Mr President, it is a pleasure
for me to congratulate you, Foreign Minister Essy, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session. The Barbados delegation has
cooperated closely with Your Excellency in the past, and
we have every confidence that you will guide the work of
this session with distinction.
It is with a deep sense of pride and satisfaction that I
also offer my Government’s congratulations to our outgoing
President, Ambassador Rudy Insanally of Guyana. As the
first representative from the Caribbean to hold that high
office, Ambassador Insanally has represented the entire
region with exemplary skill and diplomacy, and has left
much seminal work for us to build upon over the coming
months.
I also extend the good wishes of the Barbados
Government to our distinguished Secretary-General, Dr
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whom the Barbadian people had the
honour of receiving in Bridgetown earlier this year. We
offer him our continued support in his difficult task at the
helm of the Organization at so crucial an epoch in world
affairs.
On 23 June this year, the Republic of South Africa
received a warm and emotional welcome back to this Hall
as it formally resumed its participation in the work of the
Assembly.
As it did then, Barbados warmly welcomes the
return of South Africa to the community of nations. As
we rejoice at the demise of apartheid, we are still greatly
moved by the tremendous sacrifices made by the men,
women and children of South Africa that made a
democratic South Africa possible, and by the
steadfastness and the statesmanship of the South African
leaders, particularly President Mandela, whose great
stature and wisdom captivated this body some seven days
ago. We also acknowledge the sterling contribution of
the Special Committee against Apartheid, which for
32 years worked unremittingly to achieve this remarkable
outcome.
South Africa is well poised to play a significant role
in this Organization, and the international community has
much to learn from the South African experience.
It is, however, imperative that we recognize that
South Africa still very much needs our assistance with the
great challenges that lie ahead. The Government of
Barbados pledges to support the Government of South
Africa as it strives to improve the quality of life for its
citizens.
Barbados is greatly encouraged by the progress made
in the search for a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East since the signing of the Washington Declaration by
Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in
September last year. The Cairo Accord, which paved the
way for the commencement of Palestinian self-rule in the
Gaza Strip and in Jericho, and the Israeli-Jordanian
Declaration, signed in Washington in July this year, are
welcome steps on the difficult path towards the attainment
of peace in that region.
Barbados hopes that future resolutions on the Middle
East will be reflective of these advances and will serve as
a fillip to the parties engaged in the negotiation process
as they strive to achieve a comprehensive peace in
accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),
338 (1973) and 425 (1978).
The people of Barbados went to the polls on
6 September and, in an incident-free election, voted a new
Government into office. I am honoured to be a part of
that new order. The democracy that Barbados practices
6

is ingrained in the culture and habits of its people. For
them, freedom of speech and association and freedom to
vote at regular intervals for a Government of their choice
and to have the Government installed in an immediate and
orderly transfer of power are the simple and natural norms
of life. Yet, sadly, what we in Barbados take for granted,
others close by in our own hemisphere still struggle to
achieve.
My country, Barbados, has gained international
recognition for its comprehensive network of social
services, its people-oriented development policies and its
high quality of life, which have earned it first place in the
developing world in the United Nations Development
Programme’s Human Development Index. The present
Government of the Barbados Labour Party fully recognizes
the challenges that lie ahead for a small, middle-income
country like Barbados to sustain that achievement in an
international economic environment that continues to
marginalize the small and fragile in the developing world.
With few resource endowments, our survival must depend
exclusively on the skills of our industrial and committed
people and on the God-given beauty of our natural
environment.
The new Government has responded immediately to
that challenge in its manifesto "Charter for Change", a
fundamental policy document that represents a solemn
compact by this Government to work together with its
citizens in seeking for Barbados a strong, strategic position
in the global community of nations as we approach the
twenty-first century. We are determined to use the
opportunities created by the technological and
communications revolution to overcome the obstacle of size
and to harness our natural and strategic assets to convert
Barbados into a full-service economy. We will encourage
the development of tourism and the international financial
services and informatics sectors to their fullest potential.
We will create a business-friendly environment that will be
conducive to new investment, both local and foreign. We
will facilitate the growth and development of the small-
business sector and encourage entrepreneurship. A
radically restructured Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign
Trade and International Business, under my direction, has
been put in place to spearhead this endeavour.
Against this background, the people of Barbados view
with concern the tragic situation of Haiti. For far too long
Haiti has been a burden on the collective conscience of the
region. For too long a just and equitable solution has not
only eluded the countries in our own hemisphere, but
eluded also the grasp of the Security Council of the United
Nations. We are greatly encouraged that the deployment
into Haiti of the multinational force took place under
peaceful circumstances and that the spectre of a bloody
confrontation was averted. The participation of Barbados
in the multinational force and the United Nations Mission
in Haiti, authorized by Security Council resolution 940
(1994), is testimony to our commitment to ensuring that
the will of the Haitian people is finally respected and
their lawful President and his administration restored to
office without delay. The clear terms of resolution 940
(1994) must be honoured in full, and the power of a
brutal and lawless military and its callous leadership
effectively and permanently neutralized.
As stated by Prime Minister Owen Arthur of
Barbados in his recent address at the White House on
behalf of the Heads of Government of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM):
“Where democracy has taken root, it should be
encouraged to grow and to flourish. Like the Soviet
Union and South Africa, Haiti too deserves its
rendezvous with democracy. The Haitian people
wished for it. They suffered for it. They voted for
it. And now they are dying for it.”
Haiti’s rendezvous with democracy has now begun
in earnest. Hope is finally returning to a people that for
a very long time had felt that all was lost. But as we in
CARICOM have warned on numerous previous occasions,
the ballot box is merely the beginning of the democratic
process. The international community must now
orchestrate a massive effort to put in place the
institutional infrastructure necessary to maintain and
strengthen the fledgling Haitian democracy and to bury
forever the ghosts of the past. The reconstruction of Haiti
entails the creation of conditions that will ensure that the
rights and freedoms of all Haitian people are respected.
It must also respond effectively to the critical
development needs of the Haitian population and to their
just aspirations to share equitably in the resources of their
country.
The Governments of the Caribbean Community are
committed to playing their part in this vital phase of the
process, and to this end have agreed to provide assistance,
in concert with other members of the international
community, in the development of a civilian force as a
professional organization for maintaining the peace and
respect for human rights in Haiti. They are also prepared
to make available to the constitutionally appointed
authorities in Haiti a cadre of officers from the public
7

service of the member States of CARICOM to provide
training in public administration, the conduct of elections
and other activities in support of the institutionalization of
the democratic process.
As we look across the Caribbean Community, we see
much that gives us cause for hope. The private and public
sectors of our subregion are collaborating more and more,
while, at the same time, intergovernmental cooperation has
increased. The political dialogue between Heads of
Government is flourishing, and economic cooperation is
expanding. Concerted efforts are also being made to boost
intraregional trade and to improve the economic, social and
cultural well-being of our peoples.
This year the Caribbean Community celebrated its
twenty-first anniversary. A pioneer among integration
movements in our hemisphere, CARICOM has sought to
respond to the reality that Caribbean peoples share a
common destiny, which is best realized through
coordination and cooperation in pursuit of their economic,
social and political well-being.
This year also, building on the foundations laid by
many statesmen of the Caribbean and on the ideas most
recently developed by the West Indian Commission, the
leaders of 25 States whose shores are washed by the
Caribbean Sea met at Cartagena, Colombia, to sign the
Convention establishing the Association of Caribbean
States. The Association will bring together in their
common pursuit of development 40 Caribbean-basin States,
countries and territories with a total population of
200 million. Its stated aims are: to promote, utilize and
develop the collective capabilities of the Caribbean region
to achieve sustainable cultural economic, social, scientific
and technological advancement; to develop the potential of
the Caribbean Sea through interaction among member
States and with third parties; to promote an enhanced
economic space for trade and investment with opportunities
for cooperation and concerted action, in order to increase
the benefits which accrue to the peoples of the Caribbean
from their resources and assets, including the Caribbean
Sea; and to establish, consolidate and augment, as
appropriate, institutional structures and cooperation
agreements responsive to the various cultural identities,
developmental needs and innovative systems within the
region.
Barbados fully supports the aims of the Association
and welcomes its establishment as an important step in the
consolidation of the regional integration effort. But our
aims to foster development across the Caribbean will not be
complete until all of the partners are free to participate on
an equal footing. In this regard we believe the time has
come to remove the last vestige of cold-war rivalry from
our hemisphere. We join the international community in
appealing to the United States to lift its punitive economic
embargo on Cuba and to facilitate the economic
reintegration of that neighbouring State into the world
economy. We urge that political will be found to resolve
the remaining differences between the two countries
through further dialogue.
Earlier this year, 116 countries and 150
non-governmental organizations were represented at the
Global Conference on the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States, held in Barbados. The
first follow-up activity to be held in fulfillment of a
mandate from the International Conference on
Environment and Development, the "Earth summit", the
Conference aimed to develop a blueprint of priority
actions for the implementation of Agenda 21 in the
specific context of small island developing States. The
results of the Conference will shortly come before the
General Assembly for its endorsement at this session.
We urge the international community to lend its full
support to the measures proposed to ensure sustained
follow-up and implementation of the proposals contained
in the Barbados Programme of Action.
On 16 November, the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea will come into force, 12 years after it
was opened for signature at Montego Bay. We welcome
the recent developments which have enhanced the
prospects of universal participation in the Convention and
look forward to the inauguration of the work of its
relevant organs. We look forward too to the successful
conclusion next year of the Conference on Straddling Fish
Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks, and to the
adoption of a legally binding regime to regulate the
conservation and management of these threatened stocks.
The wise observation by the Secretary-General that
“development is a fundamental right and the strongest
foundation for peace” has been recognized by the General
Assembly, which in recent years has been giving priority
attention to social development by convening a number of
international conferences devoted primarily to social and
economic issues, as envisaged in Article 55 of the
Charter.
The recent International Conference on Population
and Development spoke volumes about the changing
nature of international dialogue and the changing role of
8

