The delegation of the Republic of Suriname
congratulates you most warmly. Sir, upon your election to the presidency of
the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. You bring to that high
post a wealth of experience and dedication, qualities that augur well for a
successful accomplishment of the task before us.
Allow us to thank your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi, for
the excellent manner in which he guided the forty-sixth session of the General
Assembly. We wish him well in his future endeavours.
We should like to welcome and congratulate the Secretary-General of the
United Nations on his assumption of that lofty and equally responsible
office. He has assumed the leadership of the Organization at a very difficult
and crucial time marked by many political changes, a time at which greater
involvement of the Organization in international affairs is demanded. We wish
the Secretary-General well and assure him of our fullest cooperation.
I take this opportunity to welcome into the United Nations the newly
independent States of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Moldova,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Georgia. I should also like to
welcome San Marino, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia.
As reported to the General Assembly on previous occasions, for many years
Suriname experienced a domestic armed struggle that brought sorrow and
mourning to our people and restricted our possibilities for development. We
now wish to inform the Assembly that, through patient negotiations, our

efforts have resulted in a recently signed agreement for national
reconciliation and development.
From the very beginning, my Government has attached the highest priority
to achieving reconciliation in the country, for my Government wishes to
realize the full potential of the Surinamese people in harmony with their
aspirations for lasting democratic stability. Negotiations were started as
part of our conviction that peace should gradually be forged, based on a
political understanding of the various forces involved. Moreover, peace can
only be reached if negotiations are promoted and conducted in order to yield
lasting results for the benefit of our people.
We called in the assistance of the Organization of American States,
which, under the auspices of its Secretary-General,
Mr. Joao Clemente Baena Soares, provided support in the process of concluding
the agreement and in demobilization. Together with his worthy representative,
we have succeeded. Concrete results have been achieved, followed by the
signing of a substantial agreement based on the crucial need for
reconstruction and development and which guarantees respect for human rights.
Today, we rejoice that reconciliation in Suriname is concrete and
feasible. It has strengthened our determination to achieve national harmony
and national development. We are confident that the Organization of American
States will render its valuable support in verifying compliance with the
agreement, so as to ensure that the established peace-agreement will be
observed.

As this body has been informed, in 1991 democracy was restored in my
country, true to the will of the people. Yet, we must not lose sight of the
fact that newly restored democracies such as ours are fragile, and depend to a
considerable extent on international understanding and support.
My Government has since then made progress in establishing a degree of
much-needed political stability, and can now concentrate on finding solutions
to the current grave economic crisis, and the potential social crisis,
confronting my country. Our socio-economic problems, which have resulted in a
sharp decline in production, increased unemployment, sharp price increases and
a deteriorating standard of living for the majority of the population, have
now compelled us to take serious corrective measures to halt the economic
decline and boost economic growth. Experiences throughout the world show that
no government can successfully carry out a programme for economic
reconstruction and development without the fullest national and international
support.
My Government has decided to implement a programme for adjustment,
recovery and growth. In this context, we have secured valuable support from
the European Community. Furthermore, we can report to this Assembly that
development cooperation with the Netherlands has been re-established, and that
the signing of the framework treaty for friendship and closer cooperation has
added a new dimension to bilateral relations between the Kingdom of the
Netherlands and the Republic of Suriname. Thus, we are encouraged because our
national development strategy has found a ready response from the
international community in this crucial aspect of our democratic process.

I can assure this Assembly, and with some emphasis, that in implementing
the adjustment programme our view is that a well-balanced and consistent
approach to the social dimensions of the programme is indispensable to its
final outcome.
In the past few years, forces of change have transformed the
international political arena and profoundly changed the major balance of
power that emerged from the Second World War. Antagonisms and hostility
between the super-Powers have been replaced by unprecedented joint efforts and
partnership. This has facilitated, through dialogue and by peaceful means,
the solution of a number of regional conflicts and the settlement of others.
We believe that the new political climate has had constructive effects in the
world, and has enabled us to define a broader and more fully integrated role
in international security.
The international community is experiencing a rebirth of the United
Nations after 45 years of existence, for the fullest use is being made of its
peacemaking and peace-keeping potential in order to bring about just and
lasting peace in several parts of the world. As a result of the new mandate
of this reinvigorated Organization, our hopes are being justified that it will
not be long before the unfolding dramas of human suffering, exploitation,
poverty, fratricide, hunger and malnutrition, and aggressive nationalism will
finally be banished from the planet.
Our Organization is facing the challenge and responsibility of bringing
about an overall and lasting settlement of various problems on the basis of
respect for the rights of all. It must encourage States to adhere to the
Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other relevant
instruments as the best means of protecting and promoting human rights.

We support a just and lasting settlement in Central and Eastern Europe:
we are concerned about the growing tensions and conflicts in that region,
which endanger international peace and security. We are keeping close track
of developments in former Yugoslavia, and take this opportunity to welcome the
efforts of our Organization, the London Conference and the Non-Aligned
Movement summit.
A just and lasting settlement is necessary on the African continent, we
are deeply concerned by the threat from the growing instability in the Horn of
Africa caused by the conflict in Somalia. We express regret that, despite the
signing of a cease-fire agreement, the parties involved have not abided by
their commitments and have thus not permitted the unimpeded distribution of

humanitarian assistance to those in need. In this respect, my delegation has
endorsed the proposal to convene a conference on the national reconciliation,
reconstruction and unity of Somalia which should lead to a peaceful and
lasting political settlement of the conflict.
My delegation strongly condemns the tragic escalation of violence in
South Africa, which has halted the negotiating process within the framework of
the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA). We strongly urge the
South African regime to create a climate that is conducive to peaceful
negotiations aimed at an agreement on the text of a new constitution based on
a non-racial, democratic and united South Africa.
An overall and lasting settlement is needed for the Arab-Israeli conflict
and the Palestine issue. My Government firmly supports the ongoing peace
process, which is aimed at reaching a just, comprehensive and durable solution
to the question of the Middle East.

We welcome the progress made in reaching overall settlements of the
conflicts in Asia, particularly in Cambodia and Afghanistan. The
establishment of the transitional Government in Afghanistan is a positive
development towards peace, national reconciliation and reconstruction in that
country.
We support the efforts of the Secretary-General to reach an agreement on
a set of fundamental principles with a view to reaching an overall agreement
on the question of Cyprus. With regard to Latin America and the Caribbean, we
are pleased to note that the processes of democratization, harmonization,
reconciliation and economic integration are gradually bearing fruit.
The agreements between the Government of El Salvador and the Farabundo
Marti National Liberation Front mark the closing of a decade of fratricidal
war. They will undoubtedly contribute to lasting peace and stability, which
are imperative for the region's development.
We express full support for the struggle of the people of Haiti to
restore democracy and respect for human rights in their country, and for the
efforts of the Organization of American States towards this end.

As we advance in the decade of the '90s, the economic and social problems
of developing countries continue to be manifold. Difficult decisions will
therefore be needed to address the issue of international economic adjustment
and development in order to eliminate the imbalances between the North and the
South.
The worsening of the economic situation and social conditions in many
developing countries has led to a decline in the standard of living and to the
persistence and increase of widespread poverty. The elimination of hunger and
malnutrition, the improvement of health standards and the eradication of
illiteracy should be issues of paramount concern in the coming decades. My
delegation therefore holds the view that these aims can best be achieved by
putting into motion a people-centered development process.
It is in this context that my delegation warmly supports the convening of
a Summit for Social Development in order to enable the international community
to deal extensively with the complex but most important question of human
development.
Though no substantive commitment to new funds was made during the
recently held Rio Conference on Environment and Development, it should be
noted as an important achievement of the international community that a
programme of action. Agenda 21, and the Rio Declaration have been adopted.
The Rio Conference has clearly established the close link between environment,
growth and development, the primary issues for the international community.
It is as a consequence of the results of the Rio summit that during the
current General Assembly special attention must be paid to institutional
follow-up of the Rio Conference. In this regard, we attach great importance
to the establishment of the Commission on Sustainable Development. This

Commission must of necessity become the primary and most important forum for
consultation and must set the trend for measures to implement Agenda 21 at
national, regional and global levels.
Once again I should like to emphasize that in the new international
environment the role and function of the United Nations has become universally
accepted. We have witnessed an increased interest in multilateralism and a
renewal of the relevance of the United Nations and its main bodies. The
peacemaking and peace-keeping activities of this world Organization in many
regions have, more than at any time in the past, opened prospects for its
greatly enhanced role in the maintenance of world peace and security. These
activities have proved to be effective procedures, well-suited to present-day
realities.
The opportunities offered by the Charter in the fields of preventive
diplomacy, fact-finding and good-offices missions should be optimally
explored, so as to provide the Secretary-General with a suitable structure for
the prevention and timely management of crises and conflicts.


