I bring warm greetings and hope that the seventieth session of the General Assembly will prove most fruitful.
I would like to congratulate Mr. Mogen Lykketoft on his assumption of the presidency. I would also like to extend my sincere appreciation to Mr. Sam Kutesa for his time and efforts as President of the General Assembly at the sixty-ninth session.
Seventy years ago, our Organization was created — in the words of former Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld — “not to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell”. Looking back, the United Nations has been instrumental in averting another and even deadlier world war. But it has failed to prevent people from suffering the pains of hell in many regional conflicts, including those of Bosnia, Rwanda and, over the past four years, Syria.
The tragic story of 3-year-old Aylan should serve as a reminder of what the United Nations should stand for. Just earlier this month, Aylan’s tiny, lifeless body washed ashore after the boat he was on capsized
in the Aegean. His family was trying to escape the indiscriminate barrel bombs in his town somewhere in Syria, to an imagined land of hope anywhere in Europe. The Turkish policeman who found Aylan said that he felt not like an officer on duty, but like the little boy’s father, helplessly holding his beloved son. Indeed, Aylan was our baby; he belonged to each and every one of us and to all humankind. From the moment that we found him, washed ashore and lifeless, we were each plunged into the misery of our own conscience.
We human beings are not merely blank pages in the book of history. We are all capable of both the best and the worst. This is a simple but powerful fact of our existence that can make us bring our best to the fore. We must join our efforts, no later than today, to effectively deal with the increasingly complex and tragic facts facing humanity. For its part, Turkey has assumed more than its fair share of the burden. Providing protection to more than 2 million Syrians and 200,000 Iraqis, Turkey now shelters the largest number of refugees in the world. Our doors will remain open. We embrace those fleeing war and persecution. So far, we have invested almost $8 billion, of which international contributions account for a mere $417 million. To date, 66,000 Syrian babies have been born in Turkey. Some 9 million medical consultations and 280,000 surgical operations have been provided to our Syrian refugee population. Currently, 230,000 school-age Syrian children are receiving a formal education and 460,000 more will be integrated into our education system by the end of the year.
The number of would-be illegal migrants who have drowned in the Mediterranean Sea has reached a staggering 6,000.Meanwhile, 55,000 seaborne migrants have been rescued by the Turkish Coast Guard, while 235,000 illegal entrants have been intercepted by Turkish law enforcement agencies since 2011. More than 4 million Syrians have fled chemical weapons, missiles and indiscriminate aerial bombardment by the Assad regime and ground assaults by the terrorist organization Daesh. And more than 12 million internally displaced persons, almost half of them children, are in desperate need of help.
This tragedy will not end before the people of Syria have a legitimate Government that truly represents their will and enjoys their full consent. Until then, the international community must act swiftly to protect them in their homeland, including by creating a safe zone beyond the reach of aerial bombardment by the
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regime and ground assault by Daesh and other terrorist organizations. Anyone hoping to solve the Syrian crisis must think of a Syria without Assad, a vicious tyrant who indiscriminately kills his own people with chemical weapons and barrel bombs. Every minute he remains in power adds to the shame of those who support him. As the world must realize, a diplomatic solution to the crisis should be based on a transition that will lead to political change. Turkey will continue to work towards that end.
People may no longer hear the voices of the 300,000 who have lost their lives so far. But last week I met with representatives of the thousands who dared to walk hundreds of miles to Edirne, Turkey, the last stop on their journey to their imagined land of hope in Europe. I promised to bring their voice to the world community. I have fulfilled my promise, yet our responsibility remains.
Indeed, it was with that sense of responsibility that we proposed the inclusion of item 130, “Global awareness of the tragedies of irregular migrants in the Mediterranean basin with specific emphasis on Syrian asylum-seekers”, in the agenda of the seventieth session. Our proposal was accepted by the General Assembly on 18 September. We will therefore have the chance to look at viable responses to the migrant tragedy in the form of partnerships between countries of origin, destination and transit. That is now a priority matter for all humankind.
The people of Syria are not the only ones to suffer. The Palestinian tragedy continues unabated. In my address to this body on 29 November 2012 (see A/67/PV.44), I called on the international community to stand in solidarity with the Palestinians in their bid for their own independent State, for which they have been calling for more than 60 years. Today, we finally witness and salute the Palestinian flag flying at full mast at the United Nations alongside those of all other States. That constitutes another significant step towards enabling the parties to come together on an equal footing at the negotiating table in a process aimed at achieving an equitable and sustainable peace.
The State of Palestine will be independent today or tomorrow, and East Jerusalem, Al-Quds Al-Sharif, will be its capital, As President Mahmoud Abbas just said, the Palestinian flag will be raised in Al-Quds Al-Sharif soon, and we will be there to celebrate that event together. All Muslims and Christians and all nations
will freely gather there. The city of Al-Quds matters for the whole of humankind. It is a city that is sacred to Islam, Judaism and Christianity, and should be treated accordingly. The expansion of illegal settlements and the violations targeting the holy sites, Al-Haram Al-Sharif and the Al-Aqsa Mosque in particular, must immediately and unconditionally stop, if we are to talk about a peace process. The holiness of Al-Haram Al-Sharif must be respected. We strongly reject and condemn attempts to establish a temporal and spatial division of Al-Haram Al-Sharif, which is in clear violation of international law.
Members have just heard the statement of His Excellency President Abbas. For us too, Palestine is an indivisible whole, consisting of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza. The right of Palestinians to live together as one must be recognized. As an integral part of the State of Palestine, Gaza should be freed from the illegal and inhumane blockade of the past eight years. Turkey’s commitment to providing the necessary political and economic support for the Palestinians to lead a dignified life will continue.
The current vacuum created on our southern borders as a result of the crisis in Syria has played into the hands of terrorists, who also target Turkey. This is a threat that has the potential to spread to the whole region and beyond. Terrorism has no justification. It should be condemned unconditionally. Any attempt to affiliate terrorism with any religion or ethnic group is patently misguided and serves only to strengthen the terrorist threat. Today, as in the past, Turkey is combating terrorism of all kinds, Daesh and the Kurdish Workers Party included. Our counter-terrorism efforts and our contribution to international cooperation to that end are well known to our partners. Daesh is a product of the vacuum created by the crisis in Syria. Fighting Daesh therefore means removing the conditions that created it. Hence, we will never succeed until Al-Assad goes. We dream of a new democratic multicultural Syria, both without Al-Assad and without Daesh. We expect our allies, partners and friends to continue to clearly and publicly display their support for and solidarity with Turkey in its fight against all types of terrorism.
The issue of foreign terrorist fighters is of utmost concern. According to United Nations figures, 25,000 foreign terrorist fighters are believed to be coming from over 100 countries. This threat needs to be addressed at its source. Enhancing international cooperation in terms of information exchange is crucial, but deficiencies in
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this regard unfortunately continue. For our part, we have included more than 20,000 individuals in our no-entry list since 2011 and have deported more than 2,000 who are intending to reach conflict regions beyond our borders or are returning from them.
From Libya and Yemen to Ukraine, from South to North and from East to West, the global security environment is fragile. At a time of such volatility, particularly in our region, Turkey resolutely assumes responsibility in global issues, to the best of its abilities and within its means. Turkey has become a leading actor and a trustworthy partner with $3.5 billion dollars of official development assistance. We see a clear link between sustainable economic development and global stability. One way to ensure this is through inclusive economic growth where no one in our societies, including women and the vulnerable, is left behind. Today, half of the world’s population lives on a daily income of under $2.50, and close to 20,000 children die every day of hunger and poverty. Turkey, as the current President of the Group of 20 (G-20) since December 2014, has highlighted the importance of international cooperation, coordination and solidarity in addressing global uncertainties and risks. We have placed inclusiveness and overcoming inequality at the top of the G-20 agenda.
Our generation has witnessed the highest number of refugees and internally displaced persons since the Second World War. The great majority of today’s humanitarian crises are conflict-related. The global humanitarian system is running out of funds and affected people are running out of time. While Turkey hosts currently the largest number of refugees in the world, it also holds the Chair of the Global Forum on Migration and Development. Our overarching theme is: “Strengthening Partnerships: Human Mobility for Sustainable Development”. Our key priorities include promoting the positive linkages between migration and development. It is high time that we addressed the complex humanitarian agenda in a holistic manner, with a special emphasis on the humanitarian-development nexus. We therefore look forward to hosting the first ever World Humanitarian Summit in Istanbul from 23 to 24 May next year.
