Allow me to convey to you, Mr. President, the warm
congratulations of Her Excellency, Mireya Moscoso,
President of the Republic of Panama, together with
those of her Government and the people of my country,
on your election to serve as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. Your designation to
guide the debates in this forum is highly gratifying to
the Panamanian delegation, not only because of your
own brilliant political record and your well-known
devotion to the well-being of the Finnish people, but
also because of the noble way in which you here
represent the lofty ideals of sovereignty and universal
cooperation in pursuit of world peace, sustainable
human development, human rights, democracy and
justice — traditional mainstays of Finland's foreign
policy and of the activities of the United Nations.
Panama shares with so many other States Members of
the Organization your concern to put these ideals into
practice, and that is what I shall be addressing today in
my statement.
I am also glad to pay tribute to, and express my
gratitude for, the activities of the Secretary-General,
7

Mr. Kofi Annan, who has devoted particular effort in
the last year to the maintenance of international peace
and security, the reform of the Organization, and the
promotion of human rights, gender equality and the
enjoyment of the rights of the child. Panama shares
these and other concerns of the Secretary-General.
Indeed, as the other members of the Ibero-American
community are aware, upon an initiative of President
Mireya Moscoso announced at Havana in November
last year, the next Summit of Heads of State and
Government of Ibero-America, which will take place
shortly in Panama, will be dedicated to discussing the
problems facing children and young people in our
region. In the preparations for this meeting, which
Panama has undertaken with the greatest enthusiasm,
the national Government has received the support of
organizations devoted to the well-being of the world's
children and young people. These include the United
Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) — a United
Nations agency which has selected Panama as its new
regional headquarters and to whose noteworthy
activities, in fulfilment of its mandate, I am glad to pay
tribute on this occasion — together with agencies
responsible for promoting culture, particularly the
culture of peace, including the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO), another United Nations agency which has
done extremely valuable work in promoting universal
understanding through education, technology and
communication.
With respect to gender equality, we are glad to be
able to state that in recent years our country has made
significant progress, particularly with respect to the
political participation of women. Indeed, since
1 September last year a woman has guided the destiny
of our nation. From January this year our Supreme
Court of Justice has been presided over by a woman.
During the review conference on women held in the
context of the special session of the General Assembly
in June 2000, the delegation of Panama signed the
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which
makes it possible to have recourse to an international
body in case of the denial of such rights. Furthermore,
Panama has made significant improvements in access
for women to education and health. However, much
still remains to be done, particularly with respect to
equal access to economic resources. In this area, which
is closely bound up with sustainable human
development, my country hopes to make significant
advances, particularly through international
cooperation.
On this point, international cooperation, I should
like to share some brief thoughts and place them before
this distinguished body for consideration. More than 40
years ago one of my predecessors in the post of
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Miguel J. Moreno,
addressed this General Assembly on the topic of
international cooperation for development. On that
occasion Minister Moreno stated:
“Economic development, and international
cooperation for the attainment of such
development, are not only necessary if world
peace is to be achieved, but also represent
important means of cementing it and making it
durable.” (A/PV.749, para. 176)
Dr. Moreno added:
“Social tranquillity and national political stability
depend on economic development and on the
benefits which the peoples derive therefrom, as
do also a better understanding among the nations
and international harmony; all these are
indispensable for world peace.” (A/PV.749,
para. 178)
These wise words are as true today as they were
when they were uttered at the thirteenth session of the
General Assembly in 1958. It is this wisdom that has
guided the renewed emphasis that the United Nations,
in the last decade and through its United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), has placed on the
promotion of sustainable human development. This
concept is the axis and basis of our President's
governmental plan. Our Government recognizes that
without measures to promote human development,
economic growth can make no sense and have no
meaning.
Although it may be boosted by economic growth,
human development is much more than economic
growth, for human development means enhancing the
capacities of human beings as individuals and as
members of the community by measures that provide
access to emancipating education and to better health
and transport services, measures to permit participation
in an economy and a culture that respects human
dignity, that encourage the prudent use of natural
resources, and foster and enlarge the exercise of the
8

fundamental duties and rights of the human individual.
Given this multidimensional nature and the
Panamanian Government's concern to work towards
sustainable human development and to promote human
rights, the Panamanian delegation expresses its
satisfaction at the contents of the latest UNDP human
development report, which considers the link between
human rights and human development. The report
explains that human freedom is the common purpose
and the common motivation of human rights and
human development.

In the years that have elapsed since our return to
constitutional government our country has made
significant advances. Under our Government we have
begun a process of repealing legislation that restricts
freedom of expression and we have invited the Inter-
American Commission on Human Rights, a significant
regional agency, to assist us in promoting the
enjoyment of human rights in Panama. Also recently,
through a process of cooperation involving the major
political movements in the country, we have adopted
by consensus the basic elements of a Panamanian
security policy based on the doctrine of human
security, an extremely important component of
sustainable human development. That doctrine upholds
individual and grass-roots communities as constant,
clear-cut points of reference for the responsibilities and
purposes of the State's security strategy, and is based
on taking preventive measures designed to reduce
vulnerabilities and minimize the risks threatening the
opportunities and rights of individuals and of
communities. I am particularly gratified to be able to
state that Panama is one of the few countries to have
adopted the human security doctrine as a State policy.
We hope that this will be a matter for more in-depth
discussion and analysis at the next Summit of the
Americas to be held in June 2001 in Quebec, Canada.
In the context of this and other aspects of
sustainable human development and the exercise of
human rights, Panama firmly believes in international
cooperation and has recourse to it in order to promote
the lofty objectives that are the inspiration for States
Members of the United Nations. At the recent
Millennium Summit, whose purpose was to set a clear
course for the United Nations in the twenty-first
century, Panama, among other things, called for States
Members to return to the pursuit of the original spirit
of the Charter of the United Nations. Pursuant to this
request, it is our hope that the members of the Security
Council will assume the obligation of representing the
general interests of the international community instead
of acting according to their individual strategic military
or political interests. The general interest of the
Members of the Organization indicates that the time
has come to engage in debate and reach some
conclusion as to the way in which we can expand the
number of permanent and non-permanent members of
the Security Council while restricting and regulating
the use of the veto. We have expressed our agreement
with the need to reform the Charter of the United
Nations in order to achieve this objective and others,
provided such reform is based on the principles of
democracy and equitable geographic participation.
Panama wishes here and now to reaffirm its
commitment to the principle of self-determination of
peoples, articulated in the Charter of the United
Nations, and to the use of mechanisms for the peaceful
settlement of conflicts. The dangerous disputes which
riddle and split our world from the China Sea to the
Magreb, and which may degenerate into domestic or
transboundary outbreaks of violence, must be
addressed with a sense of urgency by the United
Nations. This would be possible within a structured,
conflict-prevention programme that provided for
specialized support to nations to guide them and assist
them in a fair and orderly, peaceful negotiation of their
interests. Accordingly, we recommend recourse to the
moral and technical presence of the United Nations
within such processes, engaged in by small States beset
by hostile Powers, or by racial or religious
intolerances. Likewise, we recommend recourse to the
United Nations in support of negotiations on
reunification or self-determination that other people
may wish to embark upon, with the aim of preserving a
prosperous, democratic way of life or of securing for
themselves the benefits of development.
The Republic of Panama nowadays is a fully
sovereign State glad to have recovered the exercise of
sovereignty throughout its national territory, and to
have proved its resolve and ability to fulfil the
commitments stemming from its participation in this
great international community. Panama has the will and
the capacity not only to administer efficiently and
transparently its greatest asset, the Panama Canal, but
also to cope successfully with the growing demands for
9

