I should like to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of this
session of the General Assembly. Your well-known skills
and your vast knowledge of the United Nations augur well
for the success of the session’s work.
I should like to pay a tribute to your predecessor as
President, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, former Foreign Minister of
Bulgaria, for work well done.
I should also like to express my appreciation to the
Secretary-General for the dynamism he has brought to
United Nations activities, for his constant efforts to
contribute to the betterment of the Organization and for his
personal commitment to reforming the Secretariat structures
and improving the Organization’s efficiency in the discharge
of its functions and duties.
We live in a time of great hopes. The political events
of the recent past have greatly facilitated adherence to
democratic values, while at the same time they have
contributed to the world movement in favour of respect for
human rights and have promoted the world’s awareness of
the necessity for urgent measures to improve the living
conditions of all peoples as well as the planet’s environment.
Indeed, in a short period of time a substantial number
of countries have, against all odds, attained their
independence and recovered their freedom. The ideological
confrontation of the past has been replaced by political
cooperation between countries, and conflicts with a long
history, such as the struggle against apartheid and the
situation in the Middle East, seem finally to be close to a
negotiated solution. On the other hand, democracy, as a
desirable system of government, has gained an
unprecedented dimension and support, although much
remains to be done to consolidate it.
These are indeed political developments of the greatest
importance that shape and at the same time are the result of
a world in profound transformation. That transformation
bodes well for a more stable future in the relations between
nations and peoples. While on the one hand these changes
augur well for a better, more humane and more just and
stable world, they have, on the other hand, been
accompanied by the resurgence of many conflicts, most of
them of an internal nature. Indeed, in many regions of the
world, especially in Europe and in Africa, ancient ethnic
rivalries or internal struggles for power have turned into
open conflicts, leaving a trail of death and destruction,
spawning millions of refugees and displaced persons and
giving rise to regional instability.
I have been witnessing with deep concern the
development of many of these conflicts in Africa, which
have a negative impact not only on the countries involved
but on the entire region. At a time when all our efforts and
resources should be put to good use to assist the
development of our countries and continent and to create
better living conditions for our peoples, we have come to
realize that the scarce resources that we still have in our
countries are wasted on the fire of armed conflicts, and the
few economic structures that were left are being sacrificed
to violence.
The armed conflicts that appear to proliferate almost
everywhere seem to elude the efforts of the United Nations.
In most of these conflicts, the world has been faced with
tremendous difficulties in containing and managing them,
notwithstanding the constant efforts of the Security Council
and the Secretary General.
Such is the case of the conflict in Angola, a sister
country whose suffering people have for more than 30 years
endured the horrors of war, the anxiety of constant instability
and the uncertainty of the future. Despite the enormous
efforts made, especially by the United Nations, the conflict
in Angola continues to cause death and the destruction of the
country. The international community had placed great
hopes in the elections of September last year that were
supervised by this Organization. We all expected that those
elections would be the last step in a peace process that
would finally put an end to decades of destruction and give
birth to a new and democratic Angola, thus creating the
climate of political and social harmony in the country so
much needed for its development.
Instead, the events that followed the elections have been
regrettably translated into a violent and tragic situation
known to the whole world, a situation which is a cause of
deep concern to us all and in which many thousands of lives
are being lost, while the suffering of the population that has
lasted so long continues and the destruction of cities and the
economic infrastructure goes on. Unfortunately, the repeated
mediation efforts of the United Nations and other forums
and entities, geared towards obtaining a cease-fire and the
resumption of the Bicesse process, have so far not attained
the expected results.
There should be no illusions, for, as the long history of
this conflict has abundantly demonstrated, no military victory
can guarantee lasting peace and stability and the prosperity
of the country. I do not envisage any alternative to
negotiations if peace is to prevail as a goal to be achieved
by all in Angola. The use of violent means following the
elections cannot be justified and, indeed, shows blatant
disregard for the sovereign will of the people, which was
expressed freely and fairly, as certified by the international
community.
I sincerely hope that, worn out by a protracted and
devastating war, faced with a country whose economic
structure has been destroyed and touched by the social and
human drama caused by the hostilities, the parties to the
conflict, especially UNITA, will rise to the moment and,
moved by political realism, lend the negotiations the much-
needed political will and seriousness, thereby demonstrating
the magnanimity that the security and the well-being of the
Angolan people require.
The Angolan experience is a lesson that should be taken
into consideration by the Organization in managing or
assisting in the management of other conflicts. One such
case is the conflict in Mozambique, a country to which Cape
Verde is linked by fraternal ties. My country, as a member
of the Security Council, has been following the situation in
Mozambique very closely and with particular interest. After
many years of war, peace seems finally to prevail in that
country. The General Peace Agreements concluded last year
defined the framework for the attainment of final and lasting
peace. I therefore ascribe the utmost importance to the
observance and timely implementation of these Agreements
by both parties. It is a moral duty to the people of
Mozambique, who are still going through the hardships of
day-to-day life and who legitimately aspire to a future of
peace, harmony and progress, that these Agreements be
respected and abided by.
The positive steps taken lately in this regard give me
grounds for hope. In this context, I consider particularly
important the dialogue that has started between the President
of the Republic of Mozambique, Mr. Joaquim Chissano and
the President of RENAMO, Mr. Afonso Dhlakama. I hope
that that dialogue will continue on a regular basis with a
view to facilitating the removal of obstacles that might arise
during the implementation of the peace agreements, so as to
enable the elections to take place on the scheduled date. I
appeal to both parties to exert all their efforts with a view to
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 3
expediting the implementation of key aspects of the
Agreements before the elections, namely, the demobilization
and the cantonment of troops and the formation of the
national army of Mozambique.
I should also like to refer to the conflict in Liberia,
which has been the focus of the attention of the countries of
the West African subregion to which my own country
belongs.
The conflict in Liberia has caused much destruction and
the loss of thousands of lives, and has inflicted enormous
pain and suffering on the population. It has been a source
of constant concern to the countries of our subregion. The
Cotonou Agreement, a decisive step in the quest for a lasting
peaceful solution to the conflict, is the result of the
international community’s commendable efforts to establish
peace in Liberia, efforts in which the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) played a pivotal role.
The recent Security Council decision to deploy an
Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL) to assist, in
coordination with the forces of the ECOWAS Military
Observer Group, in the implementation of the Cotonou
Agreement is an appropriate and commendable one. I
appeal to all the parties involved to abide by their
obligations and cooperate with the United Nations and
ECOWAS in order to secure the timely implementation of
the peace agreement and the holding of the legislative and
presidential elections on the scheduled date at the beginning
of next year.
The situation in Somalia is one of the most tragic
conflicts of modern times. This tragedy has resulted in the
loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and in the
disintegration of the country’s civil society and
administrative structures. The Security Council’s timely
decision to involve the United Nations in the management of
the conflict and the humanitarian action of various
organizations and entities have changed the situation in
Somalia and created the conditions for the return of
normalcy to the country.
