At the outset, on
behalf of the Government of the Islamic State of
Afghanistan, and on my own behalf, I wish to express
my profound condolences to the Government of the
United States of America and the American nation, as
well as the families that lost their loved ones in the
unfortunate crash of American Airlines flight 857
yesterday.
My delegation is very much delighted at Mr. Han
Seung-soo’s assumption of the presidency of the fifty-
sixth session of the General Assembly and remains
assured that his able conduct will lead the work of this
session to its desired end.
My delegation is also very pleased at Secretary-
General Kofi Annan’s meritorious winning of the
Noble Peace Prize this year, I wish to warmly
congratulate him and his fellow recipient of the prize,
the United Nations itself.
I am very thankful to all delegations that have
mentioned the name and the case of Afghanistan and
the need for international help to reach Afghanistan.
The appalling events of 11 September and the
somewhat lesser-known event of 9 September — the
33

assassination by suicidal killers of the great Afghan
leader Ahmad Shah Massoud — have changed the
world. The United Nations, the international
community and the world at large are focusing on a
new war, the war on terrorism. My Government and the
people of Afghanistan denounced the terrorist attacks
against the United States and continue to denounce
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We
ourselves have been captives and hostages of terrorism
longer than most. In fact, during 23 years of war in
Afghanistan, Muslim Afghans have not engaged in any
terrorist acts. Islam is an integral part of life in
Afghanistan and teaches justice and respect for human
life and glorifies the dignity of human beings.
I quote from the Holy Koran: “We have bestowed
dignity on the children of Adam”. (The Holy Koran,
XVII:70)
Islam, in the tradition of the Abrahamic faiths,
places great emphasis on peace, compassion and the
value of human life. Thus, Islam should be recognized
for the principles upon which it was created and not
acts resulting from irresponsible interpretations, which
are far from genuine Islam. These irresponsible
interpretations are based on primitive and sectarian
thinking, especially the retrogressive policies against
women, which have no place in Islam.
With the strong, broad global coalition on their
side, today the people of Afghanistan have been
vindicated in their righteous struggle against terrorism
and extremism — a struggle pursued single-handedly
but valiantly over the past seven years against the
terrorist forces of the Taliban mercenaries and their
cross-border and international allies, chief among them
since 1996 being Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda terrorist
organization.
In this most trying time, when the people of
Afghanistan are being liberated from the rule of the
Taliban, and when Taliban forces are fleeing strategic
cities across our land, including the capital, Kabul, it is
evident that the civilian inhabitants of these cities and
the people of Afghanistan as a whole, having offered
their support to the liberating forces of the Islamic
State of Afghanistan’s United Front, are deserving in
the fullest measure of a Government to which their
welfare can be soundly entrusted.
On Tuesday, 13 November, in a series of events
rapidly taking shape in and around Kabul, the Taliban
mercenaries and their terrorist allies were thought to be
holding ground, but abandoned the city in a hasty
manner, causing a power vacuum.
With the capital, Kabul, on the verge of chaos and
mayhem, the Government forces were left with no
option but to dispatch a limited police force to the city.
The decision to police the city preceded eyewitness
reports of the looting of National Bank assets and the
plundering of the city’s main currency market and a
number of aid agencies by the retreating Taliban forces.
We deeply regret any ill treatment of individuals
that may have occurred in isolated cases. We have
ordered our security authorities not only to refrain from
but to actively investigate any such acts that may have
been committed and to prevent such incidents from
taking place in the future. Let me reiterate that our
desire for peace for all people in our land remains firm
and that we will not, now or later, condone any lawless
acts aimed at disrupting the crucial process of
instituting a broad-based, multi-ethnic and fully
representative Government in Afghanistan, as called
for by the United Nations and the entire international
community.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan hails the new
developments as a victory not only for the people of
Afghanistan but also for the international community in
our shared campaign against terrorism.
Let me assure the Assembly that the recent
gaining of ground by the forces of the Islamic State of
Afghanistan’s United Front in Kabul in no way reflects
an intention on the part of the Government of the
Islamic State of Afghanistan to monopolize power.
Rather, it is our sincere hope that the people of
Afghanistan will decide democratically in the near
future what form of political system they desire. In this
context, we steadfastly support United Nations
resolutions on Afghanistan, and thereby the
recommendations made by the Secretary-General’s
special envoys to Afghanistan, Ambassador Lakhdar
Brahimi and Ambassador Francesc Vendrell, and will
do our utmost for the implementation of the process.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan fully honours its
agreement made in Rome with the representatives of
the Rome process, led by the former King of
Afghanistan, Mohammed Zahir Shah, and remains
committed to its implementation.
Today Afghanistan finds itself in a major
humanitarian crisis — a crisis such as the world has not
34

witnessed in recent times. With winter approaching our
people are facing famine. Our people will die because
they do not have enough food to sustain them through
the winter. Many aid agencies began leaving
Afghanistan after it became evident that the bombing
campaign would begin.
Over the past several years, tens of thousands of
civilians have either fled the country or have been
internally displaced. The people of Afghanistan are not
asking for a favour. They desire first and foremost to
return to the position they were in before 1978 — a
level playing field where they can govern themselves
and grow. Twenty million landmines, a ruined and
almost non-existent infrastructure and a very high
illiteracy rate do not make for a level playing field.
Even a fraction of the benefits bestowed on the
international community by Afghan sacrifices can
reconstruct our nation.
Today we are charged with finding a solution for
Afghanistan, even as problems continue to increase and
change on a day-to-day basis. But we must now, not
later, think about the people of Afghanistan and about
giving them peace after so many years of war.
A broad-based Government, inter alia, through
the Loya Jirga — Grand Assembly — must be
established. All ethnic groups must be equitably and
adequately represented and given voice in this broad-
based Government. The Hazaras, Pashtuns, Tajiks,
Uzbeks, Aimaks, Turkmen, Baluchis and all other
ethnic groups of Afghanistan must have fair
representation in this broad-based Government.
All these groups make up what Afghanistan is
today, and Afghanistan is not complete without any of
these groups. For centuries, all of these groups have
lived peacefully among themselves without bloodshed,
and each one has contributed to Afghanistan and has
sacrificed tremendously in the resistance against
repeated foreign occupations. For centuries, all these
groups, as a united people, resisted foreign hegemonic
forces. History has shown that Afghanistan is not for
foreign occupation or conquest.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan’s United Front
wants the rule of law based on Islamic tenets,
pluralistic democracy, fundamental human rights,
peace, unification and meaningful reconstruction. At
our core we wish to uphold human rights for all
peoples of our land — men and women. We desire to
abide by United Nations resolutions, the rule of law
and recognized international norms and principles. We
highly appreciate the efforts being made by the United
Nations aimed at finding a solution for Afghanistan
and support all United Nations endeavours and
measures to combat international terrorism.
The future Government of Afghanistan must not
be subjected any more to the unilateralism that has
blanketed it for so long. The nation of Afghanistan
must have, as any nation must have, the respect of and
sincere cooperation with its neighbours. The future
Government of Afghanistan must not be reduced to a
“sphere of influence”; it must be recognized as a
sovereign nation in the truest sense. Self-determination
for Afghanistan means that no country of the world
should have a veto concerning what the Afghans decide
for themselves.
Recognition of the principles of mutual respect,
non-interference and full sovereignty of Afghanistan
will naturally be followed by economic and
commercial cooperation. Hence, a sovereign
Afghanistan will deploy all efforts to broaden its
relations with all of its neighbours, including Pakistan.
Such measures as opening up to Pakistan and opening
up key transit routes, from north to south and from east
to west, ought to be implemented. Afghanistan has to
broaden its economic relations with all neighbouring
countries. The crossroads at the heart of Asia is
situated in Afghanistan, and our country’s economic
and international development rests largely in utilizing
this resource in a progressive and open manner.
I need not remind Members today that a stable
Afghanistan means a stable Pakistan and a stable
Central Asia. An ignored and ruined Afghanistan
would be a calamity for the entire region and the whole
world.
The people of Afghanistan must decide what
form of Government they desire. No one ethnic group
must dominate and no neighbour of Afghanistan has
the right to incite, overtly or covertly, one ethnic group
against others. It is time for the people of Afghanistan
to think about their future and to come together. They
must all work together for their country as they have
worked for centuries before. It is my aspiration and the
aspiration of every Afghan that normalcy will be
restored and that we will live in peace.
We, the Islamic State of Afghanistan, and we, the
United Nations and the international community, have
a duty to rebuild Afghanistan. There must be an
35

extensive and comprehensive United Nations-led
reconstruction plan for Afghanistan. The international
community must take the reconstruction of Afghanistan
as seriously as it takes the war on terrorism. I submit
that reconstruction and a people’s hope will do more to
eradicate evils such as terrorism and the seeds of
terrorism than war can perhaps ever do.
Rehabilitation must begin with addressing
humanitarian problems, including the pressing crisis of
internally displaced persons and refugees. The longer-
term Afghan reconstruction programme must be
comprehensive; under such a programme, facilities of
all kinds — roads, bridges, hospitals and schools and
universities for boys and girls — must be
reconstructed. Girls were purposely made illiterate by
the Taliban mercenaries. A massive education effort
must be undertaken so that our young people can learn
skills and grow up to be a new generation for our
country. The 20 million landmines must be cleared so
that the people can cultivate their land and not have to
rely only on poppies to make a living.
In the Afghan reconstruction programme there
must be a programme for orphans and widows. The
Afghan reconstruction programme must directly help
the war-stricken and war-devastated land and people of
Afghanistan. Afghans of the diaspora, from all over the
world, must come and take part in the Afghan
reconstruction programme and help build their country.
I believe that, with the help of almighty God, we
can rebuild Afghanistan and that Afghanistan can once
again live in peace with its neighbours and can
contribute to the prosperity of the international
community.
In conclusion, I appeal to the United Nations and
to the international community to adopt a new vision
for Afghanistan, a vision that will leave behind the
death and destruction that has seized its people for so
many years, a vision that embraces tolerance and unity,
a vision that will rebuild the spirit of Afghanistan and
give hope for peace to each and every person of our
land. The change must come from each person who
calls himself a Muslim and an Afghan; it must also
come from each country that calls itself a friend of
Afghanistan. Our friends and neighbours must grant us
the goodwill to govern ourselves and to be our own
people.


