95.	Sir, your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly and the confidence which the Assembly has placed in you have been noted with great pleasure by the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic. As we offer you our congratulations, we are confident that your political sagacity and your distinct qualities .will significantly contribute to a successful conclusion of the session. The delegation of Yemen assures you of its full co-operation in the discharge of your delicate task.
96.	May I take this opportunity to express the deep gratitude and appreciation of my delegation for the outstanding role which your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, has performed with admirable wisdom and patience during his term as President of the thirty-second regular session and the three special sessions held this year. Our delegation also wishes to express its deep appreciation for the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the establishment of peace and the dispelling of the threat of war in areas of tension and hostilities.
97.	Permit me to extend our congratulations to the people and Government of Solomon Island on their admission to membership in the United Nations family. We welcome their active participation in our joint efforts, which are aimed at the realization of stability and happiness for mankind.
98.	There is no doubt that the convening of three special sessions of the General Assembly within the span of one year represents a significant development in the history of the United Nations. This development reflects the conviction of the international community that contemporary problems cannot be resolve except through the collective will and co-operation of the peoples of the world. With such will and cooperation, a better atmosphere for coexistence and development will prevail for the well-being of their respective communities. Furthermore, the convening of those sessions has added a new dimension to the concept of democracy in the realm of international relations. It is therefore incumbent upon us today to reaffirm this new spirit which has begun to manifest itself in the United Nations approach to settling international problems and disputes. Today the world Organization is more responsive to these circumstances and changes.
99.	The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has followed with peat interest the issues on which discussions focused at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference held in Bonn during the month of June 1978 concerning trade relations between the industrialized countries and the developing nations. We expressed similar interest in their efforts to combat international terrorism. On the same grounds Yemen welcomes any measure aimed at protecting the security of the non-nuclear States. Hence, the Yemen delegation wishes success to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks.
100.	As one of the founders of the non-aligned movement, the Yemen Arab Republic appeals once again to the Government of the People's Republic of China to join this movement, with the aim of enhancing the movement's progressive role and of safeguarding it against any deviation from its fundamental principles that were laid down at the African-Asian Conference, held in Bandung in 1955.
101.	My country follows with special interest the process of negotiation between representatives of the developed countries and of the developing countries—or what
become known as the North-South dialogue-which is a new method for restructuring international economic relations and co-operation on just and equitable bases.
102.	However, we note with disappointment the meagre progress which has been made. In fact, no progress has been achieved in matters relating to the purchasing power of the developing countries, the establishment of the common fund for commodities, or the external debt of the developing countries. Nevertheless, we view the North-South dialogue-and, for that matter, the whole issue of economic and technical co-operation between the industrialized and the developing countries-as a negotiable question which depends in the first place on the joint political will of both groups to overcome the difficulties to which they are now addressing themselves in the dialogue.

103.	In the meantime, we observe that the industrialized countries are reluctant to engage in negotiations concerning fundamental issues within the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, known as the Committee of the Whole, on the establishment of the New International Economic Order. And this partly explains the recent failure of the Committee to fulfil its mandate in accordance with Assembly resolution 32/174. Nevertheless, we continue to believe that the New International Economic Order, as defined in the Declaration and the Programme of Action which were adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly of 1974, [resolution 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)f, remains the appropriate and only framework for reshaping international economic relations on the basis of justice and equity for the benefit of the international community as a whole.
104.	The period which has elapsed since the thirty-second regular session of this Assembly is very short; yet, it has witnessed international changes and developments of great dimensions which by no means generate an atmosphere of optimism.
105.	The recourse to cold war methods as evidenced in the creation of areas of conflict and confrontation in Africa and the Middle East, together with the escalation of nuclear and conventional armaments, has dampened all hopes. These developments reaffirm the ever-increasing importance of our Organization as an ideal framework for international understanding and co-operation.
106.	The sheer desire to discuss our common problems and concerns in an open forum, and our meeting in this hall today for that purpose, should be considered as a positive step in the direction of seeking the most efficacious and sound solutions for these problems and concerns, with a view to achieving stability and welfare for our peoples. We believe, however, that there exists a far more important factor: there has to be a serious collective political will for the implementation of the agreements we reach in this Assembly. We have to seek inspiration and guidance from the principles and ideals of the charter, lest our debates and discussions never bear fruit.
107.	The attempts to acquire spheres of influence, which we are witnessing today in the continent of Africa and in the southern accesses to the Red Sea, raise the most profound concern in the Yemen Arab Republic. Our Government has expressed in more than one international forum, and specifically at the two conferences of Foreign Ministers of the Islamic and non-aligned countries, its desire to maintain the Red Sea as a zone of peace far removed from international conflicts and big-Power rivalry. This is a goal which the brother Government of Algeria has been pursuing in regard to the Mediterranean and it also coincides with the position of other brotherly and friendly countries concerning the Indian Ocean, which has been declared by the General Assembly a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)].
108.	We are aware of the differences which exist among the States of the region and which are attributable to political and historic factors inherited from the era of imperialism. Yet we consider foreign intervention in any form or magnitude to be the constant and major factor underlying the political problems and the military confrontation which befell the Horn of Africa early this year. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has emphasized its desire to disengage the region from the conflict of the major Powers, and has taken the initiative in offering its good offices for resolving the differences which exist among the States of the region. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has also followed a policy of restraint in the face of repeated provocations and plotting, including the stationing of foreign troops for aggressive purposes. The latest of these provocative acts was the tragic assassination of the late President Ahmed Hussein Al-Ghashmi. In exercising such restraint, Yemen has been aware of the foreign designs and dangers which might ensue from any further deterioration in this strategically important region.
109.	I should like, if I may, to address myself again to the issue of security and stability in an area not too far from the Horn of Africa, namely the Middle East. With the permission of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, allow me to quote the following remarks on the Middle East from his report on the work of the Organization:
"... the irony of the Middle East is that this historic region, which has given so much to our civilization and which is still a great and diverse reservoir of human talent, has also become a grave danger to the rest of the world. We must together find some means of liberating the Middle East and all humanity from a nightmare that has lasted far too long." [See A/33/1, sect. Ill]
110.	Israel, which has carved out for itself a place in the Middle East through usurpation and aggression, is the very nightmare and the cancer which has afflicted the whole region and its peoples.
111.	Since the establishment of the Zionist entity in Palestine through terror and occupation, the Middle East region has never enjoyed peace or stability. Encouraged by the Zionist philosophy justifying terrorism and usurpation, Israel has waged five aggressive wars against the Arab States neighbouring Palestine. The most recent target of Israel's aggression has been southern Lebanon, where about 2,000 innocent civilians have been victimized and half a million people were displaced, in addition to the destruction and burning of all that the peace-loving Lebanese people had built in that area through their laborious toil and the sweat of their brows.
