The Democratic Republic of Madagascar would like to express to Mr. Dante Caputo its felicitations on his election to the presidency of this session. In him we congratulate the representative of a country that has consistently proclaimed its dedication to the principles of non-alignment. I am confident that once again he will devote to the service of our Organization the distinguished qualities which have characterized his brilliant career.
To Mr, Peter Florin, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, we convey our thanks for the able way in which he guided our work, and we lay special emphasis on his perseverance, impartiality, detachment and sense of political responsibility. We would say to the Secretary-General that this year will have been for him and his chief co-workers a challenging and exciting one. The Assembly had given him the task of disentangling the political, financial and administrative crisis of our Organization. At the same time we expected him to pursue his missions of peace, mediation and conciliation in Western Sahara, Central America, Western Sahara, Afghanistan and Cyprus, among other places. We pay a tribute to his diplomatic initiative, the results of which speak for themselves, and for the efforts he has constantly devoted to restoring to multilateralism and to our Organization the role to which they are entitled.
During this decade two words, "global" and "interdependent", have been spoken so frequently that there hardly seems to be any need to define them any longer. Development is global, as are peace and security, and the three words are interdependent. The axiomatic character and the linear development of this argument may seem troublesome, but no statement can escape that fact, and this demonstrates that despite our differences we are moving towards a universal way of speaking.
I hope I shall be forgiven for these haphazard reflections, but I have the impression that we are choosing the same topics, expressing the same ideas and arriving at the same conclusions, although the words may change in connotation depending on the ideology, the commitment or the degree of economic development and the social situation of the country in question. I take, for example, the question of security, a question that worries us all and erne on which we cannot afford to have substantial differences. But that is not so. The most idealistic among us still dream of a system of collective security as provided by the Charter while at the same time we realize that this structure rests on the will of the great Powers and on their ability to go beyond the constraints of national interests and their willingness to accept an end to the status quo that has paralysed us for two generations.
Occasionally it happens that we support initiatives regarding the establishment of a general system of peace, the strengthening of international security and the redefinition of that system by making it better adapted to the realities of a changing society. On each such occasion we are told about the sacrosanct character of the Charter or the grim prospects of an Organization that would be dominated by propaganda or a false ideology.
Must we for much longer accept this theory that the only security is military security, with its recurring pattern of cold war, retrenchment, detente, confrontation and balance of deterrence? May we now hope that the great thaw between East and West will indirectly have some effects on the political-economic situation of the South? To a degree, the events of the last nine months seem optimistic in that regard, especially for those who hold to a geocentricism not necessarily justified by a healthy grasp of the world situation. Indeed, there are still stubborn hotbeds of insecurity in the political, economic and social spheres, as well as at the regional level. The arguments we are hearing in the present debate do not allow us fully to face those challenges, particularly since some of them have an urgent if not immediate tone. Thus we have no alternative but to fall back on some arguments we have often used in the past.
The promoting and safeguarding of security cannot be dealt with exclusively by reference to a past that has not always been glorious. If new prospects are opening before us, which should lead us to recognise far-reaching changes in our society, then let us have the generosity and courage to admit that such an endeavour requires the involvement and participation of all that the interests of some must yield to the common interest and the interests of the international community; and that spheres of influence, interference, dependence domination and exploitation are now obsolete. In short, let us have security for all, and in all spheres.
There can be no security without development, nor development without security. We shall be told that this is merely one more slogan. But the immediate and complex problems posed by development could, if left unresolved, undermine political and military security, which, we must acknowledge, for the moment benefits only the North.
There has often been discussion of a clash between North and South, because poverty and wretchedness know no borders, nor do they disappear merely because of logic or debate. And what would it be like, a world one half of which enjoyed the benefits of security while the other half continued to struggle with countless economic difficulties?
Conversely, so long as international security is not secured, the efforts and resources that could be devoted to development will be diverted to other goals; politics will prevail over economics, and the rivalry of the great Powers will continue to have repercussions on choices of nodes of development.
Ideally, on both fronts - security and development - initiatives should be taken concurrently and simultaneously. Gut the realities are otherwise. The struggle against underdevelopment is momentarily being left aside and we are being led to believe that the North must organize itself and ensure its security before the South can benefit.
But let us suppose that the industrialized North, cutting across all lines, has resolved its problems of stability, confidence, security, restructuring, liberalisation, inflation, growth, unemployment, interest and exchange rates, budgetary balances and integration. Could we then conclude that the dispossessed South would automatically benefit? We still remember with bitterness the promises of the 1970s, when we were advised to wait until inflation was brought under control before we called for any increase in development aid. As for the "trickle-down effect" and the laws of the market, the length of time necessary and the precariousness of their results are matched only by our patience.
The policy of laissez-faire has entrenched itself in international economic relations, and it is the debt question that finally has aroused some awareness of responsibilities and disparities. We recognize that the impasse faced by national and international financial institutions has led them no longer to address the question of debt in financial and accounting terms to seek means that were formerly thought of as legally dangerous to accept that structural adjustment should take into account human, social and political elements. There are, of course, risks in such an exercise, but an accumulation of bad debts cannot serve the cause of international monetary and financial stability, and even lees the cause of an equitable, just and sustained development.
In this respect, let those who hold the initiative concede that the burden of debt is paralysing development efforts and that this is not the key to the problem. Development has many aspects and one cannot always put all the factors on an equal footing. This is the case, for example, with commodity prices, which we are told should depend on the laws of the market, and are not protected by protectionism. We may well wonder whether it is decent that the survival of a country should be subject to the clash of different schools of thought, degree of teamwork is called for here, even if some of the most valid rules occasionally need to be bent.
We did not abandon our spirit of teamwork and solidarity when some presented to use the notion that structural adjustment would be our contribution to improving the international economic environment. Its price remains enormous, increased unemployment, deterioration of social indicators, a decline in productivity, inadequate basic social services, under-utilization of human resources and so on. On the side of our partners, we find it hard to see the existence of a real will to tackle the problem of development, to give up the notion that growth can remain the reserve of the few, or to ensure that national policies and practices favour the e emergence of an economic order of benefit to everyone. Teamwork not followed by concrete action or supported by specific commitments is not real.
It may be objected that so long as uncertainties deriving from the constraints of file world economy have not been removed, it will be difficult to restructure priorities, to redefine certain preferences and to alter objectives. If that is so, then we must give up on that global vision of the world that has always been held out to us, especially at difficult times. So division is the rule, wait and see" remains the byword, and let each draw his own conclusions.
