national Sovereignty and territorial integrity.

195.	What is the situation today? As we nil know, the contact
group submitted to SWAPO, the frontline States and to Nigeria in
October 1981 a plan of action that includes three phases; first, the
adoption

by the end of January of 1982 of the so-called constitutional
principles by the concerned and interested parties, principles which
are to be included in the future, constitution, of Namibia; secondly,
approval by the end of March by the Security Council of the
composition and size of the United Nations troop contingent, and
resolution of the question of the United. Nations  impartiality
raised by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, implementation, starting in
April, of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council
resolution 435 (1978), containing four fundamental aspects: a
cease-fire; the gradual reduction of South African troops to 1,500
men; stationing of United Nations troops in Namibia; and free and
fair elections.

196.	Since the first meetings with the contact group -and quite
outside its framework and mission-the United States delegation has
asked for bilateral contacts with the Angolan authorities and has
begun to try to link the presence of the Cuban internationalist
forces in the People's Republic of Angola to the negotiating process
for the independence of Namibia. This has always been firmly rejected
by the Government of Angola, in view of the absurdity of such a
linkage which, in fact, ill conceals the obsession or paranoia of the
United States Administration about the stationing of the Cuban
internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola.

197.	In view of the deadlock in the negotiations on the first
phase, because of the electoral system proposed by the contact group,
and since the presence of Cuban forces in the People's Republic of
Angola has become the subject of a slanderous and hostile campaign by
the United States Administration which is shamelessly seeking at all
costs to link that presence to the process of the independence of
Namibia-directly, or through the racist South African regime, which
has become its sounding board-as an additional means of preventing
the implementation of the resolutions which the United Nations has
already adopted, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the People's
Republic of Angola and of the Republic of Cuba, on behalf of their
respective Governments, prepared and signed a joint declaration on 4
February 1982, with which all the Members of this international body
are fully familiar.

198.	It is therefore fitting to recall that, at the end of the
month of August 1981, at a lunch offered to the foreign press
accredited in South Africa, and at the very moment when a large-scale
aggression was being perpetrated against the People's Republic of
Angola, the South African Prime Minister declared that the Cubans
represent no threat to South Africa and that South Africa does not
regard the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola as a prior condition
to the peaceful solution of the Namibian question.

199.	Nevertheless, it is surprising but significant that a certain
number of those who express their concern about the presence of the
Cuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola show
no such concern in respect of the illegal occupation for more than a
year of a part of the territory of Angola by the racist and Fascist
South African troops. What moral can be drawn from that?
200.	And yet, in the course of these last nine months, the South
African army has carried out 580 reconnaissance flights, 18 air
bombardments, 96 landings of troops from helicopters and several
sabotage and reprisal actions against the civilian population. The
Angolan armed forces have suffered 31 dead, 65 wounded and 38
missing, while the enemy forces have suffered 39 dead. Seven South
African aircraft and three helicopters have been shot down.

201.	Thus we believe that the following positions of principle
must be borne in mind.

202.	First, the joint Angolan-Cuban declaration states solemnly
and unambiguously that the intention is gradually to withdraw the
Cuban internationalist forces stationed on Angolan territory.

203.	Secondly, on 23 April 1976, a month after expelling the South
African troops, the Angolan and Cuban Governments agreed on a
programme progressively to reduce those forces and, in less than a
year, the Cuban military contingent was reduced by more than one
third. Towards the middle of 1979 the two Governments once again
decided to implement another programme for the gradual reduction of
the Cuban forces. Nevertheless, those two programmes had to be
suspended at a certain point because of the growing number and scope
of South African armed aggression against the provinces of Cunene and
Huila. It should be emphasized that the Angolan and Cuban Governments
spontaneously took the initiative to implement those programmes. Ho
Government -including that of the United States of America- and no
international organization dared to propose or demand that we do so.
How is one then to understand the sickly insistence of the United
States Administration on this subject and its inability to realize
that such an attitude is a gross and inadmissible interference in the
internal affairs of an independent and sovereign country?

204.	Thirdly, in that same joint declaration we stated that when
the Governments of Angola and Cuba so decide, the withdrawal of Cuban
forces stationed on Angolan territory will be carried out by a
sovereign decision of the Government of the People's Republic of
Angola when there is no further possibility of aggression or armed
invasion and, in that connection, the Government of Cuba reiterated
that it will unreservedly respect any decision taken by the sovereign
Government of the People's Republic of Angola concerning the
withdrawal of those forces. Once again we solemnly reaffirm before
the Assembly what our intentions are.

205.	Furthermore, in the course of these last three months,
American representatives in the contact group have been making a very
special effort to spread optimism about the results already achieved
in the negotiations that have been going on in New York since the
month of June. In fact that is a false and ill-intentioned optimism.
It is false, because the electoral system has not yet been defined,
the  final composition of the United Nations forces has not yet been
decided, and the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime,
which will constitute the essential point of departure for the
implementation of the United Nations plan, in accordance with
Security Council resolution 435 (1978), seem to us to be far from
being anticipated

or applied. It is ill-intentioned in that the American Administration
has started a manoeuvre to attribute to the People's Republic of
Angola responsibility for the delay of, or even for preventing, a
swift and adequate solution of the process of independence for
Namibia owing to the position of the Government of Angola regarding
linkage and the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. In
point of fact, this manoeuvre constitutes an escape hatch for those
who are or will be the ones really responsible for such a situation.

206.	Thus, since the position of the Government of Angola is a
legitimate one the heads of State and Government of the front-line
States meeting at Lusaka on 4 September 1982:

  ... noted with indignation that a new element has been introduced by
the United States of America in seeking to link the negotiations for
the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban forces from
Angora. In this respect, the Summit emphasized without any ambiguity
the importance of separating the decolonization process of Namibia
from the stationing of Cuban forces in Angola. The insistence on
maintaining this linkage is contrary to the spirit and the letter of
[Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) and can only hamper the
negotiating process. Furthermore, this insistence constitutes
interference in Angola's internal affairs. In this context, they
expressed their complete support for the Angolan position on the
question, which is clearly defined in the joint declaration of the
Governments of the People's Republic of Angola and of the Republic of
Cuba, of 4 February 1982. Accordingly, they rejected any attempt to
make the People's Republic of Angola responsible for any delay in the
prompt conclusion of the negotiations on the independence of Namibia.
They strongly condemned the aggression and invasion of Angola by
South African forces and demanded that the Pretoria regime cease all
acts of aggression and withdraw its troops from Angola.

207.	A similar position was taken during the Third Conference of
Heads of State of the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of
Cape Verde, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the People's Republic of
Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe,
which was held in the capital of Cape Verde on 21 and 22 September
1982.

208.	May I be allowed to remind the Assembly of the enormous
sacrifices which the heroic people of Angola has already made and the
extremely high price it is paying in thousands of lost human lives
and material damage amounting to more than $7.5 billion.

