Allow me at the outset to
congratulate the President on his assumption of the
high post of the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixty-fourth session. In fulfilling his challenging
tasks during this session, he may rest assured of the
support and cooperation of the delegation of the
Republic of Hungary.
 The current session of the General Assembly
begins its work against the backdrop of an
extraordinary downturn of the world economy.
Hungary was among those countries which were
especially hard hit by the storm of the current financial
and economic crisis. In order to cope with its
consequences, the Hungarian Government has adopted
and implemented a series of stabilization measures. As
a result of this policy, the first positive trends have
already emerged. Today we can claim that the
Hungarian economy is well on its way towards
recovery and that the foundations of a more sustainable
development have been laid. If implemented
vigorously, the strict fiscal policy of my Government
will put the country back into the ranks of the
financially stable economies.
 At the same time, Hungary cannot and does not
want to turn a blind eye to the plight of millions
worldwide, especially the most vulnerable ones in the
developing world, particularly in Africa, who have
been thrown into poverty as a consequence of the
global economic crisis. The present crisis should not
undermine our common efforts to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals. Hungary continues to
take its share of responsibility by implementing its
donor programmes in Afghanistan, Viet Nam and the
neighbouring middle-income countries of the Western
Balkans.
 Global crises require that we all think and act
together in the spirit of shared responsibility. It is right
that climate change is high on the United Nations
agenda, as it threatens the very foundations of our life.
Yet for too long we failed to respond adequately.
Hungary is willing to accept its share of responsibility
and is fully committed to achieving important results at
the United Nations Climate Change Conference in
Copenhagen. In this regard, the summit on climate
change recently convened by the Secretary-General
was a useful forum in identifying the necessary steps
towards a successful outcome.
 Preventing conflicts and managing crises remain
high on our agenda. The United Nations, in
cooperation with regional organizations, continues to
play a key role in this respect. Full integration of the
Western Balkans into European and Euro-Atlantic
structures is a means to promote the stability and
prosperity of that region, a goal that Hungary supports
actively. Interaction among countries of the region to
fulfil the conditions of European integration is an
essential tool. International efforts in Kosovo represent
a good example of effective cooperation among various
stakeholders, such as the European Union and NATO.
 In Georgia, the situation on the ground remains
fragile. We firmly believe that a peaceful and lasting
solution to the conflict must be based on full respect
for the independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of that country within its internationally
recognized borders. We deplore the decision that led to
the termination of the monitoring activities of the
United Nations and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe in the breakaway parts of
Georgia/Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The resumption

09-52598 44

of the international presence in these regions is
necessary.
 The stakes in Afghanistan are high. The success
of international stabilization and reconstruction efforts
will have a major impact both on our security and on
the defence of the values our societies stand for.
Failure is not an option. Hungary will remain
committed to supporting, politically and by
contributing troops and civilian and development
assistance, the creation of a stable Afghanistan
governed by the rule of law. We welcome the joint
initiative of the United Kingdom, Germany and France
to hold an international conference at the ministerial
level, co-chaired by the United Nations and the Afghan
Government.
 In the Middle East, Hungary warmly welcomes
the commitment of the United States to vigorously
pursue a two-State solution and a comprehensive
peace. It is now up to the parties themselves to engage
in a meaningful process of negotiation. It is our
responsibility to assist them in carrying the process
forward.
 The nuclear programme of Iran continues to be a
matter of most serious concern. We deeply regret that
Iran’s leadership has refused to abide by the relevant
Security Council resolutions. In flagrant violation of its
international obligations, Iran has even increased its
uranium-enrichment capacities. Recent revelations
about the existence of a second enrichment facility
underscore the legitimacy of our previous concerns. We
urge Iran to engage in substantive negotiations on its
nuclear programme without further delay. The news of
recent missile tests only reinforces our sense of
urgency.
 The idea of a world without nuclear weapons has
long been cherished. We welcome the affirmations of
commitment to this goal made at the recent summit-
level meeting of the Security Council (see S/PV.6191),
along with the adoption of a comprehensive set of
measures to strengthen the global non-proliferation
regime. Hungary hopes that the momentum created by
that meeting will also have a positive impact on the
2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
 The global economic and financial crisis has
affected the political landscape in many countries and
has led to the re-emergence of extreme nationalist,
racist and xenophobic ideologies and political
movements. Like many other countries, Hungary is not
immune from this phenomenon. We cannot allow those
alarming trends to prevail or to roll back the advance
of democratic values and human rights. The
Government of Hungary condemns, in the most
resolute terms, all forms of racism, anti-Semitism and
xenophobia and fights any manifestation of them not
only in words, but also in deeds.
 The promotion and protection of human rights,
including the rights of national minorities and the
preservation of their cultural and linguistic identities,
have traditionally been high on the agenda of the
Hungarian Government. The presence of flourishing
minority communities does not weaken a State, but
rather makes it stronger. Trust between the majority
and minorities within a country can be built only on
that basis. The Republic of Hungary attaches great
importance to the work of the United Nations Forum
on Minority Issues and is determined to contribute
actively to the Forum’s second meeting, to be held this
November in Geneva. We are witnessing alarming
tendencies that have a detrimental effect on the
political participation, cultural life and educational
opportunities of minorities. The international
community should pay special attention to respect for
minority rights.
 At this point, I would also like to confirm the
commitment of Hungary, as a newly elected member of
the Human Rights Council, to play an active role in the
most important human rights body of the United
Nations. We strongly believe that there is a clear and
urgent need for further institution-building in the field
of the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. For
that reason, this year Hungary prepared a feasibility
study on the establishment of the Budapest Centre for
the International Prevention of Genocide and Mass
Atrocities. It is envisaged that the Centre will work in
close cooperation with the United Nations, including
the Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of
Genocide and Mass Atrocities and the Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights.
 The ongoing changes in international politics and
the world economy have created a new situation for the
United Nations. We welcome and strongly support the
efforts aimed at strengthening the ability of the
Organization to adapt to the new realities, but we
cannot be satisfied with the pace of the transformation.
The present challenges should lend additional impetus
to moving forward more vigorously on such issues as

45 09-52598

Security Council reform, peacekeeping activities,
system-wide coherence, budgeting of the Organization,
management reform and reform of the environmental
governance system of the United Nations. With a view
to actively promoting those goals, Hungary presented
its candidacies for the Security Council for the term
2012-2013 and for the Economic and Social Council
for the term 2011-2013.
 Once again the United Nations stands at a
crossroads. It needs to adapt to the changing
international environment. This change will require
sacrifices, but it also offers new opportunities as it
paves the way for new consensus on the future of the
United Nations.


It is indeed an
honour for me to address this Assembly for the first
time. I would like to start by congratulating His
Excellency Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki on his election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
fourth session, and I pledge him the full support of the
Icelandic delegation in the difficult and arduous work
that lies ahead of all of us.
 Only a year ago this weekend, my country,
Iceland, found itself caught up in the beginning of the
global financial storm. It swept almost the entire
banking system in Iceland off the ground and left my
country facing its most severe economic setback in
living memory. Iceland was the first country to fall
victim to the greed and excess of financiers who
abused rules, followed dubious ethics, hid their money
in tax havens and introduced an irresponsible system of
stellar bonuses that incited reckless behaviour and risk-
taking beyond anything that we had ever seen before.
 In Iceland, those responsible left in their wake a
scorched earth: bewildered citizens, full of sorrow and
anger, scarred by the possibility of imminent
bankruptcy and the loss of their houses and jobs. I can
tell this Assembly, however, that Iceland is pulling
through, not least because of the hard work of our
citizens, but also because we had friends that we could
lean on. Our Nordic family did not desert us. The
Baltic countries gave us their full moral support. And I
would especially like to mention Poland, which, out of
the generosity of her heart, lent us a hand without ever
being asked — which we shall never forget.
 The International Monetary Fund offered us a
stabilization programme that remains broadly on track,
although I have to use this opportunity to voice

