It is a great pleasure for need to extend to Mr. Jaime de Pinies, on behalf of the delegation of Indonesia, my sincere congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fortieth session. His elevation to this high office is a tribute to his personal qualities and reflects the esteem in which Spain is held among the community of nations. The fact that he has served his country as a diplomat with great distinction and ability over the past four decades, three of them at the United Nations, eminently qualifies him to carry out his onerous duties with authority and efficiency.
I also wish to express the gratitude and deep appreciation of ray delegation to his predecessor. Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia for the dignified and skillful manner in which which he guided the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, as well as for his chairmanship of the Preparatory Committee for the Fortieth Anniversary of the United Nations.
The Assembly is greatly indebted to our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his dedicated leadership in guiding the work of the Organization. His incisive analyses and candid assessments of the impediments standing in the way of achieving the full potential of the United Nations, and the measures he has proposed to improve its performance, have provided us with a useful framework for our efforts to make the Organization assume its proper role in creating a better world.
Before proceeding, I would like to express my delegation's heartfelt sorrow for the victims of the tragic earthquakes that have struck Mexico with such devastation. Our sympathy and feelings of solidarity go out to the Government and people of Mexico, in their hour of anguish and great hardship.
We are all aware of the particular significance of this fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly, taking place as it does amidst the turbulence of sweeping changes and the emergence of historical trends in the world. Some of these changes are to be welcomed as opportunities for the advancement of world peace, justice and the well-being of mankind, while others pose new problems and challenges to our collective ingenuity and resolve.
On this auspicious occasion, therefore, we shall have the opportunity both for deep reflection on the history of the past forty years and a collective reappraisal of how further to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization in its realization of the purposes and objectives enshrined in the Charter.
The United Nations was founded in the aftermath of a world conflagration of such devastation and destruction as to cause the founding fathers to summon up the common determination "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Significantly, they had the clarity of vision to conceive on organization designed not only to prevent war but to seek the elimination of the seeds of war as well: by establishing the principles of sovereign equality, justice, self-determination and freedom; by instituting a system of collective security based on non-interference and abstention from the threat or use of forces and by developing an international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social progress of all peoples, through friendly relations and co-operation among nations.
While still in its formative stage, the United Nations faced major challenges unforeseen by the Charter. The security provisions, premised on great Power unity and co-operation, were frustrated by the emergence of new antagonisms immediately after the war. Neither the division of the world into military and ideological blocs nor the fierce competition for spheres of influence were anticipated, and the Organization, instead of serving as a center for harmonizing the actions of nations", became an arena for the contending forces of the cold war.
Confronted by the darkening clouds of great-Power rivalry and a profoundly disturbing international situation, the leaders of the newly emergent States moved to consolidate their unity and solidarity in order to address the plethora of problems before the international community. Nurtured by their common colonial legacy and the shared experience of the struggle for independence, they met in Bandung in 1955, at the historic Asian-African Conference, to define together their concept of a just world order and the relationships that would flow from it.
First and foremost was their genuine desire to promote the Charter objectives of eradicating colonialism, ensuring respect for fundamental human rights, eliminating racial discrimination, encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes, halting the arms race and promoting economic development through international co-operation. Indeed, of the Ten Principles enunciated by the Conference, the very first reiterated respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter. And at the observance of the thirtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference that my Government had the honor to host in Bandung last April, the participants reaffirmed their conviction that "the United Nations is the unique and indispensable forum for resolving the major world issues".
The Bandung Declaration found concrete expression in the birth of the Non-Aligned Movement, in Belgrade in 1961, where its founding members undertook to revise fundamentally the dangerous simplicities of the cold war. Their objective was and still is to free the world from the policies of force, bloc rivalry, domination, hegemony and exploitation. The Non-Aligned Movement has sought to achieve a peaceful progression towards a democratized, international system of peaceful co-existence and co-operation among nations and to strengthen the vital role of equitably conceived international institutions in the attainment of this objective.
The positive contributions of the Non-Aligned Movement to the further growth and direction of the United Nations are a matter of record, especially so in accelerating the process of world-wide decolonization, a process in which our Organization has played a central role. Since the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the twenty-fifth anniversary of which we are also commemorating this year, there has been a profound transformation in the quantitative as well as qualitative nature and workings of the United Nations. As a result, at its fortieth anniversary, the Organization has come ever closer to its goal of true universality.
The constraints of time inhibit me from elaborating on the other achievements and the multitude of other activities on the positive ledger of our Organization's record during the past four decades. They are to be found in the numerous programs and measures that are continuously being formulated and implemented by its various organs, specialized agencies and related institutions. They cover international co-operation in such diverse fields as economic and social development; monetary and trade arrangements; the codification of basic concepts of international law; the promotion of fundamental human rights; education and scientific development; the peaceful uses of outer space; the exploitation of the sect-bed and ocean floor; the safeguarding of the environment, and many more.
Can we any longer envisage a world without the United Nations and its specialized agencies to provide assistance and relief to the many thousands of refugees, to the millions of undernourished children and mothers, to those afflicted by hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy? Can we deny such landmarks as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the outer space Treaty, to name but a few?
Of course, in all these activities and programs success has not always been forthcoming; but what has been achieved and what continues to be done indeed touch on the essential purposes for which the United Nations as our collective instrument was created: that of building peace, of working on the essential conditions for lasting peace with justice in the world.
Even in the field of keeping the peace, the other basic function of the United Nations, which through the years has been the object of such scathing public criticism because of its real or perceived failures, the record is not as poor as is sometimes suggested. It is true that the United Nations has failed to halt and reverse the global arms race, which has assumed such dangerous and irrational proportions as to threaten the very survival of mankind. It cannot be denied that the United Nations has not been able to prevent the 130 or more armed conflicts which since its founding have erupted in various regions of the world. But, to the extent that blame for this state of affairs can at all be attributed to the Organization, the pertinent fact to remember is that the United Nations can do only what its component Members want it to do and can succeed only if its Members are committed to make it succeed. Thus in assessing its performance in the maintenance of international peace and security the inherent limitations of its role must be taken into account. It can then be seen that in several conflict situations between Member States the United Nations has actually succeeded in finding a peaceful settlement. In many more instances, where a comprehensive solution could not be found immediately, the United Nations has been able to restrict the scope
and intensity of conflict, by substituting dialog for armed hostilities and by providing an acceptable framework within which the search for a solution could proceed in a peaceful way. In this context, United Nations peace-keeping operations have proved to be an important, innovative instrument in conflict control and in preventing the escalation of disputes into larger conflagrations.
While admittedly the collective security system has not been able to function as envisaged by the Charter, even this limited role of the United Nations, as a channel for constructive dialog between contending parties, is shown to have been of immense value. Hence, in looking back at both its successes and its failures and, more importantly, in looking towards the future, we should not indulge in either lamentation or self-congratulation but rather try to draw positive lessons from them.
We should acknowledge that the challenges the United Nations has faced throughout these years and the advances it has made towards a world of greater peace, larger freedom and well-being for mankind make a compelling case for the further strengthening of multilateral co-operation. Such co-operation should be seen as the inescapable expression of the concept of shared responsibility inherent in the Charter, of the sense of human solidarity that lies at the heart of multilateralism. But neither should we fail to act with even greater purpose and determination to rectify the obvious inadequacies and shortcomings of our Organization in addressing the central issues of our time.
The underlying causes of existing conflicts persist, and new conflicts continue to emerge. There has been a precipitous decline in mutual trust and confidence among States, accompanied by an alarming recourse to armed force in the settling of disputes. The marked increase in tensions between the great Powers has led to a heightened polarization and to the revival of power polities. The rule of law, essential for a stable international order, is all too often being flouted. The world economy is plagued by stagnation, inequity and dislocation - and all this is occurring against the background of the most perilous arms race the world has ever known.
