Never before have Latin America and the Caribbean
expressed themselves with such strength and unity as
they did at the Summit of the Americas, held last April
in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia. Once again, Cuba
was excluded at the insistence of the United States.
Argentine sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands, which
our country fervently supports, and the lifting of the
blockade against Cuba were the focus of a declaration
that demonstrated that the American homeland
envisaged by Bolivar — our America as envisaged by Marti — has entered a new era: the century of its
ultimate independence.
Some months prior, the Community of Latin
American and Caribbean States (CELAC) held its
inaugural summit meeting in Caracas. No other
institutional entity in our hemisphere in the course of
the last century is of such major importance, wrote
the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro Ruz,
about CELAC. We know that CELAC still has not yet
reached its full development, so that our peoples can
go forward in ranks as compact as the veins of silver
in the roots of the Andes. But Latin America and the
Caribbean have definitively changed, and they are
prepared to make a greater contribution to the world
order. However, the threats, dangers and obstacles
should not be underestimated.
The policy of the United States with regard to
our region, under both Democratic and Republican
Administrations, has been essentially the same. The
promises made by the current President in 2009 have
gone unfulfilled. Tireless efforts have been made to
control our wealth, to impose their models, culture and
ideas, and to interfere in our internal affairs. Despite
talk of “intelligent power” and the use of fabulous new
technology, the focus remains on security and military
deployment, rather than on democratic and mutually
beneficial relations between equal, sovereign States.
In the circumstances of a global economic crisis,
the depletion of resources and the shifting balances in
the world, NATO continues to perceive our region as
a mere periphery of the Euro-Atlantic area, in which
it might intervene to protect its interests, however
illegitimate.
The upcoming elections in the sister nation of the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela will be decisive
for the shared destiny of our region. We would like
to express to the Venezuelan people and their leader,
President Chávez Frías, our full solidarity in the face of
the looming attempts at destabilization. The governing
powers in the United States would be making a very
serious mistake of untold consequences if they were
to attempt to reverse by force the social achievements
attained by our peoples.
Cuba has continuously contributed to peace in
Colombia, with discretion and modesty. We fully
supported the confidential exploratory talks held
throughout this year in Havana, and we will continue to
do so as a guarantor and host of the upcoming process of dialogue between the Colombian Government and
the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.
Our America will remain mutilated as long as
Puerto Rico, a Latin American and Caribbean nation,
lacks its independence — a cause that we fully support.
Today’s world is in no way similar to the one
that was envisioned by those who drafted the United
Nations Charter, over the ashes left by the Second
World War, when they expressed their determination to
save our generations from the scourge of war; protect
the fundamental rights of human beings and equality
among all nations, large and small; and promote justice,
dignity and social progress. Today, the overthrow of
Governments through the use of force and violence is
being blatantly encouraged. Regime change is being
imposed from Washington and other NATO capitals,
and wars of conquest are being waged for the control
of natural resources and areas of strategic importance.
The Governments of the United States and some
European countries have decided to overthrow the
Syrian Government. To that end, they have armed,
financed and trained opposition groups, and turned to
the use of mercenaries.
Owing mainly to the firm opposition of Russia
and China, it has not been possible to manipulate the
Security Council into imposing the interventionist
formula that has been applied in the context of recent
bellicose ventures.
Cuba reaffirms the right of the Syrian people to
the full exercise of its right to self-determination and
sovereignty without interference or foreign intervention
of any sort. The violence, massacres and terrorist acts,
which have taken a high toll in innocent lives, must
cease. The trafficking in arms and money f lows that
helps fund insurgent groups, as well as the shameful
manipulation of reality by the media, must also come
to an end.
It is the duty of the General Assembly to make use of
the means at its disposal to promote a peaceful solution
to the current situation, which is destroying that Arab
country, and prevent foreign military aggression, which
would have serious consequences for the entire Middle
East region.
The General Assembly should act with resolve and
recognize the Palestinian State as a full Member of the
United Nations, within the borders established prior
to 1967 and with East Jerusalem as its capital; and it should do so now, with or without the consent of the
Security Council; with or without a United States veto;
and with or without new peace negotiations.
The global economic crisis, which is having a
particularly strong impact on Europe, reflects the
inability of Governments and institutions to solve a
problem that requires a rethinking of the basic tenets of
the current system of international economic relations,
which serves only to pillage underdeveloped countries.
The harsh consequences of the crisis in the
developed world and the failed policies adopted so far
in an attempt to stop it continue to be borne by workers,
the increasing number of unemployed, immigrants and
the poor, whose protest movements are being brutally
repressed. The predicted increase in food prices as a
result of the drought that is affecting much of North
America threatens to exacerbate global food insecurity.
Environmental destruction is also worsening.
The loss of biodiversity and of the natural balance
of ecosystems is accelerating; and the growing
irrationality of production and consumption patterns,
the marginalization of more than half of the world’s
population and the lack of comprehensive measures to
halt climate change pose an ever-increasing risk to the
physical integrity of entire nations, particularly small
island States.
In the face of those colossal challenges, we wonder
if anything could ever justify the fact that, 20 years
after the end of the so-called Cold War, military budgets
have almost doubled, reaching the astronomical figure
of $1.74 trillion. As President Raúl Castro Ruz asked,
against what enemies will those weapons be used? Will
they be used to eliminate the masses of poor people
who can no longer tolerate their poverty, or to halt the
unstoppable migrations of survivors?
Under these circumstances, it is urgent to save the
United Nations and subject it to deep-seated reform, so
as to put it at the service of all, equally sovereign States
and free it from the arbitrariness and double standards
of a handful of industrialized and powerful countries.
International law and the purposes and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations should be resolutely
enforced; the key role of the General Assembly should
be restored; and a democratic, transparent and truly
representative Security Council should be relaunched.
The Summit of Non-Aligned Countries was
successfully held in Tehran and reaffirmed the Movement’s positions in defence of peace, independence
and the sovereign equality of States; justice; the right
to development; sovereignty over natural resources;
general and complete disarmament, particularly
nuclear disarmament; and the right to the peaceful use
of nuclear energy. We have pledged our full support to
the chairmanship of the Movement.
On July 31, the State Department of the United
States included Cuba once again on its unilateral,
arbitrary list of States that sponsor international
terrorism. The true motive behind the inclusion of Cuba
on that spurious list is to fabricate pretexts to increase
the persecution of Cuba with respect to its financial
transactions and justify the policy of blockade, which
has caused immense human and economic harm
totalling $1 trillion, based on the current value of gold.
The United States does not have the slightest moral
or political authority to judge Cuba.It is well known
that the United States Government has resorted to State
terrorism as a weapon in its policy against Cuba, which
has caused the deaths of 3,478 of our compatriots and
injured another 2,099. It is also harbouring dozens
of terrorists, some of whom live in freedom in that
country, and continues with the prolonged, inhumane
imprisonment and cruel and arbitrary retention on its
territory of the five Cuban anti-terrorists.
Cuba strongly rejects the use of so sensitive an issue
as terrorism to pursue political goals and calls for the
United States Government to stop lying and put an end
to this shameful exercise, which is an outrage against
the Cuban people, the North American victims and the
international community and discredits the cause of the
struggle against terrorism.
We reiterate to the United States, on the eve of
the elections in that country, our irrevocable yearning
for peace and our interest in moving towards the
normalization of bilateral relations through dialogue,
on an equal footing and with absolute respect for our
independence.
With absolute certainty, our people, come what
may, with all and for the well-being of all, will continue
on the path they have already chosen until they have
achieved full justice.


Ten years ago, Switzerland joined the United Nations,
thus becoming both the 190th Member State and the
first country in which United Nations membership
was approved by its citizens in a popular vote. The
United Nations and Switzerland share the same values
and pursue common goals: the promotion of peace
and security, sustainable development, the protection
and promotion of human rights, and the provision of
emergency relief to victims of conflict and natural
disasters.
We face significant and pressing challenges
in all these areas. Climate change, food and water
scarcity, migration, organized crime, terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons do not respect borders. These
are global challenges that threaten entire regions. In an
increasingly interconnected world, we have to search
for global solutions that respond to regional and national
needs. It is not enough to simply maintain the status
quo. We have to find today the solutions of tomorrow.

