1.	  Allow me, Mr. President, to present to you the warm congratulations of the Government of Haiti and of the delegation over which I have the honor to preside on the occasion of your election to the presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your long experience as a statesman and the eminent service which you have rendered to the cause of peace constitute a sure guarantee for harmonious work during the present session. Be assured of the full cooperation of the Republic of Haiti which extends to you its best wishes for success.
2.	Allow me also to pay a tribute to the President of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Edvard Hambro, who carried out his delicate mission to the complete satisfaction of the Members of the United Nations, bringing into play his lofty sense of responsibility and drawing on the noble qualities which distinguish the people of Norway.
3.	Although the present session opened with the usual ceremony and although at this session the General Assembly is called upon to examine questions which we might call conventional because they always appear on the agenda of our -sessions, this session, nevertheless, is of special importance because of the fact that the Assembly must take decisions which will surely exercise a determining influence upon the future of our Organization itself, as well as upon the history of international relations during the latter part of this century.
4.	We refer, in the first place, to the election of a new Secretary-General to replace U Thant, whose departure we greatly regret.
5.	A pilgrim of peace, U Thant has devoted himself for the past 10 years with remarkable skill to reconciling antagonisms and has undertaken many fruitful initiatives for the benefit of all mankind.
6.	Whether it was a question of the war in Viet-Nam, the fratricidal struggles in Africa, or the problems in the Middle East and it is always with emotion that we recall the deep understanding shown by the Secretary-General and the entire Organization each time that it was necessary during these last 14 years here to debate such matters as the defense of the sovereignty and integrity of the Republic of Haiti. Whether it was a question of the defense of the human dignity of peoples who are victims of colonialism or racial discrimination, or whether it was a question of the economic and social development of the under-developed countries, impartial history will recall, Mr. Secretary-General, your many initiatives as a proof of manifest goodwill and devotion to the cause of international peace.
7.	The delegation of Haiti would like once again to express to you its admiration for the remarkable services you have rendered to humanity and express the hope that the Secretariat of the Organization will continue to follow the road of wisdom, serenity and dynamism which you have shown it during these last 10 years.
8.	Although the results of the initiatives of the Organization were not always consistent with the legitimate aspirations of peoples, the responsibility can be imputed to the imperfect structures established at its foundation, for, unfortunately, it still shows the marks of a genesis characterized by the precarious compromise among the great Powers which serves as the basis of the Organization. We are all aware of the limitations of the Organization, as we are aware of its great ability and its potential. Despite everything, the Organization remains a place where, on a footing of equality, States may discuss their problems, seek peace and progress, and lay the foundations for the co-operation which is necessary among the peoples of the world.
9.	Therefore, the delegation of Haiti wishes to express its concern with regard to the election of the new Secretary-General who, in addition to the attributions laid down in the Charter in Articles 97 to 101, is invested with the high moral authority and general responsibility upon which the life and functioning of the Organization depend.
10.	With the feeling of equity and equilibrium required in order to realize the fundamental objectives of the universal nature of the Organization, the Republic of Haiti, whose destiny seems to be to constitute a link and a bond between Latin America and Africa, feels that the post of Secretary-General of the Organization should be given to a personality belonging to one of these two continents. Obviously, such a candidature would enjoy from the very beginning a
prestige and a remarkable strength if it were to be supported unanimously by the African and Latin American Member States. The delegation of the Republic of Haiti, which has already begun to take initiatives along these lines, would make an urgent appeal to dl nations desiring to achieve this indispensable unity so as to build a more equitable and more harmonious world.
11.	The twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly has before it a question which is more than 20 years old, but which comes up every year. It is an old question, namely, the representation of China in the United Nations, but we must examine it in the light of an international situation which is always changing; it is an old question, of course, but it must necessarily be borne in mind by all those who advocate unity in diversity, all those who are not resigned to a division of the world into two monolithic blocs, all those who reject with all their strength the difficulties which negative ideologies or the straitjacket of short-sighted policies impose upon mankind.
12.	The delegation of Haiti wishes to draw the Assembly's attention to the need to give the problem of the representation of China due importance and to consider it with all the lucidity and clairvoyance necessary so as to avoid establishing a precedent which might in the near future imperil the very basis of our Organization.
13.	The title "Restoration ,of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations", under which certain delegations have raised the problem of the representation of China, suggests the idea of the pre-existence of rights of which China has been frustrated. In any case, the Government of the Republic of Haiti, while accepting the principle of the representation of the People's Republic of China, is resolutely opposed to any draft resolution which would expel the Republic of China.
14.	It is true that, in view of the universal nature of the United Nations, it would be desirable to open our doors to the People's Republic of China with the assurance that the latter would profess respect for the principles in the name of which we are met here in this Assembly.
15.	But, we must also recognize that the Republic of China is a real entity, an independent and sovereign State, a founding Member of the Organization and in that capacity the Republic of China fulfills all its obligations under the Charter. Legally, to what can one refer to justify its expulsion from the Organization, to which it has always made such a positive and effective contribution?
16.	These are, in the understanding of the Government of the Republic of Haiti, the principles and facts which should guide the work of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly if it is to arrive at fruitful conclusions which will give rise to progress in concord among men from every corner of the world.
the Organization of African Unity H.E. Moktar Ould Daddah, in condemning, once again, the policy of apartheid and the policy of racial segregation which are carried out by the Governments of South Africa and Rhodesia to the detriment of the inalienable rights of the great majority of the population of black people.
18.	In this second half of the twentieth century, when almost everywhere economically weak countries are mobilizing their material and human resources so as to give a new impulse to their development, it is disturbing that a minority of the population of South Africa and Rhodesia should by coercion force the great majority into a disgraceful situation in the name of an anachronistic philosophy of racial superiority in order to maintain their privileges and economic power indefinitely.
19.	For eight years the United Nations has been adopting more and more resolutions and recommendations but these two countries continue to be indifferent to and scornful of them.
20.	At its twenty-fourth session, the General Assembly proclaimed 1971 the "International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination" [resolution 2544 {XXIV)]. In all sincerity, what list of failures could we now draw up and must we not recognize that most of the responsibility for this failure rests upon the shoulders of Member States which refuse to implement coercive resolutions providing for measures such as the embargo, the prohibition of arms sales and the breaking off of diplomatic relations? We must give economic questions their due and everyone must realize that the same trade exchanges, especially trade in precious metals, could be continued and sven expanded with a Government representing the great majority of the black population.
