Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to express to you on behalf of the Government of the State of Kuwait heartfelt congratulations on your election to your high office. I should like to commend the high status you enjoy in international circles as a statesman with wide experience and an outstanding reputation. I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Adam Malik, for the manner in which he presided over the past session of the General Assembly. May I also take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Waldheim, our Secretary-General, on his assumption of the responsibilities of Secretary-General of the United Nations. His indefatigable energy and zeal and his long diplomatic experience augur well for the future of our Organization.
152.	Kuwait welcomes the symptoms of detente and reconciliation which are visible in many parts of the world, especially in the relations between the big Powers. Several recent developments on the world political scene may truly be said to mark an era of change. The Moscow agreements, imposing certain quantitative limitations on strategic nuclear weapon systems, have given rise to great hopes that they will be followed by additional measures in the field of disarmament and open new vistas of co-operation in all aspects of international relations. While expressing satisfaction with the new trend we should, however, express our profound belief that amity among big Powers should never be achieved at the expense of the small countries and that co-operation among the super-Powers should not imply dividing the world into spheres of influence or establishing a partnership in world hegemony.
153.	Our attitude is in conformity with the policy of the non-aligned countries which during the Conference of their Foreign Ministers held in August in Guyana, affirmed their adherence to the policy of non-alignment and their anxiety to maintain the international balance of power and to protect the small countries from becoming tools in the hands of the big Powers.
154.	The entry into force of the treaties between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany and between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, as well as the Quadripartite Agreement on West Berlin have removed the major obstacles to the development of constructive co-operation among all the countries of the European continent. The preparations for the convening of a European conference on security and co-operation are further evidence of the relaxation of international tension and the improvement of relations between the socialist and Western countries.
155.	These political improvements create a favorable atmosphere for the intensification of efforts towards disarmament. Kuwait supported the proposal to hold a world disarmament conference. One of the basic prerequisites for the success of the conference would be to secure universal participation in the conference. We hope that the projected world disarmament conference would provide the right forum for a universal effort to achieve our common goal of general and complete disarmament. However, the conference should adopt as one of its basic principles the necessity of allocating a major part of the resources released by the reduction of military budgets to the economic and social development of the developing countries.
156.	May I express the satisfaction of the Government of Kuwait with the encouraging developments in the negotiations for the reunification of North and South Korea? Kuwait, which is opposed to the partition of any country and which steadfastly upholds the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States, sincerely hopes that the reunification of Korea will be achieved peacefully and without foreign interference and that all foreign troops will be withdrawn from Korea.
157.	The goals of the United Nations are of such a nature as virtually to require universal membership for their successful fulfillment. We hope that countries which have not yet been admitted to the United Nations will soon take their seats in this hall. Meanwhile, we would like non- members to take an active part in the activities of the United Nations and the specialized agencies, as no doubt they can make a valuable contribution to the work of our Organization. The restitution of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China was a major international event which brought our Organization nearer to achieving the goal of universality. China has already demonstrated its role as an independent great Power which is not involved in the conflict between the two camps. Its presence among us has reinforced the ranks of the developing countries who see in China a reliable ally and a true friend.
158.	The President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development painted a grim picture of the conditions of life for the 40 per cent of the world population who live in the developing countries. He blamed the advanced countries for failing to fulfill the 1 per cent target of providing aid to the developing countries during the Second United Nations Development Decade. He also predicted that the developing countries would not be able to attain the agreed target of 6 per cent of economic growth each year.
159.	This is a realistic evaluation following the outcome of the third session of UNCTAD, held at Santiago in April and May, which gave rise to wide disappointment and disillusionment. The ill-will which lurks behind the reluctance of the advanced countries to provide aid and outlets for the exports of the developing countries is a matter of serious concern to all of us as it prevents the fulfillment of the aims of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)].
160.	I hope that events will disprove these predictions and that there., will be a change of heart among the rich countries, which will realize that much more is at stake than the question of trade and development. Poverty is a deadly enemy of mankind that dwells at the root of most world problems. It is not yet too late to wage a war against poverty and to collaborate in providing for all people the blessings of social welfare and prosperity.
161.	Rejoicing over the relaxation of international tension in some areas should not divert our attention from deep-rooted problems in other areas of the world in which no progress towards solution has been experienced, but should rather stimulate redoubled efforts by the international community to deal effectively with those problems, the continuation of which constitutes a permanent threat to international peace and security and a perpetual challenge to the ideals and purposes of the Charter.
162.	The international order continues to be confronted with its gravest challenges in South-East Asia, in West Asia and in southern Africa. In each of these regions the rules of civilized conduct and of international law continue to be violated daily; contempt for the value of human life continues to be manifested in its ugliest forms; and the fruits of modern civilization-organization and technology continue to be employed for destruction and defilement of those very values and principles without which civilization cannot flourish.
163.	The year which has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly has witnessed in Viet-Nam an escalation of violence-in its instruments and methods, as well as in the pretexts for its use. In the Middle East and in southern Africa, on the other hand, it has witnessed continuing attempts to entrench the faits accomplis which have been achieved by aggression, usurpation and racist domination, and by continued disregard for the international will.
164.	The essential similarity between the regimes which are responsible for the rise and exacerbation of the deep-rooted problems in southern Africa and the Middle East has become quite evident. In each of those two regions we see regimes of alien colonists established through the usurpation of the homelands and property of indigenous peoples, and the subjugation or dispersion of those peoples in accordance with the precepts of the racist policy which is the raison d'etre of the regimes in question meet every struggle for national liberation with ruthless suppression and official governmental terrorism.
165.	If we focus our attention on the situation in the Middle East we will observe that it has recently been characterized as far as the Israeli occupation of territories of neighboring Arab States is concerned-by two principal features: first, the suspension of international efforts to achieve a political settlement; and, second, the escalation of Israeli endeavors to transform the temporary military occupation into permanent de facto control and eventually into de jure expansionist annexation.
166.	Responsibility for the suspension of international efforts to achieve a political settlement has been formally established by the General Assembly in its resolution 2799 (XXVI), in which "the positive reply given by Egypt to the Special Representative's initiative for establishing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East " was noted with appreciation; while Israel was asked "to respond favorably" to that initiative. But Israel's position has not changed since the adoption of that resolution, and the international initiatives have therefore been suspended.
167.	It is imperative that this clear Israeli responsibility for the frustration and resultant suspension of international initiatives aimed at achieving a just and peaceful settlement of the crisis of the Middle East be borne in mind when the renewal of such initiatives is considered. For it was Israel's rejection of the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war or conquest and its rejection of the practical corollary thereof, namely, the mandatory withdrawal from the occupied territories, that was the rock on which all international initiatives have founded whether those taken by the United Nations or within its framework, or those taken by individual States or groups of States.
168.	Israel's responsibility for frustrating all attempts at achieving a peaceful settlement of the problem also reveals the spuriousness of its claimed longing for peace.
169.	Questions or doubts in the mind of observers of the Middle East situation about the reason why Israel deliberately aborts every international effort to attain a peaceful settlement in the region while its leaders ceaselessly voice an alleged aspiration for peace find their answer in Israel's policies and practices in the territories occupied since 1967. Those territories have been the scene of tireless Israeli efforts to eliminate their Arab character and to replace it by an Israeli character-demographically, culturally, socially, economically and juridically. This program, in turn, is calculated to serve the Israeli policy of transforming the status of the occupied territories: from that of territories under military occupation, through a transitional period in which they are annexed by Israel in fact but not in name, to the final status of Israeli territories in the full sense of the term. This is the policy of annexation through conquest, the policy of expansion through war, the policy of the acquisition of territories by force, which is outlawed in the Charter and declared by the Security Council and the General Assembly in a number of resolutions to be inadmissible and incompatible with the principles of the international community and the rules of international law.
170.	The Israeli practices of oppression in the occupied territories and the clear-cut violations of the norms of humane, civilized conduct, as well as the rules of international law, particularly those enshrined in the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949,  are thus but Israel's means of overcoming the obstacles which stand in the way of its achieving its expansionist aims.
171.	It will be recalled that the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories, established by the General Assembly, has found that an organic relationship obtains between Israel's designs to annex the occupied territories, on the one hand, and its violations of the Geneva Conventions, on the other; that the General Assembly has repeatedly condemned Israeli policies and practices; and that the Commission on Human Rights has declared at its latest session that "grave breaches of the fourth Geneva Convention committed by Israel in the occupied Arab territories constitute war crimes and an affront to humanity".
172.	The crisis in the Middle East is not confined to the situation created by the Israeli aggression of 1967 and the resultant occupation. This aspect of the problem is in fact a derivative; it is the result of the underlying, original problem, namely, the fate of the Palestinian people and its homeland. The General Assembly has in fact shown belated awareness of this obvious fact when it declared in resolutions adopted in 1970 and 1971 that there can be no durable and lasting peace in the Middle East unless the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the rights of return and self-determination, are fully respected and observed.
