89.	 Mr. President, I extend to
you and your country the warm congratulations and
sincere best wishes of the Government and people of
Vanuatu on your election to the high office of President
of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. This
promises to be a most significant session and perhaps one
of the most critical international gatherings of modern
history. We are confident that your leadership will be
equal to the task and will reflect your many years of
diplomatic experience and expertise, your careful and
considered judgement and the courage and candour for
which you and the Government and people of Panama
are noted.
90.	Under your guidance we anticipate the same thoughtfulness and impartiality which our deliberations enjoyed
during the last session under the very capable leadership
of Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary. His also was a difficult
tenure and one which earned the gratitude of the entire
international community.
91.	We also believe that congratulations are in order to
another outstanding diplomat, Mr. Davidson Hepburn,
the representative of the Bahamas. His candidacy for
the office of President of this year's General Assembly
strengthened the democratic process within the United
Nations and was a visible and dignified expression of the
vitality of the Organization's democracy. His candidacy
was also important for two other reasons. First, he represents a country which, like ours, is a small isled developing State. Very often the particular difficulties and
needs of such States are overlooked within the international arena. Secondly, his country is in a sub region, the
Caribbean, which like our own sub region, the South
Pacific is similarly often overlooked. It is our hope that
Mr. Hepburn's candidacy will at last signal an awakening
to the fact that all nations, like all people, are created
equal.
92.	Panama Is also a country small in size but great in
stature and reputation. Thus, this year's friendly contest
for the presidency of the General Assembly made winner
of us all. It afforded us the unique opportunity to choose
between two highly qualified candidates from smash countries. For this reason we salute you both and say to you
that we will all be forever grateful.
93.	We also congratulate the Government and people
of Saint Christopher and Nevis, another small island
developing into a  State, on their country's attainment of independence and on becoming the iS8th Member of the
United Nations. Its presence in our midst strengthens the
Organization and its democracy and bears witness to the
universality of mankind and this world body.
94.	It is occasionally necessary to applaud and exercise
in democracy here at the United Nations because some
do not always practise what they preach. There are those
who espouse a belief in the dignity and quality of all?
mankind and all nations yet ignore the smaller countries
until they seek our votes on a specific item. There are
those who profess a belief in freedom of expression yet the
General Assembly does not welcome the exercise of such freedom by smaller
States that may, on occasion, hold different positions
from those they have taken. There are those who like us
believe in a free market of ideas. However, they do
resent when the mood strikes them
to close the market or force it to move elsewhere
because they do not always like the ideas being presented.
95.	Obviously such thinking is not only irrational but
also painfully short-sighted and rather childish. For mankind, the United Nations is still a great
organization, it is certainly not perfect. Nothing mankind
has yet created can claim that distinction. However, it
is perhaps the best and most important institution we have?
yet created. If we have the will it can be strengthened and
made better, but only if we have the will and if we respect
and enhance its decisions and its democratic processes.
96.	This is not to say that these critics do not come from
democratic societies. In fact, the irony is that their own
societies are in many ways models of democracy for the
protection of individual rights. We simply wish that they
would pause for a moment to reflect on the democratic
ideas of other societies, including those that stress the
protection of collective rights. Furthermore, we wish that
everyone would lend stronger support to the practice of
democracy than to the exercise of power in international
deliberations.
97.	We in Vanuatu owe a great deal to the United
Nations, as does every other nation that was a colony at
the close of the Second World War. Others who owe a
great deal to the United Nations include millions of
persons who are no longer ravaged by hunger and disease
or who have a place to sleep or who can read because
of the work of the United Nations specialized agencies?
Big nations and small nations owe a great deal to the
Organization because it has provided a universal forum
for discussion and exchange where there was none before.
98.	Naturally, the United Nations cannot be given credit
for every advance mankind has made since 1945, but it
can certainly be credited with enough to make us all proud. Not the least of the world body's accomplishments
is that it has brought us together from all corners of the
globe and made it somewhat easier for us to communicate
to get to know each other, bridging unnatural gaps
of suspicion and distrust. The United Nations cannot be
Named if we, the Members, have not taken full advantage
of this opportunity.
99.	We in Vanuatu are fortunate. Ours is a free and
open society, and we are situated in a region with neighbours who respect our tight to draw our own conclusions
and develop our country in our own fashion. We are rightfully proud of the South Pacific: its physical beauty,
its unique manner and its still unrealised potential. One
of our fondest wishes is that people from other regions
will get to know and appreciate us and our region a little
bit more. For us, this session of the General Assembly
is an important step in that process
100.	It is always a rare and unique privilege to address
the General Assembly. This year the privilege is even rarer
and more unique because of the presence of so many
distinguished heads of States or Government here at this
thirty-eighth sessions. Most have come in response to the
appeal made at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State
or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New
Delhi in March 1983, and the subsequent urging of the
highly esteemed chairperson of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, our good friend Mrs Indira Gandhi,
Prime Minister of India. All have come in recognition
of the fact that the United Nations, despite its shortcomings and its critics, continues to be the best, and perhaps
the last hope of mankind for our very survival on this
planet. In no other forum are all of the peoples of the
world represented. In no other forum do representatives
of the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the
proud and the humble, the well-educated and the undereducated of the entire world sit together and in theory,
if not always in fact, work together for solutions to the
problems which threaten our very existence as a form of
life.
102.	The attendance of so many world leaders at this
year's session signifies a long-overdue recognition of the
importance of the Organization. We hope that it will also
signify a renewed commitment on the part of all of its
Members to the letter and to the spirit of the Charter.
We hope too, that it will signify a firm determination to
take seriously the admonition of our able Secretary-
General, who, in his most recent report on the work of,
the Organization said, "A continuous effort
to contribute to the implementation of United Nations
decisions should be an integral part of the foreign policy
of Member States to a far greater extent than it is at the
present time." -
103.	In his report, the Secretary-General has once again
demonstrated the candour and insightful analysis which
we have come to expect of him and his excellent staff and
which is so essential if we, the Members of the United
Nations, are to take the necessary steps to strengthen the
Organization and make it more effective. We must remember that the failures and shortcomings of the United
Nations are the failures and shortcomings of the membership. All of us, large and small, old and new, developed and developing, share this responsibility. Either I
shall make our work here meaningful and successful or
we shall by our own actions reduce it to meaningless
irrelevance and abstraction. The choice lies with us. Our
respective peoples perceive the United Nations through
our actions and attach as much meaning to its pronouncements as we ourselves do.
