50.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of Japan I wish to congratulate you, Mr. Mojsov, on your election as President of the thirty- second session of the General Assembly. I am confident that under your able leadership this session of the General Assembly will prove to be most fruitful.
51.	I should also like to express my respects to Ambassador Amerasinghe, who guided the thirty-first session to a successful conclusion. I trust that he will continue to exercise his great skill as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
52.	May I also pay my sincere respects to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his solid work and devotion to the Organization. I am sure that he will continue to do his utmost for the realization of the important goals of the United Nations.
53.	Japan, since the end of the Second World War, has firmly adhered to the policy of conducting its international relations exclusively through peaceful means, trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world and renouncing the use of force as a means of settling international disputes. It is on the basis of this fundamental policy that Japan has taken a number of initiatives in the context of international efforts for nuclear and other forms of disarmament and has itself refrained from exporting military weapons.
54.	Confident that these policies directly serve the United Nations purpose of maintaining international peace and security, my country is resolved to continue exerting all its efforts towards world peace and stability.
55.	We find it encouraging from such a standpoint that hostilities have ended in Asia and that a peaceful and stable environment is emerging in which the nations in the region can concentrate on their economic and social development.
56.	In South-East Asia the nations which 10 years ago formed the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are continuing to work together for their economic and social well-being as well as the strengthening of social justice, while expressing their firm determination to settle any differences that may arise among themselves exclusively by peaceful means. They have also emphasized their joint desire to develop peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with other nations of South-East Asia.
57.	In Indo-China, serious efforts are under way towards reconstruction and rehabilitation by the countries in the area. Japan was early in establishing diplomatic relations with the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, and has consistently worked to establish friendly relations with the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. I therefore heartily welcome the fact that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has been unanimously admitted to the United Nations at this session.
58.	Prime Minister Fukuda summarized the basic policy of Japan towards South-East Asia in the speech he made when lie was in Manila last month.
59.	First, Japan, a nation committed to peace, rejects the role of a military Power and is resolved to contribute to the peace and prosperity of South-East-Asia and of the world as a whole.
60.	Secondly, Japan, as a country seeking genuine friendship with South-East Asia, will do its best to consolidate the relationship of mutual confidence and trust based on heart-to-heart understanding with these countries.
61.	Thirdly, Japan, as an equal partner of the ASEAN countries, will co-operate positively with its members in their efforts at self-help and solidarity in all fields, including economic development, trade and cultural exchange, while aiming at fostering a relationship based on mutual understanding with the nations of Indo-China. Japan will thus contribute to the building of peace and prosperity throughout South-East Asia.
62.	In South-West Asia, the momentum is building for the normalization and the consolidation of peaceful relations among the countries of the region, so that each country may pursue the development objectives which are best suited to its own requirements. Japan is determined to continue its co-operation with these countries for their development. At the same time Japan will seek closer collaboration with those countries in various international forums towards the solution of problems which confront the international community at large.
63.	Unfortunately, a degree of tension persists on the Korean peninsula, an area in closest proximity to Japan. However, a confrontation on the Korean question is about to be avoided at the present session of the General Assembly, as it was last year. I sincerely hope this will eventually lead to the lessening of tensions on the peninsula itself.
64.	Since the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula are of deep concern to Japan, we continue to hope earnestly that a dialogue between the South and the North of Korea will be promptly resumed, and their reunification will be achieved through peaceful means. Meanwhile, I appeal to all nations to co-operate in fostering a more tranquil environment, which will facilitate such a dialogue.
65.	Japan maintains its position that, if each of them so desires, it would welcome the admission to the United Nations of the South and the North of Korea in the interval before the peaceful reunification of the peninsula.
66.	To sum up, Japan holds strong hopes that the momentum of current efforts towards construction and development will spread in conditions of peace and stability throughout Asia, and take hold in every country. At the same time, it is my earnest hope that the countries of Asia, in their efforts to achieve stability and development, will benefit from the understanding and co-operation of the countries outside the region, while remaining free of external interference in their own affairs.
67.	I have long admired the Latin American tradition of regional co-operation, especially of resolving, in a spirit of mutual understanding, problems arising within the region. I was much impressed to see the leaders of Latin America gathering together earlier this month on the occasion of the signing of the new Panama Canal treaties. I should like to extend my congratulations that the Panama Canal issue is being resolved through peaceful negotiations.
68.	It is the firm intention of Japan to expand its co-operation with the nations of Latin America so as to strengthen our friendly relations with them.
69.	Without question, the Middle East problem today has a most important bearing upon the maintenance of international peace and stability. Japan wishes to render its full support to the devoted efforts of Secretary Vance of the United States to reconvene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, and the serious endeavours that are being made by the leaders of the countries concerned to achieve a peaceful settlement of the problem.
70.	We very sincerely hope that the parties concerned, including Israel, the Arab States directly involved and the Palestine Liberation Organization, as representative of the Palestinians, will be able to start talks in Geneva before the year is out.
71.	The basis for attaining peace in the Middle East lies in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), plus the realization of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people under the Charter of the United Nations, particularly their right to self-determination.
72.	The acquisition and occupation of territories by force cannot be allowed, and accordingly Israeli armed forces should be withdrawn from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war. On the other hand, the political independence and territorial integrity of all the countries concerned, including Israel, should be guaranteed. It is just as necessary that the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people be recognized, respected and fulfilled in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
73.	In this connexion, the Government of Japan considers most regrettable the measures which the Government of Israel has been taking with regard to settlements on the West Bank of the River Jordan. We strongly urge the Government of Israel to refrain from any measures which may alter the status quo, thus rendering the solution to the problem even more difficult.
74.	We hope that serious efforts to accelerate the process towards a peaceful settlement will continue to be made during the current session of the General Assembly. As a member of the international community, Japan, for its part, will contribute in any way it can to the early attainment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
75.	The situation in southern Africa, if it continues, is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. We have to attain in southern Africa, as promptly as possible and by peaceful means, the elimination of racial discrimination, decolonization and majority rule. We all expect the United Nations to play an effective role in that process.
76.	Regarding the problem of Southern Rhodesia, Japan wishes to express its understanding of and support for the nationalist movement of Zimbabwe. We pay our respect to the efforts being made by the five front-line States. We also appreciate the initiative that is being taken jointly by the United Kingdom and the United States. Japan will continue to co-operate in international efforts to realize a peaceful solution to the problem and, for this purpose, it will observe fully the economic sanctions imposed upon Southern Rhodesia.
77.	With regard to Namibia, independence should be attained in accordance with Security Council resolution 385(1976), with the participation of SWAPO and all the inhabitants of Namibia. Japan supports the serious efforts of the five member States of the Security Council in search of a peaceful solution to the problem, and we are prepared to play our part in United Nations efforts to resolve this problem.
