Sir, the superb qualifications we knew you to possess, the wealth of experience you bring to international affairs and to the United Nations, your commitment to the cause of peace, and above all that of your great country, Nigeria, to which Cote d'lvoire feels bound by so many ties of friendship and co-operation, constitute for us a whole series of reasons whole heatedly  to welcome your resounding election to the presidency of this session of the General assembly. Please accept my delegation's aid my own heartfelt and fraternal congratulations and our most sincere wishes for continued success.
We also congratulate your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, who so efficiently, effectively and felicitously guided the General Assembly's work at its preceding session.
Allow me, finally, to pay a special tribute - a well-deserved tribute, indeed - to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who has devoted a major part of his long and varied diplomatic career to serving and defending the noble ideals of peace and freedom, justice end progress, co-operation and solidarity embodied in the united Nations. The international community today welcomes aid reaps the fruits of his intelligence, perspicacity aid steadfast, tenacious efforts, as well as of his negotiating strength and skill and his persuasiveness, which have allowed the united Nations to restore its credibility and reaffirm itself as the focal point par excellence in the quest for the peaceful resolution of international problems. We should like to assure the Secretary-General once more of our complete confidence and unreserved support for him and for all the steps he has taken to ensure the triumph of these ideals.
This session has begun in a particularly serene international climate fostered by the dialogue, built on confidence, engaged in for the past two years by the two major world leaders, the President of the united States of America and the President of the Soviet of Soviet Socialist Republics, a dialogue we are quite appropriately assessing in terms of its beneficial effects for the international political situation.
The thick wall of fear and distrust is beginning to crumble, the dynamics of negotiation are increasingly replacing confrontation and the pitting of one side against the other, and conflicts are ebbing.
Thus we have noted with relief aid reassurance the progress - inadequate, to be sure, but none the less significant and promising - made in the realm of nuclear disarmament with the commitment of the major Powers to do all they can to eliminate, under appropriate international controls, weapons of mass destruction that continue to threaten holocaust on our poor planet. Progress is also perceptible in terms of detente between East and West in the settlement of various regional or bilateral conflicts, as well as in the progressive elimination of the political oppression that is driving peoples to take recourse to force and violence to enforce their inalienable right to decide for themselves and to live in freedom and dignity.
But this somewhat idyllic portrayal of the international situation must not lead them to overlook the darkness of the sky. At any time all of this can be called into question if we do not display enough imagination to resolve peacefully, and
once and for all, the conflicts that subsist and to find realistic ways to end the injustices that mark international economic relations and the anguish that is today the lot of the developing world.
Before sharing with the Assembly my delegation's observations on some of the principal agenda items before this session, I should like to state once again the Cote d'lvoire's deep commitment to the united Nations and our full commitment to its noble ideals, which we are seeking to transform into an effective reality day by day, both within our country and abroad.
Our unswerving fidelity to the principles we share with the united Nations does not allow us to indulge in demagogy nor to compromise our dignity on any pretext whatsoever. Let us be clear: Cote d'lvoire wants to be a friend to all. It scrupulously respects the sovereignty and dignity of others as well as their views and their approaches to various problems. Those may differ from ours, but, in the final analysis, such differences are minor, since we all have the same goal: to contribute, each in his own way, to resolving problems and to strengthening international peace and security. Is Cote d'lvoire not en titled to expect from others the same behaviour and the same respect?
We are prompted today, as we have been in the past and as we shall continue to be in the future, by the sole concern to serve the noble cause of peace, in full freedom and independence, while giving pride of place to the virtues of dialogue and negotiation and resolutely opposing anything that might eventually lead to violence and war.
Although we can justifiably welcome the climate of confidence that reigns in the world and the resultant lessening of international tensions, we must none the less recognize that certain situations still give us cause for serious concern. This is especially true in Africa, in Asia, in the Middle East and in Latin America, where the right to self-determination and the freedom to choose one's system are often put at risk or influenced by outside interference, by the hankering of some for power and by the lackey-like friendships of others.
In Africa, it is reassuring to note that the dialogue we had been recommending since 1971 as the best means of resolving all disputes and conflicts, including the intolerable situation prevailing in the southern part of the continent, is today making progress and opening positive prospects for the future in that region.
As far as the situation in South Africa in particular is concerned, it is obvious that we firmly and unreservedly condemn the abhorrent system of apartheid. However, while understanding aid supporting the struggle of our black brothers for recognition of their right to dignity, we continue to believe that dialogue and negotiation can foster understanding and mutual trust among the South African countries, and especially between the black majority and the oppressor white minority.
It is clear, as the Secretary-General has stated, that a mere dilution or softening of apartheid will not answer the expectations of the majority of the people of South Africa nor of the world as a whole. We therefore once again urge the South African authorities to take the necessary steps to create without delay a climate propitious to true dialogue in South Africa, displaying the political courage required to eliminate, once and for all, the inhuman policy of apartheid that is preventing the harmonious evolution of South African society and compromising South Africa's relations with its neighbours, with Africa aid with the outside world.
In this connection they must give still more tangible proofs of their resolve to turn the sad page of apartheid by unconditionally freeing Nelson Mandela, whose continued house arrest is totally without justification? by freeing all political detainees* and by granting freedom of expression to those movements opposed to apartheid. Lastly, we urge them to enter into dialogue with the black majority and to build the South Africa of tomorrow, a democratic, egalitarian and fraternal South Africa in which South Africans of ail races, backgrounds and faiths can live in peace, freedom and harmony within their common homeland, whose future they will guarantee and ensure together in a united Africa.
Cote d'lvoire strongly urges the South African leadership to commit itself resolutely to that path, for the peace and concord of their country are at stake. It is up to them, and to them alone, to create the conditions for that indispensable dialogue, to which, we are convinced, our black brothers will be receptive. The Brazzaville and New York agreements entered into on 22 December 1988 by Angola, Cuba ad South Africa, with the mediation of the united Sates of America and the discreet but no-less-effective contribution of the Soviet Union, have made it possible to clear away the obstacles that have been preventing the effective implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia ad to faster the peaceful settlement of the situation in Angola.
We welcome that. We express the hope that the process of Namibian independence may be concluded without further setbacks or intimidation so that free, regular and democratic elections may be held to enable the Namibian people finally to win back their full sovereignty ad their proper place in the concert of free nations.
Despite years of heroic struggle against Portuguese colonialism our Angolan brothers are still, regrettably, not at peace, owing to the fratricidal war that is still unfortunately raging in their country after 14 years of hard-won independence. We welcome the 22 June 1989 Gbadolite declaration,- in which the Angola leaders have proclaimed to the world their determination to put an ad to that lengthy civil war. A process of national reconciliation and negotiation has finally, after many ups and downs and fratricidal confrontations, made it possible to glimpse the outlines of a settlement to the dispute between Chad aid Libya, with the normalization in 1988 of relations between the two countries and the conclusion of the Algiers framework agreement of 31 August 1989.
An era of understanding, tolerance, co-operation and renewed friendship between those two countries has thus been entered, in the best interest of their peoples. We pay tribute to all who have contributed to this happy outcome.
With regard to the situation in certain countries in eastern and southern Africa, we welcome the relaxation of tension in those areas and the readiness of the Governments concerned to enter into talks with their opposite numbers aid their neighbours to restore peace and concord in their countries and to improve good-neighbourly relations.
In Western Sahara the tireless efforts of the united Nations Secretary-General and the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) have led to acceptance by the parties to the dispute, with certain reservations, of the proposed peace plan. We are grateful to the Secretary-General for having set up at united Nations Headquarters a technical commission to put the finishing touches on ways and means of implementing that plan which should enable the people of Western Sahara to determine their own fate through general and regular elections.
we were grieved by the painful conflict that has recently caused a deterioration in relations between two fraternal countries, Senegal and Mauritania, with which we have solid ties of friendship and co-operation, both bilaterally in the Economic Community of West Africa (ECWA) and in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). We urge the Governments of those two countries to do all they can to promote the normalization of the many-faceted relationships their close proximity demands, in the interests of peace between their peoples aid of peace and co-operation in our sub region.
In this connection we support the mediation efforts of the current Chairman of the OAU to achieve a peaceful aid just solution of that conflict on the basis of OAU charter principles.
Other hotbeds of tension continue to command our attention. In the Middle East we feel that the situation will remain alarming so long as a peaceful political solution is not found to the Palestinian question, which is the core of the problem. To achieve such a solution, we have affirmed that to be lasting and viable any peaceful settlement in the Middle East must take into consideration the two inescapable realities of the region - the Israeli reality and the Palestinian reality. Reciprocal acknowledgement of these realities will create the climate of confidence necessary for the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue needed to achieve a negotiated settlement of the problem.
