On 8 October 1967, exactly 13 years ago, revolutionaries and freedom
fighters all over the world learned with both grief and indignation
that Commander Ernesto Che Guevara, the heroic guerrilla, had been
murdered in Bolivia. Today, from this rostrum, where he spoke as a
representative of the Cuban revolution, we should pay him the only
tribute he would accept, that of following faithfully his example and
struggling to achieve true independence for our peoples and to
repulse any attempt to rob us of the rights that we have already won.
May he continue fighting wherever the children of our oppressed
peoples are struggling for freedom and keep working wherever creative
efforts are paving the way to development.
The Arab peoples have waged a long struggle to win recognition of
their right to govern in their own land. As early as 1881 Jose Martel
said The brilliant Arabs should at all costs return to Arabia, as
though avenging their centuries old oriental drift. He was then
referring to the rebellions against European colonial domination and
movingly praising the spirit that the Arab peoples brought to their
fight. Few struggles, however, have attained such heroic heights and
mobilized all the people young and old, women and children as the one
that we have just witnessed in the long days of the Palestinian
people's struggle against the genocidal Zionist imperialist invasion
of Lebanon.
At the meeting of the Co coordinating Bureau of the Non Aligned held
in Nicosia, during the unforgettable moments of the defense of
Beirut, the non  aligned movement, that powerful, independent force
grouping nearly 100 States, declared that it was necessary to
recognize the Palestinian people's right to establish their own State
and return to their homeland. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
expressed itself in much the same terms, and it also insisted on the
necessity of recognizing the PLO as the sole legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people.
The non aligned countries call for the immediate holding of an
international conference on Palestine, with the participation of the
PLO and all States interested in finding a real, permanent solution
to the situation in the Middle East, where the nub, the first step,
must be recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian
people.

By entering west Beirut, in a gesture of utter disregard for world
public opinion and for Israel's pledges to respect the peace
agreements, Israeli troops created the conditions for Haddad's
murderous gangs to take cowardly advantage of the honorable
withdrawal from Beirut of the heroic Palestinian leaders and fighters
a withdrawal designed precisely for the purpose of avoiding the
indiscriminate slaughter of civilians and fall like bloodthirsty
savages on the defenseless Palestinian camps. In doing so they relied
on the collaboration of Israel, which had responsibility and which
set the scene for them and facilitated the carrying out of the
slaughter. Hitler would have had much to learn from the madness of
Messrs. Begin and Sharon.
HO. The Zionist genocide in Beirut is the direct result of the United
States Government's policy of force, violence and oppression. Nobody
has failed to notice the direct connection and manifest complicity
between the crimes committed in Lebanon and the continual United
States vetoes in the Security Council, which have convinced the
criminal Tel Aviv authorities that they are immune to any political
or moral limitations that the United Nations should have placed upon
them a long time ago.
In his denunciation of this situation to the United Nations contained
in a letter addressed to the Secretary General, Fidel Castro,
President of the Council of State of the Republic of Cuba and
Chairman of the non aligned movement, asked:
How long can mankind and all decent and sensible Governments endure
this brutal and merciless genocide? What new horrors will be
necessary before the aggressors are stopped and their bloody hands
stayed? Is not this proof that Israel's rulers are preparing to
continue, in defiance of all, to eliminate the Palestinian people,
annihilate the patriotic Lebanese resistance and extend their
aggression to other Arab States?
In the name of the non aligned movement, whose indignation I voice;
in the name of the Cuban people, whose feelings of grief and staunch
solidarity I represent, I join in the universal demand that the
murderers and those who set the tragic scene for them and facilitated
this abominable action be punished. It is indispensable that there be
at least a political and moral exemplary sanction of all those guilty
of the Beirut crime. For crimes against humanity such as this, for a
murderous and racist philosophy such as that which motivated these
deeds, the criminals at Nuremberg were seated in the dock and sent to
the gallows.
The time has come for the United Nations to act, and only exemplary,
prompt and energetic punishment of those who committed the genocide
and their accomplices will save the honor and respectability of our
institution before the coming generations and the inexorable judgment
of history.
The Palestinian leaders and fighters have withdrawn honorably from
Beirut, but only to continue the fight for the Palestinian people's
inalienable rights until victory is won.
Mr. President, we should like to say how pleased we are that you, Mr.
Hollai, an outstanding son of the heroic Hungarian people, are
presiding over this thirty seventh session of the General Assembly.
We should also like to express our appreciation for the exemplary
work done by the former President of the General Assembly, our friend
Ismat Kittani. We greet the Secretary General, the first Latin
American to occupy such a high post of responsibility, Mr. Javier
Perez de Cuellar, for his tenacious efforts aimed at strengthening
and reinforcing the Organization. We are living in a world
characterized by a sharpening of tension in international relations,
due to the acts of provocation and the policies of arms buildup and
nuclear blackmail advocated by United States imperialism. The danger
of a nuclear war that would wipe out all the work of mankind grows
constantly and hangs like an ominous cloud over man's right to live
in peace.
All attempts to hide from the peoples the real consequences of a
nuclear conflict and make them believe that such a conflict could be
limited to a specific geographic area or instil in them the idea that
it is feasible to start such a war with the possibility that some
Power may emerge victorious, is exceedingly dangerous and
incompatible with the vital interests of all mankind. Therefore, it
is necessary to continue mobilizing public awareness of the dangers
posed by nuclear war and weapons of mass destruction.
The arms race has continued its upward spiral, and imperialism keeps
on trying to impose policies from positions of strength. In spite of
the fact that negotiations have started on strategic weapons, on
nuclear weapons in Europe and on the reduction of weapons and
military personnel in Central Europe, the United States shows no
willingness to negotiate and tries to hide its militaristic plans
from the world public and impose them upon its Western European
allies.
The second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament,
held midway through this year, was an example of the lack of
political will of a group of States to negotiate seriously and
constructively to find solutions for the problems of disarmament.
The unbridled arms race that some countries are practicing a race
which includes attempts to install 572 medium range missiles in
Europe, the production of neutron bombs and the establishment of
interventionist rapid deployment force constitutes a serious threat
to international peace and security and to mankind's very survival.
The arms buildup policy is closely linked to the imperialists' plans
to impose their dictates in various parts of the world. Thus, on the
one hand, imperialism is obstructing the negotiations on disarmament
and, on the other, is encouraging and providing political and
military support for the reactionary forces all over the world.
Thus, besides the concerted aggression of Israel and the United
States against Lebanon, other trouble spots are present in the
explosive Middle East.
Unfortunately, the war between the peoples of the Islamic Republic of
Iran and Iraq still continues. As chairman of the non aligned
movement, Cuba has made tremendous efforts, together with other
countries, to help find a peaceful, just and honorable solution to
the conflict. We take this opportunity of addressing this important
forum to reiterate our hopes and renew our offer of services to help
bring the war to an end for the benefit of both peoples, of other
peoples in the region and to prevent the spread and worsening of the
conflict.
This is also a good occasion for expressing a most energetic protest
against the direct and indirect aggressions which United States
imperialism has perpetrated against the People's Democratic Republic
of Yemen, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and other
peoples in the north of Africa engaged in peacefully building their
destinies.
Concerning Namibia, the United States is ignoring Security Council
resolution 435 (1978) as well as General Assembly resolution 36/172
B, proclaiming 1982 the International Year of Mobilization for
Sanctions against South Africa, and is not using the means at its
disposal to pressure South Africa into accepting a negotiated and law
abiding solution based on the relevant resolutions of the Security
Council and the General Assembly. In fact, Washington is playing the
game of Pretoria which seeks to rob the Namibian people of their
victory and true independence.
The racist regime of South Africa and its United States allies are
insisting on linking Namibia's independence to the presence of the
Cuban forces in Angola as an essential prerequisite for arriving at a
negotiated solution. But they will not be able to hide the truth of
the fact that Angola's independence, territorial integrity and
sovereignty have made and are making an important contribution to
Namibia's independence. The Cuban internationalist fighters went to
Angola to help defend Angola's independence and prevent the spread of
the apartheid regime beyond the borders of Namibia; for no other
reason.
If the Yankee imperialists and partners of the Apartheid regime have
been forced to talk about the independence of Namibia, it has been
because of the armed struggle of the heroic sons of the people of
Namibia, because of the actions headed by SWAPO and because they have
failed in their attempts to prevent the independence of Angola.
In 1976, the Governments of Angola and Cuba decided to begin
withdrawing the Cuban military forces that were in Angola and the
number of Cuban personnel was reduced by more than one third. New
threats against Angola interrupted this process and even made
necessary the return of new forces to replace those which had already
left the noble Angolan soil. Other aggressions; by South Africa
frustrated similar attempts another occasions. Now, when the racist
troops of the Pretoria regime have been occupying a part of the
territory of southern Angola for more than a year and are threatening
to invade other provinces, the United States Government seeks to
present a demand that the Cuban forces should  withdrawn from Angola
as a condition, a prerequisite, for the withdrawal of South   African
troops from Namibia, as something that would contribute to Namibia's
independence.

