On behalf of the Government and people of Papua New Guinea, it is my pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the important post of President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session.
As you are aware, Papua New Guinea's Foreign Minister, Sir Michael Somare, was a candidate for the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. As a democratic country whose Constitution is based on United Nations principles and practices, we of course accept the collective decision of this body in electing you as its President. We pledge ourselves to working with you during your term of office with much pleasure and gratitude. On the basis of the principle of shared responsibility, we intend to maintain our strong commitment to the United Nations. We will continue to make our modest contribution to the work of the world's highest body.
Allow me to place on record Papua New Guinea's appreciation for the excellent job accomplished by your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta. Among his pressing responsibilities, he has been instrumental in the ongoing reform exercises at the United Nations, and my delegation commends his contribution to that important development.
Papua New Guinea's commitment to the United Nations is rooted in our Constitution, which establishes a democratic system of government and protects the basic rights and fundamental freedoms of the individual within the framework of society. Our national Constitution provides for due process of law to ensure that personal liberties are protected by impartial and independent courts of law. Within our constitutional framework, we have established an extensive and working legal system of checks and balances to ensure that executive government is fully accountable to its people.
The fundamental provisions of our Constitution embody the ideals and values of democracy, more conducive within our Melanesian practices of consensus in democratic decision-making. We support the processes of democratisation now under way throughout the international community.
Papua New Guinea welcomes the new Members to the United Nations. Their membership is a clear indication of their support for the increasing importance of the United Nations. We join other delegations in congratulating and welcoming the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania as new Members of the United Nations. We also congratulate the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Korea and the Republic of the Marshall Islands for their admission as full Members.
This is indeed an event of historic Importance for the Governments and peoples of those States, and we join them in celebrating this important and unique occasion. My delegation is particularly proud to witness the admission of two members of the South Pacific Forum, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, because we have contributed towards the process of self-determination and independence for both those island States. We are pleased that the aspirations of their peoples have been realised. Papua New Guinea firmly believes also that the admission of the two Koreas as members of the international community is a significant development in the region. It is our sincere hope that their admission to the United Nations will accelerate and provide an additional avenue for dialogue in the reunification process.
The Assembly convenes at a time of rapid change in the global political, economic and social arenas. It is also a period when there is ever-increasing concern for the future destiny of our global environment. These developments have placed the international community in a more precarious position than ever before. Therefore it is vital that this Assembly continue to play a leading role in finding solutions concerning these challenges. In this regard, we welcome the reform exercise that is currently being pursued at the United Nations to improve its effectiveness.
The achievements over the years of the United Nations system are commendable, particularly in the areas of decolonization, disarmament, the environment, social justice and the maintenance of world peace and security. My delegation highly commends the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, for his strenuous efforts in upholding the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. We strongly believe that a strengthened United Nations system is necessary so that it can play a pivotal role in promoting peace and security as well as equitable economic relations between developed and developing countries. Papua New Guinea, since its accession to independence in 1975 and its subsequent admission to membership to the United Nations, has played and will continue to play its part consistent with the underlying principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter.
We ARE encouraged by the positive changes in relations between nations. The marked improvement In East West relations, particularly between the super-Powers, and their combined efforts to find solutions on many of the global issues bring hope and optimism to international cooperation.
While we were alarmed at the recent developments in the Soviet. Union, we are, however, pleased to note the positive developments that are currently taking place in that country. It is our hope that that great country will, through negotiations and dialogue, find solutions to its current difficulties and continue to contribute to international cooperation and development.
Our region, the South Pacific, is relatively free of major conflicts and tensions. Nevertheless, we are not immune from the effects of external problems elsewhere. The South Pacific Community is comprised of many small island States scattered throughout the vast South Pacific. We largely depend on a limited number of agricultural and marine products for our livelihood and export income. Our struggle is, therefore, one of survival.
While we welcome positive contributions towards the overall development of our region, we also believe that external efforts in this development process should not lead to situations that would threaten our environment, our limited resources and in particular our livelihood.
For these reasons, the South Pacific Forum initiated and concluded a number of important, arrangements to safeguard our region and our resources. These arrangements include the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty, the Convention for the Protection and Development of the Natural Resources and Environment and the Convention for the Prohibition of Drift-net Fishing in the South Pacific.
Last year marked the thirtieth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is also the desire of the United Nations to ensure total eradication of colonialism by the year 2000. Even though the struggle against colonialism has been largely successful, our region still places great importance on the emancipation of the remaining colonial Territories and their peoples around the world, including those in the South Pacific.
My country remains committed to the work of the Special Committee on decolonisation to ensure that the United Nations Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism is effectively implemented.
My delegation is particularly encouraged by the measures being taken in New Caledonia by the French authorities under the Matignon Accords, in cooperation with all sectors of the population, to promote equitable political, economic and social development in order to provide a framework for that Territory's peaceful evolution to self-determination and independence.
We welcome the willingness of the French Government to allow a South Pacific Forum ministerial visiting mission to New Caledonia this year. Likewise, we further seek the cooperation of the French authorities to facilitate regular visits to New Caledonia by visiting missions of the United Nations to monitor the developments in that Territory.
My Government believes that in order to facilitate smooth transition to self-determination and independence, the Administering Authority must enhance opportunities for assistance in education and training, especially for the Kanaka of Hew Caledonia. There are other dependent Territories in the region which must also be given opportunities by the Administering Authorities concerned to achieve self-determination.
Mora than ever before, the environment-related issues have increasingly occupied an important place on the agenda of the United Nations, as well as being of concern to individual countries and regions. The continuing deterioration of our global environment is a matter of grave concern to all of us. If this trend is allowed to continue unchecked, it will most certainly disrupt the global ecological balance and jeopardise the Earth's life-sustaining capacities.
We in the South Pacific are alarmed at the changing global climatic conditions which threaten present and future generations with untold economic and social consequences. Therefore we appeal to the world community to consider with the utmost seriousness how we can control global patterns of production and consumption, to avoid the degradation of the global life-support systems.
The global warming and climatic changes which are causing rising sea-levels are a direct threat to the very survival of the small island States. In this regard, we commend the efforts of the Association of Small Island States to seek the cooperation of the international community to develop a framework convention on climate change.
We firmly believe that international cooperation in the field of environmental protection calls for global multilateral approach so that all aspects of the issue can be considered, while, at the same time, the development priorities of developing countries are retained.
We are pleased with the progress being made towards the convening of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Brazil in June 1992. My Government looks forward to constructive and meaningful contributions by participants to ensure that we take collective measures to protect and preserve our global environment.
Papua New Guinea will continue to work with other member States of the South Pacific Forum in opposing nuclear testing and the dumping of nuclear and in our other toxic region. We appeal to the international community to conform to standards prescribed under the London Convention on Dumping as well as the regional safeguard arrangements to which I have referred earlier. These arrangements are important to us for the protection and survival of our region and our people.
My delegation is, however, concerned that, despite long-standing opposition by the South Pacific Forum, France continues to carry out its nuclear testing activities in the region. We strongly urge France to consider seriously our concern and take positive measures to put an end to this act of terrorism against the ecosystem and humanity.
