Please allow me first of all to offer my sincere
congratulations to Ambassador Razali Ismail on his election
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current
session. I am convinced that with his outstanding ability
and rich experience he will fulfil this lofty mission with
distinction. I would also like to express my thanks to
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral for the important contribution
he made during his presidency of the last session.
The 1990s are a period of momentous transition,
during which international relations are undergoing the most
far-reaching changes since the Second World War. The
collapse and disappearance of the bipolar structure has
rekindled hope that the world will become a community of
countries with equal rights for all, rather than one
dominated by a single big Power. Multipolarity is gaining
momentum in a global as well as a regional context. Major
Powers are readjusting their relationships. On the other
hand, the multitude of developing countries have become
increasingly aware of the need to bolster their strength
through concerted efforts. The Non-Aligned Movement
continues to uphold the ideals and principles of
independence, independent decision-making and
non-affiliation with blocs, and is vigorously pushing for
a new just and democratic international order of peace
and equality. Regional economic organizations, which are
displaying great vitality, are expanding their role in
promoting regional cooperation and development in their
respective areas.
Asia’s upsurge is having a significant impact on the
world’s political and economic configurations. The world
is deeply impressed with the vigorous economic
development of Asia, East Asia in particular. The
convening of the first Asia-Europe meeting highlighted
the changes now being seen and marked an important
new beginning for an equal, cooperative relationship
between Asia and Europe. As the world moves towards
multipolarity, the forces for peace are bolstered. The call
for dialogue and cooperation, as against confrontation and
conflict, has become louder.
In the Asia-Pacific region, efforts to maintain peace
and stability and promote common development through
dialogue, consultation and cooperation have yielded
positive results. An agreement on confidence-building in
the military field along border areas has been concluded
between China on the one hand, and the Russian
Federation, Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on the
other; this agreement governs a boundary over 3,000
kilometres in length. The Association of South-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum has succeeded in
bringing Asia-Pacific countries together to consider
security issues facing the region. The Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation Council (APEC) has become a
useful mechanism for promoting trade and investment
liberalization as well as economic and technological
cooperation in the region.
The past year has seen peace returning to a number
of war-torn countries and regions. We are pleased to note
that the peace accord reached between the belligerents in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is being implemented, and that
Yugoslavia and Croatia have normalized their relations.
It is hoped that peace will soon be fully restored to the
region of the former Yugoslavia in order to put an end to
the prolonged conflict in that part of Europe.
The impact on Africa of the drastic changes in the
post-cold war international situation is waning. Africa is
entering a new historical era in which it is striving for
peace, stability and development. Many burning issues in
Africa have already been or are in the process of being
settled gradually. At the same time, however, some
14

countries and regions are still plagued by the scourge of
war. We hope that the international community will
continue to give attention and attach importance to African
issues so as to help bring lasting peace and development to
the whole African continent at an early date.
But the path towards peace is tortuous. After some
major gains in preceding years, the Middle East peace
process has hit snags again. China is concerned at this
development. We hope that all the parties concerned will
strive for an early comprehensive and just settlement of this
issue by strictly observing the agreements already reached
and resuming negotiations and dialogue on the basis of the
relevant United Nations resolutions.
Peace should have prevailed in the post-cold-war
world, in which equal members of the international
community should respect each other’s sovereignty and
territorial integrity, refrain from invading each other or
interfering in each other’s internal affairs, and live in
harmony with each other, in a spirit of seeking common
ground and putting aside differences. However, the reality
is that the world today is far from tranquil because the
cold-war mentality dies hard and hegemonism has
repeatedly raised its ugly head. Interference in other
countries’ internal affairs under various pretexts, and
indulgence in sanctions-wielding or even the use of force
are trampling on the purposes and principles of the Charter
of the United Nations and all accepted norms of
international relations, thereby threatening and undermining
world peace and stability. Recent controversies in
international forums, generated by the issue of sanctions,
signify that in the context of a growing trend towards
multipolarity, hegemonism and power politics will become
increasingly untenable.
The vigorous expansion of international trade and
investment and the rapid advance of science and technology
have led to closer economic ties between countries and
regions, thus accelerating the process of economic
globalization. This presents a rare opportunity to both
developed and developing countries. By riding the tide of
globalization and relying on their own unremitting efforts,
some developing countries have achieved sustained and
rapid economic growth, thereby giving a great impetus to
world economic growth. These and other changes on the
world scene have widened the prospects of international
cooperation.
Regrettably, however, a counter-current of trade
protectionism has recently arisen in the ranks of developed
countries, designed to curtail the development of developing
countries and exclude them from the decision-making
process on major world economic issues. Any act
prejudicial to developing countries will in the final
analysis undermine the interests of developed countries.
International economic exchanges and cooperation should
be built on the basis of mutual complementarity. Facing
the tide of economic globalization, neither developed nor
developing countries should resort to trade protectionism.
Rather, both should make the necessary readjustments and
reforms in the light of their own national conditions in
order to promote their welfare and keep out of harm’s
way. Only by enhancing international exchanges and
cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual benefit
can we jointly cope with new problems arising in the
course of world economic advances and achieve sustained
common development and prosperity.
No one should overlook the unevenness of world
development and the ever widening gap between
developed and developing countries. Caught in the web of
relentless international competition, the least-developed
countries are in distress, and the risk of marginalization
is looming large. To make matters worse, the amount of
official development assistance from richer countries is
shrinking every year, with more stringent conditions
attached. The coffers of the United Nations Capital
Development Fund are drying up, and future prospects are
grim indeed. The international community, and especially
the developed countries, are duty-bound to take effective
measures to reverse this dire situation. The promotion of
economic development and the prosperity of all countries,
and the elimination of poverty should always be at the top
of the United Nations agenda.
Strengthening international cooperation in the field
of the environment and development is a vital link in
global efforts to achieve sustainable development.
Four years after the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development, the public has become
increasingly aware of the importance of environmental
protection. Sustainable development has become a major
objective in the socio-economic development strategies of
all countries. However, international cooperation in this
domain is disappointingly lagging. Developed countries
have failed to live up to their pledges under Agenda 21 in
terms of funding and technology transfer, yet they
demand that developing countries accept obligations
exceeding their capability at their present level of
development. It is hoped that next year’s special session
on environment and development will be able to resolve
these issues.
15

Poverty, unemployment, the problem of refugees,
crime, over-population, environmental deterioration, drug
abuse and terrorism — these scourges remain formidable
and impede global stability and development. In the face of
these challenges, all countries should not only carry out
social development policies commensurate with their own
national conditions, but should also actively cooperate with
one another in line with the principles of mutual respect,
equality and mutual benefit. The United Nations needs to
enhance its social programmes focusing on developing
countries.
The international community at large should press for
the implementation of the follow-up actions of the Cairo
International Conference on Population and Development,
the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development and
the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women in favour
of universal social development.
Our Organization has gone through vicissitudes in the
course of half a century. Enormous changes have taken
place on the world scene. It is imperative for the United
Nations to carry out appropriate rational reforms so that it
can better perform the noble mission of the times and usher
a better world into the twenty-first century.
All reforms must be conducive to realizing the
purposes and principles of the Charter and to improving the
efficiency of the United Nations. They must also contribute
to a more positive and effective United Nations role in
promoting world peace and common development. They
must conform to the principle of the sovereign equality of
all States, and reflect the aspirations of the developing
countries, which comprise more than two-thirds of the
membership. Democratic consultations should be practiced
throughout this process. We are confident that we will be
able to achieve a broad consensus as long as all of us
engage in patient deliberations in the spirit of openness and
fair play, and with a readiness to consider all legitimate
concerns.
The United Nations continues to be plagued by a
serious financial crisis. The Organization cannot function
normally without firm and reliable fiscal resources. We call
on the major countries whose financial contributions to the
Organization are in arrears to fulfil the financial obligations
set forth in the Charter by unconditionally paying up in full
without further delay.
Major progress has been made in the field of arms
control and disarmament since the last session of the
General Assembly. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty resulting from two and a half years of negotiations
has finally been adopted by the General Assembly.China
actively participated in the Treaty negotiations and
displayed maximum flexibility, thereby contributing
significantly to the final conclusion of the Treaty. We
have always stood for the complete prohibition and
thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. In our view, the
comprehensive test-ban Treaty is only a first step in the
entire process of comprehensive nuclear disarmament.
There are still large stockpiles of nuclear arms in the
world. Some nuclear Powers still refuse to undertake not
to be the first to use such weapons. We still have a long
way to go, and must continue to work strenuously in
order to achieve the ultimate goal of the total elimination
of nuclear weapons.
In order to expedite nuclear disarmament and free
ourselves from the danger of nuclear war forever, I wish
to reiterate the following calls on behalf of the Chinese
Government: first, the major nuclear Powers should
renounce their policy of nuclear deterrence; those
possessing huge nuclear arsenals should continue to cut
back their stockpiles drastically.
Secondly, all nuclear States should assume the
obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at
any time or under any circumstances; they should
unconditionally renounce the use or threat of use of such
weapons against non-nuclear States or nuclear-free zones;
and they should conclude international instruments to that
effect without delay.
Thirdly, those States which have deployed nuclear
weapons overseas should withdraw them completely; all
nuclear States should pledge support for moves to set up
nuclear-free zones; they should respect the status of such
zones and assume corresponding obligations.
Fourthly, all States should refrain from developing
or deploying weapons systems in outer space and missile
defence systems that undermine strategic security and
stability.
Fifthly, all States should negotiate with a view to
concluding an international convention on the complete
prohibition and total destruction of nuclear weapons.
Since mankind was able to produce nuclear weapons
in the twentieth century, it is fully capable of abolishing
them in the twenty-first century. The Chinese Government
and people are ready to join hands with all Governments
16

