I too would like to extend to Ambassador
Insanally the congratulations of Seychelles on his election to
the presidency of the General Assembly. We wish him
every possible success in carrying out his duties.
Allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the
Secretary-General for his tireless efforts in seeking solutions
to the many problems facing the international community.
Our session is opening on a note of hope, because it is
taking place only a few days after a historic event of
exceptional importance. I am referring, of course, to the
signing of the peace agreement between Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization. May that negotiation
provide a lesson in those areas where misunderstanding,
hatred and conflicts of interest are still bringing suffering to
so many.
The dramatic events and the human tragedy that are
taking place in hotbeds of tension throughout the world are
a credit to no one. However, we must take note of the fact
that while reaction has been passive and hesitant in some
cases, it has been quick and resolute in others.
The quest for peace is nevertheless at the centre of our
concerns. The considerable financial resources our
Organization devotes to peace-keeping missions or missions
to restore peace demonstrate this. This is undoubtedly proof
of our own determination to bring to a halt these conflicts,
which result in so many victims and destroy all the
achievements of development.
Indeed, any lasting development necessarily implies
efforts to thwart the threat of certain situations turning into
open conflict.
42 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
For us island States, the seas are a source of life. Our
future depends mainly on them. And for our development
to be truly lasting, we must have peace on the seas.
While it is indisputable that old rivalries have subsided
in the seas and oceans of the world, it nevertheless remains
true that the Indian Ocean has always been coveted by all.
And that is why we reiterate our request that the Indian
Ocean become truly a zone of peace and cooperation to the
benefit of coastal States. The concept of the Colombo
Conference is perhaps something from a bygone era, but its
objectives remain relevant today.
Members will find it easy to understand, therefore, why
we attach such great importance to the implementation of
resolution 47/59 of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly calling for the organization by the Ad Hoc
Committee of a meeting that would propose new alternative
approaches leading to the achievement of the goals contained
in the initial Declaration, taking into account the changing
international situation.
It is in this spirit that I should like to make an appeal
to the countries which have not yet done so to ratify the
Convention on the Law of the Sea so that we can get the
necessary 60 ratifications for its entry into force. How are
we to understand that such an important Convention has
been endorsed by only 56 countries since 1982? Of course,
we do appreciate the importance of what is at stake, but
international solidarity must be our guide.
The International Olympic Committee would like to
revive the ancient tradition of the Olympic truce and declare
1994 the International Year of Sports and of the Olympic
Spirit, and we should support that proposal. Let us not
underestimate the values of the Olympic spirit. They are
rich in potential applications for managing international
relations.
But no peace can be lasting while the causes of
conflicts remain. These causes are selfishness, intolerance,
xenophobia, discrimination and dictatorship, but also - and
especially - poverty, poor management and excessive
indebtedness. These are ills that generally lead to the
emergence of new conflicts. Should we not attack the root
cause rather than the effect?
A few years ago, financial backers made
democratization one of the prerequisites for assistance to
developing countries, and as a bonus to democracy, certain
countries benefited from the generosity of the international
community because they had pioneered that approach.
Today, most of our countries have embarked on the process
of democratization - with varied results, admittedly - but the
desire to fit into the new order was the underlying reason for
all. Nevertheless, this new process, and I would take the
case of the Republic of Seychelles, which has met this
challenge calmly and successfully, inevitably entailed
extrabudgetary expenditures in all areas, both economic and
social.
While it is true that the transition to democracy is
something which is very valuable in and of itself, the
establishment of new structures and the implementation of
new rules have nevertheless been a source of additional costs
which have placed a heavy burden on national budgets that
were already fairly shaky. And almost everywhere, the
implementation of this democratization process required the
support of the international community. Is this not an
objective reason to think about setting up a United Nations
special fund to provide financial and logistical support for
these reforms?
To be viable, this democratic undertaking must seek to
meet all the challenges of a country. If it is to ensure the
continuation of these new institutions, it must pave the way
for sustainable development commensurate with the
aspirations of peoples.
Thus, with the advent of the Third Republic, our
country is today in a new stage of its history. For more than
18 months, within the context of a constituent commission,
reforms have been undertaken that will produce a new
Constitution and lead to free and democratic elections. In
other words, for a year and a half national activity has been
slowed, and even brought to a halt in some cases, while the
fundamental economic problems remain.
The Seychelles has been the scene of another
momentous event, the Fourth Indian Ocean Games, which
took place last August in conditions that were judged
exceptional. Reverting to what I was saying, I would note
that the cost of the infrastructure for those Games made
serious inroads into the national budget.
One might wonder how a small island country was able
to engage in such a programme of reforms for 18 months in
such circumstances. We are proud of having succeeded, but
the economy must be restimulated immediately if we do not
wish to lose all the social and political benefits that were
achieved.
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 43
I should like now to take up the problem of the small
island States, of whose fragility everyone here is aware. We
are countries whose reduced size is the source of
innumerable constraints on economic and social
development, such as chronic deficits in trade balances and
balances of payment, the high cost of social infrastructures
in relation to their utilization and, especially, the excessive
indebtedness caused by a lack of funds to finance investment
programmes. The convergence of those factors has only
exacerbated the fragility of our economies, which, generally
speaking, are based on one or two sectors such as tourism
and fishing.
That is the daily lot of the Seychelles and other small
island States, which, with courage, perseverance and
intelligence, are nevertheless attempting to find solutions that
will enable them to promote the economic and social well-
being of their peoples. Thus we believe that it is quite
fitting to draw the international community’s attention once
again to the need to establish specific programmes and
mechanisms that would make it possible for our island
countries to move towards sustainable development. We ask
that the same facilities that are made available to the least
developed, landlocked countries be made available to us.
In any event, per capita income, always put forward as
a criterion for level of development, cannot be relevant for
small island States because it is distorted by the small size
of their populations. Has any thought been given to the per
capita cost of infrastructures or the per capita debt? We
believe that such an analysis would result in the
reconsideration of many decisions.
Of course, it is up to us, first of all, to take every
measure to ensure the sustainability of our development by
preserving, in so far as possible, our environment, which lies
at the basis of all our export products. Despite all these
constraints, we have been able - thanks to the judiciousness
of our choices and our economic decisions -
to achieve tangible results. But the international
community’s support, which we had been promised in Rio,
did not materialize.
Today, all of the developing countries are in a
precarious situation. They are confronted with many
challenges: the poverty of millions of human beings, high
rates of infant mortality, famine, the destruction of the
environment and fratricidal wars. But these challenges are
not insurmountable. What is required is courage and
international solidarity.
It is more than ever the duty of the United Nations
once again to draw the attention of the developed countries
to the effects which the continuation of such a situation
might have on our economies and our cultures - in a word,
on our future, but also on theirs.
We would like concrete action, because we do not wish
to have to deplore again the inertia of speeches or
declarations of intent. While new conflicts arise, the old
ones persist almost everywhere and the scope of the disasters
is tremendous. Hence, we must react quickly, because many
peoples have suffered far too much from the horrors of war.
Above all, the major Powers, the guarantors of the
security and regulation of the world economic situation, must
give the United Nations the means to carry out its policies.
Finally, we sincerely hope that the current session will
generate the necessary impetus to resolve all our concerns,
so that peace, at last restored, can create a climate conducive
to development.


May I, at the outset, take
this opportunity to extend our most sincere condolences and
deepest sympathy to the delegation, Government and people
of India following the earthquake disaster, which has left
thousands of people dead and many villages destroyed. We
share the grief of the people of India at this sorrowful and
tragic time.
I should like to join those representatives who have
already congratulated Mr. Insanally of Guyana on his
unanimous election as President of the General Assembly of
the United Nations at its forty-eighth session. His election
to this high office is a demonstration of the confidence that
the Member States have in him and of their respect for his
country, Guyana. We are confident that, under his wise
guidance, our deliberations in this session will achieve the
desired results.
I also wish to pay tribute to Mr. Insanally’s
predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria, for steering the
forty-seventh session to a successful conclusion.
We commend the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, too for the skilful and competent
manner in which he is directing the Organization.
Allow me to take this opportunity to congratulate the
Members that were admitted to the Organization during the
past year. Their admission strengthens the ideal of the
universality of the United Nations. We assure them of our
willingness to work closely with them in our common efforts
to create a better world.
