Let me first convey to you, Sir, my delegation’s and my
own congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly. Your appointment to preside over the
Assembly at such an important session constitutes a
recognition not only of your personal abilities but also of
the important international role that Portugal plays on the
international stage.
As we commemorate half a century of the existence
of the United Nations, we do so with renewed hopes for
the purposes and principles of the Organization, and we
wish to reaffirm our country’s commitment to it.
The major processes taking place in the modern
world have transcended national borders and taken strong
root in the multilateral sphere. Like never before in the
history of humankind, the solution of the problems of the
peace and security of States and the people inhabiting
them, as well as the protection of the individual, his
welfare and his environment, depend more on collective
decisions and action than on any one country. Our
multilateral system may still have major defects and
shortcomings, but there is no replacement that has the
political legitimacy of the United Nations to take up the
challenges facing us as we approach a new millennium.
Hence, it is important, during this session of the
Assembly, to engage in a broad debate on the functioning
of our system, in order both to adapt its objectives to the
new realities and to introduce far-reaching changes in the
structures of the Organization, which were designed to
meet the challenges of a post-war world that no longer
exists.
My country aspires to occupy a seat in the Security
Council as a non-permanent member in 1996 and 1997.
From this rostrum I wish to express our gratitude for the
unanimous endorsement we have received from the Latin
American and Caribbean Group, as well as for the
support to be provided by other countries of the United
Nations in the election, which is to be conducted at this
session of the General Assembly.
Chile is in a position to assume this responsibility
and contribute to the search for the consensuses required
to strengthen the Organization and make its decisions
really effective. We shall do so on the basis of our
17

principles of international policy, seeking always to reflect
the views and interests of the region we wish to represent.
We believe that the primary objective of a security
policy is to reduce the insecurity of the international
community as a whole, of its Member States and of
individuals, families and the communities in which they
live. Helping to reduce these insecurities is the main task of
the United Nations.
We are experiencing the combined effects of the
ending of the cold war and of the process of increasing
globalization. Both have positive consequences in the
economic and political spheres, but at the same time they
face us with new situations and uncertainties.
The fear of the nuclear destruction that might have
resulted from the world-wide ideological confrontation
between the major Powers has disappeared, and the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), to
which Chile is now a party, has been indefinitely extended.
Nevertheless, the nuclear Powers and those aspiring to
that status still do not acknowledge that the very existence
of nuclear weapons capable of destroying mankind is a
source of insecurity for us all. To believe that nuclear
weapons confer greater security on the State that possesses
them is an illusion. What they produce is profound unease
in other nations and in the population of the nuclear-
weapon State itself in the face of the possibility that the
weapons, in an escalation of folly, might end up being
used.
The renewal of nuclear tests by certain Powers —
precisely at a time when, in the wake of the recent
Conference on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, there should have been a moratorium on
such tests so that a definitive test-ban treaty could be
prepared — shows insensitivity in this regard. Nevertheless,
China and France, countries for which we profess respect
and friendship, have opted to continue such tests. We
condemn their attitude, and we see this as a clear setback
for the cause of disarmament and non-proliferation of
nuclear weapons, which we all claim to share.
For Chile, France’s decision to renew its nuclear tests
on Mururoa Atoll, in the Pacific Ocean, is of particular
concern. As a Pacific country and a member of the Asia-
Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC), has
categorically condemned those tests, and President Frei has
made our opinion known to President Chirac.
We are concerned lest the South Pacific region, in
which Chile has vital interests, should become a zone in
which it is regarded as legitimate to engage in activities
that are unthinkable in other parts of the world. We wish
to state clearly our willingness to work together with
other States of the region to prevent the proliferation,
emplacement, transit or testing of nuclear weapons and
other radioactive materials in that region and throughout
the world.
On the other hand, we appreciate the positive
attitude of those nuclear Powers that have declared and
maintained unilateral moratoriums. Chile, along with other
countries, believes that the General Assembly should take
a stand on this issue in order to promote an immediate
moratorium on all nuclear tests, as proposed by the Heads
of State of the Rio Group and the States parties to the
Treaties of Tlatelolco and Rarotonga at their recent
meeting.
The end of the cold war has given rise to a genuine
ideological decolonization that has opened the way for
greater freedom and democracy in various regions of the
world. Nevertheless, the hope that this change would lead
to a more peaceful world has been thwarted. The new
world disorder has encouraged the development of ethnic,
religious, cultural or simply group differences. The former
Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Somalia remind us that hatred
that still festers in various parts of our world.
People rightly look to the United Nations to bring its
political and moral weight to bear in helping prevent such
atrocities. Consent to barbarism in any part of the world
weakens the moral fibre of all human beings. That is one
of the great lessons of the cold war; after the overthrow
of fascism, the world also had an opportunity to expand
democracy and freedom.
Nevertheless, the systematic abuse of human rights
which tactical allies were allowed to engage in, and which
also characterized the Soviet Union and its areas of
influence, reduced the ethical quality of the world
inherited after the ending of the cold war. What alarms us
today was just yesterday promoted or consented to for
“reasons of State”.
Thus, the promotion of human rights, freedom and
democracy cannot be seen as unwarranted interference in
other people’s affairs. There cannot be political, cultural,
ethnic or religious reasons for trampling on human
dignity. This is the core of the emerging international
18

humanitarian law which Chile regards as a cornerstone of
the world order for the twenty-first century.
In addition, the need to promote the security of the
individual has recently acquired particular prominence. The
main factors that today affect such security are
unemployment, hunger, poverty, marginalization, crime and
discrimination on grounds of class, sex, religion, culture or
ethnic origin. People are demanding to be included in a
process of development which affords opportunity, and
asking that shared progress should ensure increased equality
for all. Societies today are aware that social polarization is
becoming their main source of uncertainty.
The world economy also recognizes this fact. As
President Eduardo Frei has said:
“We know today that there can be no stable
investment in unstable societies, and that economic
prosperity cannot prosper amidst human insecurity. On
the contrary, it is becoming increasingly apparent that
one of the main sources of growth and development
for the future is, in all countries, the incorporation of
today’s marginalized people into the worldwide
production system that is coming into being.”
Heads of State and Government from all parts of the
world ratified these views at the World Summit for Social
Development, when they stated:
“We acknowledge that the people of the world
have shown in different ways an urgent need to
address profound social problems, especially poverty,
unemployment and social exclusion, that affect every
country. It is our task to attack both their underlying
and structural causes and their distressing
consequences in order to reduce uncertainty and
insecurity in the life of people.” (A/CONF.166/9,
annex I to resolution 1, para. 2)
The same problems stemming from the processes of
globalization and internationalization have led to the
emergence of a new set of problems relating to security.
These include the corrosive influence of drug production
and consumption, and the corrupting effect of the
movements of vast amounts of money that this traffic
involves; the degradation of the environment, from its
global impact on the ozone layer to its local effect on the
health of children and the elderly; the large international
migrations resulting from insecurity in the countries of
origin; the expansion of international terrorism; and the
increase in transmissible diseases such as AIDS.
One immediate conclusion emerges: there is no
substitute for the multilateral system to tackle this
interrelated set of problems. The areas for purely national
action are shrinking, while the need for international
agreements and understandings is growing on a daily
basis.
Another important conclusion is that to deal with
this multifaceted constellation of problems, we need to
make use of the United Nations system as a whole. If we
want to resolve the problems of security, as they are
experienced by people and as we have described them
here, not only the Security Council, but also the General
Assembly, the Economic and Social Council and the
specialized programmes and agencies have a vital role to
play. We must give them greater responsibilities in
relation to these issues.
In this context, I wish to outline a number of general
principles by which our activity in the Security Council
will be guided. We shall:
First, focus on preventive diplomacy and on peaceful
settlement of disputes in accordance with Chapter VI
in order to reduce to the minimum the use of force,
in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter.
Secondly, promote confidence-building measures and
regional solutions based on the capacity for action of
countries in the region; the regional option can be
effective, as the case of Latin America is
demonstrating, and should precede and complement
recourse to the Security Council.
Thirdly, always maintain a special concern for the
victims of the conflicts dealt with by the Council,
encouraging the fullest use of humanitarian law.
Fourthly, protect, in cases where sanctions have to
be applied, the interests and needs of the most
disadvantaged sectors of society; we do not believe
in unilateral sanctions or in sanctions that ultimately
hit only the weakest.
Fifthly, promote greater transparency in the
procedures and decisions of the Council, so that the
other States Members of the United Nations, civil
society and public opinion at large can exercise
democratic oversight over its actions; the more
widely the complexities of the issues it deals with
are known and understood, the greater the support
for its work will be.
19