That is why the front line States, at their recent meeting in Lusaka,
resolved categorically to reject any attempt to tie the Cuban
presence in Angola to the process of decolonization in Namibia,
reaffirming in their final declaration that that matter concerned
only the Governments of Angola and Cuba.
Cuba and Angola stated in February this year that Cuban military co
operation with Angola constituted an absolutely sovereign and
legitimate act by the two countries and as a result was completely
unrelated to the problem of Namibia. They also pointed out that if
the selfless struggle waged by SWAPO, the sole legitimate
representative of the Namibian people, and the demands of the
international community succeeded in bringing about a real solution
to the problem of Namibia, based on strict compliance with Security
Council resolution 435 (1978), and it resulted in truly independent
rule and to the total withdrawal of the South African occupation
troops to the other side of the Orange River, which would
considerably reduce the danger of aggression against Angola, then the
Angolan and Cuban Governments would consider the renewal of the
implementation of the programme for the gradual withdrawal of the
Cuban force within a period of time determined by the two Governments.
We can consequently reaffirm here, in the General Assembly that when
the Governments of Angola and Cuba so determine, the withdrawal of
the Cuban forces stationed on Angolan territory will be effected by
virtue of the sovereign decision of the Government of the People's
Republic of Angola once all or any possibility of an attack by an
armed invading force has disappeared. In this regard, the Government
of Cuba reiterates that it will unhesitatingly respect any decision
that the sovereign Government of Angola makes concerning the
withdrawal of those forces.
In view of the evident closing of options for negotiation, SWAPO, the
sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, has the
right to continue the armed struggle to achieve Namibia's
independence, with full respect for its territorial integrity,
including Walvis Bay, and without the presence of South African
troops on its soil.
The struggle of the African peoples will inexorably bring to an end
the vestiges of colonialism and racism on that continent. The
Pretoria regime knows that historically it is doomed. The growing
rebelliousness of the black South African masses, led by the African
National Congress, shows that the exploited majority is advancing
inexorably towards the liquidation of the power of the exploiting
white minority. We endorse the decisions to support the ANC adopted
by the heads of State at the frontline States at their Maputo meeting
in March this year.

In Latin America, after nearly a century of imperialist domination,
the situation could not be more hopeless for tens of millions of
human beings subjected to the most dreadful poverty. Compulsory
witnesses of the profits of the local oligarchies and of the
transnational corporations, the peoples of Latin America will be
carrying on their shoulders a foreign debt which, by the end of this
year, will reach the astronomical figure of $300 billion, without
counting the $30 billion they will have to pay annually in interest.
The indices that measure the living standards of the popular sectors
in the vast majority of the countries in our region are falling
alarmingly without any restraint. It is precisely this state of
permanent inequality that is the main cause of the social revolt that
is shaking Central America today.
Blinded by stupidity and lack of realism, Mr. Reagan's Administration
has rejected dialogue and a negotiated political solution in this
explosive area and is preparing the conditions for an armed
intervention that would prevent a revolutionary triumph in El
Salvador and drown the Nicaraguan revolution in blood. Such is the
spirit of the Symons Amendment, passed recently by the United States
Senate, preparing public opinion for the United States President's
use of all means, including the use of troops, to oppose an alleged
Cuban threat in Latin America.
The United States Government is engaged in using the armed forces of
Honduras as a spearhead against Nicaragua and the Salvadorian
patriots, with the aim of legalizing a probable direct intervention
by United States forces. The entry of Honduran army personnel into El
Salvador and of former Somoza supporters into Nicaragua from camps in
Honduras unquestionably means dangerous and definitive steps towards
the spreading of armed conflict throughout the Central American region
Thus far the Reagan Administration has not contributed to the moves
directed to apolitical solution to the tensions in the region. A few
days ago, President Lopez Portillo of Mexico and President Herrera
Campinas of Venezuela made new proposals which Cuba hopes will
produce positive results.
If the United States intervenes militarily in El Salvador or
Nicaragua, it would lead to the appearance of a new Viet Nam in
Central America, because the peoples of Farabundo Marti and Augusto
Cesar Sandino will defend their national independence and their right
to be Ate until they defeat their enemies.
President Fidel Castro pointed out in the letter he sent to Jose
Lopez Portillo, President of Mexico, in February this year that:
If the Government of the United States the source of all the problems
which affect Latin America and the Caribbean today pledges not to
attack its neighbors, if it ceases its constant threats, if it stops
using its weapons and finances to back genocidal regimes and if it
puts an end to its subversive activities, all these being acts which
have absolutely no legitimacy, Cuba is willing to co operate in the
noble efforts you outlined in Managua to bring about the atmosphere
of peace, mutual respect and necessary change in the region, to which
we also aspire.
Cuba today reiterates its full support for Argentine sovereignty over
the Malvinas Islands. Hard, concrete, stubborn facts have
convincingly shown who is who in our continent. When forced to show
its true colors the United States, the self appointed arch  defender
of Latin America and dedicated architect of the Rio Treaty and of the
myth of hemispheric unity against dark extra continental forces,
dropped its so called pan American vocation and shamelessly joined
forces with England to fall, as Marti would say, with so much greater
force on our Latin American lands. At the moment of truth, the
institutions built on hypocrisy went down in the Atlantic without the
dignity of the crew members of the General.
Now, a new awakening of Latin American awareness is the order of the
day; a deepening of anti imperialist feeling is spreading through our
continent; the peoples are learning daily from history in the making,
from the blows they receive and from the experience they acquire; and
no propaganda, however sophisticated or subtle, can change or twist
the historical positions taken on the facts relating to the Malvinas.
Cuba also reiterates its unswerving support for the legitimate
struggle that the fraternal people of Puerto Rico are waging to
attain full independence and sovereignty. Nothing can keep the
peoples from travelling the destined path of their history; like it
or not, one day the free Latin American people of Puerto Rico will
themselves sing the beloved anthem of their homeland and they
themselves will raise their flag with the lone star, free of
hypocritical trusteeships and master of their destiny. There will
remain in our continent tyrannies that every day spill blood on the
road that will lead these peoples to the freedom to which they are
and for which they are waging an exemplary fight.
We reiterate our firm solidarity with heroic Grenada, which, with
unparalleled efforts, is laying the foundations for a new exemplary
resistance against the imperialists' attempts to destabilize its
economy, subvert domestic interest and frustrate the revolutionary
process rooted in that Caribbean island.
Cuba supports the aspirations and desires of the Panamanian
Government and people in their struggle for implementation of the
Canal agreements.
We support the right of Bolivia in its historical and just claim to
recover its outlet to the sea.
Cuba's position is well known on the subject of the negotiated
settlement of disputes. We hope that, in the spirit of the necessary
strengthening of the relations among the peoples of our continent,
the differences over the border limits between Guyana and Venezuela
will be settled peacefully, by means of mutually accepted formulas.
Cuba supports the independence, territorial integrity and non
alignment of Belize.
We must also struggle to guarantee peace and stability in South East
Asia. The Sixth Conference of Indo Chinese Foreign Ministers was held
in July this year; it announced that a summit meeting of those three
countries would be held in December and that the withdrawal of a
number of Vietnamese troops from the territory of the People's
Republic of Kampuchea had been initiated in late July. This shows the
three countries' good will in trying to ease the tension in the
region through political means. A climate of understanding, mutual
respect and security must prevail in South East Asia, and the efforts
to begin a constructive dialogue between the parties in conflict
should continue.
My delegation reiterates its support for the legitimate aspiration of
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful
reunification of its homeland for which it is absolutely necessary
that interference in its internal affairs should cease and that the
United States forces of intervention withdraw from the southern part
of the Korean peninsula.
We support the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic in its legitimate
rights to live in peace and take its rightful place among independent
States. We support the aspirations of the Comoros to regain their
sovereignty over Mayotte, the restitution of Madagascar's rights over
the Malagasy Islands of Gloheuses, Juande Nova, Europa and Bassas da
India, and the just claim of Mauritius to recover Diego Garcia island.
The United States continues to increase its presence in the Indian
Ocean and to enlarge its military installations in the area, as is
the case with the Diego Garcia base, and to block the holding of a
conference for making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. This policy
is detrimental to security in the region and exacerbates tensions by
constituting a threat to the Governments that are striving to lend
their national interests.
We support the Cypriot people's sustained efforts to preserve its
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in a united and
non aligned republic.
The efforts and actions that various agencies and the international
community are carrying out with regard to the peoples' legitimate
demand for a stable, lasting peace cannot be consolidated if we do
not devote ourselves seriously and frankly to the constitution and
practice of a new system of international relations whose main aspect
is the implementation of a fair and equitable new international
economic order that does away with the abysmal differences between
the poor and the rich countries. This is not a question of alms or
privileges; we demand the help of the developed countries so that, by
combining our efforts, we may eliminate the differences that separate
us.
133. The insistence on dealing from positions of strength, from
positions of military superiority, is leading the present Republican
Administration in the United States to plan increases in its military
budget for l983 that come to the astronomical sum of more than $260
billion. By 1986 military spending will exceed $372 billion, or 35.2
per cent of the total United States budget. This harmful trend of the
United States Government towards increasing its military spending at
an explosive rate will for other States to increase their budgets for
the defense of their territories.
