64.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Thailand I am pleased to extend our warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The many pressing issues vitally affect the interests and well-being of peoples in many parts the world are reflected in the agenda of this session. These troubled times will doubtless require the application of those qualities of wisdom, dedication and prudence for which you have been duly recognized by the international community.
65.	My delegation wishes also to express its sincere congratulations to the Vice-Presidents of the Assembly, who have been elected from the various regions of the world, as befits the universal character of the Organization.
66.	The delegation of Thailand pledges its full cooperation to the President and all the Vice-Presidents who may be entrusted with the responsibility of guiding the Assembly's deliberations.
67.	At the same time, I should like also to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to Mr. Imre Hollai for his distinguished leadership of the thirty-seventh session.
68.	The delegation of Thailand is highly gratified by the accession of Saint Christopher and Nevis to independence and its admission to membership in the United Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to offer our sincere congratulations to the delegation of that new Member State, and we look forward to working closely with it in the promotion of closer international co-operation and understanding.
69.	The year ahead does not promise to be any less dangerous or challenging than the one that has preceded it. New areas of conflict and tension in the heart of the African continent and in Central America place additional issues of concern on the long list of unresolved international crises. In southern Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, we continue to witness the use of force by more powerful States against their neighbours and the denial to them of the fundamental right to self-determination. Numerous wars and conflicts continue to take their heavy toll of human lives, and new outbreaks of violence occur all too frequently. Al1 around the world helpless refugees huddle in makeshift encampments, victims of events beyond their control and for which they bear no responsibility. While little progress is being made towards a more just and equitable international economic order, the resources of nations are continually and increasingly strained by the arms race. The danger of nuclear confrontation is looming larger than ever, as new technology threatens to upset the balance of terror. The international peace and security which the Organization was founded to preserve are undermined by some of its own Members whose actions negate the very principles and purposes of its Charter, while its resolutions have had little effect in restraining the transgressors. Perhaps it reflects the desperation of our times that the Organization still holds out the hope and the challenge that mankind can ultimately rise above petty self-interests and vile ambitions. The present precarious state of the world does not diminish but rather underlines the value of the Organization and its Charter, which articulates the desired norms of international behaviour. It is therefore incumbent upon the Member States to help realize its noble aims and objectives and save mankind from self-destruction.
70.	Last year the Secretary-General submitted a perceptive report on the work of the Organization in which he stressed that the central issue facing the United Nations was its capacity to keep peace and to serve as a forum for negotiations. The Secretary-General's report this year touches on similar themes. We wish also to commend highly his able stewardship of the Organization and the many initiatives he has taken on its behalf.
71.	The Secretary-General recently undertook a mission to southern Africa in a renewed effort to bring independence to Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). From the outset, the United Nations has steadfastly advocated the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence in a free and united Namibia. The Government of Thailand has consistently supported the unremitting efforts of the United Nations towards that end and will continue to do so. This worthy goal remains unaccomplished because of the intransigence of the Pretoria regime, which continues to act in defiance of the rest of humanity. Further delay in implementing resolution 435 (1978) can only aggravate the already tense situation and leave the South West Africa People's Organization, the representative of the Namibian people, with no alternative but to utilize all possible means to achieve freedom and national independence for Namibia. Meanwhile, any attempt by the occupying Power to impose any condition or unilateral settlement in Namibia in contravention of the relevant United Nations resolutions must be considered null and void. My delegation urges the contact group to exert all possible effort, constant with the Charter of the United Nations and in conjunction with the efforts of the Secretary- General, to hasten Namibia's independence at the earliest possible date through the free exercise by all its people of their right to self-determination.
72.	Over a span of four decades the issues of the Middle East have dominated the Assembly's agenda. The situation in the Middle East as a whole continues to be volatile and potentially dangerous for international peace and security. My Government reaffirms its basic position regarding the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and thus calls on Israel to withdraw from the Arab territories which it has occupied since 1967 and to refrain from all measures designed to perpetuate its presence in those territories. My delegation's position on the question of Palestine is to support the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, particularly the right to self-determination, free from outside interference or coercion, including the right to national independence and sovereignty and the right to return to their homes and properties.
73.	My delegation believes that the plight of the Palestinians remains central to the Middle East problem and that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East must be based on application of the two agreed elements incorporated in Security Council resolution 242 (1967), namely, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied Arab territories and recognition of the legitimate right of every State in the area, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. The Thai delegation strongly urges all parties to exert every effort to revitalize the peace process in the region so as to bring about a settlement which would meet justly the legitimate interests and aspirations of all concerned.
74.	The invasion of Lebanon in June last year by Israeli forces was condemned by the international community. The Government of Thailand has joined other countries in calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon, in accordance with the wish of the Government and people of Lebanon as well as the relevant United Nations resolutions. My delegation welcomes the news of a cease-fire agreement, which indicates the willingness of all the parties concerned to resort to negotiations rather than the use of force in order to resolve their differences. This new development leads us to hope that the withdrawal of all foreign forces will be expeditiously undertaken so that full sovereignty over all its territory may be restored to the Government of Lebanon and its people.
75.	The continuing foreign occupation of Afghanistan has exacted a heavy toll of Afghan patriots and threatened the security of neighbouring States. The delegation of Thailand reaffirms its full support for the calls by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the General Assembly for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan so that the Afghan people may be able to choose its form of government free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind. United Nations agencies continue their vital role in providing humanitarian assistance to the growing number of Afghan refugees in neighbouring countries, particularly Pakistan, which has had to bear an enormous burden. It is imperative that the humanitarian assistance for Afghan refugees who have been forced to flee their homeland be given full international support. My delegation calls on all the parties concerned to proceed in good faith with the negotiations being conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General and his special representative so that meaningful agreements can be reached on the four essential elements of withdrawal of foreign troops, non-interference by outside Powers in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, international guarantees of non-intervention, and the safe and voluntary return of Afghan refugees to their homeland.
76.	In South-East Asia the continuing tragedy of Kampuchea poses similarly grave security and humanitarian concern for the international community. For the fifth successive year the Kampuchean people find themselves under the yoke of alien domination and foreign occupation and are being denied their right to self-determination. The Kampuchean people have been uprooted from their homes and large numbers have been forced to seek food, shelter and safety in neighbouring Thailand and along the Thai-Kampuchean border. Approximately 60,000 Kampuchean displaced persons are in camps supervised by the UNHCR in Thailand, waiting for resettlement opportunities in third countries or a chance to return safely to their homes, and over 200,000 more are encamped along the border, where they are totally dependent on humanitarian assistance co-ordinated by the United Nations border relief operation. The massive influx of Kampuchean refugees and displaced persons to Thailand has in turn displaced over 100,000 Thai villagers in the border areas. The Kampuchean refugee encampments, as well as the local population in the border areas, are under constant threat of  med attack, shelling and bombardment by Vietnamese occupation forces in Kampuchea. Systematic attacks were conducted by those forces against Kampuchean civilian refugee camps between January and April of this year in violation of humanitarian principles, resulting in numerous casualties. The attacking forces also razed to the Red Cross hospital, schools, and lowly shelters winch have housed tens of thousands of refugees. Bombardment of those camps by Vietnamese guns has continued sporadically since June of this year, hampering international operations and exacerbating the already tense situation along the border.
77.	The plight of the Kampuchean refugees and displaced persons, as well as that of the affected Thai villagers in the border areas, rightly continues to be a matter of serious concern to the international community. It may be recalled in particular that the General Assembly, in resolution 35/6, cat d for stationing a United Nations observer team on the Thai side of the border, in conjunction with the establishment of safe areas under United Nations supervision in western Kampuchea for the displaced Kampuchean civilians who wished to return to their homeland. Once again the Commission on Human Rights and the Economic and Social Council expressed grave concern over the activities of the foreign forces in Kampuchea, in particular their military attacks on refugees along the Thai-Kampuchean border. My delegation therefore believes that appropriate measures such as establishing safe areas for Kampuchean civilians and stationing United Nations observers should again be considered in order to help deter future Vietnamese actions and thus save innocent lives.
78.	The Government of Thailand reaffirms its continued commitment to humanitarian principles in doing whatever it can to alleviate the sufferings of the Kampuchean refugees and displaced persons, but our efforts require a reciprocal commitment on the part of the international community. As we are a developing country, our resources are limited, and the accompanying political, social and security considerations related to the refugee problem impose an additional strain on Thai society. We shall continue to do our fair share, but we cannot be expected to shoulder the burden alone. The United Nations has been in the forefront of the international effort to assist Kampuchean civilians affected by the ongoing conflict in Kampuchea. This undertaking is in line with the Organization's highest purposes and principles; The continuing humanitarian needs along the Thai-Kampuchean border are both real and manifest. It is an international problem that calls for international action. It is the proper function of the United Nations to respond to these pressing humanitarian needs. The Government of Thailand therefore urges the United Nations and the Secretary-General to continue to provide the framework and leadership for the humanitarian relief and assistance programme along the Thai-Kampuchean border.
