It	gives me pleasure to convey my sincere congratulations to Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I am confident that he will devote his rich experience and diplomatic expertise to ensuring the success of this session.
I am also pleased to welcome the new States that have recently joined the membership of the United Nations.
The great hopes for the emergence of a world enjoying peace, stability, economic growth, justice, and equality for all remain in all our minds. But we cannot help wondering whether the international community is any closer today to realizing these hopes than it was in the past. The rapid developments and radical changes that have taken place in the world since 1989 still continue apace. These developments and changes have led the world situation to the threshold of a new era, whose features have not become clear yet. He can say, however, that our world today - despite the end of' the ideological conflict that divided a large part of the world into two blocs, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Harsaw Pact - continues to be unstable, and continues to be prey to racial conflicts and armed disputes in Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
On the other hand, the economic crisis has intensified, bringing greater misery to the developing countries, which experience famines of unprecedented magnitude in modern history. All indications point to an exacerbation of the division of the world into North and South, a world without equality, justice, or equity between the rich and strong countries of the North and the poor and weak countries of the South. These signs also warn against the advent of a new era of big-Power hegemony not only over weaker States but also over all international organizations with a view to using them as instruments to implement their policies and serve their interests.
The challenges which face us, particularly in the developing countries, make it imperative for the United Nations to discharge its responsibilities under the Charter, with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security, within the framework of a world order in which the United Nations, through the collective will of all its Member States, should play an effective and influential role in protecting the sovereignty and independence of the Member States and in achieving the economic and social development which constitutes the greatest and principal challenge to the developing countries.
However, actual reality shows that the United Nations, which continues to strive to attain these aspirations, faces many obstacles that impede its progress towards them. The most prominent hurdle is the attempt by one State or group of States to impose hegemony over the policies of the United Nations and its institutions. The most flagrant aspect of that hegemony is what has been taking place in the Security Council since the course of international changes acquired its new, accelerated pace. As a result of this hegemony, which is being spearheaded and intensified by the United States of America, resolutions and measures adopted by the Security Council have become conspicuous for their double standard and selectivity in applying the text of the United Nations Charter. In so doing, the Security Council has distanced itself from the letter and spirit of the principles enshrined in the Charter and from the provisions of international law and the principles of justice and fairness that are necessary if a balance is to be maintained between the obligations and the rights of Member States.
There is no doubt that this imbalance will lead inevitably to opportunistic dealings that may very well stem from the ability of the stronger to deal and not from the foundations established in the Charter for the relationship between the Council and Member States. Such a state of affairs would pose a grave threat to peace and security on both the regional and the international levels.
What Iraq has been subjected to over the past two years, and the practices it continues to face under the cover of so-called international legality, are the most telling examples of double standards selectivity, and of the failure to strike a balance between rights and obligations.
The will of the Security Council has become divorced from the Charter and its resolutions have been transformed into political practices aimed at destabilizing a State Member of the United Nations, undermining its security, starving its people and depriving its sick and ailing citizens of the medicine they need. All this is being done to serve declared political objectives that in no way relate to the letter or spirit of the United Nations Charter or to the rules of international law.
In the name of international legality and under its cover, Iraq has been made the victim of an all-out war that has destroyed its economic installations and the infrastructures of its civilian life in a manner that is unprecedented in modern history. The motive behind this overkill and arbitrary use of armed force against Iraq was to throw a whole people back into the pre-industrial age, as then United States Secretary of State Baker told the Iraqi Foreign Minister, Tariq Aziz, in the course of their Geneva meeting on 9 January 1991. The studies and reports of the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross and other humanitarian organizations have highlighted the magnitude of the destruction inflicted upon Iraq as a result of that aggression and the subsequent huge losses sustained as a result of the blockade and the embargo. I do not need to go into the details of those reports, which contain the findings of people commissioned by the United Nations and which have been distributed as official United Nations documents.
Notwithstanding all the excesses and the untold iniquities perpetrated against Iraq, we have striven in all sincerity and earnestness to honor our commitments vis-a-vis the resolutions of the Security Council and to cooperate with United Nations organs in doing all that is required of Iraq in every field. Many acts of provocation have been committed by persons who have been planted in the mechanisms entrusted with the implementation of Security Council resolutions with the aim of obstructing Iraq's discharge of its commitments and thereby making Iraq appear to be rejecting the resolutions of the Security Council. The obvious aim has been the creation of a climate that would justify new military strikes against Iraq and block any consideration of lifting the unjust and iniquitous blockade imposed upon it.
However, we have been able to foil the efforts aimed at achieving that evil objective and all the attempts made with the aim of creating crises between the United Nations and Iraq have been contained. Iraq has demonstrated full cooperation with the United Nations in order to ensure the sound and balanced implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council.
While Iraq is earnestly striving to implement its commitments vis-a-vis Security Council resolutions, we have yet to see the Council take any step towards lifting the blockade or even loosening its economic shackles which it has imposed upon the people of Iraq and which have had very grave effects indeed on the daily lives of the Iraqi people at every level.
It has become evident from the firm determination of the Security Council not to ease the comprehensive economic sanctions imposed upon Iraq that the Council does not follow the rule of balancing obligations and rights, but is rather acting in line with declarations of the officials of the countries that exercise hegemony over the Council that the economic blockade against Iraq will never be lifted until Iraq's political system is overthrown.
Here, we feel entitled to pose a question to the whole world from this rostrum, asking whether the Security Council, in dealing thus with a State Member of the United Nations, has acted on the basis of the provisions of the Charter, international law and the principles of justice and fairness, or whether the Council has succumbed to the will and diktat of the Powers that exercise hegemony over it with a view to serving those Powers' interests before all else.
The present relationship between the Security Council and Iraq does not fall within the framework of implementing the resolutions of the Council but rather within the framework of implementing the foreign policy objectives of a very limited number of States. If those States, which are led by dubious policies in the United States, were to be given a free hand, then the grave danger would spill over beyond Iraq and engulf other nations; it would spill over beyond the present and engulf the future. The campaigns of threats and intimidation under the cover of the Charter continue unabated in order to create the appropriate climate for continuing the economic blockade against Iraq and justifying new military strikes against it with the aim of destabilizing its political system and finishing off its vital economic installations and infrastructures which are still suffering from the impact of the first military strike. A flagrant example of the injustices to which Iraq is being subjected within the framework of this relationship can be seen in the practices of the sanctions Committee set up under Security Council resolution 661 (1991). This Committee too is subject to the rule of veto despite its camouflage as a committee conducting its work on the basis of consensus.
As I have informed the Secretary-General in official letters citing factual instances, a review of that Committee's work would show how the objection of one or two members of the Committee is sufficient to prevent any response to Iraq's basic needs and even to make it ignore the special exemptions stated in the resolutions concerning civilian needs in such spheres as food, electricity, agriculture, water and sewage, medical and educational requirements, and clothing.
Iraq has been allowed, in theory, to import food and medicine. But, for two years now, Iraqi assets have been frozen while Iraq has not been able to sell any oil or export any other commodity in order to pay for its basic humanitarian needs. On top of all this, we see attempts now being made to seize completely Iraqi frozen assets abroad through a draft resolution currently tabled before the Security Council. This draft resolution has no justification or legality whatsoever, not even in the light of the pretexts contained in the draft itself. Iraq has cooperated, in good faith and in earnest, with the United Nations Secretariat in order to reach an agreement on the export of quantities of Iraqi oil and the use of the revenues thereof to provide for basic civilian needs and cover United Nations costs. The reason an agreement is yet to be reached has been the refusal of certain countries in the Security Council to remove from any prospective agreement their humiliating political preconditions, which are not in any way related to the substance of the agreement desired.