In the past 40 years the United Nations and the international community at large have faced no greater challenge than the growing risk of nuclear war, propelled by an ever-escalating armament race and the excessive accumulation and qualitative refinement of weapons of mass destruction. At present the nuclear arsenals in the possession of the two major Powers have reached such levels as to be wholly disproportionate to any possible national security requirement. Indeed, they have acquired the capability to obliterate all life on earth many times, over. Thus, while the nuclear-weapon States must assume primary responsibility for this state of affairs, the imperatives of disarmament and international security cannot be left to their exclusive concern, for what is at stake is the most fundamental right of humans and of nations, which is the right to their very survival and existence. It is a matter of deep concern to note, therefore, that, while disarmament negotiations under United Nations auspices have yet to yield meaningful results, those conducted outside it have equally remained stalemated. We regret that this can be the only possible characterization of the recently resumed Geneva negotiations between the two major Powers, whose avowed objective is the termination of the arms race on earth and its prevention in outer space.
Meanwhile new technologies and new generations of weapon systems are continually being devised and deployed and new strategic doctrines formulated to rationalize their use. Consequently the threat of nuclear war has become more menacing than ever before. We continue to believe, therefore, that an immediate halt to all testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, as a necessary first step, would greatly facilitate negotiations between the nuclear-weapon States. We also hope that the forthcoming summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev will at least generate the necessary momentum to break the log-jam in all negotiating forums on disarmament.
Indonesia has always supported the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones in the context of a regionalist approach to disarmament. In South-East Asia the member States of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are at present engaged in working out principles and modalities in order to arrive at a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region. As a Pacific-rim country, we welcome the recent establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific. Likewise we support the stand taken by the South Pacific Forum countries against continued nuclear testing in the region.
As a maritime nation and a non-nuclear-weapon State, Indonesia has viewed with mounting concern the proliferation and geographical dispersion of nuclear weapons on the world's oceans and seas. By resolution 38/188 G, of 20 December 1983, the General Assembly requested the Secretary-General to carry out, with the assistance of a group of governmental experts, a comprehensive study on all aspects of this particular dimension of the overall arms race. The group of experts has now finalized that study, and, having actively participated in its work, ray delegation looks forward to the Secretary-General's report on the subject, which will be submitted for consideration by the Assembly at this session.
It is our sincere hope that the study will generate concerted and concrete follow-up action by Member States, first, through the negotiation of effective measures of nuclear disarmament and confidence-building at sea and, secondly, by identifying possible ways in which naval organization and capabilities may contribute to the establishment of enhanced ocean management policies for the peaceful uses of the sea and its resources, to the benefit of all mankind.
Another task of great urgency facing our Organization is to ensure the speedy decolonization of Namibia, for the situation in that Territory not only epitomizes all the odious features of classical colonialism but also contains the added dimensions of racist oppression and illegal plunder of natural resources, thus posing a unique challenge to our collective sense of justice and morality.
It is long been self-evident that South Africa has never had any intention whatsoever of co-operating in good faith in the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence, as contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Indeed, after blocking the realization of that plan, inter alia, by linking extraneous and irrelevant issues to Namibian independence, the racist Pretoria regime has most recently perpetrated a new act of willful obstruction by establishing yet another so-called "interim government" in the Territory in arrogant defiance of world censure and rejection. At the same time, it has not ceased to use Namibia as a launching pad for attacks against the front-line States, as evidenced by the renewed aggression against Angola unleashed just a week ago, in yet another futile attempt to crush the freedom fighters of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO).
South Africa's stubborn flouting of all accepted norms of international law and civilized behavior and the dismal failure of the policy of so-called constructive engagement have long since convinced my Government that nothing short of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter can bring South Africa to its senses. But while the Security Council has yet to overcome its inability to adopt effective enforcement measures, we cannot afford to wait.
We should keep up the pressure by widening international ostracism and the scope of mandatory and voluntary embargoes and boycotts. We should step up concrete support of the Namibian people's struggle, under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative. Increased aid should be extended to the front-line States, which are fulfilling a crucial role in the liberation struggle.
Pretoria's policies of ruthless oppression and illegal occupation in Namibia are in fact reflective of the inherent nature of the regime itself, which in South Africa has implanted and perfected the obnoxious system of apartheid, a system of institutionalized racism pronounced by the United Nations as a crime against humanity.
Indonesia view the latest developments in South Africa with the utmost gravity and concern. The imposition of a state of emergency by the racist regime has unleashed a further escalation of violence, repression and terror. Indeed, the state of emergency - or, more precisely, martial law - has been used by Pretoria as a pretext for its security forces to perpetrate indiscriminate killings and to drag innocent men, women and children from their hones into arbitrary and indefinite detention. Their plight is of serious concern to us, as is the continued incarceration of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, who personify the courageous struggle of black South Africa under the leadership of their national liberation movements. The immediate and unconditional release of all detainees must continue to be our unyielding demand.
South Africa's black majority today is under virtual siege. The racist regime has shown itself to possess neither the policy nor the capability for progressive change and that, short of brute force, it is politically bankrupt. Any lingering hopes for a peaceful, evolutionary end to apartheid were dashed by the statement of Prime Minister Botha last month in which he categorically rejected the basic and just demands of the oppressed majority while at the same time demonstrating an arrogant disregard for the legitimate concerns of the international community. But then we knew all along that apartheid cannot be reformed or improved by incremental measures. It must be dismantled in its entirety. In its place, a non-racial, democratic society biased on majority rule should be established as a guarantee *or lasting peace.
The Arab-Israel conflict has also been a major preoccupation of the United Nations for most of the 40 years of its existence. Encouraged by the almost unquestioning support extended to it by its friends and protectors, Israel has habitually flouted the cardinal principles and rulings of our Organization. As events over the past years show, Israel persists in its efforts to impose by force of arms its own aggressive and expansionist designs on the region, in complete disregard of world censure.
It is the unwavering conviction of my Government that the three core issues of the conflict cannot under any circumstances be sidetrack. They are the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people and its right to sovereign and independent statehood in Palestine, Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and the need for the States in the region to live in peace within secure borders.
In order to attain these fundamental goals as well as to deal with the multiplicity of contending interests inherent in them, the General Assembly has called for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle Bast under the auspices of the United Nations. Indonesia's support for the peace conference is based on the assumption that such a conference would launch a comprehensive negotiating process and provide a forum in which all the parties concerned would participate on an equal footing, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
There is no question that the convening and success of the peace conference will inevitably depend on the political will and the support of the major Powers, who must eschew their strategic designs on the region and co-operate with the Secretary-General in his continuing efforts to achieve agreement on the modalities for the conference, for surely the alternative can only be an inexorable slide
towards yet another and even more destructive cycle of war and violence, with disastrous consequences, not only for the region, but for the world as a whole.
In South-Bast Asia, the situation in Kampuchea continues to be the principal barrier to regional peace and stability. In addressing the Kampuchean question, Indonesia and the other members of Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have consistently maintained a position based on internationally recognized principles rather than on animosity or confrontation. Thus the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchean soil and the establishment of a government of the people's own choosing must necessarily form the basis for any .solution, as this would reflect the essential vindication of those principles.