I commend the internationalist and humanitarian role of
the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM), whose
presence there has contributed much to eliminating famine,
re-establishing order and guaranteeing the security of the
population, despite the condemnable and deliberate attacks
to which the Operation has been subjected.
It is imperative that immediate efforts be made, in
accordance with the last decision of the Security Council, to
accelerate the process of consultations and contacts with all
the parties and forces in Somalia, with a view to creating a
climate of security there and bringing political harmony and
administrative normalcy to the country.
On a more positive note, it is encouraging to see the
progress made in the negotiations to bring the regime of
apartheid to an end. The announcement of the establishment
of a Transitional Executive Council is a major event in the
long struggle against apartheid which will finally be
eliminated with the holding of democratic elections next
year.
Notwithstanding the substantial progress made over the
years in the field of peaceful solution of inter-State conflicts,
the tendency still persists in some countries to solve conflicts
with other countries through the use of force. The conflict
between Iraq and Kuwait illustrates well such a tendency,
which led to the disastrous Gulf war. Despite the tragic
lesson taught by this war and the various resolutions adopted
by the Security Council, much tension still exists between
the two countries. I hold it to be of fundamental importance
to peace in the region that the two sister countries live
together as good neighbours and respect their common
borders, in accordance with the relevant Security Council
resolutions.
Not long ago, we all thought that the conditions for
peace and stability in the world had finally arrived, since the
danger of a super-Power military confrontation and the
rivalry between the two blocs had disappeared with the end
of the cold war. However, we are now, paradoxically,
confronted as never before with a series of armed conflicts.
The time has come for a deep collective reflection in order
to identify ways to contain these conflicts. At the same
time, preventive measures should be adopted to eliminate or
diminish the possibility of potential conflicts degenerating
into armed confrontation. Preventing conflicts is the most
secure and least expensive way of saving lives and
preserving international peace and security.
The Secretary-General’s "Agenda for Peace" contains
a series of ideas and recommends a number of measures for
the management, control and prevention of armed conflicts.
I believe that most of the measures proposed by the
Secretary-General, in particular those having to do with
preventive diplomacy, should be put into practice as soon as
possible.
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The United Nations and the regional organizations
should be able to create effective mechanisms to control
potential conflicts and to eliminate the political and social
conditions which spawn them. We should bear in mind that
the majority of the armed conflicts which today affect almost
all regions of the world are internal, though some have
international implications because of their repercussions on
the peace and stability of neighbouring countries. If we
want to prevent such armed conflicts, we should be able to
address their root causes.
Amongst these root causes, attention should be focused
on the limitations imposed by the denial of effective
participation by all citizens in the process of the governance
of their country, as well as on the violence resulting from
disrespect for the fundamental human rights of the individual
or of ethnic or religious groups.
I believe - and this is demonstrated by our own
democratic experience in Cape Verde - that the internal
stability of a country and the social harmony among its
various groups have much to gain when all citizens are able
to exercise freely, fairly and fully their political rights by
participating in the definition of their country’s destiny,
choosing their system of Government and freely and
periodically selecting their Government leaders.
The changes that have taken place in the international
scene have unequivocally demonstrated the importance of the
protection of human rights for all countries. Indeed, the
respect for and the promotion of these rights have gained a
global dimension and are today one of the most visible
global issues on the international agenda. My country has
a Constitution enshrining a vast list of fundamental rights,
and the respect for human rights is one of the most
important pillars of its internal and external policies. We
therefore welcome the central role that the protection of
human rights has today on the agenda of nations. Cape
Verde is deeply committed to the cause of human rights
promotion. Our policies and Government actions are guided
not only by humanistic considerations but also by practical
motives, for we believe that the respect for human rights
introduces an equilibrium that creates internal conditions
favourable to economic development and social harmony.
I therefore find it all the more difficult to accept the
precarious human-rights situation in which the people of
East Timor find themselves. In this regard, I encourage the
Secretary-General to pursue his efforts with a view to
finding a negotiated solution to the question of East Timor.
In a world fraught with ethnic conflicts, respect for the rights
of minorities should deserve the best of our attention and
requires a deeper national awareness and better international
protection as well.
I commend all those countries that have actively been
promoting, at the world level, the cause of human rights.
However, I think that such promotion must not be selective.
For my country, the situation in which migrant workers find
themselves in certain receiving States is an equally important
human-rights issue.
Since Cape Verde is a country with an emigrant
community abroad that is larger than the island’s resident
population, I cannot miss this opportunity to express my
deep concern about the hurdles and difficulties that migrant
workers are increasingly facing in certain receiving
countries, difficulties that, in some cases, amount to flagrant
violations of their fundamental human rights.
It is unfortunate to note that in many countries,
including some developed countries, the rights of migrant
workers are being neglected or simply forgotten. The
worsening of the economic situation in these countries has
been accompanied by a worsening of discriminatory actions
and practices against the expatriates and the implementation
of policies that frustrate the enjoyment of their hard-won
rights, leading to their expulsion from countries where they
have, for long, been making an honest living and to whose
economy they have been making great contributions. The
future of humankind cannot be seriously protected in the
absence of values that are inherent to sincere and fraternal
solidarity.
Human rights cannot be adequately promoted and
protected if, in many countries, poverty persists and if their
peoples continue to live on the periphery of development and
their populations continue to endure the hardship of extreme
poverty. Underdevelopment brews conditions conducive to
generalized and persistent violations of the most fundamental
rights of the human person, especially the rights of women
and children. Indeed, the poverty and precarious living
conditions generated by underdevelopment give rise to social
and political instability, which, in the end, will have an
enormous effect on international peace and security.
It therefore becomes imperative for us all to work
towards effective cooperation for development in order to
guarantee a minimum standard of human dignity and living
conditions, thus breaking the chain of poverty and human
suffering. I hope that the answer to some of these concerns
will be found during the World Summit for Social
Development.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October l993 5
In this regard, the African countries are facing a
particularly difficult economic and social situation. Affected
by drought and desertification, confronted with the social
and economic strangulation caused or worsened by many
armed conflicts, marginalized by a system of economic and
financial cooperation more prone to respond to the needs of
other regions and countries, and torn by widespread poverty
and the worsening of living conditions, the African countries
are in dire need of urgent measures on the part of the
international community to assist them in their necessary
internal development efforts.
Against this background, I commend the timely
initiative of the Japanese Government to promote the
convening of an International Conference on African
Development, set to take place this month in Tokyo. It is
my sincerest hope that this Conference will produce the
expected results. In this regard, developed countries should
increase substantially the resources earmarked to support
African countries in their development efforts, especially at
a time when these countries have embarked on fundamental
economic reforms, imprinting more dynamism on the private
sector, promoting the economic diversification of their
countries and introducing structural adjustments.
I share the views of those who advocate the need for
the democratization of Africa. I would, however, like to
emphasize that the promotion of democracy cannot be
reduced simply to the setting up of formal democratic
mechanisms and guarantees. Our own democratic
experience in Cape Verde has taught us that, although
democracy is the most desirable system of government and
should, at all times, deserve our support, its consolidation
and full acceptance by all the segments of the population
require a favourable internal economic climate so as to have
a positive impact on the creation of better living conditions
for all.
