1.	Mr. President, may I, on behalf of the
delegation of Trinidad and Tobago, congratulate
you on your unanimous election to the office of
President of the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. My delegation is confident that
your considerable experience and skill will
con¬tribute significantly to the successful
outcome of the Assembly's work. You are the proud
representative of a country with which Trinidad
and Tobago enjoys the most cordial relations. I
would also like to pay a tribute to the outgoing
President, Mr. Ismat Kittani of Iraq, for his
very commendable performance over the past year,
as President not only of the thirty-sixth session
but also of the second special session on
disarmament and the emergency special sessions.
2.	Twenty years ago, Trinidad and Tobago, a
small newly independent developing country,
joined the Organization. We, like many others,
were attracted by the system of collective
security enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. It was this which impelled us to seek
entry to the United Nations imme¬diately upon our
achievement of independence. We had neither the
desire nor the means to embark upon any
large-scale expenditure for arms or sophisticated
weapons of war in order to make ourselves
inde¬pendently secure. Even those who have
embarked upon such a course delude themselves
into believing that they can be secure.
3.	Today Trinidad and Tobago views with
consider¬able concern the widening gap between
the purposes and principles of the Charter and
the increasing law¬lessness in the world
community. This lawlessness is characterized by
utter and distressing disregard for human life
and suffering and little respect for the dignity
of man. History will surely indict the United
Nations and its Member States for their chronic
inaction in the face of such lawlessness. The
Security Council has failed to fulfill its
primary responsibility for the maintenance of
peace and security and to act in accordance with
the purposes and principles of the Charter. Loss
of confidence in the United Nations system brings
the world closer to the brink of disaster as
nations seek to impose their will on others by
force and to ignore decisions of the world body
aimed at peacefully resolving international
conflicts.
63
4.	The refusal of Member States to renounce
the use of force as an instrument of national
policy and the refusal to respect the territorial
integrity and inde¬pendence of States and to seek
the peaceful settlement of disputes have given
rise to a growing number of crises which threaten
to engulf us all in a conflagra¬tion of
unprecedented horror and destruction. The
Secretary-General, whose skilful and untiring
efforts in the cause of peace this past year must
not go unrecorded, has warned that this trend
must be reversed before once again we bring upon
ourselves a global catastrophe and find ourselves
without institu¬tions effective enough to prevent
it . But will his warning be heeded? How can it
be, when in the quest for a so-called balance of
power nations continue to increase their nuclear
arsenals? How can it be, when nations resort to
arms and refuse to limit and reduce their weapons
of mass destruction- weapons which threaten
civilization itself?
5.	During the past year a number of old
conflicts have continued to fester and pose
obstacles to peace. Several new conflicts have
arisen which endanger international peace and
security. From the South Atlantic to South-East
Asia, from Western Sahara to the Middle East and
from Africa to Central America, situations of
intense conflict have brought disaster and untold
suffering to millions of people.
6.	A few days ago the world was witness to
the most inhuman event in the Palestinian refugee
camps of west Beirut. The entry into that part of
the city of the Israel Defense Forces for the
alleged purpose of preventing further bloodshed
was the signal for permitting the unleashing of a
reign of primeval terror which has resulted in
the slaughter in cold blood of hundreds of
unarmed civilians—women, children and the
elderly—in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps.
Revulsion at this barbarous act has echoed around
the world. It is testimony to the enormity of the
crime perpetrated by those who connived in its
commission. We would dishonor the memory of the
victims of this massacre and betray the people of
Lebanon, if we did not provide at this time
adequate and effective measures to heal their
wounds, promote their unity and restore their
national sovereignty. At the very least, we
demand the total and unconditional with¬drawal of
Israeli forces from Lebanese territory. The
tragedy of Lebanon is inextricably bound up with
the problem of the Palestinian people. Trinidad
and Tobago reiterates its firm conviction that
there cannot be and there will not be a lasting
peace in the Middle East until the rights of the
Palestinian people are recognized and respected
and until the Palestinian people themselves have
been allowed to exercise their right to
self-determination.
7.	The mounting toll of refugees and
displaced persons fleeing political strife and
economic disorder attest to the increasing
inhumanity pervading our world today. These
conflict situations invariably affect people. It
is the mass of the people who suffer when the
mechanisms contained in the Charter for the
peaceful settlement of disputes fail or are
ignored, as we see with increasing frequency. The
fragile econo¬mies of developing countries and
the development aspirations of whole generations
of people are jeopar¬dized by actual conflict or
by the profligate expenditure involved in
preparing for conflict. International tension and
great-Power rivalry are perhaps the principal
cause of the deflection of the world's resources
from their correct use—the advancement of the
well-being of all mankind.
8.	Nowhere is this inhumanity more sickening
than in South Africa, where the apartheid regime
of South Africa continues to defy international
world opinion in its brutal repression and
oppression of its black majority. The persistent
attempts to establish Bantustans, the detention
and banning of African leaders, and the death of
freedom fighters and trade union leaders while in
detention, serve only to confirm the need for
more stringent action by the United Nations to
compel South Africa to comply with its decisions
not only with respect to conditions in South
Africa itself but also with respect to Namibia,
which it con¬tinues to occupy illegally.
9.	We must once more condemn the obstinacy
of Pretoria in impeding the achievement of
inde¬pendence by Namibia. We must condemn that
regime for its persistent use of Namibian
territory for armed attacks on neighbouring
States. We rebuke that racist regime for its
attempt to set up a puppet Government in Namibia.
Above all, we rebuke it for its ruthless
exploitation of Namibia's natural and human
resources .without any real benefit accruing to
the indigenous population. It is time for the
full implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978), which sets the sole
framework for the independence of Namibia. It is
time to put a stop to the dilatory tactics
employed by Pretoria over the past four years to
deprive the people of Namibia of their peremptory
right to self- determination and independence.
10.	We cannot equivocate in our support for
the Namibian people in their struggle to free
themselves from the oppressive colonial yoke.
Trinidad and Tobago's continuing commitment to
the process of decolonization has been
demonstrated by the leader¬ship role it has taken
in the Special Committee on the Situation with
regard to the Implementation of the Declaration
on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. The Territories still to
be decolonized, many of them small in size and
limited in resources, are of particular concern
to Trinidad and Tobago since several of them form
part of our own Caribbean region. Some of these
Terri¬tories remain in a state of virtual
economic depen¬dency. In these circumstances it
is very difficult for them to exercise freely
their right to self-determination. The colonial
Power therefore has a duty to devote the necessary
resources to preparing these Territories for
independence. There is ample evidence to show
that when the colonial Power wishes to do so it
can.