As for us, we shall continue to argue, from the standpoint of a true development, code of ethics, that development is concerned above all with improving, the human condition that it calls for a consistent collective reaction in the form of a long-term programme with objectives, commitments and the availability of adequate resources that in the establishing of world economic security the United Nations has a primary political role to play, in the clear formulation of principles, the definition of priorities and co-ordination of the various organizations and institutions concerned with development, whose approach and ends are not necessarily harmonised or convergent.
We shall continue to discover new problems, obstacles and disappointments on the way to security and development. Even if the advent of a golden age is not on the horizon, it would be wrong to abandon all hope, because we must examine the problems of security, development and peace from a global perspective, without any preconceived order of priorities, without pre-judging their interaction and without claiming a monopoly regarding initiatives or means of implementation. Such an approach, if adopted, would constitute a guarantee of the establishment of a true peace that would be shared by all, whether from East or West, from North or South. Nevertheless, we should recognize that progress has been made, in the quest for peace and in creating a climate favourable to its attainment, thanks to the convergence of unilateral initiatives, bilateral consultations and recourse to multilateral diplomacy. We should therefore pay our tribute to and congratulate all those who have made the prospects for this session less negative than they might have been.
These include, first, the Organization, whose peace-keeping forces have just received the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of their contribution to achieving the fundamental purposes of the Charter and to bringing about the negotiations now under way, lb the United States and the Soviet Union, for concluding the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles for undertaking negotiations with a view, to reducing their strategic nuclear arsenals, and for their determination to explore those spheres in which significant progress can be envisaged·, Iran and Iraq, for accepting the cease-fire recommended in Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and carrying on direct talks on the establishment of a true peace, in a spirit of trust and understandings all those that, like Prance, decided, when the cease-fire was announced, to withdraw their naval contingents from the Gulf, thus reducing the dangers that a foreign military presence might represent for the independence, sovereignty and security of the States of the region the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the countries of Indo-China, which, despite the complexity and difficulty of their exchanges of view, especially on Kampuchea, are gradually moving towards the creation of a zone of security and co-operation in South-East Asia the Soviet Union and Viet Nam for, respectively, the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, in the framework of the Geneva Agreement and the establishment of a timetable for the withdrawal from Kampuchea; the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which recently took initiative to bring about unification, conciliation and harmony and to eliminate confrontation, mistrust and tension, with a view to bringing about the reunification of the peninsula the Republic of Cyprus and other Cypriot representatives, who decided to attempt to achieve, through resumption of inter-communal talks, a negotiated settlement of all aspects of the problem, in a spirit of Independence, sovereignty and the unity of Cyprus, the Organization of African Unity for pursuing its mediation efforts to bring about a negotiated political solution to the dispute between Libya and Chad, which have just re-established their diplomatic relations  Ethiopia and Somalia, which, after so many years of confrontation, have succeeded in normalizing their relations in a spirit of good-neighbourliness, Morocco and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, whose acceptance of the Secretary-General's proposals on Western Sahara constitute a positive step towards the implementation, in letter and spirit, of the relevant United Nations and Organisation of African Unity resolutions on initiating direct negotiations and the holding of the referendum on self-determination of the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), the sole and legitimate representative o£ the Namibian people, for having, at the beginning of the quadripartite talks, unilaterally announced the cessation of its military operations; and the countries of Latin America, which, despite the existence of internal and external problems, insist that the only way of solving the region's problems, without external interference or the injection of ideological considerations, remains the faithful implementation of the Guatemala agreement, the reaffirmation of which is urgently necessary.
After this summary of the disputes that have arisen between States, what can we conclude and what lesson can we draw, if not that the sense of responsibility of the countries of any region and their support for the settlement of conflicts in their geographic area have peeved more positive and effective than interference and intervention prompted by external interests.
Having presented this somewhat optimistic view of the world, I am constrained to return to the painful realities affecting southern Africa and the Middle East, where conflict of interests is the order of the day. On 1 November this year the Secretary-General will begin to take the steps necessary for the deployment of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia. We all hope that this first deadline will be respected and will not be made unduly dependent upon the results of the quadripartite talks on South West Africa. We maintain that only the immediate and definitive application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will make it possible for the Namibian people to regain their independence, sovereignty and dignity, until this happens, the political, legal and moral, responsibility of the Organization will be at stake.
In South Africa we are still seeing a clash between two worlds. On the one side we see the illegitimate and illegal regime of apartheid, with all the ' tyranny, oppression, discrimination, inequality and monopoly that it involves. On the other side, we see a people suffering in body and soul, but a people which, through the voice and through the initiatives of its liberation movement, the - African National Congress (ANC), is crying out for the right to participation, to freedom and to democracy. We are, still wondering when we, will find the resolve to apply concrete and comprehensive solutions to defeat the apartheid regime. Nothing can be built on immorality and compromise. One cannot expect anything from apartheid; reformed or not.
As for the Middle East, it is time we stopped trying to find some form of balance at any cost, which is of advantage only, to one side, " The Palestinian people, a victim of injustice, oppressed, condemned to wandering and despair, has the right to demand more consideration and more sympathy. Reasoning politically and legally, after the adoption of resolution 181 (IT) who can question the existence of a Palestinian State distinct from Jordan? Sooner or later, the independence of that State will be formally proclaimed. As an Organization, we must take an unambiguous stand.· That act will not suffice to end the conflicts between Israel and the PLO, but it would have the advantage of enabling the more hesitant to consider the International Peace Conference in new terms.
This year, we are going to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and everyone will proclaim full and unqualified dedication to it, although no country is really free of allegations of violations of these rights. Is it not ironic to note that at the end of the twentieth century those who dedicate themselves to preaching and to the-systematic use of human rights for political purposes, are sometimes the last to accept the consequences of respect for, and' the promotion of, human rights in southern Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America?
That the flowers of human rights are blooming in a field of injustice, misery and poverty is something that is being accepted through a grim form of formalism.
As I listen to the statements of my colleagues, or reread them, I have the impression that the quarrel between bilateralism and multilateralism, for which some other systems have been sought, is now a thing of the past. The key point for us now is to invest in the new capital of confidence that has been accorded to our Organization, to build innovatively on the experience of more than 40 years, to put to the test the true potential of the United Nations despite its momentary loss of credibility.
If the United Nations is to be the expression of our international political conscience, we cannot continue to enclose it within the narrow framework of a Charter that needs to be revised, if only with respect to the right of veto. We must accept that the concept of security should be enlarged and that the concept of responsibility should be more binding. We must prepare ourselves to codify the guarantees of peace, security and development in a context which reflects the general desire of members of the international community, with especial attention to the priorities dictated, as the Secretary-General has said, by the entry of mankind into a new period of its history, and the imperative of a development which must be balanced and as fair as possible. Only at that cost can we respond to the aspirations of humanity in the midst of a crisis for its very survival, grappling with uncertainty and anxiety.


