Mr. President, first of all, I should like, on behalf of the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, to convey to you our greetings and best wishes on your election to the high office of President of this Assembly.
93.	At the same time, I should like, on behalf of the Albanian Government, to welcome the Republic of Zimbabwe to membership of the United Nations and to express our best wishes for the progress and happiness of the friendly people of that country who, through bloodshed and sacrifice, won their freedom and national independence. We also welcome the admission to the Organization of the free and independent State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
94.	The course of events during the period which has elapsed since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly corroborates the fact that the military, economic and ideological aggression and expansion of the imperialist Powers and the constant intensification of the inhuman and neo-colonialist oppression and exploitation of various peoples and countries have always been an integral part of the hostile policy and strategy of imperialism in its fight against peoples and revolution. This dangerous expansionist and hegemonistic activity by the imperialist superpowers and their military blocs has created throughout the world a very serious and explosive situation and has more than ever before endangered the freedom and independence of peoples as well as international peace and security.
95.	The capitalist revisionist world is in the grip of a serious economic, political, military, ideological and moral crisis. From within it is being eroded by very acute contradictions. Unable any longer to dominate through the old forms of exploitation and oppression, the international bourgeoisie is ever more overtly bringing the most reactionary forces into play and, in various countries, it is moving in the direction of fascism. The economic and financial crisis is becoming even more acute and has taken on unprecedented proportions. Inflation, skyrocketing prices, the constant increase in unemployment, the serious energy crisis and other harmful phenomena of a similar nature show the major proportions which this crisis has assumed. These phenomena are based on a huge and ever-growing avalanche which very seriously affects the broad working masses.
96.	The capitalist revisionist bourgeoisie is striving to shift the heavy burden of this economic crisis on to the shoulders of the proletariat and the other peoples and countries, especially in Asia, Africa and Latin America, where it has undertaken a true crusade of neo-colonialist expansion, plunder and exploitation.
97.	As clearly emerged also at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on economic questions, the peoples and the developing countries in various regions of the world are experiencing more and more the grave consequences of this unrestrained economic aggression. Through their so-called aid and credits, through their so-called technical cooperation, through the existing neo-colonialist exploitative system of exchange imbalance and discrimination in economic and trade relations, the superpowers and the other imperialist Powers are striving to step up the plunder and exploitation of these peoples and countries and hinder their efforts to place their natural wealth and resources under their own control and national sovereignty and to crush the struggle they are waging to consolidate their economic and political independence for their free and independent development.
98.	Just as in the past, the Albanian people and Government express their full solidarity with the struggle and the efforts being waged by the developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America radically to change the inequalities existing in world economic and trade relations, to put an end to the neo-colonialist plunder and exploitation by the imperialist Powers and to forge ahead independently on the road to their all-round development and progress.
99.	The fierce rivalry between the two imperialist superpowers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, not to exclude social imperialist China and the other imperialist Powers—their deals and machinations to monopolize markets and to preserve and extend their respective zones of influence, elbowing one another out of those areas where their presence and influence have been shaken—has intensified and taken on serious new and still greater proportions. Examples of that are threats b' the United States of America and its overt preparations for interference in Iran and the further intensification of the aggressive policy and activity of the social imperialist Soviet Union and its expansion towards the oil rich regions and surrounding waterways. One of the most concrete and overt steps of this hegemonistic policy was the Fascist aggression by the Soviet social imperialists against Afghanistan and the military occupation of that sovereign country.
100.	At the same time, we notice a new escalation of the political, diplomatic and military activity by the United States of America and the other imperialist Powers in the Middle East and neighbouring areas, where a very tense situation and a psychosis of war have been created. This finds expression in the unprecedented growth of the military establishments, navies and armaments of the superpowers, the so-called rapid deployment force near the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean and the intensification of blackmail, threats, pressure and the blockade against Iran. Concurrently, both the United States of America and the Soviet Union have increased their diplomatic efforts and pressure to procure air and naval bases in various countries of that region and consolidate their presence and influence in them. In this bitter struggle and rivalry between the two imperialist superpowers for zones of influence, the United States of America for its part has brought into play the new aggressive alliance it has formed with the Chinese social imperialism and the other reactionary forces of the Asian continent. Hence a very dangerous and explosive situation has been created in that continent and, in particular, in the IndoChinese region.
101.	In Europe, too, we witness an ever greater number of turbulent elements fraught with threats and the danger of war. The two imperialist superpowers have intensified the arms race to the limit and bolstered the striking power of their aggressive blocs—the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] and the Warsaw Treaty—in whose member countries have been stationed today in a state of permanent alert military forces three to four times greater than those present there on the eve of the Second World War. The new plans for increasing military budgets and deploying the most sophisticated American nuclear weapons in NATO countries, the development of new Soviet nuclear weapons and modern warplanes and the concentration of navies, military bases, stockpiles of weapons, tanks and missile units, as well as the "rapid deployment force" near possible areas of military confrontation that are the targets of the expansionist aims of the superpowers are certainly factors which directly influence the deterioration of the situation in Europe and have seriously endangered the freedom and the independence of European peoples.
102.	One of the fundamental features of the situation today in the European continent is the constant sharpening of contradictions and disagreements between the two superpowers and their partners in their respective alliances over a number of important economic and political questions. Hence the United States of America and the Soviet Union are trying to alleviate and eliminate numerous disagreements and to neutralize the centrifugal tendencies in their alliances so as to strengthen their control and diktat over them and force their allies to support their aggressive policies and activities in various regions of the world. The United States of America is requesting solidarity from the Western European countries and asking them to follow it in its aggressive activities, pressure and blockade against Iran, in the Middle East, and in its sanctions against the Soviet Union because of its occupation of Afghanistan. The Soviet Union orders its allies to support the aggression in Afghanistan as well as its policy of "detente" with the West.
103.	At the same time, the two superpowers have undertaken a series of endeavours, with each resorting to every means to widen the division in the alliances of its rival. Thus, while the Soviet social imperialists are striving to exploit in their own interests the disagreements that have emerged between the United States of America and some Western European countries, United States imperialism and its European allies are doing their utmost to weaken the links between the countries of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and the former's dependence on the latter and also to increase their own influence on them. A clear example of this is the active role the West has played in the development of recent events in Poland, which are a consequence of the counterrevolutionary line approved by the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet revisionist party and of the policy being pursued by the Soviet Union towards its allies to keep them under its domination, and a typical expression of the ever greater rottenness of the revisionist world.
104.	In other areas of Europe, the United States of America is exerting pressure on some allied countries to make them accept its conditions in connection with agreements on new military bases, surveillance stations and forces it wants to station in the territories of those countries, while the Soviet Union is dispatching new forces and weapons and building airports and stockpiles of weapons in the territories of countries members of the Warsaw Treaty.
105.	These dangerous activities of the two imperialist superpowers are also seen today in the Balkans in their attempts to intimidate and demoralize the Balkan peoples. While engaging in blackmail and threats of aggression, they keep alive, and strive to aggravate, the disagreements and feuds among the Balkan countries. At certain given times, the superpowers stir up war psychosis and make open threats of interference and aggression.
106.	In its relations with neighbouring States, the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, as an independent and peace loving State, has always consistently pursued a policy of good neighbourliness. On this basis it has taken and is taking concrete steps for the normal, always positive, development of bilateral relations in various fields of common interest. As we have stated in the past, and as we wish to reiterate, no evil will ever come to neighbouring peoples from the territory of Albania. The Albanian Government holds the view that the interests of the Balkan peoples and peace and genuine security in the region require that the Balkan States should not be involved in the dangerous intrigues and schemes of the imperialist superpowers. The Balkan peoples should be left free to live in peace and friendship with one another.
