Allow me first of all to extend my congratulations to Mr. Amerasinghe, the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka, upon his election to the presidency of the thirty- first session of the General Assembly. His choice by the Assembly is surely warranted by his long experience in the United Nations as well as his diplomatic talent.
184.	I also would like at the very beginning of our work to reiterate our deep appreciation for the distinguished services rendered to this Assembly by the President of the thirtieth session, the illustrious Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thom.
185.	Our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, during the annual period which has just passed has continued to accomplish with the greatest devotion, alertness, fore sightedness and tact so characteristic of him, the important tasks entrusted to him. We have found in him a statesman who is identified with the action of our Organization and someone who spares no effort in the work he carries out on the international arena to promote the principles and the goals of the United Nations. May he find in these few words the expression of our warm appreciation and gratitude.
186.	I am happy to welcome here the representatives of the recently created Republic of Seychelles, which is joining the great family of the United Nations at this session. We are very happy to welcome the Seychelles into our Organization. I am convinced that it will make an invaluable contribution to the work of the United Nations.
187.	This session of the General Assembly prompts us in the first place to reflect on the role of the United Nations during this complex period. The introduction to the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization contains a detailed and wise analysis of the traits of this period and highlights the possibilities open to the world Organization as well as the obstacles it has to face. We share for the most part his assessments and I should like, in the context of the general debate, to refer in particular to his ideas concerning the procedures on the basis of which the General Assembly adopts its decisions.
188.	The thirtieth session has indeed in certain cases given results about which we should reflect. The adoption of resolutions which have a dual nature or which are based solely on the views of one of the parties to a conflict is likely to weaken the authority and the credibility of the General Assembly and to render its resolutions completely inapplicable and to impede, rather than to facilitate, the process of negotiation and peaceful settlement. We all know that the resolutions of the General Assembly cannot alone settle the conflicts or the problems. None the less, they can contribute to a settlement to the extent that they correctly and objectively reflect a given situation, a thorough understanding of the positions of the parties involved, respect for them and realism, fairness and justice. I should like to hope that this year the conclusions of the work of the General Assembly may be less controversial, better balanced and more constructive.
189.	At the beginning of this thirty-first session we must first of all define the most important problems we are facing. What have been the significant developments of this last year? Towards what goals will we have to direct our efforts in the present circumstances? I should like briefly to submit in their general lines Turkey's views on the international questions which my Government deems are of major interest at this time.
190.	The year which has just elapsed had its difficulties, fears and tensions. If obvious progress was achieved in connexion with certain questions which were debated by our Assembly at its last session, new problems have arisen and conflicts have broken out in certain regions of the world. At the beginning of the last month we commemorated the first anniversary of the signing of the Final Act of Helsinki, which defines the conditions of detente in Europe. That event was marked by moderately enthusiastic comments concerning the developments which have taken place during that initial period of the detente in Europe.
191.	It is no less true that, in a general fashion, the countries of the European continent have enjoyed a certain stability in their political relations and relatively favorable conditions in the area of economic and technological co-operation. This is certainly not a negligible accomplishment, but the essential element which this period since the Final Act of Helsinki has highlighted is what for our part we have from the beginning called the "indivisibility of ddtente".
192.	The experience acquired in that brief period of time has helped us to realize more clearly and more decisively that detente cannot be considered and maintained in isolation in any given part of the world, and that it is necessary that efforts aimed at making possible greater stability and more active co-operation be pursued in all parts of the world.
193.	In this context we continue to think that peace and security in Europe are closely linked to peace and security in the Mediterranean. That is why we attach particular importance to the document entitled "Questions on Security and Co-operation in the Mediterranean" in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We hope that the conditions at present existing in that region will develop in a way that will make possible the total implementation of that document.
194.	In the course of the year which has just finished Turkey, for its part, has undertaken all the initiatives it could in order to contribute to the establishment of conditions favorable to a new climate in international relations. In the two parts of the world which form its region, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, my country has renewed with almost all of its neighbors the existing good neighborly relations by forming closer ties with them both in the political domain and in that of economic co-operation. I think I can say that the countries of that region, because of those relations of good neighborliness and collaboration which they pursue and develop resolutely, make an important contribution to the maintenance of peace.
195.	Alongside these efforts which we must make with perseverance, efforts whose objective is to create and maintain international relations based on mutual respect, equality and the spirit of co-operation, several important questions in the economic field require today particular attention on our part.
196.	A global consideration of the world economic situation shows there are three trends which are particularly striking.
197.	The first is the tendency towards interdependence among nations. The successive crises of these recent years and the serious problems which the international community has had to face have demonstrated without doubt that co-operation and that close international co-operation and co-ordination are indispensable.
198.	The second tendency is the interrelation existing between economic problems both nationally and internationally. Until now such problems were for the most part dealt with on a sectoral basis, case by case-trade, financing, monetary problems, the environment. The need to adopt a multidisciplinary integrated method to resolve these problems becomes increasingly evident.
199.	The third tendency is the evolution in concepts governing economic relations between industrialized and developing countries-that is to say, the recognition that such relations must be based on equality, equity and reciprocal interests. Conscious of this evolution and desirous of meeting the aspirations of the majority of the international community to assure a just and equitable development, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the program of Action at the completion of its sixth special session [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)J.
200.	Inspired by those very same principles, the resolution concerning development and international economic cooperation adopted by consensus during the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-VII)] brought new scope to international economic relations. It provided measures to be taken in the fields of international trade, the transfer of resources, financing, development, science and technology, industrialization, monetary reform, agriculture, food and co-operation among developing countries.
201.	The year which has just elapsed was rich in the field of negotiations within the United Nations system between developed and developing countries for the purpose of ensuring more rapid application of those measures provided for the establishment of a new international economic order. It is difficult to say that all those negotiations led to fully satisfactory results. None the less, we recognize that serious efforts were made on the part of all the parties concerned.
202.	We can equally note that certain efforts were made during the course of that same year outside the United Nations system in order to contribute to the attainment of a new world economic order. The Paris Conference of International Economic Co-operation, which we are happy is resuming its work, the Seventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers,  the Manila Conference,  the Colombo Conference and the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries  deserve special mention in the context of all those activities.
203.	My Government is convinced that the establishment of a new international economic order based cm equality, fairness, interdependence and co-operation among all States regardless of their economic and social systems will rectify inequality and will correct present injustices. At the same time it will make it possible to eliminate the growing gap between developed and developing countries and will secure the economic and social development of present and future generations in peace and justice. Turkey, a developing country engaged in a process of rapid industrialization, has
always associated itself with all initiatives taken within the United Nations system as well as outside of it aimed at bringing realistic solutions to the international economic problems.
204.	The persistence of colonialist and racist attitudes is a problem whose seriousness increases and which increasingly imperils peace and stability in the African continent as well as threatening international peace and security. Turkey, which had to wage an arduous struggle against imperialism and expansionism to safeguard and strengthen its independence, feels deep solidarity with the peoples who are resolved to ensure their self-determination and their independence. We welcomed with joy the acceleration of the process of decolonization over the last few years and more recently the accession to independence by Angola, Cape Verde, the Comoros, Mozambique, Papua New Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, Seychelles and Surinam. None the less, the problems of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia remain disquieting and, unless they are speedily solved, may soon give rise to interracial confrontations in southern Africa.