First, I should like to express our very sincere
condolences and sense of compassion to the families of
the victims of the tragic accident that occurred this
morning, as well as to the authorities of the City and
State of New York, which have been so seriously
affected by the terrorist attacks on 11 September.
I should, however, like to congratulate our
President, Mr. Han Seung-soo. I am convinced that
with the cooperation of Member States, he will be able
to conduct this Assembly in a way to ensure that it
responds ambitiously and effectively to the challenges
before it.
President Holkeri conducted the Millennium
Assembly deftly, wisely exercising his presidential
authority and evincing a soothing sense of humour. We
would like to thank him for that.
Our Secretary-General tirelessly continues his
work to promote international peace and security.
Member States wish to thank him for the imagination
and wisdom shown as he discharges his lofty
responsibility, and they have renewed his term of
office. International public opinion has expressed its
gratitude for his exceptional commitment by giving
him, together with the United Nations, the Nobel Peace
Prize. We would like to associate ourselves with that
tribute. We congratulate him and wish him the best in
his difficult work at the head of the Organization.
In the course of this first session of the twenty-
first century, the General Assembly has begun its work
under the sign of terrorism. The indescribable crime
that was committed on 11 September 2001 against the
United States of America and its citizens, male and
female, represents a breakdown in international
relations. It was not only America that was targeted by
this infamous attack against the World Trade Center
towers  it was our lifestyle in an open, democratic,
tolerant and multicultural society to which the broad
majority of countries and peoples represented here
aspire. That is unbearable to terrorists.
17

Civilian airplanes have become guided missiles
through blind and murderous terrorism, and as a result
we all feel attacked. We can't call this a confrontation
here between civilizations, combat between North and
South, between religions. The perpetrators of the
repugnant attack of 11 September wish to deny by their
act the very values that form the basis of the
international community, which we have endeavoured
to build for the past 50 years through the United
Nations and its multilateral system.
The subsequent discussion in public opinion has
shown that our societies do not yet know each other
well enough. Ignorance leads to distrust and even
hostility, promoting a chilling self-absorption.
Dialogue among civilizations, as promoted and
practised by our Organization, must now more than
ever be at the forefront of our considerations.
Having expressed its compassion for the innocent
victims of those cowardly attacks, the international
community must now react with determination to
ensure that the perpetrators receive the punishment
they deserve and to defend itself in such a way as to
prevent such acts in the future. I should like to take this
opportunity to reaffirm our solidarity with the United
States of America in its exercise of its legitimate right
to self-defence.
Two days ago, the current President of the
European Union, Mr. Louis Michel, gave a detailed
description of the measures and initiatives taken by the
15 member States to combat the scourge of terrorism.
Luxembourg is participating unreservedly in this joint
effort.
Only through coordinated and interdisciplinary
work will we be able to fight all forms of terrorism.
Our response must be commensurate with the threat,
while respecting the fundamental freedoms of the
citizen  a principle that underlies our civilization.
With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, we
must work under the auspices of the United Nations
with a view to promoting the emergence of a stable and
legitimate Government that is representative of the
Afghan population as a whole. Such a Government
must respect the human rights of the Afghan people
and develop good-neighbourly relations with all the
countries of the region. In that context, I should like to
welcome in particular the activities of the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General for
Afghanistan, Mr. Brahimi.
As soon as its objective has been achieved, the
international community, through the concerted efforts
of the United Nations, the International Committee of
the Red Cross and other international organizations,
should set up an ambitious programme that is both
political and humanitarian, with a view to helping to
reconstruct Afghanistan and to ensure its integration
within a stabilized region. Such an effort will require
intensified political dialogue with all of the countries
of the region.
At this time, the provision of assistance to the
civilian population in Afghanistan and to the refugees
across its borders is a matter of priority. My country
has already raised almost 7 million euros for that
purpose as part of a comprehensive effort within the
European Union amounting to more than 320 million
euros.
Although there are no grounds for making a
direct connection between the events of 11 September
and the situation in the Middle East, the situation there
is becoming increasingly worrying. We note that,
unfortunately, the fabric that was woven during 10
years of mediation efforts and that was almost
completed at Taba is now unravelling before our eyes.
During my recent visit to the region, I noted the extent
to which the peace process, which has been deadlocked
for far too long, is suffering from the absence of any
real prospects and from increasing distrust among the
parties.
That is why, together with our colleagues from
the European Union, we are stepping up our efforts to
convince the parties that only the cessation of violence
and the recognition of two States will make it possible
for negotiations to resume that can lead to a just and
lasting peace in the region, on the basis of the
establishment of a Palestinian State and the right of
Israel to live in peace and security. The European
Union stands ready to provide a framework for this
process, in cooperation with the United States of
America and the Arab States of the region, and to assist
the parties with a view to facilitating the reconciliation
that is necessary.
In the meantime, the United Nations will
tirelessly pursue its efforts to achieve international
peace and stability. In 2001, four reports of the
Secretary-General  dealing with peacekeeping,
humanitarian action, the prevention of conflict and the
follow-up to the Millennium Summit  have shown
18

the way forward. They show that it is necessary for the
international community to be steadfast in its
commitment to the prevention and management of
conflict.
Any hesitation or fleeting expression of
disinterest might risk encouraging elements that may
want to aggressively defend their own interests without
regard for the consequences at the national or
international level. Europe has witnessed such dramatic
chains of events, particularly in the Balkans, and we
can only feel a sense of humility when considering
their disastrous effects.
If this year the United Nations has not been on
the front line in the Balkans, it has been working hard
in the area of peacekeeping. I would like to make two
comments about these operations. First, we note that
there has been a considerable improvement in the
quality of their management, following the conclusions
of the Brahimi report. Secondly, there has been an
international commitment to deal with hotbeds of
tension as diverse and complex as those of Kosovo,
East Timor, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
Sierra Leone.
The balance sheet is relatively encouraging.
Kosovo will soon be holding elections that will have
important consequences for the future of the province.
The United Nations operation in East Timor can,
perhaps, be viewed as a clear success for international
action. Attempts to restructure peacekeeping operations
have been promoted through careful consideration in
the Secretariat, the Security Council and the General
Assembly, based upon an outstanding follow-up report.
The complexity of crisis situations often, of
course, demands a prudent response, even when real
progress has been made, as is the case in Sierra Leone.
It is even more important to document international
determination through clear mandates that allow for a
strong response. We believe that the inclusion of troop-
contributing countries in the decision-making process
is essential. The increasingly integrated approach that
has been chosen, as illustrated by the United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo and the
United Nations Transitional Administration in East
Timor, is designed to ensure a logical succession
between the phases of prevention, peacekeeping and,
finally, consolidation, reconstruction and development.
One of the most urgent tasks of our Organization
is to provide immediate assistance for civilian
populations that are the victims of natural disasters or
crises brought about by human intervention.
Luxembourg attaches particular importance to such
needs, and we are endeavouring to support United
Nations offices in this physically and morally
demanding task. Since the fall of 2000, we have been
coordinating, on an informal basis, the donor countries
in New York, and our delegation takes pleasure in
noting the dedication of the competent officials and
authorities who head these services. I would like to
assure the Assembly that my country is clearly aware
of the need to protect, and ensure the safety of,
personnel.
Humanitarian action, prevention, ceasefire
agreements and peace-building activities hardly
constitute the entire agenda of the international
community. A functioning democracy is a major asset
in progress towards development, as I have already
emphasized. I need only reaffirm the importance of
national efforts to combat corruption and foster the
establishment, within our societies, of the rule of law
based on an equitable and properly functioning legal
system.
My country welcomes the efforts under way
within the United Nations to put an end to impunity
and to ensure that those responsible for committing
crimes against humanity and other atrocities answer for
their actions within an international criminal
jurisdiction.
A special tribunal to judge crimes committed
during the course of the civil war is in the process of
being established in Sierra Leone, and Luxembourg has
made a financial contribution to its establishment. In
Cambodia, a law to establish a tribunal to consider the
atrocities and genocide perpetrated under the
dictatorship of the Khmer Rouge is now in force, and
we must assess its compatibility with the memorandum
proposed by the United Nations. The Tribunals in The
Hague and Arusha have stepped up their work, and, for
the first time, a former head of State is awaiting his
trial in prison. We welcome these developments, as
well as those who have joined us in the group of
countries that have ratified the Rome Statute of the
future International Criminal Court. The citizens of
Luxembourg would be pleased to see that convention
enter into force as soon as possible and acceded to by a
broad majority of States.
19

In September 2000, heads of State and
Government met here in New York. Since then, the
Millennium Declaration has underpinned the actions of
the United Nations and of States at the national level.
Together with its European partners, Luxembourg has
affirmed its dedication to the commitments entered into
there.
I conclude by citing two facts that illustrate the
awareness of my country's Government of the
responsibilities its shares with all here in preparing for
the future of coming generations. First, official
development assistance from Luxembourg has reached
0.71 per cent of our gross national product; the
Government has decided to raise it to 1 per cent by
2005. I have also submitted to my country's Chamber
of Deputies Luxembourg's first nomination to serve as
a non-permanent member of the Security Council.


