This is a momentous
year for our country as we celebrate, on 1 October, the
tenth anniversary of our independence and our
membership in this institution. Palau was the last
country to emerge from the Trusteeship System, having
been administered by the United States under the
supervision of the United Nations longer than any
country in the world. It was the United Nations that
provided Palau with a willing forum in which to
express and ultimately achieve our right to sovereignty,
and for that we are ever thankful. I am also happy to
observe, on this tenth anniversary, that this year we
established, for the first time, a permanent mission in
New York so that we can enhance our ability to meet
our international responsibilities.
It was the United States, through its
administration and willing cooperation during our
peaceful emergence into independence, that assured us
the liberty and the values that guide us today. For that
extraordinary legacy, we today express our deep
gratitude to the United States of America.
This is a good year for Palau to deepen its
involvement, since it coincides with the worldís
preparation for the Mauritius conference and the
increased emphasis at the United Nations on the unique
challenges facing small island developing States.
While images of swaying palm trees and white sand
beaches prevail in the world's imagination, they are
only part of the story. In truth and in fact, the
remoteness and the isolation of Palau make it a very
difficult place to develop a self-reliant economy,
provide medical care and education to its people and
deter aggression and terrorism. Fuel and transportation
prices are among the highest in the world. After four
successive colonial administrations, our infrastructure
is quite incomplete, and our most promising hope for
the development of a sustainable economy, our pristine
environment, is threatened by factors beyond our
control, such as the failure of all industrialized
countries to reach agreement on implementing the
Kyoto Protocol.
We have created a democratic society and
ensured human rights for our people, but without
international focus, we will not be able to provide hope
and opportunity to our children, and we will continue
to watch as they leave their homeland to seek an
education and a career elsewhere. For no matter what
statistics may be advanced, what references to gross
national product may be debated, until we can provide
our children with the incentive to stay and help build
our country, we will have lost. Thus, the Mauritius
process is critical for Palau, and we trust that the
developed countries of the world will embrace it.
21

Similarly, we trust that United Nations agencies
will sharpen their focus on the small island developing
States and correct what we view as a current
imbalance, in support of the fragile small States of the
world. We applaud the recent efforts of the Global
Environmental Facility (GEF) to streamline assistance
to Palau through the creation of an innovative North
Pacific subregional programme that will build our
capacity to protect our environment and create a
sustainable economy.
We are troubled, however, by a growing tendency
in the donor community to demand that small countries
like ours prove our capacity before assistance can be
delivered. This is a catch-22 situation that threatens to
halt our development. The only way we can build our
capacity to execute projects that will save, for example,
our unique biodiversity is to experience the hard work
of completing projects and learning from our
experience.
This observation does not mean that we are
reluctant to accept the obligations and responsibilities
inherent in receiving assistance. We are willing and
eager to be monitored by the international community
in our performance. We firmly believe that we should
be held accountable for the quality and the
transparency of our efforts.
It is ironic that tiny countries such as ours, where
so many of the worldís environmental treasures exist,
are denied the assistance they need due to a perceived
lack of capacity to navigate the unwieldy bureaucracies of
the international organizations charged with protecting
those very treasures.
As already noted, the failure of the world to come
to agreement on implementing the Kyoto Protocol will
contribute to the destruction of our marine and
terrestrial resources. Palau, like many other small
island developing States, is a window on the worldís
future in this regard and must be carefully observed.
We urge the GEF to create real funding opportunities
for adaptation and mitigation measures in a proactive
and streamlined fashion before it is too late.
In a similar vein, we are increasingly aware of the
particularly damaging fishing practice of deep-sea
bottom trawling. Increasingly employed on the high
seas as coastal fisheries are depleted, this technique
entails dragging heavy equipment along the seabed,
completely destroying established coral, sponge and
related communities that have taken centuries to
develop. We are a culture of fishing people and find
this practice unacceptable. As we participated with our
Pacific colleagues in eliminating drift-net fishing some
years ago, we now call upon the world to join us in
declaring a moratorium on deep sea bottom trawling
before this practice does any more irremediable damage.
Last month, Palauís accession to the Group of
Asian States created the largest regional grouping in
the United Nations. Two critical issues involving our
Asian region also have great global significance.
First, for the United Nations to be effective at
ensuring international peace and security, all nations,
large and small, should be represented in its
deliberations. The Republic of China on Taiwan should
no longer be kept on the sidelines of the most
important international Organization. The principle of
universality should be applied so that the 23 million
people of Taiwan can bring their talents, their energy
and their principled democratic positions to the
organizations, bodies, specialized agencies and
programmes of the United Nations, thereby aiding the
rest of the world in pursuing our mutual agenda.
Secondly, and also in pursuit of the most effective
means to strengthen the credibility of the United
Nations, Palau urges the United Nations to reform the
Security Council to reflect the reality of the
international community in the twenty-first century so
that countries that play a major role in the maintenance
of international peace and security always participate
in the decision-making process of the Security Council.
Palau believes that the Security Council should be
expanded to include additional developing and
developed countries as new members, and that Japanís
stellar record of contribution is a solid basis for Japanís
assumption of permanent membership of the Security
Council. Japan has been a leader in international
initiatives for many years, and it is for that reason that
Palau takes this strongly felt position.
Much of my presentation today has focused on
the enormous threats to vulnerable island States like
Palau. We agree with the Secretary-General, who
observed in his opening remarks to the high-level
segment of the twelfth session of the Commission on
Sustainable Development, held at United Nations
Headquarters from 28 to 30 April 2004, that ìhigh-
level political attention has been diverted from
sustainable development by the recent emphasis given
to terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and the war
in Iraq. But Palau also understands that the scourge of
global terrorism and its immoral violence against
innocent people must be defeated. We are proud of our
sons and daughters serving in the United States
military. Only last week, one of those sons, a Marine
fighting side by side with Coalition forces in Iraq, paid
the ultimate price, marking the first death of a Palauan
in the struggle with global terrorism. Our forces are
small in number but, like Corporal Ngirmidol, large in
loyalty, commitment and idealism. No one should
make any mistake about that.
Palau is grateful to the United States for allowing
us to achieve our independence and thus to join the
international communityís quest for world peace.
Nonetheless, a balanced international agenda which
includes a determined focus on sustainable development
is required if Palau is to achieve some measure of
economic self-reliance, and if the world as we know it
is to survive.


It is my pleasure to congratulate you, Sir,
on your election as President of the General Assembly
at its fifty-ninth session. Your election is a testament to
the greatness of our African continent.
I am pleased to address the Assembly and share
the views of my country, Libya, on a number of serious
and sensitive issues that we deem important for joint
international action and increased universal
cooperation.
Last year, we relinquished our right to speak to
the President of the African Union in the expectation
that he would speak for the entire Union. It seems,
however, that the African Union has no post of Foreign
Minister and that the Ministers of member States were
therefore compelled to speak instead. Thus, I am
obliged to speak now.
All States obviously agree that the current
structure and the rules of procedure of the United
14

Nations are flawed, and all States agree on the need for
reform. Indeed, before we can discuss reform in the
Middle East, the former republics of the Soviet Union
or any other area of the world, we must first reform the
United Nations. Before we speak about lack of
democracy in the world, we must first recognize the
lack of democracy in the United Nations. Furthermore,
because the General Assembly is the parliament of
parliaments and the Security Council is the government
of governments, we have no right to talk about
democracy and reform in the world unless we first
reform the structure of the United Nations.
The past 59 years have demonstrated that the
General Assembly is merely a decorative body without
a soul and that the authority lies with the Security
Council, which controls all the work of the United
Nations. It is the one and only authority. My country
therefore proposes that the upcoming sixtieth session
of the General Assembly should be decisive and
important, and that invitations should be extended to
all world leaders to participate. We should announce
that decisions on radical reform for the United Nations
will be taken at the sixtieth session. God willing,
President Muammar Al-Qadhafi, in what will be his
first visit to the General Assembly, will attend that
session, which will be a historic milestone involving a
confrontation with the grave and unjust situation
currently prevailing at the United Nations.
We propose that the sixtieth session be held in
Geneva — the geographical centre of the world — to
facilitate the attendance of all world leaders and
presidents, even if additional funds have to be
allocated in order to convene the meeting in Geneva.
My country is ready to contribute financial support for
that endeavour.
There are two options before us. Our first option
is to transfer the authority to invoke Chapters VI and
VII of the Charter from the Security Council to the
General Assembly. If that cannot be done, we have no
choice but to declare the General Assembly null and
void and to stop pouring money into this moribund
body.
Our second option is to increase the membership
of the Security Council by allocating seats to new
entities such as the African Union, the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations and Latin America. In
addition, the right of veto will have to be reviewed and
made subject to new rules at the same time as the
membership of the Security Council is expanded.
We warn that, unless these reforms are
implemented, the United Nations will cease to exist, as
unilateral actions are taking place outside the confines
of the United Nations.
The African Union must have a permanent seat
on the Security Council. That seat will be held by the
Union’s members in rotation.
As the sixtieth session of the General Assembly
approaches, Libya is presenting a unique, bold and
strong initiative to eliminate its programmes of
weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear and
chemical weapons, and hand over related equipment to
the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Libya played the central role in the establishment
of the African Union and contributed effectively to the
liberation of colonized and oppressed peoples. Libya,
with its 2,000-kilometre coastline along the
Mediterranean Sea, is at the centre of the world and is
both a place of conflict and a haven for tourism. The
Mediterranean Sea without Libya is inconceivable, as
is the south Mediterranean coast without Libya. Libya
gave birth to the third universal theory — the middle
ground between capitalism and communism — and
presented the world with the Green Book, which
resolves the political, economic and social problems of
society in its three sections. Accordingly, Libya
deserves to have a permanent seat on the Security
Council.
Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi presented a
proposal to world leaders, which they all approved.
The proposal calls for the establishment of a committee
of wise men, consisting of President Nelson Mandela,
President Mikhail Gorbachev and President Bill
Clinton, that would serve as an authority for resolving
the conflicts of our world. The United Nations should
adopt a resolution supporting that proposal.
We must all continue to combat terrorism. If we
want to eliminate terrorism, we must first eliminate its
causes and not simply pursue its isolated operations.
We must attack its root causes.
If we want oil supplies and prices to remain
stable, we must prevent wars and potential conflicts
from occurring near oil fields.
15

