It is customary at this time of the year for this glass and steel palace in Manhattan to play host to the meetings of special envoys who come from the four corners of the world and to offer the opportunity to international public opinion to hear speeches setting forth the positions of Governments on the economic and political problems of mankind.
92.	As special envoy of General Mobutu Sese Seko, I come to this rostrum of the United Nations and before this unique forum to present the views and considerations of the Popular Movement of the Revolution, our great national political party, and the National Executive Council of the Republic of Zaire.
93.	A certain tradition has been established in this hall placing political problems before economic problems, and especially development problems. In the Republic of Zaire, where a great revolution is occurring, we place the problems of development, and especially of our economic revolution, in the forefront.
94.	Whatever the degree of political maturity of a people, its effective independence can be expressed only by the control of its economy.
95.	For us, nations of the third world, the Bandung Conference  hurled a challenge to the colonial system. Thus, from the Bandung Conference to the Georgetown Conference,  our various States have all fallen prey and will continue to fall prey to all kinds of disturbances as long as they are not masters of their own economies. To remedy this situation, the international community took the initiative in 1964 in Geneva of starting round-table negotiations to denounce the plundering of our wealth.
96.	Despite an abundant amount of literature disseminated all over the world on the danger represented by the gap between the so-called developing countries and the so-called developed countries and despite negotiations within specialized bodies, no solution seems likely to be achieved to fill this gap. Can one talk of international peace when over two thirds of mankind languish in poverty? There is not the slightest doubt that the road to lasting peace in a community is through the solution of economic problems.
97.	The gap which separates the economies of the developed countries in the Republic of Zaire we call them "the equipped countries" from those of under-equipped, or underdeveloped, countries comes from the bad structure of the international economy. The result is that on the one hand some cannot enjoy the advantages of the present international division of labor and on the other hand international assistance gives rise to problems which do not seem to be finding proper solutions in the present state of affairs.
98.	To prevent delays in this fight against under-equipment as in the solution of important problems of structure in the international economic system of today, the Republic of Zaire has decided to count above all on its resources and secondly on all-round co-operation with all other peoples, taking into account its own interests. Zaire is convinced that the reform of the structures of the international economy can be achieved, not around a conference table, but rather through events resulting from the internal dynamics of these structures. Aware of this situation, my country has embarked upon a policy of reform of its economic structures. Through these reforms the Zaire economy will first have to be oriented towards the internal market, and then it will have to be able to make possible economic integration, and the agreements which the Republic of Zaire has just concluded with some African countries prove our political will to achieve regional economic integration.
99.	Here I should like to point out that, instead of merely abandoning its project for the construction of the Inga hydro-electric dam, which had not aroused any interest on the part of equipped countries and the international bodies approached for financing it, the Republic of Zaire decided to build it with its own resources, come what may. It was only when this work was quite advanced that some foreign interests did come forward to co-operate with us. In a few weeks we shall inaugurate one of the greatest hydro-electric dams in the world, whose construction was made possible solely due to our own will.
100.	I must also point out the important economic agreements concluded by two African countries whose independence in the matter of political and economic decisions is clear for all to see. I have in mind the Republic of Zaire and the Republic of Guinea. These agreements were reached in Conakry between President Ahmed Sekou Toure and General Mobutu Sese Seko during the fraternal and unforgettable visit which our national leader paid to the African land of Guinea. This proves that the economic integration of the under-equipped countries is predicated, above all, on their own will.
101.	The Republic of Zaire, unfortunately, knows that, if it is rare for industrialized countries to agree even after marathon negotiations, it is just as rare for under-equipped countries to achieve a harmonization of their views on matters of common, albeit vital, interest and here we can only blame ourselves.
102.	We must have the courage to recognize that political will alone is not sufficient for achieving this integration. Under-equipped countries further require the technological and financial co-operation of the equipped countries, although this co-operation must take into account the imperatives and objectives freely chosen by the under- equipped countries.
103.	The reform of the economic structures of under- equipped countries and the harmonization of their economic policies are necessary conditions for achieving their economic integration.
104.	The most remarkable event of recent times is the international monetary crisis, whose effects continue to be felt in economic relations among States. You will agree with me that the international monetary crisis is but the reflection of a deficiency of the structures of the international monetary system; and, in the view of the Zaire delegation, this system must be revised so as to take into account economic realities which have been radically altered since the end of the last World War. One cannot, without contradicting history, rely upon the economic prosperity of a few States to build up a system of payments which would encompass all nations. The international monetary system must not any longer be directly tied to the monetary systems of a few States, no matter what their economic power. Therefore we are aware of the fact that the management of the international monetary system, a renovated system, must be entrusted to the will of the international community. For this the International Monetary Fund will have to be profoundly altered in its structure and its statutes, so that sooner or later the management of that body will be organized so as to enable it to play the role of a central bank on the national level.
105.	The international division of labor as revised, the reformed international monetary system and the international economy will be able to make a new st-art on a solid, sound and just basis. As long as there is no reform of the structures of the whole international economic system, we are convinced, fluctuations will continue to affect inter-State relations, and the efforts of States and international organizations to remedy this state of affairs will always fall short of the mark.
106.	No matter what influence the international situation may have on the results of the third session of UNCTAD in Santiago, Chile, especially on trade, the under-equipped countries may quite justly speak of their disappointment in view of the few concessions made b^ equipped countries in fields where they have a monopoly. Since the hopes of the under-equipped countries to improve their trade balance have again been dashed, we wonder to what extent we can still rely on the goodwill of the equipped countries to solve the problems arising from time to time in the international economy.
107.	We must admit that one of the most important matters taken up in UNCTAD was the important problem of the stabilization of primary commodity prices. How is it possible to conceive that raw materials, upon which the economy of almost all, if not all, under-equipped countries depend, should be the object of speculation on the part of a few businessmen in some well-known markets? To say that the speculation affects only tiny or even non-existent amounts confirms the justifiable disappointment of the under-equipped countries. In other words, in the world everything happens as if some countries had only one right, that of producing, and others had the right to buy at the price which they themselves determine or, even worse, at a price determined by a few speculators. Worst of all is the fact that these raw materials bought at prices which are eternally fluctuating serve to manufacture finished goods which are then resold to countries producing raw materials, that is to say, the under-equipped countries, at excessively high prices.
108. In view of this fact, the Republic of Zaire has solemnly expressed its determination not to be any longer a reservoir of raw materials which can be drawn on at will. Even in the field of international assistance, which in principle is supposed to make up the shortcomings of international trade, the hopes of the under-equipped countries have again been dashed. Indeed, to attain the objectives of the Second Development Decade, the United Nations had decided that this year at the latest the equipped countries would make available to the under-equipped countries 1 per cent of their gross national product, of which 0.7 per cent would be represented by public assistance. This decision has practically remained a dead letter, and to the very small extent that it has been put into effect it has been on conditions which are in any case unacceptable to Zaire.
109. With regard to the conditions in which international assistance is granted to under-equipped countries, it has constantly been repeated from this rostrum that the equipped countries which do the lending must take into account the economic difficulties of the under-equipped countries in the matter of the reimbursement of the loans. The growing burden of foreign debt of the under-equipped countries and the constant desire of equipped countries to profit from their assistance face the former with a very difficult choice which certainly does not foster the development of the international economy.
