I am happy to extend to you, Sir, on my own behalf and on behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, our most sincere congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We consider your election as an honour conferred on our continent of Africa and a tribute to your well-known quality and abilities. We are sure that your political experience will be of the greatest benefit to you in directing the work of this session with the requisite wisdom and impartiality so that it may successfully participate in the consolidation of peace and justice throughout the world.
120.	I should also like to commend your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for his wise actions during his presidency of our previous session, and to welcome Saint Lucia, whose membership in the United Nations will help to strengthen the universal character of our Organization.
121.	I also have pleasure in thanking the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unceasing endeavours in the cause of justice and for the realization of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
L22. The political horizon of our world is still clouded with elements of tension and unrest arising from attempts made by certain States which, to satisfy selfish interests, continue to impose political and doctrinal hegemony, persist in abusing the rights of peoples and plundering their resources, and continue to disrupt their political stability.
123.	It is indeed distressing for humanity to observe that political relations among countries of the international community still constitute the weakest link in the chain of human and cultural evolution since these relations have fallen short of the appropriate level that would enable them to keep pace with the significant conquests achieved by mankind in the field of science, technology and culture.
124.	The major political and economic Powers in the world are still striving to retain their privileged position at the expense of other regions of the world. This policy of hegemony has, unfortunately, been transmitted to some other nations which have recently started to practise it on a regional scale, which in no way lessens its dangerous effects.
125.	After enduring the worst kinds of exploitation and colonial rule, and with some of its southern territories still struggling under the burden of racist and colonial regimes, our African continent, with its wounds still unhealed, is once again suffering from the evils of foreign intervention and attempts to impose regional hegemony and destabilization of its countries.
126.	The continent of Asia is also suffering from similar onslaughts in its far eastern and central regions. In its western region, the problem of the Middle East puts this area in the first rank among areas of international tension throughout the world.
127.	As part of the Arab nation, Morocco has constantly shown the greatest concern for this problem and is giving its full attention to the question of Palestine, which lies at the heart of the conflict in the Middle East region as a whole.
128.	The political and humanitarian dimensions of the question of Palestine constitute a blatant example of international political injustice and provide a clear illustration of Israel's contempt for human rights and its violation of the principles and resolutions of the inter-national community.
129.	Indeed, the question of Palestine has, in recent years, witnessed a significant and fundamental change brought about by the recognition given by most countries of the world to the inalienable national rights of the struggling Palestinian people and, primarily, to their right to self-determination and the establishment of their independent State on their land, and the wide international recognition given to the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
130.	In spite of this international consensus, Israel is still persisting in its aggressive policy against this long- suffering people and in its policy of colonial settlements on Palestinian land and the physical liquidation of the sons of this embattled people.
131.	The Kingdom of Morocco strongly condemns the Israeli policy of aggression, which finds concrete expression in the infringement of every principle of international law, ethics and conventions, and in the most serious violation of human rights, and of the principles and precepts of international relations.
132.	After many long years of occupation of Palestine and of some of the territories of Arab States, we see that Israel is still persisting in its policy based on the reckless demolition of houses, the expropriation of property belonging to the Arab population, the eviction of the latter from their lands and the obliteration of their national and cultural identity. Israel persists in its policy of expansion and annexation, the establishment of new colonies and settlements, and of committing every kind of human and economic exploitation of the land and its inhabitants. To this end Israel regards as permissible every sort of repression and terrorism, thus challenging the resolutions adopted by the international community, the most recent of which was Security Council resolution 446 (1979) concerning settlements.
133.	Morocco wishes to draw the attention of the international community to the far-reaching and serious dimensions of the recent Israeli decision to permit its nationals to purchase Arab land in Palestine. This decision is only a screen to disguise Israel's new criminal plan designed to consolidate its policy of colonial settlement throughout the land of Palestine in preparation for the Judaization and complete transformation of the human and cultural identity of this Holy Land.
134.	This measure should be immediately censured and condemned by the international community and tangible, practical steps should be taken to render it ineffective before it leads to a fait accompli that Israel will exploit in order to further consolidate its expansionist policy.
135.	The Kingdom of Morocco, which regards the question of Palestine and the Middle East as its first concern, reaffirms its commitment to support the Palestinian people and the Arab States, part of whose territory has been subjected to Zionist occupation, and reiterates its commitment to the resolutions of the Seventh Conference of Arab Heads of State, held at Rabat in 1974, of which Morocco considers itself to be the trustee, and to the resolutions of the Baghdad Conference.
136.	On the basis of these resolutions, Morocco believes that any partial solution not including complete Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and, primarily, the holy city of Jerusalem, and recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment of their own independent State in Palestine, will be rejected since, by its very nature, it would not meet the requirements for peace, which can only be established in the Middle East on the basis of a just and comprehensive solution.
137.	My country had the honour to host the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held in the city of Fez last May, and subsequently had the honour to welcome the meeting of the Jerusalem Committee, presided over by His Majesty King Hassan II.
138.	Those two important Islamic meetings resulted in an overwhelming Islamic consensus in which the assistance for the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
139.	With regard to the situation in the holy city of Jerusalem, which is so dear to the hearts of Moslems as the site of the nocturnal journey of the Holy Prophet and the cradle of divine religions, the Jerusalem Committee, meeting in the city of Fez, regarded the liberation of the city of Jerusalem as a responsibility incumbent on all Moslems throughout the world and stressed that the preservation of its Arab-Islamic identity and its restoration to Arab sovereignty was a joint and collective Islamic duty to be discharged by all Moslem peoples and Governments. This Fez resolution is in conformity with the numerous resolutions adopted by our Organization and, primarily, by the Security Council in 1969 and by UNESCO and the Commission on Human Rights, which condemned Israel's actions in changing the status of the City of Jerusalem and in violating the sanctity of the Holy Places therein.
140.	In the face of Israel's persistent defiance of all these resolutions and its violation of the purposes and principles of the Charter, we call for preventive measures to be imposed against it in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter.
141.	It is with extreme concern that Morocco is following the repeated Israeli attacks on Lebanon, which have recently assumed the form of the occupation, either directly or by proxy, of its southern territory. Morocco most strongly censures and condemns the barbarous raids which the Zionist regime is launching on the towns and villages of Lebanon, and which constitute a serious and continuous threat to peace in the Middle Eastern region as a whole. Morocco reaffirms its full solidarity with the people of Lebanon in their ordeal, and its desire to see that Lebanon is fully independent and sovereign and that its territorial integrity is safeguarded.
142.	The African continent, which, during the past two centuries, witnessed the worst forms of colonial exploitation, is even today suffering from the adverse effects of colonial dependence which bequeathed to the land of Africa an enduring legacy of chronic economic backwardness, ignorance and political fragmentation.
143.	Southern Africa is still suffering under the burden of odious racist, colonial regimes and is waging heroic wars of liberation in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
144.	While saluting the southern African peoples' just struggle for emancipation and liberation, we reiterate our firm resolve to continue to provide their liberation movements with every kind of aid and support. As a dedicated proponent of dialogue and negotiation, Morocco hopes that the current negotiations in London will result in a solution which will guarantee the inalienable right of the people of Zimbabwe, represented by the Patriotic Front, to full independence and elimination of all vestiges of the racist regime.
145.	Pending the achievement of this desired solution, Morocco declares its solidarity with the front-line.
146. In keeping with its standard practice, Morocco condemns the hideous racist regime of apartheid in South Africa, which it regards as a stigma of shame on the forehead of mankind in the twentieth century and a crime against humanity. Morocco strongly believes that a concerted international effort must be made to isolate and destroy apartheid.
147.	With regard to Namibia, which is still subjected to an illegal occupation and domination by the regime of Pretoria, Morocco salutes the struggle of SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, and declares its continuing support for their struggle to achieve full independence and to preserve their territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay, which is an integral part of Namibia.
148.	The problem of disarmament is still an increasing source of concern to mankind since the survival of the human race and the preservation of life itself on this planet depend on the fate of the enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons and the future course of the frantic nuclear arms race.
149.	While expressing our satisfaction at the results achieved by the tenth special session, devoted to dis-armament, by way of defining objectives and priorities and establishing the bodies needed for the achievement of full disarmament, we feel that there is an urgent need for greater political will on the part of nuclear-weapon States in order to attain the goal of ridding mankind of the spectre of impending nuclear annihilation.