173.	The costly and strenuous battle waged in recent years by the Palestinian people for the restoration of its rights constitutes its response, not only to the Zionist usurpation of its homeland and to the displacement and oppression it has suffered at the hands of Israel, but also to the complacency of the international community about Israel's persistent violation of Palestinian rights through usurpation, displacement and oppression. After some 20 years of patient and hopeful expectation, after waiting all that time for some action by the international community to live up to its pledges and to ensure the implementation of its resolutions, and after the frustration of all those hopes and expectations, a new generation of Palestinians has at last arisen to shoulder the burdens of its destiny and to wage its own battle for return, for liberation and for the restoration of its rights.
174.	The world-which for. 20 years has abandoned the Palestinian people and left it at the mercy of those who have usurped its homeland, displaced it and deprived it of the opportunity to enjoy a life of dignity in its own country and which, contenting itself with reiterating its recognition of the right of return, has done absolutely nothing to make it possible for Palestinians to enjoy in fact the fulfillment of that cherished hope-cannot now absolve itself of its responsibility for the frustration experienced by the Palestinian people or for the desperation that it generates or the extremism to which it may lead.
175.	The United Nations is indeed called upon to engage in earnest soul-searching and bold self-criticism, and to admit its share of responsibility both for the fate suffered by the Palestinian people and for such consequences as it has already begun to generate.
176.	Israeli outcries have recently been heard about what Israeli propaganda chooses to call Palestinian terrorism. Clearly the objective is to divert attention from the terrorism perpetrated by Israel itself in and across the occupied territories. At the same time, Israel hopes that by misrepresenting the true nature of the Palestinian national liberation movement it may succeed in neutralizing some of the sympathy which that movement has elicited from all those who believe in the liberty of peoples and uphold their right to struggle for the restoration of their rights. Nor is it far-fetched to assume that one of the purposes of the current Israeli campaign is to provide in advance justification for some new expansionist venture in Arab territories long coveted but not yet conquered by Israel.
177.	Whatever the aims of the Israeli campaign of vilification may be, the incontestable fact remains that Israel is not so much the victim as the author of terrorism in the Middle East. For it was by means of terrorism that Israel was established. It was by means of terrorism that Israel came to acquire the lands it now occupies and it now exploits. And it was by means of terrorism that Israel transformed an innocent people living peacefully in its own ancestral homeland into a people half of which is displaced and dispersed outside its homeland while the other half suffers deprivation and humiliation under Israeli rule or military occupation.
178.	Nor was the terrorism through which Israel was founded transitory, or the product of passing circumstances or momentary impulses. Nor indeed was it the aberration of a small group of dissident extremists outside the Zionist mainstream. It was, on the contrary, a purposeful, planned and organized terrorism. It was an official terrorism, methodically practiced and carefully calculated in its timing, its methods, and its targets.
179.	There is a vast difference between the two situations. In the one case a people struggles for the liberation of its land and the restoration of its rights; and deprivation and desperation drive a handful of its members to acts of terrorism against the usurpers of its land and rights. In the other case the Government of a Member of the United Nations has systematically practiced terrorism, not only since the birth of that State, but also long after its establishment and up to this very day.
180.	In the period preceding the establishment of Israel the Zionist terrorist acts were attributed to, and admitted by, some organized groups, notably the Irgun and the Stern organizations, which pretended to constitute the opposition within the Zionist movement and posed as dissenters from the Zionist program of action. But documents released at that time by the Mandatory Government and the memories published later by the leaders of those organizations themselves authoritatively give the lie to those pretenses, and reveal irrefutably the full dimensions of the collusion and co-ordination which obtained between the so-called extremist organizations and the official agencies of Zionism in every terrorist act perpetrated by the former.
181.	Indeed, no sooner was Israel established than the mask was lifted: the organizations formerly described as "extremist" were merged into the regular Israeli army and their leaders brought into the ruling establishment, some becoming members of parliament, others ministers, and others deputy prime ministers. Thus those who planned or executed the assassination of Lord Moyne, Count Bernadotte or Colonel Serot, the blowing-up of the King David Hotel over the heads of its residents or the massacre of Deir Yasin came to occupy high civilian and military positions in Israel. Overnight, professional terrorists were transformed into statesmen occupying key positions in a Government which readily embraced the practice of terrorism as though it were a legitimate instrument of national policy.
182.	The bond which, before the establishment of Israel, had linked Zionism with terrorism was not severed after the rise of Israel and its admission to membership of the United Nations. All that happened in the new era was that Zionist terrorism underwent a metamorphosis, a change of form but not of substance.
183.	It is true that in the first few years following the signing of the general armistice agreements the Israeli Government tried to continue the pretense of the pre-Israeli period, attributing the raids conducted by its regular armed forces across the armistice demarcation lines and the accompanying massacres to imaginary groups of irregulars as it did, for example, in the cases of Qibya and Nahhalin. But United Nations observers confirmed in every instance that it was the regular armed forces of Israel that made the raids and perpetrated the massacres.
184.	Before long, Israel abandoned the pretense and took to open, unmasked terrorism. Beginning with the attack on
Gaza in 1955 and the massacres of Kafr Qasin and Khan Yunis in 1956, Israel unleashed a series of attacks which reached their climax on the eve of the aggression of 1967 in the Sammu'i raid.
185.	The aggression of 1967 ushered in a new era, in which Israel's participation in official terrorism escalated. It involved its air force in terrorist actions, unleashing without restraint its airmen against civilian populations and civilian establishments to rain death upon laborers in Egyptian factories and children in Egyptian schools, and upon women and old men and children in the villages and towns of Jordan, Lebanon and Syria and the refugee camps in those countries.
186.	Moreover, a new field for Israeli terrorism was opened up in that era. I refer now to the occupied territories. This Assembly has received official reports containing ample evidence of this category of Israeli terrorism: including torture under interrogation and torture in detention; detention of thousands without trial; arbitrary demolition of homes; expulsion of people from their homes, their villages and their country; imposition of collective punishment; detention of the families and kin of freedom-fighters as hostages in desert concentration camps; and similar arbitrary and inhuman practices.
187.	Nor was Israel content with these varieties of terrorism. It has been committing actions which are normally the hallmark of gangs operating outside the pale of law and order. Thus it has stooped to kidnapping civilian and military personnel from the territories of neighboring Arab States, refusing to release some of them despite urgent demands from the Security Council. It has taken into custody Arab passengers on international aircraft making unscheduled landings in Israel, holding them for long periods. And it has dispatched its saboteurs to civilian airports to destroy planes on the ground.
188.	And now, after this long record of terrorism- organized, planned and purposeful terrorism—Israel raises its voice in righteous indignation against terrorism in an attempt to incite the world against the Palestinian people in its entirety, even though Palestinians are in truth the collective victims of Israel's own governmental terrorism.
189.	Kuwait does not condone practices of terrorism, regardless of who is their perpetrator and who their victim. Kuwait regrets the shedding of innocent blood, whoever the victims may be, and grieves over the indiscriminate subjection of man, any man, to murder or agony or torture.
190.	Having stated this, I must at the same time recall the fact that violence is alien to the character of the Palestinian people, whose history, both remote and recent, has manifested their humane virtues of tolerance, brotherhood," hospitality and generosity. Even if we put aside the remote past in an effort to avoid marshaling masses of details, it is sufficient to recall the recent past. The scene is one of a peaceful people, which finds itself exposed to an invasion air tied at nothing less than its displacement from its ancestral homeland, rising heroically to repel that invasion, waging for decades a battle of self-defense, with honor and dignity, and resisting every temptation to engage in indiscriminate violence.
191.	If frustration and desperation, caused by its abandonment by the international community, have prompted some of its members to counter official Israeli terrorism with individual acts of terror, it would be unfair to hold the patient and struggling Palestinian people as a whole accountable for those acts.
192.	However, even if we were to assume for the sake of argument and I emphasize that it would be a completely false assumption that the whole Palestinian people had come to embrace terrorism as a program, we would nevertheless feel constrained to ask, is the international community entitled to expect those whom it has deprived of the protection of the law to abide by that law, or to expect those whom it has deprived of the blessings of public order to be concerned for the security of that order? Does the international community have the right to expect those to whom it has denied the opportunity to enjoy their inalienable, elementary rights to acknowledge obligations towards it? Does the United Nations have a right to expect from those with respect to whom it has betrayed the principles of its own Charter and whom it has relegated to a limbo outside the framework of the new world order which the United Nations was created in order to promote-does the United Nations have a right to expect from these people loyalty to that order?