209.	I should like once again to remind the Assembly of the
proposal made at the thirty-first session by the Angolan Government
for consideration by the general  Assembly, that an international
fund for the national reconstruction of Angola be established,
amounting to approximately $300 million. It is sad to note that so
just a proposal has not received the least attention from this world
body, despite the fact that in its resolution 475 (1980) the Security
Council requested  Member States urgently to extend all necessary
assistance to the People's
Republic of Angola and the other front-line States,  and called for
'the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the
People's Republic of Angola for the damage to life ard property
resulting from these acts of aggression.  May we renew our hopes that
this bitter cry will be heard?

210. Everyone knows that in South Africa the internal situation is
progressively deteriorating as the conflicts within the hideous
regime and the ruling party grow worse, and the valiant fighters of
the African National Congress [ANC] steadfastly and heroically carry
out political and military; their efforts are recognized even by the
Pretoria regime, and this has led to an escalation of threats and
aggression, as well as an increasing use of mercenary forces and
bandit groups-trained, financed, organized and commanded by South
Africa-against the People's Republic of Mozambique. It has also led
to acts of aggression perpetrated against the Republics of Zimbabwe
and Zambia 2nd the Kingdom of Lesotho. All States Members of the
United Nations should firmly condemn these actions and should stand
in active solidarity with the ANC and the front-line States.

21L With regard to Western Sahara, we reiterate our unflinching
solidarity with the heroic Sahraoui people, which, under the
leadership of its sole authentic representative, the POLISARIO Front,
is victoriously pursuing its armed struggle against Moroccan
occupation to recover full independence and territorial integrity. We
welcome the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the
OAU, and we reiterate our conviction that there trust be direct
negotiations between the two conflicting parties in the search for a
political solution.

212.	With regard to the temporary difficulties now being
experienced by the OAU, we consider that any problems that might
affect us should be discussed by us alone, within our continental
organization, and without any interference from outside Africa, as
has been noted. The fact that the thirty-eighth ordinary session of
the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in February
1982, and the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State
and Government of the OAU, at Tripoli, held in August 1982, were
obstructed is a part of the strategy of American imperialism and some
of its allies aimed at subjugating or paralysing international bodies
which play an active role in the struggle for the political and
economic independence of peoples. We are absolutely convinced that
this momentary crisis will soon be overcome.

213.	We are deeply moved by the bloody events in Lebanon. The
brutal armed invasion carried out by the racist and fascist Tel Aviv
regime, with the full and shameful connivance of the United States
Administration and the inadmissible passivity of certain Arab States;
the genocide of Palestinians and Lebanese in west Beirut; and the
massacre, the carnage, at Sabra and Shatila: these can never be
forgotten, and call for our strongest condemnation and an appropriate
response in due course.

214.	We are firmly convinced that the Palestinian people and its
sole legitimate representative, the PLO, will resume the fight after
having, by their heroic resistance during the fierce battles of those
73 historic days, won the respect andadmiration of all those who
stand with the peoples struggling for their independence. We reaffirm
our unswerving solidarity with the Palestinian people and the PLO as
they carry on their struggle to recover their usurped homeland and to
establish an independent State there.

215.	After seven years of Indonesian military occupation, the
people of East Timor, under the leadership of its vanguard
organization and legitimate representative, the Frente Revolucionaria
de Timor Leste Independente, continues its heroic resistance, in
spite of the lack of solidarity on the part of some countries of the
non-aligned movement. Those countries should identify themselves with
the struggle of the people of East Timor, out of respect for the
fundamental principles of non-alignment.

216.	The inability of the Indonesian army to stamp out the armed
liberation struggle of the people of East Timor clearly shows that
people's rejection of integrate into or annexation by Indonesia of
its homeland. The 35,000 Indonesian soldiers present there, recourse
to helicopter-borne forces to try to destroy the fighting forces of
FRETILIN, which control 70 per cent of the national territory, the
terror and famine imposed on the people of East Timor -will all fail
to thwart the nationalist feelings of that people or its resolve to
fight. Yet more than 200,000 persons have been massacred by the
troops of a self-styled non-aligned country which never fought
against the former administering Power, Portugal, during the colonial
period.

217.	The Indonesian troops, and thus the Indonesian Government,
are today carrying out an appalling genocide, through physical
liquidation, cultural repression, deportation, and repopulation with
thousands of Javanese citizens. But there are the beginnings of
resistance in the Indonesian army against participating in operations
aimed at eliminating the patriots of East Timor. This is proved by
the recent refusal to act of two battalions, which are today isolated
on one of the islands of the country.

218.	It only needed Portugal to shirk its responsibilities towards
the people of East Timor by not proceeding to the transfer of power
to the FRETILIN leaders for Indonesia to invade and militarily occupy
part of East Timor and the outskirts of the capital, where its
military contingents had established themselves.

219.	Ever since the thirtieth session of the general Assembly the
Organization has been expressing deep concern over the situation
obtaining in East Timor as a result of the intervention of Indonesian
armed forces and has been requesting the Indonesian Government to
withdraw without delay its forces from the Territory in order to
enable the people of East Timor freely to exercise their right to
self-determination and independence, as provided in general Assembly
resolution 3485 (XXX). Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and
389 (1976) once again call on the Indonesian Government to withdraw
its forces from the Territory forthwith. Resolution 36/50, adopted at
the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, reaffirms the same
principles and makes the same requests. The Indonesian Government,
however, shows no sign of willingness to respect United Nations
decisions. It is therefore imperative that States Members of the
United Nations, in particular those which are members of the
non-aligned movement, do not endorse the brutal annexation of East
Timor to Indonesia, a country which does not even respect our
resolutions.

220.	Bearing in mind that the Government of Portugal seems to wish
to resume its responsibilities as the former administering Power in
order to bring the tragedy of the people of East Timor to the
attention of the international community, we wish to express
encouragement for the request of the Government of Portugal aimed at
satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Democratic
Republic of East Timor.

221.	With regard to developments in the situation in the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the People's Republic of
Kampuchea, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and in the
Republic of Cyprus, we reaffirm our active solidarity with those
peoples in their respective causes and our support for the positions
of their Governments in the quest for just and appropriate solutions.

222.	With regard to Latin America, we reaffirm our militant
solidarity with the Salvadorian people and with its legitimate
representatives, the Revolutionary Democratic Front and the Farabundo
Marti National Liberation Front in their just struggles against the
present regime in El Salvador, and we heartily welcome the victories
they have already won.

