I should like, on behalf of the Malawi delegation, to congratulate Ambassador Garba on his unanimous election to the president of- forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. He brings with him to that important position well-tested political and diplomatic skills, as well as a widely acknowledged wealth of experience in international affairs. We are already aware of his outstanding achievements in the many important posts he has held in the service both of his own country and of international organizations, including the United Nations, relating to the promotion of international understanding and co-operation. are more than confident, therefore, that under his leadership and guidance the Assembly will be able to achieve success by aiming for pragmatic resolutions in its work. I should like to assure him of the Malawi delegation's full co-operation at all times.
My delegation also congratulates his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, on the effective manner in which he presided over the forty-third session. during that session the General Assembly was able to accomplish almost ail of the work that had been assigned to it. We believe that much of the success was due to the business-like manner in which Mr. Caputo approached the duties and responsibilities entrusted to him, as well as the firmness and fairness with which he directed the Assembly's deliberations. My delegation wishes him well in all his future endeavours.
I should like to express the Malawi Government's satisfaction at the manner in which the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, has continued to manage and direct the affairs of the United Nations. The past 12 months have seen yet greater efforts to ensure further improvement in the operations of the organization and in the management of its financial and other resources. Meanwhile, we note the patience and diligence with which the Secretary-General and his staff have carried out the mandates already given them by the General Assembly and the Security Council, especially in respect to the solution of already existing problems. We have also noted with satisfaction the timely initiatives taken by the Secretary-General to facilitate the search for formulas for solutions to the problems that have emerged since the last session of the Assembly, thus effectively helping to reduce international tensions and conflicts while at the same time promoting understanding and co-operation.
My delegation wishes to assure fee Secretary-General and his staff of the Malawi Government's full support for their invaluable contribution to the preservation of international peace and to the promotion of international understanding, co-operation and development. My delegation would like to express its sense of encouragement at the many signs of apparently positive developments we have observed during the past 12 months in the sphere of international peace. For, while some incidents of tension and conflict have occurred during that period, in general the international atmosphere seems to have been marked by relative tranquillity.
Although there would seem to be cause for optimism on the political plane, the situation in the economic sphere does not, alas, seem to have provided us with as much reason to feel the same kind of encouragement. while some very interesting initiatives undertaken or proposed by countries of the industrialised North have been noted, North-South relations have remained unbalanced in favour of the North. At the same time the economic situation of most developing countries has continued its rapid deterioration, wife the consequent threat to their political and social stability.
The Malawi delegation wishes to join those who have spoken earlier in expressing pleasure and encouragement at fee fact feat a number of questions of conflict and disputes that have preoccupied the international community may very soon be removed from the Assembly's agenda. In this context we have in mind, among others things, the question of the Territory of Namibia, which, under the supervision of fee United Nations, now seems well advanced on the road to independence. We in Malawi welcomed the news of the successful conclusion of the agreements signed in New York in December 1988, which provided for fee withdrawal of Cuban and South African troops from Angola and facilitated the implementation of Security Cornell resolution 435 (1978) en fee independence of Namibia,
Despite some of the difficulties that threatened to derail the process of transition in Namibia, we believe that it can now be confidently expected that the elections for the Constituent Assembly will take place in November, as scheduled, and that in the New Year the new State of Namibia will finally be born. Of those who might still feel tempted to impede the process of transition to independence we ask these questions. Have the people of Namibia not waited long enough for their country's independence? Have the people of Namibia not already paid more than sufficiently for their own birthright to freedom?
We would like to pay a special tribute to fee Secretary-General and to those serving in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) for their courage and determination in striving for the faithful implementation of the independence process in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). For its part, and in recognition of fee importance of this independence process, as well as in the hope of actively helping to ensure its fulfilment, my country has decided to join the Organization of African Unity Observer Group in Namibia. Meanwhile, the Malawi delegation looks forward to seeing Namibia take its place in the Assembly at its next session.
When I had the honour of addressing the Assembly at the forty-third session I observed that most of the breakthroughs that had been achieved on a number of political questions during the previous 12 months were due mainly to co-operation between fee superpowers, fee United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In this connection we expressed the hope that the two super-Powers would also turn their attention to two of fee seemingly most intractable problems confronting the international community: namely, the political deadlock in the Middle East and the dangerous situation in southern Africa arising from South Africa's campaign to preserve its policy of apartheid.
We in Malawi have noted with much encouragement the apparent indications that the super-Powers may indeed have begun to co-operate on these issues, for some very significant new developments have occurred, hinting at the possibility of new approaches to the two questions.
With regard to southern Africa we have witnessed during the past 10 months a number of encouraging developments. For us in Malawi, perhaps the most significant aspect of those developments is the apparent new desire for peaceful, negotiated solutions to existing political disputes and conflicts.
In this context we welcomed the agreement in June by the leaders of Angola and ON IT A - the Onion for the Total Independence of Angola - which provides for a cease-fire between the Angolan military forces and those of UN IT A and also calls for negotiations foe a settlement of the political differences between the MPLA Government and UNITA.
My delegation has noted that despite the difficulties that have impeded progress efforts continue in the search for ways to resume the process of negotiation. We support those efforts because we believe that negotiation is the only vehicle for reaching a permanent, equitable settlement.
We have been similarly encouraged by recent positive announcements with regard to the political situation in Mozambique. Far too many human lives and too much invaluable property have been lost, while Mozambique's social and economic development has been severely impeded as a result of the insurgency by RENJIMO rebels during the past 14 years. We believe that it is time that the people of Mozambique were finally able to begin to enjoy the peace, stability and socio-economic development that they had expected to come after their long and bitter war of liberation.
As one of the neighbouring countries that have also borne part of the brunt of the conflict in Mozambique Malawi fervently hopes feat the invitation issued by President Joachim Chissano to RENJMO to join his Government in seeking a negotiated solution will bear fruit. We support the Mozambique Government's bold initiative on this matter. I should therefore like to take this opportunity to declare Malawi's readiness to render such assistance as it can to contribute to the furtherance of the current initiatives and to their successful conclusion.
The countries in our sub region of southern Africa are very closely interlinked, historically, politically, socially and economically. Consequently, instability or conflict in any one country invariably has an effect on the others as well. We have already seen fee damaging impact that fee conflicts in Angola and Mozambique have had on neighbouring countries. Similarly, the tensions and conflicts engendered by apartheid inside South Africa have left an indelible mark on all the southern African States. Therefore, any further escalation of the violence that now pervades that country would in our view not only have adverse implications for the future development of South Africa itself but also greatly worsen fee political and economic difficulties now being experienced by its neighbours.
It is for this reason that we in Malawi have welcomed the signs of apparent rethinking by the Government, as well as by some anti-apartheid movements, on how best to bring about political change in South Africa. We wish to express the hope that these developments will provide the much-needed impetus for a rapid movement towards a solution to the problem.
Wife regard to the Middle East, we in Malawi believe that the declaration last December by fee Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) of its recognition of the State of Israel removed the main obstacle to any meaningful search for a solution to the political problems of that region. But that declaration, in our view, constitutes only one of the prerequisites for any permanent and equitable solution. The others include the right of the State of Israel, as well as all other States in the region, to live within secure and recognized boundaries and the right of the Palestinian people to their own homeland.
.We note that in the wake of the PLO declaration recognizing the State of Israel and affirming that organization's readiness to enter into a dialogue on the political future of the Palestinian people a number of interesting proposals have been presented on how to resolve the problems of the Middle East. We welcome the dialogue, both direct and indirect, between the various parties to the Middle East question that has been reported in recent months, and we sincerely hope that all these developments will continue and that they will contribute towards a universally acceptable formula for solving the Middle East problem.
Another matter that we believe needs the concerted attention of the major Powers, particularly the super-Powers, is the situation in Lebanon. In this connection we are pleased to note the resumption of the pan-Arab efforts to bring the two sides in that country's 13-year-old civil war together to negotiate a permanent peace agreement. None the less, we wish to appeal to all those with an interest and influence in the Lebanese situation to give this question the most urgent attention. In the mean time, we should like to observe that in order to be viable any solution to this question must include the total withdrawal of all foreign troops and other foreign elements from Lebanon. For until all external forces end their physical presence in that country and refrain from encouraging inter communal rivalry among the Lebanese people, peace will not return to that land. He therefore appeal to all of Lebanon's neighbours to respect its sovereignty and refrain from interfering in its internal affairs.
with regard to the problem of Western Sahara, we are encouraged by the continuing co-operation between the United Nations and the organization of African Unity (OAU). Indeed we welcome some of the Secretary-General's most recent initiatives on this matter. However, the Malawi delegation notes with deep regret that, despite the optimism which was engendered by Morocco's and the POLISARIO's acceptance last year of Mr. Perez de Cuellar's proposals for bringing about a solution to the question, there has apparently been no further progress. He believe that time is of the essence, and that the time to act is now.
