I should like first to congratulate Mr. Paul Lusakamost warmly on his election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His profound knowledge of the workings of this world Organization will, I am sure, exercise a favourable influence on our debates and improve their effectiveness. The presence at the head of this Assembly of an eminent African personality will serve to focus our attention on the critical economic situation facing many countries of Africa following the droughts and other natural disasters which have afflicted the continent over the last few years, and will also underline the urgent need for the international community to provide assistance based on strength and solidarity.
326.	It is a pleasure for me to reaffirm once again our confidence in the Secretary General, whose discreet and persevering efforts to bring about reconciliation at the international level deserve admiration, recognition and gratitude. At a time when the satisfactory settlement of conflicts and critical situations is encountering growing difficulties in the international forums created especially to resolve them, the initiatives of the Secretary General when it is a question of bringing parties closer together and creating a climate of understanding between them assume major importance. This action inevitably and necessarily rules out the publicity which accompanies public debate. Thus I feel it is essential to encourage the Secretary General to continue unswervingly along the path he has followed since he has been at the head of this Organization. I should like to congratulate him on the commitment he has obtained from Iraq and Iran to cease attacks on purely civilian targets, a commitment which is apparently being respected. I hope that the new efforts which the Secretary General has undertaken this summer to solve the problem of Cyprus will soon bear fruit, and I make an urgent appeal to the two communities of the island to cooperate faithfully with him.
327.	I should like to address a warm welcome to the delegation of Brunei Darussalam, which has just joined the United Nations.
328.	The balance sheet of the international situation, which we review here each year at the beginning of the General Assembly session, once again hardly gives grounds for euphoria or optimism.
329.	Military confrontations, open or covert conflicts and the critical tensions that have affected various regions of our planet for years, and in some cases for many years, persist, frequently with increased savagery. The use of force and the threat of the use of force are increasing.
330.	In many countries the most elementary human rights, which have long been dearly defined in universally recognized international instruments, continue to be ignored or even flouted with impunity.
331.	Despite some encouraging signs, the economic recovery remains uncertain. Monetary disorder, the financial crisis and, in particular, international indebtedness are worsening. As usual, the most impoverished countries are the worst affected.
332.	The bodies whose mandate it is to ensure that the principles of the Charter of the United Nations are respected and that its purposes are achieved seem incapable of halting this trend and shouldering their responsibilities. Confronted with a worsening situation, hope is giving way to disenchantment and public opinion is beginning to ask questions about the meaning and reality of our efforts.
333.	The time has therefore come for Governments to react by improving our working methods as appropriate, concentrating attention as much as possible on the essentials and carefully studying practical measures to put an end to our difficulties, particularly by showing foresight and political will.
334.	Two days ago my Irish colleague, Mr. Barry, informed the Assembly [6th meeting] of the joint position adopted by the members of the European Community with regard to the range of difficulties in international relations. I should like to devote my own comments to those difficulties which I believe deserve particular attention.
335.	First, I cannot conceal my concern at the worsening climate of East West relations, which has been seen particularly in the recent controversy between the two superpowers. If on the one hand there have been some regrettable remarks or the use of language that is sometimes a little too strong for our taste, on the other we have encountered a stream of offensive historic comparisons, unfounded accusations, false insinuations and even appeals to hatred.
336.	We hope that the statement to the General Assembly by the President of the United States [4th assembly] and the contacts in the past few days between the delegations of the two superpowers will mark a tum for the better in this regard.
337.	Indeed, it is high time we returned to more moderate language and respected the basic principles contained in the Nixon-Brezhnev declaration of 29 May 1972. That important document does not provide simply for the "recognition of the security interests of the parties based on the principle of equality" but attaches equal importance to the "renunciation of the use or threat of force" and of "efforts to obtain unilateral advantage at the expense of the other, directly or indirectly"; it includes the commitment of the parties "to do everything in their power so that conflicts or situations will not arise which would serve to increase international tensions", as well as the promise to "always exercise restraint".
338.	Only respect for those principles can lead to the reestablishment of a better climate and to the success of the current negotiations or those to come.
339.	However, there must be rapid progress on disarmament, which has for so long occupied an important place in the General Assembly's work. This problem is rightly still the subject of the anxious concern of all mankind, for the arms race has accelerated in a worrying way with the accumulation of unprecedented stockpiles of weapons and their continued sophistication through scientific and technological progress. Our planet is being transformed into a more and more dangerous powder keg. The extension of the arms race to outer space gives it a new dimension with unforeseeable consequences.
340.	This development is increasing the threat of a general conflagration, since it multiplies the possibility of miscalculation in the assessment of each other's intentions. It makes it more and more unlikely that possible monitoring measures will succeed. It takes away from civilian use the vast human, economic and financial resources invested in the military effort, resources whose absence is doubly felt in this period of economic recession.
341.	For these diverse reasons my country has always encouraged, and it continues to support, efforts to re-establish confidence in international relations and to reduce the level of armaments to more reasonable proportions—that is, compatible with the real defence needs of everyone.
342.	That is why we placed great hopes on the opening of negotiations on strategic weapons as well as those concerning intermediate range missiles. The halt of negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on missiles in Europe is a reverse all the more troublesome because the difficulties facing those two Powers in beginning negotiations on the use of outer space for military purposes shows how essential it is to loosen the deadlock and to resume at this level a dialogue which has been interrupted. Such a resumption is indispensable, as what is at stake is of vital interest to the whole world.
343.	In this respect we share the opinion of the Secretary General when he declares that any effort— whether bilateral or multilateral—whose final goal is to prevent an arms race in space should be encouraged. The dialogue should be resumed without preconditions, as any default or even delay might result in a new escalation.
344.	Apart from its harmful effects on international security and the safeguarding of peace, the arms race involves a huge waste of material resources whose release would benefit economic development generally and that of the developing  countries in particular.
345.	The maintenance of peace also depends on success in the struggle against underdevelopment and can be soundly based only on a more just and better balanced economic and social order.
346.	The North South dialogue on international economic cooperation for development, which once aroused so much hope, has been marking time for some years. Despite serious appeals repeated on all sides and despite continued informal consultations, the political will is lacking when it is a question of beginning effective global negotiations on the basis laid down at the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, held at Cancun in 1981. There is no clear prospect of their beginning as yet. However, immediate steps are urgently required, as the economic recession has already produced particularly harmful effects in the developing countries, whose per capita income has been falling for a number of years.
347.	Moreover, the prospects for the immediate future are not rosy. There is little likelihood of a strengthening of commodity prices and a return to growth in international trade in general. Sources of finance are drying up because of the unprecedented size of the international debt, extreme austerity measures are blocking recovery and protectionism is reappearing. All these factors together will, by the force of events, slow down the return of economic growth on the world scale, if we do not succeed in reversing this trend.
348.	It is only by becoming aware of the interdependence between industrialized countries and developing countries that we have a chance together, in solidarity with one another, to start a constructive dialogue by agreeing on concrete measures, formulated in realistic terms, aimed at promoting a return to growth.
349.	In this respect, I share the view of my eminent French colleague, Mr. Claude Cheysson, who some time ago proposed a "planetary New Deal". He said:
"It is a planetary New Deal that should be talked about today, the granting of the right to development, to consumption, for hundreds of millions of people. Have we forgotten that our prosperity in the 1950s and 1960s was possible only because earlier the less advanced sectors of industrialized societies had gained access to consumer and leisure markets as a consequence of bold social measures adopted before and immediately after the war: in the United States, thanks to the New Deal; in England, following the policy set out by Beveridge; and in France, by the reforms of 1936 and those following the liberation? A voluntarist policy must permit this same progress at the world level in the years to come."
350.	If we are faced with a crisis today, it is due in large measure to the fact that the economic machine is blocked owing to inequality in the distribution of revenues at the world level: on the one hand, there are countries which have a powerful industrial base but lack outlets; on the other hand, there are very many nations lacking in purchasing power.
351.	External aid, however, can reactivate the economy in the third world only if it is synchronized judiciously with appropriate internal policies. The consequences of international monetary and economic disorder are too grave not to impose urgently on the international community the obligation to work in common with foresight to restore order under the auspices of the United Nations.
352.	But the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations will not be realized and the mission of the Organization will not be accomplished unless the safeguarding of peace and economic development are matched everywhere with effective respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with the expressed provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and later conventions connected with it.
353.	Unfortunately, there is ever more frequent confirmation that in various parts of the world flagrant violations of those international covenants are being committed almost daily: racial discrimination, arbitrary arrests, improper detentions, particularly in psychiatric hospitals, torture, inhuman and degrading treatment, and limitations on the free movement of people are current practices in many countries and are offences to human dignity.
