Three  years ago, when I first had the honour of addressing the General Assembly in a plenary meeting (see A/70/ PV.22), I emphasized that Greece was at the forefront of three overlapping international crises. Those crises have had a severe impact on Greek society, its economy and the country’s diplomatic role in the region.
Greece was the country most hard hit by the eurozone crisis, losing 25 per cent of its gross domestic product, reaching more than 27 per cent unemployment and significant levels of poverty. Greece was also the European country that, from a per-capita point of view, carried the heaviest burden of the refugee crisis, as over
1.2 million people entered its islands within a period of a few months. Greece also found itself at the centre of a worsening crisis of destabilization in the Balkans

and the eastern Mediterranean, with nationalism growing rapidly.
The question for me at the time of  my  statement in 2015, as it was for all of us, was  whether  the  United Nations, the international community and our international institutions would be able to help overcome those common challenges through collective solutions. The question was whether the European Union (EU), the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization and the World Bank would guide us to sustainable growth, help decrease poverty and promote more balanced global trade. The question was whether the EU, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration would help us to effectively and humanely resolve the refugee and migrant crisis. The question was whether the United Nations, the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe would promote peace and stability, combat international terrorism and resolve conflicts in my region and many others.
In the years that followed, however,  what  came  to the fore was a very big “trust deficit” vis-à-vis international and national institutions, as the Secretary- General called it a few days ago (see A/73/PV.6). In that context, nationalist forces became stronger and stronger and finally succeeded in reframing the question. Their aggressive stance highlighted the fact that the question is not whether we can count on international institutions to solve common problems on the basis of common values, but whether those problems and values are common at all. Their logic in confronting those crises was simple and based on a not-in-my-backyard attitude.
For example, in dealing with the eurozone crisis, those forces called for a “Grexit” and the need to make an example of Greece. In dealing with the refugee crisis, they supported the unilateral closure of borders along the Balkan route as a solution, demanded push-backs into the sea and called for a small Schengen area that excluded front-line EU countries. In dealing with crises in the broader region, the solutions that they proposed were also simplistic — sanctions and preventive or humanitarian wars, and, when those led to a dead end, disengagement from the region and the containment of problems to avoid any spillover.
In Greece, we dynamically confronted not only the challenges themselves, but also the ideas and policies  I have mentioned about the problems. Not only did we
manage to stay standing, overcoming those difficulties, but beyond that we also became part of the solution, rather than part of the problem, in Europe and in the broader region. We did that without succumbing to the directives of countries, forces and institutions that disregarded the will of  the  Greek people  in favour  of their own economic or geopolitical interests and without resorting to nationalist politics that would  lead to a departure from the eurozone, an escalation of tension with neighbours and a violation of human rights and international law.
First, as regards the economy, we remained in the eurozone but carried out tough negotiations for an economic programme that centred on the necessary structural reforms and not on the perpetuation of punitive and exhausting austerity. At the same time, we protected labour rights and are now establishing a respectable minimum wage, while guaranteeing fiscal space to support the welfare State and those who are most vulnerable.
Today we have left behind economic programmes that only perpetuated recession. Our growth rate has been 2.1 per cent this year, and will be going on 2.5 per cent next year. Unemployment has fallen by 8 per cent, tourism has exceeded 34 million visits per year and  we are overachieving with regard to the size of budget surpluses, while investors’ interest is growing steadily. Greece is becoming a regional energy, commercial and transport hub, while also changing the energy map and developing its strategic assets.
Secondly, with regard to the refugee crisis, we have had to deal with the highest refugee flows in post- war European history. We did that while respecting international law and human rights. However, at the same time, we supported the difficult, but necessary, EU-Turkey statement. We did not give in to nationalistic and xenophobic voices that  called  for  push-backs into the sea or a superficial asylum process aimed at rejecting everyone. However, we also did not hesitate to accept that those who do not need international protection must return to their countries of origin where they can be safe.
We severely criticized those European countries that rejected their responsibility to assume their fair share of the burden — countries that call for unity when it comes to having rights but see things differently when it comes to fulfilling responsibilities. The people of Greece, despite their difficulties, opened their arms to

incoming migrants, showing the world what solidarity means. Deaths in the Aegean Sea have nearly reached zero, and migrant flows have fallen radically.
Thirdly, concerning the security crisis, we confronted grave challenges caused by rapid destabilization, the strengthening of nationalism and increasing tensions in a region in which we already had stark differences with neighbouring countries. In that geopolitical context, Greece retained a policy of protecting its sovereign rights and interests. However, at the same time, it chose to become, together with Cyprus, the most important European pillar of peace, security and stability in the region.
We have established dynamic trilateral schemes of cooperation with Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Palestine. We also clearly presented the message that dialogue, cooperation and respect for international law are the only ways to foster stable bilateral relations and strengthen the prospects for the region. Moreover, we remained committed to that policy in our difficult relations with Turkey, refusing again and again to give in to nationalism and the escalation of tensions. That position allowed us to show the great potential for our relations in the areas of security, migration, energy and the economy, while also making clear the need  for respect for international law in the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean.
In that context, we clearly expressed and continue to express our full support for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus issue, on the basis of United Nations decisions. The solution will be based on the framework of the Secretary-General and our important Crans- Montana negotiations.
Moreover, we are actively promoting stability and economic growth in the Balkans through a policy of resolving issues with our neighbours, which unlocks their potential to join the EU and other international organizations of their choice. One example would be our dialogue with Albania, but,  most  importantly,  the Prespes agreement with our immediate northern neighbour. That agreement is important not only for the region, but also as a model for the peaceful resolution of differences. Moreover, the agreement did not come about through the stronger party’s imposition of its will and interests on the other, but through a mutually acceptable arrangement that preserves the dignity of both sides.
I think that today it is high time that we, as an international  community,  reframed  the  questions for our future,  because we have heard  many important statements. The dilemma is not one of patriotism versus globalism. It is rather whether we will leave our world in a vicious circle of nationalist reaction and regression, which history has taught us leads to tragedy, or create the conditions for collective, progressive solutions that respect the national and popular sovereignty of each and every country.
Modern, democratic, patriotic politics cannot mean passively accepting the directives of transnational elites who are accountable to no one. Modern, democratic, patriotic politics cannot accept as a given an international order that reproduces inequalities of power and wealth, protects the rights of some to have enormous trade surpluses at  the  expense  of  others, or allows some countries to impose their will and interests on others in the name of common values no less. That is our position with regard to the eurozone, to humanitarian wars in the region and to our differences with our neighbours.
On the other hand, modern, democratic, patriotic politics has to be able to deal with twenty-first-century global and regional challenges, challenges that are common by their very nature and can only be dealt with collectively, on the basis of shared values. We believe that modern, democratic, patriotic politics must be based on collective arrangements and guarantees that preserve and promote peace, stability, sustainable growth and human rights, and that they  should  not  be based on a logic of unilateralism, nationalism and strengthening the powerful over the weak.
That means making sure that international organizations, including financial ones, become more accountable and respond to the actual needs of States and citizens. It means supporting the Secretary- General’s vision for United  Nations  reform, as  well as the 2030 Agenda  for  Sustainable  Development, the coming global compact on migration, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Iran nuclear deal, despite all of its weaknesses.
It means finding a political solution in Syria on the basis of an inclusive political dialogue under United Nations auspices, and revitalizing the Middle East peace process towards a comprehensive solution that responds to Israel’s just demand for security and the

Palestinians’ just demand for a State on the basis of the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
It means promoting valuable dialogue among European and Euro-Atlantic institutions and member States with Russia, on the basis of mutual respect and with the goal of dealing with international challenges and regional crises. It means promoting peace and development in Africa, supporting the countries that carry the biggest burden in hosting refugees, such as Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, and confronting the root causes of migration. It means supporting positive steps for a diplomatic solution to denuclearization on the Korean peninsula.
Lastly, particularly as we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it means advancing the human rights agenda, which Greece has done, after all, by granting citizenship to second-generation immigrants who were born and raised in our country, by establishing the legal recognition of gender identity and the institutionalization of civil partnership and by deepening the rights of the Muslim minority.
This year we are celebrating the 100th anniversary of the birth of Nelson Mandela, who once said that tasks always seem impossible until they are done. For the last eight years my country has been hit hard by three global crises. We decisively confronted the logic that countries affected by global challenges must deal with them alone. Today, although Greece still faces big challenges in its economy, migration management and diplomacy, it is again standing on its feet, bringing solutions to the region. That would not have happened without a politics that asserts popular and national sovereignty but also commits to collective solutions aimed at peace, stability and preserving human rights.
The challenge for our time is to once again find the proper balance as an international community, confronting international  forces that  spread  fear and hatred and that in the end seek to scale back the progress we have made. That is a genuinely modern, democratic and patriotic choice — one whose aim will be to ensure that our countries progress and prosper, rather than become pitted against each other.
In conclusion, the civilization of my country leaves no space for doubting the choice that we will support. I assure the Assembly that the Greek people will be standing once again, and as always, on the right side  of history.