78.	The positions to be adopted by the Government of the Republic of South Africa will be decisive in all aspects of the problems of southern Africa. Japan urges the South African Government to be attentive to the international call for the elimination of racial discrimination and to render its full co-operation towards the earliest possible solution of these problems. In particular, the Government of the Republic of South Africa should co-operate fully with the international efforts now under way for the peaceful settlement of the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia. Should, the Republic of South Africa fail to do so the consequences could be serious, given the intensified denunciation of the South African attitude.
79.	Recent reports on the possible development of a nuclear capability by South Africa are a matter of grave concern to the international community as they imply a further proliferation of nuclear weapons. Such a step might also bring to nought all efforts to date to achieve a peaceful solution of the problems of southern Africa. Japan therefore urges the South African Government to desist from this dangerous path.
80.	I should like to take this opportunity to express a warm welcome to the Republic of Djibouti, which has recently attained independence and become a Member of this Organization. We extend the hand of friendship to this newly born Republic, offering our co operation towards its economic and social development.
81.	It is basic Japanese policy to enhance friendship and mutual co-operation with the African nations. Japan extends its full support to the achievement of the common goals of the African Peoples concerning the problems of southern Africa and nation-building. Japan intends, therefore, to expand human exchanges, economic and technical co-operation and all other forms of co-operation to realize the aspirations of the African peoples.
82.	A special session of the General Assembly on disarmament will be convened in May next year. Sustained progress in the field of disarmament is of fundamental importance to the maintenance of international peace. Japan is therefore determined to continue its positive efforts in this field as we prepare for the success of the special session.
83.	Japan considers nuclear disarmament the most crucial task in the field of disarmament. My Government, therefore, is making positive contributions, including technical proposals which would facilitate a comprehensive nuclear test-ban, which we regard as the first and most urgent step in the direction of nuclear disarmament.
84.	Japan adheres strictly to the three principles of not possessing, not manufacturing and not permitting the entry into Japan of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, Japan became a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons so as to contribute to the prevention of nuclear war.
85.	I need hardly point out that the Treaty contains a built-in inequality between the nuclear-weapon and the non-nuclear-weapon States. In order to rectify this inequality, and thereby strengthen the regime for the prevention of nuclear proliferation, renewed efforts must be made on the part of the nuclear-weapon States to achieve nuclear disarmament. At the same time I wish to emphasize that the inalienable right of the non-nuclear-weapon States parties to the Treaty in the field of peaceful uses of nuclear energy must be substantiated.
86.	It is a matter of grave concern that recent increases in the stockpiles of conventional weapons have aggravated the danger of armed conflict in certain areas of the world. The arms race in conventional weapons and the acceleration of international transfers of these weapons merit continuous and serious examination by the international community and should be taken up, in particular, as one of the major items for discussion at the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament.
87.	The promotion of the economic and social development of the developing countries is, along with the maintenance of international peace and security, a principal task confronting the United Nations today. My country fully recognizes the aspirations of the developing countries for the establishment of a new international economic order. The establishment of such a new order needs to be understood as a constantly evolving and dynamic process and it is Japan's intention to co-operate constructively in this common effort.
88.	The time has come for the preparation of an international development strategy for  the 1980s. At this juncture I should like to raise the following points.
89.	First, policies and measures which truly contribute to the development of the developing countries and to the sound growth of the world economy as a whole should be promoted positively. In this regard I should like to emphasize the importance of agricultural development along with industrial development. Agricultural development involves complex relationships among man, land and institutions and therefore it requires a comprehensive approach.
90.	Second, although it. is the main concern of the world to narrow the gap in income levels between the North and the South, it is essential to take into account the diverse stages of development among the developing countries, as well as the diversity of economic and social needs in different countries. Especially careful attention must be given to the needs of the least developed countries.
91.	Third, I believe it is essential for all people to be able to participate directly in the development process and to share in its benefits. This cannot be achieved without serious attention to social development, especially in those areas which meet the basic requirements of human life, in addition to those which contribute directly to raising incomes. Needless to say, it should be left to each nation to formulate its own development plans, and to determine what are the basic needs of its people, and in which fields of social development the national priority should be set.
92.	Meeting the basic requirements of human life is essential to the dignity of man and respect for human rights.
93.	I should now like to touch briefly on what Japan intends to do for the economic and social development of the developing countries.
94.	First of all, I wish to state that Japan intends to more than double its official development assistance in five years.
95.	In the field of trade, Japan will give maximum possible consideration to the needs of the developing countries in the multilateral trade negotiations, in compliance with the objectives of the Tokyo Declaration of 1973. Japan attaches special importance to the need for the establishment of a common fund for primary commodities, and we earnestly hope a satisfactory agreement will be reached on its modalities at the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities to be resumed in November. I should also like to affirm Japan's intention to participate actively in the existing international commodity agreements and to consider positively the necessary measures leading to Japan's voluntary contribution to the buffer stock of the Fifth International Tin Agreement. Moreover, we shall continue to strive, at the United Nations and in various other forums, to find solutions to those problems on which agreement has not yet been reached in past international talks, notably the Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
96.	As we approach the twenty-first century, Japan will do its utmost in the global effort to raise the  curtain of poverty .
97.	The United Nations is now tackling the problems of the sea, which has been called one of mankind's last frontiers. I do believe that, in our protracted journey over the past decade, beset by hardships in our search for a new legal order of the sea, we have reached the point where we need more than ever mutual understanding and co-operation. The United Nations must overcome the formidable challenge of establishing, at the earliest possible date, a fair maritime order which will be acceptable to all countries. Japan, as a maritime nation, will continue to co-operate in the formulation of a new law of the sea.
98.	Finally, I should like to touch on some aspects of the United Nations itself which are of particular interest to my Government.
99.	First, there is a constant need to review the structure and functions of the United Nations in the light of developments on the international scene. During the 32 years since the establishment of the United -Nations profound changes have taken place in the role each country plays in international relations. It is my earnest hope that the work now under way in the United Nations in this field, including that on Charter review, will produce constructive results reflecting these realities.
100.	Second, I should like to deal with the question of the status of the group of Asian States in major United Nations forums. The number of countries in the Asian group is now as much as 37, and the total population of the countries in this group has reached 2.3 billion people, which is more than half the world's population. States members of this group, in accordance with their respective standpoints, have been making positive contributions to the various activities of the United Nations. It is the unanimous view of all States members of the group that appropriate status and opportunities should be accorded to it in various United Nations forums. I believe early action should be taken in order to remedy the under-representation of the Asian group at elections to the major United Nations bodies.
101.	Third, one notes that political considerations tend to play a somewhat excessive role in the work of some of the specialized agencies. While recognizing that the discussions in those bodies reflect the political realities of the world, we must not lose sight of the original objectives of these agencies. We must all co-operate to promote the smooth and efficient functioning of the specialized agencies.