My delegation continues to be optimistic that lasting peace will eventually come to the various parts of the world currently locked in conflicts. The Malawi Government therefore supports the continuing efforts aimed at finding solutions in the various other areas of tension and conflict in the Mediterranean, Asia and in South-East Asia and in Central America. We especially welcome the withdrawal of all foreign troops from some of these areas as a first step towards finding durable . and lasting solutions to their respective problems.
While the resolution of all these existing regional conflicts - as well as others that might yet occur - could bring some peace, this in our view would not by itself assure permanent peace or guarantee international security. It is necessary to eliminate the causes of differences between nations, as well as the tools of war that tend to encourage nations to turn differences and tensions into armed conflict. Hence to us the adage that "If you want peace, prepare for war" is no longer a sound principle upon which nations should base their security. We believe, rather, that security today demands that the adage be chanced to "If you want peace, prepare for peace".
In this context, the Malawi delegation is encouraged to note that concerted international effort in search of ways to bring about total and comprehensive global disarmament remains a high priority, despite the many setbacks often encountered. We applaud the important role the United Nations plays in keeping this question at the centre of International attention.
We are also encouraged by the steady increase in co-operation between the super-Powers in matters of disarmament. The initiatives and measures they have embarked upon, or on which agreements have been reached, in particular with respect to the elimination or the reduction of certain types and classes of weapons in their own respective arsenals, have had a positive effect on the world-wide campaign for disarmament.
Permit me, however, to express the Malawi Government's hope that the super-Powers will realize that, while the elimination of all types of arms is indeed necessary and urgent, the use of outer space only for purposes that will increase man's knowledge of his world in order to promote development and welfare here on his own planet will enhance the desired goal of global disarmament and security.
It is a matter of concern to my delegation that the situation on the economic front, especially for the majority of the developing countries, has continued to worse) despite clear warnings of the frightful implications for global peace and security. The debt burden plaguing the developing countries has reached a crisis point; the reverse net flow of funds from developing to developed countries now runs into billions of dollars. The terms of trade have become totally unrealistic. The prices of primary goods produced by the countries of the developing South have continued their downward spiral, while higher tariff barriers against their finished goods have risen in the markets of the developed countries of the world.
We have of course closely followed developments since the Montreal Declaration by the industrialized group of States in 1988, and we have also noted with some interest recent initiatives, including those taken by the United States of America, Canada and France, aimed at easing the difficulties of countries facing heavier debt burdens.
Welcome as such initiatives may be, they can only serve as palliatives in the face of the enormous economic problems facing the affected countries. Moreover, we are rather uncertain about the helpfulness or justice of the conditionalities, such as the acceptance of an externally prescribed structural adjustment programme, attached to some of these initiatives. It is especially so in view of the now accepted fact of the non-universal applicability or effectiveness of adjustment schemes. Indeed, even where there has been an apparent positive effect, such as in the seemingly successful balancing of national books of accounts, the social cost of implementing such programmes has been very high and fraught with great political risks for the Governments concerned.

My delegation wishes to recall that in its mid-term review in 1988 of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, the General Assembly pointed out the consensus that the structural adjustment programmes currently prescribed by such international financial institutions as the International Monetary Fund, especially in the case of Africa, have tended to exacerbate rather than ameliorate the economic situation plaguing the continent.
It was for that reason that the African States took the initiative to consider the possibility of alternative adjustment programmes or mechanisms. The African Ministers of Finance and Economic Planning recently adopted, and the OAU Heads of State or Government Summit endorsed, the Alternative Strategy for African Economic revitalization Framework. The second session of the Economic and Social Council has already considered that Strategy, which is due to be presented before this Assembly. It has been studied by experts from international financial institutions, including the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which found it viable as an alternative to the current structural adjustment mechanism. The Malawi delegation sincerely hopes that the General Assembly will find it possible to lend it its support.
In the light of factors such as that Strategy and other alternative ways of dealing with the economic problems, the Malawi delegation considers that the insistence upon programmes presented by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank as pre-conditions for receiving economic relief is not completely helpful or fully just.
The economic crisis facing the developing countries cannot, as experience has shown, be redressed by merely looking at only one aspect in isolation of other aspects. We have consistently stated that the most effective way to deal with the problem is to approach it in a global manner, addressing all of its aspects together, both from the perspective of the developing countries and also from that of the developed countries. Only in that way can a comprehensive and effective formula for solving the existing problems be reached. It is for this reason that my delegation looks forward to the special session of the General Assembly on economic co-operation to be held in April 1990. It is our sincere hope that the special session will provide an opportunity for the creditor nations of the North and the debtor States of the South to work together in finding better solutions to these problems. As has been observed by economic and development experts, the problems currently afflicting developing States have an equally negative impact on the economies of the developed. A resolution of these problems would therefore be of mutual benefit to all. The onus of finding an effective solution is ipso facto, the mutual responsibility of both developed and developing countries.
On behalf of the Malawi Government my delegation wishes to express its satisfaction over the apparent improvement in the financial resources of our organization. We are also encouraged to learn from the Secretary-General's annual report that greater effort has been made by member States with arrears on the regular budget to settle their accounts, we also note that the programme of restructuring, begun in 1987, is proceeding smoothly and in most cases is producing the desired effects.
The United Nations ability to function effectively and provide the various services it has been mandated to perform depends on having adequate financial and human resources. The continued improvement in the level of funds available to the organization, and the improvement in the quality of the personnel who serve it, assure us that the United Nations will be able to continue to provide the invaluable assistance that is so important in enabling countries such as Malawi to carry out their national programmes for social and economic development.
In this context, I would avail myself of this opportunity to express the Malawi Government's appreciation for the assistance it has continued to receive from the United Nations. My Government is particularly grateful at this time for the special assistance that has been rendered through various inter-agency programmes co-ordinated by the United Nations high Commissioner for Refugees in connection with the refugee problem which continues to confront Malawi. In this connection I should further like to express the Malawi Government's encouragement and satisfaction with the co-operation which it has also received from bilateral and other donors.
As the General Assembly might be aware, Malawi has since 1986 provided refuge for Mozambican refugees, who now number about 700,000, which is equivalent to about 8 per cent of our national population. While we are most willing to offer hospitality and refuge to our brothers and sisters, Malawi's economic capacity is very limited and the large number of refugees has seriously strained the country's socio-economic infrastructure.
This Assembly might wish to know that as a result of the influx there has arisen a problem of internal displacement of Malawians who have been compelled to move from the areas now occupied by the refugees. This has created even greater problems for the Government because, while external assistance has been generous, it could not address the problems of land.
Permit me to inform donor agencies, both bilateral and multilateral, that in the case of Malawi the assistance being provided for the refugee community cannot be and is by no means re-channelled to benefit the indigenous people of Malawi. It is for this reason that my delegation would wish to appeal once again, on behalf of the Malawi Government, for increased international assistance so as to enable it to provide relief for refugees who have flocked to Malawi.
In concluding my remarks, I should like to express once again to the President our best wishes for his own personal success and also for a very fruitful outcome to the Assembly deliberations.


First and foremost, I Should like to convey my sincere congratulations, and those of the people and Government of Benin, to Mr. Joseph Garba on his well-deserved election to the presidency of fee forty-fourth session of fee General Assembly of fee United Nations, That unanimous choice is a tribute not only to Nigeria, with which Benin has historical, fraternal and fruitful relations, but also to all the peoples of Africa.
Your exceptional diplomatic skills, Mr. President, your perspicacity and the respect and esteem in which you are held by the international community guarantee the success of this session.