At the same time ASEAN has repeatedly demonstrated its flexibility as regards the modalities for a comprehensive and peaceful settlement which would take into account the legitimate interests of all parties involved. He were dismayed, therefore, by events earlier this year when renewed armed clashes involving the massive use of military force resulted in numerous deaths and widespread destruction and led to the influx of thousands of Kampuchean refugees into Thailand in search of safety and shelter. These developments not only have rendered a solution to the conflict infinitely more difficult but also underscore the tragic dimensions of the current crisis in Kampuchea.
In the face of the incessant military operations against its resistance forces, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (GGDK) has maintained its effectiveness, as well as the continued support of the Karapuchean people. Moreover, the international community's ever-increasing support of the CGDK, under the presidency of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, is another factor of encouragement.
During the past year, it was Indonesia's hope that, as the designated interlocutor of ASEAN vis-a-vis Viet Nam, its efforts to promote a genuine dialog and a viable approach to a solution could bring positive results. While the ongoing discussions between Indonesia and Vietnam have brought mutual clarification on- a number of aspects of the problem, differences still exist on some important points and these will have to be resolved if the process towards genuine dialog is to be sustained.
In yet another reflection of ASEAN's continuing sincere desire to explore all possible avenues that could lead be the restoration of peace in Kampuchea, the Foreign Ministers meeting in Kuala Lumpur last July proposed proximity talks between the parties directly concerned. As in the past, our initiative has been prompted by a genuine concern for the fundamental rights and interests of the Kampuchean people and their survival as a nation, at peace within its borders and with its neighbors. We continue to hope that Viet Nam will respond positively to international efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the Kampuchean problem leading to an independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea.
Similarly it is our sincere hope that a comprehensive solution will soon be found to the problem in Afghanistan, where the continued presence of foreign forces has prevented the restoration of regional peace and stability. With so many regions beset by numerous conflicts and disputes, the progress made by the Contadora group in building a new structure for regional harmony and co-operation in Central America is most heartening. At this juncture, we note with great satisfaction that the Contadora peace process has reached the stage where a meeting of plenipotentiaries could be convened to work out the final modalities with a view to signing the act on peace and co-operation. The culmination of the long and arduous process to establish a framework for regional reconciliation that the act represents will also be a source of emulation for other regions beset with similar problems of conflict and strife.
In 1945, freedom from war and economic want were among the central objectives of mankind. Now, four decades later, the issues of international security and development are inextricably linked and in their absence, peace and prosperity cannot be guaranteed. The persistent neglect of pervasive poverty and gross inequalities will gravely endanger the social and political fabric not only of the developing countries but of the world at large. And, as in 1945, their resolution can only be effectively sought through international co-operation. There can be no viable or lasting alternative.
Since we assembled here one year ago, the distinguishing features of the global economy and of international economic relations have remained essentially unchanged and are perhaps even more apparent. The halting economic recovery after a devastating global recession, the erosion of multilateralism amidst increasing interdependence, are still our major preoccupations. In addition, the progressive breakdown of the international trading and monetary systems, the stark implications of the international debt problem and the magnitude of the critical economic situation in the roost distressed countries, dominate our agenda at this Assembly and challenge our collective wisdom and resolve.
Rather than the promise of imminent growth and progress, the failure of the recovery's expansion throughout the world has been translated into a frustratingly poor performance in most of the developing countries. Even those whose economies were considered to be doing well have experienced setbacks compared to past performance. Escalating protectionism which impedes access to markets, plummeting commodity prices, reduced flows of financial resources and the accumulation of staggering debt burdens are but some of the damaging implications of this failure. Likewise, acute payment imbalances, exchange rate volatility and the imposition of a disproportionate share of the global adjustment process have also inhibited their best efforts. Thus, for many developing countries severe contractions in their development growth and an ominous decline in the living standards of their people have become a harsh reality. For others, especially in Africa, crippling stagnation, if not in fact negative growth, has taken hold and poses a critical threat not only to their social and political stability but often to their very survival.
These multiple difficulties attest to the structural inadequacies and inherent imbalances that underlie the current world economic system. There can be no sustained or lasting recovery, nor can there be any acceleration of development in the developing countries, without the promotion of genuine interdependence and a thorough restructuring of the international economic order.
It is in the profound awareness of these challenges that we view the urgency of a new vision in international economic co-operation which recognizes that the world economic recovery will be durable only if it is accompanied by comprehensive measures to reactivate the development of the developing countries. The promotion of genuine interdependence among nations and the reinvigoration of multilateral co-operation for development are therefore required. It is precisely in this context that we should like to state again our commitment to the global negotiations. He also believe that the International Development strategy for the third United Nations Development Decade remains absolutely valid.
The interrelated issues of trade, money and finance demand our immediate attention. International trade, long recognized as a classic instrument for promoting mutual economic gain, is increasingly being stifled. Indonesia is fully committed to an open international trading system based on the principle of differential and favorable treatment for the developing countries and supports all efforts aimed at the progressive dismantling of protectionism. In commodity trade, we strongly support the implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities and the full operation of the Common Fund. The decreased flow of development finance has exacerbated the loss of income due to diminishing export earnings and deteriorating terms of trade. The resultant havoc is vividly manifested by the current debt crisis and its many ramifications. A significant increase in the transfer of real resources, be ii official and private, is therefore imperative. A creative and comprehensive response, such as an international conference on money and finance for development, as called for by the New Delhi Seventh Summit Meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries should be pursued with urgency.
The continuing crisis in Africa as a consequence of the relentless onslaughts of a prolonged drought and famine is not unrelated. While the international response has been remarkable, there is still a tremendous need, beyond emergency relief and crisis management, in this follow-up period of readjustment. Medium and long-term development support are required if the crisis is to be effectively overcome and if future calamities are to be averted.
In an international economic situation where disillusionment increasingly reigns, South-South co-operation is not only welcome but indispensable and its intensification is of paramount importance. In this regard the deliberations of the fourth meeting of the Inter-Governmental Follow-Up and Co-ordination Committee of the Group of 77, held in Jakarta a few weeks ago, testified to the enduring relevance and significant importance of the Caracas Program of Action on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries. The strong endorsement for the purposeful implementation of that Program of Action registered at the meeting is encouraging for the future role of collective self-reliance in the acceleration of development. We should not allow this renewed spirit and refreshed momentum to dissipate.
Another cause for encouragement is the successful outcome of the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, held in Nairobi last July. Given the crucial role of women in development, we fully support the objectives contained in the document on Forward-looking Strategies and trust that they can be successfully fostered and implemented during the Decade for women and for the balance of this century.
As a country whose youth coiEprise over 60 per cent of its population, Indonesia- attaches great importance to the United Nations World Conference for the International Youth Year. The general condition of youth, which reflects the deteriorating world economic situation, in particular job opportunities, has continued to worsen. However, we are fully confidant that the forthcoming World Conference will effectively address this question and thus promote the universal hopes and aspirations of youth.
The alarming proportions to which illicit drug trafficking and drug abuse have grown in many parts of the world is a serious danger to the stability and even the security of many countries. Indonesia welcomes the current efforts in combating this grave menace and fully supports the Secretary-General's proposal to convene an international conference on narcotic drugs at the ministerial level in 1987.
As the General Assembly has grown in membership, its expanded activities have led the Assembly to become a depository of ever more items for deliberation and debate. Clearly there is a need for streamlining the Assembly's agenda through the removal of items which have ceased to be relevant, the deferral of those that are in the process of negotiation and the grouping of related issues under the same item. Through such an approach the General Assembly could more clearly define its work program and impart greater importance and authority to its decisions.
With regard to the Security Council, it is hardly necessary for my delegation to dwell on its shortcomings in the discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The superimposition of East-Nest rivalries on the deliberations of the Council has rendered even unanimously adopted resolutions unimplementable. Moreover, in the process of eliciting support of the permanent members, resolutions become diluted to the point of being mere declaratory exhortations.
