Exactly
eight years ago, in this same context and from this
same rostrum, the President of my country, Néstor
Carlos Kirchner, addressed the Assembly, four years
after having assumed the presidency of the Argentine
Republic with only 22 per cent of the vote. Given the
situation of the Argentine Republic — which had fallen
into default in 2001, where about a quarter of the
population was unemployed and levels of destitution
and poverty had exceeded 50 per cent — he stated that
the multilateral credit institutions needed reform,
particularly the International Monetary Fund, as did the
political bodies of this honourable Organization.
 President Kirchner made five speeches to the
General Assembly, and I have made four. This is my
fourth statement as President of the Republic. In each
of our addresses we have made the same calls to a
world that has changed significantly since 2003, when
the Argentine Republic was cast as a black sheep gone
astray and which found itself in default because of a
continued failure to fulfil its obligations. In reality, we
were victims, used as guinea pigs in the experiments of
the 1990s and neoliberal policies.

25 11-50692

 Much has happened since then, when Argentina
defaulted on the largest debt — at least, so far — in the
history of humanity, $160 billion. Over the past eight
years, Argentina has restructured its debt, reducing it
from 160 per cent to less than 30 per cent of gross
domestic product (GDP). The rates of poverty and
indigence have been reduced to single digits, and we
must continue that fight. Our unemployment rate is
among the lowest, and we have completed the most
significant cycle of economic growth in our 200 years
of history.
 Among the emerging countries of our region,
Latin America, Argentina has had the leading growth
rate and is regularly paying its debt without turning to
capital markets. I am not going to list all of the
numbers, but they are very compelling. In 2003, we
spent 2 per cent of GDP on education and 5 per cent on
debt payments. Today, Argentina devotes 6.47 per cent
of its GDP to education and spends 2 per cent to debt
payment.
 The situation in the world is quite different. Many
regions and countries have severe problems. Argentina
does not pretend to be a model or an example for
anyone, but we do wish to reaffirm the need to
formulate clear rules with regard to the transfer of
capital in the area of financial speculation. Many
speakers before me, and doubtless many more to come
will do the same, have complained about financial
commodity speculation, especially in the food sector.
 When we compare the growth of global financial
stocks to global GDP — what all of the citizens and
businesses of the world produce in goods and services — it
becomes clear why we are facing a world where
speculation is out of control, careening from one side
to the other and from one country or region to another,
affecting currencies, economies and the daily lives of
citizens, destroying jobs and preventing people from
obtaining a dignified education and health care.
 If we look at the relationship between global
GDP and financial stocks in the 1980s, we see that it
was a one-to-one relationship. There was a financial
stock that was exactly equal to the goods and services
being produced by the world. From the 1990s, figures
skyrocketed. In 2008 total financial stocks, total
financial activity in the world, reached 3.6 times the
global GDP. This meant a tremendous gap between
what we produce and what is in what I call the “enter
key” economy. I call it that because, if we go looking
for these shares, they are mere keystrokes transferring
numbers from one place to another, from one currency
to another, producing unparalleled market volatility
and recurrent crises whereby exchanges go up and
down on a daily basis. This not only destroys
thousands of jobs but also generates immense profits
that someone is pocketing.
 We would like to reiterate once again, in the light
of our own experience — and I reiterate once again
that I do not want to set up a model — the need for
multilateral credit organizations to work extremely
hard on regulating the global movement of capital and
financial speculation. If this does not happen, it will be
impossible to achieve that ever elusive market stability,
and as a result, the economies of both emerging
countries, which have been sustaining the growth of
the global economic activity, and developed countries
alike will be overwhelmed.
 It is crucial that this message be understood,
because today we may see speculation on food;
yesterday, it was on oil, and tomorrow, it could be on
little candies, if that would be profitable and beneficial
to the moving of this capital, which gets transferred
from one side of the world to the other without any
control or regulation whatsoever.
 Here I must say that, as a member of the Group of
20 at the London meeting — when it was decided to
inject an enormous amount of financial resources into
the financial sector that was experiencing problems —
I maintained that it was necessary to guarantee that
those resources being injected into the financial world
could later return to the real economy, the concrete
economy, to be able to generate employment, products
and services.
 Unfortunately, we continue to find ourselves in
the same situation, because other than the changes that
I would describe as purely cosmetic, we have gone no
further with the necessary regulation.
 Moreover, the credit ratings agencies — which
bear a great deal of the responsibility for much of what
has happened — rate Argentina, for example, as a
marginal economy. Until very recently, they
categorized economies on the brink of default higher
than that of Argentina. Therefore, transparent
regulation of the ratings agencies is needed, as they
bear a great responsibility for the crisis we are
currently seeing in various regions — which will, of
course, have an impact on all countries.

11-50692 26

 It is regrettable that we have been asking for the
reform, reorganization and modification of the
multilateral credit bodies for so long now. Indeed, we
believe that this task should already have been begun,
already formulated, in order to avoid precisely what we
are experiencing now. For some people it is just a
matter of numbers on the stock market, but for others
they signal the destruction of the hopes of a lifetime.
 As I was saying to a colleague the other day
during a visit to Europe, economic crises always end
up impacting the political system. There cannot be a
serious economic crisis, in which millions of people
fall into poverty and lose their jobs, homes, education
and health, without that also signalling profound
political transformation. And when such political
transformation results in further serious economic
crises, the result is experiences that I will not go into
now. Totalitarianism often came out of crises. The
twentieth century produced crises that were not
adequately solved by political means.
 I call once again for the reform of this important
Organization, which represents multilateralism —
something we have always consistently defended. We
need a more pluralistic and diverse world, and to make
political bodies such as the United Nations, and
crucially the Security Council, more democratic.
 We do not agree on the need to expand the
number of permanent members; on the contrary, we
believe that the permanent member category should be
eliminated. The right to veto also should be eliminated,
as it really prevents the Security Council from carrying
out the true functions that it had in the bipolar world in
which it was originally conceived. At that time, the
right to veto was necessary, because in that bipolar
world, with the fear of a nuclear holocaust, that right
gave to Council members the balance necessary to
ensure the security of humankind. Today, that balance
is broken. Permanent seats and the right to veto are not
about defending security or universal stability; rather,
they are often about the position of Council members
exercising their right.
 In my most recent statement before the Assembly
(see A/65/PV.14), I believe I concluded by expressing
my hope that this year Palestine would be become the
194th Member of the concert of the United Nations.
My country, Argentina, like most South American
nations, has recognized the State of Palestine.
 I sincerely believe that blocking the entry of
Palestine could perhaps be seen by some as benefiting
the State of Israel. But allow me to say to Assembly
members, on the authority we have as a country that
has suffered from the scourge of international
terrorism, that to prevent Palestine from becoming a
member of this Assembly means to continue providing
alibis to those who engage in international terrorism
and who in that repudiation find precisely one of the
false arguments they use to justify their crimes.
 I believe that the non-inclusion of Palestine this
year, far from providing greater security and stability
in the world, will bring about greater insecurity and
conditions that are utterly unfavourable to what should
be the prestige of a body that should represent the
interests of all citizens of the world.
 For that reason, I ask that God will enlighten
those who must make this historic and structural
decision of global significance so that greater balance
can be achieved and so that this year Palestine will be
able to take its seat number 194. I am sure that if we
succeed in that endeavour we will help to create a
world that is not only safer, but more just.
 I would like to make another point, one linked to
the situation that we have been describing, with regard
to what is shown by the injustice of certain
countries — five, to be exact — on the Security
Council having veto rights. Once again, we have come
to the heart of the United Nations to raise an issue that
is just as vital, and not only to Argentines.
 The question of sovereignty over the Malvinas
Islands is also a trial by fire for this body in terms of
whether it is possible for it to comply with a policy that
is essentially multilateral and under which all members
are obliged to accept the resolutions of this Assembly.
 Ten General Assembly resolutions have invited
the United Kingdom and my country to sit down to
negotiate and discuss our sovereignty. Bear in mind
that Argentina is not asking for those resolutions to be
implemented in terms of recognizing sovereignty. No,
it is simply asking for compliance with some of the
provisions of the 10 United Nations resolutions on the
matter.
 Perhaps we could also list the 29 resolutions of
the Special Political and Decolonization Committee
and the 11 resolutions and 8 declarations of the
Organization of American States, as well as the

