Within the past few years the world has witnessed a series of momentous and dramatic political events. These followed closely on the remarkable changes is East-West relations and other positive developments in the international arena. The nations of the world have found new hope for a brighter future, and there has been renewed faith in the United Nations as the forum in which political, social and other issues can be constructively addressed.
It is at this historic juncture that the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines wishes to congratulate the President most sincerely on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. As a founding member, his country has had a long association with the United Nations, and we regard this first attempt on its part to seek the Chair of a major organ of this Organization as a manifestation of the national desire to play a wider and more proactive role in the post-cold-war era of international relations. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has the undoubted capability of becoming an influential player. My delegation looks forward with confidence to a rewarding and successful session under his experienced and visionary leadership.
I should also like to congratulate his immediate predecessor. Professor the Honourable Guido de Marco of Malta, who conducted the affairs of the forty-fifth session in a skilful and exemplary manner appropriate to this epoch of world history.
On behalf of the Government and people of Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, I wish to extend a warm welcome to the seven new Members admitted at this session of the General Assembly. Their admission gives further hope for eventual universality of membership in the United Nations. In the case of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, we express the hope that separate membership in this world Organisation will help to promote the fulfilment of the historic desire of the Korean people for unification. We have much in common with the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. Their admission highlights the special position of developing countries in today's world of powerful economic blocs. My delegation also takes pleasure in welcoming Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, all former members of the League of Nations, to membership in this Organization that has succeeded it. Their admission represents a triumph for democracy and self-determination. Our experience, however, induces us to caution these Baltic States against pinning their faith in the narrow context of "nationalism". We would advise that they build on the trade and fiscal harmony they have historically enjoyed among themselves and their neighbours rather than plunge as small nation States into international rivalry.
On this occasion I wish also to express the profound appreciation of the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the distinguished Secretary-General for his skill and commitment in handling the affairs of the Organization and in promoting the goals and objectives of the United Nations. We also commend him for his usual instructive and thoughtful report.
Over the past decade the Secretary-General has presided over our Organization, bringing it from the nadir of esteem to its rightful place at the zenith of world government. He all owe him a debt of gratitude, and we wish him good health and long life so that in his retirement he can witness the continuation of his outstanding work towards the realization of lasting world peace built on solid foundations of respect for human rights, territorial integrity, democracy and economic prosperity.
I join my Caribbean colleagues in soliciting the support of Member countries for the application of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) for observer status in the General Assembly on terms similar to those that have been prescribed for other associations of States. He are of the view that an observer relationship with the United Nations will greatly enhance CARICOM's ability to coordinate the activities of Member States in its areas of competence.
In our part of the world, the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines continues vigorously to promote unification among the countries of the Windward Islands. Harsh reality has taught us that irrespective of the efficiency of national economic management and planning within any one of our micro-States it is virtually impossible to satisfy the rising expectations and demands of our populations.
Current initiatives to establish political union among the four Windward Islands represent a concerted attempt to merge the limited resources of those islands to create ail enhanced environment for economic growth and development. In this regard. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has faithfully honoured its commitment to the free trade provisions within the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States as well as recently enacted measures aimed at stimulating production and consumption of CABICOM goods and services. Even as we face, together with other developing countries of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group, possible harmful effects on our economies owing to developments in the European Economic Community after 1992, we continue to pursue structural-adjustment policies intended to further our integration into the world economy. He, the banana-producing countries in the Caribbean, being essentially small mountainous islands, have difficulty competing with large-scale consortiums in other countries, and our democracy and social progress could well be damaged by any sudden denial of our trading arrangements in a post-1992 Europe. He would hope that the assurances given to us in the Lome Convention will be honoured in letter and in spirit.
My delegation views with satisfaction the recent developments in Central America. In Santiago in June, at its twenty-first regular session, the Organization of American States celebrated the triumph of democracy in the hemisphere by issuing the Santiago Commitment to Democracy. It was the first time in the history of the organization that all the Governments in attendance were democratically elected. He also welcomed the admission of Guyana and Belize as full members of the organization
My Government is pleased with the continued development of functional and economic co-operation between Guyana and Venezuela. The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is particularly pleased with the establishment of full diplomatic relations between Belize and the Republic of Guatemala. This is an important event formalizing the existing friendly relations between the two Governments and establishing a harmonious environment for the resolution of outstanding issues between the two States. My Government stands ready to assist in the resolution of these historical disputes in our region.

The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines wishes to express its appreciation to the international community for the assistance given to Haiti in holding free and fair elections in which that long-suffering country was able to select its first democratically elected President. How that the democratic process has once more been abruptly sabotaged, we hope that every effort will be made to ensure its restoration as soon as possible. He must act now, swiftly and decisively.
The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines wishes to congratulate the people of Suriname on the peaceful and dignified manner in which they conducted their recent elections.
With the attainment of independence by Namibia the full struggle against apartheid has shifted to South Africa. The South African President, Mr. F. W. De Klerk, has lifted the ban on political organizations and individuals in South Africa. This was followed by the repeal of certain laws and increased dialogue between the Government and the African National Congress. These are welcome indications of the beginning of real progress in the initiation of a genuine process for the abolition of apartheid. We are, however, concerned about the continuing violence taking place in South Africa, and we welcomed the agreement of the Government and all other parties on the procedures to be followed for containing the violence.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has consistently joined the call for intensification of the campaign to eradicate apartheid and will remain committed to its complete abolition.
Powerful winds of democratisation and independence are sweeping through the Soviet Union. Fundamental changes in the relationship between the central Government and the Soviet republics mark a watershed in the political
evolution of that once powerful nation in modern-day history. While we hail the independence of the Baltic States and other Soviet republics, we wish to express the hope that, in the interest of world peace, some controlling authority will remain intact, in whatever governmental arrangement that eventually evolves from the current fluid situation, to exercise control over the enormous nuclear arsenal in the possession of that military super-Power. My delegation is heartened by the Soviet announcement that control of nuclear weapons will be centralized under one specific unit of the military.
In the view of my delegation that is critical for continued negotiation of effective arms-control agreements, for the maintenance of Soviet credibility as a major broker in the Middle East peace process, and for the ability of that country positively to influence events in other areas of tension.
The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines believes that this is an era of great opportunity for the removal of the world-wide threat of nuclear warfare. In that regard we commend the historic unilateral action of President George Bush in eliminating entire categories of certain nuclear weapons and in offering to negotiate further sharp reductions in the most dangerous kinds of globe-spanning missiles. We are delighted by the reciprocal response of President Mikhail Gorbachev, and we hope that other nuclear Powers will respond in kind in order to accelerate the process of arms reduction and bring us closer to the ideal of turning swords into ploughshares.
My delegation reiterates its strong commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes among States. The Gulf war is now behind us, but the international community must continue to recognize the potential for conflict which remains in the Middle East.

In our statement at the forty fifth session of the General Assembly, the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines put forward its views on a peace conference to deal with the recurring problems of the Middle east. He therefore welcome the diplomatic efforts of President Bush and Secretary of State Baker in convening a duly structured international conference. He view this as the key to a lasting solution of the conflict. The delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines remains convinced that any solution to the problem facing the region must be predicated on the legitimate concerns of the Palestinian people and the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to live in peace and security within recognised borders, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Only a final resolution of these problems will make us confident that the Middle East will be at. peace, and that the rich oil resources of the region will be governed by the marketplace rather than the political agenda.
The end of the cold war between East and Hest has resulted in unprecedented progress being made in the peaceful resolution of other regional conflicts by political means. The search for peace in Cambodia, Afghanistan and other hot spots of the globe has intensified. Increased cooperation among the five permanent members of the Security Council and the expanded role of the United Nations in the area of conflict resolution are manifest in the initiatives which have been taken to achieve political solutions in Angola, Ethiopia, Cyprus and Western Sahara. There is no doubt that these positive changes in the world have been propelled by the harmonious relations that have developed between the Soviet Union and the United States in recent years.