154. The world is sitting on a powder keg, without any guarantees of
security, and the danger increases when the means for exploding it
are in irresponsible hands, as unscrupulous as those that led the
world of the conflagration of the 1940s. Therefore the struggle for
peace is no mere slogan of enlightened forums or Sunday clubs; it is
a pressing necessity for the survival of all mankind. We mean by that
a peace that is equal for all, in whatever part of the globe they may
be. We are constantly striving for those aims, and guided by those
criteria. Cuba has made the struggle for peace a fundamental part of
its Constitution, and the struggle to preserve peace, to contribute
to easing the hotbeds of tension and to prevent the worsening of the
international situation is one of the main elements of our
international action.
The preservation of peace and the struggle for development are
component elements of a single ideal, for what peace can there be without
development? What peace can there be when the people are hungry and
have no pillow to lessen the weariness of their despair? What peace
can there be when their children are hungry, and there is no light in
their eyes and no future before them?
The countries belonging to the non aligned movement and all the other
underdeveloped countries have constantly urged that the preservation
of peace and the pursuit of development should be aims to be sought
simultaneously. We recall that the 1979 Ministerial Meeting of the
Group of 77 in Arusha, in the United Republic of Tanzania, stated its
conviction that real peace was not merely the absence of war but
should also establish the conditions for political freedom, sustained
and accelerated development for the developing countries and the
promotion of the methodical development of the world.
Today the situation is much more serious than it was then.
Imperialism's aggressive, expansionist and exploitative posture has
worsened. The recent events in Lebanon, the conflict in the South
Atlantic and continual threats of aggression and armed intervention
in the Caribbean have been dangerously added to the use of economic
pressures as a weapon of political coercion against the
underdeveloped countries that aspire to an independent, honorable
life and seek the path of development. At the same time, we note with
alarm that never before has the situation of the third world
countries been so desperate as it is today, when inflation, monetary
instability, blatant protectionism on the part of the industrialized
countries, unparalleled indebtedness and the systematic lowering of
the prices the third world countries get for their primary
commodities are not only endangering their real prospects for
advancing towards development within a more or less acceptable time
span but posing an immediate threat to the lives of millions of
people and the very future of dozens of nations.
The United States is maintaining an attitude of clear opposition to
the launching of the global negotiations, which are an important
instrument for enabling the international community to face in an
appropriate manner the serious problems of the world economy.
Cuba supports the efforts exerted by the Group of 77 to obtain the
launching of global negotiations, which would spur the development of
the backward countries, but would also be an effective means of
enabling the developing economies to emerge from the constant
recession in which they have been for several years.
Everyone knows that Cuba has always held the firm opinion that there
can be no development without peace and no peace without development.
Fidel Castro has reiterated that on several occasions, including here
in this Hall during the thirty fourth session of the General
Assembly. Therefore, we call on the General Assembly to devote itself
to sustained hard work that will contribute to an ever greater extent
to making the United Nations a real participant in the process of
building the future of the peoples, rather than a mere spectator,
watching from the sidelines. Cuba has presided over the non aligned
movement during three years filled with complexities, tension and
conflicts in international relations. In the midst of the stubborn
struggle waged by imperialism and international reaction to paralyze
the action of the international agencies and to prevent the third
world countries from concerting their plans and positions, the non
aligned movement has emerged from those trials as an even more
united, more independent and stronger force.
Ever since the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of
Non Aligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979, our movement has been
engaged in active efforts in the most diverse spheres, developing
various initiatives of special significance; noteworthy among them
are its efforts to mediate in disputes between member countries.
During those three years, the movement consolidated a broad programme
of co operation, extending the scope of co operation and exchanges of
views among our countries.
Many meetings were held in the movement's various branches and
spheres of action. Noteworthy among its activities were the
extraordinary meetings of its Coordinating Bureau at the ministerial
level on Namibia, held in Algiers; on Palestine, held in Kuwait; and
on the situation in Lebanon, held recently in Cyprus; as well as the
Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non Aligned Countries,
held at New Delhi in February 1981; the Ministerial Meeting of the
Coordinating Bureau held this year in Havana; and the meetings of
Ministers and Heads of Delegation of the non aligned countries
attending the sessions of the General Assembly, for the purpose of
coordinating actions and setting priorities among those countries.
In spite of the obvious efforts to divide the movement and to boycott
the work of its organs especially its Coordinating Bureau and in
spite of the direct pressure brought to bear on many of its members,
the non aligned movement has given proof of its cohesion, maturity
and strength. The tireless struggle for peace, disarmament, an end to
the arms race, a new international economic order, respect for the
principle of non interference in the internal affairs of other
States, renunciation of the use of force in international relations
and solidarity with national liberation movements have been important
battles fought daily by the non aligned movement.
History, as always, has made sure that deceit has been unveiled.
Those who declared that in Cuba in 1979 the movement would be split
are brought face to face with today's reality: that our movement has
increased its dynamism, preserved its original principles and its
unity, and extended its action, its strength and its influence in the
international arena.
Within the framework offered by the present session of the General
Assembly we advanced our preparations for the Seventh Conference of
Heads of State or Government of Non Aligned Countries, which will be
held at New Delhi in March of next year. Fidel Castro, Chairman of
the movement, has had to make special efforts to overcome the
obstacles that arose concerning the holding of that conference,
efforts that brought out the movement's capacities, cohesion and
unity, and the outstanding qualities and wisdom of the heads of State
or Government of our member countries.
The present international situation presents enormous risks for man's
survival. We must tackle that situation with determination and
firmness: the same determination and firmness with which the heroic
Palestinians defended Beirut, the same determination and firmness
with which the Vietnamese people defeated imperialist aggression and
the same determination and firmness with which the courageous
Sahraoui fighters are waging their struggle.
The imperialists must abandon their policy of confrontation, threats
and aggression. They must know that they will not succeed in
intimidating the peoples, which have learned now that firmness is the
position of principle to hold in the face of the imperialists.
On 26 July 1982, President Fidel Castro stated that
We are not in favor of wars. We are in favor of peace, in favor of
solutions. We are well aware of the consequences a war would have for
the world. And the dangers really exist. We are in favor of
solutions, and we have said this repeatedly concerning the various
hotbeds of tension: solutions for the war between Iran and Iraq;
solutions in the Middle East; solutions in Central America, solutions
in Angola and in South Africa. Therefore, our attitude is not that of
promoting conflicts. However, we are not going to step back even half
an inch before the imperialist threats and aggressions not even half
an inch.


On behalf of the people and Government of Honduras I should like most
sincerely to congratulate you, Sir, on your fitting election as
President of the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. I
would likewise express our gratitude to your distinguished
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who in the discharge of his duties, in a
particularly difficult year, demonstrated great ability, firmness and
diplomatic tact. As a Latin American I am also very happy to greet
Mr. Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary General, who, with the valuable
cooperation of a Secretariat dedicated to the lofty ideals of the
Organization, has given dynamic direction and impetus to the many
activities that have been entrusted to him.
The creation of the United Nations inspired great hope among the
peoples of the world. The Organization established the instruments of
peace and cooperation that were needed to help a world that had been
afflicted by war. Although the ideological rivalry of the super
Powers soon paralyzed valuable initiatives and on many occasions
brought us to the brink of war, it is nevertheless true that the
United Nations, as a forum for open discussion, made it possible for
mankind to survive. There have been many important achievements over
the years, but we are now once again living in an era that requires
Member States to make a conscious effort to strengthen the role of
the United Nations and its main bodies in the quest for international
peace and security.
Today's world weighs heavily on our conscience. Endless conflicts
persist without a proper solution, including recent conflicts, as
well as internal and international tensions in various parts of the
world, which make it difficult to view the future as sounder and more
secure. Along with this disquieting situation, we have witnessed a
tremendous growth of the power of destruction of conventional and
other weapons in a frenzied arms race.

The world situation appears even bleaker when we realize with great
concern that the means of preventing or solving conflicts are
inadequate, haphazard and slow and, what is even worse, are
disregarded or ignored by some States or rendered ineffective because
of the obstacles created by attempts to achieve power.
4
The fragile nature of the present international structure shows that,
in the face of the threats to international peace and security, we
must display good sense and fulfil our basic responsibility towards
mankind by making every effort to foster and strengthen procedures
for the prevention and solution of international conflicts. There is
no doubt that this task must be undertaken on at least two levels:
first, by the member States of the international community, and,
secondly, by global and regional international organizations.
In the first instance, individual States must display a political
will for peace in order to solve their conflicts and must lend their
support to ensure that neighboring or friendly countries involved in
an international crisis situation achieve a peaceful solution; they
must help in the implementation of resolutions adopted by various
international bodies aimed at the settlement of conflicts between
States and abide by the decisions of international organizations.
In the second instance, we must make an effort to strengthen and
improve the means of obtaining peaceful solutions already available
to all States Members of the United Nations, while at same time
trying to find new and imaginative formulas that will contribute to
the prevention and settlement of conflicts.