104.	No one can deny that the United Nations, and
Indeed mankind, is at this very moment at one of those
Important and innumerable crossroads which recur in the
course of human history. At this moment, we are faced
with daily reminders of how technology has figuratively
reduced the size of the globe and brought us all closer
together. Unfortunately, the very same technology has
far too often fuelled, in some people, an uncontrollable
greed and desire to rule and control the resources of other
people. Thus, although we live in a world of great abundance, which is capable of producing even more, far too
many people live in a world of constant scarcity. This
scarcity is not only a scarcity of material goods, which
would be difficult enough to explain and cope with, but
a scarcity of respect and of opportunity.
105.	It is this tatter scarcity which is most distressing
and most inexcusable as we stand poised on the brink of
the twenty-first century, it is this scarcity more titan any
other factor which has been to the seemingly never-ending
series of global shockwaves and confrontations between
the world's "haves" and its "have-nots".
106.	The world's super-Powers certainly have their own
contradictions and causes for conflict. However, it would
be a grievous error to attempt to define all of the worlds
present problems in terms of super-Power rivalry. Rivalries between States and even between social systems come
and go. However, the aspirations, goals and dreams of people—all people,
men, women and children—are constant. All want the
same things—-a better life, understanding and respect.
107.	Is there a better institution to address itself to these
aspirations and dreams than the United Nations
We think not. Can the United Nations do so with greater
charity and more effectiveness We think so. Should the
world community continue the investment it has already
made in the United Nations Without doubt. We believe
that the United Nations has already given us all a favourable return and justified its existence many times over.
108.	We must remember that the United Nations is an
outgrowth of the Second World War alliance against the
Axis Powers. As such, the Organization represents an
international alliance against fascism, militarism and
racism.
109.	It was never intended to be, and because of its
nature and the realities of our world it can never effectively be, an alliance against communism any more than it can, or even should, be an alliance against capitalism.
The social and economic system that any country chooses
to live under is a matter that is best left to the people of
that country. This is true regardless of that country's
name, size or location, be it the United States or be it
Nicaragua.
110.	The United Nations has been at its best in heaping
to prevent another world war and in helping promote and
accelerate the process of decolonization. It has been
a platform for the denunciation of one economic and social system by the proponents of
another. Such crusades are best left to other bodies, as
they seriously hamper and undermine our effectiveness.
It would be wise for all of us to remember that
the world's two foremost Powers are both significant
stronger than the rest of us. Neither one needs any of
us to fight its battles. However, the consequences of any
such fight affects each and every one of us. Therefore,
we have as much of an interest in the rational and reasonable exercise of the tremendous power possessed by
these two great nations as they themselves do.
112. Our search, therefore, must be for some common
ground or common denominator on which they and we
can continue our quest for peace, development and survival. Let our children decide the future, but let us ensure
that there will be a future
113. In assessing the current state of the United Nations,
one is reminded of the story of the two Individuals who,
upon looking at the same glass of water, had different
observations. One, the pessimist, observed that the glass
was half empty. The other, the optimist, observed that
the glass was half full. That story applies to any assessment of the United Nations and of world affairs.
114. Yes, there are vexing problems which plague the
world and seem as If they will never be resolved. In South Africa and the Middle East a pervasive pattern
of institutionalized racism has bequeathed a legacy of
intercommunal strife which at times appears to be insouble except by force of arms. In South-East Asia more
than four decades of ceaseless and unremitting warfare
and destruction have left the people and their and devastated. Rather than help to rebuild what they destroyed, those who once sponsored Lon Nol now sponsor Pol Pot, thereby hindering reconciliation and the economic and social reconstruction of the area.
115.In South and Central America, the just and legitimate strivings of people for justice, equality, land, bread
and freedom have been labelled subversive by the despots
who rule every facet of their lives. Fascistic death squads
operate with impunity and include among their victims
defenceless peasants, priests, nuns, teachers and school
children. In the South Pacific, we find most of the worlds
remaining non-self-governing territories, and we find the
part of this world that has faced the greatest exposure
to nuclear tests, with little regard for the safety of human
beings and the environment.
In reaction to those conditions of poverty, disease and illiteracy they have
been forced to endure, the peoples of Africa, Asia and
South and central America and the Caribbean have
themselves begun the process of changing the conditions
of their lives. Naturally, the various peoples of the South
Pacific is also an integral part of this process of change.
It should also came as no surprise that a great many
people from the developed world are also part of this
process of change. Some of them share in our history and
have themselves been cruelty exploited. All of them share
our vision of the future.
At times this process of change has moved forward
quietly and almost imperceptibly. At other times it has
proceeded dramatically with a mighty roar and great
turbulence. In most instances the manner in which the
process proceeded was determined by those who sought
to abort the process of change. "Power concedes noting
without a demand," observed Frederick Douglass. "It
never did, and it never will," said that great son of Africa,
who with his people helped end legal slavery in the United
States over 100 years ago. Today his words are as prophetic and as meaningful as they were then:
"If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those
who profess to favour freedom, yet deprecate agitation
are men who want crops without ploughing up the
ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning.
They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many
waters."
Those words should be borne in mind during our deliberations, particularly on those items which seem to remain
on our agenda with no apparent solution in sight.
118.	After so many years, it is not easy to understand
why the people of Palestine cannot return to their homes.
It is difficult to comprehend why South Africa must be
given even more inducements to end its illegal occupation
of Namibia. It is difficult to fathom how rational minds
can treat the neo-fascist regime in Pretoria like a civilized
nation, which it is not, rather than like the outcast and
pariah which it is.
119.	Some have suggested that we, the international
community, have not been patient enough or that we are
not moderate enough in considering these issues and In
framing resolutions on these topics. Others argue quite
convincingly that we have already been too patient and
that we have no right to be any more moderate than we
have been. After all, they say, how patient and how
moderate was the international community four decades
ago in the face of the same fascism, the same militarism
and the same racism that we are counselled to be to
patient with and so moderate towards today
120.	Perhaps there is an argument that can be made for
toning down some of these resolutions. We do not know.
We simply know that we have not yet heard valid reasons
for voting against resolutions that seek to redress valid
grievances.
121. It seems to us that those with publicity proclaim an
intention to embrace South Africa must themselves accept
responsibility for resolutions which criticize such an
embrace. To do otherwise is to suggest that some of us
are above criticism, and certainty our Creator never
intended that any of us think that of ourselves. That
would be the height of arrogance and would undoubtedly
bring down the indignation and the wrath of the Creator.
122. The situations in title Middle East and in southern
Africa is indeed tragic. They are tragic for the victims
who live in those areas and tragic for us, all of mankind,
as well.
