On behalf of my
Government and on my own behalf, allow me to
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your unanimous
election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
second session. Your election to this office bears testimony
to your commitment to the cause of international peace and
security. I am sure that with your guidance and wide
experience in international affairs, our work will record a
successful outcome. You can rest assured of my
delegation’s full support during your term of office.
I would also like to put on record our appreciation of
the manner in which your predecessor, Ambassador Razali
Ismail of Malaysia, presided over the deliberations of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly. His
performance and innovative ideas will indeed help us tackle
the challenges before our Organization in the years to
come.
Let me pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-
General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his
leadership and the commitment to the ideals of international
peace and security demonstrated in his first year of office.
I wish him well and pledge our full support and cooperation
as he discharges his responsibilities in our Organization in
times of change.
Within two days, Mozambique will celebrate five
years of peace and stability. Looking back, albeit to see the
challenges we have encountered, our nation has, without a
doubt, made significant progress in its quest for the
consolidation of peace and tranquillity, democracy and
development, and we are determined further to pursue these
goals.
In the political sphere, we have succeeded in
creating an enabling environment in which political
discussions are being carried out positively both in
Parliament and by civil society at large. As we deepen
this positive experience within the framework of a
pluralistic society, there is broad consensus among all
Mozambicans that dialogue must continue to be the way
to overcome differences and to address the development
needs of our country. To this end, my Government will
spare no effort in order to ensure that Parliament
continues to function normally, for we believe that this
course of action remains a key factor for the consolidation
of peace, democracy and national reconciliation. The next
step will be to hold the country’s first municipal elections,
which will complement the process initiated in 1994 with
the holding of multi-party general elections.
The implementation of the structural adjustment
programme initiated in 1987 has indeed created an
attractive environment for private investment, both
domestic and foreign, which is gradually and steadily
leading the country to economic and social progress. It is
within this multidisciplinary and global action that
economic reforms are taking place, with results that are
already positive and tangible. Preliminary indications of
the performance of the economy during the first half of
1997 estimate that growth in gross domestic product will
reach about 7 per cent by the end of this year, a figure
which is higher than that originally forecast.
In speaking on this very important subject I would
like to underscore the high importance we attach to the
need for flexibility with respect to the implementation of
initiatives for debt relief and sustainability. My
Government is encouraged by recent indications from
international financial institutions concerning the
impending decision on the eligibility of Mozambique to
the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative. I
would hope that once such a decision is made the time-
frame between the decision point and the completion
point might be as short as possible so as to have the
desired impact on the economy. Without far-reaching debt
relief measures, it will be virtually impossible for the
country to sustain the current growth and stabilization of
the economy. We hope that as soon as possible all least
developed countries may accede to the Initiative.
In this regard, my Government welcomes the recent
admission of Russia to both the Group of 8 and the Paris
Club. It is our hope that those steps will enable that
country to play a more active and constructive role in
matters related to debt forgiveness and relief, particularly
10

in relation to countries like Mozambique. For our part, we
will continue to undertake and deepen further our political
and economic reforms, as we have over the past 10 years,
with particular emphasis on the provision of basic health
care and education.
The rehabilitation of the economic and social fabrics,
especially in the rural areas, is seriously hampered by the
scourge of landmines. These horrible weapons have killed
and continue to kill and wound hundreds of innocent
citizens. With that in mind, at the fourth International
Conference of Non-Governmental Organizations on
Landmines, which met at Maputo in February of this year,
my Government approved a resolution that prohibits, with
immediate effect, the production, commercialization,
utilization and non-authorized transportation of anti-
personnel landmines in the territory of Mozambique.
My Government has been participating fully in the
negotiations within the framework of the Ottawa process.
In this respect, we welcome the results achieved at the
recently concluded Oslo Diplomatic Conference. We urge
all countries to heed the call of the peoples of the world
and to join the majority of nations in signing the
international treaty on the total ban of anti-personnel
landmines in December this year. We wish to launch a
vigorous appeal to the international community to ensure
that all the provisions of that treaty with respect to, inter
alia, the destruction of stockpiled anti-personnel mines and
those laid within minefields and in areas outside minefields,
and with respect to international cooperation and assistance,
are fully implemented.
In this respect, I wish to highlight the importance my
Government attaches to the question of assistance to victims
of landmines before, during and following mine clearance,
in order to ensure the early and safe return and resettlement
of displaced persons with a view to ensuring a speedy
resumption of economic activity, in particular in rural areas.
I would like to express our deep gratitude to those
countries and organizations that are providing generous
assistance in demining activities, and invite others to join
us in implementing our national demining programme.
In August this year, the Government and civil society
jointly launched a national campaign for the
commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, which will take place on 10
December 1998. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, with which my country fully associates itself,
represents the commitment by all peoples of the world to
their faith in human dignity. The nationwide celebrations,
encompassing a variety of activities, will afford a unique
opportunity to all Mozambicans — and, indeed, to other
peoples elsewhere — to review and educate themselves
on such an important issue for mankind. It will be an
opportunity to underscore the importance of the non-
selectivity, indivisibility and universality of human rights.
Within that framework, my Government follows with
keen attention the progress being made in the Preparatory
Committee on the Establishment of an International
Criminal Court. The establishment of such a court, with
the purpose of bringing to justice individuals accused of
committing the most heinous crimes, is an important
contribution to the promotion of human rights and
fundamental freedoms. The court must be entrusted with
clear powers in order fully to discharge its mandate. In
particular, its competence and jurisdiction should be
clearly defined in conformity with its objectives and
taking into account the principle of complementarity.
In the African continent, we are participating in
discussions for the establishment of an African court of
human and peoples’ rights. It is our hope that the high-
level meeting scheduled for next year at Addis Ababa will
succeed in finding the needed consensus on all
outstanding issues pertaining to the court.
In the past 12 months, the issue of United Nations
reforms has gained new impetus with new developments
which have taken place quite recently. It is a fact that
there is a broad consensus with regard to the need for
such reforms. Nevertheless, in carrying them out it will be
important to find ways and means that will ensure that the
legitimate rights and aspirations of all Member States, and
in particular the developing countries, are safeguarded.
This is particularly relevant with respect to the proposals
for the enlargement of the Security Council.
Similarly, my Government has taken due note of and
welcomes the reform package presented by the Secretary-
General in his report entitled “Renewing the United
Nations: A Programme for Reform”. The report, the most
comprehensive and far-reaching ever produced in the
annals of the Organization, addresses vital elements that
require in-depth discussion by Member States.
As a country striving to strengthen peace and
security both within its borders and in the regional
context, as well as in the world as a whole, Mozambique
regards preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and post-
conflict peace-building as important elements that must be
11

