May I, on behalf of the
delegation of Jamaica, convey to Mr. Razali Ismail our
warmest congratulations on his election as President of
the fifty-first session of the General Assembly. In so
doing we pay tribute to his country, Malaysia, which is
linked to Jamaica by close ties of friendship and
collaboration and which continues to play a prominent
role in international affairs. I would assure him of the full
support and cooperation of the Jamaican delegation in the
deliberations on the many important issues before us.
I should like to congratulate your predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for the able
manner in which he guided the work of the fiftieth
session. Let me also express appreciation to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his untiring
efforts to promote peace and development.
There are many who, with good reason, approach
this fifty-first session with a sense of despair and deep
concern about the future of the United Nations and the
vital mission that it must undertake on behalf of the
peoples of the world. They look back at the promises and
the pledges made during the fiftieth anniversary
celebrations and try to reconcile these lofty messages with
the continuing crisis being faced by this body and the
difficulties confronting the multilateral system.
Rather than dwelling on the missed opportunities and
the difficulties that have confronted us, my delegation
would wish for this Assembly to recognize the imperative
15

need for effective global action in the pursuit of the goals
of international peace and security, economic and social
well-being, and justice for all. In so doing, we must all
reaffirm our commitment to the principles on which the
United Nations is based. Our Prime Minister, P. J.
Patterson, and other world leaders joined in renewing the
collective commitment to these principles at last year’s
Special Commemorative Meeting.
The fundamental goal of the United Nations is the
achievement and preservation of international peace and
security. We have witnessed in recent times the end of the
cold war and the dramatic reduction in East-West tensions.
At the same time, we have witnessed the tragic emergence
of horrific levels of ethnic tension, regional instability and
intra-State upheavals, which have threatened international
peace and security. These have severely tested the mettle of
the United Nations system and the community of nations as
a whole.
The challenges to peacemakers and peacekeepers in
this period have been many. We must, today, recognize the
successes that have been achieved through combined
multilateral and regional action in the spirit of the Charter.
A functioning multilateral system should work effectively
to restrain aggression and the exercise of military power.
We must resist tendencies towards unilateralism which are
unhealthy and negative signs for the international system.
We must insist that the established mechanisms for conflict
resolution and decision-making in relation to issues of
multilateral security are upheld.
Jamaica and sister nations of the Caribbean joined the
international community in mounting a United Nations
Mission in Haiti that brought an end to the wanton violence
and the tragedies at sea that characterized the period of
military dictatorship in that country.
The return of democracy has brought renewed hope,
opportunity and optimism to the people of Haiti. These
sentiments can be sustained only if we continue to help the
Government and people of Haiti to overcome the obstacles
that still confront them in this quest. It is important that the
United Nations Support Mission in Haiti be given the
means necessary to enable it to meet its objectives. It is
even more critical that the international community commit
itself to providing the technical and financial resources
necessary to assist Haiti to achieve economic and social
development.
The nations of the Caribbean seek to maintain a
climate free of tension and confrontation. We seek the
normalization of relations, which will reduce the
atmosphere of uncertainty and the dangers of
confrontation in the region. We seek this in an
atmosphere of respect for sovereign rights and a
commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes. We
reject the extra-territorial application of national
legislation, which is inconsistent with international law.
Within the wider Caribbean, we continue to pursue
the goal of regional integration through the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) and the Association of
Caribbean States. It is our objective to achieve the
creation of a Caribbean zone of peace and cooperation.
We are united by a common determination to remove the
barriers that divide us and to protect the precious natural
heritage that we share. For this we have to engage the
active participation of all countries in the region.
We wish to commend the efforts of African
Governments and the Organization of African Unity to
overcome the grave difficulties that Africa has been
experiencing. We particularly welcome the initiative for
a conference on peace, security and stability in the
African Great Lakes region. We can only hope that,
through a comprehensive approach, lasting solutions can
be found to the situations in Burundi and Rwanda. We
reiterate our strong support for the efforts of the
international community to implement the United Nations
New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s
and the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative on
Africa.
We are encouraged by recent events in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, which have paved the way for elections in
that country, and look forward to the restoration of
stability and a harmonious relationship among its people.
We support the position that the Middle East peace
process should be consolidated and proceed on the basis
of the principles already agreed and accepted by all
parties. There should be no turning back. Peace is
attainable if the parties approach negotiations in a spirit
of accommodation and compromise, and recognize their
common interest in ensuring stability and mutual respect
for each other’s rights. We hope that the talks, which
begin today at the invitation of President Clinton, will
lead to a speedy agreement among the parties.
While the United Nations must focus critical
attention on the crises caused by conflict and violent
confrontation, it must never lose sight of the root cause of
instability and tension — poverty, deprivation, hunger
16

and disease. It is in the depth of human misery that the
swords of anger and division are most quickly unsheathed.
A commitment to the goals of peace and security is
meaningless without a commitment to fostering sustained
economic growth and sustainable development, and to
waging war on poverty and human misery.
The emerging global economic environment gives us
cause for both optimism and grave anxiety. Phenomenal
economic growth in a few countries is contrasted with
decline and stagnation in the majority. An increasingly
affluent world coexists with a huge and marginalized
underclass. This polarization is reflected both internally and
externally.
A failure to address inequities can and will inevitably
lead to what the 1996 Human Development Report so
graphically describes on page 8 as
“a world gargantuan in its excesses and grotesque in
its human and economic inequalities.”
For many low-income countries that lack adequate
access to development capital and other resources, official
development assistance remains a critical but diminishing
source of support. Moreover, the problem of external debt
is also a burden for many of these countries. Agreed
arrangements have proved inadequate in alleviating debt
burdens, and alternate strategies still have to be found.
It is against this background that Jamaica continues to
insist that achieving sustained economic growth and
sustainable development must remain a priority objective of
the global agenda. In the series of global conferences
ending recently with the Second United Nations Conference
on Human Settlements (Habitat II), Governments
demonstrated their ability to collaborate in analyzing socio-
economic and environmental problems.
Taken together, these conferences represent deliberate
efforts to define a framework for development cooperation
and multilateral commitments. These global forums have
raised the level of awareness of development issues. We
should now not allow inertia to take over. It is essential,
therefore, that we honour the commitments and meet the
internationally agreed targets emanating from these
conferences. Their success depends on political will and the
provision of adequate resources to ensure follow-up and
implementation.
The 1997 special session devoted to the assessment
and review of the implementation of Agenda 21 and the
results of the 1992 United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development in Rio will provide an
ideal opportunity for the international community to
assess progress in carrying out the agreed commitments.
For small island developing countries, the review
process is of great significance, and we hope it will
provide the momentum fully to implement the Barbados
Programme of Action.
Governments, including my own, have created their
own framework for implementation at the national level.
Jamaica has embraced the concept of sustainable
development, and our policies have been oriented towards
achieving these goals.
The main challenge faced by small island developing
States is to find the resources to develop a programme
that is designed to reduce the vulnerability of their
economies and generate economic growth and
development. This envisages a systematic approach to the
categorization of island developing countries by
specialization or socio-economic performance.
The Uruguay Round agreements, on which the
World Trade Organization is founded, provide the
framework for a liberalized multilateral trading system.
Many developing countries are unlikely to benefit in
the short term from the Uruguay Round agreements.
Structurally weak and vulnerable developing countries
require favourable arrangements and equitable terms and
conditions to enable them to make the necessary
adjustments to participate successfully in world trade.
Free trade must never be viewed as an end in itself;
it must be a vehicle for development. It is for this reason
that the World Trade Organization recognizes the need for
special and differential treatment for developing countries
and waivers for special trading regimes. This must be
respected in both letter and spirit.
We are of the firm view that no action should be
taken to erode our vital interests or remove equitable and
long-standing arrangements that affect the very economic
survival of some developing countries. In this context, I
refer to the current action by a coalition of powerful
special interests with respect to the special terms enjoyed
by a number of developing countries through their
arrangements with the European Union. It has been made
abundantly clear that the removal of preferences would
17