I would like to seize this opportunity to emphasize the
great interest that my country, as an island nation, attaches
to the preparatory work for the First Global Conference on
the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States, which is to take place next year. It is my most
fervent hope that this Conference, the first initiative on the
implementation of the decisions and commitments
undertaken in the framework of Agenda 21, will produce
satisfactorily concrete results.
Cape Verde equally attaches utmost importance to the
ongoing negotiations on the draft convention on
desertification, in the implementation of a Rio Conference
decision. Let us hope that this draft Convention will be
concluded at an early date and will substantially contribute
to the creation of the international mechanisms needed to
deal effectively with the devastating effects of drought and
desertification, which have been causing immense damage to
the economy of the affected countries and to the global
environment as well.
We are living a historic moment, a moment full of
potential for a collective future of peace and development.
While on the one hand we have lately been confronting
painful realities and negative developments that have raised
real concerns for those of us interested in the maintenance
of international peace and security, on the other hand it is
comforting and encouraging to note the profound positive
changes that have taken place not only in inter-State
relations but also, and especially, in the redefinition of our
system of values which will, we hope, in peace and harmony
guide nations in their internal as well as in their international
relations in the coming decades.
We should seize the opportunity offered by the
remaining few years of this century to act with determination
and commitment with a view to consolidating democracy in
the world, promoting human rights and, at the same time and
with the same commitment and determination, recognizing
that the foundation for a new world order can reside only in
the development of countries and in cooperation amongst
them in order to arrive at solutions to the global problems
that affect us all.
This is my conviction as the Head of State of a small,
peace-loving country that has always advocated dialogue
among peoples and countries, and also as a citizen of this
world, which I wish were more humane and more united.


The United Nations
is our Organization; we are its custodians, and we have to
adjust to change. We have a huge responsibility to pass it
on in better shape than we found it. Historians in future
years will acknowledge this period of radical change.
But what are the objectives of this Organization of ours
in 1993? Well, they are not very difficult to enumerate,
because they are set out for us and by us in the Preamble to
the Charter, and they remain as valid today as they were
when they were agreed in 1945.
The first, of course, is peace, because without peace
and security no human society can flourish; then human
dignity, because if we do not treat each other with respect as
individuals, we will not do so as nations; justice, because
unless relations between nations are grounded in law, the
powerful will always be able to triumph over the weak;
social and economic progress, because without the sustained
and sustainable development of our economies, all our other
achievements will be as nothing.
I believe that to this list we must now add the
maintenance of a clean and attractive environment. We are
learning, painfully, that our planet also has rights. We
ignore them only at our peril.
These are the foundations for the vision of what the
world should be. In New Zealand, we would say that they
give opportunities to all. When the United Nations came
into existence almost 50 years ago, the vision was sharper
than the reality, but the founders of the United Nations were
certainly not deterred. They were at the watershed in the
affairs of the world. They had just experienced the awful
reality of a global conflict in which millions had died, and
they were determined to do everything in their power to
make sure that such a conflict could never occur again.
They did build well. They embodied their vision not only
in this Organization but also in a whole series of economic,
financial, social and humanitarian institutions, and they gave
it the only strength that counted: their sheer determination,
as men and women from very different countries, to make
it happen.
Only the utmost patience and perseverance has kept that
dream and that determination alive through most of the
50 years since 1945. Progress has been slow and it has been
halting. Some great things were done, but too often the
Members of the United Nations could agree only at the
lowest common denominator, a reflection of the political
gaps and strains within the United Nations membership.
There are, however, four reasons why I believe that that
long, grey era has closed.
The first is that the cold war, that shadow and threat of
a global conflict, is now over. Freed of that constraint, the
United Nations can operate, as it was intended that it should,
as the ultimate guardian of the security of all its Members,
the ultimate arbiter of world peace.
Secondly, democracy, one of the most effective
guarantors of peace between nations, is spreading. We
welcome the establishment of democratic institutions and
processes in countries that have for too long been without
them.
The third point is that in the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade Uruguay Round of multilateral trade
negotiations, the world has a major opportunity to turn its
back on protectionism and lock in the prospects for
economic growth through trade and other forms of economic
integration. Freedom and free trade go hand in hand.
Fourthly, and last, the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro
and Agenda 21 contain a global consensus, a universal
determination to act to preserve our environment.
This combination of developments marks a new
watershed; if we are to keep faith with the founders of this
Organization, we must do what they did in 1945 at their
watershed, and build well, not just for ourselves, but of
course for those who follow.
On the issue of security and peacemaking, the first
point that I raised was that the elimination of confrontation
between the super-Powers has opened up new possibilities
for the practice of collective security and peacemaking. The
unfortunate consequence of 50 years of super-Power
confrontation is, paradoxically, that we are not yet very good
at working together: like a novice sports team, we are really
rather uncoordinated, sadly lacking in strategy, sadly lacking
in team skills or knowledge of the new rules, and sadly
lacking in collective determination. We cannot correct these
deficiencies overnight, but we must keep on trying to
improve.
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 39
The other paradox is that peace has not broken out
simply because the former Soviet Union and the United
States have stopped squaring off against each other. There
have been unexpected consequences: some would liken the
result to taking the lid off a pressure-cooker. Conflicts,
internal and between neighbours, seem to have burst out
everywhere. These consequences, in human terms, are
horrific.
So here we are, in the United Nations, underresourced,
undertrained and facing an enormous peacemaking, peace-
building and peace-keeping challenge. We really have no
alternative to learning as we go, and I believe that we are
doing so.
During the past year, I have spoken to soldiers and
relief workers in the field in United Nations missions as
widely spread as Somalia and Croatia, and I pay my highest
tribute to their dedication under some of the most adverse
circumstances. United Nations people are trying there, as
elsewhere, to create conditions where their work will
ultimately no longer be required. They are actually trying to
do themselves out of a job.
The Secretary-General’s document "An Agenda for
Peace" is now in a consolidation phase. The problems are
clear: rising expectations; machinery due for reform; lack of
funds; and the lack of ready, well-trained and well-equipped
forces. Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali has already made some
thoughtful proposals, including sending teams to Member
States to help identify in advance resources available for the
United Nations operations. New Zealand is willing to
respond positively to this approach.

The Secretary-General has also made organizational
changes in the Headquarters departments that support peace-
keeping. The revamping of the Department of Peace-
Keeping Operations is a very good start, providing we
recognize that we need more than just a shifting of the
resources. The new philosophy of peace-building and
peacemaking must work in tandem with the well-tried and
successful peace-keeping philosophy of the past.
On the issue of safety and security of United Nations
personnel, recent peace-keeping operations have highlighted
the risks to United Nations personnel working in dangerous
and unstable situations. That does not help the recruitment
of peace-keepers, and it does not help the recruitment of
contributing countries. The United Nations must have the
means to hold personally responsible and accountable those
who attack or commit other acts of violence against the
United Nations and associated personnel.
Earlier this year the New Zealand Government took the
initial step of calling for all possible measures to ensure the
safety of United Nations personnel. We asked the Secretary-
General to report on the adequacy of existing arrangements.