The end of the cold war created an unprecedented
opportunity to increase international cooperation with a view
to achieving international peace and security and promoting
the socio-economic progress envisaged in the United Nations
Charter. However, the new challenges emerging on the
global scene demand that the international community
summon up the will and imagination to overcome them.
The disappearance of the great ideological rivalry
between East and West has resulted in a sense of soberness
and improvement in relations between States. It has also led
to a reduction in tensions and to significant progress in the
area of disarmament, thereby creating opportunities for the
conversion of massive resources to peaceful uses.
Peace and security, however, is not merely the absence
of war or the threat of war; it is the absence of conditions
that threaten the enjoyment of life and social harmony. The
United Nations now has an opportunity to put fully into
effect the system of security envisaged in its Charter. This
system is based on the principles of the peaceful settlement
of disputes and collective action in pursuit of international
peace and the maintenance of global security. Equally
important, the world has an opportunity to build pillars of
peace by tackling sources of instability in the economic,
social, humanitarian and ecological fields.
The brutal war in Bosnia, the destruction of Somalia
and the protracted civil wars in Angola and elsewhere
confirm the futility of the use of force as a means of solving
disputes.
The ratification of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
(START I) by the Governments of the United States of
America and the Russian Federation and their signing of the
START II Agreements in January 1993 are significant
developments in disarmament. The primary responsibility
for nuclear disarmament rests with those States that possess
the nuclear arsenals. Kenya, however, strongly believes that
the international community as a whole must be involved
and should contribute to measures intended to achieve
nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of all
weapons of mass destruction.
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 21
Contrary to expectations, the collapse of the bipolar
world order has not given way to a new order of peace and
democracy and improved socio-economic situations. The
emerging order has raised new challenges and new
approaches to solutions. As Members of the United Nations
family, we need to redouble our efforts with vision and
determination to balance both short- and long-term interests
as we struggle to shape the new order.
In many parts of the world, we are confronted with
assertions of nationalism coupled with territorial claims. As
the Secretary-General puts it in his Agenda for Peace,
"... the cohesion of States is threatened by brutal ethnic,
religious, social, cultural and linguistic strife".
(A/47/277, para. 11)
Kenya subscribes to the thrust of the Agenda for Peace
as elaborated during the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly, on the basis of which a draft resolution will be
adopted during this session. The elaboration of the Agenda
for Peace should take into account the principles of
sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and
non-interference in the internal affairs of nation-States.
The new approach will widen and deepen the scope of
the United Nations in the promotion of the peaceful
settlement of disputes and the maintenance of peace and
security. In this regard, Kenya urges the full exploitation of
the potential of the International Court of Justice in the
adjudication of disputes between States as a potential
transparent and cost-effective means of conflict resolution.
The case of Somalia is particularly distressing. We
strongly believe that keeping United Nations peace-keeping
personnel in Somalia is critical to the pursuit of peace and
security in that country. We note with appreciation the
Secretary-General’s report that, despite several incidences of
violence in Mogadishu, there are improvements in the
overall situation, including eradication of starvation,
establishment of a large number of district councils, opening
of schools and resumption of normal life in most areas of
the country.
We also welcome Security Council resolution
865 (1993) of 22 September, by which the Council, inter
alia, invites the Secretary-General to consult the countries of
the region and regional organizations concerned on means of
further reinvigorating the reconciliation process. We believe
that the regional peace initiatives can effectively complement
the United Nations efforts in facilitating reconciliation
between all the factions in Somalia.
The highest priority is to assist the people of Somalia
in furthering the national reconciliation process and to
promote and advance the re-establishment of regional and
national institutions and civil administration in the entire
country, as set out in Security Council resolution 814 (1993).
This requires improvement of the dialogue between the
United Nations personnel in Somalia and the general Somali
public as an essential element in confidence-building to
facilitate reconciliation between the various factions.
Kenya shares an 800-kilometre-long border with
Somalia. In many ways, we are extremely exposed to the
Somalia problem. Somalia is a sister country with which we
share family relations as well as ethnic and cultural
affinities. The very heavy influx of Somali refugees into
Kenya has had a devastating effect on the most ecologically
fragile parts of the country. The border region has suffered
serious environmental destruction as a result of excessive
cutting of trees for building materials and firewood. The
physical and social infrastructures have been overstretched
by excessive usage and overloading.
Most seriously, our people and security personnel have
been subjected to numerous acts of banditry by armed gangs
crossing into Kenya from Somalia, causing general insecurity
in the border region. We have continued to lose both
civilians and security personnel at an unacceptably high rate
as a result of attacks by bandits. Huge numbers of livestock
and huge quantities of other property have also been lost to
them.
As peace is being restored in Somalia, we are
cooperating with the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees to accelerate the voluntary
repatriation of refugees. At the same time, we are
requesting the United Nations and the donor community to
urgently assist Kenya with programmes for the rehabilitation
of the physical and social infrastructures as well as for the
restoration of the ecosystem in the region.
We are also requesting the Secretary-General to
reinforce the United Nations Operation in Somalia
(UNOSOM) patrols along the Somali side of the border so
as to complement the efforts of the Kenyan security
personnel on our side. We believe that the joint security
efforts will significantly scale down the flow of armed gangs
and individuals into Kenya.
Sudan is another neighbouring country that has for a
long time now been suffering devastating civil strife. The
problem has been of great concern not only to the
neighbouring countries but also to the Organization of
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations. There is an
urgent need for the United Nations to support the ongoing
regional efforts spearheaded by Presidents Yoweri Museveni
of Uganda, Afwerki of Eritrea and Zenawi of Ethiopia under
the chairmanship of President Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya.
We appeal to all parties involved in the conflict to be
flexible in the search for a just and lasting solution.
Elsewhere in our continent, efforts to find solutions to
ethnic and other conflicts have shown encouraging trends.
We are confident that the people of Mozambique, Rwanda
and Liberia will realize their dreams of peace through the
process of dialogue. Greater involvement by the United
Nations in the Rwandese peace process is pertinent at this
stage. It is essential that the peace accords signed in these
countries be honoured by all the parties, with effective
support from the United Nations, the OAU and regional
bodies, and with generous assistance from friendly countries.
The situation in Angola is very disturbing. The
ongoing bloodshed could easily have been avoided if the
UNITA leadership had accepted the verdict of the people in
the elections. We appeal to UNITA to agree to a dialogue
for a peaceful political solution, with the mediation and
increased support of the United Nations, OAU and the
sponsors of the Peace Accords.
We are also greatly encouraged by the developments
that have taken place in South Africa. The agreement
reached for the creation of the Transitional Executive
Council and the setting of a date for the first democratic
elections pave the way for the establishment of a truly
non-racial, democratic South Africa. We support the recent
call by Mr. Nelson Mandela, the President of the African
National Congress of South Africa (ANC), for all diplomatic
and economic sanctions against South Africa to be lifted.
The recently concluded, momentous agreement between
Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) marks
a turning point in the process of finding a just and lasting
solution to the Palestinian and, indeed, the Middle East
problem. We are encouraged by the assurances that this is
the first tangible step towards the establishment of a
Palestinian State alongside Israel. We wish the Palestinian
and Israeli people happy and peaceful coexistence.
Further afield, we welcome the successful holding of
the elections under United Nations auspices in Cambodia,
the conclusion of the Governors Island Agreement on the
restoration of a democratically elected Government of Haiti,
and the progress towards the establishment of lasting peace
in El Salvador.
The experience of Somalia and other regional conflicts
convinces us that there is an urgent need for the United
Nations to re-evaluate the existing international control
systems for conventional-weapon production and trade. The
widespread availability of deadly conventional weapons
constitutes the most important factor in the prolongation of
regional and civil conflicts.
With its increased responsibilities and challenges, the
United Nations needs to be restructured and revitalized so
that it can effectively discharge its responsibilities. It must
also be provided with adequate resources. The tasks ahead
demand that the energy and attention of all components of
the United Nations be engaged fully and appropriately.
The General Assembly must be enabled to play its full
role in decisions affecting international peace and security.
There is a need to establish a balanced relationship between
the Assembly and the other principal organs of the United
Nations, and to ensure logical accountability of the principal
organs, in particular the Security Council.
The Security Council must also be reformed so that it
is more transparent, more representative and more
democratic in its decision-making process, while at the same
time its effectiveness is ensured.