strengthened in the new international context. In this
connection, we are participating with other countries of the
region in joint efforts aimed at reinforcing our preparedness
for emergencies. We therefore encourage and support the
Secretary-General in his endeavours to enable the United
Nations to deploy peacekeeping operations rapidly.
In the field of human rights, I welcome the proposed
consolidation of the Office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights and the Centre for Human Rights into a
single new Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. I commend the Secretary-
General for this course of action, which is in line with the
sentiments expressed by Member States not only in the
General Assembly but also within the framework of the
Commission on Human Rights. The merging of the two
bodies will in fact eliminate the duplication of tasks and
expenditures and streamline the work of the new,
consolidated body.
On behalf of my Government, I wish to take this
opportunity to congratulate Mrs. Mary Robinson on her
assumption of the post of High Commissioner for Human
Rights. We pledge to her our full support, both within the
context of the Commission on Human Rights, of which
Mozambique is a member, and also within the context of
promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms
worldwide.
With respect to financing our Organization, I fully
agree with the Secretary-General that the current financial
crisis facing us
“is directly linked to the failure of ... Member States
to discharge their ... obligations regarding prompt and
full payment of assessed ... contributions”. [A/51/950,
para. 82]
We would really hope that the very same countries that so
far have failed to fulfil their treaty obligations, will this
time not only pay their dues but also assist the Secretary-
General by contributing to the proposed Revolving Credit
Fund.
I equally commend the proposed establishment of a
development account resulting from reductions in non-
programme costs over the next few years. We regard the
establishment of such an account as an important
contribution in addressing the economic and social needs of
developing countries on a more consistent and predictable
basis.
We also endorse the proposed establishment of the
post of Deputy Secretary-General within the framework
of strengthening the leadership capacity of the Secretariat.
The creation of a Strategic Planing Unit, in our
view, will further enhance the ability of the Secretary-
General to act in accordance with the provisions of the
Article 99 of the Charter. In the light of the new realities,
it is our firm belief that the information gathered by this
Unit will be brought to the attention not only of that body
but also of the General Assembly, in accordance with the
provisions of Articles 10 and 11 of the Charter.
As for the proposed establishment of the “UN
House” under a single United Nations flag, it is important
to ensure that the identity and the vast individual and
unique experience — as well as the expertise —
accumulated by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund
(UNFPA) are preserved. More significantly, the need for
decentralization and flexibility in decision-making at the
country level should be safeguarded and further enhanced
so as to ensure that everyone benefits from the proposed
consolidation. It is my Government’s hope that the new
arrangement will result in a united, cooperative and
coherent framework at the country level. The experience
of coordination of all of the United Nations programmes
and funds in Mozambique is positive and encouraging.
We have taken due note of the proposal for the
establishment of a ministerial-level commission to
examine possible changes in the Charter with a view to
preparing our Organization for the challenges of the next
century. Given the complexity of the issues to be looked
at, the commission should be established on the basis of
geographic representation, after adequate consultations,
and should be provided with clear and precise terms of
reference in order to guarantee that its views are universal
and as consensual as possible.
It is our hope that the proposed reforms — those
being implemented within the purview of the Secretary-
General, as well as the ones under discussion in the
Working Group — will result in greater focus of the
United Nations in the economic and social spheres. Now
that we have gathered consensus on an Agenda for
Development, we need to ensure that appropriate steps are
taken by a reformed, more efficient United Nations to
realize our goals.
12

The trends towards the establishment of regional and
continental blocs require deep cooperation and integrated
economies. Only combined unity of purpose and action can
lend greater leverage and capacity to negotiate and make
economies competitive for investment. This must be
complemented by political stability and an enabling
environment for domestic and foreign investment. We in
southern Africa are joining our efforts towards this goal
within the framework of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC).
These efforts will be further enhanced to a great extent
by the recently established Indian Ocean Rim-Association
for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). The new
organization assembles a variety of countries from Asia and
Africa, plus Australia. Its fundamental principles include
the facilitation and promotion of economic cooperation,
bringing together representatives of government, business
and academia.
My Government follows with renewed interest the
efforts towards the mitigation of conflicts throughout the
world. We are conscious of the fact that economic and
social development are possible only when we live in peace
and political stability. Therefore, prevention, management
and conflict resolution constitute a fundamental issue in our
foreign policy.
In this regard, I wish to associate myself with previous
speakers in congratulating most sincerely the establishment
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo following decades
of uncertainty. We hope that the new authorities will play
a positive role in our collective efforts for regional peace
and stability, particularly in the Great Lakes region. The
challenges facing the new Government are indeed immense
and deserve assistance and support from the international
community.
Likewise, we commend the successful outcome of the
electoral process in Liberia, which symbolizes the
completion of the peace process in that country. We look
forward to the reinvigoration of a united, peaceful and
prosperous country which is ready to contribute to the
effort towards the economic stabilization of the entire
region. It is our hope that the international community will
spare no efforts in assisting Liberia to overcome the tragedy
that has fallen on it for so many years.
The Economic Community of West African States
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) deserves our special
commendation for the role it has played in the resolution
of the Liberian crisis and for its current efforts in the
restoration of peace and respect for the rule of law in
Sierra Leone.
We equally note with satisfaction the recent progress
made for the settlement of the issue of Western Sahara,
and we encourage the parties concerned to continue down
this positive path.
The peace process in Angola continues to face
serious challenges as a result of the failure of UNITA to
comply fully with the agreed commitments under the
Lusaka Protocol. With the recent adoption of Security
Council resolution 1130 (1997), it is now for this body to
ensure that the provisions of all other relevant resolutions
are fully complied with in order to bring the peace
process back on track and to avoid the continued delays
we have been witnessing over the three years of the
implementation of the Lusaka Protocol.
On the other hand, my Government remains
concerned about the situation in the Congo. We support
the initiative of the heads of State and Government of the
region under the leadership of His Excellency President
Bongo, and we call upon the parties to exercise maximum
restraint in order not to jeopardize any further those
efforts. All parties concerned must set aside their
differences and work together for the attainment of a
negotiated settlement to prevent further suffering of
innocent civilians and destruction of property.
Recent events in the Comoros islands underline the
need for full respect of the independence and territorial
integrity of all States, under any circumstances. We
encourage permanent dialogue among all concerned
parties so as to find a negotiated settlement of the dispute
within the framework of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) peace initiatives.
On behalf of my Government, I would like to
express our solidarity to the people of East Timor. We do
hope that the ongoing negotiations between Portugal and
Indonesia under the auspices of the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, and other initiatives, will finally lead
to a successful outcome of this issue in accordance with
the principles and purposes of the Charter.
On the Middle East, my Government notes with
concern the deterioration of the security situation in that
13

area, which poses great danger to the efforts to achieve a
comprehensive, just and lasting solution in the region.
Peace cannot be achieved at the expense of other peoples’
interests. The policy of establishing new settlements in the
occupied Arab and Palestinian territories should be
discontinued. As we have said before, the existence of both
Israel and Palestine is an undeniable reality which nobody
should ignore if we are to reach a final settlement of this
long-standing conflict. Dialogue and compliance with
security Council and General Assembly resolutions are the
instruments through which a solution should be found in the
Middle East.
We are also following with interest the developments
concerning the conflict situations in the Persian Gulf region.
In the highest interests of its peoples, we urge all the
parties concerned to act together with a view to finding an
internationally acceptable solution to all outstanding issues,
in accordance with the purposes and principles of the
Charter.
At the dawn of the new millennium, we bear the
responsibility of preparing the United Nations to save not
only succeeding generations from the scourge of war but
also to provide an Organization that will effectively and
efficiently promote cooperation and development. We in
Mozambique are prepared to work towards this goal.


At
the outset I would like to express my congratulations to
the President on the confidence the General Assembly
showed in him by electing him to preside over fifty-
second session. We have no doubt that his experience and
capability in multilateral diplomacy will assist him in
conducting the deliberations of this session towards
success. We assure him of the cooperation and support of
the delegation of the Sudan.
I would also like to express my gratitude and
appreciation to the President's predecessor, His Excellency
Ambassador Razali Ismail, for his distinguished efforts
and bold initiatives within the context of strengthening the
role of the United Nations and the improvement of its
methods of work.
Likewise, we would like to extend our
congratulations to the United Nations Secretary-General,
Kofi Annan. In a very short time since the assumption of
his post, he has demonstrated enthusiasm, ability and
patience in leading this Organization. This has been
embodied in his initiative to reform it, improve its
methods of work and enhance its stature.
We commend the genuine endeavours of the
Secretary-General to reform the United Nations system.
In this connection, the Sudan will stand by his side until
21

