Before I begin my statement,
I want to express the strongest condemnation of the
recent acts of incitement to hatred perpetrated against
the faith of the billions of Muslims around the world
and our beloved Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon
him. Although we can never condone violence, the
international community must not remain a silent
observer and should criminalize such acts, which destroy
the peace of the world and endanger global security by
abusing the freedom of expression. Pakistan asks that
the United Nations immediately address this matter of
great alarm and concern and bridge the widening rift in
order to enable the comity of nations to be one again.

I would like to congratulate the President on
his election to his important post and to convey our
appreciation to the previous President, His Excellency
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, from the brotherly
state of Qatar, who carried out his work with skill. I
would also like to express our appreciation for the
laudable work of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. We
greatly appreciate his leadership in guiding the work
of the Organization. It is a special privilege to be at
the General Assembly today, representing the brave and
courageous people of Pakistan.
Globally, we face enormous challenges. But with
collective efforts and commitment we can provide our
people with a better future. We must work to end poverty.
We must work to protect the planet and mitigate climate
change. We must ensure that all people have equal
rights, and we must protect the weak and vulnerable.
We must pursue justice and fairness for all. We must
pursue the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
We must save our current and future generations from
the horrors of war. I think of my own children and the
generations of unborn children yet to come. They, and
all the children of the world, deserve safety, stability
and security. Those goals have guided me throughout
my four years in office as President of Pakistan. They
are the goals and principles about which I want to talk
today.
Pakistan’s engagement with the United Nations
lies at the heart of those goals. We are proud of going
above and beyond the call of duty in fulfilling our
international responsibilities. Pakistan has consistently
been among the top United Nations peacekeeping troop
contributors for many years. Today, more than 10,000
Pakistani troops proudly wear the Blue Helmet of the
United Nations in the service of our brothers and sisters
around the world.
Our election to the Security Council reflects
our commitment to world peace. It is also a vote of
confidence in Pakistan on the part of the international
community.The United Nations represents our common
aspirations for peace and development. However, it
needs reform. The United Nations system must become
more democratic and accountable, and reform should
be based on consensus and democratic principles.
In the last several years, Pakistan has repeatedly
suffered natural calamities. The people of Pakistan
appreciate the support of the United Nations and the
international community in that connection.

Being a democratic country, we believe that
the legitimate aspirations of any people should be
accommodated peacefully and in a manner consistent
with the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of
States. We support the rights of the Palestinian people
and an independent Palestinian State. We also favour
the admission of Palestine to full membership of the
United Nations.
There are many questions that are asked of
Pakistan these days. I am not here to answer questions
about Pakistan. The people of Pakistan have already
answered them. The politicians of Pakistan have
answered them. The soldiers of Pakistan have answered
them. We have lost more than 7,000 Pakistani soldiers
and policemen, and more than 37,000 civilians. We
have lost our Minister for Minority Affairs, Shahbaz
Bhatti, and my friend Salmaan Taseer, Governor of
Punjab, our most populous province, to the actions
of extremists. And I need not remind my friends here
today that I bear a personal scar. On 27 December 2007,
knowing that her life was under threat from the mindset
that she had warned the world against, Pakistan’s first
elected female leader, and my wife, Shaheed Mohtarma
Benazir Bhutto, was martyred by the bullets and bombs
of terrorists. Terrorism and extremism have destroyed
human lives, torn the social fabric and devastated the
economy. Our economy, our lives and our ability to live
in the shadow of our Sufi saints and our freedom-loving
forefathers have been challenged.
We have responded. Our soldiers have responded.
So I am not here to answer questions about Pakistan.
I am here to ask some questions on behalf of the
Pakistani people: on behalf of the two-year-old baby
who was killed in the bombing at Lahore’s Moon
Market on 7 December 2009; on behalf of Pervaiz
Masih, a Christian Pakistani who was killed with six
others while trying to protect Muslim Pakistanis during
a bomb attack on Islamic University in Islamabad on
20 October 2009; on behalf of Commandant Siffat
Gha-yoor of the Frontier Constabulary police force in
Peshawar, who was martyred by militants on 4 August
2010; on behalf of the traders and businessmen in
Peshawar, Quetta, Lahore and Karachi and in the
dozens of marketplaces that have been ravaged by
multiple bombings, over and over and over again; and,
perhaps most of all, on behalf of my three children,
whose mother, Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, was
also martyred by terrorists.

For more than 30 years, our doors have been open
to our Afghan brothers and sisters.
For many years, we were left to fend for ourselves
and our Afghan guests.
I remember the red carpet that was rolled out for all
the dictators in our country — dictators who promised
the international community the moon — while Pakistan
was kept in the dark. Those dictators and their regimes
are responsible for suffocating and throttling Pakistan,
Pakistan’s institutions and Pakistan’s democracy. I
remember the judicial execution of Pakistan’s first
elected leader, Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. I remember
the jailing of Pakistan’s elected leaders.
I remember the 12 years that I myself spent in
prison, and I remember the billions provided by the
international community to support those dictatorships.
My country’s social fabric and its very character have
been altered. Our condition today is a product of
dictatorship.
No country and no people has suffered more in the
epic struggle against terrorism than Pakistan. Drone
strikes and civilian casualties on our territory add to the
complexity of our battle for hearts and minds through
this epic struggle. To those who say that we have not
done enough, I say in all humility: please do not insult
the memory of our dead and the pain of our living. Do
not ask of my people what no one has ever asked of any
other people. Do not demonize the innocent women and
children of Pakistan, and please, stop this refrain to do
more. The simplest question of all is: how much more
suffering can Pakistan endure?
I am sure that the international community does not
want any suffering anywhere, least of all in Pakistan.
We believe, in fact, that the international community is
a partner. That is because it is in the common interest
of all nations to work together.
In Pakistan, I have helped bring about a major
strategic shift in how we view working together. Within
Pakistan, our democracy has brought about major
changes. God willing, this will be the first civilian
Government in Pakistan’s 66-year history to complete
its full five-year term.
In that time, Parliament has passed unprecedented
reforms. We have restored the consensus 1973
Constitution.

The National Assembly has enacted wide-ranging
social reforms. We have established a National
Commission on Women and a National Commission
on Human Rights. We have established, for the first
time, a truly independent election commission, to
ensure free, fair and transparent elections. Our media
is free, uncensored and thriving. Our civil society is
flourishing under the protection of democracy. We have
created the first social safety net, through the women of
Pakistan, for the weak and less privileged. Millions of
families have benefitted. We have aided the poor and at
the same time empowered the women of our households.
That safety net is called the Benazir Income Support
Programme. These are the gifts of democracy. This is
the dream of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto.
The growing regional pivot in Pakistan’s foreign
policy is a symbol of our democratic policy-making. In
engaging with our region, we are changing the future.
In China, our strategic partnership is growing from
strength to strength. In Afghanistan, we have begun to
engage and deepen our friendship with the entire range
of the Afghan political spectrum.
We believe that a sovereign, stable and secure
Afghanistan is good for the Afghan people, and what
is good for the Afghan people is good for Pakistan.
While our hearts and homes remain open to our
Afghan brothers, it is imperative that the international
community support the 3 million Afghan refugees in
Pakistan in their quest to return home with dignity. A
brighter Afghan future will be possible only when the
quest for peace is Afghan-owned, Afghan-driven and
Afghan-led.
We respect and support the efforts of the
Government of Afghanistan for reconciliation and
peace. Pakistan will support in every way possible any
process that reflects Afghan national consensus.
Similarly, we approach our relations with India
on the basis of mutual trust. The contacts between
our leadership are expanding. I was encouraged by
my discussions last month in Tehran with the Prime
Minister of India, whom I met with for the fifth time
in four years.
Our principled position on territorial disputes
remains the bedrock of our foreign policy. We will
continue to support the rights of the people of Jammu
and Kashmir to peacefully choose their destiny in
accordance with the Security Council’s long-standing
resolutions on this matter. Kashmir remains a symbol of the failures, rather than the strengths, of the United
Nations system. We feel that a resolution of these issues
can be arrived at only in an environment of cooperation.
By normalizing trade relations, we want to create
a regional South Asian narrative. Such a narrative will
provide an environment that will mutually benefit the
countries of our region.
Along this road, there are pitfalls. One of them
is the tendency to respond to failure through blame.
Pakistan does not blame others for the challenges it
faces. We believe that we should look for a win-win
solution. Regional cooperation and connectivity will
bring us closer and bind us together. It will make us
stakeholders in one another’s futures. Our hosting of a
quadrilateral summit next month and our signing of the
Afghan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement are proof of
that commitment to regional connectivity.
In Pakistan, the lesson we learned from the last 30
years is that history cannot be changed, but the future
can — to a future that is brighter, more prosperous
and more secure, not only for Pakistanis but for all the
peoples of the region, and, indeed, the world.
I must thank the member States of the European
Union (EU) for recognizing the value of trade to
Pakistan. We seek trade, rather than aid. By granting
trade concessions to Pakistan, the EU has sent a
positive message. Those concessions will help us revive
the economy and fight terrorism.
As we embark on this ambitious transformative
experience, we are aware that there are threats and
pitfalls. One of them is the expanding illegal trade of
heroin. Despite the presence of international forces in
Afghanistan, the size of the heroin trade has increased
by 3,000 per cent in the last decade. The heroin industry
is eroding the social fabric of our society.
Terrorist activities within our region and, indeed,
all over the world are funded and fuelled by the
unrestricted production and sale of illegal drugs.
Pakistan has pursued an ambitious agenda to control
that menace. We are coordinating with our neighbours
and will hold a conference later this year to develop a
unified approach to stamping out the drug trade.
My call upon this body, and especially those nations
represented here that are actively engaged in the region,
is: here, today, let us begin to work together.