27 11-50692

resolutions of various forums — Ibero-American
forums, the Union of South American Nations, the
Common Market of the South, meetings of the Arab
and African countries — and the entire world. Through
such resolutions and declarations, all of them have
been demanding that this issue be addressed. The
United Kingdom has systematically refused to do so
and has obviously used its status as a veto-wielding
member of the Security Council to that end.
 The year 2013 will mark the passage of 180 years
since the Argentines were expelled by force of arms
from our Malvinas Islands. Next year will mark
30 years since an incident — which the United
Kingdom took advantage of — that was committed by
the most terrible dictatorship in memory, of which we
Argentines were ourselves victims.
 I am proud to be the Government that has set an
example for the world in terms of human rights and the
prosecution of those responsible for committing crimes
and acts of genocide. That is why I believe that
focusing on that incident is nothing other than one of
the many excuses given to justify non-compliance with
United Nations resolutions. What is worse, I ask all of
those who see themselves in the mirror of a future
world in which natural resources will be necessary, to
see how our natural resources, our fisheries and our
petroleum resources, are being stolen and illegally
seized by those who have no right to do so. Obviously,
I do not feel it necessary to emphasize the fact that no
one can lay claim to an overseas territory that is more
than 14,000 kilometres away. That is clearly an illegal
occupation.
 Once again, we call upon the United Kingdom to
comply with the resolutions of the United Nations.
Recently, there have been genuine provocations,
including missile tests in May and July, which were
denounced before the International Maritime
Organization, which also suffered one of those attacks.
Once again, I reiterate to this Assembly and to the
United Kingdom Argentina’s interest in dialogue. It is
true that much time has passed, however. We state
here, before this Assembly, that we will wait for a
reasonable period of time, but if nothing transpires, we
will be forced to begin reviewing the provisional
understandings that are still in effect. We emphasize in
particular that the question of sovereignty must be
included in those understandings.
 Members may ask what I am referring to here. It
is the joint statement and exchange of letters of 14 July
1999 on resuming a regular weekly LAN Chile flight
between Punta Arenas and the Malvinas Islands with
two monthly stopovers, one in each direction, in Río
Gallegos.
 Argentina has no intention of exacerbating the
situation for any party, but it is also fair that this
Assembly and the United Kingdom be aware that there
must be compliance with the resolutions. We cannot
wait 180 years, or 30 years, just as Palestine cannot be
making pilgrimages over the decades to find a place in
the world. Still less can the Argentines wait to reclaim
the territory that legitimately belongs to us.
 I cannot conclude without referring to an issue
that has been mentioned in all of the statements that
President Kirchner and I have delivered here since
2003. A few moments ago, when I spoke of the
question of Palestine, my authority to do so — if
indeed it gives us authority, as such — is derived from
the fact that we are one of the only two countries in the
Americas that have been the target of international
terrorism.
 This happened on two occasions. In 1992, there
was the explosion at the Israeli Embassy in Buenos
Aires, and in 1994, there was the blast at the Argentine
Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA), which is one of
the most important mutual associations in Argentina. I
stress not that it is a Jewish association, but that it is an
Argentine association. This was an attack on Argentina.
 I am demanding, on the basis of the requirements
of Argentine justice, that the Islamic Republic of Iran
submit to the legal authority and in particular allow for
those who have been accused of some level of
participation in the AMIA attack to be brought to
justice.
 Last year, we proposed here that if they did not
trust our country’s justice system, we could take the
approach that was taken for the Lockerbie case: we
could choose a court from a third country, by mutual
agreement, in order for that court to be able to provide
the only thing that we are demanding — that is, justice.
We insist on this because it is a universal demand. It
does not have to do with political positions. This word,
justice, is in the Talmud, the Bible and the Koran, and,
for those who do not believe in anything, I am sure it is
in their country’s constitution.

11-50692 28

 The Government of Argentina received, on
16 July, a message from the Foreign Ministry of Iran
stating that it intended to cooperate in initiating a
constructive dialogue with Argentina in order to help
us get at the truth with respect to the brutal attack
against the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association of
18 July 1994. The message that we received from Iran,
although signifying a change of attitude on the part of
the Government, does not satisfy our demands, which,
as I said quite clearly, are for justice.
 However, it is an offer of dialogue that Argentina
cannot and must not reject. We are here calling for
dialogue with the United Kingdom and dialogue among
all the parties that make up this body. My country does
this on the basis of its commitment to fulfilling its
obligation to resolve controversies through peaceful
means. This attitude has characterized our country
throughout our history. This means that in one sense,
Argentina must put aside the requirements arising from
our national justice system with respect to prosecuting
the presumed perpetrators of these attacks. In another
sense, we cannot do this, as this is up to judges and
public prosecutors.
 What we would like to say, however, is that we
think that this dialogue must be constructive. It must be
a sincere dialogue and must achieve results in order to
be credible and therefore not be understood as just a
delay tactic or a distraction.
 I will conclude my statement. Sometimes, I think
of everything that has happened to Argentines. These
things have happened to many countries at various
times, but they have all happened to us, in our country,
during our history. We have had the worst economic
and social disaster in living memory. We still have
today a Power exercising a colonial influence in our
country. International terrorism has twice made us the
target of its attacks. So, if we think of it, it is as if all of
the problems and all of the tragedies and miseries of
this world decided to focus on one single country.
 Our capacity to recover, in terms of the economy,
our tireless and never-ending fight to recover what is
ours, our never-ending demand for justice for the
victims of the attacks, and the strength that we have
drawn from all of these tragedies give me the
confidence and certainty that this is the path we have
chosen: that of achieving growth along with social
inclusion for our fellow citizens. It is the path of
ensuring that there is unlimited respect for human
rights, with trials carried out for the sake of
remembrance, truth and justice. It is the path that
ensures that today, as the President of all Argentines, I
can be accompanied here by family members of
victims of the AMIA attack. They have confidence that
the Government will continue to do what it has always
done, which is to defend the values of truth and justice.
 That is what gives me great hope that God will
shed light on the path of all those who have to make
decisions, not with a view to elections but with a view
to the destiny of the world in upcoming decades. That
is why I would like to greet everyone today who has
taken the floor or who will take the floor and thank the
entire Assembly for the support that they have each
given, in all of these causes, to my country, the
Argentine Republic.


Allow me at the outset to
congratulate Mr. Al-Nasser on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. I wish to assure
him of India’s full cooperation in the conduct of the
sixty-sixth session of the Assembly.
 It is also my great pleasure to welcome in our
midst the new State of South Sudan.
 We meet during this session of the General
Assembly at a time of great uncertainty and profound
change. Until a few years ago, the world had taken for
granted the benefits of globalization and global
interdependence. Today we are being called upon to
cope with the negative dimensions of those very
phenomena. Economic, social and political events in
different parts of the world have coalesced, and their
adverse impact is now being felt across countries and
continents.
 The world economy is in trouble. The shoots of
recovery which were visible after the economic and
financial crisis of 2008 have yet to blossom. In many
respects, the crisis has deepened even further.
 The traditional engines of the global economy,
including the United States, Europe and Japan, which
are also the sources of global economic and financial
stability, are today faced with continued economic
slowdown. Recessionary trends in those countries are
affecting confidence in world financial and capital
markets. These developments are bound to have a
negative impact on developing countries, which also
have to bear the additional burden of inflationary
pressures.
 There has been unprecedented social and political
upheaval in West Asia, the Gulf and North Africa. The
peoples of those regions are demanding the right to
shape their own future. Energy and food prices are
once again spiralling and introducing fresh instability,
especially for developing countries.
 The Palestinian question remains unresolved and
a source of great instability and violence. India is
steadfast in its support for the Palestinian people’s
struggle for a sovereign, independent, viable and united
State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital,
living within secure and recognizable borders side by
side and at peace with Israel. We look forward to
welcoming Palestine as an equal Member of the United
Nations.
 Terrorism continues to rear its ugly head and take
a grievous toll of innocent lives. New threats to
international security have emerged. At a time when
the world needs more international commerce, the sea
lanes of communication across the Indian Ocean are
under siege. Acts of piracy are being carried out with
impunity from lands that are beyond the writ of any
functioning State or international accountability.
 Iniquitous growth, inadequate job and education
opportunities and the denial of basic human freedoms
are leading to a growing radicalization of the youth,
intolerance and extremism.

