The thirty-fifth session of the Assembly is being held at an extremely critical time in international relations when the relative peace which has prevailed among nations since the Second World War is today seriously threatened.
37.	Whether it be in the Middle East, in Asia or in Africa, what we have seen is a recrudescence of violence and turbulence which, if we are not careful, is liable to undermine all the efforts undertaken by the United Nations and other bodies to save present and future generations from the horrors of war in keeping with the ideals of the Charter.
38.	The economic and international monetary turbulence at the present time, far from creating a climate of confidence between the industrialized and the developing countries with a view to better collaboration, is, on the contrary, giving rise to a feeling of frustration and is holding up solutions for the establishment of a new international economic order that will be more just and more equitable.
39.	That is why our delegation, which represents, as is well known, one of the poorest countries in the world because our resources are not exploited and because we are a victim of the present system, is much concerned both by our internal situation and by the very future of mankind.
40- By electing Mr, von Wechmar to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, the United Nations intended to pay a sterling tribute to his great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which my country, Chad, maintains excellent relations of friendship and co-operation.
41.	It is a particular pleasure, therefore, for us to extend to him, on behalf of our delegation, our warmest possible congratulations, His distinguished diplomatic and statesmanlike qualities make it highly probable that he will with dynamism, tact and foresight conduct the proceedings of the present session of our Organization to full success,
42.	The delegation of Chad will spare neither effort nor time contributing its own part to our deliberations.
43.	I should like to express our warm satisfaction and great admiration to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, That worthy and brave son of Africa conducted the proceedings of the thirty-fourth session and the three special sessions of the Assembly with competence and dynamism.
44.	We should also like to congratulate our valiant Secretary-General for having made himself so readily available and for the bold initiatives he has taken to face up to the many situations which seemed liable to threaten or breach international peace and security, which are the fundamental objectives of the Charter of the United Nations, I hope he will find in what I have said an expression of the profound gratitude of the Government and people of Chad for his concern over the situation of exceptional gravity prevailing in our country.
45.	We should like also to welcome in our midst the representatives of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. The accession to independence of their beautiful country illustrates once again the victory of the peoples that love peace and justice over the forces of domination and exploitation.
46.	The United Nations has set itself the task of ensuring the maintenance of international peace and security, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, co-operation among States in the various areas of international relations, disarmament and the decolonization of Territories still under foreign domination and administration.
47.	If we want to maintain international peace and security, we must continue to work to reduce the causes of tension in the world. Competition among the great Powers in the field of armaments, in spite of the recommendations of the General Assembly at the tenth special session, increases the danger of a war which may turn into a nuclear holocaust in which all nations, great and small, rich and poor, will be destroyed. In order to maintain this international peace and security all those Powers that possess arms must show by specific deeds their determination to respect the fundamental principles laid down in the Charter.
48.	Therefore we should like to stress here our concern about the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran, two fraternal countries with which we share so many ideals. We appeal urgently to the two belligerents to listen to reason and find a rapid solution to their dispute by peaceful means. It is within this framework that we welcome the mediation efforts of the President of Pakistan, undertaken in accordance with the recommendations of the members of the Islamic Conference.
49.	The obstinate refusal of certain regimes to implement resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, makes manifest the contradiction between the extolling of human rights and the frequent violation of those rights, particularly in southern Africa, in the Middle East, in Western Sahara and in other parts of the world.
50.	In southern Africa, the independence of Zimbabwe, so warmly welcomed by all the Members of the Organization, represents an undeniable victory over colonialism. This overwhelming victory of the martyred and heroic people of Zimbabwe arouses our increased admiration and confidence concerning the bright future ahead for all peoples still under colonial and racist domination. The knell is tolling for the last bastion of colonialism and apartheid.
51.	The explosive situation in Namibia is of grave concern to us and more sustained efforts are needed to combat the unjust policy of the minority racist regime of South Africa. The installation by Pretoria of a puppet Government in Namibia strengthens our determination to support SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people. Any overt or covert attempt to lend a semblance of legitimacy to that Government is clearly doomed to failure. We vigorously condemn the minority regime of South Africa, which, in flagrant violation of the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the United Nations and in defiance of international public opinion, is stepping up its reign of terror, violence and racial discrimination.
52.	Furthermore, we very much appreciate the considerable efforts made by the Secretary-General, and we, too, regret that, as he stressed in his report on the work of the Organization, South Africa in particular is still obstructing the implementation of the proposed settlement approved by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978).
53.	In South Africa itself, international attention is still focused on the odious practice of apartheid. The minority racist regime is continuing its shameful oppression of the African majority. The increase in repression and violent incidents in recent months in South Africa makes it amply clear that «hat regime is obstinately pursuing its policy of racial discrimination and apartheid, but nothing can break the will and the resistance of a people when humiliation reaches the point of no return.
54.	We should not like to leave the African continent without referring to the situation in Western Sahara. With regard to this, we express the hope that the conclusions of the recent deliberations of the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU will be applied by the parties concerned. The OAU, we believe, still has vast resources at its disposal and we have every confidence in it.
55.	The problem of the Palestinian people over the years has been a focal point of our concern. Any solution of that problem must take into account the effective participation of the PLO, the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Experience has shown us that none of the partial attempts at a settlement has yielded the results hoped for. For our part, whether in the OAU, among the non-aligned countries or in the United Nations, we have constantly asserted that the Palestinian people, like any other people, has the right to a homeland and its inalienable rights must be preserved. That is why we condemn the decision of Israel to make Jerusalem its capital, contrary to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
56.	Permit me now, in view of the gravity of the tragedy that has afflicted the people of Chad, to ask the indulgence of the representatives here briefly to recall the facts, so that they may be placed in their proper context, of the events that have been occurring in our country and particularly in the capital, N'Djamena, in order to explain better to the international community the position of our Government. The Lagos agreement signed on 21 August 1979 is a valid historical compromise for the normalization of political life in Chad following the bloody events of February and March 1979. But that agreement as deliberately violated by one of the signatories known as the Armed Forces of the North, a title that only serves to illuminate the separatist tendencies of their leader.
57.	In putting into effect its policy of national reconciliation, the military regime of General Malloum, which had overthrown President Tombalbaye on 13 April 1975, concluded on 16 September 1977 the Khartoum agreement with Mr. Hissene Habre, the leader of the Armed Forces of the North. Pursuant to that document, the latter returned peacefully to N'Djamena, where on 25 August 1978 he signed with the central authorities the fundamental charter, the new institutional framework of the country. It was an extremely rare event in the history of Africa that the rebel chief was made Prime Minister of a Government of National Union established in accordance with the provisions of the charter I have mentioned. However, instead of combining his efforts with those of the President of the Republic in order to complete the task of national reconciliation and to bring about a frank and direct dialogue with the other forces still in armed opposition, the Prime Minister set about obstructing them and rose up against the authority of the President. Furthermore, refusing the necessary political debate, the Prime Minister mobilized the support of the section of the public on matters which were as subjective as they were separatist, such as the north-south and the Moslem-non-Moslem antagonism. This belligerent attitude led to the outbreak on 1 February 1979 of hostilities between the national armed forces remaining faithful to the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister's Armed Forces of the North, This was the first war in N'Djamena and the first act of sabotage of the process of national reconciliation. This military explosion caused the people of Chad tremendous losses in human lives and material damage, the consequences of which are incalculable.
58.	It was in those circumstances that, thanks to the benevolent and fraternal mediation of neighbouring countries, particularly the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the first conference brought together the warring brothers at Kano from 7 to 15 March 1979. That conference gave rise to the so-called Kano agreement signed by the two opposing parties, that is to say, the President and the Prime Minister, and two other leaders of certain political-military movements invited by the Nigerian authorities.