I  am  pleased to begin my statement by congratulating Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés on her assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly, as the fourth-ever woman elected to this position of great responsibility, and wish her every success in discharging her important duties. Ms. Espinosa Garcés may count on the full support of Azerbaijan during her tenure.
We are also grateful to His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák for his outstanding work in presiding over the Assembly at its seventy-second session. I express my profound respect for and gratitude to the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, for his dedicated leadership and efforts aimed at improving the efficiency of the Organization. I would also like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to former Secretary- General Kofi Annan — a man of peace. His legacy will remain a true inspiration for all of us.
The theme of this year’s general debate is very timely and embodies those issues of utmost significance for all of us. We live in a globalized world where the interactions among people from different  countries are growing in intensity as they become increasingly extensive. Azerbaijan fully supports the Secretary- General’s determination to genuinely contribute to
preventing wars and sustaining peace, as well as his efforts aimed at responding to conflicts and crises in an early and effective manner, assisting Member States in their endeavours to sustain peace and build resilient and prosperous societies, making the United Nations more coherent, integrated, effective and efficient.
As we embark upon a path of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, we need to regularly ask ourselves to what extent we are delivering on our commitments. Coordinated efforts and shared responsibilities among States, backed by adequate resources, are essential to securing a sustainable future and ensuring that no one is left behind.
In adopting its national development strategy, Azerbaijan has taken into account the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and continues to implement large-scale programmes for improving good governance, ensuring sustainable growth, strengthening the rule of law, promoting respect for human rights, facilitating access to public services and providing for inclusive societies.
We are consistent in our efforts aimed at improving the living conditions of our citizens. The poverty rate in the country is 5.4 per cent, while the unemployment rate is 5 per cent. The Davos World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report for 2017-2018 ranked Azerbaijan 35 out of 137 countries with respect to competitiveness. Among the developing countries, the World Economic Forum ranked Azerbaijan third on its 2018 Inclusive Development Index.
Azerbaijan contributes to regional development efforts  through  promoting  connectivity.   It   plays an important role in  bringing  continents  together and creating a platform for mutually beneficial collaboration. The East-West transportation corridor, which was inaugurated in October 2017, is a transportation corridor that saves at least two weeks of time in transporting goods from Asia to Europe or the reverse. Other important projects include the South- North and South-West corridors, which, thanks to our efforts combined with those of neighbouring countries, have become a reality. Azerbaijan invests substantially in those corridors and is an active participant in both initiatives.
The first phase of the construction of the Baku International Sea  Trade  Port  complex  was  begun  in May. The handling capacity  of  the  port  will  be 15 million tons of cargo per year, with the possibility of

increasing it to 25 million tons in time. Azerbaijan has also initiated a transnational broadband project, namely, the Trans-Eurasian Information Super Highway, which aims to build a transnational fibre-optic line between Hong Kong and Frankfurt. It will be the shortest connecting line between East and West, in an era of competition where every single second counts.
Today, Azerbaijan is providing the world with its own development model, backed by internal stability, civil unity, solidarity in society and an environment  of peace and tolerance among the various peoples and religions living together in a liberal, sustainable and dynamic economy. Inspired by its achievements in economic development, successful social policy, rich human capital and traditional values of multiculturalism, Azerbaijan  decided  to nominate  its  capital,   the city of Baku, to host the World Expo  2025.  Our theme — “Developing human capital, building a better future” — is of universal interest and has a particular significance for Azerbaijan. It is also fully aligned with the international development agenda, in particular, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
The region that encompasses Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and the Caspian has never hosted a World Expo. Accordingly, World Expo 2025 Baku will be truly universal in the way it goes beyond traditional geography and presents a vivid example of a country achieving remarkable results within a historically short period of time — it has only been 27 years since Azerbaijan’s independence — and proposing to host an event of the scale of World Expo. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to kindly ask States members of the International Exhibitions Bureau to vote for Baku at this year’s elections, which are to be held in Paris on 23 November.
Sustainable economic growth has enabled Azerbaijan not only to focus on its national development strategy, but also to actively support international development efforts. Azerbaijan has provided international humanitarian and development assistance to a number of countries through the Heydar Aliyev Foundation and the Azerbaijan International Development Agency under the auspices of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Particular attention has been paid to addressing the needs of the developing and least- developed countries, as well as those recovering from natural disasters.
As we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights this year, we reaffirm our commitment to strengthening democracy and protecting human rights  as  top  priorities  for  the Republic of Azerbaijan. The Government is implementing large-scale programmes  so  as  to create the necessary  conditions  for  all  the  citizens of Azerbaijan to fully enjoy all human rights and fundamental freedoms. Education is a top priority in our domestic policy because a well-established and educated society is a guarantee of successful and sustainable development.
The right to health is fully ensured in Azerbaijan. Every year, more than 5 million people — half the country’s population  —  undergo  medical  check- ups that are fully subsidized by funds from the State budget. Azerbaijan was the first country in the Muslim world to grant women the right to vote, as early as 1918. Azerbaijan strives to ensure gender equality and empower women in public and social life. It is also worth noting that, as we live in a digital age, currently about 80 per cent of the country’s population has unimpeded access to the Internet, which has become the most favoured and practical vehicle for information, media, communications and the free flow  of  ideas and thoughts.
Combating corruption lies at the heart of SDG implementation in Azerbaijan. The implementation of innovative approaches and technological innovations has enabled Azerbaijan to make significant progress in curbing corruption in the public  sector.  Earlier  this year, the Human Rights Council unanimously adopted resolution 37/7, on promoting human rights and the SDGs through the transparent, accountable and efficient delivery of public services, which was introduced by Azerbaijan and aims to promote the Azerbaijan Service and Assessment Network brand concept of public service.
In early May, Azerbaijan successfully presented its periodic report within the framework of the third cycle of the Universal Periodic Review. We remain committed to enhancing dialogue and interaction with other United Nations human rights mechanisms, based on mutual respect and understanding.
Azerbaijan is one of the world’s recognized centres of multiculturalism. All ethnic and religious groups living in Azerbaijan coexist in peace and harmony. We have hosted numerous international events aimed at

strengthening intercultural dialogue. As a member of both the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Council of Europe, Azerbaijan launched, in 2008, the Baku Process, whose main goal is to strengthen dialogue, partnership and cooperation between the Muslim world and Europe. Implemented under the patronage of the Azerbaijani leadership, the Baku Process provides a large-scale platform for the exchange of knowledge through interreligious and intercultural dialogue.
In his most recent report on the promotion of a culture of peace and interreligious and intercultural dialogue, understanding and cooperation for peace (A/72/488), the Secretary-General specifically mentions the important role being played by the Baku Process in advocating dialogue among cultures. This year marks the tenth anniversary of the Baku Process, and a series of events will be organized on this occasion, including the sixth high-level Humanitarian Forum, to be held from 25 to 26 October in Baku.
From this rostrum, I am  pleased  to  announce that Azerbaijan will  assume  the chairmanship  of  the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries next year. Throughout its history, the Non-Aligned Movement has played a fundamental role in strengthening international peace and security by promoting adherence to the principles adopted at the Bandung Conference. The chairmanship of Azerbaijan will provide further impetus for advancing the founding principles of the Movement, the sixty-fifth anniversary of which will be celebrated in 2020.
Unresolved armed conflicts, existing and emerging security challenges and related humanitarian crises threaten to reverse much of the development progress made. The ongoing armed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan continues to represent a major threat to international and regional peace and security. The conflict has resulted in the occupation of one fifth of the territory of Azerbaijan and has turned approximately one out of every nine persons in the country into an internally displaced person or refugee.
Since the very first day of the conflict, combat operations have been  conducted  exclusively  inside the territory of Azerbaijan — virtually in the middle of the country — affecting  its  civilian  population and infrastructure. In its resolutions   822  (1993),  853
(1993), 874 (1993) and 884 (1993), the Security Council acknowledged the fact that military force was used against Azerbaijan, that such actions are unlawful and
in contradiction with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and that they constitute an obvious violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. Numerous decisions and documents adopted by other authoritative international organizations have been framed along the same lines.
However, the Security Council’s key demands, including, first of all, the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, have yet to be implemented. On the contrary, Armenia’s policy and practices clearly demonstrate its intention to secure the annexation of Azerbaijani territories it captured through military force and in which it has carried out ethnic cleansing on a massive scale.
Initially, after changes in the Government of Armenia, there were some expectations that the new leadership would uphold democratic values and the norms and principles of international law, including the relevant resolutions and decisions of international organizations, particularly those adopted by the Security Council. Unfortunately, so far no progress has been observed in that regard.
Contrary to his earlier statements, the Prime Minister of Armenia now does not even shy away from overtly attempting to regard the Nagorno Karabakh region of Azerbaijan as part of Armenia. Such an annexationist claim not only shows utter  disrespect for the norms and principles of international law and the resolutions adopted by the Security Council, but also undermines the peace process mediated by the Minsk Group of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and its Chairs. Therefore, at the highest political level, Armenia demonstrates that its real intentions are not the settlement of the conflict through negotiations, but the continuation of the illegal occupation of the Azerbaijani territories.
There are continual internal political developments in Armenia of an unstable nature, with no understanding by  the international community of  what is going on  in there. That is why we cannot and will not rule out the notion that the latest statements and actions of    the Armenian Prime Minister are aimed at further escalating the situation on the ground and provoking armed hostilities along the line of contact and on the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan. But one thing is clear: full responsibility for the consequences of this negative scenario will lie entirely with the Republic of Armenia. We therefore call upon the