193.	It is anomalous that the tragedy suffered by the Palestinian people for a quarter of a century and directly affecting the life of every single Palestinian without exception should have no place on the agenda of the General Assembly while an item said to be inspired by certain actions performed by a few members of that people appears on the agenda. It is astonishing that the tragedy of the Palestinian people, to the creation and aggravation of which the United Nations has contributed, continues to be absent from the agenda of the General Assembly while some of the consequences of the desperation generated by that tragedy appear before it as an independent item.
194.	Is this because some believe that terrorism when perpetrated by individuals is worthy of arousing the concern of the United Nations, whereas systematic terrorism perpetrated by the government of the United Nations is not worthy of arousing the concern of the Organization? Or is it perhaps because the fate of two and three-quarter million Palestinians, victims of Zionist-Israeli terrorism, is less important in the view of some than the fate of a few dozen Israelis? Or is the explanation for the anomaly to which I have just alluded to be found, alternatively, in the fact that there are some who are aware of the events of the moment, but who forget or ignore the background of those events, even though it is of continuing reality and relevance? Or are there among us some who fancy that results can be effectively dealt with even when no effort is made to deal correctively with the causes which produced them?
195.	What the General Assembly is called upon to do, before proceeding to consider the question of contemporary terrorism, is to pause for some quiet reflection-bold, wise, judicious and impartial reflection. Bold reflection provides us all with the opportunity to exercise some badly-needed, harsh self-criticism, which alone can enable us to take congnizance of, and to correct, the mistakes,
whether of omission or of commission, made by the international community. Wise reflection enables us to view the events of the moment within the context of, and not in isolation from, their causes. Judicious reflection would not permit the treatment of effects to divert attention from the treatment of their causes. And impartial reflection refuses to equate the aberrations of a handful of deprived and desperate individuals with the sins committed formally by the government of a Member of the United Nations in accordance with carefully laid-out plans.
196.	Only after a pause such as this and through such reflection can the General Assembly, and through it the international community as a whole, be true to the premise on which the Charter rests that there can be no peace without justice and find the path to true and durable peace.


Mr. President, my first and very pleasant duty is to congratulate you, on behalf of the Tanzanian delegation, on your unanimous election as President of-the twenty-seventh session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are convinced that your outstanding qualities as a diplomat and statesman constitute a valuable pledge for the success of this very important session. Our delegation would also like to place on record its appreciation of the able way in which the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, Mr. Adam Malik, your distinguished predecessor, guided the deliberations of the last session.
50.	We have read with interest the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/8701 and Add.l] and I would like to express, from the very outset, our appreciation for this report, which is a masterly presentation and appraisal of the developments in the international community during the past 12 months.
51.	Looking back over the annals of our Organization, the events of last year stand out remarkably as milestones on the road to the realization of the aims and purposes of the United Nations. I refer in particular to the reinstatement of the People's Republic of China in its seat in the United Nations and to the rest of the chain of events which have dramatically influenced the pattern of power both within the Organization and outside it.
52.	With the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the Organization, the principle of universality was once more recognized in practice, and above all a sense of realism started to guide the foreign policies of many countries which had been till then Sinophobic. It was indeed inconceivable that world peace and justice could be achieved and maintained while the most populous, and one of the most important, countries in the world was excluded from this instrument of world peace and justice. We therefore once more welcome this long-overdue event and, while doing so, we hope that a complete realization of that principle of universality will continue to be our goal in this Organization.
53.	Since the last session of the General Assembly, we have witnessed a growing trend towards detente, particularly between the major Powers. We believe that the softening of hearts where there had been prolonged hostilities, and the adoption of a conciliatory spirit where there had been hard-and-fast differences, could pave the way to understanding and to peaceful solutions to the many problems that bedevil our planet. We welcome not only the detente between the big Powers, but also the rapprochement between the different parties in Korea, Germany and the Indian subcontinent.
54.	In welcoming this process, my delegation would nevertheless echo the caution repeatedly expressed by the smaller nations, particularly those belonging to the non- aligned movement, that bilateral and other limited arrangements between the major Powers cannot be a substitute for the responsibilities of this Organization. The improvement of relations among the big Powers is a necessary aspect of the efforts to bring about peace. Yet, any dealings among the major Powers that bypass the United Nations cannot accommodate the interests of all the Members of this Organization and cannot therefore guarantee a lasting peace. Durable peace and security must be worked out with the participation of all countries, big and small.
55. The principle of collective responsibility and collective decision on the issues of peace and security in our world must equally be observed even if for one reason or another efforts towards international peace and security have to be undertaken outside the ambit of our Organization. Any attempt to evade this democratic procedure will inevitably be somewhat suspect. Indeed, while these bilateral agreements and understandings may serve the interests of the Powers concerned, they do not necessarily take into account the interests of the rest of the world community, notwithstanding representations to the contrary.
56.	Yet, even if we assume that all the negotiations, some of them secret, that have taken place between the major Powers of the world have been conducted in the interest of our collective humanity, we must at the same time recognize that the process of active detente that we have witnessed over the period since the last session of the Assembly has not significantly lessened the threat to world peace and security. Thus, for example, while Europe has been witnessing a detente, tensions have been building up elsewhere in the world. Nor, for that matter, has the slight thaw in the frozen waters of the cold war of the 1960s and early 1970s appreciably reduced the misery and injustice under which millions of people in the world have so long suffered.
57.	The war in Indochina continues to inflict disaster, misery and suffering on the people of that unhappy area. On 8 May, the President of the United States ordered the blockade of North Viet-Nam, and since then that small country has been subjected to some of the most destructive and barbaric bombings that have been experienced by any country since the time of Hiroshima.
58.	The methods employed by the United States in its futile and senseless attempts to subjugate the Vietnamese people have no parallel in the history of warfare. Indeed, even some American news media sadly report that the people of North Vietnam are being bombed back to the stone age. This is both inhuman and outrageous. The present killings conducted by American naval and air forces in Vietnam are being undertaken, so it is said, to save the face and honor of the United States. But nothing would be more honorable than for the United States to order an immediate end to all the annihilation being carried out by the American forces in Viet-Nam.
59.	An immediate end must also be put to the United States intervention in the affairs of Cambodia so that that traditionally non-aligned country can be allowed to pursue its progressive policies of peace and neutrality in complete freedom and security. Tanzania, in consonance with the position of many other non-aligned and peace-loving nations, wishes to reiterate its indignation at the continued aggression perpetrated by imperialism against the people of Indochina, and its full support of these heroic people who have demonstrated their strength, tenacity and perseverance in the struggle against gross injustice and bullying by the forces of reaction and international imperialism.
60.	The highly explosive situation in the Middle East continues to preoccupy the attention of the international community. Few will challenge the fact that the status quo, apart from being a fragile and uneasy "no peace, no war" situation, also constitutes a gross betrayal of the Charter of the United Nations. Israel seems to be determined to flout with impunity decisions and resolutions of the Security
Council and the General Assembly. Since the General Assembly last addressed itself to the question there have been no positive changes in the situation. If anything, we have witnessed a further consolidation of Israeli conquests with concomitant repercussions affecting the possible peaceful solution of the conflict.
61.	The question that arises now is no longer whether the international community can condone such arrogance and intransigence on the part of the occupying forces, but rather whether we can afford to be satisfied with mere moral condemnations. I wish to reiterate here the call my Government has made in the past both in this Organization and in other international forums. Israel must withdraw unconditionally from all the Arab territories that it now illegally occupies resulting from its 1967 war of aggression. It must also fully respect the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Only when it fulfills these conditions will there be hope for a durable peace in the Middle East.
62.	My delegation has been very encouraged by the hopeful developments that have taken place in the Korean peninsula. While welcoming these encouraging developments, it is our conviction that, left to themselves, the Korean people are capable of solving their own problems in a brotherly and peaceful atmosphere.
63.	It is the view of the Tanzanian delegation that it is now more necessary than ever before for this Organization to respond favorably to these developments by putting an end to all foreign intervention in Korea. Such a move will not only help to remove suspicions between the parties concerned but will also be a reassurance to them that the United Nations favors the methods of approach they have taken. We strongly call upon this Organization to withdraw its so-called military command from the area and to dissolve the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. In particular, we call upon the United States to stop abusing the United Nations flag and to withdraw all its troops forthwith. The so-called military command serves neither any purpose useful to our Organization nor, for that matter, the interests of the Korean people. It is our sincere belief that the initiatives already taken by the Koreans themselves should receive the encouragement of our Organization. We therefore deeply regret that the General Assembly will not be addressing itself to the question in the current session.
