Our session opened a few days ago under the provisional presidency of Mr, Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, whose qualities of heart and mind we have long appreciated. Once again he placed his talents and dynamism at the service of the world community, presiding with authority over the work of our thirtieth session. It is a pleasant duty for us again to tell him of the high esteem he enjoys in our delegation and in the Government of Cameroon.
199.	On behalf of the people of Cameroon, the President of the Republic of Cameroon, His Excellency El Hadj Ahmadou Ahidjo, our Government and our delegation, we rejoice at seeing Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe presiding over our thirty-first session. There is no doubt that his presidency is a tribute to Sri Lanka which, despite centuries of foreign domination, has been able to conserve the best treasures of its culture and history. It is a tribute to one of the founders of our movement of non-aligned countries, the latest meeting of which was held in Colombo. Mr. President, in your opening statement [ 1st meeting] you rightly recalled that that movement is, beyond doubt, the hope of tomorrow because it is in constant emergence, it carries a new vigor in international morality which fights selfishness and it rejects violence in international relations at a time when more than ever force tends to prevail over the rule of law.
200.	We are convinced that your well-known qualities as a mature statesman will enable our deliberations to proceed in a positive manner and that you will bring to them the humanism so necessary for dialog, concerted agreement and mutual understanding.

201.	And let us not forget the outstanding role played here by Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim. The Government of Cameroon follows with sympathy the ceaseless efforts he makes to gather together the elements for a solution to the numerous and serious problems which the world community faces. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to pay him a well-deserved tribute for his devotion and integrity.
202.	We warmly welcome the delegation of Seychelles, which is with us for the first time.1 We had hoped to be able to do the same for-the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose long struggle finally set the seal on the spiritual unity of the people and nation of Viet Nam.
203.	Our delegation also profoundly regrets not being able today to extend its warm, brotherly congratulations to the delegation of the People's Republic of Angola. A peaceful State recognized by more than a hundred States, Angola completely fulfills all the conditions laid down in the Charter for admission to the United Nations. We sincerely believe that the People's Republic of Angola has its legitimate place within the United Nations family, where, we are firmly convinced, it will make its contribution to the effort we are all making to build a better world. Its admission will constitute an additional illustration of the trends towards the universality of our Organization.
204.	Since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, the world situation has been characterized both by the crystallization of certain existing situations and by dangerous and explosive developments in certain hotbeds of tension.
205.	The state of generalized confusion in international monetary policy, aggravated by inflation, has brought the world economy to a deadlock. The imbalances in international trade, the gaps between developed and developing countries, the somewhat disappointed hopes of the fourth session of UNCTAD, the procrastinations at the Paris Conference, do not particularly arouse optimism for the attainment of our common objectives, in particular the advent of a new international economic order.
206.	The political panorama facing the international community is very worrying. Despite the hopes born with the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the effects of detente felt in Europe have not been felt elsewhere in the world. In the absence of a genuine will for peace and co-operation, weapons have continued to proliferate, creating and thereby sustaining new centres of
- tension.
207.	The most sought-after trade has become that of conventional or sophisticated weapons, as well as nuclear reactors, supposedly for peaceful uses.
208.	In this cloudy sky of international relations, there have nevertheless appeared some rays of light.
209.	The super-Powers have not broken off their discus-sions on the prohibition of nuclear weapons.
210.	The presence in the United Nations of the People's Republic of China has powerfully contributed to remodel-ling the geopolitical physiognomy of the world, and the heartfelt tribute paid by our Organization to the memory of the illustrious Chairman Mao Tsetung, the great leader of the Chinese people, bears witness to this.
211.	In South-East Asia, the long VietNamese war is now history, while the weapons have been silenced in Cambodia as well.
212.	Let us look for a moment at Africa, a hospitable continent where some people still suffer the cruel fate inflicted on them by greedy and unscrupulous invaders.
213.	The disappearance of the Portuguese colonial empire has accelerated the movement for the decolonization of our continent. This is a result which is to the credit of African peoples, their Governments and the friends who support them; it is the culmination of long liberation struggles during which African nationalists have given proof of unparalleled courage and determination, bearing in mind the hostile environment and the conditions in which they were fighting an enemy supported by the imperialist Powers. Many courageous Africans died during those liberation wars, but the cause they were defending-the cause which every African worthy of that name defends- will inevitably triumph, and their memory will live forever in the minds of all. For us, the independence of those countries is a victory cry, the echo of which now resounds in the very heart of the kingdom of apartheid, sowing panic among the oppressors and rallying the oppressed for decisive combat in the name of democracy, liberty, justice and equality.
214.	That is why the People's Republic of Angola has become a target and a nightmare for the South African racists, who have not accepted the stunning defeat suffered by their troops to the great surprise of those who still believed in the bluff about an invincible South Africa. But it is not only Angola which is at stake.
215.	Mozambique, because it decided to apply the sanc¬tions decreed by the United Nations against the white minority regime of Zimbabwe, is the victim of incessant threats and armed incursions by the white racist rebels. The same is true for other independent African countries bordering on South Africa and Rhodesia.
216.	As in the past, we are in firm solidarity with them-not only because they are our brothers and because their fight is curs, but also, and above all, because the cause they defend is that of every man who loves justice and peace.
217.	Indeed, there is enormous indignation over the scandalous situation that has existed in Zimbabwe for 11 years. Despite the sanctions imposed by the United Nations, despite the goodwill of African States exemplified by the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa  for a
* peaceful approach to the problems of southern Africa, the intransigence and arrogance of the arch-rebel, Ian Smith, have become more and more blatant, because he relies on the same Powers which provide him with all sorts of arms. Nevertheless, from the point of view of African nationalists, the will to settle problems peacefully has not been lacking: even defying the suspicions and warnings of their friends, some of them agreed to sit around a table and start negotiations with the rebels who were then at bay. But that was simply to hear conditions for submission imposed on them in arrogant and overbearing language.
218.	In Namibia too, the South African white minority racists remain deaf to the appeals for reason, and continue
to ignore the decisions of our Organization. The white racist regime of Pretoria has simply intensified its repressive measures against the Namibian people and sown hatred, bereavement and misery, which are the corollary of its odious apartheid policy.
219.	In order to perpetuate its presence in that inter-national Territory, despite the injunctions of the Security Council, the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice  and innumerable resolutions of our Assembly calling for its immediate withdrawal, the racist regime has for several months been engaged in maneuvers which are only too crudely obvious, since their only purpose is to divide the Namibian leaders by means of so-called constitutional conferences which exclude the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPOJ, the only movement recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the United Nations as being the genuine representative of the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people.
