The United Nations is celebrating this year its fortieth anniversary, strengthened by experience which has no precedent in international relations, although this is accompanied by some apprehension in the face of the need to adapt to a world in which changes are accelerating at an unprecedented rate. Under these circumstances, my country is pleased to see you, Sir, presiding over the destiny of our Assembly, since it is convinced that your great experience and your human qualities will prove an asset in ensuring the success of our work during this crucial session. Our satisfaction is all the greater in that you represent a country with wLich the Kingdom of Morocco has for centuries maintained relations in all spheres of political, economic, social and cultural life which have created deep affinities between our two peoples and afforded a model of fruitful and enriching dialog between two civilizations.
We take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, who demonstrated a great sense of responsibility and readiness to be available at all times in the discharge of his duties.
We wish, moreover, to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the untiring efforts he is making, with selflessness, courage and tenacity, to prevent tensions and conflicts in all parts of the world and to promote a peaceful outcome of the many crises that trouble international relations.
We are profoundly shocked by the tragedy which has struck the great and friendly people of Mexico and deeply distressed and grieved by the sufferings now endured by so many families. From this rostrum, I offer my most sincere condolences to the Mexican people and assure it of our full solidarity and our will to work within the international community to bring it the necessary assistance and aid.
Our Organization has been subjected to frequent and often exaggerated criticism of its effectiveness and its ability to face up to the increasingly complex problems of the modern world. Yet it has never been so close to its goal of universality, for it now comprises 3.59 States, whereas only some 50 of us were present at San Francisco when the Charter was adopted. This can be seen as the clearest proof of our Organization's significant contribution to the liberation of peoples from the yoke of colonialism and foreign occupation. The equal representation of all Members within our Assembly, regardless of size and power, and the constant protection of human rights without distinction as to color, race, religion or political opinion have made the United Nations a symbol of the democratization of international relations. It is a unique and privileged forum for meetings and dialog among all States, which can discuss bilateral relations as well as major issues of general interest and thus seek to create a climate conducive to progress and peace.
Despite these important achievements, our Organization has naturally experienced certain difficulties in adapting to the great upheavals which have taken place over the past 40 years - be it the access to national sovereignty of peoples representing almost two thirds of mankind and suffering from the consequences of colonialism and exploitation or the technological revolution and the perfection of nuclear weapons in the hands of a limited number of Powers. To place its credibility and its viability on a sounder footing, our Organization must meet the challenges of the modern world by rationalizing its procedures and equipping itself with appropriate mechanisms. We cannot but admit that to date it has proved ineffective in providing an adequate solution to the questions of international security and disarmament, establishing a just and equitable new international order and, finally, the situations prevailing in the Middle East and in southern Africa.
At the time when we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of our-Organization we must all be mindful of the founding fathers' firm will to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Throughout these past 40 years our Organization has made praiseworthy and often innovative efforts, such as the establishment of emergency forces, to attain its primary objective, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. The planet has indeed been spared a global conflagration, which, in the age of weapons of mass destruction, would assume the proportions of true mass suicide, but the fact remains that local conflicts have abounded, especially in the underprivileged regions of the world, thus counteracting the efforts and sacrifices made by the peoples concerned for their economic development.
Ideological considerations and the difficulties inherent in the decision-making machinery have very often prevented the Organization from performing with the desired efficiency its functions in the settlement of such conflicts, which are maintained and exacerbated by outside intervention, the recruitment and financing of mercenaries and the granting of transit facilities to them. The Kingdom of Morocco, in line with the recommendation of the non-aligned summit in New Delhi in March 1933, supports all efforts made within the United Nations towards the adoption of an international convention to prohibit such activities. It has also become a matter of urgency to develop the preventive function exercised by the Security Council and the Secretary-General, as an impartial third party, in defusing conflict situations in time by making use of all available procedures for the peaceful settlement of disputes, such as inquiry, mediation, good offices or the sending of observer missions.
As a State bordering on the most important channel of maritime communications, the Strait of Gibraltar, which links the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, the Kingdom of Morocco has worked constantly within both the General Assembly and the Disarmament Commission in Geneva for the establishment of conditions conducive to peace and security in the Mediterranean. By virtue of our situation at the junction of Europe and Africa, we have maintained a constant interest in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in which the Mediterranean and its southern shores are one of the essential factors.
The search for collective security based on co-operation risks being no more than a pious wish unless the international community succeeds in putting an end to the unbridled arms race and the accumulation by the major Powers of increasingly improved and sophisticated means of mass destruction.
The first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament raised many hopes through the Final Document and the important measures set out therein. It must nevertheless be admitted, after seven years of negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, that the progress achieved is far from being significant and that the Conference has become bogged down in procedural debates or sterile polemics. But the size of the stakes, involving the fate of mankind as a whole, makes it incumbent on us to persevere unremittingly in our efforts. As a member of the Geneva Conference, the Kingdom of Morocco will work, as it has in the past, inter alia, within the Group of 21, to promote concrete and constructive proposals designed to limit and freeze the ruinous arms race. More than $800 billion has been spent this year on armaments, at a time when the greatest part of the world's population is struggling with the endemic evil of underdevelopment. If we are to resolve this contradiction we must make an effort to ensure the success of the forthcoming International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, in particular by inviting all the countries direcULy concerned to participate actively in the preparatory work.
The problem of development in today's world, the need ton transformation of the structures of the world economy and the demand for a new international economic order are problems which certainly exceed in complexity the original concerns of those who drafted the Charter of the United Nations.
The current disarray in the international economy, which is characterized by a decline in world production, increased unemployment, the deterioration of the terms of trade, the resurgence of protectionism, monetary instability and the chronic imbalance of payments, the explosive level of foreign indebtedness, the reverse transfer of resources and the decrease in real terms in international co-operation mean that the economic crisis has never given rise to so many disturbances in the world since the Second World War. This crisis is not uniform in its effects. Whereas the countries of the South are suffering from an enormous technological handicap and witnessing the reappearance of the scourges of famine and epidemics that were thought to have vanished, the countries of the North, thanks to their technical, financial and human resources, are not only withstanding the crisis, but are even experiencing a certain upswing in economic activity. At the same time, the prospects for the International Development Strategy adopted by our Assembly after a great deal of effort are largely compromised.
Faced with a situation that is likely to get worse, we have reached the conclusion that international assistance, necessary though it may be, can be neither equivalent to nor a replacement for the establishment of more just and
equitable economic rules. This fact alone should encourage the developed world, setting aside all national egoism, to recognize the need for a radical change in the institutional framework of international economic relations.
Where obligations are concerned, however, Morocco asserts with all the strength at its command that our development is the primordial responsibility of our Governments, while remaining at the same time this Organization's priority objective and the main focus of international co-operation.
In this context we sincerely hope that the fortieth session of this Assembly will see substantial progress in the finalization of the codes of conduct on the transfer of technology and on transnational corporations, in the implementation of the Integrated Program for Commodities and in the launching of global negotiations. For the time being, however, three problems of crucial importance demand our attention. These are the external debt and the reform of the international monetary system, the critical economic situation in Africa and South-South co-operation in its regional and bilateral aspects.