Allow
me first to convey to you, Mr. President, the heartfelt congratulations of the
Republic of Moldova on your election and to wish you every success in
performing your important duties.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express once again my
gratitude and my country's gratitude to the participants in this forum. It
was thanks to their support that the Republic of Moldova, more than six months
ago, became a member of the great family of the United Nations and is now
able, in that new capacity, to add its efforts to those of other States in
promoting the noble values and ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
I believe that this lofty rostrum of the United Nations General Assembly
is the best place to analyse, even if briefly, the processes and
transformations we are witnessing today and to discuss our common problems.
Beyond doubt, our civilization is undergoing profound and dynamic
changes, and for that reason it is acquiring a new quality, a different
content. The collapse of communism, the end of the cold war and the fall of
the Soviet empire, followed by the appearance of many new independent States,
whose peoples cherish freedom and democracy, are all changes of great
importance for the future of mankind.
At the same time, we are witnessing a constant deterioration of some
global problems, such as the appearance of new regional conflicts which
threaten the internal stability of those States and which also affect
international security. It is clear that those problems and the solutions to

them require the concerted efforts of the entire international community.
Accordingly, the United Nations, the most representative international body,
has an essential role to play as a universal centre for our collective action.
Regarding the revitalization of the United Nations and its restructuring
to reflect recent events, I believe that as the guarantor of international
peace and stability, the United Nations should expand its efforts for peace by
improving its peace-keeping machinery, by stepping up its activities in the
field of preventive diplomacy and by working out new, more effective machinery
to coordinate actions aimed at enhancing respect for the norms of
international law and ensuring the security and interests of small States such
as my own country.
I am convinced that today, more than ever before the United Nations is
capable of resolving the problems confronting the world community. It is
through such action that the great principles of the Charter which during
the time of the cold war remained merely ideals can be effectively
implemented and respected.
The United Nations, which in earlier days was a forum for ideological
polemics, is now becoming a body for international cooperation, a highly
authoritative body inspired by a profound constructive spirit. We are fully
convinced that the admission of new States to the United Nations family means
a mutual responsibility for them and for the United Nations.

The events that led to the incorporation of the Baltic countries
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania following the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact are well
known. Following that treaty, which had been imposed by force and has since
been declared null and void by the parliament of the former USSR, the
territory of my country was annexed and subjected to forced assimilation aimed
at making us forget our Latin origins and become part of "the Soviet people".
The proclamation of our Republic's independence and sovereignty and its
admission to membership in this world Organization opened the way to our
freedom with due regard, of course, for the strict observance of the norms
and principles of law accepted in international practice. It is in that
context that I wish to state that our goal is to advance towards a model of
social organization in our Republic which will match the high standards
developed by mankind in the socio-economic, juridical, political, spiritual
and other fields.
The year 1991 marked the beginning of the existence of independent States
with different socio-political and economic systems in the territory of the
former USSR. Each of them is seeking ways and means to build a State based on
law and the institutions and machinery appropriate for a market economy.
We believe that the international community's support should be conceived
and adapted to suit the actual conditions existing in each newly independent
country. For that reason, with a view to supporting the specific reforms for
the transitional period, the efforts of the United Nations and of its
specialized agencies will achieve positive results only if they are
coordinated with the socio-economic programmes devised and promoted by those
countries. The recent admission of the Republic of Moldova to the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank guarantees the success of the

reforms and also gives substantial support to our young State, which is firmly
committed to a process of democratic development.
However, the conflict unleashed in the eastern parts of Moldova is a major
obstacle to the promotion of our economic reforms and to the democracy to
which we are committed.
The pro-communist imperialistic forces constituted by the representatives
of the old "nomenklatura" the military-industrial complex and the higher
echelons of the former Soviet army have unleashed a full-fledged war against
the territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova in order to separate its
districts situated on the left bank of the Dniester.
At the same time the creation of guards' units, which also include
mercenaries from other States, and the involvement in the conflict of the
Fourteenth Army, which is under the jurisdiction of the Government of the
Russian Federation, are flagrant violations of the Constitution of the
Republic of Moldova and of the norms of international law, constituting open
aggression against our young State.
We believe that this conflict can be resolved at the regional level, but
there must also be active participation by the United Nations.
I should also like to take this opportunity to thank Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali for his efforts to end the conflict. Following his
initiative, a United Nations mission paid two visits to my country in the last
three months to investigate the situation.
On 21 July 1992, motivated by a sincere desire to put an end to the
hostilities, the President of my country signed with the President of the
Russian Federation the Agreement on principles for a peaceful settlement of
the armed conflict in those districts of the Republic of Moldova which were

involved. The Agreement had some positive effects: there was a cease-fire,
as well as a disengagement of the armed forces involved in the conflict.
Similarly, because of the presence of peace-keeping forces, human lives have
been spared. Nevertheless, the situation is still tense. The imperialistic
separatist and pro-communist forces do not comply with their obligations to
the letter. They are continuing to consolidate their own positions so that
the dismemberment of the trans-Dniester territories of the Republic of Moldova
has now become a fait accompli.
The constitutionally established juridical and administrative organs of
the Republic of Moldova in that area have been forced to leave their
premises. Parallel with this, organs of the so-called Moldavi Republic of the
Dniester have been set up. In that area, there are frequent violations of
human rights. The Moldovan population, in particular the representatives of
the local authorities as well as veterans, has been the victim of an extensive
campaign of psychological and physical persecution. People who do not support
the separatist policy are dismissed and many displaced persons who have
returned to their homes have found them occupied by mercenaries.
Notwithstanding the provisions of the Agreement, former guards are
included in the peace-keeping forces, and this has led to acts of violence
against civilians. People living in the eastern districts of the Republic
still possess a large quantity of weapons.
For the reasons I have described, I emphasize that there is a need for
the permanent presence of a group of United Nations observers and also of some
human-rights experts in the Republic of Moldova to analyse the situation on
the scene.
From an analysis of the causes and development of the conflict, we can
conclude that one of the factors that have contributed and still contribute to

the destabilization of the situation is the presence of foreign military
forces in our territory. We must state with regret that the Moldovan-Russian
negotiations concerning the withdrawal of the Fourteenth Army on the terms set
for that withdrawal have been hampered by the representatives of the Russian
Federation, who are equivocating about the negotiations and consequently about
the withdrawal of that army of occupation.

Furthermore, assertions to the effect that the Fourteenth Army can act as
a guarantor of peace are not justified. It is an army of occupation, which,
as recent events have shown, is a permanent source of tension and conflict,
and the deployment of so-called peace-keeping forces belies its supposed
status of peace guarantor. The technical reasons that have been adduced are
likewise inexplicable. If the political will exists, the 4,000 or so military
personnel can easily be withdrawn.
For the resolution of this matter, we expect much from the democratic
forces of Russia, which could demonstrate that country's devotion to
democratic values. In the present extremely complex situation it would be
very useful to have the support of the United Nations with a view to securing
guaranteed political cooperation and a demonstration of genuine political will
on the part of those involved, particularly Russia.
We are convinced that the universal prestige of the United Nations and
your support would make possible the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of
the Fourteenth Army and an easing of the conflict before it degenerates into a
conflagration with unforeseeable consequences. Accordingly, I welcome the
fact that one item of the agenda of the current session of the General
Assembly is an amendment, submitted by the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, on the complete withdrawal of foreign military forces from the
territory of the Baltic States. However, I hope that that problem which, as
I have already pointed out, is of great importance to my country will be
discussed as part of a wider debate which also deals with the withdrawal of
the foreign armed forces now in my country's territory.
The Government and Parliament of the Republic of Moldova are aware of the
fact that orienting domestic legislation towards international standards in

the field of human rights is the only effective means of consolidating the
democratic process. The country I represent has acceded to the main
international instruments on human rights. The supreme legislative forum of
our Republic will soon complete its preparation of the new constitution, and
that will greatly enhance the process of building a State based on law and a
pluralistic democracy.
Peace and cooperation are the two main pillars of the foreign policy of
the Republic of Moldova. Accordingly, security problems in my country are
very important. Geopolitically, Moldova is a meeting-point between eastern
and western Europe. For that reason, we seek to establish friendly,
cooperative relations with all States, without belonging to any military bloc.
I should like to take this opportunity to convey cordial congratulations
to Georgia, to Slovenia, to Croatia and to Bosnia and Herzegovina on becoming
Members of the United Nations.
We are convinced that only human solidarity can promote democracy
throughout the world, put an end to conflicts and stop the violations of
internationally accepted norms of behaviour. The Republic of Moldova is
deeply devoted to the ideals of freedom, democracy and human dignity, which
are the main tenets of its policy.


