71.	Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of Finland, I have the honour to extend to you our warmest congratulations and best wishes for success in your high office. Cordial relations between our two countries make our sentiments towards you, Sir, exceptionally warm.
72.	I also have the pleasure of extending a welcome to Solomon Islands, as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. The admission of Solomon Islands marks a further step towards the goal of universality to which the United Nations is committed through its Charter.
73.	The United Nations has continued to be ever more involved in a number of important developments during the past year. Many of those developments reflect the key political, economic and social issues of our times. The tasks and challenges that the United Nations is expected to deal with increase continuously. That puts a great strain on its resources. We should see to it that the United Nations is adequately equipped to discharge its duties. The unique position and possibilities of the World Organization are markedly manifest in its role as a major peace-making and peace-keeping force. Success in those endeavours strengthens the profile of the United Nations as a centre for harmonizing the action of nations for the maintenance of international peace and security, as provided for in the Charter.
74.	In the assessment of my Government, the political situation in Europe has remained balanced and stable. The first review session in Belgrade of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which concluded its work last March, gave emphasis to the significance of that Conference as a continuous process in promoting detente in Europe. It is true that many Governments had higher expectations with regard to the results of the Belgrade session than were ultimately achieved in the concluding document.  So had my Government. More important, however: the participating Governments renewed their commitment to implement fully all the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act.  The process will continue; other meetings will follow. The Belgrade session was—and should be seen as—a step forward, not an end in itself.
75.	Disarmament is an imperative for detente. That is true in Europe as well as in the whole world. Although the atmosphere of lessening tensions and increasing cooperation in Europe is yet to be translated into tangible results in the military field, the talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe continue. Recently some promising signs have emerged from those talks. My Government hopes that they will lead to an early agreement. On the global level, the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, made a positive contribution. My Government was pleased that the Final Document of the special session [resolution S-10/2] was adopted by consensus. That consensus highlighted one of the central purposes of the United Nations: the search for security through disarmament.
76.	The Final Document of the special session deals with the entire range of disarmament issues in both procedural and substantive terms. With regard to many issues, my Government would have preferred to sec the Final Document spell out more explicit provisions and obligations. That is particularly true of the issue of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the question of nuclear- weapon-tree zones, as well as other means of strengthening the security of States that do not possess nuclear weapons.
77.	In that context, the Finnish Government has taken note with particular interest of the recent proposal by the Soviet Government concerning the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States /A/33J241). As we have emphasized on several occasions, we would find it just and reasonable that those States which have committed themselves to a nuclear-weapon-free status should also receive assurances that nuclear weapons would not be used against their territories in any circumstances. We are encouraged by the declarations made on this subject by the various nuclear-weapon States and we hope that the Soviet initiative will lead to arrangements for the provision of security guarantees by all nuclear-weapon Powers.
7S, My Government hopes that the consensus reached at the tenth special session will be reflected in the forthcoming consideration of the disarmament items on the agenda of this session.
79.	The most tangible outcome of the special session was the decision on disarmament machinery. My Government has consistently held the view that a relatively independent negotiating body with a central position and of limited size is the crucial dement in the multilateral disarmament machinery. We are convinced that the new Committee on Disarmament will be able to discharge its duties effectively.
80.	We hope for early results from the negotiations for an agreement at the second series of the Strategic Arms limitation Talks and a comprehensive test-ban treaty, as indeed is called for in the Final Document of the special session. An agreement and a comprehensive test-ban would, more than any thing else, have a positive impact on disarmament and oil relations between the Powers concerned. Thus they would, we believe, strengthen detente to the benefit of all.
81.	Over the past few years, developments in military technology have increased the importance of the regional approach to arms control and disarmament. Most alarmingly, nuclear-weapons technology has been developed with notions of limited nuclear-war in mind. Stressing the gravity of those trends, the President of Finland recently developed further the idea he had first put forward in 1963 concerning the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in northern Europe. He proposed a Nordic arms control arrangement which would aim at isolating the Nordic countries as completely as possible from the effects of nuclear strategy in general and new nuclear-weapons technology in particular.
82.	in Africa, the need for political change is more pressing than it is anywhere else. The repression of the vast majority of the population in southern Africa by the white minorities continues to challenge the credibility of the United Nations. The United Nations and its Members are committed to the eradication of the policy of apartheid and to the search for peaceful, just solutions. Apartheid inevitably leads to violence. It is ultimately a self-defeating policy, because it will be resisted as long as it is practised.
83.	The Nordic Foreign Ministers have agreed on an action programme of certain economic and other measures against South Africa. At their recent meeting in Stockholm they stressed that international pressure on South Africa must be increased and they decided to consider further Nordic proposals to that effect. The most effective parts of such an action programme would, of course, be binding measures taken by the Security Council.
84.	For the last 15 months the international community has mounted an intensive diplomatic effort designed to bring Namibia to independence by peaceful means. My Government, as well as the Governments of tire other Nordic countries, has throughout given its support to those efforts. It has also declared itself prepared to assist the United Nations in the implementation of the plan within the framework of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which emerged from the talks.
85.	It would be tragic indeed if the Government of South Africa at this last moment closed the avenues to a peaceful settlement. It would then remain for the international community to use every means at its disposal to see to it that Namibia became independent within the terms laid down by the United Nations. Dare we still hope that the South African Government will after all be able to see what is in its own interest?
86.	In Zimbabwe, the goal of independence under genuine majority rule has not been attained. The search for justice and peace must continue. A solution that excludes any party concerned would fall short of this goal. Meanwhile, all States Members of the United Nations must strictly implement tire sanctions against the Salisbury regime as adopted by the Security Council.
87.	In some other parts of Africa, the international community has witnessed events that have led to violence and bloodshed, despite laudable efforts by the OAU to bring about peaceful settlements.
88.	With regard to the situation in the Middle East, I should like to reiterate that Finland supports a peaceful and comprehensive solution, based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), a solution which furthermore must make provision for the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to national self-determination. In our opinion, many avenues may lead to peace, and in this spirit we have noted with interest the results of the recent summit meetings of the leaders of Egypt, Israel and the United States at Camp David. A final evaluation of these results will, of course, depend on their contribution towards a comprehensive solution acceptable to all parties.
89.	The crisis situations in the Middle East and southern Africa, as well as in many other problem areas, are not only problems of nations and States and of their security and their sovereignty; in the final analysis they are all problems of the rights of human beings. These are special cases, but they suffice to show that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as expressed in the Charter and in other basic instruments, is indeed at the core of international relations today. By solving international problems we can stop the most flagrant violations of human rights.
90.	In a broader perspective, concern about and respect for human rights-civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural-must be taken into account whenever programmes and guidelines for future action are adopted within the United Nations system. At the same time, the standard-setting work and other obligations of the United Nations, as well as the effective implementation of international instruments, must be backed up by an efficient international human rights machinery. It would be a fitting tribute to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, on the occasion of its thirtieth anniversary in December this year, if the General Assembly could make progress in the matter of restructuring the human rights machinery of the United Nations.
91.	When I spoke from this rostrum a year ago,  one phase of the North-South dialogue, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, had just ended. Today the international economic situation is very similar. Over the past year the international community has not been very successful in finding ways and means to cope with the most burning economic and social problems. It has thus failed to make significant progress towards the New International Economic Order.
92.	Yet past experience has served to create a broad international consensus about the goals for the future. The central importance of economic co-operation for the whole fabric of international relations is now widely acknowledged. The creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole, was considered a recognition of the need to bring together all elements of international economic co-operation for comprehensive consideration. The early experience of that Committee should be a reason for a serious examination of the decision-making capacity of the international community.
93.	In a longer term perspective, there has been no lack of attempts to resolve problems of economic co-operation. High-level meetings of various groups of nations have been held frequently. One conclusion emerging from this process is that the responsibility for the management of the global economy is shared by each nation. The degree of interdependence between economic policies of nations is such that no lasting solution can be found without giving due attention to the policy objectives of all countries and without taking the interrelationships of these objectives fully into account. The fact that the Committee has not been successful so far should not detract from the validity of this basic conclusion.