My country has at past sessions of the General Assembly emphasized
that the future of mankind depends upon real possibilities for
effective negotiation and consultation to deal with conflicting
international interests. I must therefore at this time express the
strongest support of the people and Government of Honduras for the
courageous initiative of the Secretary General in his report on the
work of the Organization, concerning the strengthening of the role of
the Organization for the sake of peace. Honduras congratulates the
Secretary General on his timely report, and calls upon all Member
States to pledge themselves to the honorable mission of revitalizing
the juridical, institutional and diplomatic means available to the
Organization fully to implement the principles, goals and objectives
laid down in the San Francisco Charter.
To follow our words with deeds and translate our thoughts into
action, Honduras has taken an audacious step to help bring about
peace in Central America, particularly since the election of the new
constitutional and democratic Government of Roberto Suazo Cordova.
This pacifist tradition is deeply rooted in our history and in the
conscience of our people. Honduras is the central country of our
region, having borders with El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua. The
waters of the Atlantic and the Pacific bathe our shores.
In the nineteenth century and part of the twentieth century, Honduras
suffered the adverse consequences of its geographic position and its
soil was used as a battleground in the disputes of opposing political
factions in neighboring countries or conflicts between States. These
political upheavals in Central America deeply affected the Honduran
population and the ensuing internal wars caused grief and
destruction. Fortunately, the experiences of our history to which I
have referred helped us to overcome these problems and the Honduran
nation emerged strengthened and we were enabled to substitute
civilized, democratic, political dialogue for confrontation.
The manner in which our economic structures developed helped us avoid
the establishment of a dominant class possessing most of the national
wealth. The main items we produce fell to the monopoly of foreign
interests, particularly as regards export, and drained our country of
capital. Consequently the economic disparities which exist in
Honduras have not resulted in an unbridgeable gap between the
different sectors of our society. We have no hegemonic oligarchies,
no indigenous aristocracy. It is therefore not surprising that those
who have achieved economic, professional or political success are
often people of humble extraction, who have learned and succeeded
through hard work.
These harsh conditions are reflected in various actions taken
recently. No one is unaware of the fact that the countries which have
suffered most acutely from the impact of recession, are, like ours,
countries of the American continent which lack energy resources.
Nevertheless, Honduras has made an enormous internal effort to
readjust its economy and to meet fully all its economic and financial
commitments, which has enabled us to protect the stability of our
currency and the image of a country which takes seriously its
responsibilities vis a vis the international economic community.
In the social field, we are proud of our free, strong and pluralistic
trade union movement. Our farmers have been organized for more than
two decades and the various farmers' associations and unions have
more than 100,000 members. We also have numerous professional
organizations of technical experts and craftsmen, and people involved
in small , medium  and large scale industry, as well as associations
of students, teachers, businessmen, farm workers, cattlemen, and
others. Four political parties represent different trends of thought
in our legislative system and people of all walks of life are members
of our judicial system. For more than 30 years we have had labor laws
to protect our workers and for 20 years we have had a process of
agrarian reform and a system of social security. The freedom of the
press is unlimited and fundamental human rights are fully protected.
In saying this I do not imply that we have solved all our problems;
far from it. I am merely saying that we live in a society governed by
the law, that there is a plurality of interests which find expression
in the framework of freedom, and there are more things uniting us
than there are separating us. We live in a society which is open to
peaceful change and dedicated to the improvement of its democratic
institutions.
The political, economic and social development of Honduras has
created a reality which is unique in the Central American region.
Despite many short, comings in social services in the field of health,
education, housing, nutrition and other areas, the Honduran nation
has achieved high standards in certain fundamental areas which enable
us to look with optimism.
The Hondurans embrace the creed of peace through justice, and justice
through freedom. Hence, those who are familiar with our people know
that we reject violence in all its forms. More than any other Central
American people, Hondurans practice dialogue in the settlement of
their disputes. We support the electoral process for the
establishment of a government, in the belief that there is support in
our society for all political sectors involved in running the affairs
of our community.
These values of the Honduran nation were reaffirmed in the re
establishment of democracy which began in 1980, when the people were
called upon to elect a National Constituent Assembly, and 84 per cent
of the electoral population of Honduras went to the polls. Not even
countries with the oldest democratic tradition can boast such
vigorous popular participation. There is no doubt that this
overwhelming expression of the sovereignty of the people is an
outstanding example for the future of our country and of Central
America.
One year later, in 1981, the Honduran people demonstrated even more
vigorously their confidence in the free electoral process. Observers
from almost all parts of the world witnessed a new, exemplary, civic
event, namely the establishment of the political and legal system
which now governs the destiny of our country.
The Honduran people, on the basis of its sovereignty, calls for a
return to a climate of political understanding, social peace and
respect for human dignity, at a time when we are witnessing in our
region the tragedy of violence and social upheavals.The situation in
my country is in stark contrast with the abolition in other States of
the region of individual and public freedoms and the denial of the
peoples' right to self determination.
For these reasons, the democratic process which began in Honduras so
successfully undoubtedly represents renewed hopes for peace and
freedom which are bound to exert a positive influence in our
tormented Central America.
Honduras, its people and its Government, are fully aware of the
circumstances which threaten peace at home and abroad. They are
equally aware of their role in the current situation in the region.
The President of my country, Mr. Roberto Suazo Cordova, upon coming
to power, stated that Honduras did not want to become the arbiter of
the region and its anguish, its hopes and its expectations, for that
is not its function. But Honduras ardently desires to help bring
about stability and harmony, in keeping with its devotion to the
principles of non intervention and self determination, and to help
Central America to become a region of peaceful coexistence, whose
people and leaders will establish and maintain understanding on the
basis of effective dialogue. The President of Honduras wants Central
America to be a zone of peace, not to see it tormented by bellicose
disputes and polarizing confrontations. In that vein, the foreign
policy of Honduras is based on the simple but preeminent principle of
the internationalization of peace in that troubled region of our
continent.
Based on our desire to adopt concrete measures in Central America to
relieve the tension and dispel the violence of irreparable
consequences, Honduras has presented a peace initiative which has
received broad national and international support. It consists of six
points which, in the view of my Government, cover the main questions
to be discussed. This, however, does not exclude the possibility of
considering others aimed at the same goal of achieving peace in the
region, which may come from other States equally interested in
achieving the same goal. Honduras has proposed the following six
points.
First, we propose that the bases for general disarmament in the
region be immediately established. This would imply not only a halt
of the arms race which has created so much tension and instability in
Central America and in continental relations, but a real reduction of
military equipment and manpower to ensure that countries possessing
armed forces maintain them at the level strictly necessary for the
defense of their territorial integrity and sovereignty and the
maintenance of public order, and that they abide by the universally
established criteria recognized by every democratic society based on
the rule of law. There should also be agreements on the types of
weapons whose limitation on proscription would be determined in this
general disarmament plan.
Secondly, we propose that agreement likewise be reached on an
objective and reasonable reduction in the number of foreign military
and other advisers, or any other elements which are liable to cause
concern or unrest, or undermine the identity of any nation.
Thirdly, we propose that there be a survey of and agreement on the
required machinery to ensure, by means of international supervision
and monitoring, to which Honduras will submit, that countries of the
Central American region fulfill their commitments and
responsibilities. This system of supervision and monitoring would be
applied to countries where there exist conflicts and difficult
situations likely to affect peace in the region, especially in ports,
airports, borders and strategic areas. My country is ready to open
its territory without any reservations to any form of international
supervision for the purpose of achieving and maintaining peace.
Fourthly, we propose that there be consideration of and agreement on
the most appropriate procedures and mechanisms to put an end to the
traffic of arms in the region.
Fifthly, we propose that recognized boundaries and the traditional
lines of jurisdiction of the States of the region be fully respected
so as not to endanger peace through new disputes which might arise
with regard to land or sea.
Sixthly, we propose that a set of guidelines be drawn up for a
permanent multilateral dialogue on the basis of this initiative, thus
to promote political understanding internally, to achieve a
democratic and pluralistic system and assure respect for public
freedoms and the right of the peoples to express their will freely.
We affirm that the arms race constitutes an inherent threat to the
future of nations and the survival of mankind itself. We therefore
believe that the excessive expenditures in war equipment should be
used to combat poverty and misery and to promote the well  being of
the people, to lend technical and scientific assistance, to overcome
conditions of backwardness facing developing countries and to help in
the establishment of a new international economic order so as to
reduce the tensions that aggravate the tragic problems of our times.
This is the struggle that we are engaged in to achieve domestic as
well as international peace; but I must state clearly and
unequivocally that we have fallen victim to certain problems which
stem from the internal problems of neighboring nations which are
threatening our own security now. Honduras is being threatened by
terrorism in which the direct participation of outside elements has
been demonstrated, and which undermines fundamental human rights and
attempts to undo the entire democratic process which we are building.
The recent acts of terrorism have been denounced by our people who
most energetically reject violence as a means of political action
whose sole purpose is to destroy social peace and jeopardize human
dignity.
The Honduran people want to live in peace, work in peace, build in
peace, bring about change in peace and know that the road of peace
was built to be used for peace in this democracy in which we live
today.