Iraq is prepared to address this question according to the following formula first, that Iraq be allowed to export crude oil and oil products to produce a net return of no less than $4 billion for a period of six months, which may be extended for a further period if by then the embargo of Iraqi oil exports has not been completely lifted.
Secondly, that the net returns of the exports be deposited in an escrow account set up by the United Nations, then to be used for the purchase of foodstuffs, medicines and other essential civilian needs, the importation of which will be subject to the special measures of the Committee established under Security Council resolution 661 (1990).
Thirdly, that the Security Council name certain countries from which goods may be purchased according to normal commercial practices.
Iraq is prepared to grant 5 per cent of the net return of this operation to the International Committee of the Red Cross and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies as a contribution towards international relief work in Somalia/ for the benefit of the Palestinian people through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Middle East, in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in other areas.
This will be donated in keeping with Iraq's humanitarian principles and outlook.
In April 1991 the United Nations began its humanitarian relief program to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people with simple and limited means. Interference from parties hostile to Iraq began to surface in order to influence the course of the program by using it as a pretext and a gateway through which to interfere in the internal affairs of Iraq. It became clear that the program dealt with the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people according to the political desires, intentions and schemes of the countries presenting the aid, a fact attested to by some officials in the program.
Therefore, the humanitarian program has not assumed, in actual application, the effectiveness that would have made it possible to achieve its desired humanitarian objectives. Iraq reiterates the necessity for the United Nations humanitarian program to remain within the framework of purely humanitarian objectives, away from political considerations and from the tendency to interfere in the internal affairs of Iraq. We are prepared to cooperate in the achievement of any purely humanitarian goal sought by the United Nations.
Calls and allegations are increasingly made about alleged violations of human rights in Iraq. The parties that waged a destructive war on Iraq in the name of international legality would like to forget that the suffering of the people of Iraq resulted from their own actions which constitute the most flagrant violation of human rights witnessed by humanity in all its history.
I ask here, before this international gathering: what words can describe
an action in which one hundred twenty-five thousand tons of explosives were dropped on the people of Iraq, bringing death to thousands of its children, men and women of all ages, and raining destruction upon all its vital economic installations, its civilian, residential centers and its schools, hospitals, formula milk plants, kindergartens and houses of worship? Is this not a most flagrant violation of human rights and negation of all moral and human values and standards, in addition to being a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the covenants related to it?
The false accusations being leveled at Iraq are the stuff of lies, rumors and distortions. They go nowhere near the very minimum of any objective, impartial or reasoned approach.
The real motive behind this orchestrated vociferous campaign is to serve the very same political objectives that were behind the military aggression perpetrated against Iraq and that are still operative in the continued economic blockade against Iraq, the starving of its people, the trumped up pretexts of interference in its internal affairs and the undermining of its national unity. The so-called no-fly zone over southern Iraq has been imposed by a decision of the United States, Britain and France, this time nakedly, without any Security Council cover, thus underscoring the flagrant aggressive policy currently pursued in order to partition Iraq rather than defend its "civilians"/ as the Western imperialist countries claim while they maintain their embargo against Iraq after having killed thousands of its civilian population through an aerial onslaught with bombs whose explosive force equaled that of a number of atomic bombs of the type that removed Hiroshima from the face of the earth. It is these very countries that continue to impose an embargo even on toys for the children of Iraq.
No one can deny that the main cause of suffering among the people of Iraq was the military aggression that destroyed Iraq's economic infrastructure and brought to a halt its services. The suffering has also been caused, and further intensified, by the continued imposition of this iniquitous blockade, which has visited yet more economic hardship and human suffering on the people of Iraq, in addition to continued foreign interference in the internal affairs of the country, the creation of problems and fueling of internal conflicts and obstruction of the efforts of the central Government to carry out their duties and discharge their responsibilities towards the maintenance of law and order and preserve security and stability.
The only way to put an end to this injustice and ensure some justice is to lift the embargo imposed upon Iraq and allow its people to rebuild what has been destroyed and resume their normal life. With its known potential, Iraq is a country that can do without donations given by this or that country as a
cover for well-known intentions. Indeed, Iraq can participate effectively in providing humanitarian assistance to countries in other regions of the world where such assistance is needed, once it regains its economic health. It had been providing such assistance before the blockade. Instances of this are numerous indeed, in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and many of the representatives listening to this statement know quite well that this is a fact.
The circumstances which were used as a pretext for imposing the blockade against Iraq no longer exist. Therefore, lifting the blockade is an urgent necessity on the legal and humanitarian levels. As a matter of fact, this step ought to have been taken immediately after the disappearance of the circumstances to which I have just referred. Persistence in imposing the blockade constitutes a naked violation of the letter and spirit of the Security Council resolutions, contravenes all humanitarian principles and values, and must make it clear to the representatives here, as it has made clear to us, that the reasons behind it are and have been the inhuman intentions harbored against Iraq by well-known parties, now and in the past.
It is indeed, in the interest of the human rights of the people of Iraq, that neighboring countries should abide by the terms of international agreements and undertakings and desist from sending infiltrators into our country to perpetrate acts of murder, robbery and plunder against persons and property of the civilian population, as well as against the State assets, just as they perpetrated their criminal acts against us in March and April 1991, as I believe everyone now knows.
The Security Council's silence with regard to the criminal acts and
operations of military aggression perpetrated in Palestine, Lebanon and other occupied Arab territories by the pampered and American-veto-protected Zionist entity are the most damning proof that the practices of the Security Council are devoid of justice and international legality because of the total domination by the United States over the Council and its procedures.
The violations that the Zionist entity has committed over the years, and continues to commit with impunity, against the people of Palestine and the other occupied Arab territories - in breach of the principles enshrined in the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Geneva Conventions of 1949, as well as in resolutions of the United Nations would take an entire volume to list if those Israeli practices were to be classified according to the breach of every article and paragraph dealing with human rights and the rights of nations.
In return for all these policies of aggression and expansionism, the annexation of lands, the displacement of populations, and the killing and repression of civilians under military occupation, the Zionist entity receives nothing less than ever increasing political, military and economic aid which enables it to persist with impunity in its policies of aggression against the Palestinian people and its denial of their most basic and inalienable right the right to return to their homeland and to establish an independent State in Palestine under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, the PLO.
On the other hand, the importance of the Security Council vis-a-vis the armed conflicts that are currently raging in a number of regions, and its inability to address the attendant human tragedies as in the case of Somalia, whose plight is one of the most horrendous human calamities, are further proof of the double standards and politically motivated considerations that govern the conduct of the Security Council and the measures that it adopts in accordance with the wishes and dictates of the United States of America - the Power that dominates the Council.
I wish, in conclusion, to point out that the peoples of the world as a whole do look forward to the day when the United Nations will play a real and effective role in bringing about a world of security, stability and prosperity. However, that day will come only when the Organization applies the letter and spirit of its Charter and the principles of international law in dealing with the major issues of mankind. That day will come only when the United Nations refuses to bow to any pressure or blackmail and, thereby, avoids becoming hostage to the will of the big Powers and refuses to be sidetracked from the noble human objectives that it was established to achieve.
Unless such a state of affairs pertains clearly and decisively, as the States of the world that are jealous of their independence and freedom hope, the world will suffer disastrous consequences and the very foundations of the United Nations will be weakened as non-compliance with the United Nations Charter would put into question the very credibility of the Organization, and that might result in bringing upon it the same fate that overtook the old League of Nations, or some such undesirable fate.


