I wish first of all, on behalf of my delegation and speaking personally, to convey to Ambassador Samir S. Shihabi my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. Our joy is matched by our great pride at seeing him presiding over this important session, which is taking place at a time when both the cold war and the Gulf War have ended. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Djibouti not only are Arab nations with friendly relations, but also share the same world vision. It. goes without saying that Ambassador Shihabi's vast experience, diplomatic skill and just view of international problems make him a true leader who can guide us through a constructive and productive session. I take this opportunity to convey to his predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malta, our appreciation for the outstanding statesmanlike qualities he displayed during his tenure.
As the term of Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar draws to an end, it gives me great pleasure to pay him a sincere and respectful tribute for having succeeded with such talent in his difficult international mission. His tolerance, his tenacity, his discretion and his modesty deserve our admiration. He has earned our respect and gratitude with his mediation in ending the Iran-Iraq conflict and in calming hotbeds of tension such as Afghanistan, Western Sahara and, most recently. Central America. Despite serious obstacles, he has always worked to find lasting solutions to numerous thorny conflicts while seeking at the same time to make the international community aware of omissions and inadequacies in development programmes.
We are happy also to welcome the admission of new Members to the great United Rations family. The historic changes on the international political scene no doubt made a large contribution to the admission of those countries. Our warmest congratulations go to the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republics of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
Last year at this time Iraq's rash and destructive adventure, the invasion of Kuwait, was in the forefront of international politics. A sovereign State had been the victim of the unbridled ambition of a more powerful neighbour. The Iraqi invasion flouted the fundamental principle of non-aggression. The sad consequences of that aggression are felt in Kuwait no less than in Iraq: there has been major material destruction and enormous loss of life, and millions have become refugees. This remains a destabilizing element in that region.
We warmly and sincerely congratulate the Emir and the Government of Kuwait, whose legitimacy and sovereignty have been restored.
With the disastrous experience of the Gulf War, it has become increasingly urgent that we redefine the role of the United Nations in the search for solutions to conflicts. To formulate a more just system of international security to maintain international peace and stability, the United Nations must give serious thought to a regional system of collective security, to conciliation and mediation and to ways of ensuring that the system survives. To that end, there must be multilateral diplomacy to settle the old economic and political problems. If necessary, the Organization must take preventive diplomatic action. To attain its lofty purposes, the United Nations must reflect on the concept and implementation of a global peace process in line with the Charter purposes: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" and "to maintain international peace and security".
During the last four decades the world has been subjected to super-Power rivalry in a fierce cold war. The collapse of communism and the end of its totalitarian ideology offer new opportunities to reduce tensions and promote democracy, human rights and individual freedoms.
We are genuinely pleased to see the beginnings of an era of mutual trust among States. The arms-reduction Treaty signed in July by the two super-Powers and the proposals recently announced by United States President Bush, and the Soviet response to those proposals, are leading towards reductions in weapons of mass destruction, thus making a meaningful contribution to the cause of international peace and security. But we must follow carefully events in the Soviet Union. Recognition of the sovereignty of the Baltic States and declarations of independence by other States presage the disintegration of the old Soviet empire.
The Horn of Africa is a region that suffers from chronic drought and famine- Today it is ravaged by ethnic and civil conflicts. In that part of the continent 10 million people each day are hungry.
Recent events in Ethiopia and in Somalia have created tens of thousands of new refugees in the region. The Republic of Djibouti alone provides refuge to 85.000, which is an enormous number given the size of our population. Despite its limited resources, Djibouti is doing its best to help those refugees, but they are more and more becoming a burden for a country whose socio-economic structures are already sorely tried. While keeping our borders open to populations at risk, we are still trying to find lasting political solutions to the problems of our neighbours. We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General, who has made several urgent appeals to the international community to help those countries that are afflicted by the double scourge of constant drought and civil war.
To put an end to all of this suffering - at least the suffering caused by man - it is essential to demonstrate political will. An authoritarian and bloodthirsty regime which encouraged tribal rivalry plunged Somalia into chaos and called into question its very existence. As The Economist stated recently on the subject of Somalia, "the Government, if we take Government to mean a stable bureaucracy and a state of law, no longer exists". The tribal division inherited from the Siad Barre government, economic collapse, anarchy and the spectre of famine, are haunting Somali society today. To all of these tragic elements can be added the fact that the northern part of Somalia is threatening to secede, thus jeopardizing the country's unity.
Faithful to our policy of conciliation and respect for human life, our President, El Badj Gouled Hassan Aptidon, appealed to all the movements and factions involved in the war to come and meet in Djibouti. After a preparatory conference, six of those movements participated in a second conference held in Djibouti from 15 to 22 July. Observers from 30 countries and international organizations took part in the conference. The peace agreement signed at Djibouti is at present the only viable framework for the restoration of peace, national reconciliation and the establishment of a democratic process.
The collapse of the old totalitarian regime should give all Somalia - whether from the north or the south - an opportunity to rebuild the country on new bases, thus responding to the true aspirations of the Somali people.
As to the form the future State of Somalia should take, it is up to the Somalia to find the political and institutional framework that suits them best - unity or a friendly separation. Caution must be exercised since the decision could have serious consequences. We voice the hope that the feeling of belonging to the same community will emerge strengthened from this trial.
We wish to see peace established, not only for humanitarian and fraternal reasons, but also because of the objective realities. The stability and economic development of Djibouti are very closely linked to stability and peace in the region.
The tragic situation in Somalia leads us to believe that international action, similar to that undertaken by the Security Council to put an end to the fighting in Yugoslavia, would be desirable so that the nation of Somalia does not disappear completely.
I am pleased to inform the Assembly that a transitional government of national union has now been formed in Somalia. The new prime minister expects to address the General Assembly at this session.
He must also mention the sacrifices made by the people of Djibouti for the brotherly people of Somalia during the regime of Siad Barre and also since the fall of that regime.
The peace process in the Middle East, which was blocked for a long time because of Israeli intransigence, seems to be taking off again thanks to the far-reaching changes in the international political situation and the tireless efforts of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, who has been remarkably persevering in the face of Israeli obstinacy.
After the cease-fire in the Gulf War, President Bush promised to create new opportunities for peace and stability it the Middle East. On 6 March 1991, he told Congress that his commitment to peace in the Middle East would not stop at liberating Kuwait. President Bush confirmed his attachment to global peace based on the principle of "land for peace", a guarantee of the security of Israel and a guarantee of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
All of these hopes simply collapsed because of the demands made by Israel, which wishes to establish and control the schedule or timetable for any talks. It also wants to impose arbitrary and restrictive conditions in order to prevent any legitimate representation of the Palestinian people in general, and of the population of East Jerusalem in particular.
Israel must accept the principle of land for peace. It must recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to create their own State.
The international community must shoulder its responsibilities and deal with the settlement policy in the occupied Arab territories.
