1.	  It is a pleasure for me to extend to you the warmest congratulations of the Finnish Government on your election to your high office. We know you as an Asian statesman of great experience and devotion to the cause of peace and cooperation among nations. We are confident that under your leadership the General Assembly will function effectively and harmoniously.
2.	I also wish to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Edvard Hambro of Norway, whose performance during his term of office was a source of pride for all of us in the Nordic community of nations.
3.	At the same time, let me pay a tribute on behalf of the Finnish Government to our distinguished Secretary General, UThant. For ten years he has served this Organization with selfless devotion. His untiring work in the cause of peace and justice and his moral courage have earned him the respect and gratitude of all Member States.
4.	We are meeting today in the midst of exceptionally profound and rapid change in international relations. The very structure of the world scene is being transformed before our eyes, In such a period of transition doubts and uncertainties often prevail. But this time the dominant feeling is one of encouragement and hope.
5.	In Europe, in particular, there is hope today that the process of reconciliation set in motion by the treaties signed last year between the Soviet Union and Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany will bring about stable and peaceful conditions in which the use of force between States can be ruled out, and in which friendly cooperation could continuously increase. This European development, while not formally before this General Assembly, cannot fail to have a worldwide impact. Twice in our lifetime Europe has been the source of a war that has engulfed the entire world, and still today, 25 years after the end of the Second World War, Europe remains the scene of the deadliest concentration of modern weapons in history. The unsettled state of affairs in Europe has been one of the central causes of international tension. Stability in Europe therefore will remove a major threat to world peace.
6.	Finland has worked actively for the cause of European reconciliation. It will be recalled that the Finnish Government has offered to act as host for a conference on European security and cooperation in which all European Governments as well as the Governments of the United States and Canada would participate. We have also suggested that multilateral consultations in preparation for such a conference could take place in Helsinki. The favorable trend in European developments exemplified by the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin  encourages us to believe that our suggestion can soon be accepted by all concerned.
7.	This trend has also encouraged us to take a new initiative on the German question, the central issue that has divided Europe for the past quarter century. It has been Finnish policy to refrain from recognizing either the German Democratic Republic or the Federal Republic of Germany, while in practice maintaining equal relations with both. This policy has been dictated by our desire to avoid taking sides in the dispute between the great Powers on the German question. As the confrontation between the great Powers on Germany is losing its sharp edges, and in anticipation of an understanding between them, the Finnish Government has approached both German Governments with a proposal for a comprehensive arrangement of relations between Finland and the two German States, with a view to establishing diplomatic relations with both, based on a mutual renunciation of the use of force and recognition on the part of the two German States of Finland's neutrality. We believe that this initiative will contribute to the emerging new peaceful order in Europe.
A/PV.1941
8.	Our activity on behalf of European security and cooperation is firmly rooted in Finland's policy of neutrality. We have sought and I believe we have succeeded  to safeguard our security and the prosperity of our people by keeping aloof from the conflicts and controversies between the great Powers. But in today's world, national security cannot be divorced from the maintenance of international security. Accordingly, neutrality can no longer remain a(negative concept. It must also mean active participation in efforts to keep the peace and to promote
cooperation between nations. It enables us to maintain friendly relations with all nations across the dividing lines of military alliances or ideological blocs, and thus to render useful services to the cause of international conciliation.
9.	The recognition and confidence which our policy of neutrality has received from all sides has encouraged the Finnish Government to put forward, with the support of the other Nordic States, the candidature of our representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Max Jakobson, for the post of SecretaryGeneral of this Organization, The Finnish Government has full confidence in his personal integrity and professional competence, and we have been gratified by the wide support his candidature has received in all parts of the world.
10.	As a small, neutral Country, Finland looks upon the United Nations primarily as an instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security, and we welcomed the unanimous adoption by the General Assembly last year of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] as an expression of the collective wj'l of Member States to make this Organization more effective for this purpose, Finland for its part is prepared to continue to do its full share in efforts to improve the capabilities of the United Nations to make peace and to keep the peace.
11.	A first essential step in that direction, in our view, is to make this a truly universal organization. We hope and believe that it will be possible during this session of the General Assembly to achieve important progress in that direction.
12.	We are confident that the Assembly will now at last decide to restore the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, which Finland has consistently supported, and we shall oppose any move that might obstruct or delay the entry of the People's Republic.
13.	We are also confident that the process of European reconciliation now in progress will soon snable the two German States to enter into the United Nations as new Members. Such an outcome would significantly strengthen the Organization.
14.	Further, the time has come, in our view, to put an end, after more than 20 years, to the fruitless debate about the rights and wrongs of the Korean conflict and to make every effort to enable both North Korea and South Korea to take part in international cooperation as Members of the United Nations.
15.	As for the question of VietNam, I wish to state once again the firm conviction of the Finnish Government that lasting peace in that area can only be achieved through a political solution ensuring the right of the VietNamese people freely to determine their own future and to be represented in the United Nations. We in Finland welcome the continued withdrawal of American troops from the area and fervently hope that the war in 3ndoChina will be brought to a speedy end. With the entry of the People's Republic of China into the United Nations, it may become possible for this Organisation to play a constructive role in the restoration of peaceful conditions and the reconstruction of the region after the devastations of the prolonged war,
16.	I realize, of course, that universality by itself solves nothing. On the contrary, the entry into this Organization of several important nations will require a period of adjustment; but this will be adjustment to reality, and the sooner it is done the better for the United Nations. At least it will then be possible to use the Organization effectively for the purpose for which it was created: as a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of the purposes of the Charter and, above all, for dealing with all the urgent problems affecting international security.
17.	In the case of the Middle East, the framework for the establishment of a just and lasting peace has already been created through the use of the United Nations. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) provides for a comprehensive political solution of the conflict between Israel and the Arab States, a solution adopted by virtually the entire international community as its guide to the problem. The Special Representative of the SecretaryGeneral to the Middle East, Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, is ready to assist in carrying out that solution. Other United Nations services, such as peacekeeping forces, can surely be made available whenever needed.
18.	Nevertheless, the peacemaking process has come to a standstill. While we welcome the fact that no major fighting has occurred between Israel and the Arab States for more than a year, we cannot fail to express grave concern about the lack of progress towards a peaceful settlement. This session of the General Assembly provides an opportunity for the reactivation of the Jarring mission, and we hope that it will be used constructively before it is too late.
19.	The vast human tragedy caused by the events in East Pakistan has deeply moved the people in my country, as everywhere else in the world. Finland has already contributed and will continue to contribute to the efforts of the United Nations and other international organizations to bring humanitarian aid to those in need, to the refugees in India as well as to the distressed population in East Pakistan. We hope that conditions in East Pakistan could soon be improved so as to put an end to the flow of refugees and enable those who have fled to return home.