223.	We wish to reaffirm our solidarity with the Cuban people in
their revolution. We support their efforts to overcome the
consequences of the criminal economic boycott imposed by American
imperialism, in flagrant violation of human rights, and we denounce
the aggression and the threats against the Cuban people. We welcome
also the revolutionary process of the peoples of Nicaragua and
Grenada and their determination to face the serious threats that hang
over them. We also reaffirm our active solidarity with the Puerto
Rican people and denounce the imperialist manoeuvres which, by means
of despicable political and economic pressures, have prevented the
inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda.

224.	No one is unaware of the fact that the Security Council and
General Assembly as well as the OAU have already adopted several
resolutions on mercenarism, condemning the activities of mercenaries,
their recruitment and their use for the purpose of destabilizing
actions in underdeveloped countries, particularly on the African
continent. While it is true that a Convention for the Elimination of
Mercenarism in Africa has already been adopted by the OAU-and the
People's Republic of Angola, which has suffered and continues to
suffer the misdeeds of mercenaries, is proud of the important
contribution it made to that Convention-it is imperative, none the
less, for the General Assembly to adopt as soon as possible an
international convention prohibiting the recruitment, use, financing
and training of mercenaries and the provision of transit facilities
to them. Indeed, we hope that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of
an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing
and Training of Mercenaries, established under general  Assembly
resolution 35/48, will fulfil its mandate and that such a convention
with finally be adopted.

225.	Next month the Angolan people will celebrate the seventh
anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola,
under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo
dos Santos, President of the MPLA-Labour Party and President of the
Republic. Important results have already been achieved in
consolidating the Angolan revolutionary process, in setting up the
structures of the party, in strengthening national unity and defence
and in laying the foundations for a socialist society in the People's
Republic of Angola.

226.	Unfortunately, however, the Angolan Government has had to
devote most of its human and material resources to the defence of its
national sovereignty and territorial integrity, because of the
continuous acts of aggression by the racist and Fascist regime of
Pretoria. This has seriously affected the economic and social
development we had planned, but if we are to attain that paramount
goal the undeclared war against us must be brought to an end. We need
peace, and we dare to hope that that peace so fervently desired by
the Angolan people will be attained in the coming year.

227.	The struggle continues. Victory is certain.


Allow me, first of all, Sir, to convey to you, on behalf of the
Italian Government and on my own behalf, most sincere congratulations
on your election as President of the thirty- seventh session of the
General Assembly. We are pleased that this honour has been conferred
on the representative of a nation with such great traditions. Your
vast experience of the workings of the United Nations is a guarantee
of the successful performance of the delicate task entrusted to you.
102.	I should also like to express our sincere gratitude to your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who fulfilled the mandate entrusted to him
by the General Assembly last year at a particularly challenging time
for the Organization with great dedication and skill.
The deep appreciation of the Italian Government, and my own
appreciation, also goes to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de
Cuellar, who, in nine months since he took office, has so completely
fulfilled the hopes placed in him. A worthy representative of the
illustrious Latin American legal tradition, and particularly the
Peruvian school of international law, he has tackled the difficulties
which the Organization has had to overcome in this period of his term
of office with wisdom, equanimity and, above all, a keen sense of
justice. In his search for the road to peace, in his indefatigable
championing of negotiated solutions and in his firm defence of the
principles of the Charter, the Secretary-General has had and will
continue to have the full support of the Italian Government.
103.	The international situation during the past year has been
growing steadily worse: hotbeds of tension, sometimes turning into
violent struggles and wars -with immense losses of human life and
acute suffering-have, in fact, constituted threats to the peace and
security of the world.
104.	The United Nations is all too often faced with serious
restraints. Even in its most committed actions, it seems unable to
fulfil the expectation that it should not only be the forum of major
international debates but also the institution capable of acting
effectively to prevent or to extinguish conflicts. This must not
discourage us. It is the specific duty of us all-in taking note of
this disquieting reality-to analyse in depth, with proper realism,
the causes of these limitations, and to give careful but dynamic
consideration to the most effective means of enhancing the role of
the Organization which, in an international situation characterized
by an increase in hotbeds of war, is finding it hard to promote a
more equitable international order and is often powerless to prevent
violations of the peoples' sovereignty, of freedoms and of human
rights.
105.	In suggesting this I am fully mindful of the recent detailed
report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. The
ideas underlying this report naturally elicit a deeply felt and
positive response from my country.
106.	In fact, we share, on the whole, the perceptive evaluations
he has made of the causes most frequently responsible for the limited
effectiveness of United Nations action. In particular the slow
recourse of Member States to the mechanisms provided for in the
Charter and the failure to adapt national policies to the specific
provisions of the resolutions adopted, especially those adopted
unanimously, are in our opinion most often and most directly
responsible for the failure of United Nations action.
107.	Even though it was signed 37 years ago, the Charter still
provides means for prompt and effective action in order both to
prevent international crises from arising-before situations have
crystallized, sometimes irreversibly-and to ensure the rapid return
to a state of normalcy in the areas concerned.
108.	It is therefore not outside but fully within the Charter that
the study I just mentioned would seek ways of restoring active
vitality and decisive effectiveness to the Organization. Such a
conscientious analysis could, in our opinion, give rise to a more
binding system of collective security, the most solid foundations of
which would be constituted by greater understanding among Member
States in general and, in particular, those with seats on the
Security Council.
109.	In fact, only the United Nations, constituted and
consolidated around an ethical and normative system of peaceful and
civilized international coexistence, can point out the difficult but
necessary course, not based on the mere reality of the balance of
forces but guaranteed by the rule of law and by considerations of
justice. It is to this goal that our common efforts must be directed,
benefiting from the growing maturity of conscience evident on all
sides, and not forgetting that the initial and the most concrete
means of expressing our will for peace is constituted by a balanced
reduction of nuclear and conventional armaments.
110.	Italy is convinced that the way to peace is to be found
primarily through development. Hence the need to allow each country
to pursue the development course best suited to its own requirements,
while respecting its own traditions, and to participate adequately in
the global world process of production and distribution of goods.
111.	The recent Toronto meetings marked a positive stage within
the framework of the North-South dialogue. My country, together with
other members of the European Community, has made a concrete effort
to solve the problem of financing the sixth replenishment of the
International Development Association (IDA) and thus to guarantee
adequate aid flows. The understanding concerning the start of
negotiations for the further financing of the seventh replenishment
of IDA also constitutes a major advance. The problem of the Eight
General Review of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] Quotas, even
if not finally resolved at Toronto, now appears in a more favourable
light as a result of the agreements reached there on the
consideration of increased quotas, which we favour.
112.	But solution of these and other problems regarding relations
between industrialized and emerging countries requires a more
rational and adequate negotiating framework. That is why we remain
convinced of the urgent need to initiate the global negotiating
process. The important developments of the last few months, as
reflected in the submission of the draft resolution by the developing
countries and in the results of the June Versailles Economic Summit,
should induce us to take the present opportunity to reach an
agreement. More important than the excessive refinement of the text
of a resolution is the setting in motion of a negotiating mechanism
and to begin, together, the global study of North-South relations
with a view to their improvement and development.
113.	On the basis of these assumptions, as well as for other
idealistic and humanitarian reasons, my country has decided to make a
particular effort in appropriating, for the three-year period
1981-1983, some $4 billion for development co-operation,
notwithstanding the considerable economic difficulties which we, too,
are facing.
In this context ample priority will be given by Italy to assistance
to the less developed countries, particularly in the agro-industrial
sector. In April of this year a high-level technical meeting was held
in Rome, in preparation for a subsequent meeting at the political
level, to discuss in depth the problems of hunger m the world. That
meeting showed that there was broad agreement on the most suitable
and effective, as well as the most modem, means of action to combat
that scourge. The purpose of this initiative launched by Italy at the
Ottawa Economic Summit meeting of industrialized countries in July
1981 was to promote a set of joint initiatives while broader
discussions would develop in the framework of global negotiations.
118.	I would also recall that my country has reached agreement
with UNICEF and WHO on a five-year programme, 1982 to 1986, involving
$100 million that will help to reduce infant mortality in 15
developing countries.
119.	I should also like to mention the outline agreement signed in
Washington with the World Bank, whereby the Italian Government will
make available to that institution-inaddition to the regular
contributions already made by Italy-a sum of approximately $400
million in assistance loans and grants over a three-year period.
120.	The last specific action, in chronological order, by Italy is
the initiative, in collaboration with FAO, to alleviate the food
problem in eight countries of the Sahel. Altogether this programme
will cost $500 million, to be provided entirely by my country, over a
period of five to seven years.
121.	With these initiatives Italy intends to carry out, in the
immediate future, an even more organic policy of co-operation, in
collaboration with United Nations agencies and programmes, based on a
realistic and effective strategy for action that will directly and
fully involve the developing countries themselves as partners.
South-South relations, in which we see the prospect of concrete and
substantial developments in the years to come, should also be
encouraged.

