Mr. President, it is a great pleasure for my Government to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. You represent a country which is admired by Chile and with which we enjoy historical ties of friendship and co-operation in various fields. Your acknowledged talents as a diplomat constitute a priceless guarantee of success in the conduct of the important matters to be dealt with at this session.
138.	We also wish to extend our appreciation to Mr. Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who so wisely presided over the last session of the General Assembly, as well as other important sessions of our Organization during the year.
139.	Similarly, the Government of Chile welcomes the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a country on the American continent whose independence was attained this year and which has recently become a Member of the United Nations. We hope that that nation will continue to progress on the path of peace and prosperity.
140.	At the beginning of the decade of the 1980s the United Nations is entering a new and delicate stage with the maturity and fruitful experience acquired through its 35 years of existence.
141.	In the course of time, peoples have developed in the most varied manner. Today there are more than 100 States which have been incorporated gradually within the grand framework of the principles and purposes embodied in our Charter. Strict observance of and faithful compliance with those principles will enable us to continue to endorse and support the legitimate aspirations to a world of peace and co-operation.
142.	The evolution of this phenomenon is not alien to the United Nations. In fact, one of its great achievements has been specifically decolonization, which has led to the independence of many States and to their joining us in our common tasks.
143.	Chile has always contributed to the efforts of the international community to find valid solutions within this Organization.
144.	The world is concerned to tackle the problems which face it in the latter years of the twentieth century. Chile shares that concern and it is its national objective to focus on the challenges it presents.
145.	On several occasion my Government has informed the Assembly of the reform has introduced in the economic, social, juridical, labour and educational fields, inter alia, with a view to adapting their structures to the requirements of our time. However, this task could not be accomplished in the absence of a system of coexistence and a dynamic, secure and stable Government. Peoples cannot remain static.
146.	The Government of Chile has, since 11 September 1973, repeatedly reaffirmed its intention to begin a new era in the history of our homeland, designing with an eye to the future the structures of a stable and creative political regime. It has further stated that the new system of institutions developing in the country would be entrusted with establishing the legal framework for the great collective task to which the nation is committed.
147.	Accordingly, one of the first steps taken by the Government was to entrust a committee, composed of university professors of various democratic ideological tendencies, with the task of drawing up a draft political constitution. Over 100 representatives of the most diverse activities, including professional, union and youth leaders, collaborated in that work, contributing their ideas and their concerns.
148.	After five years of thorough legal and political studies, including the consideration of the most modern constitutional texts, the committee studying the question of a new constitution presented to the Government the preliminary draft of a fundamental charter.
149.	The State Council, a body made up of national representatives at the highest level, including former Presidents of the Republic, former magistrates of the higher courts of justice, former rectors of universities and union leaders, reviewed the preliminary constitution. In order to carry out its task properly, the Council requested wide-ranging collaboration, and many suggestions were received.
150.	The conclusions reached by the State Council after over one and a half years of analysis were presented to the President of the Republic. Finally, the head of State and the Government Junta drafted the final text of the constitution which, as had been previously promised, was submitted to a plebiscite for approval.
151.	The Chilean public followed the development and preparation of the new political constitution step by step. Both the preliminary draft prepared by the committee on studies and the draft prepared by the State Council, as well as the final text of the new Constitution, were duly published, giving rise at every stage to wide and active discussion on the part of the different sectors of national life in Chile.
152.	The public debate held during the period just prior to the plebiscite was particularly intense. In that debate supporters and opponents of the new constitutional text and of the Government's action expressed their views for or against in public rallies, with complete freedom and full publicity. The mass communications media, domestic and foreign, published and informed the country and the world of the individual and collective views of all Chileans.
153.	On 11 September, in conditions of freedom, secrecy and full information, a plebiscite was held throughout the Republic so that the Chilean people might decide on the approval or rejection of the proposed political Constitution.
154.	In a country of 11 million inhabitants, 6,300,000 citizens voted. This represents the highest participation ever known in our national history.
155.	All Chileans over 18 years of age, men and women without any discrimination whatsoever, fulfilled this duty which, in accordance with Chile's political tradition, is mandatory. Foreign residents also voted, inasmuch as they share in the life of the nation.
156.	More than 4,200,000 citizens voted in favour of the new Constitution, that is, over 67 per cent of the voters. Approximately 1,800,000, that is, 30 per cent, voted against it. Votes declared null and void amounted to only 2.77 per cent.
157.	No one can contend that there was a lack of opportunity or means to express, with complete freedom, opinions for or against the constitutional text, and to participate in the debate. No one can truthfully hold that there was no access to each of the steps of the balloting process. No one can in good faith state that, on account of regulatory or technical circumstances or legal restrictions, he or she was deprived of the right to vote. No one who thinks dispassionately can doubt the legitimacy, legality and correct conduct of the plebiscite.
158.	Chile is a country which is noted for its constitutional stability. In a period of over 150 years of independence, Chile has had only two constitutions: those of 1833 and 1925. Today, we have approved a new fundamental law which, taking in the principles of freedom and democracy enshrined in the preceding constitutions, aims at organizing that stable and creative political regime needed to meet the vital challenge of the years to come.
159.	The political Constitution of 1980 contains, in general terms, some solutions not usually provided for in contemporary fundamental charters, aimed at solving the problems of the Chilean individual of our times.
160.	As regards the crucial dilemma of the individual versus the State, it provides for the principle of subsidiary status of the State, thus limiting the latter's action in order to prevent its interference in areas which are basically left to the free initiative and action of individuals.
161.	On those grounds, the Constitution of 1980 is directed towards defining the field of action of the rulers and ensuring the freedoms of those governed.
162.	It further enshrines all the rights of man, as established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights, and provides the means required by individuals in order to ensure that their rights are fully respected.
163.	Another basic characteristic of the political charter is the effective attempt to secure the participation of the people, based on methods designed to bring the people closer to their rulers and to enable the latter to have the opportunity of learning the opinion of those governed.
164.	Likewise, under the rule of the Constitution of 1980, Chile continues to be a democratic republic and its authorities are chosen by means of free, secret and informed elections. It establishes, once again, the traditional separation of the powers of the State and especially the independence and the immutability of the judiciary, which is created in an autonomous manner, a prime guarantee for the respect of the legal order.
165.	Just as the new Constitution endeavours to protect the individual from possible abuses by the State and the authorities, it also aims at protecting the individual from one of the most serious scourges of our contemporary times, that is, violence used as a tool for political conviction, in other words, terrorism. The General Assembly has been dealing with this distressing problem of the twentieth century, this ultimate denial of human rights.
166.	The fundamental charter of Chile explicitly defines the preaching of violence and the practice of terrorism as a constitutional crime and entrusts the investigation, trial and punishment of such acts to the courts of justice.
167.	The aforementioned results of the plebiscite are unequivocal: over 4 million Chileans, that is, 67 per cent of the voters, have decided that the first presidential term of office of eight years, with which the new Constitution enters into force, is to be entrusted to General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. These figures grant the Government the highest representation registered in the political history of our country.
168.	The President of the Republic, faithfully interpreting this legitimate will of the nation, once the results of the plebiscite were known, affirmed that there were neither winners nor losers and called upon all Chileans to unite in order to continue striving for the prosperity of the country and, most especially, for the economically weaker sectors.
169.	At the beginning of my statement I said that the world was concerned over problems which should be resolved in the last two remaining decades of this century. Those problems are numerous, diverse and serious. The most complex and dangerous ones stem from political situations or from social-economic behaviour, in addition to other problems stemming from religious, doctrinaire or ideological beliefs.
170.	Approximately one year ago the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. The urgent meetings of the Security Council and the emergency special session of the General Assembly, which condemned that intervention, have proved to be futile in resolving that situation. Neither have the appeals for respect for the most elementary human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Afghanistan achieved their purposes. We have witnessed with amazement the intervention in that small country of one of the super-Powers which, because of its military might appears to feel itself invulnerable in the face of the outcry of the international community.
171.	The tragedy affecting that country is eloquently evidenced by the Afghan refugees who are fleeing to Pakistan and whose fate deserves priority consideration by this Organization. Chile shares that concern.