64.	Let me now turn to the events which tragically continue to cause much suffering and misery in our continent.
65.	With the exception of South Africa and Portugal, there is not a single country represented in this hall which has not, at one time or another, condemned colonialism. Yet colonialism continues to ravage vast areas of the world. This is the greatest tragedy of our time. It is, at the same time, the most obnoxious and pernicious scandal perpetrated by some Members of this Organization, particularly those Member countries which have the power to end this evil system.
66.	But although the pace of decolonization is still painfully slow, we are conscious and appreciative of the role that the United Nations, through its Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, has played during the year. For the first time, a United Nations mission has had the opportunity to visit and to see the liberated areas of a colonial Territory in Africa. The visit is the more important because it was undertaken at the invitation of and conducted under the protection of the liberation movement of the Territory, the PAIGC,6 which has liberated those areas. The fact that this visit was successfully completed despite the sustained and intensified barbaric bombardments of those areas by the Portuguese Fascist forces can lead to only one conclusion for the United Nations, that is, the PAIGC exercises affective control over vast areas of Guinea (Bissau). The least, therefore, that the United Nations can do during the current session as a tribute to both the freedom, fighters in Guinea (Bissau) and the gallant young men who went on that mission, must be the reaffirmation of that fact. For our part and at this particular moment we pay our tribute to the worthy representatives of Ecuador, Mr. Sevilla-Boija; of Sweden, Mr. Lofgren; and of Tunisai, Mr. Belkhiria, and to the two members of the Secretariat. Mr. Nagata and Mr. Gaye, for a job well done. In this connexion, my delegation is happy to recall the fact -that our brother, Amflcar Cabral, Secretary General of PAIGC, rightly called these eminent sons of Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, cosmonauts of decolonization.
67.	It remains the duty of the United Nations now to implement the recommendations contained in the report of that Mission [Al8723lRev.l, chap. X, Annex I]; for the supreme significance of that Special Mission does not lie only in what it has seen, written, or said; it also lies in what the United Nations consequently does to help the victims of Portuguese Fascist oppression in Guinea (Bissau) an<^ Cape Verde.
68.	Guinea (Bissau) is but a part of the over-all colonial and racial situation prevailing in Africa today. It is part of that situation which not only oppresses the peoples in those colonial Territories but also affects very directly the domestic and foreign policies of our independent African States. To us, the colonial situation prevailing in Africa is the major determinant of our policies and is central in our daily lives. Consequently, we view it as the most burning issue before the United Nations.
69.	Yet' it is the only issue which, given the will and honesty on the part of the leaders of this Organization assembled here, is capable of an immediate solution. Colonialism is not a natural or God-made disaster; it is man-made, man-maintained and, although strongly condemned publicly, in private it is condoned by some Members of this Organization. It is to these Members, particularly the United States of America, the United Kingdom, France and several other Members within the NATO alliance, that we feel we must once again address our appeal to re-examine their policies in relation to the colonial situation in Africa. If the Governments of these countries agree, and indeed in public they do, that colonialism is an evil system because it is an attack upon our common humanity, then they must join with us in the fight against those forces and regimes which have chosen the maintenance and enforcement of colonialism as a way of life. Let them cease the supply of weapons to South Africa and Portugal weapons which systematically have been used against the African people in Angola, in Mozambique, in Guinea (Bissau), in Namibia and in Southern Rhodesia who have been and are fighting to make real the objectives of the United Nations, that is, the elimination of colonialism and racism.
70.	In essence, the liberation struggle being waged in the colonial territories of Africa is only an extension of the struggle being waged by the United Nations. These people need and deserve the support, moral and material, of every honest and serious Member of this Organization.
71.	Since the last session of the General Assembly important developments have taken place in the colonial Territories of southern Africa. The African people in Southern Rhodesia, despite intimidation, arrests and banishments, have categorically rejected, the so-called proposals for a settlement agreed upon last year between the United Kingdom Government and the illegal minority regime of Ian Smith. To Africa this rejection was obvious from the very beginning. We saw no useful purpose whatsoever in the exercise of testing African opinion in that Territory on that issue, and we told the British Government so. Now that the Pearce Commission report  is out and the African voice has been heard, what does the United Kingdom Government propose to do next? And what does the United Nations propose to do during this session?
72.	Let us tell the United Kingdom Government in no uncertain terms that there is no need, none whatsoever, for so-called reflection by the Rhodesians. There is not the slightest possibility that the Africans in Southern Rhodesia will change their mind and the Pearce Commission makes this point quite clear. The report is also clear on the reasons given by Africans for opposing the proposals. Their opposition stems from the deep frustration and humiliation at the kind of life imposed on them by the white regime. And let us be frank, each and every one of us would react likewise if we were equally frustrated and humiliated.
73\^The United Kingdom Government thus has a clear course of action. It must act to assert its authority and change the present power structure in Rhodesia. The United Kingdom Government must act to ensure that there will be no independence in Southern Rhodesia before majority rule. To Africans in that Territory and to Africa as a whole no compromise will be acceptable.
74.	The course of action for the United Nations is also very clear. The Organization must give every possible assistance to the liberation movements fighting in Southern Rhodesia. It is through this assistance that Southern Rhodesia will be saved from racial bloodshed.
75.	It is most regrettable that one big Power, a permanent member of the Security Council, the United States of America, has chosen to strengthen the illegal racist minority regime of Ian Smith by importing chrome from Southern
Rhodesia in absolute contravention of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against that Territory. What exactly is the explanation for that action? There is no doubt that that grave violation of the Security Council resolution by the United States of America serves to reinforce and strengthen the forces of racism and colonialism not only in Southern Rhodesia but in southern Africa as a whole.
76.	Equally regrettable actions by certain Western imperialist Powers are seen in the Territories under Portuguese domination. In those Territories, where the liberation struggle has been advancing very satisfactorily, certain of those Powers led by the United States of America, the United Kingdom, France and others have been supplying the Government of Portugal with such deadly weapons as napalm, toxic gases, herbicide .defoliants and other chemical substances. Vast areas of these Territories have been destroyed, as have crops grown by African people, in the futile hope of starving the people into submission to slavery. There is perhaps no need to say more on the Territories under Portuguese domination since much has been said and written by the United Nations Special Mission that has visited some of those areas. It must, however, be stressed here that Africa considers those Powers which are aiding the white racist and colonialist regimes in southern Africa to be hostile to it.
77.	There is one other important matter on which I wish to comment briefly. The Security Council has by its resolution 309 (1972), entrusted the Secretary-General of the United Nations with the task of finding new initiatives with all parties concerned in the Namibian question with a view to finding a solution to that question. There is no continent more anxious for a solution to the question of Namibia than Africa. We consider ourselves to be interested parties, not only because we are Africans and Namibia is an African territory, but also because, as Members of the United Nations, we fully accept that Namibia is the responsibility of the United Nations and is, therefore, our responsibility. Whatever solution is sought to the problem of Namibia must therefore be within the context of the decisions of the United Nations. Specifically, the solution must mean the termination of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African authorities. Furthermore, the phrase "self-determination and independence" must be in the context of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). We therefore hope that whatever initiatives the Secretary- General undertakes will not deviate from this position.
78.	Last year, at the twenty-sixth session, my delegation expressed the hope that with the launching of the Second United Nations Development Decade in 1970 the developed nations would exhibit a new spirit of co-operation so as to find appropriate solutions to the problems of trade and development of the developing countries f 1951st meeting, para. 116]. At that time we placed high hopes in the third session of UNCTAD. That session is now over, and the story and catalog of the disappointments of the developing world not to mention the unfulfilled promises and unimplemented agreements have been eloquently ex-pressed by many eminent representatives of the developing countries in this and other forums and I need not, therefore, repeat them.
79.	The gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen, while the terms of trade continue to grow in favor of the developed countries at the expense of the poor nations. The flow of development finance has fallen far short of the target set in the first United Nations Development Decade. The burden of debt-servicing has not only become intolerable but has at times even retarded development by siphoning off national resources.
80.	There is no doubt that the monetary system of the last two decades can no longer be effective. We believe that reform is necessary and required by both the developing and the developed countries. As developing nations we are entitled, as a matter of right, to insist that both now and in the future any reorganization of the world monetary system must be with our active participation and consent, because we believe that no reform could be satisfactory unless both the developed and the developing countries participated in the decision making. All countries of the world should in unison evolve a world system which seeks to serve all mankind, a system whereby there will be no senior and no junior partners, for we can no longer let decisions be handed down to us or let a few countries think and agree in the interest of the majority of mankind as though that were the monopoly of those few.
81.	The historic United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held last June in Stockholm, made far- reaching decisions which, if implemented, could shape future environmental law which would save our earth from destruction. The Declaration of the Conference  was given the necessary balance by incorporating in it provisions on human rights, economic development and trade. For, as we stated in Stockholm, we cannot credibly talk of the environment without accepting basic conditions and rights by which man ought to live. For, after all, what is the purpose of the environment but man himself?