Cultural divides will rob us of our future if we allow them to. The current conflicts around the world demonstrate the spread of hatred, discrimination and extremism. These crises result in the segregation of people with specific ethnic or religious backgrounds,
and they also hinder tolerance, coexistence and harmony among civilizations. We must avoid alienation, exclusion and the vilification of certain communities and religions if we want to bring down the walls that divide us. We must act together against all forms of racism and xenophobia, including Islamophobia, without exception. Only then can we collectively fight against extremism, radicalization and terrorism in an effective manner. We must encourage inclusiveness and democratic legitimacy, and must respect the people’s will and consent.
We cannot condone the prioritization of oppressive security vis-à-vis universal rights and freedoms that we have collectively undersigned at the United Nations. Our differences may remain, yet our collective abilities to overcome the divides must be strengthened. The United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, a project initiated nearly 10 years ago jointly by Turkey and Spain, aims to provide lasting solutions in that respect. There are many ways to respond to unfounded fear, mistrust and hatred in societies and among nations. Conflict is one. But there is a peaceful means of preventing and resolving conflicts: mediation. Turkey, together with Finland, launched the Mediation for Peace initiative at the United Nations five years ago. It has attracted considerable interest and yielded tangible results in heightening awareness of the importance of the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
We wish to see a political solution to the crisis in Ukraine based on Ukraine’s territorial integrity and the principles of the Minsk agreements. Any solution to this conflict should also ensure the rights and security of the Crimean Tatars.
In terms of peace, security and prosperity in our entire neighbourhood, the South Caucasus has a prominent place. That region, regrettably, continues to be destabilized and weakened by three major unresolved conflicts in the greater area of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We are determined to continue our efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution to these conflicts on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the inviolability of its internationally recognized borders. The same applies to Georgia, where we support unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. We welcome the recent steps towards normalization and permanent stability in the Balkans. We therefore appreciate the progress made so far in the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue.
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Turkey is a part of Europe, historically and currently. On the basis of shared universal values, it continues to work towards its strategic objective of becoming a member of the European Union. We believe that today Europe needs Turkey more than ever to strengthen its security and prosperity.
Expanding relations and cooperation with Africa has become an important pillar of Turkey’s multifaceted foreign policy, which puts special emphasis on humanitarian diplomacy. We will continue to share our experience and knowledge with our African partners and friends on the basis of mutual benefit and in accordance with the principle of African solutions to African challenges.
In Asia, Turkey has been an integral part of the international efforts aimed at achieving a lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan. We firmly believe that the international community must continue its support to Afghanistan.
As I near the end of my remarks, I wish to draw the Assembly’s attention to our continuing commitment to a just, comprehensive and lasting solution in Cyprus. It must be based on the political equality of the two peoples and their equal ownership of the island. We expect a lasting settlement to be reached as soon as possible. And we support the efficient and constructive efforts of the Turkish Cypriot side to that end.
As the world population grows and is expected to reach 10 billion, the international community stands at the threshold of a critical period. Despite our many achievements, our need for a free, peaceful, stable, prosperous and just world continues. The road ahead for peace security and human rights will be paved with our good intentions. But most likely, our best intentions will not be sufficient to respond to the mounting challenges before us. We need a paradigm shift. The United Nations, as the ultimate global institution representing the vision of peace, must remain relevant and effective in coping with all the major challenges. Some of those challenges have already brought new tragedies upon us. Over the past 70 years, both the world and the United Nations have changed and evolved. However the change in the United Nations is not yet comprehensive enough to make it fully fit for purpose. Despite the major steps taken so far to adapt the Organization to the new global realities, any reform will remain incomplete unless it includes the Security Council.
Seventy years ago, the founders of the Organization entrusted it with the task of protecting the dignity, security and prosperity of all humankind. That task today requires the ability to take firm and decisive action against atrocities committed everywhere by aggressors and oppressors. The inability to do so not only will jeopardize the lives of millions affected by ongoing crises, it will threaten all future generations by calling into question the credibility of the United Nations system. The responsibility to reach the broadest possible consensus on comprehensive reform to render the Security Council more democratic, representative, inclusive, transparent, effective and accountable falls upon us all. We owe it not only to future generations but to the visionary founders of the Organization.
So, to add to Secretary-General Hammarskjöld’s vision of the United Nations as saving humankind, what now befalls this institution is the task of salvaging our shared future.


Twelve years ago, I bade farewell to the Assembly, as I had decided to retire from active politics thereafter, which I did. However, destiny and the wish of the people of Mauritius brought me back into the political arena, and I stand here anew as Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius, following my electoral victory in December 2014 through free and fair elections.
This is yet another affirmation of the fact that Mauritius upholds a high tradition of democracy, respect for human rights, the rule of law and peaceful coexistence. We will solemnly continue to uphold those universal values, which require our careful nurturing as States Members of the United Nations. For indeed, there can be no better tribute to the United Nations, as we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the Charter, than to see nations working together to sustain those values and to promote the establishment of peace and security.
In that context, we commend the Secretary-General for the timely setting up of the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations to review the United Nations peace architecture. We are particularly supportive of the recommendation for stronger and deeper partnerships among global and regional organizations aimed at promoting international peace and security. For we in Mauritius have witnessed how the collective efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Southern African Development Community, the Indian Ocean Commission and other regional economic communities unlocked the political stalemate in Madagascar, enabling our neighbour and brother nation to pursue its path to development. Similar collaboration has also enabled the African Union to deploy robust operations in complex situations in Mali, the Central African Republic and Somalia.
Mauritius strongly condemns the recent coup in Burkina Faso and appreciates the current initiatives of the United Nations, the African Union and Economic Community of West African States to keep that country on the path of democracy. Mauritius is fully committed to the implementation of Agenda 2063 of the African Union, which represents the collective vision of Africans for a peaceful, united and prosperous Africa.
We congratulate the Palestinian Authority on the occasion of the formal recognition by the United
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Nations of Palestine as an Observer. Mauritius calls on the international community to put in even greater efforts to ensure that the two independent, secure and viable States of Palestine and Israel live peacefully side by side. Similarly, we wish to see an end to the phenomenon of refugees fleeing one tragedy only to face an even greater disaster.
The spread of armaments, nuclear proliferation, terrorism and piracy remain important threats to world peace and require our constant vigilance. My country will therefore pursue its fight against piracy as a member of the Contact Group on Somali Piracy and welcomes the decision to review the boundaries of the High Risk Area, so as to reduce inflationary pressures on maritime and freight costs. We welcome the agreement reached on the Iranian nuclear issue and call for the implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, as it can contribute to international peace and security.
Let me share with the Assembly the fact that Mauritius acceded to the Arms Trade Treaty in July, and yesterday I deposited our instrument of accession to the Convention on Cluster Munitions. As we deal with the issue of armaments, we must remain conscious of the fact that the biggest weapon of all remains fear — the fear that terrorists use so extensively to curtail freedom of thought, freedom of expression and impose their intolerance upon those who dare to be different. Mauritius unreservedly condemns terrorism, in all its forms and remains committed to combating intolerance and extremism, whether at the domestic level or internationally.
As we focus on peace and security, let us continue to let ourselves be inspired by the life and deeds of Mahatma Gandhi, whose birth date we are commemorating today. We have another golden opportunity here to pay tribute to the Mahatma, the apostle of nonviolence, the man who shunned intolerance and who asked us to live simply so that others may simply live.
As a small island developing State (SIDS) that is vulnerable to natural hazards, Mauritius believes that the greatest challenge to peace and security in the years to come will be climate change, which requires our utmost attention now. If we do not act collectively and in a spirit of solidarity, if we are unable to reach a binding climate agreement at the coming United Nations Climate Change Conference that would limit the world temperature increase to less than 1.5°C compared to
1990, we will be failing in our duty towards Mother Earth and future generations.
Let there be a space carved out for small island developing States, the most vulnerable of all, for the least developed countries (LDCs) and for Africa to enable them to implement fully the necessary mitigation and adaptation measures. Let financing be available and predictable, in addition to the sharing of technology to address a collective threat. In this respect, Mauritius is pleased to host the Commonwealth Climate Finance Skills Hub, which will be launched at the forthcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Malta. This mechanism aims to assist SIDS and LDCs access much-needed funds for adaptation and mitigation.
Mauritius particularly welcomes Sustainable Development Goal 5, relating to women’s and girls’ empowerment. Mauritius has made steady progress on this agenda and continues to put in place appropriate strategies to further promote gender equality in all spheres of development. I am proud to announce that for the first time in history, my country has three women in high positions: President of the Republic, Vice-President, and Speaker of the National Assembly of Mauritius.