Allow me to express my delegation's great admiration for Mr. Dante Caputo, former Minister of foreign Affairs of Argentina, for fee energetic, clear-sighted and effective manner in which he guided the work of the forty-third session of the General Assembly, both in New York and in Geneva. We pay tribute to him for fee wisdom he showed in ensuring that justice and democracy prevailed through the adoption of decisions feat have been beneficial to the international community and have enhanced the prestige of cur shared Organization.
I take this opportunity also to express my delegation's great appreciation to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for all the work he has done to create more favourable conditions for the restoration of peace in fee world, and for his tireless and praiseworthy endeavours to strengthen the role and importance of fee United Nations.
The world of today is undergoing profound changes that are being Celt in international relations as a climate of detente. Those changes are apparent
particularly in the fields of disarmament, regional conflicts, economic relations, and humanitarian and social problems. That was the conclusion just reached by the Heads of State and Government of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at its ninth conference, held from 4 to 7 September in Belgrade. They stated that:
"Some favourable developments are emerging and spreading in international relations. Conflicts and hostilities are tending to give way to negotiations, understanding and co-operation. It would appear that the path leading to the establishment of lasting peace is opening up".
Indeed, almost two years ago that the United States of America and the Soviet Union ushered in a new era in modern international relations in the form of a fruitful dialogue between their top leaders. At that time, my country welcomed the signing of the Washington agreements and the Geneva negotiations between those two great Powers. It is happy to associate itself with many other countries in expressing the hope that the dialogue that they have begun will continue and that the talks under way between then on strategic weapons will very soon bear fruit, increasing mutual confidence and yielding results beneficial to the whole of mankind.
The peoples of the world yearn for peace and the people of Benin hopes that the rapprochement between the United States and the Soviet Union will allow them to speed up the process leading to general and complete disarmament. That is why the People's Republic of Benin supports the international community's efforts to make permanent the climate of relaxation that is so favourable to disarmament negotiations.
Disarmament remains the surest way today of creating an atmosphere conducive to the establishment of lasting peace in the world. But disarmament must be conceived and carried out in a way that will enhance the well-being of mankind as a whole and ensure that the vital balance is struck between the various categories of States that make up the international community. Disarmament should serve development by permitting a significant increase in the resources of countries beset by hunger, disease and poverty.

I am convinced that the implementation of the programme of Action adopted at the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held here in New York in 1987, will free the resources necessary for the economic and social development of the poorest countries, and should promote better living conditions for the peoples of the developed countries. In that respect, the States that have always had doubts about this relationship between disarmament and development should, in a spirit of solidarity with the rest of the international community, join in the consensus that has been achieved.
Once again my country commends the constant striving for disarmament, and welcomes the encouraging results of the Conference on the prohibition of chemical weapons held in Paris from 7 to 11 January 1989 at the invitation of Mr. Francois Mitterand, President of the French Republic.
Benin hopes that in the near future the work of the Geneva Committee will result in the preparation of an international convention banning the manufacture and use of chemical weapons, which have caused so many atrocities and such suffering over recent decades.
The terrible consequences of conflicts and tensions between countries and the threats of annihilation that beset mankind have impressed on all the countries and peoples of the world the need to achieve peace by means of dialogue and negotiation.
However, many regions o£ our world continue to be disrupted by conflicts. In southern Africa, after decades of humiliation and suffering, the heroic people of Namibia is moving towards full sovereignty. My country welcomes the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which is recalled, confirmed and updated for Security Council resolution 632 (1989). All the States Members of the Organization, and especially the five permanent members of the Security Council, should exert all their influence and demonstrate their clear-sightedness in order to keep the resources of the military element of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) at the level envisaged in resolution 435 (1978), as recommended by the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) the front-line States, the organization of African Unity, and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
The tragic events in Namibia since 1 April 1989 could have been avoided had the forces of UNTAG been larger and possessed more means to control the situation in the field in accordance with the spirit and letter of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
Our organization, therefore, should do its utmost to ensure compliance with the terms of resolutions 435 (1978) and 632 (1989) in order to enable the Namibian people freely to attain international sovereignty. 1 take this opportunity to express my country's indignation at the assassination on Tuesday, 12 September 1989, of Anton Lubowski, a member of the political bureau of the South West Africa People's organization and to pay a tribute to the courage of all the leaders of SWAPO, in particular its Chairman, Sam Nujoma, who, despite that abhorrent act, continues to speak the language of reconciliation and peace. It is the duty of this organization, through its appropriate bodies, to ensure that the process now under way to brines independence to Namibia is successfully completed.
My country is also concerned by the persistence of apartheid as a system of government. Apartheid, that crime against humanity, continues to manifest itself in increased repression, police brutality, imprisonment, prolonged detention of the leaders of the black majority, bantustanization, banishments, restrictions, the banning of mass organizations and so forth.
The people and Government of Benin support the struggle of the valiant people of South Africa united in nationalist movements such as the African National Congress of South Africa CANC) and all the other political parties and mass organizations which are resisting apartheid. The People's Republic of Benin reaffirms, through me, its resolute and categorical condemnation of the so-called elections of 6 September. 1989, which were only a parody of democracy, because they excluded the vast majority of the South African people. My country welcomes the wise decision of our Organization to hold from 12 to 14 December 1989 a special session of the General Assembly devoted to apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa. We hope that this will be an important step forward towards stamping out that repellent system.
I could not speak about the problems of the southern part of our continent without mentioning the peace efforts which are emerging in Angola and Mozambique. The Brazzaville Protocol, the New York agreements, the summit meetings at Gbadolite and Harare and the various meetings between delegations of the parties concerned are favourable signs of peace and security in Angola and Mozambique. The establishment of peace in those two fraternal countries will enable their respective peoples to tackle the tasks of reconstruction and development. Therefore, the People's Republic of Benin encourages them to persevere on the oath of reconciliation and national unity.
Similarly, we welcome and wish to encourage the negotiations currently under way aimed at restoring a climate of peace in the Sudan and Ethiopia.
My country also welcomes the signing of the agreement between Chad and Libya of 31 August 1989, which offers fresh hopes for a peaceful political settlement of the conflict between those two countries. In this respect, Benin warmly welcomes the spirit of concession, understanding and tolerance displayed by the Chadian and Libyan leaders as well as the firm determination off the Organization of African Unity (OAU) through its Ad Hoc Committee, and certain African Heads of State in seeking ways and means of arriving at a permanent solution to that dispute.
With regard to Western Sahara, Benin firmly hopes that resolution 104 (XIX) of the organization of African Unity and General Assembly resolution 43/33 will be fully and effectively implemented.
The People's Republic of Benin appreciates the sustained efforts undertaken by the POLISARIO Front and the Kingdom of Morocco to achieve a negotiated peace. We welcome the proposals and actions of the current Chairman of the OAU and the United Nations Secretary-General to organize a referendum on self-determination. The dialogue which has been started between these two parties must be continued in order to avoid any further escalation of the war, with the attendant disastrous consequences.
With respect to the dispute between Senegal and Mauritania, Benin supports the mediation efforts of the OAU and fervently hopes that tolerance and mutual understanding by both parties will prevail and that a just and lasting solution may be found that takes into account the genuine interests of those two fraternal peoples, united by so many long-standing, indissoluble links.
In the Middle East, progress towards peace has been slow. My country is convinced there can be no genuine peace in that part of the world without a solution to the Palestinian problem. The People's Republic of Benin welcomes and wishes to encourage the efforts of the international community to convene an international conference on the Middle East, with the participation on an equal footing of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation organization (PLO).
The situation prevailing in Lebanon remains a matter of grave concern. My country supports all efforts aimed at restoring unity to the people of Lebanon and guaranteeing its full sovereignty and the territorial integrity of its country by means of negotiation. The cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq must be confirmed by the opening of negotiations to bring about lasting peace, under the auspices of the Security Council and by recognition of the important role of the United Nations Military Observe: Group in maintaining the cease-fire.
Conflicts and tension still persist in South-East Asia despite the progress made at the first and second informal meetings in Jakarta in July 1988 and February 1989. While the international Conference on Peace in Cambodia, held in Paris from 30 July to 30 August 1989, made possible important steps towards the restoration of peace, it did not, unfortunately, arrive at a comprehensive solution to the Cambodian problem, despite the praiseworthy diplomatic efforts of the French and Indonesian Governments. My country expresses the hope that weapons will yield to the rule of law and that the conflict will be settled on the basis of scrupulous respect for the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the countries of South-East Asia and the effective withdrawal of all foreign troops.
