At the outset, I should like to offer the
President my most sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to
preside over the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly and to express
my delegation's gratitude and appreciation for the constructive efforts of the
President of the forty-sixth session. It is our earnest hope that the General
Assembly, drawing upon our President's valuable experience and diplomatic
skills, will play a significant role in the new international environment. I
assure him of my delegation's full cooperation to this end.
I also take this opportunity to offer my heartfelt felicitations to the
new Members who have joined us in the United Nations since the last session of
the General Assembly, most of whom are neighbours of the Islamic Republic of
Iran. It is a matter of great joy and satisfaction for me and my delegation
that the seat of Afghanistan in the Assembly is at long last occupied by the
representatives of the legitimate Government of that country.
This session opens at a time, in the aftermath of the cold war, when
tumultuous developments in the international arena continue to unfold, facing
the international community with opportunities and challenges alike. In the
cold-war era the global arms race, the arming of client States and the
instigation of regional wars sapped the energy and capabilities of countries,
especially in the third world, thus debilitating them in their efforts to
stand up to the challenge of such chronic and endemic problems as poverty.

hunger, illiteracy, drug-addiction and drug trafficking, underdevelopment and
environmental pollution.
The collapse of the bipolar world has created a propitious opportunity
for mankind to address those problems in earnest. It has also brought to the
fore new threats to international peace and security, such as the devising of
new ways of expansion and consolidation of domination and hegemony, a further
widening of the North-South gap and flare-ups of ethnic and racial differences
and conflicts.
Due to continuing transformations in geographical, economic, military and
cultural configurations, the world today is in a vulnerable state of flux, and
until reliable stability emerges the approach of big Powers to the United
Nations and that of the Organization to international issues and problems will
remain very sensitive and significant.

The United Nations, as the only universal body, should contribute to the
solution of major global problems without resort to short-sighted political
expediency. It should do so on the basis of justice and respect for human
dignity, lofty human values and the rules of international law. Selectivity
is certain to turn the Organization into a tool for legitimizing the actions
of powerful Member States. This represents the most formidable challenge to
the Organization's integrity, credibility and relevance.
In this context I need give just a few clear examples: first, in dealing
with international crises, the use of double standards based on the political
interests of the powerful, as manifested, on one hand, by the Security
Council's treatment of Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and, on the other
hand, by the decades-old aggression of the Zionist regime; secondly, the
non-application, for reasons of political expediency, of the existing means
and instruments to certain crises, as witnessed in the Council's half-hearted
approach to Serbia's blatant aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina; thirdly, indifference to, or total negligence of, certain
explosive and tragic situations, such as those in Somalia and Liberia, which,
despite obvious disruptive regional ramifications, do not seem to have a
direct bearing on the interests of outside Powers; fourthly, the manipulation
of cherished human ideals in the field of human rights for short-sighted,
ulterior political motives.
Undoubtedly, a fair, objective and non-selective approach by the United
Nations to international issues and crises will help to ensure that the
Organization can play an effective role in the future and, away from the

peddling of big-Power influence, put it in the unique position of being able
to act as the centre for concerted international cooperation.
At this point I must express to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali our
appreciation for his efforts to make the Organization more efficient and to
enhance its role in the resolution of chronic and new international problems.
The Islamic Republic of Iran has studied with care and keen interest the
Secretary-General's report of 17 June 1992, entitled "An Agenda for Peace".
It is our considered view that the report deals with a wide range of
theoretical and practical issues issues that are very sensitive and merit
the General Assembly's careful and in-depth scrutiny.
It is incumbent on the General Assembly, as the only universal organ of
the United Nations, to formulate and adopt the Organization's future work.
Such an endeavour, within the framework of the Charter and based on full
respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence
of Member States and on non-interference in their internal affairs, will
certainly contribute to refinement of the concepts and suggestions embodied in
the Secretary-General's report, and this will help him to discharge his
duties. My delegation is willing to participate actively in a special working
group of the General Assembly on this matter.
Among the most sensitive issues dealt with in the Secretary-General's
report is the active role of the Security Council in the new international
environment. The Security Council, in accordance with the United Nations
Charter, bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security, but, in the discharge of its responsibilities, the Council
does not have unfounded authority. By definition, it must fine-tune its
decisions and actions with the principles and objectives of the Charter and of

international law. Discriminatory treatment of issues pertaining to
international peace and security, the overstepping of mandated authority and
misuse of the privileges accorded to the members of the Council the
permanent members in particular are among the practices that tarnish the
Council's image and undermine its stature and credibility and, in the final
analysis, that of the United Nations. A thorough and vigorous study and
formulation of well-defined guidelines will help the Council to adopt an
objective and non-discriminationary approach, within a specific framework and
specific terms of reference, to various issues of international peace and
security. I must emphasize that the preservation of international peace and
security is a responsibility entrusted to the Security Council by the
international community. That being the case, the Council, in accordance with
the Charter, is accountable to that community, which is represented by the
General Assembly.
The existing international exigencies make especially necessary the
strengthening of global efforts to facilitate the overall process of
disarmament and arms control - in particular, the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction. To this end, reappraisal of the military doctrines of the
big Powers in consonance with the new international situation, a change in
attitudes of domination, and rejection of resort to force as a means of
promoting political objectives constitute the primary prerequisite for the
success of all disarmament and arms-control schemes.
The preparation of a draft convention on the prohibition of the
production, development, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons represents a
significant step in the history of arms control. Undoubtedly, this convention

crystallizes many years' difficult, even tedious, negotiations between the
members of the Conference on Disarmament. Notwithstanding this obvious fact,
the convention - on the one hand, because the Conference on Disarmament acts
on the basis of consensus and, on the other, owing to the supremacy of
political exigencies throughout the process, but especially during the latter
stages - cannot be regarded as a document that reflects the principled views
and positions of all members of the Conference on Disarmament. This is
particularly true in respect of the composition of the executive council,
which, in our view, lacks balance and proportion. Furthermore, if the
convention on chemical weapons is to become universal the developed countries
will have to provide for the transfer of chemical technology, materials and
equipment for peaceful purposes, and the existing unilateral discriminatory
and ad hoc restrictions will have to be removed.
In the field of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the
non-proliferation Treaty can indeed acquire a universal character and play an
effective and efficient role in preventing the vertical and horizontal
proliferation of nuclear weapons, provided that the nuclear-weapon States
fulfil their obligations in accordance with article VI of the Treaty.
It is highly desirable that the next millennium be nuclear-free, but the
achievement of that objective depends upon the following: an undertaking by
all nuclear-weapon States to destroy all nuclear weapons in their territory or
under their jurisdiction or control; a new pledge by all States not to acquire
or proliferate nuclear weapons and not to add to their existing stocks; and a
genuine commitment to enhanced cooperation in technology for the peaceful use
of nuclear energy.

Further regional endeavours in the field of arms control, regional
disarmament and the establishment of zones free of weapons of mass destruction
can complement international efforts towards the prohibition of such weapons
and can contribute to the alleviation of the international community's concern
about the dangerous consequences of stockpiling armaments at the regional
level.

My country, as the initiator of the proposal for the establishment of a
nuclear-free zone in the Middle East, is fully prepared to participate
actively in any constructive and comprehensive initiative in this field. It
goes without saying, though, that the success of initiatives concerning arms
control and regional disarmament depends on heeding a number of considerations
such as the political and security characteristics of the regions in question,
participation of the regional countries in defining the principles and
objectives of the initiative, the concerns of the countries in the region
vis-a-vis threats from within and outside the region, including consequences
of the presence of foreign forces.
What seems more urgent and critical than regional disarmament is the
necessity and desirability of searching for a comprehensive and genuine
solution to regional conflicts, as an endemic and seemingly intractable source
of threat to international peace and security. Over and above the chronic
regional crises, recent developments at the international level have given
birth to a series of new crises in various regions, thus further accentuating
the need for a new sense of vigilance and vigorous endeavour on the part of
the international community to confront these threats.
In my brief survey of regional crises and conflicts, I cannot but begin
with what is closest to the hearts and minds of the Islamic world - that is,
Palestine. The legitimate uprising of the Palestinian people in the occupied
territories, as a form of resistance against occupation, expansionism, murder
and unbearable living conditions, is brutally suppressed. Alongside the
regular armed forces, armed Zionist settlers carry out on a daily and
continuing basis acts of murder and plunder, including confiscation of

Palestinian property. In addition to Palestine, parts of Syrian and Lebanese
territory are still under Zionist occupation and innocent people are killed or
abducted on a regular basis by these forces in South Lebanon.
The Islamic Republic of Iran calls on the international community to
confront the aggressive and repressive policies of the Zionists in a serious
and meaningful manner. The bitter experience of the past decades indicate,
however, that peace and tranquillity can be restored to the area only through
struggle, full restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people
and establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the entire territory
of Palestine.
Another crisis which has endangered regional and global security over the
past year concerns the tragic situation in the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The crimes perpetrated against the people in that young and
small Republic have few parallels in the post-Second-World-War era. The
aggression against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political
independence of a Member of the United Nations and the simultaneous torture,
mass killings and policy of genocide and "ethnic cleansing", as pursued by
Serbia and its ultra-nationalist Serb agents with the objective of forming
"greater Serbia", have caused deep consternation throughout the world and
drawn condemnation from almost all quarters. Nevertheless, Serbia and its
agents continue to show utter disdain for the international community's
decisions, as reflected in numerous Security Council resolutions and General
Assembly resolution 46/242, continuing their crimes against the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, in particular the Muslim population, with a seeming
sense of immunity and impunity.