21.	With the same feeling of indignation, the Government of the Republic of Haiti energetically condemns colonialism, which continues to keep large communities of our Africa in a sub-human situation. Apartheid and the policy of racial discrimination are unmistakably reminiscent of Mmn Kampf, which the world unanimously rejected after the sufferings, the slaughter and the destruction of the last war.
22.	The Constitutional Government of the Republic of Haiti quite rightly believes that, following a pragmatic philosophy, the United Nations should associate its action closely with that of the Organization of African Unity in bringing to the resolutions of the latter its prestige, influence and the weight of its moral authority. We exhort each Member of the United Nations to do everything possible tr put an end to the humiliating situation in which these peoples of Africa find themselves, so as to grasp and understand the inexorable progress of history and to ensure respect for human dignity in every man without distinction as to race or color.
17. Faithful to its most distant origins, and to its political philosophy of the dignity of the black man, as well as to the destiny of Latin America, which is also our destiny, the Republic of Haiti from the Caribbean Sea associates itself with the words of Africa expressed at the twenty-sixth session [1938th meeting/ so eloquently by the President of
23, With regard to apartheid, the terrible fate imposed on the African peoples under Portuguese domination and Namibia, we must remind the Governments which conduct themselves as if the earth and its inhabitants had been created to satisfy the interests of a single nation, race, class or particular group, that they are infringing upon the
fundamental principles of the Charter, threatening the security of all Members and hindering international cooperation. None of these problems can be solved within the framework of the United Nations so long as there persist, either through political calculation or in order to satisfy economic interests, attitudes and conduct which encourage the exploitation of those courageous peoples.
24.	Such attitudes and conduct create doubt as to the essential principles of the Organization and undermine the confidence of people in it. If a common intention to work for the physical and moral well-being of humanity has brought us here, then it is time for us to cease to invoke abstract equality and freedom.
25.	Dr. Francois Duvalier wrote in 1968:
"The great hope which the dynamic peoples of the third world have nourished since the last meeting of the General Assembly are far from being realized. The price of raw materials, above all the pries of coffee, sugar and sisal, continues to drop in the international market while at the same time the cost of manufactured goods goes up and up. Hie assistance granted by international banking institutions is insufficient in face of the urgent development problems that confront the Governments and peoples of the under-developed countries."
26.	Since then the situation has not improved but has deteriorated even more. Caught in an inflationary phenomenon, the world economy is suffering from a permanent imbalance with even more disastrous consequences for the countries of the third world, because, whereas the price of manufactured goods rises sharply, that of raw materials remains stationary, provoking a constant deterioration in terms of trade. No responsible nation can fail to realize the terrible consequences of such a situation to the international community, and the feeling of frustration and disillusionment which it entails.
27.	In such a situation, it is illusory to speak of peace, since, as Pope Paul VI said, "Peace is achieved by general development." Such a situation can be remedied only by a broader concept of social justice and equity, not only among the wealthy classes and the poor classes within a country, but also among the rich industrialized countries and the great number of poor countries whose peoples are still faced with the difficulties of stone-age men. This development strategy could very well be set up through the specialized agencies of our Organization, and through a more genuine and more effective co-operation on the part of the great Powers.
28.	To that effect the leaders of the peoples of the third world must become newly aware of their responsibility so as to strengthen their solidarity and present a united front for the defense of the legitimate economic interests of these millions of men who are suffering from physical and moral wretchedness.
29.	Let us remember that no matter how difficult the situation, we men of the third world must be the prime movers of this effort to bring about the economic and social development of our countries. Not only does our action lead to positive results, but it also has value as an
uplifting example and becomes a catalyst for the national effort,
30.	Such was the deliberate choice made by the Government of the President for life of the Republic of Haiti, H.E. Jean-Claude Duvalier, who, in his desire to contribute to world peace, has drawn up a strategy based on a national economic policy and upon the search for international co-operation.
31.	At this moment it is right to say how comforting for the Government and people of Haiti were the expressions of sympathy upon the death of our leader, Dr. Francois Duvalier, who had, for 14 years, directed the destiny of our nation.
32.	In spite of the Machiavellian calculations of those who expected to see the first independent black republic of the world founder in civil war and subsequently constitute a threat to inter-American and world peace, the people were able to find within their history and the reserves of its race the necessary strength to ensure fundamental unity and pursue its great destiny.
33.	After the 1960 and 1963 hurricanes which severely affected the already precarious economy of Haiti, recovery was begun in 1968 thanks to the efforts of the Haitian' Government concentrated in those sectors where accelerated development could be brought about and thus lead the general economy into better days, such as assembly and processing plants, the tourist industry, and fruit and vegetable crops for export. Along with these activities leading to a rapid recovery in the general situation, the Haitian Government strengthened and expanded the economic infrastructure so as to stimulate private initiative.
34.	The results were not long in manifesting themselves in a notable increase in the gross national product. Agricultural production continued to have a yearly growth rate of 2.5 per cent due in great part to an increase in the volume of exports, principally sugar and food-stuffs. The industrial sector showed an annual growth rate during the same period of 5.5 per cent thanks to the encouragement given to the processing industry for re-export.
35.	In the field of the economic infrastructure, the Haitian Government has just made an extremely important leap forward with the operation of the Francois Duvalier Hydroelectric Plant at Peligre, which is now producing 180 million kilowatt hours a year. The production of energy is presently 100 per cent higher than it was last year.
36.	The noticeable improvement in the living conditions of the masses of Haiti, along with the determination of President Jean-Claude Duvalier to pursue the revolution by progressively strengthening political democracy in response to the aspirations of the Haitian people, has permitted stability and the maintenance of an atmosphere of internal peace propitious to fruitful work.
37.	The number of visitors and tourists has tripled, whereas the . great international enterprises have undertaken the construction of new hotels along our sunny shores.