Sixthly, monitor the growing cost of peace-keeping
operations with a view to rationalizing use of the
available resources and making them more efficient.
We believe that one of the essential tasks for the
United Nations in striving to attain the goal of increasing
global stability is to promote the progressive establishment
in various parts of the world of regional zones of peace and
cooperation that is, geographical areas, defined by the
participants themselves, in which are applied agreed rules
for coexistence and the strengthening of peace and security.
The United Nations has already declared the Indian
Ocean and the South Atlantic to be zones of peace. The
same objective has been pursued by the Treaties of
Tlatelolco and Rarotonga in relation to nuclear weapons in
Latin America and the Caribbean and in the South Pacific.
We need to draw the main lessons from the benefits and
limitations of the experience they afford.
It is important to stress that the ending of the cold war
leaves the concept of a zone of peace devoid of any
ideological implication and makes it possible to
acknowledge its practical usefulness. The Government of
Chile considers that many regions, including ours, are in a
position to follow this example. We intend to request the
Secretary-General to engage in consultations with the
Governments of United Nations Member States regarding
the interest in and possibilities of promoting zones of peace
in various regions of the world and to report thereon to the
General Assembly next year.
If we wish to make an effective response to the
challenges we face, we need to improve the
representativeness and efficiency of our Organization. This
Assembly will also have to discuss important aspects
relating to the reform of the system in these two directions.
Chile shares the view of many other countries
regarding the need to restructure the Security Council to
make it more representative. That entails bringing in as new
permanent members countries which over the past 50 years
have acquired much greater weight than they had when the
Second World War ended.
The new realities of the international system have not
affected only the developed world. Other regions have
increased their influence in a world which — although
“globalized” — is still extremely diverse.
While maintaining its capacity for rapid
decision-making, which implies a small number of
members, the Security Council needs to be expanded to
take all these factors into account. That will mean making
the present categories of membership more flexible, while
always maintaining geographical balance.
Of course, we agree with all the countries of Latin
America and the Caribbean that any expansion of the
Council should provide for an increase in the
representation of our region, which in recent decades has
acquired a greater international presence and has shown
itself always ready to undertake responsibilities in the
strengthening of international security.
Nevertheless, the reform needed in the United
Nations goes far beyond the Security Council. Important
reforms also remain to be carried out in the economic and
social sphere, through which it will be possible to
promote greater efficiency in the discharge of the major
tasks of eliminating poverty, protecting the most
disadvantaged social groups, creating employment,
protecting the environment and strengthening free trade.
In these and other areas, we also expect important
initiatives from this Assembly.
Finally, the financial situation of the United Nations
has been a cause of concern to us all. This situation is
largely due to the many additional tasks the Organization
has had to take on in recent times. But we share the idea
that, rather than endlessly increasing contributions, it is
important to take up the urgent task of rationalizing
expenditure and setting adequate priorities for our
activities. We greatly value the initiatives the Secretary-
General has been taking in this direction, and we assure
him of our full support in his efforts to adapt our
Organization to the new realities.
Over the past 10 years, Latin America has
undergone far-reaching structural changes in the direction
of democracy, respect for human rights and economic
reform. Now we are also making an effort to attack the
major problems of poverty and inequality that blight us,
and to eliminate once and for all the scourges of drug
trafficking and corruption.
Chile, as an integral part of the community of Latin
America and the Caribbean, is a country of social peace
and continuing development. Our economy has
experienced sustained growth rates and our country is
determined to consolidate the democratic process and
attain justice and social equity.
20

As a country that is open to the world, we have
expressed our readiness to assume in full the international
responsibilities incumbent on us in the common task of
bringing about peace, security and development. We are
convinced that this Organization, which we helped to found
fifty years ago, will continue to be the main multilateral
vehicle for our proposals, our contributions and our dreams.


It is with great pleasure that
I join previous speakers in congratulating Mr. Diogo
Freitas do Amaral on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its fiftieth session. It is a great
honour and a great challenge to be serving in that
capacity at a time when the United Nations is marking its
first 50 years of existence, and when people are hoping
for a better world — as Mr. do Amaral noted in his
statement last week — through peace, freedom, justice,
education, health and development.
Fifty years ago, the United Nations was formed to
bring all nations of the world together to work for peace
and development based on the principles of justice,
human dignity and the well-being of all people. The
United Nations aim of promoting international
cooperation is still alive half a century later, although it
is facing more challenges than ever before.
Lithuania itself is facing, and meeting, new
challenges. In the less than six years since the
reestablishment of independence, Lithuania has enshrined
24

democratic values in its constitution, established the rule of
law, promoted human rights and implemented free-market
economic reforms. Our foreign policy is based on respect
for international law, national sovereignty, human rights and
peaceful coexistence among nations — especially our most
immediate neighbours. The best testimony to our good-
neighbourly relations is provided by the treaties we have
concluded with all neighbouring States; they were a result
of hard work and compromise. It is our view that they
constitute a major contribution to the security of the region
and of the entire world.
Our other foreign-policy goals are also clearly defined.
Lithuania is striving for full integration into European
political, economic and collective-security structures. As an
associate member of the European Union, our ultimate goal
is full membership in the Union. Membership in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and in the Western
European Union (WEU) is also a high priority. We look
forward to continuing our cooperation with and our active
participation in regional organizations such as the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) and the Council of Europe.
The United Nations is facing new challenges today. A
half-century later it is not only proper to assess the
Organization’s performance, but also necessary to prepare
it for the new demands and problems resulting from the
dramatic changes that have come about since the end of the
cold war. The number and importance of the challenges that
face the United Nations call for reforms. The United
Nations is expected to solve many problems, such as armed
conflicts, human rights violations, the poverty gap and
humanitarian crises. The problems presented by conflicts
such as those in the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan,
Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi and Somalia are in many ways
unprecedented. The United Nations is expected to provide
development assistance and emergency relief to refugees. It
is expected to promote democracy and to safeguard the
health and rights of women and children. The United
Nations is expected to play a leading role in solving
environmental and population problems and in securing
sustainable development. It is expected to prevent the
spread of weapons of mass destruction.
If the United Nations is to live up to these
expectations, Member States will have to provide it with
the necessary means to do so. For this reason, Lithuania
attaches importance to the efforts aimed at the
revitalization, strengthening and reform of the United
Nations system, and will follow with interest the initiatives
directed towards that goal. Good management in the
Secretariat is an important tool in achieving that goal.
Better productivity and increased cost-effectiveness, as
well as accountability and responsibility, can make a
difference in creating a more mission-driven and result-
oriented Organization. Energies and resources within the
United Nations system need to be utilized in a more
effective and coordinated manner if the Organization is to
meet the challenges that lie ahead.
Likewise, there is a need for integrated policies to
address these global problems, which too often are treated
as separate questions. In that regard, we see a close
connection between “An Agenda for Peace” and “An
Agenda for Development”, and are in full agreement that
the quest for peace and security should not divert
attention from other fundamental objectives of the
Organization, especially in the fields of economic and
social development.
Another priority for a revitalized United Nations is
reform of the Security Council. Lithuania supports
continued discussion on the transparency of the work of
the Security Council. Recent informal arrangements to
improve consultation on peace-keeping between the
Secretariat, the Security Council and troop contributors
should be further developed. The Security Council must
be more representative of the greatly expanded
membership of the United Nations, and it has to take into
account the interests of small States and of all regions,
including those of Central and Eastern Europe. We
believe that an increase in the overall membership of the
Council is needed and that an increase in the permanent
membership should reflect current geopolitical realities. In
this context, Lithuania supports an increase in the number
of permanent members of the Security Council with new
members to come from among countries that make an
exceptional contribution to the activities of the United
Nations. This would significantly strengthen the authority
and capability of the United Nations as a whole. It goes
without saying that reform of the Security Council should
not decrease its effectiveness or its efficient functioning.
The tremendous increase in and complexity of
peace-keeping operations in recent years clearly signals
the need for change. We cannot ignore the financial
consequences of this increase. The budget for peace-
keeping operations currently amounts to approximately
$3.6 billion. We must strengthen preventive diplomacy in
order to avoid overextending our capabilities in the area
of peace-keeping. Nevertheless, Lithuania will continue to
play its part in peace-keeping, as it is already doing in the
United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in
25

