125.	  Mr. President, may I, first of all, address to you the heartiest congratulations and best wishes of the Government of Tunisia on the occasion of your election as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Our congratulations are not a mere formality or a matter of habit. We are, in fact, convinced that you are one of the most qualified statesmen to occupy this important office. After what has been said by those who have spoken before me, it would be inappropriate for me to embarrass you by listing your many qualities, your ability, your clear-mindedness and your experience. I shall merely mention, as representative of a State that has the best of relations with Luxembourg, that you are devoted to the highest humanitarian values, to the spirit of justice, equality and sincere cooperation, particularly between the major Powers and the developing countries, in order to bridge the gap between them. Your familiarity with these problems is, in view of the circumstances of the present session, the best guarantee of success for the mission the international community has entrusted to you. Tunisia pledges to you its fill and complete cooperation.
126.	I should also like to extend our congratulations to your predecessor, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of our sister Republic of Algeria, on his eminent services to the international community and in defense of the causes discussed by the General Assembly during the past year.
127.	It is a particularly pleasant duty for me to pay a tribute to the constant efforts of the SecretaryGeneral to increase the chances of peace in the world and to give the Organization its proper role and place. I should like particularly to mention his tireless efforts to settle certain problems in the Middle East, the Western Sahara and Cyprus.
128.	We are convinced that the thirtieth session will be just as important as the previous session in the life of the United Nations.
129.	The international situation during the past year has not been clarified in a way which would prompt us to believe that mankind has finally moved towards detente and peace. Indeed, confusion continues to surround most of the problems that we have been considering for a number of years. We are still confronted either by certain problems for which a just settlement has not been found or by others left in a state of stagnation, awaiting settlement; still others have deteriorated and become particularly acute.
130.	One perceives, however, a glimmer of hope here and this inclines us to be more sanguine about the future.
131.	The constant shuttling back and forth between hope and fear, the considerable differences in the political, economic and social conditions of the lives of people on the different continents have the effect of disrupting whatever balance has been achieved in the world and which disfigures its map, in a sense, and is a threat to world peace.
132.	It is not my intention to dwell on all those matters which appear on the agenda of this session. My delegation will have occasion to state the views of Tunisia on those subjects in the various Committees. But I should like to state our views on a number of issues at the present time.
133.	The past year has been marked by important political events and has led to the entry into our Organization of some new States which have just acquired independence, namely, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, and Mozambique. The independence of those countries and their entry into the United Nations is a victory for freedom and dignity and a defeat for colonialism and hegemony.
134.	While addressing our congratulations to the delegations of those three fraternal countries, may I express the conviction that these nations will strengthen our Organization and will make a firm contribution to those who are still struggling for their liberation?
135.	Our congratulations and best wishes for prosperity go also to Papua New Guinea and to the Comoros, which recently declared their independence. It is our hope that we shall soon see them occupying their rightful place in our Organization.
136.	Speaking about newly independent States, our thoughts go to a country whose independence will be declared next month. It has known the ordeal of a divided land and has had intractable problems, of a kind which no other country has ever had so near to independence.
137.	From this rostrum, may I express to our brothers in Angola our sympathy and our compassion. We urge their leaders to stop their fratricidal struggle and to close their ranks as they take over the destiny of their country. We urge them to spare the blood of their brothers, and to protect their country from division so that it will not again fall to foreign domination. May they heed this appeal and may their country soon become an active Member of our Organization.
138.	When will the day come when colonialism, having completely disappeared, will no longer be discussed? The liberation of peoples is an irresistible current; it is in a sense a law of nature and of human evolution.
139.	The sufferings of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in southern Africa because of the reactionary policies of apartheid arouse our indignation and require that we multiply our efforts to put an end to those retrograde and sterile ideas.
140.	The Tunisian Government feels that the persistence of those regimes in their policy constitutes a flagrant challenge to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and shows scorn for the universal conscience
141.	It is necessary for all peace and freedom-loving peoples to do what they can to put an end to anything which might increase the political, military or economic potential of those regimes and to exert pressure to bring them to negotiate with the liberation movements, the only legitimate representatives of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
142.	During the last session we considered the question of the Western Sahara, which is part of the problem of decolonization. Today we are moving towards an equitable solution. A United Nations Visiting Mission has been to the area; the International Court of Justice has handed down the advisory opinion which was requested of its furthermore, Spain has made known its determination to withdraw from the area. Morocco and Mauritania have had the good sense to move towards consultation and cooperation with a view to a peaceful settlement, to the satisfaction of both parties. It is our hope that that process will proceed apace and that no obstacle will be allowed to stand in the way until it is possible for the parties concerned, under the auspices of the United Nations, to reach a peaceful and final settlement, guaranteeing peace, stability and goodneighborly relations.
143.	Turning now to the question of Cyprus, we appeal to the parties to follow the same course towards a settlement of the problem. In the opinion of my delegation, dialog and accommodation are the most effective ways of bringing their views closer together, regardless of differences. Therefore the Tunisian Government encourages the negotiations under way between the Turkish and Greek communities under the auspices of the SecretaryGeneral. To be sure, while the fate of the island depends essentially on the Cypriots themselves, and while no one has the right to try to shape their destiny without their consent, we believe none the less that a federal system within the framework of a single State might be the most effective way of guaranteeing the interests of the two communities and safeguarding the essential conditions of coexistence and cooperation between the two parties.
144.	However that may be, the Tunisian Government supports any solution leading to the coexistence and cooperation of both communities and will not fail to give its support to any settlement acceptable to both sides in the conflict, to whom we wish conciliation and concord within the framework of a common Cypriot nation.
145.	May I now take up the most serious problem in the world today: the question of the Middle East. Is there any need still to say that that is the most serious problem for our current session? Statement after statement by Member States has acknowledged that the Middle East is the sour of international disputes and the starting point of complications, the consequences of which go beyond the area and threaten peace in the world. For many years now that question has regularly appeared on the agenda of our Assembly, which has considered it and tried to resolve it or at least to make it less acute.
146.	The most important result which the United Nations has reached in this connexion is perhaps the decisions at the last session to recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people [resolution 3236 (XXIX)] and to grant it observer status [resolution 3237 (XXIX)]. At the same time the General Assembly affirmed that the solution resides not only in the separation of the armed forces in conflict, or in the partial or complete withdrawal from the occupied territories, but in a settlement of the fundamental problem, which is the Palestinian problem. Recognition of that fact and the inclusion of that cause in the agenda of the General Assembly is essential.
147.	As President Bourguiba has constantly proclaimed since 1948, any solution which does not lead to a full settlement of that problem, and fails to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self determination, would be incomplete and doomed to failure.
148.	By recognizing the existence of the Palestinian problem, by considering it a problem of struggle for national liberation, and by including it on the agenda as a separate item, the Organization took its most important step since its creation, with a view to correcting the errors of the past committed at the expense of the Palestinian people and to embarking on a wise course of action by examining the Palestinian question in an appropriate manner.
149.	But if we consider what has been done since last year we realize that nothing concrete has been accomplished chiefly because of Israel's stubbornness in refusing to take the facts into account and in defying world public opinion and the resolutions of the United Nations. Israel continues to practice the law of the jungle and occupies the territories of others. It continues to ignore the Palestinian people and denies it its right to live as an independent and sovereign people; it has even gone so far as to disregard the international document to which it owes its existence.
150.	By taking that attitude Israel refuses to follow the dictates of reason and obstructs the search for an appropriate solution. Moreover, that country, while it claims to be devoted to peace, is in fact preparing for another war and is equipping itself with sophisticated weapons, some of which have never been used.
151.	So it is that the problem remains intact. It has even become more serious, and the complications which have emerged in the area are the result of the fact that interest has focused, regrettably, on the consequences and on what can be done about them, and not on the causes.
152.	I do not wish to yield to pessimism, which would hardly be helpful, but I must admit that the situation in the Middle East hardly encourages optimism or calm. It is the duty of all, therefore, to combine our efforts to convince Israel to give up its dangerous racist views and to make it understand that security is not compatible with arrogance and stubbornness and that a people's right to live in an area cannot be ensured by waging war on the other peoples of the area and by kindling their feelings of hostility.
