142.	I am addressing this General
Assembly of the United Nations at its thirty-third session on behalf of the President of the Central Committee of the Single National Labour Party and President-for-life under the Constitution of the Republic, our great comrade Masie Nguema Biyogo Segue Ndong. On behalf of the delegation that I have the honour to lead, and on my own behalf, I wish to congratulate Mr. Indalecio Lievano on his well-deserved unanimous election as President of the Assembly at this session. His competence and experience in the field of international affairs are strengthened by the profound ideals of his Government and people, which are bound to mine by the historic links of a colonial past. We are convinced that in the debates on the items on our agenda we shall reach just decisions reflecting and affirming once again the important task of implementing the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security.
143. Through you, Sir, we wish to congratulate also all the members of the General Committee, who, we trust, with their competence and skill in the management of international affairs, will decisively contribute to our efforts to solve the serious international problems afflicting the world today.
144  Noting the large number of items before us, which my delegation trusts that the Assembly will be able to examine objectively, we believe that, because of the importance and urgency of some items, it is essential that the Assembly should give priority to questions relating to decolonization and in particular the elimination of its last vestiges in southern Africa, the maintenance of peace and security in the world, the establishment of a new international economic order that would be just, and equitable, international co-operation to promote and implement civil, political, economic and cultural rights, and the elimination of racial discrimination and apartheid. These are our main objectives.
145.	When the Charter was signed at San Francisco in 1945 the United Nations had only 51 Member States. The 33 years since have been devoted completely to reaffirming unequivocally the devotion of the Organization to the implementation of one of its founding principles, namely, the right of all peoples of the world to freedom, self- determination and independence. The present number of 150 Member States, including the fledgling State of Solomon Islands, gives a forceful demonstration of the efforts made of the United Nations in the field of decolonization since it came into being. At this time I am pleased to reiterate most sincerely the congratulations of the Government of Equatorial Guinea to the Government of the new State of Solomon Islands and its people on their accession to independence and their entry into the great family of the United Nations. In accordance with the spirit of our Organization, there is no country in the world that is small or large in the world. That is why we believe that the entry of this new State, besides reaffirming the universality of the United Nations, also strengthens its role in the establishment of a world of peace, security, justice, equity and social well-being.
146.	We are also pleased to know that, without any further impediment, the island of Tuvalu has acceded to independence on, the first day of this month. We most sincerely congratulate the new Government and the people of Tuvalu and wish them a new era of peace and prosperity.
147.	Nevertheless, despite these efforts by the United Nations to eliminate colonialism throughout the world, it is deplorable and even disconcerting to note the persistence of the colonial system in some parts of the world, particularly in southern Africa which, despite the attention focused upon that area by the United Nations since its foundation, remains at the centre of our concerns.
148.	Bearing in mind that the world is closely concerned with the evolution of nations that are free and nations that are not, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea defends the right of each people to self-determination. We have come to this Assembly convinced that we shall find here guidelines for our struggle to establish new methods for militant solidarity with and support of the peoples in Africa and in the rest of the world who are fighting for their national independence and human dignity.
149.	The efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to secure independence for Namibia by 31 December next constitute the basic elements for the self-determination and independence of that African territory under the auspices of the United Nations. The People's Revolutionary Government of Equatorial Guinea, consistent with its democratic principles, resolutely supports the independence of Namibia, including Walvis Bay as an integral and inseparable part of its territory, and the transfer of power to the Namibian people under the direction of SWAPO, on 31 December of this year. Accordingly, we reject any manoeuvre intended to detract from the process of securing the independence of Namibia in accordance with the plan established by the United Nations.
150.	In reaching this important decision on the immediate independence of Namibia, I need hardly refer in this Assembly to the unyielding attitude of the South African racist Government and the various manoeuvres it has attempted for some years in defiance of the international community. We consider that the time has come to put an end to this state of affairs, which constitutes open disregard of the African countries and is an insult to the international community.
151.	Also within the framework of the serious problems which affect this zone of southern Africa is the question of Rhodesia, where a white minority oppresses millions-of blacks, with the complicity of the large Western capitalist monopolies, and despite the efforts made and sanctions imposed by the United Nations, little progress has been effected. My Government considers once again that it is the duty of this Assembly to arrive at adequate solutions at this session. We energetically condemn the military incursions of the South African racist aggressors and Rhodesians into neighbouring countries. These incursions constitute a threat not only to the peace of the region, but also to international peace and security.
152.	Equatorial Guinea, in advocating the genuine independence of the people of Zimbabwe, expresses its concern over manoeuvres introduced, promoted and attempted by the illegal regime of Mr. Smith with the aim of setting up a
puppet government in Zimbabwe with the sole and deliberate purpose of having his interests prevail in that African Territory. In this respect my Government resolutely supports the struggle undertaken by the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front as the legitimate representative and defender of the real aspirations of the African people of Zimbabwe.
153.	The valiant brother people of the Sahara are deprived of their sacred rights to self-determination and independence because of the manifest complicity of the colonialist policy of Spain. In this context the position of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is clear. We resolutely support self-determination for the Saharan people and their genuine, authentic movement, the Frente POLISARIO, in accordance with United Nations resolutions and resolutions of the- OAU, which provide for a summit meeting of the heads of State and Government of Africa, which would determine the status of the present situation in that region, and we are certain that the parties concerned will strive to arrive at an agreement that will make the independence of Western Sahara possible.
154.	Specifically, the Popular Revolutionary Government of Equatorial Guinea lends its total support to the process of decolonization and, as we have indicated earlier, the United Nations has made a major effort to eliminate the major centres of colonialism in the world. We therefore completely and unconditionally support all Territories which are still under the colonial yoke and are struggling for their independence.
155.	Another of the burning problems of our planet which for 30 years now has been threatening the maintenance of world peace and security is the question of the Middle East.
156.	In this respect, taking into account the parties concerned, my Government considers, and has always maintained, that any settlement or negotiation on this conflict should be carried out within the context of the Security Council resolutions, with the direct participation of the parties concerned, including the PLO, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. We confirm that a just and lasting peace in that conflict cannot be obtained without Israeli withdrawal from all the Arab territories which were occupied after 1967, and without the attainment of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine, particularly their right to return to their country and establish their own State, in accordance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. Any solution of this conflict should not ignore the existence of a Hebrew State with secure and recognized, frontiers, in accordance with United Nations resolutions. On the other hand, the situation in Lebanon should be linked to the general situation of the Middle East. The United Nations must continue its peace-keeping efforts in Lebanon.
157.	In considering the review of the problems which affect peace and security throughout the world, I cannot fail to mention the concern of my Government over the question of the peaceful reunification of Korea and the question of Cyprus. It is our hope that in these parts of the world order, peace and tranquillity will prevail. Furthermore, we maintain that the Chinese province of Taiwan is an integral part of the People's Republic of China and should be restored to its legitimate Government. Its illegal

occupation is a focus of tension and a threat to peace in the region.