110. Thus, President Mobutu Sese Seko, speaking before the First Congress of the Popular Movement of the Revolution, offered the following thoughts to the world:
"In our under-equipped countries, we welcome technical assistants who are paid totally or partially by the donor countries but whose salaries are either spent or saved in rich countries and even promote a black market in our currencies.
"The granting of fellowships to our young people who take courses in industrialized countries is worth while to the extent that the student comes back with more solid knowledge. But the expenses connected with this form of assistance are incurred in the donor country and redound to its benefit. Moreover, most of the time our students come back to us having completely lost their sense of identity.
"The word 'assistance' is also used when, in order to enable us to buy manufactured goods, we are granted purchasing credits. But who gains by that? Obviously the exporting firms and the banks which make possible the financing-but never the consumer country, because its foreign debt is only increased by this."
111.	Therefore, these examples compel the Republic of Zaire to draw some bitter conclusions, and this has led us to radicalize our economic revolution.
112.	Of course, we know that, after all, this is a human problem. How can one expect qf a rich man that he will help you so that you may attain his status? That is an aberration.
113.	We have said in Zaire that we shall be the architects of our own development. We shall reach our economic objectives in accordance with our own will and our own resources and relying solely upon our own efforts. Foreign assistance will be used as a stopgap only when absolutely necessary, but we shall do everything in our power to see to it that in this process of economic revolution we shall be able to do without this stopgap.
114.	These are the political and economic realities of the world. In Zaire, under the dynamic leadership of Mobutu Sese Seko, we have decided to play our part, and we declare this solemnly in this hall, in this Organization, which is designed to ensure the well-being and happiness of mankind.
115.	To you international economists who attach importance to the gross national product in drawing up the lists of developing countries, we say, in Zaire, with President Mobutu Sese Seko, that we attach more importance to per capita national happiness.
116.	The seas and oceans constitute huge reserves of raw materials and of mineral, biological and energy sources. Their exploration is proceeding favorably and their exploitation will be under way quite soon.
117.	In view of these new possibilities, a part of international opinion has some legitimate questions. Who will profit from these new resources? The answer is obvious. The same people: the rich, the strong, those who have great resources material, financial or human unless an urgent and universally accepted solution is found within the framework of a renovated law of the sea. We all know that the sudden discovery of a rich under-sea deposit of manganese, copper or oil would certainly have a strong influence on the prices of these ores derived from the land.
118.	That is why, in New York as in Geneva, the delegation of Zaire is positively studying the question of finding a new law of the sea for the international community.
119.	The sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction have quite correctly been declared to be the common heritage of mankind. This principle will ensure free access, rational and balanced exploitation, and the equitable distribution of the under-sea resources of the international zone.
120.	"Produce at all costs": that is the motto of the developed countries. And that is the source of pollution. Therefore we wonder whether it is necessary to have innumerable factories if their chimneys are going to pour our toxic products on us day after day. I have been told that in one of the largest cities in the world the mere fact of breathing is equivalent to smoking two packs of cigarettes a day. I have also been told that in the same large city the hearing of the inhabitants is progressively affected after 25 years of age and that mental troubles caused by environ-mental assault progressively destroy the individual by acting on his psyche and his organism.
121.	It seems to me that these horrible facts should arouse the universal conscience to the urgency of finding a solution to the problems of the environment.
122.	The under-equipped countries are lucky to be able in their progressive industrialization, to take this important element into account.
123.	We know that in your super-industrialized societies, you have works of art, your monuments, your cathedrals, your castles.
124.	In the Republic of Zaire we say that we have our monuments which are masterpieces of nature. These are our rivers, our mountains, our volcanoes, our lakes, our plains, our animals.
125.	We say, with our President, that in view of the degree of pollution of industrial societies, we might one day become the last refuge of nature in its natural state.
126.	We have spoken of the economic aspects of the contemporary world. And this is no accident. This is an attitude which reflects the major concerns of the Republic of Zaire, which are marked by a historical truth: there is no real political independence without economic independence.
127.	We must now speak up about the political problems of our day, and the first is international peace and security. My delegation is happy to recognize the efforts made in the world in the field of international peace and security since the end of the last session of the General Assembly.
128.	We followed with great interest and attention the journeys of the President of the United States to China, the Soviet Union and Poland.
129.	We consider that these initiatives which promote the convening of a conference on European security should be encouraged by the United Nations.
130.	We think that the signing of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin on 3 September 1971 is an important step in the process of detente in Europe.
131.	Despite the optimism which seems to pervade inter-national relations within an atmosphere of a relative detente, we cannot shut our eyes to the ominous developments of the Middle East tragedy. We know, we must recognize, that this problem remains unchanged and is a matter of great concern.
132.	The Republic of Zaire, which unfortunately from the very first hours of its independence knew the horrors of internecine warfare, can only deplore the loss of human life.
133.	We sincerely pray that one day peace and harmony will prevail in that part of the world.
134.	On 22 November 1967, after negotiations which lasted more than a whole night, a resolution was adopted by the Security Council. This resolution, 242 (1967), had the advantage not only of establishing a satisfactory balance, but also, and especially, of meeting with the agreement of all the parties concerned. Why do we then not recommend that it be fully and faithfully applied? In any case, that is the sincere wish of my country.
135.	As in the case of the Middle East we deplore the loss of human life in the Indochinese peninsula. We hope that one day it will be possible to say that the man who advanced the idea of homo homini lupus did not translate or reflect the historical reality of mankind. And yet here again political will is necessary. The Paris Conference represents a hope. International public opinion is entitled to expect that the negotiators of the avenue Kleber will one day translate this hope into fact. International public opinion is also entitled to expect that all countries will bend every effort to help find a final solution to the problem of the peninsula.
136.	To speak of an easing of tensions is also to speak of disarmament. General and complete disarmament to us is synonymous with the strengthening of peace and security in the world. Men have perfected their technology in the manufacture of weapons of war to such an extent that a world war today would be a catastrophe for mankind.
137.	This bitter statement puts me in mind of the well-known sentence of President Kennedy expressing a harsh truth: "Mankind will have to put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind."
138.	On the other hand, by disarming and by renouncing the manufacture of nuclear weapons new funds would be freed which might usefully be employed to allay the sufferings of mankind.
139.	Another matter of concern, and certainly the most important, is that of decolonization. Colonialism is-and Portugal knows it-a denial of democratic principles and fundamental rights which must govern all men in all latitudes, in keeping with the spirit of the United Nations Charter and the just and honest expression of universal conscience as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly [resolution 1514 (XV)].
140.	But there are still people who are deaf because of selfish and sordid interests and who refuse to decolonize and therefore place themselves outside the pale of the international community and defy it. Even better, these deaf people are practicing subtle and systematic genocide against the peoples of African territories still under their domination.
141.	That is why, since there are no other ways of obtaining the implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) by Portugal, the natural course of events and of history have led the international community in general and the United Nations in particular to recognize the legitimacy of the struggle led by the liberation movements in Angola, Guinea (Bissau) and Mozambique.