In this connection, Papua New Guinea welcomes the decision by the Government of the United States to cease the operation of its chemical-weapon incineration facility at Johnston Atoll.
Japan's recent decision to cease drift-net fishing in our waters is also applauded, and we hope other distant-water fishing nations can make similar declarations soon.
Lasting solutions for some of the current conflicts around the globe constitute the only prerequisite to international peace, security and development. Papua New Guinea welcomes the acceptance by all parties of the framework agreement for a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian conflict.
My Government believes that the continued involvement of the United nations is necessary in order to ensure the peaceful resolution of the Cambodian problem. By way of a modest contribution, I am pleased to confirm that Papua New Guinea is prepared to participate in any United Nations peace-keeping arrangements in Cambodia.
My delegation commends the efforts of the United Nations in working towards a peaceful resolution of the question of Western Sahara in line with the appropriate resolutions of the Security Council. We are, however, disappointed that progress is being impeded owing to the current problems in Western Sahara. We are hopeful that the participating parties will allow dialogue and reconciliation to continue and enable the Sahraouis to determine their own future destiny. The impasse in the search for a solution in regard to the Middle East question continues to concern my Government. We have always maintained that the Palestinians have a right to a homeland as much as Israel has a right to exist within secured borders. We believe these two conditions are fundamental to any lasting solution of the problem.
Papua New Guinea has, on many occasions, voiced its concern over the institutionalised apartheid system that exists in South Africa. The latest developments in that country are encouraging, and further steps should be taken to accelerate the process of totally dismantling apartheid in all its forms. He acknowledge the pressure exerted by the international community against the racist South African regime, particularly through the adoption of appropriate United Nations General Assembly resolutions and the sustained dialogue between the various political groups in that country. My Government firmly believes that the final eradication of apartheid and an improvement in relations between South Africa and the neighbouring front-line States, as well as the return of the country to a united, non-racial and democratic system, would provide peace and security in the entire region. It is our firm conviction that sanctions should be continued until the apartheid system is completely dismantled. This institutionalized racism, under apartheid, is indeed a crime against humanity.
The universality of membership of the United Nations is an important objective of the international community. The realization of social justice and equity for all the peoples of the world must be given equal priority by the world community. The United Nations must therefore place people at the centre of all its activities concerning world peace and security. There is a need for all Member States and international civil servants to make every effort to humanize the institutions of the United Nations system so that they may efficiently and effectively contribute to the improvement of the social conditions of the masses of suffering people throughout the world.
The social and political evils of poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, drug abuse, and inequality between men and women and between States are still
prevalent. In this regard, my delegation would like to appeal to all Member States to lend their support for the proposed world summit for social development, which was endorsed at the session of the Economic and Social Council in Geneva this year.
There are many changes taking place in the world economy. We observe, however, that these changes in international economic relations have not brought about any fundamental change in the unfair international economic order. The situations regarding external debt, economic growth and the reverse flow of capital remain unchanged.
The shift by Eastern European countries towards market-oriented economies, the move towards a single European market, and regional initiatives such as Asia-Pacific economic cooperation can have serious consequences for the developing countries. These problems have been further compounded by continuing global economic recession, inflation, high interest rates, rising unemployment, lack of investment, slow growth and protectionism. All these factors contribute to slow progress and to the stagnation that has a considerable effect on the social and economic well-being of developing countries in particular.
We believe that developing countries are deprived of the opportunity to take advantage of the new technological revolution, which has promoted the internationalization of production and finance and has given a new impetus to the growing integration of the world economy. It therefore appears evident that disparities between the developed and the developing countries win continue to grow if the underlying problems are not adequately addressed with a view to enhancing and promoting equitable trade and economic cooperation between the developed and the developing countries.
My Government wishes to appeal to the international community to recognise that it is of vital importance that in the ongoing Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations the multilateral trading system, should be fully responsive to the special needs of developing countries, particularly with regard to the consideration of commodity prices and the protection of agro-based and other light industries. He also believe that the Uruguay-Round negotiations should lead to the conclusion of a comprehensive agreement and safeguards based on the basic principle of non-discrimination and on the preservation of the flexibility available to developing countries under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
We in the Pacific depend largely on tropical agricultural export products to raise foreign exchange to meet the needs of our people. We have, however, experienced enormous difficulties as a result of both fluctuating commodity prices and the discriminatory trade policies of some developed nations. In this regard, we join others in the international community in urging all participants in the Uruguay Round to commit themselves to a comprehensive and successful end to the negotiations and to underline the importance of fair trade to all countries.
Papua New Guinea values its relations with the European Economic Community, particularly under the umbrella of the various Lome Conventions. It is our hope that the current political and economic problems in Eastern Europe and the move towards a single European market in 1992 will not in any way affect the agreed provisions put in place under the Lome IV Convention. We believe that the diverting of development assistant to Eastern Europe will have a negative effect on the economies of the developing countries.
Never before has the United Nations enjoyed such widespread support for its efforts, and never before have international civil servants been called upon to help guide so many different peoples to peace, democracy and independence. It is a cull to which they have responded with the exceptional talent, experience and dedication that the world has come to expect from them. These tasks are undertaken sometimes at great personal cost to the international civil servants, who chose to uproot themselves and their families for the duration of their assignments. Many have been detained and held hostage during the course of their duties. We call on those responsible to release and free them to their important duties and to their families.
As for those who have paid the ultimate price and laid down their lives while working for peace, Papua New Guinea salutes their sacrifice and cherishes their memory. As we move into this session of the General Assembly and towards its probable mandates for more United Nations missions, the independence of the international civil service must be guarded more carefully than has been the case in the past.
In conclusion, we wish to emphasize that the aspirations to world peace, and to fair and just development, cannot be realized without political realism and recognition of the dynamics of international politico where narrow political ends of the most powerful States are pursued. International economic and political structures, as they exist today, promote inequality and imbalances. The United Nations cannot, and must not, be used as a legitimizing tool for powerful States utilizing their military arsenals to achieve their narrow political ends.
The global humanitarian concern for all States Members of the United Nations is to take positive steps to minimize inequality between nations, and between different societies and peoples within each State. The prime mission of the United Nations, and the challenge of the 1990s, is to move away from rhetoric and make genuine efforts to evolve economic and political structures at the international level that will support development processes capable of securing and enhancing social and economic justice for all. That is the mission for mankind.


Let me first convey to you, Sir, my congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. I am confident that your wealth of experience, skill and commitment guarantee a successful session. Your election is also a fitting tribute to your great country, Saudi Arabia, with which Tanzania enjoys excellent relations. My delegation is therefore pleased to pledge its full support and cooperation.
Your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, presided over the deliberations of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly with exemplary skill and dedication. I would like to wish him all the best in his future undertakings.
I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, who has continued to serve the Organisation with dedication and skill. Tanzania renews its support for the Secretary-General and the United Nations he so well serves.
I am delighted to join in the warm welcome extended to the newest Members of our Organisations the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. As many speakers have observed, their membership in the United Nations brings ever closer our cherished goal of universality.