354.	The new Government of Luxembourg formed after the legislative elections of 17 June 1984 will adopt a particularly firm and steadfast position in this area. It will never hesitate to stigmatize such acts and condemn them unreservedly, whatever the country in which they occur and under whatever pretext they are resorted to, for there is no doubt that all violations of human rights go beyond the framework of exclusive national competence.
355.	We will not accept either the argument that the respect of economic rights makes it possible to side step "with an ironic smile" any criticism on the subject of respect for political rights.
356.	For our part, we adhere firmly to General Assembly resolution 37/200, which states, in paragraph 1:
"that all human rights and fundamental freedoms are indivisible and interrelated and that the promotion and protection of one category of rights should never exempt or excuse States from the promotion and protection of the others".
357.	The impartial and persistent efforts of Amnesty International over the years to make international public opinion aware of the violations of human rights deserve praise and encouragement. The Human Rights Committee, for its part, whose mission is to follow the obligations assumed by Member States, would benefit from bringing its investigation to bear on specific consideration of the individual cases before it rather than on a general analysis of the constitutional rules and laws in force, whose scope frequently remains theoretical.
358.	The preparation by the Commission on Human Rights of a draft convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment will make it possible, we hope, to expand usefully the framework of the conventional provisions applicable in this area. But it is essential that articles 19 and 20 of the draft, relating to the submission and consideration of reports by States and to the establishment of an arrangement for investigations, are an integral part of the system for the mandatory implementation of the convention, to be applied to all States which adhere to it.
359.	We condemn and reject once again most categorically the policy of apartheid pursued by South Africa, which should put an end to it once and for all by establishing a democratic society in which the fundamental freedoms and political rights of all citizens are respected. In addition, South Africa should stop blocking Namibia's accession to independence by complying with Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
360.	When mentioning the problem of human rights, I cannot pass over in silence the concerns mingled with hope and sympathy which we feel given the development of the situation in Poland, where we welcome the measures of amnesty in favour of political prisoners. We hope that the authorities will enter into a sincere and genuine dialogue with the organizations representing the labour movement, which would be a first step towards genuine national reconciliation.
361.	An undeniable assault on human rights and on the right of peoples to self-determination is, unfortunately, lingering stubbornly in Afghanistan. The Soviet military intervention which has continued over the past four and a half years is growing in savagery following an increase m methods used to put an end to popular resistance, particularly by high altitude bombing. The outside world cannot stifle its condemnation in the light of such a merciless escalation. A peaceful settlement in keeping with the various resolutions adopted over the last few years by the General Assembly is the sole admissible and honourable way out of the present deadlock.
362.	The same applies to Cambodia.
363.	There are also manifold reasons for disquiet with regard to the ongoing war between Iraq and Iran, which has reached a new level with attacks against shipping in the Gulf. This escalation is likely to drag into that conflict States which have so far remained on the sidelines. Although the attempts at mediation have not yet met with success, efforts should be redoubled to calm passions, unblock the situation, put an end to this bloody struggle and halt the sufferings of the two peoples by respecting their legitimate reciprocal interests.
364.	During the past year violence has continued to claim many innocent victims in Lebanon. The example of that country shows once again that the use of force creates more difficulties than it solves.
365.	Even if complete calm does not yet reign in Lebanon, we can be pleased with the progress which has been made towards national reconciliation and which deserves our total encouragement.
366.	It is important that the international community now redouble its efforts so that Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and unity be restored and respected and that there be a withdrawal of Israeli and all other foreign forces whose presence is not desired by the Government of Lebanon.
367.	To achieve a comprehensive settlement in the Near East, we must necessarily take into account the various basic facts that have long been known. They have not changed. Such a settlement can be envisaged only provided that it includes recognition of the right of each State, including Lebanon and Israel, to live in security within safe, recognized and guaranteed borders, together with the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination with all that that implies. The multiplication in the area, particularly in the occupied territories, of contrary to international law will only delay and further complicate the development of a viable solution. All those directly concerned should, willy-nilly, consent to meeting around the negotiating table.
368.	Latin America offers both cause for great concern and grounds for hope.
369.	We can only energetically condemn the bloody repression of peaceful demonstrations that has just taken place once again in Chile.
370.	We have noted with satisfaction, in other countries, a gradual return towards democracy and, at least in Colombia, a movement towards the settlement of domestic disputes by peaceful means. We very much hope that those examples will be studied elsewhere and that in Central America in particular the efforts of the Contadora Group will meet with success.
371.	The comment that I made earlier in connection with the need simultaneously to respect all categories of human rights applies particularly with reference to Latin America.
372.	Next year the United Nations will celebrate the fortieth anniversary of its establishment. During this period the international community has undergone profound changes: it has been enlarged considerably following the accession to independence of a large number of States which were formerly colonial Territories.
373.	We are pleased at this, but we realize at the same time that while the debate has gained in depth and intensity it has also become more complex, because the immediate concerns and the objectives of the various participants are not always the same, while the political regimes and the economic and social conditions in those countries have become markedly different.
374.	Furthermore, the results achieved have not matched the immense hopes which the peoples represented at San Francisco placed in the Charter of the United Nations, which, of course, presupposed the active cooperation of each Member State in the attainment of common objectives. The proper application of the Charter entails if not perfect understanding at least a sincere desire on the part of the permanent members of the Security Council to seek cooperation through the world Organization. This is not, however, the case at present. The relations between the two superpowers are going through a difficult period and have practically reached deadlock. We can only regret this and hope that the dialogue between them will be resumed as speedily as possible and that mutual distrust can be dissipated. Only thus can the safeguarding of peace and the expansion of cooperation—in other words, the success of our common enterprise—be achieved.


Sir, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Suriname and on my own behalf I extend warm and hearty congratulations to you on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your professional qualities and the services you have rendered so successfully in the past to the international community uniquely qualify you for this high office. We are certain that this body will conduct and complete its work efficiently and successfully under your competent guidance.
3.	At the same time, I wish to express my Government's gratitude for the balanced and effective way in which Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, presided over the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We wish him well.
4.	The Secretary-General should be commended for his tireless efforts on behalf of the suffering world community longing for development, peace and stability. Much progress in these areas can be attributed to his personal intervention in most delicate situations.
5.	We welcome Brunei Darussalam to the family of nations and extend our best wishes to the Government and people of this new Member State.
6.	Another year has passed since my delegation had the honour to address the General Assembly. Although it may be more appropriate to elaborate extensively on the significance of this lofty Organization at the commemoration of its fortieth anniversary next year, I am seizing this opportunity to reiterate the adherence of my country to the principles and the objectives of the United Nations.
7.	In a world with growing antagonisms, the United Nations has an important role to play as a platform for dialogue, for reducing tension and solving conflicts between States, for reshaping the world into one of justice, peace, prosperity and dignity for mankind and for bringing hope where despair exists.
8.	We realize how remote mankind is from realizing these noble principles and how much the very existence of States is threatened by repeated and disquieting manifestations of disrespect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. We realize to what extent political, military and economic power is still abused in many parts of the world, while large segments of humanity continue to suffer from deprivation and underdevelopment.
9.	The Republic of Suriname consistently adheres to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. We therefore urgently call on all States Members of the United Nations to uphold these principles, without which peace and prosperity will be mere illusions.
10.	Our foreign policy continues to reflect the non- aligned spirit and is geared towards supporting the creation of a just international order based on the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for sovereignty and the right to self-determination.
11.	Actions which take place throughout the world sometimes make us wonder if these universally accepted principles only guide the actions of the smaller States, since it appears that positions of strength do not accommodate these principles as easily as do positions of weakness.
12.	It is time for a change. What we need is not a countless number of resolutions but, rather, firm determination to end the duplicity and double standards in international affairs.
13.	In transforming Suriname from its colonial structure, we share the fate of many third-world countries that have to overcome various obstacles, both of an internal and of an external nature, in this legitimate process. Unifying a people divided by colonial interests in the past and promoting a consciousness of their own destiny are certainly not easy tasks.
14.	The task of securing real and well-balanced development for our people and building a manageable economy naturally requires a sound infrastructure. To realize all this and to build an independent nation well integrated into the Latin American and Caribbean region were main objectives at the very outset of our revolution on 25 February 1980. But our efforts alone are not sufficient to accomplish this tremendous task.
15.	When we concluded the Treaty on Co-operation for Development with the Netherlands on our independence, we were convinced that that settlement of our historical claims would provide the basis for economic development and for improving the well- being of our long-neglected people.