have a serious negative impact on the economies of
Jamaica and other Caribbean countries.
My delegation therefore calls upon those who would
seek to use the World Trade Organization as an instrument
to attack the very foundation of the economies of small
developing States to desist from this course of action. The
thoughtless assault upon the Lomé Banana Protocol is of
great concern to my country and to sister Caribbean banana
producers, which stand to suffer economic devastation if the
selfish acts of these powerful interests are allowed to
succeed.
The trend towards globalization is irreversible, but not
all of us are capable of making the adjustments necessary
in the short term to cope with its consequences. The United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
has an important role to play in assisting developing
countries to meet the challenges brought about by
globalization and liberalization and to facilitate their
integration in the world trading system. In this regard, we
welcome the renewed vigour of this body, as exemplified
at the ninth session of UNCTAD, where Governments
reaffirmed the relevance of UNCTAD’s mandate as the
focal point for dealing with trade and related development
issues.
It is necessary to examine and assess the United
Nations system and its capacity to respond to political and
humanitarian emergencies. The United Nations must begin
to link peace-keeping and peacemaking in a more coherent
and consistent manner. We note the work in this regard
taking place in the Assembly’s Informal Open-ended
Working Group on an Agenda for Peace. We recognize the
need for a rapidly deployable unit and support the efforts to
put this in place.
An important step was taken in the field of
disarmament recently with the adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). Jamaica
regards the CTBT as an incremental step and looks forward
to the next stage, which is the adoption of a programme to
achieve the ultimate goal of complete nuclear disarmament.
Those States with nuclear capabilities have a responsibility
to carry out their obligations in good faith not only in
regard to nuclear testing, but also with respect to non-
proliferation.
The problem of drug abuse and illicit traffic in
narcotics continues to pose a serious threat to society. The
extent of drug abuse and drug trafficking shows that it
transcends national and geographic boundaries. National
commitment and international cooperation are therefore
required to address this problem. It is against this
background that Jamaica strongly supports the convening
of a special session of the General Assembly in 1998 to
address the illicit trafficking in and use of drugs. At the
same time, we must recognize the impact of related
criminal activity, which is spawned by the illicit drug
trade. Of particular concern is the nexus between drug
trafficking and trafficking in arms and high-powered
weapons. We urge those States that are producers of these
arms to be more vigilant in enforcing control over their
distribution and illegal export.
Since we met last year, significant developments
have occurred with regard to the implementation of the
Convention on the Law of the Sea. With the completion
of elections to the various institutions of the authority, the
International Seabed Authority is now operational. We
congratulate Secretary-General Mr. Satya Nandan on his
election and express our confidence that his leadership
and guidance will enable the Authority to discharge its
mandate. It is vital that adequate resources be provided in
order to ensure that the Authority becomes firmly
established.
We also take this opportunity to welcome the
historic election on 1 August of the members of the
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. We look
forward to the inauguration of the Tribunal in its host city
of Hamburg later this month. This will be another
landmark in the process of the implementation of the
Convention on the Law of the Sea.
We should note the tremendous achievements of the
United Nations in the progressive development of
international law. A significant number of instruments
have been concluded that provide the legal underpinnings
of the multilateral system. It is a dynamic process which
is helping to bring more order to international relations.
The creation of an international criminal court is among
the latest initiatives on which substantive work has been
done. Jamaican experts have participated actively in the
progressive development of international law. We are
ready to contribute further to the machinery of the
international legal system.
To respond to a multitude of challenges, the United
Nations needs to be renewed and revitalized. There is a
strongly shared perception that we must proceed
expeditiously with the task of bringing about the much-
needed reform of the United Nations system in the
collective interest. The initiative to restructure and
18

improve performance, productivity and the cost-
effectiveness of the United Nations system is an important
one. The adoption of resolution 50/227 — which contains
further measures for the restructuring and revitalization of
the United Nations system in the economic, social and
related fields — is evidence of the efforts to improve the
operational aspects of the work of the system. Jamaica is
committed to working with other Member States throughout
this session of the General Assembly to continue the
process of strengthening the Organization.
The persistence of disputes and conflicts suggests the
need for strengthening the United Nations machinery for
dealing with these problems. The Security Council, which
under the Charter of the United Nations holds the mandate
for the maintenance of international peace and security, has
an important and strategic role to play in the process. As
we all know, aspects of its composition and role are
currently under review. Certainly, it is acknowledged that
we should be moving in the direction of greater
democratization and increased participation by Member
States in critical decisions affecting the international
community. The expansion of the membership of the
United Nations and the significant changes in the political
and economic conditions in Member States must surely be
important factors in determining changes in the composition
of the Council and the status of its members.
Jamaica is not committed to any rigid formula for
change, but whatever formula is arrived at should satisfy
the need for democratic participation consistent with the
sovereign equality of States and with the equitable
distribution of seats. The need for reform should be
matched by increased political will to use the machinery of
the United Nations for the peaceful settlement of disputes
and to cooperate with conciliation efforts under the auspices
of the Secretary-General.
Reform must not be for its own sake. The purpose of
reform must be to strengthen the capacity to deliver
responsive and responsible leadership on questions of peace
and security, socio-economic development, human rights
and environmental protection.
We understand and support the need for reform of the
administrative and management process in the system, but
what we cannot accept are unilateral actions to force reform
by withholding assessed contributions to the United
Nations. This has brought the Organization to the brink of
insolvency and is hampering the very efforts being made
for reform and restructuring. More critical are the serious
consequences for the development programmes of the
United Nations.
The current crisis will not be resolved until Member
States pay their arrears and assessed contributions
promptly and without conditions. At the same time, we
recognize the need to examine carefully the existing
formula for contributions. The establishment of any new
formula must be based on the principles of equity and the
capacity of Member States to pay.
The agenda of issues before us at this session shows
that there is a great deal to be done. In many areas, we
have made progress, even if it has been slow. It is
essential that we continue to make the effort, through
discussion, debate and negotiation, to find solutions that
remove from our world the threats of war and conflict
and the pain of poverty and misery. Through our joint
efforts we can make progress, reach compromises and
arrive at solutions that will make our world safer and give
each and every one of us a greater stake in the future.


I should like to convey to the President, on behalf
of my delegation, my warm congratulations on his election
to the presidency of the fifty-first session of the General
Assembly. We are convinced that his personal qualities,
experience and great skill are our best guarantee for the
success of this session and will enable us to achieve
positive results.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express
our gratitude and esteem to Mr. Freitas do Amaral,
President of the fiftieth session, who so ably guided the
work of the Assembly last year.
I should also like once again to extend our entire
confidence to our brother, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and
to express to him our thanks for the great efforts he has
tirelessly expended since shouldering his heavy
responsibilities in strengthening the universality and
credibility of the United Nations and enhancing its
capacity to play its rightful role, notwithstanding
particularly difficult international circumstances.
It is gratifying to note that, as the Organization
enters into its second 50 years of life, substantial progress
is being made on the road to peace throughout the world.
Thus, East-West confrontation, more commonly
known as the cold war, has ended and the spectre of the
balance of terror has disappeared, giving way to dialogue
and cooperation in the establishment and maintenance of
world peace and security. Other important steps have also
been taken towards decolonization, the eradication of
racial discrimination and the full exercise by peoples of
their right to self-determination.
We must, however, note that these achievements,
valuable as they are, have not contributed significantly to
improving the situation in many parts of the world where,
in some countries, there are still hotbeds of tension and
bloody wars. Nor have they sufficed to eliminate the
poverty and underdevelopment that are still the daily lot
of a large proportion of the inhabitants of our planet.
Thus, developing countries continue to suffer the
combined effects of the world economic crisis and the
ongoing deterioration of terms of trade and to bear the
burden of an external debt that exhausts their resources at
the very time that official development assistance is
constantly decreasing.
The past year has seen no important improvement in
the world economic situation. That conclusion is
unavoidable, since the current economic crisis has as its
basis the inequity inherent in the world economy, an
inequity whose major consequences are macroeconomic
imbalance, unfair terms of trade and inequality in the
distribution of wealth.
In this framework, the African continent is obviously
the hardest hit by the negative effects of the deterioration
in economic conditions owing to the burden of its
external debt and the fall in the prices of the raw
12