33 09-52592

Iceland’s grave dissatisfaction with the fact that
unrelated bilateral disputes have prevented the
programme from being fully implemented. I would
also like to mention that our application to join the
European Union has been very warmly received by our
European neighbours, for which I am very thankful. I
can therefore stand before this Assembly and say with
confidence in my voice that despite the hardships that
are behind us, the financial storms in Iceland are
beginning to break. That is due to the resilience and
hard work of the Icelandic people, but also because
you, the international community, lent us some very
important support in the hour of our greatest need.
 The salient point is this. In a globalized world,
we have to tackle problems together, globally. We need
to fight together the corruption that contributed to the
international recession; we must work together to
ensure that the financial czars are not allowed to
speculate again with people’s lives; we have to work
together to obliterate the tax havens they used and we
also need to lock arms to create a sound global
regulatory framework. The world has to fight the
recession together, in the spirit of the United Nations,
but also within the framework that is created by the
United Nations.
 Earlier in the week I had the privilege and honour
to take part in the high-level Summit on Climate
Change. It touched my heart when I heard the President
of Kiribati describe the plight of his country, which
might literally be obliterated from the face of the earth
without his nation being responsible for it in any way.
This is due to the drastic climate change that the whole
world is facing. The President of Kiribati asked for the
only thing that every human and every nation on earth
really deserves: he asked for justice.
 I believe that the best way to give justice to the
people of Kiribati, to the people of the nations in the
South Pacific and elsewhere, and to the generations of
the future, is that we together put all our effort into
reaching a decision on a legally binding agreement in
Copenhagen that will strike at the core of this problem.
I also believe that the best way to convince the sceptics
to take that step is to highlight the success stories that
we have. We have to show the sceptics that our goals
are realistic and that we can achieve them.
 I remind the Assembly that at the beginning of
the general debate we heard President Lula present the
success story of Brazil in terms of the sustainable use
of energy resources that they have achieved. Allow me
to take this opportunity to tell the success story of
Iceland in this regard. A generation ago, we were as
dependent on imported fossil fuel as any other nation
in the world. Today, a generation later, 80 per cent of
our energy needs are met by renewables. All our
heating, all our electricity is 100 per cent renewable.
What we did was to use the treasures that we had not
realized were under our feet and before our eyes, in the
form of rivers — we used hydro and geothermal power.
And I maintain that what we did, others can also do.
 I want especially to focus attention on the vastly
underestimated possibilities of geothermal energy.
Many of the countries of the African Rift Valley have
similar potential to that of Iceland. In South-East Asia
we have the greatest geothermal potential in the world,
and in Latin America there is also valuable potential.
Many of these countries could, with the geothermal
expertise that countries such as Iceland have, achieve a
real transformation to clean energy; some could even
become self-sustaining in terms of energy. But, of
course, as always, what we need is finance. What we
really need is a global climatic fund to transfer
renewable technologies to developing countries to
enable them to continue growing on a sustainable,
renewable basis. The expertise we have developed in
Iceland is available, and I would like to add that,
despite our present financial difficulties, we have
ensured that the geothermal training programme of the
United Nations University in Iceland remains open and
fully funded, as it has been for the past 25 years.
 Climate change is also producing drastic effects
in the Arctic. Iceland, the only State that lies entirely
within the Arctic region, has therefore designated the
Arctic as one of the main areas of her foreign policy.
Science tells us, and we can read about it in the news,
that soon a great part of the Arctic Ocean might be ice-
free at the end of summer. This is a development that
we have not experienced in our lifetimes, and it bears
both good and bad tidings. If it happens soon, it will
open a pathway for transportation between the Pacific
and the Atlantic via the Arctic Ocean, with great
benefits to trade. For better or worse, it will also
facilitate access to vitally important resources in the
Arctic.
 However, here we must tread very carefully. The
Arctic also possesses the most fragile ecosystem of the
world, and it will be a real challenge to strike the right
balance between the fragile environment and the use of

09-52592 34

its resources. In Iceland, we believe that it is very
important to address those challenges regionally
through the Arctic Council and that any territorial
claims — which we have already seen emerge in the
news — should to be settled on the basis of the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
 Climate changes are also likely to have
considerably negative effects on the fishing stocks of
the world. Representatives would know better than me
that more than a billion people, 95 per cent of whom
live in developing countries, depend on fish as their
main source of protein. As is known, Iceland’s track
record in the sustainable management of fishing stocks
is second to none. In that, as in the geothermal field,
we also have technological expertise that we are
willing and would like to share. In that respect, I am
also happy to say that despite Iceland’s current
financial woes, we have ensured that the UNU
Fisheries Training Programme in Iceland is fully
funded. It is available to Member States, and I would
be very happy for them to take us up on that offer.
 During the course of this week, I have heard
many speakers criticize the United Nations, but I
would like to use the occasion of my first speech to
this Assembly to praise the work of the Organization.
In many fields, it has done well in times when the odds
have really been heavily stacked against it. I want
especially to take two examples from a great many that
I could relate.
 Iceland and my Government have always strongly
endorsed the rights of women. In particular, we have
taken to heart Security Council resolution 1325 (2000)
on the rights of women, of women in the world to take
part and be active in the peace processes in war-torn
regions. I wish to remind the Assembly that next year
is the tenth anniversary of the adoption of resolution
1325 (2000) and to take this opportunity to urge the
United Nations to actively use that anniversary to
promote the role of women as peacemakers all over the
world. I would add that in that context, the unanimous
decision of the General Assembly to create a new
United Nations composite gender entity, to be headed
by a special Under-Secretary-General (resolution
63/311), was also very helpful. We thank all
representatives for those important steps, and I urge the
Secretary-General to move forward on that matter as
expeditiously as possible.
 The other cause that I wish to mention as a reason
for my gratitude is the unanimous decision of the
Security Council earlier this week to call for global
efforts to stop the spread of nuclear arms and to boost
disarmament (Security Council resolution 1887
(2009)). I remember when I was a very young editor in
Reykjavik in 1986, when President Reagan and
General Secretary Gorbachev descended on the capital
of Iceland. That historic meeting really signalled the
end of the cold war. I will never forget that at that time,
for the first time in my life, a world free of the nuclear
nightmare became a workable goal, and that goal must
be vigorously pursued. Only 15 minutes ago, I heard
the Foreign Minister of India state that one of the
greatest goals of the Indian Government was to support
that development. Even though Iceland is a little bit
smaller than India, I would add its weight to that goal.
We really must pursue it as strongly as we can, and I
am grateful to the United Nations for providing the
framework for that.
 There have also been other happy events for me,
as a newcomer to this Assembly, during my first days
here. I found it invigorating to hear President Barack
Obama boldly describe his vision of a peace agreement
in the Middle East based on the two-State solution and
the cessation of all settlements. I believe that his strong
declaration has created a fresh political momentum that
we who are assembled here and the Governments of
this world must not allow to fade away.
 To sum up, I have talked about my nation’s
financial difficulties, but I have also said that we are
pulling through, not least because we have been able to
seek the advice and support of the international
community. Of course, Iceland is a small nation, but I
have also described how, even though we are a small
nation, we have much to offer that could contribute to
the solution of some of the problems that, together, the
world is facing today. Our expertise in the geothermal
field, for example, can be of vital importance in the
face of the climate crisis, and our experience in
sustainable fishing can be instrumental in staving off
the depletion of fishing stocks. Our geopolitical
position in the Arctic and our cohabitation with its
dangers and beauty for more than a thousand years can
be of great value in striking the right balance between a
fragile ecosystem in the Arctic and the use of its
resources.
 It is true that the crisis destroyed financial assets,
but Iceland’s real assets — natural resources, human

35 09-52592

capital and social welfare — remain intact. That is why
I am so confident when I say that although Iceland was
the first to fall victim to the global financial crisis, it is
already on the road to recovery.


I greet all the citizens of the world who have come
here — as they do every year — for this gathering of
such great importance for the world. I am very pleased
to be back in New York and at the United Nations
following a few years’ absence. I am very grateful for
all the cooperation and the manner in which our
delegation has been received.
 Last night we visited Lincoln Center to see a film
made by Oliver Stone during the past year. The title of
the film already stirs your thoughts. It is called “South
of the Border”. In this film, you can see President Evo
Morales chewing coca leaves, together with Oliver
Stone. And, as President Morales says, coca is not the
same as cocaine. You can see Cristina, the President of
Argentina, and the automobile of General Perón. You
can hear what she has to say about events in South
America, in Latin America. And you can see Lula, the
President of Brazil, in the Guajira region of Venezuela,
working with us to help the indigenous peoples, who
were exploited for centuries, through core industrial
projects. You will see President Fernando Lugo, a
bishop and liberation theologian, living today in the
residence occupied for many years by Stroessner. And
you can see how a bishop became a president.
 You can also see Rafael Correa, the President of
Ecuador, in Havana with President Raúl Castro. You
can see Fidel. You can even see Obama, in Trinidad,
chatting with a group of us, with his hand held out to
us and an open smile.
 I think it is an interesting film, one of the many
made by this great filmmaker of the United States,
Oliver Stone. He had already made two films about
Fidel, “Looking for Fidel” and “El Comandante”.
There is a lot in this film, many messages that could
help us to decipher the enigmas of the times in which
we live.
 We stayed behind after the film was over last
night, chatting with a group of people from the United
States and other parts of the world. And this contact
was very instructive and very symptomatic of the
importance of what Fidel calls “the battle of ideas”. A
lady in her fifties came up to me and said “I am very
happy”. She was a North American, very white; a
typical United States citizen, born in this country, but
she spoke some Spanish. She told me, “I am very

