It gives me pleasure, Mr. President, to associate myself with the warm congratulations offered to you from this rostrum. They are a tribute to your country and to yourself, as well as to a continent which is playing such a prominent role in the United Nations. I hope and trust that, under your leadership and guidance, the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly will be constructive, positive and responsive to the grave problems that face us.
101.	It is gratifying to observe the family of nations grow from year to year, reinforced with new partners in our common endeavours. The United Nations will either stand or fall on the principle of universality. The only attitude we should disavow is the promotion of narrow, selfish interests which run counter to our common international efforts.
102.	Every session of the General Assembly must set out in a spirit of hope that, despite the disappointments of the past, we can and should renew our efforts and work for a better world. Forty years ago, the founders of the United Nations looked back on a tragic past and undertook to forge instruments that would ensure a better future for humanity. So do we, in accordance with ancient Jewish tradition, look back year after year upon the disappointments of the past with firm belief in a better future, buoyed by an unflagging hope in the triumph of that human spirit which never deserts us.
103.	The fortieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War will occur in 1985, as has already been noted from this rostrum. This was a landmark in history and even more so in the annals of my people. Israel and the Jewish people, who still carry so many scars of that terrible war, will commemorate the occasion appropriately. The event will undoubtedly be marked by all nations, as was indeed recommended by the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, which invited States Members "to adopt . . . measures declaring punishable by law any dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred . . . including Nazi, Fascist and neo- Fascist ideologies". The Assembly also appealed to all States to accede to the Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity. There are still a few pockets of neo-Nazism that continue to linger, and they should be dealt with firmly, but the true heirs to this inhuman creed are those organizations and Governments that continue to this day to deny the right of existence of another State and strive for its outright destruction. There should be no room in civilized society for such doctrines or for those who promote them.
104.	The United Nations concept embraces the whole of mankind. Its raison d'etre is the welfare, present and future, of humanity, with special attention accorded to the underprivileged, the disabled and the oppressed. Our special attention should be focused on the problems of children and of youth and on their appropriate education and training. This should be our central task in building up our nations and societies.
105.	The coming year will be marked by the conclusion of the United Nations Decade for Women, with the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the Decade to be held at Nairobi. Our hope is that that Conference will become a high point in women's struggle for equality and will not be exploited for narrow and barren political interests.
106.	Technological progress holds the promise of providing solutions to some of the most pressing problems of developing nations, but nowhere is it more sorely needed than in the field of agriculture and food production. It is now widely recognized that the international development effort has failed to meet its most important challenge, the production of food for the fast-growing population of our world. Agriculture is the key to the present challenge, but its development and that of the rural society that sustains it have been sadly neglected.
107.	Great strides have been made world-wide in industry, in the development of infrastructure, transportation, education and health, but food production has remained deficient. It is a terribly sad comment on our society that in this modern age millions go hungry and die of famine; hundreds of millions, mainly children, suffer malnutrition, their future as productive members of their society endangered. Per capita food production in Africa, for instance, has in fact dropped 15 per cent in the last decade. Countries in other continents have required emergency food supplies. Nations that were once self-sufficient have become importers of food and, as a result of their economic difficulties stemming from the increase in the cost of energy, their true independence has become endangered.
108.	Catastrophe awaits many nations if we do not find the way to assure adequate food for our world's growing population. World security and stability begin with the assurance of basic human needs. A change of direction is thus urgently needed in the goals of international development. That is the challenge of this decade. This goal can be reached despite the scarcity of arable land and water and despite the meagre resources that are available in various countries. In fact, Israel has emerged in only one generation from severe austerity and food rationing to self-reliance; we have increased our food production twelvefold and have become a net exporter of food.
109.	Israel recently marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of its programme for international development co-operation. This programme had its beginning in the late 1950s and early 1960s with the emergence of newly independent nations that sought rapid development. Imbued with a pioneering spirit that thrived on successful adaptation and innovation in the development of their own country, the people of Israel considered it a duty to share the knowledge acquired through their own rapid development experience with the peoples of other emerging nations.
110.	Israel calls upon all Governments to set aside political differences and narrow economic interests to join forces in the campaign against hunger. Israel will continue to co-operate with other nations in technology and development and stands ready to join other Governments, international agencies and non-governmental organizations in working to meet this great challenge to humanity.
111.	Israel is the fulfilment of an age-old dream and prayer for the re-establishment of the Jewish State in the Land of Israel. It is the home of all Jews who wish to make it their home, and it is the defender and protector of all Jews who are oppressed or persecuted because they belong to the Jewish people. These principles are enshrined in Israel's Declaration of Independence, in its laws and in the conscience of its people.
112.	We are aghast at the fact that, 40 years after the eradication of Nazism, rampant anti-Semitism and racial discrimination still exist in a number of countries. The situation of Soviet Jewry has recently taken a definite turn for the worse. From this rostrum I call upon the Government of the Soviet Union to remove the harsh limitations and restrictions imposed upon Jews who seek repatriation and reunion with their brethren in Israel. The continued harassment of Soviet Jews has become one of the most pressing humanitarian problems of the day, a violation of the most basic human rights as expressed in the Helsinki accords. Hundreds of thousands of Jews are being systematically denied their rights and many are forced to live as outcasts, deprived of their livelihood, harassed or imprisoned in gaols and labour camps under inhuman conditions.
113.	Soviet Jews are deprived of access to Jewish culture. A systematic campaign is waged against those Soviet Jews teaching and studying the Hebrew language. Ill-concealed under the cloak of anti-zionism, officially inspired anti-Semitism is being increasingly manifested in the Soviet media.
114.	We call upon the Soviet Government to change its policy, which is unjustifiable. The Soviet Jews are not involved in any anti-Soviet activity, nor are they violating Soviet laws or working against Soviet interests. Their only wish is to study their ancient culture and their national language and to live as Jews in their historic homeland. It should be recalled that in front of this very Assembly official representatives of the Soviet Union have declared that the Jewish people have a right to a State of their own. Soviet Jewry demands nothing more than to exercise this right.
115.	In our own part of the world, the Middle East, the Jews of Syria continue to suffer under a harsh regime that holds them hostage and refuses to grant them basic human rights, the most important of which is the right to emigrate and join their brethren. Periodic killings of Jews, either sanctioned or tolerated by the authorities, maintain a climate of terror among the Jews of Syria.
116.	In Ethiopia, an ancient Jewish community struggles to maintain its heritage, culture and integrity under dire hardship. We acknowledge the gesture of the Ethiopian Government, which has recently enabled Jews and non-Jews from all over the world to visit that community, and we express our sincere hope that it will take all necessary steps to protect and respect their religious and cultural rights and enable those who so desire to be reunited with their families in their ancient homeland.
117.	On 13 September 1984, a Government of national unity, encompassing the overwhelming majority of political parties in Israel, was established. Its creation is a reflection of the wide consensus that unites the people of Israel on the main issues on the Government's agenda in the economic, defence and political domains.
118.	In its foreign relations, Israel is dedicated, as always, to the goal of peace and accommodation with all its neighbours. In the north, we stand ready to reach an understanding with Lebanon which will guarantee the security of our common border and thus make possible the withdrawal of all forces from southern Lebanon. Syria remains dogmatically opposed to the idea of peace with Israel. Nevertheless, we are adamant in our conviction that there can be no solution other than peace. In the east, we have repeatedly called on the Government of Jordan to join us in negotiations for peace. In the south, of course, we have peace with Egypt, but we are convinced that peaceful relations should be deepened and strengthened in the face of so much rejectionist pressure against peace.
119.	The chances of progress towards further peace and stability between Israel and its neighbours must be appraised, however, in the context of the realities of the region.
120.	The Middle East continues to be beset by violence, bitter conflicts and wars. In a few weeks of bloodshed along the Iran-Iraq border, more men and children die than in all the Arab-Israel wars. Thousands die every year in domestic strife and hostilities entirely unconnected with the Arab-Israel conflict. Yet, as everyone in this Hall knows full well, a disproportionate amount of the time of the General Assembly is devoted year after year to a contrived and counter-productive review of the Arab-Israel conflict, the main purpose of which seems to be only to slander Israel.