94.	The economic and social situation of the world today contains clear and strong warning signals for us all. The severe recession in the world economy, the growing gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots", the seeming inability of international institutions to cope with the fundamental problems at hand, are reasons for alarm. The United Nations has already laid the foundation of the New International Economic Order in its decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly [resolutions 3201 (S-VI), 3202 (S-VI) and 3362 (S-VII)]. Recognition of our common fate on this planet should now guide us in our work to build on that foundation.
95.	There are a number of developments which, in the view of my Government, could serve as a basis for our attempts to put an end to the uncertainty which has prevailed in the past years in international economic and social relations.
96.	First, some of the disturbing developments of the last years—such as unsatisfactory growth rates, high rates of inflation and unemployment—have plagued almost all countries. This is likely to promote a broader consensus on the policy objectives and a unity of purpose in finding remedies for the present situation.
97.	Secondly, interdependence has now been generally recognized as the basis of international economic and social relations. This has proved the inadequacy of the old structures and justified the call for the New International Economic Order.
98.	Thirdly, it is important that the will of the international community to continue negotiations, despite temporary setbacks, has prevailed. This will is based on a full recognition of the need for continued effective and systematic consultations at every level and on a need to review the North-South process in a comprehensive manner.
99.	This session of the General Assembly must also set its sights on the fifth session of UNCTAD, which should be seen as an event of major importance to international economic relations. The fifth session, to be held in May 1979, will take place at a time when the North-South dialogue will have reached a stage of concrete negotiations on major issues. UNCTAD has spearheaded this dialogue with its own series of negotiations in many crucial areas of international economic co-operation. The session will also take place on the threshold of the new third development decade. When it meets in Manila in 1979, UNCTAD at its fifth session must thus not only respond to developments in the current negotiations, but must also set the course for years to come.
100.	I should like to refer to one problem area in the process of reshaping the world economy which in the long run will require more attention than it sometimes receives today; the protection of the environment. We must remember that future generations will have to cope with the consequences of our action or inaction today. Full recognition of global interdependence implies that the New International Economic Order will also have to be ecologically sound and based on a proper assessment of global and regional ecological factors; otherwise it will not be durable. The importance of these factors in the long term in many cases implies a reordering of priorities, as well as added emphasis on the distribution of world resources.
101.	In this respect, it is the particular duty of the industrialized countries, which continue to make the greatest impact on the human environment, to adopt such policies of change as will meet the requirements of both global strategies for development and concern for the environment. Finland is ready to go further in this direction in collaboration with other States.
102.	I have spoken about interdependence with reference to relations between nations in solving the problems of the world economy. We must also remind ourselves, however, that there is clear interdependence among the great political, economic and social problems of our time. Decisive progress in development towards the New International Economic Order will require that resources be freed from the arms race and that the energy and ingenuity of mankind can be diverted from political disputes to constructive work. The links between international detente, disarmament and development are increasingly evident.


33.	Latin America rejoices. It is its turn to have the presidency of the General Assembly and you, Sir, a Colombian personality of singular merit, were unanimously elected. Jurist, economist, statesman and historian, you have come to preside over this august Assembly after a long and brilliant political and diplomatic career. Among the eminent positions you have held are those of Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia and President of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States [OAS/, on which posts you set the seal of your wisdom, experience and well-proven diplomatic tact. The Government of El Salvador is also pleased to congratulate sincerely the illustrious Government of Colombia and its people, brothers of our own people, in the certainty that the eminent former Colombian Foreign Minister will bring honour to the high office to which he has been elected.
34.	On behalf of my Government I should like also to pay a tribute of admiration and appreciation to Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the General Assembly at its last regular session and at the- three special sessions on extremely delicate and important matters held during his term of office.
35.	I should also like to express to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the constant gratitude and appreciation of the Government of El Salvador because of his singular dedication to the cause of peace and his great efforts and appropriate initiatives for the solution of the major problems facing the United Nations in these times of confusion and uncertainty.
36.	With the admission of Solomon Islands at the beginning of the present session this Organization, which during its early years had barely 51 Member States, now has an impressive membership of 150 countries. That confirms once again the principle .of universality on which it is founded.
37.	As is true of the general debate every year, this general debate has been lengthy and certainly tiring. But it could hardly be otherwise.
38.	Following the tradition established so many years ago, the delegation of El Salvador wishes to state as briefly as possible its Government's position on the major general problems within the competence of this world Organization and on some of the specific questions that are on this year's agenda for the Assembly, on the solution of which depends the well-being of mankind in the years to come.
39.	Among the general items are two that are in a way interdependent and, undoubtedly, vital: disarmament and development. They are interdependent because the enormous investments in the production, improvement and acquisition of the means of mass destruction through an inevitable reaction prevent the co-operation that is indispensable for development, so that at present the latter is not being attended to as it should be. They are vital because, while the effort to acquire arms can lead to death and destruction, on the other hand the integral development of peoples in an atmosphere of peace can only lead to survival and well-being.
40.	For the first	time the States Members of the United Nations have wet at a special session of the General Assembly exclusively to consider the difficult and complicated questions related to the item on disarmament. We then observed the growing concern and disquiet of peoples and Governments at the increasingly alarming arms race, in particular that of the nuclear Powers and others which also have considerable military forces. That observation made evident the need to put an end to this unbridled race, to eliminate nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and reduce to a minimum the possibilities of new wars through an adequate reduction of conventional weapons.
41.	As was stated quite clearly by the delegation of El Salvador at that tenth special session,  the Government of El Salvador considers that, given the present world situation, general and complete disarmament is necessary and urgent and that it should be simultaneous and effectively continued in the field of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, including chemical and bacteriological weapons. We consider that, as regards conventional armaments, disarmament should also be general, simultaneous and duly controlled, but it cannot be thought or admitted that it should be complete, because that is not necessary, desirable or feasible. As regards conventional or other current weapons, disarmament should be carried out progressively and under proper international control to a point that is in each case compatible with the needs of the State, duly taking into account external and internal security—that is, the needs of its own defence as an independent and sovereign entity and its obligation to maintain public order and to protect its institutions and inhabitants.
42.	The wave of international terrorism, which goes unchecked throughout the world in our times, makes it absolutely necessary for authorities to have available the means essential to confront and fight that terrible and repugnant scourge of mankind. As a means of struggle or for any other purpose terrorism must always be condemned because it indiscriminately places in jeopardy the lives and property of innocent victims. It must be condemned even in the struggles legitimately undertaken in some parts of the world by peoples subjected to the colonial yoke or to other forms of oppression. My country will support every initiative and every effort of the United Nations made with a view to punishing and in due course eliminating terrorism in its diverse manifestations.
43.	While the results of the special session devoted to disarmament were neither substantial nor spectacular—and, naturally, that was not to be expected-it is just to recognize as a positive step forward the approval by consensus of a Declaration and a Programme of Action [resolution S-10/2, sects. II and III], and, above all, the establishment of a Disarmament Commission as a deliberative body reporting to the General Assembly and the revitalization of the negotiating body, the Committee on Disarmament, by the participation of States that had previously remained aloof from it, thus overcoming one of the most notorious shortcomings of the previous system
44.	It is the hope of the Government of my country that in the new stage of United Nations efforts towards disarmament positive and concrete results will be achieved, such as the conclusion of one or more agreements on the prohibition of nuclear tests and the elimination of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction.
45.	The present international situation requires continued efforts to consolidate detente, which has been affected by new confrontations and the emergence of new hotbeds of tension. That being so, United Nations activity should be increased to seek solutions by way of negotiation and mutual understanding. My Government wishes once again to reaffirm its desire for peace, its respect for the purposes and principles enshrined in the San Francisco Charter, and its full support for United Nations efforts to maintain and strengthen peace.
