On behalf of the Japanese delegation I wish to offer sincere congratulations to Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election to the presidency of this thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. We have all had an ample demonstration of his vision in the search for a new order of the sea, in his capacity as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. I am confident that the far-sightedness he displayed in leading that important debate will inspire this session of the General Assembly to seek affirmative results.
138.	I should also like to express our sense of indebtedness and appreciation to Mr. Gaston Thorn, a world statesman, for his wisdom in leading the eventful thirtieth session of the General Assembly to its successful conclusion.
139.	May I, in addition, pay my sincere respects to Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, who has been indefatigable in his pursuit of conciliation and peace and has provided thoughtful and creative leadership in the promotion of international economic, social and cultural co-operation, thus helping this Organization to cope with problems arising from the diversified international environment.
140.	On the occasion of the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to the United Nations at this session, I should like to extend to its delegation a warm welcome. My country enjoys friendly relations with the Republic of Seychelles, and I am certain that the role of that Republic in this Organization will be constructive and beneficial to us all.
141.	Since the establishment of this Organization, pro-found changes have taken place in the world. The earlier and very severe tensions of the East-West cold war have been reduced, as a result of the dialogs between the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as between the United States and China. The Western European nations and Japan are now playing more effective roles in world economic and political affairs. The number of newly emerged nations has risen sharply, and world politics has undergone great changes as international relations have become vastly more diversified.
142.	Despite these positive developments, the question of Korea remains unresolved. So do the complex situations in the Middle East, Cyprus and southern Africa. However, in Asia progress is being made in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Indochina, whose peoples have suffered greatly from prolonged warfare. There is also visible progress in strengthening the unity and autonomy of the member States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations. And, within the Indian subcontinent, the nations of that region are adapting to new political realities, and are together reaching for a new and longed for stability.
143.	Worldwide relations in the economic and social fields are becoming more interdependent, although there are vast differences in our political systems, historical backgrounds, and stages of economic development. No country can solve by itself economic and trade problems, or the problems of natural resources, energy, food, the environment, habitat, human rights, the status of women, and scientific and cultural co-operation.

144.	If the Member States wish to overcome such complex and difficult problems and to share equally in peace and prosperity, all the Member States, industrialized or developing, irrespective of their size as nations, should try to achieve coexistence and co-prosperity on a global scale, in accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. It is essential that all Member States act in a spirit of mutual respect for each other's positions, co-operate in mutual concessions, avoid confrontation, promote harmony and co-operation, and collaborate with each other in a responsible manner.
145.	Only thus can the United Nations function properly as the sole and supreme citadel for peace in the world today. There were days when powerful countries employed their power to conquer, invade or plunder other countries, tried to overturn other Governments, and interfered in the internal affairs of other countries. As a result, some disastrous precedents were drawn in history. I am sure that there is no single country that does not wish for peace in the world. In order to attain it, we should see to it that illegal use of power is not condoned. Japan pledges never to do so. Our determination is manifested in the Constitution of Japan, promulgated in 1946, which provides for the renunciation forever of war as a means of settling international disputes, and expresses the ideal of "the banishment of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance for all time from the earth". Japan's pacifism reflects the same ideas expressed in the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations; it is, in fact, the spirit of the Charter.
146.	Fukuzawa Yukichi, a pioneer of democracy in the Meiji era of Japan, once said: "No person is created above another, nor below another." His words are known widely among the people of Japan. I believe this saying can also be applied to States. In other words, "No country is created above another, nor below another." No State should reign over another. Relations between nations should not be based on domination and subordination.
147.	It is the firm conviction of my Government that peace, which is the supreme ideal of this Organization, can be achieved if each of our 145 Member States rejects the use of force in its conflicts with others and makes its own achievements available for the benefit of others. I should Eke to reaffirm Japan's dedication to a diplomacy of peace, for we sincerely desire peace in the world, and will oppose any attempt to hamper the attainment of peace.
148.	From this point of view, it is only realistic to observe that special responsibilities devolve upon the big Powers, especially those nations which enjoy special status under the Charter for the maintenance of peace and stability in the world. The success of the United Nations requires the initiative and full co-operation of all Member States, but the great Powers have great responsibilities in particular areas of this Organization's work-for example, in the fields of disarmament, self-restraint in the export of armaments, the institutionalization of peace-keeping activities, and administrative and financial support to the United Nations system. I hope that the big Powers are aware of their responsibilities in these fields, and will accordingly make more positive and more constructive contributions to the work of the United Nations, thereby reinforcing the raison d'etre of this Organization.
149.	Japan, ever since its admission to this Organization, has loyally observed the objectives and the spirit of the Charter, which calls for international co-operation for the purposes of maintaining peace and security in the world and of promoting social progress and raising standards of living in a broader atmosphere of freedom, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war which ... brought untold sorrow". My country has actively participated in, and renders positive co-operation to, the work of the United Nations.
150.	Japan lives up to these ideals by rejecting for itself the path of military power. Trusting in the justice and faith of the peoples of the world, Japan has decided to rely solely on peaceful means for the settlement of international disputes, and to avoid firmly any recourse to military means. Japan prescribes only minimum needs of self- defense, and seeks to contribute to world peace and prosperity through its diplomacy of peace-which manifests a very strong determination on the part of its people.
151.	In keeping with its diplomacy of peace, Japan ratified in June of this year the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. The Treaty accords a special status to the "nuclear-weapon States", allowing them to possess nuclear weapons, while all other States, including potential nuclear-weapon States, are prohibited from possessing such weapons. It is the firm conviction of my Government that this inequality should be neither consolidated nor perpetuated. It should be rectified, not through the proliferation of nuclear weapons, which could lead to the annihilation of mankind, but rather through the abolition by the nuclear- weapon States of all nuclear weapons. Despite a controversial and heated discussion on the pros and cons of ratification, my Government took the important decision to ratify the Treaty in the earnest hope that the nuclear- weapon States would take positive steps towards the elimination of such weapons, and in the belief that our ratification would contribute further to the peace and stability of the world.
152.	Japan, as the only victim actually to suffer atomic explosions, feels that it is most important to activate international co-operation concerning the promotion of nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
153.	Failure on the part of the nuclear-weapon States, which have a special responsibility in disarmament, to achieve meaningful disarmament-particularly the reduction of nuclear armaments and a comprehensive nuclear test ban-will inevitably lead to the erosion of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Moreover, the proliferation of nuclear explosive capability may well take place under the guise of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. My Government is seriously concerned with the potential danger inherent in the fact that such nuclear enrichment and reprocessing facilities as would have an important bearing upon the manufacturing of weapons material could be acquired and constructed without respect to their actual need for peaceful uses and without effective international safe-guards. There is a pressing need for both restraint by the parties concerned and international co-operation to ensure the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
154.	As a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, my Government is firmly determined to contribute positively to international cooperation envisaging nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
155.	In spite of the present balance of nuclear power, the creation of an international atmosphere where peace and stability can be maintained should be encouraged. To this end, it is essential to make progress in conventional weapons disarmament as well as nuclear disarmament. In some areas of the world we are witnessing a significant build-up of arms through the rapid importation of conventional weapons. Although possibly justified in some respects by actual needs, such a trend, causing deep concern, will only further intensify existing conflicts or risk provoking new disputes.
156.	My Government forbids the export of weapons to areas in conflict. I feel that the time has come to seek feasible ways to formulate international agreements on the transfer of weapons, to avoid encouraging international conflicts. In the meantime, I should like to urge all countries concerned to take reciprocally prompt measures of self-restraint and to give serious consideration to all the implications of this matter.
157.	The United Nations, despite many trials since its founding, continues to be the only universal system with precise responsibilities to maintain international peace and security and to promote international co-operation in economic, social and humanitarian affairs.
158.	Yet, the Organization can contribute constructively to the solution of world-wide problems only if the Organization's decisions are formulated on the basis of "dialog" and "conciliation".
159.	The United Nations offers Member States a universal forum in which to hold talks, and the General Assembly is the most proper place for the exchange of views among all nations on issues of common concern. Without both "dialog" and "conciliation", based on mutual respect and animated by a conciliatory spirit; the resolutions adopted cannot be implemented, the prestige of the Organization is damaged and its reason for existence undermined.
160.	The "North-South problem", or the problem of development, is an important area where "dialog" and "conciliation" are essential. The challenge of development is of the utmost importance, requiring a serious consideration at present as well as uninterrupted efforts over the long run in order to reach an abiding solution.