172.	Unfortunately, the case of Afghanistan is not unique. We have witnessed, with distress, the bloody and lengthy struggle of the people of Kampuchea.
173.	The millions of refugees, whose sad story has made an impact on international public opinion, necessarily constitute another humanitarian problem of vital importance for the United Nations. Chile, as in the case of the refugees of Afghanistan, has contributed in so far as possible to the efforts made to resolve this situation. We trust that the generous assistance provided by countries actually reaches those for whom it is intended and who need it so badly. We most sincerely appreciate the work accomplished by the international organizations and other entities, such as the International Red Cross, engaged in this noble humanitarian task.
174.	It will soon be one year since the unusual problem of the diplomatic hostages in Iran began. We note the continued breach of the most basic rights and immunities en-shrined in numerous international instruments.
175.	The crisis in the Middle East continues to be one of the political situations which cause the most pressure and which most threaten the peace of the world.
176.	The recent seventh special session of the General Assembly testifies to the priority assigned by the international community to the solution of the Middle East problem and its main element, the question of Palestine.
177.	The Government of Chile supports without reservation the endeavour of the United Nations to find an urgent solution to the crisis in the Middle East. It believes, likewise, that all efforts towards peace in that region should be welcomed and encouraged by the entire international community.
178.	A realistic solution should be based on the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied territories, on the acknowledgement of the right of the States of the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boundaries and on the full exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the establishment of a sovereign and an independent State, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, especially those of the Security Council.
179.	We are concerned over the situation in Lebanon, a State with which we have close ties of friendship. Many sons on that land are of Chilean nationality. We support the efforts of the Government of Lebanon to achieve peace, unity and prosperity, as well as the important work performed by this Organization in that country.
180.	As regards the grave situation which has arisen between Iran and Iraq, my Government wishes to put on record its support for the appeal issued by the Security Council, through its resolution 479 (1980), to end the conflict and bring about a peaceful settlement in accordance with the principles of justice and international law.
181.	On the African continent, my country has been particularly pleased to witness the birth of the State of Zimbabwe, after so many years of struggle and suffering. For us, it is historical evidence of the positive mission which can and should be carried out by the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of international disputes whenever the parties show goodwill and a readiness to reach an agreement. My Government cannot fail to express its appreciation to those who have made this achievement possible, especially the people of Zimbabwe and the Government of the United Kingdom, whose flexibility and determination have brought the Lancaster House agreements to a happy conclusion.
182.	While expressing our best wishes for the well-being of the people of Zimbabwe and for its progress on the path of freedom, development and social progress, we trust that it may serve as an example in other unresolved situations, such as the case of Namibia. In this regard we call on the parties to make it possible for the Security Council plan for Namibia to be carried out.
183.	Our firm support for decolonization and the self- determination of peoples is accompanied by our forceful condemnation of all types of racial discrimination, including apartheid, and of all foreign intervention in the solution of Africa's problems.
184.	We share with our sister countries in Latin America a common destiny towards which we must advance guided by common principles and values. We must unite our efforts in positive action for the benefit of all peoples. The closer relations among our nations, the increase in trade and the regional co-operation are all pointing in that direction.
185.	We are glad to observe such tendencies on the continent. The meeting held at Montevideo last August, which gave rise to the Association for Latin American Integration and which I had the honour to attend, is eloquent evidence of that spirit of co-operation.
186.	However, we cannot conceal our concern over the foreign intervention and the escalation of terrorism in some regions of America. We wish to see the American continent free from the scourge of terrorism and of totalitarian ideologies—so alien to its historical and cultural traditions—which imperialist interests are attempting to introduce in the region for hegemonistic purposes.
187.	The international community has witnessed how Chile, faithful to its tradition of using peaceful means to settle international disputes, had recourse to the mediation of His Holiness Pope John Paul II in connection with the dispute with the sister republic of Argentina.
188.	Thus on 8 January 1979 both countries signed the Montevideo Agreement, through which they agreed to request the mediation of His Holiness and solemnly undertook not to resort to the threat or use of force in their mutual relations.
189.	Under the lofty guidance of that august mediator, the parties submitted their respective positions and conducted active negotiations aimed at finding points of agreement so as to facilitate a just and definitive solution to the controversy.
190.	Chile has emphasized and now reaffirms its appreciation of the noble mediating task performed by His Holiness the Pope and expresses its trust in that high office.
191.	My country is confident that the solution of the controversy of concern to us must be found on the basis of the mutual readiness and the goodwill of the Governments to unite in their efforts for the well-being of their peoples and of full respect for the rules of international law and the agreements and commitments we have signed, which constitute the foundation for harmonious relations between States.
192.	In this decade the world is facing increasingly urgent economic problems. The solution to those problems, which has so long been postponed, cannot be set aside indefinitely.
193.	Our indecisiveness concerning the need for structural changes offers the prospect of a grim future characterized by slow economic growth, high rates of inflation and increased unemployment in developed and developing countries alike.
194.	The international community, despite the diverse and complex problems facing it, should not forget the sufferings of millions of human beings who are experiencing extreme poverty in the lower income countries. We all share that responsibility. This is Chile's understanding.
195.	None the less, international co-operation is weakened by the decreasing flows of financial aid, the alarming increase in protectionist and discriminatory barriers against exports from the developing countries and the persistent instability imposed today by international currency conditions.
196.	During the 1950s and part of the 1960s, the world economy was surprisingly prosperous. To a great extent, this was accounted for by the more liberal economic policies of the developed nations and their favourable impact on the increase in international trade. However, those same nations which in the past promoted free trade are now, paradoxically, supporting a sort of "organized free trade", involving protectionist measures and commitments for "self-limitation of exports".
197.	My country regards the subject of energy as a fundamental element in the restructuring of present international economic relations.
198.	The developing countries have been doubly affected by the sudden rise in the price of energy, inasmuch as we have felt its direct impact through our hydrocarbon imports and have had to absorb the increase in prices of manufactured goods, resulting from the adjustment policies of the industrialized countries.
199.	My Government deems it vitally important to support all feasible initiatives aimed at channelling funds to finance investments and provide needed assistance for the development of conventional and non-conventional sources of energy in the developing countries, especially in those where there is a considerable shortfall in domestic oil production.
200.	The facts I have mentioned and the far from satisfactory results of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly prompt us to affirm the need for greater political will on the part of the developed countries. We appeal to them to realize the importance of their role in solving inter-national economic problems and in the growth of the developing countries.
201.	We, the countries of the third world, must also contribute with our efforts and our dedication to maintain our economies, ensuring that resources are not uselessly squandered and making it possible for our entire populations to share in the benefits of development.
202.	That is my Government's understanding of the position and five years ago it began a process of restructuring which enabled it to adjust to changes in the world economy, thus avoiding the maintenance of obsolete systems of production regardless of cost.
203.	This development has been characterized by a higher growth rate than obtained in the past and by increased economic independence. The overall growth of Chile's economy during the period 1976 to 1980 amounted to 40 per cent.
204.	Moreover, the Government of Chile has assigned top priority to the redistributive role which the State should play for the benefit of the neediest, since the 1970 census revealed that 21 per cent of Chileans lived in conditions of dire poverty.
205.	In order to overcome this tragic social and economic situation—which is shared by many of our nations—and to permit the inhabitants of the country equitably to share in the benefits offered by economic development, my Government has considerably increased its social expenditures, including financing of programmes in the fields of health, nutrition, education, housing and social security.
206.	Thus, social expenditure has been increased from 27 per cent of Government spending in 1973 to 53 per cent in 1980.
207.	Significant social progress has been achieved, and this is due to the stability of our Government system and to the implementation of an economic policy which has proved to be sound and successful.
208.	My country, which is greatly interested in the outcome of negotiations on the new convention on the law of the sea, wishes to pay a heartfelt tribute to the author of the first Declaration on the 200-mile maritime zone, the recently deceased former President of Chile, Mr. Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, who had the visionary foresight to proclaim, on 23 June 1947, a principle which is today universally accepted.
