Mr. President, it is most fitting that the twenty-ninth session of the. General Assembly is presided over by an illustrious son of Africa. For it is Africa which, in recent months and after dramatic events elsewhere, has been destined to reap the fruits of its labor after a Hong but determined struggle to liberate itself completely from colonial shackles. Today it is Guinea-Bissau; to morrow is soon to come.
197.	We also salute you as a distinguished personality of Algeria and the Arab world, whose ancient civilization and glorious achievements provide a solid basis for the present and future progress of a large and significant segment of the world's population. For this Organization, the active participation of the Arab delegations in its work has a continuing and profound impact on every important issue before it. Your eminent record in the fight for freedom and your progressive ideas will indeed prove to be important assets as you steer the proceedings of the present session to a just and successful conclusion.
198.	My delegation would also like to pay a sincere tribute to Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, who, as President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly as well as of its sixth special session, guided our deliberations through one of the most momentous and challenging periods in the Organization's history. Thanks to his diplomatic skill and legal scholarship, as well as to his infinite patience and wisdom, the past year has been a truly productive one for the United Nations.
199.	We were deeply shocked by the news from Honduras of the terrible havoc and devastation caused by the recent hurricane. Permit me, therefore, to convey the profound sympathy on behalf of the Thai people to the people of Honduras for their tragic losses and human suffering.
200.	We warmly welcome into our midst the delegations of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, following their admission to membership in the United Nations. It is rather significant that the three latest Members of the Organization belong to the three component parts of the third world, which is striving, in co-operation with others, to achieve economic progress and social justice for the international community as a whole. We are Confident that their presence among us and their contributions to the work at this session and in the future will be of immense value to all their colleagues in the United Nations.
201.	I bring with me to this august international gathering the goodwill of the people of my country, Thailand. Goodwill is, in my belief, an essential dis-position of the mind at the time when one is to embark upon an analysis or discussion of problems and conflicts. Without goodwill as the guiding factor, the road to understanding and solution will indeed be a difficult one and will only lead to a rigidity of views and a selfishness of attitude. So it is with an ample store of goodwill that my delegation now approaches the task at hand.
202.	In view of the series of crises in recent years, both economic and monetary, it is not surprising that the States Members of the United Nations, developing and developed alike, will give high priority and attention to economic issues at this twenty-ninth session. My delegation agrees with the view of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, that the economic upheavals and portents of the past three years are not a series of isolated events, but are rather symptoms of a profound malfunctioning of the global economy. The high prices of oil, the spiraling inflation, the inflated costs of manufactured products, the non-availability of fertilizers, the grim prospect of a substantial decrease in food production and the breakdown of the international monetary system are all interrelated events which could result in prolonged economic stagnation on a global scale, a stagnation of extraordinary dimensions.
203.	The historic sixth special session last May, which was convened on the timely initiative of President Houari Boumediene of Algeria, has greatly contributed to the international awareness of economic inequities in the world, and the recognition of the new international economic order and the adoption of the Program of Action has provided a constructive answer to the shortcomings of the present world economic system. My delegation will continue to give its support and co-operation to all practical measures which will ensure the full implementation of the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. It is our sincere hope that the lack of political will on the part of some industrialized countries will yield to the spirit of co-operation between all nations, large and small, that must prevail in order to find an effective means to solve the economic problems which confront all of us. Only in this way can we. build a new society of nations based on an equitable redistribution of wealth and opportunity for all mankind.
204.	In this connexion, my delegation looks forward to the adoption of the draft Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States at this session. The adoption of that Charter, in our view, would constitute an indispensable Step towards the realization, of the new international economic order. It would also facilitate our tasks in restructuring the present economic system on a more equitable basis, thus contributing to the success of the seventh special session on development and international economic co-operation in September of next year.
205.	Although Thailand is not classified as one of the countries most severely affected by the recent economic crisis, we have by no means benefited from it. On the contrary, the effects of the high prices of oil, fertilizers and imported manufactured goods, as well as world-wide inflation have been felt in all sectors of our economy. Being basically an agricultural country, Thailand has to rely mainly on exports of agricultural commodities at equitable prices for its foreign exchange earnings. Nevertheless, even before the recent energy crisis, Thailand's balance of trade, particularly with industrialized countries, has consistently been unfavorable to our side.
206.	Our need for high-cost capital goods and manufactured products, price fluctuations of agricultural exports, as well as unfair and non-commercial com-petition by rich producers for our traditional markets, have all contributed to this unsatisfactory state of affairs. And now the sudden Shortage and the increase in prices of fertilizers by over 100 per cent in 1972 and 1973 has compounded our difficulty, with repercussions in the domestic situation due to the rise in the prices of staples for our own population. Without fertilizers, food production in developing countries at the level of past years will not be ensured, much less will there be an increase in production or a surplus for exports.
207.	In the light of these developments, the responsibility of the world community to double its efforts to forestall the danger of a food crisis and to save the world from the scourge of hunger and starvation has become even more urgent. There aire already millions of people in the Sahel region and in other parts of Africa and Asia who are undergoing the agony of hunger and starvation. The trend is that millions more will be added to the list if the process of desertification continues and if the levels of food and agricultural production cannot be increased.
201). My delegation, therefore, agrees with the view expressed by several other delegations that a global policy is needed to meet man's immediate and- long- term need for food. We are hopeful that such a policy will emerge from the forthcoming World Food Conference to be held in Rome in. November. Being a surplus food producer, Thailand has always given favourable consideration to the needs of neighbouring and other friendly countries and hopes to participate actively and constructively in the Conference.
209.	Nevertheless, my delegation has stressed time and again, here as well as in other forums, that there are significant differences between a rich producer and a needy producer. A needy producer, such as Thailand, is threatened constantly by price fluctuations, scarcity of essential inputs and unfair and non-commercial competition by i.eh producers. In this context, my delegation strongly believes that in striving for a global policy every effort should be made to ensure a fair balance of interests between food- exporting and food-importing countries, bearing in mind the special needs of peoples beset by national calamities and economic crises as well as the precarious position of those developing nations whose populations depend on the production and export of agricultural commodities for their livelihood and well- being.
210.	Another important world conference very closely related to world food problems was recently concluded at Bucharest namely, the World Population Conference. My delegation supports the World Population Plan of Action adopted by the Conference, which has brought into proper focus the inter-relationship between population and socio-economic development in accordance with the spirit of the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. Although my country continues to advocate family planning as a means of curbing population growth, we also subscribe to the idea that every country has every right to formulate its own population policy, and that such policy can-not be wholly effective if it is implemented outside the context of social and economic development.
211.	On the African continent, which has been subjected to the worst kinds of colonialism and exploitation, the white, minority regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia continue to pursue their abhorrent racist policies against the peoples of those lands in violation of human rights and in defiance of the denunciations and the revulsion of the whole world, as expressed in the resolutions of the United Nations. In this connexion, Thailand was one of those delegations which yesterday [2248th meeting] voted for rejection of the credentials of the representative of South Africa as well as for the resolution calling upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa [resolution 3207 (XXIX)].
