199.	 Sir, I should like first of all to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You have spent almost a quarter of a century in this Organization, as a representative of your Government and as an official of the United Nations Secretariat. You have an enviable reputation among your col leagues. They regard you as a person of high intelligence, of great ability and of unquestionable integrity, and there is no doubt that you will lead this session with fairness and efficiency.
200.	I should also like to pay a brief tribute to your immediate predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. He presided over the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly with efficiency, fairness and punctuality.
201.	It also gives me great pleasure to welcome a fellow-member of the Commonwealth-, Vanuatu, as the 155th Member of this Organization. /
202.	Today, another country, Belize, gains independence, and I look forward to welcoming it also to this Organization.
203.	This session of the General Assembly is the thirty- sixth since the United Nations was founded. This Organization was born out of revulsion against the horrors of the Second World War. It was with high hopes that the first 51 Members met in San Francisco to inaugurate this body. Since then we have been able for 36 years to avoid a world war, but world peace has evaded us. The cost of resort to force against each other and the fear of a nuclear holocaust have kept the super-Powers from being locked in a direct war. The recourse to war by them seems less likely. Among the industrialized countries, the perceived margin of safety seems to have increased as their fears of attack by one another have receded. Yet the fact remains that local wars and proxy wars have been raging every where since the end of the Second* World War. What we are really going through are times of troubled peace.
204.	Students of the subject tell us that since the end of the Second World War there have been more than 100 wars and military actions between nations. Millions have died in these conflicts and, in fact, more have died in conflicts since 1945 than in the Second World War. Many more have been maimed and made homeless. Millions have been dispossessed and have been living as refugees, becoming endemic problems to host countries. Those who are victims of these conflicts and others who are cynics may well ask whether the United Nations has been of any use at all. To those of us who think that it has, the more pertinent question is, perhaps, what would have been the experience of the world without the United Nations?
205.	There are many of us who feel that the United Nations, in order to be an effective security organization, must be able to intervene in conflicts on the side of the victim against the aggressor. We wish that the United Nations could be a supranational body with the capacity to impose peace. This assumes that the great Powers that are Members of this Organization will act in unity and out of a common perception when faced with matters of war and peace. This, in fact, was the underlying assumption be hind the founding of this Organization that the cooperation of the great Powers would make collective action possible. Our experience, sadly, is that this has not materialized. Collective action has not been possible except in a few and rare instances.
206.	From a number of great Powers at the founding of the United Nations, we have today two super-Powers. Every conflict involving any two or more nations is seen either as an opportunity to advance the interest of one super-Power or as a danger to the interest of the other super-Power. The United Nations, where the super-Powers are supposed to co-operate in collective action to ensure peace, has instead become a cockpit of rivalry between them. They use the United Nations to further their interest in whatever way possible.
207.	Thus the United Nations has not been able to act directly to bring about peace in armed conflicts except, as I said, in rare instances. Are we therefore wasting our time here? Is this just a charade on stage with no bearing on real events? I do not believe so, because if we did so believe, most of us would not be here.
208.	Most of us here are small nations. Ninety-seven of us have a population of less than 10 million, and 90 of us have a gross national product of less than $US 10 billion. Unfortunately, many of the conflicts in the world involve us, the small nations.
209.	For us, the United Nations offers the most effective forum in which to highlight our problems of peace, to bring pressure to bear on militant nations and to work towards a solution in a conflict. It is in the United Nations and through its numerous organs that our diplomats and officials deal directly with one another. Through this process we have become more sensitive to each other's concerns. As others have said, our agenda now goes beyond mere questions of security and territory. We are concerned with problems of energy, environment, population, resources and even our seas. We the small nations need the United Nations all the more to protect our interests, and it is to our advantage to use and develop the United Nations machinery. We have to search for new and more effective ways to mobilize and express the view of those who are exercised by a problem.
210.	It is for that reason that small nations have, from time to time, resorted to this Organization to solve their problems, be it the Middle East problem or problems in Africa, Afghanistan or Cambodia. For instance, on the Kampuchean problem, the overwhelming majority of United Nations Members have felt sufficiently strongly about it to call for an International Conference on Kampuchea. The attendance at that Conference confirmed the continuing concern of the international community with this problem. The Conference's Declaration and resolution provide a reasonable framework for a solution to the problem.
211.	I believe that the United Nations has played and can play a role in matters of war and peace. The decisions in the United Nations and the moral pressure of the collective stand of the majority of the Members here can help ensure not only that an aggressor nation pays a high price, but that it is denied the fruits of its conquest. When the protagonists in a conflict and the super-Powers or other outside Powers indirectly involved in the conflict find that the price of their action is high, they can be led to see that it is in their interest to bring the conflict to an end. Through the United Nations, a face-saving way out of the problem can be provided. These are vital roles that the United Nations can play.
212.	With the "one State, one vote" norm, the United Nations has made it easier for us, the small countries, to link our strength and to exert the moral pressure that United Nations Members can collectively bring to bear upon a recalcitrant Member that pursues an expansionist policy.
213.	Nations, like men, are interdependent. They are members of a community. They desire a place in the community of nations which will bring co-operation, re-spect and even approbation. Through the United Nations, we can deny a nation a place if it transgresses the principles of the Charter of the United Nations to which it sub-scribes. The United Nations may be unable to stake armed action collectively, but by the decisions and principled positions that we take here we can impress on potential aggressors that the use of military force in resolving dis agreements or expressing disapproval is unacceptable.
214.	The resolutions that we pass here with regard, to such matters may at first glance appear to be mere words. But they can influence real events. Apart from denying a recalcitrant Member an honorable place among nations, the opinion of the United Nations, embodied in its resolutions, creates the moral ambiance for others to resist the actions of the aggressor nation. In such cases, it gives those who take up arms against a violators the right to do so. It also provides justification for others among the world community to help the victims resist the aggressor with aid of one kind or another. The opinion of the United Nations fortifies and encourages both those who directly resist and those who help in the resistance.
215.	Moral support and assistance to those who sustain the resistance against an aggressor does help, for it not only gives strength to the victim but also provides sustained international pressure on the aggressor. Over time, the aggressor will have to find a face-saving way out of the situation.
216.	We who gather here annually, therefore, can play an important role in the peace process by our pronouncements on issues, provided those pronouncements are credible and based on fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. If we trade support for issues with out regard for principles or allow the interests of big Powers to determine our position, we will lose all credibility.
217.	On two of the questions which have engaged the General Assembly for the last two years—Cambodia and Afghanistan nearly two thirds of the Members have been unequivocal in their stand. In both cases, the majority of United Nations Members have taken the position they have because they have been able to see clearly that there has been armed invasion and occupation of small nations by other, larger, nations, with either direct or indirect participation of a permanent member of the Security Council of this Organization. It is a delusion to think that two thirds of the Members here are acting at the behest of other Powers. The justification has been offered that foreign forces were invited by the victims, but these have been shown to be spurious.