158.	The disarmament question is another of the fundamental problems to which this Organization should devote special attention, because of the harmful effects of the arms race both for the maintenance of international peace and security and for world economic development. Indeed, complying with the principal requirements of the United Nations Charter—namely "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war—means, first and foremost, striving to halt the arms race.
159.	Disarmament is the task which, in our opinion, is within the competence of the great Powers in particular, and of all mankind in general. The vast material and intellectual resources of mankind have been spent so unproductively in creating means of mass extermination against the human species itself. The international community is perfectly aware of the present needs of millions of human beings, and those needs-for food, medical assistance, education, housing and so on—should not be allowed to go unmet because of the arms race, while huge amounts of money, up to as much as $400 billion a year, are invested in this absurd programme to do away with man himself.
160.	The problem of disarmament is of singular importance and significance for the African continent in our efforts for the denuclearization of Africa. In its resolution 3261 E (XXIX) of 9 December 1974, the General Assembly, after recalling its resolutions 1652 (XVI) and 2033 (XX), reaffirmed its call upon all States to consider and respect the continent of Africa as a nuclear- free zone and reiterated its call upon all States to refrain from testing, manufacturing, deploying, transporting, storing, using or threatening to use nuclear weapons on the African continent. In this respect, my delegation denounces before this General Assembly the programmes undertaken by the racist South African Government intended to establish nuclear bases on the southern part of the African continent, as well as the co-operation being given by other Western countries which produce nuclear bombs.
161.	Given the growing tensions recently created on our continent, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea in this Assembly appeals to all members of the international community to take note of the grave situation in Africa caused by the constant endeavour of the great Powers to dominate the "continent, maintaining enormous military installations there, and by their desire to encourage the creation of military blocs and supply nuclear materials to certain African countries, all of which is a clear violation of General Assembly resolution 32/18 of 12 December 1977 on the denuclearization of Africa. We demand strict observance of that resolution so as to save the peoples of our continent from the danger of a thermonuclear war and the use of military bases established in Africa for aggressive purposes.
162.	As regards the world economic situation, my Government expresses its concern about the effects of world inflation, monetary imbalances and the persistent-injustice in international economic and trade relations. It is our hope that the results of the first United Nations Conference on
Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held recently in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina, which adopted the Programme of Action of Buenos Aires, will be fully complied with, so as to ensure balance in economic and technical relations among developing countries.
163.	As regards economic relations between the industrialized and developing countries, new principles of justice and equity should be affirmed, as advocated for the new international economic order. My Government regrets the stagnation in the North-South dialogue resulting form the lack of political will on the part of the developed countries to attain the objectives sought by the establishment of a new international economic order [see resolution 3201 (S-V1)].
164.	In the field of our economic relations with all the countries of the world, I should like to mention a shameful attitude against my country adopted by large Western capitalist companies which, in the middle of the twentieth century, have had recourse to piracy in their effort to strangle our national economy and thus weaken our democratic institutions. A United States company, owned by Messrs. Allotey, took from my country more than 1,000 tons of commercial cocoa—and the operations were endorsed by the then United States Ambassador in . Malabo-valued at more than $US 3 million. A Dutch company, the property of a Mr. Fobman, also took out a cargo of more than 500 tons of commercial cocoa valued at more than $US 2 million. And, finally, a small capitalist company of imperialist Spain named El Goriaga carried out
a similar operation of commercial fraud in the piracy of some 500 tons of commercial cocoa. All those thefts committed in my country by those large Western companies have been made brought to the attention of the respective Governments and in the courts even high representatives of my Government have been present, but there has been no reaction from those large developed countries.
165.	It is my Government's hope that the Governments concerned will take the measures necessary to recover the value of our products removed by their citizens. In the light of all this, we consider that the system applied by those countries against my country is not in accordance with the assistance framework that they advocate in this world Organization.
166.	Internally, I wish to point out that since the triumph of our revolution on 5 March 1969, which marked the beginning of the era of the colossal beginning of our total independence, when our great popular leader frustrated the attempt at a coup d'etat made by Spain and its Guinean lackeys, we have become masters of our own destiny, which has recorded revolutionary social transformation and radical changes in the colonial socio-economic structure of our nation and the life of our people, giving high value to the dignity inherent in the human being, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
167.	At this stage it is fitting to mention that the Government of Spain, resenting the colonial interests it lost
in our country, has undertaken an international campaign - of discredit and defamation, completely lacking in any
substance, against the People's Revolutionary Government of Equatorial Guinea, giving assistance to its unsuccessful Guinean lackeys, training them on their territory with the main objective of disturbing the peace and harmony of our people and continuing their anti-governmental activities against our regime.
168.	After the creation of our people's movement of the revolutionary masses, the Single National Labour Party, the fundamental task at the present stage of the combat which our heroic people are undertaking in accordance with our revolutionary policy is essentially to consolidate our independent policy, create national awareness for creative Work, defend our country, ensure the total and systematic elimination of all methods of exploitation, sabotage and blackmail of our vast natural resources, and conquer freedom, dignity and a genuinely African personality for the Guinean people which had been trampled underfoot by the Spanish colonial system for the purpose of perpetrating its domination and exploitation of our people.
169.	Our great people's movement of the revolutionary masses has established the bases for equality between men and women. In this respect, our Government welcomed with satisfaction the Convention on the Political Rights of Women [resolution 640 (VII)], Women in Equatorial Guinea have the same rights and duties as men and carry out their activities under the sponsorship of the National Organization of Women of Equatorial Guinea, called the Feminine Revolutionary Section.
170.	Senior Government officials of Western countries, Western newspapers and information media and private organizations have distributed throughout the world false reports, devoid of substance, that my Government does not respect the human rights of its own people. In this respect, although we know that they can say nothing in favour of our Government because they are incapable of coexisting with our revolution, I should nevertheless like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the following facts. First, the Popular Revolutionary Government of Equatorial Guinea has chosen its revolutionary course, which of necessity implies radical changes and in no way means disregard for the fundamental rights of human beings. Secondly, those who claim to defend human rights in our country are none other than those who oppose our revolutionary policy because they have had to give up their selfish interests and can no longer dominate our beautiful country. They cannot demand that we change our revolutionary course, which constitutes the reason for our popular aspirations, just as we cannot demand of them that they abandon their covetousness and their desire to dominate and exploit the "world.
171.	Nevertheless, we understand the reasons why terrorists pass themselves off as protectors of human rights in Equator id Guinea, since their political outlook is so totally divergent from that of our Popular Revolutionary Government. We understand them perfectly, because they cannot conceive of the idea that the Government of Equatorial Guinea is linked with countries of every political system and tendency- We are the friends of all, and we are opposed to those who oppose us.
172.	My country welcomes with great satisfaction the celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of .Human Rights. We shall work for international co-operation to promote and respect civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. I wish to make it quite clear that in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea there are no problems of human rights and far less any persistent violation of them. The Constitution of Equatorial Guinea, which rules our country, guarantees in article II the equality of rights of all Guineans without discrimination for any reasons of race, sex, ethnic origin, religion or social status.
