Mr. President, permit me at the outset to add my voice to the many that have preceded me, in most heartily congratulating you on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. My delegation rejoices to see you in the Chair. We know you well for your accomplishments as foreign Minister of Algeria, a great nation with which my country has close and friendly ties. We have come to respect you as well for the prominent role and positive contributions you have made to the non-aligned movement and the conferences of Islamic nations, movements whose aspirations and objectives my Government fully shares and firmly supports. We have every confidence that you will deploy all the wit and wisdom that we have so often witnessed from you, and exercise the infinite patience and perseverance that we know you to possess, to ensure the success of this session. For our part let me say, Mr. President, that my delegation stands ready to extend to you our fullest co-operation.
310.	In welcoming you, Mr. President, may I also take the opportunity to pay tribute to Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, who as President, not only of the twenty-eighth session but also of the historic sixth special session of the General Assembly , contributed immensely to the fruitful deliberations of the sessions. May I, therefore, express my delegation's gratitude and admiration to Mr. Benites for the skillful guidance he had given us, the leadership he had provided and the wisdom he had shown which enabled us to bring the twenty-eighth session and the sixth special session to their successful conclusions
311.	My delegation too, both on its behalf and on behalf of the Malaysian Government, would like to extend at the outset its warm welcome to the delegations and Governments of the Republic of Bangladesh, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, and Grenada to this great assembly of nations. Their membership will bring us nearer to the attainment of the universality of the United Nations.
312.	Partly because of our geographical proximity but primarily because of our common interest and pursuits, my country was one of the earliest to stretch out its hand of friendship to the people and Government of Bangladesh upon its emergence. We are therefore happy at the admission of Bangladesh to the United Nations. Indeed as a country that bears nothing but good will and friendship to all the countries on the Indian subcontinent, we are even happier at the unanimous support that has been given to her admission.
313.	It is in the same spirit and with a similar sense of familiarity that we welcome the Republic of Guinea-Bissau to membership in the United Nations. My Government had no hesitation in recognizing the declaration of independence that the people of Guinea-Bissau proudly proclaimed last year. The tenacity, the courage and the conviction demonstrated by the people of Guinea-Bissau in their long and just struggle for independence will surely stand as an example for the colonized peoples of the world to follow and as a reminder to the world that the self-determination of peoples cannot forever be denied, much less delayed.
314.	My delegation looks forward to working together with the delegation of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau within this forum, as indeed we have been doing outside it, in various movements to which both our countries subscribe.
315.	If I left Grenada to the last, let me hasten to assure the members of the delegation of Grenada that we welcome them no less warmly to the United Nations, that we no less look forward to working with them. The admission, of Grenada to full membership in the United Nations is surely another important step in the continuing process of decolonization.
316.	We meet today in a climate less clouded by the threat of a global conflagration. This climate, although only slightly improved, is none the less comforting. As one of the many countries that had no part in creating the monstrous threat of a global conflagration and had no choice but to live in constant fear alongside it, we not unnaturally welcome the new relationship at the major-Power level that has contributed, as those Powers alone can, towards its reduction. Detente, if it is to remain welcomed, however, cannot merely mean an increased remoteness of a direct and total conflict at the major-Power level. Nor, if detente is to contribute to the making of cosmic changes, should it merely herald the beginning of cooperation between the major Powers on all issues in aU areas of the world, to the exclusion and at the expense of others less powerful. All nations, be they big or small, fortunately endowed or unfortunately deprived, have the right to contribute to, indeed the responsibility to participate in, the creation of a more secure world order. Respect and restraint should form the relations between all nations regardless of their size or situation.
317.	It is therefore encouraging for my delegation to see that what the major Powers have set in motion had led to major and important initiatives taken by smaller and medium-sized Powers to accept this new challenge and seize this opportunity to work towards
the solution of their own problems. And it is indeed heartening that, as a result, events that had taken place in the past year, and as recently as early this year, had on balance greatly contributed to the relaxation of international tension and increased the scope for peaceful coexistence and constructive relations. It remains our hope, and indeed our determination, to ensure that this will develop into a durable pattern of relations that would diminish the need to confront and increase the will to co-operate among all.
318.	It is in this light that my delegation would like to welcome the salutary initiatives taken by all concerned to devote their best efforts and energies towards finding a just solution to the Middle East problem. We are even more encouraged to hear that the process of finding a just solution is continuing and will continue until the whole Middle East problem is resolved. We welcome the disengagement agreements and the separation of forces in the Middle East but, as is universally acknowledged, and rightly so, disengagement is only a point of departure. A just and durable peace in the Middle East will emerge only with the return of the illegally occupied territories, territories acquired by force, to the countries to which they legally belong, the return of the Palestinian people to their homeland, and, equally important, the end of Israeli occupation of the holy city of Jerusalem.
319.	My delegation has always maintained that the crux of the Middle East problem is the question of Palestine. Today the Palestinians still continue to endure the existence of camp-living and enforced exile. Today the Palestinians are still denied their inalienable rights to self-determination. It is in an effort to redress this situation, to see that justice is done, that my delegation whole-heartedly supports the inclusion of the item entitled "Question of Palestine" on the agenda. It is also my delegation's hope that the item will be deliberated in the plenary meeting of the General Assembly, and that it will be brought up at the earliest possible opportunity , in order that the problem may be given the greater hearing and greater attention which it deserves. But above all it is my delegation's hope that it will remind us of the urgent task facing the international community and lead us to take speedy action to hasten the process of finding a just solution to the problem.
320.	In many areas of the world the process of decolonization has yet to run its full course. In this regard we welcome the new and positive attitude adopted by the new Portuguese Government. Its willingness to recognize the independence of Guinea-Bissau and to concede the right of self-determination and independence of the peoples of Mozambique and Angola is an important contribution to the cause of decolonization in Africa and the world.
321.	While my delegation welcomes the constructive and positive attitude of the new Portuguese Government, the action already taken by it in regard to the independence of Guinea-Bissau and the action which it promised to take in the future in regard to the self-determination and independence of Mozambique and Angola all salutary action which, we are confident, will contribute greatly to global peace and security my delegation is, however, constantly reminded that in South Africa and in Southern Rhodesia white minority regimes representing nothing but their own selfish interests and pursuing policies that are inhuman and abhorrent continue to remain in power. The brutality and injustice that are being committed in South Africa and in Southern Rhodesia, the systematic denial of human rights to the vast majority of Africans, permit no ambiguity of attitude towards apartheid. There can be no shade of grey in regard to a policy designed solely for the purpose of perpetuating domination of and discrimination against peoples whose skins happen to be black by those whose skins happen to be white. To refuse to condemn the regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia is to condone their evil policies. To allow them to persist in maintaining their evil policies and to continue with their repressive actions is to allow them to erode the foundation of peace and security in that continent. And so long as South Africa remains in Namibia, so long as these racist regimes are allowed to exist, so long will peace remain but a promise. We would like to urge, therefore, that those who have it in their power to assist in removing these institutions of injustice should not claim powerlessness to do anything.
