A few days ago, we had the legitimate satisfaction of learning that the international community had elected to the presidency of the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly a remarkable African diplomat and worthy representative of Zambia. Mr. President, while this choice testifies to the recognition of your merits and is a just reward for the untiring efforts you have made, in particular in defence of the right of peoples to liberty and independence, it also constitutes a tribute to your country, which is known for its commitment to noble ideals and causes and with which the People's Republic of Angola has excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. Hence, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, we are very pleased to join in the warm congratulations addressed to you, Sir, and to wish you the greatest success in carrying out such lofty responsibilities.
2.	Allow us to take this opportunity to express to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, our deep appreciation and admiration for the worthy and far-sighted way in which he carried out his mandate and our best wishes for success in his presidential functions and for the prosperity of the Panamanian people.
3.	We should also like to repeat to the Secretary- General our deepest gratitude for his clarity and exemplary seriousness in the defence of the fundamental principles of the United Nations, as well as the laudable action he has undertaken for lessening tensions and settling numerous conflicts, in spite of the glaring lack of resources made available to him.
4.	The United Nations family has just admitted a new Member, Brunei Darussalam. The Angolan Government joins ail those who have welcomed that country and wished it a prosperous future.
5.	In the hope that sooner or later a growing number of States Members of the United Nations, and not just some, will equally and duly be taken seriously when they address the General Assembly, we are obliged to repeat what we have already said, to the extent that no significant or positive change has taken place which would counteract the progressive deterioration in the international situation during these last four years.
6.	At each session of the General Assembly, all of us come to reaffirm our adherence to the noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to repeat our commitment to the cause of freedom, peace, justice, democracy, solidarity, development and co-operation.
7.	At the beginning of each statement, almost invariably it is emphasized that the session of the General Assembly is taking place at a very critical moment, even as the international situation has worsened to the point where it seriously threatens the survival of mankind.
8.	But between the fine words or the best of intentions and respecting them or carrying them out, it cannot be denied that there is a gap which becomes wider at each session. And all we do each year is repeat ourselves, thus testing the spirit of tolerance or resistance of those who have to do the listening and the credibility of those who are addressing the Assembly.
9.	Several times from this very rostrum we have expressed the deep concern of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola over the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of the competent inter-national bodies with regard to facing up to the proliferation of hotbeds of tension, fomented directly or indirectly by the imperialist Powers.
10.	No one here should be unaware of the causes and agents responsible for such a dark international picture. We repeat the question: how long will the peoples and Governments that cherish peace and justice have to wait for the adequate bodies existing within the United Nations truly to meet their responsibilities and firmly take the most effective measures—which, by the way, are available to them— with regard to those who violate the fundamental principles of the Charter; carry out colonial wars and foment aggression of every kind, directly or indirectly, against States which take independent and progressive positions; practise economic plundering in the underdeveloped countries and persist in preventing the gradual bridging of the gap between the wealthy or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; deliberately hinder the serious efforts made by the socialist countries and the progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament, a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons; encourage the arms race, thus assuring fantastic profits for their military consortia and leading to growing increases in military budgets and expenditures; multiply the carrying out of huge military manoeuvres intended to intimidate or even to commit aggression against certain peoples or States; do not respect the relevant resolutions or decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] undermine the authority and the efforts of the Secretary-General in carrying out his lofty responsibilities by failing to provide him with the necessary means; threaten international peace and security by military intervention and illegal occupation of territories, by interference in the internal affairs of other States and by not respecting the principle of non-recourse to force and of the settlement of disputes by negotiations?
11.	All these aspects, but especially the unbridled arms race with its spectre of a nuclear war, involve a phenomenal increase in expenditures, which in turn increases inflation, causing huge budgetary deficits and further reducing the already shrinking volume of economic assistance provided to the underdeveloped countries, a factor which in itself has greatly contributed to the present economic crisis, one which can be solved only by taking measures to establish a new international economic order, a measure already advocated several years ago by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
12.	Given this alarming situation, which clearly endangers the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy that is being experienced by millions of human beings who are still deprived of their freedom and their right to choose their own destiny and who do not possess the ways and means to counteract slavery and humiliation, tyranny and poverty, famine, ignorance and disease, it is imperative that at this session the General Assembly commit itself to the search for effective ways and means to solve the problems which afflict mankind.
13.	In looking at the problems that face the African continent, we feel once again that the current situation in southern Africa must be given very special attention at this session of the General Assembly, since we are confronted by a type of deadlock in the development of the independence process for Namibia. No one is unaware that the Namibian question was broadly discussed last year in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, in the Security Council and in the General Assembly and that, subsequently, diplomatic efforts were undertaken by the interested parties in order to secure, in accordance with the Lusaka understanding of 16 February 1984, the unilateral disengagement of South African troops from Angolan territory and to create adequate conditions for negotiations between the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the Pretoria regime, under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
14.	In spite of the serious commitment by the Angolan side and SWAPO, the South African military disengagement, which was planned to take place within 30 days, has not been completed. A series of pretexts have systematically been presented by the Pretoria regime during the seven months that have already passed. It is becoming clear that there is a lack of seriousness on the part of South Africa, which is deliberately trying to delay or prevent the independence process of Namibia by attempting now to establish a double linkage, that is to say, to subordinate the completion of the withdrawal of its troops to the results of the negotiations under way with SWAPO, on the one hand, and to make the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) conditional upon the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces from the People's Republic of Angola, on the other.
15.	In this regard, we feel that it would be useful to recall a passage from the joint declaration of the Angolan and Cuban Governments made on 19 March 1984:
"In the context of this peace effort on the part of Angola, the joint declaration of 4 February [1982] remains in full force and constitutes a basis of principle for any negotiated situation that will eliminate the current tension and ensure peace and full independence for the nations of this region.
"Having strict regard to what is laid down in the above-mentioned joint declaration, the Governments of Cuba and Angola reiterate that they will reinitiate, by their own decision and in exercise of their sovereignty, the execution of the gradual withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist military contingent as soon as the following requirements are met:
"1. Unilateral withdrawal of the racist troops of South Africa from Angolan territory;
"2. Strict implementation of resolution 435 (1978) of the United Nations Security Council, the accession of Namibia to true independence and the total withdrawal of the South African troops which are illegally occupying that country;
"3. Cessation of any act of direct aggression or threat of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola on the part of South Africa, the United States of America and their allies."
"4. Cessation of all aid to the counter-revolutionary organization UNITA and any other puppet group from South Africa, the United States of America and their allies . . .
"Satisfaction of these demands would mean respect for the rules of international law and of the Charter of the United Nations and observance of the many resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of African Unity."
16.	It is therefore clear that the Angolan and Cuban Governments have never questioned the principle, as such, of the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. It is also clear that the Angolan Government has always taken a flexible attitude as long as doing so does not call into question the guiding principles of its foreign policy and its national interests. Angola has put forward constructive proposals on several occasions. We therefore reject any responsibility for the present deadlock which we find in the independence process for Namibia. Such responsibility lies fully with South Africa and the United States.
17.	It seems useful for us to emphasize once again that Namibia is a trust territory of the United Nations and has been one for more than 30 years. This means that every State Member of the United Nations has direct responsibilities with regard to the independence process of that Territory. Unfortunately, it seems that a large number of States Members of the United Nations have forgotten those responsibilities, for when they leave this heavy burden on the shoulders of the Angolan Government they do not act in accordance with the mandate.
18.	Furthermore, in 1967 the General Assembly adopted a resolution by which it decided to establish or constitute the United Nations Council for Namibia and to define its mandate.
19.	Thus, the following questions arise. Who has prevented the United Nations Council for Namibia from fulfilling its mandate and for what reason? Since 1967, numerous resolutions have been adopted with regard to Namibia's accession to independence and the illegality of its occupation by South Africa. Why did Namibia not accede to independence before November 1975? Was it the fault of the Angolans, who were not even independent, or of the Cubans, who were not even in Angola? How can the responsibility for the delay in the Namibian independence process now be put on the Angolan Government by evoking its alleged intransigence? Has the Security Council nothing to say about the failure to ensure the implementation of its own resolution 435 (1978)?