Indebtedness world-wide lies at the very heart of the great changes that are taking place and the external debt of the developing countries, by virtue of its new structure and the enormous cost of servicing it, now exceeds the ability of national economies to repay, is beyond the control of Government authorities and threatens the political and social stability of the debtor countries while at the same time endangering the international banking system and undermining the foundations of economic and social development policy.
Consequently we believe that the external debt has to a great extent ceased to be a banking and accounting phenomenon and become a problem that is essentially political and social and that the adjustment policies applied by many countries often lead to a vicious circle of impoverishment and instability.
The Kingdom of Morocco considers in this respect that the convening of an international conference on the African debt, the provisions of the Cartagena Consensus of June 1984 and the resolution on external debt recently adopted by the Ministerial Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries in Luanda are complementary initiatives in that they afford an excellent basis for finding a frame of reference with a view to seeking a just and lasting solution to the problem of external indebtedness based on mutual agreement and the shared responsibility of debtors and creditors and on the essential link that exists between the external debt, development finance and the expansion of international trade.
Moreover, since the world has changed, a redefinition of the international monetary system and of the role of the International Monetary Fund are vitally and urgently needed. It is our firm hope that the fortieth session of the General Assembly will promote the convening in the near future of an international conference on money and finance, with world-wide participation, as proposed by the seventh non-aligned Summit, held in New Delhi in March 1983. The results of that Conference should form an integral part of the process of global negotiations, which themselves have been rightly described as a "major political objective" of the international community as a whole.
where the situation in Africa is concerned Morocco, as an African country, considers it essential that a special session of the United Nations General Assembly be convened to discuss the critical economic situation in Africa.
Our Assembly did indeed adopt by consensus at its thirty-ninth session an important declaration recognizing that, despite its considerable economic potential, Africa remains not only the weakest in infrastructure and the least industrialized, but also the least developed continent on the planet. Africa has, indeed, two thirds of the developing land-locked countries and three quarters of the least developed countries, while four fifths of the countries in this region are currently suffering from drought and desertification.
For this reason the Kingdom of Morocco is convinced that the international community cannot incur the guilt of failing to assist this endangered continent, and declares that it is a basic duty to demonstrate solidarity towards the African countries in their struggle for survival, development and dignity.
The South-South co-operation and its tremendous prospects are an illustration of the third world's commitment to assume its own destiny. We are convinced that, at a time when the outlines of a new structure in the world economy are being drawn, the establishment of a new international economic order cannot be brought about without significant progress in co-operation among developing countries. This co-operation, while aiming at collective autonomy, is in no way inspired by an authentic turning inward, and hence constitutes neither a prerequisite for nor an alternative to North-South dialog.
The co-operation my country is engaging in with the countries of Africa at the bilateral and regional level is an outstanding manifestation of this spirit. It has taken on different forms: financial contributions to the plan of action of the Non-Aligned Movement to deal with the critical economic situation in Africa, grants to the Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, loans for the financing of infrastructural work, donations of equipment and transport facilities, participation in mining projects, staff training, technical assistance, provision of medical and veterinary supplies, food aid consignments, fertilizer shipments and debt moratoriums.
While we are calling on the developed countries to show firm political will in their solidarity and interdependence with the developing world, my country considers that by strengthening South-South co-operation the Group of 77 will signal to the international community our determination and common will to assume responsibility for our own destiny in the face of the challenges of the twenty-first century.
In spite of all the Arab and international efforts and initiatives, the Palestinian people continue to undergo exile and foreign occupation, with all the suffering and privations entailed by that tragic situation. Israeli practices of collective oppression and the denial of fundamental rights of the Palestinian people are continuing, in total disregard of all the resolutions of both the General Assembly and the Security Council.
Moreover, Israel has made State terrorism a preferred instrument of its policy of aggression, a fact attested to by the criminal attack just made on the fraternal people of Tunisia and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) headquarters, in violation of basic principles of international law.
The responsibility of our Organization in the matter is primordial, since it was this Organization which decided at the outset on the creation of two States in Palestine. Nearly 40 years later, we note, however, that the Palestinian people is still denied its right to self-determination and to existence as an independent State, without the achievement of which it is not possible to arrive at a peaceful and lasting solution to the Middle Bast question as a whole.
The Arab world, meeting at the 1982 Fez Summit, showed a realistic and rational spirit and a sense of compromise by proposing a peace plan that has been well received by the international community as a whole. In the face of that conciliatory move for peace, what was Israel's response hut the multiplication of acts of repression and expulsion and the establishment of new settler colonies.
In view of the escalation of violence. His Majesty King Hassan II as incumbent President of the Arab Summit, insisted on convening an extraordinary session of that body, in order to deal with the dangerous evolution of the situation. The Casablanca Summit was thus able to reconfirm on that occasion its support of the Fez Peace Plan, the implementation of which would entail Israel's prior withdrawal from the Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem.
Within this framework, the Arab countries called upon the United Nations to assume an essential role in the initiation of the peace process, in particular by the convening of an international conference, with the participation of all the parties concerned, the great Powers and permanent members of the Security Council. Lastly, the Arab leaders showed at the extraordinary Summit their keen sense of responsibility and their desire for peace by vigorously denouncing terrorism in all its forms and whatever its origins, while reiterating their dedication to the principles of law and justice in defense of the legitimate cause of the Palestinian people. In this context, the Kingdom of Morocco will continue its support for the struggle of that people, under the leadership of the PLO, its sole, legitimate representative, for the recovery of its territories and the establishment of an independent and sovereign State.
My country, which has always maintained fraternal relations with the Lebanese people, is grievously affected by the tragic events befalling it, with the almost daily quota of innocent victims and destruction. We reaffirm our support for respect of the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country, and we shall continue to work in all international forums to ensure that it recovers its stability and security and becomes once again the symbol of coexistence among the different communities concerned.
The region is being wracked by another fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, setting two neighboring Moslem countries against each other and continuing in spite of many attempts at conciliation and mediation at the regional and global levels. Unfortunately, in spite of the hand held out many times by Iraq, Iran is showing great intransigence, frustrating the efforts made by the international community for the restoration of peaceful and good-neighborly relations between the two countries. We sincerely hope that for the sake of a common future inscribed in the facts of geography and history Iran will adopt a more flexible position and commit itself resolutely to the peace process.
The situation in southern Africa lies at the center of the concerns of the international community as a whole. The irresponsible and short-sighted policy of the South African Government might bring about a real conflagration throughout the African continent and jeopardize international peace and security. We are faced here with a real challenge to the conscience of mankind since, in spite of numerous resolutions of our Organization and incessant appeals from humanitarian associations, the South African authorities persist in their illegal occupation of Namibia, maintain and strengthen their policy of apartheid, in violation of the most elementary rights of the human person, and engage periodically in acts of armed aggression against neighboring States.
The fraternal Namibian people still live under the terror of a colonial and racist regime, eight years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), providing for a peaceful and democratic settlement, including the organization of free elections under the auspices of the United Nations. South Africa has contrived to confuse the issue and create new obstacles to Namibia's independence, while intensifying its military effort and oppressing the population.