The ongoing restructuring and revitalization of the
Economic and Social Council and the United Nations in the
economic, social and related fields should strengthen the
Council and enable it to play a central role in providing
policy recommendations to the General Assembly.
Similarly, the ongoing efforts to restructure the Secretariat
must be balanced and accord appropriate priority to
development concerns. Operational activities of the
Organization must be provided with adequate resources on
a sustainable basis to enable it effectively to promote
socio-economic progress in accordance with its Charter.
Peace-keeping operations have increasingly become
among the most utilized and widely acceptable instruments
of the Organization, especially in discharging its primary
responsibility in the maintenance of international peace and
security. The operations have also increasingly taken on
new and broader assignments and responsibilities. Kenya is
happy to be closely associated with peace-keeping
operations. We have contributed military and police
personnel to many peace-keeping operations world wide.
The enormous rise in the number and scope of
peace-keeping operations requires that the ability of the
Secretariat to manage such large-scale operations be
Forty-eighth session - 5 October l993 23
strengthened and also that Member States be ready to
finance the operations.
In this connection, the serious concerns expressed by
the Secretary-General and his urgent appeals to Member
States to pay arrears of contributions must receive a concrete
and speedy response from all the Members of this
Organization. The formula for apportioning contributions
should reflect the special responsibility of the permanent
members of the Security Council and of other developed
countries and take into account the relatively limited
capacities of developing countries. A dramatic change in the
formula of contributions could, I submit, complicate further
the problem of arrears. The establishment of the
peace-keeping reserve fund would go a long way towards
making peace-keeping operations more efficient. In this
regard, a timely and effective response by the United
Nations will largely depend on the availability of adequate
resources, at least in the initial stages, to cater for the critical
time lost in negotiations for the financing of peace-keeping
operations. It is also important that a formula be developed
to establish a more predictable financial basis for the
peace-keeping operations.
The uncertainty prevailing in the world economy today
is a cause for serious concern. Insufficient growth in the
developed countries has contributed to the unfavourable
external conditions that threaten the political, economic and
social stability of many developing countries. These include
renewed pressures for increased protectionism, falling
commodity prices and the decline in financial flows, among
other conditions. Despite the far-reaching economic and
political reforms which have been put in place by most
African countries in the last three years, the situation
continues to be grim, since the region continues to
experience economic growth of less than 2 per cent. The
current trends, if not reversed, threaten to marginalize further
the participation of African countries in the global economy.
The liberalization of the African economies and the
hard work of the African people are not in themselves
sufficient to transform the socio-economic situation in
Africa. The continent is not playing the international
economic game with other continents on a level ground. We
wish, therefore, to underscore the need for the international
community to seize the opportunity created by the positive
changes taking place on the continent and give Africa real
support so that the gains made for economic and democratic
reform will be sustainable.
At the same time, African countries should continue to
strengthen their regional integration efforts within the
regional bodies already established, such as the Preferential
Trade Area for the Eastern and Southern African Countries
(PTA), the Inter-Governmental Authority for Drought and
Development (IGADD) in the Horn of Africa, and the
ongoing efforts to revive East African cooperation.
Our experience in Kenya in implementing structural
adjustment programmes is that the reforms have inherent
negative short-term effects, particularly on the poor and the
other vulnerable members of society. These include the fall
in their purchasing power owing to the liberalization of
prices, job losses through a reduction of manpower in the
public sector, and the reduction of government expenditure
on such essential social services as health, education and
other infrastructures. The donor community needs,
therefore, to balance the aid conditionalities with the
socio-economic realities obtaining in the countries
implementing structural adjustment programmes, particularly
by addressing the social dimensions of such programmes in
concrete and human terms.
The United Nations new agenda for the development of
Africa in the 1990s, adopted by the General Assembly at its
forty-sixth session, commits the international community to
implement concrete and effective measures to support
Africa’s own efforts in the process of economic reforms and
development. The success of the implementation of the
programme will depend, first, on the efforts of the African
countries themselves and, secondly, on the back-up resources
from multilateral and bilateral donors. We are concerned
that these resources are shrinking owing to diversion and
what appears to be a subtle disengagement from Africa.
The acute external debt of African countries and the
heavy and unbearable burden of servicing that debt are
among the matters on which concrete action is needed. The
burden of debt-servicing drains the continent of over $10
billion annually, thus diverting resources badly needed for
investment and alleviation of poverty.
On trade, it is gratifying to note that, after six months
of stalemate, multilateral negotiations of the Uruguay Round
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
have resumed. We emphasize, however, that the outcome of
the negotiations should be balanced to take account of the
particular needs of the poor developing countries.
The World Conference on Human Rights, which was
held in Vienna, Austria, in June this year, marked a
significant watershed for the international community on the
important question of human rights. That Conference
emphasized that human rights are interdependent and
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
indivisible. It recognized development as a basic human
right. Democracy, development and human rights go hand
in hand, as experience has shown that it is difficult to
guarantee some basic rights, especially economic and social
rights, in situations of abject poverty.
As I emphasized in my statement at that Conference,
the existing international institutions for human rights need
strengthening. At the same time, developing countries
require support and assistance to strengthen their domestic
institutions and build strong foundations for the rule of law
and the administration of justice.
Since the Rio Conference on Environment and
Development, Governments and international agencies have
focused their attention on the implementation of Agenda 21.
The first substantive meeting of the Commission on
Sustainable Development, held in June this year, made
tangible progress in adopting crucial decisions on its work
programme. Kenya welcomes the progress being made
towards ensuring the effectiveness of the Global
Environmental Facility as an important instrument for
funding incremental costs related to the implementation of
Agenda 21. However, we are concerned that adequate
financial resources for the implementation of the programme
have fallen short of expectations. On institutional
arrangements, while Kenya supports the mandate given to
the Commission on Sustainable Development in regard to
monitoring progress in the implementation of Agenda 21, the
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) must
continue to play a central role owing to the experience and
expertise it has accumulated over the years in the area of the
environment. The need to strengthen UNEP to enable it to
participate effectively in the implementation of Agenda 21
can therefore not be overemphasized.
Accordingly, the conference facilities at UNEP
Headquarters in Nairobi must be put to full use. It is neither
economically sound nor in keeping with the objective of
strengthening UNEP to have many meetings initiated by the
Organization held outside its Headquarters. As a host
country, Kenya shall continue to provide all the necessary
assistance to UNEP to enable it to play its central and,
indeed, its rightful role.
As the Secretariat of the United Nations undergoes
restructuring, we should be mindful of the mandates of
various agencies and bodies in order to avoid the possibility
of losing the original objective. Kenya is concerned that the
role of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements
(Habitat), whose Headquarters are in Nairobi, is being
eroded by the undue delay in filling the post of Executive
Director, despite the concerns expressed by the General
Assembly at its forty-seventh session. The filling of the post
will give the required impetus to the Habitat secretariat.
As to the social issues, I wish to assure members of our
cooperation with the international community in the
preparatory work for the forthcoming Conference on
Population and Development, to be held next year; the
Fourth World Conference on Women, also to be held in
1994; and the World Summit for Social Development, set for
1995. We need to put all our energies into the preparatory
work of these Conferences to ensure that they achieve their
intended objectives.
In conclusion, the international community, through this
Assembly, must make every effort to face these challenges
and many more which are yet to come. We owe it to
posterity and to future generations to leave this world a
better place to live in. We have neither excuses nor reasons
to fail. And if we do fail, history will judge us harshly. In
this endeavour, our differences should strengthen rather than
weaken us, for in unity lies our strength. In the words of our
beloved President, His Excellency Daniel Teroitich Arap
Moi, love, peace and unity are the pillars for development
and progress.


I should like to congratulate you,
Mr. President, on your unanimous election to preside over
the forty-eighth session of the United Nations General
Assembly.
We feel strongly that the time has come for all of us -
communities, nations, peoples, families - finally to lay the
last collective wreath on the tombs of the fallen combatants
and on the monuments of our beloved. It is the right way to
honour their memories and to answer the needs of the newly
born. We have to lay the foundations for a new Middle
East.
The peace agreement between us and the Palestinians
is not just an accord signed by political leaders. It is an
ongoing, profound commitment to the next generation of
Arabs and Israelis, Christians, Muslims, Jews and people of
all other faiths.
We know it is not enough to declare an end to war.