His report makes a number of positive recommendations.
He has highlighted the need for the General Assembly to
elaborate a new multilateral instrument on the role the
Security Council might play in setting the appropriate
conditions designed to improve the safety of personnel.
I was very pleased just this afternoon to participate in
a Security Council meeting that adopted a resolution
welcoming the Secretary-General’s report and spelling out
the conditions the Council will impose in the future for the
protection of United Nations personnel. I was also delighted
that the General Assembly last week agreed to New
Zealand’s proposal to include a new item on the safety of
personnel in this year’s agenda. I hope that the Sixth
Committee will establish a working group to consider the
issue and make urgent progress. I hope the subject will also
be very fully discussed in all other relevant United Nations
bodies.
Of course, any mechanisms for protecting peace-keepers
must also require that parties to any conflict respect the
integrity of those personnel that have been deployed on their
behalf. Such an undertaking should, in principle, form part
of the mandate for any peace-keeping operation. The recent
practice of the Security Council of establishing clear
mandates for peace-keeping operations at the outset of
deployment is especially welcome, but there remains an onus
on a host State both to explain carefully to its people the
reason for the United Nations presence and also to take
active steps to ensure the safety of United Nations personnel.
But the purpose of peace-keeping or peacemaking and
peace-building is not solely to deal with conflicts that have
already arisen, urgent though that task is. We must improve
our capacity to prevent conflicts before they break out, and
I should like to acknowledge here the importance and
timeliness of recent improvements in conflict-resolution
mechanisms and the ongoing work on preventive diplomacy.
I welcome very warmly the contribution made by my
Australian colleague, Senator Gareth Evans, to the debate on
this subject. He has given us much food for thought and
some helpful suggestions for concrete steps we can take to
improve our performance in this area.
40 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Disarmament measures remain a key element in conflict
prevention. This year, as the international community
moves towards the extension - I hope for an indefinite
period - of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons, the Assembly will have non-proliferation as one
of its major themes. In this regard, North Korea’s continued
evasion of its responsibilities under that Treaty demands a
firm international response.
We welcome very strongly the restraint being shown by
the nuclear-weapon States on testing and their positive
attitude towards the launching of negotiations for a
comprehensive test-ban treaty. It is not before time. New
Zealand has sponsored a draft resolution on comprehensive
test-bans for many years. Its purpose now is on the brink of
fulfillment. The subject needs to be taken up in the
Conference on Disarmament. Given the importance of the
tasks now on the agenda of the Conference on Disarmament,
membership of the Conference must be open to all who have
the will to participate constructively.
In respect of conventional weaponry, we applaud the
enhancement of controls through the commencement of the
Register of conventional-arms transfers. We now have a
chemical weapons Convention in place alongside the
biological weapons Convention.
It is timely to consider what similar work can be done
in respect of conventional weapons. As disarmament moves
from the realms of Utopia into the achievable, we must lend
every effort, here in the United Nations and outside it, to
ensure disarmament’s more rapid progress. No sensible
proposal should be discarded simply for outdated ideological
reasons.
The spread of democratic institutions to every corner of
the globe is, I believe, one of the most encouraging
phenomena of recent years, and the pace is astonishing. In
the space of just 24 hours last week, the Parliament of Israel
approved a Declaration of Principles on Palestinian self-
government; the Parliament of South Africa enacted
legislation establishing the Transitional Executive Council to
take charge of that country until a democratically elected
Government is in office; and a constitutional Government
took office in Cambodia.
We welcome these historic events and the promise they
hold for a more just and prosperous existence for the peoples
of those nations. As delegations will remember, the Middle
East and South Africa dominated the political agenda of the
Assembly for many years. These positive developments in
both regions will give a new cast to the Assembly’s
deliberations.
We can also take heart from progress on another front
of long-standing concern to the Assembly. The United
Nations is now three years into the International Decade for
the Eradication of Colonialism. The good news is that we
are already seeing evidence that the goals and objectives of
the United Nations in this area are almost completely
realized. The number of Self-Governing Territories on the
United Nations list is now very small, and many of these are
exploring innovative ways to complete the decolonization
process. The recent United Nations Seminar on Colonialism,
held in Papua-New Guinea in June, confirmed this trend. It
also revealed that in some cases some very small Non-Self-
Governing Territories do not want fundamental constitutional
change thrust upon them.
New Zealand has always been a strong advocate of the
principle that in all cases decisions on self-determination are,
of course, for the local people to make. We are comfortable
with the notion that certain Territories, such as the Tokelaus,
may finally choose to develop concepts of self-government
and free association that further develop models that have
already been successfully employed for other very small
former Territories.
In that connection, and consistent with New Zealand’s
principled approach to all matters of decolonization, I am
pleased to confirm that the New Zealand Government and
the people of the Tokelaus have extended an invitation to the
United Nations to send a further visiting mission to the
Tokelaus early in 1994 to meet local leaders and, of course,
discuss recent developments.
Democracy is a sure foundation for peace between
nations. It is the political expression of that universal
respect for human rights to which we are all committed.
The Vienna Declaration and Plan of Action arising out of
this year’s World Conference on Human Rights gives some
direction to steps the Organization can take to strengthen the
observance of human rights.
I believe we should move quickly to approve a high
commissioner for human rights. The United Nations needs
an officer with a mandate to play a constructive role in
preventing, monitoring and alleviating human rights abuses
throughout the world. The Centre for Human Rights should
be given the resources to match the immense task it will
have before it. There is a clear need for an enhanced
programme of advisory services and technical assistance to
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 41
help countries build up their national human rights
infrastructure.
Human rights is also about recognizing the rights of
peoples to self-identity. In this, the International Year for
the World’s Indigenous People, I would like to support a
proposal that the United Nations declare a decade for
indigenous peoples. We need to build on what has been
achieved, first at Rio de Janeiro and subsequently during the
International Year world wide. This is a long-term task. It
will require a sustained and very coordinated effort.
Unhappily, our task is not just to enhance the
observance of human rights. In this last decade of the
twentieth century, we seem at times to be actually moving
backwards, witnessing the abuse and deprivation of human
rights on a scale that we really believed we had put a long
way behind us. The suffering of millions of refugees
displaced by conflict is beyond our comprehension but
cannot and should not be beyond our compassion. This
dimension is starkly evident in nearly every issue now
before the Security Council. Last June, the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees put the
figure at 19 million people - 19 million displaced people
around the world - and it continues to rise.
It is appropriate to pay a special tribute to Mrs. Ogata
and her staff for the way in which they are meeting, often in
dangerous and trying circumstances, the challenges which
this problem brings. New Zealand has responded to these
increased demands by making a special provision for
refugees from Bosnia, Somalia and Cambodia by
establishing special programmes for particularly vulnerable
groups, such as women at risk, and by providing aid. We
now have one of the highest per capita resettlement ratios in
the world. But this is, of course, addressing the symptoms,
not the cause. The ultimate objective must be to create or
recreate conditions that allow refugees to return in safety and
dignity to their own homes and homelands.
