Many years ago, I proposed in the Assembly that policy statements should be limited to 20 to 25 minutes. I have attempted and will attempt today to do that. The full text of my speech will be distributed to members of the Assembly. I have an abridged version which I will deliver, and the. reading time—I ask members to look at their watches will not exceed 20 minutes. I hope that this will be emulated by subsequent speakers. We waste too much time in long speeches, when I believe that the full texts can be distributed to the members, who can read them at their leisure in their rooms or apartments.
3.	My delegation is pleased to join our colleagues in congratulating you, Mr. President, and the country which you so ably represent, and in paying a tribute to your wealth of experience and proved diplomatic skill. Having served as an international civil servant in a high capacity, you have an unrivaled knowledge of the vast machinery of the United Nations, a knowledge that we are sure you will share with us in our deliberations during this session.
4.	I acknowledge gratefully your kind reference to me in your opening remarks following your election [1st meeting]. I can only say that if during my term as President, in 1949, I had had even a small portion of your mastery of the workings of the Assembly, and if I were younger, I would consider running for President again when Asia's turn next comes round.
5.	Our congratulations also go to the outgoing President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar. He ran the Assembly with exemplary efficiency and punctuality which we must learn to emulate at this session and imparted much of his wisdom in the solution of the numerous difficulties which beset the past session, especially in his pioneer work on global negotiations. In his eloquent valedictory address [ibid.], the best ever delivered by any outgoing President of the General Assembly, including myself, he left us a great deal of food for thought and profitable lessons for us all.
6.	In the last 10 years we have noted the changing tone and color of the relations among nations. Periodic crises, often low-key but more frequently of an emergency character, have continued to occur in the world. Many of these have been solved by time, like a wound that heals itself. But many more remain persistent and chronic, rising and falling in severity in accordance with the unpredictable global political climate.
7.	Today we know that these crises create a cumulative impact. At a particular point in time the problems converge and generate intolerable pressures seemingly beyond our power to control. The prospect of a new world order built on the acceptance of reciprocal interests leading to peace, justice and security for all has been an illusory fabric, too frail to bear the burden of our deepest hopes.
8.	We derive a measure of optimism from the fact that in the past we have managed our problems in a way that has kept the world on a reasonably even keel. But it is quite evident that the "windows of opportunity" for promoting a stable world order based on tacitly accepted norms of international conduct are at this moment firmly shut. Unless we can reopen those windows and it is our task to do so we should all very much fear that, against our will, we shall be writing a prescription for global disaster.
9.	Why have we reached this dark passage in the history of our time? I suggest that behind the great issues of arms control, the apparently insoluble dilemmas in the Middle East and the issues of Afghanistan and Kampuchea lie profound psychological causes.
10.. The following elements, among many others, have obvious causal connections with our failure to move ahead. One is deep seated fears and suspicions. A second is an ineradicable feeling of insecurity. A third is lack of confidence in the viability of a world order capable of sustaining longterm stability. And a fourth is over-dependence on the luck of the gambler for the sake of particular interests.
11. It would be ideal to suggest that the foregoing elements the hidden and unrecognized causes that move men and nations to action could be eradicated by a simple act of will. But they can be mitigated by open dialog or, in a word, by communication. It is one of the
ironies of our time that, on a planet shrunk by unbelievable technological advances in communication, the one thing that we have been unable to solve is the act of communication among men in order to bridge the mysterious gap, which can lead to understanding.
12.	The practical consequences of this lack of communication affect all of us and form the main burden of the deliberations of this session. It is in this context that we must view the ominous signs of the revival of the arms race, especially the infinitely sophisticated new generation of nuclear weapons with the power to destroy the world many times over. The efforts to establish an agreed ceiling on the most lethal nuclear arms remain deadlocked, a situation which enlarges the factor of uncertainty and further encourages even higher levels of nuclear weapon development.
13.	Many times in this forum, we have raised our voices in apprehension that the unimaginable horrors of nuclear war will be visited on mankind with profit to none and loss to all, including those with the power to unleash the weapons of apocalypse. In this grave situation, we must again appeal to the great Powers to begin conversations within a framework which will permit the resumption of agreements on mutually acceptable limitations of nuclear weapons. The longer the delay on this most critical issue, the greater are the chances that the rising level of tension will escalate to unacceptable proportions and thus ignite a conflagration which, without question, will incinerate the entire planet.
14.	In this connection, my delegation wishes to invite the attention of the Assembly to the wide-ranging report of the SecretaryGeneral on the work of the Organization [A/36/1]. In his customary fashion, the SecretaryGeneral has drawn for us a faithful picture of our times, full of sharp insights into the human condition and all encompassing in his range of vision. Only he, as a seasoned diplomat and with his long experience as SecretaryGeneral, could have given us such a statesmanlike report, which should be translated into all languages in order to give the world a correct overall appraisal of the contemporary condition of human kind.
15.	On the subject of the arms race, for example, the Secretary-General has the following to say in his unchallengeable analysis. I hope that the superPowers will listen to him. He says:
"What is called the problem of the arms race is in reality a complex of problems. The largest single factor fueling the worldwide arms buildup has for a long time been the hostility between East and West. After a period of relative relaxation, the relations between the superPowers are again going through a period of tension, and there are clear indications of a sharply intensified upward spiral in their arms buildup." [Ibid, sect. V.]
16.	Those are wise words, words of alarm, words that should alert all of Us. The Secretary General continues a little later:
"From their first appearance in history, the existence of nuclear weapons added a new and frightening dimension to the potentialities for world catastrophe. While the governments concerned have rightly expressed their extreme aversion to using such weapons, their very existence in the tense context of greatPower relationships constitutes an unprecedented threat to human society and civilization." [Ibid.]
Those are the words of the SecretaryGeneral warning the superPowers. He continues:
"In international affairs, confusion, confrontation and emotion cannot accurately be foreseen, forestalled or controlled, and a nuclear war would be both devastatingly quick and conclusive'. If the present nuclear arms race among the most powerful States is the greatest potential danger threatening mankind, a similar race between additional nuclear States will add immeasurably to that danger and to the risk of the actual use of nuclear weapons." [Ibid.]
17.	Those are words of warning from the man who has been leading us all this time.
18.	Until this issue is resolved, further forward movement on general disarmament in the longer term will be impeded and may indeed put at issue once more the limited gains in the area of collateral measures achieved after lengthy and protracted endeavors. Time is not on our side. We should make every effort to maintain the momentum which can lead to meaningful results in the proposed conference on disarmament to be held early next year.
19.	The spiraling arms race has an obvious connection with the other great issues that face the world today, and which the SecretaryGeneral also emphasizes. I refer to the NorthSouth dialog. In his farewell address to the. Assembly, the outgoing President, Mr. von Wechmar, called attention to the fact that if only 5 per cent of the budget for military expenditures were diverted to economic development, it would provide a solution to the stagnant world economy, particularly the economies, of the developing countries [1st meeting, para. 13]. This sage observation underscores the need to curb the vast sums spent for military hardware and weapons development. The new economics of war preparedness conflicts with the global demand for higher standards of living and for the even more urgent task of eradicating poverty everywhere. Abundant proof exists that the increasing capacity to wage war not only endangers peace but also dissipates international wealth.