Croatia (UNCRO); it stands ready to do more. The third
platoon of Lithuanian peace-keepers is now serving in
Croatia within the Danish battalion. We are actively
participating in the NATO Partnership for Peace
programme and are moving forward on the formation and
training of a Baltic peace-keeping battalion.
Lithuania also welcomes the growing interaction
between the United Nations and regional organizations,
such as the OSCE and NATO, in the field of peace-keeping
operations. This approach enables regional organizations to
share the common burden of peace-keeping functions and
to contribute, together with the United Nations, to the
maintenance of peace and security. OSCE missions are
actively promoting peaceful political solutions to regional
crises in Chechnya, Georgia, Nagorny-Karabakh, Tajikistan
and elsewhere.
Although Lithuania believes that European countries
should try to solve their own problems in the framework of
the OSCE before turning to the United Nations, we hope
that cooperation between the OSCE and the United Nations
will be strengthened in areas of common concern,
particularly on issues concerning stability and security in
the OSCE area. Further work needs to be done in
developing a standard set of principles for peace-keeping
activities undertaken by individual States or third parties.
Any strategy for preventing armed conflicts should
involve disarmament and non-proliferation objectives. The
easy availability of arms contributes to the scale of
suffering in conflict situations as well as to the outbreak of
conflict itself. Lithuania wholeheartedly supported the
indefinite and unconditional extension of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), because it
views the Treaty as a crucial instrument for preventing the
spread of nuclear weapons and for reducing existing stocks.
We recognize that, although the threat posed by
nuclear weapons is of prime concern, the ongoing use of
conventional weapons is equally dangerous. There is a need
for States to exercise greater responsibility and restraint in
their arms transfers. The United Nations Register of
Conventional Arms has led to greater transparency, but a
code of conduct for conventional arms transfers could set
out common principles to be observed in this area.
Drug trafficking and associated international crime are
another growing threat to the security and well-being of
nations and peoples. We give our full support to the United
Nations International Drug Control Programme, which has
the responsibility of leading the global fight against this
scourge. In view of the continuous and growing rise in
drug-related problems throughout the world, including in
our region, we encourage closer cooperation in this area.
The situation in Rwanda and in former Yugoslavia
is uppermost in our minds, as are other armed conflicts
closer to home, which have resulted in bloodshed and
systematic violations of human rights. Racial and ethnic
hatred have led to particularly inhumane behaviour. These
horrible lessons must never be forgotten; nor should these
crimes against humanity go unpunished. This is why we
are in favour of strengthening mechanisms to monitor and
protect human rights by fully implementing the mandate
of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights, and by strengthening the Centre for Human
Rights. In order to avoid duplication, we encourage
further coordination of United Nations human rights
activities with regional bodies carrying out similar
mandates.
Lithuania also feels that the mandate for peace-
keeping operations could include a human rights
component with clearly established reporting and
verification procedures. When terrible crimes are
committed and when human rights are systematically
violated despite all efforts, Lithuania believes that those
responsible, including the actual perpetrators, should be
prosecuted. We thus support moves to establish a
permanent international criminal court which would have
jurisdiction over serious crimes of international concern,
wherever they occur.
Lithuania places great importance on the work of the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) as the
principal funding agency and coordinator of United
Nations technical and development assistance. Since the
establishment of the UNDP office in Vilnius in 1992, my
Government, with support from UNDP, has launched
programmes in such priority sectors as democratization
and the development of civil society, public
administration reform and the social impact of transition.
We are especially grateful for UNDP assistance in the
preparation of our 1995 national development report.
My Government reaffirms the need for the full
integration of countries with economies in transition into
the world economy and for continued United Nations
support in achieving that goal. We see the concept of
transition as a temporary one, which at this point in time
identifies the special needs and immediate concerns of
26

countries undergoing fundamental political, economic and
social transformation. We hope that these needs and
concerns will be reflected in “An Agenda for
Development”. Lithuania recognizes the fine work done by
the Economic Commission for Europe in diagnosing the
problems of transitional economies and in preparing useful
recommendations.
I also wish to take this opportunity to acknowledge the
work of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in
my country. UNICEF has provided much-appreciated
technical and advisory services on meeting global objectives
for the welfare of children.
Recent major international conferences in Rio de
Janeiro, Cairo, Copenhagen and Beijing have addressed
important strategies and goals for development. Coordinated
follow-up and implementation of the recommendations of
these conferences will require not only the commitment of
Governments, but greater coordination in United Nations
operational activities and improved coherence in
programmes.
Fully recognizing and supporting the obligation of all
Member States to pay their contributions in full and on
time, Lithuania also believes in the principle of sovereign
equality, that is the equal rights of all Member States. In
our case, those rights were violated by the assignment in
1992 of inequitable assessment rates to the Baltic States
and the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent
States (CIS), which were above the capacity of those States
to pay. We have participated in the work of the high-level
working group on the financial situation of the United
Nations and have followed the work of the working group
on the principle of capacity to pay. We welcome the partial
improvement in our rates of assessment due to the 50 per
cent phasing out of the scheme of limits for 1995-1997.
Next month the Lithuanian Committee for the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the United Nations will commemorate this
anniversary with an impressive programme. Emphasis is
being placed on youth education, the main themes on the
agenda of the United Nations and the achievements of the
Organization over the past five decades. We must, however,
remind ourselves of what the United Nations has not yet
achieved. Let us hope that those unattained goals will
inspire us to move forward with the same vision and
commitment as the founders of the United Nations did 50
years ago.


Mr. President, on this important occasion, allow me to
extend the congratulations of the people and Government
of Peru upon your distinguished and well-deserved
election to preside over the work of the fiftieth session of
the General Assembly. We are confident that your broad
experience and ability will make Portugal’s presidency a
high-water mark in this exceptional anniversary marking
half a century of the United Nations Organization.
Peru, like all the nations gathered here, is facing a
time of awesome changes in social, political and
economic practices and in international equilibria as this
century draws to a close. Those changes have altered our
vision of the world and introduced positive elements of
cardinal importance, but have also left questions and
shadows that cause the greatest concern. Moreover, the
shared approaches that have characterized these last few
years do not in themselves resolve many of the
substantive problems of the international system, such as
those pertaining to collective security, economic and
social development and the defence of the perennial
values that guarantee a worthy and peaceful life for
peoples and individuals.
During the space of a decade my country
experienced the worst social, political and economic crisis
in its 174 years of history as an independent nation. A
painful and futile internal conflict, brought on by
intransigence and ideological utopianism, added to the
waste of public resources and Governments overwhelmed
by the nation’s problems, led Peru into a deep internal
crisis with grave international consequences. Over the last
10

five years, the Government of President Alberto Fujimori
has succeeded in overcoming the internal confrontation,
restoring a healthy and vigorous economic order and re-
establishing Peru’s international ties. In this context, it is
very important to stress that we have set forth on the way
to turning external difficulties into patterns of normalcy and
the potential consolidation of our relations with
neighbouring countries, with which we wish above all to
cultivate cooperation.
All of us here are aware that threats to international
peace and security arise from the deterioration of the social,
economic and institutional fabric of States, and that their
worst effects, such as internal armed conflicts, drug
trafficking, corruption and the inevitable sequel of those
ills, poverty, are the seed-bed in which international
conflicts tend to germinate. And all sensible people also
know that the antidote to those ills is to be found in the
permanent values common to all of mankind’s great
civilizations, the values that should guide the effective
effort of the international community to overcome those
acute evils.
We have left behind the international system
dominated by the cold war between the super-Powers and
the absurd faith in philosophical and political determinism.
If we wish to build a world of justice and peace, we must
dispense with the rhetorical exercises to which we became
accustomed during that fortunately bygone era. We need
objective points of reference for the international system
that will avoid unilateral interpretations or interpretations
that disregard the principles in force to bring about civilized
coexistence among nations. And this requires us to refute
the cynical idea that the values of the international system
do not exist, or that they are entirely subordinate to
relations of force between nations.
All of this implies taking initiatives to enhance and
defend objective principles of international law, as the only
possible foundation for the present international system. We
see with great concern how ethnic, geographical and
utopian myths and revisionisms are becoming a boundless
source of suffering for millions of men and women in our
time, gravely disturbing fragile international balances.
The struggle of the Cold War undermined the legal
principles concerning avoidance of the use of force, respect
for international treaties and the principle of
non-intervention. Today, we have a duty to look upon
international law with a new gaze; we must understand that,
although international law does not in itself resolve the
world’s problems, it will make this world safer and more
habitable, and ensure that its points of reference are more
stable. We have before us the intellectual challenge of
clarifying the content of the central rules of international
law in order to strengthen their legitimacy, and we also
have the obligation to improve the effectiveness of
international law, in both bilateral and multilateral
relations.
At the same time, we must not overlook the fact that
the security and development of nations rests, today more
than ever, upon respect for the social and intellectual
features that are peculiar to each culture, unquestionably
falling within a universal conception based on respect for
individual freedoms. We must resist attempts to impose
uniform “models” that prejudge and discriminate between
the world’s varying cultural forms. We must seek unity in
diversity and must not accept conditionalities that are
often advanced by groups foreign to the democratic
representation of States, whose effects upon our cultures
are negative.
There are those who argue that, having overcome the
ideological conflict that divided the world for 45 years,
we are now entering into a conflict of civilizations as the
last phase in the evolution of the modern world’s
conflicts. Without accepting the determinism implicit in
that view, we cannot fail to observe that a lack of respect
for the cultural diversity of the human species could
indeed become a source of profound disputes.
There has also been talk of the vanishing sovereignty
of States as a fait accompli, and it is claimed that this
would legitimize asymmetrical intervention by some
nations in the lives of other nations. The word
“sovereignty” evokes armies, ships and cannons and has
an ominous ring to it. However, if we take an objective
view of the matter, we cannot affirm that this is so. In its
essence, sovereignty is above all plenary legal and
political competence within a constitutional order. If we
are today actively seeking integration in many regions of
the world and if States, through various multilateral
treaties, are diminishing their jurisdiction over certain
aspects of their economic and social life, that is taking
place because States, in the exercise of that plenary
competence known as sovereignty, are voluntarily
delegating the exercise of specific jurisdictions to an
international organization for the greater good of a
particular international space. In so doing, States do not
derogate from their constitutions nor do they lose their
capacity to conclude international treaties as they see fit
or to legislate on countless other matters. And so we
believe that those who are seeking new legal and political
11