The world watched with bated breath as the events of August unfolded in the Soviet Union. We saw the prospect of the reversal of the gains of glasnost and perestroika and a return to the totalitarian communist ways of old. But the people of the USSR had seen a new day of freedom, democracy and hope and had defeated the reactionaries with their indomitable will, bare hands and massive numbers. It is a great victory for the human spirit and the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines salutes the people of that vast country and the leadership that rallied them.
In the atmosphere of freedom and euphoria of the immediate post-cold-war era, many long-subdued ethnic and regional conflicts are surfacing with possible disastrous effects. President Bush has called it a "resumption of history", and the United Nations faces a new set of challenges in these areas - namely, to preserve the peace without suppressing human rights and the self-determination of peoples. My delegation praises the efforts of the countries of the European Community, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and the United Nations Security Council to resolve the Yugoslavian crisis.
It is undeniable that the world body has scored impressive points in dealing with political issues and also in the maintenance of international peace and security through an increased level of cooperation among the major Powers. In the area of economic and social development, however, little progress has been made towards the improvement of the institutional capacity of the United Nations to deal with certain economic and social issues. With the spirit of cooperation existing in the Organization, the time is opportune

for concerted action to reform the Economic and Social Council to make it a
more relevant and responsive forum for focusing on priority policy themes.
The present window of opportunity also allows for real progress In the reform of other areas of the United Nations. These should include the process of selecting the Secretary-General, reorganisation of the Secretariat, with special emphasis on accountability and reporting relationships, and streamlining the General Assembly agenda and committee system. The» delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is aware that the discussion on restructuring is a continuous process which requires sustained consultation and the widest participation of Member States. We support the step-by-step process and agree with those who feel that only those proposals on which there is consensus should be presented for consideration by the General Assembly.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is deeply concerned at the increased activities and costly implications of transnational drug trafficking. Trafficking in drugs is not an isolated national issue. It transcends all national boundaries and calls for increased cooperation on a multinational basis.
The Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has declared a relentless war against drug dealers and their supporters and we welcome the increased commitment of the international community to cooperate and collaborate on efforts to eliminate the production, trafficking and abuse of illicit narcotics.

One of the most formidable challenges of our time Is the protection of our environment. The ever-growing list of threats is by now well known! global warming, desertification, deforestation, and the ever increasing volume of waste, to mention a few. These phenomena threaten the very existence of our planet and require an energetic global response. In this regard, we fully support the convening of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. Such a conference must establish an international strategy by adopting ways and means of obtaining environmentally sound development in all countries of the world.
My delegation believes that the Rio Conference presents a great opportunity to develop realistic global measures for the protection of the environment. The Conference must not become a forum for the apportionment of blame or for pontification by those trying to take the high ground in the area of environmental protection. If the nations of the world could agree to a comprehensive programme of international cooperation in the field of environmental protection within an international framework that takes all aspects into consideration, including the development priorities of island States of limited land mass, and the imperatives of sustainable development worldwide, then the Rio Conference would be a seminal event in the history of our planet Earth. We cannot afford to fail.
In closing, let me urge all Member States to continue to demonstrate their unwavering confidence in this institution. The United Nations can only be as successful as its Member States allow to be. History has saddled us with a heavy burden of responsibility, and a:, we look towards the twenty-first century, we must, redouble our efforts to achieve the goals and ideas
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations: peace, security, human rights and fundamental freedoms, international cooperation and development for all mankind.


I should like to congratulate you, Sir, upon your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You have taken the stewardship of a session that faces both complex challenges and unique opportunities for taking historic decisions. We wish you every success. Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta presided over the first post-cold-war session of this Assembly last year. He guided the session to a successful conclusion and we thank him for his sterling efforts.
This year the United Nations has the pleasant task of recording its appreciation of the contributions of an extraordinary leader, Secretary-General Peres de Cuellar, pleasant because he has given us a decade of diplomacy that had helped bring many old conflicts to « resolution and created an atmosphere of hope for the relaxation of the few tensions that remain. Mr. de Cuellar deserves the accolades of both nations and families, for it can be said in all truth that his efforts have helped open discussions on issues that had held nations hostage for a long time and in a literal
sense he has had a part in delivering hostages back to their families. For all these achievements we must thank him wholeheartedly.
The current session has once again witnessed further gains for the principle of universality of the United Nations, as the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Baltic States of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea have assumed membership of the world body. We congratulate them and welcome them to our midst. At the same time, we express our expectation that the admission of the two parts of the Korean peninsula will promote constructive interaction between them and with other Member States and contribute to their shared goal of reunification. It is our sincere hope that shared membership of the United Nations will accelerate progress towards this mutually desired goal, and that the energies of this Organization will be employed in facilitating that process.
At the last session of this Assembly we all counted the blessings that the demise of the era of super-Power confrontation had brought. As we did so, some faint contours of a new international order that could succeed the cold war era were gradually becoming visible. Those who were bold enough to attempt to identify and define those contours found it prudent to punctuate their theses with many caveats. They were aware of how fragile the still evolving trends were, how easily the new gains could be reversed and how great the potential was far the re-emergence of the fears and mistrust that characterized the passing order. The events and experiences witnessed since the last session have demonstrated that the emerging international order cannot be left to evolve spontaneously. A conscious effort is required on the part of the international community to identify, reinforce and give permanence to the positive trends that the collapse of the cold war era yielded and to suppress all the negative aspects and risks that accompany this process of transformation. We believe that the present session should seriously begin the process of considering measures that can be taken to consolidate the positive aspects emerging from the still evolving transformation of international relations.
Our attention must remain focused on giving further impetus to the process of resolving regional conflicts and defusing focal points of tension around the globe. Major strides have recently been made in this area. We have today in our midst a united Cambodian delegation reflecting the progress made in consolidating the positive trends towards peace and stability in South-East Asia. We welcome the successful formation of the Supreme National Council, the legitimate body in which the unity, independence and sovereignty of Cambodia is to be embodied during the transitional period. The negotiations now set for the early convening of the International Conference in Paris and for the United Nations to facilitate a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Cambodian question.
In Western Sahara, Central America and Cyprus, the patient and untiring efforts of Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar are yielding positive results. A cease-fire became effective in Western Sahara last month; we expect the Secretary-General's ongoing efforts in Cyprus to yield the desired result in the near future and believe that it will be possible to harness the good will of all parties involved to overcome all outstanding difficulties; and the process of national reconciliation in Central America is at an advanced stage.
In southern Africa we are on a sure path to peace in Angola. We command the diplomatic efforts that have led to the process that is now under way, with United Nations assistance, to bring to an end 16 years of war and to facilitate the attainment of national reconciliation among the Angolan people. The negotiations in Mozambique continue, albeit on a laborious path. In concert with others, Zimbabwe will continue to make its contribution towards the attainment of peace, stability and national reconciliation in that sister country.
The current session opened on a note of optimism on the Palestinian question and the wider Arab-Israeli conflict. The impasse on the Middle East peace process appears to have finally been broken. We welcome the diplomatic efforts that have opened up the prospects for launching a process of negotiation in that region, which has gained momentum, thanks to initiatives of the United States and the pragmatic approach of concerned parties in the region. He believe that the ultimate goal of that process should be a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement under which the Palestinian people will exercise their right to self-determination as envisaged in the pertinent United Nation resolutions.
In the same area, we applaud the efforts of the Government and the people of Lebanon towards the restoration of peace and stability in their country. The Security Council must assist the Government of Lebanon in extending its authority over all Lebanese territory. The continued occupation of southern Lebanon by Israel and Israel's refusal to comply with Security Council resolution 425 (1978) remain the major obstacles to the normalization of the situation in Lebanon.