I should like to take this opportunity to specify that my country was the first to proclaim, here from this very rostrum a few years ago, that the Palestinian question had to be considered and dealt with not only in terms of humanitarian concerns and of assistance to refugees driven from their land, but had also to be viewed as an essentially political problem to which a political solution must be found to put an end to the spiral of violence and to restore peace in the region.
Given the imperative of peace, it was for us a matter of doing justice to the Palestinian people by responding to their legitimate aspirations: the free exercise of the right to self-determination and independence and recognition of their right to a homeland separate and independent from other States in the region whose existence - including that of Israel - will be assured and guaranteed.
After many twists and turns, things have evolved to the point where today we can legitimately entertain the hope that the aspirations of that people will soon be achieved.
The proclamation in Algiers in 1988 of the State of Palestine by the Palestine National Council falls into the logical trend we have been recommending for some time.
We take note of the decisive steps taken in this connection by the Palestinian Command and its leaders who, in endorsing Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), have displayed their readiness for dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement of the problem. We hope that the Israelis, for their part, will overcome their distrust and decide that dialogue is still possible with the Palestinians - the very people with whom they will one day have to coexist harmoniously on the land of Palestine they share.
Hence Cote d'lvoire is in favour of an international peace conference on the Middle East with the participation, beyond that of the permanent members of the Security Council, of all the patties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), to take stock of the situation as a whole and consider the various plans put forward in order to give peace a chance in a region that needs it so much. Such a conference will, we hope, make it possible to arrive at an overall, just and lasting settlement of the situation in the Middle East, a settlement that will put an aid to the state of belligerence that has prevailed there for more than four decades and make it possible for Israeli troops to withdraw from occupied Arab territories, while guaranteeing the right of the State of Israel to exist and to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, along with the national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to a free and independent homeland with equally secure and recognized borders, with all the political and juridical consequences flowing there from. We have maintained aid continue to maintain at the highest levels the most useful contacts with the PLO and its leadership and with other States in the region. We intend to pursue them in the interests of peace and harmony in tine Middle East.
In this quest for peace in that part of the world so dear to us all, how could we not cry out in indignation in the face of the tragedy that is unfolding in Lebanon, where a tolerant, engaging and ingenious people, because of divisiveness in its midst - something that invites foreign intervention - is being decimated by blind violence and dying. We endorse the appeals for a cessation of hostilities and an end to the brutal bombardment that is destroying human life and the infrastructure of the country. We support the efforts of the Tripartite Committee of the League of Arab States to ensure that the guns fall silent and that negotiations begin among the Lebanese communities - of all political parties and all religious faiths - in order to define the basis for peaceful and fraternal coexistence within a reconciled Lebanon which would thus regain its unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence.
Finally, we should like to stress the great merit of all those belligerents who have had the courage to renounce force and overcome rancour and hatred in order to sit down at the negotiating table and join in dialogue with a view to putting an end to the conflicts in which they were involved. Their courage has made it possible to achieve satisfactory results in the quest for peace in the world. Thus, the Geneva Agreements of 14 April 1988 made it possible for Soviet troops to withdraw from Afghanistan and the definitive settlement of this conflict now hinges cm scrupulous respect by the signatories for the provisions of these Agreements.
Acceptance by Iran and Iraq of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) of 28 July 1987 and the cease-fire that entered into force on 20 August 1988 should, with the mediation of the united Nations Secretary-General, facilitate direct dialogue between the two countries with a view to settling the remaining questions and making it possible for them to normalize their relations.
My country welcomes the peace and co-operation agreements entered into by the countries of Central America, in particular the agreement signed recently at Tela, Honduras. We support steps taken by the Contadora aid Support Groups with a view to establishing democracy and peace in that part of the world, free from any foreign interference.
We encourage the resumption of dialogue between the two Koreas aimed at the peaceful reunification proclaimed in the Paimunjom declaration of 4 July 1972. We can see only advantages in having these two countries, with which we maintain excellent relations, becoming fully fledged Members of the Organization, something which could contribute to fostering this dialogue. Such a request from them would naturally receive our backing.
We also support in Cyprus the dialogue between the Cypriot communities to restore the sovereignty, unity aid territorial integrity of that Member State aid guarantee its non-aligned status.
With regard to Cambodia, the holding of the Paris international conference opened up new prospects in the process of restoring peace aid achieving reconciliation in that country. That process will be greatly facilitated by ending interference in the internal affairs of Cambodia, notably by the effective withdrawal under appropriate international control of Vietnamese troops, something that would reassure the Cambodian opposition and leave it up to the Cambodians of all persuasions to settle their own problems by way of fraternal and confident dialogue.
As President Houphouet-Boigny is wont to say, peace is one and indivisible. It is over-arching, all-encompassing aid inseparable from development. Hence there can be no peace in the world if only one region enjoys peace and is awash in opulence while others are ravaged by war end plunged into poverty which is gaining more and more ground. That is why we believe that, while we must strive as hard as we can to consolidate peace where it is most fragile or most threatened and restore it where it has been destroyed, we must also put an end to the inequities and economic difficulties with which many of us are confronted so that we can equally enjoy the benefits of freedom and peace, the very basis of development.
While we may now applaud the improvement in the international political climate - and we hope that it will continue - we must none the less recognize that the same is not true of international economic relations. The world economic situation is marked by an ever-widening gap between the developed countries and the developing countries, by the continued growth of the economies of the North, contrasting sharply with the great deterioration of the economies of the South, and by the imbalance in trade between a North that is getting richer and a South that is steadily growing poorer. That is caused by, among other things, the inexorable fall in the prices of raw materials, the constant worsening of the terms of trade and the heavy debt burden, which, in the final analysis, means a net negative transfer of capital from the South to the North.
The situation is particularly worrying for the African countries facing economic and financial difficulties so serious that their economic aid social structures, so patiently built up, are in danger of crumbling. If energetic measures are not taken to allow those countries to resist the trend and at least to subsist, they will be plunged into anarchy, disorder and instability, threatening the social peace that is vital to ensure their development. It is our duty to ensure that that does not happen.
Explaining his thoughts on the matter, President Houphouet-Boigny said recently in Dakar, at the francophone Summit, that just as
"the man who is hungry is not free, a country that does not lead a normal life because its economy is in danger, it has a crushing debt burden, its trade is threatened and its modest resources are shamelessly exploited - in brief, a poor country that is kept in that state by speculation - is not a free country."
That is indeed the reality of our situation in Africa today. Our political independence and our freedom, so dearly bought, will have no true dealing if they are not based on genuine economic development.
It is true that over recent years our Governments have made remarkable efforts and have begun enormous reform programmes to bring us out of our present difficulties and pursue our growth. Unfortunately, the results have not met our expectations and our situation continues dangerously to become worse.
The reasons are simple. We live in a hostile economic climate, because of the selfishness of the developed countries, with their increased protectionism, and the mentality of those whose only motivation is easy profits and who, to their shame, are becoming richer simply through speculation. Those people are playing with the fruits of the labour of our courageous peoples, to whose fate they are totally indifferent.
Such speculation deprives us of important resources needed to finance our development, to meet our external commitments aid to make available to our young people, in this computer age, training in the citadels of knowledge, science, technical skills and the technology that will allow us successfully to meet the great challenge of underdevelopment and contributing to bringing about a new international economic order that is more just and equitable.
Cote d'lvoire has made great strides along the path of development, through its own efforts and with the valuable help of friendly countries and international financial and monetary organizations. It has also been helped in this by the climate of peace and the resulting political stability. But that development is handicapped today by the drastic losses we are suffering in the export of our main agricultural products, as a result of speculation.
In what follows we are not telling anybody anything new. That is especially true of those present who are familiar with the problem or who are also suffering from it. But it is good to put the matter in perspective by revealing that in three years our country lost nearly $9 billion on its products. Over the same period it paid out more than 36 billion to reschedule its external debt, whose repayment it has had to suspend. That was not because we would not pay, but because we could not.
When one thinks of the enormous profits reaped in the developed countries on products such as coffee and cocoa, one is entitled to ask what kind of peace with justice we are seeking to bring about in the world.
The agonizing debt problem, which has been the subject of a number of international meetings, has again occupied an important place in this debate. It has done so for the simple reason that we must find a solution giving hope of dispelling the uncertainties hanging over the future of the countries particularly affected.
We consider that the debt results from the inequality in international trade; the reason is essentially to be found at that level.