20.	As has been emphasized by the President of the People's Republic of Angola,
"This process, which is unfolding very slowly, is linked to the recent failure of the negotiations on the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime and this makes it difficult to preserve the present atmosphere of detente on the border between Angola and Namibia. It is therefore essential to increase the pressure of international public opinion on South Africa to respect its commitments, establish a cease-fire agreement with SWAPO and announce the date for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978)."
Nevertheless, as also stated by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos,
"In the southern part of our continent, the People's Republic of Angola continues to be the main target of the global strategy of the imperialist Powers, which are trying to destabilize and paralyse the legitimate nationalist Governments of African countries which are fighting to affirm their identity, independence and national sovereignty."
21.	On the other hand, everyone is aware of the progressive deterioration of the internal situation in South Africa, as the contradictions within the hateful apartheid regime increase. The valiant fighters of the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] persist heroically in their political and military actions, the fundamental rights of the overwhelming majority of the South African people continue to be trampled upon and the brutality and arbitrary detentions escalate. All this could be seen just before and after the adoption of the so-called constitutional reforms.
22.	Thus, the time is now propitious for each State Member of the United Nations to fulfil its responsibilities and its commitments—if only in the interest of the credibility of this international body—and consequently for each State Member that is able to do so to give assistance of various kinds to SWAPO and the ANC; to provide, individually or collectively, as a matter of urgency, all possible material and financial assistance to the People's Republic of Angola; to begin, at the international and national levels, an intensive, permanent campaign demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from Angolan territory; and to exert every form of pressure on the Pretoria regime and also on its "friends and allies", including comprehensive mandatory sanctions—so often advocated but so far prevented by certain Western Powers from being applied—with the object of bringing to an end the illegal occupation of Namibia and ensuring the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any further delay and without any absurd pre-conditions.
23.	We should like now to state or reiterate the position of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola on a number of specific political questions which continue to disturb international relations and threaten world peace and security.
24.	With regard to the situation prevailing in Chad, we feel that it is for the Chadian people to resolve their own problems without any foreign military interference or intervention. We believe that the representatives of that country should be able to decide their own future through negotiations, seated around a table, without constraint or hindrance, in conformity with the efforts and resolutions of the OAU.
25.	We reiterate our conviction that the resolution of the conflict between the Frente POLISARIO1 and the Kingdom of Morocco is to be found in the implementation of resolution AHG/Res. 104 (XIX) on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983. It is to be regretted that the Kingdom of Morocco obstinately refuses to embark upon direct negotiations, which indicates insolent disdain for the sovereign decision of the Heads of State and Government of independent Africa. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the heroic people of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and particularly with the valiant fighters of the Frente POLISARIO.
26.	We reaffirm our unshakeable solidarity with the heroic Palestinian people and their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], in their continuing struggle to regain their homeland, usurped by the Zionist entity, and to establish an independent State. Furthermore, we reaffirm our dedication to the Geneva Declaration on Palestine and the Programme of Action for the Achievement of Palestinian Rights, adopted by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, which was held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983. We demand once again the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and we salute the efforts of the Lebanese people to ensure their unity, their sovereignty and their territorial integrity. In this context, we are in favour of a Middle East peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation, on a basis of equality, of all the parties concerned or interested.
27.	With regard to the tragedy which has befallen the people of East Timor because of the occupation by Indonesian armed forces, it is time for the international community seriously and unambiguously to commit itself to a search for a lasting solution to the problem, which has been dragging on for nine years.
28.	Thousands of patriots have been and continue to be imprisoned and tortured. Others have died in armed confrontations or been summarily shot. Yet others die of hunger. The International Committee of the Red Cross is forbidden from entering East Timor in spite of its purely humanitarian mission. As part of the framework of the solution of the conflict through negotiations and in keeping with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV), the leaders of the Democratic Republic of East Timor have proposed a peace plan, including direct or indirect talks between Portugal, Indonesia and FRETILIN, under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to debate the establishment of a multinational United Nations force to ensure the operation of a transitional administration, the implementation of adequate provisions for the stationing of belligerent forces, the organization of free and democratic consultations of the Maubere people and the setting of a date for the transfer of sovereignty.
29.	It is regrettable that the Portuguese Government is not clearly and firmly meeting its historical, political and legal responsibilities for East Timor and that the Indonesian Government is turning a deaf ear to the peace proposals already presented by FRETILIN, which deserve the unreserved support of the international community.
30.	None the less, it is comforting to note the concerns expressed by United States congressmen and senators and also by Pope John Paul II over the genocide of the Maubere people, as well as the positions taken by the workers' parties of Australia and New Zealand.
31.	We urge the Secretary-General to continue his efforts until a definitive solution to this situation is found, and we appeal to the member States of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to identify themselves with and support the struggle of the valiant people of East Timor.
32.	Central America has been undergoing extremely alarming developments as a result of the threats and military intervention of the United States Administration, notably in Nicaragua and El Salvador, What is needed in this region is a search for peace through a negotiated political solution. For this purpose, we support the courageous positions taken by the Government of Nicaragua as well as the efforts of the Contadora Group, reflected in the contents of the revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.
33.	In order for peace to prevail in Central America, there must be peace in El Salvador and an end to the aggression committed against Nicaragua and El Salvador. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberation Nacional and the Frente Democratico Revolucionario, which are the only legitimate representatives of the Salvadorian people.
34.	We renew our unfailing support for the Cuban revolution and denounce the aggressions and threats against the Cuban people. We reiterate our feelings of solidarity with the peoples of Panama, Grenada, Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia and Puerto Rico in their just struggles for their national interests, their independence and their national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
35.	We reaffirm our support for the efforts to have the dispute over the borderlines between Guyana and Venezuela resolved through bilateral negotiations. On the other hand, and in keeping with General Assembly resolutions, we register our hope that there be, in the immediate future, a start of negotiations between the United Kingdom and Argentina with a view to restoring to Argentina the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands.
36.	We also reaffirm our support for the efforts of the Indo-Chinese countries to ensure peace and stability in South-East Asia without any foreign intervention, and for a constructive dialogue among the parties to the conflict. None the less, we regret and consider it inconceivable that the Kampuchean people are still not represented in the United Nations by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. This is an injustice that must be remedied.
37.	We reiterate our solidarity with the just cause of the people of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve the peaceful reunification of their country without any foreign interference and with the call for the withdrawal of the American troops from the southern part of Korean territory. To this end, we support the proposal concerning the holding of tripartite negotiations and the adoption of a peace agreement as a substitute for the Armistice Agreement.
38.	We also reaffirm our support for the position and efforts made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in the search for the normalization, through negotiations, of the situation in that country.
39.	We reiterate also our full solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus and support their efforts to maintain their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment.
40.	Once again we make an urgent appeal to the Governments of Iraq and Iran to put an end to the war and find a negotiated solution to the dispute that separates them.
41.	It is unpleasant to note that the Angolan Government once again finds itself forced to devote the greatest part of its human and material resources to the defence of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The undeclared war that has been opposed upon us by the racist and Fascist South African regime must stop.
42.	It Angolan people dearly wish for peace. They have never committed aggression nor do they wish to commit aggression against anyone. They want only to live in peace and work to build a future of progress and happiness in a just society that they have freely chosen.
43.	The struggle continues! Victory is certain!


At the outset, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your election is an expression of the international community's recognition of your experience and ability, and an assertion of the important role played by your friendly country, Zambia. We are confident that your ability will contribute positively and effectively to the realization of the hopes pinned on this session.
153.	We are pleased to extend our thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who skilfully presided over the thirty-eighth session; we highly praise his efforts aimed at the settlement of international disputes.
154.	We should like to seize this opportunity to renew our expression of confidence in the endeavours undertaken by the Secretary-General and to reaffirm our support for his persistent efforts aimed at ensuring adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and enhancing its role in the settlement of the international disputes that threaten the security and existence of mankind.
155.	My country's delegation is pleased warmly to welcome the admission of the State of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations; we look forward to the establishment of mutual co-operation with that friendly country based on our common ties.
156.	As we are approaching the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we hope that the day will come when the countries still under colonialism or foreign occupation will become free and join the United Nations.
