It gives me great pleasure to extend through you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Iraq, our warm congratulations to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, representing the Asian Group to which Iraq proudly belongs. What makes us all the more proud on this auspicious occasion is the continuing consolidation of the relations of friendship and amity between Sri Lanka and Iraq, particularly through their co-operation within the framework of the non-aligned movement.
2.	The great success achieved by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo a few weeks ago, from 16 to 19 August, served to bring into relief the commitment of the people and Government of Sri Lanka to the principles and abjectives of this movement, which Iraq regards as the corner-stone of its foreign policy.
3.	I am equally happy to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the positive contributions Mr. Amerasinghe has made to the various fields of activity of the United Nations. I have particularly in mind his chairmanship of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, and the Special -Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories. The efforts which the latter committee continues to make under his chairmanship in order to achieve the tasks entrusted to it by this Assembly, in spite of the intransigence and defiance it had encountered on the part of the Zionist entity, are but an indication of his dedication to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, his concern for the role of this Organization and his insistence on the necessity of ensuring the implementation of its resolutions. This record makes his election as President of this session a source of deep satisfaction and encouragement to us all.
4.	I should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General for the efforts he has exerted to ensure the success of the work of this Organization.
5.	The Iraqi delegation offers its most sincere congratulations to the delegation of the Republic of Seychelles, which has joined our ranks at this session to take its part in our common effort to build a new international order on a basis of peace, justice and prosperity. In extending my congratulations to Seychelles on its admission to the United Nations, I should like to assure it of Iraq's friendship and earnest desire to establish the closest relations with it in the interest of our two countries.
6.	I should also like to place on record here our condemnation of the stand taken by the United States of America against the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola to membership in our Organization when they are so well qualified to play a constructive role in the establishment of the new international order.
7.	Today, our world is going through ail historic period characterized by a unique phenomenon. Developments in the field of international relations over the past few years have proved beyond any shred of doubt that world problems in the last quarter of the twentieth century have grown so interlinked and intertwined that it is now impossible for any State or group of States, no matter how strong or capable, to solve these problems by themselves. It is imperative that they be dealt with by the international community as a whole. Those developments have also demonstrated the fact that the will of the peoples who have now entered the world stage constitutes a factor that cannot be ignored in the search for a solution to any international problem. By contrast, any attempt at settlement in which the will of peoples is disregarded would further intensify international tension and be inevitably doomed to failure.

8.	The logic of these historic facts has begun to force itself increasingly upon world public opinion, so much so that the transition from the traditional order to the new international order has become an historical necessity on which the destiny of man and his very survival depend. It pains us, therefore, to see that there is yet a clear reluctance to face these facts and to take the preliminary steps to lay the foundations of the new international order, particularly
on the part of the States which used to hold undisputed sway over world affairs in the past. The attitude of these States is prompted by their erroneous belief that all the world needs is a few minor changes and, every now and then, the granting of a minimum of unavoidable concessions that have no effect on the essential structure of the old order and keep it under their domination.
9.	Revolutionary Iraq stands with those who believe, because of the logic of the events we are living through, that the forces of good throughout the world cannot but join together in order to lay down new, strong foundations for international relations and to prevail over those systems which seek only to stand in the way of history in a hopeless attempt to hinder its march.
10.	The period since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly has witnessed the continuation and escalation of the conflict between the new and the old; between the forces that oppose colonialism, economic and racial domination and the receding remnants of those colonialists and racists and their allies; the conflict between the peoples who will accept no substitute for the full exercise of their inalienable political and economic rights and the unholy alliance formed by colonialism and racism, particularly in South Africa and Palestine, the heart of the Arab homeland, an alliance which desperately seeks to continue the usurpation of those rights through methods which have been condemned by contemporary international law; the conflict between the States advocating the necessity of establishing a new political, social and economic order based on the aspirations of the peoples to a real peace predicated on justice and universal prosperity on the one hand, and the forces tenaciously using all the means at their disposal in order to perpetuate their domination, exploitation and spheres of influence, on the other.
11.	Allow me to discuss a number of questions and developments as examples of our analysis of events taking place on the stage of international relations.
12.	A year ago, I had the honor of acquainting this esteemed Assembly from this rostrum with the broad outlines and the fundamental principles of the policy pursued by the Republic of Iraq regarding the question of Palestine which truly represents the most glaring example of racist colonization, the forcible usurpation of land and the uprooting of a whole people from its homeland. It also constitutes the substance of the conflict between the Arab nation and zionism and its ally, colonialism. I made particular reference to the persistent intransigence of the Zionist entity and its acts of defiance of the will of the international community, of the principles enshrined in the Charter and of the resolutions of the United Nations. I said at the time that the responsibility for the Palestine tragedy rests, primarily with this world Organization, and particularly with this Assembly, which in 1947 adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine [resolution 181 (II)] in violation of the provisions of the Charter, thereby overstepping its mandate. In contravention of the principle of the rights of the peoples to self-determination, that resolution ignored the wishes of the Palestinian Arab people, who constituted then the overwhelming majority of the population of Palestine. While commending General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which affirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people in Palestine, including the right to self-determination, to independence, to sovereignty and to return to their homes from which they have been uprooted, I stated:
"The resolutions of the United Nations, despite their importance, are not sufficient in themselves as remedies for a problem which threatens international peace and security. Those resolutions must be accompanied by action which will guarantee their implementation".!
13.	If we review, in brief, the most important events in the Arab lands and within this Organization during the past year, we would find reasons for satisfaction and optimism, as well as others to confirm our regret and condemnation. The continuous uprising of the people of Palestine in their occupied land in the face of the barbaric acts of repression committed by the usurper Zionist entity, and their successful resistance against all the plots hatched inside and outside Palestine to contain and liquidate their revolution, have once more proven to the world the true mettle of the Arab people, their adherence to their full inalienable rights, and their readiness to make all the sacrifices necessary for the recovery of those rights.
14.	With regard to the responsibility of theJJnited Nations for what happened and is happening in Palestine, we consider General Assembly resolutions 3376 (XXX) and 3379 (XXX) a decisive turning-point both in the way of dealing effectively with this tragedy and in the attitude of the General Assembly towards the Arab-Zionist conflict in general. In adopting the specific resolution by which the General Assembly determined that zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination, the international community, in spite of all the acts of defiance and the threats made by the forces of zionism and colonialism, found enough courage to recognize a simple truth which those forces have invariably sought to suppress. The overt steps taken this year by the racist regime in South Africa and the Zionist entity to reinforce their unholy alliance have perhaps put an end to all doubts as to the true nature of the entity now existing in Palestine.
15.	By resolution 3376 (XXX), the General Assembly expressed agreement with what we said a year ago, namely, that the adoption of resolutions (190 of them by the end of last year) would not be of any help in compelling the Zionist entity, supported as it is by colonialism, to respect the will of the peoples represented here. Accordingly, the Assembly decided that specific and binding measures should be taken by principal organs of the United Nations for the Zionist entity to be forced to implement those resolutions.
16.	I would like, on this occasion, to pay a tribute to the seriousness and the objectivity with which the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, established by the General Assembly under the latter resolution, discharged the specific tasks entrusted to it. The recommendations submitted by this Committee in its first report to the Security Council particularly the measures and time-tables relating to the withdrawal of the Zionist occupation forces from the Arab territories, and the program of implementation of the exercise by the Palestinian people of their right to return to their homes and their right to self-determination, national independence and sovereignty, constitute an important development in the performance by the United Nations of its principal role in resolving the question of Palestine. Although the Committee saw to it that only the acceptable minimum of its recommendations were submitted to the Security Council, those recommendations ran against the American veto, and it is now up to our Assembly to shoulder its responsibility and deal with this abuse and with the wrongs and injustice it entails.
17.	Zionist plans had and continue to have as their essential aim the elimination of the Arab nation by every possible device. Besides its ceaseless activities aimed at enlarging the area of the Zionist entity, Zionism strives to fragment the Arab world. What happened and is still happening in Lebanon is but a living example of this evil endeavor fostered and implemented by world Zionism which is responsible for the attempt at the dismemberment and total destruction of Lebanon, employing for this purpose all possible ways and means.
18.	As a progressive Arab country, Iraq cannot remain silent about the plots which are being carried out in Lebanon with a view to destroying or weakening the Palestinian resistance, as well as the national movement of the Lebanese people. Iraq will, therefore, remain steadfast in its struggle to prevent this outcome and to preserve the unity and independence of Lebanon against any external interference in its internal affairs.