59.	That agreement provided for, inter alia: the observation of a cease-fire throughout the national territory; free circulation of the civilian population; dissolution of political institutions; and the formation of a transitional Government of national union, which was to come into effect only after a meeting bringing together all the political families of Chad with political-military representation in the country.
60.	Furthermore, by related arrangement, the President and the Prime Minister promised to resign from their respective posts and to entrust power to a provisional council of State which was to manage the country's affairs until the Government provided for in the agreement was formed. That resignation actually took place on 23 March 1979 and the President withdrew from the political scene in order to facilitate the search for a solution to the tragic situation in Chad. The former Prime Minister—instead of following the President's example, since he was equally responsible if not more so for the situation which had been created—clung desperately to his political life and returned to the second Kano conference at the head of his movement. That second conference was convened at the beginning of April 1979 and brought together all the political groupings in Chad without exception. But that meeting was a failure even before it started, because of the intransigence of the leader of the Armed Forces of the North who systematically opposed the participation of movements which had not been represented at the first Kano conference on the pretext that they had no representatives in the field.
61.	That was a further disavowal of the commitments undertaken by the head of the Armed Forces of the North and the second act of sabotage against national reconciliation.
62.	In the face of the impasse thus created, the President of the conference, Major-General Shehu M. Yar'adua, then Chief of Staff, and a member of the Supreme Military Council of Nigeria, managed to secure agreement—by way of compromise—on the establishment of a commission of inquiry made up of representatives of the participating countries and each of the political movements in Chad. Its mission was to verify in the field the political and military presence of the new movements.
63.	Faithful to his strategy of systematically going back on commitments, the former Prime Minister prevented the commission from fulfilling its task. Furthermore, profiting by a major military presence in the capital, he was to force the hand of the other heads of movements and form a government in clear violation of the Kano agreement and compromise. That Government, in which the leader of the Armed Forces of the North held the defence portfolio, was not only challenged by neighbouring countries and the rest of the international community but was also flatly rejected by those who had no part in the proceedings.
64.	It was in that context that at its sixteenth session the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU decided at Monrovia to entrust the settlement of the Chad conflict to an ad hoc committee composed of Chad's neighbours, observer countries and representatives of the Secretary-General of OAU.
65.	Nigeria once again offered its generous hospitality as host to a new conference on national reconciliation in Chad. That was organized in Lagos from 13 to 21 August 1979, Under the aegis of the OAU, it brought together 11 national political and military movements in the presence of those nations which has been duly commissioned by the Monrovia Assembly.
66.	Following difficult negotiations, those talks led to the conclusion of an historic political compromise which became known as the Lagos agreement. The relevant provisions of that agreement, which have been aptly recalled in the General Assembly by the Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of the Congo, include the following points; demilitarization of the City of N'Djamena; release of political detainees and prisoners of war; formation of an integrated army; establishment of a neutral inter- African force with the task of maintaining peace; formation of a transitional government of national union with the task of leading the country to free democratic elections within a period of 18 months; and, finally, the withdrawal of French troops.
67.	Of those principal points, only the formation of the Transitional Government of National Union, the arrival in N'Djamena of part of the neutral force composed solely of the Congolese contingent, and evacuation of the French military base in N'Djamena were actually carried out.
68.	As for the other points, not only was their implementation not even begun but the Armed Forces of the North, whose representatives held two important ministries- defence and finance—started to infringe the Agreement. Thus, they violated the cease-fire by attacking the positions of the other movements in the north and centre of the country.
69.	With regard to the demilitarization of the city of N'Djamena, the Minister of Defence, who moreover was the chairman of the committee on demilitarization, in no way tried to perform his task but rather strengthened his positions in the capital, thus paving the way to a coup d’Etat. What is more, lie prevented the Congolese continent of the neutral force, which had arrived in N'Djamena, from being deployed in order to ensure order and protect persons of rank in Chad. We should like to take this opportunity to express our admiration and profound gratitude to the Congolese contingent for its exemplary behaviour during the hostilities,
70.	Putting his plan for a coup d’Etat into effect, the head of the Armed Forces of the North, after his followers had violated the cease-fire, surrounded the Chamber of Commerce building where a meeting was being held with all the heads of movements and the OAU representative, Chairman of the Independent Control Commission, which was attempting in a concerted way to put an end to the hostilities started by the Armed Forces of the North within the country. Not being able to achieve power in that way, at dawn on 21 March 1980 he launched the hostilities which are still going on. Thus the followers of the former Minister of Defence betrayed the spirit of the Lagos agreement and the confidence of the OAU.
71.	The unfortunate consequences of the tragedy caused by the Armed Forces of the North are numerous. The former Prime Minister in effect attempted to bring about a de facto partition of Chad by ordering, in the course of the February 1979 hostilities, the systematic murder of people from the southern part of Chad who were living in the north and in the capital of the country. That Fascist, pursuing his policy of division based on primitive tribalism, is persecuting and exterminating, even before and particularly after the beginning of the events that are now going on, the Arab people of Chad and all enlightened patriots living in the zones controlled by those hordes. The brutalities committed by the Armed Forces of the North, furthermore, provoked the exodus of the civilian population into the neighbouring countries of the United Republic of Cameroon, Nigeria, the Central African Republic, and the Sudan, which have to bear a greatly increased social burden. We should like to repeat to them here the expression of our profound gratitude for the sacrifices that they are so generously making to help the suffering people of Chad.
72.	But it should be noted that it is not only the refugees in neighbouring countries whose plight is of such concern to the Government of Chad and the international community; there is also the case of persons displaced within the country itself whose situation is also critical.
73.	In the light of the above, one might well ask how it was possible to arrive at this bloody imbroglio, which is almost without solution, after the Lagos compromise which, as so many delegations have so rightly pointed out, gave rise to a gleam of hope after the terrible events of 1979.
74.	The answer to that question, as was stressed by President Goukouni Weddeye, is the following:
"If Chad has been put to the fire and sword, if the people of Chad are dying in their thousands and have been for a year and a half, if the economy is in ruin and if the very existence of the State of Chad is threatened today, it is because of the satanic ambition of one of our fellow-countrymen."
Indeed, this man believes that he has a mission to govern Chad at any cost
75.	However, this nonentity would not have been able to plunge the people of Chad into this tragedy if he had not enjoyed the solid support of certain foreign Powers for which the unity and happiness of the people of Chad matter little in comparison with their ambition to dominate, They do not wish to admit that the individual who has caused so much bloodshed among innocent people who only wish to live in harmony and concord, has been rejected by the country as a whole.
76.	The people of Chad, like the other peoples of the world, is jealous of its independence and its national sovereignty, and it refuses to concede to anyone the right to impose any course of conduct upon it.
77.	Chad is rightfully respectful of the sacrosanct principles of the Charter and those of the OAU such as territorial integrity, free choice of a socio-economic regime, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, non- acquisition of territory by force, and the self-determination of peoples.
78.	The distressing situation in which Chad has been plunged is, it should be recalled, the result of an internal rebellion against the authority of the State, Hence it is up to the Transitional Government of National Union, which derives its legitimacy from the Lagos agreement, to find an appropriate solution to the conflict. Nevertheless it has always made itself ready to co-operate in any initiative likely to assist in bringing back peace to the whole of its national territory.
79.	It was within that framework that, at the OAU meetings in June and July, at Freetown, the Chad delegation gave its full support to the resolution dealing with the Chad crisis with a view to finding an African solution. For to act in any other way would run the risk of lending international dimensions to an internal conflict. We are therefore fully confident that the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly will help the Transitional Government of National Union in its search for a solution to the Chad tragedy in accordance with that resolution.
80.	We hope that Mr. Siaka Stevens, President of Sierra Leone, the other African heads of State, and all those who are tireless in their efforts to restore peace to Chad will find in this an expression of our profound gratitude.