16.	Perhaps this is not the time to elaborate extensively upon the fate of that solemn Treaty. You should be informed, however, Mr. President, that the execution of that Treaty, reached voluntarily between the Republic of Suriname and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, came to a unilateral and abrupt halt in 1982, as a consequence of which we have since been deprived of the funds provided for in that Treaty. We are convinced that this arbitrary action will not meet with the approval of the United Nations community.
17.	Nations may develop differences of opinion over time on more or less basic issues. The Republic of Suriname, however, is of the opinion that no problem between two parties or sovereign States will ever be fairly solved if they are not discussed in an honest, frank and fair dialogue. After all, this is the founding principle of the United Nations. We should follow it in all circumstances. Therefore, we stand ready, and publicly state our willingness, to discuss, at any time, the issue of co-operation for development with any party genuinely interested in the well- being of the people of Suriname.
18.	It was in this spirit that we recently approached the Netherlands to discuss the normalization of our relations. We express the hope that the dialogue, for which a basis has been established in the meantime, will lead to a new understanding with regard to the Treaty.
19.	Notwithstanding the adverse effects of the unexpectedly reduced level of support for its economic development, Suriname has continued its efforts to establish a self-reliant economy, and we can happily report that our efforts to develop our nation have met with solid and encouraging support on our continent and beyond.
20.	One of the most pressing problems in our hemisphere concerns the situation in Central America. The people of the region, like others, want the right freely to determine their own future in peace and security, free from any outside interference or intervention.
21.	We are convinced that military solutions in Central America do not lead to lasting peace. The policy of some States in the region not only is at variance with the basic principles governing the conduct between States, but also violates the ruling given by the International Court of Justice on 10 May of this year.
22.	My Government staunchly supports the peace initiatives of the Contadora Group. We express the hope that the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America will contribute to the achievement of co-operation, peace and stability throughout the Central American region.
23.	My delegation also hopes that the Caribbean region will remain a zone of peace in which the peoples of that region can exercise their right to self- determination, free from any outside interference and intervention. It is our heartfelt wish that the people of Grenada will be able to determine their future in accordance with their own political, economic and social interests.
24.	I wish to reiterate the view of the Government of the Republic of Suriname that non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States is an essential condition for peace between nations, a principle which, unfortunately, is too often disregarded. In accordance with this principle, every State has the obligation to refrain from instigating, participating in, or organizing acts of civil strife or terrorism in another State and from promoting any activity which could lead to a threat or the actual use of force against another State.
25.	Suriname therefore supports the drafting of an international convention against the recruitment, use, financing and training of mercenaries. We call on all States to co-operate to enable the United Nations to conclude this fundamental convention.
26.	The question of Namibia, that unfortunate example of inhuman treatment of blacks by white supremacists, confronts us once again on the agenda of the General Assembly. On 27 August this year, the United Nations Council for Namibia convened a solemn meeting commemorating Namibia Day, the anniversary of the day on which the people of Namibia launched their armed struggle against the racist regime of Pretoria, which has continued to occupy their land in defiance of the numerous resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, and in defiance of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice.
27.	Efforts to arrive at an internationally acceptable solution in accordance with the principles set out in Security Council resolution 385 (1976) culminated in the adoption of resolution 435 (1978), in which the Council approved a detailed plan for the transfer of power to the people of Namibia, with United Nations assistance. We are well aware that six years have since elapsed. The fact that Namibia continues to be denied a peaceful and speedy transition to majority rule is due entirely to the intransigence of the racist and expansionist regime of South Africa.
28.	In the discharge of its mandate relating to the situation in Namibia, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has repeatedly called for measures under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in order to bring about South Africa's compliance with relevant United Nations resolutions and decisions. The adoption of a comprehensive programme of sanctions would signify to South Africa that the world community will no longer tolerate its tactics and manoeuvres.
29.	In this case, decisive steps by the international community are long overdue, for what is at stake here is the ability of the United Nations to respond adequately to the needs of millions who are suffering under the oppression of a provocative colonial regime. The Government of the Republic of Suriname denounces the establishment of any linkage or parallel between Namibian independence an' extraneous and irrelevant issues.
30.	On behalf of my delegation, I wish to express our full solidarity with the heroic people of Namibia and to appeal to the international community to support their just struggle against colonial occupation and the plunder of the uranium and other natural resources of their country and for the right to self- determination, freedom and independence under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the national liberation movement of Namibia, which is the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
31.	As regards the situation in South Africa, my delegation strongly condemns the South African racist regime for continued violence and repression against its black population and expresses its support for, and solidarity with, all those struggling for the elimination of apartheid and racial discrimination.
32.	My Government rejects South Africa's new mystifying constitution and the sham elections held in connection with it. I also wish to reaffirm our support for, solidarity with and commitment to the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC], the representative of the majority of the people of South Africa, in its valiant struggle to eradicate apartheid and bring freedom, justice and independence to the South African people.
33.	My delegation cannot but express concern with regard to the situation in the Middle East, and it deplores the increasing tension in this region. The invasion and illegal occupation of southern Lebanon are the bitter fruits of a policy pursued by Israel to deny the Palestinian people their right to self-determination and to establish their own independent and sovereign State.
34.	My delegation reaffirms its conviction that a just solution and lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without the unconditional and total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied territories. It would like to emphasize that the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Lebanese territory is a prerequisite for that country to regain its independence.
35.	The expansion of the Iran-Iraq war during the past seven months into the Persian Gulf is an indication of a further deterioration of the relations between these two non-aligned brother nations. My delegation regrets to note that this conflict is causing serious human and material losses to the countries concerned while posing a serious threat to international peace and security.
36.	In this context, we would like to recall the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes, which remains central to the philosophy of peaceful coexistence. For this reason, we reaffirm the necessity of an immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of forces to internationally recognized boundaries as a preliminary step towards the peaceful settlement of this tragic war, which deplorably has even involved the use of chemical weapons.
37.	My delegation wishes to commend the Secretary-General for the peace initiatives he has recently undertaken between the parties concerned.
38.	Concerning the situation in the Korean peninsula, my delegation would like to reiterate its support for the desire of the Korean people to reunify their divided homeland peacefully through a dialogue between the North and the South without any foreign interference.
39.	The Government of the Republic of Suriname also maintains its position with regard to the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea and Afghanistan in order to allow the people of those countries the opportunity to reach a political settlement and determine their own destiny.
40.	In this connection, we hail the recent peace initiatives taken on Afghanistan by the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General at Geneva.
41.	Each year we hear the pleas of the majority of States for general and complete disarmament in order to avoid the growing threat which the international arms build-up poses to mankind. Nevertheless, we notice a steady increase in global military spending, as no one appears to be able to control the nervous feeling that accompanies the impression of falling behind in this deadly arms race. Indeed, this is a dangerous development which not only consumes the scarce financial, human and material resources available, but will ultimately lead to the total destruction of our planet. My Government therefore continues to support all serious proposals for general and complete disarmament and, consequently, we call on all parties concerned to negotiate arms reduction as a matter of urgency.
42.	It is gratifying to note that the economic situation in some developed countries has recently shown an upward trend. For the majority of countries, and certainly for the developing countries, however, the nightmare of the longest and deepest recession of the last 50 years continues unabated.
43.	The causes of this persistent crisis are to be found in the very structure of international economic relations, which are still based on inequality and domination. If trade, not aid, was to alleviate our problems, we must sadly note that the present depressed markets for raw materials and goods produced in developing countries have not brought the necessary relief, owing to the steep fall in commodity prices and the sharp price increase of industrial products, while at the same time protectionist measures in various developed countries hamper our exports.
44.	Meanwhile, the foreign debts of many of these countries have reached astronomical proportions. There have been many urgent, even desperate calls for reform. All to no avail. The situation has now reached crisis proportions, as evidenced by the social unrest and political turmoil which have recently erupted in many countries.
45.	In order to deal effectively with this crisis, global and comprehensive approaches are required, reflecting the interdependence of developing and developed countries and the interrelated character of problems affecting the international economic system.
46.	The global negotiations initiated at the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly should be reviewed with an early solution to these problems in mind.
47.	In this regard, my Government holds the view that South-South co-operation must be encouraged and promoted as a valuable mechanism for restructuring the economic system, while fostering sub regional, regional and interregional co-operation.
48.	My delegation fervently hopes that the Caracas Programme of Action will still prove to be an important framework for creating instruments and developing necessary devices to strengthen this form of co-operation.
