On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Desire Delano Bouterse, President of the Republic of Suriname, I extend sincere congratulations to Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. I also wish to take this opportunity to acknowledge Her Excellency Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for her skilful leadership of the previous session and I wish her well in her future endeavours.
Diversity characterizes Suriname and that diversity is manifested by our environment. Suriname is recognized as having the highest percentage of forest cover of any country on the planet and we are committed to preserving 93 per cent of our forest cover. Suriname is also recognized as the joint most carbon-negative country, alongside Bhutan. Suriname has unique biodiversity. In 1998, we were the first country to reserve 11 per cent of our land mass for scientific and conservation purposes, as a gift to humankind. That represents 1.6 million hectares of our territory — an ambitious contribution at that time.
It is therefore easy to understand why Suriname — along with many others here present in the Assembly Hall today — is deeply concerned about the effects of our changing global climate. Appropriately, we show solidarity with the Government and people of the Bahamas and others affected by the recent hurricanes. Parts of a small Caribbean nation have once again been wiped out. Is it a coincidence that in less than 3 years, several Caribbean countries have been struck by hurricanes of the highest category, or is it a telling phenomenon revealing that climate change has already become a fact of life with devastating effects?
I wholeheartedly agree with the Secretary-General when he says, with regard to climate change, that now is the time for action and not for empty speeches and promises. It was in that spirit that Suriname initiated and hosted the first high-level meeting for high-forest low-deforestation (HFLD) countries in February. Since 2007, HFLD developing countries have received less than $2 billion in climate finance — less than 14 per cent of all climate funds committed.
At that meeting, the Krutu of Paramaribo Joint Declaration on HFLD Climate Finance Mobilization was adopted, representing the collective interests of 27 participating developing countries, which committed to taking action and increasing their access to climate finance in order to maintain their forests intact. Suriname has now been mandated by that group to lead the HFLD developing countries in achieving the joint objectives expressed in the Paramaribo Declaration. We therefore call for strong ambition and more action aimed at global mitigation and adaptation efforts, especially in order to facilitate access to finance.
The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization (A/74/1) paints a worrying picture of the current state of world affairs with regard to peace and security.
Stating that diversity characterizes Suriname also reflects the fact that Suriname’s population harbours at least seven major world cultures. The message of our national anthem is strong and clear, 4Wans’ ope tata komopo, wi mu’ seti kondre bun”, which means, “Wherever we may have come from, we must build a prosperous nation”. That has inspired us, as a diverse people, to advance towards a prosperous nation and has prevented inter-ethnic clashes, as Suriname is renowned for its harmony and tolerance, its respect for all religions and cultures and the peaceful coexistence of its citizens, while at the regional level, Suriname has always advocated and contributed to maintaining the Caribbean and South American region as a zone of peace.
At the regional level, we are confronted with tensions that have given rise to mistrust among States that for decades had enjoyed excellent political, economic, social and diplomatic relations. In the Latin American and Caribbean region, countries have endeavoured for long periods of time to preserve and promote peace, security, political stability and social and political inclusion.
Suriname therefore reiterates the critical importance of respect for the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of States and underscores the relevance of dialogue, diplomacy and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, as well as political and economic cooperation, as the building blocks for durable stability, peace and democracy. In that regard, I should like to mention several key points.
First, we applaud the recent steps taken by parties at the national level in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to reach common ground through meaningful dialogue.
Secondly, our colonial past has presented Suriname with unresolved border issues in the western and eastern parts of our territory. It is our conviction that we will find a solution to secure our territorial integrity in the near future. Suriname is intentionally choosing the path of dialogue in order to resolve those remnants from our colonial past.
Thirdly, with regard to the land rights of our indigenous and tribal communities, we have developed a road map aimed at achieving the legal recognition of those land rights within a Surinamese context. In response to the recent forest fires in the Amazon region, Suriname adhered to and welcomed the pact to protect the Amazon, which was signed in Leticia, Colombia, as a call to preserve and sustainably develop the region.
We strongly emphasized the inclusiveness of all Amazonian countries as part of a living Amazon that compels us and those countries to rise above political differences, organize relevant provisions to secure the development of indigenous and tribal communities and uphold the sovereignty of countries and the Amazon as a region. In so doing, we will continue to utilize the provisions of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization.
We consider the ongoing trade disputes among major international players to be a serious challenge with far-reaching consequences for our local economies. In the same vein, we strongly oppose the blacklisting and arbitrary seizure of funds without due regard for the severe consequences for the economic stability of countries. Those unwelcome actions remain major obstacles beyond the control of many nations. An atmosphere of trust and political will is crucial and should lead to dialogue and cooperation.
By the same token, we strongly disapprove of the continuation of the more than half-a-century-old economic, financial and commercial embargo against the sister Republic of Cuba and its people. Repeatedly, the vast majority of nations has taken a stance against that embargo. One may wonder if it is now not finally the time to understand that the continuation of those measures has been and will remain counterproductive.
Lastly, with our extensive open borders and sparsely inhabited hinterland, Suriname is a victim of the illicit trans-border drug trade. The recent adoption of the National Drug Master Plan (2019-2023) is a testimony to our resolve to combat that illicit trade, an important component of which is international cooperation. Bearing that in mind, Suriname co-chaired the biregional partnership between the European Union and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States on the Coordination and Cooperation Mechanism on Drugs, resulting in the adoption of a document that contains the necessary guidelines on the fight against illicit drug trafficking and drug-related transnational crime.
Concerning our young people, we all are witnessing today how they are voicing their concerns about their future — and they have the right to do so. With lead responsibility for youth in the Caribbean Community, Suriname strongly advocates for youth involvement as a prerequisite for sustainable development and has made a deliberate choice to meet that expectation. We pride ourselves on our intergenerational approach, which provides opportunities for youth to engage and participate in all levels of decision-making. Young people are an integral part of the Surinamese delegation here today as well.
Threats and obstacles to the achievement of the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development have been the key topic of concern. Every Member State has its own challenges. In that regard, Suriname notes the economic stagnation as a consequence of the fast and sharp decline in world market prices of crude oil and gold from 2013 to 2015, which significantly diminished the foreign currency earnings of the Surinamese economy and in response to which the Government executed a home-grown reform programme — home-grown because this Government is cognizant of the fact that our main asset for development is our people.
In 2010, President Bouterse envisioned and commenced a social contract with the people of Suriname. Universal health care, a general pension, a minimum hourly wage, access to affordable housing and education are the main components of that social contract, which the Government continued to uphold despite the economic crisis. Today, the economy has recovered in record time, achieving steady positive growth for two years in a row — 2017 and 2018 — while inflation has come down from double digits to a single digit and is continuing to decrease; since mid-2018, it has dipped below 5 per cent annually. Exports and imports are both much stronger than during the crisis years.
Secondly, I must mention an obstacle that is still unresolved and that if not addressed will make the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) practically unattainable — our classification as a middle-income country. As for many other developing countries, including the countries of the Caribbean, that classification of Suriname is based on gross domestic product per capita only and does not reflect our vulnerabilities.
We strongly reject that unrealistic classification, which disregards the full set of challenges that we face and which should be addressed with urgency. Access to concessional financing for our development is critical to allow for accelerated implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
Thirdly, our newest endeavour and priority in realizing the SDGs is the strengthening of our national planning institute. That institute has been extending its reach to all bodies of Government and applying results- based management to our annual plan and annual budget and will be instrumental in realizing a long-term strategy for development. Strengthening that core planning institute will greatly help us in addressing the challenge of collecting, analysing and delivering reliable data and statistics, which will in turn surely enhance the responsiveness of our decision-making, including the implementation of the 2030 Agenda, and therefore has become one of our top priorities.
In closing, given a world in which there is an urgent need to cooperate and the imperative to solve the many serious issues it faces, Suriname is convinced that the United Nations remains the most important Organization for addressing all matters that confront the international community, one that is focused on finding solutions and taking into consideration the interests of all Member States.