	On	behalf of my Government and the people
of Jamaica, I take this opportunity to congratulate you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I am confident that your vision and energy will guide this session to a successful conclusion.
I must also take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who has assumed the post of Secretary-General of the United Nations at a most challenging period for this Organization and a turning point in the history of world affairs.
He are all gathered here today to present our varying viewpoints about the many issues which are of concern to us as individual nations and as a world body. That in itself gives all of us a sense of hope that our problems, which loom so large on the world horizon, are not insoluble if we all determine to use this forum as a vehicle for working together to solve them.
In the past the admission of new Member States has been largely the result of the decolonization processes in Asia, the Pacific, Africa and the Caribbean. The current phenomenon of new States from Europe signals the fundamental realignment of political boundaries on that continent. I wish formally, on behalf of the Government and people of Jamaica, to welcome warmly the 13 new Members to the family of the United Nations. We meet in the aftermath of fundamental changes in the political landscape which have profound implications for each of us as individual nations. They also impact on the world community collectively and therefore on the agenda and future activities of this Organization. The end of the cold war heralds a new era in which the United Nations is expected to take decisive action based on the merits of each issue, rather than in response to fixed ideological positions buttressed by the use of veto power.
The world economy is experiencing revolutionary alteration. No country, developed or developing, is immune. In all of this, the fundamental and unchanging reality is the widening gap between the relatively few rich industrialized countries of the North and the many poor developing ones in the South.
In so many ways so much has changed, and yet so much remains the same.
It was 12 years ago, in 1980, that as Foreign Minister of my country I last addressed the Assembly. It was a time of great optimism. There was ongoing dialog between North and South. He seemed to share a common understanding of the requirements for international cooperation and development. Barely had the decade of the 1980s begun than the dialog abruptly ended. The international economic environment became even more unfavorable. The developing countries of the South were left to grapple with enormous external debt. Most of us spent the decade undertaking major structural reform.
The painful adjustment has weighed heavily on the poor and the vulnerable. Only now are we beginning to see prospects for growth and development as a result of these reforms. It is important that a favorable international economic environment be established so as to complete the process. It is imperative that the United Nations, this universal
Organization, play a central role in enabling mankind to meet the challenges and grasp the present opportunities.
All Member States, be they large or small, have the right to articulate their views and express their aspirations. Me have an equal obligation to contribute to finding a common solution. Today I address my remarks from the perspective of my own country, which exemplifies in many respects the goals and concerns of the developing world.
When Jamaica joined the United Nations in 1962 we recognized that to make a better life for our people we were required to consolidate our democracy, respect human rights, ensure the rule of law and promote racial, religious, and cultural tolerance. Ours is a society which reflects a varied mosaic "Out of many, one people" is our motto. Ideally, this mirrors the central purpose of the United Nations "Out of many nations, one world".
To achieve sustainable development and fulfill the promise of a better life for our people, we must create the conditions for economic growth and development for all our countries. To achieve this, we must reduce the vulnerability of developing countries to external shocks. I call upon the General Assembly to issue a summons to all Member States for a new agenda which provides the basic conditions for human survival everywhere.
Over the past 45 years the peacemaking function of this Organization has been circumscribed by the dictates of the cold war. The threat of a nuclear holocaust was averted not so much by reason but by the certainty of mutually assured destruction. The United Nations was relegated to the role of spectator, fearful of the consequences, but powerless to act. Peace and security in many regions was breached. This often reflected the surrogate conflicts between the super-Powers, exploiting the reality of economic disparities and nationalist or ethnic animosities.The United Nations can no longer remain impotent to prevent conflict/ to make peace/ to build peace and to keep the peace. The Secretary-General's "Agenda for Peace" contains many innovative proposals in these areas. They provide a constructive basis on which Member States may formulate effective responses to conflicts, actual or potential, around the world. Jamaica will contribute to the search for a full consensus on the effective role for the United Nations and its organs in the new scenario. The interface between the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the International Court of Justice can best provide the requisite framework for legitimacy, authority and the operational context of international law.
We note the hopeful signs that are emerging in South Africa, the Middle East, Cambodia and the Korean peninsula. The current round of direct negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbors is an encouraging development which Jamaica fully supports. But there is still a long way to go in achieving the goals of peace and security. The world community cannot afford to relax either its vigilance or its commitment to a just and lasting resolution of these problems.
We began 1992 with hope that the progress towards ending apartheid in South Africa would gain momentum. The referendum in March formally sanctioned the reform process. Hope has turned to despair as violence has continued to pose a serious threat to that process. The blood of South Africans continues to be shed in the long struggle to end the abhorrent system of apartheid. The incidents that have taken place since July in Boipatong and the Ciskei homeland have nearly torpedoed the prospects for peace and the process of negotiating towards democratic rule in South Africa.
The Government and people of Jamaica have long supported the anti-apartheid struggle in that country. He were heartened by the appearance of progress. He would not wish to see the process derailed.
The international community must signal its clear and unswerving determination to see concrete results that end the cycle of violence and ensure the success of negotiations aimed at achieving a democratic and non-racist society. Jamaica will not be satisfied until there is the reality of one-person, one-vote.
There are other areas in urgent need of effective United Nations initiatives. In Central and Eastern Europe, in the Persian Gulf, in South Africa, in Somalia, in Haiti, the problem varies in magnitude and in complexity. There is a real chance that the United Nations can make a significant contribution. It cannot do so without the resources and full support of the rich and powerful nations.
In my own region, in the Caribbean country of Haiti, a repressive and illegal regime continues to hold power a year after overthrowing the democratically elected leader of that country. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide remains a virtual exile. Measures taken by the Organization of American States (OAS) to resolve the situation have not yet achieved the hoped for results. In particular, the embargo is being flouted by some European countries and even by some member countries of the OAS itself.
He owe it to the people of Haiti and to ourselves to continue support for their cause for a restoration of constitutional rule. All those who espouse freedom must remain resolute in the conviction that the democratic flame which flickered briefly should remain for ever alight in that country.
The machinery of the United Nations, in concert with the OAS, must render positive assistance to the Haitian people. We urge the General Assembly to lend its weight in support of the legitimate Government and people of one of its Member States.
The Secretary-General has correctly highlighted the importance of the concept of the rule of law in international, no less than in national, affairs. The International Court of Justice should be strengthened and its jurisdiction must be extended to command universal acceptance. Its judgments must have binding force and effect.
We would also urge the major industrial countries to give concrete expression to their commitment to international law by ratifying the Convention on the Law of the Sea without delay. The informal consultations initiated by the previous Secretary- General, and still continuing, have resulted in significant progress. The work must now revert to the Preparatory Commission, which has the competence and authority to make the necessary decisions.
Let us now review the world economic scene and the new agenda on which the Organization must immediately embark.
The link between peace, security and economic well-being is recognized by our Charter. It mandates the United Nations to promote the economic and social advancement of all peoples through international action.
The break-up of the integrated trading system of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, coupled with the rapid movement to dismantle their centralized economic system and substitute one that is market-oriented, has undoubtedly, in its immediate aftermath, posed severe challenges to the peoples of those countries.
The Governments of the Western industrialized countries were quick to recognize the threat to peace and security, if these unstable and chaotic conditions were not effectively and immediately addressed. They have moved with commendable speed to identify and provide the assistance required.
Regrettably, the same urgency and attention has never been forthcoming in respect of what has been a problem of longer standing, that is far more fundamental and potentially catastrophic. I speak of the ever-widening gap between the affluent countries of the North and the poverty rampant in most countries of the South.
The decade of the 1980s brought sustained economic growth and increasing affluence to the industrialized countries and rapid development to the newly industrialized countries of South-East Asia. For the rest of the developing world in Latin America and the Caribbean, in Africa and in the rest of Asia - this has, with few exceptions, been a period of relative, and often actual, decline in economic growth and living standards, exacerbated by rapid population increases.
The last decade witnessed a severe fall in commodity prices, the reduction of private- and public-sector flows, and a mounting debt burden which have resulted in outflows to the international financial institutions and to the developed world. Those trends must be halted and reversed*
In the search for lasting peace we must prevent increasing poverty for a substantial portion of the human race. The affluent also have a vital interest in the reduction of human misery. This is no time for recrimination as to who created this fundamental problem. He must all be part of finding an urgent solution to avoid political instability and social unrest.
Most of our countries have embarked with determination on the difficult task of economic restructuring. We have been reducing government budgets, opening our economies, emphasizing the pre-eminent role of the private sector and creating conditions for competitive market-driven economies. Undoubtedly, these are necessary prescriptions.
There is, however, no denying that in the short run, they have imposed considerable hardships on all sectors of our population, particularly the poorest our women and our children. In this critical situation, a supportive international economic environment is an urgent necessity to mitigate the short-term effects.
There is need for a greatly increased flow of public and private financial resources into the countries of the South. We must devise machinery to facilitate the transfer of relevant technology. We must create a climate of international trade which rejects protectionism and stimulates export-led growth.
Of increasing importance in the world economy is the trend towards regional economic integration movements and the consolidation of trading blocs among the countries of Europe and Worth America.
For the developing countries, the trend towards regional integration of economic structures is an essential step in the process of our own development. To the extent that this expands our home market base and promotes the cooperative sharing of financial and technical resources, it will strengthen our economies, increase our purchasing and productive power and contribute positively to the growth of world trade. From this exercise we
will all benefit.
The developed countries already control the major share of world trade, financial resources and technology. If the trading blocs of Europe and North America create defensive mechanisms against each other and establish barriers impenetrable by the rest of the world economy, the result is likely to be a growing marginalization of the developing countries and a concomitant widening of the gap between North and South.
Such a process will lead to stagnation and an eventual shrinkage of world trade. An increasing world population alongside the prospect of more impoverished countries is a recipe for explosion.
A fair trading system is required to encourage the development of regional integration processes among developing countries to recognize their need for temporary preferential and protective measures in specific areas and promote the maximum openness in the economies of the developed countries.
This path is essential to a more equitable, prosperous and peaceful world.
The iron curtain between East and West has finally been dismantled. It is now high time to bridge the gulf that perpetuates the great divide between the North and the South. This Organization the United Nations - must provide the forum for meaningful dialog and chart the course for practical, effective action.
The abatement of cold war tensions, the outbreak of ethnic conflicts, the reality of global interdependence, dictate that the world community must seize this opportune moment to give concentrated focus on a secure peace that rests on the foundations of meaningful development and sustained economic growth for all.
He must approach this dialog in sober recognition of the fact that no part of the world can long remain immune to events in any other part. Famine,
disease/ ecological degradation/ the desperate migration of people in search of survival, the inhumanity of poverty, cannot indefinitely be ignored by any creature on planet Earth.
Meaningful development must have a social dimension and must be sustainable. In respect of the former, we welcome the proposal for the convening of a world summit on the theme of social development.
The Earth Summit, recently concluded in Brazil, served to underscore the inter-linkages between security, disarmament, debt, trade, technology, the environment and development. Heads of State and Government were obliged to accept the interrelationships of these perennial concerns. We were forced to admit that these issues could not be treated in splendid isolation, but required concerted action. This very admission suggests that the time is propitious for a new beginning.
The spirit of Rio must not be lost. Time will tell whether the political will exists for us to cooperate with each other against the common threat to the environment we all share. Mere lip service will not suffice.
I expect this session of the General Assembly to settle the institutional machinery that ensures decisive action in the period following the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. It will need to address the concerns of small island States and the enhancement of scientific and technological capacity among developing countries.
Jamaica supports the decision to form a high-level commission for sustainable development. We intend to assist the commission fully once the important details of its program of work have been agreed.
I expect the Assembly also to confront the question of financial resources in order to implement Agenda 21. An initial commitment of at least $600 billion annually is required so that the work we have painstakingly accepted can be adequately implemented.
The key donor countries and agencies will need to look at several proposals within the Global Environmental Facility, the International Development Association, regional development banks, private-sector funding and financial transfers from Governments, to see how best a realistic international economic effort can be organized. But we must all resist the tendency to use resources for environmental protection and management as but one more device to bring developing countries under the dictates of the multilateral financial institutions.
The development that we seek in the present and the coming century is impossible without managing our environment efficiently. The case for acting in concert is overwhelming. The time for action is now.
Our agenda of political, economic and environmental changes, which all our citizens demand, no longer permits the United Nations to remain a passive spectator. It must play a catalytic role and assume operational leadership.
This makes it imperative that we re-order our priorities. This can be accomplished only in the context of institutional restructuring. The Secretary-General has already demonstrated his own commitment to this process. His proposals have been supplemented by proposals from many other sources. All of this provides a framework and a point of departure for our discussions and decisions in the months ahead, here in the General Assembly and in other organs of the United Nations.
The debate must be informed by the principles enshrined in the Charter. The decisions we make must ensure that the vision is realized and our purposes are met. This Organization must always act in a transparent manner so that it is never subverted by the introduction of hegemonism from any quarter. Any new world order must be based on the rule of law. In creating or shaping it, we need to be inclusive, not exclusive. All nations and peoples must be encouraged to satisfy their legitimate aspirations and fulfill their dreams.
While the new spirit of cooperation in the Security Council is a most welcome development, that body must reflect all interests in its determinations. Maintaining the confidence of the General Assembly requires its acceptance of accountability to this body. The role and function of the General Assembly must be enhanced. There must be non-selectivity in the taking of decisions and the consequent action to enforce them.
Definitions of human rights are not susceptible to differing interpretations imposed by any one State or group of States. The relevant international covenants on economic, social, cultural, political and civil rights must be universal standards. Once this is accepted we can deal effectively and even-handedly with all violations of human rights wherever they may occur. Resolute international action, based on the Charter and other rules of international law, must be applied.
Once more, this Organization is presented with a real opportunity to fulfill its noble purposes and to be an effective instrument in creating a world order of lasting peace, economic prosperity and social justice. Its success depends on the commitment and practical support that we, the sovereign nations that constitute its membership, bring to those purposes.
There is a clarion call proclaiming that a new dawn is at hand. If we succeed, the fruits are glorious.
The fact is, everything is at stake; we are all at risk, and so we dare
not fail.