It is therefore incumbent upon the Security Council to adopt the
necessary measures provided for in Article 42 of the Charter to put an end to
the aggression and to restore the sovereignty, territorial integrity,
political independence and unity of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The Islamic Republic of Iran once again emphasizes the inherent right of the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to self-defence in accordance with
Article 51 of the Charter and expects the Security Council to reconsider its
resolution on an arms embargo against Yugoslavia in order to enable the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to exercise its inherent right to resist
aggression.
Moreover, I would like to emphasize that in the view of a large majority
of the Member States, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia no longer exists and the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia - Serbia and Montenegro - has no right to occupy the seat of former
Yugoslavia in international forums. We strongly believe that the Assembly
should send a very clear and unambiguous signal to Belgrade, through the
expulsion of Serbia and Montenegro from all organs of the United Nations, that
to be a Member of the Organization it will be subject to all the criteria for
membership and will have to behave accordingly.
There are two other continuing crises in the immediate neighborhood of
the Islamic Republic of Iran to which my country cannot remain indifferent
because of humanitarian as well as national security considerations.
Expressing its satisfaction at the victory of the Muslim mujahidin of
Afghanistan and the establishment of an Islamic State, the Islamic Republic of
Iran welcomes the cessation of fratricidal bloodshed in its fraternal
neighbouring country. My country extends its support to the legitimate

Government of Afghanistan, stresses the imperative of non-interference of all
countries in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and once again draws the
attention of the international community to the pressing humanitarian needs of
the war-stricken Afghan people. For our part, we have made endeavours in this
direction and underline our readiness to cooperate with other countries as
well as international organizations in the provision of food, medicine and
other essential needs as well as in the reconstruction of Afghanistan.
In regard to the Nogorno-Karabakh region, the Islamic Republic of Iran
from the very outset expressed its concern at the continuation and expansion
of the conflict and exerted every effort to bring the fighting to an end; this
resulted in the establishment of a cease-fire and commencement of negotiations
between the Republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia. It is a matter of deep
regret that owing to the reticence of the international community - and
particularly that of the Security Council the opportunity of propitious
situation which existed at that time and which could have been further
solidified through the dispatching of international observers was lost and
bloodshed flared up and has continued. In our view, the Karabakh crisis can
be resolved only through negotiations and on the basis of mutual respect and
non-interference as well as the preservation of the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the two countries.
The approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to these two crises and the
efforts undertaken in regard to them emanate from our overall policy towards
neighbouring countries, which is based on the promotion and consolidation of
good-neighbourly relations, expansion of economic, cultural and scientific
cooperation, and fostering of regional confidence. For we believe that

security in our region is attainable only through cooperation. As early as
1986 the Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of this policy, underlined the
imperative need for the creation of a regional security and cooperation
arrangement in the Persian Gulf area. In the General Assembly last year I
enumerated the principles and objectives of such regional cooperation
principles and objectives that continue to govern our approach to this
strategic region. The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the
newly established Republics along our northern borders are based on the same
principles, namely, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity,
inviolability of international borders, non-resort to force in the settlement
of disputes, non-interference in internal affairs, and dialogue and mutual
understanding.
Cognizant of the fact that the newly established republics of Central
Asia and the Caucasus are now undergoing the difficult and tumultuous stage of
state-building, establishment and consolidation of democratic institutions and
economic stabilization and development, and with a view to the primacy of
promotion of good-neighbourly relations and fostering of mutual confidence
between the countries of this region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken
the lead in the sphere of expanding bilateral as well as multilateral ties
with these countries. We, along with our regional partners - Turkey and
Pakistan have welcomed the Republics of Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan,
Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan into the Economic
Cooperation Organization (ECO).

We also pioneered the formation of the Organization of the Countries of
the Caspian Sea Basin, along with the Russian Federation, Azerbaijan,
Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan.
In the bilateral field, the foundations of political, cultural and
economic cooperation, particularly in the areas of transportation and energy,
have been laid with the newly established republics of the former USSR. That
approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran is founded on the conviction that the
expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations among countries of the
region is bound to contribute to stability, security and development for all.
In today's world instability does not emanate solely from regional crises
or military conflicts. Economic and environmental problems too threaten
international peace and security. Continued further exacerbation of economic
difficulties in most third-world countries in the context, and as a result, of
the ever-widening gap between the North and the South is perhaps the most
serious and most explosive danger threatening the international community.
As stated clearly in the World Economic Survey for 1992, world economic
output has decreased for the first time since the Second World War;
international trade is also plagued with myriad difficulties. Under these
difficult circumstances, many developing countries are still grappling with
the problems resulting from the economic recession of the 1980s and its
socio-political consequences. Worse still, a decreased flow of financial
resources to developing countries has made the prospects for recovery and
economic growth and development in those countries all the more uncertain.

Notwithstanding numerous problems, the recovery of the world economy is
not impossible to achieve. Its attainment, though, requires promotion of
international cooperation and coordination of economic policies, which feature
among the major purposes of the United Nations. To this end, the
International Development Strategy for the fourth United Nations Development
Decade, the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly at its eighteenth
special session, and Agenda 21 of the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development, which reflect long and intensive negotiations and represent
international consensus on the objectives of development and environment,
constitute the necessary framework and basis of future measures.
Yet it is clear that in the absence of concerted international
cooperation proper economic conditions where all countries enjoy equal
opportunity for growth and development will remain unattainable. The United
Nations and its specialized agencies provide the most appropriate forum to
facilitate international cooperation with the objective of alleviating world
economic problems, especially those of the developing countries, thus
preventing what otherwise seems an inevitable confrontation between North and
South.
In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the imperative of intensifying
the activities of the United Nations in step with international developments,
with a view to achieving a higher degree of efficiency and effectiveness. In
this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran is of the view that revitalization
of the General Assembly should be pursued in earnest, and that effective
measures to augment the efficiency, and thus the practical relevance, of the
Assembly should be adopted.

The decision of the recent non-aligned summit to convene a high-level
working group to study ways and means of increasing the effectiveness of the
United Nations represents a timely, logical and positive step, and can
certainly assist the United Nations in that purpose. The General Assembly, as
the sole universal, democratic and transparent organ of the United Nations,
with the competence entrusted to it by the Charter to address all
international issues and problems, should fully exercise its Charter-mandated
authority in practice. To that end, the General Assembly should guide other
organs of the United Nations on a constant and active basis, and take the
necessary decisions and make the appropriate recommendations for the
realization of common human ideals, most notably universal peace, security and
respect for human rights, and balanced prosperity and welfare.


Since its inception in 1945, the United
Nations has spearheaded humanity's common yearning for a peaceful, just and
prosperous world, a world freed at last from war, caprice, greed and other
abominable human and social impulses.
The brilliant and forward-looking authors of the Charter of the United
Nations and the rest of us who are the beneficiaries of their collective
wisdom and imagination have reason to hope for a firm consolidation of a
democratic, stable and compassionate world order, which would make a clean
break with the past, characterized by two unprecedented and most destructive
world wars in this century.