121.	In the last two decades, the violence and oppression that characterize so many regimes in the Middle East have erupted on the international scene in waves of terrorism, hijacking and assassination. When in 1972 the Secretary-General proposed that the United Nations promote measures to counter international terrorism, we were among the first to welcome that initiative. Regrettably, it has been thwarted by States that sponsor and support terrorism. Middle Eastern terrorism, sanctioned by these Governments, has been thus allowed, through neglect and indifference, to expand to more and more countries. Today the cancer of terrorism has spread to all continents. The latest form of terrorism and international piracy is the mines that threaten shipping and the freedom of navigation in the Red Sea. Recently, we were again horrified by the murderous bombing of the United States Embassy at Beirut, a calculated and deliberate act of terrorism.
122.	Terror is a malignant disease that will spread everywhere if not contained. But at least in one instance concerted international effort has produced results. When terrorism first raised its ugly head in the mid-1960s, its prime target was international civil aviation. Planes were hijacked almost daily, aircraft bombed, passengers terrorized and murdered. The proper functioning of civil aviation today is a result of powerful measures taken jointly by many nations to ensure the safety of passengers and aircraft and to combat the threat of hijackings. But such successful international co-operation remains an exception. Terrorism is still an item on the Assembly's agenda, but it is debated ineffectively, shunted aside by vested interests which offer its representatives support, sustenance and even quasi- recognition. As long as the family of nations continues to evade its responsibilities, to appease rather than punish, to pardon terrorists rather than prosecute or extradite them, to afford terrorists diplomatic immunity, the disease will spread and claim yet more victims in our homes and communities.
123.	Whenever a particularly outrageous terrorist attack takes place, as for example the recent bombing of the United States Embassy at Beirut, a wave of outrage sweeps public opinion in all parts of the civilized world. People naturally demand instant retaliation against such despicable acts and a fitting punishment for the criminal perpetrators.
124.	While punishment has its necessary place in any system of justice, the overriding problem here is not whom to punish and how punishment should be delivered. Rather, it is how to prevent terrorism and root it out from the international arena. There is only one way to deal with this problem. Those countries which agree that terrorism must be eradicated should join forces and wage a permanent war on the terrorist organizations. This is the only way to expose, pre-empt, weaken and finally destroy them. This is a war of self-defence in its true sense, a campaign that the free world should undertake on behalf of its peoples and of the entire human race.
125.	For its part, Israel has been waging an unrelenting war on Arab terrorism and has dealt it a number of crippling blows. The so-called PLO, which had established its own mini-terrorist State in Lebanon, from which it carried out and assisted terrorist acts in five continents, was expelled from that country. But Israel cannot be expected to shoulder alone the burden of fighting international terrorism. Since we are all potential victims of terror, we must fight it together. If we do not, terrorism will endanger our basic freedoms and all the standards of civilized behaviour for which the United Nations stands.
126.	The attitude underpinning Arab terrorist attacks against Israel is the continued denial by Arab States of Israel's right to exist. Translated into wanton attacks on civilians, the ideology is cruel and inhuman. But it has produced the very opposite result to that intended. Israel has taken the necessary measures to protect its people and enable them to live and prosper alongside their Arab neighbours throughout the Land of Israel. We have to state with regret that any sign of ostensible moderation in the attitude of Arab Governments towards Israel is negated by their sustenance and support of terrorist organizations committed to Israel's destruction and by their continued attempts to expel Israel from United Nations bodies and other international organizations. We will welcome a change in the Arab stance if it is given concrete expression, such as a clear-cut disengagement from the so-called PLO and other terrorist organizations and a straightforward statement of readiness to make peace with Israel.
127.	Sadly, such a breakthrough for peace was set back by the General Assembly's rejection of the Camp David accords and the Israel-Egypt peace treaty, for no other reason than that certain Arab States reject the idea of peace with Israel. Camp David has been the only ray of light in an otherwise dismal and dark picture of hostility. It will continue to serve as a beacon of hope until its message is finally accepted by the peoples and Governments of our region.
128.	The United Nations can contribute to peace in the Middle East by a change of direction. It should embrace the idea of peace between Israel and its neighbours condemn the blatant attacks on Israel and reject outright the attempts to expel it from international forums. Recently, an attempt to expel Israel from the UPU was properly rejected by an overwhelming majority. It is now time for the United Nations as a whole to muster the courage to condemn such behaviour. It will mark an important milestone in rehabilitating the image of the United Nations and its standing in the world community.
129.	Recently, the idea of convening an international conference on the Middle East was resurrected. It was advanced by a State that has no diplomatic relations with Israel and that recommends the participation of representatives of terrorist groups. The Arab-Israel dispute is not in need of another international forum. There have been more than enough such gatherings and proposals, and they have all proved futile. They served as a stage for propaganda and for competition between Arab States in the politics of public confrontation with Israel. A conference such as the one being proposed would strike a blow at the principle of direct negotiations, which has proved to be the only means of producing agreements between Israel and its neighbours, from the time of the General Armistice Agreements in 1949 through the Camp David accords in 1978.
130.	We therefore call on Member States that have the interest of peace at heart to bring their influence to bear on our Arab neighbours to the east and north to adopt the only successful and tested path to peace—direct negotiations with Israel.
131.	Such negotiations produced the agreement with Lebanon which was signed on 17 May 1983. That agreement provided for security arrangements against terrorism and an agreed basis for normal relations between our two countries across the recognized international boundaries. It was approved by the legislatures of Israel and Lebanon, but Syria and those that cannot tolerate the idea of peace with Israel destroyed it by the application of sheer, brutal force. The agreement was designed to lead to the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon, the restoration of Lebanese independence and the establishment of security measures along the Lebanon- Israel border.
132.	Today, some 40,000 Syrian troops occupy 65 per cent of Lebanon and show no sign of any intention to leave. The Lebanese Government is dominated by Syria and is not capable of conducting free negotiations that would resolve its problems with Israel. Obviously, Israel will ensure its legitimate security needs and make the necessary arrangements in southern Lebanon to protect the people of northern Israel against any repetition of the terrorist attacks of recent years. I reiterate our readiness to withdraw all our forces from Lebanon, subject to the above-mentioned arrangements.
133.	By now it should be clear to everyone, including the Arab States in our area, that Israel has no interest in maintaining any military presence in Lebanon. But we have to make certain that after the last Israeli soldier leaves Lebanon, the terrorists will not return to attack us.
134.	Let me repeat: anyone, any people or State that is interested in the evacuation of the Israel army from Lebanon must see to it that the terrorist organizations expelled from Lebanon by Israel do not return to our borders to renew their attacks. This is an essential condition for peace. Israel is ready to cooperate in any serious effort towards a fair solution to this problem.
135.	Since the conclusion of the Camp David accords, Israel has repeatedly called on Jordan, Egypt and the Palestinian Arabs to join in negotiations for an agreement on autonomy. Unfortunately, Egypt has discontinued its participation in the talks, while Jordan and the Palestinian Arabs have refused to join them. Arab rejectionism and extremism continue to have a stranglehold on those who may have been willing to embark on the path of moderation and peace.
136.	From this rostrum, I turn yet again to our neighbours with the same call. Let us move forward together on a new path. Let us talk to one another. Let us engage in a common effort to resolve our conflicts, rather than perpetuate the negative attitudes which find frequent expression in this building.
137.	Until this call is heeded, Israel will continue to strive for an end to Arab rejectionist attitudes and aspire to mutual acceptance, tolerance, understanding and dialogue, which are consonant with the most basic goals of the United Nations.
138.	Israel is aware of the substantial contribution which the peaceful uses of nuclear energy can make to the well-being of the world and of the right of all countries to benefit from such uses. We support those international arrangements that would ensure the status and inviolability of nuclear facilities dedicated to peaceful purposes.
