 This
evening, as the Chairperson of the Conference of Heads
of State and Government of the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM), I am very delighted and honoured to
extend to President Ashe our congratulations on his
assumption of the position of President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-eighth session. His elevation to
preside over this central organ of the United Nations
is testimony to the contribution that CARICOM, as
a grouping of small States, continues to make to the
advancement of the global agenda for peace, security
and development. Indeed, it is evidence of the principle
of the sovereign equality of all States enshrined in
the Charter of the United Nations. Nowhere else is
that principle more recognizable than in the General
Assembly. Trinidad and Tobago is confident that the
President will discharge his mandate with distinction
and in an impartial manner for the benefit of all States.

In 2000, world leaders gathered at the General
Assembly and launched the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), which were aimed at achieving specific
targets on poverty alleviation, universal education,
gender equality, child and maternal health, combating
HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, environmental
sustainability, and partnership for development by
2015. At that time, there was renewed faith in the United
Nations as the vehicle to assist developing countries,
especially the most vulnerable, in their efforts to help
reduce poverty and hunger and to provide an enabling
environment to assist States, working as partners, to
develop their economies so that their peoples may live
in conditions free of persistent poverty, inadequate
health care and other developmental ills. At that time,
it was felt that a new chapter was beginning for the
United Nations. It was now being seen as proactive and
not reactive.

When we look back on the period between
2000 and the present, what is the reality? What has
the international community witnessed since the
commitments were made at the Millennium Summit
in 2000? The evidence shows that progress towards
achieving the MDGs has been uneven. For us in
Trinidad and Tobago, we have made some strides in
achieving the Goals and, indeed, in some cases, we
have surpassed them. For example, with respect to the
MDG related to education, not only have we achieved
universal primary education, we have also achieved
universal secondary education, and we are working
towards achieving universal early childhood education.

We are well aware that a number of countries
are not on track to realize any of the targets set. By
2005, and again in 2010, it was evident that greater
efforts were needed if developing countries as a whole
were to meet their MDG targets by the deadline.
However, despite numerous constraints in the difficult
international economic and financial environment,
developing countries have done much to finance their
own development. In contrast, many commentators
have asserted that developed countries have not done
enough to honour their commitments or to provide
development assistance to their partners, consistent
with the agreement reached at the Millennium Summit.

Arguably, some developed countries have not done
enough to reform their trade, tax and transparency
policies. Moreover, insufficient attention has been paid
to appropriate regulation of the global financial and
commodity markets. What has happened is that those
in turn have negatively impacted the ability of many
developing countries to achieve the MDGs.

Since the 2000 Summit, there has been some
progress in the achievement of the internationally
agreed goals including the MDGs, but there have
also been many pitfalls. It has become apparent that
business-as-usual approaches will not suffice to address
and eradicate poverty on a global scale; to ensure food,
nutrition and energy security; to reverse environmental
degradation and to deal with climate change.

Current approaches will not advance the MDG
agenda by 2015 or ensure sustainable development in
the post-2015 context, as agreed at the June 2012 Rio
de Janeiro United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20). Transformative change at the
national, regional and international levels is what is
required.

In reflecting on the role of the United Nations in
addressing the issue of development so that all peoples
of the world may live in larger freedom, we welcome
the outcome document adopted on 23 September for
a renewed commitment to the MDG agenda and the
intensification of the efforts towards its achievement
by 2015. We also welcome the decision to launch the
intergovernmental process that will lead to an agreement
on the post-2015 development agenda, which should
provide a new and more inclusive architecture to assist
us in achieving our global sustainable development
objectives.

We therefore applaud the President for focusing on
those efforts. We agree with him that it is an opportune
moment to begin the discourse on setting the stage
for the post-2015 development agenda. Some of the
preparatory work has already been done. At the Rio+20
Conference, world leaders pledged action on sustainable
development. We recognized the shortcomings of the
MDG process and the need to embrace a new partnership
involving Governments, the private sector, civil society
and multilateral banks, inter alia, to advance action on
sustainable development.

As leaders, we agreed to an outcome document to
chart “The future we want” (resolution 66/288, annex),
that is, a more sustainable future for the benefit of
present and future generations. “The future we want”
addresses many facets of what is required to stimulate
sustainable development for all countries. Trinidad and
Tobago was an active partner at that Conference.

Today we say we will continue to support the
emphasis placed on poverty eradication as the
greatest global challenge facing the world today and
an indispensable requirement for the achievement of
sustainable development. We are also committed to
the work already under way on the establishment of
the following sustainable development goals: first, the
development of the green economy as a tool for achieving
sustainable development; secondly, the development
of measures that go beyond gross domestic product
in assessing development; thirdly, the adoption of a
framework for tackling sustainable consumption and
production; and, fourthly, a focus on gender equality
and the need for greater engagement by civil society in
national efforts for sustainable development.

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon remarked that

“The [Rio+20] outcome document provides
a firm foundation for social, economic and
environmental well-being. It is now our
responsibility to build on it. Now the work begins.”
Trinidad and Tobago and many developing countries
also shared the sentiments of Her Excellency
Ms. Dilma Rousseff, who said: “I am convinced that
this Conference will have the effect of bringing about
sweeping change.” Therefore, as we begin to set the
stage for the post-2015 development agenda, Trinidad
and Tobago respectfully submits that the General
Assembly must provide the platform for achieving that
sweeping change, so as to ensure that we realize the
objective of integrating sustainable development at all
levels for a better world for all of humankind.
In keeping with that renewed commitment, we
applaud the launch of the High-Level Political Forum
on Sustainable Development to provide an appropriate
level of involvement and high-level political oversight
for the implementation of our collective sustainable
development aspirations. Trinidad and Tobago
therefore also supports the President’s announcement
to commence in a robust manner, during the current
session of the General Assembly, deliberations aimed
at arriving at a development agenda for the post-2015
period. We support his plans to convene high-level
events aimed at addressing women, youth and civil
society; human rights and the rule of law; South-South
cooperation; and information and communication
technology development. In our view, the topics
he has selected to guide the three thematic debates
scheduled for this session of the Assembly are well
chosen, namely, the role of partnerships, how stable and
peaceful societies can contribute to development, and
the way water, sanitation and sustainable energy can
contribute to the post-2015 development agenda.

The areas to be tackled at those events demonstrate
that the President has a clear vision of the elements needed
to give effect to the outcome of the Rio+20 Conference,
which embodies the hopes and dreams of the most
vulnerable members of the international community.
That grouping called for the new development agenda
to embrace the spirit of the Millennium Declaration and
to maintain the best of the MDGs, but also to go beyond
them.

In my view, it is imperative that those high-level
meetings underscore that we must go beyond business
as usual. There must a coordinated effort to use those
events to formulate a development agenda that builds on
and further accelerates the reduction of poverty levels,
which, since the launch of the MDGs, has already been
the fastest reduction in history.

The discourse must also be people-centred or, as
some commentators have postulated, it must be based
on our common humanity. We also find merit in the
comments of the High-level Panel of Eminent Persons
on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, appointed by
the Secretary-General, which indicated that the targets
to be agreed for the post-2015 development agenda
should be monitored closely and

“the indicators that track them should be
disaggregated to ensure no one is left behind and
targets should only be considered ‘achieved’ if they
are met for all relevant income and social groups”.
The Government of Trinidad and Tobago recognizes
the importance of having people at the centre of our
development goals. Consequently, upon our election to
office in 2010, we embarked on a national development
policy which is built on the premise of prosperity for
all. An examination of our national policy will show
that in Trinidad and Tobago, we have also observed
the importance of an integrated approach to not just
development, but development that is sustainable, that
integrates the social, economic and environment pillars
and which is similar to the plan outlined by President
Ashe, to set the stage for the post-2015 development
agenda.