The last four years have witnessed major changes in the international system. The super-Powers have entered a new era of cooperation; and the cold war, which was central to the bipolar division of the international system since the conclusion of the Second World War, is now waning. Within the United Nations there has been exceptional cooperation among members of the Security Council. This cooperation, as symbolised by joint efforts to resolve the most recent conflict in the Gulf, has rekindled the hope that the collective security system envisaged in the Charter, but rendered impotent by the cold war, could now be revived.
The signing in December 1987 of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, the cooperation of the super-Powers in resolving regional conflicts, the reunification of Germany last year, the agreement on the reduction of long-range nuclear weapons and last week's unilateral United States proposal to eliminate land- and sea-based tactical nuclear weapons have moved United States-Soviet relationships from
the cold war to the present climate of mutual trust, confidence and cooperation.
In the past two years, significant changes have taken place in our part, of the world, particularly in southern Africa. Following the release of Mr. Mandela and other political prisoners, and the independence of Namibia in 1990, the African National Congress of South Africa and the apartheid regime have been engaging in "talks about talks" concerning the abolition of apartheid. The South African Government has moved to repeal the notorious pillars of apartheid, namely, the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act and the Land Acts.
In short, global and regional developments in the last four years have produced salient features of historic significance to the structure and texture of the international system. They provide the international system with a distinctive emerging order based on universal democratic values.
My country has always stood for greater human freedom and development, as demonstrated by our opposition to colonialism, apartheid and all forms of racism, as well as our support for all efforts for development, disarmament and the protection and preservation of the environment. It is for these reasons that Tanzania values its membership in the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77.
The existing complex International environment sets the context within which my delegation would like to reflect on the challenges to the international community.
Although the ending of East-West confrontation has fostered greater cooperation in international relations it has not led to a quantum reduction of such major problems as the economic plight of the third world, the eradication of apartheid in South Africa, the attainment of national self-determination for the Palestinians, the return of all occupied Arab territories and the democratisation of the international system. In short, the end of the cold war may have reduced the threats to international peace and security, but it has not eradicated them.
Until recently, there existed three major threats to international peace and security, namely, the East-West conflict, the North-South divide and regional conflicts. As ' mentioned earlier, super-Power entente and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe have greatly reduced the possibility of Soviet-American military confrontation. To a large extent the artificial division of Europe is coming to an end and, with it, we see the emergence of new political priorities and security structures. There is also broad international consensus on the necessity for cooperation to promote ecological security.
However, while the end of the cold war has removed the East-West axis of global politics, it has not brought about the termination of the North-South divide over development, trade and the management of the global economy.
One of the major challenges created by the conclusion of classical cold war is the continuing economic plight of the African States, including Tanzania. As super-Power entente and political revolution in Central and Eastern Europe occupy centre stage in the agenda of the industrialized nations, there is a danger that Africa's economic marginalisation will accentuate. While the economic productivity and wealth of North America, Europe and Japan continue to increase rapidly, the economies of African and other third world countries in general are falling behind at an alarming rate. In our increasingly interdependent world the unrestrained poverty of the South is not only contradictory, but untenable.
The declining terms of trade exacerbate the problems of the non-oil-producing developing nations to cope with rises in energy prices and interest rates on their debts. For instance, on the average real interest rates were six times higher in the 1980s than in the 1970s, when most African States contracted a large share of their debts. Between 1986 and 1988 alone, the fall of commodity prices and the dramatic deterioration of the terms of trade cost Africa $50 billion.
In a seven-year period of the last decade, namely, between 1980 and 1987, the share of the developing countries in the global gross national product fell to 16.8 per cent; yet the third world is the home of two thirds of. the world's population. The July 1990 report of the World Bank, entitled, "Poverty", contends that about 1 billion people in the third world are condemned to live on annual income of less than $370.
The last three decades have also witnessed the acceleration of disinvestment in Africa. The continent's share of global foreign investment fell from 5.5 per cent in 1960 to less than 2 per cent by 1990.
The debt burden is also heavy on the African continent. Whereas in 1986 the continent had a total debt of $203.7 billion, four years later. In 1990, this had risen to $271.9 billion. Hand In hand with the increase in the volume of debt has been the debt-servicing quagmire, which has risen from 28.6 per cent of the total annual foreign-exchange earnings of the African continent to 40 per cent between 1986 and 1988.
It is indeed unacceptable that there continues to be a net capital flow from the developing countries to the industrialized nations. According to a 1990 World Bank report, developing countries paid $27.5 billion more than they received in new credits and grants. Sub-Saharan Africa alone transferred $500 million more than it received.
Compare this with the total net resource flows to Africa from the countries members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in the period 1986 to 1990 - the period of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. Net resource flows declined from $25.9 billion in 1986 to $22.6 billion in 1989. In short, the crushing debt burden and the declining foreign-resource flows have contributed to the economic stagnation and decline of the African continent.
Tanzania applauds the decision of those countries that have cancelled debts owed to them. We hope that trend will continue.
Aid conditionalities have been a source of controversy between the donor community and recipient countries. The new conditionally linking aid to political reform exacerbates the controversy. For instance, on 15 April 1991 the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development was established with the
proviso that the acceptance of multiparty democracy and a free market would be sine qua non for getting aid from the Bank. Tanzania has always supported humanity's quest for freedom, human rights and democracy. However, the linkage between the provision of foreign aid and the implementation of political reforms is undesirable.
Structural international inequalities are the primary sources of continued third-world poverty. In short, the new conditionally of development aid is unrealistic. It is unrealistic in the sense that the problem of democracy in Africa is much more complex; it is a problem in which the issue of political pluralism is merely one aspect of the much wider question of the transformation of the State and civil society in the African countries. Genuine and stable democracy must be indigenous, and it cannot be imposed from outside.
I stated in my opening remarks that even without the benefit of historical hindsight, the period since 1988 will be regarded by future historians of diplomacy as a watershed in the history of southern Africa and of South Africa in particular. However, the prospects for a free non-racial and democratic South Africa must not be taken for granted. Despite the repeal of the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act and the Land acts, the system of apartheid remains Intact and in place.
It will be recalled that on 14 December 1989 the United Nations issued a Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in southern Africa. The Declaration lays down 10 fundamental principles which should form the basis of an internationally acceptable solution to the problem of apartheid. It lays down the conditions which the regime must satisfy in order to create the necessary atmosphere for genuine negotiations. It also establishes guidelines for negotiations. And, finally, it draws up a programme of action by the international community.
While a number of preconditions laid down in the Declaration have been satisfied, the regime has still to implement some important conditions. For example, between 30,000 and 40,000 South African exiles remain outside South Africa despite the recent agreement between the regime and the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees. Similarly, not all political prisoners have been released despite continuing dialogue between the regime and the anti-apartheid forces. Additionally, as long as the present wave of violence continues to sweep the black townships, serious negotiations cannot commence. The regime has an inescapable responsibility to put an end to this carnage. We hope that the peace accord intended to put an end to the violence will hold.