international community to  send  a  strong  message to and exert pressure on Armenia to ensure its full compliance with international law and to immediately and unconditionally start implementing the relevant Security Council resolutions adopted with regard to the settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict.
Armenia has consistently obstructed the conflict- settlement process and, at the same time, refuses to conduct results-oriented negotiations and regularly resorts to various provocations designed to escalate the situation on the ground. Armenia is trying to consolidate its occupation of the seized territories by changing their demographic, cultural and physical character and preventing the hundreds of thousands of forcibly displaced Azerbaijanis from returning to their homes. In flagrant violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, Armenia continues to implement its policy of illegally settling Armenians, particularly those from Syria, in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan.
Armenia’s new leadership should understand that their promises to the Armenian people to make Armenia an economically developed and prosperous State cannot be possible without peace, good-neighbourly relations and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbours. The earlier Armenia puts aside its territorial claims and withdraws troops from the territories of Azerbaijan, the sooner peace can come to our region and the sooner prospects for Armenia’s development will improve.
There is now much talk of democracy and the Armenians of the Nagorno Karabakh  region of Azerbaijan. But what about the Azerbaijani population of Nagorno Karabakh and the Azerbaijanis from the seven surrounding districts who were subjected to brutal ethnic cleansing and forced to leave their places of origin, homes and property? If the new Armenian leadership is calling itself democracy, then they have to act in accordance with the rule of law and democratic values. It must let those uprooted people return to their homes, and it must withdraw its armed forces from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, as demanded by relevant resolutions of the Security Council and other international organizations.
Azerbaijan sincerely believes that there is no alternative to peace, stability and mutually beneficial regional cooperation, and is the most interested party in the earliest possible political settlement of the conflict. At the same time, no settlement of the conflict can be
reached if it violates the Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and is inconsistent with international law. The resolution of the conflict is possible only on the basis of the respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan within its internationally recognized borders.


I am pleased to extend our warmest congratulations to Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés and the people of Ecuador on the occasion of her election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session. That election is all the more gratifying because Ms. Espinosa Garcés represents the Latin America and Caribbean region. She joins a small but distinguished group of women who have presided over the Assembly in the 72 years of its history. Guyana pledges its unwavering support as she discharges her responsibilities.
Let me also take the opportunity to pay tribute to the previous President, His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák, for his successful stewardship of the Assembly’s seventy-second session.
I would also like to take a moment to salute the memory of the late former Secretary-General Kofi Annan, a son of Africa and a servant of the peoples of the world whose dedication to the global community was epitomized by a lifetime of selfless service to the United Nations.
Guyana is guided by the value of multilateralism, sometimes termed liberal multilateralism, which has oriented its policies since independence. That rules- based system, with a pivotal role for nation States alongside key international and multilateral institutions,

is valued by Member States, particularly small States. It is largely predictable, as it is based on the rule of law, and it has enabled extensive economic development and improvements in human welfare across the globe since its establishment after the 1939-1945 war.
In spite of that success, multilateralism is now under attack in some quarters of the world, and recently there have even been calls for it to be replaced. Some of the challenges fuelling such calls are obvious. The rapid expansion in the number of States over the past few decades has contributed to the exponential growth in the number and complexity of decision-making units in the system. The consequences of the latter have been most evident in some of the very areas in which global multilateral governance has had the greatest success in the past — trade, economic growth and the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
At the United Nations, we are faced with stymied efforts at Security Council reform. The debates about the reforms needed to move us forward and out  of  this cul-de-sac have yielded many ideas. But rather than turning to outdated models, solutions based on misconceived economic goals, or some form of national exceptionalism, we need to explore complementary organizational forms and arrangements that could help simplify decision-making.
In their attempts to look outside the box for solutions, some observers have turned to the idea of including new partners, such as non-governmental organizations and social networks working alongside States and Governments, as well as to some degree of regionalization of organizational structures — the so- called Web 2.0 option. It may also be worth exploring other voting rules for decision-making. In other words, we need to fashion a more equitable and just variant of multilateralism rather than its replacement.
Serious proposals should seek to preserve the valued elements of multilateralism, because as we face more intractable problems, the capacities of individual States do not give us the ability to solve those problems. It is no wonder that the Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization (A/73/1), asserts that the United Nations offers a platform where Member States, regional organizations and civil society can find solutions to global problems that no nation can resolve by acting alone. Working together is not an option. It is the only answer. Guyana therefore pledges its full support for the strategic vision proposed by
the President, “Dialogue and the strengthening of multilateralism as a catalyst for the well-being of all persons and a sustainable planet”.
Global governance and peace are inextricably linked. In that regard, Guyana has noted with satisfaction the efforts of Secretary-General António Guterres, in close collaboration with Member States, to reform and streamline the machinery of the United Nations so as to make it more fit for purpose. We fully support the reform of the peace and security pillar, with its emphasis on preventive diplomacy.
Peace is also inextricably linked to sustainable development. In that regard, the United Nations disarmament agenda is a central element in our efforts to achieve a stable, secure and peaceful world order. Guyana has demonstrated its commitment to that agenda, most recently in its signing and ratification   of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. We recognize, however, that the commitment of every Member State to the disarmament agenda is key to achieving the world to which we aspire. The onus is on all of us to fulfil the obligations that we have taken on ourselves by becoming State parties to the various legal instruments concerned with questions of disarmament and non-proliferation.
For Guyana and the wider Caribbean, the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons and their associated ammunition poses one of the most serious threats to human security and sustainable development in our region. International drug trafficking, transnational organized crime, unregulated cyberspace and the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons divert resources that could otherwise be invested in other critical areas. We believe that with effective international cooperation and assistance, small countries like Guyana can tackle that illicit trade and ultimately create safer communities, countries and regions and a safer world.
Adherence to the cardinal principles of the sovereign equality of States, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and the peaceful resolution of disputes are the most effective guarantees of peace. Members are no doubt aware of the controversy that has arisen between Guyana and its neighbour the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela over Venezuela’s contention that the 1899 arbitral award, which settled the boundaries between the two countries, is null and void.
On 30 January 2018, Secretary-General Guterres took the decision that the controversy with the

Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela should be referred to the International Court of Justice. The decision of the Secretary-Generalisbindingontheparties. Accordingly, in March of this year, Guyana filed its application in the Court, seeking an affirmation of the validity of the 1899 arbitral award and the international boundary that it established. Unfortunately, notwithstanding its obligation to do so, Venezuela has so far refused to participate in the proceedings. Guyana sincerely hopes that Venezuela will change its mind. There is still time for it to do so. Guyana wishes to express its gratitude to the Secretary-General for his important contribution to the resolution of this long-standing matter and looks forward to a final judgment by the International Court of Justice.
As a responsible member of the global community, Guyana seeks peace not only in our region but throughout the world where the scourges of war and conflict are an obstacle to development. They divert attention away from the pressing problems of development and the enhancement of human well-being.
With regard to the Middle East, the region of the world that has given birth to thethree great monotheistic religions of our age, we reiterate our call for a two- State solution to the generational  conflict  between the peoples of Palestine and Israel. Those two peoples have much to gain by living side by side in peace. Like people everywhere, the people of Palestine, including the inhabitants of Gaza, have a right to life, a dignified existence and their own homeland.
Similarly, we deplore the suffering being endured by the Rohingya population. We call on the international community to take the necessary steps to ensure respect for the human rights of the affected population. At the same time, we commend the efforts of Bangladesh to provide a safe haven for the refugee population, with the assistance of international agencies.
Closer to home, in the Caribbean region, we again join the overwhelming majority of the international community in calling for the removal of the trade and economic embargo on our sister Caribbean nation of Cuba. That embargo hinders the right of the Cuban people to development and the enhancement of their material well-being.
Guyana also welcomes the measures being taken to reposition the United Nations development system in order to better align its operations with the goals set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We
accept that that repositioning is a shared responsibility, and Guyana is committed to playing its part. Guyana has fully embraced the holistic and people-centred approach to development enshrined in the Sustainable Development Goals. Our nation is currently engaged in efforts to mainstream and integrate those Goals into our national development strategy, known as the Green State Development Strategy, which seeks to ensure that development is not achieved at the expense of the environment, notwithstanding the fact that Guyana will soon become a significant oil producer, regionally and internationally. We will wean Guyana away from its current near-total dependence on non-renewable sources of energy. We are turning to renewable sources such as hydroelectricity, wind, solar and biomass.
Guyana is unalterably committed to the principles of sustainable development and to working with the international community and all partners to help combat the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels, to which we are particularly vulnerable as  a low-lying coastal State. For that reason, Guyana’s strategy is to emphasize inclusive transformation, sustainable natural  resources, energy transition, resilient infrastructure, human development and well- being, Government and institutional foundations and international cooperation, trade and investment.
Guyana fully recognizes the necessary — nay, critical — contribution of women and girls to its sustainable development. Women and girls constitute more than half of the world’s population. The underutilization of their potential represents a serious loss of resources in the global effort to promote human development. We are trying to ensure that the management of that development is undertaken with women and girls fully represented at the helm of the decision-making in Guyana. We therefore applaud the steps taken by the Secretary-General to ensure parity in the appointment of United Nations senior management, including Resident Coordinators in the field.
I want to express Guyana’s satisfaction at the successful conclusion this year of the intergovernmental negotiations on a global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration. Its provisions are consistent with the 2030 Agenda and the commitments made in the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants. It is our hope that this global framework will help to manage international migration flows in all their dimensions for the benefit of all States, both of origin and destination, and for the benefit of migrants themselves.