142.	The United Nations also has an effective role to play in ensuring the accession to independence of still colonized peoples. Posterity will judge the effectiveness of the acts of the international Organization in the field of decolonization.
143.	The Republic of Zaire considers th.n the States Members of our Organization should refrain from any act which might be interpreted as assistance to Portugal in the pursuit of its anachronistic and shameless policy.
144.	We must draw the attention of the partners of Portugal to the negative and prejudicial effect on the cause of African progress of economic and military co-operation with that country which obstinately continues to pursue a retrograde policy of colonial oppression.
145.	In view of this alarming situation my country appeals to the universal conscience so that all free and justice-loving States will do everything in their power to compel the Lisbon leaders to comply with resolution 1514 (XV).
146.	As far as we are concerned, and in view of the persistent refusal of Portugal to negotiate with the nationalists with which it is fighting, we could not possibly abandon our unconditional support for the freedom fighters. As the Assembly knows, it was on the initiative of Presidents Mobutu Sese Seko and Ngouabi that the reconciliation between the two liberation movements, of Angola was made possible in order to unite their forces in the face of the common enemy, colonialist Portugal.
147.	Another problem of decolonization is that of the Zimbabwe people, victims of the oppression of a few white racist settlers.
148.	Since 24 November 1971, international public opinion has been informed of the "Anglo-Rhodesian Agreements" or rather the "proposals for a settlement" of the Rhodesian question.
149.	Today we know what unanimous answer the Zimbabwe people reserved for these proposals. We did not have to await the results of the investigation by Lord Pearce to know the opinion of Zimbabwe people concerning its future. This categorical "No" could have been foreseen. It has but one meaning-general disapproval of the illegal situation created in Zimbabwe, so-called Rhodesia, after 11 November 1965.
150.	The aspiration to freedom and independence among all peoples is part of an irreversible movement of history which nothing can arrest. Through its wholesale rejection of the so-called proposals for settlement, the Zimbabwe people has shown its determination to fight for national independence. The Zimbabwe people itself clarified matters. We think now that the British Government has no alternative but to intervene more effectively with a view to restoring the usurped rights of the majority people of Zimbabwe.
151.	I could not conclude this consideration of the problems of decolonization without mentioning the painful problem of apartheid. The only crime committed by the Africans herded into their wretched reservations and ghettos is that they have a black skin.
152.	Universal civilization, I am sure you will agree, is something that all peoples have contributed to with their own cultural components. That is a historic truth which the Republic of Zaire has reflected in its policy of "authenticity", which President Mobutu Sese Seko has brilliantly defined as a categorical refusal to be a carbon copy of anyone.
153.	The policy of apartheid is abominable because it dehumanizes individuals.
154.	We reaffirm our conviction that all men an equal, that they enjoy the same rights to human dignity and respect without distinction as to color, race, religion or sex. We shall, therefore, never condone a human being or a group of human beings claiming to possess the privilege of governing other people merely because of their color.
155.	That is why my country is extremely concerned for the fate of the Namibian people, which also is subjected to the abominable regime of apartheid. This is the occasion to stress that the United Nations still bears full responsibility for Namibia. I should like to remind the Assembly of the historic meetings of the Security Council in Addis Ababa last January, and the resolutions adopted by the Council on Namibia.
156.	We know that since then our Secretary-General has traveled to South Africa and Namibia. We continue to place our trust in him to put an end as speedily as possible to this fiction that South Africa calls "the task of Christian civilization".
157.	Mr. President, I should like to join my voice to those of previous speakers in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the twenty-seventh session of the United Nations. It is an honor which all Member States of this Organization have done your country and you personally.
158.	May I express the hope that under your guidance the international community will experience decisive improvements in the field of economic co-operation, in the field of the development of under-equipped countries and in the field of international policy, where we hope to see the advent of a new era of progress and mutual confidence in the interest of the whole of mankind.
159.	I should like Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whom I congratulate on his recent election as Secretary-Genera'!, to know that the support and understanding of the Republic of Zaire are extended to him in the performance of his lofty tasks.
160.	And now I must conclude. Economic development is one thing; the vagaries of international political life are another. But one thing is of paramount importance: a sincere will to succeed. This is, we must reject all hypocrisy in international relations so as to enable mankind and this Organization to contemplate a brighter future. Is this a forlorn hope?


Every year, during the general debate, we inform each other of the undertakings and hopes of our respective countries; but our overriding duty is to deal with problems that are common to all mankind, those which we must tackle together in the knowledge that, if we fail to solve them, we run the risk of frustrating the hopes and efforts of each and every one of our nations.
75.	I am struck by the fact that the analyses made in order to identify the key problems of mankind converge, to an increasing extent, on the same issues.
76.	In the introduction to your report on the work of the Organization [A/8701/Add.l], Mr. Secretary-General, you told us that co-operation and solidarity were essential in four main areas and that we must face up to and overcome without delay four global dangers: insecurity, overpopulation, the deterioration of the environment, and the persistent poverty of the majority of the world's population. This enumeration confirms the one to which U Thant drew our attention from this same rostrum four years ago. It also coincides, in the main, with the documents published this year by the "Rome Club". This does got mention the political factor of fear, of insecurity but, on the other hand, it does add a further element: the danger that the non-renewable natural resources may be exhausted for lack of control over industrial development.
77.	Everything then indicates that we must act at three different levels. First of all, we must rid ourselves of insecurity and violence in all their manifestations; 25 years after the foundation of the United Nations, the balance of terror can no longer suffice for us. Next, we must reassert our will to base our relations on a permanent dialog. The Secretary-General referred in this regard to the "balance of prudence". Should we not go further still and aim at "stability through co-operation"?
78.	Last but not least, there is a new task which the international community as such must undertake, an objective which is even more difficult to attain than the others because it aims at creating a balance which we are just starting to think about: the balance of growth.
79.	We cannot ignore the warning issued by U Thant four years ago. He said:
"I do not wish to seem over-dramatic, but I can only conclude from the information that is available to me as Secretary-General that the Members of the United Nations have perhaps 10 years left"-six now "in which to get together, forget their ancient quarrels . .. and to supply the required momentum to achieve a fairer and more balanced kind of growth. If such an agreement is not reached within the next decade, then I very much fear that the problems I have mentioned will have reached such staggering proportions that they will be beyond our capacity to control."
This is the same question you asked of us today, Mr. Secretary-General.
80.	Belgium's answer to your threefold question is a positive one. We do want to build up a system of security on a less fragile basis than the balance of fear. We have set out resolutely on the path of co-operation and we wish to go further than the balance that is the result of mere prudence. Above all we want to help to establish the only balance capable of guaranteeing peace in the years to come: the balance of growth.
81.	The first and most obvious of the threats, the threat of Armageddon, is still the continuing build-up of armaments of every kind. On this subject there are some projects, some partial achievements that foreshadow, albeit tentatively, the resolutions which we await with almost too much impatience. We do not wish to underestimate the results of a general nature which are being sought through the organization of a world disarmament conference or by reaffirming our support of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], but what seems even more important to us is concrete action in the following three areas.