The United Nations spans the entire world. Its
universality gives it unparalleled legitimacy and
enables it to find and implement solutions to global
challenges that enjoy broad support. In view of the
growing interdependence of those challenges, the
United Nations is now more important than ever. It must
be at the heart of international governance. The support
of every Member State and every one of us is therefore
crucial. In order to accomplish the Herculean tasks
awaiting it, the United Nations can no longer settle for
the lowest common denominator, as it does all too often
when consensus is reached among its Members. If the
United Nations is to overcome the challenges facing it,
it must be efficient, innovative and active. What does
that mean?
The United Nations is efficient when it updates and
improves its processes so that it can act more rapidly
and in a more coordinated manner, despite growing
budgetary pressures. In this respect, Switzerland
supports the reform agenda of the Secretary-General. It
should be implemented swiftly.
The United Nations is innovative when it develops
new ideas and solutions that are tailored to the big
picture. United Nations structures have evolved
organically over past decades. They do not encourage
people to stray from the beaten path. More intensive
exchanges within the United Nations and between the
Organization and scientific circles, civil society and
the private sector promote creativity and ensure broad
support for United Nations activities. At the seat of
the United Nations in Geneva that type of exchange
is encouraged in a targeted manner. Switzerland
also supports the strengthening and development of
ref lection and research activities within the United
Nations. Bringing those activities together in Geneva
would further strengthen the creative potential of the
Organization.
Finally, the United Nations will show its strengths
if it can achieve consensus in conflict situations and
push through to find solutions. Resorting to the right
of the veto in the Security Council is difficult to justify
in the event of genocide, war crimes or crimes against
humanity. That is why Switzerland, together with
other countries, continues to clamour for reform of the
working methods of the Security Council. Transparency
and the Council’s collaboration with other bodies within
the Organization should be improved, and the right of
veto should be limited.

As Switzerland traditionally defends dialogue, we
call upon all States and peoples to commit to greater
understanding and peaceful coexistence among
cultures, religions and beliefs. Freedom of belief and
religion, like freedom of opinion and expression,
are universally guaranteed core values that must be
protected and respected. Moreover, responding to an
unpleasant opinion with violence can never be justified.
It must be countered by ideas and logical arguments,
and if necessary through legal recourse, especially if
national, religious or cultural hatred has been incited.
The attacks in recent weeks against diplomatic missions
are therefore unacceptable regardless of the motivation
behind them. We all bear a common responsibility to
promote tolerance and the respect for beliefs.
For the current session of the General Assembly,
the President has chosen as the theme for the high-level
debate “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”.
I applaud his choice. In recent years, the United Nations
has strengthened its capacity in the area of mediation
and preventive diplomacy, which has brought about a
re-evaluation of mediation processes. We need to go
further, however, as most of the United Nations budget
continues to be spent on peacekeeping operations.
Switzerland is therefore convinced that greater
investment in peaceful means that could bring about
a settlement of disputes, especially through mediation
and preventive diplomacy, would pay off in the long
run. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure;
that is as true for States as it is for people.
It is not just a matter of funding. Every single
conflict that is averted means the avoidance of human
suffering and the non-interruption of development in the
countries concerned. Over the past decade, Switzerland
has actively participated in more than 30 mediation
processes in some 20 countries. Moreover, Switzerland
regularly makes its experts and know-how available to
the United Nations and hopes to see its collaboration
with the Organization grow. Adapted to current needs,
special political missions respond to the complexity of
political realities. Thanks to those missions, the United
Nations is in a position to react f lexibly and quickly
in the event of a constitutional crisis or a coup d’état.
As the main instruments of preventive diplomacy, such
missions should be strengthened, specifically through
the introduction of modalities, financing and optimal
support.

When prevention is not enough, the international
community must act firmly. The United Nations should
therefore demonstrate that it is capable of intervening
and imposing itself. Switzerland is deeply concerned by
the dramatic worsening of the situation in Syria, where
human rights and international humanitarian law are
being f louted. At this very moment, as I speak, innocent
people are dying from bullets fired by the Syrian army
and the armed opposition. Thousands of people have
been killed, more than 1 million are on the run in their
own country and some 250,000 have sought refuge
in neighbouring countries. It is difficult, maybe even
impossible, to reach hundreds of thousands of victims
who, wounded and traumatized, are condemned to wait
in zones under siege. United Nations agencies estimate
that approximately 2.5 million people need urgent
humanitarian assistance. Switzerland has therefore set
aside more than $15 million for humanitarian assistance
in Syria and neighbouring countries.
As long as human rights continue to be trampled upon
and those responsible are not sufficiently perturbed, it
will be impossible to guarantee security. Switzerland
therefore calls for the perpetrators of serious violations
of human rights answer for their actions. The impunity
of perpetrators is not just immoral; by compromising
the process of reconciliation that gets under way in a
society after a war, it encourages history to repeat itself.
Switzerland leads a group of some 30 countries
that are asking that the International Criminal Court
take up the case of Syria. I would invite all heads of
State and Government present here today to rally to that
initiative. The international community must be made
aware of the extent of human rights violations in Syria.
Switzerland welcomes the work of the commission
of inquiry set up by the Human Rights Council and
calls for it to be strengthened. It also welcomes the
appointment of Mr. Brahimi as the new Joint Special
Representative of the United Nations and the League of
Arab States for the Syrian crisis and will do its utmost
to help him find a political solution to the conflict in
that country.
We know that our use of the world’s available
resources is not sustainable at the global level. We
are exploiting those resources without concern for
the future. We also know that human beings are the
cause of climate change. The fate of our planet rests in
our hands. Much will depend on whether we succeed
in making the transition to sustainable development
and whether we succeed in moving towards a green
economy. The Rio+20 outcome document provides us
with an opportunity that we must embrace. We must act
today so that future generations do not have to pay the
price for our inaction.
However, a great deal of mutual distrust remains, as
does the fear that not everyone will be able to compete
on equal terms in a green economy. We must overcome
that hurdle. Switzerland will play its part in sharing the
burden of efforts between the North and the South. The
Green Climate Fund will be a key element in financing
that transition. It should therefore be set up without
delay and in an optimal environment. I am convinced
that Geneva can offer such an environment.
The transition to a green economy also requires
new approaches, in terms of both thinking and acting.
In any process of change, there are winners and losers.
However, with regard to sustainable development
the winners and losers are the same, namely, future
generations. Either they will be able to continue to live
in an intact environment where they benefit from the
natural resources they need, or they will have to put
up with a decline in the standard of living due to the
exhaustion of resources and the broad consequences of
climate change. Our common challenge lies in ensuring
the well-being of all without overexploiting our natural
resources.
Switzerland attaches the greatest importance to
the post-2015 agenda, which will allow us to benefit
from our experience with the Millennium Development
Goals in order to prepare for the future. That approach
gives us the opportunity to consider all dimensions of
sustainable development together and, for the first time
ever, develop a universal system of targets for the well-
being of future generations throughout the world.
Switzerland is convinced that setting sustainable
development goals is an important element in
strengthening that development. It will play an active
part in defining a new system of goals. Switzerland
believes it imperative to combine discussions on the
post-2015 agenda and on sustainable development goals
into a single process.
According to the Roman philosopher Seneca, it is
not that we have a short space of time, but that we waste
much of it. So let us today take on the great challenges
before us. Let us join forces to bring about more peace
and security in the world and better protect human rights.
Let us put an end to the impunity of the perpetrators of
serious human rights abuses and bring them to account.

Let us take bold steps for more sustainable development
in the interests of our children and grandchildren. And
let us strengthen the United Nations so that, as the only
truly universal Organization, it is better equipped to
address those immense challenges.


Let me start by extending my
sincere congratulations to the President of the General
Assembly and his country, Serbia, upon his election to preside over the sixty-seventh session. I am confident
that, with his extensive experience and diplomatic skill,
he will lead this session of the General Assembly to
a successful conclusion. I pledge the support of the
Eritrean delegation for his noble efforts for the common
good.
I wish to pay profound tribute to the outgoing
President, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his
commendable work at the sixty-sixth session of the
General Assembly. He indeed served us well. I would
also like to thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for
his leadership and his report (A/67/2) on the work of
our United Nations at the outset of this general debate.
