Today,
speaking from this high rostrum, I would like to
highlight five topics that are, in my view, important to
all of us and our common approaches to the
international agenda.
 The first is the timing of this meeting and the
moment that humankind is currently experiencing. This
session of the General Assembly is taking place at a
very critical and complex time. It can be said without
exaggeration that we are living through one of the
watershed moments of modern history. Besides the
economic crisis — the first large-scale crisis of the era
of globalization — global development as a whole
continues to be threatened by regional and local
conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crime, food shortages
and climate change. The impact of the crisis continues
to be felt by most countries of the world. Although so
far we have been able, it seems, to avoid the very worst
scenarios, the question remains: how to overcome the
huge imbalances and deficits — amounting to trillions
of dollars — accumulated in the global and national
economies.
 Our collective agenda for unification has been
dictated by life itself, which also dictates the growing
need for the United Nations as a time-tested
mechanism for harmonizing the interests of different
States and peoples. As never before, we are feeling the
need for informal collective leadership and for an
increased role for such platforms as the G-8 and the
more recent G-20, as well as other negotiation and
mediation forums, and all the more because these
operate not on a model of opposition, but rather to
advance the converging interests of their participants.
 At this morning’s meeting, the President of the
United States addressed this Assembly, and I would
like to endorse one of the thoughts he voiced. He stated
that no single country can or should attempt to
dominate others, and that is absolutely true. However,
these agreed approaches need to be implemented in
some way, including through the United Nations
system.
 Another distinctive feature of modern times is the
increasing role of regional entities, which are growing
more active on every continent. This trend is entirely
consistent with the principles of the United Nations.
Russia, for its part — together with its partners in the
Commonwealth of Independent States, in the
framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,
and with its fellow BRIC countries Brazil, India and
China — will continue to bolster the mechanisms of
regional interaction. These mechanisms facilitate a
collective response to common threats, while
mitigating the consequences of the crisis for our
citizens and increasing the sustainability of our
national economies.
 Secondly, I want to touch on the issue of existing
problems. Allow me to dwell on those that cannot be
effectively addressed without the participation or
outside the framework of the United Nations. The first
task in this regard is to address the imbalance of
existing mechanisms of global economic governance,
the inadequacy of their rules of the game, and the
chasm between the financial markets and the real
economy. We need to make joint efforts to establish
financial and economic models that will protect all of
us from such turmoil in the future.
 Virtually all countries have seen a drop in output
and in the standards of living of millions of their

17 09-52228

citizens. The crisis has exacerbated social problems,
painfully tested young people at the very start of their
lives, and caused significant growth in unemployment
in all countries. Russia is no exception in this.
 A painful blow has been delivered to our plans to
alleviate poverty. A real threat of disruption of the
Millennium Development Goals has emerged. We must
do our utmost to prevent such a development. Donor
assistance to countries in need cannot be postponed
until some other time. The tasks set out as a priority by
the international community must absolutely be
addressed. The arrangements adopted at the G-20
summits and the United Nations Conference on the
World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on
Development must be implemented — and they must
be implemented within the deadlines that we ourselves
set.
 The second major task in this context is to
address the issues of global energy security. Three
years ago at the Saint Petersburg G-8 summit in
Russia, the principles for a new legal framework for
such cooperation were formulated. The goal is to
harmonize the interests of all participants in the energy
chain: suppliers, consumers and intermediaries or
transiters. It was not so long ago that we solidified
these principles, and we invite all States to engage in
discussion on them. We believe that such discussions
should be conducted with the active involvement of
specialized multilateral institutions, including, of
course, the agencies of the United Nations family.
 The third task that Russia deems to be potentially
critical is the comprehensive strengthening of the
United Nations itself. The United Nations must adapt
itself in a rational way to the new global realities. It
should strengthen its influence while preserving its
multinational nature and the integrity of the Charter’s
key provisions. The most important component of the
revitalization of the United Nations is reform of the
Security Council. The time has come to speed up the
search for a compromise formula for the Security
Council’s expansion, and of course to increase its
efficiency.
 The third issue I want to touch on is
disarmament. The process of multilateral disarmament
under United Nations auspices is an extremely
important task. There are grounds for hope since, as
members are aware, a number of positive trends have
emerged in overcoming the protracted crisis. The
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva has adopted its
programme of work. I should also like to mention the
Russian-Chinese initiative to develop a treaty to
prevent the deployment of weapons in outer space, as
well as our current proposal to universalize the
Russian-American Treaty on the Elimination of
Intermediate-range and Shorter-range Missiles.
 Russia will unswervingly follow the path of
verifiable and irreversible reductions in nuclear
weapons as an essential element of a new start in our
relations with the United States. In Moscow in July this
year, President Obama and I not only signed a relevant
document, but also agreed on a mandate for further
negotiations to elaborate a new, legally binding treaty.
This treaty should replace the Treaty on the Reduction
and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, which
expires in December.
 Of special importance here is the relationship
between strategic offensive and defensive arms. In my
meeting with President Obama this morning, we
discussed the recently announced adjustments to the
United States’ planned development of a missile
defence system. I should like to state in this highest of
forums that we view this decision as a constructive step
in the right direction, which has deservedly received
numerous expressions of support from the international
community. Russia is ready to engage in detailed
discussions with the American side and to undertake
relevant initiatives in this field in order to reach
mutually acceptable agreement.
 Without resolving such problems as missile
defence and non-nuclear strategic offensive arms, it
will be simply impossible to achieve real progress in
the field of nuclear disarmament. I believe that the
work on this new treaty will be fully consistent with
relevant provisions of the joint document endorsed by
the President of the United States and myself at our
meeting in Moscow.
 We believe that other nuclear States should join
the disarmament efforts of Russia and the United
States. There is no need to wait for further progress in
the Russian-American disarmament process. We can
begin forthwith to elaborate acceptable and practical
arrangements that take into account the differences in
the size of potentials. In that respect, we could draw on
international experience in the twentieth century, for
example the 1921-1922 Washington Conference on
naval armaments, where participants agreed on the

09-52228 18

maximum size of their fleets without insisting on parity
in absolute terms. If we take the same approach today,
based on the current status of nuclear arsenals, we
could send the rest of the world a sure signal that the
unaccounted numbers will be added to the equation of
strategic stability.
 Pursuing nuclear disarmament, strengthening the
nuclear non-proliferation regime and promoting the
peaceful use of nuclear energy will be at the very heart
of the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). We cherish the hope that it will be successful.
 The global nuclear security summit scheduled for
April 2010 will provide a good opportunity for a more
detailed discussion of these issues. We support that
initiative. We have also agreed with the United States
Administration on joint steps for further progress on
such aspects of nuclear security as the prevention of
nuclear terrorism, expanding access to the benefits of
peaceful nuclear energy to all signatories implementing
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons in good faith, and other decisions. We call for
collective cooperation on these matters.
 In order to reach a common understanding on
such important issues, we must engage all nations
and influential international organizations in the
aforementioned negotiation processes. The international
community, it must be said, has at its disposal such
tried and tested measures for enhancing regional and
international security as nuclear-weapon-free zones. In
particular, there is a very pressing need to establish a
zone in the Middle East free of all types of weapons of
mass destruction and their means of delivery. This is a
long-standing issue, with respect to which a resolution
was adopted at the 1995 NPT Review Conference.
 Russia, as a member of the Quartet of
international mediators on the Middle East settlement,
has consistently supported efforts to strengthen the
nuclear non-proliferation regime in the Middle East.
Russia has made specific proposals within the
framework of the NPT review process to seek mutually
acceptable ways of implementing earlier decisions on
this matter. All countries of the region need to take an
active stance on this issue and demonstrate their
willingness to achieve that end.
 We also need to accelerate work towards a
mechanism to ensure peace and security in North-East
Asia. Russia has made proposals in this regard to the
participants in the Six-Party Talks. In the present
circumstances, this task is more urgent than ever.
 The fourth topic I wish to address is that of
regional conflicts and regional security. We intend to
continue to participate in the search for effective
options for settling regional conflicts. We are
convinced that the use of force can only exacerbate
such situations. That was demonstrated by the reckless
attempt by the Georgian authorities last year to resolve
the problems in their relations with South Ossetia by
military means.
 At that time, in August 2008, we came very close
to a situation in which a local armed conflict had the
potential to grow into a full-scale war. I am certain that
this is clearly understood by everyone in this Hall
today. In order to ensure that this should never recur,
we need clear and effective mechanisms to implement
the principle of the indivisibility of security. Without
such a mechanism, we will not be able to move beyond
the legacy of the past or overcome existing prejudices.
I wish to stress that irresponsible regimes should not
have any opportunity whatsoever to foment disputes
among other countries.
 The role and place of the modern nation in
ensuring global security is a topic of the greatest
relevance today. We have witnessed situations time and
again in which problems emerging within the confines
of an individual State have acquired a regional or even
global character. The incompetence and, very often,
ineffectiveness of national Government institutions can
have consequences that are fraught with risks for
several countries. The prevention of such an outcome
is of course a very complex and sensitive issue, but one
upon which we must deliberate together.
 These issues were the focus of discussions at a
recent conference held in Russia. The outcome was
quite clear. What we require in the future is a smart
foreign policy. The current global crisis is not limited
to economics; it is also a crisis of ideas. It is the
accumulation of a critical mass of outdated policies
and development models.
 Having developed the initiative to sign a new
European security treaty, Russia has proposed taking a
fresh approach to this problem and, above all,
abandoning outdated policies. We all hope that the cold
war has been left behind, but the world has not become
more secure. What we need today are modern solutions
and clear legal frameworks for implementing existing