The regime pursues a negotiating strategy for the achievement of constitutional dispensation which would remove internal and international pressure against white minority rule while practically leaving apartheid Intact. This strategy dates back to the 1970s and culminated with the 1983 Constitution that set up the tricameral parliament and the 1988 Promotion of Constitutional Development Act to establish a special negotiation forum with African participation. And when this failed to attract black African support, there come the Five Year Plan of Action at the National Party Federal Congress in June 1989 - a strategy skilfully publicised as heralding a new departure in Government policy. This plan forms the official foundation of the apartheid regime's present talks about talks.
All along South Africa's strategy has been to seek a negotiated settlement; to seek power sharing without losing it; to entrench the group approach and racist policy characteristic of all previous proposals on constitutional dispensation; to have each group acquire self-determination regarding its own affairs, with joint decision-making on general matters; to have equal formal rights for each group but without the power to dominate or outvote the other groups; to have each group legally protected and retain the power to veto changes sought by other groups; and, lastly, to have a fallback position of being ready to discard almost all forms of traditional policies as long as the whites can still protect their social and economic privileges and prevent the majority from imposing major changes against their will.
Thus, the situation in South Africa is such that while the national liberation movement and other anti-apartheid forces want the power to achieve the complete eradication of apartheid, the Pretoria regime seeks, through a variety of domestic and international measures, to retain power. This partly
explains the Pretoria regime's strategy of divide and rule, of fighting the national liberation movement, the African National Congress (AHC), through Inkatha, while talking to it and setting up the so-called black-on-black violence in general.
To realise the objectives of the United Nations Declaration mentioned earlier, Tanzania supports the call for the establishment of a transitional government in South Africa that would oversee the election of a constituent assembly to formulate a democratic constitution under which a new South Africa would emerge on the basis of one-man, one-vote. Until this objective has been realised, existing sanctions must be maintained. The consensus United Nations Declaration enjoins Member States
"To ensure that the international community does not relax existing measures aimed at encouraging the South African regime to eradicate apartheid until there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes, bearing in mind the objectives of this Declaration", (resolution S-16/1. para. 9 (d)
In the face of the regime's manoeuvres to thwart implementation of the Declaration, the need for unity on the part of all the anti-apartheid forces is absolutely essential. We therefore welcome the decision of the AHC, the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and other democratic forces in South Africa to form a patriotic front, and wish them every success at their meeting next month. The conflict in the Gulf, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, put to rest any delusions that the end of the cold war necessarily fostered international peace and security. The conflict also demonstrated that effective maintenance of international peace and security requires collective action rather than unilateral action.
As a sequel to the invasion, the Palestinian question, which is the primary source of conflict and instability in the region, was relegated to the background. Hone the less, if the faith, trust and confidence of the Palestinian people in the United Nations is to be retained, the same speed and dedication with which the Security Council acted over the Gulf crisis should now be shown in efforts to resolve the Palestinian question, which remains an indictment of the United Nations.
The convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East must be the utmost priority of the United Nations. Although the present United States initiative to bring the parties to negotiations is welcome, Tanzania notes with regret that the proposed conference will not fully involve the United Nations.
There can be no genuine settlement of the Palestinian question if the Palestinians are denied their legitimate right to choose their own representatives and to participate in the negotiations leading to an agreement. Tanzania therefore believes that there can be no durable peace in the Middle Fast without an agreement on the Palestinian question and the return of all occupied Arab territories. Any proposed talks and any settlement must be based on the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination and must resolve the territorial questions, including those of the Syrian Golan Heights and the status of East Jerusalem, as provided in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). It is only in this context that the wider interests of the international community for peace and security in the region will be achieved.
The conflicts In the Born of Africa have brought untold suffering and hardship to the people in that part of the world. In this connection, the Government of Tanzania welcomes the new provisional Government of Ethiopia.
With respect to Somalia, it is encouraging to see that the Government of Djibouti was able to convene a reconciliation meeting. Tanzania wishes to commend the Government of Djibouti for convening the meeting and hopes that the spirit of reconciliation will continue so that the Somali people can concentrate on the reconstruction of their society.
In Liberia, too, we have seen continued conflict. Thousands of people have lost their lives. The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) did all it could in search of a peaceful solution. Eventually, the Economic Community of West African States, (ECOWAS) decided to send a peace-keeping force, the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), to Liberia to stop the killings.
Tanzania would like to take this opportunity to commend ECOWAS for the courageous decision taken to send a peace-keeping force to Liberia.
Tanzania has always supported the OAU's efforts to resolve intra-African conflicts by peaceful means. It is the hope of my Government, therefore, that in settling their internal conflicts, both Ethiopia and Somalia will do so peacefully and will decide the future of their countries in a manner compatible with the aspirations of their peoples and those of the African continent as a whole.
Tanzania supports the advancement of genuine democratic reforms, for history has demonstrated that citizen participation in the national life is a precondition for human development. However, to be meaningful, measures for enhancing national democracy must be both indigenous and, at the same time global. Reforms must be indigenous because only in this way can democratic values be sustained. The process of restructuring must be global in the sense that there must also be democratisation of international relations, especially interactions within the United Rations system which are evidently the fulcrum of world politics.
Although super-Power convergence is a welcome development, and in a sense a prerequisite for the success of the United Nations in its present form, this entente equally poses new challenges for the international community. Because of their global and geopolitical interests, the super-Powers, locked into confrontation at times, played an obstructionist role in the United Nations. Yet, the newly found cooperation also poses the spectre of unipolarity which could, in turn, endanger the demonetisation of international relations.
If democracy is good at the national level, it must be good at the international level. There must, therefore, be the democratisation of international politics by reforming the United Nations system, including the financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The promotion of a new international economic order is a prerequisite for genuine democracy.
In this process of the democratisation of international relations, regional organizations and movements have a special role. This underscores the special importance of the Non-Aligned Movement.
The Non-Aligned Movement was born at the height of the cold war. This Movement has helped to de-Europeanise international relations; transcend the bloc mentality, enabling the non-aligned nations to develop their role as full participants and as mediators in a world normally presented as East or West; transform the International diplomatic agenda from military and security issues alone to wider questions of international economic order, including ecological and humanitarian issues; and de-emphasise the East-West conflict and confine the main theatre of the cold war to Central Europe.
The Non-Aligned Movement must, therefore, be credited for opening the way to communication and cooperation among nations separated by a profound ideological divide, and for demonstrating that multilateral diplomacy is, indeed, the singular art of producing complex answers to questions arising from humanity's quest for freedom, security, independence and economic development.
The Non-Aligned Movement continues to be relevant to us in the post-cold-war international system: in the first place, to enhance South-South political and economic cooperation; secondly, to represent third-world aspirations in world bodies, especially at the United Nations; thirdly, to fend off undue external interference in the internal affairs of third-world nations in a unipolar world; fourthly, to promote collective self-reliance as a basis for international cooperation; and, lastly, to promote South-South solidarity and coordination in all international negotiations.