322.	Events that have recently taken place on the Indian subcontinent gave us reason to rejoice. Within the improved climate and in the spirit of detente we see the fruition of continuing dialog and constructive relations. And we earnestly hope that what has already been set in motion will continue and pave the way for greater co-operation among all the countries in that region e id in the process will lead to the resolution of all the remaining problems.
323.	It is in the same spirit that my delegation views the Korean question. We continue to urge that the constructive dialog already begun, but regrettably interrupted, will be resumed at the earliest opportunity. We acknowledge again the many difficulties that have to be faced by both sides, but we who enjoy friendly relations with both the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea strongly believe that while there is dialog there is hope for the reconciliation of their differences that may finally lead to the reunification of the two Koreas. Any progress in this area will contribute further to the already improved climate in the international political scene.
324.	But, while we recognize the improvement so far achieved, we also realize this is no time to be complacent, to be lulled by the new sense of reduced insecurity. If the dangerous antagonism of the major Powers has been reduced, the pursuit of aggression and confrontation and conflict is still very much a painful part of the present in many areas of the world.
325.	In Viet Nam, despite the agreement to end the war, a war is still in progress. Although it is now less devastating, it is no less tragic. We continue to consider the agreement to be a realistic basis for the settlement of the problem and, more importantly, a basis for the building of peace in our part of the world. We continue, therefore, to urge its strict implementation and the adherence to it of all concerned. And we stress again that the people of Viet Nam themselves must be allowed to determine their own future without any interference from outside.
326.	It is in this same spirit .that we view the problems confronting the people of the Khmer Republic. My delegation's dearest wish for the people of the Khmer Republic is the speedy return of peace to their country . The problem of the Khmer Republic, as my country sees it from close proximity- both Malaysia and the Khmer Republic being in the South-East Asian region- is basically a problem of contending leaderships and is, in my delegation's view, a problem that only the people of the Khmer Republic may determine. Herein lies a fundamental principle which throughout the length and breadth of our deliberations on this issue must never be lost sight of. The United Nations, whose principal mandate is the fostering and preservation of peace, should never allow itself to take positions that would be incompatible with this high ideal. This august body, in its anxious pursuit of peace, should not allow itself to disregard the very fine lines that are drawn between positions that are permissible and positions that are not.
327.	It is my delegation's view that the Assembly should remind itself that, should it not tread with the utmost caution in the matter of the Khmer Republic's representation in this body, it stands in grave danger of compromising a sacrosanct principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign, independent State. The United Nations can best contribute to the well-being of the Khmer people and nation by expressing its genuine anxiety for the return of peace to that country and by affording every assistance within its power to the Khmer people to resolve their problem themselves.
328.	Although tension and insecurity in old areas of conflict have been reduced, new ones have arisen. Recently, death and destruction have descended upon the island, of Cyprus. This conflict is no less tragic and no less a threat to world peace. It is clear that a satisfactory solution in this instance must be left to the decision of the parties immediately involved. We are therefore encouraged by the fact that the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus have met and, as a result, the humanitarian aspects of the problem have to a certain extent, been negotiated and agreed upon, much to the relief of those directly involved. My delegation in this regard would like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the timely initiatives he has taken, initiatives which, in a sense, represent the continuing role that the United Nations plays and must play. But the prospect for peace in Cyprus remains dim. My delegation therefore urges that all parties concerned direct their efforts most urgently towards the early resolution of this problem in a just manner.
329.	If I now turn to the subject of disarmament* it is because my delegation attaches great importance to it. I would once again like to reiterate my Government's support for a World disarmament conference under the auspices of the United Nations and Would welcome positive efforts towards the convening of such a world conference. It may be fanciful now to speak of fear of a nuclear war. But let us not lose sight of the fact that nuclear weapons are Still with us, that their capabilities are being constantly improved upon, that their possession is within the reach of an ever-increasing number of nations. The existence of nuclear weapons ensures that their use remains a possibility, however remote. The continuing development of such weapons of mass destruction and their acquisition by more countries increases the possibility of their utilization. Even if the threat of a nuclear fall-out that would destroy us all has lessened, the threat to the environment as a result of a fall-out from the "limited" nuclear tests has not. We must urgently seek an end to. the suicidal course that we seem to have embarked upon; to fail to work towards disarmament now is to agree to face destruction in the future.
330.	We welcome, in particular, the initiatives designed to create nuclear-free zones and zones of peace in various regions of the world, similar to our own aspirations to make South-East Asia a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, for they reflect the real desire and represent one of the many efforts by nations to contribute towards a more stable international order.
331.	.We believe that the primary responsibility for contributing towards peace and stability in one region of the world should rest with those countries that belong to the region. Moved by such considerations, Malaysia, together with its immediate neighbors which are also members of the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations, has embarked upon a program of study and consultation to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia.
332.	Our own proposal, which is embodied in the Declaration of Kuala Lumpur, as the Assembly has been informed on previous occasions, seeks within the context of the prevailing improved international political climate to prevent South-East Asia from being an arena for major-Power conflict. It seeks also to enhance co-operation among States in.the region, and further seeks to develop a sense of regionalism, so that all who belong to the region need not fee! nor find themselves in a hostile environment. We hope to evolve from this a solidarity that will prevent our differences assuming proportions which, in the past, have resulted in their exploitation by others outside the region, to our terrible cost.
333.	While we continue to support proposals for the establishment of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace, and while we continue to be sympathetic to such proposals, it is also my delegation's view that such proposals and initiatives should first have the support of countries in the proposed zone. Convinced of our belief that the creation of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace will contribute greatly to global peace and security, Malaysia stands ready to give support and encouragement to similar initiatives and proposals by others.
334.	We would expect also that the major Powers, which are equally convinced and equally concerned with global peace and security, would likewise support and encourage any such proposals and contribute positively towards their implementation. My Government, therefore, views with grave concern and deeply deplores the increasing military and naval activities of the major Powers in the Indian Ocean. Adherence to and respect for the United Nations declaration of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean [resolution 2832 (XXVI) by the major Powers is imperative.
335.	While efforts have been made to reduce the risks of war in the pursuit of peace, no comparable effort has been made to solve the economic and social problems facing the world. On the one hand, there
is the problem of spiraling inflation which continues to pose a serious threat to world economic and financial stability as each nation tries its own method of coping with it. On the other, there are the problems posed by the realignment and floating of exchange rates, the rise in the price of fuel, shortages of food grains and fertilisers, and a slow-down in the growth rates of the industrial countries. For the developing countries, these problems have been compounded by a drop in prices of many of their primary commodities. When the prices of these commodities had been high, they had helped to cushion the effects of inflation. But now, as the prices haye come down, and the prices of capital goods imported from developed countries remain high, the burden imposed upon the developing countries has become intolerable.
336.	The problem of how to cope with inflation is indeed a complex one, especially as there is no single agreed method of arresting it. Wage and price costs and their effects on employment make it an acute political problem for all nations. Furthermore, the problem cannot be treated in isolation, for whatever measures are taken by the industrialized countries in particular, developing countries will be invariably affected. Never before has the world community been faced with a problem of such magnitude during peace-time.