Finally, Colonel Al-Qadhafi will soon address the
issue of United Nations reform on his web site: www.
alqadhafi.org.


Through
Foreign Minister Jean Ping of Gabon, I greet the
representatives of all peoples gathered here today. I
fraternally salute Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who
5

has been guiding the work of the United Nations with
wisdom and devotion.
For the second time, I address this universal
Assembly on behalf of Brazil. I have a lifelong
commitment to those silenced by inequality, hunger
and hopelessness. In the powerful words of Franz
Fanon, the colonial past bestowed on them a common
legacy: “If you so desire, take it: the freedom to starve
to death”.
Today, we are 191 nation-States. In the past, 125
of us were subjected to the oppression of a few Powers
that originally occupied less than 2 per cent of the
globe. The end of colonialism confirmed, in the
political arena the right of peoples to self-
determination. The Assembly is the highest expression
of an international order based on the independence of
nations.
However, such a political transformation has not
taken place in the economic and social fields, and
history shows that that will not happen spontaneously.
In 1820, the per capita income of the richest nation in
the world was five times greater than that of the
poorest one. Today, that disparity has reached a ratio of
80-to-1.
The former subjects have become perpetual
debtors in the international economic system.
Protectionist barriers and other obstacles to balanced
trade — aggravated by the concentration of
investments, knowledge and technology — have
followed colonial domination. A powerful, all-
encompassing and invisible wheel runs the system
from afar. It often revokes democratic decisions, causes
the sovereignty of States to shrivel and imposes itself
on elected Governments. It demands that legitimate
national development projects be renounced. The
perverse logic of draining the needy to irrigate the
affluent still stands. In recent decades, an ill-inclusive
and asymmetric globalization has deepened the
devastating legacy of poverty and social regression,
which is now bursting into the agenda of the twenty-
first century. Today, in 54 countries, per capita income
is lower than what it was 10 years ago; in 34 countries,
life expectancy has decreased; and in 14 countries, a
greater number of children are starving to death.
In Africa, where colonialism resisted until the
twilight of the twentieth century, 200 million people
are caught in an existence marked by hunger, disease
and neglect, to which the world has become oblivious,
numbed by the routine of the distant suffering of
others. Lack of basic sanitation has killed more
children in the past decade than all military conflicts
since the end of the Second World War.
Love cannot spring from cruelty. Peace will never
rise from poverty and hunger. The hatred and
senselessness that are spreading throughout the world
feed on despair and on the absolute lack of hope for
many people.
This year alone, more than 1,700 people have
died as a consequence of terrorist attacks around the
world — in Madrid, Baghdad and Jakarta. Those
tragedies must be added to so many others in India, the
Middle East and the United States, as well as to, more
recently, the barbaric slaughter of children in Beslan.
Mankind is losing the fight for peace. Only the
enlightened values of humanism, applied with clarity
of mind and determination, will be able to counter
barbarism.
This situation imposes a new sense of collective
and individual responsibility on the peoples and the
leaders of the world. If peace is our goal, it is our task
to build it. If we wish to eliminate violence, we must
address its deep-rooted origins with the same resolve
employed against the agents of hatred. The path to
lasting peace must encompass a new international
political and economic order, one that extends real
opportunities for economic and social development to
all countries. It therefore requires reform of the global
development model, as well as international
institutions that are effectively democratic and based
on multilateralism and on an acknowledgement of the
rights and aspirations of all peoples.
The tortured look in the eyes of the outcast
should do more to stir our conscience than the no less
dramatic statistics on social inequality. Their gaze calls
to us for a future of hope. Just as our destinies are now
intertwined, every conflict has global effects. When the
sky is shown to us from between iron bars, let us not
mistake the cage for freedom.
We have the scientific knowledge and the scale of
production necessary for resolving global economic
and social challenges. Today, nature and progress can
be reconciled by means of development models that are
ethically and environmentally sustainable. Nature is
not a museum of untouchable relics, but neither should
it be further degraded by human and environmental
exploitation in a search for wealth at any price.
6

A generation is remembered not only for what it
accomplishes, but also for what it fails to accomplish.
If our resources are so much greater than our
achievements, how will we explain to future
generations why we did so little when so much was
within our reach? A neglectful civilization is
condemned to wither like a body without a soul.
The exhortations from the great New Deal leader
Franklin Delano Roosevelt still resonate with
inescapable pertinence. What is needed today is “bold,
persistent experimentation”. “The only thing we need
to fear is fear itself.” Such boldness stems not from
instinct, but rather from political courage; not from
irresponsible wilfulness, but rather from a daring
ability to reform. What sets civilization apart from
barbarism is a political architecture that promotes
peaceful change and advances social and economic life
by means of democratic consensus. If we fail against
hunger and poverty, what else will be able to bring us
together?
I believe the time has come to state clearly that
for us to once again grow in a fair way, an important
shift in the financial flows from international
multilateral organizations is necessary. Such
organizations were created to provide solutions, but, by
adopting excessive rigour, they themselves have
sometimes become part of the problem. They must
adjust their focus on development, thus restoring their
original objectives. The International Monetary Fund
should be able to provide the guarantees and
the liquidity that are necessary for productive
investments — especially in infrastructure, housing
and sanitation — and which can also restore poor
countries’ capacity to pay.
Brazilian foreign policy, in all its dimensions, is
focused on joining other nations in efforts aimed at the
establishment of a world of justice and peace.
Yesterday, in a historic meeting, more than 60 world
leaders gathered to give new impetus to international
action against hunger and poverty. I firmly believe that
the process launched yesterday will bring the fight
against world poverty to a new level. As we advance in
this new alliance, we shall have better means to attain
the Millennium Development Goals, especially with
regard to the eradication of hunger.
It was in this same spirit of contributing to the
reduction of poverty that Brazil, India and South Africa
established, last year, the India-Brazil-South Africa
(IBSA) Fund. Our first project, in Guinea-Bissau, will
be launched tomorrow.
HIV/AIDS and its nefarious connection to hunger
and poverty is also a priority. Our international
cooperation programme with other developing
countries in fighting HIV/AIDS is now operating in six
developing countries and will soon be extended to
another three.
I am fully aware of the serious security problems
that pose a threat to international stability. There seems
to be no prospect for improvement in the critical
situation in the Middle East. In that and other conflicts,
the international community cannot allow violence —
whether sponsored by States or by other actors — to
prevail over democratic dialogue. The Palestinian
people are still far from achieving the self-
determination to which they are entitled.
We know that the underlying causes of insecurity
are complex. The necessary fight against terrorism
cannot be conceived strictly in military terms. We must
develop strategies that encompass both solidarity and
firmness, but with strict respect for international law.
On that basis, Brazil and other Latin American
countries have responded to the call of the United
Nations and are engaged in the stabilization efforts in
Haiti. If we seek new paradigms in international
relations, we cannot shirk our responsibility to address
the concrete situations that emerge.
The promotion of equitable development is
crucial to addressing the centuries-old causes of
Haitian instability. In our region, despite grave social
and economic problems, a culture of peace prevails.
Our continent is experiencing a period of democratic
coming of age, with a vibrant civil society. We have
learned that development and social justice must be
sought with determination and an openness to dialogue.
The bouts of instability in our region have been dealt
with while strictly respecting our institutions.
Whenever requested, and within its means and
capabilities, Brazil has made its contribution to help
friendly countries overcome crises that threatened their
constitutional order and stability. We do not believe in
interfering in the domestic affairs of other countries,
but neither can we condone omission and indifference
in the face of situations that affect our neighbours.
Brazil is committed to the establishment of a
South America that is politically stable, prosperous and
united, on the basis of strengthening the South
7

