237.	It is with particular pleasure that my delegation associates itself with the speakers who have extended congratulations to Ambassador Benites on his unanimous election to the high office of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. This election marks the crowning point of an outstanding career that has been devoted to the service of world peace and understanding among peoples. The high office of the presidency to which he was so deservedly elected is made more significant this session because of the unique opportunity offered and the challenge involved to derive the most for mankind from the new trend of negotiation, peaceful coexistence and contact, which hopefully appeared on the world scene during the past two sessions of the General Assembly. My delegation is certain that under his wise guidance and leadership our work will be effectively accomplished in a spirit of co-operation that will contribute significantly towards peace and harmony in the world.
238.	I should like also to associate myself with the expressions of appreciation which preceding speakers have addressed to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, for the able and statesmanlike manner in which he guided the deliberations of this body during the preceding session.
239.	As the President has so rightly observed, the outstanding feature of this Assembly session is that it marks the beginning of genuine universality. I take great pleasure in extending a warm welcome to the three new Member States of the United Nations, the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, the proposals for whose admission Cyprus sponsored as a gesture of friendship and goodwill. We hope and trust that the constructive participation of the two German States in the work of the United Nations and the beneficial influence of the Charter principles will prove conducive to the closer co-operation and unity of the great German nation. Our traditional stand has always been and continues to be for the unity and integrity of all nations and peoples. World experience during the years after the Second World War has amply demonstrated that partition is an ever-bleeding wound in the body of any country.
240.	The twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly has convened in an atmosphere of confidence and hope. Not since 1946, when this Assembly held its first session, have there been so many good auguries for peace in the world, and such revival of hope for the emergence of an era of conciliation and relaxation of tensions.
241.	In the past year the course of international relations continued to be influenced by the spirit of the Charter, and, further to peaceful coexistence, great efforts were exerted to promote international co-operation among States with different social and political systems.
242.	The process of detente, which had commenced among the big Powers, was followed this year by the personal meetings between leading Heads of State. Such meetings are of fundamental importance and are beneficial to the cause of peace, in view of the great responsibilities which their countries bear for the maintenance of international peace and security. When relations among these Powers develop on the basis of mutual accommodation and cooperation, they exert favourable influence on the international situation as a whole. The cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam and the resulting truce agreement is, we believe, a case in point, and one which the world community has welcomed as a triumph of statesmanship, and as a-good point of departure for achieving durable peace in that part of the world. At the same time, I wish to express the hope and conviction that accommodation among the big Powers will not result in a situation in which the legitimate interests of small countries would be ignored.
243.	The constructive results of the recent session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki in July, the second phase of which has now commenced in Geneva, of the Commonwealth Heads of State Conference in Ottawa in August, and of the Fourth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries in Algiers in September, all of this year, in which my country participated and made its modest contribution, have helped to bring about a substantial, easing of tensions in international relations, signalling the beginning of an era of positive developments which undoubtedly will facilitate the search for peace in the world.
244.	Cyprus shares the fervent hopes of all mankind at this juncture, when there are signs that goodwill is replacing antagonism and mistrust. We would like to restate our belief that, as a natural sequence, the new spirit of bilateral and group co-operation should be channelled into the United Nations so that the much needed unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council in matters affecting peace and security may be finally achieved. The Charter of the United Nations presupposes, and indeed bases itself upon, a reasonable degree of accord and unity between the big Powers. This accord has many times in the past been lacking, in a manner hampering and even frustrating the task of the United Nations to fulfil its pre-eminent purpose, giving thus rise to grave apprehensions concerning the Organization's effectiveness in the maintenance of peace and security. In the light of the near universality of the United Nations, this new trend will not only render the United Nations more effective, but will also assure the permanence of relaxation of international tensions; moreover, it will ease the concern of many Members about the paralysing effects which the abuse of the veto frequently produces on the United Nations organ bearing the greatest weight of political responsibility. At the same time, the United Nations will become what mankind intended it to be: an effective instrument for securing peace, and not merely a spectator of hopeful signs of easing of tensions brought about by bilateral initiatives and agreements.
245.	A stronger Organization need not raise apprehensions in any quarter, for it is through this world body that small States can ensure their security and respect for their independence and territorial integrity, as well as promote their economic and social progress. It is also in this Organization that the true and long-term interests of the big Powers lie.
246.	The Government of Cyprus considers the United Nations as the pillar of its foreign policy, and will continue to support unreservedly its strengthening, and work together with all peace-loving nations to enhance the sphere of its activities and the degree of its effectiveness so as to make it the supreme instrument for peace, justice and progress for all mankind. We realize that these are high goals, especially in the light of the fact that the successes so far achieved by the United Nations fall short of the vision of its founding fathers and of the hopes the vast majority of peoples everywhere continue to place in it.
247.	Yet it must be pointed out that during the last 28 years the achievements of the United Nations in various fields, and particularly in the socio-economic field and decolonization, have been substantial. It is this quiet, long-term work of the Organization that merits the greatest praise, particularly from the small States, which perhaps derive the greatest benefit from long-term development programmes.
248.	The increasing degree of economic, legal, scientific and humanitarian co-operation of nations taking place under the aegis of the United Nations is proof of the fulfilment of the many purposes of the Charter at the basic level of human endeavour. Although such co-operation rarely elicits sensational recognition such as is bestowed upon purely political issues, nevertheless the importance of these developments must be recognized.
249.	Although the same cannot be said of the Organization's efforts in handling the major problems which still confront the world community, the role it has played in peace-keeping is surely constructive and it can, if we wish it, become truly the custodian of world peace and security. In this connexion, one basic fact we should bear in mind is that the armed conflicts of the past 28 years have not led to a world war. That does not mean that the armed conflicts of these later years are inconsiderable and that the lives lost and resources wasted should be ignored. However, given the technology of modern warfare we must be thankful that we have not had to face extinction through a nuclear holocaust. The United Nations has played an essential, role in this regard, and if we are willing to strengthen and consolidate its machinery it can yet become the catalyst of differences which arise among nations, the protector of human rights and the promoter of the economic and social well- being of peoples throughout the world, which was the vision of those who created it.
250.	In sum, if we have the courage and determination to back this Organization with unselfish support in all its efforts towards the full realization of the aims and principles of the Charter, it can become a dynamic instrument of Governments for collective security, peace and progress.
251.	The Secretary-General has significantly posed two vital questions to us all: "What kind of world organization do we need? And what kind of world organization are Governments prepared in reality to accept?" [See A/9100/ Add J, p. 8.] The greater effectiveness of the United Nations and the enhancement of its image must ultimately depend on the answers we give to those questions. To my mind, the universality of our Organization, the common need for collective security, peace, justice and equality and the necessity for concerted action to face vital world problems in an effective manner point to the answers to the questions the Secretary-General has posed. The need to develop a new concept of allegiance to the United Nations as an authority representing the world community is obvious and pressing if peace and justice are to prevail in the world.