49.	In our own region, constructive efforts have been made which in January of this year resulted in the adoption of the Quito Declaration and Plan of Action. In the opinion of my Government, the ideas elaborated and proposals put forward deserve the special attention of the industrialized countries, since they reflect the economic reality of Latin America and the Caribbean. In conformity with this Declaration, specific measures must be adopted to bring about transformation in the existing international financial and trade policies in order to enhance the accessibility of products from developing countries to the markers of the developed countries. This would relieve their debt burden and restore the financial flow for development.
50.	The Committee for Development Planning could not have chosen a better title for the main section of its report, which reads "Crisis or reform: breaking the barriers to development". There are no alternatives. Reform in international economic relations, especially of the international monetary and financial system, is an absolute necessity. Once again, we appeal to the international community to examine the general demands for a policy change in this crisis situation, and we pledge our support for measures of high and immediate priority in the interest of global recovery.
51.	My delegation is deeply concerned over the acute problem of drought in the sub-Saharan countries of Africa, where tens of millions of people are threatened by malnutrition, hunger and famine. The three-year drought, on top of the international recession, has severely affected those countries.
52.	We attach great importance to and fully endorse the special action programme for Africa, which should be an impetus to the joint efforts of the international community to provide assistance.
53.	As a signatory State to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Suriname became a member of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. We are therefore committed to the completion of their task. In our view, the decisions adopted at the first session of the Preparatory Commission in 1983 met the standards of equal and equitable international cooperation in the exploitation of the mineral resources of the international sea-bed area.
54.	The Government of Suriname regrets that these positive results of the Commission's work are being hampered by the activities of some major industrialized countries. They have initiated negotiations between various consortia in their respective countries and are preparing bilateral or plurilateral agreements outside the scope of the Convention, thus undermining the work of the International Sea-Bed Authority. Because of these activities, the Preparatory Commission was unable to complete its task during its second session, held this year, in particular with regard to the question whether or not the Preparatory Commission should also act as a dispute-settlement authority. We condemn these activities. The resources of the sea-bed must be developed in an orderly manner for the benefit of mankind and must contribute to a more equitable and fair global economic system. We therefore reject any separate agreements in which the major industrialized countries would share the sea-bed among themselves, and we urgently appeal to all industrialized States, whether or not they have signed the Convention, to refrain from undertaking any activities outside the scope of the Convention, as we consider the sea-bed mining legislation of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea a major breakthrough in the global economic stalemate between the developed and the developing countries.
55.	My Government wishes to express its satisfaction with the Economic Declaration of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, in which it was emphasized that Antarctica had considerable environmental, climatic, scientific and potential economic significance to the world. It was also stated that exploration of the area and exploitation of its resources should be carried out for the benefit of mankind and in a manner consistent with the protection of the environment of Antarctica. For these reasons, my Government deems the establishment of a new regime for the continent of Antarctica necessary in order to enable all States Members of the United Nations to benefit from its resources. Both reason and justice would be well served if the principles of "common heritage" and "common benefit", enunciated in the United Nations treaties on outer space and in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, were to find application in a new regime for Antarctica.
56.	The United Nations was conceived in a spirit of good will and optimism. The global problems which have accumulated for almost 40 years and threaten to undermine our world community have been described eloquently and accurately on innumerable occasions. The Organization has, with resounding rhetoric, depicted and condemned racism, the arms race between the super-Powers, the plight of the needy, exploited and oppressed of the earth, the armed conflicts between brother nations, the disrespect for national sovereignty, the violations of territorial integrity, the debt crisis and the disturbing imbalance of economic relations. However, we have to note with sadness that the rhetoric used in this forum often seems to replace rather than generate the effective measures called for. My delegation therefore hopes that the United Nations will soon take more concrete steps that may be recognized throughout the world as recordable successes, in keeping with its noble principles.


Mr. President, your election to the Chair at this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly represents just recognition by the international community of your merits and personal qualifications and of your political and diplomatic experience, amply demonstrated in the United Nations as well as in other international forums which have had the benefit of your participation.
4.	Panama highly values your important efforts as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, a post which you have carried out for the last five years with exemplary dedication and effectiveness and a post in which you have made a most valuable contribution to the complete liberation of Africa and to the struggle to uphold the principles of the self determination of peoples and national independence. My delegation would like to welcome most warmly Brunei Darussalam, which became a Member of the United Nations last week. We hail its entry into the Organization as a sign of our era, an era in which we are moving steadily along the path of decolonization and towards the goal of the universality of the United Nations.
6. I should like to join the voice of my delegation to the unanimous tribute which delegations have paid to the Secretary General. His tireless efforts to promote peace and his constant dedication to the achievement of international cooperation deserve the profound recognition of my delegation.
7.	I should like to mention with special gratitude the official visit the Secretary General made to Panama in April of this year, which gave us a greater realization of the dedication with which Mr. Perez de Cuellar is carrying out the sensitive responsibilities entrusted to him by the international community.
8.	The Secretary General may rest fully assured that Panama will encourage and support his efforts to tum the United Nations into a more effective Organization for the maintenance of international peace and security as well as the forum for the solution of the grave problems confronting mankind today.
9.	Panama is located almost at the very centre of the western hemisphere, where, at the northern end of the Andes, it has a bird’s eye view of Central America and the Caribbean. Having a diversified ethnic, cultural and political makeup, my country has had, from the beginning, pluralistic neighbourly relations. At the same time, it offers the most expeditious route between the Atlantic and the Pacific, and in its settlement it merged men from the four comers of the world. It is precisely because of this geographical and intellectual situation that we at all times identify ourselves with the quest for harmony among the varied peoples of the Americas, who may not be united today but whose destiny is to be united in the future.
10.	Inasmuch as it is a country characterized by the national personality of its people, the interoceanic and continental communications which are natural to the geographical location of Panama have linked it by culture with South America, the Antilles and the rest of the world. Hence our history, socioeconomic structures and culture identify and confirm us as a Bolivarian and Caribbean nation, while at the same time making us aware of our responsibilities as the neighbour of the Central American region.
11.	That was indeed the vision of the liberator Simon Bolivar, when he aspired for us to be for the new world what Corinth was for classical antiquity. His dream began to forge a new reality when in 1826 he convened the Amphictyonic Congress in my country "to obtain a system of guarantees which in time of peace or war would mark our new destiny". This has been our mission in the past and it will continue to be our mission. In 1815, a well-known Venezuelan wrote about a republic which, crisscrossed by canals, would shorten distances in the world. Nine decades later, after we became a sovereign and independent Republic, we opened up an artificial waterway, thus speeding up world traffic.
12.	These inter-ocean functions very early linked my country with the international community as a multilateral centre for trade and communication. Since the days of its discovery, after Balboa divided the southern sea in 1513, Panama has become the centre of geographic explorations through the Central and South American shores of the Pacific. During the three centuries of Spanish domination, we had the responsibility of being the meeting point for communications and trade of the metropolitan country and its overseas possessions. In time, this continued through rivers and over land, by means of a rail network, the canal, interoceanic pipelines, port systems, telecommunications and air navigation, the trade and banking complex, among others.
13.	Although these physical structures imply worldwide functions, they are merely temporary means to enable us to utilize certain of our country's territorial attributes, which are part of the national Panamanian heritage. This is a very simple concept; yet paradoxically some have refused to understand it. The strategic geographical location of my country has time and again been the object of the greed of foreign Powers, which have exploited that part of our territory for their own benefit.
14.	Nevertheless, my country has throughout history demonstrated its vocation to serve the international community, providing universal, effective, neutral, peaceful and safe access to the use of this natural attribute through various means of communication and exchange. We Panamanians ask only that our country should be used with respect for our sovereignty, integrity and national interests and that it should benefit in a suitable way the full development and the peace and security of our people and of our Latin American brothers.
15.	The issues we wish to mention here before the international community are closely related to compliance with what I have just said.
16.	First of all, it is our duty to inform the General Assembly about the implementation of the 1977 Panama Canal Treaties' because of the importance of their proper implementation for world trade and communications and the very significant role of international solidarity and the United Nations in making it possible for the Treaties to be concluded and because of what compliance with those Treaties will bring to good relations and peace in the region.
17.	The 1977 Canal Treaties were far from satisfying all the legitimate aspirations of the Panamanian nation. Nevertheless, we must emphasize the fact that they demonstrated the feasibility of finding a viable solution to a dangerous and complex colonial conflict between a small developing country and a major Power by means of a long and difficult process of negotiations, where both parties demonstrated the political will to make mutual and reasonable concessions on the basis of mutual respect for their sovereignty as nations.