220.	In Azania itself, the policy of apartheid, which arouses the reprobation of the entire world because it is recognized as constituting a crime against mankind, has finally proved the extent of its absurdity. The patience of a people is not infinite, even if its martyrdom has lasted for centuries. This is why for months the repressive South African hordes have been on a war footing. The barbarity with which they exterminate hundreds of women and children who peacefully call for a minimum of justice is proof that the white racists are fighting with their backs to the wall. These racists, frightened and condemned to the most painful revisions, imagine that by their diabolical will they can delay the irreversible evolution of Azanian history. The people of Azania, aware of its strength and its rightness, is courageously resisting, and its revolt is becoming a genuine revolution.
221.	We know, and our Secretary-General recalled it some weeks ago, that the situation prevailing in Azania and throughout southern Africa constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security.
222.	The South African army and police will still kill many children, old people and peaceful and unarmed laborers, but from the blood of these martyrs to liberty, justice and human dignity will be born other children, other laborers and other fighters determined to take over so long as the struggle for liberation lasts. There was Sharpeville, there was Soweto and other names which have been immortalized and which cannot but cause the wheel of history, which is one of anguish, to turn more rapidly for the adherents of the inhuman Pretoria regime.
223.	The responsibility for the failure at attempts at dialog, the complete responsibility, we would say, for the present situation rests on the advocates of apartheid as well as on those who have abused the racists by causing them to believe they are fighting on behalf of an ideology against the establishment of another one in that part of the African continent. It would be an insult to consider the South
African regime as the symbol of a society of liberal democracy and a defender of its most sacred values. On the contrary, it personifies obscurantism. Responsibility rests finally with those who, by increasing its military potential and consolidating its economy, gave that racist regime the illusion of invincibility.
224.	Speaking of the events at Soweto last June, the Cameroonian Head of State declared:
"By this revolt the people of Azania, in the struggle against racial discrimination, has wished once more and in an indisputable way to show its determination to put an end to the invidiously inhuman regime of apartheid to which it is subjected, to conquer by any means liberty, equality, dignity and to establish in Azania a majority Government... The Government of the United Republic of Cameroon hopes that these tragic events will be proof to all of the impossibility of a constructive dialog with the advocates of racial domination and firmly condemns all those who continue to strengthen that regime by maintaining relations with it of which the United Nations and OAU disapprove".
225.	It is our firm conviction that tomorrow will be too late if today the international community does not decide to act decisively against South Africa.
226.	Cameroon is attentively following the efforts which have been made for some weeks by the United States Secretary of State. But it is not useless to recall that any solution in southern Africa must be based on the principles which have been clearly defined by the United Nations and tend to assure the immediate transfer of power to the authentic representatives of the people, in accordance with majority rule which is that of any genuine democracy.
227.	Since nothing in the past has given us the slightest assurance of good faith on the part of those governing at Salisbury and at Pretoria, we could not approve of any procrastinations which they are now manifesting when the sword is plunged within them and which for us are simply subterfuges whereby they hope to win time, intensify their policy of the worst which has been theirs so far and ultimately reaffirm their wavering power.
228.	The Government of the Cameroon, which has always given multiform aid to the valiant fighters for freedom, will continue to encourage them to be vigilant. They are duty-bound to pursue and intensify the armed struggle which has proved to be the only language that these racist minorities, avid for domination, understand.
229.	As for Nambia, the Security Council will have to draw the consequences of the persistent refusal of South Africa to withdraw from that Territory and to bow to the injunctions contained, in particular, in resolution 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976. It is time for the Council to decide finally to take the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter in order to enable the Organization to assume its responsibility in regard to that international Territory.
230.	This last quarter of a century is that of the final liquidation of all colonial domination. So we rejoice at the wisdom of the Government of France in its decision to ensure the accession to independence of the Territory of the Afars and the Issas in the near future.
231.	We sincerely hope that the same wisdom will prevail with regard to the Republic of the Comoros in its legitimate claims for the unity of the country and preservation of the territorial integrity under which it was administered in the past.
232.	If we have dwelt at some length on the situation in southern Africa because of the extremely alarming nature of the tragic events which are taking place in that part of the world, we are no less concerned with regard to other hotbeds of tension.
233.	In the Middle East, since the last session there has been no positive evolution. The situation remains precarious. The Arab territories continue to be occupied in defiance of all the relevant resolutions of our Organization. The Palestinians, driven out everywhere, continue to be Ignored or treated as common refugees or simply as terrorists. And yet, they are without doubt one of the major components of an over-all solution of the Middle East problem.
234.	The Government of the United Republic of Cameroon wishes to reaffirm here that the Israeli-Arab problem must be dealt with, bearing in mind the positive elements contained in resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council. It is clear and incontestable that Israel must withdraw from the territories which it occupied by an act of war. Israel, whose right to live within secure and recognized boundaries we do not deny, must likewise recognize the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people, and in particular their right to a country, which is the corner-stone for the restoration of a just and lasting peace in that region.
235.	The great Powers, and particularly those which have a determining influence on Israel, have a duty to use this influence so that at the peace negotiations at Geneva, which should be resumed quickly, that State will adopt a realistic attitude by entering into a constructive dialog with all the parties concerned, particularly with the Palestine liberation Organization, which is the authentic representative of the Palestinian people.
236.	The situation in Lebanon is one of extreme anguish. • Cameroon feels painfully the events in that country, the land of meetings and of tolerance, the cross-roads of civilization, whose people have for the people of Cameroon feelings of profound friendship based on a long history. We urgently appeal to the international community to assist that country to recover peace and safeguard its unity and integrity. We urge the conflicting parties to find again that spirit of tolerance which has always been characteristic of them and to embark on the negotiating process which is the only means of safeguarding the existence of Lebanon.
237.	Foreign interference has done grave damage in Cyprus and introduced in that part of the Mediterranean an element of instability which is likely to lead to a major confrontation among the States concerned. The first steps towards a calming of minds should be the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the island and the return of the refugees to their homes. In this respect we appreciate the efforts made by our Secretary-General and we warmly encourage him to pursue his actions so as to find a basis for a definite and final agreement within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council so as to preserve the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus.
238.	The division of Korea is for us a subject of constant concern. In fact Cameroon maintains friendly relations with the two Korean States, that is to say, actually with the entire Korean people. Therefore our most ardent wish is that, within the framework of brotherly dialog, incessant efforts will be pursued towards the peaceful reunification of Korea, without any foreign interference. The status quo is far from being a guarantee of peace in that region. Recent incidents have once again reminded us how fragile the present situation is.
239.	The Cameroonian Government believes that the senseless proliferation of weapons in the world so as to conquer and enlarge spheres of influence generates hotbeds of tension, of which we have just given a summary indication. It seems laughable to us to speak of detente in a world dominated by the war psychosis which is reflected in stockpiling, which is difficult to control, of weapons of mass destruction. We will not go console ourselves by saying that in the event of a nuclear conflict nobody-not even the happy sellers of today-will find shelter from the holocaust.