Nor can we neglect the need to bring to justice those
who have brought about such suffering. The establishment
of a war crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia is
certainly a central pillar in the international response to this
particular conflict. The full achievement of the Tribunal’s
mandate is of the highest priority. At the same time, and in
a broader context, New Zealand also welcomes the
consideration being given to the creation of an international
criminal court. We would like to see further progress on
this issue made during this session of the Assembly.
Sustainable economic growth for all countries is
essential for stability and peace in the world. A principal
determinant for that is an open, healthy and international
trading system, a system that encourages closer economic
relations and strengthened North-South exchanges. There is
no greater assistance developed countries can give to the
developing countries than to open their markets. A
satisfactory conclusion to the Uruguay Round of multilateral
trade negotiations would be of immense benefit to us all and
has been mentioned, I believe, by just about every speaker
on this rostrum during this debate.
Progress to that end in the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade, of course, has been slow, as we know.
Many deadlines have come and many deadlines have gone
without resolution. We should not be under any illusion.
Come this December, after seven years of negotiations on
the Uruguay Round, either we will have the liberalization of
multilateral trade with a benefit to all or the prospects of
avoiding global economic warfare will have suffered the
most serious setback. The New Zealand Government sees
the purpose of these negotiations being to lock in place
today the politically attainable, and to build on what might
be possible tomorrow. In preparing for that, we also have
to focus our attention on what is needed to ensure that all
countries are placed where they can reap the benefits of the
future.
We still have much to follow up from the Rio
Conference on Environment and Development. But time is
not on our side. Environmental degradation continues to
pose a serious threat to the planet and its resources, and no
country - no country - is immune from its impact. The
levels of responsibility for environmental damage may differ
from country to country, but we must face up to their
consequences together. We must meet the objectives of
Agenda 21 and the Rio Declaration. All countries should
move to ratify the climate and biodiversity Conventions, a
step that New Zealand took just recently. New Zealand will
contribute to the global environmental facility that is to fund
both of those Conventions. We have begun work to reduce
carbon dioxide emissions and are developing a
comprehensive strategy for reducing net greenhouse gas
emissions. We are also making excellent progress on
phasing out consumption of ozone-depleting chemicals.
New Zealand is ready to share its expertise on biological
diversity with other countries to assist them in meeting
obligations under the Conventions.
I suppose that one of the most useful exercises that we
can conclude here is to draw some lessons from the
experiences and views that I have set out. The most obvious
42 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
one to me is that, however important it is to deal with the
particularities of human aspirations for peace, respect for the
individual, economic well-being and a good, clean
environment, one should never lose sight of the connections
between them all. The Secretary-General has pointed out
how peace, development and democracy form a mutually
reinforcing circle, and we agree. Getting the linkages right
can be as important for success as the elements of each.
Peace and security are not likely to be soundly based if
people are hungry. Economic growth cannot last if the
natural resources used to create it are not conserved. People
are not likely to make the effort required by economic
restructuring if the important choices are made for them.
Economic growth cannot be sustained if countries keep
coming up with new pretexts, such as environmental
protection, to justify excluding outside competition from
their own markets.
Human aspirations and human security must be seen in
the round. That is one of the major challenges facing the
membership of this Organization. The work done by the
United Nations in post-peace-keeping situations, I believe,
deserves renewed attention. For those countries where there
is still a need to foster economic, political and social
development, we should look at establishing a partnership
arrangement between the United Nations and the sovereign
Government. A coordinating body comprising the
Governments and a group of friends of the Secretariat could
help to ensure that the gains of peace-keeping are taken
through to reconstruction. I believe that we need a new
institutional framework to graduate problems out of the
security area and into a forum more able to cope with the
needs of redevelopment and reconstruction.
The second lesson is that we need to keep looking at
how well the United Nations is fitted to meet the challenges
it is facing and be prepared to change it where necessary.
Membership of the United Nations has continued to grow
and I warmly welcome the newest Member States.
Many speakers have referred to Security Council
reform. The Security Council is in need of early reform.
We support a modest increase in membership and a fresh
look at the institution as a whole. The possibility of some
members representing regional groupings for, say, a 10-year
period is worth considering. New Zealand will continue to
oppose any extension of veto rights.
Another imperative is for the Council’s work methods
to be improved. Wider consultation with the broader
membership of the United Nations is essential. United
Nations agencies are also ripe for restructuring. The General
Assembly has made a good start on itself. We have
streamlined the Committees, but we also must streamline the
overall workload. It is unmanageable at present.
For several years now, we have been looking hard at
ways to fund new demands on the Organization by making
compensating savings elsewhere. We still need to ask hard
questions about whether all that has been done traditionally
still needs to be done. I welcome the fact that the Secretary-
General’s budget proposals already envisage some major
steps in this area. He has also identified better contracting
as a source of further savings.
At the end of the day, however, all that can be done to
increase efficiency and cut costs will come to naught if the
financial commitment by Member States is lacking. New
Zealand pays its dues on time; most others do not. I urge
them to do so. Let us certainly go on talking about financial
reform, but let us also secure the financial basis of the
Organization while we are doing so.
But what is the real dream that all of us have? I would
urge all members to keep making, from year to year, real
progress towards satisfying those basic human aspirations I
mentioned at the outset and to do so with a strong, well-
equipped and well-focused United Nations. Specifically, I
want to see a reshaped Security Council, a more tightly
focused General Assembly, better peace-keeping practice, a
Secretariat equipped to handle peace-building and partnership
arrangements, and financial arrangements built on efficiency
and punctuality. Would that not give a point to the fiftieth
anniversary celebrations that lie ahead in 1995, and would it
not make the United Nations of the next 50 years a more
effective, more dynamic and exciting place to do the world’s
business in than the conditions of the last 50 years have
allowed? The deprived of this world expect no less. The
well-off know the world is too small for the huge gap that
now exists amongst all people to remain.


It
gives me pleasure to convey to you, Sir, and to your friendly
country my sincere congratulations on your election to the
presidency of the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. I wish you every success in carrying out your
responsibilities in light of the current developments and
changes in the international situation.
On this occasion, I should also like to pay tribute to
your predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, for the constructive
efforts he made and the positive role he played as the
President of the past session.
Since the end of the cold war, reference has been made
to a new age. The implications of this have given rise, not
only to hopes and aspirations, but also to caution and
apprehension. Although there was overall satisfaction that
the era of confrontation, the arms race and polarization had
come to an end, and while there was cause for hope that an
era of justice, cooperation and disarmament was about to
dawn, there has been grave concern over the great injustices
that we have witnessed in Bosnia; over the attempt at
political suicide in Somalia; over the illogical and irrational
wars in many parts of the world; and over the multiple
criteria used in addressing various problems.
Side by side with concern, there has been increasing
despair and frustration over the continued deterioration of
economic conditions in most developing countries,
particularly in Africa. It must be acknowledged, however,
that international developments, judged fairly and considered
closely, are still in flux, and that the world situation is still
dynamic. We truly hope that such dynamism is moving
towards the strengthening of the positive factors and the
rectification of the negative ones, in order that the political
outlook worldwide might change and that everyone might
embrace the new world order with satisfaction and a will to
participate rather than with despair and frustration.