79.	In this regard my delegation would like to express its profound appreciation to the donor countries as well as to the Secretary-General, the United Nations agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the many international voluntary agencies which have helped to avert a major tragedy by coming to the relief and assistance of Kampuchean refugees and displaced persons. We urge donor countries to continue to give their full support to the humanitarian relief operation of the United Nations and also to consider sympathetically the urgent need for increased resettlement of Kampuchean as well as other Indo-Chinese refugees. At the same time, the inalienable right of Kampuchean refugees and other displaced Indo-Chinese people to return safely to their homes must be reaffirmed. Voluntary repatriation continues to be the most natural solution to the refugee problem in South-East Asia. However, it is apparent that the humanitarian situation in South-East Asia can be permanently resolved only through a comprehensive settlement on the underlying political problems. As the Secretary-General states in his annual report "The problem of refugees can be resolved only with a settlement of the root political causes".
80.	There are disturbing reports of demographic changes being imposed by the occupying Power in several provinces of Kampuchea through the settlement of Vietnamese nationals and the further displacement of the Kampuchean population. Such action is in contravention of international law and the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and should be strongly condemned by the world community.
81.	Viet Nam's present intransigence and intentions constitute destabilizing factors in South-East Asia and continue to hinder constructive dialogue and co-operation among the countries of the region. The situation in Kampuchea continues to be a direct threat to the peace and stability of the region as well as to international peace and security.
82.	In recognition of this fact, the General Assembly at the past four successive sessions adopted, by overwhelming and increasing majorities, resolutions calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and the free exercise of self-determination by the Kampuchean people.
83.	The Assembly and the International Conference on Kampuchea held under United Nations auspices in 1981 have outlined a reasonable and practical framework for peaceful settlement of the conflict which takes into account the legitimate interests of all concerned. My delegation earnestly calls upon Viet Nam as a Member of the Organization to forgo the recourse to arms and to begin the process of negotiations that will lead to a peaceful and comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem in the interests of regional as well as international peace and security.
84.	In an effort to create the necessary atmosphere for negotiations, I proposed in April of this year that Viet Nam withdraw its forces 30 kilometres from the Thai- Kampuchean border. That proposal was endorsed by the other foreign ministers of the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations as a necessary confidence-building measure. It was also intended as a measure to relieve tension and, in particular, the danger to Kampuchean civilian refugees along the border. Regrettably, the Vietnamese response has been negative and renewed bombardment of refugee encampments along the border has since occurred.
85.	Since Viet Nam has announced partial withdrawals of its troops, it should agree to withdraw those troops from the Thai border, an action that would be more verifiable as it will take place in a clearly defined geographical area. It is further proposed that a cease-fire be observed in the areas where withdrawals have taken place, which should then be constituted as safe areas for uprooted Kampuchean civilians under the auspices of UNHCR. In addition, a United Nations peace-keeping force or observer group could be introduced to supervise the withdrawals and to keep the peace along the border. International economic assistance would then be envisaged as a means to help rebuild the livelihood of the uprooted Kampucheans in those areas.
86.	The people of Kampuchea have suffered inexorably from the ravages of war and the military occupation of their country. The ASEAN foreign ministers have therefore envisaged the eventual convening of an international conference for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Kampuchea after the withdrawal of all foreign forces, as part of a comprehensive settlement of the Kampuchean problem.
87.	Despite a five-year campaign of suppression and intimidation, the Kampuchean nationalist resistance against the Vietnamese occupation forces is growing in strength. The coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, under the presidency of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, has rallied the Kampuchean people to the struggle for national liberation and independence and has gained wide international support and recognition. The broad- based Coalition Government under Prince Sihanouk is a positive step towards a comprehensive political settlement and national reconciliation in Kampuchea. My delegation would like to express its deep appreciation to the Chairman of the Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, Mr. Massamba Sarre of Senegal, as well as to the other members of the Hoc Committee, for their continuing efforts to find a just and durable solution to the Kampuchean problem, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to them by the International Conference on Kampuchea. At the same time, my delegation expresses its sincere appreciation for the continued efforts of Mr. Willibald Pahr of Austria, the President of the International Conference on Kampuchea.
88.	My delegation would also like to express its deep appreciation for the ongoing efforts of the Secretary- General and his special representatives and staff which have been undertaken on the Assembly's behalf and in the interest of international peace and security. My delegation urges the United Nations to continue its legitimate role in order to foster a peaceful process, within the framework of the Charter, for the resolution of this pressing international issue.
89.	My delegation is deeply concerned at the prolonged and serious crisis afflicting the global economy. We believe that, while the underlying problems are structural in nature and can be alleviated by certain domestic adjustments, determined international efforts to revitalize the development process, and in particular to accelerate economic growth in the developing countries, are necessary for a sustained global recovery. Given the reality of economic interdependence, we believe that such recovery must go hand in hand with development; the two are inseparable.
90.	For this reason, my delegation is disappointed that the recent sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade, failed to adopt the type of resolutions which would have addressed themselves to the urgent imperatives of our time. In particular, they failed to respond to the immediate need for concerted international action to assist the developing countries, many of which are experiencing serious balance- of-payments deficits, shrinkage of resource flows and access to markets, increasing import costs and hence declining capacity to import capital goods needed for economic development.
91.	As a developing country heavily dependent for the financing of its development programmes on export earnings from food products, agricultural produce and industrial raw materials, Thailand is particularly concerned that commodity prices in the past few years have plunged to their lowest level in over 30 years. Increasing resort by the industrialized countries to protectionist measures, including export subsidies, quantitative restrictions and a host of other non-tariff barriers, continues to accentuate the economic crisis of the developing countries, including Thailand, as well as to hamper trade growth and global economic recovery. My delegation therefore believes that commitments to maintain an open trading system, such as were agreed to at the ministerial meeting of the Contracting Parties of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in November 1982, must be backed promptly by specific actions to reduce barriers to trade. Thus, while my Government welcomes the commitments to halt protectionism made in May 1983 at the Williamsburg Summit of Industrialized Nations, we are disheartened to learn that the dismantling of the debilitating trade barriers is made conditional upon progress in the recovery of the developed economies.
92.	My delegation endorses the urgent need for sustained mobilization of international financial resources to assist the national efforts of the developing countries to harness domestic energy sources. We renew our call for an early establishment of the proposed energy affiliate of the World Bank and urge efficient implementation of the Nairobi Programme of Action for the Development and Utilization of New and Renewable Sources of Energy* as expeditiously as possible.
93.	My delegation attaches high priority to the goals of collective self-reliance and greater economic and technical co-operation among the developing countries, not only within the ASEAN sub region, but also at the global level within the framework of the Caracas Programme of Action Thailand played host to a meeting in implementation of that Programme and took an active part in the recent meeting at Tunis of the Intergovernmental Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee set up by the Caracas Programme of Action. We shall continue these efforts in the belief that their success will enhance the prospect of achieving a restructured and equitable world economic order.
94.	Furthermore, since South-South co-operation has become increasingly important and relevant to future development strategies, and even though the primary responsibility for such co-operation lies with the developing countries themselves, we believe that the continued support of the United Nations system is indispensable.
95.	While we are striving to establish a more equitable international economic order, the world's resources are being disproportionately spent on armaments both nuclear and conventional. Furthermore, the arms race is moving into the deep sea and outer space. Efforts both within and outside the framework of the United Nations to halt and reverse the arms race have had limited success in the face of technological advances which win soon make earlier achievements in strategic arms control less meaningful. Concurrently, the deterioration in the international situation, marked by hotbeds of tension, has heightened the sense of insecurity among nations and provided an added impetus to the momentum of the arms race, thereby bringing the world nearer to self-annihilation.
96.	Although the predominant goal of nuclear disarmament remains undisputed, the danger that conventional armaments have posed to peace, security and mankind must not be ignored. Measures to arrest this alarming trend are therefore urgently needed. As a further step to advance the cause of disarmament, an initiative such as the establishment of zones of peace in various regions of the world should be further promoted. Such zones of peace will help to create conditions which are conducive to regional peace and stability, thereby strengthening the security of States and contributing to the goal of disarmament.