19 09-52228

political commitments. We do not need declarations,
appeals or demagogues; what we need are clear legal
frameworks, including to enshrine the principle under
international law that one must not seek to ensure one’s
own security at the expense of the security of others.
 Our initiative concerns the Euro-Atlantic space.
However, its key provision on the indivisibility of
security is a universal principle that is applicable to all
regions of the world and is fully consistent with the
letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter. The
principle of the indivisibility of security should be an
integral part of current international law.
 Values are the last issue that I wish to mention
from this rostrum. The protection of human rights and
interests and the universal application of commonly
recognized norms and principles in that area should be
the basis for strengthening trust and stability in
international relations. We are all united by values that
are rooted in morality, religion, customs and traditions.
I am talking about such fundamental concepts as the
right to life, tolerance of dissent, responsibility towards
one’s family, charity and compassion, which are the
foundation both of daily life and of relations among
States.
 However, unfortunately, it is the reality that the
world is witnessing growing nationalism and numerous
manifestations of religious intolerance and hatred. That
is why we believe that establishing a high-level group
on interfaith dialogue under the Director-General of
UNESCO is extremely valuable. It is particularly
relevant on the eve of 2010, which the United Nations
has declared International Year for the Rapprochement
of Cultures.
 To conclude, I cannot fail to mention, as I stand
here, another topic that is very close to the heart of all
citizens of our country and all peoples of the world.
Next year, we are going to celebrate the sixty-fifth
anniversary of the end of the Second World War.
Russia put forward a proposal to adopt a relevant
General Assembly resolution and to hold a special
session to commemorate all victims of that war in May
next year. We cannot allow its horrible lessons to be
forgotten.
 However, from time to time we see neo-fascist
organizations raise their heads. Racial, national and
ethnic crimes are being committed. Attempts are being
made to whitewash Nazism, to deny the Holocaust and
to review the decisions of the Nuremberg Tribunal. I
am convinced that strong and joint resistance to
manifestations of neo-Nazism and to attempts to revise
the results of the Second World War enshrined in the
United Nations Charter should remain a priority task of
the Organization.
 The creation of the United Nations was one of the
principal achievements of the international community
in the twentieth century. This Organization and its
fruitful activities have become a symbol of the
twentieth century, and there is simply no alternative to
these activities. We have no right to forget that the
United Nations possesses unique international
legitimacy, and we all must preserve and strengthen
this shared wealth of the peoples of the world.


Once again, we meet at the United Nations to share
concerns, problems and experiences and to discuss the
various ways in which we can serve our peoples
worldwide.
 Since this morning I have listened closely to
statements, starting with that of the Secretary-
General — to whom I offer a special, revolutionary
greeting — until this moment, when we just heard the
President of Iran. In all of these statements, there has
been great convergence on problems such as the
financial crisis, problems arising from the
environmental crisis and problems concerning stability
and institutionalization of democracies in a number of
countries. There have also been ideas and proposals
such as those offered by the Secretary-General, who
called for unity among Presidents and unity within the
United Nations. I fully agree that it is important that
we Presidents and Governments unite to meet the
demands of our peoples, in order to resolve these
crises.
 I would say that in my country the crises have
been imposed from above and from outside. We need
unity within the United Nations for the sake of the
equality of our peoples; we need unity for dignity; we
need unity above all to tackle the deep economic
divergences, the deep asymmetries between continents,
between families and between countries. But it must be
unity in a context of complementarity, in order to meet
our peoples’ demands.
 There is an ongoing debate on the financial crisis
and on climate change, as well as on the problems of
democracy and the energy and food crises. I welcome a
number of the statements that addressed and focused
on the origins of this crisis. But the majority of
Presidents and the majority of the statements referred
only to the effects, not to the causes.
 I would like to speak frankly to the Assembly —
my listeners here, and to all others who are following
the debates taking place in this global forum. I would
like to say that the origin of these crises was the
unbridled accumulation of capital in a few hands, the
irretrievable looting of natural resources and the
commercialization of Mother Earth. And above all, I
believe their origin lies in an economic model, an
economic system, namely, capitalism.
 If we do not tell our peoples the truth about the
origin of this crisis, then we will be misleading
ourselves and the international community too. We will
be misleading our peoples, who have great
expectations of their Presidents and Governments and
of forums such as this one.
 Although we are promoting and seeking peace, in
the light of our experience, we know that we will not
find social peace while there is economic inequality,
and all the less when there are military bases in some
countries. These may be located on many continents,
including Latin America and South America. How can
we hold discussions when United States military bases
provoke distrust among peoples?
 I would like to briefly tell the Assembly that I
was a victim of the military bases operating in my
country before assuming the presidency, before the
social movements were not merely opposed to policies
but also actors in a new country of equality and social
justice. All of us were victims of the United States
military presence in Bolivia, and as victims we know
what uniformed armed United States personnel can do
in South American countries. For that reason, I would
like to say that when there is a United States military
base, particularly in Latin America — I do not know
about their conduct in Europe or on other continents,
but in Latin America, the presence of military bases is
no guarantee of social peace or of democracy.
Certainly, it cannot guarantee the integration of our
countries, much less of the peoples who are seeking to
bring about deep-wrought changes in our social,
economic and cultural structures.

09-52228 38

 Now we have Honduras. If there is a United
States military base in Honduras, why can this military
base not guarantee democracy? It cannot because there
are Presidents who change these countries, which are
constantly threatened by military bases.
 I hail the courage of our colleague, President
Zelaya of Honduras, who is democratically and
pacifically resisting with the aim of restoring
democracy. My respect and admiration go to him as he
strives together with his defiant people to uphold
democracy. How good it would be if the United
Nations, this great international organization, were to
adopt a resolution issuing an ultimatum to the military
dictatorship in Honduras to withdraw and restore the
only internationally recognized President.
 I am convinced that the United States Southern
Command does not accept Latin American countries or
their Presidents that are seeking liberation. I have even
heard from some friends, comrades and brothers that
they supported the dictatorships in Bolivia and
elsewhere in Latin America. They say that the only
reason there has been no coup d’état in the United
States is that there is no United States Embassy in the
United States. There are coups d’état occurring
everywhere, but let me say that in September last year
there was an attempted coup d’état in Bolivia, and
thanks to the union forces and the involvement of the
international community, particularly from the southern
cone, we were able to halt that civilian — not
military — coup d’état.
 For these reasons, we are convinced that military
bases cannot guarantee democracy, integration or
social peace.
 We have also been discussing the subject of
climate change, and I would like to take this
opportunity to propose a number of issues to the
Assembly which are of the utmost importance for all of
us who inhabit Mother Earth. For the indigenous
movement, this is Mother Earth — or, for many others,
planet Earth or the environment. For those of us who
live in harmony with Mother Earth, not just in harmony
with human beings, Mother Earth is something sacred.
It is Mother Earth which gives life, which provides
water, natural resources, oxygen. We all promote the
well-being of our peoples. We are struggling and
fighting and working for the well-being of our peoples,
but first of all, we must ensure the well-being of
Mother Earth.
 If we cannot guarantee the well-being of Mother
Earth, then it will be impossible to guarantee the well-
being of our countrymen or of all the peoples on planet
Earth. I have reached the conclusion that Mother
Earth — or planet Earth — can and will exist forever
with or without human life. But human life cannot
exist without planet Earth — Mother Earth.
 After having listened to many statements and
after having listened to my brothers, I have reached the
conclusion that at this point in time, in this new
twenty-first century, it will be more important than
ever before to defend the rights of Mother Earth than to
defend human rights.
 If we do not protect the rights of Mother Earth,
there will be no point in defending human rights. I am
prepared to discuss this concept, and sooner or later
everyone will understand why it is so important to
defend the rights of Mother Earth.
 As we are currently discussing climate change, I
propose to Presidents, representatives and all our other
brothers and sisters who are listening throughout the
world our very simple, three-point proposal.
 First, the developed countries must acknowledge
and pay the climate debt that they and all humankind
owe Planet Earth.
 Secondly, a court for climate justice must be
established to try and to punish those who fail to meet
their commitments and those who continue to damage
Planet Earth. We need a structure that can quantify the
damage caused by some countries and transnational
companies, and therefore it is important that such a
court for climate justice be established.
 The third proposal is one of those that have been
developed above all by rural and indigenous
movements: the United Nations must draw up a
declaration of the rights of Mother Earth, in order to
defend the right to life, the right to the regeneration of
bio-capacity, the right to a clean life and the right to
harmony and the coexistence of us all.
 I hope that these proposals will be taken into
account during the discussions in Copenhagen. We also
hope that Copenhagen will provide a grand solution to
resolve the serious problems that affect us all, in all the
countries of the world.
 I also take this opportunity to take up some of the
proposals made by a number of Presidents. If we want