It is therefore essential that the United Nations become a more effective multilateral institution, with adequate resources, that is fit for purpose to confront the challenges ahead. Suriname recognizes the eminent role that the United Nations can fulfil in ensuring lasting development and peace. It is up to us as Member States to make it work — and we can make it work.


Today our region and the entire world are facing great regional and global challenges, and we will be able to find solutions to them only if we act collectively rather than individually. We can make progress only by joining forces. The United Nations is made up of the nations of the world. If we are truly united, nations can achieve a more just and secure world of human dignity. If we call on nations freely and without imposing demands, together we can build the future. If small and large nations live together in equality and with respect, and if we hold on to the notion of making a lasting peace that is shared and universal, we will have a more fraternal world.
This is the first time that I have come to the United Nations. I am from Panama, where we live on a strip of land that, in the space of 35 minutes, spans two oceans, the Atlantic and the Pacific. Our country’s aim is to serve humankind. That is our historical and geographical destiny.
Panama’s story contains many pages, some written and some as yet untold. It is much more than the story of one canal. It chronicles the Afro-Antillean hands that built it and all the migrants who linked two oceans with their blood and effort. It contains the first trans-isthmus railroad that joined two oceans and facilitated world trade, as well as Geisha coffee, which is cultivated by the Ngabe-Bugle Indians and is the best-quality coffee in the world.
The book recounts our efforts for peace, dialogue, negotiation and consensus. One page is about the dream of Simon Bolivar, who wrote that if the world were to choose its capital, it would assign that great destiny to the Isthmus of Panama. Its pages tell of the struggle of generations of Panamanians and the global support that culminated in the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties. I am referring to Jimmy Carter, former President of the United States, and Omar Torrijos, then Head of the Government of Panama, who led the negotiations between two nations, one large and one small, and who were able to reach an agreement and achieve a historic reparation — the restoration to Panama of our Canal and our territorial integrity. There is another page in that book that Pope Francis wrote this January, at the end of World Youth Day, which reads, “Panama is a country of a noble people.” Those are Panama’s stories.
It is a privilege to be here and to address the citizens of the world and the people of Panama, proudly representing my homeland. Global problems require multilateral solutions. As it has done in the past, Panama is ready to contribute to the resolution of conflicts, especially in our region. Right now our nation, our home, is working on a particular conquest — the fight against poverty and inequality. It is a great challenge for Panamanians, but we have decided that together we can do it. Poverty and inequality harm human beings, damage families and close off the future for young people, not just in Panama but all over the world. For every word I utter here, thousands are dying in unjust wars, without doctors or medicine. A few are earning millions, and millions are surviving on very little. Leaving people to die in misery is inhumane, and there is no room for such indifference. Let us move from words to deeds. Let us join forces. By fighting poverty and inequality and fulfilling the 17 Sustainable Development Goals, we are addressing corruption through the effective administration of justice.
Our most important task is transforming education. We have children who go to school and do not learn. We need education systems where students learn to think, work in a team, solve problems, harness creativity, take care of the environment and appreciate art and culture and science and technology. Education frees us from poverty and empowers people to achieve a dignified life. Education means social peace, while creating opportunities and making us more equal in our diversity.
Education means human dignity. Sharing knowledge is a universal goal of sustainable development, from early childhood to the best universities in the world. We should be generous in sharing knowledge rather than selfish in monopolizing it.
We have heard the concerns and warnings that were expressed at the Climate Action Summit loud and clear. Our verdant tropical forests are the most beautiful in the world. In Panama there are more than 10,000 varieties of plants and 1,000 species of birds. The biodiversity of the planet is in our hands. We must all work together for change in order to reduce the danger of our extinction. There are 1 million species at risk of dying out. We must expand multilateral initiatives to strengthen the climate change regime, and we must fulfil the agreements we sign. Our culture is changing. We are at a historic crossroads and we must redefine our own existence. We must redouble our efforts.
We invite the whole world to Panama. We offer more room for dialogue and regional and global understanding. I am not talking about a never-ending dialogue but rather those that unite and resolve. We facilitate good investments and have the best air, maritime, seaport and telecommunications connectivity in the region. We are the hub of the Americas. Panama is a land of innovation, science and technology and a place for universal encounters with knowledge.
There is a place in the world called Panama. It is written in the pages of our history that we never allow ourselves to be conquered by adversity. We know that better times are coming. That is what we want and aspire to for Panamanians and for all humankind. I want to reiterate that Panama is a country of noble and good people. Those are the pages of the story that we will continue to write. Today we are facing great challenges, but we can succeed in moving forward only by joining forces. The time is now.


At the outset, I would like to extend to Her Excellency Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, President of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session, a well- deserved recognition for her excellent leadership of the main organ of the United Nations system. As the first woman from Latin America and the Caribbean to be elected President, she not only represented Latin Americans, but also women from all over the world.
I would also like to congratulate the Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. We wish him every success in the discharge of his duties and pledge the commitment of our entire delegation.
I cannot touch upon the central theme of this debate without first making some observations that put it in context. We are today living through a difficult global situation of great uncertainty, product of the clash of opposing forces struggling to establish a new world order, often without considering the serious consequences of their actions for world peace — that utopia we yearn for in which all people can live in a state of happiness and freedom, with their basic needs met and without fear of suffering least of all deprivation of their rights and security.
A quick glance at the planet suffices to realize the fragility of the foundations that underpin peaceful coexistence among States. The tension in Western Asia and the Middle East, the political and economic upheaval in Europe, hunger and malnutrition in Africa and the alarming spread of extreme ideologies are additional risk factors beyond the power struggle among the various Powers vying for domination, whether in the form of trade wars or ideological wars.
We are gravely concerned about the withdrawal of the United States from the nuclear treaty with Iran, a hard-won agreement, which casts a shadow over the future of peace in that fragile region and could lead Iran to resume its nuclear programme, with unforeseeable consequences for international peace and security. Uruguay, a firm champion of denuclearization, urges the parties to reconsider their positions and act with a universal conscience by putting aside rhetoric to score short-term political gains at the cost of dire global consequences.
Similarly, my country is concerned about the proliferation of arms, especially small arms and light weapons. The indiscriminate access of private individuals to such weapons in countries with permissive legislation is responsible for a growing trend of vigilante justice.
In Latin America we are deeply alarmed by the spread of extreme ideologies that seek to forcibly apply their methods in other countries, thus shamelessly violating the authority of regional organizations and generating situations of crisis and violence as an excuse to impose their doctrines by force and plunder the Latin American peoples for their own benefit. We are even more concerned that some Governments in the region embrace those same ideologies and procedures, the use of which has had significant adverse effects still evokes bitter memories.
We cannot allow the principle of non-intervention to be a protective barrier to enable grave violations of human rights. Nor can we tolerate foreign intervention under the pretext of defending democracy, all the while terrorizing the population with the threat of an allegedly liberating invasion whose only certain results would be the loss of thousands of innocent lives and the suffocation of many others through economic sanctions that would plunge them into deeper poverty, as is currently the case with Venezuela. Only dialogue and understanding between the parties can lead to a peaceful solution to the crisis.
In a similar vein, we again raise our voice in this Assembly, as we have done for 27 years, to strongly condemn the savage and illegal commercial and financial blockade that has been applied for more than 50 years against the Republic of Cuba. Illegal sanctions that run counter to international law have impoverished the people of Cuba, and their grave consequences are detrimental to the future of the women and men of that brotherly Latin American country.
Uruguay has a long tradition of defending multilateralism, democracy, self-determination and the protection and promotion of human rights. We come to this Hall today to renew our commitment to fighting for solutions based on dialogue, peace, democracy and the full enjoyment of human rights when it comes to addressing conflicts generated in our region.
Uruguay considers the Security Council to be the only organ with the competence to apply measures against a Member State for the purpose of maintaining or restoring international peace and security or to determine whether the use of force is warranted under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. The world has made progress in building this institutional architecture, which, with its strengths and weaknesses, must be defended — and Uruguay, which believes in international law as the guarantor of peaceful coexistence among nations, will always do so.