153.	The Palestinian people are determined to assert their right to exist. There will be no peace for Israel, there will be no peace in the area, until that people has obtained its right to its homeland, as an entirely sovereign people.
154.	What I have just said is not said in a spirit of intransigence and does not mean that we are opposed to a step-by-step policy of wisdom. Everyone knows that Tunisia has always favored peaceful solutions and has always believed in the effectiveness of step-by-step policies, rejecting the blind stubbornness of an all or nothing policy. However, step-by-step policies require, to our way of thinking, certain conditions, without which they cannot achieve their objectives.
155.	The first of these conditions is to define the objectives, for without such a definition we are likely to get lost in unfamiliar ways and dead-end streets and not attain our goal. In other words, we are convinced that any attempt to bring about a settlement of the question of the Middle East, be it in a bilateral or multilateral! framework, must be made within the context of an overall settlement; that is to say, it must be aimed not only at the evacuation of Arab territories occupied since 1967, but also at recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to its homeland.
156.	On the basis of those considerations we believe that the disengagement agreement concluded in September 1975 may be an effective step towards peace and could create a climate favorable to negotiations, thereby promoting peaceful coexistence between the Arab States and an Israeli State freed of its obsession with hegemony and expansionism that has finally accepted the existence of a people, the Palestinian people, and their right to live in the land of their ancestors. That will happen if, as some of the parties concerned say, it emerges that the September agreement is in fact to be followed up by negotiations on the evacuation of the Golan Heights and on the evacuation of the West Bank of the river Jordan.
157.	However, if negotiations do not begin very soon with Syria and with the PLO, and if those negotiations once under way do not lead within a reasonable period of time to positive results that cannot be regarded as a freezing of the situation as a result of Israel's intransigence under cover of continuing negotiations, the September agreement may produce quite the opposite of what was expected. Instead of being a dynamic force for peace in the area, it might well constitute an obstacle to that peace. In the same way, instead of creating a climate favorable to negotiations and peaceful coexistence,: it might cause further disappointment in some quarters and profound despair in others, prompting everyone to believe that war is still the only way of bringing about a just and lasting settlement.
158.	The September agreement is based on two types of commitment: one between Egypt and Israel in accordance with which the latter pledges itself to give up certain sectors of Egyptian territory, in a move that it appears has procured it considerable advantages; the other between certain Arab States and the United States in accordance with which the United States commits itself to negotiations with the parties concerned with a view to a parallel evacuation of the Golan Heights and the West Bank.
159.	If the United States did begin negotiations with a view to the evacuation of the Golan Heights and the West Bank and if those negotiations did lead to positive results, then we should be entitled to say that the September agreement was an historic event with considerable consequences.
160.	But, as we all know, it is not the provisions of the agreement that matter, but the real intentions of the signatories; and those intentions will be bound to be revealed when the agreement is carried out. However, early indications do not justify optimism. Israel has in fact exploited this period of peace to prepare for war. It has demanded weapons from the United States that will give it a certain military superiority, so that it can impose its will on everyone; and that leads us to believe that its intention is to create a de facto situation that will satisfy its greed and that some have already called a Pax Israelina.
161.	That situation will never be accepted by the Arabs, even if it means war for centuries to come.
162.	Peace in the Middle East will never be the kind of peace that Israel is trying to impose by force of military superiority; it will be a peace arising from agreement among all the parties concerned.
163.	That is why, while we appreciate the importance of the agreement of September 1975, which might be a decisive stage in the development of the Middle East question, we will pass final judgment on it only when the second stage is under way, that is, when the three contracting parties can put their respective commitments, which, by the way, are not so much as mentioned in the text of the agreement.
164.	It seems that negotiations concerning the Golan Heights will begin in October. If that is so, how long will they take? And what will the results be? Until we get replies to those two questions it will be difficult for us to pass final judgment on the agreement. However that may be, Tunisia, as already stated, considers that the crux of the problem, namely, the Palestinian question, is still before us. Tunisia will always stand by the Palestinian people and the PLO, regardless of circumstances, until that people have regained their legitimate rights.
165.	The continent of Europe was this year the scene of one of the most important events since the Second World War: the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The Tunisian Government has already said how impressed it was with the results of that Conference. Tunisia is a small developing country and can only welcome the efforts made to bring about the success of that Conference. We welcome also the new spirit which it seems will now imbue future relations among the States of Europe.
166.	We hope that the decisions adopted by the Conference will be implemented fully and sincerely and that they will strengthen confidence and cooperation in Europe, because we are convinced that whenever it emerges anywhere in the world peace, just as much as war, trends to spread to other areas.
167.	However, we believe that peace in Europe will be limited and threatened, so long as other areas of the world have problems of war and aggression, and poverty, particularly when those areas comprise the countries bordering on Europe, as is the case with the Mediterranean countries. The Conference, as a matter of fact, did not live up to the expectations of the peoples of the area south of the Mediterranean. We believe that the criteria adopted for Europe should be considered for other areas of the world as well, inasmuch as security cannot be maintained in the western part of the Mediterranean while war is being waged in the eastern part. Similarly, cooperation cannot have full meaning if it is confined solely to Europe and not extended to all countries having close relations with Europe.
168.	Although Tunisia did not take part in the Conference as we would have wished, it will not fail to make every effort, with fraternal and friendly countries, so that the spirit which prevailed at the Conference may extend to the entire Mediterranean region, whose inhabitants wish it to become an oasis of peace and a centre for cooperation in the interests of all. The EuropeanArab dialog will perhaps provide an opportunity for finding ways and means of establishing in the Mediterranean lasting peace based on cooperation.
169.	I should like to take this opportunity to say that my Government very much welcomes the good results achieved at the seventh special session of the General Assembly, which studied the problems of development and international economic cooperation. That session began a movement towards the establishment of a new international economic order, which would be based, not on the criteria of relative power, but on the common interests and aspirations of one and all for peace, prosperity and economic balance. Although the results are not entirely in keeping with the desires of the developing countries, the session none the less did produce a consensus on the measures to be adopted with regard to matters on which the existence and development of a considerable part of
Mi
mankind depend. I might, for example, mention the establishment of a system capable of improving the terms of trade and promoting more balanced and expanded international trade; the transfer of real resources in order to make solidarity among nations effective, by means of more direct participation on the part of the well-to-do countries and less unfavorable terms for the financing of the development Programs of the third-world countries; the acceleration of the industrialization of developing countries, which is a necessary condition for their development, by means of the relocation of certain industries in accordance with the Plan of Action adopted at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries held at Lima Isee A/10217 and Corr.I, ]; and the satisfaction of the food needs of three quarters of the world's  population by increasing agricultural production and food aid from the welltodo countries, along with certain changes in the way in which that aid is offered.
170.	The Tunisian Government welcomes the spirit which prevailed throughout the session. It was characterized by understanding and cooperation, which will have a most definite effect on future international economic conferences. We hope that all States will ensure that the decisions adopted in the course of the session are implemented in the same constructive spirit and that efforts are continued to bring the views of the developing and the industrialized countries closer together. That would guarantee the kind of cooperation needed to establish a new economic order based on justice and interdependence.
171.	Over the past 30 years, mankind has experienced a considerable upheaval and an unprecedented development. The technological revolution has extended to most countries. Men are increasingly thirsting for knowledge and progress. They are demanding ever more insistently social justice and the safeguarding of human dignity. The political and economic facts of life have changed considerably, both nationally and internationally. The United Nations has played a central role in this evolution, but it has not always kept pace with it, hampered as it has been by texts and machinery created before those major changes took place. That has made us keenly aware of the need for changes in its structure and the need to adapt it to the new situation. We are aware of the need to introduce certain reforms in order to make that structure as effective as it should be.
172.	Last year from this rostrum I had occasion to say that we did not wish to diminish the responsibility of the major Powers, nor did we wish to divert the Organization from the objectives that are its raison d'etre, but we must observe that the international responsibilities of other nations are increasing in scope and number. If we do not wish the Organization to be overtaken by events it is our duty to associate all the other nations more closely than before with the process of decision-making in this Organization and to place them in a position from where they can supervise the implementation of those decisions on an equal footing with the rest. That will make it possible for our Organization to become universal and able effectively to solve international problems.