definitions of sovereignty should take care to respect its
essence, which is nothing other than respect for the
constitutional independence of the various countries of the
world.
Peru opted for a republican and democratic regime
based on a division of powers and officials elected by free
and universal suffrage. Its government is a limited
government that leaves broad areas of social, political and
economic life open to the free choice of its citizens.
However, this limited Government is not a minimal State
without social functions, for it has active responsibilities
and an important agenda to pursue in order to free the
poorest citizens from a culture of dependency and integrate
them fully into the life of the country. Peru seeks to
harmonize transmission of the valuable cultural traditions of
its people with the imperative needs of an open regionalism
and the defence of a coherent, legitimate and just
international order.
Basing itself upon those principles and aspirations,
Peru welcomes the thinking that is taking place during this
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations and believes that
the Organization should give serious thought to its future
and to the course which international society is taking, so
as to achieve a more complete vision encompassing
different international realities based upon mutual respect
and fairness among Member States. We must take into
account the new regional realities and seek machinery that
is functional, economical and efficient, not hampered by
secondary issues or limited to powerlessly denouncing the
contradictions of the international system, in order to ensure
that the United Nations can be faithful to the purposes and
principles that inspired its creation.
We believe that we must discard the pragmatism that
styles itself realism and defend the fundamental principles
of a balanced and just international order. Peruvians believe
in defending the perennial values of mankind, individual
freedoms, international law as an objective benchmark for
international order, respect for the world’s cultures and the
constitutional independence of all the world’s nations. With
these beliefs, we pledge ourselves anew to the renewal of
the international system.


Let me, at the outset,
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral
on his unanimous election as President of the fiftieth
session of the General Assembly. His wide diplomatic
experience and intellectual abilities reinforce our confidence
in his stewardship. I wish him success in the heavy task
before us.
I also pay tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Amara Essy, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte
d’Ivoire, who ably presided over the forty-ninth session
of the General Assembly.
We commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for the untiring and visionary manner in
which he is managing the affairs of the Organization.
Kenya is fully committed to the ideals of this
Organization. Indeed, Kenya’s motto, “Harambee” which
means “pull together”, and the national philosophy of
peace, love and unity, are fitting expressions of what the
United Nations and the Kenyan people aspire to. Kenya
has always championed the principles of democracy and
the pursuit of socio-economic development to enhance the
living standards of the people.
Under the leadership of His Excellency President
Daniel T. Arap Moi, Kenya has undertaken far-reaching
political and economic reforms, whose benefits we are
beginning to see. Our economy is now totally liberalized
in keeping with our tradition of providing an environment
conducive to enterprise development. Our democratic
institutions have developed the necessary flexibility to
cope with the new situations and to ensure continuity of
the political stability which the country has enjoyed since
independence.
We have observed a systematic campaign to
denigrate African countries. It is as though there were an
agenda to bring them into international disrepute. We
reject these destructive approaches designed to promote
divisive elements and to manipulate domestic public
opinion with a view to pitting people against their own
Governments. Kenya also condemns in the strongest
terms the tendency in certain sectors of the international
press to present the image of African countries in terms
of tribal superiority or inferiority, to inflame ethnic
conflicts and to depict the continent as replete with
corruption and catastrophes. Africa deserves credit for its
arduous struggle against external domination. We are
determined to create cohesive and prosperous States after
many years of destructive colonial policies of divide and
rule, which constituted gross violations of human rights.
11

I wish to assure the Assembly that the Government
and the people of Kenya are determined despite the odds to
continue the struggle to forge national unity and to
accelerate socio-economic development. Our commitment,
which I underscore, to the principles of democracy, good
governance, the protection and promotion of human rights
and the rule of law remains firm.
It is against that background that I wish now to
address some of the issues on the agenda of the General
Assembly. In the time since its inception, the United
Nations has evolved into a truly global organization, as
envisaged in the Charter. Its membership has grown from
50 at its inception to 185 today. Its activities have ranged
from decolonization, the codification of international law,
disarmament and conflict resolution to global humanitarian
activities and international economic cooperation. The
achievements in these areas are, indeed, self-evident. The
demands on the Organization have, however, exerted
maximum pressure on its ability to cope. Hence the need
for the Organization to be revitalized at this opportune time.
Five years after the end of the cold war the
international community still faces a number of conflicts,
which are of great concern as they continue to undermine
international peace and security. These conflicts have posed
serious challenges owing primarily to complexities
associated with their internal character. We nevertheless
appreciate the flexibility with which the United Nations is
dealing with these conflicts and the commendable successes
which have been achieved in resolving a good number of
them. These achievements include the resolution of the
conflicts in Namibia, Cambodia, Mozambique, El Salvador
and Haiti. Success becomes even more pronounced when
we consider the extent to which the United Nations has
effectively mobilized international humanitarian assistance
in virtually all conflict areas, through the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other
United Nations agencies.
At the forty-seventh session the General Assembly
mandated the Secretary-General to pursue preventive
diplomacy and to strengthen the Secretariat’s capacity to
cope with situations likely to endanger international peace
and security. To that end, the Secretary-General’s initiatives
“An Agenda for Peace” and the subsequent Supplement to
that document have made a significant contribution to this
important subject. I wish to record Kenya’s appreciation to
the Secretary-General for his personal efforts and initiatives
in search of lasting international peace and security. We
look forward to the results of the work of the informal
working groups that have been set up to consider in
greater depth the various elements contained in the Agenda.
We note the recent initiatives taken with a view to
strengthening the role of regional organizations in conflict
resolution and conflict management. Kenya, however,
wishes to reiterate that the thrust of the contributions of
regional organizations and arrangements should be
targeted towards preventive diplomacy and peacemaking.
We submit that peace-keeping and peace enforcement
should remain the primary responsibility of the United
Nations. These responsibilities are enshrined in the
Charter and cannot be transferred to regional
organizations. We encourage closer cooperation in this
regard between the Organization of African Unity (OAU)
and the United Nations on the basis of the Charter and
the agreement on cooperation between the two
organizations.
With regard to regional conflicts, Kenya welcomes
the important steps towards long-lasting peace that we
have recently witnessed in the southern part of Africa.
Following the positive resolution of the conflict in
Mozambique, recent developments in Angola give us high
expectations for a durable solution of the protracted
conflict in that sisterly country.
At a time when the world is championing the cause
of peace, democracy and human rights, it is totally
unacceptable that a band of mercenaries should overthrow
the Government of the Comoros and hold the President
and Government officials captive. Kenya condemns this
act in the strongest terms possible and calls on the
Security Council to take necessary measures to rectify the
situation.
With respect to Liberia, we welcome the recent
signing of an agreement by all the warring parties, in
which they have committed themselves to a programme
for the restoration of democracy to culminate in general
elections in a year’s time. The Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) should be congratulated
for the efforts and sacrifices it has made in the search for
a lasting solution to the Liberian conflict. United Nations
involvement in the resolution of the Liberia conflict,
which has been minimal so far despite the magnitude of
the problem, should be enhanced. It is, therefore,
important that the United Nations should enhance its
support to the peace efforts in Liberia to ensure that the
momentum for peace is sustained.
12