The Kingdom of Morocco, which has consistently lent its unreserved support to the struggle of the fraternal Namibian people, believes that we must redouble our efforts, at a time when we are commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the partition of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in order to achieve the total emancipation of the Namibian people, with respect for their country's territorial integrity.
Our full solidarity goes also, as in the past, to the population of South Africa which If, suffering under the yoke of racial discrimination, set up as a system of government, and which suffers the most shameless exploitation. At a time when we are witnessing an unprecedented intensification of the struggle of international public opinion, our Organization should mobilize all the means at its disposal in order to eliminate the anachronistic system of apartheid and put an end to one of the gravest sources of instability in Africa. Instead of taking cognizance of the inevitable evolution towards respect for the dignity of the human person and for democratic values. South Africa has, unfortunately, chosen to plunge ahead by directing its war machine against peaceful neighboring States.
The Kingdom of Morocco condemns the external interventions, violations of sovereignty and State terrorism practiced by South Africa against Lesotho, Botswana, Mozambique and the People's Republic of Angola. The United Nations must apply the necessary sanctions under the appropriate provisions of the Charter.
Similarly, we have constantly upheld the right of all countries freely to choose their political, economic and social systems, without external interference, whether in Afghanistan or in Kampuchea.
The peoples of Central America are experiencing the difficulties of underdevelopment and facing the hazards of instability and foreign interference. The Kingdom of Morocco supports the efforts of the countries concerned to establish regional co-operation and eliminate any intervention in their internal affairs.
The initiative in this regard of the Contadora Group, supported at Lima by other Latin American countries, deserves to be taken into consideration and to be encouraged by the international community, in order to achieve a normalization of relations between the Central American States concerned, on the basis of mutual respect, national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
With regard to the region of North-west Africa, I beg the attention of our Assembly to touch on a problem of paramount importance for my country. Allow me to recall briefly the genesis of the so-called question of Western Sahara and to clarify the situation as it stands today.
As everyone knows, it was on the initiative of Morocco that the United Nations was first seized of this question, as well as the question of Ifni, in 1963. The General Assembly, on 20 December 1965, first of all requested:
"the Government of Spain, as the administering Power, immediately to take the necessary measures for the liberation of the Territories of Ifni and the Spanish Sahara from colonial domination, and to this end to enter into negotiations on the problems relating to sovereignty presented by these two Territories", (resolution 2072 (XX)) While negotiations actually took place in the case of Ifni, which was reintegrated with the motherland in 1969, it was necessary to await the Madrid Agreement of 14 November 1975 in order to organize the definitive decolonization of Western Sahara.
In order to frustrate that process, some parties called, in this very forum, for the holding of a referendum on self-determination, arguing that the consultation, on 28 February 1976, of the Sahara representative assembly, the Jema'a, was insufficient.
The Kingdom of Morocco anticipated that demand, and His Majesty the Ring proposed to his African peers the holding of a referendum on self-determination, for the purpose of consulting the population of the Sahara under international supervision, and undertook to respect the results.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was thus able to adopt unanimously, at its eighteenth summit meeting at Nairobi, resolution AHG/103 (XVIII) which noted with appreciation the solemn commitment made by His Majesty King Hassan II to accept the holding of a referendum in the territory of Western Sahara; decided to set up an Implementation Committee with full powers; urged the parties to the conflict to observe an immediate cease-fire; and requested the Implementation Committee to work out all the details relevant to the conduct and administration of the referendum.
The Committee indeed carried out its task and finalized all the modalities at the two sessions in Nairobi, in August 1981 and February 1982, with the assistance of United Nations experts delegated by the Secretary-General.
In order to hasten the carrying out of the referendum operation, only the date remaining to be established, the Moroccan Sovereign came before this Assembly, at its thirty-eighth session in 1983, to reiterate solemnly our Nairobi commitment and the readiness of the Kingdom of Morocco to collaborate, unconditionally and at any time, in the implementation of the African decisions.
Why is it, then, that the Organization of African Unity should have opted, in violation of its Charter, for the admission of a fictitious republic, in disregard.
Moreover, of all its previous positions and the wishes of the international community? In the circumstances, the Kingdom of Morocco had no choice but to withdraw from an Organization in which it had placed all its confidence and which had gone back on its decision by anticipating the population of the Sahara, thereby substituting itself for the expression of that people's authentic will.
The Kingdom of Morocco is fully aware of the dangers that lie in wait for our African continent, in view of the many attempts at subversion and secession which have been promoted and which might be promoted in the future, by emphasis on the ethnic diversity and the fragility of most of the States. Our withdrawal from the OAU was, in fact, in the interest of Africa itself. We withdrew so as not to sanction a procedure the destabilizing effects of which might be of extreme gravity for a large number of African countries.
In so doing, the Kingdom of Morocco, which was one of the sponsors of resolution 1514 (XV) on the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the twenty-fifth anniversary of which we are celebrating this year, only expressed thereby its fidelity to the principle of self-determination.
I should like to address myself here to our African brothers to tell them that it was not light-heartedly nor in a spirit of hostility and rupture with regard to Africa that Morocco was obliged to take the sad decision to withdraw from the Organization of African Unity. Furthermore, in a farewell message to the twentieth summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity in November 1984, the Moroccan Sovereign Hassan II expressed himself as follows:
"Morocco is African, and African it will remain. All we Moroccans will remain in the service of Africa, in the Arab League for Arab-African co-operation, in the Non-Aligned Movement in order to defend the sovereignty of Africa, in the Organization of Islamic Conference in order to promote co-operation and mutual assistance in the revealed religions, and in the United Nations, where we shall be in the forefront to preserve the dignity of the African citizens and respect of our continent."
However, it is with regret that we are obliged to note today the failure of all the efforts made by the Organization of African unity to settle definitively this question of the Sahara which is henceforth at an impasse, as was pointed out by the Secretary-General himself in the report which he has just presented on this subject to our Assembly.
We are even more comforted in this objective analysis of the situation by the statement made to the press by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Algeria, in this very building, last Tuesday:
"What brought us to imagine the Maghrebian framework and to work on the Morocco-Algerian dialog started when we became convinced that the African framework was no longer adequate, but Africa, faced with the fact that Morocco refused to implement the resolution, was forced, out of weariness - I repeat, weariness - to accept the Sahraoui Republic, even if Morocco stepped out of the room. But once again, we agree in saying that the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the Organization of African Unity does not solve the problem."
On this subject I ask the Assembly at least to take note of the Algerian agreement regarding the impasse at the African level, and to take into consideration the need to come back to the only forum which can help in solving the problem: the United Nations.
The persistence of the present deadlock could lead to an aggravation of tension in the region and even to a conflict situation between two neighboring countries belonging to the same sphere of civilization and culture and united by centuries of common life and struggle. Whether they wish it or not, their fate, too, is a common one and can be realized only in the construction of a Maghreb community, based on solidarity and brought into being by the will of the people of the region.