materials that make up the principal source of income for
most African countries.
The Sahel region is among those on our continent that
is suffering the most from this situation, especially given
the chronic drought from which it has suffered for over
three decades and that has weakened and sometimes
destroyed the economies of its component countries.
However, we are gratified by the increased interest
shown in recent years with regard to African development
and we welcome the System-wide Special Initiative for
Africa launched by the Secretary-General, which we would
like to see implemented as soon as possible.
The consolidation of democracy and the construction
of a State based on the rule of law and respect for human
rights are positive results of the activities of the
international community, as reflected in the resolutions of
the United Nations and its specialized agencies as well as
in the decisions and recommendations handed down by
several conferences organized under United Nations
auspices or with its support. This confirms the importance
of the collective effort of the United Nations and should
encourage the Organization to continue its pursuit of the
noble objectives of mankind.
In that connection, and in order to enable the United
Nations to strengthen such action, it is particularly urgent
and essential to work on the restructuring of its organs, the
rationalization of its working methods and the improvement
in its performance.
To that end, my country supports the proposals
designed to give renewed dynamism to the Economic and
Social Council, to end duplication in its subsidiary bodies
and to improve its rules of operation. We also support
proposals aimed at enlarging representation in the Security
Council in keeping with the requirements of democracy,
transparency and equity.
We also believe that the principle of equality among
Member States should be the basis for any action
undertaken to restructure the Security Council, which,
according to Article 24 of the United Nations Charter, acts
on behalf of all Member States. This means that the
Council has an obligation to reflect the universal character
of the United Nations.
Allow me to say a word about the democratic process
in Mauritania, the first phase of which began 10 years ago
in 1986 with the first local elections and was followed by
the adoption of the 1991 Constitution. Pluralistic, multi-
party presidential and parliamentary elections followed in
1992 and the second round of local elections in 1994.
This process is being strengthened once again by the
holding on 11 October of the second round of legislative
elections in a free and transparent climate. Two hundred
and sixty-nine candidates, most from 13 political parties,
will appeal to the voters for the 79 seats of the National
Assembly. All provisions have been made to ensure that
this election takes place under the best conditions.
With this new achievement, the Mauritanian people
will confirm that it has become, as stated by His
Excellency President Maaouya Ould Sid’Ahmed Taya,
“the source of sovereignty and legality” and the master of
its own destiny and affairs.
Having won the struggle for democracy and
achieved the institution of the rule of law and the
guarantee of all individual and collective rights,
Mauritania is engaged in another, equally determined
struggle against economic and social underdevelopment.
In this regard, many economic reform programmes have
been implemented since 1985 within the framework of a
liberal policy incorporating all development dimensions
and designed to raise the living standards of citizens and
making basic services available to them.
These reforms have allowed us to reinvigorate public
finances, overcome inflation and restore continued
growth. Many projects have also been carried out in the
areas of communications, transportation infrastructure,
village electrification, expanded water-supply networks
and increased health-care coverage. Let me express our
appreciation to all of the brotherly and friendly countries,
institutions and non-governmental organizations that have
supported my country’s efforts towards these goals and
thank them for the aid they have provided and continue
to provide.
Strengthening democracy and economic and social
development requires the consolidation of peace and
security both for States and individuals. We must
therefore note the striking paradox, despite the end of the
cold war and new hopes for peace and justice, of the
re-emergence of terrorism, instability and the proliferation
of hotbeds of tension around the world.
The Middle East is one region where, unfortunately,
this paradox is most alarming. My country, renewing its
full support for the peace process, remains convinced that
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and
13

425 (1978) and the principle of “land for peace”, adopted
at the Madrid Conference, remain the bases for any
comprehensive, just and lasting peace in that region.
We also believe that there can be no real solution to
the Middle East problem as long as Israel has not
withdrawn from all the occupied Palestinian territories,
including the Holy Arab City of Al-Quds, the Golan and
southern Lebanon.
We had therefore welcomed the new era that seemed
to have emerged with the signing on 13 September 1993 of
the Declaration of Principles on the autonomy of Gaza and
Jericho and other positive advances that followed,
especially the 1994 Cairo agreement, the peace Agreement
between Israel and Jordan, and the Taba Agreement on the
implementation of the second phase of the Declaration of
Principles, signed in Washington on 28 September 1995.
We had hoped that the Palestinian people will soon see the
end of its tragedy by recovering its legitimate right to self-
determination and to establish its independent State on its
territory.
On this basis, and in order to ensure the continuation
of the peace process, the concluded Agreements must be
implemented and commitments undertaken must be
honoured. Negotiations must resume among all the
concerned parties on the basis of the principles arrived at
and accepted by all and in accordance with the relevant
Security Council resolutions. My country also insists on the
need to lift the embargo imposed on the brotherly
Palestinian people, the devastating consequences of which
on the fledgling Palestinian economy and the repercussions
of which on security in the Palestinian territories could
endanger the peace process.
Finally, we invite the two sponsors of the peace
process to assume fully their responsibilities in order to
allow the people of the region to recover their legitimate
rights and to open a new chapter in the history of this
subregion, so that its potential can be put to the service of
economic development and social advancement.
Nearby, the aftermath of the Gulf War continues to
raise obstacles to the normalization of the situation in that
region. In this regard, my country has always affirmed and
wishes to reaffirm today its dedication to respect for
international legality and the United Nations resolutions
pertaining to the Gulf War and its consequences. We
reiterate our rejection of any threat to the independence of
Kuwait and its territorial integrity and we call for the
settlement of the question of Kuwaiti prisoners.
We also reaffirm our consistent position of rejecting
any action threatening the unity of fraternal Iraq and the
integrity of its territory. We call for the lifting of the
embargo imposed on the Iraqi people, which is subjecting
them to famine and disease. In this regard, my country
wishes to see implemented, as soon as possible, Security
Council resolution 986 (1995) on the issue of oil for food.
We also wish to express our rejection of the plan being
entertained by some of Iraq’s neighbours to create a safe
area in northern Iraq, in contradiction to their declared
dedication to territorial integrity and unity and in violation
of the principles and rules of international law and the
United Nations Charter.
My country believes that the United Arab Emirates
has the inalienable right to recover its full and complete
sovereignty over the islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb
and Lesser Tunb. We reiterate our support for the United
Arab Emirates in its endeavours to recover its rights by
all available means.
In the Arab Maghreb, the question of Western
Sahara is a consistent source of great concern because of
its threat to stability and security in the subregion. My
country also believes that the United Nations, and the
Security Council in particular, should, now more than
ever, assume its full responsibility for the implementation
of the settlement plan, in keeping with resolutions adopted
to that end on the holding of a free and impartial
referendum that will make it possible to achieve a
comprehensive and definitive solution to the question of
Western Sahara and to ensure security and stability in the
region. For our part, we continue to be prepared to
contribute positively to the achievement of that aim.
With regard to the embargo that for several years
has affected the Libyan people, my country wishes to see
greater receptivity to Libya’s obvious willingness to
cooperate with the United Nations and other concerned
parties, in seeking a solution to the crisis between it and
certain western countries. We call for the lifting of this
embargo — which is hurting the Libyan people and all
the peoples of the Maghreb — and hope that the proposal
of the League of Arab States, which enjoys broad support,
will open up new opportunities to put an end to it.
With regard to security and stability, Africa
continues to face major problems. Conflicts are spreading
death, famine and epidemic throughout the continent. In
Somalia, the war continues to leave a train of death and
destruction and the international community, despite the
solidarity it has shown in the past through its
14

involvement, no longer evinces much interest in a situation
that is threatening the Somali people. We hope the Somali
people will overcome their differences and find a way to
conduct a constructive dialogue.
In Liberia, we hope that the peace process will
continue, in keeping with the Abuja Agreement, and we
reiterate our support for the decisions taken by the
ministerial ad hoc Committee of the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) at its seventh session
and the decisions and recommendations of the last two
summits of the Organization of African Unity and
ECOWAS on Liberia, so that peace and harmony may
return to that fraternal country.
We hope that our Rwandan and Burundian brothers
will, in their countries, resolve their conflicts and seek
dialogue and understanding in solving their problems. We
also hope that they will be able to face the challenges of
development and devote to it the energies now being
devoted to their differences.
With regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, my country
expresses satisfaction at the important advances made along
the road to peace, especially the recent democratic
elections. We reaffirm also the need to continue
implementation of the Dayton Agreement and to see the
international community exert the necessary effort for the
reconstruction of that country, whose infrastructure has
been destroyed and whose people have suffered the most
horrifying forms of aggression.
The United Nations must adapt to the world as it is
and to the changes it undergoes. The Islamic Republic of
Mauritania wishes to reiterate its willingness and
commitment to work in concert with other Member States
towards the realization of the noble goals of our
Organization, in particular the consolidation of peace and
security in the world.
At a time when most third-world countries are facing
enormous challenges that hamper their advance towards
greater progress and prosperity, and while our planet is
facing environmental challenges that threaten the future of
all life on Earth, considerable resources are being devoted
to the production, refinement and acquisition of weapons of
mass destruction of all kinds, while official development
assistance continues to decline.
In this respect we hope that the recent Treaty
prohibiting nuclear tests will be one important step along
the way to complete and general disarmament, the only way
to free up the necessary resources for the development of
the third world.
Today, more than half a century after the creation of
our Organization, we must be fully aware of our common
destiny. We must dedicate ourselves to promoting
mutually advantageous international cooperation and
bringing about effective solidarity equal to the challenges
we face to ensure a better future for all humankind.
My country, as in the past, will continue to work
towards the strengthening of friendly and brotherly
relations among all peoples and nations in the pursuit of
the noble ideals aspired to by the founding fathers of the
United Nations.