112.	The world public opinion represented by the numerous resolutions of the United Nations and other international forums has condemned Israeli aggression against the Arab nation. The most recent condemnations came from both the Ninth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held in Dakar from 24 to 28 April, and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in Belgrade in July of this year. Both Conferences further called for the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from all the occupied Arab territories. This was stressed also by the joint Soviet and American communiqué issued in October 1977 after the declaration of the European Economic Community in London issued on 29 June 1977.
113.	The Arab peoples demand and affirm the necessity of implementing the resolutions of this Organization, which truly reflect the interests and concerns of the international community. Israel's defiance of the international consensus regarding the inadmissibility of the acquisition of the territory of others by force and the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people is the very factor which has weakened the United Nations and diverted it, as the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report to this session on the work of the Organization from its central goal of maintaining international peace and security.
114.	The delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic shares with the Secretary-General the view that, irrespective of the developments which may ensue from the endeavours currently undertaken, in the final analysis all concerned parties must come together and search for a way which will lead to a permanent and just solution. Nobody rejects just peace and stability except Israel. Our delegation furthermore wishes to affirm its understanding of a just and lasting peace based on the following.
115.	First, a permanent and a just peace should include the total withdrawal of the enemy Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem.
116.	Secondly, a permanent and a just peace means the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, and enabling it to exercise those rights, foremost among which is its right to self-determination and the establishment of its national authority in Palestine under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
117.	Thirdly, a permanent and a just peace must include the cessation of the establishment of Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories, and the dismantling of all the settlements established since the occupation, as those settlements are illegal and should not be the subject of negotiations or wasteful efforts.
118.	Fourthly, a permanent and a just peace must mean the cessation of all excavation and construction work designed to change the demographic and historic features of the Arab Islamic monuments and holy places. Our delegation, therefore, reiterates its call for all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, to adhere to the international legitimacy and to enter into dialogue through the United Nations so as to enhance the peace efforts geared towards the genuine objectives which have been defined by the international community.
119.	We wish to emphasize again that the intransigence of Israel and its policy of expansion, aggression, and the provocation of various troubles in the occupied Arab territories and in Lebanon have obstructed all international efforts aimed at the achievement of a just and a lasting peace and have also demonstrated the Fascist nature of the Israeli leaders.
120.	The problems of imperialism in South Africa continue to constitute a grave threat which is not limited to the independent African nations and which may lead to a military confrontation the scope of which will not be confined to the African continent but will engulf other areas of the world. This prompts us to take a resolute stand on granting the people of Namibia their right to self-determination and full independence, on the elimination of the illegitimate racist regime in Southern Rhodesia, and on enabling the Zimbabwe people to express its aspirations to self-determination.
121.	Based on this perspective, the Yemen Arab Republic supports the efforts of the United Nations and the Secretary-General which are aimed at bringing to an end the occupation of Namibia by the racist Government of South Africa and which have repeatedly condemned the white minority Government in Rhodesia. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has welcomed in principle the proposals of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council regarding Namibia,  and has emphasized that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. Our Government also denounces the machinations contrived by the racist regime of Ian Smith under the guise of the so-called internal settlement, the purpose of which is to deprive the Zimbabwe people of their right to independence and majority rule. We wish to point out that the intransigent position of the Government of Pretoria with respect to granting independence to Namibia and the continuation of the illegal racist minority rule in Southern Rhodesia will be the direct cause underlying any eruption of violence and the continuation by the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe of the armed struggle for the realization of their freedom, national independence, and territorial integrity.
122.	The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic therefore reaffirms the need to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and to promote peace efforts within the framework of the United Nations for achieving the independence of Namibia and preserving its territorial integrity. Our delegation also appeals to the United Kingdom, in its capacity as the administering Power in Southern Rhodesia, to shoulder its full responsibility by putting an end to the illegal regime of Ian Smith and transferring authority to the legitimate representatives of the Zimbabwe people.
123.	The Yemen Arab Republic supports the Secretary- General in his efforts to resolve the question of Cyprus in a manner that will ensure the security of the peoples of Cyprus and guarantee to the island its independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment. Such efforts should be based on the recognition of equal rights for both communitites, the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots.
124.	The Yemen Arab Republic has participated in an active and positive manner in the various sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and prior to that had participated in the preparatory activities for the Conference through its membership in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, for the purpose of concluding a just and acceptable international convention which would govern- everything pertaining to the seas in a way compatible with contemporary international developments.
125.	At the end of its sixth session, held in New York between 23 May and 15 July 1977, the Conference prepared what has become known as the informal composite negotiating text.  Our delegation expressed at the time its dissatisfaction with some of the provisions of the text, particularly those relating to navigation through international straits, since those provisions infringe the sovereign rights of States whose straits are situated within their territorial waters. Despite that, we continued to participate in the Conference in the expectation of reaching agreement on balanced provisions which would protect the respective rights of the various parties.
126.	Before the end of the seventh resumed session, which was concluded in New York last month, the Conference was dealt a severe blow which manifested itself in the desire of some industrialized countries to enact unilateral legislation aimed at starting the exploitation of the sea-bed resources in the international limits of the area. As a member of the Group of 77, Yemen fully supports the statement made by the Chairman of the Group during the plenary meeting of the Conference on 15 September 1978. We also reaffirm the need to abide by the Declaration of Principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), which declared that the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction are the common heritage of mankind.
127.	At the end of last November the first international economic Conference to discuss the five-year development plan of the Yemen Arab Republic was held in San'a. Our delegation wishes to express its thanks and gratitude to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, and to the United Nations family for their participation and cooperation in making the Conference a success.
128.	It is the view of our Government that development should have top priority. From the day stability was attained in 1970 after eight years of suffering and disturbances, all our efforts have been geared to the elimination of economic and social setbacks. With this goal in mind, all available human and material resources and potentials have been marshalled for development. In 1973 we decreed the three-year development programme as the starting-point for a new phase based on planning for future development. That programme resulted in an annual growth rate of 12.6 per cent in the gross national product;
129.	The five-year plan, which involves an estimated 16.7 billion Yemen rials and to which President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Government devote great attention, has the following objectives for achievement during its life plan: first, to build the national economy and direct the economy towards reliance on local resources for development; secondly, to develop an integrated system of education and training; and thirdly, to establish the necessary infrastructure in the sector of communication and roads.
130.	At the political level our country is witnessing an important development in its constitutional life. Our political leadership is anxious to pursue the democratic experiment as represented in the People's Constituent Council and to promote that experiment for the fulfilment of the aspiration of our people to a true democratic life.