This world order, the optimists proclaimed, would be governed by the rule
of law, respect for human rights, universal exercise of the right to
self-determination, recognition of the equality of all nations, large and
small, and sharing among the members of the human family. On this basis it
was fair to expect that the great achievements in science and technology could
generously be utilized to assure the common survival of humanity, protection
of the environment and the unfettered enjoyment of larger freedoms by every
individual on this planet Earth.
After all, the founding fathers themselves made a solemn pledge in the
Charter
"to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in
our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind".
Their vision of a peaceful and harmonious world and peoples' hopes for social
advancement and economic prosperity have had a common source: total revulsion
against war, destruction and darkness.
Forty-seven years later, reflecting on the intervening years, we note
that the world has witnessed more, not fewer, incidents of just and unjust
wars, regional conflicts, racial and ethnic strife, acute forms of human
suffering, environmental degradation and an unmitigated endangerment of life
itself.
Namibia joined other member States of the Movement of Non-Aligned
Countries at its Summit in Jakarta in stating that
"the world today is far from being a peaceful, just and secure place.
Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign occupation,
interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of hegemony and
domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms of racism and

narrowly conceived nationalism are major and dangerous obstacles to
harmonious coexistence among States and peoples and have even led to the
disintegration of States and societies."
Nuclear conflagration, thank heavens, has not occurred, but the world is
far from being a peaceful and secure place. History does indeed repeat
itself, at least some of the time, if not most of the time.
Let me add to this assessment one more observation made in Jakarta by an
eminent Asian leader. His view, which is consistent with our own, was:
"We must also ensure that the new world order to which the leaders of the
industrialised countries often refer does not turn out to be but a new
version of the same old patterns of domination of the strong over the
weak and the rich over the poor."
For the new world order to be universally acceptable, it should be genuine in
its import and distinct from the old unjust and undemocratic order, and it
should show a way forward towards greater human solidarity and cooperation.
At this very moment, in South Africa, Somalia, Liberia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Cambodia and various parts of the former Soviet Union and
elsewhere in the world millions of victims languish in perpetual tragedy.
This carnage includes innocent and defenceless men, women and children who are
killed by guns or hunger. The current state of world affairs hardly
encourages confidence and optimism about our common future. One need not be a
cynic to hold this view.
My delegation is delighted to see our illustrious Secretary-General
occupying a lofty place in the United Nations Organization at this critical
time of a changing global environment. It was Africa's pride and
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali's own crowning personal achievement when he was
unanimously elected last year as the first African Secretary-General of our

Organization. We commend him for his courage and initiative and for the manner
in which he has so ably carried out his daunting tasks.
Namibia welcomes the Secretary-General's "Agenda for Peace". Many of the
ideas and recommendations contained in it coincide with those emanating from
bodies such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Non-Aligned
Movement, the Commonwealth and others, notably the Nordic States, which some
time ago circulated their views on the United Nations reform process.
With this in mind, Namibia is alive to a suggestion made from this
rostrum, and endorsed by other delegations, that a special meeting of the
Security Council be convened to consider the Secretary-General's proposals. If
and when this suggestion is carried out and the proposed meeting takes place,
we expect the Secretary-General and the members of the Security Council to
take into consideration the contributions I have mentioned and to ensure that
the intended consultations are inclusive and transparent. There ought to be a
careful balance between the need for a renewed commitment to strengthen
mechanisms for maintaining world peace and security, on the one hand, and a
focus on the burning issues of poverty and other forms of socio-economic
injustice, on the other.
In this context, I should like to refer to a bold initiative taken by the
Secretary-General of the OAU, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim. I have in mind his
proposed creation of an institutional mechanism, within the OAU General
Secretariat, to deal promptly and effectively with conflict management,
prevention and resolution in respect of the eruption of major crises, similar
to those now prevailing in Somalia and Liberia, in any African State.

There is also a companion set of proposals in a package entitled "The
Kampala Document", which is the product of a meeting held last year in
Kampala, Uganda, devoted to guestions of security, stability, development and
co-operation in Africa. These proposals, in our view, are serious and
practical innovations by Africans themselves to confront major political and
security crises as and when they occur in any part of Africa, and we
wholeheartedly endorse them.

The United Nations Charter itself devotes its chapter VIII to regional
arrangements or agencies for dealing with issues such as peace, security and
conflict, and encourages appropriate action which is consistent with the
purposes and principles of the United Nations. The current Secretary-General
himself lamented the fact that the "cold war had impaired the proper
activation of this key provision of the Charter and also the fact that", to
paraphrase him, rather than helping to resolve regional conflicts super-Powers
actually managed to exacerbate them for their own selfish ends.
Quite clearly, there is a linkage between the priority agendas of the
Secretaries-General of the United Nations and of the Organization of African
Unity, and this is, as a matter of fact, in keeping with the long-standing
co-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity.
Mr. President, at this juncture I should like to address a few words to
you personally. May I begin by stating that your own unanimous election and
the critical role required of your office become not only propitious on the
time-scale of the global agenda, as evidenced by the items for discussion
during the current session of the Assembly, but equally by affording an ideal
opportunity to you boldly and unambiguously to articulate the concerns and
aspirations of the poor and developing Members of this Organization.
It gives me great pleasure, therefore, on behalf of the Government and
people of Namibia, to extend congratulations to you upon your brilliant
election. I have no doubt in my mind that, given your diplomatic skills and
vast practical experience, our deliberations will be crowned with success.
Our two friendly countries enjoy excellent relations, and I extend best wishes
to you.
To your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Shamir S. Shihabi of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia, I say many congratulations for a job well done, and I should
like to wish him great success and happiness in his future endeavours.

The long cherished ideal of the universality of our Organization has been
further enhanced as more and more new nations have joined its membership. As
this world becomes unavoidably interdependent and we collectively realize that
the world is truly a global village, increasingly high expectations are now
being placed in the United Nations. This is yet another reason why the
Organization needs to be further revitalized and genuinely democratized.
The world's contemporary challenges stemming from rapidly changing
inter-State relations and social problems cannot be adequately dealt with by
the United Nations without fundamental institutional and procedural reforms,
including the revision of its Charter. It is in this context that Namibia
welcomes all the new Members and wishes them well, while assuring them of our
desire to promote close co-operation with all of them in a spirit of
friendship and peaceful coexistence.
The Rio Earth Summit made the matter abundantly clear: that global
economic development and environmental protection go hand in hand.
Development must be based on the sustainable utilization of the environment
for the sake of this and all future generations.
Namibia's Constitution contains a special provision on this crucial
subject. It states:
"The State shall actively promote and maintain the welfare of the
people by adopting, inter alia, policies aimed at ... the maintenance of
ecosystems, essential ecological processes and biological diversity of
Namibia and utilization of living natural resources on a sustainable
basis for the benefit of all Namibians, both present and future; in
particular, the Government shall provide measures against the dumping or
recycling of foreign nuclear and toxic waste on Namibian territory."

Moreover, it further charges the Ombudsman with the duty
"to investigate complaints concerning the over-utilization of living
natural resources, the irrational exploitation of non-renewable
resources, the degradation and destruction of ecosystems and failure to
protect the beauty and character of Namibia."
Towards implementing environment-friendly policies which aim at
sustainable development, the Government had, prior to the Rio Earth Summit,
adopted a "Green Plan" for Namibia that outlines a comprehensive framework for
development in accordance with sustainable environmental principles. The Plan
elaborates on the Government's approach to our ecological challenges and the
conscientious management of our natural resources and national assets.
During the days of apartheid colonialism and foreign exploitation, both
renewable and non-renewable resources that provided the very basis of the
economy were subjected to ruthless plunder mainly for the benefit of
foreigners. The Government has taken steps to put an end to this disastrous
situation. Many in the developing world, Namibia foremost among them, depend
on these resources for daily subsistence, and unless there are going to be
alternatives for dealing with debilitating problems such as the debt burden,
the foreign exchange dilemma and technological backwardness, many of us are,
sad to say, bound to remain in a perpetual state of poverty and
underdevelopment. This would in turn mean further degrading the environment
and endangering our very existence.
It follows that what is required now is an undertaking to speed up
implementation of Agenda 21, adopted in Rio. Its financing, it must be
stressed, is not only to assist the developing countries to fight poverty and
create jobs but equally to protect the ecosystem itself, which is very vital
for the survival of humankind.