209.	That statesmanly action, which places him among the pioneers and precursors of the new law of the sea, gave rise to the Declaration of Santiago of 19526 on the maritime zone of the countries of the South Pacific linking Chile, Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. Furthermore, this Declaration is one of the bases for the vast process of revision of the law of the sea, a process which culminated in the adoption and signing, at Caracas, of a universal convention on the subject.
210.	The important conclusions reached at the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, especially in connection with questions on the exploration and exploitation of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the area of national jurisdiction, cause us to look forward optimistically to the completion of the broad task undertaken by the United Nations over 10 years ago.
211.	In the face of this extended attempt to achieve consensus in the international community, we cannot but voice our rejection of the unilateral adoption of national laws favouring the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond the area of national jurisdiction. These laws lack all validity with regard to the international community. My country endorses the protests raised by, among others, the countries of the South Pacific and of the Group of 77.
212.	At the dawn of this new decade, we reaffirm our unlimited support for and commitment to the fundamental principles of the United Nations which the Charter has enshrined as indispensable for peaceful coexistence in the international community.
213.	Among other principles, we place emphasis on equal rights, the sovereign equality of States, the fulfilment in good faith of obligations undertaken, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the refraining from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, the self-determination of peoples and international co-operation.
214.	We know that this task is difficult. We know that some States pay lip-service to these principles without ever having honoured them; we know that they distort them in order to use them against other States whose political regimes constitute barriers to their hegemonistic endeavours. We know too that however difficult the task it must never be abandoned. That is Chile's resolve.


I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on behalf of my Government, on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. In electing you, this body wished to acknowledge the valuable contribution of your country to the peaceful development of international life in the post-war period and the extraordinary achievements of the Federal Republic of Germany in the building of a highly efficient and equitable society and also wished to pay a tribute to the distinguished human and intellectual qualities which have marked your conduct as representative of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Organization.
159.	We should also like to associate ourselves with the expressions of gratitude which have been made by members of the Assembly for the task accomplished by your predecessor in the presidency, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. In a difficult period the Assembly benefited from the effective and judicious conduct of our proceedings by this outstanding representative of generations trained in the struggle for the emancipation of African States.
160.	At a time when severe conflicts threaten the peaceful coexistence of nations, we consider it fortunate that our Organization should be able to profit from the enlightenment, experience and vigilance of its Secretary-General.
161.	We should also like to welcome the admission of a new State from the Latin American area, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. On behalf of the Government of Colombia, I wish to bid a fraternal welcome to that State and I take pleasure in offering our co-operation in ensuring that its participation in the international arena shall have the scope merited by its people.
162.	This session of the General Assembly comes, at a particularly difficult time for world peace when, in a climate of perturbation, we can observe signs of potential conflagration and conflict. The optimism, which seemed to be spreading as a result of the policy of detente, reflected in such a promising way in the Salt II Treaty, and in particular in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, signed at Helsinki in 197S, has been replaced by states of war, a situation which we must confront with objectivity and realism.
163.	The conflict between Iraq and Iran, the consequences of which we cannot foresee, makes it imperative that the United Nations itself renew its efforts to restore harmony and to ensure that the principles on which world solidarity rests will prevail. These facts have made it clear that the whole complex of international relations must be reviewed and the role of each nation in the face of the conflict defined.
164.	The most important thing of all, of course, is not only to rebuild the climate of confidence among all countries, but to give the policy of detente every opportunity to become effective and stable. Colombia has always called for a detente that would not be confined to a few geographical areas but would extend to every continent, but we must not allow the benefits of the agreement between the two super-Powers to be limited to a privileged group of nations.
165.	Detente—understood in its essential terms, such as the limitation of strategic arms, economic cooperation transcending ideological barriers, and in particular the curbing of the arms race—is a goal that is binding on the international Organization, and no country should be allowed to shirk the duties incumbent upon it in the maintenance of peace. In order to achieve these goals, the United Nations must bring its entire institutional machinery into play. More particularly it must strengthen the vocation for peace, which is the most appropriate safeguard for understanding and dialogue.
166.	The developing countries wish to see detente become universal. It would be wrong for peace agreements to be worked out by a small group of nations while other countries suffer the tragic consequences of conflicts fostered from abroad.
167.	We welcome the preparations for the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, to be held at Madrid, to follow up the Helsinki Final Act and to adapt its conclusions to the new circumstances. However, detente limited to one continent alone must of necessity transfer many disputes between the great Powers to outlying areas, condemning them to international conflicts with tragic consequences. Universal detente with the participation of representatives from every continent would make a true and sound contribution to international security. It is incumbent upon the United Nations to promote detente by creating, through its operative machinery, the conditions that would bring it about.
168.	Within this context, Encouraging disarmament projects is something that should have priority over other matters, Without any doubt, the developing nations are the ones which bear the heaviest burden because of the arms race which diverts basic resources from the well-being of their peoples and, in relative terms, limits economic growth and increases their technological dependence on the major centres of power.
169.	It is highly possible that in the institutional field there is already considerable machinery capable of bringing about disarmament successfully. Thus, what is required is the political will to lay the bases for a real limitation of weapons of mass destruction, on which the major risk of a generalized conflagration depend.
170.	Another item of concern to the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session is the question of Afghanistan, a situation that was analysed in the course of the sixth emergency special session held this year. In its resolution ES-6/2 the Assembly called for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the occupying troops, an appeal that has not been heeded, while the so-called justifications put forward cannot be accepted because they are contrary to international law. The presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan is, from every standpoint, contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. Hence, at the current session the General Assembly should repeat the appeal for the evacuation of the occupying troops, permitting the Afghan people to recover its right of self-determination, free from compulsion and without advantages for other countries.
171.	In the Middle East unmistakable symptoms of a disruption of peace persist, and have become more acute. Yet the United Nations has not been able to prevent the situation from worsening.
172.	Colombia is convinced that suitable machinery for a stable peace lies in a dialogue among all the countries of the region, and including the PLO, in order to secure through reconciliation of the different viewpoints, effective measures for maintaining the security of all the peoples of the area on a basis of justice and equity. The demand for a Palestinian homeland, a matter the urgency of which my country has emphasized in this very hall on other occasions, cannot be indefinitely delayed. Establishment of such a homeland, besides redressing a wrong, would also contribute to the normalization of relations among the peoples of the area. Guaranteeing the fundamental rights of all the countries in the Middle East requires a search for an appropriate solution to the serious crisis in Lebanon, a nation that has been suffering from very tragic circumstances and whose plight the United Nations cannot ignore if it is to retain its territorial integrity without outside intervention. International action so far has not, in respect of Lebanon, been sufficiently active or effective.
173.	The regional balance that might arise from a security conference for the Middle East, for which the General Assembly has on other occasions called, should take into account the very special conditions of the area and base itself on the guiding principle of the United Nations, which is that peace should be based on the rule of law, which in its turn must be the expression of justice. Any unjust attempt, far from contributing to lasting solutions, would open up the field to fresh conflicts with unpredictable consequences.
174.	My country favours the creation of the Palestinian State, since its people has the right to a legal, dignified and peaceful existence. Similarly, Colombia defends the existence of the State of Israel, with secure frontiers within territorial limits recognized by the international Organisation.
175.	The process of decolonization, for which the United Nations may justly claim the greatest credit ever since its foundation, has met with the obstinate resistance of the South African Government in its attempt to create the necessary conditions for recognition of Namibia as a free and sovereign nation. This is all the more serious if we realize that South Africa continues to pursue its policy of apartheid, a flagrant violation of the most elementary human rights and a vestige of the discriminatory policy of ancient empires.
176.	The fact that my country has for more than 12 years belonged to the United Nations Council for Namibia strengthens its authority when it calls once again on the Assembly to condemn apartheid and to require South Africa to comply with its international obligation to permit the complete independence of Namibia with all the prerogatives inherent in the sovereignty of States.
177.	Colombia is a country which throughout its history as a republic has maintained unswerving respect for the principles of international law as an irreplaceable rule for peace and coexistence among peoples. Respect for the inviolability of treaties, the security of obligations agreed upon under conventions and, particularly, the principle that international conduct should be governed by the rule of the law of nations constitute the best guarantee for a nation so profoundly committed to the precepts upon which international solidarity is based.