20.	The urgent demands of acute conflicts and crises in different parts of the world should not lead us to overlook the grave potential dangers arising from the continued repression of the black people in South Africa, Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, as well as the denial of the right to self-determination of the peoples living in the Portuguese Territories in Africa. United Nations efforts to bring about, a change in southern Africa have so far had little effect. It must be admitted that we have reached a dead end in dealing with these issues. This must not deter us from making a new, determined effort to find constructive and effective means by which the international community could influence the course of events in southern Africa, It is essential, in our view, that the interest and energies of the great Powers be more fully engaged in this effort.
21.	In this connexion I wish to emphasize the importance of the advisory opinion recently given by the International
Court of Justice on the legal consequences of South , Africa's continued presence in Namibia.  The illegality of that presence has now been clearly established by the highest judicial authority of the international community. The advisory opinion, which was requested on the initiative of the Finnish Government, should .provide the Security Council and the General Assembly with a fresh incentive to consider a new approach to the question of Namibia.
22.	The strengthening of international security cannot be limited to efforts to contain and extinguish existing conflicts. It is essential to take preventive action by strengthening the machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes and peacekeeping. The United Nations is the principal instrument available to nations for this purpose. It is, therefore, an urgent necessity that the financial difficulties of the Organization be speedily overcome. It is equally important to reach agreement without delay on guidelines for future peacekeeping operations.
23.	Disarmament and arms control measures are also essential parts of international efforts to keep the peace. It is often said that real disarmament is not possible before greater mutual trust has been established between the leading Powers. In practice, however, we have seen that disarmament and arms control measures tend to contribute to the creation of  mutual trust. In this regard, the talks between the Soviet Union and the United States on strategic arms limitations, held alternately in Helsinki and Vienna, are of crucial importance. It is one of the encouraging features of the present international situation that there now seems to be real hope of agreement between the two Powers on a first treaty on strategic arms limitation. Even an initial treaty of limited scope would have great significance, both in itself and in promoting confidence between the two most powerful nations in the world. It would also give a fresh impetus for continued negotiations with a view to agreeing on more comprehensive limitations with regard to strategic weapons.
24.	At the same time it must be recognized that the continued arms race poses grave danger to all nations, large and small, whatever their military capabilities. The consequences of nuclear war, once unleashed, would respect no national boundaries. Disarmament requires a truly universal effort. We believe therefore that the proposal of the Soviet Government for a world disarmament conference [Af8491J deserves the serious attention of the General Assembly.
25.	The Finnish Government also welcomes the progress made in the disarmament negotiations at Geneva concerning biological and chemical weapons. The ban on production and possession of biological and toxic weapons, which is now the subject of a draft convention [A/8457 DC/234, annex AJ should in our view be followed up as soon as possible by a ban on chemical weapons.
26.	The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has performed a valuable service to the United Nations by preparing a number of important arms control agreements.
It is in our view of ever greater importance, however, that a way be found by which all the nuclear Powers could be brought into a continuous negotiating process on disarmament, They do after all bear a special responsibility for the maintenance of world peacc.
27.	Last year, as the General Assembly approved the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], an important step was taken towards a higher degree of integration in the international efforts towards progress and prosperity. The implementation of that program is a challenging task and my Government, for its part, has already taken several steps in order to fulfill its obligations, in the field of both trade and development cooperation.
28.	In this context we feel that, in order to be able to discharge successfully its responsibility, the United Nations must be prepared to make certain adjustments in its organizational structure, A larger number of countries must be engaged in this effort that encompasses so many different facets of development with important differences in accent in various parts of the globe. Science and technology cannot be fully harnessed to speed up the development process unless a suitable institutional framework for intergovernmental cooperation is created.
29.	The international community cannot do more than assist the developing nations in their own efforts. The solution to their problems is in their own hands. They themselves have to establish their priorities and choose their own patterns of progress and development. But there are issues of importance vital to the entire world community. Two among the most important ones are the population question and the acceleration of food production. Although these issues are highly interdependent, they should not be treated in isolation from others. They are in many ways intertwined with such economic and social issues as health, urbanization, industrialization and international trade, just to mention a few.
30.	Unplanned development, a single-minded sectoral approach to economic growth without full sense of responsibility for the indirect consequences, has led in many countries to a situation where the qualitative aspects of life are jeopardized. The awakening that has taken place during the very last few years in this matter has not yet manifested itself in full-scale international cooperation. But the urgency of the matter has already been fully realized by this Organization and, we consequently, expect much of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held at Stockholm in 1972.


1.    In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate.
2.	Sir, the delegation of Saudi Arabia would like to take this opportunity to express its gratification at your election to the presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We have always looked upon the Indonesian people as our own brothers. It is no wonder, therefore, that my Government takes pride in your having been elected to preside over the deliberations of th- 'international community. You had been a leader in your country even before Indonesia became independent, about two decades ago. Thereafter, you have indeed been identified with wise policies in your country. Furthermore, it was my personal privilege not only to have known you personally but to have been associated with you in policies of great import to the world Muslim community. It was not surprising that you have been so admired and respected as to win the unanimous support of the Members of this Organization.
3.	This session of the General Assembly augurs especially well for Saudi Arabia. Several sister Arab States have been admitted to membership in the United Nations, and while Bhutan is not an immediate neighbor of my country, we were equally happy to see that State, situated in the heart of Asia, the mother of continents, take its rightful seat as a Member of this Organization.
4.	My delegation would like to express its appreciation for the efficient manner with which your predecessor, Edvard Hambro, presided over the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, which was a milestone in the history of the United Nations.
5.	No statement of ours from this rostrum should fail to refer to the exemplary role which our illustrious Secretary- General, U Thant, has played for a decade during which he fully dedicated himself in his endeavor to safeguard the high principles and lofty ideals of our Organization. We can never forget how vigilant we found him to be when, on several occasions, political crisis threatened world peace, and we still remember how diligently he used his good offices to avert many an international conflict.
6.	In discharging his duties, his health was bound to suffer once in a while, and inasmuch as we are solicitous about his personal welfare, we do hope that he may still be able to continue in his office until the international community could unanimously agree on a successor.
7.	Year in year out, as time marches on, we have found ourselves still seized of the same major problems to which we have not been able to find satisfactory solutions, notwithstanding the unflagging efforts exerted towards that end. Why is it that we have not made significant progress on many issues that have engrossed the United Nations since its early years? Is it due to the lack of goodwill amongst men who shape the policies of their respective States? There is no dearth of good intentions amongst many leaders in the world.
8.	What, then, is at the root of the failure which is apt to dampen the ardent spirit of the people at large who expect our Organization to be the guarantor of world peace? The answer is not very difficult to find. The lack of progress in paving the way to peace whenever then is war and conflict or strife and turmoil might be attributed to the fact that, unfortunately, many politicians wielding power pay lip- service to the United Nations Charter whilst they doggedly pursue their narrow national interests.