It is an honour
for me to extend to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to
the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly of the
United Nations. I wish you every success in your high post. I also take this
opportunity to extend to Ambassador Samir Shihabi, through you, our deepest
appreciation of the great role he played during his outstanding presidency of
the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
I also take the opportunity to commend the outstanding and significant
role of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, in promoting the effectiveness of the United Nations through the
implementation of the principles and purposes of the Charter.
More than two years have passed since the establishment of the Republic
of Yemen. This national historic achievement has been one of the most
important world events of the beginning of this decade which abounds with
great changes. The dream of the Yemeni people has become an actual reality
thanks to their deep belief in the inevitability of unity and their persistent
struggle to achieve that unity.

The Yemeni people have earned the admiration of the world through the
realization of their unity by peaceful and democratic means. The Constitution
of the Republic of Yemen emphasizes the commitment of the country to the
principles of democracy. It enshrines the right of all Yemeni citizens fully
to enjoy their principal freedoms, including the freedom of expression, in
every way. It also stipulates respect for their legal and constitutional
rights, such as the right to unrestricted unionist and political action.
The Republic of Yemen, from its very inception, has enjoyed the benefits
of an active participation in political life by a society that, having evolved
through a multiplicity of political parties, associations and people's
organizations, recognizes the importance of diversity and the exchange of
opinions and ideas.
Yemen in its new era is about to end the transitional period and is now
on the threshold of another, more promising, stage. It will hold the first
elections throughout the country in which all Yemeni people, men and women,
will cast their votes and elect the members of the new House of
Representatives in accordance with the Constitution.
In the face of all these historic, vital changes, Yemen is confronted by
a number of challenges which include certain economic difficulties that have
resulted from the return, because of the Gulf crisis and for other reasons, of
more than a million expatriates who used to work in neighbouring sisterly
countries. On the other hand, parts of Yemen have suffered destructive floods
and violent earth tremors in the middle region. In addition, these are the
burdens of providing shelter and sustenance to thousands of our brethren,
refugees from sisterly Somalia.