20.	I suggest that this situation is not worth the price that it entails, for it involves grinding poverty and social and political instability, with their predictable adverse consequences for world peace. Many less developed countries are engaged in massive and sustained national efforts to promote growth and eradicate poverty. But a deteriorating external environment for development will make these efforts increasingly difficult, if it does not frustrate them altogether. We wish to emphasize that this is not a one-way street. We must recognize the changed nature of interdependence. The problems of the poor and the rich impinge on each other and cause grave difficulties for both.
21.	In the report of the World Bank in 1981, the developing countries are described as "engines of growth" in the world economy. The report makes two important points. Firstly, an increment of 1 per cent in the rate of
growth of developing countries would generate significant increases in the developed world. Secondly, the sustained development efforts by the developing countries prevented serious recession and widespread unemployment in the industrialized countries. In our view, this is the operational meaning of interdependence.
22.	Yet the continued depressed condition of the world economy is not necessarily inevitable. Policy choices in key areas fall within the political range of international decision-making. For this reason we look forward with cautious optimism to the informal exchange of views at the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held next month. It may and could provide the needed political will to launch the long-delayed global round of negotiations at this session of the Assembly.
23.	Having dealt with those two paramount issues, I turn now to problems of a regional character.
24.	The events of the past year in the Middle East suggest a setback in the continuing efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the interlocking problems which beset the region. In OUJ: view, the most important single element is the question of Palestinian self-determination. Unless and until Israel modifies its unyielding stand on this issue, violence will continue to rack that part of the world. Israel has a legitimate concern for its security, and the Palestinians must recognize this, but Israel's reactions transcend the limits of that concern. Israel must accept that it cannot aspire to be the paramount power in the region; a just solution requires, within the boundaries of security for all, an equal partnership in peaceful endeavors.
25.	Similar conditions afflict Namibia in southern Africa. It is difficult, in the light of the negotiations of the last few years, to interpret South Africa's intransigent position as anything but delaying tactics to enable it to perpetuate its occupation of Namibia. My delegation is prepared to support once again any initiative by the General Assembly to secure the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the subject and for the imposition of sanctions on South Africa within a specified time-frame.
26.	Within South Africa itself, the racist policies remain unchanged. But it is a measure of the increasingly bold opposition by that country's black majority that violence has demonstrably increased in the past year. The radicalization of oppressed elements is a natural consequence of unceasing repression. South Africa should not be surprised if it finds itself increasingly besieged from within and from without.
27.	In Afghanistan, the prospects for solution remain dim. The Soviet Union has consistently rejected the beginnings of a dialog which could at the least create a framework within which negotiations could take place, leading to the withdrawal of Soviet forces and the exercise of self-determination by the Afghan people. There is no other rational solution to a problem which correctly concerns the whole world, not only because it violates the
0 Charter of the United Nations, but also because it has extensive ramifications which could in time involve other areas of Asia and the Middle East. In the meantime, the Soviet Union is paying an unexpectedly high price in supporting a satellite regime which does not have the support of the Afghan people. For the rest of the world, the violation of the sovereign rights of an independent people by the use of naked force is gross misconduct from which it cannot and should not avert its eyes.
28.	The situation in Kampuchea continues to be a matter of very serious concern. The spurious claims of the restoration of stability in that war-torn county are not borne out by the facts. They are false. The situation remains a threat to the peace of the whole of SouthEast Asia, to all of us in SouthEast Asia.
29.	Earlier this summer, the International Conference on Kampuchea was convened under the auspices of the United Nations. The major result was a Declaration unanimously adopted by the Conference.1 The Conference agreed that the key to the Kampuchean problem lies in a comprehensive political settlement. With this end in view, the Declaration calls for negotiations based on four major elements.
30.	It continues to be a matter of regret that Viet Nam and its friends chose to avoid the Conference. The elements for negotiations were offered in openhanded and sincere fashion, and to all observers they were most reasonable ones. But Viet Nam continues to entertain the fiction that the Kampuchean problem lies outside the purview of the United Nations and that therefore any action which the United Nations might take is, in their words, illegal. This is an untenable proposition. We once again invite Viet Nam to come forward and begin considering serious steps to solve a problem which has increased world instability and caused Viet Nam itself great difficulties.
31.	In another part of Asia, an old problem which still remains a danger deserves fresh examination. Although the question of the reunification of Korea is not on the agenda of the Assembly, we should take note of the efforts of President Chun to revive the negotiations at the summit level. In view of the lack of response from the North, perhaps the already overburdened SecretaryGeneral could be persuaded in the interest of peace to use his good offices as a channel of communication. In the past we have supported the admission of the two Koreas into the United Nations if it would serve the interests of both. We do so again today.
32.	We cannot stress too strongly our concern with the related issues of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. Both involve the use of force and the repression of the right of their respective peoples freely to determine their own destiny. We cannot give our willing assent to flagrant violations of the Charter or ignore the danger to world peace inherent in these intolerable acts of aggression. My delegation appeals to everyone present in this Assembly to unite and, with one voice, to urge the parties concerned to return to the peaceful and orderly processes of settlement of the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
33.	Turning to another subject, my delegation views with deep regret the failure of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to adopt the convention on the law of the sea. Last year, it will be recalled, the Assembly acknowledged the nearly completed draft not only as being important in itself, but as being an example of how much the United Nations can achieve when the requisite will is present. Our expectations, unfortunately, proved to be premature but not, we hope, irremediable. We express the view of a majority in this forum that to reopen fundamental issues already decided by consensus over the span of a decade of arduous labor would amount to rejection of the draft convention. if
34.	The importance of that convention cannot be overestimated. It is vital to peace and stability in the oceans. A clear determination of the extent of the sovereignty and jurisdiction of States over the waters of the seas is needed to avoid economic and political conflicts, and even military confrontations, caused by uncertainty. The orderly exploitation under an international regime of these rich nodules on the ocean floor is necessary to implement the principle that the resources of the seas outside national jurisdiction are the common heritage of mankind.
35.	The failure of the Conference to conclude a universally accepted convention would be tragic, because the alternative is chaos in the regime of the seas. For the sake of humanity, all States must resolve to reach final agreement at the next session of the Conference. My delegation suggests that the Conference, scheduled for March and April 1982, should have enough leeway so that it can extend its eight week session by one or two weeks if necessary to complete its work.
36.	On another important question, the Philippines reaffirms its firm commitment to the successful outcome of the work of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. The Charter, like every product of the human mind, is not immune from reform. It is not perfect. It must b dynamic and must adapt to the altered circumstances of a world in transition.
37.	The Special Committee on the Charter has negotiated at length on the draft Manila declaration on the peaceful settlement of international disputes, the first tangible product of the Committee following many years of activity. We are hopeful that the draft will be completed and adopted at an early date, and that this will lead to further steps, including a treaty on the peaceful settlement of disputes, with binding obligations.
38.	The task which confronts us at this session of the General Assembly is a formidable one. In nearly every comer of the world, potentials for danger exist, threatening to cancel out the patient work of the Organization on behalf of peace. This is a time of testing for the United Nations that will last for many years to come. In the face of grave crises we need to summon all the resources of courage and wisdom at our command, always keeping in view the great goal of achieving a better life for all in an environment of peace and justice.
39.	We shall be guided, Mr. President, by your wise counsel, and we shall be fortified by the boundless patience and unsurpassed statesmanship of the Secretary General, who embodies in his own person the very qualities which have made the United Nations an indispensable tool for the solution of the grave problems which face us in times of crisis,


On behalf of the Government and people of Sri Lanka, I extend to you, Mr. President, our congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Our commitment to cooperating fully with you and our pleasure at your election are both manifest. We come from the same region of the world and me heirs to similar traditions. Our two nations view many international issues in the same perspective. More intimately, we are aware of your personal attributes. As fellow members of the nonaligned movement we have been able on numerous occasions to observe and take pleasure in your dedication to our founding principles and your skill. We are confident that those attributes will benefit the Assembly and, through it, the global community as a whole.