American Common Market (MERCOSUR) and its
strategic relationship with Argentina. The possibility
that a community of South American States could
emerge is no longer a distant dream, thanks to decisive
initiatives in the areas of structural, economic,
commercial, social and cultural integration.
Brazil is at work in multilateral negotiations with
a view to reaching just and equitable agreements. At
the last meeting of the World Trade Organization, we
took a fundamental step towards the elimination of
abusive restrictions that hamper developing countries.
Coordination among countries from Africa, Asia and
Latin America in the Group of 20 was decisive for
keeping the Doha Round on the right track of trade
liberalization with social justice. If successful, the
Doha Round could lift more than 500 million people
out of poverty. It is essential to carry on building a new
world economic and commercial geography that, while
maintaining the vital ties to developed countries,
allows for the establishment of solid bridges among the
countries of the South, which have remained isolated
from one another for too long.
Brazil is committed to the success of the
international climate change regime. We are
developing renewable sources of energy. That is why
we shall continue to actively strive for the entry into
force of the Kyoto Protocol.
South America contains approximately 50 per
cent of the world’s biodiversity. We stand for
combating bio-piracy as well as for the negotiation of
an international regime for sharing the benefits derived
from the use of genetic resources and traditional
knowledge.
I reiterate what I stated at this very rostrum last
year: only an international order based on
multilateralism can promote peace and the sustainable
development of nations. Such an order must be based
on a constructive dialogue among different cultures
and world visions. No organ is better suited than the
United Nations to ensure the world’s convergence
around common goals. The Security Council is the
only source of legitimate action in the field of
international peace and security, but its composition
must reflect today’s reality — not perpetuate the post-
World-War-II era or the Cold War era. Reform
proposals that simply dress the current structure in new
clothes and do not provide for an increase in the
number of permanent members are manifestly
insufficient. The difficulties inherent to any reform
process must not cause us to lose sight of its urgency.
There will be neither security nor stability in the
world until a more just and democratic order is
established. The community of nations must give a
clear and urgent response to this challenge. We can
find such a response in the wise words of the Prophet
Isaiah: the fruit of righteousness will be peace.


The General Assembly,
this most democratic and representative of United
Nations organs, has served for almost six decades now
as a forum in which all States, no matter their size or
status, may address with equal voice issues of interest
and concern to them as well as to the international
community. It has indeed become the parliament of
humankind.
To the President of the General Assembly, a
distinguished son of Africa, now falls the task of
guiding the deliberations of this fifty-ninth session. I
would like to offer him my delegation’s warm
congratulations and good wishes as he assumes his
high responsibilities.
I would like to extend to the outgoing President,
The Honourable Julian Hunte, our appreciation and
thanks for his magisterial direction of the Assembly’s
activities over the past year. His performance is a
source of pride and satisfaction, not only to his native
Saint Lucia, but also to the wider Caribbean
community, to which both our countries belong. Allow
me also to convey to the Secretary-General, Kofi
Annan, our gratitude for his sure and steady leadership
of the Organization during these tumultuous times.
The speakers who have preceded me in the debate
have all expressed their preoccupation at the rising
level of threat to global peace and security, as well as
to our common economic and social security. Intense
conflict in places such as Afghanistan, Iraq and
elsewhere in the Middle East, Africa and Europe has
destroyed thousands of innocent lives and wreaked
havoc on the States involved. At the same time, despite
the many promises of globalization, development
continues to elude the majority of countries, especially
the poorest and most vulnerable. The HIV/AIDS
pandemic has not abated, continuously robbing us of
precious human and financial resources. Altogether,
the international scenario facing us is distressing,
offering scant hope for early improvement. Like others,
therefore, my delegation cannot help but state its
concern at the ever-worsening international climate.
While most of our problems are man-made, many
of our States, such as those in the Caribbean, must also
face the constant threat of natural disasters. The recent
wave of hurricanes that destroyed our sister State of
Grenada and severely battered other island countries,
such as Haiti, the Bahamas, Cuba, the Cayman Islands,
the Dominican Republic and Jamaica, has shown how
destructive the forces of nature can be to our
development. The Government of Guyana extends its
solidarity and support to all those afflicted, as well as
to the United States of America, whose state of Florida
has also been seriously struck. Such is the frequency of
these phenomena that the international community
must now seek to devise stronger and more responsive
machinery to address their consequences. In this
regard, Guyana attaches high importance to the
outcome, next January, of the International Meeting to
Review the Implementation of the Programme of
Action for the Sustainable Development of Small
Island Developing States, which will be held in
Mauritius, and the World Conference on Disaster
Reduction, in Kobe, Japan.
The scourge of terrorism has now reached such a
scale that it has been aptly described as a third world
war. Scarce resources must now be diverted from
development to the war on terror. Yet the rampage of
destruction continues unrestrained. The process under
way to stem the illicit global trade in small arms and
light weapons and to forge more effective international
instruments against terrorism and transnational crime
commands Guyana’s full support. We anxiously await
the report of the United Nations High-level Panel on
7

Threats, Challenges and Change, in the hope that it will
offer practical recommendations for preserving global
peace and stability. The time may have come, we
believe, to fully implement the collective security
system that is envisaged in the United Nations Charter.
The age of globalization and liberalization in
which we now live has undoubtedly brought with it
laissez-faire attitudes and policies that have seriously
affected societies everywhere. Lawlessness and
violence are the new order of the day, threatening to
destroy established systems of governance, especially
in weak States, as demonstrated by the recent
interruption of the democratic process in Haiti, the
newest member of our Caribbean Community
(CARICOM), which has exacerbated social conditions
in that country. The Inter-American Democratic
Charter and, indeed, our own Charter of Civil Society
for the Caribbean Community expressly condemn such
breaches of democracy. Notwithstanding our concern at
these developments, Guyana stands ready to help the
fraternal people of Haiti overcome their social distress.
CARICOM, of which both Guyana and Haiti are
members, is currently coordinating our humanitarian
assistance to the island.
Respect for the fundamental tenets of the United
Nations is essential if we are to avoid conflicts. The
Charter is clear in its proscription of the use of force
except under the particular circumstances of Chapter
VII. In this context, let me say that Guyana supports
the reform of the Security Council through an
expansion in the membership of both the permanent
and non-permanent categories and a general
improvement of its modus operandi. After careful
deliberation and in an attempt to break the current
logjam in the discussions, my Government has decided
at this stage to support the aspirations of Brazil, India
and an African State to permanent membership. We
believe that their participation as developing States in
the work of the Council will make that body more
balanced, representative and, ultimately, more
accountable to the Assembly for the maintenance of
global peace and security.
For Guyana, as for the rest of the international
community, the situation in Iraq continues to be a
source of preoccupation. We would wish to see peace
and stability quickly restored to that country and its
people. Similarly, we urge an end to the suicidal
conflict between Israel and Palestine and a return to
negotiations leading to the creation of an independent
Palestine and peaceful co-existence between the two
States.
As conflicts and humanitarian crises such as the
one in Darfur continue to multiply, the United Nations
is being called to do more with less. We therefore call
for the strengthening of regional arrangements, such as
those of the Organization of American States and the
African Union, acting in concert with the United
Nations, to assist in the search for durable solutions to
conflicts and disputes.
It is also imperative that we strive with greater
determination to secure our economic development and
social progress. For more than six decades now, the
international community has diligently sought answers
to the development dilemma, moving from one facet to
another, from disarmament to basic needs, from
economic growth to full employment, from partnership
to national ownership and from good governance to the
free market. Thus far, however, the various models of
development followed have failed to achieve their
goals. In the continuing exploration, this year’s Human
Development Report has added culture to the list of
crucial elements. As a small, multi-ethnic State,
Guyana fully accepts this proposition and is committed
to preserving the culture that has brought our nation
together in service to our national development.
At the same time, we believe that cultural
diversity is a contemporary reality and must be
recognized by all States. Too often, strategies for peace
and development ignore this reality with disastrous
results. Not enough consultation and coordination are
undertaken to ensure that programmes and projects are
in keeping with nationally defined priorities and local
circumstances. It is necessary, if failure is to be
avoided, for there to be greater dialogue and
cooperation in the planning process for development.
National leadership remains a sine qua non for
successful development and must be strongly
supported by our development partners. In this spirit,
Guyana renews its support for the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and other such
initiatives based on strong national leadership and full
international cooperation.
President Lula of Brazil and the World
Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization
are to be commended for calling this Assembly’s
attention to two major challenges facing the
international community today, namely, poverty and
8