205.	Turkey, as a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, has given its full support to all efforts intended to assist the people of Namibia in its struggle for freedom and independence. The United Nations has taken on a very responsibility vis-a-vis Namibia. My delegation has backed the efforts of the United Nations and the resolutions of the Security Council demanding free elections under United Nations supervision. The lack of progress has seriously worsened the situation by creating new dangers. We hope that before it is too late South Africa will become conscious of the need to co-operate with the United Nations for the purpose of giving the Namibian people its inalienable right to independence.
206.	As concerns Southern Rhodesia, Turkey reiterates its unreserved support of the request for self-determination and majority government by the people of Zimbabwe. We follow with great interest the sustained efforts recently made with a view to promoting and speeding up the solution to the problems in Southern Rhodesia. It is our sincere hope that those efforts will be successful and will make possible rapid progress towards a negotiated solution which, while meeting satisfactorily the needs of the people of Zimbabwe, will also prevent bloody confrontations.
207.	The policy of apartheid in South Africa still continues to be a profound source of disquiet and concern for all countries devoted to the cause of racial justice and human dignity. The tragic events which have taken place recently in that country have served as a dramatic illustration of violent reaction which apartheid arouses. Turkey has always firmly stated its opposition to that policy and to racial discrimination in South Africa. We support Security Council resolution 392 (1976) inviting the South African Government to end violence against the African people and to take urgent steps to eliminate apartheid and racial discrimination. We hope that vigorous condemnation of this policy by the international community will compel the South African Government to abide by the judgment of the world conscience and will encourage it to adopt a rapid solution which would give to the African population of the country the same basic human rights which had been denied to them for so long.
208.	Owing to its geographical situation and its numerous ties and links and relations with the countries of the Middle East, Turkey continues to follow with great concern the conflict between the Arab States and Israel, which is a constant source of danger for peace and security in the region. The position of my country with regard to this problem has been repeatedly stated from this rostrum. The unswerving principles on which this foreign policy is based prompts Turkey to be opposed to the acquisition of territory by force. On the substance of the problem, we have always maintained that Israel should withdraw from all the territories it has been occupying since 1967 and that a settlement should allow all countries of the region to protect their independence, their sovereignty and the security of their borders. During recent years we have supported all efforts to ensure recognition of the political rights of the Palestinians because we are and continue to be convinced that this question is at the very heart of a broader problem-that of establishing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. It is out of this conviction that we have supported General Assembly resolutions reaffirming the inalienable rights of the Palestinians in Palestine-their rights to self-determination, national independence and sovereignty-and requesting that the Palestine Liberation Organization should be invited to participate on an equal footing with the other parties in all deliberations and conferences on the Middle East which take place under the auspices of the United Nations. My Government has followed with great interest and has supported all the initiatives which have been taken over the past few years to bring about conditions for a solution cf the conflict in the Middle East. If can be said that certain progress has been achieved in the search for a final solution. This progress essentially is based on a better understanding by international public opinion of the real aspects of this problem. However, if we have thought at times that a beginning has been made towards progress in this conflict, I have to acknowledge with great regret that the Middle East situation appears today to be as inextricably complicated as it was during the most difficult periods of the past.
209.	The bloodshed in Lebanon has created new problems in that part of the world. Those of us who are neighbors and friends of that country have followed the grievous twists and turns of that fratricidal war with the deepest distress. Salvation lies in a national solution which would safeguard the territorial integrity of the country, based on a realistic compromise among the different groups that are today opposing each other and which would respond both to the exigencies of a modem democratic States as well as to the traditions and the real aspirations of the Lebanese people.
210.	With regard to a question which is of vital importance for mankind, that is, to put a stop to the armaments race and bring about disarmament, we cannot help noting with great regret that not only has no progress been achieved in this area since our last session, but that quite to the contrary developments are taking place which aggravate and complicate fee problems still further. No steps forward have been made towards defining the concepts which might lender possible a beginning of negotiations on general and complete disarmament.
211.	On the other hand, we must note that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex} has not attained its stated objectives. Not only does that Treaty not provide protection and serious guarantees for non-nuclear countries, but it has also not prevented the spread of nuclear danger to new regions of the world. We believe that all these problems which are linked to disarmament should be subjected to very serious reconsideration.
212.	In recent years the whole world has witnessed an intensification of acts of international violence. The number of hijacked airplanes, of hostages taken and of diplomats murdered has reached alarming proportions. My country, like many others, was a victim of some of those inhuman and cruel acts. We are of the view that the Assembly should devote itself to this problem even if only to consider certain aspects of acts of violence which, unless measures are taken without delay to put an end to them, could plunge us into new human tragedies.
213.	Important negotiations are now taking place in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose goal is to adapt international law to the new conditions of world shipping and of the exploitation of sea resources. What has made these negotiations so long and to this date inconclusive is that owing to the novelty of the concepts which are being elaborated in order tc define the new law of the sea, each country tends to understand them and interpret them on the basis of its own particular interests, and hence on the basis of its own geographical situation. The geography and geopolitics of our globe show all imaginable forms of variety and diversity. The continents and the seas certainly have not been traced with a regularity that would enable them to find simple and easy solutions in a new law of the sea. A global solution could only be arrived at if the Conference were to prepare concepts sufficiently broad to define general principles acceptable to all, but which on the other hand would facilitate and render possible the solution of specific cases. Those principles must take account of equity. On the other hand, as regards the resources of the ocean, which do not come under the jurisdictional sovereignty of any State, the methods for their exploitation should be determined within the framework of a system which would take account of the rights of each member of the international community to those resources and would afford an equitable distribution of the products of that exploitation.
214.	I should like to make some remarks on the problem in Cyprus. I am certain that all the Members of the United
-Nations will remember what took place at the thirtieth session. The debate on that question led to an outcome which only hindered the process of negotiation. It was clear that negotiations could only be reactivated within the framework of a new procedure. And it is with that purpose in mind that we reached agreement with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece on a new basis which envisaged the resumption of the dialog without preconditions, for the purpose of arriving at a "package deal" on all aspects involved in the Cyprus problem. Regrettably and despite the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General, substantial negotiations were not undertaken owing to repeated attempts to call into question this new agreement, to void it of its true content and to derogate from it. The Secretary- General with tenacity and perseverance, for which we are most grateful to him, none the less did not abandon his efforts. He has recently held consultations with the representatives of both communities.
215.	I should like to repeat the considerations and principles which guide the Turkish Government in its policy concerning the problem of Cyprus. The two communities are engaged in a negotiating process. This fact, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council, require that both communities should be represented on an equal footing in all international forums where the question of Cyprus is debated. In the United Nations this need must be respected to the fullest extent allowed by the rules of procedure. Any action, any decision, which would encroach on that principle could only hamper negotiations and prolong the conflict.