In the Middle East, the process towards durable peace
achieved another important milestone with last week’s
signing of a further agreement between Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin of Israel and Chairman Yasser Arafat of the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), extending
Palestinian self-rule over the West Bank. We commend the
vision and courage of these leaders and encourage them and
other leaders in the region to broaden the peace process.
The situation in Somalia continues to be a matter of
great concern to Kenya. As long as the situation in Somalia
remains unstable, the countries of the region, and in
particular my own, will continue to experience problems
associated with the influx of refugees and with a lack of
security in the border region. While we commend
humanitarian efforts in Somalia, we are deeply concerned
that there has been no tangible progress in national and
political reconciliation in that country. We call on the
factional leaders to put the interests of the Somali people
first and to be cognizant of the fact that a lasting solution
to the Somali problem lies with the Somali people and their
leaders.
The conflict in the former Yugoslavia poses one of the
greatest challenges to the capacity of the United Nations to
facilitate the search for durable peace. We appreciate all the
diplomatic initiatives which have been undertaken to bring
about a negotiated settlement, and we encourage all the
parties to intensify their efforts for lasting peace. I wish to
pay tribute to all United Nations military, civilian and
humanitarian personnel for the sacrifices they have made to
advance the cause of peace in that region. Kenya has made
a significant contribution to peace-keeping operations in the
former Yugoslavia, having contributed one battalion as well
as military observers and civilian police over the last four
years.
We welcome the establishment of the International
Commission of Inquiry to investigate the assassination of
the former Head of State and senior Government officials
and the subsequent massacres of civilians in Burundi. We
would also welcome the establishment by the Security
Council of a commission to oversee compliance with arms
embargos against groups and individuals undermining peace
and security in the Central African region.
Kenya stresses the importance of reconciliation and
tolerance and appeals to the international community to
continue to assist the countries of the Great Lakes region to
deal with the root causes of the problems that have
bedevilled them for many years, as well as with their
reconstruction efforts. In particular, the security of
populations and the resettlement of refugees must be
adequately and comprehensively addressed.
The results of the Review and Extension Conference
of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, held in May this year, constitute a
significant contribution to the realization of a nuclear-free
world. The commitments and the security assurances
made by the nuclear-weapon States to the non-nuclear-
weapon States should strengthen the resolve of the
international community towards the total elimination of
nuclear weapons. It is therefore necessary that these
commitments be translated into binding international legal
instruments.
Kenya looks forward to the conclusion, by 1996, of
the comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. We join the
international community in reiterating the call for strict
observance of the moratorium on nuclear testing pending
the conclusion of that treaty.
The world economy as a whole continues to show
modest growth, with the highest performance being
experienced in South-East Asia. However, many
economies in the African region are still sluggish,
although there are signs of recovery. The continent
remains highly vulnerable to adverse international
economic policies, as well as natural calamities, owing to
its limited capacity to respond.
Kenya and many other African countries have
undertaken major political and economic reforms despite
the enormous short-term adverse effects on the vulnerable
social groups, particularly in regard to the escalating costs
of, for instance, education, health and housing. These
efforts, however, have been hampered by the decline in
both bilateral and multilateral financial support, resulting
in limited prospects for economic growth. In this regard,
we urge the international community to provide adequate
resources to support these reforms.
As the United Nations celebrates its fiftieth
anniversary it is imperative that development support be
accorded the priority that it obviously deserves. The
international commitment relating to the fulfilment of the
agreed target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product
should be given the necessary impetus to reverse the
declining trend. Kenya appeals to the industrialized
countries to meet the official development assistance
target and to provide new and additional resources to
finance the programmes adopted by the various United
Nations Conferences.
13

Debt-servicing obligations should not become an
obstacle to efforts aimed at the creation of employment, the
reduction of poverty and social integration. While we
welcome the various measures taken by the international
community, on bilateral and multilateral bases, to mitigate
the debt burden, it is evident that these measures have
achieved only limited results. Kenya believes that a lasting
solution to the debt burden is a bold initiative for a more
effective reduction, or cancellation, of both the bilateral and
the multilateral debt of the heavily indebted low-income
countries, particularly in Africa.
While the liberalization of world trade, in the context
of the World Trade Organization, is expected to benefit the
international community, there are strong indications that
the results may not benefit all regions. The opening of the
African market to external competition has already put
serious strain on the fragile industrial sector of these
countries. Furthermore, the phasing out of the preferential
trade arrangements extended to African and other
developing countries poses a serious threat to their
traditional markets. African countries therefore need support
if they are to diversify their economies.
It is pertinent that “An Agenda for Development”
should embrace all the programmes to which the
international community has already committed, or will
commit, itself in the various international conferences,
including the Rio Conference on Environment and
Development, the Cairo Conference on Population and
Development, the Copenhagen Summit for Social
Development, the Fourth World Conference on Women and
the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Human
Settlements (HABITAT II), to be held in Istanbul, Turkey.
It is also important that HABITAT II come up with a
concrete plan of action that will give HABITAT, as the
United Nations agency responsible for human settlements,
an enhanced mandate, with an effective capacity to assist
Member States, particularly developing countries, to deal
with the increased problems of human settlements and thus
enable them to have adequate shelter — one of the
fundamental human rights.
It is imperative that the Agenda accord the highest
priority to the development of national and regional
capacities. It should also be people-centred, with the
emphasis on human-resources development, the application
of science and technology and the expansion of
employment and income-generating opportunities.
At the global level, the United Nations Economic
and Social Council should not only assume effective
coordination of the international policies and activities of
the specialized agencies but also ensure the mobilization
of resources for operational activities which are critical
for the realization of socio-economic development.
The fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations
provides a great opportunity for the international
community to focus constructively on the measures that
should be taken to revitalize the Organization on the basis
of the experience gained and the challenges ahead. Kenya
is of the view that the Organization has proved its
effectiveness and flexibility in dealing with complex and
wide-ranging international issues. The United Nations,
therefore, does not require radical transformation but,
rather, the strengthening and modification of its structures
and organs to enhance its effectiveness and
responsiveness to new priorities and strategies.
It is vital that the Organization continue to cater
adequately for both international peace and security and
cooperation for development, in accordance with the
Charter. Revitalization of the United Nations entails not
only the need to streamline the administrative structures
of the Organization but also the need to ensure that it is
provided with adequate resources, on a regular and
assured basis, to enable it to execute the mandates
entrusted to it by the Member States.
The report of the ad hoc Open-ended Working
Group on reform of the Security Council has highlighted
the pertinent areas requiring reform. There is consensus
on the need to expand the membership of the Council.
Kenya urges greater flexibility in the positions taken so
that agreement can be reached on the number and
distribution of the additional seats on the basis of
equitable geographical distribution for all categories. This
could be achieved through expansion of the membership
to include more countries from the regions that are
currently underrepresented and by effecting periodic
reviews of the permanent membership to take account of
the evolving realities of the world situation.
With regard to the question of financing, we are
concerned that the operations of the Organization have
been greatly hampered by the failure of many Member
States to honour their budgetary obligations in full and on
time. Irrespective of the outcome of the reform process,
the timely payment of United Nations apportionments will
continue to be of crucial importance to the financial
soundness of the Organization. The financing of the
14

Organization is a collective responsibility of all the Member
States. Unilateral actions relating to budgetary contributions
are therefore inconsistent with the provisions of the Charter.
It is only through necessary and thorough assessment of the
individual countries’ capacity to pay that the scale of
assessments can be adjusted.
As the United Nations continues to introduce measures
to ensure the reduction of waste and to deal with the
financial crisis, it is imperative that the Organization ensure
the maximum and rational use of the existing facilities. All
meetings and conferences under the auspices of United
Nations bodies should, to the extent possible, be held in
Nairobi — the only United Nations Centre in the whole of
the developing world.
We are, indeed, concerned about the very low
utilization rate of the conference facilities in Nairobi
pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on United
Nations Conference Services. In this regard, Kenya wishes
to see the United Nations make full use of the facilities
available at the United Nations Centre in Gigiri, the
headquarters of the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Centre for
Human Settlements (HABITAT).
Kenya has offered to host in Nairobi the secretariat for
the Convention on Biological Diversity in order to make it
possible to utilize the expertise and capacity which UNEP
has developed over the years. We look forward to the
support of the international community in this regard.
Let us not lose the opportunity offered by the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations to renew our resolve to
make the Organization fulfil the aspirations of peace, hope
and stability that inspired the founding fathers of this
Organization. As we move into the next millennium, we
must endeavour to make this world a better place to live in.
Kenya will play its part as necessary.


