Let me first congratulate you, Mr. Vice-President, and, through you, the President, on your appointments to the high offices you hold. He are very confident that throughout the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly you and the President will carry forward our deliberations with the customary good order and good sense, and we wish you well in this task.
Last year almost of all of us speaking from this rostrum spoke of the dramatic pace of international events. Perhaps we all expected that after those dramas there would be a return to the normal tenor of diplomatic life. But, in fact, during the last 12 months change has continued with a speed and intensity that no one could have foreseen. Some of this change has been beneficial, flowing from the end of the cold war, which we all welcomed. But other changes have reminded us how much hatred and bitterness can still shape the course of our world. This general debate is the right occasion for us to see if we can trace a pattern in all these events and draw the right lessons for the future of our Organisation.
First I would like to add my welcome to the seven new Members of the United Nations, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. The presence of you all will enrich this Organisation. Mistrust between East and Meat kept Korea out of the United Nations for too long now the new approaches in international relations allow you to take the seats which should have been yours long ago.

It may be rash, but I believe that we are now watching the collapse of the principle of empire. By that, I mean the principle that people can be forced to work together under a central rule in which they do not themselves participate and which has no respect for their rights. In some places the end of this principle of empire is coming slowly. In others its collapse has been sudden. For example we are seeing beyond doubt the disintegration of the last of the great colonial empires of the last century, namely, that put together by the Russian Tsars. That system, which was transformed into a communist empire by Lenin and Stalin, is now smashed for good - and smashed not by its critics or competitors from outside but by the peoples whom it sought to imprison. That old system has gone; a new system is struggling to birth. The new system tries to accommodate the principle of national identity without following that principle into anarchy.
Nationalism is a legitimate expression of a people's aspirations; but we have all learned the hard way that nationalism is not enough. A new flag, an old flag revived, a new capital, a new parliament, new uniforms do not in themselves bring security and happiness. Nationalism can be sterile unless it respects the rights of individuals and minorities. Nationalism can be dangerous unless nation States work together for collective security and collective prosperity.
So consent within nations, cooperation between nations, must be the pattern at which we aim.
These or similar thoughts must have been in many of our minds as we watched the tragedy of Yugoslavia unfolding. I hope and believe that the Security Council, at its meeting this afternoon, can add its unique authority to the efforts already being made by the European Community and by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) to help those among all the peoples of Yugoslavia who want to see an end to bloodshed and the beginning of a new pattern for their future. I share the emotions and anxieties expressed a few minutes ago here by Hans Dietrich Genscher, on behalf of Germany, and all of us in the European Community will work strenuously, continuously, to help the Yugoslavs find that new pattern for their future.
We cannot prescribe or dictate this pattern either for the peoples of the Soviet Union or for the peoples of Yugoslavia. We can show sympathy, understanding and help for the huge task of reform now under way. In the Soviet Union when people are hungry this winter we can help to feed them out of the surpluses of the West and, I hope, of central and eastern Europe. We can provide - we are providing - technical assistance, particularly to help bring the food from the farms to the shops. We can build up our relationships with the Republics of the Soviet Union as they gain in authority. He can continue the friendly pressure for human rights embodied in the Charter of Paris of the CSCE, signed last November. It is not in the interests of the International community that the Soviet Union should entirely disintegrate, leaving no central authority to deal with those matters where central decisions are needed. Dramatic progress has been made over arms control and disarmament. That progress should not be dissipated or put at risk by lack of adequate coherent authority in the Soviet Union. The Republics are making their own arrangements with the centre to influence the course of foreign policy, and we look forward to the outcome. But it would be a pity, from the point of view of the United Nations, if the cooperation which we have recently come to expect from the Soviet Union on, for example, the Middle East, the problems of the Gulf, the problems of Africa, were dissipated just when its usefulness is most apparent.
I mentioned South Africa. The situation there is entirely different, but there is one common thread. Here too we are watching the disappearance of a regime which was based on suppression and discrimination. No one can now suppose that apartheid can survive or can return. The courage shown by State President De Klerk, Mr. Nelson Mandela and other leaders of the South African people deserves to be recognized and encouraged. Here again, it is not for the outside world to decide on the constitutional pattern of the new South Africa, though I think we are entitled to urge forward those who are now beginning that task. It is for us, and particularly perhaps as far as we are concerned for the members of the Commonwealth at our forthcoming Heads of Government meeting in Harare, to consider how we can give practical help to the new South Africa. No one who studies the statistics of population growth in that country measured against economic production, no one who visits the townships outside Durban, Johannesburg and Cape Town can doubt either the need or the urgency of this help if the new South Africa is to make a good start and establish itself as a helpful, supportive neighbour to the other countries of southern Africa.
Against this background, against this pattern, how can we build up the performance of our United Nations? Nothing of course changes the elementary duty of the United Nations to do all it can to protect its Members by checking and reversing aggression. That is fundamental.
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait was an unusually clear example. Now that Iraq is out of Kuwait, the United Nations is insisting - for the first time - that a Member State forgo weapons of mass destruction and pay compensation to its victims. The United Nations is resolved to maintain sanctions until Iraq shows that it is playing a constructive part in regional stability, until Iraq observes the rules of international law. Iraq has to comply with the Security Council resolutions, which are mandatory. If it does not, it must face the consequences, and the consequences of persistent defiance would be grave indeed.
So we all share the responsibility to prevent the re-emergence of a danger such as the one we have experienced from Iraq. Everyone accepts that many States depend on arms imports to assure a reasonable level of security and the inherent right of self-defence, which is recognized in our Charter.
But the conflict in the Gulf showed how peace can be undermined when a country acquires an arsenal which goes way beyond the needs of self-defence, and in the United Nations have to make sure that that does not happen again. We believe that all States should observe and apply the three principles: transparency, consultation and action.
And that is why, as a significant step towards transparency, Britain has proposed a universal register of arms transfers under the auspices of the United Nations. Such a register would alert the International community to an attempt by a country to build up holdings of conventional weapons beyond a reasonable level. With the support of our partners in the European Community, and others, Britain is sponsoring a draft resolution at this session of the General Assembly which we hope will result in the prompt establishment of such a register.
The process of consultations on arms exports is well under way. It has been discussed at many international gatherings in recent months, and we have been encouraged by the willingness of arms exporters, large and small, to exchange information about arms sales which hitherto has been jealously guarded. After that, we have to harmonize as best we can the criteria - the tests - by which each arms exporter judges a possible sale.
Openness of this kind will encourage confidence. Confidence allows action. In Europe we agreed on the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) last November. The United States and the Soviet Union signed the START Treaty in July. The main Powers, the main arms suppliers are beginning to reduce the level of their own armaments; they are not simply asking other people to do so. The search for this lower level of armaments is never going to be easy in the real world, and I think we are justified in taking it step by step, provided that one step does in fact follow another. We are justified in being realistic, provided that realism is not an excuse for inaction. The British Government announced yesterday that henceforth we shall adopt a policy of full-scope safeguards as a condition of the supply of significant new nuclear supplies. This means that such goods will not be exported to any country, other than the nuclear-weapon States, where there are any un-safeguarded nuclear installations.
We believe there is another lesson which comes from our experiences in the Middle East in the last year. It is the need to handle emergencies better. Tragedy has touched not just the Middle East, but Bangladesh and Africa, and I should like to pay tribute to the international agencies for all the devotion and effort they have put into tackling these tragedies. But we have learned again that coordination, early response, effective delivery are crucial.
That is why we are proposing a new and, we hope, more effective structure for handling emergencies and disasters starting with an inventory of human and material resources available from donors and non-governmental organizations. At the apex - at the top of this structure - we would like to see one high-powered official immediately under the Secretary-General. There needs to be prompt decision-making and funding in the critical early weeks of an emergency. Preparation is the key to success and would, under our proposal, be the responsibility of one person. The United Nations is best placed to deal with the human consequences of natural disasters.