Not so long ago, we were all asking if De Klerk would be the instrument for change that South Africa needed, and today we are witnessing irreversible changes, in particular, the complete dismantling of the apartheid system. We pay a tribute to the courage of two outstanding individuals. Nelson Mandela and Frederik de Klerk, without whom this would not have been possible. However, although significant, the initiatives of De Klerk do not quite measure up to the hopes of the black majority. The draft constitution proposed by the National Party on 4 September 1991 contains many positive elements although some of the provisions seem intended to prevent the black majority from actually exercising power.
Under the De Klerk proposal, 30 million black Africans would have the right to vote, but a white minority would have a right of veto on major political decisions. The creation of a collective presidency and council of ministers seems designed simply to prevent the rules of the majority from operating and, apparently, seeks to preserve the privileges of the white minority.
We believe that the proposal can serve as a basis for negotiations which will lead to the establishment of a democratic and non-racial State; and the peace plan approved by the two main black movements will, we trust, put an end to the violence between rival factions and establish some kind of trust.
May I add bow enthusiastic I am about the peace process initiated by the United Nations with a view to a political settlement of the conflicts in Cambodia, Afghanistan and Western Sahara. The search for lasting solutions will, of course, meet with many obstacles, but we are confident and encouraged by the good will that has been shown by the various parties with a view to achieving genuine reconciliation.
Africa is suffering from stagnation and unending poverty. Most countries lack the institutions and the resources necessary to have any significant impact on efforts to reduce poverty. As one African stated: "Everywhere in Africa you simply see death and devastation." All of the economic indicators - growth, world trade, direct investment and industrial development - are falling while debt and the population are continuing to increase. He must not forget the human suffering that is not shown in these figures. This suffering is aggravated by general instability and the civil wars which are raging in various parts of Africa. Our continent needs	significant external aid to try to reduce poverty, wretchedness and famine. We are aware of the need for structural reform so that we move to a market economy and we are also in favour of the political reforms that are needed. We want to have governments that are responsible to their peoples and able to meet their wishes.
With the emergence of a positive international climate, Africa's claims must be considered. Africa is seeking its place here in the United Nations. It has tirelessly served the cause of peace and has sought to promote the ideals of the United Nations with devotion, and yet there has never been an African Secretary-General of the United Nations since it was founded. Now a new world order is being established on the basis of greater justice and equality, and we would express the hope that an African candidate may become Secretary-General.
Another issue of concern to my delegation is the environment. The developing countries are even more likely to see their environment deteriorate because they are threatened by the double challenge of poverty and population pressures. Lasting economic growth cannot be conceived of if the environment is not protected, for the developing countries are dependent on their natural resources, such as the earth, the water and the forests. Those countries therefore need significant outside financing in order effectively to protect the environment. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992, will make it possible for us to reach international agreements enabling us to protect our common future.
Before concluding, I should like to reaffirm the devotion of the Republic of Djibouti to the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We have a vital interest in peace and in respect for human rights. These principles also underlie my country's foreign policy, based on wisdom and pragmatism.


It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you my congratulations and those of the Indonesian delegation on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. He are gratified that the stewardship of this session has been entrusted to a seasoned diplomat and an eminent representative of a fraternal Asian country with which Indonesia has always enjoyed traditionally close and friendly relations. Your elevation to your high office is both apt recognition of your personal qualities and a reflection of the enhanced role and stature of Saudi Arabia in world affairs.
To your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco, I should like to convey our deep appreciation and respect for the excellent manner in which he directed our work during a very eventful year. It is with a sense of genuine satisfaction that Indonesia welcomes the accession of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to full membership in the United Nations. We believe that this decision will contribute to bringing their shared aspiration to unification closer to realisation. Let me also add my sincere felicitations to our near neighbours in the Pacific, the Republic of the Marshall Island and the Federated States of Micronesia. Indonesia looks forward to fostering close and mutually beneficial relations with them. We are equally pleased to welcome Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in our midst and to congratulate them on having deservedly regained their rightful place in the ranks of sovereign nations.
We are at a unique juncture in history, a moment of both opportunity and challenge as never before presented to us since the end of the Second World War.
The momentous transformation of East-West relations has brought an end to the cold war, thus releasing human and material resources which for so long were tied down in ideological rivalry, bloc politics and confrontation. The fundamental changes and powerful new trends currently permeating the global scene have given rise to revived hopes for a new era in international relations, greater peace and more equitably spread prosperity in the world.
The past year has seen the further consolidation of major-Power rapprochement and cooperation, including efforts towards the resolution and defusing of regional conflicts and tensions. A renewed confidence in the efficacy of multilateralism in addressing global problems has resulted in a welcome re-vindication of the value and role of the United Nations. On the erstwhile dangerously divided continent of Europe, the processes of coalescence and integration have gained further momentum. Concurrently, deepening interdependence and globalization in the world economy are
propelling the need for more rational, equitable and mutually beneficial cooperation between nations.
Yet it is obvious that transformed East-West relations alone have not removed, and cannot be expected to remove, all incidences and causes of conflict is the world. The recent Gulf crisis and the complexities in dealing with its aftermath are a poignant reminder of the fragility of the present international security situation.
The bright prospects and opportunities implicit in the improved global political climate continue to be sharply contrasted with the emergence of new, and the persistence of old, problems, unprecedented challenges, pervasive uncertainties and unresolved inequities. Simmering tensions and violent conflicts, ethnic strife and religious contention still plague many regions and countries of the world. The last vestiges of colonialism and institutionalised racism have yet to be erased from the fabric of inter-State and inter-personal relations. The trend towards integration among States is simultaneously accompanied by deeply disturbing phenomena of disintegration of States and of societies, in Europe as well as in various parts of the developing world.
The positive transformations in the political domain have yet to find their corresponding reflection in the economic sphere, where unrelieved disparities and unacceptable injustices continue to aggravate North-South relations. Thus it would appear that the world is still uneasily suspended between old concepts and new realities and the perceived battle-line still drawn between the threatened privilege of the rich and the threatened survival of the poor.
The dawning of a new era in international relations has led to renewed hopes of constructing a new system of global governance and a new world order
of stable peace, common security and sustainable development. But if the pursuit of this objective is to achieve legitimacy and acceptance by the International community as a whole, then it cannot but be based on the recognition of the United Nations as its centrepiece. Such a new international order must be firmly rooted in the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter and organised on the precepts of universality and sovereign equality, encompassing all nations - large and small, strong and weak, alike. For it is only through equitably shared responsibility and a joint commitment to global cooperation and solidarity that we can hope to manage the massive changes that are at present transforming international relations. Moreover, lasting peace and stable security cannot be achieved unless the concept of security itself is expanded to embrace such non-military threats as structural underdevelopment and mass poverty, large-scale unemployment and cross-border migration, resource scarcity and severe environmental degradation.