150.	We are still inspired by the hope that the various committees responsible for monitoring this issue will be able to bring about the conclusion of treaties prohibiting nuclear tests and the production of chemical and other lethal weapons which threaten the very survival of life on our planet.
151.	I should now like to touch on a matter of direct concern to my country which the Moroccan people regard as an issue affecting their destiny, namely the so-called question of the Western Sahara, for whose inclusion on the agenda of the General Assembly or of the Special Committee on decolonization we can see no justification, since the decolonization of this Territory has been completed in conformity with the principles of international law.
152.	I am convinced that the world will one day realize the true nature of this question and will learn that the problem has been fabricated with a view to the attainment of hegemonistic aims and the aims of vested interests disguised behind the veil of the defence of principles.
153.	It may be asked why this is an invented question. It is an invented question because everyone knows that the Sahara is a single geographical area extending from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea and does not confer any ethnic identity of a special nature that could distinguish the inhabitants of the Sahara from the population of neighbouring States belonging to the same area. In effect, the Sahara only represents a natural geographical prolongation of the States adjoining it to the north and south. There is a Moroccan Sahara, as there is a Mauritanian Sahara, a Malian Sahara, an Algerian Sahara, a Tunisian Sahara and other Saharas belonging to every State bordering on this desert.
154.	Consequently, anyone wishing to allege the existence of a Saharan people would be better advised to abide by reason and logic and to refer to the Sahara as a whole rather than only to that part which constitutes a natural prolongation and an integral part of Morocco.
155.	I emphasize that history has never recorded the existence of a Saharan people distinct from the peoples of the region.
156.	The concept of the existence of a people in the Western Sahara was created by Spain, the State which colonized the Territory, and this colonial concept was subsequently resurrected, following the liberation of this land, for reasons relating to a policy of hegemony and expansion out of keeping with the purposes and principles of our Charter.
157.	The inhabitants of the Territory are Moroccans who, after their liberation from the yoke of colonialism, have re-joined their homeland, and henceforth, no one can separate them from this homeland.
158.	In this context I should like to recall certain facts relating to this matter. It is common knowledge that Morocco, because of its strategic location, was a coveted objective for many colonial Powers, and this finally led to the fragmentation of its territorial integrity and the partitioning of its lands into several zones of influence controlled by more than one colonial Power. Hence, the elimination of colonialism from all of the territory of Morocco was accomplished in several stages and at different periods.
159.	Morocco tried hard to recover its remaining territories, which had been colonized by Spain and, when it realized that the latter country had resorted to a policy of prevarication and procrastination, it was obliged—in view of its desire to follow peaceful procedures—to refer the matter to the United Nations. In resolution 2072 (XX) adopted in 1965 the General Assembly did, in fact, request Spain to "enter into negotiations on the problems relating to sovereignty" in the Moroccan territories of Ifni and Spanish Sahara.
160.	At the time, Spain turned a deaf ear to that request and persisted in its policy of procrastination, after returning the Territory of Ifni to Morocco in 1969, until its manoeuvres reached a climax in 1974, when it declared before the United Nations that it intended to create an artificial entity in the Saharan Territory, which had always been Moroccan, with a view to keeping the spurious entity that it wished to create under its effective control.
161.	There is no need to recall the successive stages through which this issue subsequently passed and which ended with the administering Power's giving in and consenting to the signing of an agreement on 14 November 1975  whereby the responsibility of Spain over this Territory would terminate on 26 February 1976.
162.	The return of the inhabitants of the Territory to their homeland was the result of a free act of will, fulfilling a desire they had long expressed under colonial rule by the resistance operations in which they had engaged in full co-operation with their Moroccan brethren in the north. On 26 February 1976, those in-habitants gave a clear, free and honest expression of their desire to join the homeland through their local representative council which, in the presence and with the participation of the then administering Power, took its historic decision to keep the Territory within the framework of the Moroccan State.
163.	This free expression was a true and faithful implementation of General Assembly resolution 3458 B (XXX) of 10 December 1975 concerning this matter. It is well known that this resolution confirmed the tripartite agreement concluded at Madrid on 14 November 1975, under the terms of which all the powers formerly exercised by the colonial authorities in the Territory were handed back to Morocco after negotiations, which had been called for by the Security Council of the United Nations.
164.	When they were subsequently given the opportunity, the population of the Territory of Rio de Oro gave free, spontaneous and impressive expression, in the presence of numerous observers and within sight and hearing of representatives of the international press, to their overwhelming desire to join the fatherland. They officially confirmed this when the representatives of the Territory declared their attachment and loyalty to the Moroccan State by taking the oath of allegiance to His Majesty King Hassan II, the King of Morocco.
165.	Having recovered its territorial unity, for which it strove and fought so long and for which it suffered so much at the hands of the colonialists, Morocco once again declares that it is still ready to make any sacrifice—however costly—to protect and defend its regained territorial integrity since, for every member of the Moroccan people, this is a sacrosanct issue and a matter of destiny on which there can be no going back and no bargaining.
166.	We are deeply and utterly convinced of the justice and legitimacy of our cause. However, our firm resolve to defend our rights in no way means that we shall turn a deaf ear to the call of peace, since Morocco has always been an advocate of peace. We have often given proof of our full willingness to seek peace and ways of reaching a mutual understanding even with those who contest our right to recover our territorial integrity and who incite their agents to create a fictitious, artificial entity intended to constitute a focal- point of tension and instability in the region.
167.	As an expression of Morocco's desire to over-come this fabricated problem, His Majesty King Hassan II, the King of Morocco, in a letter addressed to the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] on 28 August 1979, proposed the holding of a summit conference of Heads of State and Government of the countries bordering the Sahara, with a view to examining the measures to be taken for the achievement of co-ordinated and joint economic development in keeping with the aspirations of its peoples and for the benefit of all the inhabitants of the greater Saharan region, since the Sahara—as we have already indicated—is not confined to what used to be known as the Western Sahara, which was occupied by Spain, but extends from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.
168.	In taking this initiative, Morocco is eager to make its position absolutely clear right from the start. This proposal does not involve prevarication and is not intended to be an ephemeral, ad hoc proposal, vaguely conceived and hedged with doubts. We say here quite clearly that the Sahara, which was under Spanish ad-ministration and which is an integral part of Morocco, has been united definitively with the motherland in a final and definitive manner from which there is no going back.
169.	Our proposal is aimed at overcoming the spurious, artificial problem, which was created regarding the question of the Sahara, and calls for a future solution based on sound and true mutual co-operation.
170.	We address this call for co-operation to the countries bordering on the Sahara. This vast sea of barren sand has always been a meeting ground for neighbouring countries and has never formed a banner between them. Trade between these bordering countries flourished throughout the ages prior to the colonial expansion, and the inhabitants of this region were linked by solid bonds and ties of ethnic, cultural, religious and economic relations until the advent of the colonial age, when these links were severed. We must now re-establish these links in the interest of the population of the region as a whole and within the framework of a comprehensive view of the future. Hence, in his proposal to the current Chairman of the OAU, His Majesty King Hassan II made the following point:
"You will undoubtedly share our view that Africa is currently passing through a crucial stage in its quest for true economic and political emancipation. Instead of dissipating our endeavours and our meagre resources, both human and material, in an effort to solve spurious problems, we feel that it is necessary to devote ourselves fully to work which will ensure the harmonious development of Africa and a more comfortable life in keeping with the aspirations of all Africans.
"In this perspective, and in order to co-ordinate our endeavours, we believe that a summit conference, held under your chairmanship, and with the participation of Heads of State and Government of the countries bordering on the Sahara and of the esteemed members of the Committee of Wise Men, would constitute an effective contribution to the quest for this economic emancipation for which we all hope. If we pool our human and material resources and set as a fundamental objective the general prosperity of our continent within a context of mutual assistance and fraternal co-operation, we will have proved to the whole world that we are able to manage our own affairs in a clear-sighted and perspicacious manner."