The United Nations, as has already been stressed, can do more to protect the global environment. Agreement on how we conserve the resources of our planet and use them for sustainable development is equally vital for the future of the world. We have to establish clear priorities soon for what next year's Conference on Environment and Development, in Bio, can achieve.
The United Nations can also help with another problem which is looming larger in our world. I refer to the increasing number of migrants around the world. Eighty per cent of refugees are in the third world. Developed countries face an unprecedented growth in the numbers seeking asylum. Some of these are refugees as defined by the United Nations in its 1951 Convention.
But most are not. We would not be able to continue to offer political asylum in the present way if the system were overwhelmed by economic migrants. Such migrants can deprive the countries they come from of youth and talent and, as we see in Hong Kong - and begin to see in Western Europe - economic migration above a certain level can also create serious political and social strains in the receiving country.
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has a vital role within its sphere and its sphere expands all the time. But the international community as a whole has to be increasingly aware of the fundamental nature of this problem.
And so, resistance to aggression, search for disarmament, relief of suffering: these are all parts of the gigantic and I must say growing tasks laid on the United Nations. The Secretary-General has always laid a particular emphasis on preventive diplomacy, on trying to tackle a dispute or a danger before it explodes into violence and suffering. And we have learned to rely on his combination of skill, firmness and courtesy - a combination which he has made very much his own. El Salvador, Western Sahara, Angola: in all these the United Nations has been active either in seeking to prevent trouble or in steering a problem onto a new track away from the suffering which has already occurred. I welcome in particular, and most recently, the recognition by Guatemala of the independence of the State of Belize. This makes a big contribution to regional stability.
It is very good news also that in the last few days the remaining obstacles to a comprehensive political settlement on Cambodia have been overcome. This settlement now needs to be concluded with all speed. The United Nations will remain firmly engaged in carrying out the peace process and this will be an ambitious and, indeed, expensive, unprecedented undertaking. But the price here for Cambodia - for Indochina generally - is very great.
May I, on behalf of the country intimately involved in another of these problems - the affairs of Cyprus - wish the Secretary-General particular success in bringing that dispute to an agreed conclusion. He knows he has our full support in trying to persuade those closely concerned first into a negotiation and then into a settlement.
Through all these different events, these different problems - and many others I have not mentioned - we can see the same thrust. It is a thrust towards better government, more representative government, better cooperation between nations, greater concern for the individual and his or her rights. No one with any sense of history supposes that this current will run with the same strength and at the same time through all the countries and continents represented here. There will be bastions where authoritarian rule still meets only a faint challenge. There will be cruel and bloody quarrels resurrected from a past which we hoped was dead. There will be setbacks, occasions where hope is stimulated, then delayed or even reversed) and it would be patronizing for any one of us to suppose that there is only one model, only one type of institution which can reflect this trend. There is no Westminster model, no Paris model, no Washington model, certainly no Kremlin model which can be exported unchanged to Africa, Latin America, the Middle East or Asia. We all set about it in different ways.
In negotiations inside our European community, we are working hard for an important European step forward before the end of this year along the path of joint action by sovereign States. The peoples of the Soviet Union, as I have mentioned, faced with a quite different set of problems, will be working out their own answers. In Latin America, in Africa and Asia, the same trends are clearly visible. The age of alibis is over. The rhetoric of the 1950s and the 1960s - which as I remember used to echo rather wearily in this Hall - makes no sense any more. Imperialism can no longer, in 1991, be blamed for bad government. The capitalist system can no longer be blamed for lack of prosperity. The evidence, the facts, the experience of the last decade have proved the contrary. I believe that the United Nations, the Commonwealth to which we belong, the regional organizations can all help this realism to expand and deepen.
He are talking, are we not, about consent in place of command, freer trade, edging out protectionism, honest government replacing corruption, government based on elections rather than dictatorship, nations cooperating instead of seeking to dominate. These are the aims - clearly stated in our Charter, clearly stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Sometimes they have seemed far out of reach. I believe that, as a result of recent events and currents, they are no longer out of reach and we in Britain, the British Government, will work enthusiastically and energetically within the United Nations to bring them within the grasp of all.


I wish to add my voice to those of the preceding speakers, and on behalf of my country congratulate Mr. Samir Shihabi on his outstanding election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty sixth session. His talent, experience and tact are guarantees of the success of our work.
We extend our deepest appreciation and gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, who so effectively guided the work of the forty-fifth session.
Seven new countries have just joined the great United Nations family - the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the federated States of Micronesia and the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. On behalf of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and its President, Joao Bernardo Vieira, and Government, I would like to convey to these new Members and friends our best wishes for success In the United Nations. I assure them of Guinea-Bissau's full cooperation and support.
We also wish to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the tireless manner in which he has guided and inspired our Organisation. He has introduced a new spirit and new dynamics into the United Nations system.
The forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is being held at a time of both uneasiness and hope - while a new international order is being discussed, poverty and destitution persist, in contrast with wealth and abundance. This unfavourable situation to the countries of the third world is characterized by acute structural imbalances.
On the one hand the economies of the countries of the North are steadily forging ahead and, on the other, the overwhelming majority of those of the countries of the South are collapsing. The reverse financial and monetary flow and the inequitable distribution of wealth are gradually relegating the poor countries to the sidelines. Indeed, international economic relations continue to be based on injustice and Inequality.
The weakest, countries, especially the least, developed among them, are faced with many challenges and are bearing increasingly heavy burdens. In our opinion, there is an urgent need for international economic cooperation to be based on the growing interdependence of our economies.
The constant decline in commodity prices, the excessive foreign debt burden of the developing countries, reduced aid and the financial flow towards the developed countries, and the deterioration of the environment - all are challenges to the global economy.
The signing by the Heads of State or Government at Abuja of the Treaty setting up the African Economic Community is indeed timely.
We in Guinea-Bissau believe that immediate steps should be taken towards a real integration of transport and communications, with a view, in particular, to the marketing and distribution of our products. For this purpose, subregional economic projects as well as technical support institutions must be strengthened.
We also believe that our economic partners of the North should endeavour to allow our products greater access to their markets and to improve the impact of measures already taken in this direction.
Most African countries are obliged to devote a large part of their meagre export, earnings to the Importing of foodstuffs. Guinea Bissau is no exception and food self sufficiency can be attained only if our small economies turn to productive activities such as improved agricultural practices and better marketing, storage and preservation techniques.
The burdens of debt and debt servicing are urgent problems that, must be resolved, and appropriate measures must be found to solve them. This may seem to be a problem between debtor and creditor countries but the fact is that a solution depends to a large extent on the political will of the creditor countries.
We appreciate the initiatives already taken by some States in this regard, and we wish to express our gratitude for their efforts. Unfortunately, however, we note that the results of these efforts have been insufficient, bringing economic growth and development in the African countries to a standstil1.
Guinea-Bissau is striving to develop its human resources, for they are vital to economic growth for development. Thus, it is necessary to take into account the related social factors, such as health, education, housing and so on. Along these lines, we urge our partners of the developed world to come to our assistance, with a view to enhancing and developing our human resources.
Our country is striving to provide its population with good education, adequate health care, literacy training and education for all children of school age. We are counting on international assistance to help us attain these goals, for all such measures also aim at providing greater opportunities for the entire population, above all, women, in education and training in order to improve their economic and social status. In so doing, we should like to assure the international community that we are aware of our responsibility as the primary beneficiary of our own social and economic development. None the less, we wish to make an appeal for greater understanding and sensitivity to our cause in mutually advantageous cooperation with our partners.
At this very moment, our National Assembly is in the process of adopting, in a climate of sincere and open dialogue, certain laws which formalize the process towards a multiparty system and the establishment of a pluralist democracy based on human rights and fundamental freedoms. As we see it, democracy means the participation of the people in decision-making concerning the future and sovereignty of the nation. We believe that the democratic pluralism to which we aspire will strengthen our national unity and benefit our country greatly by mobilizing all sectors for development, peace and security.