While there are some positive developments in the Middle East, that region still stands out as the major area in which acts of aggression and defiance of Security Council resolutions continue. The success of the current diplomatic efforts in the region and the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions will consolidate the positive trends that we expect to be a major element of the emerging new international order. Zimbabwe expects that the high standards applied by the Security Council in implementing its resolution pertaining to the Persian Gulf crisis should be adopted as the universal yardstick for all cases of aggression.
The measures taken to address the major threats to international peace and security since last year have demonstrated the ultimate validity of multilateral action within the framework of the United Nations. The prevailing international climate now permits the Security Council to carry out the functions envisaged for it in the Charter. However, as we have previously cautioned, the new partnership in the Council should not result in the body being used as a vehicle to promote and further only the interests of the powerful at the expense of those of the weak.
We are convinced that the time is ripe to implement the collective security arrangements based on the Charter of the United Nations. A number of important proposals have already been advanced on how this could be achieved. Zimbabwe attaches particular importance to the ideas offered by the Stockholm Initiative in the document entitled "Common Responsibility in the 1990s". We urge this Assembly to consider these proposals seriously. Also deserving of our attention is the proposal relating to the reactivation of the work of the Military Staff Committee of the Security Council and the possibility of assigning national military contingents to serve under the authority of the Security Council. It is imperative, in this regard, that rapid progress be made in instituting standing enforcement arrangements under the direct command of the United Nations, this would affirm the principle of collective security.
Zimbabwe has always stated its commitment to the goal of general and complete disarmament as the cornerstone of a peaceful world. We therefore welcome the recent announcement by President George Bush on the decision by the United States to make significant cutbacks in tactical nuclear weapons. Coming hard on the heels of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - and receiving positive reactions from the Soviet Union, we view this development as a significant step towards a safer world, free from the spectre of nuclear annihilation, where vast resources formerly used for the arms race are channelled into development. We consider the imperative of » concerted effort to make the world a safer habitat to be one that deserves the fullest attention. We have, therefore, in line with the 1963 Declaration of the Organization of African Unity on Africa as a Nuclear Free Zone, signed instruments of accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and are in the process of lodging them with the depository Governments.
We also believe that the ideas offered by the Non-Aligned Movement in its Hague Declaration on the rule of law in inter-State relations would contribute tremendously to the consolidation of the positive elements that should be the building blocks for the emerging international order. Those ideas were well received by this Assembly when, at its forty-fourth session, it declared the 1990s a Decade of International Law. We expect the Assembly to follow this up and implement a programme of action that will establish the primacy of the rule of law in the emerging international order.
We face the real risk of taking one step forward and another step backward in our efforts to achieve the desired new world order. The positive trends set by the progress made in the areas I have referred to cannot be sustained if remaining regional conflicts are not addressed and if we allow new ones to erupt. In Afghanistan, we only did half the job. He should now assist the people of that county to achieve national reconciliation so as to facilitate a lasting solution to the conflict. We must also move swiftly and focus on defusing potentially explosive situations created by the simmering tensions in the Horn of Africa, Liberia and Central Europe. We commend the role played by the respective regional mechanisms in addressing these trouble spots. In the emerging order, it is inevitable that such established principles governing inter-State relations as that of non-interference will have to accommodate efforts by the United Nations and regional organizations to restore stability and peace under unique circumstances, such as those in Liberia and Central Europe.
We in southern Africa continue to view with grave concern the volatile situation in South Africa. Although more of the legislation that created the apartheid system in South Africa was repealed this year, apartheid itself remains intact. Constitutional negotiations which are clearly imperative for the creation of a free, non-racial and democratic South Africa should now be launched. The process of dialogue established between President de Klerk and the anti-apartheid leaders, which had generated some optimism last year, has recently been threatened, indeed endangered, by the continuing violence in the country, as well as by some activities of the Government which have raised serious doubts about President de Klerk's good intentions.
The recent developments in South Africa clearly demonstrate that the Government is not in a position to play the role of an impartial umpire during the constitutional negotiations as it had hitherto claimed. There are, undoubtedly, going to be extremely difficult moments on South Africa's journey to freedom. The critical question in South Africa Is clearly not whether the apartheid laws remain on the statute books or not: it is that of the transformation of the country into a united, non-racial and democratic country in which all the people enjoy common and equal citizenship and nationality, and have the right to participate in the Government and administration of the country on the basis of universal and equal suffrage.
To that and, negotiations leading to the drawing up of a new Constitution are now the most urgent and pressing question. We urge the people of South Africa, and their political parties and organisations, to work towards the establishment of conditions conducive to speedy movement towards the adoption of a democratic constitution. In the meantime, the international community must, as called for in the Assembly's consensus Declaration on apartheid of December 1989, step up all-round support for the opponents of apartheid and ensure that all existing measures aimed at encouraging the South African Government to eradicate apartheid are maintained.
The issue of failure in economic development and poverty stands out as the central unresolved issue in these times of transformation. It is estimated that today more than 1 billion people, or one in every five human beings, live in utter poverty. The United Nations 1991 World Economic Survey reveals that in 1990 economic activity slowed down in all parts of the world, and forecasts point to zero growth for the world as a whole in 1991. The number of devastating natural disasters and emergencies multiplied throughout 1990 and during the first half of this year. The failure of the international community to mobilize and give as swift a response to these crises as was given to the international political crises that erupted during the same period clearly demonstrated a deficit in determination and practical commitment to address the problems of poverty and economic development through multilateral cooperation and dialogue.
Most vulnerable to the rigours that result from poverty and economic underdevelopment are the children of the world. We were gratified to see the international community focusing due attention on the plight of children at the World Summit for Children held here last year In our view, concerted action to improve the welfare of children can be further consolidated by making the specialised agencies of the United Nations concerned with children better equipped to tackle the enormous problems that they face. To this end, we hope the international community can take the practical step of making more financial resources available to such agencies, possibly by convening an international donors conference for this purpose.
If the emerging new era is to be based on peace, justice, stability and relations of cooperation, international economic problems should be addressed through dialogue and negotiations between the developed and developing countries. The achievement of a consensus on the national and international actions needed to accelerate development in the 1990s, as set out in the International Development Strategy adopted by the Assembly last year, as well as in the Declaration of the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, had rekindled some hope that the spirit of dialogue and cooperation was also extending to international economic relations. However, the lack of a successful outcome to the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations at the end of 1990 dashed most of our hopes.
The developing countries have recognized that they have a responsibility to ensure a better future for themselves. In Africa, the Heads of State, Mating in Abuja last June, signed a Treaty establishing an African Economic Community. This was a landmark decision, the objective of which is to create opportunities for economic development through cooperation. However, it remains clear that the establishment of a favourable international economic environment is indispensable to the success of our efforts. We therefore call upon the developed countries to show the necessary cooperation and support for our efforts in addressing the acute problems facing the developing countries in the areas of protectionism in trade, commodity prices, external debt, transfer of resources, and transfer of technology. I should emphasise that our efforts to help ourselves are sure to fail should our products continue to encounter a wall of protectionist measures in the developed countries. We hope, therefore, that the Europe of 1992 and other emerging trading blocs will keep their doors open and will not be "trade fortresses".
In my own country, Zimbabwe, we have been acutely aware of the fact that fostering growth and development remains primarily a national responsibility and that emerging circumstances require us to gird ourselves for international competition. Zimbabwe is implementing an economic reform programme, the main components of which are trade liberalisation; structural adjustment, including strict public expenditure control aimed at reducing the budget deficit; the decontrolling of prices and deregulation of the economy; and the creation of a domestic environment conducive to increased local and foreign investment, which should lead to an expansion of the economy and the generation of more employment opportunities for our people. This is an ambitious but realistic programme aimed at achieving sustainable economic growth, which enjoys the support of global financial and economic institutions. The programme requires some $16 billion over five years, of which $12 billion will come from within Zimbabwe itself, while $4 billion will be sought from external sources. In this regard, I take the opportunity to invite the international community to extend the necessary support for Zimbabwe's efforts to re-invigorate its economy.