May I begin
by warmly congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
current session of the United Nations General Assembly. I believe that, given
your talent and experience, you will guide this session to a successful
completion of the noble mission entrusted to it by the Charter of the United
Nations. I would also like to express my appreciation and thanks to your
predecessor, Mr. Shihabi, for the contribution he made to accomplishing the
tasks of the last session.
I would like to take this opportunity to extend my warm welcome and
congratulations to the 13 States that have been admitted to the United Nations
this year: the Republic of Armenia, the Azerbaijani Republic, the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Georgia, the
Republic of Kazakhstan, the Republic of Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Moldova,
the Republic of San Marino, the Republic of Slovenia, the Republic of
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and the Republic of Uzbekistan.
Since the last session of the General Assembly, profound changes have
taken place in the world, with events of major consequences occurring one
after another, from East to West and North to South. The international
community has finally shaken off the old pattern whose main feature was the
confrontation between the two military blocs. The world has now entered a new
historical phase of development towards multipolarity.
We in China have a saying: "Past experience can serve as a guide for the
present". The tortuous course that mankind has traversed in this century,
particularly since the end of the Second World War, has revealed a historical
truth: any Power, however strong it may be, is bound to decline if it goes
against the people's will for peace and development. It has always been a
shared aspiration and objective of the people of all countries to work for
world peace, national stability, social progress, economic growth and a better
life. This is a historical trend which no force can resist.
The genuine peace that the people of the world have longed for has not
come with the end of the cold war. On the contrary, the world remains uneasy,
with new problems added to the old ones and armed conflicts erupting one after
another as a result of disrupted equilibrium. Hegemonism and power politics
continue to exist. The attempt of some big Powers to control developing
countries politically and economically has become more and more obvious.
Long-hidden ethnic conflicts have surfaced with a vengeance and the
North-South contradictions have further intensified. The road to peace and
development before the people of the world is covered with thorns.
As we can all see, a dangerous "seismic belt" extending from the Balkans
to the Caucasus and to Central Asia is taking shape. In some regions, people
have once again been plunged into war and turmoil, with millions of refugees
fleeing in all directions. These conflicts have occurred in those areas where
different ethnic groups have traditionally lived together, with age-old
antagonisms suddenly coming to the surface under the new situation. These
conflicts are interwoven with historical feuds, territorial disputes,
political rivalries, clashes of economic interests, and religious intolerance.
They have been further complicated by the involvement of outside forces.
In our view, force should not be used even as a last resort in the search
of the settlement of a problem, however complicated it may be. The
fundamental solution lies in a reconciliation of various ethnic groups through
dialogues on an equal footing and peaceful negotiations. We sincerely hope
that the parties' to the conflicts will, proceeding from the overriding
interest of maintaining the peace and in the interests of the people, abandon
the threat or use of force and seek a political settlement of their conflicts
through friendly consultations and negotiations on an equal footing in the
spirit of mutual respect, good-neighbourliness and common progress.
We support the United Nations in its positive efforts to avoid an
escalation of conflicts and seek peaceful settlements. Outside intervention
and mediation can be resorted to when necessary, provided that they are based
on a strict observance of the principles and objectives of the United Nations
Charter and the basic norms of international law. Only mediation or
intervention in such a manner can contribute to a peaceful settlement of
conflicts, the stability and unity of sovereign States, and the amicable
coexistence of different ethnic groups.
The Middle East peace process has taken a favourable turn thanks to the
joint efforts of the Arab countries and Israel and the support of the rest of
the international community. We hope that the parties concerned will seize
the opportunity, take a flexible and practical approach, and conduct serious
negotiations in order to remove obstacles and seek a comprehensive and fair
solution to the Middle East issue, including the restoration of the national
rights of the Palestinian people on the basis of the relevant United Nations
Security Council resolutions.
The Asia-Pacific region has enjoyed political stability and a sustained
economic growth. In Cambodia, the striving for peace and rehabilitation has
become the order of the day. Political settlement of the Cambodian issue is
irreversible, though difficulties and twists and turns are hardly avoidable.
The implementation of the Paris Agreements in their totality requires not only
determination but also patience. In Afghanistan, the resistance forces have
taken control. We hope they will end the bloodshed so as to create suitable
conditions for the election. On the Korean peninsula, the North and the South
have intensified their dialogue, resulting in a further relaxation of tension
there. The recent establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the
Republic of Korea will have a far-reaching impact on stability and peace in
North-East Asia.
The turbulent and complicated international situation has further
awakened countries and peoples of the world to the urgency and necessity of
establishing a new international order. The world of the future should not be
a place where only the interests and privileges of big Powers or power groups
are protected, nor a place where international affairs are monopolized and
manipulated by the big, strong, and wealthy countries only. The old world
order based on unequal relationships no longer works.
A new international order should be based on the universal observance of
the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal
affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. This is in
conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
All countries, big or small, strong or weak, rich or poor, should have the
right to choose a social system and a road to development suited to their
actual conditions. Countries should respect each other, treat each other as
equals, and resolve their disputes through peaceful negotiations. Only when
all countries undertake to observe these principles can there be genuine
democracy in international relations. We are convinced that as the world
moves towards multipolarity, an equitable and rational international order of
peace and stability will come into being.
The United States and the former Soviet Union or Russia have reached some
new agreements on nuclear-arms reduction in recent years. These agreements
have been well-received by the international community, which hopes that they
will be earnestly implemented by the countries concerned. At the same time,
it is clear to people that even after the aforementioned disarmament
agreements are fully implemented, the major military Powers will still be in
possession of the largest arsenals of the most sophisticated nuclear and other
high-tech weapons, and the capabilities to develop space weapons.
After years of negotiations, the chemical weapons convention has finally
been concluded. It has laid an international legal basis for a world-wide
elimination of such weapons of mass destruction. Though some of its
provisions are not fair and balanced, the purposes and objectives defined in
the convention have nonetheless won the unanimous endorsement and support of
the international community. We hope that these purposes and objectives will
be observed and carried out effectively in the interest of the security of all
countries.
China has all along stood for the complete prohibition and thorough
destruction of all weapons of mass destruction. Pending the realization of
this goal, it is necessary for the international community to take, as a
transitional step, appropriate measures to prevent the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction in the interest of regional and world security and
stability. We maintain that international non-proliferation should be pursued
in a fair, reasonable, comprehensive and balanced manner without prejudice to
the legitimate security interests of any country, to its socio-economic
development, or to international cooperation in the application of science
and technology for peaceful purposes.
We oppose the attempt of a country to interfere in and obstruct the
normal cooperation between sovereign States under the pretext of preventing
arms proliferation. We strongly condemn the blatant violation of one's own
commitment to an international agreement by selling large amounts of advanced
weapons and equipment, in gross interference in another country's internal
affairs.
We would like to make the following suggestions in the field of
disarmament and arms control. First, all nuclear-weapon States should
undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons or to resort to the
threat or use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon States in any
circumstances whatsoever. Secondly, all nuclear-weapon States should support
proposals for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, respect the
status of the existing nuclear-weapon-free zones, and undertake corresponding
obligations. Those countries which have deployed nuclear weapons abroad
should withdraw all of them to their own territories. Thirdly, all countries
with space capabilities should follow the principle of the peaceful use of
space and immediately stop their research, testing, production, and deployment
of space weapons and refrain from extending their weapons systems into space.
In today's world, the gulf between the rich and the poor is further
widening. The population of the richest countries and that of the poorest
countries each accounts for 20 per cent of the world's total, but their income
gap has grown wider, from 30-fold in the 1960s to 90-fold in the 1990s. The