131.	In the international arena the Yemen Arab Republic has cultivated amicable relations with all friendly and kindred States. Our established policy is characterized by temperance, responsibility and the attempt to settle our differences through genuine dialogue. However, our country opposes any intervention in its internal affairs and also adamantly rejects the encouragement of problems among other States.
132.	In its efforts to achieve prosperity and stability for its people Yemen is aware of its commitments concerning the international issues which beset our planet. In true co-operation with brothers and friends it attempts to contain regional conflicts, which often generate tension and constitute a threat to international peace and security.
133.	In dealing with these issues, Yemen is inspired by its faith in the principles of the Charter and its strong desire to ensure that the United Nations, by our common will, remains the appropriate body for . tackling the most complicated issues. This leads us to emphasize the need to enhance the role of the United Nations in supporting the struggle of the peoples for freedom, independence and self-determination in fulfilment of the aspiration of our generation to see justice, peace and .stability prevail throughout the world.


90.	Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation I take great pleasure in extending to you our warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election to the office of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. We are confident that under your wise direction the outcome of the present session will prove both fruitful and successful.
91.	I wish to express also to your predecessor, Ambassador Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, our appreciation of the competence and dedication which he displayed in directing the work of the thirty-second session and the three special sessions of the General Assembly.
92.	I take this opportunity to extend to Solomon Islands our congratulations on their assumption of its rightful place in the community of nations as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. May I assure the Government of the new independent State of Solomon Islands our readiness to co-operate with it in ail fields for the benefit of our two peoples.
93.	This thirty-third session has been convened at a time when world peace and security continue to be threatened by dangerous and persistent issues and problems which have remained for far too long on the agenda of the General Assembly. Our deep preoccupation with the Middle Fast question, with the intransigence of the racist regimes of southern Africa and with the lack of real progress towards nuclear disarmament has not diminished; and our sense of frustration continues to be exacerbated at the failure of the international community satisfactorily to resolve these seemingly intractable problems which pose a serious threat to international peace and security and hamper the pursuit of those goals and objectives to which we all aspire. The General Assembly has so far been unsuccessful in facing up to these challenges. This inadequacy may have prompted the Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, to call for the channelling of positive forces in the right direction and for the provision of a place where all can agree to work together for the solution of international problems.
94.	I shall venture to address myself to those problems, notable among which are those concerning the African eminent, since this year and the year ahead will undoubtedly prove to be crucial ones for Africa.
95.	The Namibian people have undertaken great sacrifices in the struggle for the independence and freedom of their country. SWAPO has demonstrated in the negotiations and demarches of the past few months a sense of responsibility, maturity and restraint. The Secretary-General is to be congratulated for having exerted many efforts in fulfilling the United Nations mandate regarding Namibia in a responsible and dynamic manner. It is indeed unfortunate that the international effort to resolve the Namibian question by just and peaceful means, an effort which has been marked by extensive negotiations and consultations and which has brought about significant compromises, should have been so abruptly and brutally sabotaged at the last moment by the intransigence of the Pretoria regime.
96.	The racist regime of South Africa should not be allowed to sabotage the long-drawn-out efforts of the international community at this crucial stage in the independence process. The modalities for independence which the Secretary-General has proposed are neither more nor less than the normal procedure required for accession to genuine independence. The Security Council has already approved the report of the Secretary-General  by resolution 435 (1978). We hope that the stipulations and provisions of this resolution will be heeded by all concerned. Should the Pretoria regime remain unresponsive to this call to reason and go ahead with its illegal unilateral action in defiance of world opinion it will bear sole responsibility for the untoward consequences which will no doubt result from its action.
97.	With regard to Zimbabwe, it is now abundantly clear to everyone that an internal settlement which excludes the patriotic forces is doomed to failure. The selective nature of the internal arrangement stands in the way of the achievement of truly representative and broadly-based majority rule. Therefore my Government feels that its conviction that genuine independence cannot be achieved without the full participation in all arrangements for such independence of the Patriotic Front is vindicated.

98.	My Government hopes that the world community will also maintain its solidarity with the people of South Africa who continue to intensify their liberation struggle. The spotlight of international condemnation must remain fixed on the uniquely inhuman policy of apartheid until that crime against humanity and that threat to international peace and security is eliminated. The racist regime's criminal violation of the human rights of the majority of the population and its aggression against the Territory and the people of Namibia and against neighbouring States call for further measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. We hope that the Security Council will take action to enforce more strictly its mandatory arms embargo and consider the imposition of other punitive measures against that regime.
99.	My Government is deeply con-' Tied over the continuing danger to world peace posed by the volatile Middle- East situation. In our view, the issues here are clear-cut. Israel cannot continue to occupy the territory of others and pursue its expansionist aims at the expense of its neighbours and at the same time expect to have peace. Nor can it ask for acceptance in the Middle East when it arrogantly denies to the Palestinian people, whose land it has usurped, their right to self-determination and nationhood.
100.	Over the past three decades the United Nations has never tired in its search for a just peace in the Middle East on the basis of generally accepted principles of international law and in conformity with the just aspirations of the people of the area. Security Council- resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) call explicitly for the total withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territory acquired by force. No provision in those resolutions can in any way be understood to mean that Israel can determine which occupied territory it will keep and which it will return. Nor can any provision be interpreted to mean that Israel has the right to impose any military, political or social conditions on any of the occupied Arab territories, including Arab Jerusalem and the holy shrines.
101.	The most recently expressed international consensus on the Middle East, contained in General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), goes to the heart of the issue by reaffirming the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and national sovereignty. We believe that a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question must make specific provision for the attainment of those rights. My Government hopes that the world community will continue to work for the full implementation of that resolution.
102.	Overshadowing the political conflicts which endanger regional and international peace and security is the larger threat posed by the arms race, particularly the arms race in nuclear-weapon systems.
103.. The tenth special session, on disarmament, while falling short of our expectations, was an important beginning of the task of dealing with disarmament problems in a comprehensive and specific manner. My Government recognizes that certain achievements were registered at the special session in establishing disarmament priorities, reaching consensus on a programs of action and establishing machinery that reinforces the- central role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. These are positive and desirable gains; but general and complete disarmament is possible only if the nuclear super-Powers are willing to act in good faith in giving practical expression to the desire of mankind for a nuclear-free world.
104.	We hope that the Programme of Action on disarmament [resolution S-10/2-, sect. Ill] will not have the same fate as other internationally approved action programmes which have been widely accepted in principle but largely ignored in practice. No Government is unaware of the terrible implications of a failure of the international will concerning nuclear disarmament. Therefore it is the solemn responsibility of the nuclear Powers to respond positively to the principles and objectives stipulated in the Declaration [ibid., sect. II] and Programme of Action of the tenth special session, which accorded the highest priority to the implementation of effective measures of nuclear disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war.