117. The Secretary-General has indicated, in his report on the work of the Organization, that the past year has been characterized by great-Power tension and by violence or threatened violence in various parts of the world. The cycle of violence referred to by the Secretary-General and undoubtedly involving almost all parts of the world, is caused by lack of good sense, by the obstinate adherence by States to concepts of self-interest and by the exertion of pressure on third-world countries to prevent them from achieving stability and devoting their national resources to the development of their economic potential. Hence, security has become the preoccupation of individuals and nations in our contemporary world.
158. Our region, the Gulf area, is one of the regions of the world where tension has increased as a result of the destructive war raging between two neighbours— Iraq and Iran. The consequences of that war have affected international shipping lines, thus seriously endangering international navigation in the Gulf area and inflicting severe damage not only on the economies of the Gulf countries but also on those of the entire world.
159.	Events have shown that the course of that war, and its consequences, will only bring havoc to the two Muslim peoples in particular and to the security of the Gulf area, as well as to world peace in general. The real beneficiaries of the continuation of that war are those who exploit regional disputes for the attainment of their own aims, namely, the extension of their spheres of influence in the world through the creation of regional climates conducive to that end.
160.	In view of our responsibility with regard to the region's stability and security as well as the maintenance of international peace, we have supported all the efforts being exerted by the Secretary-General, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries for the halting of this haemorrhage, bringing the combatants to the negotiating table to settle their differences through peaceful means, infusing a spirit of peace and leading to an accord between the two States.
161.	In our endeavour to achieve these lofty goals, we have not only supported those initiatives, but we have also contributed, in co-ordination with the member States of the Gulf Co-operation Council, by contacting both parties in an attempt to put an end to that war in a manner guaranteeing the legitimate rights of both countries.
162.	In this context, we put on record with appreciation the positive response exhibited by brotherly Iraq towards the initiatives taken and its declared readiness to end the war immediately. We look forward to the day when the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran will do likewise and respond positively to the efforts and initiatives undertaken for that purpose.
163.	We, in the Gulf, attach particular importance to freedom of navigation because of its close connection with the development of our resources and economy, in addition to its significance to the world economy. We are opposed to any action which hinders or restricts freedom of navigation on the high seas. Hence, we were gravely concerned over the recent events in the Red Sea, given their inherent danger and threat to navigation in that vital waterway.
164.	On the basis of this understanding and in view of our area's direct link with the Indian Ocean, my country continues strongly to support the efforts undertaken for die adoption of the necessary measures for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean is a Zone of Peace and for effective compliance with it on the part of the international community.
165.	The United Arab Emirates has affirmed on more than one occasion that the security of the Gulf area is exclusively the security of its States and they are directly responsible for it. This principle is an extension of the general principle that mv country continues to adhere to, namely, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.
166.	The Middle East is one of those regions that continues to suffer from tensions. It witnesses daily, in an unprecedented manner, displacement, murder, destruction, wars, occupation and violence. The region has become the scene of the most violent acts of aggression in the contemporary world. An entire people has been denied stability and peace in a free and independent homeland, while other peoples are threatened with the same destiny. Calls for help and denunciations have been made on an almost daily basis from this and other forums; but the world stands helpless, despite all the progress made in various fields and at all levels, unable to put an end to the destructive violence which has already lasted too long and has almost become the inevitable destiny of man in the region.
167.	The conditions which prevail in the Middle East region stem, in their origin and development, from Israel's continued persistence in perpetrating aggression and its refusal to comply with the resolutions of the international community. For this reason, the question of Palestine remains unresolved. It constitutes a source of continued concern because of the suffering of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples and the risk of global confrontation which could lead to a destructive war extending in its effects beyond the States of the region, to engulf the whole world.
168.	The true reasons behind the continuation of this problem are well known to the international community, namely, Israel's desire to achieve the Zionist dream by means of expansion and hegemony over the States of the region, the convergence of this desire with the goal of certain States to play havoc with the destiny of the region's peoples and the pursuance by these States of policies hindering the Security Council from adopting resolutions aimed at putting an end to aggression and holding the aggressor responsible for its aggression.
169.	We maintain and stress the conviction that the Middle East problem is a clear expression and an inevitable outcome of the failure to settle the core question, namely, the question of Palestine. The conclusion of a just and comprehensive settlement should be predicated, fundamentally, on the following: first, recognition of the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine to return to its homeland and to establish its independent State on its national soil under the leadership of its sole and legitimate representative, the PLO; and secondly, Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
170.	The continued absence of such settlement could lead only to further deterioration of the situation and greater tension and, consequently, to the creation of new problems, as is the case with the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon. Thus, the world finds itself, once again, confronted with derivative issues that require further efforts that may drag on indefinitely.
171.	Lebanon, a vivid example of this, has been the victim of Israeli aggression and occupation for over two years. In spite of all the efforts made and resolutions adopted by the United Nations, particularly Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982), which call for the withdrawal of Israeli forces immediately and unconditionally to the internationally recognized borders, the Israeli forces continue to occupy southern Lebanon and to subject its population to all forms of military and economic pressures in order to force them to leave their lands. In this context, we regret the exercise by the United States of its right of veto last month, thus preventing all the other members of the Security Council from adopting a humanitarian draft resolution, calling upon Israel to desist from its inhuman practices against the population of the south and to comply with the provisions of the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949.
172.	The separate attempts and the partial solutions aimed at addressing the Middle East problem will remain in their essence and ramifications, insufficient for establishing a sound basis for the desired just and comprehensive settlement. Therefore, we affirm that General Assembly resolution 38/58 C, which calls for the convening of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties, including the PLO, offers the appropriate framework for the establishment of the conditions for a just and durable peace in the region. We hope that certain major Powers will reconsider their position on the convening of this conference in conformity with their international responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.
173.	Southern Africa, like the Middle East, continues to suffer from the abhorrent yoke of colonialism and the practices of racial discrimination, which constitute an affront to humanity. Such practices cast doubt on the ability of the international community to shoulder its responsibilities towards a large segment of mankind in the realization of justice, equality, freedom and human dignity. We salute the heroic struggle of the nationalists for freedom, equality and independence, and we reaffirm our belief in their just cause and our firm determination to continue to support their legitimate struggle.
174.	We condemn the policy of apartheid pursued by the Government of South Africa. We consider that policy a crime against humanity, whose elimination requires concerted international efforts. This applies to the so-called new constitution introduced recently by the Pretoria regime and aimed at consolidating the policy of apartheid. Hence, we support Security Council resolution 554 (1984) and the recent resolution adopted by the General Assembly which condemned that act with all its implications.
175.	On the same premise, we salute the just struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, and we affirm our continued support for the self-determination, independence and territorial integrity of Namibia. We are very confident and unshaken in our belief that no matter how oppressive and evil aggression may be, it is inevitable for justice to win and for man's dignity to be respected.
176.	In accordance with the basic principles upon which our foreign policy is predicated, together with our commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and international norms and our conviction that non-interference in the internal affairs of other States is conducive to the alleviation, to a great extent, of international tension, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghanistan and for the freedom of its people to establish the regime they choose. This applies to Kampuchea, whose people have long suffered from foreign interference. It also applies to the problems facing the States of Central America. In this connection, we endorse the principles and concepts adopted by the Contadora Group for the settlement or those problems. Likewise, we urge that the dispute between North Korea and South Korea be settled through free dialogue between the two countries in order to achieve the aspirations of their people for unity.
177.	With regard to the question of Cyprus, we commend the recent efforts made by the Secretary- General to help the Turkish and Greek communities of Cyprus to arrive at a solution to this problem that would guarantee the rights of both communities, ensure security and coexistence for the people of the island and guarantee the territorial integrity, independence and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
178.	We believe that arms control and disarmament are of vital importance for international peace and security and that they can be realized only in an atmosphere of political stability and mutual confidence, particularly among the States possessing nuclear weapons.
