A world in crisis, mankind in disarray, in peril, in danger of being swept away in a general conflagration, in an apocalyptic cataclysm, which it must ward off to make sure that the human race survives, chronic economic and financial disorder based on obsolete theories and definitions, insensitive to the inevitable changes brought by time, which it must redress and rationalize if it wishes to bring peace and justice to the world—this, in rough outline, is the picture of the international situation, fraught with dangers and pitfalls, racked by anxiety and anguish, which we should think about and study during this thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly, so as to try to find, in the spirit of harmonious and calm co-operation which has always characterized our Organization, appropriate solutions to the multiple and complex problems besetting the universe that recent developments require.
41.	But this thoughtful analysis requires us to go beyond what we already know, beyond the possible and the imaginable. We must go beyond the boundaries of thought to discover the sources which inspired human genius, not to cause the destruction and the disappearance of mankind but, on the contrary, to bring about its happiness and well-being.
42.	These thoughts should be pondered by our Assembly during the present session in order to apprehend, encompass and grasp the immensity and the scope, the urgency and importance of the task which requires of our Organization political will and a more decisive and more sustained commitment.
43.	This brief introduction at once places the main concerns of my delegation before the present session of the Assembly and is the message of our faith in the destiny of the United Nations.
44.	Therefore, at this very late stage in the general debate, I should like to associate my delegation with the heartfelt congratulations addressed to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim by the eminent speakers who have spoken before me from this rostrum on the occasion of his outstanding and unchallenged election to the presidency of our Assembly. The unanimity of his election does honour to the whole of Africa, a well-balanced continent with a bright future, and to the United Republic of Tanzania, a country which, after a short period of independence, has shown its vitality, its dynamism and its political maturity, and which is seeking to make, with conviction and resolve, a major contribution towards spreading the noble ideals of our Organization and of world peace. The large body of experience of that skilled and seasoned diplomat in international problems is, for my delegation, a comforting augury of success.
45.	With respect to Mr Lievano, that writer and statesman whose eminent qualities we have appreciated, his competence and the mastery with which he guided the previous session has merited the satisfaction of my delegation, as well as that of others. We should like to extend to him our sincere thanks.
46.	To Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our indefatigable Secretary-General, who is completely devoted to the cause of our Organization, whose tireless efforts to restore credibility and confidence in the United Nations and in world peace, so fragile and precarious, so threatened but so desired by all, are well known to us, I should like to reaffirm the total support of my Government and the people of the Central African Republic in his activities. May the wishes of my delegation for his success be with him wherever he goes in his efforts to strengthen peace.
47.	Furthermore, we note with satisfaction that the universality of our Organization, enshrined by the Charter, is being reaffirmed more every day with the admission of new Members, which come here every year to expand and strengthen its activities to bring about the consolidation of its vocation, which, though still Utopian at San Francisco, has now become a dynamic reality and a vital need which mankind has been forced to face.
48.	My delegation, therefore, welcomes with great joy and pardonable pride the entry of Saint Lucia to the great family of the international community. We are convinced that the recent struggle that it waged to recover its inalienable rights and the heavy price that it paid, as well as its unquenchable thirst for justice, freedom and independence are valid reasons for my delegation to believe in its profound devotion to peace and its unswerving determination to be part of the common effort to contribute to the full implementation of the will expressed at San Francisco. Therefore, I take special pleasure in welcoming that country to our Organization and in expressing, on behalf of my country, my delegation and on my own behalf, warmest wishes for ever-growing happiness and prosperity for its valiant and courageous people.
49.	Since the thirty-second session, our Organization has gone through a very important stage, abounding in events which have marked international life, threatened by the curbing or even the shattering of its vitality and of its resolve for renewed activity, its efforts to adapt to the need for inevitable changes which stem from the requirements of the modern world. That ardent desire for a fresh start, that deep and legitimate aspiration for peace and international security should, in our opinion, be expressed by a more sustained and decisive will and political commitment courageously to face events of all kinds in order to dispel the uncertainty and the threats which weigh heavily on the future of mankind and to break down the contradictions of our Organization which weaken its action and paralyse its momentum.
50.	Having said that, I should like to proceed, as briefly as possible, to a retrospective examination of the international political situation. A world-wide approach, which is indispensable for this examination, reveals murky areas as well as bright spots in the world political sky, which we want to be pure and calm. Despite the laudable efforts made by our Organization to maintain international peace and security, to establish a new international economic order, the world situation remains marked by threats of conflict, injustice and socio-economic inequalities.
51.	The world of tomorrow, a better world, a world of justice and freedom, of moral values, will not come about through a distorting prism or through preconceived ideas. Intelligence, which has allowed man to make prodigious progress, to push forward the bounds of knowledge, must be placed at the service of his emancipation for the realization of his most legitimate aspirations and his most elementary rights. One of the great acts of courage that will have to be accomplished by the world community in modern times will be the categorical and definitive rejection of those obsolete stereotypes, to bring about a more dynamic future, resolutely turned towards the search for the well-being and happiness of man. One of the traits of modern man is his propensity for new ideas which bring about progress.
52.	After that appraisal of this no less important aspect of the responsibilities and political obligations of our Organization, I should like now to undertake an more in-depth discussion of recent world events which, because of their political, military, social, economic and cultural impact, continue to dominate international affairs, raising the spectre of an apocalyptic war and postponing the prospects of true international peace and security to which mankind legitimately aspires. An analysis of these events reveals a pattern of confrontation of divergent interests and the implacable antagonism of established ideological systems. Will mankind succumb to these contradictions, or will it take up the challenge and achieve justice and peace?
53.	In truth, the manifestations of that antagonism and confrontation have been felt most recently in Africa and Asia, continents which have now become the favourite terrain for hegemonistic conflicts waged by the great Powers for the dissemination of their ideologies in order to widen their spheres of influence.
54.	A cradle of humanism which has managed to resist the pernicious assaults of the vicissitudes of time, Africa has been able, since time immemorial, to make its notable contribution to the universal spread of culture, a source of emancipation. Africa is today a theatre of ideological confrontation manifested in the field by pockets of tension.
55.	Heedless of the irreversible winds of independence which have been blowing throughout the world, in Africa, in Asia, and in Latin America; deaf to the desperate cries of peoples fighting tooth and nail for their freedom and independence; and insensitive to the human suffering of the developing countries, those great Powers continue to organize and maintain their ideological rivalries and their political, military and economic competition to delay the advent of total and final decolonization.
56.	The fight being waged here and there for the full exercise of people's right to self-determination and to the free choice of their socio-economic systems has always been, and will always be, a liberation struggle. It will always triumph, as it has already triumphed, over obscurantism and imperialist forces, however mighty they may be, because it responds to the deep aspirations of those who wage it, and because nothing can resist that combat. It is a source of hope that victory will finally be won.
57.	To say the least, it is regrettable that the Western Powers that still give multilateral support to the champions of one of most abhorrent and barbarous forms of colonialism—loathsome racism which, entrenched in southern Africa, the last bastion of an anachronistic era, has been institutionalized in the name of goodness- knows-what philosophy—cannot learn the lessons of history and face the truth about our modern times.