107.	In order to justify their war preparations and their frenzied arms race, and the efforts of each of them to attain superiority over the other, the two imperialist superpowers have recently further intensified their intimidating and befuddling uproar about the dangers deriving from the rupture of the balance of forces and from their confrontation. This is the aim of the clamorous announcement of the new nuclear strategy elaborated by United States Administration "hawks" and the threatening statements made by the Soviet social imperialists about the measures they would take to offset this new development in the Soviet United States rivalry.
108.	Both sides ceaselessly repeat to one another that they will permit no concession which destroys the balance of forces. On this pretext they increase their military budgets and publicly announce plans and projects for the production of new nuclear weapons and delivery systems. Exerting heavy pressure and using massive blackmail against various peoples and countries, they try to impose on them the notion that in order to preserve the balance between the United States of America and the Soviet Union and to avoid a direct United States-Soviet confrontation, sovereign States must make concessions to them and submit to their diktat, their control and their domination.
109.	In his work "Eurocommunism is Anticommunism", the leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha, said that
"The argument about the balance between big Powers as a factor in or means of safeguarding peace is an old imperialist slogan with which the world—and Europe especially—is very well acquainted. It has always been used to justify the hegemonist policy of the big imperialist Powers and the right which they claim for themselves to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries and to dominate them."
110.	The superpowers seek to solve any difficulty in their relations at the expense of the peoples. They always fail to reconcile their rivalry and cooperation and they exploit any breakdown in the balance to intimidate the peoples, to disarm them psychologically and thus more easily to attack and occupy them militarily. In this context, they create serious and complicated situations in various countries and zones, instigate crises, tensions and hotbeds of conflict and undertake acts of aggression and local wars, thus gravely jeopardizing the sovereignty, freedom and independence of the peoples and general peace and security.
111.	Hand in hand with all this openly aggressive activity and with the plots and behind the scenes manoeuvres they devise daily against the peoples, the American imperialists and the Soviet social imperialists, while increasing their own military budgets, building up and improving their armaments and unscrupulously threatening and occupying other territories and countries, are talking and making a great fuss about disarmament and "detente", and are proposing new conferences on disarmament and so forth. While menacing the Iranian people and the other peoples of the world with aggression, that the United States affirms its alleged good will with regard to the solution of the Middle East problem. For its part, the Soviet Union is making every effort to cover up its new aggression against Afghanistan with worries about "detente" and with "pledges" on the attainment of European security at the Madrid Conference—until it plunges in against another Afghanistan.
112.	But, whatever the efforts of their ideologists and politicians to disguise themselves by displaying pacifist slogans and holding various conferences convened for demagogic purposes, the two imperialist superpowers—the United States of America and the Soviet Union—have been and remain the two greatest enemies of the freedom and independence of the peoples, of sovereign, freedom loving States and of peace and international security. Experience has shown that in certain situations, when their interests are at stake, the two imperialist superpowers, irrespective of their rivalry and their bitter struggle for hegemony and the domination of the world, find common points when it is a question of fighting against the peoples and the revolution. They do their utmost to suppress all forms of people's resistance, all efforts by freedom loving and sovereign countries against control, diktat, domination and neo-colonialist oppression.
113.	Despite the great economic and military potential which the two superpowers have put at the service of their policy of world domination and hegemony, despite their threats and their blackmail, their aggression and their fraudulent plots, despite the incalculable arsenals of their agents, spies and followers, they are not in a position to obstruct the course of events or to find stability in their fight to establish their hegemony over the peoples.
114.	The combined strength of the enemies of the peoples is powerful and considerable, but the strength of the peoples is colossal. The development of events fully corroborates this undeniable fact. The year that has passed since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly testifies to the fact that the freedom loving and peace-loving peoples in various regions of the world are increasingly committed to revolutionary and national liberation struggles against oppression and domination, against aggression and interference by the imperialist superpowers, against violence and exploitation by local forces of reaction. This is seen in the victories of the valiant Iranian people and its determination constantly to carry forward the democratic and anti-imperialist revolution. It is seen in the resolute struggle of the Afghan people against the Soviet social imperialist aggressors, in the resistance and heroic struggle of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples against imperialist Zionist aggression, in the great victory of the Zimbabwe people and in the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and Azania and other African peoples against racism and neo-colonialism and for national liberation. In many countries of Latin America, the proletariat and the other working masses have risen and are shedding their blood in fierce clashes with the Fascist juntas for genuine freedom and democracy and to throw off the double yoke of the financial oligarchy of local feudal lords and monopoly capital from the United States.
115.	Today we are witnessing the great surge of the people's revolutionary revolt of the broad masses of the Moslem peoples, in Iran, the Arab countries and other Islamic countries. These peoples, who in the past had been left in darkness and great backwardness by the colonizers and oppressive regimes but always preserved their militant spirit and traditions and freedom loving and progressive feelings, have risen against savage oppression and exploitation and imperialist interference and aggression. Despite the efforts of the international bourgeoisie to denigrate the powerful movement of the Moslem peoples and its struggles and uprisings, which it calls retrogressive and a manifestation of religious fanaticism, progressive mankind and peoples that love freedom and peace appreciate them for their true worth as an important contribution to the great anti-imperialist struggle of peoples.
116.	The anti-imperialist, anti-American and anti-feudal revolt of the Iranian people and its heroic resistance to the pressure and blockade by American imperialism and the intrigues and plots of the Soviet and Chinese social imperialists, and the current struggle of the Afghan people against Soviet aggression, constitute positive examples which inspire the peoples oppressed by and dependent on neo-colonialism to rise in struggle and put an end to foreign oppression. At the same time they constitute a powerful blow to world imperialism and a profound disturbance of its economic basis and aims for hegemony and domination in the world.
117.	In the Middle East, despite the intensification of the aggressive activity of the Israeli Zionists and the anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab plots by the superpowers, the struggle and resistance of the Palestinian people and their Arab brothers against their imperialist Zionist enemies are resolutely continuing. At present the imperialist super Powers—the United States, the Soviet Union and China— and Israel and Arab reactionary forces are making every effort and resorting to every means to incite disagreements and feuds among Arab peoples and countries in the Middle East in order to create ever more obstacles to the efforts they are making to unite their ranks and mobilize their own forces and energies in their common struggle against imperialist aggression and interference in that region of the world.
118.	The anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian Camp David plot continues to be put into practice. American imperialism today is doing its utmost to strengthen it further, to drag other Arab countries into its suffocating maelstrom and increasingly to tighten the noose around the neck of the Palestinian movement. Meanwhile, the United States has incited Israeli Zionism to intensify its acts of violence and terror against the broad masses of Palestinians in the occupied territories and its overt activity of aggression and war against the neighbouring Arab countries. Clear evidence of this is the constant aggressive acts against Lebanon and the Fascist acts of genocide which are being carried out ever more forcefully against the Palestinians. The decision of the Israeli parliament to proclaim Jerusalem the eternal capital of Israel is another arrogant act on its part which clearly demonstrates the consequences of the overall aid and support it receives from American imperialism in its overt aggressive and annexationist policy and activity.
119.	This new annexationist step by the Israeli Zionists has rightfully been condemned forcefully and resolutely by the Arab peoples and by international public opinion as a whole. It clearly reveals the plans and aims of zionism for the perpetuation of the occupation of Arab territories as a logical continuation of the old efforts directed towards the creation of a "greater Israel". No doubt it is also an inseparable part of the massive Camp David plot, which had and has only one aim—to preserve the occupation of the Arab territories, liquidate the Palestinian resistance and preserve and strengthen the presence and domination of the United States in the Middle East.
