I should like my words to this Assembly, to which are brought such important problems and thorny situations, to be a fervent message of the faith and hope of the Dominican Government, a message brought from the heart of the land where the first institutions were established after the discovery of America and the meeting of races and cultures.
On behalf of the Dominican Republic, I wish most sincerely to congratulate
Mr. Guido de Marco on his having been elected President of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. In conferring on him such an outstanding honour, the Organisation has recognised his outstanding diplomatic work and his devotion to the cause of peace.
He also wish to congratulate the President of the forty-fourth session, the Ambassador of Nigeria, Major General Joseph Garba, on the excellent work he did and on the wisdom and discretion with which he overcame innumerable obstacles.
We reiterate our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, who has spared no efforts in the cause of world peace. He has even made several trips to that region of anguish the Middle East, and has established valuable personal contacts with the aim of finding a negotiated solution to the crisis that affects that region, in particular the Persian Gulf.
We wish to place on record the great pleasure of the Dominican Republic at the admission of Namibia to the Organisation. That country should have taken its seat here long ago, but finally its admission has become a reality.
It is with great pleasure that we associate ourselves with the expressions of solidarity made here following the admission of the State of Liechtenstein. It has been welcomed with much pleasure as a member of this family of nations, which has thus come nearer to universality.
At this crucial moment in contemporary history it is an imperative need for the Organisation to carry out its sacred mission of safeguarding peace at all costs. Scarcely five years ago tensions between the nuclear Powers were growing more acute, and the arms race had accelerated greatly and represented a terrible danger to human existence. The talks and the agreements on the elimination of short- and medium-range missiles prove that with political will peace can be maintained.
The unexpected and brutal invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, which overthrew its legitimate Government and violated the sovereignty of a virtually helpless nation, has been condemned by the whole international community. Such is the enormity of this violation perpetrated at all levels by the reckless Iraqi leader, on whom all eyes are fixed in horror, that we cannot foresee the future course of these events.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, in his introductory statement to the forty-fifth session, indicated his concern over the crisis in the Persian Gulf and the resultant danger of a vast conflagration. The Dominican Republic, as an active member of the community of nations, fully supports the terms and substance of the resolutions adopted by the Security Council in view of this grave violation, this armed attack that has usurped the sovereignty of a State, and invokes the inherent right of self-defence as the necessary response of the international community in the face of this gross and unprecedented annexation.
Turning now to my country, the President of the Republic, Dr. Joaquin Balaguer, after being re-elected in May and assuming office in mid-August this year, has been striving to carry out the arduous task of the modernisation of our State at all levels, executing a plan of economic adjustment and national consultation among labour, management and the general public, which should end with the establishment of our economy on a sound basis. Nevertheless, our country, like other developing countries, is facing the serious problem of external debt, aggravated by the persistently low prices of our export commodities.
The debt is a heavy burden that hinders our growth and development. Reforms of economic policy and structural adjustment that we have carried out cannot be fully effective unless the developed countries adopt measures to alleviate this insupportable burden of debt. In this regard we greatly welcome the initiative of President Bush to grant partial forgiveness of the concessional debt and we urge creditor countries to implement similar programmes to reduce or cancel debt through official assistance, since now that the debt has become un-payable it has turned into a problem that can only be dealt with through international co-operation.
I should indicate that the Read of the Dominican State has achieved the best results in his policy of providing the country with the infrastructure it requires for its growth and subsequent development. Here we should mention the construction of housing, hospitals, sports facilities, schools, local road networks, aqueducts and dams. His Government enjoys general recognition and gratitude for the striking results of the creation of new free trade zones in different areas of our country. Re is also credited with being the real initiator and main driving force of tourism and the growing development of the tourist infrastructure of our country.
This vast work of national renewal has been made possible thanks to the climate of democracy, confidence and security prevailing in our country and thanks to the absolute respect of the Government for the free exercise of human rights, from the main human right, the right to life, to unrestricted freedom of expression and thought.
In this way the noble principles enshrined in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Hunan Rights and in international covenants on the subject are being translated into reality. Any foreigner coating to the Dominican Republic can see the reality of a proverbially hospitable nation that enjoys peace, quiet and order under the total protection of its competent authorities.
We have always been opposed to any form of racial discrimination because such discrimination constitutes a flagrant violation of human rights. So it is a subject of justified pleasure to see how the South African President,
Frederik De Klerk, is becoming reconciled to this view and how he has admitted to the press the possibility of candidates of any race having the right to vote. That presages the beginning of the process that will finally lead to the elimination of the hated system of apartheid.
Any act of discrimination regardless of its form and regardless of the person or entity it is directed against, is to be censured and is contrary to morality and law. In the light of this reflection, the delegation of the Dominican Republic believes that the resolution which equated Zionism with racism is in and of itself an act of discrimination, and thus we feel that it should be repealed.
The unification of the Korean peninsula is a subject of the greatest concern to the international community. The Dominican Republic expresses its pleasure at the advances made by the communities of South Korea and North Korea in the areas of economic co-operation and cultural exchange as part of the process of rapprochement, which, on the basis of dialogue and negotiation between the two sides, could lead to the reunification of Korea. Accordingly, until the achievement of that unity, we would favour the admission of South Korea to the United Nations.
The reunification of Germany, an event of such extraordinary importance that it does not need to be emphasised here, constitutes a veritable milestone in the history of the United Nations. It represents the most outstanding case of integration and national reconciliation in the post-war period. It shows how much can be accomplished by fraternity and solidarity, and it is the most striking example of integration in this new era of changes and opportunities that can lead to a better future for mankind.
Aware of the extremely serious problem of drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking, the Dominican Government is implementing severe measures to combat that scourge which so cruelly afflicts mankind. Our authorities are waging active campaigns for the prevention of drug abuse, while taking vigorous administrative, judicial and legislative action against the production, use and marketing of and illicit trafficking in drugs.
I feel it is appropriate here to turn to a subject that is of great interest today the process of transition to a democratic pattern that has been going on for some time now in the Republic of Haiti. On this subject the Dominican delegation expresses its satisfaction at the encouraging progress made in the preparations for the holding of presidential elections that will soon take place in that country. The Dominican Republic therefore favours the provision of assistance by the United Nations in the form of observers appointed by our Organisation to assist the Haitian nation during the elections.
By an accident of fate the Republic of Haiti and the Dominican Republic share the same island and have known similar vicissitudes on their respective paths towards independence and sovereignty, and therefore we are most interested in seeing our sister nation achieve stability. But our country's fundamental interest is not limited to that aspect; it also concerns Haiti's political and economic development.
Haiti needs the support of the entire international community, since until we, the nations of this hemisphere, have thus far confined ourselves to pointing out the problems without striving to find the right solutions to them, for that reason, we feel it is time to discuss, this delicate situation before the Assembly. Its scope is more than national, even than regional, and it has become a question that deserves the attention of the international community.
The Dominican Republic, familiar with the problems of our neighbour country and aware of its own historic responsibilities, has found it necessary to receive a constant flow of Haitian immigrants, numbering more than 1 million, who are competing freely with the Dominican labour force. Our country accepted this immigration since one of the cardinal principles of its foreign policy is to regard solidarity as the highest elevated expression of human conscience. Thus Haitian nationals also enjoy the same benefits and prerogatives and Dominicans, in an atmosphere of security and respect without discrimination of any kind.