question of North-South relations has become more acute. Development and
peace are matters of equal urgency and importance.
The sluggish growth of the world economy, unequal and unfair trade, the
plummeting prices of many primary products and crushing debt burdens are among
the unfavourable external conditions which have continued to place severe
constraints on the economic development of developing countries. Quite a few
of them have suffered a constant drop in the growth rate of their per capita
gross national product (GNP). Some have even registered negative economic
growth rates. Their terms of trade continue to deteriorate, which hampers
their export efforts. They have found it even more difficult to attract
foreign investment and technology.
Peace and development are mutually supportive. They can promote or
hinder each other, but they cannot supersede each other. It is impossible to
preserve world peace without development. There can hardly be durable
stability and prosperity in the world in the absence of economic development
and social progress in developing countries. A protracted economic stagnation
or even decline in developing countries will also affect further economic
growth in developed countries.
Developing countries should mainly rely on themselves to achieve real
economic growth. While restructuring their economies to speed up their
economic development, many of them are reviewing their experience and
earnestly exploring paths of development suited to their national conditions.
No one can deny that the old international economic order, being
irrational and inequitable, is an important external cause of the poverty and
backwardness of developing countries. First and foremost, developed countries
have the responsibility and obligation to take effective measures, including
the following.
First, developed countries should set aside 0.7 per cent of their GNP for
assistance to developing countries in accordance with the relevant resolutions
of the United Nations; increase official development assistance, and address
the debt question and work to rectify the anomaly of the flight of capital
from developing to developed countries.
Secondly, they should observe the basic principles of the generalized
system of preferences devised by the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development; dismantle discriminatory trade barriers; further open their
markets to developing countries; and endeavour to keep the prices of primary
products at rational levels.
Thirdly, they should resume and increase official and non-governmental
technical assistance and the concessional transfer of technology to developing
countries in order gradually to narrow the North-South gap in science and
technology and to facilitate the economic restructuring and technological
progress of developing countries.
It must be stressed that political stability is an important prerequisite
for the economic growth of developing countries. Assistance for the purpose
of applying pressure on the recipient countries will cause turbulence and
instability in these countries, which will be even more detrimental to their
economic development.
It is obviously one-sided and harmful to make irresponsible comments
about the human rights situation in developing countries in disregard of the
differences in 'historical backgrounds and cultural traditions as well as the
actual conditions in these countries. For the people of developing countries,
the right to subsistence and the right to development are undoubtedly the
fundamental and the most important human rights of all. In those areas hit by
severe natural disasters year after year, people are starving; in war-ridden
areas, millions are turned into refugees. How can people living in such
conditions enjoy human rights?
Establishing an equitable and rational new international economic order
based on equality and mutual benefit will be a reliable guarantee of balanced,
healthy and sustained growth in the world economy, and an important
precondition for gradually narrowing the North-South gap as well. The
achievement of this goal calls for serious dialogue between the North and the
South and joint efforts by both. As long as the two sides adopt a positive
approach, seek common ground on major issues while putting aside minor
differences, seek mutual benefit and actively look for ways to cooperate
effectively, the North-South dialogue will make headway.
The important documents adopted at the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development and the Conventions on climate change and
biological diversity open for signature during the Conference reflect the
consensus and understanding that countries at different stages of development
have reached on environmental protection and economic development. We hope
that the obligations and rights in respect of environmental protection will be
fulfilled or exercised fully, and that global cooperation in this field will
provide scope for improved North-South relations.
The Chinese Government actively supports the proposals for a World Summit
for Social Development, under United Nations auspices. It warmly welcomes the
convocation of the fourth World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing in
September 1995. The Chinese organization committee was set up in August this
year, and China will begin preparing in earnest to ensure that arrangements
for the conference in Beijing run smoothly.
The historic changes in the international situation have also presented
formidable challenges to the United Nations. The people of the world have
high expectations of this world Organization. How the United Nations will
adapt itself to the new international situation, address major international
issues in a more positive, balanced, just and reasonable manner, promote world
peace and development and play its role in the efforts to establish a new
world order has become a major concern of the international community.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has submitted a
detailed and extensive mid-year report (A/47/277) on the role of the United
Nations in maintaining international peace, which merits our careful study.
We appreciate his efforts.
The reform of the United Nations is now on the agenda, and its success
depends on sound principles and on choosing the right direction. We should
like to offer for consideration the following thoughts, which we think conform
to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
The reform should contribute to maintaining the sovereignty of Member
States. Sovereign States are the subjects of international law and form the
basis of the United Nations. Safeguarding State sovereignty should be a
fundamental principle of a new world order.
The reform should facilitate the peaceful settlement of international
conflicts. The United Nations should be an international organization
dedicated to preserving peace and promoting cooperation. Only when it abides
by the basic norms governing international relations, persists in settling all
international disputes through peaceful means and opposes the threat or use of
force will the United Nations be able to maintain international peace and
security. The arbitrary use of military intervention by the United Nations or
the indiscriminate and wilful imposition of mandatory measures on Member
States would not be helpful to the resolution of conflicts, and, worse still,
would impair the credibility and role of the United Nations.
The reform should contribute to the balanced, healthy and sustained
economic development of countries. Economic development is a major concern of
the vast majority of the 179 States Members of the United Nations. In today's
world, the North-South economic gap keeps widening, and the gulf between rich
and poor is getting greater. The United Nations should attach great
importance to the question of development, as it does to the settlement of
international conflicts and crises. Only by so doing can it win support from
the overwhelming majority of Member States.
The reform should embody the basic principles of democracy, justice,
objectivity, rationality, efficiency and balance of interests. It is not a
matter that concerns solely a few big Powers, nor only the strong and the
rich. The balanced approach should not be discarded in disregard of the
reality. The reform should serve the general objective of establishing an
equitable and rational new world order of peace and stability. The reform
efforts will not receive understanding and support from Member States unless
their opinions on this matter are earnestly sought and discussed, and studied
fully and thoroughly.
From 1981 to 1990 China's GNP grew at an average annual rate of
8.9 per cent. In the 1980s significant changes took place in China. We enjoy
political stability, economic prosperity, national unity and harmony. The
Chinese people are enjoying their lives and work.
Since the beginning of the 1990s people in China have been working hard
to accelerate economic development and the reform and opening-up programme.
Spurred by Deng Xiaoping's remarks at the beginning of the year, this
programme and economic development have entered a new phase. The GNP growth
rate this year is projected to reach and even exceed 9 per cent. China's
economy has great vitality and its prospects are bright.
China has expanded its open areas. As a result, a new pattern of general
opening up has gradually taken shape, extending from coastal to border areas,
from areas along the Yangtze river to the provincial capitals. China has
further expanded the scale on which it can absorb foreign investment. In the
first half of this year contracted foreign investment reached $14.6 billion,
2.2 times what it was in the same period last year. During the same period
China's imports and exports reached $33.06 billion and $35.61 billion
respectively, up 23.4 per cent and 17.3 per cent over the same period last
year. The total volume of foreign trade for the year is expected to exceed
$150 billion.
China's reform and opening-up programme is by no means a matter of
expediency; rather, it is a long-term strategy, for it conforms to the popular
will and benefits the people. Therefore, it enjoys their support and is bound
to succeed. China is a force working steadfastly for world peace; its
political stability and the success of its reform and opening up will
contribute significantly to peace and development in Asia and the world at
large. China will, as always, support the United Nations in its constructive
efforts to promote peace and development. It will, together with the
Governments and peoples of other countries, work for the establishment of a
new world order conducive to world peace and common development.