120.	The Palestinian people and the other Arab peoples do not allow themselves to be deceived by the promises and pledges of Washington about the efforts it will allegedly make after the presidential elections to bring peace and security to them. They are deceived even less by the manoeuvres of the Soviet social imperialists, who, masquerading as the ally of the Arab peoples and countries, are striving to extend their influence in that region.
121.	The Albanian people and its Government vigorously support the just and heroic struggle of the Palestinian people for the restoration of its legitimate rights and the movement
of the Arab peoples to liberate the occupied territories and to put an end both to Zionist imperialist aggression and to the interference and intrigues of the superpowers. We are convinced that this will be achieved only through the determined armed struggle of the Palestinian people and the other Arab peoples, through their common efforts and militant unity among themselves and with the other peoples who love peace and freedom.
122.	The Government of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and the Albanian people have always vigorously condemned the aggressive and hegemonistic policy and the interferences and plots of the imperialist superpowers—the United States, the Soviet Union and China—in the region of IndoChina, as a result of which the freedom loving peoples of that region, particularly the Cambodian people, continue to be the victims of much suffering and privation. The situation in that region remains very grave and explosive. The threats by social imperialist China to teach Viet Nam a "second lesson" and all the political and diplomatic machinations of the imperialist superpowers in Southeast Asia are fraught with grave consequences for freedom and security in that region.
123.	As always, the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and the Albanian people support the right of each people in that region to live free and independent and to solve their problems themselves without any foreign interference, whatever its origin.
124.	We also support the full realization of the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people for the independent reunification of their country and their struggle to put an end to the military occupation of South Korea by the United States and the local oppressive regime, which is a tool of United States imperialism.
125.	The Albanian people and Government strongly support the just anti-imperialist and anti- colonialist struggle of the African peoples and of the revolutionaries and democratic patriots for freedom and national independence and to guarantee their independent political, economic and social development.
126.	At present, the peoples of Africa are waging a fierce struggle against the neo-colonialist Powers, and especially the two superpowers, which are feverishly vying with each other to exploit the great riches and the raw materials of the African continent and to encircle their spheres of influence with military bases and armed forces.
127.	Despite the efforts and refined methods of the imperialist Powers to create ever more difficult situations for the African peoples and countries and set them against one another while preventing them from joining their efforts for national independence and identity, the struggle of the peoples of that continent against colonialism and neo-colonialism is constantly mounting and is scoring one success after another.
128.	An important victory in this direction is the proclamation of the independence and creation of the new and free State of Zimbabwe, a direct result of the long struggle over many years of the freedom loving people of Zimbabwe, who through sacrifices and fighting arms in hand smashed the hated racist domination, the savage oppression and violence of genocide and apartheid.
129.	This victory of the African people of Zimbabwe is another example and offers encouragement for the struggle being waged by their African brothers of Namibia and Azania against the racist regime of apartheid in South Africa and foreign neo-colonialist oppression and exploitation.
130.	The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always pursued a just, principled and fully independent foreign policy which corresponds to the safeguarding of the lofty interests of our socialist homeland as well as to the cause of freedom and independence of the peoples. The Albanian people and its Government have always been in solidarity with and have resolutely supported the peoples that are fighting for liberation, freedom and national independence and for social progress. They have fought and will fight to expose the enemies of the peoples and their policies and activities of aggression, oppression and exploitation everywhere in the world.
131.	In its international relations, socialist Albania has always been guided by the desire to live in peace and friendship with other peoples and countries and, in conformity with this, it has maintained and maintains relations with an ever growing number of States. It has stood and stands for the expansion of trade, cultural and other relations in fields of mutual interest with various States, loyally adhering to well-known international norms governing the relations among sovereign States.
132.	At this session also, the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania will not fail to make its modest contribution to the discussion of the questions facing the General Assembly.


Before telling you how pleased I am to address you from this rostrum, I should like to extend the congratulations of my country, Tunisia, to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We know with what distinction you have for many years represented your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and we are convinced that under your leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success.
3.	We should also like to express our admiration and pride at the major achievements of your African predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who presided over the work of the thirty-fourth session and the three special sessions with impartiality, skill and admirable effectiveness.
4.	I must emphasize with what admiration and respect we in Tunisia follow the efforts of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, in the service of the Organization and the principles of the Charter. I had occasion in Tunisia to confer with him on the major problems facing the international community, and I admired the wisdom and dedication that he brought to bear in his search for a just and equitable solution to those problems.
5.	I am grateful to him for having suggested, on the occasion of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Organization, that I come and address the Assembly, thereby giving me an opportunity to discuss our approach to the major problems of the day, which constitute the back drop of the long agenda that has been assigned to the Assembly at this session.
6.	Tunisia's interest in the work of the United Nations is not new. My President, the Supreme Commander, Habib Bourguiba, has on two occasions addressed the Assembly. The first time was in November 1956,' just a few months after independence and only a few days after our admission to membership in the Organization. The second time was in May 1968, when he assessed the distance that the Organization had covered in moving towards universality, which made it possible for the Organization to make room for the new countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, representing peoples which only recently had acquired freedom and dignity.
7.	I should like today to offer to all peace-loving peoples of good will the greetings of President Habib Bourguiba, who continues to watch over Tunisia and guide us towards economic and social development in democracy and freedom.
8.	I take special pleasure in addressing the Assembly, which, having now almost achieved universality truly represents, the entire world. It is not the least of the achievements of the United Nations that it has succeeded in surviving the past eventful 35 years. During this period the world has been transformed and has seen the emergence on the international scene of millions of people who until recently had been exploited by colonialism but who today are standing on their own feet, proud and determined to be recognized for what they are, men.
9.	We would remind the many critics of the Organization that the problems of the day are world-wide and therefore complex, and require constant collective consideration, in a manner which only the United Nations makes possible. During the past 35 years the United Nations has gradually given collective effort a meaning, a scope and even a certain effectiveness never before known.
10.	In spite of the present state of international relations and the crisis in various parts of the world, no one can deny that the basic tenets of the Charter, advocated and reaffirmed by the United Nations, continue to be our guiding light, because of their moral weight and realism, as we seek solutions to all the problems of the world.
11.	That is why we want to see in the United Nations humanism in action. The Organization must pursue and speed up the forward march of mankind, in which we must be at the same time witnesses, guarantors and participants. It is the role of the United Nations to be the conscience of mankind, thereby justifying the hopes that untold millions of human beings have placed in it. That is an immense responsibility but one which is not beyond the capacity of nations and peoples which cherish freedom, justice and peace.
12.	The past achievements of the Organization in the area of human rights encourage optimism. In less than one third of a century it has developed a unique system of protection which it constantly extends and improves. To this its creativity and sense of justice have rightly been fully and willingly devoted.
13.	The Charter of the United Nations, the various Conventions against all forms of discrimination, racial and otherwise, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the many declarations and principles attest to the productiveness and broad-mindedness of the Organization.
14.	Now you are hard at work on a convention against torture. I wish to take this opportunity to express the firm and unreserved support of my country, which considers that torture is a disgrace in our time, especially since it avails itself of the most sophisticated and refined developments in medicine, psychology, chemistry and science in general. I trust that your work here will move rapidly ahead and that this convention will soon be opened for ratification by Member States and then become the instrument protecting human dignity which so many are anxiously awaiting.
15.	Things are, of course, far from perfect in the area of human rights, but the efforts that have been made and the results achieved are heartening.