97.	In the light of this fact, Thailand and other ASEAN nations have since 1971 called for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. This would also serve as a basis for co-operation and good will among all the countries of the region. Today Thailand and the other ASEAN countries are still actively pursuing this goal and remain committed to the early realization of the concept. Similarly, the establishment of a zone of peace in South Asia could enhance the prospects of peace, stability and security in that important region of the world. My delegation supports all constructive and meaningful efforts to bring about the early realization of the proposal. We regret that the Committee on the Indian Ocean has thus far failed to reach a consensus on the date for the convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean, at Colombo. My delegation hopes that the divergence of views in the Hoc Committee can be narrowed so that the Conference may be duly convened.
98.	While according priority to nuclear and conventional disarmament, the urgent need to curb other types of armaments cannot be overlooked. The Thai delegation remains concerned at reports on the alleged uses of chemical and biological weapons in certain areas of the world, including South-West and South-East Asia. In view of their inhumane and indiscriminate effects, my delegation is firmly opposed to the development, manufacture, stockpiling and use of these weapons. In 1981 and 1982 my Government provided every assistance and co-operation to the United Nations groups of experts which were sent to Thailand to collect evidence on the use of those weapons in accordance with General Assembly resolution 35/144. Unfortunately, the United Nations experts were not permitted to enter the affected areas in the neighbouring countries to conduct on-site investigations. We hope that co-operation will be forthcoming from the countries concerned and that doubts with regard to the scope of application of the Geneva Protocol of 1925 and the 1972 Convention? will soon be resolved and a procedure acceptable to all sides will be established for verification of compliance.
99.	While the arms race proceeds at an uncontrolled pace it is not surprising that over-reliance on weapons at times leads to tragic results. The circumstances surrounding the shooting down of the Korean Air Lines passenger aircraft have cast a long dark shadow over international affairs. The Government and people of Thailand were deeply shocked and saddened by the tragic event and the loss of 269 innocent lives, including those of eight Thai nationals. We participated in the Security Council debate and deeply deplored the Soviet action, to no avail. The Thai Government demands that the resolution recently adopted by the extraordinary session of the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization be fully implemented so that the provisions relating to safety of international civil aviation can be strengthened. All parties concerned should give their full cooperation to the ICAO investigation, so as to prevent the recurrence of such a tragic event. We once again urge the Soviet Government to assume responsibility for its actions and duly compensate the families of those who lost their lives. An appropriate humanitarian response by the Soviet Government could help to restore confidence in the safety of international civil aviation as well as in the viability of civilized norms of conduct between States.
100.	It is therefore pertinent to remind the Assembly that the situation in the region of Asia where the tragic event occurred remains unsettled and could pose a threat to international peace and security. Territorial disputes dating from the conclusion of the Second World War remain outstanding and are a source of tension. On the Korean peninsula there is an understandable aspiration towards peaceful reunification of the Korean nation. My delegation believes that reunification should be decided upon by the Korean people themselves without external interference, in accordance with the principle of self- determination. My delegation therefore urges that a dialogue be initially agreed upon between the North and South of Korea to resolve the Korean question by peaceful means.
101.	The intractability of the many issues and problems in international affairs which have been laid at the doorstep of the United Nations has diminished confidence in the Organization's capacity to maintain and manage a peaceful world order. This may be said to reflect the diversity and complexity of a world of nation-States and the reality that there is little that can be done if the strong and powerful choose to ignore or circumvent the Organization. And yet the United Nations stands as a symbol of hope for the major part of humanity. The overwhelming majority of States, many of which have been assisted by the Organization in the attainment of their independence, adhere strictly to the purposes and principles of the Charter. Their faith in the Organization can be a force for stability in world affairs. Witness, for example, the role of many less-powerful nations in peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. Moreover, the United Nations is involved in vital developmental, social and technical assistance for peoples in all parts of the world. The Organization is engaged in attempts to ameliorate conflict situations or to prevent their escalation in many critical areas, including southern Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea. Thus the efforts of the Secretary-General and the various organs of the United Nations deserve the full support of all Member States, for much more needs to be done before we can hope to bequeath to succeeding generations a peaceful, secure and prosperous world. We must not fail to leave this legacy. If we did, there would not be many generations to succeed ours.


63.
As has become customary each year at this time, the general debate gives us the invaluable opportunity to summarize the political and economic situation in the world as it has developed since the last session and thus to assess together the progress achieved by the Organization in the interval.
63. We wish first to welcome very warmly the delegation of the republic of Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission as the 158th Member of the Organization. We offer that brotherly country a welcome to our midst, and we know that we can count on its contribution in the common search for the advent of a better world of solidarity and peace.
66.	When the Charter of the United Nations was adopted 38 years ago the most urgent task given to the Organization was the establishment of peace in a world devastated and exhausted by a great war. Since that time the Organization has constantly and untiringly worked to create a political and economic framework which would be better for mankind. In spite of that noble ideal, the certainty of living in peace is still beyond our grasp today. Indeed, a review of recent years shows that the principles laid down in the Charter have not been respected, just as certain achievements have remained inconclusive. Violence, conflicts with no declaration of war, the temptation to resort to the threat or use of force, the unbridled pursuit of selfish interests by certain Members of the Organization—these are all irreconcilable with the restraint and moderation which should be the dominant characteristics of our time. They destroy the universal dream of the development of the whole of mankind and the flourishing of the human person in the enjoyment of fundamental rights.
67.	The deep tensions and murderous conflicts which thus characterize international life make us aware, first, of the hegemonistic struggles undertaken by the major Powers which, under the pretext of strengthening their security, ceaselessly pursue the arms race despite their public statements in favour of detente and peace. These tensions also testify to the persistence of the other scourges of colonialism and	that most repugnant and barbaric form of racism. Finally, we have the selfishness of partisans of the present economic order, and that is not the least of the causes of the crisis situation which the world is experiencing today, whether in southern Africa, especially Namibia, Iraq and Iran, the Middle East or South-East Asia, to mention just the main areas.
68.	In southern Africa we note with regret that interference by the major Powers and their attempts to impose solutions in keeping with their own strategic interests are complicating and delaying the settlement of the last colonial questions, particularly the question of Namibia.
69.	Regarding Namibia, we note that in spite of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978), 439 (1978) and 532 (1983), this problem remains at an impasse because of the introduction of matters which are totally unrelated to the process of decolonization. My country remains convinced that peace in Namibia can be achieved only within the framework of the strict implementation of the United Nations settlement plan. That is why my delegation rejects any linkage between the accession of Namibia to national sovereignty and the departure of Cuban troops from Angola. Those troops are in Angola under bilateral agreements concluded in complete sovereignty and in conformity with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.
70.	Still speaking of Africa, my country continues to be concerned over two hotbeds of tension there, Western Sahara and Chad. In this connection I shall leave it to others to recall the efforts made by the head of State of Gabon, Mr. Omar Bongo, concerning negotiations in these disputes. I hope that, thanks to the structures already established by the Organization of African Unity, the parties to these conflicts will finally agree to sit at the same table to settle these problems through dialogue, in order to bring peace and security to the whole of the African continent.
71.	Two brother countries, Iraq and Iran, with which Gabon has excellent relations, are still fighting. This means an indefinite prolongation of the suffering of the
peoples in that region. Once again we solemnly appeal to the leaders of those two brother countries to put an end, through a negotiated solution, to this war which is a dangerous threat to peace and security in the entire Gulf region and which contains the seeds of a world conflagration. Moreover, we hail all those who are concerned with and aware of the need for establishing a climate of peace in these two countries and who work untiringly to that end. I refer in particular to the Islamic Peace Committee for its sustained efforts to reach a just, honourable and definitive solution to this conflict. We also commend the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General to achieve that solution. Similarly, we congratulate the International Red Cress Committee which, in spite of many obstacles, is continuing to carry out its humanitarian mission.
72.	In the Middle East, Israel's systematic refusal to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people constitutes an inadmissible hindrance to the process of detente in the region. It must be remembered that the right to independence and self-determination implies taking into account the direct aspirations of the peoples involved. No just and lasting peace is possible in this part of the world until Israel realizes that the use of force will never be able to shake the determination nor the will of a people seeking self-determination and independence.
73.	Gabon, for its part, reaffirms its total support for the relevant resolutions of the United Nations concerning the rights of the people of Palestine.
74.	I would reiterate that peace in the region remains closely linked to the negotiated settlement of the Palestinian problem, and it also involves the recognition of the right of each of the peoples in this region to live in peace and security within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
75.	With reference to the situation in Lebanon, in the same region, we call upon all the parties to exercise statesmanship and good will and to examine the situation realistically, in order to put an end to the martyrdom of the Lebanese people, who should be the sole master of their own destiny. We also support the efforts of President Amin Gemayel to enable Lebanon to recover sovereignty over the whole of its territory, free from any foreign military presence of any origin.