We have to try to eradicate the roots of all hostilities. If we
only bring violence down but ignore misery, we may
discover that we have traded one menace for another peril.
Territorial disputes may have been the reason for wars
between nations, and poverty may again become the seed of
violence between peoples. While signing the documents on
the lawn of the White House, I could almost sense the
breeze of a fresh spring, and my imagination began to
wander to the skies of our land, which may have become
brighter to the eyes of all people, both those who agree and
those who oppose. On the lawn one could almost hear the
heavy tread of boots leaving the stage after a hundred years
of hostility. One could have heard the gentle tiptoeing of
new steps making a debut in a world awaiting peace.
Yet we could not depart from reality. I know that the
solution to the Palestinian issue may be the key to a new
beginning, but it is in no way the answer to the many needs
awaiting us upon our return home.
The last decade saw great changes, including the end of
East-West confrontation and the opening of the way for the
gradual disappearance of North-South polarization. The
great continent of Asia and the picturesque continent of
South America introduced the dynamics of an economic
development of their own. The dramatic event in South
Africa is a declaration to the same effect. So, contrary to all
assumptions, it has been demonstrated that neither geography
nor race is a hindrance or an advantage to economic
promise.
We witnessed the end of some wars only to discover
that the warriors did not reach their own promised land.
Some colonized people gained their independence, but they
hardly enjoyed its fruits. The dangers may have been over,
but their hopes evaporated. We have learned that the end of
a war should be the beginning of a new genesis, which will
be the end of belligerency and will put an end to
psychological prejudices.
No nation, rich or poor, is able nowadays to attain
security unless the region in which it exists is secure. The
scope of regional security must exceed the range of ballistic
missiles, which may hit each and all of us.
As we strive to achieve a comprehensive peace, no
wound must remain unhealed.
Geographically speaking, we live side by side with the
Jordanian Kingdom, and what is so obvious geographically
must become clear politically. We have already agreed with
the Hashemite Kingdom on many complicated issues, and
there is no doubt that we can complete the story fully, that
we can offer the people on both sides of the river full peace,
that the Dead Sea can become a spring of new life and that
the old waters of the River Jordan can be a source of
prosperity flowing from each side to the other.
We hope - as a matter of fact, we are determined - to
make peace with Syria, yet we ask the Syrian leadership, if
it has chosen peace, why it refuses to meet openly. If Syria
is aiming for the Egyptian fruits of peace, it must follow the
process that led to them. Both of us have to look ahead and
realize that the threats of war are no more than an illusion
that one can return to an unbearable past.
We shall not give up our negotiations with our
Lebanese neighbours. We do not have any territorial claims
or any political pretensions concerning Lebanon. We pray,
together with many Lebanese, that their country will no
longer be a back yard for troublemakers. It is for Lebanon
to make a choice between Hizbollah, on the one hand, which
operates from its territory and then takes orders from another
Government, and, on the other, insisting on having one
army, one policy, and offering real tranquillity to its people
and security to its neighbours. Lebanon does not need a
license to regain its independence, and Lebanon should not
postpone its return to its balanced, traditional policy.
I am not sure whether there is a new order in the
world, but all of us feel there is a new world awaiting an
order. We are encouraged by the new attempt of the United
Nations and its Secretary-General to answer the social and
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
economic call of the present era. The United Nations was
created as a political answer; today it must face social and
economic questions.
The Middle East, which has been an important agenda
item in United Nations history, must become prosperous, not
only peaceful. To construct a modern Middle East we need
wisdom no less than financial support.
We have to rid ourselves of the costly follies of the
past and adopt the principles of modern economy. Who
will, and who should, pay the cost of oversized armies?
Who will, and who should, bear the price of an arms race
whose cost has reached $50 billion annually? Who will, and
who should, pay for the inefficiencies of old systems? Who
will, and who should, compensate for outmoded censorship
of mail and control of trade and travel? And who will
comply with the State where suspicion intercepts the
enterprising spirit of the people?
We can, and we should, turn to the promises of
scientific development, the market economy and
comprehensive education. We must base our industry,
agriculture and services on the highest of today’s
technologies. We have to invest in our schools. Israel, a
country of immigration, is blessed with many scientists and
engineers. We shall gladly make this human wealth
available as a contribution.
I know that there is suspicion; that, when referring to
a common market in the Middle East or announcing an
Israeli contribution, it may be perceived as an attempt to win
preference or to establish domination. May I say sincerely
and loudly that we did not give up territorial control to
engage ourselves in economic superiority. The age of
domination, political or economic, is dead. The time of
cooperation has begun.
As a Jew, may I say that the virtue and the essence of
our history since the times of Abraham and the
commandments of Moses have been an uncompromising
opposition to any form of occupation, domination and
discrimination. For us, Israel is not just a territorial
homeland, but a permanent moral commitment as well.
There are other questions, concerning the building of a
common market in the Middle East, as to how to attain this
when governments are so varied and economies are so
different. The differences in governments and economies
should not prevent us from doing together what can be done
together: combating the desert and offering fertility to an
arid land.
The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations declared that the Middle East must double its
agricultural production in the 25 years to come. The
population of the region in the same period will double itself
anyway. The land is cut by many and large deserts and its
water resources are stingy and scarce. Yet we know that in
a similar period of time - the 25 years between 1950 and 1975 -
Israel was able to increase its agricultural output twelvefold -
an increase unprecedented in history.
During the past decade, 95 per cent of the growth of
our agriculture resulted from research, planning, training and
organizing. High technology permits nations to attain real
independence and to experience genuine freedom, political
as well as economic. There is nothing new about the
scarcity of water in our midst. Jacob and Esau drank from
the same wells even when their paths were separated. But
then, unlike today, they could not desalinate the sea water;
they could not computerize irrigation; nor could they enjoy
the potential of biotechnology.
We are meeting again with an entirely different
opportunity. Greening the land can be accompanied by the
creation of many new jobs for all people in the area. The
most promising opportunity may be the development of
tourism. No other branch of modern industry assures an
immediate growth of the Middle East like this one. Our area
is blessed by nature and by history, a history which is still
very much alive: the eternity of Jerusalem, the magnificence
of the pyramids, the symbols of Luxor, the Hanging Gardens
of Babylon, the Pillars of Wisdom in Baalbek, the red
palaces of Petra, the inimitable charm of Marakesh, the old
winds which still blow in Carthage, not forgetting the
beaches of Gaza or the scent of Jericho’s perfumed fruits.
We have to open roads to those wonders and keep them safe
and hospitable. Tourism depends on tranquility; tourism
enhances tranquillity. It makes friendship a vested interest.
Thirdly, we have to build an infrastructure with modern
means so as to avoid the pitfalls of the past. Modern
transportation and revolutionary communications crossing the
air, covering the ground and connecting the seas will turn
geographical proximities into an economic advantage. We
should not ask taxpayers of other countries to finance follies
of our own. We have to correct them ourselves. We do not
have the moral right to ask for the financing of unnecessary
wars or wasteful systems.
If the thumping of hammers replaces the thunder of
guns, many nations will be more than willing to extend a
helping hand. They will invest in a better future. They will
support the replacement of unwarranted confrontation with
Forty-eighth session - 28 September l993 23
much-needed economic competition. Markets can serve the
needs of the people no less than flags can signify their
destinies. The time has come to build a Middle East for the
people and not just for the rulers.
It was not simple to open the locked doors to peace. In
the name of God, let them not be closed again. Let peace
be comprehensive, embracing all issues, all countries, all
generations. We suggest that we all negotiate together as
equals. We offer a common ground of mutual respect and
mutual compromise. Thirteen years have passed since we
made peace with Egypt. We are grateful to Egypt and its
President for expanding understanding, overt and hidden. In
a world in which so many insoluble problems reside, the
Palestinians and we have finally shown that in fact there are
no insoluble problems, only people who tend to believe that
many problems are insoluble.
We have negotiated one of the most complicated issues
of the last 100 years. We are grateful to the United States
for its support and leadership. We are grateful to both
President Clinton and Secretary Christopher for their crucial
role. We appreciate the Egyptian role and the Norwegian
encouragement; the European involvement and serious
contribution; the Asian support and blessing. Maybe we
now have the right to say to other people in conflict: "Do
not give up. Do not surrender to old obsessions and do not
take fresh disappointments at face value." What we did,
others can do as well.