There can be no democracy without human rights and no human rights without development. A balance needs to be maintained in the trident of peace, human rights and development.
We are living at a time of uncertainty when not a single nation is immune from external shocks, but some are more exposed than others.
As a small developing State, my country is highly vulnerable to external shocks and a high current account deficit. We depend on foreign markets for tourism, trade and investments, and we have limited fiscal space to manoeuvre. In addition, our ageing population not only leads to a reduction of our productive capacity, but also costs significant resources in terms of health care financing and retirement benefits. However, against this bleak backdrop, my Government is making sure that the welfare State, of which we are so proud, is maintained. We are re-engineering our economy. We have pledged to achieve an average gross domestic product (GDP) growth of 5.5 per cent annually as from 2017 on the back of a technology- and innovation-driven economy focusing on sustainability and human development.
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More than ever, Mauritius needs the support of the international community to untangle itself from the middle-income web and reach the high-income country status. Financial institutions and development partners need to look beyond our relatively high GDP, which obscures the real cost that we have to pay for our development and precludes us from accessing vital development finance and support. Development partners should not forget that the specific and unique vulnerabilities of SIDS have been reiterated, highlighted and acknowledged by world leaders in the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway and now in the post-2015 agenda.
It is gratifying to note that the Addis Ababa International Conference on Financing for Development has pledged to support the economic transformation of SIDS and LDCs through domestic resource mobilization, catalytic use of official development assistance and strong trade commitments. These promises should be effectively translated into reality to drive forward our sustainable development agenda.
Mauritius is committed to upholding good governance, transparency and the rule of law at all levels. We have been very active in ensuring effective implementation of international standards of transparency and exchange of information, with a view to combating tax evasion, money laundering and other malpractices. Mauritius was one of the earliest States to sign a Multilateral Competent Authority Agreement with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), to automatically exchange information on financial matters, and in June we reaffirmed our commitment by officially signing the OECD’s multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters.
In March this year, Mauritius was privileged to host the signature ceremony for the United Nations Convention on Transparency in Treaty-based Investor- State Arbitration (resolution 69/116, annex), otherwise known as the Mauritius Convention on Transparency. By being the first country to sign and ratify the Convention, we are forcefully demonstrating our commitment to democratic participation, transparency and good governance.
The rule of law should be promoted not only at the national, but also at the international, level. We need to pursue meaningful efforts to reform the United Nations to make it more responsive to the needs and aspirations of all the Member States. If our Organization is to
remain legitimate, there should be a comprehensive reform of the Security Council. The status quo is not an option. The legitimate aspiration of Africa for permanent representation in the Council should not be denied. Mauritius reaffirms its commitment to the African Common Position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Small island developing States, which represent over a quarter of United Nations membership, deserve representation on the Council. Likewise, Mauritius supports India’s rightful aspiration to a permanent seat in a reformed Security Council.
Mauritius has always firmly supported the resolution of disputes by peaceful means, as inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations. We believe that, in accordance with resolutions of the Assembly, it is high time to complete the process of decolonization in Africa.
It is also high time to resolve the situation that prevents Mauritius from effectively exercising its sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago and the island of Tromelin, which form an integral part of the territory of Mauritius. The Chagos Archipelago was illegally excised by the United Kingdom from the territory of Mauritius prior to its accession to independence, in breach of international law and resolutions of the Assembly. In the wake of that illegal excision, the Mauritians who were residing at the time in the Chagos Archipelago were forcibly evicted by the British authorities, in total disregard of their human rights. Most of them were moved to the main island of Mauritius. The Government of Mauritius is fully sensitive to their plight and to their legitimate aspiration, as Mauritian citizens, to resettle in the Archipelago.
Mauritius welcomes the Award of the Arbitral Tribunal delivered on 18 March against the United Kingdom, under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We welcome the Tribunal’s decision that the Marine Protected Area purportedly declared by the United Kingdom around the Chagos Archipelago was established in violation of international law. We also welcome the Tribunal’s unanimous recognition that Mauritius has an interest in significant decisions bearing upon the uses of the Archipelago pending its return to the effective control of Mauritius.
This arbitral proceeding was the first occasion on which any international judge or arbitrator has considered the facts and history lying behind Mauritius’ entitlement to sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago.
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Mauritius appreciates the fact that two arbitrators have confirmed the opinion that the United Kingdom is not the coastal State in relation to the Chagos Archipelago. That view has not been contradicted by any other judge or arbitrator. It unquestionably confirms our stand that the Chagos Archipelago is and always has been an integral part of the territory of Mauritius.
The Tribunal underscores the United Kingdom’s legally binding obligations to Mauritius. It establishes beyond doubt that under international law Mauritius has real, firm and binding rights over the Chagos Archipelago and that the United Kingdom must respect those rights. The Tribunal recognized that Mauritius has a legal interest in the Chagos Archipelago such that decisions affecting its future use cannot be taken without the involvement of Mauritius.
Despite the Tribunal’s clear ruling, we regret that the United Kingdom appears to be adopting a different approach to Mauritius’s rights. It recently launched a so-called consultation exercise on the potential resettlement of Mauritians of Chagossian origin in the Chagos Archipelago under conditions that again amount to a gross violation of their most basic human rights. Mauritius rejects this purported consultation exercise unreservedly. We wish to assure the international community that once Mauritius is able to effectively exercise its sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, our brothers and sisters of Chagossian origin who resettle there will be able to live in dignity and enjoy their basic human rights, as they currently do in Mauritius.
Considering the Tribunal’s decision, we urge the United States of America, which is currently using Diego Garcia for defence purposes, to engage in discussions with Mauritius regarding the long-term interests of Mauritius where the Chagos Archipelago is concerned, particularly in view of the affirmation by the President of the United States when he said so earnestly in his address to the Assembly on Monday that “we cannot stand by when the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a nation is flagrantly violated” (A/70/PV.13, p. 12).
The Government of Mauritius is resolutely committed to making every effort that accords with international law to enable it to effectively exercise its sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, including the possibility of having further recourse to judicial or arbitral bodies. We urge the Assembly and the international community in general to support
Mauritius in its legitimate endeavours. The Assembly has a direct institutional interest in the resolution of the matter.
The Assembly has of course historically played a central role in addressing decolonization through the exercise of its powers and functions, especially in relation to Chapters XI through XIII of the Charter of the United Nations. In its resolution 1514 (XV), of 14 December 1960, on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, the Assembly declared that any attempt to disrupt the territorial integrity of such a country was incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter. In resolution 2066 (XX), of 16 December 1965, which dealt specifically with Mauritius, the Assembly drew attention to the duty of the administering Power not to dismember the territory or violate the territorial integrity of the then colony.
The Assembly therefore has a responsibility to help to complete the historic process of decolonization that it so successfully instigated and oversaw in the second half of the twentieth century. That is why we are convinced that the Assembly should now establish a mechanism to enable and monitor the full implementation of its relevant resolutions.
I would like to take this opportunity to express Mauritius’s deep appreciation for the unflinching support it has consistently received from members of the African Union, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77 and China, and other friendly countries on the issue of its sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago.
As regards Tromelin, we urge France to pursue a dialogue with Mauritius in order to quickly resolve the dispute over that island in the spirit of friendship that has always characterized the relationship between our two countries.
(spoke in French)
We know we can count on France’s nobility and its ideals of justice and fraternity to ensure that Mauritius can exercise effective sovereignty over Tromelin.
I will conclude by saying that for peace, security and inclusive and sustainable development to prevail in our countries, we must act from our hearts. Only then will we succeed in building the world we all dream of. We should take inspiration from the wisdom- packed message of Pope Francis, who blessed us with
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his presence in the Assembly last week. As he said so magnanimously:
“It must never be forgotten that political and economic activity is only effective when it is understood as a prudential activity, guided by a perennial concept of justice and constantly conscious of the fact that, above and beyond our plans and programmes, we are dealing with real men and women, just like the Government leaders, who live, struggle and suffer, and are often forced to live in great poverty, deprived of all rights.” (A/70/PV.3, p. 4)


It is a great honour for me to address the General Assembly this afternoon on behalf of Ireland on the sixtieth anniversary of my country’s joining the United Nations and the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations itself. At the intersection of these two special anniversaries, it has been a great privilege for Ireland to have co-facilitated the final negotiations of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the implementation of which is critical for the future of our planet and its people.