Lastly, we are particularly pleased to state that as the obstacles to the full rehabilitation of Haiti are gradually overcome, opportunities for greater co-operation between our two countries will increase and we shall march together towards the achievements of our most cherished ideals and our highest national aspirations.
In conclusion, I should like to stress our conviction that the United Nations is the authentic custodian that will preserve the inestimable treasure of the lofty values extolled at the dawn of a new era of harmony and peace. This bright awakening of the universal conscience reflects the emergence of an era based on the high principles enshrined in the Charter of this noble institution, the nurturing source of all the hopes and desires of Mankind.


Mr. President, please accept my congratulations on your election. Your talents will ensure that the Assembly’s work is conducted in a fair and efficient manner.
I wish also to convey to your predecessor our appreciation of the important tasks he accomplished.
May I also assure the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, that Brazil has been following, and supports, the diplomatic activity he has undertaken in the discharge of his functions. We recognize in him a dynamic Secretary-General dedicated to the lofty purposes of the United Nations.
A few days ago, Liechtenstein was admitted as a new Member State. On behalf of Brazil I extend my welcome to Liechtenstein and wish it every success at the United Nations.
I am addressing the General Assembly for the first time. I note with emotion that the general debate is opening precisely at a time when many and profound changes in Brazil and throughout the world are bringing about a revision of concepts and misconceptions that for decades have asphyxiated the community of nations. I wish to convey to the Assembly the views of the people of Brazil and their new Government on the prospects for peace, freedom and progress throughout the world, and on the role to be played by this Organization in the years ahead.
I am convinced that the dawn of the new era we are striving to create will certainly shine forth from this privileged forum of reflection and analysis. The brilliance of that dawn will depend on our individual and collective endeavours towards world peace, the prosperity of nations and the growing solidarity among the peoples of the world.
In the last 12 months a number of events have transformed the outlook of international relations, especially at the East-West level. Peoples who had been subjected to authoritarian regimes resolutely and definitively chose to follow the path of democracy. The end of the cold war represented the liquidation of a bitter legacy of disappointment, confrontation and risk to the very survival of humanity. The relaxation of international tensions has shed light upon the understanding of our common destiny, emphasising the global nature of the relationship among peoples and between mankind and the environment.
New and promising trends have almost led us into euphoria and complacency. But the vulnerability of the international order, the destabilising effect of certain regional crises and the seriousness of economic problems would warrant caution and reserve.
The crisis that has befallen Kuwait presents an unexpected and serious threat to collective pace. The Brazilian Government deems it essential that the mandatory resolutions adopted by the Security Council be immediately complied with.
These resolutions were adopted in response were adopted in response to the clamour of international public opinion. Their legal basis is found in the Charter. All parties involved must therefore abide by them, not as a sign of weakness but as an inescapable legal and political obligation. This seems to be the only just and peaceful means to restore tranquility to the region and the world at large. It is our belief that all States are profoundly committed to peace and to the agile and effective use of diplomatic means to avoid conflict.
By immediately and fully complying with the resolutions, Member States have in turn unequivocally indicated that a breach of international legal order is intolerable in times when even conventional weapons have awesome destructive force and the international economy presents a network of complementary interests. They have also expressed their firm support for United Nations efforts in the region as a whole, where many a people deserving, as all others, of peace, security and prosperity have for so long been vexed by crises. Brazil is particularly concerned with the fate of the long-suffering Lebanese people, torn by internal strife, their sovereign capacity to decide their own destiny thwarted by the presence of foreign troops.
I reaffirm the determination of my Government fully to comply with Security Council resolution 661 (1990) within its domestic jurisdiction.
The decisions of the Council affect the economic interests of Member States quite differently; and Brazil, which, as is generally known, had been struggling with difficulties prior to the crisis, ranks among the countries outside the region that have been most adversely affected.
Closely attuned to the more positive trends of contemporary history, Brazil is undergoing a process of deep transformation which sets it irreversibly on the path towards full democracy, economic liberalisation and social justice. Elected by my fellow citizens in the freest elections ever held in our history, I have taken upon myself crucial personal and political responsibilities before 150 million Brazilians. The mandate conferred upon me by the people is that of swiftly promoting modernisation and fully integrating the country into the world economy in order to render it more competitive and so that a its people may reach the levels of well-being to which their talents and industriousness entitle them.
It is my commitment to rehabilitate both the State and society, to guarantee fully functioning democratic institutions, to restructure and revitalise the economy, to defeat inflation, to unleash the creative forces of the private sector, and to fight the misery which still torments a portion of my people.
It is also my duty to protect the most vulnerable segments of society. This explains why I have given top priority to children and the young. Children, it has been repeatedly stated, embody the future, and this is particularly true in a country like Brazil, with a predominantly young population, which anxiously seeks modernisation.
We are aware that our country faces dramatic problems in this respect. We make no secret of these problems nor of our resolve to solve them. The comprehensive initiatives we have launched on behalf of children indicate how seriously committed we are to converting Brazil’s potential into a lasting reality.
I therefore welcome with enthusiasm the initiative for convening the World Summit for Children, with which Brazil associates itself and in which I intend to participate personally in an intensive and constructive manner.
As a result of important ongoing changes, deep-seated pessimism is vanishing and opposing views are in the process of being reconciled. Authoritarianism is doomed. Political and psychological attitudes based upon steady progress towards freedom, democracy and improved dialogue among nations are asserting themselves.
At this point no Government can avoid or be excluded from the debate on the prospects for a future world order. In Latin /america we have reached, not without difficulty, an advanced stage of democratic evolution and respect for human rights, which constitute for us a source of pride and renewed encouragement.
In our region, as in others, men, women and above all the young have new energies and hopes. Once again Latin America was proved itself worthy of the dreams of emancipation of its peoples and is reconciled with its true democratic calling.
In Africa remnants of the colonial past are crumbling at the same time that the last bastion of segregation and racism is finally beginning to break apart. Together with my fellow Brazilians I salute the independence of Namibia, a process which my country consistently supported, and we wish the young State the realisation of its enormous potential. I also welcome the release of Nelson Mandela, which was enthusiastically applauded in Brazil, and I wish him every success in his courageous struggle.
The international community’s agenda has become global in scope. The United Nations is faced with the task of establishing a new framework for peace and prosperity. it is no longer possible to conceive of a world chronically split into feuding halves. Neither ideology nor poverty can be allowed to come between human beings.
The trend towards globalisation holds true for every quadrant of the world, East and West, North and South. The yearning for freedom, dignity and better living conditions knows no boundaries. New opportunities must not be missed lest we run the risk of replacing the obsolete East-West confrontation with the aggravation of the North-South crisis and of adding new mistakes that may jeopardise the future of international society.
