The world is constantly
changing and the pace of change is increasing every
year. The world is a very different place today compared
to 10 years ago when the Millennium Development
Goals were set. But it is important to understand the
nature of the changes and to draw the right conclusions,
because only then will we be able to have an influence
and shape our own future.

We are seeing the fastest reduction in poverty in
human history. Child death rates have fallen, meaning
that 14,000 fewer children are dying every day. Deaths
from malaria and tuberculosis are decreasing. New
HIV infections are declining. People are living longer.
One hundred years ago, the average life expectancy in
Sweden was less than 60 years. Today, many children
born in my country will live to celebrate their 100th
birthday. Those are truly amazing developments.

The world economy is growing. This year,
developing and emerging countries’ share of the world
economy will surpass the share of developed countries.
In 10 years’ time, they will dominate the growing world
economy.

We see the same pattern in expanding global trade
flows. The share of developing countries’ exports
has grown substantially and now accounts for almost
half of all exports in the world. That creates jobs and
growth for everyone and increases global equality.
Technological change is also rapid. Seeking information
from the other side of the globe is now part of everyday
life for many people, not only for the privileged few. As
an example, the number of mobile phone users has risen
from fewers than 1 billion to more than 6 billion. But
challenges are still abundant, and it is crucial that we
intensify our efforts to achieve the existing Millennium
Development Goals.

Sweden continues to contribute 1 per cent of its gross
national income to official development assistance.
Sweden is a firm believer in multilateral organizations,
in international cooperation and in the United Nations.
The United Nations plays a key role in coordinating our
efforts towards the Millennium Development Goals. We
believe that together we can become hopeful instead of
helpless. Therefore, Sweden contributes approximately
$1.2 billion yearly to the United Nations system. That
makes us the second biggest contributor per capita to
the United Nations in the world — that is something we
are very proud of.

In addition to the existing Millennium Development
Goals, we must also work to establish a strong post-
2015 development agenda, with the objective of
eradicating extreme poverty, raising standards of
living for everyone and offering equal opportunities
to everyone. In that regard, I would like to draw the
Assembly’s attention to the three areas that I believe are
central to human and economic development: gender
equality, democracy and free trade. Those areas have
the capacity to influence developments in many other
areas at the same time.

When I addressed the General Assembly two
years ago (see A/66/PV.19), I spoke about the most
important human rights failure of all — the one that
affects the largest number of human beings, namely
gender inequality. I want to raise that issue once again,
because that challenge is as present and as urgent today
as before.

Gender equality is first and foremost a question
of ensuring the same human, economic and social
rights for half of the world’s population, something that
should be self-evident. Every year, 1 billion women are
still subject to sexual or physical violence. Women are
still refused equal access to health services, including
sexual and reproductive health and rights. Every day
800 women still die from preventable complications
related to pregnancy and childbirth. Legal restrictions
still exist preventing women from owning, inheriting
and acquiring property in many countries. Many girls
and women are still refused access to schools and
education. For many women the idea that a Government
would have more female than male ministers, like in
Sweden, seems utopian. Many of those women are not
even allowed to vote.

Against that background, Sweden was one of the
countries that gave strong support to creating the entity
UN-Women and is today one of its biggest donors. It
is our firm belief that by ensuring gender equality one
also improves a country’s productivity and economy
and the rule of law. Educating girls and women leads
directly to an increase in a country’s economic output.
Educated mothers place higher value on schooling for
their children. Closing the gap between male and female
employment rates increases a country’s gross domestic
product substantially. Increased participation by women
in politics and business leads to clear improvements for

the public good and to less corruption. The inclusion
of women in peace processes makes peace easier and
more stable. Let me be very clear: it is simply neither
acceptable nor very smart to discriminate against
women and girls.

To achieve sustainable development, we need
a democratic governance that encompasses all
individuals. We need a system that covers not only
the State, but also the private sector and civil society
organizations. We need a governing system that is
accountable and transparent with regard to its actions.
Nevertheless, nearly one third of the world’s population
lives under authoritarian rule, a serious barrier to
development. With the growing economic power in
many developing countries comes an opportunity and
a responsibility to use that power wisely and for the
common good of everyone.

Every person’s human rights must be respected,
regardless of origin, religion, handicap, gender, sexual
preference or transsexual identity. Only then will
society reap the benefits of all human resources. Only
when people can freely express their political opinions
and freely participate in a thriving civil society can
they truly participate in the lives of their communities.
That also applies to freedom on the Internet. Only
with functioning courts do people feel safe to make
investments and develop their businesses. Only with
respect for the rule of law can we tackle organized
crime and corruption. Only with democratic principles
can we ensure freedom from conflict and violence.

Violence and oppression in all their forms are
among the main threats to the development of people
and the development of societies. We know that it takes,
on average, seven years to fight a civil war, and 17 years
to recover from a war. That is why conflict is sometimes
called “development in reverse”. As we speak, there
are several major ongoing conflicts, resulting in death
and suffering, hunger and disease, and rape and sexual
violence. Those conflicts are depriving men, women
and children of their right to a prosperous life and a
future of hope. A focus on fragile States will remain
necessary.

The civil war raging in Syria for more than two
years must come to an end. Those responsible for
systematic violations of human rights, including those
responsible for the use of chemical weapons, must
be held accountable. The conflict must, however, be
handled within the United Nations system. There is an
urgent need for a political solution to the conflict and a
transition to a free and democratic Syria.

It is time for a new era in which countries in
conflict can join the rest of the world in achieving the
Millennium Development Goals. For that, we need a
strong United Nations and a well-functioning Security
Council.

I want to thank all peacekeepers and peacebuilders
of the United Nations for their efforts and sacrifices.
Sweden will further contribute to and participate
in those efforts. We also give strong support to the
areas of democracy, human rights and freedom from
violence. Sweden is one of biggest donors to the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. We are
trying to help out though humanitarian assistance for
the crisis in Syria and by receiving refugees. This year
alone we have welcomed 16,000 Syrians to Sweden.

Let me mention a third area that we need to focus on
in the post-2015 development agenda, namely, trade and
competition. Protectionism is very expensive. It raises
prices and lowers standards of living. Let me illustrate
this by a striking example. According to the World
Trade Organization, consumers and Governments in
rich countries pay $350 billion per year supporting
agriculture. That is enough to fly their 41 million dairy
cows first class around the world.

Allow me to mention some other, maybe more down-
to-earth, examples. When competition was introduced
for mobile phone companies in some countries, the
cost of calls fell by 30 to 50 per cent. Studies show that
lowering service barriers by one third under the Doha
Development Agenda would raise developing countries’
incomes by approximately $60 billion. Unfortunately,
progress in the Doha Development Round has been
slow. But the good news is that many countries are
doing what they can to liberalize trade through regional
agreements instead, because they know that that will
benefit their economies.

The two free trade agreements now being
negotiated — between the United States and the
European Union and between the United States and a
number of countries in Asia and Latin America — will
cover two-thirds of world trade. That will create jobs
and growth. Sweden is one of the countries within
the European Union working the hardest to get the
transatlantic deal in place. Freer trade and openness
also mean that new impulses and trends affect a country
faster. That puts pressure on reform in countries and

companies to meet global competition. Sweden is an
example of that.