the United Nations realizes the purposes for which it was
established, chief among which is the strengthening of
peace and international cooperation for the achievement of
development and the eradication of poverty, particularly in
Africa and in developing countries.
We would also like to affirm the keenness of the
Sudan that the programme of reform should result in
strengthening the ability of the United Nations to respond
to humanitarian, social and developmental issues undertaken
by the Organization. Furthermore, the reform should lead
to the consolidation of the participation of developing
countries in the Organization and their equitable
representation in the Secretariat.
The Sudan calls for giving the reform endeavours
enough time. The results and recommendations of the
Open-ended High Level Working Group on the
Strengthening of the United Nations System, adopted by the
General Assembly, should be given special attention. My
country reaffirms its intention to participate effectively in
the meetings to be agreed upon within the proper
framework, with the aim of reaching a consensus on all
aspects of the reform.
The Sudan attaches special attention and interest to the
issue of reform of the Security Council through the
enlargement of its permanent and non-permanent
membership, and the improvement of its methods of work.
Our interest derives from our deep-rooted conviction about
the importance of enhancing transparency and democracy
in the work of the Council, so as to respond to the
changing realities and the current challenges facing
international peace and security, in accordance with the
principles and provisions of the Charter which define the
duties of the Council in the peaceful resolution of
conflict — far from using it as an instrument of peoples'
punishment.
The Sudan, while welcoming the efforts made for the
reform of the Security Council, reaffirms the necessity of
observing equitable geographical representation and
preserving the principle of state sovereignty. In this
connection, we would like to reiterate our commitment to
the New Delhi Declaration of the Non-Aligned Movement,
as well as our commitment to the African position taken at
the Harare summit.
We wish to stress the importance of linking the right
of veto to the aspects relating to enlargement of the Council
and improvement of its methods of work, in a way that
would secure a comprehensive consideration through
deliberate negotiations relative to all aspects, within a
democratic and open-ended membership.
It is important to deal with the points that the
Foreign Minister of Singapore made in his statement this
morning. At this time last year I informed the Assembly
of our efforts to establish peace in the Sudan, which
resulted at that time in the signing of the “Peace Charter”.
Today, it is with honour and pride that I convey to this
distinguished gathering that we have succeeded in
evolving that “Peace Charter” into a comprehensive
“Peace Agreement” signed in April this year by the
Government and the fighting factions and political entities
in southern Sudan. The Agreement has been endorsed by
the Sudanese Parliament, and thus it has, par excellence,
become one of the most important political events in the
history of the Sudan.
The Khartoum Peace Agreement provides for a
lasting settlement to the Sudanese problem. The
negotiating parties have reached a formula which
identifies a framework for peaceful coexistence in the
country. In the Agreement, the principle of citizenship
constitutes the basis for rights, duties and equality of
participation of all Sudanese in the responsibilities of
public life, without discrimination as to race or religion.
It further consolidates the principle of democratic
evolution in the Sudan. It clearly defines the question of
power sharing between the state governments and the
federal authority within the federal system in the country.
In addition, it provides for the bases and criteria for
wealth-sharing in the country.
With regard to public liberties and human rights, the
agreement guarantees the same liberties and rights
embodied in divine revelation and in the texts of relevant
international instruments and agreements. In that way it
will have a considerable influence in consolidating and
guaranteeing human rights. Furthermore, the agreement
allows for the people of southern Sudan to exercise their
right to self-determination through a free referendum to
be held at the end of a four-year transitional period.
An additional, complementary arrangement was
agreed upon to prevent hostilities and ensure a ceasefire
between the signatory parties with the aim of enhancing
the requisites for peace and stability. Furthermore, in
accordance with the collective will of the people of the
Sudan, a presidential decree granted an unconditional
general amnesty in respect of all crimes committed and
all civil and criminal claims asserted during the 14 years
preceding the signing of the agreement.
22

In our quest to enhance the scope of a comprehensive
and lasting peace, an agreement was reached last week with
the only remaining faction that was still carrying arms,
thereby allowing for the resumption of peace talks on 28
October 1997 in the Kenyan capital under the auspices of
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).
I am honoured to be able to renew the determination and to
express the eagerness of the Government of the Sudan for
making the forthcoming talks a success.
The courageous steps taken by the Government of the
Sudan towards achieving a just and lasting peace have been
widely commended and appreciated by many States in the
world. One of its early positive results was the beginning
of the voluntary repatriation of displaced persons and
refugees from neighbouring countries.
We call upon the United Nations, the international
financial institutions and our development partners to
contribute to the resettlement of the returnees by shifting
from humanitarian assistance to programmes of
rehabilitation and the provision of developmental assistance
needed to consolidate the foundations of peace, which has
been sought for many decades. This call derives its
legitimacy from the spirit and content of the Security
Council ministerial-level meeting held on 25 September to
discuss the current situation in Africa. The meeting
consolidated the link between peace and development, the
latter being one of the basic human rights.
In the same context, in striving to develop a system of
good and responsible governance, the Sudan has witnessed
important constitutional developments, which have been
manifested in the establishment of a national committee for
preparing the draft of a permanent constitution to be
submitted to the legislative body and then presented to the
people in a referendum.
In the economic field, in support of a market economy
and policies of liberalization, we have taken serious steps
towards the rationalization of public expenditure, the
privatization of the public sector, the abolition of
restrictions on internal and external trade and the promotion
of investment. These policies have led to the reactivation of
the economy and reduced the inflation rate from 114 per
cent at the beginning of this year to 28.5 per cent in August
of this year. Furthermore, we have achieved a positive
growth rate of 5.5 per cent and stability in the rate of
exchange of the national currency. This progress was
commended by the International Monetary Fund mission in
its report to the Executive Council of the Fund last August.
However, the major obstacle to the accomplishment of the
economic reform programme continues to be an
insufficiency of external resources needed to boost
production. We therefore appeal to the donor countries
and the international financial institutions to provide the
necessary resources for the completion of the process of
economic reform. We also reaffirm that the Sudan
welcomes and encourages private and joint investments in
all fields.
As for the problem of debt, it is imperative to
address it within a comprehensive international framework
and not on a bilateral basis, so as to make possible the
building of a world economic system based on justice and
equality among all States without distinction.
In recognition of the importance of regional
economic cooperation, African States have taken steps
towards the revitalization of the African Economic
Community, in addition to the subregional economic
organizations, all of which need the support and
assistance of the international community.
We should not fail to stress the aspirations of Africa
with regard to the implementation of the United Nations
Convention to Combat Desertification and the importance
of following up on the outcome of the World Food
Summit in the context of achieving food security for the
nations of the continent and of the necessity to provide
the required resources to the countries concerned. In this
context, the Sudan reaffirms its readiness to effectively
contribute to the programmes and action plans for the
provision of food, with the serious participation of the
international community.
Economic development on the one hand and security
and stability on the other are two sides of the same coin.
In speaking about poverty eradication in the African
continent, we must stress the need for the realization of
peace as a means to guarantee the security of the African
peoples on the one hand and to accelerate the continent's
development on the other hand. In this respect we
commend the positive developments in Liberia and we
hope that this model will encourage our brothers in
Somalia and Congo (Brazzaville) to stop the bloodshed.
We also hope that in Sierra Leone the endeavours being
led by the countries of West Africa will succeed in
solving the problems facing that country. Africa's need for
security, stability and development requires it to become
a zone free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass
destruction. Africa needs assistance in clearing anti-
personnel landmines, left behind by civil wars in a
number of its countries, including my own.
23