11.	If the political picture of the world
which I have painted is one beset with problems,
the economic one is no less troubled. I do not
think that there is now any doubt that today we
are experiencing the worst down-turn in the world
economy since the 1930s. What is perhaps even
more chilling is that there is little confidence
in the prospect of global economic recovery in
the short term and even less in the international
monetary and financial system. Unemployment, one
of the scourges of humanity, has reached
unimaginable proportions. We in the developing
world have lived with unemployment for decades.
Levels of unemploy-ment of 18 per cent and 20 per
cent were seen by some economists as normal for
developing countries, while for developed
countries 2.5 to 3 per cent was considered the
norm.
12.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is
deeply concerned about the growing levels of
unem¬ployment in developed as well as developing
coun¬tries. It is concerned not only because of
the human suffering involved but also because the
monetarist prescriptions of certain major
countries and financial institutions for dealing
with the general economic situation are such that
they exacerbate the problem. The high interest
rates associated with monetarist policies have
added considerably to the already over¬grown debt
problem of the developing countries and resulted
in unpredictable flights of capital.
13.	Recent events have reaffirmed, if that
were neces¬sary, just how interdependent the
world has become. In the industrialized countries
large deficits, tight monetary policies and high
levels of inflation have resulted in high and
volatile interest rates and a decline in
industrial output, which in turn have affected
the earnings of developing countries. At the same
time the developing countries have faced a marked
decline in the level of official development
assistance, dete¬riorating terms of trade, and
higher prices for imports, including food, and
renewed protectionist policies on the part of the
developed countries. Constrained by these
conditions, developing countries are unable to
pay for their imports and service their debts.
Indeed, so severe are these constraints that most
developing countries are experiencing negative
rates of growth.
14.	For the Caribbean the past year has been
partic¬ularly difficult. Not only did the
recession continue to decrease the demand for
tourism, the primary source of foreign exchange
for many countries, but the major exports—sugar,
petroleum, bauxite/alumina and bananas—also faced
softening or declining markets. For countries
which have already been experiencing negative
growth rates the net result has been that the
economies of these countries are tottering on the
brink of bankruptcy. In order to achieve growth
rates of 3 to 5 per cent per annum over the next
five years, the countries of the Caribbean
Community will face an external resource gap of
over $US 3 billion. They will need the support of
the multilateral financial institutions if this
gap is to be bridged. We therefore, view with
some concern the decision of the World Bank to
adopt a variable interest rate policy and to
introduce a front-end lending fee which will make
project financing much more difficult and
painful. Without lower and more stable interest
rates, initiatives designed to encourage
investment in the Caribbean will not be
meaningful.
15.	Trinidad and Tobago believes that there
is an urgent need for a significant increase in
the level of World Bank lending. A minimum
increase at the rate of 5 per cent m real terms
is necessary if the Bank is to meet the
requirements of developing countries.
16. With regard to the International Monetary
Fund [IMF], Trinidad and Tobago supports the call
for a substantial increase in and a
redistribution of quotas so as to give developing
countries generally and economic groupings and
regions a greater say in the operation of IMF.
17.	Trinidad and Tobago is disappointed that no
consensus has been reached on the allocation of
special drawing rights during the present basic
period and that as yet, despite the repeated
pleas of the developing countries, a direct link
between special drawing rights and development
finance has not been established.
18.	Trinidad and Tobago has sought, within
its own modest means, to contribute to the
economic progress of the countries in the
Caribbean community by making funds available to
them through the Caribbean Development Bank and
other regional financial insti¬tutions, as well
as through our own programmes for technical
co-operation and assistance. Over the past five
years, Trinidad and Tobago has contributed $.5
billion in balance-of-payments support, loans on
soft terms, and grants and project assistance to
mem¬bers of the Caribbean Community. Even in
these trying times Trinidad and Tobago maintains
its commitment to assist its partners in CARICOM.
We hope that other countries, particularly the
better endowed ones in our hemisphere, will make
good their promises of concrete support for the
countries of the Caribbean. In six months it may
be too late. We hope, however, that when such
assistance is given, it will not have a divisive
effect on the region and encourage alienation
from principles cherished by all Caribbean
peoples.
19.	Trinidad and Tobago sees in the present
situation a clear and accurate demonstration of
the need for systematic transformation and more
balanced global management of the international
economy. We believe that the credibility,
efficacy and relevance of the existing
institutional structure and its theoretical and
philosophical underpinnings have been called into
question. That has rendered the call for the new
international economic order more relevant than
ever.
20.	It is a matter of concern to us that
efforts to launch the global round of
negotiations on international economic
co-operation for development have not met with
great success during the past year. No agreement
has been reached so far between the Group of 77
and the industrialized countries on procedure,
agenda and time-frame for the launching of
negotiations to tackle the problems of the world
economy simultaneously in a coherent and
integrated manner. Instead, developing countries
see, with mounting frustration, their in¬terests
bypassed or ignored in the GATT negotiations and
in deliberations at the World Bank and IMF.
21.	To the developing countries here
assembled, I launch an appeal to move swiftly to
implement the action program for economic
co-operation among developing countries adopted
by the Group of 77 at the High-Level Conference
on Economic Co-operation among Developing
Countries at Caracas in May 1981. Not until our
efforts to change our focus and to reorient our
patterns of economic collaboration bear fruit
shall we see a more positive response from the
developed community.
22.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago has
noted with satisfaction that after 14 years of
protracted dialogue and negotiation, the United
Nations has finally adopted the Convention on the
Law of the Sea. After much hard work,
co-operative effort and give and take, a package
deal was reached on 30 April 1982.
23.	I must place on record the disappointment
of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that one
of the major contributors to that package deal
has chosen to opt out of the painstakingly
negotiated settlement. The decision of that major
contributor to turn its back on a system which
would make for a stable order in ocean space is
to be regretted. It remains our hope that all
States will sign and ratify the Convention to
make it universally acceptable.
24.	Perhaps it is not inappropriate that I
voice the cumulative disappointment of all
peoples at the failure to halt the arms race and
to reduce armaments of mass destruction. The
thousands who have marched in the streets of many
cities of the world in order to draw attention to
the existing situation and to signify their deep
fear of the consequences to themselves and future
generations of the arms race and nuclear
catastrophe have sent a clear message that the
world community cannot afford to ignore. Allow me
once again to voice the concern of peoples
everywhere for the urgent adoption of measures to
alleviate, if not to solve, the current economic
crisis, and to remove the hovering specter of
depression.
25.	In conclusion, I should like to urge the
great powers not to import into the Caribbean
their rivalries, conflicts and tensions. Of our
neighbors in the hemisphere, we ask at all costs
that they settle their disputes by peaceful
means. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago, as
it has done before, stands ready to assist in
finding peaceful and amicable solu¬tions to
disputes which threaten to disturb the peace in
the Caribbean, and to retard the just aspirations
of Caribbean peoples for peace, security and
economic well-being.


