It is an honour for me to
address the fifty-first session of the General Assembly of
the United Nations, confident that it will make yet another
positive contribution to the advancement of world peace
and cooperation among nations and countries of the world.
The current international political and security
situation is burdened with many crises, cases of blatant
violation of international law, the uncontrolled hoarding of
arms, upsets of the ecological balance, disrespect for human
rights, widespread international terrorism, and tensions in
economic and social development. Such developments
have confronted the United Nations with the need to
reform its system in order to preserve its ability to carry
out its functions. This is especially so in the case of the
plans that should determine global development in the
twenty-first century, alleviate existing gaps in the
economic and social development of countries and
regions, and advance world peace.
The subject of the expansion of the Security Council
is undoubtedly one that should receive priority treatment
at this session. In view of the changed structure of the
international community and the growing role of the
Security Council in recent years, and of the need for
further democratization of the decision-making process as
regards global peace and security, the conditions for
expansion seem ripe. The Republic of Macedonia is
actively taking part in the activities of the Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council. We
believe that the proposal for including the Federal
Republic of Germany and Japan as permanent members
of the Security Council, as well as the expansion of the
number of rotating members is realistic and deserves
special attention. At the same time, other constructive and
complementary approaches in circulation should also be
kept in mind. If necessary, the Republic of Macedonia is
prepared to make an individual proposal in this respect
with a view to overcoming any possible delay in the
resolution of this issue.

Wishing to make a constructive and active contribution
to the work of the United Nations, the Republic of
Macedonia has submitted its candidacy for rotating
membership in the Security Council for the 1998-1999
term. We are convinced that our demeanour during and
following the dissolution of the former Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, the constructive and peaceful
policy we have upheld, our acknowledged position as a
factor of stability in the Balkans, our commitment to its
Europeanization and our activities within the United
Nations to date will be a sufficient basis and guarantee for
securing the support of United Nations Members for our
candidacy. I wish to assure them that we will fully justify
the confidence they bestow.
From the very onset of our independence, the Republic
of Macedonia, the only one of the former Yugoslav
republics to achieve independence peacefully, has
distinguished itself as an example of a country whose
leverage in the international community and whose foreign
policy are founded on consistent respect for the principles
of the United Nations, a readiness to cooperate with
neighbouring and other countries and to resolve all open
issues in a peaceful manner on the basis of mutual respect,
the inviolability of borders and non-interference in the
internal affairs of other countries.
Led by these commitments, the Republic of
Macedonia submitted two resolutions for good-neighbourly
relations among the Balkan countries. They were sponsored
by more than 30 countries and adopted unanimously, with
the aim of undertaking measures and preventive action that
will create a stable zone of peace and cooperation in the
Balkans by the end of the year 2000. In accordance with
the resolutions, the Republic of Macedonia will be the host
of a high-level international meeting of the Balkan countries
in January next year, dedicated to the advancement of
stability in the region.
Led by the principles of the United Nations, last year
the Republic of Macedonia signed the Interim Accord with
the Republic of Greece within the framework of the
negotiations held under United Nations auspices. The
positive results of this Accord are already evident. We are
confident of the prospects for good and friendly relations
between our countries and that we will reconcile the
remaining differences.
The level of democratization we have achieved, our
reforms aimed at adapting the economy to market
mechanisms, and our high human-rights standards confirm
our intentions of becoming fully integrated into
international and regional economic and security
structures. Today, the Republic of Macedonia is a full-
fledged member of the Council of Europe, the oldest
European political organization, and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). It is a
partner in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s
“Partnership for Peace”. It has also concluded a
cooperation agreement with the European Union, with
prospects for closer association and membership in the
Union.
The peace-keeping forces of the United Nations that
comprise the United Nations Preventive Deployment
Force (UNPREDEP) in the Republic of Macedonia have
set the precedent for the United Nations successful
involvement in the concept of preventive diplomacy. They
have clearly demonstrated the justification and merit of
this concept. We have a very high regard for the role that
UNPREDEP plays in the preservation of peace and
security in the Republic of Macedonia and the region.
Consequently, and in view of the existing and potential
threats to peace in the region, we have already requested
an extension of the UNPREDEP mandate for an
additional six months.
The region in which my country is situated, the
Balkans, is one of the most sensitive in Europe. It is
presently in the midst of the so-called “post-Dayton”
era encompassing the process of bringing to life the
fragile peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
normalization of relationships among countries and the
opening of prospects for development and cooperation in
the region. In this context, the Republic of Macedonia, as
a peaceful country oriented towards Europe, remains
steadfast in its policy, especially in terms of resolving the
economic and social problems it is facing as a country in
transition and particularly with regard to the rights of
national minorities as a precondition not only for
democratization and security in Macedonia, but also for
wider security in the southern Balkans. The Republic of
Macedonia has opted for the model of respect for human
and minority rights and for the implementation of
international standards pertaining to the rights of national
minorities. This is guaranteed by the firm provisions of
the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and
through its legislative and political practice. We remain
deeply convinced that, in the ethnically inter-mixed
Balkans, the guaranteed rights of national minorities are
the most important long-term factor for stable peace and
cooperation. This is why we have proposed the idea of a
comparative study regarding national- minority rights in
the Balkans that will enable much more efficient action to
2

be taken by such international institutions as the OSCE, the
Council of Europe and most certainly the United Nations.
Allow me to conclude my address by expressing my
conviction that a vision of the world in the twenty-first
century as one of peace, democracy and well-being will
prompt all of us and the United Nations to act with
persistence and determination. It is my hope that the
decisions and the direction set out by this year’s General
Assembly will be a step towards that goal.


Once again the United Nations General
Assembly is meeting to take stock of the global situation
and of the role that the Organization plays in that context.
I am confident that the experience, talent and diplomatic
skills of our President, His Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail,
will play a decisive role in this complex undertaking. I
wish him every success in his sensitive work.
I wish also to express my delegation’s gratitude for
the excellent job done by Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal, in the course of
17

the last General Assembly session, which commemorated
the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of this Organization.
My country has been observing very closely the
administrative activities of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his
capacity as Secretary-General, and we feel bound to express
our recognition of the poise with which he has guided the
United Nations during these difficult times for the
Organization and for the whole world. His undeniable
qualities of statesmanship have averted crises, and his
strength of character has succeeded in upholding the ideals
on which this Organization is founded. I wish to convey to
him, on my own behalf and on behalf of my Government,
my sincere respect and admiration.
Honduras reiterates its conviction that international
conflicts must be settled by peaceful and diplomatic means.
For this reason, we recognize the importance and value of
the 1995 Dayton peace agreement, the 1996 Paris
agreements and the subsequent international agreements and
commitments for which the international community
prepared the way. These have led to a cessation of
hostilities, the resumption of political talks, international
recognition between Belgrade and Zagreb, and the
establishment of relations between the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and The former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia.
In the Americas, Haiti is an example of the results that
can be achieved through concerted action and political will
on the part of the international community in establishing,
through the United Nations, operations designed to achieve,
maintain and consolidate peace. My country wishes to
express its satisfaction at having taken part in those
operations, as well as in those carried out in Western
Sahara.
In the same vein, we cannot overlook the problems of
the subregion. Honduras has always viewed with concern
the problems besetting its sister republics in Central
America. For this reason, we acknowledge and support all
efforts in this regard, in particular the agreements reached
between the Government of Guatemala and the URNG.
At the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly,
my country secured unanimous support in this body to
occupy a seat in the Security Council as a non-permanent
member. We believe that we have fully lived up to the trust
vested in us, since we have worked in the Council in strict
adherence to the principles and norms of international law
enshrined in the United Nations Charter and in keeping
with the foreign policy pursued by the President of the
Republic, Mr. Carlos Roberto Reina.
Throughout our first term of presidency of the
Council, in July last year, we succeeded in maintaining
the necessary equanimity and balance to steer the work
and the debates on the various issues brought before the
presidency of the Council. These included humanitarian
operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda and
Burundi, as well as peace operations in Haiti, Angola and
Liberia.
Tomorrow we will assume the presidency of the
Security Council for the second time, and we shall work
in the same spirit of cooperation and with genuine resolve
to help bring about solutions to problems that arise in the
area of international peace and security.
Central America has now returned to the world
scene with a new, integrational approach that promotes
joint action and allows it to speed up its development
process. Our approach, grounded in history, tradition,
solidarity and, above all, our awareness of a shared
destiny, has made it possible for us to pool our efforts in
seeking to achieve a higher level of economic
development in all areas.
In the framework of the integration process in our
subregion, since 1986 we have held a series of
presidential summits, the first six of which were highly
political in nature, fulfilling the purpose of securing peace
and democratization in the region. The following ones,
focusing on economic topics, led to the formation of the
Central American Integration System (SICA) and defined
our current agenda: alliance for sustainable development.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank this
Assembly for the support it gave our System last year by
granting it the status of observer, which will make it
possible to achieve greater cooperation between the
United Nations System and the Central American
Integration System.
As we stand on the threshold of a new millennium,
my Government is strongly committed to the
responsibilities imposed by the world around us. In this
respect, Honduras is in favour of greater democratization
of the principal organs of the United Nations. We take the
view that an increase in the number of permanent and
non-permanent Members of the Security Council should
be carried out in accordance with the principles of
sovereign equality of States and equitable geographical
18