Costa Rica took great pleasure in supporting the election of Mr. Stoyan Ganev
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. His
election bears witness to a new era in the history of Bulgaria, an era of
freedom and pluralistic democracy.
My delegation sincerely congratulates the Secretary-General on his
masterful guidance of the work of the United Nations. Under his leadership
the Organization is with ever greater vigour assuming the central role that it
should play in international affairs.
Costa Rica warmly welcomes all the new Members of the United Nations.
Their presence in this Hall symbolizes the birth of a new era in international
relations based on the ideals of peace and freedom and cooperation between all
peoples.
Mankind has seen the threat of nuclear holocaust lifted; it has seen the
East-West ideological and military confrontation fade. But super-Power
confrontation has been replaced, quickly and bloodily, by conflicts whose
seemingly lesser magnitude does not make them any the less dangerous to world
peace.
The outbreak for the most absurd reasons of a number of conventional
wars confirms our belief that it is more important than ever to make progress
in the field of disarmament. The end of the East-West conflict provides a
unique opportunity to make decisive advances in that sphere and to impose
strict controls on the arms trade. The fading of the nuclear threat must not
take us back to the era of continuous war.
Old sins cast long shadows. Today, as in 1914, we look with dismay
at events in the Balkans. A State Member of the United Nations, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, is fighting for survival in the midst of a bloody and
unjustifiable war. Peace initiatives fail one after the other. A final
solution to this senseless holocaust is not yet in sight.
Costa Rica is deeply concerned at the dimensions this regional European
conflict is taking on, and at the number of innocent victims, which grows
daily. The international community reacts tepidly, and, incomprehensibly, is
reluctant to take the firm and vigorous stand that returned sovereignty to
Kuwait.
How many thousands of deaths must there be for a conflict to be worthy of
international interest? The case of Somalia reveals how far we still have to
go before we can truly speak of a family of united nations. The conflict in
Somalia did not command our interest until 2 million people were about to die
of hunger and our consciences were struck by the terrible images of Somali
children begging for food. Regrettably the tragedy of Somalia is only the
most terrible aspect of the tragedy of sub-Saharan Africa, which is suffering
a slow death of despair, hunger, poverty and underdevelopment and is met with
the indifference of the community of nations.
The end of the cold war has not decreased the depth of the abyss between
north and south; indeed, it increases daily with technological advances.
Third world countries not only do not receive an adequate response to their
needs and expectations, but are witnessing a reduction in outlets for their
products and in financial aid for development. The stagnation of the Uruguay
Round, the increase in protective measures adopted by industrialized nations,
and the reductions in development programmes are, oddly, occurring at a time
when Latin America has become a continent of democracies and when many African
and Asian countries have again taken the road to civil and political liberty.
Some regrettable steps backwards have already been taken. Latin American
democracy has suffered severe setbacks in Peru and Haiti. In Peru there seems
to be movement towards a solution, despite the fact that the country is still
overrun by the irrationality of terrorism and the worst economic situation in
its history. In contrast, the problem in Haiti, the poorest and most
underdeveloped country in the Americas, grows worse every day. Because Costa
Rica belongs to the Caribbean, Haiti's tragedy is of special concern to us.
My country believes that both the United Nations and the regional
organizations should pay more attention to this matter and strive harder for a
prompt solution to the crisis. We are not talking about the legitimacy of a
president or a government, but about the right of a sister nation to live in
freedom and receive the cooperation it desperately needs for its development.
I have mentioned only two examples, but I believe they are dramatically
representative. An overwhelming majority of third world democracies are still
on the road to consolidation. This consolidation will be difficult, however,
without a substantial improvement in their economic and social conditions,
which in turn requires that developed countries change their attitude in
respect to opening their markets and increasing their cooperation. It need
hardly be said that the worse the conditions become in third world countries,
the greater will be the number of legal or illegal immigrants to developed
countries, despite the ethnocentric, racist movements which, shamefully in
this era, are again on the rise.
Needless to say, the third world countries must do their part too.
International cooperation, regardless of its magnitude, will not change the
situation of the receiving country if it does not exert a disciplined and
determined effort to make progress.
It is no secret that in many cases financial aid intended for development
has been misspent on unproductive and grandiose projects. It has been used to
pay salaries and has even been placed in personal bank accounts. Meanwhile,
the people continue to suffer hunger and poverty. Therefore if cooperation
with the underdeveloped countries is to increase, those countries must fight
harder against bureaucracy and administrative corruption and must redouble
their efforts to ensure that international aid truly fulfils its objectives.
At a time when the economic situation is difficult even for many
industrialized nations, and when the European Community is undergoing one of
the worst monetary crises of its history, priority should also be given to
increasing South-South cooperation. Each of us has something to give and
something to receive. The common condition of third world countries does not
prevent us from recognizing that there are many stages of development and many
possibilities for cooperation. Moreover, the growing importance of
integration institutions offers a great opportunity to intensify the levels of
interregional cooperation by means of effective and coordinated actions which
will contribute to fortifying the democratic system through economic and
social progress.
Costa Rica wishes to stress the efforts to ensure coordination and
cooperation being made by the countries of Latin America; they clearly show
the region's determination to resolve differences through the use of machinery
for peaceful settlement established in international law. In this connection,
my Government congratulates El Salvador and Honduras on completing their case
before the International Court of Justice, making it possible to settle their
border conflict. At the same time, we express our satisfaction with the
efforts being made by Ecuador and Peru to find a just and final solution to
the bilateral border dispute which for so many years has existed between these
two fraternal countries.
Democracy can flourish only if electoral pluralism is combined with
respect for human rights. Costa Rica assigns primary importance to these
rights, which for many years now we have made the foundation for both our
internal life and our external policies. Consequently, my country takes a
great interest in the World Conference on Human Rights, scheduled to be held
in Vienna next year, and we are very happy to serve as the site of the
preparatory meeting for the Latin American and Caribbean region. We are also
pleased to know that during the Vienna Conference some countries will discuss
the possibility of creating the post of United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights. Costa Rica has submitted this idea to the General Assembly
repeatedly since the 1970s, and we firmly hope that it will finally take shape
at the World Conference.
My delegation also wishes to express Costa Rica's firm support for the
mechanism established by the Economic and Social Council in 1991 to allow the
Commission on Human Rights to hold special sessions to take up serious
violations of fundamental rights. We deem it necessary to continue the search
for flexible machinery which will stop and prevent massive violations of human
rights in a timely manner. We should like to recall here the Costa Rican
proposal - approved by the Human Rights Committee at the beginning of this
year for a treaty on prevention of torture.
The negotiations on the complex problems of South Africa and the Middle
East are doubtless of great importance to the cause of human rights.
In this and other forums my country has rigorously condemned the
apartheid regime, an offensive and unjustifiable anachronism that deprives the
majority of the South African people of their fundamental rights. We have
welcomed, with optimism, the beginning of negotiations between the Pretoria
regime and the African National Congress, and we firmly hope that, leaving
aside the reprehensible acts that have occurred in Ciskei and other parts of
South Africa, the renewed peace talks will soon lead to the construction of a
new, democratic and peace-loving South Africa that will work towards the
development of the entire continent. Costa Rica urges that resolute steps be
taken in that direction.
The need for long-lasting peace in the Middle East has been a matter of
constant concern to the United Nations almost ever since it was established.
Now, for the first time in the eventful history of this region, effective
peace talks are taking place with the participation of all interested
parties. Nevertheless, it is my Government's opinion that this process should
move faster and should be accompanied by a substantial improvement in the
human rights situation in the Middle East without distinction as to race,
nationality or religious creed. It is important that in this case, as in many
other cases, the international community should contribute, in a vigilant
manner, to promoting peace and assuring respect for the fundamental rights of
individuals and communities.
Peace is possible regardless of the number of human lives lost in a
conflict or of how much damage has been caused. Human beings are capable of
forgetting extremism and of talking with their opponents when the future of
their children is at stake. The recent history of Central America is vivid
Proof that a cruel and lengthy conflict can be stopped by means of negotiation.
During the 1980s, Central America suffered an unprecedented political and
security crisis marked by intimations of totalitarism and by guerrilla
activity, flows of refugees, an arms buildup, the destruction of
infrastructure and an alarming extension of the East-West confrontation.
Fortunately, today most of these features belong to the past. Democracy and
political freedom reign in all the Central American countries, several
national reconciliation processes are at present under way, arms limitation
talks are moving ahead and a vigorous effort for integration is in progress.
Nevertheless, the experience of Central America also shows the
international community that it is very difficult to consolidate advances
achieved in matters relating to peace and democracy if the underlying reality
of underdevelopment and poverty continues to exist. The democratic and
peaceful Central America of today has seen the world lose interest in its
problems. It has witnessed a decline in the cooperation that existed when it
was in turmoil. The Latin American peoples' effort to change their destiny
has collided with the increasing indifference of the developed nations.
Financial aid is being reduced. Coffee and bananas, our leading export
products, are encountering more and more obstacles. We are being urged to
diversify our production, but international markets are not opening up to us.
Central America is being urged to advance towards democracy without our being
given the tools that will lead us to development. Political democracy alone,
regrettably, is not a panacea for the social problems of our countries. It is
true that it is possible to live in democracy even with poverty, but in
countries that have just started to experience democracy, democracy will not
sink its roots very deep if it is not accompanied by improvements in
nutrition, housing and public health.
It is not possible to approach most of the subjects being discussed here,
including international cooperation, from one point of view alone. The
present international situation is an especially promising opportunity for all
nations, regardless of their resources, to work in a coordinated manner to
combat common enemies and to build a better world for our children. This
plurality of vision is, for example, the only way to confront, with any
prospect of success, the problem of drug trafficking and production, which is
harmful to producing and consumer countries alike, and is aggravated by the
accompanying terrorism and guerrilla warfare.
Unquestionably, the most important problem we must face as a species is
that of saving the planet's ecological, economic and social integrity, for
ourselves and for future generations. Costa Rica, which has been a victim,
like many other countries, of the irrational destruction and exploitation of
its national resources, has reconsidered and now emphasizes the need for a new
international ecological order that will save mankind from its progressive
environmental suicide and reorient the course of its development.
I am very pleased to announce to this Assembly that, in accordance with
Costa Rica's offer of 3 September to set up, in the capital city of my
country, the organizing committee of the Earth Council, a non-governmental
organization that will supplement and support governmental follow-up of the
Rio agreements.
The Rio Conference, regardless of all its limitations, is a magnificent
landmark in the fight against environmental degradation and unsustainable
development patterns. But how much has really been done to put into effect
what was agreed there? Will we limit ourselves to regarding the Rio
Conference as a kind of community of ecological nations packed with
fine-sounding words and good intentions but lacking results?
The triumph of ecological degradation creates only losers. Safeguarding
the environment, sustainable development and the struggle against poverty are
joint responsibilities of both the industrialized and the underdeveloped
world. Hence the United Nations is an ideal forum for making efforts in that
direction, for demanding compliance with the Rio resolutions and for imposing
sanctions on those Members that disregard them. While there are mechanisms
for collective international action to combat threats to international peace
and security, there should also be, within the United Nations, procedures for
acting against those who endanger human survival, the planet's resources and
social justice, and for imposing sanctions against them.
As the Secretary-General has stated, the question of world peace,
stability and security should include subjects other than military matters.
It is logical, then, that the changes that have taken place in the world and
the new realities being encountered by mankind today make it imperative for
the United Nations, a pillar of the joint efforts of nations, to reorganize in
order to fulfil its important mission more effectively. From this
perspective, my country considers it indispensable that the United Nations
should comply fully with the principle of universality and open its doors to
those who, for various reasons, have been forced to remain outside it.
Of special concern to us is the case of the Republic of China in Taiwan,
a democratic community of 21 million people with a brilliant economic
development record whose reality cannot continue to be ignored by an
Organization that takes pride in having gone beyond the patterns of the cold
war.
In addition, it is imperative that the structures and procedures of the
United Nations be revised to conform with the realities of our times. The
Secretary-General, in his outstanding report, "An Agenda for Peace", has
written with commendable accuracy about the most important aspects which need
to be modified in a relatively short period of time. Costa Rica wishes today
to declare that it shares most of the concerns stated in that document and
urges all Member States to begin a vigorous effort for institutional renewal.
One of the most important areas that should be revised is the Security
Council, in terms of its make-up and objectives. We believe that the number
of permanent members should be increased, in accordance with the new realities
of the international scene, and based on better and greater geographical
representation. We also deem it necessary to reconsider the institution of
the veto and reflect upon the corresponding role of the Council in maintaining
world peace and security, as well as its relationship to the General
Assembly. Some thought should also be given to strengthening, modernizing and
reducing bureaucracy in the Economic and Social Council.
This is a good time also to mention the importance of coordination
between the United Nations and other international forums. Regardless of the
inevitable difficulties, the integration movement continues apace in Europe,
Asia, South America and Central America. We the Central Americans, joined by
democracy in all our countries, have reconsidered our outmoded system of
integration to adapt it to the new regional realities, and only a few months
ago the Treaty that establishes, on a new basis, the Central American
Integration System came into force. Costa Rica is confident that this new
organization will become the arena for persistent efforts towards our shared
future and in keeping with the Secretary-General's proposal, it will shortly
be in a position to request observer status in the United Nations.
In a few days the anniversary of the meeting of two hemispheres the
meeting of the whole world with itself - will be celebrated. Since the dawn
of that day, a Friday in October, mankind was able to start thinking with a
sense of family and of inevitable common destiny. Now, on the threshold of
the third millennium, that unavoidable mission of mankind is stronger than
ever before, and the United Nations is its most important embodiment.
Here at the United Nations, and in everyone's country and in everyone's
home, the wise words of sura XXVIII of the Holy Koran hold true:
"... [Do not] forget thy portion in this
World: but do thou good.
As God has been good
To thee ...
"That Home of the Hereafter
We shall give to those
Who intend not high-handedness
Or mischief on earth:
And the End is (best)
For the righteous." (The Holy Koran. XXVIII:77.83)


