116.	On behalf of my delegation, permit me to extend to Ambassador Lievano our sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly I wish him every success in his noble task and assure him of my delegation's full co-operation in his effort to steer this current session to a successful conclusion
117.	I should also like to pay a warm tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for the valuable contribution he made to the work of our Organization during the past year at the thirty-second regular session and the three special sessions of the General Assembly.
118.	Our thanks go also to the Secretary-General for his dedication and good work at the helm of our Organization.
119.	My delegation offers a warm welcome to Solomon Islands on the occasion of its admission as the one hundred and fiftieth State Member of our Organization. We look forward to co-operating closely with it in the General Assembly and in other United Nations bodies.
120.	The year that has passed since I last addressed this Assembly  has seen many significant changes in my part of the world, namely, in eastern and South-East Asia. The present Government of Thailand assumed office in November of last year. From the beginning it has spared no effort in pursuing, with determination and earnestness, its foreign-policy objectives of cultivating and promoting friendly relations with all countries regardless of their size and power and irrespective of their political, economic and social systems. Special emphasis is placed on developing such relations with neighbouring countries and with those in the South-East Asian region based on the principles of peaceful coexistence An important aim is to achieve effective and fruitful co-operation with those countries for the benefit of the peoples and in the interest of the stability and prosperity of the region as a whole.
121.	As regional co-operation is one of the main cornerstones of our policy my Government attaches great importance to the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] of which Thailand is a member. As ASEAN is embarking on its second decade it has become more cohesive and has gained wider recognition and acceptance. That is manifested by the fact that ASEAN now regularly holds dialogues not only with the European Economic Community but also with the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. Other countries have also shown interest in establishing contacts with ASEAN. As ASEAN gains more recognition and acceptance it is encouraging that its concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality for South-East Asia, as proclaimed at the ASEAN Meeting of Foreign Ministers, held in Kuala Lumpur in 1971,  has also received broader support. Thailand is fully committed to the implementation of that ASEAN concept as a major step forward towards securing permanent peace and stability for the region.
122.	The unrelenting efforts of my Government to develop good-neighbourly relations with all the countries in the region have finally borne fruit.
123.	Our relations with the Socialist Republic of Viet N«m have been normalized and further strengthened.
Agreements on trade and economic co-operation and on air services between the two countries have been concluded, and many high-level visits have been exchanged. Only last month the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam paid an official visit to Thailand which resulted in further consolidating the friendship and co-operation between the two nations.
124.	The friendly ties between the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Thailand have likewise been, considerably strengthened. A new agreement on the transit of goods, so vital to Laos and so important to the relationship between the two countries, has been concluded. A trade agreement has also been signed. The exchange of visits and increasing contacts have further served to promote wider co-operation and understanding between our two brotherly nations.
125.	With regard to Democratic Kampuchea, my goodwill visit to that country early this year, followed by the visit to Bangkok in July by the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Foreign Affairs of Democratic Kampuchea, enabled the two sides to engage in full and frank discussions with a view to normalizing relations between the two countries. The reduction of tension and incidents along the common border was also discussed. The promotion of trade and reopening of our respective embassies and the exchange of ambassadors in Phnom Penh and Bangkok were agreed to.
126.	Relations between Burma and Thailand have also been further strengthened.. During the visit to Burma of the Thai Prime Minister in May of this year many substantive issues of common concern and interest were discussed and a number of measures for ongoing co-operation were agreed upon. Those measures were meant for the mutual benefit of both our countries and peoples, and they are now being implemented.
127.	Although the general situation in South-East Asia has markedly improved, there are still some areas of conflict and instability which are a source of concern to us all. Therefore, it is hoped that the existing problems will soon be peacefully resolved to the satisfaction of all concerned, thus creating more favourable conditions for wider and mutually beneficial co-operation among countries in the region.