In short, if we are to build a viable new world order, then its architecture and management must  be comprehensively conceived and not be  made dependent on the military and economic might of individual countries or groups of countries. It should be a new world order dedicated to peace as well as justice, to security as well as development, to democracy both within and among States, and to the promotion of the fundamental rights of nations as well as of the individual human being.
The changing patterns of relationships between the major Powers will inevitably lead us towards a new, global security environment, no longer anchored in the bi-polarism of East-West contention, but much more complex in its mutual interactions and, for some time to come, less predictable in its evolution. The transitional period can therefore be expected to be marked by
inherent fluidity and instability. In these conditions, the need to redouble efforts in the field of arms limitation and disarmament assumes added importance and urgency.
We are encouraged by the substantive progress that has been made since last year. We welcomed the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, although we realize that the restraints embodied in it are still confined to but one, albeit vital, region of the world. We likewise welcomed the strategic arms agreement reached last month between the United States and the Soviet Union, mandating a substantial reduction of their nuclear arsenals. China and France have now signified their readiness to adhere to the non-proliferation Treaty, thus removing one of its major shortcomings. The Amendment Conference of the States Parties to the partial test-ban Treaty, held last January, provided a timely boost to efforts to attain the commonly agreed objective of a complete cessation of nuclear testing, and the process is continuing.
The enlarged opportunities now presented to us by the changed global environment should therefore be seized, and sustained efforts need to be deployed to accelerate progress on the priority issues on the disarmament agenda. These include: continuing reductions in nuclear weapons to levels of reasonable sufficiency, as an intermediate step towards their ultimate elimination; the achievement of a treaty banning all nuclear tests by all States in all environments; the prohibition of all weapons of mass destruction; the speedy conclusion of a comprehensive chemical weapons convention; strengthening the effectiveness of the biological weapons Convention; and curbing the excessive build-up and transfer of conventional armaments, taking into account the legitimate security needs of States and involving both supplier and recipient countries.
Of equally acute concern in the fact that in step with the rapid advances in science and technology, new, more destructive and sophisticated weapons continue to be added to the arsenals of nations even as their numbers are being reduced. It is for this reason that Indonesia has repeatedly stressed the urgent need to address the qualitative aspects of the global arms race. It has been generally acknowledged that the weapons of the future will be more destabilizing, impart greater vulnerability, increase the possibility of war and further complicate efforts to reverse the arms race. Thus, the centrality of technological innovation is pertinent, not only to the qualitative arms race but to international security as well.
While globally a spirit of conciliation prevails, focal points of tension end conflict regrettably persist, notably on the continents of the developing world. Although the imposition of super-Power contention onto these conflicts has now practically disappeared, and antagonists are showing greater receptivity towards dialogue and negotiation, the pace of progress in resolving these conflicts remains slow and uneven.
Armed hostilities in Afghanistan continue, despite the encouraging developments that have recently occurred in the search for a negotiated settlement. The joint decision taken by the United States and the Soviet Union to cease arms supplies to the warring parties was welcome and timely but unfortunately did not stop the fighting. My delegation believes that at this juncture the five-point proposal of the Secretary-General could serve as a useful basis for the initiation of an intro-Afghan dialogue, leading towards the establishment of a broad-based government within a sovereign, independent and non-aligned Afghanistan.
On the question of Cyprus, a definitive solution remains elusive despite unremitting efforts to arrive at least at a mutually acceptable outline of an overall agreement. We hope that the projected quadripartite, high-level talks between Turkey, Greece and the leaders of the two Cypriot communities will still materialise in the near future and bring us closer to a settlement based on the concept of a bicommunal and bizonal federation.
In South Africa, such legislative pillars of apartheid as the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act and the Land Act have been finally torn down. Notwithstanding these laudable developments, the fundamental basis of the apartheid system, particularly its undemocratic Constitution, is still in place and the process of negotiation towards its replacement needs to be accelerated. We are also deeply concerned at the unabated inter-factional violence for which the Pretoria regime must be held accountable. Any lifting of sanctions, therefore, should be deferred until the course of fundamental change towards the establishment of a democratic, non-racial South Africa, based on universal suffrage, has become irreversible.
The traumatic crisis that has enveloped the Persian Gulf since August of last year has served as a stark reminder of the volatility of the international security situation, despite major-Power detente. Indonesia is deeply saddened by the extent of the devastation, in terms of the loss of life, the immense suffering and material destruction caused by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and by the multinational war subsequently waged to redress it. We wholeheartedly welcomed the restoration of Kuwait's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and of its legitimate government. But now the international community faces the task of addressing the complex ramifications and problems of the post-war period, including the humanitarian aspects. In this task the United Nations has a vital role to play and it must return to centre stage in healing the wounds of war and in restoring stable peace and security on the basis of all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding the entire Middle East region.
The explicit rationale for the Gulf war was to preserve international peace and security and to ensure full compliance with Security Council decisions. It is now time for these standards to be equally and consistently applied to the wider, underlying problems of the region which for so much longer have made the Middle East the powder keg of the world.
We must now turn our urgent attention to the larger issues that have always been at the core of agonizing conflict and enmity in the region, namely, the legitimate struggle of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole and legitimate representative, to secure their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence in their own homeland; the withdrawal of Israel from all illegally occupied Palestinian and Arab lands, including Jerusalem and the Syrian Arab Golan; and the wider security aspects and needs of all countries of the region.
Israel has now adopted an even more rigid position towards any effort to achieve a peaceful and just resolution of the conflict. In this regard, Indonesia welcomes the current initiative undertaken by the United States to start a restricted peace conference on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the principle of land for peace, and we note the constructive response by the Arab countries directly concerned. However, we do have serious misgivings regarding some aspects of the proposed negotiating format, in particular Israel's arrogation of the right to determine the nature and composition of Palestinian representation. We continue to believe that ultimately the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, as called for by resolution 38/58 (C), remains the most viable negotiating framework within which all the essential elements for a just settlement could be comprehensively addressed. And to be comprehensive, such a solution should necessarily include the restoration of Syrian sovereignty over the Golan and the complete withdrawal of all Israeli occupation forces from southern Lebanon.
For the past two decades, Cambodia has been the scene of unending conflict and unspeakable human suffering and a source of continuing tension, turmoil and division in South-East Asia. I am deeply gratified to observe that the unremitting efforts to bring an end to the Cambodian tragedy have now reached the final stages.
Since September last year, the pace of the peace process has picked up dramatically, resulting in a number of decisive breakthroughs. As may be recalled, the framework document on a comprehensive political settlement, agreed upon by the five permanent members of the Security Council in August last year, was subsequently accepted in its entirety by the Cambodian parties and endorsed by the international community as a whole. With the support and active contributions of the five permanent members of the Security Council, the representative of the Secretary-General and the Co-Chairmen of the three Working Committees of the Paris Conference on Cambodia, Australia, Canada, India, Japan, Laos and Malaysia, the two Co-Chairmen of the Paris Conference on Cambodia then succeeded in elaborating this framework into a set of full-fledged draft agreements for a comprehensive political settlement. Through intensive negotiations, and at a series of meetings in Jakarta, Paris, Pattaya, Beijin, and lastly here in New York, the major contentious points in these draft agreements have now been resolved. Thus the way is open for their eventual adoption and signature at the reconvened Paris Conference.