161.	My Government appreciates that the spirit of "dialog" and "conciliation" took a step forward in the course of the seventh special session of the General Assembly and of the fourth session of UNCTAD. In dealing with various issues, such as the integrated program for commodities and the expansion and improvement of official development assistance, my Government is determined to work vigorously and realistically towards practical solutions, not only in various United Nations forums, including UNCTAD, but also at the Tokyo round of multilateral trade negotiations and the Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
162.	We also note with concern the growing gaps in the levels of development of the developing countries them-selves. We must free ourselves from the traditional approach of treating the development problem as that of the industrialized countries versus the developing countries; instead we must adopt a comprehensive strategy founded on a more realistic and organic assessment of the issues.
163.	With such understanding, and paying increased consideration to the least developed among the developing countries, my Government intends to expand its multi- phased co-operation in many fields, such as trade and aid, in support of self-help efforts for economic and social development.
164.	Multilaterally, Japan has extended cooperation to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Asian Development Bank, and others; it has contributed substantial amounts to a number of United Nations funds, including the United Nations Development Program; and has pledged a major contribution to the International Fund for Agricultural Development on its establishment. It is strongly urged that the efforts of the developing countries to help themselves receive full co-operation from those developing countries which are in a position to offer it, such as the oil-producing countries, as well as from the socialist countries, each in its own way.
165.	One of the areas where international co-operation is needed is the problem of establishing a new legal order of the sea. It is essential that, at the Third United Nations
Conference on the Law of the Sea, we seek a broad consensus on the very complex and diversified problems of the sea, in a spirit of "dialog" and "conciliation" among nations with conflicting interests, so that we can formulate an international legal order which will endure for a long time to come. Japan is determined to contribute to the earliest possible formulation of a new treaty which would reflect the harmonized interest of the international community as a whole. I should like to appeal to the Governments participating in the Conference to make further intensified efforts towards an early conclusion of the treaty.
166.	When we think of the problems of the economic and social advancement of developing countries, we must recognize how important it is for each developing country to enhance its human resources for constructive engagement in national development. I feel this deeply from the experience of my own country. Japan intends to expand and strengthen various kinds of co-operation for raising technical and educational standards as a means of contributing positively to the enhancement of human resources in developing countries.
167.	Japan took an initiative towards establishing the United Nations University and has welcomed the head-quarters of the University at Tokyo. Fortunately, this vital investment in the future welfare of all mankind was launched with the support of many Governments. My own Government has pledged $100 million to the University over a five-year period, in expectation that similar contributions will be made by other countries. Actually, my Government has already contributed $40 million, and I strongly urge other Member States that have not yet done so to make their contributions, in recognition of the significance of the United Nations University.
168.	My Government is most anxious that peace and stability be maintained in the Korean peninsula, especially because of our geographical proximity and close historical and cultural relations. In cur view, the prompt resumption of dialog between the South and the North of Korea is essential for the maintenance of peace on the Korean peninsula and for peaceful reunification on the basis of the freely expressed will of the Korean people.
169.	We also urge that "talks" be held among the parties directly concerned, to take up problems such as the dissolution of the United Nations Command and arrangements relating to the Armistice Agreement. Out of firm conviction, my Government has endeavored consistently to create an international atmosphere where "confrontation" is avoided and "dialog" is encouraged. Therefore my Government welcomes the fact that a fruitless confrontation is to be avoided at this session. It is the earnest hope of my Government that, without losing this momentum, dialog between the South and the North of Korea, and talks among the parties directly concerned, will be started as promptly as possible.
170.	Japan holds to the position that, if it is the wish of both the South and the North of Korea, we shall welcome the admission of both to the United Nations in the interval before peaceful reunification is achieved.
171.	My Government is gravely concerned that recent developments in the Middle East, particularly the deterioration of the situation in Lebanon, may further delay a solution to the complex problem of the Middle East. It is my Government's hope that a peaceful solution will be reached through prompt and complete implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), in accordance with Security Council resolution 338 (1973), as well as through the implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. This entails adherence to the following three principles: first, the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible, and therefore Israeli armed forces should withdrawn from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war; secondly, the integrity and security of the territories of all countries in the area, and the need for guarantees to that end, should be respected; thirdly, the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations should be recognized and respected in bringing about a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
172.	We earnestly hope that this conflict will be settled promptly so that the peoples of the region can enjoy a just and lasting peace. We believe that talks could quickly get under way among Israel, the Arab States, the Palestine Liberation Organization and other parties concerned, on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolutions of this Organization.
173.	With regard to the problem of the Palestinian refugees, my Government will continue its financial contribution to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, in co-operation with other countries. I wish also to urge the Socialist countries, which have not contributed in the past, to begin now to support this humanitarian program.
174.	The United Nations has for many years played a valuable role in southern Africa, but it is most regrettable that the problems of Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and apartheid have so far not yielded to satisfactory solutions. During the course of this year, the Security Council has held a number of meetings to deliberate on southern African problems, and a number of talks have been launched among countries concerned, seeking a peaceful resolution of these problems. My Government applauds all these initiatives but deplores the fact that armed clashes are now taking place in Southern Rhodesia, that blood is being shed in South Africa and that the decisions of the United Nations on Namibia have yet to be carried out.
175.	These conditions cannot endure. In this connexion, I should like to express my appreciation for the active efforts being jointly made by the Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, of the United States and leaders of the countries concerned for a solution of the southern African problems. I sincerely hope that these efforts will bring about fruitful results. Japan will continue to participate in the search for prompt and peaceful solutions to southern African problems, holding persistently to our rejection of any form of racial discrimination.
176.	Among the most valuable examples of this Organization's role as an impartial third party in seeking its prime objective of the maintenance of peace and security are "its peace-keeping operations". The United Nations Emergency Force and the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force in the Middle East, as well as the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, have made indispensable contributions to the maintenance of peace in those areas. Since those peace-keeping operations are the most effective means available to this Organization for preventing the recurrence and escalation of armed conflicts, there should be no disputing the value of strengthening this; peacekeeping capacity for the future. Therefore, my delegation hopes that the work of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations will make it possible for such operations to be carried out in the future in a more effective, smooth and assured manner. My Government will further co-operate in the strengthening of this Organization's activities in that area.
177.	In the hope that the United Nations will continue to play a constructive role in solving various international problems, I should now like to refer, from the viewpoint of strengthening the role of the United Nations, to the questions of institutional structure and the financing of the United Nations system. My delegation appreciates the work already initiated on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. I think that through that work we should aim at strengthening the functions of the United Nations, making greater efforts for the rationalization of United Nations activities and the simplification of its structure, as well as for increasing the efficiency of its work. In this regard, we should like the work of restructuring to include a thorough examination of such problems as the duplication of activities among various organizations of the United Nations and the specialized agencies and the organic and overall co-ordination of the functions of those organizations.
178.	First, may I urge that we attempt to make more efficient use of the already existing organizations and that, when the setting up of a new organization is inevitable, the principle of "scrap and build" should be applied.
179.	As to the personnel of the United Nations, I believe we should rectify the situation in which important posts are occupied by the nationals of a limited number of countries. With this in mind, although we should try as much as possible to maintain present staff levels, it is time that special consideration should be given to equitable geographical distribution of personnel, and in particular to the recruitment of personnel from such countries as are now unduly underrepresented.
180.	In response to the pressing needs of our times, the United Nations has expanded its activities. As a result, its budget has expanded considerably. The Organization's regular budget has tripled in the past decade, and the annual rate of increase in the last five years has been about 15 per cent. This rate of expansion does not, however, necessarily coincide with the fiscal position of Member States-and that is a matter of concern to us. For many nations, the responsibility of supporting the steadily in-creasing United Nations budget has become a considerable burden. In Japan's case, as a result of both budget increases and our increased assessment, our contribution is now eight times what it was 10 years ago.
181.	In view of those facts, I wish to express our conviction that the United Nations must make every effort to hold its budget as low as possible through the rationalization of structure and more efficient use of limited resources. It is necessary that both the Secretariat and Member States clearly recognize the actual state of United Nations finances and work together to avoid situations where funds are depleted because of preoccupation with current cash demands without due regard for the availability of funds.
182.	The Government of Japan has made a special contribution of $10 million to the United Nations because of our concern that the Organization's deficit could hamper effective and smooth operations. We hoped that this contribution would serve as a first step towards a solution, but we have been deeply disappointed that few countries have followed our initiative and that no solution to the financial problem is yet in sight. I urgently appeal to the membership of this Organization not to refuse payment or delay payment of assessed contributions on political grounds. If the United Nations is to deal effectively with the problems we bring before it, its organizational and financial base must be firmly established.