distribution, and that it should reflect the expansion in the
membership of the United Nations in recent decades so as
to transform the Security Council into a more democratic
and representative organ, that would thus be a more
credible and effective instrument in fulfilling its primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and
security without affecting its efficiency or the speed of its
decision-making processes. Genuine democratization and
real representativity in the Security Council should be the
principal basis for the expansion of twenty-first-century
world government.
We would all like to see a more competent, responsive
and responsible United Nations. We should all like it to be
better administered and more consolidated and to yield
tangible results. To this end, it is essential to undertake
meaningful reform in order to enhance its efficiency and to
ensure that the United Nations can have a secure financial
footing, robust administration and structural capacity, and
a clear sense of purpose in tackling its tasks.
The General Assembly should play the role now
played by costly world conferences, and it should be the
forum for sustained thematic debates on important and
topical issues held at regular intervals. At the same time,
the traditional agenda of the Assembly should be cut back
radically. Recurring items should be considered less
frequently. We should impose a time limit on our
statements, and we need to reform the structure of the
committees and auxiliary bodies so as to avoid overlapping
and duplication.
My country, Honduras, is continuing to work
vigorously to strengthen, among other things, its democratic
system of government, to bolster judicial power, to organize
the national police under civilian rule, to modernize the
State, in addition to striving to create a new frame of
reference to promote development on the basis of full
participation by all sectors of society.
Honduras, like all other developing countries, is deeply
committed to processes designed to combat poverty and
underdevelopment and to mobilize the potential of its
peoples and resources in order to attain speedy, fair and
sustained growth, working jointly to enhance the effect of
national efforts through solidarity, cooperation and mutual
confidence.
However, there are still many economic and financial
obligations that need to be met in the short- and medium-
term. International cooperation is steadily declining, and
poverty indicators are becoming worse.
We wish to see a world where countries, mindful of
their diversity, act together to attain common goals, a
world in which peace, security and dignity will be the
common heritage of all peoples, a world in which the
advances of science will serve to benefit humankind and,
in short, a world in which existing resources are used
rationally in order to meet everyone’s needs. This is our
understanding of what, in essence, North-South
cooperation should mean.
As the United Nations enters its second half-century,
we have an opportunity to work towards the objective of
its Charter — world cooperation in deterring and halting
aggression — and to foster peaceful, productive and
sustainable human progress. In this respect, “An Agenda
for Development” offers a unique opportunity to make the
issue of economic and social development a central
priority of the multilateral system. Promotion of sustained
economic growth and eradication of poverty in the
developing countries, as well as the legitimate leadership
that the United Nations should show in this field, must
also be key objectives of the Agenda.
My country hopes that the negotiations on the
Agenda for Development being held by the Ad Hoc
Open-ended Working Group of the General Assembly on
An Agenda for Development will conclude promptly and
successfully in the course of the fifty-first session of the
Assembly. The completion of this work will be a point of
departure because it will give rise to firm commitments
and mark the beginning of the task of putting the actions
agreed upon into practice.
Honduras, as a peace-loving country, reaffirms its
total support for the principles and objectives seeking the
complete elimination of nuclear weapons and to establish
a universal, verifiable, multilateral and effective
machinery that will help to promote nuclear disarmament
and to prevent proliferation of such weapons in all its
aspects.
Consistent with these principles, I am pleased to
announce that Honduras has signed the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty at this session of the General
Assembly, and I would venture to appeal to all States
Members of the United Nations to sign it as soon as
possible. We would also urge all States possessing
nuclear weapons to take resolute steps to reduce them
with a view to their elimination.
The existence of landmines and other undetonated
explosive devices in various regions of the world is a
19

tremendous humanitarian problem and a grave threat to the
security, health and survival of the local population where
these deadly devices have been scattered. These devices
prevent the return of refugees and displaced persons to their
homes in the States affected by this ongoing menace and
impede humanitarian operations and programmes, national
reconstruction and economic development activities and
peacekeeping operations.
For this reason, we urge Member States, particularly
those that have the capacity to do so, to lend their
assistance to the affected countries, including those of the
Central American region, with a view to establishing and
refining national mine-clearance mechanisms. We also
appeal to the international community finally to agree on
the total prohibition of the production, exportation, sale and
use of anti-personnel mines.
My delegation wishes once again to place on record its
interest in seeing the Republic of China in Taiwan admitted
as a Member of the United Nations. At this moment in
time, when democratic systems of government and the rule
of law are gaining ground in most of the nations that make
up this Organization, it seems contradictory to continue
excluding the Republic of China in Taiwan from
participation. This is a country which struggled
determinedly for democracy and succeeded in establishing
it this year with the election of a Government by the direct
vote of the majority of its people. This is a nation that
respects human rights, possesses one of the strongest
economies on earth and has been constantly struggling to
eradicate poverty, and whose population of 21 million
people enjoys an enviable cultural level. In short, the
Republic of China in Taiwan fully meets the requirements
established in the Charter for membership of the United
Nations.
For the developing countries, its participation in the
various international forums would be extremely beneficial,
since we would be able to draw on its valuable experience
in cooperation programmes, as demonstrated when it
occupied a seat in this General Assembly from the day it
signed the Charter until 1971.
In this respect, my Government supports the resolution
adopted on 19 July 1996 by the European Parliament
entitled the “Role of Taiwan in International
Organizations”, which explicitly states its support for the
idea that the Republic of China in Taiwan should have a
greater level of recognition and representation in
international agencies. It also urges the United Nations to
establish a working group to study the possibility of its
participation in the activities of the United Nations and its
international agencies.
The problem of drug production is not as severe in
the Central American region as it is elsewhere, although
our countries are not unaffected by drug use. For this
reason, on 21 June, the Ministers of the Interior of our
region agreed to develop a plan of cooperation to fight
this evil. In this regard, we support the initiative of
convening a special session of the United Nations General
Assembly in 1998 in order to strengthen the international
strategy to combat narcotic drugs.
With a view to beginning to address the problem of
the efficiency and effectiveness of the United Nations
system, 1996 could be a year of meditation and reflection.
Calls have been made for a redefinition of the purposes
of the Organization and, in particular, of the tasks of the
Security Council. In order to achieve this important task,
we must work on the basis of a shared and balanced
vision of the future of the Organization. The construction
of a culture of international peace, security and prosperity
should be the ultimate goal in this redefinition of tasks.
This is something that the United Nations must
accomplish in response to the needs of our peoples.
As we approach the end of the century and the
millennium, the globality of economies and the grouping
of countries into systems of integration are becoming
irreversible facts. One consequence of this will be the
resurgence of mega-States in which smaller States will
remain submerged. We are concerned for the future of
weaker and less developed nations which, like ours,
require great external and internal efforts to retain the
identity that distinguishes them from the rest of the world.
The right of peoples to decide their own destiny on
the basis of sovereignty is enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations. This right must be observed in the new
world order if we wish to preserve, as is our duty, peace
and cultural plurality among nations.


I wish to congratulate the
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-first session
on his election to his high office. I would like to express
my confidence that he will accomplish his important
mission honourably.
There is no doubt that the fifty-first session of the
General Assembly will go down in the history of mankind
as an important milestone on the world community’s road
to global peace and security. One of the most important
diplomatic documents of our century, the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, has been opened for signing.
On that occasion the President of Kazakstan,
Mr. Nursultan Nazarbaev, made a special statement,
which has been circulated as an official United Nations
document. The people of Kazakstan, having fully
experienced the destructive power of nuclear weapons,
resolutely voted to end the testing of these lethal
weapons. In 1991 the President of Kazakstan, expressing
the wish of his people, made a decision to shut down the
Semipalatinsk nuclear test site. Thus, Kazakstan had
already taken decisive measures to ban nuclear testing
five years ago.
20