171.	His Majesty also proposed that these countries should jointly formulate a plan that would enable land-locked countries such as Mali, Niger and Chad to have access to sea ports as a necessary benefit. In His Majesty's own words:
"We would thus also be able to jointly formulate a policy based on the right to utilize the sea. Such a right will be of vital importance for life and for the supply of food after the year 2000, yet many countries bordering on the Sahara are deprived of this right as a result of their land-locked position in the centre of our continent."
172.	In addition to achieving fruitful co-operation and numerous other commendable benefits and banishing the spectre of tension and confrontation from this region, this initiative is conducive to the achievement of many other advantages, the beneficial effects of which would be even more far-reaching.
173.	One of the aims of the OAU is the promotion and encouragement of co-operation among its members in all fields throughout the continent, beginning at the regional and local level, because this is the natural and practical way to achieve general continental cooperation.
174.	This initiative on the part of Morocco offers a practical plan for co-operation within the framework of the African co-operation plan which is being promoted by our African organization.
175.	In another broader context, this initiative might represent a connecting link that could give positive, concrete form to African-Arab co-operation and provide new scope for joint and fruitful action, since it is common knowledge that one of the main objectives of the Declaration on Afro-Arab Co-operation15 was to urge and encourage the Arab and African States to implement as many joint projects as possible in order to strengthen and consolidate their mutual co-operation. To that end, a special committee was established, called the Standing Commission on Afro-Arab Cooperation, of which Morocco and most of the African countries concerned with this initiative are members. Consequently, this initiative will open up new vistas for African-Arab co-operation in a region which has until now been neglected.
176.	This initiative could also be placed in a wider geographical context in which inter-African and African-Arab co-operation would eventually benefit from the results of European-Arab co-operation achieved through the European-Arab dialogue. If this Moroccan initiative is faithfully implemented, it will turn this region into a natural meeting-point for such tripartite co-operation in which capital from one party would participate side by side with technical expertise from another party in the profitable development of the region's resources for the benefit and general good of the population of the region as a whole.
177.	This initiative is in total harmony with the concept of co-operation between the African, Arab and European communities which was highly extolled by the President of the Republic of the Sudan, the former Chairman of the OAU. Indeed, it provides a practical opportunity for the implementation and realization of this concept in a tangible manner.
178.	This initiative is aimed, above all, at endowing inter-African co-operation with a lofty significance so that it can stand as a model and a shining example of assistance to help the land-locked countries of the region obtain the right of access to the sea, which could be of considerable benefit to them.
179.	In short, this initiative is intended to tum this region into a region of peace and mutual understanding instead of allowing it to remain a theatre of confrontation and tension. As already indicated, it would thus achieve the aims of many regional organizations and institutions in addition to one of the noble objectives for which our Organization is striving, namely the strengthening of international co-operation.
180.	This initiative would bring prosperity and development to tens of millions of people who have so often been the victims of natural disasters such as drought, and would help to mobilize abilities and re-sources to put an end to the misery, disease, illiteracy and ignorance which are the distressing symptoms of backwardness.
181.	In view of the importance and broad scope of this initiative, Morocco is submitting it to the OAU, the United Nations, the League of Arab States, the Islamic Conference, the European Common Market and the FAO.
182.	In so doing, Morocco is offering to the world a sincere and living example of true co-operation and firm solidarity for which it is striving in the interests of the peoples of the region at a time when the world is deluged with narrow-minded selfishness, controversies, doctrinal disputes, interference in the affairs of others and armed aggression.
183.	The international economic situation is still a matter of grave concern to us since the gap between the wealthy and the poorer nations of the world is increasing at a time when we had hoped that it would be narrowed or closed.
184.	This situation has caused most of the poorer nations—and the majority of them are African countries—to lose hope of ever escaping from the clutches of economic backwardness,
185.	Although the international community has realized the extreme urgency of bringing about a radical and thorough change in international economic relations, the lack of political will on the part of the industrialized nations for the establishment of a new international economic order still constitutes a stumbling- block against which the hopes that most of the countries of the world entertain regarding the establishment of such an order have been shattered. This can clearly be seen in the failure of the North-South dialogue to achieve the desired results.
186.	The new international economic order has be-come a necessary alternative to the currently prevailing system of economic prejudice and injustice, especially since the principle of international integration and interdependence has become a self-evident reality in economic relations among States.
187.	It is truly distressing for us to see the industrialized nations resorting to subterfuge, hiding behind the walls of economic protectionism and turning a deaf ear to the developing countries' appeals for aid and assistance. Those nations should realize that the basic interest of their peoples lies in the abandonment of the old economic order and in agreeing to make economic relations more democratic.
188. We are still living in a world in which the main fulfilling a desire they had long expressed under colonial rule by the resistance operations in which they had engaged in full co-operation with their Moroccan brethren in the north. On 26 February 1976, those inhabitants gave a clear, free and honest expression of their desire to join the homeland through their local representative council which, in the presence and with the participation of the then administering Power, took its historic decision to keep the Territory within the framework of the Moroccan State.
163.	This free expression was a true and faithful implementation of General Assembly resolution 3458 B (XXX) of 10 December 1975 concerning this matter. It is well known that this resolution confirmed the tripartite agreement concluded at Madrid on 14 November 1975, under the terms of which all the powers formerly exercised by the colonial authorities in the Territory were handed back to Morocco after negotiations, which had been called for by the Security Council of the United Nations.
164.	When they were subsequently given the opportunity, the population of the Territory of Rio de Oro gave free, spontaneous and impressive expression, in the presence of numerous observers and within sight and hearing of representatives of the international press, to their overwhelming desire to join the fatherland. They officially confirmed this when the representatives of the Territory declared their attachment and loyalty to the Moroccan State by taking the oath of allegiance to His Majesty King Hassan II, the King of Morocco.
165.	Having recovered its territorial unity, for which it strove and fought so long and for which it suffered so much at the hands of the colonialists, Morocco once again declares that it is still ready to make any sacrifice—however costly—to protect and defend its regained territorial integrity since, for every member of the Moroccan people, this is a sacrosanct issue and a matter of destiny on which there can be no going back and no bargaining.
166.	We are deeply and utterly convinced of the justice and legitimacy of our cause. However, our firm resolve to defend our rights in no way means that we shall turn a deaf ear to the call of peace, since Morocco has always been an advocate of peace. We have often given proof of our full willingness to seek peace and ways of reaching a mutual understanding even with those who contest our right to recover our territorial integrity and who incite their agents to create a fictitious, artificial entity intended to constitute a focal- point of tension and instability in the region.
167.	As an expression of Morocco's desire to overcome this fabricated problem, His Majesty King Hassan II, the King of Morocco, in a letter addressed to the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] on 28 August 1979, proposed the holding of a summit conference of Heads of State and Government of the countries bordering the Sahara, with a view to examining the measures to be taken for the achievement of co-ordinated and joint economic development in keeping with the aspirations of its peoples and for the benefit of all the inhabitants of the greater Saharan region, since the Sahara—as we have already indicated—is not confined to what used to be known as the Western Sahara, which was occupied by Spain, but extends from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.
168.	In taking this initiative, Morocco is eager to make its position absolutely clear right from the start. This proposal does not involve prevarication and is not intended to be an ephemeral, ad hoc proposal, vaguely conceived and hedged with doubts. We say here quite clearly that the Sahara, which was under Spanish ad-ministration and which is an integral part of Morocco, has been united definitively with the motherland in a final and definitive manner from which there is no going back.
169.	Our proposal is aimed at overcoming the spurious, artificial problem, which was created regarding the question of the Sahara, and calls for a future solution based on sound and true mutual co-operation.
170.	We address this call for co-operation to the countries bordering on the Sahara. This vast sea of barren sand has always been a meeting ground for neighbouring countries and has never formed a barrier between them. Trade between these bordering countries flourished throughout the ages prior to the colonial expansion, and the inhabitants of this region were linked by solid bonds and ties of ethnic, cultural, religious and economic relations until the advent of the colonial age, when these links were severed. We must now re-establish these links in the interest of the population of the region as a whole and within the framework of a comprehensive view of the future. Hence, in his proposal to the current Chairman of the OAU, His Majesty King Hassan II made the following point:
"You will undoubtedly share our view that Africa is currently passing through a crucial stage in its quest for true economic and political emancipation. Instead of dissipating our endeavours and our meagre resources, both human and material, in an effort to solve spurious problems, we feel that it is necessary to devote ourselves fully to work which will ensure the harmonious development of Africa and a more comfortable life in keeping with the aspirations of all Africans.
