I have the singular
honour of reading the statement of His Excellency
Mr. Al Hadji Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh, the President of the
Republic of the Gambia, who would have loved to be
here today but was unable to so, owing to unavoidable
circumstances. However, he sends his best wishes to all
present. I will now read his statement.
“First and foremost, I thank Allah, the
Almighty, for making another annual gathering
of world leaders possible. I would first like to congratulate the President on his election and
wish him success in his tenure as he manages the
affairs of the Assembly. Let me also pay tribute to
the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his
tireless leadership and sterling contribution to the
creation of a better world for all.
“Our world unquestionably continues to be
plagued by numerous challenges that can be solved
only through our collective response. Multilateral
diplomacy and institutions surely offer the best
hope yet for tackling our development conundrums,
protracted conflicts and man-made and natural
disasters.
“Peace and security will always remain a
cornerstone of the Organization and for that reason
my delegation is concerned with the matter and
welcomes the President’s choice of the theme
‘Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful
means’.
“As we speak, many conflicts are raging around
the world in ways that challenge the credibility
and clout of the Organization. The paralysis
displayed by our common security mechanisms, for
example, is astounding. Geopolitical interests have
trampled the goodwill and humanitarian concerns
that should compel us all to address those raging
infernos — be they in the Middle East, Asia, Africa
or elsewhere. Our collective security will continue
to be undermined by geopolitical considerations,
unless and until we find the courage to reform the
Security Council. Ongoing conflicts, for example
in Mali, Guinea-Bissau and Syria, are all recent
cases in point. The Security Council should not be
the stumbling block in the way of the settlement
of disputes by peaceful or other means. Rather, it
should be a more helpful institution.
“My delegation is fully aware of the need for
the peaceful settlement of some of the conflicts
in Africa, but we are equally aware of the need
for robust action in dealing with the spoilers and
merchants of death and misery in the continent.
The Economic Community of West African States
is working to find solutions to all those conflicts
but needs, of course, the support of the international
community.
“We see the role of the Security Council as
a partner and enabler of decisive action, but time
is running out. The elements of doom have been emboldened by our inaction. The United Nations
and the United Nations Office for West Africa must
work decisively to address the conflicts in Mali
and Guinea-Bissau without delay. The engagement
of the African Union (AU) will undoubtedly be
crucial. Terrorists, drug dealers and organized
criminal networks should be stopped in their tracks
at all costs before it is too late.
“The relevance of the Organization has at times
been questioned, but one element that remains
unchallenged is its character as the best forum
for confronting global challenges. As we convene
to discuss the issues of climate change, economic
crises, financial turmoil, food insecurity, conflicts,
fighting disease and poverty, or the special interests
of Africa, the convening power of the United Nations
confers a legitimacy that is indeed unparalleled
elsewhere.
“As developing countries, we therefore believe
in the work that this Organization of ours does, and
it is for that reason that we will support the efforts of
the President of the General Assembly to revitalize
it — as the voice for the voiceless.
“We also use this forum to call on the
international financial institutions to open up
and embrace overdue reforms. They should be
transparent and inclusive and raise the profile
of their smallest members, such as low-income
countries or least developed countries (LDCs). We
call on them to embrace the Istanbul Programme of
Action for LDCs.
“The Istanbul Programme of Action must not
become a string of broken promises, unfulfilled
commitments and weak resource mobilization,
as happened with its predecessors. As LDCs we
are ready to hold ourselves accountable for the
implementation of the commitments we made in
Istanbul. We are equally ready to meet the targets set
out in the Programme. It is therefore our collective
hope, expectation and belief that our partners and
the rest of the international community will also
fulfil their commitments and uphold their part of
the bargain. Let us work together to bring about
the graduation of half of the LDCs by 2020, in line
with the target we set ourselves. It is achievable if
we all forge the appropriate global partnerships for
resource mobilization. “The scorecard on the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) shows that, while some achievements
have been made with regard to some of the Goals, a
great deal still remains to be achieved. My country
has achieved some of the key elements of the MDGs
and is on track to meet all of them. In view of the
fact that 2015 is just around the corner, we need
to do more to mobilize the remaining resources
required to further improve the critical links needed
for success on the achievement of the MDGs.
“Critical to the achievement of the MDGs will
be the scaling up of resources by enhancing the
global partnerships that we have forged for the
Goals. We must mobilize the modest resources
that are needed so that 2015 will not be another
unfulfilled milestone.
“The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20) has defined the mechanisms
through which sustainable development goals
should be negotiated and agreed upon. It is our hope
that the consultations on the post-Rio mechanisms
will be inclusive, transparent and representative.
Beyond managing the depleting resources of the
Earth, we must all push for ambitious and realistic
goals and targets on sustainable food, water and
energy. We must also take into account the special
situations of LDCs and other vulnerable groups of
countries.
“My delegation is of the strong belief that, in
the euphoria for sustainable development goals, the
drive towards the achievement of the MDGs must
not be compromised in any way. We must hold
ourselves accountable for meeting the Goals by
2015, and not try to shift the goalposts when the
deadline is close at hand. We must also lay a solid
groundwork for the post-2015 development agenda.
“For developing countries to continue to benefit
from the appreciable growth they are experiencing
and in order not to compromise their capacities
to provide education, health care and other social
services to their peoples, debt cancellation or
forgiveness is still a key element. Debt servicing
still poses a major threat to our ability to attain
sustainable growth. It is our belief that our partners
and the Bretton Woods institutions should consider
the further extension of the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries Initiative. “As we strive in the Sahel to deal with drought
and the crop failure of the past year, allow me
to thank the Secretary-General for his laudable
efforts, as we heard today, through his initiative
for the Sahel and for his plans to assist the region,
including Mali. We thank him for that initiative,
which we look forward to seeing realized. We also
thank all our development partners for the support
they have rendered, both to my Government and to
the Sahel. We are grateful for their solidarity and
humanitarian support. In view of the perennial
nature of food insecurity in our region, it is my
humble and considered view that the international
community needs to do more to render greater
support to the agricultural sector of our economies.
“The role of the small-scale farmer needs to be
boosted, and we must, through global partnerships,
fast-track the numerous agricultural initiatives that
have been announced to support African agriculture.
Agricultural systems across Africa need to be made
more resilient in terms of inputs, technological
know-how, scientific research and the setting up
of related training institutions. The African farmer
needs to benefit from modern farming techniques
and technology. In that context, I would like to
thank the Government and people of Australia
for their outstanding generosity towards boosting
agriculture and food security in Africa.
“With the establishment of UN-Women,
the United Nations took a great step forward
in mainstreaming the gender dimension into its
work. As an ardent supporter of women’s rights
and participation in all sectors of society, I must
commend UN-Women for the way it has been
evolving. We look forward to the establishment of
its regional offices. We will work with all concerned