103. Fourth, it is now four years since the United Nations University was established as the centre of a global network of research efforts to tackle fundamental problems facing mankind, such as resources, the environment, population and food. Japan has made substantial contributions to the University. However, the University is urgently in need of wider support in order to perform fully the role it is expected to play. I wish to appeal to the Member States for such support.
1G4. The major Powers comprising the permanent membership of the Security Council have important roles to play and heavy responsibilities to discharge in the United Nations of today. It is my earnest hope that these countries will continue to put their power and wisdom to the most effective use on behalf of the common objectives of all mankind-namely, the maintenance of world peace and co-operation for development.
105.	At the same time, I must emphasize that every other State Member of the United Nations bears its own share of the responsibility for world peace and development. Japan, a non-nuclear-weapon State, is committed to the ideals and activities of the United Nations and is determined to play a greater role in building international peace and attaining the other high objectives of the United Nations.


99.	Mr. President, on behalf of my Government and myself, I would like to extend to you warm congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your wide experience, your re- known judgement your well-known qualities as a diplomat and your dedication to the ideals of the United Nations augur well for the success of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is also a recognition by the international community of the constructive role which the Government and people of Yugoslavia, under the illustrious leadership of President Josip Broz Tito, are playing in world affairs. The warm fraternal relations that exist between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, both of which have a common heritage of bitter struggle against fascism and identical aspirations to promote the ideals of the non-aligned movement, are an additional source of satisfaction to my delegation.
100.	I wish also to place on record our appreciation of the accomplishments of your distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Amerasinghe, who presided over the last session of the General Assembly with a high standard of leadership and objectivity.
101.	It is also my privilege to express my Government's sincere and profound joy in welcoming the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations.
102.	The admission of the Republic of Djibouti to the United Nations family gives us particularly great satisfaction. The Government and people of Ethiopia pledge their whole-hearted support and co-operation to the brotherly people and Government of the Republic of Djibouti in their task of nation-building and the preservation of their hard-won independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. My Government strongly believes that Djibouti's vigilance in safeguarding its independence and territorial integrity will positively contribute towards the maintenance of peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.
103.	The international community has every reason to rejoice at seeing the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam at long last gain its rightful place in this Organization. The membership in the United Nations of the gallant people of Viet Nam, whose determination, steadfastness, perseverance and immense sacrifices determined the outcome of the bitter struggle for freedom and independence, is well deserved. It is therefore with a deep sense of emotion that I extend my warm congratulations to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on its admission to membership in the United Nations.
104.	The Ethiopian delegation drew the attention of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly to what it then regarded as disquieting developments in the world. We indicated that time was running out for the United Nations, precisely at a period when time was of the essence for the speedy solution of a number of complex problems confronting mankind. We also suggested that an impasse was being reached because of the tendency to use the United Nations as a platform for sterile confrontation rather than a medium for innovative co-operation. The present situation hardly justifies a better assessment.
105.	In our view, the world body is still increasingly gripped by a sense of helplessness leading to a high degree of cynicism. On the one hand, resolutions come pouring out of every session of our Assembly; high principles are enunciated from this podium and the Charter is quoted time and again-seemingly with great reverence. But, on the other hand, habitual violators of those same resolutions and principles of the Charter go unpunished, and new violators emerge in the knowledge that the United Nations can do nothing to them. As long as that cynical tendency continues, the world body will remain immobilized and mankind will be the poorer for it.
106.	One of the violators of the Charter—and, indeed, the most persistent of them all-is the South African Government. Built as it is on the odious system of apartheid, that regime has been allowed to violate every principle of the Charter and, thanks to its imperialist backers, has succeeded in getting away with it. Over the years, the South African Government has perfected its abhorrent racial system of apartheid and single-mindedly used it for oppressing the African majority in that country as well as in Namibia. The repeated calls of the international community to the apartheid regime to crimes against the African people have for a long gone unheeded. People .have been massacred, resources plundered, and aggression against neighbouring States committed; and yet the United Nations has not succeeded even in persuading South Africa's friends to stop their economic, military and diplomatic support of that racist regime.
Such utter helplessness on the part of the United Nations has only emboldened the apartheid regime in its barbarous acts of systematic extermination of African nationalists. The recent cold-blooded murder of Steven Biko in a racist prison is still fresh in our minds. Even through death, he and the other martyrs have advanced further the just cause of their oppressed compatriots.
109.	In Namibia, South Africa has continued its illegal occupation despite the definitive ruling of the International Court of Justice terminating South Africa's fictitious right to administer the Territory. In that case also, with the help of its imperialist supporters, South Africa has managed to defy world public opinion by utilizing manoeuvres ranging from outright arrogance to sham reasonableness. After the apartheid regime's diabolical plot to establish an interim puppet government through the so-called Turnhalle Conference was totally rejected by the people of Namibia as well as by the international community, that regime has now embarked again with the close collaboration of its friends, on yet another scheme, purportedly to achieve a peaceful resolution of the problem. But I should like to make it clear that, whatever deals are being worked out, they will not be acceptable to Africa unless they conform to the guidelines set out in the recent resolution of the OAU adopted at Libreville, Gabon. Furthermore, we consider the full participation of SWAPO, the authentic representative of the people of Namibia, at all stages of the negotiations for any arrangement as absolutely necessary. Similarly, any arrangement which will be arrived at must be acceptable to SWAPO.
110.	On Zimbabwe, our position is just as firm. The racist regime of Ian Smith has lasted for far too long. Its continued existence is not only an affront to the basic rights and dignity of the people of Zimbabwe but is also a serious threat to peace and security in the region. The international community should not therefore be satisfied with mere condemnation of the racist regime's repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring African States. Rather, the world body, especially the Security Council, must ensure that aggression is punished. While welcoming proposals for establishing majority rule, provided all aspects of those proposals conform with the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe, Ethiopia reaffirms its total support for and solidarity with the liberation movements in Zimbabwe.
111.	In our deliberations on the colonial and racial questions of southern Africa, we believe that we should be guided by the principles enunciated in the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, both of which were adopted by the Maputo Conference in the spring of 1977, as well as those enunciated by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos last August.
112.	Moreover, in the face of the continuing obduracy of the racist regime in South Africa and Zimbabwe, Ethiopia firmly believes it is high time that the Security Council should, at long last, rise to the challenge and enforce comprehensive mandatory sanctions against those two international outlaws.
113.	My delegation also notes with regret that no tangible progress has yet been made to resolve the Middle East problem. The situation in the area thus remains as explosive as ever. The ingredients necessary for any durable peace in the region-including Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab territories, the rights of the Palestinian people to a homeland and, concurrently, the right of every State in the area to independent existence-are already recognized in the relevant United Nations decisions. My delegation therefore ardently hopes that, with a view to a speedy implementation of those decisions, the current efforts to reconvene the Geneva negotiations on the Middle East will produce positive results.