139.	Israel has long been concerned by the dangers posed by nuclear armaments and has therefore consistently supported the objective of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
140.	We believe that the most credible barrier to proliferation in such a sensitive area as the Middle East is a freely negotiated nuclear-weapon-free zone. In this belief, we are encouraged by the Latin American experience and the recent progress towards establishing the South Pacific as a nuclear-weapon- free zone.
141.	In the vital field of disarmament, we are impelled by a permanent moral imperative. Progress in this field is indispensable if we are to remove the nuclear threat. It may be a commonplace to say that time is running out, but it is nevertheless true. A very recent experience demonstrates that weapons, once they exist, are used. During the current terrible Iran- Iraq war, new non-conventional weapons, such as gas, have been used. This latest addition to the arsenal of fighting armies, against established international conventions and basic decency, cannot but arouse the deepest anxiety. It should be opposed vigorously by anyone concerned for the future of our civilization. All of us are aware that a moderation of the armament spiral, both conventional and non- conventional, will free huge resources needed for the welfare of mankind, in particular that of the developing countries.
142.	In conclusion, our mission is twofold. Our first task is the improvement of the quality of life in this world, especially for those who are suffering or who lack the means of sustenance; the hungry millions are waiting for us to do our duty. Our second task is to concert our efforts to eradicate from our midst terrorism and all other violations of civilized norms. We must dedicate equal effort to achieving both goals. We cannot accomplish our humanitarian task unless we overcome the dangers that threaten our society. Both objectives can be achieved provided we muster the courage and the will to do so. Our reward will be true peace. There can be no greater goal for the United Nations.
143.	The vision of our ancient prophets of universal peace was intended for a distant, Utopian future. But, if we succeed in removing these two formidable obstacles—hunger and terrorism—from our path, the march of humanity towards the fulfilment of that vision will be immeasurably advanced, our stride quickened and our hearts uplifted with the promise of better days.


First of all, I wish to extend my cordial greetings to all delegations which are concerned about the tragic fate of the Khmer people and which are now attending this meeting of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The steadfastness and energy with which so many nations have for many years supported the just cause of Democratic Kampuchea, which has been invaded, occupied, plundered and half colonized by an imperialist, annexationist foreign Power, represent for all the patriots of Kampuchea invaluable encouragement in their struggle for independence and freedom.
164.	Mr. President, your noteworthy election to guide the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly is a well-deserved tribute to your well known ability and your outstanding work as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia. It is also, through you, a tribute to your valiant country, Zambia, which, under the successful leadership of President Kenneth Kaunda, has been carrying out courageous action on the front line against racism and apartheid and for the independence of Africa.
165.	I should like, on behalf of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea, to address to you our warmest congratulations and best wishes for success in your important and difficult duties. I wish also to express our sincere and profound gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who conducted our work with great wisdom and efficiency.
166.	I should like, further, to express to the Secretary-general our profound esteem and deep appreciation for his tireless efforts to ease the tensions which have arisen in various parts of the world and his continuing work in the interest of security, justice and peace, which are primary objectives of the Charter of the United Nations. The Secretary-general has demonstrated on many occasions his impartiality, skill and courage. The Organization, to which he does credit, is greatly indebted to him.
167.	It is a great pleasure for me, on behalf of the Coalition Government and the people of Democratic Kampuchea, to welcome the admission of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations. Its accession to independence, its membership in ASEAN and the general esteem it enjoys enable it to make a valuable contribution to the maintenance of peace and security in that region of the world and in the Pacific. We wish its eminent sovereign, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, and the people of Brunei peace, happiness and prosperity, and we assure them of our determination to develop ties of friendship and cooperation between our two peoples, our two nations and our two Governments.
168.	Finally, it is my duty and my privilege, on behalf of my Government and our people, to pay a warm tribute and offer heartfelt thanks to all the countries that have given shelter to Khmer refugees. First among these is the Kingdom of Thailand, which since the early days of our misfortunes has generously opened its borders to hundreds of thousands of our compatriots who have sought refuge on its territory. Many of them later found other countries of asylum, but Thailand is still housing about a hundred thousand of them and at present is receiving groups of hundreds of fugitives who have fled from zones controlled by the enemy. The protection accorded by the Kingdom of Thailand to our refugees is not only costly to it but also dangerous sometimes, when Vietnamese forces infiltrate its territory or bomb it. That neighbouring Kingdom has shown us exemplary compassion and solidarity, thereby winning our undying gratitude.
169.	I should like also to thank the many more distant nations which have given asylum and assistance to tens of thousands of Khmer refugees, enabling them to build, often with their families, decent and peaceful new lives. We owe undying gratitude to those nations which took pity on our unfortunate people and treated as brothers all those who sought refuge in their territories.
170.	Many countries, Governments and peoples, international bodies, associations, groups and even private individuals have given our people humanitarian aid which is greatly appreciated. Others have given us essential diplomatic and material assistance m our struggle for national liberation. On behalf of the Government and people of Democratic Kampuchea, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to ail those great and generous friends of Cambodia.
171.	This year, our liberation struggle has scored new successes in the battlefield. Since the beginning of the last dry season, our armed forces have increased their activities and intensified their attacks in the centre of the country, particularly in the provinces surrounding the Tonle Sap (the Great Lake), a region of great strategic and economic importance. It is, in fact, a junction of railways, roads and waterways, whereby the enemy supplies its units stationed in the northwest and the west, near the border of Thailand. Our resistance forces have waged fierce battles, harassing the enemy and destroying many depots of military supplies, up to the heart of the provincial towns of Battambang, Siem Reap, Kompong Thom and Pursat.
172.	As a result of our constant attacks on the railway lines and roads, up to Tonle Sap, more than two thirds of the enemy supply convoys have been dispersed or destroyed. A large part of the "rice granary" of Battambang province has been freed from Vietnamese control, causing serious supply problems for the occupying forces and reducing almost to nothing the rice levy that they have tried to charge in order to benefit Viet Nam itself, whose economic difficulties, as is well known, are considerable.
173.	Viet Nam had thought that it had found a solution to its setbacks by carrying out the large scale installation of Vietnamese "peasant soldiers" on the best lands of Kampuchea. Foreign observers who managed to visit the so-called People's Kampuchea led by the puppet team of Mr. Heng Samrin, under tighter and tighter control of Hanoi's cadres, have reported that the process of pure and simple colonization of Cambodia has reached a very alarming degree.
174.	It has been reported by reliable witnesses that almost half of the inhabitants of our capital, Phnom Penh, are now Vietnamese and that, in some regions under Vietnamese control, the occupiers have established purely Vietnamese zones in which most of the "settlers" are armed and participate in suppressing the resistance activities of the Khmer patriots.
175.	This policy, favoured by some hundreds of Mr. Heng Samrin's followers, who have become mere collaborators with the enemy, imposes the compulsory teaching of the Vietnamese language in schools and the use of Vietnamese at all levels of the puppet administration, and promotes mixed marriages. The thousand year history of Kampuchea has been outrageously distorted by the new masters so that schoolchildren learn how to feel as members of the "Great Viet Nam", that is, of the "IndoChinese Federation" conceived by Ho Chi Minh.
176.	The famous French naturalist and ethnologist, Marie Alexandrine Martin, a researcher at the National Centre for Scientific Research, author of several authoritative books on Cambodia, contributed a very valuable study to the review Politique Internationale in the summer of 1984, entitled "The Process of the Vietnamization of Cambodia", which all those who are interested in the problems of our country would do well to read. She pointed out, in particular, that in 1982 "the maritime borders were shifted to the detriment of Cambodia" and that in July 1983 a "treaty on the solution to the border problems between the two countries" was signed by the leaders of Hanoi and their puppets in Phnom Penh.
177.	She recalled that another text recognizes the existing borders, but it considers a "new delimitation of the land borders"; corrections to the borderlines have already been made, particularly in the province of Svay Rieng, the Parrot Beak district.