to advance the promotion of the rights of women
and girls, once we assume our position as a member
of the Executive Board. Advancing the welfare of
women, which starts with girls as future women,
will always be a priority for my Government.
“Africa is indeed witnessing a revolution in
information and communications technology,
which is a critical sector for us. Our considered
view is that, with the completion of the Africa
Coast to Europe submarine cable network, there
will be an even greater transformation in that very
important sector. It should further help to increase the transfer of critical technology for the economic
advancement of our peoples.
“In that project we see a great opportunity for
South-South and North-South cooperation in ways
that will revolutionize education, agriculture and
the provision of health care, among other areas.
We therefore call on our partners to support the
growth of the information and communications
technology sector with a view to enhancing our
productive capacity, while also generating youth
employment, since youth unemployment is one of
the greatest threats to humankind and to our social
and economic advancement. We must therefore
form partnerships across the globe to address that
dangerous phenomenon, which is a disaster waiting
to happen.
“Allow me to address some recent conflicts
that threaten the peace and stability of Africa and
the world at large. Our youth, for example, are
being sucked into conflicts and a life of crime, with
their productive talents being wasted. Our modest
gains are being wiped out through instability, and
even our societal cohesion is seriously threatened.
If we do not act fast now, we risk creating more
upheavals, which will overwhelm our capacity to
contain them. The international community will
therefore pay a very high price if it does not wake
up from its slumber and solve the situations in Mali
and Guinea-Bissau that I highlighted earlier.
“In West Africa, our ongoing security
challenges are being compounded by such
situations. ECOWAS should not be left alone to
shoulder the burden of those conflicts. I am elated
by the fact that, this morning, the issues of Mali, the
entire Sahel and the Maghreb were discussed. The
AU and ECOWAS are ready, and I hope that the
international community, particularly the Security
Council, is also ready. The AU is ready to act to
salvage the situations in Mali and Guinea-Bissau.
The Security Council must, as I have said, act with
a sense of greater urgency. We cannot let terrorists,
drug dealers and organized criminal gangs establish
a sanctuary in our backyard.
“In line with our foreign policy, the Gambia
stands ready, as always, to contribute meaningfully
to the settlement of such conflicts. The level of
steadfastness shown in solving the conflicts in
Liberia and Sierra Leone some years ago must now, we hope, equally be shown in Mali and
Guinea-Bissau.
“The situation in Darfur continues to occupy
the attention of my delegation, as well. We call for
more dialogue in finding a lasting solution to that
major conflict. We are equally concerned about the
lingering conflict between the Sudan and South
Sudan. Dialogue is essential, and is the only way
forward to solve that conflict. The parties must
implement the recommendations of the African
Union High-level Implementation Panel and those
of the road map.
“As they embark on settling the outstanding
issues, we urge our brothers and sisters to
demonstrate the same magnanimity and
extraordinary statesmanship that characterized the
establishment of the independence of South Sudan.
They should remember that they will be neighbours
forever and, as such, are mutually dependent upon
each other for their national security.
“Let me commend the forces of the African
Union Mission in Somalia, the United Nations and
the African Union for the progress that they are
making in Somalia. The pressure must be sustained
until all of Somalia is liberated and is placed under
the sole authority of the Somali Government.
Insecurity and piracy must be stamped out. The
spoilers must be denied sanctuary, lest they continue
destabilizing the whole of the Horn of Africa.
“As we dwell on such situations, we are equally
concerned about the conflicts ravaging the Middle
East. Afghanistan, for example, has been in a state
of unrest for too long. It is time that Afghans be
given enough space and capacity to solve their
problems. Home-grown and inclusive dialogue and
national reconciliation are the best way forward to
lasting peace and stability in that country.
“We all witnessed the dramatic and historic
events that have recently transformed parts of the
Middle East and Africa. It is therefore our hope that
those transformations will endure and will nurture
the ideals of peace, security, development and
democracy. We must not lose sight of some of the
negative concomitant effects of those upheavals, as
is currently evident in Syria.
“My delegation believes that the Annan plan
could have brought about stability and could have provided the space for dialogue among the parties,
if it had been given a chance. It seems that there
is lack of goodwill and trust among the parties,
as well as the invisible hand of external elements
determined to achieve a particular outcome. Syria
is now a deeply divided society. The international
community is partly to blame on account of its
inaction.
“The Palestinian situation is indeed deplorable.
It has deteriorated to the point that a one-State
solution may be inevitable. In defiance of
international law, human decency and restraint,
Israel, the occupying Power, is imposing a de facto
situation on Palestinians through its despicable
settlement activity and land seizures. The sad
reality is that it is the mechanisms of the Security
Council, which are constantly invoked, that further
delay or stifle the action necessary to bring about
lasting peace in Palestine. Israel’s excesses,
namely, the land seizures, settlement activity, mass
imprisonment of Palestinians, denial of revenue,
maiming and murder of Palestinians by the State
apparatus and many others, must be halted. The
truth is bitter when told, but it will set us all free.
“Let me also address some burning political
issues of our time. The embargo imposed on Cuba
by the United States 50 years ago is still in place
for no justifiable reason. Even if perhaps it made
sense at the time, keeping it in place today does
not make any sense at all. It is shameful that, in the
twenty-first century, a Cold War relic remains the
main stumbling block between the establishment
of good-neighbourly relations and the rejection of
empty political cacophony in some quarters. We
therefore call upon the United States to lift the
embargo and throw it into the dustbin of history,
where it rightfully belongs.
“My delegation would also like to use this
rostrum to appeal to the collective membership of
the United Nations, including China, to contribute
to opening the avenues for Taiwan’s membership
in the various funds, agencies, treaty bodies
and programmes. That would only enhance the
effectiveness of those bodies for our mutual benefit.
The world, not only Taiwan, stands to benefit. We
all agree that Taiwan is a key player in technology,
international trade, politics and many other areas. It
has enduring ties with China. We therefore appeal
for the practical extension of the rapport that Taiwan has with China to the international stage. China
conducts trade, business and tourism with Taiwan.
As I speak, both are engaging in discussing a range
of bilateral issues. The rest of the international
community, including the States Members of the
United Nations, should follow suit. Avenues for
dialogue must be opened.
“The stalled reform of the Security Council
is disheartening and even dangerous. Year in and
year out, we come to the General Assembly. We
meet in various forums to discuss the issues. We
hold dialogues and exchanges and come up with
proposals. Then we get nowhere. I will mention
what Kofi Annan said at the time of launching his
well-known report “In larger freedom: towards
development, security and human rights for all”
(A/59/2005), namely, that no reform of the United
Nations is complete without the reform of the
Security Council. I think that is critical. It is as valid
now as it was when it was said seven years ago.
The resistance to change should come to an end.
The paralysis of the reform agenda must come to
an end. We cannot afford as a group to be in a state
of coma when larger regional interests, especially
those of Africa, are at stake and get shunted around
or jettisoned. Africa needs to be at the table and we
will not budge on that demand, as previous speakers
have said and as our heads of State have reiterated
here. We must reform or risk delegitimizing the
actions taken, and the decisions made, in the name
of our collective security.