With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, Benin notes that, despite the implementation of resolution 43/20, which was adopted by consensus at the forty-third session of the General Assembly, the Afghan people continues to live in an atmosphere of insecurity and uncertainty. The effective restoration of peace requires scrupulous compliance with the agreement concluded between all the parties.
Still in Asia, the question of the reunification of Korea remains a burning issue. The People's Republic of Benin supports the position of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which reaffirmed at its last summit conference, in  Belgrade, that such reunification would be promoted by fostering mutual confidence and reconciliation of the north and the south and by the phased and balanced reduction of armed forces on the Korean peninsula.
My country can only welcome the important developments in Latin America and the Caribbean, which have taken various forms: democratisation, emancipation, consolidation of national independence, concerted political action and economic integration. Benin supports the peace agreements signed by the Heads of State of Central America, particularly the one -just signed in Tela, Honduras, which is aimed at establishing lasting peace in the region.
The climate of detente which currently prevails in international political relations is not, unfortunately, echoed in the economic field. There can be no peace and no security in the world without the prospects of economic prosperity for all countries and all peoples. The prolonged economic crisis emerged against a background of worsening inequalities, poverty, disease and hunger, with all the various frustrations that these bring in their wake. The drop in commodity prices, the heavy burden of external debt, profound structural handicaps, the drastic reduction in growth rates in the least developed countries, such as mine, and the fall in export earnings are tremendously difficult challenges for us to take up without massive and effective support from the international community.
The mid-term review of the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development demonstrated that the success of that Programme depends to a large extent on the political resolve of the leaders of the industrialized countries, as African States have already made tremendous sacrifices in implementing reform policies. Indeed, it is necessary for the developed countries to honour their undertakings to provide African States with sufficient assistance, particularly financial assistance, to ensure the success of structural adjustment programmes that have been agreed upon with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.
The usefulness of such programmes, which have the merit of rationalizing production structures and expenditure machinery, has been proven, even though sometimes they generate social tensions because they are too inclined to give pride of place to major macro-economic balances. It is important that these situations be understood by the whole international community, which we urge to provide active support for the measures undertaken by the developing countries in order to attenuate these disturbing social consequences of economic recovery programmes.
As representatives are aware, Benin has agreed with the IMP and the World Bank upon a structural adjustment programme with the IMF and the World Bank. May I, once again, offer my country's thanks to the States and international organizations that have contributed to the drawing up of our programme. Allow me also to express ray Government's gratitude to all the developed countries that have announced the writing off of certain debts, to the benefit of the developing countries, and in particular of the least developed countries, including my own. This is undoubtedly one way of giving relief to the poorest countries. But the international community needs to draw up a new global strategy aimed at recovery in the developing countries' economies. It is desirable that the General Assembly, at this session, set the right tone so that the special session scheduled for April 1990 may take the appropriate decisions.
The concerns of the international community, in the face of environmental problems, have become more acute, given the threat of the dumping of toxic and hazardous wastes by the developed countries in the developing countries. It is thus urgent that we work together to establish measures that will prevent disruption in the world's ecological balance and will enable us to develop our capacity to maintain life.
It is important to take appropriate measures to halt the process of water pollution and air pollution, the progressive depletion of the ozone layer, soil degradation, deforestation and desertification, and the intolerable process by which many rare animal species are becoming extinct. We value highly the measures taken under the United Nations Environment Programme, aimed at discouraging activities likely to threaten the quality of the marine environment and the ecological balance of the seas. My country welcomes also the proposal to convene, before the end of 1992, the second world conference on environment and development. Similarly, Benin is
ready to support any measures aimed at drafting an international convention on the protection and conservation of the world's climate.
The year 1988 was the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human rights - an anniversary that was marked both in New York, at the forty-third session of the General Assembly, and among the Member States. This was an opportunity for the international community to gauge the significant successes achieved by the United Nations in promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms and to assess what remains to be done in order to ensure the total liberation of mankind. The events that marked this commemoration in Benin took place throughout 1988 and are continuing in 1989. The international seminar on human rights and economic and social progress, and the national seminar in the People's Republic of Benin on the promotion and protection of human rights - held respectively from 30 May to 3 June and from 21 November to 25 November 1988 - the conferences and round tables on human rights organized in December 1988, and the translation into eight national languages of the text of the Universal Declaration have all been significant events in this programme.
Furthermore, many measures have been taken by the Government of Benin in the area of the promotion and protection of human rights. I should like to mention in particular the promulgation of the law setting up the Beninese Commission on Human rights, and the legal decision to great a general amnesty. But all our efforts will be in vain if we lose sight of the future of the world. As may be imagined, I wish to speak of children and their situation - those of whom the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has said: "Children do not live and grow up in a different world; they live in our world, and their survival and growth depend on the health of our societies. The situation of children in the world is bound up with growth and development, just as their well-being is vital for economic and social Progress." Having grasped at an early stage the fundamental importance of protecting children, Benin is taking part in the Bamako initiative, and, with the assistance of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), is carrying out the health project of Pahou, a few kilometres from Cotonou.
Furthermore, my country is committed to winning the battle to have all Beninese children vaccinated. Our aim is to have between 75 per cent and 80 per cent of all children covered by the end of the year 1990. In conjunction with the effective activities of UNICEF, many States have supported the idea of holding a world summit on children in 1990. In support of this great idea, and in order to translate it into practical terms, the General Assembly should at its forty-fourth session adopt unreservedly the Convention on the rights of the Child, submitted for its consideration by the Executive Director of UNICEF.
As the principal political organization that is truly universal in character, the United Nations should continue to play a salutary role in the area of promoting world peace by means of general and complete disarmament, the suppression of all hotbeds of tension, the establishment of a fairer and more equitable international economic order, the protection of the environment, the campaign against hunger in the world, the elimination of all forms of social inequality, including racial discrimination and apartheid, and the promotion and protection of human rights and the rights of peoples and children. Benin supports this Organization fully, in the hope that it will help all the peoples of the world to realize their legitimate aspiration to freedom, justice, peace and social progress.


I bring greetings from the Government and people of Grenada. My delegation joins in the many eloquent expressions of confidence and trust reposed in the President's great diplomatic and interpersonal skills as he presides  with unparalleled confidence and competence over the deliberations of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Additionally, ray delegation places on record our admiration and esteem for the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, Mr. Dante Caputo, for his outstanding conduct of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly.
The ray of light that burst forth on the international scene during the closing days of the forty-third session of the General Assembly gives hope that, as the curtain continues to rise on the Assembly's forty-fourth session, international peace and goodwill can be sustained, to the end that nations will increase their trust in one another and feel safer end more secure in their deliberations and interactions.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations, an ardent advocate of peace, has, during his extensive travels to many geographical regions, advanced the peace process by his quiet, effective and skilful diplomacy. It is now left to the national leaders and those who walk the corridors of power to sail with the favourable wind that is blowing and the favourable tide that is flowing in the direction of international peace and security. To quote the Secretary-General in his recent address to the summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade "Never before in the history of the Non-Aligned Movement was there the fluidity in international affairs that we see today." That fluidity in international affairs so eloquently described by Mr. Perez de Cuellar gives hope for the peaceful resolution of erstwhile conflicts in many areas of the world where, lately, signs of peace have emerged for the greater good.
The three-dimensional aspect of the conflict in the region of southern Africa - namely, the question of Namibia, the destabilization of the front-line
States, and the vicious, diabolical and institutionalised practice of racism, apartheid - is beginning to shows signs of that fluidity to which the Secretary-General referred.
Namibia is the best example. This last African colony, please God, will soon throw off the shackles of colonialism and take its place in the community of independent nations, where it rightfully belongs. The prospect of independence for Namibia came closer in December 1988 here at the United Nations when, in impressive ceremonies, a bilateral agreement was signed by Cuba and Angola to allow for the phased withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. Similarly, a tripartite agreement was signed by Cuba, Angola and South Africa by which South Africa undertook to withdraw its forces from Namibia in like manner. This enabled the Secretary-General of the United Nations to establishment and dispatch the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and the United Nations Angola Verification Mission to the region, in accordance with Security Council resolution 626 (1988), of 20 December 1988, thereby implementing the Security Council's overall plan for Namibia enclosed in its resolution 435 (1978).