Kazakstan is consistent in its policy of non-
proliferation of nuclear weapons. Recently, we completed
the dismantling of the nuclear infrastructure on the territory
of Kazakstan, thereby eliminating the capability that was,
until recently, the fourth largest in the world.
That is why, when giving their due to all the countries
which have trod the thorny path of preparing this Treaty, I
believe it is necessary to recognize my country’s significant
contribution to this extremely important cause.
However, considerable progress in disarmament does
not, regrettably, guarantee the stability of the present world
order. We still witness some negative impulses destroying
the basis of the relationship between the States which
united more than half a century ago. We have to admit that
with the disappearance of a bipolar world, our planet has
not become safer. On the contrary, the potential for global
conflict has increased considerably increased. That is why
the issue of reforming the United Nations, so that our
common Organization can adequately respond to conflicting
realities of international relations at this juncture, is
becoming ever so urgent.
Reforms are an indispensable element of any system’s
development. They are even more important in the case of
such a universal forum as the United Nations. In his speech
at the Special Commemorative Meeting of the General
Assembly, the President of Kazakstan underscored the
important need to increase the world community’s efforts
to elaborate a conceptual model of a renewed United
Nations. It involves new objectives, tasks and functions of
the United Nations of the next century.
The United Nations, being a genuinely universal
Organization, requires a special approach. It is important to
keep in mind that the United Nations is our common home.
We cannot count on hotels in case of emergency. That is
why United Nations reforms should be approached from
rational positions. We want the United Nations to keep up
with the times and to tap the potential for self-improvement
and elimination of the vestiges of the past. We want the
United Nations structure to be more effective and flexible
in dealing with the problems threatening peace and security.
Supporting the desire of Japan and Germany to become
permanent members of the Security Council, Kazakstan is
in favour of an expansion of the Council’s non-permanent
membership on the basis of an equitable and balanced
representation of all regions. All other proposals should also
be taken into consideration.
Criticism of the United Nations can hardly be a
reason for doubting its ability to function and for shifting
all the blame onto the Secretary-General. I am sure that
we have not yet fully mobilized the creative potential of
the United Nations. This applies first of all to the Charter.
We should carefully reread it, taking into consideration
today’s world order, not to drastically revise, it but to find
additional opportunities hidden in this truly
comprehensive document. It is our opinion that despite
the piles of studies on the legal framework of the United
Nations, the Charter itself contains enormous unexplored
potential for the renewal of the United Nations. Until the
United Nations mobilizes these dormant capabilities it
will create the impression of a dormant Organization
unable to respond to the challenges of today.
We have to take a closer look at those provisions of
the Charter that deal with cooperation between the United
Nations and regional organizations, or, speaking the
language of the Charter, with regional arrangements and
agencies. This kind of interaction would be extremely
effective for the development of an early warning system
and preventive diplomacy. Besides, active cooperation
with regional organizations would be beneficial when
dealing with economic problems.
I would like to recall President Nursultan
Nazarbaev’s proposal to include in the agenda of a future
session of the General Assembly an item entitled “United
Nations reforms — an adequate response to the
challenges of the twenty-first century”.
One does not have to elaborate on the need to ensure
stability and security in the Central Asia region.
Kazakstan, as a strategically important State in this
region, makes every effort to guarantee tranquillity in
Central Asia.
However, the situation in the region defies
straightforward assessment. There are zones of
tranquillity, including Kazakstan, but there are also zones
of conflict. One matter of great concern is the situation in
Afghanistan. Further escalation of the conflict in
Afghanistan could have negative effects on the situation
in Central Asia. We are grateful to the Security Council
for paying attention to the situation in that country. There
is no doubt that the Security Council statement of 28
September 1996 is important for the resolution of the
situation there. At the same time, we urge the Security
Council to take up this item again in order to elaborate
measures to stop the conflict.
21

The situation in Central Asia underscores the need for
greater interaction between the region and the United
Nations. Such interaction would cause Central Asia to
become more involved in international cooperation. Central
Asia could undoubtedly contribute to the establishment of
a safer world order.
In this regard, we pin great hopes on the establishment
by the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the
Pacific (ESCAP) and the United Nations Economic
Commission for Europe (ECE) of a joint commission for
Central Asia. We appreciate the positive United Nations
reaction to this initiative of our Head of State.
Kazakstan wants to join the World Trade Organization
as soon as possible and is taking concrete steps in this
direction.
We are grateful to the United Nations for its support
of Kazakstan’s proposal concerning the resolution on transit
environment in the landlocked States of Central Asia.
We are also pleased at the positive reaction of the
United Nations to the initiative of the leaders of the three
Central Asian States concerning the formation of a Central
Asian peacekeeping battalion. I would like to take this
opportunity to state that the Central Asian peacekeeping
battalion will be committed to the United Nations Charter
and will serve the ideals and purposes of our Organization.
Four years ago, speaking at the United Nations, the
President of Kazakstan pointed out the necessity of
convening a conference on interaction and confidence-
building measures in Asia. It is with deep satisfaction that
we can report that our quest for peace and security on the
Asian continent is being supported by an ever increasing
number of States. Experts are at work on a permanent
basis. A conference on Asian security took place at the
level of Deputy Foreign Ministers. We are especially
grateful to the United Nations for its assistance in the
implementation of the initiative of our Head of State.
Kazakstan regards the convocation of this conference on
interaction and confidence-building measures in Asia as its
contribution to United Nations global peacekeeping efforts.
Kazakstan fully supports the peace-making activities
of the United Nations in different parts of the world. We
have no doubt that the United Nations should play a
priority role in the maintenance of international peace and
security. Our common task is to prevent United Nations
peace-making functions from being delegated to any other
organizations. The diminished peace-making potential of
the United Nations is not its fault, but its misfortune.
Kazakstan believes that United Nations peace-
making activities could be rendered more effective
through a more precise formulation and strengthening of
the missions’ mandates. They could thereby make a
significant contribution to the resolution of crisis
situations.
When we talk about international issues we cannot
ignore a trend as alarming as the growth of secessionism.
This phenomenon has become one of the major causes of
crisis situations in the world, particularly in the post-
Soviet context. We think that the United Nations must
pay close attention to the destructive consequences of
aggressive secessionism. The time has come to put an end
to the absolute right of nations to self-determination.
Basically, the world has already realized the right to self-
determination; further continuation of this process will
create new trouble spots and lead to more bloodshed. The
current world order should rest on the principles of the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. If we really
care about the stability of the current world order we
must firmly reject any manifestation of secessionism. Our
highest values should be the peace, well-being and
happiness of peoples, and we can achieve these goals not
by instigating peoples to self-determination but by
creating appropriate conditions for the sustainable
economic development of all nations.
From this lofty rostrum it is impossible to ignore
another problem that brings great pain to humankind, a
pain which our country feels especially acutely. I am
referring to environmental disasters. There may be no
other place in the world where such vast territories are
affected by the consequences of these disasters. Indeed,
more than half of Kazakstan’s territory could be declared
an environmental disaster area. However, it is not only a
matter of territories, but people who are still suffering.
The Semipalatinsk nuclear test site and the Aral Sea have
become disaster areas of global dimensions. Furthermore,
we should not forget that Kazakstan has been the site of
chemical and biological weapons tests.
All these problems require priority attention from the
United Nations. During economic transition, even large
States cannot cope alone with environmental problems of
such magnitude. It is also important to remember that it
is innocent people who suffer, not the ones who created
or tested these lethal weapons. They are the victims of the
arms race between the two opposing systems, victims of
22

the totalitarian thinking of the cold war period. They have
every right to demand the attention of international
organizations and donor countries.
We cannot say that the United Nations has been
indifferent to the consequences of the environmental
disasters in Kazakstan. But, at the same time, we cannot
claim that the victims of these environmental disasters have
felt practical results of the activities of international
missions. We are grateful to the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the World Bank for the
elaboration of large-scale programmes for the rehabilitation
of the Aral Sea zone. At the same time, we are looking
forward to a more active execution of these programmes.
Meanwhile, the situation in this region, as well as in other
environmental disaster areas, remains extremely serious.
Kazakstan welcomes and supports the resolution of the
United Nations General Assembly to convene a special
session on environment and sustainable development in the
middle of next year. We hope that this forum will adopt
meaningful decisions on environmental problems that also
affect our country.
This century, which has witnessed two world wars, the
collapse of the colonial system and the disintegration of the
socialist system, has begun a new phase. This phase has
new dimensions, both geo-political and geo-economic.
In politics, a trend towards the globalization of
international problems has been apparent. With the end of
the cold war, the problems of nuclear non-proliferation have
not been solved. The problem of environmental security has
acquired global dimensions. The globalization of
communications has triggered illegal trafficking in weapons,
drugs and money of giant proportions. A new information
realm has been formed in which national borders have
become merely symbolic.
Previously unknown methods of production have
emerged, increasingly referred to as “computer civilization”.
Scientific research and technological factors have grown in
importance as never before. New technologies have become
the hottest items in world markets. The role of a State in
world economic ties is changing; it is no longer the
dominant institute. International institutes function as
independent international economic entities.
It is with this list of problems, which is far from being
complete, that we are entering the next century. We have
yet to sort them out and find optimal ways to adapt to new
realities which will be facing us in the twenty-first
century. We have to admit that humankind, creating these
problems through its activities, still cannot find adequate
ways to solve them.
That is why we turn to the United Nations. Our
common home is becoming a quintessence of the human
mind. We have to help the United Nations reach a new
level in dealing with global trends. A renewed
Organization, promptly reacting to the challenges of
today, will not only enrich itself but will also give us a
sense of confidence on the eve of the next century.