The task of congratulating the President on his
election to guide this thirty-seventh session of
the General Assembly and Mr. Perez deCuellar on
his appointment as Secretary- General is for me a
pleasant one. One is never at a loss for words
when praising famous men. With his appointment as
the fifth Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar
joins a procession of illustrious predecessors,
each of whom has left a distinctive imprint on
some page of international history. The first was
Trygve Lie, a direct-speaking, if sometimes
emotional, man, whose objective was, through his
commitment to peace, to give credibility to the
United Nations. The second was Dag Hammarslqold,
a man who worked hard to build on the fundamental
principles of the United Nations, a peace-maker
who saw his position of Secretary-General as
providing him with a mandate for seeking and
restoring peace and who lived and died in that
cause. The third was U Thant, a blunt,
straightforward and outspoken individual, .a man
of proven negotiating ability; the fourth was
Kurt Waldheim, a professional and careful
diplomat. We salute them all. The present
Secretary- General joins this line of succession
in the face of many problems and difficulties,
which he has already identified as conflicts
between national aims and Charter goals... resort
to confrontation, violence and even war in
pursuit of what are perceived as vital interests,
claims or aspirations" . We are confident that
with his characteristic caution, his mature
intelligence and his wealth of diplomatic
experience he too stands ready to inscribe his
name on the roll of honor. I can assure him that
my country, Botswana, will heed his appeal to all
Governments for their conscious recommitment to
the j purposes and principles of the Charter. We
pledge our support for the continued search for
solutions to the different problems facing the
United Nations and the world.
334.	The role of the President of the General
Assembly is no less challenging, onerous or
noble. We are equally confident that Mr. Hollai
will hold aloft the honor of his great country.
335.	We are not so presumptuous as to think we
have the capacity or, indeed, the capability of
commenting on every item on the agenda of the
Assembly. We shall therefore confine our remarks
to a few only.
336.	The scenario of international economic
development co-operation remains bleak. There
has been a further deterioration, especially
since 1981, in the international economic
environment. As we are all aware, the economic
problems of developed countries are being
transmitted to developing countries through a
variety channels, and vice versa. The development
crisis has deepened throughout the world, and the
development process has come to a virtual
standstill in many countries. The dynamism of
international trade, particularly in products of
special importance to developing countries, is
no longer assured as a mechanism for growth. The
shrinkage in the real flow of external resources
and development assistance has considerably
jeopardized the growth prospects and
opportunities in many developing countries. The
spirit of international co-operation has suffered
greatly.
337.	In these circumstances, the current world
economic crisis can no longer be considered as
merely as another phenomenon of poor growth
figures. Nor can it be considered in complete
isolation from the interests of developing
countries. Recent experience has amply
demonstrated that the worsening world economic
conditions are of a structural, not a cyclical,
nature. The establishment of a new international
economic order could have greatly facilitated the
structural adjustment and strengthened the
possibility for economic revival and prosperity
of the world as a whole, including the developed
countries. However, short- tern. Interests
carried the day, and we have missed many
opportunities to facilitate structural
adjustments and give impetus to economic growth.
338.	Commodity issues have emerged as major
trade problems for many developing countries. The
recent slump in commodity prices, together with
the rising tide of protectionism, has led to
reduced export j proceeds, increased external
indebtedness and a j worsened balance of payments
in many developing j countries. My own country,
Botswana, is in no different position. The
instability in commodity trade might have been
minimized, even curbed, had there been a fully
operational integrated program for commodities.
The convening of the sixth session of UNCTAD, in
June 1983 in Belgrade, offers yet another
opportunity to act on these issues, which should
not be missed this time
339.	In spite of the worsening world economic
conditions, the international community has
succeeded in achieving some successes since 1981.
The Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for
Commodities and the Substantial New Programme of
Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed
Countries" adopted at the Paris Conference are
two such achievements.if these are to be
translated into action, there is much the
international community should undertake in order
to avoid talking about the same issues all over
again at UNCTAD.
340.	It is equally necessary to remove the
considerable uncertainties which currently
prevail in the international financial system.
Recent developments have caused concern regarding
the capability of the international financial
system to deal with the effects of the
unfavorable .economic environment.
341.	We must persist in carrying through
global negotiations on international financial
issues which restore balance to the system which
affects us all.
342.	Internal upheavals as well as wars born
of external aggression are a common phenomenon in
different parts of the world. The irony of the
matter is that in many of these situations it is
easy to identify the involvement of those Powers
to which the custodianship of peace and security
has been permanently entrusted by us all. As a
result, the principal organs of the United
Nations can only chum out innocuous resolutions
expressing their grave concern at such
interventions and calling for the withdrawal of
foreign troops, often without naming them. Such
resolutions are quite often frustrated by the
non-compliance of the States concerned. The
United Nations has thus become a place for the
expression of indignation and the trading of
recriminations. We have been guilty of
diminishing its capacity to deal effectively with
issues affecting peace. We ourselves are weakened
thereby, as there is no other instrument to which
we can turn for the solution of international
problems. My delegation therefore supports the
Secretary-General in his call to all Governments
to recommit themselves consciously to the Charter.
343.	Mr. Fayez Sayegh, a Palestinian scholar,
says in his book "The crux of the Palestinian
problem is the fate of a people and its homeland.
It is the piecemeal conquest and continued
seizure of the entire country by military force.
It is the forcible dispossession and displacement
of the bulk of the indigenous population and the
subjugation of the rest".
344.	In its resolution 521 (1982) of 19
September the Security Council unanimously
condemned the massacre of Palestinian civilians
in their refugee camps. The stench of death
continues to hang like early morning mist over
west Beirut and the grief of those brutally
treated people is immeasurable. Nations severally
have condemned this criminal act perpetrated
against an unsuspecting and defenseless people.
Many searching and pertinent questions are being
asked. Was it not enough to have made them the
refugees they were and to have thus condemned
them to live in squalor and misery? Why murder
them? Had they not suffered sufficient
humiliation when their leadership was dispersed
throughout the length and breadth of the Arab
world? Why massacre them? Protestations of
innocence should neither supplant nor be a
substitute for response to the need to establish
the circumstances and the enormity of the crime.
For that reason, my country welcomes the decision
to hold an independent and impartial
investigation. This heinous crime will remain a
dark eventin the life of nations, its
perpetrators and their collaborators eternal
villains. History has not always been benevolent
and charitable to Israel, yet the continued
occupation of Arab lands by military force
provides no justifiable compensation. "The crux
of the Palestinian problem", says Mr. Sayegh, "is
the fate of a people and its homeland".
45. As long as nations in the area deny one
another the right to exist as sovereign and
independent entities within clearly defined and
secure borders, peace in the Middle East will
remain elusive and unattainable.