114.	Ethiopia's firm position with regard to scrupulous respect for the unity and territorial integrity of non-aligned Cyprus remains unchanged.
115.	In the area of disarmament, it is regrettable to note that significant progress has not been achieved over the last year. The most recent worth-while achievements in the field of arms control have been those of a decade ago. Since the l%0s progress has been painfully slow, while expenditure on armaments has been increasing enormously. Resources that could be used for development are still being diverted to the production and stockpiling of ever more destructive weapons. N1 delegation ardently hopes that the forthcoming spec session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will focus on these and related problems and generate a new and effective impetus towards genuine disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, since nuclear arms at present pose the most serious danger for the future of mankind.
116.	In the economic sphere, the relations of the developing countries with the industrialized countries are still suffering the consequences of the existing unjust and inequitable world economic order. At a time when exploitation has to give way to co-operation and when domination has to be replaced by interdependence, it is regrettable to see that the industrialized countries are still upholding past practices in the interests of preserving their privileged status. We believe that it would be to their long-term advantage to remedy the injustices of the past and face the realities of today, for a world divided between conspicuous wealth and abject poverty cannot provide an atmosphere conducive to peaceful coexistence.
117.	Unfortunately, the industrialized countries are still not prepared to engage in a serious effort at eliminating global injustice and inequality. For almost three decades developing countries have been demanding a fundamental revision of international economic relations. It is regrettable to note, however, that developed countries are rather unwilling to respond to that justified demand by committing themselves to solving the pressing problems of the developing countries. This is clearly demonstrated by the lack of concrete results in the negotiations conducted both within the United Nations and in other forums.
118.	The Conference on International Economic Cooperation or the so-called North-South dialogue, which was held in Paris, did not produce any tangible result after 18 months of protracted negotiations. Similarly, the fourth session of UNCTAD adjourned without much success, thus further frustrating the expectations and aspirations of the developing countries.
119.	Evidently, the present world economic order is incapable of redressing the inequality and injustice that characterize the gap between the "haves" and the "have- nots". Hence, a thorough restructuring of the words economic order is an imperative of our times. The new international economic order, which must be based on the principle of shared prosperity, justice and common benefits, should recognize the fact that the problem of development is the joint responsibility of the industrialized and the developing countries.
120.	In the field of trade, developing countries must be assured of their due share of benefits through free access for their commodities to the markets of the industrialized countries. The prices paid for their products must be equitable and remunerative. The new order should also provide some mechanism for alleviating the crushing burden of debt-servicing. In short, it must enable the third world to maintain self-sustained development. Similarly, to the extent that collective self-reliance through co-operation is one way of promoting socio-economic transformations, developing countries should reorient their efforts towards strengthening co-operation among themselves.
121.	My delegation is no less convinced that the solution of the crucial economic and social problems facing the international community today will have a most salutary effect on universal respect for the fundamental rights of all peoples. We believe that while the masses, the most preponderant majority inhabiting the planet earth live in squalid misery and abject poverty, the international community can hardly be satisfied in promoting only the marginal aspects of the rights of that majority.
122.	It is within this broader context that Ethiopia views the need for universal respect for basic human "rights. We are deeply concerned about human rights precisely because one of the strongest driving forces which brought about the Ethiopian popular revolution of 1974 was undoubtedly the deplorable state of human rights which prevailed in Ethiopia under the feudal regime. By concealing from the Ethiopian people and the world at large the fact that, in two of our administrative regions alone, more than 200,000 Ethiopians were dying of famine, that oppressive regime, in its pursuit of vainglory, deprived my compatriots of even the right to life itself.
123.	One of the greatest achievements of the Ethiopian revolution was, therefore, to emancipate the Ethiopian masses from the degrading servitude, methodical oppression and exploitation under which they had languished for so long. The demolition of the feudal structure in Ethiopia liberated millions of serfs, tenant farmers and workers from the servitude to which they had been subjected by restoring ownership of all lands and all major means of production and distribution, as well as the principal financial institutions, to the Ethiopian people. Similarly, such progressive measures as the new labour legislation and the proclamations establishing peasants' and urban dwellers' co-operative associations have created conditions whereby, for the first time, the Ethiopian people as a whole can enjoy fundamental liberties and be assured of the protection and development of their rights as free men. By establishing the Provisional Office for Mass Organization, the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia is also advancing the Ethiopian people towards the full exercise of their democratic rights.
124.	Thus the new social and economic structure we are building in Ethiopia is directed not only at ensuring marginal aspects of fundamental liberties but, to an even larger measure, the economic and social rights of Ethiopians as a whole, without any distinction whatsoever. The content, direction and objective of the progressive changes which are taking place in Ethiopia, as well as our continued commitment to a non-aligned foreign policy, are clearly spelled out in our Programme of National Democratic Revolution, which has the full support of the Ethiopian people.
125.	Over and above the reaction that such far-reaching changes inevitably generated on the part of vested interest groups of the old order, there was that of some external forces, averse to progressive change, which also chose to react negatively to our popular revolution. At the very moment when Ethiopia was making a maximum effort to rid itself of the sordid legacy of feudalism and to build a new political, social and economic order on solid foundations of equality and justice, thereby ensuring fundamental human rights for all Ethiopians, certain outside forces apparently thought that, by their concerted effort, they could reverse that historic current of change. Not content with frantic and hostile activities directed against the Ethiopian revolution, one of these forces is now engaged in naked aggression against Ethiopia, its unity and territorial integrity.
126.	Over a period of nearly two years, the Government of Somalia has been infiltrating its regular troops into Ethiopia, for the deliberate purpose of committing an aggression short of a full-scale conventional war. These troops, which were heavily armed with sophisticated weapons such as missiles and anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons, had carried out systematic and extensive terror and sabotage in eastern and south-eastern Ethiopia. These infiltrators, while inflicting considerable loss of life, have also wrought immense havoc on the economy of the area by destroying villages, towns and major communication facilities, including the only railway line in the region, as well as agricultural settlements and other development projects established by our own efforts and through international assistance. The Government of Somalia will have to bear full responsibility in this respect.
127.	Realizing that the troops thus infiltrated had failed to achieve its expansionist objectives, the Government of
Somalia embarked upon> a full-scale and open war of aggression on Ethiopia on 23 July 1977, using tanks and combat aircraft. As a result of this, a savage war is now raging between the invading Somalia forces and the defending Ethiopian troops inside Ethiopian territory.