I have committed my presidency and my nation’s
future to a paradigm shift, a permanent democratic
future for Pakistan. It has not been easy, but nothing
worth fighting for is. We long ago stopped thinking
of doing what is easy. Instead, we have committed
ourselves to doing what is right. In that regard, I recall
the powerful words of my beloved martyred wife and
my leader, Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, when
she appeared before this body 16 years ago.
Her words ring out and guide us into a new future.
She said in 1996,
“I dream of a third millennium in which the
gap between rich and poor evaporates; in which
illiteracy, hunger, malnutrition and disease are
at long last conquered; in which every child is
planned, wanted, nurtured and supported; and in
which the birth of a girl is welcomed with the same
joy as that of a boy. I dream of a millennium of
tolerance and pluralism, in which people respect other people, nations respect other nations, and
religions respect other religions.
“That is the third millennium I see for my
country and others”. (A/51/PV.20, p.4)
We have made some progress towards achieving
those goals. But so much remains to be done. In her
memory and in the name of God Almighty, Pakistan
commits to that path again today.
May peace be upon all countries and their people.


The primary mission of the
United Nations is to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which... has brought untold sorrow
to mankind”. Those are the words of the Charter of the
United Nations: the legacy of our predecessors. Our
history tells us that conflict grows in the spaces where
human rights are denied; that, where deprivation,
inequality and injustice erode human dignity and
potential, conflict is the consequence; that war follows
hunger, and hunger follows war. That is why the Charter
expresses in simple and clear terms our commitment
to fundamental human rights. It reaffirms our “faith
in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the
equal rights of men and women and of nations large
and small”.
Words can at times become too familiar, so familiar
that their force and impact fade with time. We who
gather here each year must remind ourselves what we
stand for, reflect honestly on what we have achieved and
what we have not achieved, and rededicate ourselves to
the ideals set out in our Charter. We must make those
lofty words relevant again to the peoples for whom we
speak here.
The struggle for human rights is being fought every
day in every region of the world. There are too many
forgotten places and forgotten causes. We must not turn
away from the dark corners where the media spotlight
does not shine or from which the media spotlight has
long departed. We must speak here for the five-year-
old child, without a family, struggling to survive in a
refugee camp; for the hungry mother cradling a dying
infant at a feeding station; for those who cannot speak
publicly in their own lands and who look to us here
for the vindication of their basic rights; for those who
believe in the words of our Charter and expect us to act
on them.
What is happening in Syria is an affront to
humanity. Syrian children, Syrian women and Syrian
men, young and old, are being slaughtered by their own
Government. A national army — the army of a sovereign
State and Member of this Organization — is shelling its
own people as they queue for bread, and is launching
airstrikes on its own cities. We find compelling evidence
of wholesale massacres in towns such as Houla, and
we see Syrian children trying to make sense of their
shattered lives in refugee camps in neighbouring
countries. The violence is indiscriminate, and on an
appalling scale. And it is not confined to one side.
The people of Syria deserve the full support of
the international community for the efforts to bring about an end to their suffering and to achieve an early
political transition. Ireland backs the Joint Special
Envoy of the United Nations and the League of Arab
Nations, Lakhdar Brahimi, in his difficult task. The
priority must be to achieve an immediate ceasefire and
to get a political process under way that will facilitate
the transition.
What is needed, above all, is a strong Security
Council resolution that will authorize targeted sanctions.
It must include a comprehensive arms embargo against
all those who are responsible for violating the human
rights of the Syrian people. That is what the Syrian
people want from us, and what they have a right to
expect.
There must also be full accountability for human
rights abuses. To prevent further atrocities now and to
save lives now, we must make it clear now that atrocities
will not go unpunished. That is why Ireland supports
the call by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights and by Switzerland and others for the
Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the
International Criminal Court. We are working to build
up strong cross-regional support for such a referral.
If the events in the Arab world over the past two
years have taught us anything, it is that leaders who deny
legitimate demands for greater political and economic
freedom and who instead resort to waging war on their
own people will inevitably lose the right to rule. The
systematic denial of human rights and suppression of
democratic liberties has fuelled a profound desire for
change. In Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain and
elsewhere, Ireland has supported the will of the people,
peacefully expressed, to bring about long-overdue
democratic reforms.
As world attention focuses on Syria, peace and
justice remain elusive elsewhere in the Middle East.
The need for a lasting resolution of the Arab-Israeli
conflict is as urgent as ever. Yet a depressing stalemate
persists, with no progress towards a comprehensive
settlement. Ireland has said on many occasions that
the establishment of a Palestinian State, within borders
based on those of 1967, is long overdue. We have made
clear our hope that Palestine will be formally admitted
to the United Nations as a full Member. While that hope
remains to be fulfilled, we welcome the announcement
by President Abbas of his plans to consult with the
membership of the General Assembly on a resolution
that, as an interim step towards the achievement of that goal, would accord Palestine non-member State
observer status. Ireland will be proud to support a
fair and balanced resolution to that end, and we look
forward to the forthcoming consultations.
We know of course that such steps will not alter
the situation on the ground. Israel must stop expanding
settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem,
which only impede the prospect of achieving Israel’s
own stated desire for a Palestinian State. The peace
and security of the people of Israel, to which they are
entitled, gain nothing from denying the basic rights of
the people of Gaza, who are subjected to an unjust and
counterproductive blockade.
There is no alternative to serious negotiations
between the two sides aimed at a comprehensive
settlement. I would like to see President Abbas and
Prime Minister Netanyahu commit themselves to
achieving a comprehensive peace agreement within
a specified timescale. That will not be easy and will
require painful compromises on both sides. But if both
leaders are willing to embark on that path they will
have the unstinting support of the entire international
community, including Ireland.
Peace and security are inextricably linked to
development. And development is at the heart of
Ireland’s foreign policy. We have maintained our
official development assistance above 0.5 per cent of
gross national product — an important achievement
in the face of major economic difficulties — and we
remain committed to reaching the United Nations target
of 0.7 per cent as soon as we possibly can.
Ireland’s aid programme represents a genuine
investment by the Irish people in the world we share
with the people of developing countries. We focus in
particular on the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. We
have prioritized investments in education, in health, in
good governance, and in the lives and rights of girls
and women and of persons living with HIV and AIDS.
We have seen remarkable economic progress made in
African countries as a result of such investments. But
great inequalities still persist.
It is in all our interests as global citizens to stay
the course in relation to the Millennium Development
Goals and to continue to work together for a sustainable
and just world in which States operate on the basis of
the rights of all people to participate in and contribute
to society and inclusive economies.