The SDGs are a tangible manifestation of the capacity of the United Nations to deliver positive outcomes in the most challenging circumstances, but we cannot be complacent. On the contrary, in this anniversary year, we must critically appraise our failures, as the international community, to prevent war, genocide, forced displacement and deprivation. Today we face unprecedented challenges in confronting the savage violence of well-resourced non-State actors, as well as of some States, with consequential humanitarian catastrophes unfolding in many parts of the world.
Strong and assertive leadership by the United Nations has never been as critical. I know the United Nations and its Members can live up to this great challenge.
In our 60 years at the United Nations, Ireland has pursued a series of policy priorities that continue to be central to our foreign policy. They include peacekeeping, non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament, development aid, promoting peace and security while we were on the Security Council, and advancing gender equality. I will touch upon these policies and outline their continuing relevance for Ireland today.
In the 1950s, when Ireland joined the United Nations, our then Prime Minister, John A. Costello, identified our goal as playing “our part to secure what small nations have always required, the maintenance of peace”. We are extremely proud that the loyal service of Irish peacekeepers has been central to our negotiations with the United Nations since 1958. On 12 occasions our soldiers have led United Nations missions. There are currently 370 committed and courageous Irish peacekeeping troops serving in seven United Nations missions; 87 Irish peacekeepers have tragically lost their lives in the active service of the United Nations.
Ireland feels a strong sense of responsibility to protect the reputation and honour of United Nations peacekeepers. We owe this to our peacekeeping troops, past, present and future. And so, like Secretary- General Ban Ki-moon, we received reports of sexual abuse involving some United Nations peacekeepers with shock and outrage.
United Nations peacekeeping missions must never be associated with exploitation because of the actions of a few. Ireland will always speak out to defend the vulnerable. We will not be silent about the plight of women and children harmed by the very people responsible for their protection. Those serving under the United Nations flag have a fundamental responsibility to behave in an honourable way and to be a force for good in this world.
Ireland demands decisive action in confronting any criminal behaviour by United Nations troops. This is vital to protect the good name of the United Nations and its peacekeepers, the overwhelming majority of whom are principled people. We want appropriate training, clear accountability and strict sanctions. I welcome the Secretary-General’s commitment to making the United Nations firm zero-tolerance policy into an effective zero-crime reality.
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United Nations peacekeeping and Ireland’s contribution have adapted in scale and complexity to challenges over the past six decades. Continuing flexibility and innovation are essential. I therefore welcome the report of the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations and its comprehensive analysis of the challenges ahead and the changes required (A/70/95). In particular, our own experience of conflict in Ireland has taught us that full and equal participation by women in decisions around peace and security are vital to building a sustainable peace.
I now turn to the 1960s. From our earliest days at the United Nations, Ireland has been passionately committed to disarmament and non-proliferation. As the first State to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1968, following several years work as initiator of the General Assembly resolutions that led to its agreement, we have a deep and abiding commitment to the full implementation of the Treaty. Indeed, significant progress has been made on non-proliferation. We warmly welcome the agreement reached with Iran and look forward to its implementation. More broadly, we hope that this will also mark the opening of a new and constructive chapter in Iran’s engagement in the international system. Conversely, the outcome of the 2015 NPT Review Conference in May was deeply disappointing. States with nuclear arsenals have special responsibilities, and Ireland will continue to press them to deliver on their commitments under the NPT.
Today there are at least 17,000 nuclear weapons posing a threat to our very survival. We cannot accept that status quo. Ireland wants real momentum injected into the nuclear disarmament pillar of the NPT. The SDG negotiation process underscored the very positive role that civic society groups and people around the world can play. Ireland would like to see that positivity, inclusivity and urgency in the nuclear disarmament debate.
We see the daily consequences of illegal and irresponsible flows of arms and conventional weapons in the appalling scenes of chaos and brutality into which parts of our world have descended. The scenes in our newspapers and on our television and computer screens are truly horrific. People wonder what can be done to stem this industrial-scale violence.
Part of the solution is the Arms Trade Treaty, one of the international community’s most significant achievements in recent years. Ireland was one of the
first States to ratify the Treaty, and we have offered financial support to enable wider participation in negotiations and more effective implementation. The onus is now on all States parties to maintain the immense and sustained effort we put into negotiating the Treaty. We must ensure that we live up to its great promise, with the ultimate goal of enhancing peace and security and thereby saving lives.
Now to the 1970s. In 1974, having acceded to the European Union the previous year, Ireland established its programme of overseas development cooperation, Irish Aid. Since then Ireland has provided over $13 billion in support of the world’s most impoverished people and has championed the aid agenda within the European Union, which is the world’s largest provider of development assistance.
Last week at Headquarters, world leaders adopted the new Sustainable Development Goals for the period up to 2030. We have committed ourselves to an ambitious programme and transformational agenda to end extreme poverty, to preserve the planet for this and future generations and to create conditions for balanced economic growth throughout the world. Reaching agreement on these Goals is one of the most important achievements of the United Nations in recent years. It was an enormous challenge, and we, the 193 Member States, rose to it. That was multilateral diplomacy at its best.
The United Nations has demonstrated its continuing relevance and, indeed, indispensability. I am proud that Ireland was able to make its contribution through the co-facilitator role played by Ambassador David Donoghue and his team in the negotiations which, working with Kenya, brought about this landmark agreement. Moving to successful implementation of this huge global agenda will be the next great challenge. We do not underestimate the challenges for all countries in implementing a universal agenda that is as broad and diverse as the new SDGs, but we cannot underestimate the huge achievement and benefits for humankind if it is successfully implemented.
Our development gains are threatened by the unprecedented scale of humanitarian crises facing our world. The total number of refugees and internally displaced people worldwide has now surpassed 50 million people. In Europe, we have clearly seen the tragic consequences for those who, driven by desperation, are taking inconceivable risks to find a safe haven for their families. Addressing the migration
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crisis is a huge challenge for Europe and one that we are working hard to resolve. People are fleeing their home countries for a multiplicity of reasons. They are arriving in Europe from a multiplicity of routes. They undertake perilous journeys, often exploited by ruthless criminals along the way. This is a disaster that requires the close collaboration of the international community.
The United Nations is undertaking vital work in seeking to address the root causes of mass migration and to provide humanitarian assistance to those who have been driven from their homes by the ravages of war. I urge States to work with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration — an Irishman, Peter Sutherland, who is dedicating himself to assisting in the resolution of this global catastrophe. Ireland supports the humanitarian effort by providing crucial funding and other resources. We have deployed search-and-rescue ships to the Mediterranean. We are providing for the resettlement of over 4,000 refugees.
Ireland welcomes the Secretary-General’s setting up of the High-Level Panel on Humanitarian Financing to address the growing gap between humanitarian needs and resources. We will participate fully in that and other processes leading to next year’s World Humanitarian Summit.
In the 1980s, Ireland completed its first full term on the Security Council, motivated by its commitment to multilateralism and a rules-based international system. These values are under grave threat today. Russia’s unlawful annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine have had profound implications for the people of Ukraine and for the international system itself. Ireland calls on all sides to respect and fully implement the Minsk agreements and to cooperate with the peacebuilding efforts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in the region.
During our first term on the Security Council in 1981 and 1982, the Middle East was, as ever, prominent on the international agenda. Today, challenges in the region are even greater. In Syria, over 200,000 people have lost their lives and over 11 million people have been displaced. The Al-Assad regime continues to flout international law, while the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) inflicts gratuitous cruelty and suffering on the people of Syria and northern Iraq. Its casual barbarism is a threat to every value the United Nations holds dear, and therefore the United Nations has a duty to act.
Elsewhere in the region, Ireland remains concerned at the continued stalemate in the Middle East peace process. We are strong advocates of the two-State solution as the only way to achieve a just and lasting peace for the Israeli and Palestinian peoples.
In our pursuit of peace on the island of Ireland, we were, and continue to be, supported by steadfast partners who stayed the course with us through many difficult years, keeping faith where others saw hopelessness. In our wide-ranging work on conflict prevention, mediation and State-building, we seek to share our experience. We hope to bring this to the table when we seek election to the Security Council again in 2020.
I turn to the 1990s. Historically, Ireland has supported the promotion and protection of human rights, from our early support for decolonization to our opposition to apartheid in South Africa and through to our election to the Human Rights Council for the term 2013 to 2015. In 1997, our former President, Mary Robinson, was appointed the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. At the Human Rights Council, Ireland has sought to give concrete expression to the long-held convictions that have informed our positions within the United Nations. We have championed resolutions to promote and protect civil society space, which we recognize as essential to make other rights attainable. We advocate for the critical role of human rights defenders. We have led initiatives to prevent the morbidity and mortality of children under 5.