178.	The principle of pacta sunt servanda is something that our neighbour, Nicaragua, has tried to disregard. It is unilaterally attempting to repudiate the validity of the Barcenas Meneses-Esguerra Treaty of 1928, which defined the territorial dispute between the two States. Any attempt on the part of the Nicaraguan Government to repudiate the Treaty of 1928 would be unprecedented and would imply disrespect for treaties that have been duly and properly signed. The Treaty with Nicaragua was signed and subsequently approved in both countries with full compliance with all constitutional requirements, and then the respective instruments were solemnly exchanged there having been prior discussions of the document in Nicaragua, with the full participation of the various political parties. The abortive attempt by the present Nicaraguan Government to abrogate arbitrarily the Treaty of 1928 with Colombia simply deserves the repudiation of the international community, because it is an attempt to disregard law and alter the situation of friendly relations between our two peoples. The juridical claim of Colombia is based on prevailing law, which faithfully and fully interprets the principles of uti possidetis juris of 1810, is irrefutable and admits of no argument.
179.	This session of the Assembly is being held at a time when the economic situation of the countries of the third world is showing undoubted symptoms of crisis, particularly because of the growing deterioration in terms of trade. The great Powers have been coping relatively successfully with their difficulties, but at the same time the rises in the prices of petroleum and its derivatives are continuing directly and incontrovertibly to affect the financial structures of the weaker nations. Nobody can deny that the fluctuations and increases in the oil prices have been a factor altering the basic conditions underlying world order. It is equally clear that the economies of the developing countries are suffering from a diminution of their real income that alters the priorities of public investment to the point where not only have growth possibilities been restricted but the very political stability of the countries has often been threatened. For the developing countries the oil crisis has reduced the possibilities of proper and appropriate planning to make bold structural changes. To this must be added the tragic situation of countries which export primary commodities, which have seen a dramatic reduction in the volume of their earnings, in contrast to the gradual increase in the prices of the goods they are obliged to insert.
180.	The delay in the entry into force of the International Coffee Agreement between producers and consumers has made clear the short-sightedness of the latter with regard to the real impact of the fall in coffee-bean prices as a destabilizing element. The coffee-consuming countries did not want to realize that, with prices below producers' real requirements, the only thing that is achieved is the stimulation of the factors of national and international disorder. The consumer nations did not give their decisive support at the proper time to the negotiation of a coffee agreement, and consequently the producer countries were forced to organize their own defence machinery. The latter is a valid and effective instrument for the free market situation in which the importing countries have placed us, but in spite of the success of the machinery adopted, Colombia is aware that in the long term the Agreement between producers and consumers is the best tool for the management of the coffee trade, and for this reason we have agreed to it. The producer countries insist that the International Coffee Agreement, with all its mechanisms in full force, should function as a forum for the scrupulous analysis of market trends, particularly so that it can act as a regulating instrument and preserve the real income of the producer countries, since nominal pricing is not enough for the defence of our economies.
181.	The generalized crisis in international co-operation runs the whole gamut of the financial institutions and clearly shows how the developing countries have been traversing the most troublesome stage of the last few decades, without the international community coming to their assistance. The recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly only left as its corollary a greater distance between the rich and the poor countries, without any speedy possible solutions having been glimpsed. Within the United Nations itself and the specialized agencies there have been initiatives for the protection of primary commodity prices, to restore the balance between the industrialized countries and the raw materials exporters. However, in this field we find an increasingly unjust distribution of world power and an increasingly evasive attitude of the great Powers in regard to the international commitments which should underlie the new international economic order.
182.	World public opinion should be made known clearly in favour of strict compliance with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which so far has been only a catalogue of good intentions without any practical effect. Its establishment as a binding rule for the international community is becoming an indispensable requirement for ensuring peace.
183.	In the period since the end of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the implementation of measures of co-operation for the developing world has been postponed or reduced to absurd terms. The policy of the North- South dialogue remains bogged down in the face of indifference and delay. The demand of the peoples of the world for general and complete disarmament has been met simply with denials or delays. This obviously discouraging picture should be the subject of very serious and alert consideration on the part of the third world countries which have been so sorely afflicted by present economic circumstances.
184.	Colombia believes that only a vast movement of unity in the third world can rescue the objective of the new international economic order. As long as the developing nations maintain their casual attitude, their role will always be diminished. We find that the belligerent intentions of some countries are becoming clearer and clearer, and the only response, in order to ensure peace and co-operation, is a movement towards unity on the part of the third world, so that it can become a genuine force of moral deterrence in the face of any nuclear adventure.
185.	The unity of the third world, or the developing world, is something that Colombia would adopt as a banner for international action, and it should have as its objective the neutralization of any military provocation and should mobilize public opinion against anything that might give rise to a conflagration. The new international economic order will always be a fallacy so long as we fail to improve the machinery already agreed upon to maintain the prices of primary products. As long as the only lines of credit open to developing countries are for the purchase of armaments, the fate of world peace will be seriously jeopardized.
186.	The unity which the third world needs would be the best weapon to promote genuine conditions of detente within a necessary global context. The present situation in the world requires a sufficient determination to see to it that the peace-loving peoples of the world alert humanity as a whole to the dangers which threaten collective security.
187.	On behalf of my country, I should like to express best wishes for success in the deliberations of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced today more than ever that solutions for peace must derive from the institutional framework of the United Nations, which is the strongest instrument ever created in history for settling disputes among States.
188.	The call to unity of the third world to become the major peace movement is a call also for it to demand that just and fair conditions be adopted in the economic field so that security should not only be a precarious balance between Powers but also a co-ordinated effort, an harmonious effort, on the part of all nations on earth to achieve better conditions of life, free from the daily more threatening spectre of total war.


We meet at a time when the world economic outlook, both immediate and longer term, is depressingly bleak. On the political front, discussions on detente are deadlocked. There is a continuing escalation in the build-up of arms. Disputes between nations, particularly in the third world, are increasingly characterized by recourse to arms rather than being solved by the use of the machinery for peaceful settlement provided in the Charter.
40.	It is a time which demands of each nation, of each one of us, the expression of genuine concern which you, Mr. President, have continuously shown for the aims and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. Your election to the presidency of this Organization is indeed opportune, and should be the harbinger of that commitment which is demanded of us if we are, in an atmosphere of compromise, to find satisfactory answers to the issues which face the thirty-fifth session. Barbados is sure that the experience and wisdom you bring to this task will help us to fashion solutions for the daunting problems confronting our nations in the 1980s.
41.	It is fitting to record here our gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Salim, for the attention and dedication which he devoted to the critical issues which arose during his term of office. His performance has been a credit not only to him and to this Organization, but to his country, the United Republic of Tanzania, as well.
42.	It must have been a source of deep personal regret to him that patience, diplomatic skill and an attitude of compromise did not provide a sufficient catalyst to bring to a successful conclusion the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. The reasons for the failure of that session are historically more deep-seated.
43.	Two years ago, at our thirty-third session, I made reference to the fact that proposals for the transformation of certain inherited, outmoded economic structures which were stunting the economic development of third-world countries were continually being discussed in numerous forums, but no real progress was being achieved. I said then:
"We cannot accept that relations among nations should continue to be conducted on the basis of a 'zero-sum' principle, which assumes that the extent of a country's increase in the enjoyment of goods and services is equal to the loss of goods and services enjoyed by other countries ....
"Developed countries, in the negotiations for a new international economic order, are still preoccupied with looking at quantifiable variables. Consequently they conclude that, since the relationship between the developed and the developing countries is asymmetrical, with a preponderance of economic power weighted in favour of the developed countries, then it is possible to continue ad infinitum an international system of dependency without full and fair participation by the developing countries . .. ."
44.	Events, expressed attitudes and the continued lack of progress during the past year in the North-South dialogue confirm this assessment. The crisis in international economic relations continues. We have once again failed in a special session of this Organization to make any further progress towards eliminating the dangerous and debilitating economic chasm between developed and developing countries. And the chasm is widening the longer we fail to act. In spite of the depressing economic prospects which the world faces, and at a time when the world economy is in a state of deep crisis, a number of developed countries stand fast behind their ramparts and refuse to exercise the political will and firm commitment needed to deal with a dire and dangerous situation.