Against that background, the reality of hunger
persists in our world. The scandal is that we have the
tools to tackle that suffering and that terrible waste of
human potential. How can people realize their rights
and potential if they cannot meet their most basic needs
for existence?
No country knows that better than Somalia. Once,
Somalia was at the centre of the world’s attention. But
the media spotlight moved on, and the people of Somalia
have faced a long struggle to emerge from war, famine
and instability. Today, more than two million Somalis
still need our help. On the last Sunday of July 2012,
I visited Mogadishu. Amidst the grinding poverty and
the misery of insecurity, I saw genuine signs of hope
and opportunity. Schools, homes, shops and businesses
are being rebuilt and reopened, and people are returning
from exile. Increased international engagement has
been essential. Real progress is also being achieved
in Somalia’s transition to democracy, with impressive
engagement by Somali traditional and political leaders.
We must support them.
I pledge today that Ireland will not turn away from
Somalia or from humanitarian emergencies elsewhere
in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel and across the globe.
We will work with our partners to highlight forgotten
crises and the needs of fragile States, as well as to forge
a more coherent and effective international approach
towards humanitarian action and development policy.
Ireland has made the fight against hunger and
undernourishment the key priority of its development
policy. We have delivered on our commitment to direct
20 per cent of our aid budget to that priority. With our
partners, we have worked closely with the Secretary-
General to build and support the Scaling Up Nutrition
movement. But we must do more. Collectively, we must
act now to recognize the systemic linkages between
recurring food price crises, humanitarian emergencies,
chronic undernourishment and the effects of climate
change.
There is nothing that connects us more across
borders, across oceans and across generations than
our mutual dependence on the planet that we share.
Climate change is not something happening in a far-off
land or in a distant future. It is happening now and it is
happening fast. It is not for another generation to solve.
It is for us to take responsibility, to strive to achieve
climate justice, and to act.

A deep attachment to the safeguarding of human
rights has been at the heart of Ireland’s foreign policy
since the foundation of our State. Ireland’s commitment
to the protection and promotion of human rights has
been shaped by our own history. As a small island
nation that has experienced the impact of colonialism,
civil war and conflict, we learned the hard way that
human rights can never be taken for granted.
From the earliest days of our United Nations
membership, we pioneered the promotion of nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. We also paid close
attention to decolonization and the struggle against
apartheid. Today, we make substantial contributions
to United Nations development agencies and funds and
are active participants in United Nations peacekeeping
operations. Thousands of Irishmen and Irishwomen
have served in United Nations peacekeeping forces,
and our people are intensely proud of that contribution
to the ideals of the United Nations.
Ireland also plays an active role in the work being
done in the United Nations framework to protect and
promote human rights. We are proud that our former
President, Mary Robinson, served with distinction as
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
from 1997 to 2002. When the Human Rights Council
was first established in 2006, Ireland declared that it
would seek election to that body in 2012. That is the
first occasion on which we have sought election to the
Council.
We are committed to a robust and effective Human
Rights Council. We want to see a principled Council
that provides real leadership in that critical area. We
also value and support the full participation of small
States in the work of the Council. The Universal
Periodic Review process has opened up an important
space for national dialogue on human rights. Ireland
engaged constructively and self-critically in its own
review. We are also firmly committed to a strengthened
United Nations treaty monitoring body system and have
actively contributed to efforts to reinforce that system.
Threats to human rights worldwide are proliferating
steadily, whether from widespread poverty and hunger,
repressive systems of governance, religious intolerance,
gender-based violence or other sources. If Ireland is
elected to the Human Rights Council in November,
we will serve the cause of international human rights
protection as an active and committed member of the
Council.

The United Nations was founded on the principle
that diplomatic engagement and dialogue between
nations are essential to peace and human development.
Attacks on diplomatic missions, such as we saw
recently in Benghazi, are attacks on that principle.
They are never acceptable and must be condemned by
the international community.
Ireland is currently chairing the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). That has
enabled us to make a contribution to the search for
agreement across the full range of the OSCE’s activities.
We have drawn on our own experience in building
peace in Northern Ireland to contribute to the work of
the OSCE, which seeks to find peaceful settlements to
protracted conflicts. I am hopeful that by the end of our
term in office we will have been able to make progress
in some key areas, including in the so-called human
dimension of the OSCE and on some conflict issues.
We have used our chairmanship to prioritize
Internet freedom, reflecting the increasing importance
of the Internet as a platform for the exercise of human
rights and fundamental freedoms. A major conference
in Dublin last June focused on how human rights
and fundamental freedoms do not change with new
technologies, but extend seamlessly into the digital
age. We look forward to assuming the presidency of the
European Union Council of Ministers in the first half
of next year. We will bring to that role the same energy
and commitment that we have devoted to discharging
our OSCE responsibilities.
A distinguished Irish politician and lawyer of the
late eighteenth century, John Philpot Curran, once
remarked that “the price of liberty is eternal vigilance”.
If we are to live up to the aspirations of the Charter of
the United Nations, we must also assume the burden of
eternal vigilance. The daily challenges to human rights
are painfully obvious. Our response must be clear and
unrelenting. In the words of the Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action, the promotion and protection
of human rights is “the first responsibility” of
Governments. We cannot and must not shy from that
responsibility.


I would
first like to congratulate the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session on his election. I
also wish to congratulate his country for that success,
which allows him to manage the Organization during
his term of office. I would also like to congratulate
the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, whose term of office was a very busy one. Lastly, I would like to thank the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the tireless work that he
has undertaken through the programme he submitted
for the next five years and through which he particularly
focuses on sustainable development, peace, security
and the participation of women and young people.
Sad reality shows us that some people, using the
freedom of expression that is guaranteed in their own
countries, have believed that that freedom includes the
right to publish cartoons and to produce a video that
insults Islam. Those acts are comparable to anti-Semitic
acts or racist acts in general by those who reject any
differences and insist on making that a rule of conduct.
We firmly condemn those actions, which are hurtful and
offensive for Muslims. But however disgraceful they
may be, they cannot justify the outbreak of violence we
have seen, especially those against diplomatic missions.
In particular, we condemn the murderous attack against
the United States diplomatic mission in Benghazi, and
we repeat here the sincere condolences of the people
and Government of the Niger to the American people
and Government. We reassert that Islam, a religion of
balance and moderation, cannot provide a basis for such
hateful responses. Those who, in the name of Islam, are
behaving like savage hordes discredit this great religion
and, in doing so, are behaving exactly like those they
claim to denounce.
The sad facts that I have just referred to demonstrate
the wisdom of the theme the President chose to place
at the centre of his mandate, that is, “Bringing about
adjustment or settlement of international disputes or
situations by peaceful means”. The peaceful settlement
of disputes, we may recall, was the theme of the general
debate at the sixty-sixth session. Between the two
sessions, the position of my country on the issue has
not changed.
At the sixty-sixth session, my country’s President,
Mr. Mahamadou Issoufou, said from this rostrum: “We
might have thought that the end of the Cold War would
open the way to an age of full and lasting peace around
the world” (A/66/PV.20, p. 17). Unfortunately, because
there was no ability, or perhaps not even the will, to
attack the evil at its roots, the hope for a world without
conflict recedes like the horizon as one approaches it.
The root of the evil is bad governance, politically and
economically. The promises of liberty, equality and
justice, of the rule of law and solidarity — promises
that were made to people both globally and at the
national level — have still not been upheld. The lack of any regulation of the global economy, the domination
of banks, unfair trade and the growth of inequalities
between and within nations are factors of disorder,
crises and conflicts that disrupt world peace. The rise
of terrorism and the increasingly strong probability
of criminal forces controlling great areas will worsen
tensions throughout the world.
Anticipating international conflicts and disputes
is the best way to prevent them. As international
economic competition can lead to war, the anticipation
of crises should create specific conditions for global
economic growth that benefits all. To do that, there
should be mechanisms to regulate the global economy
with the goal, among others, of ending the hegemony
of financial capital and unfair trade. The end of the
hegemony of financial capital should allow us to direct
available financial resources towards investments in
the real economy rather than towards speculation.
The end of unfair trade will allow countries that
produce raw materials, such as the Niger, to draw
greater benefit from them, particularly through the
change that generates added value. If a country such as
mine were able to get a fair price for its raw materials
and to establish real control over their exploitation, then
the Millennium Development Goals could be achieved
by 2015. That is one of the ambitions of the programme
for the renaissance of the Niger that President Issoufou
presented.
On the basis of that programme, the Government
has just drawn up an economic and social development
plan for 2012 to 2015. For financing the programme, the
Niger is organizing a donors’ meeting to be held in Paris
on 13 and 14 November. The 3N initiative — Nigeriens
Nourishing Nigeriens — is an integral and important
part of the plan. I take the opportunity here to invite all
partners of the Niger, both bilateral and multilateral,
both public and private, to take an active part.
Allow me also to take the opportunity to thank
all those who have responded positively to the appeal
that our President launched here on 23 September
2011 during his address to the Asembly at its sixtysixth
session, calling for assistance to the people of
the Niger following that year’s mediocre harvest. The
mobilization of the people and the Government, as well
as all our partners, enabled us to prevent the drought
from leading to famine, while creating the conditions to
prepare for the 2012-2013 harvest. The results are very
promising despite the recent f looding in the country. It is said that history has more imagination than
do men, because events often escape the control of
those who cause them. It is my hope that this saying
will not apply to the Arab Spring, which has created
turmoil from which we hope good will come. Allow me
to recall the fact that at the Group of Eight Summit in
Deauville on 26 May 2011, President Issoufou drew the
attention of the Heads of State and Government present
on the need for them not to lose sight of the foreseeable
consequences of a Libyan conflict in the Sahel-Saharan
region.
His fears were unfortunately confirmed with
the outbreak of the rebellion in Mali on 17 January,
triggered by elements from Libya and followed by
the coup d’état of 22 March, which dealt democracy
a severe blow while enabling the occupation of two
thirds of Malian territory, not just by external forces,
some of them from Libya, but also by terrorists and
criminal organizations specializing in various types
of trafficking, particularly drugs. In our view, the
current situation in Mali constitutes a serious threat
to the security and stability of the member countries
of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), as well as the countries in the thick of
things.
The ambition of the jihadists who have subjugated
northern Mali, destroying the patrimonial historic sites
of Timbuktu, cutting off hands and forcing women
to wear the burka, is to conquer the whole of West
Africa and the Maghreb. Once they have achieved that
goal, will they stop there? Of course not. They will
immediately go on to attack Europe and the whole of
the rest of the world. This is therefore a global threat,
and the response should be global, too.
It must be immediate and unhesitating, because we
know well that postponing a fight always puts one at a
disadvantage. Therefore the international community,
and the Security Council in particular, has a duty to
take responsibility for the crisis in Mali without delay
in order to restore a united, democratic and secular
Mali. An operational concept for military intervention
should be drawn up and adopted within the framework
of a coalition that should include troops from ECOWAS
member States as well as from the countries involved
and from other African countries wishing to take
part. Such an operation should receive the firm and
determined support of the friends of Mali and Africa
among the great Powers. It should be carried out through
a Security Council resolution in a framework based on the current efforts of ECOWAS but better coordinated
with and controlled by the African Union through its
Peace and Security Council.