39 09-52228

to change the world, we must first change the United
Nations. If we want to effect change in our countries,
seeking equality and dignity for our compatriots, why
not first change the structures of the United Nations?
 Listening to what many other Presidents said
about the Security Council, I felt that there were many
points of agreement. We need a real democratization of
the United Nations, for which I make the following
suggestions.
 The status of permanent membership of the
Security Council and the right to veto must be
abolished. It is not possible in the twenty-first century
to maintain outdated totalitarian practices going back
to the time of monarchies. All countries must have the
same rights within the United Nations. Those who
proclaim themselves to be the leaders of democracy
should give up their privileges and accept true
democratization of the Security Council. We must be
responsible with democracy and begin to democratize
the United Nations.
 I shall soon end my short intervention, as I do not
wish to exceed my time limit, in keeping with the
discipline that our peoples teach us. But first I am sorry
to have state a truth that may upset the Government of
the United States. I had great hopes of President
Obama. I welcome his closure of Guantanamo, which
represents progress. But in addition the economic
blockade of Cuba should be ended. That is my
respectful request to the Government and people of the
United States.
 Bolivia, like Latin America as a whole, used to
enjoy certain tariff preferences, but under ex-President
Bush they were removed, because we were accused of
not combating drug-trafficking and poverty. We know
that that was a political decision, but ex-President Bush
never took into account Bolivian norms or our
Constitution.
 Now, under President Obama’s Government, we
see documents which include references to our new
Constitution, which, for the first time in the 183 years’
existence of the Republic, was approved by a vote of
the Bolivian people. There is a reference to article 56
and respect for private property. That strikes me as
direct interference by the United States Government in
the Constitution and other norms and standards, and I
roundly reject it. What we want is diplomatic relations
not of interference, but of cooperation and investment.
While the new Constitution for the first time
guarantees private property and State property,
fundamentally it guarantees collective property —
property held by associations and cooperatives, and
communal lands belonging to the indigenous, native
movement.
 In addition, an accusation is made against me in a
United States report stating that current challenges
include the explicit acceptance and encouragement of
coca production at the highest levels of the Bolivian
Government. That is to say that I encourage the
cultivation of coca. It should be understood that
growing the coca leaf is one thing and that cocaine is
quite another. We do not defend cocaine; we shall fight
it. Indeed, our proposal is zero cocaine. What I have
just said does not mean having free cultivation of the
coca leaf, though in its natural state it is beneficial and
healthy for human life.
 We have launched a campaign on decriminalizing
the traditional consumption of the coca leaf. I
guarantee that there will never be free cultivation of
coca, but neither will there a zero coca leaf policy. But
there is a zero cocaine policy. It cannot be said that I
encourage coca cultivation in Bolivia. That is not true.
 The Assembly will know that I come from the
trade union and social movements, and that I was a
union leader. Now President, fortuitously and for the
time being, I am extremely concerned that it is said
that the Government will dismantle the union
movement by decree. How could I eliminate the
unions, when they and the social movements are the
backbone of the Evo Morales Government? I have built
union headquarters and encouraged unions, workers
and indigenous peoples, and yet I am accused of
dismantling the unions.
 President Obama may not be aware of the
documents to which I have referred, which perhaps
come from the State Department. I perfectly
understand that sometimes when change is desired it is
difficult to change State structures. But after reading
the documents very carefully I wonder how it is
possible for someone who has suffered discrimination
to discriminate against another. At least in Latin
America, the so-called Afro-Americans and
Afro-Bolivians are the sectors most discriminated
against in society, together with the so-called Indians
or indigenous people. We are called “negroes” and
“Indians”. I do not understand how a black person who
has been discriminated against and excluded can

09-52228 40

discriminate against and exclude an Indian. It is a
matter of grave concern.
 It is to be hoped that those historic errors can be
rectified, not for the good of the President, and not just
for the good of Bolivians, but for the image of peoples,
such as the people of the United States. I well
understand that sometimes it is not easy to change
structures which may work against our peoples.
 Finally, I refer  to some historical demands, such
as the return of our access to the sea. Our two peoples,
our brother republics, Chile and Bolivia, feel sufficient
trust in each other to seek to resolve the issue of
maritime access. I hope that it can be settled bilaterally.
If not, intervention by the international community will
be needed. Progress has been made. I feel that there is
trust, which is needed in order to resolve any problem.
Otherwise, important steps must be taken.
 I thank my brothers and sisters for listening to
me. I would like to continue to share their experience,
proposals and concerns for the good of mankind as a
whole.


The United Nations is the only
universal institution that unites us all as a global
community of independent States. At the very heart of
this indispensable Organization stands the General
Assembly, the only place in the world where the
sovereign voices of all countries are given an equal,
legitimate say in the future course of mankind.
 Safeguarding the principles of the United Nations
Charter remains much more important than the policies
of any single nation, especially during transformative
periods such as this. The international system seems to
be undergoing a paradigm shift that, in many ways, is
comparable in scope to those that occurred in 1945 and
1989.
 No one is yet able to reliably predict how deep
the change will turn out to be. What is becoming
evident is that interrelated factors — the most recent of
which is the global economic crisis — have caused the
arrival of a new set of circumstances on the world
stage. A broad repositioning appears to be taking place.
The global balance of power is shifting as new
financial models compete for primacy. All in all,
international relations are becoming less predictable.
 Achieving consensus on fundamental issues that
affect us all has never been more important. As United
Nations Member States, it is incumbent upon us to
work more closely together to reaffirm the rules that
govern the international system, to reinforce the
territorial integrity of Member States, to entrench
interdependence and to complete the transition from
the old order, based on political and economic
domination, to one established on equitable
cooperation among all nations.
 That is the only way to build a future of global
peace, stability and prosperity. It is the only way to
enhance the dialogue among civilizations, to make
multilateralism more effective and to provide for
sustainable development and eradicate poverty
throughout the world. And it is the only way to
effectively fight terrorism and cross-border organized
crime and to promote nuclear disarmament.
 We must also work more in concert with one
another to combat the effects of climate change. That