173.	In conclusion, my Government confirms its loyalty to the purposes and principles of the United Nations as embodied in its Charter. The United Nations, despite the enormous difficulty of the problems it faces, has achieved many positive results in the maintenance of international peace and security and the elimination of colonialism and apartheid. We express our satisfaction that the United Nations has stood the test of time, has achieved quasi-total universality and has focused its attention on the primary needs of mankind, such as a change in the present injustices in international economic and political relations and the bringing about of a new system of world relations based on peace, justice and the equality of all countries and peoples.


335.	As a founding Member of the United Nations, Bolivia has from the beginning been identified with the ideals and purposes of this world Organization. Bolivia, a country that has experienced the vicissitudes which characterize the history of the countries of the third world, has maintained and continues to maintain effective solidarity with all peoples that struggle against colonialism, covert foreign exploitation, neo-colonialism, racial discrimination and its
most repulsive manifestation, the inhuman system of apartheid.
336.	Bolivia is, in fact, a non-aligned country. This is shown by its behaviour in defending the principles recognized by the international community and enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
337.	On behalf of my Government and of the delegation which I lead, I wish to extend my congratulations to that illustrious humanist, Indalecio Lievano, on his election to guide the work of this Assembly and to express my thanks to Mr. Lazar Mojsov for the tact with which he conducted the deliberations at the previous sessions. Similarly, I wish to convey the gratitude which we all owe to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the devotion with which he puts his exceptional intellectual gifts at the service of the United Nations.
338.	A new Member has joined this Assembly and I welcome Solomon Islands, freed from the darkness of colonial domination, to work with us for a better world.
339.	Bolivia, until now regarded rather negatively as a country with many contacts because of its situation in the centre of South America, is now something more since it emerges as a country of many attractions, such as catchments areas, communications systems and a system of economic integration which, if they are to gain strength and dynamism cannot, and must not, function without Bolivia which, despite its relative limitations, has great importance for the unity, peace and progress of the continent.
340.	Even countries outside the continent should consider these characteristics of Bolivia. In a world which is moving towards crisis because of the imbalance between population growth and the diminished production of food-stuffs and raw materials, Bolivia, if given the proper infrastructure, could be an exceptional provider and a centre of communications between north, south, east and west.
341.	The continental importance of Bolivia is also reflected in its problems. Among them is its geographical position as a land-locked country, which is the result of a war of conquest which led to an ominous period of 100 years of limited sovereignty and development and material and psychological harm.
342.	It would seem that, as if seeking to dispel that American nightmare and in order to awaken to a new century shining with honour and equity, the countries of Latin America, the United States and other countries throughout the world have given us support and a word of encouragement in our determination to recover the sea. I wish to take this opportunity at this rostrum to thank them on behalf of Bolivia and on behalf of America, because the Pacific conflict, which directly involves three countries, also affects the peace, integration and development of the entire continent.
343.	The ideal of understanding among countries must be accompanied by minimum conditions agreed to" by the parties in order to guarantee that it will not be left to the will of my one of them to make the decision with respect to fee goals and timing of the negotiating process.
344.	The Government of Bolivia began its dialogue with Chile prompted by goodwill and the desire for co-operation. Contrary to the historical imperative which demands reparations equivalent to the damage done, Bolivia agreed to negotiate on the problem and strive to find a solution to it by a new approach that would be free from the resentment and the offence that divide peoples; to search in a pragmatic manner free of any mental reservation for a kind of intellectual and emotional understanding which would not mean further sacrifice of the territorial heritage of Bolivia.
345.	Unfortunately, we did not meet with the same spirit on the part of Chile, and the Government of my country was forced to end the negotiations in the face of a rigid, arrogant and dilatory attitude.
346.	Bolivia has just emerged from a critical period in its hazardous democratic development. Dependency and under-development do not only affect the economy but also the political, cultural and social superstructure of the country.
347.	We have a legal electoral system under which everyone is entitled to vote, but we do not have that degree of culture which would mean that everyone is capable of voting with due independence and awareness. Every era has had its contradictions, and the present is no exception.
348.	The present Bolivian Government is unable-as indeed would be any other Government—to force the pace of cultural development and maturity. What it can do is eliminate the legal defects and the corrupt practices which sully elections. It will do so, and has invited all political forces to take part in drafting the new legal texts. It is our wish and our hope that this determination will be received with equal sincerity by all sectors taking part in the next elections. We want world public opinion here represented to be assured that in Bolivia there will be an electoral process which will not only be clean but will be independent of foreign pressure and outside funding, without observers who, because of their commitments, add partiality to the elections. .We want Bolivian elections for the Bolivians.
349.	President Juan Pereda Asbun is the standard-bearer of national unity and democracy. That is what he has said, and that is what he does. He wishes to infuse an element of justice into national unity, and to give democracy an objectivity which will make it possible to eradicate sectarianism and demagogy. His Government has abrogated all oppressive decrees concerning the state of siege, compulsory civil service and the law of state security. He has restored to regular justice it usual independence. He has re-established the effectiveness of the political Constitution, and consequently the right of trade union organization and assembly.
350.	The universities have been reopened and in complete sovereignty and independence, are electing their own authorities.
351.	Social security has just been set up for rural and farm workers in order to help the most populous sector. There will be real rural and farm workers on the Administrative
Council, thus carrying out the official promise to give the working classes participation in the steering and leadership bodies at the level of decision-making in State enterprises.
352.	The armed forces of Bolivia are drawn from the people and share their ideals of unity and support the patriotic intention to build a real democracy.
353.	The Council of Ministers is made up almost entirely of civilian representatives of major political forces.
354.	Bolivia observes the most strict respect for human rights. It has supported and will support any measures necessary to preserve those rights. Human rights are enshrined in the very heart of the community: rights to food, housing, clothing, health, education, security, trade union organization and political organization are inseparable. If the nation as a whole does not enjoy independence or prosperity, it will be difficult for it to guarantee a balance between sovereignty and freedom, between public order and discontent.
355.	While contempt for human rights is unpardonable in poor countries, it is even more so in the rich countries which do not respect those rights on their own soil and do not offer the conditions for them to flourish elsewhere. Hence the distant origin of contempt for human rights should be sought in the rich countries. A just and sincere respect for human rights cannot but be accompanied by an attitude on the part of the most powerful countries in the world that indicates their renunciation of relationships which consolidate the dependence of the periphery on the centre, in other words, an attitude that must yield to a new world economic order.
356.	The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States Resolution 3281 (XXIX), together with the Declaration and Programme of Action designed to promote the establishment of an effective new international economic order (resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)], must be translated into effective measures to reduce as soon as possible the tremendous economic differences existing between the various countries and that furthermore contribute to the accentuation of the inequalities within any given country.