"In this perspective, and in order to co-ordinate our endeavours, we believe that a summit conference, held under your chairmanship, and with the participation of Heads of State and Government of the countries bordering on the Sahara and of the esteemed members of the Committee of Wise Men, would constitute an effective contribution to the quest for this economic emancipation for which we all hope. If we pool our human and material resources and set as a fundamental objective the general prosperity of our continent within a context of mutual assistance and fraternal co-operation, we will have proved to the whole world that we are able to manage our own affairs in a clear-sighted and perspicacious manner
171.	His Majesty also proposed that these countries should jointly formulate a plan that would enable land-locked countries such as Mali, Niger and Chad to have access to sea ports as a necessary benefit. In His Majesty's own words:
"We would thus also be able to jointly formulate a policy based on the right to utilize the sea. Such a right will be of vital importance for life and for the supply of food after the year 2000, yet many countries bordering on the Sahara are deprived of this right as a result of their land-locked position in the centre of our continent."
172.	In addition to achieving fruitful co-operation and numerous other commendable benefits and banishing the spectre of tension and confrontation from this region, this initiative is conducive to the achievement of many other advantages, the beneficial effects of which would be even more far-reaching.
173.	One of the aims of the OAU is the promotion and encouragement of co-operation among its members in all fields throughout the continent, beginning at the regional and local level, because this is the natural and practical way to achieve general continental cooperation.
174.	This initiative on the part of Morocco offers a practical plan for co-operation within the framework of the African co-operation plan which is being promoted by our African organization.
175.	In another broader context, this initiative might represent a connecting link that could give positive, concrete form to African-Arab co-operation and provide new scope for joint and fruitful action, since it is common knowledge that one of the main objectives of the Declaration on Afro-Arab Co-operation was to urge and encourage the Arab and African States to implement as many joint projects as possible in order to strengthen and consolidate their mutual co-operation. To that end, a special committee was established, called the Standing Commission on Afro-Arab Cooperation, of which Morocco and most of the African countries concerned with this initiative are members. Consequently, this initiative will open up new vistas for African-Arab co-operation in a region which has until now been neglected.
176.	This initiative could also be placed in a wider geographical context in which inter-African and African-Arab co-operation would eventually benefit from the results of European-Arab co-operation achieved through the European-Arab dialogue. If this Moroccan initiative is faithfully implemented, it will turn this region into a natural meeting-point for such tripartite co-operation in which capital from one party would participate side by side with technical expertise from another party in the profitable development of the region's resources for the benefit and general good of the population of the region as a whole.
177.	This initiative is in total harmony with the concept of co-operation between the African, Arab and European communities which was highly extolled by the President of the Republic of the Sudan, the former Chairman of the OAU. Indeed, it provides a practical opportunity for the implementation and realization of this concept in a tangible manner.
178.	This initiative is aimed, above all, at endowing inter-African co-operation with a lofty significance so that it can stand as a model and a shining example of assistance to help the land-locked countries of the region obtain the right of access to the sea, which could be of considerable benefit to them.
179.	In short, this initiative is intended to turn this region into a region of peace and mutual understanding instead of allowing it to remain a theatre of confrontation and tension. As already indicated, it would thus achieve the aims of many regional organizations and institutions in addition to one of the noble objectives for which our Organization is striving, namely the strengthening of international co-operation.
180.	This initiative would bring prosperity and development to tens of millions of people who have so often been the victims of natural disasters such as drought, and would help to mobilize abilities and resources to put an end to the misery, disease, illiteracy and ignorance which are the distressing symptoms of backwardness.
181.	In view of the importance and broad scope of this initiative, Morocco is submitting it to the OAU, the United Nations, the League of Arab States , the Islamic Conference, the European Common Market and the FAO.
182.	In so doing, Morocco is offering to the world a sincere and living example of true co-operation and firm solidarity for which it is striving in the interests of the peoples of the region at a time when the world is deluged with narrow-minded selfishness, controversies, doctrinal disputes, interference in the affairs of others and armed aggression.
183.	The international economic situation is still a matter of grave concern to us since the gap between the wealthy and the poorer nations of the world is increasing at a time when we had hoped that it would be narrowed or closed.
184.	This situation has caused most of the poorer nations—and the majority of them are African countries—to lose hope of ever escaping from the clutches of economic backwardness.
185.	Although the international community has realized the extreme urgency of bringing about a radical and thorough change in international economic relations, the Jack of political will on the part of the industrialized nations for the establishment of a new international economic order still constitutes a stumbling- block against which the hopes that most of the countries of the world entertain regarding the establishment of such an order have been shattered. This can clearly be seen in the failure of the North-South dialogue to achieve the desired results.
186.	The new international economic order has become a necessary alternative to the currently prevailing system of economic prejudice and injustice, especially since the principle of international integration and interdependence has become a self-evident reality in economic relations among States.
188. We are still living in a world in which the main
187.	It is truly distressing for us to see the industrialized nations resorting to subterfuge, hiding behind the walls of economic protectionism and turning a deaf ear to the developing countries appeals for aid and assistance. Those nations should realize that the basic interest of their peoples lies in the abandonment of the old economic order and in agreeing to make economic relations more democratic. Requirements are security, tranquillity, economic self-sufficiency, respect for the dignity and humanity of mankind and the avoidance of the evils and afflictions of wars from which so many have suffered as a result of the failure to listen to the voice of reason and wisdom.
189. Morocco is once again endeavouring to help to create a better political and social climate for the inhabitants of its region by calling for fraternal, local co-operation in which hands and minds can join together for the general good in order to build, develop and improve by turning away from the sources of enmity and the evils of war.
190. The promotion of local neighbourliness is a first step towards reconciliation among nations and greater mutual love and respect among mankind, which would enable the human race to devote its energies to building a better and happier life in which brotherliness, prosperity, progress and dignity would prevail.


 May I join my colleagues in congratulating the President on his election to the high office he now holds. He is even newer to his job than I am to mine. But with his long experience in this Assembly we are confident that he will be able fully to fulfil the heavy responsibilities he has assumed.
74.	Although I am a newcomer to this Assembly, I have been one of its close observers for many years. I have always been an unswerving supporter of the United Nations, of the ideals expressed in its Charter, and of the constructive role it has played in the development of the international community.
75.	There are many successes of which all of us, as Members of the United Nations, may be justly proud. The timely intervention of United Nations peacekeeping forces has so often brought quiet to a troubled area. Through resolutions and the great conferences of the 1970s, we have identified crucial problems and devised plans of concerted action for solving them.
76.	As a specific example, the complex, painstaking negotiations on the law of the sea have now reached the point at which, with one last effort of mutual will, we shall have an agreement of extraordinary significance to us all.
77.	Yes, the record of the United Nations has proved how useful—indeed, how essential—it is in world affairs. In the recent past, however, I have become increasingly concerned by the path this body has taken. I see it as my responsibility—speaking for Canada as I do now for the first time in this chamber—to tell you frankly what it is that troubles Canadians about recent developments in the conduct of international affairs.
78.	The United Nations today is in serious jeopardy of becoming irrelevant to the peoples of the world. Somehow, in dealing with the many difficult issues that have come before this forum over the years, we have lost sight of the very purpose of this Organization. We have lost our grasp of the human needs that the United Nations was established to help fill, and of the human rights that it is meant to protect.
79.	Too often, the purpose and content of debate is devoted to the interests and aspirations of Governments and politicians, not of the peoples they represent. Too often the energies and skills of delegations are devoted to the goal of political advantage, not to bettering the human condition.
80.	As politicians, we know how important it is to choose carefully the means and even the words we use to promote the goals that we want to promote. But we also know that in so doing we must never lose sight of the true best interests of the people we represent. Once we lose sight of this, we are no longer doing our duty.