and peoples of the world to strive for the realization of this
lofty goal.
My country continues to press forward along the road
of reform, opening up and modernization. Our economy
maintains a healthy momentum. The macroeconomic
environment continues to improve. We anticipate a growth
rate of around 10 per cent this year. Inflation will be kept
below 10 per cent. Despite severe natural disasters in some
parts of the country, we have still managed to gather a
bumper harvest of summer crops this year. Grain output for
the entire year is expected to top the previous year’s
figures. The Ninth Five-Year Plan for National Economic
and Social Development and the Outline of the Long-Range
Objectives to the Year 2010 were inaugurated this year.
They depict a promising future for China’s modernization
drive at the turn of the century. By the year 2000, when our
population will have had a net increase of 300 million, we
expect to quadruple our 1980 per capita gross national
product. And by the year 2010 our gross national product
is anticipated to be twice that of the year 2000. Then we
will have put in place a viable socialist market economy.
Seventeen years of reform and opening up have
brought about a fourfold increase in our gross national
product. Our overall national strength will grow further in
another 15 years. Yet China will still be a developing
country with relatively low ranking in terms of indicators
such as per capita gross national product. China’s
development will only help to bolster the elements making
for peace. We pose no threat to anyone anywhere, but will
only help to strengthen the cause of world peace, stability
and development. On the other hand, if China fails to
achieve economic development and its population of 1.2
billion is mired in poverty, that would indeed be ominous
for world peace and stability.
China will resume the exercise of sovereignty over
Hong Kong as from 1 July 1997. This will be a milestone
in the great cause of our national reunification. It is also a
good example of how countries can peacefully resolve
issues left over by history. Preparations are under way to
put into effect our resumption of the exercise of sovereignty
over Hong Kong. We are fully capable of ensuring a
smooth transfer of government and transition in Hong
Kong. After Hong Kong’s return to the embrace of the
motherland, we will put into effect the policy of “one
country, two systems”. As a Special Administrative Region
of the People’s Republic of China, and in conformity with
the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region, Hong Kong will be administered by the Hong
Kong people. It will enjoy a high degree of autonomy. The
existing social and economic system and way of life will
remain unchanged, and the laws currently in force in
Hong Kong will be basically maintained. Hong Kong will
retain its status as an international trade, financial and
shipping centre, free port and separate customs territory.
Its long-term stability and prosperity will be guaranteed.
Foreign economic interests in Hong Kong will be
accommodated.
Twenty-five years ago, at its twenty-sixth session,
the General Assembly adopted the historic resolution
2758 (XXVI), solemnly declaring the restoration to the
People’s Republic of China all its lawful rights in the
United Nations. That resolution thoroughly settled the
question of China’s representation in the United Nation in
all aspects — political, legal and procedural.
There is but one China in the world and Taiwan is
an inalienable part of its sacred territory. “Peaceful
reunification and one country with two systems” — this
is our unswerving guideline for the settlement of the
Taiwan question. This question involves a cardinal
principle of China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity
and the great task of reunification. It is a purely internal
affair of China which will brook no outside interference.
The Chinese Government and people are determined to
carry through the struggle against all attempts to split
their territory or create an independent Taiwan. No force
on Earth can hold back China’s great cause of
reunification.
The world is on the march at top speed. New
contradictions and problems are constantly arising. The
profound changes in the international scene have brought
forth rare opportunities as well as serious challenges. Let
us seize the opportunities, meet the challenges and push
forward the cause of peace and development. Such is the
glorious mission which our times have bestowed on us.
The Chinese Government and people are ready to join
with all other Governments and peoples in this endeavour.


I should first like to
congratulate the President of the General Assembly on his
election and to express our confidence in his capability to
conduct the work of the current session. In congratulating
him on his election, I am pleased by the fact that he
represents a country, Malaysia, with which Portugal has
excellent relations in addition to deep historical and cultural
ties.
I believe that it is understandable that I should also
take this opportunity to pay tribute to the outgoing
President, my fellow countryman Mr. Freitas do Amaral,
for the dedicated, competent and innovative manner in
which he directed the work of the fiftieth session of the
General Assembly.
I wish also to express to the Secretary-General my
admiration for the manner in which he has carried out his
functions during a period in which the United Nations has
been called upon to take an ever more active role in a
variety of aspects of international life.
My colleague from Ireland has already addressed the
Assembly on behalf of the 15 member States of the
European Union, expressing positions to which Portugal
fully subscribes. Nevertheless, I would like to reflect on
some questions that are of particular importance to my
country.
Allow me to point out that while speaking in my
capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal, I am
also speaking as a representative of a country that is
extremely proud to belong to the Lusophone Community.
This is probably the newest international organization, and
as President of its Council of Ministers, I foresee an
important role for it in the concert of nations, in useful
and effective cooperation with the United Nations and its
agencies. It represents a strengthening of the solidarity
and fraternity that unite these countries and will empower
the economic and social development of its peoples, while
affirming and disseminating the Portuguese language,
which is the common heritage of over 200 million people
scattered over every continent.
The Lusophone Community, made up of Angola,
Brazil, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Sao
Tome and Principe and Portugal, is a political project
based on the Portuguese language, which is the historic
bond and a common heritage of the seven countries,
despite geographical separation. It will always be an open
forum, based on mutual support and close relationships
with all Portuguese-speaking communities of the world
and cooperation with other, similar organizations.
One year after the commemoration of the fiftieth
anniversary, we are still far from meeting the expectations
created and the real needs of the Organization. It is clear
that a process on this scale can be realized only in the
medium term.
A core issue of the reform process that we must
address is the resolution of the serious financial crisis of
the United Nations. We believe that the resolution of the
crisis can be found through three essential approaches: the
fulfilment of commitments, in full and on time; review of
the scale of assessments in order to reflect the capacity of
Member States to pay; and financial rigour and
rationalization of existing resources. In the spirit of
contributing to the resolution of this crisis, Portugal
voluntarily increased its 1995 contributions to the
peacekeeping budget, moving from Group C to Group B
19