128.	Let me turn to developments in other parts of the world
129.	In the case of the Middle East, it has always been the conviction of my delegation that the solution to that highly complex problem must be based on Security Council resolution 242(1967) and other relevant United Nations resolutions, and must be in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. Thus, Israel's forces must be withdrawn from all occupied Arab territories and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people must be strictly upheld.
130.	In this connexion, my delegation is deeply appreciative of all efforts aimed at bringing the parties concerned to the negotiating table. In this spirit, therefore, we wish to pay a tribute to the President of the United States for his initiative in arranging a meeting at Camp David where two agreements were concluded between the President of Egypt and the Prime Minister of Israel. Although the agreements fell short of the expectations of many, including perhaps the individual parties themselves-as is often the case in difficult negotiations-they have renewed our hope that further steps will be taken on the road to a lasting peace in the Middle East.
131.	The situation in Lebanon has deteriorated, and large-scale fighting has again erupted. My delegation wishes, therefore, to endorse the unanimous decision of the Security Council in adopting on 6 October its resolution 436(1978) calling for a cease-fire in Lebanon It is our hope that a cease-fire will be effectively implemented, thus paving the way for peaceful negotiations, and that conditions in that unfortunate country will soon return to normal.
132.	In southern Africa, the basic problem facing the United Nations remains how best this world Organization can encourage and bring about a peaceful transition in accordance with the relevant resolutions and decisions already adopted by our Organization.
133.	In Namibia, the events that occurred immediately after the ninth special session have brought great hopes of an effective solution being found to this problem which has been with the United Nations for over three decades. The plans for Namibia's independence which envisaged a major role for the United Nations in peace-keeping as well as in the supervision of elections during a transitional period leading to independence were endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 431 (1978), adopted on 27 July. The Council also requested the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative to ensure early independence for Namibia through free elections. In this regard, the Secretary-General is to be congratulated on his choice of Mr Ahtisaari as his Special Representative. The latter has tried to maintain close contacts with the parties concerned. However, my delegation noted with deep regret the announcement by South Africa that it would proceed to hold an election in Namibia before the end of this year without the involvement of the United Nations. This unilateral move constitutes a grave set-back to the United Nations efforts to bring a peaceful and durable solution to this problem. It is patently clear that the responsibility for this set-back must be laid at South Africa's door. It is equally clear that the free exercise of the right to self-determination by the Namibian people can no longer be postponed without dire consequences.
134.	In Zimbabwe the legitimate rights and aspirations of the people continue to be frustrated. The illegal minority regime must realize that actions in contravention of the United Nations resolutions and in defiance of world opinion only aggravate the danger to peace and stability in the whole of southern Africa.
135.	My Government reaffirms its resolute opposition to the policy of apartheid. Discrimination against a fellow human being on racial grounds violates human decency and is repugnant to mankind. My delegation joins the international community in condemning and calling for an end to the apartheid policy of South Africa.
136.	I now turn to the question of disarmament and arms control. The historic tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, devoted to disarmament and arms control, resulted in noteworthy accomplishments. The session produced substantive advances in new ideas and perspectives, and the linkage between disarmament and development was also discussed. Newly broadened areas of consensus were matched in practical terms by the agreement to establish a new forum for disarmament negotiations. This was a significant move which admits the possibility of participation by all nuclear-weapon States. The Thai delegation to the special session also supported strongly the proposal that the Secretary-General establish an advisory board of eminent persons.  The decisions taken during that special session reflected a greater degree of realism and accommodation in the formation of national policies than had hitherto prevailed. This development is, in the view of my delegation, in the interests of practical security considerations as well as of economic development and national progress. Therefore is imperative for all of us to pursue these goals further with foresight and in a statesmanlike manner, as the ultimate choice is either the end of the arms race or the end of the human race.