212.	We address an urgent appeal, therefore, to those nations that still practise apartheid, oppression and colonialism to adhere to the course charted by the United Nations in these matters. Thailand unreservedly expresses its full support for the just struggle of the African peoples striving towards freedom and independence and the preservation of their natural wealth, and calls upon the international Organization to exert all its efforts to assist their legitimate struggle.
213.	With regard to the question of Territories under Portuguese domination, the changes relating to those Territories have signaled the beginning of a new era of hope and expectation for the achievement of the long-fought-for freedom and independence of millions of Africans. The new Government of Portugal has indicated its categorical rejection of the colonialist policy of the previous regime, as well as its full acceptance of the relevant international provisions concerning decolonization. In this connexion, Thailand welcomes the enlightened and co-operative attitude of the present Government of Portugal towards the work of the competent United Nations organs concerned with decolonization. Although the recent developments have been heartening, only through total and unambiguous decolonization can the reign of peace be restored in Mozambique and Angola, the Territories remaining under Portuguese domination.
214.	The victory achieved by the people of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau is a great inspiration to all those engaged in the struggle for the liberation of the continent of Africa, particularly in those parts of Africa, including Namibia, still under colonial control. It gives the people of Africa fresh hope, and a new impetus, that their goal of total liberation of the continent will soon be realized.
215.	Some of the most disturbing developments have occurred in the field of disarmament. The staggering increase in the world's expenditure on arms cannot be satisfactorily explained by spiraling inflation alone. The growing investment of the world's available capital in weapons, unmatched by the level of expenditure on more economically productive ventures, tends to slow down any international effort to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor nations. The continuing nuclear proliferation, which helps to divert world attention from the nuclear Powers already in possession of an over-kill capability, may further weaken their will to carry out their responsibilities in the manner expected cf them by the international community.
216.	It is also noteworthy that the important items relating to disarmament have been added to the Assembly's agenda while consideration of the older items is languishing in the face of serious differences among the major Powers themselves or the indifference of some of them to the interests of smaller nations.
217.	Progress towards the future convening of a world disarmament conference has been hampered by continued lack of unanimity on the part of the nu-clear Powers whose participation is, in our view, essential to its success. The proposal to transform the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace has met with various arguments concerning global strategy in justification of those Powers' military presence in the area. It is perhaps not too much to hope that the interests of the littoral States will also be taken into account and that a policy of restraint leading to a reduction of big-Power rivalry and contention in the Indian Ocean will ultimately prevail, thus translating that worthy idea into concrete action. My delegation remains committed to that effort, as well as to the regional endeavor under the auspices of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], to turn South-East Asia into a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality free from all forms of external interference.
218.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has already acquired the distinction of being the largest international conference ever held in the history of man. Despite the enormous complexities involved, the Caracas session was able to achieve significant progress. Some of the delay in substantive work was unavoidable, due to the unprecedented procedural questions and the necessary allocation of time for the general debate. However, on such items as the international regime and machinery, where the issues were more or less clear-cut, it was unfortunate that no further progress was made owing to the unwarranted attitude of some developed countries, which threatens to undermine the common- heritage principle itself. Since the fundamental principle forms the bedrock of the emerging international law of the sea, and was, in fact, the initial raison d'etre for the Conference, there should be no misunderstanding of the import of this unhappy state of affairs.
219.	On the other hand, my delegation is pleased to note the growing unity of the developing countries on these issues, based on their firm adherence to the common-heritage principle, as well as their recognition of the realities which demand a certain element of flexibility in their approach. My delegation believes that if the developing countries remain steadfast in their determination, as well as flexible whenever the situation requires, they will be able to contribute to the successful outcome of the Conference. Such a development would be most welcome, as it would ensure the early utilization of valuable sea-bed resources for the benefit of all mankind.
220.	Many small nations, including my own, maintain a continuing interest in the progress of detente on the international scene, for we are as hopeful as ever that the process of accommodation and its out-come will be of universal benefit in the avoidance of armed conflicts and the promotion of world peace. Detente, in our perception, should not, however, be restricted to the conduct of global strategies by the major Powers in relation to one another; on the contrary, it should also have the beneficial effect of restraining local conflicts which could eventually lead to a wider conflagration. Moreover, detente is not a cure-all. Remedies must also be applied to the ills which constitute the causes of conflicts.
221.	In the Middle East, where the present lull may be attributed in part to the exercise of self-restraint by the major Powers, no lasting settlement will be possible unless and until the legitimate rights of the Palestinians are met. Therefore my delegation welcomes the inclusion of the question of Palestine as a new and separate item on the Assembly's agenda. In so doing, we have also taken into account the views of the great majority of countries situated close to the area. We urge Israel to withdraw from its occupation of Arab territories, and in the meantime to desist from the usurpation of Arab rights in the occupied territories, as well as from other practices in contravention of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
222.	The tragic situation in Cyprus has also been brought to the attention of the world and is once again an important item of business for the Organization. My delegation earnestly hopes that a just solution will be found which will ensure for all the people of Cyprus the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of their country.
223.	In connexion with the recent developments in the Middle East and Cyprus, the Thai delegation 362
would wish to place on record its sincere appreciation of the indispensable role of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We should like also to pay a tribute to all the members of the United Nations forces on duty in the three areas concerned, as well as tc the memory of those who have lost their lives in the cause of international peace.
224.	I now turn to an area which is geographically closer to Thailand and whose future well-being and stability will have direct repercussions on all the States of South-East Asia. The strife and turmoil which have existed in IndoChina in the past 25 years have brought untold sorrow and suffering to the peoples in the area, yet the prospects for peace and harmony are today really not much greater than they were a year ago.
225.	In South Viet Nam, the Paris Peace Agreement which was so painstakingly and successfully negotiated in 1973 fails to bring about peaceful conditions and the settlement that we all desire. War, on a smaller scale but no less ferocious, continues unhampered by obligations solemnly undertaken in the Paris Agreement. Non-observance of the Agreement is the major stumbling block to its full implementation. My delegation would therefore like to urge the parties concerned to demonstrate a stronger political will to ensure strict observance of both the letter and the spirit of the Paris Agreement. In this connexion, I would like to express our appreciation to the Governments of Iran, Indonesia, Poland at. J Hungary for their continued willingness to serve as members of the International Commission of Control and Supervision. We hope that their services, in accordance with the provisions of the Agreement, will contribute to the restoration of genuine peace in Viet Nam.
226.	Recent developments in the political field in the Kingdom of Laos have been more encouraging. The political will, so lacking in other political conflicts, appears to be the motivating force which has moved the Lao factions to engage in serious talks and reach a compromise agreement on the formation of the Provisional Government of National Union and the National Political Coalition Council in Laos. That Government, under the effective and impartial leader-ship of Prince Souvanna Phoui , to whom we send our best wishes for a speedy recovery, has been functioning for some months now. It is the cherished hope and belief of the Kingdom of Thailand, as a sister nation, that with its present set-up Laos will have a greater chance of success in preserving its independence, neutrality and territorial integrity. My Government extends its support and full co-operation to the Government and people of Laos in their efforts to achieve peace and stability, which cannot fail to have a positive impact on neighboring States.
