I am very pleased to congratulate you most sincerely. Sir, on your election as President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. Your well-deserved election to this high post, while a tribute to your great country, with which my own has excellent relations, also bears clear witness to your personal dualities as a seasoned diplomat. Your inexhaustible knowledge and vast experience will be an indispensable factor in successfully guiding our deliberations at this session to fruitful results. Let me assure you that my delegation will always be ready to co-operate actively with you in your efforts to discharge the heavy responsibilities entrusted to you.
Allow me also to take this opportunity to express my delegation's appreciation and gratitude to your predecessor, Ambassador de Pinies of Spain, who, in presiding over the last General Assembly session, showed the competence and devotion that are characteristic of an able and experienced diplomat.
I am also pleased to pay my tribute to the United Nations Secretary-General? Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the untiring efforts he is exerting in promoting and advancing the purposes and principles for the attainment of which the United Nations was founded.
We have come here once more to exchange views and focus our attention and co-operation on important national and international issues whose solution are so vital to the promotion of international peace and security.
We live in a world where three quarters of the population suffers from extreme economic difficulties and social maladjustments. Half of this population is so poor and destitute that there is little hope for it to overcome its misery. It is
not therefore difficult to understand that the overwhelming majority of the world's population has found it very hard to accept a world order in which the scientific and modern technological advances and achievements benefit only the few and where the gap between the developed and developing nation is widening so much that global peace and security are endangered.
Last year when we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we came up with the inspiring motto of "The United Nations for a Better World". Every one of us knew then that we needed better negotiations for a better world. Unfortunately, since the beginning of the global negotiations in 1979 no negotiations between the North and South have succeeded in finding remedies or solutions to the social and economic imbalances that plague our planet today. As a result, the economic situation in the developing countries, and especially in the least developed among them, has deteriorated drastically, thus making the third-world communities so vulnerable to the extreme dangers of man-made and natural disasters.
The plight of the African continent has been debated at many international forums, because Africa has been the victim of one crisis after another for many years. Severe drought has afflicted many countries; it has subsided temporarily -although there are many lingering effects - but it has caused incalculable damage to the environment and ecology and set in motion a chain of irreparable destruction to both plant and animal life.
Most alarming in the African continent is the precarious food situation resulting from crop failures. That has been compounded by persistent and prolonged drought that has devoured both plant and animal life, thus seriously affecting the livelihood of masses of the population, causing chronic hunger and malnutrition in many parts of Africa and leading to famine in other parts.The African continent, faced with impending economic and social crisis, had to commit itself to the launching of a long-term programmer of economic and social development. This African commitment, coupled with the good will of the international community, prompted the General Assembly to adopt resolution 40/40 of 2 December 1985, calling for the convening, from 27 to 31 May this year, of a special session of the General Assembly at the ministerial level to consider in depth the critical economic situation in Africa and to focus on it the international attention it deserved.
We were gratified to note the commendable efforts that were made to ensure the necessary international good will and the commitment to support the efforts to alleviate the crisis situation by co-operating with the African Governments on a bilateral and a multilateral basis - as envisaged in the African Priority program for Economic Recovery, 1986-1990 and the Program of Action for African Economic Recovery aid Development, 1986-1990. We appreciate the willingness of the international community to contribute to the economic rehabilitation and development program for Africa - though the extent to which the implementation of this program will be supported remains to be seen.
The African continent is endowed with abundant agricultural, animal, mineral and water resources and has a great potential for human-resources development, which, in pursuance of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Lagos Final Act, is to be given a high priori.
It is very important that the attainment of self-sufficiency in food production in the African continent be made one of the priority targets, in order to alleviate the constantly worsening food crisis. Both the agricultural and the industrial sectors should be developed in an integrated manner and should be accompanied by the development and the improvement of an adequate transport and communication system. Significant and serious investment in multifarious institutions for manpower training, energy resources and material development is needed to increase the chances of improving social services in education, health, hygiene, housing and employment. It goes without saying that African countries need to promote interregional co-operation in all fields that are deemed necessary for their economic, social and political survival.
The East African countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, the Sudan and Uganda, reaffirming their common desire to combine their efforts in confronting the dangerous effects of drought and other related natural disasters have, in conformity with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 35/90 and subsequent relevant resolutions, established the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) and adopted a Plan of Action to promote the specific programs and projects needed to strengthen those countries' national and regional capacities to combat the effects of drought and promote economic and social development. The necessary arrangements have been finalized for the IGADD Authority to carry out its responsibility of co-ordinating and supporting the efforts of the IGADD countries to combat the effects of drought and to deal with the problems of medium- and long-term recovery and rehabilitation.
Confronting recurrent drought and its ramifications is a formidable challenge which cannot be easily overcome without the development of suitable and sound programs for recovery and rehabilitation. These programs cannot be successful without the full support of the international community for the IGADD countries so that they can cope effectively with the difficult task of resolving drought problems in the region.
It is for this reason that the countries of IGADD reiterate their appeal to the international community for support, and wish to invite the donor countries to a pledging conference to be held in Djibouti in March next year.
May I at this point express our sincere appreciation and gratitude to all those Member States, agencies and organizations that have assisted the countries of IGADD in their efforts to establish the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and
Development.
The nations of the Horn of Africa have always attached great importance to the development of active regional co-operation among themselves. He believe that the establishment and maintenance of intergovernmental agencies and organizations will help to create conditions conducive to greater tolerance, mutual understanding and good-neighborliness and thus lead to the development of meaningful co-operation in the improvement of trade, commerce, cultural exchange and tourism. We also believe that such co-operation will help to create a climate of trust in which our differences can be accommodated and more mutual respect and understanding can be created in order to benefit all the people of the region.
The Republic of Djibouti is situated in one of the most arid regions in the world and the scarcity and irregularity of rainfall are impediments to undertaking any meaningful agricultural development. Although there is the possibility of exploiting underground water, it will require a considerable amount of financial resources and technical expertise. Although self-sufficiency in food is a desirable goal, the climatic conditions and non-agricultural tradition of the inhabitants are the main obstacles to agricultural development.
Livestock had been the principal livelihood of the population before the development of urban centers However, the overgrazing of pastoral land and the recurrent drought have brought about an environmental change which means that
livestock rearing is no longer a viable means of subsistence. Consequently the rural population has become more and more dependent on urban centers for their sustenance.
£s a result of such impediments to agricultural production and livestock rearing, Djibouti is a net importer of almost all the food needed for local consumption.
In the industrial sector, the country lacks raw materials and electric power is too expensive to be a source of energy for industrialization. The development of new and renewable sources of energy could lay the basis for meaningful industrial development. In this regard, we have accorded priority to the exploitation of geothermal energy, which is believed to exist in sufficient quantity to provide for a substantial part of the energy needs of the country. But the exploitation of geothermal energy requires technology, capital investment and skilled professional manpower.
In these circumstances, it is appropriate to accord priority to the development and expansion of the service sector, which constitutes the basis of the country's economy. But this also will require structural adjustment, vocational training and improvement in the quality of services, which in turn will depend on the availability of the financial resources which Djibouti cannot provide.