The Sudan supports the efforts of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) and of its Secretary-General, Mr.
Salim Ahmed Salim, to restore peace and stability in many
African States. With regard to the formation of African
peacekeeping forces, we stress the need to harmonize any
measures taken in this matter with the resolutions and
positions of the OAU. Africa should have the right, through
its regional organizations, to take the initiative and to lead
in this matter.
While addressing the subject of economic hardship in
Africa, it is incumbent upon us to mention the exasperating
effects of the imposition of sanctions, in particular those
imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. We call for the
settlement of this issue on the basis of the proposal
presented by the OAU and the League of Arab States,
supported by the Non-Aligned Movement.
We support the proposal of the Non-Aligned
Movement to lay down specific measures and rules for
sanctions and to strictly observe the provisions of the
Charter. We share the concerns expressed by the Secretary-
General in his report on the work of the Organization for
this year about the negative effects of sanctions on peoples.
We look forward to the proposals he has promised to
present in this regard.
In Asia, we welcome the return of Hong Kong to the
parent country, the People's Republic of China. We are
following with interest the efforts of the Secretary-General's
Special Envoy to Afghanistan. We hope that the parties in
conflict will cooperate with the United Nations so as to
reach a formula for understanding and agreement. We also
call upon the international community to support the
continuous efforts to establish peace in the Korean
peninsula.
With regard to developments in the Middle East, the
Sudan believes that a comprehensive, just and lasting peace
cannot be achieved without a total commitment to the
principles of justice and the complete preservation of the
rights of the Palestinian people and the Arab States in the
region, or without a commitment to the agreements and
accords reached by the parties concerned. Israel should
abandon its settlement policies and withdraw from the all
the occupied Arab territories on the basis of the relevant
Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, which
continue to be the point of reference for a peaceful
settlement and for the achievement of a comprehensive
peace in the Middle East.
We agree with what the Secretary-General stated in
his report to the tenth emergency special session of the
General Assembly about the seriousness of the situation
in the region. The Secretary-General warned of the
consequences of the settlement policies in the occupied
Arab territories and the attempts to effect demographic
and legal changes in Al-Quds aimed at its Judaization and
the alteration of its legal, geographical, historical,
religious and civilizational status. The Sudan calls upon
the international community to shoulder its responsibilities
in the face of the deterioration of the situation and the
escalation of confrontation to save the region from the
spectre of war that appears over the horizon as a result of
the unacceptable Israeli practices. Furthermore, the Sudan
is strongly opposed to Israeli attempts to impose
collective sanctions on the Palestinian people whatever
the justification or the pretext.
In the domain of international relations, the Sudan
follows policies and holds firm positions based on its
commitment to international and regional charters, the
respect of good- neighbourliness and regional cooperation
and the suppression of terrorism and threats to regional
and international security.
The Sudan continues to call for the abandonment of
conflict and for regarding the interest of peoples as a
priority that supersedes transient disagreements.
The application of the slogans of pluralism and
democracy that characterize the present epoch in the
progress of humanity essentially requires respect for the
diverse cultural contexts of the peoples of the world.
Those cultures should be allowed the opportunity of free
and equitable self-expression in order to enrich human
experience and elevate the values of tolerance and
acceptance of the other. That would lead to the restriction
of recourse to violent and extreme expressions of injustice
resulting from isolation and cultural arrogance.
All religions uphold the principles of tolerance, the
acceptance of pluralism and coexistence with others. The
Holy Koran says:
“Say Ye: We believe in Allah and the revelation
Given to us, and to Abraham, Ismail, Isaac, Jacob,
and the Tribes, and that given to Moses and Jesus,
and that given to all Prophets from their Lord: We
make no difference Between one and another of
them: And we submit to Allah.'” (The Holy Koran,
II:136).
24

In this context, we support the statement of the
German Minister for Foreign Affairs regarding the need to
encourage dialogue between civilizations to replace
conflicts and rivalry, in order to build a world of tolerance
and cooperation and so that slogans of pluralism and
democracy may not themselves become a pretext for
cultural hegemony.
The adoption by the United Nations of the idea of
setting up a body to promote dialogue between religions
and civilizations would pave the way for the realization of
that noble objective and would reinstate respect for lofty
moral values. It would act as a strong deterrent to such
social ills as drug abuse, the escalation of violence and
terrorism and family disintegration, thus clearing the way
for a better future for humanity as it enters a new
millennium.


First of all, let me say how very pleased I am to
congratulate you sincerely, Sir, on behalf of the
delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco, on your
election to preside over the fifty-second session of the
General Assembly — an election that is a token of
consideration for your political experience and great
competence.
It is also a pleasure for me to salute you, Sir, as
the representative of the friendly country of Ukraine,
which has solid ties of friendship and full cooperation
with the Kingdom of Morocco. I am convinced that
your vast experience and excellent command of
11

international affairs will guarantee the success of our
debates and will lead our session to results that open up
new prospects of peace, cooperation and prosperity.
I should like to take this opportunity to express to
the outgoing President, Mr. Razali Ismail, the
representative of the friendly country of Malaysia, our
respect and gratitude for his efforts and for having
successfully guided the work of our previous session.
I should also like to extend to the new Secretary-
General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, my most
sincere congratulations on the confidence placed in him
by virtue of his election as Secretary-General, which
crowns many years of competent management and
tireless effort within the context of the United Nations.
His election also reaffirms the deep consideration in
which the friendly country of Ghana is held.
Since our last session, the world has been
experiencing a period of various political and economic
interaction which, unfortunately, has not lived up to
mankind's aspirations for bringing the international
community closer to tranquillity, security and peace.
International relations indeed continue to be fraught with
various tensions and disturbances. Thus, on the
international scene, new conflicts have emerged which
threaten the security, stability and sovereignty of peoples.
Given these challenges, we believe that those
problems which emerge in the international arena today
can be resolved only through international efforts under
the auspices of the United Nations. In this context, we
applaud the efforts made by the Secretary-General to
reform and restructure the United Nations and improve its
working methods in accordance with the requirements of
this age. In the same way, we reaffirm our support for all
of these efforts aimed at strengthening our Organization
and enhancing its effectiveness to allow it to carry out its
mission in full, in accordance with the provisions of the
Charter.
We firmly believe that the aims of any reform
designed to restructure the Organization and rationalize
its expenditures can be attained only if due account is
taken of the interests of the developing countries and,
above all, if reform provides for a solution to their
economic and social problems as well as the provision of
material and technical means required for these ends.
With regard to enlargement of the Security
Council, we would like to stress the need for consensus
and the achievement of balanced and equitable
representation of all continents, in particular since the
conditions in which United Nations bodies, including
the Security Council, were established have now
disappeared. The world is now witnessing profound and
swift changes which force us to reconsider the
composition and role of the Security Council to make it
a genuinely effective instrument which is not subject to
objectives and interests which contravene the Charter.
The international community welcomed with
optimism the peace process which began in the Middle
East on the basis of agreements reached between the
parties concerned. However, the interruption of this
peace process, as a result of the violation by the
Government of Israel of all previous commitments and
the contravention of all obligations and rules of
international conduct now threaten to wipe out all
previous efforts to strengthen the foundations for peace
in the region.
The violation by the Government of Israel of its
commitments was illustrated by its decision to resume
its settlement policy and to alter the cultural
characteristics and demographic composition of East
Jerusalem. This decision is in violation of previous
agreements with the Palestinian side. This unilateral and
illegitimate decision is also a blatant violation of the
Fourth Geneva Convention, which forbids occupation
authorities from effecting any changes in the territories
under their control.
Israel, which is still persisting in its refusal to
implement Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338
(1973) and 425 (1978), has once again brought about
an escalation of tension in southern Lebanon, and is
continuing to ignore the Syrian proposals to resume
negotiations from the point at which they were broken
off.
Our vision emanates from our conviction that
peace in the region cannot endure or achieve its goals
except through equitable treatment which guarantees the
mutual interests of all parties and in the context of a
region free from weapons of mass destruction.
Convinced as we are of the need to pursue peace
efforts, and conduct this process in accordance with the
legal framework laid down for it, we would like to
stress the need to honour all the obligations stipulated
12