Trade has made it possible for us to double our
economic output. Our companies have learned that they
must consistently take on new trends and technology
in order to stay competitive. If they did not, our gross
domestic product and standard of living would fall
significantly. Let us also remember how important
trade is for peaceful relations. To put it very simply,
no sales person wants to start a war against a country
where he has customers. That would be a bad business
strategy, so trade promotes peace.

Climate change continues, leading to extreme
weather conditions in many parts of the world and
the loss of lives and very high costs for society. The
European Union’s and the United States’ emissions are
falling, but overall global emissions are increasing.
That is why all countries need to contribute to the
international efforts in the fight against climate change.
The European Union and the United States cannot solve
the problem of climate change on their own, when
they only account for around 25 per cent of today’s
emissions.

The international structures we have to deal
with climate change commitments are unfortunately
obsolete. We need a new agreement that ensures that all
major emitters make commitments that are sufficient
so that we can reach the two-degree target.

It is our duty to strive for a society and a world
that gives everybody the possibility to create his or
her own future. That is what every woman, every man,
every girl and every boy deserves. Let me underline
that it is in the very interests of every country, because
people are the real wealth of a nation. The Millennium
Development Goals have been very successful in
coordinating and focusing our efforts on the areas where
progress has been most urgent. Now we need to prepare
for tomorrow. In doing that, Sweden is convinced, the
United Nations will play a very important role. We will
continue our strong support to the Organization.


It is my distinct honour
and pleasure to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-eighth session. The Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) Heads of Government, at their thirty-
fourth meeting in July, pledged their support for your
presidency. Allow me therefore to assure you of my
delegation’s support throughout the current session
of the General Assembly. Let me also commend your
predecessor, Mr. Vuk Jeremi., for ably guiding the
work of the General Assembly during its sixty-seventh
session.

You have assumed leadership of the General
Assembly at a very pivotal moment in the United Nations
timetable. The expiration deadline for the Millennium
Development Goals is near, and our efforts to elaborate
an agenda for the post-2015 period are intensifying.
Following the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development, modifications have been made to the
institutional framework for sustainable development.
An agreement has been reached on the establishment
of the High-level Political Forum and the United
Nations Environment Assembly. The deliberations on
the reform of the Economic and Social Council have
been completed. It is envisaged that the deliberations of
the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development
Goals and the intergovernmental committee of experts
on sustainable development financing will accelerate
in the next few months. The international community
continues to chart a course in the pursuit of global
sustainable development.

The theme of the sixty-eighth session of the General
Assembly, “The post-2015 development agenda: setting
the stage”, will require us to engage in what might best
be described as a retrospective and prospective dialogue.
Much has been said about the current global financial
and economic crisis, which has been made worse by
the many manifestations of the impact of climate
change — extreme weather events, food crises and
volatile food crises — compounded by unprecedented
levels of terror and violence. At the same time, we have
seen a global determination to tackle these issues.

Barbados recognizes that the stability, health and
productivity of the global environment, particularly
coastal and marine resources, are fundamental to the

survival of Barbados, CARICOM and other small
island developing States (SIDS). We therefore deem
it imperative that countries like ours maintain active
involvement in shaping the global development
policy agenda. It is recognized, however, that SIDS
are constrained in their ability and capacity to craft
independent solutions. One major barrier is our debt
situation.

The issue of debt sustainability is of particular
relevance to SIDS. In highlighting its importance, the
Prime Minister of Barbados, in his feature address
to the recently concluded interregional preparatory
meeting for the Third International Conference on the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, noted:

“Debt sustainability is a critical issue not only
for Barbados, but for many of the SIDS... We must
therefore use the opportunity provided by the
Third International Conference on SIDS to both
find and share solutions to this challenge, as it is
a major constraint to SIDS achieving sustainable
development.
“In this context, it is imperative that, before
we meet in Samoa, an opportunity be provided
to fully ventilate this matter. In this regard, the
relevant entity of the United Nations responsible
for coordinating SIDS issues may want to consider
convening a meeting of the Finance and Economic
Ministers of SIDS to discuss this issue and to put
forward specific recommendations to be considered
as part of the outcome of the Third International
meeting on SIDS.”
I repeat that call on this body and commend it to the
relevant entity of the United Nations system to act
expeditiously on this proposal.
Another issue of concern to Barbados relates to the
international financial-services sector. We believe that
the sustainability of our development is being stymied
by efforts to undermine this very important sector,
which continues to provide a stable and substantial
contribution to our gross domestic product. Barbados
therefore associates itself with the comments of the
Right Honourable Perry Christie, Prime Minister of the
Bahamas, in his address to the General Assembly (see
A/68/PV.19). We are a well-regulated jurisdiction which
has sought at all times to comply with international
rules and best practice, and it is our intention to operate
within the established international norms that have
guided this sector to date.

In 1994, Barbados was honoured to host the first
United Nations Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States. At
that time, we were optimistic that the international
community’s recognition of the inherent vulnerabilities
of small States would lead to real progress in the
development of SIDS. However, the five-year review of
the Mauritius Strategy in 2010 revealed that

“[s]mall island developing States have made
less progress than most other groupings, or even
regressed, in economic terms, especially in terms
of poverty reduction and debt sustainability”
(resolution 65/2, para. 5).
Despite this, Barbados remains committed to the
process to advance the sustainable development of
SIDS.
As you are aware, Mr. President, Barbados attaches
great importance to sustainable development in all its
dimensions. We believe that the theme for this year’s
session — “The post-2015 development agenda: setting
the stage” — is thus both timely and important. Such
an agenda must recognize the importance of addressing
the very specific needs of the Members of the United
Nations. I speak therefore from the perspective of SIDS.

Barbados believes that the post-2015 development
agenda should involve commitments to the eradication
of poverty and hunger; environmental sustainability,
with a strong emphasis on coastal and marine resources;
the development of sustainable and accessible renewable
energy technologies; the pursuit of a sustainable
agriculture agenda, in tandem with food and nutrition
security; gender equality and women’s empowerment;
and youth development, education and employment.

We also call for emphasis on the inclusion of
vulnerable groups, including persons with disabilities;
the requisite means of implementation, including
capacity-building, technology transfer, trade and
technical cooperation; the integration of appropriate
systems for accountability, monitoring, evaluation and
reporting; and good governance, respect for human
rights, and the rule of law.

This is not a mere shopping list. It reflects the
understanding that all these issues are inextricably
linked. They represent challenges or problems that
must be tackled simultaneously, if we are to achieve

sustainable development. These cannot be addressed in
a silo-like manner.

The importance of a policy of sustainable
development can therefore not be understated. It
is a matter of survival. It is for this reason that the
Government of Barbados has envisioned the building
of a green economy as its strategy for advancing its
sustainable development. As Prime Minister Freundel
Stuart indicated in the foreword to the Green Economy:
Scoping Study Synthesis Report on Barbados,

“the Green Economy debate recognizes our
structural vulnerabilities, offers a model to assist
us in further realizing our sustainable development
aspirations, and creates the institutional platform
that would enable us to participate in innovative
partnerships in the fight to save our planet,
against mounting unsustainable consumption and
production patterns”.
Our situation as a special case for development
holds as true today as it did more than 20 years ago,
when the United Nations system first acknowledged
our vulnerabilities and our special link to ocean
resources. In the case of Barbados, we are of the
opinion that a green economy is inextricably linked to
our development and as such should not be lost in this
very important discussion.