It gives me pleasure, as we begin the work of this
session, to convey to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation
of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, our sincerest
congratulations on your election to the presidency of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly. Your
assumption of that important position reflects the
appreciation of Member States both of your personal
qualities and of the positive role your country plays in the
international arena. We wish you success in fulfilling your
mission and assure you of our readiness and desire to
cooperate with you fully in achieving the objectives of this
session.
I wish also to take this opportunity to congratulate
your predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for his
effective guidance of the affairs of the General Assembly
last session, which witnessed the celebration of the fiftieth
anniversary of our Organization.
I would also like to convey my sincere appreciation to
the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, who manages the affairs of this international
Organization with exceptional ability and competence in
a rapidly changing world. In order to deal with increasing
expectations regarding the present and future role of the
United Nations, we consider that a renewal of his tenure
will provide him the opportunity to complete ongoing
plans and efforts to reform the United Nations and to
restore its constructive role in the international arena.
A year has passed since we celebrated the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations. That celebration,
attended by many world leaders, gave us a valuable
opportunity to recall the importance of the role of the
United Nations in maintaining international peace and
security and in enhancing international legitimacy. It also
provided us with an opportunity to review the
Organization’s accomplishments and challenges over the
past 50 years.
The current session of the General Assembly marks
the beginning of a new era for the United Nations, which
we hope will witness a consolidation of its role on the
international scene to the benefit of Member States and in
accordance with the principles and purposes of the
Charter. It is our firm belief that this international forum
can play an extremely important and effective role in
managing crises, in averting wars and conflicts, and in
providing the means for international cooperation. This
obliges us to be more persistent than ever before in
supporting this institution and enhancing its constructive
role.
The changes which have occurred in the world over
the past decade are so dramatic that they have created a
new international reality with a host of new challenges.
These developments offer new opportunities to bolster the
principles of the United Nations for the benefit of
strengthening international legitimacy including justice
and equality among nations, the rejection of the use of
force in the settlement of conflicts, the preservation of the
dignity of mankind, and providing security and prosperity
for all. We should also recall the fact, to which many
world leaders referred during the fiftieth anniversary
celebrations, that the ability of this international
Organization to resolve global problems, crises and
conflicts depends greatly on the political will of Member
States to abide by the principles of the United Nations. It
is our hope that the future will witness greater
determination by Member States to ensure the
achievement of the objectives upon which the future of
our Organization depends, a future which is also ours.
8

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is fully cognizant of the
importance of reforming United Nations bodies so that they
may fulfil their prescribed roles and deal effectively with
the global changes we have witnessed in recent years.
Among these bodies, the Security Council, as the principal
organ directly concerned with the maintenance of
international peace and security, remains the focus for
reform. My country’s view was and remains that any
changes to the structure of the Security Council should be
geared towards enhancing its ability to accomplish its role
effectively as stipulated in the Charter and to refrain from
any action that would limit its effectiveness in fulfilling its
purposes.
Arab leaders, at their summit meeting in Cairo last
June, expressed their firm commitment to continue the
peace process which they regard as an irreversible strategic
goal. The Cairo meeting reaffirmed that the realization of
a just and comprehensive peace within the realm of
international legitimacy presupposes a serious and
unequivocal commitment by Israel to abide by the
principles of the Madrid Peace Conference and Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978),
as well as by the land-for-peace formula. The Arab leaders
also reaffirmed that any breach by Israel of these principles
and agreed-upon commitments and agreements, or any
delay in their implementation, would result in a setback to
the peace process, with all its dangerous consequences.
We view with great concern the Israeli Government’s
failure to demonstrate a degree of seriousness and
commitment to the peace process comparable to that
demonstrated by the Arab States. Since assuming office, the
Government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has
continued to issue statements and undertake actions that do
not serve the cause of peace. In contrast to the Arab States’
commitment to the Madrid principles, to Security Council
resolutions and to the land-for-peace formula, the
statements made by the Israeli Government indicate an
insistence on consolidating of its occupation of Arab lands;
maintaining its annexation of East Jerusalem; and delaying
the agreed-upon redeployment of its troops from Al-Khalil.
We are also concerned by the Israeli Government’s
continued closure of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip,
together with its proclaimed rejection of withdrawing from
the Syrian Golan Heights. Recently, the Israeli authorities
opened a tunnel under the Al-Aqsa Mosque. This was a
flagrant infringement upon the Islamic sanctuaries and a
clear violation of binding international resolutions on the
status of Jerusalem. We welcome Security Council
resolution 1073 (1996), which the Council issued after the
events that resulted from the Israeli measures. We hope that
the summit conference sponsored by the President of the
United States of America will help with the
implementation of that Security Council resolution and
give momentum to the peace process on the basis of that
resolution and in accordance with its principles.
Statements by the Israeli Prime Minister that Israel
is prepared to resume negotiations without preconditions
are no more than an attempt to distance himself from the
Madrid-based principles and fundamentals of the peace
process, in particular the land-for-peace formula. Such a
position can only mark a serious setback. Hence, we call
upon the United States of America and the Russian
Federation, as the co-sponsors of the Madrid Peace
Conference, to do their utmost to continue the peace
process on all tracks in order to reach the desired results.
In this context we value the positive and constructive
positions on this matter reflected in the Florence
statement of the European Union and the Lyon statement
of the Group of Seven. Furthermore, we reiterate our call
to all parties concerned to fulfil their commitments to
provide economic assistance to the Palestinian people.
While we call upon members of the international
community to increase their economic assistance to the
Palestinian Authority, we should remember the need to
deal with actions undertaken by the Israeli Government
which might prevent the Palestinians from benefiting from
this aid. Moreover, any efforts to achieve regional
cooperation will be meaningless and ineffective unless
accompanied by tangible progress in the peace process on
all its tracks.
We are greatly concerned about the issue of
Jerusalem — Al-Quds Al-Sharif — which is at the heart
of the Arab-Israeli conflict and is of utmost concern to
the Arab and Muslim world. The manner in which this
issue is dealt with could determine the future of the peace
process. We regret to see the Israeli authorities continue
their measures aimed at changing the demographic
composition and creating new realities in the status of
Jerusalem with the intention of prejudicing the
negotiations on the final status of the city. We believe
that in any settlement of this issue Israel must take into
consideration internationally binding resolutions legality,
in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),
which calls on Israel to withdraw from occupied Arab
terri tories, and 252 (1968) pertaining to
Al-Quds Al-Sharif. We also believe that any settlement
should take into account the importance of the repatriation
of Palestinian refugees and the release of Palestinian
prisoners who have been detained in violation of the
9

Declaration of Principles, international law and the Geneva
Conventions.
The honourable and firm stand taken by the
international community following the brutal Iraqi
aggression against the State of Kuwait in 1990, including
the adoption of a series of historic Security Council
resolutions to repel the aggression and restore to the State
of Kuwait its legitimacy and sovereignty, constitutes the
kind of firmness we hope the United Nations will always
demonstrate. The position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
on this issue is unwavering, and is based on two
fundamental principles. So long as the Iraqi Government
has not fully complied with the internationally binding
demands set out in Council resolutions, the problem will
not be solved and the suffering of the Iraqi people will not
be mitigated. This is a matter of deep concern for all of us.
We believe that recent developments in northern Iraq
could have adverse effects on the unity, sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Iraq, since certain neighbouring
countries have in various ways attempted to interfere in the
Kurdish conflict. In the light of these realities, we have to
be very careful lest the situation lead to a collapse of the
international coalition which is responsible for full
implementation of all relevant Security Council resolutions,
the foremost of which relate to the release and repatriation
of all prisoners of war and detainees from Kuwait and other
countries, the return of stolen assets, compliance with the
mechanism for compensation, and full cooperation with the
efforts of the United Nations Special Commission to
oversee the elimination of Iraq’s weapons of mass
destruction. These are the objectives the international
coalition should strive to fulfil, bearing in mind the need to
avoid any measures that might damage the unity,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq.
The Government of the Custodian of the Two Holy
Mosques expressed great interest in efforts to eliminate all
weapons of mass destruction from the Middle East,
including those aimed at keeping that sensitive part of the
world free of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. In
this perspective, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia actively
participated in the Review and Extension Conference of the
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) held in New York last year, and welcomed
the efforts that have led to an agreement on the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.
We believe in the need to make the NPT more
effective and universal through the activation of the
safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. We also see a need to adopt measures and
criteria that would enhance all aspects of the process of
dismantling weapons of mass destruction in accordance
with General Assembly resolution 1 (I), which addresses,
inter alia, the issue of eliminating all weapons of mass
destruction. In this respect, we urge all States that have
not yet become parties to the Treaty to take the necessary
steps to do so, thus contributing to the maintenance of
world peace and stability.
The occupation by the Islamic Republic of Iran of
three islands belonging to the United Arab Emirates —
Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb — is a source
of great concern, not only to the United Arab Emirates,
but also to the States of the Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC) as a whole, which desire the best possible
relations with their neighbour, Iran. We have repeatedly
urged the Islamic Republic of Iran to respond to the call
of the United Arab Emirates to settle this long-standing
problem peacefully through serious bilateral negotiations.
Consequently, we reiterate our call upon the Government
of Iran to cease imposing a status quo by force and to
halt preparations for unilateral construction on any of the
three islands. Furthermore, we also call upon the
Government of Iran to initiate efforts to resolve this
dispute peacefully in accordance with the norms and
principles of international law, including the referral of
this matter to the International Court of Justice. In view
of the persistence of the conflict, the Security Council
should place this issue on its agenda.
Based on the determination of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia to maintain the security and stability of the
Arabian Gulf region, we support the wise actions of the
State of Bahrain to foster its security and stability. These
actions were approved and supported by the GCC and the
League of Arab States, since the security of the State of
Bahrain is part and parcel of the security of the
GCC States.
Nearly 10 months have passed since the signing of
the Dayton Agreement, which brought an end to the
violence and destruction that accompanied the Serb
aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. This
Agreement did not materialize until the international
community expressed sufficient will and firmness to stem
the Serb aggression. We hope that the recent elections
will mark a new beginning and a new future of peace,
stability and economic development for the country.
10