216.	The present situation on the island originated in the military coup d'etat by Greece in 1974 for the purpose of annexing Cyprus. The future solution will have to safeguard the independence, the territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Cyprus. The State of Cyprus should be able to follow a policy of true non-alignment, which, in the mind of the Turkish Government, would truly correspond to the long-range interests of both communities by contributing to peace and stability in the eastern Mediterranean.
217.	An inevitable regrouping of the two communities in two distinct zones took place during the past two years. Sixty thousand Turkish Cypriots found refuge in the north of the island by abandoning their homes and their property in the south. A movement in the opposite direction occurred among the Greek population of the north of the island. These population movements present difficult problems which can only be settled in the framework of a global solution.
218.	The Turkish intervention in Cyprus in July of 1974, which followed the coup d'etat against the independence of the island, was fully in conformity with the obligations undertaken by Turkey under a treaty which guaranteed that independence.  Turkey in no way intends to maintain its forces in Cyprus. It has already reduced its troops on the island by 12,000. Turkey has no wish to impose a solution and has no interest in Cyprus beyond the independence of the island and the prosperity and security of the Turkish community. Turkey wants Cyprus to remain outside any strategic arrangements and does not want it to become a pawn in the power politics of the major Powers. And along these lines I would like once again to stress that the Turkish community has committed itself to a policy of non-alignment for Cyprus. For those reasons, any solution acceptable to the Turkish community is also and without reservations acceptable to Turkey. As soon as a solution is found, Turkey will without delay withdraw its military forces, which it was compelled to send to Cyprus in conformity with its contractual obligations.
219.	I would like to repeat that in its Cyprus policy Turkey will continue to be guided only by one concern to encourage by all means a just and well-balanced solution which will contribute to peace and security and to harmonious co-operation in our region.
220.	Turkey has the same wish concerning the Turko- Greek bilateral problems. Questions concerning the continental shelf of the Aegean Sea, the militarization of the islands situated along the Turkish coast and the utilization of the air space of the Aegean call for urgent solutions. All of these questions were recently discussed in the Security Council and at the time 1 submitted the views of my Government on each one of them.
221.	The militarization of the islands situated only a few miles away from the Turkish coast in flagrant violation of international treaties-particularly the Treaty of Peace, signed at Lausanne on 24 July 1923 and the Paris Treaty of 1947  governing the status of those islands-are a serious threat to the security of Turkey and activate a climate of mistrust between both countries. Effective steps aimed at restoring the demilitarized status of the islands in question should be adopted without delay.
222.	The disagreement on the continental shelf stems from the claim made by Greece to exclusive sovereignty and to a monopoly of powers in the Aegean Sea. The legal arguments advanced by Greece to support this claim are not valid. The legal concepts on this subject are still very far from being well defined, but it is obvious that the configuration of the Aegean, with a multitude of islands among which a vast number are very close to the Turkish coast, will require the application of criteria founded on fairness which will fully take account of the specific conditions prevailing in the Aegean.
223.	The demographic factor cannot be disregarded. The population of thousands of islands in the Aegean Sea does not exceed 300,000 inhabitants, whereas the population of the coastal region of Turkey is 10 million. The Aegean is a sea where only Turkey and Greece have coasts. Therefore it is a common sea. The problem of the continental shelf and its delimitation goes beyond purely technical and legal considerations and encompasses political, economic and security factors. Turkey cannot abandon its vital rights, which are linked with the preservation of the general equilibrium in that region.
224.	Recent decisions of the Security Council and of the International Court of Justice have confirmed the validity of the Turkish position. The Security Council did not accept the Greek thesis that research and prospecting activities of a Turkish civilian vessel would be an encroachment on the sovereign rights of Greece. The International Court of Justice legally rejected the request of Greece calling for interim measures to be taken in order to put an end to the research and exploration activities by Turkey. Turkey has always advocated negotiations between both countries for the settlement of that dispute and Security. Council resolution 395 (1976) of 25 August last made a recommendation along the same lines. As for us we are always prepared to have negotiations provided that those negotiations not be shadowed by unilateral actions which would be incompatible with the Security Council resolution and which could affect mutual trust, without which no dialog could yield positive and fruitful results.
225.	In conclusion I would like to express the conviction that the debates of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will achieve progress towards constructive solutions to the, important international questions which concern us today in the interest of better understanding and closer collaboration among all countries of the world.


Mr. President, a few weeks ago the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries assembled in your great country and gave further evidence of the constructive role Sri Lanka plays in the non-alignment movement with a view to helping maintain world peace and security, promote development and prosperity, and enhance the struggle against colonialism, foreign domination and exploitation. Today we are gratified to see a distinguished citizen of that country, a brilliant diplomat with great experience, presiding over the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. It is my pleasure to congratulate your great country and you personally on the coincidence of these two important occasions, and to express our confidence that under your wise leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success.
96.	I should like also to extend my congratulations, Sir, to your predecessor, Mr. Thorn, for his efforts as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly.
97.	We note with pride and appreciation the high qualities of wisdom and patience shown by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and the indefatigable efforts he has been making in the interest of humanity and peace and towards strengthening the role of the United Nations and maintaining its independence and effectiveness. On behalf of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic I express our complete support for his efforts, support which we have given in the past and shall continue to give in the future.
98.	One of the important events that has taken place at this session has been the admission of Seychelles to the United Nations. On behalf of the Government and people of the Libyan Arab Republic I extend most sincere congratulations to the people of the Seychelles and wish them progress and prosperity.
99.	The recent passing away of Chairman Mao Tsetung was a very sad event, deeply affecting the whole world. I take this occasion to reiterate my condolences to the delegation of the People's Republic of China on the passing away of their great leader, who during his lifetime took strong stands in favor of peace and liberation. Our Arab nation will never forget the backing and support it received from China in its struggle against colonialism and foreign domination.
100.	The year 1976 marks the beginning of the five-year plan in the Libyan Arab Republic. More than $22 billion have been allocated for the plan, which includes pro-grammes and projects in such areas as the economy, communication^, and social services and social affairs. In the preparation of the plan, special emphasis was laid on the development of existing productive capabilities and the creation of new resources, with a view to adjusting the economic structure and freeing it from complete dependence on the petroleum sector through the creation of new sources of national income.
101.	Like the other plans, this five-year plan is aimed at achieving the goals of the Libyan Arab Republic-namely, growth of production, equitable distribution, and reform of the economic and social conditions-the ultimate goal being the attainment of progress, prosperity and social justice for the people.
102.	Aware of the fact that they influence and are influenced by the problems of the Arab world, the. African continent and the world as a whole, the people of the Libyan Arab Republic are concerned with these problems as much as they are interested in the preparation and implementation of ambitious development plans. They would also like to take part, along with other peace-loving nations, in the effort to lay durable foundations for world peace and security, to promote prosperity and welfare for the peoples of the world, and to enhance the advancement of human civilization.