123.	For the victims, the people of those areas, our
primary feelings are not feelings of pity, sympathy, soar-
row or pessimism. Towards them, our primary feelings
are feelings of support, solidarity, encouragement and
optimism. To them we are grateful, for they renew in all
of us the very best of human qualities. Our pity, our
sympathy and our sorrow are reserved for those people
who choose to remain on the side-lines, passively accepting, or for those who tragically imitate Israel
and South Africa in other regions.
124.	Indonesia is a country which we have long admired
and respected. It is a country which by its actions helped
inspire the decolonization process and tater became a
founder of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. It
is a large and powerful country which we consider a
friend.
125.	Although Vanuatu is Indonesia's friend, we also
realize that a true friend is not one who tells another
simply what he wishes to hear. Difficult as It may be, a
true friend must on occasion be painfully honest and tell
a friend what that friend may not wish to hear. Such is
the case with respect to Indonesia's Invasion, occupation
and attempted annexation of East Timor.
126.	East Timor is another small South Pacific country,
like our own. Its people fought on the side of the Allies
during the Second World War and paid dearly for their
commitment to what became the Ideals of the United
Nations. Like more than two thirds of the nations represented here today, the people of East Timor saw the post-war era as the time to re-assert their own political and
social independence. Tragically, Indonesia's military
rulers interrupted East Timor's decolonization process as
that process was in its final stages.
127.	The resulting brutalization of East Timor's people
has also brutalized Indonesia's image as a nation. How
can one so large justify such heavy-handed repression of
a small neighbour. Hundreds of thousands of Innocent men,
women and children had to nay with their lives and so
many mote are still paying of sudden disappearances,
detention without explanation, and torture. Why has
every effort to provide even the minimum humanitarian
assistance to the beleaguered people of East Timor been
thwarted by the Indonesian authorities?
128. Certainly, no rational person would suggest that
there is an acceptable double standard on questions of
colonization, colonialism and human rights. Where is it written
that colonialism is wrong only when the colonial
Power Is a European nation?  Where is it written that the
systematic denial of fundamental human rights, including
the very right to life itself, is evil only when the violator
happens to be a European nation?
129.	If we accept Indonesia's actions in East Timor,
then with what legal authority do we challenge Israel's
annexation of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights?  If we
accept Indonesia's brutality in East Timor, then with what
moral authority do we challenge apartheid?  If we, the
former colonies of the world are not true to our own
pronouncements on colonialism and human rights when
it comes to East Timor, then we have not yet freed ourselves from the old discredited values of those who called themselves our masters.
130.	It is not easy, nor is it a pleasant experience, to
be compelled to focus so critically upon the actions of
a country which was once a mode and an inspiration to
our Own people and others who were colonized. It is,
however, more difficult and less pleasant to bear witness
to what has been done to the people of East Timor. It
is also difficult to comprehend the more bankruptcy of
those who speak so eloquently on other matters, but who
remain silent on the question of East Timor.
131.	We as a nation are not cynical enough to have
interests which would lead us to close our eyes to the
injustices imposed on our fetor human beings in East
Timor. Were we to acquiesce in Indonesia's actions, we
would not be true to the Charter of the United Nations
nor to ourselves, or to our children and the future we
would bequeath to them.
132.	We are reminded of an important directive issued
during the struggle to free Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verge
from colonial domination: "Hide nothing from the
masses of the people. Tell no ties, claim no easy victories." Those words are as appropriate here In this chamber today as they were in West Africa in 1968.
133.	We, therefore, once again appeal to Indonesia to
save its soul as a nation and to be true to its heritage
and stature by negotiating a speedy and complete withdrawal of its forces from East Timor. Let the people of
that country decides their own fate, and let the United
Nations assist in that process. This is why we have a
United Nations.
134.	New Caledonia is another non-self-governing territory in the South Pacific and another example of why
we have the Organization. It is also another matter which
coils for us, the International community, to "tell no lies,
claim no victories".
135.	New Caledonia is the world's second largest producer of niece. Therefore, the struggle by Its people to
gain their independence has posed and undoubtedly will
continue to pose a second question: who will control the
enormous economic potential of this small developing
country
136.	Without a doubt, all of us here today are well
aware of the role that economics played In the colonization of most of the world. We are also certainly aware
of the fact that it is the mineral wealth of Namibia and
of South Africa that lies behind the complicated political
web spun by those who do not wish to see the people of
those countries control their own resources. New Caledonia's people face similar obstacles for the same reasons.
137.	In New Caledonia, as In southern Africa, the settler
population usually acts contrary to the Interests of the
indigenous population. This the world understands and
has come to expect.
138.	What is less well understood, however, Is that the
settler population, having its own narrow and specific
Interests to protect, often acts contrary as well to the
broader Interests of the metropolitan Power. Such became the ease in Algeria and in Zimbabwe; such Is the
case in Namibia and In South Africa; and such is the ease
in New Caledonia.
139.	Generally speaking, metropolitan Powers do not
have a direct interest in the maintenance of rigid and
exclusionary social codes which hamper economic growth
and development. This is particularly true when those
social codes, by whatever name they are called, are operable far from the physical environs of the metropolitan Power. Thus, apartheid, or segregation, comes to be seen
as outmoded, unnecessary and even threatening to the
broader, more general economic interests of the metropolitan Power. Eventually, the metropolitan Power may,
for its own purposes, even seek to appear to be paying
a leading role in ending a particularly odious social code.
140.	Naturally, none of this occurs overnight. It takes
time for the contradiction to arise, more time for it to
be recognized, art even mere time for the effort to
reconcile it to be put into operation, in the meantime,
those who have been victims of the social code usually
have begun their own process of change. Generality speaking, wit they have in mind is a more far-reaching and
fundamental change.
The metropolitan Power then faces a dilemma. On
the one hand, it is in a sense captive to a restive and
obstinate stir population. On the other hand, it finally
reaches toast its tong-term interests are best served by
making a more reasonable and rational accommodation
with the indigenous population. its main preoccupation
now becomes how to buy itself sufficient time to make
the necessary accommodation and how to balance the
competing antagonisms of the settlers and the indigenous
population.
142.	In this respect New Caledonia differs from South
Africa primarily in the nature of the metropolitan Power.
South Africa no longer has one easily identifiable metropolitan Power. France, on the other hand, is dearly
the identifiable metropolitan Power which both the setters and the indigenous population now petition.
143.	New Caledonia is similar to South Africa in the
hardened racial attitudes of some of its European settlers.