183.	Since this is the time-recurring every three years when the General Assembly must review the scale of assessments, I believe that we should re-examine the formula for determining the scale of assessments, taking into account not only the capacity to pay, which is based on national income and other indices, but also such factors as the special status accorded to certain States by the Charter of the United Nations.
184.	Finally, I should like to stress the importance of strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations through improvements which can be made within the framework of the Charter, as well as through a review of the Charter. It hardly seems necessary to point out that no organization can function well without effort and determination to work together for common aims on the part of members who constitute and operate it. Criticisms directed at the United Nations these days deal not only with defects in the structure and the Charter of the Organization but also with the lack of the will on the part of the Member States to observe the Charter. Therefore, Member States should reaffirm their intent earnestly to observe the Charter and should demonstrate that intention through their actions.
185.	Undeniably, there are a number of discrepancies between the structure and functions of the United Nations contemplated when the Charter was drafted more than 30 years ago and the role the Organization is expected to play in the vastly changed international political and economic environment of today. It is indisputable, in fact, that certain provisions of the Charter have become not only obsolete but meaningless.
186.	With regard to the review of the Charter, I should like to recall that my Government has taken a position favoring the review of such items as the strengthening of "peace-keeping operations", the strengthening of the on- the-spot fact-finding function, the composition of the Security Council, the strengthening of the co-ordination function of the Economic and Social Council and other bodies in the fields of economic and social development, the reconsideration of the Trusteeship System and the elimination of the "enemy State" provisions.
187.	In any event, I trust that constructive recommendations and clearer perceptions of the United Nations Charter and functions will flow from the work of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, and the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System.
188.	In conclusion, it is imperative for all Member States to join in strengthening and reinforcing the United Nations, which is the world-wide Organization bearing the ideals and hopes of mankind, and to co-operate more effectively for the attainment of peace and prosperity in the world. On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of our admission to the United Nations, I should like to reaffirm the determination of the people and the Government of Japan to spare no effort in the pursuit of those goals.


The distinguished speakers who have preceded me to this rostrum have warmly congratulated Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election and paid a fitting tribute to his sterling qualities as a statesman and diplomat. My delegation fully shares their views and sentiments. The delegation of Ghana is gratified to have a personality of Mr. Amerasinghe's caliber to preside over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. The remarkably able manner in which he has managed the affairs of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, as President of that complex and extremely difficult negotiating process, assures us of the success that will attend our deliberations here. Equally gratifying to us is the
fact that his country, Sri Lanka, which has only recently acted as host to the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries, should thus be honored through his election. It underscores the increasingly central role that the third- world nations now play in international affairs.
224.	Before I go further, permit me to pause to pay a tribute to Chairman Mao Tsetung, a leading figure of our times. Chairman Mao has rightly been acclaimed as a giant among men, and his death has robbed the world of a leader who, by precept and example, showed us all that selfless devotion and total commitment to the welfare of the people are the primary essentials of true leadership. On behalf of the Government and people of Ghana, let me once again convey our deepest condolences to the friendly Government and people of China for this irreparable and grievous loss.
225.	To Ambassador Amerasinghe's predecessor, the distinguished Prime Minister of Luxembourg, allow me to place on record our thanks for a job well done. His conduct of the affairs of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly fulfilled our highest expectations.
226.	In recent years, our Organization has been buffeted by extremes of fortune, but it has shown a wonderful resilience in the face of crises. Its ability to survive has been due largely to the wisdom and skill of the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his able lieutenants who, in the most exacting situations, have toiled day and night, and toiled successfully, to vindicate the credibility of our Organization. The world owes them a debt of gratitude, and I believe that this can be paid not in gold or silver but by sincere and strenuous efforts on our part to promote the cause of peace.
227.	It is with singular pleasure and deepest satisfaction that the delegation of Ghana welcomes the delegation of Seychelles into our midst. We in Ghana recall that it was to Seychelles that Prempehl, King of the former Ashanti Kingdom, now part of Ghana, was exiled by the British Government in 1900. Although an unhappy event, it does serve as a link between the colonial history of the two countries. We rejoice with the people of Seychelles over their successful elimination of alien domination.
228.	For us in Ghana, the birth of every new State is an occasion for rejoicing, for it signifies the progressive eradication of the old virus of colonialism. No doubt the injection of new blood into our Organization will ensure for it a more vigorous and fruitful existence and, of course, bring it nearer to the desirable goal of universality.
229.	My delegation will be delighted to give the delegation of Seychelles all the co-operation and assistance of which we are capable.
230.	This Assembly had hoped to have the pleasure of congratulating the valiant people of Angola on their country's admission to membership in the United Nations. It is a matter of deep regret and sadness to us that, owing to considerations which have no bearing on the ability of Angola to undertake the obligations of membership, we have been denied that opportunity. We remain convinced that justice has a way of prevailing at the most unexpected of times and that, therefore, Angola's membership in this Organization is only a matter of time.
231.	The Government of the United States has seen fit to veto the application of the People's Republic of Angola, apparently on the grounds that the presence of Soviet and Cuban experts, who are in that newly independent country at the invitation of its Government, somehow detracts from the precepts of sovereignty. The argument is unacceptable. Our view is that the veto of Angola's application for membership is objectionable not merely because it is a wrong use of power but also because it has encouraged armed bandits of the defeated FNLA  and UNIT A13 movements to launch incursions into the territory of the infant State, thereby destroying the efforts of African Heads of State to secure conditions for pacification and reconciliation of the people of Angola.
232.	It is with the same feeling of frustration that we regard the continued delay which has attended the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in this Organization. All this has occurred as a result of the unjustified use of the veto power.
233.	In the view of my delegation, veto powers have been vested in the permanent members of the Security Council in recognition of their special responsibility to the international community to promote a peaceful world environment. But veto powers degenerate into abuse, and their noble ends are defeated, if they are exercised with the aim of weakening the internal jurisdiction of the Government of a sovereign, independent State, or employed merely as an instrument in the regrettable politics of the cold war.
234.	The international community is today confronted with problems of enormous dimensions. Prominent among these is the situation in southern Africa where the process of decolonization has reached a critical, but obviously final, stage. The racist minority regimes in Zimbabwe and Azania now stand as the remaining pockets of white settler domination on the continent. The motives of these two regimes may be complex and varied, but they have in them one common factor-fear of what might happen to them if they concede the principle of majority rule. Of course, the longer the oppression, the greater the fear, and the more dangerous and explosive the situation becomes. But what the ruling minorities in southern Africa should fear is not that power will fall into the hands of the majority, but that by their thoughtless attempts to perpetuate a monstrous social order and political system they are destroying their own chances of reconciliation within a framework of a multiracial community.
235.	From this rostrum and in many other forums over the years the voice of Ghana has been loud and explicit on the nature of the problems of southern Africa: we have condemned apartheid and have upheld the human values which alone, we believe, will create the peaceful and harmonious world community we all look forward to. Many of the speakers who have preceded me have once more recounted the facts and reiterated the well-known arguments in this Assembly. Therefore we will not labor the point or dwell on the past. We should rather wish to look at the chances that still exist for a peaceful solution and the consequences of our failure to take the right action now.
236.	It is in this light that we welcome what appear to be some positive developments in the situation in southern Africa arising from the recent diplomatic initiative of the Secretary of State of the United States, the wise counsels of the Presidents of the front-line African States, the co-operation of the British Government and the sympathy of others. For a realistic assessment of the situation, however, my delegation cannot fail to emphasize the importance of the armed struggle launched by the freedom fighters of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania to the changes in attitude that seem to be developing among the racist die-hards; nor should we ignore the exceptional courage of the children of Soweto who sacrificed their young lives in the cause of freedom and human dignity. They died so that their parents, their brothers and sisters will live as human beings, with the dignity and self-respect of the human person and, above all, in freedom in the land of their birth.