in the scale of assessments. That decision will result in a
five-fold increase of our initial contribution.
Equally important is the reform of the Security
Council. We are convinced that only with an adequate and
balanced representation of all the world’s regions will the
Security Council be more democratic and, consequently,
more effective in the formulation and implementation of its
decisions.
When considering the process of reform, I must also
refer to issues related to the Agenda for Development and
the Agenda for Peace. With regard to the former, we must
recognize the need to review the entire system of
international aid for development and consider the role the
United Nations should play in this domain.
The integrated and sustainable development we
propose should be pursued in all its facets, not only in the
economic field, but also in the consolidation of democratic
institutions. To meet these objectives, it will also be
necessary to implement the decisions taken at the major
United Nations global conferences, as it has been at those
conferences that the Agenda for Development has gradually
taken shape. This question is all the more important to us
in Portugal, since we focus special attention on the
North-South dialogue, which is attested to by the fact that
the North-South Centre is located in Lisbon.
Aware of the fact that today the important task in this
area is to help the developing countries, especially the more
vulnerable ones, Portugal has gradually increased the funds
it sets aside for development aid, both at the bilateral level
and through the framework of international organizations of
which it is a member. In this context, our official
development assistance exceeds the goal established for
donors at the Paris conference in 1990.
At the multilateral level, allow me to single out the
importance we attribute to the Lomé Convention as a vital
instrument of aid and cooperation between the members of
the European Union and the countries of Africa, the
Caribbean and the Pacific. Thus, we have strongly
advocated a review of the Convention based on maintaining
the principles of partnership and cooperation.
Maintaining international peace and security
undoubtedly continues to be the priority challenge faced by
the United Nations. The results achieved in most of the
relevant missions lead us to conclude that we should not
lessen our commitment or the dynamism of our activity.
It is true that the United Nations cannot abdicate its
mission of helping to restore peace. We also believe,
however, that efforts should be focused on conflict
prevention. But in both areas, the question of cooperation
between the United Nations and regional
intergovernmental organizations has been discerningly
raised. This can be seen in some recent successful
examples, such as the joint action of the United Nations,
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the
Western European Union (WEU), the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the
European Union (EU) in the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, organizations of which Portugal is a member
and in which it participates actively.
Another component of the efforts towards peace is
disarmament. Portugal welcomes the adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).
Portugal, which will contribute significantly to the CTBT
verification system, has signed and will shortly ratify the
Treaty, and appeals to all Member States of the United
Nations to do the same.
It is urgent that the process of enlarging the
Conference on Disarmament be completed, as well as that
of deliberating on its agenda and the rules for decision-
making and for admission of new members, which should
be improved. It is increasingly essential to seriously
debate nuclear disarmament, with a view to achieving the
ultimate goal of the permanent eradication of nuclear
weapons. We advocate that the Conference on
Disarmament should, early at its next session, begin
negotiations on a treaty for the banning of the production
of fissile material for nuclear weapons.
With regard to the serious problem of anti-personnel
landmines, Portugal hopes that concrete measures will be
taken this year towards a complete prohibition of the
manufacture and export of those devices of death and
destruction. For our part, we have already decreed a
moratorium on the manufacture and export of such
weapons. Furthermore, I would like to mention that on 23
August last my country ratified the Convention on the
banning of chemical weapons.
Among the many activities of the United Nations, I
would like to single out two areas which I consider
essential: the environment and human rights.
The protection of the environment is becoming an
increasingly prominent issue. In this field, we recognize
the great importance of the problems of climate change,
20

desertification and the protection of the marine
environment. For this reason, Portugal has been closely
following the implementation of the principles and
decisions adopted in this regard at major United Nations
conferences.
I would also like to underline the particular sensitivity
of Portugal, whose territory includes two archipelagos —
the Azores and Madeira — to questions relating to the sea
from a perspective of the development of balanced
management of fishing and marine resources. To this end,
my country is currently concluding the necessary
procedures that will soon permit it to ratify the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Furthermore, on Portugal’s initiative, the General
Assembly, at its forty-ninth session, declared 1998
International Year of the Ocean. Focusing on this subject,
Expo 98 will be held in Lisbon that same year, with the
theme, “The oceans: a heritage for the future”. Its central
focus will be the relationship between the current state of
knowledge on marine resources and the urgency of
ensuring, through a rational and scientific management
process, a greater ecological equilibrium on our planet.
The defence and promotion of human rights is one of
the principal concerns of Portuguese foreign policy. We
believe that it is the responsibility of every Government to
guarantee in their respective countries the full enjoyment of
all human rights, but that it is also legitimate for the
international community to concern itself with ensuring the
promotion and protection of those rights around the globe.
We consider that the United Nations has a key role to
play, and thus it is indispensable that the High
Commissioner and the Centre for Human Rights be
provided with adequate human and financial resources for
the fulfilment of his important task.
A constant pursuit of Portuguese foreign policy has
been to stress the need to find a political and diplomatic
solution to the question of East Timor, without which it
will not be possible to put an to end the systematic abuses
of human rights that continue to prevail in that territory.
Portugal has repeatedly stated — and I do so here
once again — that its sole objective, apart from the
immediate concern of defending the human rights and
identity of the people of East Timor in their different
aspects, is to find a just, comprehensive and internationally
acceptable solution to the question of East Timor, in
accordance with international law and the full respect for
the rights of its people, namely its right to
self-determination.
Despite the difficulties that have been encountered,
the difference between the substantive positions of
Portugal and Indonesia and the slowness of the process,
we continue to be committed to finding such a solution
through dialogue and under the auspices of the Secretary-
General, whose patient efforts I wish to pay tribute to
here. In the pursuit of that objective, we consider it
extremely important to continue the active association of
Timorese representatives to that process, which deserves
the unequivocal support of the international community.
In this regard, I must note here the increasing
support that this question has received from the
international community, namely through the adoption of
positions that range from the resolutions of the European
Parliament to the declarations of the 21 Heads of State
and Government of the member countries of the Ibero-
American summit, and include the common position
adopted this year by the 15 member States of the
European Union, to which a further 14 European
countries associated themselves.
Portugal, exercising its responsibilities as
administering Power of the non-self-governing territory of
East Timor, will continue to cooperate constructively with
the United Nations, with full regard for the Charter of the
United Nations and the relevant resolutions, towards the
indispensable conclusion of the process of decolonization
in East Timor.
In this era, at the close of the millennium, marked
by such profound changes and close interdependencies,
we believe that the African continent deserves special
attention from the international community. To that end,
all efforts should be pooled towards the creation of
conditions that will permit it to benefit from a
development process similar to that enjoyed by other
regions of the world.
We are therefore acting in the context of the
international organizations of which we are members,
with the aim of preventing the marginalization of the
African continent and ensuring that it receives priority
treatment on the agenda of the international community.
Because we actively uphold this view, Portugal has
proposed to its European Union partners that a
Euro-African summit take place, open to the participation
of all African States without exception, so as to allow for
21

a political dialogue at the very highest level on issues of
mutual concern. The goal is to achieve a new dimension to
our relations and provide a further impulse to traditional
areas of mutual cooperation in order to create the
foundations of a new global partnership. The 15 Member
States of the European Union have already recognized the
interest and importance of this initiative.
In this manner, we are seeking to include Africa in all
its aspects on the international agenda, stressing, on the one
hand, the scale and economic potential of the African
continent, which is deserving of a new approach and a new
model for dialogue, and, on the other hand, encouraging
African countries to embark on their own process of
development based on the promotion of peace, democracy,
stability and economic and social progress.
We supported from the very beginning the creation
and establishment of the Mechanism for Conflict
Prevention, Management and Resolution by the
Organization of African Unity at the Cairo summit in 1993.
Portugal attaches great importance to strengthening the
dialogue between the European Union and the Southern
African Development Community. The second ministerial
summit, planned for this October in Windhoek, will
certainly allow for a global review of the adequacy of the
activities undertaken as a result of the Berlin conference.
Portugal, a member of the troika of observers to the
peace process in Angola, continues to be particularly
engaged in the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol,
which seeks, in general terms, the re-establishment in
Angola of constitutional democratic life and the formation
of a single national army.
I take this opportunity to salute the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Alioune Blondin Beye, whose negotiating
skills constitute an important factor in placing peace and
hope in a better future once more on the horizon for all
Angolans.
We note with satisfaction the positive developments
that have taken place over the last few months in the
implementation of the Lusaka Protocol, which have
permitted the cessation of hostilities throughout the entire
territory of Angola. However, we cannot ignore the fact
that important tasks remain to be completed, without which
the irreversibility of the peace process cannot be
guaranteed. The postponement of the resolution of military
and political questions is difficult to understand and may
jeopardize the process of consolidating peace.
Allow me therefore to recall the concerns expressed
in the declaration of the troika of observers — Portugal,
the Russian Federation and the United States — issued on
22 August 1996. I appeal to the Government of Angola
and to UNITA to continue to follow the path of peace
they have set out on in order to contribute decisively to
the full implementation of the Lusaka Protocol, namely
through one armed force and the creation of conditions
for the free movement of people and goods, which would
make possible the normal functioning of society, the
economy and the institutions in that great African country.
I should also like to appeal to the international
community to support the reconstruction and rehabilitation
of Angola. In particular, it is urgent that the necessary
funds be made available for the implementation of the
programmes for the demobilization of former combatants.
Social stability is indispensable to the success of the
peace process.
I would not like to end this reference to Africa
without expressing concern for the situation currently
prevailing in the Great Lakes region, which has tragic
repercussions on the security and well-being of innocent
peoples. Portugal is participating in the efforts of the
international community to bring to an end this tragedy of
the African continent and to ensure the return of stability
to that region.
Portugal did not remain indifferent to the suffering
of the peoples of the Balkans or to a situation with
serious consequences for peace and stability in the region.
Portugal therefore participates in the Implementation
Force with a significant military, police and civilian
contingent, very often demonstrating a greater effort and
engagement than that of other countries with larger
economic capacities.
The recent elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina
represented an important step towards the consolidation of
peace, and we are confident that they will have a lasting
effect on the consolidation of the Bosnian State — based
on its two entities — allowing for a self-sustained
stability of the country and the reconfiguration of the
International Force so as not to affect the fundamental
goal of guaranteeing peace and the coexistence of the
three communities.
22