the inequities of globalization. Although we daily see
on our television screens the emaciated faces of the
hungry, we are yet to be stirred with the compassion
and generosity of heart needed to relieve their misery.
As globalization gains further ground, many more will
fall victim to further marginalization, especially in
small developing countries that are unable to take
advantage of globalization. My own country has
recently seen a devastating blow to its sugar industry,
on which thousands of our people depend, as a result of
trade liberalization and the reform of the European
Union’s sugar regime. Unless small States like ours are
provided with special and differential treatment, they
will be excluded from the global economy.
Next year, the world’s leaders will meet to review
the progress made in achieving the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). All the indications are
that there is hardly enough time to achieve our
objectives. We can therefore ill afford to stand still. We
must determine now what ought to be done to build
and sustain momentum to meet the 2015 targets.
Guyana’s experience has been that these are not likely
to be achieved without sustained economic growth.
Although we have sound poverty reduction and
national development strategies in place, we know that
success depends in fair measure on a fair and
supportive international environment. We therefore
urge that high priority be accorded to greater debt
relief, the mobilization of development finance and the
creation of equitable trading conditions to enable
developing countries such as ours to achieve economic
and social progress.
It must be realized, however, that the MDGs,
although important and laudable, will not in
themselves bring about comprehensive and sustainable
development. They are but a subset of the development
agenda, which must include, if it is to be successful,
political, economic, social and environmental
considerations. Without a holistic and well-coordinated
approach, lasting solutions to our problems will not be
found. It is for that reason that my Government
continues to advocate the establishment of a new
global human order based on genuine interdependence
and partnership between developed and developing
countries. We are at a point in time when terror, war,
poverty and social chaos threaten to engulf all
humanity. We therefore hope that when the relevant
item comes before the Assembly next month, it will
receive the further support of the international
community.
Within recent years the United Nations has faced
mounting criticism for its lack of responsiveness to
global challenges and for its failure to be democratic in
some of its decision-making. While there is often a
rush to act on particular issues that are deemed
important by some countries, much less attention is
paid to the concerns of the vast majority. As a
consequence, the credibility and even the legitimacy of
the United Nations have been called into question. If
that trend continues, the hard-earned prestige of the
Organization will be debased and its effectiveness
curtailed. There can be no worse danger to humanity
than the rejection of multilateralism. We believe
experience has now clearly shown that unilateralism
cannot resolve the problems of our contemporary
world. Only through joint endeavours can we hope to
achieve the freedom from fear and the freedom from
want to which all our peoples aspire.
As has been so aptly said, the United Nations
may not take us to heaven but it can certainly save us
from hell. Let us therefore renew our commitment to
the high purposes and principles for which it stands.


Allow
me at the outset to convey to the President my
Government's congratulations on his election to
preside over the fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly.
We have no doubt that his wisdom and experience
will be of great service to the Organization at a time
when it must make important decisions, in particular
concerning the reform of the Security Council. He will
surely do honour to all Africa.
I also take this occasion to express our gratitude
and congratulations to Mr. Julian Hunte for the
excellent quality of his presidency at the fifty-eighth
session of the General Assembly.
In April this year, the whole world joined
Rwanda in our observance of the tenth anniversary of
44

the 1994 genocide, in which more than a million of our
citizens - men, women and children - were
massacred by the former Government, which
institutionalized hatred, discrimination and
sectarianism.
We thank in particular the General Assembly and
the Security Council for joining us in this Hall last
7 April to pay tribute to the memory of the victims in
Rwanda and to renew our commitment to ensuring that
the horrors of genocide do not occur again, in any part
of the world.
That tragedy of genocide and its many
consequences obliged us in Rwanda to undertake the
national and collective duty of examining our
conscience. We believe we have learned so much in
sorrow from that task that we have undertaken concrete
measures in that respect.
In the process, we created the National Unity and
Reconciliation Commission, which has led the national
dialogue over the last five years. We have also
undertaken vast reforms at all levels and in many areas
of national life, which, among other things, enable
people to develop initiatives and to participate in
decisions affecting their own development. We have
thus adopted a new constitution, which, for the first
time in the history of our country, was conceived by
the people of Rwanda themselves and drafted
according to the ideas, concerns, aspirations and
priorities of the people and not according to those of
so-called legal experts from other continents. This new
constitution guarantees the freedoms and fundamental
rights of the people, brings together universal
principles and national realities, but also, and above
all, offers measures to exclude once and for all from
our society the poor governance that led to the
genocide in 1994.
We have carried out important legal reforms that
have indeed restored our judicial system. In the search
for justice that will restore and reconcile our people,
we have introduced traditional participatory
jurisdiction - known as Gacaca - to judge the
thousands of those presumed to be implicated in the
crimes committed during the genocide.
We are also now transforming our economy by
emphasizing innovation, competitiveness, the role of
new information and communication technology and
the improvement of public services as the appropriate
way to achieve economic growth and lasting national
development. We have carried out other reforms in the
areas of education, health, security and the
advancement of women in public administration to
such an extent that today Rwanda leads the countries
having the largest number of women elected to national
decision-making posts.
Rwanda is contributing, albeit modestly, to all the
peace processes underway in our region and other areas
of Africa. In this context, my Government did not
hesitate to respond to the appeal of the African Union
regarding Darfur and sent a military mission to
contribute to the efforts of the international community
and the Sudanese Government to restore peace to this
sorely tested region of our dear continent.
We feel that the international community also
needs to engage in some soul-searching in order to
reflect on the lessons to be learned from the failures of
the past and to re-examine its responses to crisis
situations such as the genocide of 1994 in Rwanda. We
should therefore ask ourselves if we really do have a
system of early warning in place to detect emerging
crises. Can we say that today, more than yesterday, we
have the political will necessary to respond decisively
and appropriately around the world to these emerging
crises? Is the world's division into major Powers'
zones of influence not continuing today ó just as it did
in 1994 in Rwanda - to prevent the United Nations
from formulating just and effective responses to crisis
situations?
Every Member of this Assembly is certainly
aware of the magnitude and the frightening scope of
terrorism as well as the challenge it poses to
international peace and security. Indeed, from the
Russian Federation, through Spain, Indonesia, Kenya
and to the United States, terrorists are causing
devastation, even using innocent women and children
to achieve their unspeakable goals.
The Great Lakes region in Africa is certainly
acquainted with terrorism. Indeed, the forces that
committed genocide in Rwanda, namely Rwandaís
former Forces armees rwandaises (ex-FAR) and the
INTERAHAMWE continue to bring death and
devastation with unsurpassed cruelty to the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Burundi and Rwanda. You all
certainly know of their most recent and sinister deed,
carried out barely two months ago, when this same
group, together with the Forces nationales de liberation
(FNL) rebels of Burundi, attacked a refugee camp in
45

Banyamulenge in Gatumba, Burundi, and massacred
160 innocent people ó men, women and children ó
because of their ethnic origin.
The most incomprehensible and unacceptable
thing for us is the well-known fact that the bases of all
these groups are located in the east of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and that their leaders are well-
known, but that no serious international action has
been undertaken, to date, to destroy these bases and to
arrest their leaders. And yet, in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, almost in the very same
location as these genocidal forces, there is a well-
armed United Nations force, which is costing the
international community a mere $700 million per year.
We need to seriously ask ourselves whether the
international community has learned any lessons from
the tragedy of Rwanda. In our humble view, the United
Nations should assume its responsibilities and take the
necessary measures to disarm, demobilize and
repatriate the terrorist and genocidal groups in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, which continue to
destroy with impunity entire communities in our region
and which have been the source of two wars in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, directly involving
up to eight African countries.
My Government feels that, just as the
international community has the responsibility or
obligation to guarantee the protection of individuals in
serious danger, it is also responsible for protecting and
supporting those who have escaped from those
situations. It is in this context that, since 1994, the
Government of Rwanda has reserved 5 per cent of its
annual budget for priority contributions to the health
care and education needs of those who escaped the
genocide. In the same spirit, and during the current
session of the Assembly, a draft resolution will be
submitted, requesting the Secretary-General of the
United Nations to mobilize the entire United Nations
system to give financial support to our domestic
efforts, which remain, despite everything, insufficient
with regard to the real - if not vital - needs
particularly of the orphans, widows and victims of
sexual abuse. We hope that it will receive your support.
My Government has followed with great interest
the current discussions regarding reform in the Security
Council. Rwanda, which has been the subject of debate
almost continuously in the Council for 14 years, is
more sensitive than many other nations to the need to
make this powerful body of our Organization more
representative and democratic. We feel, in particular,
that it is high time to end the marginalization of the
continents of Africa and Latin America by granting
them permanent seats in the Security Council.
While emphasis is quite rightly being given to the
expansion of the Council and regional representation,
we firmly believe that equal attention should be
devoted to improving the Council's methods of work
and that emphasis should be placed on their
transparency. We hope that this aspect will be taken
into account by all the parties concerned; otherwise,
this reform will be cut short and will not have any real
impact. In particular, we are deeply concerned that an
unwritten rule, nowhere to be found in print, seems to
have reserved the initiative for making proposals only
to the permanent members of the Security Council.
Even more worrying is the apparent division of the
world into spheres of influence, with each permanent
member having the almost absolute and exclusive right
to propose draft resolutions and presidential statements
relating to its own zone of influence. This situation
does no credit to the Organization and seriously
undermines the credibility of the Security Council and
its decisions.
My Government has taken note of the
improvements which have been made towards greater
efficiency in the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda, and encourages the Office of the Prosecutor
and the Registry to pursue their efforts to end the waste
and corruption which have characterized the Tribunal.
And it is from that standpoint that we guarantee our
full support for the Tribunal in the implementation of
its completion strategy. We are awaiting the upcoming
conclusion of agreements regarding the transfer of
certain accused to be tried, as well as some who have
already been convicted and who will serve their
sentences in Rwanda, which we feel is a token of trust
and of restored cooperation.
In conclusion, for us, support for economic
development remains one of the greatest raisons díÍtre
of the Organization. As I speak, as members know,
hundreds of thousands of people in Africa are facing
hunger, poverty and disease and are living in great
despair. The United Nations, therefore, needs to
mobilize, concentrate and guide all our collective
efforts to attain the Millennium Development Goals
and to pull the African continent out of its current
political and economic difficulties. Here, the New
46

Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is a
kind of reassuring road map and framework, that is
helping us to bring about the rebirth and prosperity of
Africa.
Thus, this universal family of nations should
reject the current situation with half of us living in
affluence, prosperity and good health, while the other
half is dying of hunger and disease, which all of us
together can prevent and eradicate. Let us, therefore,
work all together to change this situation.


Today, the international
community is striving to meet challenges that the
founders of the United Nations could not have
envisioned sixty years ago. The fight against terrorism
and efforts to ensure non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction are just a few examples of those
challenges.
Japan has always pursued international
cooperation centring on the United Nations. As the
international community faces new realities, the United
Nations must adapt and address them.
The United Nations was created to bring about a
peaceful, prosperous, and just world. To that end,
Member States have united their strengths to promote
international cooperation. Convinced that it can
contribute to creating a better world through its own
capabilities, Japan has endeavoured steadfastly to fulfil
its role as a responsible United Nations Member. Our
activities in Iraq and Afghanistan offer excellent
examples.
In Iraq, based on the relevant Security Council
resolutions, Japan has joined international efforts to
assist in the Iraqi people's own struggle towards a
democratic and prosperous nation. Japan has been
cooperating with the Iraqi people to help them improve
their daily life and rebuild the foundation of their
public life.
The humanitarian and reconstruction activities of
Japanís Self-Defence Forces and its financial
assistance of $5 billion are working in tandem to that
end. In order to promote international solidarity, Japan
will host the third Meeting of the Donorsí Committee
of the International Reconstruction Fund Facility for
Iraq next month.
In Afghanistan, Japan has from the very
beginning taken the lead in assisting national
reconstruction efforts. Japan hosted the International
Conference on Reconstruction Assistance to
Afghanistan in January 2002. Japan has been actively
promoting Afghan efforts for disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration. The Afghan people
are working hard to prepare for presidential as well as
parliamentary elections. Those elections are the most
32

important milestones for a new, democratic
Afghanistan.
The international community and the United
Nations must stand by the Afghan and Iraqi peoples in
their strenuous efforts to rebuild their countries.
Weapons of mass destruction, missiles and
terrorism threaten international security in todayís
world. Japan is the only country ever to have suffered
nuclear devastation. As such, Japan has been at the
forefront in promoting nuclear disarmament and non-
proliferation. Japan hopes to achieve a peaceful and
safe world free of nuclear weapons. Furthermore,
Japan has collaborated with other countries to prevent
States of concern and non-State actors from acquiring
weapons of mass destruction.
We must allow no room for terrorism to prevail.
In the fight against terrorism, Japan is doing its utmost
to strengthen domestic legislation and related
measures, and will continue to cooperate with other
countries.
The nuclear and missile issues on the Korean
peninsula present a serious challenge to the peace and
stability of north-east Asia and to the international
community as a whole. Japan is determined to continue
to seek a comprehensive resolution of the nuclear and
missile issues and the abduction issue in line with the
Pyongyang Declaration. The six-party talks must go
forward. The benefit that the Democratic Peopleís
Republic of Korea would receive by resolving those
issues would be substantial. There is no benefit for it in
continuing to pursue its nuclear programme.
After the Second World War, Japan experienced a
dramatic economic recovery, with the help of the
international community. On the basis of our own
experience, we are keenly aware that, in promoting
international cooperation, self-help efforts are essential
to overcoming difficulties and achieving a prosperous
society. Japanís official development assistance
therefore has been based on the principles of ownership
and partnership.
Environmental conservation must also proceed
hand in hand with economic development. Japan has
taken the lead in global efforts in such areas as climate
change and environmental protection.
In addressing development challenges, including
the Millennium Development Goals, Japan will move
forward, making further efforts for the strategic and
effective use of official development assistance,
bearing those principles in mind.
The protection and empowerment of individuals
and communities is the foundation of international
peace and security. That is why Japan is advocating the
concept of human security. Based upon that idea, Japan
is making efforts to realize a seamless transition from
humanitarian assistance to reconstruction support in
countries such as Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and
Timor-Leste.
It is my strong belief that there can be no stability
and prosperity in the world unless Africaís issues are
resolved. Japan initiated the process of the Tokyo
International Conference on African Development
(TICAD) in 1993. Last year, Japan organized
TICAD III, with the participation of 89 countries and
47 international organizations. African countries are
now promoting regional collaboration through the
African Union and working to implement the New
Partnership for Africaís Development (NEPAD).
The collaboration between TICAD and NEPAD is
significant, because both processes are grounded in the
principles of ownership and partnership. A stable and
prosperous Africa depends upon the promotion of trade
and investment, together with official development
assistance. This autumn, Japan will host the TICAD
Asia-Africa Trade and Investment Conference.
Today, in Africa, we are witnessing the unfolding
of another humanitarian crisis. We share the
international communityís grave concern over Darfur.
Japan has decided to provide humanitarian assistance
of $21 million. In addition, Japan intends to provide in-
kind assistance to the Sudanese refugees in Chad.
In East Asia, there has been remarkable economic
development. Japan has been working with the
countries in the region to build solid foundations for
their own efforts towards economic development. In
that region, active efforts are also under way to foster
community-building. Building upon the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Plus Three, I have
advocated the idea of an East Asia community.
This year, Japan is a candidate for non-permanent
membership on the Security Council. Japan, if elected,
will redouble its efforts to play a constructive and
innovative role in the Council, based on its global
contributions.
33

As the international community rises to meet the
challenges we face in todayís world, the United
Nations must not be left on the sidelines. We need a
strong and effective United Nations. Indeed, we must
create a new United Nations for the new era. I applaud
the timely initiative by the Secretary-General of
establishing the High-level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change. I trust that the Panel will
present the Secretary-General with a bold and
ambitious plan for reforming the United Nations.
Peace and security, and economic and social
issues are increasingly intertwined. The response of the
United Nations must be coordinated and
comprehensive. United Nations agencies and organs
must be effective and efficient. Changes are needed
throughout the United Nations system.
The reform of the Security Council must be at the
core of those changes. In recent years, the role of the
Security Council has expanded dramatically in scope
and nature. The Security Council must fulfil its
expanded role, with the maximum cooperation and
participation of the international community.
To that end, the Security Council must improve
its representation to better reflect today's world. In
addition, the Council must be provided with adequate
resources to address challenges effectively. Countries
with the will and the resources to play a major role in
international peace and security must always take part
in the Councilís decision-making process. The Security
Council therefore needs to be expanded, both in its
permanent and non-permanent categories, adding new
members from both developing and developed
countries.
The universal purpose of the United Nations ó
our common goal - is to maintain international peace
and security. In striving towards that goal, each
Member State must fulfil its role, commensurate with
its own capabilities.
It is our conviction that peace cannot be achieved
through force alone. On the basis of that conviction,
Japan has played an active and distinctive role. Japan
has made considerable resources available for United
Nations peacekeeping operations, as well as for
reconstruction efforts to assist in the consolidation of
peace. Japanís Self-Defense Forces have conducted
humanitarian and reconstruction activities in such areas
as Timor-Leste and Iraq.
Such global contributions to peace are rooted in
the fundamental, cherished beliefs of the Japanese
people, who have been seeking an honoured place in an
international community that strives for peace and
prosperity. Those contributions are, I believe, greatly
appreciated by the international community.
Recent United Nations peace operations show
that there are many dimensions to the achievement and
consolidation of peace. Making peace a reality requires
comprehensive efforts, ranging from peace-building to
nation-building. Japan's role has thus become
increasingly vital to the maintenance of international
peace and security, which is precisely the mandate of
the Security Council. We believe that the role that
Japan has played provides a solid basis for its
assumption of permanent membership of the Security
Council.
In order to better reflect today's world, it is also
necessary to remove the 'enemy State' clauses from
the Charter, as the General Assembly has already
recognized those provisions to be obsolete.
The scale of assessments for Member States
needs to be more balanced.
Next year, the United Nations will celebrate its
sixtieth anniversary. We will hold a high-level plenary
meeting to review progress on all of the commitments
in the Millennium Declaration. Development, global
security and United Nations reform are all high on the
agenda. Changes are needed on all fronts. The time has
come to make a historic decision to reform the United
Nations, and the Security Council in particular.
Time is limited. Our future - the future of the
United Nations - is at stake. I would like to call upon
the members of this body to work together and take a
bold step towards the creation of a new United Nations
for the new era.