Almost seven decades have elapsed since the
establishment of the United Nations, and, undoubtedly,
the world has seen much political, economic, social
and technological progress. However, it is clear that
the United Nations has not succeeded in its paramount
purpose of saving humankind from the scourge of
war. In the past 67 years, there has hardly been one in
which no war raged somewhere in the world. What is
particularly significant is the fact that in most of these
wars, the major Powers were the main architects and
actors — those same Powers which, by virtue of their
position in the Security Council, should have shouldered
the greatest responsibility in the maintenance of peace
and stability.
On another front, and again despite the progress
made, in the twenty-first century, hundreds of
millions of people in the developing world, as well as
in developed countries, continue to suffer from the
scourge of poverty, easily preventable diseases and
avoidable premature deaths.
In addition to the twin scourges of war and
poverty, our world now faces an environmental threat
that puts human livelihoods and survival at risk. It is
therefore disconcerting that the current global political,
economic and security architecture is inadequate to
address the challenges that we all face. The United
Nations system, as has been repeatedly pointed out,
is indeed outdated. The General Assembly has been
emasculated. The Security Council is dominated by
one powerful permanent member, and is increasingly
becoming paralysed. Change is being resisted by
those who believe they have benefited from the old,
anachronistic order. Respect for the sovereign equality
and territorial integrity of nations and non-interference
in their internal affairs — which constitute the
pillars of international law and the Charter of the United Nations — are being eroded and wilfully
f louted. The noble aims of protecting human rights
and civilian lives are being selectively and cynically
employed to justify military aggression, external
intervention and imposition of sanctions — collective
as well as unilateral — to destabilize nations, change
Governments and gain economic advantages.
This summary assessment, Eritrea believes, is
shared by the majority of States Members of the United
Nations. It is indeed the position of Africa, of most
developing countries, the Non-Aligned Movement, the
emerging Powers and many in the developed world.
What this emerging consensus now needs is a concerted
and coordinated effort to effect real change, including
in the United Nations system, that would lead to a more
peaceful, just and equitable world.
No part of the world is in need of positive change
more than the African continent, which remains
marginalized and almost voiceless. And yet Africa is
a continent of massive potential, and there are already
unmistakable, if tentative, signs of its awakening. A
number of African countries are taking serious steps
in the economic, political and social arenas and the
revitalization of the African Union proceeds apace.
We hope that this African initiative, which will have a
salutary effect on the world economy and international
governance, will be supported by a more conducive
international environment and by the United Nations.
Eritrea is convinced that our subregion, the Horn
of Africa, will overcome its current difficulties and
make a substantial contribution to the re-emergence
of a dynamic and prosperous Africa. Despite the
difficulties it has faced, it has made remarkable progress
in providing and caring for its people and rebuilding
its economy, and has embarked on modernizing its
infrastructure, including developing renewable energy,
with the perspective of regional trade, investment and
integration. It will continue to work to ensure a life of
dignity and prosperity for its citizens, in a peaceful and
cooperative region, and a more just and equitable world.


As
always, it is an honour to participate in this Assembly
of the peoples of the world, which pursues the ongoing
struggle, among others, for the universal principles
upheld since 1948. It is here and at this time that we can
see that we are different, precisely in this Assembly,
which reflects the wealth of our diversity. It is here
where we work constantly to overcome our natural
differences, respond to our common problems and
strengthen the human family through agreed outcomes.
The international community must be consistent
in that objective. We must be partners and allies at all
times, ready to put forward initiatives, solutions and
reforms that strengthen the need for close cooperation
in the joint responsibility to protect not only the right
to that diversity, but also the right to demonstrate it and
to fully live it. All must participate in this forum, with
no sister nation excluded or not invited. We are called
upon to ensure the full recognition of each and every
one, with complete security for all.
In Honduras, for some years we have acknowledged
in all areas the need for a reform process that
ensures respect for people’s rights. Our first action,
in accordance with our national law, was to invite
regional and international organizations to come to
Honduras and see our proposals and our work. We
have set up a unit to investigate crimes against sexual
diversity — lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender —
under the Office of the Public Prosecutor. It focuses
its attention on vulnerable groups and on furthering
dialogue with the broader civil society.
On gender issues, the Honduran State has a policy
gender progamme, which is a technical and political
tool to help women achieve full equality and fairness.
My Government supports a 40-per-cent share of women
in elected posts in the 2013 electoral campaign and a
50-per cent participation in the following election in
2017. In April, the National Congress of the Republic
adopted a law against trafficking in persons. That is a
measure of compliance by the State of Honduras with
important recommendations on trafficking in persons
drawn up by international human rights bodies.
As we continue our fight for indigenous peoples,
another essential part of our national plan and vision
for the country is to put an end to the exclusion of such
peoples and those of African descent and to ensure their full and legitimate right to preserve their culture,
language, traditions and world view. I am accompanied
at this Assembly by a representation of all indigenous
peoples in Honduras. Last year, we held the first World
Summit for People of African Descent in Honduras.
Next year, we will hold a world summit on indigenous
peoples.
Today’s world presents a range of new threats to our
countries that are not traditional in form and that have
created new dynamics. I am referring to the activities
of transnational criminal organizations. According to
research centres that track illicit economic activity, it is
estimated that those groups now account for 10 per cent
of the global gross domestic product. Those activities
include money-laundering, bribes, drug trafficking,
counterfeit, piracy and illicit trafficking in persons and
weapons.
That astounding amount of financial resources
dangerously corrupts our societies and Governments. In
my view, it has become a threat to international security
that must be assessed, understood and fought against
by all members of the United Nations. My country and
our citizens are victims of the insatiable appetite for
drugs in developed countries and of the greed of the
producers and traffickers, who become rich on huge
profits stained with the blood of the innocent. Honduras
is neither a consumer or producer country. Moreover,
the traffickers come from the south and the north but
those who die are Honduran. The mothers who suffer
are Honduran, as are the orphans.
However, Honduras is not unaware of the problem.
Despite our limited economic resources, we are
facing such challenges with the necessary resolve
to find comprehensive and immediate solutions to
that situation. Our primary objective is to defend the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of our territory in
the face of the aggression of which we are victims. To
that end, by every means possible we must stop drugs
from entering our country and ensure a complete
prohibition of those that enter our national territory.
We have therefore updated the regulatory framework
and are reforming our institutions and security system.
As violence and crime threaten our young people,
we have launched prevention programmes that can
open up better horizons and opportunities. Legal
and institutional reform and the implementation of
programmes and projects to stop the violence have
started to yield results. The most recent figures of the independent Violence Watch in Honduras show that the
rate of homicides has fallen by 8.5 per cent this year.
That figure, added to the 10-per cent drop in the annual
increase just recorded, represents a total reduction in the
homicide rate of 18.5 per cent per 100,000 inhabitants.
However, it is not only up to us victims to make an
effort. As was made clear at the Summit of the Americas
and at the recent General Assembly of the Organization
of American States, combating organized crime, in
particular illicit drug trafficking and related criminal
activities, is a common, shared, but differentiated
responsibility.
At this great Assembly, I wish to underscore the
resolute cooperation of Colombia and Chile and the
recent memorandum of understanding signed between
Honduras and the United States of America. We
also welcome the most recent measures taken by the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on the issue of f light
bans.
With regard to Colombia, allow me to congratulate
its President Juan Manuel Santos Calderón and his
Government on his initiative to put an end to 50 years
of war among brothers. We commend the Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia for their
receptiveness. We also welcome the cooperation of the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Chile, Cuba and
Norway. We wish them every success and hope that
peace will return to that country.
I would also like to thank the United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime for its full support and recognition
of the fact that we in Central America cannot face such
scourges alone. We must seek every mechanism and try
to be as creative as possible in dealing with that threat.
With greater respect for human rights and more
citizen security, we will have more and better education.
Honduras has therefore launched a significant reform
process. The National Congress has adopted laws to
bolster education and to ensure the participation of the
family and the community. Our focus and key objective
are to provide a sound foundation for our children and
our youth. We support the right of teachers to disagree
and, on occasion, to demonstrate, but the rights of
children and young people to the education that they
receive in their classrooms cannot be allowed to be
interrupted.
Look at what is happening to us, according to
UNICEF data. In Honduras, approximately 600 teaching days have been lost in State schools and colleges in the
past 10 years. That data is equivalent to three school
years of 200 days. That means that a boy or a girl who
has completed ninth grade in their studies has, in fact,
only received a sixth-grade education. Clearly, that is
a step backwards for society in general. According to
figures from the Department of Education, in 2009, 80
school days were lost, in 2010, 30 days and, in 2011,
40 days. All those days correspond to calls for massive
teacher walk-outs. According to a study of the National
Independent University of Honduras, the country’s
principal university, of the top 100 colleges, that
leading State college is ranked in seventeenth position.