9.	It is such self-seeking policies that caused the League of Nations to founder. Is it not high time that we should learn by avoiding the mistakes of the not-too-distant past? The covenant of the League of Nations spoke of liberty and freedom. The United Nations Charter enshrined the principle of self-determination. What actually happened was that the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 had granted Mandates over many peoples to erstwhile colonial Powers, aside from gerrymandering the map of Europe with new boundaries
regardless of the consent and aspirations of various ethnic groups. It was these arbitrary arrangements, concocted by the victors of the First World War, that largely contributed to the factors that undermined the Versailles Peace Treaty and led to the Second World War.
10.	Did the victors of the Second World War profit by the lessons of history? Not at all. For we find them committing more serious blunders before and after the Charter was proclaimed at San Francisco. To illustrate concretely what has happened, we have only to cite the partition of Korea, the partition of Germany, the partition and zoning of Berlin all this on ideological grounds without due regard to the ethnological homogeneity of these peoples and countries.
11.	But the blunders committed after the Charter had been proclaimed were even worse. Palestine was partitioned in 1947 as if the right of peoples to self-determination was merely ink on paper. Viet-Nam was partitioned in 1954 to suit the strategic interests of great Powers in the region, with the result that a people with the same language and culture became divided, and brothers were incited to slit one another's throat.
12.	No one should be astonished why such major problems as I have mentioned are still besetting us in this Organization without our having made headway towards their solution. At the root of our difficulties lies the fact that the States which wield world power, unfortunately, still predicate their respective national policies on the balance of power and on incessant endeavors on their part to maintain supremacy in what they consider their spheres of influence.
13.	The pursuit of such policies that have caused many wars since the dawn of civilization compels contesting Powers to emulate one another in armaments and thereby resort to devising new lethal weapons, hoping thus to maintain an advantage over their adversaries. Hence, the interminable race in escalating armaments at the expense of the masses who are compelled to contribute hard-earned funds for what may end up in the profession of killing or getting killed in the name of liberty, justice and self- defense.
14.	My delegation is far from so presumptuous as to address itself to the nearly 100 items inscribed on the agenda of the current session, inasmuch as, no doubt, each item is of special importance to a group of Member States, if not to the whole United Nations. It therefore becomes understandable that I may be permitted to dwell in this statement on those items of the agenda that deeply concern the Government and people of Saudi Arabia.
15.	The situation in the Middle East is still paramount so far as we are concerned. We can never keep silent about the injustice that has been perpetrated on the indigenous people of Palestine since 1947 and thereafter till the present day.
16.	The usurpation of the Palestinian homeland by European Jews on the grounds that God Almighty had given them the land is untenable as long as, by the grace of God, the deep feeling that this injustice should be undone still surges in the breasts of 110 million Arabs and 600 million Moslems, who feel that it is their sacred duty to save the Palestinians as a people from national annihilation.
17.	The arrogance of the Zionist usurpers knows no bounds. It is an insult to human intelligence for them to act as if they were the chosen people of God to the exclusion of everybody else. While the United Nations incessantly decries racial discrimination or the superiority of one religion or sect over the other, these Zionists unabashedly endeavor to seek privileges on religious grounds.
18.	But this is not all. These European Zionists have even pieced themselves above the Sephardic Jews, who, unfortunately, have become victims of Zionism by being looked upon as second-class citizens in usurped Palestine. Truly, such flagrant racial discrimination stops at no limits. It is not strange, therefore, that Zionists consider that the Arabs, together with all the gentiles in the world, should belong to a lower stratum of the human creation. It is the most despicable effrontery for the Zionists to engage in such sordid racial discrimination.
19.	If the Zionists persist in claiming that the question of Jerusalem is non-negotiable, let me make it unmistakably clear that we, Arabs and Moslems, will in time, with God's help, sacrifice ourselves to redeem Jerusalem and all the Palestinian homeland from colonial invaders who have constituted a foreign element in our midst. This fact explains the state of perpetual war, the high tensions and anarchic upheavals in the whole region of the Middle East. That is why the clash of interests between Powers, big and small, will definitely lead to a global holocaust, if injustice is allowed to prevail while the United Nations merely stands by as a helpless witness to this unprecedented tragedy.
20.	What authorities other than the usurping Zionists would dare consistently to defy the decisions of the United Nations and ignore the innumerable condemnatory resolutions adopted against them since the United Nations unjustly admitted them to its membership?
21.	If the major Powers that in 1947 were responsible for the creation of this artificial Zionist State refuse to act in the face of these defiant usurpers, I am afraid we may all end up by losing faith in the effectiveness of this Organization.
22.	We are not boasting of what the Arabs and Moslems may one day be able to do, nor is it our intention to arouse the fears of the world community by what we say on this question from the rostrum of the United Nations.
23.	Palestine lies astride the routes of three continents and, as such, was and still is being coveted by foreign invaders who throughout history had thought they could keep it permanently as the prize of conquest. Where are those invaders now? With the exception of the present non-Semitic usurpers, the Khazars, who were converted to Judaism, they are no more.
24.	We would like to ask, will the General Assembly and in particular the Security Council remain helpless in the face of Zionist aggression? Will the United Nations act or allow the situation in the Middle East to deteriorate to such an extent that no remedy may be found except in eventual armed conflicts until the aggressor is curbed and ultimately expelled? We can hardly add more to this grave warning, which we hope will be heeded before it becomes too late.
25.	Our stand on the remnants of colonial rule and on questions of racial discrimination will again be made clear in the appropriate Committees of the General Assembly, where these items will be fully debated. We may venture to make certain suggestions and recommendations that we hope will contribute constructively towards finding some satisfactory solutions.
26.	My having dwelt on the situation in the Middle East, as I have done, should not at all be construed to mean that the Government of Saudi Arabia is not concerned with other momentous questions that will be dealt with during the present session.
27.	As we said we would do in regard to colonial and racial problems, my delegation will define its position on the multifarious items that have been allocated to the agendas of the various Committees of the General Assembly.
28.	The Government of Saudi Arabia strongly deplores any interference in the domestic affairs of Pakistan. We believe what is happening in Pakistan is strictly and without any doubt the affair of the Pakistanis themselves, and therefore any outside interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan will surely constitute a violation of our Charter. We may be allowed to remind all the indigenous peoples of the Indian subcontinent that they are brothers regardless of the diversity of cultures, languages and religions in that region. We particularly appeal to them to respect each other's political integrity and to exert all efforts to avoid what may cause a rift in their political structures. We have been assured by Pakistan that it would welcome the repatriation of refugees that are now on Indian soil; and from the various declarations that have been made we have no doubt that Pakistan is eager to see the refugees return home to live with their brothers under the same flag. The Pakistani Government has repeatedly assured us that it will spare no effort to ensure their progress and security.