For that reason, it participates actively in the maintenance of international peace and security, through peace operations to which it contributes substantial contingents. In fact, Uruguay is the top personnel contributor in the entire Western Hemisphere. As a founding member of the United Nations, Uruguay is deeply committed to multilateralism in all spheres, not only as protection against more powerful actors, but also as a framework for faithfully fulfilling its own obligations.
Four years ago, the States Members of the United Nations committed to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), some of which serve as inspiration for this general debate. In this regard, Uruguay has responsibly assumed its commitments to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which fully match the policies it has been implementing over the past 15 years, as my country has been integrating the SDGs at the national, departmental and local levels. In 2017, 2018 and 2019, in order to properly ensure accountability, my country submitted voluntary reports that take stock of the significant progress we have made in each of the 17 Goals.
In my view, there are three cross-cutting vectors within the Sustainable Development Goals — the elimination of poverty, the fight against climate change and quality education.
Allow me first to focus on the worst global scourge, the greatest enemy of peace, the cause of most of the ills of our era and the enemy we should focus all our efforts towards exterminating — poverty. If we eliminate poverty, we can universalize education and do away with the education deficit. If we eliminate poverty, we would be reducing harm to the environment. If we eliminate poverty, we will be eliminating hunger, exclusion and discrimination. If we eliminate poverty, we will finally approach the state of well-being to which I referred at the beginning of my statement — world peace.
The equitable distribution of wealth and the eradication of extreme poverty are a priority objective for the Government of Uruguay. We are committed to definitively eradicating extreme poverty and indigence by 2030 and have been working for 15 years to achieve this objective. It is with great satisfaction that we can say today, in this Hall, that in Uruguay there is not a single child sleeping on the streets.
The year 2005 marked a milestone in the fight against poverty and extreme poverty in Uruguay. In order to respond to the needs of the Uruguayan people, we undertook key institutional innovations and promoted normative reforms that have expanded social protections. This new institutional framework focused on social policies, increased public spending and launched a comprehensive strategic planning programme in this area. All this took place in the context of uninterrupted economic growth over the past 15 years. In addition, our country opted for decent work, providing more guarantees and rights to workers, including the right to social security and free medical care for rural and domestic workers, who have historically been neglected.
Those public policies have been critical for the Government to fulfil its social inclusion goals, which it has done with such remarkable success that, at the most recent International Labour Conference of the International Labour Organization, a private-sector representative complained that, in its view, the Government has granted workers too many rights. As a result of those same social policies, the total number of people living below the poverty line has been reduced to 8 per cent, the lowest in Latin America, with indigence standing at 0.1 per cent and inequality at 0.38 per cent, making Uruguay the most egalitarian country in Latin America and the Caribbean.
The rights agenda for which Uruguay is internationally recognized has also significantly contributed to the advancement of a freer and more democratic society. After all, we are one of the few full democracies in the world based on a strong institutional framework and the strength of traditional political parties, the oldest of which have existed for 200 years and the youngest of which has been around for half a century. Our robust institutions have allowed Uruguay to avoid the wave of corruption that shook the region.
Although personal wealth worldwide has grown exponentially in the past 20 years, 736 million human beings live in extreme poverty. Less than 10 per cent of the world’s population holds 86 per cent of global wealth, while 70 per cent shares a mere 2.7 per cent of the wealth. In addition, 96 per cent of the world’s poor live in various Asian countries, in Africa and in Latin America.
Driven by the explosion of digital technology and the growth of emerging economies and the global economy after the financial crisis at the start of the century, the world’s wealth has increased by 66 per cent compared to the year 1995. However, that increase in wealth has not ended poverty or reduced inequality. On the contrary, they have increased. Today, the wealth per capita of the high-income member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development is 52 times that of low-income countries. This is a major challenge for the United Nations. Only with enhanced institutions and exemplary legitimate governance can we make progress in managing the complex global processes that lead to inequality.
We are not utopian, but we believe that it is possible and necessary to take steps towards a gradual but effective action that will make it possible to reverse the abysmal and shameful inequality on the planet. This inequality significantly affects the entire edifice of rights and tends to turn it, not infrequently, into a formalism of little substance, valuable only as a proclamation of what should be, but not very real and present in the daily life of many nations.
To end poverty and reduce inequality, we must invest in people, the most important component of the wealth of nations. Women account for less than 40 per cent of global wealth because they continue to earn less than men throughout their lives. Achieving gender equality would increase human capital by almost 20 per cent. That is why Uruguay inserts a chapter on trade and gender, with an inclusive approach, in all of its trade agreements, as was the case in our recent agreements with Chile, with our Southern Common Market partners and with Canada. That is why it is important for States to design and implement fair and balanced social policies aimed at reducing inequalities, ending poverty and narrowing the existing gaps in our societies, thereby offering everyone a better, fairer and more hopeful future.
Numerous studies show the multidimensional nature of the phenomenon of poverty, which can only be addressed through comprehensive policies that can build sustainable solutions. Without such a multidimensional approach, there will be 1 billion people living in poverty by 2050, with the lowest- income countries experiencing the highest population growth. All States must consider the multidimensional approach, since poverty is a problem that afflicts all societies in the world, which is why multilateral efforts are the key to eradicate it.
Secondly, with regard to the fight against climate change, if we are to succeed, we must be aware that the harmful effects of climate change directly affect the increase in poverty and global economic and social inequality. By 2050, climate change could displace 140 million people in sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia and Latin America alone.
The severity of environmental degradation has reached levels beyond what is tolerable. The commitment of all Members of the United Nations is essential to stopping environmental damage and to trying to reverse its bleak consequences. The devastating fires that have ravaged California, Siberia, Bolivia and Chile this year, in addition to those in the Brazilian Amazon, seriously threaten biodiversity and the balance of the planet’s largest ecosystem. Governments have an obligation to protect biodiversity as our common heritage and legacy for future generations.
Uruguay reaffirms its willingness to work together with all countries committed to the protection and safeguarding of the environment, in accordance with the principles established in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, adopted in 1992, and the commitments made in the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change, and makes a fervent appeal to Governments to seriously address this real threat to the stability and equilibrium of the globe. In this regard, my delegation reiterates its full support for the twenty- fifth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Santiago in December, and congratulates Costa Rica on its commitment to the environment and its efforts to accelerate climate action at the pre-Conference meeting it will host in October. Given the risk that climate change poses, Uruguay has been adopting policies that place it among the most advanced countries of the world in the field, including its salient national energy policy through which it achieved generating 98 per cent of its electricity through renewable energy sources.
As nations, we have the responsibility of pooling our efforts to agree on educational policies that allow us to deepen the integration of climate change throughout the educational process and to contribute to increasing the awareness of our peoples with respect to the challenges it poses. Only in this way will we be better prepared to face its negative effects and therefore achieve a more resilient international society that is less vulnerable, with greater capacity to adapt to change and climate variability and more aware and responsible given the challenge. An active and conscious citizenry, with an education guided by that awareness, will act as an effective means of controlling Governments and private enterprise, thereby enhancing cooperation with the safeguarding of the environment.
Thirdly, I will address education. In order to provide quality education, it is necessary to be prepared to face the use of technology and its democratization. Rapid technological advances in artificial intelligence are transforming societies by changing the way people learn, work and live together. Education systems could use artificial intelligence to change their management, teaching and learning.
Each of the goals outlined in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development requires education to equip all people with the knowledge, skills and values that will enable them to live with dignity, build their own lives and contribute to the societies in which they live. However, serious difficulties unfortunately persist. According to UNESCO, 262 million children and young people do not attend primary or secondary school, and 750 million adults are illiterate, all of which contribute to increased poverty and marginalization. Aid to education has stagnated since 2010, and only one third of it is allocated to primary and secondary education in low- and middle-income countries.
In Uruguay, we are absolutely convinced that the key to facing those challenges lies in the universalization of education. Education is a human right — an invisible engine of sustainable development and peace. Because of Uruguay’s free, secular and obligatory education, 98.6 per cent of its population is literate, 99 per cent of five-year-old children are in school and 100 per cent of its public and private primary schoolteachers are credentialled.