In order to stem this erosion of the authority and effectiveness of the Security Council, it is essential for the permanent members to recognize their wider international responsibilities inherent in their status and in their acceptance of the Charter. An effective Security Council is essential if we are to avoid the kind of confrontations which in this nuclear age can only mean mutual annihilation.
The uncertainty and discord concerning the composition, financing and mandate of peace-keeping operations have often impeded their effectiveness. It is important to search for ways in which consensus could be built to assure global support for such activities. To this end, the roles of the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretary-General will require careful reassessment.
In the context of restricting and resolving conflict situations, my delegation endorses the various initiatives and actions taken by the Secretary-General in encouraging dialog and negotiations between the parties concerned. While, admittedly, the Secretary-General's untiring efforts have vet to bear fruit in resolving such problems as those of Afghanistan, Cyprus and the Malvinas, he has nonetheless established a framework to facilitate peaceful settlements in accordance with relevant resolutions. It is our sincere hope that the parties to these and other conflicts will extend their unstinted co-operation to the Secretary-General's endeavors to achieve comprehensive and just solutions.
Forty years after the establishment of the United Nations, the quest for an effective, peaceful and more equitable international order has slowed and the incentive to develop international institutions commensurate with the realities and risks of our times has weakened. In a world characterized by growing insecurity, regional conflicts, economic dislocation, exploding populations and deteriorating ecosystems and overshadowed by the pervasive threat of nuclear war, the development of a strong and effective United Nations system is a vital imperative. In today's world of intensifying interactions, inter-linkages and interdependence, multilateral co-operation should be the dominant theme. Regrettably, however, bilateral and even mulitaleral policies in pursuit of short-term expediency have made major incursions into multilateralism. Such unpredictable and arbitrary use of power will not only result in greater instability and uncertainty but could precipitate the breakdown even of the existing structures and institutions of international co-operation. Indonesia remains fully convinced that multilateralism is the only viable and responsible approach to the global realities of our time.
The United Nations as the embodiment of multilateralism, with all its weaknesses and shortcomings, represents the best available structure for this purpose. It must be supported and strengthened, not undercut and derided. Only then will interdependence become a constructive rather than a negative force in the affairs of mankind.
At this critical juncture in the life of the United Nations, the overriding need is for all Member States to rededicate themselves to the principles and purposes of the Charter and to renew their faith in the capacity of the United Nations to fulfill its functions and to meet its aims and objectives. For only then will the Organization be able to assume once more the role for which it was established.


I congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Austria entertains cordial relations and has developed close co-operation with your country. Your wide experience in the United Nations specially qualifies you to guide this Assembly in its deliberations. Please accept our best wishes for the acconfJlishraent of the difficult task that lies ahead of you.
May I also express my thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Paul Lusaka, who so ably fulfilled his role on behalf of the Assembly. His visits to Austria during his tenure were highly appreciated.
I should like also to express our sincere gratitude to the Secretary-General of our Organization for his efforts to promote peace and co-operation and to improve the image and enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations.
At the outset, on behalf of the Austrian Government, I wish to convey our profound and deeply-felt condolences to the people and Government of Mexico. ' We share their sorrow at the untold suffering and loss of human life. Austria will contribute to the best of its abilities to helping the victims of the earthquakes.
Uncertainty about the future and fear overshadow the lives of people all over the world. Their fear is not irrational. Existing nuclear arsenals are sufficient to kill mankind many times over. We are tired of the argument that lasting security can be ensured only through the build-up of military power. Multiple crises and armed conflicts in the world continue. While the fear of the atomic bomb prevails, we must not forget that conventional wars have killed millions of people since the end of the Second World War.
Pessimism and resignation must not doom our efforts, we do not hold office to lament the state of the world; it is our task to better it. It may sound like a cliche but it is still a truth: Governments are there to implement the will of the people. And the people of our countries want peace. Peace can be secured, and progress can be achieved. What we share as fellow human beings is such more important than what divides us. The present situation calls for a thoroughgoing change of attitude. Policy has to reassert its primacy over technology. Not competition in military power at co-operation is the key to real security.
It is my firm conviction that substantial arms-control and disarmament agreements can be achieved. Having listened to the speech of the Foreign Ministers of the United States and the Soviet Union, this belief is strengthened. The forthcoming meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev offers a unique chance to break the deadlock and prepare the ground for significant disarmament measures. I appeal to both sides to exert every effort to overcome their differences and to take the first steps towards a more peaceful world.
Weapons do not cause wars, and arms control and are reduction alone cannot guarantee peace. Peace is not a technical process of counting weapons; peace has to be built upon confidence between peoples, confidence in the good will and the peaceful aims of the other side.
In Europe the Stockholm Conference, within the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, has added this important dimension to the process of detente. The mandate for the Stockholm Conference centers on measures to strengthen confidence between East and West. We now expect the participants in that Conference to enter into concrete negotiations.
By adopting the Final Act 10 years ago the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe created a comprehensive framework of co-operation for the entire European continent. They opened up opportunities for co-operation in the fields of security and human rights, in the areas of trade, science, culture, human contacts and information. Building a more constructive relationship between Bast and West demands permanent efforts. Austria remains firmly committed to the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. There is no better way to reduce tensions and strengthen the stability in Europe which is so essential for world peace. We look forward with hope and confidence to the follow-up conference in Vienna in 1986.
One of the main global issues today - and many previous speakers have touched on this subject - is the economic crisis in the third world. People in developing countries must be freed from poverty, hunger and disease. They must have a fair and equal chance to develop their strength and abilities. We urgently need a vigorous new beginning in the dialog between North and South in order to build a more equitable and just international economic order. Above all, we need the political will to address the world's most pressing economic and social problems.
The debt crisis has already taken a heavy toll. Dozens of third-world . countries have lost a decade or more of development. In the next five years two thirds of their debt will have to be rolled over or paid off. Austria shares the view that crisis management on a case-by-case basis should be complemented by a comprehensive approach. The serious social and political implications of the debt problem must finally be taken into account. This problem cannot be left as the responsibility of banking institutions alone. Loan conditions which undermine the dignity and well-being of the people endanger democratic institutions.
Governments have to contribute their share to the crisis management. We must improve access for developing countries to the markets of industrialized States. Closing our markets to products of developing countries while urging them to earn more money by increasing their exports is a contradiction in itself. Urgent measures have to be taken to help countries suffering from extreme fluctuations in their export earnings. Concerted international action is required to ensure greater monetary stability.
We must never forget one essential aspect - that economic progress is not an end in itself; it has to serve the individual. Let me emphasize three points in this respect.
First, full respect for the cultural heritage and the social fabric of society is a condition of a life in dignity. Efforts to promote economic development must take this into account.
Secondly, economic development to the benefit of all furthers the emancipation of the individual. It facilitates political participation and promotes respect for human rights. It is no less true that democracy and freedom stimulate a people's creative energy and contribute to its economic progress. The two objectives are complementary. Towards both the United Nations has to make a major contribution.
Thirdly, improving the quality of life is not a matter only of economic growth rates; it is equally important to solve the pressing environmental problems.
Today more than 2 billion people live without adequate water supply. Every year far more them 100,000 square kilometers of forest disappear from the face of the earth. Deserts z ;e spreading; valuable soil is eroding. Many species of plants and animals have already been lost for ever. While the world population continues to expand, the basis of its survival is shrinking. We must intensify our efforts to preserve our earth for future generations as a place where people can live. Therefore we need to strengthen the United Nations Environment program as an instrument of international co-operation in this area.