18.	This spared both peoples and all the users of the Canal inestimable damage and suffering and offered the entire international community an extremely valuable precedent. We are all morally bound to recall with constant gratitude the two courageous and visionary statesmen who were responsible for the Treaties, General Omar Torrijos and President Jimmy Carter.
19.	Contrary to what was maintained by the opponents of the Treaties, ever since the colonial regime in the Cana! Zone was abolished and the bi-national regime and the joint administration were set up, the Canal has become much more efficient. When the Treaties came into force in 1979, the Canal was saturated with traffic and could service 13,000 vessels a year; today it can take 15,000. !n five years its daily capacity has grown from 37 to 42 vessels; waiting and transit time has been cut from 40 to an average of 23 hours. At the same time, the number of accidents to vessels in transit has diminished, despite the increase in their size.
20.	With respect to the historic requirements of Panama, an important part of them has been completely or partially satisfied. On 1 October 1979, Panama regained jurisdiction over two thirds of the land and water under colonial occupation; it also regained control over its natural ports at both ends of the Canal. Many installations and infrastructure and service facilities were returned to Panama. The Canal itself and the most vital areas and installations remained under a bi-national regime of joint administration. On 31 March 1982, when the first stage of the transition period ended, the foreign police, courts and judges disappeared from the area and Panama gained full jurisdiction over its entire territory.
21.	Following ratification of the Treaties, Panama has received payment of $352,419,000 for Canal operations. This is considerably less than the direct and indirect benefits received by its foreign counterpart and of course much less than my country legally deserves. Nevertheless, if the Treaties had not been agreed upon, Panama would have obtained only $9,800,000, the ridiculous sum paid to it under the colonial regime.
22.	What is more important is that the Panamanian flag now flies throughout the former Canal Zone as the symbol of our full sovereignty, and in the areas still under temporary military occupation and where the United States flag still flies, the Panamanian national flag always has pride of place. Thus the words of General Omar Torrijos, who said that "there is no colonialism that will last 100 years, nor Latin American who will put up with it", are all the more relevant.
23.	At the proper time, in compliance with the subsequent stages of the decolonization timetable agreed upon in the Treaties, on 1 October 1984 Panama will finally regain control of the areas and installations under military occupation at Fort Gul lick and the so-called School of the Americas and, more important, on 1 January 1990, the post of administrator of the Canal will be filled by a Panamanian. Panama is most determined that each stage should be complied with on time.
24.	Progress with respect to the use of Panamanian workers in the administration, operations and maintenance of the Canal is much less satisfactory. The Treaties provide for a gradual increase in the proportion of Panamanian workers until, by 1999, there are no longer any foreign officials. However, already in 1979 more than 69 per cent of the labour force was Panamanian, and that figure has since increased only to 77 per cent despite the fact that there are many sufficiently qualified Panamanians. Those remaining from the colonial administration have been reluctant to give up the higher bureaucratic posts and so-called positions of trust, in particular, although such posts do not call for sophisticated technical knowledge.
25.	The situation has been aggravated unjustifiably by the unilateral decision imposed by the United States majority which still exists in the Board of Directors of the bi-national Panama Canal Commission which directs the administration of the Canal. As a result of this, a number of privileges have been given to the United States officials working in the Canal administration, thus openly and directly discriminating against the Panamanian officials doing exactly the same jobs. This is a clear and direct violation of the 1977 Treaties, which explicitly prohibit all forms of discrimination on the basis of nationality and make no provision for the granting of such privileges.
26.	To make matters worse, this measure, which was introduced in spite of the many earlier objections and protests by Panama, results in a heavy financial loss, which is being deducted from the earnings from the operation of the Canal, part of which belongs to the Panamanian side. Thus Panama is in the humiliating position of having to subsidize the cost of a measure which was adopted against its own better judgement and which constitutes an act of discrimination against its own citizens.
27.	This is one more case of violations of the letter and the spirit of the Treaties, which have been scrupulously observed by the Panamanian side. As in the majority of the other cases, these violations are based on the Murphy Law, Law 9670, which was adopted unilaterally by the United States Congress, on 27 September 1979, as internal legislation designed to govern the conduct of the United States Government in the process of the implementation of the Canal Treaties. This is a typical case of an illegal law which establishes provisions for one of the parties to a bi-national Treaty, contradicting what was ratified by both parties to that Treaty.
28.	We refer only to the most flagrant and harmful aspects of the situation, and should give a few examples.
29.	First, the Treaty clearly establishes that the rights and responsibilities of each of the two countries will be exercised through the Panama Canal Commission, which is a bi-national body, rather than directly by the respective Governments. It also states that the Board of Directors of that Commission, composed of representatives of both parties, is the supreme governing body. In accordance with the Treaty itself, the United States has a majority membership of the Board—five representatives as compared with four Panamanians. Following the ratification of the Treaties in both countries, Law 9670 attempts to turn the Canal Commission into a branch of the United States Executive, placing its leadership in the hands of the Secretary of Defence of that country and attempting to turn the Board of Directors into a mere supervisory board presided over by a representative of the Secretary of Defence. Thus it denies the essentially bi-national spirit of the Canal administration.
30.	Secondly, the Treaties from the very beginning gave a slight numerical advantage to the United States side in the composition of the Board of Directors. Law 9670 further attempts to establish that there should be a quorum at the meetings of the Board only if there is present a majority of United States representatives, irrespective of the total number of members attending a particular sitting. In this manner, the presence of the Panamanian members is not taken into account for the determination of a quorum, and this places us in an inferior position.
31.	Thirdly, this United States majority has imposed a so-called code of conduct on all the employees of the Canal, including the Panamanian representatives on the Board of. Directors—despite the fact that they voted to the contrary—and also the deputy administrator of the Canal, who is a Panamanian. Under this "code" the Panamanian representatives and the deputy administrator are assigned the status of United States employees, subject to the federal laws of that country, contrary to the Treaty, which defines them as Panamanian officials. This is contrary to the Treaty itself, which states that all the officials of the Canal must act in accordance with Panamanian labour laws.
32.	Fourthly, Law 9670 attempts to apply on Panamanian territory United States federal laws and rules, giving the United States jurisdiction in our country even over Panamanian citizens and unions, contrary to what is contained in the Treaties ratified by both parties.
33.	That is not all, but I have given sufficient examples to demonstrate the gravity of the situation and the consequences deriving from it. They are important not only because they are so many further violations of the letter and the spirit of the Treaties freely entered into between both parties, but also because they impose onerous conditions which are harmful to the dignity and the interests of Panama. Thus, new, unnecessary conflicts are brought about, to the detriment of the good relations, understanding and cooperation envisaged in the Treaties, the proper development of which is thus impeded.
34.	The other aspect of the discrepancies is that relating to the conditions of the protection and security of the Canal. The Panamanian attitude on this subject has always been based on the recognition that this is a sensitive Canal, whose best defence is neutrality and the universality of its services and whose best protection is the sympathy of the people residing in the area. As r sovereign nation Panama has a traditional vocation of neutrality and non-alignment in all matters relating to East West tensions and more particularly to its well-known decision to participate in actions of conciliation and peace-making in the Central American region. There is no need to elaborate on this, since everyone is aware that my country has taken an active part in the various efforts leading up to the Contadora process, is part of that process and provides the headquarters for its activities. Therefore, those who are friends and partners of Panama, particularly those friends carrying out activities on Panamanian territory, have the moral, political and legal duty to respect that stated vocation of country.
35.	The 1977 Canal Treaties authorize the temporary prolongation of the presence of United States bases and troops on Panamanian national territory until the last day of this century, with the sole purpose of contributing to the protection of the Canal as it exists at present. Any activity of these bases and troops going beyond their exclusive mission of protecting the Canal runs counter to the Treaties allowing for their presence on the territory of my country. Hence we reiterate our protest against and rejection of the logistics, intelligence, planning or military training activities which are being carried out on Panamanian territory aimed against other countries in any region. Similarly, we repeat that such actions not only violate the letter of the Treaties and undermine Panamanian policies and sovereignty but also harm the interests of the other nations using the Canal.
36.	The international community and the United Nations made a significant contribution to the process that led to the 1977 Panama Canal Treaties, which have made and continue to make an effective contribution to mutual understanding and international peace and security and are a laudable precedent appreciated by all countries and organizations wishing to defuse disputes and foster peace and security. The proper implementation of the Treaties in all their aspects and at all stages meets the aspirations of all peoples, particularly the Latin American nations.