Over the past several months, increasing attention
has been focused on the preparatory process for the
Third International Conference on the Sustainable
Development of SIDS, to be held in Samoa in 2014.
Three regional preparatory meetings in the various
SIDS regions were convened in July. Members may
recall that the interregional meeting was held in my
country, Barbados, the birthplace of the Programme
of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small
Island Developing States — the Barbados Programme
of Action.

Barbados attaches great importance to the
preparatory process for the Samoa Conference. As we
take stock after almost 20 years of the implementation
of the Programme of Action and 10 years of the
Mauritius Strategy for its further implementation,
we wish to emphasize that this process is an integral
part of the overall post-2015 development agenda.
This preparatory process can strengthen the collective
action of SIDS in addressing their vulnerabilities and
special development challenges. Prime Minister Stuart
of Barbados referred to this recently as building SIDS
collectivity.

The support of the international community
must underpin this concept of SIDS collectivity
by strengthening interregional and intraregional
collaboration between SIDS and the various
SIDS regions, and increasing emphasis on
institution-building, including the establishment of an
appropriate institutional mechanism to facilitate, in
particular, intraregional collaboration among SIDS.

Credence is given to this approach by the Secretary-
General’s High-level Panel on Global Sustainability,
whose report (see A/66/700) stressed that the building
of effective institutional governance at the local,
national, regional and global levels is essential for
achieving sustainable development, facilitating greater
utilization of science and technology to help address
many of the issues being faced by our young people
in strengthening the interface between youth talent,
innovation and entrepreneurship, and speaking with
one voice at the international level on issues impacting
SIDS sustainable development.

Barbados believes firmly that South-South and
triangular cooperation must be part of any effort
to reform the existing international development
cooperation architecture and to build more inclusive
global partnerships for effective development
cooperation. We possess a wealth of experience in areas
that we can share with developing and middle-income
countries, including education and training, health
care, social partnering, clean -nergy policies and
technologies, environmental protection, including
coastal conservation, and the provision of social safety
nets.

Like other SIDS, however, we are constrained
by limited financial resources and the persistent and
prolonged global financial crisis, which continue to
have a negative impact on resource mobilization and
financial flows to developing countries. Barbados
supports the observation made by the United Nations
Office for South-South Cooperation, that there is a need
to give the global South the incentive to invest more
in multilateral forms of South-South cooperation. We
therefore welcome the formation of partnerships with
the private sector, international organizations, donors
and civil society organizations specifically designed to
better facilitate such South-South cooperation.

There is a clear need for greater equity, fairness
and transparency in the method employed to
determine socioeconomic classifications and resource
allocation. The persistent use of arbitrarily determined
international classification and ratings systems that are
based on gross domestic product per capita and other
narrow criteria must be expanded in scope to take into
account meaningful variables such as vulnerability.

In this context, we refer again to the observation
by the Secretary-General that gross domestic product
per capita on its own is an inadequate indicator. We
also applaud the useful research being conducted on
vulnerability indices and other measures beyond gross
domestic product by bodies such as the Commonwealth,
the Economic Commission for Latin America and
the Caribbean, and the United Nations Statistical
Commission. Barbados will continue its advocacy on
this issue.

Barbados is not unique. Like other SIDS, we
recognize that our efforts to achieve sustainable
development must of necessity incorporate delivery
modalities encompassing finance, good governance,
development cooperation, trade capacity-building and
institutional strengthening. Barbados therefore reminds
this body that we must foster strong partnerships if we
are to craft effective and truly lasting global solutions.

We call on Member States to revisit the Small Island
Developing States Technical Assistance Programme as
a means of enabling the transfer of skills, knowledge
and experience across SIDS and the three SIDS
regions. We hold the view that the Programme offers
much potential for enhancing capacity and access to
SIDS-grown technologies and skill sets. The Technical
Assistance Programme must be seen as an important
mechanism for advancing the post-2015 development
agenda.

The provision of free health care for Barbadian
citizens has been a critical contributor to the high level
of human development in Barbados. The treatment and
prevention of chronic non-communicable diseases,
however, account for a disproportionately large
percentage of our national budget. That has entailed
the diversion of scarce resources that should have been
devoted to achieving other development goals. Chronic
non-communicable diseases constitute one of the major
challenges to the sustainable development of Barbados,
effectively threatening the development gains that
Barbados has made.

Our strong commitment to preventing and combating
chronic non-communicable diseases is reflected in
strong multi-stakeholder partnerships, including the
dedicated engagement of civil society. Despite the
national prioritization of non-communicable diseases,
the focus on prevention, and the implementation of
evidence-based programmes, a developing country
like Barbados cannot, on its own, achieve its national
objectives. International cooperation and assistance in
this area are critical.

My country does not draw a dividing line between
its domestic and foreign policies. We have been blessed
with stable Governments. We have enjoyed a tradition
of constitutional change in our Governments since
independence. As a nation, we have striven to create
a just society. We see an inextricable link between
development and international peace and security.
Without development, there can be no international
peace and security, and without international peace and
security the development agenda will not succeed.

For Barbados, therefore, the rule of law at the
national and international levels is an indispensable
condition for sustainable development. Barbados is
deeply concerned by the number of national regional
and international conflicts raging throughout the
world. We are yet more concerned that the threshold
of what constitutes an acceptable level of violence and
acceptable levels of atrocity grows higher and higher.
The findings of the United Nations inspection team that
chemical weapons were used in Syria are alarming. My
country believes that the perpetrators of these acts must
be brought to account. Moreover, we believe that the
international community must work in good faith to
find a political solution to the escalating and ongoing
humanitarian crisis in Syria.

At the same time, the international community
must not lose sight of the many conflicts and acts of
terror that continue throughout the world. Against this
background my delegation wishes to extend profound
condolences to the Government and the people of Kenya
on the recent terrorist attacks that were perpetrated
against the people of that country. As we have stated,
there can be no justification for acts of terror.

In Barbados and the Caribbean, illicit small arms
and light weapons are the weapons of mass destruction.
Primarily linked to international drug trafficking and
other transnational organized crime, the proliferation
of illicit small arms and light weapons in the Caribbean

exacts a heavy toll on State and citizen security and
impairs national development. For that reason, Barbados
and CARICOM consistently argued for the elaboration
of a robust, legally binding Arms Trade Treaty, which
would set the highest common international standards
for regulating the transfer of conventional arms.
Barbados is pleased, therefore, to be among those
Member States that have signed the Arms Trade Treaty.
It is our hope that the implementation of the Treaty will
lead to a reduction in the flow of illicit small arms, light
weapons and their ammunition, parts and components,
thus contributing to a reduction in armed conflict and
violence.

Our first Prime Minister, now a national hero, the
Right Excellent Errol Walton Barrow, in his maiden
speech to this body on 9 December 1966, stated:

“We have no quarrels to pursue and we
particularly insist that we do not regard any
Member State as our natural opponent... We will
not regard any great Power as necessarily right in a
given dispute unless we are convinced of this, yet
at the same time, we will not view the great Powers
with perennial suspicion.” (A/PV.1487, para. 78)
The United Nations was established in the aftermath
of the Second World War to promote international
peace and security. We call on the Security Council
to meet its obligations to the international community.
It is clear that there cannot be business as usual while
humanitarian crises continue to emerge and countless
lives continue to be lost. My delegation therefore
remains concerned about the economic embargo
that continues to be imposed on Cuba, as well as the
extraterritorial impact that it continues to have on
countries inside and outside our region. We call for the
ending of the embargo and trust that it will soon be
ushered into the pages of history.