Following the proclamation of the Republic of Yemen, my country declared
that Yemeni unity was not intended to be set against the interests of any
State in the region, especially those of neighbouring States and that it was
proclaimed to contribute to the strengthening of security, stability,
cooperation and integration in our region. In confirmation of all this the
Yemeni House of Representatives approved the first statement of the Government
of Unity, which emphasized the willingness of Yemen, for the first time, to
start negotiations concerning its borders with neighbouring sister countries
according to historical and legal rights and the principles of international
law. In this context, negotiations between Yemen and the sisterly Sultanate
of Oman concerning borders have reached their final stage.
On the question of the borders between Yemen and Saudi Arabia, my country
reiterated its willingness to consider this question and to discuss it with
the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The initiative of
President Ali Abdullah Saleh, Chairman of the Presidential Council, in which
he called upon our brethren in Saudi Arabia to initiate face-to-face meetings
on the question of borders according to historical and legal rights, has had
its positive impact. Our brethren in Saudi Arabia have responded to the
initiative of the Yemeni leadership. The first preparatory ministerial meeting
between the two parties was held in Geneva on 20 July last. During that
meeting, proposals were exchanged concerning the holding of the second meeting
in one of the two capitals, either Sanaa or Riyadh. It has been agreed to
hold the second meeting at the level of a committee of experts in the city of
Riyadh later this month. This demonstrates Yemen's determination, in its new
era, to translate words into actions and to reaffirm, on a practical level,
that it seeks to strengthen security and stability, and calls for regional and
bilateral cooperation between the countries of the Arab peninsula.

The world hears and witnesses on TV screens the human tragedy experienced
by the brotherly Somali people. Hundreds of men, women and particularly
children die daily in a cruel and sad manner.

Thousands of them die of hunger, and thousands of internecine strife.
Thousands of Somalis flee the country daily to escape this hellish,
devastating war and to seek their livelihood. The steps taken by the Security
Council to help the people of Somalia out of their plight have come a bit
late. We call for the intensification of international efforts to urgently
provide the necessary humanitarian assistance and ensure its delivery to all
the Somali people who face death in every part of the country.
In this connection, Yemen commends the leading role played by the
Secretary-General, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in focusing attention on this
tragedy, which the international community almost lost sight of in the
maelstrom of the many crises buffeting the world.
While we commend the recent increasing efforts by the United Nations and
other humanitarian organizations to help the Somali people out of their
plight, we call for addressing the root causes of that tragedy. Hence, the
United Nations is called upon to adopt practical measures in cooperation with
the League of Arab States, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, to search for a political solution to
the Somali crisis. Without this, all the world's humanitarian efforts will be
no more than palliatives.
Yemen has participated in the efforts made in the framework of the Somali
National Reconciliation Conference, held in Djibouti last year under the
auspices of President Hassan Gouled. Unfortunately, however, the national
power groups in Somalia have failed to implement the resolutions adopted at
that conference. Therefore, we appeal to the international community to make
another attempt to contain the Somali crisis and to arrive at a definitive
solution to the conflict. In this connection, I should like to reiterate
Yemen's willingness to participate anew in any efforts that may be deployed,

hopefully in the very near future, to hold another conference for national
reconciliation in Somalia and to ensure its success. The plight of Somalia
has exceeded all bounds. Let us all hasten to save Somalia from
disintegration and fragmentation and to save the Somali people from suffering
and misery.
When we speak of human suffering, we must mention the bloody events in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the people are subjected to acts of murder,
destruction and displacement at the hands of the Serbian forces, which have
adopted the heinous policy of "ethnic cleansing". Those forces have persisted
in their acts of aggression. They continue to incarcerate thousands of people
from Bosnia and Herzegovina - men, women, even the elderly - in concentration
camps, in a frightening repeat of horrible Nazi practices. We join the rest
of the world's countries in calling for an end to these acts of aggression,
which are supported by Belgrade. We also support firmly all the steps and
measures adopted by the Security Council with a view to putting an end to
these atrocious massacres and restoring peace to the Balkans.
The human tragedies that beset this or that nation and overwhelm this or
that people are manifestations of political crises that deteriorate to the
level of military confrontation and armed conflict. No matter how varied the
causes and motives of such crises may be and regardless of their differing
circumstances, they tend to have one thing in common: namely that it is the
innocent civilians and especially the most vulnerable among them, who pay the
price and bear the brunt of the blunders of others. Invariably, they become
the victims of conflicts and wars without reason or justification, and without
mercy.

This is the case with regard to the brotherly people of Iraq, whom the
international community seems to have forgotten after having imposed on them
one of the most cruel and intensive forms of comprehensive economic embargo
ever an embargo that has deprived them of all the requirements of civilian
life, including those of children and medical care. The Republic of Yemen
calls upon the international community to lift the embargo imposed on the
Iraqi people.
On another level, Yemen has voiced its concern over the actions taken to
prevent Iraqi aircraft from flying beyond latitude 32 to the south of Iraq
under the pretext of protecting the Shiites. We are certainly against any
arbitrary actions or violations of the human rights of any group of people.
But we are also against intervention or interference in the internal affairs
of any sovereign State. The segmentation of the sovereignty of the State of
Iraq over its territories in the north and the south, in our opinion is not
consonant, with the principle of respect for the sovereignty of States. It
could lead to the fragmentation of the territorial integrity of Iraq.
These days, bilateral negotiations continue between the Arab delegations
and the Israeli delegation in Washington in pursuance of the peace process,
which is designed to establish a just and durable peace in the Middle East
under the auspices of the United States of America and the Russian Federation.
The Republic of Yemen, which has previously expressed its support for the
efforts made by the United States of America and the Russian Federation to
push forward the, peace process in the Middle East through the peace
conference, expresses its belief that the ongoing negotiations will not be
successful unless they proceed from a commitment to adhere to the principle of
land for peace, according to Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and

338 (1973), and unless Israel agrees to withdraw from all occupied territories
and to renounce completely the policy of expansion and settlement, especially
in eastern Jerusalem. This must include the halting of settlement building,
whether they are called political or security settlements as well as the
recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination,
including the right to sovereignty and independence.
At the beginning of this month, the Summit Meeting of the Non-Aligned
Movement successfully concluded its work. The United Nations has been the
focus of special interest in the summit meeting. This is not surprising. The
United Nations has regained its rightful place in the heart of the
international community after having been threatened with marginalization and
atrophy. Its role has been strengthened in forging and coordinating
international relations in all aspects of life. The Security Council has
started to exercise its powers in maintaining international peace and security
after several years of inertia.
After discussing the situation of the United Nations and its renewed role
in the light of new ideas and proposals, including the "Agenda for Peace"
submitted by the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and his
important address to the conference, the Conference in Jakarta emphasized the
importance of the United Nations as the main international forum for the
activity of the Non-Aligned Movement. It also called for the participation of
the Movement in the formulation of new international relations, as it embodies
and represents the interests and aspirations of the developing countries,
which constitute the majority of Members of the United Nations.