46.	It is a sad fact that we live in a world in which the various forms of aggression have found new means of expression and hegemonistic claims seem not to have been discarded. The maintenance of peace largely depends upon the ability of human beings to learn to live together rather than merely to coexist, respecting the ideas and rights of others and avoiding delicate situations that might create friction and lead to conflict. Detente is creating an atmosphere appropriate for that kind of conduct, and we must never cease in our endeavour to maintain it, because the survival of mankind ultimately depends upon its decision to live in peace.
47.	In the meantime, if the larger Powers and even the medium-sized and small countries, convinced of the advantages of not continuing to invest vast amounts of money in arms, would cease doing so, then obviously we could attain the ideal talked of so much at the Assembly's session on disarmament, namely by devoting a considerable part of the resources thus saved to promoting the development of each State and, in particular, to helping effectively in the accelerated and integral development of the countries that most need it.
48.	Speaking of development and co-operation for development from the industrialized countries, we are bound to refer to the need to pursue the North-South dialogue without interruption. We regret the suspension of the work of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, and we trust that, since it is aware of the importance of that body and the need to maintain and strengthen it, the General Assembly will not only confirm its mandate but give clear and definite guidelines for effective action by it.
49.	As the Secretary-General rightly affirms in his annual report on the work of the Organization for the past year:
"Most developing countries continue to suffer from the adverse effects of fluctuations in commodity prices, aggravated by uncertainty resulting from continuing exchange rate instability. The failure of developed countries to achieve sustained economic recovery has resulted in reduced demand for many raw materials exports of developing countries while the inadequate level of financial transfers and the continuing inflation in prices of the manufactured exports from developed countries have put intense pressure on the balance-of-payments position of a large number of developing countries....
"... These problems [and others] call for more basic changes of a structural and institutional character. Such changes will need to be considered, negotiated and promoted on the basis of the essential objectives of a new international economic order." [See A/33/1, sect. IX].
50.	It is increasingly necessary for harmony and understanding between the developed and developing countries to arrive at co-operation agreements that will lessen the enormous economic disadvantages from which the third- world countries suffer, which contribute to maintaining an atmosphere of discontent and tension not propitious for United Nations efforts and which are in no way in accord with the purposes and principles laid down in its constitutional Charter.
51.	Interdependence is an obvious characteristic of international relations in our contemporary world. International, interregional and national co-operation is absolutely essential. Well-being should not and cannot be confined within closed circles, but must be extended to all, everywhere. We know well that without well-being there will be no peace. "Well-being for all" is the motto of the present Government of El Salvador.
52.	It is of course imperative to undertake and intensify economic and social development efforts within the resources and possibilities of each nation, but goodwill and effective co-operation on the part of the developed countries are indispensable. Obviously more action is expected from countries which are able to co-operate. The present state of affairs is not only a problem in itself in the economic sphere, but also a barrier to the improvement of international political relations.
53.	Clearly, we also need reciprocal co-operation among developing countries. In this context, my Government recalls with pleasure the holding of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires last August and September, the results of which were most positive.
54.	Closely linked with development and North-South relations are some aspects of the law of the sea, which is now being codified. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea dosed its seventh session a few weeks ago in this Assembly hall without having achieved the purpose of revising the informal composite negotiating text;  far less could it formalize the draft convention, the signature of which is scheduled to take place in Caracas. That work was postponed to later negotiating stages.
55.	But that should cause no discouragement. This is an effort of far-reaching consequences, namely, to sign and
implement a treaty of universal scope that will cover the many aspects of the regime of the seas, an instrument that will have very important consequences legally, economically and politically and at all levels: national, regional and international.
56.	It is therefore not surprising that the negotiating process regarding the law of the sea is so lengthy, laborious and difficult. It has been going on for more than 10 years if we take into account the work that preceded the New York meeting of 1973, and no doubt one or two more years will be required before it can be completed.
57.	Substantial advances have been made on very important points, but there has been a deadlock on some critical issues. In Geneva and New York considerable efforts were made to find formulas on those issues that would be acceptable by consensus.
58.	Nevertheless, without having reached a consensus, progress has been made on some issues, among them the settlement of disputes on the exercise of rights and discharge of duties by the coastal State in the exclusive economic zone, in respect of which my country is happy that it was able to suggest the mandatory conciliation formula,  which is the method being used to arrive at a consensus.
59.	The positions of some countries on fundamental matters remain rigid and inflexible, in particular regarding the exploration and exploitation of the mineral resources in the international zone of the sea-bed. In this connexion, I must mention the firm opposition of my country to unilateral legislative measures which would regulate exploitation of the sea-bed before the Conference concludes its work, thus disregarding the resolution of this Assembly which established a moratorium on such activities [resolution 2574 D (XXIV)] and declared that the resources contained in that zone constitute the common heritage of mankind [see resolution 2749 (XXV), para. 1J. It is obvious that these unilateral measures run counter to the purposes of the Conference. If it is desired that the Conference be successful such measures should be avoided.
60.	We trust that in its next stages the Conference will be able to surmount the obstacles that remain and will arrive at a convention on the law of the sea. The failure of that effort would not only seriously affect the prestige of the United Nations but would also leave a deplorable situation of disarray and disorder in a matter of such substance and importance to the consolidation of a regime of harmony and co-operation in the world.
61.	We shall be celebrating shortly the thirtieth anniversary of the proclamation by the United Nations in Paris of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This world Organization and regional organizations claim to strive for the promotion and protection of fundamental freedoms as a principle essential to the dignity of men and women.
62.	Recently, in the general debate at the eighth regular session of the General Assembly of the OAS, I expressed some views that I believe it appropriate to repeat at this time. Respect for human rights, which El Salvador reaffirms as a rule and as practical inspiration for our national development, is something to be achieved from day to day, in the struggle against poverty and ignorance, against violence and dogmatism. The achievement of that respect, being arduous and gradual, shapes our destiny as a free nation where all can think, act and feel with no limitation other than that imposed by respect for the rights and well-being of their fellow citizens. Therefore we must all realize the meaning of this struggle for hum in rights. This realization will develop in us a spirit of solidarity which will remove us from vain paternalistic attitudes and the fruitless desire simply to point an accusing finger. As I pointed out in my speech, a person must be protected both from illegal actions by public authorities and from the equally illegal actions of those groups which for political or simply criminal purposes violate without compassion the very legal principles which, together with the system of protection and human rights, are supposed to be safeguarded. Such are the actions of terrorism, which, according to recent evidence, has international implications. International action by States- is thus required to counteract the wave of terrorism. These are two aspects of the same problem, two lines converging upon one objective: the preservation of the dignity of the human person. That is the philosophy that inspires and sustains the firm position of my Government regarding observance of and respect for human rights.
63.	El Salvador sympathizes with the efforts of those populations which are arduously struggling to break the chains that still exist, the heritage of former colonial regimes, despite the praiseworthy and constant efforts made by the Organization throughout its existence. We condemn all forms of discrimination and we hope that in the not-far-distant future all men and all peoples will enjoy complete freedom in a world of harmony and mutual respect.
64.	In a generous Central-American spirit, supporting any constructive suggestions for promotion of peace throughout the world, I wish particularly to record that the Government of my country with the utmost fellow feeling concurs in the statement made in this world forum by the President of Costa Rica, Mr. Rodrigo Carazo Odiof, in which he formulated his proposal for the creation of a university for peace, offering his country as its home. My Government warmly supports that initiative.
65.	To proceed now to some of the more specific problems with which the United Nations is dealing, I should like to refer first to some related to Latin America, of which my country forms part.
66.	First I should like to refer to the question of the territory of Belize. Whether this is or is not a colonial question as such, the truth is that a long-standing dispute exists regarding that territory between the Republic of Guatemala and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. My delegation listened with genuine interest to the statement on the problem made some days ago by the Foreign Minister of Guatemala [19th meeting], and we have noted with genuine pleasure his categorical statement that the Government of Guatemala is prepared to continue negotiations to find an equitable, honourable, peaceful and negotiated solution that would not. undermine the rights of Guatemala and would take into account the vital interest of the population of Belize.,
67.	A similar dispute exists between the Republic of Argentina and the United Kingdom regarding the Malvinas Islands, which are also occupied by that European country. We are pleased to note the statement by the Foreign Minister of Argentina filth meeting] to the effect that his Government and the United Kingdom Government have started negotiations which make it possible to envisage some areas of agreement.