105.	The General Assembly has long called for the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and for agreement by the nuclear super-Powers on a significant reduction of their nuclear missile systems and stockpiles. Prompt agreement on these measures would be welcome evidence that the nuclear Powers are. responsible to the will of the international community.
106.	The super-Powers are actively engaged in expanding their military presence in the Indian Ocean. Their forces in the area are on the increase, while their military bases, installations and facilities there are being constantly strengthened and improved. Such activities are in direct violation of the United Nations Declaration on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] and pose a serious threat to world peace and security. The Somali Democratic Republic, as a littoral State, has a direct interest in the peace and security of the Indian Ocean and will support all measures leading to the full implementation of the United Nations Declaration.
107.	In his inaugural address [ 1st meeting] the President of our Assembly made a realistic and edifying analysis of the international economic situation. The situation of the developing countries continues to deteriorate, while in all international forums there is unanimity on the need to replace the old economic order by a spectrum of more coherent and better organized relationships that effectively reflect the concerns of the large majority of mankind. The solutions advocated thus far remain inoperative because the wealthy countries continue to endeavour to safeguard their selfish interests by putting a brake on any attempt to speed up the establishment of a new, more equitable and hence more just international economic order.
108.	There has been intensive activity and research has been undertaken in many areas, making it possible to identify possible areas for the development of the world in the next few years. The majority of the conclusions arrived at in those studies show an accentuation of the imbalances between the "haves" and the "have-nots". As long as this imbalance continues, peace,' unity and solidarity among peoples will not exist.
109.	As quite rightly pointed out in the declaration by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 at the Headquarters of the United Nations on 29 September 1978, the lack of progress in negotiations for the restructuring of international economic relations [see A/331278, annex], particularly those in the main areas, such as the integrated programme, the common fund for commodities, multilateral trade negotiations, the transfer of resources, international monetary reform and the debt burden of the developing countries, to mention but a few, is a major set-back to the hopes of the third world for a just and equitable share in the international economic system. There are, of course, retrograde trends which run counter to the principles upon which a New International Economic Order must be established. One example of these trends is the withdrawal of the developed countries into a systematic policy of protectionism, which further undermines efforts to achieve the liberalization of world trading patterns. We hope that the technologically advanced countries will show willingness to accept the need for collective action to solve economic problems of global significance.
110.	The United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries, held recently in Buenos Aires, provided compelling evidence of the determination of the third world to play its part in formulating global strategies for the establishment of the new economic order. My Government, which has long placed national self-reliance at the centre of its development planning, fully supports the Plan of Action to achieve national and collective self-reliance drawn up by the Conference.  We welcome the decision to make UNDP the international focal-point for technical co-operation among developing countries. Technical co-operation among developing countries is of course the responsibility of the developing countries, but my Government hopes that the developed countries will actively support co-operation for development, the aim of which is to improve the quality of life of over 2 billion of the world's population.
111.	My Government notes with concern that the failure of the principles of collectivity and interdependence of States, apparent in many areas in the search for a new world economic order, is a feature also of the negotiations for a treaty on the law of the sea.
112.	The key problem of reaching agreement on arrangements for exploiting the riches of the sea-bed particularly illustrates the predominance of narrow and selfish interests.
113.	Just as the rich resources of the new world were plundered centuries ago on the basis of the superior military technology of the old world, so today the industrialized nations would use their technological expertise to secure for themselves a monopoly over the riches of the sea-bed, even though the United Nations, in a solemn declaration, has declared the sea-bed and its resources to be the "common heritage of mankind" [resolution 2749 (XXV), para. 1].
114.	We call on all States to refrain from actions which would endanger the negotiations for an internationally approved regime and which would put obstacles in the way of the successful conclusion of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
115.	I now turn to a matter which has serious implications for the peace and stability of the African continent and, indeed, for international peace and security. I refer to the current situation in the Horn of Africa, which remains highly tense and critical. The massive weaponry supplied by a super-Power and by Cuban mercenary troops are being used to perpetrate violence, havoc and destruction against innocent people and to suppress their legitimate aspirations for justice and self-determination. The deployment of mercenary troops with sophisticated armaments—which of late have been supplied in alarming proportions—has brought about inhuman tragedies, mass killings, torture and the loss of human lives and property. Despite the wave of violence which characterizes the situation in Western Somalia, the liberation struggle goes on and the people of Western Somalia are determined more than ever to fight for their freedom and human dignity. Having failed both at the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Khartoum and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade, to gain sympathy and support for their armed intervention, the super-Power involved and Cuba as its military arm are devising a devious tactical plan against Governments of neighbouring countries in fulfilment of imperialist designs and hegemonistic ambitions. The idea is to use Ethiopia as a staging-ground for aggression and subversion against Somalia and other neighbouring countries in an attempt to install subservient puppet regimes in those countries and thereby dominate the region. It is believed that the details of that imperialist plan had been worked out during the recent visit of Cuba's President Castro and high-level personalities of the superpower to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The Somali Democratic Republic warns against the grave consequences of such an evil imperialist design, which poses a serious threat to the peace and stability of the region as well as to international peace and security.
116.	It is necessary to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the fact that the people of Africa, who have only emerged in recent times from colonial rule, are being faced once again with the subversion of their independence through the demarcation of spheres of influence by outside Powers.
117.	It is a matter of grave concern and profound disappointment to my Government that that super-Power, once the self-proclaimed champion of third-world causes, is now an active and prominent participant in the new scramble for Africa. The direct intervention of such a Power, with Cuba as its surrogate, in the affairs of the Horn of Africa is the most dangerous example of this recent trend.
118.	My Government has no illusions about the nature of the driving force behind the recent foreign intervention in purely African conflicts. We believe it to be motivated by the desire for world hegemony and the Power concerned is blatantly using opportunist policies in pursuit of that end. This is the reality that underlies an apparent wish for detente and peaceful coexistence. The opportunism of the super-Power concerned was clearly illustrated by its intervention, in alliance with other countries, in the Horn of Africa, where those countries had been the very countries which had actively supported the liberation movement of Western Somalia before their abrupt withdrawal of support. The unleashing of a Cuban mercenary force, backed by a super-Power, against freedom fighters who had almost achieved victory in their struggle for self-determination was a treacherous betrayal of a just and legitimate liberation struggle.
119.	In these circumstances, my Government cannot shirk its duty to sound a warning that, under the pretext of defending certain African interests, a super-Power with Cuba as its surrogate is turning the African continent into a new cold war arena. Neither African States nor the international community should view with equanimity the recent escalation and internationalization of limited African conflicts for the sake of the strategic or economic interests of foreign Powers.