09-52470 2

will continue to be strongly emphasized over the
course of Serbia’s two-year presidency of the
Governing Council of the United Nations
Environmental Programme. As part of our efforts, we
have proposed the establishment of a regional climate
change centre in Belgrade, Serbia.
 As a responsible global citizen, we have
underlined the necessity of agreeing on a fair and
balanced emissions reduction scheme and, in
particular, on a new comprehensive climate
agreement — one that will secure eco-friendly
investments, stimulate innovation and facilitate the
global spread of technologies, knowledge and
experience.
 In short, working towards a “green economy”
will decisively contribute to placing the whole world
firmly on the path towards a cleaner, more sustainable
path.
 How we conduct ourselves at this time of great
transformation will constitute a precedent with far-
reaching consequences for generations to come. Simply
put, we are at a point of decision: will we choose a
world in which there are no rules as exceptions become
the new norms, devoid of any meaning except “might
makes right”? Or will we opt to solidify the great gains
achieved when the principles of an equitable
international order were embodied in the United
Nations Charter?
 I believe that only the latter alternative provides a
future that all United Nations Member States can work
in concert to bring about. The starting point remains
universal respect for international law. No one should
be above it, no one should stand beyond its reach and
no one should feel at liberty to declare an exception to
its jurisdiction and scope. And yet that is precisely
what was recently attempted.
 I come before the Assembly as the President of a
country that is trapped at the centre of one of the most
dangerous challenges to the universality of the
international system since the founding of the United
Nations. I speak of UDI — the unilateral declaration of
independence by the ethnic Albanian authorities of
Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.
This attempt at secession stands in direct violation of
Serbia’s democratic Constitution, as well as the basic
principles of the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki
Final Act and Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).
 Some say Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of
independence is a unique case. But in truth it is an
attempt to forcibly partition a Member State of the
United Nations against its will and without regard for
the firm opposition of the Security Council. It is an
attempt to impose a nineteenth-century outcome on a
twenty-first century challenge. Serbia will never, under
any circumstances, implicitly or explicitly, recognize
the unilateral declaration of independence of the ethnic
Albanian authorities of our southern province.
 We will continue to vigorously defend our
integrity in a non-confrontational manner, using all
peaceful means at our disposal. That is why, at the very
outset of this grave crisis, Serbia ruled out the use of
force. We chose to respond to Kosovo with the utmost
responsibility and restraint. Serbia opted for a
diplomatic approach, the result of which is that a vast
majority of United Nations Member States have
refrained from recognizing the unilateral declaration of
independence in Kosovo and have continued to abide
by their Charter obligation to respect the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of my country. On behalf of the
Republic of Serbia, allow me once again to sincerely
thank these countries for their adherence to the
principles of international law.
 While categorically rejecting violence and
unilateralism, Serbia has been equally emphatic in
demanding that justice be delivered through the proper
legal means at the disposal of any United Nations
Member State. As part of our constructive approach,
we decided to contest the issue of Kosovo’s unilateral
declaration of independence before the principal
judicial organ of the United Nations, the International
Court of Justice, which was tasked by General
Assembly resolution 63/3 with issuing an advisory
opinion on whether that declaration is in accordance
with international law. I would like to take this
opportunity to inform the Member States that the Court
has concluded the preliminary, written phase of its
proceedings in the case. Public hearings are scheduled
to begin on 1 December, with a decision by the Court
expected sometime next year.
 Let me express my sincere gratitude to all those
countries that have chosen to actively support Serbia’s
strategic choice to transfer the Kosovo issue to the
judicial arena. The case marks the first time in the
history of the Court that it has been asked to consider
the legality of an attempt at secession by an ethnic
group from a United Nations Member State. There is

3 09-52470

no doubt that the Court’s conclusions will constitute a
powerful legal precedent, with overarching
consequences for the United Nations system. The
outcome will either strongly deter other separatist
movements from attempting to secede, or produce a
result that could encourage them to act in a similar
fashion. Plainly stated, should Kosovo’s unilateral
declaration of independence be allowed to stand, a
door would open for challenging the territorial
integrity of any United Nations Member State.
 The uniquely important nature of this case has
been acknowledged by the international community. As
we know, all five permanent members of the Security
Council have confirmed their participation in the
public hearings before the International Court of
Justice. It is in this context that I appeal to all Member
States to respect the fact that the Court continues to be
actively engaged on the issue. Its deliberations should
not be prejudged and its work should not be obstructed.
The Court’s proceedings have to be allowed to run
their course without political pressure, such as any
further recognition of Kosovo’s unilateral declaration
of independence. On behalf of the Republic of Serbia, I
encourage all non-recognizing Member States to stay
the course. By maintaining respect for my country’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity, together we will
help ensure that international law continues to close in
on the issue of unilateral declarations of independence.
 Serbia’s decision to turn to the International
Court of Justice to contest the Kosovo issue has been
complemented by a policy of constructive engagement
with all legitimate actors on the ground in Kosovo. We
maintain support for a reconfigured United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)
and its continuing indispensability. We have also
welcomed a status-neutral European Union Rule of
Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX), working in our
southern province on the basis of Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999), which continues to operate
under the overall authority of the United Nations. I call
on all responsible stakeholders invested in the future of
Kosovo to work more closely with the Government of
Serbia on implementing in full the Secretary-General’s
six-point plan (S/2008/354, annex I), which was
welcomed by the Security Council in November 2008.
 This is a time for leadership and working
together, not for increasing the divide. We all have our
constraints, and they should be respected. Let us create
new opportunities for achieving practical results, by
engaging with one another on a host of concrete
questions for the benefit of all residents of Kosovo
province, including the Serbs — the community most
at risk in all of Europe.
(spoke in French)
 Democracy in Serbia is sound; our society rests
on a solid foundation and our values have been
strongly confirmed by law. The basis of our strategic
approach to national development is the call for all
European nations to share their common destiny. On
many occasions our actions, in very difficult
circumstances, have proved our determination to
become a member of the European Union (EU).
Despite setbacks, our core strategic priority remains
that of attaining EU membership, not merely on
grounds of geography, heritage or economic prosperity,
but also because of the essential values that we share.
These are values that proclaim soft power in foreign
policy and the primacy of law in domestic affairs;
achieving consensus in Brussels and standards of
human rights throughout the EU. These are values that
proclaim freedom of movement for all citizens of
Serbia in the Schengen area, the tangible result of our
process of entry into the EU, which we hope to see
implemented on 1 January 2010. This will bring us
closer to Europe, for the right to travel without a visa is
to the citizens of Serbia the expression of what the EU
means on a daily basis.
 But these are also values that have led us to
modernize our administration, to adopt exemplary
legislation in areas such as anti-discrimination and the
protection of minorities, and to redouble our efforts
towards regional reconciliation. That is an important
reason why Serbia will shortly complete its full
cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia: it is a legal and moral
obligation towards victims, towards ourselves and,
above all, towards future generations.
 As the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the
Berlin wall approaches, we must not forget that the
objective of uniting all the nations of Europe under the
same roof has not yet been attained. Much remains to
be done. Expansion fatigue must not emerge as a new
reality in Europe. Solidarity must remain a high
priority. It will never be time to consider an exit
strategy with regard to the Western Balkans.
 Permit me to stress that the facts are clear. All
benefit from expansion: old and new members, as well

09-52470 4

as potential members of the EU. This goes beyond our
wildest dreams, even at a time of economic challenges
and political demoralization. That is because the values
that unite us are strong and just.
(spoke in English)
 In that context, let me underline the necessity of
strengthening regional cooperation. In June, Serbia
hosted 15 heads of State during the Central European
Summit, whose main topic was the interdependence of
the economy, EU integration and energy. That
demonstrated our commitment to acting constructively
and working closely together with neighbouring
countries to ensure that regional peace is consolidated.
 With regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia is
a guarantor of the Dayton Agreement. Let there be no
doubt that we will remain committed to the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of that neighbouring country, as
we will to those of all other United Nations Member
States in the region and across the world.
 In short, as the strategic anchor of stability in the
Western Balkans, Serbia will invest even greater efforts
in completing the democratic transformation of our
part of Europe.
 Serbia’s robust European vision is complemented
by our strong determination to pursue a carefully
balanced, artfully executed and active foreign policy
aimed at engagement with nations throughout the
world, near and far. That is in our long-term interest
and will not change. Therefore, our engagement with
Brussels, Moscow, Washington and Beijing — the four
enduring pillars of Serbia’s foreign policy — will
continue to be strengthened in the time ahead.
 In conclusion, I want to emphasize another
important dimension of our foreign policy. Serbia will
continue to deepen ties with proud nations across the
globe, many of which are members of the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM). My country is the largest successor
to a founding member of the Movement. Serbia’s
capital, Belgrade, was the site of the first NAM
summit, held in 1961. That is why I have proposed that
the fiftieth anniversary of the Non-Aligned Movement
be celebrated in Belgrade with an extraordinary
summit under the auspices of the Egyptian
chairmanship.
 Let me emphasize that Serbia will continue to
engage with NAM countries, not only to honour a
legacy from the past and to renew traditional
friendships, but also because we believe that
international stability and prosperity cannot be
consolidated without taking into account the views of
the majority in the global family of nations.
 I close by saying that the time for anyone to
procrastinate, to try half-measures or to delay and
discourage is coming to a close. In its place, we are
entering a period in which only results matter — a
period of consequence and momentous choice. Now
comes our time of testing.
 Our vision is simple: the universal application of
the principles contained in the United Nations Charter,
the strengthening of international law and human rights
in an increasingly interdependent world, the equitable
development of the global economy and the sustainable
management of the environment throughout the world.
Let us all have the courage to see that vision through to
its rapid and noble completion.