178.	According to witnesses, and thanks to the prevailing influence of their representatives in Kampuchea, the Vietnamese freely cross over into Kampuchea and settle there. On the basis of their own findings and of considerable reliable testimony by Khmer refugees, foreign observers estimate the present number of Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia to be 500,000 or 600,000. At a meeting in Phnom Penh attended by high level administrative cadres, the heads of districts and provincial communes learned of a decree (prakas) specifying that the Khmers must "share their lands with the Vietnamese civilians, help them to settle down and to build their houses"; otherwise they would be imprisoned for anti-Vietnamese activities. There have therefore been many incidents, and many Khmer civilians have fled into the maquis or to Thailand.
179.	Mrs. Martin stated that some Vietnamese civilians, particularly those who speak Khmer as a result of having lived in Cambodia, "have already taken Cambodian nationality and can pass themselves off as Khmers . . . They, of course, have the right to vote." She added that the Phnom Penh leaders, as reported by many officials who escaped, do not even have the pretence of authority. They encounter "the inertia of the Khmers, who are less and less willing to cooperate with the occupiers and are more and more sympathetic to those who are offering resistance". The number of Vietnamese advisers in the administration has "doubled". Mrs. Martin concluded: "The people of Kampuchea, who have undergone all kinds of humiliation and repression, are admirable for their dignity in the test of strength which is now going on."
180.	The correspondent of The Washington Post in Bangkok, confirming this information a few months ago in a dispatch to Japan Times, stressed the growing resentment of the Khmers inside the country against the Vietnamese occupiers. The Vietnamese have aroused the aversion of the people because of the lack of discipline of their troops and the increasingly large settlement of Vietnamese in the provinces of Kampuchea. Last year, according to that journalist, 15,000 Khmers fled to Thailand as a result of a "purge" by the occupiers, the provincial administration and the military forces of Heng Samrin.
!81. The correspondent of  The Washington Post stated that whereas the Vietnamese and the puppets in their service stated that only 56,000 Vietnamese had settled in Kampuchea since 1979, Western diplomats gave the figure of 200,000 to 400,000, and the resistance movements gave the figure of 500,000 to 600,000.
182.	For his part, Mr. Sek Yen, an important personality of the Heng Samrin regime, former Deputy Director of the Political and Propaganda School of the regime, fled to Thailand with 15 members of his family and was transferred to Bangkok.
183.	Sek Yen revealed in a press conference that most of the Khmer senior officials were married to Vietnamese women, who met once a week and reported on the activities of their husbands to the Vietnamese authorities in Phnom Penh. The children born of those marriages had been sent to study in Viet Nam.
184.	With regard to Vietnamese influence in Cambodia, Sek Yen said that from the central administration down to the lowest levels, "all decisions were made by the Vietnamese. The home of every Kampuchea official, or of those who want to please the occupiers, must have a portrait of Ho Chi Minh displayed in a prominent place."
185.	He stressed also that "ordinary Cambodians are starting to find ways to support the (anti-Vietnamese) resistance forces". Sek Yen concluded that the Khmers "are increasingly supporting the Coalition Government, because they want to eliminate the Vietnamese and liberate their country, a task they believe to be possible".
186.	I felt that I should sum up the remarks of Mrs. Martin, a real expert on our problems, whose intellectual independence is beyond doubt, and of Sek Yen, a personality of the pro-Vietnamese regime of Heng Samrin who fled his country in protest against the Vietnamese domination of Cambodia, which has been reduced to bondage by the Hanoi Government.
187.	It is interesting to note that, unlike almost all foreign observers and journalists who have been able to penetrate Vietnamese-controlled Kampuchea, some persons still repeat the propaganda themes of the Vietnamese, to the effect that the Phnom Penh regime is desired and supported by the whole Khmer people and that the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea is rejected by everyone. So that international public opinion can judge the validity of that statement, I repeat a proposal I have been submitting for several years now—that is, that after the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces, general elections under strict United Nations supervision be organized in my country, elections in which all parties and political groupings, including the Heng Samrin team, could freely participate. This democratic suggestion should have been taken up right away by the Heng Samrin government and its Vietnamese allies. It was a golden opportunity, since the Khmer people, according to them, would vote massively in favour of the present Phnom Penh leaders, getting rid once and for all of the three component parts of the resistance. Crushed and laminated by a vote of the people supervised by the United Nations—and therefore with irrefutable results—the resistance groups would simply have to leave Khmer soil and reflect upon the humiliating defeat in exile.
188.	Unfortunately, neither Phnom Penh nor Hanoi wanted to hear of any such free elections, nor do they want to hear of them now.
189.	I would add that the very logical and reasonable proposals that I have presented over the years have had no more success; they have been met with the same categorical refusal. For example, in order to pave the way to the reconstruction of our country— three quarters of which has been destroyed by war—I suggested the creation of a government of national reconciliation, through the inclusion in the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea of all the other Kampuchean parties that would agree to work for an independent, neutral and nonaligned Kampuchea.
190.	This government of national reconciliation would become a member of ASEAN, with the status of a neutral, nonaligned State, in order to prove to the Vietnamese and their great Soviet friends that a reconciled Kampuchea would not be part of the so called Chinese threat, about which Viet Nam pretends to be so concerned.
191.	It is clear that, for the time being, Viet Nam and its allies reject any political solution to the problem of Kampuchea. That is shown by the recent Vietnamese proposal to embark on so-called unconditional talks between the ASEAN countries and the IndoChinese States—alias the Vietnamese Indo Chinese Federation. In fact, this Hanoi proposal, which some people describe as a breakthrough, seeks merely to bury the five resolutions of the General Assembly on the situation in Kampuchea and to recognize the Vietnamese fait accomplis in Kampuchea, and therefore the Vietnamese IndoChinese Federation, consisting of one master and two servants.
192.	And yet our armed resistance is gaining ground. It has more than 60,000 combatants, better armed, equipped and trained and with a better experience of war and a higher degree of patriotic motivation—as is shown in the courageous raids, mostly successful, throughout the national territory.
193.	On the other hand, the Vietnamese offensives, ill supported by Khmer adolescents who have been forcibly conscripted into Heng Samrin's paltry units, have doubtless done much harm to our civilian compatriots in the liberated zones, but they have not succeeded in imperilling our combatants—still less in winning back those zones.
194.	No matter how loudly the Vietnamese proclaim that the situation in Kampuchea is irreversible, the fact is that, quite to the contrary, it is on the point of being reversed. Militarily, our position is gradually improving. We are striking back and are often taking the initiative, vigorously and with determination. Politically, as the best observers have confirmed, the people inside the country, despite their understandable desire to live in peace, are clearly siding, in their hatred of the Vietnamese occupiers—the masters of so-called People's Kampuchea—with our Coalition Government. The soil is getting hot under the feet of the enemy, which thought it could make short shrift of little Cambodia.
195.	Diplomatically, finally, our legitimate Government is becoming better understood and supported by nations that are committed to independence and justice and that, in fact, make up the overwhelming majority of the United Nations. I have seen this myself on the scene, during my many trips in Asia, Africa and Europe, where I have received the most understanding and encouraging welcome everywhere.
196.	The intensification of our struggle in Kampuchea, as well as the increasing support by the international community, will not fail—in the not too distant future, I hope—to bring Viet Nam to its senses and make it participate in an international conference on Kampuchea.
197.	That is clearly in the interest of Viet Nam itself, which has been suffering more than would appear because of its condemnation by the highest international forums, and also by most of the Powers that were its friends and allies when it was courageously defending its right to self-determination and reunification. Need I recall that among those friendly nations, Cambodia, of which I was Head of State, was in the forefront.
198.	I would stress also that our Coalition Government is not, as it is sometimes reproached with being, a Government in exile. Its Ministers work all the time in the liberated areas, to which I pay regular visits to assist the people there, to inspect our combatants and to receive the credentials of diplomatic envoys of friendly Powers.
199.	We have every reason for hope, if we can safeguard our national union now and in the future. That is the basic factor in the survival of our nation and the preservation of our national identity.