37.	When Law 9670 was adopted, President Jimmy Carter engaged the word of the Chief Executive of the United States that the text would be revised jointly with Panama in order to bring it in line with the Treaties and with the interests of both countries. One of the Law's articles stipulates that the Law should be revised periodically. Nevertheless, in the last five years the protests of the Panamanian Government and its demands that the revision be conducted immediately have been constantly ignored and this has led to an accumulation of further violations, discrepancies and problems.
38.	We should like once again to appeal, in the General Assembly, to international solidarity and understanding to ensure that the process of implementation of the 1977 Treaties be followed more closely and that nations friendly to Panama and to the United States seek their strict application. This appeal must consist in demanding the speedy revision of Law 9670 so as to bring it in line with the spirit and the letter of the Canal Treaties.
39.	We would not wish this appeal to cloud the good relations existing between Panama and the United States. My country repeats this call precisely because we want to continue to improve these relations, and these violations are an obstacle to our aspirations. The United States introduced this law which is the source of the current problems, and it is therefore up to that country to take the appropriate steps. We trust that the good intentions of the United States authorities will be sensitive to this unanimous international appeal we are making here today.
40.	Under the leadership of General Omar Torrijos, my country began important social and economic reforms which went hand in hand with a strengthening of national sovereignty and independence, and we are happy to say that there is no political violence in Panama at this time. However, such violence does exist in neighbouring countries which are still suffering from many structural injustices the effects of which are further exacerbated by the international economic crisis and the imbalances in the trade and financial relations existing between rich and poor countries.
41.	The fact that there is an area of conflict nearby has given rise in Panama to a foreign policy basically aimed at contributing to the peaceful solution of the problems in the area by means of dialogue and political negotiations between all the parties to the conflict and at avoiding the exacerbation or generalization of conflict situations. This faith in genuine understanding among peoples has been confirmed throughout history, and we trust that it offers the best hope of hemispheric brotherhood in the future.
42.	Thus, we consistently uphold the principle of Panamanian neutrality with regard to disputes between other countries in the area or between the great Powers. For this reason also, we endeavour to develop good relations with all nations of the area without exception, even though they may have political systems different from our own. As our experience has shown, dialogue and agreements jointly arrived at with all countries are the best way to protect the security and stability of each and of the international community as a whole.
43. In the face of the dangerous deterioration of the regional situation, and in keeping with our experience, we prefer Panama to be a centre of understanding and conciliation rather than a party to confrontations. This basic principle has made my country one of the main sites for discussions to achieve peace in the world; the same principle animates the Contadora initiative.
44 We can say today that Contadora has become one of the most important expressions of international political solidarity and an effective means for dialogue in the region. I need not repeat here the readjustment this initiative has accomplished through the Contadora declaration, the Cancun Declaration on Peace in Central America, the Document of Objectives and the document on measures to be taken to fulfil the commitments entered into in the Document of Objectives and the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America. But it is worth recalling that this process has brought to the fore the fundamental principles which have inspired and given purpose to the initiative, that dialogue has become possible and that that dialogue has led to the identification of specific problems and many consensus understandings on the way to a solution. At the same time, it has been possible to contain the trend towards generalization of the state of war which a few years ago threatened the region. What has already been achieved makes it possible to envisage that the necessary agreements will be arrived at shortly to implement the Contadora objectives.
45.	At a time of grave peril the world placed great hopes in Contadora. The complexity and very nature of the problem required a process that was both patient and bold, laborious and painstaking, and that also required discretion, despite demands for spectacular action which would not have truly helped. As is well known, the revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America, handed over to the five Central American Governments on 7 September 1984, reflects the observations which those Governments had formulated earlier with respect to the original version of that document following an extensive exchange of views.
46.	This has made it possible to arrive at viable formulas of understanding which express the many points of agreement necessary to guarantee respect for sovereignty, mutual security and mutual respect and neighbourly relations between all countries in the area—preconditions to ensure the political stability and social and economic development required by the people of Central America. Therefore, it is now up to the five Governments to make their final comments on the revised Contadora Act, before 15 October, in order that they may sign it soon, at a forthcoming meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the countries of Central America and of the Contadora Group.
47.	When that has been done, it is above all the responsibility of the Central American Governments themselves to bring about an honourable and lasting peace. It is their duty to show the political will that they have repeatedly spoken about, by speedily adopting the legal commitments in the Contadora Act. Similarly, it is the duty of other Governments with interests in the region and links with it unequivocally to support the adoption and implementation of this agreement, with full respect for the self-determination and sovereignty of the Central American nations.
48.	To state here that Contadora has played its role and that the Central Americans themselves now bear the main responsibility in no way means that Contadora's responsibilities are over, or that it has relinquished them, as some seem to think. Contadora's role will continue through its cooperation in orchestrating the agreement, but above all it must maintain an effective presence as long as peace continues to be threatened.
49.	From now on the international community will have to redouble the solidarity that it has always given to these negotiating efforts. Its support is today more important than ever in calling on the Governments of all the countries concerned to sign and fully to implement the Contadora Act, and in asking those countries with interests in and links with the region speedily to subscribe to the Additional Protocol, thus committing themselves to contribute to peace and cooperation in Central America. In that way, everyone can contribute to bringing about the peace which the people of Central America, the continent and mankind deserve.
50.	The amphictyonic vocation which Simon Bolivar gave to my country forms an indelible part of the national consciousness of Panamanians. Like the other Latin American countries, Panama is closely linked with its sisters in America, not only by our historic and cultural traditions but also by the present similarity and interrelationship of our structures, problems and aspirations, because of which nothing that affects other Latin Americans can be a matter of indifference to us. Moreover, since we share similar difficulties and goals, it is of course of necessity the duty of our nations to act together in ever more effective ways, so that we may save ourselves and develop together, for otherwise we shall sink separately.
51.	As is well known, very serious trade and financial difficulties are part of the current problems of Latin America. The main causes of these problems are to be found beyond our borders and outside the control of our countries. There is a wise Japanese saying that the first thing a good businessman must desire is the prosperity of his customers. Indeed, that is the only thing that can develop the market, and only equity in the terms of trade can guarantee it. However, mistaken economic strategies by certain industrialized countries have resulted in turning their partners into debtors, stifling the market instead of contributing to its prosperity.
52.	It is well known that the unjust and disorderly structure of international economic relations no longer corresponds to contemporary reality, resulting in harm to all the developing countries. To make matters worse, there is a growing deterioration in the terms of trade between the poor countries and the industrialized countries, the effects of which are worsened by the protectionist and restrictive measures imposed by the major economic Powers, and particularly by the artificial and unreasonable increase in interest rates.
53.	Nevertheless, the major economic Powers still do not listen to our warnings. They have continued to ignore the urgent call for a North South dialogue, global negotiations and other initiatives. At the same time, they continue to overlook the fact that the freeze in the East West dialogue and the escalation of the arms race, with their inevitable budgetary and financial effects, are costly to the developing countries and are daily speeding up the deterioration of our economic situation, presenting the world with new threats.
54.	Confronted with this situation, Latin America continues to show its political maturity, the best demonstrations of which are the Quito Declaration issued by the Heads of State or Government of the Latin American and Caribbean countries at the Latin American Economic Conference, held from 9 to 13 January this year and the Cartagena Consensus of 22 June.
55.	Since it is the mistaken economic policies of certain industrialized nations and their financial organizations that have brought about this situation for the Latin American countries, those nations and creditor institutions can do no less than to accept that they share the responsibility for the present level of indebtedness. Furthermore, in view of the great social and political upheavals that the situation could cause, it is impossible to claim that the problem is exclusively financial or that the Latin American Governments should accept forced insolvency to please creditors who have forgotten their share of the responsibility. The problem requires serious political consideration, and there must be a joint solution, bearing in mind the interests of both sides, since the only answer is the structural improvement and the development of the Latin American economies.
56.	The Government of the Republic of Panama, through me thanks the United Nations for its efforts for peace and mankind. We are convinced that not only our country but the whole international community will solve our problems on the basis of dialogue, political negotiation and mutual respect between States. That is the best contribution we can make for the benefit of our peoples.


1.	I should like first to congratulate Mr. Paul Lusaka, of Zambia, on his unanimous election as President of the General Assembly. I am confident that under his leadership the work of the thirty-ninth session will produce positive results. His election constitutes, to our great satisfaction, a further reflection of the outstanding role played by the Group of African States in the United Nations and its active contribution to the international community.
2.	At this session we have taken another step towards the universality of the United Nations with the admission of the 159th Member, Brunei Darussalam, to which Uruguay extends a most cordial and friendly welcome and offers its full co-operation.