252.	The continued existence of colonialism is not compatible with international peace, much less with freedom and justice. It is a fact that much progress has been made towards decolonization since the adoption of the epoch- making General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which gave a new impetus to the application of the concept of self-determination to colonial peoples.
253.	However, the decolonization process has encountered several setbacks because of the outmoded policies of two Member States of this Organization — Portugal and South Africa. The recent commendable efforts exerted by the Secretary-General with regard to the granting of self- determination to Namibia have not produced progress. Full implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) thus remains a major challenge to the United Nations.
254.	In that respect my delegation is anxious to see progress sharply accelerated. The world has confirmed the undeniable truth that, once a people has expressed a desire to assume the duties and responsibilities of independence, denial of freedom thereafter compels recourse to force, which immediately develops into an active threat to the maintenance of peace and security.
255.	Cyprus having itself emerged from colonial rule, it has all along fully supported the struggle for the granting of independence to colonial countries and the ending of the abhorrent practices of apartheid in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa. We stand in full solidarity with all peoples still deprived of their inalienable rights to freedom. independence and human dignity and have consistently fully implemented the concerted efforts and sanctions of the international community as stated in the relevant United Nations resolutions.
256.	We attach great importance to the upholding and safeguarding of human rights and to the protection of the individual from all forms of discrimination. We cannot therefore but deplore the denial of human rights prevailing
* in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia, South Africa and the so- called Portuguese Territories. It is our earnest hope that the colonial Powers will seize upon this new climate of cooperation and negotiation and — on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the launching of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination — heed public opinion. In so doing they will no doubt contribute to world peace and to their own true national interests and will at the same time observe with deeds this landmark in the quest for human rights.
257.	In the same way as colonialism is not compatible with peace, economic deprivation is not conducive to world order, peace and justice. The recent reports with regard to the question of economic development indicate that the
standard of living of millions of people is pitifully low, that conditions of under nourishment and illiteracy are still conspicuously prevalent and that the gap between developed and developing countries has further widened. The First United Nations Development Decade, launched in 1961 by a hopeful world for the creation of conditions of economic stability and well-being ensuring a minimum standard of living for the peoples of the developing countries, fell short of its goals, and a review and appraisal undertaken this year of the Second United Nations Development Decade of the 1970s indicates that the growth rates of the developing countries burdened by debts, scarcity of aid and drought, are well below the average 6 per cent target rate set for the Second Decade and below the average achieved in 1960.
258.	Those disappointing reports, coming at a critical time when the economic world is beset by uncertainty of monetary and trade interchanges, present a challenge of the highest magnitude to the efforts of the international community to bring about an equitable distribution of wealth and to secure economic, monetary and social order. We welcome the negotiations now under way regarding the structure and future shape of the international monetary system and on world-wide trading arrangements, which undoubtedly will have a very important bearing upon the future of development in general and of the developing countries in particular. In addition, we agree that the concept of collective economic security should be further advanced. Co-operative international action in the economic field is vital to mankind — as, indeed, is international action in securing peace — and whatever difficulties may be encountered the United Nations remains the instrument best suited for universal economic co-operation and for the solution of outstanding international problems.
259.	The growing realization of the international community that many problems facing the world cannot be finally dealt with within national boundaries makes the concept of collective economic security especially timely.
260.	The recent monetary crisis and the drought which plagued many countries, including my own, underline the common problems and interdependence of big and small nations, rich and poor alike, and point to the necessity for collective action through the United Nations system for their solution.
261.	The effective approach to the problem of the human environment and the consensus reached by the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held last year in Stockholm, coupled with the efforts now under way to translate such consensus into concrete action, demonstrate the international community's willingness and ability to act when the will to act exists.
262.	The United Nations determination to tackle world problems was demonstrated again on another question of vital international concern, the sea and the sea-bed, a subject marked by diverse national interests but of immense potential benefits to mankind. Marine resources will be needed urgently by a world whose population is expected to double within 30 years.
263.	The law of the sea in its various aspects and, more specifically, the equitable distribution of the wealth of the sea and the sea-bed, are a field of vital concern to the United Nations and one to which my Government attaches particular importance. The traditional rules of the law of the sea have to be examined afresh in the light of recent revolutionary technological changes and political developments, and have to be adjusted so as to conform to present-day realities. At the same time, particular care should be taken so as to preserve principles firmly based on law and on equity that have stood the test of time and have for centuries served mankind well.
264.	One of those principles is that there should be no artificial distinction at the expense of islands between continental and insular land masses in so far as the delimitation of maritime spaces is concerned. Also, the principle of the median line should continue to be the residual rule to be applied, failing an agreement to the contrary, in matters of delimitation between States which are opposite or adjacent to each other.
265.	In general, the over-all approach should be one of balancing in a fair and equitable manner the legitimate rights and expectations of States with those of the international community as a whole. It is our fervent hope, and for our part we will use our best endeavours to see that, despite the obvious complexities, the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will be successful, and that thus the United Nations will have responded positively to the challenge it faces in this field of vital national and international concern.
266.	The outstanding issues of peace and security, colonialism and the problem of economic under-development hamper the creation of the necessary international atmosphere for disarmament and frustrate efforts for the strengthening of peace.
267.	Any improvement in international relations, and any progress in solving outstanding international issues, would have a favourable bearing on the solution of the disarmament problem, and vice versa, because of the inherent interdependence of these problems. There is no need to try to find out where to start, as it is obvious that the greatest efforts should be exerted in both directions for the solution of this grave problem.
268.	In addition to the perils which the continuing arms race presents to world peace, it deprives mankind of vast human and natural resources urgently needed for more constructive purposes. The interrelation between economic growth and disarmament is clear and direct. In this respect, we welcome as constructive the proposal put forward by the Soviet Union for reduction of the military budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council and the utilization of part of what is thus saved for development assistance [A/9191], Such a proposal, once given more specific content and if generally accepted, would constitute an important step in the right direction. At the same time, we wish to commend those countries which already are making available substantial sums in development aid.
269.	The agreement worked out between the United States and the Soviet Union at the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks in Helsinki has given rise to optimistic expectations among the peoples of the world. With the spirit of co-operation now prevalent, it is hoped that a determined effort will be made to stop the arms race, which has already reached unmanageable dimensions.
270.	The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction is an example showing that real progress can be made, and it is to be hoped that the international community will soon move towards an effective prohibition of chemical warfare. In a humane world society which is devoting such consistent efforts in the United Nations to helping mankind in combating disease and protecting the environment, the development of enormous quantities of paralysing chemicals for the purpose of using them against people of other nations is a tragic contradiction.