In Ireland, there is widespread concern about violent repression and terrorist attacks on religious minorities. We have seen an alarming rise in attacks on Christians, Baha’i, Jews and Muslims. Elsewhere people are oppressed and punished because of their gender, race or sexual orientation. In short, vulnerable minorities are under increasing attack from repressive State regimes and from transnational terrorist networks including ISIL, Al-Qaida, Boko Haram and others. The United Nations, as a champion of equality, plurality and diversity, has an important role to play in defending and protecting vulnerable groups. We fully support the Organization in this essential task.
This year Ireland became the first country in the world to legalize marriage equality by a popular vote. This has been a hugely positive experience for Ireland, and we urge other States to follow suit and to promote rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender
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and intersex citizens. Similarly, Ireland has had its own historic experience of religious repression; therefore, religious freedom is a matter of great importance to my country.
Turning to the 2000s, I wish to emphasize Ireland’s grave concern for vulnerable women and girls in many parts of the world and our strong commitment to gender equality. In the year 2000, just before our last membership of the Security Council, Ireland co-sponsored resolution 1325 (2000), on women and peace and security, reflecting our strong national commitment to this agenda. I hope that Secretary- General Ban Ki-moon may be succeeded by a brilliant female Secretary-General in due course, because that would send a powerful message to women and men throughout the world that here, in the United Nations, we are willing to remove the barriers that prevent women from fulfilling their true potential.
We strongly endorse the code of conduct on Security Council action on mass atrocity crimes, developed by Liechtenstein and the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group, and we support the declaration by France and Mexico on regulating the use of the veto. Ireland is ready for membership in 2021 of a much reformed and more representative Security Council, one that is better equipped to respond to twenty-first -century threats to international peace and security.
Realizing the United Nations core values in every Member State will mean a fairer, more prosperous and sustainable world for this generation and all those who come after. I wish to conclude with the words of the late Irish poet Seamus Heaney, “I have begun to think of life as a series of ripples widening out from an original centre”.
In 2015, a very special anniversary year for us all, it is time to reflect on our own original centre — the United Nations Charter — and for all 193 Member States to recommit ourselves to delivering on its great promise: a peaceful, just and prosperous world.


Our Organization, the United Nations, is celebrating its seventieth anniversary. Immense progress has been made since it was established as an institution entrusted with the task of maintaining peace, which it has managed to do so on many an occasion. Yet, 70 years later dramas and tragedies, conflicts and wars continue to unfold, and the world must yet once again rise up to significant challenges. Among those of today is the flight of hundreds of thousands — even millions — of refugees from the Middle East and Africa, seeking protection or simply to save their lives. Terrorism strikes at civilian populations and no country is immune from this scourge. There are also conflicts, such as that in
the Middle East, that have remain unresolved for years and years, and that we all know could intensify at any moment.
In the meantime, there are disasters: tsunamis, earthquakes, islands on the verge of disappearing, coastlines washed away, and glaciers melting. That is the reality of climate change.
Faced with such challenges, we must all must shoulder our responsibilities at our respective levels. France, in many domains, has never refused its cooperation. France wished to host the Climate Change Conference, no doubt because we were aware of that terrible failure at Copenhagen and felt that this time we needed to make a good decision, one that can be taken only by the entire international community.
So in Paris, we must ask ourselves one question: is humankind capable of taking the decision to preserve life on the planet? Yes, that single question places us at a level that no one could ever imagine in our generation. Some will say, “But that can happen later, maybe at another conference”. I assure the Assembly here and I will say it quite plainly: if it does not happen in Paris, it will be too late for the world.
Matters have progressed well in recent months, and very strong declarations have been made by precisely those most responsible for global warming — the United States and China, which have made commitments that contribute to changing the current situation. Many calls have come from all continents, stressing the gravity and urgency of the situation and providing detailed testimony on what global warming is now, today. There are some countries that so far have been reluctant — here I am thinking of developing countries — and have asked themselves whether it is really useful to impose restrictions on themselves when the most developed countries have been free of such rules and obligations.
If asked today for a prognosis, and I often am, I will say that nothing has been settled in regard to winning an accord in Paris — nothing. But at the same time, everything remains possible. I see three conditions that must be met for us to be able to say that the Paris Conference was truly successful, worthy of us and of what was entrusted to us when we were asked to host the Conference.
The first condition is to be able to conclude a universal agreement applicable to all, one that is binding and differentiated so that everyone can do their own part, and not more. To date, 90 countries — half
of those sitting in the United Nations — have submitted their national contribution, which represents 80 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions — already a considerable figure. That means that half of the world has not yet responded. I therefore invite them to do so and to do so quickly so that we can determine as of now what, given the contributions from every State, we can assure the world will be the limit on global warming.
The second condition that will signify our success or failure is to be able to ensure that our resolution, our action, is long-lasting. The Paris accord must not be an end or a conclusion, but rather a starting point, the beginning of a process. Through incorporating a review mechanism into the agreement, we will be able to regularly review, periodically measure and even revise every five years our national contributions. That is what will allow us to be sure that at the end of the century, well beyond our time, the planet will not havewarmed by more than 2°C.
The third condition that will determine failure or success is developed countries making financial commitments. I am aware that already in Copenhagen the figure of $100 billion was announced to ensure the financing of energy transition, adaptation and technology transfer. We must collect $100 billion by 2020, but it must be said today so as to ensure that emerging countries, developing countries, can feel confident that they will be aided and supported so that this technological leap, the sharing of technology, will come about.
Yes, one hundred billion dollars. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) is responsible for providing an initial estimate, to be presented at the Lima meeting. I wish here to thank the President of Peru for continuing the work he undertook at the twentieth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The OECD will provide the initial estimate, as we have not reached $100 billion yet. So we have two months before the Paris Conference to continue to mobilize the World Bank, major development banks, financial institutions, States and private stakeholders so that we can reach $100 billion. Everyone should set an example. France abides by the rule that when serving as the host country; we must perform better than our guests, or at least as well as them.
I am announcing here today that France’s annual climate funding, which is €3 billion today, will be more than €5 billion in 2020. That increase in aid will
not be merely through loans, but also in the form of grants, because it is with grants — funds transferred directly and that will not be reimbursed — that we can powerfully promote the adaptation of developing countries to the effects of climate change.
In brief, if we are in a position to meet those three requirements — that is, a universal agreement, one that can be revised and will be revised every 5 years, and funding sufficient to cover everything that we will have to cover in emerging needs and future technology — then in Paris in two months we will be able to say we have risen to the challenge; not just a rendez-vous with history, but with the future.
It is good that the international community is able to look to the future and to say what sort of world we want. We did it with respect to the Sustainable Development Goals, and we must do it for climate issues. But what is expected of the United Nations is not simply to ensure — though this is already considerable — that the world will be liveable at the end of the century, but that it is liveable today, when conflicts and wars confront us with tragedies that in 1945, when the United Nations system was founded, nobody imagined we would ever see again.
Today, it is Syria that once again calls on us to mobilize and to intervene, as many speakers have already stated. Everyone considers that this is a tragedy striking the Syrian population. Everyone has said that we must find a solution. Let us look for it together. But first, we should assess what has not been done.
Three years ago, when I stood at this rostrum to address the General Assembly (see A/67/PV.6), there had already been 30,000 victims of the Syrian tragedy. There are now 250,000, and 12,000 children have died, victims of the Bashar Al-Assad regime. The Syrian tragedy began with a revolution led by those who wanted to challenge the dictatorship of Bashar Al-Assad. At that time, there were no terrorists, there were no fundamentalist groups — there was a dictator who was massacring a people. And the refugees whom we are discussing today, the refugees in the camps, the displaced, 8 million of them — this mass of women, men and children — have not just fled a war. For more than three years they have been fleeing from the regime of Bashar Al-Assad. And still today that same regime is raining bombs on innocent civilians.
But it is not because there is a terrorist group that itself massacres, kills, rapes, destroys — including
destruction of the common heritage of humankind — that some form of pardon, of amnesty, should necessarily be accorded to the regime that created this situation, as if the existence of a terrorist group that commits the worst kinds of evil acts could furnish the regime with a way to share in what is good. No, all those women, men and children are victims of this tragedy, which is generated by the alliance between terrorism and dictatorship. No solution can be found outside of a political process.
France, which, due to its history and also its links that bind it to that part of the world, intends to shoulder its responsibilities. It has already done so recently, including through armed action, through force. France wants to work with everyone; it does not exclude any country — neighbouring countries, which are most affected, the Gulf countries, but also Iran, the permanent members of the Security Council, as well as Europeans. We want to work with everyone, with everyone who wants to work with us.