38.	Foreign policy being but the reflection of internal policy, we shall reply to the interest shown by this
Assembly by stressing that the great step forward was only possible thanks to the constant policy of equity, justice and public welfare pursued by the Government of the Republic of Haiti. It is understandable that these courageous choices in favor of the great masses of the poor should have upset the ancestral interests of an "oligarchy which was Haitian only in name".1
39.	It is the same oligarchy which, deaf to the voice of reason, indifferent and hostile to the higher interests of the country, fills certain large cities with its weeping and wailing,
40.	But the policy of reconciliation, entente and peace of the Government ot the Republic of Haiti has given rise to unexpected results: former diplomats, members of parliament, secretaries of state, ex-members of the office of the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of Haiti, not to mention a number of compatriots whp had not realized the humanitarian nature of the Haitian Revolution have come back to their native shores, where they are now freely pursuing their activities, under the protection of the law and the administrative authority.
41.	The latest grave events which occurred in the Middle East on the very eve of the inauguration of this twenty-sixth session and which have provoked stormy debates in the Security Council show once again the precarious nature of the peace prevailing in that disturbed region. The Powers directly or indirectly involved in that explosive situation must place their own interests in the background and renounce their policy of escalating the arms race between the belligerents and must make a positive contribution to the action of this Organization.
42.	As early as 22 November 1967, Security Council resolution 242 (1967) entrusted to the Secretary-General's Special Representative to the Middle East, Mr. Gunnar Jarring, the authority necessary to seek a formula for a viable peace between the parties to spare the civilian populace and war prisoners from any additional suffering. Would it not be a good idea to avail ourselves of these cease-fire periods in order to strengthen the role of the United Nations and, under its supervision, lead the parties not to a sterile and vain confrontation, but to positive and fruitful meetings?
43.	The burden of hostility and hatred accumulated over the centuries among the peoples of that region necessitates an approach to the problem which would not be confined to an endless enumeration of complaints and counter-complaints; and we must note in this respect the new spirit of coexistence which today animates certain peoples of that region which only yesterday had been violently opposed.
44.	The search for a wise solution does not consist in drawing up a long list of charges against Israel or the Arab States while pursuing a systematic policy of arming one party or the other with the ultimate goal of satisfying the desire for power and political hegemony on the part of the great Powers. More than vicissitudes and passing incidents,
these considerations, which arise from the confrontation of ideologies, are situated at the very basis of any serious attempt to restore peace to the Middle East. Would it not be a good idea, then-and this is the wish of the Republic of Haiti, which in these days when the wretched peoples of the Middle East, who have known the horrors of war, are binding their wounds and thinking perhaps of a better future-would it not be a good idea, I say, for the United Nations to intervene at this psychological moment to appeal to the conscience of those in authority to give new impetus to the mission of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring and advance the cause of peace by ensuring the political and economic security of all States of the Middle East?
45.	Although the General Assembly reaffirmed once again, in its resolution 2661 (XXV), the responsibility of the United Nations in the attainment of general and complete disarmament, which is the most important question facing the world today, the armaments race, with all the potential destruction which it implies, has not been halted.
46.	Every day new chemical and bacteriological weapons are developed. The atomic Powers constantly reinforce their arsenals, while others undertake nuclear and thermonuclear tests in the atmosphere and underground the better to penetrate the destructive power of the atom. Resolutions, counter-resolutions and declarations of intent proliferate, while peoples witness the impotence of the Organization as the arsenals grow. For what purpose, we might ask, if the peoples of the third world are not regularly confronting threats to their security and their future? An infernal cycle seems to be continuing with the regularity of the seasons: the manufacture of atomic, thermo-nuclear, biological and chemical weapons; the destruction of stockpiles; then the manufacture of new, even mere deadly, weapons, and so forth.
47.	The United Nations must intervene decisively to stop the terrible effects of this policy of armament, the consequences of which are incalculable, and of which pollution is only one aspect. We must mobilize all possible resources so as to achieve that supreme objective, on which hinges the future of mankind.
48.	Thus the considerable amounts of money invested for some two decades now in the manufacture and production of those horrible weapons of destruction could be used for the creation of hospitals and educational liters and for the implementation of sweeping economic and social programs for improving the living conditions of the two thirds of all mankind on our planet who are suffering from all sorts of physical and moral wretchedness.
49.	In that way the United Nations would be in a position to strengthen the role of its agencies responsible for the development of the peoples of the third world and to adopt specific programs to ensure continued growth in the developing countries. That, in the view of the Government of the Republic of Haiti, should be the very first objective which the United Nations should set for itself at this time the end of the twentieth century-for the full development of the immense potential of mankind.
50.	His Excellency Jean-Claude Duvalier, the youngest President in the world, declared recently:
"Out of faithfulness to the doctrine of our revolution and out of personal conviction, I believe that the
principles of non-intervention on the part of one State or group of States in the internal affairs of another, and the right of peoples freely to decide their own destiny remain the basis of international law and the primary condition for harmonious relations among the various members of the international community."
Those two principles, together with that of the development of economic and financial relations through international co-operation and the peaceful solution of conflicts, form the pillars on which the Government of Haiti has built an active policy of rapprochement and co-operation with the States of the Caribbean area and of all America.
51.	Within this framework the delegation of Haiti would like to appeal for the economic integration of the Caribbean area, the strengthening of its economic structures and the establishment of a realistic development strategy; because we remain convinced that the economic progress of the countries of that region should not be stated in terms of confrontation and antagonism, but in terms of solidarity and co-operation. Thus we invite the Governments of the Caribbean area, that cross-road of races, civilizations and cultures, to seek, in a common effort and fully aware of current-day economic imperatives, a form of co-operation that would solve such problems as their restricted national markets, permit horizontal specialization at the regional level and ensure their development in peace and in mutual respect.
52.	When we consider the wonderful course followed by some peoples of the world we can express our satisfaction and feel proud to tackle our problems with enthusiasm and confidence. Furthermore, the international situation is propitious. A spirit of detente can be seen on the horizon. The struggles in Viet-Nam in the past few years have abated and the people of Viet-Nam will soon be able to make their choice and choose their destiny freely.
53.	Europe, which twice during the course of this century led the world into war, is building new and powerful economic structures. The Germano-Soviet treaty, due to a great extent to the peaceful spirit of the Federal Republic of Germany, reinforced by the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971, constitutes a great contribution to the maintenance of peace.
