63.	It is with great satisfaction that I, representing Portugal, address this thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I am speaking at a time when my country is undergoing a radical change in its history as a consequence of specific and increased responsibilities at the international level. I am speaking at a time when Portugal finds itself in search of a new identity as a nation, based on respect for and defense of liberty and human dignity, and engaged in the fight against all forms of discrimination, injustice and exploitation, on the domestic as well as the international level.
64.	We have recently witnessed the birth of new nations, sharers of our language and creators of original cultures, in which we encounter echoes and amalgams of our own culture and our own mentality and indelible marks of coexistence, although they have been alienated by an oppressive colonial situation. The voices of those nations are beginning to make themselves heard in the international community, with all the authority resulting from the fact that they represent people who have for a long time fought for liberty, justice and national independence. My first greeting is addressed to the Portuguese-speaking nations which have this year become part of the United Nations. We direct our warmest and most fraternal salutations to Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe and Mozambique. My Government had the opportunity to welcome the admission of Guinea-Bissau last year at the twenty-ninth session. Three more new nations, previously under Portuguese domination, and victims, together with us, of an unjust and cruel war, now participate in the United Nations. This fact, which is testimony to the sincerity of our intentions and of the seriousness of our decolonization policy, is for us a cause for profound pride and true happiness.
65.	I cannot fail to recall here the role that Algeria played in the process which, on 25 April 1974> converted our country from the last vestige of ultra-colonialism, void of any historical meaning, into a country truly engaged in honoring its responsibilities in the irreversible process of emancipation of colonized peoples. The role always played by Algeria in supporting dialog between the clandestine Portuguese movements opposed to fascism and the national liberation movements of the Portuguese colonies became, after 25 April 1974, a role of mediation between the new Portuguese authorities and the liberation movements, assumed most especially by President Boumediene. All this merits sincere homage. Thus I address a special greeting to the former President of the United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria. Certainly the personal and political qualities of Mr. Bouteflika have contributed much to the position of his country on the international scene as one of the most respected

spokesmen for the third-world nations and proponent of a coherent policy of non-alignment.
66.	But in this connexion I cannot fail to emphasize the assistance and support extended to us by the United Republic of Tanzania and the Republic of Zambia in the decolonization process, so crucial for our history and for our own identity as a nation. We have always found those countries, and particularly their Presidents, Mr. Nyerere and Mr. Kaunda, who are clearly inspired by an advanced humanistic philosophy, to be attentive and understanding interlocutors regarding the complex problems arising from the decolonization process.
67.	The recognition by the international community and the United Nations in particular of our sincere efforts in this decolonization process was reaffirmed at the meeting of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, held at Lisbon this year. The historical significance of this meeting was incisively emphasized by my Government at the time.
68.	I cannot fail to greet with the greatest respect and admiration the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. The Portuguese Government has had the opportunity on various occasions to recognize Mr. Waldheim's profound political sense and deep knowledge of international relations in all their complexity. I recall here his visit to Lisbon last year, which was of the greatest importance to us and had a significant influence on our effort to solve the problems generated by the colonial situation.
69.	Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, has assumed the presidency of the General Assembly this year. Western Europe thus sees itself represented by a nation which, situated at the crossroads of the Latin and Germanic cultures, can well be considered the heart of Europe. I salute Mr. Thorn with great sincerity and wish him the fullest success in the performance of his task.
70.	Portugal is part of Western Europe and is aware that its historical role can never be dissociated from the European area to which it belongs. The complete independence of Portugal, for which we fight without compromise, can never be achieved against Europe, but only through a correct relation with Europe, to which we are bound by a common culture as well as by close relations of economics and emigration.
71.	The role that Portugal can play in the struggle to establish relations of greater justice and equality between the major world economic centers and the third-world nations victims of inequitable and imbalanced international situations constitutes an important factor in this correct relationship with Europe as well as an effective contribution to the progressive evolution of international life. During the recent special session of the General Assembly, which was an important step towards dialog between these two poles, my country already had the opportunity to pronounce itself on this point, reaffirming a position of unequivocal solidarity with the poor nations in their struggle and favoring greater goodwill and understanding on the part of the great industrial Powers. Thus we assign the greatest importance to the problems of developing nations, with which we share many points of similarity,
and to the creation of a new international economic order in which those nations will not see themselves relegated to a position of dependence and growing inequality.
72. Portugal has already shown its adherence to the principles contained in the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Character of Economic Rights and Duties of States. We give our unreserved support to the recent steps taken towards the establishment of a new system of just and humanistic international economic relations.
73. Within the decisive dialog for human survival which links the large economic power centers with the poor nations, the dialog between Europe and Africa places us in a position of particular usefulness because of the role we can assume as a link between these two arenas. Our historical responsibilities in the African continent have imparted to us an understanding of the dimensions of misery and suffering that these people, so long subject to colonial domination, seek today to escape.

74.	The important experience of decolonization has enabled us to become aware of the role of mediation that we can play in the dialog between Europe, the traditional beneficiary of colonial situations, and Africa. Although a colonial country, Portugal was not a dominant economic Power in the chain of imperialist exploitation. Situated on the periphery of Europe and in a subordinate position in relation to the large European industrial centers, its role as a conveyor belt for substantial private transnational interests became, with the intensification of the war, daily more flagrant. This having been the case, now that the political power in Portugal
is at the service of the classes with fewer advantages and is directed at a policy of progress and national independence, our historic role changes radically and Portugal becomes capable, thanks to a decolonization process carried out without any neo-colonialist intentions, of becoming the carrier of a new pattern of relations between the major centers of wealth and power and the poor and exploited nations of the third world.
75.	We think that the extinction of the growing inequality between rich and poor countries by the elimination of international economic mechanisms distorted by powerful interests which are at the root of this inequality, besides being necessary in the interest of justice, must also be an important factor in the settlement of conflicts and in the construction of peace.
76.	Another factor that weighs decisively in the struggle for peace is disarmament. Long one of the priorities of the United Nations, it becomes more urgent each year given the growing accumulation of nuclear arms. Portugal favors the convening as soon as possible of a world disarmament conference at which all nations can discuss as equals this problem which is so crucial to the survival of mankind.
77 Throughout its existence, the role of the United Maikins in the defense of peace and the search for negotiated solutions to the conflicts that lacerate our world has been emphasized.
78.	During the last years of fascism in Portugal, the rulers of my country were systematic detractors of this Organization, as a result of the firm positions taken here against its colonial policy. These positions, however, taught us Portuguese to respect the United Nations; the reception given at the twenty-ninth session to the new Portugal which was represented by the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Mario Soares, and by the President of the Republic, General Francisco da Costa Gomes, gave us profound satisfaction.
79.	The structures of this Organization were adapted to an international context which has seen many changes since the days of the San Francisco Conference. It would be just to accuse the Organization of ineffectiveness in the maintenance of peace and security; in fact, the United Nations has frequently acted within the past years as a mediator and a proponent of dialog between opposing parties. Nevertheless it is necessary, now that the voices of the small and non-aligned nations are heard with growing strength in the international community, that the structures and organisms of the United Nations progressively reflect this state of affairs. But in general, we can make a frankly favorable judgment of the activities of this Organization.
80.	The past year has seen some important favorable developments in the international situation. In the first place, I shall emphasize advances in the elimination of colonial domination, a process in which our political efforts to achieve a just decolonization, as well as to ensure the political capability and national representativity of the liberation movements, were significant.
81.	The end of the war in Viet Nam and Cambodia was also an important victory for world peace. The peoples of Viet Nam and Cambodia, tormented by a long and destructive war, were able to achieve peace through the free and autonomous choice of their political future.
82.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe this year also represented a historic step in the struggle for world peace. Portugal participated actively and with interest in the work of this Conference, from which resulted important decisions regarding the stabilization of relations between the European States and increased co-operation between the nations of Europe, regardless of their adherence to different political and military blocs. For this reason, the Conference marked the principle of overcoming rigid opposition between blocs and represented a material contribution towards international detente.
83.	I shall now refer to some of the questions which most threaten international peace. Regarding the Middle East, we view with concern the disrespect for decisions already taken by the United Nations. We are for peace in this region, which does not signify disregard for any of the already established facts of nationhood, but which implies equally firm repudiation of any violent or imperialist solution, or the imposition by force of the will of one community on another.