76.	In South-East Asia, peace remains linked to the solution of the problem of Kampuchea. The solution to this problem must involve respect for the principles of territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the non-use of force.
77.	The same is true of Afghanistan, which should be left free to determine its own destiny, and of the Korean peninsula where we have always hoped to see the peaceful reunification of the country without foreign interference. We accordingly endorse the steps taken by the Secretary- General to resolve the crises which are disrupting these regions, in particular by obtaining guarantees on the non- use of force against the political independence of any of those States.
78.	It goes without saying that the world is following with concern the various tensions and conflicts which are becoming an increasing threat to the future of all mankind. We might well ask whether detente and disarmament are now mere illusions. The escalation of the arms race has taken on a new dimension, both quantitatively and qualitatively, because of the lack of will of the major Powers who have the technology and capital.
79.	In 1982 the military expenditures of the United States and the Soviet Union alone, with their respective alliances—the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact—accounted for close to two thirds of all the military expenditures recorded in the entire world, or over $700 billion. That money would have been better spent on the pressing development needs, thus contributing to banishing the spectres of poverty, misery and hunger which even today are still causing the deaths of thousands and thousands of men, women and children.
80.	Furthermore, the lack of a clear political will on the part of the major Powers with regard to such a vital question for mankind means that the development of new nuclear and conventional weapons continues uninterrupted and the negotiations on disarmament in the United Nations have not led to any agreement.
81.	It is clear that this widespread arms race and the need for the developing countries to devote large amounts of money to their own defence increase the political and economic dependence of those countries on the more militarily powerful States and deprives them of substantial resources which could have been devoted to improving the living standards of their peoples. Nevertheless, in a spirit of optimism, my country endorses the work already being done in disarmament with hope of inducing the parties to adopt a much more conciliatory and positive attitude.
82.	Unfortunately, it is not just political problems with which we are concerned. Indeed, the international economic situation, characterized by a world-wide depression whose well-known causes are both circumstantial and structural, is, especially for the third world countries, a continuing cause of anguish and anxiety, fully justified recently by the annual report of the World Bank, which emphasizes the bleak prospects for our economies.
83.	Beyond the circumstantial aspects, the Gabon delegation believes that this crisis is above all structural because of the rigid positions systematically adopted by the wealthy countries in refusing to adjust their economic structures to the new requirements of today's world economy.
84.	The slowdown in world trade, more particularly between North and South, is such that many developing countries, especially in Africa, are seriously affected by this crisis because of the precariousness of their economic structures, which are very dependent upon a small number of commodities, or even on a single commodity. In 1980, for example, of the 32 non-oil producing countries deriving more than 50 per cent of their export income from a single one of the 18 products listed in the Integrated Programme for Commodities, 20 were African. As a result, their economies are extremely vulnerable to fluctuation in the prices of their export products. Indeed, since the end of the last world war, relative commodity prices have dropped by over 14 per cent, falling to their lowest level ever. One ton of coffee or one ton of cotton, for example, now permits the purchase of only half the capital goods that could have been purchased in exchange for them 20 years ago.
85.	The present crisis is so serious that the developing countries are forced to postpone implementation of their programmes for economic and social development or purely and simply to give them up.
86.	The deterioration in the terms of trade resulting from the fluctuations in the prices of raw materials has gravely compromised the savings and investment capacities of the poor countries, thus increasing their indebtedness, which now amounts to more than $600 billion. At the same time, the servicing of their debts has suffered the blow of too-high interest rates. At present it amounts to more than $100 billion—a figure clearly higher than the capital now coming into their economies. Moreover,
there has been a net decrease, in real terms, in the official development assistance.
87.	The perpetuation of the present crisis situation is a serious obstacle to the economic independence of these countries and works against their self-sustaining and self-reliant development, as defined in 1980 in the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa and in the Final Act of Lagos. Thus, if the crisis is to be overcome and the world economy to be started up again, it is important not only to promote the idea of the creation of a new liquidity to make profound changes in the present international economic system, but also to determine where the responsibility lies. And there cannot be the slightest doubt that it is the industrialized countries of the North which have this responsibility; their sole watchword must be: to trade a bit more with the third world in order to bring about the complete integration of the South in international trade.
88.	In this regard, many readjustments must be made in the world economy, in the general interest. That requires a global approach to the problems between the developed and the developing regions, in order to draw up the blueprints for joint action in the areas of commodities, manufactured goods, currency and finance.
89.	With regard to primary commodities, we are convinced that putting the Common Fund for Commodities into effect is still the driving force for the implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities. This is a body based on a new concept. It is both integrated, because it seeks to co-ordinate the financing of various policies for the stockpiling of commodities, and global, because in addition to price stability it meets the concern for managing the supply of commodities by greater participation in processing, marketing and transport. These aspects account for the innovative nature of the Fund.
90.	As for manufactured and semi-manufactured products, everything must be done to establish a new international division of labour based on the necessary complementarity between countries at different levels of development.
91.	In respect of monetary and financial problems, the present indebtedness of the third world countries requires a redefinition of assistance. Thus, the diversity of the channels used to ensure the transfer of real resources necessitates joint efforts by developing and developed countries. The need for large-scale action to restructure the debt of the developing countries, such as the establishment of some financing facility or the partial or total cancellation of the debt of the least developed countries, is based on the idea that the disequilibrium in the developing countries' balance of payments arises not so much from an excess of demand as from basic rigidities, the elimination of which implies accelerated growth and diversification of the productive structure.
92.	At the same time, we must not lose sight here of the necessity for, on the one hand, strengthening the resources of IMF by urging the United States Congress to agree on 30 November this year to increase United States contributions to the Fund and, on the other hand, closer co-operation between the Fund and the World Bank when a country has trouble coping with its structural deficiencies and with the current excessively high interest rates. Naturally, this requires reworking the structures of the Bank, as well as broadening the role of the Fund, which up to now has limited itself to assisting in the rescheduling of balances of payments rather than acting as an arbiter of the world monetary system.
93.	Hence, the proposals and solutions advocated in the common interest should be global. The developing countries are calling for international economic relations based on equal rights, with priority being given to joint efforts and multilateral agreements.
94.	The present impasse in the global negotiations and, even more striking, the failure last June of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development once again demonstrate the industrialized countries' negative attitude and their inability to take urgent joint measures to overcome the general crisis and to strengthen the world economy in the interest of all. Faced with that obstinate desire of some countries to freeze the North-South dialogue, the developing countries must understand that in order to fight poverty and seriously develop their economies they must strengthen their unity and mutual assistance, increase their self-sufficiency and promote South-South co-operation. To enable the developing countries to achieve those goals the developed countries are duty bound to honour the commitments they have made in various international forums as part of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Thus, their agreement to the rapid relaunching of global negotiations would significantly contribute to implementing that Strategy.
93. The task, we agree, is immense and difficult. Nevertheless, we have no doubt but that this thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly will harness its energies above all in order to achieve substantial progress in the areas of political and economic relations, disarmament and the settlement of open or still-brewing conflicts which threaten collective peace and security. That, in any event, is the deep conviction of the Government of Gabon and its head of State, Mr. Omar Bongo.
96.	I could not finish this address without paying a sincere tribute to the Secretary-General and to all those who, like him, are devotedly contributing to the achievement of the noble ideals of the Charter of the United Nations and to the safeguarding of its fundamental principles.
97.	May I also express my delegation's wholehearted appreciation and thanks to Mr. Imre Hollai, Deputy Foreign Minister of Hungary, for the selflessness and competence with which he fulfilled his duties.
98.	And, finally, how could I not take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Illueca on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session? His election is testimony not only to his outstanding talents as a statesman but also to the great esteem and respect which the international community as a whole has for his country, linked to my own by that same determination to pursue the useful work already begun by his predecessors with admirable courage and determination, in order to contribute, within the great family of the peoples of the United Nations, to the safeguard of the ideals of peace, freedom and independence. We are already assured that under his presidency the Organization will have even more outstanding successes and that even more important steps will be taken along the road of the permanent quest for the peace and security which mankind so desperately wants.
99.	These congratulations are also addressed to the other members of the General Committee, whose collaboration will be most valuable to the President. It is also a pleasure for me to assure the President of the complete co-operation of the delegation of Gabon in ensuring that the work of the thirty-eighth session will conclude successfully.


91.	 I wish first to congratulate Mr. Jorge Illueca on his election to the presidency of this historic Assembly. His many years of experience, his outstanding qualities of statesmanship and the lofty principles which guide his actions are a matter of record. We all extend our congratulations to his country, the Republic of Panama, which has been equally honoured by his elevation to that high office.