Guyana looks forward to the successful adoption of the compact at the Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, to be held in December in Marrakech.
We meet this year in disconcerting times. Our planet, the only one we have, faces grave threats on multiple fronts, including to the very existence of life as we know it. As I have already hinted, there are many who question whether our Organization, the nations  of the world united, will be able to unite our strength in order to maintain international peace and security while promoting social progress and better standards of living in larger freedom and reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person and the equal rights of men and women. It is for us to decide and to summon the will to work for those ends. Our children and our children’s children will judge us. Guyana reaffirms its strong resolution to doing its part within  the  limits  of  its  capacity and resources.


I have been accorded the privilege of continuing to serve as Japan’s leader for the next three years. As I address the General Assembly

today for the sixth consecutive year, I do so with a feeling of renewed resolve.
In the next three years, I will do  everything in  my power to strengthen the free trade system and to recast the post-war structure of international relations in North-East Asia. In my view, the Japanese people have been very much hoping to see their national leaders serve as flag bearers for free trade, since after the war Japan enjoyed remarkable growth thanks to the advantages of trading as a beneficiary of a free and open economic system. That free trade system enabled the countries of Asia to achieve take-off one after the other and fostered the middle class in all of them, against a backdrop of the large-scale direct investment that Japan has made in those countries since the 1980s. In every case, that was made possible thanks to an international economic system that was rules-based, free and open. If Japan, the country that reaped the greatest benefits of all under that system, should ever fail in its support for maintaining and strengthening that system, who else should we expect to rise in support of it? Japan’s responsibility is indeed tremendous.
This is also Japan’s mission, rooted in its own history. Other than the coal that supported modern Japan’s industrialization, our nation has had no other resources to speak of. But even though post-war Japan lacked resources, when it devoted itself to reaping the blessings of trade, it succeeded in realizing growth that was called miraculous. Japan was the very first country to prove through its own experience the principle of the relationship that exists between trade and growth and that has now become common sense. Japan has now taken on the mission of imparting the benefits of trade to the world.
There have been times when I have risen above intense domestic debates by waving the flag of free trade. There was no greater joy  for  me  than  when the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement took final shape and was quickly approved by our National Diet. In addition, Japan and the European Union have signed an economic partnership agreement whose scale and scope are worthy of special mention in history. But that said, we must not be complacent. I will have to push my efforts up a notch and aim still farther ahead.
In addition to Japan’s commitment to the World Trade Organization, which is a given, I will make every possible effort to conclude negotiations on a
comprehensive regional economic partnership, which will create an enormous free-trade area in East Asia. And above all, I value our new free, fair and reciprocal trade talks with the United States. Japan and the United States have both advanced the free trade system internationally for  many  years.  That  is  evidenced by the fact that Japan’s direct investment has created employment in the United States for some 856,000 people nationwide — a number second only to what the United Kingdom has achieved. At present, in contrast to the 1.74 million vehicles exported annually from Japan to the United States, the number of Japanese cars manufactured within the United States is 3.77 million. That is a win-win situation at its finest. I intend for Japan and the United States to continue that kind of relationship. But that is hardly unique to our bilateral ties with the United States. Under the flag of free trade, Japan has built up relations with many countries and regions where we can mutually assist one another, and we will continue to do that going forward. In order to expand free and fair economic rules, suitable for the twenty-first century, into the vast region extending from Asia and the Pacific to the Indian Ocean, the countries that have created the system and reaped the greatest benefits from it — that is to say, countries like Japan — must lead the effort. That is what I believe.
At the beginning of my statement, I said that I would do everything in my power to recast the long- standing post-war structure of international relations in North-East Asia. Together with President Vladimir Putin I am now working to end the stalemate between our countries, which has  seen  no  movement  for more than 70 years. President Putin and I met at the beginning of this month in Vladivostok for our twenty- second summit meeting, and I will meet with him again in the near future. We must resolve the territorial issue between Japan and Russia and conclude a peace treaty between our two countries. Once a Japanese-Russian peace treaty is signed, peace and prosperity in East Asia will be more secure.
At this time last year in this very Hall, I strongly urged North Korea to tackle its issues relating to abductions, nuclear power and missiles (see A/72/ PV.8). As someone who has called for the full implementation of all the relevant Security Council resolutions, I am extremely interested in the potential for change in North Korea, which is now at a crossroads where it will either seize the historic opportunity it has been afforded or fail to do so. North Korea has both

untapped natural resources and a labour force whose productivity can be greatly enhanced. Japan will not change its policy of seeking to resolve our unhappy past history and normalize relations with North Korea once the abduction, nuclear and missile issues are dealt with. We will be unstinting in assisting North Korea  to unleash its potential. However, there is one thing I must reiterate over and over again. We will ensure that all Japanese abductees are returned. I am determined to make that a reality, and in order to resolve the issue, I am also ready to break through the wall of mutual distrust between us and North Korea, make a new start and meet with Chairman Kim Jong Un face to face. While so far nothing has been decided regarding a summit meeting between Japan and North Korea, I am determined that if we hold one it must help to resolve the abductions issue.
I also want to comment briefly on relations between Japan and China. The mutual visits at the leadership level that began this year will continue, with me visiting China next month, to be followed by my invitation to President Xi Jinping to Japan, thereby expanding our bilateral relations and improving the stability of the entire region.
When we have recast the current confrontational geopolitical structure in North-East Asia, the maritime corridor from the Arctic Ocean to the Sea of Japan and through the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean will become  increasingly  important.  Japan,  which is located right above it and also possesses a vast exclusive economic zone, hopes that we can ensure stability and peace in those waters, as well as in the airspaces above them. The countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations lie at the confluence of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and in eras long past it was our forerunners, living in what we now call the Pacific island countries, who crossed those two oceans to introduce products to faraway East Africa. What I call our free and open Indo-Pacific strategy derives from our desire to preserve the blessings of open seas together with those countries, as well as with the United States, Australia, India and others, and indeed all countries and peoples who share those aims. What we must ensure  is that the rule of law and a rules-based order control our broad and expansive seas and airspaces, and that they in turn are backed by solid institutions — hence my strategy.
The other day, foreign students in Japan proudly returned to their home countries of Malaysia, the
Philippines and Sri Lanka with new academic degrees in hand, master’s degrees in maritime safety and security policy that can be obtained only in Japan. As well  as the students that Japan’s  Coast Guard sends  to the programme, it also takes senior officials from various coast-guard authorities in countries all over Asia. The students who graduated the other day were the third cohort to enter the programme. Maritime order is a matter not of power but of the rule of law and a rules-based order. Every year, a class learning that enduring truth and taking it as a guiding principle for their lives will head out from Japan to the seas. That  is very promising, and it is Japan’s noble mission to cultivate the people who will protect and defend a free and open Indo-Pacific.
As I was preparing this address, I created a new if modest programme. At the beginning of 2019, we will invite approximately 10 elementary and junior-high- school teachers from the Gaza Strip to Japan. That will be the first such group and we will continue to invite teachers every year. Teachers who come to a place such as Japan, so different for them both culturally and historically, will naturally see the situation in Gaza and the Middle East in a wider perspective, and we hope that the experience will enable them to see their own hometowns and region anew and work in a unique way to give them solace. It goes without saying that for peace to be achieved, efforts must be made on both sides. But hopefully this programme of ours will represent some hope for the teachers from Gaza and the children in their care. Twenty years from now, 200 teachers will have had the experience of visiting Japan, and the students taught by them will number in the thousands. I look forward to that day.
The goal of Japanese diplomacy, which to some extent I have conveyed to the Assembly today, is to help to bring certainty to the future of the world and the region. In addition, what I want is for the young people who will live in the Japan of the future to vigorously take on challenges. The duty of our generation is to create an environment conducive to that. It is as if a new breeze is about to blow in Japan.
At the end of April and the beginning of May next year, His Majesty the Emperor will abdicate and His Imperial Highness the Crown Prince will succeed to the throne. In fact, it is the first imperial succession in 200 years to result from a sitting Emperor’s abdication, and in October 2019, we will welcome guests of honour from around the world who are coming to express their