11-51360 10

 We have no choice but to meet these challenges
head-on. We will succeed if we adopt a cooperative
rather than a confrontational approach. We will
succeed if we embrace once again the principles on
which the United Nations was founded:
internationalism and multilateralism. More importantly,
we will succeed if our efforts have legitimacy and are
pursued not just within the framework of the law but
also in the spirit of the law.
 The observance of the rule of law is as important
in international affairs as it is within countries.
Societies cannot be reordered from outside through
military force. People in all countries have the right to
choose their own destiny and decide their own future.
 The international community has a role to play in
assisting in the processes of transition and institution-
building, but the idea that prescriptions should be
imposed from outside is fraught with danger.
 Action taken under the authority of the United
Nations must respect the unity, territorial integrity,
sovereignty and independence of individual States.
Correspondingly, governments are duty-bound to their
citizens to create conditions that enable them to freely
determine their pathways to development. This is the
essence of democracy and fundamental human
freedoms.
 There are many other things that we can do. We
must address the issue of the deficit in global
governance. We need a stronger and more effective
United Nations. We need a United Nations that is
sensitive to the aspirations of everyone, rich or poor,
big or small. For this, the United Nations and its
principal organs, the General Assembly and the
Security Council, must be revitalized and reformed.
 The reform and expansion of the Security
Council are essential if it is to reflect contemporary
reality. Such an outcome will enhance the Council’s
credibility and effectiveness in dealing with global
issues. Early reform of the Security Council must be
pursued with renewed vigour and urgently enacted.
 We should not allow the global economic
slowdown to become a pretext for building walls
around ourselves through protectionism or erecting
barriers to the movement of people, services and
capital. Effective ways and means must be deployed to
promote the coordination of the macroeconomic
policies of the major economies. The reform of the
governance systems of international financial
institutions should be pursued with speed and
efficiency.
 The development agenda must be brought firmly
back to centre stage in United Nations priorities. We
need a much more determined effort to ensure
balanced, inclusive and sustainable development for
the benefit of vast sections of humanity. Each of us can
contribute to this task, but we can achieve far more if
we act in partnership.
 In the past few decades, India has lifted tens of
millions of its people out of abject poverty. We are in a
position to feed our population better, educate them
better and widen their economic choices. However, we
still have a very long way to go.
 We wish to accelerate the pace of India’s
transformation in partnership with the international
community. A fast-growing India can expand the
boundaries of the global economy. A democratic, plural
and secular India can contribute to tolerance and
peaceful coexistence among nations.
 Developing countries need investment,
technology and market access for their products. They
need assistance in the areas of education, health,
women’s empowerment and agriculture. During the
recently held fourth United Nations Conference on the
Least Developed Countries Conference in Istanbul in
May 2011, India strengthened its partnership with the
least developed countries through significantly
enhanced lines of credit and assistance in capacity-
building.
 We should pay particular attention to Africa.
Africa’s richest resources are not its minerals but its
people. We must empower them and open the doors for
them to human advances through technology, education
and skills development.
 At the second India-Africa Forum Summit in
Addis Ababa earlier this year, India offered lines of
credit worth $5 billion and an additional $700 million
in grant assistance for human resource development,
technology transfer and building new institutions.
 The United Nations should lead efforts in the area
of food security. We need more cooperation in
agricultural technologies, water conservation, land
usage and productivity, and stability in commodity
prices.

11 11-51360

 Developing countries need a peaceful external
environment in which to grow. The fight against
terrorism must be unrelenting. There cannot be
selective approaches in dealing with terrorist groups or
the infrastructure of terrorism. Terrorism has to be
fought across all fronts. In South Asia there are
encouraging signs of cooperation in the area of
security, as exemplified in India’s cooperation with
Bangladesh. Such cooperation is adding to the security
of both our countries.
 However, the recent assassination of
Mr. Burhanuddin Rabbani in Kabul is a chilling
reminder of the designs of the enemies of peace in
Afghanistan. It is essential that the process of nation-
building and reconciliation in that country succeed.
This is vital for ensuring peace and security in the
region. India will play its part in helping the people of
Afghanistan build a better future for themselves, just as
we are doing in other countries in South Asia. We will
do so because prosperity and stability in our region are
indivisible.
 We wish to see an open, inclusive and transparent
architecture of regional cooperation in the Asia-Pacific
region and peaceful settlement of disputes. I call upon
the United Nations to evolve a comprehensive and
effective response to the problem of piracy in the Red
Sea and off the coast of Somalia. As a littoral State of
the Indian Ocean, India is ready to work with other
countries in that regard. Simultaneously, the
international community should continue with efforts
to restore stability in Somalia. We have joined
international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance
to the countries afflicted with severe famine and
drought in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia,
Kenya and Djibouti.
 Nuclear proliferation continues to be a threat to
international security. The action plan put forward by
former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi for a nuclear-
weapon-free and non-violent world provides, even
today, a concrete road map for achieving nuclear
disarmament in a time-bound, universal,
non-discriminatory, phased and verifiable manner. I
commend the United Nations for its efforts in focusing
world attention on nuclear safety. Our plans for
utilizing nuclear power to meet our energy needs hinge
on full satisfaction of our concerns about the safety of
nuclear energy. We have undertaken a thorough review
of the safety of our nuclear plants.
 The perspectives I have outlined to the Assembly
are those that have guided our actions in the Security
Council since India became a non-permanent member
of the Council in January. There are still millions of
people living in poverty across the world. Their plight
has worsened, through no fault of theirs, due to the
global economic and financial crisis of recent years.
The actions of Governments around the world are
therefore under close scrutiny. It is vitally important
that through our actions and deeds we renew the
people’s faith in the Charter and objectives of the
United Nations. I am confident that we can do this
through acts of statesmanship, foresight and collective
effort. India stands ready to play its part in this noble
endeavour.


First, I would like to
extend my heartfelt congratulations to the President of
the General Assembly on his election. I wish him every
success in leading the work of the Assembly at its
sixty-sixth session. I would like to express my
gratitude to his predecessor for his invaluable
contribution. May I also take this opportunity to extend
special thanks to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for
his excellent organization of this session and for his
wise and determined leadership at the helm of the

29 11-51360

United Nations over the past few years. I wish him the
utmost success over the four years ahead.
 Our world today is experiencing major and
complex crises that threaten the peace and stability of
several regions and our planet as a whole. However,
this year’s spring was a great and historic one for
Africa and the entire world. More than 125 million
oppressed people stood up with courage, determination
and sacrifice and overthrew tyrannical regimes in five
countries in Africa and opened the gates of freedom for
their nations.
 As a representative of a country that only 20
years ago brought down the Hoxhaist dictatorship —
the worst that Albania and Europe had ever known — I
would like to cordially welcome and salute the
representatives of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, South Sudan
and Ivory Coast who are present at this Assembly
session. Today, we pay tribute to the thousands of
citizens of those countries who with great courage and
legendary bravery lost their lives in order to liberate
their countries from ruthless tyrannies and who made
their countries, the African continent and the entire
world more free and more just than ever. With their
sacrifices, however, those who fought and fell in the
name of freedom have delivered a sacred message to
the very hearts and minds of all oppressed people on
our planet: Be not afraid!
 On the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the
communist dictatorship, despite the unquestionable
difficulties inherent in building a democracy based on
market values, Albania has continuously affirmed that
for the individual, our society and our nation as a
whole freedom is the greatest of all assets and riches.
 Twenty years ago, Albania was one of the three
poorest countries in the world, plagued by extreme
poverty and chronic starvation. Today, Albania belongs
to the group of countries with middle to upper income
levels. Formerly a totally hyper-collectivized country,
today it has the smallest public sector in Europe, with
more than 84 per cent of its gross domestic product
(GDP) coming from the private sector.
 Twenty years ago, human rights and freedoms
were forbidden under the country’s Constitution.
Today, Albania is a country with a functional
democracy, freedom of speech and free elections and in
which there is full respect for minority rights and
religious tolerance par excellence.
 Albania was the most isolated country in the
world. Now, it is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty
alliance and makes its contribution to peace and
stability in the region and beyond, while remaining
firmly focused on its path towards European Union
integration. Today, Albanians travel freely throughout
Europe, while the number of foreign citizens who have
visited Albania for tourism and other purposes has
increased, from 300,000 in 2004 to 3.5 million last
year.
 Recently, during this period of major European
and global financial crises, Albania’s economy
remained one of the few in the world that did not
experience a recession. The United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development estimates that global
foreign direct investment decreased by 37 per cent
from 2007 to 2010, while the same source confirms
that in Albania it grew by 316 per cent from 2006 to
2010.
 Over the past few years, Albanian exports have
grown by 300 per cent. Unemployment has decreased,
and so has poverty, by a margin of some 30 per cent.
Our economic model is based entirely on economic
freedom. Last year, that freedom suffered a major
setback worldwide, whereas in my country it increased
by 16 per cent.
 The Albanian economy is not detached from the
global economy. In fact, the opposite is true: being a
small economy, it is linked to and affected by it. That is
why I believe that four main factors determine its
performance.
 The first factor is a small government and public
sector. Albania’s public administration and public
sector are at least 50 per cent smaller than those of any
other similarly sized country in the region and beyond.
Furthermore, I am pleased to state that my Government
ranks among the top 10 Governments with the lowest
level of interference in the economy.
 Secondly, Albania is a country of flat-rate taxes.
At 10 per cent, its fiscal burden is the lowest in
Europe. The increase in fiscal freedoms and the
successful fight against corruption allowed our country
to double its budgetary revenue from customs and
taxes in four years’ time.