There is talk of a coalition. This broad coalition is possible; it is even desirable and necessary in order to put an end to what is happening in Syria. But this coalition must have a clear basis or it will never see the light of day. The basis was provided in Geneva more than three years ago. And what did the Geneva agreement say? It specified a transitional Government with full powers, including members of the present Government and the opposition, formed on the basis of mutual consent. That is the basis; let us use it to move forward.
But I can see, in the context of this ongoing adversity, that some are making every diplomatic effort to incorporate Bashar Al-Assad in that process. But one cannot make the victims and the executioner work together. Al-Assad is at the origin of the problem; he cannot be part of the solution. We have to put an end to the suffering of the Syrian people, but we must also look beyond the political transition that has to be sought, the broad coalition that has to be formed, this condition that has to be laid down, to a new Government capable of uniting all those who have fought, but without the dictator.
We also have to be thinking about all the refugees. Until now, those refugees have been in neighbouring countries, but there too, the international community turned a blind eye because it was far away. Today those refugees, who can endure no more, are starting a long march. Yesterday, I recalled in the Assembly (see A/70/ PV.11) that 80 per cent of the world’s refugees — refugees
because of wars, conflicts, climate, poverty — are in the South. Solidarity with the South is coming from the South. Frequently, it is the most deprived who welcome the poorest. There comes a time when the refugees start to walk, and they can no longer be stopped. If we want to avoid what we have seen — tragedies, crossings that endanger the lives of passengers — if we want to prevent smugglers and criminals from using despair to further enrich the coffers of terrorism, then we must act.
Europe has hosted refugees coming not only from Syria, but also from Iraq, Eritrea and the Sudan. That was our duty, because Europe is based on values and principles, and the right to asylum is part of this common foundation that unites all the European countries, and which must continue uniting them. Otherwise, it is not the kind of Europe that we wanted.
But while Europe should discharge its duty, the world must help refugees. What have we learned those past days and weeks? That the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), due to lack of funds, no longer has the resources to ensure the necessary support and assistance to the populations in question. What have we learned? That the World Food Programme no longer has the means to provide all the refugees basic necessities and sufficient food. What have we learned? That in some neighbouring countries, refugees could not work.
This is the start of the cycle one would have imagined. If we want to reverse the flows, if we want to keep refugees as close as possible to their home countries, then we must fund UNHCR more, we must help neighbouring countries — Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey — but also countries in Africa, transit countries, countries where there is no migration. We need a major plan now, because tragedy is calling to act and to avert other tragedies. In that context, too, France is doing what it can, and must do what it should. And concerning the World Food Programme, France has decided to immediately increase by €100 million its support for United Nations agencies that are helping countries neighbouring Syria.
I want to end my speech by saying that the legitimacy of an Organization such as the United Nations rests on its credibility. If the United Nations does not have the capacity to resolve conflicts that have been going on for far too long, if the United Nations cannot resolve tragedies or ease the situation of civilian populations, then our helplessness will condemn us. If we want our
Organization — which is celebrating its seventieth anniversary — to have a future worthy of that which the founders imagined, we cannot avoid reform of the United Nations.
France calls for the enlargement of the Security Council. France calls for a different representation in the Security Council. France calls for continents to clearly bear responsibility for the world in the framework of the Security Council. France wants the permanent members of the Security Council to no longer resort to the right of veto in cases of mass atrocities. How can we tolerate that the United Nations, even today, remains paralysed when the worst is unfolding? There again, let us lead by example. I pledge here today that France will never use its right of veto in matters involving mass atrocities. The right of veto as it was introduced when the United Nations was founded was not the right to block; it was the right to act. We have to act. We can act. We have been showing that we can for 70 years. Here, today, we can act to settle the tragedies of today and to save the planet tomorrow. Let us act.


On behalf of the Malian delegation, I would first like to warmly congratulate the President on his accession to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. There can be no doubt that his election on 15 June not only recognized his qualities as an experienced diplomat but was also a tribute to his country, the Kingdom of Denmark, which has an excellent relationship with my country that is cooperative in every way. I would like to assure him that my delegation is completely at his disposal in his efforts to achieve full success for his mandate.
I would also like to express our great appreciation to his predecessor, our brother Mr. Sam Kutesa of Uganda, for his outstanding and effective conduct of the work of the preceding session. In the same spirit, I would like to pay tribute to Mr. Ban Ki-moon, the eighth Secretary-General, for his dedication and unwavering commitment to peace and security.
Before going any further, I, like others before me, would like to salute the memory of the victims of the disaster in Mina, Saudi Arabia, from Mali and other countries in the Islamic community. In these tragic circumstances, on behalf of the people of Mali, I would like to express my deepest condolences to the families of the victims and wish the injured a speedy recovery.
We sometimes see coincidences in the history of peoples and institutions. One such is the symbolism of today’s date, 28 September 2015, which marks the fifty-fifth anniversary of the admission of my country, Mali, into the United Nations, pursuant to resolution 1491 (XV), adopted by the Assembly at its fifteenth session, and for that I would like to express my profound gratitude to the Republic of Tunisia and to Sri Lanka, known then as Ceylon, under the leadership of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
Between 28 September 1960 and today, successive Governments of Mali have spared no effort to fashion a better world, free of the spectres of conflict and war, whose main victims are women, children and the elderly. Coming as I do from Mali, I know of what I speak. In its continuing quest for peace, the Government of Mali, under my authority, has always preferred the path of dialogue to the language of arms in the multidimensional crisis that we are in the
process of resolving. In that regard, the Government of Mali has always complied with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the decisions and recommendations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the Non-Aligned Movement.
It was as part of that dynamic that I took the initiative to engage my Government in the inter-Malian negotiations in Algiers, supported by international mediation that included representatives of the United Nations, under the auspices of Algeria. I am happy to be able to commend here the personal commitment of Algeria’s President, our big brother Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika. After eight months of discussion with our brothers in the north who had taken up arms, I am particularly pleased to present the Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali. Arriving at the Agreement through the Algiers process has been difficult, but it is done. While not a panacea and not without problems, the Agreement gives us a general framework within which we can work towards a lasting and sustainable peace.
This consensus peace Agreement, which can serve as a general framework for every Malian party in every aspect of life, is the first in Mali’s history. It represents a new social pact for Mali and Malians, and a new collective commitment to peace and concord in our country. The Agreement has just sealed forever the reunion of the children of Mali. It is the result of the will of all the Malian parties and the commitment of all involved to reaching the stage we are now in, that of implementing the Agreement. For us it is a balanced compromise that takes into consideration all our essential and legitimate concerns, including the issues of Mali’s territorial integrity, national sovereignty and balanced development of every region of the country. That is what is most important to us and is what the Agreement grants and guarantees us.
I would also like to express to all those here today my country’s commitment and to give our thanks for everyone’s assistance. Few countries in recent years have been on the receiving end of such assistance as has Mali in this stage of its national reconstruction. That is why we will not drag our feet. We have our Agreement, and we have now created its implementation framework, the Comité de suivi de l’accord, put together immediately after the signing of the Agreement, which has already got down to work. We have taken measures
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to build confidence among all our citizens and to assure them of our unflagging commitment to implementing peace and build a new Mali. Without peace, we cannot succeed. We were elected by the people of Mali, despite the grave crisis we have endured, specifically to rebuild our country.
I would also like to say that the people of Mali hope to be supported in this implementation phase of the Agreement for Peace. Implementing a peace agreement is a delicate business, and it needs support. That is why we have scheduled a conference in Paris on 22 October to raise funds for the development of Mali. God willing, we will hold the conference and, hopefully, many of our friends here today who have helped us so much will come.
For its part, the Government of Mali has developed and submitted to the Comité de suivi a comprehensive action plan for implementing the Agreement and an emergency plan for the interim period. I should stress that the Comité de suivi has warmly welcomed that approach. However, it is worth pointing out that signing the Agreement is not an end in itself but requires that we pool all of our efforts to implement it, and that is a major challenge that we can rise to, God willing. That is why I repeat my call to come to the conference in Paris on 22 October.
The Government of Mali reiterates its call to all signatory parties to the Agreement as well as the international community to pool their efforts and information to expel from the Sahel and Mali’s national territory our common enemy, namely, terrorist groups and narco-jihadists who seek only to satisfy their criminal appetites by means of fear and terror.