173.	If we survey the past 30 years we must note that the Organization has not always put an end to aggression, nor has it always adopted sanctions against the aggressor. Israel and South Africa, for example, have flagrantly and consistently defied the Organization. without having had to fear the slightest sanction. On the contrary, those two countries have increasingly defied the dictates of the conscience of the international community by practicing new forms of collaboration and new forms of mutual support in order to pursue designs condemned by mankind as a whole. The Organization does not yet have the means which would make it possible for it to implement the decisions of its various bodies, which accounts for the disappointment and the failures of a number of international institutions. That is why we must begin to study the various ways and means of strengthening our Organization so that its decisions will not remain a dead letter.
174.	Will our Organization find the ways and means to give it strength and courage to make it possible to develop in harmony with the requirements of the day? Will Member States reach that unanimity which will generate a common and sincere will to move towards peace and development? That is our sincere desire, in the interests of our Organization and of all mankind.


126.	  On behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan, I have the
honor to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. We are especially glad that the leader of a small country, like our own, is at the helm of the affairs of this important session. My delegation is confident that with his statesmanship and experience, the qualities which he has already demonstrated during the past weeks, he will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion. I should also like to extend to him and to the officers of the Committee the assurances of my delegation's co-operation and support in carrying out the heavy responsibilities in the weeks ahead of us.
127.	Allow me also to convey my delegation's appreciation to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, for the leadership he gave us during the twenty-ninth and the seventh special sessions.
128.	There are today challenges and opportunities which face this world body. The opportunity is to create new life styles based on deep motivations flowing from a search for a better and freer life. The challenge is to accept and adjust to the consequences of the evolution of unequal relations and treatment. On the positive side, there are important recent events and successes contributing towards the fulfillment of the objectives of this Organization. The transfer of power by Portugal to the former colonies in Africa is no mean achievement. With the exception of Angola, all the former Portuguese colonial territories have achieved independence. With the independence of Papua New Guinea on 16 September, 10 of the 11 original Trust Territories have also gained independence. The manner in which these States reached independence is a source of great satisfaction. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that my delegation welcomes the admission of Cape Verde, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe to membership in the United Nations.
129.	The General Assembly recently adopted resolution 3366 (XXX) by 123 votes to none, with 9 abstentions. My delegation supported that resolution, which requested the Security Council to reconsider immediately and favorably the applications of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam for admission to the United Nations. We regret that the Security Council again failed to make the recommendation. The Kingdom of Bhutan firmly believes in the principle of universality of this Organization and each new Member, we feel, adds to the strength of this body. We hope that those who are still outside this family of nations will succeed in gaining membership in the near future, so that our Organization becomes not only representative but also more effective.
130.	It is regrettable that the attitude of the illegal minority regime not to accept majority rule has so far prevented the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. There also has been little improvement in the situation in Namibia and the United Nations continues to face the challenge. One of the serious problems in South Africa is, of course, the continued practice of apartheid and racial discrimination which is in direct contradiction of he principles of human rights and the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations. All these reaffirm our
belief that we all must make concerted efforts to make the United Nations decisions more effective.
131.	"We are gratified that there have been some encouraging developments in the complex problem of the Middle East. We sincerely hope that a lasting solution can be found soon. We believe that negotiations provide the best hopes for a peaceful settlement. Slowness or absence of further progress will undoubtedly increase the risk of renewed conflicts. The consequences of such a conflict will be disastrous for the people in the area and will pose a serious threat to international peace and stability. We are convinced that all the parties to the conflict sincerely desire a peaceful settlement and the basis for such a settlement does exist in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We do not subscribe to the occupation of territories by force and continue to support the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, which need to be restored. At the same time the realities ill the area have to be recognized so that all the States can live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
132.	The past year has seen some signs of further relaxation of tension all over the world. A gradual process of reconciliation has been set in motion even in South Asia. This region, of which we are the smallest part, has been plagued by a large number of problems, some man-made and some due to natural causes. In our opinion consistent efforts towards a just and durable peace will provide the opportunity to concentrate our attention to the great task of nation-building. We hope the countries in the region will make further efforts for mutual accommodation and reconciliation on the basis of equality and co-operation. The Kingdom of Bhutan is fully committed to the principles of non-alignment and to the aims and objectives of the Charter to work towards peace and stability, Our policy is friendship with all and malice towards none, with mutual respect for sovereignty and independence.
133.	It is a matter of gratification that the people in Indo-China have at last found freedom from interference aFter all the traumatic experiences they have undergone throughout these fateful years. The people of these countries, we hope, will now be able to settle down to enjoy a period of reconciliation and reconstruction in order to build a sound and stable future fashioned according to their own genius.
134.	The problem in the Korean peninsula, however, continues to threaten stability in the area. The consensus reached during the twenty-eighth session, which called on the parties to seek peaceful reunification without outside interference, gave us some hope for beginning a year of understanding and fruitful negotiations. My delegation is still of the firm view that the people of Korea should be allowed to solve the problem by peaceful and independent means.
135.	During the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly my delegation supported resolution 3212 (XXIX) and we also believe that Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 367 (1975) provided a sound basis for negotiation between the two communities. Bhutan, being a member of the non-aligned movement, supports the Political Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima last August [
AII02I7 and Our.I, annex, p. i], which called upon all parties to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and the immediate unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops and for continuation of constructive dialog between the two communities. In this regard, we appreciate the role played by our Secretary-General and the efforts he has been making to help the two communities to solve the problem with greater understanding and a sense of co-operation, We can assure the Secretary-General that his efforts for international peace and stability have our full support.
136.	Bhutan is also a hinterland State of the Indian Ocean. The maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace is of much concern to us. My delegation has consistently supported the moves and the relevant resolutions at the United Nations. The presence of big-Power rivalry will only build up tension, which will not only disturb stability in the region but will also cause division among the affected areas. In view of this we firmly believe that the area should be free of foreign military installations and foreign bases built in the context of big-Power rivalry. In order that the declaration may be respected by all States, we would support the idea of convening a conference of all littoral and hinterland States with the co-operation of the major Powers and the major maritime users.
137.	On the question of global disarmament, my delegation still finds the progress rather slow. We recognize the overriding importance of the United Nations responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, especially in the face of "ultimate weapons" threatening the end of humanity. We are, however, glad that the big Powers have also realized this problem more than ever, as has been stated by the leaders concerned recently from this rostrum. The situation indeed needs to be rectified and we appreciate the proposals that have been made here recently. We support the reduction of the military budgets of the States concerned by 10 per cent and the use of the funds thus saved for assistance to developing countries. Taking these points into consideration, my delegation will welcome the convening of a world disarmament conference to discuss all the options and work towards complete disarmament with the participation of all countries. The need for full preparation towards this end hardly needs to be emphasized at this stage.
138.	The global economic situation still suffers from unfavorable destabilizing factors and endangers the economies of the developing countries. The developing countries continue to suffer from depreciation of the terms of trade due to inflation and the inadequate transfer of real resources. As a result, the developing countries are forced to take adjustment measures which are often harmful for the economic and social development in these countries. In fact, in the most severely affected countries a negative growth rate is in the offing. The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] has apparently failed to provide the expected remedy.
139.	We are, however, encouraged by the definite signs of co-operation now emerging on these matters. The sixth special session stressed economic inter-
dependence on a world-wide scale and also defined the basis for a new international economic order. The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] could be regarded as a landmark in the economic and social progress of our Organization. Unlike the sixth special session, the recent seventh special session enjoyed a climate of compromise and negotiations which enabled us to adopt the resolution [3362 (S-VII)] unanimously. Having thus laid the corner-stone, we must progress in the direction of gathering momentum for development in the larger perspective of world economic co-operation.
140.	Bhutan is an agricultural country and we have to import the essential materials needed for the sustenance of our economy. We have high potential to expand production for exports. Our minerals, forest produce and potential for hydro-electric power are being harnessed to meet our needs. The life-blood of our economy is road transport. Being a land-locked country, the increased transportation cost adds to our problem.