Nonetheless, we must point out that the peace in Bosnia
and Herzegovina will remain fragile until it takes root. The
reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
international support necessary to help it address the
problems resulting from years of war should be viewed as
conditions of peace without which the goals of the Dayton
Agreement can never be realized. It is also important to
emphasize the need to apprehend and bring to justice the
perpetrators of crimes against humanity and to ban them
from any political office in the future. Their apprehension
is an international responsibility that should not be taken
lightly. It is also incumbent upon the international
community to confront any attempt to divide the country
along ethnic or religious lines.
Helping Bosnia and Herzegovina set out on the road
to peace early this year was the first of a series of positive
developments in many troubled areas of the world. We
hope that the recent announcement of an agreement
between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro
National Liberation Front will mark the end of
confrontation between the Philippine authorities and their
Muslim minority after a long period of tension and conflict.
As for the conflict in Chechnya, we hope the current
truce and reports of the Russian Government’s intention to
withdraw its forces from the area will pave the way for a
resolution of this crisis.
Unfortunately, the statuses of other conflicts have not
changed. The Pakistani-Indian dispute over Jammu and
Kashmir is still tense and complicated. There is no
alternative to following the peaceful path based on the
resolutions of the United Nations guaranteeing the people
of Jammu and Kashmir the exercise of their right to self-
determination.
The situation in Somalia remains desperate. The
country is awaiting a decision by the clan leaders on a
process to save the country and its people. We urge all
factions to put aside their differences and shoulder their
national responsibilities by forming a national authority
representing the different factions of the Somali people in
order to restore unity, stability and security to that country.
In Afghanistan — in spite of all the sincere efforts of
the United Nations and all the good offices of the
Government of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques to
achieve national reconciliation in that country — the
fighting still rages between the different factions as a result
of disagreements between their leaders. This has prevented
the country from enjoying the fruits of its victory against
foreign occupation.
The issue of international terrorism was the main
topic throughout last year. Many conferences and
workshops addressed ways and means of confronting this
growing phenomenon, which has become a source of
grave concern for the international community. The
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, recognizing the need to
confront and address this serious phenomenon, has voiced
its support for all international efforts to confront this
problem. This position was illustrated collectively in the
statement issued by the Gulf Cooperation Council
following its last session. The GCC States have
emphasized that extremism, violence and terrorism are
global phenomena that are not limited to a specific people
or region and have unambiguously denounced and
condemned all forms of violence and terrorism. They also
expressed their support for all international efforts aimed
at preventing and combating terrorism, including denying
safe haven to terrorists anywhere and making efforts to
apprehend, convict and severely punish those involved in
such crimes.
A cursory review of world economic problems and
the role of the United Nations in overseeing international
economic cooperation shows that the success of the
United Nations in dealing with economic issues and
promoting international development has also been tied to
the commitment of Member States to the United Nations
Charter.
Although the international community has succeeded,
by dint of serious negotiations, in resolving many difficult
problems and has achieved important results in many
sensitive areas through the establishment of the World
Trade Organization, we are still concerned by the
continuing practice of trade protectionism, which runs
counter to our belief in the importance of allowing market
forces to play their natural role in economic affairs. It is
also necessary to free international trade from certain
restrictions, such as that of using the pretext of protecting
the environment as a justification for protectionist
measures. Such restrictions undermine the economies of
developing nations and have a negative impact on their
development, which is the cornerstone of their peace and
stability.
The Secretary-General has taken a commendable
initiative in this direction with his “An Agenda for
Development”, which, given concerted effort, could
become a realistic tool for enhancing global economic and
11

social development. Here, the developed countries in
particular bear a special responsibility for building fruitful
cooperation to the benefit all countries, rich and poor. We
believe that an increase in the amount of assistance
provided by developed to developing countries is a
cornerstone of such hoped-for cooperation.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, a founding Member of
the international Organization and a signatory of the San
Francisco Charter, is eager to have the United Nations
continue to play its leadership role in strengthening
collective security. It reaffirms its responsibilities as a
founding Member of the Organization. This reaffirmation
was reiterated in a speech by the Custodian of the Two
Holy Mosques, King Fahd Bin Abdul-Aziz, which was
delivered on his behalf by His Royal Highness Prince
Sultan Bin Abdul-Aziz, Second Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Defence and Aviation, on the occasion of the
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. Today, the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia takes this opportunity to
reconfirm its continued commitment to achieving the
objectives of the United Nations Charter. It will spare no
effort to enhance the capabilities of the United Nations in
order to achieve justice and to promote security, stability
and prosperity throughout our troubled world.
The Holy Koran provides us with guidance to lead us
towards creative actions, as exemplified in the following
verse:
“And say: Work righteousness.
Soon will God observe your work,
And His Apostle, and the Believers.'”
(The Holy Koran, IX:105)


Let me offer Ambassador
Razali my sincerest congratulation on his election as
President of the General Assembly. This session will
address many difficult and important questions. I am
confident that under his experienced and wise leadership
we shall achieve good and constructive results. I should
also like to express the thanks and appreciation of my
Government to the Secretary-General and to the many
dedicated women and men in the Secretariat.
Let me refer to the statement made by the Deputy
Prime Minister of Ireland on behalf of the European
Union. My Government fully endorses that statement.
As the United Nations enters its fifty-first year, one
conclusion is self-evident: questions of peace,
development and human rights can no longer be neatly
separated. They interact, and nowhere more so than at the
United Nations.
Let me begin with human rights. There can be no
sustainable peace in societies where the human rights of
individuals are not respected or where their democratic
aspirations are denied. Widespread violations of human
rights, including the rights of minorities, breed instability
and conflict. The United Nations is then, often too late,
called upon to deal with them. There can be no
sustainable development in societies where economic and
social rights, as well as political rights, are flouted.
Authoritarian rule is no answer to poverty or
environmental degradation. The universality of human
rights cannot be questioned. True, civilizations differ;
societies differ. But that does not mean that cultural,
religious, ideological or any other factors can be invoked
as legitimate justifications for human rights violations. To
do so is to deny the inherent equality of human beings.
But adherence to general principles is not enough.
The litmus test is, of course, practice. Here at the United
Nations we must ask ourselves what we can do together
to promote respect for human rights. I see at least three
areas where the General Assembly can and should act.
First, we must see to it that the United Nations
mechanisms that have been created to promote and
monitor respect for human rights are not impaired through
lack of funds. The High Commissioner for Human Rights,
his special rapporteurs and the human rights treaty bodies
within the United Nations system are entitled to our
support. The General Assembly should insist on the
necessary funding.
Secondly, we must help establish, in accordance with
the conclusions of the Preparatory Committee, a
permanent international criminal court to deal with
flagrant violations of international humanitarian law and
3

human rights. I do not have to belabour the reasons why.
One look at Rwanda or the former Yugoslavia is enough.
Thirdly, we must ensure sustained and integrated
follow-up of the United Nations conferences from Vienna
to Istanbul, so as to implement fully the agreed programmes
of action. Nationally, Governments must commit the
resources necessary to make the agreed actions a reality. In
the case of the Vienna and Beijing Conferences in
particular, full and equal enjoyment of human rights by all
women everywhere must be the first goal towards which
the United Nations and all Governments must aspire.
In Finland, women gained full political rights — the
right to vote and, just as important, the right to be eligible
for Parliament — as early as 1906; that is, 90 years ago.
Finland thus became the very first country in the world
where this was made possible. We have come a long way
since then, but we still need to do better until, finally,
women are just as equally empowered in Finnish society as
men. I know that the same is true to varying degrees in
other countries too.
Children, whether girls or boys, are full-fledged
subjects of human rights. Almost universal ratification of
the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
has been achieved. States Parties must now ensure universal
implementation too. The message from the recent
Stockholm World Congress against Commercial Sexual
Exploitation of Children was clear: full implementation of
children’s rights is also the best guarantee against sexual
exploitation. The United Nations must now, along with
Governments, follow up the commitments of Stockholm,
and with vigour.
Even the most democratic societies are vulnerable to
conflicts, even to armed ones. We should therefore do our
utmost to prevent them and, to this end, make full use of
all means available to the international community.
Finland believes in United Nations peacekeeping. We
have participated for 40 years and stand ready to continue.
The sheer complexity of modern-day conflicts has turned
United Nations thinking towards comprehensive peace
operations. Peacekeeping must be seen as a part of a
comprehensive peace process. We welcome this approach.
The civilian and military elements of a peace operation
should operate in close cooperation. Artificial barriers
separating the two should be eliminated right at the outset
in devising the mandate for an operation. It is also
important that peace operations be linked with longer-term
peace-building efforts to promote stability and sustainable
human development.
Lessons have been learned the hard way in the past
few years. United Nations peacekeepers are not suited for
peace enforcement. That job should and can be entrusted
by the Security Council to others — whether regional
organizations or other outside ad hoc coalitions — if
necessary. But these are exceptional cases. For the vast
majority of conflicts, the United Nations will be the one
called upon for peacekeeping. Even if the United Nations
must be able to say no on occasions, the world
Organization cannot shirk its responsibility. Moreover,
when the United Nations acts, it should act on time and
with the support of its members, including funding.
Time is of the essence in responding to crises.
Further development of the existing standby arrangements
with Member States is the most practical way to enhance
the rapid-reaction capability of the Organization.
Therefore, Finland strongly supports the establishment of
a rapidly deployable headquarters unit at the United
Nations as soon as possible.
Prevention, naturally, is better than cure. In
peacekeeping as well, preventive deployment is an
innovation that is working right now in The former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Finland is convinced
that the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force
(UNPREDEP) operation is making a crucial contribution
to stability in the whole region. It is a full-fledged
operation in preventive diplomacy encompassing good
offices, monitoring and human and institutional
development, as well as troop deployment. That
contribution, based on the present mandate, should
continue until peace and stability in the whole region are
better assured.
This is the year of the nuclear-test ban. That is what
the General Assembly demanded a year ago, and that is
what the vast majority of the world’s nations has now
agreed. I was proud to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty for my country. That Treaty will
strengthen the security of all of us, without exception.
Banning nuclear-test explosions is a goal to which the
international community has been committed for decades.
The Treaty accomplishes that goal. At the same time, the
Treaty is a step towards the ultimate elimination of
nuclear weapons.
4