92.	I also take this opportunity to express the deep appreciation of my Government for the exemplary performance of his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, who has made a signal contribution to the strengthening of the Organization and to the search for universal peace.
93.	It is a source of real pride and joy that we are able to welcome to membership in the Organization the newly independent State of Saint Christopher and Nevis. We are especially pleased because Saint Christopher and Nevis, like Grenada, is a small island developing country and belongs to the Caribbean family of nations, being a member of the Caribbean Community and the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States. We know that the Government and the people of Saint Christopher and Nevis share our aspirations for peace, independence and development in the Caribbean subregion.
94.	It is fitting that the thirty-eighth session began with the recognition of the International Day of Peace, for it is convened at a decisive moment in the history of mankind. Since we met at our last session, the world has witnessed a dangerous escalation in the arms race. International tension has heightened and we drift ever closer to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. However, the consciousness of the stark reality of the dangers inherent in this period is rising and consequently the struggle for peace and disarmament is gaining new momentum among the masses.
95.	Closely linked to the increasing danger of war is the grim nature of the economic situation facing the vast majority of our countries. The external debt of third world countries and the dramatic deterioration in the terms of trade of the developing countries are threatening many of these economies with total collapse. In spite of the meagre flows of concessional loans and grants, these countries remain trapped in a virtual state of helplessness, sinking into the mire of bankruptcy.
96.	Although the struggle for just and equitable economic relations is urgent, by far the most burning issue facing the international community is the struggle for peace.
97.	Of immense concern to the Government and the people of Grenada are the increasingly war-like policies of the United States Administration, as evidenced by the numerous military manoeuvres and the deployment of its troops in almost every corner of the globe. During the last few months the dispatch of United States military personnel to Central America, to different parts of North Africa, the Mediterranean and other areas has demonstrated that country's determination to police the world and to impose its will by military might.
98.	These military manoeuvres create an atmosphere of tension and sow the seeds of mistrust, giving rise to international espionage. When, as in the case of the ill- fated KAL flight 007, the lives of unsuspecting civilians are regrettably lost, our duty is to review seriously the policies which may endanger civilian lives and not to exploit a human tragedy for narrow political propaganda objectives.
99.	In the light of new and dangerous military doctrines which threaten the survival of mankind, Grenada believes that it is immeasurably important for our Assembly to reaffirm its commitment to peace and peaceful coexistence and to steer all nations along the course of the peaceful settlement of disputes.
100.	Our country has followed with deep interest successive rounds of negotiations on the limitation and reduction of medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe and other related disarmament issues. The apparent lack of political will on the part of the United States Administration to adopt a constructive approach in these matters  creates a gloomy prospect for the successful outcome of the negotiations. It appears that the United States is proceeding on the basis of achieving military superiority. This is clearly an untenable and unrealistic
position. The plans to deploy additional nuclear missiles in Western Europe can contribute nothing towards the advancement of peace in the world, since one can reasonably expect them to be counter-balanced by the Warsaw Treaty States in an effort to retain the present strategic balance in Europe. Both measures would greatly increase tension and insecurity and diminish the chances of peace. Grenada is fully convinced that in the event of a nuclear attack all nations would be in the front line. We therefore urge meaningful and sincere dialogue on the part of all nuclear States so that the disaster which now threatens all of us can be averted.
101.	In this context, we also express grave concern over the growing proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. We abhor any plans to introduce the arms race into outer space. My Government reiterates its position that Grenada will support any meaningful and constructive proposal from any quarter aimed at eliminating nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.
102.	In the world struggle for the preservation of peace and security, the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada expresses support for the tremendous work being done by the peace movements, both in Europe and in North America. The recognition by people the world over that action should be taken to avert the threat of nuclear war and to prevent the further escalation of the arms race is indeed heartening. The People's Revolutionary Government and the people of Grenada reiterate their full support for all those who are daily struggling to persuade their Governments to dedicate their efforts to the achievement of a lasting peace.
103.	The foreign policy of my Government is predicated on the cardinal principles of the promotion of world peace, good-neighborliness and international cooperation. Since the beginning of our process of revolutionary change in March 1979, we have proceeded on the basis of a clear understanding that without peace and cooperation there can be no progressive development. When tensions exist, scarce resources are often diverted to military purposes. The resources being spent on armaments could be better utilized in the provision of goods and services for the uplift of the society and the improvement of the material conditions of the people.
104.	Our commitment to peace and international cooperation is inextricably linked to the struggle to improve the material conditions of the people of our small country. The People's Revolutionary Government has registered modest achievements since 13 March 1979. Our unemployment figure has been drastically reduced. Secondary education has been expanded rapidly and is now provided free of cost. Our adult literacy programme reaches out to people in all corners of our nation. In spite of the international propaganda campaign, our first and only international airport, the single most important economic project of our revolution, will be officially opened during the first quarter of 1984.
105.	Grenada is convinced that peace and development are interdependent. In 1979, at the session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States held at La Paz, my Government co-sponsored a resolution—which was adopted unanimously—calling for the Caribbean to be declared, and recognized in practice, as a zone of peace. Since then, Grenada has consistently urged the implementation of this historic decision. At a meeting in Grenada in 1981, the Standing Committee of Foreign Ministers of the Caribbean Community endorsed the call of the Organization of American States at La Paz and established a working group to elaborate the concept of a zone of peace. One year later, at the conference of
Foreign Ministers of CARICOM, held in Belize, we attempted to give clearer definition of the hopes and aspirations of our peoples by calling for recognition of our region as a zone of peace, independence and development. This Assembly has recognized the significant contribution which zones of peace in particular areas can make towards the attainment of world peace. Accordingly, we urge all States to support our aspirations to have the Caribbean declared, and recognized in practice, as a zone of peace, independence and development.
106.	The peoples of Central America, neighbours and brothers of the Caribbean peoples, are today particularly and very painfully aware of the real meaning of the world struggle for peace and development. They have waged a long and bitter struggle for genuine independence. They too have a sovereign right to peaceful development. It is an unfortunate fact of history that whenever Central America has tried to develop its own resources independently, to work for the benefit and advancement of its peoples, these efforts have been thwarted by a powerful neighbour whose own overriding interests do not allow for the independent development of States it regards as backyard colonies and banana republics.
107.	Today, the sovereign, independent Government of Nicaragua and its valiant people are bullied and subverted for daring to be independent. This is the basis of  Big Pine II , a crass deployment of military forces designed to intimidate Nicaragua and to subjugate the peoples of Central America and the Caribbean. The People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada vociferously condemns the shameful acts of the United States Government and its puppets, who, in defiance of several United Nations resolutions, continue to perpetrate overt and covert acts of aggression against Nicaragua or to allow their territory to be used as staging points for sabotage, subversion and murder of innocent civilians.
108.	My Government gives its full support to the appeal made at this session by Commander Daniel Ortega Saavedra  that the General Assembly should resume efforts to support the struggle for peace in Central America and that United Nations Member States should refrain from all actions that aggravate the situation in the region. Grenada demands that those Members of the United Nations which are subverting Nicaragua's attempts to attain peaceful and progressive development cease such hostilities immediately.
109.	We also support Nicaragua's six-point proposal aimed at the realization of a peaceful solution to the region's problems. We endorse the initiatives of the Contadora Group and all such initiatives aimed at a peaceful solution to the existing situation in Central America.
110.	Grenada's position on El Salvador is crystal clear. There we see a valiant people struggling against the might of imperialism and a callous and genocidal oligarchy. A regime which descends to the depths of barbarity and orders indiscriminate bombings of its own civilian population has surrendered all claim to moral authority. My Government has consistently supported the right of the Salvadorian people to establish a Government reflecting their just aspirations. Since its publication in 1981 we have supported the Franco-Mexican declaration which recognized the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front as a responsible and representative political force. Two years ago, in my statement at the thirty-sixth session [33r6f Grenada pointed out that the genocidal path pursued for many years by the junta and United States imperialism
was not a feasible approach to resolving the conflict. We reiterate that that policy is not working, it will not work, and it cannot work. We continue to support the commitment to a negotiated political settlement in which all forces, including the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front, would participate fully and on an equal footing in order to bring a just and honourable peace to this war-torn nation.
111.	My Government wishes to direct the Assembly's attention to the constant threats to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Belize, a member of the CARICOM family of nations. Grenada reaffirms its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
112.	Similarly, with respect to the Guyana-Venezuela controversy, the Government of Grenada reaffirms its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guyana. It notes with satisfaction that the Governments of the two countries have referred the choice of a means of settlement to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Geneva Agreement concerning the boundaries of the two States, and expresses the hope that that controversy will be quickly and peacefully resolved.