271.	The question of nuclear testing is another area in which urgent progress is needed. In addition to the Treaty banning nuclear-weapon tests in the atmosphere, concluded 10 years ago,  the time has now come, especially because of the favourable climate resulting from the detente, for a general agreement to stop all nuclear testing.
272.	Disarmament will, it may be hoped, open the way towards the creation and development of a permanent world peace force, a force accountable to the United Nations which gradually can become stronger than any national power or coalition of powers, a force whose one and only task will be to preserve world peace against infringement by any nation, great or small. The creation of a permanent peace-keeping force underlines the great importance of defining aggression so that objective criteria and guide-lines may be used by the Security Council for identifying aggression. We welcome the further progress achieved by the Special Committee on the Question of Defining Aggression, meeting in Geneva last May, in defining aggression, and express our confidence that a consensus will be reached during its next session. The strengthening of the peace-keeping and peace-making functions of the United Nations is an essential requirement and an inducement for disarmament, for the latter cannot be realistically promoted without parallel efforts towards the creation of a world body whose purpose is to ensure international peace and security.
273.	Another item offering the possibility of fruitful results at the present session is the draft convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against diplomatic agents and other internationally protected persons. The speedy adoption of this convention, coupled with its acceptance by the largest possible number of States will, we trust, mark yet another step forward by the international community in the already respectable series of measures taken in the legal field towards the observance of international legal order.
274.	We also hope that constructive steps will be taken during this session towards measures to prevent international terrorism and, at the same time, towards understanding and alleviating the causes which bring it about.
275.	The crisis that still persists in the Middle East, indirectly affecting all States in the area, is a source of deep concern to us. Along with so many others, we have supported the efforts of the United Nations to secure peace in that part of the world. Those efforts must continue and they must be intensified. The need for them grows greater as the issues become more clouded by suspicion, distrust and fear. We believe that, if success is yet to attend those efforts, a greater willingness must be shown by the parties directly involved for the solution of their problem on the basis of the Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions, and specifically Security Council resolution 242 (1967), of 22 November 1967. That resolution contains in a balanced manner all the elements necessary for a just settlement and takes into consideration the legitimate rights and interests of all concerned, including those of the Palestinians. A basic principle in this regard is that the acquisition of territories by force must not and cannot be condoned or recognized.
276.	It is not my intention to dwell at any considerable length on the question of Cyprus, a subject which has been before the United Nations for several years. It has been debated at length both before the Security Council — which is still seized of it — and in the General Assembly, which in 1965 adopted resolution 2077 (XX), reaffirming the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus. I would, however, naturally consider it appropriate to inform the Assembly of how 'he situation is at present.
277.	The local talks between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, which were resumed last year in an expanded form, as suggested by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, with the participation of the Secretary-General's Special Representative and in the presence of constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey, have continued in an effort to reach a peaceful and agreed solution of the constitutional problem confronting Cyprus. To some extent, progress has been achieved and certain points of disagreement have been bridged.
278.	But there is still a serious gap and divergence of views on cardinal points, one of which is the demand of the Turkish Cypriot community for unrestricted local autonomy.
279.	While this is not at the present juncture the appropriate forum to enter into the details, I would simply say that in fact we have offered to the Turkish Cypriot community, which forms no more than 18 per cent of the population, far greater degree of local autonomy than has been given by any other State to any section of its population in similar or analogous situations. What the Government cannot do is to go beyond the safety zone necessary for the preservation of the independent and sovereign Republic of Cyprus. It is impossible, therefore, to subscribe to provisions in the Constitution of such abnormal divisiveness and patent unworkability as would inevitably disrupt the State, with all the dire consequences of strife and conflict and with the disaster of partition looming on the horizon.
280.	Our stand is for solidarity and co-operation between the two communities in goodwill and mutual respect in a sovereign, independent and unitary State. In this way Cyprus can become a link of unity and not an arena of conflict in the region and in the world. This is our position, which is consistent with the principles of the Charter and the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus and in keeping with the world trends of today.

281.	I wish once again to express our deepest appreciation and thanks to the Secretary-General and his collaborators in New York and Cyprus for their untiring efforts in the cause of peace in Cyprus, as well as to the Commander and the members of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus. We are also grateful to those countries which through their contributions in men and money make possible the continuation of the Force. We sincerely hope that it will not be too long before circumstances will permit the Force to be no longer necessary, thus relieving all concerned of this burden which they have been bearing so nobly.
282.	It is becoming increasingly realized that a greater sense of unity and co-operation between all nations and peoples of the world, cutting across ideological or other boundaries, is now a demanding necessity in order to meet the global problems which threaten humanity as a whole in its fragile environment on this planet, for the dangers to all nations are common and so is the concern, calling for common action through an enlivened and activated United Nations.
283.	Cyprus, with its very modest means, has always supported any world-unifying effort. In this spirit we salute with hope the present Assembly as the Assembly of transition from cold war antagonism to world cooperation in a dawning new era of positive human endeavour and achievement.


44.	During last year's general debate in this Assembly, a vast majority of Member States, including the Polish People's Republic, expressed their satisfaction with the improvement in the international situation, hoping for further and ever more tangible progress in the policy of peace and detente.
45.	Yet another year has gone by. In the history of world progress it will go down as an important one. The world has speeded up its advance towards peace. The principles of peaceful coexistence of States having different systems are becoming an ever more universal basis for international relations.
46.	"For many years," said the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek, "the Socialist States, including Poland, have beer< struggling for the victory of the idea of peaceful coexistence in inter-State relations. This idea is now becoming victorious."
47.	A development like this is consonant with the will of the peoples we represent, and with their aspirations to live in peace and security and to enjoy freedom and independence; it is consonant with their desires to enjoy an ever better material and cultural life-which entails progressive social transformations.
48.	Positive changes in international relations and better prospects for the maintenance of world peace are a contribution of merit made by those States Members <?f the United Nations which, in their foreign policies, have for long consistently and with unfailing dedication advanced "and worked for the consolidation of peace and international security, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of this Organization. The Soviet Union, Poland and other States of the socialist community, belong among them.
49.	The principle objective of the foreign policy of the socialist States, as was again pointed out by the decisions of the meeting of the leaders of the States of the socialist community in the Crimea on 30 and 31 July 1973, has been to ensure a just and lasting peace.
50.	The Polish People's Republic is contributing to the policy of peace and detente, to the elimination of seedbeds of tension and to the promotion of relations of equality among all States, whatever their systems and standards of economic development. Our constant objective is to increase the contribution to this lofty cause. Thus motivated, we are participating in the work of the twenty-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly.