My Government has implemented, with varying
measures of success, seven pillars that are intended
to propel our country’s development in order to
achieve prosperity for all. I will quickly itemize them:
people-centred development, poverty eradication
and social justice, national and personal security,
information and communications technology, a more
diversified, knowledge-intensive economy, good
governance, and foreign policy.

Trinidad and Tobago will continue to do its part in
assisting the community of nations to craft a post-2015
development agenda to integrate the social, economic
and environmental dimensions of sustainability.

We join other small island developing States
(SIDS) in outlining our many development successes,
achieved through SIDS leadership, as well as with the
assistance of the international community. In addition,
and in keeping with the recognition of SIDS as a special
case for sustainable development as a result of our
unique characteristics, challenges and vulnerabilities,
we must also highlight the fact that SIDS have made
significantly less progress in the area of development
than other vulnerable groups of countries.

In some cases, SIDS are on the front lines of
experiencing a reversal of many of the gains that
have been achieved. In that regard, as Chair of the
Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean
Community, I wish to bring to the attention of this body
a matter of significant concern to the States members
of CARICOM: the situation of small, highly indebted
middle-income countries. Almost as if we were being
penalized for our relative success in getting ourselves
out of the morass of poverty, the States members of
CARICOM that are categorized as middle-income
countries have been graduated out of the economic
space where they were previously afforded access to
concessional financing.

The use of per capita income to determine a
country’s level of development and its need for grant
and concessional financing does not provide a true
picture. Per capita income is, at best, an arithmetic ratio
that does not address levels of poverty, distribution of
income, levels of indebtedness, vulnerability and the
capacity to self-generate sustainable economic and
social development. If one were to add to that the impact
of natural disasters and the effects of sea-level rise
and climate change, the fallacy of the middle-income
categorization would be wiped out in an instant.

This issue must be considered within the context of
SIDS and the post-2015 development agenda. Indeed, in
the preparations for our participation in that upcoming
discourse, the recognition of the vulnerabilities of
small island developing States is one of the guidelines
that CARICOM will apply when considering its
commitments to the overall agenda.

The economic vulnerability and ability of the
States members of CARICOM to build resilience
are exacerbated by a debilitating debt overhang,
which continues to bedevil the region’s growth and
development prospects. Similarly, CARICOM takes
the view that the embargo applied to Cuba constitutes
a drag on the sustainable development prospects of that
country and, as such, should be lifted sooner rather
than later.

CARICOM’s debt stock currently stands at
approximately $19 billion, while the debt-to-GDP ratio
ranges from 60 to 144 per cent for many States. Many
CARICOM States have been recording lower-than-
satisfactory growth rates in comparison with other
developing countries in Latin America and the world
in general. In the aftermath of the global financial
and economic crisis, CARICOM States continue
to experience considerable difficulty in accessing
reasonably priced development finance, as several of
those States have been categorized at middle-income
status and graduated away from access to concessional
resources from the multilateral financial institutions.

I would therefore respectfully say that it must be
acknowledged that the debt overhang did not result

from profligate spending by CARICOM Governments;
instead, it resulted from the makeup of our countries, the
geography and history of our countries; our proneness
to natural catastrophes; and our very small physical
size, which does not lessen the per capita cost of
development expenditures for the necessary economic
infrastructure and the necessary social development
projects.

CARICOM States therefore appeal to the
international community to support our call for the
immediate review of the very narrow criteria used
by multilateral financial institutions and even some
development partners, which graduate small highly
indebted middle-income countries away from access
to concessional resources; and for an early review of
the economic and financial situation of graduated small
highly indebted middle-income countries with a view
to developing programmes for the orderly resolution of
their debt overhang, without compromising the future
prospects of those States.

We look forward to our participation in the Third
International Conference on Small island Developing
States, to be held in Samoa in September 2014, and to
the observance of the International Year of Small Island
Developing States, also in 2014. I am of the view that
both the Third SIDS Conference and the International
Year of SIDS come at an opportune time and will
ensure not only the full implementation of the Barbados
Programme of Action and its Mauritius Strategy for
the sustainable development of SIDS but also that the
concerns of SIDS are well articulated and adequately
taken into account in the development of the post-2015
development agenda.

The Assembly may recall that during the general
debate in 2011, both The Honourable Winston Baldwin
Spencer, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of
Antigua and Barbuda, and The Honourable Ralph
Gonsalves, Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, put forward the case for reparations for
the injustices suffered by African slaves and their
descendants, stating that segregation and violence
against people of African descent in the region had
impaired their capacity for advancement as peoples
and nations (see A/66/PV.22). They posited that former
slave-owning States should begin a reconciliation
process by formally acknowledging the cruelties
committed over the 400 years of the African slave trade.

At the Thirty-Fourth Regular Meeting of the
Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM,
held in Port of Spain in July this year, consideration
was given to the issue of reparations for Caribbean
slavery and native genocide. Heads of Government
unanimously agreed to support action on this issue.

CARICOM States therefore urge those Member
States that have not yet done so to contribute to the
United Nations trust fund to ensure the erection of
a permanent memorial in honour of the victims of
slavery and the transatlantic slave trade in a place
of prominence at United Nations Headquarters. We
were very heartened when the winning design for the
memorial was unveiled Monday right here at the United
Nations.

We recognize that peace, security and stability
provide an enabling environment for sustainable
development. Indeed, national and personal security is
one of the seven pillars of our own national sustainable
development strategy. At the international level, we are
stalwart supporters of the Arms Trade Treaty, agreed to
in March of this year and which we have already signed.
Today we deposited our instrument of ratification.

In the light of our experiences and challenges
in connection the impact of crime, violence and the
illicit trade in small arms and light weapons on our
development efforts, we would encourage all States
which have not yet done so to sign and ratify the Arms
Trade Treaty, so that it may come into force at the
earliest opportunity.

Indeed, I want to note with sadness an incident
that occurred only recently. One of our brilliant young
citizens, Mr. Ravindra Ramrattan, a former President’s
gold medalist for academic excellence in Trinidad and
Tobago, was killed last Saturday in the terrorist attack
on the Westgate mall in Nairobi. He no doubt fell
victim to illegal guns and other weapons in the hands
of murderous terrorists. His death is merely one more
example of the consequences of illicit cross-border
flows of arms.

On the Syrian crisis, it must not be forgotten that
good governance, respect for human rights and the rule of
law at the national and international levels are essential
for the achievement of sustainable development. In
that context, we wish to underscore our grave concern
about the escalating humanitarian crisis in Syria, and
repeat our call for the situation to be resolved through
dialogue and not the use of any measures that would

violate international law. We submit that if there is
prima facie evidence that individuals committed war
crimes during this protracted conflict that fall within
the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court,
steps should be taken to bring them to justice.