Allow me to congratulate the fraternal Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya and you personally, Mr. President, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
this session. I wish you success in your endeavours,
and succeed you will, given your vast experience and
competence.
 I also extend our deep appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, for
successfully steering the work of the sixty-third
session; I recognize his positive stand vis-à-vis the
fundamental issues with which the international
community is seized. I also wish the Secretary-General
every success in his undertakings as he seeks to fulfil
the purposes and principles of our international
Organization.
 We come here every year and stress from this
very rostrum, as do many others, that the Middle East
is one of the most tense regions of the world and that
the situation is extremely ominous. From this very
rostrum, most speakers stress that a just and
comprehensive peace is an urgent requirement for the
realization of the interests of all parties in the region
and the world at large. However, paying lip service to
the need for peace is obviously different from working
for peace. Actions inside and outside the region have
spoken louder than words, and peace has remained
elusive for years.
 During that time, Israel waged two devastating
wars against Lebanon and Gaza. It had no qualms
about committing internationally prohibited acts or
breaching international law, encouraged and protected
by the Administration of former United States
President Bush. To date, Israel continues to impose a
stifling siege on Gaza, in contravention of the most
basic humanitarian principles and tenets of
international humanitarian law. These facts have been
confirmed by many investigations, and were most
recently published in the report of the United Nations
Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict. The head
of the Mission concluded that Israel had committed
grave violations of human rights law, and international
humanitarian law, including war crimes and possibly
crimes against humanity.
 The international approach to the Middle East
question has changed in previous years. Addressing
this issue has become a priority, and has been followed
by immediate action on the ground. This is certainly
reassuring. It is our sincere hope that these efforts will
bear fruit. But the engagement by the new United
States Administration, the members of the Security
Council, the European Union, the Organization for the
Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement
has been continuously confronted with Israeli measures
and positions that ignore the most basic underpinnings
of the peace process. Israel defies the policies of its
friends and allies and undermines their will. Israel also
challenges the will of the overwhelming majority — if
not the entirety — of the international community.
Perhaps more than ever before, Israel has now revealed
its true colours: an entity that has enshrined racism,
aggression and tension-building while balking at peace
and repudiating the advocates of peace.
 Israel refuses to freeze illegitimate settlement
building and is thus in breach of its obligations under
international law. Israel continues to confiscate
Palestinian land, build the apartheid wall, Judaize
Jerusalem, expel inhabitants from their homes and
bring in settlers to replace them. This list is in no way
exhaustive. These facts are substantiated by figures
but, in the interest of time, we shall not dwell on them
in detail. Suffice it to say that the two-State solution
advocated by the international community has been
rejected by the Israeli Government. The Israeli Prime
Minister’s comments on the subject are sheer tactical
manoeuvres that are contradicted entirely by the
policies pursued by his Government on the ground.
 President Bashar Al-Assad has said that peace is
antithetical to occupation. Peace and occupation cannot
coexist. He stressed that we in Syria seek a just and
comprehensive peace and that peace is our strategic
choice. It is a choice based on the implementation of
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973), the Madrid terms of reference, the principle of
land for peace and the Arab Peace Initiative. We have
supported every effort aimed at achieving this goal. To
that end, we entered into indirect talks with Israel
through Turkish mediation and sought to arrive at
common ground that would ultimately enable us to
launch direct negotiations. But the absence of genuine
political will to make peace and the war of aggression
that the Israeli Government waged against Gaza
brought this pursuit to a halt.

25 09-52598

 In full view of the world and in defiance of its
unanimous will, Israel has chosen to be a rejectionist
State. It has chosen to challenge the international
community. This is a dangerous position and a stance
that threatens peace and security in the region. The
continued occupation, the Judaization of Jerusalem, the
intensification of settlement activities and the racist
slogans presage serious consequences for the world.
The world must not succumb to the dictates of Israeli
extremists. It must not allow Israel to persist in its
violation of international law and its defiance of
international will and decisions.
 Brotherly Iraq continues to bleed. The situation in
Iraq is a cause for serious concern to us as a
neighbouring Arab country. We have continuously
stressed the urgency of preserving the unity of Iraq’s
territory and people while guaranteeing its sovereignty
and safeguarding its independence and its Arab-Islamic
identity. To that end, it is urgent to build Iraqi national
unity on the basis of national reconciliation, which
must include Iraqis of all stripes. Iraqi national unity is
the cornerstone of the reconciliation process, but it will
remain elusive unless the necessary conditions for
national reconciliation are achieved.
 We have continuously condemned all aggressive
acts that claim the lives of innocent victims in Iraq. We
have also repeatedly called for the withdrawal of all
foreign troops from Iraq and for the restoration of full
Iraqi independence and sovereignty. We have stressed
our readiness to facilitate that withdrawal by extending
our cooperation in maintaining security in Iraq. It is
our hope that Iraqis will soon be able to arrive, through
constructive dialogue, at solutions that firmly support
Iraq’s unity, strength and prosperity while remaining
fully dedicated and loyal to the unity of the land of Iraq
and its people.
 Syria has been dedicated to strengthening
bilateral Syrian-Iraqi relations in all their aspects. We
established a bilateral council for strategic cooperation
in various fields. We were distressed by the recent
“Bloody Wednesday” terrorist bombings in Baghdad,
which we strongly condemn. But we were surprised to
hear, days later, accusations levelled at us —
accusations devoid of any truth — implying that we
harboured those suspected of masterminding those
bombings. These claims and the ensuing developments
are extremely unfortunate and cannot serve the
interests of Iraq or Syria.
 We are open to suggestions on how to solve the
current crisis by demanding that real evidence be made
available to substantiate those claims. This has not yet
been done. We stress that protecting the Iraqi people
and safeguarding their interests is one of our priorities.
We are also keen to safeguard the fraternal relations
between the Iraqi and Syrian peoples and express our
satisfaction at the current efforts of Turkey and the
Secretary-General of the League of Arab States.
 We have followed with grave concern the recent
developments in Yemen. We hope that security will
ultimately prevail. We support Yemen’s unity, stability
and the prosperity of its people.
 Attempts to undermine the Sudan’s unity and to
compromise its security and sovereignty are also a
cause of concern for us. We fully support the Sudan
and its leadership and stress the need to create
favourable conditions conducive to a settlement of all
pending issues. In that regard, we appreciate the efforts
made by the State of Qatar in cooperation with the
League of Arab States and the African Union.
 Another cause for concern is the events unfolding
in Somalia, a country already afflicted by war and
internal strife. We call on our brothers there to work for
national reconciliation and to use dialogue as a means
of settling their differences. We urge them to work
towards the unity of Somalia, which as the supreme
national interest should take precedence over any other
consideration, and to lay the foundations for security
and stability in their country.
 We support the efforts of the African Union to
settle the existing conflicts that continue to plague
some parts of the African continent, to achieve
development in the countries of Africa and to promote
the African role in the international system.
 We also renew our call for the lifting of the
blockade imposed on Cuba for more than half a
century.
 For years, Syria has been calling for the
establishment of a zone free of all weapons of mass
destruction in the Middle East region. To this end,
Syria tabled a draft resolution before the Security
Council in 2003 calling for the establishment of such a
zone. Today Syria stresses the need for Israel to
commit to complying with the resolution of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) adopted
on 18 September of this year regarding Israeli nuclear

09-52598 26

capabilities (GC(53)/RES/17), in which the Agency
called upon Israel to place its nuclear facilities under
comprehensive IAEA safeguards and to accede to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). We recall once again the right of all States to
acquire nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, as
guaranteed by the NPT. We fully support constructive
dialogue as a means to settle all differences.
 The world is still reeling from a crippling
economic and financial crisis that has adversely
affected the economic and social conditions of most
countries of the world. Very few countries, if any, have
been spared its devastating effects. This crisis led many
to question its root causes, shedding light on the
deficiencies in the financial system and its practices
and thus highlighting the sound practices that could
have prevented the crisis. The world cannot deal with
the crisis as a fait accompli. We must seek answers and
outcomes that endorse sound practices and remedy
systemic imbalances that are bound to affect us all in
the globalized world in which we live. Our common
goal is to establish a more secure economic and
financial world order.
 It goes without saying that the countries of the
South have disparate economies and are comparatively
more disadvantaged and adversely affected by the
current crisis than those of the North. The world’s poor
end up paying a higher price for a breakdown that is
not of their making. Rich States are therefore duty
bound to provide all forms of support to poorer
countries to help them overcome this crisis. Poor
countries have earned this support, and any positive
results that it generates will serve the interests of poor
and rich countries alike. We also call for the increased
participation of developing countries in the work of the
Group of 20, which would enable them to put forward
proposals and advance appropriate responses to
overcome the crisis.
 We and many others have often called for an
enhanced and reinvigorated role for the United Nations
in order to build a better, more just and more secure
world. We believe that the present moment is
auspicious. We therefore call on all Member States to
work seriously to ensure compliance with the Charter
of our international Organization and to introduce the
necessary reforms in order to promote it, learning from
the lessons of past decades and from our achievements
and failures. We sincerely look forward to a world
governed by respect for international law in which
security, stability and prosperity reign supreme.