51.	The Polish delegation wishes to express its satisfaction that the desire to maintain peace is becoming the guiding idea of the foreign policies of a growing number of Member States. Thus the United Nations may become an ever more effective instrument for the maintenance of peace and the strengthening of international security.
52.	Among important developments of the past 12 months the ending of war in Viet-Nam comes to the fore. This has been a great success of peace. The conclusion of the Paris agreements represented a milestone in the elimination of international conflicts and opened up possibilities for a political settlement of all the problems of Indo-China. From this rostrum Poland wishes the Viet-Namese people all success in their speedy recovery from the war-inflicted wounds. The Paris agreements should be fully implemented. As a member of the International Commission of Control
and Supervision, Poland, within the scope of its possibilities, will continue contributing to the attainment of this goal.
53.	I wish to express satisfaction with the progress in the normalization of the situation on the Indian subcontinent. The New Delhi agreement of 28 August last between India and Pakistan is an important step towards full normalization, peace and good-neighbourly co-operation between the States of the subcontinent. This is indeed a matter of satisfaction to us, as Poland is linked by friendly relations with India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. The Polish delegation hopes that the membership of the United Nations will be soon enlarged by the admission of Bangladesh.
54.	The year that has passed has brought also a series of constructive initiatives with a view to consolidating detente and unreservedly accepting the principles of peaceful coexistence. These initiatives include multilateral efforts, such as the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and negotiations on arms and troop reduction in Central Europe, as well as momentous changes in bilateral relations between many Member States of the United Nations.
55.	In our opinion, this new and justly hope-inspiring development is primarily expressed in the fact that the States of the European continent, regardless of their systems, size or geographic location, are making a collective effort to create the foundations of a lasting system of security and co-operation. This effort will find its practical reflection in the work of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, whose second phase is now being held at Geneva.
56.	That effort is being made on the basis of the recognition of the fact that security in Europe can only rest on the inviolability of the political and territorial post-war realities. This has been evidenced in the bilateral treaties signed by the Soviet Union, Poland and the German Democratic Republic with the Federal Republic .of Germany, in the normalization of relations by most countries with the two German States, and in the admission of those two States to the United Nations.
57.	On numerous occasions in the past the Polish delegation has had the opportunity to comment from this rostrum on matters pertaining to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and to present specific proposals, including the conclusion of an all-European treaty on collective security. The main task of the Conference we visualize as consisting of the creation of a system of collective security in Europe, the future overcoming of the division of Europe into two groupings opposed politically and militarily to each other, and the mapping out jointly of the course of a further peaceful development of the European continent. Peace means something more than merely a state short of war or even a situation in which war has been eliminated. We conceive of peace as an open, dynamic and steadily advancing process: a process into which a constructive programme has to be injected, one with positive ideas and values to be implemented by a joint effort. We feel that all the conditions are there for the Conference to make that goal materialize. Poland favours expansion of all-round co-operation with
States having different socio-political systems. The equitable development of such co-operation depends on nonintervention in the internal affairs of other States, observance of the principle of mutual respect for the rights and customs of individual nations, and respect for their cultural and historically formed national identity.
58.	By virtue of its geographic location, Poland concentrates on Europe; but we do not see that continent as detached from the rest of the world. We believe that the most substantial contribution to the peaceful and progressive development of the world Europe can make will consist of the establishment of a system of collective security, of turning Europe into a continent which would pose no threat to any other region and which, through co-operation with the other parts of the world, would contribute to the growth of the well-being of the peoples of all continents and to a life in peace, freedom and dignity all over the world. In that way Europe would cease to be a hotbed of tensions and conflicts, involving other nations of the world, as has frequently occurred in the past. Europe would thus become a centre of stabilization of world peace and a model of relations between States with different socio-political systems, in line with the principles of peaceful coexistence.
59.	It is our firm belief that the decisions of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will be of historic importance for Europe, for the security of other continents and for world peace.
60.	The essential progress in the relations between the Soviet Union and the United States is of special significance. This is reflected in agreements signed during the visit of President Nixon to the Soviet Union in May 1972 and in the course of the visit paid to the United States this year by Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Their relations were established on the principle of peaceful coexistence, which is an important step forward along the road towards strengthening world peace and creating realistic possibilities for building relations among States on the very same foundations.
61.	The agreements in question imply the intention of both Powers to have the political detente accompanied also by a military detente. It is with appreciation and hope that Poland views the agreements concluded between the Soviet Union and the United States and the prospects for a peaceful development of relations between the two great Powers; for we think that they resulted in the strengthening of world peace and security.
62.	While developing and reinforcing relations with its allies, Poland is expanding its contacts on principles of peaceful coexistence with other countries. President Nixon's visit to Warsaw in the spring of last year resulted in an accelerated expansion of relations between Poland and the United States. Likewise, we have developed our relations with a number of West European States. Fresh content and new forms were added to our relationships with France as a result of the visit paid last year to Paris by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek. We have entered a new phase of relations with the Federal Republic of
Germany. We are developing friendly relations with Italy, Belgium, Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Austria and other States. The time has come, too, to start talks on our mutual relations with the Vatican.
63.	We are also strengthening our ties with States in other parts of the world. Such ties are especially animated with India and also, notably in the economic field, with Japan.
64.	We lend our support to the efforts of the non-aligned States which, at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers, adopted a number of resolutions [see A/9330 and Corr.] testifying to their determination to pursue a policy of peace and of struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism. The Algiers Conference pointed out the urgent need for eliminating the remnants of colonialism and for fighting all forms of neo-colonialism. We for our part, express our solidarity with the struggle waged by the national liberation movements in Africa.
65.	Against the background of positive developments and the emerging trends of detente and co-operation based on equal rights, the persisting hotbeds of tension and manifestations of the policy from a position of strength, vestiges of colonialism and other harmful phenomena in the international situation stand out in glaring contrast. The situation in the Middle East is fraught with the danger of the eruption of a military conflict. The present situation there should lead us into no complacent mood. Israel persists in ignoring the decisions of the Security Council and pursues a policy of aggression and terror towards its Arab neighbours. Poland's unswerving position is that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) should be promptly implemented. Occupied Arab territories ought to be restored to their rightful owners without delay. That is the basic condition for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. All peoples of the region, including the Palestinian people, should be guaranteed the right to an independent existence and a peaceful life.
66.	Developments in Chile have shocked the world and Polish public opinion. The overthrow by force of the legal Government of the country, the assassination of the constitutional President, Dr. Salvador Allende, who only last year was a guest of this Assembly, acts of violence against and harassment of diplomatic missions and citizens of various States, as well as of foreign ships, depriving the Chilean people of its natural resources and surrendering them to international monopolies, mass terror in the country-all this cannot but have far-reaching international implications, endangering the atmosphere of peace and detente in the world. The people of Poland condemn with indignation the acts of violence and terror raging in Chile.