As we move forward with the work of the Open
Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals,
of which Trinidad and Tobago is a member, we have
already seen certain areas in which consensus is
emerging. I wish to assure the Assembly that the
Government of Trinidad and Tobago will continue to
be actively engaged in advancing the President’s efforts
to utilize the General Assembly as a primary vehicle
for engaging in dialogue on the formulation of the post-
2015 development agenda.


Allow me, on behalf of the Botswana delegation, to join previous speakers
in congratulating President Ashe most sincerely on
his assumption of the presidency of the Assembly. His
election demonstrates the confidence and high esteem
in which he personally and his great country, Antigua
and Barbuda, are held by the States Members of the
Organization. We particularly admire his deep passion
and proven record of leadership here at the United
Nations on issues of sustainable development and
climate change. We are therefore confident that the vast
knowledge and experience of multilateral diplomacy
which he brings to this position will contribute
significantly to the success of this session. May I also
congratulate his predecessor, Vuk Jeremi., for his
effective guidance and sterling leadership of the sixty-
seventh session.

My delegation fully endorses the theme he has
proposed for this session, namely, “The post-2015
development agenda: setting the stage”, including
overcoming poverty and insecurity as well as ensuring
the achievement of the sustainable development goals.

This is quite relevant and fitting given the fact that
the international community is on the brink of two
major interrelated developments in the global arena:
the imminent target date of 2015 for the achievement
of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and
the evolution of the sustainable development goals,
which will constitute a significant part of the post-
2015 development agenda. We therefore pledge our full
support and cooperation to President Ashe in his efforts
to usher in a new development paradigm.

There is no doubt that the challenges of extreme
poverty, disease, lack of access to affordable energy,
potable water and sanitation, climate change and
gender inequality will continue to haunt millions of our
people, especially in developing countries.

It is on account of this that my delegation is of
the strong view that the formulation of the sustainable
development goals should be predicated on the
outcome of the current review of the implementation
of the Millennium Development Goals. To that end, we
believe that the sustainable development Goals should
complement the Millennium Development Goals rather
than replace them wholesale.

Botswana has made impressive achievements in the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals,
and we have mainstreamed them into our national
development planning process. A substantial portion of
our national budget is allocated to health, education,
infrastructure, human resource development and the
empowerment of women and young people.

I am proud to report that we have achieved universal
primary education, as well as universal access to

HIV/AIDS treatment, care and support services.
We have drastically reduced the mother-to-child
transmission of HIV/AIDS. We are working tirelessly
towards achieving zero new infections and zero
HIV/AIDS-related deaths by 2015.

We reaffirm our commitment to the fight against
HIV/AIDS. Central to our efforts is the commitment
to ensuring respect for human rights and expanding
access to prevention, treatment and care support
services for affected populations, including those most
at risk. In addition, we remain committed to providing
a good quality of life for all of Botswana. In that regard,
we give the utmost priority to the implementation of
poverty eradication programmes, with particular focus
on vulnerable communities and vulnerable groups,
such as women, youth, the elderly and persons with
disabilities.

Despite all of the achievements we have made to
date, serious challenges remain. Permit me to briefly
address the vexing subject of climate change and the
situation of countries in special categories, including
middle-income countries. Botswana is among the
sub-Saharan African countries that suffer the most
from the adverse impact of climate change. Some of the
notable manifestations of climate change are extreme
temperatures, water shortages, land degradation,
desertification and persistent drought. Climate change
also has adverse impacts on health and food security.

While it is gratifying that progress continues to
be made in many countries in the implementation of
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change, my delegation believes that more needs to be
done, particularly to assist vulnerable countries in arid
and semi-arid areas and landlocked and transit countries,
such as my own, that are also susceptible to drought
and desertification. Financial support, technology
transfer and capacity-building need to be generously
extended to that special category of countries in order
to assist them in adapting to and mitigating the effects
of climate change.

Last year, Botswana hosted the Summit for
Sustainability in Africa, whose outcome declaration
calls upon Governments to ensure that the contributions
of natural capital to sustainable economic growth and
the maintenance and improvement of social capital
and human well-being are quantified and integrated
into development and business practices. We wish
to commend the work done by non-governmental
environmental organizations worldwide in their
unremitting efforts to save the planet from climate
change and its negative effects.

Botswana welcomes the adoption earlier this year
of the long-overdue Arms Trade Treaty. The Treaty
establishes common international standards for the
regulation of international trade in conventional arms,
ammunition and parts and components, with a view to
strengthening international peace and security. In that
regard, I am delighted to report that arrangements are
under way to facilitate our signing and ratification of
that vital instrument in the very near future.

Botswana remains firmly committed to a strong and
effective international criminal justice system — hence
our continued strong support for the mandate and work
of the International Criminal Court. We believe that
the Court has a vital role to play in the fight against
impunity, genocide, war crimes, crimes against
humanity and the crime of aggression.

In that regard, last April, Botswana hosted a
regional workshop for African States parties to the
Rome Statute. The workshop was aimed at encouraging
African States parties to ratify the 2010 Kampala
amendments to the Rome Statute, which deal with
the specific question of the crime of aggression. I am
pleased to say that, following the workshop, Botswana
became the first African State party to ratify the
Kampala amendments. We can only hope that other
State parties will follow suit so that we can secure the
requisite number of ratifications for the amendments to
enter into force.

Turning now to issues of international peace and
security, it defies logic that, throughout the course of
history, humankind has unleashed untold suffering on
humankind. Conflict is raging in many parts of the
world, where innocent lives are being lost needlessly.
My delegation wishes to reiterate that States have a duty
and a responsibility to protect their populations from
war crimes and crimes against humanity and to see to it
that the perpetrators of such crimes do not benefit from
impunity. In situations where it is clear that States have
failed or are unwilling to exercise their responsibility to
protect, it is only fair and proper that the international
community should intervene. In that regard, I refer
mainly to the responsibility of the Security Council.

For slightly over two years now, the people of Syria
have been engulfed in a brutal civil war whose end
seems nowhere in sight. We remain deeply concerned
that Syria continues to be soaked in the blood of its

citizens. We therefore wish to note our disappointment
with those permanent members of the Security Council
that continue to frustrate resolutions authorizing
interventions seeking a lasting solution to the ongoing
carnage in Syria.

It is a cause for extreme sadness that, despite the
ever-worsening humanitarian situation in that country,
the international community continues to turn a blind
eye to the situation. We fear that, if the current state
of affairs continues, a humanitarian catastrophe of epic
proportions will unfold and haunt humankind for many
generations to come. Accordingly, we wish to reiterate
our position that punitive action in some form should
be taken against the Al-Assad regime for committing
crimes against humanity. We appeal once again to the
Security Council, the organ with responsibility under
the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance
of international peace and security, to take decisive
action, once and for all, to end the human suffering in
Syria.

Let me take this opportunity to commend all
credible human rights and humanitarian organizations
for their efforts to relieve human suffering around the
world. We equally wish to commend those countries in
the region, especially Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon, for
accommodating and positively responding to the plight
of refugees from Syria and trying to meet their needs.

The political upheaval in Egypt is also a cause
for grave concern. Naturally, we believe that former
President Morsi contributed to the present crisis by
attempting to promulgate his undemocratic and divisive
agenda, which resulted in an unfortunate military
coup. Urgent action is therefore required to restore
constitutional rule in that country.