81.	Because of that serious political situation a country in the heart of Africa is in its death throes. Indeed, ever since its accession to international sovereignty Chad has virtually known no tranquil political life liable to promote its economic and social prosperity. Only five years after independence Chad was faced with a turbulent political situation the epilogue to which was the destruction of the State. Our economic development, which in any case was only embryonic and largely jeopardized by drought, was totally frozen.
82.	All administrative, economic, social and cultural structures were disrupted if not swept away entirely. It was a veritable debacle. The whole country must be reconstructed.
83.	At this tragic time, when the very foundations of the nation and its unity are threatened, the international community has not remained indifferent. It responded promptly to the appeal made by our delegation at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and in resolution 34/120.
84.	In that resolution the General Assembly appealed urgently to all Member States, specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system and international economic and financial institutions to provide generous emergency aid to Chad through bilateral or multilateral channels, with a view to meeting its reconstruction, rehabilitation and development needs, both short-term and long-term.
85.	In that resolution the Secretary-General was requested to dispatch a mission to Chad to review with the Government the aid it needed for reconstruction, and the question of organizing of a meeting of donors and, in this respect, to co-ordinate his efforts with those of UNDP, ECA and the World Bank.
86.	The delegation of Chad repeats here the warm expressions of gratitude which the President of the Transitional Government of National Union and Head of State, Mr. Goukouni Weddeye, addressed to the United Nations following the adoption of that resolution. That resolution gave rise to considerable hopes. Together with the Lagos agreement, it constituted genuine grounds for satisfaction and relief, and it seemed then that everything was going to be restored to order in Chad. But unfortunately that important resolution could not begin to be implemented to any extent at all because of the political situation.
87.	As we have said, the people of Chad took refuge abroad or were displaced within the national territory, and they are living in precarious conditions of hygiene, stripped of resources, food and medicine.
88.	That situation did, of course, gain the attention of the Council of Ministers of OAU, and at their thirty-fifth ordinary session at Freetown, they adopted a resolution on assistance to refugees and displaced persons in Chad.
89.	We should like to take this opportunity to repeat our appeal to the international community for adequate and even increased assistance for Chad because resolution 34/120 is still valid and we are readying ourselves to embark, once peace has been restored, on an even more formidable war—the war, as the Assembly may be sure, of national reconstruction.
90.	We venture to hope that the will of the international community to help us remains unswerving, because the problem of Chad is just as acute as ever.
91.	But, beyond States and specialized agencies, our appeal goes also to the various charitable organizations and welfare organizations throughout the world, because women, children and old persons are languishing in poverty and dying of disease and malnutrition.
92.	We believe we have laid sufficient stress on the extreme gravity of the problem in Chad and our appeal to the international community to help us solve our problem. But our internal difficulties, however grave they may be, do not cause us to overlook the equally disturbing problems of the international community at large, because the economic development of each of our countries is to a very large extent dependent on the world economic situation.
93.	One thing is certain and universally acknowledged, and that is that we all aspire to a common ideal: improvement of the general well-being of our respective peoples and hence of all mankind.
94.	To say that all the hopes in our Organization have been dashed is in our view not very realistic. We cannot pass over in silence the extremely positive role played by the United Nations in the emancipation of the colonized peoples, rapprochement and the peaceful coexistence of all peoples.
95.	We cannot underestimate that role inasmuch as economic and political factors are intimately interconnected and very often political freedom has promoted and made possible economic and social advances. In a word, the record of the action by the United Nations is not entirely negative. But we have serious grounds for being disturbed and disappointed. Indeed, when we consider the international economic situation, we cannot conceal either our concern at the negative trends in the world economy or our disappointment in the face of the economic stagnation of the developing countries. However, important measures have been adopted by the General Assembly to promote development and to help the developing countries catch up. But the results that have been achieved still fall far short of the objectives.
96.	If we compare the global objectives and targets laid down in the Lima Plan and for the First and the Second United Nations Development Decade with the progress actually achieved, we have to conclude that the endeavour has been a failure. The economic situation of those countries has hardly improved. In many cases it has become even worse. The African continent, which contains the greatest number of least-developed countries, including my own, is the principal victim of the world's economic crisis. The estimates of the World Bank are very alarming in this regard. They are the harbinger of catastrophe for most of the African States since they provide that their growth will be practically non-existent between 1980 and 1985 and that the rate of growth will not exceed 1.1 per cent between 1985 and 1990. Africa has not reached the goals set for the First and Second United Nations Development Decade because there is a lack of correlation between its actual needs and the resources it has available to satisfy those needs, since in 1979 the effective flow of public aid for development did not even attain one half of the target, which was 0.70 per cent.
97.	With the prospect of a restructuring of international economic relations, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly has just produced, and we shall shortly adopt—at least so we hope—the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
98.	The new Strategy gives us a glimpse of the scope of the efforts that have to be made in the next 10 years nationally, regionally and internationally. It is for each developing country to set its own targets and to take the appropriate measures in the light of its own capacities.
99.	In order to embark in the proper way upon the Third United Nations Development Decade, the African countries at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, in April of this year, adopted the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa — a declaration whereby the heads of State and Government have undertaken to respect the guiding principles and measures taken to bring about national and collective self-reliance in the economic and social realms. The implementation of that Plan will without any doubt contribute to the establishment of a new international economic order.
100.	Although Africa has undertaken to count first and foremost on its own capacities and resources, it does not thereby exclude international assistance. The international community must help the African countries to put their development strategy into effect, because it is clear that development and the integration of the African continent are preparing it for better participation in the promotion of international economic co-operation.
101.	In the final analysis, the international community must be vigilant in avoiding the formidable consequences of any possible failure of the Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. In that regard, as the Secretary-General has pointed out we must "bridge the growing chasm between declarations and intentions, on the one hand, and the realities of hardship and suffering, on the other. .. , Exceptional efforts are required from all parties involved".
102.	It is not enough to take decisions; we must also, and above all, put our decisions into effect.
103.	All the players in this international game must be involved in the Development Decade. Developed and developing countries must not be regarded as competitors but, rather, as complementary partners. They must transcend everything that divides them and must rely solely on what unites them; in a spirit of solidarity, they must co-operate in the restructuring of international economic relations. Chad, for its part, is ready to give all its support to the attainment of that noble objective.
104.	In conclusion, I should like to say what a dangerous precedent the tragedy of Chad can constitute and what a serious threat it poses to international stability and security, and particularly to stability and security in Africa.
105.	For our part, we solemnly declare that the Provisional Government of National Union, formed after the Lagos agreement, is working tirelessly, under the leadership of President Goukouni Weddeye, for the return of peace, union and stability to Chad. With that in view, we urge countries supporting the armed rebellion against the Provisional Government of National Union to put an end to their intervention in Chad's internal affairs.
106.	The Provisional Government of National Union is determined to apply the Lagos agreement faithfully and totally. Hence, one of the essential objectives of the Government of Chad is that after the withdrawal of French troops free and democratic elections shall be held during which the people will be called upon to choose their leaders and to decide their destiny. That shows how faithful our Government is to its commitments; it shows that our Government has no intention whatsoever of shirking them.
107.	In the meantime, the Provisional Government of National Union will be undertaking a major endeavour of national reconstruction. For that it will need contributions within the framework of the appeal we have just made. To that end, the Government will be guided only by the higher interests of the nation, in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of the people of Chad to independence, progress and social justice.
108.	The Government of Chad intends also to pursue a policy of good-neighbourliness and mutually advantageous co-operation with all countries that cherish peace, justice and freedom.
109.	Finally, in spite of the long civil war imposed upon Chad by foreign forces and their local lackeys, in spite of the ordeal it has been subjected to for years now because of the ill effects of drought and other natural disasters, despite its land-locked status and its very low level of development, Chad will do everything in its power and will work tirelessly to ensure the attainment of the Organization's objective of a more just and equitable world.