Let me begin by
congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election as
President of this fifty-sixth session of the General
Assembly. My delegation pledges its support and
cooperation to you and your country as you discharge
your important responsibilities.
I also wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute
to your predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri of Finland,
President of the fifty-fifth session. We are grateful to
him for the able and successful manner in which he
presided over the session.
I wish to salute the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, on his re-election to the helm of the United
Nations, which is an attestation of the commitment and
the dynamism with which he has guided the
Organization during this period of great challenge.
I am addressing this session in my dual capacity
as President of the Republic of Zambia and current
Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
This occasion holds a special significance to me as I
make my last statement to the General Assembly as
President of the Republic of Zambia, having almost
come to the end of my second and last tenure of office
of my country.
This year the general debate of the General
Assembly is taking place in November instead of two
months ago, because of the tragic events of 11
September. Those developments united us on the need
to postpone this session, just as we were united in our
resolve to fight international terrorism, which knows
no boundaries. Indeed, today more than ever before,
the entire world seems more conscious of, and gripped
by, the evil of international terrorism and the
consequent loss of life and destruction of property.
Terrorism is an affront to humanity. It is a
heinous and cowardly act that is hated almost as much
as we hated apartheid or any form of racism. It is for
these reasons that Africa has for a long time been
fighting international terrorism. In Algiers, Algeria, in
1999, we, as African leaders, took a mammoth decision
by adopting a Convention on the prevention and
combating of all forms of terrorism. Although the
Convention has not entered into force, Africa has since
then been seeking international support in the adoption
of appropriate strategies for the effective eradication of
the multiple root causes of terrorism. We remain
resolute and resolutely committed to, and united in, the
pursuit of this goal.
However, let me also hasten to add that, in spite
of its gravity and magnitude, the threat of terrorism
must not override or deduct from the appropriate focus
on the outstanding matters on the global agenda.
Burning issues such as the scourge of conflicts, poverty
eradication, the debt problem and the HIV/AIDS
pandemic, among other things, should continue to be
accorded the necessary attention they so much deserve.
While many good things and positive
developments have been taking place on the African
continent, these are, nevertheless, largely
overshadowed by the many conflicts that continue to
rage in a number of our countries. We have witnessed
conflict in the Mano River basin involving Sierra
15

Leone, Liberia and Guinea; the situations in Sudan and
Somalia are yet to be settled; disturbances recently
erupted in the Comoros; and violence continues to
threaten the constitutionally elected Government in the
Central African Republic. The Great Lakes region
remains a tinderbox, while the conflict in Angola has
experienced no movement towards resolution for quite
some time now. Meanwhile, the ceasefire agreement in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo is yet to be fully
implemented.
Africa does not lack the political will or resolve
to find solutions to these conflicts. Neither has Africa
sat back and waited for the outside world to come and
resolve these conflicts. Instead, Africa has
acknowledged responsibility for these conflicts and has
spearheaded efforts to bring peace wherever there have
been conflicts.
It was Africa, through the efforts of President
Abdelaziz Bouteflika, that brought about an end to the
Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict. The guns were silenced in
Liberia and Sierra Leone, thanks to the efforts of the
leaders of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), who are still leading the effort to
bring peace to the Mano River basin. The leaders of the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
have continued to seek peaceful settlements in Sudan
and Somalia, while the Lusaka peace processes have
addressed the conflicts in Angola and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Most recently, a Transitional
Government of National Unity was inaugurated in
Burundi on 1 November 2001, as a culmination of
efforts started by the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and
completed by Nelson Mandela, two of Africa’s most
distinguished sons.
It is clear from the foregoing that what Africa
needs to successfully resolve the conflicts on the
continent is the moral, practical and financial support
of the international community. Africa has always
believed in the dictum that in unity there is strength.
We believe that all nations belong to a common global
community with a shared destiny and shared
responsibilities.
To this end, Africa has always been ready and
willing to participate in efforts to restore peace where
peace has broken down, irrespective of the location of
the region. Our men and women have served as
peacekeepers in Europe, in Asia and in the Middle East
because we believe that peace is indivisible.
Africa therefore expects that, just as we are ready
and willing to serve in the promotion and defence of
peace everywhere, so, too, should the international
community be willing to be full partners in the search
for peace in Africa.
In this regard, I cannot help but register our
disappointment that after the painstaking efforts by Sir
Ketumile Masire to organize the inter-Congolese
national dialogue in Addis Ababa on 15 October 2001,
and notwithstanding the many pledges made to finance
it, the dialogue could not take off due partly to
insufficient funds. I would therefore like to appeal to
the international community, through the Assembly, to
provide the necessary assistance to Sir Ketumile
Masire, the facilitator of the inter-Congolese dialogue,
to enable him to proceed with organizing the dialogue
and to conclude the peace process in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. In particular, I wish to make a
special appeal to all those who have made pledges to
the facilitator to release these pledges urgently.
Conflicts do not stand alone or develop in a
vacuum. Political conflicts and social tension are a
result of imbalances in the dispensation of political
power, economic wealth and benefits, as well as of
social suppression, segregation and the repression of
one or more groups of people on the basis of race,
ethnicity or even religion. The African continent, with
barely 40 years of independence, has suffered centuries
of fractured development, deprivation of resources and
the political and social suppression of its people. These
are the conditions at the centre of Africa’s current
struggle to redress both the political and economic
imbalances.
The United Nations World Conference against
Racism, held in South Africa this year, took a major
historical step by refocusing on that human injustice of
the past, whose consequences continue to ravage our
societies to this day. The Conference condemned the
slave trade, slavery, colonialism and apartheid as
crimes against humanity. The condemnation of past
injustices should be made on the premise that we now
have the will, the resolve and the commitment to
embark upon the process of healing, reconciliation and
redress. Our final objective is to bring about justice,
political liberation, economic development and a fair
social system that will promote the human rights of
individuals, the national sovereignty of States and
mutually beneficial regional and global
interdependence and cooperation.
16

The African economic and social condition has
been on the agenda of the United Nations since
Africa’s decade of independence. Slavery, colonialism
and apartheid, and now pervasive poverty, misery and
squalor for the majority of our people continue to
ravage the continent with negative consequences for
human life. The advent of HIV/AIDS, coupled with
centuries-old diseases such as malaria and tuberculosis
and with many other communicable yet curable
diseases such as cholera, dysentery and diarrhoea, has
reduced African life expectancy from 68 years to 50
years, and in some countries to only a pathetic 38
years. The mortality rate for children under the age of 5
years is 140 per 1,000 births on the average. Such
adverse social conditions cannot be at all conducive to
economic development and improvement in the
standard of living. These conditions have to be changed
for the better.
The development process of post-colonial or
independent Africa has also accumulated debt and
suffered negative terms of trade for its raw materials
and products exported to the developed countries. On
the one hand, the resulting huge trade deficits of
African nations reduce their purchasing power for the
technology, equipment and investment capital they
need for economic growth and development. On the
other hand, the deficit increases the foreign debt and
shrinks public investment programmes for
infrastructure and education and health delivery
systems, thereby further suppressing the very
conditions necessary for development and the
eradication of poverty.
Africa is not asking for charity! No. What Africa
is asking for is more accessible conditions for its raw
materials and products, and for prices that are fair and
conducive to development. We are not asking for
charity. No. We are asking for more African countries
to have access to the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries Initiative (HIPC), so that they could use the
freed resources to build infrastructure such as schools,
combat diseases, provide safe drinking water and
invest in income-generating community activities
because, eventually, these are the measures which will
reduce poverty. We further call on the international
community to intensify and accelerate initiatives that
should bring debt cancellation to the poor countries.
There cannot be a credible solution to the problem of
poverty in Africa without debt cancellation.
The continent of Africa has accepted and fully
shares the responsibilities that come with globalization.
As a developing continent, we need to continue to
reorganize ourselves to face the challenges of the time.
The thirty-seventh session of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) Assembly of Heads of State and
Government, held in Lusaka, Zambia, last July, took
Africa to a new historical stage when it launched the
African Union (AU). The AU will elevate Africa’s
integration agenda by forging a more cohesive political
union, while also creating an economic community of
nations. The Union also seeks to promote new levels of
partnerships with the international community,
particularly in the areas of sustainable economic
growth and development and of peace and security. At
the Lusaka Summit, the OAU also adopted a new
economic-centred recovery programme and poverty
reduction strategy called the New African Initiative,
which is now called the New Partnership for African
Development.
I wish to take this opportunity to express Africa’s
appreciation to the Group of 8 which, at its meeting in
Genoa, Italy, in July, endorsed the African initiative. I
also wish to thank the European Union, which, during
our meeting last month in Brussels, pledged its full
support of the initiative. It is important to note also that
Africa has been an active participant in global trade
liberalization initiatives. We thank the Government of
the United States for the practical step it has taken
through the African Growth and Opportunity Act. It is
a pioneering example in expanding trade and export
opportunities for Africa and for development.
Debt relief, debt cancellation, increased
production, accessibility to export markets, better
terms of trade and economic integration — these mark
the way forward to African development, sustainable
growth and poverty reduction. Under economic growth
and improved social conditions, democracy and good
governance will be sustained and conflicts reduced and
managed, while peace and security will last.
The time has come for me to thank the people of
Zambia for having given me the privilege and honour
of serving in the distinguished capacity of President of
the Republic of Zambia, to thank my colleagues in
Africa for entrusting me with the chairmanship of the
OAU and for their confidence and support and to thank
all of you in the international community. I have tried
my best during my tenure of office and can therefore
only hope that I have lived and performed up to your
17

expectations. Soon Zambia will have a new president.
It is my hope that he will be accorded the same support
and cooperation you have so kindly given to me in the
last ten years.