41.	The nonaligned movement is now in its twentieth year. Next year, when it reaches the age of 21 an age associated with maturity in many societies our heads of State and Government are scheduled to meet at Baghdad. Therefore your country has an especially important role to play as we prepare for a renewal based on experience and understanding. For the three years following that meeting, your country will be chairman and coordinator of the movement. We have no doubt that your stewardship will help to strengthen the movement and its validity as a positive force in international relations. In this connection, we are pleased that, for the first time in the history of summit meetings attended by the heads of Government of seven industrialized countries, this year's economic Summit at Montebello, Canada, specifically referred to the significance of nonalignment. The concept and practice of nonalignment are being increasingly acknowledged as relevant and important.
42.	In a very real sense, nonalignment will return to its roots when the movement holds its summit meeting in Asia once again next year. The first stirrings of Afro Asian independence in foreign policy were heard in Bandung in 1955. Six years elapsed between the Bandung Conference and the first Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries, held at Belgrade. Some of the countries represented at Bandung were not at Belgrade. But there was a continuity between Bandung and Belgrade, and for all of us in Sri Lanka it is a matter of pride that our capital, Colombo, the venue of the fifth Conference of the NonAligned Countries, is in many ways part of that continuity, which will be reaffirmed in Baghdad next year.
43.	It was in Colombo that the word "nonalignment" entered the vocabulary of international politics. The word was used with a foreign policy connotation for the first time at the Colombo Powers Conference in 1954, which decided that the Bandung Conference should be held. With other participants at Colombo and Bandung and wi'Ji all others who have added strength to nonalignment through the years, swelling the movement's numbers, we have a special commitment to preserving the fundamental principles of nonalignment. Those principles are not to be looked at in the negative sense of fence-sitting. Rather, those principles have a profoundly positive connotation in that they permit adherents of nonalignment the privilege of independence of judgment. Moreover, they provide small countries with the foundation on which to build a structure of positive relationships with all countries, without becoming drawn into bloc rivalries.
44.	Those principles have even greater relevance today than when they were first articulated in a political sense, for today it is necessary for us to be nonaligned not only in relation to the great Powers but also in relation to disputes between and among other States, where efforts to reach accord can be exerted on a principled, impartial basis. Many disputes concern border issues, and it is a matter of great concern that existing United Nations mechanisms allow the international community to intervene in such disputes only when they have reached the point of armed confrontation. A process of moral or judicial intervention before confrontations erupt could help to eliminate the causes of friction or at least to buy time in which the political environment could change. It is in this context that Sri Lanka's proposal for the establishment of a border disputes commission is being studied within the nonaligned movement. We very much hope that that proposal will be given serious consideration by the international community.
45.	However, politics is not the only source of friction and insecurity in the world. Economic imbalance is an equally important factor. This was recognized by the non aligned countries as far back as their first Conference in 1961. The Declaration issued at the end of that Conference drew specific attention to the NorthSouth imbalance and made specific proposals for correcting that imbalance.3
46.	The creation of a new social and economic order in the world has thus been as consistent a theme of the Movement as that of establishing a new political order. Today, when the impetus of anti-colonialism, spearheaded by the nonaligned movement, has ended colonialism except in a few stubborn pockets of vicious resistance, it is our responsibility to struggle even harder for political and economic justice.
47.	Having in mind our current quest for social and economic goals, I should like to pay a tribute to the outgoing President. He tried hard to move North and South towards a mutually beneficial accommodation. The fact that those efforts did not produce the final results we all desired was not for want of trying on his part. The international community's gratitude and respect are due to him.
48.	Other speakers have commented on the assistance that has been received from the SecretaryGeneral. I add my felicitations to theirs. I wish to place on record, too, our appreciation of the responsibilities and workload of the staff of the Secretariat. They are the world's generally unsung and often unnoticed warriors of peace. They provide the continuity that gives our own efforts more than passing effect. We thank them.
49.	Sri Lanka is pleased to welcome Vanuatu as a Member of the Organization. Each new Member strengthens and sustains the universality of the Organization, which is an objective laid down in the Charter of the United Nations. We are hopeful that before long all those peoples of the world who are as yet in a state of subjugation or displacement will eventually take their due place in the Organization, making it truly universal.
50.	Permit me for a few moments to refer to the domestic situation in Sri Lanka, a situation which should be of both interest and significance to the international community. This is a particularly important year for us,, because it marks the fiftieth anniversary of the exercise of universal adult franchise in Sri Lanka. Our democratic traditions were established long before modem parliamentary democracy was introduced in phases by a departing colonial administration. We are proud of our own traditions. We recognize, however, that the present structure of parliamentary government in Sri Lanka was set in place with the granting of universal adult franchise in Sri Lanka 50 years ago. During that half century we have fashioned political forms and practices which keep the fundamental tenets of democracy strong and meaningful in our country. We have also set in motion a process by which the aspirations of all communities in our country will be satisfied through constitutional means, without in any way sacrificing our national identity or integrity.
51.	In the social and economic fields, no less than in the political and constitutional, we have pledged to give substance to the concept of human rights in all its dimensions. We do not believe that different sets of rights can be compartmentalized. On the contrary, it is our view that human rights in their fullest sense, as defined by the documents of the Organization, come alive only when man's rights within society are treated as a whole. That is our approach. It is an approach which requires commitment, skill and sophistication, qualities that can come only from within society. At the same time, we continue to hope for complementary support from the international community in the spirit of the Charter.
52.	The interaction between domestic effort and external cooperation which I have described takes us to the heart of the NorthSouth relationship. I have pointed out that the proper definition and reshaping of this relationship was the focus of attention at the very first meeting of nonaligned countries and has continued since to attract the attention of all developing countries.
53.	The Group of 77 has pursued with passion the goal of a NorthSouth compact. More recently we have been joined by several spokesmen of the North. Indeed, a great NorthSouth assessment of global challenges and global responses was provided for the international community by the report of the Brandt Commission, which was unveiled here. What do we have to show for those efforts?
54.	Last year the General Assembly convened its eleventh special session, which was devoted exclusively to an examination of international development issues. That session produced a program of targets for the strategy for development. We were pleased by the adoption of those targets; but development targets cannot be reached by declarations of intent.
55.	Development is about people. The people's needs can be realized only by concrete measures which will sustain human will, measures which we had all hoped would emerge from the global round of negotiations which the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was meant to set in motion. A great deal of effort went into the search for agreement on basic preconditions. Many of the distinguished representatives here today, or their colleagues, participated in that exercise. Men and women of goodwill and prescience outside this Assembly joined in. Despite several setbacks, a remarkable area of agreement was identified. Nevertheless, disagreement cm mere procedures slowed down the momentum towards global negotiations. Can we be satisfied with leaving it at that? Are we content to allow history to judge us as lacking in the political will required to sort out one set of procedural options from' another? If so, we will be untrue to ourselves, and unfair to those millions we represent. For the fact is that those differences over procedure masked a much more important divergence, a divergence of commitment to a global compact.