After examining the state of international relations in the past few years as a result of the thaw in East-West relations and other developments, I can fairly conclude that the international system is in a state of transition to a new system for which the world community had better be prepared. That a new world order must emerge is undoubtful. But it is obvious that this new world order must be built on the principles of justice and equity, on the right of peoples to self-determination, on the sovereign equality of States,
on respect for the territorial Integrity of nations, big and small, on non-interference in the internal affairs of States, on freedom of choice and freedom from want in the process of political, social and economic development and on respect for international law.
Tanzania is quite encouraged by the improved international political climate, and history has demonstrated that nothing is insurmountable when there is political will.


Allow me first to congratulate Mr. Shihabi on his election to the presidency of this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly and to join preceding speakers, to wish him every success in conducting this session of the United Nations General Assembly. We realise how difficult a task it is but we have confidence in his experience and diplomatic skills and his personal commitment and wise judgement will certainly help him lead this session successfully. I would like to extend my congratulations also to those others who were elected at this Assembly. We are certain that their valuable support will ensure success in the work that we are going to be doing here. Allow mew, therefore, to convey to Mr. 8hihabi, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola and on my own behalf, the total confidence we have in his presidency and to pledge the total support and cooperation of our delegation.
It is also a great honour for me to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his enlightened leadership of this Organisation in the course of his two terms of office. In fact, it is with a sense of pride and achievement that we have witnessed during this time the settlement of some of the most serious conflicts that seemed to be going to last indefinitely. I am referring specifically to the colonial situation that prevailed in Zimbabwe and in Namibia until recently, to the Iran-Iraq conflict and to the efforts undertaken to solve the Sahraoni question, among others. In fact, the Secretary-General's determination and personal commitment contributed a great deal to their settlement, thus allowing for the restoration of justice, peace and security to those territories
May I also extend my warmest congratulations to the newest Members of the Organisation, the Baltic States of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania, Micronesia and the two brotherly countries of North Korea and South Korea.
The forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of extreme importance for the history of mankind, as the world situation is evolving towards detente in international relations - this is in spite of the considerable difficulties that remain to be overcome, most of which arise from the obstinate attitude of certain segments of society who are reluctant to accept the positive steps that have been made in order to establish a sound climate of  understanding among people on this planet, conducive to the kind of relations that reflect the lofty aspirations of peace, freedom, justice and social welfare.
We believe, however, that common sense will motivate people to re-examine their obsolete positions, if they find themselves unable to adjust to the relentless and irreversible progress made in contemporary history.
As a matter of fact, the detente that characterises international relations today was an important factor in the major steps made towards the settlement of the main problems afflicting the world community, thanks to the efforts undertaken in recent years that allowed the cold war to give way to dialogue and the use of force to be replaced by the peaceful settlement of conflicts.
The recent signing of the START Treaty between he United States of America and the Soviet Union after talks lasting for nine years is clear evidence that through negotiation people can in fact arrive at an understanding, remove obstacles and eliminate impending threats that may be catastrophic to the future of humankind - all without resorting to force.
However, in order to reach such an understanding it is imperative that foreign interests do not prevail over the interests of a nation and its people. He firmly believe that strict compliance with this principle would enable the warring parties to reflect on their differences and to arrive at a settlement, thus avoiding military confrontation and the inevitable catastrophic consequences, as was the case in the recent Persian Gulf war where thousands of innocent civilians fell victim to massacre.
For that reason my Government heartily applauds this gesture of mutual understanding and trust by the two super-Powers, a significant step toward on the road before us, which is still a long one, and urges both of them, as well as all the armament-producing countries, to continue to implement the necessary measures so that in the near future we can arrive at general and complete disarmament on the planet. This is the ultimate aspiration of the whole of mankind, which yearns for unrestricted freedom, peace and tranquillity.
The Angolan Government attaches great importance to the positive political developments in southern Africa. In Angola, with the signing of the peace agreements between the Government and UMITA, on 31 May 1991, in Bicesse, Portugal, the peace process in the sub-Saharan region of Africa continued its course.
For the Angolan people the coming of peace as a result of the above-mentioned agreement constitutes undoubtedly one of the most remarkable events in contemporary history since 1961 and the beginning of the struggle for national liberation against colonialism followed by our country's accession to independence in 1975 and the ensuing foreign aggression and internal conflict it endured.
The revision of our constitutional law, affected even before the signing of the peace agreements, as well as the adoption of new legislation consistent with the revised Constitution, created conditions conducive to the setting up of mechanisms that will facilitate the scheduled multi-party elections and the establishment of the rule of law in Angola. This will open the doors to broader prospects for the full exercise of democracy in the new society to whose creation all national forces, political and other, will contribute.
This achievement of the Angolan people will inevitably have a positive impact on the entire subregion, as it will give a new dynamic dimension to the economic activities of all the members of the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference. We believe that this success will create an environment of greater openness and trust in our relations with other countries and entities that want to do business with us.
The Angolan people and Government are open to all initiatives that might contribute further to what has already been achieved in our country and promote greater development. It is essential, however, that this optimistic and irreversible journey that the Angolan people are ready to undertake, voluntarily and on their own initiative, not be thwarted or disrupted in any way by alien forces, either inside or outside the country.
I should like to take this opportunity to express once again the appreciation and gratitude of the Angolan people and the Angolan Government to the Portuguese Government for its dedicated commitment and for its mediation efforts to find a solution to the Angolan conflict. These culminated in the signing of the agreement that restored tranquillity to my country.
I extend my acknowledgments to the Governments of the United States of America and of the Soviet Union, as well as to the United Nations Secretary-General, whose representatives played an invaluable role as observers at the talks.
Finally, the Angolan and Cuban Governments should be given credit for the major role they played in the peace process. Angola and Cuba adhered strictly to their commitment to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angolan territory. This process was completed by 15 July 1991 - ahead of the schedule that had been agreed upon - as a gesture of good will on the part of the two Governments.
In addition to the peace process in Angola, which I have just described as a very important historical event, another event constituted a landmark for the southern region of Africa. I refer to the abolition by the South African Government of the last set of laws that upheld and sustained the apartheid system. However, the acts of violence that constantly occur in South African townships create a climate of instability that is an aberrant contradiction of the climate of hope created with the abolition of the apartheid laws. It is therefore crucial that the South African Government adopt the appropriate measures to put an end to this situation.
In spite of the repeal of the apartheid laws, not all questions related to the continued existence of this political regime have been resolved. For example, there is the question of the release of all political prisoners, and the established authorities continue to make mass, arbitrary arrests. This situation is in every way similar to that prevailing under the old regime. It is imperative that there should be created a constituent assembly including all patriotic representative groups in South Africa. This assembly would draft the new constitution. An interim government must be formed to administer the country during the transition period, until free and fair elections are held on a basis of one man, one vote.
For all those reasons, my Government considers as premature the total lifting of sanctions against South Africa favoured by some Governments.
I should like to comment now on the situation in Mozambique. The efforts made by the Government of that country to achieve peace have been constantly frustrated by foreign interference, which hurts the legitimate interests of the Mozambican people. The Angolan people pledge solidarity with the brotherly people of Mozambique, and my Government encourages the Mozambican Government to persevere in its peace efforts by holding direct negotiations with RENAMO, and urges the international community to refrain from any action that might slow down the negotiations or misrepresent their results.