To them, the indigenous Kayak population is not worthy
of the basic and elementary dignity, respect and legal
rights that most human beings are now able to take for
granted. Many of these intransigent settlers are former colons who left Algeria after the Organisation armee secrete, the notorious OAS, failed in its efforts to abort Algeria's independence and murder Charles de Gaulle, then President of France, in the process.
144. The people of New Caledonia have extended a
warm and open hand of friendship to all who would work
together in a free and independent nation. Theirs is a
vision of a non-exclusionary South Pacific nation in
which all human beings would be treated as equals.
145.	We believe that the Government of France is sincerely searching for answers to the questions raised concerning New Caledonia's future. The reforms that France
has introduced have certainty helped, and they demonstrate a sincere commitment to an effort to and some
common ground upon which the competing interests may be reconciled.
146. The South Pacific Forum, at its meeting at Canberra on 29 and 30 August, took note of France's efforts
in this regard. However, we, the South Pacific heads of
Government, also declared our support for independence for New Caledonia, and we urged the French Government to consider, in conducting any act of self-determination, the desirability of excluding from the franchise short-term or non-permanent residents of New Caledonia. This is in recognition of the fact that to be valid
the exercise of self-determination must be by the people
of a particular country themselves, and those who
have not even lived there but have been brought there
and permitted to vote m order to outweigh the wishes of
the legitimate population must not take part, in its totality, the Canberra communiqué supports the right of self-determination. It urges the various sectors of the nation to work closely with France to ensure a peaceful transition to independence. It is laudable in its aims and
practical it its approach, including the decision to review
the situation next year and to consider the desirability of
re-inscription of New Caledonia on the United Nations
list of non-self-governing territories.
147. The Vanuatu Government is confident that New
Caledonia will soon  assume its rightful place as an independent nation. Toward that end, we urge Members of the United Nations to keep themselves apprised of
the situation in this economically important tend and to
support the initiatives of New Caledonia's people, as have
the Governments of the South Pacific.
148.	We in the South Pacific have another major preoccupation, in addition to our concern for the remaining
non-self-covering territories in our area. All our Governments, including those of Australia and New Zealand,
have taken strong stands against nuclear testing in our
area.
149.	The peoples of the Pacific have always respected
and been at peace with their environment. To us, our
lands, our skies and our ocean have always been a source
of spiritual guidance as we as a means of sustaining life.
150.Others have now come to our area to conduct tests,
store material and dump wastes that would not be tolerated in their own waters and on their own tends. Despite
the strong representation of all Governments in the area,
this reckless disregard for human life and the environment
continues almost unabated. Our opposition is based on
moral as well as scientific grounds, invitations by France
or by any other nuclear Power to visit test sites wit never
reduce the strength of our moral objections. We, the
people of the South Pacific, have made it clear that we
want an immediate end to the testing of any and ail
nuclear weapons in our region.
151. It is for this reason that our Government supports
proposals for the establishment of a nuclear-free Pacific.
This past July we were proud to host an international
conference on a nuclear-free and independent Pacific. To
all but the most myopic observer, it is clear that the two
go hand in hand; indeed, we submit that it will in fact
be difficult to achieve a nuclear-free Pacific until there
is an independent Pacific and until the respective peoples
of the area are free to decide for themselves whether this
defilement of our land, sea and air shall continue.
152. Economic development in the South Pacific is a
difficult and somewhat elusive goal. Some of our count-
tries are blessed with abundant mineral resources, seem
with abundant agricultural resources, and others with
neither. Most are under populated. All are separated by
many miles of ocean, making communications and transportation major problems.
Finally, this latter character: exacerbates our present state of underdevelopment
and preoccupies us all.
153. For these reasons, the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea is so important. It is our
hope that someday this Convention will be universally acclaimed and unanimously accepted, as it has already
been by an overwhelming majority of our neighbour.
154. Being a stall island State ourselves, we support
the concerns of other such States that their territorial
integrity be respected and preserved. We too have a
territorial dispute with a major Power. We hope that
France will in good faith negotiate an accept
with us and that the islands of Matthew and Hunter will
once again be administered as part of our country, which
they are.
155. Both the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and
the United Nations have begun to focus on the unique
problems of small island developing States. The recently
concluded conference of experts hosted by the Government of Grenada is a very positive step in the right direction. it is our hope that the work of the conference can
continue and deceive the support of the entire international community.
156. We recognize that the problems of small Islands
developing States are only one of a host of economic
problems plaguing the world today. The depressed state
of the world economy, with the universal phenomenon
of international inflationary pressures, is a major concern The need for international monetary reform and
the expansion of international trade is well documented.
The twin needs of greater North-South dialogue and
greater South-South economic trade and co-operation are
also well known. So many major economic problems
confront us today that one hardly knows where and how
to begin cataloguing them.
157.	The resolution of these problems is going to necessitate a serious and long-term commitment by each of us.
Perhaps it will be painful, but we should probably begin
with critical self-examinations of our respective histories,
policies and priorities.
158.	None of us is perfect, large or small, developed
or developing. Those who pontificate and preach to us
that we must follow the same path of development that
they followed understand neither history nor economics.
The world is different today from what it was 200 years
ago, or even 20 years ago, and our objective conditions
are certainly different. Modern technology has rendered
obsolete much of what we learned and have dramatically
increased the gap between those nations which "have"
and those which "have not".
159.	No nation today has the luxury of developing in
isolation, at its own pace. Radio, films, television, books,
newspapers and magazines all bring the affluent world
to the attention of the citizens of all countries. Very few
Governments exist today which can resist the attendant
pressures to bring that or a comparable good life to its
own citizens.
160.	Wealth that was created, at least in part, as a direct
consequence of legalized slavery, colonialism and the
theft of other people's natural resources is inaccurately
portrayed as resulting solely from the hard work and
natural intelligence of those who came to possess that
wealth.
161.	It is not at all possible or even desirable for us to
develop our countries by rigid imitations of the West or
the East. We cannot isolate ourselves, but we most certainly can develop our own methodology and our own
healthy economy and social mix. We certainly do not have
the option of salting to distant shores and stealing land
or having people to labour for us. as others have in the
past. Even if that option were available, it is not the way
we would choose to develop. While we do not live in the
past, we most certainly remember our shared history.
162.	This is not to suggest for one moment that things
today are as one-sided as we might like to believe. We,
the developing countries are also imperfect. Some of us
have neglected to practise what we preached. Some are
afraid to be candid in assessing our own performances,
as if our adversaries and friends did not already know
where we have fallen short. Some continue to make
capital mistakes; others among us continue tic make soda
mistakes. Some manage to make both.