54.	Throughout the world men of goodwill are enthusiastically taking initiatives rich in promise, such as cultural and technical co-operation agencies which unite peoples of the French language and culture, and there is also town-twinning and many other ideas which should enjoy the firm support of the United Nations.
55.	The roads of economic freedom to which respect for the dignity of man is so closely connected are as difficult as the roads of political freedom. The questioning of our traditional values, called the crisis of our civilization, offers perhaps a great opportunity to build a more just and better balanced world which would satisfy the essential needs of all men. We must and this is a heroic resolution, of course,
2 Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, signed at Moscow on 12 August 1970.
5
but very decisive for the future of humanity-devote the technical resources and the considerable sums invested in the policy of armament to development and the progress of the peoples of the third world and also the improvement of the living conditions of the poorer classes in the industrialized countries: in other terms and more simply, generalized and equitable development, social justice, the sharing by all men of the wealth of the world.
56.	There exists a great force for peace which can be got under way, and men with great ideals have decided to transform this force into a veritable crusade to build the fraternal world of the future to which the new generations aspire with all their strength.
57.	The Haitian delegation thanks the members of the Assembly for the attention with which they listened to this address and expresses the hope that at this twenty-sixth session, which bears the hopes of all mankind, reason and practical sense will triumph so that the General Assembly may reach practical conclusions in the examination of the problems on its agenda.


75.	  Mr. President, allow me to echo the sentiments which have been expressed by all the speakers who have preceded me and to offer you, on behalf of the Malta delegation, my warmest congratulations on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election is particularly welcome to us not only because of the high qualities which we recognize in Your Excellency, but also because your country, like mine, belongs to the developing world and as such, despite their huge disparity in size, they hold many ideals in common.
76.	May I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, for his inspired leadership during the historic twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
77.	Finally, I wish to offer to OUL1 respected Secretary- General our admiration and gratitude for the dedicated service which he has so ably rendered to this Organization and to the cause of world peace during the past decade. It is with regret that my delegation views his declared intention to vacate his high office, and we can only hope that his inspired service will call forth an equally dedicated and worthy successor.
78.	To the four States which have joined this Organization at this session-Bhutan, Bahrain, Oman and Qatar-we extend our warmest welcome and congratulations. May their admission be an augury for the true universality of our Organization.
79.	As we look around the world today we see areas of great and unparalleled prosperity, where larger and larger numbers of people enjoy more and more of the material benefits of life, side by side with other vaster areas inhabited by the majority of the world's population where poverty and hunger are still part of the daily scene. This deep and divisive inequality has long been recognized by responsible statesmen everywhere as containing within itself the seed of future catastrophe, and declarations have not been lacking-especially within this Organization-stressing the need for action to remedy this state of affairs before it is too late. The proclamation of this decade as the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)J was a useful step in the right direction. But declarations in themselves must be met by concrete efforts on the part of the world community to achieve unprecedented results.
80.	The time is short, far shorter than seems to be commonly believed, and certain protectionist trends which we have unhappily discerned in recent times will not contribute towards the success of the co-operative effort in development which the world's underprivileged majority simply must have within their grasp before the decade is out. We join our voices with those who, from this rostrum, have appealed to the developed countries to make a fresh and imaginative commitment to world development, to
liberalize trade and to dismantle prohibitive tariffs, particularly on goods from the developing countries, and to , redouble their efforts in aid and assistance.
Mr. Mwaanga (Zambia), Vice-President, took the Chair,
81.	The eyes of the people of the developing world will be focused next year on the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ. It is fervently to be hoped that their legitimate expectations will not be disappointed again; and that enlightened self-interest will be forthcoming in sufficient measure from the richer countries to ensure a continuous progress towards the expansion and liberalization of world trade with suitable concessions to the exports of developing countries. In this connexion, I cannot help remarking that the discriminatory limitations placed by some countries on their schemes under the generalized system of preferences have generated despondency and erected fresh barriers against the exports of those developing countries, like my own, which have so far been left out. At the same time it is of the utmost importance that the international monetary system should be reorganized as early as possible in such a way as to respond to the needs of all the world's countries, not only of the rich few.
82.	Our glance around the globe also reveals several areas of tension, of which some are recent and others of long-standing, but all of which are potentially explosive. The Middle East, South-East Asia, East Pakistan, southern Africa, Europe and the Mediterranean, to mention a few, are all areas where for one reason or another progress towards peace and security, based on mutual respect, must no longer be delayed. We are pleased in this connexion to note the positive movement towards detente which has taken place in Europe in recent times. We congratulate the parties concerned and look forward to further encouraging achievements in this theater which so closely concerns my country.
83.	In the Mediterranean, the presence of large and powerful opposing fleets is not a factor for stability, and we venture to express the hope that, in the context of wider negotiations aimed at securing a more relaxed attitude in Europe generally, the potential for confrontation between the great Powers in the Mediterranean will also be suitably defused. My country has already committed itself to make an important contribution towards the maintenance of peace in the central Mediterranean. The NATO headquarters and military facilities in Malta are being dismantled and are in the process of being withdrawn at the request of my Government. The transition from a military to a peaceful coexistence depends, however, on certain economic realities which in our case are too important to be ignored. We had a war economy for many centuries and my country is not yet in a position to sustain its economic growth on normal activities like industry, tourism, agriculture, and so on. The big problem at present absorbing all the energies of my Government is the need to create in a very short time those economic instruments which Malta requires so that' it will not be forced at any time in the future to offer military bases to any foreign Power purely for reasons of economic stringency.
84.	The situation in the Middle East continues to grieve us deeply. Despite all the efforts of the United Nations
mediator, Ambassador Tarring, and other initiatives undertaken by other parties, the road to a just and lasting peace has not yet been opened. The cease-fire, although in its fifteenth month, remains a precarious substitute for a settlement. Hostilities may break out anew at any time. The disastrous consequences of such an eruption are neither desired nor sought by any side. But the present situation cannot prevail indefinitely. It is draining the resources of the protagonists; it perpetuates the agony of the innocent victims-the refugees-who have not known a home for 23 years; the continued closure of the Suez Canal continues to cause heavy economic losses not only to the parties directly concerned, but also to others whose trade routes are affected.
85.	My delegation sincerely hopes that, through the continuing efforts of all, especially of those directly concerned and of the big Powers, the way will be opened to the full and final implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which contains all the basic ingredients of an acceptable settlement.