“Allow me, at this point, to recognize the
appointment of His Excellency Mr. Jan Eliasson,
the new Deputy Secretary-General of the United
Nations. We have confidence in his abilities
and experience as an astute statesman. We are
also aware of his keen interest in Africa and his
engagement with our continent at various periods
in his diplomatic life. We therefore look forward to
jointly advancing the special needs of Africa with
him under the guidance of the Secretary-General.
“On a final note, it is my hope that the next
Presidents of the General Assembly will consider
other themes beyond that of peace and security,
although there can be no doubt that peace and security are critical. Where possible an intermarriage
of themes might also be considered.”
I wish all members a successful General Assembly
session.


I
bring cordial greetings to the authorities of the United
Nations and to all the Heads of State and representatives
here with us. This session of the General Assembly,
which will address the theme of the settlement of
disputes by peaceful means, offers us an opportunity
to reflect on the course of the history of our countries
and humankind, and to showcase the issues that the
world’s peoples need to solve. The peaceful settlement
of conflicts is an essential part of how we strengthen
our democratic institutions and the rule of law in a
world that has not yet consolidated peace.

For various reasons that we need not go into,
we are witnessing violations of the principle of
non-interference — through various mechanisms
that are not necessarily military — of our countries’
constitutions and our own international treaties, as well
as various manifestations of intolerance, xenophobia
and other attitudes that provoke violence and foment
conflict. Hard as it is to believe, we still see political
parties, leaders, intellectuals and representatives of the
media who continue to see global realities through Cold
War eyes, as if the last half-century had not produced
enormous changes in the international political map.
Such outdated positions hinder the progress of our
peoples and nations in strengthening and broadening
their democratic borders. My country, El Salvador, is a
clear example of such contradictions, finding itself as
it does stuck between a process that is strengthening
the rule of law and the persistence of conservative
forces that still entertain the fantasy of communism.
I bring these thoughts to this forum because I
believe that El Salvador’s young democracy is a good
example of how to settle disputes through dialogue. It
is also a good example of structures that are mired in
backwardness, privilege and the Manichaean view that
belongs to the Cold War. As is well known, El Salvador
endured a long armed conflict that lasted 12 years and
cost more than 80,000 lives. Our emergence from
that conflict has been a model of the effectiveness of
dialogue and negotiation for my country and the entire
world.
We took a giant step forward as a nation
20 years ago when, on 16 January 1992, we signed the Chapultepec, Mexico, peace accords that brought the
armed conflict to a definitive end. The United Nations
itself acted as mediator; the then Secretary-General,
Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, in consultation with the
Security Council, appointed the Peruvian diplomat
Álvaro de Soto as mediator. I would like, if I may, to
pay tribute to Mr. De Soto’s work, as it is an example of
how even exceedingly difficult disputes can be settled
through dialogue. In that regard, he proved to be a true
architect of peace. We can say that, beginning in 1992,
Salvadorans launched a new process that has gradually
consolidated our democracy and created modern
institutions.
Three years ago El Salvador passed another
milestone signaling a step forward in the strengthening
of our democracy. After 20 years of Governments led by
the same political forces, we witnessed a political change
that brought in the current Government to administer the
State. This was not simply a change of political party; it
opened the way to a movement of renewal that has been
expressed in various issues of enormous importance
for the rule of law and for reinforcing the work of
our democratic institutions. The long-term control of
our country’s Government by a single political party
for two decades gave absolute power to a small group
over the organs of State — executive, legislative and
judicial — and over other institutions such as the Court
of Accounts, the Office of the Prosecutor General and
the Public Ministry, among others.
As change and the break with absolute control
took place, they began to permit genuine independence
in the branches of Government, which in turn began
to lead to the genuine f lowering of democracy that
the people had demanded. Those changes, far from
changing the rules of the game, effectively guaranteed
judicial certainty and eliminated the privileges that
had protected Governments in the past. On behalf
of the State, the Government asked for forgiveness
for the crimes committed by State agents during the
armed conflict, and has undertaken and continues to
undertake concrete efforts to make moral and material
reparations to the victims of barbaric atrocities and
their families. This was a debt to the Salvadoran people
and the international community that had not been
settled by previous Governments.
Not long ago, our country experienced an
institutional crisis whose nature and scope were
very different from those of the armed conflict, but
nonetheless put Salvadoran democracy to the test.
I am referring to the recent crisis that arose between
the constitutional chamber of the Supreme Court of
Justice and the Legislative Assembly in my country. At
no time did the crisis cause political instability; rather,
it brought two State bodies in conflict and, in that
respect, it was an example of the independence of those
two branches of Government in our country today.
The conflict, arising from different and conflicting
interpretations of the Republic’s Constitution, lasted
almost five months. It was a protracted crisis that
generated opposing positions within our country, and
the lack of agreement between the parties drove the
Legislative Assembly to call for a settlement through
the Central American Court of Justice. The conflict and
that decision of the parliamentary majority set off strong
reactions from groups on either side. Unfortunately,
it was also exploited by foreign groups, including by
campaigning United States senators who blew the
conflict out of proportion without understanding it
fully.
Therefore, with no agreement to resolve the crisis,
the President of the Republic offered to mediate and
facilitate the dialogue. After 17 long days of meetings
with representatives of the different political camps in
the Legislative Assembly, the longed-for agreement was
finally reached. In the end, that agreement led to the
appointment of a new President of the Supreme Court
of Justice and the normalization of the administration
of justice in our country.
I wished to share with the Assembly this brief
sketch of events in order to underscore that once again
El Salvador was able to find a felicitous solution to an
institutional crisis through dialogue and as the fruit of
negotiation. In short, it was a new triumph of the young
and ever-stronger Salvadoran democracy. Of course,
many challenges lie ahead, such as that of promoting
a process of constitutional reform that will lead to an
unequivocal interpretation of our Magna Carta so that
we do not once again suffer conflicts such as the one
we saw recently. We also must move to update State
institutions in the light of what we have learned over
the past two decades.
El Salvador resolved on its own an institutional
conflict that in other eras would have led to coups
d’état and breaches of constitutional order with serious
human, economic, political and social consequences for
countries that suffered such situations. We found the
solution through dialogue, which is a fine example of
the theme for this session of the General Assembly. At the same time, we are aware that the strengthening of
democratic processes — which, happily, is the one-way
road on which Latin America is now travelling — should
bring profound changes in the economic and social
structures of our countries, which must clearly be based
on the rule of law.
The fact that there are people who are marginalized
and excluded from the progress and goods that only a
small portion of humankind is able to enjoy remains
an open wound that we cannot and should not continue
to tolerate. We live from crisis to crisis, ever more
frequent and ever deeper, which lead to a system and
models based essentially on the accumulation of wealth
in the hands of a tiny minority, leaving large majorities
in poverty and backwardness. The phenomenon of
migration, which we once addressed in this forum, is
the child of that planet-wide inequality and an striking
ref lection of the need to change and change quickly.
Latin America has taken important steps in that
direction. We are leaving behind a perverse model that
had impoverished our people and turned our region into
the most unfair of the planet — not the poorest, but
the most unfair. Today, we are aware that no model is
successful if it leaves out vast majorities. With all the
people involved we can achieve much, but without the
people we can achieve nothing. That is the road that we
have begun to travel in our region. Without a doubt, it
will be a difficult and long road, full of progress and
setbacks, but in the end, and I stress this, it is the only
road that will allow for certain success.
The unfair distribution of wealth and goods, the
constant aggression against the environment, and the
lack of global control over financial f lows that leads
to recurring crises — which are always paid for by the
people and never by those who are responsible — are
realities that do not arise from any ideology. The problem
is not one of ideology. These are realities that we must
change in order to establish a climate of peace and
security in which we see the domestic changes that give
our peoples better living conditions and access to the
material and cultural goods that produce progress in
our global society.
I do not wish to conclude without first alluding to
a topic that we have also addressed in this forum and
that is a source of ongoing concern for the international
community. I am referring to civic security and the
fight against organized crime and all forms of violence.
El Salvador is today the focus of the region, multilateral
organizations and the countries that historically have close ties to my country. That is due to a phenomenon
that we have been experiencing for more than half
a year and that has brought a significant drop in
violence and crime. El Salvador was the second most
violent country on the American continent until a few
months ago. We had 15 murders per day on average,
as a result of violence, crime and infighting among
criminal organizations, in particular among gangs. By
September, the average had fallen to 3.8 murders per
day. We have seen drops in other crime rates that, while
less significant, are still steady and substantial.
For the past three years, El Salvador has been
undertaking a policy of civic security that has been
bearing fruit. Recently, a truce signed between rival
gangs, with the Catholic church as intermediary and
facilitated by the Government, contributed decidedly to
that crime reduction process. However, let me also say
that if violence and organized crime are to disappear
in our countries, we must modify the conditions for
millions of young people who live without hope and
without opportunity. These are tasks that are incumbent
upon the Governments and societies of each of our
countries.
However, there is more. As we have said on other
occasions, without the strong and decided support of the
drug-consuming countries, and without an unequivocal
commitment from those large markets, we cannot wage
this good fight successfully. Central America, together
with Mexico and Colombia, have agreed upon joint
policies to wage that battle. We need the support of
the Government and people of the United States in that
battle. It is essential.
El Salvador has launched a massive campaign to
raise awareness and mobilize our people against gender
violence in the understanding that violence against
women is violence against all of society. If gender-based
violence is a problem throughout all of our societies,
it is one that we should address and that is even more
pressing in societies where there is a strong tradition of
tolerance of violence and chauvinism against women.
Governments bear the biggest responsibility, but
societies should also show solidarity and commit to
those efforts. We are certain that the differences that
divide us within our countries can be overcome only
through dialogue. That is the manner in which we must
resolve conflicts. Dialogue, consensus and agreement
are the guidelines for the road maps that will lead to
societies that are more fair and prosperous.