163.	For us to begin to take corrective action, we must
first be true to ourselves. For us to be taken seriously,
we must first take ourselves seriously. We will undoubtedly command as much respect as we demand by our own
efforts, our own consistency and, most importantly, our
own sacrifices, personal and institutional
164.	Now more than ever we must respect the universality of mankind and plan for the future. There are
literally dozens of pressing problems confronting the
international community today. Bach successive crisis
seems to overshadow the previous one.
165.	Perhaps none in recent memory was as dramatic
as the downing of the Korean Air Lines flight 007. Few
incidents have captured the public's attention as that did.
Few incidents have as dramatically pointed to the need
for better communication and understanding and for the
strengthening of the United Nations. There is no doubt
that 269 people lost their lives needlessly. This in itself
is a great human tragedy, and we convey our very deepest
condolences to the families and friends of the victims.
166.	We do not know if the world will ever know what
events really led up to this tragedy and what really happened just before the aircraft was shot down. It Is possible
that both sides are telling the truth as they perceive the
truth to be. We do not know.
167.	We do not believe there can ever be any justification for shooting down a civilian aircraft, except perhaps
in the extremely remote possibility of averting a far
greater immediate human disaster. We believe that the
Soviet Union made a tragic mistake and inexplicably
compounded the mistake in its immediate aftermath.
168.	However, we do not believe that blame or guilt in
this instance lies with any one nation. This was a tragedy
for all mankind and not just for any one State or group
of States, it proves nothing about any particular social
or economic system. This was a failure by mankind, all
mankind, it reveals the heightened sense of international
insecurity that the arms race, cold war rhetoric and tests
of military preparedness have brought us.
169.	This tragedy tells us that the technology of destruction is far more advanced than is the technology of
communication and the technology of the prevention of
destruction. n the normal course of events, we would
learn from such a tragedy and develop more effective
safeguards to prevent a recurrence. Unfortunately this
does not appear to be the ease, and this is even more of
a tragedy.
170.	It saddens and concerns us to see the international
atmosphere further poisoned by hatred and recriminate-
tons. Now more than ever, the world cries out for the
leadership of wise statement. Where are the leaders with
the wisdom and the courage to say, "Let us sit down and
reason together", to say, "Let us make sure this does
not happen again", to say, "Let us put an end to the
suspicions and distrust which gave rise to this incident"
171. Why are those who were silent when a Libyan
airliner was shot down by Israeli fighters so vocal and
articulate now Why are those who were silent when a
Cuban airliner was blown out of the sky by a terrorist
bomb so morally outraged now All human life is sacred,
and none is more sacred than another. The lives of East
Timorese and Vietnamese are sacred. The lives of Palestinian’s and Lebanese are sacred. The lives of Iranians and
Iraqis are sacred. The lives of Chileans and Filipinos are
sacred. The lives of Cypriots and Guatemalans are sacred.
Without exception the loss of any human life is a tragedy.
The number of victims or their nationality does not make
the tragedy any worse or deepen our sorrow. Those who
stress the individual aspects of human rights should
understand this better than anyone.
172.	Why are those who are so willing to isolate the
Soviet Union so unwilling to isolate South Africa Why
is it vital to keep channels of communication open to
South Africa, but not to the Soviet Union Why is South
Africa considered a civilized State, but not the Soviet
Union
173.	Ours is a smelt country, and admittedly we do not
know the answer to every question. However, there are
many things we are certain of. One certainty is that those
who ally themselves with the evil practitioners of apartheid
or other forms of racism cannot complain to us when
others move into the moral vacuum they themselves have
created. To them we say "If we are to believe in your
moral superiority, it is time for you to demonstrate it in
southern Africa, in East Timor, in the Middle East, in
central America and in other parts of our troubled
globe".
174. For emphasis, we wit repeat and stress again and
again that both the Soviet Union and the United States
are very big and very powerful countries. Neither need
Vanuatu or any other country to fight its betties, and
certainty not the battle between these two giants. However. as human beings, we have a great deal at stake.
75. We do not want these two great Powers to fight
unless they limit their weapons to their respective moray
strengths and their powers of persuasion. We have as
much to lose as they do, should tidy insist on fighting
with military weapons. We cannot stop them, but we can
and do try to urge caution and restraint. The only weapons we have at our disposal are truth, our faith in
mankind and our own powers of pet suasion.
 76. We now papacy to either country to step forward
and, in the name of humanity, say "We have all had
enough of this madness". Let one begin by dismantling
one weapon and it the other folio suit by dismantling
another. Which one begins the process is no longer important, just as which one began to stockpile the weapons
is no longer important.
The people of both the Soviet Union and the
United States, along with the people of many other
countries, made tremendous sacrifices four decades ago
which led to the creation of the United Nations. Now it
is time for one more enormous sacrifice It is still not too
late.
178.	The entire world is waiting for us, all of us, to
move forward in the name of the human race. Now each
nation represented here today must ask itself whether it
wishes to be part of the problem or to be part of the
solution.


208.	 Mr. President, at the outset, permit me to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session. Since this year marks the 200th anniversary of the birth of Simon Bolivar, the election of the representative of a Bolivarian country to the presidency is also an expression of esteem by the international community of the ideals of Bolivar, beyond being a tribute to your nation, Panama, and indeed to the Americas as a whole. We know that your vast experience and skill will stand us in good stead in our deliberations.
209.	I should also like to express our appreciation to your predecessor, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Hungary, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the able manner in which he carried out his tasks as President of the thirty-seventh session.
210.	Israel wishes to congratulate also from this rostrum Saint Christopher and Nevis on its accession to independence and to welcome it on its admission to the United Nations. We wish its people peace and prosperity.
211.	The official closing of the thirty-seventh session on 19 September marked the passage of yet another year of turbulence and incertitude. But as we begin this new thirty-eighth session, we see amply demonstrated once again the aspirations of Member States for peace and tranquillity, for equality and justice in our world. This, after all, should be the common denominator for all of us who have been meeting in this Hall. And yet it is a sad comment on the ingenuity of the human race that so little has been done in these last 38 autumns to go beyond the hopes invested in the United Nations in 1945.
212.	New wars have been erupting perennially, some more bloody than the greatest battles fought in the Second World War, and old conflicts have continued to smoulder without let-up. Significantly, the greatest problems which have faced mankind since the end of the Second World War have been dealt with outside this Organization, although it was founded on the belief that the concert of nations can and must stand up to its trials and travails together and out of common accord.