11-51360 30

 Thirdly, we invested heavily in infrastructure to
stimulate growth. My Government has spent 8 per cent
to 10 per cent of our GDP on road infrastructure alone,
three years in a row. A total of 8,000 km of new roads
have been constructed, more than in the entire history
of the country. Within the next two years, Albania will
have a new and modern road infrastructure that will
allow our citizens as well as foreign visitors to reach
our capital, Tirana, from any part of the country in
60 per cent less time than previously required.
 Fourthly, we have made it easier to open a
business or expand an existing one by putting in place
an efficient digital one-stop-shopping system for
business registrations, licences and permits, and by
drastically reducing bureaucratic procedures.
 Yet the debt and the euro crisis are hanging like
the sword of Damocles over our national currency, the
lek, and our economy. I take this opportunity to call
upon the countries of the eurozone to take into
consideration the effects of the crisis on our economy
and others that are closely linked to the euro.
 The greatest desire and fondest dream of all
Albanians is to see Albania become a developed
country. I know that the road ahead of us is not
smooth; it may be bumpy at times, but it is also the one
that will take us higher and higher. I am convinced that
it is a righteous and a sure path of hope by which the
dream of a fully developed Albania will come true.
 To achieve that dream, the Government of
Albania is committed to sustainable development.
Developing countries and emerging markets such as
that of Albania face countless difficulties, but they also
have the advantage of learning from the mistakes of
developed countries and being able to avoid them.
With that in mind, we are determined to turn Albania
into a small superpower of renewable energy in the
region. With its rich water resources, Albania
resembles a small Norway on the Balkan peninsula.
My Government has already signed with the private
sector a concessional contract for the construction of
220 of the 450 hydropower stations that are to be built.
Companies from all over Europe and the rest of the
world are already engaged in that process.
 Additionally, major natural wind platforms exist
throughout the country, and the Government has given
and is giving licenses for the production of thousands
of megawatts of electricity by wind parks. Albania is
also one of the sunniest places in Europe, and the
Government is determined to exploit solar as well as
geothermal energy.
 I believe that in addition to the major efforts
necessary to achieve an international legal framework
to prevent global warming and lower greenhouse-gas
emissions, we must speedily reach an agreement
stipulating that a percentage of the aid that generous
donors are offering to support this cause be used for
the purpose of supporting private-sector companies
that are focused on renewable energy projects. Such
funds could be used to cover the cost of the loan
interest incurred in realizing renewable energy
projects. I am sure that they will increase manifold the
production of renewable energy in the very near future.
 To combat climate change and improve
environmental conditions, forestation is also very
important. The United Nations Billion Tree Campaign
has been met with a successful response by many
countries and deserves credit as a first important step.
However, our potential is much greater.
 The Government of Albania has started an
ambitious programme aimed at taking advantage of our
country’s potential in terms of fruit trees. We intend to
plant, in the next eight years, some 50 million olive
trees and around 200 million nut trees of different
varieties. The project, which started two years ago, is
subsidized by public funds. I am pleased to inform the
Assembly that this project is moving rapidly ahead and
that it has given rise to a real and unprecedented tree-
planting passion on the part of my fellow citizens.
Albania will welcome any and all help from the United
Nations and its Member States to successfully
complete this project.
 Albania fully supports the Open Government
Partnership initiated by the President of the United
States, Barack Obama, and the President of Brazil,
Dilma Rousseff; that is why we have joined the
initiative. Our efforts towards an open Government
have as a primary objective the project entitled
“Albania in the digital age”. In a short time, we have
expanded access to the Internet to all our schools and
have started offering free Internet service to every
citizen in all post offices throughout the country.
 A total of 2.1 million Albanians have availed
themselves of this opportunity and have surfed the
Internet, many of them for the first time in their lives.
This has helped increase the percentage of the
population in Albania using the Internet from a mere

31 11-51360

4.8 per cent in early 2006 to 60 per cent today —
roughly two thirds of the population. Free Internet
service will continue to be available in all post offices
and in some additional offices to be opened for that
purpose. Moreover, the Government is fully committed
to making super-broadband Internet available over the
next two years and to guaranteeing one-stop-shopping
services to citizens throughout the country.
 We believe that the digital age is above all the
age of transparency. Based on this belief, Albania two
years ago became the first country in the world with a
100 per cent electronic procurement system certified
by the United Nations. That system has led to a sixfold
increase in participating public bids, reducing
procurement costs by 27 per cent. Today Albania is a
country featuring e-tax, e-customs, e-university
admissions, and e-business registration and e-civil
status registry. The Government intends to offer all
those services and others in a one-stop-shop context in
the very near future.
 E-government and transparency strengthen
democracy, and our law also guarantees free access for
our citizens to all acts, decisions and public
expenditures of the Government. In order to strengthen
the role of civil society, my Government has for the
past two years had a specific budgetary provision in
that respect that is entirely administered by an
independent board of civil society.
 Albania has excellent relations with its immediate
neighbours and, in general, with the countries of the
region. We would like to develop and consolidate
further relations with the Republic of Serbia as well. I
am very pleased to inform the Assembly that the
Government of Kosovo possesses an equally strong
will in the area of good-neighbourly relations and has
shown assiduous commitment and seriousness in the
process of negotiations in Brussels. The International
Court of Justice decided in July last year in The Hague
that Kosovo’s declaration of independence was in full
compliance with international law.
 The Republic of Kosovo has been recognized by
more than 80 States, and I take this opportunity to call
upon the rest of the States Members of the United
Nations to recognize the independent republic of
Kosovo, which has become, in fact, an important factor
for peace, stability and cooperation in our region. I also
call upon Serbia, which went through the General
Assembly to ask the opinion of the International Court
of Justice, to adapt its position in line with the decision
of the Court, thus demonstrating that it accepts and
respects international law in its entirety and not only
those parts that serve its cause.
 In accordance with President Ahtisaari’s package,
and in close cooperation with the European Union Rule
of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX), the International
Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) and other
international institutions present in the country, the
republic of Kosovo has put in place and implemented
the highest standards in the region and beyond as
regards the freedoms and rights of minorities.
 The most worrying problems for the Serbs in
Kosovo today are the tensions created and orchestrated
for nationalistic purposes. Serbian cultural heritage in
Kosovo is today more secure than ever. It is a precious
cultural heritage not only for the Serbs in Kosovo but
also for Albanians and all other citizens of Kosovo, as
well as for Serbia, the entire region and the whole of
Europe. I would like to reassure the representatives of
the Member States that the only threat Serbs in Kosovo
face is that of being exploited to serve the purposes of
a bitter past that must not ever return.
 Meanwhile, inter-ethnic relations in all areas
where Serbs and Albanians live together in the same
communities are very good. However, the parallel
structures funded by Belgrade in the three Serbian
homogeneous communes in northern Mitrovica, where
no other ethnic groups reside, have turned them into a
safe haven for organized crime and smuggling and
trafficking of all sorts.
 The Government of the republic of Kosovo is
determined to implement the rule of law in those
communes and engage in effective border and customs
control, in full compliance with the agreement reached
in Brussels and the Ahtisaari document. Those efforts,
however, have met strong resistance from criminal
groups and organized gangs that, with weapons and
other means, are doing all in their power to block the
rule of law. We have supported and will continue to
support the Government of Kosovo, EULEX and
KFOR in their efforts to strengthen law and order in all
the territory of the republic of Kosovo so that peace
and stability will prevail.
 I also call on Serbia to do its best to remove the
obstacles to the flow of goods across its border with
Kosovo, and to respect the agreement signed this
month in Brussels, which forbids the embargo and

11-51360 32

provides for freedom of export and import for both
countries. We believe that respect for the actual borders
in the Balkans is a fundamental condition for lasting
peace and stability. Belgrade’s efforts to keep parallel
structures of authority in place in those three
communes demonstrate that it still believes in
reshaping borders in our region based on the failed and
long-outdated idea of ethnically clean countries and the
concept of Greater Serbia.
 The Republic of Serbia, in accordance with
international law, has arrested the butcher of the
Balkans and, albeit too late, his lieutenants as well, and
has received the due appreciation of the international
community for doing so. However, I invite Serbia to
cooperate in the search for and return of the remains of
1,500 men, women, children and elderly who were
abducted from their homes and massacred in the
territory of Serbia only because they were Albanians. It
is very important to cleanse one’s country of those who
have committed crimes against humanity, but it is also
important not to hide or cover over the graves of their
victims.
 Here yesterday, President Tadic characterized as
true the accusations raised by Mr. Dick Marty
regarding the alleged traffic in organs and mass
killings committed by Albanians in the territory of
Albania. Regarding that report, I would like to state
here the stance of the Albanian Government. Dick
Marty’s report — as acknowledged by the Chief
Prosecutor of Serbia, Vladimir Vukcevic, who has
stated that his own report is fully included in Marty’s
report — is in fact a cut-and-paste of the Vukcevic’s
report. Every person who reads that report sees that it
raises many allegations that are not at all based on
facts or the truth but rather motivated by sinister
intention.
 The Dick Marty report — or rather let us call it
the Dick Marty/Vukcevic report — does not produce
even a single fact. I must clarify that in fact it
synthesizes Carla Del Ponte’s memoir, which seem to
have derived from the same unique source. In the
thousands of pages of transcripts of the interrogation of
Slobodan Miloševic and his accusations against
Albanians, there is not a single word of accusation on
his part about organ trafficking or mass graves in my
country. The purpose of the report is to divert attention
from the decision of the International Court of Justice
in favour of the independence of Kosovo.
 Nevertheless, the Government of Albania has
officially asked its delegation in the Council of Europe
to vote to endorse the report for the sole purpose of
opening the door to a thorough international
investigation. My Government sent an invitation to
EULEX, and we welcome the fact the EULEX
accepted it. I assure everyone here that my country will
fully cooperate fully with EULEX and its task force so
that the truth about such inventions will be made
known. When I read them for the first time in Carla
Del Ponte’s memoir, they reminded me of Agatha
Christie. I want the EULEX team to come and clarify
everything about those fictions.
 Despite all this, our region has made
extraordinary progress, and efforts to cooperate in
building a common future in the European Union are
prevailing every day. My country is doing its best and
is investing heavily in infrastructure to create new
links, new roads and new lines of communication with
all our neighbours. I believe that the time has come
when Albanians and Serbs will try to start archiving the
past and looking for a common future in the best
interests of their nations.
 From this rostrum, President Abbas made his
request to the General Assembly for Palestine’s
membership of the United Nations as an independent
State. While my Government fully supports the idea of
an independent Palestine, I believe that unilateral
action will not be helpful. That is why I call on our
Palestinian friends to support the statement made
yesterday by the Quartet, in which it drew a clear road
map for action to address this fundamental question of
our time.