women. In greater numbers and with greater strength, civil
society in the form of non-governmental organizations
worked alongside Governments to craft a plan of action
which might realistically address the reproductive health of
women and the broader needs of women in the
development process. We owe a debt of gratitude to
Ms. Nafis Sadik, Mr. Fred Sai and the rest of the
Conference leadership, who pushed for and achieved a
broad consensus on many difficult issues which fall into the
realm of the population and development dialogue.
For my country, the outcome of the International
Conference on Population and Development and the Plan of
Action confirm much of the effort which has been spent on
improving women’s access to family planning and health
services. I stand before the Assembly as an example of the
progressive attitude which Barbadians hold regarding
women’s status and leadership potential. I am also
reminded that we too need to work on areas highlighted by
the population Conference proceedings: difficult issues
such as reducing maternal mortality, addressing the needs
of special groups such as youth, and looking at how our
policies and programmes further women’s empowerment.
Still, I am heartened by the openness of the United
Nations processes to the contributions of citizens’ groups
alongside Governments, and will watch with great interest
the progress at the social summit and women’s conference.
These conferences, together with the 1990 World Summit
for Children and the 1992 Rio de Janiero Conference,
extend along a continuum which urges action to look into
the difficulties faced by our citizens and at how
Government policies can relieve the uneven pressures which
are put upon women.
Barbados considers that these meetings are of vital
importance and that their core themes demand the adoption
of a meaningful programme of action that would
demonstrate a firm commitment to the oft-repeated concept
that the human being should indeed be placed at the centre
of development. Poverty, unemployment, gender equality,
children’s rights and other integrated issues must be tackled
with the same urgency and resolve as other aspirations of
the Charter if this Organization intends to signal a true
turning-point in its human-development strategy.
The United Nations has contributed significantly to
promoting and ensuring respect for and observance of
human rights since the adoption of the Universal
Declaration on Human Rights on 10 December 1948. The
legal framework and the established human rights
machinery have been greatly strengthened by the Vienna
Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the World
Conference on Human Rights held at Vienna in June
1993. The Conference affirmed that democracy,
development and respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms are interdependent and mutually
reinforcing, and especially emphasized that the right to
development is a basic human right.
At its forty-eighth session, the General Assembly
honoured the Latin American and Caribbean region by
appointing His Excellency Mr. José Ayala Lasso of
Ecuador as the first United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights as a first step in implementing the
Vienna Declaration. At its forty-ninth session, the
General Assembly must now seek with equal vigour to
implement the other important measures of the Vienna
Declaration. Barbados urges that the Working Group on
Human Rights pursue its mandate in a coherent,
transparent and balanced manner in order that the long-
term interests of human rights may be truly served.
Barbados believes that every human being is entitled
to the unfettered enjoyment of all human rights and that
the ultimate human right is the right to life. In this
context, we urge that the Assembly give serious
consideration at this session to the harmful impact that
illicit drug trafficking, organized transnational crime and
terrorism have on the effective enjoyment of human
rights. Barbados welcomes the recent decision of the
Commission on Narcotic Drugs to establish a working
group to pursue areas of collaboration with the
Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice in
maritime trafficking. We are also encouraged by the
progress the Working Group has made on the draft statute
for an international criminal court and support the
recommendation by the International Law Commission
that the General Assembly convene an international
conference of plenipotentiaries to study the draft statute
and to conclude a convention on the establishment of an
international criminal court.
My Government has always been a strong supporter
of the United Nations. We believe that in the emerging
new world order it is more critical than ever for the
United Nations to be capable of fulfilling its role as the
primary guarantor of the security and independence of
small States, and as the protector of the powerless and
economically vulnerable who form the vast majority of its
membership. It is also important for the small, but
morally authoritative, voices of this world body to
continue to stress the absolute necessity for the
9

international community to use equitably and responsibly
the powers conferred upon it in the Charter.
Over the past year, priority attention has been given in
the work of the General Assembly and the Economic and
Social Council to the task of elaborating an Agenda for
Development as a necessary corollary to, and indeed a
prerequisite for, the "Agenda for Peace". We have taken
careful note of the Secretary-General’s report to the forty-
eighth session in this regard and look forward to giving
detailed consideration to the recommendations which he
will present in his report to this session.
While we recognize that the United Nations has an
inescapable responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security, we must acknowledge also
that peace and development are indivisible. The root
causes of most conflicts are to be found in the legacy of
poverty and dispossession that underdevelopment
engenders. While we agree that the world body must of
necessity respond to critical conflict situations as they arise,
it must at the same time be pointed out that the vast
majority of the world’s population does not live in a state
of war or civil conflict. The betterment of the economic
and social conditions of that majority deserves a central
place in the deliberative and decision-making bodies of the
United Nations and must be the principal objective of an
Agenda for Development.
An Agenda for Development must promote a new
consensus on international cooperation for development and
an integrated approach which is people-centred.
Furthermore, it must be based on creating a new
cooperative relationship between the United Nations and the
Bretton Woods institutions, one which recognizes the
fundamental importance of the social dimension to
development. The policies pursued by these institutions
over the past decade, particularly within the framework of
structural-adjustment programmes, have left a legacy which
convinces us of the need for radical reform.
We must remind ourselves that the improvement of
human well-being is the fundamental criterion to which the
development objective must respond. There is little value
in short-term economic growth if the measures used to
attain it result inevitably in social disintegration. The
Barbados delegation therefore strongly supports the view of
the South Centre that fresh approaches must be sought and
a new social contract established if social, political and
economic objectives are to be reconciled. The United
Nations is the appropriate forum to ensure that this
reconciliation of objectives can be promoted in a
universal, transparent and democratic manner.
Several useful views have emerged over the past
year during the discussion of the Open-Ended Working
Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on
and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council.
We look forward to an intensification of these discussions
during the forty-ninth session. Any enlargement of the
Council must only be contemplated within a context that
deals also with the issue of equitable geographical
representation, the question of the veto, and the question
of increasing the transparency of the operations of the
Council and its accountability to the wider international
community. Decisions arrived at hastily to deal with only
one aspect of the issue, or merely to respond to an
arbitrary deadline of next year’s celebrations, will not
provide a lasting solution to this critical issue.
The United Nations will have reached a remarkable
milestone in 1995 as it celebrates 50 years of tireless
service to the goal of enabling all mankind to live in
dignity and enjoy better standards of life in larger
freedom. While it is fitting that we acknowledge this
milestone with appropriate ceremony, we must recognize
that the United Nations will be called upon to face
challenges in the twenty-first century that could be
immeasurably more difficult than those of the previous
era. Global stability will depend more and more on the
ability of the United Nations to promote economic and
social justice than on its ability to silence guns.
The kind of challenges I have in mind are poignantly
etched in the following quotation from an unpublished
work in progress entitled "The Rwanda Poem" by the
distinguished Barbadian poet and writer Mr. Kamau
Brathwaite, who, only a few days ago, received the
Neustadt International Prize for Literature:
"Sa/hell crumbles into these flickering miles
Miles of the silences of holes
Of the cold dry moon in our belly
Marrow burning its protein into its sound
Skin smouldering to ash
Holocaust of dome - there is no music anywhere
Heads propped up on sticks of skeletons
Bald headed children naked of all else
But large deep agate space-age eyes"
Global stability will be difficult to maintain if the
cries of the majority of the world’s peoples, whose lives
are marked by a lack of food, shelter and education and
10