Mr. President, I bring you greetings from the small and
beautiful country of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
Please accept our congratulations on your election as
President of the fifty-sixth session of the General
Assembly. You are assured of my country’s full support
for a successful session. We would also like to offer
our heartfelt congratulations to Secretary-General Kofi
Annan on his election to a second term, and to the
United Nations Organization and the Secretary-General
for the prestigious Nobel Peace Prize received in
honour of their efforts to ensure a better and more
peaceful world. It is impossible to think of more
deserving recipients of this award as this coalition of
nations and our beloved Secretary-General strive to
ensure that the Organization fulfils its mandate
according to the Charter.
I commend the President of the United States of
America for the statesmanship and resolve with which
he continues to deal with the difficulties at hand. I also
salute the civic leaders of this great city of New York
for the institutional leadership during this problematic
time. The city has been visited by tragedy once again
this week. On behalf of the Government and people of
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, I offer sincere
condolences to all those touched by this latest disaster,
not least our neighbours and friends in the Dominican
Republic.
Our Government stands firm with the
international community on Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001) against terrorism. We are
working closely with the Governments of the region,
the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Latin
America and the United States in an effort to fight the
scourge of terrorism. Our Government has tightened
security and implemented measures intended to close
any possible avenue that criminals and terrorists may
exploit. We will do whatever is necessary to ensure that
barbarism is defeated. Compliance with resolution
1373 (2001) is difficult and expensive for small States
with limited means and technical expertise. But we will
comply.
The international community has mustered an
impressive effort to fight the plague of terrorism. In
this midst of this, however, we must not lose sight of
the fact that terrorism will not be eradicated by one
victory in one war. It behooves us as world leaders to
look deeper into the causes of violence and terror. It is
the firm belief of my Government that marginalization
of the poor and underprivileged creates a hotbed for
extremism and lawlessness.
We in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and the
wider Caribbean have triumphed over the evils of
slavery and colonialism to emerge with a truly noble
civilization. We are a people made up of races from the
four corners of the earth who have melded into one
beautiful whole. We are democratic in our governance
and tolerant in our attitudes. We are a hard-working,
industrious people. We are proud. It is not in our nature
to seek alms from the rich. But, Mr. President, it is
self-evident that an economy such as ours, which is
almost totally dependent on agriculture and tourism,
needs help if we are to survive and prosper.
The influence of the multinational Chiquita and
Dole banana companies has been working for years to
destroy the industry of our banana farmers. The World
Trade Organization (WTO), of which we are a member,
seems bent on widening the gulf between rich and poor.
We are not optimistic about the outcome of this week’s
economic Ministerial Meeting in Doha. A farmer
working one or two acres of mountain land and eking
out a living cannot compete with the giants who control
thousands of acres in the Central American countries.
Mr. President, if you take away that which feeds
us, you must offer something in return. That is why the
upcoming conference in Mexico on financing for
development is of seminal importance to the small and
developing countries of this world. It is time for the
economic giants of the world to stop paying lip service
to the idea of financing for development and to put into
practice real and workable means for the poor,
underprivileged and vulnerable nations to join the
mainstream. We need the commercial barriers erected
by those intent on maintaining their hegemony to be
removed. We adhere to the adage “Trade, not Aid”. But
this is not yet a realistic option and, in the present
climate, will not be for the foreseeable future. We hate
asking for charity. We merely ask that promises be kept
and commitments adhered to. As a small island
developing State, we need relief from the burden of our
foreign debts, high interest rates and other unfair
international trade constraints. We need the Bretton
Woods institutions to perform their function in a
democratic and just manner.
HIV/AIDS remains rampant worldwide. The
recent grave disaster in the United States of America
has pushed other burning issues of the day off the
13

world agenda, but people have not stopped dying of
AIDS. The 26 million who have been forecast to
succumb to the scourge in the next 10 years will still
succumb. In the same way that the United States and
the European Union were able to persuade drug
companies to produce drugs to combat anthrax at a
fraction of their normal cost, the same drug companies
should be persuaded to produce affordable treatment
for this plague, which is causing a national security
threat to many poor countries.
The state of affairs of HIV/AIDS has reached
circumstances of extreme urgency in our country. The
Caribbean is now only second to sub-Saharan Africa in
having the fastest rise in the incidents of HIV/AIDS.
We are not equipped to handle this crisis. We are not
able to afford the drugs to treat our people. Therefore,
our people are dying — dying in their hundreds and
thousands. This world crisis, unlike terrorism, is one of
which we know exactly what is required. Do we have
the will to provide the necessary means in order to
resolve this problem? The special session of the
General Assembly last June on HIV/AIDS ended with a
global commitment to combat this disease. Are we
living up to our commitment?
Prior to 11 September, our Government
implemented sound fiscal policies that resulted in
positive economic growth for our country. However,
after that infamous day, the economic outlook turned
extremely bleak. Our burgeoning tourist industry has
suffered tremendously, with employment taking an
especially heavy blow. Hotel occupancy dropped to a
15-year low. There seems to be no end to the ripple
effects on the industry. Just as people were beginning
to fly again, we had the tragedy in Queens on Monday.
This plunges us deeper into economic gloom and the
real and frightening possibility of recession looms ever
closer.
Following the admission of Tuvalu to the United
Nations last year, we were very close to realizing the
principle of universality set forth in the Charter of the
United Nations. Now, only one remaining country
awaits admission to the United Nations. That country,
as we all know, is the Republic of China on Taiwan.
The Republic of China’s impressive record of
economic and political development is one of the most
persuasive reasons to eliminate the United Nations sole
exception to universality. Fifty years ago, Taiwan was a
poor and underdeveloped society. Fifty years later, the
Republic of China on Taiwan has become an affluent
and prosperous country, with a per capita gross national
product of around $14,000, annual trade of over $300
billion and a gross national product of $320 billion.
Although the Republic of China is only the one
hundred thirty-eighth largest country in the world in
terms of lands and the forty-sixth largest in terms of
population, it is today the world’s seventeenth largest
economy, the fifteenth largest trading nation, the eighth
largest investor, the fourth largest holder of foreign
exchange and the third largest exporter of information
technology products.
Under our principle of universality, we cannot
continue to exclude a country with such an impressive
record of achievements. The time has come to open our
doors to the Republic of China on Taiwan.
The situation in Afghanistan calls for immediate
action on the part of the United Nations to fill the
power vacuum left by the departure of the ruling
Taliban from the capital, Kabul. We must make sure
that the new administration is representative of all
factions and we must further ensure that the suffering
and starving people receive immediate humanitarian
aid to ensure their survival through the coming winter
months.
Finally, I must reiterate that we are encouraged
by the efforts undertaken by the United Nations to
work towards a society that ensures security and human
dignity for all in the future. The future looks good if
we all work together for the betterment of mankind. I
assure the Assembly that my Prime Minister, Mr. Ralph
Gonsalves, and the Government and people of Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines are fully committed to
supporting the United Nations in these endeavours, and
may God direct all of us on this path.