218.	It is not surprising, therefore, that those who find themselves in the dock in the United Nations today on these two issues dismiss the resolutions of the United Nations against them as irrelevant and of no consequence. Yet, the records will show that those who dismiss the resolutions tried to win the approval of this Assembly for their actions in Cambodia and Afghanistan. Having failed to win the support of this Assembly, they now dismiss the resolutions as of no consequence. It is perhaps forgivable when a new member of this Organization expresses his belief that United Nations resolutions can be ignored. But it gives reason for concern when a permanent member of the Security Council urges Members of this body to ignore its pronouncements and recommendations as en-shrined in various resolutions. It becomes a matter of even greater concern when a large country and leader of the non-aligned movement is publicly on record as saying that: "These overwhelming majorities mean nothing. We have had so many overwhelming majorities. . . . These votes do not mean anything."
219.	For the past two years, the majority of us have not been taken in by such gratuitous advice. On the other hand, we have adopted resolutions which have in fact condemned Viet Nam for actions which are in breach of United Nations principles. Similarly, in Afghanistan, the invasion and occupation of a small non-aligned nation by a super-Power stands condemned in this Assembly.
220.	The debate and resolutions in the Assembly have over the past two years demonstrated to patriotic Cambodians and Afghans that they arc not alone and that they have not been forgotten by the world community. The United Nations has by its pronouncements given the moral basis and encouragement for others to help these patriots.
221.	We, therefore, in this Assembly must continue to focus attention op these and similar problems, such as the South African occupation of Namibia and the South African incursion into Angola. And we have to focus attention not only in the General Assembly, but also through special conferences, like the International Conference on Kampuchea.
222.	We the Member States should not, therefore, hesitate to mobilize ourselves to condemn any violation of principles of the Charter of the United, Nations. At the same time, a way out of the problem must be offered. It is the least we as a body can do to encourage those who courageously resist aggression and strive to preserve their national independence and uphold the principles of the Charter.


 Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I wish to extend the most sincere congratulations to you on your fitting choice to preside over the present session of the General Assembly. Your lengthy career in the field of international relations, as SecretaryGeneral of the Ministry of External Affairs of your country, as representative of Iraq at many sessions of the General Assembly, as representative of your country and as a senior official of the Organization, provides ample assurance that your skill and experience, acquired over many years of praiseworthy service, will enable you to obtain successful results in the exercise of your important function.
155.	I likewise wish to express our appreciation to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Riidiger von Weehmar, a most worthy representative of the Federal Republic of Germany^ who carried out his important functions with forthrightness and tact and with the spirit and devotion of one who is imbued with the ideals of the United Nations.
156.	I also wish to express my appreciation to the SecretaryGeneral, who has unceasingly pursued the path of peace and whose report to the General Assembly at this session is a document which illustrates very well not only the grave problems which the international community faces, but also possible alternative solutions. Above all, it is an urgent and clear appeal for negotiation and understanding to preserve peace and promote development.
157.	We cordially welcome the new Member State of Vanuatu, which wUl undoubtedly make an excellent contribution to our endeavors.
158.	The situation in 1981 has been characterized by the persistence of tensions between the great Powers, the renewal of armed hostilities in several regions and a highly discouraging stagnation in the global economic negotiations which are necessary to restructure the world economy and thereby promote a universal solidarity which will ensure international peace and security.
159.	Tensions are basically due to distrust, attempts at hegemony and the persistence of unjust situations which are contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and make it difficult to apply the mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes, to which all Member States are bound and to which Honduras has always adhered.
160.	The arms race makes the world we live in increasingly dangerous. A tendency daily to improve on or invent new weapons of destruction does nothing but heighten insecurity to the same degree, and thereby distrust, thus giving permanence to the spiral of terror. On the other hand, it is only fair to say that every ^nation has a legitimate right to provide itself with appropriate means of defense. From that standpoint, it should be to the search for regional balances and effective negotiation of multilateral disarmament measures that we should direct the efforts of the United Nations.
161.	Accordingly, Honduras supports a careful and appropriate preparation for the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled for 1982, and we welcome the submission of new proposals at the session of the Preparatory Committee which has recently concluded.
162.	Nevertheless, one cannot expect progress in the various disarmament areas, nor will guarantees of fulfillment of the program for disarmament be achieved unless at the same time the safeguard mechanisms for the peaceful uses of atomic energy are improved.
163.	Honduras, which has at all times supported the peace scheme for the Middle East, laid down by the Camp David accords, once again reiterates its conviction that all efforts fully to carry out those accords with due thoroughness and promptness should be supported.
164.	We believe that since the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Sinai is about to be carried out, we should proceed to the next stages of withdrawal by Israel from the occupied Arab territories and a start on the process of Palestinian autonomy on the West Bank of the Jordan and in the Gaza Strip.
165.	We must be aware that the treaties between Israel and Egypt are in jeopardy, not only because of the delay in their implementation, but also because of the dangerous climate of open hostility which has prevailed in Lebanon for several years.
166.	In this very forum Honduras has on several occasions reiterated its solidarity with the Lebanese people and the urgent need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. We therefore sincerely believe that all the parties directly involved should meet together as soon as possible to arrive at a broad understanding which will consolidate the precarious ceasefire negotiated last July.
167.	Honduras has viewed with concern the continuing conflict between Iraq and Iran and sincerely deplores the fact that this conflict is causing untold human and material losses. We therefore hope that, in accordance with the premises of international law and the principles which govern peaceful coexistence among States, the parties to the conflict will promptly find a solution so that normality will once again prevail in that part of the world.
168.	As regards Afghanistan, Honduras, in conformity with the relevant resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, wishes to support the initiatives which the SecretaryGeneral may take in seeking a negotiating context for the Afghan question which will in the first place eliminate the causes of insecurity for the neighboring countries and subsequently assure Afghanistan's genuine independence.
169.	As regards Kampuchea, our country actively participated in the International Conference convened by the SecretaryGeneral in compliance with General Assembly resolution 35/6. Although we regretted the absence of Viet Nam and of the socialist countries, attendance by more than 90 countries and the attention given to the Conference by the international community confirm its importance as an adequate instrument through which to find a just solution to the delicate situation created in the IndoChinese peninsula.
170.	The Conference remains open; its first stage was concluded by the setting up of the necessary machinery to bring positions closer together, on which reports will be submitted to the Conference, and by the adoption of an important Declaration of which we emphasize the following: first, Kampuchea has the right to be independent and sovereign, free from any external threat or aimed aggression, free to pursue its own development and a better life for its people in an environment of peace, stability and full respect for human rights; secondly, with a view to reaching a comprehensive political settlement, negotiations between the parties must include a ceasefire and withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea under the supervision of the United Nations, appropriate arrangements to ensure that armed Kampuchean factions will not be able to disrupt law and order, and the holding of free elections which, also under the supervision of the United Nations, will ensure the establishment of a new government.