84.	We are thankful for the recent peace initiatives in this area and hope that they lead to a solution recognizing the right of the Palestinian peoples to self-
determination and nationhood (although we believe that the existence of Israel as a nation cannot be ignored). With respect to this question we are in favor, of a solution allowing for the free life of the various communities, with the exercise of hegemony by none, a principle which has always guided our decolonization policy.
85.	In relation to the question of Cyprus, we see here also two national communities which, although coexisting in the same territory, have been unable to achieve a peaceful and harmonious life together.
86.	Cyprus is situated in a geo-political area, the Mediterranean, which we believe could be extended in the sense of allowing a closeness to grow up between the countries of southern Europe and those of North Africa and the Middle East that would in time come to effect a very favorable influence on the balance of power in the world. The struggle of the Cypriot people for the autonomous choice of their destiny will certainly contribute to the consolidation of the Mediterranean area, to which we attach great importance.
87.	Our condemnation of apartheid is final and derives from the internationalism of our policies. All discrimination between men is repugnant to our conscience, be it discrimination based on race, sex, religion or any other criterion. Such discrimination is the negation of human progress.
88.	Regarding Southern Rhodesia, Portugal has already recognized the African National Congress as the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe and has condemned the repressive and discriminatory policies of the Salisbury regime. We hope and desire that this problem may be resolved by peaceful and political means, through negotiation, although we believe that the strongest international pressure must be exerted on the minority Rhodesian regime.
89.	Regarding Namibia, our position is that the Territory is under the illegal occupation of the Republic of South Africa. We hope that that country will shortly come to accept the relevant resolutions already adopted by the United Nations.
90.	I shall now direct myself to two questions that are of greatest concern to us at this moment, for with respect to them we act within the full context of a decolonization policy based on respect for the political choices of peoples and on repudiation of all forms of neo-colonialism. I am referring to the questions of Angola and Timor.
91.	A fundamental principle of our decolonization policy has always been the respect for the personality of the colonial peoples and for their capacity to determine themselves their political destiny and construct the type of society best adapted to their national conditions. We consider the only legitimate political expression of the colonial peoples to be the national liberation movements which, rooted in the population and without any ethnic distinction, in fact carry out, in the field of political and armed struggle, the emancipation process of those peoples.
92.	As regards Angola, the existence of three liberation movements, widely differentiated ideologically, has introduced a great complication into the implementation of the principle described. This complication has taken the form, on the part of the liberation movements, of systematic violation of established agreements and continuous resort to force over the whole Territory, in a desperate effort to attain hegemony on the date of independence and at the cost of sacrifice and suffering imposed on many thousands of persons, both European and African.
93.	Regardless of the political choices of the Portuguese people or the ideological beliefs of its leaders, Portugal believes it must neither export to nor impose upon its former colonies predetermined political or social models. The emancipation of peoples is the task of the peoples themselves and consequently no one can substitute himself for the Angolans in the choice of their future. We therefore recognize as legitimate interlocutors the three liberation movements also recognized internationally: the Frente Nacional para la Libertagao de Angola [FNLA], the Movimento Popular de Libertagao de Angola [MPLA ] and the Uniao Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola [UN1TA]. We have made every effort through political means so that an agreement can be reached between these three forces, in the best interests of the Angolan people.
94.	The Alvor Agreement [see A/10040], in which every movement tacitly acknowledged the legitimacy of the other movements, set up a well defined transitional political framework for independence, overtaken by events in many respects. Nevertheless, Portugal remains faithful to the spirit and to the fundamental principles of those agreements. Thus it continues to recognize the three liberation movements as the legitimate representatives of the Angolan people; it considers 11 November as the date for the independence of Angola and it maintains that the unity of the Territory cannot be questioned. In view of the actual situation currently existing in Angola, truly one of civil war, the problem of the transfer of powers on the date of independence arises. For the solution of this problem, we place high hopes in the co-operation of the African States, particularly those with more direct interests in the area. A decisive contribution in this direction would be the immediate convening of a conference between the three liberation movements and Portugal, with the eventual participation, as mediators, of other African States chosen by the movements, a conference in which specific forms or means of transferring these powers would be studied.
95.	Active political and diplomatic support on the part of the United Nations and the international community, as well as non-interference on the part of the great Powers or of the great economic interests, will be of the highest importance for the solution of the Angolan conflict, which gravely endangers the political balance of the area and constitutes a serious threat to world peace.
96.	All efforts must be made to prevent civil war spreading throughout the Territory, particularly after independence. We have spared none and will continue to do everything in our power, but we should like the international community to be increasingly aware of its responsibilities in the search for a peaceful solution with regard to the political future of the Territory.
97.	As regards Timor, the situation is an extremely serious one. Portugal has proposed to the political parties of Timor la Associaao Popular Democratica
Timorense [APODETJ], el Frente Revolucionaria Timor Leste Independente [FRETILIN] and la Uniao Democratica de Timor [UDT] that talks be held with a view to finding a peaceful solution with regard to the political future of the Territory. We are ready to accept a wide range of political formulas which would really cater to the interests of the people of Timor, without failing to take into account the legitimate interests in that geopolitical area, namely those of Indonesia, and which could be worked out by agreement with the representative parties of Timor. On the other hand, Portugal, as of now, declares itself ready to hold talks with Indonesia, at the appropriate level, with a view to opening the way to a rapid and negotiated solution of the conflicts existing at present and to the determination of the political future of the Territory, always with the agreement of the three parties.
98.	Now I shall make a final reference to our position as regards the two great blocs that divide the world today.
99.	Portugal is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] and, in accordance with the program of the Armed Forces Movement, which is a provisional constitutional law of my country, complies with all international commitments previously undertaken. We do not intend to call into question our own membership of that Organization because we believe the most favorable way to detente that would bring about the gradual dissolution of the antagonistic blocs inherited from the cold war must necessarily avoid the abrupt dislocation of the prevailing geo-strategic equilibrium. We will therefore remain loyally bound by NATO. This does not prevent us from expressing frank solidarity and favoring a. rapprochement with the group of non-aligned countries and with all those who, like ourselves, are paving the way for a policy of true national independence. Portugal recently participated, as a guest, in the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima and has sought to intensify multilateral and bilateral contacts with this group of nations. We will continue to follow this policy and we feel sure we will thus not only reinforce our national independence but also more actively contribute towards a new type of peaceful relationship of solidarity that the independent peoples of all the world wish to see established.
100.	We know that the progressive role we wish to play in the present-day world cannot be dissociated from our position in Western Europe. I have already stressed the role of interlocutor which we will be in a position to play between Europe and the countries of the third world, particularly Africa and the Arab countries. Recent encouraging events, like the Lome Convention, lead us to believe in the establishment of more just and equitable relations between Europe and the third world that will counterbalance the weight of the great Powers. The Mediterranean area can play an important role in a renewed relationship between these two poles.
101. I have sketched before this Assembly the fundamental lines of our foreign policy. This policy stems from a basic option, made by the Armed Forces Movement in the name of the Portuguese people and later ratified, in free elections, by the sovereign will of the people: the option of socialism in political democracy.
102.	This means the Portuguese want a society progressively emancipated from all forms of alienated relations among men, which derive from the concentration of wealth and the power of social decision in the hands of a minority; it means we want a society directed towards the suppression of class divisions, a society firmly committed to the road to socialism. This means, on the other hand, that, on this road to socialism, the Portuguese do not want to sacrifice the victories of political democracy based on the system of representation and on universal suffrage and party pluralism, because we believe true socialism does not deny those historical conquests but reinforces them and makes them universal, while remaining open to other forms of democratic life which the creative initiative of peoples may bring forth.
103.	From this basic option is derived, in our foreign policy, the respect for the fundamental principles of international life, namely: the peaceful solution of conflicts; equal sovereignty of States and the rejection of foreign interference in the choices and destinies of peoples; and the establishment of relations with all peoples of the world, independently of their social systems and political regimes. From it is also derived the support of the progressive tendencies which at present are gaining strength internationally, namely the struggle of the peoples and nations of the third world for total independence and for new and more equitable international economic relations and the evolution of detente in the relations between the great political military blocs.
104.	The age-old aspiration of man for the abolition of the barriers raised by the privileges and selfishness of nations, races and classes demands progress in international relations towards justice and peace. Humanity is irreversibly approaching a dimension of universality. Peoples and cultures can no longer shun great world currents and tendencies, and the imposition of the imperialistic or hegemonic ambitions of some nations upon others is considered by universal conscience more and more to be inadmissible.