29.	Before bringing these words to a close, and without having to reiterate in detail what I mentioned at past sessions, I feel that it would be appropriate to refer to the continued progress achieved in Saudi Arabia under the leadership of His Majesty King Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz in the economic, social and cultural spheres. In this respect, I can do no better than to repeat a quotation from a speech made by His Majesty in clarifying our policy. Addressing the Saudi people, His Majesty said:
“Brothers, this State was built on strong foundations. Firstly, it was built on the foundation of Islam; secondly, on the foundation of administering and spreading justice among citizens whereby King and citizens stand equal before the law; thirdly, on the foundation of making education available to all and raising the country to a proper standard of living.”
30.	Finally, I pray God Almighty to guide us along the right path so that we may succeed in our efforts during this session to reach those goals which may lead the world to greater prosperity, lasting peace and security.


37.	 First of all, Mr. President, permit me, on behalf of my Government and the delegation of Singapore, to congratulate you on your election to the important office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is all the more gratifying to us not only because we both come from the same region but also because Indonesia is our next-door neighbor. My country therefore derives some vicarious pleasure from being able to bask in reflected glory. As for your qualities of leadership and statesmanship, these have been amply demonstrated in the many years you have devoted towards the creation of an independent and progressive Indonesia. Equally notable has been the single-mindedness with which you have espoused the cause of regional co-operation by helping to establish the Association of South-East Asian Nations or ASEAN. It is therefore fitting that you should have been chosen to preside over one of the most important sessions in the history of our Organization.
38.	Permit me also, Sir. to pay a tribute to our distinguished Secretary-General, who has for 10 years been performing what has been described as the most impossible job in the world. His integrity, his dedication to the Charter and his techniques of quiet and patient diplomacy have added new dimensions to the office of Secretary-General. We are grateful to him for a decade of impeccable service to the United Nations, which we would have liked to see continue if it were possible.
39.	A depressing feature of our Organization has been the steady accumulation over the years of problems designated as unsolvable. We have consequently developed rigid conventions as to their treatment. Year in and year out these questions are solemnly unwrapped before this Assembly, given an airing and returned to the catacombs more or less undamaged.
40.	The China question was one such unsolvable problem. For over two decades it was a "must" on our agenda.
Though no solution was expected, it was nevertheless debated, if only to justify our expensive trips to New York. The speeches on the China question have over the years acquired the irrelevant abstruseness of debates by medieval European theologians wrangling over the number of angels who could dance on the point of a needle.
41.	Now, after 21 years, the log-jam has been broken. We are now very close to demonstrating that the unsolvable is solvable. This is a momentous discovery, and one of great significance to an Organization only too ready to be convinced that difficult problems are unsolvable. This happy outcome to the China problem would, I hope, at least shake our faith in the existence of unsolvable problems. Problems may be difficult, complex and delicate, but they are not unsolvable. This is because all the problems that come before this Assembly are wholly man-made and therefore well within the capacity of men to resolve.
42.	If the China question, long accepted as unsolvable, can be solved, then so can the many other allegedly unsolvable problems which are now permanent fixtures of our agenda.
43.	There is, for example, the war in Viet-Nam. It is a war that has continued more or less uninterrupted for some 30 years involving first the Japanese, then the French, and now the United States. But even here there is, at last, sound reason for optimism. The desultory talks in Paris and the United States decision to disengage as soon as possible from the war in Viet Nam are indications that the Viet-Nam problem is not unsolvable. It is senseless to persist in a war where clearly one side cannot defeat the other. It is an outrageous fact that more than half of the population now living in Viet-Nam was born in war and has never experienced peace.
44.	The other apparently unsolvable problem is the tragic war in the Middle East. Here, too, there are grounds for at least qualified optimism. The area of agreement between the parties concerned has now been hopefully widened. My Government is well aware that there still exists a gap of suspicion and fear. But we believe that renewed war will not narrow the gap, and will most certainly erode the area of agreement so painfully and patiently broadened through peaceful negotiations.
45.	My Government would like to reiterate that the Middle East conflict should be resolved through negotiations and on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
46.	A more intractable problem which comes regularly before this Assembly is that of white racialism in South Africa and Rhodesia. The ritualistic condemnation of white racialism, though necessary, will not., it is now clear, by itself bring that evil to an end. Black Africa must first manifest a unity and strength sufficiently credible to compel white Africa to come to honorable terms with the Colored majority.
47.	However, the problem of white racialism must be understood and attacked within the wider context of racialism in general. It is a depressing fact that manifestations of racialism are no longer a simple conflict between
the white and black races. Racialism is increasingly becoming a world-wide plague. It afflicts not only the underdeveloped world but the developed world as well. We all know that there is oppression of blacks by whites. But there is also oppression of blacks by browns, of browns by blacks, of yellows by browns, of whites by whites, of browns by browns, and any other chromatic combination we care to think of.
48.	So we of the third world cannot successfully fight white racialism if we ourselves indulge in that indefensible vice. Racial oppression cannot be fought on the basis of discrimination, as regards Color struggles.
49.	I do not wish to go through the list of many other allegedly unsolvable problems before us which we have accumulated over the years. The point I want to make is that the China problem demonstrates that, given the will, the irresistible can give way and the immovable can move. There are really no unsolvable human problems.
50.	The participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of our Organization will at last make it truly representative of nearly all of humanity. The exclusion of some 700-800 million people-a quarter of mankind-from the community of world nations has not only made the United Nations that less representative of mankind but has also threatened international stability by compelling a quarter of mankind to work outside the framework of the United Nations. The danger becomes more compelling now that Communist China has emerged as a nuclear Power as well.
51.	I am well aware that the debate on the China issue at this session will not be all plain sailing. It was cold war considerations which had for so long kept Communist China out of this Organization. One should therefore not be unduly dismayed if, at its final stages, this question should still betray old fears and ancient animosities.
52.	But we should not allow what is undoubtedly a triumph of common sense and wise diplomacy to be marred by efforts to present the final outcome as a triumph for one side or a capitulation by the other. Therefore I should like at this juncture to state my country's position in regard to the issue of China.
53.	We have always maintained the view that the seat allocated to China should properly be occupied by the People's Republic of China. We also subscribe to the view that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of it. We can hold no other view, since the Governments of Peking and Taiwan themselves have consistently maintained this view. That being so, the status of Taiwan is a domestic matter to be settled by the people of China, including those of Taiwan.
54.	Having said that, I should like to add that my delegation has no intention of joining in any denigration of a Government that has for 26 years represented China in this Organization. We may disagree as to whether it should have continued to represent mainland China after it lost control over it. But we cannot deny that during those 26 years it has discharged its responsibilities towards this Organization constructively, responsibly and judiciously.

55.	It is for that reason that we regret very much that the Albanian draft resolution [AIL.630 and Add.l], with whose essential points we whole-heartedly agree, should contain elaborations that are unduly harsh and unnecessary.