337.	We in the developing countries are most concerned that while the developed countries grapple with the immediate problems posed by inflation, they will relegate to the background the more basic issues that have concerned us for well over two decades. Issues such as the attainment of the level of official development assistance of 0.7 per cent of gross national product by 1975 by the developed countries; the reform of the international monetary system with greater participation by the developing countries; trade liberalization measures; remunerative prices; access for our primary commodities, semi-manufactures and manufactures to the markets of the developed countries, and a greater share in world trade are in need of urgent attention, in addition to the ever-present problems of hunger, disease, illiteracy and mass unemployment.
338.	All these problems were given an airing once again at the sixth special session held here in April this year, on the initiative of the President of Algeria. This session was a landmark in the efforts of the developing countries to redress the imbalance in the economic relations between the developed and the developing world. At the meeting, the" General Assembly unanimously agreed, by resolution 3201 (S-VI), to establish a new international economic cfrder based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interests and co-operation among all States. In doing so, the Assembly clearly recognized that the old system, which had been established long before developing countries had become independent, was not adequate to meet the new challenges facing the world, especially the developing countries. The Assembly, therefore, proclaimed its united determination to work urgently for the establishment of a new economic order. This implied greater co-operation between developed and developing countries.
339.	Increased co-operation is, in fact, imperative because the problems that we face are interrelated and their effects are world-wide. Any solution to them must be found in the global context. If there is to be genuine co-operation, then there is no doubt that it must be based on partnership and mutual advantage. It cannot be otherwise. However, it must be recognized that, according to the rules of the game, the developing countries are the handicapped ones and therefore deserving of preferential treatment and special consideration. If this is not recognized, then terms such as "interdependence" and "mutuality of interests" are merely euphemisms for the exploitation of the poor and the weak by the rich and the strong.
340.	We have also very often heard that political will is necessary if developed countries are to fulfill their obligations and commitments under the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade and help create a truly new economic order. Indeed, the problem, in essence, is a political one, and the time has come for the developed countries to show greater statesmanship so as to translate the various resolutions, strategies, declarations and programs into actions. The problem is also a moral one, for the developed countries owe it to the developing countries, as their former colonial masters who exploited their human and natural resources, and thus built the foundations of their own prosperity, to bring about economic and social stability. As you, Mr. President, so eloquently put it in your address to us, "However decisive the distribution of power may be, moral considerations also have their weight, and this weight can be decisive" [2233rd meeting, para. 31].
341.	One issue on which it is necessary to bring the political will to bear is the level of official development assistance. It has been known, for instance, that instead of reaching the prescribed target of 0.7 per cent, official development assistance has fallen to about 0.35 per cent of the gross national product of developed countries. In asking that that level be maintained or even increased, we are not asking the developed countries to give up their prosperity. What is asked of them, as Mr. McNamara, President of the World Bank, pointed out, is that they just dedicate a tiny fraction of their incremental income, that is, income over and above that which they enjoy that will accrue to them in the 1970s. The present problems that developed countries face should not be used as an argument against foreign aid, as these countries are in a stronger position to weather the storms they experience.
342.	Developing countries, on the other hand, with a weak resistance, will only sink deeper and deeper into the quagmire of difficulties. Then even a salvage operation on a global scale will be too little, too late. Developed countries should consider that instead of giving millions for disaster assistance it would be more beneficial if the developing countries were instead granted fair and remunerative prices for their exports. This would have a greater salutary effect on the economies of developing countries. On the other hand, the rise in price of an essential import item or a decline in the price of their primary export can erase all the benefits they would get from foreign aid.
343.	Another example of the "aid fatigue" is the response to the emergency operation launched by the Secretary-General in response to resolution
3202 (S-Vl) to meet the immediate and urgent needs of the countries most seriously affected by the current crisis. To say the least, the response has been poor. It has been estimated that economic assistance to these countries would amount to US $3,000 to $4,000 million for the first 12 months. Yet bilateral and multilateral assistance already announced by Governments only amounts to $1,000 million.
344.	On the question of external assistance for agriculture in developing countries to help alleviate the food crisis, it has been estimated that assistance in the years ahead would have to be increased to $5,000 million from the $1,500 million that is currently available. It has been mentioned that more than 460 million people are "permanently hungry" and their capacity for living a normal life cannot be realized. At least 40 per cent of them are children. The question we ask is, what sort of a world are we building for these children?
345.	The World Bank carries an even more ominous warning in its report for 1974, in which it forecasts that many developing countries will experience a decline in their gross national product growth rates below the 6 per cent target set for the International Development Strategy and that for the poorest countries the growth rates will be so low that per capita incomes will either be stagnant or rise very little between now and 1980. For these countries, especially those with high population growth rates, the prospects look terrifying indeed. The report also talks about the bleak prospects of mobilizing additional capital and says:
"It appears almost inevitable that at least in the short run, the flow of concessionary aid will decline even further in real terms. This will happen at a time when the needs of countries which depend heavily upon such aid will be greater than ever."
What prospects do these countries have for social and economic development?
346.	President Ford of the United States of America said in his address before the Assembly that "we need new approaches to international co-operation to respond effectively to the problems we face" [2234th meeting, para. 22].
347.	Yet the Secretary-General in his press conference given on the eve of this session said, "there was not a trend towards better international co-operation, but rather a trend back again to nationalism . . .".
348.	It is clear therefore that What we really need is a firm commitment from the developed countries that they will negotiate in earnest and genuinely have the interests and the welfare of the developing countries at heart. Nowhere is this more applicable than in the multilateral trade negotiations, where the whole question of an improvement in the trade position of the developing countries is being discussed. Progress on these negotiations has been slow. We in Malaysia set great store by these negotiations because our export trade constitutes more than 40 per cent of our gross national product. Yet the multilateral trade negotiations, for example, have barely got off the ground, though they are to be concluded by 1975. Further delays in the negotiations are expected while developed countries preoccupy themselves with their own problems. Such delays, as our Prime Minister pointed out when he addressed the special session of ILO in Geneva in June this year, are "morally untenable. He called on the developed countries to negotiate in earnest with the developing countries.
349.	Progress in bringing about reforms of the international monetary system has also been slow. In calling for an early reform of the monetary system we, together with the other developing countries, have called for greater participation by the developing countries in the decision-making process, the establishment of a link between special drawing rights and additional development finance and the transfer of real resources from the developed to the developing countries. These issues, important as they are, seem to be overshadowed by the current developments on the financial scene. Yet the need for these reforms could not have been greater.
350.	The negotiations on the charter of economic rights and duties of states have also been stalled because of the lack of agreement on such key questions as the permanent sovereignty over natural resources, foreign investments, transnational corporations, nationalizations and compensation. The charter will be an important document governing, the economic relations between States. iSuccess in settling the outstanding issues depends on whether a political decision has been reached by some of the countries concerned to proceed with finalizing the charter. Otherwise the discussion of this item at this session could turn out to be another long drawn-out affair with little progress to report at the end.