We fully support the technical solutions suggested in the various proposals, initiatives or plans put forward recently as a result of efforts to think about this thorny problem and find realistic, satisfactory solutions, such as the outright cancellation of some of the debts, a lightening, rescheduling or partial reduction of others and of their servicing and the granting of separate supplementary facilities to provide financial aid on concessionary terms to developing countries, particularly medium-income African countries. We pay tribute to the developed countries that have already taken steps in that regard by deciding to cancel or reduce the debts owed them certain developing countries.
However, we believe that proper importance should be attached to the question of fair payment for raw materials. Is it possible to conceive of a global strategy that fails to ensure just remuneration for those materials and to guarantee the stabilization of the export earnings from them, in order to resolve the debt problem? The North-South dialogue, which we all hope will be resumed in order to
introduce ethics into international trade, should consider that question, which is vital for some of us.
The idea of lasting development, which is defined in the Brundtland report, is to foster harmony between man aid his environment. It therefore assumes that concerns about a good environment will be integrated within the development process. That is imperative for both rich aid poor countries, for development cannot be carried out at the cost of the degradation of the environment and the destruction of ecological balances. Therefore, the protection of the environment and any development strategy must be interrelated in such a way as to meet the needs of the present without jeopardizing future generations.
The United Nations conference on environment and development, to be held in 1992, will give an opportunity for in-depth debate on the question aid for us all to become aware of our national and collective responsibilities with regard to the environment. It was in that spirit that Cote d'lvoire took part at the highest level in March 1989 in the conference on the environment held at The Hague, and signed the Declaration that was adopted.
Drug trafficking, yet another scourge today crossing all borders and threatening the future of our youth, requires an international strategy to fight it, a strategy such as that defined in the Convention against Illicit Traffic in narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, concluded in Vienna on 20 December 1988 and submitted to States for ratification. The real fight against drugs must not be confined to increased action against traffickers end users* it also requires incentives to producers to devote themselves more to the production of legal, healthy cash crops, yielding enough profit for them to give up the growing of deadly herbs and plants.
I could not end this statement without recalling the important united Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) International Congress on Peace in the Minds of Men, held from 26 June to 1 July this year in Yamoussoukro, capital of Cote d'lvoire, on the happy initiative of Mr. Federico Mayor Zaragoza, the Director General of UNESCO. The preamble to UNESCO's constitution states:
"since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed".
Personalities of diverse backgrounds, training and faith met in Cote d'lvoire to consider the matter together and propose programmes of action to attain the noble goal of contributing to the search for peace and its defence, to define its outlines and the necessary conditions for it aid to make the international community aware that peace is mankind's most precious possession and that all man's activities must be devoted to preserving it at all costs. The Yamoussoukro Declaration, the fruit of their reflection, embodied aid articulated their faith in a promising future for mankind, a future that we must build patiently within a new and all-encompassing vision of peace, by adopting, at the level of each of us, of our Governments and of our respective peoples, a behaviour which would effectively ensure peace in the world through the triumph of freedom over oppression, of justice over inequity, of solidarity over egoism, of respect for human rights, above all the right to live, over the disregard of such rights, of shared good fortune over regionalized poverty, in brief, full material and spiritual realization for people in a sound environment, with people thus freed at last from the uncertainties of tomorrow.
Cote d'lvoire intends, for its part, to strive tirelessly for that peaces peace in the hearts and minds of all people.


Allow me, Sir, to take this welcome opportunity to convey to you our warmest congratulations on your accession to the presidency of the General Assembly and my sincere wishes for the complete success of your noble task.
Today I have the signal honour of reading out the following message addressed to the Assembly, at its forty-fourth session, by His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, leader of the Cambodian National Resistance and President of Democratic Kampuchea:
"Mr. President, It is a great honour and privilege for me to address you and your august Assembly in my capacity as leader of the Cambodian National Resistance against the Vietnamese colonialist occupation and as President of Democratic Kampuchea. Allow me, first of all, to say how gratified and honoured I am to extend to you, on behalf of Democratic Kampuchea and its people, which have always maintained cordial and fraternal relations with Nigeria and its people, our profound satisfaction and most heartfelt congratulations on your brilliant election by acclamation to the lofty responsibilities of the current session of the General Assembly. This is a well-deserved tribute by our world Organization to a distinguished son of both Nigeria and Africa, as evidenced by your tireless activities against apartheid, your high human qualities, diplomatic experience and great wisdom. "I should also like to pay a heartfelt tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, for his great competence and wisdom, which made it possible for him to conduct the work of the forty-third session of the General Assembly so successfully.
"Last but not least, I express again - with pleasure, as always - to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our deep esteem and our warmest congratulations on his patient and tireless efforts, as well as on his praiseworthy initiatives aimed at upholding, in the search for solutions to complex international problems, the vigour of the principles of the United Nations Charter, in particular its objectives of universal peace, security and prosperity based on human dignity and social and economic justice. His wisdom, clear-sightedness and competence do honour to the hopes mankind has placed in the United Nations because they have restored its authority in playing its irreplaceable role of maintaining international peace and security. Never have the prestige and efficiency of the United Nations been so great and multilateralism scored such a success.
"This year the problem of Cambodia has frequently been in the spotlight of the international political scene. This reflects the growing concern of the international community to see a rapid resolution of the problem, as in the case of some other regional problems. The countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have, within the framework of the Jakarta
Informal Meetings, pursued their tireless, noble efforts in that direction. I have pursued my personal efforts as well, going so far as to do violence to my dignity and self-respect by meeting the head of the illegal regime installed in Phnom Penh by Vietnamese forces, with the aim of exploring all possibilities, small though they may be, for restoring to my homeland and people, peace, national independence and freedom in territorial integrity. Quite recently, from 30 July to 30 August last, Prance was kind enough to organize an international conference on Cambodia in Paris aimed at reaching a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the so-called problem of Kampuchea. To all the ASEAN countries and their Heads of State, to France and to President Francois Mitterrand, who have done so much and continue to exert such noble efforts in contributing to the rescue of Cambodia and its people, the Cambodian National Resistance, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and I personally pay a resounding and respectful tribute and extend our deepest gratitude.
"Alas, all these noble and tireless efforts have so far failed to bring about a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the so-called problem of Kampuchea.
"I have put forward a five-point peace plan for a comprehensive and equitable solution of the problem - which is, let me recall, a problem between Viet Nam, the aggressor, and Cambodia, the victim. In this plan I have proposed, among other things, the two following elements:
"First, the total and definitive withdrawal of all categories of Vietnamese forces and all Vietnamese settlers from Cambodia, under the effective control of a United Nations international control mechanism and assisted by a United Nations peace-keeping force.
"Secondly, a genuine national reconciliation among all Cambodians, regardless of their past or political tendencies, within the framework of the formation of a provisional quadripartite government, a quadripartite administration and a quadripartite army. This is not merely a matter of power-sharing but one of achieving a balance between all the Cambodian parties so as to ensure, after the total and genuine withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces, peace, security and stability in Cambodia, in order to enable the Cambodian people to exercise their sacred right to self-determination, through free and general elections under United Nations supervision.
"We do not ask of Viet Nam anything that belongs to it. We ask Viet Nam only to give back what belongs to Cambodia and the Cambodian people, namely, our independence and territorial integrity within our legal boundaries internationally recognized up to 17 March 1970. To those people in the Vietnamese-installed puppet regime in Phnom Penh, we reach out our hand in a gesture of national reconciliation, in the higher and long-term interests of Cambodia and its people.
"The Phnom Penh regime is merely the creation and creature of Viet Nam imposed by force of arms in January 1979 upon the Cambodian people. The State of Democratic Kampuchea, of which I am President, could not stand aside in favour of the illegal Phnom Penh regime, nor could it rally to this regime whose Constitution, whatever the amendments, remains unacceptable because it is illegal. Nevertheless, out of concern to reach a rapid solution and shorten the suffering of the Cambodian people, we have decided to make a very substantial concession by accepting the dismantling of the legal State of Democratic Kampuchea simultaneously with that of the illegal Phnom Penh regime.
"The main objective of my proposal is not, let me repeat, a power-sharing among the four Cambodian parties. It aims at creating, after the genuine withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces, a balance between all the parties which at last reconciled within a national union government of Cambodia, will be entrusted with the task of maintaining a climate of peace, security and stability within which the Cambodian people, the sole and true master of Cambodia, will be able freely to exercise their sacred right to self-determination, choose their Loaders and the political, social and economic regime to their liking,
"The generosity of my proposals is matchless in history, in particular when one is familiar with the fate that was reserved for Norway's Quisling and France's Laval and their ilk shortly after the Second World War.