The Government of Honduras expresses the hope that the international
community, represented in the Organization, will devise and adopt
multilateral legal instruments which will eradicate the underlying
causes of terrorism and will fight and impose sanctions on this
dreadful scourge, one which offends the conscience of civilized
nations and of the peoples who strive to build a better future based
on peaceful coexistence, understanding and solidarity.
Honduras wants to devote all of its strength to the consolidation of
political democracy and economic and social development. We want and
need a climate of peace and security, stability and harmony, to
strive to overcome the present economic crises in our country and at
the same time achieve social justice by means of peaceful change. We
would like to devote our limited material resources to combat poverty
and promote the well being of our people rather than to compete in a
ruinous arms race. We do not want an armed peace for Central America,
nor a balance of power based on the possession of sophisticated
weapons of destruction.
Honduras extends its hand to the countries that are ready to
associate themselves with this effort for peace with justice and
freedom.
Together with Costa Rica, Honduras has endeavored to find formulas to
solve the conflicts in Central America peacefully and democratically.
A meeting of foreign ministers of several Central American and
Caribbean countries was held in San Jose on 4 October last, to
consider ways and means truly and effectively to achieve these goals.
A particularly significant issue was the establishment of a forum for
peace and democracy with a mandate to carry out the peace initiatives
based on agreements between States of the region.
This meeting of democratic countries emphasized the need to help
establish peace in the region, to promote and. consolidate a
comprehensive system of institutions in the countries of the region
and to create an appropriate scheme for intra regional and
international cooperation in various fields on the basis of peace,
security, democracy and development.
Tins new vigorous effort is made in the context of the Honduran peace
proposal, sincemultilateral dialogue on a permanent basis is the
fundamental requirement for the achievement of appropriate and
lasting solutions We would like to express the hope that the
Government of Nicaragua will support this new initiative and the
principles which have inspired it, for we believe that a Nicaragua
which will establish and guide its revolutionary process along the
path of democracy, pluralism and non alignment is essential for the
political stability and the peace and security of the Central
American region.
The Secretary General asked me today, without prejudice to other
ongoing initiatives, to meet at Headquarters with the Foreign
Minister of Nicaragua. I have accepted this fraternal invitation of
the Secretary General to demonstrate quite clearly once again, in
this Hall where we gather in the pursuit of peace, justice and
cooperation, the unswerving desire of the Government of Honduras to
hold a dialogue for a global exchange of views on the problems which
affect the Central American region.
I have tried to explain in plain and simple terms what Honduras
consists of and what its contribution is to the cause of peace in
Central America. The international community will judge us on the
basis of our actions. Before I refer to other matters in the general
debate, I should simply like to repeat, with all the strength that my
Government is capable of demonstrating, that we shall continue to
conduct our affairs in accordance with the principles of
nonintervention, respect for the right to self determination of
peoples, the territorial integrity of every State and, especially,
our respect for the us^ of peaceful means to solve disputes. I am
simply emphasizing the words of the President of Honduras, Roberto
Suazo Cordova, who, addressing himself recently to the Presidents of
Mexico and Venezuela, affirmed that The Honduran people will never
resort to aggression or threats against any of our neighbors because
we firmly believe that any dispute between States can be settled
peacefully.
My Government trusts that all Central American States will identify
with this postulate and that, setting aside claims of supremacy and
dangerous ideological confrontations which are alien to our spirit,
our destiny and our history, a free and democratic Central America
will see its efforts crowned with peace.
There are many political, economic and social issues on the agenda of
the General Assembly on which we should like to express our objective
views which guide us. in our participation in the work of cooperation
that motivates the United Nations. Our country will continue to make
its enthusiastic contribution to the Group of 77, over which we have
presided on two occasions in various forums. Honduras will also be
present as an observer in the meetings of the non aligned movement,
aware that, in political and economic matters, both groups agree on
principles of justice in keeping with the growing aspirations of the
developing world.
The climate of mistrust and underlying hostility between the major
political and military blocs of East and West this year have darkened
the picture. The limited achievements of the second special session
of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament is an eloquent
statement on the real intentions which seem to guide the super Powers
at this time.
The principles of international law enshrined in the Charter have
continued to be ignored in various situations, sacrificed to the most
blatant form of power politics, and the Security Council has been
paralyzed during grave conflicts because of a total lack of agreement
on the objectives and the actions to which it could have legitimately
committed itself.
This atmosphere of tension and lack of effectiveness has further
complicated the solution of problems which are within the competence
of the Security Council, thus prolonging existing conflicts and
failing to avoid the emergence of new crises and international
confrontations.
In the Middle East, conflicts have worsened. Hence, in the past few
months we have witnessed the invasion of Lebanese territory by the armed
forces of Israel, which, engaging in heavy fighting with Syrian and
Palestinian military units, have occupied part of that territory and
for several weeks encircled its capital, Beirut, causing destruction,
desolation and death. This tragic situation was further aggravated by
the massacre of refugees, which caused indignation in the
international community and deeply moved the Honduran people. My
Government, which is attached to the values of respect for the human
person, most vigorously condemns this tragic holocaust.
The Honduran Government firmly condemns the use of force in the
settlement of international conflicts and rejects with equal vigor
the corollary that the acquisition of territories by occupation can
be justified.
Similarly, our Government believes that the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people to have their own homeland should be achieved
through serious comprehensive negotiations and the open and firm
support of the international community.
The right of Israel to exist and live in peace with its neighbors
within secure and recognized boundaries, which Honduras has always
supported, can and must be coupled with the rights of the Palestinian
people to self determination and the establishment of their own State.
In southern Africa, the hopes raised five years ago by the plan of
Western Powers for Namibia, supplemented by the Security Council,
have given way to profound disillusionment, creating a dangerous
climate which could lead to new acts of aggression. In our view,
there is no other way but to persist in achieving the holding of free
elections in Namibia as soon as possible and, therefore, we lend our
support to fresh negotiations to put an end to the illegal occupation
of the Territory by South Africa.
The world problems to which we referred earlier cannot conceal the
important fact that conflicts emerge and develop basically in a
regional context and that according to the letter and spirit of the
Charter it is first and foremost for the members of each region and
regional machinery they have established to solve conflicts with a
full sense of responsibility.
Because of its global character, the process of decolonization must
be in conformity with the peculiarities of history and geography.
Thus, in our American continent, a problem at once colonial and
regional has been deeply felt recently by our peoples. We refer to
the colonial situation of the Malvinas and the grave crisis and armed
confrontation of last April and May between the Republic of Argentina
and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
Honduras recognizes the sovereign rights of the Republic of Argentina
over the Malvinas and supports its claim. Honduras believes that
every conflict between States can be settled by negotiation;
therefore, it rejects the use of force in any international conflict.
Honduras is in favor of a speedy negotiated solution between the
parties which would give sovereignty over the Malvinas to Argentina.
Our people is united in the quest for material and spiritual
advancement and the consolidation of Honduran nationhood through
sound institutions based on justice, freedom and national harmony.
We are also united with regard to external matters. It is not a mere
whim to insist on peace; nor is it Utopia. Men of good will and
generous thought know how to achieve it. Leaders who forget that the
supreme mandate is to secure the well  being of those they govern
through respect for their dignity and the practice of harmonious
coexistence, will inescapably be drawn to the exercise of tyranny
which is doomed to failure. The lessons of history are many and
Honduras has learned from them. We have chosen to take the
encouraging and promising road of democracy and peace.


This is the sixth time in a quarter of a century
that I have had the honor to come to this rostrum
to defend before the representatives of Member
States the interests of my country and its people.
2.	Today, as on the last occasion when I
addressed the Security Council, in 1979,'
following the occupation of Kampuchea by the
armed forces of the Socialist Republic of Viet
Nam, it is for the very existence of my country
as a free and sovereign State that I seek to be
the spokesman before the Assembly.
3.	I wish at the outset to express my most
respectful good wishes to the President of the
Assembly. May I be permitted to salute very
respectfully Mr. Kittani, and congratulate him
very cordially on the outstanding leadership he
provided at the thirty- sixth session of the
General Assembly and on his great ability, sense
of fairness and integrity I extend respectful
good wishes to the Secretary-General, whose high
sentiments and deep devotion to the cause of
justice and peace we all admire.
4.	May I be permitted also to salute the
delegations present here, amongst which it is my
honor and privilege to count many faithful
friends, in the name of my country, its Coalition
Government and all patriots who struggle in
acutely difficult circumstances, but with fierce
determination, for the liberation of their
country.
5.	Contrary to certain false allegations,
our Government is not a Government in exile. All
its members live and fight in the interior of our
national territory, side by side with our heroic
fighters. For, despite the efforts of a powerful
Vietnamese army in control of Kampuchean
territory, we have liberated and solidly held
large zones not only near the Thai frontier, but
also in several regions of the south-west and the
north-east of our country.
6.	Last July I myself visited my compatriots
in three liberated zones, travelling by car, on
Coot and on elephant, deep into the interior of
our country. Everywhere I was welcomed by
well-armed and disciplined military units and by
tens of thousands of civilians, amongst whom I
had the satisfaction to note an impressive number
of little children.