The Government of Guinea-Bissau and its people deplore the recent events in Haiti. The government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, elected democratically by direct universal vote and, what is more, in an election held under the auspices of the United Nations, was overthrown by a handful of the military with a thirst for power. Guinea-Bissau vigorously condemns that deplorable act, which is anti-democratic and anti-constitutional, and calls for the immediate restoration of the legal government of Haiti.

Following the release of the historic leader of the African National Congress, Mr. Nelson Mandela, the government of Frederick de Klerk has taken steps towards the elimination of apartheid. Nevertheless, we see that the system continues to exist in flagrant violation of human rights. We welcome the attitude of Mr. Nelson Mandela and that of President Frederick de Klerk and encourage then in all their efforts to eradicate the shameful system of apartheid. We urge the De Klerk government to eliminate apartheid and establish a more just, democratic and multiracial society. Guinea-Bissau believes that the universal principle of one person, one vote, must be applied in the elections in South Africa. In other words, the right to direct universal suffrage must be granted to all South Africans.
Guinea-Bissau is also deeply concerned about the Israeli-Arab conflict, which has now lasted 43 years. My country encourages all initiatives that might be taken with a view to settling that conflict. In fact, since the Gulf War, active diplomacy has been at work with a view to the organization of an international peace conference with the participation of all the parties to the conflict. That diplomacy has afforded new prospects for settlement of the problem.
The Middle East is a highly sensitive and unstable region. The cause of this instability is known to us all. With the steady deterioration of the situation in the occupied territories, the daily lot of the Palestinian people is one of bitterness and suffering. He are convinced that the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied since 1967 will lead to a just and lasting solution in compliance with the relevant Security Council resolutions - resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Only in that way, we believe, will the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland be respected, together with the right of Israel to live in peace within secure and recognized borders.
One year ago, here in this Assembly, we were discussing a flagrant violation of international law and the use and abuse of force in violation of good sense and international norms of behaviour. At that time, Guinea-Bissau  condemned the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. We are deeply gratified today at the complete restoration of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait, a Member of the United Nations family and of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. Now that the crisis is over and that the rule of law has been restored, we appeal to the two fraternal countries to work together to bind the wounds caused by that sad and unfortunate war.
That crisis has had negative consequences for my country. Guinea-Bissau, as members are aware, belongs to the category of least developed countries and depends greatly on foreign aid. Because of this situation, we have had to redouble our efforts to meet the basic needs of our social and economic development.
With regard to Western Sahara, we congratulate the Secretary-General of the United Nations on his tireless efforts to find a just and comprehensive solution to the problem. He encourage the Secretary-General and his co-workers to persevere in that direction. He also urge the parties to the conflict to work together to reach a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the problem. The Secretary-General can rely on the complete support and cooperation of my country and of my Government for the implementation of any decision taken in a spirit of harmony and dialogue for the maintenance of the peace and security of the Sahara.
The Government and people of Guinea-Bissau support the people of East Timor in its just liberation struggle for self-determination and independence. Or the basis of the mandate given him by the General Assembly of the United Nations, we commend and encourage the efforts made by the Secretary-General for many years to find a just political solution to the problem of East Timor. The people of Guinea-Bissau, which has historic and  cultural ties with the people of East Timor, have witnessed with profound sadness and anguish the domination of our brothers under the unjust occupation of the invader. We are convinced that these abuses, which are known to the international community, must not only be condemned but must also come to an end.
We also urge the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to continue on the path of dialogue towards the reunification of the Korean peninsula. For our part, we are encouraged by the progress achieved in the dialogue and negotiation now under way in Cambodia, which should soon be crowned with success. We congratulate the parties involved, and particularly His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk, on his courage, self-sacrificing spirit and great wisdom in dealing with the Cambodian question.
As for Yugoslavia, we urge the parties to the conflict to display good sense and wisdom, for the good of the Yugoslav population and for the defence of the Yugoslav homeland. We support the initiatives in this respect by Europeans and urge that they press forward with those initiatives.
The lack of significant progress on the question of Cyprus in spite of the unceasing, and commendable efforts by the Secretary-General, supported by the international community, is very regrettable. We believe that the withdrawal of all the foreign troops would facilitate understanding among the parties concerned. Respect for the independence and territorial integrity of nations and of States is a sacred principle for the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
We welcomed and hailed the signing on 31 May 1991 of the Estoril agreement between the Government of Angola and UNITA. This act, which united all the citizens of that country, will certainly contribute to social progress and viable economic development. We are grateful to all those, near and far, who contributed effectively and positively to the signing of that agreement, in particular Portugal, the United States of America, the Soviet Union and the United Nations.
We are certain that our brothers in Mozambique also will find the most appropriate way to speed up the process now under way so that in the near future promising results can be achieved in the negotiations between the various parties for the establishment of peace and security in that country and in the region.
As for Liberia, we urge the parties to the conflict to redouble their efforts in order rapidly to find a viable and just solution to the dispute.
We welcome the measures taken and the efforts made by the Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian question and thereby establish an atmosphere of peace, understanding and security in the subregion.
Guinea-Bissau is a country of peace and therefore its motto is fraternity, agreement and understanding among peoples and nations. That is why disarmament is a moral imperative for Guinea-Bissau and, we believe, for the international community at large, because it is the basis on which international peace, justice and security will be built.
We were pleased to learn of the recent disarmament initiatives taken by the two super-Powers. The Government of Guinea-Bissau congratulates these countries and their Governments on their courage and their determination to continue their efforts in this regard.
We are convinced that the considerable sums that will be released by arms reduction at the international level should be channelled towards development assistance, education and the struggle against disease, hunger and illiteracy.
My country hopes that the efforts by the African States to turn Africa into a denuclearised continent, as called for in the 1964 Cairo Declaration of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), will be given the necessary support by the international community.
The current threat to the environment is a phenomenon which must be curbed without delay. The population explosion increases the poverty of the developing countries. The threat to the environment is a danger to the future of mankind. The countries of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel. of which Guinea Bissau is a member, are faced with major natural disasters which jeopardise their socio-economic development. If the environment is to be protected, we must, speed up the development process in the poorest countries because, in our opinion, underdevelopment is a threat to the environment. We feel that protecting the environment also means improving the economic and social conditions of our peoples.
We in Guinea-Bissau hope that the new and supplementary financial resources should be substantially increased and then provided to the developing countries, and that the transfer of safe technologies should also be assured on preferential terms. Mutual recrimination will not solve our problems, because we are all in the same boat.
It is in this spirit that our delegations must participate together in the Conference on Environment and Development, which will take place in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro. We agree with those who believe that the primary task is to harmonize respect for and preservation of the environment with the rational dynamics of development. In our view, the first step in solving this problem of the environment must be to eradicate poverty, misery, hunger and unemployment.


First of all I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly and to express our confidence in your ability to ensure the success of this forty-sixth session. Our appreciation is extended also to the outgoing President, Mr. Guido de Marco, for the manner in which he carried out his mandate and for his contribution to reforms in the work of the Assembly.
The mandate of the present Secretary-General of the Organisation is coming to an end. Portugal wishes to join all those who have expressed their deep appreciation for the dedication with which he has carried out his duties. This dedication has been decisive for the resolution of several crises and for the enhancement of the credibility of the United Nations as an instrument of peace.
The Charter of the United Nations has universal scope. Therefore, the admission of seven new countries is particularly significant because they enhance the representativity of this forum. I welcome the simultaneous admission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea - an important sign of the Korean people's aspirations to reunification. And I also stress the special significance of the membership of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, whose commitment to independence and to democratic institutions prevailed over more than four decades of illegal occupation.