19.	Iraq and Palestine are two integral parts of the Arab nation, which, more than any other nation, has suffered and continues to suffer from fragmentation, aggression, occupation and exploitation. Hence our premise that the question of Palestine is the crux of the matter and that the liberation of the Arab land from Zionist occupation and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights are among the most important prerequisites for the achievement of Arab unity. Iraq stresses once again its belief in the unity of the Arab nation, in the continuation of the struggle and the employment of all the resources at its disposal to achieve the desired union and to create an Arab society which would play an active role in building the greater human society to which we all aspire.
20.	The Republic of Iraq considers the non-aligned movement one of the corner-stones of its foreign policy. It upholds the principles of this movement and attaches the highest importance to its effective ability to promote security and peace in the world. Iraq has been anxious to contribute to all efforts aimed at implanting those principles firmly in international relations ever since the inception of the movement, when it focused its attention on the achievement of freedom and economic and political independence for all peoples, and sought to spare those peoples the pitfalls of military alliances and the axes of polarization. The movement has thus become a potent means by which the non-aligned States can cope with international events and currents. The non-aligned movement has been able to surmount many of the obstacles standing in the way of its development. It has consequently made a fruitful contribution to the achievement of full independence for many peoples of the third world and to sparing them the ravages of war by steering them away from blocs and axes and the dangers of military bases. This activity was accompanied by the growth and expansion of the movement. It has thus become able to discharge its responsibilities ever more effectively and to play distinctive roles in charting international policy, disproving, in the process, the allegation that it is no more than a transient international grouping, and at the same time, asserting itself as an embodiment of the will of the peoples and their aspiration to a free, independent life within the framework of justice and peace.
21.	It gives the Republic of Iraq genuine pleasure to be in the forefront of those States which have contributed to this turning-point in international relations. I also have the pleasure to pay a tribute to the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo, which was the crowning achievement of the goodwill of the States of the movement. The success of the Conference as demonstrated by its numerous resolutions and its final declaration [see AJ31I197], which we support and uphold in the political and economic spheres, is the finest embodiment of the clear vision and the resolve of the leaders, peoples and Governments of the member States. Their aspirations coincide with the aims and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations; and the endeavor and activities of the States members of the movement serve to complement the endeavor and activities of this Organization.
22.	Iraq stresses, once again, that it welcomes the policy of international detente which has replaced the policies of confrontation and cold war. However, we would like to emphasize at the same time that we want such detente to be universal, permanent and based on justice and respect for the rights of the peoples to independence, sovereignty and progress. It should not be based on polarization or the apportionment of spheres of influence, nor do we want it to be achieved at the expense of small and weak States. In this respect, we fully support the contents of the final declaration issued by the Colombo Conference.
23.	Among the foremost problems threatening world peace and security, indeed the very destiny of man, is the unremitting continuation of the arms race in the world. How painful it is that the annual costs of armaments have risen to $300 billion from $200 billion only a few years ago, and that his should happen at a time when nuclear disarmament, in particular, has become one of the most urgent requirements of the new international order to which we have already referred. The diversion of those fabulous sums from the achievement of the lofty goal of. an equitable socio-economic development represents in the most striking and cruel sense the vast disparity between the requirements of human society and the actual policies of States. It confirms what we have already stated, namely, that what our world needs is more effective measures, on the regional and global levels, to reduce the arms race, to halt the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to confine the use of atomic energy to peaceful purposes only. Although we welcome the new agreement concluded between the
Soviet Union and the United States of America,  we would like to stress anew the necessity of taking effective steps to put an end to all underground tests. We would also like to reiterate our support for resolutions and projects aiming at the establishment of nuclear-free zones. We also attach special importance to the necessity of the accession of all States, without exception, to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)].
24.	The developments that have taken place in southern Africa during the last year constitute, in our view, the beginning of the final phase of the bitter struggle between the forces of liberation and progress and the racist settler colonialism supported by the imperialist Powers, in the forefront of which is the United States of America. The victory achieved by the people of Angola in attaining their full independence and sovereignty, in spite of all the conspiracies hatched against them, including overt military aggression, was the last phase of the liberation of the peoples of the Portuguese colonies and the attainment of their independence. They have thus reinforced the front of the forces struggling for the establishment of a new international order. The effective measures taken by the Revolutionary Government of Mozambique to tighten the grip of the embargo imposed upon the racist minority regime in Rhodesia, despite the economic sacrifices involved, and the mounting African and international support for the liberation movements of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania, augur well for the final elimination of colonialism and racism from the African continent in the near future.
25.	I would like to reaffirm, here, the solidarity of the Republic of Iraq with the African liberation movements, and its full support of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] in its battle with colonialism and Zionism.
26.	Attempts are being made in Latin America by which certain great Powers seek to create such regimes as would toe their line. They seek to ensure, against the will of the peoples concerned and their interests, the existence of regimes that are aligned with them, that act in collusion with them and silently accept the exploitation which has been gnawing at the economies of the countries involved. Those who refuse to toe the line are exposed to constant attempts to undermine their regimes by all possible means. We wish to express Iraq's firm support for the progressive trends and the liberation movements in Latin America. We particularly salute the struggle of the Chilean people and the firm stand it has taken against dictatorship.
27.	Iraq attaches the highest importance to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. It would like to express its concern over the continued imperialist presence therein, and over the indifference to the Lusaka Declaration,  to the numerous calls issued subsequently by the conferences of non-aligned
States and to the repeated resolutions adopted by this Assembly to this effect. The continued existence of the influence of the imperialist Powers in the Indian Ocean and the fact that some of them are reinforcing their presence, strengthening their military bases and building new ones, constitutes a direct threat to the security of the littoral and hinterland States and contributes to the intensification of international tension. We stress once again the necessity of supporting the efforts of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, particularly with regard to expediting the convening of the conference called for by the Assembly in resolution 3259 A (XXIX), in which the littoral and hinterland States and the major maritime users would be represented. We also stress the necessity of guaranteeing for all States the freedom of commercial navigation, passage, fishing and scientific research in the high seas of the Indian Ocean.
28.	In this connexion, Iraq supports and adheres to the resolution on the Indian Ocean adopted by the Colombo Conference [see A)31/197, annex IV, resolution II]. It goes without saying that the Indian Ocean is of more immediate concern to the States of the non-aligned movement, since they constitute the overwhelming majority of its littoral and hinterland States.
29.	Following the victory over imperialism and its local agents achieved by the people of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Democratic Kampuchea, we would like to commend the constructive steps taken by those countries towards consolidating their independence and rebuilding their societies and economies which had been subjected to devastation by colonialist aggression. We particularly welcome the steps taken towards the reunification of the two parts of Viet Nam. As to Korea, we regret to see the mounting tension there and the fact that imperialism is reinforcing its military presence and bases in South Korea, a matter which increases the danger of the outbreak of a new war and constitutes a real threat to world peace. We stress once again the necessity of the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea in order to enable the Korean people to determine their future without foreign interference, as well as to reunify their territory.
30.	Ever since the developing countries attained their political independence, they have been striving to overcome the problems of under-development bequeathed to them by the long periods of exploitation, and to achieve decent growth rates that would enable them to develop their economies in such a way as to narrow the gap separating them from the developed countries. These strenuous efforts, however, have invariably run against the realities of the present inequitable international economic order, which is working against the interests of the developing States.
31.	Iraq has actively participated, along with other developing States, in the various international economic conferences held with a view to achieving equitable international economic relations and creating a new international economic order which would enable the developing countries to deal on equal terms with the developed countries and help them to realize their legitimate aspirations to raise the living standards of their peoples and rid them of exploitation. It was for this purpose that the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly were convened. Iraq, at the time, was among the States voicing optimism over the outcome of those two sessions.
32.	I pointed out at the conclusion of my statement at the seventh special session on 10 September 1975,  that Iraq believes that a radical solution to international economic problems lies in rectifying the balance of forces in economic relations, and that the merit of positive proposals and constructive plans to this effect should be assessed case by case, in an objective manner, taking into consideration only the benefits that each proposal or plan could bring to the cause of economic justice among States and of their sovereignty over their economic affairs. Such assessment should be made without regard to the source of the proposal and provided that it should be implemented in good faith and at no political cost.