58.	Undoubtedly, Africa is now turning one of the most tragic pages in the history of its decolonization, of which the most recent moving, pathetic, cruel and barbarous episodes are occurring now in its southern part.
59.	Hence, regarding the Zimbabwe situation, my Government has, here as elsewhere, had occasion to express grave concern over the threat to international peace and security posed by the situation in that country due to the constant and deliberately abusive violation of the most sacred human rights and by the systematic refusal to transfer power to the majority. Moreover, my delegation has always considered that any final solution aimed at genuine peace must of necessity, and quite obviously, involve the Patriotic Front, the sole representative of the people of Zimbabwe. In other words, any proposed settlement which leaves out the Patriotic Front is doomed to failure. Muzorewa and Smith have just learned this bitter lesson after the rigged elections the results of which were rejected and condemned out of hand by the entire international community.
60.	That is why my delegation welcomes with satisfaction and relief the specific proposals adopted at the historic Lusaka Conference.  We are convinced that the Commonwealth Conference will be able to exert its influence in the practical implementation of those agreements, which mark an historic watershed in the history of Africa.
61.	By the very nature of the unimaginably far- reaching dimensions and implications of the conflict, the United Nations, that guarantor of total decolonization, which is one of the basic purposes and principles of its Charter, must reaffirm and assume its responsibilities in this matter.
62.	As for Namibia, the situation prevailing in that part of Africa continues to arouse deep concern. The more time that passes, the more remote are the chances for a lasting and final solution, and the more critical is the situation. That is why, in my delegation's view, only the strict implementation of relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and especially Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 485 (1979}—can enable the people of Namibia, under the banner of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its sole representative, to achieve its deep legitimate aspirations to total peace, freedom and independence within a framework of respect for Namibia's unity and territorial integrity. Therefore, my country solemnly reaffirms its full support for SWAPO, that spearhead of the armed struggle of the Namibian people, as well as the pledge of our continued unreserved support for all efforts to bring about the total elimination of apartheid, that disgrace to ethical behaviour and a defiance of the international community.
63.	Along the same lines, I should like to reassure the front-line States of my country's sincere fraternal support. We reiterate to them, with the same faith and conviction as always, our entire solidarity.
64.	Concerning Western Sahara, the Central African Republic, in its deep devotion to freedom, peace and independence, unreservedly supports the efforts undertaken here and elsewhere to bring about a just and lasting settlement of this highly volatile issue. We endorse, in a spirit of solidarity, the decisions taken at the Monrovia Conference by the Organization of African Unity [OAU].  In my delegation's view, any just and equitable solution must be based on self-determination. That is why my delegation wishes to pay a well- deserved tribute to the Government of Mauritania, which has just strikingly demonstrated its staunch political maturity by signing the Algiers agreement. That was a courageous and wise decision redounding to the honour of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and, indeed, to the whole continent of Africa.
65.	The Middle East, a land of conquest since time immemorial, a haven of refuge and the cradle of the world’s three great monotheistic religions, a hallowed ground of tolerance and a source of justice and brotherhood is today, as a paradox of history, the theatre of one of the most murderous, abominable wars and one of the most implacable, divisive conflicts weighing on the human conscience. The situation prevailing in that part of the world, which is so close to Africa, is a continuing source of deep concern to my country.
66.	Fanned by great-Power struggles for influence, earned on through proxies, and dominated by passion and emotion, the situation prevailing in that region battered by a long destructive war constantly threatens humanity with general conflagration, so enormous are the risks of explosion,
67.	In the opinion of my delegation, a just and lasting peace, so ardently desired by the people concerned, can be achieved only in the framework of a comprehensive settlement. Furthermore, we consider that a joint effort among the parties to a dispute is not always incompatible with the goals sought, because any frank dialogue is constructive; but in order for it to be so, passion must yield to reason, which is a source of enlightenment.
68.	That is why my country will support all efforts and initiatives taken here or elsewhere to bring about a peaceful atmosphere and a return to calm Leading to real peace. In this respect, my delegation considers that the Camp David agreements are not necessarily negative, for they are based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
69.	In stating this, I wish solemnly to proclaim— should there still be need to do so—that the exercise by the Palestinian people of their legitimate rights is one of the prerequisites to a final solution to this conflict. At the same time, the right of the State of Israel to exist within secure and recognized borders should be acknowledged in accordance with the letter and spirit of those same resolutions, to which my country fully subscribed at the time of their adoption.
70.	In bringing up the burning and complex problem of the Middle East, I cannot but recall another bloody and odious tragedy which is rending Lebanon asunder. That country is now the theatre of a violent, bloody and destructive confrontation. The national unity and identity of Lebanon, as well as its territorial integrity, are placed in permanent jeopardy by the escalation of the violence in which the parties are locked.
71.	It is my hope that once peace is restored to the Middle East all the Lebanese communities will quell their animosity and quarrels to bring about the national reconciliation which is the only guarantee of the security and independence of Lebanon and which would enable its populations to devote themselves to the task of reconstruction.
72.	In this same Mediterranean region the situation in Cyprus, which has remained deadlocked for many years, continues to cause us deep concern. Hence the resumption of the intercommunal talks announced during the Secretary-General's mission last June seemed to bring a glimmer of hope for a return to peace for the valiant and dynamic Cypriot people.
73.	But the suspension of those negotiations owing to the profound divergences which exist between the parties to the dispute has quickly cast a pall of doubt over the real will of the two communities to expedite a satisfactory solution. In the opinion of my delegation, all efforts must be pursued to reopen the negotiations in order to bring about a final, just and lasting settlement which would preserve the national unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
74.	Finally, in South-East Asia, Korea is another source of concern to my country, which, faithful to its policy of dialogue and adamantly opposed to the use of force as a means of settling conflicts between States, is deeply convinced that this is a problem which is of concern first and foremost to the Korean people themselves. The division of a people and of a nation is one of the most harrowing, odious and cruel tragedies there are: an identity and culture run the risk of being shattered and of disappearing. This illustrates how deeply my country is disturbed by the tragedy which is tearing apart the heroic, friendly people of Korea. It is why I exhort the two parties not to do anything which might aggravate a situation which is already tense, and where there is a major risk of flare-up and general conflagration. The price already exacted from the Korean people by its division is too great.
75.	This is why my country hopes sincerely that the two parties will renew their dialogue as quickly as possible to bring about the national independent and democratic reunification of Korea on the basis of the principles set forth in the joint communique of 4 July 1972.
76.	At a time when the United Nations Disarmament Decade is drawing to a close, it is encouraging to note, without being unduly optimistic, that the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to general and complete disarmament and was held on the initiative of the non-aligned countries, was an important historic event. For the first time, thanks to the wide-ranging debate to which that session gave rise, world opinion became aware of the gravity of the situation created by the frenzied aims race and of its political implications and apocalyptic consequences for international peace and security.
77.	My delegation therefore is justly pleased at the signing of the agreement concluded as a result of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT].  It considers the agreement to be a major positive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security, which are so dear to our Organization. The SALT agreement can be considered as a point of departure for the continuation of talks and as an example encouraging the quest for realistic solutions, based on compromise, to disarmament problems and to controversial political problems.
78.	Permit me to devote the last part of my statement to the current situation in my country, the Central African Republic.