179.	The Secretary-General has printed out in his report on the work of the Organization that the lack of concrete progress in disarmament and arms control has aroused deep fears of a nuclear confrontation. We are deeply concerned over the escalation of the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and their storage in various parts of the world. Moreover, our concern is aggravated by the stalemate in the negotiations between the two super-Powers and the failure to resume them with regard to control of the development and production of certain kinds of nuclear weapons. Because of this grave situation, it is becoming more and more difficult to live in an atmosphere of escalating fear and panic from the possible outbreak of nuclear war. Furthermore, it is no longer possible to overlook the enormous resources that are wasted on armaments at a time when mankind is in dire need of those resources for the purposes of economic and social development.
180.	The United Arab Emirates welcomes the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, including the region of the Middle East. We hope that the international community, and in particular the great Powers, will view this matter with the importance it deserves, since it constitutes a fundamental element in the maintenance of security and stability in the region.
181.	The political situation cannot be examined separately from the prevailing economic problems. The economic problems in the world today indicate that the economic crisis continues to affect all countries. The current situation is not only disappointing but also a source of deep concern over the possible consequences.
182.	While economic stagnation, low growth rates and high rates of unemployment and inflation have all become constant aspects of the world economy, their effects are most severely felt by the developing countries. Those countries are unable to sustain their economic and social development programmes and to arrest the continued deterioration in their already low standards of living. There is overall agreement that the continuation of such a situation could ultimately have catastrophic consequences.
183.	Although in some developed countries the economy has experienced relatively slight recovery, that does not call for much optimism because that recovery is limited and has not brought about any real changes in economic policies with respect to current problems. In their economic policies, the developed countries have not always been willing to address the basic problems of the world economy.
184.	Hence, the economies of the developing countries have continued to suffer a great deal from the consequences of such practices as continued protectionism, congestion of export markets, deterioration of the terms of trade, decline in export revenues, exacerbation of foreign debts, high level of interest rates and increasing pressure for instituting external structural adjustments. All of this has created enormous difficulties for the developing countries and made them unable to pursue their economic development programmes and to halt the erosion of their standards of living, thus creating a situation that could seriously threaten their social stability.
185.	This critical situation of the world economy calls for serious and responsible consideration on the part of all in order to alleviate its negative effects within a comprehensive framework, with the participation of the developing and developed countries alike. It is therefore imperative to strengthen the role of the United Nations and its collective framework in a process of international economic reform.
186.	It is also imperative to establish sound and objective foundations to be observed by all other international institutions in the consideration of the economic problems of the world on an interdependent, balanced and comprehensive basis, in order to lead ultimately to the establishment of a just and effective international economic order.
187.	This appeal has its roots in numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, particularly those pertaining to the establishment of a new international economic order, it also stems from the continued efforts of the developing countries, represented by the Group of 77 which have been reflected in the positive decisions adopted by that Group in various economic forums; and it has been clearly expressed in our persistent pursuit to launch global negotiations, since we believe in the important role such negotiations could play in reforming the world economy.
188.	We aspire to a world built on the solid foundations of justice, amity and peace, a world in which each State, big or small, will enjoy stability and a secure future.


I should like first, on behalf of the Chadian delegation, to congratulate the President of the General Assembly most warmly on his unanimous election to guide the work of the thirty-ninth session. The confidence which the international community has placed in him is recognition of the role that his country, Zambia, plays in the maintenance of international peace and security. Similarly, it is a recognition of his own qualities as a statesman with great experience in international relations. I am convinced that under his wise and enlightened guidance the proceedings at this session will be crowned with success.
212.	It is also my pleasant duty to pay a well-deserved tribute to his illustrious predecessor, the head of State of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who guided the proceedings of the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session with wisdom and dignity.
213.	We wish to express our gratitude to Mr. Perez de Cuellar, our dynamic Secretary General, for having spared no effort in the service of peace in this troubled world. We thank him, too, for having made international public opinion aware of the economic and social crisis buffeting the countries of Africa, most of which are among the poorest in the world.
214.	Finally, I extend my delegation's congratulations to the delegation of Brunei Darussalam on its admission as a Member of the Organization. The admission of that young State is a proof of the vitality and universality of the great family of the United Nations.
215.	As everyone knows, the fundamental objectives of the Organization are the maintenance of peace, the development of friendly relations among States and international cooperation. Unfortunately there are Member States of the Organization which, far from contributing to the achievement of those aims, are, on the contrary, deliberately violating the rules to which they have freely agreed.
216.	It is well known that Chad is one of the major victims of the flagrant violation of the rules and principles of the Organization. Libya, flying in the face of those noble standards, has been occupying a large part of Chadian territory since 1973. In August 1983, it extended that occupation to the entire northern section of Chad. This area of 550,000 square kilometres has fallen under Libyan administration as a result of land based and air offensives by the Libyan regular army and the so-called "Islamic" legion, which is composed of mercenaries of all nationalities. Libya, which had always denied its military presence in Chad, has finally acknowledged it, because it has said that it intends to withdraw its troops from Chad in accordance with the arrangement it has just concluded with France.
217.	The Chadian people and its Government are pleased by that Libyan intention and keenly hope it will be translated into reality. However, past experience has shown us that when their backs are to the wall the Libyans use subterfuge to mislead international opinion. Since we are accustomed to the delaying tactics of the Libyan Government, we cannot but remain sceptical about the withdrawal of Libyan forces from our territory.
218.	There is a Chadian proverb that says, "He who has been bitten by a snake is frightened at the sight of a mere rope". The Chadian people has not just been bitten, it has lost a limb.
219.	At the same time that Libya is announcing its intention to withdraw militarily from Chad, in the south of the country it is continuing to arm rebel factions so as to sow subversion, death and desolation among the peace-loving inhabitants and cause the country's destruction. That is why the international community must not be duped by dissociating what is occurring in the south of the country from the war of aggression that Libya is waging in the north of Chad. That leads us to believe that the Libyan announcement to withdraw its troops is nothing more than a tactic to recoil the better to strike.
220.	Despite Libya's warlike and expansionist attitude, Chad has always wished to settle its dispute with that country by peaceful means. That is why my country has frequently had recourse to international bodies, in particular the OAU and the Security Council. Each time we encountered Libyan evasions. Each time Libya answered our peaceful steps with the language of force.
221.	If the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya respects its commitments the Chadian Government for its part will, as always, be ready to abide by the resolution adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983, and the statement by the Security Council8 inviting the two parties to settle their dispute by peaceful means.
222.	I should like to emphasize the fact that the people of Chad feels no animosity towards the fraternal Libyan people. The sufferings, atrocities and bereavement caused us by the regime of the Jamahiriya can be ascribed only to that regime, not to the Libyan people which is itself tyrannized by that terrorist regime. The people of Chad has known the anguish of war all too well. It aspires to peace and hopes to live in friendship with its neighbours, including Libya, so as to be able to devote all its resources and energy to the reconstruction and development of the country. That is why, once the Government of the Third Republic was established, it deliberately opted for negotiation in the hope of finding reconciliation among all the citizens of Chad. It was within that context that the Government multiplied its initiatives to meet with its opponents. It was also within that context that it gave full support to the current Chairman of the OAU in organizing a round table between the opponents and the Government. We endorsed that initiative, because we were aware of the need to bring peace to Chad, reinforce its unity and preserve its independence and territorial integrity in order to devote ourselves to its reconstruction and development.
223.	Unfortunately, we must note that the efforts of the pan African organization were impeded by the manoeuvres of some countries which prevented the holding of a frank and direct meeting between the opponents and the Government. If the round table at Addis Ababa scheduled to be held last January did not take place, it was the enemies of peace in Chad— and they alone—who were responsible for that. An attempt has been made to place a Government and its opposition on an equal footing. That is inadmissible, for it is tantamount to asking the Government of Chad to relinquish its attributes of sovereignty.
224.	The Government did not fall into that trap. None the less, it remains devoted to its objective of peace and national reconciliation, with respect for Chad's independence, dignity, unity and territorial integrity. That is why the Government of Chad is grateful to the Congolese Government and encourages it to continue and step up its efforts to organize a conference on national reconciliation.