68.	Because of the close ties we have with those two countries in our hemisphere and also in particular with the neighbouring sister Republic of Guatemala, we wish to express the most sincere hope that there will be a satisfactory negotiated settlement of both questions.
69.	I do not believe it is pertinent to speak of the situation in Nicaragua here, since this matter is being studied by one of the political organs of the OAS-the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs-whose decisions are communicated to the Security Council of the United Nations under a provision of the Charter of this Organization.
70.	For like reasons I might have refrained from speaking about differences between my country and the Republic of Honduras, but, since the Foreign Minister of Honduras, Colonel Roberto Palma Galvez, in his speech on 3 October [19th meeting] referred to the present status of the negotiations for the ending of our differences, I in turn wish to state here that the peaceful process of negotiation has already brought us some important agreements and that the Government of El Salvador, prompted by a genuinely conciliatory and peaceful spirit, hopes and trusts that we shall soon come to an understanding, because of the goodwill of the two parties and the wise counsel of the eminent Peruvian lawyer and statesman, Jose Luis Bustamente y Rivero, former President of his country and former President of the International Court of Justice, to whom we have entrusted the mission of mediator and who is nobly assisting us with the wealth of his knowledge and experience and who encourages us with the prestige of his illustrious personality.
71.	Speaking of recent positive actions in the sphere of inter-American politics, I wish to express the satisfaction of the people and Government of El Salvador at the success achieved regarding the status of the Panama Canal and the resumption of relations between Panama and Guatemala.
72.	This is a propitious tune for me to congratulate the Governments of Panama and the United States on the signing and ratification of the two new treaties on the Panama Canal. The ceremony held on 6 September 1977 in the Chamber of the Americas of the OAS in Washington, which was attended by, among others, the President of my country, will go down in history as a happy event in which two friendly peoples honourably resolved their differences, thus eliminating a source of ill-feeling and tension in this continent.
73.	As is well known, for reasons which it would be inappropriate to mention here, diplomatic relations between the Governments of two Latin-American countries, traditionally linked by ties of friendship, history, geography and language, were broken off for little more than a year. I am referring to Guatemala and Panama. The Government of El Salvador, equally linked to those two countries on the Central-American isthmus, had hoped that in a short time an understanding between the two Governments would be reached. That is why the President of El Salvador, General Carlos Humberto Romero, decided to invite the representatives of both Governments to a meeting so as to put an end to the existing differences. The invitation was accepted, and the Foreign Ministers of Guatemala and Panama, Mr. Rafael Castillo-Valdes and Mr Nicolds Gonzalez Revilla, respectively, met in the Foreign Office building of El Salvador on 28 August last and agreed to resume diplomatic and consular relations between the two countries. This decision was immediately made known to the public by a joint declaration which was designated by both Foreign Ministers as the Declaration of San Salvador.
74.	Despite the efforts made over many years, the Middle East situation continues to be the main threat to world peace. We recognize the importance of the negotiations among some of the parties concerned, but we believe that, until all the parties concerned can be brought together at a negotiating table, the desired solutions on the various and complex aspects of the problem will not be reached. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East will have to emerge from a negotiated solution that takes into account the rights and interests of all parties, including those of the Palestinian people and those of Israel as a sovereign State, the general recognition of which should not be postponed any longer.
75.	Fortunately the Camp David meetings between President El-Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Begin of Israel, held on the initiative of President Carter of the United States of America and with his active participation, concluded with the signing of agreements that open the way to a prompt and final solution of the over-all problem, if not only Egypt and Israel but also the other parties whose interests are at stake reach agreement.
76.	The Middle East crisis has again been aggravated by events in Lebanon, a country which has borne and continues to bear incredible suffering and which legitimately strives to preserve its sovereignty and territorial integrity. This Organization is called upon to contribute to the attainment of that purpose, and accordingly the Security Council established UNIFIL whose mandate has been extended for four months bearing in mind the deadlines set at Camp David.
77.	The recent special session devoted to the question of Namibia concluded successfully with the approval of a Programme of Action and a Declaration  affirming the direct responsibility of the United Nations for that Territory and setting specific conditions and measures for its independence and for the maintenance of its territorial integrity.
78.	I wish to emphasize the merits of the proposal of the five Western members of the Security Council-Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States-for the solution of the Namibian problem.
79.	We felt optimistic on noting that agreement had been reached and that this took shape in Security Council resolution 431 (1978), under which the necessary steps were to be taken to implement in practice the proposal of the five Western Powers in accordance with the plan formulated by the Secretary-General and with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). Recently, however, serious obstacles to the implementation of the agreed plan have arisen which might further delay Namibian independence, and this is to be deeply regretted.
80.	It is equally unfortunate that, despite the constant and prolonged efforts of this Organization, there has been no solution of the problem of Cyprus. This is an explosive situation which, like the situations in the Horn of Africa and southern Africa, constitutes a serious danger to peace.
81.	We often expect of international organizations much more than they can reasonably do, because they are associations of sovereign States whose consent is necessary in most cases if major decisions are to be adopted. And at times, too, we attribute to international bureaucracies defects or errors for which they are not responsible.
82.	Thus, the negotiating processes on disarmament and on the law of the sea, to mention only two examples, are agonizingly slow and laborious and seem never-ending. It is no easy task to reconcile interests, opinions and tendencies that are so dissimilar on such grave and complex subjects. This does not mean that we must abandon our efforts. On the contrary, we must redouble them in order to find the solutions that are most suitable and respond best to the aspirations and interests of the international community.
83.	As regards the contribution of the Secretariat, my Government wishes to reiterate once again its gratitude and admiration for the consistent and efficient manner in which the Secretary-General and those who work under his skilful guidance perform their functions for the benefit of the Organization and all its Members.
84.	I should like to conclude my statement by saying that I happened to be in Rome when His Holiness John Paul I died suddenly. It was my painful task and my privilege, as the representative of a predominantly Catholic people, to be present at the funeral of that beloved pastor of souls whose pontificate, which seemed so promising, was unfortunately so ephemeral.
85.	We still hear the words spoken by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy on 27 September [11th meeting], when nobody-thought that the newly-elected High Pontiff, the Pope of smiles and meekness, was about to die. The Foreign Minister of Italy mentioned then that His Holiness had defined as a service of the Holy See its participation in the search for better solutions to the major international
problems, including detente, disarmament, peace, humanitarian assistance and development. To perform this service, the Foreign Minister added, the Pope appealed for the co-operation of all so as to put an end, within nations, to the blind violence that merely destroys and sows ruin and grief and, in international life to bring about understanding among men and the pooling of efforts aimed at progress, at overcoming hunger and ignorance, and at promoting the advancement of peoples less endowed with wealth.

86.	May the most noble purposes of the Holy Father, who already rests in peace, be a constant source of inspiration for the United Nations in its desire to bequeath a better world to future generations.


May I first of all extend to you, Mr. President, my sincerest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. At a time when African and third-world values can and should influence and contribute more effectively to contemporary world leadership and international affairs, we are confident in the knowledge that your long and brilliant record and experience in international affairs and deep knowledge of the United Nations system, is well as the quality of your collaborators in the General Committee and in the Secretariat, inspire confidence that this session will usher in a dynamic and rational step into a new era of international co-operation.
3.	Nearly five years ago I had the opportunity to address this Assembly at its sixth special session  when, for the first time, the whole world, both industrialized and developing countries, rich and poor nations, big and small Powers, suddenly discovered their collective interdependence in the face of a universal economic threat that was triggered primarily by an unprecedented increase in the prices of indispensable international trade commodities. The gravity of that situation was accentuated by the total unpreparedness of the international community, which, in the preceding decade, had failed to recognize the urgency of changing the existing economic order in a manner that was fair, just and equitable to the majority of humanity.