We note with deep concern that, shortly after
celebrating the second anniversary of its independence,
Africa’s newest sovereign State, South Sudan, has
experienced developments in its relations with the
Sudan that seriously threaten its security and territorial
integrity. At the same time, we remain deeply concerned
about the further deterioration of the political and
humanitarian situation in Darfur. We therefore appeal
to the international community to assist in all ways
possible to restore peace and stability in that region.

My Government strongly condemns the recent spate
of terrorist attacks in Kenya, Nigeria and Pakistan,
which have resulted in the loss of many innocent
lives. We wish to convey our sincere condolences and
sympathy to the affected countries and the families
of the deceased. Those acts of terror are a threat to
international peace and security and militate against
the international community’s efforts to build a secure,
peaceful and prosperous world.

Such terrorist acts are transnational in nature and
call therefore for a global response. To that end, we
appeal to the conscience and resolve of all members
of the international community to remain united and
steadfast, if we are to win that fight. There can be no
doubt that, if left unchecked, international terrorism
has the potential to undermine our global development
agenda.

We find it opportune to commend Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon for the vanguard role he
continues to play in the maintenance of international
peace and security, as well as in addressing issues
of human suffering across the globe. The Secretary-
General should also be applauded for his continued
efforts to coordinate international efforts to advance
the post-2015 development agenda.

Let me conclude by reaffirming Botswana’s
continued commitment to playing its part in the quest
for international peace and security as well as in the
international community’s unrelenting efforts towards
making the world a safer, peaceful and more prosperous
place for both present and future generations.


I would
like to begin my remarks by welcoming Mr. John Ashe
in his capacity as President of the General Assembly
at its sixty-eighth session. We are pleased that a
representative of our region, Latin America and the
Caribbean, is once again presiding over the main
organ of the United Nations. At the same time, I wish
to express my appreciation to Mr. Vuk Jeremi. for his
outstanding leadership and stewardship of the Assembly
at its previous session, during which he honoured us
with a visit to Guatemala.

The year 2013 has been challenging for Guatemala.
Last year we undertook to reduce our levels of child
malnutrition, which affects 4 of every 10 children in
my country. In addition, we decided that we could
not continue to sit on our hands while hundreds of
those children died of hunger. I am here to inform the
Assembly, with some optimism, that our efforts are
beginning to bear fruit. Since we began the fight against
hunger, we have managed to reduce infant mortality
from malnutrition by 50 per cent. Similarly, we have
created a monitoring system that allows us to measure
the nutritional condition of hundreds of thousands of
children, both to assess their growth and development
and to prevent deaths among children under the age
of 5. The challenge is enormous and we know that our
goals are very ambitious. That is why we are not yet
satisfied with the progress achieved, but we can affirm
without hesitation that little by little we are winning the
fight against hunger and child malnutrition.

The fight against hunger is closely related to
education. We want our boys and girls to study as many
years as they can and wish, and with no less than nine
years of basic education, which is the goal we have set.

But for that to happen, we have to ensure that they have
the nutrition that will enable their brains and bodies
grow healthily. We have to nourish our boys and girls so
that they can study. And we must provide them with the
opportunity of education so that they can be successful
in their adult lives, both in the world of work and in the
civic responsibilities that our democracy needs.

That is clearly linked to our second goal, that of
promoting dignified employment and a competitive
economy. I can again report to the Assembly that we
have achieved a 27 per cent increase in the number of
workers registered with Guatemala’s social security
system between the first quarters of 2012 and 2013.
That means that our economy is creating more formal
employment opportunities at the same time as we are
making progress in establishing our country as a leader
in improving the business climate in order to stimulate
investment.

I am delighted to say that we have developed a
growing dialogue in various fields with the President
of the United Mexican States, Enrique Peña Nieto. We
see the future of Guatemala as clearly related to the
economy of that fraternal neighbouring State, and that
is why we have been seeking to strengthen our relations
in areas including energy, transport and logistics, the
modernization of customs and the improvement of
security at border crossings, as well as our common
battle against hunger and in favour of peace in our
countries. Shared prosperity is our banner, and justice
our emblem.

In the same vein, we have expressed to the
Government of the United States of America our clear
interest in aligning our policies with those that promote
progress and security between the peoples of Mexico
and the United States. Guatemala aspires to a tripartite
alliance of prosperity with Mexico and the United
States that would serve as the foundation for solid links
with the countries of the Central American Integration
System and at the same time become a platform for
progress in the entire Caribbean region.

Again, we know that these are ambitious goals and
that reaching them will require a strong and persistent
effort, so as to achieve the common future of prosperity
that our peoples demand - a demand that we cannot
and should not evade. Today millions of Guatemalans
and Central Americans live and work in the United
States, and more than 50 per cent of our population
depends directly on business transactions with and
family remittances from Mexico and the United States.
That integration is a fact, and we Governments must
strengthening the institutions and policies that make it
possible to make best use of the achievements of our
children, our citizens and our business community.

The quest for prosperity is also related to our goals
of promoting peace and combating impunity. Security
has been a challenge inherited by my Government, and
we have resolved to address it by preventing violence
and by enforcing the law in a clear framework of respect
for human rights. We are far from having achieved our
goals, but the progress made shows that our State has
the capacity to dismantle large criminal networks and
to make them accountable to justice for their actions.

In that regard, I should like to inform the Assembly
that in urban areas of Guatemala City, where homicide,
extortion and insecurity were prevalent, we have
managed gradually to reinstate peace and social
coexistence. At the same time, our justice institutions
report that overall, impunity has been reduced by
almost 25 per cent between 2009 and 2013, with a
particular decrease in impunity for crimes against life,
both homicide and sexual crimes against women and
children.

In connection with the strengthening of the rule of
law, I would like to thank the General Assembly and
the donor community in particular for their support
for the International Commission against Impunity
in Guatemala. Its mandate has been renewed until
September 2015, and we hope that this period will be
used well to continue strengthening the capacity to
prosecute of the Public Prosecutor, the Ministry of
Security, the Ministry of the Interior, the national civil
police and the courts.

Building a country that is prosperous and free of
hunger, a country integrated with its neighbours and
where justice and peace prevail – that is the standard
that will guide us, and those are the goals that will
move us forward. That is why we ask the international
community to support us in moving in that direction.

Since my Government took office last year, we
have clearly affirmed that the war against drugs has
not yielded the desired results and that we cannot
continue doing the same thing and expecting different
results. That is why I associate myself at this time with
other countries that have spoken out in the Assembly,
including Mexico, Colombia and Costa Rica, in stating
that in the face of the global drug problem, we must
review internationally agreed policies in the quest for

more effective results in a framework of respect for
human rights and from the perspective of health and
harm reduction. The objective must be the well-being
of society in all its aspects.

Prevention must be given priority in order to reduce
the impact on health and especially to reduce the level of
social violence that is associated with the drug problem.
In the same vein, international cooperation should be
strengthened so as to reduce illegal flows of arms and
the funds that finance those criminal networks.

The new global strategy must emerge from an open
and inclusive debate leading up to the special session of
the General Assembly scheduled for 2016. We welcome
the Declaration of Antigua Guatemala of the General
Assembly of the Organization of American States as a
first step in the right direction towards the 2016 session.