Crucial in this process was the progress achieved within the framework of the meetings of the Supreme National Council (SNC) itself, under the astute chairmanship of His Royal Highness Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, which, above all, signified the affective functioning of the SNC and the start of the long-awaited process of national reconciliation.
Although soma delicate work in tying up loose ends still remains to be done, it can perhaps be said that at last we can see the light at the end of the tunnel - and this time it is not the light of an onrushing train! Indeed, the presence of Prince Sihanouk and the other members of the Cambodian SNC delegation at this session of the General Assembly is symbolic of this gratifying state of affairs, and we all share the sense of optimism he expressed in his statement before the Assembly yesterday.
Much of the credit should go, first and foremost, to the Cambodian leaders who have demonstrated wisdom and the capacity to put the higher interests of their nation before rancour, recrimination and revenge. But as one who, together with the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), has been so intimately involved in the long negotiating process, I should also like to pay tribute to France, as the indefatigable Co-Chairman of the Paris Conference, to the five permanent members of the Security Council for their decisive role and commitment, to the ASEAN countries for their constant support and solidarity, to our Secretary-General and his Special Representative for their invaluable contributions and dedicated perseverance, to all participants in the Paris Conference and indeed to all States Members of the United Nations for their unfailing cooperation and faith.
The past year also witnessed continuing change and transition in the international economy. But, as noted earlier, some of the positive developments that are taking place in the political sphere ere yet to be reflected in the economic domain.
Expectations that with the amelioration of East-West relations a substantial peace dividend could be reaped, to the particular benefit of the developing countries, have yet to materialize. Earlier hopes that at long last world developments were going to open up vast new opportunities for more-generalised economic progress were subsequently dashed by the outbreak of the Gulf crisis and its aftermath, with all its financial and economic implications.
The Uruguay Round, at its supposedly final meeting in Brussels in December of last year, utterly failed to arrive at a successful conclusion, thus portending increased protectionism and the continuation of severe imbalances and constraints in relations between the industrialised and the developing countries.
Increasing globalisation and the rapid advances in science and technology that are drastically altering the patterns of world production and economic and financial interchange indeed offer greater possibilities for common progress. Yet, at the same time they may well have a negative impact on the position of developing countries in terms of comparative advantage, in terms of trade and in terms of the international division of labour.
It is now also being recognized that the dramatic transformations in the Central and Eastern European economies and the formation of powerful economic groupings among developed countries could have both positive and negative effects on the growth prospects of developing countries. Thus, the elements of uncertainty and unpredictability in world economic developments tend to become even more pronounced. These adverse developments, coming on top of the crippling legacy of the decade of the 1980s from which most developing countries have yet to recover, have Inevitably compounded the difficulties and dilemmas confronting the developing countries, Of especially grave concern in this context is the continuing critical situation in Africa, where the economic and social deprivations of millions cry out for concerted action.
In the light of these realities, the need to forge a new global consensus and commitment to strengthen international cooperation, and especially to revitalise the economic growth and development of the developing countries, assumes poignant urgency. The sustained economic progress of the North is not possible without the economic growth of the South, for the fate and fortunes of both are now inextricably intertwined.
Durable peace cannot be built solely or primarily on the strength of weapons, but should be rooted in the solid bedrock of economic progress and social justice, both among and within nations. Neither can it be constructed on the shifting sands of uncertainty.
It is also obvious that the need to reactivate the North-South dialogue has now become more pressing than ever. But if we have learned from the frustrating experiences and the causes of prolonged stalemate in the past, such a reactivated dialogue should not any longer be cast in terms of "demands" on the part of the developing countries or mis-perceived as "charity" on the part of the advanced countries. Rather, it should be based on the imperatives of genuine interdependence, mutuality of interest and mutual benefit. Indonesia remains convinced that, despite the wide diversity in levels of economic development, needs and concerns, both the North and the South share a real and quantifiable interest in seeking open and equitable trading and monetary systems; In achieving stable primary-commodity markets at prices remunerative to producers and fair to consumers) in obtaining a comprehensive and durable solution to the debt crisis based on a development oriented approach; and in ensuring sustainable development through effective international cooperation in environmental protection.
The threat of irreversible environmental destruction and the resulting impact on mankind's well-being and on development have become a major global concern. Indonesia, which has always been fully supportive of the pressing need for environmental protection, believes that in this undertaking a balanced approach should be maintained. As an issue affecting the entire international community, it is imperative that environmental problems be addressed on the basis of equitably shared responsibility of all countries and that the issue not become a new bone of contention between the North and the South. Neither should it be made an added condition for cooperation in development. This calls for an unprecedented level of both national efforts and international cooperation, including the provision of additional financial resources and access to environmentally sound technologies to the developing countries.
Paradoxically, both affluence and poverty have contributed to environmental degradation. It is now being commonly acknowledged that past and present patterns of development in the industrialized countries have been a major cause of damage to the environment. On the other hand, for the developing countries, overcoming the problems of poverty and population pressures will be essential if they are to pursue environmentally sound and sustainable development. Indonesia deems it a blessing to be the custodian of vast, rich tropical forests, but at the same time it recognises its special responsibility. Indeed, we are doing our utmost, within our limited material and technological capabilities, to guard against their depletion and to preserve their diverse biological wealth. Ma should note, however, that not only tropical forests but also, for differing reasons, boreal and temperate forests are seriously threatened. Hence, in pursuing sustainable forest management that would allow for both their preservation and their economic utilisation, a global cooperative framework needs to be developed. We trust that the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Brazil next year will indeed adopt a comprehensive and balanced approach in addressing the broad spectrum of issues on its agenda, including those on climatic change and on hazardous and toxic wastes.
The protection of human rights has of late also become a subject of heightened International attention and concern. But the subject of human rights is, of course, not a new issue. Since 1948, with the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Organization has developed a growing corpus of covenants, conventions and other instruments which constitute an international bill of human rights and, in the process, commonly agreed conceptual perceptions, principles and procedures have emerged.
As we all know, two broad categories of human rights can be discerned, namely, civil and political rights, and economic, social and cultural rights. These in turn relate to the rights of the individual and the rights of the community, the society or the nation. The promotion and protection of all these categories of human rights is essential for the full realisation of human dignity and for the attainment of the legitimate aspirations of the individual as well as those of society as a whole.
Hence, human rights are indivisible and interrelated, and precisely because human rights are indivisible exclusive emphasis on one category over another cannot be justified. Assessments of the human rights performance of individual States can be made objectively only if all categories are taken into account.