113.	We are in full solidarity with the aspirations of the Government and the people of Suriname to build their political, economic and social processes in freedom from all forms of outside pressure and blackmail. In this context we condemn Central Intelligence Agency and other imperialist-sponsored activities aimed at undermining that country's development.
114.	We reaffirm our total support for the people and the Government of Bolivia in their struggle to restore the territorial integrity of the Bolivian nation and to regain an outlet to the Pacific with full sovereignty.
115.	In the case of the Malvinas, consistent with Security Council resolutions 502 (1982) and 505 (1982) and with the stated position of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries on the issue, we urge both parties to reopen negotiations, with the participation and good offices of the Secretary-General, with a view to putting an end to this colonial situation in the South Atlantic.
116.	  In like manner, Grenada reiterates its support for the Puerto Rican people's inalienable right to self- determination and independence in conformity with resolution 1514 (XV).
117.	My Government and people salute Panama's steadfastness in its struggle to gain control of every inch of Panamanian territory, including the Panama Canal. Grenada's constant and unswerving support for that country in its historic battle for its rights is assured.
118.	With respect to the Republic of Cuba, Grenada calls for an end to the criminal United States blockade against that country and for the immediate cessation of the imperialist campaign of harassment and threats against that upright Government and that brave and fearless people. We call once more for the return of Guantanamo to Cuban sovereignty.
119.	The cry of oppressed peoples for liberation, for progress, for peace and for justice resounds throughout the Americas. It is a clamour which all the weapons of war and the might of armies will never stifle or silence. It is a clamour which comes today from Chile, from El Salvador, from Guatemala and from Uruguay. We extend our solidarity and support to the peoples of those countries and to all others who seek to affirm the right to freedom, to genuine economic and social advancement and to a lasting peace. The search for peace, independence and economic and social advancement in Latin America and the Caribbean is only part of the world-wide struggle for the attainment of those goals universally.
120.	In the Middle East, the Zionist policy of expansionism continues to be a major obstacle to a just and lasting peace. Today the State of Lebanon is threatened with dismemberment by the Zionists. Our brothers and sisters of Palestine are still being denied their inalienable right to a homeland of their own. We reiterate our unwavering support for the Palestinian people under the leadership of their sole and legitimate representative, the PLO. We are convinced that the establishment of a Palestinian State on Palestinian soil constitutes the foundation of the attainment of the goals and aspirations of the Palestinian people and the main pillar of a just and lasting solution to the conflict. The Grenada Government remains convinced that the people of that region could speedily resolve their differences if the issues were not complicated by the interference of Israel, and it calls for a comprehensive settlement with the full participation of all the parties concerned.
121.	With regard to Cyprus, we continue to call for the restoration of its unity, the withdrawal of all occupation forces and full respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
122.	We also call upon our brothers in Iran and Iraq speedily to bring to an end their sad and wasteful conflict, which benefits neither and which represents a wanton waste of the scarce resources of that region and the third world.
123.	We fully support the efforts of the United Nations towards finding a negotiated political settlement of the situation surrounding Afghanistan.
124.	We reaffirm our support for the peaceful reunification of Korea. We consider the proposals put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea a sound basis on which to begin negotiations to this end.
125.	We reaffirm our solidarity with the people and Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea as they strive valiantly to complete the task of national revival and reconstruction. We view with grave concern attempts by certain forces to escalate their armed interference in Kampuchea. The United Nations should never forget or fail to condemn the brutal savagery of the ousted Pol Pot clique.
126.	We support the call for relations among the countries of South-East Asia to be based on the principles of good-neighborliness, stability and mutual cooperation and for the establishment of a zone of peace in that region.
127.	The continent of Africa, with which my country shares unbreakable bonds of brotherhood and blood, continues to feel the heavy and brutal hand of one of the great evils of this century—the racist Republic of South Africa and its sadistic system of apartheid. This body has consistently raised its voice against this inhuman practice.
128.	Today apartheid is even reaching out to the Caribbean, offering the gold from the sweat and tears of our African brothers to a few mercenaries who are only too willing to play cricket for the amusement of their racist manipulators—as minstrels played for their masters. On the question of apartheid the policy of my Government is clear, uncompromising and incontrovertible. Immediately upon the departure of the cricketing mercenaries from the Caribbean for the racist State the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada declared each one
persona non grata.. In addition, we called upon their home countries to cancel their travel documents and to confiscate the ill-gotten funds and turn them over to the ANC and SWAPO to assist in financing the liberation struggle.
129.	We pledge our total and unconditional support for the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and legitimate representative. We unhesitatingly reject any attempts to make the withdrawal of Cuban internationalist forces from Angola a condition of recognizing the legitimate right of the Namibian people to freedom and independence. We call upon those members of the contact group which have been guilty of delaying tactics to desist from this practice and to facilitate the speeding-up of the process of independence for Namibia.
130.	We reiterate our unwavering solidarity with the ANC and the oppressed people of South Africa in their struggle for national liberation. The People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada reaffirms its total support for and solidarity with the People's Republic of Angola, the People's Republic of Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, the Kingdom of Lesotho and all the frontline States which are plagued by South African harassment and whose sovereignty and independence are constantly threatened by the racist Pretoria regime.
131.	We also take this opportunity to reaffirm our support for the Saharan people in their struggle for freedom and independence under the leadership of POLISARIO.'
132.	The international economic situation is no less grave than the international political and military one. The quest for a new global economic order is inextricably linked to the struggle of the people of the world for peace and development. As the economic crisis deepens, the wide economic gap between developed and developing countries becomes even wider, while the prevailing world economic system remains unresponsive to the basic needs of developing countries.
133.	The establishment of a new international economic order has become an extremely urgent issue if the aspirations of the world's peoples are to be realized. Three quarters of the world population live in over 100 of our countries where poverty and dependence prevail. The external debt of developing countries grew at an average annual rate of 25.1 per cent between 1973 and 1975 and the debt servicing grew at an annual rate of 61 per cent during the same period. It is estimated that in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development [OFCD] countries there are some 30 million unemployed people, and in the developing countries, which feel the brunt of the crisis, the economic situation is even more appalling. In Latin America the per capita gross domestic product dropped by more than 1 per cent in 1981, the first such occurrence since 1959. An OECD estimate informs us that the third world's external debt amounted to about $626 billion in 1982.
134.	A grim indicator of the plight facing the populations of developing countries is revealed in FAO data, which tell us that well over 40 million people, half of them children, die every year from hunger and malnutrition. It has been estimated that one quarter of the population in many countries of the developing world suffers from chronic malnutrition.
135.	In the face of this tragedy, the squandering of scarce resources on instruments of war is nothing short of catastrophic. For example, in the United States $187 billion have been allocated as direct military spending for the hew financial year, with $115 million going for the manufacture of a new generation of chemical weapons. Military spending worldwide rose during the past year to a record total of $800 billion, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies. It should be a source of anguish to the Organization that some countries in the world seem more interested in confrontation and war than in the alleviation of human suffering. When the world's peoples groan under the yoke of the deteriorating economic situation, they are indirectly pleading for peace.
136.	Within the context of the deteriorating economic situation facing developing countries, the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada re-emphasizes the need for a special regime of cooperation and assistance to alleviate the peculiar problems of small island developing States. The recently concluded non-aligned Conference on Small Island Developing Countries, held in Grenada, established a framework to address the peculiar problems of these countries. The Conference also decided to establish a group of experts charged with the responsibility of elaborating a specially tailored programme of concrete assistance from the international community. We issue a special appeal to the world community to come to the assistance of this peculiarly disadvantaged group. The Non-Aligned Movement must be commended for taking this bold initiative. This further demonstrates the relevance of the Movement in the struggle of developing countries for an equitable international economic order, as well as its overall dynamism, its maturity and its sense of responsibility.
137.	There is dire need for the restructuring of the major international financial institutions to make them more responsive to the needs of our countries, especially the most affected and disadvantaged among us. Developing countries need to have a greater voice in all policy decisions which affect them in such institutions. The restructuring and democratization of these institutions are urgently required if developing countries are to make any headway in obtaining development financing on better terms.
138.	At the same time, we call on all donor countries to increase the level of their contributions to the main lending institutions in the interest of ensuring their financial viability and their capacity to assist debtor nations. The economic survival of the countries of the developed world is inextricably linked to the economic viability of the countries of the third world. Let us not forget that fact.
139.	The severe economic crisis reflected in the chronic external indebtedness of developing countries necessitates the rescheduling by creditor States of repayments if we wish to avoid an immediate collapse of many economies. Consideration may have to be given in extremely difficult cases to the cancellation of debts.