09-52425 2

happy”. And I asked her why. “Because, now having
seen this movie, I realize what you are. I thought you
were a very bad person”.
 This person was a victim of the hostile media
bombardment, the ideological bombardment, of the
United States and of the entire world, whose aim is to
turn reality inside out and to turn the world upside
down, as Eduardo Galeano put it.
 The film is called “South of the Border” and I am
taking advantage of this opportunity and that title to
tell you that, south of the border, a revolution is under
way. A revolution is under way in South America. A
revolution is under way in Latin America. There is a
revolution in the Caribbean. The world must see this, it
must truly realize this and accept it, because it is a
reality and it is not going to change. What is more, this
is a revolution that goes beyond ideology. It is a
geographical and geopolitical revolution. It is a historic
revolution; it is part of our times. It has very deep
roots. It is a total, moral and spiritual revolution. And
we believe that it is a necessary revolution. This
revolution is great in both spirit and magnitude, and it
is going to keep growing as the days, months and years
go by. And why is it great? It is great because it has
been a long time coming: centuries of history have led
up to this moment in time. It is great in terms of the
space that it covers.
 I am not going to speak any longer than
Mr. Al-Qadhafi. Al-Qadhafi has said everything there
is to say. This applause is for Al-Qadhafi and his
speech. But nor will I speak any less than Mr. Obama,
or Lula.
 I was explaining why this revolution is great.
First, because of time, the accumulated time that has
gone by. It is centuries, centuries of battles, of
struggles, of hopes, of suffering of millions and
millions of human beings in Latin America and the
Caribbean. This revolution is great in the area it
covers. This revolution is great in the depth of its
foundations. This revolution is great in the masses of
people that are joining it. No one seeks to slow it down
and no one will be able to.
 Yesterday, it was said by President Morales here
(see ), by this great companion and
indigenous leader of the Aymara, Evo Morales. He also
said it in the film, which you should not miss, “South
of the Border”. Oliver Stone told me last night that
pressure is already being exerted to prevent the
American people from seeing it. Where is their
freedom of expression? It is just a movie. How can
they be afraid of a movie? But there is already pressure
from the monopolies that run the film industry, that
operate the theatres — these are all monopolies and
they are putting on pressure. But the movie will be
shown elsewhere. Fortunately, we are in the age of
computers and telecommunications. We no longer
depend on movie theatres run by monopolies.
 In the film, Evo, speaking with Oliver Stone,
recalls a phrase pronounced by a great leader of the
Aymara, an ancestor of his who was murdered, just one
of the many millions that were murdered by the
Spanish, Portuguese and English invasion, by the
European invasion of our continent. I know that all
present are aware that when the European ships arrived
at the American shores there were approximately
90 million indigenous people living here.
 Two hundred years later only four million
survived. This is one of the greatest genocides in
history — the genocide of the continent itself, of the
Abya Yala, as our indigenous people call it. So Evo in
the movie repeats the sentence uttered by this great
Aymara leader, who was drawn and quartered — he
was tied to four horses by the arms and legs and he was
torn apart, and as he died the Indian uttered a
prophesy: “Today I die,” said Túpac Katari, “today I
die, but one day I will return as millions.” Túpac Katari
has returned, and we are millions. We are millions.
 Nothing and no one can hold back the great South
American, Latin American, Caribbean revolution. And
I think the world should support it. The United States
should support it. Europe should support it, because
this revolution — some brothers and sisters may not
have noticed — is the start of the road to salvation for
this planet, and to salvation for the human race,
threatened as it is by capitalism, imperialism, hunger
and war. This is the necessary revolution. For centuries
this has been called “the New World”. Now we can
truly call it “a new world”.
 Years ago — as we recalled last night — I was
invited to a conversation — a large group of important
leaders. They were important in their own right. They
were trade union leaders here in the United States.
Some workers were complaining about a biscuit
factory that was not paying them. They were striking,
and one of them asked me, “Why don’t you buy that
factory?” And I said, “I’ll see. Maybe we can make it a

3 09-52425

socialist biscuit factory, if Obama gives me permission.
Maybe we could do that — buy it, give it to the
workers, let them make the crackers and distribute
them. Why should there just be one or two capitalists
exploiting a lot of people?” That is socialism and that
is the path to salvation for this planet.
 Yesterday a journalist asked me — after the
movie there was forum at which he asked me — “Do
you defend socialism even though the Soviet Union
failed?” The reply is very simple. The Soviet Union
lost its way early on. There was never real socialism in
the Soviet Union. But this century, the twenty-first
century, will be the century of socialism — the
socialism of the human race.
 I’m sure everyone listening to me has read
Einstein. Albert Einstein convinced the American
President to build the atomic bomb — to begin the
research before the Nazis did. Then later he regretted
what he had done when he saw the disaster of
Hiroshima and the disaster of Nagasaki. But Albert
Einstein, after all his years of study, the great scientist,
among the greatest scientists ever to have walked the
Earth, came to the conclusion — and this is written in
his own hand — “Why socialism?” Einstein came to
the conclusion that the only way for the human race to
live on this planet is socialism. Capitalism is the road
to extinction of the human species. We as a species
have only been around for what? This is Castro
territory, he knows these figures. But, whereas life first
appeared here at least three billion years ago, we the
human species only appeared maybe less than 300,000
years ago, hardly 0.01 per cent of the time that life has
existed on this planet. So we appear after so long and
we’re going to wipe out life on this planet?
 We’ve heard it from everybody — Obama, Lula,
Cristina Fernández, Al-Qadhafi, Sarkozy — everyone
said the same thing. They have all clamoured for
change. And what is the change? Capitalism allows no
change. Let us not fool ourselves. It’s only through
socialism that we can bring about genuine change. And
the revolution in Latin America has it all and it has a
strong socialist element. As Mariátequi, the great
Peruvian thinker said, it is an Indian-American
socialism. It is our own socialism. It is a Bolivarian
socialism. It is a José Martí socialism. It is a new
socialism. It has not been copied from anybody else.
There are no manuals for socialism, said Mariátequi. It
is a heroic creation that has to be constantly reinvented.
 Yesterday we were remembering what a North
American President, that is to say a United States
President, said shortly before he was assassinated, and
this is on the record, in a speech before the United
States Congress. John Kennedy spoke of a revolution
in the South, saying that the principal cause was
hunger. Only a few days later he was assassinated.
John Kennedy was not a revolutionary, but he was an
intelligent man, just as I think President Obama is an
intelligent man. And I hope God protects Obama from
the bullets that killed Kennedy. I hope Obama will be
able to look and see — genuinely see — what has to be
seen. It does not smell of sulphur here anymore. That
smell has gone. It smells of something else — it smells
of hope. And you have to have hope in your heart and
believe in the hope.
 We cannot destroy this planet. What about our
children? What about future generations? Come, let’s
take on the challenge. Lula was saying yesterday that
there was no political will. Those words were whips. I
know Lula’s will. I am deeply aware of his humane
attitude. He is a true brother of mine, and he was right
to say what he said. But I would not exactly say that
there is no political will. I would say rather that some
political will is lacking, because Lula has it and we
have it, but it has to be increased. It has to continue to
grow in the leaders, in society, among the people,
among the youth — particularly in the hearts of the
young — and the workers, everywhere in the world.
 Kennedy said it: there is a revolution in the
South. And he added, “Those who make peaceful
revolution impossible will make violent revolution
inevitable”. Jack Kennedy said that. You can find it on
the Internet; you can find everything on the Internet.
 My dear Maria Fernanda Espinosa, once
ambassador from fraternal Ecuador, whom I have not
seen for days. We’d like to say hello to President
Correa. The ambassador was Minister for Foreign
Affairs at the beginning of the citizens’ revolution,
with Correa leading the people of Ecuador, the people
of Manuela Saenz and Bolivar and Eloy Alfaro, the
noble and great people in Bolivia and that whole area.
 Some are trying to block the path to our peaceful
revolution. And there’s another brave woman, Patricia
Rodas, the Foreign Minister of Honduras; please, a
hand for this brave Central American woman, from the
people of Morazán. Long live Honduras! Long live
Morazán! And long live the dignity of the people!