What an injustice.
It is our poorest children and young people, those
who cannot afford private education, who go to State
schools. We are condemning them to remain victims of
the most serious exclusion. Those who most need them
are denied opportunities. Why do we not declare in this
Assembly of peoples that classrooms are sanctuaries of
education and must never be closed?
We must continue our efforts to ensure greater
access for the poor to the productive sectors of the
national economy. Rapid, fair and sustainable growth
is the true productive development of the country and,
along with education and health care, the best way to
reduce poverty and extreme poverty.
From the Office of the President and the First Lady,
who is here with me at the Assembly, among others,
we are working on a very important conditional cash
transfer programme. It currently reaches 30 per cent of
our poor families. That is an immediate and specific
response to social exclusion.
Our geographic location makes Honduras one of
the countries most vulnerable to climate change. Along
with our socio-economic characteristics, that compels
us, both nationally and regionally, to remain constantly
vigilant in order to respond to natural threats and
disasters. That is why we deem it key to participate in
all specialized forums, in particular the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development.
Today and now, in this Hall, Honduras reiterates
its commitment to the international community to the
comprehensive reform of the United Nations system.
That will help to strengthen the principle of universality
on the basis of just, fair and inclusive representation.
The challenge is for us all and our commitment is
universal. That is why we are gathered here now.


Allow
me at the outset to express my sincere congratulations
to Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his assumption of the presidency
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I
have every confidence that under his able leadership
this session will be crowned with great success.
Humankind continues to advance, drawing on our
collective wisdom to address challenges throughout
human history. Although new global challenges to
mankind such as climate change, poverty and disease,
underdevelopment, terrorism and proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction are now testing the
international community, I have no doubt that we will
overcome those challenges on our future path.
The United Nations, the symbol of our collective
wisdom, should take greater responsibility in coping
with the challenges. I note with great satisfaction that
the United Nations is becoming a more accountable and
trusted international Organization under the prominent
leadership of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. In that
regard, I recognize and support the Secretary-General’s
five-year Action Agenda, which I believe will guide
us in addressing current world challenges and onward
towards the future we are aiming for.
The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), held in June in Rio de Janeiro,
represented a critical step forward towards ushering in the world we hope for. The outcome document, entitled
“The future we want” (resolution 66/288, annex),
marks a substantial advancement for sustainable
development. The task before us now is to capitalize on
our achievements thus far and exert even greater effort
on follow-up actions such as developing sustainable
development goals, strengthening the institutional
framework and mobilizing finance.
As part of such endeavours, the Republic of Korea
established the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI).
Sixteen countries signed the agreement to establish the
GGGI on the margins of the Rio+20 meeting, and the
Institute will be launched as an international organization
starting in October. The GGGI will engage in a range of
activities for disseminating the green growth paradigm,
in which the economy and the environment form a
virtuous cycle. Moreover, the Korean Government is
prepared to step up its contribution to international
efforts to achieve a sustainable future by hosting the
secretariat of the Green Climate Fund. The Republic of
Korea stands ready to render wholehearted support for
the successful launch and stable operation of the Fund.
The Republic of Korea is keen on contributing
to the balanced and harmonious development of the
international community and is fully cooperating
in such efforts in the context of the United Nations.
The Korean Government continues to increase its
official development assistance to help achieve the
internationally agreed development goals, including
the Millennium Development Goals. The Republic of
Korea underscored the importance of inclusive growth
and development partnership at the 2010 Seoul Summit
of the Group of Twenty and the Fourth High-level
Forum on Aid Effectiveness, held in Busan in 2011. In
June, the Global Partnership for Effective Development
Cooperation was launched for the implementation of the
Busan commitments. The Busan Forum and the launch
of the Global Partnership will mark a turning point for
international development cooperation by broadening
our perspective from aid effectiveness to development
effectiveness.
Our own experience has taught us that investment
in education is at the heart of effective development.
In that vein, we are confident that the Education First
initiative of the Secretary-General will, indeed, provide
a solid foundation for achieving the international
development goals. The Korean Government extends
its strong support for the initiative. The Republic of Korea is also taking an active part
in the discussions on shaping the post-2015 development
framework. We fully recognize the importance of a
comprehensive approach that takes into account the
economic, social and environmental dimensions of
sustainable development.
The aspiration for human rights, fundamental
freedoms and democratic values is the primary driving
force for the advancement of humanity. Today, many
countries have been striving to advocate human rights
in tandem with democracy. The United Nations, as the
epicentre of the international community’s efforts to
promote and protect human rights, has provided timely
assistance to such countries.
Recently, we witnessed the strong desire of people
in the Middle East and North Africa to realize their
aspirations for democracy and respect for human
rights. The recent positive developments in Myanmar
are also well worth noting in that regard. However,
while those changes are still unfolding, enormous
challenges and difficulties still lie ahead. In Syria, a
great number of civilians have been killed and gross
violations of human rights have been witnessed. With
high hopes towards the efforts of Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi,
the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations
and the League of Arab States for Syria, the Korean
Government will stand by the Syrian people through
this time of suffering together with the international
community.
The Korean Government expresses deep concern
at the recent attacks against diplomats and diplomatic
missions in several places. Such violence cannot be
justified regardless of the motivation.
Putting an end to sexual violence against women
in armed conflict is another issue that warrants serious
attention. Wartime sexual violence is a fundamental
infringement of human rights and is, in fact, an affront to
human dignity and integrity. History has left important
lessons that warn against such egregious acts.
The Republic of Korea would like to urge the
United Nations system and all Member States to do
their utmost to put an end to such atrocities, not only
by taking all measures to protect women and girls in
armed conflict, but also by providing effective remedies
and reparations for victims and ending impunity by
bringing the offenders to justice in accordance with the
relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Both a sound historical consciousness and a
heartfelt soul-searching into any past wrongdoings are
required in order to establish solid peace and stability
between nations. A country’s true valour is proven when
it confronts the dark side of its history and endeavours
to rectify past wrongdoings.
It is the firm conviction of the Korean Government
that respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty
as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations,
should be the guiding principle for stable international
relations.
No country should abuse international legal
procedures or the concept of the rule of law in order to
infringe upon the territorial integrity and sovereignty
of other countries or distort historical justice.
The Republic of Korea is actively contributing
to the global efforts being undertaken in pursuit of a
world without nuclear weapons. The Seoul Nuclear
Security Summit held last March brought together
leaders from across the world to galvanize the vision
and the determination of the international community
to achieve a peaceful world without nuclear terrorism.
During the Summit, the Korean Government played a
leading role in forging a consensus to take important
practical steps, such as the substantial reduction of
nuclear materials, the promotion of the universality of
international conventions and cooperation to combat
illicit trafficking of nuclear materials. I am delighted
that the High-level Meeting on Countering Nuclear
Terrorism, which was convened this morning, has
provided new momentum to further energize the efforts
seen at the Seoul Summit for the prevention of nuclear
and radiological terrorism.
Furthermore, existing and emerging threats
in cyberspace, such as rampant transnational
cybercrime and potential cyber conflicts, present
a serious challenge. It is therefore imperative that
the international community address those threats.
By hosting the 2013 Conference on Cyberspace, the
Republic of Korea hopes to contribute in multiple ways
to the ongoing global efforts to maximize the benefits
of digital networks. We further believe that the event
will provide an unparalleled opportunity to pool our
efforts to cope with threats stemming from the misuse
of information and communication technologies.
The North Korean nuclear programme continues
to pose a threat, not only to the security of the
Korean peninsula and North-East Asia, but indeed to the very basis of the international non-proliferation
regime. As long as the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea continues to pursue its nuclear and missile
programmes, achieving the goal of sustainable peace
on the Korean peninsula and in the region will remain
far off. Unfortunately, the international community’s
aspirations were shattered once again when the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea launched a
long-range missile in April 2012. In response to that
provocative action, the Security Council reaffirmed
that the international community will not tolerate the
continued pursuit by the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea of its nuclear and missile programmes by
issuing a firm and resolute presidential statement in an
unprecedentedly swift manner (S/PRST/2012/13).