At present, the country has to cope with difficult economic and financial problems resulting from multiple adverse factors, such as external debt, inflation, unemployment, the effects of the last drought and the presence of a considerable number of refugees from the neighboring areas.
The Palestinian question and its direct consequence, the situation in the Middle East, have for the last four decades been the main concern of the international community as a source of potential threat to international peace and
 security. As long as the Zionist aggressors continue to occupy Palestinian and other Arab lands and persist in their denial of Palestinian rights in defiance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the principles of international law, the Middle East will continue to be the powder keg that could blow up at ar.y time, with incalculable consequences for international peace and security. Every attempt by the United Nations to find a just and lasting solution to this problem has been flouted by the Zionist expansionists, who perceived the United Nations partition plan, creating one Arab Palestinian and one Jewish State, as nothing more than a bridgehead to be used as a base for future expansionist aggressions.
As subsequent events have demonstrated, Israel's declared policy has become the non-recognition not only of Palestinian national rights but also of the existence of the Palestinians as a people, in an attempt to alienate them from the land on which they have lived since time immemorial. Israel's declaration of independence signified, at the same time, a declaration of war on the Palestinian Arab people. The political motivation behind the cold blooded massacre of the civilian population, including women and children, at Deir Yassin, perpetrated by Zionist gangs, was to terrorize the inhabitants into panic and cause them to flee the country. Those dangerous developments led to armed conflicts that have five times plunged the region into bloody destructive wars, each time threatening international peace and security.
The continuing occupation of the Palestinian and other Arab territories by Israel and the concomitant oppression and repression of the inhabitants by the occupying authorities in their drive to accelerate the process of colonization and Judaization, have become an expansionist strategy to force the Arab inhabitants into exile so as to make a place for the Jewish immigrants coming from all over the world.
The Palestinian people have suffered for a long tine, unless the United Nations, which bears direct responsibility, responds urgently to their plight, the mounting hostilities will widen into a global conflagration. Sporadic acts of violence and outrage can be eradicated only if the international community addresses itself decisively to the root causes, which are none other them the denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and the Zionist expansionist policy. Since this year has been dedicated by the General Assembly as the International Year of Peace, it would be appropriate for the United Nations to take decisive action on the question of Palestine, which remains a constant threat to international peace and security. The Member States of the United Nations have already expressed their collective desire in General Assembly resolution 38/58 C to convene an international conference on peace in the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations. Any peace initiative must be based on a comprehensive, just and lasting solution of the Middle East problem, which ensures the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and which enables the people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PUD), to exercise its inalienable rights, including the right to return and the right to self-determination, national independence and the establishment of its independent sovereign State of Palestine.
In this regard, the Arab Peace plan adopted unanimously at the 12th Arab summit conference, held in Fez in November 1981 and September 1982, and endorsed by the extraordinary summit conference of the Arab States held in Casablanca in August 1985, constitutes a landmark contribution towards the achievement of a comprehensive, just and lasting solution in the Middle East. The continued Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, in defiance of Security Council resolution 509 (19B2), is fostering sectarian strife so as to destabilize the country and impede the process of national unity and reconstruction in Lebanon. We request the United Nations to discharge its responsibility by bringing about the total withdrawal of Israel from Lebanese territory.
The intense struggle of the South African black majority to rid itself of apartheid has widened into a critical situation that calls for the serious attention of the international community.
The apartheid regime of South Africa has condemned the black South African majority to the most heinous conditions of racial segregation, racism and racial discrimination and confined it to degrading "native reserves", the so-called Bantustans, which have become the most common pool for cheap labor to serve the repressive policy of exploitation in the interests of the apartheid regime and its foreign allies.
Moreover, the South African regime has created a hostile climate that has led to political and economic destabilization in the southern region and made the neighboring sovereign front-line States vulnerable to South African attacks and acts of unprovoked aggression against their territorial integrity to prevent them from extending moral and material support to the liberation struggle of the South African and Namibian peoples.
It is immoral and inhuman to allow the South African question to stagnate while the atrocities perpetrated by South Africa continue to cause the disintegration and destruction of the very fabric of the black South African society, in flagrant violation of international legality and human tolerance, merely because the South African regime has shown its lack of interest in negotiating with the interested and concerned parties.
We believe that the racist regime of south Africa will neither abandon its apartheid practices against the black African majority nor coexist peacefully with the neighboring sovereign States unless it is made to buckle under the impact of concerted and genuine international pressure imposed by all developed and developing nations without any exception.
We urge the peace-loving international community to consider seriously all aspects of socio-economic and military sanctions, including full and effective implementation of the arms embargo against South Africa and especially preventing it from acquiring nuclear-weapon capabilities. We also urge the international community to put pressure to bear on South Africa for the immediate release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
The South African black majority deservedly needs all the moral and material support the international community can generously extend to it for the success of its rightful cause. Likewise the front-line States should be supported in their efforts to defend themselves against the attacks and acts of aggression perpetrated by the armed forces of South Africa.
All international efforts that could weaken the repressive machinery of the apartheid regime must be welcomed by all peace-loving nations of the international community. In this respect, we support the commendable proposals made at the second Paris Conference on sanctions against South Africa to intensify the efforts to abolish apartheid by imposing comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa.
The world has become impatient with South Africa's refusal to terminate its illegal occupation of Namibia since its Mandate over the Territory was revoked and terminated by the adoption of United Nations General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), of October 1966, after which the Territory was placed under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. Subserviently the Security Council, in its resolution 264 (1969), of March 1969, declared South Africa's occupation of Namibia illegal and called upon that regime to withdraw immediately its administration from the Territory of Namibia.
Defiant to all international appeals and refusing to terminate its illegal occupation of the Namibian territory, the Pretorial regime intensified its apartheid practices with increasing military and police repression to subjugate the Namibian people so that the apartheid regime would meet less opposition to its robbing and squandering of the vast natural and mineral wealth of the Territory.
The encroachment of the apartheid forces has not been limited to Namibian and South African territories but has gone beyond their borders. The South African regime, using the Namibian territory as a launching pad, has repeatedly intimidated and waged war against the neighboring front-line States so as to destabilize and disrupt them and prevent them from extending support to the courageous people of Namibia. It is high time that the international community denounced these acts of aggression by South Africa and extended adequate moral, material and financial support to the front-line States to enable them to defend themselves against the repeated attacks of the apartheid regime of South Africa.
The Namibian people, who have always fought colonization with great sacrifices, will continue to resist the exploitation of their land and the rapid depletion of their natural and mineral resources Ly South Africa and other foreign economic interests, in contravention of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia.
He are very confident that the courageous people of Namibia, under the wise leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) - their sole, authentic representative - will continue stepping up their rightful struggle for self-determination and the achievement of full independence. We commend SWAPO's patience and readiness to sign a cease-fire agreement with the South African regime within the context of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without pre-conditions or further delay. We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only genuine basis for solutions that can lead to the peaceful independence of Namibia. In this connection, we support the Declaration of the International Conference for the Immediate Independence of Namibia, adopted in Vienna, Austria, in July 1986, and the program of Action following thereafter, to mobilize and strengthen further international support for the immediate and unconditional implementation of united Nations Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Any other plan or strategy that deviates from that of the United Nations will only increase the intransigence of South Africa and will encourage it to delay the freedom and independence of the Namibian Territory.