In the same vein, let me add that Namibia, being a dry, semi-desert
country, endorses the proposed convention on combating desertification and
urges that the preparation of the international convention on desertification
be undertaken during the current session.
This brings me to the next topic, namely the current drought and acute
situation of hunger and suffering which has afflicted the whole of the
southern African subregion. Crop production, livestock farming and our
efforts to become food-sufficient and to achieve security have suffered
severely. The Government established a National Committee on Drought to
ensure, inter alia, better coordination and more efficient delivery of water
and food to the most needy sections of the population and the sustenance of
the livestock and game. An initial amount of 120 million rand was budgeted
for these vital schemes.
Furthermore, in addition to these national efforts, we have also made a
special appeal to the international community and, generally speaking, the
response has been prompt and helpful, for which Namibia is exceedingly
grateful.
A regional effort is under way which involves both the sharing of data
and the coordinating of programmes and communication and transport facilities,
coupled with the assistance received from the United Nations system,
intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations and individuals around
the world.
In this connection, I should like to express a special word of
commendation and appreciation to Sir Ketumile Masire, President of the
Republic of Botswana, and to the secretariat of Southern African Development
Coordination Conference (SADCC) for having taken timely and decisive steps

with a view to sensitizing and mobilizing the international community as to
the plight of all our peoples in the subregion and for co-sponsoring an
important conference on the situation in Geneva early this year. Of course,
we all remain hopeful that there will be early and abundant rains this year,
and in all subsequent years, as this will, no doubt, mean saving lives. I
thought I should also add here a point which, with each passing day, is
becoming more and more clear to all Namibians. This has to do with finding,
preserving, planning and distributing water resources, as being perhaps the
single most precious primary commodity needed to keep us going and sustain
life itself.
The realization that the world is a global village and one market-place
with interlocking financial institutions and credit arrangements underlines
the internationalization of the world economy.
Namibia, being one of the poorest countries in the South, must continue
to raise its voice, in unison with other members of the non-aligned movement
and the rest of the developing countries, in favour of the creation of a new
and just international economic order. The call for global economic
restructuring and reform is a legitimate demand, which should find its place
among the top priorities on the agenda of this and other international forums.
The ending of the cold war, as it is alleged, and the emergence of a
so-called new world order, characterized in part by the rapprochement of the
nuclear Powers, have engendered a peculiar, new culture of economic blackmail
and sabotage. Powerful and rich countries have lately tended to tamper with
the sovereignty of weaker and poorer nations by using the power of the purse
and by laying down some stringent conditions. This is being done supposedly

to promote democracy, transparency in governance and public accountability a
situation which leads to unilateral and often punitive actions just to prove a
point. To us, it unfortunately constitutes an arbitrary and precipitous
exercise of power and judgement.
As Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the former Chairman of the South Commission,
put it recently on another occasion:
"these events have had two very important consequences for the South, and
all the countries of it. First, they increase the urgency of developing
countries building national self-reliance and increasing their economic
co-operation in all fields. Secondly, the triumphant West now believes
that its success in the cold war gives it the right as well as the
untrammeled power aggressively to promote its economic and political
philosophy throughout the South.
"Directly, and through international finance and trade institutions
controlled by the wealthy States, and sometimes by embargoes or even
political intervention, the North is therefore forcing developing
countries of the South to conform to the patterns it designs.
"At the same time protectionism of different kinds is increasing in
the North, and our separate weakness is being used to ride roughshod over
our opinions in international negotiations as well as in bilateral
South-North discussions."
How can one disagree with this poignant observation?
The non-aligned Movement which represents the majority of humankind
is an ideal forum for the developing countries within which to plan and act
together on issues, including the important issues which preoccupy the United
Nations.

Allow me, once again, to cite Mwalimu's wise and telling words when he
asserted thus:
"We need a Movement of the South to speak for the rights of the countries
of the South. At present what we have is the Non-Aligned Movement, and
for United Nations negotiating purposes the Group of 77. Why then is
there this talk of the Non-Aligned Movement no longer being needed?"
This, I believe, remains the inescapable reality, whether the world was or is
bipolar or unipolar.

On the situation in South Africa, Namibia expresses support for and
solidarity with the liberation movements and all the democratic forces inside
that violence-torn neighbouring country. That is why we felt gratified, and
participated in the debate, when the issue of the raging violence in South
Africa was brought to the Security Council last July.
Our emphasis in our statement was that, now that the United Nations had
become engaged in the situation, its presence should be prolonged and the size
of its team increased in order to monitor the violence and assist in the
transition to a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa. For now, the
situation remains explosive and dangerous and, therefore, warrants the
continuation of international pressure on the South African Government.
In the meantime, we call upon Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi of the
Inkatha Freedom Party to rejoin Comrade Nelson Mandela, President de Klerk and
his other compatriots in the negotiations, with the establishment and
consolidation of peace as the first prerequisite, and the adoption of a
democratic constitution as the next step in the transition.
For the first time in their history, our Angolan neighbours went to the
polls on 29 and 30 September, in multiparty elections, to choose a party and
candidates who must now install a new Government. It has not been easy, but
the sheer will and determination of the voters and monitors alike have
confounded many a cynic who believed that it would be impossible to hold free
and fair elections in Angola. Namibia sees this is a great victory for the
Angolan people,-and congratulates them. It also congratulates the leaders of
all the political parties on believing in their people's political maturity
and accepting the final verdict of the ballot-box. Namibia once again gives
its assurance that it will continue to work closely with the Government of the

day in that sisterly and friendly country, on the basis of friendship and for
the benefit of both countries.
The Government of President Chissano and RENAMO finally sat down together
in Rome and signed a ceasefire agreement to end the fighting in Mozambique and
rebuild the country. We congratulate both President Joaquim Chissano and
Mr. Afonso Dhlakama on demonstrating political will and for giving the
Mozambican people hope and confidence in their future. They deserve our full
and hearty congratulations on this momentous achievement, and we wish them
further success as they work for the adoption of a new constitution and for
the restoration of peace and order in their country.
Many helpers and interlocutors made this achievement possible. They
include the Italian hosts and, in particular, the United Nations. But I
should like to commend Presidents Mugabe and Masire for their mediation
efforts, which have paid off, to the great happiness of all Africans and their
well-wishers around the world. There was one more key player: Mr. Pik Botha,
the South African Foreign Minister, who was very active during the final,
delicate hours, thereby securing the signing of the cease-fire agreement.
Namibia is also pleased to acknowledge his contribution.
As regards the situation in Somalia, Namibia supports the request of
President Abdou Diouf of the Republic of Senegal, current Chairman of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), that an international conference on the
human disaster in that African country be convened as a matter of the utmost
urgency. As the United Nations Secretary-General himself has put it,
"when it comes to death and misery, no one situation takes priority over
another." (A/47/1, para. 116)

On the situation in Western Sahara, Namibi supports the principle of
self-determination for the Saharan people. To this end, we endorse the
efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative to remove all
the obstacles and help resolve disputes about the criteria for eligibility to
vote in the referendum, and thus to advance the process.
Likewise, Namibia has always held the view that the political
aspirations, and in particular the right to self-determination, of the
Palestinian people, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), are at
the core of the conflict in the Middle East. Here we include the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State, in accordance with Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). The season of peace and
dialogue has arrived. In the present circumstances, that is the only viable
and sensible game in town. If a face-to-face meeting between the President of
Syria and the Prime Minister of Israel will give further impetus to the Middle
East peace process and pave the way towards a just, comprehensive and lasting
settlement, Namibia will strongly encourage such a historic undertaking within
the framework of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
Iran and the United Arab Emirates two sisterly and friendly
neighbours - ought not to allow the present misunderstandings to be magnified
beyond the confines of their bilateral relations. Rather, they should resolve
those misunderstandings through dialogue and by peaceful means.
Happily, Kuwait is going ahead with the consolidation of peace and the
reconstruction of the country. Namibia expresses its unswerving solidarity
with its Kuwaiti friends, and extends best wishes to them.

The carnage in Bosnia and Herzegovina is but the latest instance of man's
inhumanity to man. Whether it takes place under the banner of the notorious
"ethnic cleansing" or as religious retribution, this ugly tragedy cannot be
allowed to continue.
In and around the Korean peninsula, we see steady movement by all the
parties concerned in favour of dialogue, while de-emphasizing confrontation
and military solutions. This is indeed good news for world peace and
security. The reunification of Korea is no longer an unthinkable goal, as the
North and the South of that divided nation earnestly continue to regularise
high-level meetings and to encourage families to interact freely.

We urge the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea,
with both of which Namibia maintains excellent diplomatic and cooperative
relations, to remain engaged in those critical discussions until an amicable
and peaceful solution is found.
Peace and reconciliation in Cambodia are yet to be realized. Inspired by
the success of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in
Namibia, we hope and pray that the ongoing United Nations Transitional
Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) operation in that troubled country, too, will be
crowned with huge success.
In concluding my statement, I would be remiss if I did not give an update
to the General Assembly and the Secretary-General on the outstanding dispute
between Namibia and South Africa on Walvis Bay and the offshore islands. As
the matter stands now, a joint transitional administration of a limited
duration will be established over these territories on 1 November 1992. It
will be known as the Joint Administrative Authority and headed by two Chief
Executives, one Namibian and one South African. In the meantime, the two
Governments will keep the negotiations going on the core issue of
re-integration, in accordance with Security Council resolution 432 (1978).
Finally, may I also inform the Assembly that Namibia became the one
hundred and fifth member of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
on 15 September 1992 and also acceded to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty
(NPT) and deposited the instruments to this effect with the designated
authorities.


On behalf of the Sao Tome and Principe
delegation, I should like to congratulate the President on his unanimous
election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the United Nations
General Assembly. His election is unquestionably a tribute to his country and
a recognition of his qualities as a diplomat.
May I take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the efficient
manner in which his predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, presided over the
work of the forty-sixth session.
We should like to again express our confidence in and admiration for the
leadership shown by the Secretary-General Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in

dealing with the challenges facing the Organization in this crucial phase of
its history.
We extend our greetings to the new Members of the Organization. Their
admission is a confirmation of the universalist calling of the United Nations
at time when its actions are making themselves felt everywhere in the world.