Portugal will be the host country for the next summit
of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), which will take place in Lisbon on 2-3 December
next. We hope that the 53 Heads of State and Government
will take substantial decisions with regard to the
cornerstone principles of a security model for the twenty-
first century. I am certain that the Lisbon charter, to be
adopted at that meeting, will represent a significant step
towards the stability of the European continent and the
institutional strengthening of the OSCE.
Portugal has promoted closer and deeper ties with the
countries of the Mediterranean, especially those of the
Maghreb, a region of fundamental importance for the
security, stability and development of the entire region. In
the short term, it is necessary to adopt confidence-building
measures that would contribute to launching the foundations
of a new type of relationship between the peoples of both
sides of the Mediterranean. Portugal is committed to the
creation of a Euro-Mediterranean charter, a matrix for a
new partnership that will contribute decisively to the
political, economic, social and cultural development of our
Mediterranean partners.
Portugal is following with great concern the latest
developments in the Middle East peace process.
We believe that the future of the region depends
essentially on the will of the parties urgently to restart the
negotiations in accordance with the principles of Madrid
and the Oslo terms of reference. I appeal to all interested
parties to exhibit restraint and to honour previously
assumed commitments, which is the only way to achieve a
just, comprehensive and lasting peace for the region. The
dramatic incidents that have just occurred are the clearest
demonstration that there is no alternative to the peace
process.
Portugal has very strong human, historical and cultural
ties with Latin America. The next Ibero-American Summit,
which will take place in Chile, will represent another
occasion to debate the important advances that the
processes of democratization and development have
achieved on that continent. Furthermore Portugal welcomes
the holding in 1998 of the seventh Ibero-American Summit
of Heads of State and Government.
Portugal welcomes the projects for inter-American
regional integration, as well as the mechanisms for
cooperation, that have been gradually established between
the countries of that continent and the European Union.
The development of a relationship with Asia also
constitutes one of the Government of Portugal’s foreign-
policy priorities. We share a common historical heritage
with many countries in that region. At the bilateral level,
in addition to opening new embassies in South-East Asia,
we will be seeking to strengthen even further our
relationship with the Pacific island States, which will
certainly be reflected in the framework of the Lomé
Convention.
In terms of our multilateral participation, we hope
that the new dialogue created in the framework of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) will
represent a significant step in the relationship between
Europe and Asia, leading to a more open and broader
contact on all matters of mutual interest to the European
Union and Asia.
The transitional process in Macao, to be completed
at the end of 1999, based on a constructive dialogue and
close cooperation with China, is of the greatest
importance to the Government of Portugal, whose
fundamental concern is to guarantee the prosperity and
stability of the territory, as well as to preserve its identity.
The multilateral dynamic is undeniably gaining an
ever-greater importance in the international realities of the
present. Portugal has been developing unequivocal efforts
towards strengthening its participation in the organizations
to which it already belongs and becoming involved in
new multilateral frameworks. Clear evidence of Portugal’s
attitude in this respect is our increasing participation in
peacekeeping operations. Portugal has considerable forces
in Bosnia and Angola, and currently has the sensitive
responsibility of ensuring command of the United Nations
force in the Western Sahara. I am pleased to note that in
the domain of peacekeeping and international security, we
are the European Union’s sixth-largest troop contributor
to United Nations peacekeeping operations, and the ninth
largest among those countries that make up the Western
European and other States group. We are clearly in the
top half of the list of countries that contribute forces to
United Nations peacekeeping operations. We also lead
other Member States with greater resources and per capita
output.
Portugal’s candidature for membership of the
Security Council should be considered as an important
expression of the will of my country to continue to
participate, as fully as possible, in the multilateral
dimension of today’s world. Portugal is a country with a
universalist commitment, which is used to establishing
23

contact with many and diverse regions of the world, and to
understanding and accepting different cultures and
civilizations.
We therefore believe that as a member of the Security
Council we would be able to contribute to finding solutions
in accordance with the principles and purposes enshrined in
the Charter. We also believe that participation in the
Security Council by States of a size and with characteristics
similar to those of Portugal would contribute to greater
equilibrium and representativity in the decisions taken by
that body.
This will be possible only when full respect is given
to the principle of sovereign equality of all Member States,
which, in truth, represents the principal guarantee of
democracy in the Security Council. Yet this principle has
not been observed in practice. Indeed, out of the 185
Member States, 79 have never served on the Security
Council and 44 have served only once, as is the case with
Portugal.
We can and should improve this situation. Indeed, to
guarantee adequate representation by Member States on the
Security Council, obstacles or precedents must not be used
that would prevent a healthy rotation in that organ. For
these reasons, the Portuguese candidature for membership
of the Security Council is based on its own merits. We
refuse to resort to any alliances, coalitions or other artificial
means that would limit and condition the right of choice of
Member States.
Portugal’s candidature was not launched to defend
interests or to respond to the demands of domestic politics,
nor was it launched to pursue or consolidate external
ambitions. Portuguese foreign policy is an undivided whole.
It is part of, and evolves within, a well-defined
geo-strategic space. It is not based on arrogance or
economic power, nor has it been altered to accommodate
Portugal’s candidature. The foreign policy of my country is
based consistently on its universalist commitment to
dialogue with all the peoples of the world.
Before concluding, I should like to cast my vote of
confidence in the future of the United Nations and to
reiterate Portugal’s full commitment to the reform of the
Organization.


The delegation of Costa Rica is pleased to
extend its warmest congratulations to the President of the
General Assembly on his election. In addition to his
distinguished personal and professional qualities, we are
inspired by the respect and friendship that we share with
Malaysia, a living example of many peoples joining their
efforts without losing their identity, as is appropriately
stated in the motto of Malaysia: Unity is strength.
I am also pleased to convey Costa Rica’s respects to
the former President of the General Assembly, His
Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for his excellent
work presiding over the deliberations of the Assembly.
Mr. Secretary-General, your work in favour of world
peace and security and your efforts to renew the United
Nations have granted you a place of honour in the pages of
the history of this Organization and of the international
community. My delegation wishes to convey the gratitude
and respect Costa Rica feels for your commendable work.
A session of the General Assembly is necessarily a
time for meditation for all Member States. Each and every
delegation asks itself the same questions: what progress has
been made towards fulfilling the purposes and principles of
the United Nations during the last 12 months? What has our
country or region done to contribute to that task? Is the
United Nations playing the role we would like it to? What
can we do to ensure that this Organization lives up to the
hopes placed in it? What progress have we achieved in the
reform of the United Nations?
We are keenly aware that in this post-cold-war era the
United Nations agenda has grown considerably.
Nevertheless, the present situation does not seem very
encouraging. The establishment of this Organization, as we
were reminded during the celebration of its fiftieth
anniversary, was one of the most extraordinary
consequences of the end of the Second World War.
However, the so-called balance of terror between the super-
Powers that prevailed in the cold-war years has been
followed by a long series of conflicts that, despite their
limited geographical scope, are nonetheless damaging and
bloody. We have watched in anguish as, in several parts of
the world, national, religious, tribal and racial hatreds
have re-emerged. Even within pluralistic democracies,
situations of extreme poverty and social injustice in some
instances, or of crime and drug trafficking in others, have
unleashed varying degrees of violence. To all this we
must add the recent events of recent weeks in the Middle
East, which have given rise to deep concern and may
have grave consequences for the maintenance of
international peace and security.
Nonetheless, there are grounds for optimism. We
hope that the elections in Bosnia, which took place in a
harmonious environment, will allow for the establishment
of a durable multi-ethnic State, in the spirit of the peace
agreements.
In the same vein, my delegation welcomes the
resumption of negotiations between the State of Israel and
the Palestinian Authority aimed at achieving harmonious
relations among the peoples inhabiting the Holy Land. I
am pleased to inform the General Assembly that a
plenipotentiary envoy from Costa Rica met recently with
Chairman Arafat to convey to him Costa Rica’s solidarity
with the Palestinian people and its steadfast determination
to support and contribute to compliance with the Oslo
agreements in order to achieve a stable and lasting peace
in the Middle East.
Costa Rica, which will soon celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the abolition of its armed forces, also
welcomed the Advisory Opinion of the International
Court of Justice regarding the legality of the use and
threat of use of nuclear weapons, and it is deeply satisfied
by the opening for signature of the Comprehensive
Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. Since 1958, in the framework
of the Organization of American States, my country has
been proposing the limitation of conventional weapons
and the prohibition of nuclear weapons within the inter-
American system. In keeping with this civil and pacifist
inclination, Costa Rica signed the Treaty at the General
Assembly. My delegation further calls fraternally upon all
Member States of the United Nations to do likewise as
soon as possible. Similarly, my nation considers most
favourably the draft resolution proposed by Malaysia
regarding the follow-up to the Advisory Opinion and its
call for the start of negotiations to conclude a treaty
providing for global nuclear disarmament.
We are also of the view that greater consideration
needs to be given to the problems raised by international
arms transfers and trade. The delegation of Costa Rica
would like to take this opportunity to recall the draft
23