The world is living
through unprecedented times. The challenges of an
economic crisis now loom large. All nations, developed
and developing, face growing uncertainties about their
economic prospects. Serious concerns about the global
economy arise now just after global prosperity had
reached unprecedented heights. A second paradox is
that the countries most seriously affected by the crisis
are those that contributed the least to its root causes.
As fallout from the crisis threatens to produce ever
more significant impacts, many already vulnerable
small island States also face a major threat of a
different nature. The threat is an existential one. As
with the economic crisis, the countries that may be
most severely affected by climate change are those that
have contributed the least to the root causes of climate
change. Many small island developing States thus face
the dual threat of the impact of the worsening economies
on their trading and their development partners and that
of climate change.
Already vulnerable nations face greater threats at
the international level, and more vulnerable groups face
greater difficulties within nations. Young people are
faced with higher levels of unemployment, and women
and children are faced with reduced access to public
services, health and education. Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon, speaking at the latest Group of 20 meeting,
put food and nutrition security at the top of the agenda.
Meeting the energy needs for development is a major
concern. Recent meetings convened by the Economic
and Social Council have again highlighted other major
concerns, including structural unemployment, rising
inequality and the lag in poverty eradication.
Many countries, both developing and developed,
face a major challenge with respect to youth
unemployment. Improving access to education and
tackling the mismatch between qualifications and
employment are now a top policy goal. The world
cannot let its young people down and must give them
an opportunity to contribute to economic recovery and
prosperity. What we do for young people and what they can do for the world they will inherit will shape the
economic future of our world.
As all nations work to promote sustainable
development, essential components of governance
required to achieve that goal include more equitable
and inclusive growth, the fight against corruption,
greater accountability, more transparency and a general
culture of integrity. Mauritius affirms that along with
initiatives to revisit development objectives, reform
of the international financial architecture and global
economic governance must remain a top priority.
Mauritius strongly supports the view that the present
economic crisis is of a global nature and that solutions
for inclusive green growth also need to be global in
nature.
The inconclusive talks of the Doha Round and those
on the United Nations Climate Change Convention
both suffered from a historical divide that regrettably
resurfaces from time to time and is resurfacing now
at a time when global solutions are more than ever
necessary. The debate over good economic and fiscal
governance at the national level will always remain
valid and necessary but, however sound such domestic
policies may be, the global environment will have an
impact on growth and development, especially on that
of developing countries and smaller economies.
Thirty-two years ago, the Independent Commission
on International Development Issues highlighted, in the
1980 Brandt report, the interdependence of developing
and developed economies and the mutuality of their
interests. The report explained how all nations would
benefit from a strengthened global economy. As the
world faces another crisis, all nations should recall
how much interdependence has grown since the Brandt
report and bear in mind the interconnection and
mutuality of interests in the development agenda.
In that context, nations must resist protectionist
measures as an easy way out. They would definitely
be detrimental in the medium and long term.
The Committee for Development Policy, in its
July 2012 report (E/2012/33), called for a Transformative
Development Agenda. The international community
must pledge its support for a transformative agenda
based on the recognition that globally coordinated
solutions are necessary to accompany sound domestic
policies. It is imperative that the General Assembly,
with its pre-eminent and universal membership, play a crucial role in the debate on globally coordinated
solutions.
We reaffi rm our support for a revitalized Economic
and Social Council, which should be able to exercise the
effective role and function attributed to it by the Charter.
In that context, we also welcome the reaffirmation of
the mandate of the United Nations Conference on Trade
and Development (UNCTAD) at Doha. UNCTAD
must continue to serve as the focal point of the United
Nations system for the integrated treatment of trade
and development and the interrelated issues of finance,
technology, investment and sustainable development.
As the world engages in the current debate on global
solutions, we must promote more economic exchanges
among developing nations. Regional integration and
cooperation are key to future development. Trade
and investment must also be accompanied by greater
regional cooperation through the pooling of resources
and the provision of public goods. Pooling entails
increased economies of scale and makes it less costly
to acquire technology.
One area where regional cooperation can make a
significant contribution is the energy sector. Pooling
resources and coordinating policies at the regional
level and among groups of developing countries with
common requirements can facilitate the development
of technology and the implementation of renewable
energies.
As we celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,
let us remind ourselves of the potential of the oceans
as an engine for growth and promote international
cooperation in a vast collective effort to tap that
potential. There is potential there with respect not only
to food and mineral resources but also to transport,
leisure and the advancement of science.
We welcome the reaffirmation by world leaders
in Rio de Janeiro that small island developing States
remain a special case for sustainable development in
view of their unique and particular vulnerabilities. We
expect that the commitment to take urgent and concrete
action to address the vulnerabilities of small island
developing States will be followed by concrete actions.
It is imperative that small island developing States
issues be more effectively mainstreamed throughout
the entire United Nations system and that a dedicated
and clearly identified focal point be set up within
every United Nations entity dealing with small island developing States issues. The Small Island Developing
States Unit within the Department of Economic and
Social Affairs should be strengthened to enable it to
provide coordinated support for small island developing
States.
Mauritius joins other world leaders who have
called on all countries to deliver on their assistance
commitments. The international community cannot
spend so much capital on negotiating new pledges and
undertakings in a whole array of outcome documents
and then ignore what has been agreed. We can move
forward only if past commitments are honoured.
We welcome the proposed establishment of a
sustainable development council to follow up on the
United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development
and formulate sustainable development goals. We also
welcome the appointment of a high-level panel on the
post-2015 development agenda. Those entities and
others should be able to build on what has already been
agreed through global negotiations.
I must say that our hearts go out to the people of
Syria, who are enduring the consequences of a severe
humanitarian crisis, as there is no prospect in sight of
a resolution to the political struggle. The international
community cannot remain indifferent to such suffering.
The world can also not remain indifferent to the
suffering of the Palestinian people, who are without a
universally recognized State and face severe economic
hardships and insecurity. Those challenges will test
the credibility and moral authority of the international
system.
I must also say that, while we have the utmost respect
for all faiths and religions, we strongly believe that
there is no justification for violence, however profound
the outrage in response to religious vilification. We
also support the fundamental principle of the protection
of diplomats and diplomatic premises, which is at the
core of the interaction between nations, and we call on
all members of the comity of nations to fully respect
that principle.
We also call on the international community to
support the full implementation of the road map worked
out in our neighbouring State of Madagascar and to
provide the transitional Government with the means
to ensure a speedy return to constitutional rule and
democracy in that great country.