09-52425 4

 At 1 p.m. exactly, I was jotting down these
notes — I don’t have much farther to go, Mr. President;
don’t anybody throw a shoe at me. The Cuban Minister
has taken off his shoe to throw it at me. He had some
rubber shoes — if you are going to throw me a shoe,
throw one of those. I spoke to Manuel Zelaya at 1 p.m.
sharp; I remember it was 1 p.m. sharp — we started at
1 and finished at 1.13.
 While we are here, comrades of the world, there
is a President, firm, dignified, who with a small group
of people, almost martyrs, was able to escape those
trying to carry out a coup d’état. The perpetrators of
the coup had brought repression to the Plaza Morazán
in Tegucigalpa and had taken every single road. They
had an entire army; it was as if they had invaded
Honduras with their own army — what an indignity.
From here I make an appeal — I, who am a
revolutionary soldier — to the soldiers of Honduras, to
the sons of Morazán to not continue to repress an
innocent people.
 While we are here, Manuel Zelaya, the President
of Honduras, is in the Brazilian embassy, which has
given him refuge. According to what the President has
told me, there are more than 200 soldiers surrounding
the embassy in the most brutal fashion. Were they
trying to go back to the Stone Age? It will not work. Is
that what the perpetrators of the coup d’état had in
mind? They will be swept away by the wind of the new
age. The coup cannot succeed, these regressive forces
cannot have their way, not in Honduras, not in any of
the countries of the Americas. These people have been
out in the streets for 90 days, resisting, resisting,
resisting.
 So, there we have a President, firm in his
conviction, with a group of compatriots, with his wife,
the First Lady. Apparently they are not letting food
through; the water is cut off every now and then.
Luckily there is a cistern with water. This morning they
were able to get some of the most up-to-date telephone
interception equipment, which the President told me is
an Israeli brand. Israel has recognized the coup d’état
Government; I think it is the only country in the world
that has. They have all kinds of equipment to block
signals and jam communications, and they are also
trying to create panic among the few people inside the
Brazilian embassy, threatening them with incursion
into the embassy. Does the Assembly realize how
retrograde this is? It is like some kind of trolls or dark
giants or magicians, something from the age of the
cavemen. But they will not return.
 The people are in the street, protesting. The
airport is closed now. Who is behind the coup d’état? It
is the Honduran bourgeoisie; the State is taken over by
the bourgeoisie, by the rich. Four or five wealthy,
powerful families own the State. I think we have to
pull out our copies of Lenin, his State and Revolution,
where he talks about the bourgeois State, the control of
everything by the bourgeois State including the
national congress, the judiciary, the army.
 The people are in the street, but they are being
fired on. Yesterday the President told me that he knows
of at least three people in the vicinity of the Brazilian
embassy who were killed. And the President is asking
for dialogue, so as to return to the road to democracy.
So let us send the expression of our strongest solidarity
to the people of Honduras and President Zelaya, and let
us ask that the United Nations resolution be complied
with, and the resolution of the Organization of
American States.
 The United States Government — and this is
strange — has not recognized that a military coup
d’état has occurred. President Zelaya told me today
that there is some friction between the State
Department and the Pentagon. Yesterday I was reading
Pentagonism, a book by the great Dominican author
Juan Bosch, who was overthrown by imperialism. The
Pentagon is the imperial cave. They do not want
Obama. They do not want change. They want to
dominate the world with their military bases, with all
their threats, their bombs, their soldiers and bases.
 The Pentagon is behind the coup in Honduras.
President Zelaya was dragged out of his home, out of
his bed, at dawn on 28 June, taken to a plane, bundled
up by Honduran soldiers under command from the
United States base there, in Palmerola. The plane took
off from Tegucigalpa and landed at the Palmerola base.
They held the Honduran President there for some time.
Then they decided to take him to Costa Rica. The
American military in Honduras knew about the coup;
they supported it. They supported the Honduran
military. Hence the contradictions that Obama has to
face.
 At times we wonder if are there two Obamas —
the one who spoke here yesterday and the other — a
double? The one who supports, or allows his military
to support, the coup on Honduras? I want to present

5 09-52425

this question for thought. Is there one Obama, or are
there two? Let us hope the one we heard yesterday will
prevail. That is what the world needs; that is what the
world is calling for.
 What is the backdrop of the coup in Honduras? It
has to do with everything we are talking about here —
it is the revolution of the South. It is not the kind of
revolution where there are columns of guerrillas,
heroes such as in the Sierra Maestra, heroes of the high
mountains of Bolivia, where Ernesto Che Guevara was.
 But this is not that kind of revolution. This
revolution is different. It does not break out in the
mountains with guerrilla groups. No, it starts in the
towns among the masses. It is a mass revolution, but it
is peaceful and wants to remain peaceful. It is
democratic, deeply democratic.
 Do not be afraid of democracy. Here, I am
paraphrasing Noam Chomsky in another wonderful
work that I did not know until I obtained the book in
Madrid a few days ago. I went to visit my friend, the
King of Spain, mainly because an Ibero-American
summit was coming up in Portugal, and I said that I
would go if he did not tell me to shut up. He told me
that he would not. So, I am going. King Juan Carlos
and I are great friends. I went to a recommended
bookshop — La Casa del Libro — in Madrid, and I got
Chomsky’s book Fear of Democracy. We should all
read that book, Fear of Democracy.
 The elite are afraid of the people. They are afraid
of true democracy, which Abraham Lincoln, another
martyr, defined very clearly in three ideas: democracy
is government of the people, by the people and for the
people. It is not government of the bourgeoisie or of
the elite when the people rise up and the thugs are
pushed out. That happened in Honduras, and in
Venezuela in 2002. It happened in Brazil with João
Goulart, and in the Dominican Republic. Why were the
peoples of Latin America and of the Caribbean not
allowed to build their own future in the twentieth
century? They did not let them.
 This century is ours. This century, in Latin
America and in the Caribbean we will build our own
way and no one can stop it. No one can stop it.
Imperialism must end. At times, one wonders. I was
once asking Lula what America, our Latin America,
would be today if the Governments of the United States
had not dug their claws into our America to impose a
model by violently cutting off the hope and the
struggle of millions of people, extinguishing the dawn.
 I was born in 1954. Fidel was already in prison,
and they were dropping bombs in Guatemala. They
invaded the Guatemala of Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán; and
then the Bay of Pigs, although they failed there; then
this revolutionary Cuba — admirable, but blockaded.
 I call on Obama to lift the blockade on Cuba.
What is he waiting for? Let him do what he says. Or
are there two Obamas? Yesterday, Obama said, and I
noted it — here, I noted down Lula, who spoke before
Obama, and then I noted Obama’s words — that a
political system cannot be imposed on any people and
that each people and its sovereignty must be respected.
Then what is President Obama waiting for to order the
lifting of the brutal and murderous blockade on Cuba?
Does anyone have doubts about that? Does anyone
think that it is rhetorical? No. There is persecution
against businesses in any part of the world that provide
even food to Cuba, and now also to Venezuela.
 Not long ago, Fidel Castro mentioned in one of
his reflections that a company known throughout the
world that manufactures and supplies medical
equipment did not meet its obligations to the
Governments of Cuba or of Venezuela this past year or
the one before. They did not send the spare parts for
hundreds of pieces of medical equipment that the two
Governments had bought to bring free quality health
care to our peoples. These include 64-row CT scanners
and electrocardiogram machines that are now in the
poor areas of Caracas. Where the indigenous people
live, there are medical facilities. We have 30,000
Cuban doctors there and a free, good health-care
system for the people. We tried to quietly find solutions
with the company — Philips — but the company has
refused to send the spare parts for that high-tech
equipment. Why? Under pressure from whom? From
the Government of the United States? Is it this Obama
or another Obama? Is it Obama one or Obama two?
Who are you, Obama? Who are you? I want to believe
in yesterday’s Obama, whom I saw here, but these
things keep happening, and they affect the lives of
millions of human beings. Why? In whose name? Why
does the United States continue to do that?
 It is fear of democracy, just as happened in
Honduras. It is the fear of the Bolivarian Alliance for
the Americas that rises up as a new and innovative
mechanism of solidarity, and we have brought into line