I should therefore like to conclude my remarks
by sending along a warm greeting to the people and
Government of Colombia for their efforts to attain a
definitive peace in their country. For several decades,
our sister Republic of Colombia has suffered an armed
conflict that has limited its possiblities and clearly
hindered its economic growth and the well-being of its
people. For that reason, the dialogue and negotiation that
have been launched by President Juan Manuel Santos
Calderón deserve the full support of the international
community, and in particular of the Latin American
countries. We congratulate the Colombian people and
wish them the greatest success on the road that they
have taken towards peace and national concord.
Along the same lines, we hail the process of
economic reforms undertaken by the sister Republic
of Cuba, which is bringing about a transformation
that is worthy of our support and encouragement. We
therefore reiterate the call we made last year in this
Hall. The blockade against Cuba must be lifted. It is
an anachronism from a past that has been overcome in
our America.
Peace, unity and change are essential values when
it comes to working for the happiness of our peoples.


It is always a great
honour for me to address the General Assembly. The
Assembly gives us a unique opportunity to debate the
key challenges of our world and time, and to identify
and confront the problems that our nations are facing.
It is a moment of collective ref lection and it should be
a moment of truth.
Today, 20 months after the act of despair of a
young Tunisian citizen that strongly shook the world
and generated so many hopes around the globe, many
people have doubts.
Some are telling us that the images of liberation
and joy seen around the world have been replaced by
broken promises, despair and chaos, that the world
was better off when fewer people were free, and that
the international system was more stable when fewer
societies were open.
I have come here today to make the opposite
argument. I have come here today to make the case for
open societies.
After the horrible attack on the United States
consulate in Benghazi and the death of Ambassador
Chris Stevens, I called the American Ambassador in
Georgia to convey my condolences and to speak to him,
to share my sorrow and express my support for this
unique nation.
I was struck by what he told me. I was struck by
the fact that American diplomats, beyond their pain and
their anger, still believed so clearly that the liberation of
Libya was fundamentally a good thing. Just a few days
ago, the United States Ambassador in my country was
proved right by the demonstrations held by the citizens
of Benghazi, who went out to protest against extremist  militias and to show their support for the achievement
of peace and prosperity in their own country.
I was also struck by the visit last week to the United
States by Aung San Suu Kyi, the joyous reception that
America gave her, and her desire to come and tell
her story with serenity and determination, a story of
progress towards freedom in the face of seemingly
impossible odds.
Twenty months after the act of despair and tragic
death of Mohamed Bouazizi, there are many who
doubt the cause to which Ambassador Stevens gave his
life, who doubt the vision of Aung San Suu Kyi, who
doubt freedom. I am totally certain that the skeptics
are wrong. A free society has never meant a society
without problems. On the contrary, an open society has
problems, exposes them, shows them, deals with them
and does not neglect them, because it keeps arguments
open and gives Government a chance to be accountable.
An open society is a place where improvements
are often reached through noisy, painful and chaotic
processes. Montesquieu wrote a long time ago that if
everyone agrees with the Government and everyone
agrees with one another, that is not a country; that is a
cemetery.
I speak from personal experience. My own country
confronted democracy’s challenges once again this past
week when evidence emerged of abuses in our prison
system. The facts were sickening, and our responsibility
was clear. Our reaction was swift, and we did what
democracies must do. We identified those responsible,
and they were all arrested. Two Government Ministers
have resigned, and we put in charge of the prison system
its fiercest critic: the Georgian human rights defender,
Georgia’s ombudsman. That is how democracies learn;
that is how we improve.
That is how my own Government has overcome
past errors and challenges to emerge stronger, more
effective and ever more committed to building and
institutionalizing an open society.
It is clear that there are no shortcuts to accountability,
and no fast-track lines to freedom. Building and
maintaining an open society entails a painful learning
process and significant risk-taking. But the conclusion
we must draw in this respect, from Georgia to the
events in Myanmar, is this: such risks are worth taking.
I am speaking to the Assembly on the eve of crucial
elections in my country. I realize clearly the magnitude of the challenges that face this body and this troubled
world, from the menace of nuclear proliferation to
global warming and poverty. But today I ask for
the Assembly’s attention with respect to the events
unfolding in Georgia, because I believe that they are
part of the broader, global question facing us today:
whether the quest for democracy and freedom can and
will endure.
I came here to say that Georgia will remain an open
society. That is the choice of our citizens, and there is
no alternative to this. On 1 October, my nation will
vote in parliamentary elections. We look forward to
that day and to the opportunity to renew and strengthen
the fundamental social contract that allows citizens to
freely judge and choose their leaders.
Georgia has conducted several elections in recent
years, all of which were monitored by international
observers and all of which were free and fair. We live in
a world in which yesterday’s accomplishments are never
enough, and I have made a commitment to the effect
that this year’s vote will be even more free and fair
than the previous ones. We have taken numerous steps
to pursue that goal. We have increased public funding
and given free airtime on all national channels for ads
from all political parties, in addition to whatever they
can buy with their own money. We have proposed to all
national television channels a “must carry/must offer”
requirement, to ensure that all private cable networks,
large and small, broadcast all news-based television,
and they have accepted that proposal.
We have welcomed the first televised debate in our
country’s history between candidates for Prime Minister
and heads of candidate lists. We have initiated a code
of conduct to eradicate political intimidation, the use
of administrative resources, vote-buying, campaign-
related violence and hate speech in any shape or form,
which for so many years was used to promote hatred
against ethnic and religious minorities.
Regrettably, not all actors in the Georgian political
arena share those principles, and some are purposefully
working to undermine the legitimacy of Georgia’s
democratic institutions — how they are perceived at
home and by the international community.
Our response to deliberate attempts to short-
circuit our democracy is straightforward: democratic,
transparent and rule-of-law-based processes will not
be compromised. This is not only my demand; it is the
demand of the people of Georgia.

Georgia is a young democracy, and we know the
value that comes from partnerships and engagement
with the international community. As in the past,
we have once again opened our doors and invited
credible international election monitors to visit our
country, including the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe, the European Parliament, the
NATO Parliamentary Assembly, the United States
Congress and respected international non-governmental
organizations.
To date, the interim reports of almost every election
observation mission have consistently underscored that
these are the most competitive elections in Georgia’s
history. On 1 October, notwithstanding significant
attempts to undermine that dynamic, the Georgian
people will make their decision. I am confident that
Georgian democracy will prevail and reject those who
seek to close Georgia’s doors.
Georgian democracy will prevail if, and only if,
Georgian elections remain a Georgian process. Today,
in this forum, I am obliged to draw the Assembly’s
attention to externally generated security threats to
my country. The European Union monitoring mission
has just announced that Russian forces are currently
undertaking a massive, illegal military buildup,
occupying territory inside Georgia, on the former
territory of South Ossetia, which is within Georgia’s
internationally recognized borders.
Even as we speak, they are bringing offensive
weapons and troops inside our internationally
recognized borders.
The Russian military has made the extraordinary
decision to hold large-scale military exercises in the
North and the South Caucasus on the eve and around
the time of our elections. One cannot imagine an
approach more provocative and irresponsible than
that of mobilizing military forces during this crucial
moment of any nation’s democratic life.
There has been involvement by Russia for months:
first, billions of dollars in Russian money came into the
Georgian election campaign. Lots of other resources
were allocated, and now Russian troops are trying to be
some kind of background players in this process. That
is why I call today on all our allies and friends, and all
members of goodwill in the international community,
not to ignore or dismiss this worrisome development.