In this context, we welcome the fact that the valuable proposals included
in the "Agenda for Peace" will be discussed not only in the Security Council
but also in the General Assembly,as the issue of peace in all its aspects is
of interest to all the countries and peoples of the world.
As for the international economic situation, the meeting in Jakarta noted
that, despite the positive changes in the area of international relations, the
economic situation of the developing countries has deteriorated further and
that, consequently, the United Nations must continue to promote cooperation
between the developing countries and the industrialized countries in a manner
that may serve the interests of economic integration in an equitable and
increasing context.
The Rio conference contributed to informing the world of the need for a
process of sustainable development, so that future generations may not be
exposed to danger. Therefore, the international community is called upon to
implement the international agreements approved by the Conference on
Environment and Development, particularly Agenda 21, which will help to
promote international cooperation.
The Charter of the United Nations will remain the meeting-point and
symbol of concord between the countries of the world, large and small. It
will also continue to represent the most ideal framework for coordination of
international relations in a manner that promotes international peace and
security. Today, and after the removal of the restrictions that hindered the
use of machinery provided for in the Charter - such as the use of force we
need, more than ever, the strictest respect for the Charter to avoid its
adaptation, or interpretation of its provisions, for the purpose of serving the
narrow national interests of any one party.

For all that, it is imperative that the foundations of democratic
dealings in international relations be deepened and that balance and
interaction between the main organs of the United Nations namely, the
General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretariat be ensured.
Balance expresses the very spirit of the Charter.


On behalf of the delegation of the State of Kuwait, I wish to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
forty-seventh session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election.
Sir, reflects an appreciation of your country, Bulgaria, and your personal
merits and skills, which will prove instrumental in guiding our deliberations

towards the attainment of our common goals. On a bilateral note, it is my
privilege to underscore the close ties that exist between our two countries,
as shown in numerous concrete steps.
In your current post, you succeed His Excellency
Ambassador Samir Shihabi, the Permanent Representative of our sister country,
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, who demonstrated outstanding skills and
capabilities in his stewardship of the preceding session. His leadership was
effective indeed throughout his term of office. This was no surprise to us,
especially as Mr. Shihabi represented a sister country, the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, which has made and continues to make generous and sincere
contributions, that are appreciated by all, to the promotion of peace and
security throughout the world.
It gives me special pleasure to commend the outstanding role played by
the Secretary-General of the United Nations, His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, since his assumption of his office at the beginning
of this year. The world Organization has now become the true focal point of
international relations and the beacon of hope for the peoples of the world.
In less than one year in office, the Secretary-General has demonstrated
an impressive ability to face up to the evolving challenges on the world
scene, and has managed to address the varying concerns in accordance with the
established principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the overall
mission of our organization. The Secretary-General's endeavour to redefine
the role, function and orientation of the United Nations is characterized by
precise thinking and clear vision, resolve and flexibility, both in concept
and in enforcement plan, as demonstrated by the set of important
recommendations contained in his report "An Agenda for Peace".

In his approach, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali has proved that he truly
represents a symbol of the interface and interaction of various human
civilizations, a role that his home country, Egypt, has played throughout its
long history.
In the same vein, we should not fail to underscore with a deep sense of
appreciation the great achievements of the former Secretary-General,
Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, during his tenure. Mr. Perez de Cuellar should
be recognized for his integrity in fulfilling his mandate in accordance with
the provisions of the Charter and for his untiring efforts to promote peace on
the basis of justice and to enhance the role and effectiveness of the United
Nations. Kuwait recognizes with deep appreciation those achievements, salutes
Mr. Perez de Cuellar and wishes him success in all he does.
The international scene has undergone fundamental changes over the past
two years, the most significant of which has been the disintegration of the
Soviet Union and the spread of democratic orientation across Eastern Europe.
That, in turn has led to the creation of States and entities that have joined
the United Nations membership, thus consolidating further its universality.
Kuwait takes this opportunity to extend its sincere congratulations to all
those States that have been admitted recently to the United Nations
membership. We trust that this new membership of the international community
will represent a constructive addition to and consolidation of the edifice of
world peace.

As we draw nearer to the twenty-first century, we look forward to the
emergence of new roles for the United Nations. The United Nations should not
be content with peace-keeping, the ending wars that have broken out, and the
defusing of volatile situations. Rather, the United Nations must make a more
direct contribution to the containment and defusing of disputes in their early
stages before they erupt into vicious conflicts. It must also shoulder the
role of peacemaking.
The United Nations should not be content with ensuring stability, despite
the vital importance of that role. It must be a force for ensuring peoples'
welfare and the fulfilment of peoples' aspirations. In today's world, the
concept of peace transcends the framework of peace between states and embraces
the peace of whole societies and peoples.
As we work together on the formulation of the new world order and strive
to make it one of the principal stanchions of the stability which we hope will
reign in our world and imbue international relations, we are called upon to
ensure the rule of international law through the strengthening of the United
Nations role and the scrupulous application of its Charter. In our view, this
will provide a genuine framework for the new world order and for the
achievement of its lofty goals.
Despite the fact that international relations in our world today are
anchored in the tenets of the United Nations system, we believe that an
effective and viable United Nations should be complemented by a more
aggressive role for the regional organizations which would be instrumental in
addressing many unresolved disputes and issues. The League of Arab States and
the Organization of African Unity, for example, should be entrusted with
supporting roles in dealing with the problems of Somalia; the European

Community should play the leading role in the resolution of the escalating
problems in the Balkan region; and the Organization of American States can
become the leading player in dealing with the problems of Haiti and
El Salvador.
In the context of this desired role for regional organizations the
Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) stands out,
especially through its firm support of Kuwait's struggle to defeat the Iraqi
aggression. That unprecedented role of the GCC could perhaps be followed as a
model in rallying a larger international effort when necessary.
Kuwait believes that the Non-Aligned Movement, especially in the wake of
its recent summit in Jakarta, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference,
as well as the Group of 77, are models of regional organizations whose
capabilities should be directed at facilitating the evolution and maintenance
of world peace. In this sense, they are natural mini-counterparts of the
United Nations, and they represent major dynamic forces that perform a
coordinating function among their members.
From this perspective we believe that the efforts undertaken by the
United Nations in the liberation of my country, Kuwait, from the Iraqi
aggression and occupation could perhaps be perceived as a new approach in the
crystallization and enforcement of the concept of collective security, which
preoccupied this world body since its inception, and was a hope in the minds
of the authors of its Charter. Thus, the Kuwait case established a precedent
when it demonstrated that the Security Council's resolutions can be
implemented, as, indeed, they must be implemented.

The Security Council has clearly succeeded in consolidating the
underpinnings of peace and the elimination of many hotbeds of conflict in
several regions of the world, in the aftermath of its successful moves to
ensure the liberation of my country, Kuwait, from an invasion which, by its
very nature, represented a challenge to the Charter of the United Nations and
to the norms of international law that regulate relations between civilized
nations.
However, certain residual results of the Iraqi aggression still exist,
and will continue to exist so long as the Iraqi regime persists in its refusal
to comply fully with the relevant Security Council resolutions and tries to
circumvent those resolutions and to renege on its previous formal
commitments. For instance, there are still Kuwaiti and third country
prisoners held hostage in Iraqi jails despite the intensive efforts and
international pressures deployed to secure their release.
Furthermore, the patently false claims repeatedly made by Iraq, in
contravention of international treaties and commitments, continue to shake the
parameters of stability throughout the region. Iraqi falsehoods also
jeopardize the main objective of the input of the United Nations in providing
the technical framework for the Iraq-Kuwait boundary demarcation process.
This exercise is a major achievement on the part of the United Nations in
regard to security and stability in the region. The Security Council's
recently adopted resolution 773 (1992) welcomed the decisions of the United
Nations Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission and underlined the
Council's guarantee of inviolability of the international border between the

two countries and its decision to take, as appropriate, all necessary measures
to that end, in accordance with the Charter.
Furthermore, Iraq continues to refuse to accept legal responsibility for
its plundering of property owned by the Kuwaiti private sector and by Kuwaiti
individuals, and continues to refuse to recognize the need to return all
stolen property. Iraq also refuses to implement Security Council resolutions
706 (1991) and 712 (1991) regarding the provision of essential humanitarian
needs for the Iraqi civilian population and the payment of its dues to the
United Nations compensation fund. In addition, Iraq, under all pretexts,
shies away from any businesslike cooperation in regard to the fulfilment of
its obligation to disclose all its stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction
and in regard to the elimination of such weapons.
All of this places a new responsibility on the international community in
general to bring further pressure to bear on Iraq, to remain vigilant to its
practices and schemes, and to ensure its complete implementation of all the
relevant United Nations resolutions. The principle of collective
responsibility still stands, and the lessons drawn from that painful and
bitter experience should be fully understood and never forgotten.
Kuwait believes that security in the Gulf region is part and parcel of
world security. This means that it is essential that all of us respect the
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States in our
region. It also means non-interference in the internal affairs of those
States, as well as the non-use of force or of the threat of force in the
settlement of any dispute that may arise between them.
From this premise, we have been following with grave concern the recent
developments, with all their ramifications, in regard to the Abu Mousa island.