171.	In Latin America we suffered in 1981 the painful loss of the head of State of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, a statesman of outstanding personality, who led his country in crucial moments of its history. He was the driving force in the struggle by the Panamanian people for full recognition of its sovereignty over the Panama Canal, which he admirably achieved, after an intelligent and patient effort, through the 1977 Treaty and the Protocol thereto, signed with the United States of America and entered into force in 1979,8 which, as is known, constitute one of the cornerstones of the renewed and growing relations of friendship and cooperation between the United States of America and the countries of Latin America.
172.	As is well known, there is at present in Central America a serious situation of political, economic and social crisis which in recent years has erupted into armed explosions which have caused and are causing the loss of countless human lives and property in brother countries. This grave crisis situation, with its origins in the present order, requires determination to find solutions to bring about the transformation of the present societies into dynamic economic communities in the full exercise of a living and effective social justice.
173.	The Government of Honduras, in the midst of these internal convulsions in brother countries with their possible repercussions for the international order, urges a return to peace and harmony among the parties to the conflicts, who should strive to find solutions to their problems as soon as possible.
174.	At present, our country enjoys internal stability, not as a result of repressive attitudes but because of the Honduran people's appreciation of its Government's measures with their emphasis on social welfare, such as advanced labor legislation and at: agrarian reform law, the diligent and effective application of which has already benefited and will continue to benefit in the future a high percentage of our rural population. furthermore, the people of Honduras enjoy unrestricted freedom of the press, which has been internationally recognized and praised. All the inhabitants of our nation enjoy the right publicly to express, through the mass media, their ideas, thoughts and criticisms, without any censorship or fear whatever.
175.	For more than a year efforts were made with a view to convening a meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Governments of Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama and Honduras aimed at reactivating regional dialog and establishing the basis for the setting forth of common Central American positions in the face of international economic problems, thus promoting not only the development of each country but also effective cooperation among them. Those efforts were crowned by the holding of the meeting of the ministers of Central American countries at Tegucigalpa on 15 and 16 August 1981. The results of that meeting are recorded in an important document known as the "Declaration of Tegucigalpa", in which, inter alia, the ministers:
"(1) Reaffirm the intention to work toward integral development of their countries so as to improve the spiritual and material wellbeing of all the inhabitants, within the framework of the development strategy that each of the countries sovereignly adopts;
"(2) Decide to take maximum advantage of intra regional cooperation to benefit the various internal development efforts, to facilitate and encourage equitable trade, to undertake new development projects whose execution can be facilitated by dealing with them collectively, and to re-adapt the formal instruments of Central American integration to current needs;
"(3) Call upon the international community to cooperate with the countries of the Central American isthmus in the internal and intraregional efforts they make to eliminate the obstacles to their development, through concerted and determined action which takes into account the priorities that each of those countries has established, independently of the manner elected to achieve them, and which reinforces the existing coordination and complementarity of economic development among the countries of the region;
"(4) Agree, so that the aforementioned external cooperation can be implemented as soon as possible, to establish a forum where the countries of the Central American isthmus, either individually or collectively, may explain their international cooperation needs to the sources that might provide them that cooperation, without prejudice to the arrangements that each country initiates, maintains or continues to maintain with those sources."
176.	In accordance with what was established by the Declaration of Tegucigalpa, a working group met in the Honduran capital on 24 and 25 August this year. It included representatives of Central American Governments and the Government of Panama and prepared a proposal for the establishment of a group on cooperation for the economic and social development of the Central American isthmus.
177.	Following the course agreed upon at the meeting of the ministers of the Central American countries and of Panama, the Government of the Republic of Costa Rica informed the States participating in the meeting held at Nassau on 11 and 12 July 1981 of the contents of the Declaration of Tegucigalpa and invited them to participate in a preparatory technical meeting with the Central American countries. That meeting took place on 7 and 8 September at San Jose, with the objective of requesting the countries that signed the Nassau Declaration to join the countries of the Central American isthmus in their joint proposal to increase the volume of international technical and financial cooperation sufficiently to enable the Governments of the isthmus to face the adverse economic situation in which, for various reasons, they find themselves, to obtain resources granted on concessionary terms so as to be consistent with the debt capacity of the recipient countries, to adjust the acquisition of technology to be used as a result of the financing obtained, and to see to it that all this forms part of a plan for external cooperation directed to the countries of the Central American isthmus which would contribute to reactivating the process of economic and social development in all those countries.
178.	The representatives of the countries of the isthmus welcomed the participation in the meeting of representatives of the Governments of Canada, the United States, Mexico and Venezuela, who expressed their firm and determined support for what they described as the praiseworthy initiatives adopted by the States of the region for the development cf greater cooperation and economic integration with a view to the establishment of the appropriate institutional machinery and the mobilization of resources from outside the region in order to achieve faster and more effective economic and social development in Central America.
179.	The people of Honduras are at present engaged in a democratic electoral process. The freely elected Constituent National Assembly is drafting a new constitution for the Republic and has already handed down the legal instrument creating the electoral organization and the rules governing the civic campaign which will result in the election of members of the municipal corporations of the Republic, deputies to the National Congress, the President of the Republic and officials attached to the office of the President.
180.	Four political parties are participating in the present electoral campaign, together with independent candidates. This gives our citizens the greatest possible freedom to select those who in their view would best serve the interests of the country as members of the Government. The Government and people of Honduras are thus showing their faith in democratic institutional solutions and their conviction that the power of the vote is greater and better than violence for the transformation of societies. The armed forces are fully discharging their constitutional duty to guarantee the citizens their right to express their will by voting.
181.	I am pleased to inform the General Assembly that on 30 October 1980 Honduras and El Salvador, in the city of Lima, signed a general peace treaty which put an end to the conflict which for more than 11 years had kept the two brother peoples apart, and that on 10 December of the same year, in Tegucigalpa, there was an exchange of the instruments of ratification of that legal document at a solemn ceremony which was honored by the* presence of the Presidents and heads of State of Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela, who, with delegations from other countries of the continent and of Spain, accompanied the President of Honduras, General Policarpo Paz Garcia, and two members "Of the civilian military junta of El Salvador, Mr. Napoleon Duarte and Colonel Abdul Gutierrez, in that historic event that demonstrated to the world that a frank and sincere dialog and the rules and principles of international law are the best means of settling disputes among States.
182.	With other countries of the isthmus, Honduras maintains cordial relations of cooperation and coexistence within the legal framework which has always governed its international life. The meetings of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and of representatives of the Central American Governments, to which I referred earlier, bear witness to the fact that understanding and the desire for unity are the bases of the course chosen by the Central American States.
183.	As a consequence of various resolutions adopted by the United Nations and by the Organization of American States a few days ago Belize emerged into independent life. Honduras hopes that the new Central American entity will base its actions on the patterns of democracy and extends its best wishes to that people.