56.	The entry of the People's Republic of China into this Organization will make for a different kind of United Nations from the one we have known for the past 26 years. For the first time in 26 years the United Nations will feel the impact of new approaches and new attitudes to world problems. That will impose new strains on the Organization. New problems will emerge. But, most important of all, the politics of the United Nations will be dominated, not by two, but by three major nuclear Powers. That has great implications for the small nations, in particular those of the third world. Hitherto we have had to contend only with the ambitions and rivalries of two nuclear Powers. It was a difficult enough task for small nations not to be caught in the cross-fire. There were moments of great danger for us, and even a few casualties, as we learned through trial and error how to cope with the cold war of an essentially bipolar world. But over the years the small nations have learned how to deal with two Powers, just as the two great Powers have developed their own expertise in the art of coping with small nations.
57.	But with the entry of China into the United Nations arena the familiar bipolar world comes to an end and with it the equilibrium-of-sorts that world has established. In other words, the cold war involving only two great Powers has come to an end. We now see looming ahead prospects of a new tri-polar cold war. Looking a little further ahead, it is more than possible that two other dormant Powers  Japan and a united Western Europe will enter the arena of great-Power struggle. They too will, as is natural to great Powers, seek to shape the world in the light of their own particular ambitions and national interests. In other words, in the 1970s the small nations must learn to live and survive in a multi-polar world of power politics. The shift from a bipolar to a multi-polar world has, it is true, ended the danger of the carving-up of the world by only two great Powers. To a great extent, that offers the small nations greater room for maneuver, a greater range of choice. But it also carries with it new dangers. Where before we, the small nations, were subjected to pressures by two Powers, we are in future going to be exposed to the blandishments of three or more great Powers.
58.	I do not foresee the great Powers abandoning power politics in the near future. That is because the great Powers believe they have evolved techniques for conducting power politics safely, without danger. I do not believe that in the long run that technique is really safe. But it is enough for our purposes that the great Powers believe it to be so. That is because the development of nuclear weapons has forced a tacit agreement among the nuclear Powers that there should be no direct confrontation between them because in nuclear terms that would mean the mutual annihilation of the great Powers. But they know that conflicts between big Powers are inevitable so long as the drive for power and dominance remains the overriding consideration in international relations. But they will be waged by means other than direct confrontation.
59.	And the means are the small nations. Big wars can be and have been fought through small nations. The idea is not
really new. In the past, small nations have been pitted against one another to further the interests of great Powers. But today the technique of wars with small nations as proxies has been more systematically developed. Small wars have in the nuclear age become the only safe method of conducting big-Power conflicts. That is why today and for the past decade small wars are and have been gradually increasing; that is why the third world is the scene of growing violence and conflict and civil wars. Textbooks on military strategy refer to this as the strategy of fighting limited wars. They have developed a strategy; textbooks refer to it as the strategy of fighting limited wars. It also includes the promotion of wars of national liberation, support for guerrilla uprisings, subversion and the engineering of coups in small countries.
60.	So long as power politics persist, small nations will, I am afraid, increasingly be made the battlegrounds for resolving big-Power conflicts. A multi-polar world will possibly increase the risk of small wars breaking out. The small nations are more than ever before necessary instruments for big-Power conflicts-the only available instruments for big-Power conflicts.
61.	I personally do not believe that small wars or limited wars are all that safe. They may be so in the short run, and in a bipolar world. But in the long run, in a multi-polar world, limited wars must escalate into unlimited wars. Small Powers can acquire a significance and involve considerations of big-Power prestige which may make it impossible for a major Power to accept defeat even in limited wars. But there is little evidence at the present time to show that the big Powers are convinced of that. For the immediate future, small countries would increasingly be made the battlegrounds for big-Power conflicts because great Powers believe small wars to be safe wars.
62.	This will be all the more so because we, the small nations, are either unable to resist being made pawns in the power game or because we unwittingly provide ample opportunities for big-Power intervention and manipulation. We, the small nations, are rent by internal dissension, civil wars, crushing economic problems and often inter-State conflicts, degenerating into endemic wars. These are all irresistible opportunities for successful big-Power intervention, often disguised as sympathy and aid for our respective causes.
63.	But once local conflicts are meshed in with big-Power conflicts, then these wars cease to be small wars to further the ends of small nations. These small wars pass into the hands of competing big Powers. Once that happens, these wars can be ended only by the leave and license of the big Powers and only when they have attained their somewhat different objectives.
64.	So if the small nations are to prevent their becoming expendable pawns in the big-Power game, they must first put their own houses in order. As long as we are internally weak, we are easy prey for big Powers. A major source of internal weakness is our failure to promote rapid economic development. The only successful revolution that the third world has so far waged is the anti-colonial revolution. It was by any standard a great revolution. But we have been far less successful in bringing about the economic revolution so

necessary to build strong modem States. We cannot build immunity against manipulation by great and wealthy States so long as we remain economically weak and are beset by all the ills of under-development. We will remain weak and easy prey for big-Power manipulation so long as we persist in promoting what has been described as ineffective under-developed revolutions.
65.	According to the Secretary-General's report on children, there are more sick and more undernourished children in the under-developed world today than was the case 10 years ago.  Human misery is progressively increasing in the third world; more people starve and more die of preventable diseases because the reproductive capacity of the peoples of the third world is increasing faster than their economic productivity.
66.	There can be no unity, stability or modernization in the third world unless there is an economic breakthrough. Clearly, all the remedies and policies attempted during the past 25 years to promote rapid economic development have fundamentally been in error. That is why we still remain under-developed, in fact more under-developed with every passing year, because while we grow poorer, the wealthy nations are growing richer and more powerful every day, every year. The gap between the rich and the poor nations is widening at such a rate that if it is kept up for another two ox three decades, the under-developed countries may be doomed to live in permanent bondage to the advanced nations.
67.	Time, therefore, is not on the side of the third world. That is why it is vital for the small nations of the third world to approach the problems of economic development with a new sense of realism and with the utmost urgency. Past policies in regard to economic development must be abandoned simply because they have clearly failed to provide results after a period of 25 years.
68.	So, for a start, we should develop an obsession about economic development. True, there is more to life than economic development. But the time to think of these higher and nobler aspects of existence is when elementary decencies of life have been assured to a majority of the peoples of the third world. Only then can we think of the more spiritual aspects of our lives. True, man does not live by bread alone, but without it he does not live at all. So an obsession with economic development is necessary for our survival as small nations.
69.	When this happy condition has been reached, then small nations stand a better chance of resisting attempts to convert them into pawns in the game of great Powers. Most important of all, without the co-operation of small nations, the great Powers, confronted with the awful alternative of direct confrontation in pursuit of power politics, may finally be forced to abandon power politics as a method of conducting international relations.
70.	So in a way, we, the small nations, can bring power politics to an end by first concentrating on internal development and by steadfastly refusing, like the Trojan women in the Greek play, to enter into any cold-war liaison
with the major Powers. This is the only practical strategy for the survival of small nations in the multi-polar world that is now emerging.