105.	It was the historic role of my country to be the first to establish contacts among different peoples and civilizations formerly isolated from each other. It is our hope today to contribute towards this further Step in the ascent of man in a universal direction, in the words of a Portuguese poet, "towards becoming step by step more human".
106.	We can become "more human" through the total negation of abusive and uncontrollable situations of political, social or economic power that are almost always based merely on the logic of the selfish interests of small and powerful groups, and through a realization that international relations must represent the meeting-point of the highest interests of humanity as a whole.
107.	Therefore we view with concern private interests that exist solely for profit spreading on a world-wide scale and even transcending national States. This is a fact to bear in mind from now on in international life and in the struggle of peoples towards full emancipation.
108.	Only by overcoming all the oppression and exploitation to which humanity is still subjected will it be possible for man fully to assume his mission as
creator of universal values and as the conscience of the universe itself. For it is not only the survival of the human species that is our concern, but also the achievement of full humanity through liberation from all subjection and alienation, so as to bring the prehistory of human society to an end.


Once again I should like to reaffirm in a few words from this podium the perseverance with which Upper Volta stands side by side with all the other nations represented here, unflaggingly shouldering our joint responsibility of freeing mankind from the specter of war and ensuring for future generations a world of justice and prosperity.
166.	May I be permitted first of all to comply with tradition in associating my warm congratulations with those of the speakers who have preceded me, and to say to Mr. Thorn, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, that I am personally most happy at his election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. His experience of international affairs is for us the best guarantee for the final success of our work.
167.	I must also address my warmest congratulations to the entire team which assists him, who also bear considerable responsibility for the proper functioning of this session.
168.	With regard to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who so admirably guided the work of the twenty-ninth session with the vigor for which he is famous, and has once again proved if there were any need to do so his admirable talent as a diplomat and negotiator in the course of the seventh special session which has just ended, we can only express our warmest gratitude to him for the outstanding contribution he has made to international co-operation.
169.	And, finally, I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the dynamism with which he has guided the destiny of the United Nations for almost five years now. His particular solicitude for the least privileged countries and his action for the benefit of the countries of the Sahel have earned him yet more of our gratitude.
170.	Thirty years ago, in the city of San Francisco, 51 independent States gathered to create the United Nations. Since then its membership has constantly grown, thus giving this Organization an increasing degree of its primary quality: universality.
171.	Last year Guinea-Bissau, Bangladesh and Grenada made their triumphal entry. This year it is the turn of Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe, and Cape Verde. My delegation cannot fail to greet warmly the accession to international sovereignty of those States, our brothers in blood and united to us by a common destiny.
172.	With reference to the Republic of South Viet Nam and the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, my delegation regrets that the representatives of those two countries do not yet occupy their rightful places in our Organization. The universality of our Organization has too often been preached from this rostrum for international public opinion to stand silent while the candidacies of these two Vietnamese Republics are blocked because of the opposition of one permanent member of the Security Council. We must therefore hope that the Council will heed the appeal of the General Assembly, and will re-examine promptly and favorably the candidacies of these two countries, because clearly the universality of the United Nations cannot but have a favorable effect on the Organization, since it makes it possible to solve certain international problems in the light of the growing inter-dependence of the international community.
173.	As the result of a new balance of power, which can be seen not only in the ever growing number of Member States, but also, above all, in the nature of their claims and in the new awareness of the need to undertake joint action to alter the system of international relations, the United Nations is striving to strengthen its role as a factor in the settlement of international problems on the basis of satisfying the legitimate interests of peoples and their aspirations to independence, freedom and progress.
174.	With their new vision of the world and international problems, one cannot doubt that the countries of the third world have become one of the most active factors.for enhancing the role of the United Nations.
175.	As I indicated at the beginning of my statement, there can be no doubt that the main problems of our world today revolve around two essential poles: the maintenance of peace and the promotion of economic development.
176.	Peace? We perceive the manifestations of it in some regions, whereas in others we cannot see even a passing shadow of it.
177.	In Africa, a new wind is blowing since the Portuguese colonialist forces were removed from power. Thus, after Guinea-Bissau, the last Portuguese Territories in Africa have recovered or will recover their independence in 1975. The measures taken by the present leaders in Lisbon have not disappointed our hopes, even though at present serious problems arise, particularly in Angola. The internal war raging there and the rivalries of the popular movements have already handicapped the harmonious development of a country whose every prospect had been so promising. My delegation urges the leaders of the three liberation movements of that country to overcome their difficulties and to work more effectively for national reconstruction. After their well-deserved victory over colonialism, it is truly deplorable that the liberation movements of that country should offer us the sad spectacle we see today, which ultimately benefits only the enemies of Africa. Quite obviously, what unites them is more important than what divides them.
178.	In Asia, the problem of Korea remains a matter of concern. I would simply say in this connexion that the explosive situation which is continuing has lasted too long. Are we to leave that country perpetually divided even though the two parties have expressed a real and specific will to reunite in their joint communique of 4 July 1972?'
179.	Upper Volta wishes to reiterate its position as I stated it here during the twenty-ninth session: we demand, first, the dissolution of the United Nations Command; and second, the withdrawal of the foreign troops stationed in Korea under the flag of the United Nations.
180.	In our view, these measures are the prior requirements for any peace agreement likely to lead to an independent and peaceful reunification of Korea.
181.	It is on the basis of this analysis that Upper Volta joined the sponsors of the draft resolution in document A/10191 regarding the creation of favorable conditions for converting the armistice into a durable peace in Korea and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea,
182.	In the meantime, the conflicts in South-East Asia would have rapidly found a happy outcome if the solutions advocated by the non-aligned had been accepted at the right time, in other words to allow peoples to live in peace which have always longed only for their independence and their freedom.
183.	In this regard, I should like to make special mention of Cambodia. My delegation rejoices to see that we have among us once again the legitimate representatives of that country who had unjustly been deprived of their seat by a puppet clique in the pay of imperialism. Upper Volta, which, side by side with the progressive forces of the world, has striven for the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, rejoices at the victory of the patriotic forces of that country. But can we ever forget the thousands who died because of our lack of action and postponements in the last two years when the General Assembly was dealing with the problem of Cambodia? While it is useless to go back to the past, it is nevertheless necessary to draw lessons for the future: foreign intervention, interference in the internal affairs of other States, the illegal occupation of territories by force, are now enterprises doomed to failure.
184.	But if, there, some hopes are warranted, peace elsewhere is threatened nevertheless by other hot-beds of tension. Thus, in Africa, despite favorable developments in the Territories which were under Portuguese domination, the situation in southern Africa still remains alarming.
185.	Apartheid persists despite the warnings of the international community. Likewise, South Africa continues to occupy Namibia with impunity and pursues its policy of bantustans.
186.	However, the racists of South Africa are reduced more and more to isolation, not only by the international community but also on their home ground, because Portuguese decolonization has left it deprived of bulwarks.
187.	Nevertheless, we must pursue, and wage more vigorously, the international struggle against the South African system, because we must, unfortunately, admit that at this level many States have systematically ignored decisions which they themselves helped to draw up.
188.	Last year the General Assembly took a firm decision concerning the representatives of Pretoria after the triple veto which paralyzed the Security Council [resolution 3207 (XXIX)]. That legitimate decision was in accord with the idea we have of the
United Nations in its task of peace and of safeguarding human dignity.
189.	Upper Volta, for its part, endorses the position clearly reaffirmed by Africa during the last extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU held at Dar es Salaam: no dialog is possible with the South African authorities so long as we do not clearly perceive signs of a radical change in policy envisaging the granting to the majority of their legitimate rights.
190.	The Middle East crisis has also become, in many respects, and far more than it was, the key world problem which is shaking the entire edifice of international relations; it is a threat to peace and security and puts the entire international community to the test. This crisis, which constantly moves back and forth between wars and uncertain truces, is more acute and more explosive than ever.
191.	Apart from the withdrawal from occupied Arab territories, a lasting peace in that region must include the recognition and granting of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine.
192.	Thus, while justly appreciating the results of the new disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel, we hope that the dynamics of peace will not therefore be interrupted. In the meantime, what we all want is to move in the direction of collective security, a security which must, above all, proceed from general and complete disarmament.