international code of conduct on this issue, proposed by the
former President of Costa Rica, Oscar Arias, and other
Nobel Prize laureates, in accordance with the principles of
the United Nations and with the aspiration of maintaining
world peace.
Costa Rica is also pleased to say that Central America
has continued its progress in consolidating peace and
democracy. Although we still suffer serious problems and
still face harsh social and economic realities, the bloody
crisis of the 1980s belongs to the past. The Central
American countries are firmly committed to consolidating
peace and maintaining democracy. Honest and pluralistic
electoral processes have become the norm where before
they were the exception. National reconciliation is
becoming a reality. The recent, definitive progress in the
Guatemalan peace process augurs well for the definitive
attainment of peace in the entire Central American area. In
this regard, I am pleased to extend special congratulations
to the Government of President Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen, to
the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG),
to the Group of Friends, particularly the Government of
Mexico and President Ernesto Zedillo, and to the Secretariat
of the United Nations, for the progress recently achieved.
The existence of peace and democracy in Central
America, a region usually considered turbulent, proves that
will and perseverance can overcome any of the negative
legacies of history. We, the Central American peoples, hope
that other peoples will join in this experience, without
having to pay so high a price. Nonetheless, precisely
because all the countries in the region were affected, in one
way or another, by this political and security crisis, all of
us are now working determinedly to ensure that that chapter
will not be reopened.
We know, furthermore, that without development there
will be no lasting peace. With this conviction, the Central
American region has found a common goal in the
endeavour to attain sustainable political, economic, social
cultural and environmental development.
Two years ago, the Central American nations decided
to unite in an Alliance for Sustainable Development. In
addition to reconciling humankind with nature, this Alliance
aspires to establish in our countries a society that will allow
present generations to fully develop their capabilities in all
areas and that will ensure future generations a prosperous
future.
Our Alliance is based on a common political project
that combines economic growth, environmental balance and
individual freedom. For the first time in its long history,
Central America has a common developmental goal, and
this in turn strengthens its dedication to regionalism.
In the same line of action, Central America has set
out on a quest for innovative approaches to the rest of the
world that will help it realize its political, social,
economic, cultural and environmental goals. This joint
fraternal action aimed at reincorporating Central America
into the international community has sought to
institutionalize new links with other countries and regions
that have supported our efforts to attain peace and
democracy in the isthmus, and that are now cooperating
in our struggle for sustainable development. Central
America has thus established special mechanisms of
dialogue and cooperation with Mexico, Chile, Canada, the
United States of America, Japan, the Republic of Korea
and the Republic of China on Taiwan. We have also
redefined our relations with the European Union,
institutionalized since the start of the last decade in what
is known as the San José dialogue. We hope that in the
near future these activities will be extended to other
countries and regions.
The conviction that it is possible to consolidate
peace only through development is not exclusive to
Central America. This year my country has had the
honour and the privilege to preside over the Group of 77
and China in New York. This has allowed us to represent
and defend on numerous occasions the points of view of
the countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the
Caribbean.
One fifth of humanity continues to live in conditions
of extreme poverty; discrimination on the basis of gender
continues to be the order of the day; millions of children
continue to lack access to education, health services and
nutrition. My delegation views these facts with deep
regret and attaches the utmost importance to the Agenda
for Development.
In this connection, I wish to reiterate the conviction
expressed recently on the occasion of the adoption of the
report of the Working Group on this matter — that that
forum must remain open. A true United Nations system
is inconceivable without an integrated and comprehensive
plan of action for development. If the issues of
development and international cooperation were to be
reduced or diminished in this Organization, the very
essence of the United Nations would be seriously
affected.
24

In that same spirit of solidarity that holds sway in our
Organization, we believe that the preservation and
strengthening of the United Nations Conference on Trade
and Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations
International Development Organization (UNIDO) are
essential. For small countries in particular, the linkage
between commerce, technology transfer and development
are, in and of themselves, outside the framework of the
World Trade Organization. In order to emphasize this firm
conviction, the President of Costa Rica travelled to South
Africa on the occasion of UNCTAD’s 9th meeting. At that
forum he expressed our country’s support for the just and
legitimate aspirations to development of the countries of the
third world.
International cooperation cannot be viewed solely in
terms of the richest giving aid to the poorest. We strongly
believe in the necessity and appropriateness of intensifying
the efforts aimed at increasing horizontal cooperation
between developing countries. In January 1997, at the
conclusion of its term as Chairman of the Group of 77 and
China, Costa Rica will convene — with the participation of
the private sector and non-governmental organizations — a
South-South conference on trade, finance and investment.
We hope that new and constructive approaches to speed up
the rate of economic and financial cooperation among
developing countries will result from that conference.
Directly related to the subject of the Agenda for
Development is the need for an integrated follow-up to the
agreements and programmes of action adopted at the
summits and conferences held by the United Nations in the
last decade. In them lies the real agenda of work for the
United Nations in such essential fields as the environment,
population, human rights, the rights of women and children,
habitat and social development. Accordingly, Costa Rica, in
its capacity as Chairman of the Group of 77 and China,
promoted and received unanimous support in the Economic
and Social Council for a resolution designed to give
coherence and provide follow-up to the agreements and
programmes of action of the international conferences and
summits of the United Nations.
Costa Rica, as an agricultural country, attaches great
importance to the food summit planned to be held at Rome
at the end of this year. As early as 1954, through the
initiative of then-President José Figueres Ferrer, Costa Rica
proposed to this Organization the creation of a world food
reserve that would enable us to confront the effects of
natural disasters and famines. Today we still believe that
international solidarity is decisive in facing food challenges
and that it constitutes a fundamental goal of contemporary
international relations that should not be disregarded in
the search for economic liberalization.
Of greatest importance, and closely related to these
issues, is the need to pay attention to the problems of
desertification and water resources, which during the early
years of the next millennium will gravely affect food
production and the very existence of the human species.
At the World Summit for Social Development, it
was reaffirmed that human rights are universal,
indivisible, interdependent and interrelated. Among those
rights is the global right to development, which, in Costa
Rica’s opinion, right cannot be reduced to its mere
economic dimension. Development must also have a
moral and ethical dimension. We must accept the
responsibility of ensuring that the world that we are going
to leave to future generations is going to be more
peaceful, healthier, more humane and more democratic
than the one in which we have lived. This responsibility
must be shared individually and collectively, nationally
and internationally by all elements of society.
Reflection on what we have done and what we have
failed to do over the last 12 months leads us to the
question of what must be done in the immediate future.
In this connection, the revitalization and reform of the
United Nations system is pivotal. In its analysis of this
issue, the Government of Costa Rica has considered with
deep interest some of the proposals contained in the
report of the Commission on Global Governance. The
reform of the United Nations must reflect the realities of
change, including the capacity of civil society to
contribute to global governance.
My delegation attaches fundamental importance to
the restructuring of the Security Council. We cannot
arrive at the year 2000 still using the calendar of 1945.
The Council cannot continue to be held in a framework
that has been fully overtaken by the reality of
international politics. Costa Rica considers it a priority to
take up this task, both in order to grant permanent
membership to Germany and Japan and to a
representative of each of the three developing regions —
Africa, Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean. In
addition, we must reorganize the powers of the Council
and of its members. If the political conditions for a
reform of this kind do not exist, we must then consider
other possibilities, such as the proposal made by the
Government of Italy.
25