The international community must exert every effort possible to give to the Namibian people the moral, financial and material assistance needed to counter the South African aggression and to enable them to carry out their struggle under the wise leadership of SHAPO - their sole, authentic representative - to gain genuine freedom and independence.
It is indeed disheartening to find ourselves once again addressing the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq that has ravaged the Gulf region for six years on end. Notwithstanding the steadfast efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement, the conflict still rages with unabated intensity, wreaking destruction upon economic infrastructures that are indispensable to both countries for their economic and social progress. It is also taking a heavy toll among civilian populations, especially in the present phase of escalation.
I should like to commend the constructive efforts undertaken by the member States of the Economic Co-operation Council of the Gulf countries in their endeavorF to put an end to this bloody and destructive conflict, which not only is depleting the human and natural resources of the countries involved but also is threatening international peace and security. In the present circumstances
the only reasonable course of action left to the parties concerned is to start dialog without any further delay to achieve a peaceful solution of their differences. In this regard, we appreciate and support the wise and constructive initiative taken by the Government of Iraq to terminate this senseless carnage and destruction and its intention to enter into peaceful negotiations leading to the settlement of the crisis.
It is our hope that the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference will persevere in their endeavors to put an end to the conflict and restore peace in the region.
The Chadian question has remained unresolved for many years, and the restoration of peace in -the country during that period of tine has evaded all possible solutions, while the sad fratricidal war has continued to ravage the country's human and material resources. He regret that the commendable mediation efforts exerted by several African Heads of State in the search for reconciliation and peace have been frustrated. He urge the competent bodies of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to continue their commendable efforts to explore all possible channels to speed up the process of peaceful negotiations to achieve national reconciliation and lead to a lasting political solution for the unification of Chad.
With regard to the conflict in Western Sahara, we reaffirm our position in support of the Sahraoui people in the exercise of their right to self-determination. In that regard we reiterate our support for the consensus reached within the OAU to hold a referendum to allow the people of Western Sahara to exercise their right to self-determination in conformity with the spirit and resolutions of the OAU.
For several years Afghanistan, a peaceful, developing and non-aligned country, has been a victim of foreign intervention, in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and of the obligation of all States to refrain, in their international relations, from the threat or use of force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of any State. Notwithstanding the persistent call of the inter*, -tonal community for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the soil of Afghanistan, the Afghan people continue to suffer from the brutality of foreign occupation.
It is therefore incumbent upon the international community to endeavor to put an end to the continued and serious suffering of the Afghan people and to alleviate the socio-economic burden of neighboring countries where millions have sought refuge. We express our appreciation and support for the Secretary-General's sustained efforts and constructive steps in his search for a peaceful solution to the Afghan problem. The situation calls for the urgent achievement of a political solution that will enable the Afghan people to exercise their full right to sovereignty by choosing the social, political and economic systems of their preference, in accordance with their national aspirations.
It is now eight years since the Kampuchean people fell victim to foreign military intervention. The persistent call of the overwhelming majority of the international community for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea has so far gone unheeded. He reiterate once again that the only way to put an end to the plight of the Kampuchea^ people is to ensure the evacuation of foreign forces from the country a- the restoration and preservation of the country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and to allow the Kampuchean people to choose freely the system of government they may wish to establish.
The situation that has prevailed on the Korean peninsula since the early 1950s is fraught with tension. He believe that the best way to foster better relations between North and South .Korea is to create the necessary conditions that would enable the Koreans themselves to undertake a constructive dialog to resolve their differences. A lasting .settlement can be achieved only if the Koreans themselves can establish mutual trust without any interference from outside.
The international community could not have chosen a better forum than this body to exchange views on matters so vital to its survival. As the Assembly united us now, our thoughts cannot escape from the shadows of the gloomy pictures of the world environment, plagued with countless civil strifes, confrontations, conflicts and mass displacements of population as a result of the deteriorating third world economic situation, aggravated by the runaway global economy, by unrelenting natural disasters and by prevalent uncertainties in international economic relations.
The ceaseless cry for help of the hundreds of millions of people suffering in squalid misery, starvation and abject poverty and of the tens of millions of homeless refugees and displaced persons, as well as the unbearable human suffering all over the world, add darker clouds to these gloomy pictures that have always crowded the panorama of our daily thoughts. Despite all that, our strong faith in human solidarity in tines of crisis has taught us to trust that the spirit of true co-operation and understanding among the nations of the world will prevail over the consequent fears aid suspicion emanating from such unremitting hardships.
We are confident that our need to live together in a peaceful and secure environment will transcend the reluctant and stunning state Bate in global dialog and lead to better survival. Our wisdom and deep foresight in safeguarding our inter<* pendent relationship will pragmatically guide our endeavors in all matters that influence the wellbeing of our world, in accordance with the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.


We all come in turn to this important rostrum to speak of our perception of the world, our combined efforts produce a picture of present day international realities.
What is the picture that we see today?
 At first glance, the interval since the last session of the General Assembly has done nothing to brighten the panorama of our time. The intervening period has been marked by a number of factors which have aggravated existing concerns. The arms race has not been halted; it is advancing in a steep spiral. The danger of its spreading to outer space has become more real. Dangerous hotbeds of armed conflict persist. In many parts of the world, misery and poverty are becoming more acute.
Despite all this, we still believe that the International Year of Peace will go down in history as something more than just a symbol of peace.
I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to some trends which enable us to speak of glimmers of light on the world's horizon. They should be noted by everyone of us, for they should strengthen our resolve to act even more vigorously. They should be noted by all the peoples, who are tired of bearing the burden of fear and anxiety. They should be noted by the world as a whole, which is becoming an increasingly interdependent and indivisible whole, and which may no longer be able to withstand strain and destruction.
Hope breeds optimism. In the words of Mikhail Gorbachev: "Everywhere in the world there is a growing conviction in the minds of the peoples and in political public circles and widely differing in their orientation and outlook that what is at stake is the survival of mankind and that the time has come for decisive and responsible action." Wfe see a glimmer of light in the fact that at a time so crucial for mankind the peoples of the world, and an increasing number of Governments, are becoming aware of the need to adopt a new way of thinking in line with the realities of the nuclear and space age.
The time is at hand when considerations of groups, blocs or ideologies are beginning to give way to the understanding that peace is the supreme value. Only if peace is translated from declarations >a x> practical action is there a chance for survival. This new way of thinking is bringing that truth into the foreground. Whole groups of countries, the Non-Aligned Movement, political parties, public organizations and anti-nuclear forces are putting forward promising ideas for ending the nuclear deadlock. A favorable background is emerging for
developing a dialog.
An exception to this trend is the policy pursued by the imperialist forces. This contrast, however, only emphasizes the general will for action, for concrete practical deeds.