351.	We seem to have reached a stalemate in our efforts to establish a more just and equitable socio-economic order. We all know how this is to be achieved. It only remains for the developed countries to change their attitudes so that we can break this stalemate. We are encouraged by the fact that a few of these countries have come out in support of the aspirations and hopes of the developing counties and have taken concrete steps to fulfill their commitments and obligations. The efforts of such countries are worthy of our praise. This leads us to believe that all is not yet lost.
352.	If we are to build a durable structure of peace, it is imperative not only to improve the political climate but, along with it, to make a genuine attempt to achieve economic and social justice for the developing countries. Otherwise, as the Secretary-General pointed out in his introduction to the report on the work of the Organization, We will risk destroying even the very gains made on the political front and usher in a new period of desperation, chaos and confrontation. We believe that there is too much at stake to allow this to happen. Malaysia pledges to do all it can within its means, and asks that others do the same.


Today as I stand before this Assembly I share with you profound satisfaction that the 75 million people of Bangladesh are now represented in this Parliament of Man. For the Bangalee nation this is a historic moment, marking the consummation of the struggle to vindicate its right of self-determination. The Bangalee people have fought over the centuries so that they may secure for themselves the right to live in freedom and with dignity as free citizens of a free country. They have aspired to live in peace and friendship with all the nations of the world. The noble ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are the very ideals for which millions of our people have made the supreme sacrifice. I know that the souls of our martyrs join us in pledging that the Bangalee nation fully commits itself to the building of a world order in which the aspiration of all men for peace and justice will be realized.
3.	It is particularly gratifying that Bangladesh has been admitted to this Assembly when its presidency has been assumed by one who has been active in the fight for freedom. I recall, Mr. President, the valuable contribution made by you to the success of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers in September of last year.
4.	I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to salute all those whose sacrifices have earned for Bangladesh a place in the comity of nations. I express our deep sense of gratitude to all those nations and peoples that supported Bangladesh in its struggle. We should also like to thank all those who have been rendering valuable assistance to Bangladesh in consolidating our independence, in reconstructing our war-ravaged land and in meeting the formidable challenge of building a better future for our people. To all those who have welcomed us into the United Nations, I offer the most sincere thanks of the people of Bangladesh.
5.	The very struggle of Bangladesh symbolized the universal struggle for peace and justice. It was, therefore, only natural that Bangladesh, from its very inception, should stand firmly by the side of the oppressed people of the world. The experience of a quarter of a century since the United Nations was established has shown how a relentless struggle in pursuit of these ideals has had to be waged against daunting odds. The right of self-determination which the Charter of the United Nations promised could be redeemed only through the supreme sacrifice of millions of valiant freedom fighters in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The struggle still continues against the illegal occupation of territory by aggression, against the use of force to negate the legitimate rights of peoples, and against the practice of racial discrimination and apartheid. Great victories have been won in Algeria, in Viet Nam, in Bangladesh and in Guinea-Bissau. Such victories prove that history is on the side of the people and that justice ultimately triumphs.
6.	But injustice and oppression persist in many parts of the world. Our Arab brethren are still fighting for the complete liberation of all illegally occupied territories, and the legitimate national rights of the people of Palestine have yet to be restored. The process of decolonization, though greatly advanced, has yet to reach its ultimate goal. This is particularly true in Africa, where the heroic peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia are still engaged in a grim struggle for freedom and national liberation. Apartheid, which this Assembly has repeatedly declared to be a crime against humanity, continues to outrage the conscience of man.
7.	While the legacy of injustice from the past has to be liquidated, we are confronted by the challenges of the future. Today the nations of the world are faced with critical choices. Upon the wisdom of our choice will depend whether we will move towards a world haunted by the fear of total destruction, threatened by nuclear war, faced with the aggravation of human suffering on a horrendous scale, and marked by mass starvation, unemployment and the wretchedness of deepening poverty, or whether we can look forward to a world where human creativity and the great achievements of our age in science and
technology will be able lo shape a better future free from the threat of nuclear war and based upon a sharing of technology and resources on a global scale, so that men everywhere can begin to enjoy the minimal conditions of a decent life.
8.	The great economic upheavals that have recently shaken the entire world should generate a sense of urgency for building a just international economic order. The sixth special session of the General Assembly earlier this year took note of the grave implications of the present international economic situation. Speaking for a country which heads the list of those described as being most severely affected by the current economic situation, I can only underline how grievous those effects are. Bangladesh, which was born on the ruins of a devastating war, has, ever since liberation, been plagued by a series of natural disasters, the latest one being the unprecedented floods we have experienced this year. We are grateful to the United Nations and its agencies and to the Secretary-General for their active interest in helping Bangladesh to meet the situation. President Boumediene and Foreign Minister Bouteflika of Algeria have appealed to the non- aligned countries to come forward to help Bangladesh. Friendly countries and humanitarian organizations all over the world have been responding positively. These natural calamities not only have impeded the march of Bangladesh towards economic progress, but have also left the country in a state of near-famine conditions. At the same time global inflation has meant, for a country such as ours, a balance-of-payments gap in the order of hundreds of millions of dollars. Translated into terms of human suffering, this means that people with a meagre annual per capita income of less than $100 are now faced with the prospect of a severe reduction in even their current subsistence level of living. People who are consuming less than the minimum considered by WHO to be necessary for mere survival now face starvation. The forecast for the future of the poorer countries is even more gloomy. Food grains, of which the developed industrial nations are the main exporters, are gradually getting out of the reach of the poorer countries as a result of steadily increasing prices. Efforts to attain self-sufficiency in food production are also being severely affected because of rising costs and the growing scarcity of vital agricultural inputs. Side by side with this, as a result of the global inflation which not only has increased by many times the cost of development projects but has also adversely reduced their ability to mobilize their own resources, countries already faced with grinding poverty and massive unemployment are threatened with dire possibilities of cutbacks in their modest development plans envisaging growth rates of 5 to 6 per cent per annum,
9.	Unless the nations of the world can concert their action to meet this situation, human misery will be aggravated on a scale unknown in history. Indeed, there would be no recorded parallel of such human misery having to be endured by so many side by side with such unprecedented levels of affluence and prosperity enjoyed by so few. Only a regeneration of the feeling of human solidarity and brotherhood and an acknowledgment of interdependence can bring about a rational solution and the urgent action needed to avoid this catastrophe.
10.	No greater challenge has been faced by the United Nations than that of marshalling the forces of reason to bring about a just international economic order. That order not only must ensure the sovereignty of each State over its natural resources, but also should seek to establish a framework of international co-operation based upon recognition of the overriding common interest of the countries of the world in a stable and just economic system. This is the moment when we must reaffirm in unequivocal terms that there is an international responsibility to ensure that everyone everywhere should enjoy the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality, as guaranteed to him by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This responsibility, according to the Universal Declaration, should extend to ensuring to everyone the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of him-self and his family.