Moreover, indivisibility also implies the need for a balanced relationship between the rights of the individual and those of society, or, put differently, the obligations of individuals to their community or society. Such a balance is critical, for its absence can land to a denial of the rights of the society as a whole and, indeed, can lead to instability and anarchy.
Basic human rights and fundamental freedoms are unquestionably of universal validity. However, it is also commonly agreed that their implementation in the national context should remain the competence and responsibility of each government, while taking into account the complex variety of problems, of diverse value systems and of the different economic, social and cultural realities prevailing in each country. This national competence not only derives from the principle of sovereignty, but is also a logical consequence of the inherent right of nations to their national and cultural identity and to determine their own social and economic systems.
I fully concur with the view of the Secretary-General, as stated in his annual report that:
"the principle of non-interference with the essential jurisdiction of States cannot be regarded as a protective barrier behind which human rights could be massively or systematically violated with impunity". (A/ 46/1 p. 10 second paragraph) But, as he also observes in the same report, "maximum caution needs to be exercised lest the defence of human rights becomes a platform for encroaching on the essential domestic jurisdiction of States and eroding their sovereignty. Nothing would be a surer prescription for anarchy than an abuse of this principle". (Ibid., p. 10. penultimate paragraph)
I therefore believe that in the promotion and protection of human rights the basic aim should be to cooperate in raising a common consciousness in the
International community and to encourage Improvements in the observance and protection of these rights, rather than to accuse, to sermonise or to engage in politically motivated campaigns. Me should not try to remake the world in our own image, but together we can make the world a more humane, peaceful and equitably prosperous place for all.
Indonesia has consistently endeavoured to adhere to the humanitarian precepts and fundamental human rights and freedoms as embodied in its State philosophy, the Pancasila. its 1945 Constitution, its relevant national laws and regulations, and its age-old culture. Internationally, and as a member of the Commission on Human Rights, Indonesia will continue to work vigorously to ensure that human rights are promoted and protected on the basis of universality, objectivity, indivisibility and non-selectivity.
Drug abuse and illicit trafficking in narcotics, both symptoms and causes of social degeneration, also remain items of major concern on national and international agendas. A global solution based on multilateral cooperation is now emerging. However, problems of drug abuse and other criminal activity will continue to thrive in an environment of socio-economic neglect and stagnation.
In the long term, it is development that offers the hope of successfully addressing social concerns and the opportunity to do so. The idea of convening a world summit for social development therefore merits our serious consideration: it not only would elevate such important issues to the centre of world attention, but would also allow socio-economic questions to be addressed comprehensively.
Efforts at reforming the United Nations have been going on from the very first years after its inception, but, more recently, in the new post-cold-war climate, there has been a marked resurgence of interest among the international community in making the world body more affective and more democratic in performing its central functions and in fulfilling the original purposes for which it was created. In this connection, many proposals have been put forward by eminent experts on the subject as well as by various non-governmental organisations. Within the United Nations itself, a number of reforms have already been implemented with a view to improving soma of its structures and procedures.
It is clear, however, that more needs to be done if we are to make the United Nations the main instrument of global governance in the new era in international relations that is emerging. The improved relations between the major Powers, as manifested in, inter-alia, the new cooperative spirit among the permanent members of the Security Council, present us with a timely opportunity to reconstruct the Charter concept of collective action for peace and security and to fashion it into a workable and effective system of collective security.
Towards this end, the Security Council should be given a broadened mandate and an enlarged agenda so as to enable it to deal with non-military threats to peace and security as well. In addition, the Security Council, in cooperation with the Secretary-General, should develop a capacity for preventive, or anticipatory, diplomacy. In this respect, the Council could convene periodic meetings at a high political level to survey the world scene, identify potential conflict situations and initiate discussions and measures before such situations reach the point of crisis or armed conflict. There is also a widespread feeling that there should be closer coordination and synchronization of actions between the Council and the General Assembly on issues affecting the fundamental interests of the entire international community.
A number of proposals have also been made with regard to the functions of the Secretary-General, in particular for a more active role In monitoring and in bringing potentially dangerous situations to the attention of the Security Council within the framework of Article 99 of the Charter. For this purpose, it is widely felt that the Secretary-General should be provided with an improved capacity for gathering timely, accurate and unbiased information.
At the same time, the authority and role of the Economic and Social Council should continue to be strengthened so as to enable it to perform the function originally envisaged by the Charter, namely, to provide overall direction and guidance to Member States and the relevant bodies and agencies within the United Nations system within the framework of its task of policy formulation and coordination in the economic and social fields.
It is undeniable, however, that all efforts to enhance the role and improve the functioning of the United Nations will come to naught unless underpinned by the commensurate commitment and support, including financial support, of all Member States. The United Nations can only be as effective as its Members will allow it to be and can only succeed if its Members are committed to make it succeed. If Member States continue to use this forum to pursue narrowly conceived interests rather than utilise it as a collective instrument to solve global problems and achieve shared goals and if the nations of the world continue to be torn by conflict and afflicted by mutual mistrust, intolerance and prejudice, then the international bodies they set up can hardly be expected to rise above these shortcomings. Viewed from this perspective, perhaps the more relevant observation to make about the achievements of the United Nations so far is not that it has failed to realize so many of its stated objectives but that, despite inherent limitations, it has nevertheless accomplished so much.
It is also in this light that I should like to take this opportunity to express Indonesia's profound appreciation and indebtedness to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the wisdom, dedication and consummate skill with which he has guided the work of the Organization during the past decade. In a world of constant turmoil and conflict, he has steered the Organization towards becoming the central point for conciliation and concordance. In laying the groundwork and in sustaining efforts towards finding peaceful and just solutions to the various conflict situations around the globe, much of the credit should go to the United Nations and to the Secretary-General. Rather than the alarming erosion evident when the Secretary-General first assumed office, we now witness a robust renewal of faith in the role of the United Nations as the unique, multilateral framework for a new, revitalised international order. The reforms he has instituted and the many proposals ha has made on the restructuring of the role and functioning of the United Nations system provide us with a visionary and, at the same time, practicable blueprint for the dynamic adaptation of this world body to the requisites of a rapidly changing world. It is now for us fully to utilize the inherent potential of the Organization in collectively promoting our shared aspirations for a just peace, common security and equitable prosperity for all.


It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly particularly as your brotherly country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and mine, Syria, share ties of common history and kinship.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation of what your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, achieved in guiding the work of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We wish his friendly country, Malta, progress and prosperity.
It gives me great pleasure to express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our appreciation of the efforts he has been making for the establishment of peace and security in the world and the promotion of the principles and objectives of the United Nations.