103.	One of the aims of the people of the Libyan Arab Republic is the achievement of Arab unity I repeat: the achievement of Arab unity-be cause the present backwardness, disunity and division are unnatural in our Arab nation. A nation having the same destiny, facing a common threat and yearning to achieve the same goals and objectives ought to be unified in the framework of a single, strong
unit capable of defending itself against any threats and of	support they receive from various countries -and primarily achieving advancement and progress from the United States. The most recent flagrant support at the United Nations was given when the Security Council.
104.	We are aware of the hardships of the course we are	discussed the question of Palestine on four occasions last talking and of the dimensions of the challenges we are	year. The majority of Security Council members endeavor facing. The present stage of our struggle for unity is	inevitably accompanied by differences and disputes, but	other nations also have their differences and disputes, and	sometimes even wars and tragedies occur in the course of their development and struggle for unity. We are determined to reach our goal of unity and will no be hindered by sterile attempts which stand against Arab unity: these attempts will be crushed by the Arab masses in their triumphal march to ultimate victory.
105.	We can hardly conceal our feelings of sadness and pain at the tragic developments in the Arab world which have been initiated and exploited by colonialist reactionaries and heinous Zionist forces, in order to fuel the Arab differences and to sow the seeds of hatred among the sons of one Arab nation. The Libyan Arab Republic has made
every effort to extinguish the fire of dissension and to
alleviate the tragedy of the afflicted. We are confident that
our nation, by virtue of its traditional vitality, wUl be able
to overcome the difficulties, achieve unity and eliminate all
the intrigues and conspiracies woven against its unity and
progress.

106.	The unity we seek is a requisite for our nation's The unity we seek is a requisite for our nation's ability to enrich civilization and contribute effectively to the progress of the international community. Arab unity is a legitimate national movement, and in the light of the trends of history is viable. It is considered an essential
factor in the struggle against backwardness, colonialism and
imperialism.
107.	The virtue of its geographical location our Arab nation	is is linked to Africa by bonds of blood, history, culture,
elision and common interest. We also have in common the
struggle against colonialism and imperialism and mutual
efforts to move away from the state of backwardness.
Eighty per cent of the Arab population and 70 per cent of
their land is in Africa. Bearing these factors in mind, it is
our conviction that Arab-African solidarity is inevitable for
the advancement of the masses in the Arab world and in
Africa. Contributing its share in the strengthening of ArabAfriCUl
solidarity, the Libyan Arab Republic champions all
sincere efforts made in this connexion by other sister States
and by the Organization of African Unity and the League
of Arab States. Sound development, reasons of interrelated
security and historical changes all demand that we should
develop and increase Afro-Arab solidarity and create a genuine unified Arab-African front.
108.	The problem of the Palestinian people is the primary concern and cause of the Arab nation. Although this
question has been before the United Nations since 1947,
the lot of the Palestinian people has been alleviated, and
neither the United Nations not the international community
has been able to reach a final just solution in this
cause. The deterioration of the situation has, as we all
know, been due to th~ arrogance and stubbornness of the
criminal Zionist gangsters and the unjust and unlimited	support they receive from various countries and primary from the United States. The most recent flagrant support the United Nations was given when the Security Council discussed the question of Palestine on four occasions last year. The Majority of Security Council members endeavored to reach a consensus but their efforts were in vain because the United States could not but satisfy the Zionist gangsters at the expense of the Palestinian people abusing its right of veto.
109.  We Will believe that the optimal solutions of the problems lies basically in enabling the Palestinian people to exercises its legitimate rights and in the creation in Palestine of a democratic secular State within which Moslem, Christians and Jews would be equal. We also believe that the settlement of the Palestine question is the basis of solving what is now called the Middle East question.
110. The people of the Libyan Arab Republic stand firmly
by their brethren the people of Palestine and will continue
to do so until victory is achieved, despite the pressures,
blackmail and slander waged against us by colonialist
reactionaries and exploiters of people.
111. On this occasion I should like to comment on the
statement of the last speaker and to express our sorrow and
pain at hearing a representative of an Arab country at the
United Nations saying things that sadden us and undermine
our cause. Unfortunately he was trying to justify the
slaughter of the Palestinian people. We do not wish to turn
this meeting, which is the last of the general debate, into an
Arab quarrel, because we Arabs are engaged in lengthy talks
and, as I have said, the problems of the Arab nation are
acknowledged by us. We are very wen aware of them and
we would have hoped that the problems of the Arab nation
and Arab questions could be dealt with within the Arab
family. Regrettably, however, what happened, happened.
112. The question of Palestine and the tragedy of the
Palestinian people cannot be discussed without reference to
the deplorable role of the governing establishment of the
United States of America as champion of unreasonable,
unjust and unlimited Support for the Zionist colonial aggressors in the Arab homeland. From the United States the Zionist gangsters get material, economic and military
aid; from the United States the Zionist gangsters also
receive moral; diplomatic and political support without
this continuous and steady flow of support for more than
30 years the Zionist gangsters-who gathered from all
corners of the world-would not have been able to remain
and live in Arab Palestine and to oppress the Arab people of
Palestine. Events have shown the deep and close association
between the governing establishment of the United States
of America and the aggressive racist Zionist movement.
Events have also shown how sensitive the American leaders
are regarding anything that might affect the racist Zionist
gangsters from near or far. As a result of Zionist influence
on American politics, the American information media, the
. Congress and Government officials all compete in ingratiating
themselves with the Zionist racist gangsters by trying to
keep them happy at any sacrifice, even at high cost to the
interests, money and sweat of the working-class people of
the United States themselves. Above all, in doing so they
ignore the high ideals of the founding fathers of America,
who revolted against British colonialism in America.
113.	The most recent example of American leaders capitulating before Zionism was to be seen on television last week. What we beheld was painful if not ridiculous: the two presidential candidates humbly and pitifully competing to ingratiate themselves with the criminal Zionist gangsters, even though those gangsters create devastation and destruction in our homeland and use the armaments given them by America to destroy our farms and houses in Palestine, Sinai and the Golan Heights.
114.	It seems as if at stake in the current election campaign is the office of the mayor of Tel Aviv rather than the office of President of the United States, which is one of the super-Powers of this world.
115.	In that debate no criticism was made of the Zionist gangsters. On the contrary, generosity in offering more assistance to the Zionist gangsters in all areas was pledged, as if the debate was an auction , in which bids were being desperately offered by the two candidates to assist the Zionist entity. Neither of the duelists dared utter a word in favor of the struggling people of Palestine or the ISO million Arabs who have suffered from American napalm and whose land the American economy has been draining of tens of billions of dollars every year.
116.	It is a tragedy beyond description to see the American giant being dragged into supporting injustice and the oppressor, arming the aggressor and contracting the enmity of a nation struggling for freedom, unity and progress, such as the Arab nation, by allowing America's great capabilities to be used in the aggression against our land and in killing our people.
117.	However, our nation is determined to pursue the struggle against the twentieth-century tyrants, whom it will teach a lesson, as it has done in the past in its long, continuous civilization -which has endured for thousands of years in spite of difficulties and obstacles-and in its struggle against invaders and tyrants.