I have the distinct honour
to congratulate you, Mr. President, a distinguished
African diplomat, on your election to preside over the
fifty-ninth session of this Assembly and to wish you
success in your undertaking. I would also like to
commend your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for the
dedication and commitment that he brought to bear on
his stewardship of the fifty-eighth session.
Three years ago, a terrible tragedy hit this city.
The unprecedented terrorist attacks of 11 September
resulted in the death of thousands of innocent people of
many nationalities, including some from my own
country, Ghana. The whole world shared the pain and
sorrow of New York in the aftermath of those
atrocities. The whole world also rose in solidarity with
the people of the United States to ensure that such
tragedies would not happen again.
11 September reminds us of the importance of
seeking a multilateral and peaceful means for the
maintenance of international peace and security,
especially now, when it has become evident that only
collective, multilateral efforts will suffice to defeat the
new scourge of mankind, global terrorism.
The United Nations has an indispensable role to
play, being the most universal and representative
intergovernmental organization and the best forum for
the practice of multilateralism. However, the success of
18

multilateralism and collective security will depend on
how the reforms of the United Nations system are
implemented. In this regard, we applaud the initiative
of our illustrious compatriot, Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, in setting up the United Nations High-Level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, to make
proposals on how the United Nations can best be
reformed to meet the new challenges of our world.
We, in Africa, agree that the objectives of the
United Nations reforms, including the revitalization of
the General Assembly and the reform of the Security
Council, are aimed at enhancing the role of the
Organization and its capacity to overcome current
threats and emerging challenges. The reforms should
be in conformity with the purposes and principles of
the United Nations Charter and the process must be
based on full consultations in a democratic and
transparent manner. To this end, we look forward to a
revitalized General Assembly that would assume its
rightful position as the most authoritative and
representative organ of the United Nations.
With regard to the Security Council, the African
position emphasizes the need to democratize and ensure
equitable geographical representation, with Africa
allotted no less than two permanent seats and five non-
permanent seats in the expanded Security Council.
I wish to address the crucial issue of poverty
eradication and the promotion of sustainable
development in developing countries in which
widespread poverty is endemic, particularly in Africa.
As we strive to overcome our current economic woes,
we need the worldís solidarity, resources, technical
know-how and support. The historic Millennium
Summit of the United Nations, which brought together
189 nations in September 2000 and adopted the
Millennium Declaration, was a clarion call for action to
solve these problems and set forth the Millennium
Development Goals with measurable goals and targets
for combating them. On that occasion, the international
community pledged to spare no effort to free our
fellow men, women and children from the abject and
dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty.
Africa has adopted the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), which reaffirms our belief that
Africans have the primary responsibility to solve the
problems of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy
afflicting the majority of our population and to stem
Africa's marginalization from global markets. In tandem,
we are striving to foster political stability, accountable
and transparent governance under the rule of law,
because we believe it is the right thing to do. Ghana
has volunteered as the first country in Africa for the
African Peer Review Mechanism, and my Government
is cooperating with the review panel to facilitate the
preparation of the review report, because we in Ghana
cherish very much our democracy and our commitment
of respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Our renewed resolve, within the context of
NEPAD, to accelerate the sustainable development of
the continent, dovetails fully with the avowed
commitment of the international community to help
achieve the Millennium Development Goals. It was,
therefore, a very welcome and positive development
when the General Assembly, in its resolution 57/7 of
4 November 2002, urged the international community
to organize support for African countries within the
framework of the principles, objectives and priorities
of NEPAD. However, for this convergence of vision
and effort to yield the desired results, there must be
genuine partnership between Africa and the
international community.
The implementation of NEPAD and the creation
of institutions such as the Pan-African Parliament, the
Peace and Security Council, the Economic, Social and
Cultural Council, and various commissions of the
recently established African Union, reflect Africaís
determination to be the architect of its own future. The
initiatives of the Economic Community of West
African States, the West African regional body
currently chaired by the President of Ghana, Mr. John
Agyekum Kufuor, in dealing with the conflicts that
have recently plagued our region are good examples of
this development. Accra has been the venue for
successful peace talks concerning Liberia and, most
recently, on 29 July 2004, CÙte díIvoire, which has
revived hopes for a durable peace in that important
West African country.
The important decisions taken at the last summit
of the African Union in Addis Ababa have given cause
for cautious optimism as the political leadership,
Governments, the public, civil society and the private
sector now seem to have embarked upon a journey of
collaborative effort to put an end to conflicts and to
focus instead on the promotion of peace, security and
sustainable development for the benefit of the peoples
of the continent.
19

It is disheartening, though, to observe that,
despite the good intentions of the international
community, as exemplified at the various international
forums that have followed the Millennium Summit,
there has not been any significant achievement due to
the absence of genuine global partnership for
development. There continues to be an agonizing paradox
between the summit and conference declarations of a
new global partnership and the persistence of an
asymmetrical global system that works largely against
the interests of developing countries.
Quite evidently, the laudable long-term initiatives
to halve hunger and poverty by the year 2015 cannot be
achieved without a fundamental restructuring of the
global trade system, particularly in agricultural
products. Such an initiative should include developed
countriesí dismantling subsidies and lowering tariffs,
thereby helping to uphold and safeguard an open,
equitable, rule-based, predictable, non-discriminatory
trading and financial system. The concerns of
developing countries have been reiterated in this
Assembly over the years; we therefore urge our
developed partners to act now.
For many countries in Africa, stable long-term
planning will be impossible without more systematic
and sustained debt relief. Despite the progress recorded
in the implementation of the enhanced Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative and the
provision of substantial debt relief by bilateral official
creditors, achieving long-term debt sustainability and,
at the same time, a reduction in poverty as targeted,
remains a major problem for many African countries.
We, therefore, welcome the initiative of British Prime
Minister Tony Blair in setting up the African
Commission.
Official development assistance (ODA), as we are
aware, continues to play an essential role in
complementing other sources of financing for
development and creating a congenial environment for
private sector activity. Although ODA flows, which
decreased in the 1990s, have picked up in recent years,
the fact that these flows remain, on average, still far
below internationally agreed targets is a major cause
for concern. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall
that an additional $50 billion a year in development
assistance would be required as a minimum to meet the
Millennium Development Goals. The fundamental
question facing the international community is whether
it is committed to the indispensable, challenging, but
ultimately rewarding global partnership, which alone
can make this dream come true.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic is a global emergency
and a key threat to achieving the Millennium
Development Goals, especially for countries in sub-
Saharan Africa. The pandemic has caused untold
suffering and death in our countries, destroying entire
communities, reversing development gains and posing
a serious security threat.
Unfortunately, despite the substantial measures
taken by the Government in combating the scourge,
Ghanaís efforts have been severely constrained by a
lack of adequate resources required to prevent new
infections, provide care and support for people,
particularly women and children living with
HIV/AIDS. We wish to urge the international
community to provide the needed resources for the
fight against this global emergency.
Ghana attaches great importance to the
empowerment of women to make them equal partners
in the formulation and implementation of development
policies. Since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action and the outcome of the
twenty-third special session of the General Assembly,
gender equality has been an essential element of
Ghanaís efforts to attain sustainable development. The
active involvement of women in political processes and
decision-making at all levels and in all sectors is being
vigorously pursued. Impediments such as discrimination
and violence against women are being dealt with
through education, advocacy and legislation.
Despite the strong political will within the
international community to create a world fit for
children, the reality in many parts of the world is a far
cry from the ideals voiced at the twenty-seventh
special session of the General Assembly, on children.
We call for the adoption of effective policies to
eradicate poverty, to ensure access to education and to
provide families with support to guarantee the well-
being of children. Decisive international cooperation is
also required to strengthen legal and other preventive
mechanisms to tackle effectively the increasing
practice of child trafficking for unconscionable
exploitative purposes.
Ghana believes that the staff of the Organization,
who make sacrifices daily to maintain peace and
security in zones of conflict and humanitarian disaster,
deserve to be provided with a secure and safe
20

environment in which to operate. In that regard, we
will continue to condemn all attacks against United
Nations personnel and call for firm action by States to
establish conditions that prevent such attacks, in
fulfilment of the obligations of host countries towards
the United Nations and its personnel.
Ghana, as a major troop-contributing country,
will continue to support United Nations peacekeeping
operations globally, as well as in Africa. That
commitment, which began with our participation in the
United Nations Operation in the Congo in 1960, is born
of the firm moral conviction in our solidarity for
humanity and the knowledge that a lack of peace and
stability anywhere can be a real threat to peace and
security for all of us.
In conclusion, I urge Member States to rededicate
themselves individually and collectively to the ideals
that underpin the Organization and provide it with the
commensurate resources as it strives to fulfil the
aspirations of the peoples of the world. We cannot,
should not and must not fail in that undertaking.