Syria welcomes the admission of both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to the United Nations. We are confident of their positive contribution in achieving and consolidating international cooperation and security, as well as progress and prosperity for the friendly people of Korea. In view o£ the Syrian Arab Republic's belief in the right of peoples to self-determination and the right of every people freely to choose their political system, Syria welcomes the admission of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia to our international Organization.

The major international developments which commenced in the mid-1980s have reached their pinnacle in recent months, thus opening a new chapter in contemporary political history. Although it is too early to make categorical judgements on the reasons underlying these developments and their far-reaching effects, it is clear that the main driving force behind them is the ascendance of peoples' desire to regain their freedom and independence and exercise the right to self-determination.
In this context, the world has witnessed radical changes in the States of eastern Europe. Germany has restored its unity and the three Baltic States have declared their independence. Change still continues in the Soviet Union and in Yugoslavia.
If tensions arise and acts of violence whose motivation are not related to national feelings or the right to the self-determination of peoples occur, they are in reality an expression of frustration and disappointment resulting from the failure to realize the aspirations of the peoples concerned, particularly with regard to their standard of living.
The lessons that can be gleaned at a national level from the outcome of these major changes is that freedom and bread are two basic needs for both individuals and society. They are indivisible; neither can be sacrificed for the sake of the other. The balance between bread and freedom constitutes the foundation of the balance between man's material and spiritual needs and the pillar of social peace.
On the international level, the most significant lesson is that people's right to self-determination is a driving force that cannot be curbed, that foreign occupation is bound to fail and has to be brought to an end and that the principles of international law and international legality cannot be ignored or dealt with through the adoption of double standards. Only on the basis of these firm principles can world peace be established. Syria, which is an important part of a nation, authentic in its history and civilisation, and which has for decades been facing continuous occupation and aggression, finds in these new international changes a historic opportunity to rectify those situations in our region that have gone awry, to clarify facts that have been distorted, to restore land that has been occupied, rights that have been usurped, and to participate in establishing a just and comprehensive peace in this region.
Israel has exploited the years of the cold war, and indeed encouraged it, to obtain the most enormous military and economic assistance in the history of international relations, under the pretext that it is the guardian of Western interests in the face of the Soviet tide and Communist infiltration in the Middle East. The programme of United States aid to Israel alone has exceeded the total value of the Marshall Plan for the whole of Europe. In contrast, the Arabs reaped nothing from the successive waves of the cold war - in which they had no say - but more Israeli occupation of their land and the establishment of Jewish settlements on that land, without any international deterrence.
The United Nations resolution equating zionism with racism was adopted as a result of Israeli occupation of Arab territories and Israel's continuing persecution of, and discrimination against, Arabs in all walks of life. The call for repealing the resolution requires, a priori, eliminating the substantive causes which prompted the United Nations to adopt it - that is, terminating the Israeli occupation of Arab lands and enabling the Palestinian people to enjoy their right to self-determination.
Throughout their long history, the Arabs never indulged in any kind of racial discrimination against any ethnic or religious minority which lived among them. For hundreds of years, Jews lived among Muslim Arabs during which time they never experienced any form of ethnic, racial or religious discrimination or oppression. On the contrary, they lived in grace and dignity to the extent that when the Arabs left Spain in the fifteenth century the Jews chose to leave together with the Arabs because they did not enjoy security or equality outside the Arab environment. The question that persistently poses itself is this: Whereas the Arabs treated the Jews throughout history with such complete tolerance, does the world register how much the Arabs have endured in racial discrimination and oppression during Israel's short history?
In spite of all this, the Arabs want peace, along with all nations of the world. What the Arabs want is the implementation of United Nations resolutions, no more and no less. However, the rulers in Israel resist peace efforts with all the power and influence they can muster here and there. Instead of abiding by the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations to which they owe their very existence, they cling to a futile ideology based on expansion and the uprooting of Arabs, and thus sow the seeds of hatred and bloodshed in the region.
It is a strange paradox that Israel should demand that the United States finance the building of the new settlements in the occupied Arab territories while at the same time it claims that it wants peace. Peace and the usurpation of the land of other peoples land cannot coexist. There is no doubt that this paradox will become clearer when the American taxpayer in particular discovers the reality of what the Israeli occupation has caused: about half a million Syrians uprooted from the cities of the Golan, people which to date have been unable to return to their homes; and a quarter of a million Palestinian refugees in Syria. Added to this, over 2 million Palestinians who continue to live in the diaspora and are denied the right to return to their homes and properties in which their fathers and forebears lived uninterruptedly for centuries. The question we have to ask is this: Is it fair to continue to ignore the right of return to those uprooted Arabs while large waves of Jewish immigrants continuously push to take their place and settle in a land that neither their fathers nor grandfathers ever lived in at any point in time? Does not this paradox simply reveal that double standards are being adopted? Worse still, does not this paradox encapsulate racist concepts negating the rights of the Arab individual?
The major obstacle in the way of the peace process at this point does not simply stem from Israeli preconditions vis-à-vis Palestinian representation and occupied Arab Al Quds for attending the peace process. Rather, it stems from Israel's narrow vision of the post-cold-war and post-Gulf-war era. Syria believes, together with the Arabs and the international community, that the post-cold-war and the post-Gulf-War era have opened the door to peace and offered an historic opportunity to achieve a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East based on international legality, resolutions of the United Hat ions, and the right of peoples to self-determination. As for Israel, it is sparing no effort in closing every door that may lead to peace. It is intensifying the building of settlements. Thus, it exploits the open door to intensive Soviet Jewish emigration, on the one hand, and the deep wound inflicted on the Arab nation by the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, on the other.
The official opening of a new settlement in the occupied territories by the head of the Israeli Government last week and his statement that the building of settlements will extend to the far horizon are unequivocal proof of Israel's intentions to sabotage peace efforts.
We in Syria, under the leadership of President Hafiz Al-Assad, are determined to engage in the battle for peace until the end. There will be no retreat from our stand, no compromise on our lands and rights. Our demands are legitimate and are supported by international law and by United Nations resolutions. Our cause is just and is supported by both our people and the international community at large.
Lebanon's restoration of its national unity, constitutional institutions and a large degree of its security and normal life is a source of great satisfaction to the international community, in general, and to my country, Syria, in particular.
Until recently, many prominent world politicians had believed that Lebanon, which had been engulfed in chaos, strife and bloodshed for the past 16 years, was a hopeless case to the extent that the word "Lebanization" in the political dictionary began to be applied to any intractable situation that faced any large or small country in the world.
The cooperation of my country with Lebanon, with which we enjoy bonds of kinship, history and common destiny, was a crucial factor that helped brotherly Lebanon recover from its plight, restore its sovereignty and integrity and resume its role in the Arab and international arenas.
What Lebanon now needs is resolute support by the world community that would, on the one hand, implement Security Council resolution 425 (1973), calling for the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from southern Lebanon and, on the other, contribute to Lebanon's reconstruction and rehabilitation.