122.	Italy will continue to provide financial support for the
growth of the developing countries with a view to attaining even
before the end of the decade the goal of assigning 0.7 per cent of
the gross national product to development, in accordance with the
International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade.

123.	The creation of a better international order presupposes the
commitment of all States-whatever political-institutional pattern
they follow, in keeping with their respective needs and traditions-to
respect human rights, which represent the highest value that our
society is required to protect.

124.	These are the beliefs of Italy, a nation that can speak in
the name of its ancient traditions as well as its active and highly
dedicated present. It has known 3,000 years of history, difficulties,
disputes and wars, but in the Mediterranean region, from which I
come, in the course of encounters and, admittedly, clashes between
different civilizations originating in three great continents, there
has been growing consideration for the values of the human being, his
rights and his freedom everywhere in the world, and we are proud of
that fact.

125.	However, it is in this very area of age-old civilization that
in the last few weeks human rights have been totally ignored and
trampled underfoot. The images of the tragic events in Lebanon are
still vividly and horrifyingly impressed on our minds. Following the
assassination of President-elect Bashir Gemayel and the entry of
Israeli troops into west Beirut, in flagrant violation of Israel's
commitments, there was a tragic increase in violence. In connection
with the Sabra and Shatila camps one of the most bitter pages in
recent history was written. It revolts the conscience of the world
and it arouses feelings of indignation and the strongest condemnation
against those directly and indirectly responsible for the slaughter,
as well as feelings of pity for the innocent and helpless victims.
This is a lesson which should induce everyone to reflect on the
inhuman and monstrous consequences which await those who repeatedly
take the path of violence.

126.	Since in too many areas there is still a disturbing
discrepancy between theoretical affirmation of principles and their
concrete application in regard to human rights, Italy deems it
essential that the United Nations be enabled to have a more direct
and incisive impact on the work of verifying effective respect for
such principles. The lack of a suitable and prompt response to the
intolerable defiance inherent in the persistence, and indeed the
spread, of flagrant and serious violations in many countries is
highly damaging to the prestige of the United Nations.

127.	We certainly do not consider that an organizational
adjustment is an adequate response to one of the most serious
problems of our time, the solution of which depends on the ever
increasing maturity of our common sensitivity and on the courage,
never clouded by opportunism, to denounce any violation of human
rights.

128.	On East-West relations, Italy continues to pursue a firm,
responsible policy and is therefore always ready to take part in a
constructive dialogue. Detente must be preserved and indeed given a
new impetus. Italy is convinced that there is no alternative;
therefore, wherever possible, it works with the utmost commitment for
the fruitful resumption of the process of detente. Sometimes more
recent and very serious events may make us forget or may divert our
attention from the events which have most affected the increase in
tension between East and West and are decisive elements in the
disquieting international situation facing us today.

129.	In view of its gravity, the Afghan problem must continue to
be a focal point of our debate at the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly and for United Nations action in general. Three
years have now elapsed since the Soviet invasion, but the resistance
of the proud Afghan people to a regime imposed from outside is
stronger than ever. The tragic odyssey of those long-suffering
people, great numbers of whom have been forced to leave their
homeland and seek refuge in neighbouring countries, troubles us
profoundly. We have to note with deep regret that there has still
been no response to the appeals and the constructive proposals made
by the General Assembly, the non-aligned movement, the countries of
the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the countries of the
European Community with a view to the restitution of the right of the
Afghan people to self-determination and the re-establishment of that
country's traditional status as a an independent, neutral and
non-aligned State. Therefore we fully support continued pursuit of
the Secretary-General's initiative concerning tripartite negotiations
in Geneva.

130.	The Polish problem, not only because it is being enacted only
a few hundred kilometres from our borders but also because it
involves our culture, affects us directly as Italians and Europeans
concerned with the construction of an open Europe committed to human
rights, peace and progress. The Italian Government and Italian public
opinion is deeply concerned about the drama of the Polish nation,
whose courageous search for valid and autonomous forms of renewal has
been violently interrupted.

131.	Unfortunately even the most recent events confirm that there
has been no significant development in that area, which is still the
scene of a series of challenges to the Polish people's aspiration to
freedom, ranging from the persistence of martial law to arbitrary
arrests, and contacts between the Government and the bodies most
representative of the people have not been resumed. Only a resumption
of dialogue and the participation of all the vital forces of the
nation can give the support of a consensus to economic revival and
social peace.

132.	But the situation in Poland is not the only obstacle to the
process of detente, the momentum of which unfortunately diminished
following the signing of the Final Act of Helsinki. Serious blows
have been struck at the foundations of world peace by changes in the
balance of forces to the advantage of the East. These balances must
be restored. That is the firm resolve of my Government. Italy is
ready in this context to make its full contribution to the study and
solution of the problems deriving, above all, from the accumulation
of all kinds of armaments, often in excess of any reasonable or
legitimate national security need. In that spirit and in expectation
of general and complete disarmament under strict international
control, my country participated with hope and commitment in the
second special session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament. We are not taking a sceptical view of that session. We
merely say that efforts should be continued and intensified.