82.	Three years ago we all stressed, as was appropriate, the probable political significance of the entry into force of a treaty prohibiting the spread of nuclear weapons.
83.	During the recent meeting in Moscow between President Nixon and Mr. Brezhnev an agreement was reached on 26 May 1972 limiting the development of intercontinental nuclear weapons. This is a first step, which we welcome as a consequence of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. It is worth remembering that the nuclear States have in fact undertaken to limit their nuclear potential. Had there been no result, moreover, the non-nuclear weapon States would have been able to ask for a review of the Treaty on the expiration of the first five-year period.
84.	The members of the European Community, for their part, have actively pursued negotiations with the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna with a view to reaching an agreement oil the application of safeguards. Fortunately, this agreement has been finalized; it upholds the provisions of the Treaty on non-proliferation and takes into account the particular characteristics of the European Community and Belgium, therefore, like its European partners, will shortly be asking its Parliament to ratify the agreement.
85.	Thus, a major step forward has been taken and it is worth while highlighting it. We earnestly hope that before the end of the first five-year term further progress will have been made towards nuclear disarmament.
86.	There is a second specific reason for concern. Belgium has long been convinced that it would be difficult to establish any kind of security system unless there is some rule to govern the supply of arms. This, as we are well aware, is a delicate problem which concerns both the countries that purchase weapons and those which supply them. A discussion here of this subject could lay the groundwork for an international convention establishing at least some principles which both the supplying and the purchasing countries would undertake to apply.
87.	This discussion would be all the more thorough if, in the meantime, One or mOte institutes concerned with, war and peace were to concentrate their research on the preparation of such a draft international convention. The General Assembly will remember that, on our initiative, it adopted last year a iesQlution on research into peace and War [resolution 2817 (%XVI)J. It agreed that the Secretary-General should submit to it the next year his first summary report on the main Achievements of the institutes engaged in War theory research. My country hopes that, starting from 1973, this research will include one or more studies on international rules governing the supply of arms. We could then discuss them here. Right now, Belgium would be prepared to Support arty draft which would meet with the acceptance of a sufficiently large number of States that purchase arms.
88.	A third effort to promote disarmament is under way. Some European States, including our own, made specific proposals iii 1968 for a balanced and mutual reduction of forces in Central Europe. This initiative is particularly well justified at a time when the suggestions for organizing a conference on European security and co-operation have taken shape; for the two proposals are actually interrelated. How could oUr peoples accept us as responsible statesmen if, after a solemn European conference, at which we affirmed our will to reach an understanding, we were unable to demonstrate any real progress in the area of regional disarmament? What credibility could be placed in our endeavors if our military stockpiles continued to grow even after we had stated our intention of not using them?
89.	To judge from recent talks with the USSR, a desire for progress in this area too seems to be emerging. We should make certain of this by initiating actual negotiations at the earliest opportunity.
90.	It is my hope that at the twenty-eighth session of the Assembly the nations of Europe will be the bearers of good tidings, both as regards the organization of security and co-operation in Europe and as regards regional disarmament.
91.	But another fear exists today, a fear generated by the spread of violence throughout the entire world, a violence whose motivations are sometimes political and sometimes ideological, social or racial, where they are not simply based on greed. These crimes are always odious, and the fear they generate is justified, for the victims of the hijackings, kidnappings, the taking of hostages, wanton destruction with plastic bombs and firing on crowds are more often than not innocent people thrust into the forefront like shields. These crimes are proliferating in every corner of the globe, even the furthest removed from the areas of conflict; they are not the dubious privilege of any particular region, and the whole world is thus faced with a unique kind of problem. The Secretary-General was therefore right to raise it.
92.	And the unique problem, as we see it is, what protective or punitive action can our Organization suggest or take? What rules can be proposed for all States to apply when faced with such crimes? And if these rules were adopted, what should be the collective behavior of our States, were these rules to be violated? Secretary of State Rogers has made some specific proposals on this [2038th meeting].
93.	Belgium hopes that this unfortunately universal problem which has been referred to our Legal Committee will be taken up without reference to any particular manifestation of this evil, but in an effort to determine what joint collective attitudes might have been useful at each critical moment in the recent past, and those which might prevent their recurrence wherever it may be. For the work of our Legal Committee to be fruitful, we believe that it should be informed by three common ideas.
94.	First, there is no question that we all bear responsibility for seeking to eliminate the known causes of often desperate acts. Repression cannot save a society whose citizens are convinced that revolt is their only recourse.
95.	But, second, we must recognize that no injustice suffered will ever justify the injustice of acts of terrorism. Since, according to the philosophy of the United Nations, war should always give way to negotiation or arbitration as our Charter states it follows that whenever wanton violence is fostered by individuals or groups of individuals, that, too, must be condemned by the canons of the same international order.
96.	Wanton violence can never justify equally wanton revenge. When international public order is disrupted, an escalation of violence is just as reprehensible.
97.	My country also shares the concern of the Secretary- General regarding another form of violence, that which has arisen several times in recent years in Asia, Africa and Europe, involving the death of many innocent civilians. I am referring to the most serious forms of internal warfare. Belgium has been deeply shocked in the last few years, and again quite recently, by several such cases. None of our countries by itself can, without creating serious public confrontation, go further, in making its representations to a State that is torn internally, than to express the anxiety or condemnation of its own public opinion. But we realize that the victims in those countries do not understand our official semi-silence. Of course the organizations of the United Nations family and also the new agency for co-ordinating efforts in the event of disaster do come to the aid of the survivors; that is fine, but we do not believe it is enough. The voice of the world's conscience the only one powerful enough to halt the slaughter ought to be able to make itself heard on these occasions. Will the United Nations be able, and does it indeed have the will, to lay down principles of action,- to limit by mutual consent the exclusive sovereignty of our States? Can we reconcile respect for the sacredness of human life with Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter?
98.	We would like to address an appeal to the international non-governmental organizations which are seeking to ensure respect for human rights. Could they not devote their efforts to this serious problem which is so important for human dignity and make specific suggestions on action they advocate? Belgium pledges itself to do everything in its power to ensure that these proposals, based on the opinions of men of goodwill throughout the world, will be taken up at the next session of the General Assembly.
99.	This appeal addressed to the international non-governmental organizations, gives me an opportunity in passing to underline their growing importance. Today The Union of International Associations numbers more than 2,500 such organizations as compared with 560 in 1965. It is a sound idea, therefore, to consider in the spirit of the Charter the increasingly effective participation of the non-governmental organizations in international action.
100.	It was you, Mr. Secretary-General, who coined the expression "balance of prudence" to denote a certain degree of progress, namely the fact that groups, nations and States, hitherto hostile, were manifestly striving towards dialog, understanding and negotiation and, indeed, sometimes reconciliation. You quote some recent cases which are in all our minds: the German States, North Korea and South Korea, India and Pakistan. Mr. Rogers, for his part, has mentioned all the other efforts at rapprochement which are being made.
101.	We cannot just sit back and congratulate ourselves on this. What part can the international community play, either on a world-wide basis or at the regional level, to create a state of stability through co-operation? This is a vast subject and I shall confine myself to some ideas about two lines of action.