Fortunately, this session begins amid increasing feelings
of optimism in view of the ongoing progress towards a just
solution to the question of Palestine and of the steady
progress towards a solution to the problem of South Africa.
At the Israeli-Palestinian level, a major step has been
taken through mutual recognition by Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization. This means mutual recognition by
the two peoples of each other and mutual acceptance of the
idea of coexistence with one another. This also opens the
door to serious and substantive negotiations which would
provide an unprecedented opportunity to achieve a just
settlement to the problem that has cast its shadow on the
Middle East - indeed, on the whole world - since the end of
the Second World War.
If what has been achieved represents the first step
towards such a settlement, it will undoubtedly lead to the
establishment of a positive relationship that would deal with
issues such as withdrawal, self-determination and refugees
until the historic and comprehensive settlement between
Israel, Palestine and the Arabs is finalized. This may be the
real meaning behind the statement of the Israeli Prime
Minister at the signing ceremony in Washington, D.C., when
he said: "Enough", and when he said that the time for peace
has come; and also of President Yasser Arafat’s statement
that the Palestine Liberation Organization has turned a new
leaf in its relations with Israel. And God bless the memory
of the late President Anwar El-Sadat, who said: "No more
wars".
Sixteen years ago, Egypt made a breakthrough towards
the outer reaches of the future and shook off the shackles of
the status quo by realizing that wars neither create peace nor
resolve conflicts and that only reason and dialogue provide
the effective means of tackling problems, no matter how
insurmountable or intractable they may seem. Peace was
therefore initiated by Egypt, a peace founded on the solid
foundation of respect for international legality and on the
resultant responsibilities in a balanced manner that ensures
justice for all.
The peace process initiated at the Madrid Conference
in October 1991 is now bearing fruit after unrelenting
efforts, and we are encouraged by the initial outcome we
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 11
saw recently on both the Palestinian-Israeli and the
Jordanian-Israeli tracks and look forward to similar results
on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks. Both countries rightly
call for complete withdrawal from their territories within a
context based objectively on the principle of land for peace.
In order to put an end to the legacy of wars and enmity,
Egypt, which has devoted a substantial part of its efforts to
Middle East issues, calls upon all the peoples of the region
to look to the future and to reflect upon our relations in the
period following the settlement of the conflict. It calls on
them to reflect upon the future of the region and its
development to ensure optimum utilization of the ample
expertise available and optimal investment of the rich human
resources at our disposal and of the valuable natural
resources with which it has been endowed.
Egypt calls on these peoples to reflect upon the most
suitable social contract for our region so that they might
maintain their respective unique, intrinsic characteristics and
achieve harmony and integration among the region’s
common elements, so that social and cultural stability may
prevail and the region may achieve comprehensive cultural
integration in a genuine era of comprehensive integral peace.
Finally, Egypt calls on the peoples of the region to
develop a system of relations based on equal security, the
non-use of force, a balance of armaments and the elimination
of all weapons of mass destruction in a context of
transparency and peaceful relations.
In the same vein, Egypt calls on all States in the
Middle East, and particularly on Israel, to accede to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to
take the necessary practical measures to prohibit and
renounce the possession, the use or the threat of use of
nuclear, chemical and biological weapons so that the Middle
East may become a zone free of these weapons as called for
in President Hosni Mubarak’s initiative of April 1990. We
consider this to be an indispensable prerequisite for security
and stability in the Middle East.

Side by side with the considerable optimism generated
by what has been achieved in the context of the Palestinian-
Israeli conflict, there has been progress in another area, that
for far too long has been a hotbed of serious historical and
international conflict, namely, the conflict in South Africa,
between a people calling for its rights to equality and
freedom and a regime that was based on repression and
apartheid. Egypt, an African state with an African people,
feels glad to see positive developments in South Africa, the
most important of which is the agreement on the formation
of a transitional Executive Council that would lead towards
democracy and equal rights. The Council consists of
representatives of majority as well as minority groups and
would work within a framework of cooperation, co-existence
and understanding. Despite the many obstacles and the great
challenges that still lie ahead, the start has been encouraging
and developments are promising. In this regard, we
recognize the role played by President De Klerk. We also
pay tribute to the role played by Nelson Mandela and his
companions across the political spectrum in South Africa in
turning a new leaf towards a common future.
The twenty-ninth African Summit Conference was held
in Cairo last June. It gave the countries of the continent an
opportunity to evaluate its progress on the thirtieth
anniversary of the establishment of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU). The meeting produced the Cairo
Declaration, which reflected the imposing record of the
struggle of the peoples of the African continent over the past
three decades. The Declaration also put forward the member
States’ vision for the future and their conception of the
manner in which they may adapt to the successive and quick
international changes in shaping their conditions and
relationships. The Cairo summit discussions established
many landmarks that would guide the direction of African
activities in the coming years. They noted the options
available to the continent and the challenges it has to face.
The continent has expressed its determination to eliminate
poverty, desertification and indebtedness and to initiate a
comprehensive development process for its countries and
peoples and to improve their economic and political
conditions.
Despite the numerous problems of Africa, the continent
has demonstrated that it is prepared to shoulder its
responsibilities in facing up to the challenges posed by those
problems. Most prominent among its decisions in this
regard was the decision to establish an African machinery
for resolving disputes. In that regard, the African States are
have set forth a new mode of international cooperation and
collaboration in shouldering responsibilities, notwithstanding
all the difficulties facing the continent because of its
continued low share in the world gross national product and
the increasing cost of debt servicing. Such a situation,
though restraining the continent’s endeavors and weakening
its capabilities, has not debilitated either its will or its
determination.
The Cairo Summit was an expression of a determined
attitude towards the indispensable need to make a number of
adjustments to African policies and plans. It showed that the
time has come to take the difficult decisions required to
bridge the gap between Africa and the developed world -
indeed, between Africa and many countries of the third
world itself.
Mention of Africa leads to a discussion of the
developments in the Horn of Africa. This is all the more
important owing to the fact that the developments and
interactions in the Horn of Africa are closely related to the
security of the Middle East and of Africa in general. Hence,
we welcome the independence of Eritrea and its accession to
membership of the United Nations. We also express our
deep regret at the situation in Somalia. In this regard, Egypt
is fully cooperating with the international community, which
has moved effectively to put an end to the famine that
beleaguered that country and to the armed conflicts that have
shaken its very existence. In the meantime, Egypt
sympathizes with the people of Somalia in their aspiration
after a secure future based on a national reconciliation that
will serve the interests and meets the aspirations of all the
Somali people and not merely the ambitions of a certain
leader or faction. As a result, immediately after being elected
Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, President
Hosni Mubarak, inspired by Egypt’s keen interest in the
implementation of Security Council resolutions on the
situation in Somalia, coordinated efforts with the Secretary-
General of the United Nations and the Secretary-General of
the OAU to create the climate that would make it possible
to achieve continued progress in the efforts designed to
enable that brotherly country to begin the reconstruction and
rehabilitation of its infrastructure and to permit its people -
torn by conflicts and dissension - to clear the debris of
discord and to reunite. That can be done only by helping
the Somali people to achieve a comprehensive national
reconciliation that would allow all its elements to express
their will freely, without any repression or apprehension and
without being blackmailed by power-seekers who instigate
policies of destruction and annihilation. This is a
responsibility that the Somali people, who fell prey to tribal
disputes and personal ambitions, must shoulder, and the time
has come to put an end to that situation from an exclusively
national perspective.