We are determined to make the agreement with the
Palestinians into a permanent success. Israel would consider
the economic success of the Palestinians as though it were
its own, and I believe that a newly achieved security will
serve the aspirations of the Israelis and the necessities of the
Palestinians.
Gaza, after 7,000 years of suffering, can emancipate
itself from want. Jericho, without its fallen walls, can see its
gardens blossom again.
As the twentieth century comes to a close, we have
learned from the United States and Russia that there are no
military answers to the new military dangers, only political
solutions. Successful economies are no longer a monopoly
of the rich and the mighty. They represent an open
invitation to every nation ready to adopt the combination of
science and open-mindedness. We see at the end of this
century that politics can achieve more by good will than by
power, and that the young generation watching their
televisions compare their lot with the fortunes or misfortunes
of others. They see freedom, they watch peace, they view
prosperity, all in real time. They know that they can attain
more if they work harder.
If we want to represent their hopes, we have to
combine wise policies and regional security with market
economies. Historically we were born equal, and equally we
can give birth to a new age.
"Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that the
plowman shall overtake the reaper, and the treader of
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
grapes him that soweth seed; and the mountains shall
drop sweet wine, and all the hills shall melt." (The
Holy Bible, Amos 9:13)
So said the Prophet.


 I am
extremely pleased to bring warm and cordial greetings from
the Government and people of Saint Kitts and Nevis. It is
indeed with a profound sense of pleasure and honour that I
address this, the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations.
First, I should like to express my sincere
congratulations and appreciation to the outgoing President,
Mr. Stoyan Ganev, for the very proficient and skilful manner
in which he handled last year’s deliberations.
I hasten to extend to you, Sir, our new President, a very
hearty welcome. Your presence in the Chair is a source of
great joy and pride to all of us from the Caribbean. I know
that you will bring your vast experience and great skill to
bear on these proceedings. I wish to assure you of my
country’s continued support and willing cooperation.
I should also like to commend most highly our
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose
commitment to the furtherance of the cause of peace,
equality, freedom and democracy world wide stands out as
a testament to hope and prosperity in a time of conflict and
social chaos.
Last week the world was shocked by the tragedy of the
earthquake which caused such extensive loss of life in India.
I extend condolences to the Government and people of India
on behalf of the Government and people of Saint Kitts and
Nevis. I know that the world community will continue to
respond in appropriate measure with timely assistance.
My Government regrets the startling and violent events
that have been occurring in Russia over the past few days,
and we express the hope that peace will quickly return and
that democracy will indeed come to the people of Russia.
On 19 September my country, Saint Kitts and Nevis,
celebrated the tenth anniversary of our independence. On 23
September it was 10 years since I had in this Hall
announced our nation to the world, indicating the principles
that would guide our participation in world affairs and the
objectives that we would pursue. The principles enunciated
then are timeless and unchanging, and I can only ask the
Assembly to revisit them with me as I quote:
"The rights and freedoms embodied in the Constitution
of Saint Kitts and Nevis reflect our commitment to the
sanctity of human life, and of human dignity, the rights
of the individual, and the non-violent pursuit of
happiness." (A/38/PV.3, p. 41)
At that time the East and the West stood precariously
balanced on the brink of the total nuclear annihilation of the
human species. Today the world breathes a collective sigh
of relief as the process of reducing nuclear armaments is
genuinely proceeding.
Initially Saint Kitts and Nevis refused to sign the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Our position was a
principled one, because while we supported the objective of
stemming the spread of nuclear weapons among countries,
we felt that in practical terms it would be meaningless unless
those countries with the largest stockpiles of nuclear
weapons made meaningful reductions in their arsenals.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 21
Saint Kitts and Nevis has now signed the Treaty. I call on
all countries with nuclear weapons or the capacity to make
them to join in the global effort for the complete elimination
of nuclear weapons.
Our attention is focused now on conventional conflicts
in various arenas. The fighting and the attendant atrocities
reported from the theatre of conflict in Bosnia and
Herzegovina represent a serious affront to every principle of
human sanctity and human dignity that we share within this
body of nations. The United Nations is endeavouring to
fulfil a humanitarian mission, but we must redouble our
efforts to bring an end to the fighting. We cannot but
express our condemnation and abhorrence at the atrocity of
"ethnic cleansing" being attempted in that theatre of conflict.
The Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis appeals to all the
parties involved in this brutal conflict to heed the call of the
international community to broker a peaceful settlement and
to respect the efforts of the United Nations to implement
effective programmes aimed at ending the civil war and at
providing humanitarian assistance to those victims caught in
the crossfire.
My Government commends the efforts of the United
Nations in delivering humanitarian assistance to the people
of Somalia who face the threat of disease, hunger, starvation
and imminent death. At the same time, my Government
deplores the barbarous attacks on United Nations personnel
deployed in Somalia by forces loyal to Somali factions. We
would also like to add our voice in protest against the killing
of 23 Pakistani peace-keeping soldiers, and others
subsequently. Although we would wish to see the
perpetrators punished, it is our hope that the United Nations
will remain faithful to its original mandate to keep the peace
and feed the hungry.
My country looks forward to an early end and a
permanent solution that will permit the process of
development to be resumed. We sincerely hope that this
crisis does not threaten the prospects for peace in the Horn
of Africa.
Elsewhere in Africa hope has come alive. I refer in
particular to the developments in South Africa. The
Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomes the
announcement of the prospects of non-racial and multi-party
elections scheduled to take place in South Africa in April
l994. The Caribbean has always been unambiguous and
emphatic in its condemnation of apartheid. There is no
doubt that our commitment and our principled stand has
contributed to the inevitable dismantling of the unjust system
of apartheid.
We are at the threshold of a new South Africa which
offers to its people an unprecedented opportunity to write a
new chapter in the history of South Africa whereby the
eradication of apartheid could lead to the creation of a new,
united, non-racial and democratic society. We are extremely
encouraged by the progress in the negotiations taking place
between the Government of F. W. de Klerk, Nelson Mandela
of the African National Congress (ANC), and members of
other political parties in South Africa. While there are still
major difficulties, we call upon all parties to seize this
opportunity to bring peace and freedom to all South
Africans.
However, Member Governments must maintain their
vigilance until the Transitional Executive Council has been
established, with the proper terms of reference clearly
outlined and defined, to allow for the integration and active
participation of all races within the developmental and
governmental process of that country. But Saint Kitts and
Nevis supports Nelson Mandela’s call for the removal of
sanctions at this time.
The involvement and influence of the United Nations in
conflict resolution have been outstanding in recent times. In
this regard, my delegation wishes to applaud the timely
efforts of the United Nations and the Organization of
American States (OAS) to bring the relevant parties in the
Haitian crisis to the negotiating table. My Government
welcomes the Governors Island Agreement brokered by the
United Nations, which resulted in talks between
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the military high
command in Haiti. The appointment and installation of
Prime Minister Malval, who was chosen by President
Aristide, was a significant achievement.
The international community must provide support and
security to ensure the safe return of President Aristide,
following which a major development offensive, with
institution-building, must be mounted and sustained. Haiti
must be given the same high priority as is accorded to other
areas of conflict or poverty in the world.
Changes in international affairs are taking place with a
startling rapidity and suddenness that could not possibly have
been predicted. Who would have expected the surprising but
very welcome rapprochement between Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which now offers
a genuine prospect for peace in the Middle East? The peace
prospect is obviously very fragile, but we must all support
it and give it every opportunity to prosper. The realities of
the present world situation call not for a hardening of
traditional attitudes, but for a genuine search for solutions,
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
even if they require unprecedented approaches and
compromises.
Also in relation to that region, we welcome the
finalization of the demarcation of the boundary between
Kuwait and Iraq, which was accomplished by the Iraq-
Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission on 20 May
1993. We also welcome the adoption by the Security
Council of its resolution 833 (1993), in which it guaranteed
the inviolability of the boundary between the two States.
We expect that this guarantee will serve as a deterrent
against future conflict between Kuwait and Iraq, and also
enhance stability and security in the region. Iraq is called
upon to respect the terms of Security Council resolution 833
(1993) and other relevant Security Council resolutions.
Who would have predicted the fall of the Berlin Wall
and the reunification of East and West Germany? Who
would have predicted the breakup of the Soviet Union and
the subsequent United Nations membership of a large
number of new sovereign States? The United Nations has
been in the midst of it all. We have welcomed the
membership of North and South Korea, ideological
differences notwithstanding. And we support their efforts
towards reunification.