The initial difficulties and frustrations encountered since 1 April, when the United Nations team arrived in Namibia, should be worked out in a spirit of determination and goodwill on all sides to ensure Namibia's independence at the appointed time. We cannot afford to defer this to another time. To paraphrase the immortal William Shakespeare, there is a tide flowing in the direction of independence) if missed, it will cause misery in the lives of a gallant and determined people. Now is the accepted time. New is the time for Namibia's deliverance from oppressive forces. Now is the time to bring glad tidings to the poor, to proclaim liberty for captives and to give release to prisoners. If Namibia succeeds, it will create a psychological climate that will hasten the pulling-down of the odious, wicked and outdated practice of apartheid and its attendant pressures on the front-line States. The attention of the entire international community is focused on South Africa to see whether its new President is capable of ushering in the new society he has promised, or whether his so-called new approach is a mere tactical manoeuvre to consolidate his hold on power. The Government and people of Grenada, and history, will judge President De Klerk by his conduct rather than by his words. In any event, the writing is on the wall for all to see, even the architects and proponents of that barbarous practice.
An integral and significant dimension of the situation in South Africa is the continued detention of Nelson Mandela, the undisputed leader of the majority of the people of that country. It is immoral and a display of cowardice on the part of the South African Government to attempt to pursue negotiations with Mandela at this time with a view to resolving the problems which beset the country. The bargaining power is clearly unequal.
He therefore call on the South African Government to release him unconditionally now to facilitate meaningful dialogue between the parties in dispute. Mandela must be capable of forming an entirely free and unfettered judgement, totally independent of any measure of control.
The recently concluded Paris Conference on Cambodia, while not removing all the obstacles to peace, nevertheless gives hope that peace is possible in that region. That is borne out by the fact that the Cambodian parties accepted the Secretary-General's idea of organizing a preliminary fact-finding mission to gather on-site technical data to facilitate further substantive discussion in the pursuit of peace.
The problem in the Korean peninsula, a legacy of the Second World War and its aftermath, is a perfect example of how rivalry between great Powers, away from their borders but on the borders of far-away neighbours, can divide a once closely knit and industrious people, linked by consanguinity, affinity and cultural e elation ship.
The recent proposal made by President Roh Tae Hoc of the Republic of Korea to the National Assembly that North and South Korea adopt the national community charter in order to form a Korean commonwealth between the two Koreas offers much hope as an interim association in preparation for national unification. It is hoped that, with continued dialogue and constant contact between North and South Korea, the way will be cleared for the adoption of the charter by 15 August 1990 - the forty-fifth anniversary of the unnatural Korean division or dichotomy - thereby creating once again one nation, one people of remarkable talent and industry. If this proposal does not gain acceptance, there should be no impediment to admission to membership in the community of nations of the Republic of Korea and North Korea.
In Western Sahara, the peace plan submitted by the Secretary-General and the head of the Organization of African Unity, followed by the Secretary-General's proposal for the establishment of a technical commission to implement the proposal, has been well received by Morocco and the POLISARIO Front. high-level meetings between the two parties have been taking place through the good offices of the Secretary-General, and it is hoped that with goodwill on all sides the settlement that has long eluded us will finally be cornered and achieved.
In much the same way, the communal talks in Cyprus, though at a crucial stage, offer hope for peaceful settlement with the help of the Secretary-General and his Representatives. In the interim, the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus deserves the full support of the international community as it strives to provide a buffer and maintain the peace between the Greek and Turkish communities.
The Geneva Agreement of 14 April 1988 which paved the way for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan was a promising step towards a peaceful settlement, and while intermittent attacks still continue the level of conflict is considerably diminished and there is reduced human suffering. This is therefore an opportune time for the international community to seize upon that initiative and to do everything necessary to ensure a permanent end to the fighting and the commencement of a level of dialogue that could pave the way to a negotiated political solution. In that connection, my delegation wishes to congratulate the Prime Minister of Pakistan for the contribution contained in her recent statement on the Afghan question. In the Middle East, the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war which took effect slightly more than a year ago is still holding, despite occasional charges and counter-charges on both sides. There is therefore more promise for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) for the restoration of stability and security in the region.
I wish, however, to remind the assembly of the unending plight of the members of the Bahai faith in Iran and the continuing deprivation of their sacred right of freedom of worship. I am informed that since the end of the forty-third session there has been a small measure of improvement in the attitude of the Iranian Government. But Bahais are still being denied the freedom to profess their religion; they are not permitted to meet as a community or to have a place of worship; their administrative institutions are banned; their properties are still being confiscated; and their holy places, sacred to the entire world-wide Bahai community, are still sequestered or are being destroyed.
This continuing religious and social persecution cries out for redress and threatens the fragile peace secured by the cease-fire. The United Nations must therefore address the problem seriously and urgently if we are to avoid a return to the recent instability in that country.
The Arab-Israeli conflict over the future of the Palestinians continues to be one of the major stumbling blocks in our efforts to find acceptable solutions to international disputes and to secure peace universally. But the Palestine National Council, meeting in Algiers, and the historical Geneva meeting of the United Nations General Assembly that followed it, brought new hope for a breakthrough, and it was with great expectation that we looked to 1989 for some positive movement towards a real and lasting settlement. It is therefore with some measure of disappointment that ray delegation notes that there has been no appreciable movement of the peace process and that at best the present position can only be described as being one of cautious optimism. But we nut continue our search for an acceptable solution we must not tire or falter. The stakes are too high and the consequences of failure too dangerous. We must therefore persevere to the very end.
The situation in Lebanon, too, continues to be a cause for great concern. The sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of that State Member of the United Nations continues to be trampled upon by an array of military forces - some foreign, some local, aid the senseless destruction of human lives and property continues unabated. The United Nations has a duty, through this body and the Security Council, to give serious and immediate consideration to the matter with a view to finding an urgent solution to the problem and restoring peace and stability to that troubled land.
In Central America, the five Presidents are tirelessly seeking to find a peaceful solution for a decade of conflict in the region. We commend them for their efforts to achieve their own negotiated settlement of the conflict, thereby fulfilling their aspirations to command respect and to exercise their independence, sovereignty and self-determination. In Panama, however, the situation has deteriorated and the people continue to be denied their God-given right to elect a Government of their choice. The strong-arm tactics of one man called the tune, to the prejudice of the vast majority of the population. The United Nations has a duty to speak out forcefully against that system and to do all that it can to help correct that situation. My delegation subscribes to the view that the implementation of the Esquipulas II Agreement offers the best hope for peace in the region. The agreement can be buttressed by the United Nations reconnaissance mission, now on the spot in the region, for the purpose of verification and monitoring of the electoral process, to be followed by repatriation and resettlement by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees of the displaced persons and families.
Central to the peace process in Central America is the humanitarian request which tine five Presidents made and the General Assembly approved as the special plan of economic co-operation for Central America.
Additionally, the recent International Conference on Central American Refugees, held in Guatemala City in May, signalled the good intentions in the region and in the international community for peace and national reconciliation.
The social, economic and political situation in Central America and in many developing countries is aggravated by the external debt problem, which has become a millstone around the necks of brave and valiant people who are experiencing economic strangulation as a way of life.
The situation in Haiti is of particular concern to ray country, as it should be to all our neighbours in the hemisphere. Haiti is the oldest black republic on the face of the earth and, except for the United States of America, it is the oldest sovereign State in this hemisphere, having attained the status in 1804. Grenada has a special affinity with Haiti because the revolutionary leader and king of
Haiti, Henri Christophe, was born in Grenada. The Government and people of Grenada are pleased to see the high-level delegation of Caribbean Foreign Ministers visit Haiti for the purpose of ascertaining first-hand information, which will aid Caribbean Community (CAR1C0M) Heads of State to offer help if so requested. My delegation hopes that there will be prompt issuance of an electoral calendar, as promised, that concrete steps will be taken to ensure free and fair lections, that there will be a smooth and easy transition to democracy, and that there will be successful co-operative management of the affairs of Haiti, which illuminated the hemisphere with revolutionary light and fervour.
