27.	Mr. President, it is my great privilege to join the speakers who have preceded me in expressing to you on behalf of the Government of Ghana warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of this thirty-third session of the United Nations- General Assembly. We are delighted that you bring to this great responsibility the breadth of experience and wisdom that have been associated with your name as the Foreign Minister of Colombia. We are certain that your sterling personal qualities, which have been internationally recognized, will enable you to guide the deliberations of this session and secure their fruitful and successful conclusion. I pledge the support and cooperation of the Ghana delegation in the difficult tasks which you have assumed.
28.	May I seize this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, for the devoted and excellent manner in which he served the international community in the past year. The guidance which Mr. Mojsov gave to our Organization during the past year's unusually heavy schedule-a schedule including two important special sessions on the intractable questions of Namibia and disarmament-will long be remembered and appreciated. His conduct of the affairs of the General
Assembly during the past year fulfilled our highest expectations.
29.	I should like to place on record the appreciation of my delegation of the competence and skill of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his able lieutenants and staff. We all owe those devoted international civil servants a debt of gratitude which can be paid only through sincere and strenuous efforts on our part to promote the cause of peace and justice.
30.	Ghana wishes particularly to extend a warm and fraternal welcome to Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of this Organization. The membership of Solomon Islands provides further proof that colonial rule, however benign and well-meaning, cannot be regarded as an adequate substitute for independence. The people of Ghana join their brothers and sisters of Solomon Islands in celebrating the admission of that state to this august body and pledge all the support and assistance we are capable of in resolving the problems which usually confront a developing country.
31.. As we review the activities of this Organization over the past 32 years we are struck by the enormous contradictions and disparities which still exist between our professions of dedication to peace, justice and prosperity for all peoples on the one hand and our actions in order to achieve those noble aims on the other. Our objective of creating a world in which we share responsibility for each other's welfare continues to be frustrated by the lingering problems of colonialism and racism, by an escalating arms race, and by the ever-growing economic gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots".
32.	Decolonization is admittedly in its final stage, but this stage is also the most critical. In southern Africa the problem is compounded by intransigent minority regimes that have instituted racism as a policy in an effort to safeguard their economic interests by the perpetual domination of majorities.
33.	In Zimbabwe the prospects for a negotiated settlement, which had been raised by the Anglo-American proposals, have foundered on the duplicity and unreasonableness of Ian Smith and members of his regime. Ghana was willing to give these proposals a chance, even though it had good reason to believe that when the negotiations reached a critical stage Ian Smith would prevaricate in his characteristic fashion and thereby make it inevitable for human lives and property, mostly African, to be destroyed. True to form, he announced his so-called internal settlement agreement on 3 March this year, with a programme for return to a spurious majority rule on 31 December 1978-a window-dressing exercise that leaves wholly intact the entire infrastructure and machinery of racist rule, which, of course, continued with little change: It is not surprising that that agreement failed to gain the concurrence of the Patriotic Front, a force to be reckoned with and one representing far more truly the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe; and without that
concurrence it was doomed to failure. Ghana condemned it in no uncertain terms.
34.	The truth is that the aim of Ian Smith in concluding this agreement was to play black Africans against each other in order to retain supremacy in political, social and economic affairs for the racist white minority population of the Territory during the next decade. There was, of course, no intention of giving the Africans any relief from the degradations of economic and political deprivation, or those of racial inequality.
35.	It has been the firmly-held view of Ghana that if all members of the international community had really felt so enamoured of universal human rights as was often claimed, Ian Smith's regime would not have survived the past 13 years. It has survived and wreaked extreme havoc upon the lives of the Africans of Zimbabwe because it has received external support and assistance from Members of our very Organization. The Government of Ghana has had occasion in the past to express its concern and displeasure over breaches by some British firms of the United Nations mandatory sanctions imposed on Rhodesia. Once again British firms have, according to world-wide press reports admitted responsibility for deliberate assistance to the regime of Rhodesia, which is, by common consent, not only illegal, but also blatantly racist and brutally oppressive. Ghana again deplores this flagrant connivance and hopes that the United Kingdom Government will ensure that no British firm ever again supports racism and the repression of African peoples through such acts as British Petroleum and the Shell companies have been accused of.
36.	It is regrettable that as we debate this question of Zimbabwe Mr. Ian Smith is in the United States. The Government of Ghana hopes that his visit will not lead to a breach of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council. Ghana is of the view that this is not the time to relax the pressure on the Ian Smith regime. It would indeed be tragic if any permanent member of the Security Council seemed to be publicly underwriting South Africa's blatant breaches of the Rhodesian sanctions in order to assist the continued oppression of Zimbabweans by the racist forces of Ian Smith's regime.
37.	Ghana will remain opposed to the spurious internal settlement agreement. Accordingly, we shall continue to support sanctions and the armed struggle by the people of Zimbabwe, led by the Patriotic Front, as the only credible alternative measures for early attainment of majority rule.
38.	The regime in Namibia is an even greater evil. It presents in an even worse form the worst features of the Rhodesian rebel regime. It is an alien aggressor in illegal occupation of an international territory properly under the care of the United Nations.
39.	South Africa must be made to withdraw from Namibia totally. In our view it is a great pity that the Security Council was for so long unable or unwilling to muster enough force to throw the racist regime out of the Territory and that it repeatedly allowed itself to be tricked into inaction by promises, which always proved false, that the apartheid regime was about to mend its ways, and by hopes, which were frequently disappointed, that it would prove amenable to reason and negotiation.
40.	Today we find ourselves dealing with yet another of those notorious dodges by which the apartheid regime has for years successfully eluded the slow pursuit of our Organization. The Security Council has stayed its hand for 15 months in the hope, which is again proving forlorn, that the peaceful and orderly withdrawal of South Africa can be achieved by negotiations alone.
41.	Throughout these negotiations, the apartheid regime has patently sought to retain the power to influence improperly the course of events in Namibia. It started by insisting on imposing its own puppets by means of the Turnhalle scheme. Then it insisted on retaining its foothold in Walvis Bay; then on retaining within the Territory throughout the electoral exercise a sizeable military force, together with an armed and notoriously brutal police force maintained at full strength. It pretended to negotiate for a peaceful and orderly withdrawal as long as it saw the prospect of operating those levers of manipulation without any effective check. Now it sees that effective checks are meant to be applied, that the police and military contingents of the United Nations are meant to be deployed in more than mere token strength, and so it reverts once again to its former intransigence, and resorts to a new variation of the Turnhalle farce: to elections, outside United Nations control, from which virtually all are excluded except the marionettes of Turnhalle. The apartheid regime has yet again pulled off one of its time-buying stunts. We are now entitled to demand that this stunt should be its last.