The Brazilian Government is prepared to discuss the basic outline of a new international structure that can ensure peace and further co-operation. It would not suffice merely to preserve the current global political and economic arrangements and even less to repeat the past, recent or remote. The highly antiquated concept of power, as the capacity for destruction and as an expression of economic hegemony, should be finally abandoned. It is necessary to dismantle its practical apparatus. Thus, first, military alliances must undergo profound transformation in order to reflect and interdependent world we now live in. Secondly, partial negotiation on disarmament should be expand in order to assume a general and complete scope, above all in the fields of nuclear and chemical weapons, in response to the expectations of the international community. Lastly, regional tensions must be thoroughly addressed in diplomatic and political terms in order that they may be eliminated as hotbeds of global instability.
Above all it is imperative to articulate a new concepts of world power as a revolutionary capacity for invention, production and construction for the benefit of all nations and all peoples.
Peace is multifaceted and should translate at the international level the trends towards democracy, participation and representation. Democratisation of the world order is a prerequisite for a peace that is both just and sound, free from any kind of threat. Peace must mean more than the abolition of conflicts, of threats and of the hegemonic preponderance of the most developed or most powerful. Thus, the major international institutions must reflect the new realities and be capable of accommodating the rapid and fruitful increase in contacts among States and the formation of multiple groupings.
This comprehensive concept of peace is illustrated by the new pace set for the process of dialogue and integration in South America. Day by day the understanding within Amazonian, Andean and Southern Cone groups of nations gains in substance. Outstanding among these efforts is the determination displayed by the Governments of Brazil and Argentinian in establishing a common market before December 1994. The process of integration under way in the Southern Cone involves, in addition to Brazil and Argentina, the fraternal countries of Paraguay, Uruguay and Chile.
In Latin America a pioneering initiative of diplomatic co-operation, the Group of Rio, grows stronger and has now attained political maturity. Our region is thus in a position to engage in a dialogue with the centres of the world economy, the United States, Western Europe and Japan, in order to explore new opportunities for economic exchange and co-operation. In that regard the economic initiative recently launched by the United States Government met with a positive reaction on the part of many Latin American countries. It will certainly be consolidated in the next few months.
In the South Atlantic the sons of peace and co-operation established by a resolution of the General Assembly gains in substance and, with the relaxation of international tensions, will encompass new elements of global interest, such as the protection and preservation of the marine environment. In this field our sons of peace and of co-operation may play an innovative role on a global scale, provided more committed financial and technological support is available.
Brazil ratified the Treaty of Tlatelolco and has reiterated in international forums its respect for its purposes and those of related International agreements. Recently Brazil and Argentian publicly announced that an intense exchange of views is taking place among interested parties on the implementation of the Treaty of Tlatelolco. That pioneering Latin American initiative in the field of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons proceeded all other efforts, whether regional or universal in scope, devoted to the same objective. I believe, however, that the time has come to go on e step further. Brazil today discards the idea of any experiments that might involve nuclear explosions, even if only for peaceful purposes. We trust other nations will consider the possibility of following the same path.
All changes that seek to consolidate freedom and democracy to strengthen true peace and international security, to cast away old myths and to reconcile efficiency with justice are of interest to Brazil. Not every new development on the international scene, however, is forward looking. The structure of power have, in essence, not yet been altered. In fact one may even fear a reinforcement of the international stratification, both economic and political. This could include a biased discrimination hindering access to scientific and technological knowledge.
Efforts towards disarmament are still incipient and their diplomatic handling has never been so remote from multilateral forums. Military incidents in different parts of the world demonstrate that many regional security problems have not yet been addressed. Racialist and xenophobic outbursts are unfortunately recurring in some quarters.
Nevertheless, we have not abandoned optimism. History shall not be rewritten. We think that, faced with the global challenges of modern life, humanity will march - despite present difficulties and obstacles - towards new, peaceful and productive forms of co-existence. The global structure shall allow for new strides in the pursuit of human happiness. We are not condemned to the twin threats of violence and political confrontation.
A promising agenda is being announced which includes, not only the reactivation of economic development and international co-operation, but also issues involving the observance of all human - political, economic and social - as well as concerted efforts to protect the environment on a global scale and the fight against illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs. As East-West tensions disappear, the question of establishing new guidelines for the international economic order asserts itself with renewed vigour.
There persist the perverse practices and mechanism of protectionism and managed trade. Such partial openings as may occur are based on the rigid observance of the principle of reciprocity, to the detriment of more fragile economies. It is unsettling that efforts on behalf of economic and trade liberalisation should share the stage with the present neo-protectionist wave. As it opens up its economy to the world, and in the understanding that an open world economy will be established, Brazil is participating in the current Uruguay Round and is confident that these negotiations, conducted within the framework of the  General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, may correct the persistent disorder and atrophy affecting international trade.
The use of expert subsidies and other domestic support measures on the part of developed nations has reached excessive levels, strongly affecting developing nations otherwise capable of increasing the world’s supply of agricultural or agro-industrial products. It is deplorable tat the protectionist arsenal currently in use by the developed world should under the increase in the level of world food production, while hunger still afflicts a large portion of mankind.
We look forward, with great hope, to balanced results in all areas currently under negotiation at the Uruguay Round, which may strengthen multilateralism and nullify restrictionist trends. We do not want the freezing of North-South inequalities or the continued stifling of free competition by artificial means.
In the context of well-known economic difficulties faced by the major economic Powers, both domestically and in their relations with each other, there looms the risk that the megablocs will not be guided by global interests, by the logic of economic openness and a sense of the whole. On the contrary, there is a risk that they will degenerate into veritable “trade fortresses”. Twin challenges have come to further cloud that outlook. The first concerns the orderly absorption of East European countries into the world market in such a way that this far-reaching and positive development does not disrupt traditional North-South trade and investment flows nor add further cause of disarray to the already precarious state of the economies of the developing countries. The second challenge derives from the persistent and radical economic inequality among nations, a fact that is in itself one of the major obstacles to the full development of social and economic forces on a world scale. The issue of economic development and international co-operation must be placed at the top of the multilateral agenda.
In Brazil a comprehensive and coherent programme of social and economic reform is being developed which, in order to be swiftly implemented, calls for a prompt inflow of foreign funds, granted on favourable and mutually beneficial terms. Such measures as have been adopted are already reversing and economic situations the prospects of which were distressing, and are paving the way for the immediate restoration of international co-operation with our country, Brazil.
We trust this effort will meet with a positive response from our most significant partners in the developed world. We wish to make the best of the present moment, in which the new supersedes the old in so many ways. Brazil wishes to play in full its role in the conception of a global framework of peace and co-operation.
In this regard, by adopting the Declaration on International Economic Co-operation last May, this Assembly came to recognise, through the unanimous voice of its Member States, that the economic revitalisation of the developing countries is the major challenge of the present decade.
Brazil is seeking economic efficiency and desires that the economy of every developing country become productive. Such a goal may be reached if the world economy is better organised. This is a responsibility shared by all countries. The persistence of hunger, the deprivation of minimum amenities and the extreme economic hardship in many areas ultimately affect the whole by way of environmental devastation, systematic violation of human rights, and the production and illegal trafficking in drugs. The conscience and the way of life of every society are thus disastrously affected.
The last decade, though propitious for public liberties and political pluralism, was at the same time cruel and parsimonious towards economic and social development. Development, however, is crucial for the consolidation of democratic institutions. The titanic efforts of many of the peoples of the developing world came to naught by virtue of the enormous and continuing transfer abroad of assets essential to economic growth and investment.