We believe that this body, the United Nations, should play a central role in the management of international economic relations and in assisting the efforts of the developing countries to achieve sustained growth and development and to eradicate poverty. He are pleased to note that the Assembly has already begun seriously to address ways of ensuring that the United Nations is well equipped to be sufficiently responsive to the emerging needs and challenges that we face in the economic and social fields today. We welcome, as a starting-point, the adoption at the resumption of the last session of the General Assembly last May of a resolution which provides guidelines for the restructuring and re-vitalization of the United Nations system in the economic and social fields. This task is an urgent priority deserving of our full and concerted efforts.
In conclusion, let me express our hope that the political will exists to effect all the changes that are beneficial to the international community as a whole, and to our Organization in particular, so as to make our world the place we envision.

The transition from the conflict-ridden paradigm of the past to a new one based on cooperation and interdependence is an imperative of our dispensation. Me are indebted to the founders of this our Organisation, who, with fewer material and intellectual resources than those at our disposal today, made a rich investment in peace and cooperation. He are indebted to our children who, with their hope, their optimism and their idealism, challenge the cynicism and avarice that have in the past threatened to fossilise our most cherished human values. Most significantly, perhaps, we are indebted to ourselves, for the currency with which the sad account in human suffering and deprivation can be settled is in our pockets today and our place in history depends on what we do now about that account. It is in our power to make it balance.


It is for me both a great honour and a pleasure to take part in the work of the United Nations General Assembly for the first time and to address such a distinguished gathering at a time when the Organization has regained its vitality and its prestige. Indeed, the activities of the Organization over the past three years have highlighted the dynamism, the credibility and the strength with which this community of nations has been able to take up the challenges with which it has been faced.
We have been both impressed and elated by the efficiency and determination shown by the Security Council during the Gulf crisis and by the praiseworthy efforts made by the Secretary-General with a view to finding a final solution to the problem of the hostages held in the Middle East. It is in this context, one of hope and optimism, that the delegation of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, which I have the honour to head, congratulates you, Sir, on your election to preside over the forty-sixth session. We wish to assure you, dear brother, of our full cooperation as you carry out your noble task. Your election is a tribute to your country, a friendly country with which we share ideals and a common heritage within the Organization of the Islamic Conference, and a personal tribute to you. Your eminent qualities as a diplomat are known to all. We look forward to working for the success of the current session under your enlightened leadership.
The past year has been rich in major achievements, to which the President of the General Assembly at the previous session, Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, contributed greatly. We congratulate him on having carried out his lofty responsibilities with such competence and dedication.
To the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who has done so much to restore the prestige of our Organization and who has served it with such faithfulness, and sometimes at great sacrifice, my delegation wishes to pay a heartfelt tribute. We also wish to express to him our deep appreciation of the outstanding manner in which he has carried out his difficult tasks in the past decade. When his term of office ends his name will occupy a special place in the annals of our Organization.
We also join other delegations in warmly welcoming the nations that have been admitted to our Organization during this forty-sixth session.
The session over which you are presiding, Sir, is being held at a turning point in the history of international relations. For several months now we have been witnessing an unexpected upheaval in the geopolitical map of part of eastern Europe. The spectacular developments that have been taking place in that region and elsewhere for three years have ushered in a decade, the last of this century, full of hope and new responsibilities for the community of nations.
The lessening of tensions between the two super-Powers has already yielded tangible results and given rise to significant positive trends in international affairs, as shows by the crucial role the Security Council played during the Gulf conflict. We hope that that role will be further strengthened so that we may see the dawn of a new world based on respect and justice, cardinal principles of the Charter.
After a century of upheavals, revolutions and counter-revolutions set in motion one after the other by collectivist theories, and sacrificing individual freedoms and even freedom as a whole in the name of the masses and egalitarianism, the totalitarian Utopia has collapsed, a victim of its own pernicious system, rejected even by those who imposed it.
Communism, the basis of that philosophy of the denial of man as an individual, imprisoned in a system where a minority could think and act for everyone else, has just come to an inglorious end in the Soviet Union. This triumph of freedom over ideology is the most uplifting phenomenon of the end of the century.
The major changes taking place in all regions of the world are producing a new dynamic, a democratic thrust which consecrates the struggle for the dawn of a new order based on the interdependence of nations. The end of the East-West rivalry and confrontation, commonly called the cold war, has contributed to the emancipation of the nations of eastern Europe, the disappearance of the one-party system in many countries and the re-establishment of freedom of speech, an essential element of democracy.
In our country, the Comoros, democracy has been a reality since December 1989, when President Said Mohamed Djohar came to power. Since then major changes have been taking place in all areas of political, economic and social life. A multi-party system and freedom of the press have been restored. In brief, the Comoros is now gradually introducing republican institutions, the results of a collective initiative giving all citizens the ability to enjoy their rights, while being equally aware of their duties.
However, for the State of law which we all so earnestly desire to become an irreversible reality and for our peoples to agree to abide by it fully and to be able to gain the benefits they have a right to expect, there must be support for this step in favour of democracy. There can be no viable democracy and political stability without economic progress.
Like all the other African countries, we are aware that in order to find our way back to the path of growth and development we must above all invest in our own potential. We are also convinced that we can expect no significant improvement in the economic situation of our countries without leadership that rigorously complies with the rules of budgetary and fiscal orthodoxy in State finances. That is why, aware of its responsibilities, the Comorian Government has concluded with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank an agreement for a structural adjustment programme. That programme is already under way, but it goes without saying that without the support of our partners and of the international community our efforts may be in vain.
We note that international economic relations are still marked by inequitable relations between the North and the South. It is a revealing paradox that today the South is paying the North more than it receives from it.
Moreover, in spite of the praiseworthy initiatives taken by some countries and the great deal of thought given to the subject by the international community, the debt problem has not yet been satisfactorily resolved. This seriously hinders any development. Similarly, the dialogue between the producer countries and the consumer countries must be reactivated to ensure that higher prices are paid for commodities.
Specifically in the case of Africa, the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development is coming to an end, and we cannot say that it has fully achieved the ambitious objectives set for it; nor has it met the legitimate expectations of the African people. This Programme is a prime example of an agreement concluded in good faith between our partners and ourselves on the basis of reciprocal commitments that were formally entered into. Today we must bear witness to the fact that, in the final analysis, the commitments entered into have not been fulfilled to any reasonable extent, since the economic crisis in most of our countries is getting worse rather than better.
A final study of the implementation of the United Nations Programme for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 will be carried out in the course of the current session of the General Assembly. Certain important issues should be raised at that time and an in-depth analysis should be made of the consensus reached in 1936; its consequences for the specific results of the recovery and economic development; and the extent to which all parties to the historic alliance have honoured their commitments in this Programme.
We welcome the changes under way in the countries of the East, even if in some cases their new-found democracy was not easy to achieve. We believe that the end of the cold war will open up new prospects for international cooperation.
The fact remains that certain of our countries are, quite rightly, concerned by the focus on, if not diversion to, the countries of the East with respect to developmental aid from the rich countries. In saying this, we in no way wish to deny those countries their legitimate right to benefit from international support; we simply wish to express our concern, which in fact is not a new one, in the face of the growing disengagement of support vis-à-vis Africa. This is why we hope that structures similar to those set up for these countries might also be considered for our continent and for the South in general.
In southern Africa we are receiving encouraging signs every day, the prelude to a lasting peace in this region. Thus, in Angola, a country that had been in civil war since its independence, we can only praise the efforts made by President dos Santos and the leader of UNITA, Mr. Jonas Savimbi, towards the achievement of a fair, definitive agreement. He also express the hope that our immediate neighbours, the people of Mozambique, might finally be able to resolve their differences so that peace might reign in this long-suffering country.
In South Africa, since President De Klerk came to power, we have been witnessing the gradual dismantling of the inhuman apartheid system, thanks to the constant pressures that the international community has put on the South African regime.