193.	Concerning that problem, Upper Volta can but recall its past position: namely, that it is urgent to seek ways and means to protect mankind from the nuclear disaster which threatens it because of the manufacture and stockpiling of nuclear weapons.
194.	It is comforting to note that the problem of disarmament holds an important place on the agenda of this session. Is this not the signal that disarmament is what we all hold dear? However, we are bound to confess that so far we have not achieved the results which we were entitled to expect.
195.	Upper Volta is nevertheless happy at the initiatives which here and there begin to see the light of day. The establishment of nuclear-free zones is undoubtedly one of the most certain ways, if not to prohibit nuclear weapons in a region, at least to control them effectively. That is why last year we supported the resolution on the necessary denuclearization of the African continent [resolution 3261 E (XXIX)]. Similarly, we have taken good note of the preparation of a world disarmament conference. While it arouses certain apprehensions, it nevertheless remains a stage which could be decisive in the disarmament process if it is prepared by countries having the required political will.
196.	To judge by the circumstantial and structural difficulties which are a source of serious concern in the field of international economic relations, this is no time for optimism.
197.	The situation of the countries most seriously affected by the present economic crisis remains grave. Indeed, according to estimates by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, cereal imports of 32 of those countries rose by $3,000 million in 1974-1975 and amounted to a total of $5,000 million; their need to import fertilizers rose to $1,500 million.
198.	Whereas it had been estimated that the unmet financial needs of these countries would rise to $2,300 million by 1975, everything leads us to believe that the needs will exceed $4,500 million.
199.	The international assistance promised will amount to approximately $1,500 million. The deficit to be covered is therefore approximately $3,000 million.
200.	Most of the more seriously affected countries are still in a critical situation which is even more serious than it was in 1974, when the deficit had been estimated at $1,700 million.
201.	The situation of these countries is worsening because of the steady deterioration in their terms of trade. The shocking rise in the price of fertilizers, fuel and food-stuffs, aggravated by inflationary pressures becoming more and more acute in the developed countries, is accompanied by a marked decline in their export earnings because of the recession in the developed countries.
202.	It is therefore essential and urgent to have these countries benefit from new favorable measures so that their debt burden will not reach an unbearable level and that they will be able to obtain sufficient quantities of food and fertilizers at reasonable prices.
203.	The unfavorable climatic conditions which have affected certain regions in recent years have resulted in bringing to light the weaknesses in the structures of agriculture, particularly in Africa: the lack there of adjustment in the ownership structures and cultivation methods to production requirements; lack of access to means of production; the insufficiency of the infrastructure, such as access roads and storage installations. The way in which the Africans themselves have at the State level taken all the necessary measures leads us to believe that there is need for outside help.
204.	On a short-term basis, measures are needed to ease the economic difficulties created by the shortages caused by natural catastrophes.
205.	On a long-term basis, consistent efforts should be made by the international community to support the development of the agricultural potential of the developing countries. In this connexion Upper Volta hopes that the Agricultural Development Fund will soon become operational and that it will have resources to finance agricultural projects mainly devoted to the production of food, in particular investments to build new fertilizer factories in the least advanced countries, which would do away with all the uncertainties of fertilizer supply and ensure production at a better price and the financing of investments in the processing industries of agricultural products.
206.	Upper Volta is essentially an agricultural country and we have decided to promote our social and economic development by taking the rural environment as the ultimate goal and vehicle for our actions. Our national experience in regard to community development will enable us in time to reach the poorest workers through outside contributions of production factors which will make it possible to increase production and productivity while safeguarding the cultural and rural traits which are factors for harmonious social and economic progress.
207.	The most distressing problem for Upper Volta and other Sahelian countries is the lack of water resulting in the encroachment of the desert. It is in the hope of a solution to this scourge that we proposed to the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly the convening of an international conference ■on preventing the encroachment of the desert [resolution 3337 (XXIX)]. We hope that the work of the conference will be deliberately directed towards the solution of theoretical and practical problems which will constitute the elements for a genuine program of international action.
208.	The urgent implementation of special measures ! for the least advanced countries and the land-locked ■ countries is all the more necessary since these countries are the most vulnerable in the developing world. The tragedies which these countries have lived through have quite eloquently proved the need to take corrective measures so as to enable them to deal successfully with the upheavals of the world economy.
209.	The measures advocated for their benefit have remained a dead letter in the commercial sector. While we are justified in being gratified at certain measures in regard to technical and financial assistance at the bilateral and multilateral levels, the fact remains that those measures are very far from meeting expectations. For those countries, the multilateral financial institutions are still, alas, far from their mission of being development banks. The rigidity of their procedures for action, and in particular their strict adherence to standardized profitability.calculations, place them beyond the reach of projects covering the rural world of the least advanced countries.
210.	We hope that the desired changes will be made as soon as possible in the methods of action by these institutions so as to enable the least advanced countries duly to benefit from the general measures adopted for all the developing countries within the framework of the United Nations Second Development Decade.
211.	Since the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, several international gatherings have been held, including the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, the World Conference of the International Women's Year, the Dakar meeting on raw materials and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries at Lima. All these Conferences have had the merit of better defining a coherent and complete framework of action within which we should place our various efforts to establish a new international economic order.
212.	The seventh special session has just ended. It made concrete progress in the direction of solving priority problems. There was unanimous agreement on an integrated program and the indexing and automatic transfer of resources to finance development, which deserve to be emphasized as having set the framework and objectives for negotiations which will be held between now and the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
213.	The results of the seventh special session have clearly shown the primary role which the United Nations could and should play as the setting for agreement and negotiations with a view to applying the guiding principles defined in the Declaration and the program of Action for the New International Economic Order and in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. But, of necessity, Member States, individually or collectively, must resolutely undertake to comply with the obligations to which they have subscribed in all sovereignty, despite the temporary difficulties they may encounter, Only such an attitude can restore credibility to the United Nations in the eyes of the developing countries after the failures so far encountered in the effort undertaken within the framework of the two Development Decades, because, contrary to the impression spread by a certain press, failures are not to be attributed to the procedure of decision-taking but to the lack of goodwill manifested by the developed countries in carrying out the commitments to which they have subscribed.
214.	The new structure for the economic and social sectors of the United Nations should rather strengthen its role as a negotiating center while making the Organization more capable of following and regularly checking the attainment of objectives jointly decided upon.
215.	We are convinced that we have now made a start towards better co-operation among nations. Perhaps it would not be superfluous to meditate upon the words of the late U Thant, former Secretary-General of the United Nations, who said:
"Are we much longer to allow blind economic forces to prevail in relations among men in the name of that untenable thesis that social sciences are incapable of progressing at the same pace as physical science? We have arrived at the crossroads of history. Rich and poor countries alike have a choice: either they move forward towards a community of international prosperity that is planned and coordinated, or they separately follow different paths towards an unplanned future, a future of chaos."


178.	  Costa Rica is pleased to join in the many congratulations that have been expressed to Prime Minister Thorn on his well-deserved election as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. His diplomatic skill and vast parliamentary experience are familiar to all. His background as the political leader of Luxembourg, a democratic nation where internal political pluralism is effective and where there is respect for the free interplay of divergent opinions, is the best guarantee that he will discharge his lofty functions in the most appropriate manner.
179.	I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on his enlightening report on the work of this Organization [Al10001 and Add.l]. The profound considerations in the introduction give us much food for thought. I consider that they should be a most important guide for the deliberations of this Assembly.
180.	Costa Rica was one of the 51 founding Members of the United Nations. During the 30 years of its existence, we have remained faithful to its principles and purposes. Today, as in the past, we continue to believe that our Organization offers the best opportunities for the international community to maintain peace, to lessen the present enormous danger represented by armaments, and to make it possible in a peaceful and constructive manner to bring about the essential changes in economic and social relations within and among States.
181.	That is why my country is not discouraged when the Organization fails in the immediate achievement of some of its objectives, and that is why we rejoice at its repeated successes. My delegation is determined to strengthen the United Nations. We maintain that the best way to do that is to make this Assembly, as well as the Security Council, the key forums where the national policies of its 142 Members are harmonized.
182.	Emphasis must be placed on harmonization, because the policy of international coexistence, which consists in the daily application of the principles of the Charter, is not forged by a dogmatic imposition of ideas upheld by a transitory majority upon a minority which is also transitory. An Assembly like this, in which so many Members participate, can be strengthened by its devotion to dialog and negotiation.