It is clear that membership in the United Nations is
neither a deterrent to reunification, as we saw in the case of
Germany, nor to fragmentation, as we saw in the case of the
Soviet Union. Whatever the aspirations of a country’s
people, as determined by that people, these can be
accommodated within the framework and forum of the
United Nations, which is more effective as an organ
operating by a process of inclusion than one operating by a
process of exclusion.
In that context, my Government calls on the United
Nations to begin the process that would eventually lead to
the admission of the Republic of China on Taiwan into this
Organization. The Republic of China on Taiwan has proved
itself to be a country that espouses the principles inherent in
the United Nations Charter, a country dedicated to peace,
social tranquillity and economic development, not only for
its people, but also for the peoples of other nations.
I want to extend a warm welcome to those who have
become Members of this august body and to congratulate
them on seeking membership within this brotherhood of
nations. Membership itself implies an acceptance of the
United Nations Charter and a recognition of the importance
of the Organization’s objectives. I want to assure these new
Member States of my Government’s readiness to extend a
willing hand of friendship and cooperation as we work
together to further the cause of global peace and human
development.
The Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis fully
subscribes to the policy of universality of membership. It is
our strong belief that once a country satisfies the
prerequisites for membership it should be allowed to join
and to participate actively in the international fraternity of
nations dedicated to upholding the principles of the Charter.
It is timely, in the context of membership, to examine
the issue of the planned restructuring of the United Nations.
I would like to underscore the fact that the Government of
Saint Kitts and Nevis is fully supportive of the movement
towards restructuring the United Nations with a view to
ensuring that such restructuring will lead to the creation of
more efficient and effective organs that are responsive to the
development needs of States Members of the Organization.
This restructuring should include both the permanent and the
non-permanent membership of the Security Council.
As we seek to proceed with plans for the restructuring
of the United Nations, the Government of Saint Kitts and
Nevis wishes emphasis to be placed on ensuring that
equitable geographic representation is seen to be encouraged,
especially in respect of decision-making and in respect of
positions within the Secretariat. For too long, countries like
mine in the Caribbean have not been adequately represented
within the United Nations Secretariat. I wish to suggest
also that due consideration be given to the establishment of
a United Nations office in the eastern Caribbean to serve the
interests of the smaller island-States that comprise the
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS).
We have looked at the questions of membership and
restructuring of the United Nations. It is important for us to
review the question of the mission of the Organization. The
Charter calls for the promotion of the economic and social
advancement of all peoples. Ten years after our
independence, Saint Kitts and Nevis would like to remind
the Assembly of the mission as we perceived it then:
"We seek the establishment of a new international
economic order, for a redeployment of the world’s
resources and for the implementation of mechanisms to
increase the flow of assistance towards the world’s
poor." (A/38/PV.3, p. 42)
We ask ourselves: to what extent are these objectives
being realized? To what extent is the mission being
fulfilled? The answers are gravely disappointing. The new
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 23
international economic order that seems to be emerging is
one in which the developed and the more powerful countries
are creating mega-sized trading and economic blocs, and
seeking to establish rules designed to secure their own
aggrandizement at the expense of small developing countries
like ours in the Caribbean, which are being quietly but
surely marginalized. We see the developed and powerful
countries seeking to redeploy the world’s resources, as found
in the biodiversity of our forests and the vastness of the
ocean resources, for their own benefit, on the spurious
ground that the technology is theirs and not ours. We see
flows of direct assistance to developing countries drying up,
and more so for the countries of the Caribbean. It would
appear that the hope of seeing this mission fulfilled is less
realizable now than it was 10 years ago.
Some will say that the danger of nuclear war is
diminished. Some will say that many conflicts are being
resolved, even though new ones are springing up. And
peace is being realized in many former areas of conflict.
That is all true. The question remains, however: What sort
of peace are we experiencing? Peace in Haiti is fragile;
peace in the Middle East is uneasy; peace in Africa is
unstable. I submit that the prospects for lasting peace would
be immeasurably enhanced if we sought to achieve that
peace through development.
Peace and development have always been linked, but
they are always portrayed as following parallel courses. My
country contends that their paths must be merged and that
we must achieve the one, peace, as a consequence of the
other, development - development which must be sustainable
and sustained.
It is important that all sectors of our communities have
the opportunity to participate in the process of development
and to enjoy its benefits. In Saint Kitts and Nevis, we
ensure as a matter of policy that women are empowered to
be effective participants in development. Our Ministry of
Women’s Affairs designs and implements programmes for
training and mobilizing women in a variety of areas essential
to the development of our country. This is an approach we
recommend to all developing countries as part of the process
of maximizing our human resources.
My Government welcomes the call for a Global
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States, scheduled to convene in Barbados in
April 1994. We hope that this will result in tangible benefits
for the small island developing economies of the Caribbean
and in a recognition of our special characteristics and needs.
There is developing in international affairs - in relation to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the
European Common Market and the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) - a "one size fits all" mentality, or a "one
prescription for all countries approach". These are obviously
out of place in matters of development and human needs.
The peculiarities and differences which prompted the
adoption of special economic arrangements - the Caribbean
Basin Initiative, the Trade and Investment Agreement
between Canada and the Caribbean Community Countries
(CARIBCAN) and the Lomé Convention - are still very
present today, and are likely to remain so, because our
islands are not going to become any larger. In fact, we
suffer from serious coastal erosion, which can be properly
addressed only if substantial financial assistance is
forthcoming.
I appeal to the Member nations of this august body to
recognize also the fragility of our export commodities, such
as sugar and bananas, as their producers represent the major
employers, and they are significant sources of foreign
exchange, for many Caribbean countries. Any loss, no
matter how small, of the limited access which these products
from the Caribbean enjoy could have catastrophic
consequences for the economies and lives of the people in
the Caribbean, and by extension could undermine the
socio-political tranquillity of the region.
I cannot overemphasize the vulnerability of the
Caribbean’s ecosystem and the need for constant vigilance
with respect to its protection and preservation. It is against
this backdrop that my Government, along with other
Governments of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM),
strongly condemns the transboundary movement of toxic
waste and of nuclear and other hazardous materials through
the Caribbean basin. We therefore call upon the
industrialized countries to refrain from exporting their waste
to or through the Caribbean region. We also deplore the
dumping of ship-generated waste in our Caribbean waters,
and call upon all ships’ operators to discontinue the practice.
Those waters are indeed a significant part of our economic
patrimony.
The Rio Summit was a watershed for unprecedented
partnership and international cooperation in the area of
environmental protection. The approach that we as nations
adopt on the environment should be modelled in such a way
as to demonstrate our commitment to human development,
environmental protection and sustainable growth.
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
I want to make a strong appeal to the industrialized
countries and the multilateral agencies to be more rational
and more sensitive to the developmental needs of the
developing world, especially island communities, in their
approach to dealing with the environment. Environmental
concerns must be appropriately considered within the context
of sustainable development. The peoples of the developing
countries are entitled to an improved standard of life. The
industrialized North, therefore, should not use a single policy
on environment as a yardstick for assessing an individual
country’s eligibility for developmental assistance.
My Government firmly believes that our environment
must be protected and preserved at all costs - not at the
expense of our people’s standard of living, but rather to
enhance their quality of life. The desirability of
environmental protection must be appropriately balanced
against the imperatives of human development.
The problem of environmental degradation concerns a
global common which we all share, and it is only through
international collaboration and an adequate transfer of
technical and financial assistance from developed to
developing countries that we can begin to arrest and, hence,
eventually solve this problem.
While we attempt to harness our collective efforts to
improve the standard of living of our citizens, we are faced
with the increasing danger of drug trafficking and
narco-terrorism. We can ill afford to relax our resolve.
While we seek peace on other fronts we must continue to
wage war relentlessly on the illicit drug trade and those who
work so assiduously to bolster it. There is an urgent need
for greater financial assistance and technical expertise to
combat this problem. It is the children, the flower of our
youth, the promise of our nations’ tomorrows, who are being
destroyed today.
At the historic children’s Summit in 1990, we set
ourselves the task of creating a better world for children and
of equipping them now to manage it in the future. The
challenge is vast, involving their educational, health,
physical, mental and psychological development, and we
must make ourselves equal to the task.