42.	In its resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978 the Security Council approved the Secretary-General's plan3 for the implementation of the proposals for free and fair elections in Namibia, and the withdrawal of South Africa from the illegally occupied Territory. In the same resolution, the Security Council called upon South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of his plan of action. If by 23 October South Africa still rejects the plan or refuses to co-operate, then there would be no justification, we maintain, for delaying any further the action which is long overdue under Chapter VII of the Charter. The Government of Ghana demands that in that case oil sanctions and, indeed, the full range of sanctions under Chapter VII, be applied against apartheid, until they undermine the basis of its resistance. We call for nothing less, for the simple reason that it is high time.
43.	The Pretoria regime should be made to see very clearly that it would be much better, from the point of view of its own interests, if the Secretary-General's plan were put into operation. In this connexion I am happy to announce my Government's willingness to offer a contingent of military and police forces for the proposed peace-keeping operations in Namibia.
44.	Walvis Bay is inextricably linked by geographical, economic, cultural and ethnic bonds with the rest of Namibian territory. It would be ludicrous to expect that an independent Namibia would be willing to have its littoral and its coastal waters threatened by such a hostile military presence as that of South Africa. Its external trade, as well

as its fishing industries, would be under the menace and control of a hostile and racist neighbour. Ghana will therefore fully support the South West Africa People's Organization SWAPO in its bid to ensure that Walvis Bay remains an integral part of an independent Namibia.
45. In this regard we welcome Security Council resolution 432(1978) of 27 July 1978. We propose that this Organization should tolerate no move by the apartheid regime to make that decision yet another excuse for reneging on its acceptance of the proposals negotiated with SWAPO and the five Western Powers  for effecting its long overdue withdrawal from the Territory. And we further urge that the crucial decisions taken at the recent ninth special session of the General Assembly on Namibia [see resolution S-9/2J should guide the final negotiations for Namibia's independence. In this exercise, it would be vital to ensure that the programme for that independence will be one that has the unqualified support of SWAPO, not one dictated by South Africa.
46- Of all the problems posed by colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism in Africa, none is more pernicious and dangerous than apartheid, the official policy of South Africa. Decades of international condemnation of this policy have not succeeded in persuading the racists of South Africa of the wisdom of dismantling it. The resolutions and exhortations of both the Security Council and this General Assembly have not succeeded in convincing South Africa that only by upholding human rights and human dignity can all of us hope to create the conditions in which a peaceful and harmonious world community can thrive. South Africa even exported this dangerous apartheid policy from its own territory to Namibia and Zimbabwe in a vain attempt to preserve the last remaining bastion of white supremacy and privilege.
47.	It is encouraging that after the persistent frustrations of the past decades the Security Council and this entire Organization have begun to see apartheid as not only a matter of concern to black Africa, but as something closely linked to the peace and security of the whole world. My Government welcomes the mandatory arms embargo the Security Council imposed last year on South Africa in its resolution 418 (1977), though it has come rather late. But South Africa, with the active assistance of countries operating under the predominant principle of the profit motive, has been granted licences, which are still operative, to produce or assemble locally most of its arms and war equipment. That Security Council resolution did not go far enough Ghana accepted it only as a first step. We have therefore called upon the Security Council to take another positive step by imposing a total oil embargo against that intransigent regime and to maintain that embargo until it abandons the policy of apartheid or until majority rule is attained in South Africa. Such a move would reflect the clearly expressed feelings of the vast majority of this Assembly, since all of us have at one time or another declared ourselves firmly opposed to the policies of apartheid Here, then, is the opportunity for us all to demonstrate our sincerity.
48.	Ghana will defend the sovereign right of any country in Africa, or anywhere else for that matter, to resort to any
measures, including legitimate invitations to friendly foreign countries, in order to preserve its sovereignty and territorial integrity against external attack in accordance with Article 52 of the Charter. The fact remains, however, that recourse to foreign military assistance may often carry with it potential dangers to the sovereignty and peace not only of the recipient country but also of its neighbours.
49.	Recent interventions in Africa appear to have been in the right direction where they contributed to reinforcing the cardinal principle of both this Organization and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] concerning the inviolability of territorial boundaries assumed at independence. Care should, however, be taken lest Africa thereby becomes a new fertile ground for the cold-war rivalries of the 1950s and early 1960s.
50.	In the wake of the very bold steps taken last year, one may have expected that a significant improvement would by now be in view in the Middle East situation. Unfortunately, while some progress has been made, this has not been so, and the situation has been further complicated by the tragic conflict in Lebanon. Even without the present Lebanese crisis, the explosive and dangerous situation in the Middle East would require all the skill of which this Organization is capable, with a view to finding a just and lasting solution. It is, however, encouraging that after 30 years of intermittent warfare and constant hostility, some signs are becoming manifest of the real peace and security which the people of the region need.
51.	To keep these glimmers of hope alive, Ghana urges that a final solution be sought in the provisions of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which have been invoked in several subsequent resolutions of both the Security Council and the General Assembly. The recognition of the right of all the States at present in the area to peace and security within recognized boundaries is a vital principle from which it would be unwise to deviate. For the same reasons, we still hold the firm conviction that the Palestinians should be granted the right to self-determination including the option to establish a viable, independent State. In our view, until all these conditions are met, a permanent peace in the Middle East will continue to be an illusion.
52. May I at this point express the appreciation of the Government and people of Ghana for the indefatigable efforts made by President Carter of the United States to help in the search for a solution to the Middle East problem. If the peace initiatives and the meetings at Camp David have not produced a dramatic and final result, one would hope that the agreement reached has at least contributed to a better understanding of the fears and concerns of some of the contestants and laid a foundation for more productive future negotiations for a settlement.
53. My delegation had expected that at this year's General Assembly session, we would be able to express our relief at seeing some hopes of a solution to the Cyprus crisis. Instead, we find ourselves in the position of having to express once again our deep regret that practically no progress has been made on the Cyprus problem since the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. The contestants in the dispute still insist on maintaining the
positions which have produced the stalemate responsible for the continued occupation of Cyprus — an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country -- by foreign forces, with terrible consequences for the Cypriot people.
54.	In the view of my delegation, a solution to the Cyprus problem must include the withdrawal of all foreign troops from that island. That might be coupled with an undertaking by all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. That is the position of both the non-aligned countries and of this Organization. We should be able to enforce it. In the meantime we shall continue to urge all those directly involved to do all they can to remove the causes of tension in the area in order to enable the people of Cyprus to live in peace and harmony in a united country.
55.	Our annual review of the international situation provides an opportunity to renew our faith in the principles and purposes spelled out in the United Nations Charter and to commit ourselves anew to working for the attainment of a world in which mankind's ultimate objective of peace and security can be achieved. Disarmament has always been one of the corner-stones of Ghana's foreign policy. In a world where poverty is so pervasive that over 450 million human beings are going virtually without food every day, the arms race alone consumes the incredible amount of $450 billion each year, that is, about $1.25 billion each day. That military expenditure is equivalent to about two fifths of the combined gross domestic product of all third-world countries and twice the size of the combined gross domestic product of all countries in Africa. In contrast to this huge sum of money, the 24-member Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development was able to grant only a meagre $14 billion as official development assistance.