227.	Unlike the situation in Laos, where a common desire and determination displayed by all Laotian sides enabled the parties to arrive at a peaceful settlement of their problems, the political conflict in the Khmer Republic remains unresolved. The tragic suffering endured by the Khmer people is a source of deep concern not only to Thailand but also to all other States in the region. We in Thailand, who have close historical and cultural ties with the Khmers, have no other wish but to see peace and tranquility return to the country,
228.	Thailand's basic approach towards the question of Cambodian representation has not changed. We continue to maintain that the Khmer people them-selves should be allowed to solve their own political problems peacefully, free from outside intervention in whatever form. Such political settlement should be reached by the indigenous parties concerned, and nothing should be done in the United Nations which may prejudge the decision of the Khmer people and which may prolong the suffering and the loss of lives and property, including cultural treasures, in the Khmer Republic.
229.	Our views are not basest on personal preference for this or that personality. Nt>r do we concern our-selves with political ideology of this or that leadership. On the contrary, the attitude of my Government is governed by historical facts, the actual situation on the ground, and our firm adherence to the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of a State.
230.	It is a historical fact that the leader of the former Government of Cambodia was removed from power not by force but by a vote in the national parliament in accordance with its own constitution. It is also a fact that the present leadership came into power not by the use of force but through constitutional means.
231.	The present situation shows that the present and legitimate leadership in the Khmer Republic has effective control and support of the major portion of its population. The seat of its Government Continues to be in Phnom Penh, the capital of the country. On the other hand, the other leadership, which is said to control some parts of the country, is a Government- in-exile with its headquarters in the capital of another State.
232.	It is the considered view of my Government that the United Nations has neither the authority nor the jurisdiction to exercise self-determination for the Khmer people. The choice is theirs and theirs alone. Any United Nations action which is tantamount to a change of national leadership in the Khmer Republic is sheer interference in the domestic affairs of the Khmer people, and would create such an undesirable precedent that a government-in-exile of any independent State might challenge the legally constituted government within the State itself. Instead, the United Nations would do well to respond to the appeal made by the Government of the Khmer Republic at Phnom Penh on 9 July 1974 by, giving support to all Khmers, whatever side they are on, and assisting them in bringing about the talks, without prior conditions, with a view to achieving a just and lasting peace guaranteeing the independence, neutrality and territorial integrity of the Khmer nation.
233.	Thailand will continue its policy of good-neighborliness and peaceful co-operation with all States in the area, irrespective of their political inclination or economic orientation. The security interests of each State in the nation can only be safeguarded by strict compliance with the five principles of peaceful coexistence. In this respect, Thailand will not be found wanting.
234.	Regional co-operation continues to be an important goal of Thailand's foreign policy. My delegation would like to refer in particular to the efforts of ASEAN to intensify and broaden the scope of co-operation among member countries. It is with a keen awareness of collective responsibility born out of experience that we in ASEAN have adopted and continued the practice of regular consultations as a means of dealing with important matters affecting the peace and stability of our region.
235.	My delegation recalls with satisfaction that the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly witnessed the participation, for the first time, of both the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the discussion of the Korean item. My delegation sincerely believes that the participation of both sides in the work of the Organization produced a positive result and that the consensus which finally emerged with the endorsement of both sides had a beneficial effect on the situation in that part of the world.
236.	From the beginning, Thailand has actively contributed to the United Nations efforts in Korea, which were based on the legitimate right of the Korean people to decide their own destiny, peacefully and free from coercion. Consequently, my delegation whole-heartedly welcomed the joint communique of 4 July 1972 establishing a dialog between the two sides and paving the way for their constructive co-operation and peaceful reunification. Thus, we sup-ported the dissolution of the United Nations Com-mission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea, which during its existence had performed a useful role.

237.	Against this background it is deeply regrettable to note that the appeal for a widening of many- sided exchanges and co-operation between the South and the North, as envisaged in the consensus statement," has not been fully answered. It has become apparent that the North-South dialog has made little substantive progress. Moreover, there have also been other incidents which could exacerbate existing tensions on the Korean peninsula. There is, therefore, an even more urgent need at present for both parties namely, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to try to find accommodation with each other within the framework of last year's consensus, and to continue and carry to a successful conclusion the endeavor, which can only be to their own direct benefit and be conducive to the lessening of tension in that important part of Asia and the world.
238.	With regard to the United Nations Command in Korea, we maintain our conviction that any decision concerning its future should be taken by the appropriate United Nations organ that is, the Security Council in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.
239.	While the past 12 months have brought forth many momentous developments in the life of the United Nations, Thailand itself has also undergone innovative and evolutionary changes in the national life. The events of October last, led by the student movement, resulted in the change of our Government and has enabled the nation to improve upon its constitutional and political institutions. Respect for political and civil liberties is no longer an ideal but has truly become an everyday fact. Democracy, with the full participation of all people under constitutional rule, which will be reflected in the general elections due to be held early next year, is designed to promote economic development and social justice for the equal benefit of all people. This new trend is a source of pride for our Government and people and, we hope, will strengthen national unity and ensure progress for the whole nation. We believe that such a development will contribute to greater understanding and harmony among all States in the region of South-East Asia.


Speaking as I am for the first time from this rostrum and representing a country whose policy is profoundly attached to the noble principles of dialog and tolerance and which resolutely directs its efforts towards universal peace and the harmonious development of peoples, I must of course pay tribute to all those who have given of their best for the birth and survival of the United Nations.
142.	For in spite of the shortcomings of its Charter, which must finally be brought into line with the political facts of the time, and in spite of imperfections in its functioning, our Organization remains the only hope of all peoples seeking to rise above either their particularism or their selfishness. It is the ideal instrument, if only because it sprang from the very ashes of tyranny, to fight enslavement, oppression and exploitation of man by ,man. It is the proper place for perfecting by diversification our means of co-operation and our systems of mutual international assistance which today, more than ever, are the sine qua non of our survival in this century of necessary inter-dependence.
143.	Mr. President, at a time when a new wind is blowing through Africa, a continent which has so long been enslaved and robbed of its personality, the choice of you by our General Assembly , to preside over the proceedings of its twenty-ninth session assumes particular significance and becomes a kind of symbol. I have no need, therefore, to 'refer to the special links between Algeria and Gabon, and I will only express my sincere joy and that of my delegation at seeing you presiding.