141.	In this respect, my Minister for Foreign Affairs, during the recent seventh special session, in this statement emphasized the peculiar problems of the land-locked and least developed States of the developing countries. The problem of the land-locked States has also been brought to focus recently by the Secretary-General's report on special measures related to the particular needs of the land-locked developing countries [Al 10203}. We hope the problem of these developing States will receive attention, as has also been recommended in the resolution of the seventh special session.
142.	We in Bhutan, under the wise guidance of His Majesty King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, have been directing our energies to modern lines of economic and social development with the central aim of raising the living standard and opening to the people new opportunities for a richer and more varied life. Our friendly neighbor, India, with which we have cordial relations, has been helping us generously despite its own pressing commitments. Our goal is to achieve self-reliance and harness our natural resources with the use of modern technology to promote the institutions, values and attitudes of a happy and just society.
143.	My delegation hopes that a new law of the sea will emerge from the forthcoming session of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to be held here in New York. We fully realize that on such a complex legal subject the harmonization of views of all countries would be difficult to achieve in so short a time. It is, however, a matter of gratification that an informal single negotiating text, on which there is no agreement, has seen the light of day. Geographical and historical factors denied the land-locked and other disadvantaged States the enjoyment of the advantages of States bordering on the sea. Nevertheless, we hope the legitimate rights and interests of all States, whether coastal or land-locked, will be recognized so that all nations can participate in the sharing of the resources of the sea and the ocean floor. We believe in the establishment of a strong sea-bed regime to regulate the exploration and exploitation of the sea. Keeping these considerations in view, my delegation would be willing to work towards an acceptable new law of the sea that
could guide all the nations in exploring and exploiting the riches of the vast sea,
144 My delegation supported the establishment of an ad hoc group to review the Charter of the United Nations. A mere review of the Charter, we feel does not and cannot mean the complete revision of the Charter, nor do we feel the need to do so. In this thirtieth year of the United Nations, however, we believe that the time has come to have a look at some of the provisions in the light of present needs and realities.
145.	My delegation firmly believes that with the constructive attitude of all its Members, big or small, rich or poor, the United Nations is still a viable body and the only one that exists to help man in the pursuit of peace and in the elimination of poverty, sickness and other problems. The narrow confines of national interest of all of us here will have to be made more flexible to accommodate the lofty ideals of the United Nations. The hopes of all mankind depend on how soon we act on these problems and how we face this challenge.


35.	 May I, Mr. President, first express my delegation's and my own great satisfaction and pleasure at your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly? Your outstanding contribution to the cause of peace and co-operation among nations, both within the councils of Europe and beyond, make it appropriate indeed that we should now have the benefit of your wisdom and experience in guiding our deliberations at this particular stage of world development.
36	To the outgoing President of our Assembly, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, Mr. Bouteflika, I wish to convey my deep appreciation for the dedicated and effective leadership he displayed, both during the twenty-ninth session and the seventh special session of the Assembly. The achievements of those two sessions will certainly be recorded as important milestones in the annals of our Organization.
37	As one of the initiators of the African-Asian Conference, held at Bandung in 1955, and as one of the founding members of the non-aligned movement, two ( historic forces in contemporary world politics that have contributed so much to the liberation of peoples from colonial subjugation, Indonesia naturally derives
immense satisfaction whenever the struggle for national freedom gives birth to new independent nation-States. Today, it is with great joy that we welcome the attainment of independence and the admission to membership in our Organization of the Republic of Cape Verde, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. The entry of these States into the United Nations, which we hope will soon be followed by that of Angola and the Comoros, heralds a time when the entire continent of Africa will be freed from colonial domination.
38.	1 am particularly pleased to be able to extend Indonesia's congratulations and good wishes to our immediate neighbors, the people of Papua New Guinea, on their attainment of independence. For Indonesia, so closely linked through culture, history and geography to Papua New Guinea, this is indeed a most happy event. I am confident that our two peoples will develop even closer ties of friendship and co-operation in the future. My delegation eagerly looks forward to the day when Papua New Guinea will assume its rightful place in this Assembly as a full-fledged Member of our Organization. I also take this opportunity to express my Government's sincere appreciation for the manner in which Australia, as the administering Power, has assisted the people of Papua New Guinea in the exercise of their right to self-determination.
39.	With the restoration of peace in Indo-China, the Governments of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam have indicated their desire to join in the work of our Organization. As a South-East Asian nation and one subscribing to the principle of universality of membership, Indonesia fully supports them in this desire and regrets the fact that they have so far been prevented from taking their seats in the General Assembly. It is my delegation's hope that this situation may soon be corrected, for in our view both the objectives of the Charter and the interests of the international community as a whole would be well-served by the admission of the two Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations.
40.	The privilege of participating in this thirtieth session of the General Assembly is enhanced by the truly historic significance of this moment for the United Nations, for Indonesia and for the entire world. As we join in commemorating the passing of three decades since the founding of our Organization, the Indonesian people are also celebrating the thirtieth year of their rebirth as an independent nation.
41.	In mentioning the link between the founding of the United Nations and the attainment of Indonesia's independence, we not only perceive a parallel in time but, above all, a correspondence of values. Both the United Nations and Indonesia came into being in the aftermath of a war that "brought untold sorrow to mankind". It is natural, therefore, that the similar circumstances of their birth should engender commitments to similar precepts. Both the Charter of the United Nations and the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia contain ideals and principles which are fundamentally in accord with one another, such as the principles and ideals of independence, justice and international peace and security.
42.	Moreover, Indonesia's struggle for independence, its efforts to achieve and maintain its territorial unity and integrity, and its growth as an independent nation are closely intertwined with the history and growth of the United Nations.
43.	It was the United Nations intervention during Indonesia's war of independence which hastened the end of the armed conflict between Indonesia and the Netherlands. And it was through the United Nations also that Indonesia's territorial integrity was completed when the question of West Irian was resolved at the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. On the other hand, may I be excused for being less than modest in also pointing out some of Indonesia's contributions to the effective strengthening of the role of our Organization.
44.	Foremost on my mind is the fact that 20 years ago Indonesia, together with Burma, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, took the initiative to convene the African-Asian Conference at Bandung. That historic Conference gave birth to the ten Principles of Bandung, which have since been acknowledged as the sound bases for just and peaceful relations among States and which have inspired the principles on which the non-aligned movement was founded. The Bandung Conference heralded a new era, particularly for peoples still living under colonial domination. The "wind of change" which was already blowing across the continents of Asia and Africa, was strengthened as a result of the Conference, and accelerated the process of decolonization, thus opening the way for the rapid expansion of the United Nations.
45.	In another area, often described by our Secretary-General as one of the most striking and remarkable developments in the history of the United Nations, Indonesia's contribution has also been quite significant. I refer to the United Nations peace-keeping efforts, and to the Indonesian contingents which were on the front-lines in the Congo, in Gaza and in the Sinai, and which have given their share in human sacrifices to the cause of international peace.
46.	Thus the ways in which Indonesia and the United Nations have both contributed to, and benefited from, each other throughout the years clearly demonstrates the special attachment with which my country views its relationship to this world body. Indonesia not only holds the United Nations in high esteem; indeed it owes it a debt of gratitude. To my Government, there is not the slightest doubt as to the indispensability of this world Organization, especially in the present period of rapid and radical change. 1 therefore wish to underline the observation made by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, that. . there is no rational alternative in international relations to the principles and procedures of the United Nations" [A/IOOOII Add.I, sect. XXI}.
47.	As I remarked earlier, the Assembly is meeting at a time of truly historic significance, where world developments are characterized by rapid change, requiring the necessary adjustments. Nowhere is it of such vivid relevance as in the region of South-East Asia, where an end has finally come to the bloody ordeal inflicted upon the peoples of Indo-China for 30 long years.