At the outset, allow me to congratulate
Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, Minister of African Union
Affairs of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, on his
unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. We are convinced
that, guided by his Government’s adherence to the
principles of national independence and sovereignty,
the primacy of the values of the human individual, the
maintenance of international peace and security, and
the economic development of all countries, and with
his well-known diplomatic skills, he will contribute to
the good management of the Assembly and to ensuring
that the United Nations achieves the universal
objectives of peace, stability and global development.
 We also express our thanks to Mr. Miguel
d’Escoto Brockmann, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the Republic of Nicaragua, for his outstanding work at

09-52228 28

the sixty-third session, at a time when the world was
shaken by an acute financial and economic crisis the
consequences of which have fomented instability and
threatened peace in various regions of the world.
 Mr. Singh Puri (India), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
 Amid this climate of insecurity, the food and
global energy crises, natural disasters and climate
change that threaten the sustainability of the global
ecology, the work of the Secretary-General, as the
coordinator of the activities of our Organization, has
been far from easy. We therefore commend Mr. Ban
Ki-moon for his efforts to address those issues and
offer him our full support and cooperation so that his
actions can be implemented without delay.
 In taking the floor to address this international
forum, I wish first and foremost to express our
gratitude for this renewed opportunity to share our
thoughts, experience and common concerns for the
modern world. It is timely indeed that the Secretary-
General has dedicated the sixty-fourth session of the
General Assembly to the topic of effective responses to
the current global economic and financial crisis in
order to analyse its causes and adopt policies and
strategies that will enable States to mitigate the
negative consequences of the crisis, which are having
an increasingly debilitating impact on economically
weak countries in particular.
 Following the end of the cold war and the
disappearance of the bipolar and antagonistic world
that emerged from the Second World War, it became
clear that a more globalized, united and integrated era
had dawned among nations that would result in greater
justice, solidarity and integration in international
exchanges and relations. Mutual respect for cultural
specificities remains the fundamental basis for
international cooperation, an association of shared
responsibilities, mutual respect and equitable mutual
benefit. That has been the guiding ideal of the United
Nations since its inception. Its efforts to create a world
of peace, development and well-being for humankind
have followed this aim for the sixty-plus years of its
history.
 Yet the gap between developed and developing
countries has only widened, in spite of the numerous
resolutions, decisions and recommendations that have
been adopted to promote the equality of political,
economic, social and cultural rights; the global
development of humanity; the replacement of the old
economic order with a new, more just and equitable
system; the provision of financial assistance to the
most vulnerable countries; the liberalization of global
trade; and in spite of the many other measures  adopted
at special summits.
 Yet, despite all this, global achievement of the
United Nations Millennium Development Goals has
fallen short by  20 per cent. We can see that,
unfortunately, egoism and the desire to dominate
remain the driving force in international relations.
Inevitably, without a multilateralism that respects the
criterion of partnership based on mutual respect for
shared responsibilities and reciprocal and equitable
interests, the global political, economic and social
balance is undermined. Inevitably, unless this
partnership is based on respect for the cultural values
of every nation, a new cold or hot war is bound to
break out between poor countries and rich countries.
 The Republic of Equatorial Guinea welcomes the
timeliness of this debate, since in the middle of this
unprecedented global crisis we can all redefine our
positions on the subject of global development. Here,
in New York in 2009, we must resolve these problems
so that the current causes of a misery and
conflictiveness driven by the wealthy countries to the
detriment of the poor or economically fragile countries
no longer justify this new and absurd bipolarization —
when, despite everything, humankind has assimilated
the supremacy of the values that make up the human
individual.
 What kind of morality is it when some States
enjoy economic abundance, while others suffer in
misery, marginalization and desolation?
 Accordingly, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea
calls for new global approaches that will enhance the
capacity of developing countries to contribute
politically and economically and will allow a
coexistence that safeguards the political and economic
interests of all countries.
 We can no longer continue on the path that we are
on. We can no longer continue on this irrational and
irresponsible path. We must consider matters calmly in
order to adopt positive attitudes that effectively support
the original philosophy of the United Nations, a
philosophy that conceived of a united world where
human beings, regardless of race, culture or level of

29 09-52228

civilization, are recognized as human beings, in both
the North and the South.
 Thus, there can be no justification for theories of
globalization of policies unless they respect the
cultural plurality that characterizes the peoples of the
world. There can be no discrimination or exclusion.
Intercultural dialogue must strengthen this community
of nations with a view to achieving a coexistence that
is conducive to learning from one another for the
mutual benefit of us all.
 Equatorial Guinea conceives of its development
as the outcome of coordinated action between national
effort and international cooperation. We rule out
discrimination of any kind for reasons of political,
economic or cultural system in the case of any country
or international organization, provided that the latter
respects our country’s independence, national
sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peace and free
exercise of the sovereignty of the people, the right to
the free utilization of our natural resources, the
maintenance of friendly relations and cooperation for
reciprocal benefit, and respect for the cultural values of
the people.
 Through its application of these principles,
Equatorial Guinea enjoys excellent ties of friendship,
cooperation and good neighbourliness with all
countries in Central Africa. We accept economic
cooperation with countries of all ideological beliefs,
from the East to the West and from the North to the
South. This is part of our contribution to global peace
and balance.
 As a result, our oil and other resources contribute
not only to the development of our European partners,
but also to that of Africa, America and Asia. This being
said, we are constantly amazed by the conflictiveness,
suspicion and envy that these oil resources arouse in a
number of countries, these same resources that we have
made freely available to the international community.
We witnessed this first-hand when Equatorial Guinea
was the victim of mercenary-led invasions, terrorist
attacks and plans for political destabilization, whose
clear aim was to gain illegal access to resources which
belong solely to the people of Equatorial Guinea.
 We wish to emphasize that Equatorial Guinea is a
peaceful country without ambitions to acquire territory
or engage in political hegemony and without policies
designed to jeopardize peace or stability in other States
and nations. We reaffirm our commitment to the
principles of the United Nations Charter and the
Charter of the African Union with regard to the
maintenance of peaceful relations, the rejection of
violence and the peaceful resolution of disputes
through dialogue, mediation and, where necessary,
recourse to international tribunals.
 Global peace is the universal right of all and an
indispensable prerequisite for the survival of
humankind. It is non-negotiable, not to be traded with
any public or private interest, and is so fragile that it
can be shattered when injustices affecting a State or a
community of States are committed. Therefore, we are
addressing the situation caused by the global economic
crisis, which, without a doubt, has had repercussions in
individual States of the international community, each
at different levels and each with the potential to affect
global peace. We have witnessed examples of such
consequences in the recent conflicts that have engulfed
various States in the world today. Yet, this noble world
Organization was created for peace.
 It is for the sake of maintaining peace and world
stability that we all meet here every year. It is also for
the sake of peace and stability that we must be careful
not to the let the attitudes of some countries or groups
of countries foster, out of whatever ambitions or
selfishness they have, continuing injustices that have
created the crisis in international relations.
 With best wishes for a world abundant in peace
and happiness, I wish every success to this sixty-fourth
session of the General Assembly.


At this moment in time,
major economic and environmental challenges are
giving rise to increasing global concerns and impacting
people all over this planet. To meet those challenges
effectively, we need, more than ever, a dynamic and
proactive multilateral system. We need the United
Nations to provide global answers to global challenges.
 In less than three months, we will meet again in
Copenhagen to seal the deal on climate change. The
effects of climate change are increasingly felt all over
the world, not least in developing countries, and the
whole world is looking to us for answers. And answers
we must provide — new directions for the future,
transformational changes in the way we do business
and a new paradigm for growth and development. In
this respect, I do welcome the leadership of the
Secretary-General as demonstrated by his call for a
Summit on Climate Change a few days ago and by his
concluding remarks on that occasion.
 The message is clear: we must act now to avoid
potentially disastrous changes in the global climate.
The focus in Copenhagen three months from now will
be on three deliverables. First, we must agree on a
common goal for a significant reduction in global
carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions and we must set clear
targets for both medium and longer term. Secondly, we
must agree on a pathway towards achieving these
targets. And, thirdly, we must set in motion the policies
and measures to sustain our efforts on that pathway.
 Reducing CO2 emissions is a challenge for
industrialized countries, emerging economies and
developing countries alike. There is no contradiction
between economic growth and ambitious policies to
address climate change. Pursuing a green economy is
possible, as shown by the example of, among others,
my own country. And, in this context, it is also
important to keep in mind the security risks emanating
from climate change in all parts of the world. I
welcome the Secretary-General’s recent report on this
issue entitled “Climate change and its possible security
implications” (A/64/350), and look forward to further
deliberations on this topic.
 The ongoing financial and economic crisis is
reversing hard-won progress in developing countries
striving to achieve the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). The international community must assist the
poorest of those countries in mitigating the immediate
effects of the crisis, while at the same time ensuring
that we do not lose sight of the longer-term challenges
in relation to the MDGs and the climate change
agenda. There is an imminent risk that the economic
crisis will lead to the overall stagnation — or even the
reduction — of official development assistance. That is
a challenge we must counter and overcome, and it is
more crucial than ever that all donors speed up delivery
on their aid commitments.