I am happy to join other
speakers in warmly congratulating His Excellency Mr.
Razali Ismail on his assumption of the presidency of the
General Assembly. I also wish to express Canada’s deep
appreciation of the excellent manner in which Mr. Freitas
do Amaral managed the deliberations of the fiftieth
session of the Assembly.
Forty years ago, in the depths of the cold war, the
General Assembly authorized the setting up of a
peacekeeping force in Suez. Thus emerged an important
tool for the international community, one that has since
served the cause of peace in many different forms around
the world.
(spoke in French)
Canadians take special pride in peacekeeping
because the concept was developed in part by their
Foreign Minister, Lester B. Pearson, who received the
Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.
As we reflect on the fortieth anniversary of United
Nations peacekeeping, there are certain conclusions to be
drawn. The United Nations has played a crucial role
throughout the world by dint of its peacekeeping role.
Innovation is both necessary and possible within the
United Nations, and in our time, different as it may be,
the spirit of internationalism, of commitment to
cooperation, calls to us once again.
(spoke in English)
In a new and changing global environment
internationalism is ever more important for all nations,
large or small, weak or powerful. Changing times have
set for us a new broad agenda, which includes focusing
on the security needs of individuals — in other words, on
sustainable human security. Unfortunately, the new times
have not sufficiently been reflected by a rededication to
the United Nations as an expression of the spirit of
internationalism. There remains too often a tendency to
act according to old power configurations rather than to
seek out collective approaches that address the roots of
conflict and attempt to resolve them through common
action.
12

The need for recommitment to the United Nations is
clear, and so too is the need for the renewal, restructuring
and refocusing of the Organization and its various bodies
and agencies. In implementing this agenda of United
Nations renewal we will no doubt encounter difficulties and
differences of opinion. But this should not discourage us.
We need the courage to innovate on two fronts, grappling
with a new and complex world agenda and restructuring the
United Nations to respond effectively to that agenda.
The basic mandate of the United Nations at its
founding was the prevention of international conflict. As
peacekeeping has changed over time, one can see the
evolution of a security agenda itself, from being a simple
buffer between States to an international responsibility for
maintaining order and an involvement in reconstruction.
The range of activities in recent times has been impressive,
from Haiti to Cambodia, from the Golan Heights to El
Salvador, from Bosnia to the peace accords now being
signed in Guatemala.
That range demonstrates that the international response
to threats to security has gone well beyond the initial
definition, which was limited to dealing with cross-border
aggression. Rather, in a continuum of threats, there is an
increasing focus on conflicts that take place within borders
but that have severe ripple effects throughout the entire
international system. These types of conflict are still, in
peacekeeping terms, largely uncharted waters, and of course
there are differences of view on how best to respond.
What is clear is the need for a new tool kit for the
United Nations to respond to a variety of different
situations. In this context I am glad to note that most of the
recommendations made in the rapid-reaction study
submitted by Canada last year are now being implemented.
Canada will continue to support United Nations efforts to
establish a headquarters that will enhance its ability to
respond rapidly and with flexibility. But that is only one
tool. Many more are needed, especially in the area of
prevention of disputes and in the arduous and complex task
of peace-building.
The failure of conflict prevention in Rwanda, as
outlined in the Rwanda evaluation report, has made
abundantly clear the need to enlarge the concept of peace-
building to embrace prevention as well as peacemaking and
reconstruction. Preventive action will require much greater
commitment from United Nations Members to intervene
early.
In Canada, we are currently focusing our approach
to these issues. We have started reworking our own
international tool kit to improve our ability to initiate and
support peace-building operations in areas such as
mediation, dialogue, human-rights monitoring, judicial
reform, police training and demobilization of military
forces. We look forward to cooperating with other nations
that are also exploring similar innovative approaches.
The search for new tools and the means to utilize
them collectively cannot, however, be a substitute for the
reinforcement of existing mechanisms to build peace. We
are about to take a historic step forward on the nuclear-
disarmament agenda. Today, the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty was opened for signature. That Treaty is
the result of decades of hope and effort by people around
the world. This morning I signed the Treaty on behalf of
Canada. We call upon all States Members of the United
Nations to do the same.
The children of tomorrow should, we hope, never
have to know what a nuclear test is. If we can succeed in
this goal, and if we can vigorously pursue the goal of
systematically and progressively reducing nuclear
weapons, with the ultimate goal of their elimination, we
can ensure that those children know less and less about
the most terrible scourge to face humanity.
If the world can focus its energies on ending the
testing of sophisticated and expensive nuclear weapons,
we believe that there is real hope for setting ourselves the
goal of ending the use of the most simple, cheap and, on
a daily basis, most destructive weapon in use today, the
anti-personnel landmine.
We have all witnessed the suffering, death and
horrifying mutilation caused by mines. Canada, along
with many other countries and organizations, is engaged
in mine-clearance operations. But the simple fact is that
anti-personnel mines are being laid far faster then we can
pull them out of the ground. This is not just a
disarmament issue. It strikes at the very heart of
development, and the thousands upon thousands of
victims affected every year pose a stark challenge to
humanitarian and peacekeeping efforts.
Canada will host an international strategy session
this autumn, bringing together like-minded Governments,
international agencies and non-governmental groups to
provide impetus and direction to international efforts
towards a global ban on anti-personnel mines. I hope this
will help to catalyse efforts to build a consensus on a
13

strong, forward-looking resolution for this fifty-first session.
As such, it can provide further impetus to multilateral
negotiations on a full global ban.
A third milestone in this area is the Chemical
Weapons Convention, the first international treaty that aims
to introduce a complete, global ban on an entire category of
weapons of mass destruction. It is of the greatest
importance that it be brought into force as soon as possible.
(spoke in French)
During the cold war, we re-examined and redefined
the dimensions of international security to embrace the
concept of sustainable human security. The rule of law and
good governance are as important to maintaining global
peace as disarmament measures. We are also coming to
realize that real security cannot be guaranteed by the State
alone, but must involve civil society as well.
(spoke in English)
These realizations stemmed in part from a growing
sense of insecurity at the newly emerging but deadly threats
of what one writer has described as “the underside of
globalization”, including environmental degradation, crime
and terrorism, and a lack of equity between the peoples of
the Earth.
The recent series of United Nations conferences has
served both to define the concept of sustainable human
security and to bring home the growing challenges to the
security of the individual. The road map is clear; we do not
need to study it any further. Now is the time to move
forward in a concerted, comprehensive way.
There are already notable examples of what the United
Nations system has achieved, such as programmes to
improve children’s health and strategies to combat such
environmental threats as depletion of the ozone layer.
But as important as these advances are, there remain
far too many paper commitments instead of real progress
on the ground. Currently we are swamped by a plethora of
agendas, blueprints and plans that run the risk of exhausting
the ability of donor nations to respond to or have a real
impact on those most in need. Too many bodies are
established to implement these plans, creating jurisdictional
confusion and an overlap in implementation. We need to
recognize that in the realm of sustainable human security,
Governments are not alone. The groups and networks that
have emerged around the world representing women,
indigenous peoples and children, along with business and
finance, are now major players, and we need a system of
governance that recognizes this and brings them into
partnership with Governments themselves.
One example of a new system is the Arctic Council,
which was inaugurated in Ottawa last week. This
multilateral regional body brings together Arctic nations
and indigenous groups to cooperate in the sustainable
development and environmental protection of a unique
and precious part of the globe. The Council represents a
new model of international organization, bringing together
people and States to share their energy and resources in
a common cause.
The upcoming World Food Summit organized by the
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
(FAO) provides another opportunity to combine
governmental and non-governmental efforts. As a major
agricultural producer, Canada looks forward to working
with other nations and with non-governmental
organizations and representatives on solutions to the
problem of food security through approaches to
technology transfer, financing and land reform.
As private trade and investment flows into
developing countries increasingly outweigh the
significance of official development assistance, issues
such as terms of trade and debt take on even greater
significance. At the same time, new and complex issues
are emerging which existing international structures are
not well placed to address.
One major emerging issue is the relationship
between trade and labour standards. We are pleased to see
the International Labour Organization (ILO) focus on core
labour standards, including by working towards an
international convention on the elimination of forced child
labour. There can be no clearer example of an issue
where cooperation and dialogue with other international
and regional organizations, particularly between the ILO
and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and with non-
governmental groups is required in order to produce
synergy rather than overlap.
Sustainable human security means providing for
basic needs not just in economic ways, but in political
ways as well. Recent conflicts have demonstrated by
negative example that respect for human rights and
14