184.	During one of the various stages of the search for a solution to the dispute between the United Kingdom and Guatemala over the territory of Belize, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of those two countries and the Prime Minister of Belize signed a document entitled "Heads of Agreement". In one of those Heads, Guatemala is granted the use and enjoyment of the Cayos Zapotillos. The Cayos Zapotillos historically, geographically and legally belong to Honduras.
185.	For this reason, Honduras submitted to the Government of the United Kingdom, with which we Maintain very cordial and friendly relations, a note of protest at the alleged cession of a sovereignty which belongs to Honduras. Honduras hopes and trusts that by means of direct negotiations, or by any other means open to us under international law and international institutions, a just solution to that problem will be found.
186.	Our country continues to give humanitarian assistance to close to 35,000 refugees who have arrived from neighboring countries because of the situations prevailing in those countries.
187.	Honduras will continue its humanitarian policy as far as that is possible and wishes to express its sincere gratitude for the cooperation it has received from the UNHCR, the World Food program, UNICEF, the Evangelical Committee, World Relief, OAS and some friendly Governments, both on the American continent and on other continents, which have made generous contributions.
188.	Honduras strives to overcome the economic and social problems which afflict our country, but our efforts need to be complemented internationally. Accordingly, Honduras, represented by a delegation which I had the honor of presiding over, participated in the HighLevel Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held in Caracas from 13 to 19 May under the auspices of the Group of 77. Horizontal cooperation among the nations of the developing world opens new and broader perspectives for the adoption of coordinated regional and international economic policies and facilitates the introduction and implementation of specific cooperation projects in areas of priority importance for the developing countries. In this respect, Honduras continues to benefit from the agreement on energy cooperation for Central America and the Caribbean established by Mexico and Venezuela.
189.	The forthcoming International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held next October at Cancun, is of great importance and we hope that the dialog of the heads of State and Government who will be attending will take further indispensable decisions to carry out vigorous cooperative action for development. We believe that in the global discussions the united voice of the countries of the Central American isthmus should be heard, as a reflection of both the spirit that prompts them and their needs and objectives.
190.	We are concerned about a possible reduction or freeze in the forthcoming years in the supply of funds for multilateral financing institutions, because that would immediately affect the viability of the many projects scheduled for the next five-year period at a historic time when tension and insecurity might lead developing countries to greater levels of poverty, unemployment and disorder.
191.	As regards the law of the sea, regrettably, despite the advances achieved after protracted negotiations, in which Honduras participated wholeheartedly, on the signing of a universal treaty On the law of the sea, when we were already very close to concluding that process and were about to sign the draft convention, there emerged difficulties and positions so far removed from the very premises of the negotiations that today we must contemplate the possibility of having to conclude a convention in 1982 without some of the most important maritime Powers being party to it.
192.	The Government of Honduras a few days ago associated itself with the decisions taken at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, which dealt with the question of Namibia. We are following with grave concern the setback in the negotiations between the five Western Powers and the Pretoria regime to implement the plan for free elections and the accession of Namibia to independence recommended by the United Nations, in particular in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
193.	As we see it, the question of the deployment of forces within the Territory and the question of security for Namibia's neighbors continue to be of singular importance if a peaceful and complete solution to this problem is to be found. At this stage Honduras believes it is indispensable to renew the political will so as not to prolong further the paralysis of the independence plan. On the contrary, and with the full support of the international community, there should be prompt negotiation of practical arrangements that will facilitate the holding of truly free elections in the Territory in 1982.
194.	The foreign policy of Honduras continues to conform to the basic principles which confer fundamental value on respect for human beings, the practice of democracy and the quest for the economic and spiritual progress of the population of the country. On this special occasion I wish to place on record our consistent adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and again appeal for the strengthening of the peaceful means.for the settlement of international disputes as the most appropriate way to achieve the purposes of the Organization, in particular the maintenance of peace.


At the eighteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which was held at Nairobi in June, my colleagues bestowed upon me the great honor and high responsibility of the chairmanship of the Assembly, of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for the next 12 months. In that capacity, it became my privilege to address in Paris the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. Just before that Conference, I also had the privilege of formally inaugurating the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which was held at Nairobi in August. Today, on the heels of such important commitments and endeavors, I have the truly great honor of submitting, on behalf of Africa, a statement to the General Assembly the highest representative body responsible for the management of all matters affecting the international community.
3.	Mr. President, on behalf of the independent nations of Africa, which comprise one third of the whole membership of the United Nations, I bring, and convey to you, to the representatives attending this session of the Assembly and to the SecretaryGeneral warm greetings and good wishes for your deliberations.
4.	Allow me, while doing so, to observe as well that the OAU has been unwavering in its support for and loyal adherence to the ideals of the United Nations and its practical efforts to progress towards them. Our continental institution is inspired by the same high principles in the conduct of human affairs and shares with the United Nations the conviction that the noblest causes, of development and human destiny must be founded upon the bastion of peace.
5.	Mr. President, before I proceed any further I would like to congratulate you on behalf of Africa and on behalf of my country, Kenya, on your election to the high position of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The work of the current session of the Assembly covers matters of great importance. In addition, many of those matters are of extreme urgency. The international community is therefore most fortunate in having a man of such experience, talent and commitment to the promotion of truly international solutions to global matters presiding over the current session of the Assembly. I assure you, Sir, of the fullest support of the African nations. May I also add that I look forward to working with you as 1 carry out my responsibilities as Chairman of the OAU Assembly this year.
6.	On this occasion I should like to pay a tribute to the work of the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar. Mr. von Wechmar carried out his responsibilities with great skill, competence and understanding. I know I am speaking for all nations when I thank Mr. von Wechmar for having worked so hard and conscientiously to promote international cooperation and understanding.
7.	I should like on this occasion to pay a tribute to the tremendous commitment to the general welfare and future of mankind of the Secretary-General. Mr. Waldheim continues to display an amazing amount of energy and dedication in his job. I know that we in Africa have always found him sympathetic, knowledgeable and quick to listen and take action. We also appreciate the fact that he frequently visits various parts of the world to see at first hand the problems and opportunities facing the regions individually and the international community in general. Mr. Waldheim is now one man who knows all the leaders in all parts of the world, and he has used that knowledge and his well-known diplomatic skills to great advantage in his service to the international community.
8.	TUrning now to this session of the General Assembly, let me observe that these annual gatherings should never be regarded as routine features or performances of global administration. There must always be fresh vigor on such a great occasion to introduce new ideas, to enhance the effectiveness of programs earlier established and to bring within reach some potential which hitherto had proved elusive. At this particular session the Assembly will discuss many matters of great importance, some of which I shall refer to later in my speech. I know that under your guidance, Mr. President, concrete progress on many of those matters will be made.