118.	Mr. Carter has threatened to wage an economic war against us, not because we have wronged the United States, but as a reply to our boycott against the Zionist entity. He must be aware that the Arab boycott of Israel is a legitimate international weapon against this artificial entity which invaded our land and plans to stay there brazenly at the expense of our struggling peoples. The other candidate, who joined in the parade of those attacking the Arab boycott of Israel, knows better than any that the United States is the last country to be justified in condemning the Arab boycott, because it practices a boycott against many countries, for illegal causes in most cases.
119.	The governing establishment in the United States knows that the Arab boycott is an economic weapon against an entity which we do not recognize, and with which we are at war, and not against any religious, ethnic or cultural group. The Arab boycott list includes Moslems, Christians and Jews -white, red, yellow and black. We boycott anyone who supports the economy of Israel and violates me regulations agreed upon unanimously and collectively by all Arab States invoking their right under all rules and laws effective in the world of today.
120.	I would like to make it clear that I speak on behalf of all Arabs when i say that threats will not intimidate us, nor will the rumbling of the election campaign. If the candidate who threatened us with an economic war is fortunate enough to win the election, we will be watching to see how he is going to carry out his threat. He might discover that to carry out his threat will not be as easy as he thought, that the life of the Arab nation is not in the grip of the American governing establishment, and that the United States is not the only State nor is it the only power in this world. He will discover that we will find markets-other than American markets -which will be available to us for products, technology and trade.
121.	The imminent future will set the record straight. Perhaps the mad threat we heard will help to unify us and awaken those who because of bad judgment and misguided ideals are backing the American horse. This group has to be assured, as we have been, that the American horse has disappointed them, and has given its rein to the gangsters of New York and Tel Aviv, the warmongers and exploiters of peoples.
122.	American disregard was recently manifested in the decision taken a few days ago to provide the Zionist entity with new, highly sophisticated weapons. This conduct confirms anew the unreasonable policy and irresponsible conduct of the United States in our region, and the fact that it is hastening unwisely to give unlimited and unrestrained support to the Zionist gangsters. This latest foolish conduct shows that American leaders have lost their minds and are obviously acting beyond the realm of reason and logic, in a flagrant challenge to the Arab community and the morality of the world.
123.	Even the American press, which supports the Zionist gangsters, has voiced its surprise and its fears at this foolhardy conduct. Yesterday, for example, the Washington Post stated that: "This is an obvious case of the principles of national security falling victim to political interests."
124.. The question of decolonization in general, and that of Africa in particular, Is closely linked with the question of world peace and security, and is a matter of concern to our people. The white minority regime in Zimbabwe continues to pursue its repression of the black majority in defiance of all United Nations. resolutions. The situation there is explosive, and a dangerous war is already in progress. Despite repeated United Nations efforts at reaching a solution, as well as the efforts of African leaders and other mediators, the racist minority regime continues to refuse to recognize realities and listen to the voice of reason.
125.. In Namibia, the imperialist, racist collusion is quite apparent. The racist regime, of South Africa, disregarding all United Nations resolutions and the appeals of the world community, clings .to its rule in Namibia; continuing to perpetuate apartheid and racial discrimination, and to sow the seeds of-dissension among the people of that Territory by pursuing the policy of "bantustanization". The continuation of South Africa's presence in Namibia is illegal and in violation of the international Organization's resolutions. South Africa's administration in Namibia must be withdrawn and its occupation of the Territory must come to an end. The United Nations should also reject any step taken by the South African Government that would prejudice the unity and territorial integrity of the Territory, or that would hinder the Namibian people's free and legitimate expression of their will with regard to their future. Any constitutional arrangements made for the Territory are void unless based on the desires and views of the genuine representatives of the people of Namibia, and such arrangements should be made under the supervision of the United Nations.
126.	The racist regime in South Africa could not have dared to take the stand it has taken without the support it receives from colonialist, racist, and Zionist circles, which provide that regime with arms and military support, and stand by that regime in the Security Council, by placing their veto at its disposal.
127.	We hope that the United Nations will be able to achieve full decolonization and the total elimination of racism on the African continent, thus ending bloodshed, suffering and destruction. We also hope that the peoples of the area will detect any conspiracies implanted to raise false hopes, to sow the seeds of division, and to perpetuate the interests of colonialism and racism, once the advocates of colonialism and imperialism feel that the strong winds of liberation are irreversible and that the hour of salvation is inevitable.
128.	The increasing tensions between Turkey and Greece are a cause of great concern for us because of our traditionally brotherly and historically friendly relations with both countries. Therefore, from the moment of the eruption of the Aegean Sea crisis, we took the initiative by offering our good offices in order to prevent the situation from deteriorating further. As a friend of both States, we hope that they will be able to settle their disputes in the imminent future.
129.	The question of Cyprus also is a matter of concern for us. We hope for the achievement of a solution that will be acceptable to both the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities, that will preserve the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, and affirm its role in the non-aligned movement.
130.	The Security Council is the body entrusted with maintaining world peace and security. Yet, the Council's performance has been restrained on a number of occasions by the abuse of the right of veto. In this connexion I would like to mention the following examples.
131.	First, there was the opposition to the draft resolution submitted by five Member States during the consideration of France's announcement of its intention to conduct a referendum on 8 February 1976 in the island of Mayotte, which is a part of the territory of the Comoros.
132.	Secondly, there was the opposition to the draft resolution submitted by nine Member States regarding the admission of the Republics of North Viet Nam and South VietNams to the United Nations, and the threat to use it against the admission of the Peoples' Republic of Viet Nam. This was the primary obstacle preventing the admission of Angola and Viet Nam to the United Nations-and in violation of the principle of universality. We wish to take this occasion to commend from this rostrum the struggle of these two great peoples. We look forward to their participation in the work of our Organization in the near future.
133.	Thirdly, there has been opposition, on three occasions, to draft resolutions submitted during the consideration of the Middle East question including the situation in the occupied Arab territories, and the examination of the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People.
134.	The abuse of the right of veto obliges us to insist on the urgent necessity of reviewing the United Nations Charter and of finding an alternative to the veto in order to make our Organization more effective in maintaining international peace and security.
135.	Our people value equality among peoples and abhor all forms of racial discrimination as being degrading to man and denying his dignity. That is why we condemn the racist regimes in South Africa and in occupied Palestine, where the ugliest forms of racial discrimination are practiced against the black majority in southern Africa and against the Arab people in occupied Palestine. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid has exposed the evil collusion between the two racist regimes in all areas, particularly in the military sphere.
136.	My country had the honor to act as host to the International Symposium on Zionism and the Racial Questions in Tripoli from 24 July to 28 July 1976. The Symposium urge, all States to sever diplomatic relations with the racist regimes in South Africa and in occupied Palestine. The Symposium responded to the defamatory campaign waged against the United Nations by the Zionists and racists and their allies in the wake of the General Assembly resolution at its last session declaring Zionism as a form of racial discrimination [resolution 3379 (XXX)]. The communique by the Tripoli Symposium stated that:
"Nothing is more dishonest than the slogan unleashed by the United States and Israel as the principal weapon in their campaign against the resolution of the United Nations that anti-zionism is anti-Semitism. This dishonest slogan is predicated on the false equation of Judaism with Zionism, and the equally false equation of Jews with Zionists.