56.	Such a compact requires commitment not only at the broad level of global management of resources but also in terms of specific sectors such as trade, transfer of technology, energy and housing, for instance. Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Mr. R. Premadasa, made a special plea in the Assembly at its preceding session on behalf of the homeless [14th meeting, para. 59]. He specifically proposed that the year 1981 be declared the international year of shelter for the homeless. This proposal was made in the knowledge that providing the homeless with adequate housing an essential component of an effective global assault on poverty, I repeat the Prime Minister's call, and express the hope that in this, as in other aspects of the assault on poverty, there will be no stalling. Time aggravates and does not heal.
57.	It is only too easy to be discouraged by slow progress. Pessimism beckons readily. Nevertheless, there are also positive aspects in the situation and these deserve restatement. I will now turn to two areas of activity which give rise to hope, however slight they may seem.
58.	First, I would draw your attention to the recently concluded United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi. I was privileged to participate in preparations for the Conference and, of course, in the Conference itself. Because participation was at a high level it was possible for agreement to be reached on a number of principles which can govern the use and development of energy sources. This activity can mesh within the United Nations with the program of science and technology for development. We are pleased to note that some developed countries have already acted on the pledges made in Nairobi.
59.	Secondly, I would draw attention to the forthcoming NorthSouth meeting to be held at Cancun, where a small group of heads of State will meet informally to review NorthSouth issues. The rationale for such a meeting was that if these issues needed political action based on an exertion of political will, then it was logical for matters to be discussed by the only people with the power to take far-ranging political decisions. Despite initial delays, agreement has now been reached on holding a summit meeting. Nobody expects miraculous breakthroughs to result from the meeting at Cancun. But there is every possibility that views will be harmonized, and that the stage will be set for a genuine attempt to refashion the North South relationship. Agreement on the mountaintop can lead to real activity on the plains below.
60.	Optimism and euphoria are dangerous bedfellows. There are, as I have pointed out, a number of indications that should give rise to optimism. But this should not blind us to the need for sustained effort if we are to break through the barriers that hold us back from mutual progress. Nor should it lead us to ignore the very real threats to international peace and security that continue to imperil the world. The area broadly and popularly described as the Middle East continues to be a threat to international peace and security, burdened by tensions and uncertainties. An area which has given civilization so much of its wisdom and so many of its benign impulses is threatened by potentially explosive trends. We categorically assert, however, that a final settlement bringing lasting peace, justice and stability to the region will remain elusive until the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored. Until that unalterable truth is accepted, peace moves will fail to produce results, or will produce . only piecemeal results. Sri Lanka has recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. To believe that issues affecting the integrity of the Palestinian people and their inalienable rights can be resolved without Palestinian participation in the process is very unrealistic.
61.	In another area of the world, the rights of another group of people remain grievously unfulfilled. Despite assurances that various forms of persuasion are being directed at South Africa, the people of Namibia remain subjugated, and Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which held so much promise, remains unimplemented. The racist regime in South Africa is so contemptuous of persuasion, so aggressive in its outlook, that it unashamedly resorts to military onslaughts even against independent countries adjoining Namibia to shore up its own illegality. At the same time, it remains dedicated to barbaric policies of racial discrimination against the people within South Africa itself. South Africa's racist policies and its brutal militarism are both abhorrent and have been rightly condemned in the Assembly. The international community must now decide whether continued condemnation alone is sufficient to free the people of Namibia from illegal domination, and to liberate the people of South Africa from racism. If condemnation is inadequate, all measures required to bring South Africa to its senses must be diligently sought and applied. At the eighth emergency special session, on Namibia, recently concluded, the Assembly addressed itself to the various options before the international community.
62.	In Asia, the region to which Sri Lanka belongs, several unhappy trends exist. The increasing military buildup by the great Powers in the Indian Ocean is a source of grave concern to all littoral and hinterland States. Throughout history the region has been the hunting ground of contending Powers. We do not want to be embroiled in such Power rivalry or to be the scene of such rivalry. Sri Lanka urges, therefore, that all States, including the permanent members of the Security Council, should cooperate with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to convene the Conference on the Indian Ocean at Colombo not later than the first half of 1983. That Conference is, in our view, the next logical major step towards the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
63.	We are equally concerned about the entrenchment of interventionist forces in two Asian States, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, both members of the group of non aligned countries. The situation in both countries has been exhaustively examined here and we have made our views very clear. We believe that the people of every State must enjoy the right to determine their own destiny free from any foreign interference. We believe that the continued presence of interventionist forces in the territory of sovereign States is contrary to the accepted norms of international conduct. We fear too that their continued presence increases domestic instability and sharpens regional tensions. Therefore, we hope that all interventionist forces will be withdrawn from both countries.
64.	The arms race dominates all other issues. The tenth special session of the General Assembly, convened on the initiative of the nonaligned countries, gave some impetus to moves towards disarmament, but that movement has been so slow as to be all but unrecognizable. Despite the repeatedly stated desire of the international community for genuine progress towards disarmament, much of the world seems to be progressing in the opposite direction. Can we not reverse that trend? We will be presented with the opportunity to do so at next year's special session devoted to disarmament. In this connection, we are hopeful that the proposal made at the tenth special session by President J. R. Jayewardene of Sri Lanka for the establishment of a world disarmament authority [4th meeting, paras. 1719] will be considered favorably. The proposed authority could serve as a much needed catalyst for slowing down the arms race.
65.	We would also like to see all matters pertaining to the law of the sea resolved next year. As an island State, we are particularly concerned about orderly, equitable and legitimate access to the sea's resources. The United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has passed through the complicated phase of detailed Negotiation. Only a formal adoption of negotiated agreements is required. We hope that all countries will join in working towards this end at the session of the Conference to be held in March 1982.
66.	The agenda before us is heavy. It contains a fair mix of political and economic issues. This is inevitable, because politics and economics are so closely related. When political issues are unresolved, they create social and economic repercussions. Where economic disparities persist, political upheaval follows. The real guarantee of international security, therefore, lies in a balance of political and economic justice, domestically, regionally and internationally. Let us pledge ourselves to securing that balance.


The election at the beginning of our proceedings of Mr. Kittani of Iraq to the high post of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is a tribute to his exceptional qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. A more authoritative voice than my own that of the head of the Congolese delegation, Comrade Pierre Nze, Member of the Political Bureau and Minister for Foreign Affairs could more eloquently have welcomed this signal honor not only to Mr. Kittani personally but also to Iraq, a country friendly to the People's Republic of the Congo. I am happy to extend to him the most cordial congratulations of my delegation and to take this occasion to let him know how particularly pleased we are that our work is being guided by a man already known for his competence and great probity.
258.	I should like to associate myself with the many speakers who have extended to his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, well-deserved praise for the brilliant and effective manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the thirty-fifth session.
259.	Finally, above and beyond the ritual aspects of the occasion, I wish to extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu and Belize, which have just been admitted as full Members of the United Nations. „The presence among us of those two States which have only just emerged from colonial darkness bears witness to the substantial decolonization efforts accomplished by the United Nations, which, for 20 years now, has been the focal point of decisive actions that have led to the collapse of citadels of colonialism which only yesterday had been firmly entrenched.
260.	The victory of the peoples of Vanuatu and Belize comes at just the right time to confirm the justice of the national liberation struggle being waged by freedom fighters against colonial oppression and exploitation. The whole humble history of mankind should remind us that when a people is determined to break the humiliating shackles of submission, no force can resist the inexorable whirlwind stirred up by its inflexible determination. The delegation of the Congo wishes to assure the representatives of those two new Member States of its cooperation and solidarity.