357.	We have to create factors for development which make it possible for the low-income and medium-income countries to themselves meet the basic needs of their population without having recourse to paternalism, and therefore without being subjected to even greater dependence.
358.	Can the over-developed countries understand that their own stability is jeopardized if they do not help to create a new world economic order? There are indications of such an understanding, without doubt, but are they sufficiently encouraging?
359.	Bolivia is taking part in many programmes of action for economic co-operation among countries. It understands the special importance of co-operation among countries with the same level of under-development and little technology, which is linked to a greater need to use manpower and the meagre capacity for accumulating capital which characterizes such countries.
360.	Like other rather backward nations, Bolivia is experiencing anxiety and dissatisfaction and is expressing this in forums, conferences, congresses and assemblies. It spends considerable sums of money and creates a lot of documentation—as many other countries present here must also do—, but the benefits which it obtains from this are not commensurate with the efforts made. There is still a great gap between theory and practice.
361.	We cannot, nor do we wish to deny that we receive co-operation from American, Asian and European countries, which we really appreciate. Some programmes are programmes of support, but there are other very important programmes designed to change our economic structure and increase productivity, to find import substitutes and, what causes us the greatest concern, to increase exports, but to increase exports in terms of gainful trade free from distortions imposed by the central countries—sometimes those already mentioned-which in the trading process easily retain the majority of the profits generated with great difficulty and at great cost by the raw-material-producing countries.
362.	This happens in Bolivia, with an economy which is principally based on the export of minerals, the price of which is under pressure, both materially and psychologically, as a result of the presence of stocks built up during the Second World War to bolster a democracy which today is threatening to strangle us.
363.	Owing to the simple announcement in the House of Representatives of the United States of America of an authorization for the General Services Administration to put on the market part of 35,000 tons of tin from its strategic reserves, the price of tin has been radically affected because of the fear of a drop in the price such that Bolivia's economy will be adversely affected and its income reduced by something in the order of $20 million a year. How else can we describe that unilateral action of such a highly industrialized State towards a developing country except as economic aggression?
364.	A drop in income such as that diminishes the capability of the State to meet the needs of its people and, consequently, to provide for human rights. That is confirmed by the fact that the rich countries, which are always recommending respect for human rights, are those which cause the conditions that vitiate such rights.
365.	Because of Bolivia's experience in this matter, we maintain constant solidarity with the third-world countries that are defending their natural resources in order to benefit from them, to exploit them for their own peoples and to obtain from them remunerative prices that will enable them, using their own efforts, heritage and patrimony, to meet the development challenges.
366.	Generally speaking, the industrialized and financially powerful countries are not contributing, as it was hoped they would, to the over-all solution of serious economic problems that affect 80 percent of mankind. To try simply to amortize the effects of the present system they paralyse the process of negotiations, as happens in the case of the North-South dialogue.
367.	The rather discouraging results of such negotiations are showing that there is still a lack of political will on the part of the great Powers significantly to increase the net transfer of real resources to the developing countries; in other words, to give back to them the contribution that they made to the progress of the great Powers. Furthermore, at a time when countries' economies are being weakened by lack of such contributions, they need that help and assistance to progress and survive; otherwise the world situation will become more dangerous, and even explosive, resulting in internal crises that can make for a serious threat to peace throughout the world,
368.	We are sure of the importance of investments for countries with little internal savings. But we wish to reiterate that we categorically reject those practices of transnational corporations that have been described as corrupt in General Assembly resolution 3514 (XXX).
369.	Bolivia gives priority to studies being carried out within the Economic and Social Council for the elaboration of a code of conduct for such companies. Among the standards and regulations we attach greatest importance to those conditions which are of a binding nature and must be established for the transfer of technology.
370., Matters such as the breaking up of the technological package for the transfer of technology on advantageous terms for the developing countries, efficient international co-operation in adapting technology to the conditions peculiar to each country, and the development of intermediate technology must be regarded as of the highest priority - unless we want the gap between rich and poor countries to widen.
371.	The benefits that could be derived from efficient official co-operation disappear because they go back to the countries of origin, favouring transnational companies. Monetary devaluation, escalation in prices and, in general, the effects of the crises fell on the poor economies. Because of the rising cost of financing particularly that of financing technology, very often excessive external indebtedness overwhelms us. None the less, we are deliberately paying a high price for the need to give impetus to our development.
372.	Technology is a cultural asset accumulated throughout history. It is the outcome of the effort of mankind as a whole and, therefore, belongs to world patrimony. As such it should not be a subject of buying and selling. The United Nations should open a bank for the deposit of technology, available to as many countries as wish to use it for progress and peace.
373. In this same conviction, we are aware that the sea offers wealth that can be the common heritage of mankind. Therefore, Bolivia has taken part with special interest in various meetings of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It is sure that the convention which is being drafted in that body will make it possible to have an equitable participation for land-locked and otherwise geographically disadvantaged States in the profits of the exclusive economic zone and the sea-bed, which has been described as the common heritage of mankind.
374.	Latin America viewed with satisfaction the ratification of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco) and it was my honour to sign it in Mexico on behalf of Bolivia. The denuclearisation of Latin America represents the first attempt at sanity and reasonableness in order to do away as soon as possible with a direct threat of nuclear war.
375.	Owing to the difficulty of creating useful instruments in favour of countries which do not have nuclear weapons, the international community has shown its fear for the power of potential destructiveness held by a few States and for the risk that faces all mankind because of those weapons.
376.	The recent special session devoted to disarmament did not help to resolve the problem. Meanwhile, local wars not only do not disappear but are multiplying. New areas of tension are emerging even in our America, so that stable, active and solid peace seems to be drifting away, causing even greater misfortune for mankind.
377.	There is also the persistently acute problem of the Middle East. We cannot but express our concern for the Arab territories which are still in Israel's possession as a result of armed conquest. We cannot but express also our concern for the just right of the Palestinian people to have a land in which to work for their own happiness; and we cannot but regret any difficulties and obstacles being placed in the way of Israel, as a member of the international community, being fully recognized as a State, something which should be achieved through co-operation in the praiseworthy attempt to give the Jewish people a sphere in which to have their own traditions, develop their own culture and forge their own progress. We express the wish that the Camp David agreements will finally result in a happy solution.
378.	We are also concerned at the liberation struggle of the African peoples. We have invariably expressed our support for the independence of Namibia and Zimbabwe. We want to see real self-determination for those peoples which are still struggling against racism and neo-colonialism, so that Africa can achieve full sovereignty and freedom.
379.	We are concerned also at the situation in Nicaragua. With the consensus of friendly countries we shall strive to re-establish peace, acting within the principles of the American regional system and the mandate of the United Nations Charter. But today our concern is even greater: the President of Costa Rica has denounced the violation of his country's territory. On behalf of Bolivia, I can do no less than strongly to condemn this fact.