120.	In the context of the real threat to African independence posed by recent and current attempts to recolonize our continent, it is pertinent to recall the view of the Somali Government as explicitly stated by my President at the recent OAU Assembly at Khartoum. Commenting on foreign intervention in Africa, my President said:
"Foreign intervention in all its forms and manifestations is inconsistent with the legitimate aspirations of all Africa and the spirit of the OAU Charter, which upholds the inalienable right of all peoples to control their destiny."
121.	The recent OAU Assembly held at Khartoum condemned attempts by outsiders to impose their own solutions of African problems, of which they had little understanding. Such attempts demonstrate their utter contempt for African aspirations and only serve to complicate difficult situations.
122.	It is a sad task for me to express the disappointment and disillusionment felt by my Government over the large-scale foreign military intervention in African affairs.
123.	We cannot be silent when policies of certain foreign Powers harmful to African interests are undermining the authority of its regional organization, when Cuba's shameful role as the military surrogate and mercenary of a super-Power makes a mockery of its avowed adherence to the principles of non-alignment, and when those countries deliberately frustrate the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed Western Somalia peoples.
124.	As to the issues involved in the conflicts in the Horn of Africa, there should be no mistake about their nature. If the world community does not recognize the reality of these situations today, it will inevitably come to realize that the people of the region are engaged in just struggles for their inalienable right to self-determination and independence guaranteed under the United Nations Charter.
125.	International law has long established the pre-eminence of the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. Three decades of United Nations history have surely demonstrated that attempts to deny those rights to peoples dedicated to the cause of freedom will certainly engender regional and international tensions and conflicts. The circumstances leading to Abyssinian colonial occupation of Western Somalia and the ensuing long and heroic liberation struggle of the people of Western Somalia for self-determination and freedom are too well known and need no further elaboration.
126.	Suffice it to point out that the people of Western Somalia have a distinct history and geography, and that their ethnic, cultural and linguistic characteristics are completely different from those of Abyssinia. They were linked to Ethiopia only through armed conquest imposed at the height of the "scramble for Africa" with the collusion of the European colonialists. They have never accepted this colonial status.
127.	Today, the vast majority of the people who came under colonial rule at the same time as the people of Western Somalia have attained full independence through the process of self-determination. It would be a travesty of justice if the people of Western Somalia were denied the same right simply because their colonizers are not European.
128.	The United Nations has time and again condemned colonialism as aggression and as a breach of international peace and security. There is no denying the fact that Ethiopia is an empire and that the people of Western Somalia are people under a colonial and alien regime, struggling for self-determination and decolonization. The people of Western Somalia are in fact victims of Ethiopian aggression and they are entitled to international support for the attainment of their legitimate aspirations.
129.	In an attempt to confuse and disguise the basic issues at stake Ethiopia, assisted by the powerful propaganda machinery of a super-Power, has spared no effort to distort the case of Western Somalia. In support of its illegal colonial claims, Ethiopia had repeatedly accused Somalia of violating the principles of the OAU Charter and OAU resolutions,-referring in particular to principles of territorial integrity, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States and the resolutions on the inviolability of frontiers.
130.	The import and application of those principles is clear and explicit. We believe that reference to OAU Charter principles and OAU resolutions on frontiers is completely out of place and irrelevant to the core issue at stake, which is one of decolonization and self-determination for the people of Western Somalia. The Somali Democratic Republic respects lawful boundaries and the principles of territorial integrity as it considers itself bound by the right of self-determination and by other relevant United Nations and OAU resolutions. Let it be emphasized, however, that the mere fact that Somalia is bound by the Charter provisions does not imply the validity of illegal colonial claims. It is a well-known fact that Ethiopia had gone so far as to attempt to use misleadingly OAU principles and decisions to legitimize the colonial injustices of peoples under its domination. The international community cannot be influenced by such a blatant distortion of well-known established principles.
131.	Much has been said about the interest of the Somali Democratic Republic in championing the liberation struggle of the people of Western Somalia. Our policy towards the people of the area is the same as the policy we demonstrated clearly in the case of Djibouti. We were, naturally, in the forefront of the long political struggle in international forums to achieve self-determination for Djibouti. In addition, we openly supported the efforts of legitimate liberation movements to gain independence for that Territory. Our main concern was to ensure that the exercise of self-determination would take place without variation and under impartial international and regional observation. When we welcomed our brothers of Djibouti as fully- fledged members of the world community all the calumnies about our intentions towards the Territory were exposed. It became evident that the attacks against us were last-ditch efforts by colonial-minded special interests to prevent, the peaceful accession of Djibouti to independence.
132.	Similar attempts have been made to disguise the issues in Western Somalia but it is the hope of my Government that the international community will come to have a better understanding of the aspirations of these peoples and will accord them the support and sympathy they deserve.
133.	Since the inception of the OAU the Somali Government has tried to seek a just and peaceful solution to the
Western Somalia question within the framework of the regional organization. Unfortunately, the various attempts made by the OAU to lend its good offices in the matter have been frustrated by Ethiopia's refusal to deal with the realities of the situation and to negotiate in good faith. It remains our conviction that the interests of the neighbouring countries of Ethiopia and the Somali Democratic Republic lie in solving their problems bilaterally or under the auspices of the OAU. However, since November 1977 when sophisticated weapons supplied by a super-Power and Cuban troops began to flow into Ethiopia, Ethiopian war planes have been mounting savage aerial attacks against urban areas inside Somali territory and heavy concentrations of Cuban and Ethiopian troops have been placed in strategic locations close to the Somali Democratic Republic.
134.	As a result of the internationalization of the conflict in Western Somalia, there are now over half a million refugees in the Somali Democratic Republic. Their plight must be seen as a human tragedy of vast proportions. Our Government is trying to meet the basic needs of these people as best it can, but their presence in our country places a heavy burden on the Somali economy. In that connexion my delegation would like to register its profound appreciation to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for providing assistance to these needy people.
135.	With regard to the threatening situation on its border the Somali Democratic Republic is prepared, of course, to defend its sovereignty against invasion from any quarter, but my Government is equally prepared to work for a durable, just and peaceful settlement. Such a settlement must of necessity include the withdrawal of all foreign and particularly extra-African troops from Western Somalia, the cessation of acts of aggression against the Somali Democratic Republic, guarantees that the population of Western Somalia will not be subjected to genocidal reprisals and the granting of their right to self-determination. My Government would welcome the start of negotiations between all the parties concerned on the basis of these principles.
136.	Of one thing we are certain. If the legitimate aspirations of the liberation movements of the Horn of Africa are not recognized this region will be added permanently to the list of areas where tension and conflict are endemic and constantly threaten international peace and security.