45.	Continued refusal to take positive action to restructure and revitalize the global economy by establishing a more equitable, just and stable international economic order will certainly multiply, not diminish, the problems which at present face us. Because of the undoubted interdependency of the world in which we live, all countries will suffer from further stagnation unless the fundamental changes envisaged under the New International Economic Order are agreed on without further delay. Enlightened self-interest demands of the North a positive decision.
46.	A year ago my delegation emphasized from this rostrum that the only way to rescue the world economy was to initiate immediately a full, constructive and genuine dialogue on the vital issues of structural change, energy, trade and monetary reform. We also warned that any negotiations implicit in such a dialogue must be serious and meaningful if they were to result in a satisfactory resolution of the issues involved. It was precisely within such a context that my delegation readily supported General Assembly resolution 34/138, with the aim of launching at the special session in 1980 a round of global and sustained negotiations on international economic co-operation. This Organization was unable to launch those negotiations because of the intransigence of a number of the developed countries during the preparatory phase as well as during the special session itself. Despite their declared support for such negotiations and despite their expressed recognition of the interdependence of the issues involved, those countries continue to refuse to accept or agree on the structural changes necessary to improve the international economic system. Rather, they t persist in offering minimum incremental modifications to the existing structure in the hope of destroying the solidarity of the developing countries on this vital question of fundamental structural change.
47.	The time has certainly come when such myopic and selfish conduct in international economic relations must cease. For we cannot be expected to respect and have confidence in our partners in negotiations of any kind—let alone negotiations on fundamental structural change in international economic relations—when they behave in such a manner. Nor can we engage in any serious and meaningful negotiations when there is distrust of our colleagues in the negotiations.
48.	My delegation believes that, despite the failure at the special session to launch the global negotiations, we still have a reasonable opportunity at this current session to achieve that goal. However, a pre-condition of the successful achievement of the goal must be a genuine willingness and honest commitment on the part of all Governments to accept the urgent need to work earnestly and collectively for fundamental structural changes in the current international economic system.
49.	For some countries this will mean the abandonment of certain entrenched positions which they currently hold. For others there must be a willingness to consider procedural devices which are in harmony with the content and spirit of General Assembly resolution 34/138. The resolution explicitly states that the negotiations should proceed in a simultaneous manner in order to ensure a coherent and integrated approach to the major issues of raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance. The resolution further states that the negotiations should not involve any interruption of, or have any adverse effect upon, the negotiations in other United Nations forums.
50.	The proposals contained in the Chairman's revised text on the procedures and time-frame for the global negotiations  are clear. We believe that the fears and concerns expressed by those developed countries which have blocked a potential consensus on the paper are unfounded. Contrary to the views expressed by them, the suggested procedures do not in any way seek to undermine or impair the integrity of any of the specialized agencies. Those agencies will still be involved in the negotiations in accordance with their respective competence.
51.	We remain convinced of the need for the global negotiations called for in resolution 34/138. My delegation therefore appeals to the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany, -the United Kingdom and the United States of America to reconsider their positions with a view to permitting this Assembly to complete the unfinished business of its eleventh special session. We cannot afford to delay any longer.
52.	It is certainly not beyond the ingenuity of us all to devise stratagems to solve problems which may superficially appear intractable. Surely there is a lesson to be learnt from the part played by the Commonwealth of nations in the negotiations which finally ensured the emergence of a free and independent Zimbabwe. During those negotiations, at the moment when hope of success appeared most forlorn, it was a final initiative of frank and direct discussions by heads of Government themselves at Lusaka which broke the impasse and led to what is perhaps the most spectacular peace settlement of the decade.
53.	Let us not, if we genuinely desire to make progress on the economic front, hesitate to adopt this precedent as a parallel device, thus enabling world leaders, shielded from the public and the press, to exchange ideas, explain their unique difficulties and problems, reach compromises and advance proposals for solutions to problems without having to be troubled by adopting stances not likely to be taken by them in an open forum. In summary, my delegation welcomes the initiative now being taken by the Governments of Austria, Canada and Mexico to arrange a meeting of representative heads of Government in an effort to achieve a breakthrough in the negotiations for the New International Economic Order. We stand ready to co-operate with all such efforts.
54.	That the global round of negotiations has not been launched should not, however, blind us to the real but limited progress made in some areas of critical importance to the economies of the developing countries. Consensus on the international development strategy will help to minimize failure in other areas. Barbados stands ready to benefit, in common with other third-world countries, from the social content of the new strategy. Up to the present, the most important progress resulting from these negotiations has been the social content and aspects of the strategy. The unambiguous and positive attitude of the Group of 77 on social issues reflects the commitment of those countries to the betterment of their peoples. This social programme involves primary health care for all, provision of basic shelter, full employment, universal primary education and substantial reduction in the incidence of infant mortality, among other things.
55.	These are all goals to which my Government, in its domestic policies, has been consistently and successfully addressing attention and emphasis. We realize, however, that we are part of one world and that peace and progress are indivisible. A crisis anywhere can mean a crisis everywhere. We therefore welcome the deep concern over the grave and growing plight of the least developed of the developing countries and the measures being taken to alleviate their situation.
56.	But I must also re-emphasize the special position of those island developing countries, such as Barbados, whose needs, because of their seemingly high per capita income, are apt to be ignored. During the June meeting of the twenty- seventh session of the Governing Council of UNDP, some developed countries adopted a clear and deliberate approach aimed at limiting the number of UNDP recipients to those with per capita gross national product (GNP) of less than $500. Their object was also drastically to reduce the indicative planning figure of those countries with per capita GNP above $1500. Barbados has always contended that, for small island developing countries, the criteria of per capita GNP and population size are not reliable determinants of such countries' needs for assistance or of their level of development. Small island developing countries, such as Barbados, are being increasingly penalized in a number of ways by those very countries which would have us believe that proper internal economic management and self- reliance are the sine qua non for growth and development.
57.	My country's aim is self-reliance. Independent and impartial observers comment regularly on my country's efficient internal economic management. But for decades to come the natural constraints of physical size and limited natural and human resources will make Barbados dependent on external technical and financial assistance on very concessionary or grant terms. It is unreasonable to use the per capita income criterion as a yardstick of development when considering the aid needs of countries such as Barbados, for this has the effect of placing those countries in the same category as countries with the potential capacity of nuclear Powers or with undeveloped reservoirs of mineral hydrocarbon wealth and vast expanses of underdeveloped agricultural lands.
58.	Is not this concept of GNP criteria now being used as another ruse on the part of developed countries to drive a wedge between' small island developing countries with seemingly high per capita GNP and the least developed countries whose immediate needs for technical aid and financial assistance are genuinely critical? One category of States must not be sacrificed for another category of States, nor must the partial satisfying of one group of needs be used to frustrate the necessary development objectives of another group of needy Countries. Above all, in the face of these new assaults, developing countries must maintain their solidarity to demand more aid, not less.
59.	For, whilst the economic situation of most third world countries has become precarious over the last decade, there has been no corresponding increase in official development assistance. Some donors have failed to accept or to achieve the United Nations target of transferring 0.7 per cent of their GNP, in the form of concessionary funds, to third world countries. In other countries, the gap between actual transfers from the Development Assistance Committee of member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and their collective United Nations target has risen continually, Indeed, between 1974 and 1978, the gap has widened from $12.7 billion to $14 billion in 1975, to $15.3 billion in 1976, to $18.5 billion in 1977 and to $21.6 billion in 1978. Other donors, with the exception of the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, have shown an even worse performance. In the case of the centrally planned economies, aid flows, measured in terms of their GNP, comprise less than one tenth of 1 per cent. What may be impartially said of the major industrialized market economies may likewise be said of the major centrally-planned economies in relation to aid flows; they both display a niggardly attitude towards the real needs of poor developing countries, except where they judge it to be in their own self-interest to make particular exceptions with the aim of maintaining their economic and hegemonic dominance.