Moving from Somalia to Angola where the situation
has been aggravated by UNITA’s disregard for the will of
the majority of the people, expressed in free elections, Egypt
calls for absolute support for Security Council resolution 864
(1993) which was adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter,
and which condemned UNITA and urged all States to refrain
from providing any form of assistance to it until it respects
the provisions of the "Acordos de Paz" as well as the will of
the people of Angola and the resolutions of the United
Nations.
Africa’s problems are not confined to those of South
Africa, the Horn of Africa or Angola. They also extend to
numerous African States whether in the form of civil wars,
such as the one in Liberia, with its impact on its neighbours,
or in the form of internal political dissension, like that
prevalent in many African States at the present time, in
addition to all the development-related problems and the
pangs of democratization. Nevertheless, Africa is ready,
with determination and political will, to go beyond those
problems and to embrace the twenty-first century and, all
total confidence, steadfastness and determination, to be an
active partner in the formulation of the desired new
international order.
I began by reviewing some of the positive
developments in international relations that gave us reason
to look toward the future with hope. However, there have
been other recent developments in the world which give rise
to concerns and fears. Those developments have posed an
essential question among a number of thinkers: What kind
of a world order do we need, and would such an order,
whose foundations would be laid today, be an extension of
the past, with its notions and policies, but in some new form,
or would it be a mere reflection of the present with all its
imbalances, contradictions and double standards? Or, rather,
would it be a real and genuine development towards a future
that may take us into the twenty-first century?
Living in just peace and prevailing stability is the prime
demand, without which none of our aspirations will be
attained. Peace is not a passive or abstract concept. It is the
expression of the active and conscious will of all countries
and peoples, small or large, to manage the common life on
this planet, with all its peoples, entities and groupings,
according to commonly agreed principles, values and
guidelines.
Certain principles underlie our concept of living in
conditions of peace and security, the most important of
which are the following: first, respect and support for
international legality to maintain the reverence for and
predominance of the law we have all accepted; secondly, the
principle of equal rights and obligations to relieve frustrated
peoples and to encourage them to utilize their expertise and
efforts in joint and integrated action for the benefit of all.
All men are required to abide by the same rules in their
international relations and to have a balanced share in
regional and international responsibilities within a framework
that gives priority to public interest.

Thirdly, the same standard should be applied in judging
all cases that are similar in nature. The same provisions
should be applied on a universal basis without selectivity or
bias to ensure stability and security, reward compliance and
punish and deter those who breach the accepted norms of
international legality.
Fourthly, the principle of peace for all in the context of
corresponding and balanced commitments should be
respected.
Fifthly, the right to development should be respected
and joint assistance made to developing countries,
particularly to the least developed among them.
Respect for these principles constitutes direct and active
implementation of the rules of international legality. It also
represents a sincere response to the will of the international
community. Their violation would threaten our efforts to
agree on a more just and humane international order and
would greatly harm the credibility and progress of such
efforts.
I have to state here in all frankness that Muslim
communities, and many others, have witnessed the
manifestations of repression and bias in a number of
international policies. This has become apparent in the
hesitation and inconsistency witnessed in addressing the
question of Bosnia and certain other issues. There is no
doubt that a great deal of the suspicions of the Muslim
world could have been dispelled if the Bosnian problem had
been dealt with according to the established principles
enshrined in the United Nations Charter relating to
aggression, occupation, war crimes and crimes committed
against humanity. All of those crimes have been committed
against the people of Bosnia. This will not be forgotten by
those who have witnessed that tragedy unfolding under their
very eyes, day in and day out. Instead of addressing the
problem in accordance with the principles of the Charter, the
blockade has been tightened around the people of Bosnia and
all manner of procrastination and stalling has prevailed.
Egypt rejects this flagrant manipulation of the norms of
justice. Such manipulation rewards the aggressor for his
aggression. Egypt rejects this gross breach of human rights.
How can anyone justify this hesitation in the face of Serb
aggression against Bosnia on the part of the international
community that stood against Iraq’s Government when it
committed aggression against Kuwait? And if we approve
the demarcation of the Iraq-Kuwait border, why do we allow
the Serbs to expand at the expense of the Bosnian people
and their territorial rights?
The protraction of the Bosnian problem without a just
solution acceptable to its people weakens the credibility of
many international policies and developments. The only
positive development in this regard may be the establishment
of the International Tribunal for the prosecution of war
criminals who have practiced ethnic cleansing. These
prosecutions should target those who advocate or condone
such practices that bespeak cultural decadence and
criminality in those who perpetrate or advocate them.
The issue of human rights is one of the major questions
that face us. We in Egypt believe that the human rights
issue is universal both in content and nature. When we deal
with this issue in Egypt, we look at it through the
perspective of the cultural and historical heritage which is
part of our national identity. We view it through our
deep-rooted history extending through the millennia; through
our ancient Egyptian civilization; through our Islamic
civilization, which is deeply impressed upon our
consciousness; through our interaction with the
Mediterranean civilizations; and through the legacy of the
ages of renaissance and enlightenment in contemporary
Europe, which have had their effect on philosophy and
modern thought in Egypt.
The essence of this interlocking and integrated cultural
heritage is the assertion of the individual human being’s
value, recognition of his role in working for revival and
progress, and upholding his right to freedom of thought and
creativity in line with Islam’s sound principles which uphold
man’s personal and social freedom. Those principles
maintain a balance between rights and duties as well as
between the individual and society, so that neither may
encroach on the rights of the other and so that all may live
within a framework of a meticulously formulated social
contract.
As we see it, the main aim of human rights is to protect
the real interests of the individual, his family and his
homeland, as well as his fundamental, essential and genuine
right to live in safety and security. This is the primary right
from which all other rights should emanate. All these rights
must be protected from those who try to violate or deny
them through terrorism or intimidation. All communities of
the world are now in the same struggle against terroristic
practices, whether they emanate from racial chauvinism, the
14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
radical right, doctrines of "ethnic cleansing" or religious
fanaticism. All these doctrines follow practices that
constitute gross violations of human rights, and should be
defied.
In view of our firm stand in favour of safeguarding and
maintaining human rights - foremost of which is the right to
life and security - we are aware that real democracy is the
best guarantee of stability, security and social peace. All
political freedoms and rights, individual or collective, will
remain forever incomplete if they are not complemented by
economic, social and cultural rights. We believe that it is
not an overstatement to say that the right of the individual
and of the community to development and economic and
political progress is closely related with their political and
cultural rights in general. They reinforce each other and
neither can proceed on its own.