11.	We are fully conscious that the current economic crisis can be dealt with only in an environment of peace, international amity and understanding. In this context, urgent measures to control the present arms race assume special importance not only for the creation of such an environment but also for releasing for the common good of mankind the massive resources currently being wasted on armaments.
12.	Bangladesh, from its very inception, has adopted a non-aligned foreign policy based upon the principles of peaceful coexistence and of friendship towards all. Our total commitment to peace is born of the realization that only an environment of peace would enable us to enjoy the fruits of our hard-won national independence and to mobilize and concentrate all our energies and resources in combating the scourges of poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and unemployment.
13.	We therefore welcome every effort aimed at advancing the process of detente, relaxation of tension, limitation of armaments and the promotion of peaceful coexistence in every part of the world, whether in Asia, Africa, Europe or Latin America. In pursuance of this policy we have consistently supported the concept of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean area, which has received the powerful endorsement of this Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. We have also supported the concept of South-East Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality.
14.	We believe that the nations of the emerging world assembled in the non-aligned conferences provide powerful support for the cause of peace. These nations have reaffirmed the common determination of the overwhelming majority of the people of the world to preserve national independence and to promote peace and justice.
15.	Peace is an imperative for the survival of mankind; it represents the deepest aspirations of men and women throughout the world. Peace to endure must, however, be peace based upon justice.
16.	Consistent with our own total commitment to peace, we have striven to promote the process of reconciliation in our own subcontinent. It was our firm belief that the emergence of Bangladesh would materially contribute towards the creation of a structure of peace and stability in our subcontinent and that the confrontation and strife of the past could be replaced by relations of friendship and co-opera- lion for the welfare of all our peoples. Not only have we developed good-neighbourly relations with our immediate neighbours, India, Burma and Nepal, but we have also striven to turn away from the past and to open a new chapter in our relations with Pakistan.
17.	We have spared no effort to liquidate the legacies of the past, and made our ultimate contribution by granting clemency even to those 195 prisoners of war against whom there was overwhelming evidence of their having committed grave crimes, including crimes against humanity. This was our investment towards the opening of a new chapter and towards the building of a future of peace and stability in our tormented subcontinent. In doing this we insisted on no preconditions, nor did we seek to strike any bargain, for we were influenced only by the vision of a better future for all our peoples.
18.	We look forward to the solution of other outstanding problems in a spirit of fair play and mutual accommodation. The plight of the 63,000 Pakistani families who have reaffirmed their allegiance to Pakistan and have registered themselves with the International Committee of the Red Cross for repatriation to their country remains a pressing humanitarian problem. Not only is their right to be repatriated to the country to which they retain allegiance based on the strongest foundations of law and inter-national agreement, but the dictates of humanity call for an urgent solution of their problem.
19.	The just division of the assets of former Pakistan is the other problem which awaits urgent solution. Bangladesh for its part was, and remains, ready to move forward towards reconciliation. We expect that, in the overriding interest of the welfare of the peoples of the subcontinent, Pakistan will reciprocate by coming forward to solve these outstanding problems in a spirit of fair play and mutual accommodation so that the process of normalization can be carried to a successful conclusion.
20.	Bangladesh will continue to strive for good-neighbourly relations with all of its neighbours on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. We will continue to support every move that seeks to promote peace in our region and in the world.
21.	In a world that is marked by strife and human misery, the United Nations remains the focus of man's hope for the future. Despite the many difficulties and obstacles placed in its way, the United Nations, during the more than quarter-century of its existence, has significantly contributed to human progress in the political, economic, social and cultural fields. There are few countries in the world that have a better realization than Bangladesh of the concrete achievements and potential for good of the Organization. It was under the inspired leadership of Mr, Kurt Waldheim and his able and dedicated colleagues that the United Nations mounted a major relief and reconstruction programme in our country to heal the wounds of war, to restore the productive capacity of our war-ravaged economy and to rehabilitate millions of returning refugees from India, who had had to take shelter there during our struggle for liberation. To the Secretary-General, the members of his staff and the various humanitarian agencies that contributed to the success of that gigantic operation, I should like to express the sincere gratitude of the Government and people of Bangladesh. We are confident that the same constructive leadership will be forthcoming from the United Nations in the solution of the remaining humanitarian problems in the subcontinent.
22.	As I mentioned earlier, we are grateful to the United Nations for its efforts in mobilizing assistance in aid of the victims of the current catastrophic floods in Bangladesh. As a country which has repeatedly been exposed to the ravages of natural calamities, Bangladesh has a special stake in the creation of an institutional arrangement by which the international community can move effectively to meet and prevent such calamities. Indeed a beginning, though modest, has already been made in this respect by the establishment of the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator. However, in order that it can effectively play the role assigned to it, there is an imperative need to strengthen the organization. The Members of the United Nations have a special responsibility to concert their efforts for the achievement of this objective.
23.	I should like to conclude by reaffirming my faith in the indomitable spirit of man - in the capacity of the people to achieve the impossible and to overcome insurmountable odds. This is the faith that sustains nations like us that have emerged through struggle and sacrifice. Our nations may suffer, but they can never die. In facing the challenge of survival, the resilience and determination of the people is an ultimate strength, our goal is self-reliance; our chosen path is the united and collective efforts of our people. International co-operation and the sharing of resources and technology could, no doubt, make our task less onerous and reduce the cost in human suffering. But for us in the emerging world, ultimately we must have faith in ourselves and in our capacity, through the united and concerted efforts of our peoples, to fulfil our destiny and to build for ourselves a better future.


Mr. President, permit me to reiterate be fore this forum my congratulations to the Foreign Minister of the Democratic People's Republic of Algeria on his election to the high office of President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly and to state in the name of the German Democratic Republic that this is a tribute to the high prestige of the Democratic People's Republic of Algeria in the world. We wish him much success in his responsible function.
137.	Complex are the events which bear on the international situation and. the destinies of entire peoples. But the essential thing is that it has been possible, despite powerful counter-efforts, to advance international detente. This has not happened of its own accord. The efforts for the elimination and prevention of international conflicts, the cessation of the arms race, the liquidation of all forms of oppression of peoples, and the development of relations of peaceful coexistence need to be resolutely promoted.
138.	The German Democratic Republic joined the United Nations one year ago. As a Member of the United Nations and as a State of the socialist community, it has been making every effort, in its bilateral relations, at the regional level and also in multi lateral organizations, to help carry out the peace program of the socialist States, which also is in harmony with the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and takes account of the interests of all peoples.
139.	The foreign policy of the German Democratic Republic is aimed at safeguarding international peace and security, practicing solidarity with the peoples fighting for their national and social liberation, and making peaceful coexistence prevail between States with different social orders.
140.	In conjunction with its allies, the German Democratic Republic works for the fruits of detente to be shared by all peoples. Therefore we support all efforts channeling conflicts towards a political settlement. The peoples desire the attainment of durable settlements of those problems which are poisoning the international climate and threatening peace and security. Hence one should not be content with what has been achieved. On the contrary, detente must be consolidated and extended to all regions of the world. This is, in the view of the Government of the German Democratic Republic, an extremely important and equally pressing task for the United Nations and one which the German Democratic Republic will help to carry out.