It is thus high time for the United Nations, which is still seized of this case and has experience of the appropriate logistics, to regain the initiative in order to ensure that the referendum on self-determination is held as soon as possible. We have full confidence in the ability of the Secretary-General, who has already on several occasions assumed the role of mediator in order to bring parties together and defuse crisis situations. In our view, the Secretary-General should be encouraged in any initiative which he sees fit to take, in particular in co-operation with the incumbent President and the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and with all the parties concerned with the definitive settlement of this question. The Kingdom of Morocco reaffirms its complete readiness to assist the Secretary-General and collaborate fully in the holding of a free and democratic referendum, under the auspices of the United Nations, and its commitment to respect the result of such referendum.
Let us hope that this session, which commemorates the fortieth anniversary of our Organization and is one of balance-sheets and hopes, will open the way to
Morocco? a definitive and just solution of this question and to the creation of a new climate of appeasement in the region.
In conclusion, at the time when we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of our Organization we must clearly recognize that our world continues to be prey to selfishness and intolerance.
In the face of the nuclear peril, the frantic arms race, the increasing rigidity of ideological blocks, the demographic explosion, the squandering of the natural resources of the planet and, above all, the absence of any clear prospects for the development of large sections of disinherited humanity, how can one be surprised at the anxiety of today's youth, its despair in the face of the uncertainties of the future and its recourse to extreme positions, whether on the religious level or with regard to political and economic allegiance.
As we examine the balance-sheet, we must note with regret that our Organization, during its 40 years of existence, has failed to take account in its work of the spiritual dimension of man. How can one fail to recognize that types of materialism of all shades have been unable to coexist peacefully or to resolve the human equation on a lasting basis?
Our universe is immersed in models of consumption that are impossible to universalize, whereas the revealed religions remind us that the life of human communities must not be reduced to the satisfaction of economic needs alone. When receiving His Holiness the Pope recently, His Majesty the King of Morocco and the Moroccan people presented to the world an Islam open and modern, tolerant, opposed to fanaticism and intolerance. We have a profound conviction that the reconciliation of spiritual beliefs and the dialog between religions constitute factors of peace capable of transcending present conflicts and laying the foundations of a better world for future generations.
It is therefore urgently necessary for the United Nations to assume a more dynamic role in the restoration of the essential values of humanity, in order to personify, at the dawn of the twenty-first century, the hope of a new human order that reconciles man with himself.


I wish, on behalf of the delegation of Haiti, to convey to Mr. Jaime de Pinies our heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. His vast experience in international relations, his talents as a skilled diplomat and the objectivity which characterizes his statements augur well for his important task. We are pleased to see this honor brought upon the great Spanish nation, with which the Republic of Haiti has had excellent ties which have their origin in the meeting of civilizations in the Caribbean.
I wish also to express our gratitude to Ambassador Lusaka.of Zambia for the mastery and skill which he showed in guiding the proceedings of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
May I also pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless devotion to the cause of our Organization, aimed at strengthening its role and thus contributing to international peace and co-operation.
Once again I express to the Government and people of Mexico our deepest sorrow over the disaster which recently struck that friendly country. I assure them of our total solidarity at this difficult time, which they are facing with courage and exemplary resolve.
At a time when we are about to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of our Organization, it seems essential to me to take a hard look at the work done since 1945, to look back and assess the action taken during this period, in order to reach conclusions which will allow us to correct our path and to come closer to the solemn objectives embodied in our Charter.
Obviously the results of these four decades appear differently, and global results can be assessed differently, according to the ideological world one belongs to, or according to the degree of wealth or power one may have, according to the deep ambitions and real motivations one has. However, one thing remains certain: despite aborted meetings, unresolved crises, unavoided tragedies and challenges which are increasing in number, the United Nations has proved its capacity for survival throughout a tumultuous era characterized by political, economic, social and technological upheavals without precedent in the history of mankind.
Throughout these 40 years, the United Nations has in fact been at the center of the greatest network of exchange which has ever existed at the heart of the most complex set of legal international rules, and has become through its organs and specialized agencies a unique instrument, universal in scope, serving the most noble dreams and ambitions of the world community.
He cannot underestimate the major role played by our Organization in the process of decolonization, in the development of solutions and compromises that have limited certain conflicts, in the study and realization of economic and technical assistance programs, and in the defense of the essential freedoms and fundamental rights of the human person.
We can also point to the many activities concerned with the welfare of children and refugees, and the efforts made to increase public awareness about the problems of development, disarmament and all forms of discrimination.
Nevertheless, despite these encouraging achievements, we must admit that for us in the small third-world countries, desperately struggling to improve the living conditions of our populations, despite the inadequate resources available, the promises made have not been fulfilled, and our most legitimate aspirations have not been satisfied.
The Republic of Haiti was present at San Francisco and sincerely believed that in the wake of the catastrophic upheaval of the Second World War the will, the wisdom and the generosity of men devoted to peace and justice would lead to a new era based on full respect for the principles embodied in our Charter. It believed that a new order would be established, based essentially on the equality and sovereignty of Member countries, on »-.he rights of peoples to self-determination, on the peaceful settlement of disputes and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
Above all it believed that our Organization, in keeping with vocation, would be at the center of an enormous movement of active solidarity that would bring about real transfers of resources from the richest to the poorest, from the North to the South, in a climate of understanding and mutual respect and in the light of an intelligent vision of long-term interests of the international community.
The Republic of Haiti, therefore, believed that science and technology would be used in the service of mankind, instead of contributing to its destruction, in order to put a final end to the specters of hunger, ignorance and disease, to provide the Members of our Organization, especially the poorest ones, with the means to secure living conditions commensurate with their dignity.
Was this too much to hope for? Did that attitude show a lack of understanding of the facts of international life which 181 years of hard-won independence, preserved by endless sacrifices, should have kept constantly in the minds of our people? in fact we believed that there would be a steady elimination of the scourges of racism, segregation and foreign domination, from which we were made to suffer so much for having dared to defy the colonial Powers, at a time when freedom was enjoyed only by the privileged few on our planet. But we did hold such a belief, and such a hope, and were disappointed. For how can we disregard the increasing difference between the purposes and principles of our Organization on the one hand and the disturbing deterioration of the international situation on the other? How can we pass over in silence the increase in tension, the persistence of hotbeds of crisis, and the continuing widening of the gap separating the poor countries from the industrialized nations, a gap which reveals the tragic blockage of the development strategies which the United Nations undertook to promote?
This alarming situation obviously is a major challenge which must be met as soon as possible if we do not wish to see the crisis of confidence resulting from such continuing frustration lead to the progressive paralysis of our institutions, of which there is already some warning signs.
For us there is no doubt that this regrettable state of affairs essentially stems from the disappointing attitude of certain Member countries, in particular, the most powerful ones, whose tendency to subordinate the implementation of the provisions of the Charter to their national interests has all too often rendered the United Nations incapable of acting to resolve disputes and promote international co-operation. We hope for a general resurgence of the political will, that is essential for a better observance of the principles of our Organization, because, since wherever we look, on any continent, we must feel deeply concerned at the grave threats to peace and to the economic and social development of third-world nations,
Thus, today once more a crisis whose gravity is plain to all grips southern Africa, where the right of peoples to self-determination has never been so tragically violated. The savage and indiscriminate killings perpetrated everyday throughout this year must be added to the long list, of victims who, since the Sharpeville massacre, have paid with their lives in demonstrating their complete and irrevocable refusal to accept the system of apartheid. These events compel the international community to turn its attention to an unjustifiable situation which represents not only the most flagrant violation of the fundamental human rights, but also a constant challenge to our Organization, which since 1946, has not been able to dismantle this obsolete remains of colonialism and racism.