Finding a permanent solution to the problem of foreign debt is a task of urgent and overriding concern for the future of the developing countries, and especially Latin America. The economic recovery of our peoples is an unavoidable imperative that cannot be sacrificed and that will not be sacrificed. Economic stabilisation and modernisation initiatives in developing countries and, especially, their fuller integration into the world economy, would be threatened if the foreign debt problem were to retain its present features. It seems indispensable that a serious, frank and creative dialogue should bring about solutions at the international level making for the resumption of the process of economic growth and the development of our peoples.
The second major issue of the new international agenda concerns the environment.
I wish to extend from this rostrum an invitation to the world to come to Brazil in 1992 for the great United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, perhaps the most important international meeting to be held in this century, by virtue of the issue it addresses, which is of vital interest to mankind, and in the light of the expected number of participants, including some at the non-governmental level. I invite all Heads of State and Government to attend that event. Brazil welcomes you with open arms.
That meeting will lead to a more precise definition of the generic concern for the environment, and it will also allow agreements to be concluded on the basis of a sense of shared responsibility on the part of all international actors. For this to occur, it is incumbent upon Governments to take up their responsibilities and to revise their objectives. Brazil stands ready to do its part and is already doing its part, confident that other countries will do the same.
We are energetically tackling Brazil’s environmental problems. Despite serious economic difficulties, grave social problems and the huge expanse of our territory, the Government and society of Brazil are already making efforts in the realm of the environment that compare favourably to those of other countries. As environmental monitoring develops in Brazil, we are proceeding to establish a zoning system for the country, notably in the Amazon, so as to delimit scientifically the large areas that must be fully preserved, as well as those that will serve economic development in different degrees and under rigorous discipline.
Like all other developing countries, Brazil needs easier access to technologies that will permit the elimination of damages to the environment and that are environmentally safe. Such technologies should be used for the benefit of all countries. There is an urgent need for financial conditions to be established at the international level which will allow such technologies to be applied in competitive terms.
The countries that throughout history have contributed most to the pollution of the environment have the greatest share of responsibility in this respect. By facilitating the availability of technologies and resources, these countries will play a crucial role in reversing the situation of environmental calamity
unjustly inherited by the present generation and in offering appropriate solutions. The benefit should not be monopolised or concentrated among the few but should rather be spread out as much as possible. In a spirit of fairness we foresee that the more developed countries will commit greater resources to the correction of environmental problems. Such correction must not, even indirectly, widen the gap between rich and poor countries. A higher level of international solidarity is called for as regards the user of modern, low-cost technologies.
Aware of the fact that access to technology, as well as to its production and use, is a new and accessory economic paradigm, Brazil cannot but express its strong concern with the barriers that still persist to free exchange in such a decisive.
What is at stake is nothing less than our chances for integration into dynamic core of the world economy. Those countries that are subordinate in the field of technology will also be subordinate in the new international division of labour arising from technological development. International barriers portray the grim policies that virtually aside countries of late industrialisation.
The concern of Brazil is understandable not only of economy of its technological capacity — which is among the most advanced in the developing world — but also because we live under democratic normalcy, with truly functioning institutions and a Government which is uncompromisingly faithful to the rule of law and to its international commitments.
I could not fail to refer to the importance that the issue of human rights is gaining on our common agenda. In view of the current expansion of democratic ideals, international consideration of this matter will gain in scope and incisiveness.
Brazil firmly supports this trend. We believe, in fact, that the world is on the threshold of a qualitative leap in this area. Affronts to human rights must be denounced and fought with the same vigour wherever they may occur. One of my paramount concerns in this field is preserving the life and customs of the indigenous communities of Brazil. To this end, my Government has taken drastic measures during the first six months of its mandate in an attitude of absolute respect for an unyielding protection of the rights of the Brazilian Indian. A great deal remains to be done and will indeed be done.
By its efforts, the international community can be of precious help in creating world-wide conditions which would guarantee the observance of human rights in their broadest sense. It is today incumbent upon all countries to take up new obligations in ensuring the individual greater freedom of movement across borders in eliminating every vestige of discrimination and protecting the rights of foreigners. Human rights must be increasingly understood in their entirety, without artificial or specious distinctions among their various modalities.
Every feature of the new world structure points to the growth of the United Nations. Important institutional changes in this Organisation may be foreseen, even before its fiftieth anniversary, to translate into terms of multilateral diplomacy the international realities emerging everywhere.
The world did not stop in 1945, and a new phase in history has been in the making in the past 12 months. The United Nations, in particular, is giving evidence of increased diplomatic energy. However, the renewed tendency on the part of the permanent members of the Security Council to act as a bloc in certain instances does not seem to be in itself enough to steer us towards an institutional redefinition of the Organisation and of the Council itself.
For the United Nations, as the foremost, if not the only, forum of universal scope, to be able to respond to current challenges, it will prove necessary to return to the original political intentions of the Charter, which have so often been misinterpreted, even in recent times. Those intentions struck a clear balance between the prerogatives of the permanent members of the Security Council and the preservation of the sovereign equality of Member States. The latter is a fundamental principle which should be followed as part of the negotiation process in all organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council.
The new multilateralism must be truly innovative and true to the principle of equitable representation, lest it become a sterile formula or a disguise for a deeper political crisis. The last few weeks have not only clearly , directly an dramatically illustrated the system of international relations, but also exposed its capability and vulnerability. Never before have politics and diplomacy been so necessary on the multilateral scene.
As we build new political and economic structures, increasing claims for justice and participation in the international order are to be added to our quest for efficiency. Our common endeavour in this Hall is, after all, the search for a modernity applicable to all nations, one in which we all identify a human face. What we wish for, from the depth of our hearts, is a world of peace, co-operation, prosperity, justice - a world built upon the basic principles of international law, a world in which we may discern on the horizon the better future that our peoples so dearly hope for, deserve and are sure to achieve.
May God be with us.


Before I begin my statement, allow me to read the following message, which the leader of the revolution, President Qaddafi, has asked to convey to the General Assembly. The text will be distributed shortly.
"The world is witnessing today the collapse of the post-world war. arrangements, which included the division of Germany end Europe, military alliances, the division of the world into East and West. The fall of the Berlin Nail and the reunification of Germany marked the beginning of the collapse of those arrangements which were basically an act of revenge against the Nazi movement, which had plunged the world into the horrific conflict. The crumbling of those arrangements was followed by the end of the traditional conflict between East and West and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, which will lead to the collapse of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
"However, the whole world has ignored, deliberately or not, the dangerous nature of a mine which was part and parcel of these post-war arrangements. It is a mine that threatens world peace. It is the Jewish State in Palestine.
"The establishment of the Jewish State in Palestine was also an act o£ revenge against nazism which had persecuted the Jews in Europe. It was a reaction brought about by the actions of nazism. However, nazism is now a thing of the past. So, why should an innocent people, the Palestinian people, who had no hand in this, pay the penalty?
"The establishment of a State on a religious basis has no acceptable justification. To accept this is to accept the division of the world en a religious basis. That is to say that all the adherents of any one religion have the right to set up a State of their own on any piece of land they choose to make their home. Obviously, the outcome, for the world, would be an unending maelstrom of conflict.