4.	Paradoxically, the great progress made in international politics in the same period, which significantly coincided with the first 10 years of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], was not matched in the sphere of economic relations between nations. On the one hand, Africa had emerged from colonial domination and was approaching total liberation at a pace that could be neither slowed down nor halted; and, on the other hand, international relations, hitherto characterized by super-Power politics and conflicts operating within a dangerous framework of bipolar interest blocs, was evolving into a system of general horizontal co-operation in the developed world, of the Northern Hemisphere.
5.	Today as I speak to you the wind of political change in Africa is losing its historic momentum of the 1960s as decolonization approaches its final phase, while the economic storm that has been shaking the world since 1973 has not shown any sign of abating. Indeed, it is this worsening economic crisis, rooted in the unsatisfied basic needs of the vast majority of mankind, that constitutes the greatest threat to world peace today -- that seemingly elusive yet noble objective which inspired the creation of the United Nations. In 1945 the world emerged from a war whose devastation has never been equalled in the history of conflicts between nations. The horror of the nations and States is thus reflected in the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which are primarily “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. A major achievement by the draughtsmen of the Charter is the endowment of succeeding generations of mankind with an instrument which, if properly used and its tenets respected by all States, will guarantee the three objectives of the maintenance of peace, the respecting of human rights, and the promotion of socio-economic progress for peoples all over the world.
6.	I have made those preliminary remarks simply to demonstrate that man has the vision and the capacity to resolve the world’s problems if he has the necessary political will to do so, and that the prescription for the solution of contemporary global problems-especially those relating to hunger, malnutrition and disease, human rights and racial discrimination-was appropriately entrenched in the United Nations Charter.
7: On this occasion I should like to focus attention on the area of economic justice in the hope that this Session will mark a major turning-point in the quest for the attainment of this noble objective.
8.	There is no doubt whatsoever that in the past two decades some progress has been made in the area of economic development. Yet it is also true that, in spite of these achievements, the disparities between the living
standards of people in developed and in developing countries are continuing to widen, and today many millions of people the world over are permanently trapped in a situation of absolute poverty. There is thus a clear case for concerted action to be taken by the international community at large, in collaboration with the Governments of the countries concerned, to improve the living conditions of the poorest peoples of the world and to meet their basic needs. That is the challenge facing all of us today.
9.	The introduction of the basic-needs concept as a new approach to development, particularly in developing countries, is an initial promise that the challenge is being responded to. But that concept of basic needs must be related to the specific and dynamic circumstances of each individual country and region. Therefore, as the current Chairman of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel [CILSS], I should like to take this opportunity to acquaint this Assembly with the grave situation in that region of West Africa resulting from consecutive years of drought. In the Sahel, with its fragile ecology, the problems of under-development have been exacerbated by the spectre of nearly a decade of persistent drought.
10.	The recent droughts in the Sahel have resulted in the loss of several thousands of human lives, a severe decimation of the livestock population in the area and a significant drop in the level of production of food crops. The destruction of the already fragile ecosystem has also been further accelerated and the relentless advance of the desert set in train. At the height of the Sahelian drought in 1972 and 1973 the desert had advanced by scores of kilometres in some areas. Agricultural production in most of the Sahelian countries during the past decade has either declined or stagnated. In recent years all these countries have faced tremendous hardships, and without the assistance of the international community many more lives of human beings and of livestock would have been lost. In addition, like most of the developing countries of the third world, our States suffered greater penalties from inflation than the more developed parts of the world. We have had to pay for greater increases in the cost of imported materials, particularly manufactured goods, agricultural inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides, and cereal grains.
11.	While large-scale food aid and the importation of food grains, especially in years of drought, have ensured the region’s survival, the objective of regional food self-sufficiency in the Sahel is a political, economic and social option for its peoples. It is a political choice because it is recognized that during any global food crisis it will be the poor nations, and the poorest ones in these countries, that will suffer most. It is an economic choice because in reality the Sahel is a cereal-producing region par excellence and has the land and water resources to produce cereal grains not only for itself but also for other regions of the world and thereby to be in a position to contribute its quota to the resolution of the world food crisis. Finally, it is a social choice because it is based on the fact that agriculture will for a long time to come continue to be the basis of our economies and the main employer of our peoples. Above all else, if we give food self-sufficiency such prominence, it is because people are still hungry and malnourished in the Sahel

12.	The objective of regional food self-sufficiency in the Sahel cannot be achieved, however, as long as we continue to depend on occasional seasonal rainfall that is both too erratic and insufficient to meet the crop production needs in the region. The solution of this problem demands not only a marked improvement in rain-fed agriculture in the area but also a significant and rapid expansion of irrigated agriculture through the harnessing and use of the vast water resources of the region, including its enormous reserves of underground water. The scope of the Sahel’s water potential can best be appreciated if we recall that the River Niger discharges 32 billion cubic metres of water per year at Niamey, the Senegal River discharges 24 billion cubic metres at Bakel, Lake Chad receives 43 billion cubic metres from its main tributaries, the Logone and the Shari, and the Gambia River discharges 9 billion cubic metres of water a year into the Atlantic Ocean. At the same time the Sahel’s irrigable land potential has been put at more than 2.3 million hectares.
13.	It is therefore in the light of these circumstances and considering the magnitude of the task that the Sahelian countries came together in September 1973 to form CILSS to tackle collectively the immediate effects of endemic drought and to work out a medium- and long-term strategy and programme for the rehabilitation and development of the Sahel region.
14.	I am happy to say here that the United Nations, through FAO and the United Nations Sahelian Office played a vital role in that initiative. In view of the level and scope of the assistance required to undertake the planning of those programmes, in the first instance, as well as the amount of investment funds required for their realization, it was necessary that the international community be involved in those activities. Thus, two years after CILSS was created the proposal for the creation of the Club des amis du Sahel-the Club du Sahel as it is now known- which is a flexible and informal body to examine what co-operative action might be taken for the long-term development of the Sahel, was mooted by the Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and other international organizations, and in March 1976, at a meeting of the CILSS Heads of State and Government in Dakar, that proposal was accepted and the Club held its first meeting there.
15.	The immediate task undertaken by the Club in collaboration with CILSS was the working out of a long-term development strategy and action programmes, which were accepted by the CILSS Council of Ministers and later adopted at the second meeting of the Club du Sahel held in Ottawa in May last year. That strategy covers the period 1978-2000 and its principal objective is the achievement of food self-sufficiency in the region as a whole, however difficult the climatic conditions may be, and, subsequently, self-sustaining economic and social development of the region. Within the framework of that strategy a development programme, which has been called the first- generation programme, has been outlined for the five-year period 1978-1982 and is estimated to cost around $3 billion.
16.	That programme essentially seeks to develop the water resources, restore the equilibrium of the ecosystem through
reafforestation, and improve fisheries and livestock and agricultural productivity, as well as to protect crops, develop transportation and strengthen the training and research facilities and programmes in the region.
17.	The rains in the Sahel region this year have been generally good in comparison to what they had been in the past few years, and we are hopeful that crop output may be much improved over that of last year. But there is no assurance that next year’s rainy season will be equally good. We therefore see the development of the entire water resources in the Sahel region as the solution in the matter of increased food and cash-crop production in our Sahelian countries. It is for that reason that much emphasis has been placed on the development of the major river and lake basins as well as the underground water reserves in the area. Many river basin authorities have already been formed, such as the Lake Chad Basin Commission, the Organization for the Development of the Senegal River and the Organization for the Development of the Gambia River Basin to plan for their integrated and rational development.
18.	As far as the development of the Gambia river basin is concerned, the programme that has been conceived entails the construction of an anti-salt barrage in the estuary basin for the control of salinity intrusion further into the river, and a vehicular crossing of regional importance. This structure will at the same time make it possible for 24,000 hectares of suitable irrigable land in the Gambia to be reclaimed and utilized for crop production. It will also provide a means of controlling flooding in the river flats in the eastern sector of the country during the flood period. For the Gambia, this is a priority project and it is hoped to commence construction in 1979. Secondly, the programme will involve the construction of two other dams in the continental basin for the provision of water for irrigation and the generation of hydroelectric power for industrial and domestic use on a regional basis.