86.	In South-East Asia my delegation views with anguish the continued death and destruction wrought by a war to which an end is not yet in sight. Despite the peace talks in Paris, despite the process of withdrawal of the United States troops, the sufferings of the populations continue unabated. May the day soon come when this sorely-tried people, freed from the presence of all non-indigenous forces, can freely decide their own future and bend their energies towards the rewarding task of reconstruction.
87.	In southern Africa, the abhorrent policy of apartheid continues to proclaim racial discrimination in the name of separate development. My country vehemently denounces every form of discrimination and infringement of human rights. We make no secret of our disgust at a policy which seeks to make, on the grounds of race and color, second-class citizens of the majority of the people of South Africa, and to perpetuate a situation where a privileged- minority can dominate the rest. Likewise we condemn the colonialist policy of Portugal, the rebel regime of Southern Rhodesia, and the affront to the international community constituted by South Africa's continued illegal presence in Namibia.
88.	Recent events in East Pakistan have similarly caused us grave concern. Whatever the genesis of that situation, the world is faced today with an unprecedented influx into India of refugees, who have strained beyond limit the absorptive capacity of that country and its ability to give them food and shelter. Despite the efforts of the international community, and the welcome announcements by the major Powers of emergency assistance on a massive scale, the conscience of mankind demands still further effort. Bengal is a crucial test of world civilization and if the children die we are all indicted. The need for relief assistance has been described by international aid organizations as being so vast as to lie beyond the capacity of any country acting independently. It is therefore imperative that all nations should join together under the auspices of this Organization to assemble without delay a relief operation of truly massive proportions. It must also be said that no nation or the world community can realistically be expected to feed and look after 9 million refugees indefinitely, These camps of squalor are not the result of some unimaginable natural phenomenon. They are the direct result of political and military action-action that can be reversed. Without this hope, the millions of refugees face gradual disintegration.
89.	I have referred to a number of areas where tension abounds and where a solution, based essentially on political accommodations, is at best elusive. By all means let us persist in our efforts to seek such solutions-the world can do no less. But during the long-drawn-out process of negotiation let us keep in the forefront of our minds the plight of the unfortunate victims.
90.	They, too, have their inalienable human rights, some of which may not be attainable while the present situations persist. But at least let the world ensure that their basic right to life itself is upheld. In the face of stark famine and pestilence threatening millions of refugees, let it not be said that this Organization could find time to discuss how to improve the quality of life on this planet, but was unable to save the lives of destitute refugees.
91.	Every year during the general debate the world's statesmen continue to give expression to the hopes of humanity for a better world order than has ever been known in the past, one in which the specter of war will have been banished and peace and security will be available to all in a world without armaments. The progress towards disarmament registered in the past 25 years has been disappointingly modest. The various ''non-armament" treaties negotiated in recent times stand out in all their stark reality against the background of the much brighter hopes for real disarmament which are still cherished by humanity as a whole. We welcomed those treaties for what they .were, as we shall welcome this year the agreed draft, convention banning biological weapons.
92.	But our hopes for the future remain fixed on more tangible achievements. In particular, we would welcome early agreement on achieving a comprehensive test-ban and the conclusion of a treaty banning chemical weapons. Above all, we passionately await concrete results from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the United States and the USSR, leading to the long-heralded agreement on limiting both defensive and offensive strategic weapons. Such a development could well be the necessary prerequisite for setting the stage for renewed efforts towards the goal of general and complete disarmament. In this connexion, my delegation has noted with interest the Soviet initiatives for convening a world disarmament conference [A/L.631], as well as a conference of all five nuclear-weapon States [A/8328].
93.	Certainly the movement towards nuclear disarmament cannot realize its full potential without the participation of all the nuclear Powers, including France and the People's Republic of China. My delegation welcomes the prospect of seeing the People's Republic of China assume its rightful place in this Organization during this session of the Assembly. We hope that that historic event will bring the United Nations a big step nearer to the realization of the goal of universality.
94.	My delegation was instrumental in bringing before this Assembly the issue of ocean space in all its dimensions. My
Government believes that all countries, each in its own way and within its possibilities, should contribute towards peace among all peoples. It is with that thought in mind that the Government of Malta continues to take a keen and lively interest in the work which the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction is doing in preparation for a conference on the law of the sea, scheduled to take place, we hope, in 1973.
95.	In the terms-of General Assembly resolution 2750 C (XXV), adopted last December, "the problems of ocean space are closely interrelated and need to be considered as a whole". It is therefore our view that, unless the necessary international legal instruments for the orderly development of ocean space as a whole are laid down in the near future, conflicts and confrontations will reign in that vast area of our globe as technological progress makes the use of that area more varied and more intensive. In an attempt to deal effectively with the problems of ocean space through a unified and comprehensive approach to them, the delegation of Malta presented, at the summer session of the Sea-Bed Committee in Geneva, a draft ocean space treaty as a working paper for discussion purposes [see A18421, p. 105]. The paper seeks to outline an equitable legal framework within which the vital interests of mankind are protected and all States can find expanding opportunities in the beneficial and peaceful use of the marine environment.
96.	The phenomenal advance of technology has produced increased awareness of a host of other problems, all urgently pressing for attention and solution. One of these closely affects the life pattern of the world's human population. I refer to the question of the elderly and the aged, the problems associated with the increasing proportion of the world's population falling within this definition as a result of increasing life expectancy and advances in medical care, as well as the urgent problem of utilizing to better effect the immense reservoir of human knowledge represented by that segment of humanity and its closer integration with the rest of society. My delegation will have more to say on this matter at the appropriate stage in committee.
97.	My Government attaches the greatest importance to this Organization. We unreservedly uphold its principles and ideals. I welcome this opportunity solemnly to reaffirm Malta's unswerving adherence to the Charter of the United Nations. It is in this spirit that we endorsed the important declarations adopted last year: the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [ resolution 2734 (XXV)] and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)]. In its relations with other countries, Malta seeks to put these principles into practice. Our policy is to promote friendly and mutually beneficial relationships with all and hostility towards none. In that part of the world where we are situated, in the Mediterranean, we enjoy close and friendly relations with our neighbors, and it is our firm desire further to cement those friendships.