82.	  Mr. President, I am happy to address you on behalf of my country, the Republic of the Ivory Coast, extending to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the Presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are bound to recognize that our work will be carried out in a sombre atmosphere because of the imminent departure of our Secretary-General, U Thant. Nevertheless, the delegation of the Ivory Coast believes that, more than ever before, our Organization needs a man of his stature and his philosophy who, more than once, has saved the United Nations during acute crises. We therefore express the hope of seeing the Secretary-General although we understand the reasons which inspired his decision- consent to continue his task in the interest of mankind.
83.	To address this Assembly is not only to manifest faith in the United Nations; it is also to contribute to the attainment of its humanitarian projections towards the objectives the Organization has assigned itself, that is to say, to preserve future generations from the scourge of war. My country does so because we feel co-responsible for this noble mission. Thus we shall endeavor to express ourselves in accordance with the laws of maturity for a positive co-operation, all the more so since, while war or violence may be a domestic necessity for certain regimes, a national industry for others, the Ivory Coast can tind no cause or explanation for this phenomenon which would enable us to rationalize it or to integrate it in an intelligible system.
84* Almost six years ago Mr. Ian Smith proclaimed the illegal independence of Rhodesia. World public opinion was roused to indignation and took a collective decision: economic sanctions decreed by the Security Council. Six years have gone by; the sanctions have failed. The reason for them, which was a casus belli yesterday, no longer seems to be so important in the minds of people. During that time, with an almost total disregard for public opinion, Great Britain and the Rhodesian regime resumed their negotiations like members of a family. Rhodesia would make concessions, promises rather, and taking these promises on faith, independence, is to be granted it in the most legal way in the world and the game will be played out. Some decolonizations were not properly carried out and already create problems for the world or will create them in the future. We hope that Rhodesia will not be added to the ranks-we hope that Great Britain, with its experience, will manage to spare Africa the situation which exists in Palestine and in Cyprus and the fate reserved for the Indian Union. The Ivory Coast is a country of dialog, and dialog requires faith. The Rhodesian question is the responsibility of Great Britain, the British Government has stated. We shall continue to place our confidence in it to safeguard the interests of 4 million Africans which it colonized. But our regional organization-as well as the Security Council should maintain its relations with Great Britain so as to establish contact with it in order to be informed of the course of the negotiations.
85.	As for Portugal, it lives a legal fiction and we hope that it will participate fully in destroying the myth. Decolonization is an inevitable event. its rate can only be more or less accelerated. Portugal must turn to the future with serenity and lucidity. Portugal wanted assimilation, and that ideal, far from being condemnable, could well be the link that will in due course bind the new African States to the former metropolis. Because, in fact, there is no acceptable course today other than self-determination and independence. We have stated this in the past from this rostrum and we affirm it again: it is not too late. Portugal can still play the role which history expects; it can free itself from the system which holds it in bondage; it can lead die Territories which it maintains under its domination to independence and enjoy the friendship and the recognition of people who will then be greatly indebted to it. Today, as never before, Portugal faces its future. We must assist Portugal and, like the Arab States in regard to France when the Algerians were courageously fighting against France, we must not be content with Platonic resolutions but must establish contacts with Portugal with the purpose of starting and accelerating the inevitable process of negotiation between the latter and the fighters so as to shorten the suffering of our brothers and preserve, between Portugal and its former colonies, the relations imbued with friendship which exist between the countries that have acceded to independence and their former metropolises.
86.	In regard to Namibia, the International Court of Justice pronounced a clear-cut Judgment. But, alas, our institutions, like every human endeavor, are imperfect. The advisory opinion of the Court  cannot be binding unless we declare that we accept it; South Africa will certainly not make such a declaration. And we run the risk that for a long time to come we shall continue to administer Namibia from New York. The United Nations is not prepared to raise troops for the purpose of protecting and escorting the United Nations Council for Namibia to that Territory to govern it.
87.	In the final analysis, in the Ivory Coast we come back to our only weapon, dialog. The South African Government proposed a referendum which the Court quite rightly rejected because the problem is a political one and rests with political authorities. But why should our Organization not discuss with South Africa, which is a State Member of our Organization, the purpose of that referendum within the framework of self-determination as defined in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV}] and how the referendum would be carried out? The referendum would be preceded by amnesty for political prisoners and with freedom of action for political parties so as to enable the entire population of Namibia to decide, in the presence of neutral observers and by means of universal suffrage, its future status?
88.	Indeed, the Namibians must enjoy the right to self-determination. That was the purpose of the Mandate; current international law confirms it. All the other countries which were under the Mandate of the League of Nations have acceded to independence. Consequently, it is the duty of South Africa, a Member of the United Nations, to comply with that interpretation. This referendum must be not on a choice between administration by South Africa or by the United Nations, but on accession to independence. And Namibia must accede to independence in its territorial integrity as entrusted by the League of Nations to Great Britain and by the latter to South Africa.
89.	I now come to the problem of apartheid. This is so painful a question as to appear as a veritable mental epidemic; it blocks our judgments and out critical faculties and makes us impervious to reasonable solutions. It prevents us from perceiving the essence: the tragic march of Africa towards an ideological division, with the misfortune of seeing superimposed upon it a political-religious division.
90.	The Ivory Coast is against every kind of violence. Violence means armed struggle, war-mongering verbalism, but also structural violence, which causes the oppression of man, which prevents him from being free and acceding to human progress.
91.	Despite the malicious insinuations of some of its friends and despite the accusations of being a traitor to Africa hurled against it by some of its brother countries whose regimes give the outside world a distorted picture of African humanism, the Ivory Coast not only denies these oppressive regimes, which are a shame to Africa, the right to inveigh against its positions but also asserts with firm conviction that only through dialog can an armed clash between our States and the disastrous consequences of structural violence within each of them be averted.
92.	To those who recommend a dialog between whites and blacks in South Africa, the Ivory Coast expresses its complete agreement because we reaffirm that it if? only a dialog which can prevent the disastrous consequences of structural violence within each of our African countries, including South Africa.
93.	In response to those who claim that we want to negotiate on the backs of our unhappy brothers in South Africa, the Ivory Coast rejects, not with scorn but with indignation, these fallacious accusations. Indeed, we repeat that it is only a dialog which can prevent an armed
struggle between our States, including South Africa, and which is able to contribute to the establishment of an atmosphere which will promote or facilitate the indispensable dialog among the citizens of South Africa,
94.	My country and its Government have no intention of either becoming resigned to the perpetuation of the system of apartheid, or of seeing extinguished in the ashes of resignation the flame of legitimate indignation of black Africans in South Africa. True, they insistently extol the dynamic ideal of non-violence, but fully understand that, through the accumulation of deceptions, the threshold of tolerance is broken and brings violence in its wakes driving some to fight or to accept death in order to satisfy their fundamental aspirations to freedom and dignity. But that is only a distress solution for a distress situation.
95.	It is therefore incumbent on those who are not immediately involved in this tragedy to endeavor to analyze these events, to dissect the components, to interpret them, to seek solutions so that those mainly responsible, namely, colonialism and racist government, will discover the morality of freedom, of equality, rather than to encourage by deeds and words the terrible logic of violence which leads opponents to greater reciprocal violence.