My delegation looks forward to the further
unfolding of the post-2015 development agenda during
this sixty-eighth session of the General Assembly, and
I wish you, Sir, every success as you guide the General
Assembly in realizing an agenda that is inclusive and
one that will redound to the benefit of all.


In the twenty-first
century, old distinctions between North and South, and
developed and developing countries are beginning to
lose their meaning. We are witnessing significant shifts
in the geopolitical balance, in population dynamics
and in economic power between Member States. As
documented in this year’s United Nations Human
Development Report, many developing countries
are experiencing faster economic growth. Emerging
economies now produce the majority of the world’s
goods and services, and three quarters of the world’s
economic growth is said to depend on their dynamism.

Today, emerging economies and middle-income
countries are an important part of reshaping the global
economy. In a globalized world, with dramatic shifts of
power and influence, a strong United Nations is more
relevant than ever before. We need the United Nations,
with its unique legitimacy and its universal membership.
We need a United Nations that can contribute to global
challenges with common solutions. We need a United
Nations that reflects the changing political landscape,
including through a reformed Security Council. Above
all, we need a United Nations that can help to mediate,
prevent and resolve armed conflicts. For the United
Nations to be able to contribute effectively to resolving
armed conflicts, it is crucial that the Security Council
show leadership and prove that it can fulfil its primary
purpose and responsibility of cooperating to resolve
international crises and to promote universal respect
for human rights.

Today, the total number of people uprooted by
conflict or persecution is close to 45 million, the
highest level in 18 years. That illustrates the human
suffering and costs of conflict, which we must do our
utmost to prevent and resolve. An integrated approach
to preventive diplomacy, peacebuilding, peacekeeping
and the prevention of atrocities is crucial. The cure for
armed conflict and instability is to invest in democratic

structures that protect civilians and their human rights
and contribute to socioeconomic progress. In recent
years, the Security Council has increasingly integrated
the rule of law, human rights and the protection
of civilians into its mandates for United Nations
peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions. That is an
encouraging development that Denmark supports fully.

Denmark agrees with the Secretary-General that
building societies that are resilient to crimes of atrocity
increases the prospects of long-term peace and stability.
The unacceptable human suffering in Syria is a tragic
reminder of the consequences when no early action to
prevent crimes of atrocity is undertaken. Advancing
the primary responsibility of States to protect their
populations should be a concern for all Governments.
The responsibility to protect is consistent with existing
obligations and international human rights law,
humanitarian law and refugee law, which are binding
on all States. Denmark calls on Member States to join
the global network of responsibility-to-protect focal
points, which works to integrate the prevention of
atrocities in national policies, and to engage with other
Member States and regional organizations in order
to build capacity and cooperation before crises and
conflicts break out.

At the same time, we must ensure accountability
for human rights violations and for crimes of atrocity
in the past. The perpetrators of those crimes must be
brought to justice. While the Security Council last
Friday took an important step to address the crisis in
Syria, Denmark reiterates its call on the Council to refer
the case of Syria to the International Criminal Court.

Sexual violence in conflict is one of the most
persistent injustices in the world today, and often one
of the most neglected. We must combat sexual violence
as a method of warfare. Likewise, we must promote the
participation of women in peacebuilding and in social
and economic recovery. Denmark strongly believes
that no durable peace can be attained without the full
and equal participation of women in peacekeeping and
peacebuilding processes.

Building sustainable peace and long-term stability
remains one of the most difficult challenges for the
international community and the United Nations.
But the investment is well worth it. We must support
country-led and country-owned transition strategies
in building paths towards resilient societies. Conflict
and violence have devastating effects on development.
The complex situation in fragile States represents
perhaps the greatest challenge to combating poverty, as
low-income fragile States are those most off-track in
terms of reaching the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). It is therefore essential that the central roles
of State-building and peacebuilding be duly reflected
in the post-2015 framework.

The New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States,
led by the g7+ countries, provides peacebuilding
and State-building goals that call for a global effort
to strengthen people’s security, to reduce violence,
to increase people’s access to justice, to generate
employment and to improve livelihoods. We urge that
the experiences and lessons learned from the New Deal
become a source of inspiration for discussions on the
post-2015 development framework.

The process of establishing the post-2015
development agenda should result in a single universal
framework with one set of goals that can unite the world
in a strong effort to eradicate extreme poverty, promote
sustainable development and ensure all people the
right to a better life. Denmark welcomes the outcome
document of the High-level Meeting of the General
Assembly on the Realization of the Millennium
Development Goals and other Internationally Agreed
Development Goals for Persons with Disabilities
(resolution 68/3), adopted last week, which provides a
first important step towards that vision.

At the same time, unfinished business from the
MDGs must figure prominently in the post-2015
development agenda. The focus should be on ending
extreme poverty in one generation while promoting
sustainable development in all its dimensions. The
empowerment of women and girls and access to basic
services, such as health and education, must not drop
off the agenda. On the contrary, we must commit to
doing more to close those gaps.

Denmark is committed to shouldering its share of
collective responsibility. In 2012, Denmark provided
0.83 per cent of its gross national income as official
development assistance, and it has been fulfilling the
international target of 0.7 per cent since 1978. Also, we
are strengthening our efforts to work in partnership with
private business and other non-State actors to increase
investments in developing countries, especially in
Africa.

As also highlighted by the Secretary-General and
the High-level Panel on the Post-2015 Development
Agenda in their reports, a new, coherent post-2015

framework must be firmly anchored in human rights
as universal values and enablers for sustainable
development. Such a framework must build on the core
principles that underpin the international human rights
framework, namely, participation, accountability,
transparency and non-discrimination. It must address
the human rights of all groups in our societies and pay
special attention to the rights of indigenous peoples.

We are losing ground when it comes to inequality
within countries where we see a widening gap between
rich and poor people. The 1.2 billion poorest people
account for only 1 per cent of world consumption, while
the billion richest consume 72 per cent. Inequalities
and their underlying causes must be addressed in the
post-2015 development agenda in order to effectively
eradicate extreme poverty, underpin socioeconomic
progress and prevent instability.

Gender-based discrimination, including the denial
of the rights of women and girls, remains the single
most widespread driver of inequalities in today’s world.
For Denmark, it is critical that gender equality and
sexual and reproductive health and rights be reflected
in the post-2015 agenda. That was also underscored by
the High-level Panel report.

Macroeconomic policy is essential in addressing
inequalities. Equitable socioeconomic progress and
a fair distribution of resources are important for
developed and developing countries alike.

Scientific evidence, as just presented by the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, makes it
clear that climate change has become a threat multiplier.
More frequent natural disasters impact on the most
vulnerable people and add another layer to fragility,
inequality and instability. Unsustainable production and
consumption increase the stress on natural resources
and ecosystems. The level of carbon dioxide emissions
today is 46 per cent higher than the 1990 level. The
United Nations and its Member States must promote
innovative technologies and new solutions to water,
food and energy scarcity, deforestation and high carbon
emissions. Jointly, we must push the transformation to
a green economy.

Green growth is necessary if we are to deal
effectively with increased demands for resources over
the next 15 to 20 years as the global population grows.
Green growth is about opportunities for all, not about
obstacles for some. The access to and management of
energy and water resources are two important elements.
Governments cannot do it alone. We need active
involvement and a close partnership with the private
sector, including businesses and private foundations, as
well as with civil society and public institutions.