in the agreements signed, and the adherence to credibility
in dealings based on such agreements, which will lead to
peace and security for all the peoples of the region, and
allow the Palestinian people to exercise their right to self-
determination and establish their independent State with
Al-Quds as its capital.
In this framework, the international community
should take the necessary measures to make Israel respect
and implement Security Council resolutions.
The stability of the Middle East requires the
establishment and consolidation of security in the Gulf
region. We deplore the sufferings of the Iraqi people,
who are living in extremely harsh conditions as a result
of the economic embargo which has been imposed on
them for many years now, and we reaffirm that the
implementation of Security Council resolution 986 (1995)
on “oil for food” is a first step towards lifting the
embargo imposed on the Iraqi people. We look forward
to the day in the near future which will mark the end of
that suffering and the return of Iraq to the exercise of its
rights as a member of the Arab family of nations and an
active and constructive member of the international
community.
Morocco, as a part of the Arab Maghreb region,
takes a special interest in the existing dispute between the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and certain western countries
because of its negative impact on the regional situation
and on the brotherly Libyan people.
Thus, we call for a favourable response to the
initiatives undertaken by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and
the flexibility it has demonstrated, and the efforts exerted
by the Arab Maghreb Union, the League of Arab States,
the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-
Aligned Movement with a view to lifting the sanctions
imposed on Libya.
Morocco, which has closely followed the
development of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina
and has contributed, along with other members of the
international community, to the initiatives proposed by
the chair of the Organization of the Islamic Conference,
and through participation of Moroccan military units in
the Implementation Force and Stabilization Force,
expresses its satisfaction at the progress made in the
implementation of the military and civilian aspects of the
Dayton Accord, and stresses the need to pursue efforts to
ensure its full implementation with a view to establishing
the legitimate rights of the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and to contribute to the reconstruction of
the country through provision of the requisite means as
agreed by the conferences of donor countries.
As an African nation, and given its age-old and
varied relations with other African countries, and
furthermore conscious of its obligations to Africa,
Morocco expresses deep concern about the deterioration
of the political, economic and social conditions in many
parts of that continent.
Morocco follows with deep concern the
persistence of instability in some parts of Africa, and
reaffirms its determination to support and enhance the
efforts of the international community to find
appropriate and lasting solutions to crises.
On the other hand, the woeful economic situation
in Africa is a source of concern for the international
community. This situation is particularly reflected in the
weak participation of the continent in world trade and
in an increase in its debt burden. It is also reflected in a
chronically inadequate infrastructure, a serious
deterioration in social and health conditions, and,
despite the stringent structural reforms introduced by
African countries, by the paucity of foreign investment.
In this context, we welcome the initiative taken by
Portugal to convene a European-African summit
meeting to consider these conditions in the continent
and to seek appropriate solutions. We consider that this
initiative reflects the awareness of the European Union
in respect of its responsibilities with regard to Africa.
Morocco therefore proposes the convening of a
ministerial meeting to prepare for that summit.
Similarly, the Security Council's initiative calling for
the convening of a special meeting at the foreign
ministerial level to consider the situation in Africa
attests to the degree of concern of the international
community with regard to the gravity of that situation.
In its relations with all other African countries,
Morocco has always adopted policies aimed at effective
cooperation, taking into consideration the priorities and
the basic needs of our partners.
As a consequence of the profound changes that
affected the world economy after the Second World
War, it has become current knowledge that the world is
today characterized primarily by the globalization of the
economy. However, the new challenge which faces the
international community today lies in coping with
13

economic and social development issues in all their
dimensions, and doing so in harmony with our efforts to
achieve peace and security.
The liberalization of world markets and the
globalization and comprehensiveness of the world
economy have led to a noticeable increase in the volume
of trade and financial flows. However, this has not eased
the marginalization of developing countries or reduced
their debt burden.
Morocco, which has been following with interest the
activities of the World Trade Organization (WTO),
considers that liberalization of trade must be basically
aimed at correcting existing discrepancies and at
narrowing the gap between developed and developing
countries.
We hope that the second WTO conference, due to
take place in Geneva, will provide a new opportunity for
the international community which leads to consolidating
the bases and rules governing multilateral relations, and
to taking decisions likely to reconcile the imperative for
trade liberalization and the requirements of development,
while responding to the aspirations of developing
countries by allowing them, if necessary, to adopt
protectionist trade measures.
With regard to the question of the Sahara, Morocco,
which cooperated with Mr. James Baker as soon as he
was appointed Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General
for Western Sahara, hopes that the results achieved will
allow for the implementation of the United Nations
settlement plan. In this regard, Morocco, which took the
initiative of proposing a referendum in 1981, stresses
once more its readiness and desire to cooperate with the
United Nations for the achievement of this objective.
The most important achievement of the international
community in this century, to which we soon bid
farewell, was the end of colonialism in almost all regions
of the world. In the past few months, the world has
witnessed the return of Hong Kong to its parent country,
the People's Republic of China, and Macao will also be
so returned in 1999. In the light of the example of Hong
Kong and the plans for the future of Macao, logic now
dictates the elimination of all remaining pockets of
colonialism throughout the world.
Here I am referring in particular to the Moroccan
cities of Sebta and Melilla and the islands adjacent to
them, which remain under Spanish domination. Morocco
has always believed in the virtues of dialogue as a
civilized way of reaching a final settlement to the
problem of Sebta and Melilla so as to enable Morocco
to regain its sovereignty over those territories while
guaranteeing Spain's interests. It was in this context that
His Majesty King Hassan II took the initiative in
calling for the setting up of a Moroccan-Spanish unit to
consider a final solution to this question. This initiative
implies a greater rapprochement between the two
countries, whose impact would spread to wider and
more comprehensive fields.
Humankind is still committed to the noble
purposes laid down in the Charter of our Organization.
It is therefore incumbent upon us to pursue efforts
aiming at the furtherance of those purposes so that,
together, in a spirit of confidence and renewed hope,
we may bring about a better future for all of
humankind.


May I first take this
opportunity to congratulate my very good friend, the
Foreign Minister of Ukraine, on his election as President
of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session and to
convey to him the best wishes of Canada for a successful
and productive association in this session. I know from
our long personal contacts that the course of this
important debate is in the best possible hands.
Let me also take the opportunity to thank and
congratulate Ambassador Razali for his tireless and
effective leadership of the General Assembly at the fifty-
first session.
I come to the Assembly today with a sense of
urgency and an abiding faith and belief that we are now
emerging, not only from the shadows of the cold war, but
also from the uncertainties of its aftermath.

Around the world, we see countless examples of the
basic principles and overall vision of the United Nations
Charter being put into practice. The people of the world
are laying the foundations of a new international system
for the new millennium.

Of course, I recognize that no part of the world is
without its burdens of conflict, grief and personal
suffering. Nor are there any great signs of relief from the
growing burden of global economic inequities. What has
changed, however, is the new international willingness to
face the issues, to mobilize political will and to launch
reforms. There is a sense, not of helplessness, but of
hope. The old realities of power have not disappeared,
but alongside them have appeared new forces, new
coalitions and new ways of doing business — and these
forces are impatient. As we have seen, in fact, in recent
days, one person's vision and generosity can make a
difference and stand as an inspiration to us all.
This new spirit needs to be manifest and inspire
the work of the United Nations. The Secretary-General
has proposed a serious and far-sighted set of reforms.
Canada strongly supports these proposals and accepts
them as a package. They promise not simply greater
efficiency, but, we hope, greater effectiveness. Based
on our experiences in Canada, I can say with some
authority that budget-cutting by itself is not the answer.
There must be serious structural change to modernize
existing institutions, both national and international, that
were formed over 50 years ago.
To undertake these reforms, solutions must be
based on agreement and cooperation. Solutions cannot
be imposed by one country or one group, but rather
must be inspired by a sense of openness and
innovation. In other words, we must establish a new
compact amongst United Nations Members to set this
Organization on a sound financial footing. As
Mr. Udovenko has said, we are at a watershed, a
defining moment for the Organization that can either
provide new momentum or stall our advance. The
direction we take is ours collectively to decide and the
outcome in all our hands. We must not waste this
opportunity.
(spoke in French)
Another defining moment, I believe, took place
just over a week ago in Oslo. Ninety nations, spurred
on by the efforts of the non-governmental
organizations, agreed on the text of a treaty banning
anti-personnel landmines. The treaty will be signed this
coming December, just 14 months after it was first
conceived.
(spoke in English)
While visiting the treaty discussions in Oslo, I was
forcibly struck by how what has become known as the
Ottawa process demonstrates the changed character of
world affairs. Above all, it shows how the breakdown
of the old bipolar world affords new opportunities for
civil society, private individuals, to influence
multilateral diplomacy. The focus of the Ottawa process
19