I have the honour to convey the warm greetings and good wishes of His Majesty Jigiae Singye Wangchuck,· King of Bhutan, to you, Mr. President, and through you to all the representatives for the success of the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
May I also extend the hearty felicitations of my delegation to you, Sir, on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Given your outstanding credentials, I am confident that you will lead this session to fruitful conduction.
I also wish to put on record our deep appreciation for the skill with which Mr. Peter Florin guided the forty-second session. His fine stewardship of the General Assembly has earned for him and for his country, the German Democratic Republic, the respect of the international community.
We express our thanks to our Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for his incisive report. The exciting possibilities outlined in it stem in large part from his inspired leadership and hi, work as an apostle of peace. During this past year especially, he was omnipresent, and his labours and those of his colleagues have borne abundant fruit. His tenure is a milestone in the history of the United Nations.
We are entering the dawn of a new era. The United Nations has generated the momentum of peace on a number of fronts, bringing long-standing conflicts to an end and creating new opportunities. In this past year alone we have been witnesses to the success of the peace-making process. Never have the prestige of the world Organisation and pride in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter stood higher, undeniably, the efficacy of multilateralism has been borne out. The awarding of the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping farces is а just albeit belated recognition of the effective role that the United Nations has played in maintaining peace in the world's trouble-spots during the past 40 years.
The easing of East-West tensions has created a more favourable international political climate and has contributed to the resolution of several regional conflicts. We applaud the two great leaders who signed the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - in Moscow last spring, and express the hope that this will lead to further agreements on the reduction and eventual elimination of strategic nuclear arms.	·
My delegation also applauds the agreement on Afghanistan sponsored by the United Nations. This breakthrough will, it is hoped, lead to a lasting peace for that war-torn land, ending nine years of bitter fighting. The withdrawal of foreign troops is now taking place, but much work remains to be done in terms of reconciliation, repatriation of refugees and the building of a national consensus. We welcome the efforts of the United Nations for Afghanistan's economic reconstruction. We are, however, deeply concerned by the continued internal struggle and foreign intervention that could jeopardize the very fragile basis on which the current initiatives have been taken. We urge all parties concerned to honour and abide by the Geneva accords.
The cease-fire between Iran and Iraq, mediated and arranged by the United Nations, is another cause for the rejoicing of the world community. Eight years of this fratricidal war have taken an appalling toll - some 1 million dead, 1.7 million wounded and 1.5 million refugees. All in all, it has been one of the century's most brutal wars. Therefore, we commend the United Nations Secretary-General for his efforts to achieve an honourable agreement between the two parties within the framework of Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
We observe with satisfaction the development of encouraging signs concerning the future of Kampuchea. We welcome the initiative taken by Indonesia to bring all the leaders of the opposing sides together for the first time, we support the commitment and effort of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to facilitate a durable political settlement, and are heartened by the indications of an early withdrawal of foreign troops.
In southern Africa the recent cease-fire between the belligerent parties involved in the war in Angola is yet another development of great significance. Bhutan hopes that а firm schedule for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Angola will soon be established. Of related and equal significance is the outcome of the talks between the parties concerned on the independence of Namibia, which is illegally occupied by South Africa, in flagrant violation of United Nations resolutions. In this context we express our full support for the Secretary-General in his efforts to ensure that implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) begins next month.
In spite of South Africa's apparent willingness to negotiate the independence of Namibia and the beginning of its troop withdrawal from Angola, the situation in southern Africa remains highly volatile. This is because South Africa continues to wage two wars - the war on its own people and the frequent incursions against its neighbours. The racist regime continues to hold the majority of its people in subjection under apartheid. This brutal system, colonialism at its worst, is an affront to the whole civilized world. Atrocities are committed daily in its name: arrests, torture and intimidation of thousands, mass deportations, and press censorship amounting to a strangulation of the news. The regime remains utterly intransigent in refusing to negotiate with black leaders or accept United Nations mandates. Unless steps are taken to alleviate the situation, a bloodbath will inevitably follow.
We call upon South Africa to release Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners and to dismantle the institutionalized inhumanity known as apartheid. We state categorically that we are not deceived by the cosmetic so-called reforms. Until such time as real and constructive changes are brought about, we call for comprehensive economic sanctions and an arms embargo against South Africa, for It is the responsibility of the world community to put pressure on the regime and to work for the establishment of a non-racial society in a united South Africa.
There are certain areas of tension that have sadly withstood the pacifying winds of change. The recent uprising in the occupied territories has only added greater bitterness to the Arab-Israeli conflict. On the other hand, while absolute solidarity with the Palestinian people in their struggle to regain their inalienable rights is essential, the discord among themselves continues to be a source of concern to their well-wishers. We nevertheless express the hope that the recent separation of the West Bank from the Kingdom of Jordan will enhance the cause of the Palestinian people and their rightful claim to a sovereign homeland.
That said, we wish to make it clear that we support the security and right to exist in safety of all States in the area, including Israel. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon continue to be violated by foreign forces. At the same time its people remain torn by religious bigotry. Saddened by the increasingly apathetic attitude of the world to the plight of this nation, we urge that renewed efforts be launched to resolve the question of Lebanon in a manner that will enable the Lebanese people to determine their own future, free from any foreign interference.
During the recent XXIV Olympiad in Seoul, the best and most universal summer Olympic Games in history  the world witnessed the extraordinary economic accomplishments of South Korea. The Korean people, however, continue to remain tragically divided. In our view the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula can best be brought about through the building up of mutual confidence between South and North Korea. In this connection we welcome the special declaration of President Roh Tae woo made in the interest of national self-esteem.   .
Beyond these regional discords end conflict problems that know no boundaries have been forced on our attention with increasing urgency. I refer to the degradation of our physical environment. 'Will earth survive?” asks a recent article with pointed relevance. Mass deforestation, depletion of the planet· ozone layer, the poisoning of rivers, skies and sections of the oceans, the destruction of whole ecosystems which have reached insurmountable proportions. Have we turned our planet into a vast dumping ground? Furthermore, those who experienced this past summer in New York know about the greenhouse effect first hand. However, such reports as that of the world Commission on Environment and Development, entitled "Our Common Future" - the Brundtland report - outline constructive steps to address, and even reverse, present trends.
Our gravest threat by far, however, remains that of nuclear holocaust. While the historic signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the recent destruction of weapons are cause for hope, we cannot afford to be complacent. The current supply of nuclear weapons could destroy the planet many times over. We are still not free of the spectre of disaster of the testing and stockpiling of new nuclear weapons.