81.	It is in this light that I look at what has been happening recently in this and certain other international organizations. As I look, I become very worried. The preamble to the Charter of the United Nations begins, as I am sure you all remember, 'We the peoples of the United Nations...". This is an organization of people, not of Governments. Yet, what are the tendencies here? We establish a system of procedure and protocol that begins to rival that of Byzantium. We develop a specialized terminology in which ordinary words are invested with arcane significance. Whole paragraphs of ideological meaning are read into the choice of a single ordinary noun or adjective. We form ourselves into international blocs and support propositions or positions that are in violation of our own declared national policies. How, then, can we be seen to foster the well-being of our peoples? Too faintly, too faintly.
82.	Over the years, I have travelled widely across the globe and just since this past June I have had an opportunity to talk with people in 10 different countries. The people to whom I have spoken have strengthened my conviction of the vast reservoir of international goodwill that exists in the hearts of individual citizens around the world. Why, then, is so much of the energy of this Organization devoted to acrimonious wrangling among representatives of Governments? What relevance have the debates in this chamber to the ideals, the hopes and the needs of those for whom this Organization was created: the peoples of the United Nations?
83.	Too often the answer to this question is "little". We have allowed ourselves to be captured by the self- imposed dictates of this forum. We have lost sight of why we are here. The people of Canada and, I suspect, the people of countries all over the world are recognizing what is happening here. We do not operate in a closed sphere. Modern communications, and an increasingly informed and interested population ensure that what we do is known and understood across the globe. Our credibility is in jeopardy, and with it the very existence of this Organization. For without popular support, we shall be unable to continue. Unless we make our work, our talks, our very motives more relevant to the concerns of the people we represent, we shall lose the support that we need to continue.
84.	As I see it, the major challenge facing the United Nations in the next decade is to make itself once again a vehicle for filling the needs and rights of the people of the world. We look to the President to help us begin that task.
85.	Thirty-one years ago, when the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it took a step of great importance to people everywhere. Similarly, the two International Covenants, one on Civil and Political Rights and the other on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, adopted by the General Assembly in 1966, reflected the heartfelt aspirations of the population of this planet. These documents summarize what this great Organization is all about: the fostering and protection of rights.
86.	There are three broad areas of human rights that I want to speak about today. The first is the sort of thing that immediately springs to mind when the term "human rights" is used. These are the political rights, such as those of freedom of speech and of association, the right to equal treatment before equitable law, the absence of racial, religious or sexual discrimination. The second area is the right to physical safety, the right to peace, the freedom from war. And finally, I want to speak about the rights arising from our natures as human animals, our needs for food, shelter and an appropriate share of the world's riches.
87.	One need not look far to find a dismaying number of examples of violations of political rights, all too often committed by a Government against its own people. Indo-China alone provides too many examples. The uprooting, dislocation and often elimination of so many victims in Kampuchea, the desperate plight of the Laotian refugees, the deliberate expulsion of the Vietnamese boat people, all are too well known. The vicious pillage and massacres of the Amin regime in Uganda and its tragic aftermath, the thousands of women and children in refugee camps—one of which I visited last month in southern Africa—are matched elsewhere by the execution without trial of ousted politicians. There is also the sudden disappearance or exile for political reasons of ordinary men, women and children in other countries.
88.	These crimes against humanity are common knowledge. The people of the world know what is happening around them. But too often, the international community has been reluctant—or culpably slow—to take steps to condemn and rectify these violations of human rights. Too often, the political convenience of Governments has caused them to remain silent when ordinary people cry out for action. Public opinion today is calling us to account for this lethargy, this disregard for human suffering, this irresponsibility.
89.	And yet, there is cause for hope. By no means have all violations of human rights passed unnoticed by the international community. The Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, held in Geneva in July and convened and skilfully conducted by the Secretary-General, resulted not only in a substantial humanitarian response, in offers of resettlement places and financial aid for refugees, but also elicited a political response by the Government of Viet Nam, which has since been controlling the outflow of refugees. It is still to be determined whether or not the root-cause has been settled, and the whole international community will have to watch developments carefully. Pressure on the Government of Viet Nam must be sustained, but substantial progress has indeed been made.
90.	Other investigations hold promise of progress. We are pleased to note the investigation now under way by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights into the situation in Argentina. We also welcome the investigation by respected African jurists into the recent tragic events in the Central African Empire. In addition, the Heads of Government of Commonwealth countries, at their meeting at Lusaka this summer, agreed to consider the setting up of a human rights commission within the Commonwealth. There has been modest progress within the United Nations Commission on Human Rights itself. I refer to the appointment of a special rapporteur to investigate the situation in Equatorial Guinea, and the Commission's contacts with certain Governments as a result of its in camera hearings. All this is gratifying progress indeed. But much more is yet to be done.
91.	The United Nations must find better, more certain ways to deal with gross violations of human rights, no matter where they happen. We must be able to take effective action immediately, not years after the abuses begin. That is why Canada has long supported the proposal to establish the office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. This proposal, which could effectively set in place an international human rights ombudsman, has been explored over the years, but as yet not enough Member States have found the courage to proceed with such an office.
92.	Let me propose an alternative, then. The General Assembly at this session should agree to establish a position of Under-Secretary-General for Human Rights, and we should appoint an individual of undisputed stature in the international community to that office. This person would exercise the mandate the Secretary-General has under the Charter to use his good offices in the field of human rights. With this, we could have an instrument through which the United Nations could fulfil this fundamental responsibility given to it by the people of the world.
93.	Another step that could easily be taken is to devise a way of ending the distressingly large number of disappearances of individuals in many parts of the world. We urge that the Commission on Human Rights be instructed to set up a committee of experts to investigate these unexplained vanishings,
94.	But we must not take the progress that has been made as an indication that our job is done. Outrages still exist. Some are long-standing, like apartheid and the situations in Namibia and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. Others, such as political execution, arise from time to time in various parts of the world. We must find new ways of combating these violations, for world opinion demands it. Unless we can respond, our credibility, our relevance, our usefulness, our very existences are in peril. But our response must be both responsible and timely. The progress being made at this very moment in regard to Namibia and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, for example, deserves our encouragement and support. It would be irresponsible to pre-empt the satisfactory resolution ' of these problems by precipitous and distracting debate in this or any other forum that some Member States might be inclined to use.
95.	A corner-stone of the United Nations is the second type of human right I want to discuss—the right of the people of the world to physical security. Bora from the ashes of the Second World War, this Organization is devoted to the peaceful resolution of differences be-tween nations. To many people this is the sole reason for the existence of this Organization: to ensure the human right to live in peace.
96.	Here, too, our record gives little cause for satisfaction. Instances of aggression of one country against another continue. As always, righteous justification is claimed by each party to the conflict. There may be righteous warriors, but there are no good wars. The people have entrusted to us the task of stopping this systematic destruction of the most fundamental of all human rights—the right to life itself. And yet armed conflict remains a sorry characteristic of international affairs.
97.	Other related threats to our physical safety continue. The arms race, with all its costs and inherent dangers, bounds on apace. The spread of nuclear technology, with all the benefits it can bring, has not been paralleled by an equal commitment to a renunciation of the development of nuclear explosive capability. We know that even today certain States are working to achieve mastery in this field, not for the increased well- being its energy can bring to the people, but for the creation of an explosion—one that will quake the hearts of peace-loving people everywhere. Surely they can expect better of us.
98.	Fortunately, here, too, there are reasons for hope. The first special session of this Assembly ever devoted to disarmament, that is, the Assembly's tenth special session, was a success. For those who believe, as I do that modern weapons are as much a threat as a protection to the security of nations, this was an encouraging step. Yet the record since that time is disappointing. The new machinery of negotiation in Geneva is blocked by rivalry and suspicion. The testing of nuclear weapons continues, despite the high priority that the special session gave to the ban. Preparations for nuclear and chemical warfare continue; no agreement has been reached on measures to limit the use of weapons that cause unnecessary suffering; and spending for military purposes grows ever larger.
99.	Nevertheless, a hopeful sign of urgency remains. I cite the communique signed in Vienna last June by Presidents Carter and Brezhnev, in which they commit their Governments "to take major steps to limit nuclear weapons with the objective of ultimately eliminating them, and to complete successfully other arms limitation and disarmament negotiations"
100.	Canada has a particular interest in the honouring of this commitment—we are the only country that is a neighbour to both the United States of America and the Soviet Union. As such we could not escape the devastation of a strategic nuclear war. Hence, our specific concern.