141.	In May 1975 it will be 30 years since the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition, and primarily of the Soviet Union, liberated the peoples from the cruel terrorist rule of German fascism. In those days of 1945 began the longest period of European peace in the history of this century. This fact corroborates the reality of a policy aimed at maintaining peace. To enable future generations also to live in peace, it will be necessary to further the detente initiated with the Quadripartite Agreement on West Berlin and with the treaties concluded by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Polish People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic with the Federal Republic of Germany. Inviolability of the territorial status quo and of existing borders, respect for the sovereignty of States, renunciation of the use of force and prohibition of interference in the internal affairs of other States should be normal and self-evident standards of conduct among States with different social systems in Europe. In this context it is imperative to implement this set of treaties and to defend it against those forces which tried to prevent the conclusion of the treaties and are now obstructing their implementation in letter and spirit. With the expansion ;of bilateral relations between States, the foundations" that have been laid for detente can be broadened and reinforced. I need not emphasize that the German Democratic Republic is ready, now as before, to play its part.
142.	From their experiences in the Second World War, the peoples have learned the lesson that it is only by way of equal and growing co-operation among all peace-loving nations that mankind will be able to achieve its loftiest aspiration: to maintain a secure and lasting peace. A post-war settlement along anti-Fascist and democratic lines was the hard core of the decisions and agreements reached by the principal Powers of the anti-Hitler coalition. On behalf of the German Democratic Republic, I can state here our view that with the great system of treaties that has come into being since 1970, a post-war settlement has been agreed which makes possible good co operation among the States and peoples. The decisive precondition of the progress which was reached on the road to detente in Europe and hailed by the peoples of the world was the definite recognition in terms of international law of the results of the Second World War and of post-war developments. Therefore, demands based on wishful thinking and reflecting outlived and yet dangerous ideas for changing the map of Europe are not at all helpful to European and international security.
143.	As far as the national question on German soil is concerned, history settled it long ago. Freely exercising their right to self-determination, the people of the German Democratic Republic have once and for all chosen the socialist system of society. Today there are on German soil a socialist State, the German Democratic Republic, in which the socialist nation is developing, and the capitalist Federal Republic of Germany, in which the capitalist nation exists. Between socialist and capitalist States there can only be relations of peaceful coexistence, the principles of which can safely be assumed to be known everywhere.
144.	The historic chance of living in peace is be coming more real with the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. An early and good conclusion of that Conference would therefore be in full harmony with the legacy of those who fought against fascism. In the light of present-day realities this would be the best contribution all European States could make, as the Charter of the United Nations says "... to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind . . ."
145.	Despite artificial obstacles, detente is being advanced also in other parts of the world. The Ger man Democratic Republic pays a particular tribute to the growing role the non-aligned countries have played, both inside and outside the United Nations, in removing international conflicts, strengthening international security and enforcing the right of peoples to self-determination. We are very happy to note that our traditionally friendly relations with those States are growing in strength.
146.	Detente creates more favorable conditions for the just struggle of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples to gain national freedom, strength en their political independence and achieve their economic independence. This is borne out by developments.
147.	The admission to the United Nations of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, a country with which we maintain friendly ties, is a clear indication that the situation on the subcontinent has improved.
148.	The withdrawal of the foreign troops from South Korea as urged by the Democratic People's Re public of Korea is in the interest of the korean people and would have a favorable impact on security in Asia.
149.	We are resolutely opposed to the permanent violations of the Paris Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet Nam by the Saigon Administration and its foreign backers, and demand that it be strictly observed. The Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet Nam is an equal party to the Paris negotiations and therefore has the incontestable right to participate without any discrimination in international co-operation, and this also within the framework of the United Nations.
150.	The national liberation movement, supported by the solidarity of the socialist States and democratic forces all over the world, has achieved great success in liquidating the remnants of colonialism. It is in this sense that we view Grenada's admission to the world Organization. Another case in point is the admission of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations. Bonds of friendship and active solidarity link us with the people of Guinea-Bissau. The overthrow of the Fascist regime in Portugal and the new Government's commitment to the right of peoples to self- determination should make it easier for this session of the General Assembly to adopt effective measures aimed at eliminating all forms of colonial and racist oppression.
151.	During the session of the Special Committee against Apartheid held in Berlin, capital of the German Democratic Republic, last May, the States of the socialist community, their citizens and mass organizations convincingly manifested their firm determination to strengthen their solidarity with the peoples of southern Africa. An end must be put to racist terrorism in all its forms. Acting in this spirit, the German Democratic Republic signed and ratified the Inter national Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex] immediately after it was adopted.
152.	It is gratifying to point to the substantial progress in creating a more healthy international climate. But the opponents of detente are far from laying down their arms. While they could not reverse the trend, their incessant attempts to create new hotbeds of international tension and maintain existing ones, to fuel the arms race and defend colonialist and neo-colonialist oppression require not just close attention but resolute resistance on the part of the United Nations also.
153.	Is not the attempt to abolish the sovereignty of Cyprus a very striking example?
154.	Together with the other socialist States and the non-aligned countries, the German Democratic Republic stands for vigorous action by the United Nation's, to maintain the non-aligned status of Cyprus, to restore constitutional order, to have all foreign troops withdrawn and to establish an effective system of guarantees.
155.	If effect were given to the proposal of the Soviet Government to convene an international conference within the framework of the United Nations, in which Cyprus, Greece, Turkey and all States members of the Security Council would participate, and in which other countries, specifically non-aligned countries, could also be involved, this would be the best way of achieving a settlement satisfactory to the vital interests of the Greek and Turkish population of Cyprus and the security requirements of all peoples. In accordance with the primary responsibilities of the permanent members of the Security Council under the Charter for the maintenance and safeguarding of international peace, these States should as contained in the Soviet proposal to convene the conference provide the required guarantees of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and of compliance with the decisions the planned conference on Cyprus will be taking.
156.	Despite growing protests by world public opinion, the military junta in Chile is carrying on with the cruel suppression, tortures and assassination of upright patriots, in brutal violation of human rights. It has so far ignored the appeals of the Secretary-General and the President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Its actions create a dangerous source of tension in Latin America and challenge international public opinion as a whole. This twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly should vigorously demand the restoration of human rights and democratic freedoms in Chile.
157.	The settlement of the Middle East conflict is now sought by political means. The German Democratic Republic welcomes this. But, unfortunately, a durable peace settlement is still outstanding. The delegation of the German Democratic Republic is in favor of the immediate reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East so that a stable settlement of this issue on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) can be achieved. The German Democratic Republic has always supported the Arab peoples in their struggle against the permanent Israeli aggression and its consequences and will do so in future.
158.	The German Democratic Republic comes out in support of securing the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine. My Government supports the demand of the Palestine Liberation Organization and of the Arab States that the question of Palestine should be considered at this year's session of the General Assembly.
159.	The relations between the Soviet Union and the United States are of particular weight in inter national affairs. The Soviet Union has set in motion the reshaping of the Soviet-American relationship, and has thereby made the decisive contribution to ending the era of "cold war" and confrontation.