200.	Our overriding duty now is to devote all our forces to the patriotic union, without which our struggle would be futile. I note that all the component parts of our Coalition Government have become aware of this need and place the salvation of the homeland before any other consideration. It gives me the greatest pleasure to see the failure of our enemies to sow division within our coalition.
201.	We Khmers know full well that the Vietnamese are our neighbours and will be so for all time. It is a warlike, expansionist, ambitious race, with which we have often had difficulties in living in peace. Its leaders are, however, on great occasions capable of realism. They have demonstrated that in recent decades in their dealings with the United States. They probably know when not to go too far. Their domestic situation, particularly the economic situation, is becoming increasingly difficult, and the people of South Viet Nam are not really committed—to put it mildly—to the ideology and austerity of the North.
202.	With regard to Kampuchea, the Hanoi leaders no longer have any illusions: they know that their Phnom Penh puppets obey them only reluctantly and have no authority over the populace which, humiliated daily, is alienated by their excesses. Thanks to the courageous action of our resistance forces, Kampuchea will never be the rice granary coveted by North Viet Nam to alleviate its food shortages. This war has taken a heavy toll: many lives have been lost, human resources that should have been devoted to the development of Viet Nam have been diverted to the military; it has sapped the economy of Viet Nam and its international prestige.
203.	That anachronistic colonialist policy cannot go on forever—unless Viet Nam has a suicide mission or wants to make sacrifices totally out of proportion with the benefits for which it hopes from this failed operation.
204.	If the adversary can heed the voice of reason, we propose to end this age-old hostility. If it withdraws from our territory, we offer to develop with it and its allies of the moment, and with all countries of the world, relations of friendship and cooperation based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence, in equality, mutual respect and common interest. The Kampuchea that we build will be independent, neutral, nonaligned, no one's enemy, and friend of all who wish it well. How could it disturb Viet Nam—a country of 52 million inhabitants—which is so militarily powerful?
205.	Thus far, the Vietnamese have left us no alternative but to fight them. We sincerely hope that they will soon realize the need to negotiate with the legitimate representatives of the people of Kampuchea and understand that there would be no humiliation involved in establishing between our two peoples relations based on justice, wisdom and equity.
206.	As a Member of the United Nations, Democratic Kampuchea, through the voice of its delegation, would like in conclusion to state the following.
207.	First, we reiterate our cordial solidarity with our brothers and sisters of Laos, themselves victims of Vietnamese domination, in their just struggle for the independence and freedom of their homeland.
208.	Secondly, we reiterate our abiding support for the ongoing efforts of the Korean people to reunify their homeland. We firmly support the just proposals of President Kim Il Sung for an independent and peaceful reunification of Korea.
209.	Thirdly, our support and solidarity go also to the Afghan people struggling against the Soviet invasion. We wish the heroic Afghan combatants fresh victories until the Soviet forces withdraw, so the Afghan people can exercise its inalienable right freely to choose its Government and its economic and social system.
210.	Fourthly, we continue our firm support of the Palestinian people in its efforts, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], to recover its legitimate national rights, including the right to found an independent State on its territory— the only way to bring about a lasting peace in the Middle East.
211.	Fifthly, in the same hope, we welcome the establishment of a government of national union in Lebanon. It is essential that all foreign forces withdraw from that martyred country so that it can once again find its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
212.	Sixthly, we urge two fraternal neighbours, Iraq and Iran, to end the escalation of the war between them; we support any measures that could bring about a peaceful settlement of that conflict.
213.	Seventhly, we reiterate our total support for the African liberation movements, in particular the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole, legitimate representative of the popular struggle of the Namibian patriots, for the withdrawal of the present illegal Administration and the transfer of power to the Namibian people, with United Nations assistance.
214.	Eighthly, we support the efforts of the Organization of African Unity and the countries of the Horn of Africa to restore peace and stability in the region. We reiterate our solidarity with the Somali people in defending their independence and territorial integrity.
215.	Ninthly, we support the efforts of the people and the Government of Chad to defend the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
216.	Finally, we support the initiatives of the countries of the Contadora Group to eliminate the tension prevailing in Central America and the Caribbean and to bring about the freedom and independence of all States of the region.


It is indeed a great honour for me and my delegation to felicitate you, Sir, on your election to the esteemed office of President of the General Assembly. We endorse the confidence placed in you by this body. Your election represents a well-deserved tribute not only to your reputation as a distinguished diplomat with a long association with the United Nations but also lo your country, Zambia, which contributes through its vital role in the promotion of the true aspirations of Africa in particular and the third world in general. We are confident that your formidable knowledge and diplomatic skills will enable you to steer the work of the current session to a fruitful conclusion.
132.	My delegation associates itself with previous speakers who have more eloquently expressed their sincere appreciation for the excellent manner in which your predecessor carried out his enormous task, despite his new responsibilities as Head of his Government. We salute Mr. Illueca, the President of Panama, on the wise and able manner in which he conducted the work of the Assembly's thirty-eighth session.
133.	Maldives is proud and happy to welcome the newest Member of the United Nations, Brunei Darussalam, which has many things in common with us in history and culture. Its admission is a strengthening link in the chain of universality of nations, furthering the noble objectives of the Charter of the United Nations.
134.	We are meeting at a time when the Organization is reaching the mature age of 40 years. My country is fortunate to have shared with it the last 20 years of its varied but rewarding experience. The Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, has most aptly and wisely cautioned us about the enormous importance of the continued existence of the Organization. We are of the opinion that the United Nations cannot and must not be replaced, in view of the important institutional responsibilities that it was founded to fulfil. We believe that the great problems that we confront as a world community, such as those of the obstacles to economic development and the nuclear-arms race and the need for disarmament, cannot be solved through bilateral or regional efforts alone. My country is happy to record its appreciation of and admiration for the clear and thorough manner in which the Secretary-General has informed us through his report on the work of the Organization. He has spared no effort in carrying out his diverse and complex responsibilities as the executive head of the United Nations.
135.	We endorse his submission that our prime objective at this crucial moment should be to reconstruct the concept of collective action for peace and security to make the United Nations more capable of carrying out its primary mission of maintaining international peace and security.
136.	We are gathered here at a time of increasing tension and anxiety. The problems and challenges which face us today are so pressing that we need more than ever before a sharing of responsibility and a high level of political will. All available means must be utilized to stem the growth of forces which undermine the United Nations and peaceful international relations. The imbalances in the state of affairs we are currently experiencing are leading the world to an intolerable situation, and, unless we all sincerely join together to eliminate its causes, the future generations of mankind will have no choice but to suffer the consequences of our failure, for which they will rightly condemn us.
137.	We should assert the principles of peace, justice and equality. These and other noble principles which humanity has evolved from its sufferings and experiences are clearly inscribed in the Charter of this great Organization. It is our solemn duty to uphold these principles and to fulfil our commitments to our peoples.
138.	As a true non-aligned developing country, Maldives believes that amongst the major issues confronting our universal body special emphasis should be given to the problem of disarmament and the escalating nuclear-arms race. We cannot help expressing our anxiety over the lack of a viable solution to that problem, for countries such as my own must admit that the contribution they can make to bringing the situation closer to solution is rather limited. However, we humbly share our concern and pledge our support to any endeavour to eliminate the shadow of the threat and the perils of a nuclear confrontation.
139.	We urge all States Members of the United Nations, particularly the nuclear-weapon States, to co-operate and enter into relevant international agreements and arrangements that will be instrumental in limiting the production and stockpiling of nuclear and other destructive weapons in order to insure the world against global suicide.
140.	We live today in the presence of a chilling and unprecedented phenomenon. It is very unfortunate that, at the pinnacle of world power, there exist enough nuclear weapons to destroy all life on our planet. At the intermediate level of world power, there exist vast quantities of sophisticated, so-called conventional weapons. These weapons are, by comparison with those of former times, immensely destructive, as their use has so horrifically demonstrated. They are also the object of a highly profitable international trade.