On every occasion for the past four years, that my delegation has addressed the subject of external debt we have advanced the idea that a more practical course must be found to bring relief to debtor countries. While the repayment of debt is the legal and moral responsibility of the debtor, debt relief, in view of the prevailing third-world economic situation, should be given humane and moral consideration by the creditors.
My delegation commends those creditor nations which are beginning to exercise this consideration by either forgiving or reducing the debt obligation. Such a positive step will reduce the social and economic frustrations and hardships that threaten the very stability and security of many debtor countries. In the ease of my region, the narrow base of our economies and the specific character of our external debt, primarily to multilateral institutions, emphasize the need for programmed debt reduction. This is the only way to ensure that the necessary financial means are available for investing in our generation's future and for putting in place the necessary infrastructure upon which that future is to be built.
At the forty-third session of the General Assembly I had occasion to invoke the peculiar plight of small island developing countries. It would be remiss of me not to reiterate, at this forty-fourth session, the concerns then expressed.
especially in the light of the devastation that hurricane Hugo recently wrought on three sister Caribbean States, namely, Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica and St. Kitts and Nevis, as well as Montserrat and other territories in the region.
Indeed, at the forty-third session, in its resolution 43/189, entitle "Specific measures in favour of island developing countries", the General Assembly acknowledged the specificity of Member States in that category. There must, however, he effective implementation of paragraphs 10 and 11 of resolution 43/189. In fact, meaningful follow-through in the matter of "specific measures' entails actively engaging the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), as well as various agencies of the United Nations system, at the level of financial measures, funding or operational activities. The results of the inter-agency framework to be identified by the Secretary-General must be translated into concrete action.
This session of the General Assembly Is taking place on the threshold of the final decade of tills century. It would appear that a sense of urgency has entered the debate regarding the development of the developing world. Thus, during the high level segment of the thirty-sixth session of the Governing Council of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) the focus of attention was on the role of the United Nations Development programme in the 1990s. There has been a call for a special session of the General Assembly in April 1990 devoted to international economic co-operation and in particular to the revitalization of the economic growth and development of the developing countries. In yet another forum we are in the throes of formulating what is intended to be an international development strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade, that is, the Decade of the 1990s.
My delegation sincerely hopes that the international community will face up to the challenge of addressing the issues which have been highlighted in the context
of the comprehensive policy review of operational activities of the United Nations system, under item 86 of our agenda.
We in the Caribbean have been engaging in our own stock-taking so that we may be better equipped to answer to the demands and expectations of our peoples in the decade ahead. But our endogenous efforts in the area, inter alia, of human resource development, housing and human settlement, health care, agriculture and industrial development cannot be essayed in a vacuum.
I now wish to reaffirm Grenada's continuing commitment to the United Nations, the organization of American States, the British Commonwealth, the Caribbean Community, the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States and all other national and international organizations which assist us in achieving our foreign policy objectives, the centrepiece of which is the promotion of peace and brotherhood among members of the global community. We are guided in the pursuit of this objective by the preposition that peace and democracy are inextricably linked, and so it comports with our policy to give moral support to the people who struggle for peace and democracy.
Our penchant for democracy is informed by the recent traumatic episode in our history when we took democracy for granted. On the basis of that experience, we have elected to govern and be governed by a system which, inter alia, demands and guarantees respect for the rights of the human person, provides numerous safeguards under an independent judiciary, allows freedom of expression, affords people an opportunity to participate in the political decision-making process, imposes restraints on dictators of every persuasion and tendency, and yet is capable of accommodating our very many differences and diversities.
This brings me to the consideration of two issues that are potentially capable of mortgaging the future of our youth*, protection of the environment and drug trafficking and drug abuse. Both of these questions were on the agenda of the recently concluded tenth meeting of the Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community - a meeting which my country had the honour of hosting last July.
Man's propensity to self-destruction has heretofore been the object of our concern within the ambit of international warfare. The modern-day scourges of man-propelled degradation of the environment and drug abuse and drug trafficking must be frontally attacked. We must build on the heightened consciousness of the transboundacy nature of the problems and hammer out solutions in keeping with such a focus. In this vein, Grenada fully subscribes to the precepts embodied in the Basle Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Wastes and their Disposal, adopted in March 1989.
It is to be noted that, at the meeting of Heads of Government alluded to earlier, we in the Caribbean endorsed proposals to combat drug trafficking submitted by Jamaica and by Trinidad and Tobago. The said proposals have now found expression in two draft resolutions to be considered at this forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. They clearly envisage an active role foe the United Nations in this domain and could be viewed as furthering the objectives of the
United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in narcotic drugs and Psychotropic Substances, adopted in Vienna in December 1988.
Last year my delegation congratulated President Reagan and President Gorbachev on their contributions to the lessening of international tensions and urged them to continue their dialogue so that the wind of change blowing over certain regions would increase in intensity and increase to encompass the whole world, bringing greater understanding and tolerance among its peoples. I now wish to congratulate President Bush for his contribution to the new spirit of detente and rapprochement and to ask him to maintain, with President Gorbachev, a level of dialogue that would enable them to achieve the trust and confidence so vital to the relaxation of international tensions. We note with satisfaction and with joy the new political climate in the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia and in certain parts of Central America and Africa. We note also the recent parliamentary elections in the Soviet Union and in Poland, and the emergence of a Solidarity-led Government in Poland. What a relief to see East Germans being able to cross over into West Germany without being exposed to the threat of death in the process.
There can be no doubt that over the last year, we have made appreciable progress in several fields and in several regions of the world, and that we have come a long way in abating the tensions and the dangers that have so often threatened us with destruction. We must not, however, lower our guard or relax our vigilance, lest we become complacent. Let us rather be ever mindful of the continuing threat posed to the world by three international problems, the drug menace, the debt burden, and the south Africa problem, any one of which could plunge the world into darkness and despair. We must intensify our efforts in the search for new ways of dealing with these problems so we may be able to neutralize and eventually remove the dangers to world peace inherent in their continued existence.
It is my belief, however, that notwithstanding the progress we might make elsewhere in the world, the world will continue to be threatened as long as the South Africa problem remains unresolved. Civilized man must never allow himself to be perceived as having accepted or acquiesced in the continuance of the beastly system of government in South Africa. The time has come when, because of its influence and prestige, the United Nations must speak out more forcefully against apartheid aid initiate the level of dialogue and the kind of action that could lead to an immediate dismantling of the system and the granting to the approximately 26 million black people of that country of the God-given right to choose their own form of government by the exercise of their franchise.
Five years ago, the people of Grenada traded their rifles for the ballot box in a bold attempt to fulfil their aspirations for freedom, an inalienable feature of democratic culture. Today Grenada is at peace with itself aid at peace with democracy. The black majority of South Africa has the right to that same peace and that same democracy, and we have a duty to help them achieve them now.
If we could find the courage to accept the urgent need to act together and with the necessary resolve in seeking solutions to these seemingly intractable problems, then our world might, some day during our lifetime, come to experience aid to enjoy the peace, stability and prosperity that have eluded us for so long.
May God continue to shower His blessings upon us and may He also continue to guide us as we plod out weary way in search of happiness and security.


On behalf of the delegation of Liberia and on my own behalf, I congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. Your unanimous election to this high office is a tribute not only to Nigeria and Africa but also to your outstanding personal qualities as a statesman. The wealth of diplomatic experience and proven negotiating skills you bring to this assignment fully assure us of the successful conclusion of our deliberations and the efficient management of the affairs of the Assembly over the next 12 months.
Furthermore, given the very cordial and long-standing brotherly relations between our two countries, you can rest assured of my delegation's complete support and co-operation. We recall with satisfaction the very close working relationship which existed between the delegations of Nigeria and Liberia in 1969, 20 years ago, when my country, represented by Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, had the distinction of occupying the high position of President of the General Assembly.
Let me also pay a well—deserved tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the effective manner in which he conducted the work of the forty-third session. We wish him Godspeed in all his future endeavours.  Allow me, finally, to extend to our illustrious Secretary-General sincere thanks for the outstanding performance of the Secretariat since the last session of the General Assembly. His many initiatives in, and continuing personal commitment to, the search for world peace and understanding deserve the highest commendation and approbation of the Assembly.