183.	Constant confrontation is the nuyor obstacle to the effectiveness of the General Assembly. It highlights the inability of its Members to understand different positions and to engage in the negotiation that is essential if we wish to find the common denominator that will pave the way for effective collective action.
184.	To achieve the present strengthening of the Assembly it is not constructive to argue that the leaders of the automatic majorities of yesterday are today the minority. For when the former majority automatically imposed its decisions on the former
minority, the Assembly did not function any more effectively. Therefore, there is no justification for continuing to use a system which has proved to be inefficient merely as revenge against those who were the majority in the past. In that case we would all the losers particularly the representatives of the small and medium-sized countries, for whom the strengthening of the Assembly provides the best opportunity to build an international system in which key decisions can be taken with our participation, and not in isolation, in the centers of political and military power.
185.	This attitude of revenge is even more useless and unjustifiable now that the experience of the seventh special session has proved that it is possible for the General Assembly to function productively by means of a consensus, which is the product of a vigorous dialog and intelligent negotiation. While all mankind stands to benefit from the agreements that are designed to establish a new international economic order, there can be no doubt that when we manage to achieve it, those who will gain the most from the consensus would be the developing countries, which have so far been the victims of the prevailing system.
186.	Votes in which the numerical power of a transitory majority prevail tend to focus the Assembly's attention on the disagreements which exist among various groups. On the other hand, consensus concentrates its attention on what can be done to solve a common problem, although there need not necessarily be agreement on why it is done.
187.	The mere fact of adopting by a majority, which is always transitory, resolutions which it is well known will not be complied with weakens the Assembly and lessens the credibility of the Organization. It is better to abandon the relative satisfaction of imposing by majority a controversial point of view that will not be implemented and to continue to negotiate until a consensus formula is arrived at which guarantees implementation.
188.	Although we cannot always do without voting  particularly on procedural matters it is indispensable that the consensus technique should prevail if we wish to strengthen the Assembly. The goal must be anticipated general acceptance, active or passive, of what the Assembly intends to achieve.
189.	We must not forget that the 142 Members represent civilizations, cultures, political philosophies and vital realities which are very diverse. The survival and the success of the United Nations depend upon the capacity of this Assembly to include them within its historical context and to absorb whatever is valuable from each. Without trying to do away with that plurality at any time, but rather by respecting it at all times, it is possible to find what is common to all and to convert it into a means of collective action in order to obtain peace, justice and the well-being of all mankind.
190.	The consensus technique does not, of course, imply the elimination of debate. On the contrary, it is essential that the different points of view be stated so that the process of negotiation may then begin. Those who are in a privileged position usually scorn as hostile rhetoric what is simply an expression of rebellion against unjust situations. Experience shows that the vehement denunciation of what is unjust is essential. Those who benefit from the status quo rarely
accept changes unless they are preceded by energetic demands from its victims. Only when they are convinced that it is dangerous to maintain a situation which has become explosive because of the protests of those who suffer from it are the privileged prepared to discuss corrective means.
191.	Once again, the fruitful result of the seventh special session offers a practical example of what I have just described. Without the repeated protest, which grew each day more vehement, of the countries of the third world against the prevailing international economic order, we would never have succeeded in getting the wealthy nations to pay attention to the causes of the poverty of the majority of mankind. Nor would we have succeeded in making the industrialized countries finally agree to negotiate the means of improving the situation of the developing countries.
192.	What is more, had there not been the increase in the price of oil through the agreed action of OPEC, it would not have been so easy to achieve the consensus by which the Assembly at the conclusion of its seventh special session, approved the resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-VII)].
193.	For the OPEC decision not only caused a dislocation in the finances of the highly industrialized countries. Above all, it was a very serious challenge to the existing international economic order. Within that order, the industrialized countries were accustomed to having a decisive influence because of their control of the machinery of the world economy, the prices of the basic commodities that they take from our countries, and the prices of the goods and services that the countries of the third world have to purchase from them.
194.	Now, for the first time in the history of the modern world, a group of countries removed from the major centers of political and military power such as the OPEC countries have taken a decision that fundamentally affects the prices of a basic raw material, despite the desires of those who so far have dominated every facet of international trade.
195.	That decision has made it clear that there is no reason to perpetuate the dependence in which the countries of the third world have lived in relation to the sale and marketing of commodities. It has meant that that dependence can even be reversed if the developing countries act together and decisively in the defense of their interests. That is why all the countries of the third world have supported the OPEC decision, although many of those countries, such as Costa Rica, which do not have the good luck to be a producer of oil, are affected by the vertical spiral in the price of oil.
196.	But let this serve as an opportunity to issue a warning that OPEC must not take it for granted that this support will continue for any further increases in prices which they may wish to decree, including the increase of 10 per cent which came into force yesterday particularly since the majority of its members seem to have forgotten their solidarity with the nations of the third world. Nevertheless, we are still hoping that the countries that are newly rich because of their oil exports will give tangible proof of their intention to use their growing resources to finance a system
of economic co-operation which by iis scope will differ fundamentally from the systems established by the highly industrialized nations.
197.	As I had l he opportunity of saying a few days ago in the Security Council, it is Costa Rica's aspiration that all the independent States of the world should be Members of the United Nations. Universality is essential if this Organization is to be truly representative of the international community. And precisely because we have faith in it, we believe that it is not only very desirable but also necessary that all Stales which have conflicts between themselves should enter and remain within the Organization.
198.	That is why we have favored for many years  and not only now the admission of the two States into which the Vietnamese nation has been divided. We did not object to admission when South Viet Nam had a capitalistic orientation and was at war with pro-Communist North Viet Nam. Of course , we do not object now when the two States have the same socialist organization of a totalitarian nature. Indeed, those who were against the simultaneous entry have now become their most ardent sponsors.
199.	We believe that the indiscriminate application of the principle or universality is in conformity with the criterion that ideological and political pluralism is indispensable for the peaceful coexistence that we all so much welcome. If we do not accept the right of each State to adopt the political and economic systems which, in the opinion of its Government, de jure or de facto, are most in accord with the historical facts, we violate the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of another State. Without respect for that principle, international harmony is inconceivable.
200.	For the same reasons, we have always been in favor of the admission to the United Nations of the two States into which the Korean nation has been divided. We regard as unacceptable the argument that the admission of both States would be an obstacle to their eventual unification. My delegation maintains that, on the contrary, the presence of the representatives of North Korea and South Korea in all the forums of our Organization would make contacts between them easier and would enable the international community to exercise a moderating influence in order to find formulas that would make it possible to overcome the obstacles to the reunification of the Korean people that exist today.
201.	The fact that North Korea does not now wish to become a Member of the United Nations is re ally-no reason to prevent the admission of South Korea, which docs. That is why 1 maintained in the Security Council that the refusal to include in the agenda the Republic of Korea's application for admission was an act of discrimination totally incompatible with the principle of universality.
202.	Behind that attitude it is not difficult to see the real designs of many delegations. Their refusal to recognize the very existence of the Republic of Korea, while they fully support the Democrat*: People's Republic of Korea, reflects a dangerous tendency to use ideological and political pluralism only when it is convenient to socialism of a totalitarian nature, and to reject that pluralism when ut applies to States that
are scornfully described as satellites of capitalist imperialism.
203.	That enables us to place the item entitled "The question of Korea" m its proper perspective. That question has been on the agenda of each session of the General Assembly for 28 years.
204.	As is well known, an armistice is. by basic definition, a temporary military agreement suspending hostilities while a peace treaty is negotiated between the belligerents.
205.	Regrettably, the temporary nature of the armistice that put an end to the tragic war in Korea has been prolonged for more than 22 years now, and it appears that it wit! be prolonged for many more years because our Organization cannot, if it acts responsibly, set aside an instrument that was signed by the Commander-in-Chief of the United Nations Forces, as the sole representative of one of the belligerent parties, until a peaceful settlement of the conflict has been reached
206.	The division of the Korean nation into two States, each of them supplanted by the respective sides in the cold war. was never accepted by the valiant people of Korea. The attempt to achieve reunification by force unleashed the bloody war of 1950, Since the end of the conflict, both Stales have continued to proclaim their unwavering decision to achieve the reuniOcatkw of their nation under a single Government That aspiration has been endorsed by this forum. That is why the General Assembly at its twenty-eighth session was w pleased it* hear that both parties had undertaken talks inwards peaceful reunification. And that is why we are discouraged that those talks not only have not progressed but. on the contrary, have led to increased tension.