My delegation
congratulates Mr. Han Seung-soo on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-sixth
session. His election to that office is a demonstration of
the confidence and trust that the international
community has placed in him to steer it through the
challenges of our time. It is our fervent hope that,
through his leadership, this Assembly will translate the
Millennium Declaration into reality.
I would also like to take this opportunity to thank
his predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri of Finland, for the
sterling work accomplished during the past session of
the Assembly.
Today, I am privileged to join others in
congratulating Mr. Kofi Annan for his re-election as
United Nations Secretary-General for a second term.
Mr. Annan’s re-election is indeed both a testimony to
and recognition of his unique and rare abilities to give
leadership, vision and unity of purpose to the
international community in meeting the challenges that
face us today. This recognition has been amply
demonstrated by the conferment of the prestigious
Nobel Peace Prize on the person of the Secretary-
General and on the United Nations. I congratulate both
Mr. Annan and the United Nations.
The Secretary-General enters the elite corps of
Nobel laureates at a time of most serious challenge to
international solidarity and cooperation, as we reflect
on the events of 11 September, when the people of the
United States of America, and indeed the whole world,
were plunged into unprecedented sorrow in the wake of
the heinous terrorist attacks here in New York and in
Washington. This is indisputably the most brutal act of
terrorism in this new millennium. Our hearts go out to
the families who lost their loved ones, and indeed all
the people and the Government of the United States. It
is our duty as Members of this world body, which
stands for global harmony, peace and security, to say
“Never again” to such vileness. Zimbabwe lost two of
its nationals in those tragic attacks.
As the people of the United States grapple with
the threat posed by biological weapons of mass
destruction in the form of anthrax, we in Zimbabwe,
who have hitherto been the greatest victims of this
weapon, know what it means and what they are going
35

through. For during our own liberation struggle,
anthrax was used as a weapon of mass destruction by
the racist regime of Ian Smith. The anthrax was
developed by the apartheid regime in South Africa
under the guidance of Dr. Basson, better known as “Dr.
Death”, who then supplied it to Ian Smith. Many
Zimbabweans perished both before and after
independence. The anthrax spores that were spread by
the racist regime of Ian Smith during our liberation
struggle more than 20 years ago continue to claim
victims exclusively within the black population of our
country to this day. More people and cattle have died of
anthrax this year in Zimbabwe than elsewhere in the
world. Thus not only are we vehemently opposed to
this evil scourge and other forms of terrorism, but we
also know the pain and loss associated with it.
In my address to the General Assembly at last
year’s session, I dwelt at length on the situation in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Since that time,
some progress has been made in implementing the
ceasefire agreement in that country. All those involved
in the process — the signatories to the ceasefire
agreement and the United Nations Security Council —
are agreed that conditions are favourable for the
deployment of United Nations peacekeepers under
phase III of the deployment of the United Nations
Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo (MONUC). As a matter of fact, just
yesterday, the Security Council adopted resolution
1376 (2001), supporting the launching of phase III
deployment of MONUC. Nevertheless, the Security
Council, by adopting what it calls a step-by-step
approach, continues to show excessive caution or
hesitancy, almost indistinguishable from lack of
commitment or confidence, in the peace process in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. This is the major
threat to that peace process today.
I wish to renew our appeal to the Security
Council to more strongly and convincingly demonstrate
its support for peace in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo by providing adequate human, financial and
other resources. In this context, we note that as of 30
September 2001, unpaid assessed contributions for
MONUC to the Democratic Republic of the Congo
special account amounted to $246.9 million. In
addition, the trust fund established by the Secretary-
General in October 1999 to support the peace process
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had, two
years later, received only the paltry sum of $1.1
million.
The serious matter of inadequate resources was
one of the major factors that contributed to the
curtailment, both in number of participants and in
duration, of the inter-Congolese dialogue in Addis
Ababa last month. We welcome and appreciate South
Africa’s offer to host the next session of the national
dialogue and meet some of the related expenses. We
hasten to add, however, that South Africa must not be
burdened and abandoned because of this generosity and
willingness to contribute to the peacemaking efforts.
We all must play our part in restoring peace and
stability to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and
indeed to the Great Lakes region.
The continued unnecessary suffering and loss of
life among the civilians in Angola are indefensible.
Through the Sanctions Committee and other measures,
we have determined that UNITA must be denied and
deprived of the resources and means to continue to
wage war against the Angolan people. It is time that we
ensure that those sanctions are indeed effective by not
only respecting that sanctions regime ourselves, but
also exposing those who continue to aid and abet
UNITA in its deadly activities.
The situation in the Middle East demands urgent
action and resolution on the basis of the long-standing
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973). The question of a Palestinian State brooks no
delay. Israel must bite the bullet and accept that until a
Palestinian State becomes a reality, there can never be
lasting peace in the Middle East.
I must express our concern over the lack of
progress in the area of reforming the Security Council
to make it more democratic and fully representative of
the aspirations of a large section of the international
community which has had a limited voice for far too
long. It is our considered view that conflict resolution
around the globe could be enhanced by a reformed and
more representative Security Council.
On the eve of the Doha meeting, my delegation
would like to stress that necessary measures must be
taken to strengthen the ability of developing countries
to be integrated in a beneficial way into the global
system. The human and institutional capacities of
developing countries must be strengthened, and more
emphasis must be placed on enhancing the role of trade
and development, with better access provided for goods
36

and services from developing countries. Currently, we
are experiencing a situation in which developing
countries in general, and African, Caribbean and
Pacific countries in particular, seem to lose through the
World Trade Organization arrangement the little that
they had gained, even from previous protocols.
One of the most enduring features of the present
and of the latter part of the last century has been the
persistence of the colonial legacy in many developing
countries. That legacy has been evident in relations
between and within States. We need not recall much
more evidence of the persistence of this phenomenon
than the proceedings of the World Conference against
Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and
Related Intolerance, held in Durban, South Africa,
barely two months ago.
The continued refusal on the part of some former
colonial Powers to acknowledge the devastating effects
that colonialism has had, and continues to have, on the
economic development of most of the former colonies
has also been much in evidence. It is no accident that it
is those former colonies that today occupy the lower
rungs of the development totem pole.
In Zimbabwe, the colonial legacy is poignantly
evident in the racially skewed land-ownership
structure, which is a direct result of racist policies and
the laws of successive colonial regimes between 1890
and 1980. Over 70 per cent of the arable land — the
best of that land — is owned and utilized by less than 1
per cent of the population, represented by
approximately 4,100 white farmers, most of them of
British descent, while nearly 13 million black
Zimbabweans eke out a living from the remaining 30
per cent — the worst of the arable land. Such a
situation has to be corrected in the interests of equity,
justice, social harmony and political stability in the
country and, indeed, in our region of southern Africa.
My Government has begun a land reform and
redistribution programme, which, while ensuring that
more people are settled on acquired land, will leave the
current owners with only one farm each. At present,
some of them own 18 farms each — and an average
farm in Zimbabwe is 2,000 hectares. Some, like the
Openheimer family, own land that is nearly the size of
Belgium — one man owns property the size of
Belgium in Zimbabwe. My Government’s land reform
programme guarantees that none of the white farmers
will be left landless. Every existing white farmer who
wants to farm is assured of getting one farm. The
programme is not about total alienation or
dispossession, but about equitable redistribution. What
is more generous or equitable than that?
As to who should pay for compensation, we
reached understandings and agreements with the
former colonial master when we negotiated our
independence at Lancaster House in 1979. Obligations
to pay compensation were assumed by the former
colonial Power. Provided that all parties honour their
obligations, the so-called land crisis in Zimbabwe will
evaporate overnight. That is the crisis in my country, to
which the spokesman of the European Union referred
from this rostrum. Zimbabwe has policemen in
Kosovo, policemen in Sierra Leone and policemen in
East Timor. We are trying to bring peace to the Congo.
We do not have a crisis; we have a land dispute.
The lofty objectives of the United Nations
Charter in the economic arena will remain unfulfilled
unless all Member States join in efforts, genuinely and
seriously, to redress inherited colonial imbalances that
persist in developing countries. Social justice, political
stability and sustainable development in Zimbabwe can
be better achieved through genuine and committed
support for land redistribution programmes than
through the vilification or demonization of its
leadership and policies.
It is most unfortunate that our efforts at rectifying
unsustainable colonial imbalances are seen by some as
a crisis; the real crisis lies in the persistence of that
legacy. Zimbabweans are resolved to correct that
colonial injustice, in spite of the outcry from some
quarters by people who regard the defence of the
present injustice as their historic responsibility. It is
unacceptable that a minority, whether black or white,
should own over 70 per cent of the best arable land in
any country. That may be acceptable in some countries;
in Zimbabwe, we have decided to say “No”.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic has become a serious
developmental issue. As the Secretary-General’s report
on the work of the Organization (A56/1) indicates, the
pandemic is destroying the economic and social fabric
in our countries. Zimbabwe’s infection rate among the
adult population is estimated to be 30 per cent, while
hundreds of thousands of children have already been
orphaned as a result of this dreaded disease. In the light
of this, my Government and, indeed, those of other
developing countries, will need all the assistance we
37

can get to complement our own efforts. We look
forward to having this issue be seriously addressed by
the international community.
The international community should develop
strategies to ensure that AIDS drugs developed by
pharmaceutical companies become more affordable for
developing countries. Let me extend my sincere thanks
to the Secretary-General for convening the special
session on HIV/AIDS in June this year. We hope that
the implementation of the resolutions of that
conference will go some way towards checking the
spread of the disease.
In conclusion, let me assure one and all that
Zimbabwe will partner all international efforts towards
the eradication of terrorism in all its forms, as well as
exert all its energy in combating the pestilences that
afflict humanity, especially poverty and
underdevelopment.