"It should be remembered that the first opposition to political Zionism was forcefully voiced by Jewish spiritual leaders, who stressed that Zionism's ethnic, nationalistic and territorial priorities were incompatible with the beliefs and moral precepts of the Jewish faith....
"Other prominent Jews have opposed the exclusivist nature of Zionism, its ethnocentrism, and the racial injustices it has perpetrated, on moral, humanistic and universal grounds".
137.	In the light of the necessity of escalating the struggle against all forms of racial discrimination, the International Symposium has established an international organization for the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination. It is a popular, independent and non-governmental body, whose objective is to participate in the implementation by all means possible of the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination everywhere and to co-ordinate the efforts of all those struggling to achieve this end. The decisions and the communique of the International Symposium have been distributed as an official document of the General Assembly dated 30 September 1976.
138.	Our policy regarding both the old and the new colonialism and racial discrimination has been declared and is well known. We are opposed to both forms of colonialism and to all forms of racial discrimination, and we support all peoples suffering from colonialism, foreign domination and racist regimes. We fully assist the national liberation movements in their struggle to rid themselves of these racist regimes. We also stand ready to confront all the evil schemes being hatched for the purpose of liquidating the cause of the Palestinian people. The policies of the Libyan Arab Republic conform fully with United Nations objectives, principles and resolutions and hence it is naturally adverse to the common interests of the imperialist and Zionist circles, and, as a result of this, it is the target of a mad, defamatory propaganda campaign waged by these circles who rely on prevarications and false allegations. The imperialist and Zionist circles deliberately seek to distort the honorable image of the national liberation movements by confusing their struggle with individual acts that have nothing whatsoever to do with those movements. They seek to establish a link between the assistance of the Libyan Arab Republic to the national liberation movements and the irresponsible acts which are deplored by all, particularly by the Libyan Arab Republic. The colonialist and Zionist circles also seek to associate the Libyan Arab Republic with the hijacking of planes and the taking of hostages, although the Libyan Arab Republic has repeatedly denounced such acts as being reckless and unresponsible. Therefore, we emphatically deplore all hijackings because they threaten the lives of innocent people. Moved solely by humanitarian reasons, and sometimes at the request of the authorities concerned, the Libyan Arab Republic has, on several occasions, permitted hijacked planes to land at its airports.
139.	The colonialist and Zionist Powers are attempting to undermine the Libyan Arab Republic and to create a demagogic atmosphere in order to conceal their terrorist actions against people under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination.
140.	The sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly were turning-points and essential turning-points in the field of international economic relations. They have opened the door for international efforts to correct the deteriorating economic situation that has prevailed for many years, by the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equity,
and on respect for the sovereignty of States and their inalienable right to utilize their natural resources.
141.	The key element in the implementation of General Assembly resolutions concerning this new order is the
political will and genuine determination to implement these important resolutions.
142.	The developing countries are determined to develop their economies, depending mainly on their own capabilities and in co-operation among themselves, by using their collective power in negotiations for the establishment of a new economic order with a view to guaranteeing a better life for their peoples.
143.	It is clear from the resolutions adopted by the Conferences of Algiers, Dakar, Lima, Manila, Colombo and Mexico that the developing countries stress the necessity of a complete restructuring of international economic relations by the establishment of a new system based on equal sovereignty, common interests and fruitful co-operation among all peoples of the world.
144.	The developing petroleum-exporting countries have fulfilled satisfactorily their responsibilities, and continue to shoulder their responsibility, by assisting their developing sister-countries in overcoming economic difficulties caused by the present economic situation, which has dominated the world for over a quarter century. Through bilateral or multilateral channels, members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] have given assistance to developing countries. Furthermore, they have established a number of banks and funds for this noble purpose, their most recent efforts in this connexion being the pledge of $400 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development.
MS. In addition to its contribution through OPEC, the Libyan Arab Republic gives assistance to developing countries through bilateral arrangements and through its participation in international projects and its contributions to regional and international banks and funds. Furthermore, in 1972 it established the Libyan Arab Foreign Bank, whose basic objective is to finance development activities abroad, particularly in the developing countries. The Bank has contributed to the capital of a number of banks and financial institutions in developing countries. The number of its contributions rose from four in 1972 to 19 in 1975. The assistance of the Libyan Arab Republic to the least developed countries reached in 1975 about 6 per cent of its net oil income, which is approximately 3 per cent of its national income.
146. The peoples of the developing countries awaited with high expectations the outcome of the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Yet UNCTAD, unfortunately, was unable to solve the problems of reforming the world market structure in the areas of raw materials and commodities which are important for the exports of developing countries, raising the developing countries' share in world industrial production and attaining the objectives of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] regarding the flow of financial resources into developing countries, especially the objective of official development assistance specified at 0.7 per cent of the gross national product. Nor was UNCTAD able to reach a conclusion concerning the transfer of technology, the reform of the international monetary system in the interest of international trade and promotion, and the easing of debt-servicing problems. It should be pointed out, however, that UNCTAD has made some progress in the area of the development of an integrated program for commodities, whose major component is the common fund, with a view to financing the international stock of commodities. Still needed, though, is the political will to implement the principal objective of this program, which will constitute an important element in international economic relations.
147.	My delegation notes with satisfaction the attention given by the international community to two of its initiatives during the last session. One of them related to the question of mines planted in the Libyan Arab Republic by the parties to the Second World War. At that session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3435 (XXX), dated 9 December 1975. The Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Program also showed interest in the question and adopted Decision No. 80 (IV), dated 9 April 1976 [see A/31/25, annex I]. My delegation expected the study envisaged in paragraph 3 of resolution 3435 (XXX) to be submitted during this session; yet it will be content that adequate time should be allowed for the experts to prepare a comprehensive study. In this connexion, we endorse the proposal that an intergovernmental meeting be convened to take up this important matter. We also support resolution No. 32 of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo, calling for an international conference to consider all aspects of this matter [see A131/197, annex IV].
148.	The second initiative was concerned with bribes and the role of transnational corporations. Consideration of this question led to the adoption of resolution 3514 (XXX) on 15 December 1975. The Commission on Transnational Corporations, at the request of the General Assembly, took up this question at its second session, held in Lima from 1 to 12 March 1976. Furthermore, the Economic and Social Council adopted resolution 2041 (LXI) on 5 August 1976, establishing an 18-member Ad Hoc Intergovernmental Working Group to consider this question. The Libyan Arab Republic delegation is gratified by this attention and hopes that a proper solution will be reached in the near future by this international group.