We urge with concern that the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea should take concrete measures aimed
at denuclearization, which will also open an avenue to
improving the livelihood of its people. At the same
time, we sincerely hope that the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea will listen to the international
community’s call for the improvement of that country’s
human rights situation, as repeatedly affirmed in the
relevant United Nations resolutions.
As a country that has risen from the ashes of war,
we have learned the values of peace and security. In
that context, we earnestly hope to have the opportunity
to promote such values by serving as a non-permanent
member of the Security Council for the 2013-2014 term.
The Republic of Korea is determined to fulfil that role
with the greatest enthusiasm and devotion. We hope
that States Members of the United Nations understand
and support our bid for membership in the Council.
We are united by the ideals set out in the United
Nations Charter. In pursuit of international peace
and security, the continued promotion of social and
economic development and the promotion of human
rights, we should embrace a spirit of cooperation and
tolerance, with the United Nations at the centre of
international efforts to that end. The Republic of Korea
will persist in fully playing its part in the invaluable
work of the United Nations, taking on the various
challenges that humanity will continue to confront.


I extend my
congratulations to Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session. I wish him every success in the year ahead.
The global economic situation remains uncertain.
Europe is in recession and growth in other places is
weakening. There is increasing concern that this
combination of weak consumer demand in developing
countries and a continuing crisis in the eurozone may
lead to a global recession. An even greater danger,
especially for small States like Singapore that depend
on global trade, is the risk of increased protectionism.
Populist pressures in countries affected by austerity
and economic crisis can cause further instability as
politicians become unwilling or unable to deal with
long-term, structural economic problems. While
emerging economies focus on maintaining economic
growth, developed economies are preoccupied with
both immediate and structural socioeconomic problems.
Understandably, there is less focus on strategic regional
and international issues. However, serious, long-term
challenges remain. Rising income disparities, climate
change issues and worries about food security are not
being adequately addressed at the global level.
Amid that uncertainty, no State or group of
States currently has the power to definitively set the
international agenda. Decision-making and governance
on global issues have and will continue to become
increasingly complicated. The multiplicity of interests makes finding consensus in international forums that
much more difficult. Frustration over the inability of
existing multilateral institutions to deal with those
global challenges is growing, and that has given rise to
a greater tendency for countries to turn to smaller and
more exclusive groupings outside of the United Nations
framework for solutions.
The Group of 20 (G-20) is one such example.
Without the G-20, the 2008 economic crisis may have
well led to a global depression. However, the G-20 is an
exclusive grouping; it leaves out the vast majority of the
United Nations membership, particularly small States.
It is a self-selected group, but one that is here to stay in
the foreseeable future. The Global Governance Group
was therefore established by like minded-countries,
including Singapore, to strengthen the engagement
between the G-20 and the general membership of the
United Nations. Even as we work with the G-20, we
should look for ways to strengthen and reform existing
multilateral institutions, including the United Nations,
the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and
the World Trade Organization. That will help us to
achieve greater efficiency, rather than continuing to
invent more smaller groupings.
Many of us often fault the United Nations, including
the Security Council, for its inability to act to resolve
ongoing conflicts. However, as frustrations mount, let
us not forget that the United Nations and its organs,
including the Security Council, can do only what
its Members choose to do, so we are responsible for
the current state of affairs. The United Nations is an
organization of sovereign nation States. It has no more
authority than what its Members give it. Any failure
of the Security Council and the United Nations in
maintaining peace and security represents a failure of
the Member States themselves.
We should therefore support ongoing and new
efforts aimed at strengthening the United Nations,
instead of denigrating it. The United Nations is unique
in its ability to come up with global solutions because
of its universal membership, legitimacy, experience
and presence on the ground. No other organization
is as well equipped to do so. A significant expansion
of the United Nations mediation capabilities, good
offices and peacekeeping efforts has made it central to
international crisis prevention and the mediation and
settlement of disputes. We should continue to support
the strengthening of those aspects. The five permanent members of the Security
Council, with their veto powers, have the primary
responsibility to make the Council more effective.
That is why Singapore has consistently called for
improvement in the Security Council’s working
methods. The Security Council is not a rubber stamp
for the interests of its individual members. Its power, if
not visibly and openly wielded for the greater good and
to discharge its mandate in all instances, will eventually
undermine its legitimacy and leadership role in the
international community. That is in no one’s interest.
Singapore believes that the long-term goal of the
United Nations should be to provide an effective system
of international law and resilient mechanisms for the
peaceful settlement of disputes. That will provide a
platform for States under threat to bring their problems
before those mechanisms with confidence, rather than
trying to resolve them by force.
The President has selected an important theme for
the sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly:
bringing about adjustment or settlement of international
disputes or situations by peaceful means. In a fast-
changing environment, where the global governance
structure is fragmented and coordination is difficult,
the parameters of dialogue among States become
crucial.
In that dialogue among States, respect for the rule
of law by all parties is essential. If that were not the
case, small States would lose their independence and
autonomy, and even the larger and stronger States could
never feel entirely secure. A stable international system
is critical to our collective security. Small States like
Singapore are vulnerable even at the best of times, and
these are not the best of times. It is therefore particularly
important for small States to be in an international
environment where international law and institutions
based on law can flourish. We need a predictable and
stable, rules-based international system in order for all
of us to survive.
Singapore firmly believes in the importance
of safeguarding the international rule of law. We
have participated actively in various multilateral
negotiations, used international dispute mechanisms,
such as the International Court of Justice and the
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, to
resolve disputes we have had with other countries. Our
view is that disputes, including those over territorial
sovereignty, can and should be resolved peacefully, in
accordance with international law. As major beneficiaries of a stable international
system, it is incumbent upon small States to not only
support the international rule of law, but to also speak
up against its violation. This year, the 105-member
Forum of Small States will commemorate its twentieth
anniversary with a high-level conference on small
States on 1 October. The conference will discuss the
role of small States in international relations, including
our commitment to the rule of law and the peaceful
settlement of disputes. We invite all Member States
to attend the conference. We hope that the conference
will be a platform for small States to share our
experiences and remind the international community
that small States, too, have contributions to make to the
maintenance of an international system that benefits all
nations of any size.


May I begin by congratulating
Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. Let
me assure him that Finland is fully behind him as he
fulfils his important duties. We look forward to close
cooperation with him.
I have the pleasure and honour to address the
General Assembly for the first time as President of the
Republic of Finland. The United Nations is the forum
to which our peoples’ expectations are directed when
challenges that affect us all need to be addressed. We
in this Hall must recognize our responsibilities. We all
must be ready to shoulder them.
A profound change is sweeping over the globe.
Rapid economic growth in the countries of the global
South has already made greater well-being a reality for
hundreds of millions of people. More people have the
chance to lift themselves out of poverty. More people
have the opportunity for political participation. These
developments will make our world more just and less
prone to conflict. That is in Finland’s interest. It is in
the interests of us all.
At the same time, the tectonic plates of economic
power are shifting. Global instruments are needed
to manage that shift. The United Nations and the
various “G Groups” need to work together better. We
recognize that such groups have an important role to
play in making the United Nations a more dynamic and
relevant player in the world economy.
Finland sees itself as a responsible member of the
international community — a good global citizen, if
you will. We support the United Nations in word and
in deed because it is in our national interest to do so.
The United Nations is a genuinely universal forum for
cooperation. It has unique legitimacy. For us, it is an
indispensable means to promote international peace
and security, development and human rights. As a
small country — there are only some 5 million of us
Finns — a world order based on respect for the United
Nations Charter and international law is a must. It is
not an option.
Finland is a candidate for non-permanent
membership in the Security Council for the term
2013-2014. We wish to shoulder the responsibility that
membership in the Council entails. We believe that we could make a contribution. Finland would approach the
issues on the Council’s agenda as an engaged Member
State. We would be ready to look for constructive and
even-handed solutions to common problems. We believe
that as a small and militarily non-aligned Member State,
we have what it takes. Finland’s candidacy enjoys the
full support of the other Nordic countries — Denmark,
Iceland, Norway and Sweden.
The ability to prevent conflict around the world
remains the United Nations core mission. It is the
yardstick by which United Nations successes or
failures are measured. It is the Security Council that
shoulders the main responsibility for the maintenance
of international peace and security.