On behalf of the
Government of the Republic of San Marino, I wish to
congratulate Mr. Han Seung-soo on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-sixth
session and to thank his predecessor for his valuable
contribution.
I would also like to congratulate the Secretary-
General, who was recently re-elected for a second
term. Over the past five years, my country has greatly
appreciated his efficiency, charisma and excellent
diplomatic ability.
14

In expressing its most sincere satisfaction, the
Republic of San Marino congratulates the United
Nations and its Secretary-General on having been
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of this
Organization’s ongoing commitment to peace and
irreplaceable role and of its leader’s outstanding
diplomatic skills and dedication, which have always
characterized his fruitful activity.
Quite understandably, these days the General
Assembly is debating and wondering how and why the
world could change in just a few hours and how the
process of civilization of the international community
could be so ferociously attacked. We have gathered in
the most important international forum to define the
role to be played by each country, individually or
multilaterally, and to determine how this daunting and
insidious challenge can be faced by each and everyone
of us. Our discussions should also focus on how to
adjust our national legal systems to better support a
resolute fight against any form of international
terrorism, strengthen our defence systems and promote
a common culture of solidarity and firm condemnation
of any violation of and attack on human rights and civil
co-existence, the respect and safeguard of which are
crucial.
However, at a time of enormous difficulties, when
the wave of hatred and violence seems to be
inexorable, the international community is sending a
strong signal of hope by showing its determination not
to bend to people who, acting underground, try to
spread terror and turmoil by any possible means. Large
and small countries alike have joined forces to combat
terrorism and have expressed their full solidarity with
the United States’ outstanding example of democracy
and liberty. To the United States and the families of the
victims, I wish to express my deepest sympathies and
condolences.
Almost all countries have seen the attack on the
United States as an attack on each of them. That
explains why, in the face of such tragedies, many small
nations, too, such as the Republic I represent today,
cannot remain neutral by simply offering solidarity or
making statements of principles. Each and every one of
us is called upon to offer a determined and timely
contribution, however small, to the fight against
terrorism, which my country has always condemned in
all international forums as the main threat to peace.
In this spirit, San Marino immediately expressed
its willingness to collaborate with the United States of
America and to fully comply with Security Council
resolutions, in particular resolutions 1333 (2000) of 19
December 2000 and 1373 (2001) of 28 September
2001. This decision was motivated not only by the fact
that our Republic has been a Member of this
Organization for almost a decade, but above all by its
inherent vocation to promote peace and respect for
human rights, prompted by the conviction, matured
over 1,700 years of peace and liberty, that any effort in
this direction helps to create and maintain international
co-existence and mutual respect.
The Republic of San Marino will spare no effort
in the global fight against terrorism, as it has already
done to prevent and combat money-laundering. To that
end, it has adopted the necessary legislative
instruments and effective domestic measures and has
actively participated in the action carried out in this
field by major international organizations, such as the
International Monetary Fund, the Council of Europe
and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe.
My country has successfully integrated many
international provisions aimed at countering terrorism
and intends to proceed to the ratification, as soon as
possible, of those instruments that are not yet part of its
legal system. Indeed, San Marino is well aware of the
importance and effectiveness of international law,
which has been expressly designed to promote
cooperation in this field. In this context, the proposal
submitted by India on a comprehensive anti-terrorism
convention should be taken into consideration as, today
more than ever, this is a very topical issue that deserves
our greatest attention.
At the beginning of this new century, mankind
cannot and must not move backwards. That would be
extremely dangerous, as it would challenge the state of
civilization that mankind has worked so strenuously to
achieve. All free spirits must do their utmost to avert
this potential defeat and embark on the path of
solidarity, cooperation and mutual understanding.
I would also like to convey the hope expressed by
the Government of San Marino and major institutional
bodies for intensified activity by the United Nations, in
the conviction that a more active role of the
Organization is needed to face the numerous
international challenges that, aside from today’s
15

exceptional circumstances, are still at the top of the
world political agenda.
On this occasion, I feel duty-bound to
congratulate the Secretary-General and the President of
the General Assembly for having implemented, with
great determination and courage, a major programme
of reforms aimed at strengthening the United Nations,
well aware of the fact that only a continuous
modernization process will enable the Organization to
work effectively and to keep abreast of future
developments.
In this regard, San Marino has repeatedly stressed
the need for a reformed Security Council that, in better
reflecting the new world order, would guarantee a
higher degree of representativeness, democracy and
transparency. We believe that such prerogatives can be
ensured by simply increasing the number of non-
permanent members. Moreover, San Marino hopes that
the right of veto may be gradually restricted with a
view to its eventual elimination. Indeed, my country is
convinced that the exercise of that right, or the mere
threat of its exercise, still represents a major obstacle
to the proper functioning of the Organization.
Equally important is the ongoing revitalization
process of the General Assembly. The progress that has
been achieved in terms of greater efficiency makes us
believe that the General Assembly will regain its status
as the major decision-making and representative body
of the United Nations. My country hopes that the Ad
Hoc Working Group, open to all Member States, will
carry on this revitalization process.
In consideration of the pivotal role of the United
Nations in fostering international peace and security,
the Republic of San Marino is of the opinion that this
Organization is the most appropriate negotiating forum
at the disposal of the community of nations. Besides
carefully following the Security Council’s efforts to
address the latest events, my country has paid great
attention to the Council’s ongoing commitment to
settling the conflicts afflicting Africa. Today more than
ever, we believe that the immediate implementation of
that body’s decisions is crucial to restoring peace in a
geographical area already stricken by poverty,
epidemics and underdevelopment.
San Marino is also seriously concerned about the
escalation of violence and the increased hostilities in
the Middle East and hopes that, in that tormented and
contested land, dialogue and negotiations can be
resumed as the sine qua non of a longed-for world
reconciliation.
Against today’s international backdrop, the
phenomenon of globalization also deserves careful
consideration. I am not referring exclusively to its
economic and commercial implications, though these
are its most tangible components.
Market expansion and the progressive abolition
of customs barriers have unquestionably contributed to
exporting job opportunities and, eventually, to
economic well-being. On the other hand, however, the
gap between the living conditions and standards of the
North and the South, of the industrialized countries vis-
à-vis the developing and least developed ones, which
are also burdened by huge foreign debt, has widened
dramatically. That gap must be immediately bridged in
order to guarantee the globalization of opportunities
along with the globalization of markets.
We have all witnessed the anti-globalization
demonstrations in Seattle, Prague and, more recently,
Genoa. Paradoxically, both the participants in the
summits and the demonstrators were striving for the
same objectives: poverty eradication, foreign debt
relief for developing countries and greater
environmental protection. I believe that the existence
of common objectives is a first step in the direction of
an open and constructive exchange of views.
The Republic of San Marino also maintains that
poverty alleviation is one of the major challenges
facing the international community for the immediate
future. Future projects should address not only the lack
of access to consumer goods, but also the lack of
education, liberty and participation in decision-making.
In this broader context, poverty is an insurmountable
obstacle to the full enjoyment of human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
Recently published data dramatically show that
more than 1.5 billion people live on less than $2 per
day, and at least two thirds are illiterate; 830 million
people suffer from severe malnutrition, and 750 million
are homeless, without access to health care. Moreover,
how can we ignore the fact that hundreds of millions of
children are suffering from malnutrition, that 30,000
children under five years of age are dying every day
and that more than 500 million of them live on less
than $1 per day?
16

Well aware of the dramatic situation of many
developing countries, the Republic of San Marino has
fully supported the initiatives sponsored by creditor
countries and international financial institutions to
reduce or cancel foreign debts of highly indebted
nations. Though not sufficient to mitigate the problem
of poverty or to stop the vicious cycle of misery, these
initiatives reflect the will of both creditor and debtor
countries to find jointly a solution for the scourge of
poverty and to share responsibilities.
It is not utopian to think that, by addressing and
solving the problems of hunger, poverty and the
disproportionate social, economic and cultural gaps
between a minority living in the North and an
overwhelming, poor and despairing majority living in
the South, terrorism will also be wiped out in the near
future. Indeed, poverty and ideological extremism
serve as fertile soil for terrorism, with its destructive
potential and toll in human lives.
Once again, the Holy Father has rightly called on
all States and peoples to struggle for justice, since this
is the only way to affirm the pre-eminence of law for
the international community. Throughout its long and
glorious history of freedom, San Marino has always
fully shared this ideal.
Prompted by these sentiments and determined to
further support progressive international détente, for
the benefit of both nations and individuals, I reiterate
the hope of the Republic of San Marino that the
international community, through the recognized
ability of the United Nations system, will be able to
give new impetus to the principles of dialogue and
cooperation upon which it is based.


Allow
me, at the outset, to add my voice to those of the
distinguished speakers before me, to offer you, Sir, on
behalf of the people of the Congo and myself, our
warmest congratulations on your election as President
of the fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The
Republic of Korea, your country, maintains excellent
relations with mine.
May I also use this opportunity to offer our most
heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Kofi Annan, a
distinguished son of Africa, on his re-election to the
post of Secretary-General and on the Nobel Prize,
which has been awarded to him in recognition of his
commitment to the cause of promoting peace in the
world.
The people of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, its Government and I condemn unreservedly
the blind acts of terrorism that plunged the United
States and all of humanity into grief on 11 September
2001. These were acts of gratuitous violence, which
deserve only the contempt of the whole international
community and of all nations that hold peace and
justice dear.
By applying and implementing Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001), my Government is committed
to fully cooperate in advancing all initiatives aimed at
eliminating terrorism in all its forms.
The Congolese people, which is itself the
innocent victim of a war of aggression by Rwanda,
Uganda and Burundi — another kind of terrorism
characterized by acts of barbarism that directly or
indirectly brought about the death of millions of
Congolese — had no trouble grasping the heinous
nature the sad events that took place in the United
States of America on 11 September 2001.
It would be tiresome to go back over the origin
and consequences of the war of aggression that started
on 2 August 1998, in flagrant violation of the Charters
of the United Nations and the Organization of African
Unity (OAU). Thus, following the logic of peace and
well aware that only non-violent settlements bring
lasting peace, I can but welcome the many peace
12