who are afflicted by poverty, disease, and other forms of
social misery, continue to go unheeded and are merely
reflected as glaring statistics in United Nations reports on
the world’s social situation.
It is Barbados’ belief that the challenge that will
confront the United Nations in the era ahead will lie
undoubtedly in the humanitarian sphere. This Organization
is the only universal body with the legitimacy to take up
this challenge. But if it is to meet this challenge
successfully, it must be made more efficient, effective and
alert. In this context, prevention must supersede reaction.
As we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Organization next year, "We the peoples" must renew our
commitment to this unique body and strive to ensure its
relevance to the twenty-first century. Mr. President, be
assured of Barbados’ commitment to these endeavours.


Allow me, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your
election to such a responsible post. I am certain that you
will be able to guide our debates with your well-known
efficiency.
These are years of change and transformation. In an
amazingly short period of time we have moved from a
bipolar world marked by strategic confrontation which
seemed insurmountable to a world in which the hope of
an international order of peace and harmony coexists with
some uncertainties. There are still serious conflicts that
require our full attention and that of the United Nations -
the main institution the international community has for
the solution of such conflicts.
The international landscape is full of contrasts: there
are encouraging signs of convergence alongside other
signs that seem to point to the persistence of
authoritarianism and extremism, which inevitably lead to
violence. Torn as it is between hope and uncertainty, the
world must face the challenge of finding the right
answers. But we must keep in mind and never lose sight
of the fact that we cannot aspire to a world at peace if we
fail to establish a just international society. There can be
no peace without justice and there can be no justice
without the full assurance of freedom and human rights.
There can be no peace or justice if there is
discrimination. There can be no peace or justice where
there is hunger. There can be no peace or justice where
there are regimes that repress individual freedom. And
there can be no peace or justice when terrorism continues
to be protected by political, cultural and economic
sponsors.
11

But, as I said at the outset, there are also some facets
of reality that encourage us. One of the high notes of the
past year was the successful conclusion of the institutional
transition of the Republic of South Africa, magnificently
embodied in the figures of President Mandela and the
enlightened opposition leaders. The national unity
agreements which made it possible for South Africa to be
successfully integrated into the family of democratic nations
demonstrate once again that the endeavour of nation-
building must always be based on dialogue and
understanding between major political forces.
We have also witnessed with satisfaction and hope the
continuation and the strengthening of the peace agreements
between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization.
In Gaza and Jericho, after more than 30 years, the
Palestinian people is once again determining its own future
in its own land.
The original agreements have been strengthened by
those recently signed by Israel and Jordan, which
unequivocally represent the definitive acceptance of the
State of Israel by the whole of the international community.
We hope that such a promising start will soon lead to
similar agreements with other, indispensable actors in the
region.
As at all great moments in history, the solution to the
violence and despair that lasted for so many years has not
been a matter of chance. Involved here have been men,
great statesmen, true leaders, who - without setting aside
their own legitimate grievances - have decided courageously
to do away with rancour and recrimination. These Israeli
and Palestinian leaders have pointed the way to
reconciliation founded on peace.
But not all is brightness. The shadows of the Balkan
tragedy linger, despite the tremendous efforts being made
by the United Nations and regional groups to find a just
and satisfactory peace. Argentina has contributed to this
quest for solutions to the best of its ability, through the
United Nations Protection Force. Since 1992 more than
4,000 Argentine soldiers have been dispatched to contribute,
sometimes even with their lives, to fulfilling the resolutions
of the Organization.
In Africa, Rwanda has demanded the attention and
gripped the hearts of all men and women of goodwill.
Argentina has contributed by sending foodstuffs and
medical supplies, and doctors and nurses from our country
have joined in the efforts of thousands of international
volunteers who, amid scenes of horror and destitution,
remind us of the inner nobility of every human being.
In Latin America, our region, to which we attach the
greatest importance, the process of consolidating
democracy has continued. Significant steps have been
taken in terms of the non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, and it is now possible, as in few regions
of the world, to point to high levels of growth in an
atmosphere of increasing economic stability. Our region,
with its renewed democratic outlook, its respect for
human rights, for peace and progressive but resolute
integration, has in a few years become the centre of
attraction for international investment. In this framework
of increasing freedom that the region now demonstrates,
I should like particularly to hail the historic process of
elections in El Salvador, which has put behind it a long
period of confrontation.
With respect to the situation in Cuba, my
Government would once again voice its conviction as to
the need for democratization on a pluralistic basis as the
only way to prevent the worsening of the crisis that exists
there and to permit the country to be reintegrated fully
into the Latin American community.
In Haiti, the overall solution lies in compliance with
Security Council resolution 940 (1994), which, within the
system of collective security provided for in the Charter,
authorizes multilateral action, a mechanism that is
essentially different in nature from unilateral intervention,
which we reject.
I wish to take this opportunity to express thanks for
the work done by Mr. Dante Caputo, the former Foreign
Minister of my country, who, after completing important
and intelligent work during his term as Representative of
the Secretary-General for the question of Haiti, decided
just a few days ago to resign that position.
I believe in this regard that it is important to refer to
one of the most disquieting challenges that threaten
democracy: corruption. This phenomenon progressively
erodes credibility and public trust in institutions and their
leaders. The Argentine Government is committed to a
relentless struggle against corruption, placing particular
emphasis on eliminating excessive State control and a
lack of transparency in State administration, a fertile
ground for corruption.
The problems that make up the international agenda
must, in Argentina’s view, be solved by strengthening the
12

United Nations. We have constantly and firmly supported
the work of the Security Council, which is at last on the
way to regaining the role assigned to it by the Charter. The
participation of Argentina in nine peace-keeping
operations - the highest number for any Latin American
country - in the form of troops, military observers and
civilian police, is a concrete contribution that bears out the
convictions that I have spoken of today.
I wish to emphasize that in its participation in peace-
keeping operations, the Argentine Republic is accompanied
by 72 countries. I wish to pay tribute to them as well for
assisting in achieving peace and justice in many, very
diverse, regions of the world.
We have also responded to the Secretary-General’s
proposal that a system of stand-by forces be set up, and our
response takes the form of a pledge of specialized
personnel, transport and 1,500 troops.
Another aspect of far-reaching importance in terms of
the evolution of the United Nations itself is the question of
equitable representation on the Security Council and an
increase in the number of its members. Argentina attaches
great importance to this issue and takes the view that the
number of members on the Council has always
corresponded to the geopolitical situation prevailing at a
specific time and that efforts at reform should thus be
designed to adapt the number to the current geopolitical
situation.
Combating the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction is one of the indisputable pillars of international
peace and security.
With this in mind, Argentina has ratified the Treaty of
Tlatelolco, while currently our Parliament is considering
accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons, which should be extended for the sake of global
security and stability.
With respect to chemical weapons, we are taking the
necessary steps to set up a national authority, and we hope
to see international verification measures strengthened.
At the same time, we firmly support the conclusion of
the comprehensive test-ban treaty.
In the past year, Argentina joined the systems
controlling exports of high technology and equipment with
possible military uses, enabling us to benefit from the
transfer of technology.
We are concerned at the persistence of the
sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas, South Georgia and
South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime
areas.
Although we have a satisfactory relationship with the
United Kingdom on other bilateral questions, we cannot
help but once again reaffirm before this world forum, as
we do each year, our sovereign rights over those
territories.
Our claim this year has taken on special significance,
since the Argentine people, through their representatives
in the National Congress, reformed the supreme law of
the country little more than a month ago, giving
constitutional status to the question of the Malvinas
Islands by including, in the new text of the constitution,
a transitional clause which reaffirms our rights and states
that in recovering those rights respect for international
law and the way of life of the population of the Islands
shall be paramount.
Thus the entire spectrum of Argentine political
opinion has given solemn embodiment to a claim which
is more than ever central and permanent to our foreign
policy.
For this reason, and despite the fact that our two
Governments have collaborated on certain aspects of the
management of the living resources of the South Atlantic,
we cannot but deplore the further recourse by the United
Kingdom to unilateral jurisdictional measures in the area;
these undermine the possibility of broadening existing
agreements and of arriving at others. We trust that the
United Kingdom shares with us the conviction that there
is no real alternative to cooperation in the South Atlantic.
With respect to fisheries, we have arrived at
provisional agreements allowing for the rational
exploitation of these resources and preventing predatory
fishing. But repeated recourse to unilateral measures such
as I have described jeopardizes the possibility of adding
to or indeed maintaining these understandings.
As far as oil is concerned, Argentina has once again
put forward specific proposals for cooperation. Our
initiatives on this matter are based on the recognized
principle of international law prohibiting the unilateral
exploitation of non-renewable resources, a dispute which
has been acknowledged by the General Assembly.
13