We welcome the Secretary-General’s invitation to
a summit in September 2014 that will serve to maintain
the momentum of the climate negotiations. It is crucial
to set an ambitious international agenda for tackling
the consequences of climate change. Denmark’s long-
term energy policy goal is clear: our entire energy
supply should be covered by renewable energy by
2050. Denmark stands ready to support a global agenda
towards limiting global warming to 2° Celsius. Our
contribution to the Secretary-General’s Sustainable
Energy for All initiative is part of that support, including
the establishment of an energy efficiency hub in the
new United Nations City in Copenhagen. Denmark will
also work for an ambitious and operational outcome of
the the third International Conference on Small Island
Developing States, to take place in September 2014.

At the country level, Denmark supports a United
Nations that can inspire change and deliver concrete
results that will benefit populations, strengthen their
confidence in political processes and pave the way for
long-term stability and development.

We condemn the indiscriminate violence that
we witness in Syria. Not only does it harm civilians
in the most tragic way, it also undermines regional
stability as a whole. With the conflict in Syria, we are
confronted with a humanitarian crisis of unprecedented
proportions. Last month the world witnessed a further
escalation of the conflict with the horrendous chemical
attack in Ghouta. Denmark strongly condemns all use of
chemical weapons, and we are convinced that a strong
international reaction is required. It is crucial that those
responsible for that grave violation of international law
be brought to justice and that future use of chemical
weapons be effectively prevented.

From the very outset of the tragedy in Syria,
Denmark has emphasized the need for a political
solution to end the human suffering. We welcome the
adoption by the Security Council of resolution 2118
(2013), on the destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons.
Denmark continues to strongly support the efforts
towards the “Geneva II” conference.

In Egypt, an already fragile situation has worsened
significantly over the past months, during which
tragic events have led to a heavy loss of civilian

lives. Democracy and dialogue must return. Progress
in Egypt can come about only through a peaceful,
inclusive process. Many challenges still lie ahead
with regard to the implementation of the road map for
a return to democratic and civilian rule in Egypt. We
urge the Egyptian authorities to accept the support
of the international community for that process. The
United Nations can play an important role in supporting
respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law.

Progress in the Middle East peace process remains
critical for improving regional stability. Denmark
welcomes the United States initiative aimed at resumed
direct negotiations. All parties must now truly seize
the opportunity for peace and work constructively for a
sustainable two-State solution.

In Afghanistan, we welcome the process towards
full national ownership, which is crucial for the long-
term future of the country. Afghan authorities are
taking over still-greater responsibility for security
and institutions. There is, however, a clear need for
a continued, strong political commitment from the
international community in order for Afghanistan
to succeed in that goal. The Afghan Government
and its international partners must live up to the
July 2012 Tokyo declaration on partnership for self-
reliance in Afghanistan. Denmark will remain a strong
partner to Afghanistan on its way to democracy and
improved livelihoods. The United Nations assistance
to Afghanistan in managing the transition process,
including the upcoming electoral processes, will be
essential now and in the years to come.

Peace and security in the Sahel region have lately
been challenged by violent extremism, the presence of
armed groups, the expansion of transborder organized
crime and increasing environmental and climate-change
pressures, which jeopardize development gains.
Denmark supports the implementation of the United
Nations integrated strategy for the Sahel. Throughout
the Sahel, the influence of civil society on national
and international decision-making warrants attention
in order to deepen and consolidate the ongoing
stabilization and peace efforts.

Together with the United Nations, the African
Union and African and international partners, Denmark
is committed to supporting the efforts in Mali and the
Sahel to facilitate reconciliation through inclusive
dialogue and the active engagement of civil society.
We also support the United Nations Multidimensional
Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali as a strong
United Nations peacekeeping Mission.

Somalia’s New Deal Compact will be crucial for
reconciliation and peacebuilding and will set the
priorities for the next three years. It is important that
peace and development be dealt with in an integrated
way, and that there be mutual commitment to develop
and follow up on the Compact for Somalia. We welcome
the explicit use in the Compact of the peacebuilding
and State-building goals from the New Deal Compact,
and the strong ownership by Somalia to implement the
principles of the New Deal.

The unregulated and irresponsible international
trade in arms has had devastating effects. Earlier this
year, the General Assembly made history by adopting
the Arms Trade Treaty. Denmark supports the swift
entry into force and effective implementation of the
Treaty. Denmark is committed to assisting States, on
their request, to meet their obligations under the Treaty.

We once again call upon Iran and the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea to comply with international
law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. We
welcome all efforts to resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear
programme.

The United Nations is more relevant than ever at
a time when strong multilateral cooperation is needed
to cope with global challenges that transcend national
borders. No country can confront those challenges
on its own. Seen from the perspective of Denmark as
a small State, the United Nations could and should
inspire change and help States take action when moving
forward towards 2015 and beyond.


Permit me to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election as President of the Assembly.
As a member of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM),
the Bahamas takes special pride in the election of one
of our region’s own — the third such person to be so
elected over the years. You may be assured of our full
support as you attend to the duties of the high office
to which you have been elected and for which you are,
if I may say so, superbly qualified. We consider it a
privilege to extend Ambassador Paulette Bethel to your
office as Chef de Cabinet, and we wish her well as well.

Permit me also to express my condolences and
those of the Bahamas to the President and people of
Kenya following the tragic attack on innocent civilians
in Nairobi just last week.

This year we in the Bahamas are celebrating
our fortieth year of independence. It is appropriate,
therefore, that we should pause today and look back to
1973, when our nation was founded and our membership
in the United Nations began. In addressing the General
Assembly for the first time on 1 October 1973, our
then Prime Minister, Sir Lynden Pindling, spoke of
our journey from the dehumanizing experiences of
slavery and colonialism to the liberating achievements
of freedom, majority rule and independence. He spoke,
too, of the “perpetual interdependence of the big and
the small,” and the fervent wish of the Bahamian people
to be neither “dominated nor coerced.” He also had this
to say:

“We have the means to give new hope to
mankind, to create a stable international order
dominated by total and absolute political and
economic self-determination and human and moral
values which make human beings paramount, not
things or abstractions.” (A/PV.2135, para. 28)
Sir Lynden’s call for us to be faithful to the
responsibilities of our nationhood and world citizenship
is as relevant and compelling today as it was when we
were welcomed into the family of the United Nations
40 years ago. As the present Prime Minister of the
Bahamas, I have therefore come here today, on behalf
of the people of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, to
renew our pledge to play our part to help make our planet
the place of peace and stability and of collaborative

endeavour and mutual support that it was intended to
be, and must be, for the good of all humankind.

But we need to ensure that such pledges are not just
so many catchy phrases. We need to not only talk the talk
but walk the walk. We in the Bahamas are determined
to do just that. That is why, to cite one very recent
example, my Minister of Social Development, Melanie
Griffin, on Tuesday of this week here in New York,
signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights
of Persons with Disabilites on behalf of the Bahamas.
This is an important step forward that we have taken,
marrying our rhetoric to our actions and synching our
domestic agenda with our international obligations. We
intend to ratify the Convention in the shortest possible
time, and later this year we will introduce the necessary
legislation in our Parliament to protect the rights of the
disabled and to give full effect to our obligations under
the Convention. The end to discrimination against the
disabled in the Commonwealth of the Bahamas is now
clearly in sight. Indeed, it is now imminent.