160.	Those who invented the theory of the so- called super-Powers have, from generally known selfish motives of great-Power chauvinism, given the Soviet Union's relations with the United States an arbitrary interpretation of their own. But nobody can deny the plain truth that the evolution of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States on the basis of peaceful coexistence is essential to the maintenance of world peace and hence serves the interests of all peoples. The period of the "cold war" and the imperialist strategy of "war brink man-ship" have not fallen into oblivion. It is the fundamental improvement in international relations which highlights the specific weight of the relations between the Soviet Union and the United States.
161.	Conditions have improved for the United Nations to work in the interest of international security, disarmament, the liquidation of colonialism and racism, of international co-operation among States on a basis of equality. At the same time, the activities of the opponents of detente underscore the need for the United Nations to make a greater contribution to the normalization of the international situation.
162.	Is it not a proved practice to make regular reviews of how decisions that have been taken are carried out? The delegation of the German Democratic Republic would therefore be in favor of a thorough analysis of how the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, adopted in 1970 [resolution 2734 (XXV)}, is being implemented. This would also meet the demand for the increased effectiveness of the work of the United Nations.
163.	It is the policy of the German Democratic Republic, just as it is of many other States, to pro mote detente in Europe, to urge that it should be extended to the whole world and be complemented by military detente, and to demand the implementation of the right of peoples to self-determination and of the principles of peaceful coexistence in the relations among States with different social orders. Should it not be a paramount aim for this General Assembly to adopt further measures to fulfill the Declaration of 1970? As is known, the socialist States proceed from the fact that effective measures towards military detente, armaments limitation and dis armament are indispensable to promoting political detente, and vice versa. Arms expenditures are an unbearable burden on the working people. In many countries the corporations producing arms exacerbate the effects of the objective crisis. Vast human and material resources in science and technology are withheld from peaceful, productive work for the benefit of the people. Scientists in the German Democratic Republic have estimated that almost 50 per cent of the scientific and technological intelligentsia in the principal countries of NATO are directly or indirectly engaged in the development of weapon systems. The arms race, that material preparation of war, is threatening international detente.
164.	There is still time to halt that disastrous development. There are constructive proposals to this end. We second the initiative of the Soviet Union to request the inclusion in the agenda of the item entitled "Prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human well-being and health". The draft resolution^ submitted by the Soviet Union on this item [AlO.l/L.675] has the undivided support of the German Democratic Republic. It is of great importance in both its current and future relevance. We must not allow the achievements of science and technology ever to be used again for the physical destruction of human beings and material resources. We hold that the Soviet proposal is realistic and directly combines measures for international security with action to protect man and his environment.
165.	For a long time there has been an urgent need to convene a world disarmament conference. This twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly could very well proceed from the results so far reached and begin speedy preparations for the conference. We cannot agree with the unsubstantiated argument repeatedly put forward by some States that the time is not ripe for such a conference.
166.	Progress in the fields of disarmament and arms limitation is indispensable to remove the sword of Damocles of a nuclear world war, to strengthen the mutual confidence of States in declared peaceful intentions, and to give all States the opportunity to participate in the solution of a fundamental question of international development affecting their vital interests. In this connexion, the delegation of the German Democratic Republic wishes to recall the urgent need to implement the resolution adopted at the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly on the non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons [resolution 2936 (XXVII)].
167.	It is in the very nature of things that the ever greater expenditures for military purposes stand in the way of solutions to pressing economic and social problems and also affect economic, scientific and technological assistance to the developing countries.
168.	As we did at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, we point once more to the resolution on the reduction of military expenditures of the permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent which was proposed by the Soviet Union and adopted at the past session of the General Assembly [resolution 3098 (XXVIII)]. We reaffirm our opinion that the resolution should be speedily carried out. The position of certain forces which refuse or delay the implementation of that United Nations resolution is, to say the least, highly regret table.
169.	The lofty aims of the Charter of the United Nations are international law. The Charter constitutes a stable foundation for developing peaceful, good-neighborly relations between States. It has stood the test, not least as an instrument of the peoples' struggle against imperialist and colonial oppression.
170.	Important social changes have taken place in the world in the 30 years since the Charter came into force. International relations have been reorganized for the better. Yet the purposes of the Charter are far from being fulfilled. From all this we believe one can draw but one conclusion: that it is necessary to ensure that the principles of the Charter become fully effective in international affairs. In particular, the fundamental principle of the unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council has proved to be an instrument of the necessary constructive co-operation of the States concerned in the interest of peace. Do we have a right to do away with reliable instruments? The growing normalization of the international situation and a closer co operation among States of necessity increases the interlacing of political, military, economic, cultural and scientific problems of an international character. From this angle, too, proved instruments of inter national co-operation are indispensable.
171.	To develop fully and intensify such co-operation is possible only on a solid political foundation. That conditions of international detente are propitious for tackling burning questions of global interest has been demonstrated by the sixth special session of the General Assembly, the Third United Na tions Conference on the Law of the Sea at Caracas and the World Population Conference at Bucharest. In this connexion, we believe the power of the United Nations lies, above all, in its contributions towards a strict implementation of the Charter in all spheres of inter-State relations.
172.	The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order makes clear the close interrelation between the strengthening of inter national security and the development of economic relations between States on a basis of equality. We welcome the fact that the Declaration has reaffirmed the obligation to respect strictly the principle of the sovereign equality of States and their right to dispose of their own natural resources without external interference as much as we are pleased that it has endorsed the right to nationalize such resources. We think it is fully justified and appropriate that the activities of transnational corporations should be brought more into the limelight, since they not only make enormous profits by exploiting other peoples but also interfere in the internal affairs of States and consequently create international conflicts.
173.	The German Democratic Republic has always conducted its relations with the developing countries on the basis of the principles specified in the aforementioned Declaration. It has been a guiding rule of its foreign relations to have regard to the developing countries' needs as widely as possible. Therefore, the German Democratic Republic is orienting its growing trade with these countries towards encouraging imports of raw materials and finished and semi-finished products from them.
174.	As far as its exports to those countries are concerned, the German Democratic Republic gives priority to the delivery of complete plants, efficient machines and agricultural equipment which aid the process of industrialization and raise the efficiency of agricultural production. It seeks a rapid and continuous growth of its trade turnover with developing countries. And, by delegating experts, advisers, specialists and instructors, we want to contribute towards the implementation of the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
175.	If we take a look at international economic relations as a whole, the alarming developments which were also emphasized in the recent World Economic Survey, 1973 are only too evident. The trend toWards a deepening structural crisis in the capitalist countries which the survey has noted affects, above all, the developing countries. This is why the delegation of the German Democratic Re public is in favor of effective measures to combat this crisis.
]76. By contrast, economic integration within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is developing expeditiously and becoming increasingly effective for the individual members of the Council. This evolution has a bearing on high increases in labor productivity and continuously high rates of growth of production and secures price stability. This is what makes the external economic relations of these countries so dependable and stable.