As to the inhabitants of the islands, I wish to reaffirm
before this Assembly our full readiness to establish direct
and responsive links with them. It is clear to us that the
problem of the Falkland Islands has an inevitable human
dimension which is bound up with the way of life and the
needs of the islanders.
Argentina is ready to preserve the way of life and the
particular characteristics, and in this context we are
prepared to study all matters, from communications to the
legal and financial systems, in order to find logical
solutions acceptable to all.
Dialogue with the islanders is an inseparable part of a
rational, civilized solution to this problem. Once again,
logic and reason are pointing inexorably towards
cooperation and dialogue.
The economic and social agenda is an indication of
just how positive an event was the conclusion of the
Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT); it will make it possible to more effectively
tackle problems of unemployment and the distribution of
wealth.
Argentina’s policy aims at securing the consensus of
the countries of the Americas in order that we may declare
the continent a zone free of subsidies and unfair practices
with respect to agricultural products. The agreement on
agriculture marks an important advancement, and Argentina
thinks it is appropriate to take a further step by helping to
eliminate distortions in international trade.
Argentina’s concern for social problems is well
known. Through measures to establish stability, to combat
inflation and to ensure economic growth, we have taken an
important step forward in our struggle against poverty.
Turning to external matters, we have proposed the
establishment of a volunteer corps to combat hunger and
poverty, coordinating efforts under way in this field.
President Clinton kindly referred to our initiative yesterday,
and we particularly value his support.
The issues related to the relationship between
population and development, which a few weeks ago were
absorbing world attention in Cairo, cannot be left out of
this analysis. We believe in promoting fundamental values,
such as the advancement of women, human rights, and
sustainable economic development, but with respect to
population policies we maintain that human life exists from
the moment of conception until natural death, condemning
any practice undermining this.
Population policies should not aim to smother life,
but to ensure the greatest access of all individuals to the
benefits of development and the fair distribution of
wealth.
There are two scourges besetting the world at the
end of the twentieth century: drug trafficking and
terrorism. Both of these call for concerted action on the
part of the international community, for they are not
national but world-wide scourges.
With respect to terrorism, I can speak with the
twofold weight of conviction and pain - with conviction,
because of our repudiation of terrorism as a means of
political or religious expression, and with pain, because of
the hundreds of Argentines who died as a result of the
attack that destroyed a building belonging to the Jewish
community in Buenos Aires in July. We are grateful for
the solidarity extended to us and for the Security
Council’s condemnation. We believe that concerted
action is needed to tackle terrorism - terrorism which has
erupted in New York, London and Panama as well as in
Buenos Aires. It is vital for the United Nations to play
a more active, leadership role, coordinating a global
endeavour to effectively combat this scourge.
We reiterate here our suggestion that the United
Nations should be provided with a unit devoted to the
question of international terrorism.
United Nations action must enjoy the resolute
support of all. It is iniquitous and unacceptable that there
are Governments that encourage terrorism. Sovereignty
must not be used as a shield for abetting terrorist
organizations while the world looks on helplessly. If we
Heads of State all worked in concert, we could put an end
to this veritable scourge afflicting us all.
The United Nations should also study multilateral
mechanisms that, while respecting the immunities and
privileges enshrined in the Vienna Convention, would
prevent and punish the abuse of those immunities and
privileges to support the actions of international terrorists.
We cannot rule out the possibility that such immunities
and privileges were abused in the attacks in Buenos
Aires.
In closing, I wish to address the need to strengthen
the United Nations, in particular with respect to its
14

responsibilities in the area of international peace and
security. This involves first resolving its pressing financial
difficulties.
The United Nations must also continue to study the
possibility of changing the current structure of the Security
Council. In the view of the Argentine Republic, any
increase in the number of members should be prudent and
moderate, so that the Council is guaranteed maximum
possible operating efficiency. In addition, any expansion
should avoid the creation of unjustifiable imbalances in the
representation of the various regions of the world. The
Argentine Republic believes that the principle of the
sovereign equality of Member States must always be
respected. Furthermore, none of the provisions of Article
23 of the Charter should be disregarded. For all these
reasons, it would seem preferable to think in terms of a
limited increase in the number of non-permanent members
and, as far as possible, the elimination of restrictions on
their re-election.
We find ourselves on the eve of the fiftieth
anniversary of the Organization. Let us make the best use
of the system of collective security and the mechanisms of
economic and social cooperation provided by the Charter.
I have no doubt that by doing so we shall have a much
better world in the next 50 years, one worth living in for
our children and our children’s children.


It is my pleasure, at
the outset, to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
election and to wish you and the members of the Bureau
every success in the discharge of your duties. Your
election is a mark of the confidence and high regard in
which both you and your country are held by the
international community. Your wisdom and your
forbearance will be crucial to the successful outcome of
the current session.
I should like to express deep appreciation for the
exemplary manner in which your predecessor conducted
the work of the Assembly during his tenure last year. I
also wish to express my gratitude to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless
efforts to enhance the Organization’s ability to meet the
challenges of a rapidly evolving world.
It is gratifying to observe that the membership of the
United Nations now encompasses several recently
independent States. We share bonds of religious and
cultural affinity with some; we share friendships and
mutual respect with all. We hope that the principle of
universality, which has always been the cornerstone of the
United Nations, will soon encompass the remaining
15