"If, in yesteryears the world sympathized with the Jews and condemned their persecutors, the world must not forget it was Europe that persecuted the Jews. It is Europe that should pay the price. The state of the Jews should be on European soil. We have proposed on several occasions that if there must be a Jewish State, it should be in those areas which we have suggested previously.
"The problem of Palestine is one of the most dangerous problems that pose a threat to international peace. It is the root cause of a perpetual ongoing conflict between East and West, Islam and Christianity and the North and the South. It is the direct cause of what is called terrorism, the taking of hostages and other acts of violence.
"One wonders why, when the world has succeeded in dealing with the many other crises which posed a threat to the peace of the North, should the world leave the peace of the South at the mercy of the mine of a Jewish State in Palestine? A world that is really serious about peace on earth must realize that the religious character of the Jewish State in Palestine should come to an end. In order to bring that about, all the nations of the world should withdraw their recognition of that State and establish a democratic State of Palestine that would be a home for all its inhabitants, regardless of their religion.
"Our advice to the whole world is that if the world really wants peace, it should redress this injustice, just exactly as any other wrong which stemmed from the post-war arrangements has been redressed. Otherwise, present and future generations will pay dearly in violence, terrorism and hate, and the whole world will face the threat of war because of this dangerous mine that has been planted in Palestine."
Having read the message of the leader of the revolution to the Assembly, I come back to my statement. At the outset, I should like to extend to you, Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. This gives me special pleasure in that you belong to a country with which my own maintains relations of good-neighbourliness, co-operation and friendship, and in that both countries have long-standing historical ties. I have every confidence that your experience and diplomatic competence will provide the General Assembly with the wise leadership it so greatly needs in light of the crisis through which we are living.
I should like, too, to express our esteem and gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba, President of the forty-fourth session, for the great efficiency and superb capabilities ha showed in handling the work of that session.
I should not fail to express our high esteem and respect for Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his persistent and sincere efforts to foster the ideals of the United Nations, and for the prominent role he and his colleagues in the Secretariat have played to further the efficiency and effectiveness of the Organization.
We are really gratified and proud in these bleak times that our brethren in southern and northern Yemen have been able, by virtue of their faith and determination, to make the dream of the Yemeni Arab people come true by uniting the Yemeni State after a long period of separation. This development has made us really happy, and our happiness will be even greater when the Arabs will be represented in this forum as a single Arab State, and not as a divided Arab group.
Permit me, too, to welcome the delegation of the independent State of Namibia, which has taken its rightful place as a Member of the Organization. We in Libya are very pleased that our friends in Namibia have been able to achieve independence after a bitter struggle against imperialism, colonialism and apartheid. Namibia's independence has demonstrated that the people's will for liberation, independence and self-determination cannot be vanquished.
I should not fail either to welcome the admission of Liechtenstein to membership of the Organization, for this will contribute to strengthening the United Nations and promote its objectives.
I salute, too, the historic unification of the German people. We are sure that their united State will be an active factor of stability, equilibrium and advancement in our world.
As a matter of fact, this tendency towards the unification of divided peoples, a phenomenon that began to take root after our last session, should be highlighted, respected and encouraged. I use the word "divided" advisedly, because division was imposed on those peoples for reasons I need not recall or dwell upon. The unification of the Yemeni Arab people and the German people - unimaginable for many of us less than a year ago - shows that one of the tendencies which will characterise the next few decades has already emerged and taken root. It is a tendency that will be crucial for the formulation of future international relations, it stems from the aspiration after unity by many a divided people. The Arab people is one of those peoples which were divided in order for them to be easy prey for aggression and dependence. Now I wish I could be proven wrong in this respect. However, I have a strong feeling that is akin to conviction that some of the influential Powers in today's world have taken it upon themselves to perpetuate and further the division of the Arab world into mini-States and small entities that remain easy targets of aggression in order to satisfy their greed and protect their own Interests. That is a near certainty.
The Holy Koran tells us: "And hold fast,
All together, by the rope Which God (stretches out For you}, and be not divided Among yourselves; And remember with gratitude God's favour on you;
For ye were enemies
And We joined your hearts
In love, so that by His Grace
Ye became brethren;
And ye were on the brink
Of the Pit of Fire,
And We saved you from it.
Thus doth God make
His Signs clear to you:
That ye may be guided", <The Holy Koran. III 1103^
"And verily this Brotherhood Of yours is a single Brotherhood,
And I am your Lord And Cherishes therefore
Fear We (and no other)", (The Holy Koran. XXIII˛52ī
"Be not like those who are divided Amongst themselves And fall into disputations After receiving Clear Signs:
For them
IS a dreadful Penalty", (The Holy Koran. III I 105)
To us, therefore, unity is a religious duty and a moral principle. This takes precedence over its being a security, economic or political necessity.
Accordingly, the great Powers which believe in fostering Arab disunity and division must realise that by doing that they commit an act of aggression against the very basis of our belief and principles of morality.
I found it necessary to extol this orientation towards unity, in the sincere hope that others may review their policies and plans and come to realize that stability, peace and progress in the world require respect for the legitimate aspirations of all peoples.
For years, we have been at a crucial juncture that undoubtedly marks the beginning of a new era in international relations. Detente has been achieved and has now developed into entente. It is now universally acknowledged that all of us face serious challenges. Ho longer can any of us say "after me the flood". The cold war has ended, and many of the assumptions created by the Second World War have been abandoned. Great technological progress has been achieved. If used altruistically without a priori judgments, it could open new vistas for humanity and lead mankind to a safe future.
This is only one face of the coin, however. It does have another face which completely contradicts the first. Entente among the rich and powerful has been confined to the northern hemisphere. The South still faces many crises, some of which have been aggravated and turned into imminent threats to peace, security and stability.
Palestine and South Africa exemplify the long suffering of oppressed peoples who have been displaced, oppressed, exploited and subjected to the worst kinds of injustices the appropriation of land, apartheid and attempts at genocide. But still, the hearts and minds of many have been deaf to the call of right, justice and morality.
The tragic economic and social plight of many of the peoples of the third world who continue to be victims of hunger and disease is clear enough, as is the continuous deterioration of their resources and capabilities. On the other hand, the drive to dominate, impose hegemony, exploit and intervene in the internal affairs of others continues to be a pattern of behaviour that some seek to justify. The legitimate aspiration of many nations after unity, progress and peace continue to be ignored. All these are but examples.
That is why we in Libya, much as we welcome entente between the rich and powerful, believe that such entente will not last unless it encompasses the whole world. This, in turn, will not be achieved unless injustice is redressed and the approaches and policies adopted by many are reviewed and realigned to proper values and moral principles.
Allah, the Almighty, said in the Holy Koran,
"Generations before you
We destroyed when they
Did wrong". (The Holy Koran. Xtl3)
Unfortunately, the past few weeks have witnessed the development of a serious crisis which greatly concerns my country. I refer to the Gulf crisis which has arisen, unfortunately, between two neighbourly and brotherly Arab countries. It came about in spite of the special relationship among Arab countries and because of the fact that the present Arab political entities and borders are a product of an era of the Arab weakness which was of the making of the colonial Powers that colonised and divided the Arab world. Hence, those entities do not necessarily reflect Arab aspirations or Arab interests. Regardless of this, no one, my country included, can condone the course of invasion, occupation and annexation.