I would like to use this opportunity to ask the world
to pay attention during the next few days, to speak in
a unified voice against these threats, in support of our
sovereignty and democratic institutions.
In short, the vigilance and engagement of Member
States is required to ensure that history does not repeat
itself and that 2012 does not become a repeat of 2008, or
especially of 1921, when Russia ended our independence
and we became a place that was dominated by violence
and oppression for 70-plus years.
We should look at what has happened in recent
years. We had a massive-scale invasion by Russia,
the successor to the Soviet Union, in 2008. We are a
country of just 4.7 million people — less than 5 million
people — and that country is 100 times larger, and
well armed. If we look at history, we see that during
the twentieth century it invaded many countries. The
Soviet Union invaded Baltic countries; it invaded large
parts of Poland and ended its independence.
In 1956 the Soviet Union invaded Hungary, killed
its President and ended its independence. In 1968 it
invaded Czechoslovakia, deposed its Government and
ended its independence. In 1979 it invaded a much
bigger country than Georgia, Afghanistan, killed its
President within one hour and ended its independence.
In 2008 it invaded our country, a smaller country than
any of those I have mentioned, and occupied part of its
territory.
However, none of the strategic goals of the Russian
invasion was achieved. They had three explicit goals in
invading Georgia. The first was to depose the Georgian
Government, end Georgian democracy and physically
destroy Georgia’s leadership. Those are not my words
or a conspiracy theory. That is what they themselves
overtly stated in every open and closed international
forum. The second goal was to shut off the energy supply
for different regions of the world and to monopolize the
energy supply in the part of the world where Russia
lies. That totally failed. Georgia is developing and its
energy corridor is developing. The third goal was to
stop the enlargment of NATO and to halt any kind of
inclusion of the region into international organizations.
Russia also failed at that goal.
We often say that after the Russians failed to
physically destroy the Georgian leadership, failed to
succeed in any of the purposes of their invasion and
basically were forced to stay where they are, within
occupied territories — in what most of the world and most international organizations call illegally
occupied territories, meaning that they will have to
withdraw — now they are trying to undermine us
because they have a strong sense of unfinished business.
It is not just the fate of a small country of less
than 5 million people that is being played out in this
scenario. The fate of the whole post-Soviet space is
being played out, affecting 400 to 500 million people.
Because Russia failed to destroy Georgian democracy
in 2008, countries in Central Asia such as Ukraine and
Belarus, people in the Republic of Moldova and Eastern
Europe, all think that freedom is the right choice after
all and that even the smallest free country cannot be
undermined and destroyed if it stands strong and united
and if the international community is there to help. That
sets a very bad example from the Russian point of view.
On the other hand, because of Georgia’s reforms
and because of our openness to the great nation of
Russia, we introduced visa-free travel for tourists from
Russia. One million tourists will travel to Georgia
from Russia this year and they will take back 1 million
stories of successful development, of a country with
new hospitals, with new cities, with sharply reduced
poverty — a country moving towards universal health
coverage and that has enjoyed double-digit growth, and
is this year enjoying 8 per cent growth. It is a country
that, even without oil and gas, is looking much better
than most of the Russian region. Indeed, Russia’s then-
President Medvedev had to acknowledge twice in one
week, in an open forum of journalists and his own
parliament, that Georgian reforms were so successful
that Russia had no choice but to study and copy them,
even if they hate the Georgian leadership.
That is the ideological issue. That is why they want
us out. That is why they want Georgia off the map. It is
because if Georgia survives and if Georgia continues,
it sets a bad example for all the others, including the
Russian people themselves, from the point of view of
the present Russian Government. The prison scandal
we had recently involved things that happen almost
every day in Russia, and are reported on social media
in Russia as frequently, and no one there gives a damn
about it. In the first case that came up in Georgia, two
ministers and scores of others were arrested, which also
sets a bad example in the eyes of people who want to
suppress freedom. That is why it is so important that
Georgian democracy is back and safe. It means that the
whole post-Soviet space, our whole part of the world,
will move in the right direction.

I call on the world to pay attention and send the
right signals. I make the call knowing what our
responsibilities are. In the face of the threats confronting
us, our commitment to democracy and transparency is
more important than ever. We remember the words of
the American founding father who said that whoever
sacrifices his freedom for security deserves neither.
That is not just our response; it is the best response. Our
transformation and the hostility it has generated among
those who feel threatened by freedom have continued to
make Georgia a test case for the entire region. What is at
stake in Georgia today is the very idea that democracy
can thrive in our part of the world.
Our common legacy from the dark time of the Soviet
Union is now almost gone from Georgia. Organized
crime — and Georgia was a hotbed of organized
crime — is now almost gone from Georgia. Most of
that legacy has migrated to other countries, including
Russia. Corruption, coercion, intimidation, oppression,
cynicism and despair: we condemn that way of life, that
way of Government and of being governed. No, we can,
we should and we will overcome that legacy. We are
doing it in Georgia and it can be done everywhere else.
Will we face strong opposition? Yes. And we are
well placed to say that, since our country is regularly
threatened with destruction and annihilation, for the
very reason that we choose another path — the path of
freedom, the path of transparency and accountability,
the path of meritocracy and an open society — we
know how difficult it is to overcome those forces. But
we know we can.
Sovietism and post-Sovietism is not a fate.
Organized crime and violence is not a fate. Slavery
is not a fate. Limited sovereignty as Brezhnev once
defined it and Putin reshaped it is not a fate. Every
country represented here is a free nation. We are all
free peoples, made up of free individuals, and our
future depends on us, on what we want and what we do.
There is nothing easy about saying this, and I do
not say it lightly. The Georgian people know the price
of freedom and still they think their freedom is worth
it, because with freedom comes development and
happiness, true stability and true peace. Our region
will one day become a zone where free people interact
peacefully, where respect will replace contempt.
All the peoples of Central Asia and Eastern Europe,
Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Russia, the
South Caucasus and North Caucasus, should hold hands together and shout down the voices of the past. Powerful
voices continue to send the message that democracy,
transparency and accountability are not possible. They
say that freedom, meritocracy and respect for human
rights are fundamentally alien. Georgia has proven them
wrong. Our survival story has proven them wrong, just
as many here today have in the past. As we have been
learning from many people in the Hall, our efforts have
shown that corruption, intolerance, intimidation, fear
and violence are neither cultural nor inevitable.
Advanced democracy is a sign of a mature society.
It is not easy to govern. Dissent, pluralism and vibrant
debate, which are threats to others, are strengths to us.
Our view is clear. One cannot gain enduring stability
at the expense of liberty, and one cannot ensure lasting
prosperity by sacrificing individual rights. Those short
cuts never succeed in the long run.
In every culture, in every society, in every corner
of the world, people will ultimately demand the right
to choose their own future. Only Governments that
meet that demand will achieve true stability. The
fundamental contract is not always without difficulties.
Governments that commit themselves to the process
must be prepared for turbulence and disagreement.
What is difficult for elected leaders is often beneficial
for citizens; what is challenging for ruling parties is
often necessary for the State. In pursuing the goals of
freedom and accountability, our common efforts must
be governed by the rule of law and a commitment to
respect these fundamental principles. Violence and
intimidation can never be legitimized, and a minority
can never forcibly impose its views on the will of the
majority. Guns, money, threats, hatred, blackmail and
fear cannot be allowed to hijack the process.
At the same time, we recognize the potential threat
of a majority trampling the rights and liberties of a
minority. We respond to that threat by protecting the
right to dissent, we respond by promoting pluralism,
we respond by allowing every voice to be heard. And
we respond by the law. I can testify to how difficult the
process is, but I can also state unequivocally that no
lasting alternative exists.
I want finally to share with the Assembly my
hope and my trust. A few days from now, Georgians
from all social, religious and ethnic backgrounds will
collectively decide their future in an unoccupied part
of our territory. They will express diverse opinions and
wishes, and a new future for our nation will emerge.

Openness will be further enshrined. Transparency will
be strengthened, and public accountability confirmed.
The main thing that will be confirmed is that Georgia
will not go back. It will not be dragged back under
any pressure, under any dirty money from the North,
under any threat of military exercise or direct military
invasion or mass-scale disturbances or the emergence of
some kind of militias emerge, as some have threatened.
It is not going to work.
According to the European Union, we are the safest
country and the least corrupt country in Europe with
strong Government institutions that cannot be bribed
and cannot be undermined. By constantly renewing the
social contract, which is at the heart of every democratic
nation, we will ensure that democratic principles and
practices are with us for good.
I trust the Georgian people. I trust the international
community and I trust that they will not allow others
to destroy the will of my people or destroy my small
nation’s choice. I stated earlier that democracy is
a difficult, sometimes noisy system. It presents
challenges to those in and outside Government, and it
forces leaders to place their trust in society. Personally,
I see no credible alternative, and I saw no better reason
to take risks. Fear is the paramount weapon of autocrats,
while trust is a definition of democrats.
Let us all trust our citizens, even if autocratic
forces much bigger than us are threatening us. The
best defence for my country is openness, democracy,
transparency and the work of institutions against all
of those forces, against all the international mafias
and against social and international pressures that
contravene international law. Let us defend the
institutions that support, strengthen and preserve our
choice to be open and free.