I would like to add to this the specific views of my
Government. I should first like to say that Guatemala
commends the visionary decision of the citizens of the
states of Colorado and Washington, which have led the
way to an approach that addresses the issue of drugs
from the perspective of public health, the prevention
of addiction and violence, and full respect for human
rights. Likewise, I wish to commend President Obama
for his wise decision to respect the voice of the citizens
of Colorado and Washington, allowing those innovative
undertakings to prove themselves over time.

We also respect and support the example set
by President José Mujica of Uruguay in proposing
legislation that regulates the cannabis market instead
of following the failed route of prohibition. I must also
acknowledge the valiant and visionary leadership of
the Secretary-General of the Organization of American
States, José Miguel Insulza, who has firmly promoted
a climate of dialogue and reflection on drug policies
among the Governments of the western hemisphere.

Without digressing from the path of international
cooperation against transnational crime, each country
must experiment with new models to address the
drug problem. My Government has decided to create
a national commission that will help us explore more
effective means of dealing with the consumption,
trafficking and production of drugs.

We hope that the special session of the General
Assembly to be held in 2016 will draw on those
innovative experiences and take a strong stand in favour
of public policy that can be evaluated objectively and is
based on a focus on public health, prevention, damage
control and, of course, respect for human rights. We
also believe it important that the special session be held
here in New York City, because of its significance for
the future of global policies on the drug problem.

We had the privilege of being elected to the Security
Council for the period 2012-2013. Now that we are only
a few months away from the end of our tenure, I would
like to say that we have taken the provisions of Article
24 of the Charter of the United Nations very seriously,
not only in decisions based on our own values and
principles but also taking into account the fact that we
are acting on behalf of the General Assembly. We have
strived to comply with our mandate with objectivity,
a sense of responsibility and professionalism, while
emphasizing security and justice and the protection of
human rights and humanitarian law.

As a non-permanent member of the Security
Council, we have taken a position on the recent crisis
in Syria. We condemned the massacre, with chemical
weapons, of more than 1,000 people and insisted that
a crime of such magnitude could not go unpunished.
We also called for a firm response on the part of the
international community in order to prevent any
repetition of such deplorable acts. Consistent with that
position, we have supported the leadership of President
Obama, who has clearly affirmed that peace in Syria
and the Middle East as a whole must be built within the
framework of a political and diplomatic dialogue, but
without abandoning our international responsibility to
protect the citizens of those countries and of the world
from the threat of nuclear and chemical weapons.

We also believe that the United Nations made a
singular contribution to humankind in 2000 when it
launched the Millennium Development Goals. That is
why we are actively participating in the design of the
content and scope of the post-2015 development agenda
as a catalyst for development. We particularly hope that
the international community will define the reduction
of violence against women and children and universal
access to justice as global priorities. Only in a world that
is free of violence against women and provides justice
for all can a path be cleared towards development based
on full respect for human rights.

I would like to conclude my statement by
congratulating the United Nations system once again on
its ongoing efforts to seek peace and justice worldwide.
Guatemala endorses the same goals, and it is with

pride that I can affirm that we are and always will be a
country guided by the principles of the Charter of the
Organization.


It is always a great
honour for me to address this magnificent House,
symbol of equality among States and an irreplaceable
forum of multilateralism that seeks sustainable
solutions to the growing global challenges.

I join those who spoke before us in congratulating
you, Mr. President, on your election to preside over the
General Assembly at this session. We believe that your
vast experience and knowledge will contribute to the
success of our work. We would like to assure you of our
support so as to ensure that your mandate is crowned
with success.

We also congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Vuk
Jeremi., for a job well done during the sixty-seventh
session, which resulted in the reaffirmation of the role
of the United Nations as an indispensable multilateral
forum.

We are shocked by the sad news from Kenya
regarding the killing, in an act of terrorism, of innocent
citizens at a shopping mall. We would like to convey our
solidarity to the people and the Government of Kenya
and to all those who lost their loved ones in the tragedy.

Mr. President, we commend you for your wise and
opportune choice of the theme of this session, “The
post-2015 development agenda: setting the stage”,
based on the goal of creating a better world for us
all. That agenda, like the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), should be based on principles such
as inclusiveness in its approach; national ownership,
within the context of its sustainability; and shared
responsibility among development partners for its
implementation.

The theme of this session is the logical outcome
of the decisions emanating from the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development, which
galvanized the ongoing preparatory process for the
development agenda that will follow the MDGs and is
based on a multidimensional approach to development.

In carrying out that agenda, it is important that
we eradicate, from both our vocabulary and our
attitude, the dichotomy by which an attempt is made
to group the members of the United Nations family,
which is all of us, into two categories — the generous
and the deprived — because in this partnership each
complements the other with one’s natural and human
blessings. Those that do not contribute financially
contribute in kind.

In that context, the inability of a State to meet its
development targets as conceived and agreed upon in
this great House represents a collective failure on the
part of the entire international community, because
such targets are the shared responsibility of all States.
Otherwise, why would we set international targets that
are later incorporated into national agendas if they are
not to be met?

On that basis, we reiterate our appeal for the
commitments made to be honoured within the context
of the MDGs, because promises must be kept and we
must not fail to meet the expectations that we have
created.

We would like in particular to commend the
Secretary-General for his initiative in creating the
High-level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015
Development Agenda. The valuable conclusions and
recommendations contained in the report of the Panel
constitute an important reference in the formulation

and negotiation of the development agenda that is to
follow the MDGs.

Mozambique had the privilege of being part of
the group of countries chosen to carry out a national
consultation on the post-2015 development agenda. The
trust shown in Mozambican civil society to drive that
process must be commended because it strengthened
the principle of national ownership of the process. It
also created the conditions for Mozambican social
actors to demonstrate their growing vitality, which is
in itself a true reflection of the consolidation of the
processes of democratic and inclusive governance in
our country.

Indeed, we have been furthering our democracy,
reinforcing our democratic institutions and
consolidating our democratic practices. We do so
through transparency, dialogue and participation,
instilling respect for the Constitution and broadening
inclusiveness to encourage more Mozambicans to
become involved in the fight against poverty. An open
and inclusive presidency and a governance mechanism
replicated at other levels lead us, on the one hand, to
interact in a direct and comprehensive way with our
people in the places where they live and fight against
poverty and, on the other hand, places our governing
method under the scrutiny of the people.

It is in the context of our commitment to democratic
principles and values and to abiding by the legal tenets
of our Constitution and laws that, on 20 November, we
will hold municipal elections for the fourth time and,
in 2014, our fifth general and multiparty elections. The
implementation of this electoral cycle is the pinnacle
of the exercise of freedom of choice and of citizens’
political participation in the democratic process.

In the context of our commitment to the
disarmament agenda — an issue of paramount
importance in promoting peace and fighting poverty
in Mozambique — and as a way for us to associate
ourselves with the cause of international peace and
security, we will host, from 29 June to 4 July 2014, the
Third International Review Conference of the States
Parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,
Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel
Mines and on Their Destruction. We invite all Member
States, observers and international and civil society
organizations to participate in the Conference.

In August, Mozambique successfully concluded its
mandate as Chair of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC). Given its relevance to our
theme, we would point out that, over the course of a
year and in close collaboration with other member
States, the Africa Union, the United Nations and other
international partners, we engaged in galvanizing the
process of regional integration and in seeking peace
and stability for the region.