7.	My country and its Coalition Government
wish to express their profound gratitude to the
United Nations for having, since 1979, rejected
the pretensions of the regime installed by a
foreign Power in our capital, a Power which seeks
to obtain the seat of Kampuchea in the Assembly's
midst. Here everyone —including those who support
its candidature to this seat—knows that that
regime has no real existence, that it is under
the control of Vietnamese occupying authorities
and that it depends in everything and for
everything on the protection of two foreign
nations.
8.	To recognize the puppet regime of Phnom
Penh would in fact mean: first, accepting the
permanent foreign domination of our country,
which has been a Member in its own right of the
United Nations since 1953, and reducing it to the
position of a colony of Powers which shamelessly
violate the Charter of the United Nations and
treat with contempt its resolutions seeking the
immediate and unconditional withdrawal of
foreign forces from our territory; secondly,
giving to many other countries—not necessarily
all of the third world—that are also occupied by
foreign forces the sad certainty that they are
forever condemned to an anachronistic
domination; and, thirdly, augmenting the state of
tension and risk of conflict in our region.
9.	Kampuchea occupies on the geographical
plane a strategic position of primary importance.
I have sought in the past to make it a buffer
State between two categories of State with
opposing ideologies. We now know that the ravages
of war have extended from Viet Nam to Kampuchea
and they threaten to spread even further to the
west.
10.	Independent, non-aligned and neutral,
accepting no foreign bases on its territory, my
country could have constituted a major element in
the peace not only of the peninsula, but of the
totality of southeast Asia and even of East
Asia. On the contrary, a Kampuchea becoming a
colony and a military base for two expansionist
and hegemonist Powers constitutes a menace, as
the years of the future will prove, to the
stability, peace, security and progress of
nations and peoples of the entire region and
could well provoke an armed conflict with
incalculable consequences between the great
Powers whose interests are in conflict in Asia.
11.	As members of the Assembly know, I have
often been the object of verbal attacks, of a
mixture of contempt, sarcasm and abuse on the
part of the leaders of Hanoi and their allies. I
shall not reply to those attacks but shall limit
myself to recalling that in Asia there certainly
did not exist, before 1970, a non- communist
leader who was more sincerely a friend of Viet
Nam than I was, one who rendered spontaneously
and voluntarily so much important help to the
Vietnamese patriots of North and South in their
struggle for independence in their country.
12.	After the invasion of my country by the
army of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam I
reminded the leaders of Hanoi of the assurances
of  eternal gratitude  and promises of
unswerving respect for the independence,
neutrality and territorial integrity  of my
country given many times orally and in writing by
the leaders of Hanoi, to remind them of their
commitments.
13.	At the end of 1979 and the beginning of
1980 I wrote three long letters to my  friend
and former  companion-in-arms , Pham Van Dong,
head of the Vietnamese Government, to propose
bilateral negotiations between his Government
and myself, either in Hanoi or in any other town
of his choice, in order to resolve peacefully the
differences between our two nations. I stated in
my correspondence that, in the event that the
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam would agree to
restore to Kampuchea its independence and its
right to self-determination, our Government,
which would result from the popular consensus,
following free elections held under international
control, would not fail to establish, on a basis
of equality, co-operation and friendship with a
Viet Nam that is a neighbor and a brother.
14.	I waited in vain during the three years
for a sign of good will on the part of Hanoi,
accepting even accusations made by certain
compatriots about my  pro-Vietnamese  indulgence.
To my patient efforts in seeking a peaceful
solution and re-establishment of mutual
confidence by complete neutralization and
international control and guarantees for my
country, the leaders of Hanoi replied, or caused
replies to be made, that they would not negotiate
with a man  who no longer represented anything ,
who was  politically finished , and that the
situation in Kampuchea was  irreversible .
15.	Yet today as yesterday, I feel no hatred
towards Viet Nam. 1 have never ceased to
recognize that the geographical position of our
two countries makes them neighbors to the end of
time and that they are, because of this,
compelled to understand each other and to listen
to each other. This understanding, however, can
be established only between equals and not
between servant and master.
16.	The present Government of Hanoi does not
accept this analysis. It has chosen to forget,
and how quickly, the repeated help that our
people and I myself have rendered during a
crucial period to the people of Viet Nam in their
struggle for independence and reunification. It
has also very quickly forgotten—this is even more
serious—that the support ft has received in this
struggle from a large part of the international
community resulted from the fact that it appeared
to be the innocent victim of colonialism and
imperialism. Today, this very Viet Nam, restored
in its territorial unity and independence,
indulges, in its turn, in imperialist and
colonial rule. It goes so tar in its arrogance
as to make serious threats against some of the
neighbouring countries, which quite rightly are
concerned about its expansionism.
17.	We have all noticed that in his last tour
of Southeast Asia, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has
permitted himself to issue, in respect of certain
countries that he has visited, threats thatare
hardly veiled, simply because these countries ask
Viet Nam to withdraw its troops from Kampuchea
and to let the people of Kampuchea regain their
right to self-determination.
18.	The Vietnamese Minister has accused
certain Governments of the member countries of
the Association of South East Asian Nations of
interfering in the internal affairs of
Kampuchea, but, as we know, it is Viet Nam which
has interfered in a shameless fashion in our
internal affairs, occupying our country with
large numbers of troops and appropriating to
itself material parts of our national resources,
whereas ASEAN has only asked our occupying Power
to let Kampuchea become yet once more the master
of its own destiny.
19.	President Ho Chi Minh, at whose funeral I
was the only head of State present to pay my
respects, loved to say that  nothing is more
precious than independence and liberty . This
adage, one now sees, is to be applied, according
to his successors, only to their own country,
which arrogates to itself the right to confiscate
the independence and liberty of its immediate
neighbors—our country, Kampuchea, and an
unfortunate Laos—whilst waiting to attack other
nations which may be militarily weaker.
20.	In so far as Kampuchea is concerned, it
is clear that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam
seeks to retain it indefinitely under its heel by
the intermediary of a puppet Government which can
refuse it nothing.
21.	It is in the face of these facts and in
this dramatic context that I find myself
compelled to commit myself to a tripartite
coalition at this juncture and to join, pacifist
though I am, the armed struggle so that our
country may one day become once more master of
its destiny.
22.	The United Nations was good enough to
adopt, in 1979, 1980 and 1981, precise and
unambiguous resolutions showing the way to be
followed to resolve with justice the problem of
Kampuchea, a problem which would not exist but
for the greed of Viet Nam on the political and
territorial planes.
23.	In 1981 the International Conference on
Kampuchea was held in New York, under the
auspices of the United Nations; the Declaration
and resolution of the Conference^ conform to
equity, justice and the Charter of the United
Nations, as well as to the best interests of
Kampuchea and Viet Nam and to those of the
peoples of the entire region.
24.	The Coalition Government of Democratic
Kampuchea cannot accept, any more than our
compatriots, that another conference should be
arranged by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam,
which profits from the support of the Soviet
Union and the allies of that great Power. The
primary effect of such a further
conference—where, naturally, the puppet regimes
of Phnom Penh and Vientiane would be seated—would
be to sidetrack the  situation in Kampuchea  by
declaring it finalized and thereby causing to be
recognized de the regime of Heng Samrin, docile
creature of Hanoi. Obviously there can be no
question that Democratic Kampuchea and
peace-loving nations committed to freedom and
justice would fall into such a trap.
25.	If the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a
Member of the United Nations, really wishes to
contribute to the return of peace and stability
in the region, there is no other solution but to
respect United Nations resolutions and
participate in the future work of the
International Conference on Kampuchea. It is not
in any way sufficient to announce, as was done
recently by Viet Nam, a  partial retreat  of its
forces of occupation in Kampuchea in order to
lessen the tension in our region; the reality of
such a retreat has not been proved. As a matter
of fact, many fresh troops were recently sent
from Viet Nam into Kampuchea to reinforce the
Vietnamese occupying forces.
26.	I repeat that only the complete
withdrawal of Vietnamese forces of
occupation—withdrawal to be followed by free
elections held under the control of the United
Nations permitting the whole of our people to
designate their deputies, senators, ministers,
head of State and political regime—would
constitute an honest solution to the problem of
Kampuchea. Aslong as the Socialist Republic of
Viet Nam refuses to take its troops out of
Kampuchea, my Government will oppose with all its
force the politics of fail accompli. We know all
too well that for the past three years our
country has been gagged, that all political
opposition is repressed and that opponents are
sent to prison or disappear without leaving a
trace.
27.	Chemical weapons, especially toxic gas,
are frequently used against the resistance
fighters and the inhabitants of villages which
have escaped Vietnamese control. The forces of
occupation appropriate to themselves ever more of
the natural riches and goods of Kampuchea and
send a growing number of Vietnamese immigrants to
colonize our fertile lands and rivers rich in
fish but from which the legitimate owners have
been driven away.
28.	Vietnamese propaganda has strenuously
sought —and not without success—to make Western
observers who are permitted to enter Kampuchea
believe that this country, occupied but not
submissive, enjoys a freedom and a well-being
which it has not known for a long time. This is
but a facade denounced by other journalists who
have been in the region and who, in spite of
multiple obstacles placed in their way, have been
able to make in-depth studies of the real
position.