346.	We implore the United States, from the
vantage point of its special relationship with
Israel, and the League of Arab States to
reconcile their peace proposals and to intensify
their search for a solution acceptable to all
parties.
347.	The situation in Afghanistan continues to
defy solution. Foreign troops have not yet been
withdrawn and the refugee population in Iran and
Pakistan has reached the 3.5 million mark.
Efforts to bring the parties to the negotiating
table have hitherto been of no avail. The
intractable nature of the situation typifies the
impotence of the United Nations in the face of
super-Power Involvement. It is in such
circumstances that the words of the
Secretary-General stand out in sharp relief, to
be quoted and quoted yet again—a recommitment of
Governments to the Charter.
348.	We appeal to the parties involved to
engage in negotiations designed to secure the
withdrawal of foreign forces, the elimination of
external interference in the internal affairs of
Afghanistan and the facilitation of the return of
the refugees.
349.	It is almost four years since the
Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Council
supplanted the Pol Pot regime. Attempts to reach
a political solution by way of negotiations among
the parties concerned have been frustrated by
boycotts. The end to three decades of war in
Indo-China is not in sight and regional
insecurity has become a matter of serious concern
for South-East Asian nations.
350.	The complete withdrawal of all foreign
troops, the cessation of external interference
and the unimpeded exercise by the people of its
right to elect a Government of its choice is what
we desire for Kampuchea. This is our litany.
351.	Korea remains a divided country. The
North- South dialogue, acclaimed by .many nations
as a concrete manifestation of the determination
of the Korean people to reunify their divided
peninsula, has been suspended since 1973.
Proposals by one side are relentlessly spumed by
the other side. Notwithstanding this regrettable
circumstance, Botswana persists in its view that
the reunification of Korea is a matter to be
decided by the Koreans themselves in direct
ipter-Korean negotiations. It remains for the
United Nations to continue to encourage the
resumption of those talks without pre-conditions
or external interference.
352.	Similarly, we support the continuation of
the intercommunal talks in Cyprus. We believe
that their efficacy could be enhanced by the
speedy withdrawal of foreign troops from the
island.
353.	333. The position of my country regarding
the Falklands crisis has already been made dear.
It does no harm to reiterate it here. Botswana
does not accept the use of armed intervention to
enforce territorial claims. Our condemnation of
such action by Argentina was therefore without
prejudice to the merits or otherwise of its
claim. We do not regard the Falklands as an
integral part of Britain, some 8,000 miles away.
Such a concept belongs to the imperialism of
bygone centuries. Our view is that the Falklands
is a colony of Britain. The Falklanders, like all
colonized peoples, have the right to
self-determination without external pressure or
intimidation. We resent and resist the change of
one colonialism for another in Africa. We
maintain the same principle in the United Nations.
354.	A year ago the General Assembly met in an
emergency special session to discuss the question
of Namibia. Volumes of words were spoken on that
occasion, as they have been spoken since the
international challenge to South Africa's
occupation of the Territory of South West Africa
in 1946. The general  Assembly was reminded then
that the United Nations plan for Namibia
remained, after three years, a pious declaration
of intent, because nothing had come of it. Ft
must be admitted that there has now been some
audible shuffling of feet by the contact group
and the South African representatives, but there
has been no appreciable move forward or dramatic
change in the situation; no peace in Namibia. We
submit that the validity of the vaunted
"significant progress" made in the negotiations
relating to the constitutional principles and the
preparedness of South Africa to move
expeditiously to resolve the question of the
composition and deployment of the United Nations
Transition Assistance Group is being somewhat
neutralized and rendered ineffectual b the
unfortunate linkage of the withdrawal of South
African forces from Namibia and the progress of
that Territory to independence with the
withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola, in the
name of regional security. We consider this
requirement strange, especially as it is the
South African and not the Cuban forces which have
been guilty of trans-border violations and have
intensified their war of aggression against the
People's Republic of Angola, even as the Namibian
plan is being negotiated.
355.	Of equal concern to my delegation is a
new plan whereby South Africa seeks to establish
a so-called more effective interim Government,
reported to be structured on ethnic lines, in
Namibia. This plan, coupled with the possible use
of Walvis Bay in a "manner prejudicial to the
independence of Namibia ", in disregard of
Security Council resolution 432 (1978), would not
only delay progress towards an acceptable
solution but might in fact frustrate all the
efforts already made to resolve the problem. A
genuine solution of the Namibian problem can be
reached, and soon, if South Africa desists from
its recurrent invention of extraneous excuses.
After many years of war waged by South Africa:
forces against the people of Namibia, it is not
in their interest that a settlement be further
delayed by being subordinated to or coupled with
the withdrawal of foreign forces from a third
country.
356.	My country, one of the front-line States
bordering on Namibia, continues to call for the
immediate implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978) as the generally accepted
peaceful means of ensuring the attainment of
independence by that United Nations Territory.
Negotiations relating to outstanding issues
relevant to that resolution have been
successfully concluded. The process leading to
the liberation of Namibia should be unhindered.
My country looks forward with the most fervent
hopes to seeing a liberated, free, independent
and sovereign Namibia assume its rightful place
in the Assembly at its thirty-eighth session.
357.	But the accession of Namibia to
independence will not in itself bring peace to
the southern African region as long as apartheid
and racism continue to be the fundamental tenets
of South Africa's philosophy of government. For
300 years the South African white has asked
himself these questions: Who are we? What is our
destiny? What is our divine and appointed role in
Africa? His answers to those questions are basic
to the theory and practice of apartheid. His
answers are formulated in such a manner as to
perpetuate his image as the divine messenger to
Africa, the torch- bearer of Christian truths and
principles. He is in a class apart, the only
citizen of South Africa. Thus, after 300 years,
the black majority of the South African society
remains aliens in their fatherland. The creation
for them of crowded, over-grazed and generally
denuded so-called homelands, the denial of equal
economic opportunities and power sharing, the
downgraded quality of their education, their
restricted and controlled movement—these and the
many other disabilities they are made to suffer
have increased their frustration and anger and
heightened their determination to secure an
equitable deal for themselves by whatever means.
This should be avoided, for if the manner of
accession to independence by Namibia, whenever it
comes, is to provide any lesson at all, it should
be in the realization that resistance to orderly
and timely change can serve only to condemn even
the unborn of all races to future strife and
suffering.
358.	South Africa is fully cognizant of the
ghastliness of such an eventuality and is groping
for a solution. Whilst we welcome the reformist
initiatives of South Africa, we consider the
so-called constitutional dispensation to be
hollow. It is hollow because it denies the black
majority South African citizenship and relegates
them to Bantustans; it is hollow because it
attempts to entice the Indian and Colored South
Africans away from their traditional
identification and solidarity with the other
disadvantaged group, the black South Africans,
without in any way enhancing their political
integration within the South African society. A
system founded on injustice is bound sooner or
later to collapse.