Mauritius very much welcomed the High-
level Meeting of the Assembly on the rule of law.
Development and greater economic prosperity go
hand in hand with enhanced rule of law at both the
national and the international levels. There will be no
meaningful rule of law at the international level unless
and until all nations, especially the small ones, have
avenues for resolving their disputes with other States.
The United Kingdom excised part of Mauritian
territory prior to independence, has refused to enter
into talks in good faith on that dispute and has ensured
that the dispute cannot be resolved by the International
Court of Justice. Thus, the decolonization of Africa
has not been completed. At a time when the United
Nations debates the rule of law at both the national
and the international levels, we urge the international
community to work on machinery that would enable
States, whatever their size or economic power, to have
at their disposal judicial and other peaceful means of
resolving disputes. The rule of law at the international
level cannot be normative only. There must also be
adequate enforcement mechanisms, without which
there is no meaningful rule of law. The full realization
of the territorial integrity of Mauritius also requires a
settlement that would enable us to effectively assert our
sovereignty over Tromelin Island. We look forward to
continued dialogue with France in a spirit of mutual
cooperation.

The challenges that our countries currently face call
for exemplary solidarity on the part of the community
of nations. Our common interests must guide all of our
actions. We will not be able to pull through without
each other. All Governments, civil society, researchers
and entrepreneurs must therefore be aware of the
interdependence of our economies and work together
for the good of all nations. Countries often turn inwards
in times of crisis and look out only for what they believe
to be their own interests. However, true solutions are
collective. A global recovery would serve the interests
of all States.

Before I end, let me convey to the Assembly the
greetings of the Prime Minister of the Republic of
Mauritius and its people.


It
is a great pleasure for me to address the representatives
here today and to express my congratulations to Mr. Vuk
Jeremić on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, and to his cabinet
as well. I also thank his predecessor, Ambassador Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his excellent work during
his presidency. In addition, I extend my appreciation
to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his work for
the good and well-being of Member States and their
peoples.
It is an honour and a pleasure for me to speak from
this rostrum about current issues of great importance
to my country and the world. It is a pleasure especially
because Burundi is right now at a decisive and historic
turning point. What I have to say Pierre Nkurunziza,
President of the Republic of Burundi, also spoke of last
year at the Assembly’s sixty-sixth session. A major turn
of events has placed a special stamp on our country’s
history since independence. Democratically elected
institutions now serve out the terms entrusted to them
by the people in peace, and then, at the end of their
tenure, give way to others, also democratically elected.
Over two years ago, in 2010, Burundi organized
democratic elections for the second time since
2005, from which were born our current republican
institutions, which operate with legitimacy in a restored
climate of peace and security. That development gives us
great satisfaction, and the Burundian people have every
reason to be proud of it. Indeed, whereas my country
faced crises on multiple fronts, under which the people
suffered economic depletion, social degradation and
political discord, seriously demoralizing them, those
same people are now steadily getting back on their feet
and rediscovering hope as they look to the future. That
positive trend demonstrates conclusively a complete
break with the spirals of violence and instability that
have for decades been our ongoing lot.
Thanks to the collective efforts, strength and spirit
of the Burundian people, as well as to the support of our
partners, I can confirm here and now that the policies
begun in 2005 and carried on after 2010 have produced
most encouraging results in many areas. As I said earlier,
in the political sphere our country has held democratic
elections twice in the recent past, in 2005 and 2010. We
have established democratic institutions — the executive
branch, the National Assembly and the Senate — all
of which are representative of the various elements
of Burundi’s population, in conformity with the
ethnic and gender balances agreed to in the Arusha
Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, which have
been incorporated into the Constitution governing
Burundians today. I take pleasure in pointing out that
our Senate’s composition shows a gender parity such
that out of all senates worldwide Burundi’s places
second in women’s representation. That is clearly a
significant and bold step forward, because, rather than
settle for the minimum set out in the Constitution, our
Government voluntarily made the deliberate choice to
go further, to ensure that the female majority in the
population is represented meaningfully in the country’s
institutions.
In its determined drive towards change, the
Government subsequently established an independent national commission on human rights and an
ombudsman’s office. It initiated a zero-tolerance policy
designed to eradicate corruption and misuse of public
funds, a scourge that has ravaged Burundian society
for several years, and also set up adequate enforcement
mechanisms. We still have a way to go, as is the case
in many other countries, but the structures to get there
are firmly in place. In October 2011 the Government
adopted a national good governance and anti-corruption
strategy for 2011-2015. Also, Government officials,
including those at high levels, have signed performance
contracts, laying the groundwork for a culture of
accountability, which is essential to democratic
systems. The members of the Administration and
high-level officials are periodically evaluated based on
those contracts. If they live up to agreed performance
standards they are retained, but otherwise they are
replaced.
The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement
calls for transitional justice mechanisms. We are
working towards a transitional justice system
that carefully and rigorously balances national
reconciliation requirements and those of justice. We
need a mechanism that banishes the demons of the
past and at the same time affords no opportunity for
any type of vengeance or the settling of old scores; in
other words, a mechanism to establish the truth and
to ensure that there is no recurrence of the acts in
question. National consultations were held in 2009, and
the related report has been made public. A technical
committee was established with a mandate to pave the
way for a truth and reconciliation commission. That
committee proposed a methodology in its final report,
which was submitted through the proper channels in
October 2011. The Government had hoped to establish
the commission in January 2012, but that decision had
to be postponed for technical reasons owing to the fact
that further consultations were required, along with
specific proposals on the commission’s mandate and
composition, the selection criteria for its members and
matters related to its operating budget.
Besides those achievements in the political sphere,
the Government undertook a vast social construction
project that yielded positive results. Measures
providing free education for children of primary school
age enabled millions of little Burundians to attend
school, while free medical care for pregnant women,
nursing mothers and children under five years of age
significantly improved maternal and child health care
and will help us to reach the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) in that regard in the near future. Also,
with the participation of the population in communal
labour, 2,024 schools, 80 health centres and more than
2,000 potable-water wells were built in just three years.
With respect to socioeconomic development,
Burundi is continuing to improve its basic economic
infrastructure, including the management of public
finances, an improved business climate and good
governance. In addition, significant progress has been
made with respect to the gradual and orderly return
of displaced persons and the repatriation of refugees.
All those efforts have taken place within the Strategic
Framework for Growth and Poverty Reduction, Vision
2025 and the MDGs. Of the total of 800,000 counted
in the census of 2000-2001, all have returned to our
country with the exception of 37,000 from the Mtabila
camp, who are expected to return by 31 December. Many
internally displaced persons have already returned to
their homes. We have just finished a profiling survey
of those who remain on site, which, in the light of their
expressed wishes, will determine the most appropriate
and humane resolution of their situation.
The social and economic reintegration of former
combatants has yet to be completed and represents a
genuine security risk. While it is true that there have
been a few isolated instances of insecurity here and
there in the country, that is not unique to Burundi.
Banditry, which has taken place on a small scale in
Burundi, also occurs elsewhere, in many countries.
The Government is determined to stamp out all forms
of criminality, including armed robbery. It considers
security the sine qua non of all social and economic
progress, which is why it has embarked on reforms in
that regard. The professionalization of the defence and
security forces and of the justice system to guarantee
the rights of both citizens and foreigners on our soil are
among the measures that the Government has written
into its programme and will continue to promote as the
country moves forward.
In the area of regional integration, an
intragovernmental committee has been established to
develop a national strategy for regional integration, with
the goal of enabling Burundi to take best advantage of
its participation in subregional entities and reducing the
deficits and disadvantages that stem from belonging to
non-regional organizations.
The Strategic Framework for Growth and Poverty
Reduction has reached an advanced stage. The Government and the Вurundi configuration of the
Peacebuilding Commission have made visible progress
in a number of areas, as indicated in the outcome of the
fifth review of the Peacebuilding Commission, issued
on 26 April 2011. Positive results were noted in the areas
of political and institutional peacebuilding issues, good
governance, human rights, economic issues, vulnerable
groups and regional integration, as described earlier.
After this brief survey of the internal situation of
my country, I now turn to Burundi’s role and position
regarding certain international matters. With respect
to Burundi’s participation in peacekeeping operations,
I would like to say that Burundi was one of the two
countries to take part in the African Union Mission in
Somalia, and that it is pleased with the work accomplished
by its soldiers in that context. As the Secretary-General
has already done, my country commends the adoption,
in August, of the provisional Constitution of Somalia
by the National Constituent Assembly in Mogadishu.
It congratulates and encourages the Somali delegates
and leaders with respect to the new developments under
way, aimed at normalizing that country’s situation, and
to their commitment to ending the transition period and
establishing new political institutions that represent
all Somalis. Burundi stands ready to share with the
Somalis our experience on the question of national
reconciliation and in training a national republican
army.
With respect to the security situation in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Burundi, along with the other members of the
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region,
confirms its strong commitment to the terms of the
pact of 15 December 2006 and to its related protocols
guaranteeing security, stability and development. We
are also a signatory to the declarations agreed by the
heads of State and Government of the member States
of that organization in Addis Ababa on 15 July, and in
Kampala on 7 and 8 August and 7 and 8 September.
Along with the other countries of the region, Burundi
remains determined to seek solutions to that conflict
through existing regional arrangements and in
accordance with decisions already taken by the
countries of the subregion within the framework of the
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region.
The Assembly will have noted in the course of my
statement that the Government of Burundi has made
undeniable progress. Still, major challenges remain, not least of them the maintenance of economic growth.
Despite the unfavourable international financial and
economic context, Burundi, with the support of its
partners, must keep its head above water. It must increase
its economic growth with the aim of implementing
its economic and social development projects. It
goes without saying that lack of growth, along with
poverty, means fewer schools, fewer hospitals and
less progress in the areas of energy and transportation
infrastructure — in short, less development for the
country and its people. No leader worthy of the title
would bequeath such a disastrous economic situation to
future generations.
That is why, despite the troubling international
economic outlook, guidance and support are more
than ever necessary for economies as weak as ours in
Burundi. However sustainable it may be at the national
level, our economy is still very much dependent on
the global economy. I remain convinced that, with the
will, commitment and vigour of the people of Burundi,
supported by our friends, the scale of our political and
socioeconomic gains will continue to expand. For its
part, the Government will spare no effort to harness,
coordinate and collaborate with the efforts of all parties
to fight hand in hand for people’s well-being and
prosperity, in Burundi and around the world.
I would like to conclude by welcoming the actions
taken by the United Nations, which over the 67 years of
its existence has moved the world forward at an everaccelerating
pace. I would also like to see the institutional
changes envisaged for the Organization take the
interests of all Member States into consideration, with
all stakeholders taking part in the reform and updating
of the system..
Finally, I wish the President of the General
Assembly every success throughout his term of office.
Long live international cooperation! Long live the
United Nations! Long live Burundi!