237.	That is what the African struggle is all about. We believe in this struggle. We all have one common objective: the establishment of a multiracial community based on equal opportunities and equal rights for all. To this end and for a speedy establishment of majority rule in Zimbabwe, the delegation of Ghana proposes: first, that a constitutional conference should be held under the aegis of the United Kingdom Government to decide on the transfer of administrative power to the majority of Zimbabwe on the basis of the principle of "one man, one vote"; secondly, that in the interim, before majority administration, the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia, which has been euphemistically described as a "unilateral declaration of independence, give place to order and legality, thus permitting sovereignty in the Territory, in fact as well as in law, clearly to revert to the United Kingdom as the administering Power; thirdly, that no lifting of sanctions should be considered until an interim government reflecting the views of the Zimbabwe people as a whole so requests; fourthly, that there should be no relaxation of the pressures on the rebel minority regime till satisfactory arrangements for interim government have been agreed to under the third of these proposals; fifthly, that the armed struggle should cease only when the first four conditions have been fully and irreversibly fulfilled; sixthly, that before then this Organization and the international community should progressively increase their support for the freedom fighters. In our view, there is no other way we can ensure that freedom and racial harmony will come peacefully to Zimbabwe than by the adoption of these proposals.
238.	On the question of Namibia, I had the privilege to address the Security Council last Friday  and to outline the views of my Government. As we all know, South Africa was given up to the last day of August this year to quit Namibia and hand over the Territory to the United Nations to enable free elections to be organized in the Territory. To date, the only South African reaction has been an empty document, the so-called "declaration of intent" produced by the hand-picked ethnic, as opposed to broadly based national, representation, which met at the so-called constitutional conference at Turnhalle. Let me here recapitulate the essential points in my statement to the Security Council.
239.	Ghana gives its full support to the conditions spelt out by Mr. Nujoma, President of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], on 28 September 1976 before the Security Council, that is: first, that South Africa agrees to talk with SWAPO regarding the modalities of the transfer of administrative power to the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO without prejudice to the constitution of South Africa's delegation to the talks; secondly, that those talks must be under the auspices of the United Nations and should be outside Namibia or any part of South Africa; thirdly, that, before the talks, all Namibian political prisoners must be released; and fourthly, that all South African armed forces should be withdrawn before the talks to enable Namibians to express themselves freely.
240.	If South Africa refuses to accept these conditions aimed at a peaceful settlement of the issue, my delegation would consider that the end of the road has been reached and this Organization should take the appropriate action in keeping with our commitments to the Charter of the United Nations. We say this because we believe that this is yet another chance for South Africa to show its good faith and to demonstrate its respect for the decisions of this Organization and its component bodies. Otherwise the membership of that country will continue to be more of a liability than an asset to this Organization. If that happens, my delegation proposes to the Security Council: first, that South Africa be forthwith suspended or expelled from the United Nations and remain so suspended or expelled till it decides to comply with the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly with regard to Namibia, and that all necessary measures be taken to enable the United Nations Council for Namibia to discharge its responsibilities; secondly that the General Assembly re-affirm its recognition of SWAPO as the only legitimate organization representing the whole of Namibia and give it every support to establish its control over that Territory with the assistance of the United Nations Council for Namibia; and, thirdly, that the Council decide to take action against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter.
241.	Ghana continues to hold the view that freedom in Zimbabwe and independence for Namibia should not be attained at the cost of continued enslavement of the people of Azania. Thus, lest an erroneous impression be created in the minds of some that the racist regime of South Africa by its recent conduct regarding Zimbabwe is playing a positive role in the search for a peaceful solution to the problems of southern Africa, let me here and now state that the apartheid system is the one major obstacle to peace in southern Africa.
242.	The disturbances in African townships in Azania and the current events in Zimbabwe and Namibia must convince the whole world that Africa is on the move and no force on earth can arrest the inexorable march of human history to its ultimate fulfillment in southern Africa. It is our desire, in making these proposals, that the United Nations should now act effectively and decisively on the side of right. What is at issue in southern Africa should be clear to all. It is not communism or any other "ism" or ideology, as the racist and minority regimes would want the rest of the world to believe; it is a demand tor human dignity and equal opportunities. It is in this light, and in this light alone, that we should view the situation.
243.	The human rights situation in the world has admittedly undergone some radical transformation for the better in the period since the last war and, more particularly, since the wind of change began to blow through the continent of Africa. Nevertheless, in parts of our world there are still many people who are denied the enjoyment of even elementary rights. Men, women and children continue to die in great numbers because they are deprived of the basic necessities to sustain life, necessities which in other parts of the world have come to be taken for granted.
244.	The support which Ghana has provided and continues to provide for the liberation effort and in the struggle for human dignity is in conformity with our historical circumstances. Equally valid and true to this tradition is our offer to act as host in 1978 to the world conference to combat racism and racial discrimination, which has been envisaged as the high-water mark of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. This offer represents our modest contribution to the realization of the purposes and objectives of the Decade, and we trust that all countries which value human decency and dignity and abhor racism and racial discrimination will contribute effectively towards ensuring a successful conference in Accra.
245.	The tragic conflict in Lebanon has further complicated the situation in the Middle East. Ghana is saddened over the fate that has befallen that beautiful and prosperous country, and we entertain the.fervent hope that reason will soon ensure peace and harmony in Lebanon. But, even without a Lebanese crisis, the over-all situation in the Middle East remains as explosive and as dangerous as ever, and the ingenuity of this Organization should be directed to finding a just and permanent solution as quickly as possible.
246.	Mr. Kissinger's statement that the time might now be propitious for an attempt at an over-all settlement and the Soviet Union's suggestion for the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East should pave the way for fresh initiatives for a permanent peace in the Middle East. Not only must those two super-Powers bring their undoubtedly enormous influence to bear constructively on any impending negotiations, but all the nations here represented must contribute their share towards the search for a solution that will be just for the long-suffering Palestinian people and ensure peace and security for all the States in the region.
247.	Ghana is committed to the cause of peace in the Middle East, and while the search for a solution goes on we shall continue to maintain our troops serving with the United Nations Emergency Force in the area for as long as their presence is required.
248.	The Aegean Sea is also fast becoming a trouble area, threatening to add a new dimension to the Cyprus crisis-the root-cause of instability in the Eastern Mediterranean. In the view of my delegation, a settlement in Cyprus must consist in the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island, the return of all refugees to their homes in safety, respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the island, and active promotion of talks between the two communities leading to the achievement of harmonious relationships between the two major communities on the island. We also trust that those directly involved will endeavor to remove the causes of tension in the Aegean Sea.
249.	Our annual review of the world situation compels us once again to renew our faith in the principles and purposes of our Charter and our commitment to the attainment of a world that is free from all elements which militate against the attainment of mankind's ultimate objective of peace and security. Because the issue of disarmament has implications affecting international peace and security, Ghana has traditionally made that issue one of the most important aspects of its foreign policy. It is a sad reflection of our sense of priorities that in a world which is still largely beset with poverty and ignorance the arms race alone consumes almost $300 billion annually, while the net flow of official development assistance amounts to only $15 billion a year. It is realities of this kind which make it imperative for countries such as mine, though young and developing, to resist the temptation of standing by as helpless spectators of the increasing acquisition and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction.
250.	It is true that the 1970s which we have proclaimed a Disarmament Decade have seen the conclusion of a number of important agreements on disarmament. The advent of the era of "detente" has also contributed to the thawing of the cold-war climate between the major Powers and induced some restraint in their quest for global influence. But the arms race continues unabated and the incessant calls of developing countries for a world disarmament conference have gone unheeded.
251.	It is painfully obvious, as it has always been, that any confrontation of strength between any two of the big Powers will have consequences from which neither they nor we can claim immunity. The notion that military strength deters aggression has hardly any credibility in an interdependent world and deserves to be repudiated. It is a notion which undermines all efforts aimed at achieving a disarmed world. What the world needs now-perhaps more than at any other time in history is courageous, imaginative and responsible leadership, which alone can ensure that mankind can live in a world which is not haunted by threats, real or imagined, of an impending catastrophe.
252.	In the circumstances, a world disarmament conference cannot be delayed any longer. Such a conference must provide a forum for frank and constructive discussion of all aspects of arms and disarmament, including the custody and disposal of plutonium which nuclear power plants are now producing at an alarming rate.
253.	My delegation welcomes the efforts of the great Powers to achieve detente in Europe. But we should like to emphasize that the process must not be confined to Europe, nor should it be made to operate merely as a regulating mechanism in the >very sensitive relations between the super-Powers.
254.	The process must be universal in character if a reduction in tension is to be achieved. Areas of conflict still exist in South-East Asia, the Middle East, Africa and the eastern Mediterranean. In recent years, limited but costly wars have been fought in the areas in which, directly or indirectly, States possessing nuclear weapons have been involved. The involvement of those States has largely been dictated by the outmoded concept of "spheres of influence" and cold-war politics.