16.	Perhaps we cannot say as much for the North-South dialogue, which was intended to bring about a new world order in all areas, primarily in the economic field. It was to be an order based on justice and equity, on a better balance, and therefore more in keeping with today's realities and better able to meet the needs of today's world and to bring about real solutions to the crisis and disorder reigning every-where, both in the North and in the South.
17.	Turning, in particular, to the new international economic order, progress, such as it is, has been slow. That order had, however, been clearly defined in General Assembly texts. Its content, clear and precise, is based on what was to be a common philosophy, one of interdependence.
18.	Recent developments in the North-South dialogue are, in our opinion, particularly dangerous and a source of concern to those who fear methods of confrontation and believe in the virtues of a meeting of the minds in finding just and satisfactory solutions to the many structural and other difficulties confronting the world.
19.	Is it not a fact that the courageous attempts of the developing countries to convince the international community of the need to launch global negotiations on the more crucial problems have encountered procedural obstacles as unnecessary as they are harmful? Those responsible for the deadlock at the conclusion of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly seem to be resigned to the risk of causing the failure of an historic initiative, an opportunity that may be unique in reviving the dialogue after the many setbacks that we have all experienced.
20.	I have stressed the North-South aspect of the problems of the world, because, in our opinion, that is the dimension which promises most for a satisfactory development of inter-national relations. As we focused all our efforts on these frustrating exchanges, we were more or less convinced that the problems between the East and the West had become somewhat less acute and that genuine detente was about to replace mere peaceful coexistence and to usher in an era of co-operation. Unfortunately, we have now been witnessing a new form of cold war, which gives priority to problems of security, defence and armaments to the detriment of peace and development. I would place the grave crisis in Afghanistan in this general context. Tunisia's position on the matter is well known. It is the same position that has been taken on so many occasions by Islamic countries, namely that foreign troops must be withdrawn from the territory of that country, which must remain independent and non-aligned. The same atmosphere fraught with threats of a return to the cold war has prevented large-scale measures being taken to reduce the arms race. A consequence of that race between the major Powers, which manufacture expensive sophisticated weapons, has been an increase in the transfer of weapons to countries of the third world, thereby aggravating the crises afflicting them which, as we have seen once again, can turn into real, open and fratricidal warfare.
21.	Let there be no mistake about it. No country is completely protected from the effects of a crisis. The distressing events that we have been witnessing—and here I refer to the conflict between Iran and Iraq, in connection with which we have expressed our great concern—cause us to fear the effect of that crisis on the prices of a product of paramount importance and show us once again how the whole world can be disrupted by a crisis of any scope at all. No procedural argument, no desire to maintain the institutional status quo can be allowed to conceal the primary importance for all countries, developed and developing, of establishing a sound and equitable basis for harmonious and balanced growth, and that is particularly true of countries of the third world.
22.	Notwithstanding obstacles and failures, the North- South dialogue must continue. Each side must show restraint and realism and try not to give the other side the impression that its fundamental interests are being threatened. At the same time, we must all recognize and try to correct our own errors. In the third world, every country must make an effort to build a more just and democratic society. Tunisia, for its part, is trying to ensure that economic, social, and political development advance together, because it has certainly not been proved that economic advancement must necessarily come before a free and democratic society.
23.	It is of overriding importance for us to fight at one and the same time against underdevelopment and against the dictatorship, arbitrary action and authoritarianism it some-times produces.
24.	The fight against underdevelopment clearly begins at home and the developing countries must first devote all their own means, and foremost among them their power, to that struggle. It has been said that power corrupts and that absolute power corrupts absolutely. In order to prevent that from happening, I consider that power, if it is to be just and legitimate, must be subject to moral standards, it must be controlled in many different ways by the people and it must be duly institutionalized. There is no legitimate power except within the limits of democracy. The true "Prince"— and I refer to a responsible government—is not a government that acts in accordance with its own whim and passing circumstances. Any government worthy of the name and worthy of the responsibilities of a "Prince" does not exercise power for the sake of power, but exercises power within the strict limits of justice, law and freedom, in a word, within the limits of democracy. It is also important to be able to leave the political arena as soon as one's actions cease to serve the interests of the people and the future of the masses. Power belongs to the people, naturally, absolutely and imprescriptibly.
25.	Our developing countries will not be able to overcome the problems of underdevelopment if they devote a sizeable portion of their means to armaments, which are costly and useless since they make them ever more dependent on the suppliers and since, as experience has proved, they are never or practically never used against imperialism, but against other third world countries which then must arm themselves, to the detriment of their developmental efforts.
26.	Having made that point, I now wish to say to the industrialized world that it cannot at one and the same time claim to respect great values—democracy, freedom and human rights—and attempt to defend its more exorbitant interests and intolerable privileges. How can certain Western countries reconcile those values with their tolerance for and even protection of the advocates of apartheid and zionism?
27.	So many countries, so many political parties, so many companies and multinationals all get around United Nations measures and allow the racist hydra to prosper in South Africa and to survive at the price of inhuman opposition to millions of Africans who have committed no crime other than that of having black skin. That is something which exceeds our understanding.
28.	The Zionist forces strive to extend their dominion by despoiling the Palestinian people, brazenly Judaizing Arab territories and, without due process, seizing the Holy City of Jerusalem, the city of peace, the sacred crossroads of all the revealed religions. Yet in spite of all those many acts, Zion-ism still finds its unreserved defenders, unbelievable though it may seem. But what is even harder to believe is that the same countries, the same interests and the same circles that support Israel in its annexationist and expansionist policy, assist the racist regime in South Africa in its pseudo-theory of apartheid and hold up the North-South dialogue thus preventing those peoples who cherish progress, peace and freedom from realizing their legitimate aspirations.
29.	The problem of the independence of Namibia has long received the unanimous support of the international com-munity and yet there are some who still hesitate and procrastinate. That speaks volumes regarding the causes of the weakness of the Organization, where the commitment of the strongest is always conditioned by considerations of the most narrow interests. But the basic requirements are the same for our partners and for ourselves. While involved collectively in disputes with those partners, we spark off conflicts in our own ranks which undermine our cohesive- ness and wear away our credibility.
30.	That is why we are deeply affected by the conflict that has just broken out in the heart of the Middle East between two fraternal neighbouring peoples which have had and indeed still have every reason to work together to help each other and to love each other.
31.	The Security Council has expressed the deep concern which this conflict has aroused in the world and the Islamic Conference has brought us our first hope by offering our two brothers the path to conciliation and reconciliation.
32.	We can only welcome that initiative and we praise the meritorious efforts of Mr. Zia-ul-Haq, the President of the Republic of Pakistan, and the efforts of Mr. Habib Chatti, the Secretary-General of the Islamic Conference, as they endeavour to go beyond the stage of confrontation and move towards a settlement on the basis of law and justice and on the basis of Islamic solidarity. We unreservedly support this mission of peace and we believe that its continuation represents for both Iran and Iraq, as well as for the international community, a chance for salvation.
33.	The United Nations must bring its full weight to bear as it endeavours to ensure the success of this initiative which, in the spirit of the Charter, complements and strengthens the responsibilities incumbent upon the Security Council.
34.	In a world where the interdependence of nations is becoming increasingly obvious, resort to narrow nationalism can only surprise us. The role of the United Nations is precisely to help us learn to live in freely assumed interdependence—and I am referring to interdependence among nations, interdependence among peoples, and solidarity among men, too. To our eyes the United Nations is politics in the service of law, it is the institution in the service of man and it is people coming together in the service of an idea.