Uruguay has chosen to embrace the concept of transformation with equity, and within that framework, it has developed public policies that have had a direct impact on reducing the digital divide. The introduction of technology was a fundamental tool for equity and social inclusion — values that are at the heart of our digital public policies — in addition to widely known projects, such as universal access to the Internet, livestock traceability and Plan Ceibal, through which Uruguay became the first country in 2009 to ensure that every school-age child had a laptop for personal use. More recently, a new plan was launched that universalizes the use of laptops and tablets among the elderly.
For those reasons, it is not surprising that since February 2018 Uruguay has been part of the group of the most digitally advanced countries, the so-called Digital 9, the chairmanship of which it has held since February. The next summit of the group will be held in Montevideo in November. However, countries such as Uruguay, which are on the path to development, still need a redesigned and refocused form of cooperation to support it in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by bridging the structural gaps that still persist.
As Uruguayan President Tabare Vazquez did before the General Assembly last year (see A/73/PV.8), we reaffirm the concept of development in transition, and we will continue to fight so that development is no longer measured solely in terms of per capita income — an indicator that ignores the existing gaps among the various sectors of each country, denies the reality of the most vulnerable groups and poses a very serious risk of reversing the progress so laboriously achieved by our Governments on social issues. Change is in our hands. By placing human beings at the centre of public policies, we will contribute to reducing inequalities, combating poverty and making this planet a better place every day, by giving everyone hope for a better, fairer future with better opportunities, free of hunger, poverty and exclusions, and in which peace prevails.


I have the honour to join the General Assembly and deliver my first speech from the most important rostrum of the United Nations. The accession of the Republic of Moldova to the United Nations, its active participation in all the institutions of the Organization and the opportunity to debate in this Hall the most important ideas, aspirations and problems are among the outstanding achievements of the people of the Republic of Moldova since 1991.
To begin with, I would like to congratulate Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session and to wish him much success in fulfilling his mandate. I also express my appreciation to Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for the wonderful work she did as President at the previous session.
I would like to take the opportunity of speaking before the Assembly to assure its members of the Republic of Moldova’s full support for all the initiatives and projects launched recently by the United Nations, which are designed to solve the most complicated problems that humankind faces during what has been a tumultuous start to the century. I also take advantage of this opportunity to highlight not only the most pressing challenges currently facing the Republic of Moldova but also our vision regarding possible ways to solve them.
As is widely known, we are living at a time when the magnitude and number of protracted crises is constantly on the rise. Military conflicts and humanitarian crises, climate change and environmental degradation, excessive consumption of natural resources, economic imbalances and forcible and encouraged migration are real threats to the task of building a prosperous and peaceful world as set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
Against that backdrop, the role of the United Nations as guarantor of international peace and security, but also as a global platform for identifying common solutions to existing and emerging challenges, is paramount. Accordingly, we wish to express our support to the Secretary-General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, for the agenda of ambitious reforms that is under way. We also wish to reaffirm our support to the preventive diplomacy he promotes with the aim of preventing crises and conflicts.
Just over a decade away from 2030, we note with regret that poverty, hunger, inequality and social exclusion continue to affect lives and, at the global level, to fuel new conflicts. The Republic of Moldova joins the common appeal, launched at the recent High-level Political Forum on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), for the international community to accelerate its efforts to achieve the targets of the 2030 Agenda.
Through the 2030 Agenda, we are committed to promoting sustainable development based on respect for human rights. As in the past, the Republic of Moldova is determined to continue its contribution to fulfilling the important mandates of the Human Rights Council. In that context, and with regard to one particular social issue, I would like to point out that ensuring gender equality and empowering women are crucial aspects of accelerating sustainable development, since they boost economic growth and the well-being of families, communities and the State as a whole.
The Republic of Moldova has made remarkable progress recently in enhancing the role of women in decision-making. Women head the Parliament and the Government of the Republic of Moldova, as well as the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia. They also represent 65 per cent of the members of Government and 25 per cent of the members of the national Parliament. We have also not forgotten the crucial role of women in any modern society — their role as mother and preserver of the family. In order to focus the State’s attention on the need to protect and stimulate the creation and preservation of families, we decreed 2019 as the Year of the Family in the Republic of Moldova.
Climate change is a direct threat to humankind, and its effects are felt worldwide, affecting ecosystems, national economies and health-care systems. Of course, those phenomena affect my country as well. The Republic of Moldova expresses its solidarity with Mr. Guterres’ call to intensify efforts to halt climate change. We are firmly convinced that the complex problems facing the peoples of the world can be solved only through joint international efforts. The realities of the current period indicate that even internal issues cannot be settled exclusively by the solitary efforts of one nation but only with the help of international partners — and that is especially the case for small countries. The example of the Republic of Moldova is representative in that regard and, to a large extent, is relevant for many States around the world.
Over the 28 years since the declaration of our independence, my country’s profile has seen some dramatic changes. During that period, the number of newborns has dropped threefold, the population remaining in the country has fallen by 30 per cent and some economic indicators have not even returned to their 1990 levels. Approximately 1 million citizens, or more than half of the economically active population, work abroad. The massive depopulation of the country has become a major problem and a real threat to the State’s sustainability.
Our society’s enormous investments in human capital and the education of the labour force have yielded almost no economic return — the country is losing the competition for its labour force and our people instead create added value and pay taxes elsewhere. The root cause of those bleak developments is of course a complex one, ranging from poor governance and endemic corruption in recent years to failures in economic or inter-ethnic policies.
However, from this rostrum, I will highlight what is, in my opinion, one of the key factors, which is positioning — the place of the Republic of Moldova and other regional States in the puzzle of policies and strategic interests of the major world Powers.
I dislike using military terms, and it is certainly not the most relevant analogy. However, it would be easy to characterize our situation using the term terra nullius in the context of the geopolitical confrontations in the region. It is notable that, although no shell has exploded in our territory since the military conflict along the Nistru River in 1992, the jockeying by major geopolitical players for better positioning in the region has never ceased. In all those years, there has been no consensus between the great Powers regarding the Republic of Moldova.
Our country is a multi-ethnic State and, by virtue of historical developments in recent centuries, the geopolitical preferences of our population are divided almost equally between East and West — between the Russian Federation and the West. That essential feature, which will remain a constant for a long time to come, has neutralized the effects of uninspired and even adventurous attempts to attract Moldova into alliances against others.
The country paid a high price when our politicians and national elites got involved in such dealings. First, bloodshed and disintegration followed the armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the country. That was succeeded by economic and social degradation for several decades. Unfortunately, throughout the 28 years of the Republic of Moldova’s independence, diametrically opposed geopolitical preferences have divided Moldovan society. That fact has been ably exploited by different political forces to serve exclusively interests that are alien to those of our people.
That is why, as President of the Republic of Moldova, I make use of every opportunity to request the de facto recognition and observance of my country’s neutrality status, which is also enshrined in our Constitution. We do not want to be treated as a neutral territory anymore — which is a different designation from that of a neutral State. Any attempt to undermine that neutrality status is an unfriendly act against the people of the Republic of Moldova because it deepens the internal dissensions in the country even more dramatically. Moreover, such attempts jeopardize any chance of making progress in the settlement of the Transnistrian problem and thereby enhance security throughout the region. Our objective and absolute priority for solving the Transnistrian problem are achievable only if the Republic of Moldova preserves its military neutrality status.
On numerous occasions, calls for the withdrawal of foreign military troops and ammunition from the territory of the Republic of Moldova have been made from this very rostrum. I welcome the Russian Federation’s latest initiatives, expressed during the recent visit to Moldova by the Russian Defence Minister, Mr. Sergey Shoygu, and the official visit to Moscow of the Moldovan Foreign Minister, Mr. Nicolae Popescu, on resuming the process of disposing the foreign ammunition stored in the Transnistrian region of our country. This important step, a first since 2003, could be instrumental in reaching a geopolitical consensus for the political settlement of the Transnistrian dispute and, more generally, for the enhancement of regional security.