At the outset, I should like to congratulate the
President and the Vice-Presidents of the General Assembly on their respective
election. I am certain that their recognized personal qualities guarantee, in
the eyes of all those present, an outstanding stewardship of our work.
I thank the outgoing President, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, for the
dedication he showed throughout the last session of the General Assembly,
thereby contributing to the consolidation of the process leading to the reform
of the Assembly.

I also address the Secretary-General, under whose aegis it has already
been possible to take concrete and decisive steps towards a thorough reform of
the Organization and the restructuring of the Secretariat along more flexible
and operational lines. My Government appreciates that initiative and gives it
its full support. Portugal views "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277) in that
light. As was made clear by the British Foreign Secretary Mr. Douglas Hurd,
who spoke this morning on behalf of the European Community and its member
States, we believe that the proposals presented by Mr. Boutros-Ghali deserve
special attention.
It fell to Portugal to preside over the European Community Council of
Ministers during a period of turmoil in recent history. Everywhere
traditional alignments are disappearing. Regimes which until recently were
held to be unchangeable are giving way to new institutions, oriented towards
the defence of human dignity and democratic pluralism. The legacy of several
decades has been shaken up in a few short years.
During the first half of 1992 the Portuguese Presidency of the Council
sought to promote a greater opening of the Community to the outside. I do not
speak merely of enlargement and political dialogue; I speak of modalities of
cooperation and assistance and the presentation of constructive proposals to
deal with important issues in international economic relations. I also speak
of the incentives for regional integration throughout the world.
Furthermore, the external activity of the European Community did not
ignore crisis situations. In this respect, the conflict involving several
republics of the former Yugoslavia stands out. Priority was given to the
involvement of the United Nations in the search for a political solution to
that grave crisis. We sought from the beginning to generate synergism between

the efforts of the European Community and the action of the Secretary-General
and the Security Council. I believe that the degree achieved, both at the
level of the decision-making bodies of the two organizations and in the field,
where European Community monitors and United Nations peace-keeping forces are
deployed, is extremely positive. I am certain that it will have to continue
to be so.
I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate Portugal's full
agreement with the principles and measures defined at the recent London
Conference. They are the basis for a negotiated settlement of the problems of
the former Yugoslavia. We support the peace process that was relaunched on
that occasion under the experienced guidance of Lord Owen and
Mr. Cyrus Vance. The foundation of that process consists of work already done
in the framework of the Conference presided over by Lord Carrington, to whom I
am grateful for his competence and dedication.
Lastly, I must pay tribute, for the tasks they have performed, under
circumstances of extreme hardship, even involving the sacrifice of their own
lives, to the members of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), in
which Portugal has the privilege of participating, the European Community
monitoring mission and all the humanitarian agencies involved.
I have been emphasizing that the road to progress is built on a sharing
of responsibility by various actors in the international community. It was in
that light that Lisbon hosted last May the Conference on assistance to the
newly independent States.
Following the first Conference on that subject, the Washington
Conference, we sought to give an answer to the challenges presented by the
collapse of the Soviet Union, an event which I then considered to be among the

most significant of the century. Aware of the obstacles to be overcome, the
participating countries agreed to lend their support to structural programmes
of assistance and economic cooperation in a macroeconomic sense. Such actions
would complement and not duplicate the programmes being implemented by several
financial institutions.
As for the political side of the Conference, it was restated that the new
States must try to develop progressively a regional form of cooperation
reflecting the mutual dependence that exists in so many vital sectors.
To that aim we must add the demand for full respect for the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and the commitments of the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Such conduct is essential for
continued assistance and the process of democratic reform.
We are witnessing events of great scope and significance in other parts
of the world. The Middle East peace process exhibits a new and encouraging
vitality which must be fostered by all. There are no viable alternatives to
that process, which was initiated in Madrid.
Portugal, like its partners in the Community, considers that any just,
lasting and comprehensive settlement of the question of the Middle East must
be based upon Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). That
belief was reiterated in June, together with a message of hope from the
European Community Council meeting in Lisbon. It is now reinforced by the new
policies of the Israeli Government, and it will be further strengthened by
gestures of reciprocity from the Arab Governments.
We have always advocated the presence of the United Nations in the peace
process, commensurate with the importance of its role in international
politics in general and the Middle East in particular.