19.	The execution of such projects is vital for the future of the Sahel and I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations and all friendly Governments and organizations that are closely involved in the implementation of the CILSS development programme for their assistance. Furthermore, we in the Sahel value the very positive approach of the United Nations in providing the effective mechanism of the United Nations Sahelian Office as the focal point and co-ordinating body for the support of the activities of the United Nations system in the medium-term and long-term recovery, and development of the Sahel. There is also FAO, which is one of the most active champions of the Sahelian cause.
20.	The creation of the Club du Sahel marks a new era and pattern in the relations between the developed and third- world countries conducted in a spirit of partnership for development in an emerging world economic order. For this dynamic action we wish to record our sincere thanks to the Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development which led the initiative for the creation of the Club.
21.	The goodwill of the international community towards the Sahel has now been amply demonstrated. Indeed, earlier this year, in my capacity as current Chairman of the

Conference of Heads of State and Government of CILSS, I commenced a sensitization tour of friendly donor countries and institutions which took me in the first instance to the United States of America, France and Italy with a view also to mobilizing the necessary financial material support for the Sahel’s development programme. We have been greatly encouraged by the response we have received so far, but of course a lot more is needed.
22.	I should therefore wish to use this occasion to appeal to the international community to intensify and increase its support for the Sahel’s development programme. Although financial aid has increased, the level is in no way adequate to meet the investment needs for the realization of the CILSS programme. Additionally, aid will have to be granted on the most favourable terms and the aid procedures and project selection and appraisal criteria will also have to be adjusted and modified to take account of the peculiar circumstances of the Sahel. For instance, the concept of absorptive capacity must be adjusted so as to ensure that the poorer countries do not lose out in the allocation and distribution of aid. Again, donor countries will have to be involved in the funding of some infrastructure projects. Most parts of the Sahel lack infrastructure and without adequate infrastructure meaningful development cannot be achieved. Likewise, aid funds may of necessity have to cover some of the local-cost element of projects as well as certain other operating expenses.
23.	While the disastrous Sahelian drought encouraged regional and interregional co-operation and solidarity, the world economic situation is still a challenge to our individual States, to our regional organizations and to this world body. International trade is at present characterized by conflicting economic chauvinisms and by a clear division between the small number of affluent industrialized countries, on the one hand, and the numerous poor countries of the developing world, on the other. In market conditions which are inequitable and unfavourable to the exporters of primary commodities and in which rich and advanced countries virtually monopolize the price determination process, the vast majority of mankind is condemned to a poverty trap from which escape is possible only through concerted international effort. This situation is aggravated by the fact that in international exchange export earnings from raw materials are determined by the buyers’ market, while the sale of industrial and manufactured goods is exclusively dictated by the suppliers’ market conditions. Thus the same countries, as sellers and buyers, determine the respective value of what they need from us and what they offer to us.
24.	This inequitable trade practice and economic system, which reflect neither the principles of free enterprise nor those of centrally controlled markets, have been the root-cause of the continuing deterioration of the terms of trade of the third world and the ever widening gap between rich and poor nations. These forces, made more complex by the energy crisis since 1973, by inflation, monetary instability and natural calamities such as floods and drought, represent severe obstacles that hamper the achievement of even the minimal development objectives of our countries. Not only did we have to pay higher prices for oil; we also had to pay higher prices for manufactured imports from the developed countries, prices which have themselves
been forced up by energy and other costs. For us in the developing countries there has been a 500 per cent increase in the price of imported oil, representing an additional cost of $8,5 billion, since 1973. As a result, the terms of trade of the most severely affected developing countries declined by no less than 15 per cent in the few years following 1973 and this percentage has since increased. Consequently, these unfortunate countries are surviving only by increasing their indebtedness into the 1980s and this, according to present projections, could mark a recurrence of the 1973 hardships. Oil supplies would be insufficient to sustain economic growth, prices would tend to rise and those countries without adequate financial resources would encounter greater difficulties in satisfying their oil needs, a fact which in itself would risk creating international tension. Such a terrifying forecast imposes on us the need to look for cheaper alternative or complementary energy sources to mitigate the effects of another energy crisis.
25.	It is against this background that we invite all States and men of goodwill and foresight to join in a co-operative effort to change the present economic order. The new international economic system we advocate must be based on equity, justice and solidarity and on respect for the sovereign equality of all States and peoples. The structural changes that we demand are a means to an end which will guarantee a fairer distribution of production, surpluses and economic rewards. For the first time in the history of man some countries and regions are today producing practically enough for their peoples and it is only normal that the poorer nations, which constitute the majority of mankind, should want to dc likewise. But this situation can only materialize if international trade evolves in such a manner that the reward for production in the developing countries is equal, at least in real terms, to incomes for the same output in the industrialized countries.
26.	The new relationship will also mean that, in addition to obtaining fair prices, the developing countries will take a greater share in the manufacturing and processing of goods for export It is the moral responsibility of all industrialized nations to remove all trade and other barriers that tend to create disincentives for developing countries to develop their industrial capacity. Access to the markets of the advanced countries must be guaranteed in respect of our exportable raw materials and processed goods at fair and remunerative prices. These are the only conditions that are conducive to global prosperity and that will enhance the capacity of the third-world countries to accumulate earnings to meet their consumption demand. Thus the long-run fortunes of the rich nations also depend on the economic performance of the poor countries and we need trade as the most effective avenue to sustained development.
27.	We do, naturally, also need aid, but such assistance must be on the most concessionary terms if it is to have any beneficial effect on the receiving countries. Such aid must not have as a major objective to provide employment in the donor countries, as has been the practice for many years. Furthermore, the tendency to provide emergency or special assistance at the expense of normal aid has negative effects on the growth rate of the recipient countries. We believe that, whenever the need for emergency or special aid arises, it must complement, and not replace, planned aid and that the ultimate objective of giving aid is in fact to eliminate the need for aid itself.

28.	At-this juncture, let me hasten to observe that the efforts deployed by the international community in the past few years have been encouraging. The North-South dialogue, the Common Fund discussions, the Stabex arrangements of the European Economic Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group and the creation of the International Fund for Agricultural Development represent a new attitude and a new beginning which augur well for the future. We are further encouraged by the fact that this vertical dialogue coincides with a dynamic horizontal linkage of co-operation among developing countries. In this regard, I pay a tribute to the role of Arab solidarity, especially with African countries, a solidarity which has now been institutionalized through the OAU on the one hand, and the League of Arab States and related institutions on the other.
29.	In this dynamic process it is incumbent upon the developing countries, especially those in Africa, to create the appropriate regional and interregional institutions as a vital facet of the emerging order. In other words, Africa must establish its own regional order so as to maximize its benefits from any world-wide adjustment. We must accordingly pool our resources in order to achieve economies of scale and thereby enhance our competitive and bargaining power vis-a-vis the industrialized countries. The Gambia is therefore totally committed to the Economic Community of West African States and similar regional organizations to which we belong
30.	But the desired change in the existing economic system cannot be achieved without access to technology and the relocation and transfer of manufacturing industries to developing countries. The call for the transfer of technology must, in our view, be seen against the socioeconomic background of our countries. What we are really talking about is the “adaptation of technology” or the transfer of “appropriate technology”. Quite often imported technology from advanced countries is both expensive and labour saving-and is not always relevant to the needs and resources of its intended beneficiaries. What we need in the developing countries are production methods that can meet local needs and utilize indigenous raw materials and labour. Appropriate technology must allow the maintenance of a people’s cultural identity and must so infuse scientific and technological principles into traditional techniques as to bring about their evolution and not their extinction.