33.	Now, however, when our delegation reviews the outcome of one whole year of negotiations, we are left with a deep sense of disappointment. I referred at the beginning of my statement to the conflict between the forces seeking to create a new international order and the forces holding on to the old order. This conflict manifests itself most glaringly in international economic relations in various fields and on various levels. There is no doubt that the main reason for the regrettable stagnation besetting such meetings is the negative attitude of certain capitalist industrial States and their intransigence vis-a-vis the legitimate demands of the developing nations. After this Assembly had, at its sixth and seventh special sessions, set the broad outlines of the new international economic order and drawn up the plan of action for its implementation, we find that those States stand against all measures aiming at laying the foundations of the new order. This leads us to the conclusion that those States were not serious when they submitted their proposals; their conduct points to the lack of the necessary political will to implement the proposals that they themselves made.
34.	This deplorable attitude has led to the difficulties encountered by the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation in which Iraq is an active participant. The Conference has almost reached a deadlock owing to the intransigence of certain capitalist industrial countries towards the acceptance of the just demands of the developing countries, particularly in matters relating to the preservation of the purchasing power of their export revenues and to the debts which weigh heavily on them and form a serious obstacle in the way of their economic progress.
35.	The situation was repeated at the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], held at Nairobi from 5 to 31 May 1976, to which the Group of 77 had attached great hopes, especially since they submitted to the Conference an integrated program which had been prepared by the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group at Manila.  The results of the
Conference have been disappointing and have fallen short of the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries. In addition, some of the capitalist industrial States have begun to take certain negative attitudes, such as their recourse to tactics designed to disrupt the unity of the developing States and to sow differences among them, with a view to diverting them from their main objectives. However, we are deeply satisfied and proud of the fact that all those attempts have met with dismal failure, thanks to the solidarity of the Group of 77, which came out of the Conference all the more unified and with a stronger faith in the justice of its cause. It is even more convinced than ever of the necessity of expediting the establishment of the new economic order. The Group of 77 has refused to enter into side conflicts that might divert it from the main objective. It has even succeeded in establishing a practical program for economic co-operation among its members during the recent Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held at Mexico City, and the meetings which preceded it [see AlC.2131/7].
36.	I am happy to say that during the Colombo Conference, Iraq called the attention of the developing countries to the necessity of establishing specific organization for the producers of raw materials along the lines of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. The Iraqi delegation to this Conference contributed an economic study on this question, in the firm belief that the producers of raw materials among the developing countries should close their ranks to counter world monopolies and to secure equitable prices for their products, which is their one and only means of increasing their capacity to import what they need for the development of their countries.
37.	We believe that the attitude of certain capitalist industrial States, led by the United States of America, and their repeated attempts to choose the way of confrontation, or of making promises which they fail to carry out rather than to enter into fruitful negotiations and a positive dialogue, indicate an egotistical outlook in analyzing the future requirements of international economic relations. On the other hand, we would like to express our appreciation and satisfaction to some of the industrial States in western Europe for their relatively positive attitudes and for their growing understanding of the justice of the urgent demands of the developing countries. We appreciate in particular the sympathy shown by these States towards the developing countries during the meetings of the fourth session of UNCTAD and the sessions of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
38.	Before concluding any statement, I would like to refer to the attitude of Iraq towards the United Nations. Persistent efforts are being made to weaken the role of international organizations and to belittle their importance. This Organization, in particular, has been a target of such efforts. Voices have risen condemning the new majority and the just resolutions it adopts. Yet we heard no such voices during the initial period of the life of the United Nations when the Western States, under the leadership of the United States of America, held complete dominance over the Organization and could muster the required majority at will. It is only regrettable to see a number of States, particularly the United States of America, increasingly shaking the confidence of the international community in the ability of this Organization to' achieve the desired objectives. The use of the veto in the Security Council has made it impossible for the Council to discharge the functions entrusted to it under the Charter. The best example of this is the continued occupation of Namibia by South Africa, and the persistence of the Zionist entity in its defiance of the resolutions of the United Nations and the international community by refusing to withdraw from Jerusalem and the other occupied Arab territories.
39.	The exercise of the right of veto or the threat of its use against a resolution aimed at achieving the aims and purposes of the United Nations runs counter to the principle of good faith in the implementation of international instruments and should, therefore, be Considered as an illegal abuse of that right. It is bound to weaken confidence in the ability of the Security Council to safeguard the territorial integrity of States, thus compelling such States to revert to the traditional methods which have brought down on mankind the scourge of two world wars.
40.	We believe, above all, in the democratic character of international relations. We believe in the application of such democracy within the organs and agencies of the United Nations as well as in their programs. We advocate the strengthening and consolidation of this world Organization on a sound democratic basis, because we know that the future society which we desire for our peoples will not be realized, nor will it survive, unless there is a strong international organization that can ensure the administration and development of the new order with the active participation of all its members in its work. Strengthening the United Nations and enabling it to play a central role in the community to which we aspire is a noble objective; we should all diligently pursue its attainment.


Mr. President, on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly at its thirty-first session, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you in the name of the Yemen Arab Republic delegation. I wish you success in carrying out the deliberations of this current session in order to achieve positive results which will enhance the aspirations of the peoples throughout the world for peace, integration and close co-operation in various fields, free from exploitation, control and domination.
87.	As I congratulate you on your election to this high office, allow me also to congratulate, through you, the Government of Sri Lanka and its friendly people, with whom and with whose national leadership we have strong links within the framework of the principles and goals of the non-aligned movement. This movement has contributed and still contributes to the drawing of a framework for an independent policy for the third-world countries, aiming at eliminating the obstacles which hinder the growth, development and co-operation of their peoples, and seeking to narrow the gap between industrialized and developing countries.
88.	Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, your predecessor as President of the last session, has conducted with great tact the debates of this Assembly.
89.	Allow me also to express the deep appreciation of my Government for the valued efforts which the Secretary-General, Mr, Kurt Waldheim, is undertaking for enhancing the importance of this Organization, and for his constant dedication for ensuring the safety and freedom of all peoples. His courageous role in seeking a solution for the questions of Cyprus, the Middle East, Africa and other regions in our agitated and often changing world made a very good impact, for it emphasized the importance of this world Organization as a necessary and indispensable tool for directing the international community toward finding just solutions for problems arising from aggression, intimidation and foreign occupation, as well as putting an end to the domination and exploitation of poor States by rich States. A person characterized by wisdom, insight and experience such as Mr. Waldheim deserves the co-operation and support of all Member States during the coming period of activities which is marked by complexity and challenge.
90.	The Yemen Arab Republic welcomes the Republic of Seychelles to the membership of our international Organization emphasizing the universality of this world body. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic would also like to address a sincere appeal to some of the permanent members of the Security Council to avoid misusing their veto power to deny other nations their right to join, and become full Members of, the Organization, thereby enabling them to contribute to the crystallization of the aspirations of their peoples and to participate within the international family towards finding solutions for all the problems which are the responsibility of the United Nation* as a free forum for the peoples of the world, without any discrimination or special considerations.
91.	The Yemen Arab Republic expresses its deep concern for the obstruction of the implementation of United Nations resolutions and recommendations dealing with serious and essential questions relating to. the new international economic order. Hits order is the result of the efforts of the overwhelming majority of nations throughout the world and an expression of their determination to initiate and formulate resolutions which will bring about a fundamental change designed to reform and rectify the relations prevailing in the world of economics, trade and the international monetary order in such a way as to ensure equal opportunities and balance in these areas.
92.	The General Assembly at its sixth special session adopted resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) on the Declaration and the Program of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. At its twenty-ninth session, the Assembly adopted resolution 3281 (XXIX), which laid down the foundations for the implementation of the new international economic order. The Assembly, by its resolution 2626 (XXV), had also approved the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which was confirmed during the seventh special session by its resolution 3362 (S-VII) stressing the importance of cooperation between the industrialized and the developing countries in the fields of trade, industry, science, technology and all other economic fields since this co-operation would contribute to the consolidation of peace and security amongst the nations of the world. We hope that the efforts being made to reassess this Strategy will be successful.