good wishes. Next June, Japan will host the Group of 20 summit. As Chair of the meeting, I intend to lead the discussions about issues facing the international community, including the state of the global economy and environmental issues. Soon after, in August, Japan will host the seventh meeting of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development. The Conference, which Japan has hosted diligently since 1993, has earned the unwavering trust of national leaders all across Africa. At the Conference we will discuss universal health coverage, whose importance I have highlighted a number of times. And lest we forget, next year Japan hosts the Rugby World Cup, and in 2020 Tokyo is hosting the Olympic and Paralympic Games. Our eyes will continue to be fixed on the future.
When Japan and the Japanese people fix their gaze squarely on the future, Japan increases in vitality. Japanese citizens focused on the future will become people who are determined to take on the responsibility of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. The next generation of Japanese youth will be commendable flag bearers for the United Nations spirit. I am absolutely certain of that.
In conclusion, I want to say that in the light of the lack of progress in reforming the Security Council, the significance of the United Nations in the twenty-first- century world is already being severely questioned. But that is precisely why Japan will never waver in its contributions to the Organization. I will end by pledging that Japan, alongside Secretary-General Guterres, will push forward with reform of both the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole.


As we gather in this Hall and work together to make the United Nations more relevant to all people, the positive developments in Africa over the past year merit this body’s attention. Let me start with a paradox.
In no other region is the sense of transnational solidarity and unity as deeply felt as in Africa. The idea that our respective national identities stand in contradiction to pan-Africanism is unheard of in our context. And yet, despite that unique civic endowment, Africa has too often stood out for division and dysfunction in practice. That left Africa unable to articulate and advance its common interests. We ceded responsibility for our future to others not by force but by default.
But times are changing rapidly, and therefore the management of Africa’s global position must also change. The trend on our continent is towards closer and more productive cooperation, both through the African Union and our regional economic communities. The evident decline of old certainties and authorities is not bringing turbulence to Africa, as would have been the case in a previous era. On the contrary, the effect has been to focus Africa’s attention on the urgent need to get our house in order and fundamentally change how we do business. That is why the African Union initiated a major financial and institutional reform more than three years ago. We are already seeing practical results.
New financial discipline has produced an African Union budget that is 12 per cent lower than last year’s. The share of funding supplied by member States has also
increased substantially. Contributions to the fund that helps pay for African Union peace support operations are at the highest level since its establishment, in 1993. And earlier this year, the historic agreement on the African Continental Free Trade Area was signed, which was the culmination of decades of effort. Once that is in force, Africa’s place in the global economic and trade architecture will be redefined.
Economies of scale and higher levels of intra-African trade will help our continent attain the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. We will also see new possibilities for public-private partnership with Africa’s growing private sector. This year also provided examples of regional security affairs and key political transitions being handled in a peaceful and forward- looking manner. More effective consultation and leadership is reducing the need for external mediation, and that is how it should be.
The momentous developments in the Horn of Africa — in Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti and even Somalia — are the most remarkable. The region’s leaders deserve our full support as they set aside decades of mistrust and work towards a comprehensive settlement. It is important for the Security Council to collaborate closely with the African Union to accompany that process of normalization.
In Zimbabwe as well, the next stages on the country’s path of progress warrant steady encouragement from the international community. However, there are other situations in Africa — notably in the Central African Republic, Libya, the Sahel and South Sudan — where serious problems remain unresolved, despite so much potential. Africa and the world should come together and do what needs to be done to harmonize overlapping initiatives and ensure that agreements are respected.
Peace and security are the foundation of economic and social well-being. Yesterday we happily marked the centenary of Nelson Mandela’s birth with the Nelson Mandela Peace Summit. In that spirit, we are already set to embark upon a new chapter, with cooperation between the African Union and the  United  Nations on stable funding for African-Union-mandated peace-support operations. The draft resolution to be introduced by Africa’s three Security Council members has the full backing of the African Union. That step will also align with the Secretary-General’s new Action for Peacekeeping initiative. That once again reflects the

fact that the dividend of a more focused and functional Africa benefits everyone.
In that wider context of even stronger partnership between our institutions, it is important for the African Union’s diplomatic representation here at the United Nations to be accorded the status and weight enjoyed by other regional bodies. The theme for this year’s general debate is “Making the United Nations relevant to all people”. That requires a commitment to achieving real multilateralism where it has too often been lacking. The current two-track system of global governance is unsustainable. A few get to be the ones to define the norms by which others shall be judged. But standards that do not apply to everyone equally are not universal. Addressing that  imbalance  in  the very  foundation of our system is what will give shape to a revival of multilateral cooperation and renew the legitimacy of the international institutions that are so crucial to our planet’s future.
In the years ahead, we look forward to deepening the important partnership between Africa and the United Nations and  to  advancing our shared agenda of peace and security, gender equality and women’s empowerment,  environmental   protection   and shared prosperity.


“The only route that offers any hope of a better future for all humanity is that of cooperation and partnership” (A/56/ PV.7, p. 2). Those were words spoken from this rostrum by the late Kofi Annan 17 years ago, at the dawn of the twenty-first century. This year, we commemorate the centenary of the end of the First World War. Exacerbated rivalries, economic tensions and vengeful withdrawals led to misunderstanding, frustration and hard facts on the ground. Unilateral actions and failed dialogue led to the irreparable wiping out of sacrificed generations, as half of the twentieth century was crushed by the horror of two world wars and the shame of the Holocaust.
It took the foresight and courage of a generation  to provide the outline of an international order based on values and rules. From the ashes of tragedy in the previous century, the birth of the European Union and the United Nations has created hope for a better world. The European Union has enjoyed a period of unprecedented peace and prosperity. Its concrete achievements include a free economy based on  fair competition, freedom  of movement and the establishment of social and environmental standards.
The European Union is the result of a tireless dialogue that is sometimes complex and often restrictive. That dialogue is based on an ambition that goes far beyond simply adding to national interests. That ambition is the promise of the founding fathers, namely, the freedom and dignity of every citizen, the rule of law and democracy as a bulwark against arbitrariness in governance. Those are the pillars that have laid the foundations for peace and security. The Charter of the United Nations declares the importance of dignity and respect for every human being, regardless of where they come from, the colour of their skin, their origin, philosophical or religious beliefs or sexual orientation. Our universal values are the strongest and most reliable benchmark for addressing each of the challenges that the world faces.
Democracy and the rule of law are always the best guarantees of the realization of fundamental rights and freedoms, because the rule of law is the arbiter