Security and stability in the Mediterranean are vital strategic factors
for Europe, especially for those States that, like ours, are close neighbours
of that region. In this regard, the Maghreb is particularly relevant for us.
Geographical proximity, a common history and close ties justify the genuine
concern with which we have followed the political, social and economic
problems the Maghreb is experiencing. We are aware that their effects
threaten a delicate balance and the well-being of its populations.
For these reasons, the European Community is committed to strengthening
regional solidarity and establishing innovative forms of dialogue and
cooperation reflecting the aims of partnership that motivate both sides. The
Lisbon meeting of the European Community Council confirmed this view of the
future in a clear Declaration which will renew the ties between the European
Community and the Maghreb in all fields.
Though an Atlantic country, Portugal does not forsake its Mediterranean
heritage.
Portugal devotes special attention to Africa. We follow with expectancy
and optimism the processes of reconciliation and democratization under way
throughout southern Africa.
In Angola the day of the long-awaited general elections is nearing. In
spite of the structural and logistical difficulties, I am certain that,
whatever the outcome, the Angolan people will find their way towards a
pluralistic and tolerant society, whose foundations will be the nation's
enormous potential and its human and natural resources.
Turning to Mozambique, Portugal gladly welcomes the recent meeting
between President Chissano and Mr. Afonso Dhlkama, President of RENAMO.
Mutual trust and open dialogue are, and will continue to be, decisive for an

irreversible advance of the Mozambican peace process. We therefore hope that
the spirit of Rome will remain alive among all the participants.
Everything indicates that the United Nations will play a preponderant
role in the subsequent stages of the process. In the wake of the success of
the United Nations involvement in Angola, I appeal to the Organization to give
the attention, the means and the resources needed so that Mozambique in its
turn, in the near future, may reach peace, democracy and long-sought economic
progress.
As for South Africa, a country which is vital to regional stability,
Portugal has maintained close contacts with its major political forces, urging
them to engage in dialogue and practise tolerance.
A drastic reduction in social tension and the resumption of talks in the
framework of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) are an
absolute priority which we must pursue so as to eradicate the structural
causes of a decades-old conflict.

Portugal wholeheartedly supports the sending of United Nations, European
Community and Organization of African Unity observers to South Africa. These
observers may play a significant role. We see no credible alternative to this
concerted effort.
We have sought to encourage the dialogue between Europe and Latin America
in this period of noteworthy development and regional integration
initiatives. In this respect I should like to emphasize the significance of
the Eighth Ministerial Meeting of the San Jose countries, held in Lisbon, and
the Second Institutionalized Ministerial Meeting of the Rio Group, held in
Santiago. At both meetings, new forms of cooperation were established
agreement on the promotion of human rights at the first and on greater
involvement of the European Investment Bank in programmes for the development
of the South American continent at the second.
Man is the reason for all our efforts. His dignity is, after all, our
guiding universal value. Thus it is not legitimate to allow the collapse of
Governments, civil wars or adverse natural conditions to jeopardize human
lives and render mere survival a daily battle.
Portugal associates itself with the efforts under way to ease the
suffering of the civilian population of Somalia, a crisis which is constantly
in our minds. Despite all the actions carried out by the international
community, a solution to this tragedy is yet to be found. Situations such as
these must be faced and dealt with in a different way. Relief for the
afflicted populations comes before any local political conditionalities and
cannot be subject to any preconditions or distortions whatsoever in it's
distribution. There is clearly a need for preventive action by the United
Nations, making available the necessary humanitarian aid and peace-keeping
forces in the early stages of crises whenever possible.

The defence of each individual's dignity, an aim which must guide us at
all times, has been the leitmotif of my statement as the representative of
Portugal.
The universal and indivisible nature of human rights is a principle which
deserves general acceptance. Portugal maintains that condemnation of any
violations of such rights can no longer be considered to be interference in
the internal affairs of a State. We believe that the observance of the main
international covenants is a fundamental condition for peace and progress. In
this respect, we state unequivocally that there is a direct link between human
rights, democracy and development; that is, development aid, in order to be
productive and therefore justifiable presupposes the practice of democracy
and fundamental freedoms at the receiving end. We still have a long way to go.
I should like once more to alert the international community to the
situation in East Timor, a Non-Self-Governing Territory under Portuguese
authority illegally occupied by Indonesia, in violation of the principles
enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the relevant resolutions of the
General Assembly and the Security Council.
We all recall the tragic events that took place in Dili's Santa Cruz
cemetery on 12 November 1991, which rightly received universal condemnation.
When faced with unprecedented criticism, the Indonesian Government made
promises, set up committees of inquiry, offered condolences and subscribed to a
consensus statement of the Commission on Human Rights. Nevertheless, it
refused to accept any inquiry under international supervision which could shed
light on what had happened and clarify the circumstances which made it
possible. The subsequently released report of the inquiry that did take place
did little in this respect.

On the other hand, heavy prison sentences including a life term were
given to survivors of the killing, not indicted for violent activities, while
the military personnel involved in the shooting were charged with mere
disciplinary offences and given purely token prison terms.
All of this contradicted the undertaking in the Commission on Human
Rights, as the Sub-commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of
Minorities recently recognized in a resolution adopted for the first time by
an absolute majority.
To avoid the repetition of massacres and other grave violations of human
rights, we must address the true causes of this situation and initiate a new
stage of consideration of the issue. Portugal, in its capacity as
administering Power recognized by the United Nations, presented to the
Secretary-General last January a proposal for a dialogue, without
preconditions and under his auspices, with Indonesia and all the parties
directly involved. The objective is a just, comprehensive and internationally
acceptable solution, with full respect for the legitimate interests of the
East Timorese people, including the right to self-determination, in conformity
with the principles of the Charter and international law.
To that end, we have spared no effort and look forward to hearing the
results of the Secretary-General's initiative when, in the next few days in
New York, he will host an informal meeting of the Foreign Ministers of
Portugal and Indonesia.
In conclusion, I recall that a year ago I exhorted all States Members of
the Organization to work together to achieve the essential aims of the Charter.
The responsibilities placed upon my Government in the course of 1992 have
given us a clearer perception of the nature of the arduous tasks before us.

It is our duty to correct history's errors towards man, guided by legal and,
above all, ethical principles, so that future generations may remember us
through a legacy of justice and peace.