35.	On behalf of Tunisia and its President, our Supreme Commander, Habib Bourguiba, may I say that our country will spare no effort to help bring about the realization of the principles underlying the United Nations. As in the past, Tunisia will continue to give the Organization its help and support in a spirit of solidarity and fraternity with all men of good will. Our faithfulness to the United Nations is but faithfulness to ourselves, to our martyrs, and to our people's struggle for emancipation. We know what we owe the United Nations, and we shall always be conscious of it.
36.	We Tunisians know that we must work in Tunisia for the triumph of the ideals of the Organization. Our accomplishments under the leadership of President Bourguiba in the liberation of man and the emancipation of women—in connection with which we wish to express our great pride that during the United Nations Decade for Women the work of the National Union of Tunisian Women was honoured by the award of the United Nations Human Rights Prize, which crowned the magnificent activities of President Bourguiba—as well as what we have done to fight hunger, malnutrition and sickness, to educate our girls and boys, to endow our country with democratic institutions, and to ensure that liberty and dignity shall not be vain words or mere slogans all give us reason for satisfaction. But we know that we still have much to do, and that what we have to do must be done in a world of peace and concord and, above all, in perfect harmony with the great communities to which we belong—the Arab-Islamic community, the African community, the third world, of which we are an integral part, and, last but certainly by no means least, this human family that this Organization, our Organization, reflects so well.
37.	In conclusion I wish to express anew Tunisia's full confidence in the United Nations, in its organs and in the Secretary-General to succeed in the difficult and untiring effort to promote peace in the world and understanding among men.


On behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf I should like to extend to Mr. von Wechmar warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are fully confident in his personal ability to guide us in the tasks that will confront the General Assembly during his term of office. His election is a fitting tribute to his great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and to him personally. I should like also to extend our felicitations to the other members of the General Committee.
228.	My delegation was highly appreciative of the constructive results achieved under the stewardship of Mr. von Wechmar's predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. We owe him deep gratitude, and we wish him the very best in all his future endeavours.
229.	I should like to take this opportunity to commend the Secretary General for his unrelenting efforts in trying to maintain international peace and security. He has been able to face the tremendous challenges of his high office with timely and appropriate action, courage and consistency.
230.	My delegation is very happy to join in warmly welcoming Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the United Nations. We are certain that the Organization will benefit from its experience and participation in our work. Its membership brings us still closer to our goal of universality for the United Nations, a goal to which we attach high priority.
231.	The Government and people of Bhutan are firmly committed to the ideals and principles of the Charter and to those of the nonaligned movement. We therefore seek as free people to live in peace and friendship with all nations and to develop our country in every sector of human endeavour in a manner we ourselves deem fit and proper. At the same time we will join with other peace-loving nations in an effort to build a world order based on respect for the sovereign equality of all nations, peaceful coexistence, justice and mutually beneficial cooperation. We will spare no effort in the quest for the maintenance of international peace and security, to which all peace-loving nations should be wholly committed. We firmly believe that, as is stated in the Declaration of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, the quintessence of the policy of nonalignment is the rejection of all forms of subjugation, interference or intervention, direct or indirect, and of all pressures, whether political, economic, military or cultural, in international relations. In keeping with the true principles of nonalignment, we will continue to refuse to join any form of military alliance or power bloc.
232.	The arms race is definitely the greatest folly that mankind has embarked upon, and concrete steps to halt and reverse the trend are long overdue. A study has determined that at present there exist more than 50,000 nuclear weapons, which have a destructive capacity a million times greater than that of the Hiroshima bomb. The number of people held hostage to the threat of nuclear catastrophe has reached 4.5 billion. In the 1980s, if present trends continue, military outlays are expected to exceed $600 billion a year, even given the assumption that inflation will be checked. In every area of disarmament we continue to witness hindrances and a lack of progress. Since the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, three years have passed and little headway has been made in implementing the programme of action adopted at that session.
233.	My delegation welcomes the declaration of the 1980s as the Second Disarmament Decade, and it hopes that concrete measures will be taken to reduce the already rapidly escalating expenditure on armaments, expenditure that could easily be channelled to helping developing nations surmount their adverse economic conditions. We must never forget that in the long run the true guarantee of international peace and security is the elimination of hunger and poverty.
234.	The Asian situation is still one of crisis and turmoil. We cannot ignore or condone the situations resulting from interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States and from great Power rivalries, as such developments go against the Charter and could very easily assume serious proportions. The peace and tranquillity conducive to the carrying out of tasks for economic and social betterment can come about only when foreign military presence is removed and the countries of the region agree genuinely to live within the framework of the undiluted principles of the Charter.
235.	The question of turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, according to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which could beneficially influence the establishment of permanent universal peace, has again been made more difficult because of the rivalries of the superpowers and other vested interests. During the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean in July 1979, the Bhutanese delegation very clearly outlined the position of my Government. In brief, our position was, first, that the further escalation and expansion of the military presence of all Powers in the Indian Ocean should be halted; secondly, that all military bases and other military installations should be removed from the area; and, lastly, that there should be work towards realization of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. My delegation continues to maintain that position.
236.	The ravaged war-torn region of the Middle East has so far been an area where all attempts towards achieving a lasting peace have failed. The problems seem to defy solutions. However, most of us believe that the vital element in achieving peace in the Middle East is the withdrawal by Israel from occupied Arab territories and the establishment of the sovereign independent State of Palestine. At the same time, we fully recognize the right of all States in the region to live within internationally recognized and secure boundaries. These are the only steps that will lead to a lasting peace and provide a true guarantee of the right of all States in the area to exist peacefully. At the seventh emergency special session called in July this year the General Assembly analysed the situation and the problems in the Middle East. We supported resolution ES7/2 which emerged from that session. The international community, and especially those Governments in a position to do so, should continue their efforts to resolve the Middle East crisis peacefully within the framework of that resolution.
237.	The eruption of the Iraqi Iranian conflict has added yet another adverse dimension to the problem of peace in that part of the world. My delegation appeals to both sides to exercise maximum restraint and to permit immediate mediation by mutually acceptable parties. Here the good offices of the secretary General should be fully utilized. Our deep concern for the speedy solution of problems resulting in military clashes is due to the possibility of such initial friction becoming more widespread and going beyond our capacity to contain them easily. Warfare and the use of the threat of force must be replaced by peaceful negotiations for the solution of international problems.
238.	The peacekeeping involvement of the United Nations has contributed immensely to containing conflicts and reducing tension. At the same time, the humanitarian efforts again made under the auspices of the United Nations have helped in alleviating the suffering of many displaced peoples from war-torn areas. Such activities of the United Nations must continue and expand.
239.	The Government and the people of Bhutan rejoice at the emergence of a sovereign independent Zimbabwe. That was a true victory over colonialism, racism and apartheid. Africa has been able to discard yet another shackle. However, the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa continues in total disregard of international law and opinion. The people of Africa have our complete support in their relentless struggle to do away with the vestiges of colonialism and the abhorred practice of apartheid. We are certain that it will not be long before the continent of Africa is completely emancipated.
240.	We can no longer continue to tolerate the injustices resulting from the prevailing international economic order. The specific areas where injustice exists and the corrective measures that are required have crystallized. Only the lack of political will on the part of some countries is preventing the international community from implementing the measures for the creation of the new international economic order. It must also be realized that failure on our part to come to terms with, and consciously establish, a just and equal world economic order will give free play to several uncontrollable forces, which could upset the wellbeing of the developed societies themselves. Furthermore, we must also realize that the hungry and the poor may not remain for ever silent and docile. The key to the solution is in the hands of the developed and other countries rich in capital and technology, and we urge them to take positive steps in the correct direction.