133.	In this connection, I should like to confirm that my country
considers that the solution must be sought in the direction of the
zero option, with the aim of ensuring the total elimination by both
the Soviet Union and the United States of the lethal and
destabilizing medium-range missile systems. Also, as regards the
strategic arms reduction talks, Italy is determined to make its own
contribution both in the framework of Atlantic consultations and
through appropriate bilateral channels with the two Powers involved.

134.	While recognizing the objective difficulties in arriving in
the near future at a verifiable treaty on the comprehensive
prohibition of nuclear tests, I confirm that my country attaches
paramount importance to that objective. However, we must not neglect
the very serious issue of chemical weapons. Italy is also committed
to progress in negotiations on the subject of conventional weapons,
particularly as regards initiatives aimed at limiting and reducing
international transfers of that type of weapon.

135.	The crisis in the process of detente unfortunately had
negative repercussions on the follow-up meeting to the Conference on
Security and Co-operation in Europe, held in Madrid, which after
three postponements was approaching a positive outcome. Our concern
for safeguarding the process of that Conference, because of its
world-wide as well as European importance, led us to agree to a
further postponement until the beginning of November, which is now
close. We hope that the General Assembly will encourage the European
countries to create, in keeping with the provisions of the Final Act
of Helsinki, the necessary conditions for the proceedings to be
resumed and to move towards a positive conclusion.

136.	Unfortunately, the persistence and aggravation of focal
points of tension in many parts of the world inevitably cause serious
apprehension among the entire international community. The Minister
for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, in his capacity as current President
of the European Community, expressed here, at the 8th meeting, the
anxiety which we all feel over the world situation and identified and
commented in depth and with lucidity on those international problems
which, because of their gravity, must be brought to the attention of
the Assembly.

137.	I am thinking first of all of the Middle East, an area of
traditional and direct responsibility for my country, situated as it
is in the centre of the Mediterranean region. A moral and political
judgement on the recent tragic events in Lebanon is not enough. There
must be concrete action if this vicious circle is to be broken. Aware
of this fact, Italy made direct efforts with a view to the adoption
by the United Nations of measures to deal urgently with that
situation. A first important step was the strengthening of the United
Nations observer contingent, decided upon by the Security Council in
its resolution 521 (1982).

138.	In view of the gravity and urgency of the situation and
bearing in mind the fact that the consultations held by the
Secretary-General had shown that it would be difficult to reach
agreement quickly on the deployment of an international force, and
also in response to appeals received, Italy decided to take the
initiative in ensuring the speedy reconstitution, together with the
United States and France, of the multinational force for Beirut,
which will act with United Nations observers upon the formal request
of the Lebanese Government and in conformity with the objectives of
resolution 521 (1982).

139.	Following wing the most dramatic phase of the crisis, it will
be necessary to proceed rapidly to the complete withdrawal of Israeli
troops and all other foreign forces stationed in Lebanon against the
wishes of the lawful authorities of the country, so that the Lebanese
Government can exercise its authority fully over the entire national
territory. Only thus will Lebanon be able once more to become an
element of stability in the region.

140.	We must, however, never lose sight of the comprehensive peace
settlement that we have long advocated, both on behalf of Italy and
in the context of the European approach to the problems of the Middle
East, as the sole solution capable of bringing lasting stability to
the entire region. This can be achieved only by seeking an equitable
solution to the long-standing Arab-Israeli conflict, giving equal
weight to Israel's right to be recognized and accepted by its neighbours
and to exist within secure and guaranteed boundaries and to the right
of the Palestinians to see the fulfilment of their national
aspirations. We are thus more convinced than ever of the need to
facilitate a start to negotiations that can involve all the leading
protagonists in the Middle East conflict. It is particularly
necessary that the Israelis and Palestinians should be able to move
beyond the logic of confrontation and violence and become aware of
the existing realities in the area as a prerequisite for reciprocal
recognition, even if it is conditional.

141.	Italy looks with interest and appreciation to the
possibilities of a breakthrough and the important pronouncements in
the recent statements made by the President of the United States,
which contain more specific details regarding a solution to the
Palestinian problem and give greater prominence to that problem in
the general context of the Middle East question.

142.	The leaders of the Arab countries, meeting at Fez a few days
ago, on the commendable initiative of the King of Morocco, put
forward interesting new ideas based on the Fahd plan, ideas which we
appreciate and which suggest a high degree of restored unity in the
Arab world based on positions which are not extreme but in fact show
a trend towards a certain negotiating flexibility.

143.	It must be noted that in the Arab world, Egypt -even at the
cost of isolation-has set a good example, which certainly gives it a
prominent role in those developments. I should like also to mention
the contribution made by Jordan to this greater search for negotiated
solutions.

144.	Recent statements by the leadership of the PLO -which, in
Italy's view, continues to be a key factor in future peace
negotiations-statements endorsed by Arafat himself at a meeting I had
with him some days ago in Rome, show signs of an increased awareness
on the Palestinian side. We hope that this development in the
Palestinian position, which we have duly noted, will be further
consolidated so that in the occupied territories it will be possible
to make progress towards the establishment of a Palestinian homeland
through the exercise of a free choice by the Palestinians of their
own destiny made in full awareness of the realities of the area and
the importance of gradualism. This means abandoning any attempt to
dispute Israel's existence or to threaten its security. We are
convinced that the time has come for Israel also to show
determination to enter a new phase of negotiations and peaceful
settlement, rejecting the alternatives of confrontation and military
action.

145.	Italy views also with great apprehension the continuation of
the tragic and disastrous conflict between Iraq and Iran. We are
aware of the appalling suffering and destruction which the war has
brought to the two warring countries and we intend to act in all
suitable forums in an endeavour to expedite a peaceful solution to
the conflict, in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the
Security Council and in line with the statement issued by the 10
members of the European Community on 24 May 1982.

146.	Close to the area of the Middle East, in the Near East, there
is another crisis-in Cyprus, more limited but for us Mediterraneans a
source of serious concern. On 2 July 1982 I visited that island in
order to contribute to a speedy solution to the Cyprus problem. That
visit afforded a useful opportunity for closer study of the
individual aspects of this question with a view to ascertaining what
concrete openings could be discerned in the long-standing
intercommunal talks. It also provided an opportunity to reiterate
Italy's readiness to assist the Secretary-General and his
representative in Nicosia in their difficult task of mediation in the
negotiations between the two Cypriot communities; their dialogue is
useful in itself because it serves to release much tension. The
positive change in climate in Greek-Turkish relations could also
facilitate rapprochement in the positions of the two sides in Cyprus.