It is our collective responsibility to work for general and complete disarmament. The first three special sessions on disarmament pointed us in positive directions and were initial steps on the road to our ultimate goal of comprehensive disarmament. However, we must look forward to a fourth special session to build on our progress. Let us add here that Bhutan welcomes the establishment of the third Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament, to be located in Kathmandu, Nepal. Beyond this, my delegation once more calls for a complete halt to the testing of new nuclear-weapon systems and for a freeze on the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons. We call for a halt to the production and proliferation of conventional weapons and, in particular, for a total ban on chemical weapons.
World expenditures for military purposes are now in excess of S900 billion a year and could, if present trends continue unchecked, reach the astronomical figure of 31 trillion a year - this while fully two thirds of the world's people live below the poverty line. What a distorted sense of priorities, what a twisted perspective! So many of the world's scarce resources are poured into the technology of destruction, with no return in terms of either real security or an enhanced quality of life.
This problem is part of the larger picture of the fundamental injustice of current economic relations, of the growing disparity between rich and poor nations. In almost no sense could the global economic outlook be called healthy.
The problem for our region and international trade system, are the increasing protectionist trade policies, reduction in the flow of financial assistance to the developing countries, volatile exchange rates, mounting interest rates, and the collapse of the prices of primary commodities, which are at their lowest level in 50 years. All these factors feed into the overwhelming debt problem that has crippled the development levels of so many of the poorer countries. Overall, it has been said that the 1980s have been a lost decade of development. The results have been appalling. In 1986, 850 million people lived in countries that experienced no increase in per capita output. What this means in real terms is that not only has economic development suffered an enormous setback in these countries, but that progress in the social sphere has been severely hampered as well for these things are intertwined. We must add that the least developed countries have suffered these shocks the most.
How can we reverse the downward spiral? The solution must be found in the resumption of the North-South dialogue and the implementation of the New International Economic Order. As a first step, we renew our call for the early convening of an international conference on money and finance for development. Clearly, there is an ever greater need for a more equitable world economic infrastructure - for a comprehensive approach to the interrelated problems of money, finance, debt, trade, and development. The developed nations cannot continue to flourish at the expense of the developing countries in the end, this proves counter-productive for everyone. In our increasingly interdependent world, there is no alternative to effective co-operation. The kind of creative partnerships we envision would impart a new dynamism to the global economy and promote self-reliance through co-operation, thereby creating opportunity for all.
The South Asian Association for regional Co-operation (SAHRC) is an attempt at South-South co-operation. This is an association of which Bhutan has been a proud member from the beginning. Increasingly the seven member nations, with a total of 1 billion people among them, have expanded their areas of co-operation, in spite of our widely differing cultures and historical experience·, we work together in a fraternal spirit to promote the objective· of individual and collective self-reliance and to further the cause of peace, progress and stability in South Asia.
The goal of self-reliance has been the cornerstone of Bhutan's development policy. Bhutan has been a number of the world Organisation only since 1971. However, in that short span of time the various specialized agencies and affiliated bodies of the United Nations, working closely with our government, have rendered invaluable assistance. They have played a pivotal role in all aspects of our development - in such diverse areas as road and communication infrastructure, health and educational services and, above all, human resources development. In particular I should like to express our drop gratitude to the united Nations development Programme (UNDP) , the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) , the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAO), the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF), the World Health Organisation (WHО), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FM) the United Nations Volunteers (UNV}, the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), the United Nations Department of Technical Co-operation for Development ((JNDTCD) , and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO).
The United Nations has proved its efficacy, both in the day-to-day operations of the specialised agencies and affiliated bodies, and in its role as peacemaker, negotiator, and mediator. Its dramatic success in resolving a number of long-standing conflict· this year have put the world Organization in its limelight. Yet at the very moment when its prestige is at its zenith, and the principled of the Charter have at least gained truly universal acceptance, the United Nations faces an unprecedented threat. Unless the fiscal crisis is relieved in the immediate future, the United Nations will be forced to shut its doers forever. Even if it were merely a forum for the communication of ideas and for blowing off steam, the United Nations would be invaluable, for nothing comparable exists. But the world Organization is so much more than this. It is our last best hope. How tragic it would be if this were realized after its disappearance.
This world cannot do without the United Nation· At this critical juncture - most especially when peace-keeping forces are about to be dispatched to far-flung parts of the globe - we cannot sit idly by and watch the United Nations collapse, we therefore call upon all nations to fulfil their financial responsibilities at the earliest possible date.
The present system of assessments, made on the capacity of nations to pay, is equitable. It is the result of the wisdom that prevailed at the time of the founding of the United Nations.
But times have changed. The present financial crisis has opened our eyes to the vulnerability of the world body to the pressures of a few nations that currently bear the brunt of the payments. Therein lays the inherent weakness of the United Nations. Indeed, we can easily foresee the possibility of the United Nations being similarly held to ransom again unless the assessment of dues can be established through a new formula. The financial burden must be shared in a different manner.
The United Nations provides equal political opportunities to all nations, thus earning it its distinction as the parliament of nations but it is the poorer and less developed countries that enjoy greater benefits in terms of expertise and financial assistance. Therefore, the developing nations nay have to pay a larger share of the United Nations operating costs. This may sound like a radical proposal, but the benefits we reap from the world Organization should enable us to accept this idea with a greater sense of responsibility and willingness. Above all, we must ensure the survival of the United Nations.
Yet today we are presented with opportunities as never before. The United Nations is in the ascendant and is brilliantly carrying out its appointed work, healing wounds and making a constructive difference in the lives of people everywhere. In times past, men sought the Golden Fleece or El Dorado. We seek something nobler and more realistic: a renewed commitment to the vision of the Charter to bring to birth a prosperous and equitable world order, a new and better life for all mankind.


It is a great pleasure for me, speaking on behalf of the Tunisian delegation and on my own behalf, to congratulate the Ambassador of Argentina on his election as President of the General Assembly at the forty-third session. We are convinced that, with his experience and wisdom, he will preside successfully over the work of this session of the Assembly. In entrusting him with this responsibility, the Assembly has paid a tribute to his ability and also to the important role played by his country, Argentina, on the international scene. It is also my pleasure to be able to assure him of my delegation's whole-hearted willingness to co-operate closely with him.