There can be no greater or more noble mission than to
ensure that our youth from developing nations, small or
large, as from developed nations, is given every opportunity
to aspire to a better quality of life. We can better achieve
this in a world of peace, and we can better realize and
maintain that peace through development.


I come from a free, small and sovereign
island in Latin America. My ancestors were able to shed the
yoke of a colonial empire and achieve an independence that,
since the moment of its birth, has been burdened by the
interventionist impositions of a foreign power. I belong to
a people that was able, for several generations, to forge an
authentic revolution, which also opened the path to hope for
other peoples of the Third World.
For these reasons, and as a Caribbean people, we are
doubly proud of having you, Mr. President, presiding over
this session. Because you are a son of that South that makes
us brothers, we are convinced that that world and its hopes
will not be ignored once again. In that just aspiration you
will certainly find Cuba’s support.
Conditions in the world have radically changed in less
than five years. Bipolar balance is being replaced by
unipolar hegemony. The world is increasingly plagued by
still insuperable contradictions between words and deeds.
While it is said that the threat of a nuclear holocaust has
disappeared, the poverty and underdevelopment that cause
misery and death are continuing. Millions of men, women
and children die every day, with no possibility of being
saved. It is said that the arms race between the superPowers has ended but, increasingly, there is a rush to
develop new weapons systems and even to introduce them
to outer space.
Today, the warlords aspire to rule the skies without
having resolved many of the problems on Earth.
Paradoxically, they argue that they lack the resources to do
so, while the world today is becoming increasingly
ungovernable because of them. The total budget of the
World Health Organization equals the expenditures caused
by three hours of the arms race. How can hunger in
Somalia be alleviated, for example, if for every dollar used
to feed the hungry, $10 are spent on the maintenance of
military operations in that country?
The existence of treaties on a partial ban of nuclear
tests and on a moratorium, or on the non-proliferation of
such weapons, is not enough. A single agreement would
suffice, one providing for general and complete disarmament
and for the use of the enormous resources that would thus
cease to be squandered for the final resolution of our
planet’s serious problems.
Regrettably, the end of the cold war has not resolved
any of the fundamental problems facing humankind; instead,
it has created many others. The sacred principles of
independence and national sovereignty are being shredded to
pieces, and are guaranteed only to a few powerful countries
whose views prevail even in this lofty Organization. The
United Nations was created, among other objectives, for the
achievement of a lasting peace, justice and equality in
international relations. Some things have been done, but
much remains to be done for the benefit of human beings
and of peoples.
While the longstanding problems of the Third World
persist and become more acute, aggravated by stagnation in
development assistance, what peace can we speak of? While
unequal exchange, external debt and the transfer of resources
from developing to developed countries - to mention but a
few examples - still persist, will there truly be peace? While
protectionist and discriminatory practices in international
trade prevail, and the terms of trade of developing countries
continue to deteriorate, will we honestly be able to achieve
justice?
Only through effective cooperation, radically
restructuring present international economic relations, would
poor nations be allowed to develop and to grow. The
initiatives adopted by the Organization by consensus are
countless yet we continue to be ignored by the most
powerful countries.
The new international economic order, three
international development strategies, four United Nations
development decades, at least four special sessions of the
General Assembly, a number of conferences on population,
environment, habitat, and even the Rio de Janeiro
Conference itself exemplify hopes placed by peoples the
world over in the United Nations, but without tangible
results. The selfishness and lack of political will faced by
the poor of this Earth, the children of colonialism, racism,
plundering and foreign intervention, are truly disappointing.
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
On the other hand, neo-liberal doctrines are now
rampant in the assistance programmes of the Organization,
proclaiming only the virtues of the market and of private
enterprise. Defending only these options means separating
populations of developing countries from the real production
of wealth. This accentuates the inequalities, attacks true
democracy, social development and the right of human
beings to achieve a productive and dignified life.
We the countries of the South are no more than
statistics to the North. Meticulous studies are carried out to
determine that we will be born in greater numbers, that more
of us will fall to disease and that more of us will die.
The quality of life of the generations that have been
born and have died while I speak would demand that those
bulky files where tragedies are noted in detail, would also
have the power to feed and heal the needy. Simply knowing
that we are dying in the countries of the South on this planet
will not prevent us from being buried.
The surviving third world has once again placed its
hopes in the preparation of an agenda for development and
is awaiting with interest the Secretary-General’s report on
the subject. A new frustration would be a luxury for which
we would never be forgiven by this suffering humanity.
The World Summit for Social Development to be held
in 1995 will also provide us with a new opportunity to place
human beings at the centre of the United Nations efforts, and
to give this subject the priority it deserves in the work of the
United Nations.
The world we live in is condemned to a gradual
destruction that can only be stopped by our collective
wisdom. The right to life, the most basic of human rights,
is constantly threatened by the progressive deterioration of
the ozone layer, by the pollution of the environment and its
underground and surface waters, by the exhaustion of arable
land and by the constant increase in the legions of the
undernourished and underemployed. This dehumanizing
cruelty is the result of what is mistakenly called
contemporary industrial civilization. Together with these
lacerating realities, humanity is facing other challenges
which, though different, are no less complex.
Recently, the World Conference on Human Rights
concluded by reaffirming the universality, interdependence
and indivisibility of those rights. That Conference rightly
reiterated that the issue must be dealt with in an objective,
impartial and non-selective manner.
Attempts are made to say that the majority of violations
of human rights originate in the impoverished countries of
the South, while an overwhelming majority of their accusers
come from the affluent countries of the North. It seems that
those who claim to be the resolute defenders of certain
individual freedoms, also include among those freedoms, and
with equal ease, the violence that increasing neo-fascist and
racist currents are unleashing in their own societies.
Has that North not been the source, and now more than
ever, of discrimination against migrant workers, against the
increasingly dispossessed strata of society and against
national minorities?
Who are the main beneficiaries of the trade in human
organs? Where are the deviant practices of pornography and
child prostitution, of drug addiction and the sale of minors,
most common? Are these by chance the individual freedoms
they defend with such zeal? Why are they not equally
intransigent in defence of the right to eat, to work, to learn,
to live a healthy life, to not suffer discrimination by reason
of sex or race, in other words the most basic rights of a
human being?
We all recognize the responsibility of the United
Nations in the field of the promotion of human rights and
fundamental freedoms in accordance with the United Nations
Charter. There are United Nations bodies that can
adequately carry out this responsibility if attempts are not
made to assign them functions with which they are
incompatible, if they are allowed to work objectively and
without political conditions, and if they are based on
cooperation and not imposition. This role must not and
cannot be distorted. Thus, the idea of creating a high
commissioner for human rights should be considered with all
necessary care and without undue haste, which we could in
the future regret.
In a similar context, those who reap benefits from the
existing international order are introducing into it their own
ideology. They are trying to impose those norms of
political, economic and social organization most likely to
preserve that order and irrationally defend their ideas
regarding the links between democracy, human rights and
the market economy, a new trilogy that masks the sufferings
of millions of persons.
It is necessary firmly to reject any and all attempts to
decide unilaterally on these issues of vital interest to all
peoples, and avoid their becoming new sources of conflict,
new obstacles to international cooperation and the unifying
role that humanity today expects of the United Nations.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 11
In order to fulfil the purposes enshrined in the United
Nations Charter and to allow the Organization to contribute
to ensuring peace, cooperation and development, it is urgent
to democratize the United Nations.
This would facilitate the finding of solutions to the
malformations with which the United Nations was born and
with which it developed, and its transformation into an
Organization devoted to truly strengthening cooperation
among peoples. It is not acceptable that at the dawn of the
twenty-first century, the United Nations continues to respond
to the interests of a handful of Powers.
The United Nations has not been and is not democratic.
A veto privilege linked with the might of States is
inadmissible, above all if the Security Council can become
a docile instrument in the hands of a few Powers, a risk
which is present now more than ever before. There is
nothing more insecure in this world, and I say this in all
sincerity, than the Security Council.
The full democratization of the Security Council would
require, among other measures, that all its members be
subject to periodic democratic elections, as is now the case
with non-permanent members. It would also require the
elimination of the veto privilege and the establishment of a
single category of members, which would be consistent with
the principle of the sovereign equality of States that must
become, once and for all, the cornerstone of the activities of
the Organization.