128.	Despite the preposterous claims of the Somali Government that the present war of aggression is actually being waged by a so-called "liberation front", the whole world now recognizes that this ingenious fabrication is quite ridiculous. Somalia's persistent denial of involvement in the undeclared war it has itself initiated and is relentlessly prosecuting is obviously motivated by a desire to conceal the extent of its atrocities. This in itself, far from diminishing its accountability, would only compound the crimes it is committing against the Ethiopian people and the peace and tranquillity of the region.
129.	By its present aggression, Somalia not only has violated the cardinal principles of the Charters of both the OAU and the United Nations, but has also trampled underfoot a more recent decision of the General Assembly adopted at its twenty-fifth session. A brief quotation will suffice to amplify my point. In paragraph 5 of its resolution 2734 (XXV), on the strengthening of international security, the General Assembly solemnly reaffirmed, among other matters:
"... that every State has the duty to refrain from the threat of use of force against the territorial and political independence of any other State, and that the territory of a State shall not be the object of military occupation resulting from the use of force in contravention of the provisions of the Charter ... and that every State has the duty to refrain from organizing, instigating, assisting or participating in acts of civil strife or terrorist acts in another State."
130.	It is common knowledge that the root cause of the present aggression is none other than the expansionist ambition of successive regimes in Somalia. Over the years, successive Governments and leaders of Somalia have publicly reiterated this ambition, which is enshrined in the Somali Constitution and on the Somali national flag in the form of a five-pointed star. While the two points on the Somali flag represent the former British and Italian colonies, the rest are supposed to symbolize eastern Ethiopia, the Republic of Djibouti and the northern region of Kenya. One may very well wonder about the grounds on which this lust for other people's land could be based. Essentially, it is based on the untenable and absurd assumption that any land on which ethnic Somalis live must be part and parcel of the Republic of Somalia and that therefore the Government in Mogadishu does not recognize international treaties, United Nations resolutions and or OAU decisions pertaining to inviolability of state frontiers.
131.	In this context, it is relevant to recall certain basic facts. The history of the Horn of Africa, especially of the last 400 years, has been a history of successive "waves" of migrations from the lowlands to the more fertile highlands, new groups displacing earlier ones. In these successive migrations, the Somali tribes are late arrivals in the region. In their migrations to and expansions in the Horn, they displaced the original inhabitants of the region, who live today in Ethiopia and in the rest of East Africa. Indeed, at the beginning of their appearance on the scene, the Somalis were largely restricted to the northern part of present-day Somalia. In time, however, they pushed in different directions, particularly to the south, and took over the Benadir Coast. Because of ecological conditions of the country, this expansion to the south and in other directions has taken place over a long period and, even now, is apparently a continuing trend.
132.	The population of Somalia, being largely nomadic, has never in history known the confines and restrictions of national frontiers. The only boundary known to them has been the furthest limit to available pasture. It is on the basis of this nomadic habit that the Government in Mogadishu lays its claims to the territories of its neighbours and pursues their realization through armed aggression.
133.	If Somalia's attempt to annex eastern Ethiopia is based on the assumption that there is a Somali minority within Ethiopia, then such a reasoning, apart from being a calculated misrepresentation of the polytechnic nature of the Ethiopian polity, is apt to create a dangerous precedent exposing Africa, and perhaps even the rest of the world, to the forces of violence and instability.
134.	The fact remains that there is not a single African country which does not have distinct ethnic groups straddling its borders. For example, the Bakongo are to be found in Zaire, Congo and Angola; the Ewe are divided between Ghana and Togo; the Yoruba between Nigeria and Benin; the Ben Amir between Ethiopia and the Sudan; the Masai between Kenya and Tanzania; the Hutu between Burundi and Rwanda; and so on. Similar examples can also be extensively cited outside the African continent. Therefore, if one were to be swayed by the irrational argument of the Mogadishu authorities, it means that the map of the entire world would have to be redrawn on the basis of ethnicity.
135.	As if its racist claim to other countries' land, which is no different from Hitler's Anschluss, were not enough, the Somali Government has based its foreign policy on systematic denunciation of international agreements and decisions. Thus, over the years, Somalia has consistently rejected the series of treaties that have defined its borders, the Trusteeship Agreement that clearly endorsed the relevant treaties delimiting the boundaries of Italian Somaliland, and resolutions of OAU and the non-aligned countries in respect of boundaries, as well as the relevant provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and the draft articles on succession of States in respect of treaties.
136.	By rejecting the international boundary agreements signed prior to its independence on the ground that it had not participated in their formulation Somalia has in effect denounced the Trusteeship Agreement, which is clearly based on those same boundary agreements. The boundary agreements, together with the Trusteeship Agreement, are the only basis for its subsequent emergence as an independent State. Clearly Somalia could not be a party to the boundary agreements for the simple reason that it did not exist as a State prior to 1960. Notwithstanding Somalia's position the fact remains that the United Nations recognized the international agreements when drawing up the Trusteeship Agreement for the Territory of Somaliland under Italian Administration. In the words of Article 1 of the Agreement:
"The territory to which this Agreement applies is the territory formerly known as Italian Somaliland, hereafter called the Territory, bounded by the Somaliland Protectorate, Ethiopia, Kenya, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. Its boundaries shall be those fixed by international agreement"—I repeat, "Its boundaries shall be those fixed by international agreement"—"and, in so far as they are not already delimited, shall be delimited in accordance with a procedure approved by the General Assembly."
137.	When drawing up the Trusteeship Agreement the United Nations therefore not only recognized the validity of the international boundary agreements but also determined that the only outstanding issue was one of border demarcation. Yet Somalia wishes to change this simple issue of boundary demarcation into a territorial one.
138.	Somalia's rejection of OAU decisions is based on the even more untenable premise that its dreams of expansion predate the establishment of the OAU. It is on this ground that Somalia refuses to accept the validity of OAU resolution AHG/Res.16 (I) of July 1964 which states, inter alia, that the OAU:
"Considering that border problems constitute a grave and permanent factor of dissension,
"Considering further that the borders of / 'can States, on the day of their independence, constitute a tangible reality,
"Solemnly' declares that all Member States pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence."
139.	Thus Somalia would attempt to obstruct every effort by the OAU to play a constructive role because, according to its reverse logic, the Organization would always be younger than the dispute it would endeavour to settle.
140.	Apart from its rejection of all international agreements, Somalia also maliciously attempts to portray Ethiopia as a "black colonialist". This, of course, is a deliberate distortion of history, designed to provide a rationale for Somalia's expansionist ambitions concerning Ethiopia. That Ethiopia through the centuries had to struggle against successive waves of colonialism is well known and recorded. The fact that it has by and large succeeded in holding on to what has always belonged to it surely cannot be invoked against it. Ethiopia, while maintaining its national independence, has however been a victim of colonial encroachments and intrigues.
141.	In the face of the colonial scramble for Africa Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia wrote a circular letter to the European Powers on 10 April 1891 in which he specifically stated: "If the powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be a silent spectator."