48.	The end of the wars in Viet Nam and Cambodia ushers in a new era in South-East Asia, one which will provide expanded opportunities to all nations of that region to devote their energies and talents to the task of national development, free from external interference and manipulation. It also opens up the prospect for the rearrangement of their mutual relationships in peaceful and mutually beneficial co-operation and on the basis of respect for one another's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
49.	Indonesia, like all other nations of the region, has welcomed the advent of peace in Indo-China, not only as an end to bloodshed but as a necessary beginning to a period of durable peace and stable progress. But efforts to develop a new pattern of relationships and a structure of stability and harmony in SouthEast Asia do not depend on the expectations and actions of the South-East Asian countries alone; they will also be affected, to a critical degree, by the perceptions and policies of the major Powers having a presence and interests in the region. Unless those Powers come to see it as in their own interest to adopt a commonly agreed posture of greater restraint in their involvement in South-East Asia, other than to support the legitimate development impulses of the countries of the region, there will be a danger that the situation may relapse into a new cycle of intra-regional conflict and strife and into new power polarizations instigated and manipulated from the outside.
50.	Still, the prevailing atmosphere in South-East Asia today is one of renewed hope and a sense of opportunity never before felt during the past three decades.
51.	This atmosphere of hope and promise is regrettably absent in another vitally important part of Asia. The latest developments on the Korean peninsula have reduced the prospects for an early resumption of the dialog between the two parts of Korea. Efforts to achieve peace and reconciliation, for which high hopes were raised when a joint communique was signed in July 1972 between North and South Korea, have stalemated, and preparations for renewed confrontation are now being alleged by both sides.
52.	Indonesia cannot but view these developments with grave concern, for not only do they render the problem of the peaceful reunification of Korea increasingly intractable, but they also have a most damaging effect on efforts to establish peace and stability in the larger region of East Asia and the Western Pacific. It is clear that the role the United Nations can and should play in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the Korean problem will be of great importance.
53.	This year, the General Assembly will again be seized of the question of the presence of foreign troops under the United Nations flag in Korea. My delegation reiterates its view that the United Nations should end its military presence in Korea and that it is indeed high time that the state of war, which technically still exists between the United Nations and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, be terminated. But, as the United Nations military involvement is based on a Security Council resolution, Indonesia believes that the appropriate way would be for the Assembly to request the Security Council to take the necessary action and to formulate the modalities tor the termination of such a presence.
54.	In this context, Indonesia attaches great importance to the maintenance of an atmosphere conducive to a continued and direct dialog between North and South Korea as the two principal parties to the conflict. My delegation considers it necessary, therefore, that any substitution of the Armistice Agreement by a more permanent peace arrangement should be accompanied by the establishment of alternative machinery by which an atmosphere of peace and tranquility, so necessary for the conduct of negotiations, could be maintained or improved.
55.	All our efforts, however, must proceed from a recognition of the basic realities prevailing on the Korean peninsula. Unless these realities and the relevance of proposed measures are constantly kept in mind, I am afraid we will continue to be engaged in a futile exercise of supporting or rejecting contending resolutions, with no prospect of compliance by either side, and no result other than the further aggravation of the situation.
56.	In the Middle East, the intensified efforts made over the past few months to bring peace and a just solution to a conflict which has persisted for almost as long as the United Nations itself has yielded another gratifying break-through.
57.	Indonesia welcomes the second interim agreement reached between Egypt and Israel, providing for a further withdrawal of Israeli forces from occupied Egyptian territory. Indonesia extends a special tribute to President El-Sadat of Egypt for the vision and courage he has displayed in making this agreement possible. Equally, an expression of appreciation is due to the Secretary of State of the United States for his efforts to bring the positions of the two parties closer together.
58.	We are all aware, however, that this agreement is but another step on the long road towards a just and durable peace. No pretext should be found to delay the exertion of further efforts to secure a comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict. Such a solution, to be lasting, must meet the legitimate demand of the Arab nation for Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories; of the Palestinian people, for the restoration of their fundamental rights including the right to self-determination; and of Moslems the world over for the return of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab custody.
59	My delegation remains convinced that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) continue to provide the most relevant basis on which to proceed to secure justice as well as security for all nations of the Middle East.
60	The development of events in Cyprus is another area of continuing concern to the international community. My delegation regrets the slow pace at which efforts to achieve an over-all solution of the Cyprus problem have proceeded so far. We hope that the talks, initiated in Vienna, will be continued in a spirit of mutual tolerance and accommodation so as to achieve a final political solution which would guarantee the rights of each community and would enable them to live in harmony with one another. Indonesia wishes to reiterate its stand that Cyprus should remain an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country and that its territorial integrity should be respected.
61.	The adoption in 1971 by the General Assembly of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] gave rise to hopes, especially among the littoral and hinterland States, that within some foreseeable future an end could be put to the growing military rivalry in this region among the super-Powers.
62.	Those hopes, far from being fulfilled, have steadily diminished with each passing year, as new developments take place in complete contradiction to the objectives of the Declaration. Instead of the military build-up being arrested or decreased, a growing escalation of military rivalry can be observed in the region.
63.	This state of affairs is contrary to the purposes of detente and its purported extension to other regions of the world. Indonesia expresses its serious concern over these developments and hopes that further positive action can be taken at the current session of the General Assembly with a view to ensuring full and effective implementation of the objectives of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean.
64.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea constitutes one of the most delicate and complex international endeavors yet undertaken to create a just international order in this sphere of our globe. The forthcoming session to be held in New York next year will constitute a decisive stage in the progress of these endeavors.
65.	Indonesia observes with satisfaction that the efforts to ensure that the resources of the sea are utilized for the benefit of all mankind have begun to bear fruit. It should be borne in mind, however, that an international convention on the law of the sea must be based not only upon considerations of the economic well-being of all nations; it must also give due consideration to the political and security interests of the developing countries.
66.	My delegation wishes to express in this forum its sincere gratitude to all friendly countries which have given their endorsement to Indonesia's concept of the archipelagic state,
67.	It may be recalled that, historically, the freedom of the seas has been abused by certain major Powers to establish and perpetuate their colonial domination of the countries of the third world. An end should be put to such abuses and any future conventions on the law of the sea should unambiguously ensure respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political unity of States without prejudice to the legitimate interests of the international community.
68.	Developments on the continent of Africa provide us with mixed feelings of great satisfaction and of continuing concern. On the one hand, the international community this year could again welcome with great joy the birth of a number of independent nations in Africa and their admission to our Organization. On the other hand, conditions in southern Africa continue to harbor the evils of colonialism, racism, apartheid and minority rule in their most blatant and repulsive form.
69.	A racist minority regime in Zimbabwe continues to usurp the fundamental rights to independence and human dignity of the black majority, while the infamous
system of apartheid persists in keeping the people of South Africa under the most degrading conditions of colonial domination. We must continue to support the-people of Zimbabwe in their struggle for independence. With regard to Namibia, it remains Indonesia's view that the United Nations must fulfill its responsibility towards the Territory and end its illegal occupation by South Africa. The United Nations must also ensure the territorial integrity of Namibia.
70.	In facing the situation in southern Africa the forces of progress and justice must increase their efforts in order to compel these racist regimes to abide by the will of the international community.
71.	One of the fundamental trends of our time is the phenomenon of the continuing process of detente. An important manifestation of this detente was the signing, last month, of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe by the leaders of 35 countries in Europe, the United States and Canada. Thus, at least on the continent of Europe, the atmosphere of suspicion and enmity inherited from the cold war era has been substantially eased and the prospects for more constructive relations definitively enhanced.
72.	While noting this hopeful progress in East-West relations, one cannot ignore the limited scope of the present detente, both in substance and in geographical extent. The Final Act signed at Helsinki, however welcome as a preliminary step towards global peace, has a relevance that is limited to Europe only, leaving largely unchanged many explosive situations in other parts of the world. Furthermore, the process of political detente has yet to extend itself to the realm of military detente, particularly in the field of disarmament.