09-52425 6

the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our Americas
and the Governments and the countries of Cuba,
Nicaragua, Honduras, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia,
Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica and Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines. They attack us and try to stop us, but
they will not succeed. The Common Market of the
South and the Union of South American Nations are
being set up and are all part of the great historic Latin
American geographic and geopolitical revolution.
 Along the same lines are the seven military bases
that the United States is going to establish in
Colombia. Yesterday, Obama spoke — I have it noted
here — about four pillars. Everyone remembers that.
So let us accomplish that. I take him at his word. We
take the President of the United States at his word:
nuclear non-proliferation, agreed? They could begin by
destroying all the nuclear weapons that they have.
Then go ahead and destroy them.
 Obama’s second pillar — the first was
non-proliferation — is the pursuit of peace. So,
President Obama, let us pursue peace in Colombia, in
dear sister Colombia. There is a civil war in Colombia.
That some do not want to acknowledge it is another
matter. There is a long-standing, historical conflict in
Colombia. The United Nations must acknowledge it
and consider it, and we all should extend a hand to
Colombia, while of course respecting its sovereignty,
to pull it from and help it out of that tragedy that that
brother people is experiencing.
 I remember that I mentioned that peace to Obama
in front of Lula in Trinidad and Tobago at the Summit
of the Americas. Let us seek peace in Colombia. If
only peace were achieved in Central America, in
Guatemala. When I was an active soldier, I was in
Guatemala. That was war. It was war, with thousands
and thousands dead and disappeared. Look at
El Salvador and Nicaragua. And now Daniel Ortega is
back in Government after almost 20 years. The
Sandinista people brought him back.
 What is good for the goose is good for the gander.
Farabundo Martí and the people of El Salvador brought
President Funés to the presidency of that sister
republic. Peace was achieved — I know President
Arias is here — and if peace was achieved in Central
America, my God, why can peace not be achieved in
Colombia? This is one of the greatest desires of my
life. I am Venezuelan, but I feel like a Colombian —
the Colombia of Bolivar, the Colombia of Miranda, our
Colombia.
 Is President Obama thinking of seeking peace —
his second pillar — with seven more military bases in
Colombia? These seven bases are a threat, not only for
the possible peace in Colombia but for peace in South
America. We are right — we the Governments of South
America — to have said, each in our own way and in
our own degree of intensity, how concerned we are
about the installation of these seven American military
bases on Colombian territory. I would like to denounce
it and point it out. I ask President Obama to think about
it and that he apply his pillars.
 Let us promote peace. The United Nations could
set up a peace commission in Colombia or Venezuela.
Naturally, we would cooperate, I am sure, all countries
that want peace. We do not want any more war among
ourselves.
 I will skip some pages. There is another topic that
Fidel touches upon in his 21 September thoughts. It has
to do with climate change. I am going to take another
two minutes, Mr. President, to insist on this point.
Some people think this is a metaphysical concern, it is
for intellectuals. No, we are destroying our planet. As a
reputable Venezuelan journalist has said, this rocket we
are travelling on — because this planet is like a rocket
ship — we are destroying it.
 Fidel says, in his piece entitled “A species in
danger of extinction”, from 21 September 2009, “At
the international environmental conference held by the
United Nations in Rio de Janeiro” — that was in 1992;
I remember because I was in jail at the time — “I
stated, as the then head of the Cuban State, ‘A species
is in danger of extinction — man’”. Fidel goes on to
say:
  “When I uttered and backed up those words,
received and applauded by the heads of State in
attendance — including the President of the
United States, a Bush less dismal than his son
George W. — they still believed that they had
several centuries to confront the problem. I
myself” — Fidel — “did not envision a date any
closer than 60 or 80 years.
  “Today we are dealing with a truly
imminent danger and its effects are already
visible.

7 09-52425

  “Average temperatures have increased
0.8 degrees centigrade since 1980.”
 That is scientific data, according to the NASA
Institute for Space Studies — 0.8 degrees in the last
almost 30 years. Fidel continues,
  “The last two decades of the twentieth
century were the warmest in hundreds of years.
The temperatures in Alaska, the Canadian west
and eastern Russia have gone up at a pace that
doubles the world average. Arctic ice has been
quickly disappearing and the region can
experience its first completely ice-free summer as
soon as the year 2040. The effects are visible in
the 2-kilometre-high masses of ice melting in
Greenland, the South American glaciers, from
Ecuador all the way to Cape Horn, fundamental
sources of water, and the gigantic ice cap
covering the extensive area of Antarctica.
  “Current carbon dioxide concentrations
have reached the equivalent of 380 parts per
million, a figure surpassing the natural range of
the last 650,000 years.”
 We are destroying our planet. We must be aware
of this, and we must act, as Lula stated at the 3rd
meeting yesterday. With respect to climate change,
Lula said there is no will. The most developed
countries do not want to take decisions. But Obama
says they do. But we are told that the United States is
going to take some decisions. Please do, Mr. President,
do that. But now is time to move from words to action.
Let us save this planet. Let us save the human race.
 Let us hope that the summit in Denmark in
December will produce decisions, truly forceful ones.
Venezuela is willing to accept those decisions.
Venezuela calls on everyone to take decisions
proportionate to the extent of their responsibility.
 Now, what is the basic cause of this
contamination? It is hyper-consumption. We are
exhausting the petroleum, gas and other fossil fuel
reserves. Reserves that accumulated over millions of
years are being burned in a single century, in less than
a century.
 And that of course has to do with the economy. I
shall not read this document, Mr. President; I shall
merely refer to it. It is the Stiglitz report. I invite the
Assembly to analyse it. Yesterday the President of
France also invited the Assembly to analyse it. It is
thanks to him that the report of the Stiglitz
Commission exists. But it is nothing more than a mere
gesture.
 The report contains 12 recommendations of the
Stiglitz Commission. Let us assess them. I think that
they address the substance, although they do not
question the capitalist model. We socialists do question
that model, but let us talk about it, let us find
consensus solutions for the circumstances and later for
the medium and long terms.
 In its recommendations, the Stiglitz report says,
first, that we should look at income and consumption
to assess material well-being. Second, it recommends
prioritizing the family perspective; third, taking into
account the heritage; fourth, giving more importance to
redistribution of income beyond the average. Fifth, it
recommends expanding indicators of non-commercial
activities. For example, certain services such as child
care, bricklaying, plumbing and carpentry appear in
national accounts only if they are carried out by a
salaried person.
 Delegates know that this has to do with
accounting for gross domestic product (GDP). These
are merely capitalist mechanisms. According to the
report, the following is certain: the GDP rises with
traffic, while the anxiety of the people also rises, just
as the unhappiness of passers-by and passengers in
traffic rises as they lost precious time in the traffic.
 The GDP rises. Why is it rising? It is rising
because more gasoline is consumed. Moreover,
pollution increases. We know why. The capitalist world
has created measuring methods for the economy that
are destructive. That is why I think the Stiglitz report
offers important considerations. Here, in its second
point, it says that we should establish a battery of
indicators for the environment and for climate change.
 Turning to the economy, this report is very
timely. Let us now adopt it, and above all,
Governments, particularly Governments of the most
developed countries — I think they are meeting in
Pittsburgh today, not as the Pittsburgh Pirates, but as
Presidents of the Group of 20 — should discuss it.
Tomorrow I will ask Lula and Cristina how the meeting
went, because they are coming to Caracas on their way
to Margarita Island for the Africa-South American
summit.

09-52425 8

 The economy, the economy, the economy. We are
in favour of socialism, but let us discuss it and talk
about indicators and methods and modes of production.
As President Obama said yesterday with regards to his
fourth pillar, we need an economy that serves human
beings. Well, President Obama, that is called socialism.
Come over to the side of socialism, President Obama,
come join the axis of evil and we will build an
economy that truly serves human beings. It is
impossible to do that with capitalism. Capitalism only
benefits a minority and excludes the majority. Besides,
it destroys the environment and destroys lives. That is
capitalism.
 Finally — and I think I have now been speaking
for my allotted 10 minutes — I will end with a phrase
of Lula’s. He was the first speaker in the Assembly
yesterday. He said there is no political will. I have
already commented on that, and I would add to it
because I know Lula and I know exactly what he said
to us. He is calling upon all of us to strengthen political
will.
 Unlike other Governments elsewhere, which have
doubts and do not want to change despite the terrible
crisis in which we are living, we in southern America
have a lot of political will — here I am speaking for
Venezuela and, I know, also for South America, for
Latin America — a tremendous political will for true
change.
 I recommend this book by István Mészáros, a
great Hungarian philosopher and thinker who has been
a professor at various universities in London for many
years: Beyond Capital: Toward a Theory of Transition.
I think the book is among the greatest writings of the
twentieth century. It is a complete renewal of socialist
theory. In one of the interesting chapters Mészáros
quotes another great person, Karl Marx. We must not
be afraid of Karl Marx — he was the Einstein of
politics. Yes, he was demonized, but Karl Marx was
right about so many things.
 Quoting Marx, Mészáros says in this book that
crises act as a general threat and thus urgently lead us
beyond presuppositions towards a new historic
paradigm. We need a new historic paradigm. For years
we have been hearing about a new world, but what
actually exists is this old, moribund order. We need the
new order to be born, the new historic paradigm, the
new political paradigm, a new global paradigm.
Yesterday Al-Qadhafi said here that we need a new
institutionalism, a new economy, a new society, but
truly new — a world that is new.
 Now, I think Lula said yesterday — he finished
speaking at 10:10 in the morning — that we must
become the midwives of history. I agree. I would add
to what Lula said. Has the birth already started? The
birth is not a future event; it is here. Let us be, as
Comrade Lula said, midwives of the new history,
prevailing over those who would bury it. Let us
struggle on the planet for the birth of this new history,
this new time, this new multi-polar, free world, this
economy at the service of all people, not of minorities,
this world of peace.
 I am a Christian. One day Christ said, “My
kingdom is not of this world.” It is of a future world,
the reign of love among us, where we can truly live as
brothers and sisters.
 Last Sunday in Havana — and I will put my little
books away and I will wind up now — on the Plaza de
la Revolución there was a great concert, the “Concert
for Peace”, with Miguel Bosé, Juanes, Olga Tañó and
Cuban singers. Silvio Rodríguez was there — the Great
Silvio — and they sang to the whole world. Some
people in Miami went crazy and tried to destroy
Juanes’ CDs — that great Colombian — just because
he had gone to sing on the Plaza of the Revolution.
How crazy can you get? Fortunately they are a
minority. Silvio was there with his guitar, and I am sure
he sang, “This era is giving birth to a heart”. He ends
his song, Cita Con Angeles, like this: “Let us be a tiny
bit better and a little less selfish.”
 Cheers!