Furthermore, we are pleased that many South Africans of all races now agree that apartheid should give way to a new constitutional structure in their country. The draft constitution recently introduced by President De Klerk and his party is a foundation for serious negotiations and a step in the right direction.
It is in this context that we commend the agreement reached between the leaders of the two major parties, Mr. Nelson Mandela and Mr. Buthelezi, in order to put an end to the violence being committed between black communities. We fervently hope that this agreement will be complied with and applied effectively so that there might be an end to the internecine strife that has caused so much bloodshed and has retarded the ongoing process of democratisation.
As regards Western Sahara, we note with satisfaction that progress is being made towards a just and lasting solution to that problem. The situation in Liberia still remains very fragile. We do welcome the prospect, however, that the people of this wounded country might soon be able to choose their leaders through free, democratic elections, which will help to restore peace and national harmony.
Regarding Haiti, we vigorously condemn the coup d'etat that recently ousted President Aristide, who was democratically elected by the Haitian people. We hope that the isolation of the putschist regime that has taken power in Port-au-Prince will force it to agree to the return of President Aristide in order to preserve peace and stability in that country.
In occupied Palestine, the Palestinian people continue to struggle against and courageously resist the repressive yoke of the Israeli occupation army. But not a week goes by, not even a day, without a Palestinian martyr falling, struck down by the real bullets of the Israeli army.
And yet these terrible sufferings, experienced every day by these brave people, have today become almost a matter of course. In fact, the international media hardly speak of them anymore. Indeed, since last year, the Gulf War, events in the USSR and the collapse of communism have taken pride of place on the international scene.
The question of Palestine, unfortunately, has not found any sort of solution. It is now quite clear that nothing can deter the Palestinian people from fighting for their legitimate rights, rights that in fact are recognized by our Organization, including the right to a homeland. As long as this problem persists, there will be no peace, no stability and no security in the Middle East.
It is in this context that my Government supports the efforts of the American Government to convene a peace conference of the parties concerned, even though we would have preferred the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. Such a conference would deal with all unresolved problems in the region while respecting the pertinent resolutions adopted by our Organization and guaranteeing the right of all States in the region to live in security and peace.
Regarding Korea, the Government of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros hopes for and supports the peaceful reunification of the Korean people. We hope that the high-level contacts that took place last year between representatives of the two Koreas will be continued and will result in a better understanding of each other and create the necessary conditions for peaceful solution to this problem. We are also pleased that the two Koreas, in accordance with the principle of universality of the United Nations, have decided to join the Organization as Members, which will help to strengthen security and international cooperation.
In South-East Asia, the problem of Cambodia seems to be coming out of a state of impasse and seems to be on its way to a peaceful solution. We make solemn appeal to all the parties concerned to take positive steps that might enable our Organization to put an end to this bloody, fratricidal conflict.
I could not conclude wry statement without, referring. If only briefly, as this matter will soon be debated in the Assembly, to the question of the Comorian Island of Mayotte. As members are aware, this painful problem, which has existed for 16 years, has yet to be solved satisfactorily, in spite of the relevant United Nations resolutions. At a time when the Organisation would seem to have regained its prestige, when its credibility has been restored and its decisions are being complied with, the Comorian people is entitled to expect a speedy solution to this problem in accordance with the desire of the international community and with United Nations resolutions.
From this rostrum, I should like to reaffirm the determination of the Government and the people of Comoros to continue their tireless efforts to bring about the reintegration of the Comorian Island of Mayotte into the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros and its three sister islands.
The Government and the people of Comoros, strengthened by the fairness and appropriateness of their claim, and supported by the international community as a whole, are as always open to all paths leading to a peaceful solution, as part of the good relations that exist between France and Comoros, and in accordance with international law.


The events of recent years, and particularly events since the last session of the General Assembly, have categorically disproved the assertions of certain modern prophets who stated that we have reached the end of history. On the contrary, history continues to move forward, always with openness and constant renewal. Today's realities are the greatest proof of the irrepressible impetus of freedom and of the fact that men and peoples always succeed in breaking the chains of oppression.
The world is now crossing the threshold of a new era which is marked by an expanding democracy in the framework of an open, changing and endless process. The century which is coming to an end will be known as the century of renewal end the re-conquest of democracy. The fight for the ideals of democracy continues to be the great driving force of history. It is two world wars which radically transformed political forms and international structures which exist today were essentially, though not solely, confrontations between democracy and the forces of totalitarianism.
We are now witnessing events which may well lead to a new international order - an order related to the triumph of democracy. We may still not be able to talk about that new order, except in so far as it represents a verification of existing realities. If whatever lies ahead is to be a real order and not simply a manifestation of power, it will have to be characterised by scrupulous respect for the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. There is no order outside the law and, at the same time, law is essential to preserve peace. These essential concepts of legal philosophy cannot be forgotten as we reflect on the present international situation.
The end of the cold war, the growing understanding among the great Powers, the political changes in Eastern Europe, the end of communism as a doctrine and its universal collapse as a political system, the consolidation of democracy in practically all of Latin America, the virtual end of the decolonisation process and the irreversible movement towards the elimination of apartheid - these are events heralding the possible birth of the new international order that we all desire, which will have to take root and be further developed over the next few decades.
The bipolar concept of the world is no longer valid as a basis for interpreting international political realities. The new international situation is being shaped through changes and events occurring with the kind of unpredictability that is characteristic of critical moments in human history and with the speed that is typical of the accelerating pace of history in our times.
However, that process, which has positive elements, also has elements that could negatively affect the international balance, peace and security. Therefore, we see a strange juxtaposition of promise and danger, light and darkness.
Mankind must be given firm prospects of living in peace and prosperity. The present generation has the historic responsibility of laying down the ethical, legal and political foundations for the future. The first step is fully to recognise that responsibility.
When we think about building a new international order we cannot think merely about new forms of the status quo or of a new distribution of power in the world. What we want is to ensure free coexistence among States on the basis of full observance of the principles of the Charter by all members of the international community.
The ban on the use of force, which entails respect for the key principle of non-intervention, will have to be regularly strengthened, as the cornerstone of international peace.
The peaceful settlement of disputes between States is a rule that must always be followed, it being understood that solving or containing conflicts requires proper coordination of the actions of the United Nations and of regional bodies.
The principle of good faith in the fulfilment of international obligations must be not only an ethical precept and a legal commitment, but also an element of wisdom in the conduct of international relations.
We must jointly undertake to bring about the necessary universal respect for the principle of the self-determination of peoples, in harmony with other principles of international law, in such a way that it does not become an excuse for ethnic confrontation and divisive xenophobia. But the international community cannot, remain aloof if nothing succeeds in preventing confrontation between peoples who do not wish to live under a common State system and if hatred, violence and fighting become the main features of their relations. The international community must face up to such a situation and, in order to prevent its becoming a threat to international peace and security, take action to guarantee peaceful exercise of the right to self-determination.
With regard to the right to self-determination, I wish to express Uruguay's support for the peace plan for Western Sahara and to express our earnest hope that the referendum will take place and that its results will be accepted.
The heart-rending experience of the years preceding the Gulf crisis is clear proof that States must conduct themselves strictly in accord with the obligations deriving from the purposes and principles of the Charter.
The new international situation offers possibility of progress in International relations. I wish to address three issues of the greatest importance.
The first is the strengthening of the collective security system. The end of the cold war does not necessarily imply the end of reel possibilities of armed conflict. Though the danger of a global conflagration has diminished, there remain situations threatening peace and security.
The collective security system established by the Charter was not applied for more than 45 years, despite the fact that it was conceived as a key element in the organisation of the post-war world. It seems that only now are the assumptions on which the system of collective security was based becoming reality. The system assumes a political understanding between the permanent members of the Security Council. The absence of such an understanding paralysed the United Nations and made it impossible for the system to work.
Experience in the Gulf crisis obliges us to maximise our efforts to ensure that the system operates with full respect for the Charter. The system must be organized in such a way that the competent organs of the Organization have effective control.