It is a great honour for
me to address the Assembly on behalf of His Majesty

7 11-51197

King Mswati III, Head of State of the Kingdom of
Swaziland. His Majesty King Mswati III, Her Majesty
the Queen Mother, the Government and the people of
the Kingdom of Swaziland send best wishes and
congratulations to the State of Qatar and Mr. Al-Nasser
on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. We are confident
that his wide experience and diplomatic skills will
ensure success in the challenging issues that face this
session. I should also like to commend the excellent
work of his predecessor, Mr. Joseph Deiss.
 The founders of the United Nations envisaged an
international Organization whose primary strength
would rest in its Members acting collectively and
cooperatively in resolving international problems. In
this regard, the theme of this general debate, “The role
of mediation in the settlement of disputes by peaceful
means”, pertinently captures the initial vision.
 The pursuit of peace and security in many parts
of the world is vital to a future of continued
coexistence. We owe it to posterity to maintain a
habitable world. International efforts to intervene and
mediate in internal conflicts should not be taken lightly
and interlocutors should be alert to the sensibilities
involved in every specific situation. History has taught
us that transplanted solutions never work successfully.
There is no one-size-fits-all in the pursuit of peace
because every situation and era is unique. The
international community should also be quick to spot
irrelevant forces that seek to champion narrow
interests.
 The Kingdom of Swaziland wishes to
congratulate the Republic of South Sudan on the
independence it obtained this year and celebrated on
9 July. Credit must also go to the Republic of the
Sudan for its steadfast resolve to see to it that the
process was successful. The efforts of the High-Level
Panel on Darfur and the Panel of the Wise
commissioned by the African Union are also
acknowledged. The African Union has been
instrumental in utilizing the vast experience of former
leaders of Africa as it seeks to identify African
solutions for African problems. My country wishes to
reiterate its commitment to this concept.
 For a similar reason, the Kingdom of Swaziland
prays with the people of Libya that there will be a swift
end to the current conflict and a sustainable solution
that has the quest of peaceful resolution as the
watchword when dealing with any transitional
difficulties. In this regard, we look forward to the
formation of an all-inclusive Government that will
ensure that Libya moves towards a brighter future. The
world needs a unified and stable Libya to resume its
place in global affairs.
 It would be remiss of me if I did not mention the
hugely damaging long-term effects of the war in
Somalia. The difficulties are now compounded by a
terrible famine. While the blame might be placed on
climate change, nevertheless we hold the view that
Somalia would manage this latest humanitarian
disaster — the famine — considerably better if the
international community were to collaborate on a
sustainable political solution, which is essential for
economic recovery. Sadly the world appears to have
forgotten Somalia, with only the African Union and
other regional arrangements dealing with the effects of
the war in that country.
 The piracy problem, which has clearly deepened,
is one of many signs that Somalia needs a
comprehensive political intervention that involves all
international interlocutors. There has been a great deal
of support for the fight against piracy, but not as part of
a more holistic approach. The world surely does not
want to send the message that its interventions take
place only when specific interests are threatened.
 In the same spirit, the Kingdom of Swaziland
encourages the Quartet on the question of Palestine to
remain resolute in finding common ground between
Israel and Palestine. We are well aware that there have
been setbacks before, but we are optimistic that at the
end of it all there will be a groundbreaking solution,
with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace
and harmony.
 The Kingdom of Swaziland joins the rest of the
world in its condemnation of terrorism and threats to
international peace and security. In the same spirit, we
recall the 9/11 criminal attacks that occurred 10 years
ago and all who were affected. We therefore commend
the Secretary-General for hosting the Symposium on
International Counter-Terrorism Cooperation, which
underscored the importance of greater international
cooperation among States on a whole range of counter-
terrorism topics, as covered in the United Nations
Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. We hope that the
recommendations thereof will provide a source of

11-51197 8

reference to all Member States, international
organizations and relevant stakeholders.
 The promotion and protection of human rights are
a common objective of all countries. While great
achievements have been made in international human
rights cooperation since the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, challenges still exist. As
a developing country, we believe that greater
importance should be attached to the right to
development so that everyone can enjoy the benefits of
globalization. The international community should pay
more attention to economic, social and cultural
rights — such as the right to life, the right to food and
the right to health — and promote international
cooperation in this regard. The developed countries
should do more to honour their commitments in terms
of development assistance, technology transfer, debt
reduction and market access so as to create favourable
conditions for the effective promotion of the universal
realization of the right to development.
 The Kingdom of Swaziland voted in favour of
resolution 60/251, which established the Human Rights
Council. We also formed part of the consensus on
resolution 65/281 on the review of the Human Rights
Council adopted this year. To this end, we also support
the engagement of Member States in the Universal
Periodic Review mechanism, which examines the
human rights situation in all countries. Our country
will be among those to be considered at the Universal
Periodic Review in October 2011, and we look forward
to engaging in an open and candid dialogue with other
members of the Council.
 Throughout the past session, we pursued many
development topics, notably the High-level Meeting on
HIV/AIDS in June at which our political will to
intensify our efforts to eliminate the scourge was
reaffirmed. The Kingdom of Swaziland is proud to
have made great strides in this regard. For example, the
percentage of children born HIV-free to HIV-positive
mothers enrolled in the prevention of mother-to-child
transmission programme has risen to 83 per cent and is
expected to reach 100 per cent by 2015.
 In today’s highly integrated and interconnected
world, almost all issues demand the full participation
of international partners. Taiwan is one of the leading
economic and technological powerhouses of the world
today, and the Kingdom of Swaziland is of the view
that Taiwan can contribute successfully to the
international community. We therefore urge the United
Nations to find a suitable way to allow for Taiwan’s
meaningful participation in its specialized agencies and
mechanisms, including the International Civil Aviation
Organization and the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change. There is no doubt that
the there is a functional need to include the people of
Taiwan in the United Nations system and that their
inclusion would be in the common interest of the
international community.
 In conclusion, may I say that the Kingdom of Swaziland has confidence in the initiatives already taken towards the renewal of this Organization and looks forward to a new dynamic and vibrant working period.


Since we last met here,
major changes have swept through the world. We have
been witnessing the Arab Spring. People are standing
up against authoritarian rule and demanding respect for
the fundamental values that underpin this very
institution. Autocrats who have failed to offer the
prospect of a better life in freedom and dignity have
been overthrown. Now, popular calls for reform in
Syria have been met with a violent response. We urge
the Syrian regime to respect the people’s legitimate
demand for democracy and fundamental human rights.
 In July, a new flag rose in Juba as we celebrated
the birth of a new State. Last Friday, President Salva
Kiir of South Sudan addressed us from this podium as
the leader of our newest Member State (see
). That became possible thanks, first and
foremost, to the vision and will of the people and
leaders of the Sudan and what is now the Republic of
South Sudan. However, it would not have been
possible without the active support of the international
community. That demonstrates the importance of
mediation and the settlement of disputes through
peaceful means.
 Yet, we know that peace is fragile. The
international community must coordinate its assistance
and align it with the priorities of the South Sudanese
Government. Outstanding issues must be settled
through negotiations. We must contribute to laying the
foundation for two viable States, so that they can both
live in peace.
 In Côte d’Ivoire and Libya, the United Nations
has once again proved its worth by addressing some of
the most challenging situations in the world. The
resolve shown by the Security Council on Libya has
reconfirmed its pivotal role in global governance and
international security — the role that Member States
bestowed on it through the United Nations Charter.
There are times when there is no alternative to the use
of force. When the Security Council acts, it is up to
us — the Member States — to put its decisions into
practice. Norway’s active participation in the military
campaign in Libya was, first and foremost, an
expression of our belief in a United Nations-led world
order and in the principle of the responsibility to
protect.
 The response to Libya was also a landmark in
terms of international justice. For the very first time, a
unanimous Security Council chose to refer possible
crimes against humanity to the International Criminal
Court. Combating impunity and promoting the rule of
law and fundamental human rights are key to the
prevention of conflict and the protection of civilians.
 Promoting and strengthening human rights and
gender equality are a common responsibility. Failing to
adhere to universally agreed principles in that area is
simply not acceptable. Investment in and
empowerment of girls and women so that they can
participate fully in the political and economic lives of
States are also essential for economic growth and
prosperity. There is fundamental evidence that States
that fail on that account and continue repressive and
discriminating gender policies will remain poor.
 Last year, we reconfirmed our commitment to the
Millennium Development Goals. We agreed to
accelerate our efforts. Last week, we received new
evidence of dramatic and positive breakthroughs in our
quest to reduce child mortality and maternal deaths.
Strong political leadership, new partnerships and