144.	It is true, Sir, that your tried and tested capacities and your exceptional qualities as a statesman have largely transcended our merely bilateral context, and it is, you may believe me, all of Africa and, along with Africa, all the friends of your country who join in congratulating you and in being gratified at your election. Here, as elsewhere, you will, I am sure, know the legitimate satisfaction enjoyed by great men at their own success* The dignity, the outstanding intellectual and diplomatic qualities, and the effective contribution of your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Benites of Ecuador, eloquently testify to the fact that the Third World is not lacking in great men.
145.	It could not be otherwise when we have our distinguished Secretary-General as an immediate colleague. We must, indeed, recognize objectively the devotion and effectiveness of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has breathed new life into the Organization and who, among other noteworthy achievements, has found it possible to restore to the United Nations, particularly by means of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and his contacts with the new Lisbon Government, its essential role as the guardian of international peace. My delegation would like to congratulate him publicly and would ask him to convey to all his colleagues our encouragement and sympathy.
146.	Declaring at the very outset that a new wind is blowing through Africa, I had in mind above all the various aspects of the disturbing problem of decolonization. Indeed, after centuries of an absurd policy, we find the Portuguese people and its army rising valiantly to drive out the Fascists and to restore democracy.
147.	Hence my joy and the privilege I find it to greet here, on behalf of the people and Government of Gabon, the delegation of the sister Republic of Guinea- Bissau, and I would request that delegation to transmit to all the sons of its motherland the message of our admiration and friendship.
148.	The purest blood of African youth, including the noble and precious blood of Amilcar Cabral, will thus not have been shed in vain, and the youth of Portugal themselves, innocent, free of interests which were of no benefit to them and of a cause which was a disservice to their country and their prosperity, will no longer see their destiny withering on the vine, precisely where it has a role to play on behalf of human fraternity. An epoch has ended with the fall of the Fascists, who have met the fate reserved for all those of their ilk. Thus, there is a new wind blowing which dictates an objective appreciation of the new face of Portugal and means that we must stretch out our hand to Lisbon, so that as soon as possible and on the model of the Partido African© da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), the Frente de Libertaao de Mozambique (FRELIMO), the Movimiento de Liberacion de las Islas de Santo Tome y Principe, the Movimento Popular de Libertaao de Angola (MPLA) and the Frente Nacional para a Libertasao de Angola (FN LA) will come to exercise an effective administration over their respective territories,
149.	The Portuguese Government must realize that the democratic reforms it is undertaking now in its own country have meaning in Africa only in the context of uncalculating decolonization and real and immediate independence for our peoples. In this regard my delegation notes with satisfaction the statement made from this rostrum on 23 September by the Foreign Minister of Portugal [2239th meeting). Certainly this requires courage, and is even dangerous vis-a-vis the major multinational firms and others who possess naval bases. But the rebirth of the Portuguese nation, the restoration of its dignity and international esteem depend on such courage as indeed does its future in Africa and its true prosperity.
150.	This is also the time to condemn once again, in the face of an outraged international conscience, the odious crime of apartheid, which in South Africa, in Namibia and in Rhodesia has blotted out the personality of millions of human beings, on a scale unprecedented in history, from the land of their ancestors.
151.	This situation constitutes a vast plot against us, but let me not be misunderstood: one cannot keep down for ever a people determined to free itself from tyranny or, even more, from foreign oppression. It is time therefore for those primarily responsible for international peace, some of whom are also the disguised allies of apartheid, to put an end to genocide and the threat of racial war which is constantly hanging over this part of Africa, where already sovereign neighboring countries are constantly subject to provocation.
152.	If I have begun with the problem of the dignity of our people and our continent, it is none the less true that other situations, particularly affecting world peace and the world economy, are of concern to my delegation, and in any case the two subjects are very closely interconnected.
153.	Convinced that there is no real national independence without economic independence, Gabon whole-heartedly endorses the arguments put forward at the sixth special session by President Houari Boumediene [2208th meeting] which led to the conclusion that there is an imperative necessity to reform the international economic system.
154.	Already Gabon has been striving to transcend the narrow framework of its own borders and to form a part of larger entities. This justifies our membership in the Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa, our membership in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and also our relations with the European Common Market and the Group of 77 developing countries -which perhaps should properly be called the Group of 97.
155.	We are therefore ready to broaden our horizons to embrace all States, whatever their national political orientation, provided they understand and accept the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of their trading partners. We consider it indispensable that we belong to the non-aligned group of countries because, in the face of the deplorable economic and financial fabric woven in their absence against the Third World countries to which we belong and which has no other purpose but their perpetual domination by systematic pillaging of their national resources, we must now bring to bear the strength of our cohesiveness and of our right, our permanent and sovereign right, over our natural resources, including our fishing resources in territorial waters, our right to study and to establish ourselves the price of our products, and our right also to deal with trading partners of our own choice, giving priority to trade between countries which are in the process of construction.
156.	We are all aware of the effects of monetary disorder engendered by an outmoded economic system, but Gabon firmly believes that no one can continue to be powerful enough to subordinate perpetually a universal majority and to avoid the eventual application of the historic decisions taken in this very
Hall from 9 April to 2 May this year by the sixth special session of the General Assembly, a session which the President of the Republic of Gabon, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, attended personally.
157.	Reaffirming our total adherence to those decisions and principles as they were clearly enunciated on that occasion, particularly the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] and the Program of Action flowing from it [resolution 3202.(S-VI)], the Republic of Gabon cannot refrain from condemning certain attempts to sow confusion or diversionary tactics which became apparent in the course of this special session, while the fundamental data of our concerns are clear and unequivocal. These are a fair price, for our primary products, reform of the international monetary system, transfer of technology and industrialization of our countries, control over the dangerous activities of multinational companies, our permanent sovereignty over our natural resources and a new concept of the assistance which may be granted to us. Because if to undertake investment in order to earn one's own profit is not aid and cannot be considered as such, any assistance with strings attached which forces any obligation upon the recipient is not aid either.
158.	The countries in the process of construction want to act rapidly to consolidate their economic independence in order to raise their standard of living and relieve the privation of their people. This .requires from their partners, which are industrialized friendly countries, political courage, lucidity of judgment and sound understanding. It is quite useless, otherwise, to broadcast throughout the world pious intentions of solidarity and universal mutual assistance.
159.	My delegation considers that we have no right to talk honestly of our desire for peace before we agree that attempts be made and success achieved in realizing the objectives which I have mentioned and which affect the fate of three quarters of mankind in a new context of international co-operation that will make it possible for everyone to enjoy his fair share.
160.	Indeed, no one can deny that economic blockades without any other justification than provocation, struggles for influence and hegemony that provoke and maintain the wars which devastate the third world and subversion aimed against the sovereign Governments of our States, derive from the ruthless competition, engaged in by certain nations for the sake of economic monopolies, which are irrefutably incompatible with the advent of a new era of international peace.
161.	Concerned both as the primary theater of these upheavals and as an integral part of a society which is in this way collectively threatened, the Third World appeals to the conscience of the great Powers for a change of heart that would lead rapidly to effective and lasting peace.