peoples and regions, so that this Organization can truly
represent the collective conscience of mankind.
It is, I believe, fitting to extend heartfelt
congratulations to President Nelson Mandela, to
Vice-President Frederik De Klerk, and to the people of
South Africa. They have together established a new order
in their country, one founded on justice and equality. The
world rejoices at the return of South Africa to the fold of
the international community of nations. The South African
people have proved that peace is always possible, so long
as all are given the chance to participate in its building.
This is a theme that bears consideration.
As we approach a landmark in the history of the
United Nations - the fiftieth anniversary of its foundation -
it is appropriate to look forward rather than back; to take
stock of things to come rather than things past. It is
appropriate to consider the shape that our global order is
taking.
South Africa offers a new paradigm, a fresh vision for
a changing world. It shows us that a new order must have
room for everyone. We must be able to listen to all voices:
to the weak and the powerful alike. A new order must be
inclusive and must actively encourage participation at every
level: for in our ever- more interdependent world, the
future of one is the future of all. This, I believe, goes to the
very heart of global peace.
We are called upon, then, to articulate a new
approach. We must protect the rule of law, but we must go
further, and ensure that democracy, pluralism and respect
for human rights come to govern the life of nations. We
must evolve new procedures of cooperation, communication
and accommodation. We must promote social
responsibility, national commitment and international
obligation. Nations must learn to coexist with their
neighbours; but more than this, they must learn to work
willingly together as partners in the enterprise of peace.
Such a transformation is taking place in the Middle
East. My region has been synonymous with conflict and
war for decades. At last we have an historic opportunity to
resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, and to fashion in its place
a new commonwealth of peace, hope and participation for
all.
The question of Palestine has been Jordan’s main
concern. Family ties, geographic contiguity, and shared
history and traditions ensure that this is so. Over the years,
Jordan has extended support and encouragement to our
Palestinian brethren. Our contributions and sacrifices to
the Palestinian cause from 1948 onwards have been
widely acknowledged. My country has received
successive waves of refugees and returnees, at a huge cost
to our economy, imposing an impossible burden on our
limited resources. Yet we remain committed to our
democratization process, to the protection of civil liberties
and human rights, and to the provision of decent living
conditions and services for all our citizens. Underlying
this commitment is our belief that broad-based popular
involvement in civil society is fundamental to its health.
This is why Jordan has been able to weather the ravages
of war, to survive the long years of turmoil in our region.
If Jordan has been on the front line of war, so too
has it been on the front line of peace. In those well-
known words of Security Council resolution 242 (1967),
which my country helped to draft, Jordan has always
worked steadfastly for a just, lasting and comprehensive
peace in the Middle East. We promoted the genesis of
the current process with the Madrid Conference of 1991.
When the Israeli Government of the day refused to
negotiate with the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO), Jordan stepped into the breach, helping the
Palestinians to assume their proper role by providing an
umbrella for their participation.
Now the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of
the Palestinian people, is negotiating directly with Israel.
They are installed in Gaza and Jericho, and conduct their
affairs as they see fit: their destiny is at last in their own
hands. Jordan welcomes these developments, and will
continue to do everything in its power to ensure the
success of Palestinian autonomy arrangements.
On the Jordanian-Israeli track, our common agenda
has paved the way for us to agree upon modalities in
areas such as water, the environment, energy, territory,
borders and regional security. These agreements resulted
in the meeting between His Majesty King Hussein and
Prime Minister Rabin of Israel, on 25 July 1994, at which
they signed the Washington Declaration. This historic
document ended the state of war between Jordan and
Israel. I myself have just held constructive talks with
President Clinton and Foreign Minister Peres, the goal of
which is to build a framework of trilateral development as
well as an economic equilibrium in the region, and to
maintain the momentum towards peace.
Jordan and Israel are engaged in substantive talks,
seeking just and mutually agreeable solutions to the
outstanding issues listed in our common agenda. Our aim
16

is to conclude a treaty of peace based on solid grounds that
can withstand the winds of change. Such a treaty, we
believe, will delineate our rights and duties under
conditions of peace. It will open the door to cooperation at
the regional level, so that the benefits of peace may be
enjoyed by our peoples. It has always been Jordan’s vision
that the Middle East, cradle of civilization and birthplace of
the three great monotheistic religions, should be a region of
cultural tolerance and mutual interdependence.
Important as our bilateral talks with Israel may be, we
are keenly aware that no two nations stand alone. Our aim
remains a comprehensive peace. Many of the issues we are
currently addressing defy the confines of bilateralism and
require regional and international participation.
One such issue concerns the spiritual significance of
the city of Jerusalem. For believers in the three great
monotheistic faiths, Jerusalem must be the ultimate symbol
of peace and its glorious manifestation. A final settlement
on the political and administrative status of the city,
however, will occur in negotiations between Palestinians
and Israelis. Any arrangement reached must serve the
needs of the millions of followers of Islam, Christianity and
Judaism.
The economic dimension of peace is likewise a
transnational concern. The economies of the Middle East
have been shattered by the conflict. They must be revived
if peace is to take root on the ground. Access to more
equitable opportunities for economic growth will be vital.
International debt relief and write-off strategies should be
planned, encompassing improved concessionary terms by
the Clubs of Paris and London.
But the States of the region must also play their part.
Restrictions on trade should be relaxed. We must develop
a non-discriminatory approach to sustainable development
and economic well-being. We hope that the Middle
East-North Africa Economic Summit at Casablanca will
build on the achievements of the Regional Economic
Development Working Group and prove a useful forum to
explore the potential partnership between Governments,
private businesses and international financial institutions -
for this partnership surely holds the key to the economic
future of the region.
International changes wrought by the end of the cold
war have affected the political situation in the Middle East
as elsewhere. The transformation of world power politics
has been accompanied by a shift in attitude, modifying the
cost benefit calculus of regional States. National strategic
objectives can no longer be sought at the cost of others in
a supposedly "zero sum game". In the context of a
regional security regime, the size, the role and the
function of the armed forces in individual States of the
region are likely to undergo radical changes. These will
favour peace-keeping functions, allowing scarce resources
to be released for development needs.
ln this context, Jordan fully supports the five
dimensions of world peace and security outlined by the
Secretary-General. I would like to add that Jordan
supports the ongoing effort to streamline the United
Nations, and fully endorses the attempt to increase the
number of permanent members on the Security Council.
We also support the American proposal that
peace-keeping operations be strengthened by additional
personnel, more effective field capabilities, greater
cooperation between the United Nations and participating
countries and a more united approach to training.
Here again, Jordan is at the forefront of change.
Our armed forces as peace-keepers under the United
Nations command as far afield as Georgia, Angola and
the former Yugoslavia value the opportunity to take part
in these missions, for in a very real sense, they allow us
to participate in the unfolding world order. Jordan is
proud to be involved in shaping global security
arrangements.
As the peace process develops, it will be necessary
to promote a common regional identity and a shared
regional vision. All the Middle East must contribute to
the articulation of this vision. The key, again, is
participation. If the countries and peoples of the region
have a say in shaping its future, they will have a stake in
its success. And success will accordingly be all the more
likely; for the diversity of our region is a positive asset
that we must learn to use creatively. We will inevitably
differ on certain issues, just as we will agree on others.
But we must be able to discuss our views in the
knowledge that they will be heard, for honest
communication is the basis of genuine involvement in any
joint enterprise.
In this spirit, Jordan feels honour-bound to register
its concern over threats to the process of global
reconciliation. Inertia must not be allowed to dominate
the conduct of world affairs. Deep-seated conflicts will
not disappear by themselves. We urge the international
community of States to take swift action to facilitate their
resolution.
17

One glaring example is the ongoing situation in Bosnia
Herzegovina. The appalling practices of "ethnic cleansing"
and genocide continue even as we speak. My country
abhors these atrocities. Jordan supports all the international
community’s efforts to end this tragic and wasteful conflict,
and we have taken positive steps to alleviate the hardship
it has caused. Jordan has joined the Non-Aligned
Movement’s task force on Bosnia. Our soldiers, who form
the second largest contingent of the United Nations
peace-keeping effort in the Balkans, are engaged in both
humanitarian relief and peace-keeping duties. Jordan has
supported the Vienna and Washington Agreements to
establish a federation between the Muslims and Croats of
Bosnia, and has welcomed the peace plan advanced by the
Contact Group, supported by the G-7 summit in Naples.
The Serbian challenge to the plan, in the face of Muslim
and Croat acceptance, is cause for deep disappointment.
I turn now to the situation in the Gulf. The
importance of stability and security cannot be overstated.
International norms must be observed; the territorial
integrity of all States must be preserved. Their sovereignty
and political independence must be upheld on the basis of
non-interference in their internal affairs. My country also
wishes to reiterate its serious concern for the plight of the
people of Iraq, where living conditions are deteriorating
rapidly. We intend to do our utmost to alleviate the
suffering of the Iraqi people, so far as is consistent with the
provisions of United Nations resolutions.
The distorted image of Islam remains a cause for
grave concern. The attention of this body should be turned
to the spreading of Islamophobia, or hate for Muslims.
This phenomenon occurs in all manner of ways, from the
purely verbal to the bluntly physical. Its proponents deal
in inflammatory rhetoric. They preach the inevitability of
cultural apocalypse, tarring all Muslims with the brush of
fanatical extremism. They ignore the fact that Islam is a
broad and adaptable concept and institution. One billion
Muslims now live on this earth. Thus, Islam encompasses
all shades of political opinion, different patterns of
theological thought, and countless varieties of human
experience.
Jordan urges Member States to join forces in bringing
about a better understanding of Islam as a religion, a
culture and a civilization. The expression of anti-Muslim
sentiment, and other manifestations of Islamophobia, should
be monitored and combated by educational campaigns,
cultural exchanges and similar endeavours. We have
always advocated an interfaith dialogue as the surest way
to combat bigotry and stereotyping.
More than a decade ago now, I stood before this
Assembly and called, on behalf of my country, for a new
international humanitarian order. That led to the
establishment of the Independent Commission on
International Humanitarian Issues. The Commission was
charged with investigating a wide range of pressing
humanitarian issues. It performed its duties well,
producing a series of reports that made clear the scale of
the impending global humanitarian disaster.
It would be comforting to stand before this
Assembly today and tell it that its work has made a
significant difference. It would be comforting, but it
would not be true. A new international humanitarian
order has not come into being. The powerless remain
powerless. The dispossessed have not recovered their
birthrights. There are more refugees, more street
children, more innocent victims of conflict than ever
before. What is worse, these issues are still addressed in
a piecemeal fashion. It is often said that one should not
try to treat a mass of symptoms, but to seek out root
causes. Remarkably, it sometimes seems that far from
seeking causes we are doing our best to ignore the
symptoms.
Today, I have tried to address causes. I have spoken
of the fundamental need for participation at all levels. I
have put before the Assembly a vision of a global order
characterized by partnership and communication, tolerance
and trust. In some places this vision is on the road to
realization; in others, it has seldom been more remote.
The alternatives are very clear, and the choice is ours.
I pledge my country’s full support to this
Organization, for as we move towards the twenty-first
century, and as the Organization moves towards its
fiftieth anniversary, the ideal that inspired the Charter of
the United Nations has never been more important.