240.	The question of general disarmament under effective control should not become a series of miscellaneous events in world politics. We are very pleased with the agreements, although very limited, which irregularly occur between the United States and the Soviet Union, but at the same time we wish to state here today before this Assembly that the problem of disarmament is a problem for all mankind. Because the last two world wars spared no continent, all the peoples of the world must have the opportunity, indeed the duty, to shoulder their responsibilities in this matter. We are profoundly convinced that world peace no longer depends today on the will of some Powers alone.
241.	That is why the Government of the United Republic of Cameroon ardently supports, with the other non-aligned countries, the principle of convening a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. Such a conference should advocate measures that will ensure the destruction of war devices, prohibit all nuclear tests and establish strict control by appropriate international bodies of the sale of nuclear devices and reactors.
242.	We are aware that this session would have to be preceded by careful preparation, without thereby delaying it unduly. However, it would be desirable at present to multiply the denuclearized zones. Within this perspective, the Cameroonian Government firmly supports any proposal to make the African continent a denuclearized zone.
243.	We believe in the idea of general disarmament for several reasons, one of which is that the sums of money devoured in designing and manufacturing weapons of mass destruction could serve to lessen the suffering of mankind in the fields of health, education, food and lodging, to mention only those. In brief, the financial resources thus released could serve the well-being of peoples, as our Organization has affirmed in resolutions 2602 E (XXIV) and 3470 (XXX).
244.	The Disarmament Decade and the Second United Nations Development Decade called for a transfer of a considerable amount of resources from the developed countries to the developing countries; but we see with alarm that enormous human and material resources are diverted from economic and social activities to a senseless arms race. The flow of financial resources to the developing countries was $20 billion in 1975. During that same year armament expenditures amounted to $300 billion. Such a situation gravely jeopardizes the attainment of the objectives which the international community has set for itself for development and in particular in the foreseeable future in order to lessen the gap separating the developing countries from the developed countries.
245.	With a few rare exceptions, the developed countries, despite many declarations of good intentions, are doing every thing to maintain the enormous advantages they have conferred on themselves. We shall never sufficiently denounce such selfish behavior, because the gap that separates the rich from the poor is a threat to human dignity and to international peace and security, since it can lead three quarters of mankind to desperate actions in order to survive.
246.	In fact we note with bitterness that the very principles of the new international economic orders although generally accepted, come up against strong resistance when it comes to reflecting them in deeds. This resistance cannot but dangerously affect the manifestation of the essential component in restructuring international economic relations, namely, the manifestation of a sincere political will on the part of the members of the international community.
247.	It is because of the fervor with which the "have" countries cling to their privileges and because of their lack of political will that so many international gatherings have been unable to fulfill the expectations placed in them, whether it be the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation or the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
248.	UNCTAD at its fourth session was to take up the basic problems of long-term development. It was then to take certain immediate and concrete decisions and adopt specific programs of action for problems which were ready for operational action. We are thinking in particular of the case of commodities and external debt of the developing countries. Some of the results obtained were satisfactory; others were disappointing.
249.	The United Republic of Cameroon is pleased with the consensus regarding the integrated program for commodities and the objectives and mechanisms which are its essential elements, the provisions of the resolution relating to that program contain some innovations and improvements regarding commodities. We are convinced that that resolution represents an acceptable framework in which the problem of commodities must be discussed in the future.
250.	We also consider as a promising indication the decision taken at Nairobi to start negotiations on a number of products which are of particular interest to die developing countries.
251.	On the other hand, we were disappointed with die results embodied in the resolution concerning the common fund for financing international buffer stocks, Cameroon, like the other countries of the Group of 77, had requested that the establishment of that fund be decided on at the fourth session of UNCTAD. The negotiations to be started were to be only on the modalities and detaiJs, became the in-depth studies prepared by the Committee on Commodities had demonstrated the feasibility of the project. The resolution adopted on the subject contains no declaration reflecting acceptance by aH countries of the principle of a common fund. For Cameroon, the decision taken at Nairobi to convene at the latest in March 1977 a conference to negotiate on the common fund for financing is an invitation for negotiation as to substance. It is for that reason that we insist that all other Governments participate in good faith so as to arrive at a generally satisfactory agreement.
252.	It is a conference which seems to us to be of major importance for the process of working towards a new international economic order. It would be an opportunity to prove, as President Ahidjo declared, that mankind can, in a deliberate concern for justice and co-operation, organize on a basis of consensus and stability the objective interdependence of peoples so as to ensure their economic development.
253.	It is regrettable that at Nairobi there was no constructive reaction to the problem of the external debt of the developing countries. The developing countries have, throughout the years, exhausted their reserves and accumulated large external debts which impose heavy burdens an them of interest payments and amortization. The indebtedness of those countries, which was more than $100 billion in 1973 will at the end of this year amount to $200 billion.
254.	Nor has any positive solution been found to the problem raised by the payment difficulties of the developing countries in the present inflationary spiral, nor to the problem of the long-term transfer of resources, nor, finally, to the disturbing problem of international monetary reform.
255.	The convening of the Paris Conference on Inter-national Economic Co-operation had roused hopes in the developing countries. We had expected indeed that, benefiting from oil the meetings that have been held since the sixth special session of the General Assembly and from die bread consensus and the new awareness in the international community, that conference would start decisive action for development. Unfortunately, it has not been able to fulfill those hopes because of the refusal of certain developed countries resolutely to embark upon really significant changes as required for the establishment of a new international economic order.
256.	Mr. President, you have already had occasion to deplore the scant progress of the Conference on the Law of the Sea. We know what an eminent role you play as President of the important international negotiations which are to establish the new legal regime for the use of the oceans. We also know that, if for the time being your efforts are ineffectual, it is again because of the selfishness of certain States or groups of States which have been particularly favored by history and which are striving to accumulate the majority of the resources of the oceans, while ignoring the fate of the small countries and the developing land-locked or geographically disadvantaged countries.
257.	We wish to reaffirm here that Cameroon, in keeping with the options defined by OAU and by the Group of 77, does not intend to approve a convention which would create privileges for some in sharing what should remain the common heritage of mankind.
258.	We have always declared that there can be no real peace in the world so long as three fourths of mankind live in poverty, hunger, illiteracy, destitution and disease.
259.	There will be no real peace in the world so long as the minority continues to exploit for its own benefit exclusively the resources of the majority of the countries of the planet.
260.	There will be no real peace, we maintain, so long as the members of the international community do not perceive, without ulterior motives, that it is necessary to have a just and equitable distribution of the resources of our globe for the good of all.