162.	For its part, Gabon calls whole-heartedly for this peace, thanks to which vast financial resources and inestimable discoveries and technological achievements would be restored to global development programs. That is why we unreservedly support any sincere and realistic initiative that may lead to
the general and complete disarmament of the countries which suspect each other and keep each other under surveillance, while their arsenals of destruction become ever more sophisticated.
163.	The maintenance of peace is the primary role of the United Nations. Gabon would like to see this Organization fully play this role, thanks to the new spirit which should be that of our Charter, which it j is indispensable to revise. The Charter was prepared 29 years ago by 50 States, that is to say, by a minority which cannot make decisions for the 138 delegations represented here today. And the non-aligned countries which constitute the majority of the Organization and eke out their lives at the mercy of the veto of the minority are firmly determined on this matter.
164.	Let peace reign through justice and long live the United Nations.


It is a pleasure for me to speak from this rostrum to welcome the Heads and members of the delegations of States represented in this august Assembly. It is my great hope that our meetings at the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly will be fruitful and produce great results commensurate with our aspirations to create an atmosphere of permanent peace and security in our world for the good and welfare of man.
91.	Permit me on this occasion to compliment my colleague and friend Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the President of the General Assembly for this session, who has often been with us in most international assemblies and conferences. It gives me great pleasure, in the name of my country, to express to you, Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session. We have known you as a freedom fighter, a pioneer liberator and a statesman of the first caliber. As this session will see the liquidation of some of the last vestiges of colonialism; your election to the presidency is an indication of the direction the Assembly will be taking. I am quite confident that all sincere efforts and activities at this session will be crowned with success under your leadership.
92.	I should not fail to express on this occasion my appreciation and gratitude to Mr. Leopoldo Benites, the President of the twenty-eighth session, under whose wise leadership and ceaseless efforts positive results were achieved and benefits were produced for humanity on more than one occasion and more than one place, despite all the obstacles and difficulties that arose at that session.
93.	It gives me great pleasure also, in the name of the State of Bahrain, to congratulate and welcome the delegations of the new Member States of Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada, which are participating with us for the first time in the work of the General Assembly at this session.
94.	At the beginning of my statement, I should like to refer to the Assembly's decision to introduce Arabic as the sixth official language of the United Nations [resolution 3191 (XXVIII)]. That decision is a source of gratification to us.
95.	There can be no doubt that our world today is passing through an era of transition. The speed with which events and interrelations among States are developing has led us to a juncture where we have to choose between confrontation and co-operation and between local conflicts and co-ordination. We have to choose between order and sanity or emotion and violence, which lead to crises and catastrophes. Needless to say, we cannot resort to confrontation and conflict, on the one hand, and ask for mutual co-operation, on the other. We can no longer afford to pursue our self-interest without more world-wide co-operation. The solidarity and co-operation of the family of nations for the good and welfare of man is the only guarantee for the establishment of close and strong relations among nations in our world.
96.	Since the last session of the General Assembly, important and consequential events have occurred that have had grave international repercussions. The most important of these was the war that broke out in the Middle East in October 1973 and that was about to lead to a grave international confrontation which would have undermined world peace and security. As a result of the continuation of Israeli aggression, Israel's refusal to implement the resolutions of the United Nations and its persistence in occupying lands by force, a war broke out that could have involved the whole area but for the wisdom of the United Nations, which, through the resolutions of the Security Council, hastened to put an end to Israeli aggression and to the massacre of innocent people.
97.	I will now speak about the question of Palestine. The initial steps in the search for a just settlement of the cause of the, Palestinian people, who were ousted from their land and forced to live for more than 26 years in camps which, by twentieth-century standards, are unfit for habitation by any human being, are now being, taken. That people is still subjected to the most odious measures of oppression by Israel, measures directed either against those Palestinians who refused to leave their land, or against those who took shelter in camps in neighboring Arab countries. The latter group is daily facing a war of annihilation and destruction waged by Israel, which is arrogating to itself the role of watchman and aiming at the extermination of the original owners of the land, with the intention, in this twentieth century, of establishing a State on the soil, and at the expense, of the people whom it has dispersed.
98.	I should emphasize that, despite the difficulties and obstacles which Israel tried to create, we see for the first time in more than 25 years that we are on the road to peace as a result of the awareness of the Members of our international Organization of the problems facing the world and their determination to solve them.
99.	Security Council resolutions 338 (1973) and 340 (1973), which were passed towards the end of the last October war, came as a natural result of the struggle and efforts of peace-loving nations for the establishment of a durable and just peace in the Middle East to safeguard the lawful rights of the Palestinian people in their homes and on their land. The forces of peace in the world, supported by the commendable efforts of non-aligned and peace- loving States and of the two great Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, succeeded in initiating an atmosphere favorable to a settlement and in maintaining confidence in the United Nations when such confidence was about to be lost in the area as a result of the inhuman Israeli aggression. On the eve of the convocation of the Geneva conference under the, auspices of the United Nations, represented by its Secretary-General, peace-loving nations are more than ever called upon to support and confirm the principles which have been laid down in United Nations resolutions ever since its inception.
IM, The road to peace is arduous. At this stage the United Nations must confirm the principles previously proclaimed in its resolutions with regard to the Middle East. This, in our view, involves confirmation of the following: first, complete and unconditional withdrawal, which should commence immediately, from all Arab lands occupied by Israel during its aggression of June 1967, including the city of Jerusalem; secondly, assurance of the lawful rights of the people of Palestine in their home and land, and compensation for their losses.
101.	I should point out here that what has been called for some time "the Middle East question" is in fact no more than the Palestine question. The attribution of the name "Middle East" to it is simply the result of the Israeli aggression, which extended to more than one State in the area. The heroic acts and sacrifices of the. Palestinian people have paved the way for it to establish its identity and assert its international personality. There can be no doubt that those who have the right to speak for the people of Palestine are their representatives.
102.	I refer here with appreciation and gratitude to the decision taken by the 'Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was held recently in the city of Caracas and which recognized that the Palestine liberation Organization [PLO] represented the people of Palestine. That decision was met with approval and appreciation by all peace- loving nations. That example deserves to be followed in order to reinstate justice and express disapproval of the policy of fait accompli based on suppression and force, contrary to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. As a first step on the way to a durable and just peace in the Middle East, we in this great Assembly should take a similar decision and invite the PLO to attend our meetings: we should listen to the voice of Palestine and the voice of the people of Palestine. If we do not take that step we shall remain far from the core of the problem and far from reaching a just and permanent solution.
103.	Again, the question of Palestine is the case of a people whose land has been invaded and whose rights have been usurped. Surely the people of Palestine should have the same right as other peoples and States in the area to live in peace within recognized boundaries.
104.	The initiative taken by President Boumediene, the teaser of the group of non-aligned States, in calling for the sixth special session of the General Assembly provided a new opportunity to enter into an informative, logical and calm dialog between the developing and the developed countries. That session provided an. early occasion seriously to discuss measures for development, prices, the problems of raw materials and basic materials, and the distribution of wealth in the world in order, to avoid Confrontation between developed and developing countries that is, between consuming and producing countries.