261.	The constant quest on the part of my country for increased solidarity and ever greater understanding among nations is justified by our people's conviction that only a dynamic mobilization of all peace-loving peoples can stop the advance of aggressive forces which are now giving rise to growing alarm the world over.
262.	Yesterday the weakness of peaceful peoples fostered the outbreak of Nazism and fascism, which were responsible for millions of deaths. Who knows into what catastrophes of history we shall be led tomorrow by the imperialist policy of confrontation which has imbued international relations with the characteristics of the East West tensions, fraught with so many dangers? The arms race is proceeding at a rapid pace. The world looks on powerlessly at a kind of call to arms on the part of the blocs. Instead of the policy of detente, which the non aligned countries have always cherished, we see developing today dangerous dialectics of confrontation. Those who are inclined to welcome unashamedly the intensification of international tension are wrong. Today the problem of how to maintain peace has become, because of the nuclear aspect, a global problem, a problem for all States, large and small.
263.	In this explosive international situation there come into being everywhere hotbeds of tension which are being maintained feverishly, with the object of extending spheres of influence, by increasing the number of military bases in defenseless countries and establishing thinly disguised protectorates.
264.	The case of Africa is one of the most troubling; the threats to that continent take many forms, first of all, there is the persistence of an ecological crisis caused by the encroachment of the desert and the constant drought which gravely affects a number of countries situated between Cape Verde and the Horn of Africa.
265.	The economic threat, for its part, can be seen in the powerful domination exercised by multinational interests, for which Africa is nothing but a reservoir of raw materials and, furthermore, in the extreme weakness of a form of economy which depends strongly on foreign markets.
266.	The political crisis is compounded by a military threat that affects Africa on all sides, one of the most obvious aspects of which is the wanton continuance of the occupation of Namibia by South Africa. Hie increasingly aggressive policy of that racist regime is a matter of grave concern for the whole continent. The continuance of the hateful policy of apartheid and the over-armament of the Pretoria regime, which, in addition to using many other methods of intimidation, is considering resorting to the blackmail of nuclear weapons to defend its anachronistic and anti-human philosophy, constitute flagrant examples of injustice in the world today.
267.	Finally, of all continents, Africa has the greatest number of refugees and the largest number of so-called least developed countries. Praiseworthy efforts have at times been projected, especially as regards the humanitarian aspects or, more generally, the economic and social aspects, to which we shall return later in our statement. As for the necessary prerequisites for the creation of confidence and the most favorable conditions for the establishment of peace in that part of the world, as yet we see no signs that might give cause for optimism.
268.	As long as South Africa, which is racist and colonialist, does not regard itself as an African State with the same concepts of freedom and respect for human dignity as the other African peoples, there can be no doubt that international peace and security will constantly be breached in that area. Against whom, and why, is racist South Africa acquiring nuclear weapons? The unconditional protectors of the champions of apartheid could no doubt provide the international community with a clear response to that agonizing question.
269.	To proceed methodically, we should at least begin by returning Namibia to its people. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was drafted with that in mind. In the view of my delegation, that is the only pragmatic approach that might pave the way to a just and peaceful solution of the problem of Namibia, which, as every one of us knows, remains essentially a problem of decolonization. We should remember that it is South Africa which unilaterally took the initiative of breaking off the negotiations that were begun by the contact group of five Western countries. That was indeed a serious step, in, the face of which the silence of the international community seems strangely "deafening". My country, of course, encourages any initiative which might bring closer the exercise by the people of Namibia, under the aegis of SWAPO, its only authentic representative, of its right to freedom and independence.
270.	The culmination of the process of decolonization in Namibia would have the initial effect of restoring peace in the southern part of the continent and of enabling the so called front-line African States to concentrate on the essential task of the economic and social development of their countries. However, South Africa, which claims to be a besieged fortress, is opposing the advent of a climate of peace and cooperation in the region, increasing in a disgraceful and criminal manner its aggressive acts against those States which endeavor to implement courageously the relevant resolutions of the Organization with regard to the assistance that all Member States are duty-bound to provide to the Namibian people, whose territory has been transformed by the South African soldiery into a sweatshop, where men, women and children of the heroic Namibian people are suffering helplessly. The latest of these aggressive acts has been directed at the People's Republic of Angola and is continued today through the occupation by Pretoria's army of a part of the territory of a Member State of the United Nations.
271.	In this case scandal and criminality reach the highest point when the international community does not even consider doing anything to dissuade the aggressor.
272.	It might even be concluded from this, as was stated quite rightly by our Minister for Foreign Affairs at the eighth emergency special session [5th meeting], that it seems that Angola is being accused simply because it is implementing the relevant decisions of the Organization by what is its special contribution to the cause of the liberation of colonial countries and peoples.
273.	The Organization has the political and moral duty to act before it is too late to defuse the tension persisting in that part of Africa. The Congolese Government, for its part, supports unreservedly the struggle of the fraternal people of Angola to defend its independence and its territorial integrity. Today, imperialism and its accomplices are crisscrossing Angola with their plots. Their efforts are to no avail because the Angolan people, faithful to the heritage of Aghostino Neto, will take up the challenge and will victoriously defend the gains of its revolution.
274.	My delegation is very pleased to welcome the progress which, after so much suffering and anguish, has just crowned the efforts of the OAU to end the tragedy experienced by the fraternal people of Chad. The Congolese Government supports the praiseworthy efforts of this fraternal country towards reconciliation and national reconstruction. Some of the Western press, accustomed to giving its readers spicy stories about the third world, has recently indulged, in referring to the detachment of Congolese soldiers which, at the urgent request of the QAU, my Government agreed to send to N'Djamena, in hate filled and defamatory articles which show the disdain with which these unworthy journalists regard the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, which they consider to be inferior. The Congolese People's National Army is the army of our militant people, and was formed in accordance with the strict precepts of the Congolese Workers' Party. Its mission in Chad was supervised by an outstanding member of our Party and by the Chad Transitional National Union Government during the three months when our troops were constantly confined to the barracks of the N'Djamena police force. In any case, my Government challenges this blinkered press to show the least proof of its fabrications. This slanderous campaign on the part of Western media, directed now at one regime, and now at some other country in the third world, will in no way change the firm, commitment of African States in general and those of Central Africa in particular which stand shoulder to shoulder with our Chadian brothers so that that people can recover, with its independence, people and the pride of place which it occupies in our subregion.
275.	In the northern part of the African continent, the problem of the decolonization of the Western Sahara has created a situation with an extreme degree of antagonism between the various protagonists in the Maghreb. It is gratifying that a referendum on self-determination has been decided upon, to enable the Sahraoui people, after a free and clear choice, to become independent. Whatever happens, Congo joins with the QAU and the United Nations in supporting the common efforts of the two organizations directed towards a just and final settlement of that problem.
276.	The Indian Ocean, although it has been declared by the United Nations to be a "zone of peace", is today the scene of intense military activity. We are witnessing in this area a strengthening of naval fleets and military troops on the part of the great Powers. My Government again supports the efforts of the Organization, which should lead to the holding of conferences so that the Indian Ocean might indeed become a genuine zone of peace. We are convinced that the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte and that of the Glorieuses islands will soon be subject to positive and sincere negotiations between the French Government on the one hand and the Governments of Comoros and Madagascar respectively.