I should like to take this opportunity also to express to his illustrious predecessor, Mr. Florin, our admiration and appreciation for the devotion, skill and patience with which he presided over the forty-second session, which underwent a period of intensive and continuous activity during the past 12 months. I should also like to express to the Secretary General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our deep appreciation of the noble work he continues to do to secure the influence of the Organization and its Charter. His determination and patience have earned him the trust and support of the international community, thus enabling the United Nations to play the pioneering role set out in the Charter for settling international problems and strengthening peace, security and co-operation among nations.
Tunisia has always demonstrated its devotion to the spirit and the letter of the United Nations Charter. This is one of the pillars of our foreign policy and is the principle governing our bilateral relations and determining the position we take on the international scene. Tunisia has always worked to support the United Nations; it has always respected the Organization’s principles and defended the noble objectives it espouses, in the knowledge that the purposes and principles laid down in the Charter and the values enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are among the most valuable achievements in modern history.
Guided by these principles, since the events of 7 November 1987 - the change of Government - we have totally redrawn Tunisia's political landscape, enabling our citizens to take part in the decision-making process and to exercise responsibilities under the Constitution. These changes are intended to meet the legitimate aspirations and the authentic civilizing values of the people.
Consequently, а whole series of legal and social measures have been enacted. These include an amendment to the Constitution to eliminate any provisions restricting the right of the citizen to exercise freedom of choice or his right to dissent; the promulgation of a new law governing political parties, to act as the legal basis for the creation of political organizations in a multi-party State; and the rehabilitation of the constitutional institutions - in particular, the Chamber of Deputies - so that they can properly carry out the tasks entrusted to them with respect for democratic norms, under the aegis of the Constitutional Council that has been established to ensure constitutionality.
Likewise, we have adopted a series of bold measures relating to fundamental freedoms, intended to ensure freedom of opinion and expression, while safeguarding human rights. These measures include abolition of emergency courts, changes in the laws governing custody and preventive detention, and ratification of the international Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. In taking that step, Tunisia withdrew the reservations it had expressed with respect to a number of articles in the Convention. Aware of the noble mission of human rights bodies, the Tunisia of the new age has anted those bodies full freedom of action. Similarly, it has confirmed the political and social gains of Tunisian women - these gains being considered as the fruit of a fundamental and an irreversible national choice.
At the international level, the new Tunisia has reiterated the fundamental tenets of its foreign policy - upholding law, justice and freedom - as well as its determination to honour its commitments, consistent with strict respect for its sovereignty and independence. In his statement of 7 November 1987 the President of the Tunisian Republic, His Excellency Mr. Zine Elabidine Ben Ali, stressed the importance Tunisia attaches to the strengthening of its Arab-Muslim identity and its determination to work resolutely to construct the Arab Greater Maghreb on a basis of commonality of interests and destiny. Together with its brother countries, Tunisia is continuing to make great efforts to improve and harmonize its relations with these countries, looking beyond past vicissitudes, in order to lend impetus to the process of constructing the Greater Maghreb and, thus, give concrete expression to the will of the peoples and the leaders of the countries in our region to bring about broad and varied co-operation with the ultimate goal of attaining organic complementarity within the framework of a Maghrebi community without borders or obstacles, a community that is solid and coherent.
Thus we have managed to create a climate in which we can eliminate sources of tension and establish constructive dialogue. This has made it possible to meet the pre-conditions for launching the process towards constructing the Greater Maghreb in a spirit of understanding and concord.
Our age is one of blocs and regional groups, which necessitate integrated action by our countries - the prerequisite for our survival, for safeguarding our sovereignty, and for managing our affairs in such a way that the Arab Greater Maghreb can become a factor for stability, peace and security in the region. In this respect, we welcome the outline of a just and lasting settlement of the question of the Western Sahara, and it is our hope that the efforts the Secretary-General of the United Nations continues to make will be crowned with success.
The period since our last session has been marked by very positive developments in International relations. Hence this session is taking place in a more favourable climate, which augurs well for an age of understanding and détente. There have been clear signs of détente since the signing, on 8 December 1987, in Washington, of the Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, and the subsequent summit meetings between the leaders of the two countries. These developments have indeed contributed to a lessening of tensions and to containing the regional conflicts which had for a long time given rise to serious concern in the international community and caused instability in many parts of the world. We welcome this course of events, and it is our hope that efforts made in good will can help to resolve chronic, and heretofore insoluble, conflicts, dispel feelings of hate and bitterness, and open the road to peaceful coexistence and international understanding.
It is strange, and regrettable that, despite the climate of détente, the international community has said nothing about a policy based on continuous aggression, force, occupation, expansionism and domination that flouts all international laws and regulations, disregarding the strictures of morality. I refer to Israel's policy in the Middle East.
The situation prevailing in the occupied Palestinian territories as a result of the repressive campaigns waged by the Israeli occupation authorities against defenceless Palestinians since the beginning of the heroic uprising in December 1987 gets worse every day. This is borne out by the number of dead and injured, the detainees and individuals reportedly as well as by the arsenal of coercive measures which the occupying authorities resort to daily in violation of United Nations resolutions and international instruments, including the Fourth Geneva Convention, of 1949.
In recent months, the Security Council has repeatedly been called on to consider this dangerous situation, and has adopted resolutions condemning these practices. It has called on Israel to observe the Geneva Convention, and has emphasized the urgent need for a just and lasting settling to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The uprising by the Palestinian people has demonstrated to the whole world that this struggling people, this people aspiring to freedom and dignity, is more determined than ever, if necessary at the price of its own blood, to regain its rights and dignity, and even the most ferocious repression will be unable to dissuade it.
The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and all Arab countries have constantly reiterated their determination to work for a peaceful, just and comprehensive settlement based on international law, as set forth in United Nations resolutions, within the framework of an international conference on peace in the Middle East, organized under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation, on an equal footing, of all parties concerned, including the PLO, and the permanent members of the Security Council. The purpose of this would be to restore the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State, guaranteeing the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories and the strengthening of international peace and security in the region.
In the same part of the world, our brothers in Lebanon are experiencing a tragic situation which is the direct result of the colonialist policy practised by Israel since its creation. After occupying a part of its territory, and repeatedly violating its sovereignty, Israel has set out to sow dissension and discord throughout the territory, reviving internal quarrels and provoking massacres and destruction.
We welcome the signing of the Geneva agreement on Afghanistan and its entry into force, especially since that demonstrates the special role the United Nations has to play as the framework for dialogue and the settlement of conflicts on the basis of law; it has also rewarded the great efforts made by the Secretary-General and his assistants, as well as the efforts made by all peace-loving forces which have greatly contributed to the rapid conclusion of this agreement. In this regard, Tunisia has always called for respect for the sovereignty and independence of Afghanistan, and it has always called for the people of Afghanistan to be able to exercise their right to choose their own system of government. By noting with satisfaction the continuing withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, in keeping with the Agreements signed by the Government of the USSR, Tunisia also hopes that all the parties concerned will manage to find the best possible way to implement the Geneva Agreements under the best conditions.