international maritime traffic and to ensure the security
of our inter-oceanic waterway.
The Canal and the reverted lands will be the
driving force behind the development of the
Panamanian economy in coming years. Among other
large-scale projects, we are now executing the
extension of the Culebra Cut, a $1 billion investment
that, once completed in the year 2001, will permit
simultaneous passage of Panamax vessels through this
section of the Canal. Once this work is completed,
projects will be begun to expand the Canal's water
basin. Moreover, consultations and studies are under
way with a view to building the third set of locks,
which will make it possible for the inter-oceanic
waterway to be used by post-Panamax vessels and will
increase the efficiency of the Canal by 25 per cent. All
this will benefit world trade. Lastly, in the coming year
bidding will be opened for the construction of a second
bridge over the Canal in order to help unite our land,
which is currently divided by the Canal.
In the lands recovered and now devoted to
national development, former military installations of
all kinds have been expertly retooled for commercial
civilian use. Among other things, the former Albrook
air base has become a centre for domestic air and land
transport; the former School of the Americas has been
converted into a hotel of the Meliá international chain,
with its own convention centre; the Coco Solo military
base, which enjoys a unique location at the Atlantic
mouth of the Canal, today houses the international
maritime cargo ports of Manzanillo and Coco Solo,
which complement the international port of Balboa on
the Pacific, all interconnected by a trans-isthmus rail
system for container transport; and in the forts of
Davis, Corozal and Cocol', processing centres are now
being developed for exports, with the backing of
international capital.
With input from the International Financial
Corporation, studies are being undertaken to convert
the Howard air base into a multifunctional air and sea
cargo centre for the Pacific side of the Canal. The
development of the Sherman base, which is a genuine
ecological gem, seeks to link the protection of the
country's historical patrimony and environment with
economic development. Fort Clayton is now the base
of an educational and industrial complex known as the
City of Knowledge, where the regional office of the
United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) for the
hemisphere will be located. The City of Knowledge is
also home to regional campuses of Texas A & M and
McGill Universities and a continental-level regional
centre for human rights. All of this will contribute to
the Government's plan to make Panama a centre of
international agencies.
In order to take full advantage of international
cooperation, Panama has adopted a policy of
strengthening its links with the various major
international organizations, including those that are
part of the United Nations system. In this way we are
striving to move forward and contribute to worldwide
peacemaking by converting former military bases into
civilian and commercial areas that will enhance world
peace.
This is an appropriate occasion to place on record
that Panama categorically rejects the actions of the
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), which has unilaterally devised
taxation standards that its members are trying to
impose outside their jurisdiction, in open violation of
resolutions of the General Assembly. On this point,
Panama is grateful for the support of the majority
leader of the United States House of Representatives,
who on 7 September wrote to the United States
Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Lawrence Summers,
strongly condemning this action. There is a need for a
careful examination of the flight of billions of dollars
in capital from developing countries to the financial
institutions of the first world which are trying to
tighten the so-called qualifications that are used to
exert pressure, with obvious objectives.
Panama is committed to the fight against the
laundering of money stemming from drug trafficking
and other unlawful activities. We believe that all
countries should work together to eliminate this
scourge. This effort should be carried out through
legitimate mechanisms of international institutions that
are representative not only of the industrialized North
but also of the emerging countries of the South, such as
the United Nations and the various regional
organizations.
In the spirit of international cooperation, to which
I previously referred, and in consideration of the most
basic concepts of justice, we are today calling for the
cooperation of the General Assembly in resolving a
dispute between Panama and the United States of
America, as a result of the bases operated by the armed
forces of that country on our territory throughout the
10

last century. In this forum, in September last year, our
President stressed her confidence that the outstanding
differences surrounding this issue that still persisted
between Panama and the United States would be
resolved satisfactorily in a reasonable period of time.
Unfortunately, despite the efforts and goodwill
displayed by the Panamanian Government these
differences have still not been settled.
In his powerful report entitled “We the peoples:
the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first
century”, and with respect to certain matters relating to
trade, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, proposes
that States Members follow a line of conduct consonant
with environmental and human rights standards. He
also urges States to fulfil their obligations vis-à-vis
universal values and the common standards that have
emerged from countless conferences and extensive
negotiations and that have taken the form of historic
resolutions and conventions under the auspices of the
United Nations. By extension, we believe that this
appeal to States applies not only to trading matters but
also to all the other aspects of relationships among
nations. His profound words express the vast ethical
foundation of the United Nations.
In another part of his report the Secretary-General
warns of the risk that environmental degradation,
among other factors, may heighten social and political
tensions in an unforeseeable and potentially dangerous
fashion. We are particularly gratified by this clear
vision on an issue whose various facets are already
having a serious impact not only on many developing
nations but also on the most developed.
In view of these very wise appeals and warnings,
as well as of the predominant role that the United
Nations plays in the maintenance of international peace
and defence of the principle of sovereignty, in a formal
note, to the Secretary-General I have requested him to
bring to the attention of the United Nations the failure
of the United States of America to fulfil its obligations
so that the Organization can assist in bringing about an
early resolution of the dispute arising from the refusal
of the United States to fulfil the commitments derived
from the unauthorized military use by its army of
significant portions of Panama's national territory. I
have informed the Secretary-General of the facts and
formally requested that my note be circulated as a
document of the General Assembly and that it be
brought to the attention of the Security Council.
I take this opportunity to wish the General
Assembly a fruitful year of deliberations under the
guidance of its President. I should like to express my
sincere hope that this year will be one of significant,
meaningful and tangible achievements for the
Organization in the treatment of the most important
items on its agenda, to the benefit of all mankind.


On
behalf of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros,
I congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth
session. I assure you of our full support and
cooperation in the accomplishment of your tasks. Your
skill and extensive experience in international affairs
convince us that this session will be crowned with
success.
I am honoured to take this opportunity to extend
our profound appreciation to your predecessor, Mr.
Theo-Ben Gurirab, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Namibia, for his outstanding management of our affairs
during the previous session, for his leadership role in
the General Assembly and for his spirit of effective
cooperation.
We also thank Secretary-General Kofi Annan for
his tireless efforts in the service of our Organization.
His wise approach to the important issues and the
reforms he is implementing in the United Nations
deserve our support and cooperation at all levels.
On behalf of the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros, I also congratulate Tuvalu on its admission
to membership of the United Nations.
(spoke in French)
Considering the enormous responsibilities of the
United Nations in peacekeeping, the defence of human
rights and the promotion of social well-being, it is easy
to see why, 55 years after its creation, the Organization
still has a great deal to do. Given its varied activities, it
needs more solid and up-to-date structures that are
adapted to contemporary conditions; sufficient and
reliable funding; sound, transparent and energetic
management; and the ability to carry out its tasks in
conformity with current priorities and specific regional
concerns. The Millennium Summit further reaffirmed
our Organization's essential role in this respect.
That is why the United Nations new
organizational plan must allow it to respond to the
needs of today's world in the face of major upheavals
that inspire intense introspection and consideration. Its
reform is also necessary to guarantee sound and
reliable structures, with equitably distributed duties,
that will confirm its universal nature and ensure better
results. Thus, it is particularly necessary to open the
Security Council, the organ primarily responsible for
the maintenance of international peace and security, to
other countries, as permanent and non-permanent
members, in order to make it more representative and
to ensure that its membership and working methods
reflect present-day realities.
At a time when the world is evolving and
undergoing globalization, the island States and small,
poor countries with limited resources are preoccupied
by the threat of marginalization looming over them. In
addition to the various crises besetting our countries,
this state of affairs calls on us to address the urgent
need for support, assistance and, especially, awareness
of the dangers we are facing.
First are the dangers arising from the immediate
and long-term repercussions of the conflicts engulfing
the planet, claiming millions of victims, most of them
children, women and the elderly.
Secondly, there are the dangers posed to the
world by the ever-growing number of acts of terrorism.
In this respect, it is important not only to be aware of
the potential danger and to find effective means of
countering it, but also to draw clear distinctions
between and not to confuse the behaviour of people
who act in contempt of law and human dignity with
that of those who act primarily out of religious
considerations.
Thirdly, there are the dangers resulting from
flagrant violations of human rights. To combat this
problem, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros
9