We consider that there is a need to infuse the General
Assembly with new vitality, as regards both the need to
ensure the principle of universality and the modernization
of its agenda and procedures. We believe that no people on
Earth should be denied the right to be represented in our
Organization.
My delegation is also of the view that greater
importance should be given to the work of the Council and
the Secretariat in the area of preventive diplomacy. The
actions of these bodies at the outset of a conflict can be
decisive in achieving a solution, but they would be even
more so if their powers were increased so that they could
anticipate such situations. Similarly, we believe that there
is a need to restructure the Secretariat to give it greater
flexibility and effectiveness in the execution of its tasks.
As a country that entrusts its security to international
law, Costa Rica gives a place of honour to the International
Court of Justice. In our opinion, the acceptance of the
compulsory jurisdiction of the Court could become a duty
inherent in membership of this Organization.
Finally, the restructuring of the United Nations is also
directly linked to its financial capabilities. The new United
Nations cannot be the property of the major Powers, nor
can it become the sole responsibility of a small group of
States. The United Nations of the future should belong to
all, and this conception logically involves the duty of all its
Members to meet their commitments in accordance with the
scale of assessments. In this respect, my delegation believes
that the full reform of the United Nations system, if it
ensures a more rational administration and more equitable
distribution of the resources and programmes of the
Organization, will put the Organization in a better position
to insist that its Members States pay their assessments on
time.
Our world is approaching the third millennium. In the
midst of so much darkness, so many challenges and so
many overwhelming difficulties, the human race retains a
spirit that, together with the use of language, distinguishes
it from any other species: hope. This spirit, now more than
ever before, is embodied in this Organization. The United
Nations must remain united in its effort to make the present
better and united in its goal to design a promising future.
I should like to conclude by recalling a teaching of the
Prophet Mohammed which continues to resonate today as
a norm of conduct for all human beings and all nations on
Earth:
“Do not break the ties of friendship, do not feel
bitterness towards your fellow men, do not feel
loathing for them, do not envy them. Live as
brothers, as God has ordered us to do.”


May I first extend to Mr. Razali Ismail my
warmest and most sincere congratulations on his
12

unanimous election as President of this important session of
the General Assembly.
I recently accompanied President Carlos Saul Menem
on a visit to his country, and I have the most pleasant
memories of his countrymen’s hospitality, of the vitality of
his culture and of the extraordinary strength of his
country’s economy.
To Ambassador Freitas do Amaral, who presided over
the Assembly at the last session, we express our most
sincere admiration. His term was a year full of difficulties
and challenges, and he left us a positive vision of the
questions of the future.
I have had the privilege of participating in the general
debate for the last six years. During that period, significant
changes have come about and profound contrasts have
arisen in the world. The scepticism of some
notwithstanding, allow me to recall some of the progress
made on the international scene: we have improved
mechanisms for international peace and security; we have
advanced in the universal consolidation of democracy and
tolerance; we have created institutions to prevent very
serious crimes that offend the world’s conscience from
going unpunished, which clearly reflects the concept that
justice and the law are inseparable components of a stable
peace; we have successfully stepped up intense collective
work towards non-proliferation of nuclear and conventional
weapons, including anti-personnel mines. The adoption of
the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty will
undoubtedly contribute to greater progress, as will the entry
into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the
Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical
Weapons and on Their Destruction. We have also begun to
articulate the concept of sustainable development to ensure
progress for current generations without compromising the
viability of such progress for those of the future. We have
opened new paths to free trade, eliminating barriers which,
until yesterday, were regarded as normal instruments of
national policy.
All this has happened in recent years, and it is only
fitting to recognize that the Secretary-General has
anticipated, promoted and reflected all this in his annual
reports, in his Agenda for Peace and in his Agenda for
Development, documents that are essential for the
interpretation of the process begun at the end of the cold
war.
Allow me to take this opportunity to state how my
country has dealt with all these transformations. Argentina
has actively promoted the new agenda. It has adapted
itself domestically and internationally to fulfil the
objectives and principles of the Charter, both in its letter
and its new spirit.
Argentina has consolidated democracy and has taken
a very active role in the defence of fundamental rights
and freedoms. It has given constitutional status to the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to the main
human rights treaties to which it is a party.
Argentina has got its economy in order and opened
up new possibilities and potential for its people by
promoting good governance, fiscal discipline,
accountability in the management of public funds,
equality before the law for domestic and foreign investors
and the fight against corruption.
In particular, Argentina has presented and promoted
in the Organization of American States (OAS), as well as
in this Assembly and other international organizations,
initiatives to combat the curse of corruption, which is an
enemy to development, investment and charity in society.
In Argentina, sustainable development goes beyond
academic discussions. The growing deterioration of the
ozone layer in the southern hemisphere has affected the
daily life and health of the population of southern
Patagonia. Argentina, in cooperation with other countries
in the region and the United Nations system, has assumed
a leading role in reducing the risk level for the affected
populations by establishing five ozone-layer monitoring
stations in our national territory, incorporating them into
the world multilateral environmental monitoring system.
We strongly hope that the international community will
join us in this effort by taking the necessary actions to
cooperate in protecting the atmosphere.
In our subregion, the southern cone of the Americas,
Argentina, together with its neighbours, has played a
significant role in eradicating distrust, in resolving border
problems, in promoting physical and economic integration
and in fostering political cooperation, all of which have
generated an exemplary framework for cooperation and
convergence.
On the basis of political and economic stability, we
have designed ambitious mechanisms for integration, and
we have made the Southern Cone Common Market
13

(MERCOSUR) and the Rio Group important channels for
our foreign policy.
In the agreements signed at the last MERCOSUR
presidential summit, the States parties — Brazil, Paraguay,
Uruguay and Argentina — ratified their commitment to
democratic institutions. As our country sees it, this should
be a prerequisite for full membership in MERCOSUR. The
States parties established a mechanism for consultation and
political cooperation aimed at reviewing international
activities of special interest to them.
At that time, agreements were also signed between
MERCOSUR and Chile and Bolivia, which will
significantly broaden MERCOSUR and launch our
economies into an ever more globalized system. Clear
evidence of this is the adoption of the interregional
framework agreement between MERCOSUR and the
European Union, which has given rise to positive
expectations and created opportunities for strengthening
links between the two regions in the economic, political and
cultural fields.
Argentina has promoted common activities on issues
of growing importance, such as protection of the
environment, preservation of natural resources and social
and human development, within the framework of regional
mechanisms for dialogue and political cooperation, as well
as bilaterally, in regional forums and at the United Nations.
Argentina participated in the adoption of concrete decisions
to fight terrorism, drug trafficking and corruption, which
are the new threats to international peace and security.
Argentina’s natural interest in the South Atlantic is
reflected in our participation in the zone of peace and
cooperation in the South Atlantic, which embraces countries
from both sides of the ocean in constituting an area to
which we attach special significance.
Member States of the zone are committed to
respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity, promoting
democracy, human rights and civil liberties, joining efforts
for nuclear non-proliferation and de-nuclearization, and to
cooperating in the struggle against drug trafficking. We are
very pleased with our contribution to maintaining, together
with other coastal States, the political balance and economic
potential of the South Atlantic.
However, there is still an important unresolved issue:
the persistent sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas, South
Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and their surrounding
maritime spaces.
During these last six years, I have come to this
forum to voice the claims of the Government and people
of Argentina in the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas
Islands.
It is incomprehensible that while Argentina and the
United Kingdom have overcome the sorrow and have left
behind their mutual disagreements and distrust and built
up a harmonious and constructive relationship — and we
see the positive results of this day by day — they have
not so far been able to comply with the resolutions of the
General Assembly and of the Decolonization Committee
and to progress in the dialogue towards a definitive
solution to this dispute. We have not even been able to sit
down together around a table to talk, even if only to
express our disagreement.
In the same spirit that encouraged our two countries
to cooperate in the South Atlantic for the protection of its
renewable and non-renewable resources, we should
advance in our search for a peaceful solution to this
dispute.
In spite of our efforts, the lack of direct links with
the Malvinas impedes human contacts, trade and tourism,
among other possible exchanges, and has slowed down
the economic and cultural development of the South
Atlantic. The lack of relations between the two areas is
inconceivable in today’s world.
Argentina is proud of its great cultural diversity.
Since the birth of our nation, our laws have preserved and
guaranteed such cultural heritage. Our national
Constitution establishes the objective of recovering the
Malvinas Islands and the full exercise of sovereignty, and
ensures respect for its inhabitants’ way of life. The only
thing lacking is the will to start a new phase together.
Argentina is firmly convinced that a new era should
begin in the South Atlantic, as an area free from
tensions — a place where different cultures committed to
humanistic ideals and with a common wish for progress
and well-being may come together.
What in the past has been a negative factor in our
relations should become a positive factor and a starting
point for a new relationship.
My country has shown its vocation for constructive
participation in the areas created by the international
system, fostering tolerance and preserving peace. In that
respect, we avidly support all efforts to resolve situations
14