359.	Drawing the Colored South Africans and
South Africans of Indian extraction into the plan
whilst excluding 70 per cent of the population
will only increase the areas of polarization and
their ramifications—whites versus non-whites,
black South Africans versus Colored and Indian
South Africans conservative Colored and Indians
versus their progressive compatriots whom they
will brand as renegades from the cause of genuine
liberation.
360.	Moreover, it should be conceded that the
avowed objective of converting urban South
African Macks into rurai citizens elsewhere is
not oniy retrograde but ill-considered and
impossible of attainment. To succeed, any p!an
or solution for the South African problem must
take cognizance of these basic truths. Neither
the mercenary invasion of Seychelles nor the
sustained aggression against the People's
Republic of Angola and the continued occupation
of parts of its territory by South African troops
neither the support given to the Uniao Nacional
para a Independencia Total de Angola [LW/7/1] in
Angola, the Mozambican National Resistance in
Mozambique or the Lesotho Liberation Army in
Lesotho nor that given to dissidents in Zambia
and Zimbabwe, all instruments of the
destabilization of neighbouring States will
silence the call for change within South Africa.
361.	Our undying refrain is the continuing
call urging South Africa to engage in meaningful
dialogue with the recognized leaders of all the
citizens of that country and to work out a
solution acceptable to all.
362.	The relevant exhortation in the Lusaka
Manifesto on Southern Africa is still as fresh
and as valid today as when it was made some 13
years ago:
"... we are demanding an opportunity for all the
people of these States, working together as equal
individual citizens, to work out for themselves
the institutions and the system of government
under which they will, by general consent, live
together and work together to build a harmonious
society."


On behalf of the Guatemalan delegation, over which I have the honor
to preside, I wish to express to you, Mr. Hollai, congratulations on
your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly. Such a
high distinction is well deserved recognition of your human act
professional qualities and your profound knowledge of the problems
being discussed in the Organization. I am convinced that under your
able leadership our tasks will attain the very best results. Mease
rest assured that you may count on the whole hearted cooperation of
the Guatemalan delegation. I also wish to express my delegation's
recognition of the work accomplished under the direction of Mr.
Kittani as President of the previous session. My delegation greets
with special satisfaction the Secretary General, Mr. Javier Perez de
Cuellar, that illustrious Latin American diplomat, who is
indefatigable in his efforts in search of a more effective role for
the United Nations in its endeavors to attain international peace,
understanding and harmony. As regards the national policy of my
country, I wish to declare that the present Government of the
Republic of Guatemala, which assumed power on 23 March of this year
to put an end to a practically untenable situation stemming from
corruption and lack of respect for the will of the people as
expressed at the polls, received the immediate assent and approval of
the entire Guatemalan people and met with expressions of
international acceptance and satisfaction. The goals of the
Government of Guatemala are basically to bring peace to the country,
which is now in such a serious state of upheaval, especially in some
areas, as a result of actions by subversive groups which have sown
terror among the population and caused incalculable personal and
material damage to inhabitants, forcing them to abandon their places
of origin, disintegrating families, causing suffering, desolation and
death. My Government is trying to bring into active productivity and
the benefits of progress through policies, projects and development
programmes, a great mass of the native population which has lived a
forsaken and marginal existence and thus to eliminate as much as
possible the enormous social differences that now prevail. It is
trying also to reduce the causes of dissatisfaction and frustration
in various sectors of the population, to bring about respect for
universally recognized human rights, and observance and full exercise
thereof, to accelerate the process of integrated and harmonious
development for the entire country, to reactivate the country's
economy and to create everywhere the conditions necessary for the
country, to move towards a political event in which citizens may
freely choose their new authorities and thereby return to
constitutional normalcy. On coming to power the new Government of
Guatemala, which is presided over by General Jose Efrain Rios Montt,
outlined 14 points containing its aspirations and the guidelines to
be followed in order to achieve full wellbeing for the people of
Guatemala. Those points are as follows: first, to make the people
aware that the authorities are there to serve them and not the people
to serve the authorities; second, to bring about the reconciliation
of the entire Guatemalan family for the benefit of peace and national
concord; third, to ensure the security and tranquility of the
individual, through absolute respect for human rights; fourth, to
restore individual and national dignity; fifth, to develop a
nationalistic spirit and to create the foundation for the
participation and integration of the various ethnic groups that make
up our nation; sixth, to bring about the economic recovery of the
nation in keeping with the free enterprise system, through the
controls required by the present state of the nation; seventh, to
restructure the judicial power, with the participation of the Bar
Association, in order to adapt it to present circumstances and ensure
that it Motions in accordance with ethical, moral and juridical
norms; eighth, to eradicate administrative corruption and promote
among civil servants a genuine spirit of public service, which
constitutes the foundation of a national Government; ninth, to
encourage among the various pressure groups which represent national
activity a new development oriented reformist and nationalistic
spirit; tenth, to strengthen national integration, efficiently
utilizing the cooperation of other States and international
organizations, at the same time pointing out certain problems of the
State in its foreign relations; eleventh, to improve the standard of
living of the people in order to reduce existing differences;
twelfth, to restructure the electoral system so that as a true
democratic institution it represents the political participation of
the people and so that their wishes are not frustrated; thirteenth,
to reorganize the public administration so that government programmes
are carried out in a dynamic way and to ensure its efficiency and
control its regular functioning, thereby avoiding administrative
anarchy; fourteenth, to restore a constitutional form of government
for the country within a fixed period of time, so that Guatemalans
will know and demand their rights and know their duties and
obligations within free democratic institutions. To attain those
objectives the Government of the Republic of Guatemala has since
coming to power taken steps to cleanse the public administration,
reduce public expenditure through a policy of austerity, promote
investments, increase exports of traditional and nontraditional
products and to provide immediate help to the villages affected by
subversive violence. At the political level, a Council of State has
been created, with members representing all the sectors of the
country and constituting an advisory body of the Government of the
Republic and a balancing factor within it. It should be emphasized