241.	The eleventh special session of the General Assembly did not reach the expectations of the developing countries. However, the final outcome has a few positive elements. The consensus reached in respect of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade provides the international community with helpful guidelines, especially with regard to the nature, size and complexity of the tasks that need to be undertaken during the Decade. At the special session the Assembly also recognized the serious deficiencies in the economies of the least developed countries and called for immediate and increased assistance to that category of countries. Unless the structural weaknesses of the least developed countries are speedily removed, these countries will continue to register negative or negligible rates of growth. Special assistance has also been sought for the most seriously affected—the landlocked and the island developing countries. The Secretariat and the agencies concerned must now make every effort to fulfil the mandate given to them at the eleventh special session. Here bodies like UNCTAD can play a more positive role. We shall continue to support their endeavours to fulfil their international role and obligations.
242.	In Bhutan, under the truly dynamic leadership of His Majesty King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, we are now in the process of launching our fifth Five-year Plan. The twin objectives of our economic development continue to be the achievement of self-reliance and the raising of the living standards of our people. However, in the formulation of the programmes under this Plan we have taken into consideration the experience of the past which, among other things, shows that we must ensure that the benefits of development are more widespread and commensurate with our input. In the gigantic task of trying to achieve a better economic lifestyle for our people, we have been provided with assistance by several friendly nations and international organizations. Such assistance is essential to a country like ours, as assistance acts as a catalyst and leads to the ultimate achievement of the goal of self-reliance. With the availability of appropriate types of economic and technical aid, Bhutan, with its comparatively rich heritage of economically exploitable resources, can within a short span of time develop a self-generating economy. For instance, Bhutan has a huge hydroelectric power potential, forest and mineral resources, agricultural products and good possibilities in other fields. However, in order to make those sectors productive, initial input of external capital and technology is required.
243.	Bhutan has the added disadvantage of being a landlocked country. Such a geographic situation has definitely retarded economic growth. Several severe handicaps must be removed before a landlocked country can achieve sustained economic progress. For example, adequate transit facilities have to be provided and transportation systems within the landlocked country and from the landlocked country to the ports of transit countries have to be made adequate and efficient. Most of the exports of landlocked countries become uncompetitive in international markets because of high transportation costs. My delegation hopes that all those countries in a position to do so will take steps to provide assistance to the least developed and the landlocked countries,
244.	In conclusion, I should like to mention that one of the factors of the deteriorating international situation coupled with an unprecedented arms build-up is suspicion and distrust in each other's intentions, especially among the bigger countries. It is in this context that my delegation welcomes moves for initiating confidence-building measures, particularly among the power blocs. Such confidence-building measures should, however, also be initiated in other areas of the globe and especially among countries where potential for conflicts exists. Another factor is the failure at times to realize that the conduct of international relations between sovereign States has to be within the framework of international law. Besides, obstacles must not be put in the path of the attainment of the legitimate aspirations of self-determination by peoples. The community of nations, with the dawn of the realization of what is necessary for human survival, along with the appropriate political will, can definitely lead our peoples to a safer future and a happier and better world order.


May I begin by extending to the President, on behalf of Lieutenant-Colonel Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Supreme Military Council, his Government and my delegation, and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session. His outstanding qualities as a diplomat, added to his skill and experience in international political affairs, are sufficient guarantees of the success of our deliberations.
128.	May I also avail myself of this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, outgoing President of the thirty-fourth session, for his valuable contribution to the solution of the pressing questions that arose during his tenure. Mr. Salim discharged with dignity, impartiality, dedication and dynamism the arduous task of con-ducting the debates of this General Assembly.
129.	May I likewise extend my congratulations to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General of this Organization, for his exhaustive, objective and lucid presentation of the report on the activities of the United Nations during the period under review. As always, Mr. Waldheim has spared no effort in his search for solutions to the socioeconomic problems and international disputes besetting the world today. Our tribute to the Secretary-General is based on the fact that he has honoured with his presence in Africa, Europe, Asia and America all those international events that made his presence necessary and where his contribution was always highly appreciated.
130.	I should like to take this opportunity to convey our sincere congratulations and to extend a welcome to the representatives of the fraternal peoples of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose countries have increased the membership of the great family of the United Nations. We are convinced that their presence not only reaffirms the universality of our Organization, but also will help to strengthen its effectiveness.
131.	A year ago, the delegation of the Government of the Supreme Military Council informed this Assembly of the changes that had taken place in Equatorial Guinea after the blow struck for freedom on 3 August 1979. Today we have come here to reaffirm before this Assembly our deep satisfaction with the peace, calm and harmony which at present reign in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
132.	We must not forget that our country was bankrupt, without economic reserves, without international credibility, because it was unable to meet its commitments, and with its best cadres either in jail or in exile. That was the situation which we had to confront with determination and in an orderly manner. For that reason, it is no secret to anyone that our country, in this initial period of hopeful national reconstruction, is encountering serious difficulties of every kind: administrative, economic, financial, social, and so on. It is precisely within this context that we wish to present to this Assembly an account of the efforts being made by the Government of the Supreme Military Council to rehabilitate and rebuild our people.
133.	In the educational sector, in order to restore an organized system of education in the country, we have resumed activities and intensified them with the signature of co-operation agreements with a number of friendly countries and international organizations.
134.	In the field of health, my Government, barely one year after it took office, has rehabilitated all hospitals and dispensaries. In the context of these efforts, a bill was enacted to regulate free medical and pharmaceutical assistance to various sectors of the population, in particular children and pregnant women. We have intensified and improved considerably our relations with international organizations, such as UNICEF, WHO and many others in the health field. We have received humanitarian and medical assistance from the World Food Programme and WHO. Lastly, may I point out that, after overcoming great difficulties, given the scarcity of our present financial resources, but constantly bearing in mind its social duty, the Government of the Supreme Military Council has made purchases of medical supplies and hospital equipment amounting to over $2 million.
135.	As we are primarily an agricultural country, our action has focused on the improvement of the rural sector, which we regard as indispensable for our economy if we are to ensure the viability of this vital activity which was abandoned during the last decade. We have reached the conclusion that a coherent agricultural programme is basic to the economic development of our country. Thus the Government of the Supreme Military Council has granted credits to farmers amounting to $5 million for the purpose of restoring our plantations. Bearing in mind the importance we attach to the recovery of agriculture, we have also decided to return to their former foreign owners their agricultural properties. With the help of FAO, the Government of Equatorial Guinea has begun to restore the poultry farms which were in a state of great neglect. In the context of these endeavours, we must however emphasize the enormous difficulties that the shortage of labour causes to the effectiveness of our work in all sectors.
136.	We attach equal importance to the fundamental right to information, and in this connection the Supreme Military Council has decided to inject new life into the media of social communication, especially the press, radio and television, which had remained silent during the decade of dictatorship.
137.	In the labour area, and to redress the shortcomings, and arbitrariness which prevailed in this sector, the Government has enacted a decree on the general organization of work. Thus, workers' salaries have been considerably increased and labour conditions improved.
138.	I n the industrial sector, we are laying emphasis on the restoration of installations which were inactive during the last decade, and the city of Malabo, the capital of the nation, which had been plunged into darkness for eight years, has been electrified and illuminated. In this same context, a hydroelectric plant is being built on our continent.