207.	My delegation agrees that the United Nations is obliged to lend iJs assistance so that a solution can be found to the question of Korea in accordance with the purposes and principle of the Charter.
208. In extending that assistance, the United Nations must bear in mind that the baste principle of self-determination must be applied exclusively by the Korean people. The key to the question is to know what that people really wants, or at least what is preferred by a majority that will undertake Jo respect the opinion of the minority. So far no other authentic formula has been invented for discovering the will of the people than a free vote. This matter concerns two Stales recognized by a growing number of the members of the international community. The popular consultation cannot be left lo either one. A referendum requires supervision of the entire process by our Organization.
209. Here is the crux of the problem, because many Governments do not believe in direct popular consultation. I must confess that for us who have lived within a representative democratic system, their position is difficult to understand If sovereignly resides in the people, as all admit, we fail lo understand how a man, or a group, can legitimately arrogate to itself representation without prior popular consultation. Because for us. I repeat, in only true way to determine the wishes of a people is to consult it through the machinery of a free referendum.
210.	Any other way of representing the popular will is based on an assumption which, for us who are democratic, is difficult to accept namely, that people are not wise enough to choose their own course and, therefore, the choice must be made only by a man or a group which is the self-designated interpreter of the popular will.
211.	In order to achieve the ideal of the peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the complete exercise of the self-determination of the Korean people, the armistice must be kept in force since it prevents new military clashes, and we must, by every possible means, bring about a constructive dialog between the representative of the two States concerned.
212.	As a means of giving greater participation to the two Korean Governments in decisions on matters of direct concern to them, we believe it is desirable to dissolve the United Nations Command in Korea. But to that end we must first have the parties directly concerned adopt adequate measures so that, on the disappearance of the military Command of our Organization. there be no fundamental change in the operation of the armistice.
213.	That is why we have sponsored draft resolution A/10142 and Add. 1-7 now before the Assembly.
214.	My delegation would have no difficulty in supporting, in its essential premises, draft resolution A/10191 and Add. 1-3. if guarantees are given that force will not be used to unify Korea, and that the political structure  and orientation of the unified Korean State is chosen exclusively and directly by the people of the peninsula through the machinery of a free referendum under international supervision.
215.	The conflict in the Middle Hast has for decades cast a shadow on the panorama of the peace of the world. That is why it has been the subject of constant attention by the United Nations. The partial agreements achieved have the nature of emergency measures to halt hostilities. Now, for the first time, an agreement has been reached between Israel and a neighboring Arab country which docs not have armed conflict as an immediate antecedent. The agreement just initialed by Egypt and Israel for a further disengagement of troops in the Sinai is the result of a dialog which was started before, not after, military confrontation.
216.	This agreement, therefore, has a far greater importance than its immediate effects might indicate. Israel and E-gypt have proved that it is possible to hold direct negotiations between the belligerent parties in the region. And this is a remarkable improvement in view of the repeated refusal of the Arab States to sit and discuss their problems with the representatives of the State of Israel whose existence they have unrealistically been determined to ignore. Now it can be seen that the result of direct negotiation has no substitute as a means of arriving at a peaceful solution of the conflict. My delegation hopes that the example will have the effect of inducing the other belligerent parties to negotiate directly with their neighbor on agreements which will, in the near future, bring about a lasting peace.
217.	I wish to express the admiration of Costa Ricafor the valor and statesmanlike vision evinced by the
President of Egypt, Mr. Sadat, and by the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Rabin, incoming to this agreement, I also wish to congratulate the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger, whose perseverance and extraordinary diplomatic skill were so important a factor in negotiating that agreement.
218.	It is true that the Sinai agreement is only a first step on the long road towards solution of the Middle East conflict. There remain extremely difficult questions to be solved such as: first, the security of the State of Israel within frontiers which can only be final when a peace treaty is reached that its neighbors recognize; secondly, the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the territories occupied during the 1967 war; and thirdly, the recognition and practical implementation of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine, which includes living in peace within its own State.
219.	My delegation considers that Security Council resolution 242 (1967), supplemented by its resolution 338 (1973), contains all the necessary elements for the solution of these problems. The difficulty resides in the fact that application is hampered by those who would try to destroy its harmonious balance by the immediate application of the paragraphs of those resolutions which are to their liking, and the indefinite postponement of the implementation of the paragraphs which are not.
220.	I believe that this deadlock can only be overcome when all the parties involved in the conflict evince the same determination, perseverance and flexibility which Egypt and Israel demonstrated in the direct negotiation of the disengagement agreement for Sinai, which has deservedly been the subject of so much applause in this Assembly.
221.	Two important decisions, both taken at the meetings held in the month of July 1975 in the capital of my country, are proof of the intention to strengthen the inter-American system which, on a regional basis, helps to achieve the purposes of the United Nations. One relates to the reform of the inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance of 1947, and the other, the lifting of sanctions which have been imposed on the Republic of Cuba since 1964.
222.	The inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, as its name indicates, is not a military alliance, nor is the idea behind it to take advantage of States which are not parties. Basically, it is a covenant for the defense, in a spirit of solidarity, of a State party which is the victim of aggression from within or outside the continent. We consider the Treaty to be our best instrument for national defense, and on this we based the decision we took in 1948 to do away with our armed forces.
223.	This led us to co-operate enthusiastically in the reform of its text, not only to adjust it to the new conditions of inter-American policy, but also so as to avoid dangerous expansionist interpretations, as had occurred in the case of Cuba.
224.	The new text which was approved in San Jose no longer gives such flexibility to the consultative organ which administers the Treaty, to impose sanctions on a State unless it is for very serious acts which constitute genuine aggression in accordance with the definition adopted by the United Nations.
225.	Therefore, in future, the consultative organ cannot interpret that a given ideological definition or a heterodox form of political organization adopted by a Government of the Americas can be considered tantamount to aggression which affects peace in America and which, consequently, justifies pacifying action or the imposition of sanctions.
226.	The measures taken against Cuba in a very debatable implementation of the Treaty were the result of the cold war, which is now thawing out. Their application for more than 11 years had made them obsolete and turned them into a source of disagreement within the inter-American family.
227.	That is why Costa Rica was determined that the organ of consultation itself, which in 1964 decreed the prohibition of States members of OAS maintaining diplomatic, consular or trade relations with Cuba, should make that inoperative.
228.	That purpose was finally achieved during the sixteenth consultative meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of States members of OAS held at San Jose on 29 July 1975.
229.	The Government of Costa Rica hopes that, by eliminating that cause of friction in inter-American relations, a more propitious atmosphere will be created for dedicating the efforts of the inter-American system to improving the conditions of life of our peoples.
230.	There still remains a vexatious item in inter-American relations, and that is that the Isthmian Canal Convention of 190310 is still in force. As long as Panama does not recover the full exercise of its sovereignty over the entire territory of the Republic, as long as an unacceptable colonial enclave remains in the very heart of that sister nation, the Latin American countries will not be free of the apprehension caused by the presence of a world super-Power within the inter-American community.
231.	The negotiation of a new canal treaty which recognizes the just aspirations of Panama has become a test case as regards the sincerity of the inter-American policy of the United States. The cause of Panama is not that of Panama alone; because of its very merits it has become the cause of all Latin America.
232.	Peace and security through disarmament were the principal objectives of the founders of the United Nations. Regrettably, so far nothing really effective has been done even to limit the arms race, much less to disarm Member States.
233.	The Secretary-General, in the introduction to his report on the Work of the Organization, severely criticizes this situation. He points out the discouraging fact that in a world increasingly concerned with the problems of social justice and economic development total expenditure on arms exceeds $300,000 million per year.
234.	The international traffic in arms has become a sadly profitable business, to the extent of more than $20,000 million per year.
235.	It is not only the great Powers which are involved in this arms race; small and medium-sized States waste resources which they should devote to solving their grave internal problems on acquiring weapons, which in most cases they use only to subject their own peoples.
236.	The Secretary-General was quite right when, on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the signature of the Charter, he appealed urgently to nations large and small to give proof individually of moderation in acquiring arms, while intensifying their efforts to negotiate agreements leading to disarmament.
237.	It is a great satisfaction to state that Costa Rica welcomes and puts into practice the appeal made by the Secretary-General. Since 1948 my country has dissolved its armed forces and since then has spent not a penny on instruments of war.