56.	It is very sad to note that for every dollar spent on development, we also spend more than $36 to destroy that very development and the people who are expected to benefit there from.
57.. These huge expenditures, incurred for the sole purpose of destroying property and .human lives, have brought neither the purveyors nor the buyers any nearer to the peace and security they seek; but this has not yet been recognized as the very reason for abandoning such expenditures. Some of the more powerful Members of this Organization, including the founders, have become so dependent upon exports of arms for balancing their external payments that they seem incapable of discouraging, or refraining from fomenting, disputes and armed conflicts among lesser contestants, particularly in the developing world There are always those who proffer or rush in arms at the least sign of trouble.
58. Among themselves, those Powers continue the arms race in order to maintain a balance of fear. Caught up in the defence of rival political, economic and social systems, each entertains a dread of domination by the other, and this obsessive fear has become the propelling force for the acquisition of more sophisticated and more devastating means of destroying each other and possibly everything else in the process. This exercise is now engulfing the less powerful countries, which have become targets in a scramble for client-States. It is vital that suspicions and
unnecessary competition and rivalry, especially in the nuclear field, should stop if we are to have the peace and security in which harmony and human development can survive.
59.	It is in these disturbing circumstances that my delegation has noted with interest reports that there is the possibility of reaching an agreement in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks by the end of this year. The recent tenth special session devoted to disarmament, did not provide a major break-through for general and complete disarmament. However, the Declaration and Programme of Action and the machinery for negotiating disarmament were in themselves significant achievements for the world body. That special session, in our view, also served as a sort of preparatory session for the proposed world conference on disarmament. Another agreement at the Talks would be a good omen for that conference. My delegation, therefore, would urge the negotiators to do their best to come to an early agreement.
60.	If the international political situation does not give us any cause for joy, the international economic situation is even more dismal.
61.	After very difficult negotiations, at its seventh special session the General Assembly produced guidelines [resolution 3362 (S- VII)/ for implementing the ideas contained in the Declaration and Programme of Action which had been adopted at the sixth special session in May 1974 on the New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VIJ and 3202(S-VI)]. That was in September 1975. Three years have since gone by without any important advance in the exercise of restructuring the world economy. Instead, there has been a steady increase in the concentration of economic power in the hands of the developed countries, while hunger and poverty threaten to become a permanent condition in the developing countries. The demand of the developing world for a full and equal partnership in world economic activity has continued to be frustrated by a glaring lack of political will on the part of many developed countries.
62.	My delegation views with profound dismay the increasing number of protectionist measures taken by the developed countries in an attempt to nullify the steady progress of developing countries in a few manufacturing industries. Those measures will only succeed in aggravating our balance-of-payments problems. It is inevitable that developing countries will be producing manufactured goods in increasing quantities as time goes on. It would therefore be an act of greater realism for the developed countries to accept that eventuality and assist instead of fight us. World stability and security demand that we should all co-operate to improve our relationships and prevent unnecessary hardships for each other.
63.	My delegation must also express its deep disappointment at the lack of progress on the multilateral trade negotiations and on the establishment of the common fund to finance the Integrated Programme for Commodities.5 My delegation is convinced that the principles underlying
the Integrated Programme for Commodities provide" the only credible basis on which to correct the chronic and growing imbalances that exist between prices of raw materials and those of industrial products. It therefore remains our fervent hope that each of us will reconsider its respective position and begin to work more seriously, so that the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, may be able to resume its work of advancing the New International Economic Order and provide a solid basis for the strategy for the third United Nations development decade.
64.	A vital area of concern to Ghana is the present efforts of the international community to restructure the legal -regime governing the uses of the oceans. The principles and rules of law which governed the oceans in the last century must be reviewed to meet the new challenges of our time occasioned by new problems arising from the technological and economic development over the last decade.
65.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is undoubtedly one of the most important events of our time. Admittedly it has so far made very slow progress, but that is not unexpected having regard to the complexity of the issues involved and the varied, conflicting nature of the interests of all States represented at the Conference.
66.	The seemingly slow progress and protracted negotiations should not, however, mean that the importance of the Conference to the international community is discounted. The significance of the Conference as a means of redressing the economic imbalance between developed and developing countries by ensuring equitable distribution and management of the resources of the seas cannot be overemphasized.
67.	For those reasons, we have no doubt whatsoever that the international community stands to lose a great deal if our efforts in fashioning a new code of conduct for the seas are frustrated by certain nations. Indeed, we are very much concerned at the move towards unilateral legislation relating to the exploitation of the resources of the deep sea-bed being enacted or contemplated in several industrialized countries. It is unfortunate that those measures should be contemplated when the Conference has advanced considerably. We appeal to all nations to desist from such action, in the interest of peace and tranquillity. The concept of common heritage cannot be meaningful if areas beyond national jurisdiction are subjected to the unilateral action of States. It is our considered opinion that the appropriation of the common heritage fundamentally Undermines the spirit of General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), to the principles of which all States have subscribed without reservation.
68.	We must all resolve now to desist from unilateral appropriation of the resources of the common heritage. Such measures would prejudice negotiations and frustrate our quest for peace. Indeed the consequences would be far-reaching. It is our fervent hope that the appeal of the Group of 77 to developed countries to exercise restraint will be heeded.
69.	We cannot expect all the problems that confront this Organization and the international community to be
resolved at this session or the next. It should be possible, however, to eradicate without further delay and by all means at our disposal all the remaining pockets of colonialism and, racism, all the principal traces of that reprehensible desire to keep a section of "bur society in a permanently inferior position, in defiance of the concept of the brotherhood of man to which we all profess commitment. Indeed, those are not the only pressing tasks before us. Disarmament-the need to eliminate our penchant for killing each other—continues to elude our efforts; and the urge to deny equitable distribution of the enormous wealth of this world presents another set of intractable problems. These, and others of the same kind, are difficult assignments requiring great patience and persistent effort. But if all goes well, and if we all apply ourselves well enough to the task, this session may turn out to be the last in which major problems of racism are dealt with. Let us ensure that that is so, and we shall have taken a significant stride forward.


3.	Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. The confidence this Assembly has in you is indeed well placed and I wish you well in the discharge of the responsibilities of your high office.
4.	My delegation would also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in the service of the United Nations and for the valuable personal contribution he continues to make in the advancement of its objectives.
5.	This time last year the Prime Minister of Samoa addressed this body,1 upon the accession of Samoa to membership in the United Nations, on the theme of the search by man for a harmonious relationship with his environment and his fellow men. He described how the people of the South Pacific have a harmonious relationship with the region and with each other, and how we seek the same with the rest of the world. We are already acutely aware of the problems that confront us in this forum and the fact that often they seem insoluble.