139.	In the social sector, we are beginning the task of national reconstruction by imposing scrupulous respect for human rights and social justice. Thus, the first question tackled by the Government was the reorganization of the State and, within that spirit of reconciliation, it ordered the immediate release of ail political prisoners who filled the jails and concentration camps in the country; the reinstatement in their jobs of all civil servants dismissed from their posts for political reasons; the reopening of all churches, thus restoring freedom of worship; and, in particular, it decreed a general amnesty, allowing the return to our country of all those nationals who had taken asylum abroad as a result of the brutal oppression, the persecution of every kind, the hunger and the poverty that then prevailed in Equatorial Guinea.
140.	In the public works, housing, urban planning and transport sectors, major infrastructural work is being carried out, such as the repairing of the road network, airports and ports, the building of new houses and urbanizing of the main towns; and similar efforts are being made to endow the country with sufficient means of transport by land, air and sea.
141.	As regards the integration of Guinean women into the national reconstruction process, the Government of the Supreme Military Council has set up a State Secretariat for the promotion of women and their integration into Guinean society. We intend thereby to express in practical terms the importance we attach to the participation of Guinean women in the national development process.
142.	In the private sector, we have restored to Guinean and foreign citizens the property which was taken away from them by the former regime. At the same time, we have adopted a policy of free trade and granted important credits to Guinean and foreign citizens engaged in trade.
143.	I have provided a brief summary of the efforts made by the Government of the Supreme Military Council in the short span of the one year of its existence. However, I should like to take this opportunity to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that, despite our efforts, the crisis continues and this demands our unflagging pursuit of the line of conduct we have set ourselves and requires that, in a spirit of solidarity, we request international collaboration and co-operation in the quest for a solution to our problems.
144.	Thus, from this rostrum, I wish to express the pro-found and sincere gratitude of the Government of the Supreme Military Council to all the friendly countries and international organizations whose valuable assistance is making a significant contribution to the process of national reconstruction that we have undertaken.
145.	Despite the persistent efforts of the Supreme Military Council to overcome the difficult situation that our country is experiencing, there is still much to be done. The various problems confronting my Government in its efforts to achieve the normalization and reconstruction of my country are so many and so acute that, for lack of time, we shall refrain from giving an exhaustive list of them here. However, for your information, I should like to refer to the report prepared by the United Nations mission headed by Mr. Farah, Under-Secretary-General for Special Political Questions, who recently visited my country. That report, contained in document A/35/447, clearly and concisely reflects the situation actually prevailing in Equatorial Guinea at present. May I therefore take this opportunity to express on behalf of my Government our sincere gratitude to Mr. Farah and his delegation for the quality of the work he has submitted to us and for the great dedication with which he endeavoured to become personally acquainted with the difficulties of every kind that at present beset my country. The sacrifices made by Mr. Farah in the fulfilment of his mission have won him the praise and admiration of the people and of the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
146.	The Supreme Military Council, an institution born of the will of the people to improve the image of Equatorial Guinea which, for one long decade, had been the symbol of anarchy and of a retrograde policy of total isolation, has set itself the priority task of regaining for our country, through a sincere, coherent and objective foreign policy, sufficient credibility in the community of nations, so as to be able to return to it proudly as a free nation, free not only because of the fact of its independence, but because it seeks the freedom of all its citizens as a priority.
147.	From the very first moment the Government of the Supreme Military Council undertook, with firm determination and conviction, the process of opening fruitful relations with all peace-loving countries, while scrupulously respecting the principles and objectives proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, that of the OAU and that of the non-aligned movement.
148.	We wish to make special mention of the importance that the Government of the Supreme Military Council attaches to the continued development of fruitful good- neighbourly relations with the fraternal peoples of Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe, Cameroon and Nigeria, with whom we feel indissolubly linked by tradition and history. These age-old relations of brotherhood deteriorated sharply under the former regime. For this reason and in order to revive peaceful coexistence among our peoples, the President of the Supreme Military Council paid state visits to Gabon and Cameroon and took part in the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980.
149.	In parallel to the fraternal and good-neighbourly relations which I have mentioned, the policy of rapprochement of the Government of the Supreme Military Council is invariably directed towards all the other sister African nations, while at the same time we are establishing fruitful relations of co-operation in other continents with countries, which are determined to contribute to the national reconstruction process that we have undertaken.
150. We must praise here the great encouragement that the people of Equatorial Guinea have drawn from the presence and active participation of the Kingdom of Spain in the work of reconstruction that we have undertaken.
151. Spain provided valuable assistance to our country in all sectors after the changes that took place on 3 August 1979 and the future prospects for our co-operation appear to be very promising. I cannot fail to state from this rostrum the sincere gratitude of the people and the Government of Equatorial Guinea to the people and the Government of the Kingdom of Spain for this fraternal gesture that they have made and arc still making in our regard.
152.	In the context of Hispanic integration and as was emphasized by the President of the Supreme Military Council during his visit to the Kingdom of Spain last May, Equatorial Guinea has undertaken to work for the establishment of relations with the Ibero-American countries, while at the same time advocating the doctrine of Afro-Ibero- Americanism.
153.	We likewise highly appreciate and attach great importance to the political credibility and confidence that the Government of the Supreme Military Council has earned for itself in international bodies, at the political, economic and social levels. At the economic level, we must stress here the valuable aid, credit, subsidies and technical assistance granted by UNDP, IMF, the World Bank, UNESCO, WHO, UNICEF, FAO, the European Economic Community, the African Development Bank, the League of Arab States and OPEC, all of which contribute considerably to the national reconstruction process.
154.	The international situation as a whole is one of our greatest concerns, as a result of the serious and many problems that characterize it at present. The hotbeds of tension and hostility that exist in vast areas of our planet; the injustice that persists in trade systems; the increasingly unfavourable imbalance in our balance of payments; the galloping inflation which assails our economies—these, in our opinion constitute the fundamental causes of the alarming situation we have mentioned. We believe that the elimination of that situation of generalized crisis should be one of the priorities of our Organization. The solution of this international crisis could depend to some degree on the sincere political will that should govern negotiations between the industrialized nations and the third world.
155.	We reaffirm that our foreign policy will in no way change in its orientation and its concept of scrupulous respect for the principles of peaceful international coexistence and the establishment and strengthening of more just and effective relations of friendship and co-operation among nations.
156.	Despite the moderation shown by the leaders of the nationalist movement SWAPO, in accepting the United Nations plan for Namibia, South Africa obstinately continues its illegal occupation of the Territory and the perpetuation of its ignominious policy of apartheid and racism, with the creation of puppet movements as instruments used by the racist South African Government to continue its illegal occupation of the territory of Namibia. The Government of the Supreme Military Council strongly condemns the dilatory manoeuvres of the racist South African Government to hinder the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. We resolutely support the armed struggle to which SWAPO is committed as the only means of establishing the sovereignty and independence of its people.
157.	We also condemn most strongly the military incursions made by South Africa into Angola, using the territory of Namibia as a launching ground. In view of the continued refusal of the racist regime of South Africa to respect the relevant resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement, the delegation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea considers that this Assembly should adopt much more vigorous measures against the apartheid regime of South Africa. The Government of the Supreme Military Council and the people of Equatorial Guinea are in full solidarity with the Namibian people in its just and legitimate struggle for its sovereignty and independence. In this connection, we resolutely support the resolutions adopted by the International Conference in Solidarity with the Struggle of the People of Namibia, which was held at Paris from 11 to 13 September 1980.
158.	The continuing demonstrations and demands in Soweto, as well as in other South African cities, are eloquent testimony to the suffering of the people of Azania in their struggle against apartheid and the abominable racial system established by the white minority in South Africa.