Peacekeeping mandated by the Council is an
important means at our disposal in that regard. Finland
has participated in United Nations peacekeeping as
long as it has been a Member State. We are also ready to
share with other Members and regional organizations
the expertise that we have gained with respect to
training peacekeepers. Our training centre, the Finnish
Defence Forces International Centre, is at the service of
the United Nations.
Peacekeeping is indispensable but is not enough.
Soldiers are needed to secure the conditions for peace
to begin to be built. However, in the end, peace is
built by civilians. That is why Finland has long paid
special attention to civilian crisis management. Finnish
experts — police officers and experts in the rule of
law, gender equality and human rights — participate
in peacekeeping operations in many parts of the world.
Effective mediation is also a must. Finland has
made a strong contribution to mediating conflicts.
My predecessor, President Martti Ahtisaari, won the
Nobel Peace Prize for his decades-long career as a
successful mediator. At the initiative of Finland and
Turkey, a resolution was adopted in this Hall last year
that strengthened the normative basis for mediation
(resolution 65/283). I am glad that the Secretary-
General will soon make his guidelines on mediation
available to all Member States, regional organizations
and other actors. I encourage him to make full use of
the powers that the Charter grants him in that regard.
Respect for the rule of law is part and parcel of
building peace in post-conflict societies. Impunity
often leaves behind the seeds of another conflict. In the
long run, economic development is sustainable only if
the rule of law is respected. It is encouraging that the High-level Meeting on the rule of law yesterday showed
that there is indeed the political commitment to further
such efforts.
Respect for the rule of law instructs us to honour
the beliefs of others, but it also requires us to condemn
all violence. Finland, together with the other Nordic
countries, will again introduce a draft resolution on
the protection of diplomatic missions in the General
Assembly. Upholding diplomatic rights and immunities
is in our common interest.
Poverty reduction is the ultimate means to secure
peace in many parts of the world. That requires, above
all, economic growth and a level playing-field for all.
Development cooperation can assist, especially in the
least developed countries. Those countries that already
suffer the effects of climate change are particularly
vulnerable and in need of our support. Finland has
a record of being a reliable partner for developing
countries stretching over half a century. Despite the
well-known budgetary pressures within the euro
zone, Finland has increased its outlay fordevelopment
cooperation to an annual level of about $1.5 billion in
recent years.
Weapons of mass destruction remain an existential
threat to international peace and security. Finland
has been a strong supporter of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons from the very
beginning. The non-proliferation of nuclear weapons,
disarmament and the right to the peaceful use of nuclear
energy are all necessary parts of the whole.
Finland is prepared to host a conference on the
establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear
weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction this
year. The task has been described as difficult but, rest
assured, we will do our utmost to complete it. Nuclear
material cannot be allowed to fall into the wrong
hands. Finland is on track to fulfil the commitments
that we undertook at the Washington conference in
2010. National measures and international cooperation
are both needed to stop nuclear terrorism. As a user of
peaceful nuclear energy, Finland is strongly committed
to continuing the process.
Chemical weapons were totally banned some
years ago. The treaty is not yet universal, though.
The Finnish Institute for Verification of the Chemical
Weapons Convention is an established and respected
institution. Should the need arise in the Middle East, Finland is ready to put its expertise at the disposal of
the international community.
The conventional weapons trade clearly needs
better global regulation. It is regrettable that the
negotiations on the arms trade treaty ended without
the desired outcome. The goal is in sight, however. It is
important to ensure that the process continues within
the United Nations context. As one of the sponsors,
Finland continues to reach out for a substantive treaty
and one that is as universal as possible.
In Libya, the United Nations was instrumental in
laying the groundwork for a new and hopeful future for
its people. In Syria, the tragic situation is, if anything,
getting worse. The Security Council has not been able to
take the leading role that it is expected to take under the
Charter with respect to threats to peace such as in that
country. The General Assembly has, on the other hand,
sent a strong signal that the international community
cannot remain indifferent. The killings of civilians
must stop. All members of the Security Council must
cooperate to find a way out of the crisis. The authority
of the United Nations will suffer if efforts to end the
crisis move elsewhere.
The Syrian conflict has overshadowed the Middle
East peace process. That is something that the parties
and the international community can ill afford. A two-
State solution, within which an independent, viable and
contiguous Palestinian State lives in peace and security
with the State of Israel, is slipping out of reach. The
Palestinians have waited patiently. The negotiations
must restart. That is the only way forward. Renewed
negotiations need to result in a sustainable solution
that leads to the establishment of a Palestinian State,
while respecting Israel’s legitimate security concerns.
Settlements are squarely a contravention of international
law and a growing obstacle to peace.

The Security Council has powers, but with authority
comes responsibility. I hope that, in a few weeks, at
an election held here in this Hall, Finland is entrusted
by fellow Member States with such powers and the
attendant responsibility for two years. Finland will act
in the Council in accordance with the United Nations
Charter and on the basis of our values. We will work
constructively and pragmatically in order to maintain
and strengthen international peace and security to the
best of our ability.


On behalf of the
Republic of Kazakhstan, I would like to congratulate
you, Mr. Jeremić, on your election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, as
well as to wish you every success. I also wish to express our appreciation to Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser, President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-sixth session, for his skillful steering of the
Assembly’s proceedings.
In recent years, the world has lived through
major political, social, economic and environmental
upheavals. The geopolitical turmoil in the Middle
East, as well as natural and man-made disasters, serve
as compelling evidence indicating that the issues of
security, stability and sustainable development are
becoming increasingly relevant.
We believe that world politics should be based on
new global principles. In the twenty-first century, those
principles encompass constructive multipolarity and
transparency, trust and political tolerance, and the clear
pre-eminence of evolutionary forms of development
of the world. They should be enshrined in the core
documents of the United Nations and in the entire
international law system. In that context, we believe
that it is fundamentally important to ensure strict
adherence to the principle of non-interference in the
internal affairs of Member States.
The threat of the proliferation of nuclear weapons
and technology, along with the spectre of their
acquisition and use by terrorist entities, has been one
of the most daunting challenges to humankind. It is
our strongly held view that the possession of weapons
of mass destruction is not a guarantee of security or
greater independence. Kazakhstan’s own record shows
that countries reap huge benefits from the renunciation
of nuclear weapons. By voluntarily giving up the world’s
fourth-largest nuclear arsenal and shutting down the
largest test site in Semipalatinsk, on 29 August 1991,
we have won more friends and have become a more
prosperous, stable and inf luential country.
Kazakhstan fully supports the proposal by
the Secretary-General to adopt a nuclear weapons
convention. Sharing its declared goals, His Excellency
Mr. Nursultan A. Nazarbayev, President of the Republic
of Kazakhstan, suggested that, as an important step
in that direction, the United Nations should adopt a
universal declaration of a nuclear-weapon-free world.
That would, undoubtedly, facilitate our advancement
towards a nuclear-weapon-free world and an early
adoption of a nuclear weapons convention. Kazakhstan
welcomes the establishment of a constructive dialogue
with the five nuclear Powers with a view towards signing
a protocol on negative security assurances to the State parties to the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in
Central Asia.
We also call for an early establishment of a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in the Middle East. In that regard, we
look forward to the upcoming conference in Helsinki
and its positive outcomes.
Kazakhstan is working on the practical
implementation of a project to host an international
bank of low-enriched uranium, under the auspices of
the International Atomic Energy Agency, which would
allow, if need be, to ensure an uninterrupted supply of
nuclear fuel. It should be made clear that the bank will in
no way infringe upon the inalienable right of each State
party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes,
including the development of nuclear technology.
This year, we will complete the project to enhance
physical security of the former Semipalatinsk test site.
We view this project, which is being implemented jointly
with the United States and Russia, as our significant
contribution to the global non-proliferation regime.
Kazakhstan is actively involved in the fight
against international terrorism and drug trafficking,
within the framework of the Collective Security
Treaty Organization, the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization and the Conference on Interaction and
Confidence-building Measures in Asia (CICA). As
Chair of the Collective Security Treaty Organization,
Kazakhstan consistently works to strengthen regional
cooperation in this area. Special attention has been paid
to the expansion of practical cooperation between the
United Nations and regional arrangements, including,
in particular, the Kazakhstan-based Central Asian
Regional Information and Coordination Centre for the
fight against the threat of drug trafficking, which is
designed to enhance multilateral cooperation to counter
the f low of drugs from Afghanistan.