Allow me to convey to Mr. Jeremić our warmest
congratulations on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session and to
once again extend to him our fullest cooperation. We
would also like to convey our gratitude to Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for his significant work during
the previous session. We also congratulate Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon on his leadership at a time
marked by the immense scale of the challenges that we
face.
Chile’s foreign policy is based on principles such
as the defence of democracy, respect for human rights and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Among others,
those principles form part of the Charter of the United
Nations. Their observance provides for coexistence
among States at the international and national levels,
and thus preserves, for nations and their peoples,
the most precious asset of national societies and the
international community, namely, peace.
Peace is the basic value at the root of this body.
However, despite the efforts made, serious problems
persist internationally, as well as nationally in some
Member States. We have witnessed the Arab Spring,
which, by channelling the legitimate expression
of its peoples for greater freedom, democracy and
respect for human rights, resulted in some cases,
without prejudice to the difficulties that remain to be
overcome, in processes that have led to democratic
changes. Regrettably, in other cases, it has given rise to
repression and violence.
The repression of their people by dictatorial
regimes and the inability to peacefully forge democratic
transition processes are the result of a mistaken way of
engaging in and understanding politics. Confrontation
has prevailed over tolerance, violence over dialogue and
conflict over understanding, as we see now happening
in Syria.
From this rostrum, we reiterate the call to all
parties, in particular the Government of that country,
for an immediate end to the violence, respect for
human rights and the establishment of the foundations
for a dialogue that can lead to a political solution of
the current crisis, in which justice and the rule of
law prevail. The international community bears the
responsibility to support that process, while respecting
the principles of non-intervention, territorial integrity
and, above all, human life.
We must condemn the intolerance that shows a lack
of respect for different cultures and beliefs and has
given rise to outbreaks of violence. Nothing justifies
the criminal act committed in Libya against United
States diplomats. We vigorously condemn that event
and any other act of violence, which, in that particular
case, negates the essence of the diplomatic function,
which this forum must specifically seek to defend with
the utmost resolve and determination.
In addition, we have resolutely supported all
international efforts towards a just, legitimate and
lasting solution of the problem between Palestine
and Israel. We recognize the Palestinian State — a country that we hope very shortly to welcome to the
Organization. We strongly believe that the Palestinian
people have the right to a free, sovereign and democratic
State. However, we also note that the State of Israel has
the right to recognized, safe and respected borders.
Only in that way will Palestinians and Israelis be able
to coexist and move forward in peace and harmony.
The leaders of the States members of the Assembly
have the moral obligation and enormous responsibility
of seeking to harmonize interests in order for reason
to prevail. The United Nations is the sole international
forum with the necessary capacity to address the
maintenance of peace, security, the protection of human
rights and international development cooperation. It is
therefore our responsibility to strive to find the means
for consensus to enable us to cooperate in resolving
current conflicts, averting future ones, preserving
peace and launching a cycle of development for the
benefit of our peoples.
Chile, through a sustained effort, has enjoyed more
than 100 years of peaceful international coexistence
on the basis of understanding and dialogue, as well
as legally and politically respected border agreements
and treaties, as borne out by our peaceful vocation.
Nearly 40 years ago, however, my country experienced
a crisis that shattered its institutional order and divided
our society, leading to a confrontation with tragic
consequences. Thanks to a united effort, an exemplary
peaceful transition was possible. Despite the deep
divisions that were a hallmark of that time, we were
able to move forward in building a solid foundation
owing to the willingness to reach an understanding that
prevailed among political forces that previously held
irreconcilable positions.
Moreover, despite its differences, Latin America
has learned to live in diversity and has progressed more
than other regions in the past decade. In our region,
various kinds of Governments that propose different
political and development models coexist. However,
through dialogue, understanding and reason, we have
reached consensus on establishing regional integration
mechanisms that have enabled us to move forward
with common goals. That policy, based on respect
for differences and the pursuit of mutually beneficial
integration, is at the heart of our foreign policy.
Just as mutual respect and human understanding are
ground rules of our national policy to achieve freedom,
progress and social justice, the same should occur in the international political arena. This is the best forum
for the leaders of nations to debate ideas, free from
absolute, exclusive or discriminatory positions, which
inevitably lead to confrontation. Many of the problems
facing us are due to the fact that the virtue of dialogue,
which is the only means for our mutual understanding
and civilized coexistence, is increasingly undermined.
However, countries alone cannot always find
the basis for understanding in order to achieve the
political stability that makes solid institution-building
and economic and social development possible. The
international community also has a responsibility.
We believe that it is crucial not only to help countries
emerge from crisis situations, but also to support them
in peacebuilding and development in a comprehensive
way. That means support for the rebuilding of political
institutions and for internal reconciliation processes and
social and economic development, which are tasks for
which the Peacebuilding Commission was established.
We strongly support its work.
In that context, with regard to the United Nations
Stabilization Mission in Haiti, we believe that the
required modifications to its composition and size
must be offset by strengthening the presence of the
development component of the United Nations system
through its agencies, funds and programmes. That
is fundamental to helping the reconstruction and
development of Haiti.
In that spirit of cooperation in peacebuilding,
we also welcome with satisfaction, a sense of
responsibility and enthusiasm the invitation of the
Colombian Government to assist in the negotiations
process launched to put an end to the internal conflict
that has affected that brother country for more than 50
years, causing so much suffering. We commend the
willingness and readiness of the parties and the courage
of the Government of Colombia, which, building on the
circumstances brought about through its efforts and
patience in recent years, took the decision to initiate
a peace process that, we trust, will end successfully to
the benefit of all Colombians.

We have conveyed our vision of what we believe
to be the most profound purpose of politics. On this
occasion, we would also like to address the issue
of Security Council reform. In order to strengthen
its capacities and legitimacy, a more representative