I would also submit today that we are all of us
under a moral obligation to ensure that the policies
and aspirational goals that the General Assembly sets
for itself, and to which all Member States subscribe,
are in fact reflected in the way that we govern our
respective nations internally and, to no less a degree,
in the way that we interact with each other as Member
States in the international community. For example, we
cannot, on the one hand, proclaim that we believe in
free trade, then implement policies that inevitably bring
about the destruction of agriculture as we know it in
the Caribbean, and, in response to the resulting moral
outcry, simply shrug our shoulders and piously lament
that the old order changeth.

We have to become more conscious of the practical
outcomes of what we do. Too often, in the headlong
rush for change, we damage the vulnerable and the
weak. We then make pledges to help but seldom live
up to those pledges in any sustained way. We simply
cannot build a credible new world order on the basis of
such practices. They run completely counter to our lofty
pronouncements about the need for interconnectedness
and mutual support in the pursuit of economic progress
for all the nations of the world, be they large or small,
developed or developing.

We see the same dynamic at work in the
ongoing economic aggression of many of the more
developed countries against small, offshore financial
service-based economies, especially in the Caribbean
region of which the Bahamas is a part. Some have used
their power, either unilaterally or in small groups of
high-powered nations, to impose their will, arguing that
there is something fundamentally immoral, something
intrinsically sinister, about the accumulation of wealth
in offshore jurisdictions.

We reject that premise and we criticize in the
strongest possible terms the efforts of some to maim and
cripple, if not destroy, the offshore economies within
our region. Ironically, the anti-money-laundering,
anti-terrorism funding and anti-criminal regulatory
regimes of many of our countries are far more robust and
demonstrably far more effective than the corresponding
regulatory regimes in many of the same countries that
are leading the fight against us.

We firmly believe that offshore financial services
can be responsibly operated and regulated. We believe
that the sector represents true tax competition and, in
the great majority of cases, that it affords an honest
opportunity for families and individuals alike to
protect their privacy while accumulating lawfully
earned capital for themselves and future generations.
Moreover, the evidence is overwhelming that most of
the investment of that offshore wealth takes place in
and generally benefits the developed world.

Unilateralism and diplomacy by coercion are not
the way the world should be dealing with that issue.
Instead, we need to challenge the United Nations to
take the lead in developing and refining multilateral
global mechanisms for the governance of the offshore
financial services sector — mechanisms that will meet
the legitimate demands of the developed world for
the protection of their fiscal systems and their need
for greater security, while at the same time allowing
offshore financial-service economies to continue to
grow in an orderly and properly regulated way.

Let us not forget that the destruction of those
offshore financial-service economies will destabilize
the countries that depend upon them for their
livelihood. To destroy that sector in the Caribbean
would effectively cause tens of thousands of newly
empowered middle-class citizens to slip back into
poverty or to migrate to the developed world. The
middle class of which I speak constitutes the anchor
of social stability for the countries of our region. If it
is taken away, social destabilization will emerge as a
risk of the most ominous kind. And should that risk

materialize, the developed world may well end up
finding that it has solved one problem only by creating
an infinitely bigger one for itself.

The need for greater multilateralism is also evident
in many of the other problems confronting the Bahamas
and our region. A matter of the highest national priority
for us revolves around our ongoing problem with illegal
migration to our shores. We in the Bahamas suffer from
the illegal migration of tens of thousands of desperate
people from our sister Caribbean Community State
of Haiti — an exodus undeniably driven by crushing
poverty.

We also have a problem with illegal migration from
other countries in the Caribbean, albeit to a much lesser
extent. Of special note in that regard are migrants from
Cuba. We believe that the policies rooted in the Cold
War that largely account for that migration ought to be
brought into alignment with the realities of the modern
era.

Our archipelagic nation, though comparatively
small in population, covers a vast area. With our
hundreds of islands, the opportunities for illegal
migration are greatly multiplied. At a time when it is
imperative that we invest in the education and health
and future of our people, we are forced instead to devote
an ever-growing share of our resources to the problems
associated with illegal migration.

The Bahamas, like the rest of the world,
understandably places a great deal of emphasis on
the human rights of migrants, but we also believe that
there must be similar concerns for the ill-effects on
migrant-receiving States such as ours. In particular,
we are concerned about the increasingly unsustainable
costs that are being incurred and the resulting erosion
in the quality of life for the citizenry of the Bahamas.
Our country, the Commonwealth of the Bahamas,
simply does not have the financial resources and
infrastructural capacity, much less the psychological
stamina, to endure that dilemma indefinitely.

That should also remind us of the economic
disparities within our region and of the need to intensify
global efforts to eliminate poverty and structural
imbalances that impede economic growth within
certain segments and sections of the Caribbean. For
as long as those disparities persist, illegal immigration
to the shores of countries that are comparatively more
prosperous will continue to grow.

Another problem that is of special concern to us
is the continuing influx of guns and the increase in
gun-related criminality, not only in the Bahamas but
throughout the region. As a world community, there
is, I am convinced, a great deal more that we can and
should be doing to fight that common menace.

The Bahamas has this year signed the Arms
Trade Treaty, and we encourage all States that have
not already done so to sign the Treaty as well. And
we implore those countries that produce the guns that
end up taking innocent lives and causing terror in our
communities to become more proactive in controlling
the export of guns. We implore them to step up the
policing of their own borders against arms traffickers.

We therefore call for more robust surveillance and
reconnaissance measures to be instituted. We already
have the experience of joint anti-drug operational
activities with the United States of America. However,
more resources ought to be employed in a region-wide
effort to fight crime. In particular, we call for a massive
increase in joint tactical operations so that more air
and maritime assets can be consistently deployed
and the thousands of square miles that constitute the
territorial waters of Caribbean States can be more
effectively patrolled. We in the Bahamas stand ready
to play our part in those joint efforts, without which
the war on arms trafficking, human smuggling and the
transshipment of illicit drugs will never produce the
victory we all strive for.

In a recent talk that I gave to a meeting of the
International Monetary Fund that the Bahamas hosted
for the region, I made the point that we must all seek
to mitigate the vulnerabilities of our small States in
the CARICOM region. Of particular concern in that
regard is the fact that we have as yet been unable to
disabuse the international financial organizations of
their conviction that gross domestic product per capita
is by itself an accurate measure of the wealth of a nation
or of its state of development.

The result of the continuing adherence to that
dogma and the policies that have flowed from it is
that the international financial assistance needs of
countries in our region are being erroneously assessed
and misunderstood. I therefore again join all of those
calling for a revamping of the criteria in that regard
so that the true financial assistance and development
needs of developing countries can be evaluated in a
fairer and more balanced and pragmatic way.

Another significant vulnerability for my country
concerns the environment and the need to address
comprehensively issues of climate change. The Bahamas
is surrounded by the sea and is low-lying. Indeed, 80 per
cent of the land mass of the Bahamas is less than five
feet above sea level. The implications of climate change
and associated rises in sea level are therefore obvious
for my country and its people. I would submit that the
world, particularly the developed world, has a stake in
resolving those issues, for while countries such as ours
may be the victims of climate change, we are not among
the countries that are, in fact, largely responsible for
the climate change that threatens our future and that of
the planet.