It is becoming a fact of life that vast territories are being declared nuclear-weapon-free zones. Democratic majorities are taking such decisions through
democratic procedures.
Political leaders who claim that they are committed to democracy, should
become aware of the contradictions between their behavior and their declared principles. Instead of building up and counting warheads, they should be counting the votes of these who call for the complete elimination of weapons of mass destruction.
Unfortunately, in some countries the institutions of democracy are being outweighed by the immoral arithmetic of military superiority. But it is an indisputable fact that the call for action is no longer a voice crying in the wilderness. On the contrary, even in the wilderness of the Nevada desert calls are being heard for an end to nuclear testing. The Nevada explosions are new registered not only by us but also by United States scientists with their instruments installed near the Soviet city of Semipalatinsk.
At the same time, not a single seismograph in the world is registering nuclear explosions on our territory - not because of any lack of sensitivity on the part of the instruments, but because the Soviet Union is responsive to the will of the world community.
In pursuing the foreign policy proclaimed at the Twenty-seventh Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, our co lei try is taking specific, practical steps. One of the most important is the unilateral moratorium on nuclear explosions. This is precisely the kind of action that proves the sincerity of our intentions and the seriousness of our concern for the future of the world.
For more than a year now the Soviet testing sites have remained silent. Listen to this silence? it is very eloquent. If it were accompanied by a similar silence at United States test sites, that more than any words would tell mankind that what we are witnessing was the beginning of a movement towards realizing the
idea of a nuclear-free world.
Stopping the tests means not allowing the emergence of new types of nuclear
weapons and barring the way to the creation of nuclear space weapons. We call upon
the United States to join us in this forward march and not call us back to carrying
out explosions, as it proposed here yesterday. A bilateral moratorium, followed by
a multilateral one, is one of the most important links in the chain of actions
which could lead to the creation of a comprehensive system of international peace and security.
In its determination to make this a reality, the Soviet Union, together with other socialist countries, has submitted proposals on this subject for the Assembly's consideration. We are convinced that the creation of this system that would embrace the political, military, economic and humanitarian fields would be in
keeping with the interests of all States and peoples.
The sponsors of this proposal make no claim to have discovered a hitherto unknown political "continent". If there are any blank spots today they exist mainly in the field of concrete, practical measures. To clear the way for such action would indeed be a discovery of the highest order. The proposed bases for security are consonant with the principles of the United Nations Charter and designed to promote their implementation within the specific conditions of our day. Here, we are looking forward to a most democratic and constructive discussion and the collective creative efforts of all countries.
The idea of comprehensive security presupposes first and foremost material guarantees of peace, political and international legal safeguards and the establishment of principles of civilized and respectful relations among States. A safe world is a world of law and order, in which there is strict compliance with the united Nations Charter and respect for all rules of international law, for human rights and freedoms.
Our initiative contains an answer to the question of what should be done to save life on Earth. As we speak of this the abandoned villages in the area of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant stand before our eyes. That accident has meant for us more than grief over our losses and compassion for its victims. It has reinforced our anxiety for the future of the Earth. Chernobyl was a tragic mistake on the part of human beings working with the peaceful atom. But still less are there any guarantees against mistakes with the military uses of the atom. Given the existence in the world of 50,000 nuclear warheads, we are living on borrowed time and no one knows when that time will run out.
What should be done? Continue to play the game of nuclear roulette? It is
clear even now that, sooner or later, this could lead us to collective suicide and
self-destruction. There is only one way out: before it is too late, while there
is still time, the game played for insane stakes and in which there can be no
winner must be stopped. Stop once and for all this deadly gambling with nuclear death.
It is within the powers of the international community, the sole sovereign master of its own fate to do this. No single nuclear Power has the right to take decisions on behalf of all, and the USSR refuses to do so. In his historic statement of 15 January, the Soviet leader proposed something quite different - to scrap all nuclear weapons. Once again the criterion is experience.
Political responsibility is the opposite of political arrogance. The problem of nuclear testing clearly highlights these mutually incompatible approaches.
There are other facts. Look at the fate of the SALT I and SALT II treaties. They are being torn up now because they allow no room for equipping a 131st bomber with cruise missiles. One thousand, five hundred such missiles seemed too few, so
it was necessary to add 20 more.
The tribunal of history is merciless in its verdicts. If political leaders fail to take timely and responsible decisions, history will not forgive them. We have a chance to lay the foundations for lasting peace. Of course it is not just a matter of adopting yet another resolution. The United Nations must establish a system of values which gives the highest priority to practical actions.
Let ma emphasize that this is being stated by the representative of a nuclear Power. We never wanted to acquire nuclear weapons, but from the time we were forced to acquire them we have constantly sought to limit, reduce and eliminate them. We are not the last member of the "nuclear club", but we are proposing its dissolution. Let there be no mistake - we have our pride like anyone else. However, the prestige and dignity of a great Power are things we associate with the
equal security of all.
We are motivated by our sense of responsibility both to our own people and to other peoples. It is for this reason precisely that we are willing to agree to sensible compromises and make realistic concessions when we put forward proposals for the reduction of strategic offensive weapons and medium-range missiles. This reflects the new approach to the realities of the nuclear space age outlined most fully and comprehensively in Mikhail Gorbachev's report to the Twenty-Seventh Congress of our Party.
The sincerity of our intentions and the integrity of our position are matched by our determination to put an end to the dangerous course of world events. We are putting so much emphasis on the renunciation of nuclear-weapon tests because it is precisely this that is the real test of the sincerity of declarations.
Yesterday we heard the statement of the President of the United States. It is regrettable that the rostrum of the General Assembly was used in such a way. To respond point by point to that statement presents no problem. However, to enter into polemics would be to show a lack of respect for our audience. The subject under discussion is far too serious to turn it into a grindstone for sharpening political wit. Time is too precious to be wasted on refuting misconceptions and prejudices that distort reality and facts.
Nevertheless, there is one key point to which we must refer, because it is of fundamental importance. I am referring to the attempt to provide a philosophical rationale for the assertion that new sophisticated military technology is capable of reliably ensuring security. It is precisely that kind of philosophy that caused the tidal wave of armaments which has been growing year after year and now threatens to obliterate the Earth.
There is only one path to security - destroying existing weapons instead of replacing them with new ones. The technology of destruction must not be allowed to determine policy.
One can imagine the sigh of relief among people if they heard that in this International Year of Peace the United States, too, had decided to stop nuclear testing. That is what they had been expecting from the United States President,
I have been authorized to state that the Soviet Union is ready, at any time and anywhere, to sign a treaty on the total prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. We are ready to do so here at the United Nations, so that the entire world community could become part of this great act and historical turning-point which would be a sign of respect for its will.
Words not matched by deeds are worthless, but words supported by deeds are a country's gold reserve.
We urge those who make verbal pronouncements in favor of eliminating nuclear weapons to follow up with practical deeds. Otherwise whatever they say about the inhumanity of nuclear weapons is no more than a rhetorical mirage behind which there looms an altogether different policy.
Its proponents iWe a favorite argument, verification. But that argument
increasingly resembles a tattered curtain. Broadly speaking, there is no longer
any problem of verification. In the conviction that there can be no trust without
verification, the Soviet Union is open to any form or method of verification.