On the other hand, one sovereignty issue in southern Africa remains to be resolved. I refer to the Walvis Bay Port Territory, which has been recognised in various General Assembly and Security Council resolutions as an integral part of Namibia.
The People's Republic of Angola has been following closely the political developments in different parts of the globe.
Indonesia's illegal occupation of the Territory of East Timor persists, in violation of internationally accepted rules and principles of international law, and in disregard of the rights and legitimate interests of the Timorese people. The Angolan people and Government pledge their solidarity with the people of East Timor in their just struggle for national independence. We are in favour of talks between Portugal, as the administrating Power overseeing the Territory, and Indonesia, without excluding the physical presence of representatives of East Timor as a direct and concerned party, so that a fair and comprehensive solution may be found - a solution that takes into account, above all, the legitimate interests and rights of the Maubere people.
In the Middle East, the prospects for a speedy solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict are discouraging. In our view, the Jewish settlements in occupied Arab territories tend to worsen the conflict rather than contributing in any way to its solution.
In the Angolan Government's view, it is crucial that an International conference on the Middle East be urgently convened to bring together all parties involved, including the Palestine Liberation Organisation - an honourable representative of the Palestinian people, which has been fighting for decades for the right to self-determination.
We cannot fail to refer, however briefly, to the more effervescent political situations in other regions today.
As regards Africa, we reaffirm the right of the peoples in this region to decide their future freely, without foreign interference in the shape of the formation of, or support for, insurgent armed groups, through direct military intervention, or by any other means.
In Latin America, interventionist policies, aggression, economic embargoes and interference in the internal affairs and against the interests of another State continue to be a strong threat to the sovereignty of nations in the region, as well as to peace and international security. Such conduct is increasingly in sharp contrast to the growing tendency to seek peaceful solutions to conflicts.
The People's Republic of Angola welcomes all initiatives towards the reunification of Korea and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula. Proposals for the reunification of Korea must be considered positively, as they can be of great significance for the Korean people and for the peninsula as a whole.
The Angolan Government cannot remain indifferent to world economic problems. This is especially so in view of Angola's position in Africa, which is one of the most impoverished regions of the world. In the early 1980s Angola joined other nations in their firm commitment to improve the world economic environment, and, together, help to overcome hunger, poverty, malnutrition and disease epidemics and eliminate illiteracy, and to solve problems inherent in underdevelopment, in order that people might be offered a more dignified life.
But as we look at the world economic situation today we realise that, in spite of the efforts undertaken by the international community, it has not been possible so far to solve the problems that affect mainly the developing countries. This was the conclusion drawn at the eighth special session of the General Assembly, held last year, which was devoted to international economic cooperation, and particularly to the re-examination of economic growth and development.
In fact, instead of batter balance between the development of the richer countries and that of poorer countries, we are seeing a growing tendency towards polarisation. One example would be that in International trade relations protectionist policies are still being used by the developed countries. The price of raw material exports is constantly declining, and trade conditions continue to deteriorate, undermining efforts by the developing countries to restructure their economies.
Another factor that constitutes a major obstacle to the economic and social development of developing countries is their foreign debt. We believe that developing countries, which are the debtors, and the developed countries, which are the creditors, should make use of the available mechanisms and take measures to put an end to the wasting of resources that we see in the developing countries. This point was recently acknowledged at a ministerial-level meeting of non-aligned countries in Accra.
Me are, nevertheless, convinced that, if the strategy for international development for the Fourth United Nations Decade for Development, adopted at the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, is implemented, many problems will be more easily solved.
As we have already mentioned, Africa is the most impoverished continent on cur planet, in spite of the vast natural resources with which it is endowed. In fact the constant deterioration of the economic situation in most African countries, caused by losses in export revenues, either because of the staggering costs of imports or because of their serious foreign debt, which has reached more than $270 billion, is a reason for our Governments to feel concerned, because it constitutes a new factor conducive to political and social instability.
A few days ago the United Nations evaluated its Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, which was adopted approximately five years ago. As we can see, the results are not very encouraging. The international community should give more support towards the effective implementation of this Programme, because otherwise the African countries will not be able to deal with the crisis that is eroding the continent. The situation is further worsened by the significant changes that have taken place in political and economic relations, with particular relevance to the developments in Eastern Europe.
As regards the economic situation in southern Africa, we are hopeful that the ending of the war in Angola and Mozambique and the complete abolition of apartheid in South Africa will open new and broad prospects for economic development for the benefit of countries in the subregion, through the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC). Taking this objective into account, its member countries are relying increasingly on the support of the international community; this support can be an invaluable contribution to the solution of social problems afflicting the people in the subregion.
In December 1989 the United Nations adopted resolution 44/168, on international assistance for the economic recovery of Angola. For the reasons stated at the time, it has not yet been possible to implement it effectively. We believe, however, that, given the present conditions in our country, it is now possible to implement it more expeditiously. We believe that the donor countries, which have been somewhat apprehensive in the past, can now be reassured.

We should like once again to thank the Member States that in one way or another have helped us, and we appeal to them to maintain a firm commitment to the continuance o£ assistance to the People's Republic of Angola.


Allow me first of all. Sir, to extend to you the warmest congratulations of the Italian Government on your election as President of the Assembly, which reflects the international prestige enjoyed by your country, with which Italy has close and long-standing ties of friendship. Your personal qualities and experience augur well for the progress of work at this session of the General Assembly, which will have to deal with matters of pressing concern to the international community.
I would also like to offer our most sincere good wishes to the seven new Member States, whose admission promotes the principle of universality of the United Nations, to which Italy completely subscribes. We therefore warmly welcome the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia.
Permit me also to express my deepest appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for the continuous efforts he has made during the past year, as in the preceding nine years, to promote international peace and justice and the principles of the United Nations.
During the year that has elapsed since the last General Assembly session, the changes set in motion by the welcome development of the reunification of Germany have been further consolidated and amplified. The collapse of communism has been reshaping Europe. A massive political and institutional restructuring is now in progress, and it will have profound repercussions in the economic field as well.
The threat of nuclear holocaust that overshadowed our planet has now abated. Armaments are no longer the main point of reference in relations among States. The ideological struggle - the competition for world supremacy - which fostered the arms race has ceased to exist. This bears out the truth of the ancient maxim, not always heeded, that weapons in themselves are not the cause of wars and tensions; rather they are a reflection of our ambitions and our fears.
Recent events in the Soviet Union mark an irreversible step forward on the road to democracy and new-found unity in Europe. They open up a new era in global cooperation and creative friendship among peoples.
The Gulf war defeated the strategy of Saddam Hussein, based on the stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction and on aggression. The success of the coalition and the action undertaken by the United Nations justified the difficult choice we all made. Failure to confront the Iraqi dictator would have merely encouraged him to embark on new adventures. The United Nations conferred the seal of legitimacy on the international coalition and provided the instruments of an embargo and an ultimatum. To the Organisation we entrust the implementation of measures to eliminate completely a military Power capable of inflicting further destruction and committing new acts of aggression. We also hope to derive from this experience the incentive for a more generalized control over the transfer and proliferation of sophisticated weaponry and weapons of mass destruction.