11-51681 20

innovative ways of working have brought real
progress. The Secretary-General’s global initiative
“Every Woman and Every Child” has been
instrumental in this respect. But further progress must
not be taken for granted. Norway will continue to focus
on women’s rights and promoting the role of women in
development. We will strongly oppose any efforts to
reverse progress. We must maintain our resolve to
implement the Beijing Platform for Action.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
have proven to be a formidable tool for improving the
lives of millions of people. Yet much remains to be
done. There are vast untapped resources within many
of the countries that are struggling to achieve the
MDGs. Broadening the tax base, making tax collection
more effective, halting illegal capital flows and
fighting corruption are all measures that must be fully
used in the fight against poverty. Getting that right will
also improve the social contract in countries emerging
from poverty or conflict. This is a responsibility that
lies firmly with individual States.
 With the climate conference in Durban only two
months away, we must all play our part in making it a
success. Implementation of the Cancun Agreements is
crucial. The Green Climate Fund must be made
operational. Durban should provide a roadmap that can
bridge the gap between Kyoto and a new and more
ambitious climate regime that includes all major
emitters.
 Today, 1.4 billion people lack access to
affordable and reliable electric power supplies. We
must combat climate change while promoting
development. The Secretary-General’s call for
sustainable Energy for All is therefore highly welcome.
Together with partner countries, Norway will launch a
new energy initiative this autumn. The purpose is to
boost sustainable energy generation and accelerate
change towards energy efficiency. New funding will
promote incentives for the energy sector in partner
countries. Such incentives will in turn attract fresh
capital for energy projects. We are determined to
ensure concrete progress in Rio on the access-to-
energy agenda.
 Now, 20 years after the United Nations first
Conference on Sustainable Development, the nations of
the world must renew the partnership for sustainable
development. Civil society and the private sector are
crucial in this partnership. Norway is committed to a
successful outcome of the 2012 United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development.
 Back in 1947, Norway voted in favour of the
establishment of two States in the former mandate of
Palestine in this Assembly. In 1949, we also heeded the
call in resolution 181 (II) to give sympathetic
consideration to an application by either State for
admission to membership in the United Nations. We
voted in favour of admitting Israel as a Member State.
We based our decision at that time on the declarations
and explanations provided by the Israeli delegation.
Israel had persuasively explained why recognition and
membership should not await resolution of the
outstanding issues regarding borders, refugees,
Jerusalem, and peace with neighbouring countries.
When it admitted Israel as a Member State, this
Assembly referred to those declarations and
explanations.
 Since then, Norwegian policy has been based on
the vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, living
side by side in peace and security. Norway has
consistently stood by Israel and its inherent right to
self-defence in accordance with international law. We
have also supported the Palestinian right to statehood
and the building of the Palestinian Authority.
 One of the main issues before this session of the
General Assembly is the Palestinian quest for
recognition. It is legitimate for the Palestinian people
to turn to the United Nations under the current
circumstances. This is neither incompatible with a
negotiation process, nor an expression of unilateralism.
Norway welcomes the call by the Quartet for
negotiations on a comprehensive agreement on the
outstanding final status issues to be completed within a
year.
 However, the situation on the ground is changing
in several ways. A few days ago, the donor support
group to the Palestinian Authority affirmed the success
of local institution-building. The performance of
Palestinian public institutions was scrutinized by the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the
United Nations. Their joint conclusion was that the
Palestinians are fully capable of running a State.
 On Friday President Abbas confirmed his
commitment to resolving final status issues through
negotiations. He also assured us of the Palestinian
Authority’s commitment to complying with the United

21 11-51681

Nations Charter, relevant United Nations resolutions,
democracy, the rule of law and human rights.
 The main obstacle to full institution-building
remains the occupation. Measures taken under the
latter are changing the shape of the territory in the
West Bank and East Jerusalem in ways that undermine
negotiations and may soon render the two-State vision
physically unattainable. The Security Council, the
General Assembly and the International Court of
Justice have all rejected the legality of such unilateral
changes.
 Both the Palestinians’ readiness for statehood and
the declarations and commitments they have made
should be acknowledged. Norway looks forward to
welcoming Palestine as a full Member of the United
Nations.
 It is vital that we continue to improve and
strengthen the United Nations, so that it can serve us
effectively in times of change. We, the Member States,
have not ensured sufficiently wide-ranging reforms.
We have not equipped the United Nations with the
resources needed to carry out the mandates we adopt.
We define noble objectives, only to undercut them in
the budgeting process. We continue to ask the United
Nations to do more with less. If that is what we want,
we must give the Secretary-General greater flexibility.
 At times, the vision of a United Nations that
delivers as one is undermined by our own interference
and insistence on pet projects, earmarking of funds and
cross-cutting, awkward and, on occasion, internally
conflicting financial reporting requirements.
Fragmentation does not begin at the United Nations. It
is a reflection of the priorities and actions of Member
States.
 Before I conclude, let me make one last remark.
We deeply regret that this podium has once again been
abused to promote extreme views and unfounded
allegations. This serves only to incite conflict rather
than to bridge differences. We will not give up the
authority of our presence in this Hall, but will rather
confront such attitudes from this podium. The purpose
of the general debate is to draw attention to current
challenges, express and share our views and lay the
basis for constructive dialogue.
 In a rapidly changing world, the United Nations
must be able to adapt to new challenges, new actors
and new geopolitical realities. As the Secretary-
General reminded us yesterday, with power comes
responsibility. After all, the United Nations is only as
good as the results it delivers. We are not judged by our
words, but by our actions.


First, I
would like to extend to Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser
and our brotherly country, Qatar, my sincere
congratulations on his election as President of the

11-51390 24

General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. We are
deeply confident that he will contribute actively to the
success of its work. I would also like to express my
gratitude and appreciation to Mr. Joseph Deiss for his
laudable and tireless efforts as President at the
preceding session of the Assembly.
 I take this opportunity to again congratulate
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment
to a second term. We are ready and determined to
provide all possible support to ensure the success of
the plan, to be announced in the coming weeks,
detailing his vision of the priorities of the Organization
over the next five years.
 On behalf of my country, Tunisia, I would like
also to welcome the sisterly Republic of South Sudan
to the United Nations and wish the new State
prosperity and progress and its leaders great success in
their noble mission.
 Allow me to pay tribute from this rostrum to the
memory of the martyrs and youths of Tunisia’s valid
and peaceful revolution, a revolution for freedom and
dignity that brought the Arab Spring to the world. This
historic event infused new hope into the conscience of
humankind, which yearns for justice and democracy
and places the highest value on freedom and human
rights.
 This spontaneous revolution — which had no real
political or ideological leadership and did not involve
any foreign intervention — has indeed succeeded in
putting an end to one of the most dictatorial regimes in
our region. The revolution exposed its practices and
those of similar regimes, which in their hysterical lust
for power blocked all political views, stifled freedom
of expression and deprived young people of their hope
for a better future, self-fulfilment and effective
participation in political, economic and social life.
 What happened in Tunisia is but the natural
outgrowth of decades of tension and frustration. At the
same time, it expressed the aspirations of its people to
live in dignity and freedom. It was a decisive turning
point in the country’s history that enabled us to regain
our natural place in the community of nations and
powers. It exemplified the strength of the common
human values of freedom, democracy, tolerance, equal
opportunities and respect for human rights, in all of
their aspects.
 Today, having removed all obstacles to its
political, economic, social and cultural progress,
Tunisia is at a turning point in its history and is on the
threshold of a new stage. It yearns for the
establishment of a genuine democracy, founded on
strong guarantees that uphold the people’s sovereignty
and enable them to exercise their rights and determine
their destiny in a political system that is truly
pluralistic and that enjoys peaceful transition of power,
in accordance with the objectives of the glorious
revolution and the faithful memories of our brave
martyrs.
 In seeking to achieve the goals of the revolution,
the provisional Tunisian Government has made every
effort to preserve all mechanisms needed to restore
stability and security in the country, ensure the
continuity of the State and its institutions and protect
the interests of all segments of society.
 We have therefore created the Higher Authority
for the Protection of the Revolution, Political Reform
and Democratic Transition. It brings together a range
of political views and orientations, as well as
representatives of civil society and national
organizations. It has been entrusted with drawing up a
road map to ensure a successful transitional period in a
consensus-based and harmonious atmosphere.
 The work of the Higher Authority, along with the
consultations it held with the various national parties,
resulted in a balanced and integrated plan of action
from the legal and practical perspectives. This strategy
will map out Tunisia’s political future in accordance
with the aspirations of its people for a democratic,
peaceful and quiet transition.
 The main features of this strategy were evidenced
in the interim President’s decision to suspend the
Tunisian Constitution, dissolve the two chambers of
Parliament and establish a provisional public
administration comprised of an interim President and a
provisional Government. This Government, whose
competence and integrity are well known, will be
responsible for running national affairs until a national
constituent assembly is elected. The latter will draft a
new constitution and establish a legal framework for
the upcoming transitional period and thereby gain
credibility in the eyes of the people.
 Important strides have thus been made in
preparations for the national constituent assembly
elections, to be held on 23 October. We will spare no