We are living through a time of change. We can state today that we are in the presence of an overwhelming movement that does not spare even those regions and political regimes that seemed unchangeable. I cannot think of a better example than the one provided by the peoples of the Soviet Union, who championed the restoration of democracy and pluralism. I reiterate here the positions expressed this morning by my Dutch colleague on behalf of the European Community and its member States. The members of the European Community will do everything within their reach to contribute to the economic and social development of all central and eastern European countries, including Albania, to their great efforts toward democratisation and economic reform.
Unfortunately, there is not just hope and optimism in Europe. Portugal is following with great apprehension the tragic developments in Yugoslavia. The spectre of civil war and the resurgence of exacerbated nationalism in a historically key region for the stability of Europe have compelled the European Community and the member States of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to seek a negotiated solution to the internal differences opposing the peoples of Yugoslavia. We consider the escalation of violence unacceptable and we appeal to all forums and to international public opinion to support any efforts aimed at an immediate cease-fire and to negotiations based on good faith.
It is a permanent concern of Portuguese foreign policy that the European Community should not stray from its commitments to other continents. In Africa, a continent to which Portugal is linked by historical and cultural ties, there have been developments to which the international community should not remain indifferent. The efforts of an increasing number of countries to democratize their regimes, as well as progress in the field of human rights and the creation of market economies, deserve international recognition.
I point out the cases of Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe as remarkable examples of a process of political renewal. It is also in this context and in a very special way that Portugal salutes the Angolan nation. Peace in Angola is now a valuable fait accompli, and general elections, in line with the terms of the Estoril agreements, will take place next year. We are certain that with the active support of the international community all Angolans will be able to recover the time lost and rapidly transform their country into one of the major poles of development in southern Africa.
In this region of Africa, we continue to support efforts towards the building of a new South Africa, fully democratic and free from any form of discrimination. We welcome the measures already adopted to eliminate apartheid. We welcome too the dialogue that is being established between the main African forces. That dialogue will pave the way for a new South Africa.
We also hope that the conflict which has so deeply affected Mozambique will soon come to an end. We support without reservation all initiatives aimed at fostering a genuine peace in Mozambique. We are willing to offer our best cooperation to that end.
Portugal will make all efforts within the framework of the international organizations of which it is a member, and in particular within the framework of the European Community, to prevent assistance from the industrialized countries to other regions from reducing the flow of financial aid and investments intended for Africa.
Latin America is also moving gradually towards fuller compliance with the rules of democratic institutions and fundamental rights as well as towards new forms of economic integration and the strengthening of the market system. We reiterate our solidarity with the Governments that are pursuing these goals.
My country has a centuries-old history of friendly relations with this region, strengthened by the significant social, economic and cultural contributions of the Portuguese communities that settled in countries such as Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Venezuela.
I cannot but underline how important it is for the international community to sponsor programmes aimed at sustained and equitable economic development. We also favour creative and flexible plans to solve the question of the region's foreign debt, which continues to be a considerable hindrance to the progress and the future of its peoples.
Portugal has also been following with great interest the peace process in Central America, a region where the United Nations has played a major role in the search for a negotiated solution to questions that are vital to the stability of the countries involved.
In this context we hope that current efforts will lead to true national reconciliation in El Salvador and in Guatemala. Within a framework of dialogue and cooperation, we hope that the eighth meeting of the San Jose conference, to be held in Lisbon, will give a significant impetus to real and harmonious progress in the region.
The dramatic changes and emerging trends we have been witnessing on the international scene give us reason to believe that the right of the people of East Timor to freedom and self-determination will not be forgotten after more than 15 years of illegal Indonesian occupation carried out by the use of force and in blatant disregard of the basic principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the both General Assembly and the Security Council, which have yet to be implemented.
One of the main lessons we can draw from the developments we are currently witnessing - the restoration of the rights of self-determination and independence of the Baltic States and the rejection of the illegal occupation of Kuwait - is that situations based on the suppression of the legitimate rights of peoples and of their cultural, social and linguistic identity are inherently fragile and are bound to fail. While the last of the Non-Self-Governing Territories are being led to the final stages of their decolonization processes - and I recall in this context the recent accession to independence and admission to the United Nations of Micronesia and the Marshall Islands, both situated in the Pacific region and, like several other Member States of the United Nations, much smaller and less populous than East Timor - regrettable anachronisms still persist in East Timor in the last decade of the present century, a decade proclaimed by the United Nations as devoted to the eradication of colonialism.
In the case of East Timor - a Non-Self-Governing Territory for which Portugal is still responsible as the administering Power recognized by the United Nations - fundamental principles are at stake. The defence of those principles has been a determining factor in some of the most significant actions undertaken by this Organization and, in particular, by the Security Council. I am referring to the principles of the non-use of force and the inadmissibility of illegitimate military conquest as an acceptable claim for territorial enlargement; respect for the right to self-determination of colonial peoples; and upholding the basic human rights and freedoms of both peoples and individuals.
We are convinced that the international community as a whole, and the United Nations in particular, should be involved in a more consistent and committed manner in the search for a political settlement of this question based on respect for the principles I have just mentioned. In fact, it is those principles that are at stake in East Timor, and not an alleged bilateral dispute between Portugal and Indonesia. The last 15 years have proved that widespread repression and the use of force have not been able to consolidate the illegal status quo imposed upon the Territory. They have rather prompted the East Timorese people to a stubborn and undaunted resistance and to a protest movement that very few would have ever dared anticipate.
Portugal, living up to its responsibilities, has been systematically drawing the international community's attention to the seriousness of the situation prevailing in East Timor and to the need to bring it to an end through the free exercise of the right to self-determination and through respect for the human rights and identity of the people. We have also cooperated closely with the mediation efforts of the Secretary-General. Under his auspices, an agreement was recently reached between Portugal and Indonesia on the terms of reference for a proposed visit to East Timor to be undertaken soon by a Portuguese parliamentary delegation in order to obtain first-hand information on the situation.
We hope that this Initiative will lead to the resumption of a real dialogue involving all parties legitimately concerned and contribute to increased awareness by the international community of the need to solve that problem in accordance with the universally accepted principles that the United Nations has the mandate to promote and defend.
The European Community declarations of Venice and Madrid constitute solid reference points for Portuguese foreign policy regarding the Middle East; in our view, respect for international legality - in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) - should guide all parties involved.
In this context we support the initiatives of the United States Administration based on a full commitment and a profound knowledge of the nature of the conflict. He call on the parties involved to take advantage of this historic opportunity.
Portugal, a country with historical and cultural links with northern Africa, has been giving its support to the pioneering integration initiatives of the Arab Maghreb Union, which have greatly contributed to cooperation with Europe and to strengthening dialogue in the Mediterranean. I wish now to address briefly a few issues that, because of their significance, have increasingly become the focus of attention in the United Nations and, naturally in my country.
I shall refer first to the preservation of the environment. The issues to be discussed in this area concern Governments and citizens, and industrialized and developing countries. The environmental policies established now will ultimately determine the inheritance of future generations. We must not fail in this endeavour.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development that will take place in June of next year in Rio de Janeiro deserves special mention. Portugal hopes that at the Conference all participants will pledge their firm political commitment to enable a rational exploration of natural resources and alleviate the damaging effects of environmental degradation.
In the human rights field, Portugal reaffirms its commitment to the cause of the immediate abolition of capital punishment, consistent with the positions that we have put forward in various forums, namely, within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the Council of Europe and the United Nations. We welcome the recent entering into force of the Second Additional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which aims at the abolition of capital punishment. We appeal for the timely ratification of this instrument, whose geographical implementation is, unfortunately, still limited.
Portugal joins the overwhelming majority of countries in their concern for the tragic situation faced by victims of natural disasters and conflicts over which, in most cases, they have no control. The solution to these situations must be provided by a better coordination of existing humanitarian aid mechanisms.
Therefore, we hope that the Assembly will take into account the initiative of the States members of the European Community on emergency humanitarian aid and will approve a resolution on this issue. This is an instance where solidarity among the various countries and the United Nations can alleviate the suffering of millions.