98.	We visualize the Mediterranean as a zone of peace and we earnestly look forward to the day when such a prospect can become a reality, when all foreign forces alien to that sea would have been withdrawn in peace, and foreign intervention in the area would become a thing of the past. If, in the meantime, my country continues to make available to other Powers the use of its facilities for defense purposes, it is precisely because we are convinced, and intend to ensure, that the facilities are used exclusively for defense and security purposes and never for offensive acts against anyone, and under such conditions as will guarantee that our relations with each of our neighbors are not adversely affected. Such use of our facilities is, above all, designed to ensure for our people sufficient revenues during a period in which our efforts to build a peaceful economy find their greatest need.
99.	Malta possesses no natural resources, but its excellent geographical situation lends itself admirably to a concerted program aimed at attracting international conferences and conventions within the context of our developing tourist industry. It is my Government's express desire to host more such conventions and conferences, particularly those of a truly international character, and, in accordance with Malta's declared policy of changing its image from that of a former military base to a center of international peace and co-operation, we would welcome the opportunity of affording more facilities of this nature, including permanent facilities. In the meantime and until such time as we are able to develop our economy, our strategic position constitutes the closest similarity to a natural resource, and it is our right and duty to employ that one resource which God has given us for the best benefit of our people. Nobody would deny us that right.
100.	In the full recognition of such right, I am glad to record that the prospects for still closer relations with our friends and neighbors have been enhanced. My delegation attaches particular importance to the excellent relations which Malta enjoys with its two immediate neighbors to the north and south Italy and Libya-and we have noted with appreciation the kind words spoken the other day from this rostrum about my country by the Foreign Minister of Italy [1954th meeting]. We fully reciprocate those sentiments.
101.	As we embark upon the second quarter-century of our Organization's existence, we cannot but be struck by the immensity of the tasks facing us-in the fields of disarmament, economic development, colonialism, social progress, and the strengthening of peace and security. In addition, the inexorable progress of science and technology have awakened opinion to the dangers of environmental pollution which could threaten the entire basis for continued life on this planet. Only a truly co-operative effort on the part of all the nations of the world could, in the long run, provide adequate solutions to all these problems. It is time to sink our disagreements-which history will surely characterize as petty in order to embark upon a course of active co-operation, in the shared conviction that unless we do so, the future of our planet, this spaceship earth as it has been called, will indeed be bleak.


52.	  Mr. President, the sincere feelings which lead heads of delegations to congratulate the incumbent of the lofty office of President of the General Assembly are doubly felt by me, when I reiterate my delegation's deep gratification to see you presiding over our present session. Apart from your personal qualities of tact, knowledge and wide experience, you have a unique history as a resolute freedom fighter who unswervingly persevered in the face of numerous hardships and difficulties in promoting the cause of freedom and independence, and the deliverance of peoples from foreign domination and, above all, from economic backwardness and ignorance. There are no qualities admired more by my own countrymen than those of a dedicated freedom fighter. When such a person is the representative of Indonesia, a country which is bound to the Arabs by the strongest affinities of culture, religion and unity in the defense of the causes of liberty, justice and human dignity, we feel that we have equal reason to congratulate ourselves on such an auspicious occasion.
53.	It is fitting to add here that your predecessor, Edvard Hamfc fo of Norway, lived up to our highest expectations when he presided over the commemorative twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, for which he merited our deep esteem and appreciation.
54.	Three years ago our distinguished Secretary-General pointed out in his report to the twenty-third session of the General Assembly that .. little progress, if any, has been recorded towards the growth of international order based on law and justice" [A/72011Add. 1, para. 174]. It dis-tresses me to have to stand here now and express my fears that, despite the unmistakable signs of change which appear on the international horizon, it does not seem that any substantial progress has been made or is likely to be made to satisfy the full aspirations of the international community to peace and justice.
55.	There have been, admittedly, some gestures from the imperialists which may give the impression, on the surface, that they have finally come to their senses. But let us not be deceived by all this. Whatever may appear as a sign of conciliation on their part would not really have taken place but for the resolute will of the peace- and freedom-loving countries and their insistence on regaining their full rights without any quarter being given or taken. In other parts of the world where international imperialism believes that peoples are dormant, less vigilant, or unable to resist outside interventions and designs, imperialism is still actively engaged in its usual scheming and manipulations. Thus, when it seems that, for example, United States policy is finally facing the realities in the Far East, let us not overlook the fact that it has never for a moment forgone its customary maneuvering in the Middle East and elsewhere.
56.	As far as the Arab part of the world is concerned, we have to observe first that a few months ago we entered the fifth year of Israeli occupation of the whole of Palestine and of parts of three Arab States. We entered the fifth year of Israeli aggression and occupation without any sign that this dismal picture is likely to change through the concerted efforts of the international community. What makes this situation all the more alarming is the fact that Arab land has been under foreign occupation for a longer period than most of the European countries were under Nazi occupation. All humanity joined forces during the Second World War to dislodge the Hitlerite Wehrmacht from the occupied European countries and terminate the Nazi aggression. Yet, when it comes to putting an end to the Zionists' aggression in the Middle East, we find the international community, and particularly the very instrument it created to reestablish international peace and order based on law and justice, incapable of taking any effective action to achieve the first and foremost purpose of the United Nations. We enter the fifth year of Israeli occupation with all the signs and indications of a perpetuation of that occupation, ranging from the perpetration of more faits accomplis in the occupied territories to the ruthless and inhuman liquidation of the Palestinian resistance.
57.	From the time of its adoption on 22 November 1967 we did not have much faith in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). We suspected its objectives and we doubted the possibility of its implementation. We opposed the resolution's departure from the principle of peace with justice and we resented the fact that it was to all intents and purposes rewarding the aggressor.
58.	The four years which have elapsed since the adoption of that resolution have been enough to justify the worst of our misgivings. We realized that the resolution would never satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the people of Palestine and ensure their inalienable rights to return to their homes and determine their own future in their own country- rights which were reaffirmed by General Assembly resolution 2672 C (XXV) of 8 December 1970. We felt that any attempt to settle the crisis in the Middle East without restoring and respecting the legitimate rights of the Palestinians was unjust and contrary to the principles and purposes of the Charter Of the United Nations, particularly the inalienable rights of peoples to self-determination.