that protects the weak from the strong. The rule of law means that we assume the consequences of our actions. The rule of law is the rejection of impunity. The rule of law is also the guarantee that science and knowledge are better shared among us. Putting human beings at the centre and establishing the rule of law as the basis for international order is what should drive the engine of multilateralism.
Multilateralism is not a hollow and meaningless concept. On the contrary, it is a conviction, because dialogue is tireless, including with those with whom we do not easily share the same points of view. That dialogue is key. Multilateralism is cooperation and negotiation; it is the battle of ideas and arguments rather than weapons. Multilateralism is the rejection of violence. It is up to us to be committed to a better, more just, safer and more sustainable world.
Who here believes that bringing together the 193 national sovereignties represented in this Organization with each acting unilaterally could miraculously produce a virtuous and effective response to our common challenges? That is an illusion. It is the same illusion as thinking that the invisible hand of the market can naturally and miraculously lead to progress and shared well-being. Capitalism needs rules, and so does humankind. Of course multilateralism requires patient efforts. Of course there may be failures. However, multilateralism is the only way to eradicate poverty, neutralize terrorists and preserve the natural resources of our planet. My country regrets that international agreements, the result of tough and intense negotiations, can  be  swiftly  and   unilaterally  jettisoned.  In  just a few months, the nuclear agreement with Iran,  as well as trade agreements and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, have all been cast aside by one of the signatory parties.
Trust and cooperation between sovereign nations implies respect for the promises and  commitments that have been made. History has always shown that the law of the survival of the fittest does not protect anyone; quite the opposite. The most lasting solutions are always those that are balanced and widely accepted. As we know, Iran was on the brink of acquiring nuclear weapons and, as we  know,  the negotiations on the problem were long and difficult in reaching a compromise. It took reciprocal courage to overcome deep mistrust and hostility, and we know that the agreement is not perfect, given that it does not cover Iran’s ballistic programme. At the same time, the
inspections conducted by the International Atomic Energy Agency confirm that Iran has been fulfilling its commitments. Should the agreement be thrown aside owing to its imperfection? Should we not open a new chapter of multilateral negotiations to complement and improve that agreement?
Unilateral, brutal and unpredictable actions make the world more dangerous. They result in imbalance and frustration and serve as seeds of conflict. On the other hand, we are made stronger by dialogue and negotiation with mutual respect. Dialogue helps us to deal with and resolve our disagreements and offers better results. For 70 years, the United Nations has persistently worked to improve the world, based on a common foundation of fundamental values. It is our duty to identify the challenges, develop strategies and, especially, to act. Our Organization has immeasurable potential, and in that connection I would like to commend the intelligent, energetic and tireless work of Secretary-General António Guterres.
Throughout its history, my country has been committed to working for peace and building consensus. In that strong conviction, Belgium has been elected as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the next two years. We will live up to the confidence placed in us. We will ensure that we foster dialogue with all actors. We want to promote a respectful and transparent debate so as to inspire a greater spirit of trust among us. We will work for security, prosperity and respect for our planet.
Collective security is the ultimate requirement, and it is just common sense to seek to prevent conflict whenever possible. That is why we support the permanent monitoring of all indicators of  violence. We are also in favour of setting up early-warning mechanisms, because serious violations of human rights should never leave us indifferent. The manipulation or rigging of elections, violations of territorial integrity and threats of the use of force are always early-warning signs of future conflict. The search for a peaceful and political solution must always be at the heart of our approach, and peacekeeping operations must always be part of a credible political framework.
Finally, let us be honest with each other. The presence of Blue Helmets on the ground must not become a smokescreen for political resignation, either in conflict zones or at the regional or international level. Every peace mission must be regularly evaluated

against the yardstick of its contribution to realizing the political goal in the noble sense of that term. During our time as a member of the Security Council, we would also like to focus on protecting the most vulnerable in armed conflicts. In our view, the protection of civilians, especially children, as well as ensuring dignity and respect for women and the safety of schools, hospitals and humanitarian channels, are the essential priorities. We cannot tolerate the intolerable. Those who flout, often cynically, those fundamental principles of international humanitarian law must be punished. The fight against impunity must also seek to create the conditions for living together in peace after the conflict. Living together in peace and harmony is an existential issue in the Near East and Middle East. The tragedies that we are witnessing in Syria, Libya and Yemen remind us of the long road still to be travelled. We cannot allow regions to become arenas for the cruel and deplorable battles of warring nations, with no regard for the humanitarian tragedies that subsequently ensue.
Twenty-five years after the signing of the Oslo Accords, the peace process in the Middle East remains at a standstill. The excitement generated by some developments, which often contradict international law, only creates further obstacles and difficulties and dims hopes for peace. We maintain our support for the two- State solution, with the two States living side-by-side in peace and security, with Jerusalem as a shared capital.
The proliferation of nuclear and chemical weapons and weapons of mass destruction poses a serious threat to the future of humankind. We will remain fully engaged in non-proliferation efforts.
We want a more prosperous world, with more shared development and the freedom to be entrepreneurial and to innovate, create and  trade. The development  of science and knowledge and the rejection of obscurantism are always the basis for  development and the improvement of living conditions. The digital economy and the artificial-intelligence revolution bring with them fears and uncertainties, but above all they offer new opportunities for a better world, if those advances are designed to serve everyone.
We must also ensure that we, always and everywhere, encourage efforts to promote good governance, transparency and the fight against corruption. For centuries, trade has promoted peace among peoples. Trade develops mutual understanding, respect for cultures and traditions, sharing and the
exchange of experiences. Trade leads to prosperity. Prosperity leads to peace. Freedom of trade must be based on healthy and fair competition and a shared level playing field, with ambitious and reciprocal social and environmental standards. In that respect, the recent trade agreement between the European Union and Canada, concluded despite much resistance, including in my own country, offers such guarantees. I am delighted with the impressive and rapidly achieved results, with jobs and investment at its heart, leading to better social protection and therefore more freedom.
Before 2050, the African continent is expected to have a population of 2.5 billion. One in four human beings will therefore be African. For a long time, my country has been advocating for a new, more global, dynamic and ambitious partnership with the African continent. We know how much potential there is in Africa. Energy, agriculture, infrastructure and digital technology offer areas of opportunity for the future. I want to make a strong appeal here for a sacred Africa- Europe alliance — a strong and sustainable alliance for the development of both continents in the service of our peoples, an alliance for investment, trade and jobs in Africa and Europe.
I say to our African friends that it is up to us, that we should turn the page on the antagonisms of the past. Let us heal ancient wounds. Let us forge a partnership free of nostalgia or guilt. And above all, let us dare to renounce charity, which eases the conscience but also entails a dose of humiliation. Let us draw up a peer- to-peer strategy based on the shared values of the rule of law, democracy and respect for our fellow citizens. In ten years, we can, if we wish, build an unequalled and unprecedented area of prosperity. I advocate a very ambitious free-trade agreement, from continent to continent, a global and reciprocal partnership, a win-win situation for all.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development sets out the path for a better and fairer world, and everything is there — poverty eradication, access to health and education, gender equality and the fight against global warming. The only possible option is the general mobilization and ownership of this joint programme. All of us, at all levels, let us roll up our sleeves, decide and act, because the countdown is on. There is urgency about this, and the results are fundamental.
Climate change is not constrained by borders. Natural resources are limited and the number of people

on Earth is constantly increasing. The stubbornness of some in denying the reality of climate change is of the same order as the stubbornness of those who in the past denied that the Earth was round. Prosperity must be sustainable. It can no longer be based on a frenetic and selfish exploitation of our precious natural resources. Oceans, biodiversity, air quality and health are precious assets that must be cherished and respected.
Natural disasters are falling on us one after another and are ever more spectacular, ever more deadly. Just a few weeks ago in India, in Kerala, unprecedented floods forever shattered the fate of 450 people, displacing a million others who had been displaced and are now homeless. The harmful effects of climate change are going to cause or aggravate conflicts. In West Africa, for example, access to water is leading to increasing tensions between herders and farmers, with the risk of escalation on the basis of ethnicity and identity. Faced with that existential challenge for our children, our responsibility is shared. Alone, we can do nothing. Together, we can do anything.
The Paris Agreement on  Climate  Change  must be implemented. We must, of course, give up certain habits. We need to change our behaviours. But it will be worth doing, because the future of humankind is at stake here.
Throughout history, human beings have always migrated. Our host country here is a great example. Men and women  from elsewhere, seeking to discover a new world, have built  a  free  and  prosperous nation. This year, we recorded the highest number of migrations ever. It is not a question of being for or against an unavoidable phenomenon. The issue is about whether we can manage it in an orderly way so as to reduce fears, tensions and conflicts. We must first pull migration out of the claws of smugglers and traffickers in human beings, the abject slavers of modern times. We must also reject the trap of deliberate confusion fomented by populists on all sides, whether from the far left or the far right.
My country intends to continue to  fully assume its responsibility to humankind. During the past three years, we have granted international protection to nearly 45,000 people, and that is many more than in the past. I am also in favour of an effective policy of return for those who do not meet the conditions set forth at the international level.
Finally, it needs to be said that the time has come to pursue legal and orderly forms of international mobility, for example, to enable students to get an education and then return home, or for other economic reasons. In December, in Marrakech,  my  country  will sign the global pact on migration, because that document is a step in the right direction. It clarifies the various concepts and could be a lever for the future and for a more organized and controlled management of international mobility. Indeed, we can say that extremists on all sides and human traffickers are in  the same boat. The former instrumentalize and fuel the migration issue for electoral and political purposes, the latter for low financial purposes.
In conclusion, peace is our most precious asset. History has always shown that peace requires courage and vigilance at all times, and that no continent or country is immune to the poison of the fear of others, or of hatred or selfishness. We all come from different backgrounds, with our histories, our cultures, our traditions, but also with our emotions, which stem from the roots of our past. The demands of memory must serve our lucidity. The demands of memory must rally our energy so  that it  can rise to the challenges of this century. Those challenges know no borders. Development, the fight against terrorism, climate change, are all problems that no country, regardless of its economic or political power, will be able to overcome by itself.
Beyond our many differences, we will always share a common feature, our humanity. Every human being, by the simple fact of his or her birth, must be free. That being’s dignity must be recognized and respected. It is a pivotal value, and the fundamental condition for making the world progress unflaggingly towards greater hope and optimism. Our method is based on our faith in a committed, creative, invigorating multilateralism. We reject all forms of inertia and resignation, because we believe that the best is within us.
“Law and order rather than violence; tolerance rather than selfishness; knowledge rather than obscurantism; respect for others rather than hatred or fear”: that is my country’s credo. Belgium is a loyal, solid and reliable partner. We will spare no effort to make the world a safer, more sustainable and, above all, more just place.