However, focusing on nuclear weapons is not enough.
We also need to focus on weapons that maim and kill
people today. Those weapons are conventional weapons,
particularly landmines, other small arms and light weapons.
The excessive accumulation and proliferation of small
arms threaten to destabilize communities, countries and
entire regions. A United Nations expert panel, on which my
country is represented, is looking into the problem right
now. Finland, for one, expects concrete recommendations
on how to deal with this clear and present danger
nationally, regionally and through the United Nations.
The indiscriminate use of anti-personnel landmines is
the most visible manifestation of the small-arms emergency.
When they finally achieve peace, societies already ravaged
by years of war are severely hampered in their
reconstruction efforts by landmines that have been
indiscriminately sown by the millions. A concerted
international effort, led by the United Nations, is needed to
assist in mine clearance. Demining should also be made an
integral part of peacekeeping mandates, as was recently
suggested by Germany and endorsed by the Security
Council.
It is increasingly clear, however, that in the end only
a prohibition of inhumane and indiscriminate landmine use
can bring a real solution. To be effective, such a solution
must be legally binding, global and verifiable. As the first
step, all States should adhere to and abide by the
significantly strengthened landmine Protocol to the
Convention on conventional weapons. I find it very hard to
understand why two out of three United Nations Member
States continue to remain outside that Convention.
As a concurrent step Finland proposes the initiation of
global negotiations on a treaty banning anti-personnel
landmines altogether. A natural forum for such negotiations
would be the single negotiating body for disarmament that
the international community has at its disposal, namely, the
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva.
Finland will work actively for the inclusion of a ban
on anti-personnel landmines in the negotiating agenda of
the Conference on Disarmament when the Conference
reconvenes in January.
In assisting in the creation of conditions of stability
and well-being, the United Nations has effective economic
and social tools at its disposal. A review of how the United
Nations does its business in this field is under way. The
approval in May of the resolution on restructuring and
revitalization of some areas in the Economic and Social
Council sector was an encouraging sign.
The yardstick in measuring United Nations impact
on development should be how the Organization has been
able to alleviate poverty and contribute to the
improvement of the quality of life. The first priority now,
as we see it, should be to assess the impact of the
development activities of the United Nations system at the
country level. We were pleased to note that last year the
General Assembly initiated a process to that effect.
I have two remarks in this regard. First, it is
necessary to concentrate United Nations development
activities on the poorest countries and the most vulnerable
groups of society. Secondly, better integration of the
United Nations at the country level would enhance
efficiency. It would promote closer coordination between
development activities, on the one hand, and humanitarian
and peacekeeping activities on the other.
The commitments made at recent United Nations
conferences provide a comprehensive agenda for
follow-up. One of the conferences, the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development, will be
prominently present at this fifty-first session of the
General Assembly. That Conference is a promising
example of the capabilities of the United Nations. It has
made global environmental concerns an everyday reality
for all of us. The follow-up session next year will afford
a unique opportunity to assess progress and review
priorities.
In my view, one of the emerging priorities would be
a political commitment at the global level for sustainable
forest management. Finland attaches great importance to
the Intergovernmental Panel on Forests, which has been
established and which expects to submit concrete action-
oriented recommendations to the special session.
Before concluding my statement, I wish to refer to
the statement issued by the Presidency of the European
Union yesterday regarding the killings and violent
incidents in the West Bank and Gaza. I want to state that
my Government fully endorses that statement. On behalf
of the Government of Finland, I appeal to the parties
concerned to take every measure to restore calm and
refrain from acts of violence and provocation. We also
urge the parties to re-engage the peace process, which had
already achieved such promising results.
5

In view of the Security Council’s primary role in the
maintenance of international peace and security, the reform
of the Council is of particular urgency. The discussions on
this subject during the fiftieth session were thorough and
useful. Convergence of views emerged on many important
issues, yet on others, differences still remain. I believe that
the time is now ripe to take a step forward and engage in
real negotiations on a comprehensive reform of the Council.
Meanwhile, in a few weeks we shall elect new non-
permanent members to the present Security Council. As is
well known, the five Nordic Countries give their full
support to Sweden. I am confident that the other Member
States will also recognize the merits of our neighbouring
country.
The Deputy Prime Minister of Ireland, Mr. Dick
Spring, when speaking on behalf of the European Union,
underlined the obligation of all Member States to pay their
arrears and their assessed contributions to the United
Nations. Finland having been the first Member State to pay
in full, on time and without conditions its assessed
contribution to the regular budget of the United Nations in
1996, I feel it both my right and my duty to reiterate that
appeal.
The United Nations, we agree, needs renewed focus
and streamlining. Let us now find the determination and
will to proceed with the necessary reform.


Allow me at the outset to warmly congratulate
the President on his election to his post at the fifty-first
session of the General Assembly. I am deeply honoured
to speak from this rostrum for the first time, and would
like to take this opportunity to thank all our friends in the
world community for the valuable assistance given to us
in the construction of a new, democratic Georgia.
In recent years, Georgia has undergone every
possible trial in the transition from the old and obsolete
to the new and progressive. Overcoming the totalitarian
past has been very painful, demanding many sacrifices. In
conditions of post-communist chaos, ongoing ethno-
political conflicts and a precipitous decline in the
economy, Georgia has managed, with the help of the
international community, to stabilize the situation. Over
the past two years, democratic institutions have been
established, economic stability has been achieved, a
national currency has been introduced, the process of
privatization is being completed and favourable conditions
for foreign investment are being created. The presidential
and parliamentary elections held last year confirmed the
strong determination of the Georgian people to continue
on the path of democratic development. All this has been
done in order to further the gradual integration of
Georgia, and indeed the whole of Transcaucasia, into the
international economic system. Georgia has had to
overcome a number of obstacles on this course, both
subjective and objective in nature.
Today I would like to draw the Assembly’s attention
to the phenomenon that has become the main obstacle in
Georgia’s path to recovery: aggressive separatism, which
can completely nullify the beginnings of peace and
stability not only in Georgia, but in the entire region.
Aggressive separatism is not a new phenomenon, but it
has only recently come to the attention of the world
15