31 09-53165

 African countries, in particular, are facing
significant obstacles in their efforts to achieve the
MDGs. As recommended by the Africa Commission
and the MDG3 Global Call to Action, both initiated by
the Government of Denmark, there is a need to focus
strongly on employment for young people, economic
empowerment of women and private sector-led
economic growth. Renewed focus on those policy areas
will also be essential in coping with the economic
crisis and its impact on the continent.
 As we embark on the final stage towards 2015,
the upcoming 2010 MDG Summit gives us an
important opportunity to identify means to speed up
achievement of the MDGs. Denmark looks forward to
this occasion and is ready to engage actively in the
process.
 In an increasingly globalized and dynamic world,
where the problems we face tend to become ever more
complex and intertwined, it is important to treasure and
uphold the principles and the objectives enshrined in
the Charter of the United Nations: to promote and
encourage respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms for all; to establish conditions under which
justice and respect for international obligations can be
maintained; and to promote social progress and better
standards of living.
 States must protect their own populations, and
States must be accountable to the global community. In
that context, I welcome the recent debate held in this
Hall on the responsibility to protect, which showed
overwhelming support for the concept on the part of
Member States. It bodes well for our continued
deliberations on that issue.
 I should also like to use this opportunity to
encourage all United Nations Members that have not
yet done so to become States parties to the
International Criminal Court. There should be no
impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious
international crimes.
 Among the most serious present dangers to peace
and security is the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and their means of delivery. The upcoming
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is of utmost
importance. The meeting of the Security Council on
24 September, headed by President Obama (see
S/PV.6191), provided ample evidence. We welcome the
negotiations between the United States and Russia on
reductions to follow up on the Treaty on Strategic
Offensive Arms, and we welcome President Obama’s
commitment to the ratification of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, both of which will have a
positive impact on the NPT Review Conference.
 I should like to take the opportunity to call on
Iran and the Democratic People’ s Republic of Korea to
comply with their obligations to suspend enrichment
activities and to start negotiations on transparent
civilian nuclear programmes, as set forth in Security
Council resolutions.
 The election in Afghanistan was far from perfect.
We need to engage with the new Government to create
the crucial legitimacy between the Afghan Government
and the Afghan people. The new Afghan compact to be
built is that between the Government and the people,
and our role should be to strengthen that compact and
hold the Government accountable. In terms of the role
of the international community, we need to be better
coordinated and more effective in our support for
building the capacity of the Afghan Government. In
this the United Nations and the United Nations
Assistance Mission in Afghanistan play a crucial role.
 In neighbouring Pakistan, the international
community and the Friends of Democratic Pakistan
must seize the opportunity to support the democratic
Government in fighting poverty and extremism. We
must help Pakistan build a stable, democratic and
prosperous State. This would be a significant
contribution to peace and development in South Asia. I
warmly welcome the efforts of the Government to fight
terrorism, while, at the same time, it tries to alleviate
the hardship experienced by Pakistan’s internally
displaced persons (IDPs). It is a positive development
that so many IDPs have returned. Now, a full and fast
implementation of the Malakand development strategy
is important.
 The deadlock in the Middle East peace process
and the high level of regional tensions demand new
international efforts to promote stability and peace in
the region. We are encouraged to see the enhanced
American engagement in the Middle East, and we urge
all in the region and all parties to the Middle East
conflict to honour the Road Map commitments, move
speedily ahead and, once and for all, settle their
differences in accordance with the international
agreements and the Arab Peace Initiative. Furthermore,
Denmark is in favour of expanding the mandate of the

09-53165 32

Quartet to include a regional dimension. Also, the
Syrian and Lebanese peace tracks should feature
permanently on the agenda of the Quartet.
 Pirates operating in the Indian Ocean and the
Gulf of Aden off the coast of Somalia are a security
challenge that poses new legal challenges. Denmark
has taken the lead in the international community’s
work to identify practical and legal solutions so as to
ensure the prosecution of suspected pirates. We
welcome the increasingly active involvement of the
United Nations in that issue.
 In that respect, we have to remember that what is
taking place on the open sea is closely linked to the
situation on the ground in Somalia. Bringing security
and stability to the Somalis is of the highest priority,
and Denmark supports the efforts of the United Nations
and the African Union, and the Djibouti process.
 The United Nations itself must be able to change
in order to effectively meet and deliver on all those
new challenges. It is important to keep up momentum
in the intergovernmental negotiations on reform of the
Security Council in order to adapt that key body to the
world of today. The United Nations peacekeeping
commitments continue to play a decisive role in global
peace and security, with now more than 100,000
peacekeepers deployed in nearly 20 missions globally.
However, the immense growth and the demand for
strengthening the capacity to manage and to sustain
those peacekeeping operations have revealed shortfalls
pertaining to the decision-making processes and the
engagements themselves. Denmark, therefore, warmly
supports recent initiatives that would enable us to meet
the growing demands with a system in place that is
more effective, more transparent and more
accountable.
 Security is a precondition to programme delivery.
Some degree of risk cannot be avoided, but the
challenge is to mitigate it. Denmark, therefore,
supports the continuing overhaul of security
assessments and procedures. However, the situation in
a country after the end of a conflict is also often
extremely volatile. There is a need to ensure quick,
effective and efficient support in post-conflict
situations and to strengthen peacebuilding efforts. The
United Nations is uniquely suited to lead those efforts,
and we welcome the strong emphasis on that issue and
look forward to the review of the peacebuilding
architecture next year.
 The work of the United Nations in the area of
gender, women’ s rights and development has for too
long been fragmented and underfunded. In that light,
the recent decision by the General Assembly in
resolution 63/311 to create a new gender entity within
the United Nations is of great significance. We will
support the Secretary-General in every possible way in
his efforts to ensure the swift establishment of such an
entity. The rapid creation of a new gender entity will
represent a milestone in the important work of
reforming the United Nations system.
 All United Nations entities, funds and
programmes and the Secretariat need to act more
coherently. On the operational side, we strongly
support the “delivering as one” initiative which seeks
to base the various parts of the system on a common
understanding of needs and priorities and with full
country ownership of the joint programme. It is a
collective responsibility and an opportunity to
comprehensively pursue that agenda. More effective
and efficient ways of working system-wide are
important; therefore, harmonization of the
Organization’ s business practices must be accelerated
across the system.
 The President returned to the Chair.
 Multilateral cooperation is the best means of
maintaining international peace and security and of
responding to the challenges, risks and opportunities in
an interdependent and globalized world. This
Organization holds great legitimacy and moral force,
and we encourage the United Nations — Member
States, the entire organizational system and the
Secretariat — to seize the moment and take the lead in
addressing the new global challenges. An ambitious
and successful outcome to the upcoming fifteenth
session of the Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in
Copenhagen in December would be a significant step
in that direction.


At the
outset, on behalf of the Guinean delegation, which I
have the honour of leading, I would like to pass on to
the President, Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, Secretary of
African Union Affairs of the Great Socialist People’s
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, the congratulations of the
Guinean people and Government on his brilliant
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixty-fourth session. I would also like to convey the