democratic principles is fundamental to the prevention of
conflict.
Last year, Canada commissioned work on the human
rights components of the United Nations field operations.
I am pleased to announce today that we will immediately
begin compiling a roster of qualified Canadian human rights
experts available for rapid deployment as part of larger
peace-building operations. We look forward to coordinating
our efforts with those of Norway and others to ensure
coherent, focused support for such United Nations efforts.
In 1998 we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This will be an
occasion not only to reaffirm our commitment to its
principles, but also to consider further practical steps to
implement them. One step we will take is to promote, as
part of the fiftieth anniversary, the preparations led by the
High Commissioner for Human Rights, international
dialogue on means to combat hate propaganda, which is so
often the trigger of human tragedies such as genocide and
“ethnic cleansing”.
The establishment of international war-crimes
Tribunals in The Hague for the former Yugoslavia and for
Rwanda represents a critical element of necessary progress
in the field of human rights. They signal our determination
to hold accountable all individuals guilty of committing
atrocities, be they officials of the State or extra- or para-
State actors. Above all, they signal our determination to
break the cycle of hatred. It is for these reasons that Canada
strongly urges the prompt establishment of a permanent
international criminal court as a new instrument in the fight
against massive human rights violations.
There is one aspect of human rights that my
Government and I have personally decided to make an
utmost priority: the rights of children. Let me take this
opportunity to thank the Swedish Government and
commend the organizers of last month’s World Congress on
the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children. It is
Canada’s fervent hope that this Congress will lead to the
implementation of the most effective practical measures, as
well as to the adoption and ratification of legally binding
international instruments to combat child slavery and the
commercial sexual exploitation of children. We should
move resolutely to conclude negotiation of the Draft
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography.
We will work through our own development funds
with all countries interested in similar goals.
The concept of sustainable democracy requires,
beyond a commitment to respect for basic human rights,
also a commitment to democratic development. In the last
decade we have seen the United Nations involved in the
promotion of democracy from Cambodia to South Africa
to Haiti. Other multilateral organizations are also playing
an important role, such as the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in the recent elections
in Bosnia. Recent conflicts have demonstrated the
importance of stable democratic structures in promoting
sustainable human security. They have also highlighted
the need to distinguish between legitimate aspirations and
dangerous tendencies towards fragmentation. Attempts to
structure political participation around culturally or
ethnically “pure” mini-States must be resisted by the
international community.
(spoke in French)
Haiti has been a critical test for the United Nations.
The promotion of democratization has been an integral
part of security. Concerted international effort is needed
to support democracy, not merely for the sake of one
leader or one election, but as part of the ongoing process
of laying the foundations of democratic institutions. We
must recognize this and must make the commitments
needed to ensure that the United Nations can work
effectively for peace and stability in Haiti.
(spoke in English)
Nigeria, Burundi and Burma are among the most
recent challenges to our collective ability to support
democratic aspirations. Canada remains firmly committed
to the restoration of democracy in these countries, and to
working in these countries and with our partners,
bilaterally, multilaterally and within the Commonwealth
and francophonie to this end.
The explosion of information technologies presents
great dangers but also great opportunities for human
security. Extremist groups can spread their message of
hate and intolerance more easily, and we have only to
look to Bosnia and Rwanda to see the tragic effects this
can have. Yet at the same time, these technologies have
placed powerful tools for the strengthening of civil
society in the hands of millions of individual citizens and
groups.
15

The development of information technologies raises
many other questions, including issues of access and of
countering abuses such as the transmission of child
pornography or terrorism. The Economic and Social
Council has mandated a study of these issues. In Canada
we believe we have solid knowledge and expertise in these
area in terms of technology and jurisprudence and we will
make major contributions to finding solutions.
I have outlined some of the major issues that require
conceptual innovation on the part of the United Nations.
The counterpart to conceptual innovation is innovation in
renewing existing United Nations structures and developing
new ones. We should not hesitate to eliminate those
programmes or bodies that no longer serve any useful
purpose, to reorient those whose mission so requires, and
to consolidate and eliminate duplication. Nor should we
hesitate to create new instruments, within existing
resources, to deal with the challenge of the day. Reform is
more than just cost-cutting, though that aspect must not be
ignored.
Our first priority is the ongoing financial crisis the
United Nations faces. We have seen some encouraging
progress in the establishment and early results of the
Efficiency Board.
Perhaps more importantly, there is a growing
awareness of the need for financial and administrative
restructuring. But much remains to be done. I cannot
simply content myself here with calling yet again for all
Members to pay their dues unconditionally — in full and
on time. I have to ask why it is that over half the Member
States are failing to meet this standard, and some are failing
to pay at all. Pressures on government budgets is no
excuse; Canada has in recent years undertaken some of the
most severe expenditure cuts of any developed country. Yet
we have maintained our commitment to pay our dues in full
and on time, because we believe that the United Nations
responds to key international priorities.
Perhaps some Members are withholding dues as a
form of blackmail, hoping to pressure the United Nations
into reforms through fiscal starvation. This is both wrong-
headed and short-sighted. An organization in crisis will not
have the energy required to tackle genuine reform. What is
needed here is political will, both in paying dues and in
moving forward in the difficult task of reviewing the scale
of assessments to better reflect the ability to pay. Canada
hopes that others will join us in demonstrating that will
during the current session of the Assembly.
Another priority is to strengthen the effectiveness of
the Security Council by giving it greater accountability,
representativeness, transparency and responsibility.
Canada attaches particular importance to the need to
ensure meaningful participation in decision-making by
those Members whose nationals — military or civilian —
are in the crossfire of the conflicts that the Council is
debating.
The Council needs to address two issues: its role and
its composition. On the former, if the Council is to come
to terms with the more complex nature of international
peace and security, it must be prepared to assume a
greater role in conflict prevention. This will require
cooperation among the Security Council, the Secretary-
General and other Governments and non-governmental
actors in identifying and addressing emergency crises.
On the latter issue, the Council can address
criticisms of it as a closed body whose membership does
not fully reflect changes in the world since 1945 by
increasing the number of seats. The distribution of those
seats should take into account in the first instance the
contribution of Members to the broader purposes of the
United Nations Charter, and also the need for equitable
geographic representation. Membership has its privileges,
but more importantly, it must bring with it a special
responsibility and commitment to the principles of the
United Nations Charter and to sustainable human security.
(spoke in French)
Equally important is the revitalization of the General
Assembly. The United Nations General Assembly is the
one body that brings together all nations of the world in
their full diversity. It represents on a global scale both the
essence and the challenge of democracy. The General
Assembly must achieve consensus and take decisions on
the new human security agenda. It must promote
sustainable human security, a concept that combines the
need to husband natural resources, to generate growth and
to ensure peace and security.
(spoke in English)
I have outlined today some of the steps that Canada
has taken to advance thinking, to improve existing
practices and to develop new ones. And I know that other
Member States have been working towards the very same
end. We now have many options to consider and discuss.
16

But plans, proposals and studies are not enough. As
the poet Yeats said, “In dreams begins responsibility.” It is
easy to dream; it is much harder to act. We have a renewed
vision of multilateralism, and a renewed mandate not just
for the prevention of conflict, but for the nurturing of
peace. We have started work on making that vision a
reality. We all recognize how daunting this task is as we
embark upon it; but we must persist, for the task is as vital
as it is difficult.
We in 1996 must show ourselves capable of restoring
the spirit of 1956 when, in the deepest freeze of the cold-
war climate, the United Nations gave birth to peacekeeping
and changed international relations forever. We need to find
within ourselves the ability and the will to innovate and the
persistence to implement our innovations. It is in the
interest of each one of us, as much as it is in the interests
of all of us, to do so.


I wish to take this
opportunity on behalf of His Excellency President Amata
Kabua and the Government and the people of the
Republic of the Marshall Islands to thank and to
acknowledge the leadership of the outgoing President,
Professor Diogo Freitas do Amaral, and also to
congratulate you, Ambassador Razali Ismail, on your
well-deserved election to the high office of the Presidency
of the General Assembly.
I am pleased to inform you, Sir, that at the recently
concluded South Pacific Forum meeting in the Republic
of the Marshall Islands, your country, Malaysia, was
invited to join the post-forum dialogue next year as a
partner, where we hope to further our cooperation.
In our capacity as Chairman of the South Pacific
Forum, I have the honour first to make some remarks of
a regional nature on behalf of the Forum members that
are also United Nations Members, followed by some
remarks of a more national perspective.
The South Pacific Forum held its twenty-seventh
meeting last month in Majuro, the capital of the Republic
of the Marshall Islands. The theme for this session,
“Pacific Solidarity for the Common Good”, highlights one
of the important building blocks of our regional
cooperation towards sustainable development. The Forum
leaders reviewed a broad range of measures in the area of
economic reform and development. These and other
important decisions of the South Pacific Forum leaders
are contained in the Forum communiqué, which has been
submitted to the Secretary-General and will be circulated
as an official United Nations document.
In his opening remarks to the Forum at Majuro, the
President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, His
Excellency Mr. Amata Kabua, emphasized the unity and
the harmony of the nations gathered at the meeting, which
traversed immense ocean barriers. The restraining pull of
national interests and cultural differences are all
harmonized — fine-tuned, so to speak — into a single sea
of unity. It is through this unity that seemingly
insurmountable obstacles or intractable problems can be
resolved. In deliberating on and reviewing their respective
performances together and charting the way towards a
prosperous and secure future for the region, the Forum
leaders gave deeper meaning to the theme of this year’s
session.
I wish to make some remarks about the outcome of
those discussions. Climate change is a global problem that
5