The Republic of Haiti, which was the first one, let us remember, to inform the League of Nations of the scandal of the massacre of the Hottentots in South west Africa, and to take up the question of South Africa's racial policy, believes today more than ever that the delaying tactics designed to obstruct the definitive elimination of the system of apartheid must be condemned, in speaking once again against the so-called internal reforms, which are nothing more than an attempt to perpetuate the system, Haiti is compelled to denounce the ill-concealed collusion on the part of all those countries which, under the highly questionable pretext of the preservation of their strategic interests, fail to end all co-operation with Pretoria in the political, military, economic and nuclear fields. The time has come for a consensus to be formed not on illusory partial measures, but on the urgent need to adopt comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist minority in South Africa; that action, in conjunction with increased assistance to the liberation movement, represent the only way to break its brutal arrogance and permit the emergence of a just and democratic society based on equal rights and duties for all citizens.
The Government of Haiti is encouraged by the decisions taken recently by certain Western countries to increase pressures on the South African regime which represents undeniable progress as compared with previous positions. But it believes that these measures are still largely insufficient and that we must go all the way until total victory, regardless of the distracted and incoherent declarations of the Pretoria leaders.
Haiti welcomes the praiseworthy efforts of the Special Committee Against Apartheid and reaffirms its solidarity and its unswerving support for the resolute struggle of the people of South Africa.
Similarly, the Government of Haiti strongly opposes the illegal occupation of Namibia by the Pretoria regime in flagrant violation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and its refusal to co-operate in implementing Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which laid down the bases for a peaceful and negotiated settlement of the Namibian question. Haiti unreservedly condemns the brutal repression of the Namibian people, the shameless plunder of its natural resources, and the maneuver designed to destroy its national unity and territorial integrity. It reaffirms its unflagging support of and unconditional commitment to the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the only authentic and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, in its heroic struggle to free itself from a century of colonial and racial oppression.
The Republic of Haiti continues categorically to reject any attempt to link the independence of Namibia to geo-political considerations and to the solution of questions involving the sovereignty of other States. It supports the authentic independence of Namibia on the basis of resolution 435 (1978) and calls upon the Security Council to meet its responsibilities by adopting the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.
It formally appeals to the international community to sake every effort to enable the Namibian people to exercise Cully its sovereignty over all of its territory and to regain its inalienable rights to freedom, dignity and happiness.
In the Middle Bast, which continues to be an area subjected to an uninterrupted cycle of violence, where blind terrorism increases uncertainty every day, it has never been more obvious that the solution to the crisis is to be found in the establishment of comprehensive peace in the region based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
The Government of Haiti, which follows very closely recent initiatives aimed at promoting dialog among all the parties directly concerned, hopes that the latter will seize the opportunity to contribute to a just, peaceful and lasting solution embodying, on the one hand, the right of Israel to exist and to security within recognized and guaranteed boundaries, and, on the other hand, the undeniable right of the Palestinian people freely to express its identity, to effective self-determination within a physical, legal and administrative framework consonant with its legitimate aspirations.
In Asia, there are also focal points of conflict brought about and kept alive by the expansionist designs of certain States, clearly determined to impose their will upon others through an illegal military presence in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter. We must refer here to the tragedy in occupied Afghanistan and Cambodia. The Republic of Haiti warmly welcomes the patriotic struggle of the Khmer and Afghan peoples, and expresses its heartfelt thanks to the Secretary-General, his representatives, and all those who, in one capacity or another, work towards restoring peace and security in that long-suffering part of the world. It joins the international community in calling for the total,
immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the occupation troops thus permitting those states freely to choose the model of government they seem appropriate free from all forms of foreign pressures.
With regard to the Korean peninsula the Republic of Haiti believes that its continued division is a source of instability and tension in the region.
In that context* it welcomes continuation of the inter-Korean dialog which has just led to encouraging results such as the setting up of a Joint Committee of Economic Co-operation, the first inter-parliamentary meeting, and exchanges of family visits for the first time since the end of the war, as well as artistic exchanges.
Haiti also supports the idea of the admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations pending a final settlement of the reunification question. That would certainly help to reduce tension in the region and to bring the Organization closer to its ideal of universality.
The Government of Haiti is particularly^ interested in the development of the crisis in Central America which, in recent years, had been marked by a regrettable escalation of violence, giving rise to legitimate concern among peace-loving States in the continent. It is clear to us that a focal point of tension has been created which could eventually extend, if we are not careful, beyond its present geographical limits. It should be pointed out, in this connection, that the dramatic situation there is caused by the many serious social and economic problems besetting the peoples of the region. They are the only ones capable of defining their wishes and deciding on their road to development.
In that context the Government of Haiti, faithful to the principles which have always been at the root of its foreign policy, continues to support unreservedly the constructive action undertaken courageously by the Contadora Group, with a view to restoring, through dialog and consultation, peace and security in the region.
We are pleased to note that patience and goodwill have led to the preparation of a set of concrete proposals which form the draft act of peace and co-operation in Central America, we hope that the final document will be adopted as quickly as possible, but also that the commitments subscribed to therein are observed, that the level of arms is effectively reduced and that the region may find peace once again based on restoration of a balance essential to coexistence.
Within that framework, the Republic of Haiti is pleased to note the role played in that part of the world by the European Economic Community in providing active and disinterested support to the negotiations. Similarly, the establishment of a Central American development agency will constitute a positive contribution to the solution of the social and economic problems of the region.
With regard to the south Atlantic, the Republic of Haiti, as it has repeatedly stated, considers the situation prevailing in the Malvinas Islands as the consequence of an anachronistic colonial order. It rejects any de facto situation created by force and appeals to the parties concerned to renew negotiations in order to arrive at a just and equitable solution, taking into account the legitimate aspirations of the Argentine nation.
This year again, on the eve of the eagerly awaited encounter between the super-Powers, after having heard proposals and explanations by representatives of the Powers which have an arsenal capable of destroying humanity several times over, we formally renew our appeal for a halt to the arms race.
We appeal to the nations responsible for a solution to this agonizing question, to pursue their promising dialog which we welcomed when it was initiated early this year, we urge them to avail themselves of every opportunity for consultation which may be offered them. What is at stake is too important. Occasions are few. The consequences are too serious, and the alternative is a costly, dangerous and ephemeral military supremacy.
Once again the Republic of Haiti insists that a collective initiative be taken to enable the international development institutions to transfer a substantial portion of the funds made available through implementation of a program of general, progressive and balanced disarmament. We remain convinced that therein lies the best way to defuse tension and consolidate peace.