82.	Furthermore, the action plan for the human environment,  which envisages the setting up of an international body to co-ordinate activities in the field of the environment, has the support of my Government. We strongly believe that international cooperation is necessary if nations are to solve most environmental problems. In all this we wish to emphasize that immediate priority must be given to the needs of developing countries, whose major environmental concern is development, for development and the safeguarding of the environment are complementary.
83.	This year, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament observed its tenth anniversary. Naturally, it is tempting for us to pause with the Conference to look back at the progress of our efforts towards general and complete disarmament. First we note that there is a list of so-called disarmament treaties: the Antarctic Treaty, the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, the Treaty of Tatelolco, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the treaties banning nuclear weapons in outer space and on the sea-bed and the recent convention outlawing biological weapons. And in May of this year the strategic arms limitation agreements were concluded in Moscow. On the face of it, nuclear weapons have been prohibited in all environments except underground. As far as the list goes, it all looks quite impressive. We call it a list of achievements. Let me state right away that we have no intention to belittle those efforts. We do admit that at least they indicate the acceptance in principle of the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament. Indeed, my country is a signatory to some of the agreements. However, I am impelled on this occasion to reiterate the position of my Government on this matter.
84.	First, it is clear, at least to my delegation, that all those treaties are half-hearted ancDonly peripheral. Instead of going to the root of the problem, they only nibble at its edge. They do not, for example, seek to destroy the existing stockpiles which alone are more than enough to wipe away the entire living world.
85.	Secondly, the importance of those treaties is often exaggerated. Those treaties tend to hide the reality of the existing perilous state of affairs. They are deceptive, and they lull us into complacency which; given the facts, we cannot afford. In the introduction to his report, the Secretary-General has this to say concerning the field of disarmament:
"The balance sheet of the first decade shows that the declared goal of general and complete disarmament has not yet been achieved. Neither has the arms race been halted nor perceptibly slowed down. In fact, the armaments race has spiraled to a level higher than ever before. For example, during the decade of the 1960s, the nations of the world poured a total of $1,870,000 million into- weapons of warfare; in recent years, total world expenditure for these purposes has risen to about $200,000 million annually." [A/8701/Add.l, p. 3.J
Nor has nuclear testing ceased. Nuclear tests continue to be blasted underground and in the atmosphere, causing untold hazards to human life and peril to the entire race of mankind.
86.	In restating the above position of my delegation, it has not been my intention to put the blame on the honorable work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. That Conference does not manufacture arms, nor has it as a Conference any interest in their production. Rather, it is the Powers concerned which are entirely responsible for this state of affairs. Had they the will to achieve any progress, the Conference would have no place to occupy, except perhaps as a co-ordinating device. Without that will on the part of those Powers, however, the Conference will continue to waste time and energy. Indeed, the fact is that all the major decisions in this field are made behind the back of the Conference.
87.	In this connexion, my delegation would like once more to repeat that it is only by the full participation of the entire world community that meaningful discussions in matters affecting the whole of mankind can be undertaken. To that end we hope that a world disarmament conference, after proper preparations, will be held as soon as possible.
88.	Last year my delegation sponsored an item [item 98] aimed at the adoption of a declaration to demilitarize the Indian Ocean. After a very serious debate on the item, the General Assembly adopted a resolution which embodied a Declaration designating the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace and called upon the great Powers, as well as the littoral States, to take the necessary steps to put into effect the provisions of the Declaration [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. That Declaration was in line with the Declaration adopted by a large group of non-aligned countries, among which were littoral States, assembled in Lusaka in 1970,  and reaffirmed at the meeting of foreign ministers of non-aligned States in New York in September of last year, and further reaffirmed at the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Georgetown, Guyana, in August of this year.
89.	My delegation would like to reaffirm the position of a large number of developing countries that it is in the interest of peace in the various regions of the world that great-Power rivalry should be eliminated from those regions. To that end we demand that all foreign military bases be removed, not only from the territory of other nations, but also from the various regions of the world, including Asia, Africa and Latin America. We hope that the United Nations will continue to pursue this goal, and especially that it will take further action this year to promote the necessary efforts to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
90.	Turning now to the question of the oceans, my country has followed with keen interest, and has participated actively in, the negotiations in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction since its establishment. We are pleased to note that the international community has on the whole accepted the fact that the present rules applicable to the marine environment are inadequate, inequitable and out of date. The Declaration of Principles adopted by the General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2749 (XXV)] is an historic landmark in this area, and my delegation wishes to reiterate its support for it.
91.	The sea-bed Committee, which was enlarged in 1970 and given the mandate to prepare for a third conference on the law of the sea, has done commendable work, although it has been rather slow in some areas. The main issues have been identified, and the political negotiations have reached an advanced stage. Although there is a lot of work to be done, we believe that the international community is in a position to undertake negotiations at a higher level. The time is now ripe for the convocation of a law of the sea conference, and we support in principle the convocation of such a conference in 1973. What remains to be done in the sea-bed Committee can be done in one or two sessions before the conference is held.
92.	In this connexion, we believe it is now time that a conference of this nature were convened in a developing country to enable the full participation and involvement of the developing world in the formulation of just rules of international law for ocean space. We therefore whole-heartedly welcome the invitation extended by the Government of Chile to hold one of the sessions of the conference in Santiago. The excellent services and congenial environment provided to the third session of UNCTAD highly commend Santiago.
93.	We also welcome the invitation extended by the Government of Austria to hold some sessions of that conference in Vienna, a city whose traditional standing as a host of great international conferences is well known to all of us.
94.	As we meet here for our twenty-seventh regular session, we are conscious of the fact that the eyes of the people of the world are focused on us. Our Organization has given great hopes to billions of people, but at the same time we must recognize that as a result of the acts of omission and commission on the part of some of its Members and the inability of the United Nations to take meaningful action due to obvious limitations, those hopes have at times been transformed into frustrations. It is incumbent upon all of us, not only for the sake of this great Organization, but above all in the interests of peace and security, to resolve to overcome these frustrations. We have both the means and the capacity to do so, provided that all of us rededicate ourselves to a determination to abide by the principles of the Charter and the decisions that we collectively take. Given that will, I am confident that the problems I have enunciated in my address, as well as many others, are not beyond solution.
95.	Humanity as a whole still looks to our Organization not only for its survival but indeed for its progress. Mankind is anxiously waiting to see us eliminate the many areas of conflict on our planet. The people of Africa are waiting with very high hopes for the freedom that they have been denied for so long. The hungry of the world are raising their hands to our Organization, hoping that international co-operation will one day afford every human soul at least two meals a day. In short, the world is anxiously waiting to see whether this session will be yet another platform for declarations of intentions or for a definite pledge of action.
96.	It is by such a definite pledge to act that our session will ultimately be judged. And it is to all real and meaningful actions that my delegation would like to pledge its untiring support.


Mr. President, it is a privilege for me to extend to you, on behalf of the Italian Government, my congratulations and good wishes. I am addressing not only a distinguished statesman but the representative of a noble people to which the Italians feel very close, sharing with it many traditions and the same deep love of peace. In recalling the important work performed by this Assembly last year under the guidance of your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Adam Malik, I am certain that the results of the current session will prove just as fruitful.
59.	I wish to assure the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, of my sincere appreciation of the dedication with which he has undertaken his difficult task in the service of the Organization. He knows that he can rely on the support of my Government in carrying out his high mission as the faithful interpreter of the spirit of the Charter.
60.	The speakers who have preceded me have referred to the expectations and anxieties of their peoples, but it seems to me that the most significant note which has resounded up to now in this world Assembly has been a note of hope.
61.	In spite of persistent conflicts and selfish nationalisms, in spite of the unleashing of violence no longer restrained by national or international law, we all feel that a relaxation of tension in international relations is taking place.
62.	Let me first have a look at Asia, where the worst conflict of the last 25 years is still raging, but where we now note some encouraging symptoms. Two great peoples, the Chinese and the Japanese, are trying to bridge the gulf which has separated them in recent times. This is an event which can greatly contribute to a better and more stable international community. North and South Korea are moving towards the normalization of their relations and we hope that nothing will interfere with these new and promising developments. In the Asian subcontinent, the way is now open to negotiations; if that path is followed with farsightedness, it will be possible to re-establish harmony among the States of that huge area to the benefit of the whole international community. In this spirit we hope that we may soon welcome Bangladesh in our midst.
63.	The recent developments in Europe are bound to give a decisive contribution to the stability of the old continent and, therefore, of the whole international order. The Community, which the Western European countries are building, is undergoing a process of strengthening and enlargement. It is and will remain a commonwealth of free peoples, founded on the heritage of a common civilization and on a common conception of democracy, social progress and the dignity of man. This association of States is and will remain open to co-operation with the rest of the world.