277.	We cherish the idea of peace in the Middle East, where there still rages increasing violence because of the obdurate refusal of Israel to negotiate with the PLO. The position constantly maintained by my delegation is that the Palestinian issue is at the heart of the entire Middle East tragedy. Hence, any initiative of the "Camp David agreement" type becomes ineffective if it disregards the fundamental inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
278.	The activities of the Israeli Government, with its serious and repeated acts in violation of international peace and security, are making bad worse, instead of helping to create a climate favorable to constructive negotiations in the quest for conditions for a lasting and final peace in that important part of the world. The bombing of Tamuz in Iraq, the bombing of civilian populations in Beirut in Lebanon, bear the marks of the determination of a Government wrongly bent on practicing a no-holds barred policy.
279.	The case of Kampuchea is typical of the present crisis in international relations. In the face of all the facts, some Member States still want the world to believe that the people of Kampuchea never wished to rid itself, at all costs, of the Pol Pot dictatorship. It is obvious to my delegation that the inappropriate representation of Kampuchea at the United Nations serves as nothing more than a pretext to facilitate an intolerable interference in the internal affairs of that country and to delay as much as possible the dawning of an era of fraternal peace and cooperation in SouthEast Asia.
280.	The orchestrated campaign round the so-called rebel bands which are being armed in full view of the whole world to fight the legal Government of Kampuchea are contrary to all the rules of international law. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is not only exercising effective authority over the whole national territory, but has since the beginning of the new Republic begun to rebuild the country on the ashes of the genocide perpetrated by Pol Pot. My country hopes that the peoples of SouthEast Asia who, throughout their long and glorious history, have given so many examples of wisdom and political courage to the world, will regain control of themselves and work henceforth in the quest for peaceful solutions to the disputes which are momentarily setting them one against the other.
281.	As regards Korea, here also we fail to see the grounds for a policy of maintaining the division of this great people into two parts, North Korea and South Korea. Congo has always maintained that the United Nations should work towards the creation of conditions leading to a dialog, free from any foreign pressures, between the two parts of Korea. We note that recently there has been a renewal of terror in South Korea against patriots who are in favor of the independence and peaceful reunification of that great country. There must be an end to any foreign interference in the affairs of Korea so that its people may embark upon the path of fraternal and constructive dialog.
282.	Twenty years ago the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries met at Belgrade and proclaimed that active international cooperation in the fields of material and cultural exchanges among peoples is an essential means for the strengthening of confidence in the possibility of peaceful coexistence.
283.	Since it did not meet that requirement in time, the world must now deal with a far-reaching economic crisis and grapple with ways and means to facilitate the establishment of a new international economic order. The elements of that new order have already been laid down for the developing countries, in particular in the Group of 77.
284.	The developing countries, which have been fully exposed to the harmful consequences of a particularly unjust order, have for some years been calling for the democratization of international economic relations. Yet those demands are far from being unattainable. Perhaps we could recall a few aspects of the approach of the developing countries, which might be summed up in the following manner.
285.	First, the required improvement in international trade relations must include the necessary stability in the terms of trade, particularly those for primary commodities and a preferential access by the developing countries to the markets of the industrialized countries.
286.	Secondly, we must regulate the flow of foreign private capital and increase the favorable consequences of that flow. Here we come to the question of restricting the activities of transnational corporations and the transfer of technology.
287.	Moreover, it is absolutely necessary that the vicious circle of aid and indebtedness be broken in at least two concomitant ways. In the first place, the developing countries must be provided with an inflow of official capital and, above all, the developed countries must meet their commitment to devote at least 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to development assistance. Some developed countries have already understood that, as shown by the recent position taken in that respect by the new French Government. We commend that Government and urge other developed countries to exert some effort in that direction. In the second place, there must be a moratorium on the debts of the developing countries, which are being literally crushed by the servicing of those debts. Lastly, there must be a democratization of the international monetary system and the decision-making apparatus of certain international institutions.
288.	As can be noted, those measures contain nothing more than a proposal that the wealthy countries should further concern themselves more with the problems of hunger and poverty throughout the world instead, for example, of throwing themselves headlong into the unbridled arms race, which is now swallowing up almost $550 billion a year, and which is continually perfecting armaments for the apocalypse weapons of mass destruction which would destroy all of mankind, such as the neutron bomb, which has been condemned by the overwhelming majority of international public opinion. If only $20 billion annually were devoted to development, who could deny the impact that such a commitment might have on the economy of the countries of the periphery?
289.	After a long period of confrontation and sterile invectives, the NorthSouth dialog seems today to be giving rise to some cautious optimism. This year, the schedule of meetings shows the awareness of the countries in both groups of the interdependency which closely governs the international economy and of the need to come forward, within a reasonable period of time, with a solution in the interests of the parties involved. In May 1981, at the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas, Venezuela, the developing countries drew up proposals for what has been called "SouthSouth economic cooperation". In July of the same year, it was the turn of Ottawa to host a conference of the major industrialized countries, which worked together on the serious problems of development. Recently, at the beginning of September, in Paris, France was host to a United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. In October in Cancun, thanks to the joint initiative of Austria and Mexico, a limited summit meeting will take place, bringing together about 20 heads of State and Government from the center and periphery countries. Lastly, between now and the end of the year, a United Nations conference on development is to be held at United Nations Headquarters in New York.
290.	All that activity is designed to attempt to get the NorthSouth global negotiations under way. No doubt that is a complex area, in which each camp must rise above its self-interests, and where there are at present no grounds for optimism. But what leader, what statesman could remain deaf to that siren call of history to take part in an endeavor to build a more just, fraternal new world?
291.	The time has come for my delegation to congratulate most sincerely the SecretaryGeneral, whose dedication to the cause of peace and the wellbeing of nations, both large and small, is praiseworthy.
292.	The best way to exorcise old ghosts is to draw up as complete a list of them as possible so as to know what to expect. That is what we have attempted to do in the course of this statement.
293.	At a time when great storms are rising on the horizon, we must, all of us together, once and for all, reexamine the causes of the dangers which threaten international peace. The Organization has urgent duties to discharge, crucial problems to solve and dangers to avoid. Let us help it in' good faith through our devotion to the cause of peace—a peace which must become the decisive focal point of international life.


Mr. President, your recognized diplomatic skill and your familiarity with the workings of the Organization augur well for the success of this session of the General Assembly. I sincerely congratulate you on your election,
168.	On behalf of the Government of Mexico 1 convey the most cordial welcome to the new independent State of Vanuatu, which is joining our ranks and thus enriching the Organization.
169.	I should also like to make specific reference to the other recently emergent sovereign State whose independence was proclaimed yesterday—I am obviously speaking of Belize, a sister nation so close to Mexico not only by virtue of geography but, most importantly, in its aspiration to build its own future. My Government was the first to support its admission to the United Nations.
170.	Mexico views the independence of Belize as an example of how, through the organizations set up by the international community for the purpose of living together in peace and harmony, it is possible to ensure prevalence of the loftiest principles, particularly that which governs my Government's foreign policy: the self-determination of peoples. In the process which ended yesterday, the resolution adopted by the Assembly last year [resolution 35120] was decisive. In that resolution the Assembly unreservedly supported the right of the people of Belize to independence. As for Mexico, it is our firm intention to cooperate politically and economically with the new State so that it should fully consolidate its independence. Nonetheless, we are concerned at the additional element of tension introduced into the area and around our frontiers by virtue of the Government of Guatemala's failure to recognize the independence of Belize. We hope that the two neighbor nations of Mexico, Belize and Guatemala will shortly find a mutually acceptable solution by the only effective means: negotiation* we offer our cooperation to that end.