This session is being
held at a time of unprecedented efforts made by States
and international institutions to overcome the global
financial and economic crisis. Unfortunately, the
present state of regional and national anti-crisis
programmes and the huge cost of their implementation
do not yet guarantee the stabilization of the world
financial market, growth of demand and the revival of
economic activity in the industrial sphere.
 In our opinion, effectively overcoming the global
crisis and mitigating its consequences largely depend
on the effectiveness and coordination of measures
taken within individual States and by the world
community as a whole — as well as, in particular, on
the development of new rules to regulate financial
markets that meet modern requirements, and on
ensuring stricter control over the efficient use of
enormous State and corporate financial assets by
transnational and national banking institutions in order
to avoid a new wave of inflation and economic bubbles
and a collapse in the commodities and stock markets.
 I would like to say a few words about the
measures taken in Uzbekistan to mitigate and
neutralize the impact of the world financial and
economic crisis. Our own model of transition from a
centralized plan and ideological system to a free
market, which is based on five well-known principles,
has played a key role in those measures and in ensuring
stability during the 1990s as well as the balanced
development of Uzbekistan’s economy. Another
element of success is our 2009-2012 anti-crisis
programme, which is being carried out at this time.
 Thanks to the measures taken, macroeconomic
stability, steady annual rates of economic growth
averaging 8 to 9 per cent, low rates of inflation, the
wide-scale attraction of foreign investments and an
increase in the real level of income of the population
have been ensured in the country in recent years. For
the first half of 2009 and continuing throughout, gross
domestic product growth amounted to 8.2 per cent.
 From this high rostrum, I would like to speak
briefly about problems related to the growing threats to
environmental security. Those include not only the
threats arising from global warming, but also the
serious problems of possible technological accidents
and risks posed by gigantic hydropower installations in
the region, which could seriously undermine the fragile
ecological balance of Central Asia.
 We speak of these problems while keeping in
mind the human-caused accidents at the world’s largest
hydropower stations and hydraulic installations caused
by their inadequate design and operation — for
example, the accident at the Sayano-Shushenskaya
hydropower station in Russia. We who live in Central
Asia are seriously concerned about similar large hydro-
installations operating today in watersheds of the
largest transboundary rivers — the Amu-Darya and the
Syr-Darya — and providing water to the populations of
all of the countries of the region.
 The active manipulation of public opinion and
attempts to attract wide-scale investments to build the
two newest and largest hydropower stations — Rogun
on the Amu-Darya river and Kambarata on the
Syr-Darya river — are occurring today without taking
into account the fact that the glaciers on the Pamir and
Tian Shan mountains, which are the basic sources of
water for these rivers, are shrinking every year. In
addition, and of particular importance — even without
considering the possible tragic consequences of
potential technological accidents at these installations —
is the knowledge that these territories have seismic
ratings ranging from 9 to 10 on the Richter scale and
are more prone to strong earthquakes.
 In this regard, Uzbekistan will continue to insist
that all planned construction of large hydropower
installations in Central Asia be implemented only after
impartial evaluation by international experts under the
auspices of the United Nations in order to avoid
possible catastrophic consequences. There is also an
urgent need to re-evaluate the existing large
hydropower stations on the Amu-Darya and Syr-Darya
rivers that were constructed in the Soviet period.
 The war in Afghanistan, where tensions are
currently growing, is one of the main sources of

09-52604 10

concern to the world community today and in
particular of security threats in Central Asia. This
problem and ways to resolve it are, without
exaggeration, the focus of attention of the world’s
largest Powers and the international community today.
It is no longer a secret that the Afghan problem, which
began 30 years ago, has no military solution. The
overwhelming majority of countries involved in
settling the conflict agree on this.
 It is impossible to improve and radically change
the situation in the country without solving such urgent
issues as the reconstruction of Afghanistan’s economy,
communications and social infrastructure destroyed by
war; without involving the Afghan people in this
process; without a thoroughly considered and seriously
organized negotiation process and the achievement of
consensus between the conflicting parties; and without
strengthening the vertical power structure.
 It is extremely important to pay full respect to the
deep historical and ethno-demographic roots of the
multinational people of Afghanistan, including the
traditional values of Islam and of all confessions,
which should be the main condition and guarantee of
the negotiating process.
 The settlement of the Afghan problem could be
facilitated by the creation of the six plus three contact
group under the auspices of the United Nations, with
the participation of the plenipotentiary representatives
of the States neighbouring Afghanistan plus Russia, the
United States and NATO. The President of the
Republic of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, has repeatedly
emphasized that the implementation of this initiative
involving neighbouring countries would allow the
achievement of an accord both in and around
Afghanistan.
 The interdependence of regional and global
problems necessitates close cooperation between the
United Nations and such regional structures as the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization. In its capacity as
the current Chair of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, Uzbekistan intends to intensify
interaction between the United Nations and the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization by turning the
cooperation into a real partnership.
 In our opinion, interaction between the United
Nations and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
should develop in such priority areas as security and
stability and economic, social and humanitarian
development, as well as other spheres of mutual
interest. We believe that the effective combination of
the United Nations great experience and the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization’s potential will strengthen
regional and international security and promote
sustainable development in the countries of the region.
In this regard, we call upon Members of the United
Nations to support a draft resolution on cooperation
between the United Nations and the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization, to be considered during the
sixty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
 In conclusion, I would like to confirm
Uzbekistan’s commitment to developing constructive
multilateral cooperation within the framework of the
United Nations for solving the most topical issues on
the international agenda.


I wish to pay
tribute to the President of the General Assembly and
the Secretary-General for their dedication to their
noble missions.
 For once, I do not wish to conclude my statement
with the issue of the Comorian island of Mayotte, as I
usually do. I should like to address that sensitive issue
first. It affects not only the unity and integrity of the
Comoros and its history and international law, but also
peace in the region of the Indian Ocean.
 The General Assembly has condemned the French
presence on the Comorian island of Mayotte several
times, because the Comoros was admitted to the
international community with its colonial borders,
which include the islands of Mayotte, Anjouan, Moheli
and Grand Comore. Despite many relevant and final
United Nations resolutions and several consultations
held on the island, France continues to hold
referendums on Mayotte to definitively anchor that
Comorian island to the French Republic. Those
consultations have made it possible to change the
status of the Comorian island of Mayotte several
times — only within the framework of internal French
law — until, through the most recent consultation, the
island became the 101st French department.
 Moreover, it should be noted that the relations
between France and the Comoros are unique. Indeed,
despite the dispute arising from the separation of one
island from its three sisters — thus handicapping the
Comoros Archipelago by changing it into a three-
legged cow, as President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane
said — the Comoros, contrary to what one might think,
enjoys a special partnership with France.
 France is present on the Comoros in the sense
that, in the international community, it is always
associated with major decisions that affect my
country’s future. France remains the primary economic
partner of the Comoros. It is one of the largest
contributors of development assistance to my country.
More than 200,000 Comorian citizens live on French
soil. Those are just a few examples to demonstrate that
no hostility exists between our two peoples or our two
countries. And we are firmly resolved not only to