is a weapon that slaughters countless civilians, a weapon
that has lost much of its military utility, whatever some
may say. This illustrates the growing feeling, coming
from the grass roots of the world community, that the
engines of war designed for the twentieth century have
no place in the twenty-first.
I should say that this is not the only example of the
new grass-roots activism which points to the emergence
of a global commons as a powerful positive force of
globalization. For example, Canadian women, appalled at
the treatment of their sisters in Afghanistan, have started
a letter-writing campaign. I will be delivering some 5,000
letters today to the Secretary-General, which call on him
to take the lead in exposing the gross human rights
violations of women in Afghanistan as unacceptable in
the eyes of the world's citizens.
The effectiveness of these new forces can be clearly
measured. Nations from every region of the world have
pledged to sign on to a complete ban on the stockpiling,
production, export and use of anti-personnel landmines.
We hope to see more join our ranks between now and
December. For those who are still on the sidelines, we
ask them to think hard and deep on this issue. Their
engagement is crucial. By joining us, already a majority
of United Nations Member States, they can help rid the
world of this most inhumane weapon.
(spoke in French)
Canada recently announced its intention to destroy
its remaining stocks of anti-personnel mines before
signature of the treaty. We will also shortly ratify the
amended Protocol II of the Convention on Certain
Conventional Weapons.
(spoke in English)
This treaty constitutes a promise to future
generations. But it does not resolve the equally grave
problems posed by mines already in the ground, nor does
it address the plight of those who have experienced
directly their dreadful impact.
Following the signing of the treaty, the international
community will have an obligation to develop policies for
an enhanced and coordinated approach to humanitarian
demining, and to victim assistance and rehabilitation.
This is, as much as anything else, a development
issue. Heavily mined areas of the world cannot pursue
economic development until they have been demined;
and demining is a hopeless task if there is no treaty to
prevent the laying of new mines.
At Ottawa in December, we will invite nations to
engage in a second phase of the campaign: a broad
mobilization of groups and countries to tackle the
aftermath of the landmines crisis. It is a monumental
task, to be met only through the combined action of all
States. We invite all present to join us. The generosity
of private citizens such as Ted Turner, or of the Auto
Workers' Union of Canada, and the commitment of
those like Princess Diana must be matched, indeed
surpassed, by the Governments of this world.
It is important to ask what is behind this
willingness to tackle these old problems in a new way?
What has brought us to the intersection of high hopes
and new strategies, and the real ability to effect change
in the world, as exemplified by the landmines
campaign? To my mind, these developments and, above
all the recognition of the need to adopt new approaches,
are in part a response to the changing face of war.
In the second half of the twentieth century, we
have seen one type of conflict become prevalent. These
are wars fought within, not between, States; wars that
tend to be long and bitter; and wars, above all, in which
civilians suffer the most and children and women are
often deliberately targeted. These are wars in which, in
the words of Saint-Exupéry “the firing line passes
through the hearts of people”.
As this type of war increasingly accounts for the
great majority of all conflicts, the distinctions that once
informed the work of international diplomacy —
between military security concerns and humanitarian or
civil concerns — break down. This blurring of the
lines, along with heightened media presence, has
strongly affected international opinion. Fewer and fewer
people are willing to view war as an acceptable
instrument of state policy.
In the light of these changes, the concept of
human security, which I highlighted when I addressed
the Assembly last year, takes on growing relevance. It
is based on the premise that it is not enough to spare
people from the “scourge of war” narrowly defined.
Ensuring true, sustainable human security means
tackling other severe threats: the unmet needs of more
than a billion people living in poverty; attacks on
human rights of individuals and groups within society;
20

transnational threats, such as crime and terrorism; and
threats to health and livelihood through depletion or
pollution of our resources.
The problems of these new global issues will not
wait for long-term solutions. It is urgent that we take
action to prevent or reduce the incidence of conflict, to
restore societies in the aftermath of conflict and to
increase human security around the world.
The priorities for action can, in my view, be
grouped under three main headings: addressing issues
which cut across traditional boundaries between areas of
concern, such as we have in the landmines campaign;
identifying and addressing the root causes of conflict; and
improving our ability to respond to crises when we
cannot prevent them.
Let me talk about that first priority. Landmines are
not the only complex, cross-cutting problem to be
addressed if we are to reduce the impact of conflict. All
too often it is small arms, rather than the major weapons
systems targeted by our disarmament efforts, that cause
the greatest bloodshed. In the hands of terrorists,
criminals, the irregular militia and armed bands typical of
internal conflict, these are the true weapons of mass
terror. As with landmines, their victims are all too often
civilians.
We welcome the recent report of the United Nations
Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms and
discussions within the United Nations Disarmament
Commission on disarming combatants as a step towards
more lasting peace. These should serve as the launching
pad from which to develop practical measures, in
consultation with regional bodies.
(spoke in French)
To tackle this problem, the first steps must be to
combat illicit trafficking in firearms and to bring greater
transparency to the legal exportation of small arms. The
Organization of American States (OAS) is currently
working towards an Inter-American convention on illicit
trafficking in firearms. Canada hopes that the OAS
negotiations will result in an effective convention and
will also inspire other regional bodies to take action.
(spoke in English)
Ridding the world of anti-personnel landmines and
banning or limiting other forms of weapons directly
reduce the human suffering caused by conflict. The
other side of the same coin is building and enhancing
human security. By building peace, reducing
unsustainable military expenditures, promoting equitable
and sustainable development and encouraging stable,
democratic societies which respect human rights, we
not only limit human suffering, but we also address the
root causes of conflict itself.
To do this requires solutions that are built from
the inside, not imposed from the outside. Sustainable
peace can be built only through the active cooperation
and participation of Governments, peoples, and groups
caught in the conflict itself.
At the same time, a parallel effort is required to
reform the United Nations development funds and
programmes. Canada strongly supports the Secretary-
General's reform proposals in this area. We place
priority on improving coordination within the United
Nations system at the country level, including among
the specialized agencies and the Bretton Woods
institutions, in order to maximize development impact.
Canada, through diplomacy and development
assistance, has supported peace-building activities in
certain regions for many years. To give further impetus
to this approach, last October I announced the Canadian
peace-building initiative. Its aim is to coordinate
Canadian programmes and policies in support of
conflict prevention and resolution, peace-building and
post-conflict reconstruction. A peace-building
mechanism or fund has provided a rapid response
mechanism in areas of conflict.
Over the last six months, we have used this peace-
building fund for the following purposes: to provide
critical start-up funding for the historical clarification
Commission in Guatemala; to assist the preparatory
commission for the establishment of an international
criminal court by underwriting the participation of
delegates from developing countries; and to provide
financial assistance for the work of the joint United
Nations/Organization of African Unity (OAU) Special
Representative for the Great Lakes region of Africa,
Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun.
In addition, Canada is prepared to contribute up to
$500,000 from this fund for the establishment in Bosnia
and Herzegovina of a non-governmental organization
foundation to develop civil society on the basis of
21

multi-ethnic cooperation. I urge other members to join us
in supporting this foundation.
Finally, I am pleased to announce a Canadian
contribution of $500,000 from the peace-building fund to
the new United Nations Trust Fund for Preventive
Action, created by the Secretary-General in response to a
proposal from the Norwegian Government.
A second promising area of work on the root causes
of conflict lies in exploring the links between security
and development, and particularly in reducing levels of
military expenditures relative to economic and social
spending. Last year Canada sponsored, together with the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) a symposium on military expenditures in
developing countries which brought together a wide range
of experts who identified areas for further action: small-
arms proliferation, about which I have just spoken,
regional security, good governance and the rule of law.
The United Nations has established important tools
to build the confidence necessary for reductions in
military spending, in the form of the United Nations
Register of Conventional Arms and the United Nations
standardized reports on national military expenditures.
Much more work is needed, particularly at the regional
level, to identify ways to reduce military spending and to
redirect scarce national resources to the economic and
social development goals.
A third area of attention is work on conflict that
comes from threats to environmental sustainability.
Environmental problems have the capacity to imperil
living standards and to endanger the well-being of future
generations. For these reasons, Canada strongly supports
new agreements on hazardous chemicals, including
persistent organic pollutants, and will work to ensure the
success of the new intergovernmental forum on forests.
Combating desertification also remains a priority for us,
and we have offered to host the Desertification
Convention secretariat.
The fourth and final promising area in addressing
the root causes of conflict is human rights and good
governance. Next year we celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. This is an opportunity for all of us to reaffirm
strongly the fundamental importance of this document
and our commitment to the common standards it sets out.
In recognition of the importance of this
anniversary, Canada will be sponsoring a broad
programme of activities, including a major world
conference on human rights and the Internet, to draw
together work being done in many international forums,
with a focus on strategies for using the new
international telecommunications technology to increase
respect for human rights. We are working on the
development and publication of an annual report on the
state of human rights worldwide, based on the findings
of the United Nations independent human rights
mechanisms. And we will hold a conference reviewing
the impact of the 1993 Vienna Declaration, to be held
by Canadian non-governmental organizations.
Abuse of human rights is sometimes excused as
necessary in the interests of stability and national
security, but the facts show otherwise. Countries with
democratic governments which respect the fundamental
rights of their citizens are less likely to wage war on
one another. They are also more likely over time to
achieve high levels of economic development.