105.	That session established one fact: namely, that the common interest of nations overlap and are interdependent. While-raw materials are used in advanced countries to develop their industries, the developing countries, which produce energy and raw materials, provide a vast market for the consumption of manufactured products.
106.	The following are some of the important principles proclaimed in General Assembly resolution 3201 (S-VI): the sovereign equality of States; the right of self-determination of all peoples; the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territories by force; territorial integrity; the right of every country to adopt the economic and social system it deems appropriate; and sovereignty over natural resources, including the right of nationalization. The resolution states further that the benefits of technological progress are not shared equitably by all members of the international community. The developing countries, which constitute 70 per cent of the world's population, account for only 30 per cent of the world's income. This makes the developed countries, in the course of time, grow richer and the developing countries grow poorer.
107.	It is the great responsibility of the . United Nations to ensure the implementation of the principles of this new economic order which has been adopted by the vast majority of States. We understand the resolution to mean the following: first, financing economic and social development schemes in developing countries; and secondly, increasing investments in developing countries and providing them with expert knowledge and technical aid to improve their living standards and their economy.
108.	I spoke here at the sixth special session [2219th meeting] almost six months ago about the importance of international co-operation within the United Nations for the solution of the problems of nations and States which may be exposed to risks. Our full realization that the individual interests of States are interconnected will confirm the importance of the effective role which our Organization can play in the political, economic or sociological sphere. Events have proved this fact. The move made by some advanced countries early this year with the aim of continuing to take advantage of the underdevelopment of raw-materials producing countries and exploiting the resources of developing countries for the benefit and well-being of their own peoples did not succeed, owing to the growth of awareness and solidarity among the producing countries and their determination to utilize the resources of the land for the good of humanity as a whole, as distinct from the individual selfish interests that prevailed in the past.	•
109.	The developing and producing nations, which constitute the majority of the population of the world, need, more than others, to utilize their resources in order to raise the standards of living and promote the progress of human beings who have been dispossessed for many centuries past as a result of the rule and exploitation of foreign forces.
110.	There are many countries, including my own, which depend essentially on one natural resource, namely oil, as do most countries in the Gulf. Since the early 1950s the natural resources of the third world have been exploited in an odious manner. The prices of raw materials were very low and the cost of manufactured goods was a great deal higher. The only beneficiaries were the industrialized countries. As I said at the sixth special session, the price of a barrel of oil was $US 2.10 in 1952, yet by 1971, nearly 20 years later, the price had come down to only $US 1.80. The exploiting companies started to increase production unreasonably, which brought about inflation in the exporting countries and an excess of currency liquidity.
111.	To lay down a policy for the production of oil by producing countries means to us only one thing, irrespective of what others may say: it means that those countries have started to plan for the future and to lay the foundations for a self-sustained economy to support their development.
112.	We have heard much during this session about the increase hi the price of oil. In fact, such increase has come as a natural result of the increase in the prices of basic materials. It is illogical to consider the prices of foodstuffs and basic raw materials without including the price of oil. When we speak about prices we should refer to the prices of all food and basic materials, including oil, and compare the increase in their prices as a whole. I would like, therefore, to refer again to the view which we expounded during the special session.
113.	In order to stabilize world trade, oil and all other raw materials, as well as commodities and manufactures from the developed world, should be matched by an index reference, so that all items can have their intrinsic value relative to each other maintained. Prices of particular items of trade, such as oil, wheat, coffee, sugar, iron and copper, could then be adjusted by reference to the general level of prices in order to maintain the value of the particular item.
114.	We therefore support the view calling for "the initiation of a constructive dialog, within the United Nations, among countries which produce basic raw materials, for the purpose of laying down a clear policy to avert the danger that mankind may one day face an acute shortage of food and energy.
115.	We should understand that the standards which existed until the early 1970s and which favored the industrialized countries and the monopolistic interests of the world are now changing to give the initiative to the countries which own the sources of energy and raw materials. Without realizing and accepting this fact, it will be difficult for a developed world and a poor and destitute world to coexist. Both worlds are of the same man and on the same planet, which belongs to us all and whose riches we should all equally share.
116.. The United Nations will celebrate on 24 October this year World Development Information Day. Bahrain will participate in the celebration, as it attaches great importance to such an occasion for two reasons: first, because it is a developing country planning for the future through the development of its resources and the building up of its economy, and, secondly, because it is trying to follow up the process of development and to create a prosperous society in the country and for its people.
117.	The development projects, which the State of Bahrain has started to implement are based on the principle of a free economy. This has encouraged many companies and international investors to operate and establish their business in the country. The State of Bahrain has provided many facilities as regards taxes and the establishment of an atmosphere of stability for Such companies. In pursuit of this policy, the State of Bahrain, which is now building its economy and developing its resources, has embarked on a scheme of industrialization as a first step towards achieving both commercial and industrial development and progress.
118.	In addition, the State of Bahrain pays special attention to agricultural projects and the extension of the cultivable areas of land in the country. It has allocated large amounts of money to the installation of a big desalination plan and the increase of electric power. The State, in co-operation with the UNDP and its subregional Office in Bahrain, is proceeding quickly with various development activities in the agricultural, health and educational fields. Bahrain is very keen to develop and strengthen its economy in accordance with its plans to build a strong economy and to establish a proper standard of living for its people.
119.	For us, as a developing country, our celebration of World Development Information Day this year is not a routine celebration. It is a celebration to probe the means to industrial and agricultural development and meet the many challenges that face small countries like ours. It is not the intention of such a celebration to harp on what we have achieved in this respect, but to find out what we have not achieved and what we should achieve to catch up with many countries of the world in this space age.
120.	Our emphasis on the importance of industry and its development and the building of our national economy on a sound basis has led Us, in conjunction with sister Arab States, to open an Arab-European dialog through the Common Market to the benefit of all parties. We look forward to more aid and expert knowledge from the United Nations, the specialized agencies and the advanced countries in this field. Our country is responsive to all efforts for the development of the world and the progress of the human race.
121.	I am pleased to refer in this connexion to the decision taken by our Organization to establish the Economic Commission for Western Asia. It is an important and fruitful step, which reflects, at the same time, an understanding of the fact that some international standards and values are changing in favor of developing countries. The decisions and recommendations passed by the Committee are, in our view, the first step for such countries on a long journey towards catching up with the progress and development long since reached by many countries in the world.
122.	The second session of the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Caracas, was the result of efforts made to regulate the exploitation of the resources of the high seas for the benefit of mankind as a whole and to eliminate the causes of friction between States arising from the exploitation of their natural sea resources. We look forward to a continuation of the efforts to solve the pressing problems in this field.