142.	Somalia's distorted interpretation of that letter has been heard very often. However, the explicit and implicit content of Menelik's letter was simply a clear warning to the Powers that he would resolutely defend the independence and territorial integrity of Ethiopia. As subsequent events have amply demonstrated, it is obvious that Menelik had neither the intention nor the dubious distinction of dismembering other African countries.
143.	Distorted and malicious interpretations of his intentions notwithstanding, indeed Menelik did not remain a silent spectator. As it came to pass, five years later Italian colonialism launched its aggression against Ethiopia. Menelik kept his word by defeating the Italian colonialists at the historic battle of Adowa in 1896, thus dealing a blow to the myth of the invincibility of European colonial forces.
144.	In its obsession with expansionism and the promotion of the illusion of Greater Somalia which it had inherited from its colonialist mentors, the Government of Somalia spares no effort in every forum to portray Ethiopia's demographic composition as if it were a negative phenomenon. Somalia does this with a view to manipulating this poly-ethnicity of the Ethiopian people for its own ends. There is no doubt that such a design is doomed to failure.
145.	Like so many other nations, Ethiopia is proud of the religious, ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity of its people—a diversity which is an asset, especially as it embarks upon progressive national reconstruction and development in conditions of freedom, justice and equality.
146.	Not least important is the fact that the Mogadishu Government has often invoked the principle of self- determination to serve its own expansionist purposes. The principle of self-determination was enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations for the sole purpose of promoting the legitimate rights of peoples under colonial domination to freedom and independence. One beneficiary of this principle has been Somalia, which now wishes to distort its content and meaning to suit its expansionist designs. I should like to emphasize once and for all that the principle of self-determination was never conceived, nor is it meant to serve, as an instrument for the dismemberment of existing independent States.
147.	As far as Ethiopia is concerned, because of the complementary nature of the resource endowments of the two countries, His Excellency Lt. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia, repeatedly reiterated previous proposals to the Somali authorities that we co-operate to develop the resources of the region for the mutual benefit of both countries, that we build a common infrastructure to help promote trade and that we jointly develop the Juba and the Wabi Shibelle river basins, which have their headwaters, in Ethiopia. Furthermore, in the interest of maintaining international peace and security and in the hope of speeding up the growth and development of the area through co-operation, the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia further proposed a confederation with Somalia. But Somalia's response to our peaceful and constructive proposals turned out to be the launching of a military offensive.
148.	It is self-evident that in the face of the unprovoked aggression by the Somali regime the Ethiopian people have no choice but to rise in unison and repel that aggression as they have repeatedly done in the past when others have sought to violate their dignity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
149.	The Ethiopian people are comforted by the fact that their inherent right to defend the independence, unity and territorial integrity of their country is upheld by international law. It is this legitimate right to self-defence which they fully intend to exercise until all the consequences of Somalia's aggression are obliterated.
150.	Somalia's aggression must be repulsed not only because it is directed against the honour and dignity of the Ethiopian people, but also because it seeks to set a dangerous precedent of instability in the African continent by attempting to transform national frontiers into ethnic boundaries. Somalia's aggression must be resisted because it is launched in utter contempt for the sacred principles enshrined in the charters of the OAU, the United Nations and the non-aligned movement. The determined effort of the Ethiopian people to safeguard the territorial integrity of their country is, therefore, not only a fully justified act of self-defence but also an act to uphold the sanctity of these fundamental principles.
151.	The OAU as the competent regional organization to deal with. African problems, continues to be seized of the issues involving Somalia's aggression. In this regard, the General Assembly is well aware of the decision taken at Libreville, Gabon, last August, by the good offices committee of the OAU. By reaffirming the principles of territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, that decision has rejected Somalia's policy of expansionism. Ethiopia continues to have full confidence in the efficacy of the OAU and believes that that regional organization should be afforded every opportunity and all co-operation to resolve the problem in accordance with the provisions of its Charter and the relevant decisions of its principal organs.
152.	If I have dwelt at some length on the brazen aggression being committed against my country by Somalia, it is because we believe that it is our duty to apprise the international community of all aspects of the hostilities now raging in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, as a founding
Member of both the United Nations and the OAU is a nation unequivocally committed to the scrupulous respect of all the fundamental principles of international law that govern the conduct of States in their relations with each other and, as such, in its commitment to peace it is second to none.
153.	Ethiopia has always preferred to solve its differences with others through peaceful means rather than by resorting to force. But when, as in the present case, naked aggression is committed against it in contemptuous disregard of the principles of civilized conduct, then no alternative is left to it other than the obligation to act in determined self-defence. That is what the Ethiopian people are now actually engaged in. The international community will no doubt recall that the Ethiopian people successfully defended the honour of their country against Fascist aggression four decades ago. Prepared as they are to make every sacrifice in defending their national unity and territorial integrity, the Ethiopian people are once again determined to discharge their historical obligation of legitimate self-defence in accordance with the charters of the OAU and the United Nations.


149.	 Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of my Government, to congratulate you warmly upon your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election should be considered a tribute to your country, whose contributions to the United Nations, to the cause of international co-operation and to efforts aimed at strengthening peace are unanimously appreciated.
150.	We are particularly pleased that the choice has fallen upon you. In the past you have given ample evidence of your personal qualities and diplomatic skills. We are confident that you will guide the work and the deliberations of the Assembly towards balanced, objective and fruitful conclusions.
151.	Speaking on behalf of Turkey, I should like also to express our satisfaction at seeing as President a representative of a country with which Turkey has traditionally enjoyed excellent relations based on a common desire to safeguard and develop understanding, harmony and cooperation in the Balkan region.
152.	Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Amerasinghe, who presided over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, distinguishing himself by his diligence and competence.
153.	I should also like to reiterate the appreciation of my Government to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, for all his efforts to promote the principles and ideals of the United Nations.
154.	At this session the United Nations family has expanded with the admission of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. A new and very important step has thus been taken in the field of decolonization towards the ultimate objective of the universality of the United Nations and the consecration of the ideals and principles of the Charter.
155.	I should like to welcome with joy the representatives of these countries. The road which has led to the independence and unity of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has been marked by countless trials and tragic sufferings. We wish the people of Viet Nam every success in its task of reconstruction, which it has already begun.
156.	We look forward to establishing close relations with Djibouti, which will surely be facilitated by the cultural affinities existing between our two countries.