102.	As regards peace, our ^Organization bears special responsibilities in the Middle East. We must ask ourselves if it is accomplishing all that is expected of it. The cease-fire is still in force, but it has not been possible to halt the destructive sequence of acts of violence and reprisals. The Soviet disengagement from Egypt has reduced the danger of a polarization of the conflict between the super-Powers, but after five years the peoples that confront each other are still somewhere in between war and peace.
103.	For us the basis of a negotiated solution remains Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which the great Powers and the principal States concerned supported. I know it is five years old, but it is not obsolete; it contains the principles of an agreement. It would be otiose, in our view, to interpret it or to try to improve on it. Its practical implementation is principally the responsibility of the parties, aided by those designated by the United Nations to assist them. In this connexion I wish to pay a tribute to the efforts we have witnessed, particularly those of U Thant and Mr. Jarring and those which you, Mr. Secretary- General, have made.
104.	Another definite prospect was President El-Sadat's proposal of 4 February 1971 and the interest likewise shown by Israel in seeking an interim solution which would include the reopening of the Suez Canal. If this agreement is acted upon it will prove that mutually beneficial arrangements can be reached between States which are still somewhere between war and peace. Other partial approaches can be imagined. The important thing in our view is that a constructive move should be made to end a dangerous state of immobility. It would then be possible to tackle, with higher hopes, other problems connected with an over-all solution. And a particular place must be reserved here for the problem of the Palestinian people.
105.	We would like to think that, at the outset of the search for an interim solution, it would be possible to identify the principles common to all the parties which are already explicitly set forth in resolution 242 (1967). We, for our part, have always attached particular importance to the twofold preliminary declaration which stresses both "the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war" and "the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security".
106.	Is this not an established fact? If so, it would be easier to agree that the declared positions of each of the parties on matters under dispute are not ultimatums but only negotiating terms.
107.	Peace will never come without the agreement of all the parties, but it is for our Organization to help them in this as effectively as possible. I should like to say in conclusion on this problem that if the European Community can make some contribution to peace-making -Belgium would repeat what it has often stated here: its assistance in the economic and social rehabilitation of the peoples which have suffered most from the war would be, and I hope will be, the most effective contribution of the European Economic Community.
108.	I have just described the mission of Europe in the world-wide movement for closer ties. My country openly rejoices at the fact that Europe, as a continent, is moving ahead resolutely towards co-operation, stability and detente. The continuing development and enlargement of the European communities are a solid guarantee of this; the active preparation of the conference on European security is another. Let me to tell you something about these two events which are such important milestones on the road, towards that future world harmony which in our opinion will find its most reliable basis in regional structures and stages.
109.	As regards the process of building Western Europe, no one can remain indifferent to the fact that neighboring countries, governed by the same principles of parliamentary democracy, are joining together in a common destiny-after having, for the last few centuries, shaken the world with their confrontations. The only reason for concern to which this progressive union might give rise would be that this Europe, in becoming a leading commercial and economic Power, might not assume all the world responsibilities flowing from its new status.
110.	From this very rostrum Sir Alec Douglas-Home vigorously rejected this idea in his statement at the 2042nd meeting. He expressed our common conviction. I shall shortly refer to all that this enlarged Community should contribute in order to promote a genuine balance of growth.
111.	But, however proud we may feel at having built a new community, we are well aware that it does not represent all of Europe. The States of our continent have chosen different paths: some have chosen a common destiny within the Community; others prefer neutrality or non-involvement, which debars them from any delegation of sovereignty; the last group is governed by a system of State economy. But among these three groups, or in these States as a whole, there has been a proliferation of bilateral agreements over the past few years, and now the prospect of the forthcoming conference on European security paves the way for a multilateral meeting such as has not occurred since 1815 at which the problems of common interest will be discussed simultaneously by all the States concerned.
112.	The time has not yet come to lay the basis for a permanent understanding among the countries of our continent. The fundamental values on which our systems are based are too different and the goals we pursue are too dissimilar.
113.	But if we succeed in this first attempt we will have initiated a process. We know it will be long and difficult, but it could lead to a permanent understanding on a continental scale. We would then have proved that it is only through co-operation that the conditions for genuine stability and peace can be created something which no one would dream of challenging.
114.	I come now to my third subject. Up to now I have spoken about the strictly political aspects of relations between States, but we are aware that they are no longer the only ones to claim priority as matters of international concern. We are faced with a whole new dimension in world problems. We see the suddenly increasing complexity of a problem which both affects and involves all living beings, because we have to answer a global question: can we, and for how long preserve a physically and socially inhabitable earth? Each human being, each thinking man on our planet, whether he lives in an affluent or a needy society, is asking himself that question. It is then that basic questions are asked. How far can human reproduction go? Must we save non-renewable mineral resources? How can we prevent the destruction of the natural environment? Is food production limitless? Is the interminable material growth of certain types of production in the developed societies conceivable in itself, and this in the face of the continuing stagnation or retrogression of the underdeveloped societies?
115.	All these are questions which no State can any longer solve on its own and for itself. But all these are questions to which our specialized agencies, each in the field of competence indicated by its title, can supply partial answers. And here, there is some reason for gratification that this year of 1972 has witnessed the third session of UNCTAD in Santiago, Chile, and the first United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm. An important world conference on population is to be held in 1974. But we are aware that all the partial or sectoral answers provided by specialized world conferences or agencies must hence forth be co-ordinated. Where will the co-ordinating be done? How can we organize for the whole world a new balance of growth in which the ecological, economic and social plans would of necessity be interdependent?
116.	At present there is only one organization in the world which can ask that question with authority and recommend the gradual formulation of a policy in which each component will have to be linked with several others. That is our own Organization.
117.	We would like to make a suggestion: that we begin with the preparation of a joint declaration on the aims of and means for a new balance of growth. If you believe that this is a necessary and an urgent task, to whom should it be assigned?
118.	On 3 October [2050th meeting] my colleague and friend, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, Mr. Schmelzer, raised a very similar question, even though we had not consulted together beforehand. He told us that the Economic and Social Council was the central forum for formulating a co-ordinated policy. We are well aware that that prospect has been followed very closely by the Latin American countries. Mr. de Seynes, in his report to the Second Committee at its 1449th meeting, made another proposal and suggested UNITAR. We would draw the attention of the Assembly to this matter, and we know that the Secretary-General will take it up.
119.	The balanced growth of mankind in each of its components is a problem on which we can see a collective awareness is emerging. It is in any event the duty of the United Nations to tackle it.
120.	The global question I have just raised totally transcends the question of underdevelopment, but in putting it in this way it is not our intention to play down or in any way to set aside the responsibility of the developed countries towards the developing countries. On the contrary, I wish to express the hope that the enlarged European Community for its part will, at its forthcoming solemn session in Paris, provide the beginning of a reply to this problem when it outlines its foreign policy for the coming decade in its relations with the southern hemisphere.
121.	In this area, it seems to me, everything points to Europe as the area for taking the first step.
122.	Now, through its enlargement it has become the world's leading trading power and in many respects the world's leading economic power.
123.	Now, after having closed the colonial chapter in the world's history book, it has found in the equality of States and the mutual respect of independent States, and also in long-established mutual understanding, a kind of privileged relationship with most countries.