We reiterate our congratulations to Zimbabwe
on holding successful elections, whose results were
validated by the country’s institutions and endorsed
by SADC and the African Union. All the conditions
have now been met for the sanctions imposed on that
country to be lifted in order to allow for Zimbabwe’s
development and full participation in the global agenda.

The stability of the Democratic People’s Republic
of the Congo continues to be a challenge for our
region. We would like, once again, to congratulate the
Secretary-General for his efforts — in conjunction
with SADC, the International Conference on the Great
Lakes Region and the African Union — which resulted
in the signing of the Peace, Security and Cooperation
Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and the Region and in the appointment of President
Mary Robinson as the Special Envoy of the Secretary-
General, whom we also congratulate. We reiterate
our appeal to all signatories to honour the tenets of
that agreement. We appeal to the Congolese actors to
conclude the Kampala negotiations so as to ensure the
return of lasting stability in the Democratic People’s
Republic of the Congo.

The establishment of dates for the presidential and
legislative elections this year in Madagascar creates
good prospects for the conclusion of the political
transition process in that country. We must therefore
continue to provide our support to ensure that this
process is successful.

Within the framework of our chairmanship of
the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries,
we remain steadfast and committed to the stability of
Guinea-Bissau. We welcome the efforts of the Guinea-
Bissau political actors to restore stability to their
country. We also commend other partners of Guinea-
Bissau — including the Economic Community of West
African States, the African Union, the European Union
and the United Nations — which have contributed to
the creation of a new dynamic that seeks to find lasting
solutions to the political crisis. We also welcome the
appointment of President Ramos-Horta as Special

Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of
Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding
Office in Guinea Bissau. We reiterate our appeal to the
international community to continue to mobilize the
resources needed to fundamental elections and, above
all, to strengthen State institutions in Guinea-Bissau.

The agenda of this session focuses on development,
the successful implementation of which can occur only
in a climate of international of peace and security. In
seeking solutions to the conflicts in different parts
of the world, the multilateral approach, based on the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations, must
prevail. Safeguarding world peace will always be our
collective responsibility and never that of one country
or of group of States. In that context, the reform of the
United Nations, particularly of the Security Council,
must continue to receive our special attention so as to
ensure that that organ is more representative, democratic
and credible and that it can respond more effectively to
the various challenges of the contemporary world.

It will always be a paradox that whenever social,
environmental and economic issues arise, all countries
understand that multilateral cooperation is a mechanism
that cannot be avoided, but that decisions involving
peace or war tend to be made behind closed doors by a
small group of States. At a time in which concepts such
as democracy, inclusion, ownership and transparency
enjoy renewed prominence, we must all accept that
the time has come to balance the imbalances that are
contrary to multilateralism.

It is in the context of this overall framework that
the Republic of Mozambique maintains its support for
the self-determination of the Palestinian people, the
existence of a Palestinian State based on the relevant
United Nations resolutions and the two-State solution
in which Palestine and Israel live side by side and in
an environment of peace and security. We further
support the self-determination of the Saharawi people.
Moreover, the Republic of Mozambique reaffirms the
need to end economic trade and financial embargos
against Cuba.

Once again, we reiterate our commitment to the
noble ideals of the United Nations and reaffirm that we
will continue to do our part in building an increasingly
better, more stable and prosperous world.


Today, I
address the Assembly at a time when I feel great
uncertainty about the future of the Organization and
the established rules governing the relations among
its Member States. It was expected that yesterday the
Assembly would hear, from this rostrum, a statement
from President Al-Bashir, the elected President of the
Republic of the Sudan. However, with deep regret I
must report the refusal by the authorities of the United
States, the host Government, to give entry visas to
President Al-Bashir and his delegation, thus rendering
him unable to participate in the work of the Assembly
at this session.

The fact that the authorities of the host country did
not grant a visa to our President is a serious violation
of the principles and purposes set forth in the Charter
of the United Nations. Specifically, it is a violation of
the Headquarters Agreement signed in December 1946
with the host country.

President Al-Bashir is known throughout Africa.
He is known by all those who hold peace dear. He is
known by everybody for what he has done — putting
an end to the longest bloodthirsty civil war in Africa,
inherited from the days of colonialism. The birth
of the Republic of South Sudan is clear proof of his
commitment to the implementation of the provisions of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

Despite the tremendous sacrifice made by giving
up a valuable part of the territory, one rich in natural
and human resources, President Al-Bashir has been
prevented from participating in the work of the General
Assembly. However, the meeting of the Peace and
Security Council of the African Union has highlighted
the part that he has played in supporting peace between
the Sudan and South Sudan and throughout our region.

My delegation would like to say that this unjustified
and unacceptable action sets a very serious precedent
in the history of the United Nations. It requires that the
whole membership take a firm position on this matter.
This denial of the legitimate right of a Member State
leads us to call on the Secretary-General to exercise his
duty and responsibility to protect the rights of Member
States under the Headquarters Agreement. If the matter
were left up to the Sudan, then the same kind of thing
could happen to any other Member State, and we would
not like those rights to be violated.

I should like to warmly congratulate the President on
his election to the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-eighth session. I take this opportunity to
extend my country’s thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Vuk
Jeremi., for the excellent manner in which he guided
the work at the last session. We also thank Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon and his team in the Secretariat
for the sincere and diligent work that they have done
for us.

It is our hope that discussions during this session
will be successful. The theme chosen, “The post-
2015 development agenda: setting the stage”, is
important. The Sudan believes that the Organization
and its specialized agencies will indeed devote the
importance that is appropriate to such a crucial issue
because development is essential to international peace
and security, particularly in developing countries. As
everyone knows, poverty, underdevelopment, climate
change and a shortage of resources are some of the
main causes of conflict in the world.

The Sudan has made great strategic progress
regarding peace, stability and prosperity for its people
and has begun a political process that will lead to the
adoption of a final constitution. After the peace efforts
proved successful vis-à-vis the independence of South
Sudan, we accepted the choice of its people. Today
we are working to develop a solid economic system,
even though we have to deal with the after-effects of
economic sanctions that the United States unilaterally
imposed on us. We have begun to take economic steps
necessary to strengthen our economy and prevent it
from collapsing.

On the matter of human rights, I should like to share
the opinion expressed by the Special Rapporteur on the
Sudan. He recognized that progress had been made in
various areas of human rights. These matters have been
dealt with very seriously, and the recommendations
will be dealt with in our policy. We are committed to
the principles of human rights, and we have set up an
independent national human rights commission in the
Sudan, founded in accordance with the Paris principles,
that cooperates with the relevant United Nations
agencies.

To promote and strengthen human rights, we
signed a national law to combat trafficking in human
beings. We have many specialized institutions and
mechanisms that work to defend women’s rights
as well, so that women can participate fully in our
society and in our State. That can be seen very clearly
in the positive discrimination we have been pursuing
vis-à-vis women, which has led to greater political
participation by women at the legislative, executive and
other decision-making levels.

In 2010 we adopted a law on the rights of the
child that is in accordance with the principles of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child and its Optional
Protocols, so that we can promote the rights of
children and protect them against any kind of violence
or exploitation. Our various national institutions
coordinate among themselves, and we have set up a
national board for children. We have police who deal
especially with the issues of youth and children, and we
have a public prosecutor who specializes in this area.

Once South Sudan was established, we immediately
began to engage in neighbourly and fruitful cooperation
with it. We have blood ties with it and a common border
more than 2,100 kilometres long. About two thirds of
the inhabitants of both countries live along the borders.