The end of the cold war has made it possible to foresee a new era in
international relations, characterized by respect for international law and
for the principles inscribed in Charter of the United Nations, and by a search
for solutions to the great and complex problems that are on the agenda of the
human community.
Our hopes for a better world, held hostage for so long by the reductive
Manichaeism of the East-West conflict, have taken form and are reflected in a
common desire to create a new world order based on respect for the legitimate
rights of peoples, on lasting peace, on a more balanced distribution of world
resources, and on active solidarity between the rich and poor peoples of our
planet, with the United Nations as a focal point and point of reference.
While it is absolutely clear today that important steps are being taken
towards making some of these aspirations a reality, it is no less certain that
the definition of priorities, the selection of means, the allocation of the
necessary resources and, in some cases, the very solutions chosen all reflect
conditionalities born of the old order and bespeak a selective approach that
does not always match the noble purposes and principles that inspire the
United Nations Charter. While it is not realistic to expect an immediate
solution to such complex and difficult problems as those that result from the
profound imbalance we find between North and South, the absence of any
concrete and serious movement in this direction continues to be a concern.
That millions of men, women and children are living in circumstances that
are a denial of their human condition is not admissible in this century, which
has been witness to so many of man's conquests.

That entire peoples should also find their fundamental rights denied by
the forces of occupying regimes, in flagrant violation of Security Council
decisions, is clearly anachronistic, especially when the United Nations has,
in some cases, already mobilized the collective will of its Members and the
mechanisms provided for in its Charter to impose respect for international
law. That liberation from the oppressor's yoke, which keeps entire nations
subjugated, is giving rise to acts of truly suicidal barbarism in various
parts of the world is a challenge to which we must respond with the greatest
urgency and determination. That the future of the coming generations on this
planet is being menaced by the irresponsible and blind exploitation of limited
resources in the name of short-term interests reveals an individualism that
cannot leave us indifferent.
For this reason, we would like to associate the Democratic Republic of
Sao Tome and Principe with those who, from this very rostrum, have condemned
the violence that threatens the initiatives aimed at seeking a peaceful and
negotiated solution in South Africa, within the context of the Convention for
a Democratic South Africa, the path chosen for a peaceful transition to power
for the black majority.
For this reason too we salute the Angolan people for the maturity it has
demonstrated throughout the recent electoral process, which will permit the
Republic of Angola to dedicate itself, in an atmosphere of peace and national
reconciliation, to the tremendous task of rebuilding the country.
We cannot but regret that last-minute problems have prevented the
scheduled signature of the cease-fire agreements between the Government of
Mozambique and RENAMO. We would like to express our solidarity with the
Peoples of Mozambique and our encouragement to the parties involved to

persevere on the path of a peaceful solution with all the seriousness and
commitment that the situation demands.
We are following the Middle East negotiations with great anticipation,
hoping that they will lead to the realization of the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people and a solution to the territorial conflicts that separate
the peoples of the region, in compliance with the pertinent resolutions of the
Security Council. We hope, likewise, that the self-determination referendum
in Western Sahara will permit the people of that territory to decide their own
destiny.
It is for this reason, too, that we lament the fact that the people of
East Timor have had their voice silenced and that the massacres of which they
are the victims are not sufficient evidence that their legitimate right to
self-determination has been repressed by the force of an occupation that is on
all counts contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
We would like to believe that the recent meeting between the Foreign Ministers
of Portugal, the administering Power, and Indonesia, under the auspices of the
Secretary General, will lead to a serious process of negotiation aimed at
finding a peaceful solution to the question that will end the suffering of the
people of East Timor. In our view, it is essential that at the appropriate
time representatives of the people of East Timor be involved in the
negotiating process.
At the same time, we cannot fail to repudiate and vigorously condemn
those responsible for the gratuitous suffering and human misery imposed on the
peoples of Somalia, Liberia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. We believe that any
reluctance to implement the decisions of the Rio de Janeiro Summit will, over
time, compromise our common destiny.

Today more than ever before, the United Nations as an organization has a
role of fundamental importance to play in defining the new world order that is
being built, assuming responsibility, in the spirit of the Charter and with
the participation of all its Members, for translating our collective
aspirations into joint undertakings that will mobilize our energies and
resources and optimize the potential contributions of each individual Member
State. Thus, our admiration and encouragement go out to our
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the efforts he is making to
restructure the Secretariat and for the initiatives he is pressing in various
areas of the Organization's activities.
We believe it is essential that the decision-making process within our
Organization be in keeping with the democratic principles so dear to us, and
that the organs and mechanisms for the promotion of economic and social
development be upgraded in order to permit a more effective response to the
major challenges that humanity faces as this century nears its end.
The dynamism, breadth and consensus that inspire the activities of the
Organization in the areas of conflict prevention and peace-keeping must lead
us to pay special attention to the effort to restructure the economic and
social sector in order to maximize the effectiveness of the intervention of
the various agencies of the system an effort already under way, as we have
been informed in the Secretary-General's report.
The establishment of a new, more just and more lasting world order would
appear to presuppose and assume at the national level a two-fold, fundamental
challenge of our times: democratization and development.

Over and above selecting the model most suited to the historical and
socio-cultural realities of each country, it is quite clear today that the
establishment of institutions that favour the participation of the people in
the management of public affairs and respect for basic human rights, including
the free and regular choice of leaders, is today a condition for any lasting
development. It is also evident that, in view of the high level of dependence
of the so-called third-world countries on the outside world, no development
will be possible unless we see a change in the unequal terms of exchange that
condemn the gigantic effort of many peoples to the caprices of a free market
in which decisions are taken totally without their consent.
Powerless victims of the imponderables of the world economy, in which
they play but a marginal role, the nations of the third world will never be in
a position to meet the development challenge unless fairer and more
appropriate mechanisms are introduced in international economic relations to
alter the terms of the involvement of those nations in the process of world
exchanges. For a growing group of these countries the least developed
countries international solidarity must be mobilized through cooperation
more attuned to their requirements and better suited to the specific needs of
each one.
We in Sao Tome and Principe are prepared and determined to meet this
twofold challenge. Faced with the need to move beyond the state of lethargy
in which our-country found itself, political forces in Sao Tome turned to the
path of transformation that led to the establishment of a democratic State
through a process in which the dominant notes are dialogue, tolerance, the
achievement of consensus and respect for diversity of viewpoints.

The political aspect of this endeavour found fertile ground, for the
reasons I mentioned earlier and because it corresponded to the aspiration of
the people to a future in which their fundamental rights and guarantees will
be duly safeguarded. I must note, however, that major constraints of an
economic and financial nature, the precipitous drop in the standard of living,
and an inability to see light at the end of the tunnel of our deep concerns
will surely pose a threat to the new democratic regime, with the whole array
of consequences this could have.
The dilemma posed by a crisis that is unbearable on all counts and by the
implementation of democratic principles demonstrates clearly that the
insistent calls for the democratization of developing countries will never go
beyond a mere Utopian dream unless they are backed by a new international
vision open to a realistic solution of the debt problem, to a favourable
change in the terms of trade and to a gradual transfer of technology to the
raw-material-producing countries, thus giving them the ability to transform
themselves to their own profit.
There are few moments in the common history of mankind when, as in our
own time, the political, economic, defence and security architecture of the
planet undergoes profound and significant changes. The diversity, the
complexity and, not unexpectedly, the unpredictability of these changes
represent an opportunity that must not be lost to make decisions towards
correcting the asymmetries and injustices forged by an order which is
gradually disintegrating before our eyes. For we are all aware of the
non-viability of a world whose contrasts shock and whose profound inequalities
constitute unequivocal factors of instability and revolt.

We therefore believe that only an international effort of intelligent
convergence will permit responses that can satisfy the legitimate interests of
peoples all over the world: a task in which the United Nations should play a
key role, a role it is already demonstrating it can assume through
intervention that is increasingly prestigious because it is incisive and
pragmatic, covering the most varied regions of the world.
Despite the re-emergence of political, religious and ethnic intolerance
that all too often degenerates into more extended areas of instability, and
despite the persistence of major symptoms of inequality in cooperation among
nations and the consequent inequality in the living conditions of the
peoples concerned it is fair to state that we have taken a giant step
forward. The more skeptical among us will say that one step is not much on
the long road ahead of us, but we retain the hope that, together, freed of
exacerbated and futile self-centredness, we will be capable of progressing
along the arduous path to which we are irrevocably committed.
The immediate tomorrows may not hear a lot of song, but the future
belongs to the world.