gives its full support to the implementation of the
International Criminal Court, which should put an end
to these abuses. The Republic is preparing to ratify the
Statute soon, and it hopes that the implementation of
the Court's jurisdiction will be effective.
Fourthly, there are the dangers resulting from
natural catastrophes and from the overall degradation
of the environment — the increasing vulnerability of
which is a source of serious concern for the world. The
small land-locked States — developing countries of
limited size — are particularly exposed to these
dangers. Given the increasing severity of this problem,
there is an increasingly urgent need to give priority to
protecting ecological systems.
Fifthly, there are the dangers posed by serious
diseases from which our populations are suffering —
diseases such as AIDS, malaria and many others,
extreme poverty included.
Sixthly, there are the dangers posed by the
marginalization of the poor countries in the midst of a
world undergoing rapid change, a world in which it is
hard for these countries to find their way.
Seventhly and finally, there are the dangers to
which these same countries are exposed as a result of
the external debt burden which absorbs a great deal of
their attention and wreaks havoc on their national
budgets.
This is to say that in this first stage of our entry
into the third millennium, there are many outstanding
questions regarding the future of humanity, and these
questions require careful consideration. The overall
image presented by the world today is a sombre one.
Also, as regards economic issues, it goes without
saying that the world is facing a situation that calls for
serious examination and for joint action by the
development partners to support national, subregional
and regional efforts.
In the case of Africa, its overall economic
problems are a source of concern because they have
become aggravated as a result of the increasingly
globalizing world and the great strain that external debt
is placing on our economies. Further, it makes sense to
be concerned about the future of a continent that has
been marginalized, in particular as regards global trade
and the information revolution, and afflicted by all
kinds of plagues. It is essential that — in addition to
the efforts of the individual countries and in the
framework of regional integration — the continent
benefit from the good offices of the international
financial institutions in examining and addressing
different problem areas. In this regard, I am pleased to
here reiterate our appreciation for the efforts of the
United Nations Development Programme to fight,
alongside our Governments, all forms of
underdevelopment.
As a small landlocked developing country and as
an African country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros is grappling with these kinds of problems. It
cannot be denied that, despite our current situation, our
Government is manifesting a firm will in searching for
ways and means of lifting the country out of the hole in
which it finds itself and of creating favourable
conditions for improving the life of our society. The
effort under way to clean up the public finances and to
revive and restructure the national economy attest to
the Comorian Government's determination to improve
the socio-economic situation that has prevailed for
many years in the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros.
Our bilateral and multilateral partners have
consistently supported these efforts; however, I need to
reiterate the necessity of enhancing this assistance in
order to help us meet the challenge of
underdevelopment and, above all, to help us avoid
falling victim to the perverse effects of globalization.
We should also focus on the political situation of
the world, which is today divided by various sorts of
wars and crises, which are seriously upsetting the
peace and security of peoples. Greater attention should
be given to these two crucial objectives — objectives
that form the very basis of our Organization — and
greater thought should be given to how to vouchsafe
them.
This is why, on the subject of wars, I would like
to appeal to the goodwill of the parties involved in the
problem of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
in the entire Great Lakes region and to ask them to
focus their efforts on démarches that can produce
negotiated solutions to the disputes of these parties.
As regards Somalia, my country is greatly
pleased by the current happy outcome of the situation
there and by the establishment of a transition
Government. The Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros hopes that the solid foundations have now
10

been established so that a lasting peace can be secured
for this fraternal country.
In the same vein, the Comorian Government
appreciates the efforts made in the holding of the Camp
David negotiations and salutes the work of the
Government of the United States of America in this
regard. The Comorian Government, which has
supported and continues to support the Palestinian
cause, hopes that these efforts will lead to a speedy
resolution of the Middle East crisis — a resolution that
will be in the interest of the peoples of that region who
have so long suffered from incessant instability. The
Comorian Government also believes that any solution
to this crisis must include the establishment of an
independent Palestinian State, with Al-Quds al-Sharif
as its capital.
Further, we proclaim the necessity of completely
lifting the embargo against Libya, and also ask that the
embargo against Iraq be lifted. We appeal to the Iraqi
Government to cooperate more fully with the efforts to
free the Kuwaiti prisoners.
Conflict zones remain in all the continents. The
Charter of the United Nations having been written for
the peoples, the United Nations must enhance its
efforts to prevent and resolve conflicts by peaceful
means. In essence this means insisting on the urgent
necessity of supporting the cause of world peace,
because its absence handicaps all efforts to achieve real
sustainable human development.
In this regard, allow me to review the current
situation in my country, the Islamic Federal Republic
of the Comoros, and to explain how disturbed the
people are about the threat to peace posed by the
separatist crisis that has been taking place on the
sisterly island of Anjouan for close to three years. With
the support of the international community — in
particular, the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
the League of Arab States, the European Union, and
International Organization of la Francophonie, and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference — the Islamic
Federal Republic of the Comoros has explored every
means of putting an end to this crisis. The
intransigence of the Anjouanese party after the
declarations that were made during the inter-island
conferences that were held at Addis Ababa and at
Antananarivo have led the OAU to take repressive
measures against this party — measures that were to be
applied in a step-by-step fashion.
The object of imposing the economic embargo
against the sisterly island of Anjouan was to lead the
Anjouanese to be reasonable. However, the situation
has hardly changed, and during this time the lowest
levels of Anjouanese society — along with all those
who were supporting national unity — suffered terribly
from the effects of these measures. Recognizing on the
one hand that, given the hardening of the movement's
position, this situation was victimizing the population
of Anjouan, and particularly the poorest levels, and
convinced on the other hand that we Comorians
together might be able to come up with a non-military
solution, the current leadership of the country, under
the enlightened direction of Colonel Azali Assoumani,
President of the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros, has insisted on undertaking direct
discussions with the Anjouanese party, in the hopes of
arriving at national reconciliation.
The attempts at initiating such a dialogue opened
the way to the signing of an initial text on 1 July 1999
at Fomboni on the island of Mwali. This text is
considered to represent a significant step on the part of
the current regime — a step towards harmonizing the
opposing points of view.
The negotiations were continued recently, leading
to the signing of a joint declaration, again in Fomboni
on 26 August. This provides another appropriate
framework for preserving the unity and territorial
integrity of the Comoros, to which the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs of The Gambia referred on 20
September. Because it allows dialogue to be initiated
with our Anjouan brothers on the future Comorian
entity, the declaration is of particular significance to
Comorians.
The Fomboni declaration makes it clear that the
new Commorian entity is the sole subject of
international law within the Comorian frontiers
recognized by the international community. In order to
push ahead with this process, a timetable was
established spelling out the various stages leading to
the submission to a referendum of the act which is to
govern the future Comorian entity.
I should like to make it clear that the Fomboni
joint declaration takes account of, and respects, the
spirit of the Antananarivo Agreement, which was
rejected by the Anjouan party.
Today, more than ever, there is hope that it will
be possible to resolve this unfortunate problem by