In the case of regional crises such as Cambodia, a solution is in sight, while the situations in Cyprus and Afghanistan remain difficult. And the moment of truth has arrived for the parties involved in the Middle East. The Arab-Israeli conflict, revolving around the question of Palestine, continues to be a central issue, both politically and strategically. Forty years of refusals and denials on both sides have erected a barrier that cannot be torn down overnight.
There is still a long way to go, but clearly the next step is the conference on "territory-for-peace", a phrase which represents the only possible outcome if due account is to be taken, inter alia, of the need to affirm, in this case as in others - and giving equal weight to other principles at issue - the right to self-determination, to which we Europeans are particularly sensitive. It would be a pity if the two sides persisted in maintaining dogmatic positions now rendered obsolete by reality. The wrongs suffered by the Palestinians must not be a pretext for violence, while the violence endured by the Jews throughout so much of their history should be a prelude only to peace. Israel's task will be to take the first step towards normalizing relations with surrounding countries. A constructive attitude on the matter of settlements in the occupied territories would be an important step too. In turn, the Arabs will have to terminate the campaign aimed at Israel's liquidation. The territories are not an Israeli conquest but the outcome of aggression perpetrated against Israel. They are its ultimate defense. They can, however, be replaced by other guarantees. The war waged by the Arabs against the Jews must end in a draw, an6 agreements must be stipulated which the peoples can accept and respect in the interest of peace and security.
It is to be hoped that no one will want to take responsibility for undermining the efforts of President Bush and my colleague.
Secretary of State Baker. Those efforts must be supported until they achieve the success that has eluded previous attempts.
The new order still has to be built. We are keenly aware that we cannot shirk our responsibility in this regard, and also realize that we have reached a point where, for the first time in the history of mankind, the problems of our planet can be tackled only on a global scale.
The new order is inevitable, because the old one is gone. This new order will have to be based on rules, principles and institutions accepted by all, and capable of ensuring the protection of fundamental human rights, the development of democracy, the peaceful settlement of disputes, united opposition to aggression, the reduction of armaments, and freedom and justice for all peoples. In other words, the new order must reflect the logic of integration as against the logic of disintegration, dissension and intolerance.
The choice of disintegration may be justified in the light of reactions inspired by fear and insecurity in the wake of the collapse of the old order, while the new one that will succeed it is still uncertain. Ha see the two philosophies of integration and disintegration confronting each other in the very center of Europe, where structures are foiling apart, and trying to reorganize on the basis of new rules and principles. In Eastern Europe millions of people are paying dearly for the disastrous consequences of false myths and ideologies. It would be an illusion to think that mere reversion to democracy and a market economy can lead to rapid recovery in those countries, as long as their society is in a state of dissolution. We West Europeans must first make available the wealth of experience and material resources we have accumulated over the years.
It would be inappropriate for us, as countries committed to liberal and social democracy, to erect a new wall to keep out others. We must be prepared for substantial financial sacrifices, whose dimensions Italy has repeatedly tried to quantify.
The main danger facing the new world order is, in fact, the creation of an impassable gulf between rich and poor countries, between the northern and the southern hemispheres. A truly new order must come to grips with the poverty and underdevelopment that lie at the root of the disarray we see in the world today. Otherwise, the flow of poverty-stricken masses towards the industrialized world, from both the East and the South, will become unstoppable. This flow, spurred by uncertain economic prospects or uncontrolled demographic growth, would upset social balances that are fragile and promote hostility among the poor and egotism among the rich.
The Europe that has emerged from the cold war has sufficient resources to help build a credible order capable of providing an acceptable life, in their country of origin, for the multitudes who are massing on its borders.
If we hesitate we could witness the emergence of an international coexistence that is even harsher and more pitiless than that experienced during the cold war years. He could also fail to attain our objective of an integrated system to replace the tragic divisions of the past. The trends towards fragmentation which we see around us are numerous and dangerous. Indeed, we are only too familiar with them.
First there is the problem of nationalism, which could plunge the restructuring of Europe - from the Soviet Union to Yugoslavia - into chaos. Europe is particularly vulnerable, as it is haunted by historical memories, verging at times on the obsessive. These memories make the very principle of self-determination hard to administer and harmonize with other equally important principles. Everything was simpler in the days of the balance of nuclear power, and everything becomes more complex in the transition from detente to integration. When the central authority of a totalitarian party collapses, local nationalism and ethnic conflicts resurface, and they threaten to make society ungovernable.
In Europe nationalism has caused bloodshed and destruction in the past, partly because there was no political or moral authority capable of arbitrating conflicts. Today the situation is different. He have the United Nations, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the European Community and the Council of Europe, which are capable of reconciling solidarity with independence and integration with respect for national identities, and which, as in the case of the Twelve, serve as a model for new federations.
We must support those who are trying to form associations or confederations of free nations. Within individual countries, respect for the rights of minorities will assume a central role in synthesizing the demands of self-determination and the needs of integration. Within our own borders, and specifically in Alto Adige, Italy has constructed a model of autonomy which will be completed in the next few weeks, hopefully even before the end of this session.
The Gulf war has revealed another possible source of fragmentation and discord between the West and the Arab world. We are not yet free of the danger of new holy wars and new types of intolerance on the part of fundamentalists using religion as a political means. Here, too, we must make a distinction between a justifiable need for an identity, which serves a unifying function, and the belief that one is a besieged minority holding the only key to enlightenment. This feeling produces a siege mentality, fear of the outside world and the idea that evil is embodied in a single clearly identifiable enemy - either the State of Israel or the West as a whole.
Racism as a statutory norm will disappear with the demise of apartheid. But it poses a continuing threat to society, including our Western societies that are receiving a host of new immigrants flocking to our cities in search of refuge, protection and hope.
The pronouncement once made by the United Nations equating Zionism with racism is particularly unacceptable at this juncture. It was made at a time when our Organization was dominated by automatic, Manichean majorities, hostile in principle to the State of Israel. Any resolution that equates the quest for a homeland, an aspiration common to many European cultures undergoing a Risorgimento of their own, with an act of genocide is, to our way of thinking, an aberration. We must ensure that this outrage is expunged from the annals of our Organization. We, for our part, are committed to seeing that this happens during the present session.
Protectionism is the other grave danger threatening our future. If the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade were to fail, regionalism would prevail over multilateralism, reducing trade to bilateral relations that could marginalize the poorer countries completely. If the current round of negotiations is not completed by the end of this year, the door will be open to all kinds of protectionist and autarchic schemes, somewhat tempered by fragile bilateral agreements that are subject to revision whenever there is a change in the economic situation. In a climate of protectionism it would be even more difficult, if not impossible, to undertake any major effort to integrate the third-world countries into the world economy or to give the newly emerging Eastern democracies easier access to free markets. The sacrifices demanded of these countries would appear even more unfair when compared with the selfish rivalries between the rich of this world.