140.	The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development is a disturbing reminder of the lack of political will among some developed creditor nations and of their unwillingness to promote equitable economic relations with developing countries. My Government once more appeals to the developed countries to resume negotiations and earnestly try to find solutions to the unjust and unequal economic relationships, a major cause of the chronic economic problems facing the developing world.
141.	The critical world situation challenges mankind's ingenuity to find urgent and real solutions to grave international problems which seem to threaten the very existence of the human race. As we enter this thirty-ninth year since the founding of this exalted Organization, our first and overriding task must be to work with redoubled efforts to attain world peace with justice and a more
equitable distribution of the planet's resources for the benefit of all its peoples.
142.	The Government of Grenada is convinced that, notwithstanding its somewhat limited achievements in certain areas during the past 38 years, the United Nations still provides us with the best, perhaps the only, opportunity for finding solutions to mankind's pressing problems—solutions which can no longer be permitted to elude us. Grenada solemnly reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations and to the principles enshrined in its Charter and calls upon all nations to rededicate themselves in a renewed spirit of international understanding and cooperation to work out just and equitable prescriptions which will alleviate the suffering of the oppressed peoples of the world and steer mankind away from the path of total self-destruction.


42.	I should like first to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, sincere congratulations on your brilliant election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. In electing you to this important post, the General Assembly has demonstrated its confidence in and respect for you and your country, Panama, which has constantly opted for a policy of independence and the peaceful settlement of disputes in Central America. I am convinced that under your wise leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success.
43.	I should like also to extend my sincere congratulations to Mr. Imre Hollai, who successfully discharged his functions as President of the thirty-seventh session in spite of many difficulties.
44.	It is a particular pleasure for me to congratulate the Secretary-General on his relentless, tireless efforts for peace and international detente.
45.	Since the last session of the General Assembly the international climate of detente, peace, security and cooperation has in no way improved; on the contrary the situation has become even more tense.
46.	The Government of the United States has striven to increase its military budget and to step up the manufacture of nuclear and conventional weapons of mass destruction. Furthermore, it brought to bear its most eloquent rhetoric in the cause of pushing humanity closer to a nuclear catastrophe. To justify this new escalation in the arms race, it has not shrunk from intensifying the cold war and seeking in every way to sabotage the Soviet- American negotiations at Geneva.
47.	The recent case of the South Korean aircraft, which caused such distress because of the loss of lives of its passengers, clearly showed that the United States was knowingly implicated and took advantage of this pretext to pursue its policy of out and out warmongering and diverting opinion from the massive support that had been won by the peace initiatives of the Soviet Union.
48.	To attain its objectives it has striven to develop its rapid deployment forces and to build and expand its military bases, particularly in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, to defend what it describes as its vital interests, to set out  regional command centers and to engage in many kinds of military manoeuvres throughout the world, pursuing its policy of confrontation, threats, interference and aggression in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
49.	The aggression against Lebanon and its occupation by the Israeli Zionists and the brutal crimes they have committed against the Palestinian Arab and Lebanese people were carried out with the avowed co-operation of American imperialism. Under the cover of the so-called multinational peace-keeping forces it has used its air and naval forces to interfere directly in Lebanon.
50.	The Lao Peopled Democratic Republic strongly condemns these acts and reaffirms its unswerving support for the Palestinian people, struggling under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] for its fundamental rights, including its right to create an independent Palestinian State in its homeland, and it demands that Israel withdraw its troops from Lebanon and from the Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem, which it has illegally occupied since 1967.
51.	An equally unjustified and dangerous action is the American support for the South African racists in prolonging their occupation of Namibia and their continued acts of provocation and sabotage against the African front-line States, particularly Angola and Mozambique. The United States is also engaged in acts of provocation against Libya and shameless interference in the internal affairs of Chad.
52.	In Latin America it has imposed a blockade and threatened aggression against Cuba and is seriously interfering in the internal affairs of El Salvador. It is involved in acts of armed provocation and threats of aggression against Nicaragua, Grenada and Suriname, threatening their independence and thus creating a situation which could erupt at any moment.
53.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic fully supports the efforts of national defense and socialist construction of the fraternal Cuban people and demands most energetically that the United States abandon its policy of blockade, interference and threats of aggression against the Republic of Cuba, unconditionally  returning Guantanamo to it and respecting its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
54.	We wholeheartedly support the heroic struggle of the governments and peoples of Nicaragua, Grenada and Suriname to protect the fruits of their revolution. We wish to express our great appreciation for the six-point peace proposals made by the Sandinist Government.
55.	The collusion between the United States and leading Chinese circles in the pursuit of an undeclared war and their sabotage of the tranquillity and development of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan have constantly maintained tension in the region of southern Asia.
56.	In the Far East, the United States maintains its troops in South Korea and is encouraging a revival of Japanese militarism and the creation of an American- Japanese-Korean alliance which would constitute a serious threat to the countries of Asia and the Pacific.
57.	In the economic Held the developed capitalist countries are seeking by every possible means to inflict upon the developing countries the fall-out of the economic crisis and are pursuing a policy of protectionism and discrimination in their relations with the poor countries, thus imposing upon them ever-growing difficulties. Global negotiations for international economic co-operation, so long awaited, are not taking place, and the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which met last June at Belgrade, yielded very scanty results because of the intransigent attitude of certain developed capitalist countries.
58.	The situation I have described demonstrates that this session of the General Assembly is faced with very important and urgent problems on which rests the fate of the whole of mankind.
59.	They are the problems of safeguarding international peace and security, the struggle against the arms race and the danger of a devastating nuclear war and, first and foremost, against the deployment by the United States of medium-range missiles in certain European countries by the end of this year.

60.	They are also the problems of protecting the independence and sovereignty of peoples against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid, Zionism, expansionism and hegemonism.
61.	They are also the problems of the development of international economic co-operation and the establishment of a new, just and reasonable international economic order based upon respect for the independence and sovereignty of peoples.
62.	In this spirit the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic is happy to note that in the past few years the movement of the struggle of the peoples for international peace and security, for the recovery and safeguarding of national independence and economic development has experienced a dynamic upsurge and has become a powerful force capable of averting war and thwarting the unjust policies of the warmongering imperialists and international reactionaries.
63.	The just struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, racism and apartheid for freedom and social progress, has received full support from the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
64.	We very much appreciate the proposals of the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty held in January 1983 at Prague, reaffirmed by the meeting of the leaders of those countries last June in Moscow, and the new proposals of Mr. Yuri Andropov, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium , of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, on the banning of the use of force in outer space and from space against the Earth. These proposals, which demonstrate the high sense of responsibility of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries regarding international peace and security, have been widely welcomed and supported by peoples throughout the world that cherish peace and justice. In the interest of the whole of mankind, American imperialism and the warmongering forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] should examine these proposals in their entirety.
65.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic warmly welcomed the success of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held last March at New Delhi, the final declarations of which is stressed once again the important role of our Movement. At the same time, we wish to express our great appreciation of the role played by India, which under the leadership of its Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the new Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, works constantly in the common interest of the countries of the Movement.
66.	We whole-heartedly support the peoples of El Salvador, Puerto Rico, Chile and Guatemala in their valiant struggle against the interference of the United States and military dictatorships and for true independence and freedom.
67.	As to the question of the sovereignty of Argentina over the Malvinas Islands, that country continues to enjoy the sympathy of our people.
68.	We energetically support the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, and the people of South Africa, under the leadership of the African National Congress, in their heroic struggle against the racists of South Africa for true independence and freedom. We condemn the attempts of the imperialists and racists of South
Africa to link the granting of independence to Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban volunteers from Angola.
69.	We stand shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and the other front-line countries which are fighting against the acts of provocation and armed aggression of the Pretoria racists.
70.	The armed provocation against Libya and the violations of its sovereignty by the United States and its tributary forces are energetically condemned by the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, which demands, furthermore, that they cease their interference in the internal affairs of Chad and leave the people of that country to resolve their own internal problems.
71.	The Lao delegation supports the struggle of the Saharan Arab people, under the leadership of POLISARIO, for the exercise of its right to self-determination.
72.	The struggle of the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to protect the gains of the April revolution and to follow the path of national construction it has chosen enjoys our whole-hearted support.
73.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic's approval of the proposal to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace goes without saying. We demand that the United States cease to create obstacles to the holding of the international conference on this problem. We support the sovereignty of Mauritius over the island of Diego Garcia and call explicitly upon the United States to dismantle its base there.