I welcome the adoption of Security Council resolution 2227 (2015), which renewed for the third time the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, whose remarkable work accomplished to date I salute. I assure the Mission of my support and assistance for the success of our shared mission. On the same note, I want to express the gratitude of the Government of Mali for the international mediation led by Algeria, which included the United Nations, the African Union, ECOWAS, the European Union, the OIC, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, the Niger, Nigeria and Chad. I do not think I have left anyone out.
I also welcome the role and the decisive contribution of France in Mali and all the sacrifices made in this
regard. I also welcome the equally important role of the United States of America in the peace process. To all the friendly nations and the international partner organizations that have expressed solidarity vis-à-vis Mali by sending us their children or their experts to defend the values that form the basis of our humanity, I renew here the sincere thanks of the Malian people. I bow reverently — very piously — to the memory of all victims, civilian and military, Malian or foreign, fallen on the field of honour in Mali for the defence of human dignity, freedom and democracy.
I salute and thank UNESCO, under the leadership of our friend Irina Bokova, for the remarkable work accomplished to preserve the cultural heritage in our closed, revered city of Timbuktu. The fate suffered by the mausoleums, which modern-day barbarians consigned to collective memory, is well known. What we saw happen in Palmyra had occurred earlier in Mali, together with the terror that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has begun to address. We welcome the recent decision by the ICC on this new crime.
When representatives of 50 nations signed the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco on 26 June 1945 and when Charter entered into force on 24 October 1945, many States here today had not yet attained independence. We are pleased that, 70 years later, the United Nations now has 193 Members, all committed to preserving the ideals of San Francisco, based on the three pillars of peace and security, development and human rights. That is why the delegation of the Republic of Mali, which I have the honour to lead, is pleased with the General Assembly’s extremely appropriate decision to make the theme of the general debate “The United Nations at 70 — a new commitment to action”.
This theme, the choice of which is of proven relevance, will undoubtedly permit all world leaders and lovers of peace, freedom and justice to make an objective assessment of the progress the Organization has made and to consider the future with a critical eye trained on the difficulties encountered in the past, particularly in areas where the United Nations and the international community are called upon to make greater efforts to meet current and future challenges.
At this time of reckoning, we welcome the important progress made in implementing the provisions of Chapter VI of the Charter on the pacific settlement of disputes through negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, all of
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which have resulted in the prevention, management, maintenance and consolidation of peace in the world. We also welcome the significant progress achieved in the processes of decolonization, disarmament and the promotion of human rights. Indeed, we appreciate the true value of building agreements under Chapter VIII of the Charter, in particular between the Security Council and the African Union Peace and Security Council.
While these successes show the ongoing relevance of certain principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, we must recognize that their implementation has been made possible thanks to the political will of Member States and the effectiveness of the staff of the United Nations system, including peacekeepers, who work tirelessly, under Chapter VII to bring about a better world. I wish to express to all of them the deep gratitude of the Government and the people of Mali.
In a constantly changing world, the United Nations is required to adapt to new challenges. Part of the latest dynamic will be the implementation of post-2015 development agenda, entitled “Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”, which we recently adopted (resolution 70/1).
A perfect example of a country of the Sahel, my country, Mali, has suffered the brunt of the effects of climate change because of the fragility of its natural ecosystem. The accretion of sand, the drying up of the Niger River, and the degradation of the soil and vegetation cover with unsuspected consequences are prime illustrations of what we have had to confront. Therefore, the Government and the people of Mali strongly hope that the conclusions of twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris in December, will lead to the conclusion of a legally binding agreement for the preservation of what remains of our environment.
In addition to this major challenge, there is the need to promote global economic governance and the financing of development. The results of the third International Conference on Financing for Development, held in Addis Ababa in July 2015, offer hope in terms of mobilizing the international community to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, consistent with the Monterrey Consensus of 2002 and the Doha Declaration of 2008.
As a landlocked developing country and among the least developed countries, Mali welcomes debt relief
for heavily indebted poor countries and commends the countries that have achieved or even exceeded the target threshold of setting aside 0.7 per cent of their gross domestic product for public aid. That is indeed to be welcomed. In this regard, I reaffirm from this rostrum the recognition of my Government of all the generous donors who, in May 2013 in Brussels, were willing to commit to the economic recovery of Mali, through pledges totalling €3.5 billion. I would also like to take this opportunity to call on countries that have not yet done so to keep their commitments with a view to the effective mobilization of the pledged sums, because sometimes the distance between the cup and the lip is great.
With respect to the sources of innovative financing, the Government of Mali supports and strongly encourages the UNITLIFE initiative based on the simple principle of assigning a tiny part of the immense wealth created by the use and exploitation of extractive resources in Africa to the fight against malnutrition, so that the globalization of solidarity responds to the globalization of the economy. Through this initiative, the Government of Mali plans to collect a percentage of the revenues from mining, especially gold, for the purposes of investing the funds in the fight against malnutrition in our county, because that will free up opportunities for tomorrow. Malnutrition affects our most vulnerable groups, including the one that will bear the future — our young people — with all the evils that it can cause, in particular cretinism, which no one should wish to have, just when we need to have qualified, fit-for-purpose human resources.
One of the greatest challenges in the world today concerns international migration, a phenomenon whose alarming growth can be attributed to poverty, natural disasters, man-made catastrophe and, I am sorry to say, the cynicism of organized criminals, because criminality certainly exists. The evidence lies in the tens of thousands who are willing to lose their lives through illegal migration in the sands of the desert and the depths of the ocean, as we are seeing today in the Mediterranean.
The comprehensive approach that the delegation of Mali proposes depends on intensifying the dialogue among countries of origin, transit and destination in order to find appropriate solutions capable of connecting the requirements of security, development, respect for human dignity and solidarity, which are in fact a single package. If we achieve this, migration will take place in
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a humane and orderly fashion, benefiting migrants and the countries of origin and destination.
With respect to security, the United Nations now needs to strengthen its tools and mechanisms with a view to creating a genuine response to the new threats of violent terrorism, drug-trafficking and related crimes. Despite the inroads we have made in the area of peace and security, it is regrettable that the international arena continues to to be characterized by the increasing violence perpetrated or masterminded by terrorist groups and narco-jihadists such as Ansar Dine, the Mouvement pour l’unicité et le jihad en Afrique de l’Ouest, Al-Mourabitoun, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, Al-Qaida, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram, which is now known as the Islamic State in Western Africa.
It is clearly urgent to bridge the gap between security challenges and the United Nations peacekeeping doctrine. We should not forget that this doctrine was designed 60 years ago. I wish from this rostrum to reaffirm Mali’s active support for any initiative to reform the peacekeeping architecture by incorporating that new reality, because no country today can ignore the fact that terrorism has become a threat to international peace and security.
Mali supports all initiatives for peace in the Middle East, especially any initiative that would enable the people of the region, especially the people of Palestine, to finally enjoy lasting and just peace through the two- State solution, which was adopted long ago and should finally be realized.
The Government of Mali also welcomes the restoration of normal diplomatic between Cuba and the United States of America. I commend the efforts, courage and political realism of President Barack Obama and President Raúl Castro Ruz, as well as of Pope Francis. Pope Francis is a man of peace and a man of heart, as he showed last Friday when he addressed the nations of the world from this very rostrum (see A/70/PV.3). He played a very important role in the normalization of relations between Cuba and the United States, and I commend him for that.
Clearly, our Organization has its work cut out for it. If it did not exist, it would surely have to be created.
Reform of the Security Council is another major topic of discussion. Security Council reform will
certainly be one of the most cross-cutting goals of our seventieth session. Mali supports the African Common Position, as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We will continue to consult with other regional groups in order to forge the requisite political will to correct the historical injustice to which the continent of Africa continues to be subjected by virtue of its lack of representation as a permanent member and its underrepresentation as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. That is not normal and not right in the case of such an important continent — a continent of the future, as the whole world is well aware.
United Nations reform should also include global economic governance in order to make the international financial institutions better able to assist the nations of the South to address the challenges of underdevelopment. In that regard, I urgently call on Member States, regional groups and the international community to tirelessly pursue the constructive dialogue that has been under way since 2009 so that United Nations reform can finally be achieved. Indeed, the amendments to Articles 23, 27, 61 and 109 of the Charter of the United Nations, which entered into force between 1965 and 1968, are sufficient proof that reform of the United Nations is far from being a Pandora’s box to be feared.
We must therefore embark on reform with boldness and good will. Indeed, reform will allow the decision-making bodies of the Organization to reflect its geographical balance and to improve working conditions, including the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly. A reformed United Nations would gain credibility in the eyes of international public opinion and its decisions would have a greater chance of being accepted and implemented.