The period following the independence of South
Sudan was a period of some tension because of
certain matters that had been left pending, so the two
countries entered into very intensive negotiations. On
27 September 2012, exactly one year ago, in Addis Ababa
the two countries were able to sign nine agreements
covering all matters of cooperation between our two
countries. We included mechanisms for implementing
the agreements in an accompanying document. We also
set forth deadlines for reaching further agreements.

At the most recent negotiating session between the
two Presidents, in Khartoum on 3 September, and in
the presence of Mr. Mbeki, the two Presidents came to
an agreement on how to deal with all pending matters.
They also appealed to the international community
to cancel the Sudan’s debt and to lift the sanctions
imposed on it.

Turning now to the matter of unilateral sanctions,
it is our hope that we will have strong and healthy
relations with South Sudan, and we will spare no effort
to achieve that. We trust the international community
will be supportive of our efforts. We would like to
extend our thanks to the African high-level mechanism
and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia in this connection.

I am happy to be able to report that the efforts of
the Government of the Sudan and the international
community vis-à-vis Darfur have made possible real
and continuous progress in terms of stability and
security. There has been a sharp drop in the violence
there because those that signed the Doha peace
agreement have lived up to their promises. Many of the
armed groups joined the agreement later. The voluntary
return of people who had left is also being organized
and services are being provided.

I should like to say that relations between the
Government of the Sudan and United Nations bodies
with regard to the humanitarian situation are now stable,
so that humanitarian needs can be met. We reached
an agreement with UNICEF on vaccinations against
poliomyelitis and other diseases, and an agreement was
reached as part of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

Regarding non-governmental organizations, the
Sudan, like other Member States, is committed to the
implementation of the development goals, including
combating poverty. We have adopted policies on
reducing poverty and on providing more jobs for young
graduates. We are also developing a microfinance system
for low- and middle-income people. Unfortunately,
however, unemployment is not as low as we had hoped,
and the unilateral economic sanctions have been a real
obstacle to our making progress in development and
in strengthening our economy. It has been particularly
difficult for young people in the Sudan, who account
for about 60 per cent of our population.

The Sudan calls on the international community
to live up to its promise to cancel the debt and to lift
unilateral economic sanctions. The matter of the debt is
one of the important goals of the post-2015 development
agenda. Debt is a real burden for so many countries in
the world.

The Sudan is a prominent member of many
international bodies dealing with the environment. As a
victim of climate change, the Sudan believes that great
attention should be paid to environmental issues and
goals in the post-2015 development agenda. We would
like to work with others through the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change.

The situation is deteriorating every year. We have
suffered from climate change since the mid-1980s.
We have suffered from recurrent cycles of drought in
much of our territory, and that has also been a factor
in slowing down our development goals. It has also
created instability in many parts of our country because
of conflict over pasture land and water supplies. That
applies also in Darfur, where historically there have
been tribal disputes and disputes over pastureland
because of long periods of drought. The Darfur
conflict became a political issue only in the last decade
because of external interference. There is a very close
relationship between climate change and armed conflict
in that respect.

My country attaches paramount importance to the
rule of law at the national and international levels. We
make sure that our national laws and our legislature are
in accordance with international instruments, laws and
treaties to which we are a party. So from this rostrum,
and based on our own experience, we reiterate our
rejection of the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Over the past decade or so it has been violating the
principles of international law and justice. The ICC
has been used as a political tool by certain parties in
the international arena. Many of those that signed the
Rome Statute have now become aware of the negative
impact of the ICC and its destructive impact on stability
and peace. The last African Union Summit showed that
very clearly.

Regarding the crisis in Syria, our position has
always been clear. We call for peaceful dialogue among
the Syrians themselves towards identifying a peaceful
and permanent solution. We have always rejected
violence and foreign interference. We condemn the use
of chemical weapons in the Syrian conflict, and we
support the Russian approach to resolving this matter.

The question of Palestine — how to achieve justice
and restore the rights of the Palestinian people and stop
the illegal aggression by the Israeli authorities in that
territory — is still a real challenge in the international
arena. The prisoners must be released. The matter
must be resolved within the context of international
legitimacy and the Arab Peace Initiative, but Israel has
simply turned a deaf ear to proposals from the Arab
sides.

There has been a constant call for respect for
international law. The reform of the United Nations
and its principal and subsidiary organs is a matter of
some urgency and importance. It is time for a practical
process to start, with a clear work programme, so that
the international system can act in a manner that is
fair, transparent and effective, so that it can take up
the challenges it faces. But no progress will be made in
reform until the General Assembly can play its full part
and exercise all of its powers without any intimidation
from the Security Council.

The matter of reform of the Security Council
is also of some importance for the Sudan, because
that will mean that there is real reform in the United
Nations. The Security Council today does not reflect
the realities of the world. It adopts resolutions and takes
decisions but not in a democratic and transparent way.
It is therefore essential that there be comprehensive
reform. Partial or transitional reforms are not possible.
We support the African Union position on reform of the
international system. We want a balanced, pluralistic
and fairer system that will be able to deal with the
challenges of the world of today, ensure respect for
international law and for the noble principles of the
Organization and attain the purposes and principles of
the Charter — respect for the sovereignty of States and
non-interference in domestic issues under any pretext
whatsoever; the non-use of force; and the non-use of the
threat of force against others.


I would like
first to congratulate His Excellency Mr. John Ashe on
his election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-eighth session, and I wish him every success in his
mission. I would like also to express our appreciation
to His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremi., President of the
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, for his efforts
for the success of that session. I would like also to
commend the efforts of His Excellency the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, to strengthen the role of the
United Nations.

The international community faces many different
problems related to peace and security, in addition to
challenges facing the efforts made to solve disputes
peacefully. This calls for strengthening the United
Nations capacity to tackle these challenges and
problems.

Peoples from different regions of the world are
expecting the institutions of the international community
to dedicate their efforts to finding solutions to the issues
of poverty, hunger and sustainable development in a way
that goes beyond simply convening conferences and
adopting resolutions, and even beyond the necessary
collective attention and campaigns that are called for
from time to time, important as they might be.

Recently, the Arab region has experienced many
historic events and accelerating change. It has witnessed
turbulent events arising from popular movements and
their forceful entry into the public and political arenas.

Stalemate continues to characterize the Arab-
Israeli conflict. That conflict is at the forefront of the
issues threatening international peace and security,
owing to the continued Israeli occupation and the
injustices inflicted upon the Palestinian people, as
well as the failure to reach a just and lasting peace in
accordance with resolutions of international legality.
The continued Israeli occupation of Palestinian and
Arab territories cannot be accepted as normal. Its
practices include the changing of the demographic
conditions in those territories, particularly through the
expansion of settlement activity, the Judaization of the
city of Jerusalem, the unjust embargo against the Gaza
Strip, and intensification of settlement activities in the
occupied Syrian Golan and changing its status quo and
demographics. This is not simply because such actions
represent flagrant violations of international laws and
covenants, but also because the Palestinian cause is a
just cause and the historical injustice inflicted upon the
Palestinian people must end.

The major international bodies were established
on the basis of the right to self-determination in the
aftermath of two world wars. It is unreasonable that
they cannot do anything about the last remaining
colonial issue in the world.