"Nevertheless, Viet Nam has categorically rejected all my proposals. In so doing, it has given glaring proof of a complete absence of political will, sincerity and good faith in the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the so-called problem of Kampuchea. In response to the appeal made by Mr. Roland Dumas, Minister of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, and Co-President of the Conference, for flexibility on the part of all the participants, Mr. Nguyen Co Thach, Vietnamese Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied that 'Viet Nam shall be as flexible as steel'.
"By refusing to place the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia under the effective control of the United Nations, and by opposing the formation of a provisional quadripartite government of Cambodia, which might enable the Cambodian people freely and democratically to choose their leaders, Viet Nam has simply shown that it does not have the slightest intention of putting an end to its colonialist occupation of Cambodia and its policy of annexation of Cambodia into the 'Indo-China Federation' under Hanoi's domination. Indeed, United Nations control and the provisional quadripartite government of Cambodia would give evidence to the whole world of the existence in Cambodia of at least 30,000 Vietnamese soldiers disguised as Khmer solders of the Phnom Penh puppet regime, of at least 100,000 armed Vietnamese concealed among the more than one million Vietnamese settlers, of several tens of thousands of so-called Vietnamese advisors, disguised as 'Cambodians' in the puppet administrative apparatus, from the top down to the village levels. For Viet Nam to accept United Nations control is to accept putting an end to Vietnamese colonialism in Cambodia and giving up its 'Indo-China Federation'.
"Viet Nam refuses any effective United Nations role in Cambodia under the pretext that our world Organization is 'biased' because it continues to recognize among its Members Democratic Kampuchea, the victim of Vietnamese aggression, and that the General Assembly continues yearly to adopt a resolution condemning this aggression and calling for the total and unconditional withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces of aggression. From the dock, Viet Nam wants to pose as a judge, to call into question the 122 States members of the United Nations that voted last year for the resolution of the situation in Kampuchea and to compel them to violate, like Viet Nam, the United Nations Charter.
"Viet Nam rejects the formation of a provisional quadripartite government of Cambodia, an organ of genuine Cambodian national reconciliation, because this government would necessarily comprise the Democratic Kampuchea party, 'the Khmer Rouge*. In order to justify its crimes against Cambodia and the Cambodian people, Viet Nam continues to brandish the 'Pol Pet-Khmer Rouge danger" and the 'prevention of their return to power' as being one of the fundamental aspects of the so-called problem of Kampuchea.
"I do not have the slightest intention of defending the cause of the Khmer Rouge, nor do I have any reason to do so. But objectivity prompts me to say that if one should judge and condemn the Khmer Rouge for violation of human rights, one should also be fair enough to judge and condemn the Hanoi leaders and their Phnom Fenh puppets for their crimes against humanity committed in Cambodia, as evidenced by Amnesty International in its annual reports, backed by many details, photographs, sketches and drawings.

"I agree that the problem of strict respect for human rights in Cambodia is extremely important and that it is essential that effective and realistic measures be taken to ensure such respect. But the most urgent measure is the definitive and genuine withdrawal of Vietnamese colonialism in all its forms from Cambodia.
"As for the Khmer Rouge, they have provided formal written guarantees of their non-return to exclusive power after the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia. They have formally requested the sending to Cambodia of a United Nations control mechanism and a substantial United Nations peace-keeping force. They have proposed the total disarming of their armed forces, together with that of the armed forces of the other Cambodian parties, or at least the reduction in strength of each of the Cambodian armed forces to
10,000 men, and the restriction of those forces in barracks under the supervision of a United Nations control mechanism. They have solemnly renounced communism and accepted for Cambodia a liberal democratic regime and political pluralism similar to that of the Fifth French Republic. They also pledge fully and always to respect the return of free and general elections supervised by the United Nations. Finally, their leaders, such as Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Ta Mok, and others, have solemnly declared that they shall give up any political, government, administrative or military activities in the new Cambodia resulting from a comprehensive settlement of the so-called problem of Kampuchea.
"For national reconciliation to be genuine, it cannot be exclusive. If one of the Cambodian parties were to be excluded, it would be vain to attempt to ensure this peace, security and stability so essential to the self-determination of the Cambodian people.
"The Cambodian National Resistance and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea have made the maximum concessions possible to Viet Nam, save that of handing Cambodia over to Viet Nam on a silver platter, which is what Viet Nam is seeking.
"The so-called total and unilateral withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia, proclaimed for and allegedly completed on 26 September last, aims actually at, first, having the world community rubber-stamp the so-called cessation of Viet Nam's occupation of Cambodia* secondly, having foreign military aid to the forces of the Cambodian National Resistance curtailed; thirdly, obtaining the de facto maintenance of the Phnom Penh puppet regime under the cover of which Viet Nam will continue to occupy Cambodia with several tens of thousands of Vietnamese troops disguised as puppet soldiers, with more than a hundred thousand militiamen concealed among the more than 1 million Vietnamese settlers and several tens of thousands of Vietnamese 'advisers' at all levels of the puppet administration.
"In order to ease the ever greater and more resolute pressures exerted each year by the overwhelming majority of United Nations Menfoer States, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is driven to resort to the subterfuge of unilateral withdrawal of some of its troops in uniform without any effective control by the United Nations, while other disguised troops continue to come into Cambodia without the knowledge of the world community, with the obvious
objective of trying to turn its aggression and occupation into a so-called civil war, backed by a major Vietnamese 'fifth column' disguised within the puppet army, and concealed among the Vietnamese settlers.
"Without an international control and supervision mechanism of the United Nations, the so-called total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia is merely a fraud and a manoeuvre intended to lull world public opinion and to obtain Western aid, which Viet Nam has been denied because of its occupation of Cambodia.
"If our Assembly were to allow itself to be persuaded by this deceitful Vietnamese propaganda, the United Nations Charter would be trampled underfoot, and the fate of small countries such as Cambodia, which is based on the defence of their own rights, could no longer be defended. Faith in the United Nations would be shaken if one of its Members were to be allowed to continue, as for almost 11 years now, to trample underfoot with impunity the principles of the Charter, and shamelessly mock the international will of the United Nations to fulfil its role of maintaining international peace and security.
"The sole objective of the Cambodian National Resistance and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea is to fulfil the deep and legitimate aspirations of the entire Cambodian people, that is, the restoration of peace in Cambodia, in independence and freedom. In the face of the arrogant obstinacy of Viet Nam, which wants to pursue at all costs its colonialist occupation of Cambodia, the Cambodian National Resistance and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea have no other choice but to carry on their struggle for the realization of these aspirations, so long as Viet Nam does not agree to withdraw genuinely, under the control of the United Nations mechanism, assisted by a United Nations peace-keeping force, all categories of its forces from Cambodia so long as it refuses to restore to Cambodia its full and complete independence as well as its territorial integrity, and to the Cambodian people their sacred and inalienable right to self-determination. The Phnom Penh regime is unacceptable. Whatever Viet Nam may do, that regime is illegal, because it is a mere creation, a pure creature of Viet Nam, and it only serves Viet Nam's ideological, strategic, economic and expansionist interests. We are confident that, being aware of Viet Nam's machiavellian subterfuge, all peace- and justice-loving countries whose representatives are present here in this Assembly, will not fail to continue to grant their noble and steadfast support to our just cause: the survival of the Cambodian nation and its national identity. To all of them, I should like, on behalf of the Cambodian National Resistance, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and on my own behalf, to express once again our most profound, sincere and infinite gratitude.
"Since the last session of the General Assembly, the world political situation has been marked by some encouraging developments which have fortunately resulted in a progressive redaction of international tension.
"The year 1989 is undeniably an auspicious year for Africa, thanks to a favourable development in the search for solutions to regional and local conflicts. The 22 December 1988 agreements have at last paved the way for the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, embodied in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
"In a month's time, the Namibian people will at last, after more than a century of illegal foreign colonization and occupation, be able to exercise
their right to self-determination and independence together with territorial integrity. Nothing now should prevent them from fully enjoying this right. This is the triumph of their long heroic combat waged under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, of the firm and manifold support of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and of all African countries and peoples, of the dedicated efforts of the United Nations and its Council for Namibia, and of the prodigious mobilization of the entire international community in their favour. Together with all the other Member States of the United Nations, we impatiently look forward to sincerely welcoming a new nation, Namibia, into our world Organization.
"in Western Sahara, the efforts of our Secretary-General and the current President of the OAU have made it possible to establish a technical commission to facilitate and speed up the process of implementation of the peace plan accepted by all the concerned parties on 30 August 1988 in Geneva.