9.	X	I shall begin the main portion of my statement with a review of the tense situation and the circumstances now prevailing in southern Africa. The situation in that unhappy part of the world constitutes a critical test for the whole conception of an organized and stable international
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community operating on the basis of democratic principles. It is a critical test because achievement of that objective, which must forever remain the overall objective, is jeopardized whenever democracy and human rights are threatened, ignored or deliberately undermined in any part
of the world.
10.	We are not dealing, in this context, with a vexatious administrative detail, but with principles which bear vitally upon human prospects on this overcrowded planet. To shape the evolving destiny of mankind demands as one of the fundamentals the removal of any constraints whether physical, social or psychological placed upon the free association and contribution of all members of the human race. There is a corresponding need for the enlightened exercise by all Governments of their responsibility to interpret rather than to distort the feelings of and potential for affinity which are latent throughout human populations.
11.	Since the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in its resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, a tremendous contribution has been recorded by the United Nations in work designed to secure the political independence of territories once held in colonial or racist bondage. This global Organization, unique in its nature and experience, has grown to maturity upon the rock of human dignity in freedom. It is recognized as well, reaching back to the first essential purpose of the United Nations, that global peace must be imperiled by any forfeiture of human rights.
12.	In dealing with a succession of problems in this whole regard, Africa has been relying to a certain extent on the tangible and worldwide support of the United. Nations. It is, of course, perfectly rational that such confidence should be placed in the United Nations, if only because the Organization was designed to represent, to assist and to inspire the concerted striving of mankind for freedom and wellbeing. We are all glad that in the majority of cases the United Nations, operating within its own Charter, has effectively discharged its responsibilities.
13.	Unfortunately, in a few cases the objectives and the efforts of this international body have been frustrated by some nations. One of these cases is Namibia. I am sure that in respect to Namibia representatives will not need the prompting of any catalog of historical facts. It will be readily recalled that over a period of years many resolutions have been adopted, conferences "have been convened, structures have been created, all in the cause of pursuing the mandated task of ushering that Territory by peaceful means towards the elementary right to self-determination.
14.	Yet today, despite all the decisions and the patient efforts, Namibia is still not independent. It is not hard to discern within the historical records basic reasons for this failure, but analysis of the past seems to me of far less importance than reappraisal of the future. In my submission the General Assembly must consider most earnestly and urgently whether this is a circumstance requiring the enforcement, at whatever cost, of international law and paramount principles, or whether the United Nations can safely continue to accommodate the burden of weakness and the stigma of futility. This is of course a rhetorical question. The General Assembly has no alternative but to undertake whatever steps are necessary to bring independence to Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
15.	In the broadest context of the tense situation how prevailing in southern Africa,, the main obstacle to progress has been the militancy encouraged and nurtured from outside the Republic of South Africa itself. In confronting all these threats and outrages that have so far been manifested, the sincerity of the United Nations has never been brought into question, but its efforts and objectives have constantly been undermined by hypocrisy and subterfuge which continue to prevent any tangible progress in the establishment of human rights for all in that part of the world. And so, during this session of the General Assembly, we must all clarify our minds with regard to our purpose and the hindrances before us as far as the situation in southern Africa is concerned.
16.	The system of apartheid has been rightly condemned by all those, including the vast majority in South Africa, who want peace for themselves and others and who recognize that human rights for all and in every part of the globe are an essential element in securing that peace. However, after decades of condemnation and protest, we are still faced in South Africa by the evil and inhuman system of apartheid, which embraces the total denial of political rights and of human outlet of expression. At times, on occasions of this nature, dictionaries have been consulted to find words which might convey something stronger than mere abhorrence. But the Assembly is not a theater, and so, rather than elaborate, I prefer to reduce this issue to its basic simplicities.
17.	Across the whole spectrum of impact and meaning, apartheid torments the conscience of all civilized men. It violates those universal principles of human dignity and conduct which the United Nations has been authorized to codify and to harness. And there is no doubt that it affronts the very foundation of international law. On these three grounds alone, and there are many more, the only conclusion to be reached is that apartheid must be destroyed. In any case, there should never be any compromise with evil and apartheid is, in every aspect, evil.
18.	The word "destroyed" can often seem to have some particular implication. Permit me, therefore, to make it clear at this point that nobody is anxious for Africa's clear duty in this matter, or, indeed, for global obligations in this matter, to be approached and discharged by violent means. We do not advocate violence. Our quarrel is with the system of apartheid, not with the people who live in South Africa. Further, we are of the view that the system should be changed peacefully. But when all such methods have failed, and logic has failed, what alternative is left? The significance of that question is that in some cases, as history shows, violence may have to be undertaken as a last resort.
19.	I should like to assure you that in this whole context, the OAU has examined all possible alternatives. In fact, resolutions passed during the thirty-seventh ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Nairobi in June 1981, have been circulated to all States Members of the United Nations [see A/36/534, annex I] for endorsement or adoption if deemed appropriate by the General Assembly. These cover a diversity of tactics and topics. For example, there was condemnation by the OAU of acts of blatant aggression by South Africa against the neighboring African States. Apart from representing an outrage in terms of the Charter of the United Nations, the consequences of such acts have ranged widely into fields of economic and social disruption. It is my own view that all members of the United Nations family should now regard and declare themselves as "front-line States" in confrontation with South Africa, making it known that aggression against one will henceforth be resisted by all.
20.	Already, some of the countries around South Africa have reported to the General Assembly and the Security Council acts of aggression against them by South African forces. To give a recent example, there has been an invasion and occupation of Angola by South African military forces. This clearly constitutes a most dangerous threat to international peace and security. The OAU demands the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African forces from Angola. We are confident that the Assembly has no alternative but to support that demand, for not to do so would betray the very principles for which the United Nations stands.
21.	Then, as another instance, we have reaffirmed what the OAU previously had insisted that one of the effective weapons for dealing with the situation in South Africa is the complete isolation of that country. The effectiveness of that weapon is blunted every time commercial ties and sporting links with that country are established, maintained or strengthened. And this is why we regret so deeply the concessions recently made by certain States which have accepted the continuation of sporting links with South Africa. We in Africa have an increasingly impressive record of contribution and achievement under many headings of sport and athletics. Indeed, we find no enjoyment or relish whatsoever if sport anywhere in .the world is disrupted. But we cannot stand idly by without protest or countermeasures while some countries encourage South Africa through sporting links to continue with its defiance of world opinion and accepted standards of human behavior.
22.	Even more damaging, albeit less widely publicized, is the economic support by some nations of the South African regime. In this regard, I must call attention to the resolution adopted by the Council of Ministers of the OAU [ibid., resolution CM/Res. 865 (XXXVII)] on sanctions against South Africa, including a global ban on the supply of oil to that country.
23.	We are all well aware that in the past a majority resolve indeed, an overwhelming resolve to take such punitive economic action against South Africa was blocked, finally and technically, by veto in the Security Council. Here again I would submit that the General Assembly must urgently concern itself with those procedures and motivations which permit the system of veto to continue to be deployed as a protective shield around any State which poses a threat to world peace. Let there be no doubt that the South Africa situation constitutes, directly and indirectly, a serious threat to world peace and stability.