Recognizing this, Canada has recently undertaken
a series of new bilateral human rights initiatives. Our
aim is to work with our counterparts in other countries
to establish discussions between governments to foster
exchanges between institutions devoted to the protection
of human rights and civil-society initiatives and projects
for the development of free media.

We also fully support the Secretary-General’s
proposals for reform measures to enhance United
Nations work in human rights. And we welcome the
appointment of Mary Robinson as High Commissioner
for Human Rights, and offer her our support.
As we move towards the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the challenges
facing the international community, if anything, have
increased. The trend towards targeting civilians in
warfare has resulted in severe infringements of the
basic rights of women and children. Too often we have
seen children recruited as soldiers or women subjected
to sexual assault as a deliberate weapon of terror.
Canada continues to make the rights of the child
and of women, both in conflict and in peace, a top
22

human rights priority, which we pursue actively in the
United Nations and elsewhere. We welcome the
appointment of Mr. Olara Otunnu as Special
Representative to study the impact of armed conflict on
children. We will shortly host a preparatory meeting for
the main donor countries invited to the Oslo child labour
conference. And domestically we have launched a Child
Labour Challenge Fund to support the efforts of our
private sector to address the problem of exploitative child
labour.
Nowhere is the link between human rights and
human security clearer than in the issue of children’s
rights. By protecting the basic rights of the world’s
children, we are nurturing a future generation of citizens
with both the means and the desire to live in peace.
The final overall priority for action is crisis
response. And despite our best efforts, there will be times
when conflict looms, or when it cannot be prevented.
These situations call for rapid, decisive action, whether to
forestall conflict or contain it when it breaks out. These
actions include not only peacekeeping and other military
measures, but also humanitarian and judicial responses.
To date, the international community appears to
have identified the lessons that the missions to Somalia,
Bosnia, Rwanda and Zaire have taught us, but not to
have learned from them. In crisis situations, speed is the
key to effective response. This is why Canada has been
so active in efforts to develop a United Nations rapid-
response and deployment capability, in particular a
rapidly deployable mission headquarters here in New
York. This would not only permit the timely insertion of
military forces, but also integrate civilian and
humanitarian organizations into mission planning and
deployment.
Canada hopes to see measurable progress on the
rapidly deployable headquarters and on the Danish-led
Standby Forces High-Readiness Brigade initiative. These
improvements to the United Nations rapid-response
capability are complementary, feasible and should be
implemented without delay. Let us learn our lesson, and
not ignore it once again.
In addition to rapid military and humanitarian
reaction, a key element of the United Nations response to
conflict is the application of justice and the international
rule of law. Canada strongly supports the timely
establishment of an independent, effective international
criminal court. In order to be effective, the court must
have inherent jurisdiction over the core crimes of
genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. In
order to be independent, the court must not be
precluded from dealing with matters on the Security
Council agenda.
In conclusion, let me say that, as we all recognize,
the United Nations was originally established as an
instrument of international peace. Since that time, war
has put on a new face. More and more, it has targeted
primarily civilian populations. If the United Nations is
to be effective — and I believe that the need for
effective multilateralism has never been greater — the
United Nations must adapt to this changing face of war.
At the same time, the United Nations must also
recognize that it, too, has changed at its very
foundation. Both its membership and its mandate have
expanded, and the growing importance of United
Nations development and humanitarian activities have
made their mark. Clearly, it is time for concerted
reflection on the purpose and functioning of this body
that we have built together — including on the difficult
issues of financing and reform of the Security Council.
The reform and expansion of the Security Council
is a major undertaking of direct concern to all Member
States. The long-term implications must be fully
debated and carefully weighed, and the process must be
fair and open. It must attract a broad consensus and
cannot be rushed to accommodate other goals —
including a short-term solution to the United Nations
financial crisis. Canada wants to see a Security Council
that is effective, transparent, broadly representative and,
above all, less elitist and more democratic. The primary
criteria for membership should be commitment to the
ideals and undertakings of the United Nations and a
willingness to remain always accountable to the full
membership of this Assembly.
Broader United Nations reform must necessarily
fail so long as Member States continue to demand more
of a system to which they contribute less. Effective
leadership and moral authority are rooted in respect for
undertakings and obligations freely entered into by
Member States. It is the responsibility of each and
every Member to pay its dues. These obligations apply
in full, on time and without conditions.
Looking ahead, there may be a time when we will
choose to reconsider aspects of the current financial
underpinnings of the United Nations. Indeed, we may
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collectively decide that in order to broaden
responsibilities and share power in ways that better
reflect current international realities, some adjustments to
the scale of assessments are warranted. Such decisions,
however, can be neither prejudged nor presumed, and
would no doubt be influenced by the commitment of
those advocating such changes to the broader purposes of
this Organization.
The international context in which the United
Nations functions has changed profoundly. Around the
world, people are reshaping the way they live — be it by
seeking more food, better air or greater democracy.
Crucial to this massive transformation is the search for
security, through both the reduction of conflict and the
building of a better life in times of peace. The United
Nations has long symbolized these dual hopes, for escape
from “the scourge of war” and for “better standards of
life in larger freedom”.
I close my remarks today on a note of hope, quoting
President Václav Havel of the Czech Republic, who said,
“Hope is definitely not the same thing as optimism.
It is not a conviction that something will turn out
well, but the certainty that something makes sense,
regardless of how it turns out.”
Our hope lies in the certainty that the United Nations, as
the standard-bearer of international values, of a sense of
multilateralism and of a sense of cooperation and
partnership, makes sense for all of us. This must spur us
on in this Assembly for the challenges that lie ahead.