64.	The European Community intends to live up to its responsibilities in so far as its relations with other States, and in particular with the developing countries, are concerned. One of the most important issues to be discussed at the forthcoming summit meeting in-Paris, next October, will be a plan for co-operation with the latter countries. The European Community intends to honor the commitments which it has undertaken in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for the development of trade within the framework of a system of generalized preferences.
65.	One of the main goals of the Community is the gradual closing, through a realistic and constructive dialog, of the gap which has divided Europe during the last 25 years. The Community is attempting to set up new relations, based on the recognition of reality, on mutual trust and on the free exchange of people, information and ideas. If, as we hope, the outcome of the negotiations now going on in order to normalize the relations between the two States of the German nation is a positive one, an important obstacle on the way to European co-operation will be removed.
66. Further momentum for this process will be provided by the conference for security and co-operation in Europe. In this spirit, we are working towards the adequate preparation of that conference.
67.	But Europe cannot feel secure unless there is peace also in the Mediterranean. Unfortunately, the ghost of war is still looming over the Near East, and the resolutions of the United Nations have so far remained in the limbo of good intentions.
68.	Furthermore, despite the appeals made to the parties directly involved in the conflict we are now witnessing a resumption of violence which threatens to get out of hand. That tension is the result of a lack of progress in working out a just solution to the conflict in that region. It is the duty of the United Nations to encourage the parties- as well as the Powers which wield some influence in that area to act in such a way that a just solution may be found. We maintain that the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts is the most valid way to a lasting settlement in the area.
69.	The easing of tension necessarily involves the problem of disarmament. I should therefore like to stress the interest which my Government has always attached to this important issue, so essential for the strengthening of peace.
70.	We are deeply committed to the objectives of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and we express the hope that when it resumes its work the important negotiations undertaken by it will achieve positive results. We equally trust that the resumption of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks will bring about fruitful results.
71.	Finally, we welcomed with interest the proposal to convene a world disarmament conference. Such an initiative will be all the more effective if it is supported by the general membership of the United Nations, including all the nuclear Powers, and if it is accurately prepared by an adequately representative organ.
72.	Meanwhile, proposals have been submitted which are designed to limit arguments on a regional scale. We think that they should be viewed in the framework of the general balance of forces. Such regional initiatives, therefore, will benefit from the institution of machinery like the world disarmament conference.
73.	We can therefore hope that we are on the threshold of further progress towards detente. However, we must do what is necessary to prevent the setting up of a new pattern of international relations from taking place at the expense of freedom for peoples and independence for nations. The emergence of new Powers on the world scene should be accompanied by the increasingly responsible participation of all countries in the life of the international community.
74.	Our Assembly, which last year finally welcomed in its midst the representatives of the great Chinese people, should give its utmost attention to this problem. Another important step is likely to be taken towards the universality of the United Nations. We do hope that the two German States will successfully conclude their negotiations and thus be able to join our Organization.
75.	For other so-called divided States the way to membership in the United Nations is still difficult. However, the negotiations in progress between the two Koreas raise some hope. Some better prospects arise also from the confirmed determination of the United States Government to withdraw all its troops from Viet-Nam. I should like to express in this Assembly the good wishes of the Italian people and Government to the Vietnamese people, so sorely tried by the horrors of war. I do hope that in the near future all the peoples of Indochina will be able to devote themselves, in security and independence, to the rehabilitation of their countries.
76.	The full attainment of the objectives of decolonization, solemnly and repeatedly voiced in this Assembly, will open the doors of the United Nations to some new peoples that are still yearning for independence. The Italian Government confirms its full adherence to this goal. We are convinced that we must facilitate, in the spirit of the United Nations Charter and in accordance with its provisions, the historical process which will wipe out the last vestiges of colonialism, especially in the African continent.
77.	The foresight of the founding fathers made the United Nations flexible enough to enable it after more than a quarter of a century to deal with previously unforeseen problems, such as those of the developing countries, of the technological and scientific gap and of the protection of the environment. However, no one can deny the fact that, on the issue of the maintenance of peace and security, international reality has followed a course different from that advocated in 1945, thus partly frustrating the original expectations.
78.	While the great Powers were slowly moving from a "balance of terror" to a dialog which was the product of the so-called "balance of caution", the members of the international community were increasing in number and new centers of influence were rising. These new centers, thanks to the great contribution they can make to economic and cultural development, should be enabled to participate more fully in the system of collective security established by the Charter.
79.	The Italian Government has repeatedly stated to this Assembly its point of view on the matter of international security.
80.	Peace-keeping requires, besides measures to avoid possible conflicts or to settle those that already exist, a global commitment for the gradual removal of the deeper and sometimes old causes of conflict. We must include among these causes all kinds of interference in international affairs, any limitation of sovereignty or any attempt to limit the freedom of each people to choose the regime under which it wants to live. If in some continents these ills are the remnants of the colonial policy of the past, in others they are the consequence of power politics.
81.	Our commitment must be further directed against serious violations of human rights. Genocide, racial discrimination and political persecution, so much more unacceptable when carried out with the appearance of legality, are a permanent threat to peace.
82.	The search for peace must aim at reducing the economic imbalance which separates countries and obstructs the path towards an effective equality among men of different races.
83.	We must therefore strive to promote broader observance of international law. This can be obtained by strengthening the means for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, by enhancing the role of the International Court of Justice, by developing and codifying international law and by creating effective peacekeeping instruments of the United Nations. There is also the need to solve the serious problems arising from both terrorism and retaliation, which produce so many innocent victims in various parts of the world. In this respect, we listened with interest to the proposal of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Rogers [2038th meeting], and we shall carefully study the draft convention submitted to this Assembly [A/C.6/L.850]. We are ready to co-operate in drawing up a text of a resolution which could meet with wide approval.
84.	We think it is our duty to ask ourselves whether the structure of the United Nations can fulfill the Organization's present tasks. The Italian Government believes that, while fully respecting the purposes and principles of the Charter as they stand, some structures of our Organization must be adjusted to the new realities and to the new requirements which have arisen during the past 25 years. As was pointed out by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Brazil, Mr. Gibson Barboza, when he opened the general debate:
"It is beyond question, in our view, that the participation of the medium-sized and small Powers would be highly constructive and creative; it would be tantamount to an infusion of new blood, which might serve to heal the sclerosis of structures that have aged apparently without being aware of it." [2038th meeting, para. 19.]
85.	In this connexion the Secretary-General noted in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization that collective security should not be based only on the agreement of a few Powers [A/8701/Add.l, p. 2]. We must go beyond the image of the United Nations as the "warden of peace" and strive for a United Nations capable of eradicating the basic causes of international tension, of harmonizing opposing interests and of creating better standards of living for all peoples.
86.	Furthermore, a new approach to the problems concerning peace and security requires the strengthening of the Economic and Social Council. Its capacity for furthering the aims of the United Nations in the field of economic development, of social progress and of the protection of human rights must become more incisive.
87.	We also consider that the responsibilities within our Organization should be better distributed, taking into account the contribution which each Member country can make, commensurate with its capacity, towards the achievement of the objectives I have indicated.
88.	The world undoubtedly owes much to the sense of responsibility shown by the great military Powers. But the concept of peace and security which I mentioned earlier implies that the time has come for other countries to share world responsibilities. I am referring to countries which, although they are not-and choose not to be-nuclear Powers, can still make substantial contributions to the maintenance of peace, since they are in a position to promote and advance the economic, social, scientific, technical and cultural progress of mankind. It was therefore with satisfaction that we heard Mr. Rogers say in his statement to the Assembly that:
"... we believe that for the Security Council to maintain its influence and authority, ways must be found to ensure the representation of States, other than the present permanent members . . . whose resources and influence are of major importance in world affairs." [2038th meeting, para. 64.]
My country hopes that such a constructive approach will be adopted by the other permanent members of the Security Council.
89.	The role of the United Nations and of its specialized agencies is ever growing and unique. In order to be increasingly able to deal with the deep-rooted causes of international tension, the United Nations must enlarge its decision-making process by associating the emerging countries with it. At 'lie same time the United Nations must obtain the cooperation of the great democratic forces of the world. Democratic institutions in national societies remain alive and operate through the full support of their major political forces. Similarly the vitality and the efficiency of a world Organization depend, to a large extent, upon the adherence and contribution of the most influential nations.
90.	Let me conclude by restating the sincere confidence of the Italian Government in the United Nations as well as in the purposes and principles of its Charter. I also wish to assure you once again that the Italian Government, interpreting the deep felt dedication to peace of its people, will continue to give its unrestricted cooperation to the United Nations.