The sombre international political picture should not make us forget the seriousness of the economic problems which developing countries face today. While it is true that the turmoil of recent years has somewhat subsided, the pace of development of third world nations has nevertheless not matched its level of the Sixties. For most of the African and Latin American nations real per capita income is no more than it was 10 years ago. Hence, the ability of the international system in its present form to find appropriate solutions for a difficult situation, which is disastrous to much of mankind, is being questioned.
A particularly disquieting aspect of this drama is, no doubt, the persistence of the terrible famines on the African continent, which directly threaten 200 million people.
Optimistic projections estimate that by 1990 there will be 900 million people living in absolute poverty. Need we point out that this is a scandalous attack on the dignity of the human person? It causes us to question the significance and effectiveness of international co-operation mechanisms, as well as the institutions acting in the name of the moral and intellectual solidarity of mankind. It is difficult to place the entire blame for this situation on the United Nations, which merely reflects the lack of political will among the wealthy countries to make the necessary major structural changes.

However, after due analysis, we must stress the following points. First of all, the response given by the international community so far on the problems of underdevelopment has not been sufficient considering the scope of the means of the third world. Indeed, in all the crucial areas, the transfer of resources to the poor nations has been dramatically insufficient. Thus the precarious situation of the 1970s led, after the recent period of international recession, to a spectacular increase in the North-South economic gap, as shown in the persistent worsening of the terms of trade, the drastic fall of export receipts in some cases, and the tensions brought about by the third world's foreign debt, which is 40 per cent of its gross national product, with 36 per cent short-term commercial \ot> >s. The level of indebtedness has exceeded $800 billion and it will continue to be an element of instability in the international system unless appropriate measures are carried out to take into account the effective reimbursement capacity of the countries concerned and the need to guarantee their investment programs.
The debt problem has become a priority issue for all developing nations. We must stress its serious social and political consequences, as history has taught us that the transfer of international capital in the form of loans or direct investments has throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries played an important role in the development of many countries, particularly countries that are now industrialized nations; it has also shown that in every crisis period only measures taken by creditors and debtors together have enabled the world financial system to regain its balance.
In the last analysis, the final solution is to promote growth, with suitable transfers of resources of all kinds. Unfortunately, the rate of investment has slowed down considerably, and the objective of 7 per cent growth envisaged for the Third United Nations Development Decade remains illusory. The commitment
undertaken by the international community 10 years ago at the World Food Conference to eliminate the scourge of hunger by 1984 also remains a dead letter.
Together with this there has been a regression as regards the achievement of the objectives of official development assistance, which by 1985 at the latest should have exceeded the target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product of the developed countries. We have serious doubts about the fate of the Common Fund for Commodities and of the energy affiliate of the World Bank, and, indeed, of other global negotiations. How can one not condemn such regression? How can one admit that the last replenishment of funds of the international Development Association was arbitrarily limited to $9 billion instead of the $15 billion normally envisaged? Every year the arms race absorbs almost 50 times the total volume of assistance to the third-world countries, thus preventing them from dealing with their development problems.
The recent economic crisis, far from bringing about the solidarity expected in the third world, has, on the contrary, given rise to selfish responses which could seriously endanger the development possibilities of the developing countries. We are especially concerned over the proliferation of restrictive measures and the intensification of protectionist pressure, which are contrary to international obligations and, being initiated by rich nations, could increasingly and seriously penalize the developing countries in vital sectors of their economies. The Government of Haiti has taken note with satisfaction of the determination with which the United States Administration has decided to combat increased protectionism and expresses the wish that other developed countries will adopt further provisions to contribute to the world's economic recovery through increased investments and liberalization of trade.
Once again we must admit that the theoretical priority attached to the problems of the least developed countries has not by any meant resulted in sufficient efforts by the international community. The situation of the least developed countries five years after the launching of the Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s gives rise to the most serious concern, because for the most part per capita income has fallen considerably and the average growth of national income has been 0.7 per cent during the first three years of the Program.
The decisions taken by certain donor countries have not been able to alleviate the specific difficulties of the least developed countries. Essential action still remains to be taken to implement an effective program of sufficient scope to enable those countries to acquire the basic Infrastructures, which they now lack, finance their agricultural and industrial development, promote education and the technical training of their peoples, and reduce their excessive vulnerability to external fluctuations and to problems inherent in the structure of their internal production.
The Republic of Haiti believes that the process of adjustment that we have undertaken must envisage as a priority the creation of new jobs, the establishment of new industries and the financing of new programs. Therefore external financing must be increased to make debt-servicing possible while maintaining investments and stimulating exports, because a world in which developing countries face simultaneously a fall in their standard of living and the draining away of their capital is by definition volatile.
In conclusion, there is no doubt that the success or failure of the Substantial New program of Action will be the most revealing test of the will of the rich countries to restore credibility to the North-South dialog. If, for this small group of States with relatively modest needs, the international community is not now able to undertake the necessary reforms, one has the right to ask when and for whom it will be able to do so.
Now more than ever before the third world must rely on its own forces close its ranks and systematically explore the many possibilities for South-South cooperation.
For its pact, the Republic of Haiti faithful too its traditions, continues to face a particularly difficult situation but it is oak lug every effort to ensure the full mobilization of its internal resources in the service of the basic objectives ox its social and economic development and the promotion of the fundamental rights of the Haitians, in full accordance with the provisions of the Charter, the objectives of the regional institutions to which we belong and the multilateral conventions to which we have acceded.
In that connection, our Government has in the course of this year, initiated one of the most important institutional reforms ever accomplished in the country, one of the main aspects of which has been the successful establishment of the legal and constitutional framework needed for developing genuine Haitian democracy.
This new "social contract", based on rigorous norms of liberal and pluralistic democracy guarantees the exercise of fundamental freedoms, for the first time organizes the operation of political parties in Haiti, strengthens control by the legislative branch of government action, which will be carried out by a prime minister from the majority political group in Parliament after the coming legislative elections, envisaged for February 1987.
Thus, under the leadership of President Jean-Claude Duvalier, Haitian democracy, in keeping with our basic socio-cultural personality, moves irreversibly towards the universal enjoyment of the political, social, economic and cultural rights of each citizen.
Our objective is not to copy imported models that are difficult to apply, but rather to build a democratic society based on respect for law and deriving inspiration from our history and our culture which favors all forms of expression and encourages the effective participation of everyone in the decisions affecting our national destiny.
But such a plan, such an aspiration, cannot be fully realized except in a climate of peace and stability, social progress and economic growth. Hence the Republic of Haiti, like all other third-world countries engaged in the bitter struggle for development but also interested in defending justice and freedom, must in the next few years have the unreserved support of the international community, of which the United Nations must remain the irreplaceable Center for reflection, decision, execution and co-ordination.
The Government of Haiti wishes to renew its confidence in the future of our Organization. It firmly believes that errors can be corrected, gaps filled, resources increased, trust strengthened. It is convinced that we can improve on the application of the principles of our Charter and it stands ready to co-operate actively with all initiatives to that end. we continue to maintain that before the end of the century we can reach certain goals, such as the elimination of hunger and illiteracy which, because of their universal importance, transcend any ideological debate or political contingency. We have the means to do so. why not express our will to do so today?