I wish to take this
opportunity, on behalf of the Government of the Republic
of the Marshall Islands, to congratulate Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko on his election and to commend the President of
the fifty-first session of the General Assembly for a job
well done.
My delegation has stressed the importance of
sustainable development ever since we first became a
Member of the United Nations. Our convictions and our
support were most recently reiterated by His Excellency
The Honourable Imata Kabua, President of the Republic
of the Marshall Islands, at the special session of the
General Assembly to review Agenda 21. It is, and will
remain, the cornerstone of the Government’s policy, but
I must recall the sentiments that we have often voiced:
sustainable development is not the easiest path to travel
for a small country like the Marshall Islands. There are
numerous obstacles which we must face and which are
impeding our progress. Please let me try to put this into
better perspective.
Population growth in the Marshall Islands and in
many parts of the Pacific is of great concern to our
Governments. It has been as high as 4.2 per cent but now
appears to be slowing down to 3.5 per cent. This is
nevertheless far too high a figure for our small country to
sustain. With rather limited resource bases to begin with,
it is difficult to imagine what job opportunities will have
to be created for new generations. We are already facing
problems with layoffs in the public sector. Granted, it was
much too large. It was at one point almost 60 per cent of
the work force but is now down to 43 per cent. This is
still a very high number, and we are looking into all sorts
of methods of increasing private sector investment to
increase private sector employment.
But population growth also has a negative impact on
our local environment. There is a growing trend of
migration to the two main urban centres of the Marshall
Islands — Majuro, the capital, and Ebeye, close to the
United States base at Kwajalein. These areas are
becoming increasingly crowded, and there is an urgent
need to find local solutions. There is a great need to
improve urban conditions, but at the same time we also
wish to reduce the rate at which the urban centre
population grows.
In a democracy like ours, it is difficult to try to
impose any restrictions; instead, we have tried to look
into incentives. One idea that has been tried is job
creation in the outer islands. We have long been aware of
the potential that the outer islands could have if there
were only more investment in sustainable development
projects.
Population growth is causing difficulties for the
country in many diverse fields, but Government and local
authority action is making some progress. Our youth and
church groups in particular are taking up this issue as a
main concern for the future. But this is only one of many
problem which we have to face.
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We have by no means given up on the struggle to
achieve sustainable development and the improvement of
living standards in the Marshall Islands. On the
Government side we are first of all looking at how existing
structures can be reformed and how better to utilize our
resources. We are interested in any innovations that could
help us. But it is increasingly clear that if we are to break
out of destructive cycles and move away from
unsustainable patterns, then we must all work together.
There will continue to be a need for external assistance to
the Republic of the Marshall Islands, but this can and must
be channelled in a more appropriate manner.
Last year we reported that the damage caused by
nuclear-weapons testing in the Marshall Islands was far
more extensive and devastating than previously understood.
We now know that many more islands and groups of
people were affected. The testing programme in the
Marshall Islands helped the international community
understand the effects of nuclear weapons on people and
the environment. This knowledge was a contributing factor
to the prevention of nuclear war during the cold-war era. In
the Marshall Islands, we believe that we played a
significant role in bringing about the end of the cold war.
We share the commitment of the United Nations to world
peace, security and disarmament.
There is little question that the nuclear-testing
programme in the Marshall Islands was the defining
experience of the Marshallese people in this century. The
67 nuclear-weapon tests conducted in our country and the
tests conducted on our neighbouring Pacific islands
contaminated every inch of our environment and exposed
each one of our citizens to radiation. As a result, my
Government is desperately seeking resources to address the
direct medical and environmental consequences of radiation
exposure, since we do not have sufficient funds. We are
also struggling to deal with the indirect problems of the
displacement of, and the lack of adequate medical care for,
the affected population. It places an additional burden on
our already constrained medical care resources.
We cannot solve these problems on our own, and we
feel obliged to appeal to the international community. We
certainly appreciate all efforts to address our problems
made by our former administering authority, and we are
encouraged by recent indications that the United States is
willing to address outstanding concerns. Yet present efforts
to address lingering consequences are inadequate.
Marshallese people have the basic human right, like all
people throughout the world, to a healthy and clean
environment. We are justified, therefore, in asking
assistance in restoring our lands and returning our
displaced populations to a safe environment.
In this regard the United Nations has an important
role to play. We are encouraged that the International
Atomic Energy Agency is in the process of conducting a
survey in the northern areas of the Marshall Islands. But
another body, the United Nations Scientific Committee on
the Effects of Atomic Radiation, could in our view have
a much greater role. We have noted the terms of
reference of that Scientific Committee, and we see no
reason why it cannot undertake studies that could in the
future assist those populations that are suffering from the
effects of atomic radiation. In our view it must go beyond
a simple academic understanding and have a role that
would allow more interaction with affected countries. I
was also a little puzzled by the brevity of the Scientific
Committee’s last report — only one page. We would like
to request that the Committee expand its scope of work,
to see how it could look into areas, like the Marshall
Islands, affected by nuclear tests. We would be willing to
assist the Scientific Committee in obtaining, for its
consideration, documents and declassified information
pertaining to nuclear testing and its effects on people. My
delegation intends to review this issue in the Fourth
Committee.
My country, all low-lying atolls, with no mountains,
is also facing a most serious threat of sea level rise.
While we are here discussing this issue, the effects of
erosion, storms and tide surges are already being felt in
the Marshall Islands. We are of the firm opinion that the
scientists working with the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) have by now made such a
convincing argument about this troubling issue. This
consensus has been reflected in the acceptance by all
Governments concerned of the Second Assessment Report
of the IPCC. As a result of this acceptance of the
scientific proof, we would have expected, at the very
least, that the developed countries would agree to
undertake so-called no-regrets measures. Such measures
seek to improve efficiency and reduce waste, and to
develop alternative sources of energy. My Government
fully supports such initiatives, as they seem to us to be a
perfectly sensible way to begin addressing climate change.
But we are finding that there is resistance even to such a
modest idea aimed at trying to halt this irresponsible
waste of natural resources and fossil fuels. I have been
hearing reports that in the negotiating process there are
still those countries that seek to undermine the process
itself for their own short-term gains. I can only say that
my Government is saddened by these countries’ attitude.
23

For this reason, a Pacific regional expert group has warned
that we may have to look at our migration options, rather
than adaptation options. Are we willing to see the
disappearance of whole countries for the sake of short-term
economic gain?
A recent newspaper ad campaign here in the United
States has further attempted to add confusion and doubt in
regard to the scientific evidence, and is also spreading
alarmist doomsday scenarios for the economies of the
developed countries. This is simply a misrepresentation of
what is being discussed and of what has been proposed, as
well as what is likely to be the result if we do not act now.
I was further amazed at seeing television ads stating similar
misleading information. The question that appears to be
raised is that the developed countries will pay a heavy
financial price for ineffective measures. The suggestion here
is that climate change is a preposterous plot by developing
countries to dominate the industrialized economies. But
climate change would be costly to us all. The destruction of
small island developing States and other low-lying areas
will only be the first marker as the flood gates open for
full-blown climate change. There should be no
misconception that there is any other option except action
to significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions. I wish to
state our position, supported by scientists, economists and
concerned people, that inaction will result in a disaster for
mankind. What we need as the first step are significant,
legally binding cuts in the greenhouse gas emissions of the
industrialized world.
Please allow me to state our gratitude to and full
support for the Secretary-General in his efforts and
proposals to reform the United Nations. His report has been
studied by our officials, and we have concluded that we
must give the Secretary-General our full backing on his
vision for a reformed United Nations. I have some
experience with the difficulties of bringing reform to an
unwilling system, and we understand fully what he is going
through. But reform is crucial if we are to have a forward-
looking and effective United Nations, a United Nations that
can assist us developing countries in our search for
sustainable development. All the national efforts of
countries like the Marshall Islands require an international
support structure that is conducive to sustainable
development goals. The United Nations has a crucial and
vital role, and we must maintain its leadership and
coordination function.
Reform of the United Nations requires that the
Member States recommit themselves to their treaty
obligations to negotiate in good faith and find the mutually
beneficial steps that we need to take. I wish to reiterate
the support which my Government has given to the
proposals that have come out of the Committee on
Contributions as a good starting point for financial
reform. Let us take these modest first steps, and then in
the next phase we can finish the reform.
Reform will also have to involve the expansion of
the Security Council. We have stated our support for
various proposals in past general debates, and we have
been involved in the working groups. Last week the
Prime Minister of Fiji reiterated their proposal to give
more prominence to the Pacific as a subregion of the
Asian Group. This is an idea that we wholeheartedly
embrace. It has captured a very important facet of the
reasons why we need to have expansion — that is, to
facilitate the participation of all countries in the Security
Council. Our countries would feel much more
comfortable with the decisions of the Security Council if
we had a better opportunity to be a member. There is also
a need to review the use and extent of the veto power,
and whether there should in fact be any new permanent
members of the Security Council. It may well be that a
more equitable rotation structure would suffice.
These are some of the most pressing issues before
this session of the General Assembly. The connection
between what occurs in the international community and
the impact the results have on individual countries should
be made clearer. The sustainable development process
that we wish to work towards requires a great effort on
the part of the Marshall Islands Government and
citizenry.
Similarly, the international community as a whole
must be involved in charting a more democratic and
cooperative future in this singular world organization. We
feel that we deserve the support of the international
community for our own efforts, and we pledge to work
constructively with the United Nations system and donor
community.