225.	The Government of Chad trusts in the course it has laid out for itself to achieve national reconciliation. Our confidence has been increased by the recent positions taken by some citizens of Chad who have distanced themselves from their Libyan protector. They have unambiguously denounced Libya's expansionism and manoeuvres to divide the citizens of Chad so as to conquer them. Indeed, those persons now know that they have been used by Libya to sow trouble in their own country with a view to Libya's annexing it. We are pleased that our compatriots have come to realize that, although belatedly. Those among them who are still in Libya are, in fact, prisoners of the Libyan regime and its war machine. The least inclination towards independence by them endangers their security. This is the appropriate place to request the international community's assistance to exert pressure on the Libyan regime to allow our brothers to leave Libya freely.
226.	Our desire for reconciliation with our brothers and to live in peace with our neighbours is sincere. We want that to be clearly understood and would appreciate all efforts directed to that end.
227.	The particularly difficult economic and social situation in Chad owing to the war imposed upon us by Libya is another subject of great concern to us.
228.	Indeed, in addition to the already serious problems confronting it because of its status as a less developed and landlocked country, Chad is confronting other problems caused by natural disasters, such as drought and desertification. The magnitude of the destruction caused by those phenomena is considerable. It is a situation the dimensions of which are not entirely appreciated but certainly constitute a mortgage on our country's future development. Indeed, the drought which at the outset afflicted only parts of Chad steadily spreads each year over vast areas that had previously been spared.
The constant deterioration of the environment and the spread of desertification have caused a mass exodus of population and livestock from the north, east and centre of the country to regions considered to be better. The persistence of drought has caused a chronic food crisis which will become aggravated this year and in coming years owing to an almost total lack of rainfall. Recent cases of famine in the southern regions of the country are a striking example of the consequences of population exodus and the effects of drought.
229.	Faced with that tragedy, the Government, with the help of friendly countries and international organizations, has tried everything to take corrective measures, but they have been in vain, given the immensity of the task.
230.	I should like to reiterate my Government's successive appeals to the international community not only to render emergency aid to Chad but also to support our efforts to eliminate this scourge.
231.	Chad also joins in the appeals of the Sahelian countries to the international community to define a strategy for the countries of the Sudano Sahelian region and other regions stricken by drought and desertification and to mobilize the resources needed to implement it.
232.	Although the military aggression of which my country is a victim has blurred the renewed solidarity that was manifested after the International Conference on Assistance to Chad, held at Geneva in November 1982, Chad's economy has recorded rather encouraging signs of recovery. However, my Government is aware that the needs and problems are enormous; that is why it is looking to the international community to help it promote economic and social activities.
233.	In this connection, the Government and people of Chad express their thanks to States and international organizations for the aid they have been so kind as to grant to Chad.
234.	I should like to remind the Assembly that, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38/214, my country intends to organize a pledging conference, with the technical assistance of UNDP, during the last quarter of 1985. That conference will consider a general programme of reconstruction and development and the financing of detailed projects in priority areas. A development plan will be before the conference for its consideration. It will cover the main priorities, namely: development, agricultural production and stock raising, the diversification and processing of primary products, the opening up of the country both internally and to the outside world, and the promotion of harmonious regional development. We call upon all countries and all bodies to take part in this pledging conference, of which Chad has great expectations.
235.	The Government and the people of Chad wish to express their deep gratitude to the countries and bodies that are good enough to provide them with invaluable assistance.
236.	If the economic situation in Chad is catastrophic it is because it also suffers from the side effects of the world economy, which are very disquieting.
237.	Even though we see certain signs of economic recovery in the industrialized countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the shortcomings of the current economic order result in an ever-growing burden for the developing countries, which have been severely affected by the repercussions of the prolonged structural crisis in the world economy.
238.	The reduction of external resources and capital flows from the developed countries, which is due essentially to the increase in protectionism and the fall in commodity prices, has placed the economies of the developing countries in a precarious situation.
239.	In particular, the African continent continues to fail to meet its targets.
240.	The Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis, adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa and submitted by the African Ministers responsible for Economic Development and Planning at the last session of the Economic and Social Council gives an eloquent description of the economic and social crisis which is being experienced by Africa, and puts forward emergency, as well as short, medium and long-term, measures.
241.	The African countries are in a critical situation which deserves the special attention of the international community. The specific nature of the problems facing the African continent today demand this, because this is a question of the survival of many millions of human beings. That is why my delegation believes that it is imperative to put into effect immediately a programme of measures in matters of vital importance for African countries in order to alleviate their tragic plight.
242.	The Economic and Social Council, at its second regular session, discussed as a matter of priority the serious economic and social crisis in Africa but was unable to arrive at a consensus text on the ways in which this should be remedied.
243.	Turning now to the world economic situation, we believe that it is high time for the developed countries to act on the commitment made with regard to the implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries,  adopted at the Paris Conference, and to agree to the launching of global negotiations. We believe that this would be at least the beginning of the solution of the present crisis.
244.	The interdependence of developed and developing countries should not result simply in intermittent international aid, while such fundamental problems as the restructuring of international economic relations to ensure more equitable cooperation are ignored. In fact, in such an unfavourable international climate, it would be an illusion to envisage, even in the short term, economic development that would take full account of the interests of the third world. Selfishness must give way to solidarity so that together we can endeavour to establish a new international economic order that is more just and more equitable.
245.	The world economic crisis has been further compounded by the political tensions which continue to buffet our planet, thus posing a dangerous threat to the future of mankind as a whole. Although it must be acknowledged that the United Nations has been able to prevent certain situations from getting out of hand, it nevertheless remains true that frequent violations of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations continue to threaten the already precarious equilibrium of the world.
246.	As in the case of Chad, which we have already emphasized, Lebanon, Palestine, Cambodia, Afghanistan and Namibia continue to suffer humiliating foreign occupation, and the rest of the world remains impotent in the face of the shameful policy of apartheid practised by the white minority in South Africa.
247.	Such upheavals, which are a feature of the present day, demand that we react in a way that is devoid of any partisan spirit and aimed solely at preserving and strengthening world peace.
248.	With its long history of uneasy coexistence with its neighbour to the north, the people of Chad is aware that no force, however powerful, can occupy a country for long without clear and disastrous consequences. It is for that reason that we consider that dialogue and concerted action offer the only possible means of solving all the major international issues.
249.	Let us take, for example, the question of disarmament. Our greatest anxiety is that if a nuclear war were to break out there would be neither victor nor vanquished since there would be no survivor. The most heartfelt desire of countries such as mine is that negotiations on strategic and medium range weapons be resumed as quickly as possible in order to bring about first a freeze and then a quantitative reduction of nuclear weapons.
250.	Adoption of this peaceful initiative, as we have emphasized previously, is the only way to prevent encroachments on the sovereignty of other States, invasions and even continuing occupation of foreign territories, intervention and all other types of aggression.
251.	On the African continent, there are many tensions which are the result, as elsewhere, of deliberately ignoring the fundamental principles of the United Nations and of the OAU, namely, those concerning the self-determination of peoples, independence, respect for human rights, human dignity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonaggression, to cite but a few.
252.	In North Africa, the tensions engendered by the botched decolonization of Western Sahara are still smouldering. The refusal of one of the parties to the conflict to abide by the relevant resolutions of the OAU is not calculated to promote a final settlement of this conflict.
253.	Chad, which has always supported self-determination for the Saharan people, will give full support to any initiative that will help to facilitate the full implementation of the provisions of the resolutions adopted at the nineteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, particularly that which advocates direct negotiations between the two parties.
254.	In southern Africa, the racist minority regime of Pretoria continues to keep Namibia under the colonial yoke and to exclude the black South African majority from power. Recent developments in this part of the world show more clearly than ever the implacable, cynical nature of apartheid.
255.	In order to perpetuate their oppressive regime, the South African racists have even tried to use coloured people and Indians in their efforts to perpetuate their domination. The glaring failure of that attempt, caused by a general boycott of the so called elections by the communities concerned, is clear proof that in matters of domination and exploitation it is pointless to rely on dividing people, particularly if the oppressed people has no option but to resort to force.
256.	The delegation of Chad, which upholds the just cause of the South African majority, strongly condemns this inadmissible denial of elementary human rights.
257.	With regard to Namibia, we must recall that the people of Chad consider the full, unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) to be the only suitable path to decolonization. South Africa should unconditionally accept the decolonization of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole, authentic representative.