community, due to its global nature and its destructive
impact on international security. I can say with certainty
that the world community has no right to take the position
of an outside observer on this question, because countries
and entire regions are subjected to separatism, regardless of
their geographic location and level of development.
Despite differences in the underlying reasons for the
emergence of separatist movements, in their nature and in
their scale they have one thing in common: they establish
regimes on the ideological basis of terrorism under the
banner of “the self-determination of suppressed people”.
We are certain that everyone present in this Hall considers
the principle of self-determination for nations and peoples
one of the most important basic principles of international
law. Contemporary international law has established a clear
framework for the implementation of this principle. Yet it
is unacceptable for the principle of self-determination to be
exploited by national minorities or small nations that have
historically constituted a single society with other nations,
within the framework of sovereign States that today are
Members of the United Nations.
There is good reason for us to have singled out the
problem of aggressive separatism, as we consider it to be
the main threat to international peace and security at this
stage. Georgia has made enormous efforts to introduce the
notion of aggressive separatism into the agenda of the
world. Aggressive separatism uses “ethnic cleansing” as the
main tool of vengeance against other nations and ethnic
groups.
Here I must bring up the example of Abkhazia:
300,000 peaceful Georgian citizens have been expelled
from the territory of Abkhazia. Thousands more have been
shot, burned, hanged or tortured to death. Furthermore, the
persecution of the Georgian population on the basis of
ethnic origin was raised by the separatist regime to the
level of state policy. This is a most serious crime against
humanity.
Analogous manifestations of aggressive separatism are
taking place in other parts of the world. Consequently, the
stream of refugees increases constantly, and this process has
acquired the form of a powerful new global factor fraught
with unpredictable social and economic consequences. We
believe we need more fully developed measures in order to
oppose it effectively.
What can we do about this? As a rule, the response of
the world community to separatism as a phenomenon is
nearly always late and consequently inadequate to existing
conditions.
The first resolution of the Security Council on the
conflict in Abkhazia was adopted on 9 July 1993; the
most recent, on 12 July 1996. Comparing them, we can
see that it took three years to call something by its proper
name: to call an aggressor an aggressor, a criminal a
criminal and a victim a victim.
It is obvious that we need a doctrine to contain
aggressive separatism. This should include a number of
measures directed at revealing the underlying causes and
at preventing and overcoming any manifestation of
extremist separatist tendencies.
We consider it necessary, first, to define the
phenomenon of separatism in terms of international law
and, to that end, to establish a corresponding juridical and
legal basis, namely, a well-defined system to identify and
categorize aggressive separatism in international legal
documents.
Secondly, it is necessary to introduce and enforce
economic measures. One might respond that the practical
implementation of economic sanctions already exists.
However, these should be binding in nature and their
enforcement fall under the strict control of the
international community; moreover, there must be follow-
up implementation of sanctions against violators, if
necessary. At the same time, in order to eliminate
economic incentives for armed hostilities, we should
provide economic assistance and other means of support
to regions where separatist tendencies are growing in
strength.
Thirdly, we must consider measures of a military-
political character, such as the imposition of arms
embargoes against those regions where separatism takes
on aggressive forms.
Fourthly, those who have committed these crimes
against humanity must be fully aware that they cannot
avoid severe punishment and that, sooner or later, they
will have to stand before an international tribunal. It is
clear that international terrorism and aggressive
separatism are interconnected and that we must combine
our efforts in the struggle against both.
The efforts of the countries of the Group of 8 aimed
at the elimination of international terrorism give us cause
for hope. The Government of Georgia fully supports the
16

recent initiative of the President of Egypt to establish a new
specialized international organization dedicated to the
struggle against these evils. We must also work as speedily
as possible on the creation of a stable system of regional
security, without which the process of aggressive separatism
that has contributed to the political and economic
disintegration of traditional regional structures of mutually
beneficial cooperation and ethno-cultural exchanges will
only grow, hastening the division of regions into hostile
microsystems under the permanent influence of
neighbouring regional Powers.
Once again, let us focus concretely on the prospects
for a peaceful settlement of the Abkhaz problem. The
current negotiations continue under the auspices of the
United Nations and through the mediation of the Russian
Federation. The “Friends of Georgia” group of countries is
also making concerted efforts. The settlement of the conflict
has thus taken on an international scale.
We have repeatedly declared Georgia’s position on the
settlement of this conflict and the determination of
Abkhazia’s status. First, it is necessary and very possible to
settle the conflict through a peaceful process of negotiation.
Through the new Constitution of Georgia, adopted last year,
the question of the state territorial structure of our country
was deliberately left open. At the same time, proposals
were elaborated according to which Abkhazia would be
granted autonomy in accordance with the highest possible
international standards.
Just over a month ago, the President of Georgia made
a statement in which he once again set forth his suggestions
regarding the settlement of the conflict in the Caucasus,
including his assertion to the authorities in Sukhumi of his
readiness to meet immediately for serious discussions.
Unfortunately, these efforts have borne no fruit. The
responsibility for that lies with the separatists. It has proven
hitherto impossible to achieve progress towards a political
settlement. Moreover, the separatist regime, sensing its
impunity, has undertaken a new series of provocations,
attempting to organize so-called parliamentary elections on
the same territory which was ethnically cleansed and on
which less than one-fifth of the native population presently
resides. The regime has cynically ignored the mediation
efforts of the Russian Federation, the United Nations and
the world community, numerous resolutions of the Security
Council and the decisions of various forums.
The growing concern on this point is also
understandable. Has not the perfunctory evaluation of acts
of “ethnic cleansing” and genocide in Abkhazia, by
accident or a design, strengthened the confidence of the
separatists that they will get away with their crimes and
even legitimize the status quo?
In the recent past, Transcaucasia acted as a boundary
between two opposing systems, two military-political
blocs separated by the iron curtain and implacable
ideologies. These confrontational orientations did not
allow the innate human and natural resources of the
region to be fully exploited, relegating it to a secondary
role on the periphery of the world stage.
As a consequence of historic changes that occurred
before our very eyes, we believe that the time has come
seriously to reappraise the role of our region. Our final
aim is to turn it into the very opposite of what it once
was. The Caucasus can become and is already becoming
a region of multilateral cooperation, not only between the
States geographically located within it. The prospects for
creating a transportation corridor across our region are
gradually becoming reality. The States of Central Asia,
the Black Sea basin and Western and Eastern Europe are
directly involved in the process of its creation. There has
thus been a logical growth in the international
community’s interest in the fate of the Caucasus.
The Caucasus today is a complicated interlacing of
political economic and financial contradictions and
interests. Therefore, it is necessary to respond
appropriately to these emerging circumstances. Otherwise,
we run the risk of creating a new, powerful and large-
scale breeding ground for international tensions.
While pondering the creation of a new global and, in
particular, European infrastructure of stability, we have in
mind very specific elements that will create a single and
indivisible unit. In this context, the initiative of President
Shevardnadze on a peaceful Caucasus, proposed in the
spring of 1996, can serve as the basis for the creation of
a regional model that could, in its own right, become a
major component in a general and comprehensive model
of security for Europe in the next century. The ideas set
forth in this initiative were discussed and approved in
principle at the summit between the Presidents of the
Russian Federation, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia,
and the leaders of the northern Caucasus Republics within
the Russian Federation in June 1996.
These proposals are aimed not only at the peaceful
settlement of conflicts currently besetting the Caucasus,
but also at post-conflict settlement, insuring the security
17

and multi-level development of the region. They advocate
the application of generally recognized, fundamental
principles of international law, the observance of which
would guarantee peace and stability in the region.
I am not engaging in wishful thinking. The road to
achieving all this will, of course, not be easy, but I am
confident that the States of the region possess sufficient
determination and political will, together with the active
participation of the international community, to make the
only correct decision and, like one of Brecht’s characters,
break out of the “Caucasian Chalk Circle”.
I would like to share some of my concerns on the
prospects for new United Nations activities. The impending
reforms, supported by practically all Member States, testify
to a qualitatively new stage in the development of
international relations. At the same time, the need for
reforms places great responsibility on us. We have no right
to take hasty decisions that might result in unforeseen
consequences. On the other hand, excessive dilatoriness
could also harm our cause.
Given the new realities in international relations, it is
clear that these changes should be reflected in the body of
the United Nations that is entrusted with the primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and
security. ln order to enable the Security Council to respond
adequately to contemporary challenges, new geopolitical
realities should be reflected in its structure. I refer to the
timely question of increasing the number of permanent and
non-permanent members of the Council. We are fully
convinced that increasing the number of members would
expand the geopolitical base of the Security Council, which
in turn would make it more effective and representative.
In considering in this context the candidacy of
Germany and Japan for possible permanent membership, we
are guided by the hope that we would finally and
irrevocably have an opportunity to overcome the
psychological consequences of the Second World War and
the cold war. In 1992 our President argued, from this
rostrum, for the need to expand the membership of the
Security Council by including Germany and Japan; and
Georgia has repeatedly advocated this since.
Careful consideration should be given to proposals put
forward by Italy and other Member States with regard to
non-permanent membership of the Security Council.
However, the Security Council should remain a
comparatively small body, which makes it more dynamic.
Most importantly, in considering an increase in Council
membership, due attention should be paid primarily to the
degree of participation of Member States in the
maintenance of international peace and security.
The changes should also touch upon the practical
side of Council activities, especially with regard to
conflict resolution. The criteria that guide the Security
Council in the use of its discretionary rights, provided for
in Chapters VI, VII and VIII of the Charter, should be
more clearly formulated and universally applied.
In order to improve the management of
peacekeeping operations, the Secretary-General’s Special
Envoy should be responsible for coordinating the
implementation of peacekeeping operations, with the
direct participation of regional organizations. We should
also note that a significant number of conflicts throughout
the world do not fall within the category of threats to
international peace and security under Chapter VII of the
Charter, although they are characterized by gross and
massive human rights violations and are considered to be
crimes against humanity.
Thus, in most cases, the initiators and executors of
these crimes, which include “ethnic cleansing” and
genocide, feel that they enjoy impunity because of the
inability of the international community to take legal
action. Consequently, we should consider the
establishment of a permanent United Nations special
international observer institution, which would investigate
the facts pertaining to such crimes.
Georgia, having undergone the tragedy of conflict in
Abkhazia, and having experienced “ethnic cleansing” and
genocide in its own population, is keenly interested in the
rapid establishment and effective functioning of an
international criminal court. Such a body should become
an effective tool for implementing the law on behalf of
the international community. We are inspired by the fact
that the International Law Commission has already
approved the text for a list of crimes against peace and
humanity.
We are also happy that the United Nations has
already taken steps in laying the foundation for
developing peacekeeping contingents of stand-by forces.
Georgia has already declared its readiness for active
participation in the establishment of stand-by forces. We
believe, however, that the United Nations should not take
half measures, as the use of stand-by forces cannot
completely resolve problems of effective and timely
18

reaction to conflict situations arising in different parts of
the world.
In this connection, we are convinced that we should
finally implement the idea of establishing a United Nations
rapid deployment force to carry out the tasks prescribed by
the Security Council to restrain the escalation of conflicts
and deploy the main peacemaking contingents of the United
Nations.
In conclusion, we would like to see the world
community as a union of free nations that enrich each other
spiritually, economically and culturally. Mutual efforts in
this direction will inevitably lead to the establishment of a
permanent, cooperative peace in a world free of wars and
ethnic conflicts.
The General Assembly offers a unique opportunity to
elaborate a uniform and coordinated approach to the real,
global problems of humanity. This is our chance to reach
global consensus, and we should take full advantage of it.
I thank the Assembly for its attention, and express my
hope that our pain and our hopes will be taken into account
by the entire international community.