that this is a body which, for the first time in the history of the
country, comprises the various ethnic elements which make up the
nation, so that they now have a forum in which to put forward their
problems, needs and desires and the aspirations of their respective
communities. In the future they will participate with all the other
sectors of the nation in the decision making process, so that we are
better able to define the destiny of the Republic. The President of
the Republic, in his address at the inauguration of the Council of
State, said: The political concept which at present we define as
Guatemalan reformism or reform will be valid only when the various
objectives materialize and become legal fact. These objectives,
reached over the short, intermediate or long term, will be the
framework upon which the roof of our nationality will rest. Among
other general objectives, since the detailed objectives will be
established by mutual agreement and depending upon the encouragement
provide I by the participation of those sectors concerned in the
development of our nation, we point out the following. First, the
Council of State shall legislate on the privileges and exemptions of
Guatemalans, enhancing and reinforcing in this legal body all that
pertains to human rights. These rights must be examined, publicized,
taught and practiced and their principles should serve as the basis
for all types of legislation. The present Government is committed to
the inclusion in the fundamental laws of Guatemala of everything that
pertains to human rights. Secondly, the Council of State shall
propose the legal procedures through which political development may
be guaranteed with the utmost security and respect for social
stability. To this end, basic agreements must be reached to ensure
the democratization of the country, thus establishing its own system,
efficient and reliable, just and flexible, capable of meeting the
problems inherent in our national identity, and a strong State which
will be representative, consolidated and dynamic. Thirdly, the
Council of State shall, furthermore, draft a provisory law for the
purpose of electing a Constituent Assembly which will broaden
political life by the authentic representation of all Guatemalans, promoting
participation by the people and consolidation of the State by
encouraging the expression of public opinion and organizing large
numbers of people and social groups in order to establish a more
united society which will emphasize our common interests and ensure
the enjoyment of harmony with freedom among its pluralistic
constituents. In view of the frustrations suffered by the
Guatemalans, the repeated and successive contradictions inherited
from previous Governments, the lack of an overall strategy on the
part of the political authorities to deal with subversion; the lack
of solutions to our basic problems; the total lack of any ethical or
moral example set by those leading or claiming to lead the nation;
and in view of the obvious irresponsibility in the management of the
national economy and the widespread corruption, the Guatemalan army
commits itself to lead the country, the President asked me to state
before the Guatemalan people, with firmness and a vocation to serve,
towards a democratization process which will create the conditions
and legal machinery required for the establishment of a Government
that will represent legitimacy and put an end to corruption. The
Guatemalan army firmly rejected the disruptive activities of
individuals or institutions, as well as the corrupting effects of any
demagogy on the part of those who that upon themselves rights which
are only the result of their own frustration, irresponsibility or
ignorance. Corruption in former regimes led Guatemala to a process of
decay, not only politically but also socially, spiritually and
morally, and to the loss of the ethical values that are essential to
people's lives. For this reason, the Government of the Republic has
encouraged a dialogue between the people and the authorities; and it
is hoped that by example, new attitudes and the implementation of a
new philosophy of Government, these intrinsic values of our people
will be gradually restored, so that together with material
development can also be a change in the ethical and spiritual
standards, which will unquestionably enable Guatemala to see its
future more clearly, recover its identity as a nation, and shape its
own destiny. Our national problems are difficult, we shall need
sacrifice, effort, work and good will on the part of all Guatemalans
to see our country through. It is to these noble tasks that we are
presently devoted, tasks that will undoubtedly also require
international understanding and cooperation. The stage which
Guatemala is presently going through is critical because the
structures, resources, values and principles that held good are now
being judged and analyzed so that we can apply them in future and
gain a clear and revised image of our situation. We are in fact a
country where there is a great deal to be done. And so it must be
when a people decides to face the responsibility of building its own
history. From experience we have learned that if we do not take the
making of our own history into our own hands, others will do it for
us in their own way, which implies an ominous fate for a people which
respects itself: intervention. The historic commitment of the present
Government of Guatemala is to consolidate the peace and security of
the nation; to solve the serious economic crisis which is affecting
Guatemala, as indeed it is affecting the entire world, because of an
economic recession which in Central America has become aggravated by
internal causes; to restructure and incorporate large sectors that
are representative of the country and which have been unjustly left
out in the past and have not participated in the democratic decision
making of the nation, but which under a new and safe electoral system
will for the first time freely exercise their right of universal
suffrage, thus ensuring the self determination of the people of
Guatemala and ruling out the electoral fraud which in the past has
been the means of diverting our democracy from its true course; to
return to a state of law and to install a democratic Government
representative of all the people, a process whose gradual development
will be completed by the beginning of 1985. We are convinced that all
sectors of the country will patriotically cooperate in this
enterprise to implement a true democracy involving the representation
and participation of the people of Guatemala. That is our commitment,
and those are the firm steps we shall take towards the future of
Guatemala in the search for a better national and international
destiny. From this rapid glance at the transformation which has taken
place in my country, it can be inferred that its international policy
will also be different from now on. Without underestimating the
sacred concepts of the sovereignty and independence of nations, the
Government I represent is aware of the interdependence of nations in
the economic, political and cultural fields and it recognizes the
need that our problems a id our differences be resolved in the
concert of nations, in open discussion, in the best way, on the basis
of respect and trust. In addition to the circumstances just
described, we have also had to deal with a national disaster in the
southern part of the country, brought about by an atmospheric
depression, causing loss of human life, crops and property. All this
has brought a shadow of mourning over Guatemala. I wish to take this
opportunity publicly to express, on behalf of the Government of
Guatemala, our appreciation for the prompt and effective help we have
received from friendly Governments and international organizations.