6.	Thus far, we have participated in quite a limited way but we have observed closely. It is paradoxical and sometimes disturbing to observe that, while the complex machinery of this Organization of world hope churns on with all its splendour and high-sounding rhetoric, so-many problems remain unsolved, and in some cases we seem actually to be moving backwards. Rhetoric is no substitute for action and empty rhetorical exchanges can have no real meaning for those whose problems we are here to solve. We do not wish to seem over-critical and we are well aware of past achievements of the United Nations and hold them in high admiration. We do, however, want to support the Secretary-General's suggestion in his report on the work of the Organization [A/33/1] that a streamlining of procedures, a severe pruning of the copious prose employed here and a move towards action on issues are essential.
7.	We, the small countries of the Pacific region, are growing in number in this forum. We have welcomed Solomon Islands into the world body and note the accession to independence of Tuvalu just a few days ago. Next year the Gilbert Islands also will be an independent State. Although Pacific island peoples are made up of different races scattered over a vast ocean, we have a very special kinship based on the similarities in our histories, the long years of isolation from other parts of the world and, of course, our shared experience during the colonial period.
8.	We feel deeply about the welfare of all the members of our group. That is why I want to express here my country's deep concern at the fact that some of our neighbours who wish to gain independence have not yet been able to do so. In some cases their wish for independence and their right to aspire to it have not even been acknowledged by the
colonial Powers concerned. We would wish to see an end to this situation as soon as possible.
9.	The Pacific peoples who have achieved independence have for the most part followed peaceful paths to that goal. This had been due to a combination of patience and forbearance on the part of the peoples concerned and some measure of goodwill on the part of the colonial Powers involved. We would not wish to see any of our neighbours remain in a situation that might strain their patience beyond endurance.
10.	On the Middle East question, we applaud the initiative and courage shown at the Camp David meetings. We hope that other countries in the area will join in renewed efforts for peace and that all parties affected will eventually be included in a comprehensive peace agreement. Only if this happens can we be sure of firm and lasting peace in the Middle East.
11.	The Palestinians must have a secure homeland and must eventually determine their own future, but Israel, too, must be able to feel secure and free from attack if there is to be peace and stability in the area. The proposal for peace between the major protagonists should be allowed to pave the way for wider accord. If a settlement can be achieved in the area the countries involved will have made a great
' contribution to the welfare of mankind, for if this seemingly endless conflict can be ended, then we can hope for resolution of the many others for which we had almost lost hope of speedy and safe conclusions.
12.	On Namibia, my delegation sincerely hopes that the intransigence of South Africa will not frustrate the progress achieved in recent months through constructive discussion and conciliation; and that following free and fair elections we will soon welcome Namibia into this Organization.
13.	We reaffirm our condemnation of the continuation of minority rule, which has given rise to wide-scale violence and considerable human suffering in Zimbabwe. We are encouraged by the efforts of those countries which are playing a direct part in trying to involve all parties in a negotiated settlement. It is the duty of Member nations to contribute in whatever way they can to create a climate that is conducive to the resolution of this problem and to refrain from any activities that may work to the detriment of an early settlement.
14.	When one thinks of the trouble-spots and areas of tension around the globe and the violence and suffering both actual and potential involved therein, one cannot help but ponder with sadness the ready availability and the rapid build-up of arms and instruments of destruction in general. As a country with no defence forces at all, Samoa deplores the misguided priorities which put the purchase, development and production of arms before the welfare of people. It is a fact that the world has spent $ 1.4 trillion on arms over the last five years and it is also a fact that there are more than 650 million people without enough to eat, let alone having places of security for themselves and their families. We must reverse these trends.
15.	In these circumstances it is beyond our comprehension how nations can proudly claim to have produced new
weapons of destruction to add to the world's arsenal. We cannot even say that the methods of warfare have become more humane or that the killing is swifter and less painful when we know that chemicals and other agents that cause immense pain and severe suffering have been developed for use in warfare. The limiting of certain types of means of destruction is not, however, an adequate answer. We must move towards complete disarmament.
16.	Early agreement must be reached to ban nuclear testing and to cease the creation of more nuclear weapons. The Pacific has been the scene of a great deal of nuclear testing. Only recently the Bikini island people had to be once again removed from their homes because of the dangers of radiation there. Closer to home for us, the islands north of Tahiti have for some years been the site of a series of nuclear tests to which an end is not yet in sight. We in the area, had we been consulted, would have wished for the Pacific to stay a nuclear-free area. Now that our region has been exposed to nuclear pollution we can only hope that the cessation of testing and time will restore our environment to something like its original purity.
17.	In the Pacific there has been a very special relationship between the people and the environment, which is why any damage to our surroundings or depletion of its resources is felt very personally by our people. We are still living in close contact and in harmony with the land and the sea, and they are for the most part unspoiled by man-made intrusions. The sea in particular has been a very sacred source of inspiration and a supplier of sustenance for us. In some cases it is virtually the only resource available to the people. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, then, is of great importance to us and we have taken part in it whenever possible. Progress has been slow, but what has been achieved is perhaps remarkable when we consider the diversity of situations and viewpoints involved. Renewed determination to resolve remaining problems is essential if we hope to see a treaty concluded by the end of this decade. As we see it, the conclusion of a convention on the law of the sea would ensure that at least in one area the heritage of mankind would be treated with respect and shared fairly among the nations  of the earth. As it is, our world is already plagued with enormous inequalities.
18.	It is with a sense of despair that we see the gap between the developed and the developing world continue to widen. There have been over the past decade enormous amounts of time, words and literature devoted to searching for means to narrow this gap. Unfortunately, words have not been matched with action in most instances. Probably one of the starkest instances of this is the complete failure of virtually all developed countries, and particularly the largest developed countries, even to approach the aid-transfer target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product agreed to in this forum in 1970. In real terms, aid resource-transfers from rich to poor countries are less now than in the early 1960s. The developed world's failure to meet the agreed target and the reduction in aid transfers in real terms call in question the sincerity of its commitment to the developing world.
19.	Over recent months there has been a very disturbing rise of protectionism on the part of many developed countries, which has already had very adverse effects on
some third-world countries. Protectionism is both selfish and negative and reduces the opportunities of developing countries to help themselves. With the interdependence of all countries, surely increased trade must assist developed and developing countries alike. We therefore consider that the present wave of increased protectionism is, to say the least, extremely short-sighted on the part of the developed countries practising it, with quite tragic results for their poorer developing neighbours.
20.	Much rhetoric has been devoted to the new world economic order but very little action has occurred in the implementation of any part of the package of reforms. Samoa is committed to the need for the total package of reforms and structural changes which constitute the proposals of the developing countries on the new economic order, but, given the realities of the attitudes of the developed countries at the present time, it may be most practical to isolate several of the highest priority areas in which results are achievable within a short-term period and concentrate on their early attainment. Priority areas would seem to be: first, encouraging the developed world to give effect to the commitment of aid transfers of 1 per cent of gross national product; secondly, stemming the growing tide of protectionism and achieving some positive steps towards trade liberalization; thirdly, commodity arrangements, including the initiation of a common fund for financing buffer stocks of various internationally traded commodities of importance to the developing countries; and, fourthly, reform of international financial institutions to make them more responsive to the realities of the priority financial requirements of developing countries.