147.	Also in connection with the efforts made to create suitable
conditions in the Mediterranean for peaceful and profitable
collaboration between all the coastal States, we should mention the
interest with which the Italian Government views Malta and the
consolidation of its position as a neutral nation, whose development
along lines of genuine non-alignment we welcome and sincerely
encourage.

148.	There is another region, the Horn of Africa, with which my
country has strong ties and which unfortunately has not yet overcome
the serious crisis affecting it. Our commitment to the development of
these peoples, both bilateral and multilateral, is growing and in
fact we feel that such development is the basic problem to surmount.
We feel also that, in a spirit of mutual respect and consideration
for the principles established by the Organization of African Unity
[(241/], collaboration and negotiation constitute the means for
overcoming the present crisis in the Horn of Africa. However, in
recent months we have seen a further violation of frontiers-this time
to the detriment of Somalia-which is most worrying and which still
persists. Everyone must shoulder his responsibilities and an end must
be put to those acts of war.

149.	To the south on the African continent, despite South African
military initiatives in Angola, which we firmly condemn, efforts to
pave the way for Namibia's independence as provided for by the United
Nations have advanced considerably, although too slowly since 1982 is
almost at its end and that goal has not yet been attained. We hope
that the necessary trust between the parties will grow during this
final stage and serve, among other things, to protect southern Africa
from the impact of world tension.

150.	The region of the South Atlantic has also been troubled by a
serious armed conflict in recent months. Ever since the outbreak of
the Anglo-Argentine crisis in the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), Italy
has actively endeavoured to avoid any deterioration of that
situation-or at any rate to limit its negative consequences- in close
contact with the Governments of the members of the European
Community, with the United States and with many Latin American
countries, which have similarly attempted to divert the crisis
towards a peaceful solution.

151.	I recently visited Latin America in the hope that, while
taking account of my country's position in the course of the
conflict, Italy or I myself could help to restore, in the common
interest relations between South America and the European Community.
It is our firm belief that relations, co-operation and understanding
between the countries of Europe and Latin America, which are linked
by common ties of culture, language and civilization, are essential
for world equilibrium.

152.	With regard to the specific problem of the Falkland Islands
(Malvinas), Italy's position has been to condemn the act of
aggression; it has been and remains in favour of a resumption of the
dialogue between London and Buenos Aires, naturally without any
pre-conditions concerning the subject under dispute, within the
framework of the United Nations and with the possibility of recourse
to the good offices of the Secretary-General.

153.	Another region of the world of concern to our country is
Central America, where, to the local causes of the crisis-found in
the age-old but currently unacceptable conditions of cultural,
social, political and economic deprivation in which the people are
living-have been added recently, following inadmissible foreign
interference, the consequences of East-West rivalry.

154.	For our part, we believe that every effort should be made to
take the uphill path to peace and, consequently, we are in favour of
multilateral and bilateral initiatives in this direction, as well as
of the assistance programmes thus far implemented to help the
countries of the region, to which we hope that the European Community
can also contribute.

155.	With regard to Asia, the situation in Kampuchea, another
independent and non-aligned country that has fallen victim to
military occupation, continues to interfere with the development of
relations among Asian peoples. My Government considers that the
solution of this crisis must be based on the emergence of a
sovereign, independent and neutral Kampuchea with a politically
representative Government free from any military presence.

156.	Also in the context of Asia, I should also like to recall
that, unfortunately, the Korean question remains unresolved. The
Italian Government would welcome the initiation of a dialogue between
the two States aimed at arriving at an agreement guaranteeing
peaceful coexistence with a view to the reunification of the
peninsula.

157.	The peoples consider that the United Nations should
eventually become the parliament of concord, peace and co-operation.
That is a most noble undertaking, but certainly a very difficult one.
We, the States Members of the United Nations, wiser through the
painful experiences of our past, which dictate prudent farsightedness
and a responsible imagination on our part, must not dash their hopes.

158.	I have already indicated that the current panorama of
international society is very far from reflecting the great ideals of
the San Francisco Charter and that the way in which the machinery it
provided is being used is far from satisfactory. My country is
convinced that, apart from other ways and means we should explore to
remedy that situation, we can take a significant step forward through
more intensive action in the main geographical areas, where it is
possible to confront problems and relax tensions in the light of the
Charter, but also within the framework of common historical
traditions and common economic and social realities.

159.	It is on the basis of this conviction that Italy, along with
the nine other countries of Western Europe, is committed to the
construction of a great economic and political community ready to
collaborate with all peoples and capable of being an important factor
for balance and progress in the international society-a community
that wishes to participate fully in the universal dialogue for which
the present forum is the United Nations.

160.	With the immediate prospect of new Members, of ever-closer
and interlocking ties between the countries of the Community and of
the strengthening of those ties already existing between them and
groups of countries of other continents, as exemplified by the Lome
Convention, we see how fundamentally important integration effort of
our peoples is to the realization of those higher ideals enshrined in
the principles of the Charter.

161.	Despite the difficulties it encountered, and precisely
because of its inherent evolutionary potential, the European
Community has during the past 25 years succeeded in giving fuller
expression on the old continent and throughout the world to the
profound sense of equality, freedom and justice of the Europeans and
to their desire for a constant constructive dialogue with all
peoples. This opening on the world is the comer-stone of the
Community's international action.

162.	For those reasons, we view with great satisfaction and
interest the parallel development in other major areas in various
continents of organizations which deal at the regional level with
difficult and often contentious international questions, and which
are united in their assessments and decisions by an awareness of
shared common interests.

163.	Action based on peace, justice and the well-being of peoples
which is harmonized at the regional level always has its natural and
preferred epicentre in the United Nations. The time is ripe for the
development of active solidarity capable of enabling the United
Nations to work effectively to translate the progress of the times
into human terms and to organize properly the vast new potential of
civilization and technology.