25 11-51390

effort to enable the Tunisian people to elect their
representatives in a popular, free, pluralistic,
transparent and fair fashion.
 We have established an independent higher
national authority to monitor the various stages of the
electoral process and have endowed it with the
necessary legal foundations and financial support so
that it can fulfil its mission independently and
effectively under the best possible conditions. This
highlights the fairness of our national approach and the
clear vision of the political actors involved.
 In that respect, it is worth recalling that for the
first time in its history, Tunisia has adopted by
consensus the principle of mandatory parity in its voter
registries. That will enable us to maximize the potential
of Tunisian society, men and women alike, and to
preserve the well-deserved position held so
competently by women in the fabric of Tunisian
society. My colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs
of the Netherlands, made a comment in that regard a
few minutes ago.
 In parallel with the progress made in the political
field, the provisional Government is pursuing its
comprehensive reforms in all sectors and fields.
Upholding human rights and protecting public
freedoms are the Government’s highest priorities.
 Tunisia believes deeply in the universal values of
solidarity, justice and international cooperation. In that
respect, we urgently appeal to the entire international
community, including Governments, international and
regional organizations and civil society activists, to
lend their support to our country’s efforts to repatriate
the assets stolen from the Tunisian people by the
former President and all of his family members and in-
laws. The Tunisian people have the right to those funds
and are in urgent need of them during this critical
period fraught with tremendous economic and social
challenges.
 Tunisia also calls on all States that have received
requests for extradition of persons involved in those
crimes to respond positively to those legitimate
requests. That will allow Tunisian justice to hold
accountable all those who committed crimes against
the Tunisian people, within the framework of a fair
trial that guarantees the rights of the defendant under
Tunisian law and international instruments.
 We thank the friendly, kindred countries that have
responded favourably to those requests. We hope that
all States will efficiently and swiftly respond to
Tunisia’s requests, pursuant to the noble principles of
international cooperation and solidarity and to ensure
that the values of justice, equality and fairness before
the law will be respected by all.
 The Government of Tunisia, with the support of
national and international economic actors, has
responded to the challenges generated by the delicate
post-revolutionary situation, including its negative
effects on our national economy. Humanitarian and
economic conditions related to the crisis in sisterly
Libya have further complicated the situation and
hampered our Government’s task. Creating jobs,
reducing the unemployment rate and eliminating social
and economic disparities have become major
challenges of the country.
 Tunisia has been endowed with many national
assets that will enable us to achieve our goals. We face
numerous challenges in our endeavours for a
democratic transition and for economic and social
development, including the economic recession, which
is apparent in certain areas. Therefore our country
remains in need of continuous support and assistance
from the international community.
 I would like to seize this opportunity to convey
my special thanks to the Group of Eight and the
international and regional financial institutions that did
not hesitate to support Tunisia’s democratic transition
and economic revival processes, especially within the
framework of the Deauville Partnership. I would also
like to thank United Nations bodies, regional groups
and friendly and sisterly countries for their precious
contributions, whether in assisting the successful
democratic transition or reducing the impact of the
economic crisis in Tunisia and its social repercussions.
 I also welcome the seminal efforts of States and
organizations alike for their assistance in responding to
the massive influx of hundreds of thousands refugees
into Tunisia following the events that occurred in
kindred Libya. Tunisia’s deep integration into its
regional and international surroundings is a top priority
for our foreign policy, which we are keen to develop
through good relations with all States and
organizations, based on cooperation, mutual respect,
good-neighbourliness and respect for common
interests.

11-51390 26

 Tunisia considers relations with its immediate
neighbours — the countries of the Arab Maghreb
Union — especially important. We reiterate our call for
resumed coordination among all of the Union’s
member States to initiate a new phase of promoting
integration through the establishment of durable and
joint institutions, mainly in development and the
economy, for the benefit of all of the peoples of our
region.
 In speaking of our Maghreb region, I take the
opportunity to pay tribute also to the kindred Libyan
people and to reiterate the warm respect and
congratulations of the Tunisian people for their
victorious revolution. It represents a crucial, historic
change in the region that will pave the way for the
emergence of a democratic political system in Libya.
Those developments will have a profound, positive
impact on Tunisian-Libyan relations and on the
establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union.
 As an Arab, Islamic and African country, Tunisia
remains proud and deeply attached to its various
origins. It will continue to support the political and
regional organizations and groupings of which it is a
member, as well as its economic and development
partnerships.
 Tunisia will remain faithful to mutual action
within the Arab forum and to supporting the issues of
concern to the League of Arab States, including the
cause of Palestine.
 Tunisia reaffirms its unwavering and principled
position in support for its Palestinian brothers and
sisters and for their request for full recognition as a
State Member of the United Nations, as expressed by
the President of the Palestinian Authority,
Mr. Mahmoud Abbas, before the Assembly this past
Friday (see ). Tunisia thus calls on the
international community to support the legitimate
Palestinian bid for full membership in the United
Nations, as well as its territorial integrity as an
independent State within legally recognized borders,
with the Holy City of Jerusalem as its capital. At the
same time, Tunisia strongly condemns the unjust
embargo imposed by Israel on the Gaza Strip and its
recent military aggression there, which resulted in
many innocent victims.
 While congratulating the kindred Egyptian people
for their young peoples’ successful revolution based on
their legitimate aspirations for freedom and dignity,
Tunisia expresses its hope that peace and stability will
be restored in Syria and Yemen in order to meet the
aspirations of their peoples for democracy, freedom
and reforms. In parallel, Tunisia reaffirms its rejection
of any attempt to exploit the situation in those two
friendly countries. Tunisia reiterates its call to end the
Israeli occupation of the Syrian Golan and the
remaining occupied Lebanese territories, in accordance
with international law.
 As an African country, Tunisia attaches particular
importance to its geographic position in the continent
and to its belief in the importance of geographic
integration and strengthened cooperation and solidarity
with the sisterly African countries. Tunisia remains
faithful to enhancing this belief while reaffirming
respect for the principles and objectives of the African
Union and its unwavering support for all initiatives
aimed at promoting development in the continent and
preserving its peace and stability and its capabilities.
 Given the strategic importance of its relations
with the European Union, Tunisia will further enhance
those relations with an eye to establishing a closely
knit partnership based on mutual respect and common
interests. Here, Tunisia expresses its hope that the
European Union and all of the friendly European
countries will be among the first to support the
Tunisian people and to assist them in the successful
implementation of their transitional phase in the
political, financial and economical sectors.
 Tunisia will also strengthen cooperation in its
relations with the countries and the peoples of the
Mediterranean under the Union for the Mediterranean.
 Our country attaches a particular importance also
to fostering its relations with Australia, Latin American
and the Asian countries, as well as with their major
regional groups, within the framework of an open and
balanced foreign policy approach aimed at establishing
a multifaceted partnership.
 Tunisia will strive to re-establish its position
within the United Nations in a way that reflects its
peoples’ awareness and aspirations as well as its rich
history and positive contributions in its international
relations. In that context, we highlight our commitment
to the principles of international law and international
legitimacy and call for launching the process of
reforming the United Nations, mainly through
enlargement of the Security Council’s membership in

27 11-51390

order to ensure permanent representation of the African
continent.
 Tunisia’s provisional Government welcomed the
convening by the General Assembly, in July 2011, of
the High-level Meeting on Youth and its outcome
document (resolution 65/312), which contains
important recommendations reflecting the aspirations
of young people throughout the world and based on the
awareness that unemployment had become a universal
phenomenon and thus one of the major challenges. We
reiterate our call to all concerned parties to develop a
global strategy to fight unemployment.
 While organizing the elections to the National
Constituent Assembly next October is a priority for our
country, we reiterate our adherence to regional and
international commitments and responsibilities. We
reaffirm our work, as a peace-loving country, for
international legality and to uphold the principles and
values of the United Nations. We are determined to
play an active and vital role in international relations,
in line with the aspirations of our people, who have
conducted a peaceful revolution to recover their rights,
freedom and dignity.