157.	It is always difficult to make a global evaluation in the field of human activities. In reviewing the problems which confront us, in reflecting on the situation which exists at this particular time and on the prospects for the future and in evoking the recent history on which today's world has been modelled, one cannot help being perplexed by the developments which inspire optimism and those which give rise to apprehension and even distress. The changes and developments which have taken place over the last quarter of a century, particularly the progress in science and technology, the intensification of international and regional co-operation, the absence of a generalized conflagration, the achievements in the economic and social fields in certain parts of the world, detente between the major Powers, and the moral and political force, exercised by the third world in favour of peace and an international order in keeping with the principles of justice, have certainly brought immense benefits to mankind. But the greatest danger, that of the destruction of the whole world as a result of nuclear war, has not yet vanished. The objective of an international order guaranteeing the harmonization of the interests of the members of the international community still seems to be very remote. The problems on a world scale seem to multiply with the increase of the danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the allocation of enormous resources to the ever accelerating arms race, the increasing urgency of energy problems, the depletion of non-renewable resources, the persistence of under-development and poverty, and the accentuation of the disparities between the industrialized countries and those countries which are developing. To all these problems, one should add the continuation of the acute conflicts and tensions in several regions of the world.
158.	Each year we gather in this universal forum to discuss these pending problems and to attempt to provide a substantial contribution to their solution. At this session our attention will be concentrated in particular on issues concerning southern Africa, the Middle East, disarmament, human rights and international economic co-operation.
159.	For several years now, southern Africa has been a focal-point for the preoccupations of the United Nations. But the situation there has never been as critical as it is at this time, nor has it ever presented a greater danger to the peace and security of the world. It is both urgent and imperative that a peaceful solution be found for the problems of southern Africa. The International Conference, in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and of Namibia in their struggle for liberation, which convened in Maputo in May, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which met in Lagos in August, have emphasized the need for urgent and appropriate action concerning problems of southern Africa. Those two Conferences constitute important steps towards the mobilization of international action for the support of the peoples of southern Africa. We are of the opinion that the international campaign against the minority regimes of southern Africa should be conducted with vigour and perseverance.
160.	Despite the deplorable tension which exists in southern Africa today, we still maintain our hope for a peaceful solution. We are following, with special interest, the efforts made with a view to achieving independence for the peoples of Namibia and of Zimbabwe through negotiations. We hope that those efforts will be crowned with success and will lead to just and early results.
161.	In this context, it should be emphasized that any solution to the problem of Namibia should take into account the basic principles contained in Security Council resolution 385 (1976). In Southern Rhodesia the entire international community demands a constitutional government based on majority rule.
162.	The peaceful return to legality in Southern Rhodesia must involve the restoration of peace in the first instance, so that thereafter there could be further steps towards decolonizing that Territory. We, therefore, support the Security Council's latest resolution which aims at facilitating and accelerating the transition to majority rule in Southern Rhodesia. It should be emphasized that no lasting solution can be found to the questions of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia without the active participation of SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe.
163.	In South Africa there can be no solution to the problem of apartheid as long as the Government of that country maintains its policy of excluding the majority of the population from the political life of the country and as long as it imprisons or exiles the acknowledged and respected leaders of that majority. Such a policy can only create increasing internal strife," provoke international outrage and diminish the chances of a peaceful evolution towards majority rule.
164.	The Middle East conflict still constitutes the most serious source of danger for peace. We observe, with increasing anxiety, that the fundamental causes of that crisis have not yet been eliminated, that the principal elements are still unresolved, that the occupation of Arab territories continues, and that the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine are still ignored.
165.	The position of my country on this problem remains unchanged. Turkey firmly opposes the acquisition of territory by force. It believes that a solution will have to be based on a restoration by Israel to their rightful owners of all the territories occupied during the war of 1967. We also believe that the solution to the problem should safeguard the independence, sovereignty and the security of the recognized frontiers of all the countries of the region. Such a solution should take into account the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to establish a State of their own.
166.	The ratification of the rights of the Palestinians is an essential element of any negotiating process. The proposed Geneva Conference will have to be open to the participation of all parties directly concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. In this context, we welcome with satisfaction the joint statement on the Middle East issued by the United States and the Soviet Union on 1 October. We hope that the initiatives taken with a view to convening the Geneva Conference as quickly as possible v/ill be successful and that rapid and substantial progress will be made towards a just and equitable solution very soon.
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167.	Without a solution to the problem as a whole that would establish a durable peace, there is a risk that that region will once again be dragged into a crisis that might well be more devastating and dangerous than ever. On the way to substantial negotiations, the parties should refrain from all action that might exacerbate the existing situation. In this context, the establishment of settlements on the left bank of the Jordan River clearly constitutes an obstacle to the search for peace.
168.	More than 30 years have elapsed since the first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted its first resolution concerning disarmament. During the period since then, despite regular appeals by the international community for disarmament, occasional intensive negotiations and a number of international agreements, the arms race continues at an increased speed, threatening the peace and security of all countries and absorbing the resources urgently needed by the developing countries. This arms race is incompatible with efforts aimed at establishing a new international economic order and is also in contradiction with the policy of detente. Indeed, in a world where peace is essentially based on a balance of forces the distrust which results from divergent evaluations of that balance will render detente precarious, and there will always be the danger of a greater intensification of the armament efforts. The dangers involved in the proliferation of nuclear arms and the development of new techniques-to say nothing of the accumulation of conventional weapons -could render the present balance uncontrollable and could lead to rapid and dangerous upheavals.
169.	Despite these disturbing developments, it is nevertheless encouraging that the world is becoming more and more aware of the dangers of the universal arms race. The decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament comes at a propitious moment. My Government hopes that that special session will give a strong impetus to negotiations on disarmament.
170.	The Charter itself urges the United Nations to undertake the task of promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The constitutional and political system of Turkey is based on the concept that economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other, are inseparable and interdependent. We are also convinced that a world order based on peace, justice and equality cannot be conceived without the respect and effective protection of human rights.
171.	Mankind should be protected not only against oppression and injustice but also against terror and violence. My country, which has recently been the victim of several attacks against the lives of its diplomatic representatives, is ready to contribute to initiatives taken to combat effectively international violence.
172.	The North-South dialogue on the establishment of a new international economic order will, no doubt, occupy a very important place in our deliberations. During this session we will have the opportunity to review the results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, a task that was carried over from the thirty-first session.
173.	Despite the fact that some agreements-although limited in scope and nature-were reached in the Conference, it is clearly understood that the global issues comprised in the process of reshaping the new economic order can best be dealt with in the United Nations system. We believe, in fact, that negotiations within a larger framework will facilitate the consensus and prevent repetition of discussions made in other forums.
174.	In the negotiations on the establishment of a new international economic order it would be wrong to think that where one party gains the other must necessarily lose. Such aw assumption could have been understandable to a certain extent in the short term; however, in the medium and long terms it will definitely be possible to deal with the problems in such a way as to converge and maximize the interests of all the parties concerned.
175.	The new international economic order cannot be established overnight. But concrete measures should be taken to start the negotiating process within a reasonable period and according to a specified time-table. Those negotiations should concentrate on non-discriminatory and preferential treatment for the manufactures of the developing countries, more stable and higher prices for their raw materials, a code of conduct for transnational companies, greater access to technology, a greater voice for the developing countries in decisions on international monetary affairs and increasing financial flows towards the developing world.