101.	But there is another reason for our deep interest. Canada has been a pioneer in the development of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. Our Candu power reactor is an outstanding success both in Canada and abroad. But we are determined that this technology should not be misused. We demand that stringent safeguards be applied by countries buying Canadian nuclear power facilities or materials. We are looking forward to the conclusions of the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation, the international study examining the further means by which non-proliferation standards can be applied to the nuclear fuel cycle. We want to ensure that the continued recourse to nuclear power is undertaken in the most stringent conditions possible, guaranteeing, as far as is humanly possible, against any non-peaceful use.
102.	We believe that Governments who accept these conditions, indeed all Governments, have a right to expect that the obligations of nuclear States under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will be carried out- including the pursuit of "negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date", in the words of its article VI. Yet agreement has eluded the negotiations on a comprehensive test ban for 15 years. Time is running out—and the patience of the people is running thin.
103.	Genuine international security is not merely a matter of agreements on arms control and disarmament. Before such agreements can be reached, and certainly before they can have effect, there must be a climate of trust, of decency and justice among the nations of the world. Confidence must be built up by small steps between neighbours, between alliances, and between the nuclear Powers. The United Nations must be allowed to expand its fact-finding and peace-seeking roles if such confidence is to grow. In areas where tensions are too high, concrete steps must be taken to prevent accidents or miscalculations. The people of the world expect no less of us. And the people are right.
104.	Finally, as we examine the lessons of the past, and as we assess the challenges of the future, there is one striking fact that dominates all others—the singular failure of the international community to solve the problem of poverty. We are still haunted by the spectre of hundreds of millions of people living below the poverty line and in danger of starvation. The right to enough material goods to ensure health and dignity is still denied to far too many.
105.	Giving effect to this basic human right is the greatest task facing the United Nations for the remainder of this century. The overriding importance of this work is clear to all. Two years ago this Assembly passed resolution 32/130, which, in paragraph l(i), recognizes that "the full realization of civil and political rights without the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights is impossible." It is insufficient for an individual to enjoy full human rights before the law if he or she does not have the basic necessities of life: enough food, health care; education; shelter. Problems of want must be attacked directly and urgently in the 1980s.
106.	I welcome the renewed attention being given by the United Nations family to these problems, for here, too, I see reason for hope. There is growing recognition that development assistance does not imply the foisting of one country's social and economic philosophy on another. The true meaning of co-operation is increasingly understood.
107.	It is no answer to the problem to set up a sort of international social welfare system to give hand-outs to the poorest. Nothing could be more demeaning to human dignity, nor more guaranteed to perpetuate poverty. Our goal must be to enable people to use their own abilities, and to assist States to develop their own potential.
108.	These may sound grand words, optimistic words, easy to say. But, frankly, I am optimistic about the capacity of our international community to work together to solve the problems before it. That these problems are huge, numerous and complicated, there is no denial.
109.	What I find worrying is not the fact that we have problems, but the manner in which we approach them. I place enormous personal importance on the North- South dialogue. And yet I fear that our present approach is doomed to failure. Many of the problems with which we are grappling in this dialogue are, after all, the result of change—rapid change, dramatic change and, if we are honest with ourselves, change that is often for the better. The last three decades—including the turbulent 1970s—have been ones of unprecedented economic growth for the developing world, at rates faster than those of the industrialized countries. The problem is that this growth has been uneven and, in the minds of those whose expectations have been raised so high, not fast enough. As we look into the decade before us, it is the countries at the bottom end of the economic scale that face the bleakest future and the lowest growth. At the opposite end of the scale, in the wealthy industrial countries, the prospects for the 1980s are, for a variety of reasons, also for a relatively slow pace of economic growth. Between these extremes, however, lie countries whose growth has been much more rapid, and who, in spite of immense problems, are likely to maintain a faster pace in the future.
110.	This is a very brief outline of what has been happening in the past and what is likely to occur in the years ahead. And yet the international discussions of such matters do not take account of these realities. Of particular concern to me is the increasing note of pessimism that seems to be creeping into the North-South dialogue; the contention that nothing has changed for the better anywhere and is unlikely to in the future; the spirit of confrontation between North and South with verbal barrages across an artificial frontier; the allocation of blame for misfortune, not the search for self- improvement.
111.	If there is one message I should like to leave clearly with my colleagues, whether they be of the North or the South, it is that such approaches to our problems and such tactics are likely to be counterproductive. I can tell the Assembly that in Canada they do more harm than good. In Canada we have spent a lot of time and effort and money in developing programmes of economic co-operation, and always with the support of the Canadian people. No democratic Government can act without such popular support. I am confident that this support remains and that we can continue to improve our programmes and adapt our policies to the changing international environment. At present, however, we face important domestic problems within Canada. One of them, the energy issue, we share with many nations. I assure members that we are determined to become part of the solution and not part of that problem. But the efforts that our people will be called upon to make to help solve this world-wide problem will be great. As a result, now more than ever we need to demonstrate that our overseas programmes are useful and efficient and actually do contribute to the welfare of people who need assistance. If we hear through the North-South dialogue that after 30 years of effort nothing has changed for the better, that doom and gloom lie in the future, and that our lack of political will is entirely to blame, I am afraid that the reaction of the Canadian people will be to demand that we spend our efforts and money at home. By all means let us define our problems closely, but let us develop realistic responses. By all means let us be frank with each other, but let us maintain a constructive courtesy. Talk, certainly, but act, too. Let us indulge in technical analysis, but let us never forget that it is the individual we are trying to help.
112.	Immense tasks lie before us as we grapple with all the issues now on the negotiating table within the United Nations system. The desperate plight of the people of Kampuchea, for example, cries for immediate international attention. Our ability to act effectively in this regard will be a measure of the sincerity of our commitment to the ideals we all have endorsed. My confidence in our ability to find solutions is based in part on the growing recognition in all countries that interdependence is a fact and not a slogan, and in part on the knowledge that we must all work together if we are
113.	This, then, is a partial agenda for the 1980s. The work must begin now, during the President's term of office. Although public confidence in this great international institution is at a sufficiently low level to jeopardize its future, the opportunities to regain that confidence have never been better.
114.	With the President's help, we can galvanize this Assembly into a genuine forum for the betterment of the peoples of the world. We can turn away from confrontation between Governments to co-operation among people. When this session is seen to address the rights of human beings rather than the ambitions of politicians, then we shall have the support of people everywhere, and we can use the world's vast resources of riches, energies and intelligence to meet the challenges ahead.
115.	May the President lead us in that direction, I can assure him that the Canadian people will follow.


We meet in this General Assembly on the threshold of a new decade. It will be a time of complex challenge, a period in which, more than ever, co-operative endeavours among nations are a matter not only of idealism but also of direct self-interest.
39.	The decade now drawing to a close has been characterized by rapid, far-reaching and fundamental change. Awesome technological developments are all about us. The assertion of national independence has reshaped the political geography of our planet. Within nations we see an accelerating rise in individual economic, political and social expectations. The unrelenting hostility of the cold war has given way to a more complex relationship between East and West, with elements of both competition and co-operation. The simple notion of a bipolar world has become obsolete. Increasingly there is a profusion of different systems and allegiances and a diffusion of political and military power. The world economic order is also undergoing inexorable transformations. Many nations formerly among the disadvantaged are now achieving global economic power. Economic interdependence has become a daily reality for the citizens of every nation.
40.	These sweeping changes have for the most part worked in constructive directions, changing lives for the better and opening new possibilities for collective effort and creative diplomacy.
41.	But while these developments demonstrate that progress is possible, they by no means demonstrate that it is inevitable. I say this for two reasons.
42.	First, in a number of areas the pace of current progress is dwarfed by the scope of coming challenges. The next decade will decide whether we have the collective wisdom and the common will to surmount a series of imposing and interrelated problems which must be dealt with in a comprehensive manner.
43.	The need to develop new forms of energy will pose a continuing challenge. We have entered the difficult transition from a petroleum economy to one based on other forms of energy.
44.	Even without this added burden, we face an imposing task in providing for the basic needs of people and in narrowing the combustible disparity between wealth and despair. The food shortage facing developing countries, for example, was 12 million tons in 1975. It could be 70 to 85 million tons by 1990, unless productivity rises sharply.