258.	In the Middle East, Israel's intransigence and its expansionist policy continue to foster tension and war. The right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State, under the leadership of the PLO, and Israel's right to exist are no longer open to discussion. In the light of this, it is important for the international community to bring pressure to bear on Israel, through an international conference on Palestine, to agree that the Palestinian people has the right to recover its plundered lands.
259.	Furthermore, it is undeniable that the foreign occupation of Lebanon is impeding the national unity of that country. As long as the uninvited foreign armies remain in Lebanon, peace and harmony among the people of Lebanon can be only pious hopes.
260.	Still in the Middle East, for many years an unrelenting war has continued to rack two neighbouring Islamic countries. I refer to the conflict between Iran and Iraq. My delegation once again appeals to those two countries to settle their differences by peaceful means. In this connection, we welcome Iraq's readiness to resolve the problem through negotiations.
261.	The Afghans cannot begin to settle the problems between them, in a brotherly spirit, until the occupying Soviet troops have been withdrawn from their country. However, despite the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the appeals of peace loving countries, those occupation forces show not the slightest intention of withdrawing. That is a cynical way to delay the solving of the Afghan problem.
262.	Another subject causing anxiety and concern, because it results from the use of armed force, is the continuing foreign occupation of Kampuchea. It is encouraging to note that the people of Kampuchea has not stood idly by, as is shown by the military and diplomatic successes achieved under the leadership of the Coalition Government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
263.	As is the case with Afghanistan, the problem of Kampuchea can be resolved only through the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations—that is, through the withdrawal of all occupying forces and the exercise by the Kampuchean people of its inalienable right to decide its own future.
264.	The partition of Korea into two States remains the main subject of concern to the Korean people. The delegation of Chad hopes that the country will be reunified through the initiation of direct negotiations between the two Governments, without any outside interference.
265.	With regard to the question of Cyprus, we call upon the Greek and Turkish communities to take part in brotherly talks in order to preserve the unity and integrity of an independent and nonaligned Republic of Cyprus.
266.	I turn now to Central America, where my delegation earnestly hopes that the process of dialogue within the framework of the Contadora Group will shortly bear fruit, so that the States and peoples of the region may enjoy peace and stability.
267.	Next year, we shall celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. That will be a fitting occasion to consider ways and means to use all the resources of the Charter to enable the Organization to carry out its mission effectively. That will involve the full shouldering by the Security Council of its responsibilities, rising above ideological and partisan squabbles and selfish interests. It will also involve strengthening international cooperation, in the higher interests of all nations.
268.	The failure to apply sanctions over violations of United Nations principles and resolutions has contributed to reducing the Organization's ability to resolve the many problems that the international community faces. It is therefore imperative to devise ways to restore the credibility of the United Nations, which remains the hope of peace-loving and justice loving countries—in particular, the small, defenceless countries.
269.	Chad remains faithful to the rules and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and appeals to the world conscience for scrupulous observance of them.
270.	Aggression and repeated acts of interference, of which my country is a victim, are results of the flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter.
271.	Therefore, we call upon the international community to do everything it can to support Chad in its efforts to regain tranquillity and recover its territorial integrity, as inherited from colonialism, by persuading the Tripoli regime to end its aggression and its continual interference in my country's internal affairs.


Mr. President, at the very outset permits me to extend to you and to the members of the Assembly fraternal greetings and a message of peace from King Moshoeshoe II, the Government and the people of Lesotho. We are pleased to congratulate you on your well-deserved unanimous election to the presidency of this session.
This augurs well for all of us because your great country, Zambia, under the leadership of President Kenneth Kaunda, has been in the forefront of the freedom struggle that has swept from the north to the southern part of our continent. While congratulating you as an illustrious son of Africa, we take special pride in recalling that you received the first part of your advanced education in the Kingdom of Lesotho, at what was then the Pius XII College. We pledge our full support to you and to the other officers.
5.	Allow me to seize this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, who served concurrently as the President of his great country, Panama.
6.	As a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, Lesotho warmly congratulates and welcomes the State of Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations. The admission of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations is a reminder to all of us that this is a universal Organization charged with responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security. Indeed, the Secretary General, whom we congratulate on his lucid and succinct report, has stated that "the United Nations is a unique and ideal forum for discussing and solving international problems and conflicts even between the superpowers.
7.	Let us therefore take this auspicious occasion of the admission of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations to rededicate ourselves to the ideals and objectives of the United Nations as enshrined in its Charter.
8.	As we meet again, the international economic crisis continues to threaten the survival of small developing nations. Their efforts to restructure their economies are frustrated by the polarized manipulation and refusal of the developed countries to accept the new international economic order.
9.	The stalemate in the global negotiations has further organized the North South relationship into a curious rectangular arrangement of first, second, third and fourth worlds. In this scenario, development strategies conceived in the last decade have degenerated into a thirst for regional domination characterized by coercion and blackmail. Failure to arrest this trend and revert to a normal dialogue between nations can only take the world back to the colonial era.
10.	My country, as one of the landlocked and least developed among the developing countries and one of the hardest hit by economics and spiralling inflation, is gravely concerned at the stalemate in the North South dialogue, which so far happens to be the only possible means of restructuring the present unjust economic order.
11.	Of course, resolutions have been adopted by various United Nations institutions and efforts have been made in an attempt to improve the economic conditions of the least developed countries. These endeavours may not have generated substantive gains, but this fact need not diminish our will and determination to achieve our set goals of development. The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade in 1983, served as a reminder to the developing countries of the importance of mutual cooperation. The developing countries should utilize their experience further to promote their unity and move towards self-reliance.
12.	Although multilateral cooperation has made substantial contributions to economic and social development since the last world war, there is a growing awareness of the need among developing countries for reform of the existing international monetary and financial systems. It is almost 40 years since the Bretton Woods blueprint was agreed upon as the basic framework for global economic relationships. Today, near chaos and disorder have made it urgently necessary to re-examine the system and the whole machinery.
13.	Even though there are diverse views on reform, we believe that close dialogue would culminate in some practical reforms. In Toronto, the Commonwealth Finance Ministers made commendable recommendations, which have my delegation's full support. That the Development Committee of the World Bank is considering those recommendations is encouraging. The international community should work towards the day when the world's financial and trading systems will be free of major banking crises, disequilibrium in external payments, stagnant growth, increasing trade barriers, volatile exchange rates and reduced investments due to high inflation and interest rates. No blame is being placed on any single country or group of countries for the prevailing uncertainties, but there is no doubt that the major industrialized countries have a special responsibility to initiate reforms.
14.	The Secretary General has called the attention of the international community to the deteriorating economic and social crisis in Africa, particularly in the drought stricken countries. This call could not have come at a more opportune moment, because we, in Lesotho, have experienced unprecedented drought for the past three to four years, resulting in famine, malnutrition and death. While we express our appreciation to those countries which have responded positively to the call, we must state that the situation is not getting better. Meagre resources have been redirected towards emergency programmes, leaving very little for normal development activities. We therefore take this opportunity to welcome the initiative of the FAO and the World Bank group in bringing to the fore the crisis situation in sub-Saharan Africa, of which Lesotho is an integral part. It is to be hoped that the international community will respond positively and generously to requests for assistance in order to alleviate the plight of the peoples of the region.
15.	Today, the global political climate is more volatile than ever before. The deepening confrontation in East West relations and the growing tendency to resort to force is of the greatest concern to Lesotho and its peace-loving people. In the past year there has been no progress in arms control negotiations. It is our earnest hope that the recent contacts signal a new era whose atmosphere will replace the current atmosphere of heightened fear of nuclear confrontation and violence.
16.	There has been violence in many parts of the world. The situation in Cyprus remains unresolved although the issue has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for many years. Indeed, recent developments have exacerbated the problems in that friendly Commonwealth country. The Government of Lesotho continues to support territorial integrity and independence for Cyprus. We are encouraged by and commend the Secretary General's efforts to that end.
17.	The situation in Central and Latin America continues to be characterized by interference in the internal affairs of smaller States. Hence our firm support for the Contadora initiatives and the opening of dialogue between the United States and Nicaragua. We hope that the peoples of Central and Latin America will soon be left alone to live in peace, free of external pressures and intimidation.