In this context, we cannot fail to refer to recent events in the Soviet Union. The interruption of the democratic process in the system there by the attempted unconstitutional coup d'etat would have had negative consequences internationally. The re-establishment of constitutional legality and the re-establishment of that process, which my country hails as the fruit of the people's courage and resolve, is at the root of the Soviet Union's contribution to peace and to the development of the collective security system. Uruguay supported the vigorous actions taken by the Security Council, beginning in August 1990, when it decided to take collective measures against Iraq's aggression, with a view to restoring rights that had been breached and re establishing international peace and security.
That support was given unhesitatingly, despite the material sacrifices it entailed for our economy, and it continues today, with Uruguay's decision to second members of its military forces to serve in the peace keeping operations in the region. Uruguay, which sustained economic damage as a result of the measures taken, invoked Article SO of the Charter to request the compensatory assistance to which it had. and has, a right. The implementation of Article 50 is essential for the future of collective security. It is necessary to adopt agreements regulating the obligation to grant assistance to third-party States that are affected.
Today, after our experience, we have come to the General Assembly with the feeling that we have an exceptional opportunity to make the collective security system work, in accordance with the Charter. If there is one thing that makes this moment stand out in history, it is that this belief is universal, which compels us to think together and openly about the future use of the powers conferred on the Security Council in Chapter VII of the Charter.
Proportionality in the lawful use of force on the basis of Security Council decisions and strict application of International humanitarian law are examples of situations in which it is essential to avoid overstepping the limits of the measures provided in Chapter VII. Future world stability and its peace and security do not necessarily depend upon the proper functioning of the mechanisms for dealing with extreme circumstances, which inevitably require recourse to collective measures. Hence, there is need for multilateral preventive diplomacy, particularly on the part of the Secretary-General, which will enable the United Nations to supervise and contain situations of potential conflict.
Regional conflicts, some of which are extremely serious, deserve special attention. Uruguay wishes to refer specifically to one of them, namely, that in the Middle East. It is necessary, through the holding of a peace conference, to move forward towards the establishment of peace and security in that critical region, ensuring the right of its peoples to live and organize themselves according to their own free will and the right of all States to exist and live side by side in an environment based on law, justice and cooperation.
The second key issue is the development of international law. During the United Nations Decade of International Law, it is appropriate to recall that the fundamental obligation of every State, and the only one that can ensure peaceful coexistence, is submission to the rule of law. We must avail ourselves of the new international situation to encourage the development of international law in every field. Disarmament law will benefit particularly from this favourable situation, Uruguay is hopeful that the new political climate will lead to general acceptance of existing treaties on arms control and arms reduction as well as to the adoption of and, more important, compliance in good faith with new treaties that will represent progress in this field.
The concentration of weaponry far beyond defence needs at both the world and regional levels contributes to an increase in mutual distrust. Measures related to disarmament, on the other hand, represent a contribution to pacification, reducing tensions and generating a climate of security.
Last year significant progress was achieved in the limitation of strategic weapons as a result of agreements reached between the United States and the Soviet Union. A few days ago President Bush announced the unilateral destruction of all tactical nuclear weapons and made an offer of negotiations with the Soviet Union for the continued reduction of intercontinental strategic weapons. This process of reduction and limitation of tactical and strategic nuclear weapons, which is obviously of interest and concern to the whole of the international community, must continue.
Latin America has taken decisions aimed at consolidating the process of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in the region. On 18 July of this year Argentina and Brazil signed a bilateral agreement in Guadalajara to use nuclear energy exclusively for peaceful purposes. For the fulfilment of that agreement both countries anticipate the application of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. They also reaffirmed their will to adopt measures to bring the Treaty of Tlatelolco into force. Uruguay applauds and supports that attitude.
We must also move forward resolutely in the field of the destruction of chemical, biological and other weapons of mass destruction. The Mendoza Declaration issued by Argentina, Brazil and Chile on 4 September 1991, to which Uruguay has also adhered, is of major importance.
The development of International law in accordance with present-day reality and the new order we want to establish covers many areas other than disarmament. The environment, drug trafficking, terrorism and international trade are some of the priorities. The development calls for a strengthening of the main legal organ of the United Nations, namely, the International Court of Justice. Among the many measures that might be undertaken in that regard, I would emphasise the importance of making greater use of the Court as a consultative body. That could be achieved if the General Assembly granted the Secretary-General the authority to request such opinions.
We turn now to the third key issues: international cooperation for development. The international economic scene, with its unequal and unfair distribution of wealth and opportunities, has shown itself impervious to the dynamics of change that have shaken the political order. International peace and security will never be assured as long as economic insecurity persists. Peace is not merely the absence of war. In a small and interdependent world the coexistence of two opposite worlds, that of abundance and waste on the one hand, and that of poverty and hunger on the other, will inevitably generate violence.
Growing wealth and growing poverty are the paradox of today's world. Poverty weakens the cohesiveness of societies; it destroys the foundation of human right s and perverts the environment. Hence the importance of social issues in development. It is necessary, therefore, to begin to prepare for the social summit that will be held within the next few years.
The absence of scientific and technological progress is one of the reasons for the winning of the gulf that separates the developed and the developing worlds. Technological progress is a key factor in the solution of
North-South tensions and would be of benefit for the developed and industrialised countries. That is why Uruguay proposed the creation of a common market of knowledge, a project that is already under way at the regional level in the framework of the Organisation of American States. It should also be considered at the universal level.
The necessarily universal character of the United Nations means that all States of the world should be Members of the Organisation. The admission of both Koreas not only reaffirms that trend but reveals the possibilities that exist for solving a problem that constituted one negative aspect of international relations. Uruguay hopes that this dual admission will stand as a symbol of the will to strengthen the universality of the United Nations as an indispensable element in ensuring peace and security on a global level.
The admission of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, heartily supported by Uruguay, is the expression of the international recognition of the correct example of the right to self-determination and the ratification by history of the fact that the secret protocols of 1939 and the annexation of those Republics by force are null and void.
The entry of the Marshall Islands and Micronesia into the United Nations is a historic event that exemplifies the present stage of the historic process of decolonization undertaken by the United Nations.
The fundamental importance of the environment issue at a time when the Conference on Environment and Development: scheduled for Rio de Janeiro in 1992 la being prepared compels us to specify Uruguay's position on the matter. The question of the preservation of the environment and its relationship with development is a global issue which must be faced in all its aspects ethical, cultural, political, economic, social, technical and legal. The issue is global not only in itself, but also because of the need to face up to it with universal measures which go beyond national or sectoral outlooks. The progress of developing countries and the preservation of the environment are intimately and necessarily related issues. It would therefore be a mistake to try to solve the environmental crisis without paying due attention to economic and social problems, and the Rio Conference must reflect this relationship.
Uruguay joined the countries of the area in preparing the Tlatelolco platform - adopted last March - and the Guadalajara declaration, adopted by the Heads of State and Government of Ibero-America, Spain and Portugal; those are statements of positions, both political and technical, for the negotiations which will culminate in 1992. We are now at a critical stage, only 10 months away from Rio 1992. Uruguay believes that it is vital to prevent Rio from becoming just another Stockholm.
The general principles that will apply to environmental protection must be set out in the form of a convention. Apart from the conventions now being prepared we must have another, and not just a simple statement, which spells out the fundamental principles and criteria in this matter. The convention must set out criteria for setting up a legal system to resolve environmental disputes and judge offences or crimes by means of a specialised Judicial body or chamber. The bases on which responsibility for violating the duties inherent in environmental protection in to be implemented and the ways in which this may be done must be set out. Polluting emissions come mainly from developed countries, and they must bear the main responsibility for them. This responsibility may be common or shared, but we must not forget the consequences which a policy of uncontrolled industrialisation which wan totally foreign to the developing world has had, and for which the developing world cannot be held solely responsible. This implies that there must inevitably be a process of codification of International environmental law. The future charter of the Earth, to be adopted at the Rio Conference, must be a mandatory, legally binding document, with the goal of creating the necessary conditions for sustainable development and ensuring the right of future generations to life and well-being.