45.	We must strike a decent balance between the burgeoning demands of more people for a better life and the inescapable reality of a fragile environment.
46.	Such prospects carry the seeds of future discord. As these seeds ripen, and the growth and spread of weapons continue, regional conflicts become all the more dangerous in their toll of lives and resources and in the heightened risk of wider confrontation.
47.	And despite our emergence from the days of unrelenting hostility, the East-West relationship can deteriorate dangerously whenever one side fails to respect the security interests of the other.
48.	Our ability to meet these tests depends on a second issue: will we confront such challenges together, and benefit together? Or will we let adversity divide us, and thus conquer?
49.	I must be frank and say that I am not sure what the answer will be.
50.	There are some reasons for encouragement. In recent years the nations here represented have found it easier, in many different forums, to talk with each other rather than at each other. East and West have entered into the broadest arms control agenda in history. The Soviet Union and the United States have negotiated significant limitations on strategic arms in a treaty that now awaits ratification. North and South have made progress on financial, trade and commodity issues—far more progress than has been acknowledged. Agreement has been reached on a sharp increase in the resources of IMF. Lending by the multilateral development banks has increased. Expanded trade opportunities have been opened by the recently concluded trade negotiations. We have moved ahead on other matters, such as international debt and a common fund for commodities. We should recognize such progress and build on it. We have taken steps as well towards the resolution of some deeply embedded regional disputes.
51.	But I am concerned that there are also factors at work which could reverse this co-operative trend. The severity of the problems we face could drive nations to the pursuit of their own separate advantage at the expense of international co-operation. In times of economic trouble, even relatively prosperous countries find it more difficult to look beyond their internal concerns to meet international needs. Indeed, it is a vivid lesson of history that hardship can breed short-sighted insularity. It can arouse instincts for self-preservation at the expense of others. In such times, the voices of economic nationalism will be raised in all our countries. We must resist them. We must resist, as well, the voices of international confrontation. In a number of international negotiations, political as well as economic, we have worked our way through to the toughest issues involved. We must not react now in frustration, and unleash a spiral of rhetoric which could deepen rather than resolve our divisions.
52.	The challenges of the 1980s can be met—if each of us here represented meets the responsibilities which we share.
53.	Our first responsibility is to persist in the search for peace, to reduce both the danger and the destructiveness of war. The future of two regions—the Middle East and southern Africa—depends on specific decisions that will be made in the coming months.
54.	We believe that the 26 March Treaty between Egypt and Israel has reduced the dangers inherent in the Arab-Israeli conflict and has laid the foundation for a settlement that can be both durable and just.
55.	But the dramatic achievement of peace between Israel and Egypt and the successful implementation of the first phases of the Treaty of peace have not obscured the necessity of moving toward peace between Israel and its other neighbours. Indeed it remains the resolute view of my Government that further progress towards an over-all peace is essential.
56.	We know that an ultimate settlement must address the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The Palestinian question must be resolved in all of its aspects.
57.	As the peace process continues to unfold, it is our deepest desire that representatives of the Palestinian people and the Governments of Jordan and Syria should join in this great quest.
58.	This is consistent with—indeed it underscores— our unshakable commitment to Israel's security and well-being, now and in the future.
59.	None of the parties involved in this difficult negotiation has any illusions that resolving the Palestinian issue will be easy. But the United States is convinced that progress will be made towards that goal.
60.	Preserving the integrity of Lebanon is also critical to peace in the Middle East. There has been a cease-fire in southern Lebanon, the fragility of which is underscored by the events of today. We need not only a temporary cease-fire, but a broader truce. We will be working towards such a goal in our discussions with other interested Governments here at this Assembly. Lebanon has suffered all too much.
61.	The desire for peace is shared by all the peoples of the Middle East. We recognize that there are disagreements about how best to reach that common goal. We believe the course on which we are embarked is the right one, indeed the only one that has shown practical results. We call on all who genuinely seek peace to join in this endeavour.
62.	A step towards peace has been taken as well on the Rhodesian conflict. The parties are now engaged in negotiation towards a solution that could combine true majority rule with essential minority rights. The United Kingdom Government, the Commonwealth nations, and the parties themselves deserve great credit for this new step. The deepening agony of war could be ended by agreement on a fair constitution and new elections, as called for in the final communique issued by the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka from 1 to 7 August
63.	We have made substantial progress in Namibia. But obstacles remain. The contact group is working with the parties concerned to find ways to resolve the few outstanding issues. We do not underestimate the difficulties, but neither should any of us underestimate the opportunities that a settlement would bring for all of southern Africa.
64.	In most negotiations, we can best make progress by stages. A knot can never be untied from the inside. We must begin with the parts that we can grasp, and work our way through to the end of the problem.
65.	History will judge us severely if we let our opportunities for peace slip away. As negotiations proceed, the issues we address become progressively more difficult. But we must not let future fears or ambitions undermine the progress that has been made.
66.	As we work on these and other conflicts; let us also squarely face the fact that our planet is plagued by those who make war on innocents, as we saw just weeks ago in the tragic death of Lord Mountbatten. We must have greater international co-operation to combat the barbarous practices of the terrorist. The United States strongly supports the basic elements of the draft convention against the taking of hostages, the conclusion of this treaty will contribute to a growing consensus that terrorism will not be tolerated, regardless of the political cause its perpetrators claim to pursue.
67.	Finally, the requirement of peace carries with it an international responsibility to limit the spread and accumulation of arms. A particular obligation falls to the largest nuclear Powers—the United States and the Soviet Union—to contain the competition in strategic weapons. The treaty concluded after the second round of SALT can be a major step towards the fulfilment of that obligation.
68.	The goal of strategic stability will be further served if the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States are able to agree on a comprehensive ban, on nuclear tests. As the nuclear super-Powers seek the path towards mutual restraint, all nations must also recognize the direct threat to their security from the spread of nuclear weapons. Developments in recent years can bring new impetus to the non-proliferation effort—including progress in the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation—which can help us to find safer ways to develop nuclear energy for humanity; the strengthening of the IAEA safeguards; the substantial increase in the number of parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; the entry into force of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), which now finally appears within grasp; and the pledge by a number of nuclear Powers, under specific circumstances, to refrain from the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States.
69.	But there have also been serious setbacks- further demonstrations of intent to acquire nuclear weapons, in disregard of the inherent dangers for regional and international security. The Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to be held next year, will be a critical time for taking stock—and for redoubling our efforts to make progress on this urgent international priority.
70.	Beyond the search for peace, a second responsibility that we share is to be sensitive to the international consequences of our national economic decisions, and to resist the temptation to solve our economic problems at the expense of others.
71.	The imprudence of economic nationalism has been harshly demonstrated in the past. The world depression a half-century ago was spread, deepened and prolonged by a wave of protectionism. That memory has spurred us towards a new multilateral trade agreement intended to open markets and keep them open, even in a time of economic strain.
72.	Today, let me address one of those issues which most clearly reflects the direct connection between national decisions and global consequences. That issue is energy. In almost no area is the need for common action more apparent or more urgent. It is an issue which now threatens to divide us, economically and politically. In a future of greater scarcity, these divisions could weaken the fabric of international comity which this organisation embodies.
73.	All nations will suffer if all nations do not act responsibly in their consumption, of energy, in its pricing and in its production. Despite a difficult prognosis for our energy future, I believe the basis may exist for progress.
74.	Until the 1970s modern industrial economies operated on two basic assumptions, which also governed relations between oil importers and exporters. These two assumptions were that oil is cheap, and that supplies are unlimited. Now all nations realize that these assumptions no longer hold.
75.	The commitments made by the major industrial countries at the Tokyo Economic Summit demonstrate this clearly. My Government is taking ambitious action to address the energy problem and is making efforts to exceed these commitments. President Carter has committed the United States not to import more than 8.2 million barrels of oil a day in 1979, and never to exceed the peak level of our imports reached in 1977. Total United States energy research and development this year is $3.2 billion. We are investing $528 million this year—and $600 million next year—in the development and use of solar energy. We are significantly expanding our development of synthetic fuels, to take advantage of the abundant coal and oil shale in our country.