Allow me first of all to address to Mr. von Wechmar, on behalf of the Italian Government and on my own behalf, warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to convey to him the expression of our deep satisfaction at seeing the conduct of the work of this august body entrusted to the eminent representative of a country which is our friend and ally and our partner in the European Community. I would also like to reiterate here our great appreciation for the skilful and effective way in which his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, performed his particularly difficult task during four sessions of the General Assembly.
169.	Allow me also to stress once more the importance that my Government attaches to the tireless activity of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Wald heim, in seeking solutions to problems that are among the most serious and most intractable of our era.
170.	May I also extend a sincere welcome to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of our Organization, thus bringing us closer to the ultimate goal of the universality of the United Nations.
171.	The achievement of this priority objective of making the United Nations effectively universal, which the Charter itself set for us more than 30 years ago, no longer appears unduly distant. However, although the 1970s have brought us close to this important success, the 1980s that are now opening before us are still full of challenges to be faced and goals to be pursued.
172.	Even more than in past decades, the United Nations must therefore strive to increase its importance and effectiveness as a forum at the service of individuals, of peoples, of States, and of the whole international community, in order to contribute to the achievement of a world of greater solidarity and security.
173.	Above all, our Organization has a paramount responsibility to work to serve individuals whose dignity it must safeguard and whose rights it must protect. In this set, the membership of nearly all the States of the world confers a special legitimacy on United Nations action, precisely because the Organization is the expression of the universal conscience and, at the same time, of the diversity of cultures.
174.	We must listen to the voice of all who are suffering unjustly and who are being persecuted, tortured or forced to abandon their own country because the authorities in power are unable or lack the will to provide adequately for their needs. In this area, Italy is ready to cooperate fully with the world Organization, for, whenever the value and dignity of the individual are threatened, no obstacle can stand in our way. No country can henceforth take refuge behind the principle of non-interference in internal affairs when human dignity is at stake.
175.	The numerous international legal instruments—both global and regional—already in existence for the protection of human rights remind us of the vast amount of work that has been accomplished in identifying the fundamental principles involved. A large part of the credit for these achievements must go to our Organization. In the years to come, however, we must close the gap which in too many cases separates affirmations of principle from the practical recognition of these rights.
176.	As a country of emigration—and now also as a country of immigration—Italy also plans to work actively and to table specific proposals within the working group which will be entrusted by this General Assembly with the elaboration of a convention for the protection of the rights of migrant workers and their families.
177.	Millions of men and women are still turning towards the United Nations in the silent hope that it can tackle and improve the situations which unfortunately still exist in many parts of the world and in which they remain prisoners of misery. No one will believe us if we do not take into account that the sphere of freedom is very broad and that it is right to seek not only freedom of thought and movement, but also freedom to own a home, to educate one's children, to receive medical care and, first and foremost, for millions of human beings, not to die of hunger. Italy is profoundly convinced that no State, no responsible authority and no individual can find peace or can slacken their efforts so long as such tremendous problems as imbalance between population consumption and resources or the deterioration of the environment continue to face the peoples of the globe. These problems require from the United Nations, from all countries and from the whole international community the adoption of joint strategies, the union of forces and a genuine solidarity of the whole world. Future generations will judge us by the results of our efforts today and by the successes or failures that we register. On this depends our future and the quality of life that we can transmit to our children.
178.	The conclusions of the recent special session of the General Assembly devoted to the problems of development have emphasized, inter alia, the objectives to be pursued and the expectations which exist in regard to them.
179.	Admittedly, it has not yet been possible to reach complete agreement on all the questions on which we were called upon to take wide-ranging decisions, but nevertheless the special session was able to achieve substantial progress, which we should not underestimate.
180.	I am referring not only to the agreement reached on the definition of the new International Development Strategy, which we hope will be duly adopted at the end of our work. I should like, above all, to stress the efforts made to re-establish—as Italy had fervently wished—the climate of trust and cooperation that is essential to revitalize relations between the North and the South in the present extremely delicate political and economic situation.
181.	A highly significant political result, which we must include among the positive features of the special session that has just ended, was therefore the unanimous reaffirmation of the need to continue vigorously the close dialogue between industrialized countries and developing countries that began at the special session. We should not allow ourselves to be discouraged by difficulties. On the contrary, we must take advantage of the moral awareness generated by the special session in order to deepen and intensify that dialogue during the present session, in the conviction that it is essential to ensure the stability of international relations and to enable us to tackle without delay the urgent problems of development.
182.	Italy maintains that in this field too the universality of the United Nations is an essential instrument for tackling positively the innumerable problems that must be overcome if we are to attain the objectives pursued and meet the expectations aroused.
183.	The joint participation of all members of the international community is essential to the success of the efforts being made by the United Nations to reduce and eliminate the conflicts, crises and sources of tension that exist throughout the world.
184.	Here I should like, first of all, to refer to the crisis that began nine months ago with the intervention of Soviet military forces in Afghanistan, and in this regard I should like to recall the pertinent and timely resolution adopted by this Assembly last January at the end of its sixth emergency special session. I fully agree with the analyses and assessments which, in respect to the serious problems arising from this new source of tension, have already been made here by the current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Thorn, on behalf of the nine member countries of that Community . Already, last February, the members of the Community stated that the crisis could only be ended by a political solution based on the withdrawal of Soviet military forces and the exercise by the population of its right to self-determination, thus leading to the establishment of a neutral and nonaligned Afghanistan, removed from the rivalry among the major Powers.
18i'. This perspective, from the very moment in which it was formulated by the Community was neither exclusive in character nor intended to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan or in the necessary balance of power in the region. Precisely tor this reason, the initiatives taken by the Islamic Conference appear to us to be particularly appropriate, because what Italy wants for the Afghan people, in full agreement with the overwhelming majority of this Assembly, is that Afghanistan should not indefinitely remain a victim of a fait accompli.
186.	During the whole of this year we have followed with close attention and deep concern the difficulties that still prevent the implementation of United Nations proposals for the peaceful attainment of internationally accepted independence for Namibia, the consequences of the continued denial of the rights of the majority of the South African people, within the framework of a political, legal and economic system unacceptable and abhorrent as the system of apartheid, and the continuing risks of destabilization in the whole of Southeast Asia and the sufferings of its martyred peoples.
187.	The international community has been able to join in an effort of solidarity to save the people of Cambodia from annihilation. But the refugee problem today has a global dimension and afflicts other regions in Asia and Africa with extremely serious consequences. It is our fervent hope that the operations which, both through the United Nations and at the bilateral level, aim at putting an end to the tragedy to which we bear witness, the tragedy of millions of innocent people condemned to die of starvation, may be further developed.
188.	In the face of the consequences of the armed clashes which recently caused destruction and mourning once again in the Horn of Africa, in countries to which we are linked by ties of traditional friendship and fruitful relations of cooperation, we urge the parties to search for negotiated solutions based on the principles of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] and the United Nations.
189.	On another continent, Latin America, to which Italy is linked by ties of friendship whose roots run deep in history and culture, we have witnessed this year positive developments in that a number of countries, recently including Peru, have restored democratic forms of government. But we have also noted with concern that in other countries hotbeds of grave tension persist or have been freshly ignited. These have taken the form, on the one hand, of the degeneration of the political system into an authoritarian regime, and, on the other hand, of the massive exodus of tens of thousands of people abandoning their native lands and their homes. These events, which involve risks of destabilization and which endanger the basic principles of civil coexistence, have been firmly deplored and condemned by the Italian Government.
190.	For an assessment of those problems and of all the current international crises, I have already referred to the statement made on behalf of the European Community by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg. Indeed, the nine countries of the European Community are constantly increasing their joint actions in the international field to further at the global level, in a spirit of solidarity and peace, their priority objective, which is to contribute to the achievement of an ever better political, economic and social balance among the peoples of the world.