149.	The United Nations has made commendable efforts in the social field, especially with regard to a group who have been partially or totally unable to provide for their individual or social needs because of physical of mental disabilities. In this regard the General Assembly adopted resolution 2856 (XXVI), containing the Declaration on the Rights of Mentally Retarded Persons, and resolution 3447 (XXX),; dated 9 December 1975, containing the Declaration on the Rights of Disabled Persons. In appreciation of the importance of care of the disabled, and in affirmation of the United Nations resolutions in this respect, the Libyan Arab.Republic has submitted, under agenda item 12, "Report of the Economic and Social Council", a draft resolution proclaiming the year 1978 as the International Year for Disabled Persons with the theme "Compassion, Equality and Peace", with a view to the achievement of a number of objectives, including: first, the attainment of social and psychological adjustment and conformity for the disabled, to ensure their ability to overcome their physical and mental problems; secondly, the increase of all forms of assistance, care and direction and the creation of appropriate employment opportunities for the disabled with a view to giving them equality with normal individuals; thirdly, the dissemination of information on the importance of this sector of the population and the need for their participation in all the economic, social and political aspects of life. We trust that all States and international organizations, concerned will do their best to help in making this humane endeavor a success.
150.	Because of our interest in human rights, we are deeply concerned that these rights are still being grossly violated. Despite the enormous material success made by man in recent decades in the exploration of outer space and the sea and the ocean depths, man on this planet still suffers injustices from his brother. Racial discrimination is still at its peak and is practiced officially and unofficially; in some countries, human suffering and injustice on grounds of color, race and religion still exist. Some minority groups around the world are still suffering injustice and tyranny; brutal physical and psychological torture is still being practiced against prisoners of war and prisoners in general.
151.	The question of torture was dealt with in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is also being given attention by this international Organization. The General Assembly adopted resolution 3452 (XXX), containing the Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. We call for further achievements in this area. Hence, protection of human rights should be the corner-stone in rebuilding the international structure, an objective which we all should endeavor to achieve.


Allow me first to say how pleased I am to see Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe vested with the presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Ambassador Amerasinghe is a man who enjoys great prestige in international forums, in which he has served with particular distinction as the representative of the Government of his noble country, Sri Lanka, and his presence presiding over the work of this General Assembly is a guarantee of calm and proficiency in the lofty functions which the international community has called upon him to perform.
5.	I should also like to address a word of sincere appreciation to the Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for the relevant contribution he made to the General Assembly as President of its thirtieth session.
6.	Moreover, I am happy to be able to welcome the Republic of Seychelles on the happy occasion of that State's becoming a Member of the United Nations. The Brazilian delegation wishes to establish a close and friendly relationship with the delegation of Seychelles and hopes to co-operate intimately with that delegation when we deal with the items on our agenda.
7.	In recent years the United Nations has become the target for mounting criticism leveled against its operation. The time has certainly come to place these criticisms, which are at times quite blunt, in true perspective. It would not be difficult to ascertain how much of this attitude is self- serving. Such an attitude does not meet the most enlightened interests of nations, those very interests which justified the creation of the United Nations and its later call to universality. Therefore, it is always opportune to reaffirm, in a constructive manner that the international responsibility of this Organization derives from commitments freely and spontaneously undertaken by States under the Charter of the United Nations, commitments which do not admit of exceptions or reservations.
8.	The United Nations is a political organism immersed in a world which is also political. The United Nations, in reality, constitutes the only political forum of universal scope at the disposal of States. In addition to fulfilling the normative functions laid down in its Charter, the United Nations must deliberate on the international problems the Member States bring to it in order to safeguard their national interests at the international level.
9.	Accordingly, international problems of the most varied nature are included in the agenda of the General Assembly, and those problems must be discussed according to the procedures set forth in the Charter and in the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. As is only natural, such discussion entails characteristically parliamentary behavior and attitudes. It would be illusory to think that such procedures and related behavior could ever be isolated from the political circumstances that generated the problems and from those surrounding their discussion.
The United Nations does not function in a world apart from the real world where political facts take place. Events in this hall are not independent of the real context of international relations. Quite the contrary, what happens here reflects a wider political reality. That reality explains better than words the atmosphere of frustration and tension which at times prevails in this forum. The debates in the General Assembly and the resolutions that this body, more than any other major organ of the United Nations, has the capacity to adopt make equally apparent the hopes and the disappointments of the Member States and portray both the advances and the set-backs in the international political process.
10.	In recent years international life has gained much in complexity. Not only have new States been admitted to the United Nations but also increasingly varied matters are being subjected to international rule, as witness the current cycle of great, thematic conferences held under the aegis of the United Nations. This broadening of the scope of multilateral negotiations may or may not be of benefit to the majority of States. In many cases, it is; in others, it may also serve to direct attention towards problems of secondary importance, an attention' that should, first and foremost, be concentrated upon the fundamental issues of international security and the harmonious development of nations. For the process of universal negotiation to produce lasting results, however, it is necessary to keep it under the authority of .the principle of sovereign equality, a principle that ensures to States equitable participation in international decisions affecting the future of each State and of mankind as a whole.
11.	It must perforce be recognized that, as an organization essentially devoted to promoting international peace and security, the United Nations does not present a record of important gains in recent years. The picture is rather one of institutional and operational impasses. The machinery of collective security seems to be obstructed, decisions are delayed and, when they are taken, they meet frequent obstacles in the way of their implementation.
12.	This weakening of the central functions of the Organization is symbolized by the deadlocks that characterize the proceedings of the Security Council. The unrestricted use of the veto continues to leave room for apprehension, particularly as no special diligence can be noted on the part of some permanent members of the Security Council to seek negotiated solutions for the delicate questions submitted to that body. It seems paradoxical that two apparently contradictory tendencies coexist on the world scene, namely, a relaxation of international tension, especially between the super-Powers, and a weakening of the collective security machinery of the United Nations.
13.	Such deadlocks are found in almost all multilateral efforts in the field of international security, as can be seen from the deadlocks which over the years have dominated the negotiations for both disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, and peace-keeping operations.
14.	Stalemates in the political field are one aspect of the stratification that characterizes the present international structure. Perhaps only the advances made towards decolonization allow us to discern a trend away from that stratification, a trend that holds out new possibilities for positive interrelations and for a more just international order.
15.	We are living in an era marked by, dissent and by the persistence of areas of international tension, as well as by the permanence of generalized conditions of under-development. I do not now intend to list these areas of tension, but the eye is immediately caught by what is happening in Africa and in the Middle East.
16.	Southern Africa, where racial oppression persists, is today not only seized with unrest and fear, but also devastated by violence and slaughter. In the face of recent events, the items now on our agenda concerning the problems that afflict that region have taken on unprecedented importance. Brazil has always been in favor of peaceful solutions for those problems and has always been convinced that there was no time to be lost in arriving at them. Our opinion, repeatedly stated over the years, was that, unless solutions were promptly reached, the region would be irresistibly drawn into open conflict. Unhappily, we have no reason to revise our diagnosis, but we should still like to believe that the unanimous international repudiation of the injustices committed will serve as a grave warning to those that consider it possible to continue to maintain racial oppression. It is our hope that the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, who still have not achieved their independence, may soon be able freely to exercise their true national will.