171.	It is almost trite today to say that the international situation is getting considerably worse. All the Member States and peoples know this because they daily suffer the consequences of that worsening situation. What is important today as far as Mexico is concerned, what is essential, is carefully to consider the reasons why the tensions afflicting the world are becoming more acute, so that the international community as a whole can take action to halt the trend.
172.	In our opinion, there are two major factors which have caused that deterioration in the international climate: first, the; growing political confrontation between the two superPowers, taking the form of a real war of words which has shattered detente; and secondly, the increasing number of obstacles facing developing countries in their struggle to change both the internal structures of their countries and to transform international economic relations.
173.	Today, we cannot talk about a mere stalemate in the detente process which was begun about 20 years ago and on which so many hopes were placed throughout the world. It is in open rout. We are going back to the era of strident rhetoric, of the arms race, a race which is absurd, because there can be no winner. Again, we are faced with a lack of dialog or even of communication, and above all, we are seeing a situation in which the selfish interests of the major Powers are placed before the higher interests of the international community A few years ago, during the era of detente, it was possible to talk of imposing on the rest of the world the joint force of SovietNorth American understanding; today, with greater reason, we can say that a worse joint force is being imposed on mankind that of confrontation.
174.	It is not up to any individual country to hand out prizes or lay blame or point the accusing finger at those allegedly responsible. But it is the obligation of every country clearly to state its position when faced with the growing number of disputes between the two great Powers. For one clear reason: they affect us all and not only the parties concerned. From our point of view, the present crisis in relations between the superPowers can be traced to two recent causes: the armed intervention of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan; and the decision by NATO to install euro-missiles in response to the Soviet deployment of SS20 missiles.
175.	My Government made clear its disagreement with the armed interference of one of those Powers in Afghanistan and continues to consider that that act, which violates the norms of international conduct, has largely contributed to creating a climate reminiscent of that of the cold war.
176.	Mexico viewed with concern NATO's decision to install in Europe the Pershing and cruise missiles, a concern which we expressed to the Assembly last year. None the less, we consider that the other decision taken by NATO, inseparable in principle from the first, concerning the start of negotiations between the Warsaw Pact and NATO itself on nuclear disarmament in Europe, was encouraging. But today we must say how concerned we are to see that there has been a break in what should have been inseparable. At present there are no negotiations going on, nor can we discern the political will that would guarantee their success if they did take place. On the worst hypothesis, we see an unattainable desire to achieve military superiority by rearmament with warlike undertones. On the best hypothesis, we see the will to restore an allegedly lost military balance, solely by means of the arms race, including the use of the odious neutron bomb.
177.	We ask the leaders of the great Powers: when are you going to start genuine negotiations? The peoples of the world have a right to call upon them to stop the escalation of their verbal exchanges and fruitless polemics, to stop provoking each other, to stop the new and absurd arms race and, above all, to stop intervention or threats of interference in the internal affairs of other countries, in (lie name of the crusade that each of the superPowers has undertaken against the other; a right to call upon them to start immediate negotiations, to begin a dialog at the highest level, between the Governments of the United States and of the Soviet Union. When the great Powers forget their responsibilities towards the international community, the other members of that community have the obligation to jog their memories.
178.	That is so because, although it is true that a new war would have disastrous effects for all countries without exception, the present crisis is already affecting in the main the developing countries. This is the second major factor to which I referred earlier: the resurgence of opposition our peoples are meeting in their struggle to free themselves from internal and external structures of domination and injustice. We reject the argument that conflicts and zones of tension in Central America and the Caribbean, in southern Africa and in SouthEast and SouthWest Asia are merely a reflection of the rivalry and confrontation of the two great Powers. They are primarily a result of local conditions. However, it would be naive to shut one's eyes to the fact that this confrontation between the superPowers worsens local conflicts, which are the results of the struggles of peoples against injustice and oppression. The great Powers are injecting their conflict into existing tensions in the southern part of the world, exacerbating them and bringing them dangerously close to the international threshold.
179.	That is true of what has recently been happening in Central America and the Caribbean and in southern Africa, the two areas of greatest tension at the moment, in our opinion, to which, of course, must be added the Middle East. We cannot understand the support that a country with exemplary democratic traditions is giving to the racist regime of South Africa and to its acts of aggression against the peoples of Namibia, a country illegally occupied, and of Angola, illegally invaded, in a desire to oppose the other superPower in a so-called strategic area. The only viable solution in southern Africa is respect for the genuine aspirations of the peoples of the region, secure and recognized borders for Angola and true independence for Namibia, and the ending of the apartheid regime in South Africa. If in the struggle to achieve those aspirations the peoples of the region do not receive support from the democratic countries of the West, then inevitably they will turn, as they have already done, to those who will indeed give them such support.
180.	The mere presence or absence of one great Power or the other is not what really counts in giving a political description of a situation. The military presence of one or the other of them is not per se necessarily something good; nor would the presence of the other per se necessarily be something bad. Everything depends on what each one is up to. It is politically commendable 'to assist a country to fulfill its legitimate desire for independence and justice; it is not politically commendable to help an oppressive and repressive regime to maintain a people in subjection. We feel that that is true both for Namibia and for Afghanistan.
181.	The situation in Central America and the Caribbean has also worsened seriously in the past year for the reasons I have just given. For some time now my Government has taken the view that all countries in the area or with interests in it must do everything possible to reduce these tensions, while maintaining that the only means of attaining that goal is to act on the basis of the legitimacy of the struggles being carried out in those countries. It is inconceivable that peace, democracy and prosperity can prevail in a region while longstanding structures of injustice and domination persist. The region being what it is, it is hard to see how such structures could be changed without any disturbance or struggle.
182.	In the light of those comments, the Government of Mexico has developed a multifaceted policy towards the area, and its various facets are not always easily maintained in an overall approach. We have sought, on the one hand, to keep the lines of political communication open with all Governments in the area, and that would include meetings at .the presidential level. This has made it possible for us to hold talks and to exchange views on the Central American crisis and as far as possible to avoid any breakdown in communications between Governments which should be talking.
183.	Thus we are taking part in programs of regional economic cooperation which, although they cannot of themselves resolve the present crisis, can help. That is the purpose of the San Jose Agreement, signed by Mexico and Venezuela, more than a year ago, concerning the supply of oil to the area on concessionary terms, an agreement which is the first step towards the possible achievement of the world energy plan proposed by President Lopez Portillo. We have always said that programs of economic assistance must be completely devoid of political discrimination; we have accordingly acted within the framework of the San Jos6 Agreement, and have therefore requested that there should also be action by those countries which met in Nassau in July of this year6 to seek ways of contributing to the real economic prosperity of the region.
184.	Furthermore, the Government of Mexico feels that the regional and world situation calls for closer links of friendship and solidarity with certain countries in the area. This is a fundamental and constant position in Mexico's foreign policy, and it could not be otherwise. We are bound to Cuba and Nicaragua because of a common origin: all three countries know what a revolution means, however different or divergent ours may have been. The Government of Mexico knows from experience what regional isolation resulting from such a revolution means. We also know what tensions can be caused through such isolation.
185.	Therefore on many occasions in the past year we have said at private meetings what we are saying today in the Assembly: the lack of communication between the Government of Cuba and that of the United States and the increasing deterioration in the dialog between Nicaragua and the United States are the basic causes of the Central American and Caribbean crisis. We state this with the force and authority conferred upon us by our excellent relations of friendship with both countries: as long as there are no talks, discussions or approaches between Cuba and the United States there can be no harmony in the area.