191.	Italy, therefore, has set for itself the major political goal of building a Europe of community, open in the broadest way to all fruitful forms of cooperation. The European Community has already given concrete proof that this is not a selfish and autarchical endeavour designed to defend privileged positions.
192.	Our Community, which, through the European Parliament which is elected by direct universal suffrage, henceforth guarantees in particular the participation of the peoples in its institutional machinery, will be further strengthened by the entry of Greece on 1 January 1981 and by progress in the procedures under way for the admission of Spain and Portugal.
193.	Italy, which is situated in the sensitive Mediterranean area, looks with special interest at these developments of the European Community because it realizes that it is responsible for reaffirming and interpreting authoritatively the political will of the Community in that region.
194.	Thus, no one is more thoroughly convinced than my country of the importance of the stability of the Mediterranean region for peace, security and economic and social development. This is why Italy's foreign policy is particularly aware of and devotes very careful attention to developments in the situation in this area, whether it is a question of the problems and conflicts which unfortunately still remain or one of cooperative efforts for consolidating peace.
195.	Among these problems, the most important is to find a comprehensive and lasting settlement in the Middle East which would be just for all. The nine countries of the European Community, in conformity with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), have set out fully and comprehensively in the Venice Declaration of 13 June 1980 all the principles which, in their judgement, must form the basis for a solution. At the same time, they decided upon a concrete follow-up in the form of a "European mission" to the countries of the region. Mr. Thorn has already given the General Assembly the basic information on the first phase of his mission; this phase will be completed in the next few days. It has already been decided to continue the European mission. On the basis of these results, the Community will draw up concrete positions on each of the most important items with a view to the decisions which the Council of Europe will take regarding the form which a European initiative might take when such an initiative would seem appropriate.
196.	Italy is deeply aware of the basic questions that have to be resolved: that of the implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians; that of the security of Israel; that of Jerusalem, for which no unilateral decision is acceptable; and that of Lebanon. Italy, therefore, actively contributed to the drafting of the Venice Declaration and took part in defining the position of the Community on the Camp David accords, which were considered a first step towards breaking the deadlock which had arisen in the search for a solution of the problems of the Middle East.
197.	But Italy is not losing sight of the realities of the situation. It is well aware that the desired comprehensive peace settlement can be achieved only if all the fundamental principles defined by the international community are accepted and implemented by all the parties to the negotiations on the attainment of a comprehensive solution: that is, by Israel, by the Arab countries and by the PLO. Italy is aware of the need to ensure the effective exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination as a means of solving its tragic problems. Italy is also aware that, in conformity with the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force, all the States of the region, Israel and the Arab countries alike, have the right to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed borders.
198.	It is essential that the people of Israel and the Palestinian people find the way to genuine coexistence. How long will it be before these two peoples, one martyred yesterday, one today, will be able to carry on a dialogue and to understand one another? How long will it be before all nations, big and small, will work actively towards this goal without mental reservations, opportunism or ulterior motives? History teaches us that solutions built on force and violence, which trample underfoot basic rights such as the right of all peoples to preserve their own identities and to be able to express them freely, nearly always remain precarious, if not ephemeral. It is indispensable that all the protagonists be deeply convinced that the present precarious balance is essentially unstable and dangerous and that the only path open to all the parties concerned is that of negotiation.
199.	The direct participation of Italy in the operations undertaken by United Nations forces in southern Lebanon is proof of our firm desire to make an active contribution to the preservation of peace and to a gradual solution to the problems of an area with which Italy is linked by centuries of history and culture. It is my duty to express our gratitude and trust to the members of UNIFIL, in the hope that its full deployment and a greater respect extended to it in the field by all parties concerned will prevent the tragic situation in Lebanon from becoming uncontrollable.
200.	The hope and trust which Italy places in the United Nations peacekeeping activities naturally extends to another delicate problem in the Mediterranean area. I am referring to Cyprus, where the unremitting activities of the Secretary General, Mr. Waldheim, have recently brought the two communities back to the negotiating table as part of the effort to normalize the situation in the Republic of Cyprus, in which Italy continues to take a legitimate and natural interest.
201.	The continuing detention of American diplomatic hostages in Iran is certainly not merely a bilateral problem. It also violates the conditions necessary for the safeguarding of justice and for the respect of clear international obligations. The release of the hostages without further delay is therefore necessary primarily to enable all members of the international community to re-establish normal relations with Iran, whose people have begun a new phase in their history, having made a choice which we fully respect. In their own interest, the hostage problem must be settled as a matter of urgency so that Iran may begin to play the role to which it is entitled in international affairs.
202.	In Italy, where the conviction that there are no problems that cannot and should not be settled through negotiations is deeply rooted, we have viewed with grave concern the developments in relations between Iraq and Iran, which have now taken the form of armed conflict. This is a conflict that is linked to a territorial dispute over frontiers, which makes it even more urgent to put an end to the use of force and to hasten the search for a negotiated settlement, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
203.	The history of my country, our recent history, so interwoven with extraordinary changes and sublime moments of unity, but also with cruel episodes which are an affront to the conscience of our citizens, sometimes disconcerts even those most convinced of the primacy of democracy over all other systems. That history, by undermining the confidence of those who are the most dubious, could induce us to take an indifferent view of recent events in Turkey, a country long stricken with political intolerance, and to hide from ourselves the gravity of the military coup d’état, the sudden suspension of the parliamentary system and the arrests of prominent advocates of democracy. The events in that great country, to which we are linked by such strong ties, cannot however leave us indifferent. If we were to remain aloof, our guilt would be great. But it is our hope that the people of Turkey may rapidly recover the full enjoyment of their democratic rights and freedoms. We therefore say to the military leaders: restore power as soon as possible to the legitimate representatives of the people of Turkey.
204.	As regards the problems of the Mediterranean area, I am pleased to mention a recent development to which Italy has contributed, in the conviction that it would have positive consequences for the stability and consolidation of relations of peaceful coexistence among the countries of the region.
205.	On 15 September, the Italian Government reached an agreement with Malta which guarantees a priori Italian recognition of the neutral status of that island, in line with the policy of nonalignment followed by the Government of Malta. The declaration of neutrality which will be made by Malta will list the corresponding commitments by that country, which exclude participation in alliances, the admission on Maltese territory of foreign military forces or bases and the repair in Maltese shipyards of units belonging to the American or Soviet fleets.
206.	The declaration to be made by Italy will not only recognize the neutrality of Malta, but will also call upon all other States to respect it and will commit us immediately to proceed to consultations in the case of that neutrality being threatened or violated. Those commitments will be accompanied by measures to promote the economic development of Malta during the first years of its neutrality as well as, in the case of Maltese neutrality being threatened or violated, measures to guarantee that neutrality and aid to the island, measures that Italy could adopt if it deemed it necessary. We naturally hope that other Mediterranean countries, both European and Arab, which are neighbours of Malta, will make declarations similar to ours.
207.	The commitments that will be entered into by Italy and Malta in this context were conceived with explicit reference to the provisions of the United Nations Charter and with full respect for them. The text of the agreements between the two countries, as soon as it is ratified by the respective constitutional organs, will be deposited with the United Nations Secretariat, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter.
208.	In the present international situation, it is crucial to maintain the balance of forces, even in seeking ways to strengthen international detente in other parts of the world besides Europe. From that point of view, participation in the Atlantic alliance—a regional factor for security and the defence of peaceful East West relations—remains an important aspect of Italian policy.
209.	The increased difficulties in the international situation must not hinder the continuation of efforts to promote realistic negotiations on disarmament, on the basis of the decisions taken by the General Assembly at its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, held in June 1978, decisions which, in our view, remain fully valid.