17.	In the Middle East, alongside the Lebanese tragedy, which Brazil particularly regrets because of the ties of all kind that we have with Lebanon, the same basic problems still exist, problems that have for years been challenging the political ability of the international community. The reactivation of these problems is a disquieting prospect, one that is always possible and always present.
18.	The experience of the last few years confirms the widely shared perception that, in the absence of speedy and just solutions for regional conflicts or disputes, such disputes end up by acquiring a wider international character, thus disseminating to other regions and to the international system as a whole an unrest which was initially localized. Contrary to what might have been expected, the present situation of relative international strategic balance has not created favorable conditions for the prompt correction of those localized situations. The Brazilian delegation is convinced that, in dealing with these difficult issues, more intensive use should be made of the United Nations not only because the Organization offers the parties opportunities for negotiations but also because, among the principles of the Charter, there is one concerning the non-use of force or the threat of force in international relations.

19.	Sadly, it is today considered commonplace to affirm that the disparity between the developed and the under-developed countries has become flagrantly unbearable and that it is urgent to negotiate concrete measures to correct it. Four sessions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNCTAD have already been held and, ironically, not one but two decades have, one
after the other, been declared to be United Nations Development Decades. A variety of formats of negotiation have been attempted during that period. We have participated on the international level in case-by-case approaches; we have negotiated work programs on different themes; we have been present at countless generic declarations. All those efforts have led to such scanty results that their paucity is now universally acknowledged.
20.	There is increasing frustration, as much in practice as in theory, over the whole basic issue of international trade and the economic and social development of the less- developed countries we exclude the oil-producing countries from our analysis, we can see that the net transfer of capital from the developed areas to the less-developed ones is becoming a myth. In net terms, that flow may shortly run from south to north. And while the relative participation of the less-developed countries in world trade is dwindling, there is a disproportionate increase of their presence in generating the surplus that is accumulating in the balance of payments of the main world business partners.
21.	All that is all the more surprising since it can be shown that if the financial transfers of the developed countries to the developing ones were directed into productive sectors, they would not detrimentally affect the possibilities for economic growth of the developed countries themselves. Studies prepared by experts of the United Nations show that if, as a hypothesis, the net flow of capital to non-oil-exporting developing countries reached in the next few years levels compatible with the objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade -that is to say, an average rate of increase of the gross national product of at least 6 per cent the income of the developed countries members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development would increase at a rate faster than the present one. Contrary to what superficial reasoning might lead one to believe, the effective implementation of measures designed to maintain the international buying power of the developing countries would not have a negative effect on the developed countries but would benefit them by increasing their income and their rate of employment. Moreover, it is possible to predict that this expansion would occur precisely in the less inflationary sectors of their economies.
22.	The debate about the essence of the problem of under-development has lost its impetus, although attitudes, perist that seem to wish to impute to the developing countries an alleged guilt for their conditions of economic backwardness. This determination of historical guilt lacks any practical sense and should not be used to avoid or postpone concrete negotiations, or to lead countries to fail to take more constructive stands in international economic negotiations. The so-called sterile confrontations have their origin precisely in the general frustration felt by the under-developed countries at the diplomatic immobility that such attitudes engender or stimulate.
23.	To this negativism, founded on alleged reasons drawn from the past, there recently has been added another, this one addressed to futurological concerns. It is alleged that for ecological reasons the economic development of the under-developed countries of today is no longer practicable.
Now, the stagnation of the poorer areas of the globe cannot be the price to be paid to conserve the environment. What is really necessary is to proceed to a broad reorganization of the world economy so as to correct the acute disparities both in the distribution of the means of production and in the patterns of consumption. Invoking ecological motives in order to frustrate expectations for development would be a new and unacceptable form of domination that would meet with the opposition of all those peoples that have been subjected to colonialism and that, despite all the predications to the contrary, knew how to organize themselves politically in order to achieve their independence and to preserve it, as well as to struggle for their economic autonomy.
24.	As this century draws to a close, the people of the world have a right to social and economic development, and it is a right they do not intend to give up.
25.	The other face of the struggle for development is the increasing interdependence of States. Opening the general debate of last year's session of the General Assembly,  1 had the opportunity to dwell on the distinction Brazil believes should be drawn between the present vertical interdependence-that is, one based on a rigid and discriminatory international stratification and a desirable horizontal interdependence that would be founded on a legitimate community of interest and on equitable sharing of the world's wealth by all States.
26.	Today I wish to add that the persistence of under-development, resulting as it does in the continued political and economic marginalization of most developing countries, will inevitably hold back the evolution of the process of interdependence of States itself.
27.	It is especially disquieting to note that, although external trade may be more and more significant for the economy of developing countries as a whole, the share of these countries in the international flow of trade the oil exporters naturally excluded-is less and less important in percentage terms. The great majority of developing countries is losing ground in the global exchange of goods and services, and what is more, even as suppliers of raw materials to developed countries, which more and more have taken to trading among themselves. If this trend continues, developing countries will be pushed farther and farther to the edges of the international economic system.
28.	As a result, the integration of the world economy is being carried out at the cost of a radical disequilibrium that it is urgent to correct. It is unacceptable for the process of interdependence to continue indefinitely to accentuate exclusively the expansion of the strength of the great industrial centers, where the essential part of the world's technical and economic capacity is concentrated.
29.	It is necessary to give a new meaning, more just and more open, to the dynamics of interdependence. The imbalance that distorts it must be speedily eliminated and the only way to do that which is consonant with the
general interest is to create international conditions for the real and not just the apparent overcoming of economic underdevelopment. An essential facet of the joint efforts we should undertake along these lines is the narrowing of the technological gap- not only by transferring technology from north to south but also by establishing an inter-national structure which will facilitate the production by developing countries of the technology they need.
30.	An awareness of these new needs is, happily enough, being spread. There are those who think, however, that obsolescence of States will be the inevitable counterpart of the general process of interdependence. I do not think so. World economic integration cannot dispense with the role of States, which, far from being mere cartographic facts, reflect ineradicable political realities. On the contrary, for interdependence to continue on its course with a minimum of attrition and as a rational, consensual and harmonious process, it can only be based on the independence of States and on the gradual elimination of the economic disparities between them.
31.	I have attempted to show, that disequilibrium and disparities are not limited to the socio-economic field but also permeate the sphere of multilateral political negotiations. These disparities will remain as long as there is an unyielding conflict between development and under-development, as long as the transition from the latter to the former economic stage is obstructed by external factors, as long as here and in other forums impasses continue to impede operative understandings for the removal of inter-national obstacles to development.
32.	It is in this context that the United Nations must do' more than simply reflect international reality; in fulfillment of the functions conferred upon it by the Charter, the United Nations must discharge a positive role in changing the present international structure. In spite of all the difficulties, Brazil still cherishes the hope that we can carry out this task by taking the path of comprehension and understanding among States, understanding and comprehension based on sovereign equality, on equity and mutual respect.