73.	The Secretary-General has on several occasions expressed his deep concern, one fully shared by my delegation, about the disheartening situation in which the disarmament negotiations now find themselves. Not only has the nuclear arms race between the big Powers virtually continued unabated, the proliferation of technology required to produce nuclear arms among non-nuclear Powers is now proceeding at such an alarming rate that it may soon get out of hand. Moreover, the world-wide spread of the most sophisticated conventional weapons, due to a considerable increase in the arms trade, has now created new dangers, which may eventually prove fatal for international peace and security. It is most distressing to note that global arms expenditures are now running at an appalling $300,000 million a year, while some 500 million of our fellow human beings live on the verge of starvation. Indeed, thousands upon thousands have died from starvation.
74.	Indonesia joins all nations and all men of good will in supporting the most urgent appeal made by the Secretary-General that all nations, great and small, nuclear and non-nuclear exercise self-restraint, slow down their arms race and limit traffic in arms.
75.	The task of fashioning a comprehensive program of disarmament has now become imperative. The habit of paying only lip-service, year after year, to the desirability and importance of preventing arms proliferation must stop. Indonesia continues to urge the convening of a world disarmament conference.
We are convinced that such a conference would result in a broader perception of this multifaceted problem, and provide an impetus for intensifying the pace of our efforts to arrive at effective measures to control the arms race and to achieve genuine disarmament through the planned reduction of existing arsenals, both nuclear and conventional.
76.	As I remarked earlier, this Assembly meets at a moment of historic significance, where a convergence can be seen of several decisive trends in world developments.
77.	The steadily widening gap between rich and poor, the increasing interdependence of nations and of problems, coupled with the growing confluence between demands for social justice and the economic imperatives imposed by such global problems as international poverty, hunger, overpopulation, dwindling resources, world-wide inflation and recession have lent a dramatic and urgent dimension to man's continuing search for economic and social progress.
78.	This and the growing awareness of the inseparable link between economic development and the maintenance of international peace and security have in past years led to an increasing preoccupation on the part of the international community with problems concerning its economic future and, indeed, its very survival. In turn, it has recently brought forth an unprecedented dialog between the developed and the developing countries on how to shape a New International Economic Order capable of providing greater peace, equity and sufficiency for all.
79.	Efforts to address ourselves to the great economic issues of our time in a more concerted and systematic manner in fact began in 1970 when the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session solemnly adopted the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], which embodied a comprehensive set of policy measures for international economic co-operation with a view to reducing the disparities among nations.
80.	The high hopes that were cherished at the time of the adoption of the Strategy were soon to be dissipated as implementation fell far short of expectations. The unfavorable trends in the world economy, instead of being reversed, actually worsened rapidly, expressing themselves in a series of crises, upheavals and violent fluctuations that rocked the very foundations of the international economic system and threatened meaningful international co-operation in other fields as well.
81.	Fortunately, the sixth special session of the General Assembly held last year the first special session ever held to deal with economic and social issues  provided the turning-point in this process. Apart from its Declaration and program of Action [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and3202 (S-Vl)], the greatest achievement of the sixth special session, in our view, is its success in bringing about a more acute awareness of our interdependence as nations and of the inter-connexion of global problems, thus creating a more favorable atmosphere for sincere and serious common endeavors by the international community.
82.	With its momentum, a series of intensive global undertakings became possible, building up until just
two weeks ago when we concluded the seventh special session with the adopt on of a concession
[resolution 3362 (sVl,)] covering a broad new program to promote development and inteSioTai economic co-operation.
83 The results of the seventh special session are indeed only partially successful in meeting our objectives, and no one can be expected to be completely satisfied with them. But, as" you, Mr President have rightly pointed out in your acceptance speech [2351st meeting], these results indeed represent the first practical expression of the necessity of transforming the international economic system in terms of a highly important political undertaking to achieve a more equitable sharing of the world's riches and to strike a new balance of interests between the industrialized and the developing countries in favor of the latter. This political undertaking, this political will, must now be sustained and given concrete expression in our further actions to implement this consensus.
84.	In my delegation's view, the consensus resolution will be of operational significance and indeed facilitate the intensive work now being undertaken or envisaged by the various bodies of the United Nations system in realizing a New International Economic Order in their respective fields. This of course includes the task of restructuring the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system itself.
85.	It is of equal importance to my delegation that the effective implementation of this consensus resolution should also impart a new impetus and positive impact to the various negotiations we are going to conduct or which are already in progress, both within and outside the forums of the United Nations. I am referring in particular to the multilateral trade negotiations, the forthcoming fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the projected Paris conference on energy, raw materials and development.
86.	Indonesia, being a producing and exporting country of a wide variety of raw materials, both mineral and agricultural, has special reasons for being highly interested in the deliberations of those conferences. Their decisions will have an inevitable bearing on our national economy, which is highly sensitive to the performance of our export trade in commodities. It is of vital importance to Indonesia, therefore, that those conferences succeed in translating the consensus resolution of the seventh special session into concrete and specific commitments and actions.
87.	The commemoration of the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations provides us with the opportunity to reflect on the role our Organization can and should play in world affairs in the years ahead.
88.	Although its critics have been many and vocal in the past even up to this day there has grown an increasing realization that despite its obvious imperfections the United Nations, as the only genuine world forum, must continue to be supported and strengthened. The realities of present day International developments, moreover, make it .mperaUve for a nations to do so as the only sensible avenue open to us in our efforts to cope with the critical problems of our time.
89.	Interdependence and the universal scope of those problems dictate the necessity for us to develop a truly global capacity to respond.
90.	I believe that the United Nations is the natural focal-point from which to develop such a capacity and that it can and should become the principal instrument of nations to secure at least the minimum conditions for peace and civilized life on earth.
91.	It is meeting this great challenge that will be the principal task of the United Nations in the decades to come. This will obviously require change and readjustment in its organization, both structurally and procedurally. Its present inadequacies cannot be denied. But neither should we ignore the opportunity for dynamic adjustment which the United Nations has at this unique point in its development.
92.	The general areas in which such change and adjustment should be effected are, I think, apparent to all of us, and to some extent the directions and forms of such change have already been identified. Above and beyond this, however, a new sense of purpose must be instilled into the conceptual approaches and programs of the United Nations, in keeping with the demands of an increasingly interdependent world of nations and of problems.
93.	It is of the utmost importance that there be change in the nature and extent of commitment of the Member States to the United Nations. For too long have the Member States used the Organization as a forum in which to pursue their own national ambitions, rather than as a collective instrument to achieve common goals. Of course we cannot expect the nation-States of the world suddenly to abandon concepts of national sovereignty and national interests. But what can be asked of them is to re-examine and redefine their national ambitions in the light of the long-term global interests of mankind as a whole. Indeed, we cannot expect mankind ever to unite behind a common ideology or a supra-national Government. But I think there are sufficient grounds for hope that it will now respond to a common concern for its own survival, based on the awareness of inevitable interdependence and the compelling need for global co-operation.
94.	It is only when these fundamental requirements are met that the United Nations may be able to develop the capacity to face up to its primordial task: to secure peace not just as a negation of war but peace that is a result of harmonious and just relations between nations; to attain security that is not a dictate of the strong but a security that embraces both progress and the equal opportunity for all to achieve a materially sufficient and morally acceptable life.


33.	  Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. I am confident that you will carry out your task in the best possible manner in view of your experience, knowledge and wide renown. We earnestly wish you success.
34	It also pleases me to extend thanks to Mr. Abdel- aziz Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, for the efforts he exerted during his presidency of the twenty-ninth session, which greatly contributed to the significant results achieved by that session. To him and to our sister State of Algeria I convey my greetings.
35	Significant events have occurred since the last session in the area of the struggle of peoples for liberation and independence. The Vietnamese people have achieved victory and were able to realize their will after a fierce war for which they sacrificed millions of lives The Cambodian people won victory also and realized their wishes of selecting the system and path they wanted. The struggle of the peoples of Mozambique, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe was crowned with victory, and I welcome the admission of these countries as active members of the international community and expect them to play their part in supporting the forces of freedom and progress. I denounce the policy aimed at preventing the admission of the two parts of Viet Nam to the United Nations. We consider that this admission would be an enrichment of the heroic human experience.