96.	There are so many divergences in assessing the methods of approach because the categorical judgments that we arrive at do not take into account the essential elements of reality, that is to say, do not place the problem in its true context: the situation of Africa with regard to peace or war. Obviously the use of force will be abhorrent. The great Western Powers will not accept an invasion of South Africa by African armies. The armed power of South Africa is such that one cannot foresee how long a war would last. Our armies would be fighting on several fronts. Our continent would be reduced to a vast field of ruins where hunger and epidemics would cause millions upon millions of dead. Our youth, our hope for tomorrow, would be sacrificed and, without winning the war, we would lose a precious peace.
97.	A similar^ conceived masked war was implanted in the Middle East and has enabled the great Powers to project their problems there and the profound impetus of their quarrels and to issue proxy invitations to our brothers in that region of the world to fight against one another.
98.	Africa, because of its sociological and ethnic pluralism and the need to devote itself to a harmonious development on the economic, cultural, scientific and social levels, must safeguard itself against bloc rivalry. It can only do so if vigilance brings about an internal and external conduct which excludes hated, even vengeance in the most tragic cases, and establishes a will for dialog and a permanent policy of negotiation.
99.	Indeed, to think of our struggle against apartheid since 10 years ago is to take the measure of the evolution of that phenomenon and of the conduct of the world, of which Africa is an integral part. The ethics and philosophy of our decisions have tended toward an economic and diplomatic boycott of South Africa, in order to halt its economic expansion, isolate it and compel it to surrender.
100.	Every year South Africa is condemned because of the system it practices, appeals are made and then sanctions are imposed upon it for non-compliance with those appeals. The United Nations will not fail in its task; this year again it will adopt resolutions of condemnation and sanctions. As long as those sanctions remain at the level of the General Assembly, votes will be cast in favor with no opposition -excepting Portugal and South Africa. The sympathies for the victims are many, convictions are unanimously reiterated. Any attempt to have the Security Council endorse resolutions under Articles 39, 41 and 42 of the Charter so that they will become binding decisions has suffered from the veto of the great Powers-the fourth veto of the United Kingdom and the first veto of the United States since the creation of the United Nations.
101.	As a general rule, the 10 great Powers which provide South Africa with three quarters of its imports and purchase two thirds of its exports will, like almost all the other Powers, not only not make the necessary effort to impose sanctions but will never make such an effort. The reduction of gold and other mineral deposits, whose expansion is so useful to the world economic structure and the structure of their economies, would cause a crisis in international liquidity, so that each one, given the complexities of economic laws, plays a subtle game of self- satisfaction which consists in voting in favor of a resolution first and then being deceptive about its implementation. Who would dare to propose abandonment of the gold standard for any currency, let alone the dollar? The International Monetary Fund has just purchased, gold from South Africa in the amount of $137.55 million so as to enable States to use the special drawing rights to acquire currencies. All these realities mean that, far from suffering from the decisions taken, economic expansion continues and South Africa increases its income by 6 per cent, which reveals how uncertain are the methods advocated. Thus the possibility for an internal revolution is based on nothing; what is more, within the context of the present world, it seems impossible, if not inconceivable for us, to set up a joint force to fight South Africa, Beside the' victims, machine-guns in hand.
102.	Our support can only be verbal, laden with affection, in a romantic way, bewitching for our peoples, but not in accord with the realities of the situation. Our effort, apparently active, is in fact passive; and we are among those who become exasperated and find it more and more difficult to support it. The Ivory Coast has no great merit in making this affirmation, because we are simply stating a truth known to all. What we denounce is that no one wishes to draw the consequences of this blocking in the United Nations.
103.	Three elements command that, while maintaining moral pressure on South Africa, we study new methods of approach. The big businessmen, grouped around large financial institutions which invest even in certain African countries, are liberal; while the racism of the old, who grew up after the Boer war, is pathological, the young are inspired only by the fear of revenge from the blacks. There are therefore differences in motivation which enable us to believe that it will be possible, through technology, frequent contacts and the influence of communications, to disseminate among the vast majority of white and black citizens of that country the ideals of an egalitarian and brotherly society, to strengthen standards and the social and human values of our time, and thus bring about a peaceful evolution towards a multiracial society.
104.	It is true that the thinking and training of some do not predispose them to such a conception. But it is arbitrary to group all attitudes in the struggle under the single world "violence". The Ivory Coast reaffirms its conviction that contacts, the creation of conditions necessary for a dialog, can, without hampering or discouraging the struggle of the victims, bring about changes through evolution.
105.	Diplomatic isolation has also failed. None of the Powers in question has broken relations with South Africa. While South African Airways does not transit our countries, the other airlines and the shipping companies which go to South Africa come to our ports and airports; at the same time the South Africans of Dutch, German, British and other descent maintain contacts with their cousins in Europe and other continents, despite our resolutions. Those contacts between whites certainly do not speed up the solution of the problem; whereas, in the opinion of the Ivory Coast, contact between blacks and whites would in itself constitute a crack in the wall of apartheid. Our black brothers, South Africans, also need to circulate, to know the black citizens of the independent countries of Africa -their habits, their customs, their way of life-and their relations with the whites who have remained in those countries in friendship, or who have been liberally welcomed after independence. Finally, it is no mere chance that harmonious relations between whites and blacks in America have been developed increasingly since 1960, the period of independence of African States and their mass arrival in the United States.
106.	That is why, in acting against the current of a collective delirium, we affirm that it would be an illusory satisfaction to try to liberate our brothers through war. Our warlike attitude runs the risk of setting off a deadly chain of events, triggered by blind external forces and by our just fury, and would lead our beloved Africa which has already suffered so much to the hecatomb desired by some. Thus the well-understood interests of our continent compel us to risk peace rather than war.
107.	In this connexion President Felix Houphet-Boigny said the following in March 1968 before the Tunisian Parliament:
"We must once and for all renounce the idea of harnessing our plough to the clouds. We must give proof of being serious and realistic in every field, whether it is a matter of our own affairs, of our struggle against those who persist in wanting to scorn Africa, or whether it is a matter of our relations with our African brothers and the methods used to try to reach unity. What does this consist of? It is to refuse uselessly sentimental and chivalrous attitudes in this century of realism; to reject demagoguery and vain improvisations; it means admitting that words and skills count but little when facts are faced; it is to propose reasonable solutions, that is to say, solutions that one can and wants to apply; it means remaining faithful to principles, but at the same time being able to exercise the necessary flexibility to ensure their triumph."
108.	The single-mindedness of Africans in regard to the objective elimination of apartheid stands intact. Only the methods may very after 10 years of no success.