"In Chad, the framework agreement signed by the Chadian and Libyan Governments offers a legal basis and a mechanism for the settlement of their territorial dispute. That agreement testifies to the will of Chad to establish peaceful relations with all its neighbours in a spirit of respect for its sovereignty, territorial integrity and fundamental rights, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the resolutions of the OAU. We wish new successes to the brotherly Chadian Government and people in their steadfast efforts to defend peace and independence, and in the development of their homeland.
"However, the tree should not hide the forest. Indeed, those encouraging developments do contribute to the improvement of the world political climate,
but they remain limited. They should not make us forget that the world political situation remains a matter of concern.
"In southern Africa, the situation remains tense because the policy of apartheid of the racist minority regime of Pretoria constitutes a permanent source of threat to peace and stability in the African subcontinent. Together with all peace-, justice- and freedom-loving peoples and countries, we strongly condemn the criminal repression of the black majority population in South Africa by the apartheid regime of Pretoria, and the policy of bantustanization. We demand the immediate lifting of the state of emergency and the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and all political prisoners. We here renew our full support for the just and legitimate struggle of the valiant South African people and their leaders, the African National Congress of South Africa and Pan Africanist Congress of Azania.
"We reiterate our firm solidarity and our steadfast support for all of the frontline States in their struggle against Pretoria's policy of aggression and destabilization. We reaffirm our conviction that peace and stability will o>me to southern Africa only with the eradication of apartheid and the formation of a non-racist and democratic government in South Africa. The holding next December of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the question of apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa, will surely bring about additional aid and support with a view to attaining that noble objective for which the South African people and the entire international community are mobilized.
"In the Middle East, the situation continues to worsen. The heroic resistance of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories testifies to the fact that acquisition of the territory of others by force is inadmissible, and that the question of Palestine lies at the very root of the Israeli-Arab conflict. The declaration of the independent State of Palestine, the support of the Casablanca Extraordinary Summit of the Arab League for the decisions of the Palestine National Council in Algiers, and the dialogue between the United States and the Palestine Liberation Organization are all elements conducive to the convening of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of the five permanent members of the Security Council and all parties to the conflict, in particular the Palestine Liberation Organization. Peace will be restored in the Middle East only with the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including their rights to create an independent State of Palestine, and the right of all States in the region to live in security within recognized boundaries guaranteed on the basis of peaceful coexistence.
"In Lebanon, the fire of discord and disintegration is being stirred up by the intervention of foreign armed forces. It is essential that the relevant resolutions of the Security Council be implemented, and that all foreign troops withdraw so as to enable the Lebanese people to regain peace and national unity, and the Lebanese State to recover its territorial integrity and full sovereignty by deploying its legitimate forces throughout the country.
"More than a year after the cessation of hostilities, the conflict between Iran and Iraq is not yet resolved. It is our earnest hope that the efforts of the two parties to pursue direct negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General, in the framework of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), will result rapidly in a comprehensive, just and durable solution to the conflict. That would bring about a major contribution to the extinction of a hotbed of tension in the Middle East.
"In Central America, a just and lasting peace has so far failed to be restored. Nevertheless, there is no other way to achieve this goal than the measures taken by the Contadora Group, the Support Group, and the Esquipulas II Agreements. It is in this spirit that we reiterate our support for the diplomatic efforts and regional negotiations conducted on the basis of the principles that have inspired these measures and agreements, in particular the Tela Declaration of the five Central American States on 7 August 1988.
"In Asia, our continent, efforts to reunify Korea have not yet yielded much progress despite the sacred and unanimous wish of the entire Korean people. It is important that the meetings and talks at all levels, in all fields between the two Korean parties, be expanded in conformity with the wise, realistic and patriotic proposals of President Kim 111 Sung. It is undeniable that steadfast efforts are necessary for building up and developing reciprocal confidence and understanding that are indispensable to a sustained process towards a peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean fatherland.
"In Afghanistan, because the withdrawal of Soviet troops has not put an end to the war, the Afghan people continue to be deprived of their right to self-determination. In order to restore peace to this country, one should not forget that war was triggered by the Soviet invasion and that the Kabul regime has lost all legitimacy because it opened up the country to that invasion, and that its present leaders have been installed by the invaders. The arguments according to which Pakistan is ostensibly responsible for the pursuit of the war can mislead no one because one hardly perceives what pleasure Pakistan could take in prolonging the burden of more than 3 million Afghan refugees to whom it has to give shelter on its territory for nearly 10 years now. Pakistan and its people should be congratulated and admired for their tireless humanitarian action in favour of these Afghan refugees. The settlement of the problem of Afghanistan lies in the steps to be taken in order to enable the Afghan people once again to become the masters of their own destiny and to choose their own leaders without any foreign intervention or pressure. The international community has the sacred right and duty to support the just and legitimate struggle of the Afghan people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination.
"The encouraging developments that we have seen in some parts of the world do lead us, indeed, to a moderate optimism, but we must also be vigilant. Indeed, during the last two years we have seen that those who are prompted by colonialist and expansionist designs have changed their tactics but not their strategy. The case of my country, Cambodia, is obvious. Viet Nam has not at all abandoned its annexationist designs. It is the struggle waged by the Cambodian National Resistance together with the entire Cambodian people, world pressure, and isolation faced in the international arena, and the catastrophic social, political and economic difficulties at home that have compelled Viet Nam to change its tactics. Viet Nam is desperately trying to achieve its expansionist goals through diplomatic manoeuvres and subterfuges as it has failed to attain them through military efforts. The Cambodian National Resistance, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, the Cambodian people and I myself, will in no way allow Viet Nam to realize its expansionist dream to the detriment of our beloved Motherland.
"History has taught us that freedom and peace are never granted, but rather acquired through hard-fought, multiform, just and resolute struggle. Our gains obtained during these past years are the results of such a common struggle for peace, justice and freedom-loving countries and people, we are confident that our endeavours in this direction will secure other victories that will help strengthen world peace and security, which constitute the sacred goal of the United Nations Charter and the most noble task with which we all are entrusted."
May I be permitted to express my warm thanks to you and your kind attention to this message of Norodom Sihanouk.


It is indeed a pleasure for me and the members of my delegation to extend to Ambassador Garba our sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His election to this high office is a well-deserved tribute to his personal qualities and experience. I am fully confident that under his able and wise leadership the Assembly will further consolidate the gains achieved during the past year.
My delegation associates itself with previous speakers in expressing its appreciation of the dedicated efforts of his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Dante Caputo, for the exemplary manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
As in previous years, my delegation wishes to note its satisfaction with and gratitude for the assiduous and unrelenting efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in the cause of peace and international harmony. We pay a tribute to him for his untiring efforts to promote conditions conducive to the realization of the noble principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, we praise and congratulate him on the successes the Organization has achieved in recent years. More particularly we praise him for the renewed faith and regeneration of confidence in the Organization and its ability to Play an instrumental role in the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Today we find ourselves at an important crossroads. Recent years have witnessed a welcome positive change in the international political climate. The confrontational tone evident in super-Power relations not too long ago continues to show signs of thawing. At the same time,, a number of regional and sub regional conflicts have taken momentous strides towards resolution. Many more protracted conflicts show signs of hope and movement. Though one might argue that the present situation continues to be delicate, the process made can hardly escape notice and is indeed worthy of recognition.
Developments in southern Africa, and more particularly in Namibia with regard to the implementation of the United Nations independence plan, are welcome signals of hope, but amidst the hopes there are still dark reminders of the precariousness of global political reconciliation. A number of problems remain unsolved and several of these, such as the conflicts in the Middle East, continue to simmer.
We are therefore at an important crossroads. We feel that there is enough good will to set in motion the process of evolution towards peace and stability. We see signs that the human intellect is resourceful enough to devise ideas that are conducive to our survival. Fresh concepts of peace and security have gained currency, but at the same time we continue to live under the dark shadow of nuclear devices. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, both horizontally and vertically, is a tragic reminder of the difficulties and obstacles which stand between mankind and lasting peace.
On the economic front hard choices need to be made. The 1980s have witnessed one of the longest spells of growth for the industrialized countries, while the situation in the South, particularly in the least developed countries, continues to deteriorate. Benefits of trade continue to be disproportionate. Commodity prices have not regained their value in real terms. Aid flows continue to be inadequate. The debt burden borne by many third world countries is stifling economic growth and efforts for development, causing political instability. The link between economic development and the environment has recently been recognized and it is encouraging to note the high profile given to environmental issues at the Paris summit meeting of the Group of Seven in July this year, in this regard, it is of particular interest that there is an increasing awareness and acceptance of the fact that certain technologies have a deleterious effect on the environment. The question is how these technologies can be replaced through a global programme of co-operation.