Mr. President, on behalf of His Excellency, General Maawva Ould Sid Ahmed Tava, and on behalf of the people and Government of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, I address to you our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. In view of Mauritania's historical relations with your country, it gives us particular satisfaction to see you elected as President of the General Assembly in a historic year for the Organization. We are convinced that your admirable virtues as an experienced diplomat who represents his country in the United Nations, and has done so for a long period, will ensure your complete success in presiding over the deliberations of our Organization.
I should also like "co take this opportunity to express to the President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Paul Lusaka, the permanent representative of the sister Republic of Zambia, our expression of appreciation for the wise manner in which he presided over the deliberations of that session.
I must also express our appreciation and thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continuing efforts in the service of the international community, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations and its noble mission. We wish him further success in realizing the great hopes that the nations and peoples of the earth place in this Organization.
Allow me first to stress my country's position, which has already been explained in the Security Council. We strongly condemn and denounce the treacherous Israeli act of aggression against our sister Tunisia. We stress the need to implement the relevant Security Council resolution, including the payment of compensation to Tunisia for the damages it has suffered and the taking of the necessary measures to prevent such actions in the future.
At this session of the General Assembly we are commemorating the fortieth
anniversary of the United Nations. This represents the age of wisdom, the age of maturity. We wish to take this opportunity to make a responsible evaluation of our Organization. We must undertake to eliminate all those obstacles which are preventing the realization of its principles, enshrined in the Charter in the-light of the long experience of mankind. The setting up of an Organization where nations can work side by side to achieve those principles is the embodiment of a great and praiseworthy idea. The United Nations has acted most effectively in preventing war and establishing the appropriate atmosphere to promote consultations, understanding and co-operation, as well as mutual concessions between nations and States.
The specialized agencies of the United Nations, working in many different fields, have asked to improve the political, social and economic situation. Those agencies have stood most heroically at the side of peoples and States in their struggle to achieve independence and freedom, a struggle which has led to the elimination of colonialism on more than one continent and the creation of many States which, through their membership, have given new dimensions to this Organization.
The accession of many small States to membership of the United Nations is a testimony of their trust and confidence in this Organization, and their membership allows those States to obtain recognition and support, to defend themselves, and to participate in the issues affecting mankind's future. Our Organization can be proud that the world's hopes are pinned to improving its effectiveness and increasing the scope of its mission. Therefore, on behalf of the Mauritanian people and its national leadership, I must congratulate the representatives of States and organizations, and the various eminent individuals who have attended this fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly, on the positive progress achieved by our Organization. We wish them all full success in their endeavors.
I should like to stress again the importance that my country attaches to the United Nations because we are convinced that it is the main instrument through which we can work to eliminate the specter of war and chaos in the world and the only organ on which the small States can rely in defending ourselves and improving our development efforts. Our belief and faith in the United Nations and our appreciation of its achievements does not alter the fact that peoples and States today need freedom, peace and development more than at any other time in the past and that the international situation continues to be dangerous. There is war in more than one country and the horizons are indeed sombre in more than one continent. Many peoples continue to suffer as a result of occupation and expansionism and are deprived of their right to self-determination and life in dignity. Unemployment, hunger, disease, poverty, illiteracy and social crises are spreading throughout the world. The average per capita income in rich countries is 220 times greater than that in developing countries.
The Group of 77 has undertaken international studies which stress the need to achieve more satisfactory results with regard to existing economic, monetary and trade problems among States. That group, however, has been faced by a continuing failure to respond on the part of countries of the North. We hope, however, that they will agree to the global negotiations for which we call so that the world may overcome these problems in co-operation between the South and the North. The rather sombre international situation makes it necessary for our Organization to become more dynamic and effective so that it can face those interconnected dangers.
If we take as an example the unfortunate economic and social situation in Africa, we note the following: more than 150 million people suffer from malnutrition; the foreign indebtedness of that continent amounts to $US 174 billion; the balance-of-payments deficit is $US 18 billion; while some States spend their entire revenue on servicing their debt. Unemployment has reached enormous proportions and the Lagos plan, in which we had placed great hopes for the development of our continent, did not achieve its aims because of the drought, the lack of the necessary funds for investment and the deteriorating world economic and financial situation.
Because of this frightening situation in our continent our States have had to devote increasing attention to economic and social problems. The most recent summit conference of the Organization of African Unity, held in Addis Ababa, considered most carefully what measures would be "most likely" to revive the economies of our countries. The summit conference adopted an important recommendation addressed to this session of the General Assembly calling for the convening of a special session of the Assembly to study the economic situation in Africa. We hope that this will make it possible to achieve satisfactory results in this field.
I take this opportunity to register my satisfaction with the results obtained at the "Paris Club" meeting this year concerning foreign debt, and with the efforts made by friendly countries and the officers of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in order to allow that meeting to take place. We are pleased with the positive understanding shewn by the creditors with regard to the international economic and monetary situation of the debtor countries in general and the situation of our country in particular.
The peoples of the Sahel do not lack determination. Theirs is a constant struggle for survival. The States are doing all they can to preserve life and to keep their dignity and independence. They realize that international food assistance will not solve their problems and that they must take those measures
likely to revive their economies, particularly in the rural sector, in order to achieve food security for their peoples. However, the achievement of that aim is not easy. Drought is a most destructive phenomenon which nullifies the efforts of the peoples and States of the areas concerned, particularly where economies are based essentially on agriculture and animal husbandry.
The drought has killed more than 75 per cent of the animals in Mauritania and has turned the fields to deserts. Farmers have been forced to migrate to the cities and villages, which were not prepared to welcome them. This has posed many problems for the State in many fields, because it must provide food, water and energy for all within a short space of time. It must build hospitals and schools and establish transportation networks. Our country did not remain inactive and resign itself to the dangerous forces. Instead, we mobilized all our efforts to cope with the effects of the drought and desertification. We put forward a comprehensive plan for economic and financial mobilization in which we gave priority to the rural sector.
We believe that success can be achieved only through the great efforts of our people to ensure that it produces the largest possible part of its own food. This has led our national leadership to adopt the slogan "self-sufficiency". We have undertaken a comprehensive information campaign in order to explain the dangers of drought and desertification. The people have undertaken a great campaign of voluntary work in the cities and rural areas to eliminate illiteracy and to undertake economic and social projects. In order to avoid the idleness and defeatism that food aid can create, we have started this year a program based on the principle of assistance in return for work. We have adopted a plan to help those citizens who so wish to return to the rural areas from the cities. In addition to providing free transportation and the necessary assistance to work the land, where that is possible, we are trying to encourage farmers to be patient and to exert greater efforts to increase production. We have established a special fund to assist pensioners, skilled workers returning from overseas and professionals who cannot find work within government structures.
Our country attaches great importance to the young generations. We are working to mobilize their energies in the interest of national development. At present Mauritania is host to a large youth fair involving thousands of our citizens and covering activities in many fields. In line with our desire to provide health insurance for the new generations, my country will shortly be organizing national immunization day, in accordance with the aims of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF).