261.	We reaffirm that only a total recasting of inter-national economic relations can bring a positive and lasting response to the crisis of civilization which the world is now going through.
262.	That recasting of international economic relations, we believe, must of necessity lead to a new international economic order and include the following elements: a fundamental revision of the systems of world trade so as to improve the terms of trade of the developing countries, with the aim of ensuring for them, on the one hand, equitable and remunerative prices for their raw materials and, on the other, protection of the purchasing power of their peoples; a reform of the international monetary system in the direction of greater democratization, so as to. establish a link between creating liquidity and financing development; the guarantee of the transfer of resources and technology in a sure, constant and predictable fashion; lastly, as regards debt, the preparation of solutions which will take particularly into account the concerns and proposals of the developing countries.
263.	This is the place to recall-and we can never do so often enough-that the world is one. It follows that the prosperity and security of the wealthy countries will not be guaranteed unless the present imbalances between developed and developing countries are progressively reduced by concerted action and consequently by free consent.
264.	The United Republic of Cameroon is a non-aligned country; it has always been and will continue to remain faithful to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. As in the past, our country will continue to support this Organization because it represents the hope of the world. We shall continue to support it because it undertakes actions which seek to maintain international peace and security and to the liberation and development of peoples.
265.	That is why we attach the utmost importance to the functioning of the United Nations, which will enable it to carry out really effective action and which would thereby most likely ensure for it the support and respect of all. To attain that objective we believe that the time has come to make its working methods more rational and to make some of its organs more democratic.
266.	For years now we have been trying to improve the procedures and the organization of the General Assembly. We are very pleased with the recommendations of the Special Committee on the Rationalization of the Procedures and Organization of the General Assembly, which are now being implemented. In fact the agenda of our sessions would stand to gain if it were made lighter. We should avoid including certain questions which could be considered in other forums. Thus, we could concentrate all our attention and all our thinking on questions which are urgent in character or are current. It is only in this way that the United Nations will best be able to fulfill its functions as a center for negotiating.
267.	We also believe that the decision-making bodies of the United Nations, especially the Security Council, should be restructured, taking into account the new world geopolitics.
268.	Finally, we persist in believing that a revitalization of the United Nation is required if we wish it fully to play the role incumbent upon it in promoting development and international economic co-operation.
269.	The Economic and Social Council should, in this respect, take over the main tasks conferred on it under the Charter and play a decisive role in reconciling positions and in concentrating all efforts towards the establishment among nations of new economic relations which are more orderly and more just.
270.	Even though our means of action are so limited, we now have our eyes open, and wide open, on a world in crisis in which we certainly do not intend to assume the role of a martyr. And since in that world we, the poor, are now a conscious majority, nothing can be the way it was, nothing can now easily be done without us, and far less, against us.
271.	The order of values must be reconsidered so as to build that universal civilization to which we all aspire and which will make room for the values of a third world whose interests, aspirations and even dignity have been ignored for far too long.


The changes in the international situation, which have occurred in the first half of the 1970s, can, without exaggeration, be described as the start of a new phase in international development. We have witnessed the surmounting of numerous seemingly eternal road-blocks on the way to peace and good-neighborly relations between countries and peoples. Detente resulted in creating the objective prerequisites for eliminating the threat of a nuclear war. Such evolution in international relations has been largely brought about by the active and constructive policy pursued by the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community, which act in the international arena in close alliance and invincible unity.
2.	We should first of all note the radical improvement of the political climate in Europe. The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was signed just over a year ago, but its influence on all aspects of relations among European countries is evident even now.
3.	Understanding of the fact that relations of friendly co-operation, based on equality and non-interference in internal affairs, are more desirable and fruitful than confrontation in an atmosphere of hostility, which recently reigned in Europe and all over the world, is something which is gaining more and more ground among States which take a serious approach to the implementation of the Helsinki agreements.
4.	Processes of detente prevailing in the political climate have accelerated positive changes in various parts of the world. Noteworthy among them are the victory of the just cause of the peoples in IndoChina, the defeat of colonial-ism and racism in several African countries such as Angola and Mozambique and others. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate, on behalf of our delegation, the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to the United Nations. At the same time, together with other countries, we strongly demand the immediate admission to the United Nations of a big new peace-loving State, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, and of a young independent African State, the People's Republic of Angola.
5.	We sincerely acclaim the positive changes in the international arena, but, at the same time, we realize the complexities and discrepancies in present world evolution. It would be wrong to ignore the fact that the arms race and the improvement of weapons of mass destruction continue at the same destructive rate as before. It would be unpardonable complacency to disregard the fact that the military-industrial complex, neo-Fascist and other reactionary forces are systematically attacking detente, which renders their existence senseless. V. V. Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, said the following on this score at the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Ukraine: "Those who are against the Soviets evidently mourn the past days of the 'cold war' and try to revive its sinister ghost at any cost."
6.	Numerous mass media organs in the West and often some prominent figures toe the line of those forces. Such politicians make attempts at interfering in internal affairs of other countries, sometimes even in the affairs of their partners in military and political blocs.
7.	Such actions, naturally, do not contribute to detente. Though the shoots of detente are taking root in the political fields, they are still young and vulnerable, and they should be ardently guarded against various weeds of the "cold war". Therefore, concrete steps of States aimed at the further relaxation of tensions, including steps which relate to the creation of an atmosphere of mutual trust among States, are of primary importance in this matter.
8.	To protect such an atmosphere from pollution, it is necessary for peoples to have a better knowledge of one another, to respect one another's culture, historical traditions and the achievements of nations and, of course, to refrain from interfering in the affairs of other countries. This goal requires a resolute struggle against misinformation and elimination of vestiges of the "cold war", violence, racism and inhumanity. We believe that we must find common ground in the solution of sometimes very complicated international problems on the basis of political realism and that we must settle jointly complicated problems at the negotiating table.
9.	Broad international co-operation is necessary, not only for strengthening peace, but also for an early solution of such problems as the elimination of illiteracy, as environmental protection, control of pollution of the atmosphere and the high seas, development and exploitation of new energy sources, prevention of natural calamities, prevention and treatment of the most dangerous diseases.
10.	Every thread of mutually advantageous co-operation among States, woven into the texture of peaceful relations, strengthens the fabric of international peace and security and facilitates the achievement of agreements on problems of military detente. The majority of countries favor the policy of ensuring international peace and security, which was convincingly evident in the decisions adopted by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo in August [see A/31/1971].