93.	The resolution of the Fifth Conference of Head* of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo last August [see A/311197; annex IV] emphasized the belief of non-aligned States in the principles and goals of the United Nations. They also emphasized that the adherence of States, whether big or small, to the principles of the Charter, persistence in implementing all of its provisions, as well as harmony and coexistence between different systems are the only way to achieve a better life for mankind as a whole. These principles are embodied in the political and economic declarations of the Conference of non-aligned States in Colombo [ibid., annexes I and II], as well as the Action Program for Economic Co-operation [ibid., annex III]. The documents of this historical Conference should be seriously and fully taken into consideration during the proceedings of this session.
94.	What mainly concerns the human community today is the constant concentration, particularly on the part of the big Powers, on increasing the production of lethal weapons which threaten the world with destruction and annihilation. The annual expenditure of over $300 billion exclusively on armament is conclusive evidence of the proliferation of nuclear and destructive weapons. Today, more than ever before, the United Nations is called upon to make an effective and constructive contribution to reaching a universal agreement to put an end to the arms race and to achieving complete elimination of the existing arms in order to protect mankind-which has already suffered tragically in the past two world wars-from the scourge of a third war which could very well annihilate our planet.
95.	The Yemen Arab Republic stresses once again the need for detente. The Helsinki Declaration  should include a larger geopolitical area so that the Mediterranean, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean would become peace zones, free from the presence of foreign bases and naval fleets. The Declaration should go beyond its present scope in order to cover wider regions in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
96.	There are also other questions which are equally important relating to international trade, the restructuring of its foundations, the reorganization of the world economic order, and the balancing of the prices of raw materials and manufactured goods. The rich and developed States should take swift and effective initiatives to prevent further complication of the international situation, being guided in this by the resolutions of the United Nations, the specialized agencies and conferences of an international character, especially that of the Fifth Conference of non-aligned States, whose political and economic resolutions are characterized by precision of statement and objectivity. The Conference enhanced the Charter of the United Nations and restored the confidence of the majority of nations throughout the world in the effectiveness of this Organization at present and in the future, and the belief of the nations all over the world in the role of the United Nations to prevent mankind from self-destruction.
97.	The peoples of the Middle East, cannot be sure of their security and peace as long as the racist Government of Israel refuses to withdraw its forces from the occupied Arab territories and to restore the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Israel today practices sea piracy in the territorial waters of other countries, and takes advantage of the American presidential elections as a propitious political occasion for exercising its well-known hobby of political blackmail, pushing the big Powers to their ruin in order to serve its continuous and illegitimate ambitions and to conceal the strengthening of its disgraceful, racist, and aggressive policy.
98.	The peoples of Palestine, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania struggle daily for the achievement of their freedom, self-determination and independence. The indications of their near victory are certain and reassuring. The people of Palestine -whose land has been occupied for almost 30 years by Zionism and who have been rendered refugees- are struggling today to defend their freedom and dignity, their right to survive, to live in peace on their own land and to regain their national rights. This people, who are represented in their just struggle by the Palestine Liberation Organization, will continue their struggling march, and will overcome all the obstacles which hinder their struggle against Israel and the racist Zionist regime, until they achieve victory.
99.	The odious acts of aggression committed every day by the forces of the Zionist occupation against innocent men, women and children in the occupied West Bank, the consolidation of Zionist settlements, the desecration of holy Islamic shrines, the confiscation of lands, the changing of the historical and demographic character of the area in order to sanction Israel's illegitimate presence in Palestine and to perpetuate its occupation of the Arab territories all this cannot escape the notice of the international community and cannot continue without international condemnation and disapproval and the adoption of urgent and practical measures in order to eliminate these actions.
100.	The Yemen Arab Republic is also deeply concerned with the situation prevailing under the two racist regimes in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, whose Governments daily commit repulsive crimes against African citizens. My Government joins the international community in strongly condemning these crimes.
101.	Resolutions have been repeatedly adopted; however, the misuse of the veto power has prevented the implementation of sanctions against Israel and South Africa. This has led a large number of Member States to call for fundamental amendments to the Charter of the United Nations.
102.	The United Nations, therefore, is called upon today to seriously consider effective measures to solve the Palestine question, to achieve the total withdrawal of Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories, and to implement its resolutions in such a way as to ensure the recognition of the national rights of the Palestine people, including their right to self-determination and the establishment of their national authority in Palestine.
103.	The Yemen Arab Republic also reaffirms the right of the Arab States to permanent control over their natural resources in the occupied territories.
104.	The situation confronting the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania is a source of increasing concern. The United Nations, through its specialized committees, especially the Fourth Committee, which deals with decolonization, should take into consideration and supervise all political and constitutional initiatives envisaged for putting an end to injustice, terror, racial discrimination, apartheid and the white minority regimes, so as to enable the African majority to rule its own territory and people, in closer co-operation with the African Member States and with OAU, and to avoid the dangers arising from foreign intervention, which often have negative effects on the future of the peoples of the African continent.
105.	Mr. President, your continuous efforts have contributed to a large extent to the success achieved so far by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. In order to ensure that nations adhere to and respect the provisions of this new law, they should be compatible with the principle of equal rights of States and should emphasize the absolute sovereignty of coastal States over straits within their territorial waters. All efforts made in this context should be devoted to the interests and well-being of the peoples of the world, without prejudice to the sovereign rights of States. This was the position of the Yemen delegation which participated in all meetings and conferences on this subject and which presented more than one proposal as a compromise solution for problems which were discussed and on which the participating delegations had different viewpoints. In these proposals we emphasized the need to adhere to the principle of innocent passage in straits and to oblige war vessels and military navigation to be committed to the principle of prior authorization or notification. We hope that the coming sixth session, which is scheduled for May 1977, will provide greater opportunities leading to the formulation of a convention governing the law of the sea in order to avoid the threat of unilateral action on the part of the big Powers, which would create confrontations and conflicts and therefore lead to instability in international relations.
106.	Severe natural disasters have befallen the People's Republic of China and its noble people, who have shown an extraordinary capacity for perseverance and endurance in times of distress. The Chinese people have reaffirmed their self-reliance in rebuilding within a short period of time what earthquakes had destroyed.
107.	The peoples of the third world received with deep sorrow the news of the death of the great leader of the Chinese people, Chairman Mao Tsetung. The world has lost a wise leader who accomplished miracles for his people. He was a source of inspiration and an ideal for a large number of world leaders, especially among the countries of the third world, who followed his example and his steps.
108.	The Yemen Arab Republic shares the grief of the Chinese people and from this international forum pays homage to the late leader Mao Tsetung and wishes the friendly Chinese people continuous prosperity and progress.
109.	The Yemen Arab Republic devotes special attention to the Korean question. It stresses the need for the unification of the Korean people by peaceful means and for the creation of conditions conducive to the continuation of a dialog between the Korean parties concerned.

109. The Yemen Arab Republic also reaffirms its position on the question of Cyprus, which calls for providing the two communities-the Turkish and the Greek-with equal opportunities so as to maintain the unity, independence and non-alignment of the island.
111.	With respect to our region, we support the right of the French Somaliland Djibouti to full and speedy independence, and we welcome the steps taken by the French Government to grant the people of the Territory their independence and right to self-determination.
112.	My country's delegation has heard the statement made at the 22nd meeting by Israel's Foreign Minister, which was delivered in a Nazi and racist spirit, thus confirming the soundness of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its last session in which it condemned Zionism as a form of racism and racial discrimination [resolution 3379 (XXX)].
113.	The soul of a new Hitler has been resurrected in this hall to distort facts and to mislead the international community by providing it with incorrect and false information. Israel remains-as its Foreign Minister wants it to be-the most stable, developed and peaceful State, while everything surrounding it does not even deserve to exist. Israel, which has parachuted arms and military materials into Lebanon and contrived to open tobacco factories employing 20 Lebanese, while itself suffering from mass unemployment, clearly revealed through the statement of its Foreign Minister its real goal-namely, the refusal to establish a secular Palestinian State in which Moslem, Christian and Jewish Arabs would live in peace side by side. This part of the Israeli Minister's address only confirms, without any further effort, that the sole, political exploiter of the Lebanese war tragedy and the red source of death for both Lebanese and Palestinians is Israel.