My country's position has been clear. We condemned the invasion on the first day and demanded the immediate withdrawal of forces; we stressed that Kuwaiti internal affairs are a matter for the Kuwaiti people alone and that no one had the right to decide for them. Within the framework of the League of Arab States, or bilaterally, the Arabs moved to contain and deal with the crisis.
I am sorry to say that Arab efforts were hampered by the few who moved to seize this opportunity to achieve long-cherished goals in the ¡region. They did not act to defend Kuwait, but to tighten their grip over the region's oil fields. They saw in the crisis a golden opportunity that had to be grabbed and exploited. We have seen how reactions followed the actions of those few at a heightened pace. They sent their troops to the region and imposed an embargo against Iraq even before the Security Council could take action, and exerted all manner of pressure and blackmail against various countries to make those countries acquiesce and support them. We only wish that all of this was done with the purpose of maintaining peace and upholding justice and international legitimacy.
Only a few weeks before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the very super-Power that was quick to deploy its forces, impose an embargo and threaten to wage war, had refused to approve the sending of an envoy on a Security Council fact-finding mission to the territories occupied by the Zionists to investigate the systematic policy of murder, deportation and destruction that Israel pursues there. This chameleon-like behaviour throws one off balance.
It is regrettable that some countries behave as if legitimacy is to be respected only when it can be pressed into the service of their greed, their interests and their policies. We fear, and all the nations of the third world would be wel1. advised to fear, that this outlook may become entrenched as a result of the changes that have been taking place in our world over the past few years. Those changes, it would seem, have led some to feel that they have come out as the only super-Power in the post-cold war world.
From the very beginning of the Gulf crisis, my country insisted that it be resolved within an Arab framework and made intensive efforts to find an Arab solution that would prevent foreign intervention because we are aware of its nature and objectives.
My country rejected the foreign presence in the region, called for respecting international legitimacy and called upon the Security Council to perform its duties under the Charter. My country does not concede to any country the right to appropriate for itself any of the Security Council's duties or validities.
Colonel Muammar Quadhafi, our leader, proposed an initiative to solve the Gulf crisis on the occasion of the Twenty-first Anniversary of the Great September First Revolution. We hope that concerted efforts will be made to support the search for a peaceful solution that would spare the world the catastrophe of military confrontation in the region.
It is in this that we face the first test of our credibility and our ability to achieve genuine international détente. Our true will should be manifested in the changes we would collectively bring about with a view to improving the United Nations. The United Nations should have the central role in developing the new framework of international relations. We have to be careful not to let the United Nations become an obedient tool in the hands of any one State or a group of States that would carry the United Nations along in whichever way they wish.
The role of the United Nations still suffers from several shortcomings. We have to take practical, daring steps, in solidarity with each other, to redress the imbalances that have weakened the Organisation. The first step must be a review of the Charter with the purpose of bringing its provisions into step with the profound historical changes we are now witnessing and hope to witness in the future. Some of the provisions of the Charter have become outdated and out of step with international realities. We refer in particular to the prerogative of veto in the Security Council, which has been and continues to be a major hurdle that obstructs the most important role for which the Organization was founded, namely, the maintenance of world peace and security. It is no longer logical to retain this prerogative, which some have used to foster aggression, occupation and invasion.
My country attaches special importance to strengthening security and co-operation in the Mediterranean region. It is regrettable that that region continues to be one of the most dangerous hotbeds of tension in the world. In this connection, we should like to endorse the final communiqué of the Ministerial Conference of Non-Aligned Littoral Countries of the Mediterranean, held in Algeria on 25 and 26 June 1990.
The main threat to peace and obstruction to co-operation and stability in the region is the Zionist entity. That entity, having opted for the threat of force, overt aggression, usurpation of land and genocide as a way of life, has transformed itself into an arsenal of every type of weapon of mass destruction. Through its strategic alliance with certain Powers, it has been given the material and technical means which have enabled it to put spy satellites in space and test long-range missiles - one of which, as may be remembered, landed off the coast of the city of Benghazi in 1989 - let alone the development of its nuclear capabilities and other weapons of mass destruction.
Despite international entente, many areas of the world still witness an escalation of tension and instability. As a case in point, the Palestine question, in particular, and the Arab-Zionist conflict, in general, have been made to develop in an opposite direction to the general tendency towards détente. This has redoubled the possibilities of a major conflagration.
This grave development stems from the conduct of the Zionist entity and the attitude of the Powers which support that conduct. All the resolutions adopted by this forum have elicited nothing but neglect and rejection from the Zionist entity. Undeterred, it goes ahead with the implementation of the racist Zionist movement's scheme of Greater Israel. It stops at nothing in the drive to exterminate the Palestinian people, the rightful owners of the land. It kills, banishes, demolishes houses and deprives the Palestinians of education and the means of livelihood. Today, the Zionist's aim is even clearer than at any other time. They have no qualms about articulating their intention to compel the remnants of the Palestinians to leave their land so that Jews from all over the world may be brought in to replace them as settlers in Palestine and the other occupied Arab territories. Thus they establish the racist Jewish State.
It is painful to find some people who regard all this as an issue of human rights. How unfair to human rights! Is there any provision in the instruments of human rights that stipulates the uprooting of people from their land and their country so that other people may be implanted in their place under the pretext that those who are implanted had suffered oppression at the hands of others? Which is the oppressed party here? Is it the person who was born, as were his parents and ancestors, on the land from which he is expelled, or is it the newcomer who has never seen it, nor had his ancestors? By what logic or reason can we accept that the immigration of Jews to Palestine and the uprooting of that country's people is a question of human rights? The massive influx of Jewish immigrants and their settlement in Palestine and in the occupied Arab territories will have horrendous consequences for peace in the region. It is also a flagrant violation of the norms of international law, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international instruments.
The very least that we should do is to expel the racist entity from this Organisation, whose resolutions the entity rejects. The sanctions mandated by the Charter should be imposed upon that entity. Why have they not been imposed in this case? Historical precedents show that such sanctions have been instrumental in redressing wrongs and implementing the principles of the Charter, as in the case of Rhodesia and South Africa.
While we welcome the resolution of a number of regional problems and questions under international détente, we would like to draw attention to the continued suffering of the Lebanese people which is one of the consequences of the Zionist aggression against Palestine. Also, the question of Cyprus has not been solved and controversy is still rampant among the parties concerned with the Afghan question. We reiterate our firm positions of principle which we have previously declared from this rostrum concerning those questions. We hope that international détente will create favourable conditions for their just resolution.
My country expresses its regret at the failure of the Fourth Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which was held in Geneva recently. While we support the international endeavours to rid the world of the weapons of mass destruction, we stress that those endeavours will succeed only if earnest efforts are made to resolve conflicts and defuse tensions at the international level on the basis of universal disarmament and eradication of all weapons of mass destruction. This cannot be done selectively by focusing on one type or category of those weapons. Such measures should be take£ in an equitable and balanced manner that would ensure the rights of all States to security and development in conformity with the priorities set out in the concluding document adopted at the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, held in 1978, which gave the highest priority to nuclear disarmament.