We find deep satisfaction in the fact that our Organization has been able to resume its proper role in establishing peace and settling regional conflicts. Indeed, after having contributed to the settlement of the Afghan question, the United Nations has succeeded, with great effort and imbued with the same spirit, in putting an end to the confrontation between Iran and Iraq. Tunisia has been saddened to see these two brotherly countries, with which it is linked by religion, tear themselves apart in that destructive war. Within the framework of the League Arab states and its Committee of Seven, within the framework of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIS), of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations, Tunisia has constantly called upon of the two parties to resort to dialogue to settle the conflict with a view to a just and honourable peace, in keeping with international law and United Nations resolutions.
We welcomed with satisfaction the acceptance by Iran of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), a resolution which Iraq had accepted from the very time of its adoption. This is what we have constantly called for as a means to establish the necessary conditions to bring about peace and security and to preserve stability in the region. We hope that the two parties will succeed in overcoming all the obstacles so that they can turn a new page and build fraternal links and good-neighbourliness, while respecting each others sovereignty and the political choices, thus restoring peace and security in the region, and thus opening up the way for sincere and fruitful co-operation, and eliminating the spectre of upheavals and the waste of energies.
We also observed with deep satisfaction the talks which the leaders of the two Cypriot communities held in Geneva under the auspices of the Secretary-General, We consider them a positive step, one which will strengthen confidence between the two parties and which will prompt them to redouble their efforts to succeed in bringing about a final settlement of the Cypriot problem. We welcome the fact that the leaders of the two communities have decided to undertake new negotiations in order to reach a negotiated settlement before 1 June 1989. We are convinced that the two parties are sincerely seeking to realize this goal while respecting legality and justice.
Similarly we have noted with hope and optimism the signs of detente resulting from the agreement among the Angolan, South African, Cuban and United States Governments to end the aggression of the racist regime of Pretoria against the countries of the region and to work for a settlement of the question of Namibia. We are very hopeful that this agreement will contribute effectively to facilitating Namibia's accession to independence.
The Security Council played a decisive role in the search for a settlement that would bring about an end to the occupation of Namibia when it adopted resolution 435 (1978), which remains a model of objectivity and fairness. The time has come for the Namibian people, who have suffered so much from colonialist occupation, oppression and aggression to rejoin the community of independent nations.
Faithful to its principles, and faithful to its sacred duty to give unfailing support to the just cause of peoples, to the cause of liberty and to everything that might contribute to preserving dignity and human rights throughout the world, Tunisia reaffirms today its unreserved support for the peoples of South Africa and Namibia in their struggle to regain their legitimate rights and to shake off the yoke of bondage and colonialism.
Tunisia calls upon the international community to redouble its efforts to eradicate this evil and to put an end to these practices, which are immoral and contrary to the rules of international law. Proud of belonging to Africa, Tunisia, which itself had to fight fiercely for its independence, reaffirms its commitment to the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, which has spared no effort to carry out its role and its responsibility in the search for solutions to the problems facing the African continent. We are persuaded that the United Nations has a pre-eminent role to play in strengthening the climate of confidence and détente between the two super-Powers. This is done by committing them to intensify their efforts to bring about disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, in order to create new possibilities for lessening the tensions created by certain international conflicts. This is also done by allowing other countries to commit their natural resources, human resources, and other resources, to the service of social progress, in response to the aspirations of people to live in dignity and in peace; and this is also done by promoting international co-operation in the areas of the economy, science and useful technologies.
Such has always been the noble mission which we have undertaken constantly to achieve, within the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, a movement which makes tireless efforts to build international relations on safe and fair principles. This Movement has spared no effort in undertaking initiatives to settle the main problems haunting the present and the future of mankind, so that the non-aligned countries have become an important partner, enjoying a weight and a prestige which are acknowledged on the international scene.
The success in the struggle on the part of peoples for their emancipation and liberty, and the signs of understanding and détente visible on the international scene would remain fragile and would be unable to bring about an irreversible process if there were not to be a complete restructuring of the international economic order. The situation with regard to international economic relations calls for a radical change in certain factors related to development, such as protectionist policies, the deterioration in the terms of trade, inflation and the debt burden. The road leading to the revival of our economies, therefore, is still filled with obstacles.
Tunisia has made a number of proposals as its contribution to the search for a solution to the crisis. Indeed, in a message which he addressed to the most recent summit held in Toronto, President Ben Ali proposed first, the partial or complete cancellation of the public debt of the least advanced countries? secondly, limitation of the debt service of the other countries to 15 to 25 per cent of the export earnings; thirdly, the elimination or the reduction of the interest on all public loans·, fourthly, the establishment, in favour of the most indebt African countries, of a system which would allow them to convert their medium-term loans into bonds payable over a period of 10 to 20 years. Furthermore, an in-depth study of the world situation should be undertaken, with a view to establishing a new international monetary order. While the structural adjustment programmes which the crisis has imposed upon us certainly strengthen our credibility, it none the less remains true that our people have been called upon to make enormous sacrifices.
The industrialized countries, which to a large extent are responsible for the occurrence and for the persistence of the crisis, must therefore seriously examine, along with us, the means for restructuring international economic relations, as well as restructuring their own economies. Those countries should not limit themselves to occasional interventions when the crisis worsens. Indeed, it is evident today, for everyone, that the future of the industrialized countries is to a large extent linked to the development and industrialization of the third world.
We still consider that the adoption of the final text of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) demonstrated the willingness to pursue and to establish this dialogue seriously. In this regard, we also consider that the proposal made by the developing countries at the last summer session of the Economic and Social Council offers an excellent opportunity for 4 beginning such a dialogue within the framework of a special session of the General Assembly at the highest level, in order to examine the world economic situation and to revitalize it by reactivating the economic growth and development of the developing countries. Such a session should, in our view, lead to a consensus which would serve as a basis for international economic relations. Moreover, the convening of such a conference in the near future would allow them to benefit from the trade negotiations which are to take place in December 1988 in Montreal as part of the Uruguay Round.
All the peoples of the world are looking to our Organization for the establishment of an international order based on law, justice and equality of opportunity, for, in the final analysis, the United Nations remains the last hope for a happy future for all of mankind.