114.	The human touches contained in the Israeli delegation's address before this Assembly are but an actual reaction to its guilt complex -the guilt Israel feels in continuing to occupy the territories of others, displacing an entire nation and its people from its land and home, desecrating the holy places in occupied Palestine, insulting the countries of the third world, and failing in its concealed attempts to justify its rejection of all the resolutions of this Organization. Finally, Israel repeats its song of peace in the Middle East: peace outside the framework of the United Nations, outside the framework of the Security Council and outside the framework of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. All these facts confirm that the soul of a new Hitler has been resurrected. The international community is surprised to see that those who for a long time have practiced financial and political blackmail against European people are the new image of the odious Nazi soul, and have not revealed themselves as such against the other peoples in the Middle East.
115.	I shall not dwell long on this subject. Israel's slogan towards the Arab people remains the same: distortion of facts, concealment of its aggressive and expansionist intentions and exaggeration of its need for money, peace and protection. Israel remains isolated from the international community. No one shares its isolation except the racist regimes in Africa and other isolated groups in a few European countries and the United States, which have not yet fully understood all the relevant facts. As every day
passes, however, the light of truth becomes brighter, and Europe and the United States will become free of the influence of intellectual terrorism which has become a deep-rooted tradition of the Israeli policy. The European and American public are discovering the heavy losses sustained by their national interests as a result of the unjust support given to the Israeli point of view. This is the only comment of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic on the Israeli delegation's statement at this juncture.
116.	Finally, the Yemen Arab Republic, while reviewing all the problems which afflict the world, modestly tries to exceed its limited potential in order to make the goal of co-operation and understanding among the States of the Arabian peninsula and the Gulf a good model to be followed in international relations so as to ensure the progress of the peoples of the area and the constructive and purposeful contribution by its Governments in all aspects which would contribute to peace, development and equal co-operation between all nations of the world. Moreover, we in the Yemen Arab Republic seek to resolve many of the regional conflicts quietly and with a sense of responsibility including even those conflicts which constitute deliberate or unintentional violation of our territorial waters and territory. By this behavior we affirm our full adherence to, and respect for, the United Nations Charter and international law in. finding appropriate solutions through dialog and bilateral and cordial contacts. We hope that this world Organization will remain strong, firm, effective and able to face its heavy responsibilities without faltering or hesitating in the case of all challenges until peace prevails throughout the world and until tension and the specters of war and conflicts disappear completely from the international arena so as to achieve welfare and stability for all peoples. We sincerely believe that the thirty-first session of the General Assembly will pave the way for a more equitable, stable and secure future for all peoples throughout the world. It is the responsibility of all of us in this Assembly to assure the highest degree of success to the proceedings of the current session.


On behalf of my delegation and my Government, I wish to extend warm congratulations to Mr. Amerasinghe on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. His wealth of experience in international affairs and his active participation and leadership in matters of vital importance for global peace and the well-being of all mankind assure us that under his able guidance this session of the General Assembly will result in meaningful progress on the range of issues with which the international community is faced. His most positive statement at the opening of the session attests to this.
111.	I also wish to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who was President of the General Assembly during a year of far-reaching developments. I take note of his very forthright statements in his address at the opening of this Assembly, particularly on the subject of global economic injustices.
112.	To Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, I should like to add my congratulations, yet again, for another year of unselfish dedication to the task of maintaining the peace of the world. In this context my delegation also wishes to welcome Mr. Buffum, the new Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs, and to express our appreciation of the role played by his predecessor, Mr. Bradford Morse in the work of the Assembly over the past few years.
113.	On behalf of the Government and the people of Jamaica, I wish to express profound regret over the passing of Chairman Mao Tsetung of the People's Republic of China. This is a loss not only for China but for the entire world, which mourns a great leader and statesman of immense standing, whose place in history has long been assured as one of the giants of the twentieth century. I offer my condolences from this rostrum to the delegation and the people of China.
114.	My delegation joins others in welcoming Seychelles as a new member of this world body. We also look forward to the removal of obstacles in the way of early admission to membership of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet-Nam.
115.	The last two decades have witnessed a dramatic evolution of the international system from the colonial towards the post-colonial era. The question during that period was not whether colonial, imperialist and racist domination could be overcome but how long the process would take and whether it could occur with a minimum of violence, upheaval, oppression and dislocation of mankind. Today we are in the crucial and final stage of transition towards the post-colonial era-a stage where the major outstanding issues can no longer remain unresolved without posing the gravest of threats to international peace and security and risking a degree of human calamity beyond anything we have so far seen.
116.	The continuing delay by the international community in coming to grips with long-standing major problems increases the likelihood of new tensions and problems arising from them. The upsurge of international terrorism, the real possibility of a full-scale racial holocaust in southern Africa and nuclear proliferation are but examples. Economic crisis after economic crisis and the continuing massive under-development of mankind can be largely attributed to the unwillingness of the industrialized countries to take positive and constructive steps towards removing economic inequity through the establishment of a new international economic order. In short, we are in a situation where the United Nations, and particularly the major Powers, must come to grips with the long-standing major problems affecting international peace and security, if we are not to find ourselves faced with critical problems arising largely from those which they have not managed to resolve.
117.	Among the many reasons for our seeming inability to overcome a number of major international issues facing us is that the order of the day appears largely to be a matter of belated crisis management stemming from earlier failure either to perceive an obvious problem or to engage in a genuine search for lasting and rational solutions.
118.	Another factor is the increasing tendency of some Powers to ignore even the most widely held views of the body of world opinion represented here. This is clearly shown by the abuse of the veto in the Security Council, particularly in situations where all but the party using it are agreed. It is a natural consequence of this that even lesser Powers are prepared to risk ignoring the opinions and resolutions of this body-until, of course, it is too late.
119.	There is also a fundamental obstacle to the solution of critical political issues in terms of the extent to which the issues are viewed by the major Powers in the context of spheres of influence policies. They fail to recognize that such policies as well as the outmoded international system which gave rise to them are increasingly more difficult to sustain in a world in which the vast majority of developing States have declared themselves firmly in support of non-alignment and against competing Power blocs.
120.	It is indeed a happy coincidence that Mr. Amerasinghe should have assumed the office of President of the General Assembly only a few weeks after his country was host to the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. The outstanding success of that Conference is clear testimony of the determination of the non-aligned countries to act with unity and solidarity in accelerating the transition from an international system centered on colonialism, imperialism, racism and super-Power domination and rivalry to a new world order based on mutual respect for the sovereignty and political independence of all States, the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, regard for human rights and the dignity of the individual and international economic justice and equity. The texts of the consensus declaration and resolutions reached at Colombo, which have been transmitted to this Assembly [A/31/197], provide both an incisive analysis of many of the complex issues facing the international community today and concrete proposals for dealing with them.
121.	Of major concern to all of us at this time is the situation in southern Africa, and particularly the recent diplomatic developments relating to the struggle for liberation of the people of Zimbabwe from the minority racist tyranny of the illegal Smith regime. We support the African stand that it be clearly understood that the terms of any settlement for the liberation of Zimbabwe will be dictated by the front-line warriors of liberation themselves who are fighting in the bush and not by belated diplomacy resulting in a formula for settlement which would only serve to perpetuate and entrench the position of the illegal racist minority regime. Why is it necessary, for instance, to have a two-year period of transition at all? And why the revocation of sanctions before the achievement of the objective or at least significant progress in drawing up the constitution on the basis of majority rule?
122.	The time for majority rule is not two years from now, or one year, or even six months, but now. Now! Such arrangements as might be considered necessary for the finalization of a constitution should themselves be based from the outset-that is, from now-on the full application of the principle of majority rule at all levels of the decision-making process, with basic safeguards to protect the fundamental rights of the individual, regardless of race, sex or creed. Blood has been shed and is still being sued by black Africa to achieve this end, and until it is achieved my Government will continue to give full support to the further intensification of the struggle for liberation.
123.	Turning to Namibia, we have witnessed yet another example of the criminal arrogance of the Pretoria regime in presenting to the international community the results of their manipulations with the "settler" interests of that Territory over its political future. But let it be made clear that further efforts in this direction will also come to naught if two basic principles are not adhered to by the racist Vorster regime-first, that representatives of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] fully participate in constitutional discussions and early attainment of full independence for Namibia; and secondly, that free elections be supervised by external machinery acceptable to black Africa. The question of confrontation in Namibia is not only between the Vorster regime and the indigenous peoples but also between that regime and the entire international community in the form of the United Nations. There is not one single legal impediment to prevent the Security Council from exercising its authority over Namibia today.