186.	We continue to seek means to put an end to the bloody crisis in El Salvador. A short while ago, with the Government of France, we appealed to the international community to help find a political solution to the civil war raging in that country. Only a political solution can have the substance which can make it a just, viable and lasting settlement. A political solution means negotiations between the parties to the conflict. Hence, we recognize the organization set up by the opposition in the country of El Salvador, that is, the Frente de Liberation National Farabundo Marti and the Frente Democratico Revolucionario, as the representative political forces which have a legitimate right to take part in any negotiations.
187.	Some have said to us that such an acknowledgment is a matter of interference and, further, lacking in basis in so far as the forces of opposition do not form more than a small sector in the broad political spectrum. The Government of Mexico has summarized its position in three points.
188.	First, we do not accept pressures, whatever their provenance.
189.	Secondly, the appeal by Mexico and France for a negotiated political solution between the two parties to the conflict is not interference in the internal affairs of El Salvador.
190.	Thirdly, as President Lopez Portillo has said, the best proof of strength, representably and popular support for the El Salvador opposition is to be found precisely in the fact that the Government junta has felt constrained to call for foreign intervention in order to retain power, and other countries have felt obliged to respond favorably to that request.
191.	To our mind, it is a dangerous generalization to say that the problems of Latin America must be resolved by Latin. Americans, unless it is made quite clear that each country, and only that country, not its friends, neighbors or protectors, has the right to self-determination. Otherwise, we could be legitimizing self-appointed vigilante committees or regional watchdogs of a clearly interventionist nature, which would thus be unacceptable.
192.	We agree that the conflict in El Salvador must not be a repetition of the tragedy of the Spanish war that is why we urge a negotiated settlement but if that were to happen, Mexico, just as 40 years ago, would be opposed to foreign intervention and would be on the side of the true interests of the people.
193.	My country holds too dear the principles regulating its conduct and its sense of tradition to neglect its responsibilities. We shall continue on our chosen path together with friendly countries such as France and many others until reason triumphs. Mexico could not act otherwise and
has no reason to change its stand, today or tomorrow.
»
194.	If the confrontation between the two major Powers has served to hamper the endeavors of peoples to change their internal structures, it has also hindered any change in international economic relations.
195.	In this regard, and before going into the essential matters of the global round and the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development which is to be held at Cancun, I must refer to the situation concerning the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The attitude of some industrialized countries, in particular the United States, to the achievements already recorded is a source of serious concern to my Government.
196.	When the international community began this negotiating process it did so in good faith, trusting that the time had come to regulate the oceans. Those negotiations, in which more than 150 sovereign States took part, were on the point of completion. We continue firmly to believe that within, the codification process there was and there continues to be the greatest endeavor ever undertaken.
197.	If the work of so many years is today not acceptable to such countries, the entire multilateral negotiating process will be seriously affected, because it will be hard to ask us to start negotiations again with the same trust if we know in advance that the results of our labor may be undone by one or several countries taking part in the negotiating process.
198.	Furthermore, I consider that everyone should give more careful thought to the serious consequences if there is no convention. In our opinion, and in the opinion of almost all developing countries, the failure of some countries to sign, or even the failure to open a convention for signature, does not mean that the world can go back to the situation which prevailed before any attempt was made to draw up this convention; in other words, go back to the 1958 Geneva Conventions as if nothing had happened. This is a mistake. To our mind, the activity of the Conference and the extremely important agreements implicit in the articles drafted gave :rise to a great many practices among States, many of which undoubtedly had the nature of customs and led to genuine legal rules. But the lack of a convention will indeed be an enormous disadvantage, creating uncertainty and even chaos and anarchy in a field in which there is a vital need for the international community to have clarity and stability.
199.	I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to appeal to everybody to renew our efforts, complete negotiations and conclude a universal convention, which, as we see it, is the only way to find solutions to matters relating to the use of maritime resources.
200.	The imperative heed to have effective answers to the pressing problems of the international economy is striking this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly with unprecedented force. u
201.	As it was 12 months ago, the Assembly is called upon to decide the fate of the most important initiative in multilateral economic negotiations taken in the first half of the 1980s: the global round of negotiations. Like other developing countries, Mexico has expressed its dismay and concern at the fact that almost two years have elapsed since the General Assembly adopted by consensus the resolutions on the global round [resolutions 34/138 and 341139] and as yet no agenda has been drawn up and no procedures have been defined for the conduct of such negotiations, so that they have not yet begun, despite the pressing and serious problems with which the negotiations will have to deal.
202.	In taking this initiative of the global round, the General Assembly was fully aware that the path would not be an easy one. In the light of experience of multilateral economic negotiations, many countries were convinced that the success of the global negotiations would depend upon efforts being made at the same time, but independently, to meet the conditions which must be fulfilled in order to ensure that success. Those additional efforts were not only to facilitate agreements in the global round but were also to contribute to other negotiating bodies. They should be designed to mobilize the necessary political will to make effective progress, to recognize the new realities of the world economy and the consequences for international cooperation for development.
203.	In view of this situation, Chancellor Kreisky of Austria and President Lopez Portillo of Mexico took the initiative of convening the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development at the level of heads of State or Government, which will be convened in Cancun within a month. As was clearly established in the consultations among the 11 countries which initially launched this initiative and as ratified by the 22 participants, the meeting seeks a political understanding at the highest level among heads of State or Government so that this international economic cooperation effort can begin without in any way claiming to prejudge or to replace our Organization as the natural forum for such negotiations.
204.	This is the nature and the objective of the Cancun meeting: it represents an opportunity for informal talks of a political nature at the highest level in the search for understandings} also of an informal nature, which would clear the way for future negotiating efforts. These would be made easier because of a greater understanding of the
size, scope and modalities attendant upon the problems involved and would open new paths to action.
205.	It can be argued and, indeed, it has been argued, that the difficult state of the world economy and the discouraging background of multilateral economic negotiating efforts do not augur well for this fresh endeavor. Perhaps we could have had a more propitious time, or perhaps we could have had more encouraging signs. The Government of Mexico nonetheless feels that the problems of cooperation and development call for urgent attention at the highest political level and that the present situation as well as the stalemate in multilateral economic negotiations and the limited progress made in international cooperation for development are powerful calls to action. So, once more, responsibilities will have to be assumed.
206.	The international community as a whole will decide on how successful we are. But we are firmly convinced that, regardless of the results obtained, it will be recognized that no opportunity was lost for understanding and progress and that no efforts were spared in order to achieve that end.
207.	The rather discouraging picture of the world today is for many a source of justifiable pessimism. The problems deriving from the worsening international economic crisis and the deterioration of the economic situation in many developing countries have been supplemented by the sharpness of the disagreements between the two major Powers based on attitudes which we thought were a thing of the past.
208.	Despite the efforts of many countries, viable and appropriate solutions to problems facing the international community seem to be fewer than ever. Hence, today more than at any time we must reaffirm our commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of this Organization and redouble our efforts to hold fast to common sense. Mexico will, for its part, continue with great realism along the only path it regards as reasonable: that of peace and negotiation.
209.	This is how we acted in the forums dealing with disarmament and in the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea; thus we are proceeding at the Cancun meeting of 22 heads of State or Government, and thus we shall continue to behave in the case of El Salvador.
210.	There is no problem without a solution. To find it depends on our will and our ability. Let us find the solution together.