3.	In the annual consideration of our agenda, we are faced with a full range of serious problems arising as a consequence of the world economic crisis and the continued existence of a large number of situations brought about by political tension and even by open conflict.
4.	In recent years, our world has not become safer, more peaceful or more just: quite the contrary.
151. I should like to refer specifically to some of the questions that are particularly important to my Government.
152. On the occasion of the opening of the twenty- fifth annual meeting of the Board of Governors of the Inter-American Development Bank, at Punta del Este in March of this year, President Alvarez underlined the fact that the opening of the session coincided with "the most painful crisis of the world economic system". He said:
"Latin America is undergoing the deepest crisis of the last half century. Growth has stagnated. The standard of living of every citizen has worsened in the whole region, thus bringing about the inevitable social and political consequences. This situation of unforeseen regional and world-wide consequences is reflected in an unprecedented debt, the servicing and repayment of which constitutes a very high percentage of the export revenue, if not all of it.
"In these conditions—and we emphasize this— the problem cannot be solved. Even if we recognize that the work of reconstruction is a responsibility falling on all the members of the community who wish to make progress, it becomes essential that credit institutions and developed countries accept their responsibilities, taking into account their own capabilities and political and financial interests. Their own growth and stability depend in the end on the economic and social well-being of our countries."
He continued:
"The time has come to abandon sterile diagnoses and to undertake co-ordinated action. The terms of payment of our debt must be rescheduled; reducing interest rates in such a way that the debt may be serviced while we keep a level of revenue-producing exports that can safeguard the social conditions of our peoples. In order for Latin America to continue its development and generate wealth— and this seems to be everyone's goal—we should be able to draw on sufficient external financing while at the same time increasing our exports."
153.	Nevertheless, it must be said that, in assuming the responsibility of meeting our obligations and carrying out the relevant negotiations in a sovereign manner, the Latin American countries have found in their adverse situation a source of unity and co-operation.
154.	In meetings at Quito, Lima, Cartagena and Mar del Plata, we have produced important documents which clearly articulate our strong and responsible common position, on the basis of which we are ready for a constructive dialogue. We have firmly put forward just and realistic guidelines for the repayment of the debt, taking into account the unavoidable and equitable sacrifices that such adjustment entails for all parties concerned.
155.	In this context, we once again strongly support the provisions of paragraph 23 of the Cartagena Consensus, signed on 22 June 1984. On that occasion, the majority of the Latin American countries expressed their readiness "to hold a meeting with the Governments of industrialized countries in order to examine jointly the many aspects, and the economic, social and political implications, of the indebtedness of Latin America".
156.	The present situation, in all its gravity, confirms once more the wisdom of our long-standing position concerning the need to eliminate restrictions to trade which seriously affect the developing countries. As exemplified by the present situation, one can claim the validity of the equation encompassing external debt and trade, but one must also accept, as has always been the case, the relationship between trade and development.
157.	In this perspective, the protectionism of the industrialized countries and their intervention in international markets with subsidized products constitute a very serious development, which adversely affects the developing countries not only at the economic level but also in the social context.
158.	It must be clearly stated that those countries which practise such conduct in matters so vital for the life of peoples and the regulation of their relationships have no moral legitimacy in passing judgement on other aspects of relationships among men, nor do they have the authority to question the political, social and economic consequences brought about by their actions.
159.	The crisis produced by the external debt has also underlined the weaknesses of the international financial system, which are greatly increased by the relationship among all the factors.
160.	It is obvious that these problems affect not only Latin America in varying degrees, they affect all the developing countries and are added to the critical food situation, especially in Africa. We have not reached the goal of food security. We must continue our efforts to that end.
161.	It is sad to observe that the various multilateral mechanisms have not been able to deal with these issues—as they have not been able to deal with financial and monetary questions—in the depth that the situation requires or with the practical efficiency required. We have not made any progress in the global negotiations, in the revision of the development strategy or in the adoption of immediate remedies. We are facing an acute crisis in international co-operation to a degree which threatens not only the vitality of the multilateral mechanisms themselves but their very existence. We are witnessing an acute crisis in international co-operation to such an extent that we note that it has become impossible to discuss and implement overall long- term policies such as would encompass a comprehensive solution to global problems.
162.	We think it is necessary to initiate immediate and concerted practical action to find solutions to the most pressing basic problems, such as those of trade, finance and the establishment of appropriate conditions of food security. That would improve the standard of living of the developing countries in the immediate future.
163.	The delegation of Uruguay is ready to cooperate actively in the search for multilateral remedies which could help to solve these problems. We must, however, insist on our offer of honest cooperation, even though this might elicit a response only in terms of an echo of the words themselves. Beyond rhetoric, it is necessary to enter into a genuine dialogue, to embark upon practical negotiations to solve pressing questions, and we must show the necessary political will. The paralysis pervading the international scene on questions so vital and urgent for the daily life of peoples could become the factor triggering greater evils with unpredictable consequences.
164.	For 20 years, Uruguay has been advocating a legal and peaceful solution to the question of the Malvinas Islands, through dialogue and negotiation within the framework of the United Nations. That has become more necessary than ever in the light of the tragic events of 1982 and in view of the continued tension and risk which this unresolved question entails. Our Government welcomes the statements expressing the will to find a solution. They should be translated into the immediate resumption of negotiations. Uruguay's well-known solidarity with the aspirations of the Argentine Republic does not preclude us, together with other Latin American nations, from formulating the sincere desire for the reopening of negotiations.
165.	Our Government has been following with great concern the development of the crisis in Central America. Without wishing to enter into discussions or into ideological confrontations, I must say that it is very moving to see so many people who have suffered for such a long time. The human dimension of the conflict engulfs everything and everyone. This makes it imperative to have solidarity and effective action. The efforts of the countries members of the Contadora Group in this respect deserve our strong support. The Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America is a document inspired by the rich juridical and political traditions of Latin America. The various instances of dialogue in the recent past are encouraging signs.
166.	We trust that the positive action of the Group will continue—Uruguay will offer its firm support to that end—in order that the remaining obstacles may be overcome. It is necessary for us to engage in joint efforts, within the framework of international law, to ensure that the peoples of Central America are guaranteed the free exercise of self-determination, as a viable means for achieving and consolidating peace.
167.	With an issue so momentous as the one before us, the contribution of all the countries of the region affected by the crisis is essential. We therefore appeal to them to exert their best efforts and to display the political will necessary to promote negotiation, and at the same time we appeal to them to refrain from any action contrary to that aim.
168.	The situation in the Middle East continues to be a source of serious tension, not only for the region but also for international security.
169.	Ever since the founding of the United Nations, our country has supported the adoption of solutions that equitably take into account the rights and interests of all the parties in the region. Consequently, Uruguay is in favour of the full implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and recognizes the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to the full exercise of self-determination and the right of all the States in the region, including Israel, to exist within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
170.	The path leading to true and lasting peace requires solutions negotiated among all the parties concerned, with no one excluded, solutions that take the various elements of the question into account in a balanced and equitable manner and thus provide assurances to all the States in the region.
171.	The United Nations can, when the time comes, play r significant role in promoting negotiations, by pre ding an appropriate framework or supplementing their further development or implementation. We support in particular the efforts of the Secretary-General and we encourage him to continue them.
172.	With deep emotion we express our solidarity with Lebanon, and, at the same time, we make a very strong political statement of support for its sovereignty, integrity and independence. Our country hopes that the Lebanese Government, with the support and respect of the international community, will begin to exercise its functions and powers effectively throughout its territory and that, in a climate of national concord, peace will be consolidated with the withdrawal of foreign forces.
173.	The attention of the international community should also be focused on other serious issues which affect various areas and which, taken together, bear witness to the precarious state of peace in the world. I am referring to, among other things, the prolonged conflict between Iraq and Iran and to the situations in Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Cyprus, as well as to the division and tension in the Korean peninsula.
174.	It is appropriate for me to recall the importance my country attaches to the question of the unification of Korea by means of an independent, peaceful solution. This solution must be attained through dialogue and direct negotiation, without foreign interference, which would make possible the creation of conditions favourable to understanding between the parties as well as to the stability of the region. Within that context, the good offices of the Secretary-General, between North and South Korea, should be supported and encouraged. The United Nations must not and cannot be indifferent to, or allow itself to be kept on the sidelines of this problem. In addition, notwithstanding these efforts and in this spirit, membership of the two Koreas in the United Nations could constitute a very positive occurrence.