of serious instability and conflict still existing in various
parts of the world.
In the Middle East, we welcome the progress made in
the peace process, especially regarding the question of
Palestine. We add our voice to those calling for the parties
involved to maximize their efforts to achieve a just, lasting
and comprehensive peace. We renew our offer of full
cooperation to contribute to the attainment of that objective.
The peace process, fostered by this General Assembly, has
borne fruits that should not go to waste.
United Nations peacekeeping operations are one of the
most effective tools for preventing violence around the
world. This explains our full support for peace missions.
We have responded promptly and unconditionally to
requests of the Security Council, agreeing to participate in
operations in our hemisphere and in various other parts of
the world by providing large amounts of financial
resources.
We deem it vital to ensure an orderly transition
between peace-keeping operations and the work of
reconstruction aimed at reversing the economic, political
and social damage caused by conflicts and to offer effective
humanitarian assistance so as to reduce the suffering of the
populations affected.
With the objective of complementing United Nations
emergency humanitarian assistance, Argentina, inspired by
President Carlos Saul Menem, proposed the “White
Helmets” initiative. The effective deployment of the “White
Helmets” in many humanitarian assistance operations is
already proving their political and technical viability.
The United Nations is called upon to play a significant
role in the international system of the twenty-first century.
Everything indicates that this system will be marked by
growing globalization and that problems such as poverty,
unemployment, corruption and the lack of education can be
more effectively dealt with at a global level. For the United
Nations to respond effectively to this increasingly broad and
complex mandate, it will be imperative for Member States
to renew their political commitment to the organization’s
political future. At the same time, it will be necessary to
strengthen the United Nations through the in-depth
streamlining and reform process that has already begun.
With respect to the Security Council, we continue to
favour a mechanism that, without affecting its efficiency,
reflects new realities, of which Argentina is an active part,
and ensures the participation of those who have clearly
demonstrated their commitment to and respect for the
purposes and principles of the Charter. It is equally
important to ensure that the working methods of the
Council guarantee transparency in the debates and in
decision-making processes. Only in this way will the
Organization become a special forum for nations to
channel their resources effectively and successfully face
the challenges of a globalized world.