380.	We, the underdeveloped peoples, view with anguish the fact that we do not always have the power to decide for ourselves between war and peace. But our fate is dependent on change—change which unfortunately cannot be discerned—of an industrial structure based on the manufacture of weapons and subject to unilateral decisions of the large countries.
381.	Whatever positive results may have been achieved by the special session devoted to disarmament have been eroded by the virtual veto of the major nuclear Powers,
since they arrogate to themselves the power to seek prior consensus on the five new members to be elected to make up the new Committee on Disarmament.
382.	We view with anguish and astonishment the increase in defence budgets year by year until they achieve fantastic proportions. Meanwhile, there are whole peoples in the world suffering from the scourge of famine and disease. Millions of children are condemned to death without having fully perceived the gift of life.
383.	Such a situation could be alleviated if the United Nations established machinery to prevent conflicts which threaten peace. Potential problems would be foreseen and controlled before crisis point was reached. The capacity of the Organization would be strengthened to examine cases which do not always come to the surface but which cause insecurity, that in turn inclines Governments to spend money, ill-advisedly, on the acquisition of weapons with resources that are indispensable for peaceful development.
384.	I should like to point out that, despite this armaments race and the extravagant sums spent on war materiel, Bolivia devotes 30 per cent of its budget to education at all levels.
385.	Unarmed and situated in the midst of mountains, barred from access to the Pacific as a result of usurpation imposed against every principle of civilized co-habitation, Bolivia feels all the more strongly the threat of an arms race which is ever increasing.
386.	The great Powers have the primary responsibility for creating the conditions necessary for the world to work in peace, without fear of total annihilation. At least part of the resources which are spent on the arms race—$400 billion every year-should be set aside for co-operation to overcome backwardness, poverty, misery, disease and ignorance.
387.	Those are our principles, which are reflected in our present international conduct. This year we have reaffirmed in the Security Council our faith in the human race and our conviction that all men have the right to well being and freedom.


90.	I have the honour to address this thirty-third session of the General Assembly. Our general debate provides us with the opportunity to reiterate the faith of the Mexican people and Government in the world Organization as the ideal instrument for maintaining peace, to formulate a periodic appraisal of how the international community has complied with the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter, and to examine new methods or correct our course in order more effectively to address ourselves to the changing challenges of our modern world.
91.	It is with satisfaction that we see an illustrious son of Latin America, Mr. Indalecio Lidvano Aguirre, presiding over our work, especially since until a few days ago he was the distinguished Foreign Minister of our sister Republic of Colombia, with which Mexico maintains traditional as well as close ties of identity.
92.	"International relations in our time constitute the art and science of the survival of mankind"—these words are by Karl W. Deutsch of Harvard.
93.	The signs of our times appear to be contradictory. Speed and mobility give man unprecedented perspectives. We are constantly amazed by our progress in science, which geometrically widens our present and future. But as human beings, we have as yet been unable to dominate the art and science of survival without violence, terrorism, repression, injustice and exploitation.
94.	We constantly hear expressions of peace in international forums, but the truth is that each day man prepares himself more for war, both nuclear and conventional. Instead of peace, we enthrone aggression.
? Much propaganda is made for the unity of mankind, but in- reality people continue to divide themselves by area, region, power and economic and social level. We live submerged in the search for solutions to age-old problems, but we neglect to use truth as an instrument in that search. This ambitious and insincere attitude prevents us from finding the formula for putting an end to misery, hunger, sickness, injustice, violence and terror.
96.	The truly as yet unstudied continent is that of man himself, and he has been unable to channel or sublimate his aggressiveness. Even more, science and technology, which should .be the servants of mankind, continue to be perfected for man's destruction.
97.	This situation is even more disturbing when we realize
that in just over 21 years we shall be entering a new
century, the twenty-first, that is unrelentlessly approaching
without us having found solid, collective solutions. How
shall we meet it? What problems will we have to resolve?
Are we on the right road? Must we urgently correct our
course, especially here in this universal forum?
98.	If we cannot influence the course and future of our lives, and in so doing improve upon the legacy we ourselves inherited, we shall doubtless have failed.
99.	The challenge that man must meet is not only to change the reality surrounding him, but to obtain the collaboration of every human being in the solution of national and supranational problem. In this sense, we are all the solution. No one can be isolated from what happens to another human being elsewhere on our globe.
100.	Therefore, we must formulate a programme and a strategy to meet the challenge, identifying a series of effective, successive and, if necessary, parallel measures which can lead us to our final goal: the achievement of a world in which peace with justice, physical and mental health and the self-realization of man in liberty and justice, individually and socially, all prevail, in short, a world in which our children can enjoy life to the full with peace and without anguish. This is the supreme, and perhaps a Utopian, human ideal.
101.	That is why our impatience grows. We are fully convinced, as the Constitutional President of Mexico, Jose Lopez Portillo, has said, that it is very important to avoid war, but that is not sufficient; we must win peace in the dynamic rather than passive sense, and resolve the vital needs of the development, nutrition, health, education, employment, housing, and security of man. These problems, according to our President, become even more serious when we observe that the great Powers, having solved their basic problems of survival, are interested only in expanding their spheres of influence, thus provoking conflicts or manipulating them according to their whims and convenience.
102.	In this important task of winning peace, we have never expected the entire responsibility to rest exclusively with the world Organization nor with the international community as a whole. Rather, we recognize and accept the simultaneous obligation each country has to take adequate measures in order that the ideals of peace and social justice to which we all aspire may become reality.
103.	Last year we were privileged to outline for this body' some of the major reforms to the Mexican governmental system which President Lopez Portillo announced upon taking office on 1 December 1976. It is with satisfaction that I can now inform you that the "Alliance for Production" programme, which I described in my statement last year, is well on its way towards guaranteeing the minimum social benefits and services needed by my country; that the political reform has widened the representation of my people; that the administrative reform has begun the process towards complete reorganization; that the economic reform, including a fiscal reform to redistribute income, has established new wage, profit, price, credit, savings and monetary policies; that we have given priority in our development plans to food and sources of energy; and that all these changes, both proposed and achieved, constitute in sum the social reform fought for in the first social revolution of this century, the Mexican
Revolution, the aspirations of which are embodied in the "Magna Carta" currently guiding my country.
104.	To sum up: Mexico is one of the few countries of our continent with a democratic system in which freedom prevails, with a stable Government, and with great human and natural resources.
105.	Our daily production of crude oil and derivatives is already 1.4 million barrels and the amounts of our reserves indicate that they have increased proven reserves to 20 billion barrels; probable reserves to 37 billion barrels; and potential reserves to 200 billion barrels. This constant increase in our resource inventory has obliged us to make rapid changes in our short-, medium- and long-term oil programmes.
106.	These important hydrocarbon reserves, which fully guarantee Mexico's present and future, constitute energy giving Mexico solid international credit and confidence. In this sense Mexico uses its petroleum not only as a guarantee for its development and financing, but, rather, in order to explore, manage and carefully safeguard these energy resources which were nationalized by President Lazaro Cardenas in 1938 and which are now, according to article 27 of our Constitution, the exclusive property of the Mexican people.