238.	For Costa Rica the objectives of disarmament, or at least of arms limitation, are clear: first, to ensure peace by eliminating or limiting elements whose only purpose is war, secondly, to liberate resources so as to increase economic and social co-operation.
239.	At present the amounts disbursed by developing countries for military purposes are 20 times higher than expenditure on development assistance. In 1973, for example, the developed countries allocated 6.6 per cent of their gross national product to military expenditure, while they contributed only 0.26 per cent to development assistance.
240.	If the great Powers were to channel 1 per cent of the resources they devote to military expenditure to international economic co-operation there would be more than $2,000 million more for assistance to peoples who are trying to find a way out of poverty. This would represent an increase of 20 per cent on what is now spent on that noble purpose.
241.	For the reasons I have stated, my delegation has supported and will continue to support every measure proposed in this Assembly intended to reduce military expenditure and to promote disarmament. We take all proposals made at their face value. We refuse to attribute to those proposals propagandist intentions or attempts to gain a position of advantage in the arms race objections raised by other delegations which are more suspicious or less interested in the solution of the problem.
242.	In order to express in a single sentence all the importance which we attach to this matter, I should like to end my statement by saying that for Costa Rica the disarmament question in itself justifies the very existence of this world Organization.


111.	  Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria I would like to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high position of President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly and to express our conviction that under your leadership the current session will contribute substantially to the affirmation of the positive developments of our times.
112.	The year 1975 has been rich in memorable anniversaries linked with particularly remarkable events which have exerted, and continue to exert, a great influence upon the destinies of peoples all over the world. These events are the thirtieth anniversary of the victory of the anti-Fascist coalition over fascism in the Second World War and the thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations.
113.	The defeat of fascism and militarism radically changed the entire course of historical development, and caused profound and dynamic changes in the social and political structure of the world.
114.	The main aim of the forces which unleashed the Second World War was to establish world domination. The result was their total defeat and the liberation of scores of peoples from Fascist slavery. The aggressors aimed at liquidating socialism. The result was the creation and consolidation of the world socialist system. And finally they aimed at redistributing the colonies. The result was the final and irreversible collapse of the colonial system of imperialism and the formation of over 70 new States. These results were achieved thanks to the victory of all peace-loving and democratic forces. All progressive people cherish feelings of warm gratitude for the exploit of the peoples of the Soviet Union, which endured the main burden of the war and played a decisive role in winning the victory.
115.	As far back as the dark days of the war, nations and statesmen were faced with the question: on what basis should the future world be built so that the victory over the dark forces shall become a turning- point in mankind's history and not a new period between two wars?
116.	In the past 30 years mankind has more than once witnessed acts of aggression and military conflicts. More than once has universal peace been put to serious test. However, the peace-loving forces succeeded in frustrating the warmongers' plans. There occurred changes in the balance of forces in the world which favored the forces of peace and progress. That process, of course, did not take place all at once, nor did it come about by itself. It was the result of many years of efforts. We have always considered the struggle for the reduction of tensions as the cause of peoples and countries from all continents. The relaxation of tensions in international relations assists the struggle of progressive and democratic forces against reaction, while the successes scored by these forces deepen the process of detente, widen its scope and assist in turning it into an irreversible process.
117.	In between the twenty-ninth and the thirtieth sessions a number of events took place which confirmed that detente is emerging as a predominant trend in international relations. The principles of peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems are being translated into concrete deeds. The most brilliant manifestation of this trend is the successful completion of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, a unique and unprecedented event in international relations. It became possible thanks to the consistent peaceful policies of the Soviet Union and the other countries of the socialist community, as well as to the political realism shown by the Governments of the European countries, the United States and Canada.
118.	The results achieved by the Conference unani-mously received the highest assessment by the leaders of the participating States. These results met with wide approval throughout the whole world. As the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov, declared, these results are a brilliant manifestation of the affirmation of the principles of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, and a proof, too, that today there are no issues that cannot be solved through negotiations.
119.	The Final Act of the Conference represents a remarkable international document. It is permeated from beginning to end by the spirit, the goals and the principles of the United Nations.
120.	The Helsinki decisions mark a new state in the relations among European countries, which will be built on the basis of just and progressive principles, unanimously adopted. These decisions will play the role of a powerful accelerator to the process of the reconstruction of the political, economic, scientific- technological and cultural relations between States with different social systems.
121.	In the past Europe has twice become the centre of world wars that have had millions of victims and caused mass suffering and the destruction of enormous material wealth. Today Europe shows the way that must be followed so that detente can embrace all parts of the world. For that reason we are particularly gratified to note the high assessment, by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lima in August, of the results of the All-European Conference, and of the favorable impact they will have on the development of international relations and co-operation among States.
122.	The principles adopted at the Conference fully correspond to the foreign policy principles and goals of the People's Republic of Bulgaria. The clear-cut aspirations of our country to peace and co-operation determine the character of its relations with the countries of Europe and other parts of the world.
123.	In particular the People's Republic of Bulgaria is actively contributing to the creation of an atmosphere of security and confidence among the Balkan States. Bulgaria is not guided by short-term considerations, and has never used for self-seeking interests the crisis situations that have arisen in the Balkans. We look upon our efforts for the strengthening of peace in that region as our contribution to peace and security in Europe. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria will make unceasing efforts in the future also for the further development of co-operation among the Balkan countries and for the well-being of all peoples of the region.
124.	The victory of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia, who won their right to independent existei ce in a heroic struggle, also contributed to the expansion and deepening of the process of detente. An end was put to the foreign intervention, and broad perspectives were opened up for the stabilization of peace and security in that part of the world.
125.	The Bulgarian delegation notes with regret that the admission of the two Vietnamese States to the United Nations is being delayed by a totally unjustified and groundless pretext. There exists no moral, political or legal reason whatsoever to refuse the right of the two Vietnamese Republics to be full-fledged members of this Organization. That was confirmed by resolution 3366 (XXX), unanimously adopted by the General Assembly, which calls upon the Security Council immediately and favorably to reconsider the applications of the two Vietnamese States. We are convinced that commonsense will triumph during the thirtieth session and that the representatives of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam will occupy their lawful places among us as Members of the United Nations.
126.	The removal of the economic and political blockade against Cuba has also been a contribution to the struggle for detente.
127.	The policy of detente favors the national liberation struggle of peoples against foreign oppression. The process of decolonization has been notably accelerated recently, and the peoples in a number of colciial countries have won their national independence.
128.	On behalf of the People's Republic of Bulgaria I welcome the representatives of Mozambique, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, and Papua New Guinea on the attainment of their independence and their admission to the United Nations as Members.
129.	Colonialism is moribund. The United Nations has made a not insignificant contribution to that process. Fifteen years ago the General Assembly adopted a historic document the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. The unity of action of the socialist countries with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the struggle for the implementation of that Declaration was strengthened. At the current session the United Nations should draw up a balance-sheet of its activities in this field and outline further measures for the total and final elimination of all vestiges of colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid.
130.	The phenomena and processes which are developing in the present-day international situation confirm that detente creates favorable conditions for reaching a just solution to even the most acute international conflicts, for broadening international co-operation and for successfully resolving vitally important socio-economic problems, particularly the problems which confront developing countries.
131.	In this situation it has become possible to raise the question of the reconstruction of international economic relations on a new and just basis. We welcome the positive decisions of the seventh special session of the General Assembly as a new and important step in this direction.
132.	It should not be forgotten, however, that the forces hostile to peace and detente have not resigned and have not been disarmed and that they have not given up their attempts to launch an offensive in different countries or regions or even to return the world to the atmosphere of the "cold war". We have never imagined the road to detente to be smooth and without obstacles. It is the fault of certain militaristic circles and advocates of the policy of acting from a position of strength, who are actively assisted by those whose policy is based on the arms race and who dream of a new world holocaust, that there still exist centers of tension and military conflicts in a number of areas of the world.
133.	The Bulgarian people are justifiably alarmed by the continuing crisis in the Middle East, which conceals a great threat to peace. The danger of a new military clash in this area has not been removed and will not be removed until Israel withdraws from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967, until the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine are restored, including the right to create their own State, and until the right of all peoples and States to live in peace and security in the region are assured. A just, overall and durable settlement to the conflict cannot be achieved by partial measures, but only within the framework of the Geneva Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine.