11.	Reflecting the unquenchable aspirations of the peoples for lasting peace and security, for a cessation of the arms race and for disarmament and detente, the World Congress of Peace Forces, held at Helsinki from 23 to 26 September 1976, strongly advocated these goals. This Congress, attended by more than 90 countries and 50 international organizations representing various political parties, governmental and non-governmental organizations, called upon the peoples of all countries not only to put an end to the arms race, but also to accelerate the attainment of general and complete disarmament, and also to support the idea of the conclusion of a world treaty of the non-use of force in international relations.
12.	The memorandum of the Soviet Union on questions of ending the arms race and disarmament submitted by Mr., A. A. Gromyko, USSR Foreign Minister, for the consideration of the current session of the General Assembly [A/31/232], quite rightly draws the attention of all States and peoples to the central and urgent task facing humanity at present-to stop the material preparation for war. The memorandum convincingly showed that, during the nuclear missile era, the arms race is a formidable danger for the future of peoples of our planet. Despite its utter absurdity, the search for ways and means of gaining military superiority, which is the main preoccupation of aggressive military- political blocs, entails staggering expenditures of material resources. The following figures graphically demonstrate the rate of growth in military expenditures: whereas in 1949 the military appropriations of the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] totaled $18 billion, in 1976 this sum reached $170 billion. Conscious of obstacles in the road to the cessation of the arms race, we believe at the same time in the possibility and feasibility of overcoming the resistance of disarmament opponents, as is shown by steps taken in the field of the curtailment of the arms race in recent times, especially in the period when the present process of improving the political climate has set in.
13.	It was precisely in the period that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] came into force, that the emplacement of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction was prohibited in outer space as well as oil the sea-bed and ocean floor and in the subsoil thereof, and that the Convention on the prohibition of bacteriological weapons  was added to the operative international instruments.
14.	It is worth emphasizing the importance for the consolidation of peace of the well-known agreements between the USSR and the United States of America on the prevention of nuclear war, on the limitation of strategic arms, as well as treaties on the limitation of underground nuclear tests and on underground nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes.
15.	It is quite obvious that, because of the@ extremely dangerous nature of nuclear weapons, the cessation of the nuclear arms race, the reduction of nuclear weapons and their subsequent elimination are top priorities among disarmament measures, and the sine qua non for these measures is the participation of all nuclear Powers in their implementation.
16.	A comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty has been an urgent necessity for a long time. The General Assembly of the United Nations has repeatedly spoken out in favor of the early and urgent solution of this problem. The treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests, the draft of which was submitted by the Soviet Union at the last session of the General Assembly,  could become a concrete solution of this important problem. The unwillingness of certain nuclear States to participate in negotiations on the conclusion of such a treaty cannot be regarded otherwise than a refusal to contribute to the cessation of the nuclear arms race*
17.	Of special significance among questions concerning the limitation of the arms race and disarmament is the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new weapons systems. We hope that the negotiations on this question within the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva with the participation of experts will, we hope, yield positive results in the near future and will lead to drafting an international document banning the development and manufacture of the most dangerous means of warfare.
18.	We are happy to note the progress made in the drafting of the text of an international convention on the prohibition of action to influence the environment for military purposes. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has succeeded in overcoming difficulties it had and in coming to agreement on the draft of this important document [see A/31/27, annex I]. The General Assembly has good grounds for approving the convention at this session and for appealing to all States to become parties to it.
19.	The problem of the prohibition of chemical weapons has long been awaiting a solution, although there are favorable conditions for its settlement. Since 1972, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament had before it the draft of a corresponding convention submitted by the socialist countries. The understanding of 3 July 1974, between the USSR and the United States of America on a joint initiative concerning the prohibition, as a first step, of the most dangerous and lethal chemical means of warfare has not so far been implemented. We believe that the priority task of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament lies in stepping up its work in every way so as to achieve substantial progress in working out an agreement on the complete prohibition of chemical weapons.
20.	The World Disarmament Conference has not yet been convened because of the opposition of a number of States, though it is quite evident that the problem of stopping the arms race and implementing substantial disarmament measures affects the interests of all countries and should therefore be considered and settled at the widest and most authoritative forum entrusted with corresponding powers.
21.	A new Soviet proposal for the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations has been submitted for consideration at the current thirty-first session of the General Assembly [A/31/243]. This proposal is an integral part of the implementation of the program of further struggle for peace and international co-operation and for the freedom and independence of the peoples, proclaimed by the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Its objective, as L. I. Brezhnev pointed out, is "to make the danger of war recede still further and to create favorable conditions for progress towards disarmament". Apart from stressing the importance of the principle of the non-use of force embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and numerous bilateral and multilateral treaties, the Soviet Union proposes that it should be made an effective law of present-day international life. The importance of such a treaty is enhanced by the fact that its participants must undertake to refrain from using all types of weapons, including nuclear weapons, for settling disputes among them, thus effectively preventing a thermonuclear war.
22.	The conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations would make a constructive and effective contribution to the struggle of peoples aimed at saving mankind from the scourge of war. The matter in question is not of limited regional nature but is a global action of worldwide significance.
23.	Of course, the renunciation of the use of force in international relations in no way restricts the right of States to individual or collective self-defense against aggression and the elimination of its consequences, as provided for in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Similarly, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], their right to fight for national freedom and independence with all available means remains in-violable. Therefore, all who reject the policy of aggression, who oppose the suppression of peoples' struggle for freedom and independence by force, cannot but support this proposal which is so important for the strengthening of international peace. The continuing arms race hinders the strengthening of international security, contributes to the creation of new military hotbeds, and delays the elimination of armed conflicts.
24.	The explosive situation still exists in the Middle East, where the solution of the problem based on the well-known resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly have long been undermined by Israel's persistence in her expansionist policy. Israel and the forces backing her are trying to sow discord among Arab States and to weaken the anti-imperialist front. There can be no real peace in this region while Israel continues the aggression, and while Palestinians are deprived of their homeland. The pernicious consequences of this situation are diverse, something which is demonstrated by the tragic developments in Lebanon. The situation in this region once again confirms the impossibility of any partial settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. The solution has to be provided for within a whole complex, and within the mechanism established especially for that purpose, namely, the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
25.	The interests of peace in the Mediterranean requires preserving the status of Cyprus as a unified, independent and sovereign non-aligned State, as well as an immediate and complete implementation of the decisions of the United Nations on Cyprus. A representative international conference on Cyprus within the framework of the United Nations would be the best forum for settling the Cyprus problem.
26.	We demand the implementation of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its thirtieth session on the creation of favorable conditions for converting the armistice in Korea into a durable peace and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea [resolution 3390 (XXX)].
27.	To this end it is necessary to withdraw all foreign troops from the territory of South Korea, thus creating conditions for a peaceful and democratic reunification of the country, without any foreign interference.