No single fact, no single object, defines our moment in civilization more than does the existence of large nuclear arsenals. we have the horrible capacity to destroy our planet several times other, either by accident or by design. Nuclear weapons instil fear and beget mistrust and insecurity. They have a remarkable tendency to set hostile relations in concrete. They aggravate the security dilemma of states and perpetuate a confliction mode of behaviour. This, therefore, fuels the arms race and defence budgets soar while expenditures that are benevolent tend to plummet.
The UN Conference on the relationship between disarmament and development served as a timely reminder of the opportunity costs of armaments, both nuclear and conventional. However the opportunity cost of nuclear weaponry is not only development. The international political climate and the security perceptions of states, as well as the environment, are actual and potential sacrifices to
nuclear weapons. Furthermore. the potential horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons issues the stark and grim warning that regional rivalries would be on an ever shorter fuse and that cataclysm would be that much closer.
It is in view of these strong objections  to nuclear weapons and their Proliferation and deployment that my delegation has consistently and strongly supported United Nations calls for disarmament.
The confidence that can he derived from genuine arms reduction has a pervasive effect on the security environment. The transition that many of the world's conflict, are making towards negotiations and understanding owes a great deal to improved relations between the super-Powers, which were themselves in part inspired by the historic arms reduction agreement of December 1987 for this reason -at Maldives has always supported all efforts with a view to general and complete disarmament, including the total elimination of chemical and bacteriological weapons and reduction in conventional armaments. We also believe that nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace could inspire trust, good Will and operation among states, transforming into secure communities contributing to global peace and security. We therefore support calls for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace.
I express my delegation's fullest support for the people of Namibia, with our Namibia achieved their independence.  Apartheid is an affront to mankind and a crime against humanity. No amount of tinkering with it can placate the sense of outrage and indignation felt by the world community for this immoral practice. No amount of cosmetic change can restore Justice and dignity to the oppressed majority in South Africa. Maldives express our solidarity with the oppressed majority in South Africa in their struggle against apartheid. We condemn unequivocally the system of apartheid and condemn Pretoria regime for its continued defiance of the UN resolutions.
By far the greatest conflict in our time has been and continues to be the conflict in the Middle East. At the heart of this conflict is the question of Palestine. However, it is only in recent years that the Palestinian issue has evoked even a reasoned amount of concern in some key States. The search for peace continues to be frustrated by the hard-line and obstinate policies of Israel. Meanwhile, the situation in the occupied territories continues to deteriorate. The 22 month long intifadah emphasizes the intensity of the situation posed by Zionist occupation of Palestine and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
The Government of Maldives strongly condemns the use of brutal force and the blatant abuse of human rights by Israel against the Palestinian people in the occupied territories. We also deplore the continued defiance by Israel of United Nations resolutions and its violation of international law and all norms of civilized behaviour. We reiterate our full support and solidarity with the people of Palestine in their just struggle for self-determination and independence. We therefore welcome the overwhelming international support for the uprising, which is being viewed as the just and valiant struggle of the Palestinian people for the restoration of their inalienable rights. We extend our whole-hearted support to the proposal for an early convening of an international conference on the Middle East with the full and independent participation of Palestine.
The situation in Lebanon remains volatile. The civil war, now in its fifteenth year, continues to take an increasing toll of human life. We fervently hope that, with the developments taking place in the region and elsewhere, the question of Lebanon will be solved in a manner which will restore its independence and national integrity, and alleviate the sufferings of its people. We welcome the efforts undertaken by the members of the Arab league, both past and present, to resolve the situation in Lebanon and we request the international community to give their support to the people of Lebanon in their efforts to solve their problems.
On a more hopeful note, we are pleased that, contrary to some early pessimistic assessments, the cease-fire agreed on between Iran and Iraq in the Gulf has held firm, indicating the sincerity of the parties to the conflict. We welcome the commitments undertaken by them to resolve the conflict by peaceful means. In particular, we applaud the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General for the resolution of this conflict and urge both parties to maintain the momentum of peace created and envisaged by the cease-fire.
While we welcome the positive developments in Afghanistan - I refer to the withdraw of foreign troops - we regret that the situation has not been completely settled. We reiterate our call upon all parties concerned to adhere to the provisions of the Geneva Agreements in order not to frustrate the prevailing opportunities for a just and lasting solution to the problem. We urge the international community to provide humanitarian and economic assistance for the relief and rehabilitation of refugees, as well as for the long-term reconstruction of that ravaged country.
Positive strides have been taken towards the solution of the Kampuchean problem. We welcome the withdraw of the Vietnamese troops and we appreciate the diplomatic efforts to obtain a comprehensive and lasting solution to the dispute including the Jakarta informal meeting as well as the international conference in Paris. However, realizing the delicacy of the current situation, we call upon all parties concerned to exercise restraint.
The process of reunification of peoples should be through peaceful means and by the creation of conditions conducive to reconciliation, peace and stability among those sharing the same aspirations. We remain optimistic about the prospects for peaceful national reconciliation in the Korean peninsula. The good office of the UN could be utilized in these peace negotiations.
Another issue that needs our attention is the situation in Cyprus. That prolonged inter-communal dispute should be solved urgently, with due regard to the national integrity of the nation and the aspirations of its peoples. We welcome the recent high-level contacts between the two communities and hope that the revived inter-communal dialogue will lead to inter-communal reconciliation on the basis of equality and integrity for both communities. We commend the tireless and sincere efforts of the Secretary-General in searching for a settlement to the conflict.
As I have already noted, the world economic situation continues to be bleak for the developing countries. Their situation has been worsened by the limited of aid since the early 1980s, rampant domestic inflation, crippling debts and the exorbitant burden of debt-servicing. The situation is aggravated by their falling share in international trade, by persistent negative trends in the terms of trade, owing to protectionism, and by the upsurge in unilateralism and other practices that jeopardize the multilateral nature of trade. It is regrettable that, on the whole, despite recent measures whereby the resources of the international finance institutions have been increased by the plans of some of the most developed countries to recycle part of their surplus into the developing countries, the internationally agreed target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product (GNP) as official development assistance has not been met. Moreover, as regards the least developed countries, which continue to register negative growth rates, the official development assistance target of 0.15 per cent of GNP has not been met either.
Economic insecurity is not the only visible threat facing many of us in the world today. Indeed, we consider the environment to be one of the most important aspects of the quality of life that we have to address now in our quest for economic and industrial development. We welcome the proposed United Nations conference on environment and development and regard the event as a valuable opportunity which should be fully utilized to promote a comprehensive approach to the environmental problems related to the development activities of mankind.
While serious efforts are being made at global, regional and national levels to protect the environment, my delegation is particularly concerned about the effects of the degradation of the environment, especially the depletion of the ozone layer and the consequent global warming and rise in sea level. Maldives is a low-lying archipelagic State, entirely dependent upon its surrounding seas. Any degradation of the marine ecosystem, or any rise in the mean sea level, is a matter of grave concern to the Maldives, it will be recalled that two years ago we witnessed the fury of tidal eruptions, which caused extensive damage, with the assistance of friendly countries, we have embarked upon a programme of protecting the populated islands from possible natural calamities. Tidal waves, hurricanes and typhoons are increasingly frequent phenomena, and today there is a greater awareness that man's tampering with the environment and certain technologies inimical to the environment do have a direct bearing on the behaviour of the global weather system.
Maldives therefore strongly supports the call for environmental preservation and is already a party to the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer and the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer. Our interest in the issue continues undiminished, and we welcome the universal interest that has been expressed in the preservation of the environment. I should like also to mention that in November this year the Maldives will host a conference of small States on sea-level rise. We are confident that the conference will contribute to the global efforts in addressing this important issue.
It is an old and true maxim that the best indicator of the strength and stability of an international security system or political order is the survival of its weakest members. That being the case, and in view of the implications, the ever-increasing dangers of terrorism and mercenarism to the sovereignty of small and weak States are appalling.
Terrorism is not simply a minor irritant to anybody - least of all, to the small nations whose sovereignty is not only held hostage but can be easily usurped. The very existence of this possibility in the first place does not augur well for the security of the international community. The cherished principles that have so long contributed to the survival of the present State system and that are indispensable values of our global civilization are at stake. Today it may be we, the small States, whose sovereignty can be robbed by a handful of mercenaries or a gang of bounty hunters. Tomorrow it could be the larger countries, which, even at present, face some erosion of their sovereignty and security by similar acts. The difference is that when a small State is subjected to a terrorist onslaught or an invasion by mercenaries the consequences can be irreversible, both in political and in economic terms. We in the Maldives were close to becoming the victim of such a dastardly attempt last November.