Last year, Mongolia observed
the fiftieth anniversary of its joining this important body. Thanks to the choice of our free people, this son
of a herder is here today, happy to report on Mongolia’s
progress in building a strong and free society.
More than 20 years ago, Mongolia stood at a
crossroads. The f lag of democracy was firmly planted
in our rich and historic soil when, in the cold winter of
1989 and in the spring of the White Horse Year of 1990,
decades of rule without the consent of the governed were
swept aside. Individual rights and liberties prevailed.
Our revolution did not break a single window, and not
one drop of blood was shed.
More than two decades later, Mongolia is a stable
beacon of self-governance, a moving force behind the
Asian Partnership Initiative for Democracy and the
current President of the Community of Democracies.
We are proud to chair that world movement for freedom.
Mongolia has demonstrated a firm commitment
to transparency, accountability and the rule of law.
We have recognized that that is the only way that our
democracy can succeed. Therefore, we cannot tolerate
public corruption at any level, from the highest officials
to the ordinary citizen. Corruption is like an infectious
disease, growing in the dark, eating away at the public
trust, scaring away investors, robbing average citizens
of opportunities and attacking the vital immune system
of a nation. We must shine a light on corruption and
attack it head-on.
Additionally, our track record of free and fair
elections and the peaceful transfer of power from one
party to another can serve as an example to our sister
democracies around the world. Mongolia is moving
towards more direct and participatory democracy.
We are empowering our people, not the Government.
Mongolia is proud to be the democratic anchor in the
East.
No democracy is ever perfect. We have experienced
challenges similar to those experienced by other young
democracies. Democracy does not end with the casting
of a ballot. That is just the beginning.
Mongolia is uniquely situated on many levels,
democratically, economically and geographically. Our
drive for democracy, transparency and hope for peace
makes our nation a vital regional player.
Economically, we are blessed by extraordinary
growth — nearly 17 per cent last year. Keeping up with
our high rate of growth is a very real challenge and
one that we are prepared to meet directly. We are very focused on balancing two goals — first, sharing the
opportunities created by our economic success with all
Mongolians, and secondly, demonstrating clearly and
firmly that Mongolia is open for business and a fully
engaged member of the international community.
Our nation’s needs are significant — improved
infrastructure, better health care and world-class
education. We have much to do to meet the immediate
and long-term needs of our people. Our people are
the key to our success. We need to invest in their
future. We need to invest in both social and economic
infrastructure. We are committed to making the
investments needed to give our children the bright
futures they deserve.
As an emerging leader of the global community,
Mongolia also has important international priorities.
None is more important than protecting our
environment. All nations must work to preserve our
planet as our economies expand and mature. I was
honoured and humbled to be recognized by the United
Nations Environmental Programme this year for the
work we are doing in Mongolia to preserve our precious
environment. We are committed to doing even more.
Another priority for Mongolia is expanding
human rights. Mongolia has established an effective
moratorium on capital punishment. We are seeking to
permanently abolish the death penalty in Mongolia by
legislative action very soon. A Government is created
by its people; therefore no Government has the right
to take the life of those who have created it. Let me be
clear: capital punishment is ineffective and barbaric.
Mongolia cares deeply about safeguarding global
peace. We must preserve our planet by eliminating
nuclear weapons across the world. We are also firmly
opposed to storing nuclear waste on Mongolian soil.
We are celebrating 20 years of enjoying nuclear-
weapon-free status. I am grateful that on 17 September,
the five permanent members of the Security
Council — the People’s Republic of China, France,
the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the
United States — signed a joint declaration reaffirming
that status for Mongolia.
The dialogue on Mongolia and its nuclear-
weapon-free zone, which was initiated and has been led
by Mongolia, has continued to make progress. We will
host an event in 2015 to make even further progress.
While nuclear power may remain a viable energy
option for some, any nuclear energy programme in
development must submit to the permanent supervision
of the United Nations and the International Atomic
Energy Agency. Any nation seeking to build nuclear
power must not endanger the peace and security of
its independent neighbours. The solution to those
challenges is engagement, not isolation. The solution is
more diplomacy, more dialogue and more action.
Now more than ever, it is clear that words alone
are not enough. We must be united in taking action to
preserve peace. That goal is even more imperative in
light of the conflicts that have grown ever more tense
in areas such as the Middle East. I was saddened by the
death of the United States Ambassador and others in
Libya. The mission of diplomacy is peaceful. Attacks
on diplomatic compounds violate both the letter and
spirit of international law.
Today, I join with Mongolia’s allies in condemning
the needless violence and bloodshed in Syria. Last year
I urged action. The protest had started peacefully, but
was met with violence from the Syrian Government.
Each day, each hour and, indeed, each minute, the
situation grows worse. In dealing with crises such as
that in Syria, we must remember that those dying are
not just citizens of that nation. They are also citizens
of our planet. They are therefore also our brothers
and sisters. The world should be unified and direct in
bringing the bloodshed to an end before another life is
needlessly lost.
Young girls and boys should be in school, studying
for their future, building their dreams. Young girls and
boys, as well as their mothers and fathers, should not be
dying in the streets and living through nightmares. That
crisis is not just a subject for television programmes.
We Members of the United Nations are not spectators.
The Organization was not created merely to watch a
show unfold on our televisions. We have to act. We have
to move.
Too many mothers suffer when their children
struggle, whether it is for a lack of human rights or
economic opportunity. Mothers want their children to
be free. They want their children to have a job. They
want a better life for their children. My 92-year-old-
mother reminds me daily to serve all people with
respect, especially women, children and the elderly.
Women are the backbone of the family and the bedrock
of a nation. They bring life into the world. They sense
the cries of an infant. Their instincts are to care for the old, the sick and those in need. Our mothers, sisters and
daughters share a core value of caring for others.
We need more women leaders. Women tend to see
the whole picture. For society to advance, we need more
women in public service at all levels, local to global.
They bring a unique perspective that is often missing
in global challenges. Has anyone ever heard of a female
bloody dictator or tyrant? I think not. If there were more
women in power, I think we would have more harmony,
more engagement, less suffering and less conflict. I am
proud to report that in our last elections, we tripled the
number of women in Parliament.
The way to empower women is to ensure that girls
share the same educational opportunities as boys.
Education is the most basic human right. It is the
fundamental building block for human development and
free society. We owe our children — all of them — the
opportunities that a strong education can offer. Instead
of weapons, we should invest more in education, which
unlocks the potential of every child. The return on
such investment will be higher, both for the young men
and women of tomorrow and for the world. Educated
nations are more secure economically, respect human
rights and have greater political freedom.
In conclusion, I am happy to report Mongolia’s
incredible forward movement and to renew our
commitment as a part of the community of nations. We
accept both the rights and responsibilities that come
with that honour.
Eight hundred and fifty years ago, our great king,
Chinggis Khan, was born. He built the largest land
empire in the history of the world. Yet that great king
did not erect a single statute to himself. Chinggis Khan
famously noted, “It was easier to conquer the world on
horseback than to dismount and try to govern.” Let us
be frank. It is not easy to be a diplomat in a troubled
world. It is not easy to fight for equal opportunity for
all. It is not easy to shine a light on corruption. It is not
easy to govern by the rule of law. It is not easy to build
real democracy.
It is easier to build statues. It is easier to destroy.
It is hard to govern well. But we all must dismount and
govern, and govern well. That is vital in order to build
a world where our children feel safer, a world where
our families are stronger, a world where all nations can
prosper. That is the legacy that real leaders need to build — not
statues, but opportunities for all humankind. Let us,
together, build opportunities for all.