141.	Yet, at another level, we have the poverty of the vast proportion of the world's population. We must not be deterred from continuing to emphasize the immorality of mankind's precious resources being used in the production of weapons of destruction at a time when so much of humanity has a dire need for those same resources to be used in the war against poverty and disease. It is not only a political but also a moral objective, which we must never relinquish.
142.	We strongly support nuclear-weapon-free zones in Asia, in the Pacific and in other regions. Our support of the resolutions calling for the establishment of such zones, and of all actions at fulfilling that objective, is based on a strong conviction that they will contribute towards the reduction of arms and armed conflicts. We strongly oppose the continued testing of nuclear weapons, not only because of the direct dangers they pose but also because of the destruction such testing could finally cause to man and his environment.
143.	Maldives firmly supports the initiatives and efforts of the United Nations in the search for general and complete disarmament, including the banning of nuclear testing and the prevention of an arms race in outer space.
144.	The question of Palestine continues to remain one of the outstanding major international concerns. The situation in the Middle East in all its aspects, including the tragedy of Lebanon, continues to give rise to frustration. The Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the continued Israeli presence in Lebanese territory have aggravated further the already explosive situation created by Israel's refusal to withdraw from the occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
145.	The legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and freedom remain at the heart of the issue. The key to any lasting solution and for peace in that crucial area is, as evidently seen through the sequence of events, the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to have their own independent homeland.
146.	The world witnessed with anger and dismay the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, while it continued its illegal occupation of Palestine, including the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, the city of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Israel continues to perpetuate its policies of expansionism through the establishment of illegal settlements, ignoring and rejecting numerous United Nations resolutions and violating all norms of international behaviour. Maldives joins the international community in its repeated condemnation of the Israeli aggression against Arab territories and Israeli atrocities in the occupied land.
147.	The invasion of Lebanon under the cruel pretext of liquidating the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], which symbolizes the legitimate will of the Palestinians, has clearly revealed the true nature of Israeli policies in that area.
148.	Every State Member of the United Nations has pledged its commitment to the provisions of the Charter. Therefore, action should not be delayed any further regarding the delicate situation in the Middle East. The Security Council should invoke the relevant provisions of the Charter with regard to the arrogance and defiance with which Israel is trampling underfoot the inalienable rights of the Palestinians.
149.	The PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has the full right to participate in any step that may be taken to achieve a lasting solution. In the opinion of my delegation, the Geneva Declaration on Palestine, adopted by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983, represents a sound framework for the international community and the parties concerned to work for a durable solution.
150.	My country associates itself with other nations in expressing its deep regret at the continued bitter armed conflict between Iran and Iraq. We urge the parties concerned to bring about a cease-fire and to find a solution to their dispute by peaceful means. Maldives pledges its support to the United Nations mediation efforts and to the Secretary-General's recent personal appeals to spare civilians. Both Iran and Iraq must heed the appeals of the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and halt this seemingly purposeless conflict. These bodies are trying to bring about an honourable settlement of the dispute, and we wish them every success.
151.	The question of Namibia and the tragic plight of the people of South Africa have remained a matter of grave concern to the world community. The task of the United Nations to seek a negotiated settlement of the question of Namibia remains a special responsibility. The continuation by the racist regime of South Africa of its illegal occupation of Namibia, despite the vigorous efforts to grant independence to the deprived people of that Territory, constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and endangers the security of the southern African region. Here again, like Israel, the racist minority regime in Pretoria has scorned the numerous resolutions adopted by this august body in full accord with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
152.	It is our bounden duty to maintain and enforce political and economic pressure on South Africa, with a view to forcing it to concede to the logic of humane behaviour. We must continue our support for the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO.
153.	The hope for a peaceful future in southern Africa lies in political change and the creation of greater trust through regional co-operation and international support. We believe that it can be achieved peacefully. My delegation joins in the unanimous insistence on an early implementation of the plan endorsed by Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This would enable the people of Namibia to decide their destiny in a free, fair and democratic manner. The delay in the realization of the plan is greatly disappointing. It would be most unfortunate if at this late stage the process leading to the independence of Namibia were to be impeded by issues extraneous to the question itself. My delegation fully recognizes the continued efforts of the Secretary-General for an early solution to this vital issue.
154.	Apartheid is a crime against humanity itself. Maldives is firmly convinced that peace and stability in southern Africa require the total eradication of apartheid and the exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of South Africa, irrespective of their race, colour or creed.
155. My delegation wishes to express its concern over the situation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, two countries which, in the view of my Government, have been victims of foreign military intervention and invasion. We express our deepest concern and fully endorse the United Nations resolutions which condemn foreign intervention and call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from those countries. That will enable the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea freely to decide their own destiny. The peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea must be given the opportunity to exercise their rights without outside interference, including the right of the refugees to return to their homes with security and honour. My delegation notes with deep appreciation and commendation the unceasing efforts of the Secretary- General and his special representatives to find political solutions to those two major issues.
156.	It is with alarm, dismay and frustration that we witness the increasing instances of foreign intervention in Africa and Latin America. We recall here the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States. There is no difference, in my opinion, between intervention and interference. The final result in either case is tragically the same: tension, unrest, internal strife, conflict and even bloodshed.
157.	We view such developments with the utmost concern because they destroy the very fabric not only of international peace and security but also of the concept of peaceful coexistence. Never for a moment should we forget that we are a family of interrelated and interdependent nations, with diverse political ideologies, economies and social systems, which must live together in an atmosphere devoid of suspicion, envy and animosity.
158.	In Cyprus, the United Nations has been tirelessly trying to promote a settlement and the Secretary-General continues to maintain his personal involvement. My Government welcomes those unceasing efforts. Despite some limited progress in intercommunal talks held under United Nations auspices, a peaceful and lasting settlement regrettably still appears to be distant. My delegation would like to reiterate its support for the people of Cyprus in their efforts to consolidate their independence within the framework of national unity and equal rights for all Cypriots.
159.	While making reference to the solution of conflicts by peaceful means, may I mention also the yet unsolved question of Korea. Peaceful reunification has been, and continues to be, a matter of great concern to us. My Government feels that all efforts must be made, collectively and individually, to facilitate a dialogue between the divided North and South. The international community should extend every possible support, opportunity and encouragement to the people of Korea to achieve their objective of peaceful reunification.
160.	With regard to our part of the world—the Indian Ocean—Maldives is committed to the policy of non-alignment and is determined to keep its territory free from nuclear weapons or the establishment of any foreign military base on it. Furthermore, Maldives will continue to work with the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean towards making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. We are concerned over the escalating tension created by the great-Power rivalry for military superiority in the Indian Ocean and the introduction of nuclear weapons there. We reaffirm our full support for the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and support the efforts of the United Nations to implement that Declaration.
161.	It is our earnest hope that, through co-operation among the countries of the Indian Ocean and other concerned parties, we will be able to find practical ways to fulfil the aspirations of the peoples of our region. The proposed Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo in early 1985, will, we believe, form a corner-stone in the path to realizing our cherished objective. We appeal to the world community to support us in achieving that objective.
162.	The world economy has experienced increasing difficulties during the last decade. The period has been characterized by a generally unsatisfactory and erratic growth of output and trade, high rates of inflation and fluctuating exchange rates. While the crisis has affected all countries, it has inevitably had the most serious impact on the developing countries, whose economies are particularly vulnerable. The developed countries have experienced unprecedented rates of unemployment and idle industrial capacity, accompanied by high interest rates. The developing countries have faced increasing balance-of-payments deficits, mounting debt burden and deteriorating terms of trade.
163.	The economic gap between the developed and developing countries is widening and the latter are being denied effective and equitable participation in the benefits of international development.