First of all, I wish to
extend to Mr. Freitas do Amaral and his glorious country,
Portugal, my delegation’s heartfelt congratulations on his
election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the
United Nations General Assembly. I am certain that his
leadership talent and experiences will enable us to meet the
serious challenges that we face in today’s quickly changing
world. I wish to assure him of our full cooperation.
On behalf of the Kingdom of Cambodia, I would like
to join the heads of delegation who have preceded me in
the pleasant task of expressing thanks and admiration to the
President of the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly, Mr. Amara Essy of Côte d’Ivoire, for the
tremendous contribution he made over the course of a
productive and historic year.
The Kingdom of Cambodia wishes also to thank the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
strong and effective work, which has been so instrumental
in the success of this Organization. We are all aware of the
Secretary-General’s great achievement in his handling of
Cambodia’s problem. My country is very proud of him.
Cambodia now enjoys peace, freedom and democracy
thanks to the representatives of all the Member States, who
have contributed so much in this peace process with us.
Cambodia wishes to pay special tribute to the courage of
the United Nations peace-keepers who died for peace and
freedom on Cambodian soil alongside thousands of other
compatriots.
The Royal Government of Cambodia is working in
close cooperation with the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General in Cambodia, the Honourable Benny
Widyono. His presence is of the utmost importance to
Cambodia. He performs his duty with excellence and is
highly commended by the Government and the people of
Cambodia.
The Kingdom of Cambodia appreciated the work of
the Honourable Justice Michael Kirby, the Secretary-
General’s Special Representative for Human Rights in
Cambodia. Through close cooperation and regular
consultations with him, and the United Nations Centre for
Human Rights, steps are being taken to improve the
human rights situation in the country. Cambodia,
however, continues to support the presence and the work
of the United Nations Centre for Human Rights. It is
making valuable contributions to and recommendations
for the improvement of the overall situation in Cambodia.
It is with great honour and pride that I address this
fiftieth session of the General Assembly, for the first
time, as the representative of the Kingdom of Cambodia.
The Royal Government today, under the leadership of
both the First Prime Minister, His Royal Highness Prince
Norodom Ranariddh, and the Second Prime Minister,
Samdech Hun Sen, is now more than two years old. It
was the result of a democratic election organized and
supervised by the United Nations. It is a product of the
multilateral efforts of the United Nations with the close
cooperation of the Cambodian people, under the wise
guidance and leadership of His Majesty King Norodom
Sihanouk Varman.
Through the determination of the Cambodian people,
the Kingdom of Cambodia today has emerged from a
long period of destruction and war, with many challenges
and opportunities to build a better future. In the past two
years, the Royal Government has made important
progress and achieved some of the most important work
in nation-building, peace-building and economic
development.
After the United Nations-sponsored election in May
1993 the two main political parties combined their efforts
and formed a coalition Government, which has shown
itself to be able to work closely in an efficient manner.
These achievements were only possible with the support
and assistance of the international community.
With peace-building, Cambodia has further
consolidated sustainable peace, security and stability,
which are the necessary conditions for economic
development and nation-building. We have been dealing
with the task of reforming the military, the police and the
11

administration for some time now, in order to improve the
public sectors so that they can serve the needs and interests
of the Cambodian people and the private sector. At the
same time, the Royal Government and the National
Assembly are working very closely together to make
Cambodia a State based on the rule of law. Cambodia is
now concentrating more effort, time, energy and funds on
nation-building and economic development. In this respect,
Cambodia is a nation in the making.
On the economic front, Cambodia is working closely
with international financial institutions, particularly the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
Asian Development Bank and the Caisse Française pour le
Developpement to ensure that the process of rehabilitation
and transition to a market economy is well under way.
Despite some difficulties during the period immediately
following the elections, progress in economic development
thus far is very encouraging. According to the latest report
from the IMF, dated 15 September 1995,
“The improved financial discipline has led to an
increasingly stable economic environment, as is
evident in the stability of the exchange rate after the
wide fluctuations of previous years.”

For the period from 1995 to 1997 the Kingdom of
Cambodia is targeting a 7 per cent growth rate. The
inflation rate was brought down from 200 per cent for the
period before the election to 31 per cent in 1993 and to 18
per cent in 1994. An inflation rate of below 10 per cent has
been projected for 1995. These improvements are linked to
the pursuit of structural reforms in the financial sector, civil
service, military and public enterprises. It is important to
note here that a privatization law was adopted in December
1994, and private investments approved and formalized by
the Council for the Development of Cambodia from August
1994 to May 1995 are estimated at $2.5 billion, compared
to $621 million of private investment approved during the
1991 to 1993 period.
The Royal Government is pleased to inform you, Sir,
and the Assembly that the National Programme to
Rehabilitate and Develop Cambodia has made great
progress in articulating the Government’s overall and
sectoral policies and programmes.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
First Country Programme for Cambodia for 1994-1995 has
helped establish three important priorities: first,
modernizing and restructuring the country; secondly,
poverty alleviation and sustainable management of the
environment; and, thirdly, natural resources.
In this regard, Cambodia wishes to thank the
Secretary-General for his appeal for the implementation
of the Programme of Action for the Least Developed
Countries for the 1990s, especially for the five main
objectives: first, the lifting of the debt burden; secondly,
a greater flow of finance to the least developed countries
(LDCs); thirdly, a more favourable trade environment for
the LDCs; fourthly, encouragement for partnership in
LDCs; and, fifthly, a proper infrastructure within LDCs.
The economic and financial situation in Cambodia is
evolving positively, and the performance criteria
subscribed to by the Government with international
organizations have been achieved. While these are good
signs for improving the economic situation in Cambodia,
poverty is still a major problem, particularly in rural
areas, where development is moving at a slower pace.
Rural development has been hampered in some parts of
the country by the continuing problem of landmines. With
international and bilateral assistance, the Cambodian Mine
Action Centre is working towards making Cambodia a
landmine-free country. It will take time, effort and
support from the international community to accomplish
that task.
This year the Kingdom of Cambodia has officially
acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-
East Asia. It has become an observer member in the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and is
now a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).
Cambodia is actively engaged in improving and
expanding ties with all countries throughout the world.
Since 1993, with its open door policy and the policy of
positive engagement, Cambodia has rejoined the
community of nations and is working closely with others
to promote world peace and international security. So far
the Kingdom of Cambodia has established diplomatic
relations with 87 countries from all continents.
Cambodia has also taken steps towards full
integration into ASEAN. As an observer member of
ASEAN, Cambodia may participate in important ASEAN
meetings. In December this year Cambodia will for the
first time participate in the ASEAN Summit in Bangkok,
Thailand. Cambodia welcomed Vietnam’s full
membership of ASEAN, Lao aspirations to become a full
member by 1997 and Myanmar’s accession to the Treaty
of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia, to become
12