59.	We were also certain that the resolution was impracticable, as we were confident that, unjust as it was, it had not the slightest chance of being implemented in the face of the now too obvious Israeli designs of expansion and acquisition of more territory by use of force. We are not happy to see that it took four years of futile attempts to implement the resolution to prove us right. We are not gloating over the failure, bu+ are rather saddened that the international community has not yet resorted to effective measures to vindicate the purposes of the Charter. Only such measures, as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, can establish a just and durable peace in the Middle East. That anything short of these measures will not effect any substantial change in Israel's policy has been amply demonstrated by Israel's immediate and defiant rejection of Security Council resolution 298 (1971), the third resolution the Council has taken against Israel's illegal annexation of the city of Jerusalem.
60.	What distresses us most is that we have witnessed since the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly a certain drift on the part of.the United Nations into apathy and a willingness by allowing one of its Members to assume its functions to abdicate its responsibilities for re-establishing peace in the Middle East. The entire authority of the United Nations and even its mandate under resolution 242 (1967) itself have been usurped by one of the major Powers, a permanent member of the Security Council and, at that, the major patron and benefactor of Israel. What makes the situation all the worse is the fact that the United States, in pursing its alleged objectives of establishing peace in our part of the world, has never ceased appeasing the aggressor and granting Israel one concession after another as an excuse for obtaining a dubious Israeli commitment, which Israel has no intention of honoring in the first place. There were even reports that the Government of the United States has promised Israel further deliveries of supersonic planes and war materials in return for the promise of a partial withdrawal from the occupied territories of one Arab country. If this pattern of appeasement is to continue, Israel will acquire all that it at present desires of weapons and instruments of destruction without yielding an inch of the occupied territories. What makes this all the more alarming is that Israel is now being promised weapons capable of delivering nuclear war-heads when Israel has obstinately refused to ratify the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. To modernize and re-equip the war machine of an aggressor in order to make him disgorge his loot seems to me a most curious enterprise. The Nazis would have been reigning supreme in the world today had their aggression been treated in a similar fashion.
61.	We believe that it is high time for the United Nations to shoulder its responsibilities towards the people of Palestine and towards peace in our area. It should reclaim the initiative in the search for solutions and endeavor to put an end to aggression by adopting the very same measures provided for in the Charter. At the same time, I should like to reaffirm from this rostrum the-resolute will of my Government to remain behind the people of Palestine in their just struggle to regain their inalienable rights to their country and homeland. We shall remain faithful to the Palestinian resistance and will assure It of our full solidarity against the attempts aimed towards its liquidation. I should also like to assert our firm conviction that no envisaged solution, whether total or partial, of the problem of the Middle East has the flimsiest chance of success if it does not ensure justice to the Palestinians and restore to them their elementary human rights to existence and self-determination.
62.	Our concern for the cause of Palestine and the fate of the Palestinians makes us all the more aware of the need to assure peace and stability in another part of the Arab world very much closer to my country and directly affecting its vital interests and future developments. We have always felt that the liquidation of the United Kingdom presence in the Arabian Gulf was long overdue. It has always been our firm conviction that the liberation of the Arab world would not be complete without the elimination of residual spheres of influence and the total liquidation of foreign hegemony in the area of the Arabian Gulf. We therefore supported every move towards the total .restoration to the Arab people of the Gulf of their rights to complete freedom and independence. We have always proclaimed our solidarity with our Arab brethren in the Gulf i : their struggle to reassert their full independence and regain their complete sovereignty over the natural resources of their lands. We therefore supported the endeavors of our sisterly Arab States of Bahrain and Qatar to terminate their treaty obligations with the United Kingdom and to regain their rights to sovereignty and full independence. We welcome their entry into the ranks of the family of nations, just as we welcomed the entry of Bhutan and the expected entry of Oman, and pledge ourselves to join hands with them and other Arab countries for the complete fulfillment of the aspirations of the Arab people in the Gulf, We stand ready to extend the hand of co-operation to every other country in the area which wishes to rid itself of the last vestiges of foreign influence and we pledge our full support for them to occupy their rightful place in the family of nations. We therefore welcome the efforts that have been made to achieve the Federation of the Arab Republics of the Gulf and would assure the Federation of our unswerving solidarity against any attempt to encroach upon its territorial integrity.
63.	It is the firm belief of my Government that the future of peace and tranquility in the Gulf can only be assured through co-operation among the States of that region, a co-operation based upon complete equality and respect for each other's sovereignty and independence and conforming to the. strict rules of international law. In this respect it is imperative that all territorial claims and ambitions be relinquished. Naturally this should involve a demonstration of goodwill and expressions of good intentions on the part of all the countries of the area. I regret to state that this does not seem to be the case with our neighbor, Iran.
64.	Two and a half years ago the Government of Iran unilaterally declared "null and void" the valid and mutually binding Iraqi-Iranian Boundary Treaty, signed at Teheran on 4 July 1937. To justify that act, the Iranian Government alleged that my country did not honor its Treaty ' obligations in the Iraqi national river of Shatt-al-Arab.
65.	In the face of that indefensible act, my Government never departed front an attitude of patience and self- restraint in spite of Iran's continued violations of Iraqi regulations laid down to ensure safe and orderly navigation on the Shatt-al-Arab. to pursuance of this policy my
Government on several occasions-twice from this rostrum, at the 1776th and 1854th meetings-called upon the Government of Iran to agree to refer these differences among neighbors regarding the application of the Boundary Treaty of 1937 to the International Court of Justice and to recognize the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court in accordance with Article 36 of the Statute of the Court.