255.	If the third world is to share in the benefits of detente, the various Powers must scrupulously observe the principle of mutual access in their relations with developing countries. We recognize that in the third world various Powers have acquired areas of primary interest, dictated by economic or historical affiliations; but such interests should not be seen in the framework of spheres of influence. The difference between primary and exclusive interests must be acknowledged by all. The right of developing countries to be non-aligned and to pursue political, ideological or economic relations with all the major Powers must be respected. In an interdependent world, developing countries cannot, any more than industrialized ones, develop in complete isolation from the centers of world economic power. But major-Power involvement in our affairs can only escape becoming politicized and militarized if there is an implicit agreement among those Powers both to generalize their relationships and to maintain the principle of mutual access, and if each super-Power refrains from the massive military support of selected areas in the third world as a necessary part of its global military strategy. Any such policy of selective military support by big Powers is bound to generate a regional arms race among the client States, as well as producing undesirable consequences for big-Power detente. Policies designed to contain communism, and doctrines of limited sovereignty do not promote the cause of developing countries; they have no relevance, to the aspirations of their peoples. If anything, they breed conflicts of interest and threaten peace and security in the third world.
256.	Entente as a means of promoting peace must also be employed in the settlement of all international issues, including the lingering problem of under-development and exploitation.
257.	The glaring inequalities and imbalances in the inter-national economic structure, together with the ever widening gap between the developed and developing countries, continues to be a source of grave concern. Many resolutions have been adopted by international organizations relating to the establishment of the new international economic order founded on genuine partnership and recognition of our global interdependence. But, because of a lack of political will, particularly on the part of the industrialized countries, progress towards the implementation of these resolutions has been minimal. No headway has been made at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris. The results of the fourth session of UNCTAD fell far short of the expectations aroused by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly.
258.	Meanwhile, the economic situation of most of the developing countries has continued to worsen, their external payment position has deteriorated and the resultant burden of debt has reached unmanageable proportions. The majority of these countries are going through sharp crises in regard to the maintenance of minimal living standards for their peoples as well as of the momentum of development. The prospects are that these conditions will persist through-out the remainder of the present decade. In particular, the hopes placed in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] have failed to be realized. The reasons for this failure are not far to seek. They lie principally in the lack of readiness on the part of many important developed countries to adjust their policies as recommended in the Strategy with a view to achieving the agreed objectives.
259.	Furthermore, the upheavals that have taken place in the world economy over the past three or four years have aggravated the external constraints on the economic growth of a large number of developing countries. Indeed, these upheavals, which were not foreseen when the Strategy was conceived, have cast serious doubt on the validity in present circumstances of the policy prescriptions comprising the international development effort. It has now become clear that a new and more effective development strategy is required, a strategy which would have to be supported by a drastic upgrading of the development issue in the order of priorities of the developed countries.
260.	Such a strategy should no longer set the required policy measures within the existing framework of inter-national economic relations. To do so would be to support a framework which has been largely discredited, one which embodies and perpetuates an unequal economic relationship involving the economic dependency and under-development of third-world countries. What is needed is a strategy that would reflect a restructuring of the inter-national economic system on the basis of the Declaration and Program of Action adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly; a strategy which would be inspired by the need for balance and partnership rather than dependency in the economic relations between developed and developing countries; and, not least, a strategy embodying the concept of collective self-reliance, which would make the developing countries less dependent on the developed countries for their economic and social progress through the strengthening of trade and economic co-operation among themselves. It is in consonance with these beliefs that Ghana has participated in the negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Lome Convention of 28 February 1975 between the countries of the European Economic Community and African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. It is in the same spirit that we actively supported the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States.
261.	The international community now recognizes the distinction between economic growth in the narrow sense of an increase in the gross product of developing countries and economic development in the wide sense of improvement in the living standards of their people. To achieve economic and social progress in this fundamental sense, my Government is committed to policies of national self- reliance based on the realities of Ghana and specifically directed both at accelerating growth in all sectors, particularly agriculture, and at reducing inequalities in the distribution of the benefits of economic growth. For we view such policy measures as an important counterpart to a revised international development strategy that would promote the realization of the new international economic order.
262.	The history of the United Nations is the history of humanity's struggle for dignity and brotherhood. It is a continuing struggle for freedom and justice against fear, hunger, disease, illiteracy and exploitation. Ours is a unique endeavor to create, out of the remarkable diversity of races, cultures, opinions and attitudes of our little world, a dynamic unity of purpose and a philosophy for the attainment of peace and security. Thirty-one years is a short period in the history of the human race. It is no surprise, therefore, that we still have to meet every so often for almost interminable discussions and arguments in an effort to reach the goals we have set ourselves. The more important consideration, however, is whether we have the will to persevere. I think we have. Additionally, there is no lack of resources. Let us therefore continue to give and take in our negotiations and discussions for the good of the entire human race.


The delegation of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic congratulates Mr. Amerasinghe upon his election and wishes him success in his responsible work.
100.	We should also like to congratulate the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to the United Nations and to wish its people success in the building of a new life.
101.	The course of this debate and the contents of the previous general political debates in the General Assembly of the United Nations have .made it possible for us to draw the conclusion that the noble principles of peace, international security, freedom and independence, equality and co-operation of the peoples proclaimed by the Great October Socialist Revolution are receiving ever broader support every year.
102.	Like a sort of political barometer, the general debate reflects the beneficial changes which have occurred recently in international life. The clouds bearing the threat of a new world war have become noticeably less dense. The peoples of the world are increasingly enjoying the benefits of the Leninist principles of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, which are being put into effect, as well as the benefits of international detente. The favorable changes in the world are a result of the purposeful and persistent peaceful foreign policies of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and of the Soviet State, of other countries of the socialist community and of all the progressive forces of our time.
103.	The great interest in the United Nations shown in the new and important proposals of the Soviet Union put forward here by Comrade A. A. Gromyko [7th meeting], member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, is only natural. The concrete actions and measures provided for in those proposals are based on the program of further struggle for peace and international co-operation and for the freedom and independence of the peoples approved at the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
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104.	The decisions of the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and of the congresses of the fraternal parties of the other countries in the socialist community and the document entitled "For peace, security, cooperation and social progress in Europe", adopted by the Conference of the Communist and Workers' Parties of Europe show that the socialist States and Communists are In the vanguard of those fighting for peace, freedom, equality, brotherhood and the happiness of all peoples. They have taken initiatives and made constant efforts to strengthen peace and international security and disarmament up to and including general and complete disarmament, to eliminate existing hotbeds of war, to deepen and give substance to international detente, consistently to implement the principles of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, and of the non-use of force in international relations, to eliminate colonialism and racism and their consequences and to organize equitable and mutually beneficial economic, scientific, technological and cultural co-operation among all States.
105.	As Comrade Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, has pointed out:
"In upholding the principles of peaceful coexistence, we are fighting for what is dearest of all to billions of people on earth: for the right to life itself, to save mankind from the danger of annihilation in the flames of war. At the same time, and by so doing, we are fighting to ensure favorable international conditions for the promotion of the cause of the social progress of all countries and peoples."
106.	The foreign policy of the USSR and other States of the socialist community is in keeping with the interests of all peoples. It has never aimed and does not aim at seeking any unilateral advantages or the establishment of political or any other kind of domination over other peoples or countries. It is a policy of peace and international co-operation, freedom and independence of peoples, which reflects the noble ideals of the most advanced and just social system.
107.	It is gratifying that in the course of the general debate the majority of delegations have based their statements on attitudes which are in keeping with the needs, of the times and the United Nations Charter. We hope that this will allow us to adopt constructive decisions and recommendations on a broad range of questions which are being considered at this session as well as to indicate fruitful ways and means of working within the framework of the United Nations in the future.
108.	While noting the usually constructive character of the general debate now under way, we cannot fail to see that the positions of a number of delegations do not indicate any clear approach to the basic problems of strengthening international peace and co-operation and the questions of disarmament which the General Assembly must take up. In a number of cases, under the cover of general phraseology and declarations, attempts are in fact being made to justify aggressors, colonialists and racists, to avoid the settlement of urgent tasks, to substitute certain questions of secondary importance and to whitewash their negative approach to the fundamental problems.
109.	The interests of all people require that we do everything possible to deepen international detente and extend it to all parts of the world. Important proposals have been made here on specific forms of comprehensive co-operation among States. These proposals are valuable and realistic because they are based on the profound substance and objective of detente, namely, precluding the use or threat of force in disputes and conflicts between States, averting the threat of a new world war and organizing mutually advantageous co-operation between various countries, with strict observance of the principles of non-interference in one another's internal affairs and respect for independence and sovereignty.