24.	Much of this whole question of South Africa concerns the exercise of responsibility to the paramount interests of mankind by those Member States Commonly referred to as the big Powers, and here I refer to the United States of America and to the Soviet Union. Africa will forever be grateful if they leave us to develop and help us economically, rather than take us simply because we are weak and unable to defend ourselves in terms of weaponry.
25.	All of us in this Assembly Hall are members of the human race, whether we be white, black or what have you. God created us all. And those whom we represent would like to have peace, and only peace can enable them to prosper. We understand the language. For me, should anyone act to undermine human dignity, even if he be a friend, I shall tell him straight: you have made a mistake. This planet is too small for us to quarrel. We should work for the common good. Those who have had the advantage of advancing in their technology should help those of us who have not. One day we may be able to advance. We may offer our own contribution in the humblest way, but not in terms of what the superPowers can offer.
26.	While the United States and the Soviet Union meet peacefully in a room to discuss global matters, people outside, especially in Africa, quarrel, fight and shoot each other, while others flee as refugees in their own countries instead of enjoying stability. I hope that people will see reason and be able to discuss human problems as they are, and I appeal to the two superPowers to help the world maintain peace. We may not have powerful weapons, but at least as far as God is concerned we are all equal. All of us here, and those to come, will have to depart, but we should leave the world better than we found it. All the superPowers have solemnly affirmed their loyal adherence to the principles and obligations of the Charter. One would then expect that the demands of integrity would cause them to subordinate narrow self-interest so that the objectives set for ail humanity could be achieved.
27.	I frequently find it impossible to comprehend where the big Powers stand on this matter of South Africa. There have been promises to "exert pressure" as a means of securing some solution, but all such assurances have proved to be empty of meaning. The big Powers have in fact positively declined to exert, or even to support, the kind of influence which, emanating from such sources, could not fail to have an instant impact. They have said to us that we should never think or plan in terms of military force or in terms of economic sanctions or even in terms of psychological pressure. Instead, they still exhort us after all this time to fall back upon the comfortable and unproductive cushions which suit them so well of moderation, tolerance and patience. I can only urge, with due respect for sensitivities within this body, that this hypocritical approach be brought to an immediate end. Further, it is abundantly clear that unless that is done relations between nations will rapidly grow sour, with immense dangers to all, at a time when all those who want peace and stability should be working even more closely together.
28.	I repeat that Africa believes that there is a moral duty devolving upon all peoples and all nations to defend and sustain above all else the fundamentals of human dignity and human rights, for these are the prerequisites for any worthwhile evolution and destiny of mankind. Those who deny that such a duty exists should at least have the courage to make their viewpoint plain, so that we would know where sanity is enshrined and where evil is befriended. We in Africa are determined to destroy by whatever means the last vestiges of segregation and discrimination within our continent. This is the basic aim of the United Nations, and unless it is upheld steadfastly and without modification the United Nations will become a mockery of the faith, hope and treasure invested in it by
mankind.
29.	I should now like to refer briefly to a few other issues which reflect upon political events in Africa. In some of these instances there is a welcome glimpse of progress and promise. Then in respect of all of them, I would make the point that negotiations and ultimate settlement should be left to the leaders and people of Africa. I say this because in the past many problems have been made more complex or more intractable by external intervention. This has often been part of the ideological power game, but even well-meaning interference has often proved clumsy in its impact.
30.	To begin with, I would mention a recent disagreement between the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the United Republic of Cameroon which might very possibly have escalated into a serious collision between these two neighboring States of Africa. Today, happily, the danger has passed, and I am left only with the pleasant duty of commending the two Presidents concerned for their adroit handling of the situation and for agreeing that the border dispute between their two countries should be solved in a brotherly atmosphere.
31.	The second issue concerns the difficulties in West em Sahara, which have been persisting for some time, but I am glad now to inform the General Assembly that during the most recent session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU the way was finally cleared for the holding of a referendum by means of which the people of that Territory will determine their own future. An Implementation Committee was established by the OAU for the task [ibid., annex II, resolution AHG/ Res. 103 (XVIII)], and I am again glad to report that it held a very successful meeting at Nairobi towards the end of August. This Committee will work alongside the United Nations in ensuring that referendum procedures are so designed and supervised as to encompass, without challenge, the popular will.
32.	Then there is the case of Chad. Here also a number of concrete steps have .been taken to reestablish peace and good order [ibid., resolution AHG/Res.102 (XVIII)/ Rev.l]. Within this framework, the OAU has declared its support for the Transitional National Union Government while at the same time reaffirming unqualified opposition to any aggressive intrigue from outside. It also recognized the urgent need to assist the Government and people of Chad in their programs of economic reconstruction.
33.	The Horn of Africa is a region in which genuine economic cooperation could hold out immense promise for human development. It is most regrettable therefore that, over some period of time now, this potential has been frustrated by the unceasing encroachment of cold war politics and ideological divisions. More recently, however, there have been some heartening signs of new awareness about the common interests and opportunities which should constructively link the various nations and people in the Horn of Africa,
34.	Against that background, I am saddened that dispute and conflict still persist between Ethiopia and Somalia. The report of the Good Offices Committee which had been established by the OAU1 was received and endorsed at the Nairobi summit meeting [ibid., annex II, decision], and all of us are now fervently hoping for an era of peace. This would not be hard to introduce and to sustain if both sides would formally recognize and apply the fundamental OAU principle in regard to the sovereignty of independent States, respect for boundaries as existing at the time of independence and noninterference in the internal affairs of other States.
35.	Finally, regarding specific issues relating to Africa, I should include mention of the refugee problem in the continent. This problem was examined sympathetically during the International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa held at Geneva last April. There are now about 5 million refugees in Africa, driven away from their homelands by fear which has its roots in turmoil or oppression. But mere figures cannot adequately portray all the misery for innocent families and the colossal squandering of human resources.
36.	This whole crisis it can hardly be described as anything less is the primary responsibility of African Governments and peoples themselves. Thus, working in conjunction with United Nations agencies and with nongovernmental organizations, including the African churches, we have embarked upon many programs for immediate aid and relief in the fields of food, clothing, shelter and medical care, while beginning as well to introduce education and training projects.
37.	In all this compassionate work, we require and would appreciate additional assistance from the international community. In giving such support, the international community and individual donors should be assured that the OAU and its member countries recognize the urgent need to deal decisively and comprehensively with the ultimate challenge that of eradicating from the continent the diverse causes of the refugee problem.