requires a global solution. The Forum has again highlighted
its concern over climate change and called for urgent action
in view of the second assessment report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which states
that the balance of scientific evidence suggests a discernible
human influence on the global climate. This report has
given us much to be concerned about, and the Forum
countries call on the international community to accelerate
negotiations at the next conference of the parties.
The international community needs to achieve
significant progress towards the goal of lowering
greenhouse gas emissions in the near future. The survival
of many small island developing States, as well as many
other developing States that are adversely affected in some
way by climate change depends upon our taking action. We
will all be adversely affected by climate change. For this
reason we reaffirm our full support for the alliance of small
island States protocol in the context of the discussions of
the Ad Hoc Group on the Berlin Mandate, which calls for
stronger carbon dioxide reductions in a time-bound
framework.
During this session of the General Assembly we will
review progress on a number of related issues under the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,
including fisheries conservation and management and
efforts to reduce the incidence of illegal fishing practices.
We will also reiterate the importance that our region has
placed on the effectiveness of an international legal regime
for oceans and their resources, including, in our view,
providing adequate financial resources to the International
Seabed Authority in Kingston, Jamaica.
The Forum leaders underscored the importance that
the Pacific fish stocks have for international trade and our
livelihood. We recognize that this important resource must
be managed sustainably to maximize its benefits to our
region. In this connection, the Forum leaders have
requested our regional experts to develop comprehensive
agreements for the sustainable management of the region’s
fisheries across the full geographical range of the stocks,
including the high seas, taking into account the Agreement
on straddling fish stocks and highly migratory fish stocks
opened for signature here in New York last year. The
Republic of the Marshall Islands has offered to host a
second High-level Multilateral Consultation on the
Conservation and Management of Fisheries Resources of
the Central Western Pacific next year to advance this
process. This ministerial meeting will discuss a number of
issues, including restocking, greater involvement of the
distant-water-fishing nations in conservation and
management, data gathering on the range of the stocks,
and transshipments.
The Forum leaders are also committed to the review
and appraisal of Agenda 21, which will take place at the
special session of the General Assembly next year.
Mechanisms have been established for regional dialogue,
partnership and participation in the development of
concrete proposals for action regarding the progress made
since the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development in 1992. The Forum has asked its Advisory
Committee to coordinate these tasks and make
preparations to submit reports to that special session. In
this respect I wish to call on our development partners to
support the efforts of the Forum countries and our
regional organizations, so that the special session will be
a thorough and comprehensive review. But in this regard,
we caution against a proliferation of organizations and
meetings when the concerted efforts of the international
community should be focused on practical measures,
which will improve on the efforts under way at the
regional level. It is problematic for our administrations,
with limited resources, to cover too many meetings
dealing with the same topics, and we fear that
unnecessary duplication may occur as a result.
We will report to that session on a number of
initiatives, following on from the report submitted to the
Commission on Sustainable Development in 1996 by the
South Pacific Regional Environmental Programme
(SPREP). In our region we recognize the importance of
the multiple role that forests have, and the need for a
comprehensive approach by the international community
to the sustainable management and conservation of all
types of forests. For our part in sustainable forests
management, the Forum endorsed a South Pacific Code
of Conduct for Logging of Indigenous Forests in selected
South Pacific Forum countries. Also, in the light of the
fact that 1997 will be the Year of the Coral Reef in the
Pacific, we hope to include progress reports on the
implementation of coastal-zone-management strategies.
The international community took steps at the
Barbados Conference to acknowledge the special situation
and interests of small island developing States. We stress
the need to give particular attention to the comprehensive
Programme of Action produced at that Conference, and to
have the special needs of small island developing States
adequately addressed in the United Nations development
efforts. In its review of Agenda 21 the special session
6

should lay the grounds for further international cooperation,
national and regional initiative, and the mobilization of
resources for meeting the sustainable development needs of
small island developing States.
I wish to raise some of issues of political significance
for our region. The Forum commended progress by France
and parties in New Caledonia on the implementation of the
Matignon Agreements. It welcomed the recent reception
accorded to the Ministerial Mission from the Forum
countries by the French and New Caledonian authorities.
Forum countries encourage all parties to continue dialogue
in the search for a durable solution to the question of the
territory’s long-term future.
I wish to inform the General Assembly that the Forum
has reaffirmed its strong and unanimous support for
Australia’s candidature for the Security Council in this
year’s election. Furthermore, in recognition of the
importance of Japan as a constructive partner for the region,
the Forum also expressed strong and unanimous support for
the candidature of Japan at the same election.
The Forum expressed satisfaction at the permanent
cessation of French nuclear testing in the South Pacific.
This marked the end of all nuclear testing in a region that
had been subjected to both atmospheric and underground
testing for five decades. China’s recent announcement of a
moratorium on nuclear testing meant that all five nuclear-
weapon States were now observing testing moratoriums
long urged by the Forum. Earlier this month the General
Assembly took action to adopt and open for signature a
comprehensive test-ban Treaty (CTBT). This was an effort
fully supported by the Forum, and the resolution was
sponsored by all the United Nations members of the Forum.
We are pleased with the passage of resolution 50/78, and
urge all States to join with us in signing and ratifying the
CTBT as soon as possible, to facilitate the Treaty’s earliest
implementation.
We should recall the Advisory Opinion tendered by
the International Court of Justice on the legality of the
threat or use of nuclear weapons, which recognized that all
members of the international community have an obligation
to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion
negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its
aspects under strict and effective international control. The
Forum leaders urged all States concerned, particularly the
nuclear-weapon States, to continue meaningful negotiations
with a view to further significant reductions of nuclear
stockpiles in the near future as a step towards the ultimate
elimination of nuclear weapons.
They also warmly welcomed the signature and
ratification by Vanuatu of the South Pacific Nuclear-Free
Zone Treaty, the signature of Tonga, and the signing of
the protocols to the Treaty by France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America. As a result
of these developments, all States within the Treaty area
have now given their support to the Treaty, and all five
nuclear-weapon States have undertaken to respect its
provisions. We welcome the ratification by France of the
protocols. The Forum also urged early ratification of the
protocols by the United Kingdom and the United States
of America.
The Forum leaders were encouraged by the
establishment since their last meeting of two nuclear-
weapon-free zones: in South-East Asia and Africa.
Leaders noted with satisfaction that these developments
represented progress with respect to the decisions
accompanying the indefinite extension in 1995 of the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In
this context, Forum leaders expressed support for an
appropriate resolution at this session of the United
Nations General Assembly whereby signatory States of
the southern hemisphere nuclear-weapon-free-zone treaties
and other members of the international community could
affirm their support for these zones and cooperate in the
furtherance of the goals of these zones and of nuclear
non-proliferation and disarmament.
The Forum again reaffirmed the existence of a
special responsibility towards those peoples of the former
United Nations Trust Territory administered by the United
States, the Marshall Islands, which was adversely affected
as a result of nuclear-weapon tests conducted during the
period of the trusteeship. This responsibility includes the
safe resettlement of displaced human populations and the
restoration to economic productivity of affected areas.
The Forum wishes again to raise concerns over
shipments of plutonium and radioactive wastes through
our region. These shipments must be carried out in
accordance with the strictest international safety and
security standards. All contingencies must be fully
addressed, and full consultation must be carried out with
the countries of the regions through which the shipments
will occur.
I now wish to make some comments on behalf of
my national delegation.
In regard to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT), it is important that countries that were
7