123.	In the early days of the Conference, a spirit of compromise and understanding prevailed which enabled the Conference to formulate its rules of procedure by consensus within the prescribed time. During the general debate was almost a general consensus with regard to the main principles of some of the topics on the agenda of the Conference. Divergences of views and stands arose only later, when the details were discussed. This should not give rise to pessimism, considering the importance and complexities of the issues discussed and their effects on the economy of all States, particularly that of the developing countries. It is necessary for the success of the negotiations and the arrival at a fruitful and acceptable result at the forthcoming session of the Conference that such divergent views be reconsidered and that an attempt be made to narrow them down. It is not in the interest of anybody that the situation should remain as it is, as that may lead to conflicts and disputes over the resources of the sea and undermine the hopes we all entertain at present for the promotion of international economic co-operation.
124.	The failure of the Conference to reach an agreement and formulate rules for the exploitation of the resources of the seas and oceans, and their utilization for the good of the human race as a while, is regrettable. It is hoped that such a failure will be transitory and that a universal and comprehensive agreement in this respect will be reached in the forthcoming session to be held in Geneva.
125.	At the twenty-eighth session we supported the draft resolution concerning the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace which became resolution 3080 (XXVIII). Such support arises primarily from our desire to protect the region from the devastation of a destructive war and to protect cur people from confrontations which are not in the interests of humanity or of the people of the region. This leads us to view with increasing concern some of the recent steps and developments in the area of the Middle East. I mean, particularly, the race for possession of nuclear weapons by some people in the area, with the assistance of the great nuclear Powers. Such steps are a threat to the peace and security of the area, which has been the victim of traditional wars during the current century and which still suffers them. The stockpiling, production and development of nuclear weapons is, first, a threat to the peace and security of the people of the area, and, second, a threat to world peace and a direct threat to human civilization and the aspirations of people for peace and for building their economy and civilization. Bahrain, therefore, supports the proposal submitted by Iran to declare the Middle East a nuclear-free area [A19693].
126.	We view with great concern the occurrence of bloody events in Cyprus, which has suffered and still suffers from instability and the loss of innocent lives. The Middle East area, at the same time, is affected by what happens now in the island. We believe in the right of nations to self-determination and are concerned mainly to see that the freedom and independence of Cyprus is maintained. The threat of confrontation or \var in Cyprus, in our neighborhood, is a matter which deserves attention and quick action by the United Nations to contain these events. All interested parties should view the matter in a perspective that accords and fits in with the security and peace of the people of the area as a whole.
127.	It is my pleasure in this respect to express my thanks to the Secretary-General for the constructive role he played in this crisis, and compliment him for the valuable efforts he has made in the service of the cause of peace in the world.
128.	In conclusion, it is my hope that this session will succeed in attaining the goal we all seek -a world society in which peace, security and progress will prevail.


On behalf of the Nigerian delegation, I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your election is an appropriate recognition of your personal qualities as a statesman, an international diplomat and a fighter for human dignity. More importantly, your election symbolizes international recognition of the role of Algeria and its respected President, Houari Boumediene, in the struggle for equality, the right to self-determination and human dignity. It is a fortunate coincidence that you should be presiding over this crucial session, which will be faced with taking follow-up action on the decisions of the sixth special session, held as a result of the initiative of the President of your great country.
2.	This session, which was devoted exclusively to the question of raw materials and development, was the culmination of a universal concern for the disastrous prospects of the existing international economic order. At that session resolution 3201 (S-VI) was adopted, which spoke of our united determination to work urgently for the establishment of a new international economic order based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and co-operation among all States.
3.	In that resolution we accepted then that the developing countries, which constitute 70 per cent of the world's population, account for only 30 per cent of the world's income. We declared that in order to safeguard every country's natural resources, each State is entitled to exercise effective control over them and their exploitation and that no State may be subjected to economic, political or any other type of coercion to prevent the free and full exercise of this inalienable right.
4.	The Assembly also pronounced itself on the need to regulate and supervise the activities of transnational corporations by taking measures in the interest of the national economies of the countries where such transnational corporations operate, on the basis of the full sovereignty of those countries; and finally, among other matters, the Assembly declared itself in favor of a just and equitable relationship between the prices of raw materials, primary commodities, and manufactured goods exported by developing countries and the prices of raw materials, primary commodities, manufactured goods, capital goods and imported equipment, with the aim of bringing about sustained improvement in the unsatisfactory terms of trade and the expansion of the world economy.
5.	This resolution was adopted on 1 May 1974 as the basis for the establishment of a new international economic order. But only six months later, some of the countries which participated in the adoption of that resolution want to jettison the historic Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order which it contains.
6.	One primary commodity -crude oil- has been singled out and made the villain of the piece; and the oil-producing countries are being pilloried before the bar of this Assembly as the culprits of international inflation and the wreckers of the national economies of the great wealthy nations. There is even talk of bringing back the gunboat to get oil prices reduced. Is it not sad that the international community continues to use nineteenth-century methods to solve late- twentieth-century international problems?
7.	Of course, the price of oil has increased sevenfold, but even more so have the prices of wheat, automobiles, steel, cement, every type of machinery and every piece of electronic equipment. Stated bluntly, the argument of those who say that if only oil prices were reduced then inflation would be checked means that the highly industrialized countries are not prepared to make any sacrifice in the phenomenally high standard of living of their peoples in order to promote the development of the developing countries and ensure the adequate flow of real resources to those countries.
8.	It is true that the non-oil-producing developing countries are the least able to pay the foreign exchange bill demanded by high oil prices; but that is precisely the reason why there has been so much consultation in recent months between countries of the third world for the purpose of working out mutual assistance agreements and the establishment of special facilities to assist the most hard-hit countries. That is the reason why oil-producing countries, like my own, in spite of their development needs, are responding to international appeals for multilateral assistance to the hardest hit.
9.	In the sixth special session the Assembly recognized the role of transnational corporations in the fashioning of a new international economic order. The Nigerian delegation had hoped that at this session proposals would be brought forward for the reform of the policies and practices of transnational corporations to enable them to conform and assist in promoting the new international economic order. If we take that most abused commodity, crude oil, we know that transnational corporations, which control the oil industry, hold national governments to ransom on oil prices. It is common knowledge that for every dollar which the producer country earns, the international oil companies earn between 7 and 10 dollars. National governments seem incapable of controlling, in the interest of their citizens, the profits made by oil companies operating in their countries. Is this not a problem which requires international co-operation within the United Nations system for its solution?
10.	Next, I must ask how we are going to establish a just and equitable relationship between the prices of raw materials, primary products and manufactured goods if we cannot "set our sights" above the current price of oil. It is my delegation's hope that the Assembly at this session will devote a considerable part of its effort to working out the implementation of the two resolutions adopted at the sixth special session, for, in the words of the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization:
"There can be no doubt that the nature and quality of life for future generations on this planet depends, as never before, on the ability of the community of nations to co-operate and plan effectively for the future in the common interest of all" [Al960llAdd.l, sect. /].