To conclude, I reiterate the full commitment of the people of Mali to the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations, especially the preservation of future generations from the scourge of war.


We congratulate Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election as President of the General Assembly at its the seventieth session. It acknowledges his distinguished career in public service. We share his commitment to building a more just and stable world. We also pay tribute to Mr. Sam Kutesa for his able stewardship of the sixty-ninth session.
Seventy years ago, the United Nations was created from the ruins of the most devastating war the world has ever witnessed. Its purpose was to build universal peace and prosperity on the basis of equitable principles, cooperation and collective action. Despite the constraints of the Cold War, the United Nations served the international community as a beacon of hope, a repository of freedom, an advocate of the oppressed and a vehicle for development and progress.
But we, the peoples of the United Nations, have not succeeded in beating arms into ploughshares or promoting universal prosperity and larger freedoms. Confrontation between major Powers has returned at a time when many parts of the world are in turmoil. Terrorism is spreading. Poverty and deprivation have yet to be overcome. Gross violations of human rights are rampant. We are witnessing human dislocation, with refugees and forced migrants on a scale not witnessed for over half a century. Our very existence is threatened by the wanton damage done to our planet’s life-sustaining systems.
Yet this is also a moment of opportunity. Today, our interdependent world possesses the financial, scientific and organizational capabilities to address the diverse and interrelated challenges that pose a common threat to all Member States. At the historic Summit held over the weekend, we collectively committed ourselves to achieving 17 Sustainable Development Goals with a view to promoting equitable and inclusive development for all our peoples. The real challenge remains to mobilize the collective political will and resources to ensure the comprehensive implementation of the Agenda we have solemnly endorsed. Pakistan has already initiated action on national goals to promote the post- 2015 development agenda. We are also creating a robust mechanism for the monitoring and implementation of these Goals and targets.
Later this year, in Paris, we will need to respond with common but differentiated responsibilities to the threat posed by climate change. Partisan interests must not stand in the way of an ambitious and collective commitment to halting and reversing the damage done to our planet.
On the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should strive to adapt the global Organization to respond effectively to the current and emerging challenges that confront us all. Pakistan supports the comprehensive reform of the United Nations, including of the Security Council. We need a Security Council that is more democratic, representative, accountable and transparent — a Council that reflects the interests of all Member States, in accordance with the principle of sovereign equality, not an expanded club of the powerful and privileged.
Peacekeeping has been one of the key responsibilities of the United Nations. Pakistan is proud of its historic and current role as a major troop-contributor. We regard
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it as our obligation to uphold international peace and security.
Pakistan is the primary victim of terrorism. We have lost thousands of lives, including those of civilians and soldiers, to terrorist violence. The blood that has been shed, including that of our innocent children, has reinforced our resolve to eliminate that scourge from our society. We will fight terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, irrespective of its sponsors. Our Operation Zarb-e-Azb is the largest anti-terrorism campaign against terrorists anywhere, involving over 180,000 members of our security forces. It has made substantial progress in cleansing our country of all terrorists and will conclude only when our objective has been accomplished. The operation is complemented by an all-inclusive national action plan that encompasses police and security actions, political and legal measures, and social and economic policy packages aimed at countering violent extremism.
The global threat of terrorism cannot be defeated unless we address its underlying causes. Poverty and ignorance are part of the problem. Extremist ideologies must be opposed. But the narrative of the terrorists must also be countered through the just resolution of the several instances of oppression and injustice against Muslims in various parts of the world. Unfortunately, some seek to use the global campaign against terrorism to suppress the legitimate right of occupied peoples to self-determination.
The rise and spread of terrorism across the Middle East today poses unprecedented security challenges. Wracked by violence, ethnic and sectarian conflicts and the rise of Daesh, several countries of the region are today a vortex of conflict and instability. Others are being sucked into the quagmire. The tragedy of Palestine has intensified. The accepted avenue for peace between Palestine and Israel, a two-State solution, appears further away today than ever before, due to the intransigent stance of the occupying Power. Yet, as I speak, the proud Palestinian flag is being raised just outside this Hall. We hope that that is just the first step. We look forward to welcoming Palestine as a full Member of the United Nations.
Muslims are suffering across the world. Palestinians and Kashmiris are oppressed by foreign occupation; minorities are persecuted; and there is discrimination against Muslim refugees fleeing persecution or war.
The international community must redress those injustices against the Muslim people.
We welcome the comprehensive nuclear agreement reached between Iran and the P5+1, which shows what diplomatic engagement and multilateralism can achieve, and augurs well for the peace and security of our region and beyond.
Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan underwent a positive transformation after the establishment of the National Unity Government in Kabul. In response to a request from the Afghan Government, and with the support of the international community, Pakistan has made strenuous efforts to facilitate the process of Afghan reconciliation. Indeed, dialogue was opened between the Afghan Government and the Taliban, which was an unprecedented first. Unfortunately, certain developments stalled the process. Thereafter, militant attacks intensified, which we unequivocally condemn. Pakistan will persist in its endeavour to help restart the dialogue process and to promote peace and stability in Afghanistan. However, we can do so only if we receive the requisite cooperation of the Afghan Government. Tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan are in neither country’s interest. We are encouraged that the international community, including the major Powers, desires the continuation of the peace process in Afghanistan.
Pakistan greatly appreciates China’s proactive role in promoting peace and prosperity in Afghanistan and in our region. We welcome China’s vision of “One Belt, One Road”. The China-Pakistan economic corridor announced during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Pakistan earlier this year will spur regional economic integration and bring prosperity to the entire region and beyond. That is an inspiring model of South-South cooperation that should be emulated. We also welcome Russia’s greater focus on Asian cooperation. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which Pakistan will be joining this year as a full member, holds great promise for promoting regional connectivity.
The history of South Asia is one of missed opportunities. Among its dire consequences is the persistence of poverty and deprivation in our region. Development is my Government’s first priority and has underpinned my policy to build a peaceful neighbourhood. Our peoples need peace to prosper. Peace can be achieved through dialogue, not disengagement.
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In 1997, when the composite dialogue was launched with India, our two countries agreed that it would encompass two principal items — Kashmir and peace and security — along with six other issues, including terrorism. The primacy and urgency of addressing those two issues is even more compelling today. Consultations with Kashmiris, who are an integral part of the dispute, are essential to evolving a peaceful solution. Since 1947, the Kashmir dispute has remained unresolved. Relevant Security Council resolutions have remained unimplemented. Three generations of Kashmiris have known only broken promises and brutal oppression. Over 100,000 have died in their struggle for self-determination. That is the most persistent failure of the United Nations.
When I assumed office as the Prime Minister of Pakistan in June 2013 for the third time, one of my first priorities was to normalize relations with India. I reached out to the Indian leadership to emphasize that our common enemy was poverty and underdevelopment. Cooperation, not confrontation, should define our relationship. Yet today, ceasefire violations along the Line of Control and the working boundary are intensifying, causing the deaths of civilians, including women and children. Wisdom dictates that our immediate neighbour should refrain from fomenting instability in Pakistan. The two countries should address and resolve the causes of tension and take all possible measures to avert further escalation. That is why I wish to take this opportunity to propose a new peace initiative with India, starting with measures that are the simplest to implement.
First, we propose that Pakistan and India formalize and respect the 2003 understanding for a complete ceasefire on the Line of Control in Kashmir. To that end, we call for the expansion of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan in order to monitor observance of the ceasefire. Secondly, we propose that Pakistan and India reaffirm that they will not resort to the use or the threat of the use of force under any circumstances. That is a central element of the Charter of the United Nations. Thirdly, steps must be taken to demilitarize Kashmir. Fourthly, both countries should agree to an unconditional mutual withdrawal from the Siachen glacier, the world’s highest battleground. Easing threat perceptions through such peace efforts will enable Pakistan and India to agree on a broad range of measures to address the peril posed by offensive and advanced weapons systems.
Pakistan neither wants, nor is engaged in, an arms race in South Asia. However, we cannot remain oblivious to the evolving security dynamics and arms build-up in our region, which obliges us to take essential steps to maintain our security. As a responsible nuclear-weapon State, Pakistan will continue to support the objectives of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We have maintained the highest standards of nuclear security and established an effective regime to ensure the safety and security of our nuclear facilities and stocks. South Asia needs strategic stability and this requires serious dialogue to achieve nuclear restraint, conventional balance and conflict resolution.
Finally, we look forward to playing our part to build a brighter era of peace and prosperity in South Asia. We owe it to our people and to succeeding generations.