severely affected by nuclear testing play a role in the 51-
member Executive Council being envisaged within the
CTBT framework to oversee all aspects of the
implementation of the Treaty. I wish to reiterate that the
Republic of the Marshall Islands stands ready to present its
candidacy for that Council, once established.
We are grateful to President Clinton and his
Administration for their transparent policy of disclosing
previously classified information relating to the nuclear-
testing programme in the Marshall Islands. We also wish to
thank our friends and supporters in the United States
Congress for their assistance. We hope that our cooperation
continues to improve and that the process of disclosure is
accelerated. All the information pertaining to the nuclear-
testing programme should be provided to my Government,
in order that we may fully comprehend the implications for
our planning for the health and well-being of our citizens
and our environment.
The Government of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands has recently learned that the damage caused by
nuclear-weapon-test programmes during the trusteeship is
far greater and more horrible than originally disclosed. The
radiation released by all 67 nuclear-weapon tests is
currently known to affect more atolls and more groups of
people than previously disclosed, as reported by the White
House Advisory Committee on Human Radiation
Experiments. The health, environment, medical, social and
economic consequences resulting from the effects of the
radiation released remains a major concern for the
Government of the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As a
result, at our current level of knowledge the costs related to
the effects of radiation make it very hard to properly treat
and care for the people who have, and continue to show,
radiation-related illnesses. This also applies to programmes
related to the rehabilitation of contaminated islands and the
safe resettlement of affected communities.
We cannot solve these problems on our own, and we
feel obliged to appeal to the international community. Our
concern continues to be that our situation has not been fully
addressed and rectified until now. We welcome the new
willingness of the United States authorities to constructively
work with the Republic of the Marshall Islands to address
the full range of outstanding nuclear issues, which have for
so long affected our relationship and the well-being of our
people. We acknowledge the assistance that has been
provided up to now, which includes efforts at clean-up and
resettlement. But much more needs to be done.
We reiterate the call that was made to the High-level
Open-ended Working Group of the General Assembly on
the Financial Situation of the United Nations to reduce
the so-called floor rate in the scale of assessments. This
is an issue of vital importance to all developing countries
with small economies, in particular a large number of
small island developing States and least developed
countries. The situation was firmly noted by the
Committee on Contributions in its last report:
“the current floor assessment rate of 0.01 per cent
resulted in a serious departure from the principle of
capacity to pay for a number of smaller Member
States.” (A/50/11/Add.2, para. 50)
We call on the Fifth Committee to take action on
this matter as soon as possible, and the time for this has
come at this session of the General Assembly. In our
view, this would have a beneficial effect for over 60
countries.
Another area of reform that is of great concern to us
is the expansion of the Security Council. The need for a
more democratic process and for allowing greater
participation in the work of the Council is something that
we all reaffirmed during the fiftieth-anniversary session.
However, we have to make more progress in
implementing our ideas in this regard.
This will be a very important year for the United
Nations in that we will take stock of many of our current
activities and lay the groundwork for many others. As
Chair of the South Pacific Forum, the Republic of the
Marshall Islands will spare no effort to ensure a
successful conclusion to this year’s agenda. The Republic
of the Marshall Islands has been an active participant in
this Assembly in the five years that we have been a
member. We have come a long way since the adoption of
our Constitution in 1979. We pledge our cooperation to
the President’s leadership and we look forward to
working closely with him and the members of the General
Assembly.


At the outset I would like, on behalf of my country, to
congratulate the President sincerely, and the friendly
country of Malaysia, on his election to preside over the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session. His
competence and profound knowledge of international
affairs will clearly contribute to the achievement of the
expected results of the session. I should like to take this
opportunity to assure him that the delegation of the
Kingdom of Morocco will provide its full support and
assistance in order to achieve those results.
I would also like to express my deep appreciation to
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral for the wisdom with which
he guided the proceedings of the fiftieth session and for
his commendable efforts in connection with the
commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations.
Although the cold war ended a few years ago, and
despite the hopes of the peoples of the world that a new
international era would dawn in which they could reap the
benefits and dividends of peace and take part on an equal
footing in the guidance and management of international
affairs in order to preserve their ideals, values and
interests, we note that the current world situation is
characterized by instability and confusion and is far from
reflecting the order we so hoped to achieve. Indeed, far
from bringing peace, security and justice, the end of the
cold war spawned a situation in which local crises have
brought suffering to millions of people in several regions
of the world, severely stirring our global conscience.
These crises have also highlighted the inability of the
international community to devise effective mechanisms
to resolve such conflicts in an equitable way and to put
an end to the tragedies they engender.
Morocco believes that the Secretary-General’s
initiative for restructuring the United Nations and
strengthening its role falls precisely within this
perspective and can prepare the Organization to deal with
the effects of these conflicts through preventive
diplomacy, the development and reform of United Nations
bodies, and coordination between the United Nations and
other international and regional organizations. We are,
moreover, convinced that the re-election of Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali to a second term as Secretary-General
would be the best guarantee for the continuation of those
reforms. The Secretary-General’s experience, competence,
15

courage and spirit of initiative in settling international
conflicts and reactivating international cooperation in
various fields, make him the best choice to guide the affairs
of the Organization during a second mandate. Morocco also
hopes that any controversy on the subject will be avoided
in order to forestall adverse repercussions on the work of
this session and on the future of the Organization.
The commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of our
Organization provided an opportunity for the numerous
Heads of State who attended the celebration to express
concerns and apprehensions regarding the challenges
confronting us. They issued a Declaration that contained
their proposals and recommendations for meeting those
challenges and devising effective mechanisms to promote
closer relations among countries. In our view, this session
provides us an opportunity to reflect on those
recommendations and proposals and to find answers to the
questions raised by the Heads of State regarding the
fundamental and structural reforms of the United Nations.
With regard to the Security Council and its
prerogatives in discharging its mandate to maintain
international peace and security, we believe that any
initiative aimed at expanding the membership of the
Security Council and improving its modes of action would
require much thought and circumspection. It must take into
account current realities if any final decision in this regard
is to lead to the desired reform and thereby guarantee
equitable representation of all continents. The aim here is
to ensure the Council’s efficiency and credibility and to
enhance its ability to cope with any violation of
international law without impinging on the prerogatives and
role of the General Assembly.
However, any reform that does not take into account
the current financial difficulties of the Organization clearly
cannot produce the expected results. It will be extremely
difficult for the United Nations to fulfil its mission without
a stable financial base. Hence the need for all Member
States to pay their contributions, settle their arrears and
thereby give concrete substance to their collective and
continued support for the efforts of the Organization.
In the field of disarmament, many important steps
have been taken in the control of weapons of mass
destruction, including nuclear weapons. Following the
establishment of nuclear-free zones in Latin America and
the South Pacific and the indefinite extension of the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the African
countries signed a Treaty making Africa a nuclear-free
continent. In addition to these achievements, we hope to see
the Middle East also become a zone free of weapons of
mass destruction and of nuclear weapons in particular.
Moreover, following the success of the efforts to
produce the final version, the Comprehensive Nuclear
Test-Ban Treaty will be open for signature tomorrow.
Morocco, which made an important contribution to the
drafting of the Treaty, is convinced that this document
will open the way for the complete elimination of nuclear
weapons, strengthen international cooperation and
promote the exchange of knowledge about the peaceful
uses of nuclear energy, so that developing countries can
achieve their economic and technical goals.
Morocco’s interest in this subject is predicated on its
acute awareness of the risks involved and that arms
control is the cornerstone of any initiative aimed at firmly
establishing the basis for international peace and security
throughout the world. Humanity can be sheltered from the
tragedy of massively destructive wars only through the
full and complete elimination of nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons under effective international control.
Last year, I told this Assembly that the efforts of the
Kingdom of Morocco to achieve territorial integrity had
gone through a series of phases unique in the history of
the independence of nations. The time has come for
Morocco to recover all its territories.
Being fully committed to peace and to the settlement
of problems through dialogue, and having continually
defended this principle in international forums as a means
for resolving problems between nations, Morocco is
convinced that the return of the cities of Ceuta and
Melilla and of the neighbouring islands still under
Spanish occupation can only occur through those same
means. This is particularly true given the common
interests and the well-established and good-neighbourly
relations existing between Morocco and Spain. This is,
moreover, precisely what His Majesty King Hassan II
took the initiative to underscore when he called for the
establishment of a Moroccan-Spanish think tank
definitively to resolve this question.
Accordingly, the final, complete solution we are
advocating is one which preserves Moroccan sovereignty
on the territories it holds, while guaranteeing Spanish
interests. This would further consolidate the dynamics of
the diverse and close cooperation between the northern
and southern shores of the Mediterranean. We are also
convinced that our age-old relations with neighbouring
16