213.	It is indeed gratifying to observe the family of nations grow from year to year. We welcome new partners in our common endeavours, for the United Nations will either stand or fall on the principle of universality based on equal sharing of opportunities and burdens in a pluralistic world. But reality must not be cast aside; the United Nations is patently incapable of meeting its challenges, as it is, regrettably, an organization which has been hijacked to serve the narrow interests of those who would do anything to advance their particular and selfish causes, and theirs alone. The United Nations has become a forum of mercantile transactions of favours, of a complacent trampling of the principles and purposes of the Charter. These are the sad realities within which we live—realities which, however, we are not compelled to accept or adopt.
214.	There is today no evident correlation between the hopes of nations and the United Nations role in the realization of those hopes; no rational connection between the aspirations and expectations expressed at the beginning of each General Assembly session and the many acrimonious debates in committees and the flood of paper resolutions that emerge at the tail end of the sessions. This is not only the point of view of Israel; it has been dwelt upon by several Assembly Presidents in the past.
215.	Israel, of course, has had its own share of disillusionment with the United Nations. The persistence of Israel's adversaries' hatred and rejectionism has been largely tolerated here without prohibition or hindrance, primarily because of a great transfer of wealth, gratuitous and unprecedented, from the highly industrialized nations of the West to some Arab countries and the resultant concentration over the last decade of economic influence in the hands of the oil-producing Arab nations.
216.	Yet, however frustrating Israel's experience with the United Nations has seemed to be, my country has not relinquished the first flush of hope that the founding of the United Nations produced in the wake of the Second World War. Beyond its own political preoccupations at the United Nations, Israel has been observing with great concern those economic and social problems which consistently mar relations among nations.
217.	Economic issues, as well as those of war and peace and arms control, have given more cause for fear than for hope in the past year. Insecurity and distress continue to afflict the greater part of humanity.
218.	The deliberations on economic issues conducted between developed and developing nations, as well as those among the developing nations themselves, progress far more slowly than the rate at which these problems continue to grow. The gravity of these issues requires unrelenting endeavour.
219.	Israel, for its part, is willing, within the means at its disposal, to make its contribution to the advancement of international economic co-operation. In this spirit, we have recently presented our "transitional economy plan", already circulated at the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The aim of the plan, which is based on Israel's own experience, is the application of low-cost improvements to the rural sectors of various societies. Dozens of developing countries and international economic organizations have already expressed their interest in advancing this programme and in implementing the ideas relevant to their needs and special circumstances. We are happy to note that some developed countries have shown eagerness to incorporate parts of this project into their own development strategy for the developing and least developed countries.
220.	Israel believes in both collective and individual efforts to fight hunger on this planet and has participated actively, through its international co-operation programme, in alleviating this scourge. The United Nations system should be the central vehicle for the required international co-operation. Its ability to carry out this role efficiently must depend to a large degree on its observance of the principles of universality in participation and adherence to genuine objectives of economic development.
221.	Unfortunately, we have been witnessing an ever growing attempt to politicize international economic efforts by the injection of elements of global and regional conflicts. The developing countries are ultimately the main victims of this attitude, as precious resources for development are channelled into futile and senseless exercises totally unrelated to the pressing economic needs of the greater part of mankind.
222.	No less disturbing is the insufficient progress in the international handling of the arms race and security- building measures. Israel has long been concerned about the danger posed by nuclear armaments. It has, therefore, consistently supported the objective of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
223.	Israel naturally examines these problems from the perspective of the Middle East. We have concluded that the most credible barrier to the proliferation of nuclear weapons in our region would be to make the Middle East a nuclear-weapon-free zone. To that end, Israel has made proposals based on the precepts of the Latin American model which had led to the conclusion of the Treaty of Tlatelolco.
224.	It is only logical that the initiative for the establishment of such a zone should originate with the States in the region, and the preliminary consultations necessary for achieving this aim must be carried out directly among them; they should be conducted in good faith and be addressed to issues pertinent to the establishment of such a zone.
225.	It is clear that only free and direct negotiations among all Middle Eastern States can ensure real progress towards the conclusion of a convention which would establish a system of mutually binding obligations on all States of the region. My delegation has been advocating this approach in the annual General Assembly debates; it introduced a draft resolution, contained in the annex to a letter dated 9 June 1981/ and formed part of the consensus on the subject. Our initiative gained wide- ranging support, and recognized leaders and experts in the field of disarmament paid tribute to Israel's position. Israel's proposal, however, was unfortunately turned down by hostile States in the region.
226.	Israel is fully aware of the many political differences between the States of the Middle East. None of those differences should be permitted to stand in the way of the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Israel, for its part, stands ready to commence negotiations on this matter among the interested States of our region at any time and without any preconditions.
227.	In recent years, the suppression of human rights by many Governments around the world has reached alarming proportions. It persists in all but a few countries and is in clear violation of the principles enshrined in various international treaties and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In the Middle East itself, many of the Arab regimes flagrantly violate these rights by persecuting political, ethnic and religious groups and minorities; by imprisoning political opponents without trial on a widespread scale; by humiliating, torturing and, indeed, executing many political prisoners; by staging at times large-scale massacres of their own citizens, as was the case in Hama, Syria, in February of last year; and by suppressing such fundamental liberties as freedom of expression and assembly.
228.	The Jewish people have known for centuries what it is like to suffer at the hands of cruel authoritarian regimes. Israel abhors such manifestations of repression. My country supports all sincere efforts to foster respect for and safeguarding of human rights. At the same time, it deplores attempts in this Organization and elsewhere hypocritically to divert legitimate concern for human rights in directions which serve objectionable and narrow political interests.
229.	Unfortunately, the Soviet Union's continuing harassment of Soviet Jewry remains one of the most persistent and glaring human rights problems faced by the world today. In spite of the many international agreements to which the Soviet Union is a signatory, such as the Helsinki accord,' hundreds of thousands of Jews in that country are being systematically denied the basic human right to emigrate and to be reunited with their families in Israel. At the same time, those who have been formally denied exit permits have been forced to live as outcasts in Soviet society, often for lengthy periods, having been deprived of their means of livelihood, exposed to the whims of the authorities and subjected to all manner of harassment. In some cases, Jews who apply to leave for Israel or who seek to preserve their Jewish heritage and identity are arrested and imprisoned and languish in Soviet jails and labour camps under the most inhuman conditions.
230.	Indeed, as the gates of emigration have been nearly sealed, officially inspired anti-Semitism, with the inevitable strong racist overtones, is being increasingly manifested in the Soviet media and in various forms of discrimination. Regrettably, the United Nations has yet to take appropriate action on this matter, which must distress decent people everywhere and which is certainly worthy of the Organization's attention.