peaceful means and to lay the groundwork for a
democratic State — a Comorian-style democracy, a
democracy stemming from the living forces of the
nation of the Comoros, without any outside
interference or influence. Would it have been just to
reject this breakthrough, thus penalizing innocent
women and children who have been so sorely tried by
the embargo, and then to envisage a military solution?
If there had been resort to war in order to have peace,
why not avoid it, if possible, and so prevent casualties?
The Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros has
committed itself to dialogue to settle conflicts,
respecting the principles of our Organization.
This wise principle was the basis of the Comorian
authorities' approach to their brothers in Anjouan. I
therefore appeal for understanding by all our partners
who have always supported our efforts to find a
negotiated lasting solution to this crisis. This is why,
while respecting the position of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) and that of all our other partners,
I reiterate, on behalf of the Government of the
Comoros, our determination to continue this struggle,
together with them, in order to preserve the unity and
territorial integrity of our country.
The Government of the Comoros pays tribute to
the Secretary-General of the OAU, Mr. Salim Ahmed
Salim, for his personal efforts and his efforts through
the OAU to resolve this crisis. We also express our
wholehearted gratitude to the League of Arab States, as
well as the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the
International Organization of la Francophonie, the
countries of the region and other friendly countries,
including France, for their support.
We earnestly hope that reason has finally
prevailed with our brothers in Anjouan and that they
have really understood that breaking up the covenant of
unity and fraternity which links us and will always link
us — Comorians of the four islands of our archipelago
State — will not benefit anyone.
We hope that we have all learned the lessons from
events which have so seriously affected the country in
human, material, psychological and other terms, and
that we understand that war will always be a bad
master and the worst choice. The process of
reconciliation is a demanding task requiring a great
deal of resources. In this connection, we make a
pressing appeal to the international community to
support the programme of reconstruction and national
reconciliation which the Comorian Government has
drawn up in conjunction with the World Bank.
Faithful to the fundamental principles of the
Charter, the Government of the Comoros continues to
opt for the policy of dialogue and discussion to resolve
all of the problems which confront us. With profound
respect for these principles, we appeal to France, with
which the Comoros has for long had close ties of
friendship and cooperation, to contemplate a direct and
constructive dialogue which will make it possible
quickly to reach a negotiated solution with regard to
reintegrating the Comorian island of Mayotte into its
natural community.
As stability, understanding, unity, harmony
among our peoples, partnership and progress go hand
in hand, creating conditions to guarantee these values
would be the best gift which the international
community can offer present and future generations on
the eve of the next millennium.
(spoke in Arabic)
“If people one day want life
Fate has no choice but to respond;
Night has no choice but to yield to dawn
And shackles cannot but be shattered.”


It is indeed an honour and a
privilege for me to address this body on behalf of the
Government and the people of the Republic of Palau.
President Kuniwo Nakamura sends his warm greetings
and wishes everyone a successful deliberation during
this fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly. He
also wishes to congratulate and welcome the newest
Member of the United Nations, our good Pacific
neighbour and friend, Tuvalu.
During the recently concluded Millennium
Summit, we addressed many global issues that pose
problems and threats to mankind at the national,
regional and international levels. These problems must
be seriously looked into by this body and other
international and regional organizations so that their
solutions may be found or remedies provided to
alleviate the suffering they impose on our world and its
peoples. These problems – ranging from hunger,
poverty, tuberculosis, malaria and the spread of
HIV/AIDS to global warming and environmental
degradation and vulnerability – are not just the
responsibilities of the countries or regions that are most
affected; every member of the global community must
play its part in order for this planet and its inhabitants
to survive these destructive forces.
Today, we live in an era in which the production
of food is at an all-time high. Advanced technology in
the area of food production, improved farming and
agricultural methods are readily available and can be
successfully applied to widespread areas that are
traditionally not suitable to agriculture and farming.
In a similar context, medical research and
information can and should be shared universally. An
integrated approach to intervention in the field of
HIV/AIDS is critically called for in many developing
countries. Collaborative health-research projects
focusing on the biology of this disease and the
development of tools for its prevention and control —
including  diagnostics, drugs and vaccines — must also
be made available and affordable to the many third
world countries seriously plagued by this disease. As a
global community charged with the responsibility for
the security of mankind, we must confront the real
danger of HIV/AIDS and work collectively towards the
eradication of that horrible disease.
Uncontrolled and unregulated human activities
have affected and will continue to affect our
ecosystem, thereby endangering and threatening our
very existence. Global warming is a difficult and
scientifically complicated phenomenon. Even today,
scientists are still divided on this issue, particularly on
its causes and effects. While some agree that the
emission of greenhouse gases and human and industrial
activities are responsible for climate change and global
warming, others maintain that the changes occur
naturally and that, because the earth is so resilient to
such changes, none of these occurrences will have
permanent effects.
However, as a small island country in the Pacific,
Palau has seen and experienced the actual impact of sea
level rise, unpredicted weather patterns and an extreme
rise in sea water temperature, all of which are signs and
indications of global warming and climate change.
Many island countries all over the world have also
experienced these catastrophic changes. Let us, as
world leaders, work individually and collectively
towards the real resolution of global warming. The
blueprint and foundation of this important task are set
23

forth in the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol. Let us fulfil
our roles.
During the Millennium Summit, we also
presented institutional issues that should be seriously
considered by the entire membership of this
Organization. Two further issues were raised by Palau
during the Summit: open membership and
representational participation in all bodies of the
United Nations. The lack of action on these issues on
our part, as a body, is quite contrary and detrimental to
the objectives of the United Nations.
With regard to open membership, Palau believes
that any State that meets the traditional and standard
definition of independent State should be allowed
membership in the United Nations. To that end, it is the
position of the Republic of Palau that the contributions
of Taiwan to the global community, particularly the
developing countries, more than qualify the Republic
of China on Taiwan to fully participate in the United
Nations as a full-fledged Member. We strongly support
full membership of the Republic of China on Taiwan in
the United Nations and appeal to all States members of
this body for their support.
Countless achievements concerning the welfare
and security of this planet and its inhabitants have been
accomplished by this body since its inception 55 years
ago. Many important organs and bodies within the
United Nations have been created, and some have even
been reorganized since then to further promote and
enhance the institution's objectives and goals.
However, one very important organ within the
United Nations system, the Security Council, has
remained virtually unchanged since its inception. Palau
truly believes that this important organ should be
reorganized and restructured to increase both
permanent and non-permanent members in order to
strengthen the Council's work and effectiveness. We,
therefore, maintain our support of the Millennium
Declaration, expressing the determination to intensify
our efforts to achieve a more comprehensive reform of
the Security Council.
Reform can only materialize if we all agree to a
common formula by which the number of permanent
and non-permanent members should be increased. The
Republic of Palau further maintains that any increase in
the permanent membership of the Security Council
should reflect a Member State's contribution to
international peace and security and its capability to
effectively carry out the objectives of the Council. A
few countries have surely reached that plateau to serve
as permanent members of the Security Council.
Finally, the Republic of Palau reaffirms its
commitment to global partnerships in this world of
interdependent economies as an essential step towards
the achievement of sustainable development. At the
fifty-fourth United Nations General Assembly, the Vice
President of the Republic of Palau, His Excellency
Thomas Remengesau, Jr., addressed the Assembly and
spoke of a tri-partite scientific project involving the
United States of America, Japan and Palau that was
still in its developmental phase. I am deeply honoured
today to inform this Assembly that last month the
Government of Japan completed the constructional
phase of the project and officially handed over the
facility to the Government of the Republic of Palau.
The next phase is to furnish the facility with the right
equipment and tools necessary for scientific research.
When fully completed, the Centre will provide
scientists and researchers with a state-of-the-art facility
for research in the area of coral reefs and marine
organisms. Medical research can and will also be
conducted in this facility. In addition, the Centre will
serve as a tourist attraction, as different exhibits on
marine life and a large aquarium will be on display.
At this juncture, I would like to convey our
gratitude and thanks to the Governments of Japan and
the United States of America for their support in this
noble endeavour and welcome any input and
contributions from the scientists and researchers of the
rest of the Member States to utilize the facility, since
we all work towards the common goal of safeguarding
and utilizing our environment for the betterment of
humanity.
The Palau International Coral Reef Centre project
is a clear example of cooperation between developed
and developing nations in promoting sustainable
development. Financial resources and mechanisms,
environmental utility and transfer of sound technology,
cooperation and capacity-building have been made
available to support this important initiative.
The Republic of Palau continues to be challenged
and challenges every Member State to build on the
achievements of the last eight years that have passed
since the Rio Summit, to look critically at the problems
24

that are still facing us and to make firm commitments
on further progress.