Spain will be instrumental in finding a permanent solution
to this question.
The developments in the Middle East over the past
few years opened prospects of tolerance and coexistence for
the peoples of the region, instead of dissension and fighting.
We view the progress that has been made as an auspicious
sign in that regard, starting with the Madrid Conference and
the Oslo agreements and progressing to the
Palestinian-Israeli agreement and the Jordanian-Israeli
agreement.
Morocco has contributed to giving life to the concept
of peace in the region, and has made tireless efforts to
establish a comprehensive, just and lasting peace that would
guarantee the return of all occupied Arab territories,
including Al-Quds al-Sharif, the occupied Syrian Golan
Heights and southern Lebanon in keeping with Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978)
and the principle of land for peace. We therefore regret the
interruption of the peace process, which threatens to destroy
all the efforts we have made to establish security and
stability in the region.
We have the right to wonder whether the principles
and commitments agreed upon at the Madrid Conference,
which provided the groundwork for the process towards
establishing a just and comprehensive peace in the region,
have become outdated, not to say null and void. Has the
new Israeli Government, which seeks to cast doubt on those
principles and commitments, realized the disastrous
consequences of such a course of action, which could take
the region and its peoples back to a situation we thought
was behind us thanks to an irreversible commitment and a
new perception of the region’s future?
We believe in peace and are dedicated to its defence
and maintenance as an irreversible option and goal. My
country has contributed to this mission of its own free will
and in good faith. Similarly, we have on many occasions
pointed out that genuine security for all the countries of the
region can be achieved only through the establishment of a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace which guarantees the
rights of all parties in the region.
In this respect, we call for scrupulous and unequivocal
commitment, with no delays, to all that has been agreed
upon, in order to implement the agreements reached
according to the scheduled phases of the peace process. We
also call for removing the obstacles impeding the bilateral
Arab-Israeli negotiations so that we may keep abreast of the
substantial progress made in the multilateral peace process
in order to achieve the desired final solution.
The blockade imposed on the Palestinian territories,
which hinders even the delivery of international assistance
to the Palestinian people, makes it particularly difficult
for the Palestinian Authority to discharge its obligations
to its people, who are living in extremely difficult
conditions. In addition, the colonization policy applied by
Israel and the changes it is introducing in the old part of
the city of Al-Quds and neighbouring areas constitute a
violation of the United Nations resolutions, principles and
commitments to which I referred earlier.
In this respect, we call for a lifting of this blockade
and for providing full material support and assistance to
the Palestinian Authority, in accordance with the decisions
taken by the international community, so that the
Authority can discharge its mission in the best possible
conditions and launch the process of the economic
development of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in
order to enable the Palestinian people to establish their
independent State, with Al-Quds as its capital, and to
contribute, on equal footing, to the progress, cooperation
and prosperity of the region.
The Gulf crisis has long cast a dark shadow on the
region and created crisis conditions. We have repeatedly
called for transcending these conditions through the
implementation of internationally binding resolutions
within the framework of ensuring the security and
stability of the region and preserving the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the countries of the region. We are
convinced that this situation cannot continue indefinitely.
The prospects for an easing of the crisis are
beginning to emerge, based on the progress made in the
implementation of Security Council resolutions, and the
understanding reached by Iraq and the United Nations on
the implementation of resolution 986 (1995), known as
the oil-for-food resolution. We regret the latest
developments in the Gulf region, which are likely to once
again plunge that area into a spiral of instability and
postpone the implementation of that resolution. As we call
for restraint and calm in order to avoid any escalation, we
reaffirm the need to respect Iraq’s sovereignty and
territorial integrity and to implement Security Council
resolution 986 (1995), in order to alleviate the hardships
of the Iraqi people, who are still suffering from the
embargo which has been imposed on them for the last six
years.
17

The problem of the United Arab Emirate islands of the
Greater and the Lesser Tunbs and Abu Musa has not yet
been resolved. Given the relationship of kinship and
brotherhood between us and the United Arab Emirates, and
given our historic and brotherly relations with Iran, we call
upon the two neighbouring countries to find a definitive
solution to this crisis on the basis of respect for the
sovereignty of the United Arab Emirates over its islands
and respect for its territorial integrity, in keeping with the
relations of neighbourliness and the traditional ties existing
between the two countries. These ties should be exploited
to the benefit of the peoples of the Emirates and Iran and
to achieve stability in the region.
Morocco attaches special importance to the conflict
between Libya and certain Western countries because of its
repercussions on international and regional relations. In this
connection, we regretfully note the implications of the
measures imposed on Libya and their extensive damaging
effects on the Libyan people and on the economies of
neighbouring countries. The continuation of this situation
has been a source of concern.
Morocco, which is interested in seeing this problem
settled amicably, calls for a favourable response to the
initiatives and efforts made by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
the Arab League, the Non-Aligned Movement and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference to find a solution to
this crisis.
The world has followed with very keen interest the
international efforts aimed at restoring peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. These efforts have rekindled hope and
provided an opportunity to put an end to the conflict in the
region and to the crimes against humanity that have claimed
tens of thousands of Bosnian lives. Morocco fully supports
the Bosnian people and their just cause, including the
preservation of their sovereignty, territorial integrity and
identity, and has never hesitated, in its current capacity as
Chairman of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to
shoulder its responsibilities to help the Bosnian people
overcome their ordeal. Thus, we worked to set up a
coordination mechanism between the Islamic Contact Group
and the International Contact Group, which contributed to
bringing about the official signing, at the Paris Conference,
of the Dayton Agreement, which aims at putting an end to
the bloodshed in the region, finding a comprehensive, just
and lasting solution, instilling respect for international
legality, and contributing to stability in the region. My
country has also met its international obligations through its
participation in the Implementation Force, thereby
contributing to the establishment of security and stability
in that region.
We are gratified to note the substantial progress
made in the implementation of the military aspects of the
Dayton Agreement and the launching of the construction
of political institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We
hope that the legislative elections held recently will
constitute yet another constructive step towards preserving
the territorial integrity and political unity of the Republic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and achieving harmony and
concord among the country’s various constituents in order
to secure its stability and development.
The current world economic situation clearly reveals
the wide gap between developed and developing
countries, as well as the increasing marginalization of the
latter in the international economic arena. This unbalanced
situation threatens to lead to conflicts among countries
arising out of economic and development considerations
and could thus adversely affect world stability.
Given the staggering increase in external debt and its
negative repercussions on the economies of the
developing countries, there is an urgent need today to find
adequate solutions to this situation, which is mortgaging
the future of the developing countries. Such solutions can
be achieved only through the creation of conditions more
conducive to increasing equal opportunities among the
countries of the world and a genuine partnership that can
pave the way towards the achievement of balanced and
lasting development.
In this context, we once again welcome the initiative
of the United Nations Secretary-General in the “Agenda
for Development”. We hope that it will lead to positive
results, redress the imbalance and help to achieve the
economic development sought by the developing
countries.
The changes affecting the international economic
scene following the crystallization of the concept of
economic globalization and the liberalization of trade-
mandate corrective measures require that the existing
disproportion be corrected, particularly since the
behaviour of certain developed countries in trade
liberalization is still marked by a selective approach.
Moreover, protectionist measures and the institution of
covert barriers in the guise of various environmental and
other considerations are inconsistent with the desirable
policy of liberalization of international trade.
18

We hope that the task of redressing these imbalances
will feature prominently among the concerns of the World
Trade Organization in the near future and that a balance
may be struck between freedom of trade and development
requirements.
If a solution is to be found, the role of international
financial institutions must be extensively reassessed in view
of the deep changes affecting the international scene.
Accordingly, we call for the implementation of the
provisions of World Trade Organization agreements and for
careful thought to be given to defining the concepts of
globalization that now determine the very future of nations,
peoples and, indeed, entire continents. This could be done
by means of financial and economic transactions designed
to close the gap between countries and to overcome the
marginalization from which many of them suffer,
particularly in Africa.
We keenly hope that the meeting of the World Trade
Organization at Singapore in December will provide an
opportunity to assess the situation and to enter into a more
careful consideration of the consistency of economic,
financial and monetary policies, for which Morocco has
been calling for some time.
The deterioration in the situation on the African
continent is most certainly at the forefront of issues
demanding a joint effort on the part of the international
community. Effective and practical solutions must be found
for the serious economic, social and humanitarian problems
facing African States, which have been compounded by
tragedies such as civil war, the spread of epidemics and
deadly diseases, desertification, refugee problems and all
they entail.
Morocco, as a country on the African continent that
enjoys deep-rooted historical and other ties with other
African States, takes a keen interest in the continent’s
problems. Bearing in mind those ancient ties and our
special political relations, my country has contributed,
within the means available to it, to the development of
Africa through the establishment of bilateral cultural and
technical cooperation with the States of the continent.
Morocco will therefore spare no effort to develop and
consolidate bilateral cooperation with African States to help
the African continent overcome its problems and emerge
from marginalization.
During the Marrakesh Ministerial Meeting of the
Uruguay Round in 1994, His Majesty King Hassan II was
the first to call for the introduction of a “Marshall Plan”
for Africa and to stress the need for greater international
efforts to help African States develop their economies and
become integrated into the world economy.
In this framework, we welcome the United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative on Africa. In our opinion,
we should do our utmost to help this Initiative succeed by
ensuring that both the United Nations and the
international community provide the necessary financial
and technical support.
With regard to what is known as the question of
Western Sahara, I would like to affirm, as I have done
many times before, Morocco’s commitment and
unswerving willingness to implement the United Nations
Settlement Plan which guarantees the right of all people
from the Sahara to express their will through a
referendum.
It has now become clear to everyone that since the
end of last year, the United Nations Plan has reached a
deadlock. We hope that this stalemate will end as soon as
possible so that the Settlement Plan can be carried out on
the basis of a referendum.
As the twenty-first century comes into view, the
world hopes that tomorrow will bring a brighter future
characterized by peace, cooperation and brotherhood
among peoples. As we stand on the threshold of a new
century, we need to strengthen the United Nations and
consolidate its capabilities so that it can keep up with the
changes taking place and respond to people’s desire for
security, justice and development.