an observer, and looks to the day when all the countries of
South-East Asia form an ASEAN-10. At the same time,
Cambodia welcomes the recent positive trends in the
continuing development and growth of the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC). While sustainable
economic development and growth are crucial for us all, it
is important that development works to further enhance
peace and stability for the whole world. The long-term
solution being widespread economic development,
Cambodia wishes to assure the Assembly of its support for
the newly created World Trade Organization.
I turn to the question of world peace and international
security. Cambodia is very concerned about the situation in
Afghanistan. We support a peaceful settlement of the
conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Somalia.
Continuing war in these countries will have serious
repercussions on international security.
Cambodia warmly welcomed the major agreement
concluded between Israel and the Palestinians on Sunday,
24 September 1995. We support and encourage the
continuing efforts of the Israeli and Palestinian people to
build peace, freedom and harmony between them.
Cambodia is very happy to see that Mrs. Aung San
Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy of
Myanmar, was freed last July by the State Law and Order
Restoration Council. We welcome this latest move by
Myanmar.
We note with great concern the role of the United
Nations peace-keepers. Ten years ago they numbered only
4,000, but now, as new conflicts pop up like mushrooms,
their number has risen to over 70,000. A new situation has
also emerged wherein the credibility of the peace-keepers
is constantly being challenged. We must find a mechanism
to strengthen the role of the peace-keepers and give them
better support and protection against the evil forces that are
out to weaken and destroy them. It is in this context that
we applaud the new role assigned to the peace-keepers in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. We pray for the success of the
peace talks, led by the distinguished American diplomat
Richard Holbrooke, between Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the Bosnian Serbs.
The subject of the United Nations Conference on
Women, held in Beijing this year, was very timely. Since
the formation of the Provisional Government in June 1993,
Cambodia has been conscious of the rights of women.
Cambodia now has in the Government a National
Secretariat for Women’s Affairs, which promotes greater
recognition of the roles of women in society. The Royal
Government sent a delegation of women, headed by Her
Royal Highness Princess Marie Norodom Ranariddh, to
Beijing.
With regard to nuclear testing, as a Party to the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Cambodia
strongly supports a ban on all nuclear testing around the
world. As we have just concluded the 1995 Review and
Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, nuclear tests
anywhere, whether atmospheric or underground, are of
major concern for all of us in terms of the health, safety
and well-being of humankind. The Kingdom of Cambodia
notes with satisfaction that progress is being made on the
comprehensive test-ban treaty, and we applaud the
agreement that has been reached on the mandate with
regard to the production of fissile materials for weapons.
We are very happy to see the encouraging sign from the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in
augmenting application of the NPT’s safeguards
provisions.
As one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned
Movement, Cambodia looks forward with great
enthusiasm to participating in the ninth Summit
Conference of Heads of State or Government of
Non-Aligned Countries, to be held this year in Cartagena
de Indias, Colombia.
We applaud the professional skill and chairmanship
of His Excellency President Soeharto of the Republic of
Indonesia during the last three years, as leader of the
Non-Aligned Movement.
Cambodia is very happy to welcome the next
Chairman of our Movement, His Excellency President
Ernesto Samper, President of the Republic of Colombia.
My delegation wishes to assure him that he will receive
the fullest cooperation from Cambodia. We are convinced
that he will, in a very spirited way, keep our Movement
in the international agenda spotlight.
As we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of this
important Organization, an Organization that we should
all be proud of, Cambodia calls for the strengthening and
enhancement of the role of the United Nations, and urges
that we move towards global peace-building and harmony.
Remember that our Organization was built on the very
idea of preventing and ending all conflicts and sufferings,
and remember also that this same idea was made possible
13

in the case of Cambodia. Cambodia, I am very proud to
say, is one of the success stories of our Organization.


Allow me first to
congratulate Mr. Freitas do Amaral on his election as the
President of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly.
My Government is convinced that the wealth of his
experience and abilities will prove vital at this crucial
crossroads as we search for new and innovative
mechanisms and structures to enhance the effectiveness of
our Organization to meet the challenges of the coming
century.
Allow me also to pay tribute to his predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, for the ability and commitment
that he showed in presiding over the forty-ninth session
of the General Assembly.
We further wish to express our profound
appreciation of the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, and to commend him for his untiring
efforts to ensure the effectiveness of our Organization.
The multifaceted challenges that our global
community will continue to face in the period ahead, and
the opportunities that exist — more than at any time in
the past — to promote equity and justice in a more
harmonious world will require a thorough review of
16

paradigms, methods and institutions that have functioned
for the past 50 years. Indeed, different realities from those
now prevailing inspired the founding of the United Nations
in 1945 and shaped its operational mechanisms in the
subsequent decades. The situation now is very much
changed, if not altogether new.
The membership of the Organization itself has
undergone phenomenal change to increase almost fourfold.
Moreover, while the threat of a major international
confrontation has receded with the end of the cold war, a
host of other problems, including an upsurge in inter-State
conflicts, international terrorism, growing poverty and
marginalization of vast segments of humanity in the
developing countries as well as within affluent societies, are
coming to the fore. It is apparent that these problems and
realities will require novel theoretical and institutional
approaches.
It is in this context that my Government welcomes the
debates that have been provoked by the recommendations
of the independent working committee and other interested
parties on the future of the United Nations. Let me further
underline that, as one of the new Member countries of the
United Nations, we are gratified to rejoin the world
community of States and impart our views on its future,
especially as we have had the added advantage of gauging
its operations from without for most of the past 50 years.
We share the view of many Member States on the
imperative of restructuring the decision-making bodies of
the United Nations — particularly the Security Council, in
a manner that ensures adequate representation of its diverse
components and interests. The process of restructuring
should not, moreover, consist of mere enlargement through
the inclusion of a number of potential candidates as
permanent members through some selection criteria of
financial and economic clout, population size and other
similar factors. As we all agree, the issue is more profound
and transcends a simple numbers game. We hold that
serious thought must be given to devising a suitable
arrangement that guarantees the proper representation of our
global community in its rich diversity and that is amenable
to periodic adjustments to accommodate inevitable changes
in a dynamic world.
In the same vein, we welcome the emerging consensus
over rationalizing the development agencies and institutions
of the United Nations by eliminating overlapping functions
and mandates, and integrating these institutions into more
powerful and authoritative bodies. The numerous platforms
unanimously adopted at the international Summits in Rio,
Cairo, Copenhagen and Beijing, aimed at environmental
preservation, the reduction and elimination of poverty,
and the empowerment of women, cannot be realized
without the concerted efforts of these enhanced
institutions. The new drive towards their increased
integration is therefore both appropriate and timely.
None of these ideals can come to fruition without
the essential prerequisite of peace. Representing a nation
and people that have suffered the agonies of war and
conflict for almost the entire lifetime of this Organization,
my Government cannot underrate the efforts and priorities
that the United Nations must accord to the prevention and
resolution of conflicts. Past failures and inadequacies can
only reinforce the collective resolve of our global
community to check forces of aggression and
destabilization and not to let down wronged parties.
And yet we cannot hide our disappointment at the
indecision and wavering we see over sending clear signals
to defuse potential time-bombs and conflicts that are
brewing. The age-old folly of arming belligerent and
aggressor States in pursuit of narrow commercial and
other mundane interests continues unabated. This
anomalous left-over of the cold-war years must surely be
rectified, as it is the first step that we must take in our
quest for global peace and as we devise elaborate
mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and
resolution.
If I have dwelt somewhat at length on what we
aspire to see in the invigorated Organization in the
decades to come, this is due to my sincere belief that the
tone we set here collectively will have far greater
influence in shaping the future of our planet than the
isolated measures and endeavours we undertake in our
individual countries.
Allow me now, to briefly touch on issues of direct
importance to my country and our subregion. After three
decades of agonizing war, my Government is today fully
engaged in healing the wounds of war, rehabilitating a
devastated country and institutionalizing the rule of law.
The constitution-drafting process, hinged on popular
participation in all its phases, is progressing at a
satisfactory pace and according to the schedule envisaged.
We are also doing our utmost to contribute, together
with our sisterly partners, to the creation of a climate
conducive to subregional cooperation and collective
security on our part of the continent, which has seen
much turmoil and commotion in the past. The precarious
17

situation in Somalia and the problems posed by the
destabilizing policies pursued by the National Islamic Front
(NIF) regime in the Sudan only indicate the enormity of the
tasks, which need persistent and concerted efforts by all
regional and international actors concerned.
The recent document signed in regard to the
implementation of the second phase of the peace
agreement between the Palestinian and Israeli parties can
only inspire confidence in all of us that this long-drawn-
out conflict is heading towards a satisfactory resolution at
long last. We trust that these measures will contribute
towards a comprehensive settlement of the conflict in the
Middle East.
In conclusion, I wish to restate our firm belief and
hopes that our Organization will find the insight and inner
strength to reinvigorate itself to meet the challenges of the
next century. I can only reiterate my Government’s firm
commitment to play its small and modest part to advance
the ideals that bind us together.