66.	In the spirit of respect for the rule of law and the belief that disputes among States should be resolved through negotiations and not confrontation, I hereby call anew upon our neighbor Iran to accept the reference to the International Court of Justice of our differences regarding the boundary Treaty and its application and to safeguard the legitimate interests of both countries,
67.	One of the positive achievements of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly was the adoption of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)]. Iraq has always believed that the attainment of international security on a global scale can be reached only through the full participation of the People's Republic of China in international life, including the restoration of its lawful rights in the United Nations. We have therefore joined hands with other friendly countries in proposing a draft resolution [A/L.630] to achieve that purpose. We feel that this is the only lawful and honorable course the United Nations can take to right the wrongs which have been perpetrated for the last 22 years. We also regard any suggestion that there are "two Chinas" or even "two seats" as a deliberate, though futile, attempt to circumvent the restoration of the legitimate rights of the people of China in the United Nations. Any pronouncement of the desire to normalize relations with the People's Republic of China does not seem compatible with the attempt to advance the myth of two Chinas, nor is it reconcilable with the attempts to frustrate the realization of the legitimate rights of the peoples in the Far East. Thus, it would appear to us hypocritical to advocate the normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China, and to pursue at the very same time the inhuman war against the courageous and heroic people of Viet-Nam. It is equally unthinkable that such "normalization" can be successful when war is extended to Laos and Cambodia and when foreign troops-largely United States troops-are still present in South Korea under the banner of the United Nations, thus effectively preventing the peaceful reunification of that country.
68.	The strengthening of international security is closely tied to the principle of universality in the United Nations. Thus the present Berlin Agreement should pave the way to the participation of both Germanys and all the other divided countries in the world Organization.
69.	I mentioned earlier the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It is fitting now to make a reference to other endeavors undertaken by the international community to lessen international tension and create the right atmosphere to strengthen international peace and security, to achieve general and complete disarmament and arms control, and thus to end the tragic waste of human energies and material resources. We support every effort aiming towards a universal prohibition of chemical and bacteriological weapons. We also welcome efforts made to ensure universal co-operation in outer space and on the sea-bed. We particularly laud the initiative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in calling for the conclusion of an international treaty concerning the moon [A/8391] and for a world disarmament conference [AJL.631J.
70.	The Soviet Union's concern for a new world order based on stability and justice has been demonstrated to us and other Arabs by its generous and sincere efforts to end the occupation of Arab territories by Israeli forces and its support for the restoration of the rights of the people of Palestine.
71.	The Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction [resolution 2749 (XXV)] had our unqualified support, and we hope th t the present preparations for a conference on the law of the sea will culminate in the desired international regime and machinery to ensure that the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor will be equitably shared by all mankind, particularly the developing countries. Such concerted endeavors towards the betterment of the human condition and the improvement of life on this globe will receive our full support and active participation. Nations of this world have finally come to acknowledge that, notwithstanding human failures and foibles in the political field, ours is really one world regardless of political, geographical or other boundaries that separate nations. That point has never been more strikingly emphasized than by the ills of the human environment. All of us now have become av> ure of the problems of the environment and we are all conscious that the price of the technological advancement of the developed countries is being paid by all mankind. We therefore look forward to the convening of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment to be held in Stockholm next year. We trust that that Conference, in which we hope all States and even Non-Self-Governing Territories will participate, will succeed in finding ways and means of controlling the global pollution that threatens life on this earth with total annihilation.
72.	My country's faith in the United Nations as the only means available at present to co-ordinate universal efforts to maintain international peace and security, to develop friendly relations among nations and to achieve international co-operation in the economic, social, cultural and humanitarian fields has never wavered or diminished in spite of our valid grievances and misgivings. And in spite of the criticisms that have been occasionally and often rightly leveled against this world Organization, we do acknowledge the fact that efforts have been made and achievements recorded towards promoting international co-operation in the non-political fields. My country has always supported, and whenever possible actively participated in, the endeavors of the United Nations in the social, educational, economic and humanitarian fields. My country is proud to be represented in the Commission on Human Rights, the Commission on the Status of Women and the Committee on Natural Resources. We have always supported the activities and programs of the United Nations Development program and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. As a token of our appreciation of the assistance these two bodies have been rendering to the large
number of developing countries and Territories, we have recently decided to increase our annual financial contribution to the United Nations Development program from $220,000 for 1971 to $300,000 for the year 1972, and from $10,000 for 1971 to $12,500 for next year's budget of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. We stand ready to study every possibility of rendering assistance within our means to all efforts of the United Nations to promote international co-operation in the economic, social and humanitarian fields.
73.	It is indeed ironic that despite our awareness of the unity of mankind, regardless of race or ethnic origins, we still witness the divisive elements produced and nurtured by racial discrimination and the criminal theories of racial, religious or national superiority. Moreover, it is tragic that we still, in the last third of the twentieth century, have to endure the evils of apartheid and the fallacy of the existence of a "chosen people". No effort is too great and no price is too high if we are to overcome those social evils which are at the root of man's subjugation by man. Even our efforts in the field of decolonization are doomed to failure if we permit the persistence of tht n.yth that some men, because of their color, religion or race, are superior to others and accordingly have the divine right to shape the destinies of other peoples.
74.	It is deeply discouraging to continue to witness the inability of the world Organization to take effective measures against the perennial problems of colonialism in Africa, due mainly to the failure of the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities and exercise its full authority with regard to Namibia, Southern Rhodesia, and the Portuguese colonies. The International Court of Justice has given its Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970). What remains to be done now is to adopt effective measures to put an end to that illegal presence. It is to be hoped that those measures will pave the way to the liquidation of the unholy alliance of the colonialists in Africa and to the beginning of the total liberation of that great continent from colonialism.
75.	This session marks the tenth year of the incumbency of U Thant, our esteemed Secretary-General. We take this opportunity to pay a sincere tribute to his indefatigable efforts in the service of the United Nations, to his integrity and his total dedication and adherence to the purposes and the principles of the Charter. U Thant has endured the strains and stresses of this delicate office and, in spite of many pressures, he has succeeded in living up to a reputation of complete neutrality and integrity. We shall be sorry to see him leave the service of this Organization, but we are quite confident that he will continue to make every effort to promote the purpoces of the Charter.
76.	The man who will replace him will have to shoulder an onerous and formidable task. He will have to be endowed with exceptional qualities: competence, tact, knowledge, infinite patience, and wide experience in the affairs of international organizations. He will have to be a man of unique integrity having a profound sense of justice, and above all a man fully dedicated to the United Nations. Those qualities would then enable him to strike a balance between the enormous demands of his office and the need to maintain absolute neutrality in the face of conflicting interests. The background of the candidate to that office should be such as to make him totally immune to the pressures to which he will undoubtedly be subjected once he assumes his lofty position, and which he cannot in all conscience allow to influence the discharge of his duties. Such an individual may be difficult to find, but we are confident that he exists. After all, he will be only a human being, albeit of exceptional qualities, dealing with other human beings.