If international relations have improved and detente has been followed by entente, the world in which we live and which has become one village, even one home still suffers a disparity that is no longer acceptable: a small minority still enjoys material abundance, lives in luxury amidst all the products of advanced technology, while the great majority continues to live in hunger and disease and lacks the basic means of subsistence.
Positive developments in international political relations have given us an historic opportunity to remedy the imbalances in international economic relations and establish a new economic order.
In conclusion, I believe that the decade of the 1990s will shape the world of the twenty-first century and that it gives us the opportunity to correct our mistakes and put our best foot forward with renewed determination to leave such mistakes behind and lay sound and solid foundations for a world that would be free from injustice - a world where justice and equality prevail and in which we can live together.


There is now abroad in the world a mood of optimism which, however cautious and restrained, now anticipates the installation of a new global order of peace and development. Engendered by the remarkable changes in East-West relations and other positive developments in the international sphere, this optimism is attended by a renewed faith in the United Regions as the central forum for inter-State co-operation. At this hopeful juncture therefore the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session will be expected to analyse the prevailing world situation and to explore the building of a new and better world. We are confident that, under the able guidance of Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, it will not fail to do so.
I therefore wish to extend to Mr. de Marco, on behalf of my delegation, our warmest congratulations and good wishes for a successful presidency. His distinguished career leaves us in no doubt as to the effective conduct of our deliberations. In saluting him I also wish to pay a tribute to his predecessor in office. Major General Joseph Garba, for the dynamic leadership he provided during the past year.
May I also avail myself of this opportunity to convey to the Secretary-General my Government’s appreciation of the active role which he continues to play in strengthening the institutional capacity of the United Nations fully to address the concerns and aspirations of its membership.
To our newest Member State, the Principality of Liechtenstein, I extend a very warm welcome. Me are also particularly pleased to recognise in our midst today the delegation of Namibia, which is participating in this regular session of the General Assembly as a sovereign State of the international community.
As we meet on this occasion, the clouds of yet another war have gathered ominously over the Gulf, casting a pall on the optimism which I noted at the outset of my statement. The Iraq-Kuwait conflict which erupted unexpectedly on the eve of this session of the Assembly now threatens to escalate to a wider confrontation.
The Security Council has already acted swiftly and decisively to restrain this jarring aggression. It has rightly condemned the acquisition of territory by force and stressed the need for the peaceful settlement of all disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter. The matter has now engaged the attention of the Assembly, we must reaffirm the Council's stern condemnation of the use of force and call for the urgent restoration of peace.
It would be disastrous, in our view, if this intemperate aggression were to jeopardise the prospects we now have of creating a new and better system of international relations. The astonishing changes occurring around the globe - in Europe especially, but also in other regions - have revealed new political and economic horizons, which, although not clearly discernible, none the less hold the promise of growing interdependence among nations. Our expectation was - and still is - that peace and development would now be allowed to prosper throughout the world.
My own delegation believes that the changes that have occurred are by and large positive; but that their potential for good can be realized only if they are properly harnessed and oriented. In this belief we prefer to think that the Gulf crisis is but a thoughtless and temporary aberration from the current trend towards dialogue, the pacific settlement of disputes, and international co-operation. If anything, therefore, this unfortunate crisis must hasten our efforts to build a new order that could possibly eliminate such acts of aggression and allow all peoples to concentrate on their peaceful development.
The international community should thus move swiftly to defuse the Iraq-Kuwait conflict by adhering scrupulously to the blueprint of action outlined in the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. An important prerequisite is the immediate withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait. The acquisition of territory by force is unequivocally condemned by the Charter of the United Nations and can in no way be justified or tolerated.
Once withdrawal has taken place, a mechanism for dialogue and negotiation could be created to deal with the underlying causes of the conflict and ultimately to find a just and acceptable solution. It may then be appropriate to consider the holding of an international peace conference charged with finding a comprehensive settlement to the problems of the Middle East, at the core of which remains the question of Palestine.
The issues involved are complex and deeply rooted. Nevertheless, with a large measure of political will, it is yet possible to reach a basis for dialogue and negotiation. The United Nations may play a helpful role in organising such a forum in a manner which enjoys the confidence of all the parties concerned. Given the remarkable success achieved thus far by the international community in the peaceful settlement of regional disputes, we cannot easily contemplate failure in the Middle East.
For example, the long struggle for Namibia's independence was brought to a peaceful end through negotiations between the parties concerned. The United Nations was a major catalyst of this process and by its provisional transition assistance created the circumstances in which the Namibian people proceeded to freedom. That happy outcome has since given rise to expectations that the distressing situation in South Africa itself - where apartheid's fortress is still standing - will also be resolved by further concerted international efforts. To guarantee such success, however, we must ensure that the full pressure of sanctions is maintained in order to bring about the desired end. Elsewhere in Africa, in the Western Sahara a plan has been approved by the Security Council which offers a distinct opportunity for finally resolving that protracted dispute.
In Asia, more specifically in Afghanistan, the Geneva Agreements which were negotiated under the auspices of the United Nations appear to have paved the way for national reconciliation and reconstruction. There should now be no deviation from these accepted goals.
Similarly, the Cambodian question, which has long defied solution, is now within reach of a promising settlement. The plan devised by the Security Council in consultation with the parties involved has commanded wide acceptance and is ready to be implemented. The role required of the United Nations is highly challenging but it is one which, with the full support of the international community, it is capable of playing.
We have also witnessed in this forum the joyful reunification of the Yemeni people and of the German people. We are now seeing the positive, though tentative, steps recently taken by the two sides in the Korean question. Although it has long been agreed that the reunification of Korea should be carried out peacefully and without outside interference, its achievement has eluded us. 9fe urge the Korean people to accelerate the process of dialogue they have begun. Furthermore, we pose the question whether an elevation of participation in this Organisation might not be a positive contribution to this process.
Even in the recalcitrant region of the Middle East, we have witnessed the termination of the obdurate Iran-Iraq war. Close by, however, in the Mediterranean, the problem of Cyprus has not yet proved amenable to negotiations. Despite the best endeavours of the Secretary-General and several worthwhile initiatives, the two sides remain apart. It is to be hoped that with the continuing intervention of the Security Council a new impetus will toe given to co-operation, compromise and reconciliation so that the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus may be preserved.
Finally, here in this hemisphere the United Nations has also been instrumental in the attenuation of conflict in Central America, a region long racked by internecine strife and appalling poverty, a process of determined negotiation and patient international co-operation has at last been rewarded with prospects o£ a definitive and lasting peace. Through observation and verification of agreements by the States concerned the United Nations has provided conditions of stability in which peace and development may be promoted. Such has been the success of this operation that consideration is now being given to its replication elsewhere.