Our deliberations come in the
wake of the historic Declaration just adopted at the
Millennium Summit. Today, we look into the future
with greater confidence. Our commitment to the
principles enshrined in the Charter is undiminished.
Our enthusiasm to turn our Organization's goals into
solid realities remains high. In our quest for a better
world, we are to derive our inspiration from our
democratic values; our energy from the dynamism of
our societies; and our strength from global solidarity
and shared responsibility.
Today, there is no greater challenge for us than
the prevention of conflicts and the achievement of
peace. The horrors we witnessed in Europe, the Far
East and Africa in the course of the past decade compel
us with a sense of urgency to devise effective conflict
prevention mechanisms and strategies. In his
Millennium Report, the Secretary-General articulates
the means for conflict prevention. These
recommendations, when adopted and implemented,
will provide the required capacity and credibility.
As an increasingly active member of the
international community, providing civilian and
military contingents to peace efforts in different spots,
as far apart as South-Eastern Europe and East Timor,
Turkey will give substance to United Nations efforts to
prevent conflicts. As peace operations become a core
function of the United Nations, we feel the urge to have
a sounder financial basis. Turkey therefore supported
the review of assessments for the apportionment of
expenses for peacekeeping operations. We hope that
these discussions will lead to a fairer redrawing of the
scale.
The rapidly globalizing world provides an
appropriate environment for Turkey, at the heart of
Eurasia, to serve as a bridge between many nations and
civilizations.
A priority task is securing peace and stability in
the Balkans. The Stability Pact for South-Eastern
Europe, in which Turkey plays an active part, provides
a good framework for cooperation and development in
the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, the
full implementation of the Dayton/Paris accords is still
our objective. We should preserve Bosnia and
Herzegovina as a multi-ethnic, multicultural,
independent and sovereign State. Turkey will continue
to contribute bilaterally and through multilateral
endeavours to Bosnia and Herzegovina's state-building
and reconstruction efforts.
In Kosovo, the United Nations has been able to
put in place arrangements enabling the population to
sustain their daily lives, but the current state of ethnic
violence does not inspire hopes for a promising future.
The United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo
has set new rules for the administration of Kosovo. We
look forward in particular to the full recognition of the
vested rights of the Turkish community of Kosovo. We
hope the shortcomings in this respect will soon be
corrected, allowing the multi-ethnic and multicultural
structure of Kosovo to be duly reflected in its public
institutions and organs.
To turn to a positive development, I should
underline that the constructive trend in our relations
with Greece I mentioned in my address last year to the
General Assembly continues. During the year, we have
signed nine agreements for cooperation in a variety of
areas, ranging from economy to culture. In this context,

the rapprochement between Turkey and Greece that we
initiated has already brought about positive results.
The mutual rediscovery by the peoples of Turkey
and Greece of one another and their reconciliation
provided the main dynamics of the rapprochement.
Almost on a daily basis, politicians, mayors,
businessmen, trade-unionists, artists, writers,
sportsmen and student groups visit each other across
the Aegean or Thrace. Trade between the two countries
is flourishing. An unprecedented flurry of activity is
being observed along the Aegean coasts and in Thrace.
Bilateral tourism is on the rise; joint investments are
being carried out. A memorandum of understanding for
a joint Turkey-Greece-European Union pipeline project
to transport Central Asian and Caucasian energy to
Western Europe has been signed.
All these positive developments have revealed
once again that the Turkish and the Greek people are in
favour not of confrontation, but of cooperation and
friendship. The peoples of our two countries have not
only superseded their politicians, but have raised a
most significant barrier to any inclination to move
backwards. The rapprochement between our two
peoples constitutes the best guarantee against the
inclinations of some politicians who, once in a while,
yearn for the confrontational past.
Turkey's attention is also focused on
developments in the southern Caucasus and Central
Asia. Our historical, cultural and linguistic affinities
with the countries of those regions serve as a major
asset in our joint efforts to see the peoples of the region
move towards higher levels of security and prosperity.
Recent terrorist activities, however, pose a new threat
to the peace and security of the Central Asian States
and are of major concern. We are now seeking ways as
to how we can best assist those countries in their
struggle against terrorism.
Recent events demonstrate once again that we
have to fight international terrorism collectively. We
commend the efforts of the United Nations to
strengthen the legal framework in the fight against
terrorism and urge the General Assembly to keep the
matter high on its agendas.
The developments in Afghanistan are cause for
grave concern, as they have a direct impact on the
stability of a huge region, including Central Asia. In
the southern Caucasus, peace has yet to be achieved
between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The international
community has the obligation to contribute to ending
the Armenian occupation of parts of Azerbaijan.
Stability in Georgia, on the other hand, remains a goal.
We have put forward the idea of a stability pact for the
Caucasus and are following up our initiative. The
regional countries must develop a growing awareness
of the wide-ranging benefits of regional cooperation.
Here, I should also underline that attempts to
defame other nations or to extract enmity from history
will serve no useful purpose. No nation in the world
has the right to use or distort history in order to achieve
some kind of identity. Historical research should be left
to scholars. In this day and age, we expect all nations
to concentrate their efforts on cooperating with each
other for the good of their peoples.
The Middle East peace process has reached a
crucial phase. Turkey has always underlined the
importance of a comprehensive, just and lasting
settlement on the basis of international legitimacy and
within the framework of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and of the principle of land
for peace.
The Palestinian issue lies at the core of the Arab-
Israeli conflict. On the other hand, it has again been
proven during the course of negotiations that Al-Quds
is the decisive element for peace between Palestinians
and Israelis. Progress was made at the Camp David
summit, as it was the first occasion at which there was
frank discussion of all issues, including the most
sensitive. We are heartened to witness the willingness
of both sides to continue negotiations and to explore all
possibilities. We encourage the parties to remain
engaged in order not to waste this historic opportunity.
Turkey is endowed with centuries of experience
regarding the area, the wider region and its problems.
We also have deep historical, moral and cultural ties
with the peoples of the region. Turkey has good
relations with the Israeli and the Palestinian parties
alike and enjoys their trust. This prompted the parties
to solicit our contributions in recent weeks to
facilitating a better understanding and greater
confidence between them. Turkey will continue these
efforts as long as we all think them useful.
I would also like to underline that Israel's
withdrawal from southern Lebanon, within the
framework of Security Council resolution 425 (1978),
was a step in the right direction. We also hope that
negotiations on the Israeli-Syrian and the Israeli-
12