Allow me at the outset to express on behalf of
the delegation of the United Arab Emirates our
warmest congratulations to Mr, Hollai on his
election to the presidency of the current session
of the General Assembly. I am confident that his
long experience in the field of international
relations will be a positive factor in directing
our deliberations and work towards the goals we
have gathered here to achieve. I should also like
to express our greatest appreciation for the
tireless efforts of his predecessor, Mr. Kittani,
to reconcile various points of view and to search
for satisfactory solutions to numerous problems
brought before the Assembly at the previous
session and the special and emergency sessions. I
further wish to express my deep gratitude to the
Secretary-General for his continued efforts to
strengthen the foundations and principles on
which the United Nations was established. I
appreciate his sound analysis of the obstacles
facing the United Nations, along with his serious
attempt to strengthen the ability of the
Organization to perform its tasks as well as to
solve international problems.
55.	The Secretary-General has pointed out in
his report on the work of the Organization the
difficulties that the United Nations is facing in
playing its role effectively and decisively,
particularly with regard to the maintenance of
international peace and security, since it
represents an ideal forum in the conduct of
negotiations for peaceful settlement of
international disputes. In this connection, I
fully agree with the unequivocal reference in the
report that for our most urgent goal is to
reconstruct the Charter concept of collective
action for peace and security so as to render the
United Nations more capable of carrying out its
primary function. It is incumbent upon all
Government to commit themselves to that sound
approach, without which the logic of force will
prevail and States, especially the smaller ones,
will consequently be exposed to only dangers that
threaten their security, safety and territorial
integrity. This situation is not a myth; rather,
it is a fact and it is sharply and tragically
represented in the area of the Middle East,
specifically in a Lebanon in agony.
56.	The events in Lebanon have underscored
the fact that the method of force and fait
accomplis to which Israel resorts cannot achieve
security and stability. The question of Palestine
stands clearly before the international community
in spite of the attempts by the Tel Aviv leaders
to emasculate it with their military machine.
Obviously the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the
continued Israeli occupation of Lebanese
territory both reflect the quagmire into which
Israel's employment of its military might to
cover up its political failure and international
isolation have led it.
57. The United Arab Emirates, as a peace-loving
Arab State, expresses its revulsion at and strong
condemnation of the ugly massacre perpetrated
against the Palestinians at the Sabra and Shatila
camps by the Zionist occupation forces. It
appeals to all Member States, and especially to
the great Powers, to take serious action to stop
Israeli aggression against the Lebanese and
Palestinian peoples and to work for the immediate
and international withdrawal of the Israeli
forces of aggression from all Lebanese territory,
M order to preserve Lebanon's independence and
territorial integrity and accordance with
resolutions of the Security Council and other
international bodies.
58. In this connection, I cannot fail to stress
the responsibility of the United States of
America as a sponsor of and partner in the
conclusion of the agreement that led to the
evacuation of the Palestinian fighters from
Beirut and the guaranteed the safety of the
Palestinian in the refugee camps as well as the
civilian potation of West Beirut. Any reliance
on the part of the United State, of America would
constitute a violation of Us political,
contractual and moral obligations. We ask the
United States to do its utmost, based on its
obligations in this regard, to prevent the
recurrence of crimes such as those committed in
Lebanon, crimes unprecedented in contemporary to
force Israel to withdraw unconfidently from
Lebanese territory.
59.	The PLO emergence from an unequal war
victorious in its perseverance, flexibility and
ability to negotiate from a position of right and
its responsiveness to international resolutions
demonstrate its desire to reach a just and
peaceful solution unlike Israel, which has proved
that it is an aggressive entity that does not
respect international resolutions, norms or
rules. The PLO emerged from the conflict more
determined than ever to restore the legitimate
rights of the Palestinian people, despite the
Israeli illusion that its war in Lebanon would
destroy the Palestinian people and hence the
Palestinian cause.
60.	The shameful Israeli policies and
practices reflected in its flagrant defiance of
United Nations resolutions and its use of armed
violence to attain illegal goals call for the
reconsideration of its membership in the United
Nations. Israel has unequivocally demonstrated,
by the heinous massacre it committed in Lebanon
and by its continued inhuman and illegal
practices in the occupied Arab territories, that
it is a Member that is neither able nor willing
to carry out its elementary obligations of
membership under the Charter. Its membership in
the United Nations and all other international
organizations should therefore be reconsidered.
61.	President Reagan's initiative for peace
in the Middle East represents progress in the
American position, however, we hope that this
position can evolve positively towards the
recognition of the rights of the Palestinian
people and their legitimate representative, the
PLO, so that the Palestinian people may exercise
their national rights to self-determination and
the establishment of an independent State. In
order to attain this objective, which is based on
the noble purposes and principles enshrined in
the Charter, I urge the United States Government
to reconsider its military and political support
of Israel. Recent events have confirmed that such
support is the backbone of Israel's arrogance,
intransigence, continued aggression against the
Arab people, especially the Palestinian and
Lebanese peoples, and rejection of all peace
initiatives.
62.	My delegation reaffirms that the just
solution of  Middle East problem lies in
solving the Palestinian question on the basis of
the following principles; first, complete and
unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all the
occupied Arab territories, including Holy
Jerusalem; secondly, enabling Palestinian people
to exercise their inalienable rights, including
their right to return to their homeland, to
self-determination, to national independence and
to full sovereignty through the establishment of
an independent State on their national soil and,
thirdly, participation on an equal footing of the
PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people, in any endeavors, efforts or
conferences to settle this question. The
conclusions reached at the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference underscore the principles that
determine the just and comprehensive framework
for the solution of the Palestinian question.
63.	Israel's rejection of the proposed
options, whether advanced by the Arabs or by
others, is nothing more than blackmail and an
attempt to influence the current trend of
international thinking. The comprehensive Arab
peace plan, which is based on international
legitimacy, forces the world to face its
imperative responsibilities for attaining a just
peace in the region. The plan does not address
itself to any particular international party;
rather, it addresses all peace-loving parties by
assigning a highly important role to the
Organization and to the members of the Security
Council in supervising the guarantees for peace.
64.	My country is concerned about the war
between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran
that broke out over two years ago and that is
draining the human, military and economic
resources of both countries. Moreover, that war
threatens the security and stability of the Gulf
region, which is of world-wide strategic and
economic importance. The continuation of this war
does not serve the interest of either country or
of the international community. In this
connection, my country commends the concrete
response of Iraq with regard to ending the war in
the interest of both countries and of the region
as well, and particularly the withdrawal of its
forces to the international borders. That
initiative won the appreciation of the
international community as a step towards rapidly
ending the conflict. We also commend the efforts
made by the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, by the Organization of the Islamic
Conference and by the non-aligned movement, as
well as all the other international efforts made
to restore peace and work for conciliation
between those two Moslem countries and to
establish new foundations for relations between
them on the basis of peace, good-neighborliness
and mutual respect, which are conducive to the
welfare and safety of the region. We hope that
Iran will respond to these initiatives designed
to end the bloodshed and achieve peace in the
region.
65.	In recent decades the Indian Ocean region
has been a centre of rivalry among the great
Powers bent on establishing spheres of influence;
that is due to its economic and strategic
importance. As a State which is adjacent to that
ocean we are deeply concerned about the continued
escalation of tension in the area. We support
General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), the
Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of
Peace. In that regard, we cannot but express o r