159.	Massacres of the peaceful people of Azania, brutal racist repression, imprisonment and the persistent violation of human rights to which our brothers in Azania are subjected have not prevented them from intensifying unhesitatingly its authentic struggle to win its emancipation and abolish the odious system of apartheid. We express our unconditional support for the struggle waged so courageously by the nationalist movements, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania.
160.	In the context of this struggle for liberation and for the recovery of honour and dignity, I should like to express again our feeling of joy at the recent victory of the heroic people of Zimbabwe, in the belief that its example will bring about a radical change in the obstinate attitude of the racist regime of Pretoria regarding the oppressed people of Azania. The independence of Zimbabwe represents one of the greatest lessons of patriotism of recent years. To that brave people, from this historic rostrum, I extend our warmest congratulations on behalf of the Supreme Military Council and the people of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and especially of its President, Lieutenant-Colonel Obiang Ngu-ema Mbasogo.
161.	Our continent is passing through crucial moments in its history, with the intensification of hostilities which threaten the destruction and annihilation of our peoples: from the situation in Chad, through that in Western Sahara, to that in Ogaden, we are witnessing a great scenario of fratricidal wars which threaten not only the existence of the peoples of those regions but also the stability and security of our continent.
162.	In connection with these hotbeds of tension, the Government of the Supreme Military Council considers that our efforts should be concentrated on the search for an African solution to those problems.
163.	With regard to the Middle East, we are convinced that we shall be unable to achieve a just and lasting peace in the region as long as the rights of the Palestinian people continue to be trampled underfoot by Israel. My Government considers that stable peace in that region will be possible only through a comprehensive solution to the problem, with the participation of all the parties involved, including the PLO. The continued unlawful occupation by Israel of Arab territories and its refusal to recognize the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to establish a State on its own territory constitute the greatest obstacle to the achievement of a viable settlement of the Middle East conflict. This situation was aggravated again by the recent decision of the Israeli Government to make Jerusalem the eternal capital of its State. This constitutes a flagrant violation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and defiance of international conscience and morality. On the other hand, we recognize that the comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem requires the recognition by all States of the region of the legitimate right of Israel to national existence within secure boundaries.
164.	The peaceful, negotiated resolution of international disputes and the non-use of force or the threat of use of force for the solution of conflicts continue to constitute one of the bases on which rests United Nations action to guarantee peace, stability and peaceful coexistence among nations.
165.	For this reason, the Government of the Supreme Military Council of Equatorial Guinea expresses its concern at the latent situation prevailing in Afghanistan, which is likely to bring about a crisis with unforeseeable consequences for mankind.
166.	In this context, we also view with concern the holding of American hostages in Teheran, an act which not only constitutes a flagrant violation of international law but also represents an ostensible failure to respect human rights. We consider that the immediate release of the hostages would make an important contribution to the just cause of peace and respect for fundamental human rights.
167.	I cannot fail to draw attention to something which I believe is on all our minds at this meeting. Simultaneously with the opening of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, a new situation of conflict arose which threatens world peace and security. I am referring, of course, to the conflict between two countries, Iran and Iraq, whose peoples, however, are united by a common faith.
168.	My delegation has confidence in the machinery of the United Nations which it hopes will suffice to restore peace to the region. But I cannot fail to applaud and support the prompt initiative taken at the Islamic Conference in its quest for a rapid settlement of this serious conflict, which adds to the long list of situations endangering world peace and security.
169.	Last, and no less disquieting, is the problem of Kampuchea. My country considers that the restoration of peace and stability in South-East Asia and the consequent establishment of a climate of mutual confidence among all States in the region would enable the people of Kampuchea to decide on its future freely, without interference.
170.	Every day the international economic situation becomes more alarming. We are witnessing a progressive and unbridled deterioration in trade relations between rich countries and developing countries. Our countries, the non- oil-producing developing countries and in particular the least developed countries, are in a desperate situation. These countries are the victims of all kinds of difficulties: balance- of-payments deficits, considerable increase in their external debts, galloping inflation in their economies, and so on. And, given the insufficient progress achieved in the search for a just and equitable world economic situation, we consider that it is more than ever necessary that this Assembly work out new formulas which will enable the developing countries to reduce and even eliminate the trade inequities which exist today in their trade relations with the industrialized countries.
171.	It is regrettable to note the manipulations of the industrialized countries in the North-South dialogue with regard to the Integrated Programme for Commodities; it is essential to have a balanced relationship between the price of manufactured goods and the price of raw materials.
172.	A new international economic order will never be achieved until new systems of financing are established, which allow for the continued and independent development of our economies. Such financing should be for long terms and at low interest; it should be placed at the full disposal of the least developed of the developing countries, which would enable us to establish in our development programmes those priorities that would help us overcome our dependency on the industrialized countries.
173.	As we stated earlier, trade imbalances, balance-of- payments deficits, the progressive increase of external indebtedness as well as the galloping inflation besetting our economies originate in the international monetary system which currently governs the world. It is clear and obvious that the monetary system imposed over three decades ago no longer meets the current situations since the conditions which then prevailed have disappeared. For that reason, it is imperative to establish a new international monetary system which will prevent the disastrous fluctuations and the cataclysmic economic and financial consequences to which our currencies are today subjected: a new system, not of confiscation or subjugation of the sovereignty and independence of the countries of the third world, but a new international monetary system, with participation by all States in the elaboration and in the implementation of those norms which should govern the relations between rich and poor countries.
174.	As regards industrialization, from the seventh special session of the General Assembly on development and inter-national economic co-operation to the Lima, Vienna and New Delhi  Conferences, we have always reaffirmed that the industrialization of the developing countries could make a valuable contribution to the raising of the living standards of our peoples. We have repeated in all international forums that, in order to achieve the objective of the industrialization of the third world by the year 2000, the question of the financing of industrialization should take priority in the policy of international development. We have stressed that there should be an increase in the volume of North-South, East-South and South-South financial contributions necessary for the achievement of the general objectives of development that we have set ourselves.
175.	In the African context, we are gratified at the success of the Lagos economic conference, which is the first demonstration of the African will to economic emancipation. We are convinced that the Plan of Action adopted at that conference   represents for the United Nations a valuable contribution to the working out of a new international economic order to which we are committed and which will meet the true aspirations of all countries.
176.	Despite all the joint efforts and despite the moderation and understanding shown by the developing countries during the current negotiations on the establishment of a convention on the law of the sea, the industrialized countries are still showing their arrogance in attempting to create a selfish law of the sea, by placing their technological potential above the just claims of our peoples. A new international economic order cannot be fair or just until such time as the sovereignty of States over all their natural resources is reaffirmed.
177.	Economic justice should be the slogan of the decade which is beginning. So long as injustice and the present economic disorder continue, all our efforts with the objective of establishing a new international economic order will prove fruitless.
178.	As regards the recent eleventh special session, devoted to economic problems, we regret to note the abyss that still separates the intransigent and arrogant position of the industrialized countries and the just claims of the developing countries. However, we consider that that special session will no doubt mark a new milestone towards the balanced readjustment of international economic relations and will certainly represent a decisive and laudable step in our collective efforts to establish the new international economic order we have sought to bring about.
179.	I should not wish to end this statement without reaffirming on this solemn occasion our conviction of the imperative need to intensify co-operation among nations in the quest for adequate solutions to the problems of development raised by the characteristic features prevailing in each of our countries. We believe that the time has come to move on to the implementation of the principles and ideals we have proclaimed: the ideals of freedom for all, co-operation at all levels, sincere solidarity within reciprocal respect for the independence of each State, and the establishment of a new, more just and more balanced world.