175.	The persistence of tension in southern Africa gives rise to particular concern. There can be no doubt that the independence of Namibia and the exercise by its people of the right to self-determination have been postponed for far too long. It is necessary to adopt collective measures designed to secure, in that area, the application of international law, as recognized by the International Court of Justice, the Security Council and the General Assembly. Our Government actively supports the Secretariat's efforts to ensure implementation of internationally agreed norms in this respect. The Security Council can make a decisive contribution, taking into account its own powers.
176.	The situation with respect to apartheid is one about which Uruguay has particularly strong feelings. We totally reject this policy as well as its doctrine, its constitutional enshrinement and its practical application. We fully endorse the recent Security Council resolution which declares that the new constitution of South Africa is contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and that its implementation would aggravate an already explosive situation in regard to apartheid.
177. Within the framework of international law, our country firmly supports all actions aimed at putting an end to the policy of apartheid, the continued practice of which, moreover, is a danger to peace and security.
178. Our reference to these questions makes it imperative for us to reaffirm our commitment to the defence of the principles of self-determination and non-discrimination on the basis of sex or religion or on any other basis, as well as to the application of both principles everywhere. It is thus appropriate for us to express regret at the persistence of colonial situations, the continued implementation of discriminatory policies and the non-exercise of the right to self-determination.
179.	Uruguay, in accordance with a tradition by which it has always abided, considers that multilateral legal instruments are the most effective means for safeguarding and promoting human rights. That is why it is desirable for these instruments to be made universal and for existing machinery to be put into effect. It would be appropriate—always bearing in mind the sovereign decision of each State—to encourage, on the part of all Governments, greater accession to and ratification of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, as well as the International Covenants on Human Rights and the Optional Protocol. With regard to draft texts, we support the second optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, designed to abolish the death penalty, and the draft convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
180.	Since those instruments constitute a system for the protection of human rights, in keeping with the principles of impartiality and non-selectivity, and since they cover equally the weak and the powerful and every ideology and regime, their adoption would ensure genuine protection of fundamental rights. If they are not adopted, in many instances it will continue to be only those who are more powerful that will benefit and only their political and economic interests will be protected, to the detriment of the interests of those who are weaker and the interests of certain parts of the world. It will indeed run counter to the aims for which these instruments were drafted and, what is worse, they will benefit those who energetically uphold particular philosophical positions that claim to be universal and who will become apostles of discrimination.
181.	The strengthening, through the Secretariat, of the procedures of the Centre for Human Rights and the establishment of a post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights could contribute to ensuring the enjoyment of human rights without distortion and in a truly constructive manner.
182.	The increasing number of conflicts and the various areas of tension arising from great-Power confrontation explain why ground has been lost in the international efforts aimed at disarmament. That is why Uruguay considers that the most important factor for the attainment of real progress in this area would be the creation of an environment of greater confidence through systematic respect for international law, the foundation of coexistence among States.
183.	In particular, it is necessary that we abide strictly by the principles of non-intervention, self- determination and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We wish to emphasize most strongly the need for strict observance of the principle of non-intervention. In view of the present state of international relations, it is deplorable that intervention in the internal affairs of other States not only has assumed a variety of more or less sophisticated forms but also occurs with such frequency that it has become the hallmark of our times, to the detriment of those countries which are most vulnerable, with destabilizing consequences of serious proportions.
184.	It is more than ever necessary for us to heed the call for reflection and a responsible approach. The gravity and intensity of the economic, social and political crisis affecting the vast majority of the peoples of the world has encouraged those who are stepping up their acts of intervention. This generates unnecessary conflicts which enable them to disguise their own ineffectiveness or incompetence. This situation has a particularly adverse impact on the economically weak countries. Every country—with rare exceptions—knows that there are other countries that are more powerful, and this conditions what it does. Thus, the revitalization of the principles of international law would allow everyone to take its proper place in a context of mutual respect.
185.	With each instance of direct or indirect violation of these principles, there is not only an attack on international law but also a threat to international peace and security.
186.	It is necessary to strengthen the rule of law. We should address ourselves to the biggest problems of our age. I would mention here by way of example the adoption of a convention making it mandatory for all States to resolve disputes by peaceful means before such disputes become uncontrollable and the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations therefore a mere illusion.
187.	The powers of the International Court of Justice should be increased, making its intervention mandatory in certain cases.
188.	Uruguay, which was responsible for the earliest declaration under the terms of Article 36 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, appeals to all those States which are not yet doing so to do everything they can to ensure that the Court is given mandatory power in all disputes covered by that Article.
189.	The Security Council can undertake preventive action, which can lead to early solutions, particularly in the more critical cases. Peace-keeping operations should be supported and strengthened.
190.	The international community must increase its support for the Secretary-General and for the development of the duties that are implicit in his office, and in the provisions of the Charter.
191.	Finally, the General Assembly should adopt precise decisions strengthening the role of the Organization in general and of the General Assembly in particular, taking into account the work in the relevant Committees and the views of Member States.
192.	The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, as in previous years, provides us with an objective assessment of steps that could be undertaken to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations.
193.	The great Powers, particularly the nuclear Powers, have a responsibility to make a substantial contribution to disarmament and peace. Nevertheless, the magnitude of what is at stake—the principles of international law, the legal structure of the Organization and, in the final analysis, the indivisibility of peace—give each and every one of the Member States the right and the duty to act in this field.
194.	It is fitting that we reaffirm, first, the validity of the objective of general and complete disarmament under international control. However, this should not stand in the way of our trying to promote, wherever and whenever possible, all other efforts undertaken in this area. In our view, the following collateral measures are called for: in the nuclear field, political support for halting and reversing the arms race; the initiation of negotiations between the superpowers; the extension of the ban on nuclear testing to cover underground tests; the creation and expansion of denuclearized zones and zones of peace; the negotiation of instruments guaranteeing the non-use of nuclear weapons against States which do not possess them; and the universalization of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In the field of conventional weapons, we believe that agreements aimed at stopping the arms race and banning the production and use of especially destructive weapons, in particular chemical weapons, are also necessary.
195.	The political, institutional and legal measures necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security are closely linked to any process of disarmament, as well as with the indispensable confidence-building measures.
196.	The international community can and must use its political influence and call with one voice for new efforts to ensure peace and progress through negotiations specifically aimed at disarmament in all forums.
197.	The Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament and was held in 1978, was fully endorsed in the Concluding Document of the Assembly's Twelfth Special Session, which was also devoted to disarmament, and continues to provide a firm basis for serious efforts in this area. The comprehensive programme for disarmament, on which negotiations are now taking place, could become the necessary framework; it could mark the successful conclusion of the work undertaken and be a forerunner of the conclusion of that yet to be carried out steadily and without respite.
198.	When considering the present situation throughout the world it is easy to grow disheartened, but that situation makes it imperative for the Organization to overcome the crisis. For this there are precedents.
199.	The Charter of the United Nations enshrines a system of principles that constitute a new landmark in international law, allowing us to make significant strides in regulating important, areas of human endeavour. The Organization has promoted vast decolonization enterprises and has formulated the most modern concepts of economic, social and political development. The Organization, indeed, has become a forum for dialogue and discussion without precedent and with a unique universal character. It has become the forum where all States, large and small, participate in the search for solutions and policies. Increasingly, all opinions can be heard in an irreversible process of democratization.
200.	On the main issues of concern to the international community, the United Nations has made substantially correct decisions. One must admit this, even if one disagrees in certain instances or is not satisfied with the implementation in others.
201.	If we do not muster the necessary political will to find solutions through dialogue, if we cannot recover the sense of commitment to universal peace that created the Organization, we shall have nothing left but confrontation through which to solve our disputes. This in turn will breed intolerance and radicalism in those who claim to possess the truth— their truth.
202.	Here, among the Members of the United Nations, there is a binding political force that spurs negotiation forward, that demands peace and security that demands justice and fairness.
203.	It is a pleasure for me to express these thoughts on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations and at a moment of particularly historic importance for my country. In the course of a long and trying political process, we Uruguayans have faced terrorist attacks with a sense of sacrifice and dignity, and, as we stated at the thirty-eighth session, we are now ready for the culmination of this stage with the holding of general elections next month that will be carried out on the basis of all the traditional guarantees of my country.
204.	Allow me here to reaffirm Uruguay's support for the United Nations, support that has been unswerving from the time of the signing of the Charter to the present. This attitude is not based on any transitory political interest or the position of any given administration. It is a profound conviction held by my people, a people ready to contribute to peace with justice and under law, and thus to live in harmony with all the peoples of the world, in a united effort aimed at co-operation and development.
205.	We are still far from making a reality of the dreams and ideals of the founders, but time has confirmed the validity of those dreams and ideals.