I have  had  the privilege of addressing the General  Assembly  over the past 21 years as Samoa’s Prime Minister, and my message has remained consistent throughout those years. Put simply, climate change poses our single greatest threat, especially to small island developing States like Samoa — albeit not through our doing or choice — and the need for the international community to take effective action to mitigate its impact is urgent and real.
Climate change also encompasses the breadth of security issues facing our blue Pacific region, including human security, environmental and resource security and transnational crime and cybersecurity. As we have explained to the United Nations before, climate change is one of the most pressing security challenges facing island countries, affecting food security and access to safe water and fundamentally affecting our ability to draw sustenance from the pristine ocean and seas that surround us. It is the highest priority challenge facing the countries of the world and does not discriminate between rich and poor.
The logic of our perspective is simple. Climate change affects the whole of Samoa’s realities and aspirations. It affects our society, economy, culture, faith and way of life and will continue to be our overriding policy concern and major preoccupation,

and that of our entire Pacific region, today and well into the future.
It is a societal problem requiring a decisive response from the world community. Its global reach and impact should unite and strengthen our resolve, not weaken and divide us. As a united community, there is a great deal that we can do to arrest, and even reverse, the threat of climate change, although its effects are worsening by the day. Acting alone, no one country or single group of nations or organization can win the war against climate change. The divergent, yet inextricably linked, interests of Member States demand that we work together.
Our Paris Agreement on Climate Change was a beacon of hope, especially for vulnerable island States. It is based on shared responsibilities, trust, collaboration and principled action. It demonstrates a new brand of cooperation and a broad outlook, where the narrow pursuits of self-interest and a reliance on economic and political expediencies were to be set aside. It was meant to be a timely reminder that no action is too small or insignificant. All contributions matter, and every action counts, irrespective of who provides it. Importantly, it places the responsibility of addressing climate change squarely on every leader and every individual country in terms of the implementation of their nationally determined contributions to the Paris Agreement.
It is indeed worrisome and alarming that the level of commitments to the Paris Agreement by Member States will not keep global warming anywhere below 1.5° C, which is the ideal and moral goal required to save planet Earth. Without that, the continuing existence of low- lying islands in our Pacific region and elsewhere will be in grave doubt. We must work together with a sense of urgency and commitment to address climate change today. It should not only be science that recommends what we should do but also our very conscience and political will to follow through.
Clearly, we want leaders who view the world as a single constituency where all must work together within the limits of their capacity and capability to be part of the total solution. Samoa also wants to be part of that solution, because it is in our interest to do so. As for those suggesting that they are being asked to implement bold actions just for the sake of our vulnerable islands, they need to be quietly reminded that in the final analysis, implementation initiatives will ultimately benefit their economies, their people and the survival
of their countries as well. In fact, the whole world will stand to benefit.
For vulnerable countries, the issue does not require the setting of new targets, the commissioning of more studies and reports or even more polite talking-shops and structured dialogue sessions. What is needed now is adaptation in the interest of long-term survival. The United Nations remains our last best hope to provide the political will and the necessary commitment to turn the tide against climate change.
Samoa appeals to States Members of our Organization in positions of world leadership to lead the charge in finding and implementing solutions to the causes of climate change. As custodians of our world’s environment, we owe it to our future generations to do what needs to be done quickly and decisively. In the same way that nations in leadership roles are called to account to do the right thing for our world, all States Members of the United Nations must uphold their part of the bargain in the work that needs to be done. Without that cooperation from all Member  States,  reaching the objectives that we all know must be achieved will continue to elude us.
The Pacific region is already dealing with the destructive impact of climate change and disasters. Unprecedented cyclones, floods, droughts, sea level rise and ocean acidification are taking their toll  on  the health and well-being of our peoples, environment and economies. Disaster-related  economic losses, as  a percentage of gross domestic product, are higher in Pacific island countries than almost anywhere else in the world.
Our people are waiting; the world is watching. It  is incumbent on each individual leader and country to raise the level of ambition, not just as an aspirational goal but as deliverables under the Paris Agreement. For the Pacific peoples and our blue Pacific region, urgent, ambitious action on climate change is the only option.
We welcome the determination that we heard in the Secretary-General’s remarks to the General Assembly earlier this month to sound the alarm on the need for bolder action on climate change (see A/73/PV.6). Those are big demands to deliver on, and it  would be naive  to think otherwise. But when the future existence of sovereign island nations, populations and cultures are at stake, there is a moral imperative for the world to act decisively and collectively.

The Pacific leaders are increasingly conscious of and concerned about the security of our region, and we look at security not only from the orthodox perspective of State security but also for what it means for us as Pacific communities. The Framework for Pacific Regionalism identifies security as one of the four objectives of regionalism, a security that ensures stable and safe human, environmental and political conditions for all.
The Pacific Islands Forum leaders have renewed their commitment to work together as one blue  Pacific continent, particularly in view of the renewed geopolitical interests in the Pacific region. Suddenly, the Pacific is swimming in a rising tide of so-called fit-for-purpose strategies, stretching from the tip of Africa, encompassing the Indian Ocean and morphing into the vast blue Pacific Ocean continent, which is our home and place. The big Powers are doggedly pursuing strategies to widen and extend their reach and creating a far-reaching sense of insecurity. The renewed vigour with which a strategy based on a free and open Indo- Pacific Ocean is being advocated and pursued leaves us with much uncertainty. For the Pacific, there is a real risk of privileging Indo over Pacific.
While the Pacific region is currently enjoying a period of relative stability, drivers of instability exist in the region and beyond. The 2017 State of Pacific Regionalism report indicated that shifting global and regional geopolitics are creating an increasingly complex and crowded region that places the Pacific at the centre of contemporary global geopolitics. That trend, coupled with broader challenges, such as climate change, rising inequality, resource depletion, maritime-boundary disputes and advances in technology, will continue to shape the Pacific regional security environment.
While the world belabours the issues of security based on military might and the wonders of technological advancement in achieving such ends, our priority in the Pacific is to maintain the stability of our Governments and countries. We can do that by reviewing of our governance pathways and ensuring that our elected leaders respond to people’s needs. Pacific Island Forum members have a very proud history of working collectively in response to events and issues that have challenged regional security, peace and stability, from the 1985 Rarotonga Treaty, which created a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific, to a collective approach to addressing the existential threat of climate change.
The Pacific region’s current geopolitical and geostrategic context underlines the need for an integrated and comprehensive security architecture incorporating an expanded concept of security. A stable and resilient security  environment  provides the platform for achieving the region’s sustainable development aspirations.
In 2017, in recognition of those considerations, the Pacific Forum leaders agreed to build on the Biketawa Declaration and other security-related declarations issued by the Forum as a foundation for future regional strategic responses, recognizing the importance of an expanded concept of security and regional cooperation in building resilience to disasters and climate change. The leaders have also prioritized action on climate change and disaster-risk management, fisheries and ocean management and conservation, all of which have significant security elements.
As if being vulnerable to climate change were not a lifelong challenge, the label of Pacific small island developing State can also bring with it unintended trials and tribulations. For far too long, the international community has been given to believe that our States are little and classified as have-nots. We are susceptible to being characterized as countries that have little and that should be grateful for whatever is offered to us. We are highly protective of our means of livelihood and have embraced regional action to ensure the sustainability of our fisheries resources. We are actively asserting our ambitions to ensure that there is inheritance for the generations to come. Any approach to engagement with partners must be genuine and durable, premised on understanding, friendship, mutual benefit and a collective ambition to achieve sustainable results. It must also be non-partisan and non-interventionist. I repeat that any engagement must be non-partisan and non-interventionist.
In that process, our partners have fallen short of acknowledging the integrity of  Pacific  leadership  and the responsibility that our leaders have for every decision made in order to garner support for the sustainable development of their nations. Some might say that there is a patronizing nuance that suggests that Pacific nations do not know what they are doing or are incapable of reaping the benefits of close relations with countries that are, and will be, in the region for some time to come. To the extent that emerging partners have engaged with Pacific countries without conditionality, the relationships are perceived to be associated with