124.	As to South Africa itself, I stand here with mixed emotions-of profound horror at the massacres which have been perpetrated against children by the racist Pretoria regime with trained dogs and brutish men; and of pride that the indigenous peoples have demonstrated to the world that they are prepared to die en masse for their freedom. To those who continue to support the Vorster regime by supplying military equipment I say this: let it be known that not even nuclear capability can save the Pretoria regime from being consumed in the determination of the millions of black Africans at home and abroad to rid their continent of alien domination.
125.	I turn now to the situation in the Middle East. The Palestinian question, which has long been recognized as the central problem in the Middle East, remains unresolved. At the same time, the increasing collaboration between Israel and the Pretoria regime constitutes a major cause for concern.
126.	In order to move towards an urgent settlement in the Middle East my delegation joins with others in calling upon the parties concerned to ensure the early resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, including the representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization.
127.	In addition to the Middle East, we are faced with the impotence of the United Nations to deal effectively with the dismemberment of Cyprus, whose sovereignty and independence have been sacrificed on the altar of big-Power military relationships and alliances. It is clear that no lasting solution to the problem will be found as long as foreign troops are stationed on Cyprus, not only to give aid and comfort to one party to the dispute, but also to maintain the status quo of partition. Progress appears therefore to hinge on the phased withdrawal of foreign troops coupled with the resumption of meaningful negotiations between the two communities towards a satisfactory solution.
128.	I wish to dwell a little on the question of participation in international peace conferences, particularly where the failure to reach agreement on who should have the right of participation prevents the commencement of meaningful negotiations on a major issue constituting a threat to international peace and security.
129.	The Charter of the United Nations provides for pacific settlement of disputes, and in Article 33 the obligation is placed on the parties to any dispute the continuance of which is likely to endanger international peace and security to seek a peaceful solution. Regrettably, the obligation is sometimes either flouted or rendered practically meaningless principally on account of differences as to who the parties to the dispute are or, put in another way, as to who should have the right of participation at the conference table.
130.	In these circumstances, surely the time has come for the international community as a whole to lay down a basic definition of "interested parties" as well as rules governing the right of participation in international peace conferences. That is a matter which it appears can no longer be left to be decided by tilts of diplomatic or political strength. At the present moment there are two major outstanding international problems among many the Middle East and Korea-and there can be no headway on these either, largely because no agreement can be reached on who should sit at the conference tables. Moreover, it is interesting to note certain inconsistencies in the different lines of argument being pursued in each case concerning the question of participation. My delegation calls upon this body to establish once and for all appropriate machinery under an international convention for the purpose of determining universally applicable criteria for the right of participation in peace negotiations based on real and identifiable interests. This we feel would be a significant step towards international peace and security, which has suffered immensely from unnecessary and arbitrary delay in the conduct of negotiations towards lasting settlements.
131.	My delegation notes with interest the initiative by the Federal Republic of Germany in proposing a convention on international action against the taking of hostages [A/31/242], we completely abhor and denounce the inhuman act of taking hostages, which endangers the lives of innocent individuals. We are, however, equally concerned to see that the measures taken to stamp out this evil not only are consistent with the recognized principles of international law but do not in themselves create possibilities for the violation of international law in securing the release of hostages. For that reason my delegation is of the view that any convention on this subject should extend beyond international action against the taking of hostages to include procedures for securing their prompt and safe release and that this should be reflected both in the content and in the title of the convention.
132.	We are all aware of the grave threat posed to mankind by the intensifying arms race. Repeated calls for general and complete disarmament have gone unheeded by those major Powers which continue the production and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction. It is a sad state of affairs for humanity when not only are we unable to control our propensity for self-extinction but also the growing callous disregard for human economic and social deprivation can permit expenditure on armaments to. reach $300 billion a year, thereby exceeding by 20 times the net flow of official development assistance. The issue of disarmament is thus to be seen as one of the most urgent issues of international peace and security, as a means of averting catastrophic warfare and in terms of increasing the availability of financial resources for development. My delegation wishes to add its support to the call for a world disarmament conference to deal with the basic issues of general and complete disarmament under strict international control.
133.	The process of political decolonization is nearing completion. In addition to the major problems already mentioned there are, however, a number of other important issues to which solutions have to be found. Of particular concern is the situation in regard to Belize. The in-dependence of that country has been delayed under the threat of aggression from neighboring Guatemala. My delegation deplores this situation and calls upon the international community to take urgent measures in accordance with resolution 3432 (XXX) with a view to ensuring the exercise of the inalienable right of the people of Belize to self-determination and independence as well as the preservation of the inviolability and territorial integrity of Belize.
134.	As we proceed through the final stages of transition towards the post-colonial era there is one fundamental principle upon which the new international system must be built. That is mutual respect for the sovereign equality and political independence of States. Only by observance of this principle can we lay to rest the classic relationship of the domination of the many by the few. Regrettably, despite the constitutional liberation brought about by the decolonization process, there is evidence of increasing interference in the internal affairs of States. This is in flagrant violation of respect for sovereign and political independence and is contrary to the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co¬operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)] and is also contrary to the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
135.	As the Political Declaration of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries points out, such interference could assume multifarious forms, political, economic and military, as well as being exercised through the information media [see A/31 / 197, annex I, para. 146]. It includes the politics of pressure and domination, economic subversion and measures calculated to cause disruption and destabilization in an effort to undermine the independence of sovereign States. Urgent action by the international community is required to bring this issue under close scrutiny and to come up with appropriate solutions for the removal of this constant threat to international peace and to the principle of sovereign equality and the political independence of States.
136.	In the field of international economic matters the current year has been disappointing. The sixth special session of the General Assembly held in May 1974 laid the groundwork for the new international economic order based largely on proposals of the non-aligned countries. The seventh special session, which took place in September 1975, although disappointing in many respects, at least provided some hope for a transformation of die style of the dialogue between the developed and the developing countries in order to ensure progress towards the implementation of a new economically just order.
137.	On the initiative of the developed countries, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation was launched in Paris early this year against a background of reservations on the part of many developing countries concerning the fact that such a conference was being held outside the ambit of the United Nations system. The Conference has been meeting for nine months, and participating developing countries have publicly expressed their deep concern at the absence of progress. At this stage of the Conference, and on the basis of the attitudes displayed by the developed world over the past few months, it is still most uncertain whether significant and concrete results can be achieved by December of this year.
138.	The results of the fourth session of UNCTAD are viewed by my delegation more as an avoidance of the disaster of total failure than as a positive achievement. The insensitivity with which most developed countries treated the debt situation of developing countries only adds to our despair. The acid test will be the negotiations on the major issues of primary commodities and the common fund.
139.	In summary, developing countries are facing a situation in which, with few exceptions, the international community has far too little that is significant* meaningful or concrete to show as a result of the series of intense negotiating events held with the aim of achieving equity for developing countries since the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly. In fact it would appear that in little more than a year since the much hailed seventh special session developed countries, with a few notable exceptions, have retained much of their attitudes and approaches of 1974 and earlier. This is borne out by the relatively decreasing support of developed countries for even long-standing development programs which are themselves based on traditional but not irrelevant concepts of development.
140.	Despite the disappointments of the current year, the developing countries have maintained their thrust in the area of economic co-operation among themselves. The succession of meetings of the non-aligned countries from Lusaka to Colombo which culminated in the non-aligned Action Program for Economic Co-operation [see A31ll97, annex III] has been paralleled by similar endeavors by other developing countries, leading up to the dialogue of the third-world countries which recently took place in Mexico.
141.	Another matter which we regard as being inseparably linked to the new international economic order is the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. While significant progress has been made on many important issues, the resolution of the well-known central and fundamental issues, such as the composition and functions of the international sea-bed authority, now requires high- level political representation in order to expedite the completion of the work of the Conference. We join in urging all the participants to accelerate the negotiations towards a successful conclusion of this major endeavor in international cooperation.
142.	In closing, my delegation wishes once again to stress the urgent need for the international community, and particularly the major Powers and the industrialized countries, to come to grips with the crucial political and economic- issues before us -not by trying to postpone or to freeze them but by tackling them squarely, having regard to the body of opinion expressed in this and in other forums of world opinion.