176.	On the other hand, the negotiations on those problems must not make us lose sight of the urgent problems faced by the developing countries. Those problems cannot await the establishment of the new international economic order. The balance-of-payments difficulties of the least developed countries as well as the middle-income countries call for urgent remedies. The international financial institutions cannot lose sight of the particular characteristics of the economies of the developing countries. In a world dominated by injustice and social and economic disparity those countries could hardly be called upon to restrict their growth perspectives for the sake of strict internal financial stability; on the contrary, emphasis should be laid on increasing the flow of external savings to them.
177.	In the field of long-term measures aimed at restructuring the world economic order, a fundamental fact imposes itself. The present economic order which was established in the post-war era enables the transfer of resources to the developing countries only in ratio to the growth rate in the industrialized countries. If this concept remains unchanged, all serious efforts would be stalled until the end of the recession. But under existing conditions, it is most probable that the medium-term growth performance of the industrialized countries will fall far short of that recorded during the 1960s. Does this mean that throughout this period we should follow a policy that would delay the growth in the developing countries?
178.	It becomes more and more evident that, in the final analysis, economic growth in the industrialized countries depends upon their economic and trade relations with the developing- world. Increasing industrial exports to the developing countries constitutes a very significant indicator in this respect. It is evident that the transfer of real resources to the developing countries not only will help increase the supply of raw materials to the industrialized countries, but also will enable the developing countries to import more from the former.
179.	It is more or less an established fact that the transformation the world economy is undergoing and the adoption of new methods of approach to development problems, should lead the United Nations to embark on a new strategy, which ought-to take into account the present situation and the international economic negotiating process, as well as the. concept of a new economic order.
180.	The Cyprus question is once again on the agenda of the General Assembly. We regret that this conflict, which has lasted since 1963, has not as yet found a just and equitable solution which would allow the two Cypriot communities to coexist and co-operate in their common interest. It is quite apparent that it is only through negotiations that a comprehensive solution to the problem can be reached and that the most effective contribution of the General Assembly to this end should be looked for within this context. Unfortunately, the procedural decision adopted at the beginning of this session cannot contribute to meaningful debate. There exists a fundamental contradiction between the resolutions of the General Assembly, which call on the two communities to continue the negotiations, and a procedure which prevents the participation of one of the parties to the dispute in those very deliberations. It can very well be said that this attitude is without precedent. In these circumstances, the Assembly cannot hold to a valid debate on the question of Cyprus as long as the Turkish Cypriot community has not been given the right to participate in the debate to the fullest extent permitted by the rules of procedure. Any decision contrary to this principle can only be detrimental to the negotiations.
181.	I would not like to refer to the question of Cyprus in a manner which would provoke controversy.
182.	I am, rather, of the opinion that we should rigorously refrain from attributing the responsibility for the existing situation in Cyprus to one or the other of the parties. The other day mention was made here of an invasion, of the non-observance by Turkey of the United Nations resolutions, of the presence of Turkish military units on the island. But the reasons for which Turkey was compelled to intervene in July of 1974 have not been explained. Neither has there been any mention of the military coup d'etat instigated at that time by Greece for the purpose of annexing Cyprus. Nor has anything been said about the presence of the Greek army in Cyprus, at times officially and at other times in disguise, ever since 1964. We are quite familiar with the usual litany, according to which Greece was governed by a military junta at the time of the coup of 1974, and that the present Government is not responsible for the crime perpetrated by that junta. This argument cannot be considered as valid. Every State is responsible for the actions of its Governments and has to bear their consequences.
183.	The Turkish Cypriots are accused of being intransigent. I do not wish to enter into the details of these questions. It would be enlightening to compare the previous statements of those who used to enjoy military superiority with the declarations they now make, now that the balance of forces has changed. The striking contradiction between these two attitudes is clear evidence of the value of expressions of goodwill and sincerity so generously put forward.
184.	The intercommunal talks will certainly continue one way or another. It would therefore be not only useless but also extremely harmful to try to put the blame on one party or the other for the lack of results. Let us not try to be the judge, but, rather, let us try, by all means at our disposal, to encourage negotiation and agreement.
185.	The negotiating process cannot be divided. Its scope is the entirety of questions to which a solution has to be found in order to reach a settlement within the framework fixed by Archbishop Makarios and President Denktas at their meeting last February, with the participation of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. It would be useless to prejudge the result of the intercommunal talks.
186.	The position of Turkey regarding the Cyprus question has frequently been explained from this rostrum. In our opinion, the future solution should be based on the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus. Even though Turkey is not a non-aligned country, it believes that a policy of non-alignment would be desirable for Cyprus and would contribute to the peace and stability in the eastern Mediterranean.
187.	The events precipitated by the Greek military intervention in 1974 have inevitably produced a regrouping of the two communities. Sixty thousand Turkish Cypriots have found refuge in the north of the island after abandoning their homes and properties in the south. A movement in the opposite direction has taken place for the Greek Cypriot population of the north of the island. An agreement between the two communities has completed this exchange of population various problems that have emanated from these movements can be settled only within the framework of an over-all solution.
188.	The Turkish forces that are in Cyprus have been sent there in conformity with the obligations undertaken by Turkey. However, Turkey does not have the least intention of keeping its forces in Cyprus. It has already substantially reduced its forces on the island The totality of troops sent to Cyprus after the events of July 1974 will be withdrawn as soon as a lasting political solution is reached. However, a complete withdrawal of Turkish troops in the absence of such a solution and in the present' atmosphere of distrust and political tension is unthinkable. One cannot ask Turkey to abandon the Turkish Cypriot community to the mercy of a majority demanding vehemently and fanatically the return of the status quo ante, which, for the Turkish Cypriots, was but a regime of tyranny and oppression.
189.	To conclude with the Cyprus question, I should like to reiterate that Turkey will continue by every possible means to encourage the intercommunal talks with a view to reaching a just and equitable solution as rapidly as possible.
190.	This same desire is true also for the bilateral issues that exist between Turkey and Greece. We are ready to continue the negotiations already undertaken on these questions more than two years ago.
191.	By the terms of the Charter ail Member States have undertaken the responsibility for promoting international co-operation and safeguarding peace and security. The principles enshrined in the Charter must always guide our actions in our bilateral and multilateral relations.
192.	It is here in this universal forum that all Governments should deploy all their efforts in order to realize the aspirations of their peoples to bequeath to future generations a world that is more just, more equitable and more prosperous. It is in this spirit that I should like to end my statement by reiterating our most sincere wishes for the success of the work of the thirty-second session and by assuring the Assembly that my delegation will be ready to contribute its utmost to that end.