Sir, it is my honour and privilege on behalf of the Government of His Majesty King Mswati III and the peace-loving people of the Kingdom of Swaziland, to convey our profound appreciation and congratulations on Mr. Dante Caputo’s well-deserved election to the presidency of this historic forty-third session of our Organization's General Assembly. This delegation is not only convinced of his outstanding diplomatic skills and sense of duty, but it is equally confident that under his stewardship our proceedings will indeed again be marked with historic excellence and constructive results.
Our tribute and profound gratitude also go to his outstanding predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, a noble son of the German Democratic Republic, who safely guided the Assembly's affairs with rare excellence. Indeed, his tenure in office was characterized by some of the most problematic scenarios in the annals of contemporary international affairs.
My delegation notes with a sense of pride and humility that the international situation in which the current session is being held is not only politically favourable but also holds some optimistic promises for mankind. It is an era influenced by new political thinking as well as by bold diplomatic initiatives to resolve current conflicts.
We further take pride and draw inspiration from the fact that we are witnessing positive trends towards a new epoch of effective mechanisms for global political-crisis management, largely inspired by the United Nations system. My delegation therefore welcomes the current relaxation of tensions between the super-Powers and their initiation of a meaningful dialogue on numerous important global issues, especially in the field of disarmament, and including some hotbeds of conflict of both regional and international dimensions. We believe that to be fundamental and consonant with the United Nations Charter by promoting international peace and security.
His Majesty's Government and the people of Swaziland have followed with keen interest the unfolding events in Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf. We too share the sentiments of the international community, which, under United Nations auspices, has spared no effort in seeking an amicable political settlement to resolve one of the most protracted post-Second-World-War crises, whose dimensions have tested the strength of the Organization.
We continue to share in the guarded optimism that United Nations initiatives to resolve the Spanish Sahara and Kampuchea conflicts will further enhance its future role and our resolve in multilateral diplomacy.
At this juncture, I should like to pay a tribute and express gratitude to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. His Majesty's Government and the people of the Kingdom of Swaziland continue to follow his reports and recommendations that chart out multilateral processes in international relations. We therefore note with pride the fact that the Secretary-General and all Members of the United Nations have brought their good judgement to bear on many international crises. In their continued search for solutions to some very intractable conflicts they have played a pivotal role. We further salute the apostles of peace for having made it possible to defend the cause of freedom and human dignity under the umbrella of the United Nations peace-keeping forces.
On the other hand the delegation of the Kingdom of Swaziland is forced to note the painful analysis that for far too long has unfairly regarded the United Nations as a non-functional world body and characterized it as a talk shop. To the surprise of the prophets of doom, evidence that such is not the case has dramatically emerged. The United Nations has managed to initiate successful negotiations towards a solution in Afghanistan in the Iran-Iraq war, in Kampuchea, in the Angolan conflict and in Western Sahara.
However, many other issues remain partly or totally unresolved in spite of the efforts of the United Nations. The Organization continues to struggle with the elimination of the last vestiges of colonialism from the face of the earth. The external-debt burden is worsening by' the day, and that is an indication of the gap that still exists between developed and developing countries. The United Nations is fully aware that millions are faced with hunger and starvation in many parts of the world. Many Member States, like our beloved country, Swaziland, are faced with an influx of refugees and displaced persons.
At the end of 1987, Swaziland, which occupies an area of only 17,364 square kilometres, with a population of about 750,000, had 350 registered urban refugees and approximately 45,000 rural refugees. The numbers are increasing rapidly on a daily basis, and the critical situation faced by the refugees involves the shortage of food and the inadequacy of land, which limits the scope for productive agricultural activities.
The complex situation in the Middle East is cause for great concern, for it has reached an explosive stage where strife between Palestinians and Jews continues to prevail. Swaziland encourages the United Nations to redouble its efforts towards the attainment of a peaceful solution to that critical issue.
The Korean peninsula is still characterized by tension between the North and the South. That unhealthy atmosphere has promoted distrust and hatred in the peninsula, which was unfortunately divided by differences in ideology. We strongly recommend that all external forces cease forthwith from interfering in the internal affairs of both Koreas, and, in this regard, we believe that the people of the peninsula have the tremendous responsibility and capacity to enter into direct inter-Korean negotiations themselves.
We also commend the efforts of the United Nations in bringing about speedy and genuine self-determination and independence to the people of New Caledonia. We wholeheartedly support United Nations initiatives to conduct an unbiased referendum, which will undoubtedly indicate the true aspirations of the people of New Caledonia.
In Central America and the Caribbean we continue to note with great concern that a number of countries are increasingly strife torn by reason of their deteriorating economic situations, social unrest and political instability. Nicaragua and Panama, for example, have been and are still being subjected to pressure by military and paramilitary activities, as well as by economic embargoes. Consequently, the economies of those States, which are suspected of importing foreign ideologies, have been hard hit, to the social detriment of their peoples. We appeal to all Member States in the region to resolve their problems by peaceful negotiations, as advocated by His Majesty King Sobhuza II and currently by His Majesty King Mswati III of the Kingdom of Swaziland.
This year marks the forty-third anniversary of the beginning of the arms race. The horrendous events that occurred at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, resulting in the deaths of millions of people and in massive destruction of property, are an indelible part of the annals of history. What mankind now faces is the enormous production of highly sophisticated nuclear weapons that are capable of destroying mankind many, many times over.
My delegation views with utmost concern the currently escalating arms race which must o£ necessity be stopped in order "to save succeeding generations 'from the scourge of war". The outbreak of another world war, which would certainly lead to nuclear holocaust ~ a situation that would mean unprecedented disaster for mankind - must be totally avoided.
It is the responsibility of the international community to promote world peace and security for purposes of global development and co-operation by moving in the direction of complete disarmament. The Kingdom of Swaziland therefore commends the efforts of the United Nations in organizing three major conferences in 1978, 1982 and 1988 aimed at sensitising Member States to the need to reach a common consensus in the area of disarmament. Although all these conferences have failed to attain this major goal, it must be realized that they have, to a great extent, already stirred the conscience of the world community. The seriousness of the arms race was demonstrated by the heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries at the seventh summit conference held in New Delhi in March 1983, at which it was observed that·.
"... the greatest peril facing the world today is the threat to the survival of mankind from nuclear war. Disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament, is no longer a moral issue it is an issue of human survival. ... Nuclear weapons are more than weapons of war. They are instruments of mass annihilation." (A/38/132, para. 28)
It is our humble view that the excessive expenditure on weaponry suffocates the development of the world economy, thus perpetuating the misery and poverty afflicting more than two thirds of mankind, we therefore call for the immediate conclusion of a convention on both chemical and conventional weapons, not only to prohibit their development, production, stockpiling and possible use, but also to provide for the earliest destruction of existing weapons. The people of the Kingdom of Swaziland has learned with great shock and alarm that certain nuclear-possessing States have resolved to dump their nuclear wastes on the continent of Africa. What we find disquieting in this rather sinister episode is their justification of this act by the following reasons: first that their nuclear garbage is devoid of potential chemical or toxic risks to the people and the environment they are not prepared themselves to dump it inside their countries; and, secondly, that compensatory financial aid follows the dumping exercise.