In our view the summit conference of the non-aligned countries at Harare made some very valuable recommendations in this respect. The United Nations could support the proposals of the Delhi Six - Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Tanzania and Sweden - on monitoring compliance with the obligation not to carry out nuclear tests. The Soviet Union will accept recommendations formulated under the auspices of the United Nations.
We agree with those States which believe that the question whether mankind will live in a nuclear or a nuclear-free world must be decided by the whole world community and not by a small group of nuclear Powers.
This also applies fully to the future of outer space, for near-Earth space is the common heritage of mankind and should be used for the benefit of all. However, if weapons gat into space, this heritage would become a threat to all? just two or three States enjoying the status of military-space Powers would then dominate the rest of the world.
Is that what we want? Do we want a military-space fiefdom to be established? The question is posed by the course of events, which may become tragic for
international relations as a whole. Therefore we shall continue to work to protect outer space from attempts to turn it into a military domain of one or two Powers.
Today those designs are being camouflaged with high-sounding pronouncements about a defense program, which supposedly would do away with the threat of attack once and for all. One hears moving and soul-stirring stories about a dream which when realized would free mankind from the fear of nuclear death. Evil designs are being purveyed as good intentions, and swords as shields.
Let no one be misled by such talk. It serves to conceal an attack against the main pillar of stability, the anti-ball is tic-missile Treaty. The intention is to get the Treaty out of the way within a time frame of seven years. Here everything is being very carefully calculated, for it is precisely in seven years that they plan to prepare space weapons for deployment.
The question is. What for? Would it not be more sensible to work for an agreement on the complete elimination of nuclear missiles, whether strategic, medium-range or any other, as we are proposing?
The answer is simple; whatever is done to disguise it, the so-called defensive space shield is being designed to carry out a first strike with impunity. The first strike could become the last one, and not just for the country being attacked. Space weapons, like nuclear arms, do not recognize national boundaries, and they do not choose whom to spare and whom to destroy. And in any circumstances they could threaten, not one country or several countries, but the entire world.
Therefore we consider it necessary to warn everybody that if space is to remain peaceful everyone must protect it.In this, the United Nations, the only legitimate trustee of peace in outer space, should make its voice heard.
We also call for the help of the United Nations in regard to a matter of extreme importance - the elimination of chemical weapons. Encouraging progress has been achieved at the Geneva Conference.
The historic goal of ridding the earth of chemical weapons is new closer to attainment. The only thing that could hinder the attainment of that goal is the position of the United states, which is seeking to develop binary weapons. However, obstacles can be removed if political will is evinced - and this Organization is quite capable of stimulating it.
A comprehensive system of international security has more than nuclear, space or chemical parameters. Security implies the non-use of any force, including conventional armaments and armed forces.
The Soviet Union calls for a significant reduction in the level of military confrontation, above all between politico-military alliances. Radical proposals to that effect, based on the concept of reasonable sufficiency, have been made by the States members of the Warsaw Treaty.
I shall say even more. We would certainly not want our troops to be present anywhere beyond our national borders. This question is also open for discussion and can be resolved in an atmosphere of increased trust and with the implementation of measures of military detente.
A beginning has already been made in the Stockholm forum, and all of us - not just the Europeans - can congratulate ourselves and each other on this triumph of reason and good will. It has given us something more than just a major agreement. It has demonstrated that when we really want something, we can achieve it. It has confirmed that the Helsinki process is being successfully developed and has taken deep roots in European soil. It is now extremely important that the forthcoming meeting in Vienna should become yet another milestone in Europe's advance towards reliable security and improved co-operation.
The Asian and Pacific region should also be allowed to breathe freely. Our ideas in this regard are incorporated in a concrete program of action that was outlined in Mikhail Gorbachev's address in Vladivosfaock. We are encouraged that this program has proved to be in harmony with the feelings of many States of the region.
We are aware of all the sore spots existing in the region. First of all, there is the Korean peninsula. The people of Korea yearn for an aid to the division of their country. There is only one impediment to that, namely the presence of United States troops, which in effect occupy the southern part of the country.
The situation around Kampuchea is another source of tension. Here again the fate of the entire people is being sacrificed to the geopolitical interests of certain States. To serve those interests, some are trying; to consign to oblivion the millions of human lives destroyed by the reactionary anti-national clique. This must not be allowed to happen.
The constructive proposals of Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam open the way for resolving the region's problems on a broad political basis and stabilizing the situation in South-Bast Asia.
Untying those and many other knots would undoubtedly contribute to the strengthening of peace and security in the Asian and Pacific region, and we are doing our best to promote this.
The positive changes new under way in our country's relations with the People's Republic of China are important not only in terms of bilateral co-operation; they are also conducive to the improvement of the overall situation.
New and increasingly rich substance is being added to our traditional friendly relations with the people of India and its Government. The Soviet Union values good relations with many Asian States and wishes to discuss with them, in particular with the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), ways of upgrading relations where they are as yet below the desired level.
Measures to eliminate regional conflicts would form an organic part of the concept of comprehensive security. Of course, there is not, nor can there be, a uniform model for a political settlement here. Nevertheless, concrete expression must be given to some general principles. Those are, first, unconditional respect for sovereignty, independence and the right of nations themselves to choose their way of development; secondly, a respectful attitude towards legitimate Governments; thirdly, respect for the obligations and agreements concluded between States in full conformity with international law.
Every regional conflict is a difficult test for the United Nations This is particularly true with regard to those territories where the emblem of the United Nations symbolizes special responsibility. Unfortunately, it is all too often darkened by the shadow of unfulfilled hopes.
The time has long since come to put to effective use all the powers of this Organization, to exercise all its rights. This applies above all to the fate of the Namibian people and to the Trust Territory of Micronesia. Their problems are as old as the United Nations.
The Middle East problem is somewhat "younger". There must not be many people present in this Hall who participated in the adoption of the resolution on the division of Palestine. Today, we are once again voicing our view that along with the State of Israel, which owes its existence to, among others, the Soviet Union, an Arab Palestinian State should become part of the world's political map.
We believe that the United Nations should again take the matter of a Middle East settlement into its hands. As a practical step in that direction, the Soviet Union proposes that a preparatory committee be set up within the framework of the Security Council to do the necessary work for convening an international conference on the Middle East.
The tragedy of the people of Cyprus has been going on for so many years now. Here as well there has been no lack of mediation efforts and plans for a settlement. Various options have been tried, but the proposal that the problem of Cyprus be settled at a representative international conference under the auspices of the United Nations has been studiously evaded. Who stands to gain from that? Only those forces which intend to use the island for their military and political plans. Raising the stick of "neo-globalism" over the Mediterranean, they would like to turn the entire region into a hotbed of tension. They sometimes use that stick without giving any thought to the consequences, as was done with barbaric cruelty in Libya.
Since the very beginning of the war between Iraq and Iran, the Soviet Union has been calling for a stop to that senseless mutual extermination. Being sincere friends of both nations, we are making use of the possibilities available to us to convince the parties to the conflict that they should make peace. We shall continue to do so.