29.	I have been telling representatives that
the only option which we have is to take up arms
to protect our national sovereignty. I know that
here and there people mock our struggle and say
that we are too weak to challenge the powerful
Vietnamese expeditionary forces. Weak or not, we
have the sacred duty to struggle with all our
strength against the occupying Power.
30.	I would not predict a victory in either
the short term or medium term, but I can assure
representatives that we shall battle on to the
end, without hate but with an unbreakable
resolution. Those foreigners who impose their
domination on our country and exploit it to their
profit will perceive early or late that there
will never be peace and that the land of
Kampuchea will heat up ever more under their feet.
31.	We are not making war on the Vietnamese
people. We are fighting for peace and the
restoration of independence and freedom to our
country which is now reduced to slavery. We do
not want a Pax Vietnamica  or a  Pax Sovietica
but simply a peace of free men.
32.	We ask nothing from others. We ask but
restoration of our national sovereignty and our
territorial integrity; and once that is achieved,
we solemnly commit ourselves to living in perfect
peaceful coexistence with all our neighbors—and
first amongst them Viet Nam—as with all other
countries which respect us, no matter what their
political and social systems may be. Is that an
unreasonable demand, an impossible pretension?
33.	We proclaim solemnly before the Assembly,
in conformity with United Nations resolutions,
that as soon as Viet Nam has totally withdrawn
its troops from Kampuchea all will be possible in
friendship between our two countries.
34.	We are ready to sign with Viet Nam a
treaty of peace and non-aggression implying
recognition and respect for the territorial
integrity of the two neighbouring nations within
their present frontiers. This is a just proposal
that I make today to the leaders and the people
of Viet Nam in the name of our Coalition
Government. I am satisfied that, if they would
but listen to this appeal of reason, the people
of South-East Asia, as well as the peoples of the
whole world, would feel the most genuine
satisfaction—for not only would peace and harmony
return to the Indo-Chinese peninsula but also
potential major conflicts would thereby disappear.
35.	Unfortunately, the reality is that the
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is far from
seeking to explore the way of reconciliation and
peace. It seeks to propagate a very curious
concept of an international conference charged
not to solve the situation in Kampuchea, but  to
consider the security, the peace and neutrality
in South-East Asia .
36.	May I draw to the attention of the
representatives now present that the
international conference  proposed by the Vietnamese
would logically mean side-tracking and avoiding
the central issue of Kampuchea, because
delegates to such a conference would find
themselves, right from the start, required to
recognize,	, the puppet regime of Heng
Samrin, functioning under the orders of Hanoi and
Moscow.

37.	It seems evident to me, as it must seem
to you, that no country which loves justice and
freedom could, without reneging on its ideals,
participate in such a meeting which has as its
only aim to serve the egotistical interests of
two Powers in their expansionist and colonialist
enterprises.
38.	Who, in effect, menaces the security and
peace and the stability of South-East Asia, if it
is not Viet Nam which, with the powerful help of
the Soviets, has stationed its forces in
Kampuchea, menacing henceforth Thailand and other
peaceful member countries of ASEAN, as well as a
number of countries further away?
39.	It must be clear that any conference
interested in peace and stability in South-East
Asia must necessarily resolve, as a priority,
the  situation in Kampuchea . This done, my
country, having found its independence and its
freedom to act, there would remain no problem to
resolve in South-East Asia, since no country
adjacent to or a neighbor of independent an/1
neutral Kampuchea has anything to fear from us.
40.	ASEAN, to which I must render my most
profound homage for its political sense and its
courage, has refused with reason to sign the pact
of non- aggression that Viet Nam proposes. Such a
pact would have the same disastrous effects as
that which was signed in Munich in 1938 by
Chamberlain and Daladier in the hope—tragic
illusion—of mollifying Hitler and Mussolini. Such
a pact would be but the prelude to further
aggression between countries and peoples who
subscribe to it.
41.	Representatives will understand why no
international conference is imaginable if the
first item on the agenda does not deal with the
situation in Kampuchea and does not seek to put
an end to the occupation and colonization of my
country by Viet Nam, with the multi-faceted
support of the Soviet Union. If this problem is
not dealt with and resolved, there is really
nothing to discuss, there is nothing to be done
but to bend the knee before the diktat of Hanoi
and Moscow.
42.	It would be lamentable to participate in
a Vietnamese conference which will have present
as representatives of Kampuchea the regime of
quislings of Phnom Penh put in place by the
Vietnamese leaders and protected by the powerful
Vietnamese army of occupation.
43.	To accept the Vietnamese fail accompli in
Kampuchea would be to accept the law of the
jungle. This  law  is already in force in many
countries which tragically today are reduced to
slavery by a great Power.
43. States Members of the United Nations—at least
those for whom the principles of freedom,
independence, justice and peace still
matter—must have at heart, I am sure, the need to
cry  Halt  to the Vietnamese occupation and
colonization of Kampuchea by adopting the
resolutions and in taking measures which would
require Viet Nam, which we once respected, to
return to a sense of honor which, we hope but
momentarily, it has so singularly failed in.
46.	We are very conscious of our limitations
and of the fact that our own problems concern us
in such absolute priority that we cannot pretend
to concern ourselves with the problems of others.
But as, of course, our country has always been a
Member of the United Nations, I trust I will be
permitted to indicate briefly our position on
certain problems of major, importance.
47.	I would at the outset express the sincere
gratitude of my country and our people to
nations which have generously welcomed our
refugees and, in the very first place, to the
Kingdom of Thailand, which has carried a very
heavy burden in the name of duty to humanity in
granting a haven of refuge and protection against
threats to hundreds of thousands of our
compatriots who fled slavery, misery and death.
I thank equally, with all my heart, the other
countries of ASEAN for their active support and
their diplomatic and other assistance to our
cause.
48.	I salute also the other States which have
welcomed a large number of our refugees and
permitted them to escape despair, as well as the
many countries which have made generous gifts and
given assistance from which our compatriots have
benefited and benefit today. At the same time, I
salute and thank the Secretary-General, the
International Red Cross, UNICEF and other
humanitarian organizations for all they have
done, are doing and will be doing for our
refugees and other compatriots in their need.
49.	I respect the Vietnamese people, dragged
against their will into a colonialist adventure,
although for many years now they have found
themselves plunged into difficulties without
number and from all sides and of all kinds, which
their Government is in any event obliged to
recognize, and which have provoked the tragic
exodus of hundreds of thousands of  boat people .
50.	I do not consider that I have a right to
ask the Western Powers to cease providing
humanitarian aid to our neighbors, innocent
victims of the dreadful conduct of their
Government. But I have the right, in the name of
the people of Kampuchea, to ask all countries
which are not accomplices of Vietnamese
colonialism forthwith to cease granting to the
regime of Hanoi financial, economic and material
aid which risk being used not to help the unhappy
people of Viet Nam, but inevitably to encourage
their leaders to persevere in their enterprise
against my people and my country.
51.	We reaffirm our total solidarity with our
brothers and sisters, the Afghan people, who like
us are involved in a struggle to enable their
country to exercise again its inalienable right
to self-determination. We support equally the Lao
people, our brothers and sisters, who desire to
recover Lao independence and liberty.
52.	We reaffirm our total solidarity with our
brothers and sisters, the Palestinian people, who
are suffering appalling trials for the rebirth of
their country. We continue to recognize
officially the Palestine Liberation Organization
[PLO] as the legal representative of the
Palestinian people and nation.
53.	We firmly support our brothers and
sisters, the Korean people, in their legitimate
aspiration for a reunification of their country
now divided against its will, and we warmly
support the wise and patriotic proposals of
Marshal Kim Il Sung, President of the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea, so that the
reunification may take place through a peaceful
and independent process.
54.	It is our ardent hope that the two
brother countries at present in conflict with
one another, Iraq and Iran, will seek a peaceful
solution to their problems and realize, in peace,
their necessary reconciliation.
55.	Deeply moved by the unmerited disasters
and innumerable loss of human lives which Lebanon
has suffered—a State which heretofore was the
Switzerland of the Near East—it is our ardent
hope that its sovereignty and territorial
integrity will at last be respected and the
foreign armed forces will withdraw without delay,
leaving the Lebanese people the opportunity to
resolve their problems alone.
56.	We renew our fraternal solidarity with
the valiant people of Namibia who, under the
leadership of the South West Africa People's
Organization [SWAPO], are waging a just struggle
for national liberation against the colonialist
and racist regime of Pretoria.