36.	Despite these victories, there are peoples still suffering from the yoke of colonialism and still subject to the most abominable forms of racial oppression. I find it my duty from this rostrum to hail the just struggle waged by the people of Angola, Namibia, Rhodesia and South Africa, as well as the various liberation movements in the world, for their freedom and for the eradication of the vestiges of the racial colonialist regimes that are still exploiting their lands and resources. I also declare our full support for the just struggle of the Korean people in realizing their national unity.
37.	In Cyprus, that neighborly island which was the scene of sanguinary events, we demand the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions and the safeguarding of its unity and territorial integrity. We view with great concern the imperialist attempts and maneuver
aimed at transforming the island into a base of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
38.	Since I am still talking about the right of peoples to self-determination, I find it imperative to refer to the Western Sahara, which is part of Arab soil, whose fate concerns the whole Arab nation, and which is still being occupied by Spanish troops. 1 appeal to the friendly Spanish Government to expedite its evacuation of this Arab territory, I declare my support for the efforts made by the Moroccan Government to solve the dispute involving the future of the Sahara in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the decisions of the Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government, held at Rabat in October 1974.
39.	The policy of international detente achieved a significant positive step when it succeeded in convening, at Helsinki, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which laid down principles to be adopted by the participating members for enhancing the prospects of peace in Europe. While supporting and welcoming this significant step, may we ask what peace can be achieved when a neighboring region, namely, the Middle East, is a flaring hotbed of tension? May I also remind the Assembly of the strategic location of this region and its deep bearing on European security?
40.	The October war of liberation of 1973 was a strong proof of such a link. Any talk about international detente and European security will remain idle unless the causes of tension are eliminated. Such elimination can be achieved only through the evacuation by the Zionist forces of all the occupied territories and through the realization of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine, including the right to return and to self-determination. I shall revert to this subject later.
41.	The suffocating economic crisis suffered by the capitalist world economy and its impact on international trade and the world monetary system have been reflected in the economies of the third-world countries, as if these countries have always had to pay for the mistakes of others.
42.	It is high time for the international Organization to deal with these problems seriously. The peace aspired to in the United Nations Charter cannot be secured as long as there are rich countries and poor countries, dominating countries and exploited countries; unless the gap between the rich and the poor countries is narrowed; and unless the exploited countries are allowed to recover their full rights and their sovereignty over their wealth and resources.
43.	For the sake of propagating the international justice we all seek it is essential to establish a new world economic order that would make it possible to improve the machinery of the prevailing trade exchanges and allow the developing countries to sell their raw materials at remunerative and stable prices proportionate to the prices levied by the advanced countries when they re-export such materials in the form of manufactured goods. Such an order would help the development plans of the developing countries. Another means that would help these countries economically and socially would be for the advanced countries to provide the developing countries with financial and technological assistance, while leaving them free to select the course they want to pursue for their development.
44.	In this connexion, we support the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its sixth and seventh special sessions, and those adopted by the non- aligned Conference at Lima. We point out in particular the Program of Action adopted by the Assembly at its sixth special session [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)], which was reaffirmed by the seventh special session and the Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], and we demand the implementation of their provisions.
45.	I find it imperative to refer to the fact that any international economic conference whose agenda is limited to discussing the energy crisis and does not extend to discussing all raw materials, as provided for by the resolutions of the Conference of Developing Nations for Raw Materials held at Dakar in February 1975, shall be doomed to failure as was the fate of the attempt made last spring.
46.	Another subject that requires a quick solution is reforming the current international monetary order that was shaken as a result of the inflation and recession in the industrialized countries in recent years, a situation which caused major fluctuations in the exchange rates of the main currencies and the floating of most of them. This has had an adverse effect on world trade, particularly on the economies of devel-oping countries, and this order has become incapable of handling international payments in a stable and equitable manner.
47.	The major shifts that took place in the balance of power in the world during the last 10 years and the liberation of many developing nations and their emergence on the international scene make it necessary to reconsider this order, so that the developing countries receive the standing they deserve within the international monetary and economic establishments. Any reform in the international monetary order must take into consideration the stabilization of the main currencies of the international payments system in order to secure stable sources of such currencies for the developing countries which export raw materials.
48.	The explosive effects of the tense situation in the Middle East region may not be confined to that region alone. The situation, rather, threatens world peace at large, for the following reasons.
49.	First, the Middle East region is in a strategic position. It is the cross-roads of three continents and is situated on two oceans and three seas; through it pass the most vital international communications routes. Secondly, there is the intertwining of international interests in this region. All of us remember how the war of October 1973 placed the super-Powers on the brink of a devastating nuclear war. Thirdly, there is the economic significance of this region due to the enormous quantities of oil stored therein. All of us remember the great crisis suffered by the world economy because of the October war.
50.	Since one of the main purposes of the Charter is to deal with anything that jeopardizes world peace and security, the tense situation in the Middle East ranks foremost among the problems to be solved. It is high time for the international community to put an end to Israel's acts that are based on domination, expansion and challenge to the Charter of the United Nations and the flouting of United Nations resolutions.
51.	When Balfour made his declaration in 1917 promising the Jews a national homeland, the Jews then residing in Palestine did not own more than 2.5 per cent of the total area of Palestine. The partition resolution adopted in November 1947 [resolution 181 (II)] gave them 56 per cent of that area. They are at present dominating the whole of Palestinian soil.
52.	The Jews residing in Palestine in 1918 did not exceed 56,000 persons, that is, 8 per cent of the total population. Owing to the immigration organized and encouraged by world Zionism and the Government of the Mandatory Power, the number soared to 31 per cent in 1947. The population of Israel today is about 2,5 million, while immigration to Israel is still continuing.
53.	In view of the increase in population and the small area of land, Israel has committed the worst and most heinous crimes against the Arab inhabitants by forcing them to leave their lands and properties. Accordingly, the largest exodus known in history has taken place: a whole people has been forcibly driven from its homeland and replaced by other people.
54.	I mention these facts to prove that they are an extension of the past and highlight Israel's expansionist and aggressive nature, which has not changed but has rather been reinforced. Israel's determination to keep its hold on the Arab territories occupied following the 1967 war is proof of what I am saying.
55.	Israel's history is a series of challenges and defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and contempt for its resolutions, starting with resolution 181 (II) and the resolutions relating to the return and compensation of the refugees to those relating to
Jerusalem, protecting the Holy Places and prohibiting any changes in the archaeological sites in the occupied territories. Israel recently took steps to change the features of the Al-Ibrahimi Mosque in the city of Al-Khalil and divided it into two parts, getting a hold of the larger part, thus proving once more its disdain of spiritual and human values.
56.	I am not here to list the resolutions violated or disregarded by Israel; these are facts of which all representatives are aware and which our people are witnessing every day.
57.	Another matter that is no less dangerous than the former is Israel's violation of human rights. Israel is exercising the worst type of oppression and racial discrimination against the Arab inhabitants residing in Palestine. Such practices exceed by far those pursued by Nazism for eliminating its opponents. This policy, which is deeply embedded in the souls of Israeli rulers, is even being applied against the oriental Jews residing in Israel.
58.	Throughout the history of the United Nations no State has flouted the Charter of the United Nations and resolutions as Israel has. Until when can this silence be maintained? Does not this silence towards Israel constitute a dangerous precedent that will encourage other States to follow suit? What would be the situation in such a case and what would be the fate of the United Nations and world peace?
59.	Israel's case is different from that of the other Members of this Organization. Israel's admission to the United Nations, based on General Assembly resolution 273 (III) of 11 May 1949, was linked to two conditions: first, an undertaking to honor the obligations of the Charter of the United Nations from the day it became a Member of the United Nations; and secondly, implementation of resolution 181 (II), of 29 November 1947, and resolution 194 (III), of 11 December 1948, relating to the need to allow the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes.
60.	The then Israeli Minister for Foreign Affairs solemnly pledged to accept those two conditions. But, needless to say, Israel has not fulfilled either of them. The undertaking to honor the obligations of the Charter was a false undertaking. The resolution on the return of the refugees has remained mere ink on paper, although the United Nations has been reaffirming it every year since 1950. The same applies to resolution 181 (II). Israel occupies areas equaling four times the area granted to it under that resolution.