Lebanese tracks will resume soon and reach a mutually
acceptable solution.
As we are recommitting ourselves to uphold the
principles enshrined in the Charter with increased
determination and vigour, we should likewise avoid
being captive of approaches not based on reality. In the
same vein, efforts to impose solutions that do not take
into account the realities on the ground are doomed to
failure.
In line with this very basic logic, the settlement
of the Cyprus issue must be compatible with the
existing realities on the island. To refresh memories on
this particular subject which is sometimes distorted in
public opinions by some powerful centres, I would like
to summarize the historical background. Cyprus
became an international problem as of December 1963
when the joint Turkish-Greek Republic was forcibly
destroyed by the Greek Cypriots and an
unconstitutional rule was set up at the expense of the
Turkish Cypriots. The present situation in Cyprus came
into being after the coup in 1974 engineered by Nikos
Sampson, the coup leader, who was acting in
coordination with the colonels' junta in Greece. This
coup murdered many Greek Cypriots as well. The coup
toppled Archbishop Makarios and forced him to flee
the country. They staged widespread terror and moved
to make the Turkish Cypriots subjects of a Greek
Cyprus which was designed to be an integral part of
mainland Greece.
Turkey, as one of the guarantor powers by virtue
of the London and Zurich Agreements, intervened to
terminate the ongoing massacres and to prevent the
perpetration of similar atrocities in the future.
Accordingly, Turkey averted an ethnic cleansing on the
island and spared the Turkish Cypriots from sharing the
tragic fate of the Muslim Kosovars and Muslim
Bosnians of the future. Therefore, it would be a gross
distortion of history to consider Turkish intervention as
an occupation. On the contrary, it symbolizes liberation
for nearly 200,000 Turkish Cypriots. Due to Turkish
intervention, not only did the coup in Cyprus fail, but
also the junta collapsed, and democracy returned to
Greece.
Since 1974, peace and security has prevailed on
the island. Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots live on
the island as two independent states, two functioning
democracies, representing two distinct peoples. In spite
of a ruthless economic embargo imposed upon them by
the Greek Cypriots, the Turkish Cypriots have made
considerable economic progress.
It is stipulated by the United Nations that both
parties through separate referenda should approve a
comprehensive settlement mutually acceptable to the
two parties. In case the settlement is rejected by one of
the parties in its referendum, the proposed solution
becomes null and void. It is out of the question,
therefore, for an international organization or any other
grouping to impose its own solution on the parties. In
this framework, the membership of Cyprus in the
European Union, of which Turkey is not a full member,
would be an indirect enosis and contrary to the
London and Zurich Agreements.
If a mutually acceptable settlement is sincerely
sought, then the model is quite clear, based on the
realities of Cyprus: a confederation consisting of two
states. As to this model, the two independent entities,
by virtue of reaching an agreement between
themselves, will transfer some of their functions to the
confederal bodies. Thus, both the integrity and
diversity that emanate from the realities of the island
would be preserved. A mutually acceptable settlement
in Cyprus cannot be reached through romantic
descriptions but through realistic assessments.
Therefore, to define the division of Cyprus as the last
wall of Europe might sound fashionable but the
connotations it brings and the parallelism it draws are
totally erroneous. First of all, the line defined as a
wall was not drawn by Turkey. This line was drawn
by the United Nations peacekeeping forces in 1963 in
order to protect the Turkish Cypriots from the assault
of the Greek Cypriots. This is the year when the Greek
Cypriots illegally got hold of the state apparatus and
conducted violent assaults against Turkish Cypriots.
To refer to some recent arrangements by the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on its sovereign
soil as an act strengthening the existing barriers is
irrelevant. For the walls to tumble down in Cyprus,
the Greek Cypriot side must first free itself of its
present frame of mind. Turkey favours a viable
settlement of the Cyprus issue. It supports President
Denktaş' confederal proposal and the proximity talks
initiated by the Secretary-General.
I would like to take this opportunity to express
the appreciation of my Government for the efforts of
the Secretary-General as well as his Special Adviser on
Cyprus, Mr. de Soto.
13

As a new century is being initiated, it is
regrettable that the richly endowed continent of Africa
is yet to receive its share from globalization. Especially
the prosperous nations have to make a sustained effort
to counter poverty and disease in Africa and give the
peoples of Africa the hope and the means for a more
promising future.
We have to vigorously pursue our efforts to make
the world a safer place for all. Turkey has always
encouraged efforts aimed at achieving meaningful and
verifiable arms control and disarmament arrangements.
In this context, we are also supportive of nuclear
disarmament. It is with this understanding that we are
signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) and to the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty
(CTBT). We urge all countries that have not yet done
so to do likewise.
One of the tools at the disposal of the United
Nations to respond to countries that violate
international peace and stability is sanctions. In recent
years sanctions have become a prominent tool in
United Nations collective efforts. There is now an on-
going debate on the subject and an assessment is being
made on the utility of sanctions.
The effectiveness of sanctions, as we see it, has
two important aspects. The first has to do with whether
the sanctions applied to a given country or area serve
their intended purpose. This, in turn, raises the question
of whether the sanctions are properly targeted and
whether there is universal compliance. The second
aspect concerns the proper implementation of
sanctions. They are invoked on the premise that the
decisions taken by the United Nations will be respected
and that all will share the ensuing burden. Therefore,
the collateral effects of the sanctions on third States,
and especially the uneven burden they place on
countries neighbouring the targeted State, are issues
that must be addressed. Moreover, we also should see
to it that the adverse effects of sanctions on innocent
people, especially on children, women and the elderly,
are minimized.
After the widespread economic setbacks of the
past few years, the healing process of the global
economy gathered momentum. Global integration has
been further fuelled by bold leaps in science and
technology. However, there is no room for
complacency. To ensure that the benefits of revitalized
growth are felt evenly on a global scale, continued and
intensified efforts are needed at national and
international levels.
It is not only the countries that have been exposed
to the negative effects of globalization that stand to
lose as a result. Global inequality threatens to become a
source of political and social instability. The
elimination of poverty should therefore remain our
paramount goal. To reach this goal, we must achieve
good governance, transparency and participation. We
must also build strong social safety nets. But these will
not yield the results being sought if we do not make
adequate provision for the education our people. As
physical borders begin to fade, the minds trapped
within national domains must also change and be
transformed.
We applaud the growing role of the United
Nations in the economic and social sphere. With its
role in breeding a culture of international cooperation
and solidarity  a genuine culture of international
cooperation and solidarity  the United Nations has
indeed been a source of inspiration for us all.
In one respect we feel we possess most of the
elements for a promising future, ranging from
increased universal awareness of human dignity to
strides in science and technology. Yet, at the same time,
we are distressed to find ourselves plagued by war,
weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, racism,
xenophobia, poverty and many other evils, both old and
new. As the new millennium is ushered in, we must
embrace rationalism, empathy and human solidarity in
tackling our common problems. Only then can we
relax, having fulfilled our responsibilities to the next
generation.


I would like to
take this opportunity to congratulate the President on
his assumption of the presidency of the fifty-fifth
session of the General Assembly.
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the
members of the Pacific Island Forum group of
countries at the United Nations, comprising Australia,
Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, New Zealand,
Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon
Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu and my own country,
Micronesia.
It is with pride that I congratulate and extend a
warm welcome to our Pacific Island neighbour Tuvalu
into the United Nations family. The members of our
group may vary greatly in land and ocean areas,
population, resource endowment, economic
development, social structures, languages and cultures,
but we share a common goal for the Pacific, based on
security and stability, as well as prosperity and
economic opportunities for its peoples, and the
sustainability of resources. Within the same context the
Pacific Islands Forum countries represented in New
York reaffirm their commitment to play a supportive
role in the United Nations decolonization programmes
in respect of the remaining non-self-governing
territories in the Pacific.
The Pacific Ocean occupies a central place in the
lives of the people of the Pacific Islands. Preservation
of this resource — which contains the world's highest
marine diversity — is critical to our future economic
development. The vast oceanic area under the control
of our members is rich in fishing potential but requires
careful management and monitoring to address illegal,
unregulated and unreported fishing and other
environmental threats. A major achievement for us and
our distant-water fishing partners is the convention
recently adopted by the Multilateral High-Level
Conference on the Conservation and Management of
Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and
Central Pacific, which will protect the world's last
great tuna fishery.
The first meeting of the United Nations Open-
ended Informal Consultative Process on Oceans and
Law of the Sea, under the co-chairmanship of the
Ambassador of Samoa, promises to serve as a vital part
of the preparatory process for the General Assembly's
consideration of ocean issues. The ocean priorities
identified by the Pacific Island Forum include
ratification of the United Nations Convention on the
Law of the Sea and the United Nations agreement on
fish stocks; marine scientific research and technical
assistance; and the delimitation of maritime zones,
including continental shelves.
The world's security environment has become
more fluid and uncertain with new and emerging
threats. Events this year show that a reputation for
stability and peace are by no means guaranteed in the
Pacific. In light of the political crisis in Fiji and the
social unrest in the Solomon Islands, Foreign Ministers
of the Forum met in Samoa in August. They recognized
the need for regional action to be taken on the basis of
all members being part of the Pacific Islands extended
family. In doing so the Forum must demonstrate that it
is prepared constructively to address difficult and
sensitive issues, including the underlying causes of
tensions and conflicts, such as ethnicity, socio-
economic disparities, lack of good governance, land
disputes and erosion of cultural values. Accordingly,
they decided to recommend to the Pacific Island Forum
meeting in Tarawa, Kiribati, that leaders commit
themselves and their countries to a number of
fundamental principles and courses of actions,
including the following: belief in liberty of the
individual under the law, equal rights for all citizens
regardless of gender, race, colour, creed, political belief
and in the individual's inalienable right to participate
by means of a free and democratic political process in
framing the society in which he or she lives; upholding
democratic processes and institutions which reflect
national and local circumstances, including the
peaceful transfer of power, the rule of law and the
independence of the judiciary, just and honest
government and recognizing the importance and
urgency of equitable economic, social and cultural
development to satisfy the basic needs and aspirations
of the people of the Forum.
The ministers established a working group to
develop these principles, and options for action in
cases where the principles have been violated, for
consideration by Forum leaders when they meet in
Kiribati.
In addition to increasing incidents of civil unrest,
the region is facing new threats from international,
financial and cyber crime and people-smuggling, as
27