regret that the attitude of some States has led
to the postponement of the international
conference which had been scheduled to be
convened :n Sri Lanka in 1981 for the purpose of
adopting the measures necessary for the
implementation, particularly by the
super-Powers, of that Declaration
66.	The continued presence of foreign forces
in Afghanistan, despite the numerous appeals made
by the United Nations and other organizations for
the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces, is
preventing the Afghan people from choosing its
Government by means of free elections: a choice
which it must be able to make without the least
foreign interference.
67.	That military presence jeopardizes the
independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of that country as a non-aligned State.
The Government of my country has repeatedly
condemned the foreign intervention in Afghanistan
as a flagrant violation of the Charter and as an
act of aggression against human rights and the
freedom of peoples. We affirm that there should
be a comprehensive political solution based on
full respect for Afghanistan's independence,
sovereignty, territorial integrity and
non-aligned status.
68.	With regard to Cyprus, it seems to us
that the holding of negotiations between the two
communities constitutes one of the fundamental
conditions for reaching a just settlement of the
crisis which that State is experiencing. In this
connection, the United Nations should continue,
through the Secretary- General, its efforts to
help the two c <n unities reach some
understanding and to provide conditions which
would be conducive to the restoration of peace.
69.	Since its inception, the United Nations
has worked to secure respect of the right of all
peoples to self-determination and independence in
accordance with their hopes, aspirations and
interests. Although most peoples of the world
have gained their independence, some Territories
are still under colonial domination, notably in
southern Africa, where the Government of South
Africa persists in its racist policy
notwithstanding the international condemna-tion
of that policy as a crime against humanity. The
denial to the people of South Africa of the
ability to exercise their fundamental right of
self-determination constitutes a violation of
the most important principles of the Charter and
of United Nations resolutions, as well as a grave
challenge to the international community.
70.	The continued economic, military and
political co-operation which that racialist
regime receives from certain States Members of
the United Nations is what encourages it in its
intransigence. My Government considers Security
Council resolution 435 (1978) to be the soundest
framework for the resolution of the question of
Namibia. It reaffirms the basic responsibility
towards that Territory which the United Nations
has held since the termination of the South
African Mandate in 1966. The Security Council
should impose sanctions on South Africa and adopt
the necessary measures envisaged in Chapter VII
of the Charter.
71.	My delegation affirms its support for the
legitimate struggle waged by the South West
Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] for
self-determination and independence for the
Namibian people. It strongly condemns the
repeated acts of aggression carried out by South
Africa against neighbouring States.
72.	The deterioration of the climate of
confidence in international relations has led to
the continuation of the arms race, which
constitutes a serious threat to the whole human
race. Despite the declaration of the First
Disarmament Decade, and the Programme of Action
adopted by the tenth special session of the
General Assembly, the first devoted to
disarmament, little progress has been made in
this field because of the absence of political
will on the part of the big Powers. The failure
of the recent disarmament session is clear
evidence of that fact.
73.	We believe the , while disarmament may be
the concern of all States, the responsibility for
halting the arms race falls primarily on the
shoulders of the big Powers, which are the ones
producing nuclear and other weapons of mass
destruction. The declarations by the United
Nations of nuclear-free zones represent a
significant contribution to the creation of a
climate of peace and security in the world. The
possession of nuclear weapons by States which do
not respect the norms of international behavior
and the provisions of international conventions,
and which violate the United Nations resolutions,
truly constitutes a serious threat to
international peace and security. General and
complete disarmament under international control
remains a prerequisite for a general atmosphere
of confidence, for reducing the dangers of
tension in the world, and for the removal of the
obstacles to channeling huge material resources
into economic and social development, for the
purpose of attaining prosperity and better living
conditions for all mankind.
74.	The results achieved at the Third United
Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea during
its last session held in April at United Nations
Headquarters here in New York, namely, the
approval by the overwhelming majority of the
States of the world of the consolidated text of
the Convention on the Law of the Sea/ which sets
forth a comprehensive legal system for the
peaceful exploitation of the seas for various
purposes, especially maritime and economic
onesówas the product of a comprehensive
compromise which harmonized differing interests
and points of view in the light of the principle
of the for common heritage of mankind ' adopted
by the United Nations many years ago. The success
attained may be attributed to the United Nations,
which endorsed the call to hold the Conference:
to the Secretary-General, who sponsored it
throughout its many sessions over several years;
and to effective participation in the Conference,
particularly by the Group of 77, which exerted
commendable efforts in favor of conciliation.
75.	Noting with deep concern the extent of
the deterioration of the world economy, my
country considers that it is necessary to
reconsider the existing international economic
order so as to make it more just and equitable,
in the interest of humanity. The world economy is
still confronted with problems regarding economic
growth, international trade, and the continuing
rise in the rates of inflation and unemployment.
Therefore, international co-operation should be
strengthened and arduous efforts should be
exerted to cope with this deteriorating situation
which threatens not only the developing
countries, but also the economies of the
industrialized States, since the world has become
closely interdependent in the various political,
economic and social fields. The inter-related
nature of the world's economic problems calls
for total rather than partial solutions. The
industrialized States should be aware of this
fact and should effectively contribute to
reforming the current world financial and
economic order. They should also favorably
consider the proposals made by the developing
countries, which hope for a further positive
contribution to the development of their
economies, which suffer from continued recession,
stagnation and balance-of-payments deficits.
Co-operation among developing countries in
solving these problems should be considered as a
supplement rather than an alternative to
co-operation between the North and the South. It
does not relieve the industrialized States of
their responsibilities and duties towards the
developing countries. Such responsibilities
require that the industrialized States adjust the
policies currently controlling commodity and
service markets, with a view to presenting
long-term solutions which give special attention
to strengthening food security.
76.	As a third world country, the United Arab
Emirates requires various resources to develop
its economy and to provide for the welfare of its
people, yet it plays a concrete role in extending
assistance to other third world countries through
the financial mechanisms that it has established
for that purpose. Most notable among these
mechanisms are the Abu Dhabi Fund for Arab
Economic Development, created in 1971 to provide
foreign assistance, in addition to assistance for
development from other sources, such as the
Special Fund of the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries, the Arab Fund for Economic
and Social Development, and the Arab Bank for
African Development.
77.	My country fully recognizes that the hope
of solutions to the various international
financial and economic problems lies in the
credibility of a constructive North-South
dialogue. The positive response of the
participants in the June Versailles Economic
Summit to the proposals made by the Group of 77
is an encouraging factor. We hope that the
Versailles group will respond quickly to the
proposals recently submitted by the Group of 77,
which are considered a great concession, made to
facilitate the progress of those negotiations.
The present condition of the world economy makes
more necessary than ever before the restructuring
by the international community of the
fundamental factors which control economic and
social progress throughout the world and
especially the development of the States of the
third world.
78.	Despite this gloomy international
picture, I stress my country's full confidence in
the ideals and principles of the Charter as an
ideal framework for permanent consultation and
dialogue to resolve the problems of the world by
peaceful means. In this connection, I should like
to urge the United Nations to do its utmost to
play the fundamental role assigned to it by the
Charter and to create conditions conducive to
peace, harmony, progress and prosperity for all
nations.