137.	There continues to exist a serious international humanitarian problem due to the presence of Indo-Chinese refugees in Thailand and some neighbouring countries. Since the end of the tragic war in Indo-China, my country has provided a temporary refuge for over 160,000 such displaced persons. Although a significant number of them were subsequently accepted for resettlement in third countries, more than 110,000 refugees still remain in Thailand. Moreover, their number has been on the increase, thus adding further to the already heavy burden and creating additional problems for my country. Thailand, after all, is a developing country and cannot be expected to cope with a problem of such magnitude for an extended period of time. Out of purely humanitarian considerations, Thailand is already carrying too large a share of the burden, which concerns the international conscience of all mankind. My Government feels that the responsibility for dealing with this humanitarian problem must be shared equitably by the whole international community. In this connexion, my delegation warmly appreciates the new initiatives taken by some countries to strengthen their support for the efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to find durable solutions to this problem. Our sincere gratitude goes also to those countries which have quietly and consistently assumed important roles in helping to alleviate the tragic plight of the refugees and giving them new opportunities in life.
138.	However, a greater responsibility can and should be assumed by the international community. There are two practical difficulties which can be resolved by international co-operation. First, there is lack of adequate co-ordination among the third countries on the number of displaced persons they could individually accept for resettlement. Secondly, there is the problem of time-consuming and oft-repeated procedures for the selection of refugees. Consequently, the resettlement programme has been behind schedule, and a backlog continues to build up, to the detriment of future planning.
139: The time has come, therefore, for a more practical arrangement to be established by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or under his auspices, after consultations with countries of temporary asylum and third countries, in order to effect better co-ordination between their national programmes and procedures for resettling the Indo-Chinese displaced persons in third countries. In this respect, my Government has proposed that there be established pooling arrangements that would provide an advance indication of resettlement opportunities on an annual basis for those Indo-Chinese displaced persons who arrived in Thailand by land, since they constitute the vast majority—they now number over 110,000-and their condition is no less deserving of our humanitarian concern than that of the so-called boat people. This does not preclude the possibility of convening a meeting of interested delegations under the auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees at an appropriate time in the future.
140.	For its part, the Royal Thai Government intends to continue the policy and practice of extending its full co-operation to the international community and to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the concerted effort to find durable solutions to this problem. In this regard it was most happy to welcome the High Commissioner, Mr. Poul Hartling, on his official visit to Thailand from 4 to 9 September of this year. At the conclusion of that visit a joint press statement was issued, reading in part as follows:
"It was the opinion of both sides that the problem of Indo-Chinese displaced persons was not a problem for Thailand alone, but one of international concern, and the responsibility for resolving this humanitarian problem should be shared by the international community on the widest possible basis."
Certain measures which might yield durable solutions were also discussed, including pooling arrangements. It is the earnest hope of my Government that the proposals and ideas discussed will be the subject of urgent consultations between the High Commissioner and the Governments concerned.
141.	My delegation would like to take this opportunity to convey the deep appreciation of the Royal Thai Government to the High Commissioner and his able staff for their valuable work and the dedicated manner in which they performed their duties in assisting the Indo-Chinese displaced persons in Thailand.
142.	My Government continues to attach the greatest importance to problems of drug-abuse control and the elimination of the illicit production of and trafficking in narcotics. It remains committed to a four-pronged policy in this regard. First, law enforcement measures have been further strengthened to interdict drug trafficking with outsiders. Secondly, the crop-substitution programme among the hill tribes to reduce opium production is being vigorously pursued, with significant progress being made, under the joint United Nations-Thai programme for drug- abuse control. Thirdly, the educational campaign against illicit drugs has been intensified. Fourthly, Thailand continues to extend full co-operation to the United Nations and other international agencies concerned, as well as to interested Governments, in the global effort to eradicate these serious problems. Our common aim remains the same-namely, to stamp out the evils of drug abuse and thus to reduce the human suffering and misery resulting from drug addiction together with its repercussions on social and economic conditions throughout the world.