At the
outset, I would like to offer the President and his
friendly country, the Republic of Serbia, my warmest
congratulations on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I would
also like to express my appreciation to his predecessor,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, from the brotherly
State of Qatar, for the exemplary way in which he
conducted the work of the previous session.
I would also like to take this opportunity to convey
my appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
for his role and efforts in improving the Organization’s
working mechanisms, and to wish him every success
in his endeavours. The record of the United Nations
includes numerous positive and tangible achievements
that have helped to promote international peace and
security and reach a political consensus on many
regional and international issues.
In our Middle East region, the Syrian crisis
continues to be of great concern, owing to the great loss
of life and property that it has caused and the instability
that it has produced in the region and the world as a
whole. Despite the efforts of the United Nations and
the League of Arab States, the parties involved in the
Syrian crisis have failed to reach a peaceful solution
that could spare the lives of the Syrian people.
We call on our brothers in Syria to renounce
violence, end hostilities and launch a political process
that will fulfil the aspirations and hopes of the
Syrian people and preserve Syria’s security, stability
and unity. At the same time, we call on the Security
Council, the international body primarily responsible
for the maintenance of international peace and security,
to reach consensus on a unified position on the Syrian
crisis, without political disagreements and without bias
towards any side, by way of starting a serious national
dialogue between all political forces in Syria, with no
exceptions. We believe that the principles and guidelines
for a Syrian-led process of transition, as contained in
the final communiqué of the Action Group for Syria
(S/2012/523, annex), issued at its meeting in Geneva in
mid-2012, could form the basis for a solution, if agreed
on and accepted by all Syrian and international parties.
The conflicting interests among some countries
and their disagreements on how to address the Syrian
conflict no longer serve any purpose, because the time
has come to take collective action that can preserve
security, stability and development for every country
in the Middle East, especially since the alternative
would be the spread of violence, killing, destruction
and chaos. We believe that it is not in the world’s best
interests to allow the Middle East to become another
global f lashpoint.
I would also like to take this opportunity to say that
my country welcomes the appointment of Mr. Lakhdar
Brahimi as the Joint Special Representative of the
United Nations and the League of Arab States for Syria.
We hope that he can provide practical and concrete
proposals to pull Syria out of the current cycle of
violence and killing.
We are aware of the complexities that arise in any
discussion of the question of Palestine at sessions of the
Assembly. We all know, however, that while the United
Nations has explored every avenue and adopted many
resolutions and policies on the Palestinian question, that
issue continues to be a cause for concern and a source
of unending threats and conflicts in the Middle East
and beyond. We believe, therefore, that the role of the
United Nations with regard to the question of Palestine
should change from one of managing the crisis to one
of seriously seeking a just, lasting and comprehensive
political solution that would take into account the
interests of both Palestinians and Israelis and lead to
the establishment of a State of Palestine, living side by
side with the State of Israel. In that context, my country
supports Palestine’s application for non-member
State observer status at the United Nations, hoping
that that will usher a new phase in the Palestinian-
Israeli negotiations and one that could make a positive
contribution to settling the issue.
The Somali people have long suffered from an
absence of security, stability and State institutions
and bodies; we therefore welcome the formation of the
new Somali Parliament and the election of Mr. Hassan
Sheikh Mohamud as President of Somalia. We hope
that his Government will be able to achieve national
reconciliation and establish security and stability
throughout Somalia.
provide support and assistance, whether political,
economic or humanitarian, to the Somali people, we
urge the Somali factions and parties from various
political and tribal affiliations and organizations to
reject violence, cease hostilities and place the higher
interest of the nation above all others. We believe that
a national dialogue, involving all parties in the Somali
conflict, regardless of their ideological and political
differences and inclinations, is essential and will
help restore security, stability and nation-building in
Somalia.
We would like to commend the international efforts
to combat piracy and the armed robbery of merchant
vessels in the Indian Ocean, particularly in the Arabian
Sea. The Sultanate of Oman, which is located on the
Arabian Sea, reaffirms its continuing support for
international efforts to eradicate the problem, and will
cooperate with countries that have a naval presence
in the area in order to protect international trade and
navigation.
From the outset, the Sultanate of Oman has
supported the proposal to establish a zone free of nuclear
weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction
in the Middle East. In that regard, we welcome the
Review Conference of Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, scheduled to be
held in Finland at the end of this year. We hope it will
be able to officially declare the Middle East a zone free
from nuclear and all other weapons of mass destruction,
similar to other such zones that have been established
elsewhere in the world.
At a time when Muslims are trying to promote a
culture of tolerance and coexistence, we note that there
are those who abuse their right to express themselves
by deliberately slandering monotheistic religions and
prophets and messengers of God. My country condemns
the video slandering the Prophet Muhammad — peace
be upon him — which clearly and deliberately sought to
spread a culture of hatred against Muslims. Despite the
gravity of the offence, we reject escalating the reaction
to a level resulting in attacks against diplomatic
missions and representatives, such as those against
United States and other Western diplomatic missions.
Against the backdrop of those events and similar
incidents earlier, we believe that it is incumbent on
the United Nations to adopt international legislation
that would hold accountable those responsible for any deliberate abuse of and slander against the sanctity of
people’s beliefs, with a view to deterring others who
may attempt to spread hatred among people.
The world today is facing a genuine threat of food
shortages, owing to the steady increase in the world’s
population and the problems facing the global economy,
which have resulted in the famines currently plaguing
many parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America. There
is no doubt that addressing that problem will require
us to undertake a practical study of alternatives that
could alleviate the negative impacts of food shortages.
Among the ideas we deem worthy of exploring is
the establishment of a global food reserve system to
deal with food shortages, with food reserve centres
located in various continents of the world and managed
through an international fund specifically established
to support the system. States, international institutions
and sovereign funds that have the capacity to contribute
to the fund would also be allowed to do so. We are of
the view that the Food and Agriculture Organization
of the United Nations, in the light of its expertise in
that field, could be the appropriate body to oversee the
preparation and implementation of such a study.
We would like to take this opportunity to encourage
industrialized countries to increase their investment
in agricultural research and to utilize science and
technology in their search for innovative solutions
aimed at increasing food production so as to keep pace
with the steady increase in the global demand for food.
In conclusion, I would like to reiterate my
country’s support for all international efforts to achieve
the aspirations of peoples to a safer, more stable and
prosperous world.