21.	Given political will and sincerity on the part of the developed world, great progress could be made in each of those four areas in the next 12 months. Certainly, with a collective defence budget of $1.4 trillion, even a relatively modest reduction would provide more than adequate financing for development. Having achieved progress in those areas, we could move on to the next stage of priority reforms
22.	It is gratifying to note that the international community is starting to focus more attention on the real problems peculiar to smaller developing economies. It is essential for international organizations to realize that such economies suffer from a variety of constraints which are unique to them. Particular problems include the fact of geographic isolation, small domestic markets, very limited natural resources and dependence on a few sources of foreign earnings which are often unreliable and volatile. The economies of small developing countries therefore tend to be extremely fragile and very sensitive to outside events and to changes in the world economic situation. We suggest that special development techniques are required for those countries and in dealing with them it is necessary for international organizations to display sensitivity and flexibility. In this respect the continued use of per capita lending as an important leading criterion is felt to be unrealistic and inequitable as applied to smaller developing countries. Regrettably, however, the majority of international financial institutions continue directly or indirectly to use that criterion, to the detriment of the smaller developing countries.
23.	We note with disappointment that the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 on the new international economic order cannot proceed with its work and that a state of stalemate exists. We trust this development does not reflect an unwillingness on the part of the developed countries to contemplate any challenge to the continuation of their comfortable positions of economic power under the existing economic order. Growing global interdependence dictates that the future economic welfare of the developed countries will depend increasingly on a constructive and equitable relationship-in fact, a partnership-with the developing countries.
24.	The attainment of a new economic order is essential if the dignity of man is to be a meaningful concept. It is surely a fundamental right of man to have food, shelter and the opportunity to work and to receive adequate compensation, as well as to participate in the processes of government and to live in peace and security.
25.	Samoa strongly holds that economic, social and political rights are inseparable human entitlements and advocates urgent measures to redress the denial of these human rights wherever it may occur. Enlightened policies of economic co-operation at the international level would have direct relevance to the economic and social emancipation of communities in the developing countries. Of equal concern is the denial to people of their political rights and personal freedoms. Discrimination in whatever form is abhorrent to the spirit of the United Nations and contrary to its Charter.
26.	The Samoan delegation looks forward to the development of machinery whereby the United Nations could play an effective part in the promotion and protection of human rights. For all its imperfections the United Nations is surely the hope of the world. It is up to each of us to help make this Organization more effective.


124.	On behalf of the Government of Japan, I should like first of all to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. Under your distinguished leadership, the current session of this Assembly will surely be most fruitful.
125.	I should also like to express my deepest - respect toward Mr. Mojsov, the former President, for his having led both the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and the special sessions of the General Assembly, particularly that devoted to disarmament, to their successful conclusions.
126.	I should like at the same time to express my heartfelt respect to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for expending such dedicated efforts for the realization, of the goals of the United Nations.
127.	I am also taking this opportunity to express my heartfelt welcome to Solomon Islands, our friend in the South Pacific, on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations. Henceforth, my country looks forward to deepening its co-operation with Solomon Islands both within the United Nations framework and in our bilateral relations.
128.	It is by no means an exaggeration to state that the international community today stands at a cross-roads: will it be able to take firm steps in the direction of securing a lasting peace and prosperity, or will it tread the road of confusion and instability?
129.	For some years now, the world economy has been faced with such difficult problems as recession and inflation, and the rise of protectionism threatens to jeopardize the entire structure of free trade.
130.	The developing countries have been particularly strongly affected by this continuing stagnation of the world economy, and are experiencing extreme difficulties in furthering their economic and social development.
131.	In a number of regions-notably in the Middle East and Africa—bitter confrontations and tensions continue.
132.	In the midst of this situation, the world's stockpile of arms has been increasing steadily, and negotiations for nuclear and other disarmament measures have proceeded languidly and with little noticeable progress.
133.	The plight of refugees and the hijacking of aircraft- humanitarian and social problems that transcend national boundaries—continue unabated.
134.	Finally, the prospects concerning the availability of natural resources and energy do not allow for any optimism
135.	These problems are grave ones, having a decisive influence upon the future of mankind, and their resolution is a common task imposed upon all of us.
136.	I am convinced that now all countries of the world must strive for the resolution of these problems in a spirit of harmony and solidarity, and must take firm steps toward the building of a new order for the world community, in which all countries may share equally in peace and prosperity. I believe that thus to bring about a bright outlook for the future of mankind as we face the twenty-first century is the responsibility of all of us living in the twentieth.
137.	Japan itself is fully aware of the responsibility which it bears as an advanced industrialized country in Asia, and it intends to co-operate to the fullest extent of its ability in the creation of this new order.
138.	The first thing which my country can do in the field of international co-operation is actively to employ its economic strength for the sake of the stability and prosperity of the international community. As I stated in some detail at the special session on disarmament,  my country maintains as its fundamental policy the pursuit of peace and the refusal to become a military Power. For precisely that reason, I feel that it is particularly necessary that my country should use its economic strength for the stability and prosperity of the international community.
139.	To that end, my country is not only voluntarily co-operating in international efforts to guarantee the stable expansion of the world economy, but also devoting all its strength to contributing actively to the development of the developing countries and to improving their peoples' welfare.
140.	In the first place, my country has set itself the highest target for real economic growth among the developed countries and is implementing vigorous expansionary measures—centering upon the expansion of domestic demand-in order to attain that target. This is a policy which, by encouraging imports to my country, will contribute to the stable expansion of the world economy as a whole.
141.	Furthermore, in order to suppress the rise of protectionism, as well as to maintain and strengthen the structure of free trade, Japan intends, in co-operation with the other countries concerned, to expend still greater efforts to produce a successful conclusion to the Tokyo round of multilateral trade negotiations.
142.	As regards the problem of the expansion of trade with the developing nations in particular, I wish first to point out that Japan's imports from these countries are increasing annually, and that in 1977 the total of such imports reached some $40 billion, or 56 per cent of our total imports.
143.	Each year Japan has improved its generalized system of preferences; during the last fiscal year, for example, we effected approximately a 1.8-fold increase in the ceiling of its preferential quotas. We are also striving within the framework of the Tokyo round for a further reduction of trade barriers.
144.	The question of commodities, and particularly, the establishment of a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities , is one of the central issues in the context of what we refer to as the North-South problem. At the recent Bonn Economic Summit Conference of the major industrialized countries, Prime Minister Fukuda of Japan laid particular stress upon the importance of the Common Fund. As a result, the meeting agreed to pursue actively the negotiations on a Common Fund to a successful conclusion. I feel that a Common
Fund should be established at an early date, and wish to exert my every effort for such a successful conclusion at the resumed session of the Negotiating Conference scheduled for this November.