143.	As a developing nation, Thailand faces many problems similar to those of other developing countries, the most urgent of which are those of economic and social development. It is for this reason that my Government devotes the greater part of its efforts to the improvement of the economic and social conditions of the Thai people, which can proceed more rapidly in a state of domestic tranquillity and national unity. In this connexion it does not neglect its role of trying to bring about a better political climate in the country or its responsibility to maintain law and order in the nation. Thus, within the limits of the laws, and in a spirit of national reconciliation as well as in the interest of human rights, my Government recently passed the necessary legislation granting amnesty to 18 students and other persons previously arrested on various grave charges and to all other persons who had escaped arrest on similar charges. This has enabled the Government to turn its attention to other pressing issues, while awaiting the general elections which are scheduled to take place next year.
144.	During the past year, my country, along with the other developing countries in the Group of 77, has sought to carry forward processes of change and improvement in international economic co-operation, using the platform offered by the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, the so-called Committee of the Whole. The task of the Committee was to oversee and monitor the implementation of decisions and agreements regarding the establishment of a New International Economic Order. The Committee was to provide impetus for the resolution of difficulties encountered in the various negotiations and to serve as a forum to facilitate and expedite agreement on outstanding issues as well as to explore and exchange views on global economic problems and priorities.
145.	In the ensuing discussions, both formal and informal, there emerged a divergence of views as to the role of the Committee. The majority felt that the Committee would be the central forum for discussion of the North-South dialogue. Furthermore, it was also envisaged that the Committee should try to arrive at action-oriented conclusions, although it would be unrealistic to expect it to come to agreement on all items and issues.
146.	In mid-July of this year at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference major Western developed countries agreed on a set of common principles  which affirmed the major industrial nations' commitment to bringing about more rapid economic growth in the developing countries as well as support for the freer flow of international trade and investment essential to the economic life of those countries. This indication of well-meaning concern on the part of the major industrial nations was warmly welcomed by the developing world -and gave rise to increased expectations in the Committee of the Whole in New York. Thus the member States of the Group of 77, including Thailand, were deeply disappointed when, early in September, the Committee's meetings had to be suspended because no consensus could be arrived at concerning the interpretation of its mandate. This impasse was a tremendous set-back for the efforts of the international community to continue, within a well-defined and institutionalized framework, the dialogue between the North and the South. However, the developing countries must persist in their common effort to establish a just and equitable system of economic relations through constructive dialogue and negotiations, for in an interdependent world the real interest of all countries is rooted in the equitable sharing of benefits. My delegation therefore can be counted upon-during this session to support any common effort aimed at overcoming the present impasse. Failure to overcome that impasse will weaken immeasurably the prospects for the establishment of a New International Economic Order, a worthy goal to which Thailand, for one, remains firmly committed.

147.	With regard to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, my delegation noted with satisfaction that the seventh session, held in Geneva last May, had made, in the words of the Conference's President, "appreciable progress". The resumed seventh session, held in New York in August and September this year, rightly concentrated on those unresolved hard-core issues, particularly on the question of sea-bed mining. In this regard, unilateral actions should be avoided as they would endanger ongoing negotiations. Therefore my delegation fully supports the position of the Group of 77 and wishes to join with others in appealing to the industrialized nations to wait for the conclusion of a convention before proceeding with any unilateral move.
148.	As for the role of the United Nations in present-day world affairs, Thailand continues to consider the United Nations as an indispensable global instrument for peace and international economic co-operation. But the United Nations is not a supranational organization but one consisting of 150 sovereign States. Its strength depends mainly on the sincere political will of the Member States to abide by the Charter and to understand and respect the interests and aspirations of others. The Organization can effectively carry out the provisions of the Charter only when Member States exhibit a willingness to subordinate their national aspirations and short-term interests to the common interests and the universal yearning for peace, equality and prosperity.
149.	Many have posed the question whether the United Nations will be able to cope with the ever-increasing complexities of today's world. My answer is that with the right kind of co-operation from Member States it will. And it is up to us to do everything in our power to ensure that the United Nations achieves its basic goals, as outlined in the Charter, for the sake of peace, stability, justice, equality and prosperity, for all peoples of the world.