I would like first to join previous speakers
in extending to Ambassador Ganev my warm congratulations on his election. It
gives me particular pleasure to see the representative of one of the new
European democracies, which is also a friendly neighbour of Romania, heading
such an important session.
I should like also to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, whose tireless endeavours to catalyze our common efforts aiming
at conferring on the United Nations a new role attuned to a changing world
enjoy my country's full support.
Within a few days, we in Romania are going to experience a historic
moment in the post-revolutionary history of our country. On 27 September,
parliamentary and presidential elections - the first since the adoption of our
new democratic Constitution will take place. We see them as a landmark for
a country whose firm choice of political pluralism, the rule of law, democracy
and a market economy has, for the most part, been undeservedly doubted. I
want to inform the Assembly that the Romanian Government has done its best to
ensure a fair electoral campaign, and free and fair elections. In turn, the
presence of thousands of domestic and numerous foreign observers is a solid
guarantee of this.
It is not my intention to speak here and now about the heavy tolls the
Romanian people has already paid on the road to a reform process able to
strike a feasible balance between legitimate aspirations and the scarcity of
the economic resources needed to meet them. But I feel entitled to say that
the incidental lapses that have sometimes seemed to jeopardize the steady
course of transition stemmed not from attempts to look back but rather from a
certain eagerness to step into the future one day sooner.

Like all the other new Central European democracies, Romania is
undergoing a test that has no historical precedent, namely simultaneously to
create new political structures and new, workable economic mechanisms.
However, as our Prime Minister recently said, we have already saved ourselves
from five years of perestroika. And we must keep on forging forward while,
paradoxically, we are still searching for gradualism. Moreover, there is no
sign that someone has an ideal, fool-proof blueprint for the changes we are
striving for. Thank God, it seems that Romania has already left behind most
of its childhood diseases. Considering that the saying "the sooner the
better" goes for measles too, we might prove in the long run to have been
among the lucky ones in post-Communist Europe.
To cite just one example, I would recall that in the past year
allegations concerning so-called Romanian anti-semitism have been frequently
voiced. Now, that it has become clear that they were groundless, it is our
turn to be concerned that in neighboring countries and other Central European
countries, xenophobic, racist and anti-semitic trends have emerged.
The crux of the matter for our country and for other countries in
transition is to strengthen the learning capacity of society. We have no
comfortable dogmas or patterns to follow. We are courageously taking risks.
The whole process of reform has already reached the point of no return:
another reason why countries in transition should not be left alone, the more
so because, in a certain sense, not only post-Communist Europe but the world
as a whole is in transition.

The economic, moral and political investments Romania has enjoyed during
the last year have already proved that our message has been perfectly
understood by most of our potential partners. I make no secret that such
investments of confidence have followed an ascending curve, one corresponding
both to the growing domestic stability of Romania and our ever increasing
international confirmation as a reliable pillar of Central European and
continental security.
Such a positive judgement on the last year's developments in Romania is
convincingly supported by a series of parallel achievements in our domestic
and our foreign policy. Let me mention just a few of our domestic
achievements: the setting up of a new legislative and institutional framework
able to guarantee the rule of law, political pluralism, free and fair
elections, transition to a market economy and full respect for human rights
and fundamental freedoms; the adoption by the Parliament elected in May 1990
of the new Constitution approved by national referendum on 8 December 1991;
and the fact that, according to our fundamental law, the State recognizes and
guarantees to persons belonging to national minorities the right to preserve,
develop and express their cultural, linguistic and religious identity, to
which one can add a particular feature of Romania's Constitution, whose
article 20 states that
"constitutional provisions concerning the citizens' rights and liberties
shall be interpreted and enforced in conformity with the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, and with the covenants and other treaties to
which Romania is a party"

and that
"where any inconsistencies exist between the covenants and treaties on
fundamental human rights to which Romania is a party and domestic laws,
the international regulations shall take precedence".
Another achievement is the local elections held in February 1992,
confirmed as fair and free by their main outcome: by the fact that the
opposition parties won an important number of seats everywhere in the
country. As a result, Romanian society enjoys more balanced political
representation, clearly contradicting allegations pointing to the danger of
"monolithism" in Romania. The fairness of the elections was confirmed also in
the conclusions drawn by the foreign observers who witnessed the ballot. The
country qualifies to be called pluralistic and democratic.

The unfolding of the current election campaign brings new proof that
political pluralism, the rule of law, free access to the media, and freedom of
speech are becoming normal facts of life in today's Romania. All of these are
promises that they will greatly contribute to the strengthening of both the
institutional framework and its functioning, thereby irreversibly including
Romania in the family of stable and democratic States.
Through adequate legislation, the building-up of economic and financial
market mechanisms, the privatization of the land, industry, trade, services
and tourism, Romania has succeeded in breaking away from the command economy
and in becoming more and more attractive to foreign investors. Romania is now
in its third year of transition. It has laid the foundations of a market
economy and is ready to begin structural reform. As part of the reform, the
Romanian Government adopted an economic stabilization programme supported by a
stand-by loan from the International Monetary Fund. The programme lays stress
on classical anti-inflationary measures and, at the same time, has specific
elements conditioned by the need to create a market mechanism.
As a matter of principle, Romania aims at developing normal relations of
cooperation with all States, and in particular with its neighbours. The
foreign policy of our Government is inspired by the political will to create
the necessary conditions leading to Romania's irreversible anchorage within
the Euro-Atlantic space and its viable institutions, and, respectively, to
increase the country's contribution to the building-up of the Euro-Atlantic
community of values and of a new continental security order. In this spirit,
Romania entered into negotiations on an association agreement with the
European Communities that is about to be concluded, and a cooperation
agreement with the European Free Trade Association. At the same time, like
the other Central European countries, Romania entered into a special

relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and attaches
particular importance to its participation as a partner in the North-Atlantic
Co-operation Council.
The efforts to restore and consolidate democracy in Romania cannot and
should not be isolated from the international environment in which we are
living. Our major concern about the situation in Yugoslavia has been made
manifest in many circumstances. Being in the unique position in this area of
having never waged a fighting war against any of the peoples of the former
Yugoslavia, Romania is its only neighbour whose perception and attitude are in
no way biased by territorial or other interests of any kind. As a State
providing full evidence of balanced conduct and good relations with all the
Yugoslav republics, Romania can afford to take a neutral stand on any related
matter and is determined to contribute further to the efforts of the
international community to restore peace and stability in Yugoslavia.
As participants in the London Conference on Yugoslavia, we have stressed
that a peaceful settlement is the only acceptable alternative for all the
parties to the conflict. Despite the evolution of the conflict in the
aftermath of the London Conference, we still believe that the relevant action
programme adopted there is comprehensive and realistic, although peace may not
be achieved overnight.
The concerted efforts of the United Nations and the European Community,
supported by all the participants in the Conference, including Romania which
is the first non-Community neighbouring country represented in the Steering
Committee - should not ignore the fact that the specific patchwork of
Yugoslavia has always challenged conventional wisdom. Now it also challenges
the application of the basic concepts of international law. There cannot be a

separate international law for Yugoslavia. Although the conditions are
historically and psychologically peculiar, international law is the same for
all.
We may think of arrangements adapted to the specific situation and
acceptable to the parties concerned. Whatever their contents, they will
remain what they are one-time solutions that do not create international
law. Given that Romania's initiative in asking for international monitoring
of the observance of the embargo along our Danubian frontier with former
Yugoslavia has been confirmed as a positive example to be followed by other
neighbors, I shall not dwell at length on this matter. But I cannot help
underlining that the costly consequences of my country's scrupulous compliance
with the resolutions of the Security Council on Yugoslavia have triggered
legitimate concerns among the population of the country. It fears that, as in
the case of the Gulf War, Romania could again economically and financially pay
more than it can afford for being a law-abiding member of the international
community.
That is why we would suggest that the Security Council devise a set of
measures involving the financial institutions and other components of the
United Nations system that can help States to meet the economic difficulties
entailed by compliance with the regime of sanctions. We envisage a standing
compensation fund to be administered by the Security Council in order to
alleviate, if not fully compensate for, the economic losses of countries
particularly stricken by embargoes and other sanctions established by the
Security Council. We are in the process of working out a more detailed
proposal to this effect, which we are going to submit to the United Nations
community for consideration. The existence of such a fund would be a way of
encouraging States to cooperate with the Council in situations of crisis
management.