We in the Kingdom of Swaziland remain ardent believers in the norms of international economic co-operation and in the positive spirit of multilateralism. However, my delegation continues to view with added concern the plight of our hard-hit fragile economies in the many developing countries, and particularly the grave agony of Africa's economic crisis. Indeed, it is our strangest observation that, in spite of the economic recovery experienced in some industrialized countries, developing countries continue to be confronted with an adverse external environment whose dimensions have devastated our strenuous efforts towards achieving the goal of economic self-reliance.
These countries continue to suffer from a combination of serious economic problems, inter alia, declining commodity prices, sharp exchange rate fluctuations, a severe debt crisis prompted by excessively high interest rates, and stagnation of official development assistance.
It may also be observed that studies conducted by world financial institutions do predict that the situation is extremely bleak for the sub-Saharan countries which, over the years, have been experiencing the worst economic declines in history, particularly in per capita income, investment and consumption. For instance, while growth in output was estimated at 3.2 per cent in 1987 compared to 4 per cent in 1986, the grim reality is that debt servicing has assumed crippling proportions, ranging from 30 per cent to 100 per cent of exports. The World Bank, on the other hand, also estimates an annual resource gap of more than $2.5 billion for these countries for the period 1986 to 1990, that is, if import levels of 1980 to 1982 are achieved and the necessary structural reforms are carried out. This is certainly not an encouraging scenario for North-South and South-South economic relations. We further wish to observe that the Kingdom of Swaziland is a small land-locked country whose economic development solidly depends on external trade. Thus, such unprecedented declines in commodity prices and the unfavourable international economic outlook represent a major collapse of our fragile economy.
Above all, for us in Swaziland the agricultural sector plays an important role in our economic development. It generates 71 per cent of our export earnings and provides 75 per cent of our labour force. It is therefore the policy of His Majesty's Government to intensify our industrial base development in order to enhance the quality of life and the betterment of living standards for our citizens. Thus we are active members of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, whose cardinal principles and purposes remain aimed at nothing other than the modest consolidation of our hard won sосio-economic and political independence.
My delegation has no illusions about the task that lies ahead, but we do have confidence in the modern technological institutions, headed by the United Nations system, that seek to harmonize the activities of our global village. We therefore, pay our highest tribute to the donor community, the United Nations system, and our partners in economic development for all the generous assistance rendered to improve our country, Swaziland.
Respect for human rights is of cardinal importance in our world. It is a pity that we still learn of torture, disappearances and wanton killings in different parts of the world. His Majesty's Government strongly condemns such sinister practices  and urges the international community to reaffirm its fundamental duty and encourage respect for human rights and freedom. Practices such as racism and racial discrimination have no place in the evolution of international law and modern civilization. The Government and people of the Kingdom of Swaziland attach great significance to the long-drawn-out conflicts in southern Africa. In our view, they do not augur well for the progress of human civilization, and, as members of that volatile region, we certainly cannot afford the consequences of indulging in the luxury of standing by with folded hands when our future is at stake. Equally, we have no illusions when analysing the events unfolding in our political backyard, but we are fully determined to pursue resolutely our mission of peace. Swaziland is on record as having initiated some bold diplomatic steps in the now historic Manzana Diplomacy, whose fundamental aim and objective is to build bridges of peace in our region. Above all, it seeks the promotion of direct, peaceful dialogue among leaders in southern Africa.
Furthermore, we note with great admiration the important role played by the Administration of the United States of America in bringing together the Governments of Cuba, Angola and South Africa in an attempt to find a peaceful solution to the Namibian and Angolan problems and consequently to the chronic problem inside South Africa.
We equally applaud the continued United Nations diplomatic initiatives in seeking a genuine and permanent political solution for the problems facing southern Africa, and we urge all towards peace in our region. My delegation also wishes to reaffirm in the strongest possible terms that the policy of His Majesty's Government is based on concrete factors of pragmatism rather than narrow political and ideological expediency. We are, therefore, committed to the sacred principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and those of the Organization of African Unity and the Non-Aligned Movement, particularly the principles pertaining to the right of self-determination and independence of peoples under colonialism, neo-colonialism and other pernicious forms of human oppression.
Above all, Swaziland is committed to the settlement of international disputes by peaceful negotiations and the non-use of force, as envisaged in Chapters I and VI, particularly Articles 1 (2) and 33, of the Charter.
My delegation notes with satisfaction the tremendous role played by the United Nations in the comprehensive formulation, development and shaping of the law of the sea, which transcends the limits of national jurisdiction and accommodates the international uses of the sea and its resources. We are confident that the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea will continue to make effective progress, in the Interest not only of the common heritage of mankind but also of the maintenance of peace and justice for all peoples in the world. It is particularly heartening that even my small, developing country, Swaziland, stands to benefit immensely from the successful implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
We in the Kingdom of Swaziland are greatly perplexed by the spread of international terrorism, whose victims are innocent people, including women and children. We humbly urge all parties concerned to exercise both moral and political restraint in resolving their differences.
In conclusion, my delegation wishes to pay a glowing tribute to the evolution of the United Nations system. This Organization is unique and remains "the last best hope for mankind". The people of Swaziland are only too proud to be associated with this noble Organization that has galvanized mankind into new and fresh concepts, guiding our onward march to a more peaceful and stable world of multilateral diplomacy. Thus, only a few weeks ago, the Kingdom of Swaziland celebrated its twentieth anniversary as a sovereign State; and, like many new States In the family of nations, we cannot forget how grateful and indebted we are to the international community for having made our national dreams possible. We further salute and honour the men of vision and wisdom whose Yalta and Dumbarton Oaks negotiations ushered us into this new world of the United Nations.
However, let us be realistic: the challenges that face us are daunting ones, but they are not beyond the ingenuity of humanity to surmount. We must, therefore agree that we have not done sufficient. We must, therefore, move from words to deeds and make sure that together we can create true common security and peace for our peoples.
His Majesty's Government and the people of the Kingdom of Swaziland wish to reaffirm their faith in and adherence to the principles of the Charter. They look forward to continued and fruitful co-operation with the United Nations and its specialized agencies.