79.	The dawn of 20 September 1979 saw the rise of a new sun, radiant in the Central African skies: a sun unmatched in its splendour except by the new hopes, the indomitable will of the people of the Central African Republic to burst the chains of oppression and tyranny; a sun calling the Central African people to wrest its own destiny from the controlling hands of a power condemned by history; a sun lighting the way for the Central African people towards a brighter morrow, fully devoted to its internal growth and to its positive contribution in its relations with others. For 13 years Central Africa knew weeping and wailing, unspeakable treatment: a veritable nightmare. For 13 years, Central Africa knew torture, assassination and death. For 13 years, Central Africa knew bloodshed: the blood of its many sons and daughters who disappeared into the maw of the night and fell under a hail of machine-gun fire. This is why the people of the Central African Republic today values at its full worth their return to peace and quiet, to liberty and to their role in the comity of free nations. For 13 years Central Africa—accounted until then peaceful and hard-working—experienced a political, social and economic retrogression rarely experienced in the history of nations. Our tentacular institutions were characterized only by confusion and inefficiency.
80.	The national party, the Social Evolution Movement of Black Africa, no longer expressed the will of the people, but became the instrument of their regimentation and oppression. It was a party with no political or ideological direction, a party in a quagmire of immobility, unreasonableness and superstition. It freely manipulated the working masses, men, women and children, who served only as conveyor belts to pass along the arbitrary edicts of a despotic power. The party leaders were uneducated, deaf to the needs of the masses and ignorant of public affairs. They were recruited solely on the basis of their ethnic origin, their servility and their greed.
81.	Parliamentary power and life were non-existent; the judiciary was in bondage; and governmental responsibilities were confused because they were two- headed, and exercised in fact by a single man surrounded by an entourage which, although superficially respectable, consisted in truth of adventurers and executioners. Decrees, orders and commands were drawn up extemporaneously, amid uncertainty, negligence, inefficiency, intimidation and torpor.
82.	Its very substance gone, the administration was paralysed by lack of credit, deficits, and the frustration and under-utilization of its staff, as well as its senior officials, whose careers now faced a precarious future. It was staffed with people recruited on the basis of favouritism and nepotism, who collected State funds while performing no precise function. Drained and in disorder, the administration was totally hamstrung in its various services.
83.	Diplomacy was conducted on the basis of alliances which came and went; it was unpredictable, inconsistent and enjoyed no credibility on the international scene.
84.	The State police, compliant and corrupt, yielded to a parallel police and guard force that were overstaffed and lusting for blood.
85.	The State funds were managed arbitrarily as though they were a private inheritance, for the benefit of a single man.
86.	In the social field, all rights and freedoms were suppressed and the individual had an interminable series of duties.
87.	Education was elitist, in a state of decline both from the pedagogical and from the infrastructural point of view. Health services were defective and there was an undetermined growth in the mortality rate.
88.	These are a few of the main features of our uncertain political and social life which depended on the whims and follies of a megalomaniac who was always and only interested in titles, honours and money.
89.	Although gagged, although not enjoying a single moment of freedom, threatened with physical harm, arbitrary arrest, torture and physical annihilation, the people of Central Africa always resisted and fought, proud and upright, against tyranny and arbitrariness.
90.	Even the stages of our fight for freedom were marked by coups and attempts at assassination in the years 1969, 1973, 1974, 1975 and 1976. The establishment in 1977 of a monarchic, autocratic and reactionary regime encouraged our people to fight with fresh vigour and new determination in their anxiety to achieve victory.
91.	It is with the blood of our martyred children, of the men and women who fell last January and April, that the people of the Central African Republic, inspired by their instinctive attachment to freedom, appealed to the only democratically elected leader, President David Dacko, who was elected in 1964, to bring down the regime which had been repudiated and condemned by Africa and the world.
92.	The people of Central Africa did this because they had an overriding duty so to do. They could not remain silent; they could not continue to be subject to a regime which had killed so many of their courageous sons and daughters. They did so because of a moral obligation— an obligation arising from the support it had received from the international community, in the forefront of which I should mention Amnesty International and various similar non-governmental organizations, as well as France and all those countries who have been friends of the Central African Republic.
93.	What could be more natural, then, for a people that had been long in bondage, long deprived of freedom, than to appeal to their friends for assistance to ensure security? What could be more natural than for that people, in resisting a power which had violated even their very conscience, to do what they could to guarantee their own freedom?
94.	That is why I wish to tell the community of the United Nations that the outside assistance which the Central African Republic requested from France in the exercise of its sovereignty to maintain security throughout our country was quite proper. It was proper legally because it was provided for in co-operation agreements made between our two States. It is proper politically because it was requested by Central African patriots and democrats. It is also morally proper because it was the only way to avoid needless bloodshed in a country which has already suffered enough.
95.	Be that as it may, the presence of the French Army in the Central African Republic is temporary. It will remain there until the Central African armed forces are reorganized. That is the desire which was expressed by the people during the support march for the President of the Republic, which was held on 23 September 1979.
96.	The people of the Central African Republic in expressing that desire did not wish to sell their sovereignty or their wealth. The new regime which we are trying to promote in Central Africa is keenly aware of the sacred nature of its sovereignty and wealth.
97.	That is why I wish, on behalf of the Central African Republic and its Government, solemnly to thank France and all those countries and international organizations which joined us in our victorious struggle against an oppressive and anachronistic regime.
98.	In expressing this gratitude, I cannot conceal the bitter disappointment of my country over the culpable silence of the United Nations and of the OAU regarding the suffering of the people of the Central African Republic in face of the massive and flagrant violations of human rights in the name of the sacred principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
99.	Those institutions, whose basic principles depend on the protection of human rights and freedoms without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, will never be able to do anything useful until they stop being a syndicate of dictatorial, oppressive Governments. Those organizations will gain incomparably in stature if they rid themselves of many of their outmoded, obsolete and irrelevant principles, whenever they have to deal with victims of genocide, torture or killing at the hands of brutal or oppressive dictators.
100.	The time is ripe for my country, the Central African Republic, to create a democratic State structure. Our goal will be to create a society with no exploitation, humiliation or dictatorship—a society based on justice and on the full development of every human being.
101.	The Central African Government has already overhauled its political, administrative and social institutions and it remains convinced that nothing lasting can be achieved without an effective promotion of fundamental human rights and freedoms.
102.	The Central African people have just turned a sorrowful page of their history and have given themselves a provisional government which we trust will give us a fresh start. The Government knows that the task ahead will be long. Everything has to be rebuilt within the framework of our recovered national unity. Our Government has established a dialogue with various groups which were fighting from outside our country against the Bokassa regime and whose main leaders are now meeting in Bangui. That dialogue should lead to a programme of joint action.
103.	The Central African Republic is fundamentally attached to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to the ideals of peace, justice and co-operation, which have been laid down in the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU. As soon as it was reinstated, the Central African Republic immediately restored all freedoms of which the people had been deprived for nearly 14 years and it declared that it would uphold any earlier agreements entered into with other Powers whose provisions are not contrary to the higher interests of the people of Central Africa.