The establishment of the United Nations 44 years ago marked the beginning of a new era in international relations. By adopting its Charter and instituting a working system of international co-operation, we resolved to eradicate the scourge of war, to strengthen peace through justice and international law, to respect the equal rights of all nations, large and small, to promote social progress and to protect human rights throughout the world.
In this regard the United Nations has become increasingly a centre for harmonising the efforts of nations in the attainment of the common aspirations of the international community.
The convening of these annual sessions has thus provided the® opportunity not only to reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism but also to explore new ways of transforming our hopes for solidarity into concrete action for peace and development.
It is against this background that, while taking note of the continuing improvement in super-Power relations that has further reduced global tension, my delegation must none the lees register its grave concern that since we last assembled hare most of the regional conflicts that appeared to be on the verge of resolution have continued to defy settlement.
For example, in Afghanistan, civil war rages on despite the Geneva Agreements; in Lebanon, a resurgence of sectional and factional strife continues to be fuelled by the presence of foreign forces; in Iran and Iraq, differences in interpretation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) have stalled the process towards a peaceful settlement; in the Middle East, the fighting goes on and tension remains high as various peace initiatives have been rejected; in Kampuchea the announced withdrawal of foreign forces has not materially changed this situations and so on.
In the meantime, most delegations at the forty-fourth session of the Genera! Assembly have highlighted, as they have done in the past, their respective Government's position on each of these and other regional conflicts. Pursuant to this tradition therefore, the Liberian delegation, in its turn, wishes to state its position, as follows;
In respect of the situation in the Middle East, my Government maintains that a just and lasting settlement must take into account the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, as well as the rights of all other States in the region, including Israel, to exist in secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
In the meantime, while the many enlightened peace initiatives that have been proposed, including the most recent by President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, constitute very useful contributions to the search for a solution, my delegation wishes to reiterate our call for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, with equal participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, the authentic representative of the Palestinian people, We are convinced that such a conference would enhance the process leading to a durable peace in the region.
The factional strife in Lebanon, which has continued unabated, remains of grave concern to my Government, not least because of the very close relations which Liberia has enjoyed with that country over the years. We therefore support the call for withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon, respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity and the safeguarding of its independence. In this connection, we commend the efforts of the Tripartite Committee of the Arab Heads of State, which It is to be hoped will contribute towards ending the sufferings of the Lebanese people.
Haiti respect to the problem of Kampuchea, we note that, while the recent Paris International Conference on Cambodia achieved progress in elaborating a wide variety of elements necessary for reaching a settlement, it was not possible to achieve a comprehensive political solution. My delegation therefore continues go support the call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from that country under international supervision, to enable the Kampuchean people exercise their inalienable right to self-determination through free and fair elections.
The renewed commitment of the leaders of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities would be a positive step in the right direction towards resolving the Cyprus question.
In this regard, the efforts of the Secretary-General, in compliance with the mandate of good offices entrusted to him by the Security Council, continue to be most useful and should be fully utilized by the two sides to obtain an overall settlement, taking into consideration the legitimate interests and concerns of both communities.
The Secretary-General in his report (A/44/1) points to further constructive developments towards ending the dispute in Western Sahara and the acceptance, with some remarks and contents, of the peace plan presented to the parties by himself and the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity. While accepting that some time will be required for the implementation of the plan, we urge both parties to muster the political will necessary for solution of this problem.
In connection with Korea, we encourage the resumption of dialogue between South Korea and North Korea with a view to easing tension. Furthermore, we believe that membership of the two Koreas in the United Nations should broaden the scope for their peaceful reunification.
With respect to Central America, significant developments have taken place which point towards prospects for peace in that region. The recent signing of the Tela Accord by five Central American Presidents is yet another manifestation of commitment to the undertakings assured under the Esquipulas II agreement by the Governments and peoples of Central America.
Having summarized Liberia's position on these regional conflicts, we are convinced that there is now a need for the international community to go beyond these annual restatements of positions and muster the necessary courage to accept the rule of law as the basis not only for the settlement of disputes, but indeed for the conduct of international relations as a whole.
In our view, quite apart from man’s selfish nature and his insatiable greed for power end wealth, the one factor that means to underlie most, if not all, regional conflicts, is man's failure to accept international law as an effective instrument for the achievement and maintenance of world peace and security.
That is why my delegation fully endorses the call of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries for a declaration of the 1990s as a decade on international law, to focus world-wide attention on the indispensable role of the rule of law in the search for peace. It is our hope that the Assembly will adopt this proposal and will formulate an appropriate programme of action for its implementation.
A related matter of great concern to Liberia is the question of respect for human rights, the promotion of which constitutes a fundamental objective of this organization. In this connection, we consider racist South Africa's policy of apartheid the most flagrant violation and abuse of human rights anywhere.
Despite the repeated appeals and protestations of the international community, the racist engine in Pretoria continues to perpetrate against the black majority the most horrendous atrocities, including all forms of torture and forcible removal of families and whole communities from their homes to live in so-called Bantustans under harsh conditions of deprivation and despair.
Furthermore, the state of emergency, deliberately designed to crush the resistance of the opponents of apartheid, has been extended foe yet another year to facilitate, inter alia, illegal detention, including of women and children. Bans and restrictions against anti-apartheid leaders, organizations and liberation movements remain in full force and effect.
The persistence of these conditions, which we have always described as resembling those obtaining in Nazi concentration an 3 torture camps, makes all the more urgent the need for the international community to take concerted action to end the abhorrent system of apartheid, considered by this Organisation as a crime against humanity.
My delegation continues to insist that the imposition of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions as laid down in Chapter VII of the Charter constitutes the last viable peaceful means of ending the explosive situation in South Africa.
It is ironic that these who ceaselessly advocate respect for human rights should be the very ones who continue to embolden the perpetrators of the system of apartheid by arguing that sanctions could only bring untold hardship and suffering to the black population and to the front-line States. But everyone knows that such arguments represent a mere pretext by these collaborators of the racist regime who may be interested more in securing profit on their investments than in protecting the human rights of the oppressed black people of South Africa.
Be that as it may, in our view the new minority Government in Pretoria does have a real chance to restore the human rights off the black majority and establish a non-racial democratic government. If its professed good intentions are to be taken seriously, however, the racist regime will have immediately to take the following minimum actions laid down by the international community: it must effect and unconditional release of all political prisoners and detainees, including Nelson Mandela; it must lift the ban and restrictions on all proscribed organizations and persons} and it must end the state of emergency and commence dialogue and negotiation with authentic non-white leaders.
At the forthcoming special session on apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa, to be held in December this year, my delegation will seize the opportunity to address further this vexing issue. Meanwhile, we wish to reaffirm our support for the Harare Declaration off 21 August 1989, adopted by the Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa off the Organization off African Unity, intended to eradicate apartheid and establish peace in the region.
The role of ay country in the independence struggle of Namibia began three decades ago. It can be recalled that, in association with the brotherly State of Ethiopia, the Government of Liberia in 1960 filed suite before the International Court of Justice contesting South Africa's right to administer Namibia and to impose upon that Territory its policy of apartheid. We have come a long way since then and are gratified by the progress which has been achieved thus far toward ending the illegal colonial domination of Namibia.
However, there can be no room for complacency in view of repeated manoeuvres by South Africa to circumvent full compliance with the provisions of resolution 435 (1978). We maintain that that resolution must be implemented in its original and definitive form to ensure that the people of Namibia participate freely, without intimidation, in the electoral process, under the supervision and control of the United Nations. In this connection, my delegation takes this opportunity to extend special thanks to the Secretary-General for his vigilance in the implementation of resolution 435 (1978), and urges him to continue his efforts, in pursuit of which we pledge our fullest co-operation and support.
Turning now to the issue of disarmament, Liberia maintains that, if peace and development are to be fully achieved, the world simply cannot continue to spend over one trillion dollars annually on armaments and related activities. The international community must therefore intensify its efforts towards disarmament, so that funds released in the process could be allocated to improving the world's socio-economic situation, particularly in developing countries.
In the meantime it my be recalled that my Government last year welcomed the ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Ranges Missiles - INF Treaty - by the super-Powers as a positive step in the disarmament process. Likewise, this year also we wish to welcome the recent progress achieved by the United States and the Soviet Union on conventional and strategic arms reduction. Notwithstanding these positive bilateral initiatives, however, we must reiterate that disarmament is a concern of the international community as a whole, and should be undertaken comprehensively within the framework of the United Nations with all countries participating on the basis of equality.