Unlike other frozen conflicts, the Transnistrian case does not have interethnic, religious or other implications that are particularly difficult to settle. Moreover, nowadays there is no hatred between the inhabitants of the two banks of the Dniester River, who interact daily in a peaceful and friendly way. At the root of the conflict were myopic policies promoted by the leaders of a previous era, aggravated by the effects of the dismantling of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s. The nation’s elites were not capable enough to face the challenges before them, and the situation deteriorated into armed conflict.
Currently, we are witnessing a strong predisposition among the people to identify a mutually acceptable solution to this frozen conflict. Recent progress in the effort to bring the people of both Dniester banks together materialized through the emergence of humanitarian, economic and social projects, further strengthening the desire to settle the conflict. In our opinion, all of those aspects present a good chance for great diplomats to decisively contribute to settling the frozen conflict, creating thereby a positive precedent for solving other, similar tensions across the world.
I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to express my gratitude to all participants in the negotiation process in the Permanent Conference on Political Issues in the Framework of the Negotiation Process for the Transnistrian Settlement in the 5+2 format. I reaffirm our confidence in that negotiating format, as it is the arrangement most likely to yield an acceptable solution to a problem that is of major importance to Moldova. Under the format, the special status of the Transnistrian region, within the internationally recognized borders of a sovereign and territorially integrated Moldova that guarantees full human rights and fundamental freedoms to its people, is to be debated and agreed. We also rely on the format to identify possible support from our foreign partners in the post-settlement phase of the Transnistrian problem.
The Republic of Moldova has been governed since 8 June by a parliamentary coalition consisting of political parties that represent the vast majority of the country’s population. It is a unique case in the history of the Republic of Moldova for two political forces with diametrically opposed doctrines and geopolitical preferences to join forces to govern and solve the pressing problems of the country. However, what is important and unprecedented for our region is that this domestic consensus is strengthened by the common position of the country’s main development partners and of the great world Powers, including the Russian Federation, the United States and the European Union (EU). It is an unusual case in international politics for geopolitical forces to unite their efforts against a criminal regime that had captured an entire State.
This very rare situation, involving a special moment of agreement, at both the domestic and the international level, fuels our hopes for real progress on the path towards developing such needed internal reforms as justice reform and the fight against corruption, as well as the way the Transnistrian problem is to be solved.
One of the unifying elements of the current governing coalition in the Republic of Moldova is an awareness of the importance of and willingness to promote a balanced foreign policy with all of the country’s strategic partners. The representatives of both political parties in the parliamentary majority have already established a constructive dialogue with Eastern and Western partners, essentially increasing our chances of obtaining the external support that we need. A common approach to respecting all political and economic agreements signed by the Republic of Moldova, including the Association Agreement with the EU and our cooperation with States of the Commonwealth of Independent States, is in place.
A distinguished place in our agenda is reserved for the Republic of Moldova’s relations with our neighbours and friends Romania and Ukraine. Faced with similar problems, all three of us seek to deepen our humanitarian, economic, political and social ties and explore our enormous development potential for the benefit of all our citizens. Before the new governing coalition came to power, and before the great geopolitical forces began to support the democratic changes in Chisinau, the main challenge had been whether we would really show sufficient political maturity to go further than just freeing the State from the hands of oligarchs. I am firmly convinced that this unprecedented domestic and foreign consensus could and should be used by all of us to make real changes in the quality of life for our citizens, find a solution to the Transnistrian problem and give the Republic of Moldova a new chance to prosper.
The Republic of Moldova is a multi-ethnic country inhabited by representatives of approximately 125 ethnic groups. A third of the population considers itself Russian-speaking. In Moldova the Russian language, one of the six official languages of the United Nations, is considered to be the language of interethnic communication. As President of the Republic, I believe that the main task before the recently formed parliamentary majority, which is supported by 80 per cent of the country’s population and by our Western and Eastern strategic partners, is to create a single legal, democratic, mutual multi-ethnic State that ensures every inhabitant with a decent standard of living and justified confidence in the future.
We will be on friendly terms and interact well with all of our partners. The either/or policy with respect to the Republic of Moldova, pursued in recent years by a number of major Powers, has clearly been revealed as empty and inadequate. I support the concept of a united Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok, where Moldova, as a European State, will play a special role.
Let me re-emphasize that, as the Head of State, I am an active supporter of a balanced foreign policy for my country and I am ready to comprehensively promote mutually beneficial cooperation with all States Members of the United Nations with which we have established diplomatic relations. For the Moldovan people and the peoples of other Member States, peace is the main value. We strive to ensure peaceful coexistence with our neighbours and good relations with our development partners.
Our intention is to strengthen the stability and security of the Republic of Moldova, maintain the constitutional status of permanent neutrality of our State and strive for its recognition at the international level, following the model of such countries as Austria. In that context, the example of military neutrality of certain States like Austria can be a relevant model for the Republic of Moldova. However, neutrality does not mean isolation. Moldova will therefore continue to strengthen its multilateral cooperation with Russia, the United States, the European Union, its neighbours and other States.
I believe that the key to success lies in promoting the concept of the internationally recognized military neutrality of the Republic of Moldova, completing the removal and disposal of ammunition left in the territory since the Soviet era and the full and final withdrawal of foreign troops from the State that I have the honour to represent at this high tribune. Upon reaching the final political settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, there will be no need for a peacekeeping mission in our territory.
As my address draws to a close, I want to emphasize once again the importance of maintaining the consensus of the main geopolitical actors with regard to the Republic of Moldova. Only in such circumstances can we improve the chances of solving the severe problems facing my country, including the Transnistrian problem.
I am very confident that such an effort, with the support of the Russian Federation and the West, could radically change the profile of my country, about which I spoke with such great concern at the beginning of my address.
I reaffirm the commitment of the Republic of Moldova to approaches the United Nations is taking with respect to the main problems humankind faces today. The Republic of Moldova remains firmly committed to observing the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the vision of sustainable development that is anchored in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
Our determination is based on our full awareness of the imperative of forging solidarity among nations in the face of modern challenges. We are a few hundred peoples and countries, but we have one planet — one home — which we must care for together, regardless of our place under the sun.


It is an honour for me to and stand at this prestigious rostrum today to represent my fellow countrywomen and men and address distinguished colleagues and partners in the General Assembly.
I am even more proud today because just two days ago, approximately 3 million Afghans, facing the threat of terrorism, risked their lives to vote in our young democracy’s fourth presidential election. Those who voted included men and women, the very elderly, some voting for perhaps the last time, and the very young, those voting for the very first of many times, as well as those living with a disability, for whom the journey was longer and more tiresome, and some who came out despite having had their fingers cut off by the Taliban during previous votes. We all voted not just for a president, but also for democracy. We voted for our Constitution. We voted for freedom and sovereignty. We voted for prosperity and connectivity. We voted for peace. We voted for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. I congratulate my fellow Afghans on exercising their right to vote.
I also wholeheartedly thank the brave and professional Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF) for protecting that right. Some 70,000 of our brave soldiers protected citizens during this historic event. Because of their professionalism, most attacks — and all attacks that were intended to inflict mass casualties on civilians — were averted.
I also congratulate and thank my fellow citizens of the world. The international community, particularly the member countries of NATO, has stood by us over the past two decades. As we recovered from war, we rebuilt and reimagined a new Afghanistan — a new Afghanistan based on Islamic values, Afghan traditions and hope for a permanent escape from our bloody past. Members of the international community has invested heavily and dearly in our vision for an Afghan democracy, even with the lives of their own countrymen and women, from the time when it was only an idea, to today, when we can witness that those investments have been turned into policies, actions, institutions, principles and people. We, the young Afghan leaders of today, have embraced democratic values and principles, the same principles on which the United Nations itself was founded.
I congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- fourth session, and we support the broad range of goals you are pursuing in the agenda of the General Assembly — advancing peace and security, enhancing equal education, eradicating poverty and addressing climate change. We also commend the efforts and leadership of the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces.