As regards the foreign policy of my country, the Government of
Guatemala has since the day it assumed power on 23 March this year,
seen the necessity of revitalizing our democratic institutions and
restoring the fundamental values of the people and the dignity of the
nation, and it has declared its intention of abiding by and complying
with the international commitments acquired by Guatemala and
maintaining full respect for the legal rules governing relations
between States, as well as cooperating closely with the organizations
that concern themselves at the international level with human rights
and guard and protect their exercise. The Government of Guatemala
intends to strengthen its bonds of friendly relations and cooperation
with all countries with which such relations already exist and to
extend them to all countries which love peace and democracy and which
desire such relations, in order to achieve the principles of progress
within the international community. Guatemala also wishes to confirm
its trust in international organizations and its decision to comply
with commitments undertaken in terms of the principles and the
Charter of the United Nations and those of the charter of the
Organization of American States and to reaffirm my Government's
support for the United Nations as the principal instrument for
maintaining peace and strengthening international security. As
regards our Central American policy, Guatemala pursues a policy of
fraternity with the countries of the region, as we have the same
origin, we acceded to independent life at the same time, we make up a
geographic unit, we share the same history, we speak the same
language, we have the same traditions and customs and we face similar
problems. Maintaining utmost respect for the principle of
nonintervention in the internal affairs of other countries, Guatemala
seeks a rapprochement with the sister nations of Central America. The
terms of this rapprochement can best be summarized as respect for the
highest values of humanity, namely peace, justice and freedom, and
the building of economic, legal and political mechanisms for the
development of the Isthmus, to promote cooperation among our nations,
to strengthen the bonds among our peoples and to engage in a joint
search for a more promising future for the area, which of late has
seen 50 many upheavals. At the Latin American level, Guatemalan
policy is aimed at reaffirming its faith in the inter  American
system, the objectives of which are outlined.in the charter of the
OAS; our international policy at the regional level is one of interrelation,
solidarity and cooperation with the countries of the region. We
believe that Latin America must play its proper role, within the
world community, for it is a continent that has struggled for the
principles of freedom, social justice and dignity and a region that
has a geo political influence of undeniable importance within the
world community. Guatemala has faith in the historic destiny of our
America and believes that by strengthening relations in the
hemisphere within the framework of the QAS, Latin America will be in
a position to promote gradual, independent and sovereign development
for its peoples and to secure for them the conditions necessary to
derive maximum benefit from their natural resources and to utilize
the advances of science and technology. As far as world policy is
concerned, Guatemala supports those democracies which respect the
dignity of the human being. In the economic field, Guatemala, as a
developing nation, shares the just aspirations of the third  world
countries and, as a member of the Group of 77, we share the concern
of poor nations with regard to the obvious international injustice
evident at many levels but fundamentally in the areas of
international trade and economics. As regards human rights, the
Fundamental Statute of Government, which constitutes the highest
legal instrument regulating the actions of the Government of the
Republic of Guatemala, provides that respect for human rights is one
of the basic principles of its internal organization and of its
international relations. The same Fundamental Statute of Government
defines human rights and elaborates on them in its articles, covering
basic human rights, civil and political human rights and social,
economic and cultural human rights. The Government of the Republic
respects those rights within the country and internationally it is
cooperating with the organizations created to ensure their
observance. In line with this policy, the Government of the Republic
extended a cordial invitation to the whole Inter American Commission
on Human Rights to visit Guatemala to ascertain that those rights
were being observed, within the context of the national situation.
This invitation was accepted with pleasure and the visit took place
during the week of 20 to 26 September this year. The Inter American
Commission on Human Rights publicly recognized that its members
enjoyed full cooperation and broad freedom during their stay in
Guatemala while carrying out an in depth investigation of human
rights in my country. They met with officials from the Government,
institutions, associations, representative groups and political
parties, as well as with individuals and legal entities who wished to
file complaints. They travelled to the interior of the country,
visiting the villages of their choice, to interview the inhabitants
and exchange impressions with them and to view on the spot their
problems and their living conditions from a human rights standpoint.
The report of the Inter American Commission on Human Rights, once the
procedural requirements laid down in its rules and regulations have
been met, will be made public by the Commission and may be read by
the entire international community. At the end of their visit the
members of the Commission made recommendations to the Government of
Guatemala, which are at present under consideration for appropriate
implementation. Within the jurisdiction of the United Nations, the
Commission on Human Rights decided to appoint a special rapporteur to
investigate the human rights situation in Guatemala. The Government
asked the Secretary General to propose the name of a candidate for
that post. The person proposed has already been appointed and has
been accepted by my Government, and he will be given full cooperation
and freedom for the fulfilment of his mission. There have also been
interviews and conversations with the Working Group to examine
questions relevant to involuntary or enforced disappearances of
persons, established by the Commission on Human Rights, and the
information requested concerning cases under consideration by it has
been submitted. It has been offered our full cooperation for the
fulfilment of its mandate. This attitude by the Government of
Guatemala reflects its sincere mention to improve the human rights
situation in the country and to request the assistance of the
relevant international organizations in order to make human rights in
Guatemala more effective every day. I turn now to the problem of the
Malvinas Islands. Following the decision of the Republic of Argentina
to reincorporate the Malvinas Islands within its sovereignty,
Guatemala confirmed its position in support of that sister nation's
legitimate rights over those islands and endorsed its determination
to claim sovereignty over them. My country, in public declarations
and in statements both in the Security Council and at the twentieth
consultative meeting of Foreign Ministers convened by the OAS in
accordance with the Inter American Reciprocal Assistance Treaty,
expressed its views in connection with the Malvinas Islands,
reaffirming its solidarity with the Republic of Argentina and
recognizing the latter's full rights to territorial integrity. In the
Security Council itself Guatemala stated: It is inconceivable that
the colonialist system, which is fortunately in its death throes
throughout the world, including our continent, should have sprung to
life, allowing a colonialist empire to impose its interests upon our
America to the detriment of a Latin American country, whose right to
sovereignty over the full extent of its territory has been
internationally recognized. We believe that this matter should be
dealt with through negotiations so that the vast majority of the
States that make up this international community may maintain their
faith and belief that international justice lives and prevails, even
when what is at stake are the interests of great Powers which seek to
impose their will by means of their military might. If this does not
come about, Latin America will consider this action against Argentina
as a serious threat to all of Latin America too and very disturbing
for the rest of the world, which might suffer similar treatment if an
attempt were made to subject them to similar circumstances. We have
witnessed the anguish of a Latin American republic being attacked by
an extra continental Power in violation of international law, and we
have also been grieved at the fact that Argentina did not receive the
response of solidarity which it should have in this case and provided
for in treaties which up to now have been in full force and fully
complied with. As the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Guatemala,
I had the honor to sign together with the Foreign Ministers of other
Latin American countries, a request for the inclusion of an item on
the Malvinas Islands in the agenda of the present session of the
General Assembly, to be discussed in plenary meeting. None the less,
I now urge the countries involved in the controversy to resume as
soon as possible the required negotiations under the auspices of the
United Nations for the purpose of resolving that dispute. The
peaceful settlement of disputes is and must continue to be, within
the United Nations, perhaps the most powerful instrument for
achieving peace and security. The General Assembly has not discussed
the question of Korea in the pa x years. Guatemala feels that it
should be for the Koreans themselves to find a peaceful solution to
the problem of Korea and that the Organization can help to create a
favorable climate in which to resume inter Korean talks rather than
engage in an unproductive debate on the question. Nevertheless, in
view of the tense and unstable situation prevailing at present in the
Korean peninsula, my country is of the opinion that resumption of the
dialogue between North and South Korea is urgent, so that, through
direct negotiations and without outside pressure or interference,
they may find a solution to their differences. To that end, it is
essential that North Korea make the political decision to return to
the conference table as soon as possible. Guatemala believes that,
irrespective of the main objective that total reunification of the
Korean peninsula be achieved, both South Korea and North Korea, as a
means of relieving the existing tension and creating conditions
favorable to the stability of the area, could be admitted as Members
of the United Nations, pursuant to the principle of universality
provided for in the Charter. In regard to disarmament, with which the
United Nations has concerned itself since its creation my delegation
would like to quote the statement by the President of Guatemala sent
as a contribution by my country to the twelfth special session of the
General Assembly, the second special session devoted to disarmament:
Guatemala, whose people and Government are deeply committed to peace,
deems it appropriate to express its ideas to this forum convened to
discuss all aspects of disarmament. Guatemala considers that the arms
reduction campaign is vital for the peace of the world, the
development of States and the prosperity of peoples. It is necessary
to express openly the dangers inherent in the continuation of the
arms race and to dispel the hope that peace and security can coexist
with the accumulation of vast quantities of means of destruction.