67.	Nov/ that the policy of detente has scored many successes, there is a need for even greater efforts than ever before to reinforce these positive trends and to make them irreversible. The scope of encouraging changes has to be broadened so as to ensure that open conflicts and unsettled problems may not again bring a relapse into the cold war, or give rise to dangerous tensions. This will take vigilance vis-à-vis any forces which for their selfish ends might wish to obstruct the positive changes in the international situation, sow distrust or complicate the processes of international confidence-building.
68.	In the present historical moment in the world situation the activity of these forces is a harmful and dangerous anachronism. Also more apparent than ever before is the bankruptcy of any attempts at solving international conflicts by war and by methods of the policy from a position of strength.
69.	The United Nations, which now, owing to the admission of new Members, comprises almost all States of our globe, has an important role to play in the consolidation of the positive changes in the international situation. In my statements from this rostrum [2118th meeting], I have already had the occasion to present the views of the Government of Poland as to the great significance for the United Nations and for the situation at large of the admission of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany into our Organization. We feel that the United Nations not only should provide a forum for political debates of a universal nature, but should also become a venue for practical construction of a system of collective security through, inter alia, universalization of the positive experience gained by various regions of the world.
70.	We are entitled to expect that the United Nations will lend its active support to all efforts which are made on the bilateral as well as the multilateral plane, both on a regional and on a global scale, and are aimed at the normalization of international relations based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, the renunciation once and for all of the use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the expansion of non-discriminatory co-operation in all fields. This is what will determine the prestige of the United Nations among the international community and the Organization's place in the history of mankind.
71.	The United Nations efforts to consolidate detente and to make it an irreversible process have to entail specific measures in the field of military detente and disarmament. First of all we have to do away for ever with the danger of a nuclear war. That is, in fact, the basic task of this Organization.
72.	We feel that in order to eliminate the threat of a nuclear war it is of special necessity and high priority that all States ratify the Treaty on the partial banning of nuclear-weapon tests  and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)], and, subsequently, that further steps should be taken towards the complete elimination of nuclear arms.
73.	Two days ago [2126th meeting], the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Andrei Gromyko, presented in this hall an extremely important proposal on reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries. The practical implementation of that proposal
would not only produce immense material advantages but would also have an impact upon the improvement of the atmosphere of trust in international relations; we are also aware of the new vistas that would open up for further disarmament measures. The Polish People's Republic welcomes this important initiative and lends it its full support.
74.	Poland is consistently guided by the desire for general and complete disarmament. Hence, we favour the speediest possible convocation of the World Disarmament Conference. We trust that in the course of the present session, on the basis of the record of work heretofore of the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference, established under resolution 2930 (XXVII), we shall take further decisions concerning the preparation of the Conference. The Conference could become a turning point in the efforts aimed at freeing mankind from the tremendous burden of armaments, strengthening world peace and promoting the successful socio-economic development of the nations of the world.
75.	The consolidation of the processes of detente and the building of world peace are inconceivable without broad economic co-operation among the States of the world.
76.	The quest for stimuli to economic co-operation between all States is all the more important to the United Nations inasmuch as there is a feed-back relationship between the development of the political situation and that of the situation obtaining in international economic relations. For political co-operation provides a propitious climate for promoting economic collaboration, which in turn becomes a solid basis for and a factor of intensified development of political intercourse. Moreover, advanced economic collaboration can in many instances lead to the establishment of co-operation on the political plane, and vice versa.
77.	I dare say that the historic record of accomplishment of our generation will to a large extent depend on the conditions which we shall be able to create .for the development of economic co-operation on a global scale. They include very broadly conceived questions of economic collaboration on a scale much wider than has so far been the case in the work of our Organization.
78.	The conditions which we should create for the expansion of economic collaboration ought to take account ' of the legitimate interests of all States. They should be oriented towards the fullest possible utilization of the opportunities offered by the international division of labour; they should ensure a scale of production and exchanges to each State, so as to make goods accessible to all. First and foremost they should ensure proper participation in the international division of labour to those States which in the early stages of the formation of the division of labour were not able to secure an appropriate place for themselves and their share in it
79.	It therefore becomes urgent to work out a new machinery which will intensify the expansion of multilateral economic co-operation and take account of the interests of all States and regions of the world. The principal mechanisms governing international economic
relations were formed immediately following the Second World War at a time when political co-operation between individual States and regions was on a rather small scale. Besides, only a small number of States had a share in the setting up of those mechanisms.
80.	With international detente and growing political collaboration, with a more advanced development of productive forces and a considerable growth in the number of States participating in world economic co-operation, the earlier mechanisms governing international economic relations fail to meet the present day requirements.
81.	In many areas the situation is disquieting. Broad segments of international opinion call for proper action regarding, in particular, the following questions: the aggravation of the crisis of the capitalist monetary system, which adversely affects the entire international trade exchanges; the unequal and often discriminatory attitude of certain States and groupings of the West vis-à-vis trade exchanges with the socialist countries; the absence of mechanisms to stimulate the expansion of collaboration in science and technology, as well as industrial co-operation; and the absence of effective mechanisms which would assist the developing countries in taking their place in the international division of labour.
82.	The United Nations should play an essential part in providing solutions to those problems. We offer our support to the efforts being made in this direction, inter alia, within the framework of the United Nations Development Programme, the functioning of which we highly value.
83.	Poland attaches great importance to the expansion of economic co-operation with all countries of the world. The economic decisions we have been taking in recent years are so designed as to fit our economy into the international division of labour on a wider scale. It is our desire to make full use of the opportunities arising from participation in all-round international economic co-operation.
84.	The economic record of Poland over recent years substantiates the practicability of our plans. Last year alone, Poland's gross national income increased by 10 per cent, industrial production rose by almost 11 per cent, and foreign trade turnover grew by over 19 per cent. The figures I have' just quoted eloquently testify to the importance my country attaches to the expansion of economic collaboration with other countries, which is best illustrated by the measurable index of the rate of growth of our trade exchanges.
85.	All nations of the world want to live in peace. All nations of the world want to live in freedom. All nations want to live better, more prosperous, more cultured lives. The United Nations can play a very important part in the attainment of these noble objectives. That, however, calls for the co-operation and dedication of all Member States. The delegation of Poland will spare no effort to that end.


147.	On behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka and the delegation of Sri Lanka, I extend to Ambassador Benites our cordial congratulations on his election as President of the twenty- eighth session of the General Assembly. His acknowledged eminence as an international jurist, his vast experience in United Nations affairs and the conspicuous diplomatic skill which he has displayed, as well as his personal qualities of patience, courtesy and tact, assure us of wise guidance and leadership during this session.