143.	Unless the developed countries now begin to display some degree of urgency and sincerity in tackling the international economic issues affecting the developing countries, the result will be a further widening of existing disparities between North and South, forcing the developing countries towards more effective alternatives in order to ensure improvement in their situation. It is all too apparent that the lack of foresight, and self-interested delays, which so obviously pervade the treatment of major international political issues, also extend to international economic issues. Yet, it should be clear to all that the consequences of failure to find effective solutions in either sphere could be equally disastrous. The future depends on our determination to resolve the urgent political and economic problems before us. It is only by so doing that we can hope to maintain international peace and security and ensure the well-being and progress of mankind based on the fundamental principles of equality. As my Prime Minister, Michael Manley, said in his address to the General Assembly in October 1972,
"We believe that the idea of equality is the only enduring principle by which mankind may be guided in the conduct of national and international affairs"


It is for me an honor and a great pleasure to extend to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, on behalf of the delegation of Senegal on my personal behalf, our warm congratulations and our best wishes as well as those of the Government and people of Senegal on his being elected to the presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are indeed fortunate to be able to rely during this important session on his distinguished qualities and his wealth of experience. His election is also a tribute paid to his country and to its people, as well as to its traditional policy of friendship and co-operation to serve mutual interests with all peoples who love peace and justice. I can assure the President, that my delegation will give him its full support in the performance of his onerous duties.
118.	May I also take this opportunity to express my warm thanks to Mr. Amerasinghe's predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg for the distinguished services which he rendered to the international community particularly through the skill and the devotion with which he tackled the problems the General Assembly had to take up during the past year.
119.	It is also a source of great pleasure for me to applaud the constant efforts which are being made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in order to strengthen the chances for peace in the world and to impart to our Organization the place and the role which are its due.
120.	I should also, on behalf of the Government and people of Senegal, to reiterate to the delegation of the People's Republic of China, our deep-felt condolences at the passing of Chairman Mao Tsetung, which was a tremendous loss for all peoples who have known domination, suffering and scorn and who aspire to dignity and respect. Chairman Mao was not only a source of inspiration of the valiant Chinese people but also a model of wisdom and of leadership for all peoples of the third world. Because his action was devoted to the total development of man, the thoughts of Chairman Mao will, always represent something which remains forever bright in the memory of mankind.
121. The United Nations is an instrument the purpose of which is to mold the future of mankind and "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war... to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom." The purpose was to build a single world based on peace, justice and co-operation, but instead of that, very shortly we found ourselves in a world which was divided into separate entities by conflicts and inequalities, a bitter world, ravaged by the destructive furor of war, caught in the trap of confrontation between antagonistic military blocs. Fortunately, an encouraging degree of progress can be, seen every day, essentially because peoples and nations are becoming more and more aware of their interdependence and are daily becoming more conscious of the essential needs and legitimate aspirations of each. This has meant that there have been more numerous meetings leading very often to agreements which have been away with the ghost of generalized war and even arriving at collective decisions which benefit all.
122.	It is in the context of this awareness that we have seen the victories which have been scored against colonialism. The former colonial empires have in fact been dismantled and the colonial yoke has been ended in most parts of the world. More than half of the delegations who have met here represent newly independent States.
123.	The United Nations, which has done a great deal in order to speed up this evolution, thus is daily drawing closer to its aim of universality. This is why we are pleased to welcome among us this year the delegation' of the sovereign State of Seychelles.
124.	In conveying our congratulations to this fraternal State, I would like to express the conviction that this nation will strengthen our Organization and will lend its firm support to those peoples who are still struggling for their liberation. Similarly my delegation believes that the admission of Angola and of Viet Nam is a necessary prerequisite to bring about the principle of universality of the United Nations.
125.	However, despite the major successes which have been scored in the field of decolonization, we are still confronted either by problems to which we have not
managed to find a just solution and which cause violence, or matters whose deterioration creates fresh complications. Can we not agree to speed the onset of the day when colonialism will cease to be the subject of our discussions because the liberation of peoples in an inexorable, irresistible process which is part and parcel of the laws of evolution of mankind? How can we agree to the continued clinging to power of the regime of Ian Smith despite international condemnation and opposition? All the efforts to date of African leaders and the African National Council for a peaceful solution to the problem have been frustrated by the intransigence of the white minority, leaving those leaders no choice but to support the people of Zimbabwe in their armed struggle.
126.	As a result of the visit of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, Ian Smith today stated that he will accept the rule of the majority. If this declaration which had never been made in the past in such a solemn manner, contains no covert desires to perpetuate in a camouflaged form the minority domination in those countries, undoubtedly this could be regarded as a tremendous step forward to peace. We hope therefore that Great Britain will soon resume its full responsibility to ensure that, at a constitutional conference at which all parties are represented, the practical ways and means of transferring power will be defined. Whatever the case, the United Nations should in this new phase give its full support to those who are struggling to be freed from the yoke of the racist minority. This is the very least our Organization can do to avert the serious danger of war that threatens not only African States: as we all know, this contains the seeds of world-wide confrontation. It seems to us to be indispensable and urgent to enlarge the scope of sanctions in order to exercise maximum pressure on Ian Smith's regime.
127.	In Namibia, South Africa continues to display an anachronistic fanaticism, not only by perpetuating its colonial presence but also by extending its racist policies to this international Territory.
128.	The responsibility of the United Nations as far as Namibia is concerned is dual: first, in the context of the general struggle to put an end to colonialism wherever it exists and, secondly, by dint of the fact that in this particular case a colonial challenge affects an international Territory which is directly under the responsibility of the United Nations.
129.	Unfortunately, the United Nations has failed to discharge its responsibility concerning the problem of Namibia, where the policy of "bantustanization" tends to perpetuate colonialism by stratagems aimed at distracting the attention of the international community. The Soweto massacre proves that South Africa, both in its own territory and in Namibia, is not prepared to stop defying the will of the international community. It is true that South Africa is aware of the support lent it by certain great Powers who continue to paralyse the action undertaken by the United Nations. However, we hope that the ever more serious events occurring in South Africa since the Soweto massacre will impress upon the authorities in Pretoria, once and for all, that law is more powerful than brute force and the people of Namibia under the leadership of their legitimate representative, SWAPO, will be free whatever happens.
130.. Turning to the situation in South Africa itself, it is quite clear that the minority racist regime is not a representative one, since it takes no account whatsoever of the aspirations of the vast majority of the population. This regime is doubly hateful: first, because of its policies and its practice of apartheid and, secondly, because of its maneuvers aimed at perpetuating the status quo. May I here make an urgent appeal to all States and foreign interests who continue to co-operate with the racist regime of South Africa and which, by the same token, encourage it to persist in its inhuman policies, asking them to refrain from supporting this regime and to respect the decisions taken by the United Nations. Any delivery of weapons or military material to this repressive minority regime by any country at all cannot but be considered by us an act of aggression perpetrated against all African States. It is high time, particularly in view of recent events culminating in the massacre of young schoolchildren, for total isolation of the regime of Pretoria.
131.	Regarding the Western Sahara and the so-called French Somali Coast, it would appear that these problems are on the point of being given, an African solution because OAU has taken charge of the situation. My delegation considers that in accordance with Article 33 of the United Nations Charter and since these problems pit African States against each other, this examination at the African level should be supported by all. Article 33, after all, stipulates that "the parties to any dispute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security , shall, first of all, seek a solution above ail by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice."
132.	On the .. her hand, as far as the island of Mayotte is concerned, my delegation considers that the action of the French Government is tantamount to interference in the internal affairs of the Comoros. Senegal would therefore make an appeal to France to countermand the measures which have been taken in order to detach the island of Mayotte from the State of the Comoros and thus to destroy the unity of the archipelago.
133.	Africa is not the only continent which has known armed conflict. The situation in the Middle Bast and in Palestine is one of the most serious problems confronting our world today. There is not a single Member State here who does not recognize that the problem of the Middle East has become the source of numerous international disputes and the point of departure for conflicts whose consequences transcend the confines of the region and threaten peace throughout the world.
134.	For many years now, this matter has been a regular feature of the agenda of our Assembly, requiring study in order to find a solution to it or at least to reduce its seriousness. The most important result reached by the United Nations in this connexion may well be the decision taken by the international community to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the only authentic representative of the Palestinian people and to grant it observer status [resolution 3210 (XXIX)]. In a similar context, we can see the creation during the thirtieth session of the General Assembly of a special committee to draw up a program enabling the Palestinians to exercise their rights [resolution 3376 (XXX)], It has become dear to one and all that the solution to the problems of the Middle East does not lie solely in separating the armed forces con-fronting each other nor in the partial or total withdrawal from the occupied territories, but rather in the settlement of the fundamental problem: that of Palestine.