104.	On behalf of the President of the Republic of Gabon, may I join previous speakers in warmly congratulating the President on having been unanimously chosen by our Assembly to guide its debates. In so doing, my delegation, far from simply following tradition is genuinely convinced that our President's eminent qualities as a seasoned diplomat, together with his wealth of experience of international affairs, naturally fit him for his delicate but noble and exalting task and undoubtedly guarantee the final success of our work.
105.	Need I emphasize that these congratulations are also extended to the Vice-Presidents and other members of the General Committee, who, together with the President, will be called upon to play a leading role in the course of our debates.
106.	I am particularly happy to pay a lively tribute to the President of the thirty-second session of this Assembly, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for his remarkable work during that session as well as during the three special sessions, the success of which was so striking. I am happy to attribute that success to that brilliant statesman.
107.	Finally, I welcome the admission of Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. I can but rejoice at this further step towards universality, one of the Organization's fundamental objectives.
108.	While it is fitting to point out with satisfaction that from one year to another solutions of some sort are finally found to certain problems debated here, it is no less true that a cursory look at the agenda of the present session shows us that, most unfortunately, the items included remain the same from one session to the next. This is particularly so in regard to the problems of decolonization and of security and international economic co-operation, for which no solutions are forthcoming. In this range of problems, which never ceases to grow, one can affirm without fear of being mistaken or misjudged that Africa, our advancing Africa, has been in the course of the past few years at the core of the burning concerns of our Organization.
109.	As proof of this I need mention only the various meetings held within the framework of our Organization in 1977 and, more particularly, during the present year. Last April we met here in the ninth special session to discuss the problem of Namibia. Without wishing to enter into the details of that question, which is still before the Security Council and on which each of our States has already had an opportunity to be heard, I wish simply to recall some of the terms of the message from the President of the Gabonese Republic, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, which was read to this body by the Prime Minister during the special session of the General Assembly on Namibia. He said:
"We cannot continue to leave in the balance on the one hand the lives of thousands of human beings, slaves in their own countries, and on the other the no doubt considerable material interests, the benefits of which can hardly be compared with their cost in suffering and humiliation."
110.	We are pleased, by the Security Council's appeal to the Government of South-Africa to co-operate immediately with the Secretary-General in implementing its resolution 435 (1978), in which the Council approved the Secretary- General's report,  which is an outline of the various stages necessary to lead Namibia to genuine independence.
111.	It is reasonable to-hope that the Western countries that have many links with South Africa will show themselves to be more determined with regard to their partner so as to bring it to accept a dialogue within the framework of the proposals in the Western plan, which was endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 431 (1978) and which my country welcomed here as a positive initiative to be encouraged-and which seems to us to be the minimum that is acceptable. It must be understood that without it there will be a struggle to the death into which the whole of Africa is prepared to throw all its forces.
112.	Everyone will recognize that the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPOJ has given sufficient proof of its moderation and keen sense of responsibility for justice finally to be done to it. We shall not despair, once again, of the unanimous support of the international community within the United Nations so that at the opening of the thirty-fourth session we may be able to welcome Namibia as a new Member of the Organization. The unanimous pressure of the international community, and in particular of the Western members of the Security Council, seems to us all the more essential now, when we see the present attempts by South Africa to torpedo peace in order to safeguard its interests.
113.	Like the countries members of the OAU, in particular the countries members of the non-aligned movement, and in general all countries that love peace, justice and freedom, the Gabonese Republic supports the tireless struggle of the Namibian people to establish independence on the soil of their ancestors.
114.	As regards the question of Zimbabwe, I shall limit myself to repeating what we have had the opportunity to say many times within our pan-African organization as well as in the non-aligned movement and here at the United Nations: that while recognizing the decisive role of the Patriotic Front in finding an equitable solution in Zimbabwe we no less firmly support any constructive dialogue between the various parties to the conflict. Information from the region confirms us in that position.