109.	The situation in the Middle East is a permanent danger for world security. At the fifth emergency special session of this Assembly, I said that the political instability within certain States of the area, the bloody events and the grave disturbances which periodically have broken out in that part of the world, have as their cause, directly or indirectly, the problem of Palestine. We must recognize that the picture is sombre. Yet, I would wish to believe that, today, a ray of hope has lifted some of the shadows from that picture. On both sides, it seems that, finally, they wish to free themselves from the politics of doom and embark on the very difficult course of negotiations yes, difficult because intransigence confronts intransigence.
110.	The Jarring mission, whose noble efforts have been appreciated by both sides, with which his prestige remains intact, may be called upon to pursue his task. Those countries which are friendly with both the Arab States and Israel must assist both parties to adopt an attitude favorable to a dialog, on the basis of mutual understanding, which in turn is born of mutual good faith. The basis for the discussions exists: Security Council resolution 242 (1967). The terms were carefully weighted both in the preamble and in the operative part. It advocates evacuation from the' occupied territories and the recognition of Israel's right to exist.
111.	In truth peace will not be made up of either rights or claims, but more simply of mutual concessions. Without them, there is neither negotiation nor dialog, and therefore no peace. There is no conflict which does not lend itself to a peaceful solution unless minds are closed to every suggestion. Be that as it may, in the end solutions which were initially rejected indignantly are found to be plausible and acceptable. The cease-fire must become permanent and every recourse must be set in motion so as to find arrangements for the reopening of the Suez Canal.
112.	The Chinese question is governed by two facts: the national fact, which is reflected in the feeling of each Chinese Government that it is the legitimate representative of China; and the international fact, which, without daring to be definite, leads the other countries of the world, at the whim of world political events, to recognize either de jure the Republic of China, or de facto, the People's Republic of China, and vice-versa.
113.	But the Sino-American ping-pong games have launched the United States "bomb", and it was logical to discover in its fall-out the specific form of the international fact of two Chinas. Nobody doubts that this solution would win many votes if both were likely to accept a compromise formula. But in fact positions are irreducible and a compromise non-existent. The problem stands in its entirety. There are no nuances in positions taken, and that would lead us to believe that there is a greater interest in the question than in the solution. If the Organization were to take the decision to expel the Republic of China, it would not emerge morally greater. The Ivory Coast will always be objective whenever this question is debated. Quite obviously, any proposal to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations should continue to be considered an important question.
114.	As for the Viet-Nam war, its extension to the entire peninsula is to be deplored and its continuation is not warranted. It would be desirable to encourage the participants in the tragedy to pursue their negotiations in a spirit of sincerity.
115.	The peoples of the third world hunger and thirst for economic justice. The problem of peace is also tied to the redistribution of wealth. Redistribution does not mean that the "haves" would have to distribute their goods, but to seek a balance between income we derive from our raw materials and the price we pay for manufactured goods. It has long been thought that the solution to the underdevelopment of the countries of the third world lay in aid given by the rich countries to the poor ones.
116.	The disappointing United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in 1964  did nevertheless make it possible for us to see that this conception was cramped, that trade was the primary instrument for the poor countries to accede to general prosperity, and that therefore the development possibilities for the third world were governed by the evolution of the general framework of world trade. Hence the importance of expanded trade, economic co-operation and regional integration as elements of an international development strategy. But the deficiencies and barriers to maximizing international trade are still many and very difficult to surmount.
117.	The share of the developing countries in world exports, which was 27 per cent in 1953, fell to 18 per cent in 1969; it even fell from 52 per cent to 42 per cent for primary products, which represents the main part of their exports. These figures reveal the weakness of the structure of exports in the developing countries, which are too dependent on commodity goods.
118.	But the organization of markets for commodities and international agreements will not enable producing countries to derive enough income from their products to ensure the accelerated rate of development they need.
119.	Moreover, serious import barriers subsist in the advanced countries for these processed or semi-processed commodities. Unfortunately, we observe that the developed countries often still follow a rather pronounced protectionist policy: import duties, surcharges, quotas or subsidies for national producers whereas in fact the only real solution that will enable the developing countries to improve their situation and to ensure their economic growth would be to export more of their manufactured or semi-finished goods to the wealthy countries.
120.	Expansion of international trade should not be sought solely between the rich and low-income countries; trade between the developing countries should also increase. Unfortunately, the barriers to this increase in trade are many and often cannot be overcome by developing countries alone without international aid or contributions. Transport and communications between these countries are often inferior to those which link them to the wealthy countries; the quasi-monopoly or the preponderance of foreign shipping companies which service those poor countries places them at the mercy of any freight rates policy which is unilaterally decided in the wealthy countries. The financial institutions, the payments systems and the sales organization have been devised, often for historical reasons, more in terms of trade with the developed countries; products manufactured in the developing countries are often competitive with one another instead of being c complementary. Finally, trade in agricultural goods between low-income countries is often hindered because wealthy countries give their farmers assistance in kind or export subsidies. It follows that a serious effort has to be made by the developing countries to institute multilateral payment agreements and regional arrangements among themselves in order to intensify trade.
121.	In reviewing these difficulties and these obstacles to the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which was adopted at the last session of the General Assembly [resolution 2626 (XXV)], we can but feel overwhelmed at the volume of effort, work and goodwill which must still be amassed to achieve our goal, even though we retain our full confidence in the solidarity, the good sense and wisdom of the world community. Yet we must recognize that the recent crisis in the international monetary system gives cause for the developing countries to despair. They bear no responsibility for the present crisis and yet they suffer the rebound effects of an incoherent management of the international payments system by the developed countries. The present trends toward protectionism and withdrawal which is the pattern in the trade policy of the wealthy countries cannot f"" to be detrimental to the hopes of the developing countries for an expansion of international trade.
122.	The fluctuation of currencies and, as a consequence, the ensuing uncertainty in the value of the exchange reserves which have been painfully accumulated by the developing countries can but jeopardize and disturb all the Programs and plans for the economic development of the disinherited countries. It is therefore a matter of urgency to set up a new international monetary system which will final}/ take into account the interests of the developing countries.
123.	The rules of the game have so far been defined by the developed countries among themselves. We, the developing countries, because we are realistic, do not claim to challenge their preponderant role, but we do hope that, since we ourselves observe those rules, they will not change them, or, if they do, we should not have to suffer the consequences.
124.	The Ivory Coast believes that henceforth we should move towards a polycentric world economy, with several strategic poles, so that the economies of our young countries will not depend on a single pole of attraction, the decisions of which might dash all our hopes. The present financial crisis which threatens the world gives us this redoubtable example.
125.	"The new name of peace", said His Holiness Pope Paul VI, "is development". Thus the problem of peace cannot be solved by philanthropy; it must be solved by a mental transformation leading to an equitable structural organization for international trade. This transformation can be achieved only by means of education: the education of the third world in mastering technology and science, the education of the "haves" to give them a realistic view of underdevelopment so that their main concern will not be "get rich and have no other worries".
126.	The work for peace is for each of us an effort at understanding one another. It is a labor of every day, of every instant in all circumstances. Peace is in the hands of men where it is as little secure as a crystal vase in the hands of a child.