Our efforts within the country are complementary to our activities within international and regional organizations. We believe that assistance based on justice and equality between peoples and States, particularly States in the same geographic area, is not merely a social and political necessity to provide an opportunity to peoples to establish ties of friendship and closer relations, but also an essential economic requirement for laying the foundations for joint economies and facilitating trade relations. That is why our country has always promoted the creation of regional institutions; in fact, it has put forward several initiatives for the creation of such institutions. The great developmental efforts we are making in our country, together with our policy of austerity and the work we have undertaken to achieve a more rational management of public sector financing, have been successful only to a certain extent owing to the current international economic situation. In collaboration with the Secretary-General of the united Nations Mauritania has this year appealed to the fortieth session in a memorandum in which it stressed the need for Mauritania to be added to the list of least developed countries. In view of the significance of this request we hope that the Assembly will respond favorably.
I am pleased to express my gratitude and appreciation to all friendly and fraternal States, organizations and individuals for the assistance they have provided us during the years of drought. Because the list is long, I shall limit myself to pointing to the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to enable our Organization to play an effective role in the extraordinary circumstances facing Africa. I welcome this opportunity to pay tribute to the personal efforts of Mr. Bradford Morse, Administrator of the emergency assistance relief operations in Africa, in addition to his heavy responsibilities as Administrator of the United Nations Development Program. We must also pay tribute to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAD) and to Mr. Edouard Saouma, the Director General, for the positive results achieved by the Rome meeting on drought.
At a time when the international financial and economic crisis is spreading and when many people are suffering from hunger, billions of dollars are being spent on all kinds of weapons of destruction. Military industries are flourishing, despite the contradiction this poses to economic development. It is high time to
put an end to such a situation by decreasing cold-war tensions between the superPowers and Stopping the spiraling arms race. An end must, also be put to the new wars that are being fostered between third-world countries. In 1984 alone, the world spent more than 3800 billion on weapons of destruction; that is more than $130 for each person on this planet. An end to armament is the way to development. That is how to promote the security of peoples and their independence, be it in the developed industrialized countries or in the developing countries. It represents the precondition for priority to be given to the creation of an interdependent international economy providing the possibility for man to secure his first and basic right - the right to life.
More than one quarter of the peoples of the world continue to suffer deprivation, pain and hunger, despite the existence of the United Nations for 40 years. Many peoples continue to suffer from colonialism, exploitation, racial discrimination and expansionism. In the Middle East the Palestinian people has continued its heroic struggle for more than half a century against Israeli colonialism. Mauritania believes that the question of Palestine is the core of the struggle in the Middle East and that the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people must be taken into consideration, particularly its right to self-determination, independence and the creation of its own State, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and that it must be encouraged to participate in all talks affecting the fate of the Palestinian people. We believe that Israel must withdraw without preconditions
from all the Arab occupied territories, and particularly from Holy Jerusalem.
Israel did not stop at occupying Palestine. It went further and occupied the Syrian Golan Heights. It has annexed the Heights and attacked the sanctity of Iraqi territory by striking at the nuclear reactor built for peaceful purposes.
Furthermore it committed aggression against Lebanon and occupied part of its territory. That brotherly country, Lebanon, has shown through its heroic struggle that its land and national unity are above any extraneous consideration.
Like all nations that cherish peace and justice, Mauritania condemns the expansionist Zionist plans and stresses the need for Israel's complete withdrawal from the Golan, Lebanon and all other occupied territories.
In the African continent more than a century has elapsed since the holding of the Berlin Conference which produced the plan for the partition of Africa and its occupation. This is a period that has witnessed continuing struggle for freedom in order to end the enslaving of man by man. Most peoples and States of the continent have achieved their freedom and independence, following much suffering. However, the peoples of Azania and Namibia continue to languish under occupation and racial discrimination. The situation this year has reached a most critical point, unprecedented in the history of mankind. The heroic struggle of the African people for freedom, dignity and equality has reached a climax. The racist regime in South Africa, like Israel, practices bloody terrorism against entire peoples. It defies the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council and commits acts of aggression against neighboring countries.
Mauritania strongly condemns the racist regime in Pretoria because it is persisting in its aggressive policies. Mauritania is convinced that, as terrorism escalates and injustice reigns, the day of freedom and equality draws nearer.
The continuing occupation of Namibia has led to much pain for that country, whose people is waging a heroic struggle, under the leadership of the Smith West Africa People's Organization (SWAFO). In accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), Mauritania believes that the international community must work seriously to achieve Namibia's independence this year, when we are commemorating the fortieth anniversary of our international Organization.
The war between Iraq and Iran has resulted in both countries paying an astronomical price in all spheres. It has affected stability and development in the region as a whole. Despite the peaceful efforts of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and other international bodies, peace is not, unfortunately, in sight, although Iraq has many times declared that it is prepared to put an end to the war. We hope that all will respond to this peace endeavor.
We recall to our brothers God's teachings that peace is the only way for mankind.
The war in Afghanistan is now in its sixth year. On behalf of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, I feel impelled to renew the call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from this brother Moslem country. We call for the return of refugees to their homes and to their families, and for the Afghan people to be allowed to determine its own future, as it sees fit, so that the country can enjoy security and stability.
As for Kampuchea, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania believes that the time has come for the withdrawal of foreign forces from the territories of Democratic Kampuchea. Its territorial integrity must be respected and there must be no intervention in its internal affairs. Its people must be given the right to choose its own political system.
We renew our support for the General Assembly resolution on the subject and for the Declaration of the World Conference on Kampuchea, held in 1981.
As for the Korean question, Mauritania trusts in the wisdom of the Korean people and the two States of Korea, North and South, and therefore believes that they can achieve a peaceful settlement through negotiation. My country takes note with satisfaction of the latest contacts between the two parties.
The situation in Central America demands pursuit of the efforts exerted by the Contadora Group. We hope that security and stability will be re-established in this important region in the world.
Turning once more to Africa, we note that the Northwest of this continent continues to suffer from tension because of the continued problem of Western Sahara. For my country, this is a most important issue. Mauritania, which enjoys fraternal relations with both parties to the dispute, hopes that comprehensive peace and stability will return to the region so that our brothers may become
close again, so that the joint development plans of those States, may be given a chance to succeed, and so that we may achieve the unity which has been long hoped for by the peoples of the Greater Maghreb.
The generation preceding ours, by creating the United Nations, put down the cornerstone for a society of peace and co-operation between nations. What we must do is abide by those rules which govern the Organization. We must renew our commitment to its Charter. This is the only guarantee we can offer to give the Organization the authority it needs to solve *he international questions put before it. The time has come to put an end to selfishness inside the international community. It is time to start thinking and studying about how we may achieve happiness and well-being for all nations.
The peoples in the South, in the North, in the East and in the West have common basic interests. They are constantly looking forward to peace, freedom and justice. We must give interdependence its true, positive meaning and its humanitarian dimensions. We must never forget that life is merely a passage to higher things. We must not forget that bodies perish and history only remembers good acts. In the end history has the last word.