135.	For my delegation, such settlement would necessarily involve the recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to recover its homeland in the land of Palestine. It is for that reason that Senegal has always defended, and will continue to defend, the principle of restoring the inalienable right to self-determination and to the creation of an independent State in Palestine. And it is precisely because we consider that this people has fallen victim to intolerable expansionism that Senegal voted in favor of resolution 3379 (XXX) equating Zionism with racism. In doing so, my country condemned neither Judaism as the religion of the Jews nor Jewry as a set of cultural values belonging to the Jewish world, but, rather, expressed a protest against its expansionist and its racially discriminatory aspects.
136.	Furthermore, my delegation is profoundly concerned by the situation in Lebanon and would address a pressing appeal to all the parties to the conflict to put an end to their fratricidal struggle, to re-establish peace, and to safeguard the unity and territorial integrity and non-alignment of Lebanon.
137.	Regarding Cyprus, my delegation would like to reiterate its support for the respect for the territorial integrity, non-alignment and the resumption of inter community negotiations to bring about harmonious coexistence within a single State.
138.	As far as Korea is concerned, my delegation favors any negotiated, solution. to the problem without foreign intervention. Hence, the resumption of the North-South dialog pursuant to the joint communique of 1972 is a necessary condition for there to be just and lasting peace in that region.
139.	Generally speaking, we can see that detente, in the sense of a relaxation of international tension, cannot be observed on a world scale. Not only does it sometimes mean that the world is divided into exclusive areas reserved for one of the great Powers, but further, sometimes it seems to establish as a rule the transfer of conflicts to the countries of the third world which have become the best customers of the arms merchants.
140.	Firstly it should be noted, as the Stockholm Inter-national Peace Research Institute has pointed out, that the sale of arms has considerably increased in recent years, which has made it even more difficult to establish any form of control. At any rate, it is well known that as far as conventional armaments are concerned, there are at least three or four suppliers corresponding to the major Power blocs who can always serve as alternatives if a traditional supplier refuses to supply arms, particularly as it is publicly well known that the sale of death-dealing weapons is a lucrative activity which unfortunately serves in the case of certain national budgets as a compensating factor for an adverse balance of payments. It follows that the international transfer of arms has passed the point where it could be considered as being purely a side-effect of the East-West arms race and has become an extremely important phenomenon, the control and limitation of which can be carried out only on the basis of a general commitment to reduce the relative role of military force in international relations.
141.	Next, and most important, it should be noted with some regret that the developing countries are major arms purchasers. Thus, in two years-1974 and 1975-the value of resources transferred to the third world in the form of arms increased by 60 per cent, whereas the cumulative value of major arms transfer in the six years-1970 through 1975-was $US 14.2 billion, more than twice the value of the transfers which occurred in the -decade 1950 through 1959, which was $US 6.8 billion. These figures give food for thought.
142.	For all these reasons Senegal has come out in favor of the convening of a world disarmament conference, which is something which the Organization is at present studying. This project, if it wins die support of all the military Powers, could free the problem of disarmament from the deadlock in which it finds itself at present. At any Ate, it is the duty of the international community to intensify its action in order to strengthen the role and the influence of the United Nations in the negotiations and working out of a solution to disarmament problems by drawing up a vast program of concerted measures which is the necessary prerequisite for the initiation of the process of general and complete disarmament under international control.
143.	We should firmly state our determination to {day an effective role in the easing of international tension and in seeking for just and equitable solutions to the major world problems. This is the main purpose and the raison d'etre of our Organization. Our responsibility to all the peoples of the world who love peace and justice is to redouble our efforts to achieve this end.
144.	Regarding economic problems, I should like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my Government at the significant results which have been reached by the international community. In effect, we have managed to start a movement towards the establishment of an international economic order based no longer on criteria of power, but rather on the respect of common interests and the aspirations of all to life in peace, prosperity and social justice. Although the results are not yet up to the wishes expressed by die developing countries, the international community nevertheless has reached a consensus on the steps to be-taken in various areas which are vital for the existence and the development of a considerable portion of mankind.
145.	My delegation is particularly gratified at the spirit which prevailed throughout the various international meetings a spirit characterized by understanding and cooperation which we hope will continue to reign during coming international economic conferences. Furthermore, it is our hope that all States will ensure that the decisions taken are implemented in the same constructive spirit and that in the case of those points which have not yet been the subject of a consensus, efforts will continue in order to bring opinions closer together as between the-developing and industrialized countries, the intention being to establish co-operation in a new international economic order based on complementary and equitable relations.
146.	In that connexion, the United Nations and the specialized agencies can be regarded as embryonic forms of a political power which could be both powerful and effective vis-a-vis the dominating and monopolizing powers of multinational corporations. That would be one way for us, the developing countries, to make our own voices heard, however weak they may be on the bilateral level, and especially to resist pressure from the "great" Powers.
147.	Undoubtedly certain international organizations such as the monetary institutions have up till now more often than not appeared, not as protectors of the "small" countries against the major Powers, but rather as organizations closely linked with imperialist expansion. But it is the duty of our Organization to work strongly for their reconstruction along the lines of a new international economic order based on equity and complementarity.
148.	The United Nations, which is already a considerable counterweight to the hegemonistic policies of the great Powers, can, in point of fact, provide the framework for action to bring about the general development of mankind. It can make available to all the experience which has been acquired here or there, organize assistance for those who need it, and promote a new system of international relations based on the conviction that the fundamental interests of the people of the world are not contradictory to each other.
149.	We feel bound to say something about human rights. I hardly need to recall in this connexion that the date of 10 December 1948 when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted was one of the most striking events in the history of mankind.
150.	Thus, for the first time the responsibility to proclaim and to defend human rights was assumed by the international community and accepted by it as a standing obligation. With the hopes of millions of human beings reduced to an animal level of existence vested in it, this Declaration appeared to mark a turning-point in relations among people.
151.	Unfortunately, a climate of civil and civic violence flouting elementary human rights and condoned more and more by the conscience of men and peoples has arisen almost everywhere since the end of the Second World War. our Organization, however, has failed to react to such violations, preferring rather to imitate most of the Governments who remain silent, either because they wish to spare the feelings of friendly countries or for ideological, political or other reasons under the pretext of not interfering in the internal affairs of other States.
152.	The condemnation of such acts of violence is by no means unjustified interference because the respect of human rights is essential to the establishment of friendly relations and relations of co-operation among States. But our Organization has as one of its tasks, as proclaimed in Article 1 of the Charter, the achievement of international co-operation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.
153.	Of course, it is perfectly true that many countries have expressed their disapproval of the oppression which prevails in Chile and their solidarity with the victims. But in other countries, which seem to attract less attention from the United Nations, there are persons who are still deprived of their elementary human rights. The international community must react to all forms of oppression and terror, wherever they occur. It is not natural that there should be virtually no reaction to the massacre of men and women because they hold certain views or, in some cases, simply because they are accused of holding certain views, an accusation which is swiftly transformed into a plot against the existing regime. At the present time, millions of people are languishing in prison and being tortured for no greater crime than their failure to declare their allegiance to a particular policy vociferously enough. The United Nations has an important role to play in this area.
154.	The United Nations system is the only universal instrument currently available. Through certain reforms to its Charter-particularly the right of veto, its structures and far-reaching operational decentralization -it would be capable of assuming responsibility for the major objectives of renewed international co-operation. It might thus be entrusted with the task of managing the common heritage of mankind constituted by the oceans beyond the limits of territorial waters and the exclusive economic zone, space, the science and technology accumulated by mankind, and so forth. It might supervise the implementation of a new international policy for the transfer of resources to the less advantaged countries.
155.	It is only in this way that our ultimate goal, which is the establishment of total and permanent world peace in prosperity and justice can be attained. Thus, we can affirm to all peoples of the world that the United Nations has successfully discharged its mandate, essentially by democratizing international relations and by creating conditions conducive to the realization of equality, justice and international co-operation throughout the world. We have too high an opinion of the United Nations, of what it represents for us and of the results which it has already achieved, to have the shadow of a doubt that the goal which is so vital for the survival of mankind -the maintenance of international peace and security- will be achieved.