38.	I should also like to record some disappointment, which must be shared by all representatives, in respect of issues which have for too long remained unresolved despite all the anxious efforts and dispassionate recommendations of this global body. I would submit yet again that the General Assembly might usefully examine the reasons, in certain particular cases, for the ineffectiveness of decisions taken and resolutions passed. It must be regarded as disturbing and a most serious matter whenever Member States fail to honor their obligations under the Charter. Difficulties are then compounded whenever Member States ignore or contravene provisions and principles of international law. Such considerations, however, are merely two components of the total dilemma which remains that of how to introduce and implement consensus in a more positive way while somehow keeping intact the vital concept of the sovereignty of nations.
39.	In the Middle East, for example, it is clear that all States, including Israel, have the right to enjoy recognized and secure boundaries, within which they are entitled to defend and sustain their lawful interests and freely to conduct their internal affairs. But equally, the Palestinian people are entitled to speak for themselves and to pursue their just aspirations within a recognized national homeland. There can never be peace and stability in that area without a national homeland for Palestinian people. If there could only be mutual respect for the basic simplicity of these ideas, then, surely, it would not be beyond the reach of human genius to find some rapid accommodation, under which years of physical attrition and galvanic emotion could give way to a whole new era of creative human enterprise.
40.	As I mentioned before, we all belong to the human race. We in Kenya stand on three principles: peace, love and unity. There can never be peace if people have no love for the human race. There can never be unity unless there is love for the human race. There can never be understanding and confidence created unless people have love for one another. We may pass 101 resolutions in the Assembly and not achieve anything if there is no love for one another. I hope that all of us will have respect for humanity if we are truly members of the human race.
41.	Another example, also of primary concern to Africa, is the question of preserving the entire Indian Ocean area as a zone of peace. This has in fact been stipulated by the General Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] for the noble purpose of strengthening the foundations of human development over a large and productive segment of the third world. But it seems, in the event, that a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean is already, or potentially, being eroded by military adventuring and ideological rivalry among the big Powers. And I wonder, we in the OAU wonder, just what attitudes or measures might be formulated within the General Assembly in response to challenges of this kind wherein a yearning for peace as the fulcrum of progress by so many nations and peoples is threatened by a few nations.
42.	I wish now to turn to some matters bearing upon economic and social development within Africa, and at the outset I should thank most genuinely those nations which have lent support to development projects in Africa for motives which have added a whole new dimension to the concepts and the potentials of a growing global human fraternity. In other instances, of course, seemingly attractive aid programs have been dangled before Africa, but with a great deal of small print in all the qualifying clauses. There should really be widespread recognition nowadays that the hapless and vulnerable period when colonialism could be practiced has passed into history. Yet still there have been some persistent attempts to chain Africa as the periphery of the so-called donors and benefactors.
43.	The African nations are aware of this danger of neocolonialism, and as a form of reaction to that wearisome impulse the OAU, as it acquires more sophisticated executive machinery and economic infrastructures, is now determined that Africa itself must play a new and principal part in the planning of development on a continental scale. Tn this connection, and following studies and negotiations throughout the 1970s, at an extraordinary session held at Lagos in April 1980, the Assembly, of Heads of State and Government adopted the Lagos Plan of Action,  which in turn was incorporated by the General Assembly into the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56, annex].
44.	1 should like to say a little more about our fundamental thinking in regard to the economic evolution of Africa. Years ago, when many of the OAU member States were struggling to assert themselves and to establish themselves after the triumph of political independence, there was an assumption in many economic circles that in Africa underdevelopment was inevitable and could be overcome only through stronger bilateral economic links with the former metropolitan Powers, primarily through financial aid, technical assistance and foreign investment. We do not believe that underdevelopment is inevitable. Moreover, we know that new strategies of development, based upon collective self-reliance and the immense overall resources of Africa, are needed. This means, among other things, that many of the old systems and patterns will have to be changed. For example, as we move further into this newly dawning era there can no longer be an almost total reliance by Africa upon the export of raw materials, coupled with an almost total dependence on external sources for capital goods and manufactured products.
45.	To bring about a number of such fundamental changes, we are rapidly engineering far-reaching measures of economic and technical cooperation among ourselves. This strategy of collective self-reliance will result in more effective deployment of resources, the expansion of existing enterprises, the better use of managerial skills and the full harnessing of human and material ingredients for rapid and diversified development in general.
46.	I am not suggesting that Africa does not need financial and technical support from outside or that Africa is going to isolate itself from the rest of the world. But it is clear that past strategies, with their great dependence on foreign aid and export of primary commodities, have failed to produce real development in Africa. For example, the aid given is often more than offset by lower export prices and higher prices for Africa's imports.
47.	In addition, the dangers of neocolonialism are visible. It is basically for these reasons that the most effective way in which the international community could help Africa in its development of collective self-reliance would be to agree on the early establishment of a more favorable and just international environment in terms of peace and stability and in terms of economic justice. This is essentially what the new international economic order is all about. And that new order would be in the best interests of all, the developed and the developing, the rich and the poor, the small and the big.
48.	It is within that kind of international environment that efforts in such things as financial aid and technical assistance take on real meaning, lit is also within that kind of framework that they will be what aid efforts should be, namely, international programs for international development for all. I am sometimes asked to identify a few of the priority areas within which such international programs for genuine cooperative development might make the most profound impact. In response to this, especially in the short term, there is no difficulty in singling out the precarious food situation.
49.	The African States recognize the food crisis facing them and the fact that their own survival and political independence are at stake. They also recognize the need for comprehensive solutions to the problems and the vital requirement of collective self-reliance as the foundation of such solutions. The international community can help Africa to overcome this serious crisis by supporting the measures and policies designed by Africa itself. Indeed, considering the huge and untapped natural resources of Africa, including climate, for diversified agricultural development, the aim should be to assist Africa to become a substantial exporter of food to the rest of the world. Africa now exports coffee, tea, cocoa and a range of horticultural items. There is no reason why the continent should not also become a vast source of meat and grain for the rest of the world. programs designed to promote this objective would clearly benefit both industrial and developing countries. They would truly be international programs for international development.
50.	The other area is manufacturing. In terms of industrialization, Africa is the least developed of all regions. Although some of the OAU member States have an industrial sector that is far from negligible in size and diversity, over the African scene as a whole there is boundless scope and need for expansion. Here again, therefore, is an important and worthwhile field of human effort within which there could be rapid and effective response to international investment. I should like to be able to discern, in practice, firm global support for an industrial development decade throughout Africa, with its provisions and locations and end products all sensibly mapped out. The OAU would be greatly heartened if real progress along such lines could be made prior to the Fourth General Conference of UNIDO, to be held at Nairobi in 1983. Here again, such a program would have clear international benefits.
51.	As a third and final answer to the question posed, I would identify as another urgent necessity the development of transport services and facilities and the improvement of all kinds of communications throughout Africa. This is yet another field in which global and bilateral initiatives would be most welcome. It is easy enough to head towards Africa or consign goods to Africa from anywhere in the world, but within the large continent of Africa the lack of well-maintained internal routes and modern communications has served as a constant frustration. This situation must be swept aside so that trade within Africa can be made to flourish, so that areas which are at present untapped may be developed and so that what I have described as collective self-reliance can have at its command the nuts and bolts, the working parts, that will enable it to function. I therefore take this opportunity to call upon the international community to support the programs already designed within the strategy of the transport and communications decade in Africa.