At the
outset, I should like to convey the sincere congratulations of the delegation
of Burkina Faso to Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency of the
forty-seventh session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In him,
we pay a tribute to Bulgaria and to the qualities that earned him these
responsibilities.
We also pay a tribute to the devotion and conscientiousness with which
his predecessor, Ambassador Shihabi of Saudi Arabia, performed his duties.
Nine months after our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
assumed his post, his energy, creative imagination and firm determination have
left their mark on the activities of our Organization. By strengthening its
universality, all the countries that have been admitted since the forty-sixth
session give us grounds for joy. We wish them all a warm welcome and we have
no doubt that we will all work together to attain the ideals of the United
Nations Charter.
Our times have seen the irrepressible aspirations of peoples to freedom,
national identity, and well-being flourish with more vigour and insistence
than ever before. For some, these aspirations arose from the depths of their
alienation, which they now reject; for others, from the example thus set by
the former. Baptized as a "wave of democratization", this tempest, sometimes
coinciding with developments already under way, swept away many inappropriate
or obsolete human edifices to lay bare the ruins or foundations from which we
must start building.
Born in 1987, the democratization movement in Burkina Faso, after years
of an emergency regime, led to pluralism, to the election of a Head of State
on 1 December 1987, and to general elections held in May 1992, in which the
political parties asked the people for their votes. Today, democratic
institutions are in place and the opposition, which sits in the Assembly, is
also represented in the executive branch, where it holds several ministerial
portfolios. This transition has been without jolts or major crises, and has
led to the social peace necessary to our development efforts.
This indispensable social peace is what is lacking in Somalia, where our
famished brothers are dying at a mind-boggling rate, whereas weapons are
ubiquitous there and have made that martyred country a victim bled dry by
intransigence and the absence of dialogue. In this respect, we welcome the
healthy reaction of our Secretary-General, who is trying to size up the true
scale of this tragedy and to find the requisite solutions. We are equally
grateful for the international humanitarian assistance channelled there. But
much remains to be done to curtail and end the sufferings of the Somalian
people.
Liberia is still in the throes of a civil war to which Burkina Faso and
the other countries of the region cannot remain indifferent. Burkina Faso,
shoulder to shoulder with them, will spare no effort to restore lasting peace
so that the policy of economic integration, begun within the framework of the
Economic Community of West African States, can also be pursued as well as
possible.
In Angola, general elections are under way after 16 years of conflict
suffered by the Angolan people. We hail the maturity of all Angolans, who
have thereby agreed to close a difficult chapter in their history. The United
Nations also played a positive role there. We hope that these developments
will be successful. In Mozambique, similarly, a solution is in the offing,
and we hope that a negotiated settlement will restore peace.
In South Africa, the hopes of the international community have been
dimmed by the massacres of Boipatong and Ciskei. These events certainly were
a manifestation of apartheid, whose death throes are just as repugnant and
bloody as was its existence. We need to remind the South African authorities
that they are responsible for the security of every South African and that
these tragic excesses cannot simply be ascribed to animosity among blacks. It
is now well established that subtle manipulation, together with an absence of
security controls, can fan the flames of an already explosive situation. The
resumption of the Convention for Democratic South Africa (CODESA) should take
place in a climate free of the suspicion born of manoeuvring and calculation.
In this respect, we believe that Security Council 765 (1992) of 16 July 1992
is only one step in the right direction. In order to assess the methods and
effects of violence, more than 50 observers will be needed.
In the Middle East, the process begun at the Madrid Conference has yet to
produce the hoped-for results. The Palestinian question remains and the
aspirations of the Palestinian people are legitimate and justified. The
political changes that have taken place in Israel raise hopes that we would
wish to see fulfilled on behalf of the people of the region.
In Cambodia, efforts must continue to be made by all to implement the
Paris Agreements. The unprecedented commitment of the United Nations should
be welcomed, encouraged and reinforced.
In the heart of Europe, a conflict is developing, the nature of which is
what observers tend to limit exclusively to Africa. Practices we thought had
disappeared with nazism and condemned alongside apartheid are emerging under
the label "ethnic cleansing". This is unacceptable. We cannot accept that
Bosnia and Herzegovina be crucified in the name of religion or ethnicity. The
London agreement and the Geneva negotiations must be complied with and pursued
by all parties sincerely desirous of peace and reconciliation.
That picture does not inspire optimism. The collapse of one of the two
blocs did not solve the world's problems. Rather, it emphasized the
North-South split; old wounds that are still open; internal contradictions
within regions; and divisions among nations.
In their millions, people are cast out into a life of wandering; children
are robbed of their childhood, and of their adolescence too; a future without
hope is already the lot of a growing number of people caught in the crossfire
between one world that is dying and another that is being born. In the midst
of all the uncertainty, the United Nations seemed to be a place of recourse
where East, West, North and South could meet to accept the principles of the
Charter and institute methods guaranteeing that armed force would not be used
save in the common interest, and to promote social progress and better
standards of life in wider freedom.
Security, solidarity, progress and freedom: these are words and concepts
that 47 years after San Francisco have yet to be given form in the interest of
the world's peoples.
The Secretary-General's proposals in his Agenda for Peace and in his
annual report on the work of the Organization form a good basis for discussion.
It must be recalled and stressed that security not based on the interests
of all, large and small, is self-limited. The maintenance of peace demands
weighty and onerous operations that must be commensurate with the needs. It
is right to stress preventive diplomacy: machinery for early warning and
action that can be put into play before a conflict breaks out or that can
prevent a conflict from taking place.
The United Nations, while in demand on all sides, remains available. It
is regrettable that among the defenders of this new role for the Organization
are those who by not paying their contributions are handicapping the United
Nations in this basic task.
We must ensure that the role of the Security Council does not give rise
to questions about its involvement, its impartiality or its sense of
fairness. The system devised 47 years ago has only been able to function for
two years, and already there are concerns, some of which are justified.
Depending on their geographical zone, conflicts seem to attract varying
degrees of vigorous attention from the Council. This makes us believe that a
structure created following the Second World War is now beginning to function
in a completely different context. Some even talk of an anachronism.
Clearly, the role and composition of the Security Council must be reviewed.
But we fear that the discussion might be limited to merely expanding a club
whose members would continue to view their status as a privilege, not a
weighty responsibility. The spirit and perhaps even the nature of the Council
must be changed. Clearly, we must begin the debate on the Security Council,
even if we are still bound by the terms of Article 108 of the Charter. The
democratization of international relations is necessary.
There can be no true security or just and lasting peace while three
quarters of mankind continues to live in destitution, wretchedness and
ignorance. That is a fact that has been repeated in this Hall over the years
by a majority of delegations. Today's world is a world in flux, where the old
questions remain and new solutions are taking too long in coming.
The North-South rift I mentioned before can be illustrated by figures,
including the well-known fact that 20 per cent of the world's population
receives 83 per cent of the world's income, while the poorest 20 per cent
share but 1.4 per cent of the world's income.
Beset by natural disasters, conflicts and the effects of an international
economic crisis, Africa still bears an external debt of more than
$236.7 billion; it faces tariff and customs barriers erected by some of its
economic partners; and it must deal with a high rate of population growth. To
this we must add the obligatory adoption of structural adjustment programmes
that will first cause pain before possibly doing some good. "Possibly" is the
right word, since these adjustments are put in place in a context of economic
uncertainty that jeopardizes the results for which we hope. Thus, we in
Burkina Faso are working to obtain all the necessary support so that slippages
will not call into question our political achievements, and particularly so
that the structural-adjustment programme can lay the lasting foundations of
genuine development and growth.
The rewards of the tireless efforts by African countries have not been
commensurate with the sacrifices we have made. The promises of the North
remain promises, just as the United Nations Programme of Action for African
Economic Recovery and Development has not been truly implemented, except by
Africans themselves. A new page has been turned with the new programme for
the 1990s, but that page remains blank. We hail the few industrialized
countries that have honoured their commitment to contribute 0.7 per cent of
their gross domestic product as official development assistance.
The international economic context is marked by increased monetary
instability, slower economic growth, high unemployment and the relative
failure of the Uruguay Round. But capital needs are first met among the
industrialized countries before they turn to so-called transitional
economies. Can we speak of competition for capital? Or must we say that
Africa is simply waiting for a response that has not been forthcoming? The
response we want to hear and to turn into reality is the economic integration
of our continent South-South cooperation along with allowing us the
latitude of choice. As we said at the forty-sixth session, Burkina Faso is
convinced that all our problems "can be solved only by dialogue and
negotiation between developed and developing countries with a view to bringing
about specific solutions through a multilateral approach to these problems".
(A/46/PV.4. p. 56)
That was our approach to the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development the Earth Summit at Rio, and that was why we welcomed the
framework Convention on climate change and the Convention on biodiversity.
The establishment of a commission for sustainable development could
define the framework for what we have come to call the new global
partnership. But as we all know, the Rio summit will be meaningful only if it
is followed by the needed commitments with respect to additional resources and
technology transfers. The Earth Summit has made the link between environment
and development indissoluble.
We welcome the decision of the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development to set up an intergovernmental negotiating committee to draw
up an international convention in the struggle against desertification.
Burkina Faso will participate actively in that process and could act as host
to some of the committee's meetings.
International events on the horizon include: the World Conference on
Human Rights in 1993; the International Conference on Population and
Development in 1994; the world summit for social development in 1995; and the
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, also in 1995. What they have in
common is their subject and their protagonist: man.
We have already said that no one is against human rights because those
rights are inherent in man. A partial, piecemeal vision of human rights would
doom mankind to exploitation and abandonment. The right to development, to
food, to housing, to primary health care and to education: all these are part
of human rights. To support that aspect without recognizing and accepting the
basic nature of the rights of the individual would clearly be an imperfect
approach to defining and solving the problem. Likewise, stressing the rights
of the individual while confining oneself to defending them would be to refuse
to see the world as it is today.
Indeed, earlier I spoke of the indomitable nature of the peoples'
aspirations to freedom, national identity and well-being. The revolution in
communication, the spread of ideas, the untapped potential of techniques and
technologies have turned our world into a global village. We cannot
indefinitely guarantee the security of the haves, the well-fed, to the
detriment of others without doing permanent damage to the dignity and
integrity of others.
That is why Burkina Faso believes that population questions are
fundamental, and that is why we spoke out in favour of the convening of the
world summit for social development. Nor can we approach the question of
human rights and questions of population and development without including
women, the mothers of the world.
These future conferences will be fairly meaningless if they do not lead
to commitments that will lead, in turn, to tangible, concrete and satisfactory
results. In that connection the follow-up to the World Summit for Children is
important, and I should like to take this opportunity to remind the
international community that in November at Dakar, Senegal, an African
regional meeting will be held, under the aegis of the United Nations
Children's Fund (UNICEF), to examine and evaluate responses to the commitments
undertaken at New York in 1990 and to assess the support that could be
supplied by all the members of the international community.
Those meetings are therefore based on the principle of our common
membership in the human race and on solidarity.
In 1995 the Organization will be 50 years old. The evolution in
international relations has created an ever-greater role for the United
Nations. We can even talk about a central role for it, as a crucial junction
where political, economic, social and environmental concerns can be expressed
and actually dealt with.
Hitherto regarded as a forum, the United Nations can now add to
cooperation, deliberation and the ongoing discussion of the trio of peace,
security and development its status as an unparalleled instrument at the
service of joint action for the common good.
Burkina Faso will follow and actively discuss the various reforms and
restructuring being planned for the whole of the United Nations system, for
it is our conviction that they afford the international community a unique
opportunity to implement the concept of global partnership.
It is only under those conditions that we will at last be able truly to
implement the noble ideals of the Charter. It will no longer be a question of
some pitted against others but, rather, of fighting the only fight worth
fighting: the fight for a humanity living at peace in a saved environment.