210.	The work done this year at Geneva by the Committee on Disarmament, even in the international climate prevailing in the wake of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, has shown that the possibility and the will to continue disarmament negotiations exist. The substantial progress made towards the banning of chemical weapons and on nuclear tests encourages us further to hope that ratification of the SALT II Treaty by the United States will not be further delayed, so that negotiations may be continued, within the framework of a new SALT III agreement. We maintain that that negotiating process, even with the limits inherent in its bilateral character, remains of fundamental importance for the strengthening of peace and security for the whole of the international community.
211.	In referring in this context to the expectations related to the control and limitation in Europe of long-range nuclear weapons, I must point out with satisfaction that recently some progress was made. In fact, the offer to begin negotiations on achieving such control through common agreement between East and West, which Italy and its allies made in December 1979 at Brussels, met with a responsive reaction from the Soviet Union and its allies for the first time at the beginning of July. It is a positive fact that it has consequently become possible to put forward to the Soviet Government the proposal, which is in line with Italy's expectations and with the action it has taken at all meetings and in all international forums towards their fulfilment, that the opening talks of those negotiations effectively begin next month.
212.	Within the framework of the initiatives aimed at promoting global disarmament, my Government also attaches great importance to the proposals and negotiations that relate specifically to the geographical areas of which Italy is a part: the European continent and the Mediterranean basin. It is obvious in this context that any formula or initiative must be aimed at the limitation of weapons and the maintenance of security in the field through the attainment of increasingly low levels in all weapons sectors. But any formula or initiative can be considered realistic only in so far as it takes into account the whole political and military situation throughout the world.
213.	Constructive negotiations on disarmament, the control and limitation of weapons and the reduction of forces can take place only if all nations are encouraged by their interdependence to create conditions of greater understanding and trust. This is the framework which Italy considers to be essential for strengthening detente. It is therefore necessary that the possibilities, the political space and dimensions which individual countries occupy on the world scene should induce each one of them to begin with faith and, I would say also, with courage, a constructive and permanent dialogue. This is the only means which can in the first place set in motion international cooperation and, on a more complex but more complete level, allow detente to develop throughout the world.
214.	The serious events in Afghanistan and their negative repercussions on the general situation have shown that detente can only be global and indivisible and that every attempt to reduce it to a regional or sectoral phenomenon may initiate a process which threatens to make it reversible. Even if the prospect of negotiations for the control and limitation of long-range strategic nuclear weapons represents a significant step forward, there is clearly a need for the full reestablishment of detente and for a political solution to the Afghan problem.
215.	Certainly, in Europe the process of detente has now been under way for years and the path of detente has been made easier with the help of mechanisms at the regional level, such as the meetings which the Helsinki Final Act provided for as a follow-up to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
216.	At Madrid, where the preparatory meetings are already in progress, Italy will participate, in a constructive spirit, in the review of the implementation of the Helsinki provisions and in the efforts to make further progress towards security and cooperation among the 35 participating countries. Italy will do so in the knowledge that only a serious and detailed exchange of ideas can lay the foundation for the recovery of detente in a situation adversely influenced by repeated violations of human rights by certain countries and by the serious events in Afghanistan.
217.	Italy reaffirms that it is ready to contribute to the building of the foundations of a more balanced and more open world in which there is no longer room for the old temptations of hegemony and where these temptations yield to the appeal for solidarity. This is in fact a peaceful battle that we must all fight together, whatever differences exist between us, because it is a battle for the peace of the world.
218.	The United Nations and its principal body, the General Assembly, will always constitute a valuable instrument in this battle. We hope that in the 1980s conflicts will be prevented and that means of mediating and settling existing ones will be found in this forum.
219.	My appeal from this rostrum, rightly described as the forum of the world, is that the essential solidarity between us all should not fail, that the United Nations should increasingly assist the international community to win the battle for peace and that all States should do their utmost to promote the free circulation of people, ideas and hopes so that all of us understand more clearly how closely linked are the interests and aspirations of all peoples.


282.	I wish to begin by conveying to the President, on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This significant choice is undoubtedly a recognition of his distinguished personal and diplomatic qualities and merits. We wish him the greatest possible success in the exercise of his difficult task.
283.	I should also like to convey to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim our deep appreciation for his brilliant performance as President of the thirty-fourth session and reaffirm to him our pride at the farsighted and dignified manner in which he performed his task, thus enhancing the prestige not only of the United Republic of Tanzania but, above all, of the African continent.
284.	Furthermore, we wish to express to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our most profound gratitude for his tireless efforts to find the most just and appropriate solutions to the serious problems confronting the international community and pay him a tribute for his perseverance and his courage in the many contacts undertaken with those who feel directly concerned in the delicate situation prevailing in southern Africa.
285.	At this time, as the thirty-fifth session is beginning its work, the world is in an extremely complicated, delicate and dangerous situation because there is considerable aggravation of direct confrontations between numerous peoples and those who support imperialism, neo-colonialism, colonialism, expansionism, Zionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man.
286.	Two years ago, from this very rostrum we declared that the disturbing situation at that time might get even worse and deteriorate indefinitely as long as the Governments of certain Western Powers well known to us failed strictly to respect the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Charter of the OAU and the principles of nonalignment; as long as they continued to foment colonial wars and to perpetrate acts of aggression of all kinds, directly or indirectly, against independent States; as long as they continued to proliferate plots against the sovereignty and security of States; as long as they continued their economic pillage of the underdeveloped countries and persisted in preventing a gradual reduction of the gap that is ceaselessly growing between the affluent or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; as long as they imposed military bases in the farthest corners of the globe, bases generally maintained against the will of the peoples concerned; as long as they persisted in thwarting the serious efforts of the socialist and progressive and democratic forces to bring about detente, general and complete disarmament and a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons, including the neutron bomb; as long as they failed to comply with resolutions adopted by international bodies that clearly stipulated that it was imperative to make the Indian Ocean an effective zone of peace; as long as they continued to devote astronomical sums to the arms race instead of judiciously setting aside those same sums for the economic and social development of the developing countries; and as long as they strove to thwart the establishment of a new international economic order in spite of the principles already enunciated by the nonaligned movement.
287.	Today we note with the gravest concern that those positions remain unchanged and that consequently there must be coherent unity of action against those who alone are responsible—that is, the Western Governments and their allies—for the growing tragedy of all human beings subjected to exploitation, oppression and injustice.
288.	Thus, it is time for the millions of human beings still without freedom or the right to choose their own future to be able to avail themselves of ways and means of fighting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease.
289.	It is time for all developing peoples to take resolute action in the fight against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, zionism, expansionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man so as to be able freely to choose their economic, political, social and cultural systems free from intimidation or pressure. It is time for them to take into their own hands their own natural resources and to exploit them for their own benefit and not for the benefit of multinational corporations. It is time for them flatly to reject all forms of subordination and dependence on any Power and all interference and all pressure, be it political, economic or military. It is time for them to demand, in combined and concerted fashion, the dismantling of foreign military bases on the territories of their countries which have been established against their will. It is time for them to make an effective contribution to the safeguarding of international peace and security and the easing of international tension. It is time for them to make a further effort to find effective means of mobilizing their human, financial, organizational and technological resources, thus laying a solid foundation for mutual economic cooperation in the raw materials field and in trade, transport, industry, agriculture, fisheries, health, insurance and so on.
290.	In a word, it is time—and perhaps all that is necessary is for all the nonaligned countries without exception decisively to put into effect the final Declaration and the Programme of Action for economic cooperation approved at the historic Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, held at Havana, from 3 to 9 September 197924 for the serious problems besetting the world today to be properly resolved. That is our hope and our conviction.