31.	To transfer and adapt appropriate technology to the needs of our predominantly rural societies, international agencies and friendly Governments should support research efforts by and with Africans inside Africa. Such a reorientation will contribute to economic independence. The failure of development efforts in the last few decades and the inability to bridge the gap between rich and poor and make essential services effectively accessible to the rural poor are related to the defects and deficiencies of technology and the manner and terms of transfer of that technology from the advanced to the third-world countries. This technological gap is clearly demonstrated by the fact that in the advanced countries the 8 per cent of the population engaged in agriculture produces enough to feed their people and to leave a surplus for export Yet the developing
2	Stabilization of export earnings.
countries, with 90 per cent of the people engaged in agriculture, are still not self-sufficient in food. The problem is evidently technological. These issues, discussed at the recent Freetown conference on appropriate technology, have been more exhaustively dealt with in the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires this month, and will be examined by the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, to be held in Vienna next year.
32.	In my view, concrete results would be achieved if there were a massive and concerted transfer of technological know-how, first of all in the area of agriculture and food production. Food self-sufficiency would then be the basis of development, as indeed was the case in the developed countries, where improved agricultural methods and practices predated the development of industrialization.
33.	I cannot end these remarks on international economic and technical co-operation without briefly touching on disarmament, which was exhaustively debated at the tenth special session earlier this year. I need simply say that, without mentioning the objective of peace through disarmament, it must be evident that the huge armament budgets of rich nations are largely achieved at the expense of the developing world. An equally serious factor that accentuates this problem is the arms race among poor countries, which feel compelled by local or regional circumstances to divert scarce resources from social development to armaments.
34.	Everything I have said so far could have been presented under a general treatise on human rights, since economic development is an indispensable means for the full realization of human rights in the modern world. When the founding fathers of the United Nations drew up the Charter in 1945, they reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, thus reflecting the indissoluble link between respect for human rights and human survival implied in the first preambular paragraph of the Charter.
35.	In our unequivocal position on human rights we in the Gambia are greatly inspired by the ethical codes adopted by the United Nations. The Gambia, like the majority of the present Members of our Organization, was under foreign rule for many centuries. Throughout that dark period of our history, colonialism deprived our people of the most basic of human rights, such as the right to choose their own leaders and own their system of government and the right to develop their indigenous culture. Then came the gallant struggle for independence and finally independence itself. With the attainment of self-determination and independence it would indeed be ironic if the freedom gained from the defeat of colonialism should again be denied to our peoples by our own leaders. After centuries of a deliberate policy of dehumanization, subjugation and oppression, the minimum our peoples expect and must have is the full enjoyment of their political, economic, social and cultural rights, for which they so gallantly fought during the liberation struggle; they deserve no less. It should be the duty of all of us to strive assiduously to ensure that everywhere in the world today people enjoy to the full their civil and political rights.

23
36.	I should, however, underline that our position regarding human rights is not confined to the narrow sense of civil and political rights so frequently prescribed for the developing countries. For us in the Gambia human rights are composite, indivisible and universal, and include also social and economic rights such as the right to a decent diet, decent shelter, and access to health and education facilities.
37.	Human rights transcend national boundaries and are relevant to the economic relations between advanced countries and the third world. Indeed the demand for a change in the present anachronistic economic order is synonymous with the assertion of the economic rights of the poor nations of the world against the monopolies of the affluent societies of the advanced countries. One might even say that the whole exercise in promoting international economic co-operation and development, whether in the framework of the North-South dialogue or in the United Nations system, or even at regional or bilateral levels, is merely an exercise in pursuit of comprehensive human rights aimed at uplifting the social condition of man.
38.	My Government and people believe also that human rights cannot have a mere rhetorical value. They must not only be enunciated. Above all they should be practised in every country, especially as we are living in a time when human rights have been so eloquently enunciated in numerous national and international documents subscribed to by many nations. These enunciations are themselves no small accomplishments. It is sad to say, however, that while they seem to be concerned with setting standards, the noble ideals of these texts, declarations and conventions bear an obscure relation to actual national or international realities. We believe strongly that ethical codes have little value if unmatched by ethical conduct.
39.	The United Nations forum is an appropriate milieu to discuss human rights. For not only is our Organization the cross-roads where all systems, cultures, values and ideologies meet; it is also the assembly that has played the leading role in the promotion and defence of the rights and dignity of man. Indeed, the United Nations .has made clear pronouncements in many fundamental texts such as the Charter itself, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of 1948; the international Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, of 1966; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, of 1966; and the Declaration on Permanent Sovereignty over National • Resources, of 1962. These instruments together recognize that freedom from want and fear can be achieved only if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his civil and political rights; so that the individual can achieve the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable to the full development of his personality; and so that the rights of peoples and nations over their natural resources can be exercised in their own interest.
40.	We can say, therefore, that the history of the United Nations, including its position on decolonization, apartheid and racial discrimination, its stand on disarmament and its objective of world peace, is itself the history of the quest for human rights. If through this historical process we succeed in achieving universal respect for human rights as a basic need, we shall be blessed with peace.
41.	Peace is the fundamental objective of the Charter and we firmly believe that, as the founding fathers recognized at San Francisco in 1945, world peace is threatened by the areas of tension in the third world, which has now become the preferred theatre for super-Power struggles and rivalries. In Africa we have witnessed in the last year or so a spate of foreign military intervention and adventurism reminiscent of the nineteenth century imperialist expansion into our continent. Let me reiterate the position of my Government and people which I expressed unequivocally during my recent visit to the United States as the CILSS envoy and at the recent summit of the OAU in Khartoum.3
42.	We are categorically opposed to all forms of military intervention, whatever their origin and motivation. After centuries of struggle for freedom and against foreign domination, resulting in an almost total liberation of the continent and the demise of imperialism in its classical form, Africa cannot accept any foreign military intervention, even in its present guise. The independence and territorial integrity of Africa must be respected, and it must be accepted that the defence of Africa must be by Africans and for Africa. And, as agreed in Khartoum, any interventionist force in Africa that is not the creation of the OAU will enjoy no legitimacy in Africa.
43.	Africa does not need at this time of its development military intervention or the kind of aid which would escalate internecine conflicts and accelerate self-destruction. What Africa needs urgently is foreign economic intervention along lines conceived by Africans and for the primary benefit of our peoples. There is an urgent need in Africa for a new Marshall Plan that will lift us from a state of poverty and the under-utilization of the vast resources of the continent to the modern age of technological progress. I sincerely believe that it is only through economic and social progress that democracy and stability can be established and enjoyed in the general interest of peace.
44.	Our commitment to peace also dictates our total attachment to the policy of non-alignment. History in its inexorable logic has witnessed the emergence of this doctrine to which we as Gambians and as Africans collectively subscribe. Our concept of non-alignment is positive; it is far from being a state of indifference or neutrality. What we mean by positive non-alignment is that whatever positions we take or views we hold on any international issues result from our own sovereign judgement in the interest solely of peace and progress. The policy of non-alignment is above all not a balancing posture; rather, it is through the collective positions of the individual countries, especially the non-aligned movement, that it represents an independent force in its own right, whose weight in this gathering cannot be ignored.
45.	While we enunciate here the principles of human rights, chart out development paths and elaborate prescriptions for global peace, everything that negates these noble aims and laudable strategies still persists in southern Africa.
46.	In Zimbabwe, it is now clear that Smith’s internal settlement is not achieving its intended effects. Instead it
3	Fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July 1978.

has led to the loss of more lives, the destruction of more property and the generation of more racial animosity. Our basic objections to the Salisbury Agreement  are its attempt to exclude the Patriotic Front, the heavy disproportion of power and special privileges for the white minority, and the unduly lengthy period it prescribes before a genuine transfer of power to the majority is effected. In these circumstances I am convinced there is an urgent necessity for fresh initiatives to be taken to break the apparent stalemate with a view to giving a new momentum to the process of change made possible within the framework of the Anglo-American proposals.  In this regard a conference of the leaders of all the groupings of Zimbabwe should be convened to prepare the way for genuine independence and a peaceful transfer of power to the majority.