110.	Of primary importance is the proposal of the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations [see A/31 243]. The source of this initiative is to be found in the first foreign policy act of the land of Soviets, namely, the Decree of Peace. This initiative reflects the deeply humane nature of the foreign policy pursued by the Soviet State for almost 60 years now.
111.	The draft treaty submitted by the Soviet Union as an annex to its proposal stipulates that its participants, including the nuclear Powers, will undertake to refrain from the use or threat of force involving any types of weapon and to refrain from assisting, encouraging or inducing others to use or threaten force. The clear-cut articles of the draft treaty take into account existing multilateral and bilateral agreements, the present state of relations among States and the aspiration of the peoples of the world to make renunciation of the use of force an immutable law of international life.
112.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR urges other delegations actively to join in die work of defining specific steps to lead to the implementation of these proposals in the interests of the peace and security of the peoples of the world. The conclusion of the treaty on the non-use of force, and its strict observance, would further the solution on a new basis of many important problems on which negotiations are under way, the fulfillment of the cherished dream of humanity to banish war from man's life, and the realization of the desire of all peoples, in the words of the United Nations Charter, "to live together in peace with one another as good neighbors".
113.	The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has laid an excellent foundation for ensuring peace on the continent-a continent which has given birth to two world wars. This document, which was worked out collectively and has consolidated achievements in the improvement of the political climate, outlined the. long-term prospects for the realistic and responsible conduct of inter-State affairs, particularly in Europe, and, from the standpoint of possibilities, to a great extent for the solution of problems of an international character. The Final Act prompts States to reduce international tensions, to cease military conflicts in those areas of the world where they still exist, and to develop and deepen mutually advantageous and equitable co-operation in all spheres.
114.	Unfortunately, there are certain people in the West who are trying to evade the principles elaborated and the understandings reached at the pars-European Conference. Attempts have been made to interpret arbitrarily various provisions of this document which was worked out collectively, to distort their purport and to undermine the general orientation of that Final Act.
115.	The Soviet Union and other socialist States are strictly observing the letter and spirit of all provisions of the Final Act; they have put forward proposals designed to implement the understandings reached at Helsinki. Comrade Brezhnev, in his interview on French television on 5 October 1976, in which he sol forth the Soviet Union's position of principle on important international problems, said, inter alia, in connexion with the Final Act:
"As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, we respect and are carrying out in full the understandings reached at Helsinki. I repeat: in full. The important thing in these agreements is everything connected with the strengthening of security and peace. But, naturally, we in no way wish to detract from the importance of co-operation in economics, science and technology, culture and information, and in the development of personal contacts and in the implementation of measures of confidence."
The Soviet Union, as is well known, has proposed the convening of pan-European congresses or inter-State conferences on the questions of the protection of the human environment, the development of transport and energy, in other words, problems affecting the interests of all European States.
116.	The Byelorussian people, a people which knows only too well the terrible cost of war, and which values above all the benefits of peace, has a vital interest in the full and consistent implementation of all provisions of the Final Act of the pan-European Conference. In struggling for peace and international security, the countries of the socialist community have a clear-cut objective: not only the outlawing of war, but also the elimination of the very possibility of the outbreak of war, and the elimination, on the basis of international agreements, of the material means of waging war.
117.	To the credit of the United Nations there are a number of international treaties and conventions, as well as resolutions, which taken together contribute to curbing the pace of the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, and to confining it to certain spheres. They also contain a broad program of further measures in the field of disarmament. We welcome the completion of a draft convention, agreed on in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques, and we shall seek its adoption at this session of the General Assembly [A/31/27, annex I, para. 5].
118.	Unfortunately, however, as has already been pointed out by many speakers in the general debate, progress in the field of disarmament is clearly inadequate. Soma States, including two nuclear Powers, are still not parties to the existing treaties and conventions which limit or prevent the arms race. The implementation of the decisions of the General Assembly with regard to the need to produce agreements providing for a general and complete cessation of nuclear weapon testing, the elimination of chemical means of warfare, and the prohibition of the development of new types and system sf weapons of mass destruction has been unjustifiably delayed.
119.	The resolution [3093 (XXVIII)] on the reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council and other States with a major economic and military potential, and the utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries is a resolution which has not yet been carried out. The military expenditures of a number of Western countries continue to grow; the business of trading in the instruments of death is prospering. Certain nuclear Powers are sabotaging the decision of the United Nations on the desirability of preparing for and convening a world disarmament conference. Such a situation makes it particularly imperative to implement the most important measures outlined in the memorandum of the Soviet Union on matters pertaining to the ending of the arms race and to disarmament [see AI31/232J. This document provides for realistic ways for States to agree upon the reduction and elimination of weapons of mass destruction, conventional weapons and armed forces, the reduction of military expenditures and the establishment of zones of peace. The memorandum proposes effective ways and means of conducting negotiations in order to achieve radical movement in the solution of disarmament problems.
120.	In order to make progress towards disarmament, the joint action of all peace-loving forces is essential in order to expose and isolate the opponents of disarmament and to create conditions that would preclude the possibility of a new world war. In this respect, we take a very favorable view of the World Conference for the cessation of the arms race and for disarmament and detente, which was held from' 23 to 26 September last at Helsinki. Of great importance is the campaign for the collection of signatures for the new Stockholm appeal of the World Peace Council for the cessation of the arms race and for disarmament. More than 6.5 million people have signed it in the Byelorussian SSR—that is, practically the whole adult population of the Republic.
121.	It may be noted with satisfaction that a positive approach is prevailing in the United Nations as to ways and means of eliminating existing hotbeds of military conflicts.
122: In the Middle East, there is a need for the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967; the implementation of the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including their right to self-determination and the creation of their own State; the ensuring of the right to independent existence and security of all States which are direct parties to the conflict; the granting to them of appropriate international guarantees; and the cessation of the state of war between the various Arab countries and Israel. There is also growing understanding that such a just and durable settlement in the Middle East can be ensured by the Geneva Peace Conference of the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, including representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization.
123. With regard to the tragedy which the Lebanese people is suffering as a result of the intrigues of imperialism and Zionism, foreign interference in Lebanon must be halted, and the conflict must be solved by peaceful means by the Lebanese themselves, on the basis of respect for the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Lebanon.
124. In Cyprus, what is necessary is the implementation of the relevant decisions of the Security Council and resolutions of the General Assembly. We should take reasonable account of the interests and rights of both communities in Cyprus and observe unconditionally respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and prevent any attempts to impose on the Cypriots decisions which are alien to them.
125. It is the bounden duty of the United Nations to force those who have engendered conflict or who have an interest in fanning the flames of conflict to respect the will of the peace-loving peoples of the world and to observe strictly the United Nations Charter.
126: Many States quite rightly consider that the proper way of preventing new conflicts is to ensure security on the basis of joint actions by countries in various regions, including Asia, the largest continent, where over half of mankind lives. Recently, many favorable changes have occurred in Asia. The victories of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea have substantially improved the situation in South-East Asia and strengthened the cause of peace and security in this region.
127.	The Vietnamese people have realized their cherished dream of the reunification of their State and have proclaimed the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR warmly congratulates the fraternal Vietnamese people on this achievement and wishes them the speediest possible healing of the wounds of war and success in their building of a socialist society. We resolutely support the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam for admission to the United Nations, and we express the hope that no new fabricated obstacles, which have nothing whatsoever to do with the question of admission to membership in the United Nations, will be created.
128.	Favorable conditions are now being created for the intensification of the struggle for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and for an independent, peaceful reunification of Korea, that is, the implementation of General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX). There are, further, growing demands for the elimination of foreign military bases in the Indian Ocean and on the whole Asian continent.
129: We are witnessing a favorable process of development of relations between the Soviet Union, other socialist States and the countries of Asia as well as between the countries of that region. The United Nations should promote consolidation of security in Asia on the basis of such principles as renunciation of the use of force, respect for sovereignty and the inviolability of frontiers, non¬interference in internal affairs, and development of economic and other types of co-operation in conditions of full equality and mutual benefit.
130. Anti-imperialist forces and the United Nations are entitled to regard as one of their achievements the collapse of the system of colonial oppression. However, the task of totally eliminating all hotbeds of colonialism and racism and the imperialist practice of encroaching upon the independence of peoples is something which still awaits solution. The outstanding victory of the Angolan people over the forces of international reaction, colonialism and racism has played an important part in intensifying international efforts in the struggle against colonial and racist regimes in southern Africa. We are confident that the People's Republic of Angola will take its place in the United Nations.