76.	Much of this new energy technology will have application in other countries as well. We will seek to make it available to others under mutually satisfactory conditions. For we recognize that by helping others resolve their energy problems, we help resolve our own.
77.	Let me indicate some of the ways in which we are prepared to work with others to meet our common energy needs.
78.	We have joined other industrial nations in agreeing to establish a provisional international technology group which will recommend ways to broaden international participation in the commercial development of alternative fuels.
79.	I pledged last year that the United States would do more to mobilize its technical talents on behalf of the development of others. I am pleased to report that next month we will establish an Institute for Scientific and Technological Cooperation. This Institute will work for the goals set by the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. It will help the people of developing nations to benefit from our technologies. The Institute's Policy Council will include experts from developing nations. Energy development will be among its highest priorities.
80.	We will participate actively in preparations for the 1981 United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy.
81.	At the recent Tokyo Economic Summit, the World Bank was invited to take the lead in coordinating our assistance to developing nations in the field of energy. We suggest that the World Bank bring together a group of experts to review the question of energy research, development and training in detail. Specifically, that group could evaluate the work of existing energy research and training centres, both national and international, in developing countries. In addition, it could recommend how current institutions could be strengthened and whether new multilateral ones should be created. We are supporting the expansion of the World Bank's programme for the exploration and development of mineral fuels. The Bank is also considering whether local programmes of development finance are adequate to support the rapid application of solar, small hydroelectric and other renewable energy technologies in developing nations.
82.	The Inter-American Development Bank has proposed creation of a facility to provide political risk insurance and loan guarantees for private investment in energy and minerals projects in its region. This could be an effective means of stimulating energy development there. We are willing to pursue with the Bank its initiative and work with other countries to develop an acceptable proposal.
83.	As the industrial countries make serious efforts to restrict oil demand, and to help the developing countries meet their energy challenges, the question increasingly becomes whether the oil-producing nations are prepared to stabilize prices, and, to the extent it is within their control, ensure adequate supplies. A failure to do so will continue to have harsh consequences for the world economy, especially the poorer nations.
84.	We understand the natural desire of oil-exporting nations to husband this valuable resource for future generations. And we accept the fact that oil prices must reflect not only the strength of demand, but also the long-term scarcity of supply—so long as scarcity is never contrived to manipulate price,
85.	But oil producers must understand that there is a limit to what the economies of the oil-consuming nations, and the global economy, can sustain.
86.	We must all proceed with a responsible recognition that our national energy decisions will have profound global effects—and will return either to haunt or to help their makers.
87.	A third common responsibility is an intensified commitment to help improve the lives of our fellow human beings—to provide the necessities of life, to afford the chance to progress, to assure a voice in decisions which will determine their future.
88.	We have made progress in the field of human rights, but we must do more. In the past year, some nations have taken steps to restore legal protections and democratic institutions. And we have seen the inauguration of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the forceful call of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for the creation of regional human rights institutions on the continent of Africa, and the activation of UNESCO's human rights procedures. The growing concern for human rights is undeniable. Yet the sad truth is that, even as we sit here today, men and women face torture, death and oppression for daring to exercise rights set forth in the Charter of this body three decades ago. Our joint challenge is to advance the aspirations of all peoples for human dignity.
89.	Our commitment must be to economic as well as political and social rights—for all are indispensable to human dignity. Improvements in economic well-being, opportunities for participation in the political process, and a growing sense of both economic and political equity can do much to defuse the grievances which can lead to national convulsions and international tensions.
90.	To meet this commitment to a better life for all peoples, we must each strive to move the North-South dialogue beyond grand themes and on to specific cases—to priority areas in which practical development goals can be met. Let me discuss in this connexion our efforts towards a goal we should adopt as a matter of simple humanity—that by the end of this century no person on this bountiful earth should have to go hungry.
91.	Last year, I noted that we must not be lulled by good weather and plentiful harvests into losing our sense of urgency. Since then, poor harvests in a number of countries have substantially increased the international demand for food. This situation underscores the need to accumulate adequate stocks to support world food security. I assure Members that the United States will do all it can to prevent a global food crisis. The American harvest this year will be of record size. We have removed all restrictions on wheat production for next year. We have established farmer-owned grain reserves which, through the accumulation and release of stocks, have helped stabilize supplies.
92.	An international wheat agreement still eludes our grasp. We should not abandon this goal. But we should move immediately to complete negotiations for a new food aid convention. The World Food Council has urged an agreement by mid-1980. We support that recommendation. In the meantime, we are already implementing the higher food aid pledge the convention would entail.
93.	At the same time, major emphasis must be placed on improving global food production. Over half of American direct development aid is now devoted to agriculture. We will continue working to improve the yields of major food crops, to preserve croplands and to expand research on ways to increase the production of traditional and new crops, especially those grown by poor farmers.
94.	These efforts have received effective support from the International Agricultural Research Centres. We support proposals to double the resources contributed to those centres and intend to increase our contribution. We hope additional countries will become contributors.
95.	We must be aware; however, that in the long run these efforts could be vitiated if the world's population growth is not slowed. Half the couples of child-bearing age still do not have adequate access to family planning services. We must strive to make family planning services—along with other elements of basic health care, adequate food supplies and clean water— available to all as rapidly as we can.
96.	And in the short run, we must be prepared to meet emergency needs wherever famine afflicts humanity or refugees seek haven—in Africa, in Latin America, in South-East Asia or elsewhere.
97.	The proposal made by Vice-President Mondaleat the Geneva Meeting for a refugee resettlement fund reflects our belief that the international community should deal on a global basis with a global and grave refugee crisis. We urge broad participation in this fund.
98.	Vigorous and large-scale international action is required to bring relief to the starving in Kampuchea, now facing one of the great human tragedies of modern times. Tens of thousands of sick and hungry Khmer are already pressing on Thailand's border. Hundreds of thousands may soon follow them. Even more widespread famine and disease are in prospect, especially in view of recent reports of intensified fighting. To avert unthinkable catastrophe» an international programme of humanitarian relief must be established in Kampuchea as soon as possible. International organizations must be able to bring a co-ordinated, massive and adequately monitored programme of emergency relief to all needy Khmer. We would endorse such an effort.
99.	The food crisis in Kampuchea promises both to multiply the flow of refugees and to take a terrible toil among those who cannot escape. The flood of refugees from Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea already has brought great suffering to hundreds of thousands of innocent people, as well as imposed heavy burdens on countries of first asylum.
100.	The international community has begun to respond. But humanitarian steps are not enough. The community of nations must make a more active effort to restore peace to the region and to resolve by non- military means the problems that developments in Indo-China have carried in their wake. They pose a threat to the stability of the region as a whole.
101.	I believe we can meet the challenges before us. But let us not misjudge their magnitude.
102.	Resolution of regional disputes and placing new limits on the instruments of war will require new acts of national and international will. The 1980s could portend a prolonged energy crisis. It could be a decade of widespread famine. Unless the swelling deficits of developing countries can be managed, many of their economies may stagnate and some could be threatened with collapse. Global problems like these require global solutions.
103.	This Assembly will decide whether to launch a new round of negotiations on economic co-operation for development. Let me state today that the United States would participate, in the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, in consultations to decide on the most effective way of conducting such negotiations.
104.	If new global negotiations are to succeed, the participants must be realistic about each other's political and economic capabilities. We must assign priority to those issues on which concrete results are possible, and we should avoid duplicating the work of existing institutions. In this way, the negotiations could help build a global consensus for action.
105.	Many of the issues I have addressed are already prominent on the agenda of the United Nations. The need for co-operation in addressing them requires that we continue to strengthen this institution. Financial, procedural and management reforms are urgently necessary. As a first step, we urge that the Secretary-General's recommendations, now adopted by this Assembly, be fully implemented.
106.	The urgency of the requirements I have described calls for something more on the part of all Members of the United Nations.
107.	The distinctions between North and South, like those between East and West, reflect differing interests. They have a role in defining the issues and in clarifying our choices. But we must commit ourselves to finding areas where our interests converge.
108.	Each of us has our special values to be nurtured, our particular goals to be served, and I do not suggest it can or should be otherwise. The United States believes in a world of diversity.
109.	But let us resolve—here, at this Assembly — to find in our common needs and common humanity a renewed dedication to the search for common ground.