problems of corruption or unprecedented environmental degradation. We have the tendency to be bemused by the fact that the reaction is an attempt to hide what we see as strategic neglect.
Where we are now would not have been possible without the valuable support of our circle of partners and the value of the partnerships that we have nurtured and cultivated over the years to respond to our people’s multitudinous needs. The friendly relations that we have with some partners are construed by others as compromising and obtrusive, prompting some to speak up for us in order to ward off the influences that we are supposedly too naive to recognize. By the same token, we are given alternatives that reflect interests beyond altruism and improvement of the poor. As Pacific leaders we need to ask ourselves what we ought to do in order to make a difference for ourselves and for the world and to promote our values, which are premised on peace, stability and security.
Our geographical isolation and insularity no longer shield or protect us from today’s increasingly complex and dynamic security challenges — transnational crime, nuclear proliferation, challenges to sovereignty and humanitarian crises. The rules-based international system is being bent out of shape. Gone are the days when we took only what we needed from our environment and were much more conscious of the importance of the continuity of our cultures and values, unadulterated by the infringing, impinging world around us. In those days we did not worry much about borders because the original migrations of our peoples defined for us our ocean space and place. Poverty was not a part of our consciousness because we cared for each other and the oceans provided their bounty.
We should not be influenced by economic dependence, as that is a compromise in itself. We should seek to strengthen domestic cohesion, develop resilience and rethink our governance pathways. The leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum are committed to a vision for the Pacific — that it  should be a  region  of peace, harmony, security, social inclusion and prosperity so that all Pacific people can lead free, healthy and productive lives now and into the future. Moreover, we have committed to working together to achieve that vision. The blue Pacific platform offers all Pacific countries the adaptive capabilities to address  a changing geostrategic landscape. The opportunity to realize the full benefits of the blue Pacific rests on our ability to work and stand together as a political
bloc. The challenge for us is to maintain solidarity in the face of the intense engagement of an ever-growing number of partners in our region. We should never let that challenge divide us.
In four weeks’ time, Samoa will host the interregional meeting of small island developing States and their development partners in preparation for the five-year review of the Small Island Developing States Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA Pathway) during the high-level week in September next year. My Government looks forward to welcoming our guests, and we thank Member States, in particular small island developing States, for agreeing to allow the SAMOA Pathway to make  a  brief  return  to  its  namesake  and birthplace.
Let me conclude by acknowledging the support of all States Members of the United Nations, Samoa’s circle of friends, that supported our candidate’s re-election to the Committee on the Rights of the Child.


Ghana salutes the historic election of Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-third session as the first female  Latin American President of the General Assembly, and congratulates her most heartily. Her election reinforces our common belief that gender equality must be a central feature of the global agenda.
Thirteen days ago, we laid to rest in  his  home soil of Ghana our brother Kofi Annan, the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations  and  the first from sub-Saharan Africa to occupy that exalted position. On behalf of the Government and the people of Ghana, I wish to extend our heartfelt gratitude to the Secretariat, led by the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, and the whole world community for the outpouring of grief and condolences that we received on the passing of Kofi Annan. We were deeply touched that so many world leaders and people took the trouble to come to Accra to bid him farewell. Kofi Annan’s passionate and profound belief in the United Nations and his certainty that a better organized and stronger United Nations would make the world a better place is an ideal that should not be allowed to die.
Today we continue to be faced with the stark reality that resolutions, norms and any number of votes in the

Security Council and the General Assembly mean nothing without the political will of the international community to enforce them. We continue to try to work out what the role of the Organization should be. Should it be just a club of nation States that exists to look after their own interests? What of its formation by “we the peoples”, as declared in its founding document? Does the theme that we have chosen for this session of the Assembly have any relevance in real life? And do we want to make the United Nations relevant to all people? Do we want an Organization that ensures shared responsibilities for peaceful, equitable and sustainable societies, or should it remain a place where resolutions are adopted but ignored with impunity?
When some of the nations of the world gathered in San Francisco 73 years ago and signed the landmark document that created the Organization, the  world was very different from what we have today. I am not referring only to the difference in the number of States in the room on that occasion or the difference in the mode of travel that brought the leaders to that meeting, as opposed to the jet planes that brought us all to New York this week. I am not referring either to the tweets by which we communicate now as opposed to the elegant handwriting that they employed in 1945. I am referring to the theme that we have chosen for this session of  the General Assembly, and I wonder if it would have been comprehensible to that group in San  Francisco. It is a different world in which we currently live, and we should accept the fact that the Organization must change to suit contemporary needs.
Ten years ago, as the General Assembly was starting its proceedings, the world was plunged into a financial crisis. The first scenes of that crisis were played out  on a street not  far from where we  are gathered, but  the consequences were felt, and continue to be felt, around the world in small countries like Ghana. Some say that upheaval lies at the heart of the change in politics and outlook throughout the world. Today, as we speak, a trade war is being stoked between the two largest economies of the world. The  consequences will affect those who have had no say, including small countries like Ghana. Those events provide proof, if any were needed, that ours is an interdependent world. We in Ghana, and people in other parts of the African continent, are determined to pull our countries out of poverty and into prosperity. We do not believe that a nation needs to remain poor or become poor for others to become prosperous. We believe that there is room
and that there are enough resources on the planet for us all to be prosperous. But it does mean that the rules and regulations that we fashion to guide our dealings with each other have to be respected by all of us.
From the environment to  trading rules, we  have to accept that there cannot be a different set of rules for different countries. The United Nations provides the best vehicle to date for all nations to address their aspirations and challenges. Ghana has always conveyed its belief in the United Nations and sought to contribute its share to efforts to make the Organization successful. We have embraced the Sustainable Development Goals, and we have integrated the 17 ambitious Goals into  our national vision and budget. We intend for Ghana  to take its turn in July 2019 and present its voluntary national review during the High-level Political Forum of the Economic and Social Council. We will share our successes and challenges, as well as opportunities for new and continuing partnerships.
It is important to reiterate that advocating for a world order in which all countries sign up to obey the rules does not mean that we insist on uniformity. We take pride in what distinguishes us as Africans and as Ghanaians. Fifty-five per cent of the work of the Security Council last year had to do with Africa. Unfortunately, that invariably meant peacekeeping and poverty-related issues. We no longer want to be the place that requires the intervention of peacekeepers and poverty-fighting non-governmental organizations, no matter how noble their motives. Our regional bodies, like the Economic Community of West African States, and our continental body, the African Union, are making systematic efforts, despite significant handicaps, to bring peace and stability to the entire continent, and, sooner rather than later, they will succeed. We know that we must get our population educated and trained, and we are setting about that. We must address our infrastructural deficit.
The traditional methods for tackling that problem will not provide the answer. We are looking for new ways to resolve it. Ghana, like many countries in Africa, is forging relations with China,  so  as  to  make arrangements that can help address part of our infrastructure deficit. That is not a uniquely Ghanaian or African phenomenon. It has not been lost on us that the developed, rich and well-established countries have been paying regular visits to China and seeking to open new economic ties and improve upon existing ones. It is also not lost on us that much anxiety is being expressed about the possibility of  a  recolonization of

the African continent by a new Power. We should learn from history. It was at the turn of the twentieth century that China’s first railways were built by Western companies and were financed by Western loans to a nearly bankrupt Qing Dynasty, and it was under those circumstances that a certain strategic port called Hong Kong was leased for 99 years. The rest, as the saying goes, is history.
Today the former victim of Western railway imperialism is lending billions to countries throughout Africa, Asia and Europe to build not only railroads, but also highways, ports, power plants, other infrastructure and businesses. The historical echoes are certainly worrisome, but surely we must, and can, learn from history. We in Ghana must build roads, bridges, railways, ports, schools, hospitals, and we must create jobs to keep our young people engaged. It is obvious to us that the development trajectory on  which  we had been for many decades had not been working. We are trying a different one, and we would appreciate  the support and goodwill of the world, especially in helping to curtail the huge flow of illicit funds from our continent.
It is in everybody’s interests that we, who are counted among the poor of the world, make a rapid transformation from poverty to prosperity. We are determined in Ghana  and,  increasingly, in  more  and more parts of Africa, to chart our own paths to prosperity and pay our own way in the world. We are no longer interested in being a burden on others. We will shoulder our own responsibilities and build societies and nations that will be attractive to our youth. We have the necessary sense of enterprise, creativity, innovation and hard work needed to engineer that transition, hence our vision of a Ghana and an Africa beyond aid.
It is equally important that the United Nations be reformed so as to be able to preside over the changed and changing world to which we all aspire. The powerful nations must be willing to adapt to changes to make our world a better place. After all, we all inhabit the same planet, and we all owe the same duty of care to ensure its survival. The African common position on United Nations reform, as expressed in the Ezulwini Consensus, remains the most comprehensive proposal for the reform of the United Nations, particularly the Security Council. It is time that the global community endorse it so as to create a modern United Nations fit for purpose in our time.
May God bless the United Nations and us all.