well as the challenge of preventing and controlling
communicable diseases and the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
The threat associated with uncontrolled access to even
a small number of weapons was brought into stark
relief in the region recently, adding weight to the
Forum leaders' decision in 1997 to put in place
regional cooperation and a legal framework to control
the spread of weapons in the region. This approach is
in step with international efforts to combat the illicit
trade in small arms, particularly in the lead-up to the
2001 United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in
Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects.
Work on a legal framework has progressed to a point
where we expect draft legislation to be circulated
among Forum island countries before the end of this
year.
We in the Pacific retain a close relationship, in
both economic and cultural terms, with our natural
environment. We therefore maintain a keen interest in
the development of the Environmental Vulnerability
Index. We thank the several Governments that have
kindly committed substantial funds for the completion
of the third phase of the studies being conducted by the
South Pacific Applied Geoscience Commission
(SOPAC), and encourage its adoption by the United
Nations so that the environmental and natural risks that
our members face are recognized when consideration is
given to eligibility for concessional aid, trade treatment
and least-developed-country status.
Agenda 21 and the Barbados Programme of
Action for the Sustainable Development of Small
Island Developing States remain the basic guideline for
protecting the environment and achieving sustainable
development. Steady progress is required in the
preparations for the 10-year review of the United
Nations Conference on the Environment and
Development, to take place in 2002. We give high
priority to international efforts to have the Kyoto
Protocol come into force at the earliest possible date.
We are thus committed to achieving a successful
outcome to the sixth session of the Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, to be held in November. We
welcome the formulation of specific tools, such as the
Clean Development Mechanism, which promise to be
useful in enabling island countries to do our part to
combat climate change and to adapt to its consequences
within the parameters of our own national
circumstances.
Strengthened efforts are being made in the region
to build capacity to understand and respond to climate
change, including through observational networks. The
small island nations of the Pacific face unique
constraints on development. Most have small
subsistence-based economies with a narrow export
base. Forum economic ministers meeting in July
reconfirmed their commitment to the process of
economic reform, based on the principle of good
governance, with the aim of providing a sound
economic basis upon which social development can
take place.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) remains
the world's most significant international opportunity
for the negotiation of trade and commercial issues. The
Pacific Island Forum has agreed to establish a Forum
delegation in Geneva and a working group of Forum
trade officials to improve cooperation in the WTO and
to actively engage in the policy debate about the best
way to enhance the role of the WTO in contributing to
development. We recognize the importance of finding
ways to ensure that trade reform delivers outcomes
which will contribute not only to economic growth, but
also to the advancement of development and social
equity objectives and improved environmental
outcomes.
The global information economy promises great
opportunities, particularly for those in isolated areas
such as the Pacific, but it also demands new skills and
technology. Efficient and effective communications
services, including a dedicated modern network system
like the Small Island Developing States Network
(SIDSNET), are of critical importance in achieving
economic and social development and overcoming the
constraints resulting from the relatively high cost
structures of telecommunication networks for Forum
island countries. A Forum vision for the Pacific
information economy seeks to develop an appropriate
mechanism for the cooperation of regional regulators
and relevant organizations. Education and training are
of fundamental importance to enhancing the
adaptability of Pacific islanders to economic reform in
a rapidly changing world and region. By supporting
education, the United Nations can help overcome one
of the major obstacles to economic growth and poverty
reduction.
The United Nations system continues to play a
vital role in protecting the interests of small island
States, such as most of the members of the Pacific
28

Island Forum. It is essential that the United Nations
remain strong by adapting to meet new challenges such
as globalization. At the same time, the central role of
the General Assembly, with its universal membership,
should be strengthened. The Security Council should
be made more representative, transparent and
democratic so as to be able to respond to the
requirements of a fundamentally different international
setting. It needs to be reformed comprehensively to
meet contemporary demands and the conditions of the
world today.
We welcome the Brahimi report (A/55/305) and
look forward to the strengthening of the ability of the
United Nations to carry out its key peacekeeping role.
To fulfil its collective security responsibilities, the
United Nations must be afforded strong and sustained
political support, together with financial and
institutional resources. An integral element is a more
equitable scale for determining peacekeeping funding.
The Pacific Island Forum group remains
committed to ensuring an effective United Nations.
Programme of work


Brazil applauds your
election, Sir, to preside over the fifty-fifth session of
the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your
personal political experience and Finland's historic
contribution to the promotion of peace, human rights
and social development are valuable credentials that
you bring to the honoured task of chairing our work.
On behalf of the Brazilian Government, I pay
tribute to your predecessor, Foreign Minister Theo-Ben
Gurirab. His diplomatic skills and commitments to the
highest ideals of the United Nations insured him a
decisive role at the helm of the fifty-fourth session.
I wish to make a very special reference to our
Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. His moral authority
has served as a beacon as we strive to fulfil the
principles and goals of the United Nations. His report,
“We the peoples: the role of the United Nations in the
twenty-first century”, is a contribution of fundamental
importance to the cause of peace and justice, and to a
stronger United Nations. It will serve as a permanent
source of inspiration as we ponder the crucial decisions
the Organization is called upon to make.
Brazil had the satisfaction to co-sponsor the
resolution bringing Tuvalu into the United Nations
family. We salute Tuvalu as our newest member.
For the sixth consecutive time it is my honour to
take part in the opening of the general debate. On all
previous occasions, I took stock both of the positive
and negative aspects of the current state of world
affairs, the facts that afford us satisfaction and those
that are cause for frustration and even indignation. This
is our daily challenge and the motivating force behind
our work.
We meet here for the last time this century. We all
know that the twentieth century has been marred by a
fundamental contradiction. We have seen a growing
abundance of intellectual and material resources that
should have brought about a greater convergence of
opportunities and expectations as well as of living
standards throughout the world. Yet, what we also saw
was a failure to harness the necessary political will to
translate those extraordinary possibilities into a reality
of progress shared by all. This applies not only to the
international community as a whole but is equally valid
for the great majority of nations represented here,
among which is Brazil itself.
No doubt, we have much to gain in identifying
those aspects of our relations with the international
environment that are a hindrance to national
development. Yet it is equally illuminating to seek
within our own countries examples of success and
failure that help explain the world we live in.
Globalization is asymmetrical in part because it flows
from national societies that are themselves socially
unbalanced and seem to have lost some of their urge to
bring about social justice.
Freedom — the greatest of values — continues to
advance on all fronts and in all continents. That is a
crucial development. There is cause for concern,
however, that the core values of equality and fraternity
are dangerously being put aside. It is imperative that
these two other essential elements return to the top of
our agenda. They must retake their rightful place at the
centre of our policy decisions before it is too late —
before some are misled into believing that the
inevitable price for preserving freedom is the
perpetuation of the divide between the rich and the
poor, between those who are included and those who
suffer exclusion, between the “globalized” and those
left behind.
If democracy and freedom are to put down firm
roots within our countries, we must foster a genuine
sense of solidarity that translates into effective action.
Only thus will we build an international order that is
conducive to the preservation of peace and can
function as an engine of sustained growth. It is
unacceptable that major global issues and campaigns
for transnational solidarity be manipulated and
exploited in order to disguise what amounts to the
protection of narrow interests. Unfortunately, this is
what is happening in the field of international trade.
First, the inconsistency between free trade
rhetoric and the continued use of protectionist policies
of various types by developed countries. As I stated at
the World Trade Organization conference in Seattle, the
name of this game is discrimination. And
discrimination, especially when waged against the
weakest, is the absolute negation of solidarity. We must
5