107.	Mexico's international relations stand on solid ground. This is the result of the confidence which reigns in Mexico, both internally and externally and, as we have repeated on numerous occasions in this forum, of our support and respect for the principles of self-determination, non-intervention, sovereign equality and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We offer friendship and co-operation to all peoples of the world and, in accordance with the golden rule of human relationships, we shall never ask of another nation that which we, in equal circumstances, would not be willing to give.
108.	Our bilateral relations have increased at all levels. In particular, the President of Mexico has received and visited several heads of State and will shortly be travelling on state visits to the People's Republic of China and Japan. Of the 150 States Members of this Organization, Mexico maintains diplomatic relations with 134 and we are constantly in the process of revising the mechanisms and agreements which link us in order to see what has been done and evaluate what new possibilities exist for their improvement.
109.	We, who are a part of Latin America feel deeply everything that happens to its peoples. We are involved in its economic, technological, communications and development problems. We are hurt by its suffering, needs, oppressions and miseries. That is why we must try to unite Latin America in substance, eliminating where possible our differences and emphasizing our common interests; because of similar languages, historical affinities and sociological coincidences, we must eliminate the mental reservations that separate us.
110.	We are convinced that Latin America's common destiny is to become a zone of peace in which beings may enjoy well-being in freedom and justice, as a global strategy that imposes, through a process of
conviction, rights and obligations on all States. In the struggle towards this goal, our nations have had to confront a series of very uneven forces. For three centuries we suffered under colonialism and even once independence had been attained Latin America continued to be dependent and to be exploited by new forms of hegemony. Other problems, some of which have degenerated into conflicts, derive from geographical proximity and living together, and sometimes from alien interests that foster our disunity. Even the way in which certain differences have been resolved in the past has planted the seeds of injustice. Latin America has had to meet problems of definition, during which violence has become part of a vicious circle of governmental oppression provoked by violence, which, in turn, engenders more violence and the polarization of interests and ideologies.
111.	Another phenomenon which appears to hold true for Latin America is that we are not given the importance we deserve; we are not well understood and we understand ourselves even less. Our communications of all kinds are deficient, and we are seldom taken into account. This is our fault: we must ring our own bell, especially in the positive aspects.
112.	Nonetheless, the results seem positive. Latin America has given signs of political will in its efforts towards integration, of willingness to resolve its common problems in an open dialogue and settle its disputes by peaceful means. We have been able almost totally to eliminate the economic blockade against a penalized sister nation, and we have made the decision to keep our territories free of nuclear weapons through the Treaty of Tlatelolco10 and the recent Latin-American initiatives to impose restrictions or limitations on the transfer and use of certain conventional weapons.
113.	In these efforts we have had the active participation of the Caribbean group of countries, which in recent years has shaken off the yoke of colonialism. Our cultural, linguistic or idiosyncratic differences have not been an obstacle to our sharing the desire for peace, which we are determined to make a reality in our region.
114.	For unforeseen or other reasons, our ties of friendship and co-operation with these countries have not been as strong as we should have liked. According to the guidelines established by the President, Mexico is determined to strengthen even more the links of brotherhood and friendship which happily exist between our peoples and Governments with new initiatives designed to establish a closer and more fruitful framework of co-operation.
115.	To sum up: Latin America is an important continent with 300 million inhabitants, an enormous potential market, incredible natural resources, tourism, wide open spaces, jungles, oceans, culture, handicrafts and history. We are missing only one thing: unity, to defend our common interests and live in peace.
116.	We have historical and intimate ties with our sister nation of Nicaragua. Its tragedy during the past few weeks, its violence, the loss of innocent lives, the mass violations of
human rights according to several sources- and of the fundamental rights of civilian populations during armed conflict, have affected us as if they were our own. Mexico deplores and censures these acts and would like to see a democratic, tree and socially just expression of the will of the people of Nicaragua, as it would for those of all countries of the world.
117.	In the Nicaraguan situation we have acted, and will continue to act, according to the fundamental principles of our foreign policy, notably the obligation not to intervene in the internal affairs of another State and the need to respect the right of all peoples to self-determination. However, the strict observance of these principles must not and cannot be interpreted as implying or meaning indifference, or lack of sensitivity to the anguish and suffering of the Nicaraguan people.
118.	In addition, within the OAS, we have presented proposals aimed at stopping the bloodshed and re-establishing peace in this sister Republic. All this has been done within a strict legal framework, in the search for mechanisms aimed at giving civilian populations adequate protection in times of armed conflict and respecting individual guarantees recognized by several international instruments.
119.	Another problem which worries Mexico is the future of Belize. We maintain our conviction that resolution 32/32, adopted by the Assembly last year by an overwhelming majority, is the best legal basis for any solution. In it, express recognition was given to the obligation of the States directly involved to consult with other interested States in the area so that the people of Belize can achieve, through peaceful means, their self-determination and independence, with full respect for their territorial integrity, which is the best legal basis for any solution. Mexico has shown a special interest in what occurs in this neighbouring Territory and will continue to participate in any consultations, guided by the principles and purposes of our Organization and by the principles of good neighbourliness and brotherhood that link us to Guatemala.
120.	As a gesture of solidarity with the Panamanian people, Mexico's President accepted an invitation from the Chief of the Junta of Panama' to attend the ceremony at which the instruments of ratification of the Panama Canal treaties were exchanged. On that occasion, the Chief Executive of my country reiterated Mexico's support for the Panamanian people in their struggle to exercise unrestricted sovereignty over their entire territory.
121.	An important area of world conflict in which all the principles incorporated in the United Nations Charter—self-determination, non-use of force and peaceful settlement of disputes-are now involved, because of hegemonic, territorial, natural resources and ideological interests, is the problem of the Middle East, which still constitutes the gravest threat to international peace.
122.	For this reason, our Organization has an inescapable and basic responsibility to keep the problem under constant review and to attempt to resolve it by formulating recommendations leading to a stable peace in the area on just and equitable foundations.
123.	Having said this, we should not in any way be inhibited from supporting parallel efforts which may be made outside the United Nations in the search for a solution which, obviously, will be viable only if it takes into account the interests, of all the parties directly involved. It is based on resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the United Nations Security Council and other resolutions adopted by the United Nations relating directly to this question, on which Mexico has clearly explained its position and which must not remain a dead letter.
124.	Within this strict context and recognizing that all efforts towards peaceful settlement of disputes are worthy of praise, we consider that the Camp David framework agreements of 17 September may constitute an important step towards the common objective of achieving a more peaceful and just world, as long as they fulfil the requirements I have mentioned.
125.	Cyprus is one of the concrete examples of the weakness of the international Organization in reaching a just peace, and constitutes proof of the need for us to address ourselves to changing the situation. It is a country whose territory continues to be under partial occupation by foreign troops, with a consequent displacement of its inhabitants, in disregard of a concept valid long before the San Francisco Conference, which created this Organization: conquest does not give rights.