At the time when I have the honor of addressing representatives of the nations of the world meeting together here, I take particular pleasure in conveying to Mr. Stanisjfaw Trepczynski my sincere and warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the twenty-seventh session of our Assembly. That unanimous election on the part of the States Members of our Organization is no mere accident, but is due to his many statesman-like qualities and virtues as a servant of the international community.
21.	Permit me also to pay a tribute to Mr. Adam Malik, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, who discharged with talent and wisdom the responsibilities which you now bear.
22.	I should also like to express my admiration to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, whose great qualities, sense of responsibility, determination to succeed and perseverance are obvious to everyone. I should like to extend to him my best wishes for his good health, happiness and complete success in his heavy tasks.
23.	Mr. President, may I assure you of the unfailing co-operation of my country which, as a Member of the United Nations, shares the responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Indeed, apart from
observing the principles of the San Francisco Charter, my country makes it a fundamental rule of its foreign policy to foster understanding among all peoples of the world on the basis of absolute respect for human rights, equality of States and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries.
24.	Loyal to the spirit of the United Nations Charter, the Government of the Republic of Chad has unceasingly expressed its indignation at the subjugation of the people of Africa who are still suffering under Portuguese barbarism and under the apartheid regimes of Vorster and the rebel Ian Smith. Here and in the Organization of African Unity [OAU] my country strongly condemns the servitude of our African brothers, whom a handful of outsiders want to exploit for the sake of reactionary ideas which have been condemned by the world. The attitude of the Portuguese, of Vorster and of Ian Smith is an affront to mankind and has persisted far too long. The United Nations, guarantor of the fundamental principles of the Charter, should delay no longer in putting an end to this defiance by all appropriate means, because the very persistence of this situation is nothing but a flouting of the resolutions and recommendations of our Organization.
25.	The OAU, of which my country is a founding member, is determined to bring about the total liberation of the continent from foreign domination. For our country this is the priority of priorities, namely, that the whole of Africa should recover the rights which have been taken from it. This is an urgent duty and we consider that it is a duty which must be discharged immediately. The assistance that it grants to recognized liberation movements reflects this determination to see the whole continent recover its dignity. The ninth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Rabat from 12 to 15 June 1972, was obvious proof of this, as were the previous Assemblies. However, the OAU does not at all want to act alone. It believes that it is its duty to provide a substantial contribution to the efforts of the universal Organization. Everyone is aware of the fact that the objectives and purposes of these two organizations coincide totally.
26.	We must note that in other parts of the world there are persisting problems as burning as the ones that I have mentioned.
27.	In the Middle East there is a period of respite at the moment because the situation of "no war, no peace" in which the peoples of that area live cannot satisfy our community. Is it possible to see here any kind of promising prospects for peace and harmony, or should we consider this rather as a mirage? Thus, in the face of this alternative, my Government thinks that it is the duty of the United Nations alone to act and to act quickly so as to prevent the loss of more and more human lives tomorrow, as yesterday, as a result of gunfire. The United Nations has already set out a basis for action with a view to a peaceful and equitable solution of the problem in that area. I have in mind particularly Security Council resolution 242(1967), which includes relevant principles whose application offers guarantees of survival to each of the parties to the conflict. However that may be, my Government, reaffirming its attachment to the United Nations Charter and to that of the OAU, is categorically opposed to the acquisition and occupation of foreign territory by force.
28.	The right of the people of Palestine to recover their national heritage has been recognized. In this regard, I should like to remind members, among other things, of the following: resolution 2535 B (XXIV), in which the General Assembly reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people; resolution 2672 C (XXV), in which the General Assembly recognized that the people of Palestine should be able to enjoy equal rights and the exercise of their right to self-determination under the Charter; resolution 2649 (XXV), in which the General Assembly recognized the right of the people of Palestine to self-determination.
29.	Those who with the complicity of certain great Powers are striving to maintain the status quo of the Palestinians and who trample underfoot the decisions of the international Organization are alone responsible for this crime against mankind.
30.	If we have thought it our duty to associate ourselves with the desire of the Secretary-General to include in the agenda of our session the burning problem of terrorism, it is because we wanted it to be discussed and we wanted to see the facts clearly. We condemn international terrorism in all its manifestation, but I want to be properly understood. We absolutely exclude any idea of using this as a way of calling into question the legitimate activities of African liberation movements recognized by the OAU. Nor can there be any question for us of trying to wrest from the Palestinians their absolute right, which has been recognized, to recover their lost territory.
31.	We must clearly define at this session the term "international terrorism", and we must also look for its causes and try to find objective solutions that would satisfy everyone. But let us not delude ourselves. This is indeed a complex problem.
32.	The President of the French Republic, in his press conference of 21 September last, said:
"Terrorism, to the extent that it affects everyone blindly, whether innocent or not, is something we condemn. But let us cherish no illusions; we shall not eliminate Palestinian terrorism if we do not find some solution to the Palestinian problem. You cannot eliminate a phenomenon of this kind if you do not resolve the deep-seated cause of the phenomenon."
33.	If my delegation had noted any maneuver whatsoever designed to call into the question the activities of the valiant African freedom fighters recognized by the OAU, for example, then, of course, we would be obliged to reconsider our position. That is how I would like to explain the vote of the Chad delegation in favor of including on the agenda the item on international terrorism [item 92].
34.	In South-East Asia bloody and murderous fighting is still going on and is destroying innocent and defenseless people. This annihilation has become a routine matter for the imperialist sadists, who for various reasons want to keep it going. In fact, these wars are no longer the exclusive affair of the parties directly concerned and confronting each other, but derive their causes from ideological intervention and a desire for hegemony. None of these reasons can meet with our approval, nor should they divert the attention of our Organization, for which no war can. be a matter of routine but must always be a matter of urgent concern.
35.	The United Nations must demand from those who are the founding Members, but who do not hesitate to bring the Organization into ridicule, the complete and immediate cessation of the crimes which they have been committing for several years.
36.	In the view of the Chad delegation, there are a few reasons that explain the persistence of world problems. Everywhere we see resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations that cannot be put into effect because it is not the will of any given Power in a given instance. Each Power is looking for its own victory outside the world Organization. Out of scorn for other States, all these Powers systematically trample underfoot our resolutions and recommendations, which are after all common solutions to common problems. Since it is so difficult for them to come to an agreement, their attempts to seek victory for themselves are vain' and futile. That is why, in Africa, Portugal, Vorster and Ian Smith have not yet given way to our international Organization. That is why in the Middle East Security Council resolution 242(1967) has so far remained unimplemented. That is why in South-East Asia, men, women and children continue to be incinerated every day.
37.	We would also like to make some comments in the context of international economic development. There is one particular point I should like to make and this relates to the third session of UNCTAD, held in Santiago, Chile. At the opening of this session there was a feeling of hope. The poorer countries did indeed expect of it the adoption of a new concept of commercial solidarity in the international community. Our hope was based on the statements of the affluent countries, which we thought indicated their will finally to do something about the inequalities existing between them and the developing countries by undertaking to make a global effort to promote international trade and aid for development. But, unfortunately, nothing of the kind happened and there was only disappointment in store for us with regard to the conclusion of the Santiago Conference. Yet the Group of 77 developing countries had made the necessary arrangements to facilitate this global effort. But, in spite of all this, the regional and national selfishness of the developed countries won the day over international solidarity. Let us hope that at the fourth session of UNCTAD the undemanding of the affluent countries will spare us the evils now being suffered by the countries of the third world.
38.	Although many world problems remain outstanding, the Government of the Republic of Chad notes with satisfaction the climate of detente which is to be glimpsed on some horizons renunciation of the use of force; limitation of the arms race; peaceful coexistence demonstrated on the one hand by the visits of the President of the United States to Peking and Moscow, and on the other, by the entry into force of the treaties between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union and Poland, and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin. Those are facts which constitute the new kind of relationships which we are looking for between the peoples of the world and which have particularly marked the year 1972. That is not all. The year 1972 has witnessed a new trend in the relations between the two Korean Governments.
39.	* The postponement at our previous session of a discussion of the question of Korea without any doubt contributed to the creation of a climate of eased tension between these two parties, and, believe me, if it had been otherwise, we would certainly not be witnessing the results we witness today. That is why my delegation considers that this year again the United Nations should welcome and encourage the efforts of the Korean Governments by refraining from doing anything which might jeopardize their negotiations.
40.	I would be failing in my duty if, in conclusion, in the absence of U Thant, our former Secretary-General, I were not to pay the tribute to him which he is entitled to expect of us for all that he did during the difficult years when he faced, so honorably, various burning problems of all dimensions. On behalf of the Head of State, the President of the Republic, His Excellency Mr. Francois Tombalbaye, Secretary-General of the Progressive Party of Chad, and on my own behalf, I would like to convey to him our very best wishes for very good health and happiness.