How young people perceive and experience the world of today will shape the world of tomorrow. The International Youth Year in 1985 provides us with an opportunity to focus on the problems of the young.
More than ever before the education of a person determines his whole life. It is therefore our duty to provide a solid education preparing young people for professional life. But in many developing countries educational opportunities for young people are lacking, and in some industrial countries existing opportunities are insufficiently utilized.
The international community must direct greater attention to these issues. I appeal to all Member States to fight the spreading problem of youth unemployment by joint efforts.
Youth unemployment is neither a statistical nor a financial problem. For me, one of the greatest tragedies of our time is that hundreds of thousands of young people live without hope and confidence in their future. He are deeply convinced that there are ways to give hope to your young, if we are determined to make an effort. He raise this matter out of concern for the young people in the world, although in my country, due to a continuing effort by the Austrian Government, the youth unemployment rate is below 5 per cent.
Austria intends to submit a draft resolution on this subject. We are also considering an international meeting of experts and youth representatives. Such a meeting could take place in Vienna in the first half of the year 1987 to discuss new ways of dealing with the problem of youth unemployment.
Let me now turn to the situation in Africa. No other region poses a greater challenge to international solidarity. In Addis Ababa in July 1985, African Governments courageously declared that they have the primary responsibility for addressing the present crisis. But let this not be an excuse for inaction on the
part of the industrialized countries: the millions of starving Africans will survive only if international relief aid is continued and intensified.
I would like to commend the United Nations Secretariat for its efforts in co-ordinating emergency assistance to drought-stricken countries in Africa. This example of international co-operation should inspire us all. If all nations work together the prospects for recovery, growth and development in Africa will brighten. Austria intends further to increase and intensify its efforts.
Africa suffers not only from economic hardship but also from severe political problems. The crisis in South Africa has dramatically escalated in recent months. Every day it becomes more evident that the majority of the South African population will no longer tolerate the injustices of apartheid.
Austria has always rejected and condemned apartheid. As a political system based on racial discrimination, apartheid negates the very foundation of civilization: the dignity of the human being. Democracy, equal rights and the abolition of all kinds of apartheid should not be an act of grace but the result of a genuine dialog with the leaders of the democratic black organizations.
As an organization committed to the promotion of peace, freedom and justice, the United Nations bears a special responsibility to contribute to the elimination of apartheid. We all have to join in the efforts to bring about a peaceful transition to a free and democratic South Africa with equal rights for all.
In adopting resolutions 566 (1985) and 569 (1985) the Security Council recommended a set of measures to be adopted by Governments in this regard. The Austrian Government has decided to take the following six autonomous steps in accordance with these resolutions: first, to suspend all investments by Austrian public enterprises in South Africa; secondly, to prohibit the import of krugerrands and all other gold coins minted in South Africa; thirdly, to impose restrictions in the field of sports and cultural relations; fourthly, to stop government guarantees for export credits; fifthly, to prohibit the participation of public enterprises in South African procurement procedures in the nuclear field, although no such case has arisen so far; sixthly, to prohibit all exports of computer equipment that may be used by the South African a nay and police.
Austria remains firmly committed to the achievement of freedom for Namibia. The only acceptable basis for Namibia's independence is Security Council resolution 435 (1978), adopted as much as seven years ago. Yet, in defiance of international law, in defiance of the expressed will of the international community and in disregard of the aspirations of the Namibian people, South Africa continues to obstruct the implementation of the United Nations plan. We reject the installation of a so-called transitional government for Namibia as a further attempt by South Africa to impose a unilateral solution.
The situation in Central America has not improved. Centuries of social and economic injustice have resulted in a widespread atmosphere of crisis and despair. The problems of the region must be solved by the countries of the region themselves. Any attempt to introduce elements of the East-West conflict further complicates the situation. The principles of non-interference and the peaceful settlement of disputes must be fully respected.
The peace process initiated by the Contadora Group still provides the best chance to achieve a solution. We regret that thus far this peace plan has not been implemented. We want to assure all countries of the Contadora Group of our continuing support.
Violence and human suffering continue to characterize the situation in the Middle East. Oppression and terror, mistrust and hatred have made the people suffer through decades of confrontation and war. World peace and international security are directly threatened.
Austria's position on the elements of a solution of the Middle East problem remains unchanged. The right of all States in the region, including Israel, to exist within secure and recognized boundaries must be respected. The Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East problem. A solution therefore requires the recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to their own State. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), as the representative of the Palestinians, must participate in the peace process. Israel must withdraw from all territories occupied since 1967. Austria supports the proposal to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East. As the only international forum open to all parties to the conflict and all other interested Powers, the United Nations has the capacity and the
responsibility to contribute substantively to peace in the Middle East. During the last months various important initiatives have been undertaken. Prospects for a genuine dialog have improved. It is now essential to maintain the momentum and to remove all existing obstacles to the beginning of negotiations. Both sides have to come to terms with each other's existence and legitimate interests.
The Middle East is rich in natural resources, it has a great cultural heritage. If the people of this area could work together in peace, their region could be one of the most prosperous on earth.
Almost six years have passed since the military intervention in Afghanistan. We remain deeply concerned about the continuing occupation of this traditionally non-aligned country and the violation of its independence. The suffering of the refugees must not be forgotten. Any solution must enable these refugees to return home in safety and honor. We support the efforts of the Secretary-General's Special Representative in his search for a political settlement.
In Kampuchea the military occupation, the use of force, the misery of refugees and the denial of human rights continue. Only negotiations between the parties to the conflict on the basis of the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the International Conference on Kampuchea will lead to a just settlement which could ensure a better future for the severely tried Kampuchean people.
I have briefly touched upon some of the conflicts in today's world. No doubt their origins are different. But let us not overlook what they all have in commons violent deaths, human suffering, flows of refugees, destruction of homes and devastation of land. This human dimension of international conflicts should guide our deliberations in the weeks to come.
Let me add some words on peace-keeping operations. They are one of the major achievements of the United Nations in the field of international peace and security. Since 1960, almost 25,000 Austrian soldiers have, through their participation in these operations, actively contributed to international stability. We strongly feel that peace-keeping should be strengthened and further developed.
One area of special concern is the financing of these operations. We believe that further measures should be taken to alleviate the burden currently borne by troop-contributing countries. A sound financial basis for this vital activity of the United Nations has to be created. Troop-contributing countries, in support of the Secretary-General's appeals, have urged Member States to start or increase voluntary contributions for the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFTCYP). Let me again strongly underline this appeal.
Developing a network of contacts and co-operation with neighboring countries is a central element of Austria's foreign policy. Close ties - not only between governments but also between peoples - are the best guarantee for fruitful and stable relations. Austria therefore continues to extend and deepen co-operation with all neighboring countries regardless of their political system.
Let me say a few words about our relations with Italy. Austria entertains good and friendly relations with this important neighboring country. They were further strengthened by the official visit of Austria's Federal Chancellor to Rome two weeks ago, and in this context the question of South Tyrol is of special importance.
In 1969, the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in 1960 and 1961 led to an agreement between Austria and Italy on a new framework for the autonomy of South Tyrol. Since then, a number of measures have been taken to implement this autonomy. Yet, after 16 years some important provisions still remain to be fulfilled. The use of the German language in courts and before civil authorities ranks foremost among the open issues.
It appears important to me that the 1969 agreements be implemented without further delay. On the occasion of the recent visit of the Austrian Federal Chancellor to Rome, he received assurances to this end from the Italian Prime Minister, Bettino Craxi. We trust that the Italian Government will take the necessary measures in agreement with the South Tyrolean German-speaking community in order to achieve an early and full realization of the autonomy of South Tyrol.