It is our conviction that were it not for the racist regime of Pretoria the black, white and colored people in South Africa would have long ago found a common language - a language of equality, concord and racial peace. The dividing line is drawn not by ethnic differences but by the cruel policy of apartheid, which is hostile to everyone, irrespective of the color of the skin. To fail to see that is to encourage, wittingly or unwittingly, genocide against the majority of the South African people.
The world community has just spoken out unequivocally about the situation in southern Africa, and it is up to the Security Council now to adopt binding decisions, embodying in them the will of the absolute majority of the world's nations.
Recently, a new and ugly phenomenon of "prepaid" regional conflicts has appeared in international practice. A graphic example is Nicaragua, into which millions of dollars are being channeled to finance the massacre of peasants and the destruction of villages and plantations - only because that small country has dared to choose its own way of development which, in the eyes of the administration of the world's largest and most powerful capitalist nation, appears to pose a threat to its security.
The undeclared wars against the legitimate Governments of Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Angola, Mozambique and Ethiopia are paid for in exactly the same way. And quite often the country financing a conflict maintains diplomatic relations or conducts negotiations with the Government concerned, while at the same time seeking to overthrow it by any means. Indeed, it does not mind the cost when blacklisting Governments and countries which, for some reason or other, it finds inconvenient. Thus, the entire range of reprisals, from direct military to economic and ideological, has been used against the Republic of Cuba for more than a quarter of a century. But surely it is high time to understand that such a policy is bankrupt and that it can only be described as insane.
Political wisdom dictates acknowledging the established realities and not seeking to undo them arbitrarily. Describing gangs of mercenaries as "freedom fighters" - which is attempted in the war against Afghanistan - does not help. The time has come to learn to call things by their own names. With regard to Afghanistan, a national democratic revolution has taken place there. Its social base is constantly becoming broader and stronger; it relies on the support and participation of all social strata and ethnic groups in that country without any exception. They have a clear-cut program for a peaceful settlement of crisis phenomena, and all that is needed is not to hamper that positive process. Here again, the Soviet Union is in favor of seeking new solutions and a fresh approach, unobscured by prejudice, that would help to identify ways of solving the problem with due regard for the legitimate interests of the Afghan people and of its friends and neighbors.
A comprehensive system of international security can give us the keys to many of the most intricate locks.
We have outlawed, as most other States have, any form of terrorism. At the same time, we are prepared to contribute, and are already contributing, to fighting that plague. No sane person can live with it. Terrorism must be mercilessly eradicated, for innocent people suffer and die because of it. But to combat it effectively we also should see its causes. One should not ignore the nature of that abhorrent phenomenon: outbursts of individual and group terror are sometimes engendered by imperialist violence against entire peoples. An improvement in the overall international situation would do much to help stamp out terrorism.
An obstacle to an improved international climate is posed by neo-globalism. It entails diktat and aggression; it tramples upon the independence of nations. The alternative to it is a comprehensive system of security.
The arms race and regional conflicts inevitably have an adverse effect on the world economic system. And while politicians, futurologists and experts are trying somehow to model a structure of security in a world with or without weapons, no one can come even close to predicting the economic consequences of the situation as it evolves. Yet the explosion with which it is fraught would be no less catastrophic than a possible malfunction in the technologies of war.
Today, militarism is not only jeopardizing man's physical survival but his socio-economic progress as well. The cost of the arms race is reaching a level comparable to the material damage caused by past world wars. All of this makes disarmament imperative.
Against the background of the uncontrollable crisis affecting the world economic structure we see with particular clarity the increasingly prevalent process of purging out resources from the national economies of the developing countries of Latin America, Africa and other regions. In the early 1980s the developing world, exploited by imperialism, was pushed into a vicious circle of development via debt, and it now finds itself hung up in the noose of a trillion dollar indebtedness. This, in effect, means that regions with the world's greatest concentration of population, resources and future markets are sliding towards economic catastrophe.
That is why we regard economic security as an integral part of a comprehensive system of international security. When it begins to function, it will be possible to set up a fund for assistance to the developing countries and to draw up, under United Nations auspices, a global program of scientific and technological co-operation.
In our opinion, a comprehensive system of international security is inconceivable without wide-ranging and open co-operation in the humanitarian field. We are strongly in favor of expanded international co-operation in implementing political, social and individual human rights, and we urge everyone to take a fresh, unbiased look at that problem. Specifically, at the Bern meeting the Soviet Union proposed that steps be taken by all States bring their domestic legislation on the whole range of humanitarian problems into conformity with international norms. Unfortunately, another approach emerged at the Bern meeting, one that ignores the consensus among most of the participants in that dialog. Here, the United States of America undermined the adoption of any agreement.
The path of detente is a path towards greater openness in societies, towards a better level of objective information, towards nations' mutual familiarization with each other's life and towards the strengthening of the spirit of mutual understanding and accord in their relations.
Whatever the field of international relations we turn to, the role of the United Nations can be seen as indispensable and its responsibility as great, "today, with the emergence of a new consolidation of the forces of progress and peace, the members of the Organization should have as their common concern the enhancement of United Nations authority and prestige and the increased effectiveness of its decisions. The dedicated work of Mr. Perez de Cuellar as Secretary-General of the United Nations at a difficult time for the Organization evokes deep respect, and we would like to thank him cordially.
The United Nations is on the verge of serious changes. It is impossible to restructure relations among States without taking into account altered realities. The Organization could only gain were the country presiding as Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement to participate, in one form or another, in the work of the Security Council.
Recent events have once again focused attention on an odd phenomenon, the country that once offered the site for United Nations Headquarters today all-too-often shows intense hostility towards the Organization. It slams the door and refuses to fulfill its obligations, as has been the case with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), or tries to assert the principle that whoever has the most money is right. It puts spokes in the wheels of the collective machinery with the notion that by so doing that machinery can be made to function according to its will. The United States has adopted the practice
of lecturing, punishing and arbitrarily threatening the Organization as a whole and those of its members it dislikes for some reason. Lately, the States Members of the United Nations have begun to ask with increasing frequency whether the United Nations can function normally in a country whose Government shows such undisguised disrespect for them and for the Organization itself. Perhaps that question should be heeded. It might be useful to hold a special debate in the United Nations on the numerous accumulated problems of the operation of the Organization.
The Organization's universality implies a forward thrust towards rapprochement and towards the elimination of centrifugal forces. In light of the proposed concept of comprehensive security, the East-West, North-South polarities can and must be expunged from the political vocabulary. That is what socialism is calling for. Whatever its antagonists assert, socialism is opposed to confrontation and intransigence in the most important pursuit of mankind: the construction of a durable and guaranteed peace. We have adopted that system of priorities in our relationship with the United States as well. This question has already been addressed here yesterday. Let me say that we are far from regarding our relations with the United States as holding no promise particularly since we have a high regard for the American people. Lately, encouraging outlines of meaningful agreements have been emerging. A summit meeting is also a realistic possibility. We could move forward fairly smoothly, if that is what the United States side wants. We are realists, and we do not draw inspiration from Utopian ideas. At the end of the last century, people envisioned the coming twentieth century as a golden age. But reality has dashed those expectations. Today, on the threshold of the twenty-first century, the objective reality is such that it could become either the golden age of science or the age of nuclear permafrost. The material means for bringing about either outcome already exist. The question is, which of them will be put to use?