To conclude, I should like to state the Portuguese position regarding the responsibility that the Member States should have in the future activities of our Organisation.
The developments I have been mentioning are raising expectations in world public opinion. Most answers can be found within the framework of the United Nations. In fact this forum is going through a crucial period of its history and for the first time, owing to the considerable easing of international tensions, is in a position to address pending issues related to the essential objectives of the Charter.
Portugal urges all Member States to participate actively in this task and stresses that the United Nations of tomorrow will constitute a forum where the problems and conflicts still besetting the globe can be discussed freely, without any restriction.
This is a challenge for all of us, as we share the common responsibility of eliminating the deep political, social and economic imbalances that continue to affect the peoples of this planet, particularly in the context of North-South relations.
Only in an integrated way and through dialogue and international cooperation will it be possible to overcome the difficulties and roadblocks that affect the international community. Portugal will do everything within its power to achieve these goals. It is in this spirit that we are participating in the present session of the General Assembly. It is also in this spirit that we look forward to undertaking the presidency of the European Community in 1992.


The international order born out of the Second World Mar is dead. We have seen an end to a stage in history marked by the cold war, the bipolar division of world power and the division of the planet into two major areas of influence where small countries were mere geopolitical pawns of the major Powers and where mankind was subjected to the balance of terror. With the moat recent world events, a new epoch in history has dawned. It is characterised, from a political standpoint, by the democratisation of formerly authoritarian, centralised societies; in the economic field, by the establishment of major blocs, the opening up of markets, the removal of customs barriers and the free flow of goods, services, capital, technology and other production factors; on the international scene, by detente and the search for peace; and in the military sphere, by disarmament and the dismantling of the two major strategic alliances, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact, which for so long kept mankind in a state of anxiety, living under the constant threat of death.
These changes took place so rapidly that we have barely been able to study them, interpret, them or fully grasp their hidden meaning. That is because history is being made at an increasingly rapid pace as a result of scientific and technological progress. Changes in human society are now occurring more rapidly in one decade than they used to In the span of a century.
I would even say that the twentieth century is over, that it was born with the First World War - in 1914 - and ended with the crumbling of the Berlin Wall. Major events in the life of mankind are epoch-making and constitute milestones in history. Just as in the year 476 the downfall of the Roman Empire signalled the end of ancient times and the start of the Middle Ages; just as in 1492 the discovery of America gave rise to the modern era; just as the French Revolution is the demarcation between the modern era and our contemporary world; and just as the explosion of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki ushered in the current era - so the fall of the Berlin Wall signified the end of the twentieth century. For that was not merely a wall that divided a city into two parts, but the symbol of the implacable hostility between two philosophical, political, economic and social systems.
Events in the Soviet Union, viewed from the standpoint of philosophical history, signify the fall of one of the major empires, for from the dialectical standpoint those events are only ephemeral stages in history. All products of nature, man, history and culture arise, develop, reach their zenith and then decline. This has happened throughout history, with the Persian, Roman, Muslim and Ottoman Empires, as well as with the many other power centres that arose over the centuries. Marxism had failed in practice. Those who embraced it strayed from its original essentially liberating intent; they hastened on the path of authoritarianism; they Imposed upon their societies the aberration of a single-party system; they suppressed the fertile power of freedom; they perpetuated the dictatorship of the proletariat, which through a series of supplantations resulted in the party replacing the proletariat, the apparat the party, and the leadership, the apparat and, ultimately, they placed power in the hands of a small group of eminent leaders who made all the decisions, who commanded and countermanded, did and undid everything in their respective societies.
On the other hand, the stratification of the means of production clearly resulted in a loss of the dynamism in their economies. Government control over the means of production soon led to the class interests of the high echelons of bureaucracy, and with that there re-emerged the old contradiction - which had already been condemned in the 1848 Communist Manifesto - between the oppressor and the oppressed. However, while that may be so, and while the political and economic theses of Marxism may have failed in their historical applications, one cannot but credit them for having been the first to denounce the insensitive moral values of an unjustly structured society; the abuses of the unbridled capitalism of the nineteenth century, and the economic selfishness of the ruling classes. Paradoxically, I would even say that the theses of Marxism failed in practice, but none the less they compelled the world to change course.
With the East-West controversy fading away, the North-South economic contradiction between the wide-ranging, dominant developed world and the backward, dependent developing world is becoming apparent. As regards Latin America, we are living through the paradoxical and tragic situation of a political democracy achieved after many years of great endeavour and of economic underdevelopment resulting in social injustice, want and dependency on the outside world. In reality, we have but scraps of democracy - that is, political democracy - but we lack economic and social democracy.
Indeed, never before have the frontiers of political democracy seen as wide as they are today in Latin America; never have so many countries lived under democratic regimes in our region. Virtually all Latin American countries have Governments elected by popular vote. But political progress has not been translated into economic prosperity and social well-being. On the contrary, our democratic systems have inherited the heavy burden of crisis: reduced income, deterioration in the quality of life of the peoples, disproportionately high debt as compared with ability to pay, decrease in the influx of fresh capital for our economic development, serious problems in the external sector, worrisome macroeconomic disorders, long-suppressed social demands - and all this hand in hand with well-known structural deficiencies.
This brings about at least two dangers the first is that the democratic regimes find themselves in a situation in which they cannot provide appropriate answers and satisfactory solutions when they have to meet the longstanding, legitimate demands of their peoples; secondly, there is the issue of the ability to govern societies tormented by so many social problems. Clearly, this makes the task of government an extremely difficult enterprise. Our democracies are sailing through dangerous waters, and in the midst of the tempest we Latin American statesmen are trying to maintain the course, without abandoning our democratic goals and with an open debate of ideas with respect to human rights and a free press.
The United Nations has carried out an exceptionally important mission over the past 46 years in the maintenance of peace and security in the world. The United Nations had to face so many storms arising out of the cold wars the question of Palestine; the many conflicts in the Middle East; the Korean war; the problem of the Congo; the division of Cyprus; the civil war in the Dominican Republic in 1965; the dispute between India and Pakistan; the Viet Nam war; the Afghanistan conflict, whose settlement was the first step in the process of East-West detente and in which the Ecuadorian Foreign Minister, Diego Cordovea, played a major role; the question of Angola; the problem of Namibia; the pacification of Central America; the Iraq-Kuwait war; and so many other conflicts which were faced with resolve and with prudence by the world Organization.
Nevertheless, the new conditions in which the world is living demand that the United Nations play a new role. The cold war ended, but today we must wage war against poverty. We must finance peace instead of war. We must work for life and not for death. We must create a more ethical and rational world. The economic and social challenges are at the forefront of our task.
Improving the quality of life of our peoples is an imperative, and international social justice is a prerequisite to establishing peace in the world. Therefore new prospects are opening up to the United Nations in the field of development and in promoting the human dimension of economic development, particularly with regard to the more backward areas of the globe.
Let me take this opportunity to express on behalf of my Government and people our moat resolute support for the initiative taken by the United Nations Economic and Social Council to convene a summit meeting to deal more thoroughly with social development and seek new ways capable of assessing human development more precisely.
Peace is a universal, indivisible benefit, and we must realize that when peace anywhere is threatened world peace is also undermined. This principle becomes increasingly important in scope and stature in relations among States. The people of Ecuador wish to live in peace. Ecuador is in fact an oasis of peace. To us, peace is the main economic resource for our development. We want to have peace based on justice, peace understood as respect for the rights of others, in accordance with the clear and always timely definition of the famous Mexican leader of the last century, Benito Juarez.
That peace must be linked to respect for the Amazonian rights of my country - a topic I should like to raise in the Assembly. Ecuador and Peru have for many years had a territorial dispute which remains unresolved. This problem continues to affect peace, security and regional integration, and it has long posed potentially dangerous tensions for the region. My Government has dealt with this subject with the utmost seriousness and responsibility.