145.	May I add that my country is actively participating in international commodity agreements; at the end of last year, for example, we signed the new International Sugar Agreement, and we have already pledged to contribute up to 7 billion yen to the buffer stock of the Fifth International Tin Agreement.
146.	Together with the trade measures of the sort I have just discussed, the quantitative increase and qualitative improvement of development assistance are extremely important when we talk about co-operation directed toward the developing countries.
147.	Quantity-wise, my country has recently decided upon a vigorous expansion of our financial assistance to the developing countries, the target being to double our official development assistance within three years.
148.	With regard to the quality of our assistance, moreover, we are not only striving to increase our grant aid and to improve the terms and conditions of our loans, but have also established the fundamental policy of untying our aid so as to ensure the most efficient use of the development funds we provide; this policy is already being implemented.
149.	Furthermore, more than one third of Japan's official development assistance is extended through international organizations—including the International Development Association and the regional development banks—and it is our intention actively to promote this form of assistance.
150.	As regards the debt problems of poorer developing countries, Japan, in conformity with the resolution adopted last March by the United Nations Trade and Development Board [see A/33/15, part two, annex I, resolution 165 (S-IX)J, has decided to extend in principle new grant assistance as a measure which will, in substance, be equivalent to the cancellation of the annual debt-servicing obligations of its least developed debtors or to a reduction in the obligations of its debtors which have been most seriously affected by the oil crisis.
151.	As I have stated thus far, Japan places great importance upon making a positive contribution to the development of the developing countries through the improvement of the trade environment and this provision of development funds; and -it is expending the maximum possible effort to this end.
152.	In May of next year the fifth session of UNCTAD will be held in Manila. Furthermore, it is planned that in 1980 we will convene a special session of the General Assembly devoted to economic questions; in the meantime the Committee of the Whole, that is, the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution' 32/174, has already begun functioning with the aim of considering North-South problems from an over-all point of view. Japan is resolved to devote its every effort to the dynamic building, through these forums, of a just and equitable international economic order.
153.	The fact that at present tensions and confrontations continue in several regions of the world, and that at times we even witness the outbreak of armed conflicts, is an extremely serious problem for the world community. Every one of these tensions and confrontations has the potential of directly affecting the peace and stability of the entire world. It is, moreover, a most deplorable fact that in these regions the funds and technology which could otherwise be utilized for development purposes are channelled into the unproductive purpose of expanding armaments. I strongly hope that in order to relax the tensions and eliminate confrontations in such areas, all countries concerned will make much greater efforts in a spirit of self-restraint.
154.	From this standpoint, I feel deep anxiety over the continuation of the confrontation and tension in the Middle East. The conditions surrounding the Middle East problem are at present highly complex and fluid. In the midst of this situation, a number of dramatic initiatives are being undertaken in order to bring about peace in the Middle East. In particular, my country highly values the courageous decision of those who brought about the three-country summit meetings at Camp David, which we strongly hope will lead to the realization of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
155.	The guiding principles for peace in the Middle East remain unchanged. It is necessary that Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) be fully implemented, and that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, particularly their right to self-determination, be recognized, respected and implemented in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
156.	Turning to the situation in southern Africa, I find it most encouraging that, despite the confrontation and tension springing from racial discrimination and minority rule, international efforts to achieve Namibia's independence by peaceful means continue to be pursued. In this connexion, it is most deplorable that, notwithstanding these international efforts, on 20 September the Government of the Republic of South Africa announced its intention to carry out the elections on its own. Japan earnestly hopes that the Government of South Africa will again realign itself with these joint international efforts. Japan strongly hopes that, in accordance with the Secretary-General's report to the Security Council,  United Nations activities to bring about Namibia's peaceful transition to independence will soon be set in motion. My country intends actively to participate in the envisaged United Nations operation. In the transitional period before independence, my country intends to direct its co-operative efforts into participating in the supervision and control of fair and free elections which will constitute the nucleus of the United Nations operation, and in providing materiel and equipment in support of the operation. Once independence is achieved, Japan will be willing to co-operate as much as possible in the nation-building of Namibia.
157.	In Southern Rhodesia, the fact that the resistance by the white minority regime still drags on is deplorable in the extreme. Until an internationally recognized Government of
Zimbabwe has been born, it is the intention of my country fully to respect the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations, and to co-operate in international efforts to achieve a peaceful solution for this problem.
158.	The continuation of racial discrimination in South Africa is something which must be vigorously condemned; and Japan strongly demands that the Government of South Africa strive to eliminate such discrimination. Until it does so, my country will continue to have no diplomatic relations with South Africa, to refuse to co-operate with South Africa in the field of nuclear development, and to prohibit direct investment in that country. That Japan does not offer any form whatsoever of military co-operation with that country follows naturally from our fundamental position as a peace-loving nation.
159.	In Asia, confrontation and tension persist on the Korean peninsula. My own country is deeply interested in the peace and stability of the peninsula so dose to us, and it is our strong hope that the two parties concerned, the North and the South, will reopen their dialogue without delay and that genuine peace and stability will be established in this region. My country wishes, therefore, to co-operate with other interested countries in creating an international environment conducive to this end.
160.	The peace and stability of South-East Asia is also of great concern to Japan. In this sense, it is indeed regrettable that new confrontation and conflict have broken out on the Indo-China peninsula. My country earnestly hopes that through the self-restraint and efforts of the parties concerned, peace and stability in this region will be restored and progress can be made in the economic and social development of the countries involved.
161.	Along with the effort peacefully to resolve tension and confrontation between States, international efforts for disarmament are extremely important. The fact that, this May, at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, the first in the history of the United Nations to be devoted solely to disarmament, an international agreement laying down guidelines for the furtherance of disarmament [resolution S-10/2/ was adopted by a consensus of all Member States is an event still fresh in our memories. Taking the agreement of this special session as our new point of departure, we must strengthen still further our concrete efforts to promote disarmament, with nuclear disarmament receiving our primary attention. I should therefore like to address an appeal to the various countries concerned, beginning with the nuclear-weapon States, for their special efforts in this regard.
.162. The problem of human rights is taken up within the United Nations from a variety of angles. My own country wishes actively to support the effort to guarantee fundamental human rights in a form which, at a minimum, protects the most fundamental human dignity of all individuals. This past, spring, I signed the International Covenants on Human Rights, and they are currently before the Japanese Diet with a view to their early ratification.
163. We are today faced with grave humanitarian issues which must be tackled by the entire international community—the problems of refugees and of aerial hijacking.
164.	The refugee problem is one which not only includes the threat of breeding new tension and confrontation between States, but is also, in its fundamental sense, a humanitarian problem. From this viewpoint Japan has each year increased its contribution to UNRWA. In Asia, moreover, Japan is endeavouring to aid the refugees of Indo-China by means of, among other things, a special contribution of $10 million in addition to its previous contributions to the special programme of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. We have also extended our support through the High Commissioner to the refugees who have come about along the border between Burma and Bangladesh.