28.	The cause of freedom and independence in Africa consistently encounters the opposition of the racist regimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. The United Nations has repeatedly and decisively denounced the regimes of racial discrimination and apartheid, and it is only the political, economic and military support of these regimes by major Western Powers that for a certain time can help them escape complete collapse. One cannot but become apprehensive at the efforts, which have recently become so frequent, on the part of some protectors of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, to save the racist regimes from an inevitable defeat and to undermine the legitimate national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the indigenous population of South Africa for freedom and independence by means of diversionary maneuvers. One may rest assured that the Governments and peoples of Africa will appraise "the efforts" of this kind at their true worth.
29.	The oppressed peoples in southern Africa are demanding that independence be granted to them immediately. Any delay is an attempt on the part of the colonialists to retain their positions, and to find new forms of colonial oppression.
30.	We are sure that the day is at hand when the genuine representatives of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa will join us in this hall.
31.	The racism of Salisbury and the apartheid of South Africa are but a few examples of the fact that in those countries where exploitation and oppression exist, the violation of human rights is institutionalized into a State policy.
32.	The Ukrainian SSR, guided by the immortal ideas of V. I. Lenin concerning the liberation of peoples from social and colonial oppression, proceeds from the fact that international co-operation in the field of human rights should be aimed primarily at the struggle against massive and brutal violations of human rights and freedoms, which are the results of the policy of colonialism, racism, apartheid and fascism.
33.	All honorable people on earth must indignantly and decisively condemn the crimes against humanity committed by the bloody Fascist junta in Chile. The United Nations must forcefully demand the cessation of the flagrant violations of human rights and freedom in Chile, ensure the cessation of the cruel mistreatment of Chilean patriots and the immediate freeing of Luis Corvalan and of other democrats languishing in the junta's goals.
34.	The struggle for peace, the elimination of hotbeds of international tension and the development of normal relations among States, as well as the liquidation of colonialism and of all manifestations of racial discrimination, are therefore the most important prerequisites for the observance of human rights and freedoms.
35.	It is the straggle against the most gross violations of human rights in Chile, in South Africa and in the Arab lands occupied by Israel that constitutes a fundamental means of deepening the co-operation among States in the promotion of respect for, and observance of, human rights. The peoples of the world should do their utmost to provide for everyone, everywhere, an opportunity to live without poverty and unemployment, so that everyone can enjoy the right to work, education, freedom from exploitation, racial discrimination and oppression, as well as an opportunity to benefit from the scientific and technical revolution and progress.
36.	We, in the Ukrainian SSR, where all the activities of the Communist Party and the State show concern for promoting well-being and the free comprehensive development of all the members of our society, fully appreciate and understand the efforts of those States which are always striving genuinely and consistently to ensure human rights and to participate in international cooperation in this field.
37.	However, we cannot but denounce the attempts of certain circles in Western countries to use the noble slogans about the protection of human rights to camouflage flagrant and continuous violations of these rights in their own countries and to slander socialism, to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, to undermine the national liberation movement of peoples and to discredit the policy of peaceful coexistence and detente.
38.	Such a speculation on the problem of safeguarding human rights is utterly unacceptable and should be completely ruled cut in the United Nations.
39.	The ongoing changes in political relations, which have been made possible because of the relaxation of international tensions, have also had a favorable impact on the whole complex of economic links, thus facilitating the search for more effective ways of tackling the most urgent problems of our time, that is the unconditional and final rejection of the methods of imperialist policy in inter-national economic relations.
40.	A direct consequence of these political changes is the growing concern of the United Nations for social and economic problems of the developing countries, which are experiencing serious hardships because of the continuation of the policy of neo-colonialism and because of the lingering crises of capitalist economies.
41.	The progressive decisions taken at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] marked the beginning of the fundamental revision of the whole system, inherited from the past, of inequitable international economic relations, which perpetuate inequality and exploitation of the developing countries. It is interesting to note that these documents are in effect a kind of a vote of "no confidence" in the ability of capitalism to ensure the development of new States. The documents have reflected the growing disillusionment of the developing countries in capitalism as a system which thwarts their efforts to put an end to their dependent position and economic backwardness.
42.	Today in these countries, more than ever before, the problem of accelerated socio-economic progress is closely linked with the problem of choosing a course of development.
43.	In this connection we cannot help noticing the attempts which have been multiplying more recently on the part of representatives of certain countries at international forums to publicize in every way the capitalist pattern of development and to prove that the difficulties of the "third world" can be overcome only through a "market economy". They talk about "interdependence" among the advanced capitalist States and developing countries, which is being peddled as "a partnership" and "a meaningful dialog" between them. We have recently heard similar talk in this conference hall, and, characteristically enough, in the speeches of those representatives whose countries are most sharply criticized for the existing neo-colonialist exploitation of the developing countries. The idea in those speeches is that the developing countries should seek to solve their problems by joining their efforts with those of private enterprises and international monopolies. The final goal of this so-called "partnership" is equally clear: to maintain the developing countries within the framework of world capitalist economy as "junior partners", but in fact as an object of exploitation, in order to use their resources to consolidate the world positions of capitalism in its struggle with socialism.
44.	It is quite apparent that the ideological prescriptions of neo-colonialism are incompatible with the striving of the developing countries towards genuine independence, and use of these prescriptions would lead to nowhere but to the revival of colonial relations and thus would become an obstacle to social and economic advancement.
45.	Regarding the restructuring of international economic relations and the struggle for the relaxation of international tensions, disarmament and a lasting peace as an inseparable whole, we stand for the further promotion of the principles of equality, mutual benefit, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and respect for national sovereignty as a condition for the development of world economic ties and inter-State co-operation.
46.	A world built upon 'these principles would be indivisible. The creation of this world is an important prerequisite for the advancement of mankind; it ensures the right of every nation to choose its own destiny freely, sovereignly and without outside interference. The thirty- first session of the General Assembly should devote its efforts to the creation of such a world.


It is a matter of some honor and satisfaction for me to represent for the first time the Government and the people of the Lao People's Democratic Republic at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly, whose mission is to maintain peace, freedom and justice throughout the world. This United Nations General Assembly is the focal point of the eyes and hopes of the peoples of the world.
75.	Above all, on behalf of the Government and people of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, I should like to convey my respectful and sincere greetings to the new President of the General Assembly, Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who has just been unanimously elected-a tribute to his quality as representative of Sri Lanka, which has won world-wide repute by its hosting of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. Our delegation is convinced that, with his skill and intelligence and the co-operation of all Member countries, the thirty-first session of the General Assembly will be crowned with considerable success.
76.	I should like to extend my warm congratulations to Mr. Gaston Thorn, the outgoing President, who fruitfully discharged his functions during the thirtieth session. I should also like to greet and congratulate Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has unflaggingly accomplished his mission and has ceaselessly lavished his efforts so as to find satisfactory solutions to certain world problems during the past year.