115.	The fighting in the region proves that peace in that Territory can come about only through dialogue between the various parties. That implies sufficient flexibility and understanding on all sides. In this connexion I remind the Assembly that the Gabonese Republic takes the view that the satisfaction of the elementary needs of the African peoples and the free exercise of their political, economic and social rights are not functions of any ideology. There is no reason why the dialogue that we freely accept among nations with different political systems should not be practised within one nation. From that point of view, the proposed meeting between those responsible for the internal settlement and the leaders ,of the Patriotic Front seems to us the only way likely to lead to the formation of a genuine government of national unity-and to put an end to the fratricidal battles, thus preventing those who fought for independence yesterday, both inside and outside the country, from becoming enemies tomorrow. We must not forget that the African signatories to the internal settlement have suffered as much as have the present leaders of the Patriotic Front from the blind repression and brutality of the white racist minority;
116.	Need I remind the Assembly that Africa needs peace. We firmly believe that. It is for this reason that we appeal to the wisdom of all concerned. We hope that the minority regime of South Africa will give proof of such wisdom in this part of Africa, that regime which continues to disgrace mankind because of the extent of its obscurantism and political blindness, as we have shown on several occasions.
117.	If there are indeed serious reasons to hope for a definite and early solution to the problems in Namibia and Zimbabwe-with South Africa, the only bastions of apartheid as a system of government—we are bound to note that there is still no prospect of improvement for the black peoples of that part of our continent so long as it is true that, as President Bongo emphasized at the thirty-second session of the- General Assembly,  abominable racial segregation blocks any political negotiation.
118.	While the changes that will not fail to take place in Namibia and Zimbabwe should lead South Africa to greater understanding, a better discernment of the just claims of the South African peoples, there seems to be a trend in that sanctuary of apartheid towards a hardening of that policy. We repeat that the white minority regime of South Africa, with its 4 million whites-not all of whom agree with its policies-will never be able to resist the pressure of the 400 million inhabitants of independent and free Africa, despite its military superiority, acquired with the assistance of the Western Powers, which no longer dare to sanction its ignoble policy. As the President of the Gabonese Republic, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo said during the thirty-second session: "It must, therefore, be eliminated, not in six years, six months or six weeks, but right now." It is the only chance of survival for a minority population which already has its back to the wall.
119.	In November last an astonished world learned of the heroic gesture of the President of Egypt, Mr. Anwar El-Sadat, in taking the risk going personally to Israel to propose to the Hebrew State peace in acceptable conditions.
120.	We have real hopes as a result of the evolution of events since then—and in this respect we are pleased that it now appears to be almost unanimously agreed that any solution to this problem must duly take into account the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people represented by the PLO, which our Organization has recognized as the sole representative of the Palestinian people.
121.	It is, in fact, inconceivable that the people of Israel, which owes its existence as a State solely to the will of the United Nations, should refuse to implement the decisions  of the Organization in favour of the Palestinian people, which, like the Israeli people, has a right to a homeland. History has indeed taught us that force alone does not constitute a solution to the major problems of the times. Yesterday's victor may well prove to be the vanquished of tomorrow.
122.	This last remark applies equally to the Cypriot problem, which can be solved only through implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions. Here again, no solution is possible without genuine dialogue between the two communities on the island free of foreign interference, a dialogue that would safeguard their territorial integrity as well as the independence of the country , which has played a major role in the formation of the non-aligned movement, of which we are a part.
123.	Such dialogue and mutual understanding between two communities that have the same ethnic background but different beliefs have always been specific characteristics of Lebanon. Regrettably, that unusual character has been destroyed by circumstances beyond the control of the Lebanese people, but we do not despair of its restoration With the valuable assistance of the Arab nations in particular and the United Nations in general, whose presence in that country is an undeniable factor for peace.
124.	"Dialogue, tolerance and peace": that is the motto of our great national political party, the Gabonese Democratic- Party, under the leadership of His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, in building a united and new Gabon.