148.	The United Nations owes its sincerest thanks to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczyfiski, the President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, for his adroit handling of the work of that session and especially of some particularly controversial problems. His capacity for negotiation spared the Assembly discussions that might have been acrimonious and futile.
149.	On the eve of this session the world heard the shocking news of the violent change of government in a country with which we have always maintained the most friendly understanding, a country which had co-operated with us closely on important problems both of a political and economic nature, and had taken its rightful place in the community of non-aligned nations. The Government which was overthrown had sought through a socialist policy to ensure for the people of that country a greater measure of social and economic equality and justice than they had enjoyed before.
150.	The Government and people of Sri Lanka heard with profound grief and distress the poignant and tragic news of the death of President Salvador Allende, who gave his life in an attempt as a politician to fulfil what his friend and compatriot, the late Pablo Neruda, described as the poet's duty to take his place alongside the people in their struggle to transform society, which has been betrayed into chaos by its rulers, into an orderly existence based on political, economic and social democracy.
151.	The experience of Chile shows that the deadliest enemies of social and economic reform and of the egalitarian society are the forces of reaction within a country, that privileged and pampered elite, which would not shrink from enlisting the support of external forces which command unlimited financial resources and exercise a decisive influence in key areas of the economy. This power and influence embolden them to conceive and even conduct operations designed to subordinate the democratic will of the people to their blinding obsession with profits and the politics of financial and economic dominion. The people of Chile have our deepest sympathy.
152.	A new chapter in the history of the United Nations has been opened by the admission to its membership of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. We accord them a warm welcome to this Organization. They come here pledged to support the cause of peace and to redeem the past. We can no longer demand of them any further expiation of the crimes their leaders committed. In relations between nations, as between individuals, there is a time to remember and a time to forget.
,153. We take special pleasure in welcoming the Commonwealth of the Bahamas on their admission to membership in the United Nations. We extend to them our best wishes and assure them of our close and constant co-operation.
154. The past year has seen dramatic improvements in the United States relations with the Soviet Union and China, as well as clear signs of increasingly close and friendly co-operation between Japan on the one hand and the Soviet Union and China on the other. These developments are a favourable portent for the future. We
hope that they will gain increased momentum. Above all, we hope that at least the ideology they share in common will help compose the differences that now unfortunately exist between China and the Soviet Union.
155.	The cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam has removed one of the principal impediments to final reconciliation — the presence of foreign forces in that unhappy country, torn by internecine conflict and tormented and devastated by continuous warfare over a period of more than 30 years. But the end of war does not necessarily herald the dawn of peace. It is now left to the various factions in that country to refrain altogether from hostile acts against each other and to take the fullest advantage of the cessation of hostilities by entering into negotiations for the restoration of peace and harmony and for the initiation of the process of reconstruction. A commendable example has been set by Laos. We sincerely hope that a similar process will be started in Cambodia, uninfluenced by the interference, overt or otherwise, of outside parties.
156.	The presence of both North and South Korea in our midst as observers should give a further impetus to the realization of the objective which should benefit them both — the ultimate unification of that country.
157.	It is in the same spirit that we welcome the Indo- Pakistan Agreement of 28 August 1973 regarding the repatriation of Pakistani prisoners of war and civilian internees in India and the repatriation of all Bengalis in Pakistan and all Pakistanis in Bangladesh, specified in the Agreement. Ties of culture and history bind us firmly to the peoples of those countries. The future of South Asia depends very greatly on the maintenance of friendly relations and co-operation between them, and we in Sri Lanka stand ready, as always, to enter into active partnership with them in all efforts to ensure stability in the region and to bring peace and prosperity to all our peoples. We believe that, given a display of fraternity and magnanimity on all sides, all existing obstacles to the admission of Bangladesh to the United Nations should soon be removed.
158.	The enlargement of the European Economic Community through the accession of the United Kingdom, Denmark and Ireland creates new opportunities for some but acute problems for others, among
. them my own country. The increase in the strength and cohesion of the European Economic Community, while creating ideal conditions for rapid economic progress and ever-increasing prosperity for the members of the Community itself, could be so exploited as to produce beneficial consequences for the rest of the world by increasing rather than limiting trade opportunities to, and providing better markets for, the products of the developing world as a whole. The loss of those preferences which the members of the Commonwealth enjoyed in the past and the attenuation of the most-favoured nation principle, both of which result from Britain's accession to the Common Market, create special problems for the developing members of the Commonwealth, among them Sri Lanka, whose principal trading partner has been and continues to be Britain.
159.	We sincerely hope that the negotiations that have already been set in train for the establishment of a special relationship between the Community and the associable territories will bring substantial relief and advantages to those territories. Those advantages are expected to take the form of trade and financial aid schemes, as well as compensatory financing and the creation of special institutions. We welcome this policy, but must appeal for its progressive application to others not yet eligible for such special treatment, particularly Asian Commonwealth countries like Sri Lanka, which will suffer deprivation as well as denial. We will lose the benefits hitherto enjoyed under the Commonwealth preference scheme and face the problem of unequal competition in European markets. The enlargement of the European Economic Community should not be allowed to arrest or reverse the trend towards greater liberalization of international trade and the elimination of all discriminatory trade practices.
160.	The President of Upper Volta reminded us today of the calamity of the Sudano-Sahelian drought and famine and the heavy toll they have taken. The time has come for us to marshal all the resources of modern technology to avert such catastrophes in the future. We therefore welcome the initiative taken by the United States delegation in proposing the convening of a world food conference [2124th meeting]. If we cannot agree on reducing our stocks of guns, let us at least try to increase our stocks of food grains.
161.	Interest in the concept of collective economic security has been revived on the initiative of the Government of Brazil, and that Government deserves to be congratulated on that initiative. We also applaud the initiative of the President of Mexico in regard to the adoption of a charter of economic rights and duties. The essence of those two concepts has already been distilled in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. We would welcome any new and concrete proposals for giving expression to the concept of collective economic security, but we should like to emphasize that there is no need for any new institutions for that purpose. We already have the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, which treat the problems on an interregional or global scale, while on the other hand we have the regional economic commissions which are equipped with both the means and the authority to promote regional cooperation.
162.	The results achieved during the First United Nations Development Decade were disappointing and dismal. The Strategy for the second Decade contains certain priorities, incorporated in paragraphs (24), (25) and (26), which constitute the essence of collective economic security, namely, the priority aim of "... securing stable, remunerative and equitable prices" for the raw materials produced by developing countries; the principle that "No new tariff and non-tariff barriers will be raised nor will the existing ones be increased by developed countries against imports of primary products of particular interest to developing countries;" and that priority should be given by developed countries . .to reducing or eliminating duties and other barriers to imports of primary products, including those in processed or semi-processed form, of export interest to developing countries...".