164.	At a recent meeting held at Male, in my country, the Foreign Ministers of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Maldives, member countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation, expressed their concern over the conditions in the developing countries. In the final communique, the Ministers reviewed the current world economic situation and expressed their concern over the deteriorating economic and social conditions in the developing countries. In the past three years, sharply falling commodity prices, deterioration in the terms of trade, intensification of protectionist measures, excessive debt burden and a decline in the flow of financial resources had caused unprecedented balance-of-payment problems and serious loss of development momentum in the developing countries. It was agreed that without redoubling of efforts by the international community, including immediate measures, the goals and targets of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries could not be attained. They expressed their deep disappointment at the lack of progress in putting international support measures into place and at the continued stalemate in the negotiations on international co-operation. In this connection, they noted with deep regret that no appreciable progress had been made in meeting the concerns of the developing countries at the London Economic Summit of the industrialized countries, held from 7 to 9 June 1984, despite urgent actions suggested by various leaders from the non-aligned and developing countries.
165.	That important meeting at Male endorsed the desire to communicate with leaders of industrialized countries the immediate concern of the States of South Asia, namely, that the financing of the seventh replenishment of IDA had not been augmented to a degree whereby an increase in real terms was achieved over the level of the sixth replenishment of IDA. This timely request has already been conveyed by my Government as the Foreign Ministers desired.
166.	That co-operative endeavour in our part of the region aims at harnessing support and co-operation in economic development, and cultural and social exchange. The Foreign Ministers at the Male meeting recorded their satisfaction with the progress that had been made in a relatively short period of time in the areas of co-operation identified.
167.	I am happy to inform the Assembly, on behalf of my country as the current Chairman, of the important leverage that the recent meeting provided to the eventual holding of a summit meeting of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation countries by late 1985.
168.	Mr. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, President of Maldives, in his opening address at the ministerial meeting, said of the member countries: "Our societies are quite diverse but their hopes and expectations do not vary. Together our peoples are sure of themselves, confident of their identities and confident too of their ability to control their own destinies." He said, further, that the moving spirit and the objective of the very principles which gave birth to our association is one of working together, which has as its basic foundation the promotion of the interests of our region, an essential aspect of which is the maintenance and, indeed, the strengthening of our people's political, social and economic independence. These words of wisdom give us confidence that the outcome of the forthcoming summit will further strengthen the global aspirations and efforts made by the United Nations.
169.	The Government of Maldives whole-heartedly supports the call of the non-aligned countries and the Group of 77 for the removal of the structural imbalances and inequalities of the present pluralist economic system and the restructuring of the world economy through the establishment of a new international economic order. This should be done through North-South dialogue and global negotiations among developed and developing countries. Maldives also considers co-operation among developing countries themselves, both for economic and social development and to minimize their dependence on developed countries, to be vital. Maldives welcomes the establishment of the South Bank as a practical step in the right direction and hopes that it will prove very useful to developing countries.
170.	The delegation of Maldives noted with satisfaction the adoption, in 1982, of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as a historic achievement in the progressive development of the law of the sea. The Convention was adopted by an overwhelming majority of States and has already been signed by 136 States, including my own, and ratified by a number of them. My Government is now in the process of ratifying it. The Convention establishes a new legal order for the rational use of the seas as an instrument of justice, peace, development and international co-operation. It represents a rare example of global interests and ideologies striking innumerable practical bargains. It is a most comprehensive international Convention, consisting of 320 articles and nine annexes, with four related resolutions.
171.	The delegation of Maldives appeals to all States which have signed the Convention to expedite the process of ratification so as to enable the Convention to become effective and operative.
172.	The continent of Antarctica has considerable environmental, climatic, scientific and potential economic significance for the world. The delegation of Maldives firmly believes that, in the interest of all mankind, Antarctica should continue for ever to be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, should not become the scene or object of international disputes and should be accessible to all nations. The exploration of the area and the exploitation of its resources should be carried out for the benefit of all mankind and in a manner consistent with the protection of the environment of Antarctica.
173.	Maldives supported the proposal for a comprehensive study on Antarctica by the United Nations, taking into account all relevant factors, with a view to widening international co-operation in the area.
174.	Like Antarctica, outer space should be used for peaceful purposes only. Recent proposals for intensified militarization of outer space are a cause of grave concern, and measures should be undertaken with urgency for the rejection of such proposals.
175.	My delegation also notes that the distribution of the benefits of outer space among the countries of the world has to date been uneven. To remove that imbalance, the principle of guaranteed and equitable access should be the essence of any new regulatory mechanism, which should take into account the particular needs of the developing countries, especially those of an equatorial nature. We firmly believe and sincerely hope that the benefits resulting from the peaceful use of outer space will be shared equitably for the benefit of mankind as a whole.
176.	My delegation is fully convinced that the United Nations is indispensable in a world fraught with tensions and peril. Institutions such as this are not built in a day; they require constant constructive work and fidelity to the principles on which they are based. We must seriously consider the practical ways in which the Organization should develop its capacity and be used as an essential institution in a stormy and explosive world.
177.	Primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security has been entrusted to the Security Council. We believe it is still the best device for defusing tensions, solving problems and maintaining peace and security. While it tends not to have much of a pre-emptive capacity, it is our duty as Members of the United Nations to strengthen its role by resisting the attempts of individual countries to assume the primary responsibility of the Security Council. If the Security Council fails to act or react in a given situation, it is not the institution that is at fault but the countries that constitute it. It is for us to convince ourselves and the generation we are responsible for that the world is interdependent, and to act accordingly and be guided by that reality.
178.	The United Nations system should play the role of a catalyst in creating mutual understanding and co-operation. We should not allow it to become the arena in which to battle out our differences. Rather, it should and must be a place where hatred and animosity towards others are avoided. The agencies of the United Nations came into existence not only because the prominent men who created them were wise but because those agencies are directly related to the aspirations of mankind, irrespective of race or region.
179.	We are concerned by the trend that has emerged recently as a result of the fact that certain Member countries repeatedly express their pessimism about the viable functioning of important specialized bodies of the United Nations system. We hold the view that their development justifies the wisdom by which they were created and that they need to be strengthened now more than ever before. My Government does not believe in any endeavour to politicize specialized bodies whose executive functions are purely technical in nature. It is therefore essential to maintain a high degree of professionalism and to orient programmes carried out by those bodies towards the achievement of more tangible results.
180.	We in Maldives are happy to be associated in the noble tasks prescribed under the WHO Global Strategy for Health for all by the Year 2000, which should ensure humanity a better world in which to live. We are confident that the work of UNICEF, whose primary responsibility lies in the care and welfare of the children of the world, will strengthen the future of humanity through its dynamic programme launched in 1983 as the child survival revolution.
181.	My delegation still believes that amid the various perils that now threaten the orderly progress of humanity, we can rally once again to the standards of the Charter of the United Nations, beginning with the peaceful settlement of disputes and steadily progressing towards the other objectives of that prophetic document.
182.	In all sincerity, Maldives pledges its fullest co-operation and support to the United Nations system.


To come to the rostrum of the General Assembly is cause for deep emotion. One feels the mysterious force of world brotherhood even though this does not conceal the clouds on the horizon. We must place ourselves above all controversy and seek only peace. Our feelings at the beginning of this address are those of sympathy and solidarity with those who do not enjoy peace, with those whose lives are threatened and whose property is destroyed, with those who have faced fratricidal wars and have been maimed, with those who are the living testimony to acts of violence and intolerance.
3.	Ore might wonder why the United Nations has not prevented those evil actions, but perhaps we fail to see how much suffering has been avoided by means of quiet and intense actions, how many tears have not been shed and how much blood has not been spilt as a result of the persistent efforts of this great universal institution. However, we cannot really live in tranquillity so long as peace does not prevail all over our planet. May our words and our deeds together work towards that lofty objective.
4.	From this rostrum authoritative words have been spoken by high-ranking world dignitaries on questions relating to arms. I am not a special authority on those questions. For that reason I shall deal mainly with matters falling within my competence and the competence of Latin American nations: the threat of financial colonialism on the one hand, and the threat of terrorism on the other.
5.	Following the oil crisis and the proliferation of Eurodollars, a change took place in credit systems. Great encouragement was given to the investment of these great flows of capital, and this imposed a responsibility on the debtor nations as well on the lenders. Enormous obligations were thus created, and now we face difficulties in trying to repay.