Drug trafficking and terrorism, which are being shown to be closely linked, are continuing to exact a tragic toll in destruction and death, violating fundamental human rights and debasing the basic principles of civilized coexistence. To combat these two scourges effectively, every means international cooperation car provide must be used. Alongside the concern generated by the alarming expansion of the illicit use of drugs and the power of the drug dealers, it is encouraging to see how, through international cooperation, effective measures are being taken on the basis of shared responsibility between consuming and producing countries.
Five years have passed since the launching of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in Punta del Este aimed at ending the waves of protectionism which are chipping away at trade. Last December, we believed we were at the end of the road towards an equitable agreement which would satisfy the legitimate aspirations of over 100 participating countries. Unfortunately, the meeting in Brussels, which I presided over as Chairman of the trade negotiating committee at the ministerial level, was a failure because it was not possible to conclude the Round. Fundamental differences on vital issues arose and, when the session was adjourned, the Director-General of GATT was entrusted with the task of carrying out consultations aimed at restarting negotiations as soon as possible.
The first half of 1991 has been devoted to getting the negotiations back on track. When the trade negotiating committee met, at the end of July, there was a renewed will to continue working from September on, with a view to finishing work by the end of this year. In this context, the commitment by the Heads of State or Government of the Seven at their London summit was very encouraging.
The Cairns group, of which Uruguay is a member, has already stated that the Round will not and successfully if a satisfactory solution concerning the liberalization of agricultural trade is not reached.
We are starting resolutely upon the last leg of the most important trade negotiations ever undertaken. We shall support anything that contributes to success. The Round must end in December with a positive outcome, with reasonable, globally balanced achievements. If it fails, we shall have to admit our shameful inability to achieve, in today's world, formulas that encourage free and non-discriminatory international trade, that banish protectionism and that become factors for vigorous development. Respect for and promotion of human rights is the basis for peace. So long as there is any place in the world where the dignity of human beings is not respected, so long as persecution and discrimination persist, so long as political rights are not recognised and guaranteed and so long as periodic, free elections are not held, the advancement of mankind will be impossible and the degree of economic, social and cultural development of individuals will be uneven. Human rights must be protected without discrimination, free of any element of political selectivity and on the basis of the strict application of international law.
We must banish from the United Nations all inaccurate descriptions based on hatred, such as the one which in 1975 mistakenly equated Zionism with racism, in General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX). Uruguay, which has always been against this infamous resolution and voted against its adoption, is now in favour of its repeal. The mistake of 1975 must be emended. By so doing, we shall pay a tribute to the truth, rectify an unfair and offensive judgement and contribute to the peace process in the Middle East.
International democratisation has been translated into a global improvement of the world human rights situation. But the general picture is far from satisfactory. We are still faced with some atrocious realities. Very serious violations persist and armed conflicts, both domestic and international, continue to be a source of attacks on human rights and international humanitarian law.
The human rights situation must remain a priority issue for the United Nations. The principle of non-intervention cannot be a protective shield behind which human rights can be violated. But stating that plain truth does not mean repudiating the principle of non-intervention nor does it imply accepting a right of intervention based on a political and self-interested assessment by one or several States. This must not be confused with the collective duty, decided upon by legal means, to provide help and relief when serious emergencies arise in the field of human rights.
Uruguay is particularly interested in the World Conference on Human Rights scheduled for 1993, which must make a major contribution to the full, general and universal application of human rights.
Two recent events in Central America deserve to be highlighted. Uruguay hails the agreements between Guatemala and Belize, as well as the agreement which paves the way towards peace in El Salvador, as truly major achievements.
In conclusion, I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the work he has done. His activities over the last year, brilliantly described in his report to the General Assembly, have made an exceptional contribution to peace, security and the future of the United Nations. He has earned the thanks of the international community.
Last year the General Assembly had a productive session under the expert presidency of Foreign Minister Guido de Marco, whom I am pleased to congratulate on his work. This year we have momentous decisions to take at a difficult time, when we are faced with challenges requiring immediate solutions. The election of Ambassador Shihabi, with the experience ha has gained as the representative of Saudi Arabia to the United Nations, to guide our debates allows us to forecast another successful session. I am convinced that his skills and knowledge of international affairs, along with his keen sense of justice, will enable him to lead our work to a successful conclusion.


The Republic of Panama is deeply gratified at the election of Mr- Samir Shihabi as President of the General Assembly, and we are confident that under his able guidance this forty-sixth session of the Assembly will be one of great importance for our Organization.
The work of his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, has laid the bases upon which to deal with the changes called for by the new international situation.
My people are very happy at the admission of the new Members. We have always maintained cordial relations with the Republic of Korea, and we now have the hope that the Korean peninsula will be reunified. The Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia are our neighbours of that Pacific Ocean which has linked us with Asia for so many centuries. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania constitute an example of faith and courage in regard to liberation, culminating in recognition by the international community. We are fully confident that at the next session of the General Assembly we shall have another new Member as a result of the plebiscite to be conducted in Western Sahara under the auspices of the United Nations to secure the right of self-determination for the Saharan people.
A year ago, from this rostrum, I gave a brief account of the recent history of our Republic. The vicissitudes we have experienced can be understood only in the light of our internal reality, which quite often is ill understood in certain circles. On that occasion I sought to emphasize certain of the national values we treasure. Among these are our love for democracy, our commitment to human dignity and our devotion to individual freedoms. On the other side of the coin is our aversion to poverty, sectarianism and disease. In defence of those values, and in the struggle against those scourges, the Republic of Panama will always be prepared to contribute, with honesty and determination, not only domestically but also as a member of the world community.
A year ago we were looking forward to the opportunity of enjoying an era of peace and cooperation between nations. Today we are beginning to build the road to a new society for mankind. Here, the relationship between the super-Powers could prove to be an effective instrument. We understand that this is a complex situation, but we observe that positive results have already emerged with regard to relations among States and the freedom of peoples. The changes in the Soviet Union, in Eastern Europe and in Asia give rise to optimism, and they should prompt us to cooperation. The international community understands this and is supporting the positive change. For the Republic of Panama, the establishment of diplomatic and consular relations with the Soviet Union is the door to a new and significant relationship on the eve of the twenty-first century.
It is in the framework of this flowering of freedom that we must confront the crises presented by national identities. Those crises are as understandable as were the divisions that ensued upon our independence from Spain in the last century. As part of greater Colombia, we lived through the dismemberment of a dream and the confinement of a continental vision. Today we are trying to recapture these, having paid the high price of fragmentation.
Against this background, we view with concern and pain the struggles of Yugoslavia. We are aware of the roots of the ethnic problem but, at the same time, we harbour the hope that the centrifugal forces of development will overcome the fragmentationist forces of division, both in that country and in the emerging regions of Africa.
Peace in the Middle East calls for a new tolerance between Israel and the Arab countries. A conference to examine the present situation and to help to overcome decades of enmity is essential. It is necessary not only for the region and for the peace of the planet but also for the sake of programmes aimed at the salvation of mankind and the defence of our environment. The surest road to a lasting peace is a negotiated solution that will satisfy the specific aspirations of all the peoples concerned.
Our Government has closely followed political developments in southern Africa. We believe that a serious effort is being made to revise the apartheid system. The Pretoria Government has adopted significant measures that call for impartial study, taking into account the interests of the South African peoples. A solution should be sought that is more in tune with the present international situation.
If the political problems of Europe and the eastern Mediterranean are of unquestionable importance to us all, I wish to refer to two other obstacles that we must overcome in this Organization and within each State. I refer to the poverty of man and to the impoverishment of the environment. Poverty is making inroads every day. In the developing countries 1,000 million people are living in conditions of dire need. In South America and the Caribbean more than half the population is having difficulty surviving. In the developed countries, statistics conceal broad areas of human misery in the midst of apparently general wealth. The efforts of the United Nations to reduce poverty are worthy of praise and support. In our subcontinent the United Nations Development Programme and the regional projects concerning critical poverty help us to tackle the problem, but they are not sufficient. They must be supplemented with other measures of international cooperation.