We
warmly congratulate Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
seventh session.
We are also pleased that the general debate of this
session is devoted to considering, among other issues,
the promotion of sustained economic growth and
sustainable development in accordance with relevant
General Assembly resolutions and recent United
Nations conferences.
Since we adopted the Declaration that led to the
Millenium Development Goals (resolution 55/2), the
image of development has been tied to the reduction
of poverty and to the development of capacities and
opportunities for the most vulnerable populations.
The majority of our developing countries had made
significant progress in this area until 2008, when the
financial crisis, which affected the world economy and
threatened to cancel out our achievements, began.
We are living at a time of multiple simultaneous
crises. The ecological crisis threatens the majority of
our f lora and fauna. Global warming threatens coastal
populations and small island countries. Unchecked
population growth threatens to exceed the capacity of
nature to restore itself. We have witnessed a crisis of the
values that have traditionally governed the behaviour of
humankind. War and armed conflict threaten the right
to cultural, ideological and political diversity and our
right to live in peace and unity.
Those of us who live in the developing countries
did not cause the world financial crisis. As you know,
the crisis was caused by the failure to use effective
regulations in the international financial system and
by the arrogance, greed and unbridled desire to amass
wealth. In the context of the crisis, age-old debates
have resurfaced as to how best to tackle the crisis.
Should we reduce investment in social protections for
our populations? Or, on the contrary, should we bolster
investment, making anti-cyclical social investment policies into a springboard for reviving economies?
And how do we measure poverty and development and
recognize the social impact of the measures adopted?
Do we use average income indicators for reducing
social inequality and improving quality of life?
The countries in the developing world whose
economies have performed better and have shown less
vulnerability in the context of the world crisis have been
those that have understood, in time, that investing in
training our peoples and improving the quality of life of
our peoples is the best way to reduce our vulnerability
and to maintain economic growth. The economy must
serve the people, not the reverse.
In the debate on development, we must reaffirm
as peoples and as Government leaders that we have
learned quite often through painful experience that
equality and sustainability are key prerequisites for
ensuring sustained and sustainable economic growth.
Today, we know that it is not enough to have economic
growth in order to reduce social inequity and to
improve the quality of life of our peoples. Nor is it right
to sacrifice our people in the hope that the growth of
an economy will ultimately lead to benefits for all and
reduce social inequality. That expectation quite often
remains unmet. On the contrary, experience has shown
that by improving the quality of life and by reducing
poverty and social exclusion, we can help stimulate
healthy economic growth.
In the context of international crisis and
uncertainty, we must reduce national and international
social inequalities. We must increase social cohesion
and strengthen democratic governance. We also know
that economic growth, which does not take account of
the limits of natural resources and the needs of future
generations, will entail the risk of imminent collapse.
We must revise the ideas about development that have
prevailed in the international financial system.
Equity and sustainability are two sides of the
same coin, and that is how we must approach human
development. That vision is consistent with international
declarations on sustainable development, such as the
Declarations issued by the United Nations Conference
on the Human Environment in Stockholm in 1972, by
the Rio Earth Summit in Rio de Janiero in 1992, and
by the World Summit on Sustainable Development in
Johannesburg in 2002. They promoted the three pillars
of sustainable development: environmental equity,
economic equity and social equity. Development means protecting environmental systems, raising the
productive capacity of goods and services and reducing
social inequality by raising the quality of life of all men
and women, multiplying capacities and opportunities.
Today, 7 billion people inhabit the Earth. Of those,
43 per cent, or 3 billion, are under the age of 25. We
must invest so that our young people have the skills and
opportunities to tackle creatively the development tasks
that face our societies. For many years, the development
of countries has been assessed by international financial
institutions, using measures of income or national
production expressed per capita in order to determine
the state of material well-being. Based on that kind
of measure, our country, the Dominican Republic,
has been classified in recent years as a medium high
income country.
Nonetheless, more than a third of our citizens live
in poverty. How then is it possible to exclude countries
like ours from receiving development aid? By the same
token, to give an international comparison, poverty has
been measured in terms of income, with those families
that subsist on less than $2 a day being defined as poor
and those who live on less than $1.25 as extremely poor,
an adjustment being made in both cases for buying
power.
According to those criteria, over 2 billion people
worldwide — 33 per cent of humanity — are poor, and in
2005 the number living in extreme poverty had dropped
to 1.4 billion. Those same measures project that by 2015
only 883 million will be living in extreme poverty. The
optimism of those international figures does not appear
to coincide with the perception of many of our citizens,
who feel that the increase in gross domestic product
does not reflect their needs or despair, nor does it jibe
with the unhappiness of our young people who, despite
raising their educational level, are still unable to find
dignified work or the opportunities to fulfil their
business aspirations.
That discrepancy between the optimism of certain
international indicators and the discontent on our streets
can be explained by the fact that we are using inadequate
tools to measure poverty, development and well-being.
At least in the Dominican Republic, it is hard to believe
that the quality of life and the opportunities to improve
it would be very different for a person with an income
of $2 a day than for someone earning a few cents less.
Poverty in a given family or community is much more
than the lack of income with respect to a predetermined threshold, just as the development of a country is much
more than the size of its median income.
The International Labour Organization reported in
2010 that 81 million of the 620 million young people
between the ages of 15 and 24 worldwide who were
economically active, which represents 13 per cent
of that age group, had been unemployed during the
preceding year, primarily due to the world economic
and financial crisis. Between 2007 and 2009, the global
unemployment rate for young people experienced the
greatest rise in its history: from 11.9 per cent to 13 per
cent. Young women had a harder time than young men
in finding work.
The results in terms of health, education and
maternal and child mortality show the limits of
the unilateral and optimistic focus on poverty and
development. Not without reason have some academics
said that
“we are gambling with the fate of our planet with
‘games’ in which a few private players reap the
benefits and society pays the consequences. A
system that permits results like those is destined to
mismanage risk”.
Social investment in the education, health and
employment of young people can build the foundation for
a strong economic base that can halt the transmission of
poverty from one generation to the next. Strengthening
young people’s skills creates the conditions for them to
earn higher income during their productive economic
lives. The way we understand and measure poverty
translates into national and international policy
decisions.
To assume that poverty and underdevelopment are
simply the expression of family income or national
averages has led to limited social policies of entitlement
or transfers. Such policies temporarily raise the income
of impoverished families above the so-called poverty
line, at the expense of developing universal, more
effective and better-quality public service systems that
would benefit, as a right, those who have traditionally
been excluded.
Adam Smith, the father of economic liberalism,
included in his definition of poverty such social and
cultural aspects as “the ability to go about without
shame”. More recently, the Nobel Prize winner in
Economics Amartya Sen spoke of development itself
as freedom. In that sense, broadening our concept of poverty to include measures of social participation and
inclusion, as well as unmet basic needs, will allow us to
develop more holistic and effective responses. Poverty
is a multidimensional phenomenon, a complex system
of problems that requires a systemic solution leading to
broader skills, freedom and opportunities for those who
have traditionally been excluded.
Investment in quality universal education and health
systems, a universal safety net, access to dignified
work and living spaces, personal safety and the security
of goods, inter alia, are crucial elements for expanding
the skills and opportunities of impoverished portions of
the population. Poverty reduction is the basic lever for
increasing the production of goods and services and for
propelling new dynamics of growth and development.
Assessing the development of countries exclusively on
the basis of their national per capita income leads to
decisions that have a negative impact on our efforts at
development. When a country is ranked according to
those simple criteria, the contribution of international
cooperation is reduced and access to loans from
international financial institutions is reduced or
becomes more expensive.
As developing countries, we also need to shoulder
our share of responsibility. Domestically, we need to
improve our information systems in order to better
understand our social, land and gender inequalities,
as well the impact we have on the environment. At the
same time, we must redirect our investment patterns
and our public policies to promote equality and social
inclusion for the most vulnerable groups, and for that
we need the support of the international community..
A country should not cease to receive development aid
simply because its average national income has crossed
a certain arbitrarily defined threshold.
Latin America has long experience with the
search for multidimensional measures of poverty and
development. Since the middle of the last century,
the Economic Commission for Latin America and the
Caribbean has developed a methodology based on an
index of unmet basic needs. Many countries have
applied such composite multidimensional indexes. In
the Dominican Republic we use a quality of life index
tailored to our reality. The United Nations Development
Programme has applied the human development index,
and a number of other indexes have been proposed at the
international level. Despite that, the majority of bodies
in the international financial system continue to rely
on one-dimensional measures that focus on monetary income to assess and categorize the development of our
countries and to determine their policies on the basis of
criteria for international financial support.
We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to
urge international financial organizations to be more
ready and willing to embrace our efforts to break
the vicious cycle of poverty and social exclusion as
the basis for development. We need to use enhanced
indicators with a greater capacity to capture and
measure the complex dynamics of human development.
What is needed is for us to work together to overcome
exclusion, not to prolong poverty and extreme poverty
indefinitely.
The Dominican Republic reiterates its firm
commitment to peace, tolerance and international
coexistence as well as to democracy and freedom as basic
components for development. We hope that sustainable
development will enrich the daily lives of individuals,
families, communities and countries and will preserve
our natural resources. Peace, the abolishment of
social inequality, environmental sustainability and the
sustained growth of our capacity to produce the goods
and services required by our peoples go hand-in-hand,
and they are the very core of development.