124.	Now, by dint of its very situation between the super-Powers, its friendship with North America, by the detente in the east, it has no designs for remote political control and its defense responsibilities are limited to its own area in other words, its military establishment and budget are both of moderate size.
125.	Finally, for a quarter of a century now, it has been accustomed to seeking the progressive redistribution of the benefits of its growth to promote the social welfare of its own citizens. All it has to do now, therefore, is to get used to extending the same solidarity to the third world.
126.	At this point in its history, such a Europe seems to me to be well placed to make the first offers to other regions of the world, without at the same time overlooking its duties to the developing countries.
127.	Let us therefore help to ensure that the tariff negotiations of 1973 will provide the developing countries with the maximum advantages; that the new monetary structures will forge new links between the wealthiest countries and the others. In this connexion the decisions taken last month by the International Monetary Fund are on the right lines. Let us also provide greater access to a common market for the manufactured goods produced by the Group of 77 developing countries. Let us contribute, on a case-by-case basis, to the stabilization of commodity prices and, finally, establish the order of magnitude-which will increase over the next 10 years of how much can be voluntarily siphoned off from European prosperity towards development. Belgium, for its part, is in favor of all these steps.
128.	I have just described what we hope the countries of the European Community can do to break away from the balance of fear, to rise above the balance of prudence and to achieve the balance of growth. But all of Europe, in the process of rapprochement, will make its contribution, too.
129.	Mr. President, you are a European, a citizen of the great nation of Poland in which the civilization of our continent flourishes. Belgium welcomes your leadership of this Assembly. I remember that the renowned Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Rapacki, was in 1966 one of the first to speak to us about a conference on European security and the balanced reduction of forces. Indeed, one of the drafts bore his name.
130.	It will be understood why, in mentioning and saluting your presidency, Sir, I should call to mind and associate with our tribute to the President of the General Assembly the memory of another great European: a statesman who, 27 years ago, presided over the first General Assembly of the United Nations, Paul-Henri Spaak who passed away a few weeks ago. How can we forget a voice and a mind of such resonance, devoted to the noble cause of peace and European reconstruction. That is why I wish to evoke his memory today.
131.	Mr. Secretary-General, knowing you as the Permanent Representative of Austria to the United Nations, as belonging to one of the most noble peoples of old Europe, and as a Minister for Foreign Affairs whom we have seen at work, we have been able to appreciate your devotion to the cause of a more united Europe, transcending ideological differences and respecting the identity of each of its States. Belgium conveys to you, through me, its congratulations and the assurance of its full co-operation. By today responding, in essence, to the questions posed in the introduction to your report [A/8701/Add.l] we have sought to demonstrate the importance we attach to your initiative.
132.	And so my concluding words are a promise: Mr. Secretary-General, you can count on the support of Belgium.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Ghana delegation and on my own behalf I congratulate you on your election as President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is an honor not only to yourself but also to your country, Poland, with which Ghana has had such friendly and useful ties for many years. Colonel Acheampong, Head of State and Chairman of the National Redemption Council, has expressly asked me to convey to you fraternal greetings of the Government and people of Ghana. He also wishes me to assure you of the support of the Government of Ghana for your efforts as President of this session of the Assembly. I am mandated to assure you, Mr. President, that the Government of Ghana will continue to support and to play its role in the affairs of this Assembly, despite its preoccupation with its difficult economic and social problems.
166.	The economic development of Ghana, like that of other developing countries, is plagued by an inequitable system of international trade and by a world financial structure which seems to maintain an iniquitous status quo- the poor shall become poorer and the already prosperous, richer. It is in the face of this grim reality that we in Ghana are striving not only to survive but to create for ourselves a decent standard of living. Time was when we thought foreign aid was the answer to our economic difficulties. Experience has now taught us that the present terms under which foreign aid is given generates not prosperity and plenty, but misery and privation. We have learned that the answer to our economic difficulties is not to continue to parade the corridors of the big Powers with cap in hand, begging for alms to feed our people and to develop our country. Our economic salvation lies in our own hands, and our success can be measured only by the effort we ourselves are prepared to make. That is why, since assuming the administration of Ghana barely nine months ago, the National Redemption Council, under the inspiring leadership of Colonel Acheampong, has insisted on a total mobilization of the entire resources of the country.
167.	But are the difficulties and sacrifices which a "go-it-alone" policy implies necessary in our world today? Are all the professions of international solidarity mere empty phrases? It is the view of my delegation that the United Nations has since its inception been too preoccupied with the containment of political problems, important though these are. The larger issue, in the view of my delegation, the far more dangerous tension arising from indefensible disparities in economic levels of well-being, has not received the attention it deserves, especially from the big Powers of the world which, given the will, have the capacity to create a world without hunger, a world without poverty, a world without disease.
168.	As far back as 1944, at Dumbarton Oaks, the founding fathers of the United Nations recognized the dangers inherent in economic and social disparities, and accordingly entrenched in the Charter the need for their eventual elimination. The Charter envisages the employment of international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples.
169.	The United Nations has already celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary. But in spite of the launching of the two development decades, the gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to grow. Indeed, international trade and national fiscal systems and institutions make such a trend inevitable. It is true that some developed countries have taken some steps to meet the targets of the Second United Nations Development Decade. A scheme of generalized preferences in favor of the imports of developing countries has been put into effect by some advanced countries. Temporary measures have also been adopted to stabilize and restructure the international monetary system. But on the basis of the evidence, it is hard to escape the conclusion that for many developed countries the solemn endorsements given to the strategies and programs of action of the two development decades were only words of exhortation, and that we in the developing world were too naive in taking public pronouncements of the rich and powerful seriously.
170.	The shortcomings of the International Development Strategy are in a large measure due to a lack of generous, over-all response in terms of official development assistance to be provided by the advanced countries. An alarming decline in public and legislative support in certain significant donor countries is progressively hardening into national policy. Unwillingness to liberalize tariffs, restrictive commercial and trade practices, and failure to agree on stable commodity prices have all adversely affected the prospects for improving the terms of trade of developing countries.
171.	In contrast to the attractive prices of the products of advanced countries which are progressively going through an upward adjustment, primary products, which sustain the economies of developing countries, are constantly suffering a catastrophic plunge. It should be obvious to the international community that, given the fluctuations in the prices of primary products, the prospect of the developing world earning enough to meet its foreign exchange and investment needs is very, very slim. Yet since the advanced countries continue to be dependent on primary products to feed their growing industries, it is to the mutual advantage of both parties to come to an early agreement on a system of stabilization of commodity prices on the implicit understanding that such an encouraging booster to the production of primary products will, by the same token, assure the continued success of the dependent industries in the advanced countries.
172.	That is why it is a matter of considerable regret to my Government that no international cocoa agreement has yet been concluded. Cocoa provides nearly 80 per cent of Ghana's foreign-exchange earnings, and it is therefore the fervent hope of the Ghana Government that, at the United Nations Cocoa Conference currently meeting in Geneva, positive conclusions can be reached in respect of cocoa.