137.	There is a temptation at this stage of the General Assembly session to dwell on the failure of the international community to take collective action under the Charter so that it can resolve the many serious problems that confront the world today. We could perhaps place greater emphasis on the ever-widening and increasingly effective network of valuable services to mankind that has been established under the United Nations umbrella. I believe, however, that our preoccupation with political and economic problems of global significance illustrates the continuing validity of the United Nations as an instrument for furthering international co-operation, for safeguarding peace and for strengthening international security. The nations of the world must continue to strengthen and enhance the unique and essential role of the Organization in
world affairs. If they did otherwise they would be undermining their own prospects for peace and progress.


325.	Permit me on behalf of the Jamaican delegation to join with those who have
spoken before me in congratulating Mr. Lievano on his election as President of this the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are proud that a representative of our region is presiding over this session at such a challenging period in international relations. The eloquent statement which he made after being elected [1st meeting] attests to his grasp of and deep interest in the issues with which we are faced in this Assembly.
326.	I would also wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Lievano's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for the wisdom and skill with which he guided our work during the thirty-second session and the three special sessions.
327.	To the Secretary-General of the United Nations we express our deep appreciation for his untiring efforts, often in the face of intimidating odds, to find solutions to those many critical issues which confront us all.
328.	I wish to add my welcome to Solomon Islands as the newest Member of this world body. The United Nations has taken one more step towards the desired goal of universality of membership. It is to be hoped that we shall soon be in a position to welcome as members of this world body, Territories in the Caribbean which earnestly aspire to attain their independence and to assume their international rights and responsibilities.
329.	In the current state of international relations, there remain outstanding a number of major political and economic issues for which we desperately need to find solutions. At the same time we have to recognize that certain fundamental changes in the international system are increasingly necessary, if the world community as a whole is to survive and prosper in the years ahead.
330.	The momentous changes brought about by the last phase of the decolonization process themselves mark a major turning-point in history. These developments have, moreover, occurred in a period marked by major advances in science and in technology, and in a rapid growth in the world economy. This has taken place against the background of intense political and ideological rivalry generated by the major alliance systems in the cold war era.
331.	During this period the world has also been shaken by new intellectual and moral forces. Against these trends we have seen countervailing forces as the old order seeks to resist the momentum of change.
332.	We are, in short, at a critical period of world history. If we fail to turn with the forces of change we will write our own destruction. We can only move ahead if attain a new level of international co-operation.
333.	In the field of human .rights, bold and imaginative initiatives have been taken. But an essential ingredient still remains to be established—that is, accepted international machinery for implementing human rights. This requires that we overcome the cleavages between differing political and cultural systems, and differing states of economic development and under-development. It requires the unequivocal recognition and application of economic and social rights, together with other fundamental human liberties.
334.	Although these requirements should not prevent practical action in cases of obvious urgency, ad hoc responses are clearly no substitute for co-ordinated international action. Only concerted action will eliminate the agonizing and dangerous divergences over, for example, the whole question of terrorism.
335.	During the last regular session of the General Assembly, a clearly significant development took place, in that Member States conceded that the time had come for the United Nations to re-examine its own machinery and procedures dealing with issues concerning human rights. As some developed countries move away from the hitherto narrow and traditional definition of human rights, we feel that we have secured general acceptance of the fact that the two categories or concepts of human rights-one which places emphasis on civil and political rights, and the other on economic, social and cultural rights—must be viewed as indivisible and interdependent.
336.	My own Government is extremely proud of our internal and external policies, which are designed to ensure that all people enjoy the basic social and economic conditions which can make possible their fullest enjoyment of human rights.
337.	The past year has been a period of particularly intensive activity in the field of economic and social affair ;. This level of activity was compelled by the very serious global problems which have become more complex and intractable. The dimensions of the problems facing us and the implications for subsequent generations transcend the man-made boundaries between the rich and the poor of our world. Central to our efforts to resolve these problems must be the unqualified objective of the establishment of world peace and economic growth. We cannot attain this objective without a common understanding of, and commitment to, the new world economic structures and relationships which must be established.
338.	There has been in recent times a marked contrast between the amount of discussion on economic issues and the expressions of grave concern in all quarters on the one hand, and the very limited extent of real agreement and constructive action to deal with them on the other.
339.	This situation is most evident where the dialogue and negotiations on the New International Economic Order are concerned. We have reached a point of near stagnation in these issues-a dangerous state of inaction which could have the most serious consequences for the international community. The record of all our .efforts over the past four years and the very United outcome of all the various discussions and negotiations indicate beyond a doubt that we have not yet come to the point of full and realistic negotiation.
340.	My country has the highest confidence in the United Nations system; no other institution has its credibility or the capability to take and to implement decisions designed to achieve economic justice in the relations between all countries. It was this conviction which underlay our efforts at the last regular session to set up the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. The Committee on the New International Economic Order was established against the background of the determination to place the dialogue on this issue firmly within the United Nations system and to fashion a forum which would be capable of ensuring effective discussion and negotiation.
341.	We are deeply disappointed that that Committee has not been able to carry out its vital tasks. However, the recent meetings of the Committee may have demonstrated that we have come closer to facing the facts about the necessary process of meaningful discussion and the search for agreement on concrete issues. I believe that this is a view which is shared by virtually all who participated in those meetings. If this is so, we might indeed have achieved an important advance. It is well that this should be so, for none of us have any options in this matter. We must move forward and face the requirements and pressures which will inevitably be involved in the process of resolving issues, no matter how difficult. To fail to do so would be to precipitate a serious deterioration in international relations and to be guilty of gross neglect in the face of grave problems.
342.	Following the break down of those meetings, reactions throughout the capitals of the third world and within the industrialized countries for the most part have indicated concern for the future of the negotiations. This provides a basis for the hope that our efforts to establish a realistic framework within which we can proceed will be productive.
343.	Recent statements suggest a narrowing of the gap in regard to the function of the Committee. The issue, however, remains one of substance and not of procedure. This Assembly as the supreme decision-making body of the United Nations must now proceed to clear the air once and for all, so that the Committee can exercise unquestioned competence in the performance of its task.
344.	Ti e serious state of the global economy and the requirements of international co-operation and equity call for urgent, specific and concrete action, particularly in respect of issues that have been the subject of discussion and that relate to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. Such action would begin to dispel the growing conviction on the part of developing countries of the determination of some industrialized countries to stand in the way of the movement towards the restructuring of the global economic system.