May I at the outset
express my sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your
election to the important post of President of the General
Assembly at its forty-ninth session.
The loss of the ferry Estonia in the Baltic Sea, where
more than 900 people perished, brought disaster close to
our shores. The shock still lingers in the hearts and minds
of all people around the Baltic. I am certain that this tragic
event will in the end bring the stricken peoples even closer
together. Let me convey our sincere gratitude for the
sympathy and condolences that have been expressed in this
Assembly.
Sweden’s commitment to the United Nations and its
principles and ideals is longstanding, firm and deep. To the
new Swedish Government this commitment is crucial. The
fiftieth anniversary of the Charter of the United Nations is
approaching. It is perhaps the most important political
document in the hands of humanity today. Its strength and
potential are immense and must be brought to fruition.
In the spirit of the Charter, world leaders should
mobilize a global civic spirit of solidarity to extend the
scope of and respect for international law and to
strengthen global governance. The United Nations gives
us an international system of law to avoid anarchy and
the rule of the strongest. The United Nations enables us
to work together to thwart ruthless assertion of
self-interest and spheres of influence.
Sweden wants a United Nations which reacts
effectively against atrocities and mitigates human
suffering and through which we can tackle the major
questions of global survival, together and in solidarity.
Sweden wants a United Nations that not only is a forum
for the interests of States but that places the well-being of
the individual at the centre. Solidarity does not recognize
borders. Let me quote from the statement of the
President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, in this
Assembly a week ago:
"The millions across our globe who stand expectant
at the gates of hope look to this Organization to
bring them peace, to bring them life, to bring them
a life worth living." (Official Records of the
General Assembly, Forty-ninth Session, Plenary
Meetings, 14th meeting, p. 10)
These expectations and hopes are threatened by war
and violence, by the suppression of human rights, and by
racism and xenophobia. They are threatened by
starvation, poverty, disasters and environmental
degradation. Peace and security, democracy, human

rights and sustainable economic and social development
constitute a cohesive entity. If we neglect any of these
values, we endanger the others.
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are here among us in
this Assembly as democratic and sovereign countries from
which Russian troops have at long last been withdrawn.
Diplomatic breakthroughs in the Middle East offer hopes
for a comprehensive and lasting peace. In El Salvador the
United Nations has made a significant contribution to
ending the civil war. In South Africa, the apartheid has
been dismantled.
Yet we are confronted with new conflicts and dangers.
We must all learn from tragic events such as those in
Rwanda and Somalia. The inconceivable suffering in
Rwanda points to the need for preventive diplomacy, early
action and the coordination of United Nations efforts. In
Somalia, the break-up of organized society and the ensuing
large-scale violence and starvation underline the need for
the careful coordination of peace-keeping, peacemaking and
peace-building endeavours.
While taking a forceful attitude to gain respect, the
United Nations should avoid military enforcement other
than as a very last resort and with a clear Security Council
mandate.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina and in other parts of the
former Yugoslavia, efforts to end the conflict must be
intensified and accepted by all parties. Pressure on Bosnian
Serbs has to be further increased. Only in peace can the
tragic consequences of "ethnic cleansing" be reversed.
Now is the time to work out plans for reconstruction and
reconciliation.
The Swedish Government is concerned about
information on Iraqi military activity close to the border
with Kuwait. We fully support the statement on the
situation made by the Security Council three days ago.
In facing the challenges of the post-cold-war
international system, Member States must give their full
support to the United Nations, but they must also actively
promote necessary reforms of the Organization. The
Commission on Global Governance, headed by the Swedish
Prime Minister and by Mr. Ramphal, will present proposals
for reform early next year.
Let me mention a few areas where, in my view,
reform is urgently needed.
The United Nations must be able to operate more
efficiently and according to modern principles of
management, and new priorities have to be set.
We need an enlarged and more effective Security
Council, one that is both legitimate and representative.
There is a need for increased transparency in the work of
the Council. Countries in all regions must feel that they
are partners in its actions. The Council has to maintain
political control over the actions it authorizes. It must not
become an instrument for dividing the world into spheres
of interest, one in which the collective nature of United
Nations action is not sufficiently safeguarded.
Sweden has drawn experience from its participation
in the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR).
Substantive consultations between troop contributors, the
Secretariat and Security Council members on a formal
and regular basis are necessary.
There must be a particular focus on early warning
and early action in conflict resolution. Preventive
diplomacy should be further strengthened. Thousands of
lives can be saved and costly relief efforts avoided if
action is taken in time.
The new Swedish Government is ready to establish
a United Nations peace-keeping brigade. We do this in
response to the Secretary-General’s proposal for stand-by
forces set up by Member States, ready to be deployed in
crisis areas without delay.
The need for better and more uniform training of
peace-keepers is urgent. Particular attention should be
paid to improved coordination between the military
aspects of peace-keeping and civilian and humanitarian
efforts. With this in mind, Sweden is prepared to
contribute to improved training of peace-keepers.
Sweden would like to see closer interaction between
humanitarian programmes and peace-keeping operations.
There is great potential for humanitarian action as a tool
of preventive diplomacy, as well as for promoting a
political climate that can facilitate the peaceful settlement
of disputes at an early stage.
The reluctance of Member States to pay their dues
in full and on time is frustrating and must cease
immediately. When this lack of discipline affects the
financing of peace-keeping operations, it puts an
additional burden on the troop contributors.
2