18.	A serious threat to world peace persists in the Middle East. The Palestine issue is at the heart of that problem. We are convinced that Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which endorses the right of all countries of the region to exist, constitutes a just and comprehensive solution. We contend further that all conquered territories must be returned and that the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, especially their right to self-determination, must be respected.
19.	The Iraqi Iranian war is another outstanding international conflict in which many lives have already been lost. What is even more painful about that war is that it involves two fraternal nonaligned States. Lesotho calls for a negotiated settlement to end that fratricidal war and commends the Secretary General and others for their efforts in trying to bring about peace in the area.
20.	On the Korean question, the Lesotho Government has always supported the Korean people's desire to reunify their country peacefully, without foreign interference. Talks have been held between the parties concerned with the aim of achieving genuine reunification. My delegation urges that those talks continue.
21.	There are many other areas of world tension, but representatives will bear with me if I single out southern Africa, since it is the most vexing problem and could engulf us in an inferno of immeasurable proportions. The Government of Lesotho has consistently expressed its position on the Namibian question.
22.	The United Nations plan for Namibia's independence remains unimplemented. The diplomatic efforts launched by the five Western Powers to persuade South Africa to end its illegal occupation of Namibia have not shown any progress. Many issues that had already been resolved are being reopened and irrelevant matters are being drawn in. There is insistence that Namibia cannot be independent unless Cuban troops are withdrawn from Angola.
23.	We have maintained that Cuban troops are in Angola at the invitation of the Angolan Government—a bilateral arrangement between sovereign States. The illegal occupation of Namibia is a separate, colonial issue which should be treated as such and not confused with other extraneous matters. South Africa ought to set a date for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and a date for Namibia's independence.
24.	The General Assembly, in its resolutions 38/11 and 39/2, unequivocally rejected the so-called constitutional reforms. Since independence, Lesotho has upheld a policy of the resolution of problems between nations through dialogue. Even today the Government of Lesotho is still committed to that policy. We are, however, apprehensive that as long as apartheid exists our relations with our neighbour will always present problems, much as both sides would like them to be as reasonable as possible. The Government of Lesotho therefore feels strongly that the question of apartheid must be addressed as seriously as possible if there is to be genuine peace in that part of the world. The world should not be deceived into thinking that the push for political change in South Africa is mainly externally motivated. Recent events in that country are compelling examples of the impatience of the majority of the black masses. What we all have to bear in mind is that a people determined to liberate itself will not be halted by anything or anybody.
25.	The consequent reprisals by the South African authorities have, as usual, resulted in an influx of South African refugees into my country. In spite of serious pressures from our powerful neighbour, we find ourselves unable to deny sanctuary to those who are denied civil and political rights. This is, first, because, as King Moshoeshoe II stated in the Security Council on 14 December 1982, we are ourselves a nation of refugees. That is why we do not place refugees in camps; instead, we integrate them into our society. Secondly, it is because we are obliged to honour international conventions on refugees to which we are parties.
26.	Lesotho will continue to receive those who run to it for sanctuary. But we shall also insist, as in the past, that our country should not be used as a springboard for attacks against other countries. The Government of Lesotho has made a declaration to that effect, which has been reproduced in Security Council document S/16746. It is because we are committed to a policy of good neighbourliness and peaceful coexistence that we have continued to impress upon our neighbour that it would greatly facilitate matters for us if the South African Government were to engage in a serious and meaningful dialogue with the black people of that country, the legitimacy of whose struggle for a place in the sun is accepted by the Assembly.
27.	The struggle of the people of South Africa affects us in Lesotho directly, for, as my Prime Minister has stated, when these people flee to our country we are used as scapegoats and are falsely accused of giving military bases to the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC].
28.	Sometimes those accusations against us become so acrimonious that our very independence and sovereignty are threatened, as was the case recently when South Africa interfered with goods destined for Lesotho from other countries and at the same time restricted the movement of people across our common borders. Another very disturbing dimension in this respect concerns the armed bandits who cross our borders from South Africa into our country to commit acts of murder and sabotage. To contain this situation we have had to divert funds which could otherwise have been used for development to strengthen our internal security.
29.	In this volatile situation, in which the positions of the white rulers of South Africa and the black majority of that country seem to be drifting further apart, as a result of which we, in Lesotho, are not able to concentrate on development, my Prime Minister, Mr. Jonathan, has offered himself as a catalyst between the two sides, with Lesotho as a venue for discussions towards resolving the conflict between them. We have no desire to interfere in the internal affairs of another country, but we are affected because of our geographical position.
30.	We, in Lesotho, do not subscribe to the view that peaceful coexistence among neighbouring countries in southern Africa can be attained through the signing of so-called nonaggression pacts. It is our firm and sincere belief that the problem of southern Africa, at the centre of which is the apartheid system, can be resolved by the dismantling of apartheid in South Africa. As a matter of fact, we have stated that we have no problem coexisting peacefully with South Africa and, indeed, the current dialogue, if carried out in good faith, holds good prospects for normalization of relations. But we also think that the continuing influx of refugees into our country, which we cannot stop, will continue to threaten these relations which are showing signs of improvement.
31.	We should like to express a very special word of gratitude and appreciation to the friendly countries and international organizations which gave us economic support and political solidarity in our socioeconomic development efforts.
32.	Our ability to withstand the enormous political pressures which undermine our sovereignty and territorial integrity is firmly based on our historical background. We are happy that the international community is behind us.


We are fortunate indeed, Sir, to be approaching the end of the fourth decade of the life of the United Nations under the distinguished presidency of a man such as yourself, a man of experience and stature closely identified with your own land, Zambia, your continent, Africa, and your constituency, the world. It is my particular personal pleasure to congratulate you on behalf of my country, Belize, and on my own account on your election to steer the deliberations of this session.
174.	You follow in the footsteps of another great friend of Belize, President Jorge Illueca, of Panama, whose conduct of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly's difficult and at times awesome agenda assures him posterity's recognition as one of the eminent statesmen of Latin America.
175.	Both our nations are the product of the ideals promulgated in the landmark decision of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960—a testimony to the potential for world transformation inherent in the United Nations.
176.	The fact that this potential has not as yet been more fully realized is a comment on the absence of moral and political commitment among those with the authority and the influence to translate for the benefit of their own peoples the principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations for the benefit of all peoples.
177.	We welcome the admission of Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member State of the Organization and offer it our friendship and cooperation.
178.	Belize begins the fourth year of independent life as a functioning democracy in the Central American and Caribbean region. At this time, the people of Belize are on the threshold of both local and national elections, under the provisions of a Constitution that guarantees universal adult suffrage to all citizens aged 18 years and more.
179.	In a region of the world where violence and civil strife seem endemic, where human rights and human values are often mortgaged for political advantage or ideological impulse, I am proud to speak for a nation that has no political prisoners in its gaols, that recognizes that men and institutions remain free only when freedom is founded upon respect for moral and spiritual values and upon the rule of law.
180.	Our policies of government are based on principles of social justice. These principles allow us to operate the economic system in such a way that the material resources of the community are distributed to serve the common good and ensure adequate means of livelihood for all; that labour is not exploited, or forced by economic necessity to operate in inhumane conditions; and that there is opportunity for all to advance on the basis of merit, ability and integrity.
181.	But we recognize that it is not an easy task to maintain these noble principles in difficult political and economic circumstances. There must be a daily struggle to keep our freedom, our independence and our sovereignty intact and secure. A nation three years of age is an infant nation. It needs the help and understanding of older nations, especially those concerned with the peace and stability of our region, if we are to fulfil the promises of the fruits of independence for our people and continue to be a free and independent nation, sovereign over all our territory.
182.	As a young nation, we wish to live in peace and harmonious cooperation with all our neighbours. We cherish the example of good neighbourliness that characterizes the relations between Belize and Mexico, our larger northern neighbour, with which we share land and sea borders. We also cherish the relationship of trust and understanding developed over the years with the nations of the Caribbean community which share with us a common history, culture, language and experience.
183.	We are enriched by the friendship of the Central American nations with which we share a common geography, common aspirations and a common destiny. We thank them for their friendship, their support and their cooperation. In return, we ask them to recognize our God-given right to determine our existence as a nation for ourselves, free from external threat and domination, sovereign over all our territorial treasures.