104.	I wish now solemnly to proclaim our faith in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We vow to spare no effort to promote the creation, functioning and effectiveness of the instruments which have been adopted in the United Nations and in the OAU in order to give concrete meaning to this noble objective.
105.	The people of Central Africa, whose very con-science had for 13 years been violated, are keenly aware of the size of the job ahead. They are convinced that theirs is a task which is also facing the Governments of the entire international community.
106.	In the field of international relations, I wish to say that for the first time in 13 dark years the Central African Republic is happy and proud to make its voice heard in the concert of nations as a free and sovereign State.
107.	That is why I wish to proclaim that in its foreign relations the Central African Republic will pursue a new form of active diplomacy devoted solely to its full development. It will try to gain respect for the principles of good neighbourliness, the peaceful settlement of disputes, free co-operation and mutual benefit, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, non- alignment and support for the just struggle of all oppressed peoples.
108.	Together with a political situation that had deteriorated seriously, we were facing a catastrophic economic situation. The country was in a state of complete bankruptcy.
109.	His Excellency Mr. David Dacko, the President of the Republic, concerned himself with this situation immediately when, after taking power, he stated:
"For 13 years the country has been exploited by a person who had himself proclaimed Emperor but who demeaned the country in the eyes of the world by his excesses, his ridiculous behaviour and his megalomania. The country is in a state of ruin. The economy has been destroyed.
"There are no more roads, no trade, no production. Public funds and foreign assistance have been misappropriated by Bokassa and deposited in accounts in Switzerland and in Europe."
110.	That statement obviously needs no further comment. But to give members a clearer picture, and to help them better to understand the economic stagnation that Bokassa and his accomplices brought upon our country, I should give the following details.
111.	In the area of agriculture, production as a whole started to decline in 1969. In 1978, the decline was 70 per cent of the initial global figure. The production of cotton, our leading export, declined from 60,000 tons in 1969-1970 to 28,000 tons in 1977-1978. That drop in agricultural production can be accounted for in a number of ways,
112.	First, there is the fact that in order better to exploit the peasants Bokassa and his accomplices all set themselves up as official purchasers of agricultural products and through unpopular measures that could be contested by no one, had blocked the producers' purchasing prices while selling prices were constantly soaring in the markets of the world.
113.	Then there is the fact that the organizations for agricultural credit that had been set up to give loans to peasants or producers' co-operatives were all in the hands of Bokassa and his accomplices. One had to belong to those circles in order to have any right to the services of those institutions.
114.	The non-reimbursement of loans—money from which had been accumulated and misappropriated by the caste of privileged individuals in the fallen regime— destroyed the organizations that could have played an important role in agricultural development in the Central African Republic. Support for the peasants and agricultural popularization campaigns were completely done away with. The disastrous state of the roads— almost all the bridges had been destroyed—made communications between the provinces and the capital, on the one hand, and among the provinces, on the other, very difficult. Credits or subsidies for highway maintenance had been systematically misappropriated by Bokassa and his agents.
115.	To these causes we might add the near disappearance of almost the entire social infrastructure in the provinces, and in particular dispensaries, which were in a state of ruin and devoid of medicines. Thus the rural masses were exposed to illnesses of all kinds, which led to a significant increase in the mortality rate.
116.	I might also stress that the practice of making payments by cheques that were not always honoured by the Central African Treasury was a source of no solace to the peasants.
117.	In mining, one witnessed the plundering of diamonds by Bokassa. Production, which in 1965-1966 was at the 1,500,000-carat level, went down to 300,000 carats in 1977-1978. Bokassa was always parading around with a suitcase full of uncut diamonds, which he used as collateral for his debts.
118.	In spite of a chronic budget deficit amounting to more than 4 billion CFA francs, equal to $US 16 million, Bokassa continued to display delusions of grandeur and a propensity for spending on prestige projects. This megalomania attained its height with the infamous coronation ceremony, and, although all businessmen, citizens and foreigners in Central Africa had to make a contribution, that ceremony emptied the coffers of the public Treasury.
119.	After that date, the State was, to all practical intents and purposes, in default. Some of our diplomats abroad had to suffer worse forms of humiliation. The size of the external debt increased fivefold, and the contributions of the Central African Republic to the budgets of various international organizations were no longer fully paid. This is a disgraceful state of affairs, but it is the truth.
120.	The economy of the country was completely destroyed. It was a country without any financial resources, a country whose schools had fallen into ruin, a country in which epidemics broke out in rural zones because of the lack of medicines in dispensaries and hospitals. Such is the legacy of the bloodthirsty tyrant Bokassa.
121.	The Central African Republic, in a state of ruin, now needs reconstruction. It must rebuild its economic infrastructure that was destroyed. It must rebuild its schools. It needs medicines; it needs food assistance. Now more than ever before the Central African Republic feels the need for urgent assistance from the international community for its national reconstruction.
122.	As a land-locked country, the Central African Republic feels more strongly than any other the impact of the world economic crisis that has existed since 1973, the worst effects of which were amplified in our country by the unbridled greed of our fallen dictator.
123.	The world economy is now in veritable crisis. This crisis stems partly from a deterioration in the terms of trade, from the introduction of protectionist measures by the developed countries, from monetary instability, from the inability of most countries to meet the targets set for development assistance, and, more generally, from their lack of the political courage to implement the decisions of the international community regarding the establishment of a new international economic order.
124.	The more serious effects of the crisis have hit the developing countries very hard, especially the least advanced countries, including mine. The fact that the international community has been unable to close the gap between the rich and the poor should encourage it to seek solutions to this problem as a matter of great urgency, because, in the final analysis, the economic well-being of all nations guarantees international peace and security.
125.	That is why, to return to my country, I would say that in restoring peace and security my Government needs assistance from the international community.
126.	The Central African Republic is a rich and fertile land, and our people, though beaten and battered, are full of talent and imagination. We need financial, material and technological assistance from the international community if we are to mobilize our resources for national rebuilding and reconstruction. We earnestly hope that the United Nations will help us to revive our hopes.
127.	Thirty-four years have already passed. They have been decisive years in the course of which the forward march of self-determination of peoples has constantly established the frontiers of many nations of America, Asia and Africa that earlier were in bondage. That is, perhaps, a short period in the life of nations, but it has been an eventful period, with much sound and fury, with crises and successes arising out of the irreversible and explosive change going on throughout the world. There have been crises and sound and fury in the wealthier countries as well as in the poor countries. There has been a crisis of poverty and lack of equipment. There has been a crisis of over-armament. There has been a crisis of identity and sovereignty in many countries that have been victims of the world-wide balance-of-power game played by the super-Powers. Peoples are still deprived of freedom and are crying out. There has been an economic and financial crisis, and a social crisis. And mankind has experienced a profound crisis as it has awakened to its own ugliness, cruelty and moral poverty. There are many evils to do away with, but there are just as many achievements behind us. After all, in spite of its diverse membership, the United Nations has in 34 years preserved—albeit within rather precarious limits, at times perhaps—international peace and security, understanding and dialogue. It has been a bastion for the protection of the sovereignty of newly independent States. It has been a forum for the struggle for emancipation of peoples still under the colonial yoke.
128.	This is the pinnacle of achievement of this century. That is the direction our world seems to be taking as this decade draws to a close.