Given the increasing attention by the international
community to the issue of international information
security, we believe that the time has come to consider
the introduction of new concepts into international law,
such as electronic borders and electronic sovereignty,
as well as the establishment of a cyberpolice unit.
As the current Chair of the Council of Foreign
Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation,
Kazakhstan will continue to fully support the process
that aims to bring stability and peace back to the region
of the Middle East and North Africa.
Before I turn to regional issues, let me express our
strong condemnation of the Internet video and cartoons
that provocatively offend the religious feelings of
Muslims. Such disgusting incitements must be
stopped, because they lead to an escalation of violence
by fomenting hatred between the representatives of
religions, and they undermine inter-civilizational
dialogue and confidence-building. The right to freedom
of expression must be exercised with due responsibility.
We were shocked by the tragic killing of United
States diplomats in Benghazi. We condemn attacks
on diplomats and diplomatic missions and call upon
Governments to adhere to their international obligations
to protect diplomatic representatives in their countries.
We should support all efforts to find a peaceful
solution to the conflict in Syria and assist in preventing
a humanitarian disaster. We should also take measures
to prevent any spillover of the crisis to the rest of the
region. To that end, both the Syrian Government and
the opposition should resort to diplomacy, not arms,
and put an immediate end to the violence.
The principles of sovereignty and non-interference
in internal affairs must be respected. It is the Syrians
themselves who should determine the future of their
country. We call on all nations to unite around the
Syrian transition process, which should be based on
dialogue and compromise, and support the activities of
the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations
and the League of Arab States for Syria, Mr. Lakhdar
Brahimi.
Kazakhstan calls for the creation of conditions
to settle the Palestinian issue, including through the
continuation of direct Palestinian-Israeli talks. All
obstacles to the negotiation process should be removed.
Kazakhstan has been and continues to be a supporter of
the legitimate rights of Palestine to establish a sovereign
and independent State, within the 1967 borders, and its
entry into the United Nations as a full member.
We have consistently advocated a peaceful,
exclusively diplomatic, resolution of the situation
around the Iranian nuclear programme and look forward
to the continuation of constructive dialogue between
Iran and all interested parties with a view to developing
mutually acceptable solutions.
The reconstruction of Afghanistan is an important
objective of the international community that meets the
aspirations of the Afghans themselves. We believe that, if our cooperation on Afghanistan is to be successful,
its economic dimension should be a priority. Efforts to
stabilize the situation should be bolstered by reforms
aimed at sustainable development and the improvement
of socioeconomic indicators in the country, its level of
education and other human standards.
Kazakhstan is also actively involved in multilateral
cooperation to assist Afghanistan, as demonstrated
by its readiness to host, in 2013 in Astana, the next
conference of the Istanbul process.
Almaty, the southern megalopolis of Kazakhstan,
has the necessary facilities to accommodate the offices
of international organizations. Sixteen organizations
of the United Nations family have already set up their
offices in the city. Most of them enjoy a regional status.
We promote further expansion of the presence of United
Nations organizations, including its humanitarian
agencies, and offer to establish a United Nations
centre in Almaty, in order to effectively coordinate
international efforts and implement regional projects
of the United Nations, including those dealing with
assistance to Afghanistan.
This year, we mark the twentieth anniversary of the
initiative to convene the Conference on Interaction and
Confidence-building Measures in Asia, announced by
President Nursultan Nazarbayev at the forty-seventh
session of the General Assembly, on 5 October 1992 (see
A/47/PV.24). The anniversary session and the fourth
meeting of CICA Foreign Ministers, held in Astana
on 12 September, have become important milestones
in the evolution of that Asian forum. Currently, the
Conference brings together 24 countries that occupy
over 90 per cent of the territory of Asia, where half of
the world’s population now resides. As a platform for
dialogue, CICA has an important role to play in efforts
to ensure peace, security and stability in Asia.
Kazakhstan urges that close attention be paid to the
expansion of the trade, investment and transit transport
capacity of least developed countries, landlocked
developing countries (LLDCs) and small island
developing States. To advance the interests of these
groups of countries, Kazakhstan, together with the
United Nations, organized, from 12 to 14 September in
Almaty, the fourth meeting of LLDC Trade Ministers
and the high-level global thematic meeting on
international trade, trade facilitation and aid for trade.
Today, the whole world is facing new challenges to
global energy security. Central Asia has great potential
to become a global energy centre. The development
of energy resources is a priority for the Republic of
Kazakhstan. In our vision, the future of the region lies
in the development of the oil and gas pipeline system to
deliver our hydrocarbon resources to Europe and Asia.
As a follow-up to the United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development and to draw the attention
of the international public to the issues of renewable
sources of energy, Kazakhstan has decided to seek
the nomination of its capital, Astana, as the host of
the international exhibition Expo 2017 on the subject
of “Energy for the Future”. We count on fellow
Member States to support our bid. As one of the pilot
countries selected from among States Members of the
United Nations, Kazakhstan will actively promote the
development of draft sustainable development goals for
the period beyond 2015.
Kazakhstan is not only in a position to ensure its
own food security; it is also willing to contribute to
global food security.
Intercultural dialogue is an important prerequisite
for peace and security. To promote such dialogue,
Kazakhstan put forward an initiative to proclaim an
International Decade for the Rapprochement of Cultures
2013-2022, which was adopted at the conclusion of the
thirty-sixth session of the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization General
Conference, in November 2011.
Kazakhstan attaches special importance to the
protection of human rights and has announced its
bid for membership in the Human Rights Council
for the period 2012-2015. If elected, Kazakhstan will
participate, with a full sense of responsibility, in the
proceedings of that important human rights body, on
the basis of an open, impartial, non-politicized and
mutually respectful dialogue between the Member
States of the United Nations.
Last March, the Republic of Kazakhstan celebrated
the twentieth anniversary of its membership in the
United Nations. All these years, we have consistently
stood for an inclusive, transparent and effective
Organization. We strongly believe that it is only by
uniting our efforts that we can make real progress in
addressing the global issues and challenges facing
humanity. We therefore call for joint efforts to seek
solutions to common problems for the benefit of future
generations and our common planet Earth.


It is my great honour and
pleasure to participate in the general debate of the
Assembly on behalf of the people and Government
of Tuvalu. As Tuvalu will commemorate the thirty-
fourth anniversary of its independence on Monday
next week, 1 October, let me take this opportunity to
acknowledge with profound appreciation the continued
assistance and support given us by the United Nations,
the international community and in particular our
traditional development partners in our pursuit of our
development goals.
The overarching theme, “Bringing about adjustment
or settlement of international disputes or situations by
peaceful means”, together with a myriad of core issues
that have been chosen for the Assembly’s sixty-seventh
session, is fully supported by Tuvalu. In view of
circumstances facing the world today, there is certainly
an urgent and critical need for the United Nations and for each Member State in particular to address those
issues, individually or collectively.
As a small and peace-loving nation, Tuvalu
welcomes and fully supports the important services
provided by the United Nations and other organizations
in the maintenance of peace and security around the
world, especially in conflict regions. We firmly believe
that the use of force through military or violent action
as a means for settling disputes and conflicts should be
avoided at all costs. It is also important that countries
involved in such disputes should be encouraged
and supported in discussing the root causes of their
differences among themselves in a non-confrontational
manner.
We concur fully with the President’s vision that
we cannot be defeated by terrorists, extremists and the
sponsors and supporters who back them. The world
we want to give our future generations is not one of
terrorism and fanaticism, or of proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction, maritime piracy, organized
crime, drugs and narcotic smuggling, child labour and
trafficking, slavery and religious intolerance. In the
United Nations, we strive for international peace and
security; that is the world we want to give to all future
generations.
Faced with globalized agendas, the United Nations
must cooperate and seek engagement with other
organizations and their memberships for partnerships
in development activities. The United Nations should
also seek to ensure participatory planning in the design
of any engagement so that we co-opt and work together
with the existing diverse fabric of our societies, whose
issues we are trying to address and assist with. The
United Nations should also align its programmes and
activities with those of the host country’s needs and
action frameworks, heeding the distinctiveness of our
membership.
When Tuvalu became the 189th Member of the
United Nations in September 2000, we were conscious
of the complexity and breadth of the United Nations
agenda in comparison with our relatively modest
capacity. Yet there was one issue that we were
confidently determined to bring to the fore. Does the
United Nations hear the plea of small island developing
States (SIDS) for fair treatment by the international
community?