Allow me to congratulate
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of
the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
sixth session. Allow me also to commend his
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss, for his
capable leadership during the sixty-fifth session.
 I would like to begin my statement by thanking
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his historic visit to
Kiribati and Solomon Islands earlier this month. That
was the first time that a sitting Secretary-General
visited a Pacific island country, and it demonstrates his
commitment to addressing the needs of all countries,
no matter how small or remote. From my conversations
with the Secretary-General, I know he left the region
with a much clearer understanding of the special
challenges we face as small island nations. I look
forward to working with the Secretary-General on
finding ways for the United Nations system to be more
responsive to the unique and particular needs of small
island developing States (SIDS).
 While on his tour of the Pacific, the Secretary-
General observed that
 “Next month, the 7 billionth citizen of our world
will be born. For that child, and for all of us, we
must keep working to fight poverty, create decent
jobs and provide a dignified life while preserving
the planet that sustains us. That is why I have
said that the sustainable development agenda is
the agenda for the twenty-first century”. (see
SG/SM/13780)
 Sustainable development and poverty alleviation
have been the overriding priorities of my presidency
since I assumed office, in 2007. We have made great
strides domestically, but we will still fall short of our
ambitious goals until the international community
chooses to create an environment in which all countries
have the opportunity to realize their sustainable
development aspirations.
 Nauru’s culture and economy, like those of most
Pacific SIDS, are heavily dependent on a healthy and
productive marine environment. The ocean is the
foundation of our food security and is a major source
of Government revenue. It is for that reason that the
Pacific SIDS are calling for the next Earth Summit in
Rio to recognize the importance of the “blue economy”
to small island and coastal States. I would like to thank
Maldives, Australia and New Zealand, as well as the
Secretary-General, for standing with the Pacific SIDS
on this issue.
 We have identified three priority areas for the
Rio+20 outcome. First, we must enable SIDS to enjoy
a greater share of the economic benefits derived from
their marine and coastal resources. Secondly, we must
reduce, and eventually eliminate, overfishing and
destructive fishing practices. It is imperative that we
ensure that our fisheries are sustainable. Finally, we
must build up the resilience of coral reef ecosystems to
the impacts of climate change and ocean acidification.
Adopting our proposals would begin to create the space
needed for small islands to thrive.
 My Government is not sitting still while it waits
for the international community to act. This past
summer, Nauru’s application to the International
Seabed Authority was granted, which will enable my
country to engage in new and innovative ways to
generate economic growth and move towards aid
independence. Nauru is not endowed with terrestrial
resources, and therefore has chosen to look to the
oceans to expand its opportunities for economic and
social development.
 The proceeds from our exploration and
development of copper, nickel and manganese
resources will go to two fully Nauruan-owned funds,
one that supports education and training, and the other,
health and environment. This Nauru-controlled,
domestically driven initiative will adhere to the highest
international environmental standards.

15 11-51191

 The sustainable development challenges of SIDS
are widely recognized by the international community;
however, our success in addressing them has been
mixed at best. At last year’s High-level Plenary
Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals, it was
determined that progress for most Pacific islands had
been lagging in many areas. Targeted assistance to
address the unique and particular vulnerabilities of
SIDS is urgently needed. It is Nauru’s position that the
most effective way to accomplish this objective is for
the United Nations to recognize a formal SIDS
category, with dedicated support mechanisms.
 Unfortunately, all of our best efforts will have
been for naught if we do not take immediate action to
address climate change. As Pacific island leaders
recognized earlier this month, climate change
represents the single greatest threat to the livelihoods,
security and well-being of the peoples of the Pacific.
 The seventeenth Conference of the Parties to the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change, to be held in Durban, must make significant
progress towards a comprehensive, legally binding
agreement that can ensure the survival of all nations.
The parties must agree to a second commitment period
under the Kyoto Protocol, so that new commitments
are in place by 2013. The parties must also
operationalize the agreements reached at Cancún,
including more ambitious mitigation commitments and
actions, the operationalization of the new Green
Climate Fund, and a mandate to conclude a new legally
binding agreement based on the work of the Ad Hoc
Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action.
 Climate change threatens to undo all of our recent
development gains if the major biggest polluters
continue down the path of business as usual. Some
Pacific islands may disappear entirely. It is an
unfortunate reality that there is so much carbon in the
atmosphere that many of the negative impacts of
climate change may now be unavoidable. For that
reason, Nauru applauds the recent open debate in the
Security Council on climate change. While the final
presidential statement was not as strong as we had
hoped, it clearly recognizes the threat posed by climate
change to international peace and security and lays the
foundation for future work by the Council on the issue.
 Few countries doubt the connection between
climate change and security, but there is still
disagreement as to the way forward. Allow me to
reiterate the proposals of the Pacific SIDS.
 First, the Secretary-General should appoint a
special representative on climate and security to
analyse the projected security impacts of climate
change, so that the Council and Member States can
better understand what lies ahead. Secondly, the
Secretary-General should assess the capacity of the
United Nations system to respond to the likely security
impacts of climate change, so that vulnerable countries
can be assured that it is up to the task. These two
proposals represent the absolute minimum necessary to
prepare for the greatest threat to international peace
and security of our generation.
 The Security Council must grapple with the most
urgent security threats of our time if it is to remain
relevant. Likewise, it should evolve along with
emerging geopolitical realities and become more
representative and inclusive. It is for this reason that
Nauru supports an early reform of the Security Council
through an enlargement of both the permanent and
non-permanent categories and an improvement in its
working methods.
 We believe very strongly that new members
should be geographically diverse. However, it is
equally important that aspiring members demonstrate
their commitment to addressing the most urgent
security issues facing all Member States. As an
example, I would like to highlight Germany’s bold
leadership of the Security Council this past July, when
it took the politically courageous decision to host the
open debate on climate change. As I said earlier,
climate change is the overriding security threat facing
the Pacific region, and Germany’s efforts will not be
forgotten.
 In a similar vein, the United Nations should
ensure that all citizens of the world have the
opportunity to participate in its activities. We cannot
continue to ignore the more than 23 million people
who live in Taiwan, who have repeatedly demonstrated
that they are a nation committed to peace and regional
cooperation. We therefore support enabling Taiwan’s
meaningful engagement in connection with the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
and the International Civil Aviation Organization.
 The recent renaming of the Group of Asian
States, to the Group of Asia and the Pacific Small
Island Developing States, is a welcome change that

11-51191 16

exemplifies the inclusivity that should characterize all
aspects of the United Nations system. I commend the
Group for having taken this symbolic step and
recognizing the 20 per cent of the membership that
resides in the Pacific Ocean region.
 However, we must move beyond symbolism to
concrete action that addresses the actual concerns of
small and vulnerable countries. Once again, I implore
the Assembly to support the appointment of a special
representative on climate and security for the benefit of
the many nations around the world for whom climate
change is a grave and, in some cases, existential threat.
 My Government is preparing for a new challenge.
In 2012, Nauru will assume the chairmanship of the
Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS). I would like
to recognize the Government of Grenada for its
inspirational leadership and able execution of a
supremely difficult task.
 I am humbled by the trust placed in us by our
fellow AOSIS colleagues and have no illusions
regarding the enormity of the challenges that lie ahead.
We are entering a period in history when countries are
turning inward, despite decades of evidence that
cooperation is the surest path to prosperity. We must
resist the urge to engage in zero-sum politics and
recommit to the principles of multilateralism enshrined
in the United Nations Charter. Durban will be the next
opportunity to embark on a more sustainable path and
create a world we are proud to leave for future
generations. We should not let this opportunity slip
away.
 For years, leaders in the Pacific have implored
the peoples of the world to come to our islands and see
the impacts of climate change for themselves. The
Secretary-General answered our call, and now he truly
understands the urgency of our situation.
 Earlier this week, he spoke of a little girl named
Tamauri he met while in Kiribati (see ).
Frightened by the rising tides around her islands, she
asked what the United Nations could do to help her
people. She is not alone. The children in all of our
countries — Cook Islands, Fiji, Micronesia, Palau,
Papua New Guinea, the Marshall Islands, Niue, Samoa,
Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu and my own,
Nauru — wonder whether they will have a future. I
look forward to working with the Secretary-General to
meet the challenge of the climate crisis so that we can
tell them that they no longer need to be afraid. May
God bless the Republic of Nauru and may God bless
the United Nations.