231.	Unfortunately, the United Nations, and the General Assembly in particular, have also done very little of a constructive nature to alleviate international tension and defuse the many conflicts which have continued to plague much of the world for several years now. The cause of neither peace nor world security has been advanced in this past year. The past year has seen the escalation of the confrontation between the super-Powers, which in turn has had grave repercussions throughout the world, particularly for the smaller nations. International tension was greatly increased when the Soviet Air Force recently deliberately shot down a South Korean airliner—an act that was overwhelmingly condemned by the international community. Most of the armed conflicts and local wars raging around the globe year ago continue to exact a heavy toll in casualties despite destruction and suffering. In Afghanistan, Kampuchea foreign intervention continue, with hundreds of thousands having been killed or injured thus far and millions rendered homeless. The Middle East is torn apart by violent inter-Arab rivalries and by a number of conflicts, of which the Arab- Israel conflict is but one. Iraq and Iran are locked in a bitter, prolonged war which has now entered its fourth year and has already claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands. Internecine strife, encouraged by Syria, has rent Lebanon. Libya has pushed ahead with its imperialistic ambitions in Chad, while seeking to subvert also other regimes in Africa and elsewhere. Various disputes have also been plaguing the western hemisphere.
232.	Although usually stemming from local factors, much of the unrest throughout the world, including the Middle East, has been sharply exacerbated by Soviet policies which have exploited tensions to generate instability and thereby broaden the scope of Soviet influence. Whether directly, as in Afghanistan, or indirectly, through such proxies as Viet Nam, Syria and Libya, the Soviet Union has, instead of contributing to world peace, aggravated crisis situations and even sparked the outbreak of hostilities. Unfortunately, this holds true also for Soviet involvement in the Arab-Israel conflict.
233.	The last decade has demonstrated that the solution of the Arab-Israel conflict is indeed possible, provided that the parties to the conflict are sincere in their efforts to resolve it. Once again it must be stressed that progress in this regard was made entirely outside the United Nations. Indeed, instead of contributing to the promotion of peace in the Middle East, the Assembly and other United Nations organs have often added to the violent rhetoric which has fanned the flames of the Arab-Israel conflict. Were we to judge matters as they are reflected in these chambers, one might easily conclude that the conflict is insoluble. However, in the real world of the Middle East itself—as distinct from the world of the United Nations—progress has been achieved, as we have seen in the cases of the Israel-Egypt peace treaty and in the recent Israel-Lebanon agreement. Once States engage in serious and direct negotiations which acknowledge their mutual legitimate needs and interests, agreement has been shown to be possible.
234.	The United Nations, manipulated by powerful blocs and automatic majorities, has generated a basic misconception concerning the essence of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
235.	The essence of the conflict has always been and remains the persistent enmity of Arab States towards Jewish national renaissance. For decades now Arab leaders have obstinately maintained that the whole region from the Atlantic Ocean to the Persian Gulf must be exclusively Arab. This intolerant and exclusivist attitude has been reflected in their repressive policies directed against various non-Arab national groups in the Middle East. This, and no other, has been the primary cause also of the ongoing Arab-Israel conflict.
236.	Unfortunately, after several costly wars started by Arab States in their bid to destroy Israel, many of the Arab countries have apparently not yet realized that their designs concerning Israel are both wrong and futile. Thus, what they have been unable to achieve on the battlefield, they are now trying to achieve in the diplomatic arena. This has been demonstrated again at this podium during the last few days by the extreme language and content of the speeches made by, among others, the Foreign Ministers of Syria and Iraq.
237.	Significantly and most regrettably, representatives of Arab countries habitually referred to as "moderates" have not objected but acquiesced. Such indeed is their "moderation", which should be duly taken note of by all those nations here at the United Nations which have either deliberately or, at the very least, unwittingly aided and abetted a campaign which strives to delegitimize my country in order to dismantle it by stages.
238.	In the context just described, Arab enmity towards the State of Israel has been demonstrated very clearly in the case of the terrorist organization known as the PLO, an artificial framework which was created by the Arab Governments in the early sixties. That grouping of rival terrorist factions has always depended on the continued support of the Arab States and their allies for its very existence, as has been evidenced most vividly during and since the destruction of the PLO infrastructure in and around Beirut last year.
239.	Too many people have resorted to wishful thinking when referring to the PLO. Smooth phrases and eloquent double-talk cannot hide the PLO's true intentions and nature. Its criminal goal remains the destruction of Israel, whether in one fell swoop or in stages. In pursuing this objective, the PLO terrorists have perpetrated bloody atrocities which have struck at all, Jews and non-Jews, young and old, men, women and children. The PLO's true character and objectives must have become evident recently even to those who in the past were taken in by PLO phraseology.
240.	The continuing tragedy of Lebanon is a consequence of the havoc wreaked by the PLO and its allies over the past decade. Knowing full well the potential for subversion inherent in the PLO, Arab Governments were unwilling to tolerate the presence of this terrorist organization on their own countries' soil and, as a result, dumped that group upon Beirut and on the people of Lebanon. As a consequence, Lebanon's sovereignty was eroded and the country was tom apart by violent strife.
241.	It is well known that Israel stands for the full restoration of Lebanese sovereignty, of Lebanese independence, of Lebanese territorial integrity, of the unity of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries, as well as for the restoration of the authority of the lawful government of Lebanon within that country. Israel believes that in order to permit the attainment of that goal, all foreign forces must be withdrawn from that country. Alongside these objectives, and bearing in mind the experience of recent years, Israel's legitimate security needs must also be guaranteed and Lebanese territory must never be used again for attacks upon our citizens.
242.	The agreement concluded by Israel and Lebanon on 17 May 1983 is linked to these requirements. Israel was and remains determined to proceed towards full and speedy implementation of this agreement aimed at the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty. However, it must have become clear to everyone by now that Syria and the PLO have no more intention of respecting Lebanese sovereignty today than they did in the past.
243.	We have all heard Lebanon's emphatic and repeated demands for the withdrawal of the Syrian forces and the PLO from its territory. At the last session, Lebanese President Amin Gemayel used this rostrum to call for "the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces from Lebanon". In a letter to the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez, a year ago, Lebanon explicitly demanded the termination of the Syrian and PLO presence in that country. Lebanon reiterated its demands as recently as last month. On 2 September, the Lebanese Foreign Minister wrote to the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States insisting again on Syrian and PLO withdrawal and he repeated this demand in his statement from this rostrum during the last meeting. Yet all this has been to no avail. Not only has Syria paid no heed to these demands, but it has increased its involvement in Lebanon and is engaged in direct warfare against the legitimate Government of that country. President Assad, backed diplomatically and militarily by the Soviet Union and assisted by Palestinian terrorists, continues his ruthless operations to keep Lebanon in disarray in an attempt to force Lebanon to submit to Syrian domination. Resorting to its well-known tactics of threats and extortion, Syria continues to undermine Lebanon's path to regaining its sovereignty. This is pursued by Syria directly or by proxy, and its uninhibited brutality stops at nothing.