In the Bahamas, we are waging our own battles. We
are putting our fiscal house in order. We are introducing
innovative tools to fight crime. We are training a new
generation for twenty-first century jobs. We are creating
new partnerships to tackle our most pressing problems.
We are aggressively pursuing renewable energy. We
are revamping and modernizing our structure of
governance to make it more responsive to the needs of
the twenty-first century. And by the increased use of
the referendum machinery, we are demonstrating our
commitment to a deepening of our democracy.

We are a small country with strong convictions and
big ideas. But as we look beyond the borders of our
nation and of the region to gaze upon the global scene,
we see much eloquence and many handshakes and the
ceremonial signing of one treaty after another. Rarely,
however, do we see concrete steps or enforcement
mechanisms with teeth. Ringing declarations have been
made from Rio to Copenhagen and beyond, and we are
constantly being challenged by our own citizens to
demonstrate to them that real and measurable progress
is being achieved at the global level.

We need to see more courage, more leadership, more
sustained action on the global stage. So as the leader
of a small but proud nation, I take the opportunity to
say to the big and powerful nations: Find your courage
because the hour grows late.


International relations are becoming increasingly
complex and multidimensional, while developments
in the world are even more rapid and less predictable.
Under these circumstances as never before, there is an
urgent need to agree upon collective responses to the
key issues of today. It is solely within the power of such
a truly universal Organization as the United Nations
to do so. Moreover, such solidarity-based efforts will
be productive only if they reflect the entire spectrum
of views of the international community on global
challenges and threats, a broad range of historical
experiences and the full cultural and civilizational
diversity of the modern world.

For most of the Members of the United Nations
family, that approach is axiomatic. However, there is
also another tendency whereby collective actions are
understood primarily as agreement with the viewpoint
of one group of countries. Such views manifest
themselves in various areas: international security, the
settlement of conflict situations, the functioning of the
world economy, and the choice of development models
and core values.

Many problems affecting today’s world are reflected
in the tragic situation in Syria and in the uncertainty
surrounding the development of events in the Middle
East and North Africa overall. From the very onset of
the turmoil in that region, Russia has consistently called
for the development by the international community
of a common approach combining support for the
Arab peoples on their path to transformation with
an understanding of the fact that, objectively, those
processes will be lengthy and sometimes painful, and
that it will be quite important not to undermine them
through gross outside interference.

We have emphasized the need to act in a balanced
way and to take account of the fact that current complex
developments are associated with, among other things,
a tireless quest for compromises among the various
ethnic and religious groups that make up the mosaic
of Arab societies. We have consistently supported the
choice of the evolutionary way of development and the
peaceful settlement of crises through national dialogue
and reconciliation.

Another perspective has been reflected in the
attempts made to determine who is and is not legitimate
among the leaders of the Middle East and North Africa
region, to impose a view as to which side should be
supported in domestic national conflicts, and to dictate
external, ready-made prescriptions for democratic
transformation.

Attempts to portray, in a simplified way, the
developments in the Arab world as the struggle of
democracy against tyranny or of good against evil
have long obscured the problems associated with the
rising wave of extremism, which is spilling over into
other regions today. The terrorist attacks in Kenya
have demonstrated the full gravity of that threat. It is
common knowledge that jihadist groups that include
numerous radical elements from all parts of the world
are the most combat-capable units of the opposition.
The goals that they are pursuing have nothing to do with
democracy but are based on intolerance and aimed at
the destruction of secular States and the establishment
of caliphates. It is difficult to qualify as far-sighted a
policy that entails fighting in Mali the same extremist
groups that are being supported in Syria.

The use of chemical weapons is inadmissible. That
does not mean, however, that one can usurp the right
to accuse and to render verdicts. All of the incidents
associated with the use of chemical weapons in Syria,
by whomsoever committed, must be investigated in a
professional and unbiased manner and then considered
by the Security Council exclusively on the basis of
facts rather than of allegations or assumptions. In that
respect, at the Group of 20 (G-20) summit held in June,
an agreement was reached by leaders of the eight key
States.

Recently a common argument has been
increasingly made to the effect that the threat or use
of force, directly prohibited by the Charter of the
United Nations, is virtually the most effective method
of addressing international problems, including the
settlement of domestic conflicts. There have been
attempts to extrapolate such an approach to the
situation in Syria as well, despite the fact that recent
experience with such interventions has proved that they
are ineffective, meaningless and destructive. That is an
extremely dangerous path leading to the erosion of the
foundations of today’s world order and the subversion
of the weapons of mass destruction non-proliferation
regimes.

It is alarming to hear statements about the right
to use military force to ensure one’s own interests in
the Middle East region under the pretext of a persistent
leadership gap in the international arena. Recent history
shows that no State, no matter how big or powerful,
can cope alone with challenges of the scope faced by
humankind today.

There is no doubt that leadership is required.
However, today it can only be collective leadership
based on agreed actions of the leading members of
the international community, with strict respect for
the principles and norms of international law. It is
the growing understanding of that reality that has
opened the way towards achieving Russia-United
States understandings relating to the placing under
international control and subsequent elimination of the
Syrian chemical arsenals. That became possible thanks
to the decision by Damascus to join the Chemical
Weapons Convention and fulfil the relevant obligations
following the expedited procedure.

We expect that the decisions of the Organization
for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Executive
Council and the Security Council will contribute to
creating the framework required for the elimination of
chemical arsenals in Syria.

Progress in the area of chemical disarmament in
Syria should give impetus to the implementation of
existing arrangements to convene a conference on
establishing a zone free of weapons of mass destruction
and their means of delivery in the Middle East. We know
that there are a number of complicated issues related to
ensuring full participation of the countries of the region
in such a conference, but they cannot be discussed
endlessly. That is exactly when true leadership and
resolve must be demonstrated for the common benefit.

People are continuing to die and innocent civilians
to suffer every day in Syria. Religious minorities,
including Christian communities, are becoming
victims of the conflict, which is increasingly acquiring
a sectarian character. Virtually the only possibility
remaining today to put an end to this turmoil is
to break the deadlock regarding the process of a
political settlement of the Syrian crisis. We continue
to work tirelessly for the earliest convening of a peace
conference to implement the Geneva communiqué
of 30 July 2012 (S/2012/522, annex). We hope that,
following the example set by the Government of Syria,
the opposition will also constructively respond to the
Russia-United States initiative.

The Syrian crisis should not overshadow the need to
address the Palestinian problem. We expect the Israeli
and Palestinian leaders to shoulder their responsibility
for the future of their people at this current critical
stage, where the parties have resumed direct talks
after a lengthy interruption. While duly recognizing
the efforts made by the United States in the Middle
East settlement process, we deem it necessary to
intensify the activity of the Quartet, the internationally
recognized mechanism for providing assistance to the
peace process in the region on the basis of the relevant
decisions of the United Nations, the Madrid principles
and the Arab Peace Initiative. It is also important to
ensure the close involvement of the Arab countries in
the activities of the Quartet.

Approaches based on negotiation are also required
with respect to other situations, including the Iranian
nuclear programme and the nuclear problem in the
Korean peninsula. As President Vladimir Putin noted
in his recent article in the 11 September 2013 issue of
The New York Times,

“We must stop using the language of force and
return to the path of civilized diplomatic and
political settlement.”
This would help to improve the international
environment and contribute to stepping up collective
efforts to counter global challenges, including terrorism
and drug trafficking. Russia intends to attach priority
attention to these challenges during its presidency of
the Group of Eight, in 2014.