11.	The full impact of the special session at which the Assembly sought to put world economic relation-ships in their proper perspective will take many years to unfold, but I want to assure you even now that the Nigerian Government takes very seriously the solemn resolve of Members of the United Nations to work for the establishment of a new international economic order. The Program of Action adopted at the special session [resolution 3202 (S-VI)] outlined what is to be done in order to bring about that new order. It calls on the international community to replace an outmoded and lopsided structure of international economic relations with one based on full recognition of mutual interdependence and respect for the mutual interests of all parties. To do this, we must possess the political wisdom to recognize the need for change in our mental attitudes so that those who hitherto have been used to having every issue settled on their own terms can become accustomed to recognizing the legitimate aspirations of others. Inflation and supply shortages are real problems which we must deal with co-operatively and in a spirit of realism and mutual understanding, bearing in mind that we are living in a period of change, and that a period of change is sometimes accompanied by inconveniences to which we must learn to adjust. We must tackle these inconveniences through co-operation, not through confrontation.
12.	Nowhere has the period of change manifested itself more clearly than on the continent of Africa, over the past year. About this time last year the people of Guinea-Bissau, through their, authentic representatives, the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC], took their fate in their own hands and declared their independence. We are happy that today the Republic of Guinea-Bissau is a proud Member of the United Nations, thus fulfilling the prophetic message which my head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, sent to the Heads of State of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in 1971, namely, that within three years from that date at least one African Territory must be liberated from colonial bondage. The spirit of? liberation has gathered far more momentum than was anticipated in 1971, and we are happy to note the change in Mozambique, which has resulted in the installation in that country of a government of nationalists, poised to assume full sovereignty in 1975. We pray that the efforts towards conciliation which are now going on in Angola will result in the assumption of full sovereignty by that potentially great country before long. The Government and people of Nigeria congratulate the liberation movements of these countries on their sacrifices and their achievements. I should also like to place on record my Government's appreciation of the courage and wisdom of the masses of the Portuguese people in realizing that their long-lost freedom was inexorably bound up with the freedom of the peoples of southern Africa, who for 50 years had been the victims of political domination by a neo-Fascist clique from Portugal. I should also congratulate the new Portuguese Government for giving firm support to the new Mozambique Government in crushing the futile white minority coup in that country. One hopes that the lesson of the Portuguese Government's action will not be lost on their oldest allies, who continue to equivocate on Rhodesia.
13.	These developments in Portuguese-held territories must give this Organization tremendous satisfaction. The support which the United Nations gave to Africa and the national liberation movements was indispensable for the final liquidation of Portuguese imperialism in Africa. However, vigilance is still required to ensure that the few reactionary elements in both Portugal and Angola and Mozambique are not permitted to reverse or even slow down the process of Portuguese decolonization.
14.	Regrettably, Namibia still remains in the fetters of South Africa's illegal occupation. The well-organized brutalities practiced on the indigenous population of Namibia in the hope of destroying their fight for freedom can be matched only by the Nazi horrors of the first half of this century. For how long will the United Nations watch such horrors helplessly? For how long will the Organization shy away from the firm measures that are needed to assert United Nations authority over Namibia? I do not believe that anyone here is still in doubt as to the unwillingness of the Vorster regime to withdraw gracefully from Namibia. Unless, therefore, this Organization is prepared to acquiesce in the illegal seizure of Namibia by South Africa, prompt and decisive action should be taken now to end South Africa's continuing defiance of the authority of the United Nations over Namibia. As in Namibia so in Zimbabwe; time is running out for the minority white oligarchies. One must pray that the white minorities in both Territories will choose the alternative of co-operation in a multiracial society before the deluge.
15.	Before ending my remarks on decolonization, I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate the two other new Members of the Organization on their accession to membership and to the Charter. I refer, of course, to the People's Republic of Bangladesh and Grenada, both of which share membership of yet another organization with my country. Let me assure them that both in this and in every other forum my country will work in co-operation with -them for the achievement of international understanding and co-operation.
16.	The brief interlude of comparative calm in the Middle East since the cease-fire after the October 1973 battle has created the impression that the Middle East conflict can now be resolved by a meeting in Geneva between the big Powers and the adversaries, and that we, the small countries of the world, need play no role beyond that of cheer-leaders in the power game called the Middle East crisis. If doing nothing more than cheering the players could bring real peace in that area and, by implication, peace of mind to the peoples of the African region, my country would be happy to do just that and no more. Unfortunately, this attitude is based on a fallacy. That is why my delegation welcomes the inclusion in our agenda for this session of the question of Palestine [item 108], and the opportunity of a full debate on what the international community understand by the phrase "Reaffirms the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine" contained in General Assembly resolution 2535 B (XXIV) of 10 December 1969. Furthermore, the General Assembly ought to state what is meant by returning to the Arabs "the lands occupied by Israel as a result of the 6 June 1967 war, as stated in Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
17.	One would have thought that these phrases would mean what they say. However, they have been subject to such varying interpretations that, unless agreement is reached by the parties on what resolution 242 (1967) means, months of meetings in Geneva will not bring the solution of the Middle East crisis any nearer. We should have no illusions about any solution which does not take into account the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Arab people on the one hand and the recognition that Israel is a reality, a nation which can make its own contributions to world peace, on the other. As for the Palestinians, the international community cannot continue indefinitely to acquiesce in their remaining permanent refugees. Four million people rendered homeless as a result of the struggle in their land cannot be allowed to continue to live without purpose and without hope. These are the issues which must be settled in Geneva. These are the issues on which this Assembly must pronounce, as guidance for those who sit round the conference table in Geneva.
18.	Reference to the situation in the Middle East cannot but draw attention to that unhappy island State, Cyprus. Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the parties to the tragic drama in that island, we in Nigeria are convinced that Cyprus must be enabled to continue as one undivided sovereign State, and that the citizens of the sovereign State of Cyprus must learn to live together under one sovereign government. What arrangement the peoples of Cyprus make to ensure the stability and territorial integrity of their country is a matter of their internal affairs. My delegation hopes that the United Nations will lend its authority to ensuring the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
19.	The events of the past 12 months, whether political or economic, indicate more than ever before that at no other time in the history of mankind has the term "village" applied more appropriately to the world. It needs little perception, therefore, to recognize that this "village" world of ours has become too small for endless rampages. Peace in the world is as indivisible as its destiny. We live in challenging times, which equally offer us more opportunities to meet these challenges. Despite its weaknesses, the United Nations is one of man's greatest creations. It offers us a unique forum for sustaining universal peace and progress. Let all its Member States, there-fore, powerful and weak alike, exercise the political self-discipline necessary for them to adapt the Organization and its rules to meet their present-day needs.
20.	I would like to end this statement with a tribute to the Secretary-General, whose courage and sense of mission have averted disaster after disaster in the past 12 months, whether in the Middle East, the Sahelian region, southern Africa or Cyprus.
21.	May I add as a postscript my country' s sympathy for the victims of the disasters in Honduras and Peru.