Mr. President, I should like to begin my speech by congratulating you
on behalf of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the
thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. We are confident that
your vast experience, knowledge and personal wisdom will guide our
deliberations to a constructive conclusion. May I also express our
deep appreciation and thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for
his excellent performance in discharging the duties of his office. I
should also like to extend my delegation's sincere greetings to the
Secretary General, with the renewed assurances of my Government's
support for his dedicated efforts in upholding the objectives of the
Organization. We are meeting at a time of increasing tension and
anxiety. We are in a situation which demands that serious and urgent
steps be taken to prevent any further deterioration in the
international climate and to align the norms of international
behavior with the proper human values prescribed in the Charter. The
need to strengthen the role of the United Nations in maintaining
world peace and security is felt at the present stage more strongly
than ever before. We should not allow the opportunity of this meeting
to pass without effectively renewing our commitments to the
objectives of the Organization, and fulfilling the aspirations of our
peoples. In his remarkable report to the Assembly, the Secretary
General has very ably diagnosed the world situation, and my
delegation fully agrees with him that our prime objective at this
crucial moment should be to renew the concept of collective action
for peace and security, and to render the United Nations more capable
of carrying out its primary function. The United Nations was created
for the purpose of harmonizing the actions of nations in the
attainment of common ends and it should effectively remain so with
the maximum capacity to safeguard peace and to be a forum for
responsible discussions and negotiations between nations. We feel
also that the responsibility as well as the authority of the Security
Council in its function as the primary instrument for maintaining
international peace and security should be reconfirmed and further
strengthened by all possible means. In this context, my delegation
wishes to stress the important commitment of the permanent members of
the Council and their responsibilities to world peace. It is
frightening to imagine a world with no power at all to deal with
situations that endanger international peace. The recent military
adventures in Lebanon and the earlier foreign interventions in
Afghanistan, Kampuchea and some other countries in Africa and Latin
America have indeed alarmed the world community regarding the dangers
of a new international anarchy. Therefore it is of the utmost
importance that we seriously and sincerely embark on a process that
will free mankind of these fears and anxieties. My delegation feels
that we should accelerate our efforts to achieve world disarmament.
While we concentrate on removing the danger of a nuclear war, we
should continue with renewed determination our efforts to limit the
arms race and the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons as
well as of other destructive conventional weapons. My delegation will
continue to support the efforts of the world community in the
direction of total disarmament, including the safeguarding of outer
space, prohibition of nuclear weapon tests and establishment of
nuclear weapon free zones. The situation in the Middle East remains
the most pressing issue on the international scene. The tragic events
in Lebanon have added new dimensions to the gravity of the problem to
which the Organization has to address itself. And yet the question of
Palestine the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self
determination and freedom remains at the heart of the issue. The key
to any lasting solution and to peace in that crucial area is, as is
evident from the sequence of recent events, the realization of the
inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to
have their own independent homeland. The world has witnessed with
anger and dismay the Israeli invasion of Lebanon while it continued
its illegal occupation of other territories, perpetuating its policy
of expansion through the establishment of illegal settlements,
ignoring and rejecting United Nations resolutions and violating all
norms of international behavior. My Government has joined the world
community in its repeated condemnation of the Israeli aggression
against Arab territories and atrocities in the occupied territories.
The invasion of Lebanon under the cruel pretext of liquidating the
PLO, which symbolizes the legitimate will of the Palestinian people,
has clearly revealed the nature of Israeli policies in the area.
Israel is not only a radical entity that aims to expand at the
expense of other peoples and of their rights, but is also a force
that will not hesitate to interfere in the internal affairs of
sovereign States through occupation, terrorism and even assassination
in order to achieve unjustifiable objectives. The world community,
including States which continue to sympathize with Israel, should
now, in particular after seeing the horrible consequences of its
invasion of Lebanon, act firmly to stop the arrogance and
expansionism of Israel. Among the central issues of international
concern remain the questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, two small
countries which were subjected to foreign invasion. My delegation
reiterates its policy of endorsing the United Nations resolutions
which condemn foreign intervention and call for the withdrawal of
foreign forces from those two countries, allowing the peoples of
Afghanistan and Kampuchea the opportunity to exercise their own
rights without outside influence or pressure, including the right of
refugees to return to their homes in safety and honor. We welcome the
efforts of the Secretary General in initiating talks with the parties
concerned aimed at finding a political solution to the problems
involved. In the same context and within the framework of the same
principles involved, we look at the events in Africa and Latin
America in which intervention in the internal affairs of countries
took place under different pretexts in the past few years. My country
is deeply concerned over this trend of military intervention, which
undermines the orderly and peaceful existence of nations. Among
issues of grave concern to the Organization and to the world as a
whole is the question of South West Africa. The continuation by South
Africa of its occupation of Namibia, despite the vigorous efforts of
the United Nations to grant independence to that deprived nation,
constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and endangers
world peace and the stability of the African region. It is our duty
to continue political and economic pressure on South Africa in our
efforts to force it to concede to the logic of human realities and to
continue our support to the people of Namibia under the leadership of
SWAPO. While condemning the occupation of Namibia by South Africa, my
Government reiterates its support to the oppressed people in South
Africa itself under its inhuman policy in their struggle for
equality, justice and dignity. Another question of concern to us is
the situation in Cyprus. We are disappointed by the slow progress in
negotiations between the parties concerned with the aim of reaching
an honorable solution to the prolonged internal dispute that will at
the same time ensure the rights of the communities and preserve the
national and territorial integrity of the country. My country is
concerned also about the stalemate in the dialogue between the
peoples of North and South Korea for the purpose of their peaceful
reunification. We believe that the international community should
continue its support to the Korean people and encourage them to
continue that process within the framework of their own aspirations,
free from outside influence and pressure. In this respect we should
welcome all initiatives calling for the resumption of talks between
the two sides. We are deeply concerned that thewar between Iraq and
the Islamic Republic of Iran continues to rage despite the repeated
appeals by the world community for a cease fire and for the solution
of the dispute between those two neighboring countries by peaceful
means. Maldives continues to be guided by a policy of non alignment
and has always endeavored humbly to contribute its modest share in
order to strengthen the unity and the charter of the nonaligned
movement, in sincerity for peace, friendship and international
cooperation. Turning to our region and to a question of immediate
concern to my country, I wish to confirm our full endorsement of and
support for the proposal to transform the Indian Ocean into a zone of
peace, not only because of our strong opposition to the presence of
foreign military bases and facilities in the Indian Ocean but also
because of the awareness of increasing tension in the region and of
the strong possibility of their involvement in provoking and
escalating conflicts in the area. The rivalry among the big Powers
and their military presence in our own neighborhood divert our
attention to potential dangers and compel us to exhaust our resources
on otherwise unnecessary security measures, while our limited
resources are most vitally needed for the promotion of the welfare of
our peoples and the development of our economies. The efforts to
implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace must
therefore be renewed and continued within the framework of the
fundamental elements of the Declaration. We feel that the Colombo
Conference should be held on as early a date as possible. It may be
true that the convening of the Conference will not be enough to
resolve all the problems pertaining to the security of our region.
However, we are convinced that the meeting will contribute to the
favorable development of the concept and improve the climate in the
region. My country is indeed glad to note the successful conclusion
of the negotiations at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law
of the Sea with the adoption of a comprehensive Convention on the Law
of the Sea which reflects the expectations of the world community. It
is our hope that the acceptance of the Convention by all the States
Members of the United Nations will become a reality as soon as
possible. My delegation believes that the Convention will be an
extremely important instrument far the promotion of a peaceful and
orderly discipline in ocean affairs as well as for the exploitation
of the immense resources of the sea and the sea bed in a better and
more dignified manner, which would be beneficial for mankind as a
whole. While we focus our attention on the critical developments on
the international political scene, we find that further deterioration
and serious erosion is taking place in multilateral economic
relations mainly due to the failure of some of the developed
countries to understand the inevitability of interdependence. My
delegation feels that the concept of global negotiation should be
further pursued and that new initiatives should be undertaken to
accelerate our effort to establish a new international economic
order. Meanwhile we should continue our multilateral negotiations at
the sectorial levels within and outside the specialized world bodies.
The process should not be allowed to slow down under the pressure of
the still existing obsessions of protectionism and adverse national
policies. We should sincerely and collectively address ourselves to
all the stresses and strains of the entire economic system of the
world, which extend beyond the relationship between North and South.
Meanwhile we are convinced that the promotion of measures for
collective self reliance among the developing countries is now more
indispensable than ever. In this regard we endorse the outcome of the
meeting of the Intergovernmental Follow Up and Coordination Committee
on economic cooperation among developing countries held in August in
Manila. As one of the least developed countries of the third world,
Maldives was happy to note the positive responses from many ofthe
developing countries to the recommendations of last year's Paris
Conference. For our part, we shall try to demonstrate to the donor
countries and to our friends all over the world that we are sincere
and serious in our efforts to develop our country and to emerge from
the bracket of underdevelopment to an appropriate stage of steady
national growth. We sincerely hope that the recommendations of the
Paris Conference will be followed up effectively, and we look forward
to the round table meetings scheduled to take place in the near
future in the earnest hope that they will produce positive results.
In conclusion I should like to reaffirm my country's faith and trust
in the Organization as the instrument with the most potential for
maintaining peace and security in the world and fulfilling the
aspirations of mankind to justice and prosperity. We are bound by
serious constraints and difficulties. We are more often faced with
frustrating situations such as that through which we are passing
today. However, our faith and trust in the noble principles enshrined
in the Charter of the United Nations demand of us that we renew our
commitments and continue our efforts to strengthen the role of the
Organization in fulfilling the lofty objectives of the Charter.