Today, when the rigid frame of the bipolar system
has been long relegated to the past, a mark of the time
is the strengthening of the democratic foundations both
within States and in international relations. That means

in particular that the recognition of the right of peoples
to independently determine their destiny and to choose
the optimal forms of social and political structure
and social and economic systems should become an
indisputable norm of conduct. In the same way, the
complex of exclusiveness and supremacy regarding
one’s own customs in the human rights area should be
abandoned and instead the universal criteria enshrined
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should
be used as a guideline. Moreover, it is important to
respect the traditional values that are common to all
the religions.

It is obvious that a genuine partnership is hardly
achievable without reliance on the foundations of
economic cooperation. The prevailing majority of
States are interacting within the framework of the
World Trade Organization and in that sense they are
already operating in a common economic space.
This creates the prerequisites for working towards
harmonization of integration processes in various
regions of the world instead of trying to artificially pit
them against each other by creating new division lines.
Russia is proceeding from that exact understanding in
its joint work with its partners in the establishment of
the Eurasian Economic Union.

Russia attaches great importance to achieving the
Millennium Development Goals and the drafting of the
global development agenda for the post-2015 period
on their basis. The main priorities are the eradication
of poverty and support for economic growth through
the expansion of investment opportunities and the
creation of new jobs. Some of the most urgent issues
are the strengthening of the energy and transport
infrastructures, the fight against infectious diseases
and road safety.

Cooperation among States should rely on efficient
mechanisms and an adequate resource base. In that
context, we support the further strengthening of the
coordinating role and potential of the United Nations
Economic and Social Council. During its chairmanship
of the Group of 20, Russia has consistently pursued
a policy of developing its interaction with the United
Nations. We believe that the General Assembly, in
cooperation with the G-20, will develop a realistic
programme of long-term cooperation.

I firmly believe that, by joining forces on the basis
of genuine respect and considering the interests of each
and everyone, we will be able to achieve the lofty goals
that are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.


Let me begin by
congratulating His Excellency Ambassador John
Ashe on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-eighth session. May I also take
this opportunity to commend His Excellency Mr. Vuk
Jeremi. for his skilful stewardship of the sixty-seventh
session. Our profound appreciation of course also goes
to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his inspirational
leadership of the Organization.

The theme of this session — “The post-2015
development agenda: setting the stage” — is timely
and well-chosen, for we are now making the final push

towards the fulfilment of the Millennium Development
Goals by the 2015 deadline. Simultaneously, work has
begun on framing the post-2015 global development
agenda to end extreme poverty and ensure sustainable
growth with equity. That agenda must be anchored
by a new global partnership — a vision reflected
in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s role as
one of the three co-Chairs of the High-level Panel
of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development
Agenda and recognition of the fact that the success of
the forthcoming intergovernmental process requires
the capacity to forge a global consensus to identify and
build upon common interests.

Indonesia has an enduring belief in the efficacy
and effectiveness of diplomacy, maintaining peace
and security, advancing social progress and economic
prosperity and promoting democracy, human rights and
tolerance.

The conflict in Syria has long demanded such
a political and diplomatic solution, for amid the
undoubted complexity of the situation three key
points are compelling, namely, halting the violence,
facilitating humanitarian relief and beginning an
inclusive political process that reflects the wishes of
the Syrian people. The recent breakthrough on the
issue of chemical weapons in Syria is clear evidence
that diplomacy works. Further diplomatic momentum
must be generated. The Security Council must be one to
forcefully make the case for a peaceful settlement. To
get the parties to the negotiating table, the “Geneva II”
conference must be convened at the earliest opportunity.

On the issue of Palestine, the full weight of
diplomatic pressure must similarly be brought to
bear and resolutions of the General Assembly and the
Security Council implemented. The historic injustice
that the Palestinian people have suffered for so long
must be ended. We are encouraged by and welcome,
therefore, the resumption of direct negotiations between
Palestine and Israel, the result, no less, of painstaking
and relentless diplomatic efforts. The revival of the
long-stalled nuclear disarmament agenda is also
key. In particular, as co-President of the Article XIV
Conference on the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty, Indonesia calls for the early entry into force of
the Treaty.

The same relentless diplomatic pursuit must be
applied to what is manifestly in the common interests
of all, that is, the eradication of poverty, the promotion
of sustainable development and inclusive financing and
overcoming the challenges of climate change. We have
in ourselves the wherewithal to address the development
challenges of our time — for example, to work for an
early conclusion of the Doha development agenda and a
new climate-change regime by 2015.

Key to that, however, must be a strong commitment
to the spirit of partnership and an unshakeable belief
in the power of multilateralism: cooperation and
collaboration rather than discord and division. The
development agenda must work for all countries, large
or small, developed and developing. Each of us must
share responsibility. Developed countries must take the
lead, while developing countries must do more.

The pursuit of a diplomatic path becomes fraught
with challenges in a complex and fast-changing world
where the issues of governance, human rights violations,
extremism and intolerance within countries can
quickly gain inter-State dimensions. We must ensure
that the institutions of the United Nations are ready to
address such contemporary challenges. Therefore, as
countries embark upon a process of democratization
and the promotion and protection of human rights, as
they draw a line against intolerance and extremism,
the international community, the United Nations,
must contribute towards ensuring an atmosphere that
is conducive to their peaceful transformation, one that
reflects the wishes of the peoples concerned.

Together with its partners in the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Indonesia is
steadily developing a regional architecture conducive
to the peaceful promotion of human rights and
democracy. It is called the ASEAN Political-Security
Community. Together with the economic community
and sociocultural community pillars, it makes up the
ASEAN Community that we are to achieve by 2015.
Through a process of sharing lessons learned derived
from our respective successes and setbacks, we provide
mutual encouragement and support in our promotion
of the principles of democracy, the rule of law and
good governance, and respect for and the promotion of
human rights and fundamental freedoms as inscribed
in the ASEAN Charter.

Beyond South-East Asia, Indonesia is pursuing
the same positive and constructive approach through
what is called the Bali Democracy Forum, a platform
for countries in the wider region to shareone anothers’
experiences. At all levels — national, regional and

global — we remain steadfast in promoting tolerance
and religious freedom, pushing back against prejudice
and intolerance and building partnerships, harmony
and mutual respect. Indonesia recognizes, therefore, the
special responsibility incumbent upon it as host of the
United Nations Alliance of Civilizations Global Forum
in 2014, one that aims to promote unity in diversity.

The primacy of diplomacy and of the peaceful
settlement of disputes over war and conflict is not
more evident than in the quiet and yet fundamental
transformations that have been taking place in
our region, South-East Asia. Notwithstanding the
continuing challenges, Indonesia believes that the
dividends of peace and stability are self-evident:
economic and social progress.

The continued stability and security of the region
is therefore the key to securing our prosperity. Peace
and development are indivisible. With other ASEAN
nations, Indonesia has worked constantly to develop
the region’s capacity to manage and overcome any
potential for conflict and to ensure that it remains a
net contributor to international peace and security; to
extend the arc of stability beyond South-East Asia to the
Asia-Pacific region at large while promoting common
security, common prosperity and common stability
for all in the region; and, through commitments to the
peaceful settlement of disputes and the renunciation
of the use or threat of force, to ensure that the region
places diplomacy at the forefront.

Indonesia will be tireless in promoting the primacy
of diplomacy, and unwavering in its belief in the noble
goals of the United Nations.