Today, 12 years later, we consider this lasting
concern almost totally unanswered. That may sound surprising to some representatives, as we all tend to be
under the impression that much work, time and energy
has been spent over the past two decades for the benefit
of SIDS. Without going into detail on the state of the
SIDS agenda, I would like to make three observations
on the subject and outline Tuvalu’s intentions in the
same vein.
First, as much as we appreciate the work of
various United Nations departments and programmes
on SIDS, we observe that this work has been almost
entirely focused on stating and indefinitely reiterating
the challenges and problems SIDS are facing. We have
seen nearly 20 General Assembly resolutions on SIDS
adopted since the Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, held
in Barbados, and numerous reports of the Secretary-
General on the subject. Two United Nations conferences
on SIDS have been organized, and now new momentum
is gathering towards a third conference in 2014.
Secondly, there is no part of the SIDS work in the
United Nations that has ever generated international
support measures specially reserved for SIDS. In other
words, in 20 years the United Nations has not been able
to hear and answer the pleas our island States have been
making for special treatment. SIDS status and SIDS-
specific treatment are truly what our small island States
are in need of, just as the least developed countries
(LDCs) need the special treatment extended to them by
the international community.
Thirdly, we would like to reply to those, within and
outside the United Nations, who have been arguing that
the case for special treatment of SIDS is not and should
not be on the United Nations agenda, because special
treatment of SIDS would imply the existence of a SIDS
category, and apparently, we are told, SIDS cannot
be considered and dealt with as a special category.
Therefore, SIDS are only an abstract notion deliberately
kept undefined, because any clarity or debate on what
they are and what precisely could be done for them
would be too challenging or disturbing.
That seemingly accepted sense of SIDS work in the
United Nations does not match Tuvalu’s vision of what
the United Nations ought to be doing in support of those
countries. We believe that the time has come for us to
spell it out; the third decade of United Nations work on
SIDS should not be another round of lip service. That
will require a number of needed special international
measures for SIDS to be identified and, naturally also, that some order be put in the definition of SIDS,
as a necessary condition for making SIDS a genuine,
internationally accepted special category of countries.
Tuvalu greatly appreciates the decision taken
by the Economic and Social Council to note the
recommendation of the Committee for Development
Policy to graduate Tuvalu from the least developed
country category and to consider that issue at its next
substantive session in 2013. That will allow the Council
the opportunity for full consideration of the particular
challenges Tuvalu faces. In that regard, despite the
fact that Tuvalu has met two of the three criteria for
graduation from LDC status, there is an urgent need for
the United Nations to revisit such criteria in order to
reflect and capture the real situation of the economies
of the countries eligible for graduation.
We believe that treating the case of Tuvalu the
same way one deals with other countries is a denial
of what decades of United Nations advocacy have set
in place. It would be something akin to the principle
of equal treatment, namely, the principle of special
treatment, which is precisely the foundation of the
very existence of LDC status. If the geographical
limitations and extreme vulnerabilities of Tuvalu do
not justify special consideration, what is the purpose
of special and differentiated treatment, the cornerstone
of international cooperation? Obviously, countries
are acutely uneven and unequal, and treating them on
the basis of a one-size-fits-all paradigm would simply
be wrong. Tuvalu looks forward to the continued
understanding and support of members of the Economic
and Social Council on the question of its graduation
from the LDC category.
Tuvalu also accords the highest priority to the
attainment of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). Tuvalu has passionately pursued those Goals,
and we sincerely thank the donor community for its
invaluable support, be it in-kind or financial. As we
progress to the end of the MDGs in 2015, we continue
to seek such partnerships so as to ensure that the MDGs
are achieved fully and effectively as we anticipate the
transition to the sustainable development goals.
We are also fully committed to the strategic
implementation of the essential dictates of the Barbados
Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development
of Small Island Developing States, the Mauritius
Strategy for its further implementation, and the
Istanbul Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2011-2020, and seek the
cooperation of development partners to provide, in a
timely and predictable manner, financial and technical
support to ensure their successful implementation.
We have repeatedly called on developed and
emerging countries and their partners to take a
leadership role in reducing their greenhouse-gas
emissions and to help small and poor countries like
Tuvalu in their mitigation and adaptation activities.
Tuvalu’s security and nationhood are continuously being
threatened by the adverse impact of climate change,
especially by sea-level rise. Much has been said and
documented on the root causes of climate change and
its negative consequences for many countries, not just
the most vulnerable small island States like Tuvalu. Yet
the ongoing global pleas to address such consequences
have so far fallen on ignorant, if not deaf, ears.
Our smallness and lack of natural endowments, as
well as being only four metres above sea level, leave
us extremely vulnerable to natural shocks, particularly
to the effects of climate change and sea-level rise. As
is well known, sea-level rise and f looding threaten
Tuvalu’s limited agricultural production, undermine
food security, and increase our vulnerability to supply
disruptions. We therefore support advances and urge
perseverance with the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol
as the primary international, intergovernmental forum
for negotiating the global response to climate change
in order to give substance to international agreements.
As a sea-locked country, we in the Pacific have
offered the resources of our vast oceans to be utilized
by developed countries. We ask the partner countries
to be more responsible and to reward us as guardians
with the appropriate compensations that are conducive
to our development needs, as well as environmentally
recompensing. Domestically, Tuvalu is pursuing energy
efficiencies, development strategies and goals that are
both green or blue and sustainable. We have challenged
ourselves to be 100 per cent renewable in 2020 in our
energy sector. We could miss the mark, but we will not
be comforted by remaining inactive, be it in our vision
or in our action. We have asked developed countries to
reduce carbon emissions; we will do the same at home,
regardless of scale contrasts.
With the advent of technology, Tuvalu seeks
the donors’ assistance in realizing their pledges to
establish early-warning systems pertaining to tsunamis
or tropical cyclones in order to mitigate any risk and subsequent cost to Tuvalu. Tuvalu wishes also to offer
its established trust fund protocols to the United Nations
and development partners’ funding mechanisms for
climate change adaptation as innovative financing
instruments and architecture for channelling such
resources to Tuvalu. Our trust funds are governed by
international agreements and renowned worldwide as
transparent and accountable mechanisms with high
international standards of accounting and governance.
Many suggestions for enhancing the role of the
United Nations have been documented. We also
continue to hear from the experts and technical
advisers of the development of alternative energy
drives and technologies, be they solar, wind or wave.
In our region, and I believe in many other remote areas,
we ask how we can get those new technologies to be
readily available and price-effective to the membership
of the United Nations, especially LDCs and SIDS. We
therefore urge the United Nations and the Secretariat to
act as facilitators of such developments and to expedite
technology transfers, where appropriate, to bring our
many words and resolutions to fruition.
Our collective and global efforts to have peace
and security as a prerequisite for the stability needed
for global economic growth, sustainable development
and social progress will be meaningless if the United
Nations continues not to recognize and acknowledge
Taiwan’s significant contribution and efforts towards
the East China Sea peace initiative for regional
stability and peace. Furthermore, Taiwan’s continued
contribution to the international community as one of
the committed development partners and responsible
stakeholders in achieving the Millennium Development
Goals should be recognized and accepted by the
United Nations system as a valuable contribution to
our collective efforts. In that regard, Tuvalu calls
upon the United Nations subsidiary bodies, especially
the International Civil Aviation Organization and the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change, to recognize and allow Taiwan to participate
in and contribute meaningfully to their meetings and
activities without reservations.
Incidentally, any legitimate claim for new
nationhood or independence, be it in the Pacific region
or the world over, should be supported, as colonialism
in any form is contradictory to the United Nations
Charter, just as any form of discrimination by race,
gender or belief is not accepted in a civilized, modern
and free world. I conclude by asking that the United Nations
continue to cooperate in an unprecedented way.
The United Nations must work together more
enterprisingly and reform our strategies to conform
to new developments, contemporary innovations and
issues. Holding and hosting meeting after meeting is
a good engagement strategy and directs our activities.
However, delaying the implementation of resolutions is
detrimental, as resolution after resolution is shelved or
deferred until they are redundant. The United Nations
Charter, I believe, is premised on timely actions and
achievements to gauge whether we are effective and
sustainable or merely validating our inactivity.
I wish the President, the Secretary-General and
all our membership every success in the sixty-seventh
session of the General Assembly.