In our view, these developments will have a direct impact on regional peace
and stability. Hence, we are all duty-bound to work towards averting their
repercussions so that the good-neighbourly relations that we already have with
the friendly Islamic Republic of Iran may be preserved. While we declare our
full support for our sister State of the United Arab Emirates, we hope that
the Islamic Republic of Iran will abide by the agreement regarding the island
of Abu Mousa and will accept the application of international conventions for
the peaceful resolution of disputes. We trust that, in the final analysis,
prudence and wisdom will reign supreme in regard to this issue.
As of late last year, we have seen a promising peace process under way in
regard to the Middle East problem. The new realities and momentum that
emerged following the Madrid conference should be maintained, with a view to
securing the implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973) on the basis of the exchange of land for peace.
It has become clear that land and peace are worth any price. The
international community has thus a special responsibility to nurture the
ongoing peace efforts and to ensure that the current peace talks, in all their
aspects and forms, will bring to fruition the efforts that the United Nations
has made with a view to guaranteeing the national rights of the Palestinian
people particularly its right to self-determination and statehood - and the
complete withdrawal of Israel from the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the holy
city of Al-Quds. We call upon the United Nations to prompt Israel to abide
expeditiously with its obligations under international law and not to squander
this historic opportunity.

The peace process and the attendant efforts should follow an integrated
approach in addressing the Arab-Israeli conflict that takes into account the
United Nations resolutions regarding the question of Palestine and the Middle
East issue. In specific terms, this means that Israel must withdraw from
southern Lebanon in accordance with Security Council resolution 425 (1978),
and that the Lebanese people must be supported in consolidating their
national-reconciliation efforts and in rebuilding their national institutions.
It also means Israeli withdrawal from the Syrian Arab Golan and the
implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions in order that a just
and lasting settlement of this long-running conflict may be reached.

The ongoing plight of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina gives rise to
deep fears and apprehensions throughout the Islamic world and in the world at
large. We categorically reject all practices that aim at the liquidation of
the identity and existence of a people, a nation and a State on ethnic or
religious grounds. We support the struggle of the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and demand the implementation of the relevant Security Council
resolutions. We call upon the United Nations, along with its specialized
agencies, to expand its role there, and we hold that regional organizations,
particularly the European ones, should play a more active role in alleviating
the suffering of that people. It is our collective responsibility to contain
the ramifications of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina before they spill
over into neighbouring countries.
If the United Nations has been seized of this tragic issue since the very
beginning, then we believe that there are other turbulent areas in the world
that deserve active involvement on the part of the United Nations together
with the competent regional organizations, with a view to containing and
resolving the disputes afflicting those regions. In our view, this is a sound
approach to underlining and enhancing the credibility of the United Nations
and to defining clearly the parameters of the new world order. We are
duty-bound to support both the United Nations and the regional organizations
in a concrete fashion that gives real meaning to the concept of common
security and stability and the principle of common destiny.
The tragedy of the Somali people is cause for deep concern on our part,
given the common values we share with them. The fratricidal strife in Somalia
is extremely painful to us. Despite the slight improvement over the past few
weeks in the delivery of food and medical supplies and in the control over the

distribution thereof, Somalia continues to bleed, and it has now become
incumbent upon all nations to provide more material assistance to Somalia and
to strengthen their support for the Secretary-General in his endeavours to
expedite the attainment of a set of noble goals, namely, the protection of an
entire people from annihilation and the delivery of adequate supplies of food
and medical services to that people.
We in Kuwait, in view of our solidarity with the friendly peoples of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Somalia and in line with our humanitarian
obligations and our commitment to alleviate human suffering, have shipped
thousands of tons of food, medical supplies and basic human needs to those two
countries. Furthermore, we have made direct financial contributions to the
relevant specialized agencies in order to ensure their ability to operate in
those areas. We shall continue to provide humanitarian relief assistance out
of our deep belief in social justice.
We follow with deep concern the persistent instability in Afghanistan and
the continuing strife among the partners in the coalition Government. We call
upon the Muslim people of Afghanistan to put aside their differences and to
move towards national reconciliation. National efforts should in fact focus
on building up national stability and security.
Any political breakthroughs made by the United Nations will add to its
growing record of achievements. But such accomplishments will remain fragile
unless followed by more efforts to promote social stability and economic
development, with particular emphasis on health, social services and combating
ills of epidemic proportions, especially drug abuse.

Moreover, the United Nations should explore new avenues to ease the
foreign debt burden on the developing countries and to try to bridge the gap
between wealthy and poor nations by means of a more earnest and constructive
dialogue between North and South, with a. view to ensuring economic equity
anchored in social justice. One of the aims of such dialogue should be
confidence-building between donor and recipient nations. Such confidence will
lead to joint efforts in a bid to stimulate the inflow of investments with a
better economic and social return for both sides. This will indeed be yet
another manifestation of an interdependent world community of nations.
It is against this conceptual backdrop that we view the outcome of the
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), known as the
"Earth Summit", held recently in Rio de Janiero. The focus of the Rio
Conference brought to the fore the growing world-wide interest in gaining a
better understanding of the political, economic, and social aspects of human
life. Despite the fact that the UNCED did not achieve all its expected goals,
one of its major contributions was that it highlighted for the whole world, in
an unprecedented manner, the importance of the issue of environment and made
it abundantly clear that ecological concerns do indeed transcend both national
and regional disputes. It has deepened our sense of belonging to a single
"global village".
The current changes and new challenges on the international scene are
bound to cause dramatic transformations in many established concepts and
assumptions that still dominate international relations. A case in point is
the growing interest in the issue of human rights. In an evolving world, not
only should human rights be defined in instruments but the concept of human
rights should be expanded to include the genuine guarantee of the exercise of

those rights to freedoms and human dignity, in addition to the satisfaction of
basic human needs and the liberation of man from fear and want. Guaranteeing
human rights has become a major demand of today's world and the international
community continues to make it clear, time and again, that it will not condone
any breech or violation thereof. Respect for State sovereignty should be in
consonance with the guaranteeing of human rights.
In conclusion, we note that the recent radical, international changes
have placed before the United Nations enormous challenges and
responsibilities. The growing confidence in its role and in the need for it
to perform its functions make it imperative for all of us to reaffirm our
commitment to the world Organization. It would be both unfair and
inappropriate for us to keep adding to its responsibilities without providing
it with sufficient material and political support to enable it to fulfil its
mandates effectively. This means that the international community should put
at the United Nations disposal adequate resources and powers, commensurate
with its responsibilities.
The Secretary-General has shown that while the United Nations is prepared
to discharge its functions, the Member States are in turn expected to honour
their obligations in full. This complementarity between the United Nations
system and its Members will straighten out the relationship between mandates
and resources. Thus we can eliminate the imbalance between what is required
and what is available and the potential causes of friction that go with that
disequilibrium. Under such circumstances, the world body would be able to
live up to the expectations of the international community in the areas of
peacemaking and peace-keeping, along with all the attendant profits in terms
of stability, security, development, progress and welfare.