As for the situation in Afghanistan, we believe that national reconciliation encompassing all Afghan parties would be the most favourable way to reach a solution acceptable to all sides in the conflict. In this context, we welcome the efforts to reach a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in accordance with the latest General Assembly resolution, the proposals of the Secretary-General and the recent joint Soviet-United States declaration.
With respect to the question of Cyprus, Syria, which enjoys historic ties of friendship with this neighbouring country, supports the efforts of the Secretary-General and the peace initiatives aimed at convening an international conference to be attended by all parties concerned in order to work out a solution to the Cyprus question, on the basis of United Nations resolutions, which would safeguard the unity of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity and the interests of all its citizens.
With respect to the situation in South Africa, the achievements made to date still fall short of the objectives to which the people of South Africa aspire. That is why the world community is called upon to continue exerting pressure on the Pretoria regime until all manifestations of apartheid are abolished, and the people of South Africa are enabled to exercise their right to self-determination.
The peoples of the world place great hopes in the United Nations, especially after the recent international developments and the end of the cold war. It is the hope of these peoples that the end of the cold war signifies the end of the paralysis that afflicted our international Organization.
We, in Syria, believe that the United Nations, with its Charter and principles, is a guarantor of international peace and security and of putting a definitive end to occupation and aggression. We also expect that the new international order to be just must express the aspirations of our peoples and must be established in the context of the United Nations, in accordance with its principles and Charter. We hope for a better tomorrow in which all the peoples of the world will enjoy freedom, justice, prosperity and peace.


The forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place in a spirit of true peace, tranquillity and security under the auspices of the international community, and the delegation of Equatorial Guinea intends to make its contribution to all Initiatives and suggestions that may emerge for the benefit of free and sovereign peoples.
I had the privilege of being the first speaker to congratulate Mr. Samir Shihabi on behalf of the African States. This time I should like, on behalf of the delegation of Equatorial Guinea, to congratulate him on his election to the presidency of the Assembly at this session. His great experience and diplomatic abilities are a sufficient guarantee of the success of our debates. His country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is well known not so much as a great country rich in oil resources but, rather, as a contributor to and faithful collaborator with the international community in respect of the implementation of the principles and ideals of the Charter of the United Nations, and as a country that cooperates in the development of the poorest and least advanced countries, including my own, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. Through him, I extend our congratulations to all the members of the Bureau, in the conviction that with their well-known ability they will contribute to solving our problems in the best possible way.
We express our warmest congratulations to his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, Vice Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Justice of Malta, and to the members of his Bureau for their outstanding work during the last session.
The previous speakers have expressed their highest regard for our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, a man of patience, determination and a deep sense of responsibility. His self-sacrifice and total dedication to the problems of the international community and the least-advantaged countries merit a high tribute from us, in recognition of the arduous, positive work which, with his great ability, has brought the United Nations to the position that it deserves in the service of mankind.
The delegation of Equatorial Guinea shares the sincere general feeling that Secretary-General Pires de Cuellar will remain in the hearts and minds of each of us as an example of someone who has carried out his duty.
The admission of seven new Member States to the United Nations is a unique event in the history of our Organisation. My country welcomes this development and congratulates all Members on their unanimous decision, which once again confirms the universality of our Organisation. We are happy to welcome the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea, countries with which Equatorial Guinea maintains good, close diplomatic relations. We are proud to have sponsored the respective resolutions on their admission. The simultaneous admission of the two Koreas is a good omen for a sincere, open dialogue that will lead to the peaceful unification of their peoples, as has been done so commendably by Germany.
We also welcome and congratulate the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, first on their return to the great family of independent, sovereign nations, and, secondly, on becoming Members of the United Nations.
We wish to express equally heartfelt congratulations to the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands and to extend a warm welcome to them.
We are going through one of the best periods in the history of our Organization, a time when, with the long cold war and ideological bipolarity behind us, we are beginning to enjoy relations in a climate of confidence and optimism. The rapid disappearance of totalitarian Governments and the beginning of the elimination of weapons of mass destruction are the clearest signs of this. They call on us to focus our attention on the point where we should have begun - recognition and re-evaluation of the human person as a free agent and the protagonist of history, concepts which were being devalued, forgotten and weakened by the emergence of incredibly sophisticated machinery of destruction. The international community's new awareness of the qualities of freedom, solidarity, security and development of the human person is above all an encouraging sign of the reconstruction of the world order and an urgent appeal to make a reality of the long-cherished dream of the human community.
I take this opportunity to express the strong indignation of my country and Government over the military action in Haiti which led to the overthrow of the first constitutionally and democratically elected President, in clear violation of the democratic order and in defiance of the United Nations and the entire international community. We appeal to the military to desist from its action and restore the constitutionally elected Government to power.
In my statement in the general debate at the forty-fifth session X said, with special reference to my Government's political programme to institute a multiparty system as an authentic expression of democracy:
"The fact that Equatorial Guinea still has only one political party is not a contradiction and should not be viewed as unwillingness to allow the popular will to express itself. Rather, it represents a preliminary educational and formative phase for the population to ensure that we do not repeat sorry past experience and that we mature in the process and interplay of democracy." (A/45/PV.21, p. 86)
We are now seeing a unique situation in the political history of Equatorial Guinea. The Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea, created in 1987 as an experimental test of democratic freedoms, with voluntary membership, adopted at an extraordinary session on 31 May this year a resolution recommending that that Government draw up a programme to open the door to a multiparty system. That resolution, confirmed by the first Extraordinary Congress of the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea, held in Bata from 2 to 6 August, has been accepted by the Government of Equatorial Guinea, which, to carry out that mandate, has prepared and adopted a short-term, medium-term and long-term plan. The President of the Republic, its Head of State and Government, submitted the three-part plan to the people on 20 September.
First, the short-term plan proposes the elaboration and promulgation of a set of laws and provisions to provide the legal framework to guarantee other political choices in the country, in an atmosphere of peace, tranquillity and political order, which has reigned in our country since 3 August 1979} revision of the Fundamental Law, as a necessary condition for the promulgation of the other provisions) and the formation and functioning of political parties.
Secondly, the medium-term plan proposes the creation by the Government of a climate for positive participation by the political parties that have been created in forming the country's elective organs on the expiry of the term of office of the present Legislature.
Thirdly, the long-term plan proposes the creation by the Government of a climate permitting positive participation by political parties at all levels, as provided for by law, for the consolidation of the pluralist system in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
The delegation of Equatorial Guinea is proud to inform the Assembly that the Commission appointed to deal with technical aspects of that programme has completed its work and reported to the Government, which in turn is now submitting it to the legislative body, the Chamber of Representatives of the People, for its study and approval,
The process of democratisation in Equatorial Guinea is not a haphazard matter, nor is it a result of foreign influence or pressure. Rather, it is born of a deeply felt need arising from the coherent programme of President Obiang Hguema Mbasogo, who, after taking power on 3 August 1979, decided to educate and train the population for a democratic system. Once national unity and reconciliation had been achieved he began the process of democratisation with the entry into force of the Fundamental Law of 1982 and the accompanying change from military government to civil and constitutional government. It is in that context that we must see the Government's efforts to restore peace, order and tranquillity in the country, while safeguarding fundamental freedoms and human rights.