131.	In spite of mass repression and brutal tenor, the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and the Republic of South Africa has entered a decisive phase. Alarmed by this, and maneuvering in an alliance with racists and local reactionaries, imperialist circles of the West have undertaken active measures to preserve their crumbling positions there and the interests of the international monopolies. By means of very clever tricks and maneuvers, they have attempted to dampen the flame of the liberation struggle and to split the ranks of the African peoples and distract their attention from the solution of urgent tasks. No one should allow himself to be duped by the attempts of certain Western Powers to pose as ardent champions of the elimination of colonialism and racism now that the final collapse of colonialism and racism has already been determined.
132.	All the achievements in the field of decolonization are a triumph of the joint actions of socialism and all anti-imperialist forces, among which the non-aligned countries occupy an important place. It is pointed out in the decisions of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries that they regard as their most important duty that of struggling against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, racism, apartheid and Zionism. The Conference welcomed progress in detente and urged that the process of detente should be extended to all parts of the world.
133.	The socialist States consider that progress towards independence and social progress is closely linked with the implementation of fundamental human rights. They have every reason to pride themselves on the degree of the freely guaranteed rights of their peoples. In a socialist society, the working people have rid themselves for ever of exploitation and oppression, crises and unemployment, social and national inequality, and illiteracy and the absence of social prospects. They have wide opportunities of access to the treasures of national and world science and culture, to all the achievement; of the human genius. Everywhere, people are aware of the constant care on the part of society and the State for their health, well-being and secure old age. Under socialism, people live in conditions of genuine freedom and democracy; they are sure of the present and of the future; they work with enthusiasm to create a communist society and their living standards are constantly rising. The spiritual values and moral health of the people are protected from every kind of anti-social infringement or misinformation. The interests and rights of citizens in our society are carefully protected by State and governmental bodies, in whose activities the working people participate on a Urge scale, as well as by public organizations which the people themselves have created.
134.	Our people have been raised in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and they express their whole-hearted solidarity with the struggle of die African peoples against racism and apartheid. They demand the cessation of the atrocities of the Fascist junta in Chile and the immediate release of that ardent champion of freedom, Luis Corvaldn and other Chilean democrats. The Soviet people are fighting actively for respect for human rights throughout the world; they resolutely oppose interference in the internal affairs of other countries and, naturally, they will not permit anyone to interfere in their affairs.
135.	As we know, there are still people to be found in the West who are fond of mischief-making, of looking for Violations of human rights where none exist. They are inclined not to notice the most flagrant mass violations of human rights in Chile, in the occupied Arab territories, in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and the Republic of South Africa. They are not averse to justifying the piratical actions of the Israeli military against Uganda and the sinister alliance of the South African racists and the Zionists. They are also advocates of their own and international monopolies, which are continuing to derive enormous profits from the young independent States and to exploit those peoples who are still languishing under the yoke of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism. At the same time, everyone knows that in their own countries the most urgent social problems are still awaiting solution, that many elementary human rights are flouted, that corruption and bribery are rampant, and that moral degeneration is eating away at the bourgeois society.
136.	The socialist States, which have united their efforts in order to bring about accelerated social and economic progress and the equalization of the level of development of the countries members of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, are the most dynamic force in the world. The high rates of growth of productive forces, the growing efficiency of public production, the constant rise in the people's living standards, demonstrate the tremendous creative possibilities and potential of the socialist system.
137.	The Byelorussian SSR has achieved impressive successes in economic and social development. During the period of the last five-year plan alone, from 1971 to 1975, the national income of the Republic increased 47 per cent and the industrial output 64 per cent.
138.	In expanding their participation in international economic, scientific and technological co-operation the socialist countries are striving for the removal of discrimination and other artificial obstacles in international trade, the elimination of all manifestations of inequality, "diktat" and exploitation in international economic relations. When at sessions of the General Assembly, UNCTAD, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and other international organizations the developing countries put forward ways of solving the fundamental problems of their development, they meet with the understanding and necessary support of the States of the socialist community, which constantly affirm in international relations the principles of equality and mutual benefit. This has been fully and cogently stressed in the statement by the Soviet Government on the restructuring of international economic relations.
139.	It is the opinion of the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR that on the whole the United Nations has real opportunities to solve the problems confronting it. Relying upon the unity and cohesion of all anti-imperialist forces and by strict adherence to its Charter and the progressive decisions adopted by the Organization on the initiative of peace-loving forces, the United Nations can and must increase its contribution to the struggle for peace and international co-operation, for the freedom and independence of peoples and for making the detente that has been achieved stable and irreversible. I wish to express the hope that the thirty-first session of the General Assembly will become an important landmark in this respect.


On behalf of the
Government of the Republic of San Marino, I wish to
congratulate Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-sixth session. His long experience as Ambassador
of Qatar to the United Nations and his deep knowledge
of this Organization will be valuable resources in
helping us move ahead with the reforms needed in the
most important areas of United Nations activity. Over
the past few years, Qatar has played a significant
mediation role in the Arab world. The delegation of
San Marino will cooperate fully in the work to be done.
 I also wish to sincerely thank the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his energy and
praiseworthy efforts, for the interest he constantly
displays in all United Nations Member States, and for
his constant and crucial presence in every politically
important situation and emergency worldwide. His
reappointment to a second term is important to
promoting reform of the United Nations, guaranteeing
the Organization’s full effectiveness and preventing
any action aimed at decentralizing global governance.
 I take this opportunity to express my sincere
gratitude for the excellent work done by the United
Nations, under the careful and effective leadership of
the Secretary-General, in South Sudan. By putting an
end to the violence and atrocities that have plagued
that part of Africa for several years, the United Nations
action led to the Republic of South Sudan’s declaration
of independence and its admission to our Organization
as a new Member in July.
 On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the
tragic attack on the World Trade Center in New York, I
would like to stress the importance of effectively
combating terrorism and taking action to prevent the
formation and development of terrorist groups. A

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crucial task of policymakers is to create conditions in
which terrorism cannot find a breeding ground.
 This year’s theme of the general debate, “The
role of mediation in the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means”, unquestionably represents the
purposes of diplomacy and the fundamental reason
why States decided to cooperate within the framework
of international bodies and mechanisms, headed by the
United Nations. In a certain sense, it is also closely
connected to the reform process of our Organization.
 The principle of the peaceful settlement of
disputes between States is enshrined in the Charter of
the United Nations and in many General Assembly
resolutions, and the Republic of San Marino can only
support that principle. Indeed, our country has always
tried to settle conflicts by peaceful means and has
always believed in the power of dialogue, democracy
and tolerance — values on which peaceful coexistence
among peoples is based. With a view to achieving this
principle in order to maintain international peace and
security, the Republic of San Marino supports the role
and authority of the General Assembly and the Security
Council.
 This year we have witnessed a massive popular
uprising spreading across the squares of cities in North
Africa and the Middle East. These are protests for
democracy and freedom, respect for human rights and
social justice. At the forefront of this revolution are
young people from the middle classes. Despite their
education, they have found themselves excluded from
the labour market or suffering under poor working
conditions.
 The unusual scale of the Arab revolution, which
has taken the world by surprise, demonstrates that
major political and institutional changes are needed,
because our economic and social foundations have also
changed as a result of globalization. We cannot
consider this spontaneous uprising of people looking
for freedom, justice and democracy only in terms of
security. If the United Nations intends to play a pivotal
role in managing global governance, it should also be
able to interpret the need for such changes and to
support them, as far as possible. San Marino believes
that the United Nations must continue to play a leading
role in managing global governance. The deeply
democratic nature of our Organization, with its
universal participation and undisputed legitimacy, as
well as the richness and diversity of cultures and
traditions that are represented here, allow us to adopt
an approach aimed at harmonizing the interests of the
entire international community and at achieving
sustainable human development.
 The global economic and financial crisis, the
devastating consequences of which are evident to all,
has unfortunately demonstrated that our existing
institutions are unable to respond rapidly and
adequately to such crises. This has led to a growth in
the influence of some informal groups, such as the
Group of Eight and the Group of 20 (G-20), on the
management of global economic governance. San
Marino is grateful to those groups and for the role they
have played.