177.	In a few days' time, the people of the German Democratic Republic will be celebrating the twenty- fifth anniversary of the founding of their socialist State. The viability of the German Democratic Re public was frequently questioned. However, thanks to its close co-operation with the Soviet Union and the other States of the socialist community, and thanks to the industrious and creative work of its people, the German Democratic Republic has been and is successful in building socialism.
178.	These 25 years have, at the same time, been the contribution of a quarter of a century to the struggle for the strengthening of international security, solidarity with the peoples fighting for their national and social liberation, and active support for peaceful coexistence between States with different social systems.
179.	The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Erich Ho- necker, recently stated that our foreign policy has always been and will remain a policy in support of all those who strive to strengthen peace and of all peoples fighting for their freedom and independence.
180.	In this spirit the delegation of the German Democratic Republic is going to contribute to the successful course of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly.


Mr. President, I thank you for calling upon me at this late hour when the prospect of lunch must be so much more alluring than the thought of another indigestible speech. I can only undertake that I shall not be over-long or take too much of your time.
203.	I must, however, begin by offering the congratulations of the United Kingdom to you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the Assembly, especially as your country has played such a large and important role in the work of the Organization, and we are all looking forward to a period of constructive work under your guidance.
204.	Like others who have spoken, we also welcome two new Members from the Commonwealth —Bangladesh and Grenada as well as Guinea- Bissau, the latest country to achieve its independence.
205.	This is the first time I have had the honor of addressing the Assembly and I regret it will not be possible for me to stay after lunchtime. I must invoke the newcomer's privilege of making some remarks, with your permission, about our hopes and aspirations for this Organization.
206.	I start by giving an assurance that it is the firm policy of my Government to give all possible support to the United Nations. We do so because we believe that this body is the best forum in which to come to grips with many of the daunting problems that face mankind.
207.	It should not need an energy crisis, a population crisis, a raw-material crisis, to tell us that the world is shrinking and making us more interdependent. These are by now the cliches of our perorations; we no longer need to prove the point. Yet when action is needed we still do not behave as though we believe it. To say this implies no criticism of this Organization itself.
208.	Too often we use the United Nations as a whipping-boy for our own inability to act in concert in response to a common problem. The weaknesses in international co-operation which exist today are not United Nations weaknesses. The responsibility rests with us, the Member nations, that have willed that the United Nations should work on the basis of the lowest common denominator of agreement between the Member States. This negative consensus for that is what it is sometimes means little more than a wafer-thin formula to paper over our differences without any real meeting of minds. Such a consensus cannot be construed as universal approval. Indeed, because it happens in this way, there are occasions when the words in which we express this negative consensus have no chance of being translated into action because the action proposed does not correspond with realities.
209.	What we need in order to be able to act together is positive consensus: a determined effort to reach common ground and an equal determination to work together to overcome the political and economic threats to our peoples.
210.	I do not underestimate the difficulties. Our interests are as varied as the nations we represent. But in the past, diverse nations have successfully sunk their differences and combined to face a common enemy. We face common enemies today: inflation, recession and poverty. Let us unite to defeat them.
211.	But if we are to achieve this positive consensus for which I ask, we need not only sound policies; we need the attitude of mind expressed by the then Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Willy Brandt, when he spoke to this Assembly at the twenty-eighth session and said:
".. .we have not come here to use the United Nations as a wailing-wall ... or to make claims we know cannot be met here in any case, Rather have we come to assume our share in the responsibility for world affairs on the basis of our convictions and within the framework of our possibilities" [2128th meeting, para. 6],
It is in that spirit that the United Kingdom Government is determined to bring to this Assembly the political will to make a responsible contribution to solving the problems before us. This will be the evidence of our pledge of support.
212.	Before I came here I took the precaution of reading the deliberations of the preceding session of the General Assembly. In many speeches then as indeed is the case of speeches on this occasion the recurring theme was the progress of detente. Mr. Kissinger referred then [2124th meeting] to a commonality of interests between the United States and the Soviet Union in establishing a broad, web of constructive relationships. Mr. Gromyko said [2126th meeting] and he referred to it again today that we had achieved a shift from an extended period of tension in the world to business-like co-operation. He knows and the Soviet Union knows that since I assumed my present office it has been my firm desire that the United Kingdom should play a full and positive part in fostering such "business-like co-operation" in our bilateral contacts.
213.	On the level of multilateral negotiations, the talks in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and about mutual and balanced force reductions have been moving, to put it politely, at a very slow pace. I hope we can shift both sets of talks into a higher gear so that we can report some positive results before this Assembly meets next.
214.	The talks in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in particular are given sufficient good will and understanding for the concerns and interests of all the participants ripe for an early conclusion. We have always recognized that the talks on mutual and balanced force reductions would be much more complex and long-term. But our aim in both sets of negotiations should be the same, to achieve in Europe an order which would allow our people to live in security and co-operation and at the same time reduce the crippling burden of arms spending.
215.	It would be a triumph indeed if Europe, which too often in this century has been the center of inhumanity and senseless conflict, could set the pattern for a new order of international relations free of war and the threat of war. Fortunately, it is some years since the threat of war between East and West was a major preoccupation of the United Nations; but the complex of new and interrelated problems are in their different ways as serious a threat to us all.
216.	This transfer of our attention has, of course, been brought about by massive and unprecedented increases in the price of oil. On the surface but only on the surface it might appear that there is a. natural difference of interest between those countries which would like to see oil prices reduced and those which wish to keep them at their present levels or indeed to increase them. That is not so. It is in the interests of both producer and consumer alike that the prices of commodities and of manufactured goods should not chase each other upwards in a never ending spiral.
217.	In the meantime, even if, as we hope, prices will not remain at their present peak, we have to face the problem of how to adapt the world's monetary and economic systems to accommodate the vast oil revenues now accruing to certain countries some of which cannot immediately absorb them.
218.	The objective is clear and quite straightforward. It is to marry the revenue of the oil-producing countries with the' technology of the developed countries, so that the increased production and world trade which would result from such a marriage would be used primarily to benefit the developing countries of the world which need them most. Our knowledge of international monetary mechanisms is sufficiently advanced to enable us to do this and to do it in a way that would be fair both to the oil-producing countries themselves and to those that need the resources. New techniques will be required, but it is by no means impossible to create them if there is the political will and an understanding of the problem.
219.	The unprecedented world-wide economic boom of recent years led to higher commodity prices prior to the recent increases in world oil prices. In turn these higher prices for raw materials found their way into the price of manufactured goods, and the resulting inflation coincided with a period in which the Bretton Woods system for controlling international monetary relationships fell into disarray. Collective action is now urgent if we are to ensure that the large surplus oil funds are used constructively to maintain demand and the level of world trade, because inevitably the surpluses of the oil producers are matched by deficits on the part of the consumers.
220.	In our view it will be an error which will have global consequences if the oil consumers try individually to eliminate their oil-induced deficits in advance of international agreement on the disposal and investment of the oil producers. That way lies general recession, increasing poverty and social unrest The surplus must be taken into account.