We are, nevertheless, conscious of the obstacles that at
present prevent us from achieving that objective, and we
consider it not only feasible, but indeed indispensable, to
progress in that direction.
The number of peoples present in this Hall has almost
quadrupled since 1945. It is therefore necessary to institute
a new order in the United Nations.
Cuba favours an increase in the membership of the
Council to reach a proportion, with respect to the total
membership of the United Nations, that is as close as
possible to that existing in 1945, and favours also a tripling
of the number of permanent members so that Latin America,
the Caribbean, Africa and Asia would have more than two
seats in that category, as is now the case for Europe.
Suffice it to say that more than 3,700 million inhabitants of
those continents, that is, two thirds of humankind, do not
enjoy that privilege.
It is also essential for the principle of equitable
geographical distribution to be ever present in the Security
Council, and not only among the non-permanent members
but among the totality of its membership. By so doing, we
would be advancing one step farther towards democratization
of the Council’s membership.
It is also indispensable to modify the operational
mechanisms of the Council and eliminate the practice of
so-called informal consultations, thereby increasing
transparency in the work of the Council. This is a need that
the Secretary-General recognizes in his latest report on the
work of the Organization. By the same token, it is not
permissible for the Council to go beyond its mandate and
interfere in fields that are not within its purview.
The adoption of measures to ensure greater participation
by the General Assembly on issues to do with the
maintenance and strengthening of international peace and
security, as a means for achieving the necessary balance
between the Assembly and the Security Council, cannot be
postponed. We cannot disregard the fact that, under the
Charter, the General Assembly is the only truly universal
body in the United Nations and that this gives it special
responsibilities. The Security Council acts on behalf of all
the Member States represented in this Hall and is
accountable to them. This accountability should therefore be
implemented through substantive and analytical reports from
the Council to the General Assembly that would allow the
Assembly not only to systematically consider and assess the
Council’s activities, but also to formulate necessary
recommendations.
There is undoubtedly a general will to revitalize the
Organization, but this objective should be achieved through
the fullest and most transparent consultations, guided, above
all, by the decisions taken by Member States.
Certain recent initiatives that, without any consultation
or mandate whatsoever, attempt to reinvent the priorities of
this Organization are cause for concern. There are even
proposals that seem to consider the United Nations as a
supranational body with a Secretariat acting as a universal
government, and implementing actions that not only lack an
appropriate legislative basis, but also confer on it
prerogatives that are far removed from its legitimate nature.
We call the Assembly’s attention to the dangers involved in
these attempts because, if their acceptance is forced through,
they would cause serious conflict that could endanger the
very integrity of the Organization.
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Attention should also be called to the
implementation of certain new ideas and mechanisms in the
United Nations. Even if the resolutions regarding the report
entitled "An Agenda for Peace" were adopted unanimously
in this Hall, their implementation is not free of dangers that
could jeopardize the most sacred principles of the United
Nations. Nothing in those texts can justify violations of the
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States
or interference in their internal affairs.
The excessive multiplication in the number of
peace-keeping operations and related procedures is also
cause for increasing concern. The proliferation in this type
of operation is no indication that the United Nations is
functioning better today than in the past; quite the contrary.
In any case, it is a symptom of the grave dangers that
threaten world peace and stability.
The resulting financial burden that is falling on the
shoulders of Member States is reaching unsustainable
proportions. Hence, we must prevent this increase from
becoming even more onerous for Member States, and in
particular for those of the third world.
In the last decade of the millennium, our world
nevertheless does show some rays of light. One of these is
that shed by the Ibero-American Summits, the most recent
of which was recently held in the Brazilian city of
Salvador da Bahia. I mention this as a valid example of
fraternal discussion, in which, without anything being
imposed by any party, issues of common interest were
defined and coordinated.
Recently also, the world learned of the signing of the
Declaration that, as a preliminary measure, recognizes
Palestinian autonomy over part of the occupied territories.
We hope that this development constitutes an effective step
towards the restoration of the legitimate right of the
Palestinian people to have their own State, in their own
national territory, and towards the definitive withdrawal by
Israel from the other occupied Arab territories, including
Jerusalem. This would be an important contribution to a
definitive solution to the Middle East conflict and to the
establishment of a just and lasting peace in that troubled
region.
Only a few days ago, in the Special Committee against
Apartheid, my delegation had the honour of hearing
Nelson Mandela. We are encouraged by his confidence in
the future, and we hope that the process of dialogue now
under way will be conducive to the establishment of a
united, democratic and non-racial South Africa. We are
ready to contribute, with our modest efforts, towards that
end.
In my country, a genuine revolution succeeded. Since
the outset, it has faced hostility from its neighbour but,
against all odds, it has been able to carry out, in solidarity,
its humane task. We have continued our endeavour even
now that international circumstances have radically changed.
Cuba is inserting itself into the world economy and is
opening up to foreign investment, but without the loss of any
of its principles. In order to continue to safeguard the
development of our people, we are also making profound
changes based on the concept of preserving our
independence and the gains we have already achieved. We
are indeed facing serious problems as a result of an inhuman
blockade, but we nevertheless continue to hold a prominent
place in the fields of health, education and social security,
which are guaranteed for all even in the midst of all our
difficulties. The results of these efforts have been
recognized this year by the United Nations and by the
United Nations Children’s Fund.
Attempts are being made to crush this dream. The
General Assembly, at its last session, adopted resolution
47/19, regarding the necessity of ending the economic,
commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United
States of America against Cuba. The resolution was
welcomed by international public opinion. Since then, there
has been an impressive rise in world-wide solidarity towards
our country, from every part of the world, from the most
diverse sectors and creeds, even in those wide swaths of the
population of the aggressor country that reject the measures
taken by their own Government. Sympathy has increased
for a people that for more than three decades has managed
to resist a ferocious siege by a huge, neighbouring Power,
with admirable gallantry in the midst of unimaginable
deprivation. Nevertheless, in open defiance of the decision
taken by the General Assembly and in defiance of world
opinion, the blockade has been reinforced during the last few
months by means of regulations cruelly implementing to the
utmost the same laws rejected by this forum less than a year
ago.
The extra-territorial nature of the blockade has
increased, and the pressures are on the rise. Actions have
multiplied to impede or affect the links with Cuba of private
and public economic entities in third countries. They aspire
to defeat by hunger and disease the exemplary nation which
they have not been able to vanquish by force or by siren
songs.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 13
It must be difficult for the illustrious representatives of
that great northern nation still to sustain today the thesis that
their actions constitute a bilateral embargo, in the face of the
irrefutable evidence that in fact those actions constitute a
blockade.
We have provided the Assembly with irrefutable
evidence of their ambition not only to maintain but also to
strengthen the blockade, to economically strangle my
homeland, to undermine the sovereignty of third States and
to violate the freedom of trade and navigation, to the
detriment of the most fundamental principles of international
law.
But there is more: if this is a case of bilateral relations,
then there are two blockaded peoples, that of Cuba and that
of the United States. North Americans are denied an
economic opportunity that would benefit them; they are
denied access to the scientific advances that already
guarantee the prevention and cure of diseases such as
meningitis, retinitis pigmentosa, hepatitis B and vitiligo,
among other achievements of our science. The right to
travel freely to any place, which their Constitution confers
on all citizens, is also infringed upon.
The blockade’s effect on my people is even more
inhuman. We are prevented from purchasing drugs essential
for health; our ability to acquire resources to meet the needs
for our material and social well-being is curtailed; our peace
and daily life is threatened. The generation to which I
belong was born and grew up under the blockade’s siege.
To live in a sovereign and steadfast country is a crime for
which two million children may have to pay with their lives.
We affirm before the peoples of the world that there
will be no possible absolution for those who commit or
support this genocide, because "to condone a crime is
tantamount to committing it". If against all logic our right
were to be denied, if aggressive forces were to prevail over
reason, Cubans will nevertheless always maintain their
unshakeable faith in victory. We love life, and life is
freedom, independence, sovereignty. We demand that the
path we have chosen be respected. It is not our desire to be
a model for anyone, but we will never accept either
imposition or force.
I know that my words will be understood in different
ways, but I have said what our conscience as free human
beings dictates. My words may be applauded as a matter of
solidarity, courtesy or obligation, but I know that there are
many who wish us to be successful, for that is what they
hope for themselves.
To you, Mr. President, I am thankful for having
allowed me to express the feelings of a worthy people.