129.	Will mankind manage to bring about the changes that are necessary now, as we usher in a new decade?


Mr. President, the General Assembly is fortunate this year to have as distinguished and accomplished diplomat as yourself presiding over its thirty-fourth session. Your eminent qualities and wide experience in international affairs are greatly admired and respected. We pay a tribute in particular to the impressive record of your contributions towards helping the struggle of peoples for self-determination and independence. It is a pleasure for me to congratulate you warmly on your unanimous election to your high office. My delegation pledges its full support and co-operation to you, Sir, in the discharge of your heavy responsibilities. We wish you all success.
192.	The outgoing President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, deserves our warm appreciation for the able and competent manner in which he guided the deliberations of the thirty-third session to a successful end.
193.	We also congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in furthering the cause of peace. Mr. Waldheim has in the course of this year played a very constructive role in particular on the problem of refugees in South-East Asia. His initiative in convening the Geneva conference on Indo-Chinese refugees is greatly appreciated by all.
194.	I take this opportunity to welcome Saint Lucia on its admission to membership in the United Nations. We look forward to close co-operation with the delegation of Saint Lucia in the furtherance of the objectives of the United Nations.
195.	We begin this session with some apprehension about the general uncertain climate in the international situation. As we approach the end of the decade of the 1970s, we find ourselves faced with more and more unanswered problems and questions. The 1970s have seen some negative trends in spite of ongoing negotiations in the North-South dialogue and the process of detente and rapprochement among the great Powers. Dialogue has in some instances given way to polemics, and the world continues to be sharply divided along political, economic and ideological lines. The developing countries cry out for a more equitable new international economic order. But we are in no way nearer to solving the problems of under-development, poverty, malnutrition and hunger.
196.	The peace that we at present enjoy hangs on a fragile threat sustained by the balance of nuclear terror. We live in constant fear of the total annihilation of mankind as the spread of nuclear weapons increases, and this is compounded by the development and perfection of more and more devastating nuclear weapons systems. In sum, instead of being reduced, the arms race has continued its upward spiral. Indeed, the peace that we have, tenuous as it is, has been shattered time and time again by regional conflicts that threaten to erupt into wide conflagrations. Many of these conflicts now take place in the countries of the third world. The truth of the matter is that the world we live in today is polarized and there is still a lot of distrust and suspicion among nations in the conduct of international relations. In spite of detente and rapprochement among the great Powers, their rivalry for spheres of influence and domination continues unabated, and this remains a predominant feature of our present-day world.
197.	The problems that beset us in the 1970s will, no doubt, be carried forward as we cross the threshold of the 1980s, Much therefore, remains to be done to translate into reality the lofty ideals which serve as our guide in our work towards a more peaceful and secure world order. We can achieve such an order only if we are prepared to act in concert and to co-operate more fruitfully with each other. Indeed, we need to go from rhetoric to meaningful action, to harmonize our efforts and to transform confrontation and polemics into peaceful co-operation. We have a duty, above all, to redress the chronic deterioration of the world economic situation in particular, for in the final analysis it is the bread-and-butter issues which are of paramount importance to nations and to the peoples of the world in general.
198.	In your opening statement, Mr. President, you stressed the importance of the United Nations as an instrument for the promotion of peace, freedom, justice, international security and cooperation. You said also that this Organization will fail to meet its lofty ideals as enumerated in its Charter if we, as individual nations, choose to use it as an instrument of periodical convenience. Indeed, we could not agree with you more. When we all became Members of the United Nations, we pledged to uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations. We pledged to work for world peace, for the reconciliation of our differences and for the common good of mankind. Yet, time and time again we see these very principles trampled upon with impunity. The sovereignty of nations as been violated and the use of force to settle disputes has become an attractive option in the face of the helplessness of the United Nations. We in Malaysia look at this development with great concern, as indeed do all responsible peoples.
199.	As a small country of 12 million people, Malaysia is fully committed to upholding the principles and goals of this body. The United Nations is the most effective Organization to harmonize the actions of nations in the search for solutions to our common problems and to promote peaceful relations, international understanding and co-operation. It is in furtherance of the objectives of the United Nations that Malaysia together with its partners in the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN]—Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand—has embarked on the road to regional co-operation. Our quest for peace and mutual co-operation transcends all ideologies and different political systems. The objective of ASEAN is to promote peace and security through co-operation in various fields for the well-being of our peoples. ASEAN works and we are proud of it. The countries of ASEAN want to share the fruits of their co-operation with the other countries of South-East Asia and to secure their participation in building a prosperous, peaceful and secure region. But we cannot realize these objectives if we do not have peace in the region and if the sovereignty of nations is not respected.
200.	It is in this context that Malaysia and others in the region viewed with serious concern the recent developments in Kampuchea. One of the cardinal principles of the United Nations has been violated by the armed intervention of outside forces against Kampuchea, threatening the peace, stability and security of South-East Asia as a whole. Fighting still rages in that war-torn country, causing untold suffering and misery to countless thousands of people.
201.	The subsequent development after the military intervention showed clearly how the area of conflict could easily widen, threatening to engulf the entire region in a testing-ground of big-Power rivalry. If this situation is allowed to continue, it will be a standing invitation to others to get involved in the contest of the super-Powers. Accordingly, a long-term political solution must be found, and must be found quickly—a solution which will restore the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea. The people of Kampuchea must be given the right to decide their own future and destiny, free from outside interference or intervention. Malaysia, together with other ASEAN countries, has made a call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from the area of conflict. My Government stands ready to contribute towards any effort to find a peaceful solution to the problem in Kampuchea.
202.	Lest it be construed that Malaysia is taking sides in the conflict, I should like to assure this Assembly that our stand is a principled one. We did not take sides on these developments in Kampuchea and we have no intention of doing so. We want to see peace and stability restored to our part of the world. Our principal preoccupation at present is to find a political solution to the problem. This is Malaysia's main concern. I reiterate that we should like to live in peace with all the countries in the region in a spirit of good neighbourliness and co-operation for the betterment of the peoples in the region.
203.	It is in this same spirit that the member countries of ASEAN have made their proposal for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia.  The events in Indo-China, where the involvement of Powers external to the region was clearly visible, once again emphasize the need to pursue with greater vigour the realization of this concept. Members of this Assembly are no doubt familiar with the concept, and I shall not go into detail. Suffice it for me to say that the concept will provide for the countries of South-East Asia the framework for harmonious and co-operative relations among themselves, and between themselves and all countries outside the region, be they large or small.