I began my statement by emphasizing that politics have to serve mankind. This is especially true with regard to human rights. In spite of different social and political systems, different interpretations and values, it seems that there is a worldwide growing awareness with regard to the observance of human rights. All our efforts should be aimed at the maintenance, or more so, the acceleration of this momentum.
It is not the definition of human rights which is lacking, but their implementation. This implementation requires intensive efforts by every State within its own borders as well as on the regional and global levels. Specific steps within each region to improve the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms are particularly promising. In this context I would like to refer to the successful outcome of the ministerial conference on human rights, held under the auspices of the Council of Europe in Vienna in March 1985.
Austria has worked for many years towards one specific goal: namely the restriction or elimination of the death penalty. We seriously hope that progress can be achieved. Austria will continue its endeavors in this respect.
The founding of the United Nations 40 years ago was the most ambitious effort ever undertaken to establish institutions and mechanisms to bring peace and progress to the world. The idea is still valid. The institutions and mechanisms are all in place. We are confident that the United Nations can be greatly strengthened if Member States abide by their obligations under the Charter and make constructive use of the Organization. On the occasion of its fortieth anniversary let us all recommit ourselves to the United Nations. The Organization has a vital role to play in promoting peace, justice, freedom and progress for all humanity. To this end, let us unite our efforts.


President Miguel de la Madrid had intended to bring to this body Mexico's message on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. Last week's tragic events have prompted hist to remain in Mexico. The President felt that in this hour of grief his place was at the side of the Mexican people. The President has therefore instructed roe to submit to the Assembly some of the theses and proposals which he would have set forth. He has asked me also to express the deep and lasting gratitude of the people and Government of Mexico for the countless expressions of solidarity and concrete support which we have received from so many friendly countries. In particular, he has asked me to reiterate his gratitude to the Heads of State or Government as well as those other distinguished figures and international officials who have traveled to our capital for that purpose, and to express his thanks to the heads of delegation that have so generously referred to this question from this rostrum. Finally, I have been asked to thank on his behalf all Member States for the decision adopted yesterday by the General Assembly. Mexico is in mourning, but finds comfort in its grief in the fraternal embrace of the international community.
Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the Government and people of Mexico, to express to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the post you now hold. That election confirms Spain's importance in international relations and is, at the same time, a well-deserved recognition of the work of Ambassador Jaime de Pinies. Permit me to offer my best wishes that the work of this Assembly, under your wise leadership, will culminate in the success we all hope for.
I should also like to note publicly our satisfaction with the effective way in which Ambassador Paul Lusaka accomplished the task of presiding over the work of the last session of the General Assembly.
Mr. Secretary-General, the United Nations has conferred upon you the responsibility of guiding this organization at a moment that is crucial for the community of nations. The report you have presented to the General Assembly gives proof of your tenacious determination to bring about the complete fulfillment of its objectives. Mexico fully appreciates your efforts to solve the problems that today affect international concord. My country resolutely supports your tireless work on behalf of peace and development.
Four decades ago, when 51 nations adopted the United Nations Charter, the world was just emerging from the cruelest devastation mankind had ever faced. The experience of the Second World War had shown the need to create structures for co-operation that world prevent the scourge of war and its aftermath of suffering.
In 1945 the world community resolved to establish guiding principles for the conduct of States, to promote respect for the fundamental rights of individuals and peoples, and to expand multilateral co-operation. The United Nations mechanism which thus emerged was one of the greatest political achievements in history.
To a great extent, today's world is a product of our organization. It was thanks to the support of the United Nations that many of the countries represented here today achieved their sovereignty. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in 1960, was a political event of decisive importance. Without it self-determination would have exacted a heavier price in blood and worsened existing world tensions.
We owe it to the United Nations that development is today an essential concern of the community of nations. The system provides the most appropriate mechanism for channeling economic and technical co-operation to the benefit of the less-favored countries. The Organization's work of furthering the evolution of the international juridical order is a similar soiree of unanimous recognition. Its contribution to the cause of universal respect for human rights is particularly outstanding.
Nor should we forget the work of the Organization in resolving political conflicts and armed confrontations. It has frequently been a useful instrument in defusing hostilities that would have led to more serious clashes. In the global confrontation, the United Nations has also been a factor in promoting detente and dialog; its perseverance has prevented universal destruction.
The United Nations has broadened areas of understanding and has provided a normative order that does away with the law of the jungle and protects weak countries. Without its presence, the tensions and inequalities facing us would have been greater.
This is an appropriate occasion to recognize that in its 40 years of existence our Organization has succeeded in shaping institutions and promoting programs benefiting children, young people and women; it has sought to improve health, labor conditions, dietary levels, education and culture, to the benefit of mankind. This Organization's work in the field of population problems is also outstanding.
Mexico repeats its firm commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations, which coincide with the historical doctrine of my country's foreign policy. In our opinion, this is by far the best forum for joining the political wills of States to foster the values that are a distinctive characteristic of civilization.
In 1945, at the Chapultepee Conference, the nations of Latin America co-ordinated their points of view on the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. We then suggested measures to strengthen the General Assembly and to expand its authority in matters of security and peace. We maintained that the United Nations should reflect the ideals of universality, equality before the law, democracy and respect for the law. We also expressed Latin America's concern about the need for our Organization to be given the instruments to permit it to carry out its activities effectively.
Unfortunately, the Latin American ideals were to be faced with the reality of an unequal distribution of power. The Powers that had been victorious in the Second World War sought primarily to safeguard their own interests rather than to attend to the needs of the developing countries. Bipolar attitudes have marked the life of the Organization ever since.
In addition, the political map of the world has been radically transformed. Today 159 States hold seats in this forum. The development of the majority of countries still urgently requires action, various regions are suffering grave economic and political crises and even warlike confrontations, and the United Nations is not always able to provide satisfactory solutions.
Thus we should not be surprised that there is discouragement when obstacles are placed in the path of measures needed to maintain peace and security. The difficulties involved in establishing a new ordering of economic and political relations between States give rise, equally, to despair and skepticism.
We must also recognize that accusations and confrontation have often prevailed over negotiation and pragmatic means of obtaining results. It must be admitted that this tendency weakens the United Nations and feeds mistrust and frustration.
These reflections should not lead us to underestimate the value of multilateral forums. That is certainly not my intention. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations offers an exceptional opportunity to draw up a balance sheet of achievements and limitations, to examine the system and correct its shortcomings. I am sure that the community of nations expects such an effort at renewal to be made for the purpose of improving international relations.
We must assume our respective responsibilities for ensuring the full effectiveness of this Organization. We are well aware that it will not be easy to obtain a meeting of minds, but we are convinced that that is the only way for the purposes of the United Nations to be fully realized.
We all have an obligation to give way on less important matters in order to reach agreement on what is basic. A constructive approach and a search for practical solutions are urgently needed. It is imperative, too, that the great Powers ponder more carefully their use of the right of veto, as well as showing a real willingness to enter into dialog to reduce global tensions and demonstrate a greater understanding of the problems of developing nations.
It is inadmissible that any State should endeavor to shape the international system to its own ends, or try, either openly or surreptitiously, to impose or induce the adoption of its own political system by other countries. The confrontation between East and West encourages political submission and imposes alignments that stand in the way of peace and world democracy. Frequently, outside interference prevents the peaceful solution of regional conflicts and promotes confrontation between brother nations. The unproductive stockpiling of arms resulting from the desire to dominate forecloses valid development options.