Let me begin by expressing my sincere
appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi for his wise administration
and leadership of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is also
my great pleasure to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev on his
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh
session and to wish him a successful term.
I also want you to know that we, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
are deeply grateful to the United Nations for all of its efforts to achieve
peace and for providing humanitarian assistance under very difficult
circumstances. The courageous troops of the United Nations Protection Force
(UNPROFOR), with the tenacious leadership of Secretary-General,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, deserve special recognition and gratitude.
As is well known, I come from a country besieged by barbaric aggression.
But, I must emphasize, I have come here today not to talk of war but to
offer peace.
It is an offer of a nation born of ethnic coexistence rather than ethnic
cleansing.
It is an offer of a multicultural and multi-religious Bosnia and
Herzegovina in which democracy and tolerance prevail.
It is not an offer of a unitary or ideological State, as some will have
you believe.
Some have said that the killing and destruction have caused so much
hatred that my country's peoples cannot live together in peace any more.
I submit to you that my country has a centuries-old tradition of
tolerance and coexistence among its peoples.
Just one week ago yesterday I celebrated, together with Muslims, Croats
and other groups, the five-hundredth anniversary of the first settlement of
Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Because Muslims, Croats, Serbs, Jews and others have lived together in
Bosnia and Herzegovina for centuries, virtually all of our towns and cities
are mixed in population some more, some less.
It is therefore not possible to draw lines through our Republic to
designate ethnically pure regions. It is not possible to draw lines through
our towns and cities to designate ethnically pure streets or neighborhoods.
I submit to you that we, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, can live
together, and that we must live together, despite what has happened, provided
that equality, justice and freedom are secured for all.
In recent years, people of many nations have chosen democracy as the best
means to secure their rights, to ensure religious and political liberty, to
promote cooperation and mutual advancement, to enjoy the fruits of their
labours and to achieve the greatest good for the greatest number.
Their efforts have changed the world: they have opened doors where once
there was an iron curtain.
This guest for democracy has made an old world order crumble and a new
one begin.
So, too, have we, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, turned to
democratic government as the means to assure mutual welfare, regardless of
ethnic, religious or other distinctions.
Consequently we have sought to build a government that represents all of
the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina equally and justly.
I am proposing a constitutional commission for Bosnia and Herzegovina
which includes inter-ethnic and inter-religious representation. The
commission will work with a group of international experts to develop a
constitutional settlement to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina which will
protect the rights of all citizens. We envision it as encompassing the
following:
First, a State founded on the principles of democracy, individual rights,
tolerance, religious and cultural freedoms and a market economy;
Secondly, a constitutional and administrative framework similar to that
of modern democratic States;
Thirdly, a decentralized State organized on the principles of
parliamentary civil democracy; and
Fourthly, a single legislative, executive and judicial framework for the
whole territory of the Republic, with decentralized administration in all
regions.
We envision the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as consisting of
administrative territorial regions to be formed according to economic,
cultural, historical and ethnic criteria.
We believe it is impractical and immoral to institute administrative
territorial regions on an exclusively ethnic basis. Moreover, it is
impossible, because we are an ethnically mixed, intermingled country: a
living, breathing Jackson Pollack painting.
Government at every level will respect the equal rights of all the
peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Government will be based on the
principle of parity of representation among the three constituent nations.
The legislative branch the Assembly will consist of two chambers: the
Chamber of Peoples will be based on ethnic parity, being made up of
representatives of the three largest constituent peoples of Bosnia and
Herzegovina; the Chamber of Citizens will be based on proportional
representation. All representatives will be elected in free and open
elections.
The Chamber of Peoples and the Presidency will reach key decisions by
consensus, including all decisions that directly affect the equality of the
constituent nations.
Bosnia and Herzegovina will seek to establish good relations with all
neighbouring States, as well as with other States, on the basis of mutual
respect and cooperation.
I have related my offer of peace. I now want to tell the Assembly about
the offer made by the Government in Belgrade and its proxies in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. By their actions and by their statements, they have made an
offer that must be clear to all nations of the world. Their offer is based on
an entirely different view of Bosnia and Herzegovina: a view that is alien to
democracy, but unfortunately familiar in history. It is a view of people
divided, hostile and unequal.
First, they offer "ethnic cleansing", which is the extermination or
elimination of people on the basis of ethnic, national or religious
distinctions.
Secondly, they offer a brutal division of the Republic along spurious
ethnic boundaries created by force and by war. They say that the people
Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot live together in one State. But the only
evidence they have is the false evidence they have manufactured by their own
aggression.
Around the world we see diverse peoples living together. How many
nations represented here have ethnic purity? Look west from this building and
imagine Belgrade's vision applied, for example, to the United States. Imagine
Berlin Walls sprouting in every American neighbourhood, separating the French,
Russian, African-American, Italian, Jewish, Spanish, Japanese, Polish, Korean,
Irish and other groups until all had been moved to ethnically pure
neighbourhoods and separated by barbed wire, armed guards and checkpoints.
Finally, they offer an expanding Serbia. We know that this will be a
Serbia in which those who are not Serbs are denied fundamental freedoms.
Their offer leads to endless insecurity, endless conflict, endless suffering.
The question, then, is which offer the world will accept today.
If it accepts our offer of peace, equality and justice, and if it rejects
the offer of pain and division made by Belgrade and its proxies in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, then I ask the world community to do three things.
First, in front of the entire General Assembly, I ask the members of the
Security Council to implement and enforce fully the existing Security Council
resolutions and the principles and commitments endorsed at the London
Conference.
While we have abided by the confidence- and security-building and
verification agreement of the London Conference, the aggressors have not.
Contrary to their commitments, the aggressors have: failed to place all
mortars and heavy weapons under international supervision; failed to cease
military air attacks; failed to close concentration camps; failed to allow
refugees to return to their homes; failed to allow delivery of relief
supplies; and failed to end "ethnic cleansing".
This record of broken promises shows that implementation and enforcement
must become the next step towards peace. It shows, for example, that a no-fly
zone over Bosnia and Herzegovina is essential for stopping the massive
destruction from air attacks. A no-fly zone should be implemented and
enforced immediately. Implementation and enforcement are absolutely essential
if the Geneva session of the London Conference is to have any chance of
success.
Secondly, I ask the Assembly to set in motion an international war-crimes
tribunal that would work closely with the Geneva Conference. It is essential
that we investigate, prosecute and punish those who have been responsible for
war crimes. Only after the criminals are punished and the victims healed will
we have a true peace. Exonerate the innocent and bring a reconciliation of
our people.
Thirdly, our country has been plundered and razed. Its economic base has
been destroyed. I would like to take this opportunity to request the
establishment of an international fund for the reconstruction and development
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering the massive scale of the destruction,
it is necessary that the world community help us take the first step in
emerging from the ruins.
Finally, if the Security Council cannot implement and enforce fully its
resolutions and if the London Conference cannot implement its principles and
agreements, then I ask the world community to allow us to defend ourselves.
I have offered a vision of a secular and democratic State, a
decentralized State and a multi-ethnic society based on peaceful coexistence
and tolerance. Unfortunately, the offer of peace which I have proposed will
become irrelevant unless this Organization comes resolutely to our defence or,
alternatively, fully enables us to exercise our right to self-defence. The
international community cannot simultaneously sidestep its commitment to
defend us and nullify our means of self-defence. It has become clear that no
one has come resolutely to our aid. We must have the unhindered right of
self-defence.
Article 51 of the United Nations Charter grants us that absolute right.
The present arms embargo ties our hands at a time when our country is being
strangled. It deprives us of the only effective means of self-defence. By
doing so, it helps the aggressor.
The arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina must be voided.