initiatives that have sought to bring about negotiated
solutions to the conflicts.
I have particularly in mind President Chiluba of
Zambia, the appointed mediator of the Lusaka peace
process for the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I would also like to mention the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC), and in particular
Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, which, in accordance
with the SADC charter, rallied around my country
when it was attacked.
I would also like to address my thanks and
gratitude to the United Nations and the United Nations
Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo (MONUC), whose arduous work on the
ground has been very praiseworthy, and to the OAU,
the European Union and certain other traditional
partners of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The situation on the ground has improved in spite
of the bad faith displayed by some of the parties to the
Lusaka Agreement. The disengagement of forces is in
its final stages, and the effective end to hostilities
which it has brought has been observed to the
satisfaction of all. However, the return of armed
tension has been seen in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the part of the
country that is occupied by Rwanda. These hostilities
have been wrongly described as fighting that has
moved to the rear of the Rwandan forces. In fact, what
we see is the logical consequence of the failure of a
new plan by the Rwandan aggressors, who hoped to
sweep away all Congolese resistance, the better to
occupy the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo in order to be able to continue to pillage our
wealth unchallenged.
As far as the disarmament of the armed groups is
concerned, we should note that a disarmament,
demobilization, repatriation, resettlement and
reintegration (DDRRR) programme, drafted by
MONUC and the Joint Military Commission (JMC),
was adopted by the Political Committee set up under
the Lusaka Agreement. It provides, first of all, for the
voluntary disarmament of all the armed groups in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. In this respect, the
Congolese Government, reaffirming its good faith and
its commitment to this plan, has regrouped and
confined 3,000 Rwandan combatants in Kamina in
Katanga province, and a MONUC mission has been
there for several days now in order to identify these
particular individuals.
As far as the withdrawal of foreign forces is
concerned, the definitive and total departure of all
Namibian forces has been noted. This movement of
foreign forces back to their countries is continuing;
now the Zimbabwean, Angolan and Ugandan military
are beginning their withdrawal. Paradoxically,
however, and despite the continuing demands by the
international community through all of the relevant
Security Council resolutions, Rwanda is actually
reinforcing its military presence in the Congo.
The process of reconciliation, so long awaited
through national dialogue, made significant advances
during the preparatory meetings from 20-24 August
2001 in Gaborone, thanks to the Republican pact
initiated by the Government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. I would like to take this
opportunity to reiterate solemnly from this rostrum the
full commitment of my Government to participate fully
in the sessions on this dialogue to be held in the
Republic of South Africa. I invite the facilitator to do
everything possible to deal with pending issues in order
to make sure that the forum regains its inclusive
character, as provided for by the Lusaka Agreement
and the relevant Security Council resolutions.
For the Government of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, it is important that representatives of all
sectors of our population should be able to participate
in this dialogue so as to lay the foundations of a
democratic State. I would invite the international
community, at the appropriate time, to assist my
country in organizing free, democratic and transparent
elections, which would allow the Congolese people to
choose their own leaders, leaders who will have the
legitimacy that a popular election provides and which,
in turn, guarantees political stability.
I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to
invite the United Nations to institute exemplary
sanctions against all those States, their accessories and
accomplices that are pillaging the wealth of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I could not conclude my statement without
thanking the Security Council members for having
unanimously adopted resolution 1376 (2001) on 9
November, which condemns the establishment of a
joint force set up by the Congolese rebels, instigated by
Rwanda in violation of the Lusaka Agreement, in
13

violation of the DDRRR plan and of all relevant
Security Council resolutions. This resolution is
particularly welcome for its providing for the
deployment of MONUC’s phase III. It also provides for
the demilitarization of the city of Kisangani, the
neutrality of Kindu and the reconstruction of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In my statement, I have condemned the infamous
acts perpetrated against the people of the United States
and of the world as a whole. I have also spoken of the
catastrophic situation in my country, which has been
victim of a war of aggression for the past three years. I
have also noted the significant advances achieved in
the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, which unfortunately risks being compromised
through the bad faith of Rwanda and its Congolese
rebel accomplices.
I have stressed how essential the support of the
international community is if we are to achieve this
process successfully and to launch the reconstruction
of my country. The Congolese people, who have
suffered so much, are asking only one thing of the
United Nations and the international community: that
justice be done for the weak and the strong, for rich
and poor alike.


Let me begin by
congratulating Mr. Han Seung-soo on his election as
President of the General Assembly. Your sterling
credentials, Sir, and vast experience are a firm
guarantee that our proceedings will run smoothly and
bear fruit.
I would also like to congratulate the United
Nations and the Secretary-General on the Nobel Peace
Prize. The award is the acknowledgement of the
important role our Organization has in protecting world
peace and promoting social progress and human rights,
as well as an acknowledgement of the successful
leadership of the Secretary-General. This honour
should be strong encouragement for all of us to put
even more effort into achieving the purposes of the
United Nations.
Let me also express our deepest sympathies to the
families of the victims of yesterday’s tragic plane
crash.
The terrorist attacks in New York and Washington
on 11 September have affected not only the United
States but all of us. Once again, we were painfully
reminded that only together, with joint efforts, can we
stand up to global challenges such as terrorism.
Terrorism is a universal evil, a crime against
humanity itself. It equally affects people of every
religion, nationality and walk of life. Therefore we did
not hesitate to support fully all international actions
against terrorism. In that context, it is particularly
important to ensure the full implementation of Security
Council resolution 1373 (2001) and all international
conventions against terrorism. On behalf of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, I have just signed the
International Convention for the Suppression of the
Financing of Terrorism. Yugoslavia has also taken a
series of domestic measures to combat terrorism and
has coordinated its actions with other States.
Having been confronted with terrorism for quite
some time itself, Yugoslavia is well aware of how
difficult it is to fight this evil. It is not enough to
prevent terrorist attacks and to capture and punish the
perpetrators. It is even more important to deal with the
social causes of terrorism, in particular, to address
issues of poverty and the lack of opportunity. It is also
vital to strengthen democracy and respect for human
rights everywhere in the world. Poverty breeds anger,
and if not channelled into democratic political
processes, anger can easily fuel extremism.
In this regard, the experience of Yugoslavia in
dealing with terrorism in southern Serbia has shown
that it is not sufficient to combat terrorism solely with
security forces. We have therefore developed a
comprehensive plan which, in addition to security
measures, also aims at improving the economic
situation in southern Serbia and reintegrating ethnic
Albanians into the political process and State
structures, especially at the local level. We are
implementing this plan in cooperation with a number of
international organizations, and this joint effort has
proven to be successful. At this very moment, we are
successfully training a multi-ethnic police force as an
important confidence-building measure.
All this would not be possible without the victory
of democratic forces in Yugoslavia last year. This
democratic revolution showed the strong will of the
Yugoslav people to live in a democratic society based
on the rule of law, with full respect for human and
minority rights and a sustainable market economy. It
also showed their desire to live better lives in a more
prosperous society, in peace with their neighbours and
36

as a part of the European family of nations. In order to
achieve these goals, Yugoslavia has started a process of
comprehensive political and economic reforms over the
last year.
At the same time, we have to deal with several
pressing issues which are of crucial importance for the
country. Foremost among these issues is the situation
in Kosovo and Metohija, southern Serbia and the
redefinition of the Yugoslav Federation, as well as
cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal
established by the Security Council for the war crimes
committed in the former Yugoslavia. However, these
questions do not concern Yugoslavia alone; they are
also of vital political importance for the entire region
of South-East Europe. My Government has approached
all of them in a constructive way and with a desire to
find political solutions through dialogue in a
democratic environment.
Today, all countries in South-East Europe have
democratically elected Governments, and all are
striving to join European and Euro-Atlantic structures.
At the same time, our region is still burdened with the
legacy of the past 10 years and a number of
outstanding issues, the main issue of which is the
position of national minorities. The problems of the
region are interrelated and must therefore be addressed
by broad regional action and with the help of the
international community. The solutions to be achieved
should enjoy region-wide support.
I believe that the precondition for dealing with
the problems in the region is to fully respect the
territorial integrity and sovereignty of all countries. It
must be clearly said that the era of disintegration in the
Balkans has come to an end. This will enable us to
address the main problem of South-Eastern Europe —
the status of national minorities — with fewer
reservations and much more openness. Solving the
minority issues, together with more economic
cooperation and new confidence-building measures, is
the way to achieve lasting stability and prosperity in
the region. Such an approach will be fully in concert
with the wishes of all countries in the region, including
Yugoslavia, to join the European integration processes.
In that context, Yugoslavia supports the process of
stabilization and association, inaugurated by the
European Union at the Zagreb Summit last year, as
well as other regional initiatives.
Kosovo and Metohija is the most pressing and
immediate preoccupation of my Government. The
Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
fully complies with Security Council resolution 1244
(1999). This is also what we rightly expect from others
participating in its implementation and, in particular,
neighbouring States.
Unfortunately, we are not satisfied with the
situation in the field. There is no security for non-
Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija; the return of
expelled and displaced persons is difficult and slow,
and there is no progress with respect to the issue of
missing persons. Nonetheless, we signed the Common
Document with the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), which
should provide for comprehensive cooperation in the
implementation of Security Council resolution 1244
(1999). This enabled the President of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and the Federal and Serbian
Republican Governments to call on the Serbs of
Kosovo and Metohija to take part in the elections. They
did so fully convinced that participation in the
elections is in the Serbs’ best interest and that
cooperation with the international community,
particularly with UNMIK and KFOR, is the key to the
solution of the situation in Kosovo and Metohija.
The elections to be held in Kosovo and Metohija
on 17 November are important indeed; yet, it is only
after the elections that I expect we will start even more
extensive cooperation. This cooperation should be
aimed at implementing Security Council resolution
1244 (1999) fully and at establishing democracy and
promoting human rights in Kosovo and Metohija, with
full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In that
connection, my delegation welcomes the presidential
statements issued by the Security Council on 5 October
and 9 November 2001.
I take this opportunity to affirm the support of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for the efforts of the
United Nations, particularly those of the Secretary-
General, aimed at strengthening the role and place of
the world Organization in present-day international
relations.
Recalling the conclusions of the Millennium
Assembly, we expect that the General Assembly, the
main organ of the United Nations, will function more
effectively. At the same time, the Organization should
37