291.	Permit us to dwell at rather greater length on the problems of detente, disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms race, because these are the major concerns of the countries that love peace and justice. Once again we are obliged to repeat ourselves. Considerable and praiseworthy efforts have been made, particularly by the socialist countries, to bring about detente and disarmament, to stave off the nuclear threat and to halt the arms race. If detente, which is so ardently desired, is to be meaningful and effective it is indispensable for it to lead to the eliminate f all sources of tension and the halting of aggression, for interference and the political and economic exploitation of the weakest countries, as well as to the adoption of serious and concrete measures by all in the field of disarmament.
292.	In so far as concerns general and complete disarmament, it is imperative for negotiations to continue towards the establishment of treaties or conventions designed to save mankind from the disastrous consequences of an unbridled arms race as well as major or minor wars. Once and for all, all nuclear Powers in particular must undertake to embark upon the gradual destruction of their arsenals of nuclear weapons and to adhere to and respect the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
293.	We all know that the international situation is one of extreme tension. Over and above the factors I have mentioned, we must bear in mind the escalation of the cold war started by the United States Administration following the important victories won by the struggling peoples which have frustrated its shameful policy of domination and exploitation. Many threats of aggression, of military intervention, of economic sanctions were then forthcoming from the imperialist Powers.
294.	That climate of tension was to encourage a certain number of States to engage in an arms race, which is something that has always been of benefit to the Governments of imperialist Powers because of the fabulous profits they earn through their military consortia; and, apart from that, it served certain electoral interests, particularly in the United States of America.
295.	Within the same context, certain representatives of Western Powers have frequently donned the mantle of champions of human rights, but that has always been a matter of opportunism, transient interests or the needs of their constituents.
296.	If, from the point of view of credibility, the words they have uttered reflect a coherent attitude of action and determination on the part of their Governments to defend human rights, we would venture formally to call upon them to render every kind of assistance to the Namibian peoples and to the South Africans, the Sahraoui, the Palestinians, the Mauberes of East Timor, the Chileans, the Uruguayans, the Salvadorians, the Kampucheans and the Puerto Ricans, as well as all other fighting against tyranny, oppression, exploitation, social injustice and racial discrimination; and we would call upon them at the same time to denounce the regimes that are oppressing those peoples; to lift the economic blockade imposed upon Cuba and denounce the pressure exerted on and the threats uttered against the Cuban revolution; to halt all economic and military support for dictatorial racist and Fascist regimes; and to reduce, considerably and steadily, their military budgets and thus to help the peoples of the underdeveloped countries to combat famine, poverty, disease, illiteracy, unemployment and so on.
297.	In reviewing the situation that prevails in the African continent, we note with regret that one of the fundamental objectives of the OAU has not yet been achieved—the total liberation of Africa.
298.	Who is to blame for this? Not the OAU. Once again, the responsibility lies with the imperialist Powers, inasmuch as they are pursuing their aggressive policy to perpetuate or extend their domination and exploitation of the African nations and to destabilize States that oppose their plans. In the context of southern Africa, one people, that of Zimbabwe, has also just seized its independence after a fierce armed struggle. Today, Zimbabwe is a sovereign State, a member of the OAU, of the United Nations and of the nonaligned movement. The People's Republic of Angola rejoices at this happy event and reiterates its congratulations to the people and leaders of Zimbabwe, who have fought so valiantly and have thwarted all manoeuvres designed to set up a puppet regime.
299.	In the same region another people, that of Namibia, is awaiting the historic moment when it will regain its inalienable right to freedom and independence within the territorial integrity of its own country.
300.	During the last 20 years, numerous relevant resolutions have been adopted by various international bodies recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence and, on the other hand, denouncing or condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by the criminal South African regime, with its shameful system of apartheid, which is an intolerable and flagrant violation of human rights and the rights of peoples, its unacceptable arrogance and scorn for the international community and its organizations, and the lavish support afforded by certain Western Powers.
301.	Ever since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia in May 1967 as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until its independence and as the decision-making organ of the United Nations for that Territory, the Pretoria regime and its accomplices have striven to obstruct the fulfilment of the Council's mandate and have arranged a series of manoeuvres designed to delay for as long as possible the inevitable independence of Namibia. Throughout all these years, the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], it sole and legitimate representative, has been carrying on an armed struggle for national liberation and has achieved considerable success.
302.	What is the situation today? If, on the one hand, the United Nations, and particularly its Secretary General, the OAU, and particularly the frontline countries and the nonaligned countries, as international organizations, have bent every effort to finding a just solution to the Namibian problem, on the other hand, the racist and Fascist Pretoria regime, which not only enjoys the support of certain Western Powers and Israel in the economic, military and nuclear fields, but which also, and consequently, takes advantage of their lack of determination, their selfishness and their hypocrisy, has continued insolently to defy the international community, to be intolerably rude and arrogant towards the Secretary General of the United Nations, to intensify its criminal aggression against countries bordering on Namibia, in particular the People's Republic of Angola, and to set up a so-called Ministerial Council, loyal to it, in order to keep SWAPO out of the process of independence.
303.	Since the efforts of all of us seem to be directed more clearly towards the search for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question under the auspices of the United Nations, we must necessarily and unambiguously give all the necessary support to the Secretary General so that he may have every possibility of ensuring the earliest possible implementation of the plan established by the United Nations in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
304.	However, if the South African regime, by its stubbornness, frustrates the solution of the Namibian question by means of negotiations, that will mean the choice of war, and as a consequence that regime and certain Western Powers will bear the very heavy responsibility for the disastrous consequences of such a choice. Whatever the circumstances, our support for SWAPO will be unswerving.
305.	Allow me to remind this Assembly that the material damage to the People's Republic of Angola caused by the invasion by South African armed forces in 1975 and 1976 has been evaluated at $6.7 billion, as was pointed out by the present Head of State of Angola in his first address at this rostrum in December 1976, speaking as the Minister for Foreign Affairs. On that occasion, he proposed for the consideration of the United Nations General Assembly the creation of an international fund for national reconstruction of some $300 million, but this was not given the slightest attention by the international community. I would also venture to add that the material damage from 1978 to the present day has been estimated to amount to $200 million. With rare exceptions, international solidarity in our regard has amounted to only indifference or inaction.
306.	The People's Republic of Angola reaffirms its determination to cooperate closely with the United Nations Secretary General to ensure that the parties to the conflict, namely, the South African regime and SWAPO, resolutely undertake to seek a negotiated solution to the Namibian question.
307.	The firm and hard line we have taken may seem surprising, but it is difficult, if not impossible, for us to translate into diplomatic language the feelings of genuine revulsion of the heroic people of Angola in the face of the enormous sacrifices it has already made and the extremely high price it is still paying, almost alone, in thousands of human lives lost and in material damage, in order to fulfil its international duty and to comply with the relevant resolutions of international bodies with regard to Namibia, that the people of Namibia may also become free and independent.
308.	In South Africa, as everyone knows, the internal situation is gradually getting worse, thanks to the persistent fight being waged by the numerous and valiant militants of the African National Congress against the last bastion of imperialism in the African continent. At the same time, the internal contradictions of the apartheid regime are becoming aggravated because of this very struggle for national liberation. What we need then is concrete and growing solidarity with the valiant fighters of the African National Congress.
309.	In Western Sahara, the heroic Sahraoui people under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front, its sole and lawful representative is continuing its relentless struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover its inalienable right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. The recognition of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic by a considerable number of countries, especially African countries, makes it abundantly clear that final victory is near.
310.	Thus it is with justified hope that we await, within the framework of the OAU and in cooperation with the United Nations, through the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara, the necessary political solution following the recent deliberations held by that Committee, which met at Freetown from 9 to 12 September this year . The Sahraoui people will triumph. The considerable success won both in the military field and in the diplomatic field justifies this assurance of ours.