163.	These results were to be achieved by 31 December 1972. That there is little to review and less to appraise, except failure, is abundantly clear from the report on the second session of the Committee on Review and Appraisal.
164.	Most of the problems that exist between nations might, in our belief, perhaps be considerably mitigated, if not solved, through greater economic co-operation and the improvement of economic relations between countries.
165.	More attention and encouragement need to be given to those organs of the United Nations family that are concerned with economic co-operation and questions of international trade and development, in particular UNIDO, which was established with the definite purpose of dealing with the problems that afflicted the developing countries and of establishing a more solid association and partnership between the developing and the developed sections of the world to their mutual benefit and advantage. If there is any tendency to set up UNCTAD as a rival to the Economic and Social Council, it should be resolutely discouraged. There are clear and hopeful signs of the Council's regaining its vitality and assuming the constitutional role assigned to it under the Charter. The Secretary-General has in his introduction to the report on the work of the Organization drawn pointed attention to this question and has noted with satisfaction the reassertion of the constitutional authority of the Economic and Social Council [A/9001/Add. 1, p. 7]. One of that Council's most important functions is the coordination and reconciliation of the activities of the independent specialized agencies and other organs —  steadily growing in number — through which the economic and social policies of the United Nations are carried into effect. There has to be decentralization but not at the expense of integration; there should be effective co-ordination to avoid duplication and dissipation of effort, waste of staff and inefficient use of funds.
166.	The criticism is often heard that the developing countries are too importunate or too peremptory in their demands for aid. The modest targets set for the transfer of resources from the developed to the developing countries do not, in our opinion, justify such a harsh criticism. Aid is like the quality of mercy: it blesseth him that gives and him that takes. If it is inspired by altruism, it is also sustained by self-interest. It is an investment that will some day yield a dividend in which the donor will himself share, as it will give the recipient nations readier access to the products of the donor nations. This is sufficient justification for the developing countries' proposal, in regard to the reform of the international monetary system, that there should be a definite link established between special drawing rights and development aid. The proposal that in the next issue of special drawing rights the developing nations should have a greater share is only the other side of the same coin. The creation of this next issue should no longer be deferred.
167.	The question of a world disarmament conference will once again be discussed. The major Powers have an opportunity of providing an earnest of their good faith and thus creating a favourable climate for such a conference if they pledge themselves to a total and unqualified renunciation of the use of nuclear weapons; a comprehensive test ban treaty, to be concluded without any further excuses or delay; the total cessation of the manufacture of all nuclear weapons; and the dismantling of all nuclear arsenals. Those Powers which enjoy an overwhelming superiority in nuclear capacity and whose nuclear armouries pose the greatest threat of nuclear war ending in a nuclear holocaust must first set an example by giving the lead in committing themselves to these four points. If we condemn atmospheric testing, we must not content ourselves with merely making mild remonstrances against the conduct of underground testing. We must condemn all forms of testing and demand the immediate conclusion of a comprehensive test ban treaty, accompanied by the other and related measures which we have already proposed.
168.	The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has once again failed to keep its promise of producing a draft agreement on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and the destruction of stockpiles of such weapons. The excuse given by those who wish to retain these weapons is palpably flimsy.
169.	In striking contrast to the fervour with which the major Powers appeal for the support of the rest of the membership for any disarmament proposal they produce is the attitude of disdain and superciliousness with which they themselves have treated a proposal that adopts a positive approach to the problem, one that seeks to prevent the spread of the arms race into at least one region of the world, one that seeks, as its ultimate aim, the removal of all military bases from that area and one that by this means seeks to create a climate of peace where the accumulation or the use of arms would not be necessary. I refer to the Indian Ocean peace zone proposal on which the General Assembly adopted a Declaration at its twenty-sixth session [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. This Declaration, may I remind the Assembly, failed to secure. the support of the major Powers with one notable exception — China. The First Committee will shortly receive and consider the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean [A/9029] established by General Assembly resolution 2992 (XXVII). I do not feel called upon, therefore, to comment on the report at this stage.
170.	The United Nations does not appear to be anywhere near a solution of the Middle East problem. On the other hand it seems to be coming — if it has not already come — perilously close to the eye of the storm. Institutions and individuals that ardently support respect for human rights and express their indignation over the denial to a certain group of the right to leave their country do not show any concern over the fact that the assertion of that right results in the flagrant denial and destruction of the human rights of another group. I refer to the policy adopted by the State of Israel of establishing along the perimeter of the occupied territories a pattern of settlements in which for the most part Jewish immigrants from the Soviet Union are settled.
171.	Why do the champions of human rights fail to voice their objections to the expropriation of the lands of the Palestinian Arabs and to their use for the establishment of Jewish settlements on the pretext of security? This pretext cannot be reconciled with the declarations of Israeli leaders that the State of Israel commands overwhelming military superiority over the combined forces of the Arab world. This is no idle boast. More disturbing, however, are the statements of Israeli leaders that they are acting in accordance with the doctrine of the power of right or the right of power, the most naked and unabashed assertion of the principle that might is right, which is totally at variance with the fundamental principles of the Organization to which they belong and to which they have pledged their support.
172.	We wish to see a settlement in the Middle East  — one that will guarantee conditions of peace and security not merely to the people of Israel but to all the peoples of the Arab world that are their neighbours. We wish to see a partnership established between them that can be of lasting benefit to both groups. But we must hold the scales evenly and create conditions in which negotiations, direct or indirect, can start. To invoke Security Council resolution 242 (1967) is meaningless if the violation of the human rights of the population of the occupied territories continues to pass unchallenged and unchecked. The present policy of Israel can only be described as one of territorial aggrandizement based on the territorial claims of Israel and in transgression of the very instrument that created the State of Israel within clearly demarcated boundaries. The State of Israel has a right to welcome Jews from all over the world — no one questions that right — but it must not be left free to encroach on the territory, and extinguish the rights, of the Palestinian Arabs.
173.	As long as the occupation in its present form continues and is consolidated by the practices and policies systematically pursued by the Government of Israel, the conditions required for negotiation will never be created. The hope of peace will remain as remote and evanescent as ever and the danger of the outbreak of hostilities will haunt us, undiminished by considerations sacred or secular. The fighting that flared up on 6 October was a grim warning.
174.	The Charter is a document that has a sanctity of its own, even if it lacks Messianic inspiration, and any violation of the Charter is a greater blasphemy and sacrilege than a decision to assert one's rights while one antagonist is absorbed in a spiritual exercise of supreme significance to him — even if that were actually the case. All faiths must be held in reverence, but it is no less a blasphemy and sacrilege to plead that the most sacred hour in one's calendar must be invoked to secure one's immunity from the consequences of one's own wrongdoing.