As is well known, I came to power after three tries - that means that I had to go through three electoral campaigns, during which I made thousands of speeches. Yet, never in those speeches did I make use of the issue of the territorial problem with Peru, because I always felt that this question was of such importance to the very destiny of my country that it was inadmissible to bring it up in electoral campaign speeches. Ever since I became President, I have striven to create a climate of detente and cordiality with Peru to allow us to find a peaceful settlement of the problem. I was the first Ecuadorian President to visit Peru in the entire history of our country. Reciprocally, Alan Garcia was the first Peruvian Head of State to come to Ecuador. On 22 May of last year in the Inca ruins at Machu Picchu, in Peru, at the inauguration of the summit meeting of Presidents of the Andean Group, I stated "The two visits stem from our mutual desire to create a climate of detente, peace, tranquillity, cordiality, understanding and mutual confidence, a climate in which at some point of time we shall be able to discuss our bilateral problems regarding which we have opposing views and opinions."
My conduct at all times has shown that I want peace and that I want to see peaceful solutions to our problem. With the moral authority vested in me, and in view of the fact that my country has at all times adhered to the tenets of the Charter on the peaceful settlement of international disputes, the rejection of territorial Acquisition by force and the refusal to acknowledge that military victory creates rights, 1 call upon Peru from this highest and most prestigious rostrum available to mankind to settle peacefully our long-standing problem and territorial dispute through the arbitration of Pope John Paul II. Arbitration is one of the peaceful means for the settlement of disputes recognized by international law. It demonstrated its effectiveness in the settlement of the dispute between Argentine end Chile not long ago on the Beagle question. The people of Ecuador and the people of Peru, both profoundly Christian, will abide by such a decision with respect. I propose to Peru that we live in peace and that we work together to foster development, social justice and the improvement of the quality of life of our peoples.
I call upon Peru to join with us to decrease military expenditures, so that we may devote our best efforts, energies and financial resources to productive endeavours.
I urge Peru to open an era of peace and mutual trust between our countries no that, free from the fear of the horrors of war, we may move forward together along the path of progress. 1 urge the Head of State of Peru and all the other Heads of State of South American countries to declare solemnly our region a zone of peace. Let us develop a concept of democratic security in keeping with economic and human development needs. Let us abandon the use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes. Let us make our borders places for encounter and friendship. Let us say "no" to armaments and "no" to the nuclearisation of Latin America. I propose this in the name of equity, justice and peace - all values of mankind's civilised coexistence.


It is a pleasure and an honour for me to extend to you, Mr. President, our congratulations on your assumption of your office, which reflects our unanimous recognition of your qualities. This is a tribute said to you by the forty-sixth session, as an expression of the high esteem with which it regards the values you stand for, and a reaffirmation of the Organisation's confidence in your country, in recognition of the outstanding role it has been playing in this Organization from the very beginning. This is a happy opportunity for me to convey the congratulations of Algeria to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, to which we are bound by a heritage of culture, a common destiny and ties of constructive fraternal cooperation. As head of the Algerian delegation, I and my delegation will always be at your side to support you in the discharge of the noble and major task entrusted to you.
You have succeeded your predecessor, Mr. de Marco, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malta, who had demonstrated exemplary devotion in the service of world peace at one of the most critical times in the history of the Organisation, and I would sincerely commend him for his efforts.
I also wish to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has spared no effort in upholding the values of peace throughout the world and who has lent his outstanding style to the work of the Organization. Because of his tireless efforts in the service of the purposes and principles of this Organisation, he deserves the thanks and appreciation of the entire international community.
Our Assembly at this session has seen the admission to membership of seven new Members, and we warmly welcome the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Marshall Islands. We wish their peoples stability and prosperity and we will cooperate with them within this Organisation and in all fields.
The rapid events that we have seen recently remind us of the well-known idea that change is the only constant element in history. Indeed the collapse of the Berlin wall, the disappearance of an enormous military bloc overnight and the intensive endeavours to reconstruct the European home in an atmosphere that is charged with hope and danger at one and the same time - all these and many other events as well have brought to an end an historic phase that was based on bipolarity in international relations. Thus change has become the decisive word in all that is written or said in assessing the world situation. The terminology and ideas of the cold war era are no longer valid in describing that situation. However, while there are now peoples that are masters of their own fate, peoples that are able to chart their own future and ensure their security and prosperity, we must admit that there are vast regions of the world whose peoples are at the mercy of crises and problems and even wars. Those peoples, which wonder what the future holds for them, constitute the overwhelming majority of humanity. So far, they have not seen positive changes in their material or moral situation as a result of the historic changes that have taken place. Therefore, the question that is being asked insistently is: how can we move forward from the cold-war era, which has ended, to the new international order of which there is so much talk nowadays? We believe that the United Nations is at the same time the proper framework and indeed the only means that we can use if we wish to attain the goals and realize the aspirations of all and defend everyone's interests in an atmosphere of trust and equality between all countries, whether rich or poor, strong or weak, preserving absolute respect for the principles on which this Organization was built, and the goals it has set for itself.
Turning to the Gulf crisis, this was a sore trial for the United Nations, because it led to an upheaval in the Arab world and has left an aftermath in the region which will be felt by the region and its peoples for a long time, because this aftermath is not confined to the bloodshed and the destruction of tremendous material resources. The United Nations is now working to deal with the causes which led to the eruption of that crisis in the Gulf, so as to avoid the repetition of a similar tragedy, to safeguard the sovereignty of all States of the region and their independence, to repair the damage that has been done and to restore rights.
However, the credibility of the Organisation requires urgently that actions that are undertaken within the framework of the Organization do not lead to the punishment of a people which has been the primary victim of this tragedy whose consequences the international community is trying to eradicate. To be clear, we appeal to this Organisation and all States working in this context to see to it that the suffering of the people of Iraq is alleviated and that the sanctions that have been imposed on it are lifted as soon as possible.
We have known for a long time now that the question of Palestine and the question of South Africa are two problems which have a colonialist character. The consideration of this question is more difficult than the examination of any other similar questions. The two crises have seen parallel developments over the years, but now we are witnessing positive changes, which are very encouraging, in the case of South Africa, whereas the situation remains critical and complicated in the case of Palestine. I call upon this Assembly to consider this disparity. I also call upon the Assembly to analyse the causes of this disparity and to draw the necessary conclusions. Personally, I believe that the main cause of this disparity stems from the fact that the firm position of collective solidarity adopted by the international community vis-à-vis the minority in South Africa was the reason that made the Pretoria regime bow to the will of the international community, change its policies and move towards a position that is more compatible with the requirements of the age and international legality.
As for Palestine, the policy of tolerance and connivance adopted by the major States - States that have influence on Israel and its daily excesses - has encouraged the Israeli leaders to persist in this well-known intransigence and to disregard all resolutions and international conventions. Thus, on the one hand, the international pressures that were brought to bear on the white minority in South Africa have led to the independence of Namibia, the release of Nelson Mandela, the abolition of the basic laws of the apartheid regime, the closing down of the infamous Robben Island prison, and the emergence, as a result of all this, of a political climate that justifies optimism with regard to the future of that country, even if the skies there are not completely cloudless. On the other hand, Israel persists in its extremist intransigent policies. Its repressive practices are being escalated daily. Some time ago, Arab Jerusalem, as well as the Golan Heights, were annexed, and southern Lebanon is still under occupation. The Geneva Conventions are still being flouted. Palestinian lands are being confiscated every day. Thousands of Jewish immigrants are coming in from the Soviet Union and other regions. Settlements are being erected in all the occupied Arab territories, and every time the Palestinian and Arab sides make concessions, Israel, for its part, imposes conditions and makes new demands.