61	Israel, which was admitted to the United Nations by resolution 273 (III) and under the two conditions I mentioned, does not deserve to be a member of the international community. It is constantly violating the United Nations Charter and resolutions; hence, the conditional resolution endorsing Israel's membership must, after an experience of over a quarter of a century, be reconsidered in the light of Israel's non-compliance with the obligations of the said resolution.
62	In 1967 Israel perpetrated a new aggression and occupied territories belonging to three States, including the Golan Heights. It is refusing to withdraw from the Heights under the pretext of its need for secure boundaries". It is very strange to talk about secure boundaries in the age of missiles and sophisticated weaponry. Did those "secure boundaries prevent the Egyptian and Syrian armies from penetrating the occupied Arab territories during the October war? Which of the two sides needs secure boundaries? Is it Israel, whose history abounds with aggression, or the Arabs, who have always been the victim of aggression? What would become of the political map of the world and what would be the fate of world peace if each State advanced the pretext of secure boundaries to commit aggression against its neighbors and acquire territorial gains?
63.	The slogan of secure boundaries raised by Israel is in reality a slogan behind which it conceals its expansionist intentions in order to keep hold of the occupied Arab territories.
64.	We have tried on many occasions through the United Nations to compel Israel to withdraw from those territories. We have exerted strenuous efforts towards the implementation of the United Nations resolutions, especially those relating to Jerusalem and the securing of the national rights of the people of Palestine. The majority of world public opinion stood on our side in support of our just struggle. However, all those efforts were in vain. Israel has persisted in its intransigence and determination and keeps pursuing its aggressive and expansionist policy, building colonies and chasing the Palestinians to exterminate them.
65.	In the face of all this we had only one recourse: the October war, which we fought with willingness, honor and courage. We were determined not to stop until we realized the objective of liberating our territories and securing the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine. Certain factors emerged during the war which led to the adoption of Security Council resolution 338 (1973). Our country accepted it in a telegram that I sent to the Secretary-General in which I stated that our understanding of the resolution was based on the following two principles: first, Israel's complete withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967; and secondly, the recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people.
66.	Many thought that the Israelis learned from the lessons of the October war. However, the facts disprove that belief. The Israelis have once more begun to talk in the same manner and to use the same language they used prior to the October war. They are reaffirming their unwillingness to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, notably the Golan Heights, which the Israeli statements and declarations are considering a "part of Israel". The Israelis are adamant in refusing to recognize the Palestinian people, thus ignoring not only the existence of that people, but also the international will that recognizes their existence, as manifested in General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX).
67.	I find it important to point out that the Arabs who refused to accept the consequences of the 1967 war refuse today to lose what they achieved in 1973. They are determined more than ever to safeguard and defend their rights, depending on the Organization's support and backing. Thus, it would not be safeguarding the Arab rights only, but also the Charter, its principles and the principles of freedom and dignity.
68.	We are not warmongers; rather, we are working for peace. The peace we want is one that would ensure a comprehensive solution for our cause on the basis of the United Nations resolutions. Our view proceeds from the fact that any attempt that does not deal with the core of the problem that is, the people of Palestine and their expulsion from their homeland would be doomed to failure and would, in any case, be no more than a temporary truce.
69.	It was with this understanding that we signed the disengagement agreement concerning the Golan Heights. We made a point of mentioning explicitly in the agreement that the agreement is only a step towards implementing Security Council resolution 338 (1973). We have never believed in the soundness of partial steps or the "step-by-step policy", as designated by its initiators, because such a policy ignores the unity of our cause and represents the situation as a border dispute between Israel and Egypt, or between Israel and the Syrian Arab Republic, or between Israel and Jordan, while the situation in fact is between the Arabs as a whole and Israel, for an indivisible cause, namely, the restoration of the national rights of the people of Palestine and the recovery of all the occupied Arab territories.
70.	It is for that reason that these steps are fraught with danger and are moving us far from peace, not bringing us closer to it. They give the impression that peace in the region is within reach, while actually the stalemate and calm that prevail bear the seeds of a new flare-up. The peace we are striving to attain with the help of this Organization and with the support and backing of all peoples is that just peace that restores to us all our occupied territories, and to the people of Palestine the international rights. We reject any atttempt to impose settlements that impair the rights of our people. Accordingly, we view the recently signed Egyptian-Israeli agreement as moving us farther from the road to peace. Besides, any consideration of that agreement as a step forward implies an attempt to mislead or means that the ingredients of peace in the region are not fully comprehended.
71.	I find it necessary to declare from this rostrum that attempts to face us with the alternative of either accepting the continuation of the stalemate which eventually would lead to war or accepting partial and individual agreements concluded at the expense of the rights and interests of our people will be doomed to failure and will not distract or hinder us from seeking the means leading to a real, just and durable peace. Irrespective of the circumstances, we shall not fall into the trap of the recently concluded Sinai Agreement. That agreement is merely one of those attempts to mislead. It is a move to force our people to surrender to the will of the aggressor. That agreement has given the aggressor everything, while it has given the victim of aggression nothing more than a feeling of bitterness and injustice, with all the dangers intrinsic in the accumulation of such feelings dangers that would inevitably lead to the tearing up of all covenants and agreements, thus bringing the region to the brink of a new war. The world will then realize that such an agreement was not a step towards peace, but was rather a temporary truce in a situation that threatens the whole region with explosion.
72.	The search for a just and durable peace in the Middle East must be made outside the deceptive framework of the Sinai Agreement and the ensuing commitments and undertakings given by its godfathers to supply Israel with the most destructive weapons How can our people believe that that agreement will bring peace closer, while part of it is designed to supply Israel with missiles which bring within range the capitals and towns of the Arab countries surrounding the center of aggression? How can we be convinced that this agreement is a step towards peace when Israel is receiving for it, through blackmail, billions of United States dollars?
73.	What sort of peace can such Agreement bring about, since it was concluded outside the framework of the United Nations? How can that agreement be a step towards peace when Israel is still occupying our national soil, and when there is a party that is enhancing its offensive forces in order to become the mightiest striking force in the region and thus carry out its expansionist and aggressive policy? How can we consider that agreement a step towards peace when it has paved the way for a United States presence in the area and when it has made the United States a main party to the conflict, with all the dangers implicit in such presence dangers that threaten the future of our people, who can clearly recall how the United States became involved in Viet Nam?
74.	We are against that Agreement because it is against the will of our people. The agreement is an attempt to undermine the solidarity of our people, impair its unity and isolate it as a preliminary to doing away with all the gains achieved by the October war of liberation. We are against that agreement because it permits the aggressor to persist with its expansionist and aggressive policy and gives it security in Sinai, so that it may throw all its weight, and practice its terrorist acts, against the other Arab fronts. We are against that agreement because it ignores the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine to self-determination and the establishment of its national entity in its home-land. We are against that agreement because it was concluded outside the framework of the United Nations. We are against that agreement because it boosts Israel's arrogance and intransigence in not complying with the United Nations resolutions, and above all because it was concluded against the will of our Arab people.
75.	We have recently been hearing talks about possible negotiations concerning the occupied Syrian territories. I declare from this rostrum that any talk on this subject within the framework of the step by- step policy is not founded on a practical and realistic basis. The reason is that the occupied Syrian territories are part of one cause, namely the cause of Palestine and the occupied Arab territories. We refuse to be dragged into the policy of dividing the cause. We want a just and durable peace. However, such a peace can be realized only within the framework of the following two principles: first, Israel's unconditional withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied during the June 1967 aggression; and secondly, Israel's undertaking to carry out the United Nations resolutions relevant to the Palestinian cause, notably General Assembly resolutions 3236 (XXIX) and 3237 (XXIX).
76.	Any talk of peace in any other sense is nothing but an attempt to delude world public opinion and deceive the international community. While on the subject of the Sinai agreement, I wish to recall the fate of the agreements on Indo-China, particularly the Paris agreements on Viet Nam. The peoples of the world cannot allow the aggressor
 regardless of the material force he owns to persist in imposing his will.
77.	Peace depends on the ardent desire of Member States to see that the resolutions they have adopted are fully implemented. It is their duty to lend us their support and backing, and thus enhance the prestige of the United Nations in the interest of such peace.