I should like to extend to the President
and to all the delegations of Member States the cordial
greetings of the people and Government of El Salvador.
I should also like to congratulate the President on his
election to preside over this session and to express thanks
to Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral for the dedication with
which he carried out his mandate. At this session, we
must adopt very important decisions designed to
strengthen the Organization. We are convinced that the
President’s pragmatism and experience will help our
debate to take a proper course, overcome obstacles and
give impetus to the reforms called for by Member States.
In October 1995 we celebrated the golden
anniversary of the United Nations, an occasion that
afforded us an opportunity to assess the work of the
Organization, to recognize the importance of this
institution in deepening understanding among nations and
to ensure that its purposes and principles remain fully in
effect. At that time, world leaders agreed to support the
implementation of the reform needed to ensure that the
international community would indeed have an effective
Organization able to meet the requirements presented by
a constantly changing world.
In the light of that commitment, we believe that at
this session debate should avoid unnecessary
confrontation and be focused on the formulation of
practical recommendations to ensure that the joint efforts
of Member States will be in accordance with the
Declaration adopted at the fiftieth anniversary. In so
doing, important decisions can be taken that will give the
Organization the capabilities and resources to meet the
challenges of the new millennium effectively.
The dynamics of the international system in recent
years lead us to an even greater appreciation of the
various initiatives that have been discussed with regard to
the common problems that affect us all. In solving them,
we must act together and share the successful experiences
of each individual State in order to improve the standard
of living of all our peoples.
We commend the successful convening of summits,
at which programmes of action on global problems
relating to women, children, human rights, the
environment, social development, population and human
settlements have been adopted. These conferences are a
clear demonstration of the political will and the moral
commitment of the international community to redefine
the paradigms for sustainable development by means of
19

rekindled creativity focused on the individual as well as the
family.
The complexity and interdependency of our problems
oblige each and every Member State to redouble their
efforts to participate more actively in finding solutions.
Such solutions must emerge from a new vision of the
current international situation, characterized by increasingly
globalized economies and requiring greater efficiency and
competitiveness in the productive sectors in order
successfully to confront higher levels of competition.
Despite the positive elements of this picture, we must
not confound joint efforts with the principal responsibility
that each and every government bears in solving the
problems affecting its own society.
In the global political situation, we note with
satisfaction that progress has been made in participatory
democracy throughout the world. This is one of the most
important phenomena at the end of this century, as it
enables individuals to participate directly and creatively in
solving their own problems.
We are convinced that United Nations efforts to
resolve and contain conflicts by means of peacekeeping
operations are beneficial to the achievement of world
harmony. In addition to having benefited from this process,
El Salvador has been an active party to it.
Our country’s experience in effectively settling its
recent armed conflict can help other countries dealing with
similar situations. This makes it possible for us to share our
knowledge and experience with the international
community, to contribute to solving such conflicts by
means of dialogue and common work, leading to the
consolidation of peace, democracy and respect for human
rights.
We have said that there has been a sea change in the
international system, but conflicts and problems remain. At
this time, we wish to encourage their resolution in an
atmosphere of cooperation, dialogue and negotiation by
means of frank and objective discussion.
In recent years, 25 new States have exercised their
sovereign right to self-determination and become Members
of the United Nations, thereby reaffirming the
Organization’s principle of universality. Unfortunately this
principle has not been fully respected and will not be fully
respected until all States, including the Republic of China
in Taiwan, are represented in the United Nations.
The creation of jobs, the rule of law, the security of
citizens, access to proper housing, health, education,
medical care and nutrition for children, and a clean and
life-sustaining environment are all requirements that
deserve priority. If at the United Nations we can
formulate policies and carry out innovative, effective
activities in this connection, people throughout the world,
particularly the most dispossessed, can benefit from this
important step forward in solving their problems. This is
the only way the Organization can truly make a creative
and effective contribution to ensuring that democracy is
perceived as a positive process for humankind.
The financial problems of our Organization are an
obstacle to the proper functioning of its programmes and
activities, especially those in less developed countries.
The needs of development require that the United Nations
function more transparently, effectively and, above all,
efficiently. For this, our beliefs and our actions must be
consistent.
The new vision that is emerging in the international
system can be explained by the domestic transformations
taking place in many countries throughout the world.
Central America is a part of this process. Allow me to
describe the current experiences of our region. A few
years before the start of the new millennium, the Central
American countries have left behind our sad history of
confrontation and have embarked upon the path to peace,
freedom, democracy and development, as shaped by the
Central American Presidents in our Alliance for the
Sustainable Development of Central America. This
Alliance comprises policies, programmes and activities
that provide a new system for integral development and
are creating progressive change in living standards by
ensuring economic growth with social equity, and
development that is in harmony with nature, thus ensuring
that future generations will have a high quality of life.
The Central American Presidents also adopted a
series of commitments to work together to meet the
objectives of the Alliance for Sustainable Development.
In political terms, these include strengthening and
consolidating the rule of law and democratic security as
well as modernizing the public sector; in economic terms,
improving economic integration, harmonizing
macroeconomic policies and modernizing regional
infrastructures; in the social sphere, systematically
reducing poverty, emphasizing job-creation and
investment in human capital, giving priority to eduction,
health and training; in the cultural area, ensuring the
preservation of the values and traditions of the cultural
20

heritage of the Central American peoples; and in
environmental terms, preserving and protecting the bio-
diversity of the region, promoting reforestation and the
appropriate utilization of water catchment areas, biological
corridors and protected areas.
In El Salvador, barely four years after the signature of
the peace accords, we are pleased to note that we have
come close to full implementation of the commitments
entered into at the time and are moving strongly towards
establishing democratic institutions and national
reconstruction. Our peace process has been held up as an
example, and we are pleased to serve as a model and an
encouragement to ensure that situations similar to ours can
be solved in other areas of the world. After having solved
a prolonged domestic conflict by political means, we
Salvadorans have many challenges before us which can be
summed up in a few words: the achievement of a lasting,
stable and modern democracy based on the rule of law that
will enable us to achieve social peace and the building of
a new El Salvador.
For these reasons, we are determined to expedite
actions aimed at satisfying the deepest aspirations of our
people: worthwhile and well-paid work; a participatory
education stressing the creation of a culture of peace based
on civic and moral values; a health system that is not only
curative but preventive; the promotion of micro-enterprises
and small businesses; full respect for and promotion of
human rights, including special emphasis on the rights of
women and children; the restoration and preservation of our
environment; strengthening the rule of law; and the
consolidation of a true system of civil liberties. On this
basis, the Salvadoran people will be able to put all of their
talents and efforts into achieving the sustainable and
integral development of society.
We believe that human and economic development are
two sides of the same coin, and mutually dependent.
Greater human development makes possible conditions
under which economic development can increase, which in
turn produces increased resources to stimulate human
development.
Accordingly, the Government of President Armando
Calderón Sol is carrying out reforms that will allow for the
creation of a country replete with opportunities for all
Salvadorans, thereby breaking the vicious circle of poverty
in which those born poor are condemned to die poor.
This objective can be achieved as long as we, as a
nation, have a single vision that goes beyond different
ideological or political circumstances. The great task
facing this generation in El Salvador is to recognize that
society is a whole and to ensure that all the force of
history is brought to bear in order to find solutions that
benefit the entire population.
The people and Government of El Salvador wish to
reaffirm their recognition of the contribution made by the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, his
representatives and the agencies of the United Nations
system, to the consolidation of peace, democracy and
reconstruction in our country. We would like also to
thank the international community for its material,
technical and financial support to complement the efforts
of the Salvadoran people to achieve peace and sustainable
development, which has enabled us to begin a process of
modernization, so as to meet successfully the challenges
of the twenty-first century.
In conclusion, we would like to express our absolute
confidence that, at the conclusion of the fifty-first session
of the General Assembly, the peoples of the world who
are represented here will have reached a greater level of
understanding, trust and cooperation, enabling them to
deal together with the problems affecting the international
community.