It is evident that peoples engaging in acts of terrorism and mercenarism, which endanger the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, need to be deterred. The security of small States is too weak to be taken care of by mere self-help. The implications that efforts to strengthen their own security have for the prospects of economic development through the severe, if at all affordable, opportunity costs and the impact on social and political values, as well as the long-term implications for the sustenance of democracy in a militarised society, are negative. By requesting the inclusion on the agenda of the Assembly of an item related to the protection and security of small States, we sought to highlight the issue that I have just mentioned. We brought the issue to this forum not because we are unwilling to defend our values, nor have we taken it up here because our peoples lack valour.
Small States do have as friends States that can assist, and have assisted, in strengthening their security. While we are grateful for the sense of duty that these friends have shown, it is with regret that we note that bilateral security arrangements in the international system have not yet evolved to a level of maturity whereby the interests of the weaker partner can be safeguarded. Nor are the socio-political identity of the weaker State and the principle of sovereign equality strong enough to be impervious to the possible vicissitudes of unequal relationships. Moreover, our political systems continue to be afflicted by misconceptions which can distort actions taken with the best of intentions. Consequently, the greater the power differential, the greater the propensity to misconceptions and the more hapless the predicament of the weaker parties. It is for this reason that we believe that multilateral frameworks are the most feasible nodes of a sound security mechanism for the weakest Members of the Organization, even if the actual support or assistance in a given situation is rendered at a regional or bilateral level.
As I noted earlier, it is my humble opinion that we are at a pivotal point, an important crossroads in our global political development. It is our belief that we are at a particularly auspicious moment in history to forge ahead in strengthening the norms of our global political and security systems. Thus it is our sincere hope that the Organization will take a similar momentous step, a leap forward in ushering in a new era of security for the small States. We trust that this critical step will be taken to safeguard the principles which are espoused by the Organization and on which the survival of a large number of this community depends.


On behalf of the people and the Government of Colombia please accept our congratulations and good wishes on your election, Sir, as President of the General Assembly. I am sure that you will preside with distinction over the deliberations of this body, which brings together the community of nations. Let me also associate myself with those who have already praised the splendid work done by your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo. In addition, may I pay tribute to the efforts of the Secretary-General, Xavier Perez de Cuellar, towards achieving world peace.
This is the last time I shall address the General Assembly as President of Colombia. However, I am here today not only as President of my country but also as a citizen of the world. This is the last time I shall address the General Assembly as President of Colombia. However, I am here today not only as President of my country but also as a citizen of the world.
The terrible carnage of the Second World War gave birth to this body in the hope that nations standing together united could prevent the global madness of 50 years ago from ever happening again. Since then, in spite of the persistent efforts of the United Nations, mankind has continued to follow the destructive path of war in conflicts around the planet. Only the unimaginable devastating consequences of nuclear war have restrained us from falling once again into a world-wide conflagration. Yet, in spite of the fragile armed peace thus generated, the world has remained at war. Conflicts generated by ideology, poverty, injustice, excessive ambitions, and new increasingly by narcotics, have scarred the peace.
Respect for national sovereignty underlies all our strategic thinking. Indeed, it is the basis for this United Nations. Yet now we find this newest threat, narcotics, and the accompanying terrorism that pays no respect; to borders. We, the community of nations gathered here, find ourselves under assault from an international criminal enterprise that respects none of our norms of sovereignty, borders or laws.
To meet this new challenge we must, avail ourselves of those core founding values of the United Nations If we cannot act together in the face of this menace, then we will be abetting unrestrained growth in the use of drugs and the violence they generate. I am certain that Colombia will defeat the drug traffickers. But if this effort is not accompanied by a global commitment, then no victory can be achieved.
The recent global outpouring of solidarity and support for Colombia has been a great encouragement to us in these difficult times. A new era is upon us, an era as critical as the one that led to the establishment of the United Nations. A new world war is being waged by an aggressor unrestrained by the traditional rules of engagement or by the responsibilities of national sovereignty. This aggressor is an insidious, global criminal network with enormous power and resources, a criminal enterprise that feeds on the illegal profits from the trafficking of drugs. As the Secretary-General states in his report to the Assembly this year,
"Illicit use and traffic of drugs is now recognized as a social plaque afflicting both developed and developing countries. Although efforts to combat this scourge have intensified in recent years, estimates suggest that the monetary value of drug trafficking has recently surpassed that of international trade in oil and is second only to the arms trade. It is   chastening observation that humanity is so deeply mired in the commerce of degradation and death." (A/44/1, p. 23)
The members of these criminal cartels were born in many nations, and many of their leaders are called Colombian. But while some may have been born in my country let me be clear: they are Colombian in name alone. They are international fugitives on the run. They have no home. Colombia is not their homeland.
I am here today at the United Nations to lay out the stark realities of this war against drug trafficking. Colombia is on the front line of this battle. For us this is no war of words. In Colombia the casualties of our struggle have been mounting for some time. About one month ago we suffered the tragic assassination of one of our finest national leaders, Luis Carlos Galan. In many ways his death has galvanized our nation and focused the attention of the world on this problem. But our war on drugs has been taking its toll for years. We have lost 12 Supreme Court Justices, an Attorney General and a Minister of Justice. We have lost members of Congress, judges, mayors, scores of journalists, thousands of soldiers and policemen and tens of thousands of Colombian citizens who were committed to the cause of democracy.
Following my announcement last month of drastic measures using executive powers available under a stage of siege, the traffickers in narcotics have continued to engage in a cowardly reign of terror. They have threatened and retaliated against innocent families; they randomly strike at our cities and have bombed institutions such as our newspaper El Espectador that dare to speak out clearly against organized crime. In their aim to protect their illegal activities, the drug traffickers seek to destroy the will of our people and undermine our most precious institutions. Hear me well - they will fail. Colombia, one of the oldest and most stable democracies in Latin America, will prevail and emerge from this new trial stronger yet.
In these past few weeks we have won some important victories. We are methodically breaking the back of the cartels, not just by confiscating and destroying many tons of cocaine Colombian authorities actually capture almost 80 per cent of the cocaine seized in the world. But our offensive goes far beyond that. Those responsible for the assassination of Luis Carlos Galan have already been captured. Thousands of suspects have been apprehended and millions of dollars in property - processing plants, bank accounts, communications equipment, aircraft, boats, houses and ranches - have been seize."
But all these victories will not be sufficient to win this war. That is why I am here today. Only through concerted international action can we hope to defeat the scourge of narcotics. The drug cartels have declared total war. This declaration of war is against the entire community of nations, against those whose young people are being poisoned by drugs and against those who, like Colombia, see their democracy and their institutions threatened by violence and terrorism. There are no boundaries to the death caused by the narcotics conflict, there are no safe havens from narco-terror - and now, there must be no safe haven, anywhere in the world, for the narco-traffickers. In this war, the time has come for the community of nations to choose sides.
It may be difficult for many here to agree that this is a global wars they may see it as a scourge of this hemisphere alone. Many, in fact, do believe that cocaine is a scourge only of the Americas - produced in South America and consumed in North America. But that is not so, because, even as we meet here today, the tentacles of drug trafficking are reaching into Europe and the Par East. The aggressive search for new markets is no more respectful of oceans than it has been of borders. Wherever there are consumers there will be suppliers. And, indeed, cocaine is only one ugly manifestation of a much wider narcotics crisis. Make no mistake - this scourge touches us all.
In solidarity, as a community of nations, this should be our plan of action. First, we simply must effectively stop the demand for these illicit drugs. It is the insatiable demand for drugs that fuels narco-terrorism and is one of the greatest threats to democracy in Latin America. Those who consume cocaine are contributing to the assassination of my people by the criminal drug cartels. No doubt somebody a few blocks from this Hall, in one of this city's fashionable neighbourhoods, taking his usual dose of cocaine in the civilized calm of his living room, would balk at this description. Yet as surely as if he pulled the trigger he is the slayer of those Colombian judges and policemen who have paid with their lives for trying to uphold the law and democracy.
Every tact and every weapon in the war against narcotics pales into insignificance when compared to the need to reduce demand. The illegal profits produced by drug consumption are simply too great. I am sure that in Colombia we will defeat the drug traffickers, but someone, in some country, somewhere, will supply the drugs as long as the business remains so profitable. This happened in the case of marijuana: when it became too expensive for drug traffickers to operate in Colombia, because of effective law enforcement, they moved to California, Hawaii and other places. The only law that the drug traffickers do not break is the law of supply and demand.