and democratic organ that is in line with the new
international reality should be formed. Chile reiterates
its support for a Security Council reform that envisages
the expansion of its membership in the permanent and
non-permanent categories, thus ensuring due regional
representation and enhanced transparency of its
working methods.
We also wish to reiterate our opposition to the veto
power. However, given its existence, Chile supports the
call for the veto not to be used in situations of crimes
against humanity, war crimes, genocide or ethnic
cleansing. The countries with the veto power have a
great responsibility and the obligation to use it with
moderation and transparency in seeking to resolve
crises, putting aside national or ideological positions
that hamper the system and render it ineffective.
In that context, our commitment to the main themes
on the international peace and security agenda has led
us to submit our candidature for Security Council for
the period of 2014-2015. As part of that effort, we wish
to help strengthen the effectiveness of the multilateral
system based on democratic values and principles,
namely, equality and individual freedoms and solidarity,
which are substantial aspects of our foreign policy. We
also wish to contribute to that from the perspective of
Latin America and the Caribbean.
Democracy demands respect for, and the promotion
of, human rights, which requires full implementation
of the rule of law. Chile is firmly committed to that.
Our own experience regarding a shattered democracy,
with tragic consequences for the rights of individuals,
which I have already mentioned, underscores for us
the importance of developing public policies. It also
highlights the need to implement the instruments
made available to us by the international system, with
particular emphasis on those that support the most
vulnerable, namely, children, women, young people,
indigenous peoples, people with disabilities and the
elderly. In that regard, we support strengthening the
functioning of the human rights treaty body system
and the work undertaken by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights.
In addition to the issue of peace, another acute
problem for nations today is the international financial
crisis. It has wrought havoc on markets, trade, finance,
investment and, worse still, employment. As in the case
of politics, where confrontation and the lack of dialogue
impede solutions and compromises, in economics the improper practices of excessive spending, a lack of
fiscal tightening and the absence of adequate regulatory
frameworks triggered the crisis that currently affects us
and whose end is not yet in sight.
The experience of our country and our region has
taught us harshly in recent decades that progress and
true development require measures that are not populist
or short term. Governments must act responsibly and
control public spending without turning to that as
an easy solution to artificially promote an economic
boom. The current crisis blatantly shows the painful
consequences of such policies. A rigorous fiscal policy
and the establishment of stabilization funds, like some
countries have created, such as Norway on the basis
of oil and Chile on the basis of copper, are examples
of efficient mechanisms for economic stability and
balancing global cycles.
Similarly, in seeking solutions to the crisis, we
must avoid the temptation to resort to artificial and
short-term measures. There are voices clamouring
for the imposition of protectionist practices to boost
the economy. Such practices may benefit a specific
economic sector in the short term. However, they have a
f leeting effect. Let us not fool ourselves. Protectionism
protects inefficient industries and provides citizens with
poor quality and more expensive products. Worse still,
it undermines productivity, eliminates competition and
entrepreneurship and hampers real development.
Our experience shows us that we must take the
opposite path, namely, greater openness and more free
trade. Threats to democracy are thereby overcome
through greater democracy. Economic growth is boosted
by greater openness to markets and fewer obstacles to
global trade. Years ago, our country launched trade
liberalization by, first, unilaterally reducing its tariffs
and, subsequently, through free trade agreements
that today extend to more than 60 countries and that
represent more than 85 per cent of world gross domestic
product. Chile has the most free trade agreements and
has the world’s eighth-lowest tariffs, at less than 1 per
cent on average.
Despite external difficulties, that policy has enabled
us to increase our growth by 6 per cent in the past two
years and to achieve the region’s highest per capita
income. In turn, it has made it possible to reduce the
level of unemployment, poverty and extreme poverty
by creating new jobs and social protection programmes.  Real and effective integration goes beyond trade.
We are also pursuing shared projects with other nations,
such as the recent Pacific Alliance initiative, launched
together with Peru, Mexico and Colombia. It focuses on
the integration not only of goods and services, but also
the free movement of people and capital, thus sharing
the full potential of our economies. Such initiatives
with Pacific Rim countries are not new. In 1994,
we were already part of the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation, seeking to accelerate trade liberalization
in a broad region that unites the largest economies on
both sides of that ocean. Subsequently, in 2005, along
with Singapore, New Zealand and Brunei Darussalam,
we launched a process to forge an ambitious free
trade agreement. Today, that project, known as the
Trans-Pacific Partnership, aspires to create the largest
global free trade area with the accession of new
members, including the United States.
Two years ago, only days after the Government
that I represent assumed its duties, a natural disaster of
global proportions, namely, the fifth-largest earthquake
registered in the world since such disasters were
recorded, caused destruction and death in our country.
Chile recovered thanks to the solidarity and unity of
its people and as a result of the generous assistance of
friendly nations and organizations. Recently, President
Sebastian Piñera Echeñique affirmed the announcement
that he made at that time, pointing out that, by the end
of his term in office, all material damage would be
fully rebuilt.
In recent years, we have seen an increase in the
number of natural disasters — f loods, tornados,
typhoons, earthquakes and mudslides. There is no place
on the planet that is not either suffering or has suffered
from a natural disaster. No country has the capacity
to deal with disasters of that scale alone. There is
therefore a need for the assistance and solidarity among
nations that we saw not only during the earthquake in
2010, but also at the time of the collapse of the San
José mine, which affected 33 miners. The lives of
those miners were saved thanks to their courage, to the
determination of the Government of Chile to rescue
them and to international cooperation.
In Chile, we have strengthened disaster
preparedness and early-warning systems and have
enhanced the national civil protection agency in
order to ensure greater coordination at the national,
regional and local levels. However, the occurrence
of some of those natural phenomena is also linked to environmental protection. Preserving the environment
is another topic that merits the attention of the
international community and means that we should act
responsibly to safeguard for future generations a clean
environment and sustainable development that respects
nature. The recommendations of the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development, namely,
sustainable development goals, financing mechanisms
and a mechanism to transfer and distribute clean energy,
should now be implemented.
Chile assumed the position of the first pro tempore
presidency of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States (CELAC) with great satisfaction. The
33 member States of Latin America and the Caribbean
agreed the Community’s guiding principles and
purposes, including the promotion and protection of
democracy and human rights, political coordination,
integration, the fight against poverty and inequality
and stronger global engagement. Among the issues
of interest to CELAC that I would like to underscore
in this forum is support for the legitimate claims of
the Argentine Republic in the dispute for sovereignty
over the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands and
South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime
areas. We call for a resumption of negotiations with the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
in order to find a peaceful and lasting solution to that
dispute. CELAC also wishes to underscore the need to
put an end to the economic blockade imposed by the
United States of America against Cuba. The General
Assembly has adopted important resolutions on both
matters.
We live in a world of great opportunities, but also
significant challenges and global threats that require the
coordinated action of the international community in
order to ensure an appropriate response. Only through
effective, efficient and inclusive multilateralism will
we find the best way to respond to those great global
challenges.
The United Nations system has the capacity to
exercise leadership in pursuing international peace and
security, in promoting sustainable development and
cooperation and in protecting and promoting human
rights. Also, in seeking to resolve the global economic
crisis, in environmental protection and in the rapid
international response to prevent and provide assistance
in the case of natural disasters, we, as Member States,
must demonstrate the political will to make that capacity a reality and thus ensure that the politically
correct action is also morally correct.
The President of Bolivia mentioned, in terms that do
not comply with the norms of good coexistence among
nations, that country’s maritime claim (see A/67/PV.11).
Along with the formal note of reply that was submitted
to the President of the General Assembly, in addressing
this debate I feel obliged to categorically reject the
position, affirmation and charges made against my
country. It is timely to reiterate to the Assembly that
there are no outstanding border issues between our
States. Those matters are clearly set out in the 1904
Treaty of Peace and Friendship, and are fully respected.
Chile has fully met its obligations under that
Treaty, allowing the most extensive free transit through
its territory by means of high-quality infrastructure,
as acknowledged by the Bolivians themselves. Bolivia
has no right to claim access to the sea. The respect of
border agreements between neighbouring countries is
one of the cornerstones for coexistence among States
and is the guarantor of international peace, as prevails
between our countries.
Before this Organization, Chile reaffirms that
the Constitution of the Plurinational State of Bolivia,
adopted in 2009, introduced provisions that contravene
the framework of international law, which governs the
peaceful coexistence among nations. Those provisions
are therefore not enforceable with regard to our country.
As declared by a committee of lawyers appointed by
the League of Nations in 1921 and as acknowledged
at the last session of the General Assembly of the
Organization of American States, held in the Bolivian
city of Cochabamba, this is strictly a bilateral matter.
Chile has continued to convey to Bolivia its readiness
for brotherly dialogue, based on full respect for the
treaties in force, which provide significant benefits for
both peoples. It is in the hands of Bolivia to accept that
invitation.