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6.	World organizations have endeavoured to find formulas in this regard, and the formula most frequently resorted to is that of prescribing a drastic reduction in public expenditure, which can be
7.	World peace requires that a solution be found to the problem of indebtedness—a realistic solution. Of course we accept advice with regard to seeking economic health. We welcome prescriptions, but we should not wish them to become a kind of death certificate. There must be a clear conception of the fact that austerity must go along with new measures towards development. All credit granted for development must be revised and brought into line with the conditions which prevail today. If we continue to follow the old patterns, paralysis will be inevitable, and that paralysis must be of fundamental concern to the United Nations, because it could be a prelude to war.
8.	Here very often when the arms race and nuclear weapons are discussed one may perhaps see in them the major threat, and all our concerns are focused on them, but we must also consider the concern over wars in gestation which are based on economic problems, on unemployment, on malnutrition, which are brought about by an economic system that is not well suited to present-day realities.
9.	Austerity without recession means, for us, a policy that would accept the principle of fiscal discipline, of cuts in so far as they are possible, but without going beyond what is possible. We all know that in our countries, particularly in Latin American countries, most of the budget is devoted to the payment of wages and services, and therefore only a very small part is devoted to public works and to capita! formation by the State. Therefore, of course, an exaggerated cut would tend to bring about the elimination of those items, and thus the State becomes a spectator rather than an actor. It ceases to be an important employer, and it defers works, usually having to do with public health, education, energy supplies and nutrition. We must therefore ask from this rostrum that the competent organs speed up the processes, that they seek better absorption of resources in world markets and that they grant credits speedily, attempting to reduce in so far as possible the local counterpart, because the lending of credit on the basis of a high local counterpart makes it almost impossible to use the funds.
10.	In my country and in the Andean region generally, and most particularly in Ecuador and Colombia, our immediate neighbours, where we still see the tradition of an old society, where there are basic concerns, where we see what Toynbee used to speak about and admire—a very severe geographical challenge overcome by perseverance, effort and the talents of the Andean society—there, of course, in our remote past there was no international exchange. There was not even a monetary system. Let us recall that in Rome currency was as important as the sword. In the Andean civilization, which assumed Roman proportions—if we drew a line from Pasto in Colombia to the Maule River in Chile, it would equal the distance from Gibraltar to Jerusalem—a system of justice was established, a system of solidarity based on a code of ethics. It was possible to maintain full supplies—supplies which we now long for—and a regime prevailed which heralded our present policy of social justice, during a time when people had to till the soil for the orphans, the widows and the disabled.
! 1. Such a society, which some find Utopian and some find merely archaic, has left us with a basic teaching; it has shown us that it is possible to have governmental organization and social justice even in the absence of money. Today's world lacks money— not completely, but in part. No one would ask that we go back, but we should note that there is a precedent and that justice and order can be attained even in the absence of money. That is the basic message of the Andean civilizations at this time when money is so scarce. That is why we seek this blending, not only of races, of Europeans and of the indigenous populations of our continent, but a blending which is expressed in all spheres of action and culture, and one that should not exclude a mixing of the economy.
12.	For that reason, any proposal made to Latin America, and especially to those areas where the time-honoured traditions still prevail and the old population is found to be pure and almost intact, must go through a regional screen, a screen which allows for the reaffirming of national identity, a screen of realism; it must not be a foreign, alien and cold prescription.
13.	There is a tendency to resolve economic problems in terms of balance, in terms of figures, in terms of red and black, but such balance sheets do not resolve the problem unless they take into account the political and social situation and, above all, the minimum standard of living which we all desire for our peoples.
14.	I therefore take the opportunity of my presence at this august rostrum to reiterate the appeal which I have made in other forums for a change to be effected in the financial and credit systems at the international level so that we may assist our peoples to move forward.
15.	In brief, our request is that at the economic and financial levels we resort to creativity and to imagination to provide the answer that we continue to seek. In the world today, the situation can be defined in terms of financial colonialism, and dependency can be as serious a question now as it used to be at the political level before the entire world awakened to freedom and before the creation of an organization of the broad scope of the United Nations in which the nations of the world are represented and through which all nations have access to the world debate and can make known their views on the basis of justice and equity.
16.	We are also concerned about the problem of terrorism. Just as the arms race is a prelude to war— and members of the Assembly have discussed that subject with authoritative experts—terrorism is the anticipation of war; its objective is to create a climate that is likely to lead to bridgeheads or beach-heads from which conflagrations can emerge. Terrorism is typified by cowardice. Attacks, killings and destruction occur, after which the aggressor withdraws to the shadows. The economy of weak nations is damaged and discord is sown in places where solidarity had hitherto prevailed.
17.	In Peru we have had the disagreeable experience that in part of the sierra there have been hostilities because of terrorist action. As a result, 74 humble local government and education authorities have been cruelly and treacherously assassinated. At least 100 defenders of public order have lost their lives in the past three years, and hundreds of innocent and peaceful peasants, tradesmen and members of indigenous communities have also fallen. In some cases the aggressors too have lost their lives. But, for us, all blood shed is equally important and all suffering touches us.
18.	We therefore hope that these terrorist movements, which always have international origins, may be wiped out. It is a fundamental task of the United Nations to put an end to them. To effect a cure is much more costly and complicated. We must eradicate the scourge of terrorism.
19.	That this movement has arisen not from within the affected country but from without has been amply demonstrated by the fact that there is a well- thought-out strategy of destruction of the entire energy system. The main target is the electricity system of a country, a system built with much sacrifice and invested with the hopes of the people. Terrorists attempt to halt rural electrification, which we are all interested in advancing. Electricity towers are toppled, energy cables are cut, power-stations are blown up and communication lines are cut by the blowing up of bridges. Poor countries which have scarcely sufficient resources for their development, given the population explosion, find that they must use their resources not to create new wealth but to replace what has been destroyed by such cowardly acts.
20.	The international nature of this problem is confirmed in the communication system because, whenever damage is done, the news automatically goes around the world. It is exaggerated and it is used to the detriment of the country in which the terrorist act originated. This has been proved time and again.
21.	Finally, terrorism is related to another scourge of humanity, the drug trade. The drug trade finances terrorism. It is the marriage of crime and vice. Out of that marriage has been born this threat to peaceful peoples whose normal lives should be zealously guarded by them and by the community of nations so worthily represented in the United Nations.
22.	Mr. President, the high office that you now occupy and which has brought Zambia—that dear and friendly nation—an election for which we congratulate you, was once occupied by a modest, humble and eloquent Peruvian, to whom I am attached by the strong bonds of family and motherland. I am referring to Victor Andres Belaunde. Victor Andres had the good fortune of witnessing the birth of the United Nations and 22 years later, this Organization, after having heard in this Hall his advocacy of world peace, saw him die. His last words were divine words and they have continually been repeated in this Hall—peace on earth, peace to the peoples of goodwill.
23.	Peace on the American continent, An intelligent and swift resolution to the problem of the Malvinas, Peace in Central America, that part of the continent so much in need of work and normalcy, nutrition and development. Peace in the three nations which converge on the Gulf of Fonseca—Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador—a Gulf which is clamouring for a development plan, because problems can be solved there which affect all three countries, be they related to fishing, energy, storage or port facilities. What a good thing it would be if the money spent on fratricidal discord could be used for constructive activities, so that these peoples which converge on that Gulf could meet each other there and celebrate a second independence—economic independence— and security against conflagration or fratricidal threats!
24.	I do not wish to speak at length about all the problems that are of concern to this Assembly, in which we find such distinguished representatives from all nations, but I did want to emphasize those two concerns of our hemisphere.
25.	However, there is something that I should like to add in these words of welcome to you, Mr. President, and that is the close co-operation at the executive level which you receive from another great Peruvian, Javier Perez de Cuellar. I believe that I will be forgiven if, as President of Peru, I do not conceal the pride I derive from the names I have mentioned, because that allows me, in fervently reiterating our adherence to the Charter of the United Nations, to say that Peru is in the United Nations not only in our repeated adherence to it, but also in our actions in it.