It gives me great pleasure to
congratulate Ambassador Razali on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-first
session. He is not present here, but I would like to say
that he is no stranger to India. We are fully cognizant of
his sagacity and skills and repose our confidence in his
ability to successfully guide the General Assembly during
its fifty-first session. May I also express my delegation’s
warm appreciation for the presidency of his predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for a most
productive tenure as President of the Assembly in its
historic, landmark fiftieth year.
Six years ago I had the privilege of addressing the
historic forty-fifth session of this Assembly. We rejoiced
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at the end of the cold war and believed that the animosities,
rivalries, suspicions and intrigues that had bedeviled the
past would now be overcome and the problems of the
world and their solutions could be addressed with greater,
perhaps pristine, clarity. We have welcomed the reduction
of global tensions and the opening up of new economic
possibilities between nations.
However, we cannot say that the new dawn has led to
a new and genuinely cooperative web of kinship and
collaboration. Regional conflicts and tensions continue to
occupy us. Development problems remain acute, and there
is less sensitivity to the genuine needs of struggling nations.
The voice of the rich and powerful nations rings louder
than ever, while the developing world feels itself more
marginalized and ignored than ever.
In these circumstances, it is even more necessary to
strive for a genuine spirit of joint international endeavour
in addressing the world’s problems. The United Nations is
the foremost embodiment of multilateralism. No single
nation or even group of nations today can expect to find
solutions to the world’s problems, nor are many problems
amenable to solutions in isolation. Global problems require
global institutions and global solutions. This role and duty
can fall only to the United Nations.
We are concerned at unilateral actions and at the
evident decline in the commitment to obligations under the
Charter of the United Nations. International cooperation is
necessary to meet the vast development needs of the
developing countries, to eliminate weapons of mass
destruction and to fight terrorism and crime. The United
Nations system, under which sovereign nations have joined
together to achieve their common objectives, is the
universal framework for international cooperation. The
Charter of the United Nations is the real basis for renewing
multilateralism. India recently joined 15 other Heads of
State or Government in stating that
“either nations move forward to strengthen
(multilateralism), or we risk having to face more
unilateralism and perhaps conflict and overt disregard
of international law and common values”.
The United Nations is at a crossroads. Its financial
crisis is the result of an unwarranted unwillingness on the
part of certain countries to pay their dues in full and on
time. Such deliberate targeting of the United Nations
represents the most acute threat to multilateral cooperation
and can do incalculable long-term damage.
Beyond the financial crisis of the United Nations
itself is the critical issue of financing global cooperation.
While the world remains confronted with enormous
problems of poverty, malnutrition, disease, ecological
degradation and waste, the will to contribute is on the
decline. Development assistance is at its lowest level in
decades. Negotiated replenishments of multilateral
development funds are not being honoured.
It is unfortunate that voices continue to be raised
questioning the role of the United Nations in the
economic growth and social development of developing
countries. It is necessary to restore to the United Nations,
in the coming century, the important role of eradicating
poverty and all the ills associated with it, of promoting
development and achieving social progress and better
living standards, with more freedom for all.
For this purpose, the multilateral economic system
needs to be reformed and the partnership of the United
Nations with other relevant institutions must to be
strengthened in order to achieve greater economic growth,
integration and sustainable development. The United
Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions need to
develop an effective partnership. While India welcomes
the initial, tentative steps towards such a partnership,
effective economic leadership requires that we work to
ensure a much closer relationship between global
economic institutions than has been the case so far.
Indeed, there is no alternative if the financing of long-
term global cooperation in economic and social fields is
to be assured. We need larger volumes of financial
assistance, greater predictability of resources and
unfettered access to the markets of developed countries.
It is also time that we energize our efforts to complete the
Agenda for Development and launch an effective follow-
up process, including in the context of the recent major
United Nations conferences.
India is unreservedly committed to the protection
and promotion of human rights. The profoundly
humanistic traditions of Indian civilization, with its
emphasis on tolerance, harmony, non-violence and the
inviolability of the individual, have been consolidated in
the Constitution of India, which is indeed a veritable bill
of human rights. All human rights are sacrosanct in India,
guaranteed by its Constitution, an independent judiciary,
a free press, public opinion vigorously expressed and an
independent National Human Rights Commission. To us
in India, the human rights of all segments of society are
sacrosanct and an article of faith rather than a policy.
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We believe that international cooperation in the
protection and promotion of human rights should proceed
within the framework of respect for the sovereignty and
integrity of States. We deplore the selective use of human
rights issues as a form of political pressure, as an obstacle
to trade or as a condition for development assistance. Such
actions detract from the moral imperatives of human rights
promotion and impede the full realization of the human
rights of all people.
Human rights violations take many forms. Among the
most pernicious of them is terrorism. Terrorism seeks to
exploit the openness and freedom offered by democratic
societies to pursue narrow ends through the use of violence.
It must be combated by firm action at the national and
international level. We are dismayed when we hear certain
parties voice concern for the so-called rights of terrorists
while ignoring their persistent violation of the human rights
of their victims, including the right to life, freedom of
expression and the freedom to follow religious beliefs of
one’s own choice.
India took the lead in raising the issue of terrorism as
a threat to human rights almost five years ago. We are
pleased that despite initial and sometimes vocal opposition
by some western countries, terrorism is now accepted to be
the major threat to the enjoyment of human rights today. A
number of international declarations have been issued on
terrorism such as the Sharm el-Sheikh Declaration, and the
G-7 Lyons Declaration of 27 June 1996. We are
encouraged that the international community now
recognizes terrorism as a major challenge to democracy,
human rights and peace. In this context, India will pursue
its call to adopt a binding international convention to
combat terrorism.
Fifty years after the United Nations was established,
the threat to humanity posed by nuclear weapons continues
unabated. We believe that India’s security, as indeed that of
all countries, lies in a nuclear-weapon-free world.
The only way to achieve this ultimate security is to
ban the production, possession and use of nuclear weapons
within an agreed time-frame. Partial and half-hearted arms
control measures, such as the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) or the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), defeat
this objective by legitimizing the possession of nuclear
weapons and permitting the non-explosive testing of nuclear
weapons by nuclear-weapon countries. India, therefore,
cannot be a party to such flawed arrangements.
Let me also emphasize that any effective
disarmament regime needs to be universal in its approach
and scope. The total elimination of all existing nuclear
weapons, as an indispensable step towards general and
complete disarmament under strict and efficient
international control, is the demand of the entire Non-
Aligned Movement, to which we fully subscribe. Partial
or regional approaches, as are sometimes put forward, do
not serve any useful purpose and can distract us from the
accepted goal.
At the same time, India remains committed to
participating fully and actively in any negotiations on a
treaty banning nuclear weapons and all types of tests, just
as it did in regard to the Chemical Weapons Convention.
India signed and deposited its instrument of
ratification of the Convention on the Prohibition of the
Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of
Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction two weeks
ago. India regrets that major chemical weapon producers
have been slow to ratify the Convention. We urge all
those countries which have still not done so to ratify the
Chemical Weapons Convention and to demonstrate their
readiness to move towards banning all weapons of mass
destruction.
India will work with all like-minded countries in
sponsoring draft resolutions on the establishment of an ad
hoc committee under the Conference on Disarmament for
beginning negotiations on a treaty banning nuclear
weapons in a time-bound framework. India expects all
countries, including those represented in the Canberra
Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons,
which support time-bound elimination of nuclear
weapons, to join in supporting such draft resolutions.
India will once again present the draft convention on
the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons at this
session of the General Assembly. India believes that the
urgency of negotiating that convention has been greatly
enhanced by the advisory opinion of the International
Court of Justice regarding the illegality of the use of
nuclear weapons.
At the recent session of the Conference on
Disarmament, India joined 27 non-aligned and neutral
countries to present a phased programme for the
elimination of nuclear weapons by the year 2020. India
asks that all countries join us in propagating and
promoting this joint proposal, both at the fifty-first
session of the General Assembly and in other forums.
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India is in favour of a non-discriminatory and
universal ban on anti-personnel mines, which cripple or kill
a large number of civilians.
The continued credibility of the United Nations
requires reform of the Organization to reflect present-day
realities. While the membership of the United Nations has
increased greatly, the voices of the newly sovereign
countries in decision-making in the United Nations remain
unheard. There is an imbalance in the authority and weight
of structures and organs, just as there is an imbalance in the
weight of different countries or groups. The General
Assembly, the sole universal organ of the United Nations,
needs to find greater resonance in other bodies of the
system.
The Security Council must be made more
representative in order to enhance its legitimacy and
effectiveness. The vast increase in the membership of the
United Nations since its founding, especially of the
developing countries, must find adequate representation in
the categories of permanent and non-permanent
membership. A comprehensive proposal by the Non-
Aligned Movement for the reform and restructuring of the
Security Council is already on the table. India supports the
expansion of both the permanent and the non-permanent
categories. We are against piecemeal or temporary solutions
which discriminate against developing countries. We
believe that the same yardstick must be applied to all
countries, developed or developing, from all regions or
groups, for induction as permanent members. We believe
that under any objectively derived criteria for the expansion
of permanent members, India would be an obvious
candidate.
Reform and expansion must be an integral part of a
common package. The restructuring of the Security Council
must give expression to the impulse for reform. The
reforms must address not only the failings of the past, but
also the needs of the future.
Peacekeeping is a significant area of United Nations
activities, very often the most visible symbol of the
Organization’s presence on the ground. India has
participated in over 25 peacekeeping operations on four
continents, including some of the most sensitive and
prolonged, starting with Korea in 1953 and 1954, and
including the operations in Viet Nam, Congo, the Middle
East, Cambodia, Haiti, Somalia, El Salvador, Mozambique
and Rwanda. Indian peacekeepers are currently in the field
in Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Liberia and Kuwait.
Our participation has not been without cost. We have lost
100 peacekeepers for the United Nations cause. We have
also offered a fully-equipped brigade to the United
Nations standby arrangement. The performance of the
Indian troops has won universal recognition. India is one
of the few countries which can sustain large-scale troop
commitment over prolonged periods.
Our participation in United Nations peacekeeping
does not stem from considerations of narrow gain. We
have participated because we have been wanted and
because we have been asked, but most of all because of
our solidarity and empathy with the affected countries and
with the international community, as well as because of
our commitment to the United Nations and to the cause
of international peace and security.
India has offered its candidature for the non-
permanent seat on the Security Council from Asia for
1997 and 1998. Our candidature is rooted in the criteria
stipulated in the Charter: the principle of equity, our
unwavering commitment to the United Nations, and to the
cause of multilateralism, and our 50-year-long
contribution to the maintenance of international peace and
security and to the other purposes and principles of the
Organization. India has a unique record of supporting
United Nations activities against apartheid and
colonialism. We have richly contributed to the debates on
development, disarmament and human rights. We seek the
onerous responsibility of Council membership convinced
of the support of this Assembly.
I would like to take this opportunity to pay a warm
tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-
Ghali, for his successful stewardship during a most
difficult period. His services are a distinct asset to this
world body.
Let me briefly refer to India’s interaction with the
world. We have witnessed some remarkable changes in
the last few years. New vistas for greater cooperation are
now visible. The challenge lies in effectively seizing the
opportunities. We attach the highest importance to
developing cordial and friendly relations with our
neighbours with a view to promoting peace, stability and
mutual confidence in the region. We also seek to develop
stronger economic and commercial relations within the
region, for all-around prosperity. As current Chairman of
the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC), it will be our endeavour to promote
multifaceted cooperation in all spheres.
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The economic reforms embarked upon since 1991
have provided India with a new outward orientation that
seeks greater integration of India into the global
marketplace. Today, India is branching out and adding to
the substantive content of its relations with individual
countries of the region and beyond, developing and building
upon regional cooperation arrangements involving SAARC,
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the
ASEAN Regional Forum, the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council (APEC) and the Indian Ocean Rim, to
name a few.
Convinced of the need and utility of enhanced South-
South cooperation, we accord the highest priority to our
relations with Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia. We
are proud to have been associated with Africa and its
causes in the United Nations since the inception of the
world body. We appreciate the role played by the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), which has striven to
find regional solutions to African problems. Its efforts must
be supplemented by the United Nations. The scramble for
Africa in the nineteenth century was for African land and
resources. We hope that the closing years of the present
century will see a scramble to redress African problems, the
genesis of which largely lies outside the region. The United
Nations must lead international efforts to meet Africa’s
needs and aspirations.
We are deeply concerned at the recent serious
incidents of violence in the West Bank and Gaza and by
Israeli authorities’ opening of a tunnel beneath Haram
Al-Sharif — the Temple Mount — in East Jerusalem,
which resulted in the tragic loss of several innocent lives
and large-scale injuries following violent clashes. The
current situation underlines the need for immediate and
effective measures to end the violence and to create a
climate that would enable purposeful negotiations based on
a recognition of the underlying causes of the conflict. These
developments also serve to emphasize the need to build
further on the agreements and understandings already
reached.
In the wave of the recent political changes in the
Middle East, India is encouraged by the reiteration by all
parties of their continued commitment to the Middle East
peace process based on the framework established by the
Madrid Conference. However, we are concerned that these
reaffirmations do not appear to have manifested themselves
in commensurate progress in the peace process. India urges
all parties to intensify their efforts towards realizing the
mutually agreed objectives of the Middle East peace
process, keeping in view that achieving durable peace and
stability in the Middle East requires solving the
Palestinian issue.
India has ties dating back to early history with
Afghanistan, a country with which we also share bonds of
kinship, culture and religion. We are deeply saddened by
the continued violence and loss of life in that country.
India stands for the unity, independence and territorial
integrity of Afghanistan. We urge all Afghan parties to
resolve their differences through early peaceful dialogue
and negotiations. We support the efforts of the Secretary-
General and his special representative to bring about a
solution in Afghanistan.
The Non-Aligned Movement figures firmly in
India’s world view and constitutes an important plank in
our foreign policy. We remain firmly committed to the
philosophy and values of the Non-Aligned Movement. For
us, non-alignment means independence of thought and
autonomy of choice. It also means working in cooperation
with the largest number of countries. Last year’s non-
aligned summit in Colombia reinforced our faith in the
ability and resilience of the Movement, its responsiveness
to change and its effectiveness in today’s global situation.
India will be privileged to host the next ministerial
conference of the non-aligned countries in New Delhi in
1997.
India is a progressive country charting a balanced
course between economic growth and social justice, and
science and tradition. It is committed to the values of
peace, non-violence, coexistence, pluralism, tolerance and
constructive cooperation. Culturally, India is a bridge
between traditional cultures and emergent trends.
Politically, India will remain anchored in a pluralistic,
liberal democracy that can provide space for all its
constituents and internal interlocutors.
Before I conclude, I am reminded of an ancient Rig
Vedic hymn which reads:
“O citizens of the world!
Live in harmony and concord
Be organized and cooperative
Speak with one voice
And make your resolutions with one Mind.”
May this invocation to harmony, cooperation,
consensus and solidarity continue to guide our
deliberations and actions.
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