In the case of the conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of
Moldova, we are seeing a sort of "pacification" that is, in fact, proving to
be a kind of blackmail for the independence and territorial integrity of that
State. It is precisely the same army that generated the conflict and gave
arms and other support to separatist forces that today is performing the role
of "peacekeeper". This pattern has been resorted to in other newly independent
States as well. We sometimes ask ourselves if the independence of all these
former Soviet republics is taken seriously by the international community or
whether it is only a smoke screen behind which a new imperial structure is
taking shape.
In any case, we in Romania take it seriously. We cannot remain
indifferent when we see tendencies to remake the old empire, into which
Moldova was forcibly incorporated as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact.
Our interest in the independence and democratic development of a State where
65 per cent of the population is Romanian is natural. We are concerned that a
wise propensity for compromise from the Moldovan leaders was rewarded with a
policy of fait accompli aimed at institutionalizing the separation of the
Trans-Dniestr region from the Republic of Moldova. The evolution of the
conflict in the Republic of Moldova, taken in conjunction with the conflicts
generated elsewhere in the newly independent States, shows that nostalgia for
the former empire exists and has painful consequences for the peoples that
have gained their freedom at so high a cost.
It is the common wisdom that the United Nations remains a major actor in
the whole process of world change and a flag-bearer of indisputable
authority. In this respect, the new lease on life given to preventive
diplomacy is crucial. An encouraging and valuable political consensus on this
issue was expressed during the summit-level Security Council meeting held on

31 January 1992. The report of the Secretary-General "An Agenda for Peace"
includes a set of inspired guidelines which, once adopted and implemented,
would bring us closer to the ideals the United Nations pursues in a world of
turbulence. At the same time, we have to be mindful that we are contemplating
a long-lasting framework and that there is therefore a need to avoid ephemeral
solutions and mechanisms inspired by specific and temporary conflicts or
influenced by emotional or short-view approaches.

Given the tragic situation in Yugoslavia and other lessons drawn from
recent history, we must also forgo hasty generalizations and biased views.
Wisdom and patience, an even-handed attitude, and the spirit of compromise are
the necessary basic ingredients for any settlement involving the destiny of
peoples. In this respect, we wholeheartedly endorse the pertinent remarks of
the Secretary-General, who says in his report that, if every ethnic, religious
or linguistic group claimed statehood, there would be no limit to
fragmentation, and peace, security and economic well-being for all would
become ever more difficult to achieve.
Yet, we would find it extremely useful if the General Assembly were to
analyse more thoroughly the concept of the self-determination of peoples in
order to prevent any distortion of this specific concept in the sense of
extrapolating it to the case of national minorities. Generally speaking, we
should try to avoid a risky tendency towards a "proliferation of principles".
Of course, some might be tempted to say that the current turmoils in different
parts of the world are living proof that the principles enshrined in the
United Nations Charter are out of date or at least incomplete. We share the
view with the great majority of United Nations Member States that it is not
the principles that are wanting but the way they are put into practice.
Disregard or breaches of international law favour conflicts and not a
so-called "scarcity" of principles.
The year 1992 is a milestone year for cooperative measures aimed at arms
control and disarmament, transparency and confidence, strengthening
action-oriented dialogue, and cooperation on security issues. The Romanian
Government welcomes the conclusion of the Convention on the destruction and
prohibition of chemical weapons and is ready to sign the Convention in

January 1993 in Paris. We regard this Convention as a genuine pillar of
international security.
At the same time, the set of major agreements that were signed or that
entered into force this year at the European level the Treaty on
Conventional Forces in Europe, the Vienna Document, the Helsinki Final Act on
Conventional Armed Forces, and the Open Skies Treaty - have laid the
foundation for lasting cooperation and stability on the Continent. The
opening in Vienna, this very week, of the Forum for Security Cooperation
launches a further stage of the dialogue among the participating States of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in their joint
endeavour for increased security and stability for each and every country in
the Euro-Atlantic area. In addition, particular mention should be made of the
historical processes within both the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and
the partnership established among the Western European Union (WEU) member
States and the eight countries of Central Europe, including Romania.
Thus, step by step, the basic components of a new security order in
Europe are taking shape, taking into account the structural transformations on
the European continent. In fact, today the security of any country in the
European sphere cannot be conceived but as a result of harmonious interaction
between the United Nations, CSCE, NATO and WEU, and also of increased efforts
at the subregional level.
We welcome the decisions to convene the World Conference on Human Rights
in 1993 and a world summit on social development in 1995. In our opinion, the
1993 World Conference should represent an important occasion for putting a
final stop to the tendencies to politicize minority issues by taking them out
of their natural framework - the framework of human rights a framework which
offers the best and the only viable answers to concerns connected to

guaranteeing and respecting the legitimate rights of persons belonging to
national minorities and to the protection of ethnic, cultural, linguistic and
religious identity.
The health of the world community vitally depends on the health of our
planet itself. The Rio Conference proved that mankind is ready to forge a new
partnership for promoting sustainable development the key concept to
safeguarding human civilization. Romania is ready to put its shoulder to the
wheel with a view to alleviating as soon as possible the actual threats to the
health of our planet and to the wealth of the world community.
Seeing in this audience representatives of such a great family of
nations, we realize the immense potential that good will and determination can
offer to the genuine universality of the world Organization. I am happy to
welcome all new States Members of the United Nations and to extend to all of
them the best wishes of my Government and the Romanian people. May I address
our congratulations to the representatives of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of
Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. I am
confident that the authoritative voice of the United Nations will be a source
 for action-oriented measures for the sake and well-being of all nations.
Romania, as a democratic country fully attached to the ideals embodied in
the United Nations Charter, in making its own contribution to the achievement
of mankind's aspirations and to the vital answers we are expected to give to
the challenges of the forthcoming century, in which international cooperation
should be governed by law. For its cogency with the objectives of the current
United Nations Decade of International Law, I would like to recall the

prophetic words of a great Romanian diplomat, Nicolae Titulescu, who, 55 years
ago, stated:
"Only when the law shines like the rising Sun in the soul of all men
as a guiding spirit, an imperative requirement, and a self-imposed
obligation that is one with organized freedom only then will Mankind
have been saved."


On behalf of the Malawi delegation, I wish to
congratulate Mr. Ganev on his election as President of the General Assembly at
its forty-seventh session. We have no doubt that under his leadership and
guidance, the session will be a success. We also congratulate his
predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi, for a job well done. Mr. Shihabi presided
over the forty-sixth session of the Assembly effectively, and we wish him well
in the future.
On behalf of the Malawi delegation, let me also take this opportunity to
applaud our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his steady
stewardship of the Organization as it continues its work of maintaining
international peace and security, as well as the promotion of social and
economic development around the world. Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali has been in
office for less than a year. Yet his laudable achievements in charting the
Organization towards the United Nations perceived by its founders, a United
Nations that plays a leading role in the maintenance of international peace
and security, particularly in preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and
peace-keeping, are very clear to us all.

His determined efforts in focusing attention on poverty reduction and
economic development in the third world have also been notable. We assure him
of Malawi's complete support and wish him success. We also pay a tribute to
all his staff for their dedication to duty, at times in circumstances of
extreme personal danger.

It is with great pleasure that we join all those who have spoken before
us in welcoming to the United Nations the 13 new Members. We wish them well.
The near universality that this new membership has brought us will definitely
contribute to making the United Nations stronger.
My delegation is pleased to note from the Secretary-General's report to
the Assembly that the past 12 months have been characterized by general
international peace and security. Certain areas and regions, however, remain
zones of strife and conflict, posing a grave danger to the efforts of the
United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security and the
promotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In this regard, my delegation is equally concerned at what is happening
in the Balkans, in particular the suffering and death of innocent civilians,
especially young children, women and old people. The fighting and shedding of
innocent blood must stop. Malawi supports the efforts of the United Nations
and the European Community to provide humanitarian relief supplies to Sarajevo
and other beleaguered parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also support the
determined efforts now in progress to establish a cease-fire and to arrive at
a peaceful solution to the problems confronting all the parties to the
conflict. Dialogue between the various parties is the answer and an essential
condition to the achievement of peace and stability in that region.
Regarding the Middle East, Malawi welcomes the landmark developments on
the protracted and problematic issues relating to the Palestinian question.
Malawi welcomes the United States/Russian-brokered peace initiatives. The
Malawi delegation joins all those who have spoken before us on this issue in
wishing the peace process success.