Two years ago, His Excellency President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani stood on this platform at the seventy- second session of the General Assembly and spoke of the uncertainty that challenged the global community with questions that we must confront together to find solutions (see A/72/PV.6). Since then, Afghans have created a bit more certainty in our corner of the world. We Afghans have confirmed our commitment to democracy and peace. The ANDSF has proven itself to be a solid and professional institution able to protect our democratic process, and the international community has taken a firm stand in solidarity with the Afghan people and their Government.
But uncertainty still lies with those who stand in the way of peace. To the Taliban and their foreign sponsors, I would transmit this message from the Afghan people: join us in peace, or we will continue to fight. As my colleague Ambassador Adela Raz said at the United Nations last week, this is a fight we can win.
Today, I represent my people not only because it is my duty to do so but because I, like the vast majority — about 60 per cent — of my fellow citizens, have spent three and half decades of our lives in war. My colleagues, Ambassador Adela Raz and Ambassador Roya Rahmani, the latter of whom represents us in Washington, are also part of this generation born and raised in war. We are the new Afghanistan.
Increasingly, Afghanistan is now more than ever a country driven and defined by the expectations of its youth. The opportunities afforded to us through the gains of the past 20 years have allowed us to change hope into something much more powerful: belief. We believe in our ability to bring about the peace that we have hoped for all of our lives. We have already taken many steps, but we have a long way to go on this journey. The next step belongs to us Afghans. No matter the outcome of the presidential elections, one thing is clear — peace is and will remain the Government’s priority, now further strengthened by the mandate given to us by the Afghan people.
The next step in the journey to peace will be taken by Afghans, just as the first step was. In February 2018, President Ashraf Ghani extended an unconditional offer of peace to the Taliban, one that still stands today. In June 2018, the unthinkable happened — a nationwide three-day ceasefire over the Eid holidays. Those days gave Afghans tremendous belief that peace is possible and proved that the Government has the ability to directly negotiate peace with our enemies. In November 2018, President Ghani presented the Government’s road map to peace and announced a negotiating team. As 2019 began, Afghanistan’s journey towards peace continued with nationwide consultations with the Afghan people.
In this context, I would like to give credit to Afghan women, who were the first group of Afghan citizens to unite nationally around the agenda for peace. In February, 15,000 women were consulted from all 34 provinces on what would be acceptable to them in a
peace agreement, and 3,000 of them came together in Kabul to endorse that agenda.
In April, the Afghan Government organized a historic nationwide consultative jirga for peace, which laid out the people’s demands for a peace agreement. Each of these has been a significant step in an ongoing Afghan-led process that is geared toward an inclusive, sustainable and dignified peace for all Afghans.
As we prepare to take the next step in this process, we are committed to the principles of inclusiveness, sustainability and dignity. The Afghan people have demanded a ceasefire to immediately stop the bloodshed. They have also demanded that talks happen among Afghans and that the Islamic Republic be preserved as the foundation of our nation State. We want not to only preserve the gains that we have made but to maintain the foundation that will allow us to further advance those gains.
Throughout the process, we have welcomed and appreciated the assistance from our international partners. This assistance has been aligned with our principles of peacebuilding and supported our Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process. Peace is our common objective, and terrorists are our common enemy. We must not rush the former, at the risk of empowering the latter. I would like to thank our international friends and partners that have supported our peace efforts, including the United States of America, the European Union, Germany, Norway, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia and Uzbekistan, among many others.
Today, Afghans fight on the front lines of global terrorism so that others can maintain peace in their homes and on their land. But peace is not a permanent state of being. Peace requires care and constant reappraisal undertaken by partners who share the same values, even as the fault lines between war and peace across the globe shift. The terrorists that Afghan soldiers are holding at bay today pose a threat to us all.
Terrorism is an idea as much as it is a form of violence. We must continue to work together to extinguish the ideologies behind terrorism, wherever they may exist. The zero-tolerance approach that has been repeatedly called for must no longer be a talking point and instead become an action point. We need more institutional cooperation. We need more decisive action within the region.
A strengthened collective security approach must take into account the wide nexus of transnational criminal activities as a whole, with a view to stemming the flow of terrorist fighters as well as their recruitment and the resources that allow them to remain lethal. Fighting terrorism is the basis of our critical partnership with the United States and our NATO partners — one to which Afghanistan remains firmly committed. I pay tribute to all those members of the military who have lost their lives, and their families, including our brave ANDSF and our partners who have fought shoulder to shoulder with us, including 2,438 soldiers from the United States and all others who have stood by us and paid the ultimate sacrifice. We Afghans will never forget their sacrifices, and we thank them for standing with us.
As the discussions at this General Assembly have shown, terrorism and conflict are only a couple of today’s many threats. The detrimental effects of climate change and the global humanitarian crisis are also priorities — ones that we face on a daily basis in Afghanistan. These challenges will be tackled only by ensuring a new scale and scope of international cooperation. We need to look beyond the prism of individual interests if we are to address these challenges and meet the Sustainable Development Goals. Afghanistan has invested in the fulfilment of these goals, aligning them with our own national development agenda — the Afghanistan sustainable development goals. These goals are embedded within the Afghanistan national peace and development framework and our national priority programmes.
With a predominantly agricultural economy, Afghanistan has felt the enormous adverse effects of climate change. For our people, prolonged drought has been a matter of life and death, driving many from their homes and into severe poverty. Climate change is an issue to which we are still struggling to find long-term solutions, while simultaneously providing immediate humanitarian relief to those affected. Last week’s Climate Action Summit reaffirmed the urgency with which new measures are needed in order to mitigate the effects of this threat. We will continue these important discussions in the upcoming Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which will take place in Chile in December.
I want to conclude with a forward-looking message centred on the promise of the United Nations. Afghanistan’s journey in re-emerging from the rubble and making steady progress is testament to the importance of international and multilateral cooperation. This year, Afghanistan celebrated the centenary of the restoration of its full sovereignty. Over the past two decades, the United Nations has helped us to build our democracy. We now stand confidently on its strong foundation, and we continue to advance toward self-reliance, prosperity and peace. The new Afghanistan continues to transform itself into a centre of cooperation, connectivity and development in our region. Afghan-led initiatives, such as the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan, are already paying economic dividends, opening new frontiers for trade and the movement of goods, people and ideas throughout South and Central Asia. We can now say that Afghan democracy is a success story that belongs not only to Afghans, but to all of us at the United Nations.
Time has witnessed our progress, but time remains a source of agony for us. Afghans agonize over the death of each of our compatriots. We lament each moment of time that takes an Afghan life in its passing. Our mission now is to bring about a peace that can end the suffering of all Afghans. Only when we have peace will each and every Afghan be able to experience the freedoms and opportunities of the democracy we have sacrificed so much to build. And no Afghan will truly be able to live in peace and freedom until the day when every single Afghan lives in peace and freedom. That is the day we live and work for — the day we know we will achieve in solidarity with our international friends and partners. It is the day that we no longer hope for, but that we believe in.


Next year we will celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. This fundamental cornerstone of the international rules-based order, along with other important building blocks, has served us well. We live in a world that has become ever more interconnected, and the most demanding challenges of our times call for even greater unity and global action.
Nevertheless, that architecture is being tried and tested. It remains our responsibility to ensure that the principles, rights and obligations enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, including safeguarding peace and promoting development and human rights, are fulfilled and carried out in good faith. History tells us that those goals are best achieved in open democracies in which fundamental freedoms are respected and individuals and nation-States are allowed to prosper, and most importantly, in which politicians are accountable for their words and deeds, both at home and abroad. We need to safeguard the international rules-based system, with the United Nations at the helm. But we also need to pursue reforms if the system is no longer serving the very ideals on which it was founded or is even rewarding States that violate our principles.