Sweden welcomes measures by the Department of
Humanitarian Affairs to coordinate the activities of
humanitarian agencies and many non-governmental
organizations.
Human rights is another area of priority for the
Swedish Government. Fortunately, there is a growing and
widening awareness among Member States of the role of
human rights and democracy for the development of
modern societies. Binding norms protecting human rights
exist, yet violations continue. This is unacceptable.
Governments must show the will and commitment to fully
implement human rights norms.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child was a great
achievement. It is indeed a great challenge to assure all
children of care, protection, education and freedom from
hunger and from physical or mental violence, as provided
for in the Convention and reaffirmed at the World Summit
for Children. Governments which have ratified the
Convention must live up to their commitments to the
children of the world.
Solidarity is fundamental in our efforts to overcome
global economic and social challenges, and, thus,
fundamental to prospects for peace and solidarity. The
United Nations has a unique and central role in this
endeavour.
Sweden’s development cooperation will focus on
support for the long-term, sustainable development of poor
countries, with special emphasis on democracy, popular
participation and the rights of women and children.
Sweden will continue to allocate a substantial amount
of its assistance to operational activities in the United
Nations. We will also continue our efforts to strengthen the
United Nations function as a forum for normative
discussion and action and as a channel for development
cooperation. The quality and effectiveness of United
Nations activities in the economic and social field have to
be improved, while at the same a stable and predictable
flow of resources is secured.
Priorities and the allocation of responsibilities within
the international community need to be discussed further.
"An Agenda for Development" (A/48/935) is a key
instrument in this endeavour. We must use it to draw up
a clear and strategic programme of action for the United
Nations system in the development area.
The International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo, the World Summit for Social
Development to be held in Copenhagen, and the Fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing are all linked.
They contribute to the achievement of human security in
a broader sense.
The Cairo Conference established that questions of
population and development must be treated together.
The starting-point must be the human being and the rights
and security of the individual.
Agenda 21, adopted at the Rio Conference,
facilitates joint action to achieve sustainable development
at both the local and the global level. All over Sweden
local versions of Agenda 21 are now being actively
pursued.
It is imperative to stop wasting resources and
thereby depriving future generations of their means of
livelihood. Patterns of consumption and production must
be sustainable. In this regard, the developed countries
have a particular responsibility. Ecological balance must
be established also while we combat poverty.
Disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction are central to the goals of preventing
conflicts, promoting peace and fostering economic and
social development. In recent years important progress
has been made. Agreements that were inconceivable only
a few years ago have been concluded. But signatures are
not enough. Agreements must also be ratified and
implemented if they are to contribute to peace and
security.
Furthermore, the present momentum should be used
to strengthen and further develop well-established
disarmament regimes. The need to establish a verification
system for the Convention on biological weapons is a
case in point.
The non-proliferation Treaty is a key to both nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. The Treaty is the
only multilateral agreement in which nuclear-weapon
States have committed themselves to nuclear
disarmament. As long as nuclear weapons exist, we must
insist that these commitments be honoured. It is not least
with this in mind that the extension of the Treaty should
be pursued. Our common goal must be a world free of
nuclear arms.
3

On several occasions, Sweden has presented proposals
for a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We are gratified that
all States, including the nuclear-weapon States, are now
prepared to negotiate such a treaty. It is essential that these
negotiations be concluded in the very near future.
Sweden was one of the first countries to ratify the
chemical weapons Convention. So far, almost 160 States
have signed the Convention, but only 16 have ratified it.
We urge all States to take the necessary steps for
ratification, so that the Convention can enter into force
without delay.
Some 100 million land-mines all over the world
represent both an acute and an impending humanitarian
disaster as well as a threat to economic development, even
years and decades after hostilities have ceased. The
long-term solution is an international agreement to ban
anti-personnel land-mines. Sweden has proposed such a
ban.
Regional instruments for preventing and dealing with
conflicts are being developed. This should not deprive the
regions involved of support from the international
community through the United Nations. The responsibility
of the United Nations, including the Security Council,
remains universal.
The Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE) is a central and indispensable institution for
conflict prevention and management. The endeavours of
the CSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities have
effectively contributed to building security in Europe, as
have the CSCE missions in the field.
The Swedish experience of cooperation between the
CSCE and the United Nations tells us that global and
regional efforts are not in contradiction but are mutually
reinforcing.
Sweden’s non-participation in military alliances
remains unchanged. This policy contributes to the
maintenance of stability in the north of Europe, and
improves our possibilities of working for common security
in Europe and in the world at large.
Sweden will actively contribute to the new security
partnership in Europe by responding rapidly to requests
from the United Nations, and by contributing substantially
to activities of the Council of Europe, the CSCE and the
Partnership for Peace arrangement. We want to strengthen
cooperation with all our neighbours around the Baltic Sea
and in the Barents Sea region. We look forward to
cooperation in all areas with the new, democratic Russia.
Sweden has applied for membership in the European
Union. In one month the people of Sweden will decide
on this important question in a referendum. As a member
of the Union, Sweden would whole-heartedly support the
Union’s efforts to promote security and economic and
social development, not only in Europe but on a global
scale. It is by looking outwards, by forging links and
extending its cooperation to other regions, that the
European Union makes its contribution to global stability
and solidarity. Let me emphasize that there is no
contradiction between European and global cooperation.
Sweden will be an active member of the United Nations
and defend openness and international cooperation.
Sweden has presented its candidature for a seat on
the Security Council for the period 1997 to 1998. The
Swedish candidature is based on our commitment to
global security, on our will to promote international law,
and on our conviction that conflicts can and must be
solved by addressing their root causes before they lead to
war.
Sweden’s support for the United Nations is a
fundamental national interest and a cornerstone in our
foreign policy, for reasons of peace, freedom, security,
democracy and justice. For these reasons, Sweden will
strongly promote the United Nations — a United Nations
based on democratic principles, giving us all a voice in
our common future.


At the outset, I should like warmly to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of
the current session of the General Assembly. I am
convinced that given your outstanding talent and
consummate experience, you will fulfil this lofty mission
with distinction. At the same time, I should like to express
my appreciation and thanks to Mr. Samuel Insanally for the
positive contribution he made during his presidency at the
last session.
I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to extend a
hearty welcome and congratulations to the delegation of
South Africa, which is taking part in the work of the
current session. We are convinced that a united,
democratic and non-racial new South Africa led by
President Nelson Mandela will contribute positively to the
peace and development of Africa and of the world as a
whole.
The world is still undergoing profound changes, and
the transition toward multipolarity has accelerated.
Economic factors are playing a greater role in
international relations. Relaxation of tensions has become
the main trend of the world today. However,
hegemonism and power politics continue to hold out.
Regional hot spots flare up intermittently. Destabilizing
factors tend to multiply, thus compounding the volatility
of the international scene. The maintenance of peace,
strengthening of cooperation and promotion of
development remain the major challenges of our era.
To eliminate regional hot spots and settle
international disputes are the world’s priorities and the
common concern with which the international community
has been trying to deal in one way or another.
Experience has shown that such practices as interfering in
other countries’ internal affairs and resorting to pressure,
sanctions or even force at will cannot help; they can only
increase the complications and difficulties that stand in
the way of a final solution. In the interest of maintaining
regional peace and stability, the international community
and regional organizations should take an appropriate and
effective approach, that is, to promote dialogue and
negotiations between parties directly concerned so as to
reach a solution acceptable to all sides. This has been
best illustrated by the breakthrough achieved in the
Middle East peace process and by the progress made on
the Korean nuclear issue.
United Nations peace-keeping operations can play a
positive role, but not all of them have been successful.
Experience and lessons learned in this regard should be
summed up. It is our consistent view that peace-keeping
operations should strictly conform to the principles of the
United Nations Charter and the norms of international
relations. Such operations should be undertaken with the
consent and cooperation of the parties concerned, and an
impartial and unbiased attitude should be maintained. No
peace-keeping operations or humanitarian aid programmes
should be permitted to interfere in the internal affairs of
any country, still less to use force or become embroiled
in a conflict between the parties. A lesson should be
drawn from what befell the United Nations peace-keeping
forces in Somalia.
Here I wish to underline the importance of strict
adherence to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
as the basic means to prevent international conflicts.
9