The danger for civilization is ail-too evident. Hence the need for responsible, concerted action to prevent any possible catastrophe. We have made our choice. The Soviet Union - and I quote the words of Mikhail Gorbachev - will "continue to use every opportunity for productive dialog, for progress towards arms limitation and reduction, as well as towards the settlement of regional conflicts and the development of international co-operation in all areas of importance."
We think that in our deliberations it is very important that we never lose sight of the real scale of time and of the world. The language of which some politicians are so fond obscures that scale in a fog of nebulous abstract concepts, as if what is involved were not the Earth, but some other, remote, planet. Yet it is the Earth that we see before us in the images of our children and grandchildren, our fathers and mothers, our sisters and brothers, all those who are close and dear to us and with whom each of us identifies the concepts of "nation," "country" and "mankind."
This is the only acceptable yardstick. And one should not adjust his political telescope as though his sole interest were whether there is, indeed, life on Mars. All of us must answer one question, a question that is equally important to all: whether there will be life on Earth. We would very much like to answer, with confidence: Yes, there will be!


 I wish to congratulate you. Sir, on your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. This was a wise choice and represents a tribute by the international community to you. and to the noble people of Bangladesh.
At the same time I wish to express the deep gratitude of my country to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, for the sincere and effective way in which he has shown his concern about and understanding of the difficult situation in Bolivia. This is evidence of the outstanding human qualities and high degree of responsiveness of the holder of the highest executive position in the world Organization.
I also wish to point out the fruitful work done by Ambassador Jaime de Pinies as President of the General Assembly at its fortieth session.
In celebrating the International Year of Peace my Government joins all the other nations of the world in striving to promote and consolidate international peace and security.
The expansion of nuclear and conventional arsenals and the improvement of the technologies of death presents a monstrous and terrible threat, that is becoming increasingly dangerous to world peace, and inimical to the urgent development needs of the countries located in the hemisphere of backwardness.
The waste of the resources that we need for the economic and social development of most of mankind is constantly growing. Aware of that, Bolivia firmly supports all disarmament initiatives aimed at preserving international peace
and security, and it urges the world Powers to do everything they can to maintain dialog and creative thinking that could lead to general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
We also support the strengthening and consolidation of a new international global order of peace and well being for all the peoples of the world, an order in which the goal of international social justice is an attainable goal and not merely a Utopian dream.
The world economic situation has resulted in the loss of substantial resources that could have been used in the development of third-world countries, which are sinking to the ground under the heavy burden of foreign debt, which has reached insupportable levels. The economic recession that has resulted from the extreme austerity measures many of our Governments have had to adopt has widened the enormous gap that separates us from the industrial countries in world economic relations. Furthermore, external debt is more than a financial matter; it is above all an ethical and political question.
It has been recognized that there is an imperative need to adopt urgent measures to bring about new forms of coexistence and world economic relationships. We must demand that responsibility be shared by debtors and creditors, and that there be fairness and symmetry in bearing the cost of economic adjustments within a global framework in order to bring about the revitalization of the process of effective and continuous development in our countries. However, ironic as it may seem, despite all our hopes we see economic chauvinism and protectionism in world trade taking a stronger hold.
The Republic of Bolivia wishes to take this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the principles of the Charter, which are fundamental to the defense of national sovereignty and the right of self-determination in the context of a world of peace and security. Unfortunately those principles are constantly being violated as international laws are flouted.
The predominance of power for power's sake is reckless and yet prevails, and the ethical principles which make peace the very essence of civilized life become ever more distant.
In Central America we must put an end to courteous rhetoric on the part of leaders who talk while people are dying and while the economic future of Salvadorians and Nicaraguans is being dealt a crushing blow. He are treading a dangerous path where lack of feeling and callousness put the whole human race to shame.
My Government considers that peace alternatives must be strengthened. It supports the action of the Contadora Group and the Support Group since this is what Latin America wants in order to find a peaceful and lasting solution in the region. But this solution must come here and now. The main characters in this tragedy must sit together and unilaterally negotiate without entering into ideological confrontation and motivated solely by a love of peace.
Developments in the Middle East are another intolerable disgrace. Bolivia, while maintaining its principled position in favor of the full exercise of sovereignty and self-determination of peoples, reiterates its support for resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly on the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence. Nevertheless, this does not imply disregard for the State of Israel, which must have secure and recognized boundaries in the international context.
He wish to highlight the intensive work done by united Nations bodies in seeking peaceful and definitive solutions, which must be coraplied with by the opposing States.
Bolivia also wishes to urge Iran and Iraq to end the military conflagration which has been dragging on since 1980 and which has only brought about serious economic losses and unspeakable human tragedy in both countries.
Another problem which is cause for concern at the international level is the tense situation in the Mediterranean. Despite the Secretary-General's efforts to find a solution through dialog between the parties to the conflict, he has so far not succeeded. On this question the Government of Bolivia recognizes only the legally established Government in Cyprus and reaffirms its respect for that country's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
The tragic situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan offer sorry proof of irrationality and insensibility on an international scale, with serious implications for peace and stability on the Asian continent. The United Nations must therefore further endeavor to bring about a permanent settlement of disputes and a zone of security in these regions.
My Government is opposed to foreign interference in the internal affairs of States and, accordingly, urges the countries concerned to engage in effective negotiations aimed at finding a permanent political solution based on the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops and full respect for independence and territorial integrity.
What it is a matter of defending the freedom of peoples subjected to a system which is an affront to human dignity, such as a par theid, my country once again wishes to express its strong condemnation of all forms of discrimination among human beings. Th is has been proved in our support for united Nations resolutions on this subject.
I wish further to reiterate Bolivia's categorical support for the struggle waged by the people of Namibia for its freedom aid independence. My country recognizes the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) as the only present legitimate representative of the Namibian people and respects the heroic struggle it wages in defense of its natural resources and all the rights inherent in a sovereign, free and independent State.
Our Organization has played a major role against colonialism .in Africa, Asia and Latin America. The harsh and exhausting road to liberation and the independence of peoples still under colonial regimes must be a constant objective of the international community if it is to be more just.
In this context we must also include the question of Gibraltar, the last colonial enclave in Europe. My country welcomes sincerely the announcement of negotiations between the Kingdoms of Spain and Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
Likewise, Bolivia has always recognized the sovereignty of the Republic of Argentina over the Malvinas islands. Firm in its commitment to peace, we support all negotiations between the Republic of Argentina and the United Kingdom aimed at reaching a just and peaceful settlement of the dispute. On the other hand, we oppose the militarization and nuclearization of that area of the South Atlantic.
Bolivia, my country, has fallen victim to the greatest economic catastrophe of its life as a republic. In recent years it has suffered, for the seventh time, the highest rate of inflation ever known in the history of man, the most devastating in this century. Its effects are similar to the damage caused by international war or a terrible internal civil war.