41.	My Head of State has made it clear, with regard to the question of China, that that vast country is a partner which cannot be ignored in the world system of peaceful coexistence because it is a Power whose responsibility it should be to ensure a balance of power in the world. Through the delegation of China in this hall, we greet the Chinese people and Government.
42.	The resolutions adopted by our National Congress in Sarh, in April of last year, recommended that we adopt a policy of an opening up of international relations. This is a concrete manifestation of the constant efforts of President Francois Tombalbaye, Secretary-General of the Progressive Party of Chad and Head of State.
43.	With all peace-loving and freedom-loving countries the Government of my country would like to maintain cordial relations based on mutual respect for the principles of the charter of the OAU and of the Charter of the United Nations.


Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I extend to you the congratulations of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the twenty-seventh session. Poland and the Arab nation, of which my country is an integral part, have had for many years the closest and most friendly relations.
147.	May I also express our appreciation for the brilliant manner in which Mr. Adam Malik, the illustrious Foreign Minister of Indonesia, presided over the previous session.
148.	We also wish our new Secretary-General success in the discharge of his important responsibilities.
149.	In this first year of our independence, our main task has been to find our proper place and role in the international community, a place and role determined by our history, geographical position, economic resources and, above all, by the desires and expectations of our people.
150.	Our Union is open to all Arab countries in the Gulf area and elsewhere. We are firm believers in the ideal of Arab unity and we hope that our example will reverse the trend towards fragmentation and division in the Arab world and herald a new era in which the Arab nation will be able to play a beneficent and significant role in world affairs which its history, its culture and its resources entitle it to play. We have fully identified ourselves with the fundamental positions of principle taken by the Arab countries within the framework of the League of Arab States, of which we are now a member.
151.	The question euphemistically called "The situation in the Middle East" [item 21], and which I would prefer to call by its proper name "the question of Palestine", remains the central national issue for the Arab people. Essentially it is the plight of a people dispossessed and driven out of its homeland by a colonialist armed invasion. So long as the people of Palestine are denied their fundamental rights in their ancestral homeland, there can be no settlement, nor peace in the Middle East.
152.	A good deal has been said recently about the problem of terrorism. Israel, of course, has been attempting to derive some propaganda advantage and to exploit a very serious human problem, so characteristic of our times, to achieve narrow and selfish political gains and to set the stage for further territorial acquisitions and the fulfillment of its well-known expansionist aims. I am certain that the General Assembly will not be diverted by these crude and obvious maneuvers from its duty to discuss the issue with the sense of sober responsibility it deserves.
153.	The people of Palestine have waited in vain for a quarter of a century for some redress of the grave injustice inflicted upon them. The international community, whose collective will this Organization represents, has seemed to be oblivious to their plight and through its inaction, over the years, has implicitly acquiesced in Israel's aggression. Israel was founded and has maintained itself by the systematic and ruthless practice of terror: terror which drove the majority of Palestinians out of their homeland, terror which deprived them of freedom and dignity, terror which made the remnants who stayed behind second-class citizens in their own country, terror which pursued them in their unhappy exile, in their wretched refugee camps, and slaughtered them by the hundreds. We do not and cannot condone the killing of innocent people, but how can we equate the desperate acts of a few individuals driven by "misery, frustration, grievance and despair", to quote the Secretary-General's words [see A/8791/Add.l], with the brutal, deliberate and cold-blooded acts of indiscriminate killing perpetrated by the armed forces of a State? Let us not make the mistake of thinking that these are acts of revenge; they are concerned primarily with the achievement of long-standing strategic and political aims.
154.	Our geographical position in the Gulf has given us a vital interest in the maintenance of peace and stability in that important economic and strategic area of the world. We have endeavored to establish the closest relations with our neighbors. It is our firm belief that the peace and stability of the Gulf region can be maintained only with the co-operation of its States and with their respect for one another's independence and territorial integrity. Whatever disputes or differences exist at present or may arise in the future can and must be resolved by peaceful means and in a manner that will recognize and preserve the legitimate rights of all parties concerned without prejudice to their basic national interests. We are ready now, as we have always been, to co-operate with our neighbors to create a climate of understanding and harmony, which is essential for the peace and progress of the region and the welfare of all its people. The peace and security of the Gulf will be greatly enhanced by making the Indian Ocean region a zone of peace. We support the resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year on this question [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] and will welcome any further action at this session to ensure its implementation.
155.	We are meeting at a time of rapid and sometimes dramatic change in the world situation. There have been unmistakable and welcome signs of a detente among the great Powers, a development of great importance in view of the fact that under the Charter these States have a primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It is our hope that this is the beginning of an irreversible trend towards a greater degree of genuine international co-operation and not merely a temporary interruption in the cold war. Thus, on the central problem of war and peace we are entitled to express some cautious optimism. There are certainly some clear and concrete grounds for such optimism: the agreement on the partial limitation of strategic weapons, the ratification of the treaties between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union and Poland, the four-Power agreement on Berlin and the understanding reached between the two Governments of Korea, which may lead to the unification of that country. These encouraging developments have paradoxically given rise to some anxiety among the smaller countries. There is a feeling that the reduction of tensions among the great Powers may lead to the imposition of solutions to international problems that will ignore the desires and interests of other countries, especially those directly concerned. We hope that these fears are un-founded.
156.	As we look at the agenda of this session, we still see some of the problems which have been dealt with by this Organization since its inception, such as colonialism and apartheid. A genocidal war is being waged against the African people who are struggling to free themselves from colonial domination. The racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia continue to flout the will of the international community, encouraged by their undiminished trade with their Western trading partners and the continued flow of investments from abroad.
157.	In their meeting held in Cairo earlier this month, the Arab Foreign Ministers issued a declaration on South East Asia affirming the solidarity of the Arab States with the peoples of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos in their struggle for national liberation and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from their lands. The declaration also condemned the aggression to which those countries have been subjected.
158.	It will be unnecessary for me to dwell upon the serious economic problems facing the developing countries and the failure of all attempts to narrow the ever-widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. Perhaps nowhere is the tendency of certain advanced countries to take decisions affecting others more pronounced than it is in economic matters. Problems relating to the international monetary system and trade are discussed and dealt with by the major Powers without much concern for the vital interests of the developing countries. The third session of UNCTAD revealed the problem facing' the developing countries in all its painful dimensions. It is obvious that the developing countries have to strengthen and expand the co-operation among themselves and that they should shift their emphasis from exhortations addressed to the developed countries, which have largely fallen on deaf ears, to the greater possibilities of cooperation among themselves.
159.	We have established a development fund with an initial capital of over $100 million to assist the countries of the region in their plans of development. Over and above this, we are also ready to contribute, within the limits of our means, to the various international and regional development activities undertaken by the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
160.	There is undoubtedly a close link between the problems of development and disarmament. If only a fraction of the billions being squandered on the arms race were diverted to the urgent needs of the developing countries, then the whole depressing picture which con-fronts us today would be transformed beyond recognition. For this reason we support the convening of an inter-national conference on disarmament, with a view to the reduction and ultimate elimination of all weapons of mass destruction.
161.	An event of great importance this year has been the adoption of the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment and the machinery being established to put into effect the principles and aims of that Declaration.
162.	I finally come to the question of the United Nations and the strengthening of its role and efficacy. This has always been a major concern of the smaller countries, such as my own. It stems from the belief that only through the United Nations can we translate into living reality the principles and ideals which bind us together. But it would be idle to pretend that the United Nations is not now, and has not been for some years, passing through a period of decline. The Organization has been purposely and rigorously prevented from playing any role in some crucial international problems. The United Nations has been rendered virtually powerless, through the obstruction of certain great Powers, to secure the implementation of its resolutions on Palestine, the Middle East, apartheid and colonialism. But we must first of all recognize that there are certain inherent weaknesses in the Charter itself. The Charter is, after all, a document which was drawn up before the advent of the nuclear age when a vast number of countries were still under foreign rule.
163.	The Charter is also based on two basic assumptions which have been largely overtaken by the spectacular developments of the last quarter of a century. The two assumptions are that the hegemony of the great Powers will always be accepted as a permanent fact of international life and that the great Powers will, more often than not, act together to deal with major international problems. How-ever, in spite of its structural defects and the invalidity of its basic assumptions, the Charter is flexible enough to enable us to transform it into an effective instrument of the international order which we envisage for the future.
164.	As a token of our faith in the United Nations and confidence in its future, my Government has decided to respond favourably to the appeal of the Secretary-General and make a contribution which we hope will help to alleviate the financial difficulties facing the Organization.