I wish to convey
my sincere congratulations to President Jeremić
on his election to guide and oversee the important
work of the General Assembly at this session. I must
also congratulate his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of Qatar, for his
recently concluded term as the outgoing President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. During his
term, he enhanced the profile and work of the General
Assembly, and we are pleased that his presidency has
decided to carry forward and build upon the shared
theme of the settlement of international disputes or
situations by peaceful means.
Our Organization continues to draw strength
from the steady leadership of Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon, in facing on a daily basis, together with the
Secretariat, the increasingly volatile challenges and
fast-evolving crises around the globe with unwavering
commitment and steadfast determination.
We remember those Organization personnel who
have fallen fulfilling their duty, in the pursuit of our
collective aspirations as reflected in the Charter of the
United Nations.
We were pleased with the convening earlier this
week of the High-level Meeting of the General Assembly
on the Rule of Law at the National and International
Levels. In all settings and all circumstances, including
with respect to States such as Tonga, the rule of law is a core pillar and a fundamental component of the
national fabric.
Tongans take great pride in the enduring qualities of
the 1875 Constitution and the early legal codes of 1839
and 1850 as instruments of visionary nation-building
and, with reform over time, lasting peace and stability.
They also laid the foundation for setting Tonga on a
firm footing in the context of international relations
with the global powers of the time, and set us on a path
that ultimately has led to membership in the global body
of our time, the United Nations. Tonga was therefore
pleased to join other Member States in adopting the
Declaration of the High-level Meeting (resolution 67/1).
To expand and improve the role and impact of the
rule of law at the national, regional and international
levels requires the expertise and technical assistance
available from the United Nations system, the relevant
intergovernmental agencies and interested development
partners, so as to be coordinated, continuous and
coherent.
This week’s outcome is a positive development for
small jurisdictions such as Tonga in strengthening their
capacity to address the political, social, economic and
environmental challenges of our time.
Building upon the Secretary-General’s historic
attendance at last year’s meeting of the Pacific Islands
Forum (PIF), a further meeting took place this week,
for the first time, on the margins of this year’s general
debate. The important outcome of the meeting provides
a stronger and regular basis for high-level interaction,
and the meeting allowed for an exchange of views
on issues of mutual import and concern between PIF
leaders and the Secretary-General.
This year’s PIF meeting was hosted by the Cook
Islands, and our communiqué gives proper focus to
issues important to Tonga and the region, including
sustainable development, climate change, the oceans,
renewable energy and gender equality.
Tonga, like other small island developing States,
returned to Rio de Janeiro in June to the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) to
chart a new global course for sustainable development.
For many, if not all, small island developing States,
that return amounted to a reaffirmation of the special
and particular vulnerabilities, recognized in 1992, that
make States such as Tonga unique.

With other small island developing States, we are
looking to advance, during this session of the General
Assembly, the agreement reached in Rio on the holding
in 2014 of a Third International Conference for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States. That Conference should be hosted in the Pacific
region.
Against the background of the recent Rio+20 and the
ongoing efforts to achieve the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), such a Conference would represent an
early but timely moment for small island developing
States to take stock of implemented outcomes. In order
to be successful, the Conference will require the strong
and active participation of all small island developing
States and a strong, responsive and cohesive United
Nations system attuned to the issues facing them.
Working towards such a Conference will provide
a boost to ongoing national initiatives such as our
Tonga strategic development framework and its priority
objectives for 2011 to 2014.
Tonga joined other States members of the Alliance
of Small Island States yesterday, under the chairmanship
of Nauru, in adopting a declaration focused on the
continuing serious threat posed by climate change to
the territorial integrity, viability and survival of all
small island States.
There is an urgent need to continue to address
the security implications of climate change, including
the impact on territorial integrity, the frequency and
severity of climate-related disasters, the threat to water
and food security, and the forced displacement of
people.
Our challenge to the international community,
and to developed countries in particular, is to take the
bold measures necessary to reduce emissions of all
greenhouse gases to levels that will ensure a viable and
meaningful future for small island developing States
such as Tonga. To safeguard the survival of the smallest
and most vulnerable States among us is to safeguard
a viable future for all States. A rising tide may lift all
boats, but it will drown us all.
The coming meeting of the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change in Qatar must
advance the efforts of last year’s Durban Conference to
bridge differences over key issues, such as those related
to the future of the Kyoto Protocol, climate finance,
closing the pre-2020 mitigation ambition gap and constructively addressing loss and damage associated
with the impact of climate change, while bearing in
mind the cost of adaptation in developing countries,
such as Tonga.
This year’s theme of the Pacific Islands Forum was
“Large ocean island States — the Pacific challenge”. It
built upon the positive outcomes of Rio+20 with regard
to the conservation and sustainable use of the oceans
and their marine environment, or what we call the
blue economy. Like other Pacific neighbours, Tonga’s
connection to its oceanic environment has a strong
historical dimension.
The ocean and its resources are more than an
ancient pathway to a maritime and seafaring past among
disparate islands. They potentially now represent a
liquid highway to a more sustainable future for Pacific
peoples. An eminent Tongan scholar, the late Mr. Epeli
Hau’ofa, said:
“We should not be defined by the smallness of our
islands but by the greatness of our oceans. We are
the sea. We are the ocean. Oceania is us.”
As custodians of the ocean and its living and
non-living resources, we have long appreciated that
the health of the oceans is critical to maintaining a
staple source of sustenance and livelihood for island
communities.
We welcome the focus of Rio+20 on sustainable
fisheries and national capacity development, the
importance of access and the role of small-scale
and artisanal fisheries and women, and the need for
concerted action to address the vulnerability of coral
reefs and mangroves.
As a party to the United Nations Convention on the
Law of the Sea, Tonga is actively seeking to implement
its obligations under the Convention, including
through the timely negotiation of maritime boundary
delimitation agreements with neighbouring States;
effective participation in the work of the International
Seabed Authority and the Commission on the Limits
of the Continental Shelf; implementation of related
agreements, such as the 1995 Fish Stocks Agreement;
and consideration of the potential development of
further legal instruments, within the Convention’s
framework, to reflect the new realities.
During this International Year of Sustainable
Energy for All, we welcome the Secretary-General’s
high-level event this week, which was dedicated in part to addressing the continued development of renewable
energy sources. With like-minded members of the
Alliance of Small Island States, Tonga will build on the
Barbados Declaration on Achieving Sustainable Energy
for All in Small Island Developing States and on Rio+20
to implement its voluntary commitment to reducing its
greenhouse-gas emissions and to improving energy
security through a 50 per cent renewable energy mix
by 2020.
With the requisite financial resources, ongoing
capacity-building, appropriate technology transfers
and genuine partnership with dedicated development
partners, such as New Zealand, Italy, Japan and the
United Arab Emirates, national initiatives, like the
Tonga Energy Road Map, will continue to develop and
provide real benefit for Tongans. We are committed to a
strong advocacy role on the Council of the International
Renewable Energy Agency and to the critical work
that it does in pursuing a more secure and sustainable
energy path.
Tonga joined the other States members of the
Pacific Islands Forum in adopting the Pacific Leaders
Gender Equality Declaration as an important part of
the Pacific Islands Forum communiqué this year. It
establishes a valuable political platform for investing in
the empowerment and promotion of women and young
girls as a vital part of Tongan society and the region’s
future.
We thank Australia for its investment in the Pacific
Women Shaping Pacific Development initiative. The
steps taken to promote and protect the interests of Tongan
women and gender equality include the extension of paid
maternity leave, within the public service, from one to
three months; Government approval of a draft law on
violence against women and children, which is to be
tabled during the parliamentary session; Government
approval of holding nationwide consultations towards
consensus on ratification of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women; the launch of a national study on domestic
violence against women; and, most recently, last week’s
launch of a social welfare scheme for the elderly, that is,
those over 75 years of age.
Without genuine improvement in gender equality,
Member States will continue to struggle to achieve real
progress towards meeting their commitments under the
MDGs and beyond.

In closing, on behalf of His Majesty King Tupou VI,
Queen Nanasipau’u, the royal household, the Government
and the people of the Kingdom of Tonga, I wish to
convey our profound appreciation for the overwhelming
messages of condolence and sympathy from Member
States, the Secretary-General, the Secretariat and the
General Assembly on the untimely passing earlier
this year of our much-beloved King George Tupou
V. I acknowledge in particular the assistance of the
People’s Republic of China at that time. Though his
reign may have been brief, it may yet prove timeless in
enabling an environment where Tongans now exercise
greater electoral democracy and enjoy a fully elected
Government and a more representative Parliament.
That may be his reign’s most enduring legacy.