173.	Nor has this lack of significant economic progress been much helped by the monetary and financial crises and the floating of currencies by developed countries. If anything, these have largely served to accentuate the problems of developing countries. What has so greatly affected the capacity of developing countries to accomplish the planned targets of the International Development Strategy is the growing debt burden. If Ghana's experience is any guide, the debt disability imposed on developing countries is not the sole consequence of the depletion of foreign exchange earned through their export trade. In Ghana's particular case, for instance, a number of the projects, financed by suppliers' credits, were not preceded by the usual feasibility studies, which would have assured their profitability. Commissions of inquiry and other investigations conducted in Ghana have clearly established that some of the contracts were tainted with corruption. Undue inflation in respect of the prices quoted has also come to light. Added to this were the harsh repayment terms which closed the door to reasonable resources being generated to allow amortization of the debts. No wonder that many projects have turned out to be white elephants, deficient in productive results. In the light of this, the Government of Ghana expects other countries to view with understanding and sympathy the action taken by the Ghana Government in respect of its debts.
174.	These disappointments brought about in our development by a host of factors, not the least of which was the sharp business practices of some creditor countries, have only increased Ghana's resolve to be self-reliant. In adopting this policy of self-reliance, we do not imply that the door is shut for genuine foreign aid from friendly countries. Our aim is to enhance the living standards of Ghanaians and to lay the foundation of institutions which will cultivate the cultural and spiritual values of the individual in an atmosphere of peace and justice. For foreign aid to be accepted, it would have to come on the most generous terms satisfying the liberal repayment arrangements of the
International Development Agency. Ghana is also persuaded of the advantages that would accrue from diversification of its trade links with new and growing markets. In consideration of this potential benefit, plans are under way to reactivate trade and payment arrangements with Ghana's non-traditional trading partners.
175.	Notwithstanding the noble objectives of the International Development Strategy, there is a growing credibility gap between intentions and performance. Technology is accentuating the inequalities between the advanced and the developing countries. While the nations of the northern hemisphere live in affluence and unprecedented comfort, the greater number of countries are condemned to a life of abject poverty, afflicted by innumerable diseases and lacking adequate social services to make life worth living. And yet the developing countries have contributed a great deal and continue to contribute significantly to the economic well-being of the affluent. Do we have to live with this situation or is it our bounden duty as an international community to remedy it through our joint efforts?
176.	It was this same concern which prompted the President of the World Bank to remark recently that the rich nations of the world possessing 25 per cent of its people but 80 per cent of its wealth should have to provide the additional assistance in the form of aid and trade which the developing nations need to meet minimum national goals. That additional assistance can be financed by diverting but a tiny percentage of the incremental income which will accrue to the developed countries during the 1970s.
177.	Scientific and technological advances have made the world a global village and increased the interdependence of nation-States. The problems of a section of our closely-knit world can only be ignored by the rest at its peril. We are reminded that the astronauts who went into outer space dramatically realized the world's smallness and oneness on looking back. As Woodrow Wilson warned, "You cannot have peace, you cannot even have your legitimate part in the business of the world, unless you are partners with the rest."
178.	We believe that the philosophy of interdependence should be reflected in an appropriate and sound foreign policy which would provide the framework for the real progress of man. This brings me to the foreign policy of Ghana. In this respect I can do no more than to quote the words of our Head of State, Colonel Acheampong, on 17 January this year. He said:
"Our foreign policy will first of all be based on a vigorous and dynamic African policy. We intend to foster the closest and most cordial relations with all African brothers who are still not free and who suffer deprivations, degradation and indignity on the continent of their birth. Accordingly, we shall vigorously support the eradication of the last remnants of colonialism and racial discrimination from the African continent. Our fellow Africans, struggling for control of their own destiny under the racists of South Africa, under the rebel regime of Ian Smith, in Namibia and in Portuguese-held parts of Africa will have our unflinching support."
179.	On the OAU, Colonel Acheampong stated:
"We subscribe unreservedly to the charter of the OAU, and it is our resolve to lend effective support to all efforts aimed at making it an effective body for the expression and the realization of African aspirations."
180.	On non-alignment, Colonel Acheampong said:
"Ghana's traditional policy since we became independent has been one of non-alignment.... The Government of Ghana would pursue a truly non-aligned policy; we shall be friends with all who would like to be friends with us; Ghana will not interfere in the internal affairs of any sovereign State and we expect all States to observe the same principle in their dealings with us."
181.	On the United Nations, Colonel Acheampong stated:
"The new Government of Ghana reaffirms its support for the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and we intend to play our full part in the United Nations and in its various organs for the achievement of the aims and purposes of the United Nations Organization".
182.	It is in the light of our declared foreign policy that I shall proceed to make a few observations on the world political situation.
183.	The world political picture, as we see it from Ghana, is far from satisfactory. Strife and conflicts continue to disturb the peace of the world: the guns of war are still booming, bombs are still falling on helpless persons in many parts of the world; and the legitimate rights of sections of the world population are still being trodden upon by men who nevertheless profess high moral principles.
184.	I turn now to Viet-Nam. If Indochina still continues to hit the world headlines it is because the tragic war in Viet-Nam is still with us. The cost in terms of economic and ecological waste, not counting the toll in human lives and suffering, is a blot on this Organization, which has found itself powerless to bring an end to this human tragedy. There can be no doubt now that force cannot settle the Vietnamese problem, as the massive bombing of North Viet-Nam has amply shown. The answer lies in negotiations. The understanding which is emerging between the two Germany, and between North and South Korea, assures us that this is possible. In our view the complete withdrawal of foreign forces already initiated should allow the Vietnamese people freely to settle their differences. We therefore call for a halt to the bombing of the North, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Viet-Nam, and the recognition of the principle of self-determination in Viet-Nam.
185.	I turn now to the Middle East. Under the relative calm in the Middle East lies a potentially explosive situation in regard to which we have a joint responsibility to forestall a fresh outbreak of hostilities in an area which has known so much human suffering. In the considered view of the Ghana delegation, the key to an enduring peace in the Middle East involves the surrender of territories acquired as prizes of war in return for the recognition of the rights of all States in the area and the finding of a just solution to the Palestinian problem. The conditions embodied in Security Council resolution 242 (1967) contain the balanced objectives to which my delegation wholeheartedly subscribes.
186.	With regard to southern Africa, as I have already indicated earlier in my statement, the National Redemption Council has declared as a cardinal principle of Ghana's foreign policy the total emancipation of Africa from foreign domination. The Ghana Government is concerned about the continuing existence of colonialism, neocolonialism and racial discrimination not only in Africa but also in various parts of the world. These phenomena constitute a glaring anachronism while at the same time posing a potential danger to world peace.
187.	Of particular concern to my Government is the increasingly grave situation in southern Africa, whose problems pose a challenge to the aims and purposes of the United Nations. As I speak now, Portugal is waging a senseless war in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea (Bissau) to suppress the legitimate aspirations of the indigenous populations and to prevent them from enjoying a decent existence in the land of their birth. Again, as I speak now, rebel Ian Smith is riding high on his illegal usurpation of power, and continues to exploit the African majority for the benefit of the white minority. As I speak now, Vorster's apartheid system is further consolidating itself and extending its grip to Namibia. These hardened colonialists and racists, with the connivance and support of their friends, have defied civilized world opinion and have flouted with impunity all decent human values. How long can we remain indifferent to the persistence of these ills, which not only negate all that the United Nations stands for but also constitute a veritable threat to world peace? My delegation strongly believes-and would issue a warning that if the deplorable and disgraceful situation in southern Africa does not change by peaceful means it will be changed by violence, the repercussions of which will go far beyond the borders of southern Africa.