60.	With this nonchalant approach must be contrasted the genuine concern and disinterestedness shown by some underdeveloped countries, such as Trinidad and Tobago, for the pressing needs of their neighbours. The Government of Barbados, like other Caribbean sister States, welcomes the far-sighted and magnanimous proposals made by Trinidad and Tobago to provide for the financing of the incremental cost of petroleum products, fertilizers and asphalt to other States members of the Caribbean Community. Likewise, we consider the initiatives taken by the Governments of Mexico and Venezuela to give similar relief in relation to energy to some nine Caribbean and Central American States through their Energy Co-operation Programme as a bold and useful step, worthy of emulation, mutatis mutandis, by developed countries.
61.	Within the Caribbean there is one area of humanitarian need which cries out for this sort of immediate initiative by developed countries. Developing countries of the Caribbean sub region, during the years from 1978 to 1980, have seen the disruption of their economies, as they have had to deal with the additional burden of reconstruction after devastating disasters. Because of their size and limited resources, Caribbean countries cannot each establish and maintain adequate machinery for disaster preparedness. We are grateful for such assistance as has been given to the region as a result of past disasters. But natural holocausts, such as volcanoes, hurricanes and floods, leave the adversely affected States with disrupted economies and the pressing need for long-term reconstruction of infrastructure and of their agricultural and industrial sectors. A region such as the Caribbean cannot by itself sustain such massive financing. We call upon the United Nations and upon bilateral donors—particularly those with a favourable trade balance with the region such as the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan—to provide urgent, meaningful aid and to assist in setting up machinery which will be permanent and which will aim at responding to the region's needs, should such disasters further befall us.
62.	The tragedy of our times is that, despite the correct diagnosis of the ills confronting the world, nations continue to disregard the medicines and ignore the cures. There are pressing needs for more food, adequate supplies of energy, more shelter, wider education, better health care and adequate clothing. Daily, these basic human needs are being denied to 800 million poor in the third world whilst developed countries fritter away resources on a build-up of arms. Barbados calls for the early and full implementation of strategies for general and complete disarmament. This would at least release funds for the purpose of development. It would also minimize the risk of war.
63. We regret that so many developing States are now themselves being likewise caught up in the whirlwind race for the acquisition of armaments. There is a pressing case for an early convention on the limitation of conventional weapons. We advocate, too, a limitation on the spread of nuclear weapons and we have backed our words by our actions in acceding earlier this year to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
64.	It is a cause of the deepest regret that it is the third world which provides today's theatres of war. There is war in Afghanistan. There is war in Cyprus. There is war in Western Sahara. There is war in Palestine. In Ethiopia and in Lebanon there is war. In Iran and Iraq the cymbals of armaments fail to respond to the Security Council's call for peace. In our own interests, we third-world States must recognize that divisions within our societies and within our regions lead to victories only for those developed nations which sell us the implements of war. That is why Barbados appeals to all outside nations not to interfere in the conflict within the Persian Gulf and we join with those urging Iran and Iraq to settle their dispute by peaceful means.
65.	Now more than ever there is need to abide by the principles of the Charter, particularly those which provide for the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. It is not that the Charter of this Organization is deficient; it is rather that some of us are honouring it more in the breach than in the observance. The Charter provides for non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, yet the Soviet Union persists in the occupation of Afghanistan. The Charter provides a procedure for settling disputes peacefully, yet Turkey persists in contributing to the division of Cyprus. We trust that the recent moves by the Secretary-General to arrange talks between the two communities of Cyprus will at long last lead to a successful healing of the wounds of that country; for an undivided sovereign Cyprus provides the safest structure for maintaining the integrity of that State.
66.	The Chatter provides for self-determination. Yet, in the Sahara, Morocco, once itself the object of colonial subjugation, misuses the lessons of history to reverse the process of freedom and deny the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic its true independence. We call on Morocco to respect the Charter.
67.	In Palestine, the clear solution is self-determination and a homeland for the people of the occupied territories. Israel too must have the right to exist as a sovereign State within defined and secure boundaries, Within Ethiopia and Lebanon, outside interference must cease. Iran, in calling legitimately on Iraq to abide by the provisions of the Charter and withdraw from its territory, should itself set an example by complying with the resolutions passed by the Security Council on the release of the American hostages and should uphold the rule of law by honouring the ruling of the International Court of Justice.
68.	Barbados is dedicated to the peaceful settlement of all international disputes in accordance with the principles of international law. That is why we have this year declared our acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. For acts of violence and terrorism are no real substitute for the rule of law. They can lead to the overthrow of democratic Governments and institutions and undermine respect for human rights. Conversely, in societies where repression is substituted for freedom of expression and periodic democratic elections are denied, the repressed will revert to the weapon of violence instead of the shield of the rule of law to achieve their legitimate rights.
69.	As a signatory to a number of human rights treaties and conventions, Barbados is deeply disturbed by these trends in the international community. Wherever serious violations of fundamental human rights occur, even within our own little corner of the world, we will continue to speak out strongly against such violations. Even in the face of harsh criticism, we will continue to oppose, be it in the Caribbean or elsewhere, the imprisonment of people without trial, political assassinations or any form of denial of traditional fundamental rights. Barbados is alarmed at the authenticated daily incidents of the disappearance of large numbers of people in certain States in Latin America and the Caribbean. We are also concerned that hundreds of Asians and Africans are for political and sometimes racial reasons being denied their basic human rights. Barbados therefore urges the world community to turn its attention to designing a strategy for the effective implementation of the United Nations human rights programme. For as man continues to dehumanize his fellow man the United Nations must hasten to strengthen and extend its machinery for dealing with human rights questions.
70.	The Secretary-General has reported on the increase in the number of human rights violations and the fact that questions of fundamental human rights have been put aside or deadlocked during the past year by political and economic expediency. We must therefore continue to support measures designed to improve the international machinery for the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We appeal to all States Members of this Organization to comply with the principles of the Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We call upon them to support the struggle against all assaults on human dignity, such as economic and social ostracism, involuntary disappearance, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and wanton murder.
71.	The Barbados Government is also deeply distressed at the ever-growing and complicated problem of refugees and displaced persons. The Secretary-General's report has focused on the African and Asian problem and the urgent demands for relief and rehabilitation of displaced persons in those continents. In Latin America and the Caribbean also, the problem is assuming dangerous proportions. Barbados fully supports the Secretary-General's comments on the need for a review of the emergency operations in the United Nations system. The problem of displaced persons now touches us all and needs the closest scrutiny of the world community so that appropriate strategies may be devised. We call upon those nations which have adequate physical resources to open their borders as first places of asylum to all genuine refugees. We also call upon them not to discriminate in this real human tragedy and to desist from accepting or refusing refugees on the basis of their ethnic origin,
72.	There are still those who continue to use the dehumanizing practice of racism to rob the majority of the people of South Africa of the opportunity of participating effectively in the government of its native land and sharing equitably in the resources of its country. Apartheid is an abominable and repugnant system practised by a heartless and archaic class. It is destined for destruction. Barbados can never tolerate any form of racism. We therefore reiterate our call for the immediate implementation of total economic and military sanctions against South Africa.
73.	That country persists in defying resolutions passed by this Assembly and the Security Council calling for the early independence of Namibia. Every nation other than South Africa is satisfied that the people of Namibia is entitled to self-determination and independence. Yet there is reluctance on the part of some countries to use the provisions of the Charter to enforce South African compliance with international law.
74.	The total eradication of colonialism will continue to demand of all of us persistent efforts as long as there exist those nations which continue to advance unfounded claims in order to delay the inexorable process of decolonization, In Latin America and the Caribbean the legitimate right of the people of Belize to early independence within secure boundaries and with all their territory intact is still being thwarted, not by the metropolitan Power but by the neo- colonialist regime of Guatemala. Guatemala, like South Africa, persists in defying the clear terms of the resolutions of this Organization. Unless Guatemala is prepared to accept this Assembly's resolutions, any attempted negotiations will fail, for Belize can never compromise on its sovereignty or territorial integrity. At this thirty-fifth session, Barbados, in conjunction with friendly Caribbean, Commonwealth and other countries, will seek this Assembly's endorsement of a resolution calling on the administering Power to set an early date for the independence of Belize, before 31 December 1981, and calling on this Organization and the administering Power to do whatever is necessary to ensure the continued existence of an independent Belize. We feel sure that all right-thinking Member States will sponsor or support such a resolution.