175.	The latest news is that civilian targets in densely populated areas in the heart of Damascus are being subjected to intensive and ruthless bombing by the Israeli Air Force, the excuse being that they are close to military headquarters. There are even reports, still to be confirmed, that fatal casualties have occurred among the families of foreign diplomats. Against this background of savagery, the Israeli Foreign Minister's impassioned and propagandistic reference at the 2139th meeting to atonement sounds utterly hollow and hypocritical.
176.	The inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by force is a principle that must be accepted and honoured without qualification or equivocation. It is a principle that is not open to modification or attenuation. Any attempt at manipulating it through prevarication to suit a particular nation's policies and designs will deceive nobody. It is, as it were, the coping stone of the archway of peace through which all posterity must be free to pass in safety, in honour and in dignity. Tamper with it, and the whole structure will collapse in ruins.
177.	It is in that spirit that the efforts to implement Security Council resolution 242 (1967) must be renewed.
178.	The members of the international community will soon face their severest test in co-operation and compromise for the establishment of a stable and viable law of the sea when the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is convened. We shall be called upon to review existing international law and transform it, especially that part of it that derives its authority from custom, to suit the moral values, ethical standards and political principles of the twentieth century. These are entirely different from the values, standards and principles of the generation of Grotius and Selden. Any law or custom governing the conduct of nations in their relations with one another must be based on principles of equity and international social justice. If a genuine and durable reform of the law of nations, whether it be in regard to the law of the sea or other aspects of international law, is to be achieved, there has to be a willingness on the part of the powerful and affluent to accommodate the interests and aspirations of the less privileged nations of the world. A law which will ensure order as well as justice must be free from extravagance and must take into special consideration the interests of the land-locked countries, if they are to be treated as equal partners with an equal right to the common heritage of mankind.
179.	The United Nations has made little progress with the problems of Africa. The savage and ruthless suppression of liberation movements in Portuguese colonial Territories by the Government of Portugal, the odious and obnoxious racist policies of the Smith regime in Southern Rhodesia and of the South African Government continue unabated. Civilized opinion throughout the world remains outraged but helpless. The only effective weapon, short of armed intervention —  which is beyond contemplation — is sanctions if they are scrupulously enforced. It is too often pleaded that a Member State's duties and responsibilities under the Charter must be governed by realities. In the language of diplomacy, reality is only an imaginary obstacle to the fulfilment of a binding obligation. This plea or pretext is most often advanced in regard to the enforcement of mandatory sanctions against racist regimes. More than anything else, this attitude undermines the Charter and impairs its effectiveness, while at the same time dealing a mortal blow to the prestige of the principal organs of the United Nations — the General Assembly and the Security Council. The lofty sentiments often heard in this Assembly lose their meaning when they are belied by actions and policies which reject or ignore Charter obligations.
180.	In the general debate scant attention is paid to one of the principal organs of the United Nations — the Secretariat. The United Nations is the hub of the international civil service and should serve as a model to all the other members of the United Nations family in regard to the maintenance of efficiency, morale and that essential ingredient of all forms of service, loyalty to the employer — in this instance the international community. Without loss of national identity there could be subordination of it in the larger interest of the world community. Morale can be sustained only if the permanent members of the international civil service are assured of fair treatment in the matter of promotion and remuneration. Recruitment policies must similarly be designed to secure the best talent available subject only to the requirement stated in Article 101, paragraph 3 of the Charter.
181.	Every Member has a right to ensure that the principle of equitable geographical distribution without sacrifice of merit and efficiency is strictly observed, but we cannot blind ourselves to the fact that there are occasions when undue pressure is exercised by delegations in regard to appointments and promotions. Where such pressures are successful and affect the legitimate career prospects of permanent members of the Organization, some degree of demoralization must result. The Members should extend their co-operation to the Secretary-General in ensuring that the highest standards are maintained in regard to recruitment and
. promotion, free from any suspicion of political influence, and that recruits to the international civil service have an assured prospect of steady advancement unaffected by extraneous factors, provided they maintain the requisite standards of integrity, efficiency and loyalty.
182.	Another aspect of the problem which deserves attention is the remuneration of members of the Secretariat. The currency fluctuations of recent times have caused hardship to many, especially those in the lower grades. An arrangement should be made whereby the adjustments in allowances can be effected with the least possible delay where currency fluctuations have an adverse effect on the emoluments of the staff. Such an arrangement could conform in large measure to the policy and practice of the host country in regard to the members of its own civil service. Relief often comes too late, and in the meantime avoidable hardship is inflicted on the staff.
183.	In section XI of the excellent introduction to his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General has drawn attention to the additional burden imposed on the Organization's finances through the exchange fluctuations that have occurred in recent times, particularly the decline in the value of the United States dollar. It would appear that the nervous breakdown of the United States dollar — and I deliberately describe it as a nervous breakdown, as the decline in the value of the dollar has nothing to do with economic factors such as the productive capacity of the United States economy and its competitiveness — has resulted in an increase of as much as 25 per cent or more in the cost in dollars of purchasing the currencies required to meet the United Nations regular budget obligations in Geneva, Vienna and elsewhere.
184.	It would not be unfair to suggest that that extra cost should be borne by those countries whose currencies have strengthened against the United States dollar. Some of those countries have acquired that position of strength and superiority largely owing to the generosity of the United States. If the extra financial costs imposed on the Organization as a result of this development in the world's money markets has to be met at the expense of humanitarian programmes undertaken or contemplated by the Organization, the prosperous economies should not begrudge the United Nations this special measure of relief. While on this theme, we should like to congratulate the Government of Japan on its special grant of $10 million and the Government of the United Arab Emirates on its special grant of $ 1 million to meet part of the deficit under which the Organization is now staggering. Those are examples worthy of emulation by others.
185.	The need for a revision of the Charter has been referred to by many speakers. In our opinion, the Charter remains the best instrument for international cooperation to secure peace, harmony and progress and the establishment of a stable world order that human ingenuity could have devised to suit the fickleness and frailty of human nature and the unavoidable partisanship that is dictated by expediency and overrides principle. There are some aspects in regard to which the Charter requires revision to bring it into line with contemporary realities. Changes of a fundamental character, especially those affecting the relationships that existed between the members of the victorious alliance of the Second World War 28 years ago. have taken place and must be considered in any revision. Two continents do not enjoy the privilege of permanent representation and the power that goes with it in the Security Council. Political considerations today count for much less than economic factors. But in any attempt at reform we must reckon with the fact that once conferred special privileges are difficult to withdraw. The most urgent reform of all is reform of ourselves.