In this regard we recall with satisfaction the high-level Conference on chemical weapons held in Paris last January, which reaffirmed the 1925 Geneva Protocol prohibiting the use of chemical weapons and stressed the need to intensify multilateral negotiations on a convention not only to ban the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons, but also to destroy all existing stocks. That Conference was a step in the right direction. However grave the global economic situation, of equal concern to my delegation is the growing incidence of environmental degradation. But before I address the problem of the environment and the economy let me first reflect briefly on a few social issues of critical importance to the international community, such as the problems of drug abuse, terrorism and hostage-taking, and the special problems of children, as addressed in the draft convention on the rights of the child.
With regard to the last of these the Liberian Government believes that the draft convention contains important safeguards for the protection of children, and we therefore call for its adoption during this session of the Assembly.
Liberia is also concerned about the growing wave of terrorism which puts innocent lives at risk and has the effect of impairing normal intercourse between nations and peoples. We deplore the abduction of individuals and hostage-taking as acts which deprive people of their fundamental human rights. In this respect my Government will continue to lend its co-operation to efforts by the United Nations and other international bodies aimed at completely abolishing terrorism and hostage-taking.
The Government of Liberia is similarly concerned about the alarming incidence of drug trafficking and drug abuse, which have already destroyed and continue to ruin countless lives and have undermined the integrity and stability of Governments. The monetary value of the illicit drug trade, which according to estimates far exceeds that of the international trade in oil and is second only to that off the arms trade, underscores the difficulty involved in the eradication of this pernicious global problem.
Consequently we must commend those Governments that have taken bold action to prevent and eradicate drug trafficking and drug abuse. But since, as we know, the illicit trade in drugs transcends national boundaries and involves for its success not only producers but, to an even greater extent, consumers, it is the collective responsibility of the international community to find an urgent solution to this menace before it is too late. Nowadays, environmental degradation occupies a very high position on the agenda of virtually every international conference, as well it should. For what is at stake here is nothing short of the continuing existence off life on this planet. Indeed, the depletion of the ozone layer, global warming as a result of the greenhouse effect, desertification and toxic waste rank among the most immediate of our concerns as regards their effect on the ecosystem.
Particularly, though, my delegation wishes to focus attention on the dumping of toxic and other hazardous wastes on the territories of developing countries. In this connection we must register our disappointment that the Basel Convention, adopted in March 1989, does not address all the issues of interest to us on this subject„ For instance, the Convention is inadequate in prohibiting transboundary movements of these wastes, contrary to the intent of the Organization of African Unity (OAIJ), which in a recent resolution has determined that dumping of hazardous wastes is a crime against Africa and its peoples. Accordingly, that resolution goes on to appeal to OAU member States not to enter into agreements that would permit the dumping of toxic and other hazardous wastes within their borders.
As developing countries in general lack the technical capability to ensure effective control and disposal of hazardous wastes, it is necessary to effect a total ban on transboundary movements of these wastes. For its part, ray Government has enacted laws banning the dumping of toxic wastes on Liberian soil, prescribing penalties no less stringent than those in the 1989 Basel Convention. As a regional attempt to find solutions to this problem, a workshop held in Monrovia from 8 to 12 May 1989 recommended, inter alia, the establishment of a third-world bureau on environmental protection with certain clearly defined functions.
In a broader context, my delegation supports the proposal made by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the Belgrade summit of non-aligned countries for the establishment of a planet protection fund. By the same token we welcome the proposal of the Prime Minister of New Zealand, presented in his statement to the assembly, for the establishment of an environmental protection council within the United Nations system. These proposals warrant the serious and timely consideration of the Assembly.
Finally, since the developed countries are the prima source of environmental degradation it is only fair and proper that they shoulder a greater share of the responsibility for global environmental protection, including the provision of adequate resources for that purpose. In this connection their development assistance to and investment programmes in third-world countries should now be designed to ensure sustainable development at no extra cost to these countries, and the developed countries should not begin to impose any form of environmental conditionalities on resource transfers to the developing countries.
To conclude on this point, permit me to recall that the question of the environment goes beyond toxic wastes. There are also issues of the ozone layer, the greenhouse effect and desertification - to name a few - which warrant the urgent attention of the international community. In this light the proposed international conference on environment and development, to be held in 1992, should go a long way towards addressing the issues.
While the world community has of late witnessed a thaw in super-Power relations, the resulting easing of tension and improvement in the political climate have shown no sign of relieving the desperate economic plight of developing countries. Living standards in third-world countries continue to decline as a result of the current hostile economic environment, which is characterised mainly by a crushing external-debt burden, a drastic fall in commodity prices, deteriorating terms of trade, and the increasingly protectionist stance of developed countries. We find it rather unacceptable that more than 1 billion people in our world today should be chronically undernourished, and that 13 million to 18 million of them die each year from hunger and starvation, 40 per cent being children. It is no less alarming that nearly as many people should be illiterate this far into the twentieth century.
As we know, such problems are not due to the lack of resources, but more to the persistence of an unjust international economic order which appears to thrive on exploitation and the inequitable distribution of the world's resources.
How else can the present phenomenon of developing countries being net transferers of resources to developed countries be explained? According to the 1989 annual report of the World Bank, the net resource transfer to the developed countries, which amounted to $10.2 billion in 1984, has readied a staggering $50 billion today, with a total debt stock estimated at $1.3 trillion.
Meanwhile, the developed countries of the industrialized North, both in the East and the West, appear to be concerned primarily with consolidating their already strong grip on the world economy. Not only have their economies registered consistent growth over the last decade; these countries have now embarked upon wide-ranging reforms aimed at their closer integration. Eastern Europe's new perestroika is providing the basis for tighter links to the free market economies of the West, and the Group of Seven could soon be due for expansion towards the East. At the same time, Canada and the United States have initiated a free trade agreement, while Western Europe moves steadily towards a single market in 1992.
What are the implications of all of this consolidation in the North? Do these and similar moves in the developed countries promise new opportunities of expanded markets for the primary commodities and the few industrial products of the developing countries? Or do they portend further protectionist tendencies against the developing countries of the South en an even grander scale?
These concerns on the part of my delegation arise not from any desire to be confrontational; far from it. In fact, Liberia has always espoused dialogue and co-operation over dispute and conflict. Our concern stems rather from the current stalemate in global negotiations, which renders prospects for any solution to the critical economic problems facing developing countries quite distant and uncertain. That is why my delegation fully supports the call of the Organisation of African Unity and the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement for a resolution of the North-South dialogue to address these problems.
None the less, while awaiting the resumption of that dialogue, we believe that the countries of the South will have to realize that, in the words of Nwaliau Julius Nyerere, Chairman of the South Commission:
"The only people responsible for the development of the South and the freedom of the South are the Governments and peoples of the South". In this connection, my delegation considers that the time is now for the developing countries to make good their avowed commitment to South-South co-operation in a spirit of collective self-reliance, even in their dealings with the North.
It is in this light also that Liberia welcomes the decision of the States of our region to evolve an African alternative framework for structural adjustment, tailored to our own situation. No doubt this approach will be useful to other regions in making structural adjustment more relevant.
I cannot end this portion of my statement, however, without paying tribute to the United Nations for its tireless efforts in promoting a better standard of living for peoples throughout the world. We thus welcome the decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly in April 1990 to consider strategies for the reactivation of economic growth, particularly in developing countries. That session will no doubt prove useful in preparations being made for the ensuing fourth development decade of the United Nations. As we enter the last decade of the twentieth century, mankind is faced with challenges, old and new, requiring nothing less than the concerted action of the international community.
The continuing economic crisis in developing countries, the persisting threats to peace, the escalating incidence of drug abuse and other social ills, the rising tide of racists and human rights violation even in developed countries, and the increasing pollution of the environment - all such problems can best be resolved if they are addressed at all levels of international co-operation. In this context, whatever its shortcomings and imperfections, the United Nations remains the most appropriate forum and instrument for the harmonization of national efforts towards the attainment of durable peace and sustainable development in our world.
We therefore reaffirm our full commitment to the strengthening of this organization, thereby to contribute to making it all the more effective in the pursuit o£ its aims and objectives in the years ahead.