Samoa warmly
congratulates you, Mr. President, on your election to
steer the course of the Organization’s work at this
critical time in its 59-year history. I know that you will
continue the good work of your predecessor in
highlighting the multidimensional nature of
international security and the need to reform the United
Nations so that our Organization responds more
effectively to the current and emerging challenges
facing our world.
Hardly a week goes by without an act of
terrorism somewhere in the world assailing our senses.
Such murderous acts, regardless of the cause or
grievance advanced by their perpetrators, are utterly
indefensible. Many innocent lives continue to be
wasted, with people killed or maimed and multitudes
displaced by heinous acts designed to undermine and
destabilize the collective efforts of the international
community to achieve peace and security for our
societies. Samoa condemns, in the strongest terms, all
acts of terrorism and will continue to take actions and
contribute our support to the campaign against it.
Besides terrorism, other scourges to world peace
and to the stability of our nations persist. The threat of
weapons of mass destruction, poverty and hunger,
environmental degradation, the trafficking and
smuggling of human beings, HIV/AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis are becoming perennial major threats to
global security.
The campaign against terrorism can still be
successful, but not merely by force of arms. Preventing
safe havens for terrorists and closing off their sources
of financing are just as crucial. But no less important is
the necessity of addressing the root causes that feed
terrorism.
No sensible administration can fail to be moved
by the tragedy of Beslan and the humanitarian
catastrophe of Darfur. The imperatives for action by
the Organization and the international community to
address those events and their causes have been
eloquently articulated by leaders who have spoken
earlier from this rostrum. I wish only to recall and
emphasize that actions to arrive at solutions to those
events and others like them must be carried out in
accordance with the rule of law.
With regard to Iraq, Samoa deplores the daily
violence that has killed and maimed so many people
and the circumstances that have brought it about. We
fully support the re-establishment of Iraq’s sovereignty,
and we pray for the success of a credible election
process to create an Iraqi Government with a popular
mandate.
Likewise, we can only pray and hope that a
workable solution will be found soon for the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, before many more lives are lost on
both sides.
Last month, Samoa hosted, in the capital, Apia,
the annual Pacific Islands Forum Summit of leaders.
As the representative holding the current chairmanship
of that group, I wish to inform the Assembly that the
Pacific leaders again noted the dangers to the world of
terrorism, and — to the Pacific region, in particular —
of transnational crime, illicit drugs and the spread of
small arms assault weapons. Consequently, the Pacific
Islands Forum countries have strengthened their
cooperation in counter-terrorism measures, as well as
emphasized national efforts and regional cooperation in
combating transnational organized crime and in
building border-control capacities.
The Pacific Islands Forum is also committed to
collective arrangements and mechanisms to assist
regional Governments to recover from national
conflicts and crises. The success of these arrangements,
undertaken with the support of the United Nations, is
already evident in the positive results of the Regional
Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands. While much
more remains to be done, Solomon Islands is making
good and steady progress, and the Forum will remain
engaged in sustaining the mission.
Similarly, peace has been achieved in
Bougainville, with elections for an autonomous
Bougainville Government to be held by the end of the
year. The roles of the Governments of Papua New
Guinea, Australia and New Zealand, with the support
of the Pacific Islands Forum, working together with the
5

United Nations Observer Mission, is critical in guiding
Bougainville during this important period.
An important feature of the response mechanism
put in place by the Pacific Islands Forum to assist
regional Governments is its flexibility. The Pacific
Islands Forum is now in the process of responding to a
crisis in one of our member countries resulting from
causes quite different from those in Solomon Islands
and Bougainville.
In recognition of the importance of good
governance for economic growth and sustainable
development, the Pacific Islands Forum has invited its
members to become parties to the United Nations
Convention against Corruption. In strengthening
further the institutions of good governance in Pacific
nations, the important role of non-State actors and civil
society was highlighted by the Pacific leaders.
One issue that the Pacific islands have brought to
the attention of the United Nations over the years that
remains relevant — not only for the Pacific — and
that, very importantly, is advancing the cause of
nuclear non-proliferation, is that of the South Pacific
Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty. The Pacific Forum has
again called on the United States to ratify the Protocols
to the Treaty.
Although the Pacific Islands Forum has been
heavily engaged in overcoming crises with which some
of the regional Governments are grappling, several
Pacific island nations, in addition to Australia and New
Zealand, have nevertheless been contributing in ways
we can to the United Nations peacekeeping efforts. As
for my own country, we provide police to the United
Nations peacekeeping missions in Timor-Leste and
Liberia, in addition to those we have committed to
Solomon Islands.
Clearly, our small nations are trying hard to
contribute to the security and peace initiatives of the
United Nations. However, national obligations —
including reporting obligations for the various
conventions and United Nations resolutions on security
and terrorism — place an onerous burden on the
infrastructure and administrative capacity of small
States. We therefore seek the understanding of the
Organization and encourage the appropriate United
Nations bodies to explore innovative ways to help
small States meet their commitments.
Mr. Spencer (Antigua and Barbuda), Vice-
President, took the Chair.
The challenges to and special needs of small
island developing States are well known, and are
reflected in the Barbados Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, which has been in place for the past 10 years.
Sadly, despite the commitments made 10 years ago at
Barbados and during the 1999 mid-term review in this
Hall, the achievement of those goals continues to elude
us.
It is our fervent hope, however, that the
International Meeting due to take place in Mauritius
next January to comprehensively review the Barbados
Programme of Action will provide an opportunity for
the international community to demonstrate the
political will and commit sufficient resources to allow
our small island developing nations to overcome the
unique challenges we face.
The series of hurricanes that wrought massive
devastation in some island nations of the Caribbean
and in the United States is a stark reminder of the
extreme challenges faced by small island developing
States and of their vulnerability to disasters. Our
Pacific island nations, including my own country,
know from our bitter experience of cyclones that
regularly batter our region about the disheartening
effect of such disasters in setting back, in a matter of
hours, the hard-earned development achievements of
many years.
The concerns and the vulnerability of our nations
are therefore quite real. While we accept the primary
responsibility for achieving the goals of the
Programme of Action, the reality is that the support of
the international community is indispensable to its
success. We therefore call on the United Nations
system and the international community to provide the
necessary support to complement ongoing and future
programmes, as well as for the implementation and
monitoring of the Mauritius outcomes for the
sustainable development of small island developing
States.
Likewise, the importance of multilateral
institutions such as the Global Environment Facility
(GEF) in this process cannot be overemphasized. We
therefore urge GEF to apply its rules of access and to
simplify its disbursement procedures in order to take
6

into account the special circumstances of small island
developing States.
Trade is a vital component of sustainable
development, especially for small island developing
States. We therefore continue to urge that the
vulnerabilities of small States be taken fully into
account in the World Trade Organization negotiations,
particularly with regard to special and differential
treatment for small economies.
The review of the Millennium Development
Goals next year will provide an opportunity for the
international community to take stock of progress and
to identify remedial strategies and commitments for the
further realization of those Goals. Samoa remains
committed to the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals.
The election of the second Deputy Prosecutor of
the International Criminal Court just two weeks ago
completes the process of the full institutionalization of
the Court. Samoa warmly welcomes the broad
complement of judges and officers of the Court and
adds its voice in urging other United Nations Members
to accede to the Rome Statute for the establishment of
the Court. Given its role in upholding international
humanitarian standards and in protecting human rights,
the Court deserves the support of the international
community to give it the full universality it requires.
We thank the Secretary-General and the previous
President of the Assembly for their very commendable
work in advancing the revitalization and reform of the
Organization.
To this end, Samoa fully supports the work of the
High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change,
and looks forward to its report at the end of the year.
We believe that the outcome of United Nations
reform should include the restoration of the primacy of
the role of the General Assembly and the attainment of
a more effective and efficient Secretariat.
In particular, we support the enlargement of the
Security Council and strongly recommend the
inclusion of Japan and Germany as permanent
members.
Finally, I offer Mr. Ping my delegation’s full
support in the discharge of his numerous
responsibilities, and I wish him well in his presidency.