We in Panama have adopted a set of measures in the framework of a national strategy to reduce poverty. These include projects over the next five years focusing on health, education, housing and employment, with the emphasis on programmes for mother-and-child nourishment, popular housing and job creation. The support of non-governmental organizations has been demonstrably important and constitutes a mechanism for extra-governmental participation without which the democratic process would be incomplete.
We shall ensure that next century's world is better than this one if we understand that we cannot create in one part of society wealth that is based on poverty in another part - either internationally or nationally. Relationships between North and South must change on the basis of mutual respect and acceptance of the just value that human labour deserves in every region. We need a new approach to the prices of our commodities. We need truly to expand international trade and investment. We need a generous vision concerning the use and distribution of wealth. This is a matter not of paternalism but of justice, for that reason it is Important that trade negotiations in the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade should not become bogged down, and it is vital that regional economic groups should not became so many more zones of protectionism.
Last year I suggested that a decade against poverty should be declared with a view to checking the spread of poverty, disease and ignorance around the world. Today, in recognising the efforts of the United Nations in this noble endeavour, I insist that we move forward and that the new era of international cooperation should extend to the poor.
We are all concerned about the deterioration of the environment and about the harmful consequences that that may have for present and future generations. We Panamanians are doubly concerned because of our position, because of the nature of our natural resources and because of the impact that their deterioration would have for the planet, but especially for Panama.
We live between two seas united by a canal. The canal is at the same time a Panamanian resource and an instrument of world trade. Our fisheries encompass the Greater Caribbean and the Humboldt Current. We are literally the forward defence of Amazonia. Our Darien area has for several decades constituted a resource reserve of the first order. It is governed in the Pacific and Atlantic areas by organisations with the participation on an equal footing of all groups of indigenous peoples living there. They are represented at every level of Government, from local municipalities to the national Legislative Assembly.
Upsetting the ecological balance in this area would affect fisheries in both oceans, the operation of the Canal and inter-ocean trade.
My Government placed these facts on record at the recent meeting in Madrid. I wish to state decisively before this body the urgent necessity of quantifying the value of those reserves for mankind. They should be taken advantage of by all equally, by those of the North and those of the South, so that the land may have neither owners nor exploiters.
The painful measures that we small countries are taking in this area call for the cooperation of the developed countries in both the technical and economic spheres.
Aware of the implicit danger for all mankind, we have adopted the measures recommended by this Organization concerning dumping and incineration of toxic and dangerous waste in the region of the Greater Caribbean. We have also taken special precautions in the transport of oil and other chemicals that pass through the Canal. We are committed to the protection of our water resources and especially the preservation of the hydrographic basin of the Canal.
The World Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in 1992, will be of decisive importance on this topic and Panama supports all measures to assure its success.
The military Government that preceded my own ceased to comply with the obligations of the State towards international organizations and other creditors. It had no other purpose than illicit enrichment and the waste of national capital. Thus, it neither paid the debts it had contracted nor encouraged the development of the economy.
My Government was obliged simultaneously to tackle unemployment, declining investments, an incomprehensible political hostility and the payment of the debt we inherited from the previous regime. Our efforts have in an orderly fashion produced some concrete results because our domestic economy is recovering. The fiscal situation is gradually becoming normalized. We have already achieved agreements with international financial bodies and with the countries of the Paris Club. Finally, we have prepared a programme of economic adjustment to free our economy within the plan of international cooperation, restructuring of debt and new plans for investment.
Our decision gradually and in a complementary way to become part of the Central American group is based on the trend towards regional grouping. We are furthermore convinced that the countries of the area are moving in a democratic direction. We are proceeding cautiously, but our decision demonstrates a firm political will, We are aware of our function as a link to the South American continent, to which we are bound by centuries of relationships, and to a Caribbean area that has since colonial times been related to us by blood, customs and interests.
The Panama Canal is preparing to be Panamanian not only in name but in reality as of 31 December 1999. It should be stated in this body that, contrary to what is sometimes heard, the Republic of Panama is preparing itself responsibly for the administration of this national resource, which also constitutes a resource of mankind.
It has always been said to date that the land was ours and the capital belonged to the United States. The work conducted in the Culebra Cut at the cost of more than $200 million, which was necessary for several years, was paid for by the collection of tolls through the Canal; what amounts to the same thing, Panama has made the economic sacrifice implied by waiving that income from now until the year 2000. This participation is proof of our seriousness.
Moreover, the Republic of Panama is working out a mechanism that will allow us to engage in cooperation with users so that the Canal can fulfil its double function as a national resource and as an international instrument. We hope to be able to submit an original plan at the second Ibero-American Summit at Madrid as a Panamanian contribution to the great community of peoples linked by the two great oceans.
I have not forgotten that here a year ago I committed the Panamanian Government to the cause of freedom in our neighbouring country, Haiti. International determination and the Haitian will for freedom led to an historic election in which a humble citizen was constitutionally elected President.
We know what Haiti feels today. We know that a handful of arrogant soldiers are doing the same thing in Port-au-Prince that other arrogant soldiers did in Panama two years ago.
We are here to state clearly that a democratic government cannot permit, for whatever reason, the flouting of the popular will in this manner, not in Haiti, not in Panama not in any part of the world. All the statements about poverty, underdevelopment ox equality would be meaningless if we were to allow the will of the people freely expressed in exemplary elections to be defied, if we were to allow the heroes of Haitian freedom to he defeated by sophistry that has nothing to do with reality.
I have left this point for the end of my statement because it has to do not only with the situation of a small Caribbean country; it also has a direct relationship with our efforts to restructure the United Nations and to create a new world order based on justice.
Here we have heard applause for the statements of those who have advocated the supremacy of a fair international order over internal injustice. As recently as Monday, the King of Spain moved the Assembly when, on behalf of his ancient kingdom he said, and I quote, "... human rights are not the internal problem of any country".
The tragedy in Haiti is something known to all Ibero-Americans, as well as many Africans, many Asians and many Europeans. The enjoyment of freedom involves the commitment to defend everyone's freedom; otherwise we run the risk of excluding ourselves from civilized society.
My Government supports all necessary measures to restore constitutional order in Haiti. We would do the same in any other case; we accept no formal concessions that betray the will of the people.
In the Organization of American States, we have maintained an unequivocal position order that the tragedy that my country experienced in 1989 will not be repeated in any other country. The Organization of American States cannot fail in its duty to re-establish democracy in Haiti. This would endanger democracy in this continent and would undermine the existence of that organization.
Therefore, the Panamanian delegation has consistently made clear its willingness to support any measure that could contribute efficiently and effectively to the restoration of democracy in Haiti. I am not upholding a false concept of the principle of non intervention, for sovereignty is founded on the self-determination of a people, not that of any Government. I note with pleasure that on the initiative of the Latin American and Caribbean Group the General Assembly will shortly be considering a resolution expressing the concern and solidarity that our peoples and Governments feel for Haitian democracy.
It is customary for the President of Brazil to open the general debate. Today, for the first time, a Head of State will close it. It is significant that, following a large country, a small one like ours should make the final statement. Humanity is not a question of size. We have the Netherlands, Greece, Switzerland and Japan as timeless reminders of the strength of the small countries.
On behalf of my Government and all the peoples who have benefited from his constant concern for the peace and well-being of all nations, I wish to pay a sincere tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. He has courageously taken up the reforms of the Organization. He has left the proof of his dedication and his ability in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Cambodia, Cyprus and Central America, to mention only a few places. Panama offers him, as always, all its support, so that the record may show that we recognize his life as one devoted first to the service of his country and then to the service of mankind.