345.	It would help to remove the feeling of helplessness that appears to have infected so many in the face of critical national and global economic difficulties. The opportunity for such action exists. The proposed resumption of the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities, in November this year, provides the opportunity for a major boost to the international community. In this context we note with satisfaction the efforts of the Secretary-General of UNCTAD in seeking to harmonize the position of the developing and developed countries on the objectives and structure of the common fund. The gravity of the problems relating to commodity trade is now clear to the international community, and there is growing recognition of the fact that urgent action needs to be taken to resolve them. This underscores the need for parallel movement on the Integrated Programme for Commodities. It is hoped, therefore, that agreement can now be reached on the common fund before the end of this year.
346.	The problems of the indebtedness of the developing countries have serious implications for both developed and developing countries. It is our hope that the understandings reached on debt questions at the ministerial meeting of the Trade and Development Board last March will chart the way for progress in the negotiations. We welcome the actions which have been taken by a number of industrialized countries in cancelling official debts of the least developed and certain other developing countries. It is hoped that the further negotiations to be conducted in UNCTAD will conclude arrangements for alleviating the massive debt problems of developing countries. Such action would increase the capability of developing countries to deal with their problems of national development and international participation.
347.	Another area calling for particular action that would have a dynamic effect in material terms is the transfer of resources.
348.	We cannot at this General Assembly ignore the fact that, since our last meeting, official development assistance flows, which have remained well below the internationally established target, have actually declined in real terms as a percentage of the combined gross national product over the last 12 months.
349.	We are convinced that means must be found of making the activities of the IMF and the World Bank accord more closely with our development needs as set out in the relevant provisions of the proposals for the New International Economic Order.
350.	At the same time, it is right that the movement that has taken place in some areas should be acknowledged. The outcome of the recent United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires, has brought some much needed faith in the prospects of co-operation in the international economic sphere. But technical co-operation among developing countries is not a new phenomenon. It is not a new dimension in international co-operation for development, and it is not the breakthrough in North-South relations that some would like to suggest. Technical co-operation among developing countries is in essence an activity of the developing countries for the creation and development of their reliance on each other and for their national self- reliance. To be sure, it will need the enlightened support of the developed countries if it is going to realize its potential; and it becomes of interest to the developed countries in so far as the United Nations machinery is to be used as an integral part of the whole mechanism for making technical co-operation among developing countries operational, as indeed it must. The developed countries demonstrated in Buenos Aires a willingness to co-operate in these few areas.
351.	Energy remains too important an issue in the .international development process for us to continue to
ignore it. As my delegation pointed out last year,  there is a need for effective conservation; there is a need to intensify the search for new conventional energy sources, as well as a need for intensive research into solar, wind and other renewable forms of energy. This must be done within a framework that will allow the benefits of such research to be accessible to the energy-deficient developing countries in order to finance the high-risk and high-cost investment necessary for energy exploration. It is in this context that my Government supports the initiatives that have been taken for an international conference on new and renewable sources of energy. I find it difficult to believe that a co-operative effort by ail participants in the United Nations system will not provide logical and effective solutions for the satisfaction of all these needs, bearing particularly in mind the crucial relationship that exists between energy and development.
352.	My Government attaches the greatest significance to the negotiations being conducted in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. We see this Conference as an integral part of the challenge to the international community in the creation of the New International Economic Order. We are committed to the realization of the establishment of an international sea-bed authority that would regulate the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction as the common heritage of mankind.
353.	The declaration of principles adopted by the United Nations on 17 December 1970 [resolution 2749 (XXV)], consecrating this common heritage to be utilized taking into particular consideration the interests and needs of developing countries, cannot be allowed remain an idle dream. Considerable time and effort, at great expense and sacrifice to developing countries, have been devoted to this Conference, and it is generally recognized by participants in the negotiations that much of the difficult and intricate work for the completion of a comprehensive treaty, as mandated by the General Assembly, has already been accomplished.
354.	The Jamaican Government therefore views with the greatest concern the taking of unilateral action for the exploitation of these resources in the midst of these negotiations. It must be clear that the consequences of any such action would seriously undermine the future conduct of the negotiations and prejudice their successful conclusion.
355.	My Government therefore appeals to all those States which have proposed and are contemplating unilateral action to think again and to refrain from unilateral action, so that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea may have every chance of successfully concluding its work within a reasonable time.
356.	There has been a gradual if somewhat reluctant acceptance in some quarters of the fact that the institutional machinery available to the international community is in important respects inadequate to serve its needs, and particularly the developmental needs of the developing countries.
357.	Action is now under way in the United Nations system to restructure its social and economic sectors along the lines agreed on at the last General Assembly [resolution 32(197]. My delegation views with satisfaction the appointment of the Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation, a position which we, along with other developing countries, see as most necessary. We trust that this office and the eminent official who heads it will be provided with the scope and the resources necessary to enable them to fulfil their crucial role.
358.	During the last regular session of the General Assembly many developing countries, including my own, played an active part and indicated in clear terms their view that the restructuring exercise had to be closely related to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. It is our belief that for the current restructuring to be judged effective it must enable the United Nations system to make a truly significant contribution to the achievement of the New International Economic Order. The primacy of the General Assembly, as the highest forum in which all matters of significance are finally deliberated upon, remains a crucial requirement.
359.	Jamaica views with concern what appears to be renewed efforts by some major Powers to re-establish and to consolidate neo-colonial relationships in Africa. But what the history of the anti-colonial struggles in Africa, and particularly those of this decade has shown, is a profound intolerance of imperialist domination and the courage, the capacity and the resolve to act against such domination. This is a time for the greatest unity of all those forces committed to the political and economic emancipation of Africa.
360.	The initiative of detente in Europe has been one of the few encouraging signs that the major Powers are inclined to co-operate to reduce tensions.
361.	Yet such co-operation remains confined to Europe while the extra-European rivalries of those same Powers are constantly generating new tensions in other areas of the world, particularly in Africa.
362.	The limited progress made in the field of disarmament, and the need to confront this problem with a determined sense of urgency was recognized in the holding of the tenth special session on disarmament. The intensive preparations and the high level of representation encouraged expectations that a real breakthrough would be achieved in a collective effort to halt and reverse the arms race. In several ways the results of the session did not match the hopes and expectations of most of us. In our view, a more concrete and substantive programme of action, especially with regard to nuclear disarmament, would have provided greater assurance of real progress. As it was, the studied ambiguity of some of the crucial paragraphs of the Programme of Action adopted [resolution S-10/2, sect. Ill] indicated the lack -of genuine compromise and the existence of limited commitment.
363.	We feel, however, that the adoption of a consensus document was a real achievement. The issue now ;s whether the declared intentions contained in the Final Document will be translated into action.
364.	Removing the threat of nuclear war should now begin by the termination of the testing of nuclear weapons as the first step towards nuclear disarmament and over-all progress towards the achievement of general and complete disarmament. The process should begin without delay.