Upon taking over the reins of our constitutional Government in August 1985, President Victor Paz Estenssoro had to face a 25,000 per cent annual rate of inflation, a shattered industrial economy and a constantly and recklessly growing informal economy tainted by criminal links, such as drug trafficking.
Bolivia thus became a country in ruins, without monetary reserves and with growing unemployment. It seemed that it had been placed in a state of siege by dual Powers sponsored by a dogmatic, extremist, maximalist and aggressive left.
The reconstruction of the country was begun without any international assistance. Through our own efforts and through severe austerity measures, the national Government carried out a new economic policy of which the first, and surprising, results - unprecedented in Latin America - were to curb hyperinflation, bringing it down from an incredible 25,000 per cent to practically zero at present.
However, that political action of true national salvation fell victim once again to international aggression. First, this was due to the fall in the price of tin as a result of the collapse of the International Tin Council in October 1985. Secondly, our foreign trade and international payments, because of this crisis and that affecting other minerals, suffered damage amounting to more than 60 per cent, which meant a real reduction in the over-all economy of the country. Thirdly, to all this must be added the crisis in oil prices which, while favoring the rich, deals mortal blows to producing countries, which are generally among the poorest countries of the world.
The case of Bolivia is a cruel and clear example of international injustice, of the awesome power of the market-place and of the lack of responsiveness on the part of powerful plutocratic centers. These are not rhetorical assertions. They are born of the experiences of a country that has been wounded both physically and biologically by the actions of a self-satisfied and hegemonistic world system.
Beginning with the difficult and aggressive therapy that my people and their economic policy have applied to the cancer of hyperinflation, we have managed in some degree to sensitize world public opinion. In that regard, I should like to stress the generous and courageous personal actions of our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.
That very dramatic proof has led in concrete terms to bilateral co-operation with friendly countries which, in fraternal solidarity, are supporting Bolivia. We wish to thank them and to express our deep satisfaction.
Furthermore, our Program has been well received and taken seriously by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). We trust that, with its co-operation and any other co-operation we may receive, we shall be able to initiate a process of economic recovery while maintaining the democratic system currently prevailing in Bolivia, in the midst of this Dantesque picture of suffering and destruction.
It is precisely in the context of this hyper inflationary chaos that Bolivia has had to bear the additional malignancy of drug trafficking which, as an important element of the informal economy, had been growing and spreading its tentacles of vice into the economic, social and moral institutions of the Bolivian people. As a result, President Paz Estenssoro took the historic decision to fight ruthlessly against this form of organized crime.
At this time, the Republic of Bolivia, with technical and logistical support from the Department of Justice of the United States of America, is waging a real war against that outrage - against that new form of slavery, as drug crime was wisely defined by His Holiness John Paul II. This effort is also an inescapable duty for countries in which the consumption of narcotic drugs is considerable. Otherwise, countries like Bolivia would be powerless in the face of the domestic expansion of this reprehensible product.
For these essentially ethical reasons, Bolivia most strongly encourages the success of the international conference that has been convened by the Secretary-General for next year in Vienna. We are certain that this world gathering will mark a starting-point for the elimination of this terrible scourge from the face of the earth.
On behalf of my country I urge the entire international community to take an active part in this crusade. In particular, I urge the industrialized countries, whose young people have to a greater or lesser degree been suffering from this terrible vice and organized crime, to take an active part in this struggle. If the community of nations does not become aware of this global curse, we will be jeopardizing the ethical bases of contemporary civilization and allowing the financial strength of the mafias to enslave our institutions, our way of life, our families and our very human ethic, which is deeply rooted in our souls and which we wish to recover, above all other considerations of the moment.
We also wish to warn of the need for joint action to curb terrorism regardless of its ideological motivation.
Furthermore, the global crisis of our universal organization - the United Nations - requires the most careful attention of all Member States, if we wish to ensure its survival, which we consider essential to the maintenance of peace and coexistence among all the countries of the earth, we cannot allow a manifest and unworthy conspiracy to try to damage by various means the validity and force of this beacon of world peace and security, our Organization.
Bolivia confidently supports the arduous efforts of the Secretary-General to overcome the serious obstacles we have cited and calls upon all States, particularly the large industrial countries, to lend active understanding and backing to the structural consolidation of the United Nations and its permanent institutional values.
The law of nations, the very essence of civilized life, based on dialog and understanding between States, is based, in doctrine and in historical practice, on the maintenance of a moral order embodied in the principle of peace and plenty.
This aspect of respect for international instruments also finds affirmation in the principle that the review of treaties, their updating and modernization and consideration of future implications must be the subject of negotiation. These treaties must also be enriched, improved and perfected so that there may be more harmony and understanding in inter-State relations.
This consideration of principle is of special application in Latin America, which is undergoing an intensive process of renewal with regard to inter-State relations. Proof of this is the recent conclusion of treaties between industrialized Powers and developing countries, which supersede old, anachronistic statutes born of colonialism and neo-colonialism.
In this context, Latin America is keeping a watchful eye on the faithful and timely implementation of one of those treaties - that which returns full sovereignty over the Panama Canal Zone to its legitimate owner.
The international community, and basically the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS) aid the Non-Aligned Movement, has in recent years faced a problem of dramatic significance for the very essence of Bolivia's history and life. I am referring to the maritime problem of our situation of inferiority because of our having become a land-locked country, and to the significance of this situation in hampering and impeding our possibilities of development.
We will not reiterate once again the origins of this unfair situation; nor will we bring up background details or precedents from a past of more than 100 years, which since the Pacific war of 1879 have not contributed to a solution of the natter. But I wish to take this opportunity to say that Bolivia and its people express their gratitude to all the nations of the world which have became aware of this matter, expressed interest and, in various forums and debates,
advocated efforts to find a satisfactory solution through peaceful negotiations carried out sincerely and responsibly.
It was precisely in response to those brotherly exhortations that President Paz Estenssoro, in a historic act of openhandedness, expressed his desire that this important problem be the subject of negotiations and be dealt with in valid and clear political terms.
At the intellectual level, based on precept of the Liberator, Simon Bolivar, the founder of Bolivia, regarding understanding and complementarity among Latin Americans, we have initiated with the Government of the Republic of Chile the first contacts aimed at finding a negotiated solution to a problem that must be resolved, a question the handling of which requires the greatest measure of political will and oecumenical spirit on the part of peoples committed to justice and world peace.
It is our hope that this beginning between Chile and Bolivia will lead to sure progress, because we think we have found in the present circumstances the right moment to achieve objectives of mutual benefit to our countries, based on the philosophy of the unity and integration of Latin America.
The dialog that we advocate is based on understanding and brotherhood, without rancor, without vengeance, without yearning for a past which is history, albeit true and relevant history. That history teaches us not to repeat mistakes, not to fall into the trap of irrational prejudice, but, rather, with vigour and imagination, to open up and pursue new possibilities of finding a peaceful solution to this important problem. This is what we are undertaking and announcing with satisfaction to the world community.