77.	I should also like to convey my greetings and to express my affectionate solidarity to all the representatives of all the Member States participating in this Assembly, in particular those of Seychelles, which has just been admitted as a fully fledged Member of the United Nations.
78.	At the same time, I am surprised and extremely disappointed at not seeing seated among us at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly the representative of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. In point of fact, the candidacy of that country meets all the conditions set down for States to become Members of the United Nations, for Viet Nam has struggled not only for its own interests but also for those of mankind as a whole.
79.	But, because of the unreasonable obstruction of the representative of the Government of the United States in the Security Council, the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which is a true and faithful friend of the movement which struggles for peace, independence, freedom and social progress- and it is for this reason that this country was formally accepted at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, where its representatives received a triumphant and solemn welcome-has been prevented from being seated among us here. At all events, I am convinced that, with the joint efforts of us all and with the solidarity of the non-aligned countries and of countries which love justice, peace and progress throughout the world, the right of this country to be represented here will undoubtedly be restored. Any maneuver designed to oppose its admission as a Member of the United Nations is tantamount to a gross flouting of the dignity and the honor of our great international Organization and damages the goodwill of the representatives of the various countries belonging to the great family of the peoples of the world.
80.	On the other hand, certain countries which are waging aggressive war and undermining peace and independence, and which are therefore by no means eligible to participate in this General Assembly of the United Nations, have nevertheless been seated here. Whatever happens, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will withstand the test and gain even more sympathy and support from countries throughout the world.
81.	My delegation would also like to denounce another equally regrettable fact which is due to the United States, namely, that the Security Council did not recommend to the General Assembly the admission to the United Nations of the People's Republic of Angola, which also meets all the conditions laid down.
82.	What I just said leads my delegation to request the General Assembly of the United Nations promptly to re-establish the right of Viet Nam and Angola to be admitted to this world Organization.
83.	This thirty-first session is opening at a time when the situation in the world has undergone an objective transformation extremely favorable to the movements which are struggling for peace, independence, freedom, democracy and social progress.
84.	The world socialist system has more and more become a mainstay for the movements struggling for peace and the revolution of the peoples of the world. That is why the movements of the nations and the countries of the world against imperialism, colonialism —both old and new- exploitation, apartheid and injustice in Asia, Africa and Latin America have been continually growing in scope and scoring ever increasing victories. In particular, the movement of the non-aligned countries has become a new force of solidarity and mutual assistance for the countries which have fallen victims to aggression and exploitation of the colonialists and neo-colonialists and constitutes an important factor determining the direction of new relations in the economic, political and cultural fields in today's world. On the basis of their specific interests and encouraged by the movements to which I have referred, the struggle being waged by the workers and other segments of the population in the capitalist and imperialist countries has also developed and been strengthened. These revolutionary waves have engendered a colossal force which is relentlessly attacking imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism and the forces of reaction throughout the world, thus forcing them gradually to fall back and creating Conditions favorable to the safeguard of peace, independence,, democracy and social progress in the world.
85.	On the other hand, imperialism is day by day sinking into the generalized crisis which is going on from one stage to the next without having time to recover. The conflicting interests among countries are becoming daily more acute. Its global strategy has also undergone irrevocable change. In particular, the impressive victories won almost simultaneously by the people of IndoChina, the Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean peoples have convincingly confirmed the development and the invincibility of these revolutionary trends. They have also demonstrated the swift degeneration of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism and the forces of reaction, the instruments of imperialism. Thus, we can confirm that the present world is one in which imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism will inevitably crumble, in which the national liberation movements and the peoples which are masters of their fate will undoubtedly be victorious. It is also a time when all nations are engaged in re-establishing and consolidating lasting peace, independence and freedom and a time when imperialism, which used to lay down the law, has come to an end and when no force will be able to reverse the course of history.
86.	As everyone knows, Laos for a century was a foreign colony. In particular, in the last 30 years our Lao nation has had to face day by day a fierce and extremely destructive war of aggression on the part of the imperialists and has suffered losses never before known in its history. However, when the war of aggression was imposed upon it, the Lao people, like any other people which loves peace, independence and liberty in the world, was in duty bound to pursue the struggle to preserve its national existence. The 3-million strong Lao population rose as one under the capable leadership of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party and valiantly undertook a just struggle against the war of imperialist aggression. Despite the vicissitudes of this 30-year struggle, which involved tremendous sacrifices, the Lao people finally scored striking victories.
87.	The Vientiane agreement of 21 February 1973  put an end to the destructive war of aggression of the American imperialists and returned peace to our country. The Lao people was at last reunited in a single national community and indescribably happy at seeing its beloved homeland rid itself of war and the colonial yoke and become independent and autonomous. Giving expression to the ardent aspirations of our multinational people, the National Congress of the representatives of the people was unanimous in abolishing once and for all the obsolete monarchic regime and establishing the Lao People's Democratic Republic on 2 December 1975, a date which was henceforth to become the glorious national day of our people and make our
country a truly independent, unified and democratic State and our people the true master of our country.
88.	This immense victory was scored because of the solidarity of the resolute struggle of our people, because of the proper line of the struggle for national well-being carried out by the Lao People's Revolutionary Party, because of the aid and support of the socialist countries, the peace- and justice-loving peoples of the world, with their progressive organizations, and particularly because of the militant and close solidarity between the Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean peoples. In a word, these are the victories of the truth of the times-that is, that, however small and backward a nation may be, if it is able to become united and is determined to struggle under the single and true direction of an authentically revolutionary party and if it receives international assistance and support, it will overcome all enemies, surmount all the greatest difficulties and embark on the path towards a glorious future.
89.	We consider that these victories won by our people are not to our credit alone; they are the common victories of the three peoples-the Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean peoples and the victories of the movements struggling to safeguard peace, independence, democracy and social progress throughout the world.
90.	On this occasion I should like, on behalf of the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Lao people, to express my sincere thanks and gratitude for the close co-operation and disinterested assistance of the fraternal Government and people of Viet Nam and the fraternal Government and people of Kampuchea. My sincere thanks and gratitude go also to the socialist countries, to the peace- and justice-loving countries and peoples, to international organizations and to friends throughout the world represented here, for their valuable moral and material assistance.