311.	We should not like to leave the African continent without referring, however briefly, to the tragedy which has afflicted the people of Chad as a consequence of numerous instances of foreign intervention. We appeal to the international community to provide urgent financial and humanitarian assistance to the Government of National Union, either directly or through the OAU, and also to neighbouring countries which have given shelter to thousands of refugees, thus enabling the people of Chad themselves to solve their own problems.
312.	In the Asian and Latin American continents, we find a proliferation of sources of tension fomented essentially by North American imperialism.
313.	With regard to the development of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, it is our belief that the concrete proposals contained in the statement of its Government made on 15 May 1980 provide a valid means of seeking the necessary solution, that is to say a negotiated political solution. The taking into account of these points by the neighbouring countries, namely, Pakistan and Iran, pursuant to the principle of the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, would make it possible to normalize relations among the three nonaligned countries and to promote a climate of harmony and stability in the area.
314.	For its part, the valiant people of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has since last year scored some very important and indisputable successes in the consolidation of its revolutionary process and control over its territory, as well as in the fields of agriculture, education and health care. The circulation of the new national currency is also a significant step for the economy of the country. The gradual recovery from the shock caused to the Kampuchean people by the murder of 3 million of its people, its compatriots, committed by the criminal regime that was overthrown, deserves all our admiration, which we wish to convey to the leaders of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
315.	It is, however, regrettable and unthinkable that the legitimate representatives of the Kampuchean people should still not be occupying their proper place in all international bodies and that in the meantime we, the nonaligned countries, have not been able to gain the endorsement at the United Nations of the decision taken at Havana at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, namely, to keep the seat empty until it has been determined to which of the two parties that empty seat belongs. Sooner or later, justice will be done.
316.	In spite of the persistent efforts of the heroic Korean people to reunify their country by peaceful means and without any outside interference in their internal affairs, it is with indignation that we note the continuation of imperialist manoeuvring aimed at establishing two Koreas. We demand the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in the southern part of Korea, the replacement of the Armistice Agreement  by a long-term peace agreement and the dismantling of the military bases that exist there so as to enable the whole Korean people to bring to fruition the three principles essential to their future: independence, peaceful reunification and broad national unity.
317.	With regard to the situation prevailing in East Timor, it is deplorable and unacceptable that foreign troops belonging to a member of the nonaligned movement should have continued to occupy part of the territory—the capital, as a matter of fact—of the Democratic Republic of East Timor ever since the proclamation of its independence in 1975 following the withdrawal of the former administering Power, without the legal and political status of the territory having been established. For five years the people of East Timor, under the leadership of their lawful representative, FRETILIN have been waging an armed struggle to recover national sovereignty and territorial integrity, although in extremely difficult circumstances marked by a lack of external logistic bases, a lack of replacements of heavy weaponry and modern antiaircraft weapons, a lack of financial assistance and the incomprehensible inaction of the progressive community.
318.	In order to prove, should proof be needed, the gradual development of the armed struggle of the Maubere people against the Indonesian military occupation, it is sufficient to refer, by way of example, to a large-scale attack carried out by 300 FRETILIN fighters on the night of 10 to 11 June 1980 at Dili, the capital of the country. In six hours of fighting, the television station was damaged and two military barracks were taken by storm and occupied for several hours. Three days later, the Indonesian leaders landed at Dili 40 tanks and a large contingent of marines and commandos.
319.	East Timor is obviously a problem of decolonization. Like the Palestinian and Namibian peoples, the Maubere people are still prevented from exercising their right to independence because of Indonesian military occupation, in spite of the resolutions adopted by organs of the United Nations and by the nonaligned movement.
320.	A few days ago the Portuguese Government decided to shoulder once again its obligations and responsibilities with regard to East Timor, and it formally reaffirmed the right of the people of that country to self-determination. We would venture to hope that the Portuguese Government will undertake effectively and with determination and courage to make every effort to put an end to the Indonesian military occupation and to ensure the transfer of power to the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor. There is no other way. It is now the duty of all countries and all international organizations which identify with the struggle of peoples to render every kind of assistance to the people of East Timor.
321.	In the Middle East, the data of the problem remain unchanged, although the consequences are becoming ever more serious for the Arab peoples. As long as the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine to recover its country, usurped by Israel, and to establish an independent State are not duly recognized by everyone, as long as Israel does not withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, as long as it continues its criminal raids and its acts of aggression against Lebanon, as long as it continues to establish settlements in the occupied Palestinian or Arab territories, as long as the United States of America in particular continues to support Israel in all possible ways in its annexationist ambitions, as long as the city of Jerusalem is not restored in its entirety to the Arab nation, as long as the so-called Camp David accords and the Egypt Israel peace Treaty represent a partial and separate commitment which fails to take into account the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and is consequently a flagrant violation of the resolutions adopted by various international bodies, there will never be a just and lasting peace. However, we are convinced that the solution of the Palestinian question and of the Middle East problem lies fundamentally in the hands of the Arab countries if they jointly make up their minds to make use of all the advantages at their disposal against all those who support Israel.
322.	We reaffirm our unswerving support for the Palestinian people and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO.
323.	We should also like to take this opportunity to express our unswerving support for the people and the Government of the Republic of Cyprus in their just struggle to safeguard their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and nonalignment.
324.	In Latin America, substantial and positive changes have taken place thanks to the valiant struggle being waged by its peoples. The Cuban revolution has been firmly consolidated and constitutes an undeniable source of inspiration for all struggling peoples, in spite of the economic blockade imposed by the American imperialists and the unjustifiable maintenance of the naval base at Guantanamo. It is time to put an end to these constant threats and acts of aggression against Cuba.
325.	The revolutionary process in Nicaragua is proceeding towards the building of a future in keeping with the interests of the Nicaraguan people and we rejoice at their brilliant successes in national reconstruction.
326.	We warmly welcome the victories won by the people of San Salvador and by its vanguard organization, the Revolutionary Democratic Front, as well as those of the Puerto Rican and Chilean peoples in their struggle against imperialism and its agents so that power may be transferred to those peoples and they may freely choose their own future. We denounce vigorously the manoeuvres of North American imperialism aimed at destabilizing regimes in power, particularly in Jamaica, Grenada, Guyana and Panama, and we reaffirm our militant solidarity with them in their struggle against these neo-colonialist designs.
327.	What else remains to be said, without repeating ourselves, about the grave economic crisis of the capitalist system or the urgent need to establish a new international economic order?
328.	We venture to deplore the fact that, following the awakening of Africa to economic questions which marked the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980, the Plan of Action adopted  there was not accorded the slightest consideration by the delegations—even the African delegations—which participated in the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on global economic questions, held recently at United Nations Headquarters.
329.	Nevertheless, we hope that in the future we shall be better able to defend the economic interests of the African peoples or help them prevail.
330.	The Angolan people is preparing enthusiastically for the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola.
331.	During those five years, considerable results have been achieved in the consolidation of the Angolan revolutionary process, in the establishment of Party structures over the whole of the country, in the strengthening of national unity and defence and in laying the foundations of a socialist society. At present, the Angolan people, faithful to the teachings of the immortal guide of the Angolan revolution and founder of the nation and of the MPLA  Workers' Party, the late President Agostinho Neto, and under the farsighted leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, President of the MPL A Workers' Party, President of the Republic and Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, are totally involved in the preparation of the first special Party congress and in the electoral process in all the provinces of future members of the People's Assembly, which is an emanation of the power of the people which will come into being shortly.
332.	At the same time, considerable efforts have been made in the fields of education, agriculture, industry, health, fisheries, transport and construction, which hold considerable promise for the economic and social development of the People's Republic of Angola.
333.	What we hope for is to be left in peace, with respect for our own wishes, so that we may better meet the aspirations of the Angolan people and thus make a valuable contribution to world peace and security.
334.	The struggle continues. Victory is certain.