Not content with recognizing, listing and defining those matters in article 20 and subsequent articles of the fundamental law, the Government also created instruments and control mechanisms for their full implementation. There was thus created the National Commission of Human Rights under Decree-Law No. 7 of 27 September 1990. That Commission has full independence and is absolutely free and impartial; it enjoys immunities and privileges in carrying out its functions.
It is from the same perspective that we must also see the coming into force of Law No. 4/1991 of 4 June, regulating the exercise of religious freedom in conformity with article 20, paragraph 5, of the Fundamental Law, which says: "Every person shall enjoy the right of freedom of conscience and religion, individually or collectively, in public or in private". The last pardon granted, on 3 August 1991, which emptied our national jails and closed their doors, confirms the political will to put into practice principles and ideals concerning the well-being of persons.
On various occasions we have stressed that democracy, understood as a political system permitting popular participation in public affairs, has no single or absolute model, but is rather a form of government based on and adapting itself to the realities and values of each country.
Hence, we note with sadness and a sense of powerlessness the emphasis with which the problem of human rights is dealt with here, disregarding what, in our view, should be given the highest priority. I refer to the extreme poverty, want, hunger and disease to which virtually more than half the people of the world are victim. If those problems were to be resolved, the human person would be the focus of development. We therefore resolutely support the Secretary-General's idea to convene a world summit on social development.
Preserving international peace and security and economic cooperation continue to be the common goals the organs of the United Nations should pursue with a view to achieving the best results. He should therefore strike a balance between the organs of the United Nations and greater participation by its Members. This is the way to achieve the democratisation of the United Nations, and thus respect for the will of the majority.
The delegation of Equatorial Guinea believes that just as the United Nations tackles social problems, it should also address environment problems, which are vital to our existence. Hence we are encouraged at the holding, in Brazil, of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development.
We believe that the time has come for the humanization achieved in the political sphere to be extended to the economic sphere. The linking of politics to the economy leads us to doubt that there will ever be genuine and lasting peace in the world. For the poor and least developed countries.
cancellation of the external debt appears to be the first - and inevitable - solution.
Since 3 August 1979, the date of the liberation of Equatorial Guinea from a gloomy and painful past, the reconstruction and economic recovery of the country have been among the major struggles waged by the Government. Many initiatives have been taken and many projects carried out. The holding of two Round Tables in Geneva in 1982 and 1988 form part of the process; their recommendations, and the consequent structural adjustments, have been implemented. But for a country seeking to break out of what is barely a subsistence economy, this is truly difficult. I take the opportunity to thank all friendly countries and donors, as well as the international financial institutions, for their valuable support. However, my country is seriously concerned over the continued and persistent functioning of the protectionist system, which has not only made the Uruguay Round unfruitful, but also had negative effects on a country such as ours, which is correctly categorized as among the least developed. We view with optimism the recommendations contained in the Secretary-General's report on stable solutions to our commodity problems. In this regard, the delegation of Equatorial Guinea welcomes the Japanese initiative to hold in 1993 a summit meeting on Africa's development.
Similarly, we look forward to the success of the second Programme of Action on Africa's Recovery and Economic Development. We pledge our full cooperation to the creation of the African Economic Community, in keeping with the Abuja guidelines - something which is both necessary and of vital importance for our region.
Without indulging in self-praise, I must say that the efforts of the Government of Equatorial Guinea for the well-being of the country, and hence of the human person, can be seen by anyone who wishes to visit the country. It is with deep pride and satisfaction that we learned of the international recognition, in the form of the Humberto Biancamano Prize, extended to His Excellency Obiang Hguema Mbasogo in Bata on 17 April 1991 by an international panel composed of representatives of the European Economic Community, the European Parliament, the Nobel Prize, university rectors, representatives of the international press and the Director of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), in connection with the efforts for political stability, democratisation and economic development of the country.
On behalf of the President of the Republic, the Government and the people, I wish to reiterate from this rostrum our thanks to these organizations and personalities.
The delegation of Equatorial Guinea recognizes and commends the positive changes made by the South African Government aimed at eradicating the system of apartheid, but we regret to note that it has not yet been completely eradicated. We cherish the hope that there will be good results from the negotiations on a non-racist and democratic constitution fully guaranteeing the fundamental rights of all South Africans, in keeping with the principle of one-man, one-vote.
We are concerned over the disturbances in the sister countries of Liberia, Ethiopia, Somalia and Rwanda, and we urge their leaders to reconsider their position:, and, through open and sincere dialogue, find solutions that restore peace, order and tranquillity.
We are convinced that peace In the Middle East cannot coexist with the persistent occupation of the Palestinian, Arab and Lebanese territories by Israel. The reality of the facts requires us to recognise both Israel and Palestine as free and sovereign States, each within its own recognized boundaries.
We harbour the hope that the holding of a peace conference, under the positive auspices of the Presidents of the United States and the Soviet Union, will calm passions and bring about a peaceful and lasting solution. We congratulate Lebanon on its having achieved national reconciliation. The international community should lend support and assistance to that country for its reconstruction. We resolutely support and praise the efforts of the Secretary-General with regard to the situation in Cyprus.
We most sincerely hope that the tragic and painful situation in Yugoslavia, a pioneer of the Non-Aligned Movement, will retain the attention of the international community so that «solution acceptable to the parties can be found.
There is general agreement that military options are not the only or most desirable way to seek peace. Sivis pacem, para bellum - if you desire peace, prepare for war - has lost its validity.
My delegation welcomes the climate of peace and tranquillity promised by the political and economic negotiations, agreements, conventions and treaties aimed at establishing a common understanding between the sister countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, with which we are linked through language, culture and history. It is along this line of thinking that, without engaging
in historical judgements or inquiring as to who is right or wrong, we urge the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to open the doors to negotiations in order to arrive at solutions acceptable to the peoples on both sides, innocent victims of their rigid positions. That is an urgent requirement of the new era in which we find ourselves. The international community and history will praise and thank them for it. The United Nations is the appropriate forum and the time is right.
Disarmament has always been the focus of our attention. Although we do not produce weapons nor possess them, as part of the international community, and since we might become their innocent victims, we wish to see their complete elimination. Therefore, we welcome and praise the unilateral initiative of the President of the United States, reciprocated by the President of the Soviet Union, to begin the process of their destruction and elimination. Of course, we must express our bitterness over the vast amounts of money spent on weapons; such resources could better serve to alleviate some of the many ills affecting mankind, but we take consolation in the saying "Better late than never".