165.	The hijacking of aircraft, through which suffering is brought to large numbers of innocent passengers, is an act which is impermissible on humanitarian grounds. In order to prevent hijacking, it is essential that all nations should co-operate. To this end, my country took the initiative at last year's session of the General Assembly in the formation of a consensus on the resolution on international cooperation for the prevention of hijacking [resolution 32/8], and in co-operation with other interested countries, is continuing its efforts to urge all countries to become parties to the three conventions concerning the safety of civil aviation. From this same viewpoint, moreover, Japan hopes that all nations will align themselves with the import of the statement on air hijacking which was adopted last July at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference of the major industrialized countries.
166.	It is the intention of my country to continue to co-operate actively in efforts to resolve these humanitarian and social problems of our international community.
167.	Finally, we have the extremely serious problems of how we should effectively employ the energy resources which are indispensable for human existence, and of how we shall secure them far into the future. When one considers that existing energy resources are finite, it is clear that this is a major issue whose solution is necessary even for those countries that currently possess these resources, and that in that sense it is the common problem of every country in the world.
168.	From that viewpoint I am convinced that it is important to promote the peaceful uses of atomic energy in a form compatible with the prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
169.	Furthermore it is vital that research and development be furthered through international co-operation in order to promote the more efficient use of existing energy sources and the development of new sources—including renewable energy.
170.	My country intends to co-operate actively in international efforts in these fields, and is further determined to join its efforts with those of the developing countries in the field of energy development.
171.	As I noted at the beginning of my remarks, the world community today faces such extraordinarily difficult problems that it may truly be said to be at a historic cross-roads. Thus far I have stated my beliefs concerning what we must do in such a situation if we are to bring about a bright outlook for man's future as we move toward the twenty- first century.
172.	Relationships of mutual interdependence among nations transcend differences in social system, size, or stage of development, and are deepening at an increasingly rapid pace. The peace of one nation is inseparable from that of the world as a whole, and the prosperity of one nation cannot be built except upon the prosperity of the world. There can, therefore, no longer be such a thing as the peace or the prosperity of but one nation alone. What is expected of all nations in a world such as this is that they should join their wisdom in determining what each of them must do for the sake of coexistence and mutual prosperity. What is expected is that, regardless of whether countries are large or small, regardless of whether their positions are strong or weak, and regardless of whether they are developed or developing, each of them should, in proportion to its ability, act from a global standpoint.
173.	I firmly believe that if all countries act on the basis of this awareness then surely we shall resolve the difficult problems with which we are faced, and will create a brighter future for mankind in the. next century.
174.	My country pledges to devote its every effort to making an active contribution to this common undertaking of mankind.


54.	Mr. President, permit me first to express to you the congratulations of our delegation since the General Assembly has with discernment elected you to preside over this session, whose agenda includes subjects for study and decision that are of much importance for the States which make up the United Nations. We are certain that your wisdom and your experience will mean that our common endeavour will prevail, both in the search for just solutions and in the results to which our deliberations lead. It is therefore our hope that, guided by the values you represent, we shall be able, when our work is done, to say that the thirty-third session of the General Assembly made substantial progress and was able to dispel the intangible factors that have halted the advance towards a new policy of understanding and effective decisions in the difficult task imposed on us by the expectations of our times and by the United Nations Charter.
55.	We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to extend our most cordial congratulations to Solomon Islands on its becoming a Member of this Organization. We are sure it will make a positive contribution towards the building of a better world, a task to which we are all committed.
56.	The history of the Dominican Republic has been characterized by heroic deeds in the defence of liberty. In this difficult task, this is part of the contribution that American independence has made to the principles of democracy. Up to now we have been guided by and have followed those guidelines.
57.	We cannot say that after 1844, when the Dominican Republic came into being as a free and independent State through the brave actions of a few, we have not had to rise up again because of the interference to which our national sovereignty was subjected. To these incidents must be added the fact of our political turbulence, which generated the implacable scourge of internal revolutions. Nevertheless, the ideals upheld with sacrifice and selflessness by the founders of the Republic remain in essence intact within the evolution of our political thinking.
58.	Another historic fact is that a new Government, one that emerged as a result of universal suffrage in the Dominican Republic, is represented at this thirty-third session.
59.	All born in that land therefore rejoice that after almost a century, in compliance with the constitutionality that justified the coming into being of the Republic, a President elected by sovereign legal processes has transmitted public powers to his legitimate successor. This is the example we give of compliance with rules of law and our people's constant aspiration to exercise independence.
60.	On 16 August of this year, in compliance with the people's will and the constitutional rules in force, His Excellency Don Antonio Guzman assumed the responsibilities of the President of all Dominicans. On that memorable occasion the highest official of our nation dearly and precisely gave us the guidelines of his Government. I cannot fail to mention those which refer to compliance with the general principles of public international law: respect for the sanctity of international treaties and conventions and for the rules governing the United Nations and its subsidiary bodies, as well as respect for the Organization of American States [OAS], from which is derived the legal system of our region and its organic institutions and, in general, the interdependence of States; regional and worldwide solidarity; co-operation and peaceful coexistence, as one of the most effective means of maintaining peace and eliminating the scourge of war.
61.	To that is added the conviction of the President that international relations must be conducted within the framework of equality and mutual respect; that peaceful procedures must be followed for the settlement of disputes and international controversies; that social progress and the economic development of peoples are indivisible and that from this is derived the natural obligation of the developed nations, and particularly the industrialized nations, to give financial and technological assistance to the developing countries so as to eradicate the economic inequalities that are the cause of international tensions and conflicts.
62.	The Government of the Dominican Republic also has its interest directed towards the third world, the non- aligned countries and, furthermore, all those with which we have not yet established normal relations. The Government is paying particular attention to solutions that will bring about greater closeness in accordance with the fact of the interdependence of States. Finally, it advocates the reaffirmation of the democratic system characterized by the principle that sovereignty resides in the people, from which it follows in our times that political pluralism must be a genuine expression of that sovereign power guaranteed by the right to vote.
63.	To all nations represented here I transmit, through their delegations, this message from the Government of the Dominican Republic, which is now entering upon a new cycle of conceptual evolution and perspectives for exemplary progress with the support of legitimate institutions and prompted by an unwavering will to serve the most sacred public interest and the aspirations of all Dominicans.
64.	All countries on earth should join the United Nations in celebrating at the highest level the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. One of the most solemn and constructive ways to celebrate the occasion would be to establish educational programmes incorporating at least progressive ideas on the subject, which must be related to humanistic disciplines later to be received in university centres. If this were to lead to specialization and dissemination schemes, the time would come when what we call Utopia, in which man himself would be the possessor of international human rights, would be transformed from a dream into a universal reality.