75.	The successful implementation of such a resolution will be a fitting way to mark the twentieth anniversary of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). That resolution is still a signal landmark in the history of decolonization, Within my region, the Caribbean, there is still much work to be done to achieve freedom for some of our brothers and sisters, who are still under colonial rule. But every step forward is an advance towards the promotion of human dignity and the realization of the full value of man. We in the United Nations, particularly those of us in the third world, have travelled the long, bitter and hard-fought road to victory with the people of Zimbabwe. But truth, justice and freedom triumphed in the end. We warmly welcome the admission of Zimbabwe to this Organization.
76.	The births of the new States of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Vanuatu are also real advances towards the full realization of the principle of self-determination. The admission of the sister State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of this Organization is for us in Barbados and the Commonwealth Caribbean a source of special joy; but it is also a further realization of the equality of nations and of the universality of membership of the United Nations.
77.	Events such as those give us hope that solutions will ultimately be found for the many difficulties which the world faces in the decade of the 1980s. We have certainly entered a decade burdened with unresolved but not insoluble problems. At present there is insufficient agreement on how to address those problems; but there is no lack of answers for the outstanding questions. It is the duty of each nation, of each one of us, in the interests of the survival of mankind, to choose the correct answers and to apply the right solutions. Let us have the courage to do so. Let us keep the faith of the Charter and maintain the hope of mankind.


It gives me great pleasure to express the satisfaction of my delegation at the election of Ambassador Riidiger von Wechmar as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His professional skill and wide experience in the United Nations sphere are well known to all of us and they justify our confidence that this Assembly will be wisely guided. I wish him and the other members of the Bureau luck in their very important task.
221.	May I also add the voice of the Swedish delegation to the voices of all those who have expressed thanks to the former President, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, for the excellent way in which he conducted the work of the thirty-fourth session. Furthermore, I wish to welcome the new Member of our Organization, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, who by its accession to membership has strengthened the representation in the United Nations of the Caribbean region.
222 The 1980s have begun in an atmosphere of crisis.
223. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has tipped the scale from detente to distrust in the relations between the two superpowers. The arms race is gaining new and unprecedented momentum. The threat of new countries acquiring nuclear weapons has become more acute. The world economy is facing serious difficulties aggravated by the energy crisis.
224.	Not only is the world thus moving deeper into crisis, but our collective will to deal with the situation seems to be faltering.
225.	International disarmament negotiations have come to a virtual standstill. The United States Senate has failed to ratify the SALT II agreement. The Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons ended at Geneva without agreement.
226.	The eleventh special session assembled to deal with development and international economic cooperation was unable even to agree on the formula for starting the so-called global round.
227.	Why all those failures?
228.	There is no simple answer to this question. Nor are there any easy solutions to the complex problems the world is facing. There is no shortcut to peace, no simple remedy for the world's economic crisis. But one thing is clear. The issues we are facing ultimately concern our survival.
229.	A failure of international economic cooperation is a question of life and death for millions of people in the third world. If we fail to curb the arms race and prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, there is a danger that nobody will survive. Only if those simple truths arc brought home can we hope for the spirit of compromise between ideologies and interests necessary to make headway in the difficult negotiations before us.
230.	Let us begin by looking at disarmament efforts.
231.	The armaments situation has many contradictory features. Thus, for instance, all countries agree that more armaments create a situation in which the security of all nations is diminishing. Yet almost all countries arc trying to improve their security merely by increasing armaments.
232.	All countries also agree in principle that the best way to improve security is to curb the arms race through negotiations. Yet those who play the decisive role in the disarmament negotiations always seem very careful to see to it that what comes out of those negotiations will not affect their own military capabilities. That reluctance is year by year bringing the world closer to the brink of disaster. That is particularly clear when one looks at the situation in Europe.
233.	Both East and West agree that war in Europe may lead to a nuclear holocaust. Political leaders in both East and West also agree that the limitation of armaments in Europe is the way to reduce the danger of the ultimate catastrophe.
234.	We are at present discussing the holding of a conference dealing with disarmament in Europe, a continent where the enormous military forces of East and West stand face to face and from which two world wars have already emanated.
235.	Western countries have primarily stressed the importance of obtaining far-reaching confidence-building measures. As for arms limitations, they have tended to refer to ongoing negotiations in existing forums. The Soviet Union and other States parties to the Warsaw Treaty wish to discuss limitations on nuclear and conventional weapons and disarmament in more general and political terms. The importance of those differences of opinion on what purpose the conference is to serve should not be underestimated. Nevertheless we do have to find a compromise.
236.	The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe which will be held at Madrid could be the forum used for laying the groundwork for such a compromise. In the view of my Government, a possible basis for a compromise would be to allow for different timescales for different disarmament measures.
237.	We should like to have the Madrid meeting decide on certain confidence-building measures and formulate a concrete and precise mandate for a European disarmament conference.
238.	The first phase of such a conference should aim at agreement on further and considerably more substantial confidence-building measures. A mandate adopted at Madrid should also deal with limitations of conventional and nuclear arms, to be discussed as soon as sufficient progress has been made in the negotiations in other forums concerning troop reductions and limitations of strategic and theatre nuclear weapons. Thus, even if actual negotiations take place in other bodies, a European disarmament conference would play a significant role by monitoring the state of negotiations on conventional and nuclear arms.
239.	The purpose of the conference should be to establish a system where all the nations concerned can state their views on how European disarmament should be achieved and put pressure on those which bear the main responsibility for the arms race. If that formula is adopted, a European disarmament conference would naturally unfold inconsecutive phases, each dealing with the measures which seem realistic at the time. That would give room for stocktaking and for formulating new objectives appropriate for later stages.
240.	Let us go forward step by step but never lose sight of the final goal: a Europe where the nuclear threat has receded and stability and confidence reign.
241.	The nuclear arms race is of concern not only to the superpowers and the European countries.
242.	In the strategic thinking of the nuclear weapon States, it is frequently suggested that nuclear wars can be fought and that nuclear wars can be won. But a recently concluded United Nations study initiated by Sweden two years ago shows that even the effects of a so-called limited nuclear war would be disastrous. In addition it seems highly unlikely that either side in a nuclear conflict will be able to exercise the restraint assumed by strategic planners in peacetime.
243.	While the nuclear weapon States continue to build up and improve their nuclear arsenals there is a risk that they will encourage those in other countries who believe that the acquisition of nuclear weapons can increase national security and enhance national prestige. During the past few years there have been alarming reports that new countries, some of them in regions of tension, might have acquired or were seeking to acquire nuclear explosives. That heightens our concern about the threat of the proliferation of nuclear capability.
244.	It is highly regrettable that the Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons could not agree on a final document. The outcome of that Conference cannot, however, detract from the vital importance of the Non-proliferation Treaty. We must continue the struggle to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We must strengthen and broaden the scope of safeguards formulated by IAEA. We must search for common approaches to nuclear cooperation and achieve more reliable assurances as regards both supply and non-proliferation.
245.	In the field of economic cooperation, those who hold power seem to be captives of their own conventional thinking and unaware of the fact that the international economy of the 1980s is very different from any we have experienced in the past.
246.	If the armament situation is dangerous—and indeed it is—so is the world economic situation.
247.	We know that the South badly needs to import the goods necessary to develop its resources and infrastructures. We also know that the North suffers from unemployment and idle industrial capacity. Furthermore, we know that large sums are available in the international capital markets which are not being put to productive use.
248.	Properly coordinated, those three negative components can be transformed into positive action. What is needed for that is cooperation between rich and poor, between the developed and developing regions of the world, between oil producing and oil importing countries, between the industrialized countries of the old establishment and newly industrialized nations. That cooperation should aim at achieving a more equitable distribution of the world's resources, thus creating jobs and wellbeing for us all.
249.	The recent report of the Brandt Commission eloquently elaborates that reasoning. Its most remarkable feature is that it is submitted jointly by a group of members with widely different backgrounds and political persuasions. It is now for the Governments to discuss to what extent the consensus in the Brandt Commission can be transferred to the intergovernmental level and transformed into agreement.