Indeed, this impressive record of achievement by the United Nations in the important areas of peace-making and peace-keeping to which I have briefly alluded amply demonstrates its capability, both actual and potential, for preserving international security. In the new situation that has been created by the growing rapprochement between the East and West and a corresponding willingness to accelerate the process of disarmament, it is now possible to conceive of multilateral arrangements to fill any vacuum that may be created by the disappearance of military blocs. Such arrangements would in our view provide for a system of collective security that could effectively serve to deter future threats of aggression and upon which all nations could rely for protection from attacks on their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
This idea, whose time appears to have come, is frontally addressed in the thought-provoking report submitted by the Secretary-General on the Organisation's work. Evidently based on his personal experience, the suggestions include, inter alia, a strengthening of the peace-making capacity of the Security Council, an enhanced role for the Secretary-General, the enforcement of United Nations decisions, greater recourse to the International Court of Justice in cases of legal dispute, and the use of regional arrangements, wherever appropriate, to buttress United Nations machinery.
These proposals are by no means novel; they have in fact been bandied about in several attempts at strengthening the United Nations. However, the present political conjuncture, in which nation States appear more disposed to international co-operation, is especially favourable to a serious examination of the feasibility of their implementation. We urge that those proposals be revisited.
It must be realized, however, that peace and development are indivisible. Global security cannot be achieved without the establishment of a more equitable economic relationship between States and the solution of the world's pressing social problems. Therefore, while we welcome the progress that has taken place in the political field, we must nevertheless deplore the fragile economic and social conditions in which peace has to be pursued. Today, developing countries stand trapped between possible recession in major industrialized countries and the stifling constraints of their own weak economies. They continue to feel the severe strain of their increasing debt burden, despite the welcome adoption of progressive policies by some creditor countries and other financial entities. At this point, therefore, we cannot be sanguine about their economic future.
According to the recent United Nations World Economic Survey, global economic growth, which slowed in 1989, is expected to slow even further this year. An increased contraction in world trade, rising interest rates and the weakening of commodity prices will all conspire to frustrate recovery and growth in the developing countries. This dismal situation is now further worsened by the impact of spiralling energy costs that developing countries simply cannot afford. The Gulf crisis has thus taken additional hostages, namely the peoples of the third world, whose beleaguered economies have been forced even further back along the path of underdevelopment.
The implications of the current socio-economic situation for international peace and security are therefore disturbing. Imbalances in the world economy wreak their own social havoc and ultimately threaten the very stability we seek. Even as old battles are ended, new sources of conflict are emerging, and increasingly we see that these are not ideological or political, but economic in nature. The peace equation cannot be solved unless our economic and social concerns are factored in. There must therefore be joint action by both developed and developing countries to ensure that political progress is matched by economic and social development.
We are especially happy to note in this regard that the Declaration which emerged from the special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation, in April this year, takes full cognisance of that requirement and consequently of the urgent need to revitalise the economic development of the developing countries. In a rare display of unity, both developing and developed countries agreed in that document to the pursuit of policies necessary to the recovery and sustained growth of the world economy. Its spirit and letter should now inspire and guide us as we engage in a dialogue aimed at furthering international economic co-operation.
That joint commitment should also find reflection in the strategy for the fourth development decade the adoption of which, I understand, is imminent. That document, the product of extensive consultations and negotiations, reflects the immediate direction of international co-operation. Clearly, it cannot be said to go as far as developing countries world wish, but if followed it can lead to an improvement in the conditions for development, - In the particular area of trade, we await the final outcome of the Uruguay Round of negotiations which, however, shows no sign so far of any significant concessions. Common necessity, however, must in our view lead both the developing and the developed countries to expend areas of trade co-operation, since this is the recognised key to the future of the global economy.
It is further encouraging to note that the international community, in the face of other major problems such as drug trafficking and the environment, has been fully galvanised into a united effort to deal with the harmful consequences of those problems. Beyond their domestic campaigns, States have worked assiduously at the bilateral, regional and international levels to devise strategies aimed at preserving their societies from further encroachment. The special session on drug trafficking, which was held in New York last year, undoubtedly stimulated increased global attention to the rampant drug trade and suggested additional ways, such as, for example, the creation of an international criminal court, to combat its vicious spread. The outcome of that session represents an admirable example of how nations threatened by a common enemy can come together in defence of their mutual welfare.
Encouraged by that experience, we now look forward to the World Conference on Environment and Development, which is scheduled to be held in Brazil in 1992 and which we trust will produce, as the Vienna Conference did for the drug problem, a  comprehensive programme to protect and preserve the environment. Such it its own commitment to this goal that my country has sought, in advance of that important forum and in co-operation with the Commonwealth, to build a model utilising an area of our forests - almost a million acres - to establish the feasibility of sustainable development in a properly managed environment. It is our humble view that such efforts, if emulated and replicated elsewhere, will help considerably to save the global commons.
In the light of the increasing globalisation of the issues to which I have adverted, it is clear that a new world order is no longer a vague desideratum; it is now an urgent necessity. The traditional methods of managing human affairs have become patently inadequate to the circumstances of this generation. For while man has had the ingenuity to conquer outer space, he has apparently yet to dominate the Barth and all its problems. It is as if the human mind having transcended its terrestrial confines, is incapable now of dealing with the mundane issues of life. And yet unless he can overcome the limitations of his otherwise marvellous scientific and technological accomplishments, all his efforts will have been in vain and he himself will have been placed at the risk of extinction.
That frightening realisation must surely coeps1 us to accept the urgency of a global perestroika aimed at creating a new and functional international system based on the premises of interdependence and collective responsibility. Such a system, if it is to work, must be entirely democratic in nature and must revolve around the United Nations, the Organisation we have together devised to pursue our common objectives. Experience has shown that while it is by no means perfect the United Nations is an instrument whose potential for promoting international co-operation is vast, we must therefore explore its limits to the full. Equally important, we must work to ensure that it is endowed with strength and vitality and is fully capable of undertaking the many responsibilities continuously being entrusted to it.
We must also be ever mindful of the fact that s strong United Nations can emerge and thrive only in an international environment where the rule of law prevails. Violations such as that committed in the Gulf strike not only at international peace and security but also at the fundamental bases of our Organisation. The principles of the Charter, which proscribe the use of force in international relations, are sacrosanct and should not be violated with impunity. The transgression must therefore be dealt with condignly whenever and wherever it occurs.
Only a week ago, some 73 Heads of State or Government came together in New York to draw attention to the plight of the world's children. It was the most impressive demonstration of the priority which world leaders are now prepared to give to critical humanitarian concerns. Children, after all, represent the future of humanity, and yet they continue to be the innocent and principal victims of all forms of aggression. As was stated in the 1990 report of the United Nations Children's Fund on the state of the world's children, it is the poorest and most vulnerable children who are paying the third world's debt: "with the sacrifice of their normal growth, with their health and with the loss of their opportunity to be educated".
It cannot do to expose our future so continuously to such hazards.
If that Summit is to mean something, and if we are to save future generations from the scourge of war and poverty, we must act promptly to install the new order of which we have spoken. It is only by so doing that we can redress the grave imbalances which exist in the current order and which are the root cause of the world's major problems.
In that respect it is extremely heart-warming to hear both Powers - the United States and the USSR - now acknowledging the need for such an order. Their newly found entente has opened up new vistas for international co-operation in every field and has thus brought hope to a world now in despair. It offers, in short, a singular opportunity for human progress. Let us, therefore, not waste it through indecision and inaction.