74.	We strongly support the proposals of the Mongolian People's Republic concerning the conclusion of an international convention on non-aggression and on the non- use of force in international relations among the countries of Asia and the Pacific.
75.	We whole-heartedly support the struggle of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful reunification and independence of that country. The United States must withdraw all its troops from the southern part of Korea.
76.	South-East Asia, which I would like to dwell on in particular, is by virtue of its geopolitical and strategic situation a part of the world which unfortunately has become the object of the greed of the imperialists and the Chinese expansionists. In spite of the failure of their policy of interference and aggression, the latter have not given up their machinations aimed at absorbing the three Indo-Chinese countries as part of their expansionist designs concerning the whole of South-East Asia. They strive constantly to maintain a constant state of tension along the Chinese-Lao and Chinese-Viet Nam frontiers, where their troops are stepping up their acts of armed provocation and sabotage of all kinds, and also along the Thai-Kampuchean frontier, where, in collusion with the American imperialists and Thai reactionary forces, they are using Thai territory as a base for feeding, arming and training the rump of the Pol Pot troops and a handful of Khmer reactionaries to undermine the process of the revival of the Kampuchean people. It thus becomes unmistakably clear that China is behind the deterioration of peace and security in South-East Asia and the hostility between the members of ASEAN and the countries of Indo-China.
77.	After having won victories in the national liberation struggle against the imperialists, and having thwarted the policy of interference, aggression and annexation of Chinese leading circles, the three Indo-Chinese countries have no other aspiration than to live in peace so as to staunch the wounds of war, reconstruct their countries, build a new life and establish relations of friendship with
all their neighbours, including the People's Republic of China. The people of Laos, like the people of Viet Nam and Kampuchea, have always cultivated an age-old friendship with the Chinese people and have spared no effort to promote such friendship. The three countries of Indo-china have repeatedly expressed their wish to sign treaties of peaceful coexistence with China and to normalize relations with that country.
78.	As far as the ASEAN countries are concerned, the Lao delegation is happy to note a certain willingness to begin a dialogue. It is highly desirable that this willingness take concrete form. As for the three countries of Indo-China, they have spared no effort to promote such dialogue with a view to making South-East Asia a zone of peace, stability, friendship and co-operation. Accordingly, at their first summit conference, held in February of this year at Vientiane, high-level representatives of Laos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam reaffirmed that:
 relations of friendship and co-operation among the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries are an important factor for preserving peace and stability in South-East Asia. They should settle all differences through negotiation in a spirit of good neighbourhood, coexist in peace . . . They should not let outside countries interfere and divide them or use the territory of one against another.  [-Sec
As in the past, Laos, Kampuchea an Viet Nam remain and will remain resolutely faithful to this course.
79.	Thus, the withdrawal of volunteers of the Vietnamese army from Kampuchea, which has already taken place on two occasions, is a token of the seriousness of our intent and demonstrates the consistent position of Viet Nam in respect of the independence and sovereignty of that country.
80.	In the course of their seventh conference held last July at Phnom Penh, the Foreign Ministers of Laos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam once again repeated their proposals for the restoration of peace and co-operation in South-East Asia and invited the ASEAN countries and China to embark without delay on the process of dialogue and negotiation	in accordance, with the spirit and letter of the statement on South-East Asia of the seventh conference of the non-aligned countries, held last March at New Delhi. The three countries of Indo-China are ready, on the basis of this statement, to proceed with discussions with their neighbours without preconditions. To demonstrate their good will, they have even accepted the formula of the ASEAN countries for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, as a basis for dialogue.
81.	As to the problem of the participation of these two groups of countries—Indo-China and ASEAN—in dialogue, as well as the agenda of the meeting, they should be the subject of an agreement between the two parties. In this regard, the People's Republic of Kampuchea made it explicitly known that it has no intention of making its participation a precondition or obstacle to the opening of the dialogue. The Lao delegation believes that this is an important new and very constructive factor which should give an impetus to dialogue between the two groups of countries.
82.	Another new element is the statement on the problems of South-East Asia adopted by consensus at the conference of the non-aligned countries, including the problem of Kampuchea and its vacant seat.
83.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic considers that the two resolutions constitute a good basis for making progress towards the settlement of the problems between the two groups of countries and for making South-East Asia a zone of peace and stability.
84.	As for the seat of Kampuchea in the United Nations, we regret that the Organization continues to allow it to be occupied by the architects of genocide, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, under the label of the so-called  Government of Coalition of Democratic Kampuchea . On the other hand we wish to salute the good will shown by the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the sole legitimate representative of the Kampuchean people, which has already stated that it does not intend immediately to occupy the seat when  Democratic Kampuchea  is expelled from the United Nations.
85.	In consideration of the good will thus manifested by the countries of Indo-China, we hope that the United Nations will reconsider its position on the Kampuchean problem so that it can justify the confidence placed in it as the guardian of peace under the Charter and that it will give a positive impetus to dialogue on the problem.
86.	The Lao people, a small people which loves peace, independence and liberty and whose wish is to live in peace and good-neighborliness with all neighbouring countries so that it may devote itself entirely to the development of its country, does not constitute a threat to any one. It is, however, highly regrettable that certain neighbouring countries still consider my country as a target to be destroyed, so that our relations are affected and have deteriorated without any prospects of improvement. On the Chinese-Lao frontier, Chinese troops have massed and have undertaken military exercises, made arrests and executed our frontier guards, have sent spies into Laotian territory and have engaged in propaganda hostile to the policy of the Lao Government and in divisive manoeuvres among the population, and so forth. What is even more dangerous, the Peking leaders are currently maintaining, in Yunan Province in southern China, a certain number of military training centers for Lao refugees, in particular the Hmong reactionaries, in order to send them into Lao territory to carry out acts of sabotage and disrupt public order.
87.	These actions form part of the implementation of the expansionist and hegemonist policy of the Peking leaders with regard to Indo-China and South-East Asia as a whole.
88.	In its relations with the Kingdom of Thailand, the Lao People's Democratic Republic signed the joint Lao- Thailand communiqué in 1979 to strengthen bilateral relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence and to transform the Mekong, in the section that forms the frontier between the two countries, into a river of friendship, peace and co-operation. Over the last few years, not only has the Thai administration failed to abide by its commitments in good faith, but some of its leaders who support the American imperialists and the Chinese expansionists have been using Thai territory as a sanctuary to train Lao reactionaries in their work of sabotage against the development of Laos, thus impairing the traditional relations of friendship between the two peoples of Thailand and Laos and working against the interests of the two countries. In the interests of the Thai people and in the interests of friendship between the people of Thailand and Laos, those holding power in Thailand should scrupulously implement the joint communiqué issued by the two countries and seek a settlement of their differences with Laos by means of negotiation.
89.	As regards the United States, it continues, always in collusion with the Chinese expansionists and other reactionary forces, to aid and abet the Lao reactionaries in exile in Thailand, to carry out acts of provocation, to interfere in the internal affairs of Laos and to utter slanderous accusations against its Government about the use of chemical weapons against these bandits, charges
which are renewed each year in the General Assembly. Nevertheless, the Lao Government, anxious to respect friendly relations with the American people and with the worthy aim of normalizing Lao-American relations, has during the year authorized a certain number of American official missions to visit Laos, but to our regret these have led to no concrete results.
90.	Faced with the situation I have described, we believe that the international community should do everything in its power to help make South-East Asia a zone of peace, stability and co-operation.
91.	The Lao delegation wishes to take this opportunity to express from this rostrum the profound gratitude of the Government and people of Laos for the sympathy and support which friendly countries and international organizations in the world have given to the defence and construction of the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
92.	The thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly has opened in a climate of international tension, a matter of some concern to progressive mankind.
93.	Never has the fight to halt the arms race and promote disarmament, to fight the danger of nuclear war and to promote detente and peace, been such a categorical imperative as it is at present.
94.	Never has the fight to overcome imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, domination and exploitation, and to promote independence, freedom and national sovereignty been waged so fiercely and energetically as now.
95.	Never have the tasks of economic development and the struggle to establish a new international economic order, more just and equitable, become such urgent and important topics in international life as they are now.
96.	Never have the struggles for peace, independence and economic development been so intimately linked, so much the main concerns of the international community, as now. It is quite clear that the deepest aspirations of mankind today centre on peace, national independence, social progress, prosperity, friendship and international co-operation.
97.	I with to issue an appeal from this rostrum to all Members of the Organization, to the President of the General Assembly and to the Secretary-General to spare no effort to ensure that this session lives up to the profound hopes of the peoples of the world for international peace and security.
98.	For its part, the Lao People's Democratic Republic will do everything in its power, together with other Member States, to co-operate in that endeavour.