184.	To our neighbour State of Guatemala, which persists in claiming our land, Belize reiterates its willingness to negotiate with good faith and determination to find a just solution. Such negotiation, however, will not be predicated on the presumption on the part of Guatemala that it has any rights over independent Belize. The independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Belize are not for negotiation.
185.	We invite Guatemala to face the reality that the self-determination of the Belizean people, after years of struggle and constitutional evolution, culminated in the process of decolonization and separation from the Administering Authority and the emergence of a new nation in Central America. Belize did not have two colonizers. The independence of Belize could not have been a unilateral grant from the United Kingdom; it was the result of a legal and constitutional process. This fact is recognized by the United Nations, the Charter and principles of which Guatemala's spokesmen profess to respect; and Belize is recognized by all the nations of the world, except Guatemala.
186.	We invite the Government and the people of Guatemala to move away from the archaic and anachronistic attitudes of the past, to acknowledge the exercise of the right of the Belizean people to self-determination, to respect our land and sea borders, to recognize the new State of Belize and to accept its sovereignty.
187.	The failure to recognize Belize adds special impediments to negotiations between our two sovereign States. The Government of Guatemala must recognize that authority over Belize is vested in the Government of Belize; therefore, negotiations over Belize must be with the Government of Belize. It is the Government of Belize—and only the Government of Belize—that has and can exercise the authority to conclude a settlement with the Government of Guatemala.
188.	To perpetuate the fiction that Guatemala is negotiating with the United Kingdom over Belize is unreal and unproductive. We invite Guatemala to abandon this fiction and to recognize the State of Belize. In this way, we can move forward with realism towards a solution.
189.	It is equally fictitious to pretend that Guatemala can strengthen its ties with the people of Belize as long as there exist the institutional distrust and disrespect inherent in their reluctance to accept Belize's independent existence. I can assure the international community that the people of Belize are as united now as they have ever been against the false claims of Guatemala over our territory. We hope that our continuing discussions will bring it to the realization that the way to strengthen the ties between our peoples begins with recognition of our independent existence as a State, respect for our sovereignty and acceptance of our historical borders.  Belize continues to agonize over the deteriorating situation in our region of Central America. We express our solidarity with our brothers and sisters in the area and our readiness to assist in every way in the search for peace and stability. We regret the introduction, with the resulting damaging effects, of considerations of an East West configuration.
191. We support peaceful solutions and adhere to the principle of non-intervention in conflict situations. Because of this, we welcomed the initiatives of the Contadora Group in searching for regional solutions to regional problems. We congratulate the countries of the Contadora Group on their positive efforts towards a peace agreement and look forward to early acceptance and implementation of the agreements by the countries of the region. For our part, Belize supports the principles and concepts put forward in the new Contadora accords.
192.	Belize thanks all its friends and allies who, in this world of interdependence, work together with it to advance the economic development and social progress of its people and the peoples of the region and the world. At the same time, we cannot ignore the fact that, for reasons extraneous to our development needs, Belize often finds itself excluded from regional and hemispheric initiatives designed to improve the economic conditions of our region.
193.	As a Central American State, my country is not immune from the results of the conflict in the region. While not a participant in the conflict, we are a recipient of some of the inevitable tragic results, including the need to give refuge, at great sacrifice, to thousands of displaced refugees fleeing from the theatre of civil war. Motivated by our human duty, Belize provides a safe haven for our brother Central Americans in our society.
194.	As a disadvantaged developing nation, Belize grapples daily with the facts of underdevelopment: declining export earnings for our sugar and other primary products, high interest rates and the subsequent lessening of foreign exchange available for purchases from the industrialized world. While we have initiated policies to stimulate economic growth, countries such as ours rely heavily on concessionary arrangements and technical and other assistance from international and regional organizations and institution?.
195.	We regret, therefore, the deliberate policy of exclusion that prevents Belize from participating in the Organization of American States and its institutions, in the economic initiatives designed for the Central American region and in financial institutions established to assist the development of our part of the world. Passive acceptance of this state of affairs by friendly States in the region is a contribution to the slowing down of the development process in Belize and runs counter to protestations of friendship and regional cooperation.
196.	Nearly a year has passed since the tragic events in Grenada traumatized the Caribbean and caused such deep disquiet among our Caribbean sister States and in the larger international community. Our Commonwealth family has agreed that the time for recriminations has passed and that all possible efforts should be made to assist the Grenadian people to reconstruct their shattered country. We view positively the announcement of free and fair elections, to take place in December, and we commit ourselves again to respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that Caribbean country.
197.	We maintain our solidarity with Guyana and support for its right to exercise sovereignty over all its territory, and are encouraged that the Secretary General has become involved in the search for a suitable settlement of the controversy. We wish him well in this effort and respect the assurances from both sides concerning the maintenance of a climate conducive to a favourable outcome.
198.	We continue to support the United Kingdom in its efforts to find an honourable settlement that will not infringe upon the rights of the people of the Falkland Islands to decide their own destiny, and we call on the new Government of Argentina to resume negotiations without preconditions that would be prejudicial to the islanders' rights.
199.	The independence of Namibia is inevitable. Efforts to discourage the acceleration of that process serve only to delay the final outcome but cannot prevent it. We reiterate our support for and solidarity with SWAPO in the heroic struggle for the liberation of that country.
200.	The suffering continues in South Africa, where the racist apartheid regime arrogantly, and with seeming impunity, persists in trampling on the rights and dignity of the majority black population. We condemn the trickery and sleight-of-hand being attempted by the racist regime under the guise of constitutional reform designed to defy world opinion and divide the oppressed people of South Africa.
201.	While recognizing the right of Israel to exist, we recognize equally the right of the Palestinian people to forge their own destiny in their own homeland on their own territory.
202.	Belize joins the rest of the international community in deploring the continuation of the unfortunate war between the nonaligned States of Iran and Iraq and imploring them to put an end to war and begin the task of reconstruction and reconciliation.
203.	We remain concerned at the situation in Afghanistan and look forward to a negotiated political settlement that does not prejudice the independence, sovereignty and nonaligned status of that country.
204.	As a minor actor on the international stage, Belize has no pretensions to considerable influence in world affairs. Our domestic concerns are limited to the consolidation of our independence, to building a durable and enduring democracy, to extending the fruits of development and a better life to all our people, and to offering every Belizean a dignified existence.
205.	On the international scene, our policies of peaceful coexistence, good neighbourliness, non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, nonviolence and the peaceful settlement of disputes are aimed at promoting international peace, security and cooperation among nations. They are aimed at assisting in the establishment of a just and equitable international economic and social order in the world, with respect for international law and treaty obligations in the dealings among nations. And they are intended to protect and preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Belize, to broaden our international recognition and to consolidate our nationhood.
206.	We have an abiding interest in the continued existence of the planet Earth. All our efforts to fashion a world order would be meaningless in the aftermath of nuclear war. We call on the international community, and the nuclear Powers in particular, not to shirk their responsibility to humanity but to work strenuously to save us all from the unspeakable horrors of nuclear devastation.
207.	Belize's policies coincide with those of the Movement of Non-aligned Countries and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as with the approach adopted by the Commonwealth of Nations. We reaffirm our commitment to those organizations.
208.	My delegation commends the Secretary General for his untiring efforts to streamline the Organization in the face of great odds, for his report on the work of the Organization—a forthright, frank and realistic report—and for his faith in the vision expressed in the Charter.
209.	Our vision of the usefulness, indeed the necessity, of the United Nations is not clouded by the criticisms the Organization has attracted during its 39 years of existence. The list of accomplishments of the United Nations far outweighs the amount of criticism it receives. Indeed, the United Nations reflects the aspirations and frustrations of many nations and groups all over the world. We share the Secretary General’s view that "one of its great merits is that all nations—including the weak, the oppressed and the victims of injustice—can get a hearing and have a platform even in the face of the hard realities of power”
210.	As we approach the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, let us pledge to preserve and strengthen the Organization so that it emerges stronger and more responsive to the needs of the kind of world we are in the process of creating.