65.	We are convinced that human rights represent the genuine and common heritage of mankind and, because it is indivisible and one of solidarity, violations in one country have repercussions in others.
66.	For that reason, and because we shall be celebrating yet another anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, I cannot fail to mention the intention of the Head of State of the Dominican Republic strictly to apply in our country the precepts and rules enshrined in those rights in the Dominican Republic as the principal obligation of the State. And in order to ensure strict respect for these rights, a draft of a law setting up a court of constitutional guarantees is to be submitted to the National Congress.
67.	I must now refer specifically to the fact that, within the context of the vigorous policy of the defence of human rights, the National Congress of my country has just approved a law granting general amnesty to persons imprisoned for political acts related to political breaches of the peace or political motives, and even those for which the legal description is doubtful.
68.	We share the view that it is urgent to study the relationship that may exist between civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, and that Governments must advocate these investigations which are so important for making progress on a subject that is causing concern in areas in conflict. For similar reasons, we share the view that we must define distinctive types of breaches which by their nature constitute violations of human rights.
69.	We also believe that it is desirable that the system of imprisonment for political crimes and breaches of the peace in their three distinctive aspects should be made more humane so that the applicable punishments shall take into account the recommendations of modern criminology.
70.	We are convinced that human rights are profoundly rooted in the Four Freedoms formulated by President
Roosevelt in 1941 before the Congress of the United States of America, when the repercussions of the world conflagration was being felt in all parts of the world.
71.	That instrument advocates freedom of speech and expression; freedom of every man to worship God; freedom from hunger and freedom to live free from poverty, which presumes economic assistance guaranteeing the right to live for all the inhabitants of the earth; and freedom from fear, which would obviously mean a world review of armaments so that no nation would be able indiscriminately to stockpile arms with the risk of unleashing the scourge of war with catastrophic results.
72.	The mobilization of the world conscience so as to make human rights effective, which has lately been making itself felt with admirable impetus, therefore gives rise to a new source of wisdom and of humanity in the formulation of those Four Freedoms.
73.	The delegation of the Dominican Republic to the seventh regular session of the General Assembly of the OAS, which was held at Grenada from 14 to 22 June 1977, maintained a position consistent with that of the Government of the United States of America on the subject, which is to be found in inter-American instruments and also forms part of the structures of this world Organization.
74.	Peace, that noble aspiration of the human spirit, which has not yet been fully attained, must be the fundamental goal of all Governments on earth, particularly today when the statistics of international specialized agencies forecast more than 6 billion inhabitants of the globe at the end of the present century. And it is logical to think that, unless traditional methods are changed—methods which have proved ineffective to ensure survival and education for mankind today—it will be difficult to face the grave problems of the future in a world becoming smaller in space and in resources.
75.	It is up to all nations, and particularly those responsible for the balance of power, to overcome differences of frontiers and ideologies so that, in solidarity, they will find definite solutions to the lack of education, food and housing, problems which increasingly weigh on the destiny of man. To this end it is essential to consolidate universal peace, that divine gift which man has denied himself and for which this Organization has always striven since it came into being in 1945, representing in sum mankind's greatest ideals.
76.	The Head of State of the Dominican Republic is particularly interested in making the economy more dynamic so as to increase the well-being of the entire population, and to attain that objective he intends to broaden the domestic market and firmly to promote exports so ns to create demand for our national products. And yet all these domestic efforts intended to bring about a healthy economy, mobilize local resources, capitalize the State enterprises, stimulate the agricultural sector and improve public services require international conditions which will not have a negative effect on the efforts which our Government intends to make in the next four years.
77.	Along the same line of thinking we must recall the need to be able to rely upon stable prices for sugar at the world level. Sudden fluctuations in the price of this product in the free market have caused enormous harm to countries which have considerable exportable surpluses. Our Government therefore urges that all countries which signed the International Sugar Agreement, 1977, but which have not yet ratified it to proceed to do so in order to create stability and order in the market.
78.	In broadening the basis of international co-operation in every field among the great Powers and relatively less developed countries it is necessary to reach agreement on multinational financial and economic matters and to give effect to that agreement as soon as possible. This re list no longer be delayed. It is totally impossible to maintain international relations on a basis of constructive international co-operation which will be broader and more open to all States Members of the United Nations as long as we have no world food authority to deal with the basic problems of feeding the world's population. In Latin American countries, according to ECLA data, 110 million people live in a state of acute poverty. We can no longer escape the need to create an international organization which would give scientific and technological guidelines to all countries, particularly the less developed.
79.	A fund for the stabilization of raw materials prices, which has so often been discussed in UNCTAD but still has not come into being, can no longer await agreements for financing for the benefit of both rich and poor countries alike because of the degree of interdependence of the international economy. Many decisions are yet to be taken at a world level for the stabilization of trade relations, for the joint exploitation of the resources of the sea, for a more just and equitable distribution of the financial burden for development, and for the formulation of policies to achieve international monetary stability and to prevent serious fluctuations in the balance of payments such as have occurred recently, and for the adoption of many other measures which could give an impetus for mankind to bring about a better world under the rule of peace and peaceful coexistence.
82. The Dominican Republic condemns the use of violence wherever it occurs, because this is one of the major obstacles preventing the world of today from being able to live in peace, which is the ultimate goal of the Uniter1 Nations.
83.	For these reasons we praise the studies made by the competent international organizations to outlaw, in so far as is humanly possible, that enemy of peace and of human progress.
84.	Those convictions have led my country to welcome with pleasure the efforts made during the Bonn Economic Summit Conference in July to implement the anti-piracy Convention adopted at The Hague in 1970  and to provide procedures for imposing sanctions on countries which refuse to try or extradite air pirates or to return hijacked aircraft.
85.	We also favour finding more effective methods to discourage the taking of hostages, which is so often an attack on innocent persons, since this evil is on the increase, as is clear from the events which have so disturbed the international community.
86.	We also favour a truce in international tensions which could pave the way to the solution of problems which exist in areas of conflict such as the Middle East. For that conflict, new, correct and honourable guidelines seem to have been found on a footing of equality and mutual respect, to dispel distrust and bring about renewed goodwill, without which understanding among men and nations is not possible.
87.	The dilemma in which we find ourselves leads us to recall a similar situation of conflict in the Republic of France, when Talleyrand, having been recalled for consultation after his dismissal, replied to the words of the Great Corsican, "Negotiate, while you can still negotiate."
88.	In brief, those are the guidelines of the international policy of my country on the grave problems afflicting the States which compose this world Organization. This represents the thinking of His Excellency the President of the Republic, Mr. Antonio Guzman.
89.	On this occasion, more than on any other we can speak with the firmness given to peoples by their consciousness of what is true, genuine and just. With the election to the presidency of the Republic of His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guzman, and with the peaceful transfer of presidential power, the time has come when, for the good of the democratic world and for our own good, the Dominican Republic must definitively be considered as a State where representative democracy really prevails.