Those who seek hegemony have used the mirage of privileged relations to undermine the solidarity of others. Thus our genuine independence is jeopardized and circumscribed. As the twentieth century draws to a close, it is not possible to accept supposed rights of supremacy or spheres of influence that undermine sovereignty and limit self-determination.
The effectiveness of the United Nations depends on the will of its members. Lasting peace can be achieved only if efforts to dominate are renounced and if we recognize that coexiste  in a plural world is based on respect for law and on satisfying the needs of the peoples. Security demands that we solve controversies through political and diplomatic actions, and, therefore, that we abstain from the use of force. Equitable development is predicated on solidarity and the giving up of privileges. As I make these observations, I think of Benito Suarez, Mexico's great statesman, who said:
"Among individuals, as among nations, respect for the rights of others is peace".
Unequal opportunities and confrontations generate an explosive situation that threatens the fragile stability of international society. The united Nations is our sole recourse to keep us from relapsing into savagery and to permit us to live according to reason and political wisdom. I am convinced that only in this universal forum can we offer a common hope of survival and well-being to present and future generations.
On this solemn occasion my words are meant to call upon the sense of responsibility of all Governments. The history of civilization teaches us that the future cannot be made subject to the demands of immediate power. We must remember that a world conflagration would make a new Renaissance impossible. For that reason, the purposes and principles of the Charter are more relevant today than ever before.
The shortcomings of the Organization can be overcome with a creative spirit and vision, of the future. The options are clear: either we strengthen our institutions or we face the risk of international anarchy.
In the years following the Second World War the international community, mindful of the lessons of history, and exercising political will, decided to prevent a recurrence of the economic events of the 1930s, which were, to a large extent, the principal causes of the most destructive war the world has ever known. The 1930s were marked by a severe recession, uncertainty, monetary and trade instability, disarray in the financial markets and lack of economic co-operation. Each country tried to solve its problems alone and to export them to other countries, upon the cessation of hostilities in 1945, in a demonstration of co-operation that was also without precedent, there was a transfer of real resources for the reconstruction of Europe and Japan that saved the countries involved from famine and did much to promote their remarkable recovery.
In a climate of dialog and economic co-operation between the majority of the countries that were independent at that time, there began in the 1950s a period lasting almost 20 years in which the world economy was characterized by relative monetary stability, by flows of finance that, although still insufficient, promoted development, and by a growing expansion of trade. That co-operation, although not wholly inadequate, permitted advances and improvements in the levels of well-being of the industrialized countries and, to a lesser degree, of the developing countries.
The world economy today shows signs of great uncertainty. The economic recovery in the industrialized world, which began in 1983, has not had enough impetus to reach the developing countries. What is more, the pace of recovery is now beginning to show signs of slackening. There has been a significant drop in the prices of primary products, worsening the terms of trade of the developing countries and making their prospects of economic progress gloomy.
The slowdown in the international economy has created Mounting tensions. The threat persists that the world economy will become fragmented as pressures increase to adopt protectionist measures that would do particular harm to the developing countries.
Interest rates in the principal financial centers remain high and inhibit the channeling of resources into productive investments. Instability and speculation have persisted in the exchange markets.
Today, faced with the hesitant evolution of the world economy, direction has been lost and prosperity has been jeopardized. Consequently, to the developing countries and particularly to Latin America, an international monetary system which, instead of creating certainty and productive investment, gives rise to the instability of exchange rates, inflation and speculation, is not acceptable.
An international financial system which, instead of promoting a flow of resources that would contribute to economic and social development, gives rise to a greater concentration of wealth and the de-capitalization of countries that represent more than three fourths of the world population, is not acceptable.
An international trade system which, instead of encouraging efficiency and the utilization of comparative advantages, gives rise to protectionism and isolation and relegates developing countries to the simple role of providing raw materials and goods of little added value, is not acceptable.
In a world that is more interdependent than it was 40 years ago, the lack of sufficient will to solve the problems confronted by the world economy by employing effective co-operation systems is not acceptable.
The unfavorable international economic climate has hindered the efforts undertaken by developing countries to improve their standards of living. A steadfast battle is being waged against inflation and internal and external imbalances, while, at the same time, efforts are being made to reactivate the productive apparatus, increase exports and maintain the most essential social investments. In the developing countries, our actions have demonstrated our acceptance that there can be no substitute for our own internal efforts to confront our problems.
Those internal efforts are unprecedented, but their success depends on receiving greater support from the international community. Paradoxically, our adjustment measures have met with no equivalent counterpart in the most developed economies. Efforts to export are met with trade restrictions and the need for resources is responded to with limited and burdensome financing and inadequate investment and transfer of technology.
Increased dialog and the holding of multilateral negotiations are imperative if we are to solve the great economic problems afflicting the world and turn economic co-operation from words into actual fact.
The international monetary system must be revised without delay to recover the stability lost, to create a climate conducive to productive investment and to stimulate world trade. Every effort must be made to ensure that the correction of disparities in the balance of payments is even-handed, distributing the burden of the adjustment process between the developing and the industrialized countries, between the nations with a deficit and those with a surplus.
Equitable distribution of costs and benefits within a world economic system is a basic premise for the prosperity of all. In finance, as in trade, it is essential to recognize different levels of development as an element on which the principle of equity is based.
The financial system should be capable of channeling resources under terms and in amounts that are concordant with development needs. In recent years the developing countries, and particularly those of Latin America, have had to use credits from the commercial banking system, in which terms and interest rates are not the most suitable for development purposes. This has been caused by the lack of development funds negotiated through bilateral and multilateral agreements. Ironically, resources that should have been directed towards improving the well-being of mankind have been channeled into an arms race that threatens our survival and distorts economies.
The foreign debt problem of Latin America and of other developing countries cannot be definitively solved through rescheduling that grants only temporary relief to the debtor countries and to the international community. If we are to pay, we must have growth.
There is a real need for a dialog between representatives of debtor and creditor countries, international private banks and world financing agencies as a means of devising formulas that acknowledge shared responsibilities and reconcile the various interests with a view to revitalizing the world economy and permitting more equitable levels of development.
What is required is to design a global strategy that includes the transfer of new funding under suitable terms and conditions so as to achieve the reactivation of world trade, the elimination of protectionist barriers against the exports of the debtor countries and the reconversion, of industry with a view to utilizing the comparative advantages existing throughout the world.
In the field of international trade, and particularly at the next round of negotiations that will begin in 1986, it is essential to obtain preferential treatment for the products of developing countries, so as to allow them to export and thereby reach a rate of development that will make it possible for them to meet their growing domestic demands and fulfill their commitments abroad.
Monetary, financial and trade problems form the dangerous structure on which the world economy now rests. Dialog and negotiation, not confrontation, are the basic elements for seeking solutions. The international community, its leaders and the United Nations must all be called upon to join in a great exercise of political will for the purpose of structuring reform programs that, like those of 40 years
ago, will prevent crisis and conflagration. The developing world, which represents more than 30 per cent of world economic activity and more than 75 per cent of the world population, now needs a bold and imaginative program to reactivate and transfer real resources in order to deal with hunger, ignorance and the heavy debt burden and thus to achieve a solid world economy with a better distribution of its benefits.
Latin America also demands negotiated solutions to the tensions that are endangering peace in the region. The efforts of the Contadora Group, undertaken by my country, together with Colombia, Panama and Venezuela, in order to prevent a generalized conflagration are a Latin American response to eminently Latin American problems.
We insist anew that the roots of Central America's problems lie in the region's needs and lagging social and economic development that have caused the instability of the political institutions of the area. None the less, we cannot fail to recognize that the conflict implies geopolitical considerations of zones of influence and strategic balance; nor is it possible to ignore the fact that the cessation of foreign interference is a decisive condition for achieving any peaceful settlement in Central America.