Israel should realize that coercion and de facto
policies do not bring security. It is wrong for it to
establish a State that believes that the prospect for
peace lies in subjugating other peoples, denying their
rights and making that a priority over peace.

There can be no security without peace. True
peace can come about only through coexistence among
peoples on the basis of good-neighbourliness, mutual
respect and respect for the interests of all. The peace we
desire is built upon dignity, justice and the principles
of international legality, as well as United Nations
resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative, the principle
of a two-State solution and the withdrawal of Israel

from all occupied Arab territories. The experiences
of different nations and peoples confirm that unjust
settlements do not endure but only lead to new conflicts.

The continued de facto policy in Palestine will not
make the issue disappear. It is actually becoming more
complicated, because continuing settlement activities
are leading to the destruction of the foundation for
the establishment of a Palestinian State. The current
status quo resembles a situation of apartheid under the
domination of one State or even within a single State.
That cannot but be grounds for fresh conflict, as no
people could accept continued injustice and remain
silent.

The inalienable national rights of the Palestinian
people to establish their independent State, with
Jerusalem as its capital and within the limits of 1967
borders, as well as the right of return for Palestinian
refugees, are not only an Arab demand; they also
represent an international standard for testing the
credibility of international legality, which should not
be divisible. Just as the international community has in
the past applied the principles of international legality
to other crises in the world, we should apply the same
legal principles to all issues. We therefore call upon
the Security Council to uphold its responsibility to
maintain international peace and security and to take
the decisions necessary to stop all illegitimate Israeli
practices.

Destructive actions and appalling massacres,
including the policy of scorched earth and the
destruction of cities, continue to be carried out by the
Syrian regime against its peoples, crossing all red lines
dictated by ethics and mandated by law, particularly in
view of the regime’s use of chemical weapons against
the Syrian people.

It is unfortunate that the perpetrators of those
brutal crimes and massacres, which have shocked every
human conscience, are, undeterred, enjoying impunity
from accountability. That raises questions about the
credibility of the human rights and international legality
mechanisms of the international community.

The issue is not whether or not Syria possesses
chemical weapons, because Syria is a State that is in
conflict with another State that possesses chemical,
biological and even nuclear weapons. The issue is the
use of such weapons by the regime against its own
people. The Syrian people did not rise up in order to
place Syrian chemical weapons under international
supervision. They did so in order to get rid of despotism
and corruption and to put an end to the injustice they
have been facing.

We all know that the responsibility for the failure
to impose the political settlement we would all prefer
for Syria is due basically to the Security Council’s
inability to take the decisions required to put an end
to the bloodshed and to the continued intransigence of
the Syrian regime and its rejection of all regional and
international initiatives.

From that perspective, the decision-making process
in the Security Council must change, since it lacks
fairness and objectivity. It has also become a major
obstacle to the maintenance of international peace and
security and to the punishment of war criminals and
perpetrators of crimes against humanity. We therefore
reiterate the importance of accelerating comprehensive
reform of the Security Council in order to make it more
capable of dealing objectively with global challenges
and responding to the aspirations of peoples. That can
be achieved only through equitable representation of
the international community in the Council, so that it
can become expressive of democracy in international
multilateral efforts.

While it is obviously impossible for any decision
to be taken in the Council without the support
of the majority of the permanent member States,
decision-making should not be monopolized in the long
term by one or two States.

I take this opportunity to call upon our Syrian
brothers to unify their ranks in order to initiate a
transitional period leading to the establishment of
a governing system that guarantees freedom and
dignity for all Syrians, without discrimination on the
grounds of gender, nationality, sect or creed. These
large numbers of martyrs have not fallen and all these
sacrifices have not been made by this great people so
that despotism could be exchanged for chaos or another
kind of despotism.

The Arab Spring revolutions, during which the
Arab people have risen up, calling for freedom, dignity
and social justice, are now facing difficulties that seem
to be aimed at reversing the march of time. As such
difficulties had been anticipated, it is strange that
certain politicians have not been able to avoid even
expected problems.

Anyone who knows the reality of the issues in the
Arab region and their historical context knows that these

revolutions have taken place in the context of a long-
term historical process similar to those experienced
previously by various peoples in Europe, America, Asia
and Africa. The path to a just rule and to meeting the
demands of peoples in all States of the world has never
been easy; it has always been replete with sacrifices.
It is not easy to follow such a path with patience and
determination. Rarely have there been revolutions that
have not been followed by desperate attempts by former
regimes to abort them. That is why wise people always
prefer that regime change should take place through a
process of gradual reform.

But we also know very well that in some cases, in
our region and in other regions of the world, change
could not have taken place through reform. We should
not jump to hasty conclusions about the future of the
Arab revolutions. This is a historical necessity and a
long-term one. It is clear that things in the Arab world
will not revert to the way they were and that the Arab
peoples have become more aware of their rights and
more involved in the public domain.

The State of Qatar has always opted to be an active
and effective party playing a constructive role at the
international level through its balanced economic
and political relations at the bilateral and multilateral
levels. We will continue to take that approach, so that
the State of Qatar can uphold its responsibilities and
commitments at the national, regional and international
levels. The State of Qatar aims to be a hub for dialogue
and discussion among various parties to conflicts and
not to be a party to such conflicts. We aim also to create
opportunities for cultural and informational dialogue
between peoples.

In that context, the process of reform and
modernity initiated by Qatar, which has made it a State
of institutions and one that is interacting positively
with the international community, was achieved
only through a genuine commitment to applying
the rule of law and principles of good governance,
combating corruption, protecting human rights and
basic freedoms, empowering women to participate in
public life on an equal footing with men, and creating
a healthy environment for children. In addition, our
national policies have always focused, as a priority, on
the concerns of young people and on creating a suitable
educational environment for them aimed at ensuring
the maximum use of their capacities.

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
in particular nuclear weapons, in the Middle East is
a very alarming issue. In that context, I affirm the
position of the State of Qatar that every State in the
region has an absolute right to use nuclear power for
peaceful purposes in accordance with the standards
and procedures of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. We also look forward to convening the Helsinki
conference as a step that contributes to the efforts
aimed at making the Middle East a zone free of nuclear
weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.

The issue of climate change remains at the top of
our concerns, with all its ramifications for the global
system as a whole. In that regard, I would like to
confirm and reiterate the commitment of the State of
Qatar to continued cooperation with the international
community in facing that challenge and implementing
the measures agreed upon during the eighteenth
session of the Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,
which was hosted by Qatar at the end of last year, in
order to develop a road map for tackling the negative
environmental and economic consequences of that
dangerous phenomenon.

It is worth mentioning that the State of Qatar has
gone a long way towards implementing the initiative
of the Global Dry Land Alliance, which it launched
in order to establish an international organization that
would tackle the implications of that phenomenon.
That proposed organization will complement the work
of the other relevant international organizations in
combatting desertification and drought and preserving
the environment without duplicating their work. I call
upon all Member States to support that initiative.

The State of Qatar participates as an active and
effective partner in efforts to achieve sustainable
development at the international level. We have pledged
to allocate the required percentage of our gross national
product for the least developed countries, in addition
to the humanitarian and relief assistance that our State
provides in cases of emergency and disaster.

In that context, the State of Qatar has achieved the
majority of the Millennium Development Goals and is
working towards achieving all the Goals before 2015, as
demonstrated by United Nations and regional reports in
that field.