No society, no matter how rich, can afford to have its sons and daughters poisoned by cocaine, heroin, marijuana or any other deadly drug. In this regard, President Bush's national drug control strategy is a first, step in the right direction. We must insist on the message that illegal drugs are neither fashionable nor harmless, whether consumed at the glittering parties of the wealthy or in the ghetto. Drug users need to understand that in this war they are in the camp of the enemy, along with those who produce and push drugs. Let me take this opportunity to say how much I appreciate the initiative and leadership of the Prime Minister of Great Britain in her call for an international conference on the reduction of demand for narcotic drugs. Mrs. Thatcher has honoured me with her invitation, which I have accepted, to address the conference at its opening meeting next April.
Secondly, our efforts to reduce the supply of cocaine also depend on international co-operation in stopping the illegal trade in chemicals which are essential to the processing of this drug. Generally, much attention is given to the production and processing of drugs; for example, too much emphasis has been placed on the cultivation of coca leaf in countries like Peru and Bolivia. Unfortunately, in contrast, little attention is given to controlling the supply of chemicals which are used to process cocaine and which come mainly from North America and Europe. None of them is manufactured in Colombia - all of those chemicals are snuggled into our country. Tightening controls on the manufacture and sale of those chemicals, as well as strengthening sanctions against their illegal shipment, must be one of our highest priorities. It takes more than coca leaf to produce cocaine. Without the needed chemicals there would be no narcotics. Let us exert pressure on the suppliers of those chemicals as firmly as we do on the poor peasant growers of coca leaf.
Thirdly, the weapons used by the drug cartels to intimidate, maim and kill my people are not manufactured in Colombia. They are found on the international arms market where even the most sophisticated weapons are easily and legally bought. Let us make no mistake about this: those who sell arms to the narco-terrorists are even more guilty than the addicts whose demand for drugs fuels violence. Last year Colombia presented a draft resolution calling for restrictions on arms sales, but unfortunately consensus could not be found at the United Nations. We can no longer wait while this deadly trade continues. It is essential to adopt special measures to reduce and control arms sales to drug traffickers and terrorists. I call on all the nations of the world to stop this madness and stop it now.
My Government also views with extreme seriousness the activities of foreign mercenaries in training and assisting narco-terrorists in Colombia. The international community must strengthen its condemnation of the murderous association of mercenaries with terrorists and drug traffickers. My Administration has not only condemned the presence of foreign mercenaries in our territory, it has also criminalized their activities and ordered their capture. These developments in Colombia make an urgent and indisputable case for this Assembly to approve the convention outlawing these criminal activities.
Fourthly, international co-operation is an essential element in efforts to halt money-laundering. The drug cartels depend on the international banking system for the transfer of funds. A significant part of the criminal profits is invested in the industrialized nations - in bank accounts and bonds, in properties and in legal businesses. Somehow our sense of justice is warped when a poor farmer who feeds his family by growing coca is seen as a greater villain than the wealthy international banker who illegally transfers millions of dollars of drug money that finances terrorist actions against innocent people. If the international banking system co-operates, we can in the short term make great progress in the fight against the drug traffickers.
Fifthly, each of us present here must press for the prompt ratification of the Vienna Convention. Painstakingly negotiated for many months, this Convention includes specific action on a wide variety of fronts, from penalties for consumption to seizure of ships on the high seas and confiscation of properties. Upon my return to Colombia, I shall introduce the Vienna Convention to the Colombian Congress for consideration and study. For this Convention to be effective, it must be ratified and implemented by the entire community of nations.
In addition, I wish to recommend to this Assembly two other multilateral initiatives: the first is to call a special session of this General Assembly addressed to all aspects of the global drug problem - consumption and production - which would consider urgent actions including those I am suggesting today; the second step - and perhaps the most important way of making concrete progress – is to establish an international working group at ministerial level, which would meet periodically to co-ordinate and refine specific anti-narcotics actions and to evaluate progress.
Sixthly, central to political stability and maintenance of Colombia's democratic institutions is the strength of its economy. This is why international co-operation to maintain a strong and stable economy is so vital. In spite of the enormous destabilizing power of drug trafficking, Colombia has been able to remain firm in its will to fight that international criminal organization.
It is critical to note that our economy is not dependent on the income from this illegal drug trade. In Colombia, that money is concentrated in speculative real estate activity and in money laundering. Its contribution to the growth of our economy is marginal. Colombia is not - and will not be - a narco-economy.
Three years ago, I addressed the Assembly on the urgent - need to fight absolute poverty. Since then, my Government has embarked on an ambitious programme of social change aimed at transforming the living conditions of regions traditionally excluded from the benefits of development. The results can already be seen.
In spite of the massive resources that the drug war requires, we will not relent in our pursuit of social change and economic progress. To that end, Colombia requires international and financial co-operation, but even more important is the adoption of commercial and trade measures which allow our economy greater access to markets in the industrialized countries and fair prices for our exports.
The prime example is coffee, the traditional and principal source of income for Colombian farmers. The International Coffee Agreement has recently collapsed, with the result that Colombia will lose more than $400 million this year in income. Sixty-one developing countries stand to lose a total of 35 billion in income next year.
We need the help of the United States and other countries to get the Coffee Agreement signed again. We cannot afford to talk idealistically of crop substitution in the case of the coca leaf while sabotaging Colombian farmers' main cash crop and the country's largest export. It is encouraging to note that President George Bush recently expressed his willingness to co-operate in finding solutions to the problems that led to the rupture of the Coffee Agreement. We expect that all other countries involved understand the seriousness of the situation and the need to revive one of the most successful examples of international economic co-operation.
The weakening of the commodities market only aggravates the debt crisis. Foreign debt is a heavy burden for Latin America and is hindering economic growth. What is even more important, it is worsening the conditions of poverty for millions of Latin Americans. We must work together to find realistic and effective solutions to this vital problem. There is yet another - and related - struggle which has drawn the attention of the world and must be one of our highest priorities in the decade of the 1990s. It is, of course, the destruction of our natural resources and the deterioration of our environment.
As I said recently in Manaos, in the meeting of member countries of the Amazon Co-operation Treaty, the industrialized countries have an ecological debt to all humanity. In less than two centuries, not only have most of the native forests of Europe and North American been razed, but industrial production has brought pollution, acid rain and destruction to the ozone layer. This is an ecological debt to future generations of all the countries of the world who will have to live with the consequences of the mindless way in which the developed countries have handled their natural resources.
The way in which the industrialized nations can pay this debt is by directly contributing to third-world alternatives which preserve the environment, especially the tropical rain forests. I believe that these issues should be dealt with at the highest level of all Governments and of the United Nations. In Colombia we have already made progress in this respect. My Administration has already set aside more than 20 million hectares of rain forest and Indian reserves in the Amazon region, an area much larger than many European countries. Let us pledge to pay this debt for future generations.
If the narcotics problem were not a priority at this moment I would have spoken to the Assembly today about another wars the struggle of the developing countries to eliminate poverty and social injustice. We should not lose sight of these fundamental goals. I would also have spoken in detail about the many important development projects we are promoting, the most important of which for the international community is the proposal to build a land bridge to link the Pacific and Atlantic oceans through Colombian territory. The railroads, highways and pipelines to be built will provide vital new links for global shipping.
This is indeed a historic moment, and future generations will judge our actions. In this war on drugs there have been many heroes of many nationalities willing to give their lives. Many are well known, but even more are unknown. Luis Carlos Galan died because he dared to speak out. Guillermo Cano, the editor of El Espectador, was gunned down because he would not be silenced. The thousands of soldiers and Colombian citizens who have fallen have died because of their commitment to this struggle. These brave men and women have not died in vain. The entire community of nations must build on their sacrifice to defeat the curse of drugs.
The record of human history is strewn with the wreckage of failed civilizations. We now face a new and global threat. We must act now before it is too late. If we confront the narcotics menace with boldness and determination we can win. With international commitment and co-operation, we can make this plague of the twentieth century obsolete. It is my cherished hope that the school children of the twenty-first century will learn about drugs and about terrorism only from their history books - the history of great plagues that were eradicated.
We should be under no illusion? about the burdens that lie ahead. Victory will take time. Winston Churchill might have been describing the road before us today when he told the House of Commons in 1940: "Death and sorrow will be the companions of our journey, hardships our garment, constancy and valour our only shield. We must be united; we must be undaunted".
Let us declare today that together we shall use the last decade of this century to bury the international scourge of drugs, "together we can and must succeed.