204.	I would be remiss in my duty if I did not at the same time point out the humanitarian aspects of the conflict in Kampuchea—a tragedy which this Assembly cannot ignore. The loss of innocent lives and the sufferings and hardship faced by the population as a result of the conflict deserve our urgent attention. As if this human tragedy were not enough, there is in addition the impending threat of famine resulting from disruption in the agricultural life of the country. Already, tens of thousands of Kampucheans have been forced to flee their homeland and to seek refuge in a neighbouring country. We in Malaysia know from experience what it means to be saddled with such an influx of people into one's territory. Unless urgent attention is given by the world community to this problem, a further exodus of people from Kampuchea can be expected, causing un-due economic and social problems to neighbouring countries. This is destabilizing; it could exacerbate the situation and could widen the area of conflict,
205.	With regard to the refugee situation in Southeast Asia, my delegation is gratified to note the positive results of the United Nations Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in July of this year at Geneva. Malaysia welcomes the commitment made by various countries and in particular by Viet Nam, to solve the problem. We also welcome the pledges of third countries to accept more of the so-called "boat people" who are now in the countries of first transit in the region. In Malaysia, there are about 50,000 illegal Vietnamese immigrants still awaiting resettlement in third countries. This is no mean number for a small country like our own to be saddled with. We therefore urge the expeditious intake of these illegal immigrants into countries that have given pledges to take them. Any further delay will only prolong the burden faced by the countries of first transit in the region, as well as the agony being suffered by the immigrants or refugees.
206.	The plethora of perennial issues of which this Assembly has been seized will also require urgent solution. Malaysia has followed these developments with concern. Our participation in the various committees of the United Nations demonstrates our concern at the plight of the peoples of Palestine, Namibia, Zimbabwe- Rhodesia and South Africa who are struggling against colonialism, apartheid, racism and oppression.
207.	As a member of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, we share the anguish of the people of Palestine who are denied their inalienable rights to return to their homeland. We support all United Nations efforts to restore to the people of Palestine their inalienable rights of self- determination, national independence and sovereignty in Palestine.
208.	The Palestine issue remains at the core of the Middle East problem, and unless steps are taken to involve the participation of the Palestinian people led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), any meaningful negotiation, however encouraging, would not bring about a lasting and just solution to the Middle East problem as a whole.
209.	The conflict in the Middle East is also another instance of the use of force to acquire territories against the principles of the United Nations. Israel persists in the further occupation of Arab territories and in building more settlements on the West Bank. We cannot but condemn this act in the strongest terms.
210.	In Namibia, the illegal regime in South Africa continues to cling to territories to which it has no right. We hope the racist regime will co-operate with the United Nations in implementing settlement plans for the early independence of Namibia.
211.	As for Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, my Government welcomes the current constitutional conference in London and hopes that it will be successful in achieving majority rule for the black people of the Territory.
212.	At the conclusion of their meeting in New York a few days ago, the Foreign Ministers of the Group of 77 issued a declaration drawing the attention of the international community to the current serious and chaotic state of the world economy, characterized by static economic growth and development, high-level inflation and unemployment, unabated protectionism leading to restrained and sluggish world trade, as well as a host of other long-standing problems.
213.	The fact of the matter is that the existing international economic system has proved totally incapable of overcoming the crisis the world economy is presently experiencing. Any ad hoc decisions and devices adopted by a handful of countries without the full and equal participation of the rest of the international community can only further aggravate an already grave situation. In the wake of mounting economic and financial difficulties, my delegation does not believe, and cannot accept the thinking, that merely by putting a finger here and a finger there to close up holes in the dyke, we can avert global economic recession.
214.	Beset as we are by many and acute disparities between the developed and the developing countries, and given the failure of the present economic system to pull all of us out of the present mess, it is no longer useful for us merely to call for and speak for structural changes in international economic relations. We, the international community, must be serious and sincere in wanting to bring about such changes, and we must be seen to act accordingly.
215.	We had a golden opportunity to realize these structural changes at the fifth session of UNCTAD at Manila earlier this year. However, we failed. The results of the fifth session of UNCTAD proved to be a profound disappointment to developing countries. We ad another chance at the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held at Vienna in August this year. There again, we achieved very little. While the results of the Conference were at best satisfactory, they were nevertheless not positively conclusive for the developing countries. The same situation is also applicable to the other negotiating process featured under the North-South dialogue. The Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, following the General Assembly's agreement on its mandate last year, has begun work, but its movement forward has been painfully slow. Similarly, the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy for the 1980s has progressed very little, if at all, in its work. We all know the reason for this inertia, despite the international community's acceptance of the concept of the interdependency of nations and global economic cooperation.
216.	What we have seen in all these ongoing negotiations is the consistent refusal of the developed countries to accept the reality of the argument that the growth and development of the developing countries, which can be genuinely achieved only through structural changes in the present world economic system, would contribute to the recovery, growth and economic viability of the developed countries as well.
217.	With the continued absence of any political willingness on the part of the industrialized countries generally to make this structural change, it is almost inevitable that their economies will drift into deeper recessions. In such a situation, the world economy as a whole can only further deteriorate, with predictably harmful effects on the development of the developing countries. It is a grim picture, but—in truth—that is what we will have.
218.	The present Development Decade, based on the existing pattern of international economic relations, taught us a lesson in disappointment and futility. The basic thrust of the new international development strategy for the 1980s now in preparation is that it should be formulated within the framework of, and directed towards, the objectives of the New International Economic Order in order to promote the development of the developing countries.
219.	The New International Economic Order, to which my country is fully committed, seeks to restructure the existing global economic system, and this can only be brought about with the genuine cooperation and support of the developed countries. To this end, my delegation would urge them to undertake greater commitments and obligations towards the international community at large by ensuring that all the ongoing North-South negotiations are concluded successfully and in the shortest time possible, without recourse to, or need for, confrontation.
220.	It is also my delegation's hope that in the current negotiations for the new international development strategy, to be adopted by a special session of the General Assembly next year, the strategy's basic thrust may not be lost sight of through the introduction of new concepts of selectivity and global strategy for basic needs that would in no way help in resolving the pressing problems facing the developing countries. Indeed, we would wish to see the strategy contain procedures and mechanisms that would enable the establishment of the New International Economic Order and that, once adopted, it would be earnestly and honestly implemented in order that we may look forward to the 1980s as an era of real and genuine development for the developing countries. Otherwise, the new decade will be no more than a copy of the present one, which has been characterized by frustration, disappointment and the further exacerbation of the position of the developing countries, not without the inherent possibility of confrontation within the international community. The United Nations, as the only truly universal forum for international co-operation, must at all costs prevent this from happening.
221.	Although there were trends in the 1970s which were disconcerting, there is no reason to be pessimistic or to feel despair as long as we are willing to face the problems squarely and to take initiatives to overcome them. We should continue with our efforts to make use of the various forums before us to reconcile conflicting national interests and to find the necessary solutions to our common problems. Let us therefore rise to the occasion and show that our Organization can work in harmony and co-operation to bring about the peace, security and prosperity which we all long for.


Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to see you presiding over this General Assembly. I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your election.
164.	You are the representative of a country and of a continent to which Austria feels particularly close. In the course of almost 10 years as Permanent Representative of your country you have combined rich experience and thorough knowledge with a deep devotion to the ideals of our Organization. Your qualities of leadership and diplomatic skills augur well for the work and the successful conclusion of this session of the General Assembly.
165.	At the same time, I should like to express my sincere gratitude and that of my country to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the former Foreign Minister of Colombia, for the tact and the extraordinary political understanding with which he presided over the last session of the General Assembly.
166.	I also wish to say a special word of welcome to the delegation of Saint Lucia. With the admission of Saint Lucia to the United Nations this Organization has taken a further step towards the universality of its membership and strengthened its role as a forum for global international co-operation.