365.	We stress once again that the continuation of present trends in the escalation of the arms race jeopardizes peace and security and is wasteful of resources now urgently needed for development. In this regard we welcome the attention given to this area in the deliberations of the special session and look forward to the adoption of effective measures which would lead to the transfer of resources from the wasteful purpose of arms accumulation to the alleviation of poverty and the promotion of economic well-being.
366.	When the very existence of mankind is at stake only a determined application of political will can resolve seemingly intractable problems. The world has learned this from the recent experience in our own region, when mutual understanding and political will produced the Panama Canal Treaties. At the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Khartoum and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade explosive issues were defused through an exemplary display of international goodwill.
367.	My Government hopes that a similar situation of accommodation will emerge in the Middle East, where one of the longest-standing and most complex international problems still faces the world community. A durable settlement requires from the parties involved at the very least mutual recognition of and respect for each other's legitimate aspirations. This means above all recognition of the Palestinian people's right to their own homeland, Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories and recognition of the right of the State of Israel to exist.
368.	Although the basic requirements of a Middle East settlement are perfectly well known, some would still wish to believe that a settlement can be attained without all these issues being squarely faced. That cannot be done. Moreover, it is equally apparent that, despite courageous individual initiatives, no solution will be attained without the participation of all concerned parties in the negotiations, and the support of the international community as a whole.
369.	Jamaica continues to regard Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) as providing the indispensable framework for a settlement of the dispute. Any agreement that does not accord with the principles in those resolutions cannot secure a lasting peace in the region.
370.	Another area of concern is the continuing stalemate in Cyprus. The United Nations resolutions are still unheeded and foreign occupation continues. The situation in Cyprus is rapidly becoming a model of the failure of the international community to translate its decisions into positive action. Renewed efforts at meaningful dialogue are urgently required if the lines drawn within the country are not to become fixed in a permanent form.
371.	It remains a matter of grave concern to us that despite the efforts of the international community, Belize has not been able to achieve its independence. It is intolerable that the people of that country should have for so long been denied the exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination. The advance of Belize to a secure independence with full territorial integrity is long overdue.
402. We deplore the external pressures and threats to which Belize has been subjected and which have constituted the principal obstacle to that country's early accession to independence. We urge the Members of this Organization, the colonial Power and the other parties involved, to seize the opportunity now to ensure that the resolutions adopted over the past years on the issue are speedily implemented.
403.. There is no more indictable failure in the sphere of international co-operation than our inability to end that most odious system of human and racial degradation which is apartheid. The evil of racist oppression in South Africa is evident to every decent individual: only the brutish can deny the duty of the international community to eradicate it. But instead, co-operation between South Africa and certain major interests has contributed to intensifying the oppression of blacks in South Africa.
404.	Let those who have it in their power to change the system now recognize that only a concerted and uncompromising effort will remove the disgrace of racist oppression in South Africa.
405.	Jamaica views the present situation in southern Africa as one of the utmost gravity. Encouraging signs that international co-operation was achieving some progress in Namibia and in Zimbabwe are fast disappearing.
406.	We meet while the storm clouds gather even more menacingly, for what do we find? We find, after another year of diplomatic efforts on the part of some members of the international community, after assurances of the viability of the "internal settlement", after more than a decade of appeasement and compromise — after all this—that the people of Zimbabwe are faced today not with the promise of a just and lasting peace but with the growing prospect of a terrible conflict.
407.	My delegation joins in the call for a meeting of all interested political groupings. We are equally concerned at the long delay in arriving at a solution. In the meantime, the illegal minority regime continues to perpetrate aggression not only against the people of Zimbabwe, but also against neighbouring States. The recent attack on Mozambique is but one more incident in a long series of events in which the racist minority regime-has tried to intimidate its neighbours, to deter them from assisting their brothers in Zimbabwe and to widen the scope of the conflict.
408.	The international community can delay no longer. It must, before it is too late, , find the moral and political courage necessary to bring to bear that kind of international pressure which the racist regimes cannot resist.
409.	In the absence of concrete progress towards a solution, my country will continue to give its unqualified support to the armed struggle against racist tyranny. We wish to see a negotiated settlement, but we will not be fellow travellers with injustice., A just settlement in Zimbabwe must be Uncompromisingly based upon a complete and absolute end to minority tyranny and the full accession to power of the majority of the people of the Territory.
410.	At the same time that our concern over the course of events in Rhodesia is growing by the day, we are faced with the calamitous developments in Namibia. We welcomed the holding of the ninth special session of the General Assembly on Namibia earlier this year, the acceptance by the Security Council of the Western plan and the despatch by the Secretary-General of his Special Representative to the troubled area. Now the despicable South African regime has once again shattered the hopes of those who had assumed that such a system could operate with integrity.
411.	The United Nations has the mandate and the obligation to ensure the effective implementation of its- decisions on Namibia. Now, more than ever, an overriding responsibility rests with the major Powers to enforce full South African compliance with the United Nations plan for Namibian independence in such a way as to guarantee the rights of effective majority rule of the Namibian people. Their action on the side of justice can be decisive.
412.	The announcement that the Pretoria regime will go ahead with its plans for an election in Namibia without United Nations supervision and control is one more instance of its brazen and calculated defiance of the United Nations. But, on reflection, why should not South Africa continue to hurl its defiance at the United Nations? For what has been the response of the United Nations, particularly the Security Council? Merely to administer the proverbial "slap on the wrist" to South Africa and to agree to meet again in the event of further acts of violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbours. What else does South Africa need to do for some of the permanent members of the Security Council to see the necessity of the imposition of sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter?
413.	My delegation remains firmly convinced that the people of Namibia must be allowed to determine their own future; that free elections with the participation of SWAPO should be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations; that South African intimidation must be eliminated; and, above all, that Namibia must proceed to independence with its territorial integrity intact. All this and more is long overdue. The total isolation of the South African regime should be effectively pursued now.
414.	One important step would be the early finalization of an international convention against apartheid in sports, in accordance with the relevant resolutions adopted by the General Assembly.
415.	In dealing with various issues, I have referred to the need to maintain peace and security in the world. Let me say now that, in our view, peace cannot be merely the absence of military conflict, nor can it be just an interlude between wars. Peace, to be real, must provide for the harmonious growth and development of peoples— politically, socially, culturally, economically—and it must be universal and indivisible. It cannot be achieved in an atmosphere of either political or economic domination.
416.	The issues facing this Assembly, in both the political and the economic sphere, have never been more grave or more threatening and the need to find solutions has never been more urgent. The key to those solutions is a greater commitment to international co-operation, economic justice and peace. Is it too much to hope that this thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will help the world to find that key?