09-52604 20

congratulations of Captain Moussa Dadis Camara,
President of the Republic, Head of State, President of
the National Council for Democracy and Development
and Commander-in-Chief of the Guinean armed forces.
 My delegation is convinced that because
Mr. Treki is a seasoned diplomat, our work will be
crowned with success. We assure him of our full
cooperation. I would also like to tell his predecessor,
Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, how much my
delegation appreciates his wisdom and the devotion
with which he led the work of the Assembly at its
sixty-third session. The Republic of Guinea salutes the
remarkable work that Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
has accomplished at the helm of our Organization in
favour of peace, development and prosperity in the
world.
 Mrs. Gallardo Hernández (El Salvador),
Vice-President, took the Chair.
 On 23 December 2008, all the people of Guinea
enthusiastically welcomed the arrival of the National
Council for Democracy and Development, the CNDD.
Guinean armed forces decided to take the destiny of
the country into their hands after the death of President
Lansana Conté on 22 December 2008 in order to avoid
the social implosion that would have damaged peace,
security, stability, unity and harmonious development
in the country.
 Poor political and economic governance and its
related effects of corruption, impunity, the
consumption of and trafficking in drugs, the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons,
organized crime and the abdication of republican
institutions had considerably weakened the authority of
the State. The National Council for Democracy and
Development, faithful to its commitments, has
undertaken specific actions, the results of which are
encouraging.
 Such actions include, inter alia, the preparation of
a timetable for transition, designed and accepted by all
parties involved on the basis of a participatory and
inclusive dialogue, which should lead to democratic,
free and transparent elections with a view to returning
to constitutional order. There is also the fight against
drugs and narcotics, against the embezzlement of
public funds, organized crime and other social ills.
Additionally, there will be a special programme to
meet the basic needs of the population, including water
and electricity, as well as the beginning of reform of
the security and defence sectors.
 In this context, the National Council for
Democracy and Development enjoys a close working
relationship with national stakeholders. This synergy of
activities has allowed for the establishment of an ad
hoc committee that has evaluated and revised the
transition timetable. Following the new timetable, the
presidential elections will be held in January 2010 and
the legislative elections in March of that year. In
parallel, a relationship of trust and cooperation has
been established with the International Contact Group
on Guinea, whose mission is to accompany this process
of transition.
 The CNDD and the Government attach particular
importance to the fight against drugs and narcotics in
our country, which, unfortunately, in recent years has
become one of the hubs of this trade in West Africa.
The recent discovery of toxic substances and
underground laboratories in certain towns of our
country illustrates the seriousness of the situation. The
bold operations undertaken by the new authorities have
led to arrests within the highest echelons of the
security and defence forces and the civil service.
 The Republic of Guinea is seeking the support of
the international community in this stabilization effort.
We call for the application of the Political Declaration
and Plan of Action on International Cooperation
towards an Integrated and Balanced Strategy to
Counter the World Drug Problem adopted by the
Commission on Narcotic Drugs at its fifty-second
session, held in Vienna in March 2009.
 The Guinean Government has also carried out
activities to bring ethical management to the handling
of public finances. In this area, audits have revealed
many cases of financial misappropriation at high levels
within the State. The funds recovered so far have been
used to partially finance the programme to provide
water and electricity for all, launched by the CNDD to
improve the living conditions of the population. My
delegation renews its call to development partners for
increased material, financial and technical support
during the period of transition in Guinea.
 On behalf of the CNDD and the President of the
Republic, His Excellency Captain Moussa Dadis
Camara, the Guinean Government expresses its
profound gratitude to all those who support its efforts
in the framework of a peaceful, consensual and

21 09-52604

successful transition. The Guinean authorities wish to
thank all those who have shown their goodwill, in
particular the leader of the Libyan Revolution and His
Majesty the King of Morocco, as well as Their
Excellencies the Presidents of Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire,
Burkina Faso, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Mali, for
everything they have done in favour of unity,
reconciliation and stability in Guinea. The Guinean
authorities also express their thanks to all leaders from
Africa and elsewhere who have been prepared to
provide various kinds of help to ensure the historic and
exemplary success of the transition process in our
country.
 The agenda of the Assembly’s present session
includes several recurrent questions, real challenges to
the construction of a new world order founded on
justice, solidarity and sustainable development.
Realizing these aspirations remains dependent on the
international community fulfilling its commitments to
developing countries, which are bearing the brunt of
the global economic and financial crisis. This is yet
more necessary because, despite the progress that has
been made in the fight against pandemics, illiteracy
and extreme poverty, immense efforts are still needed
for the full and harmonious achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
 Therefore, the establishment of a partnership that
prioritizes the development of Africa through
substantial increases in aid and investment flows is
clearly indispensable. The question of foreign debt,
which seriously compromises our efforts to eradicate
poverty, merits particular attention. Furthermore, the
low prices we receive for basic commodities, together
with the unpredictability of nature, the harmful effects
of human activity on the environment and climate
change, all contribute to rendering African economies
fragile and lead to precarious agricultural and food
production.
 With regard to peace and security, significant
progress has been made in the prevention and
resolution of conflicts. However, areas of tension still
exist here and there, with the associated loss of human
life, unspeakable suffering, destruction of property and
flows of refugees and displaced persons.
 In Africa, the peace and reconciliation process at
the national level is making progress, thanks to
concerted actions on the part of the African Union and
subregional organizations, supported by the international
community, despite human rights violations and bad
economic and political governance. In the Mano River
basin, the success of the vigorous peacebuilding
measures in Sierra Leone and Liberia gives us cause for
comfort and hope. Through the implementation of the
Ouagadougou Political Agreement, Côte d’Ivoire is
consolidating its reunification and is in the process of
organizing free elections. The Republic of Guinea
supports this process.
 Elsewhere on the continent, the successful
holding of presidential elections in Guinea-Bissau and
Mauritania augurs well for a new era, conducive to
national reconciliation, peace, stability and progress. In
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the United
Nations, the African Union and neighbouring countries
are engaged in a dialogue that will without a doubt lead
to the re-establishment of peace in the east of the
country, which is a yardstick for stability, security and
development in the Great Lakes region.
 With regard to Somalia and the situation in
Darfur, the international community must step up its
efforts alongside the African Union in order to bring
about a rapid and durable political solution.
 Regarding the Western Sahara, while we welcome
the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special
Envoy, my country welcomes the Moroccan initiative
for the negotiation of an autonomous status for the
Sahara region. We urge the parties concerned to find a
mutually acceptable political outcome to this dispute.
 With regard to the Middle East, Guinea remains
convinced that solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
necessarily requires a comprehensive solution, leading
to the creation of an independent, sovereign and viable
Palestinian State living side by side and in peace with
Israel within secure and internationally recognized
borders, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of
the Security Council and the road map of the Quartet.
The international community has a duty to ensure that
this comes about.
 In Asia, Guinea reaffirms its commitment to the
principle of one China and to the peaceful reunification
of the Korean peninsula.
 Terrorist acts are proliferating throughout the
world, indiscriminately affecting innocent victims,
including women, children and the elderly. Those
forms of barbarism and intolerance must be condemned
in no uncertain terms. My delegation welcomes the

09-52604 22

adoption by the United Nations of the United Nations
Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. We remain in
favour of developing a comprehensive international
convention against terrorism and hope that
consultations on this issue will continue in a spirit of
full cooperation.
 My country continues to pay great attention to
international efforts in the area of disarmament and
weapons control. We express our support for the
banning and total destruction of nuclear, biological and
chemical weapons, as well as the eradication of the
trade in fissile materials. In Africa, the illicit and
uncontrolled circulation of small arms and light
weapons is a source of instability for States and of
insecurity for the population. The Economic
Community of West African States has adopted a
convention on this issue with the objective of
establishing a climate of peace through a framework
for cooperation between member States for the
systematic control and elimination of these weapons,
which fuel civil wars. The success of this programme
requires the commitment of all member States and the
support of bilateral and multilateral partners.
 The world finds itself facing a grave and
unprecedented financial and economic crisis. Africa
has not been spared the contagious effects of this crisis.
The report of the Secretary-General details how our
continent has seen setbacks in such crucial areas as
economic growth, agricultural development, the
eradication of poverty and the implementation of the
Millennium Development Goals.
 The time has come to rethink the international
financial architecture in order to adapt it to the realities
of the twenty-first century in terms of its representation
of Member States and its working methods, as well as
the equitable distribution of resources.
 Innovative initiatives are essential in the areas of
trade, official development assistance, debt alleviation,
technology transfer and financing for developing
countries in general and least developed countries in
particular to enable them to benefit as much as possible
from globalization. In that context, the commitments
made at Monterrey, Johannesburg, Doha, London and
Pittsburgh within the framework of the Group of 20 are
grounds for hope. It is important that the Doha Round
negotiations swiftly lead to an agreement on measures
to promote development and put an end to abject
poverty.
 My country attaches the greatest importance to
increasing and improving official development
assistance and making it more predictable and more
aligned with national priorities, in accordance with the
Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness.
 Guinea welcomes the progress made in
implementing the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Debt
Initiative. Given the debt burden, we urge donors to
work to strengthen resources and national and
international capacities to support the strategies put in
place to make the requirements for reaching its
completion point more flexible.
 The international community must fully support
the implementation of the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development, which commits the continent to
developing infrastructure and promoting human rights,
the rule of law, democracy and the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
 The problems related to climate change have
drawn the attention of all States because of the threat
that phenomenon poses to humanity. Guinea, which
occupies a central place in the implementation of
policies and strategies for sustainable development and
the restoration of ecological balances in West Africa, is
aware of the seriousness of the situation and the urgent
need for action. My delegation strongly calls for
concerted and courageous international action to put an
end to the paradox wherein countries and populations
that have contributed least to global warming are
suffering its most serious consequences. We hope that
the forthcoming Copenhagen summit will meet the
great expectations of humanity.
 In addition, particular attention must be accorded
the problems related to migratory flows and the many
issues underlying them. It is only by promoting
effective solidarity that we will be able to manage
migratory flows.
 Today’s world is beset by swift, complex and
profound changes. Peace, development and the
interdependence of nations remain undeniable realities
and factors essential for a prosperous world of
solidarity. Therefore, multilateralism is the only viable
alternative for addressing the global challenges facing
humanity. My delegation remains convinced that the
present session will further strengthen the role and the
activities of our universal Organization in the defence
of just causes.