167.	One year ago, when I spoke before this Assembly there was little reason for optimism or satisfaction. The international situation today merits an even less positive assessment. We are living in a world of regional conflicts threatened by an uncontrolled arms race, by economic disruptions, increasing poverty in developing countries and steadily deteriorating environmental conditions. Wherever we look, we face human suffering, misery and lack of freedom.
168.	In such a situation we cannot afford to despair or to be cynical. Instead, we must confront the major international problems and try to solve them in a spirit of human solidarity.
169.	Efforts to eliminate the imbalances in the inter-national economic system have, thus far, not been very successful. Poor States continue to become poorer and rich States richer. New and renewed endeavours will be required in order to overcome the persisting problems of the world economy, especially those affecting the more disadvantaged countries.
170.	We are encouraged by the initiative taken by developing countries to launch a round of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development. We feel that such a global round, which would take place within the United Nations system and with the full participation of all States, could make a significant contribution to the solution of major global economic problems. In order to secure the success of such negotiations special attention will have to be paid to their most careful preparation.
171.	The recent United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development impressively demonstrated the fact that, with the necessary political will and determination, the international community is able to respond positively and constructively to the challenges of development. We are confident that the Vienna Programme of Action on Science and Technology for Development will open new avenues of inter-national co-operation. Austria has already taken the necessary steps to contribute its share to the newly created Interim Fund.
172.	Any meaningful effort for global economic development will have to include industrialization as one of its basic elements. In agreeing on the new constitution for UNIDO, the international community has recognized the central role of that organization in the promotion and co-ordination of activities in this field.
173.	In pursuing our efforts to make progress in the various areas of the North-South dialogue, we should, above all, bear in mind two basic considerations which could help to achieve a decisive break-through in the establishment of a just and new international economic order.
174.	On the one hand, l am thinking of the concept of a significantly increased transfer of resources from industrialized to developing countries, a concept which has repeatedly been put forward by the Federal Chancellor of Austria, Mr. Bruno Kreisky. If properly implemented, it would provide developing countries with additional means for the development of their infrastructures.
175.	On the other hand, I should like to reiterate our conviction that in a world of limited resources, mounting arms expenditures represent an enormous waste of technical and of human resources. They should finally be brought under control. Reducing arms expenditures would undoubtedly make a substantial contribution to bridging the economic gap between developed and developing countries.
176.	The efforts of the international community to take specific, militarily significant and verifiable steps towards arms control and disarmament have, unfortunately, in no way prevented the unobstructed continuance of the arms race. The immense danger created by the arms race for the future existence of mankind has not diminished.
177.	On 18 June of this year, the second SALT Treaty was signed by the United States and the Soviet Union in Vienna. This was a very important step in the process of reduction of tensions between East and West. Impetus for that process is indeed urgently needed. The political importance of this treaty cannot be overrated. We are happy that this historic event took place in Vienna.
178.	This positive evaluation of the second round of SALT, however, cannot make us forget that the treaty represents only a step on the way towards disarmament. Our satisfaction with the signing of the SALT treaty is combined with the earnest hope that the treaty will soon be ratified; and that it will be followed by further negotiations leading to a meaningful reduction of the threatening arsenals of the nuclear-power States. Furthermore, the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, scheduled for next year, should serve as a timely reminder of the urgency of effective disarmament in the nuclear field.
179.	"We also hope that the successful completion of the second round of SALT will stimulate other efforts in the military sphere aimed at the relaxation of tensions.
180.	In this context we have in mind in particular the Vienna negotiations on the mutual reduction of forces in Central Europe. After more than six years of negotiation, tangible results are essential for the whole of Europe.
181.	We expect, moreover, that the Treaty will have positive effects on the outcome of the second follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to be held next year in Madrid. There are many indications that questions relating to detente in the military field will play an important role at the Madrid meeting. Initiatives such as the plan for a European disarmament conference submitted by France and the proposals made by the Warsaw Pact States in May of this year lend justification to hopes for progress particularly in the context of initiatives for confidence-building measures.
182.	Austria attaches great importance to disarmament measures since we are convinced that a continued positive development of detente largely depends on success in the area of disarmament. Austria strongly believes in the policy of detente for which we do not see any meaningful alternative. However, without visible progress in stemming the arms race this policy would lose credibility and would be compromised.
183.	In the area of human rights there is already talk of a so-called third generation of human rights. At the same time we must note with dismay that in large areas of the world not even the first generation of human rights—that is, those basic rights flowing from the concept of individual freedom—have been implemented. Each day we hear of trials where the most severe penalties are handed down, without compliance with even the most elementary right of defence. We hear of torture, expulsion and oppression. The death penalty remains a recognized practice in the criminal law systems of many States. In Austria, we firmly reject that type of punishment as being incompatible with human identity and the sanctity of human life. We hope that efforts to eliminate universally this cruel and inhuman punishment will soon prove successful. The initiatives undertaken within the Council of Europe are of particular importance in this area.
184.	The situation is equally depressing in the area of implementation of the so-called second generation of human rights, that is, those basic rights which flow from the concept of equality and which are meant to ensure the material requirements for human existence. I need only refer, for example, to the daily reports on the high rate of unemployment in many parts of the world. The situation of unemployed youths who are denied the right to work from the very outset is particularly alarming. We must also not forget the millions of people whose lives are threatened by hunger and who face the future without hope for any improvement in their economic and social conditions.
185.	This is particularly true of the millions of refugees living in many parts of the world. All those refugees are victims of human rights violations, both those who seek asylum as the result of racial or religious discrimination or political persecution and those persons who are denied the right to a homeland or who are forced by hunger to leave their country.
186.	In Europe there are many thousands of such persons; while in the Middle East 650,000 Palestinians are still living in camps. In Africa several million people are forced to live as refugees in miserable and often hopeless conditions. In the course of this year the exodus of refugees in South-East Asia caused a dramatic situation which called for immediate action. We gratefully acknowledge the efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who, prompted by that compelling situation, convened a Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia in Geneva in July for the purpose of improving the lot of those refugees. That Meeting had a purely humanitarian objective, which it achieved thanks to numerous commitments to provide assistance. However, the political issue underlying the refugee problems remains unsolved. I can only repeat the appeal that I made at Geneva for respect of the basic rights of all persons to ensure that no one is forced to seek asylum abroad any longer.
187.	At this point I should like to underline the extraordinary efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in carrying out his ever- increasing tasks for the alleviation of the lot of refugees throughout the world and to convey to him and his staff the gratitude of my Government.
188.	Terrorism constitutes a serious threat to human rights, to the existing order of our societies and even to world order itself. We firmly condemn every manifestation of terrorism, whether it be politically motivated or purely criminal. We condemn any act of terrorism by private individuals, organized groups or States. There can be no justification for terrorism whatsoever. We support all efforts by the international community to combat terrorism, in particular the initiatives taken in this regard by the United Nations. We are pleased to note that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages has succeeded in completing a draft text. We hope that that draft will soon meet with general approval.
189.	Of the many conflicts in today's world I wish to refer only to three which I consider to be representative of the many existing elsewhere: Cyprus, the Middle East and southern Africa.