One of the challenges now facing us is the need to
demonstrate our collective ability to bring about a real
change in the world economic order that would transcend
narrow interests and considerations and rise to the level of
real world partnership in striving for sustainable
development for all and the protection of our common
environment. Such a challenge requires us frankly to
express our views concerning current international
developments that give cause for concern with regard to the
future.
The current world economic situation pivots on the
centrality of the decision-making process which remains in
the hands of the industrialized countries, with all that that
entails with regard to the economies of developing countries.
Furthermore, the current recession in the industrialized
countries is reflected directly in the depression and
increasing unemployment and poverty rates that plague the
developing countries.
This situation is exacerbated by the protectionist
measures put in place by rich countries in trying to face up
to their economic problems. Developing countries find
themselves helpless before such measures. They can only
plead and hope. And this takes place at a time when most
of the developing countries are in the throes of implementing
rigorous programmes of economic reform. As the
liberalization of trade constitutes a fundamental resource for
development in the case of the developing countries,
protectionism deprives those countries of the opportunity to
reap the fruits of their agonized efforts in the area of
economic reform and liberalization and severely hampers the
integration of their economies in the world economy.
So far, we find nothing in the Uruguay Round of
multilateral trade negotiations that augurs well for the future.
Today, the developing countries find themselves
marginalized by side deals in which they do not participate.
Such deals are characterized by ambiguity rather than
transparency. They jeopardize the interests of developing
countries. On the other hand, the developments of the last
two years have demonstrated that the international monetary
system is no better than the trade system. Conflicting goals
of monetary and macro-economic policies in industrialized
countries have led to a state of chaos in foreign exchange
markets, destabilizing the world economic order, with all
resultant adverse effects on developing economies.
The Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro was an important
milestone on the road of constructive dialogue between
North and South for a world partnership to counter the
dangers facing our planet. In spite of the meagre progress
that has been achieved in the implementation of the Rio
resolutions, we still perceive a marked difference between
the perspectives of the developed and the developing
countries. The developed countries focus mainly on the
symptoms of the crisis, which represent a major threat to
their life styles and their welfare, even though it was those
very countries which contributed to the deterioration of the
environment.
By contrast, many developing countries continue to
suffer from environmental pollution for which other
countries are largely responsible. In their attempt to solve
problems of debt, declining commodity prices and trade
barriers as well as the problems of sustainable development
and the requirements for environmental protection,
Governments found that they were facing a real impasse
leading to low productivity and declining growth rates which
in turn led to more poverty.
In the long run, the divergence between these two
perspectives may hinder comprehensive world action to deal
with the world environmental crisis. In order to surmount
this dilemma, all parties are called upon to shoulder their
responsibility for lending credibility to and promoting the
acceptance of the slogans of interdependence and world
partnership.
In this regard, it is important to address an integral
aspect of the equation for achieving development and
preserving the environment: the population problem, which
threatens both sides of that equation. We are all aware of
the extent of this problem, which completely absorbs the
yields of development and will ensure the continued
destruction of the environment.
The International Conference on Population and
Development, which Cairo will host in September 1994,
represents an opportune occasion for the international
community to address population issues from the appropriate
developmental perspective and from the perspective of their
relationship to issues of economic and social development.
We in Egypt, as the host country, shall exert every
effort to ensure the success of this important conference, and
we are confident that its outcome will represent a sound
context for international cooperation in the field of
population and development.
Our discussion of the conditions and circumstances of
the Third World leads us to a broader and more
comprehensive discussion of the political movements and
groupings with which the various developing countries are
associated, despite their different orientations and stages of
development. It is high time for us to stop and ask
ourselves what these groupings have achieved and what can
be done to further their legitimate goals. We need to reflect
on this issue in a frank, constructive and objective manner.
It has become apparent that the challenges facing the
developing countries have changed substantially. We are on
the threshold of new international conditions and challenges
which have different economic, political and security effects.
In Egypt, we have already begun to study this issue,
taking into consideration the positive and the negative effects
of the past decades at the political, economic and social
levels in the Third World, and the implications for changing
priorities and areas of concern. We have come to the
following conclusions:
Firstly, the so-called Third World represents the
majority of the world population and the majority of world
countries. It has the major share in the production of
primary commodities, and it has vast market potential. This
Third World is fully entitled to be a full-fledged partner in
the ongoing restructuring process at the world level.
Secondly, in order to be able to do so, the Third World
has to mould a political collective will, and this can only be
achieved through democratic open discussion between its
States.
Thirdly, this, in turn, can only be achieved through the
establishment of a political system or movement that would
include all these States.
Fourthly, the ultimate aim should be dialogue,
negotiation and partnership within a framework of
cooperation, collaboration and integration, rather than
confrontation or conflict.
Today, I propose that the developing countries embark
on a dialogue aimed at establishing a grouping for the Third
World, a grouping within which the developing countries
would deal with the political, economic and social aspects of
various world issues, a grouping to coordinate their
positions and shape their contribution towards the laying of
the foundations of the new world order which we hope will
prevail during the 21st century.
The developments we have just reviewed, and the
successive changes we are witnessing, strengthen Egypt’s
belief in the pivotal role of the United Nations in managing
international relations in line with the principles and
provisions of its Charter.
Egypt attaches great importance to increasing the
effectiveness of the United Nations and preserving its
credibility. We are aware of the nature and number of the
challenges that face the international Organization, perhaps
for the first time. These urgent challenges were suddenly
pushed to the surface of international relations by historical
developments that were never imagined by the founding
fathers or the drafters of the Charter. We all agree that the
momentum that characterized the past few years was so
pressing and rapid that there should be a comprehensive
review of the United Nations mechanisms and structure, if
we are serious in our effort to adjust the international will to
the facts of our age, and if we are eager to maintain the
credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations.
In this connection, and with reference to the envisaged
structural changes, I would like to state that Egypt, as one of
the States which took part in the formulation of the Charter,
and as one of the founding states of the Organization, is
mainly concerned with the continued presence of the United
Nations and its principles, message, prestige and credibility
to serve the causes of international peace and security
without interruption.
Needless to say, the burdens of the United Nations in
the post-cold war era are far greater than they were during
the cold war itself. If the collective will of the international
community agrees to make structural changes in the
membership of the Security Council, for example, Egypt -
which is undertaking an effective role within the
international order in the formulation of regional and
international relations and in establishing the concepts and
principles on which we all agree, in addition to its
participation in numerous peace-keeping operations on
several continents - has the right and the potential to
contribute in a responsible manner to the proposed
institutional restructuring of the United Nations. Egypt has
the desire and determination to take part both in the process
itself and in setting the standards and values to be used in
the process. Egypt believes that it has now gained the
requisite standing to be included within the framework of the
ongoing discussion and within the new membership.
We must open the doors to a better future in whose
creation all of us will participate to achieve the 21st century
world for which we hope. This is the time for collective
formulation of a new solid and stable world order. This is
the great challenge that faces us all at a time of
unprecedented opportunity.