Today, we are told that, in the context of the new international order, and in the wake of the Gulf crisis, the question of Palestine in particular and the Middle East conflict in general will find some solution in total respect for international law and in keeping with the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. From our point of view, the current efforts to achieve dynamic action leading to a comprehensive and just solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict are very important, and we appreciate the efforts of all the participants. But, despite all these efforts, the Palestinian people does not find therein even the minimum of its aspirations. We fear that the tolerant attitude that the international community adopts towards Israel may prevent those initiatives from having any positive results.
Today, the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people are meeting in the capital of my country. They are doing all they can to shoulder their responsibility to facilitate the emergence of the solution for which we all hope.
Everyone knows that my country supports the Palestinian people. We have always supported all peoples that have been victims of repression and have fought for their independence and dignity. We recognize the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, just as we recognize the African National Congress, which has raised high the standard of struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa. He still give assistance to the PLO, just as we continue to support the liberation movement in South Africa.
We support the efforts to arrive at a just and lasting solution to the Middle East crisis. At the same time, we support the work that is being done to lay the foundations for real democracy, under which an end will be put to the domination of the white minority regime in South Africa. We are fully prepared to shoulder our responsibilities by participating in the peace conference on the Middle East if we are firmly convinced that our participation would really contribute to the attainment of a just peace for all and, in particular, for the Palestinian people.
The negotiations on disarmament have led to achievements which we welcome. We sincerely hope that the efforts that are being made in various fields will continue with a view to achieving the goals that are set down in the many General Assembly resolutions concerning disarmament.
It is with satisfaction that we draw particular attention to the major progress that has been made in the Geneva Conference on Chemical Weapons. Algeria expresses its appreciation of these positive developments and takes this opportunity to announce its accession to four treaties: the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare; the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof; the Convention on the Prohibition of Military and any other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques; and the Treaty on the Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies. This is the first stage of Algeria's contribution to the collective effort that is needed if the aspirations of the United Nations and those of the peoples of the world in the various fields of disarmament are to be realized.
For three years now, the countries of the Arab Maghreb have been implementing a constructive project that is of great interest to all countries of the region. It is now passing through a new stage, which seeks to consolidate the basis of the union and its institutional infrastructure, as well as its consultative and executive bodies. The plan for Maghreb unity seeks to consolidate peace in the region, and its goals are influenced objectively by every effort to consolidate peace, stability and cooperation in the Arab world - in Africa and in the Mediterranean basin.
Due to the adoption by the Security Council resolution 690 (1991) which established the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara to monitor the Sahraoui people's referendum for self-determination, we are moving, at last, towards a final solution to that dispute. It is necessary that the settlement process be carried out within the timeframe established by the United Nations, and the parameters envisaged, that is to say without the exertion of any pressure by any party. Indeed, the entry into force of a cease-fire on the date established by the Secretary-General and the deployment of the United Nations Mission in the Western Sahara have restored trust in the international community and have revived the hope that peace can be achieved.
Algeria reaffirms once more its resolve with regard to the implementation of the settlement plan for Western Sahara and its confidence in the Secretary-General, who has earned the appreciation of the international community through his constant efforts and his patience.
There are conflicts in other regions as well, so we must make every effort to find solutions thereto.
In Afghanistan there is new hope that, between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the situation can be resolved peacefully, in cooperation with neighbouring countries and with the support of the United Nations.
Likewise, everyone views the presence here of a delegation from Cambodia's Supreme National Council, the representative of the sovereign authority in that country, as proof of the confidence felt by the parties to the conflict. This is of great importance to our efforts to achieve national reconciliation in Cambodia.
Turning to Cyprus, we hope that the Secretary-General's efforts will enable that country to recover its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity.
In Lebanon the fighting has stopped and peace has been restored. The Lebanese authorities continue the work of national reconciliation and rebuilding national unity through implementation of the Taif agreements. The international community must shoulder its responsibilities vis-à-vis the Lebanese people by ensuring that Israel withdraws from southern Lebanon, pursuant to Security Council resolution 425 (1978), and by establishing an international fund for the reconstruction of Lebanon.
The major transformations we have been witnessing in international relations have not produced similar positive changes in economic relations or international economic cooperation. The heavy burden of external debt and the restrictions imposed on the access to the markets of the developed countries by the commodities of developing countries; inflation; rising interest rates; deteriorating terms of trade; the drop in official development assistance; and meagre flows of foreign investment to developing countries: all these constitute heavy burdens that hamper the work of reform undertaken by developing countries. The deteriorating climate of international economic relations is widening the gap between the North and the South.
Take for example the deteriorating situation in Africa, which is in stark contrast to international commitments undertaken in the context of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development in Africa. The renaissance of the United Nations can achieve its goals completely only if the demands of developing countries are placed at the top of international agendas. In that connection, the Secretary-General's proposed international conference for development financing deserves support as it would provide the appropriate forum for concerted efforts to solve the basic problems facing us.
We attach particular importance to the decision of the Economic and Social Council that work should be done to ensure that capital is not directed to Eastern Europe to the detriment of the countries of the South.
A genuine recovery of international cooperation through commitments undertaken at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, on international economic cooperation, and through implementation of the goals and policies set out in the International Development Strategy, depends first and foremost on the political will of all Member States. Restructuring the economic and social sectors of the United Nations, revitalizing the Economic and Social Council and efforts to bolster the practical work carried out by the United Nations can all lend credibility and effectiveness to international action. That in turn can stimulate greater political collective will to meet these challenges.
Developing countries know full well that development must depend above all on their own efforts. On that basis, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 have adopted the principle of collective and individual self-reliance for developing countries. For that reason, we have adopted agreements on establishing African economic union and on economic complementarity among the Maghreb countries, free-trade agreements with countries of Latin America as well as the dynamism of the economic groupings in Asia represent efforts to consolidate South-South cooperation, despite the many types of obstacles and difficulties we are facing.
In fact, those efforts do not reflect a tendency on the part of countries of the South towards isolation. Neither are they an alternative to the fabric of international economic relations or to cooperation between all States.
That is why those efforts in no way lessen the international community's responsibility to work for the development of the entire international community.
The domestic changes that we have seen in Algeria are primarily a response to what we hope will be the reflection of the aspirations of our society: a democratic, responsible life. The thrust of those changes can have some effect, which we hope will be positive, on peace, stability and cooperation throughout the region. The establishment of political associations, the independence of juridical power and the strict observance of human rights are all factors which affect all strata of society. They are factors that help further consolidate real democracy, which we are establishing in Algeria.
Despite the difficulties involved in such an experiment, Algeria is determined to continue along this path and work for the consolidation of democracy. He hope that these efforts will lead to the achievement of human aspirations with the consolidation of the legitimate rights of individuals and society as a whole, and that this will be accompanied by proper international action breaking new ground to produce effective global cooperation.
In conclusion, we reiterate our commitment to real cooperation with all Member States to establish the new international order to which all peoples aspire, a new order based on consultation and dialogue, democratic practices and cooperation, and not on conditions imposed by the strong on the weak or the rich on the poor.


We meet today as the end a year that began with a crisis. The United Nations confronted that crisis and resolved it. Standing tall in the midst of that crisis, threatened but undaunted, welcoming assistance but marching out first, in the vanguard of its own defence and the redemption of its neighbours, was a proud nation called Saudi Arabia. It is fitting that the Assembly should now be presided over by a man from that nation, with an outstanding record of leadership in diplomatic engagements for his country, for his race, for his region and for the world. With Mr. Samir S. Shihabi as our President, we face a historic and most productive session.
We had one such session last year, when Mr. Guido de Marco of the Republic of Malta presided over the Assembly and led us to significant, indelible accomplishments towards the restructuring and reform of the United Nations. We congratulate Mr. de Marco as he yields the presidency to Mr. Shihabi.
I am here to speak for my country, but permit me to note that while I speak for no other country I do stand here proud of our membership in, and this year of our being Chairman of, the Standing Committee of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), to which the Philippines is bound in ever-developing solidarity with Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand.