The situation in Somalia is a source of concern to all peace-loving
countries. My delegation is pleased to note, however, that through the
determined efforts of the United Nations and in particular of the
Secretary-General, the mayhem taking place in Somalia before our very eyes is
at last being addressed by the international community. The deployment and
the increase in the number of United Nations security guards from 500 to 3,500
will help curb the serious security problems and make possible the airlift and
distribution of desperately and urgently needed humanitarian supplies such as
food, medicine and clothing. My delegation commends the United Nations and
its lead agencies, the donor community at large and non-governmental
organizations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Medecins
Sans Frontieres, Oxfam and others for their dedication and for their
tremendous achievements in very difficult conditions.
Somalia needs peace and reconciliation. In this respect, Malawi applauds
and supports the combined efforts of the United Nations, the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference in working
tirelessly towards the achievement of peace and stability in that country.
On behalf of the Malawi delegation, I take this opportunity to welcome
the peace accord that was signed in Rome on 4 October 1992 between
President Chissano and Mr. Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of RENAMO. It is
common knowledge that Malawi has a direct interest in the establishment of
peace and stability in Mozambique. Indeed, over the years Malawi has been
involved in the search for peace in that country. The end of the 16-year
civil war means the end of untold suffering for the people of Mozambique and a
wonderful opportunity to focus their energies and resources on the
reconstruction and development of their beautiful country. For Malawi, this

also means that the Nacala and Beira corridors, our most cost-effective routes
to the sea, will begin to function at full capacity. We therefore have every
reason to rejoice at this welcome development.
The international community is also aware that Malawi has through the
years been host to more than 1 million refugees from Mozambique. It is our
sincere hope and prayer that the cease-fire holds and peaceful conditions are
established that will allow the refugees to return to their homes in honour
and in dignity. Malawi considers the role of the international donor
community and the United Nations, especially that of the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to be extremely important in
facilitating the return and resettlement of the refugees as well as the
internally displaced people. Massive assistance will be required to enable
Mozambique to forge ahead in its enormous task of reconstruction and
development.
My delegation wishes to reiterate the Malawi Government's readiness and
commitment to assist, within its means and capabilities, in these arduous
tasks.
The situation in South Africa continues to be a source of concern to my
Government. Malawi holds the view that there is no better alternative to
dialogue for resolving the political problems in that country. That is why we
welcomed the negotiations under the Convention for a Democratic South Africa
(CODESA) process, and were therefore disappointed by the wanton cycle of
violence that led to the suspension of CODESA.
We believe that peace must be re-established for negotiations to take
place. It is in this context that the Malawi Government welcomed the
appointment of a Special United Nations Envoy on South Africa and fully
supports Security Council resolution 772 (1992), which provides for the

increase - from 30 to 50 in the number of observers to monitor and help curb
the violence taking place in that country. Malawi also welcomes the
initiative taken by the OAU, the European Community and the Commonwealth to
cooperate with the United Nations in contributing additional observers.
The Malawi Government has been encouraged to note that the people of
South Africa themselves continue to believe in the effectiveness of
negotiation as the path towards peace and security. We therefore welcome the
agreement reached recently between the President of the African National
Congress, Mr. Nelson Mandela, and the leader of the South African Government,
President F.W. de Klerk, to resume constitutional negotiations.
In welcoming the agreement between Mr. Mandela and President de Klerk, my
President, Ngwazi Mr. H. Kamuzu Banda, expressed his hopes for a future South
Africa as follows:
"I do hope that [Mr. Mandela], together with President De Klerk and
others, can bring real peace to the South African townships, and put an
end to the human suffering there. We look forward to the time when a
non-racial democratic South Africa will take its place among the nations
of our region in particular and the world in general."
Malawi joins all those who have spoken on the outcome of the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), held in
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, this past June. By all accounts, the Conference was a
historic milestone. Malawi took part in the Conference and was one of the
many countries that signed the Convention on biological diversity and the
Convention on climate change. Although the two Conventions did not meet all
the demands and expectations of the developing countries, it is Malawi's view
that they generally present a major framework for progress towards the goal of
protecting and preserving the environment.

Malawi, as a developing country, looks forward with hope to the
post-UNCED period. The implementation of the programmes which make up
Agenda 21 is the key to the success of UNCED. We therefore welcome the
impending establishment, during the course of this session of the General
Assembly, of the commission on sustainable development to oversee the
implementation of Agenda 21. We hope that within the framework of this
institutional machinery, supported by the United Nations system as a whole,
the new global partnership between North and South will make possible the
transfer of technology and, even more critically, the financing of Agenda 21.
Malawi appeals to the developed industrialized countries to honour their
commitment to meet the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product for
official development assistance and to honour their pledges to increase their
assistance in order to ensure the full implementation of Agenda 21. We also
welcome the efforts by the World Bank, the United Nations Environment
Programme and the United Nations Development Programme to restructure the
Global Environmental Facility to make it transparent and flexible in order to
achieve a wider coverage and scope in its operations, especially with regard
to the financing of Agenda 21 programmes.
The Malawi delegation would like to add its voice to the debate on the
restructuring and reform of the United Nations system. The aims of the reform
include eliminating the duplication of functions and rationalizing and
revitalizing the Organization's operations. Malawi supports the initiatives
which the Secretary-General is taking. Change is an on-going process and is
necessary if the United Nations is to be able to respond effectively to the
new challenges and opportunities that are so evident in this post-cold-war

However, Malawi is of the view that these on-going changes should not
lead to a deviation from the purposes and principles of the Charter.
It is in this vein that the Malawi delegation welcomes the measures taken
to restructure and revitalize the Economic and Social Council as well as the
establishment of the Department of Humanitarian Affairs, which is already
playing a major role in dealing with the drought emergency situation in Africa.
Malawi, like the other countries in southern Africa, is experiencing the
most serious drought in living memory. The drought situation has had a major
debilitating effect on the country's development efforts. National food
production has been severely affected. The country, which is normally
self-sufficient in food, is now facing a shortfall in maize, the national
staple, of more than 690,000 tonnes. There are also shortfalls in pulses,
edible oils and salt. This serious situation has been compounded by the
cross-border movements of persons looking for food or running away from civil
strife. Even cash crops, which earn Malawi scarce foreign exchange and afford
the local Malawians a source of income to live decently, have also been
adversely affected by this drought. Disease and malnutrition are on the
increase. All this is having severe adverse effects on the socio-economic
development of our country.
We have been encouraged by the many nations and international
organizations that have come forward to assist Malawi, as they have done in
respect of the other countries in our region. However, in spite of this
generosity, the situation in Malawi remains critical. Major shortfalls in
food, medicines and water supplies still exist. For example, over 50 per cent
of our food aid needs have not yet been met. We are also experiencing serious
problems in meeting costs for internal transportation, storage, fumigation.

water supply, health and nutrition. We therefore renew our appeal for more
urgent assistance to avert any further worsening of the situation.
In recent months serious guestions have been raised about Malawi's human
rights record. As a result, a number of our partners in development have
withheld or reduced support for the country's development programmes. In its
independence Constitution of 1964 Malawi recognized the sanctity of the
personal liberties enshrined in the United Nations Declaration of Human
Rights. Malawi continues to respect these personal liberties.
Malawi has gone even further. It is party to a number of human-rights
instruments, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and
the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women. Malawi became a party to these important
instruments aware of its commitments as a member of the community of nations.
In a key address to the nation on the eve of the celebration of Malawi's
28 years of independence on 5 July 1992, our Life President,
Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, reaffirmed the emphasis placed by the donor
community on human rights and good governance for development assistance. In
keeping with this commitment, Malawi has recently embarked on a vigorous
programme of action aimed at a transparent demonstration of its continued
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, at the policy level and in
practice.
It is not possible, in the time available to me, to give a comprehensive
review of the Malawi Government's programme of action. I can only give a few
examples of the developments that have taken place so far.
As I speak, all political detainees in Malawi have been unconditionally
released. In addition, the Government of the Republic of Malawi has amended

the Preservation of Public Security Act with a view to giving all those
detained under the Act the opportunity to have recourse to the legal process
through an open court or a tribunal.
Secondly, the Malawi Government has invited the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) to visit prisons and places of detention and to
interview inmates about their conditions and treatment. The Government of the
Republic of Malawi has agreed that it will be happy to work with the ICRC on
its recommendations. In a separate but related exercise, the Government of
Malawi has set aside funds to improve prisons as well as to speed up the
handling of any backlog of untried cases. To improve prison conditions
further, the Government is putting together a project proposal. We hope that
this project will receive donor support.
The Malawi Government has also recently amended the Forfeiture Act, which
was enacted to curb the plunder of the economy by unscrupulous businessmen.
However, in order to ensure that the practical application of the law is
consistent with the spirit in which it was enacted. Parliament has recently
passed an amendment with a view to allowing persons to be heard in their own
defence in the High Court before they are declared to be subject to forfeiture.
The Government of the Republic of Malawi has also initiated a dialogue
with the press to promote the exercise of freedom of expression and freedom of
the press. To improve the atmosphere further, last week our President
appealed to all Malawians to engage in constructive discussion amongst
themselves on issues of national importance.
My delegation wishes to reaffirm Malawi's continuing commitment to the
promotion of human rights and individual liberties and to assure our partners

in development and all others that the Malawi Government remains ready to
maintain a constructive dialogue with them on these questions.
Finally, I should like to thank the United Nations system and all the
friendly Governments and non-governmental organizations for assisting Malawi
in all its endeavours towards raising the standard of living of its people.