be more efficient in order to address the challenges
before us. The Security Council should adapt itself to
the new relations in the international community.
We attach special significance to the international
rule of law. It is of particular importance that all
international crimes be punished before national and
international courts. In that context, we firmly believe
that the International Criminal Court should start its
work as soon as possible. This is why my country has
already ratified the Statute of Rome that establishes the
Court.
In conclusion, I would like to stress that grave
challenges are before us. We have to take concerted
action to deal with them. We have to be wise in how we
act because that will determine the outlook of the
international system for many years to come.


Once again, we have
witnessed a terrible incident in the neighbourhood of
the United Nations here in New York. Although we do
not know the circumstances, we are shocked, and it is
clear that many have lost their lives. I express my
sincere condolences to all those who have lost their
loved ones in this tragic incident.
20

Allow me to congratulate Mr. Han Seung-soo on
his election to the presidency of the General Assembly.
I am confident that he will guide us wisely through the
complex tasks ahead of us in this session.
The ability of the United Nations to act swiftly in
response to acute crisis was seriously tested following
the terrorist attacks on the United States. During these
trying times, it has been valuable to have at the helm a
Secretary-General who enjoys such wide support.
Let me congratulate the Secretary-General and
the United Nations on being awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize — in my view, a well-deserved recognition of
Kofi Annan’s leadership and of the dedication he and
his staff have put into upholding the purposes and
principles of the United Nations Charter. Hopefully, the
award will serve as an inspiration as well as strengthen
worldwide support for the United Nations and what it
stands for.
The tragic events of 11 September have radically
challenged and changed our security environment.
Fighting terrorism should therefore become a priority
of the United Nations. We recognize that the United
Nations has long been active in the fight against
international terrorism, but we now need to go beyond
political statements and become truly operational. This
means developing new methods and, at the same time,
making full use of all the means at the disposal of the
United Nations system, the truly global character of the
Organization and the numerous international legal
instruments available to us.
Iceland strongly supports the creation of a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism
and hopes that an agreement can be reached on such an
instrument during the fifty-sixth session. Otherwise, we
will lose the opportunity to develop the coherent
strategy lacking today. We cannot fail to react.
The key role the United Nations should play in
fighting international terrorism must be an impetus to
us to intensify our efforts to achieve a comprehensive
reform of the Security Council in all its aspects.
Iceland is seriously concerned about the slow progress
made towards reaching this goal. It is essential and
timely that the membership of the Council becomes
more representative, and thus more likely to sustain the
present international coalition in the fight against
terrorism. It goes without saying that the efficiency of
the Council must be secured. Enhancing transparency
in the decision-making process is also of importance,
especially for non-member States.
One of the main purposes of the United Nations is
to promote and encourage respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to
race, sex, language or religion. This continues to be of
the utmost importance. Let me therefore make it
absolutely clear that the fight against terrorism is not,
and must not become, a fight against any religious or
ethnic group. We must avoid all forms of
discrimination, xenophobia and intolerance. Most
importantly, we must at all times adhere to the basic
values of human rights, freedom and democracy.
Turning to the actions at the national level,
Iceland is taking the necessary steps to ratify all
relevant United Nations conventions against terrorism
that we have not already ratified. Furthermore, Iceland
has implemented all relevant Security Council
resolutions, including resolution 1373 (2001). But in
fighting the menace of international terrorism — a
fight that we all agree needs to be both wide-ranging
and forceful — we must, at the end of the day, not in
any way undermine the basic values of our societies —
those of human rights, the rule of law, and democracy.
We need to strike a balance between freedom and the
security measures we opt for.
Uprooting terrorism in the world must go hand in
hand with solving regional conflicts that threaten
international peace and security. This is particularly
true for the Middle East. By prolonging the violence
and refusing to negotiate, both sides play into the
hands of extremist elements that want neither a
continuation of the peace process nor a political
solution to the Middle East conflict. Both parties have
to resume negotiations unconditionally. That is the only
way to secure lasting peace in the region, which should
be based upon the establishment of a viable and
democratic Palestinian State and on the right of the
Israelis to live in peace and security within
internationally recognized borders. A continuation of
the present dire conditions cannot be tolerated any
longer.
I said earlier that the events of 11 September have
made United Nations reforms even more urgent. The
same is true for the ongoing work to strengthen the
peacekeeping capabilities of the United Nations. Until
now, Iceland’s participation in United Nations
peacekeeping operations has been modest. My country
21

has participated in peacekeeping by providing civilian
personnel such as gender experts and police and health
professionals. With the changing and more complex
nature of peacekeeping, the need for civilian personnel
has been increased. The Icelandic Government decided
last year systematically to increase its contribution to
peacekeeping. Our aim is to provide more personnel to
the United Nations, as well as to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European
Union.
By adopting resolution 1325 (2000) last year, on
women, peace and security, the Security Council
recognized the importance of incorporating a gender
perspective into peacekeeping operations. When the
United Nations becomes involved in peace-building
and reconstruction in Afghanistan we have to make
sure that resolution 1325 (2000) is honoured in the
process, for the benefit of Afghan women and, as a
result, for the Afghan population as a whole. The
United Nations must play a key role in the nation-
building process in Afghanistan. Iceland stands ready
to contribute civilian experts should the United Nations
become involved in a post-conflict operation.
Next year, 10 years will have passed since world
leaders met at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. We
are asked, what has been accomplished in this past
decade to secure the prosperity of future generations in
harmony with nature? The truth is that there has been
rather little progress and that we face enormous tasks.
The world community will look towards the World
Summit on Sustainable Development, in Johannesburg,
for further commitments by all nations.
In that context, I would like to quote Secretary-
General Kofi Annan, who in his opening remarks at the
44th meeting, last Saturday, said
“We must put the issue of sustainability where it
belongs, in the centre of the policy-making
process.”
It is therefore imperative that we renew our strong
commitment to sustainable development at the
Johannesburg Summit. We are faced with new
challenges, but also with new opportunities, namely, to
build a global partnership to harness the forces of
globalization in favour of sustainable development.
The world community has just achieved, in
Marrakech, a milestone agreement on the
implementation of the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto
negotiations have been especially difficult. Now we
have reached the moment when we can bring the
Protocol into force. But more needs to be done to
include other key emitters of greenhouse gases in the
battle against climate change.
In the area of oceans — the foundation of human
life — we have made some progress. We have adopted
significant agreements, and we are looking at ways to
improve the assessment of the state of the oceans in
order to further enhance marine protection and
management. New knowledge and new approaches are
also evolving, thus providing the world community
with opportunities to improve protection of the oceans
and the sustainable use of their living resources.
Last October, Iceland, in cooperation with the
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations and Norway, hosted the Reykjavik Conference
on Responsible Fisheries in the Marine Ecosystem. In a
document adopted by the Conference, States declared
that they would incorporate ecosystem considerations
into fisheries management with the aim of reinforcing
responsible and sustainable fisheries in the marine
ecosystem. This Reykjavik Declaration is a landmark
contribution of the fisheries nations to the World
Summit on Sustainable Development. We trust that we
will see the spirit of the Declaration reflected in the
results of the World Summit in Johannesburg.
The time has come for a unified effort by political
leaders, as well as by civil society and the private
sector, to reverse the trend of marginalization and
underdevelopment. That is why the International
Conference on Financing for Development, to be held
in Mexico next year, offers an unprecedented
opportunity to make a real difference in the lives of
millions of people throughout the developing world.
The outcome of the Conference should focus on the
great challenge of poverty eradication, as well as on
how responsibilities between the developed and
developing countries should be shared. We should,
however, never lose sight of each State’s primary
responsibility for its own development. The importance
of responsible national governance and respect for
human rights cannot be overstated.
My focus, like that of many speakers before me,
has been on the fight against international terrorism.
Fighting international terrorism involves all States and
international as well as regional organizations. We
22

must concentrate on the available instruments of each
organization and find ways to adjust them as necessary.
Furthermore, we need to ensure consistency and
complementarity of international efforts.
The malicious acts of 11 September and the latest
shocking news of the suspicion of biological terrorism
demonstrate that all of our concerted efforts are not
only necessary but also crucial to fulfilling our duty to
protect the lives of our citizens.
The United Nations was founded to preserve
peace and to work for a better world. Terrorists are
fighting against everything the United Nations stands
for. Fighting against them means fighting for the
United Nations, for the future of our civilization and
for all humankind.