I should like to congratulate Mr.
Freitas do Amaral on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly. We are glad that a representative of
Portugal, a nation for which Israel has high regard, was
elected to that distinguished post.
I would like to express to the Secretary-General, Mr.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a man of our region and a man of
peace, our deepest appreciation for his contribution to world
peace in general and to the Middle East peace in particular.
Tomorrow, the Jewish people will pray on the day of
Yom Ha-Kippurim:
(spoke in Hebrew; English text furnished by the delegation)
“In the Book of Life: blessings, peace, a good
livelihood, good decrees, salvation and consolation.
May you be remembered and inscribed.”
(spoke in English)
We pray for all humanity, for the whole world.
For us, the United Nations is not just a place of prayer
and surely not a platform for speeches. We come here to
state our convictions and to announce our commitments. In
our address in 1987, I stated on behalf of the State of
Israel:
“We have found President Mubarak of Egypt to
be a builder of a better life for his people and of
bridges for a comprehensive peace in the region.”
(Official Records of the General Assembly, Forty-
second Session, Plenary Meetings, 17th meeting,
p. 23-25)
Today, under the leadership of President Mubarak,
Egypt is becoming a centre for regional development on the
way to hosting the first regional bank of development.
In the same address, we stated:
“An international conference is the door to direct
negotiations. Once convened it should lead
immediately to face-to-face bilateral negotiations.”
(Ibid., p. 26)
On 30 October, 1991, the Madrid Conference took place.
In 1992, again we declared:
“The opportunity to select, through democratic
political elections, the Palestinian administrative
council will enable the Palestinian people to exercise
a double measure of freedom: the freedom to govern
their own lives and to do so ... democratically.”
(Ibid., Forty-seventh Session, Plenary Meetings,
20th meeting, p. 48)
Last week, we achieved what we promised.
Lastly, in 1993, we declared again from this rostrum:
“Geographically speaking, we live side by side
with the Jordanian Kingdom, and what is so obvious
geographically must become clear politically [so
that] we can offer the people of both sides of the
river full peace, that the Dead Sea can become a
spring of new life.” (Ibid., Forty-eighth Session,
Plenary Meetings, 6th meeting, p. 22)
In October 1994, just one year later, Jordan and Israel
signed a peace treaty.
Last year, we said here:
“All countries of the Middle East face a choice:
to remain politically divided and economically
stagnant or to become economically advanced and
politically just.
“... We shall try to establish instruments for
development: a regional bank, channels for private
investment and a framework for regional planning.”
(Ibid., Forty-ninth Session, Plenary Meetings,
10th meeting, p. 16)
In October 1994, the first Middle East-North African
economic summit was held in Casablanca under the
splendid presidency of His Majesty King Hassan II. At
the end of this month, a second summit will be held in
Amman under the auspices of His Majesty King Hussein.
At the end of November, the first ground-breaking Euro-
Mediterranean conference will be held in Barcelona.
Three years, five promises: all of them fulfilled. I
would like to use this occasion to turn to the Syrians and
to turn to the Lebanese and ask them to stop hesitating,
to stop wandering. They have to look at this record and
come in and follow up. The President of Syria has said
that from experience he has learned that only through
military negotiations and making security the major
agenda item can one achieve peace. Sorry: Experience has
4

shown that through negotiation on all levels, embracing all
issues without timidity, without fatigue, we can achieve
peace. If leaders meet and are not successful at the first
meeting, they will have another meeting. How can it be
wrong for them to work day and night, ceaselessly, with
new ideas and new approaches? They are not wasting the
leaders’ time; they are wasting the time of the people —
their fortunes, their happiness, opportunities for the younger
generation.
We also tell all the countries of the Middle East, not
that we want to have a new Middle East, but that we want
the Middle East to join in a new age — for the good of
their people, not for the good of Israel. Israel is in good
shape because we are no longer living in a world where
there are empires of power and colonies of poverty. Poverty
and oppression are home-made, not imposed by others. The
choice is before every country to become free and
prosperous and democratic, like so many nations have done
in a relatively short time in Asia, Latin America and in
some countries of Africa. It is their choice, their
opportunity not just to build a different world but to
introduce the new world to their own people.
For us, the United States is not an empire of power.
We are not afraid of the United States. For us, the United
States is an empire of peace. We need the United States.
For us, Russia is going through a process of change. Russia
will remain great but will become something different. For
us, we welcome the European contribution to other
countries east and south of them and the convening of the
Barcelona conference to offer the Mediterranean peoples
funds and experience to build a new life. We are glad that
Japan is expanding its economic horizons and understanding
and contributing so that other nations can do so. And we
hope that other well-to-do countries in the Middle East,
including Arab countries, will help the needy parts of our
own region.
May I say that in my best judgement the greatest
danger is a combination of high technology and deep
hatred, of modern instruments and feudalistic views, and
the greatest hope for all of us is a double effort to respect
human values and modern education.
Israel itself is in good shape. We are strong militarily:
I do not deny it. We have an excellent economy — an
economy of brains, not of material resources. We have
absorbed a very large immigration of white and black Jews,
white Jews from Russia and black Jews from Ethiopia, and
nobody can understand what put Israel in such a relatively
good position.
What brought this about is, first of all, the return to
the moral choice. By the end of this year — at the latest
at the beginning of next year — not one Palestinian will
remain under our control. For the first time in the history
of the Palestinian people, they are educating their children
without intervention by us or anybody else. Nobody
forces us to do so. We are not weak. We are not poor.
We are not under pressure. We have had to take serious
risks because terror still continues. The Arab boycott is
still intact.
In our own country there is strong opposition to
what we are doing. We have had to spend a great part of
our budget to make peace — and yet, despite all this, we
decided to make a moral choice: not to dominate another
people. We stated in this Assembly that that was our
intention. Now we have done it and even politically, as
difficult as it may be at home — because, as a party, we
may win historically but we may also lose politically —
but then, winning peace is in our eyes more important
than winning elections. Why should you be elected if you
do not use the mandate of the people to change the course
of your history in a reasoned, moral way?
We believe that the strength of ethical judgement is
as important as military exercises or triumphs. We gave
up land and produced instead an economy of brains.
Today Israel is making out of its brains more than some
other countries in our vicinity are making out of oil.
And what we actually expect from the Palestinians
is for them to become democratic, to be prosperous, to
fight violence and terror, and we are giving our
neighbours a simple message: What we can do,
everybody can do.
For many years there was a legend that only the
North, which is white and wealthy and permanent, is a
success story, whereas the South is condemned to
backwardness, to poverty, to lagging behind. What has
happened in Asia, where the most vibrant economic
endeavours are taking place today, and what is happening
in Latin America show that the economy has nothing to
do with geographical location or the colour of the skin.
Make the right choice: serve your people and create a
new future.
What we are offering to anyone who is interested is
our experience — open, in a comradely way. We do not
want to dominate anybody and certainly not anybody’s
economy. We did not give up the domination of people
to gain domination of markets. And we are suggesting to
5

our neighbours — and we are happy that they have
accepted — is that the new frontiers — say, between
Jordan and Israel — will not be frontiers of mines and
hostile fences, but an occasion for joint ventures.
The whole rift of Africa, the whole valley which is a
desert that separates the Jordanians and us will become,
with God’s help, a source for work, for development. We
will build hotels and schools and desalination plants and
parks, and people will be free to move from one side to the
other, competing without hating, cooperating without
dominating.
We want to do the same about the dividing line
between us and the Palestinians: we want to build alongside
the line on the West Bank and Gaza eight industrial parks
so that the Palestinians will not have to cross the border
and go through Israel’s checkpoints: instead, work will
come to them, and together we shall invest and together we
shall develop.
A better economy is the best guarantee of peace.
Actually, there cannot be economic cooperation without
political understanding. Recently, while we were negotiating
we created three zones of security sensibility on the West
Bank — zone A, zone B and zone C. Then we turned to
water and electricity and we asked the water and the
current to submit to our political wisdom, but the electricity
and the water people said that they did not distinguish
between A, B and C. Water flows according to nature and
not according to artificial agreements, and electric current
does not stop at A or B or C. They serve everybody.
Today in the Middle East as elsewhere, the distinction
is no longer ideological or religious or national. There is
just one distinction between an old, poor, backward
economy and a new age where economies are based on
technology and science and where the natural resource is
schools for the children and not the mines of the Gulf.
Everybody can postpone the choice but nobody can escape
it.
Our aim is to have peace so as to serve our people; to
have education so as to equip our children to take
advantage of the new age, to be equal to others and to
compete with other children. It cannot remain a peace
between leaders: it must become a peace for the people,
now and in the future.
I started by showing what has happened in three or
four short years. It is a revolution. It is a beginning. We
should not stop in the middle. Let everybody pray to the
Lord in the language he is used to. Let everybody respect
his own tradition, his own heritage. Let everybody respect
the special experience of a people, of a nation. But let all
of us give up unnecessary hatred, untold suspicion. Let us
give up barricading ourselves behind old dogmas and
terrible prejudices. Let us help the people and the future.
Then the 50 years of the United Nations will offer not
just 50 years without war but the coming 50 years with
peace and prosperity.