126.	Although my Government would have preferred that negotiations on Namibia be conducted within the framework of the United Nations, we have respected those efforts that did not meet this requirement because we felt that they were useful in leading to rapid self-determination for the Namibian people. It is with sadness that we today take note of their failure. Notwithstanding the significant concessions made by SWAPO in order to achieve a peaceful solution, the South African Government has once again rejected any solution based on the free self-determination of the Namibian people.
127.	We profoundly regret that, as a result of the intransigence of the Republic of South Africa, these efforts have proved in vain. My Government is ready to support all measures, including sanctions, that this Organization may consider in order to put an end to the illegal occupation exercised by South Africa over this Territory.
128.	The prospects offered to the people of Zimbabwe are not those of peaceful transition. All efforts towards this end have failed, given the constant hair-splitting of a privileged minority. My Government ratifies its strict observance of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the minority regime, as well as the resolution adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples on this item, which is aimed at strengthening and widening them.
129.	World peace cannot be based on a balance of terror, nor does any national or supranational economic or political instrument hold the key to the future, or h' the right to exercise trusteeship over history or constitute elf as our planet's guardian.
130.	We make an appeal to the super-Powers to continue to seek agreements among themselves which will contribute to the strengthening of world peace within a process which can be identified as peaceful coexistence, reduction of tension, detente or simple plain common sense. It would seem that this process of mutual understanding has recently been weakened.
131.	Let us always remember that it is man's survival that is at stake, and not only that of their respective peoples. Let us ardently hope that their dialogue is fruitful and is channelled through the United Nations.
132.	In the Yalta Agreements of 1945 the super-Powers gave the United Nations a specific task in the maintaining of peace which they now seem to regret. Mexico thinks that we must adopt a course of reason and not one of alienation which may lead to universal destruction.
133.	The Government which I am honoured to represent maintains among its objectives the attainment of internal economic and social justice, and strives towards its achievement internationally. This goal will be met only with full compliance with the new international economic order as defined by the United Nations. For this we require both the political will of the developed nations, as well as the efforts of those which, like my own, are still in the development process.
134.	Economic justice has several definitions: it is both individual and social, as well as political justice; it is peace, respect, tranquillity and stability. We can no longer live in a world of rich and poor, of exploiters and exploited, of North and South. The strong must understand that their own survival depends on the respect for other's economies.
135.	Within this process we have identified priorities, programmes and strategies for our development as follows: We have maintained our immutable desire to give raw materials their real value. We are not, and never will be undermined by those who, like ourselves are struggling toward this end. It is a fundamental part of the New International Economic Order for which we are fighting. Mexico's position clearly shows our determination to continue in the search for world justice and equity.
136.	We participated enthusiastically in the process leading to the adoption of resolution 32/174, which created the Committee of the Whole entrusted with supervising the Implementation of the new international economic order. We regret that to date this effort has failed.
137.	In the light of that situation, I avail myself of the opportunity given me by the highest organ in the United Nations system to launch a strong appeal to the Governments of developed countries to heed the just demands of the overwhelming majority of countries, and thus comply with relevant agreements by giving new life to open negotiation, in good faith, aimed at eliminating the obstacles that still prevent the full introduction of order in economic relations and the attainment of the justice so desperately desired by mankind.
138.	In other areas of social interest we have continued simultaneous efforts both within and outside my country.
should like to make special mention of the support we have given to the preparatory activities for the International Year of the Child, for which we have established a Mexican Committee composed of members at the highest level of the three branches of the Mexican Government. We reiterate our commitment to support these efforts internally through the activities undertaken by the National System for the Integral Development of the Family.
139.	We consider that the results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament mark the beginning of a new phase of United Nations efforts in this field. For the first time in its history, the General Assembly gave the question of disarmament the exclusive attention and importance it deserves.
140.	The Final Document adopted at that session must be implemented, and, based on it, agreements relating to the prohibition of all nuclear-weapon tests, chemical warfare and reduction of offensive strategic weapons, the second and third series of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, must be worked out. In addition, other nuclear-weapon-free zones must be established on the basis of agreements freely arrived at between States of the region concerned, and taking into account the Latin-American experience with the Treaty of Tlatelolco.
141.	These measures, together with a reduction in military budgets and the reallocation of such resources to meet the developmental and nutritional needs of the peoples, will have to be included in a comprehensive disarmament programme, the negotiation of which should now begin and on which Mexico has already made a proposal.11 In addition, several important improvements have been made in the disarmament negotiating machinery, including something long advocated by Mexico, the abolition of the co-chairmanship, which we had tried for a decade to bring about. We express the hope that they will mean, in the near future, the participation of China and France in the newly-created organs.
142.	As a decisive step towards general and complete disarmament under effective international control, progress must also be made in the field of conventional weapons. In this respect, it is with satisfaction that I inform you that, following instructions of my country's President, Jose Lopez Portillo, Mexico has undertaken several concrete initiatives on this matter, which have been well received.
143. As for the regional field we can point to important progress with respect to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, leading to the signature by the Soviet Union, during my President's visit to that country, of Protocol II to the Treaty, and the announcement of its early ratification by the Soviet Union. That step, together with France's declaration that it will soon sign Protocol, means that our international instrument, which for several years seemed only a dream, is now a reality and an example to the rest of the world.
144.	The Treaty is now in force for 22 States of the region, and Protocol I, which establishes the obligation of States with territorial possessions in the area of application not to introduce nuclear weapons therein, has been ratified
by the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and has been signed by the United States of America. Protocol II, which contains the obligation by nuclear Powers to respect the Treaty itself, is in force for the People's Republic of China, the United States of America, France and the United Kingdom.
145.	We wish to make a fraternal appeal to the only remaining country in Latin America which, by its express political will, has neither signed nor ratified it yet and to that nation which has signed but not ratified it, to re-examine their positions and allow us, once the Treaty is fully enforced, to begin the second stage: the development of regional nuclear energy for exclusively peaceful purposes on the basis of the Treaty of Tlatelolco. In this connexion, the Organization for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America has already requested an inventory of our countries' nuclear technology needs.
146.	Furthermore, basing themselves on the recommendations of the special session on disarmament, 20 Latin-American countries have begun a historic effort, inspired by the Declaration of Ayacucho13 and by the desire to share a common destiny in peace. Responding to an invitation from my Government, scarcely a month ago they met in Mexico City in order to identify a series of basic questions on which this important dialogue should continue, and it was decided to recommend to our respective Governments, among other measures, the establishment of flexible consultative machinery open to the participation of all States from the Latin-American and Caribbean region. This machinery would permit, inter alia, studies and recommendations on the possible limitation of the transfer of certain types of conventional weapons to Latin America or the Caribbean, as well as among the countries of the area, in addition to studies and recommendations concerning the establishment of limitations and/or prohibitions on the use of certain types of conventional weapons which are considered excessively harmful and/or are of an indiscriminate nature.