244.	Israel's withdrawal from the Shouf Mountains, a first step in the direction of total withdrawal, was announced well in advance in order to provide the Lebanese Government and army with a chance to extend its control over that area. They were prevented from doing so by Syria and its proxies, which turned Lebanon once again into a battleground, exploiting existing enmity between groups there and encouraging all-out war against its legitimate Government.
245.	Israel welcomes the fact that a cease-fire has now been declared in Lebanon and hopes that the cessation of hostilities will endure, leading to true reconciliation, free of outside interventions and dictates. We are following the situation closely and are looking forward to the establishment of conditions which will ensure security and tranquillity along the Israel-Lebanon border. Under no circumstances will Israel agree to return to the state of affairs which prevailed until 16 months ago, when Lebanese territory was used as a base for terrorist operations against our citizens. Israel sincerely hopes and wishes to see an independent Lebanon in which a strong and stable regime exercises control throughout the country.
246.	Earlier, I had occasion to note that the United Nations has been systematically exploited in recent years as an instrument of Arab warfare against Israel. The most recent effort in this regard was the ill-conceived international conference at Geneva several weeks ago. As part of the manipulation of United Nations organs during the past decade by countries arrayed against Israel, that conference predictably served as an arena for anti-Israel slogans and made no attempt whatsoever to examine honestly and objectively the causes of the Arab-Israel conflict.
247.	Arab-Israel reconciliation can and must emanate from direct negotiations without outside interference. There is place neither for dictated nor for imposed solutions. Any overt or covert attempts to circumvent free and direct negotiations between the States of the region can only delay the peace process. A blatant example of such attempts is the so-called Fez "peace plan" with its calculated ambiguity and double-talk. It is intended to serve those who wish to evade direct negotiations and seek to impose long-standing and extreme Arab demands, thereby undermining the cause of peace. Any equitable and realistic solution will have to take into account the basic fact that on the territory of the former Palestine Mandate two national States have now been in existence for over three decades, one Arab and one Jewish. I refer, of course, to the Kingdom of Jordan and the State of Israel.
248.	The contribution of the United Nations and the world community at large should be to encourage discourse and dialogue rather than attitudes and trends which perpetuate and continued hostility to my country. Regrettably, the United Nations has allowed itself to be drawn into a biased position, has become entangled in a mushrooming web of unbalanced resolutions, has put itself into a straitjacket of partisan committees and has squandered vast resources and funds for dubious purposes. The time has surely come for-all to realize that a solution to the Arab-Israel conflict will be possible only if it takes full account also of the rights, interests and needs of Israel. First and foremost among these is the inalienable right of the Jewish people to self- determination and sovereignty in its homeland, the land of Israel.
249.	The Camp David accords reached after intensive direct negotiations with Egypt, with the participation of the United States of America, show what can be achieved if the parties involved approach the problem in a spirit of conciliation. These accords which fully take into account the legitimate rights and interests of the parties involved, have also set the stage for a future treaty with Jordan and have offered the Palestinian Arabs living in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district an active role in shaping their own future, initially within the framework of autonomy and afterwards during the negotiations to determine the final status of the areas in question. Anyone sincerely interested in the well-being of the Palestinian Arabs, as well as in a true peace which would take into account both the interests of Israel and those of its Arab neighbours, should welcome the progress exemplified by Camp David. By contrast, those who wish to perpetuate the Arab-Israel dispute for selfish political reasons will no doubt continue to support one-sided resolutions in this body and will seek to undermine those initiatives which have brought us closer to a genuine Arab-Israel peace.
250.	Israel welcomes the voices of reason that have come out of African capitals declaring that their contribution towards the promotion of dialogue in the Middle East will be more credible and effective when their relations with both Israel and its neighbours are normalized. In the past, the potential inherent in the relations between Israel and the developing countries in Africa and elsewhere was realized in achievements which have proved useful and of significant mutual benefit.
251.	Israel would welcome the resumption of ties and expansion of co-operation and friendship with all those who/believe, as we do, that all nations, whether or not they agree on every issue, should engage in mutual relations and dialogue. In our opinion these are elementary requirements if we are to advance the prospects of peace and co-operation in our world, The purposes of the United Nations, as defined in Article 1 of the Charter, are to maintain peace, to develop friendly relations between nations, to achieve international co-operation in the solution of international problems and to act as a centre for harmonizing the actions of countries. These noble purposes, to which the founders of the United Nations dedicated themselves in 1945, are ill served by the Organization's present unchecked drifting into their abandonment through impotence. Above all, the principle of the sovereign equality of nations has often been set aside in deference to the dictates of bloc politics and military and economic blackmail.
252.	Despite this regrettable trend, Israel remains prepared actively to support a new, positive approach. An initial step in this direction could be the jettisoning of the heavy burden of politicization in the specialized agencies, thus rendering them as useful and efficient as they were meant to be.
253.	Israel still believes that the dim record of the past must not cloud our belief in the future. The Government of Israel is prepared today as it has always been to negotiate with the neighbouring Arab States an equitable solution to the Arab-Israel conflict.
254.	From this rostrum I wish to address myself to the Arab peoples of our region and to inquire whether 36 years of war and bloodshed have solved any problems. Are we better off as a result of so many years of conflict than we would have been had our nations lived side by side in peace? Could not the billions squandered on arms procurements have been put to better use in solving urgent domestic problems, such as poverty, hunger, illiteracy and a widening social gap between rich and poor? For how long will your governments be able to divert your legitimate concern with social injustice by pursuing hostile policies against my country, policies which can only perpetuate the violence which has cost our societies so much? Indeed, for how long will your Governments be prepared to sacrifice the flower of youth on the bloody altar of war?
258. Continued hostility and war have brought our region much grief and suffering. Would it not behave us to begin a new chapter in the history of our troubled region? Would it not be better for us to turn the Middle East into an area marked by co-operation and progress? Thousands of years ago from our region went forth a vision of universal peace. Together we could fulfil that vision in our region and be a source of inspiration to the rest of the world. Therefore let us meet in a spirit of reconciliation. Let us replace tension with tranquillity, misery with prosperity, hatred with friendship. Above all, instead of war, let us have peace.