General and complete prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons is of
paramount importance, since it helps to reduce the risk of nuclear
war which would mean a holocaust for mankind. My country believes
that both atomic and nuclear energy should be used only for peaceful
purposes and for the benefit of the human race. Guatemala considers
that a lasting peace can: be secured only through general and
complete disarmament under effective and strict international control
and not through a balance of armaments between the great Powers.
Disarmament is one of the objectives proclaimed by the United Nations
for over three decades, but despite the numerous initiatives adopted,
by the Organization, the world is witnessing a frenzied arms race.
Although the great Powers should be primarily responsible for
disarmament, Guatemala believes that it would also be desirable to
ban sophisticated weapons in Latin America as a way of contributing
to universal disarmament and of increasing the resources allocated to
economic and social development. The Treaty of Tlatelolco, to which
Guatemala is a party, is a very useful instrument for preventing
Latin America from being converted into a depository of nuclear arms
or a test site for atomic weapons. I feel it is appropriate to
underscore the great importance of the highly industrialized
countries understanding that if, instead of devoting large sums of
money to the production of weapons of mass destruction, they were to
channel those resources to poor countries to help them in their
efforts to achieve integral and harmonious development, the major
scourges of hunger, unemployment, malnutrition, illiteracy and
precarious living conditions which prevail in the third world would
be considerably reduced. Peace and social justice, which are the
greatest aspirations of mankind, can be achieved with the active
participation of all nations with a view to establishing a new
international order and creating for present and future generations a
more human and balanced world based on, solid foundations of equality
and dignity. Guatemala believes that all the problems of disarmament
should not continue to be viewed in the traditional way, but that it
is necessary to extend the field of knowledge as to the attitude of
certain Powers and countries which unconditionally serve their
hegemonistic interests by providing subversive movements with arms,
munitions, military training, logistical support, money and
international patronage. If a global analysis of matters related to
disarmament is not carried out,, various initiatives to reduce
military expenditures and calls to Powers to halt their arms race
deal with only one aspect of the problem but overlook the other
aspect, which is the supplying of arms to subversive factions so that
they may continue to use terrorism and armed struggle as means to win
power, at the resulting cost of human lives and suffering and
hardship for the civilian population, as well as the unavoidable use
of resources to fight subversion, which could otherwise be used for
works of public benefit and major social interest. Guatemala notes
with satisfaction that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law
of the Sea, after holding several sessions, has succeeded in
producing the text of a Convention on the Law of the Sea. My country,
like others, sincerely regrets that a text which has the subject of
protracted negotiation has not been adopted by consensus because some
States have reservations concerning some of the provisions of the
instrument, basically those concerning the exploitation of sea
resources beyond national jurisdiction. Guatemala urges those nations
to show their goodwill by making concessions in their political
attitudes, so that the Convention on the Law of the Sea may be
strengthened through its implementation by all the States Members of
the Organization. Guatemala voted in favor of the Convention and will
sign it when it is open for signature by States. As regards Belize,
Guatemala reiterates and maintains in this Assembly its reservations
regarding the unilateral granting of independence to Belize by the
United Kingdom, ignoring Guatemala's legitimate rights to that
Territory, which was the subject of dispute under an international
legal controversy, in accordance with the peaceful procedures of the
Charter of the United Nations. That dispute remains unresolved
because of that unilateral and illegal act by the United Kingdom
which has created a permanent situation of insecurity in the area. We
feel it indispensable to resolve this controversy through
negotiations and by means of a peaceful solution that is equitable to
all parties, including basically the rights of Guatemala, which are
founded on solid historical, geographical, legal, political and moral
arguments. 170. Guatemala, confronted by this unacceptable action,
considers that the way in which independence was granted to Belize
was in violation of international norms; therefore, it does not
recognize that independence, it does not recognize Belize as a State,
nor does it recognize its sovereignty or its borders, or its
membership in the community of nations. That will continue as long as
a fair, equitable solution preserving Guatemala's legitimate rights
over the Territory and the interests of the population of Belize is
not found. 17l. Guatemala has asked the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland not to disregard its historical
responsibility in this matter and to continue direct negotiations so
that a peaceful and at the same time equitable and honorable solution
may be found for this age old controversy. The noble purposes of the
United Nations will not truly be achieved the large majority of
mankind ceases to suffer from poverty, hunger, ignorance, illiteracy,
unemployment, malnutrition, precarious living conditions, lack of
housing and many other hardships. If all human beings have a right to
happiness, material progress and intellectual, moral and spiritual
advancement, the main tasks of the United Nations must be to
strengthen international cooperation and to create the conditions
necessary to exercise those fundamental rights. My delegation
believes it essential to initiate global negotiations on cooperation
for development in the economic field, since everybody is aware that
it has not been possible to reduce the gap between developed
countries and developing nations. On the contrary, the economic and
monetary crisis has of late merely worsened those adverse effects on
the sensitive economies of developing nations. No effective solution
has been found for the problems of commodities, international debts,
balance of payments, protection of the purchasing power of developing
countries, trade and transactions, transfer of technology, increase
of actual available ,resources, and access to capital markets.
Although Guatemala believes that the United Nations is the most
appropriate forum for resolving questions affecting the future of all
the countries of the world, we admit that the Organization has not
always acted with the promptness and effectiveness needed to solve
the crises threatening world peace. This situation occurs because it
is difficult to strike an accurate and practical balance between
human rights, the interests of States and the principles and purposes
of the Charter. We have thus noted that the Security Council and the
General Assembly have not always made the same assessment of
situations that threatened international peace and security. The
Security Council itself has to some extent distorted its role by
using procedures of informal consultations among its members, instead
of concerning itself, as it ought to, with handling matters falling
directly within its jurisdiction and finding adequate solutions for
them. My country saw a good example of that when we submitted to that
body our petition opposing the admission of Belize to the United
Nations. The Security Council, in open violation of the principles of
the Charter, refused to be seized of the matter. It did so without
any reason, forgetting that there had been an open controversy to be
resolved within the principles of the Charter. It is necessary to
establish a solid basis of equity and justice for the development of
international relations. My delegation believes that we must return
to the sources that gave birth to this Organization. The light which
then shone at San Francisco, when the Organization was created,
should become a beacon for present and future generations; one which
will light our way and enable us to build a better and more balanced
world, one founded on the pillars of fraternity and solidarity, where
peace, social justice, freedom and dignity to which all human beings
without exception are entitled will prevail.