Nevertheless, we stand firm in cur conviction that the deepest causes of the confrontations in Central America are endogenous and should be isolated from the context of East-West confrontation.
The Contadora Group has set itself to find political and diplomatic formulas that will protect the legitimate interests of all the Central American nations and safeguard their right to self-determination and independence. We are not alone in
our efforts. The establishment of a support group, formed by Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, demonstrates Latin America's rejection of the use of force and foreign intervention of any origin in Central America.
Although signing a legal instrument is clearly not enough to ensure peace and development in the area, the Contadora Act for Peace and Co-operation in Central America is, in our opinion, a viable means of preventing war and intervention in the zone. That is why we appeal to all the countries of the region to step up negotiations leading to the prompt signing of the Act. He also urge nations with links and interests in Central America to support agreement among the nations of Central America and to abstain from any measure that could worsen the situation.
Political decisiveness and good faith are undoubted requisites for the re-establishment of bases for communication among the Governments of the region. The will of the Central American nations is an essential element in any understanding. There can be no doubt that bilateral contacts would reinforce the Contadora Group's negotiations on behalf of a Central American agreement.
Central America has a right to well-being and to live free from the spectre of a war that would only bring about death and devastation in an area that is already suffering the daily occurrence of irreparable loss of human life and resources. Solutions imposed by force, reaching beyond any immediate illusions, would only contribute to perpetuating and extending regional instability. Peace is an indispensable prerequisite for consolidating political institutions that will promote democracy and social and economic development.
The Government of Mexico wishes to express its gratitude to the General Assembly for the support it has given the Contadora Group's efforts. That support commits us to persevere in efforts to bring about peace. We are confident that the unanimous support expressed by the international community will persuade the Central American Governments and those involved in the conflict to allow law to prevail over force and the power of politics over the politics of power.
Mexico has noted with concern the new impetus in the nuclear and conventional arms races. Distrust between the super-Powers is encouraging a quest for technological and military supremacy that in turn causes ever greater distrust. As a result, a dynamic increase in tensions and in the stockpiling of weapons is produced, increasing the risk of a conflagration.
The fear of falling behind in the competition to achieve the greatest preparedness for war could lead to the mistake of attempting a first strike that precludes retaliation. Worse still, the missiles of today, with their complex computerized data systems for guiding both offensive and defensive launches, increase the chances of an accident that could trigger the holocaust.
Mankind would seem to be hovering on the threshold of its own annihilation. In the face of the nuclear danger, no one c n encourage false hopes of survival. The conclusions of the most recent scientific research are unanimous: a nuclear war would mean the end. of intelligent life, and possibly of all forms of life, on the surface of our planet.
Nuclear disarmament concerns all peoples. Hence, in January of this year, Mexico, together with Argentina, Greece, India, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania, called upon the Powers possessing nuclear weapons to take steps urgently towards reversing and bringing to a halt the senseless escalation of the arms race.
The logic of deterrence and the balance of force at constantly increasing levels of destructive potential must now be replaced by successive, step-by-step political agreements that take legitimate security needs into account, gradually reduce the danger of extermination and finally lead to the total elimination of nuclear weapons.
Recently the world marked the fortieth anniversary of the tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since then, nuclear weapons have caused a qualitative alteration of the international scene. Modern arsenals of war are not the unexpected result of scientific and technological advances but rather the product and instrument of political decisions. Technology in itself is powerless to eliminate the threat that hangs over civilization. From now on the continuity of history depends on agreement and disarmament - in other words, on forthright political action that will reverse the momentum of the slide towards disaster.
We insist that the stockpiling of arms frustrates hopes of improved well-being and squanders resources that could satisfy the basic needs of the majority of the world's people. It is also a factor in the prevailing disarray in the international financial, market. Thus the extent of world poverty is undeniably linked to the magnitude of military spending.
It is tins to call a halt to this foolish and dramatic course towards war. The super-Powers must make straightforward commitments in the task of nuclear disarmament. All States alike share the responsibility for putting an end to the stockpiling of increasingly sophisticated and lethal conventional weapons.
We hope that the Geneva talks between the United States and the Soviet Union will prevent the vertical proliferation of strategic arsenals, which might become irreversible, and instead encourage their progressive dismantlement. We are confident that the world community will revitalize multilateral disarmament forums and promote new regional arms limitation programs. This is essential if we are to safeguard man's rich heritage and future generations, which otherwise may never exist.
Global confrontations exacerbate regional conflicts and endanger international peace and security.
In America, the Malvinas continue to be the subject of a sovereignty dispute. My delegation takes this occasion to renew its support for the historic rights of the Argentine nation and once again calls upon the parties to begin negotiations leading to a settlement of the controversy.
In 1985 South Africa still suffers systematic human rights violations. During the past months the repression of civil protest movements has further discredited the apartheid system. Moreover, South Africa continues to prevent the people of Namibia from attaining full independence. Mexico condemns the racist Pretoria regime and urges all States to implement the various Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on that country.
The right of all States in the Middle East to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination continue to preoccupy the international community. The national integrity of Lebanon has fallen victim to the regional and extra-regional power politics that prevail in that area. The war between Iran and Iraq has introduced an additional element of instability. Terrorist tactics and indiscriminate reprisals that harm innocent people deepen antagonisms between groups and nations and replace legitimate political action by arbitrary acts.
Mexico believes that interference in the internal affairs of other States is never admissible. In our judgment the principle of non-intervention admits of no exception. Therefore we reiterate our support for a negotiated settlement that will permit the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan.
By definition, the practice of politics is the human activity leading to the establishment of a just order of peaceful coexistence among individuals, groups and peoples. In essence, it is an expression of man's free spirit that tends to of conduct that will help to channel scattered activities into a common effort. Thus it is a creative act of culture that postulates values, specifies means, sets goals and transforms anarchy into the higher unity of social organization.
Politics embodies the tension between stability and change. In it are combined the values of order and aspirations to freedom, well-being and progress common to all mankind. A synthesis of collective ideals, political activity builds institutions that transcend individuals and reconcile the demand for stability with the need for change. Therefore political organization is at once the reflection and the hope of the cultural traditions of the community.
Throughout history the coexistence of peoples and nations has been marked by violence, confusion and anarchy, until 1945 the international order expressed the free play of political and military forces, which for brief periods achieved states of balance within an unstable array of countries dominated by a few hegemonic Powers. Hence the fact that war has been the privileged and traditional instrument of politics between states, the perfect synonym of power politics.
The savagery and horror of the second world conflagration of the twentieth century revealed the devastating consequences of power politics. This led at the time to the attempt to found a system of coexistence based on the rule of law and equality. In the post-war system the United Nations would become both the keystone and the ultimate guarantee of a new international order governed by the supreme values of peace and development.
The hopes of that time have been only partly fulfilled. What has turned out to be decisive is that for the first time in history, because of today's military technology, the use of force can no longer be an effective means of political action. In the nuclear era an imperial order of domination and subordination is no longer possible. For the community of nations there is no alternative , diplomacy and negotiation. This is not only an ethical mandate but also, and fundamentally, a logical demand and an imperative of reality. That is why I have said that the principles of the United Nations are more relevant today than ever before.
Intelligence demands inexorably that the United Nations be strengthened, otherwise we may not survive. It is my fervent hope that on this fortieth anniversary of our Organization all Member States will heed the voice of justice and law, of understanding and reason, and that we will work together with renewed vigor for peace and for the development of all the world's peoples.