190.	Austria, like many other countries, had hoped that substantial progress would be achieved as a result of the decision reached in May of this year to resume the talks between the ethnic communities in Cyprus. So far those hopes have not materialized.
191.	The fact that United Nations troops have been present in Cyprus for 15 years now should induce the parties to the conflict to work harder to achieve a lasting solution satisfactory to both communities. The presence of United Nations troops in Cyprus should also serve the purpose of creating the necessary conditions for a negotiated settlement. It is important that no one get the impression that the United Nations presence in Cyprus is sanctioning the status quo.
192.	I should like to take this opportunity sincerely to thank the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to mediate between the two parties to the conflict. At the same time I should like to thank all United Nations soldiers in Cyprus, as well as in the Middle East, for their contribution in support of United Nations peacekeeping operations and to express to them our full appreciation.
193.	The crisis in the Middle East, owing to its complexity and its relation to political, economic, social, religious and human rights problems, is one of the most explosive and dangerous in the world.
194.	We fully recognize the efforts made by Israel and Egypt, supported by the United States of America, which finally led to the conclusion of the Egyptian- Israeli Treaty of Peace of 26 March 1979. Unfortunately we have to note that no further steps which are necessary for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, based on the principles set forth in Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and on the recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, have been forthcoming.
195.	However, there are also positive elements in recent developments. We are of the impression that the PLO has modified its earlier political objectives and has thus gained a more realistic assessment of the political possibilities in the Middle East. At the same time, the international community shows an increased tendency to realize that there can be no lasting peace without a just settlement of the Palestinian question. Such a settlement can be achieved only through direct negotiations with the Palestinians. The great majority of Palestinians today accept the PLO as their representative. The situation has evolved in such a way that negotiations with the Palestinian people are possible only through the PLO. It is likewise clear that whoever is interested in learning the views of the Palestinians will also have to establish contact with the PLO. As long as the Palestinian question is not resolved and Security Council resolution 242 (1967), including the general recognition of the secure existence of the State of Israel, not fully implemented, there will be no peace in the Middle East.
196.	Since the peace efforts of the past two years have not produced the results we have all hoped for, it will again be the task of the United Nations to strengthen its efforts in this regard. Therefore, it appears to me desirable to invite the Secretary-General to convene a forum for direct negotiations among all involved and interested parties.
197.	Events in Lebanon confront us with the tragic result of this unresolved conflict. The many victims of the conflict and the extensive destruction it has caused give us ample proof of the urgency of achieving peace in the Middle East. The world should not and must not sit by passively while this small and long-suffering country continues to be the victim of constant military intervention.
198.	The situation in South Africa gives us cause for great concern. There is little indication that the South African Government is moving away from its policy of institutionalized racial discrimination. The oppression of the opponents of apartheid, the banning of organizations and the continuation of the policy of bantustanization can only increase tensions in southern Africa and lead to tragic results. Austria condemns the policy of apartheid and advocates continued United Nations efforts to eliminate this form of institutionalized human rights violations.
199.	Last year we had hoped that we would soon be able to welcome Namibia among the Members of the United Nations. Our hopes have again been frustrated. Nevertheless, we remain convinced that the United Nations plan for the establishment of an independent and democratic Namibia is the only feasible and promising way to achieve a peaceful solution of the Namibian problem. We strongly appeal to all parties concerned to be ready to co-operate in order to make it possible for the negotiations to be resumed and successfully concluded. Austria remains ready to participate actively in the implementation of the United Nations plan.
200.	The Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka last August, has brought about a new stage in the question of Southern Rhodesia. We welcome the efforts of the front-line States to facilitate solutions to the benefit of the people of Zimbabwe. We also appreciate the new initiative undertaken by the United Kingdom to reach a solution acceptable to all parties.
201.	Although the picture of the world situation I have presented is hardly optimistic, I do not wish to join the critics of our Organization. On the contrary, I realize that the international situation would be even worse without the help of the United Nations. A world organization and a world order, as imperfect or ineffective as these may appear at this moment, are becoming increasingly necessary and even indispensable. The creation of a new world order and universal peace and security: this is the challenge of our time.
202.	While the methods and means of traditional diplomacy may be sufficient to keep some of the great problems under control, they cannot offer lasting solutions. We must find new ways to resolve conflicts. Such measures are already the subject of intensive study by the scientific community, particularly in the field of peace research.
203.	We should try to apply science and its perceptive capacity to the organization of international cooperation and to the cause of improving the political decision-making process. A mere fraction of the human intelligence and ability now being wasted on the development of vast military arsenals could, if used in these positive directions, yield promising results.
204.	In any event, greater use must be made of science and scientific knowledge in order successfully to face the ever-growing problems and dangers which plague mankind today and which are often the root of political conflicts. I am referring in particular to problems relating to energy, the exploitation of new technology and the protection of the environment.
205.	Among these problems the question of energy appears to us of particular significance, since it is at the very centre of many issues of future economic and social development. The growth prospects of the world economy will to a large extent depend on the way in which we are able to deal with this problem. We feel that especially in the field of energy there is an urgent need for a strengthened international framework for action. We believe that the United Nations would be a most suitable forum for dealing with the energy problem on an overall global basis. In this context the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy to be held in 1981 in our view assumes special significance and importance.
206.	Bearing this in mind, the Austrian Federal Government has decided to invite the United Nations to convene that Conference in Vienna. We believe that the Austrian capital, as the seat of a number of important international and United Nations organizations and agencies in the field of energy, industry and technology, would offer a most appropriate setting for the conference.
207.	In accordance with its traditional policy of neutrality, Austria wishes to live in peace and freedom with all nations of the world. While differences in the degree and intensity of our relations still exist, we have succeeded in establishing good and friendly relations with all countries. This applies in particular, and irrespective of their social and political system, to our neighbours and to the permanent members of the Security Council. The Austrian Government will continue to make every effort to pursue a consistent policy of detente by not only maintaining but also further developing good relations in all areas.
208.	In this context, I would like to refer to the non- German-speaking ethnic groups living in Austria. We consider them as an enrichment of our cultural life. These groups serve at the same time as a bridge to neighbouring States. It is therefore our declared will and policy to guarantee the existence of these ethnic groups and to protect their language and culture.
209.	It has been almost 10 years now since Austria and Italy agreed, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661(XVI), on a proposal for the solution of the question of South Tyrol. This solution has been approved in a democratic way by the competent political bodies of Austria, Italy and South Tyrol. The consensus on a new arrangement for the autonomy of South Tyrol, together with the ongoing implementation of the planned measures contained in the so-called South Tyrol package, have created new possibilities for better neighbourly co-operation between Austria and Italy.
210.	Despite the progress made over the last few years, I must however note that a number of issues, including some of vital importance, have not yet been successfully resolved. Nevertheless, we may continue to hope that our efforts will—in the well-perceived interests of all parties—succeed in achieving solutions to the remaining problems in the near future.
211.	In concluding my statement I should like to reaffirm Austria's strong support for the United Nations. On 23 August this year Austria handed over the Vienna International Centre to the United Nations. This will serve as the permanent headquarters for a number of important organizations and agencies of the United Nations system. This should be seen as a symbol of Austria's continued commitment to the United Nations,