09-52320 2

continue that special partnership, but also to reaffirm it
even more.
 However, this desire for harmony in no way
constitutes a renunciation of our firm attachment to the
territorial integrity of our country. That is why I have
taken the initiative to come here to solemnly present to
France, before the entire international community, a
proposal to resolve this dispute.
 In fact, I propose to France that it recognize that
the four islands of the Comoros Archipelago remain an
indivisible nation based on the principle of one
country, two administrations. By that principle, I mean
that France recognizes the full sovereignty of the
Union of the Comoros throughout its territory while
continuing to administer the Comorian island of
Mayotte.
 Obviously, both parties must reach agreement on
the duration of the French presence on the Comorian
island of Mayotte. On the other hand, we request that
France actively assist in the economic development of
the three other islands to achieve a certain balance
throughout the Archipelago — a balance that will
necessarily encourage a harmonious rapprochement
among them and will enable the Comorian island of
Mayotte to finally return to its natural home. This
process will enable our brothers and sisters of Mayotte
to maintain their social advantages and their standard
of living and the other three islands to rise to the many
development challenges they face.
 I am convinced that with the active participation
of the whole of the international community these new
proposals, which should become part of the
negotiations between France and the Comoros, would
lead to a happy outcome. France and the Comoros have
nearly two centuries of life together, two centuries of
shared history, culture and language. We do not have
the right to spoil that patrimony by allowing
misunderstandings to persist, by continuing to let play
out the tragedies that make of the sea lane between
Anjouan and Mayotte one of the greatest maritime
cemeteries in the world. For all of these reasons we
come here, in the full view of the world, to
demonstrate our good will, which we dare to hope will
never be obliterated by an attitude of inflexibility or
intransigence.
 We meet every year in these prestigious
surroundings to debate questions of peace, security and
development. Unfortunately, we have to acknowledge
that our joint efforts do not always lead to conclusive
results, since as of today numerous challenges remain,
and their consequences for our countries and our
peoples are becoming ever more dire.
 Certainly, some progress can be seen here and
there, yet our people continue to suffer hunger,
malnutrition and sickness. Our children do not have the
benefit of an education of the quality necessary to
assure them a better future. Health care remains a
luxury for most of our citizens. Some of our villages
and even cities suffer a cruel lack of basic social
services, indeed even of potable water and electricity.
 Finally, many of our countries, particularly small
island States like my own, are threatened by multiple
natural catastrophes whose consequences only
aggravate an already fragile socio-economic situation.
Certain of our nations are even at risk of no longer
appearing on the map of the world in a few years. That
catastrophic situation, which prevails in an era when,
paradoxically, every day sees enormous technical and
technological advances, must challenge and incite us to
redouble our efforts to find appropriate responses.
 Thus a genuine international mobilization —
especially on the part of those countries most equipped
to face the challenges confronting us all — is required.
We must take concrete, urgent and concerted action
and make a determined stand against the consequences
of the economic, financial and food crises that lash all
our countries without distinction.
 I believe now is the time to demonstrate active
solidarity and pragmatism if we want our words to
translate into concrete actions and if we want to
rekindle hope in our peoples, who have suffered more
than enough. Obviously our developing nations are not
asking for the moon — at least not for now. We merely
ask that we join our efforts to satisfy the legitimate
demands of our peoples, who only aspire to live better
and with dignity, peace and peace of mind.
 Our Organization has a great role to play in the
realization of that goal, and for its voice to reach as far
as necessary we must all agree on the need to bring to
its various branches the necessary reforms. Indeed,
only an organization that is more representative, more
democratic and more equitable in its various
institutions will be in a position to better address the
problems all countries face, to understand them and
conceive the solutions most likely to produce more
peace, stability and development.

3 09-52320

 Furthermore, in the framework of respect for
human rights and good international governance, the
abusive use of universal jurisdiction should be fought
by working for a better structure for such jurisdiction,
but also to put in place an organ to regulate the
principle of jurisdiction itself. A better definition of the
concept of the responsibility to protect should also be
sought, with sufficient time allocated to seriously
consider its implementation.
 Peace and security remain essential conditions for
the promotion of socio-economic development. Thus
the conflict conditions that prevail in numerous regions
of the world call out a challenge to us. We must show
greater solidarity in regard to the populations of
regions that for years on end have known only
desolation, despair and humiliation.
 We should also celebrate the initiative undertaken
by President Barack Obama in the Middle East, which
offers the hope of seeing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
resolved through a solution that is just, equitable and
acceptable to the parties involved — notably the
solidification of the two-State principle, as stipulated
by the various United Nations resolutions on the
matter.
 Moreover, I take this opportunity to applaud the
presence among us of His Excellency President Barack
Obama, whose charisma, dynamism and sense of
justice renew our hope to see the United States of
America act with more engagement and pragmatism in
the service of peace, justice and development in the
world.
 I will not neglect to mention Iraq, Afghanistan,
Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Great
Lakes region and Darfur, where fratricidal conflicts
only further exacerbate poverty and underdevelopment.
We therefore urge the international community to offer
its assistance to those brother countries so as to put an
end to that unfortunate situation.
 I cannot close this chapter on crises and conflicts
without wishing my Malagasy brothers and sisters
complete success in the ongoing negotiations for a
peaceful transition that quickly leads to peace and
stability being restored in this sister island and to
renewed efforts for its economic prosperity.
 Here, I would also like to reiterate the
unwavering support of the Union of the Comoros to the
People’s Republic of China and to the Kingdom of
Morocco in their legitimate efforts to recover their
territorial integrity.
 To conclude, I am greatly honoured to express the
warm thanks and deep appreciation of the Comorian
delegation to all the American authorities, in particular
those of the State of New York, for the good
arrangements to ensure us a pleasant stay in this great
and beautiful country.
(spoke in Arabic)
 I beseech God that we have a session that serves
humanity.


I am deeply honoured to
address the General Assembly on behalf of the
Republic of Moldova. At the outset, I would like to
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki
on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fourth session, to wish him
success and to assure his Bureau of the full support of
our delegation. I would also like to pay tribute to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his high
competence and professionalism, and his tireless
efforts in leading the United Nations in these complex
times.
 The distinguished speakers who have taken the
floor in this debate have elaborated extensively on the
most pressing issues that the international community
has faced over the past year. The current financial and
economic crisis, the food and energy crises, the first flu
pandemic of this century, and climate change have
been at the core of deliberations in the United Nations,
revealing the central role of the Organization in dealing
with these problems. A reformed, robust and effective
Organization has to deliver prompt reactions and
sustainable responses to the major challenges to peace,
security and development: disarmament and
non-proliferation, climate change, food and energy
security, and the spread of international terrorism.
 We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General
in strengthening the United Nations and promoting the
core values enshrined in our founding Charter: the
fundamental principles of peace, justice and human
rights. The Republic of Moldova supports the ongoing
process of reform of the United Nations aimed at
creating a revitalized, representative, efficient and
more responsive Organization. Following significant
advances in the reform of its principal organs, we
recognize the steps being undertaken towards reform of
the Security Council, which undoubtedly necessitates a
firm political pledge on the part of the entire
membership.
 In our opinion, the expansion of the Security
Council is a matter not only of equity but also of
efficiency. Any proposal for reform of the Council has
to reflect the legitimate aspirations of the regional
groups. Thus, in supporting the expansion of the
Council in both permanent and non-permanent
categories, we believe it indispensable to allocate an
additional non-permanent seat to the Eastern European
Group.
 By virtue of the primary responsibility of the
Security Council laid down in the United Nations
Charter, its reform should also contain provisions for
consolidating United Nations operational capacities in
the field and revitalizing peacekeeping operations in
order to make them more effective and capable of
achieving their goals, including the development of
cooperation with regional organizations and Member
States for the resolution of conflicts in various areas of
the globe.
 Building a safer world requires the greater
commitment of Member States in the area of
disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation. We
have recently witnessed a historic summit of the
Security Council, which voted to stop the spread of
nuclear arms and endorsed a broad framework of
action to reduce global nuclear dangers. The Republic
of Moldova welcomes the results of the most recent
Conference on Facilitating the Entry into Force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, and looks
forward to continued positive trends in the work of the
Conference on Disarmament and the Preparatory
Committee for the Review Conference of the Parties to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons.
 The current global economic and financial crisis,
one of the most serious since the creation of the United
Nations, has affected virtually all countries, including
the Republic of Moldova. In 2008, the previous
Communist Government in Chisinau denied the
existence of an economic and financial crisis; only
after its defeat in the elections of 29 July 2009 did its
representatives begin to raise the alarm.
 The current administration, the Alliance for
European Integration, is assuming full responsibility