134.	One of the unsolved issues is that of Cyprus. It continues to disturb relations in the Balkans and in the Eastern Mediterranean and unsettles peace. The Bulgarian Government, whose position on the Cyprus problem is well-known, is hopeful that a solution will be found which will correspond to the interests of the people of Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, as well as to the interests of peace and security in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, the United Nations can play a positive role in the settlement of the Cyprus problem by activating its efforts for the implementation of its own decisions.
135.	The United Nations must, already at the current session, take a decision to dissolve the so-called "United Nations Command" and to bring about the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed on the terri-, tory of South Korea. The United Nations will thus help in practical terms the just solution of the Korean question, the peaceful reunification of the Korean people, and will undo the harm caused to the United Nations authority more than a quarter of a century ago.
136.	The United Nations is also required to make ever more energetic efforts for the restoration and respect of human rights in Chile, for the release from prisons of the heroic sons and daughters of the Chilean people. World public opinion must not allow the Chilean tragedy to be repeated in any other part of the world.
137.	It is necessary to put an end to any attempts at outside interference aimed at checking the democratic development of Portugal.
138.	Our Government shares the view, expressed by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in the introduction to the report on the work of the United Nations, that the attention of Member States should be directed towards increasing the United Nations contribution to the solution of the major issues of our times and, in the first place, to the strengthening of world peace. We consider that the United Nations is in a position to do a great deal for the elimination of existing hotbeds of tensions and conflicts. One of the ways to do this is for all States to adhere to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], which was adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union five years ago.
139.	We are deeply convinced that lasting peace and security are incompatible with the arms race. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria considers that it is of vital importance to supplement political detente with military detente. The fact that today nearly $300,000 million are being spent annually on armaments cannot but cause anxiety. The Secretary-General had every reason, when stressing the dimensions of this unprecedented spending for military purposes, to point out the imperative necessity of taking effective measures for ending the arms race and for disarmament.
140.	The constructive spirit displayed at Helsinki at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe ought also to stimulate the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe in order to overcome the standstill in the negotiations. We believe that there exist conditions for reaching positive results in the talks, provided that all participating countries adopt a realistic approach and do not attempt to obtain one-sided advantages.
141.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria, which along with other countries of the socialist community has always fought for general and complete disarmament, viewed with satisfaction the Soviet-United States agreements concluded in Vladivostok in November 1974 and regards them as real steps towards the limitation of the nuclear arms race.
142.	The achievement of progress in the field of disarmament necessitates above all political will and a realistic approach. The achievement of new genuine results leading towards general and complete disarmament is hindered to a considerable degree by the unrealistic positions of certain Governments, by this raising absurd pre-conditions, creating artificial obstacles and undermining the work of the Organization in this important sphere.
143.	We believe that the convening of a world disarm-ament conference with the participation of all countries, including all nuclear States, will prove extremely useful. The need for convening such a conference as soon as possible is being recognized by an ever wider circle of States. This fact necessitates turning to the practical preparation of the conference at the current session by enlarging the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee on the World Disarmament Conference. Those who boycott the preparation of the conference and impede the implementation of four General Assembly resolutions, find themselves in growing isolation, because they defy the will of peoples and oppose the decisions of our Organization.
144.	The implementation of the General Assembly resolution 3254 (XXIX) on reducing the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council and resolution 2936 (XXVII) on the non-use of force in international relations and on permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons will be a sizable step towards halting the arms race and will allow the release of the considerable means so much needed by developing countries at present.
145.	The People's Republic of Bulgaria attaches special attention to the work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva. We hope that the Conference will be able very soon to conclude its work on the Soviet and United States drafts, identical in content, on a convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of technology to influence the environment. The work on such major problems as the creation of nuclear-free zones and the prohibition of chemical weapons must be brought to a successful completion without any delay.
146.	The current session of the General Assembly could leave an unforgettable imprint on the history of the world Organization by taking decisions which would open broad perspectives leading to effective disarmament. A real and concrete basis in this respect is furnished by two important proposals submitted to the General Assembly a few days ago.
147.	I have in mind the new initiatives of the Soviet Union which once again undeniably bear witness to the unwavering concern of the Soviet Government not to allow, even for a moment, any slackening of effort in such a field as disarmament, which is so vitally important to all peoples and States.
148.	The Soviet proposal for the conclusion of an agreement on the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and of new systems of such weapons [see AII0243, annex] is of exceptional importance to halting the arms race. Its implementation will help to cut off all attempts aimed at using the latest achievements of science and technology for military purposes and will contribute to expanding international scientific and technological co-operation for development purposes. Experience shows how difficult it is to halt the arms race in a particular field of armaments once it has begun.
149.	The struggle for the prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests assumes an important place today in the efforts of the peace-loving forces to reduce and remove the thermonuclear danger. This question is of key importance for the prevention of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons, for halting the arms race and for beginning nuclear disarmament. The 1963 Moscow Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water and the 1974 Soviet-United States Treaty on the Limitation of Underground Nuclear Weapon Tests constitute important achievements in the endeavor to resolve this problem. As is known, however, there still exist at present possibilities for testing and perfecting nuclear weapons.
150.	It is only the complete prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests that will contribute effectively to curbing the nuclear arms race. This determines the great significance and timeliness of the new Soviet proposal for the conclusion of a treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests [see A\10241, annexJ.
151.	The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria welcomes and fully endorses the proposals initiated by the USSR. Those proposals constitute a new outstanding contribution to the further relaxation of the international climate and to disarmament. Owing to the great importance of these issues the question of their immediate settlement should, in our view, be placed at the center of the efforts of the current session of the General Assembly in order to achieve speedy progress on the whole range of disarmament problems.
152.	The course of historical development shows that the desire of the peoples for a limitation of the arms race and for effective disarmament always faces stubborn opposition. At times that opposition has been due to political short-sightedness, to the theory, which has proved to be absolutely groundless, that it is necessary to prepare for war to strengthen peace. The opponents of disarmament were the representatives of those social circles which saw in conflicts and wars means for establishing their domination over other peoples and nations, political leaders who were dreaming of the creation of empires and world domination. The results of this short-sightedness and criminal intent were always tragic for the peoples. Those who love military adventures, those who are advocates of the arms race, have always borne a heavy responsibility, which in recent history led such people to the bench of the accused at Nuremberg. But in our time, a time of thermonuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, this responsibility has become much more significant and becomes particularly heavy when attempts are being made to indulge in pseudo-revolutionary phraseology and demagogic slogans to disguise over-ambitious political aims.
153.	Neither slander nor negation can diminish the significance and the political realism of the Soviet Union's proposal aimed at removing the obstacles in the path of efforts to stop the arms race and clearing the way to general and complete disarmament.
154.	We are convinced that those proposals will find the same wide response in the world community and the same wide support on the part of the States Members of the United Nations as they have given to many other initiatives of the Soviet Union. Indeed, that will be the best possible answer to the slanderers and the opponents of disarmament, peace and understanding among peoples.
155.	The United Nations was born amid the thunder of gunfire and embodied in itseif the wi'' and determination of nations not to permit again in the future the tragedies of war. During its 30 years of activity the world Organization has contributed to the preservation of universal peace and to the promotion of positive processes in international life.
156.	In the course of past years, under quite different and sometimes particularly complicated circumstances, the Charter of the United Nations has stood the test of time and has proved its vitality.
157.	If the United Nations has not always been successful in its undertakings, this is not due in any way to flaws in the Charter; on the contrary, this has been the direct result of the non-observance of its principles. Whenever States built their policies upon the strict observance of the Charter, conditions were created for a peaceful and just solution of international disputes, crises and conflicts; the Organization's contribution was then really effective. And, vice versa, when the principles of the Charter were violated, when countries diverged from them, tensions flared up in the world and there emerged a real threat to peace and security.
158.	That is why Bulgaria is against any revision of the Charter. We are firmly convinced that the enhancement of the role and effectiveness of the United Nations can be achieved solely on the basis of the strict observance of the principles and provisions of the Charter.
159.	As a member of the socialist community, the People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to make its active contribution to the realization in the practice of international relations of the lofty principles and goals of the United Nations.
160.	We are profoundly convinced that all the objective conditions exist for the current session of the General Assembly to adopt decisions which are worthy of its thirtieth anniversary and which will correspond to the innermost aspirations of the peoples.