Small and medium-size States, which in fact constitute the vast majority of the States Members of the United Nations, should not shy away from taking on a more active role on the global scene. For its part, Iceland is prepared to shoulder its responsibility and has steadily increased its contributions to United Nations funds and programmes. We have also taken on a more active role within various United Nations and other international and regional bodies. Last year Iceland became a member of the Human Rights Council for the first time. It is a privilege and a responsibility that we take seriously. Upholding human rights and treating one another with respect and fairness are part of the basic DNA for progress, peace and development. During its tenure on the Council, Iceland has actively promoted gender equality, children’s rights and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex individuals. We have also advocated for much-needed reform in the work and composition of the Council, where we continue to see certain Member States elected as full members and passing judgment and casting votes on issues abroad while their own human rights records at home should be on trial. The Human Rights Council is the focal point and driving force for protecting and promoting human rights and ensuring that all States honour the commitments that they have voluntarily signed up to. While it is true that Member States are diverse and face different challenges, regional groups and Member States should make sure that those serving on the Council are truly committed to upholding human rights.
In Iceland, our experience shows that both individuals’ rights and human rights are essential to positive economic and social development. That is particularly true for gender equality, which has enabled our society to prosper and thrive. But this is not a competition. Our goals should be shared, in order to ensure that women everywhere can realize their individual strengths and pave the way for achieving a sustainable development that leaves no one behind. Next year, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action will provide an important opportunity to reflect on our progress and shortcomings and to chart the way forward.
Iceland is committed to pursuing and implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, both at home and through international cooperation. For Icelanders, sustainability is not a new concept. We began using geothermal power to heat our houses more than a century ago. And decades ago we realized that our essential fish stocks would have to be protected and harvested in a sustainable way. Sustainability has been the key to our survival for a long time, and that is not going to change. In July we presented our first voluntary national review. So far, the sustainable development record seems a mixed one, but important achievements have been made in some areas, including gender equality, child mortality and communicable diseases. However, we need greater efforts and more research in order to address non-communicable diseases and neurological disorders, including spinal-cord injuries, which affect as many as a billion people worldwide. Iceland will continue to promote cooperation in research and raise awareness in that important field.
Iceland will also continue to share its insights and expertise in the areas of renewable energy, gender equality, land restoration and fisheries, all of which can act as powerful levers for sustainable development. United Nations training programmes in Iceland have played an important role by exporting know-how in all of those fields, but there are still many untapped opportunities for closer partnerships to be developed in trade, development and business. Such synergies should be promoted, and it remains my firm belief that open, fair and free trade is the single most important driver of economic growth and stability and for breaking the bonds of poverty. We must ensure that all States can reap the benefits of the multilateral trading system, and we must build bridges, not barriers, if we want to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.
Climate change is one of the most important challenges of our times, if not the most important. It affects global security, sustainable development, the health of our environment and ultimately human civilization. That is not a distant abstraction but a stark reality. In the Arctic, including in my country, we are witnessing glaciers melting and vanishing, and our seas and marine life are rapidly changing. And let us keep in mind that these developments in the world’s northernmost region have global repercussions. What happens in the Arctic does not stay in the Arctic.
Iceland is firmly committed to reaching the goals of the Paris Climate Change Agreement by 2030. We have done quite well so far, with almost 100 per cent of our electricity and heating now based on renewables. But we can do even better, and we are therefore aiming to reach full carbon neutrality by 2040. Climate change and the health of our oceans are a key priority in our foreign policy, including in the Arctic Council and the Nordic Council, which Iceland currently chairs. More than 70 per cent of the surface of our planet is covered by water, and yet we tend to think of climate change only in connection with the atmosphere. Our oceans are of crucial importance to any meaningful discussion on climate change and have too often been on the margins instead of at the centre. Climate change is also ocean change.
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the global constitution for our oceans, is the most important tool for ensuring the conservation and sustainable use of our marine environment. It is our firm belief that more effective implementation of the Convention, along with regional management of the conservation and sustainable use of our oceans, is the best way to ensure their long-term health. A new international legally binding instrument on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity beyond areas of national jurisdiction is being negotiated at the United Nations, and could become an important tool for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity on our high seas if it is based on consensus and universal participation.
The fight against climate change should begin at home, but high-income countries should also support lower-income countries in addressing the causes and consequences of climate change. That is an areas for focus in Iceland’s new development cooperation policy, and earlier this week my Government announced that we will double our contribution to the Green Climate Fund. We should also bear in mind that some of the most effective solutions are low-cost, simple and nature-based solutions such as land restoration. And we should work more effectively with the private sector to achieve our common goals. In that connection, the Climate Action Summit earlier this week was an important event. We must now build on the momentum and push for further action. We have no time to spare.
The connection between climate change, human rights, development and security is evident in many conflicts and demands a holistic approach. We support the Secretary-General’s in-house reform agenda and believe it will make the United Nations more fit for purpose. However, the Security Council, and not least its permanent members, must take a more active role in preventing and resolving these crises and live up to its responsibilities, as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We must act and make full use of the tools available to hold to account those responsible for breaking international law, including bringing them before the International Criminal Court.
In Syria there seems no end to the carnage. Attacks on civilians have been occurring on a regular basis, leaving the country in ruins and large parts of its population displaced. With the current surge in fighting in Yemen, there is a real risk that the hard-won gains of the efforts to establish peace and political progress will be ruined, again adding to the already immense suffering of the civil population. The regional power brokers that are fuelling tensions and funding the warring parties must step back in support of a peaceful political process. In that context, the recent drone attacks on Saudi Arabia, which have intensified an already intense situation, are very worrying.
The fighting in Libya also continues and a ceasefire is urgently needed to pave the way for the United Nations-supported political process. The issue of Western Sahara remains unresolved, and developments in Israel and Palestine seem to take us ever further from a two-State solution, the only viable way to achieve peaceful coexistence. In Venezuela, the appalling humanitarian situation, driven deeper and deeper by the Maduro regime, continues to be of great concern, with 4.3 million people fleeing the country and its ongoing crisis. In Myanmar, we must keep our focus on the plight of the Rohingya population. Nor have we forgotten the blatant disregard for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and Georgia. Those and, sadly, other protracted conflicts, amid the growing distrust between major Powers, call for greater commitment, creative thinking and the allocation of more resources, both to the traditional arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation agenda and to emerging technologies, cybersecurity and hybrid threats.
The great generation that built the United Nations after the horrors of the Second World War is gradually leaving us, a generation that witnessed the arms race and the worst tensions of the Cold War and fought for many of our civil liberties. Their legacy will never die. As we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of this great Organization next year, we should remember their achievements, but we should also look ahead and into our hearts and discuss how we can best promote the values and principles of the United Nations. We must never forget that our rules-based international system is based on determination and awareness that derive from one of the greatest tragedies in human history. We must never take it for granted.


Last year, I had the honour to stand before the General Assembly (see A/73/PV.13). At that time, I argued against the then- draft global compact for migration, which was still to be adopted. What has happened since then? Last December, in this very Hall (see A/73/PV.60), the General Assembly endorsed the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (resolution 73/195). Since then, increasing numbers of people have been hitting the road, and new migratory flows are being launched, posing additional security challenges to countries of origin, transit and destination. The most recent developments are frightening. It is therefore no wonder that the issue of migration again rules European and global political agendas.
One would expect the United Nations and other international organizations to promote and protect international law, to help those who respect and comply with international law and to take a stand against those who violate it. That is our expectation, especially when it comes to fundamental rights. We can and should raise the question: is migration a fundamental human right? The answer is: no, it is not. But what does the United Nations do? The United Nations promotes migration, which we consider truly disappointing.
Going forward, we could raise another question: If migration is not among the fundamental human rights, then what is? The answer is the following: Everyone in the world has the right to live in peaceful, safe and secure circumstances in his or her home. Does the Global Compact for Migration say anything about these people? Does it protect their rights? The answer is, unfortunately, no — a resounding no. Therefore, instead of protecting the actual fundamental human rights of people, the Global Compact for Migration promotes migration, which is not a fundamental human right but a dangerous phenomenon that increases security risks worldwide. We find that to be unacceptable.
Last year, there was an attempt here in the United Nations to celebrate the Global Compact for Migration as the best document ever concluded in the history of the United Nations. But this attempt failed. The United States, Israel, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland voted against the Compact, with Brazil later joining those States. These six votes against prevented the adoption by unanimity of resolution 73/195, and we made it clear then that the Global Compact was the most dangerous document ever created in the United Nations. The past year has, unfortunately, proved us right.