For
decades now we have been hearing very disturbing
questions from this rostrum: Where is our world
heading?, Where is the United Nations going? At the
dawn of the millennium those questions are becoming
increasingly burning issues. The world has changed.
The pendulum of history has swung to the other side.
There is new violence, a wave of terrorism, local wars
and ethnic conflicts, behind which lie growing poverty
and a widening gap in development between countries.
Those are not just someone else’s problems; they are
common global challenges for all of us. What kind of
common house do we want? I believe that we primarily
want a safe house, where our children will not die at
the hands of terrorists or from hunger, sickness, anti-
personnel mines, smart bombs or missiles.
What, then, must we do? The answer is clear: we
must establish a valid system of international security
that includes military, economic, environmental, social
and information elements — a system based on the rule
of law in domestic and international affairs. The
answer is clear, but it is difficult to do it. During the
Assembly’s last session, Belarus made the rule of law
in international relations the main focus of its
statement. The fact that that theme has been a leitmotif
of the present general debate inspires a certain hope in
us, namely, that the goal is a realistic one.
No right-thinking person can remain indifferent
today to the heinous acts of terrorism that have
characterized the start of the twenty-first century. The
usual approaches, based on selfishness and unilateral
advantage, are not enough to crush this evil. We need
non-traditional, long-term, comprehensive solutions.
Who can provide them, and how? Only the United
Nations, by playing its crucial role, can do so. The
Security Council’s Counter-Terrorism Committee
(CTC) must become a real, practical tool for curbing
the growth in international terrorism: strengthening the
anti-terrorism coalition under the auspices of the
United Nations, monitoring the implementation of the
provisions of Security Council resolution 1373 (2001)
and putting an end to the practice of double standards
vis-à-vis terrorists and terrorism.
In practical terms, establishing a direct link
between the CTC and regional organizations and
holding more open Security Council meetings at the
ministerial level could really help in the global struggle
against terrorism, under the banner of the United
Nations. However, such a struggle can be successful
only if our common goal is to strengthen a just and
humane world system. Belarus will do its utmost in
that struggle.
On 1 March 2004, the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction entered into force in Belarus. We have the
world’s seventh largest stockpile of landmines, which
we inherited from the former Soviet Union. We do not
produce or export mines; nor do we use them at home
or anywhere else in the world. However, guided by our
common concerns and interests, we ratified the Ottawa
Convention and are now counting on assistance from
the international community to destroy our stockpile of
mines.
Tomorrow we will deposit my country’s
instruments of ratification for such important
international disarmament agreements as the
International Convention for the Suppression of the
Financing of Terrorism and the Protocol against the
Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms,
Their Parts and Components and Ammunition,
supplementing the United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime.
Today’s most important challenges include illegal
migration, transborder crime, drug trafficking,
trafficking in persons and the security of energy
infrastructure. In combating those threats, Belarus,
16

which stands at a major European crossroads, is a
significant factor in the stability of Europe. Our
country is also playing a major role in the Europe-Asia
transport of energy resources. Today we call on our
neighbours, NATO and the European Union to organize
regional cooperation to ensure the security of critical
infrastructure, such as oil and gas pipelines and power
stations, including nuclear ones. Belarus has already
announced its readiness to dedicate troops and
resources to international structures in support of those
goals. The contribution of Belarus to regional and
international security, which began in the areas of
nuclear and conventional disarmament in the early
1990s, continues to be a real and significant one. We
are grateful to other countries and to international
organizations for their assistance in the area of border
and customs infrastructure.
Double standards are becoming an increasingly
important problem, and not only vis-à-vis terrorism.
That objectionable instrument is being used primarily
against States that are bold enough to follow their own
foreign policy, rather than submitting to the dictates of
the world’s power centres. A leader is not a dictator,
and certainly not a messiah. The practice of double
standards today applies primarily to the Euro-Atlantic
space. But strenuous efforts are being made to
introduce it in the United Nations. That would present
a danger to the stability and effectiveness of the United
Nations system. Belarus calls on all States that are not
indifferent to the independence of the United Nations
and to the role it plays not to allow that to happen.
Economic security is a very important condition
for sustainable development. That is a very remote
concept for most of the countries of the world. As the
only European State that is a member of the Non-
Aligned Movement, Belarus would like to stress that
the concept of centre versus periphery pits developed
countries against developing countries in the industrial
arena. It is also a concept that is clearly in crisis, and
one that will slow us down in the search for a solution
to problems of economic development.
Only seven of the 50 least developed countries
have achieved a 7 per cent growth rate, which is
prerequisite to halving the number of people living in
absolute poverty by the year 2015. One person dies of
hunger every four seconds. That is just a figure, but the
very banality of that statement does reveal the
monstrosity of the problem and how terrible is the
world’s indifference to it. The difficulty of the
undertaking should not stop us from seeking ways to
resolve the problem of poverty. That is why Belarus
supports President Lula da Silva’s initiative to fight
hunger and poverty in the world.
Despite the transitional period and the collapse of
our economy, my country — a large area of the former
Soviet Union — was the first to solve the problem of
malnutrition. Now, we are waging a struggle against
poverty. Since 1995, we have almost halved the
number of people living in poverty in Belarus, with the
figure this year being about 20 per cent.
The difficulties we have experienced have not
stopped us from providing economic assistance to
developing countries. We have unilaterally extended
trade preferences to the overwhelming majority of
developing countries.
We are disturbed by a possible lessening of
United Nations attention to issues involving countries
with economies in transition. Belarus regards the role
of United Nations programmes and funds as important
to the development assistance provided to countries
with economies in transition. However, under current
conditions — in which some States of the region are
approaching the level of the Group of Eight (G-8) and
others have macroeconomic indicators that barely
exceed those of least developed countries — that
assistance must be carefully targeted. That means that,
in planning country programmes, account must be
taken of countries’ socio-economic development and
the degree of their integration into the world economy
and financial institutions. We intend to make that
approach the basis of a draft General Assembly
resolution, and we hope that members will support it.
The problems associated with financing for
development are extremely topical today for
developing countries and countries with economies in
transition. Last year’s two-day High-Level Dialogue on
Financing for Development was not enough to put in
place ongoing monitoring of the implementation of the
decisions of the International Conference on Financing
for Development. That will require an independent
body of the Economic and Social Council.
Belarus believes that the 2005 New York summit
on the implementation of the Millennium Development
Goals will provide real impetus to all initiatives aimed
at stimulating economic development.
17

Narrowing the technological and information
divide between developed and developing countries
must be our common concern.
At the 2003 Geneva World Summit on the
Information Society, the President of the Republic of
Belarus, Mr. Alyaksandr Lukashenka, strongly urged
the establishment of a trust fund to offset losses
incurred by producers who provide software to
developing countries at reduced costs. The format and
mechanism for such a fund should be defined by a task
force within the context of preparing for the 2005
summit.
Having experienced the Chernobyl disaster,
Belarus is acutely aware of one fact: we cannot
disregard the problem of radiation security. The
consequences are too enormous in scope, and too
incompatible with the long-term survival of the human
race. The United Nations must not lessen its attention
to the problem of overcoming the consequences of the
Chernobyl accident. We support the work of the
International Atomic Energy Agency to implement a
nuclear non-proliferation regime and to strengthen
nuclear and radiation security.
Looking to the future to seek ways to ensure
normal living conditions for people living in areas
affected by the Chernobyl disaster: that will be the
theme of an international conference to be held in
Minsk in 2006, on the sad anniversary of the
Chernobyl disaster. We invite all interested States, the
leadership of the Secretariat and international
organizations to participate in the preparations for the
conference and in the event itself.
The United Nations has often been criticized.
There have been many pessimistic analyses of its work
and its potential. A great deal of that has been fair, but
let us look the truth straight in the eyes: there is no
alternative to the United Nations as a mechanism for
collectively resolving global and regional issues. Nor is
there an alternative to multilateralism. The reality of
life convinces us of that more and more each day.
Belarus looks forward with great interest to the
outcome of the work of the High-Level Panel on
Threats, Challenges and Change. As a member of the
Non-Aligned Movement, Belarus urges the Panel to
take account of the consolidated position of the
countries members of the Non-Aligned Movement as it
works on its proposals to enhance the effectiveness of
United Nations reform.
A key purpose of that work must be to correct the
imbalance in the membership of the Security Council
and in the Organization as a whole, as well as to
promote respect for the principle of equitable
geographical distribution of Council seats. We believe
there should be an increase in the category of non-
permanent members, taking account of the interests of
all the regional groups. We also believe in increasing
the number of permanent members, including
representatives from the three developing regions —
Asia, Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean —
as well as from two developed States, from Europe and
Asia respectively, that have made the most tangible
contributions to the maintenance of international peace
and security.
Let me return to the disturbing questions I posed
at the beginning of my statement. Where is the world
heading? Where is the United Nations going? The
answer to the first question must be that it depends
upon the United Nations. That is the main point. So far,
however, that has not been reflected in the world
situation. That is a harsh truth, but the truth
nonetheless. We must change that situation. We can do
so. It is in our common interest and in the interest of
small and large States alike, as well as of both rich and
developing countries. It is in the interest of the United
Nations.