52.	What may loosely be termed the global or international economy is really structured upon a series of longstanding assumptions and arrangements, which so frequently serve either to overlook or to distort the facts of life. 1 should now like to discuss this situation briefly.
53.	Thinking back 20 years or more, all of us can remember the so-called wind of change which, within a concentrated period of history, made a tremendous impact upon the political shape of human values and relationships. Wrapped up in so much transformation, we find the origin of expressions like "developing countries" and "third world", which today have become part of our commonplace vocabulary. During the 1950s and 1960s the revolution in political approaches and ideas was in some cases freely manifested and in other cases hastened or enforced by struggle. But, one way or another, everything occurred and then fairly rapidly moved into a phase of easy acceptance or even welcome. Despite many obvious frailties and uncertainties, the global prospect then appeared encouraging and hopeful. The world was moving forward, with new teams "of players and what appeared to be the promise of a new set of rules. The only thing lacking tragically lacking was the vision to appreciate that without an equally dramatic change in economic relationships the new game must become chaotic because the field of play itself would be progressively destroyed.
54.	There has been no sharing, no spread, no move towards regional balance. As the economic system has evolved since 1960, the majority of developing countries has continued to be regarded as sources of cheap raw materials and as markets for manufactured products. That has not only perpetuated indeed, worsened problems that were clearly inherent at the time of independence, but has also made the developing countries increasingly vulnerable to the economic trends and pressures which have come to have serious effects upon advanced and industrialized nations.
55.	As years went by, the analysis of global realities became more accurate, more sophisticated and always more ominous. On the strength of such analysis efforts to secure redress became more urgent and persistent. There was much basic wisdom in the designs underlying the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which was launched by the General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. It was hoped that under that broad heading world economic relations could be sensibly restructured, but the outcome, in practice, was negligible. Then came debates and negotiations for a new international economic order, to which 1 referred earlier. But endeavors to reach and to activate that hardheaded and practical ideal, efforts made by the entire international community and by many specialized assemblies, have resulted so far in failure. Consequently every bright human prospect continues to be thwarted, at this very hour, by disorder and disparity.
56.	There is sometimes said to be a lack of political will among the advanced and industrial nations to support the development of the poor countries. What seems to me even more extraordinary is an evident lack of perception: the blinkers that are worn against the gleam of simple common sense. No one can really believe that the systems, attitudes and provisions combined in some new international economic order could represent some plot hatched by the weak to undermine the strong. A new order would so obviously be for the benefit of all.
57.	We occupy a planet on which all nations and human communities are now completely interdependent. And the whole existing system, apart from being clearly inequitable, is also extremely inefficient in practical terms. How can there be benefit, either for the advanced or for the developing countries, when there is such a high rate of inflation and such vast idle capacity of plants and manpower in the North? How can there be benefit for the advanced and developed countries when there are such huge untapped and idle natural and human resources in the South? How can benefit be drawn from wasteful use of resources? How can there be benefit when the industrial nations lean towards greater protectionism for themselves while at the same time insisting, often through multilateral organizations like IMF, on greater liberalization of trade on the part of the disadvantaged? How can there be benefit when, through the lack of global economic sense and through the lack of any purposeful coordination, major human problems are never realistically observed? How can any country or community benefit when the consequences of existing economic patterns make a mockery of all our hopes and prayers for peace?
58.	The meeting last month in Mexico of the foreign ministers of 22 States will be followed by a summit meeting next month at Cancun, which is projected as a dialog between the advanced and the less developed countries. The task of that meeting, as it has been described, will be to reach some understanding on key negotiating issues, which may then be debated and translated into effective processes by the General Assembly. Never will the work of this world forum have enshrined a more critical responsibility.
59.	I should like to conclude this part of my statement on a rather whimsical note relating to the coming dialog. For decades there has been constant affirmation of the fact which is perfectly true that the South could never: advance and prosper, as we would all like it to do, without the North. But when all considerations and criteria are taken into account, there is another side to this coin as well: the North could not even survive without the South.
60.	I am told that there are animals called lemmings, which periodically gather in some great concourse and hurtle towards mass destruction by casting themselves from cliffs into the sea. There are moments when I wonder whether the human* race is any more intelligent or can hope for any more exalted outcome. As I have said, we occupy a small and, in many ways, fragile planet, with a narrow biosphere made functional by rather delicate balances and cycles which alone can support human life. And on this planet we proceed to behave, metaphorically speaking, just like the lemmings. Oxygen is vital to us, yet we constantly deplete the phenomena and systems which govern water-flow, while silting or polluting lakes and rivers. Soil is vital to us, yet each year huge quantities of topsoil, which cannot be replaced in the foreseeable future, are lost through practices giving rise to its erosion. Plant cover is vital to us, yet we destroy it and create spreading deserts. All the processes of natural growth and decay are vital to us, yet we inhibit them through the liberal use of toxic chemicals. Wildlife is essential to us, inasmuch as without ecological diversity there can be no full enjoyment of life, yet we set out to destroy or thrust aside all other living creatures.
61.	Mankind has gone on blindly decimating and disrupting the natural environment, thereby compounding an overriding human peril which is often obscured beneath the more popular obsession with economic failures and shortcomings. If we are not to be like lemmings, there will have to be a further revolution in the scope of human intellect and in the sense of values commanded and exerted by the human mind.
62.	Leadership today must not be narrow-minded. Domestic success or contentment must henceforth be meaningless unless they lie within the matrix of universal advancement and contentment. The absolute interdependence of all human communities, once deemed to be impractical or even undesirable, is now a reality which can never be set aside. And so perspective is transformed, and the world as a whole, through its local leadership in power and through investing the United Nations with more authority and vitality, must move away from little squares and corners onto the sweep of the whole vast human canvas.
63.	There have been some signs heartening signs that leaders of the international community have recognized sporadic warning lights of crisis, of such a nature and scale as to demand countermeasures having the effective impetus of world administration. This fact broadly underlies the recent examination, organized by the United. Nations, of environmental questions, food prospects, employment, water resources, the problem of desertification, human settlements and renewable sources of energy. But these approaches have been cautious. Judgments have not been unanimous. Co ordination has been lacking. Implementation has been most disappointing. And we are running out of time.
64.	All world spokesmen henceforth must be molded in common awareness that leadership is not only an immense responsibility, but also a new kind of responsibility not to an electorate or a party machine or an ideological purpose, but to the service of mankind. For on this planet, already brought close to catastrophe by the undisciplined pillage of resources and the futilities of economic injustice, only from this concept of dedication to mankind might there be snatched, before it is too late, some luster with which human destiny could finally become adorned.