During the debate, some tricks were played. There were false explanations and references given, statements that it would not be a legally binding document although the words “commit” and “commitment” appear in the text 80 times. Over the past year, many attempts have been made here to push the Global Compact for Migration through, part by part, chapter by chapter. Many documents on our agenda contain references to the Compact, sometimes in a surreptitious way, sometimes in an open way. Is this how the Compact is supposed to be made part of international law? I must tell the Assembly that we reject such attempts and urge all United Nations institutions to stop such attempts: stop referring to the Compact in United Nations documents and stop pushing the Compact through in a surreptitious way. I also want to make it clear that we will in future reject all United Nations declarations, documents and resolutions containing any reference to the Global Compact for Migration in whole or in part.
Let us consider what has happened in Europe in recent years. Due to the irresponsible and harmful migration policy of Brussels, more than 1 million illegal migrants entered the territory of Europe. Many people died in the Mediterranean. Perilous societies have arisen in Western Europe, where a noisy minority continuously and increasingly puts pressure on the silent majority. Terrorist threats have increased. The more than 30 significant terrorist attacks that have been committed in Europe by persons with a migratory background in recent years are the result of the hypocritical, ideologically motivated policy promulgated by Brussels. This policy puts pressures countries to get rid of national identity and cultural, religious and historic heritage in order to weaken member States and finally create a united States of Europe. But this is something that we reject.
We want the European Union to be strong again, but this can happen only when its member States themselves are strong. We are proud that Hungary is a strong country again. We are proud that we have been able to preserve Hungary as a Hungarian country. We are proud of our history. We are proud to be a 1,019-year- old State, among the oldest in Europe. We are proud to be a nation with a strong Christian heritage. We are proud of Christianity’s role in creating and maintaining our statehood. And we are proud to be true patriots, for whom Hungary comes first and for whom the national interest serves as a compass.
We base our foreign policy strategy on a principle called mutual respect. We respect our partners and their history, heritage and the decisions of their citizens. And we expect the same from our partners: that they respect our sovereignty and our specificities, which are based on our very rich history. And we expect our partners to respect the right of Hungarians to take decisions about their own country and its future.
Hungarians have made very clear decisions, on multiple occasions: that we do not want to receive illegal migrants, that we reject all external pressure in this regard, and that we preserve our right to make our own decisions as to whom to allow to enter the territory of our country and whom we do not allow. It is our sole prerogative to decide with whom we would and would not like to live in our country. As this is the express will of the Hungarian people, it is therefore our national interest. For us, fulfilling our national interest is our number one duty.
Unfortunately, based on recent developments in the European Union — opening ports to illegal migrants and debating yet again obligatory quotas for the resettlement of migrants — we must strengthen our efforts to protect our people and security. If we look at the migration situation in South-Eastern Europe today, it is comparable to that of 2015. Many countries, international organizations and, of course, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) inspire people in need to go to Europe. These people get the inspiration to pay thousands of dollars to smugglers. These people get the inspiration to board derelict vessels. And they get the inspiration to expect NGOs to come and take them illegally to Europe.
Now, another question can be raised, I suppose, and with very good reason: who benefits from this? The answer is obvious: smugglers and organized criminal groups definitely benefit from all of this because they earn millions; and terrorist organizations benefit, too, because massive uncontrolled flows of migrants give terrorist organizations the chance to send their fighters all over the world.
The second part of this question is, who loses under such policies? Without a doubt, countries of origin lose, because if people are going far away from countries of origin, they will never return. The question then becomes, who will reconstruct and rebuild those countries? Transit also countries lose. If we look at the Western Balkans, we see migrants occupying public areas. They behave aggressively. In some schools, teachers were not able to begin teaching their classes in September. This is very similar to what we experienced first-hand in Hungary back in 2015, when 400,000 illegal migrants marched through the heart of the country, behaving in a very aggressive way, attacking our police, occupying public areas and blocking traffic on railway lines and highways. The countries of destination lose as well. And the people themselves lose because they put their lives at risk. If we look once again at how many people have died in the Mediterranean because of this very irresponsible policy being interpreted as an invitation.
Everybody therefore loses. Everybody takes serious risks — except for the smugglers and terrorists organizations. I believe the United Nations should not do this. The United Nations should not encourage migratory waves; rather it should play a leading role in resolving conflicts, in helping countries to develop, in helping African countries to build capacity, because Africa can be the continent of the future, but only if we build capacities to keep people at home under appropriate circumstances. The United Nations should help those who have fled to return home as soon as possible. We should carry out reconstruction projects. We should guarantee the physical and legal security of those who had to flee and would like to return to their homes. We should help countries to protect themselves from negative shocks and security risks.
The United Nations should also help countries to ensure the security and safety of their own citizens. That is exactly what Hungary has been doing. We respect our obligations as a State to protect our citizens and guarantee them a safe and secure life, which is why we strictly and steadfastly protect our borders, allowing no illegal trespassing. The only way to come to Europe should be the legal way. The only way to come to Hungary is the legal way. We reject the approach that we should allow people to violate our borders. Why should we let people violate our borders? What humanitarian or legal reason would impel us to allow anybody to violate a border between two safe and peaceful countries?
Indeed, border protection is a national security issue, and the United Nations should not act against the national security interests of any Member State. Unfortunately, the United Nations promotes the idea of allowing people to violate borders between peaceful countries. We expect the United Nations to consider the violation of a border as a serious criminal offence that should be prevented and punished instead of promoted and encouraged. We expect the United Nations to stop portraying NGOs as legitimate representatives of nations because they are not. Elected politicians represent their nations; Governments, not NGOs, are authorized by their peoples to act. I myself have never seen any NGO run in an election. In fact, it is to Governments and elected officials that people entrust authority. That is why Governments and elected politicians have the right to speak on behalf of nations and on behalf of peoples.
We read the Global Compact for Migration to provide that all countries must in future become either a country of origin, a country of transit or a country of destination. We reject this notion. We believe there is a fourth category: there are countries, such as Hungary, that do not wish to be a country of origin, transit or destination. And we have the right to so decide.
We urge the United Nations to stop portraying migration as the best development ever for humankind. We do not look at migration as the best instrument for addressing demographic and labour-market challenges. Let us leave it up to Member States to make sovereign decisions in this domain.
We in Hungary support our families and continuously modernize education instead of encouraging migration. And this approach works. The proof is that we are now number one in the European Union in terms of gross domestic product growth and we have reached full employment. We must also dispel another suggestion going around here, stating that multicultural societies are by definition better than homogeneous societies. We Hungarians do not feel less valuable just because we are not a multicultural society. We should leave it up to sovereign nations to decide how they want to live their lives.
Let us provide help where it is needed and avoid causing problems where there are none. This is our principle. We must help people stay in their home countries with human dignity and help those having fled to return to their homes as soon as possible because this is what international law prescribes.
We Hungarians have spent $40 million to help Christian communities in the Middle East — in Iraq, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. We have rebuilt thousands of demolished houses and dozens of razed churches. We are covering the medical costs in the largest Christian hospitals in Syria. We have been rebuilding schools. Through these efforts, we have helped more than 50,000 people to be able to remain in their home country or to return as soon as possible. Through this programme of helping Christian communities, we wish to draw the attention of the international community to the fact that Christianity is the most persecuted religion the world over.
In order to help those countries currently unable to retain their populations, this year, we have increased our financial support to the least developed countries sevenfold, to $29 million, and, this year, we have increased our financial support to Africa fivefold, to $25 million dollars. I believe it is crucial for young people to be involved in these efforts. Capacity-building is of the utmost importance, which is why we are providing 4,870 scholarships to students from least developed countries in Asia, Africa and South America to gain the competitive knowledge and skills that contribute to strengthening their own countries when they return home. We do this because our top priority must be to help all people to enjoy a safe and secure life in their home countries. This is what international law requires and what responsible behaviour dictates.