The involvement of the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the management of the Yugoslav crisis is in itself a sign of the new times we are living in and of the need for a dynamic interpretation of the role of the United Nations in situations which depart from the classical pattern of inter-State conflicts.
The way in which the leading world Organization handles the crisis will test the United Nations capacity to play a peacemaking role even in such complex cases as that of Yugoslavia.
The same obviously applies to the European Community, which Immediately realized the risks arising from the Yugoslav crisis, and from the very outset has been seeking a peaceful solution in the framework of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and developed in the Charter of Paris, namely, the right to self-determination, the preservation of territorial integrity, and the protection of the rights of minorities.
The adoption of resolution 713 (1991) by the Security Council reflects the broad international consensus on the need to try all possible means of containing the Yugoslav crisis and encouraging the search for political means of settling it. It also completes, in an exemplary manner, a process that is clearly indicative of the growing complementarity of the various organizational levels at which international decision-making is conducted.
First proposed by the Twelve, subsequently endorsed by 35 States participating in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and further developed with the involvement of the Western European Union, the initiative to promote peace in Yugoslavia is now enriched by the very important contribution of the Security Council, and there is no doubt that with this development the international community's desire to see the Yugoslav crisis channeled into paths of peace will have been fully satisfied.
The successful achievement of integration will be contingent on the acceptance of rules and principles and the existence of institutions capable, not only of establishing them, but also of enforcing them. This is the constructive innovation that has been made possible precisely by the changes in Europe and other parts of the world. The prospect of universality supporting the United Nations is based on the affirmation of a new scale of common values, the first prerequisite of a democratic world order. We are witnessing the application, also in inter-State relations, of that freedom defined by Kant as the option not to obey any laws other than those to which one has freely consented. We are gradually moving from guarantees within the State to guarantees against the State, overcoming the discrepancy, too frequently encountered in the past, between promises and fulfillment.
This objective is being attained at the regional level, and Indeed is being effectively achieved in the European context, but it is increasingly becoming the stain task of the United Nations. As we have seen in the aftermath of the Gulf war, the right to intervene for humanitarian ends and for the protection of human rights is gaining ground. This type of intervention has become an idea-force, and the most truly innovative concept of the remaining decade of this century. This must be the focal point of our efforts through the United Nations, which is also the main forum of the new world order. Intervention that is primarily aimed at securing protection of human rights and respect for the basic principles of peaceful coexistence, is a prerogative of the international community, which must have the power to suspend sovereignty whenever it is exercised in a criminal manner. The international community must be on the side both of democratically elected parliaments and of oppressed nationalities, whether those emerging within the new Europe, or the Kurds.
It would be both understandable and useful if this process first occurred in a smaller geographical area, among more homogeneous countries, such as those belonging to the European Community and those participating in the CSCE. There is no conflict here. In fact, this regional approach and the global approach represented by the United Nations are complementary.
The European Community la asking its own original contribution to this process and is bent on consolidating and improving the effectiveness of its own organization. If one half of Europe, committed to adopting a democratic political structure and a market economy is redesigned, the other half cannot maintain the same old balances and preserve the institutions of the past.
The time has come also to adjust the structures and tasks of the United Nations. Of course, this is not the first time the question has been raised, but now discussion of it has become inevitable in the light of the following considerations:
First, the end of East-West rivalry, which paralyzed the Organization's activities, and the risk, instead, of a more explosive North-South confrontation;
Second, the achievement of universality by the United Nations, enhanced by the most recent admissions of new Members;
Third, the restructuring of the international community. Such new forms of supranationality as the European Community are emerging; a country such as the Soviet Union, which will also become one of the supporting structures of the new order, is being radically transformed;
Fourth, the need to involve in our collective responsibility countries that have hitherto played a role not commensurate with their importance, and that are now acquiring a new political and economic dimension and a new awareness of their tasks;
Fifth, the need to ensure that no single country or small group of countries can assume responsibility for constituting a sort of military arm of the new international order;
Sixth, the dissemination of rules and principles that are finally gaining universal acceptance and could be enforced at a level above national sovereignties;
Seventh, the transition to the globality of a world system governable only by a renovated United Rations, complemented by other groups of limited geographical dimensions, which will help to apply the same principles and rules.
These ideas could provide the basis for a possible reorganization of the United Nations, which should be gradual in nature but entail changes in certain important provisions currently in force. As structured at present, the United Nations affords a guarantee of, but sometimes imposes limits on, the governability of the world. An initial partial contribution is already contained in some proposals presented informally by a group of countries, which we appreciate. But we clearly need to go further. Italy, in pursuance of some earlier suggestions, considers that the following major goals should be sought.
One should be the elimination of all discriminatory language from the Charter, especially that deriving from the Second World War, which seems even less acceptable now that the cold war is over. I have in mind the references
to the so-called "enemy States", which means those that were defeated at that time. We intend to launch a specific initiative in that connection, in consultation with the countries concerned, at the earliest opportunity;
A second goal should be the expansion of the Security Council, with the increase in the number of both permanent and non-permanent members, which would not necessarily entail extending the right of veto to all the new permanent members. We propose that the selection of the latter should be made on the basis of objective criteria, such as the size of the country's population and its gross national product. The Security Council was first expanded in 1963 to take into account the increase in the number of Member States. Since then, the membership has risen from 113 to 166 - a 50 per cent increase. This factor is in itself sufficient to warrant - and indeed to make necessary - an expansion of this decision-making body of the Organization. Since it is required to make choices of major importance, the Security Council must fully reflect developments in international society;
A third goal should be the revision of some Chapters of the Charter, such as Chapter VII. Here, too, on the basis of recent experience ranging from the Persian Gulf to Yugoslavia, and with the emergence of the principle of active intervention for humanitarian purposes that I referred to earlier, there is ample scope for innovation;
A fourth goal should be the introduction of a system of weighted voting, in both the General Assembly and the Security Council. This is not a problem to be dealt with now, but a distant prospect that cannot be overlooked if we are to take more timely and effective decisions. Various proposals have also been made on this point in the past, and they could be usefully studied.
On questions regarding the removal of references to "enemy States", the expansion of the Security Council and the revision of the Charter, Italy will be submitting some written comments in the course of this session, as a contribution to our joint deliberations.
We realize how difficult it is simply to contemplate the changes I have just outlined. I know it means retreating from established positions, giving up some prerogatives, and undertaking a redistribution of international power to reflect the changes that have taken place in the world in recent years, particularly since 1989.
But we believe that the task must have seemed just as daunting to those who, nearly half a century ago, defined the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter in an atmosphere of enthusiasm and participation, not entirely free of illusions, at the end of the two conflicts that have divided the world during this century.
Today, international realities and the expectation they generate give us a similar mandate, at the conclusion of a third world war, which was incomparably less bloody than those that had preceded it but which has left us a legacy of risks and dangers no less serious. We would be remiss in our duty if we continued to apply the same rules and used the same tools as before. If there » to be a renewal, the United Nations must be overhauled. We should like this to be one of the messages sent by the General Assembly at its present session.