188.	It is no secret that the situation in southern Africa has persisted for so long because of the aid and comfort which certain countries, particularly in the West, have been giving to these colonialist and racist regimes. The sanctions imposed by the United Nations against the Smith regime are constantly being breached by all sorts of devious means, and in this connexion it is a matter of deep regret that some major Powers are great offenders. Portugal, poor and under-developed as it is, could not have continued with this senseless war in Africa but for the material and diplomatic support of its NATO allies. Vorster's South Africa continues to enjoy the support and massive investment of international capitalist organizations, and so grows fat on the slave labor of Africans. It has even been emboldened to attempt to extend its obnoxious policies into Namibia, which is a United Nations Trust Territory. The Government of Ghana condemns without reserve all those countries which, for selfish financial gains, lend support to these regimes. The Government of Ghana adheres to the OAU declaration rejecting dialog as a means of bringing about a change in the apartheid policies of the racist Republic of South Africa. We have taken this position because we do not believe that the conditions for such a dialog exist.
189.	Since it is quite obvious that the forces of colonialism and apartheid have defied all persuasive arguments for change, is it any wonder that the African nationalists have been compelled to take up arms against these regimes?
190.	The Government of Ghana will continue to support, both morally and materially, the liberation movements in Africa, and to work within the framework of the OAU for the realization of their aims. In line with our declared, support for those liberation movements, the Ghana Government has offered to host the next meeting of the OAU Committee of Liberation, scheduled for January 1973, and preparations for it are already well under way.
191.	I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the appeal launched by my Government's delegation at the August 1972 Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non- Aligned Countries in Guyana for material support for the liberation movements in Africa, That appeal is now directed to all peace-loving States represented here at the United Nations which have at heart the welfare of all mankind, including the peoples of Africa. The liberation movements in Africa enjoy the official recognition of the OAU and continue to receive material assistance from it. In other words, there already exists the machinery within the OAU through which such material assistance can be channeled, and I would propose that for a start we all use that machinery.
192.	Furthermore, my delegation strongly supports the proposed United Nations special fund to aid the liberation movements in Africa. Those liberation movements need all the assistance they can obtain from all peace-loving peoples, and we should contribute generously to aiding them. The liberation movements in Africa are fighting for their freedom, and victory will surely be theirs. We can all hasten that victory by contributing generously towards the success of their efforts. The time for fine words of sympathy and concern is over. This is the time for action.
193.	It is a sad fact that the world's arms race is ever sky-rocketing, having now reached a record of expenditure of some $200,000 million, an all time high, of which the two super-Powers alone are responsible for over 70 per cent. In spite of the parity in nuclear second-strike force reached between the two super-Powers, which would discount, if not eliminate, any nuclear knock-out victory through a surprise attack, the dangerous and vicious circle of arms build-up continues.
194.	It is admitted that in the absence of a reliable system of international security, national security will continue to assume a high priority in the consideration of all Governments. Even so, there is hardly any justification for allowing the arms race to reach such alarming proportions. The Ghana Government joins the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, in calling for a comprehensive moratorium on all nuclear testing, underground as well as in the atmosphere, as a necessary step towards general and complete disarmament [see A/8701/Add.l, p. 3J. In this regard my Government welcomes the progress made at the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and hopes that the modest beginning made in reaching limited agreement will lead to further progress in all fields of disarmament. Savings made in the area of disarmament could not only be usefully employed in meeting the social and economic demands at home but could also be applied in ridding the world of much of its squalor, poverty and disease.
195.	It is the view of my delegation that disarmament cannot be left at the mercy of the super-Powers and the big Powers. The Government of Ghana therefore looks forward to the proposed world disarmament conference. Disarmament is an issue of universal concern. The Government of Ghana is convinced that this very desirable conference should be open to all States. My Government would be happy to participate in such a conference and to contribute to its success.
196.	I have tried to outline, as briefly as possible, the world political situation as we see it from Ghana. As I have already stated, the situation is far from satisfactory.
197.	We acknowledge, however, that over the past year there has been some significant improvement in certain areas of international relations, which gives us hope for a brighter future. I would cite particularly President Nixon's visits to Peking and Moscow, and the various moves for rapprochement between the two Germany, and between Eastern and Western Europe generally. The efforts of North Korea and South Korea to normalize their relations are welcome moves in the right direction, and the Simla Agreement reached between India and Pakistan is a commendable step on the road to peace between the two countries. My delegation also notes with gratification the current talks, between the Prime Ministers of China and Japan. The Government of Ghana welcomes all those encouraging trends in the world political situation, and lends them its full support.
198.	Aided by advances in science and technology, man has conquered distance, found a cure for many diseases and, on the whole, improved living standards to an extent undreamed of by his forefathers. The frantic search for an affluent society and the uninhibited use of technology have naturally had their adverse consequences. The imbalance between population, industry and natural resources is already posing a threat to human existence on this planet; the depletion of natural resources, pollution and other forms of nuisance are threatening the very foundation of human life itself.
199.	Environmental neglect, with its threatening disaster, is not the exclusive concern of the more industrialized countries. It is as much a problem of the developing as of the advanced countries. Soil erosion and exhaustion, whether brought about by shifting cultivation or by deforestation; the pollution of rivers and seas caused by dumping of waste and filth; the increasing pollution of the air; insufficient sanitary facilities; unchecked soil erosion; overcrowding of the cities these and a host of other environmental issues are all matters of universal concern.
200.	Ghana participated^ the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held at Stockholm from 5 to 16 June 1972. Together with other concerned nations we worked out a strategy to prevent the further deterioration of our natural heritage.
201. As a developing country, Ghana has its share of polluted rivers and the threat they pose both to aquatic life and to the millions of people in the villages who depend on those rivers as their source of drinking water. That was why Ghana called for a fund to provide potable water. We reiterate that call here. As my delegation emphasized at the Stockholm Conference, we shall continue to use technology and industrialization to improve the quality of human life without necessarily sacrificing the need for environmental protection. Industrialization and preservation of the environment need not be mutually exclusive, for it is the belief of my delegation that determined research into the technology of industrialization could minimize, if not eliminate entirely, the pollution which is at present incidental to industrialization.
202. The Stockholm Conference appropriately had as its motto "Only One Earth". Our destinies are linked together. Our problems cannot be solved in isolation. Peace and prosperity are indivisible. Our protestations for peace in Viet-Nam and other parts of the world and our preoccupation with the well-being of their people will ring hollow unless they are accompanied by sincere concern for the oppressed people everywhere, including the oppressed black peoples of southern Africa and all people of African descent. Finally, the Government of Ghana reaffirms its determination to work in concert with freedom-loving people everywhere to build a world of peace, justice and freedom for all.