91.	The creation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic constitutes a major victory of the present age. It marks the downfall of the neo-colonialist policy of the imperialists. Hence, from its very first appearance in the world the new regime has been exposed to many forms of sabotage on the part of imperialism. In less than one year, the imperialists have used Thai reactionaries to maintain a certain number of Lao reactioniaries expelled by the Lao people and give them clandestine assistance to infiltrate various parts of the country for the purpose of sowing disorder. What is worse, they have encouraged acts of provocation on the Lao-Thai frontier which are designed to serve as a pretext to bring about the unilateral closing of the frontier in order to create economic and financial difficulties for our landlocked country. However treacherous their maneuvers have been, they have been constantly and ignominiously thwarted by the Lao people, armed as they are with patriotism and the lofty feeling of being masters of their own destiny. At the present time, the multinational Lao people are, on the one hand, defending their country and, on the other, mobilizing all their physical and moral strength to promote production, improve both material and spiritual living conditions, and heal the deep wounds of war left by the imperialists and the reactionaries; they are mobilizing all their strength to eliminate the vestiges of the former rotten neo-colonialist regime-that is, to eliminate shortages, unemployment and inflation and to change the old wasteful way of life, based only on foreign aid, into a way of life that is self-sufficient and relies on their own strength.
92.	However, we are perfectly aware that we have many difficulties still to face in the future. The underdevelopment bequeathed to us by the former regime is still of great concern to us, but thanks to the correct political line, to the tradition of patriotism which has been brought to the highest level during 30 years of struggle, and to the support and assistance of the peoples of Viet Nam and Kampuchea, of the socialist countries, of the other friendly countries of the world and of the organizations in the United Nations system, all these difficulties will undoubtedly be overcome so that our country can be constantly defended and developed.
93.	We are convinced that, however treacherous they may be, the imperialists and the reactionaries will in the final analysis be incapable of turning back the clock of Lao history.
94.	In the international sphere, the Lao People's Democratic Republic is in favor of a foreign policy of independence, peace, friendship and non-alignment and would like to maintain and develop good relations and relations of sincere co-operation with all countries, without any discrimination as to their social and political systems, on the basis of respect for independence and sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of any of the parties, and on the basis of equality and mutual interest. We are endeavoring to contribute to the activities of the United Nations and the other international organizations that are striving to strengthen peace and international security. Furthermore, we are co-operating with the non- aligned countries and all the forces pitted against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism and struggling for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress.
95.	We reaffirm our faith in the principles of the United Nations Charter: namely, to build a new world of peace, national independence, justice, equality, democracy and prosperity for mankind. We denounce and protest firmly against any policy of interference and immoral aggression on the part of imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and apartheid.
96.	This thirty-first session of the General Assembly has opened at a time when the international situation has been undergoing a positive and correct change, after the glorious victory of the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries, held in Colombo, which once again demonstrated the growth and increased strength of the non-aligned movement in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and neo¬colonialism, thereby giving a strong impetus to the movements struggling for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress.
97.	The glorious, resounding victories won by the Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean peoples, by the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau and other peoples in Africa against the Portuguese colonial regime, together with all the victories won by the peoples of Asia and Latin America, mark the final downfall of colonialism. At the same time, we are still wedded to our resolute support for the struggle for independence and justice waged by the peoples of southern Africa, and particularly those of Namibia and Zimbabwe, against racial discrimination, a struggle that will be crowned by brilliant victories that will be harbingers of freedom, independence and true sovereignty for these peoples and will spell the end of apartheid.
98.	In the international sphere, IndoChina is the most prominent region of the world because the victories of its peoples have proved to the world that a people that is determined to struggle for national independence and freedom and that has a proper political line and enjoys the assistance and support of friendly countries throughout the world is capable of vanquishing the imperialist aggressors, even the most powerful ones. This struggle of the Lao people has tellingly proved that truth.
99.	Our people expresses its warmest greetings to the heroic people of Viet Nam for its striking, historic victory in its struggle against the imperialist aggressors and for its complete liberation of its country, thus successfully completing the reunification of Viet Nam and establishing the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. We give our full and firm support to the admission of that country to the United Nations.
100.	We warmly acclaim the striking victory of the people of Kampuchea in its struggle against the imperialist aggressors and sincerely congratulate that people on the creation of the State of Democratic Kampuchea.
101.	Those victories won by Viet Nam and Kampuchea all serve as considerable encouragements and good examples for the peoples struggling for freedom and national independence.
102.	We energetically denounce all the acts of provocation and savage repression which have been perpetrated by the American imperialists and the puppets of Park Chung Hee against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and against the people of South Korea. We support the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea; that is why we call for the implementation of the General Assembly resolution on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
103.	We denounce the dictatorship in Chile and demand that Pinochet put an immediate end to acts of repression against Chilean patriots, and that political prisoners, particularly Mr. Luis Corvalan, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Chile, be freed. We also demand that the United States reinstate the right of ownership of the people of Panama over the Canal, and make freedom and democracy a practical reality within the Organization of American States.
104.	We demand that expansionist Israel abide by United Nations resolutions by withdrawing from the Arab territories occupied ;n 1967 and ensure the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, independence and sovereignty.
105.	We condemn the apartheid regime in South Africa, which is now savagely persecuting the African people, and we protest against the imperialists, who, in collusion with the apartheid South African regime, are seeking to delay the granting of autonomy to the peoples of South Africa.
106.	We also strongly protest against the installation of the Diego Garcia base in the Indian Ocean by the United States imperialists, because we wish to transform that region into a zone of genuine peace and security.
107.	My country's policy towards the countries of South¬East Asia is one of establishing good neighborly relations based on mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, equality and mutual interests of those countries. As far as Thailand is concerned, we are endeavoring to maintain relations of good neighborliness, and we support the struggle of the Thai people to turn the Kingdom of Thailand into a peaceful, independent and neutral country. However, we are against the American imperialists, who, in collusion with Thai reactionaries, are maintaining their military bases in a new guise, thus threatening peace in that part of the world.
108.	We are convinced that the victory of the peoples of Laos, Viet Nam and Kampuchea over the aggression by the imperialists, and the joint victories won by revolutionary movements throughout the world have wrought a change in the world situation, a change that will be of great benefit to the struggle for peace, independence, democracy and social progress. We believe that this movement has weakened and, in fact, paralyzed the capacity of the imperialist and reactionary forces to wage a war of aggression as they did in the past against other countries. That is why the struggle for peace and detente throughout the world is daily becoming more and more solidly founded and is creating favorable conditions for disarmament.
109.	We note that a new international economic order which is both just and mutually advantageous to all countries is an objective necessity, one which would aid the various countries in the world to safeguard their independence and their right to be masters of their own destiny, both in the political and economic fields. This need is, at the same time, a prerequisite for good international co-operation.
110.	Finally, on behalf of the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Lao people, I wish to convey my sincere thanks to the countries and international organizations that have given us constant support and assistance. I hope that they will continue to give us the same support and assistance in order to make it possible for us to heal the wounds which we suffered from the war in our country and to construct the base for our national economy.
111.	My delegation wishes the thirty-first session of the General Assembly every success.