09-53165 24

for managing the economic crisis by attracting funds
from international financial organizations, securing
foreign investment, providing jobs, reviving the real
sector of the economy, ensuring the de-monopolization
of production sectors, and liberalizing exports and
imports. The liberal democratic Government relies on
the support of United Nations institutions and all
international structures in promoting the rule of law,
safeguarding fundamental human rights and freedoms,
and ensuring the functionality of democratic
institutions and the freedom of mass media.
 The Republic of Moldova followed intently the
work of the high-level Conference on the World
Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on
Development, held this summer at the United Nations,
and welcomed the adoption of its Outcome Document
(resolution 63/303). The Conference highlighted once
again the role of the United Nations and gave a strong
impetus to the dialogue on identifying solutions for
overcoming the crisis and reforming the international
financial architecture.
 At the same time, Moldova stands for
strengthening the Economic and Social Council’s
coordinating role in formulating global economic and
social policies and in further promoting active dialogue
with the international financial institutions and the
Governments of Member States in implementing the
Millennium Development Goals.
 Nine years ago, in September 2000, the world’s
leaders committed our countries to a global partnership
in fighting poverty and achieving the Millennium
Development Goals. Today, in the context of the global
economic and financial crisis, considerable common
efforts on the part of developed and developing
countries alike are needed to achieve our commitments
by 2015. We welcome the decision to convene a high-
level meeting in 2010 dedicated to evaluating the
Millennium Summit decisions.
 The General Assembly has proclaimed 2009 the
International Year of Reconciliation and the
International Year of Human Rights Learning, and
21 September as an International Day of Peace. It is in
this vein that we would like to reiterate the necessity
for an increased United Nations role and strengthened
cooperation with regional organizations, such as the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
in preventing and managing crisis and conflict
situations; guaranteeing respect for and the promotion
of fundamental human rights in separatist regions;
undertaking more efficient international actions to
stabilize the situation in countries affected by internal
conflict; and taking a complex approach under
international law to mediation and conflict resolution.
The intensification of international cooperation with a
view to solving conflicts and preventing the future
emergence or escalation of crisis situations that
threaten the sovereignty and territorial integrity of
States is of paramount importance for the Republic of
Moldova, which faces a secessionist movement in the
eastern regions of the country.
 Respecting the principle of the peaceful
resolution of conflicts, we are confident that the
demilitarization and democratization of the
Transdniestrian region are indispensable to a viable
solution to the Transdniestrian problem. The new
Liberal Democratic Government’s coalition will
undertake sustainable efforts to identify a lasting
solution to the Transdniestrian problem in the current
five plus two format and will consistently urge an
increased United States and European Union (EU) role
in the resolution process. Concurrently, the Republic of
Moldova will revive its efforts towards the withdrawal
of foreign troops from the country, replacing the
present peacekeeping operation with a multinational
mission with an international mandate, and achieving
the integration of the country in all socio-economic
segments by encouraging the broad participation of the
non-governmental sector.
 We will consistently act in accordance with the
law on the basic provisions of the Special Legal Status
of Localities from the Left Bank of the Dniester River,
adopted unanimously by Parliament on 22 July 2005.
Focused on the creation of conditions needed for
reconciliation and advancing the resolution process, we
put forward a series of initiatives in 2007 to strengthen
trust and security between the two banks of the
Dniester River, in particular by ensuring free
movement, instituting common participation in
developing and implementing projects to restore and
modernize infrastructure, and addressing various social
issues.
 Unfortunately, the so-called Transdniestrian
authorities time and again have undermined these
initiatives by introducing illegal customs taxes,
impeding the elections process in the villages situated
on the left bank of the Dniester River, and confiscating
school premises, gravely violating the right of the

25 09-53165

Moldovan citizens to study in their native language.
The implementation of democratic reforms and the
normalization of the economic and social climate on
the right side of the Dniester will accelerate the
resolution of the Transdniestrian problem.
 The Republic of Moldova appreciates the activity
of the EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and
Ukraine and its close cooperation with the relevant
border management bodies in both States. Its
contribution to border security and transparency has
created a more constructive atmosphere in which to
seek a resolution of the Transdniestrian problem. The
Republic of Moldova will further direct its efforts to
resuming negotiations in the existing format in view of
resolving the Transdniestrian problem. We count on the
consistent support and political will of all mediators
and observers in the resolution of this conflict.
 Ongoing terrorist activities in various parts of the
world demonstrate that terrorism continuously
threatens the security, fundamental democratic values,
human rights and the letter of the law that are the basis
of the United Nations Charter. This scourge can be
defeated only by firm, common action by the
international community. In this context, we would like
to reaffirm that the Republic of Moldova fully
participates in the global fight against terrorism by
implementing measures at the national level and by
contributing to the international community’s efforts.
The new Government of Moldova will take concrete
action in combating international terrorism in
accordance with international instruments, pertinent
resolutions of the Security Council and relevant
national documents, such as our national strategy for
preventing and combating money-laundering and the
financing of terrorism.
 In compliance with the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy (see resolution 60/288), the
Republic of Moldova will further contribute to future
United Nations efforts at consolidating international
legislation to combat terrorism, especially in view of
finalizing the negotiations of the comprehensive
convention on international terrorism and organizing a
high-level conference on terrorism under United
Nations auspices. We believe that special attention
needs to be paid to fighting those aspects of terrorism
that are nourished by separatist tendencies that affect
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States.
 Climate change poses a grave challenge to the
international community. Global warming and its
related effects, including natural disasters, have
become major threats to our peoples and to
international security. Its consequences greatly affect
vulnerable States, compromising economic growth and
the achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals. International cooperation is essential to dealing
with the obvious threat of climate change. We have to
raise alarm concerning the urgent need to strengthen
regional and global cooperation and to enhance the
assistance of donor States to developing countries and
to countries with economies in transition.
 In recent years, the Republic of Moldova has
been confronted with considerable natural calamities,
from acute droughts to severe floods. Each year, the
intensity and frequency of these phenomena increase.
The harm caused to the population, to the agricultural
and food sectors, as well as to the overall national
economy is huge. In this respect, the implementation of
the United Nations Conventions addressing climate
change and desertification and the development of an
international strategy for disaster reduction are of
increasing urgency for countries severely affected by
droughts and desertification.
 The Republic of Moldova recognizes the
importance of environmental protection to ensuring the
sustainable development of the country, as well as the
need for this issue to inform all national policies. In
this connection, we welcome the outcome of last
week’s Summit on Climate Change and strongly
support the continuation of negotiations. We hope that
we will conclude the forthcoming Copenhagen
Conference with a new far-reaching document. We
praise the Secretary-General’s efforts in mobilizing the
political will needed for the adoption of a new,
equitable and ambitious agreement.
 The Republic of Moldova strongly supports the
activity of the High-Level Task Force on the Global
Food Security Crisis set up and led by the Secretary-
General. The efficient collaboration between the Food
and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,
the Bretton Woods institutions and other relevant
United Nations structures, aimed at mobilizing new
funds in order to overcome the global food crisis, will
significantly contribute to the achievement of a
comprehensive action plan on food security. We
support the convening of the World Summit on Food
Security in Rome in November this year.

09-53165 26

 The Republic of Moldova is firm in its path
towards European integration and committed to the
universal values of peace, democracy, respect for
human rights, the rule of law and economic freedom.
European integration constitutes the major strategic
goal of Moldova’s foreign and internal policies. We
welcome positive developments in our relations with
the European Union and their progress over the past
few years, particularly after the victory of the Alliance
for European Integration in the parliamentary elections
held on 29 July 2009.
 The new Government will firmly pursue the goal
of rehabilitating the image of the Republic of Moldova
in the international arena and will negotiate in the near
future a new association agreement with the European
Union. The leaders of the Alliance for European
Integration are firmly committed to an efficient reform
of the socio-economic system in the Republic of
Moldova, without which the advancement of the
country towards progress and prosperity is hardly
possible. Those commitments represent eloquent proof
of the positive evolution of the political situation in the
Republic of Moldova after the recent parliamentary
elections. The democratic process has been resumed.
 The new Parliament has accepted the
responsibility of complying with all the
recommendations formulated by the European
Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe with regard to the events of 7 April.
Those recommendations call for Moldova to improve
its electoral legislation and to initiate the process of
direct application of EU legislation. From this
perspective, we count on the support and opportunities
offered by the United Nations and its Member States to
promote Moldova’s political and social economic
objectives, its aspirations to European integration, the
resolution of the Transdniestrian problem and the
withdrawal of foreign troops.
 In conclusion, I would like to confirm the
adherence of the Republic of Moldova to the ideals of
the United Nations and the will to further cooperate
through concrete action with a view to accomplishing
the commitments assumed. While respecting the
diversity of views, cultures and religions of everyone,
we must also be united in reaching for a common
goal — protecting humanity and preserving human
dignity as a foremost universal value.