These principles, namely, mutual respect for sovereignty
and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression,
non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality
and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence, were jointly
initiated four decades ago by China, India and Myanmar -
called "Burma" at the time - and were subsequently
embodied in the 10 principles formulated by Asian and
African countries at the Bandung Conference and in the
purposes and principles espoused by the Association of
South-East Asian Nations and other regional organizations
of the developing countries.
The history of the past four decades has testified to
the immense vitality of the Five Principles. All nations,
notwithstanding their differences in social systems,
ideologies, values or religious faiths, can live in amity and
carry out mutually beneficial cooperation as long as they
abide by these principles. Failure to do so will lead to
friction, confrontation or even military conflicts. In a world
as diversified as ours, nations have no alternative but to
adhere to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and
to find common ground while shelving their differences in
order to live together amicably and pursue common
development.
The peoples of the world have long lived in the
shadow of a nuclear holocaust, due to the all-out nuclear
arms race between the two super-Powers during the cold
war, which resulted in a massive stockpiling of nuclear
weapons. Now the international situation has drastically
changed. Not only can we avert another world war, but the
chances have increased for the complete prohibition and
thorough elimination of nuclear weapons and for mankind
ultimately to eliminate the threat of a nuclear war.
China has always stood for the complete prohibition
and thorough elimination of all weapons of mass
destruction. The Chinese Government holds that a
convention on the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons
should be concluded in the same way as the conventions
banning all biological and chemical weapons, respectively.
As a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, China is in favour of its extension. Yet
a mere extension of the Treaty is obviously not sufficient.
With a view to ultimately ridding mankind of the threat of
a nuclear war and ushering in a nuclear-weapon-free world,
the Chinese Government proposes the following.
All countries that possess nuclear weapons should
pledge unconditionally not to be the first to use them and
should immediately start negotiations to conclude a treaty
on non-first-use of nuclear weapons against each other;
efforts for the establishment of nuclear-free zones should
be supported and all nuclear Powers should undertake not
to use or to threaten to use nuclear weapons against any
non-nuclear-weapon State or nuclear-free zone;
negotiations should be undertaken with a view to
concluding a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty not
later than 1996; the principal nuclear Powers should
implement their existing nuclear disarmament treaties as
scheduled and go on to drastically cut back their nuclear
stockpiles; negotiations should be undertaken to conclude
a convention banning the production of weapon-grade
fissile materials; a convention on the complete prohibition
of nuclear weapons should be signed under which all
nuclear Powers should undertake the obligation to destroy
all their nuclear weapons under effective international
supervision; and international cooperation in the peaceful
use of nuclear energy should be vigorously promoted
simultaneously with the efforts to prevent the proliferation
of nuclear weapons and step up the nuclear disarmament
process.
The above points make up an integrated and
interrelated nuclear disarmament process. We hold that
all States, whether they possess nuclear weapons or not,
are entitled to participate fully in this process.
Since mankind has been able to make nuclear
weapons and tap nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in
the twentieth century, we are confident that in the twenty-
first century it will be able to completely ban and destroy
nuclear weapons and fully harness nuclear energy to
enhance its own welfare. Before the advent of the new
century, we stand ready to join the other nuclear as well
as non-nuclear States to blaze the way towards this lofty
goal and make our due contribution to its ultimate
realization.
It is now an international trend to give priority to
economic problems. Hence all countries are devoting
themselves to economic development and the expansion
of international cooperation. This year the world
economy has started a recovery and East Asia continues
to maintain a high growth rate. But there is unevenness
in the world as a whole. It is disturbing to note that the
impoverishment of some developing countries has
worsened. In the interest of common development, we
call for the abolition of protectionism and of
discrimination in international economic relations and
trade. Neither global multilateral trade arrangements nor
regional economic and trade cooperation should be
exclusive. The principles of openness, equality and
mutual benefit should be upheld. The World Trade
10

Organization, to be founded next year, should from the
outset be a broadly representative and open trade institution
based on equality and mutual benefit.
The world economy is an interdependent whole.
Developed countries should make more tangible
contributions to global economic development and the
expansion of international economic cooperation. Primarily
they should take effective measures to open their markets,
provide development funds, transfer technology and
increase assistance to the developing countries to reduce
their debt burden, thereby contributing to their economic
growth, social stability and relief from poverty. Such
actions will in turn bolster the economic growth of the
developed countries themselves.
The international community and the United Nations
should be more concerned with development matters and in
particular should actively help the developing countries to
achieve prosperity. We appreciate the Secretary-General’s
efforts in submitting the Agenda for Development pursuant
to General Assembly resolutions. We hope that our
deliberations thereon will serve to reinvigorate world
economic development and international cooperation.
The Chinese Government considers economic
development the central task of the whole nation and makes
reform and opening its basic state policy. This year we
have taken a new series of major steps to intensify the
reform and opening which have the effect of ensuring
sustained, rapid and healthy economic growth. Gross
domestic product, foreign trade volume and overseas
investments registered increases in the first six months of
11.6 per cent, 25.5 per cent and 54.9 per cent respectively,
compared with the corresponding period last year. We will
step up our all-directional opening-up and continue to work
for world prosperity. We have been striving for an early
resumption of our contracting party status in the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. A solution to this matter
will be in the interest of both China and the world as a
whole. China needs to cooperate with the rest of the world
which in turn needs such an important trading partner as
China. A World Trade Organization without China would
be inconceivable.
Human society continues to move forward and make
progress. But social ills still stand out starkly such as
poverty, unemployment, the deteriorating environment, the
population explosion, refugees, illegal immigration, drug
trafficking, crime and injurious and unfair treatment of
social groups such as women, children and the disabled.
Some of these problems have become even more acute, and
have cried out for a remedy by the world community
through international cooperation. We consider that it is
necessary to step up such cooperation. Because
conditions vary, different countries face different social
problems. Each country has to draw up social
development policies adaptable to its own conditions.
International cooperation in this field should adhere to the
principles of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit
without political strings or interference in domestic
affairs. Developing countries account for the majority of
the world’s population and are in a disadvantaged position
socially. This is where the emphasis of the United
Nations social programmes should be placed.
In recent years we have actively supported and
participated in important international conferences on the
environment, human rights and population under the
auspices of the United Nations. We will actively take
part in the World Summit for Social Development, to be
held in Copenhagen next March. The Chinese
Government attaches great importance to the Fourth
World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing in
September 1995. The Chinese people, our women folk in
particular, are preparing for and looking forward to this
grand event with tremendous enthusiasm.
In response to the call in the documents of the 1992
United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, the Chinese Government has analysed the
actual conditions in the country and drawn up "Agenda 21
- White Paper on China’s Population, Environment and
Development in the 21st Century", which will be an
important guide in the formulation of our medium- and
long-term national, economic and social development
plans.
To ensure and protect human rights is an essential
part of a nation’s social policy. My Government makes
it a basic policy to constantly enhance the people’s
enjoyment of human rights commensurate with our
economic and social development. We always hold that
the principle of universality of human rights must be
viewed in the context of the actual conditions of a given
country. Conditions vary from country to country. It is
inevitable and normal that there is divergence of views on
human rights issues. We are in favour of dialogue on the
basis of equality and mutual respect so as to increase
mutual understanding. We are against using human rights
as a pretext to interfere in the internal affairs of other
countries.
11

Next year will mark the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations. Both the world and the
United Nations have undergone drastic changes in that half
century. The United Nations is the most representative
intergovernmental Organization of sovereign States.
Members of the Organization are equal, irrespective of size,
strength or wealth.
Notwithstanding its shortcomings, the status and role
of the United Nations in global international affairs remain
irreplaceable by any other international organizations or
groupings. It is the hope of the people of the world that
the Organization will better fulfil the mission conferred on
it by the Charter and and that it will make even greater
contributions to the maintenance of peace and the
promotion of development.
To cope with the greatly changed international
situation and grim challenges ahead, United Nations
institutions should undergo relevant and necessary reforms.
In our view, any such reforms should serve to maintain and
enhance the positive role of the United Nations in
international affairs and improve its efficiency. At the
same time, the reforms should take full account of the
concerns and interests of the developing countries, which
make up the majority of the membership, so that their role
may be enhanced. The function and role of the General
Assembly should be strengthened. Reform of the Security
Council must be aimed at facilitating a better performance
of its functions under the Charter. Any enlargement of the
Council’s membership must fully conform to the principle
of equitable geographical distribution to ensure broader
representation. Actions by the Council should better reflect
the collective will and common aspirations of the entire
United Nations membership.
To prepare for the commemoration of the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, China has set up a
national committee, in accordance with the relevant United
Nations resolution. We hope that the commemoration in
various countries in the coming year will be used to review
the experience of the past and look to the future so that we
may carry forward the purposes and principles of the
Charter and enable the Organization to do a better job in
maintaining peace and promoting development.
It was sad that the first half of our century witnessed
two world wars with disastrous consequences for mankind.
The ensuing cold war cast a dark and menacing shadow of
war over the world for the greater part of the second half
of the century. It is gratifying, none the less, that we have
been able to fulfil the historic mission of eliminating the
centuries-old colonial system from the Earth within this
century. This is unquestionably one of the greatest
achievements of contemporary human society.
Looking ahead to the twenty-first century, we are
fully confident of the future of humanity. The Chinese
people will make common efforts with all other peoples
of the world to usher in a new century of peace and
prosperity.