The history of the Organisation has been marked with calibrations. We are, for instance, at the moment in the middle of the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction, the International Decade for Eradication of Colonialism, and also the World Decade for Cultural Development. We have already celebrated international years for the woman and the children of the world. Since 1973 there have been on record 21 such United Nations salutes. These celebrations establish the character of the United Nations - and sculpt the milestones of the performance of humankind in this semi-century.
I submit that our Decade for Action Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, from 1973 to 1983, furnished ideological fuel for the popular movement in South Africa that extracted this year an official declaration, though not yet adequately implemented, to dismantle apartheid. We solemnly marked the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in that year of 1988 during which there began the process for the final solution of the Cambodian crisis. That historic congruence in time, I submit, reminded the negotiators that the process, if it was to be successful, could only culminate in the universal human right of free democratic elections. That right, happily for history, is about to be implemented in Cambodia. We must felicitate the South Africans and the Cambodians on these two human triumphs which are part of an ennobling, victorious, current human momentum that we have so far failed to celebrate. It is the mounting momentum of the people and it has been in progress for a quarter of a century. People have been crushed before, and their momentum has been many times aborted. But "there is no substitute for the people", as Alexander Dubcek told me in Prague last year. The people and time are unconquerable allies.
So it began, predictably enough. In Greece, where in four days of November 1973 the people, initially quelled by the army, succeeded in replacing dictatorship with democracy. The power of the people swept southern Europe, leaped to Latin America, Asia, eastern Europe and now southern Africa. Not only heroic individuals but people, masses of people, are changing the face of the Earth, The Philippines could claim a modest share in the propulsion of this momentum of the people. A New York Times editorial has characterised scenes of Muscovites during the recent coup as "reminiscent of Manila's people-power revolt".
The power of the people is enshrined in the Philippine 1987 Constitution not only in general preambular terms but in operative provisions that have made us a direct, as well as a representative, democracy. One of the drafters of that document put it this way:
"The fact that the people elect representatives is not an act of complete trust in those representatives; the people retain the right to review their decisions."
Our direct democracy is not only on the village level: it is national. "Direct democracy", says one of our Senators, "is superior to representative democracy." At this very moment the people of the Philippines are gathering signatures for a national referendum on the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Security which we have signed with the United States of America and which has been rejected by the Philippine Senate. In our direct democracy, we respect our Senate but we also respect our people. Senatus Populusque Romanus: the Senate and the people must rule together.
Is there a relevance in this to the mission of the United Nations? Ours has become a unipolar world. There are misgivings about this new global condition. It is asked, now that the bipolar balance is gone what is to restrain the solitary super-Power from overstating its duties as keeper of the new world order? The ultimate restraint on the, super Power is Its very system, in which the people are supreme.
It was the people in America that pulled this country from a war in South-East Asia which they perceived to be Irrelevant. It. was the same people that cheered America to a precision victory In a Gulf war that they acclaimed as inevitable. It is the same people that are keeping America sober in Its triumphal hour. Indeed, constitutional democracy is not a synonym for peace, nor is it a hard-bound warranty against international violence. But where can we find a more productive forum for peace? Where can we find a more fertile context for transparency and restraint.?
Today the once theoretical paper dreams of constitutional accessibility and openness have become hard reality. Democratic constitutions have found a new ally: technology. The same laboratories that are enhancing the science of discriminate demolition have already made it possible for humankind to be the instant witness to tragedies of all kinds and in all places. Those scenes can horrify people into demanding openness from their leaders, but the people must be free to make the demands. Electronic transparency could lead to moral, official and diplomatic transparency, and that process could mobilize the restraining forces in society.
We must agree with another recent remarkable editorial of The New York Times which warns that outsiders should not redesign the internal policies of nations. But it adds that there is "every reason to proclaim and promote democratic values". The counsel was directed to America. But shall we leave it to America alone to shepherd the values of the world? Can we not find other proclaimers and promoters of democratic values? How about the United Nations?
It is wrong to say that the United Nations is only the theatre of States, the agora of International Ideas, the conciliator of multilateral contradictions; for it is more than those categories, however unique, historic and invaluable they may be. The United Nations, I submit. Is above all, indeed, a proclaimer and promoter of values; and let us not evade the words at this Juncture - the United Nations is a proclaimer and promoter of democratic values.
What else is General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1940, what else is this Universal Declaration of Human Rights, what, else Is this ringing document, but the inventory of constitutional democracy? It Is all there: the right to life, liberty, speech, property, movement., assembly, social services, non-discrimination, participation, down to the specific of "periodic and genuine elections", all essential and standard items in national bills of rights. The General Assembly "proclaims" these rights as "a common standard for all peoples and all nations" and enjoins "every individual and every organ of society" to "promote" them.
The United Nations proclaims and promotes democracy and along with it, transparency and restraint. Article 19 gives "everyone" the right "to seek, receive and impart information" and Article 21 identifies the basis of government authority - the "trill of the people", which is also the ultimate restrainer of official abuse.
Thirteen years before the Declaration of Human Rights, there was already an auspicious portent for it in the Charter that gave life to the United Nations in 1945. The Charter opened its preamble with a reaffirmation of "faith in fundamental human rights" and, at the first opportunity, in Article 73 b, in dealing with States in gestation, enjoined the United Nations to develop "free political institutions" in the lands under its trust.
Indeed, in trust territories there is always the happy, challenging prospect of fresh beginnings. But so are these post-cold-war times a challenge to fresh beginnings.
Many factors spelled the end of the cold war. But we would be mocking history if we did not recognize that the final verdict that tumbled the walls was rendered by a world of peoples - peoples wishing to end the shackling of their minds, their souls, their political institutions and their economies. The cooling winds of liberalization blew themselves into a gale of democracy which even now is still huffing and puffing at the residual ramparts of involuntary servitude.
If the United Nations intends to design a global strategy for peace that will not only dwell on the surface of the issue - or even just below it - but will strike at its roots, it must return to its own roots, recall its resonant declarations and re-sensitise itself to its commitment to the rights of human beings.
Nations are the vital constituents of this Organisation and, of course, the Organisation must never violate the sovereignty of those nations. But I have shown, I hope, that these very nations, united, have not abdicated, but refurbished their own sovereignty by urging themselves and "all peoples ... every Individual and every organ of society" (resolution 217 A (III). seventh preambular paragraph) to promote those values «-hat are nothing if not the very stuff of constitutional democracy.
Let the United Nations leadership ensure that every assembly in the United Nations, every council, every court, every organ, shall re-immerse itself in this original mission.
There is a responsive, eager world awaiting this leadership. Large land masses have opened themselves to the world - in Eastern Europe, in Africa, in Asia. Our great neighbour, the People's Republic of China, has declared its determination "to implement the policies of reform and opening to the outside world". And this very United Nations has stretched its arms open in welcome to even more of the gallant peoples of the world.
The Philippines extends a special welcome to our Pacific neighbours to the East - the Republic of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
We salute also our two neighbours to the North - the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea - whose brotherly simultaneous ingress into our company may soon produce the resurrected unity of a single great nation.
We salute those three brave nations of the Baltic Sea - Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia - who are back at last in their rightful place in the community of nations.
And one last salute to Prince Norodom Sihanouk, that great Asian - noble by blood and by principle - who now leads the Cambodian delegation to this assembly of nations.
All of these are triumphs of the people. Since 1973 the people of the world have been speaking and they have been winning. In the last two years the General Assembly has passed resolutions on human development proclaiming that human beings are the goal - not simply the means - of development.
Gross national product statistics are meaningless if they answer only the questions of how well-fed, how well-housed, how well-clothed the people are. The statistics of our computerized bureaus must also respond to the demanding enquiry: how free are these people?
The record of the United Nations must contain in detail the ongoing story of the ascent to dignity and freedom of humanity en masse.
Let the nations of the world applaud the people of the world. For this, indeed, is the quarter century of the people.