reverse these grave distortions in international trade,
and especially as concerns agricultural products.
It is inadmissible that the most prosperous
nations, whose economies are strongly based in the
manufacturing and service industries, should be legally
entitled to restrict access to their markets for
agricultural goods, while they call for the free flow of
those goods in which they benefit from an enormous
competitive advantage. It is even more intolerable that
these countries be allowed, as is presently the case, to
subsidize the production and export of agricultural
commodities to the tune of dozens of billions of
dollars. These policies cause enormous harm to
exporting nations that are more efficient and
competitive in this field, but lack the financial means
to offer equally generous fiscal incentives to their
farmers.
Secondly, not satisfied with the persistence of this
highly discriminatory situation — where what is said
often deviates from what is done — there are those in
the developed countries who give voice to sectional
interests and defend a new offensive against the
exports of developing nations. This is what the new
language of protectionism, camouflaged as
humanitarian internationalism, would seem to suggest.
It unfurls the seductive banner of labour and
environmental standards, which, if adopted, would
further restrict the access of products from developing
countries to the markets of rich countries.
This rhetoric and its appeal to certain segments of
public opinion might suggest that the exports of
developing countries pose a threat to the economic
well-being and the way of life of the more developed
societies. We all know this is not true. After all, these
exports represent less than a third of world trade and
are made up mostly of raw materials.
The main objective of those who wish to
introduce labour conditionalities into trade rules has
little to do with improving the quality of life of
workers in poor countries. Their fundamental aim is to
protect backward sectors of their own economies that
strictly speaking are no longer capable of competing
effectively in a free trade environment.
Sanctions and commercial barriers are inadequate
tools to enhance labour standards and to protect the
environment in developing countries. Our countries
and our own societies, more than any other, are
interested in achieving those very same objectives,
which is why we need more — not less — exports and
economic growth.
This is a message that developing countries must
make ring out in a clear and powerful voice. We must
instil in developed societies an understanding that they
are not alone in the world. Above all, they must not
presume to unilaterally write the rules of international
trade solely according to their interests and points of
view, as if the other 5 billion human beings did not
have equally legitimate aspirations to progress, justice
and well-being.
Nations must come increasingly to comprehend
and respect differing realities and objectives among
themselves. At the same time, they must recognize
their commonalties and affinities; explore and enlarge
areas of convergence and opportunities for cooperation;
and overcome suspicions, rivalries and disputes.
Nowadays it is above all through regional
integration that this learning process takes place. For
most countries, it opens the door to a more intensive
and meaningful participation in global affairs.
In the Americas, and more specifically in Latin
America, we have set ourselves firmly on this course.
The countries of the region are increasingly integrated
among themselves and into the world. These are the
two inseparable faces of the same forward movement.
A few days ago in Brasilia, on the initiative of
President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a meeting of
Presidents of South America took place for the first
time in our history. This gathering sought to bring
together the leaders of South America around the
common challenges that grow out of our shared
geography and physical proximity. It is only natural
that this first meeting should have occurred in Brazil,
which shares borders with nine of its 11 South
American neighbours, and has lived in harmony with
all for over a century in a spirit of peace, friendship
and growing determination to move ahead on the road
to full integration.
The Presidents took important and concrete steps
in this direction that will bear lasting fruit. In the
political realm, they agreed to underscore the
commitment of the countries of South America to
democracy and decided that participation in future
South American gatherings would hinge on the
preservation of the rule of law and full respect for
democratic values and procedures. They also agreed to
6

hold consultations among their Governments in the
event of a threat to democracy in our region.
In trade matters, they resolved to begin
negotiations on a free-trade zone between
MERCOSUR and the Andean Community, to be
established before January 2002 and to be expanded
into an economic zone covering all of South America,
including Chile, Guyana and Suriname. To this end the
Presidents decided to coordinate the planning and
funding of projects for integrating the region's
infrastructure, in particular in the priority areas of
energy, transport and telecommunications. By working
together in this way we will more quickly set up the
physical links that will enhance South American unity.
Drug trafficking and organized crime are issues
that affect, in different forms, all regions of the world.
The Presidents highlighted the role of the Organization
of American States in the fight against drugs in the
hemisphere and the setting up last year of the
multilateral evaluation mechanism to assess the
performance of our countries in this effort. They also
decided to establish systematic consultations among
national agencies and to set up a South American anti-
laundering task force.
The meeting of Presidents of South America was
an event unique in the almost two centuries of
independent nationhood for most of the subcontinent.
As well as having historic significance and long-term
impact, this summit will also generate results in the
immediate future.
None is more significant than the commitment to
democratic values. President Fernando Henrique
Cardoso was very much to the point when he said:
“the South America of today is synonymous with
democracy ... In this dawning of democracy, we
will not tolerate abuses. And we will increasingly
demand the right not only to vote, but to defend
freedom, access to information and the judicial
guarantees that make elections an effective
exercise in democracy”.
The United Nations has seen important
achievements over this last year. Let me recall a few.
The goal of creating a more just, tolerant society was
reaffirmed during the follow-up world conferences on
women — Beijing +5 — and on social development —
Copenhagen +5. At the Non-Proliferation Treaty
review conference, modest but nevertheless significant
progress was made towards freeing the world from the
scourge of nuclear arms. As one of the New Agenda
countries, Brazil is proud of its contribution to the
success of the conference, whose results will be a
litmus test for future advances in the nuclear
disarmament field.
Efforts to establish an International Criminal
Court have moved ahead, and Brazil signed the Rome
Statute. Those that commit crimes against humanity
must not, under any circumstances, go unpunished.
In the Brahimi report (A/55/305), a valuable
framework has been laid out on how to strengthen the
work of United Nations peacekeeping operations and,
as a result, on how to overcome recent failures. The
courageous Rwanda and Srebrenica reports offer us a
precise diagnosis of what needs to be done.
In Timor, under the leadership of a model
international official, Sergio Vieira de Mello, a new
State is taking form and coming to life. We express our
strongest condemnation of the attack on innocent
workers at the United Nations office in Atambua, West
Timor, who were helping to achieve this very goal.
In contrast with these achievements, the
frustrations are well known. Peacekeeping operations
in Sierra Leone and in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo have still to show results; the conflict in Angola
goes relentlessly on as a result of UNITA's inexcusable
failure to comply with international directives and law;
and there is growing awareness of the devastating
dimensions of the AIDS epidemic in Africa and in the
rest of the world.
Less than a week ago, in a historic meeting in this
very Hall, world leaders took stock of the work and
achievements of multilateralism. The outcome was a
clearer reaffirmation of our determined and
unequivocal commitment to reinvigorate the United
Nations. We reinforced our convictions about the
crucial role of this Organization in ensuring that justice
is done and that international peace takes root.
Brazil has always been convinced of this.
In the absence of the United Nations, human
rights would be more vulnerable; the distance between
antagonists would be wider; the difficulties in
eradicating poverty would be greater; the growth of
tolerance would be slower and democratic practices
would face even stronger opposition.
7

It may be that the Millennium Summit only gave
expression to what we already knew. The historic
legacy of this Summit should, then, be our renewed
willingness to act.
We all know that it is by mobilizing political will
that we can make a difference. The United Nations is
the model political forum of the international
community and its central goal is to provide the ways
and means to bring to life our dearest ideals, values and
aspirations.
In this hall there has often been a divorce
between words and deeds, between objectives and the
tools to achieve them, as if they hailed from different
universes, distant and isolated from each other.
It is only through political dialogue, and
consultation among States made possible by
multilateralism that a degree of rationality and
predictability can be brought to the workings of global
forces.
To foster multilateralism is to strengthen the
United Nations and the modern understanding of the
individual as the central beneficiary of international
action. Only thus can we look forward to progressive
and just governance in this integrated world.
It is our obligation to fulfil our common
commitments, so vigorously underscored during the
Millennium Summit. We must do so with determination
and a sense of urgency.