147.	As can be seen, Mexico has gone ahead with the "first Tlatelolco'', military denuclearization, and is now going on to what we might call the "second Tlatelolco", conventional weapons, in line with its political commitment to convert Latin America, by common effort, into a zone of peace-that is, riot only the absence of war, but the full development of the region.
148.	I should like, however, to clarify that any regional self-limitation does not in any way imply "to disarm the disarmed". It must be part of a global programme implying the adoption of Universal measures on the non-transfer of conventional weapons and the use of others whose effects are excessively cruel and indiscriminate, always based on the concept that the possibility of armed conflict can be reduced by reducing the level of armaments to the point necessary for the internal security of each country. In the past, arming oneself has never been an effective deterrent to avoiding an armed attack; quite the contrary. The excessive concentration of arms can be counter-productive, arousing suspicions and mistrust and provoking an unlimited arms race. The only effective measure to avoid war is, in our
opinion, to strengthen the confidence of possible opponents and to strengthen security mechanisms.
149.	As a second step in the aforementioned regional efforts, on 12 September of this year, during the Preparatory Conference for the United Nations Conference on Prohibitions or Restrictions of Use .f Certain Conventional Weapons Which May be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects, held in Geneva, the Government of Mexico presented "a preliminary outline of a general and universally applicable treaty on conventional weapons" [A/33/44, annex, sect. H], consisting of a global agreement and a series of optional protocols covering specific weapons. We hope that that proposal, together with those presented jointly by my country and others, which are necessarily complementary, on weapons such as napalm and other incendiary weapons, fragmentation bombs, small-calibre munitions with especially lethal effects, land mines and other weapons, may serve as a basis for negotiations in good faith on this important item. I should like to point to the important contribution made by the Mexican armed forces, through the Ministries of National Defence and the Navy, in the elaboration of those proposals, which we shall continue to pursue tirelessly until they are successfully adopted. In the future, we shall propose certain measures in the corresponding forum regarding the grave problem of arms transfers.
150.	On this occasion we reiterate our firm decision to utilize our resources for development and, under express instructions from the President of the United Mexican States, I commit the Government of my country not to use any resources which we may soon have as a result of our petroleum reserves to acquire or construct any type of weapons, especially those on which we have made proposals regarding prohibition or restriction.
151.	One of the most ambitious United Nations projects which may give mankind some of its greatest benefits is the eight-year-old effort to draft a new law of the sea. Mexico, together with many other countries, is seriously worried about the possibility that this enormous collective effort might be frustrated by the unilateral action of one or more States in allowing the exploitation of the deep sea-bed by their nationals.
152.	We firmly believe that the Declaration of Principles adopted by this General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2749 (XXV)] represents the true and authorized expression of international law on this subject. The common heritage of mankind can be exploited for the benefit of all only within a regime internationally agreed to by all States; therefore the unilateral exploitation of those resources would be contrary to international law. In addition it would constitute an insurmountable obstacle to a general consensus on the law of the sea. An overwhelming majority of States support that point of view, and consequently we add our voice to the appeal made by all those States in order that any country contemplating such unilateral action should desist from it.
153.	Between 1945 and today mankind has suffered 119 armed conflicts, with an increasing number of civilian victims, despite the prohibition on the use of force except in cases of self-defence.
154.	We firmly believe that international action to regulate activities in case of war is also a way of advancing die cause of the protection of human rights, especially since we cannot conceive of those rights as purely political ones in abstract terms but rather as a body of social, political and economic rights for the true benefit of mankind. Why should we exclude the right not to suffer needlessly in conflict, which is after all the purpose of international humanitarian law, to the development of which we are committed?
155.	Mexico's historic tradition in the defence of human lights with a social emphasis goes back more than a century and a half, to Morelos. We feel that there are many ways of fighting for the adequate protection of those rights and in this context, in addition to those already begun, several courses of action must be taken in the search for a more just and equitable order. Who can be note deprived of basic human rights than those who lack education, a roof over their heads, or health? Who can have fewer rights than a person who barely survives, in conditions of extreme misery? Are not the right to information, for example, or the rights of workers as well as the right to work, also guaranteed? Are not the human rights of a worker violated when, as a victim of socio-economic conditions, he crosses a border in search of better conditions and is persecuted, and his most elementary human rights are violated?
156.	On other occasions we have spoken of the need to elaborate a code of conduct in which the rights of migratory workers could be set forth. We now present that suggestion to the Assembly in the hope that it also might be useful in advancing the international protection of human rights.
157.	During the last meeting of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization we reiterated our conviction that we find ourselves at a crossroads. We must decide whether we want our Organization to continue to be viable or not. While some Members consider the United Nations as a static mechanism of conferences convened in order to permit dialogues on conflicts of interest or ideology, supported by a Secretariat which, far from serving the community interests, represents the principal ideologies in the struggle, others, fortunately the majority, conceive of the Organization as a dynamic instrument through which Governments seek conciliation of their, differences, and as the best mechanism for preventing conflicts and resolving them when they occur.
158.	The validity of this assertion is obvious even in our times. The first option becomes even more complicated when we see the apparent apathy on the part of many Member States regarding the work of the Organization itself. This allows many negotiations to become a mere game of personal interests at times. The first hypothesis is based on nationalistic criteria of the past, while the second is based on today's and tomorrow's needs in an ever more dynamic world where there is a daily increase in the number of countries that possess weapons of unknown destructive force.
159.	Faced with those alternatives, Mexico has made efforts to strengthen the Organization. We believe that in
the Committee on the Charter-and in this we support the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim we should not limit ourselves to mere examination of amendments to that instrument but should also look , Questions that do not require constitutional changes but which can improve the mechanisms for the maintenance of International peace and security. To that end we have introduced a series of proposals among which I should like to emphasize the 11 principles of Mexico for the elaboration of a general declaration on peaceful settlement of disputes as a first step towards the possible conclusion of a treaty on the subject, in which we logically suppose that all the efforts and difficulties faced by the United Nations in that area in the past viii be taken into account.
160.	Our proposal was introduced considering that the peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the weakest areas of the activities of the United Nations. That proposal has been complemented by others, among which we can mention the elimination of the so-called "enemy States" clause in Articles 53 and 107 of the San Francisco Charter, a maximum limitation on veto application in the Security Council, an appeal to nations that all matters relating to international peace be dealt with within the context of the Organization, as well as other measures to rationalize working methods which could eliminate the current waste of man-hours and energy.
161.	Recognizing the implications of those proposals, we shall invite those States especially interested in the work of the Committee on the Charter to hold consultations before the next meeting of that subsidiary body in order to determine, among other things, the viability of the proposals so far introduced.
163. Mexico wants to live in peace with all nations on earth, always sustaining its principles with democracy and individual and social justice. Mexico also seeks to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We reaffirm our faith in the fundamental rights of man, in the dignity and value of the human person, and in promoting social progress within the widest possible concept of freedom.