47.	On the question of Namibia our position remains consistently that a peaceful and genuine independence, internationally recognized, should follow free elections based on universal adult suffrage under the effective supervision of the United Nations. In this connection we are confident that the United Nations presence, which has already become a reality in Namibia, will accelerate and guarantee the independence of what used to be known as South West Africa. But the independence of Namibia will be incomplete as long as an inch of its territory remains under foreign domination. For this reason we totally reject South Africa’s claim to Walvis Bay, as Namibia can remain independent only if its territorial integrity remains inviolable. In our view no amount of international guarantee can ensure the inviolability of Namibia’s territorial integrity as long as South Africa continues to exercise sovereignty over Walvis Bay. This part of Namibia is a colonial situation, and it must be decolonized together with the rest of Namibia.
48.	Until a few days ago our hopes were high that at long last South Africa would bow to international public opinion and to reality by accepting the implementation of the proposals on Namibia of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim.  But once again these hopes have been dashed to the ground by a defiant South Africa. It is therefore the duty of this Assembly, of the Security Council and of the five Western members of the Council to maintain firm pressure on South Africa to heed international public opinion and allow Namibia to move to genuine independence on the basis of the Secretary- General’s proposals.
49 South Africa itself now remains the last bastion against the upsurge of freedom and independence moving irresistibly across, the continent down to the Cape of Good Hope. The South African regime is the only known administration today that has institutionalized racial discrimination, and with an arrogance that defies our Organization and, indeed, world, opinion. We are opposed to the Pretoria Government because of our rejection of its apartheid policy, which seeks to give legitimacy and
respectability to a social system in which a man is judged not by his intrinsic worth but by the colour of his skin. As Africans we cannot be indifferent to a foreign system imposed on our continent against the will of its indigenous people, for racism and colour prejudice, by-products of colonialism and imperialism, are alien to African values. Unfortunately, South Africa continues to survive because of the support of its friends, which provide it with massive investment and military aid and technology. Those countries concerned are thus guaranteeing the economic viability and stability of the Republic and contributing effectively to the perpetuation of the inhuman policy of apartheid.
50.	In the absence of a peaceful change in South Africa we will continue to support individually and collectively the heroic struggle of the freedom fighters of southern Africa until the emergence of a free and independent Azania. We call upon all the nations of the world and all men of goodwill to rally round the African cause so that democracy can prevail in South Africa and in the continent of Africa as a whole.
51.	Let me hasten to add that our policy towards South Africa is not discriminatory towards any particular racial group in that country. What we want to see is a free and prosperous South Africa in which all its peoples can live and work in harmony on the basis of equality and mutual respect, a South Africa which can pool its mineral and human resources in the supreme interest of all its peoples and of Africa. Once South Africa sets its house in order it will cease to be the pariah of the international community. It will become fully accepted in all the international forums, including the OAU, of which it could be an important and influential member. This is the challenge to the new leadership which will no doubt soon emerge in South Africa, to their friends and to humanity in general.
52.	While on the subject of South Africa, let me take this opportunity to thank the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid for adopting a resolution on South African martyrs and for convening a special meeting on the anniversary of the death of Steven Biko. This, coming so soon after the decision of the OAU Assembly in Khartoum to commemorate 12 September as South Africa Martyrs Day, is most gratifying. I commend these actions to the General Assembly as a mark of solidarity with the struggle in South Africa.
53.	Our aim in Africa is that the continent should be free from conflicts of all kinds. We therefore wish to see the restoration of peaceful good neighbourliness in the Horn of Africa and the return of normality in Western Sahara. We are very much encouraged by the readiness for dialogue and compromise shown by all the parties directly concerned in these conflicts in the true African tradition. We appeal to outside interests as well as to all the friends of Africa to support Africa’s search for a peaceful settlement of these intra-African problems.
54 The greatest threat to world peace in modern times has been the Palestinian and Middle East question. The history of this problem and its causes and consequences are so familiar, complex though they are, to everyone here that I need not be repetitive. Our position is based on historical, legal and moral considerations. We cannot accept that the Jews of Israel need a national homeland more than do the

Palestinian Arabs, nor can we accept that Arab territory, including a part of Africa, can be acquired by Israel by force and retained. We therefore once again call upon Israel to withdraw from all Arab land occupied by force and to respect the rights of the Palestinian people to a homeland in the birthplace of their ancestors.
55.	Israel, together with its neighbours, needs peace, and the bold initiative taken last year by President Anwar El-Sadat of Egypt had generated hopes that a break-through was in sight. These peace efforts have been given a new impetus by the courageous, imaginative and timely initiative of President Carter of the United States, which culminated in the agreements concluded at Camp David,  which we hope will be a strong enough foundation for a final and definitive settlement in this long drawn-out conflict in the Middle East.
56.	I have spoken at length on economic co-operation, human rights and peace as the central theme of my statement. Their attainment cannot, however, be complete without some attendant adjustment within the United Nations system itself. The United Nations has had some major successes. It has served the common interest in its peace-keeping activities and in its pioneer work in economic and social development. It has served humanity in the areas of health, communications and education, to name a few. Yet the United Nations, like other institutions, has failed frequently to fulfil the expectations of its founders and the objectives of its Charter. The need for the reform of the United Nations dates back to the 1960s as the changing circumstances, especially in the third world, necessitate changes in structure, procedures and priorities. Apart from the areas of peace and security, there is an urgent need to effect reform in other areas, such as the decision-making process.
57.	Regarding decision-making, it is to be recalled that at the United Nations Conference on International Organization, held in San Francisco in 1945, the authors of the Charter based the voting procedure which was to apply on the principle of sovereign equality, in accordance with Article 2. Yet, in reality, this principle is so contradicted that it has been said that the main body of the Charter and its empirical functioning is based on the sovereign inequality of its Members. This is demonstrated by the established predominance of the five permanent members of the Security Council, whose power of veto negates the principle of “one man, one vote" -- or, if you like, “one country, one vote”. This situation calls for urgent review. If the power of veto cannot be revoked, then consideration should be given to entrusting it to a collectivity of nations representing important politico-economic or geographic regions, such as, in the case of Africa, the OAU.
58.	In the economic and social sphere there are promising signs of reform. At its thirty-second session the General Assembly endorsed wide-ranging recommendations on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations [resolution 32/197J. The United Nations, through UNDP, is playing a greater role in project appraisal, execution, monitoring and evaluation, but in certain cases
follow-up action to take care of certain recurrent costs in the least developed countries especially should be considered, and long-term pledges should be envisaged as a factor for rational planning and stability in development.
59.	In the field of the recruitment and deployment of United Nations personnel, we urge that due account be taken of the present composition of the Organization, which is so different from what it was in 1945. In this regard it is gratifying to note the recent appointment of a Director General for Development and International Economic Co-operation which we hope is part of the process of the change for which we are now calling.
60.	As the Gambia will be taking its seat for the first time in the Governing Council of UNDP, we hereby pledge our will to contribute effectively to the general programme of work of the Council and to the achievement of the declared objective of the majority of member States-that is to say, the reform of the system.
61.	At this juncture 1 should like to express my gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General and, through him, to UNDP, the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator and to the United States Government for their timely assistance to the Gambia following a serious emergency caused by a major break-down in our electrical power supply system. The swiftness of the action and the effects it has had in mitigating the gravity of the situation demonstrate the capacity of the United Nations system to intervene promptly and effectively in urgent and specific problem areas.
62.	We are witnessing a unique period of history as we approach the end of the twentieth century. Man has made giant technological advances but very little progress in solving the basic social problems of the world. Hunger and disease,, illiteracy and under-development have not by any means been conquered, and man is still fighting for his basic freedoms. Yet I am confident that man has the capacity to overcome his individual and collective difficulties. We need only the political will to implement the principles of the Charter of the United Nations for the attainment of the noble aims so eloquently expressed in San Francisco in 1945. In this way we would save succeeding generations from war and attain world peace through universal respect for human rights and the achievement of global social and economic progress.