250.	A summit meeting early next year might well be needed to acknowledge that North South relations must receive attention at the highest political levels.
251.	Interdependence was also a theme underlying the eleventh special session that ended just a week ago. It is highly regrettable that the session ended without agreement in that respect. Although one should not underestimate the complexity of the problem and the difficulties in finding quick solutions, it is obvious that the failure of the session was due not to technical obstacles but rather to lack of political will.
252.	The present international economic order is changing only slowly, and the change meets with resistance from those who see their interests threatened. While this may be understandable in a short-term perspective, our common interests in a longer perspective should dictate a more forthcoming position even if this appears to imply giving up positions of power.
253.	Since the special session failed, it is all the more important that this session come to agreement on a global round of negotiations. The Swedish Government believes that such a new effort is essential to bring about concerted solutions to problems which are of concern to everybody.
254.	Sweden will make every effort to contribute to an agreement on the procedures and the agenda in the course of this session. The results achieved so far should serve as our basis.
255.	The consensus on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade was an important step forward during the eleventh special session. Its very existence is an important basis for further efforts to be made by the international community to combat poverty and starvation in the coming decade. We have the tools at our disposal for this, but we do not have much time. To put it as the President of the General Assembly did in his speech of acceptance a week ago:
"The need to create a new, more just and balanced international economic order ... is much too urgent to permit any substantial further delay. For millions, it could literally mean the difference between life and death."
256.	The arms race and the world economic crisis are global phenomena which have implications for the security of all nations. The tensions and problems in the Middle East, Southeast Asia and southern Africa may have local roots and causes, but if they remain unresolved they may have worldwide repercussions as well.
257.	Viet Nam, once the symbol of the people’s fight for independence, has now itself embarked on the road of armed intervention. Sweden has condemned the Pol Pot regime's unparalleled cruelty to its own citizens, but Pol Poi's reign of terror can never justify the continued occupation of Kampuchea by Viet Nam. The Vietnamese troops must be withdrawn and the Kampuchean people be allowed to determine their own political future without foreign interference. Only then can Kampuchea begin the gigantic task of reconstruction after years of war, terror, invasion and famine.
258.	Unanimous reports tell of a constant and increasing military build-up along the border between Thailand and Kampuchea. This build up has already led to armed clashes between Thailand and Viet Nam in June this year, when Vietnamese troops reportedly crossed the border.
259.	My Government urgently appeals to all the parties concerned to prevent the situation from escalating into an open conflict causing more suffering for the already hard hit population and increasing once again the risk of a great Power clash in that region. The refugees must be protected, the territorial integrity of Thailand respected and tension along the border reduced.
260.	In southern Africa, the struggle for freedom and justice has led to an important victory. Zimbabwe is a forceful reminder to all that southern Africa is moving irresistibly towards majority rule. Judging from past experience, we could not expect the South African regime to draw the right conclusions from this development. Through the years it has resisted pressure from a united world opinion and remained impervious to both humanitarian considerations and the arguments of reason. However, we do expect other, more enlightened, States to play their part in efforts to abolish apartheid.
261.	The instruments of peaceful action at our disposal are economic sanctions as envisaged by the United Nations Charter. It is, therefore, the duty of the permanent members of the Security Council to consider what means may still contribute to a peaceful dissolution of apartheid in South Africa. We appeal to them not to shirk this responsibility.
262.	It has been argued that negotiations on Namibia would be hampered by Security Council action against South Africa. My Government believes the contrary to be true.
263.	Measures against South Africa must be taken, and taken now, if negotiations are to yield results. Using delaying tactics and pretending to be cooperative, the South African regime continues to exploit these negotiations for two purposes: first, to gain time to build up an administration of its own choice in Namibia; secondly, to avoid the pressure of international sanctions. The negotiations themselves must not be allowed to serve as a means of postponing the freedom of Namibia.
264.	Over the years South Africa has, by its illegal occupation of Namibia, by its armed attacks on neighbouring States and by its apartheid policy, accumulated an appalling catalogue of oppression and blatant violations of international law and human rights. It is high time the Security Council took action to implement its own plan for a peaceful transition to majority rule and to a free and independent Namibia.
265.	By their well-coordinated and responsible policy, the frontline States are playing an increasingly strong and constructive role in developments in southern Africa, thus exerting an inspiring influence on the majority of the people of South Africa. The Swedish Government will continue to provide development assistance to the frontline States and humanitarian assistance to liberation movements in southern Africa. It will also favourably consider contributing to the regional economic cooperation.
266.	For all too long, the peoples of the Middle East have been deprived of the right to live in peace and dignity, free from fear and want. Recent disturbing events and acts of violence have once again demonstrated the implacability of the parties in this tragic conflict.
267.	The peace agreements reached between Egypt and Israel were, in our view, an important step towards breaking the vicious circle of violence and hatred in the Middle East. Today we have less reason for optimism. Tension is again rising. Israel is adding to it by its settlement policy on the West Bank, its raids into Lebanese territory and its attempts to change the character and status of Jerusalem through unilateral action. All friends of Israel—and Sweden is among them—must note with sorrow that Israel is currently pursuing a policy which not only contravenes international law but also runs entirely counter to principles which should be fundamental to a democracy like Israel.
268.	It is no less tragic that the Palestinians, in the pursuit of their legitimate national rights, should resort to violence. As has been so woefully demonstrated, violence inevitably breeds counter violence.
269.	A political settlement can be achieved not by force but through concessions and compromise by Israelis and Palestinians alike.
270.	The Palestinians must recognize Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized borders. Israel must recognize the legitimate national rights of the Palestinians, including the right to establish, should they so wish, a State of their own, living in peace, side by side with Israel.
271.	Israel must also realize that it is meaningless to try to reach an agreement on the Palestinian question without negotiating with those who represent the Palestinians. A comprehensive and lasting peace is possible only if all parties concerned participate in it—and that is to say that Israel must negotiate with the PLO.
272.	A solution must, furthermore, determine the status of Jerusalem and guarantee freedom of access for one and all to the Holy Places.
273.	I want to take this opportunity also to express my Government's deep concern over recent reports of armed hostilities between Iraq and Iran. My Government urges the parties to refrain from further military action and to settle their differences peacefully.
274.	Today it is more important than ever to remind the superpowers of their duty to adhere to the United Nations principles on non-intervention and the right to self-determination.
275.	The resolution on Afghanistan adopted by this Assembly in January was important in this respect. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and must be condemned as such.
276.	Eight months have now elapsed since the Assembly adopted its resolution calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. But Soviet troops are still stationed in Afghanistan; they are engaged in a cruel combat to force the Afghan people into submission. But the Afghans will not let themselves be subjugated, and the Soviet Union will learn the lesson that all imperialist Powers should have learned from history. Mankind's yearning for liberty cannot be extinguished by occupation, repression, terror or torture. Individuals and nations will not give up their fight for freedom and self-determination.
277.	The Soviet Union has said that the Soviet troops will be withdrawn as soon as it has guarantees against aggression from the outside. But the only aggression from the outside in this case came from the Soviet Union itself.
278.	Only an independent Government which has the support of the Afghan people has any reasonable hope of achieving internal peace and stable relations with all its neighbours, including the Soviet Union. We must therefore once again urge the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops immediately, totally and unconditionally.
279.	At the beginning of the 1980s, the most dangerous trend for world peace is the transition in relations between the two nuclear superpowers from detente to distrust. The security of all nations hinges on how the two superpowers handle their relations and what forms their rivalry will take.
280.	By reason of their nuclear arsenals, the superpowers are holding the fate of the entire world in their hands. All States therefore have the right to demand that they improve their existing lines of communication. Even if we cannot now have detente, we must urge the superpowers to continue their dialogue. Their channels of communication must always remain open and function effectively in order to avoid misunderstandings, overreactions and dangerous miscalculations.
281.	Hence we note with satisfaction that the Foreign Ministers of the United States and the Soviet Union are going to meet here this week. Let us hope that this meeting will be the beginning of a more stable pattern of contacts between the two superpowers and lead to constructive results in the interest of world peace.