 However, we believe it important to emphasize
that in their decision-making process, which should be
more transparent and inclusive, it is essential that they
take into account the interests, worries and aspirations
of States outside their groups, particularly developing
countries. The actions of such informal groups should
be complementary to those of the United Nations,
which will require the development of specific
mechanisms to regulate their relations with our
Organization. We welcome the Secretary-General’s
participation in the G-20 meetings and the
consultations held by the rotating presidencies with the
United Nations. However, we stress the importance of
transparency in relations between these informal
groups and the United Nations system, the only
Organization in a position to take decisions whose
legitimacy no one can challenge.
 The Republic of San Marino is concerned about
the consequences of the economic and financial crisis
and other crises closely and inevitably linked to it.
Unemployment is a very serious problem that faces
every country without distinction. Furthermore, in
many States the youth unemployment rate is twice as
high as that for adults. Long-term unemployment has
also risen in the past few years. We believe that the
United Nations should pay special attention to the issue
of unemployment.
 Unfortunately, the negative effects of the global
economic and financial crisis are still visible today.
Although the international economy experienced a
modest recovery last year, we have not yet emerged
from the 2008 crisis. And beyond the problem of
unemployment, we are now confronting a global
sovereign debt crisis.

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 Is there a good recipe for recovery from the
crisis? Is a rigorous economic policy sufficient? Do
innovative measures for relaunching the world’s
economy exist? Can these measures be shared, or are
we facing a deep systemic crisis requiring an in-depth
analysis of the way our societies function and a
rethinking of current business models? I believe that if
the United Nations focused on these important issues,
its leading role in global governance could not be
questioned by anyone.
 The destinies of our peoples are linked to global
threats in an increasingly direct way. Today, the threats
of climate change and biodiversity loss, economic,
financial and employment crises, food security, public
health, disarmament and the non-proliferation of
weapons and the fight against terrorism are recognized
as being interdependent. On that basis, we should
create a new form of international cooperation and
multilateralism so as to coordinate our policies at the
international, national and regional levels. We have a
duty to guarantee the full effectiveness of the
Organization’s activities with a view to preserving and
strengthening its essential value as a point of reference
for the international community.
 The interdependence of such threats is more
evident now than ever before. That is the case, for
example, of the impact of climate change on world
food security, which in turn poses a threat to security
and peace, not only in Africa, where perhaps this
relationship can more easily be observed, but
throughout the world. Food insecurity fuels violent
social conflicts. Climate change leads to a reduction in
global food production, the most damaging effects of
which are experienced in Africa and Asia.
 The populations of countries in a post-conflict
situation, countries that depend more directly on
agriculture or the poorest developing countries will
have more difficulties than others in coping with rising
food prices due to droughts or other disasters caused by
climate change. Our country is following the
humanitarian emergency in the Horn of Africa with
great concern. The populations of Somalia, Kenya,
Ethiopia and Djibouti are the victims of a severe
drought. This is a humanitarian emergency affecting
over 12 million people, including many women and
children.
 The Republic of San Marino is grateful to the
Secretary-General for his rapid and significant actions
in benefit of the affected populations. We also thank
the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
and the Central Emergency Response Fund for their
immediate response and their substantial contribution
to resolving the humanitarian emergency in the Horn of
Africa, and Member States for their financial
commitments.
 Another but no less important effect of climate
change is sea-level rise, which has an impact on the
very existence of many Member States. This problem
affects not only small islands, but also large islands
and countries with extensive coastlines. Therefore, this
phenomenon affects a significant number of United
Nations Member States.
 The implications, interdependence and effects of
serious global threats on populations and world peace
and security are increasingly evident. With a view to
addressing such challenges, we need a strong United
Nations, as well as effective and coordinated action in
our economic, environmental and food policies at all
levels — both globally and regionally. These policies
should be designed to achieve sustainable, inclusive
and equitable economic growth.
 As I mentioned earlier, this year’s theme is
inevitably linked to the reform of the United Nations.
That reform will be fundamental to future world
stability and the maintenance of international peace
and security. It must remain the target of all our efforts.
 The Republic of San Marino has been following
with interest the Security Council reform process since
1994. In that regard, it is grateful to Ambassador Tanin
for the wisdom and impartiality with which he has
presided over the intergovernmental negotiations on
Security Council reform and for his tireless efforts to
reach the broadest possible political agreement. We are
convinced that intergovernmental negotiations are the
right framework within which to find a solution that
reflects the interests and positions of all Members. It is
essential to move beyond respective initial positions in
order to negotiate the broadest possible agreement. The
Republic San Marino believes that the five key issues
of reform — categories of membership, the question of
the veto, regional representation, the size of an
enlarged Council and its working methods, and its
relationship with the General Assembly — are closely
interrelated and need to be considered as a whole.
 Another major reform in the United Nations to
which our country attaches great importance is the

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revitalization process of the General Assembly. The
Republic of San Marino supports this reform process
and, in that regard, wishes to thank Lithuania and Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines for having co-chaired the
Ad Hoc Working Group on the Revitalization of the
General Assembly this year.
 The revitalization of the General Assembly is a
politically necessary reform and, at the same time,
essential to the future of the United Nations. It is a
reform that should involve all States in reaching an
agreement based, again, on the broadest possible
political consensus and aimed at reaffirming the central
role of the General Assembly as the most
representative body of the United Nations, as well as
the role and leadership of its President. Reform should
make the work of the General Assembly more
effective, prevent duplication of its activities, and
improve its relations with the other United Nations
bodies. Nevertheless, the revitalization of the General
Assembly should not concern these aspects alone,
however important they may be. The Assembly should
become a key forum where solutions can be found to
the problems posed by the global threats that
increasingly unite the destinies of our peoples.
 There are many issues and themes on which the
United Nations focuses its attention, and it is
impossible to address all of them. Therefore, I will
highlight some aspects that are perhaps lesser known,
but no less important.
 About 15 per cent of the world’s population has
some kind of disability, while between 2 to 4 per cent
suffers from severe disabilities. Since the adoption in
2006 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities, we have witnessed a clear affirmation of
the rights of the disabled. Today, the Convention has
been ratified by over 100 countries. The international
community has taken important steps forward in terms
of equality for and non-discrimination towards
disabled people, as well as their full inclusion and
participation in the social, political and cultural life of
societies. However, much remains to be done in order
to implement the Convention, including the
establishment of legislative frameworks and policies at
the national and international levels.
 The international community should also deal
with the strong relationship between disability and
poverty, and include that issue in future political
strategies. A similar approach is fundamental in efforts
to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. At
present, 80 per cent of persons with disabilities live in
developing countries and most live below the poverty
line. In addition, many of the children who do not
attend school have some kind of disability. Therefore,
it is clear that targeted strategies and policies taking
into due account the situation of children with
disabilities should be adopted to achieve the Goal of
universal primary education.
 More than 8 million children under five years of
age and 350,000 mothers die every year. Today,
67 million children are still out of school, and
195 million children under five years of age suffer
from chronic malnutrition, which remains the major
cause of childhood death. Every day, more than
1,000 babies are born with HIV and about 5 million
young people between 15 and 24 years of age are
living with this virus.
 Children continue to be the most vulnerable to
and most affected by violence, abuse and exploitation.
Currently, more than 200 million children, especially
those in developing countries, do not have a birth
certificate. Sadly, most can barely access basic
services, such as health care and education, or enjoy
their rights. Also, it is difficult to protect them. This
threatens to seriously undermine the achievement of
the Millennium Development Goals. The Republic of
San Marino joins the international community in
supporting resolution 65/1, entitled “Keeping the
promise: united to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals”.
 Gender equality is rightly placed high on the
agenda of the United Nations. In many countries,
maternal mortality figures are still worrying, especially
in the poorest areas of the world. Furthermore, young
people, girls and women are the most affected by HIV.
Unfortunately, trafficking in women and children
remains a serious problem. Women and girls continue
to be subjected to humiliating practices, such as the
payment of the bride price, child marriage, kidnapping
and sexual violence, including domestic violence.
 Protecting the rights of women in conflict and
post-conflict situations continues to be another high
priority for the United Nations. Women facing such
situations are very often victims of sexual violence,
mass rape, torture and arbitrary executions.
 Schooling and education are vital to countering
discrimination and favour the empowerment of women.

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Improving the quality of and access to education for
women and children requires providing them with
instruments to improve their economic and social
living conditions.
 I have talked about groups of people who live in
extremely difficult conditions in many areas of the
world and represent a very large share of the world’s
population. The primary task of each individual and
State is to support every effort to help them live in
decent conditions and feelfully included in society.
Their progress will be our progress, and their smile
will be the light allowing us to look to the future with
optimism.