125.	To engage in dialogue, a factor of peace among men and nations, is what we recommend also to all peoples that are destroying each other for reasons that are ultimately non-existent or have been created by foreign interference. In the same way that we have recommended it to African peoples and to the peoples of the Middle East; we recommend this method to the people of Korea, who can arrive at peaceful reunification and the restoration of peace only through dialogue free of foreign interference.
126.	While we recognize the virtues of dialogue on a bilateral or even a regional level, we also recognize that, because of the powers conferred on it under the Charter, the United Nations constitutes a valuable instrument for the purpose of dialogue. It is therefore fitting to praise the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to promote understanding, tolerance and nonviolence among people of different nations or people having different political or religious opinions. His excellent report on the work of the Organization [A/33/1] submitted to us at the opening of this session is sufficiently eloquent from that point of view, and we congratulate him for it.
127.	The deplorable situation we have just recalled, which is reflected in various parts of the world, seems all the more exacerbated since each party thinks or knows it has the means or can count on the necessary support to allow it to crush its adversary. This situation would not obtain if some were to abandon their roles as providers of a«ms to all sides. True, there were wars even before the invention of these increasingly sophisticated weapons, but we are bound to recognize that they make war even more deadly. At the tenth special session of the United Nations, held recently, the Assembly dealt specifically with this problem. We do not doubt the goodwill of all and the genuine determination to defuse hotbeds of tension throughout the world so as progressively to adopt measures likely to eradicate the arms race for ever. I am certain that at the present session the Assembly will not fail to adopt resolutions intended to achieve that end.
128.	We have already had an opportunity to indicate that man does not live by ideology alone; also, and above all, he lives by bread. Thus we cannot fail to speak of economic problems, which have a definite effect upon development.
129.	I emphasized a moment ago the eminent role played by the Secretary-General of our Organization in seeking solutions to international problems.
130.	For the delegation of Gabon—we wish to believe this is true of all delegations present here—the United Nations remains the ideal framework for the major dialogue that is indispensable among nations and necessary to lessen inequalities and tensions born of selfishness, which generate misunderstandings among nations. The role that we accord to the United Nations is made specific by the adoption of resolutions sometimes followed by conferences. This is the case with the development of international co-operation which is the goal of the North-South dialogue; the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea; and, quite recently the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries; and similarly the fourth regular session of UNCTAD, whose resolution 93 (IV), on the Integrated Programme of Commodities, aroused the greatest hopes among the States members of the Group of 77, to mention only a few.
131.	One of the burning questions that arise for developing countries is that of the search for a just economic balance and, something that has been the subject of repeated efforts by the United Nations for a number of years: the drafting of a new law of the sea.
132.	In actively participating in the drafting of an international convention on the law of the sea, the countries of the third world, so long exploited, have submitted constructive proposals so that the resources of the sea-bed, which have been declared the common heritage of mankind in accordance with resolution 2749 (XXV), should be used for the benefit of the international community as a whole.
133.	Throughout the sessions of that Conference, however, it has nevertheless appeared that all proposals from developing countries systematically come up against the hurdle of opposition from the great Powers, particularly in regard to the transfer of technology, the training of staff for the enterprise, the single system for the exploitation of the sea-bed, and so on.
134.	We deplore this all the more because we remain convinced that it is in the interests of. none to create situations of conflict. Accordingly, we energetically denounce any manoeuvre intended to permit unilateral appropriation of the resources of the sea-bed through the adoption of national legislation.
135.	That is why we appeal to the conscience and the goodwill of certain major and medium-sized Powers if they really wish to contribute to the well-being of the "have- nots". By going against the just and legitimate aspirations of more than three fourths of mankind we undoubtedly run the risk of a conflict.
136.	As regards the North-South dialogue we simply wish to recall that an improvement in the economic situation of the developing countries includes the settlement of the problem of the deterioration in the terms of trade of countries exporters of raw materials and the instability of the currency used for international payments, not forgetting that of the growing indebtedness of the developing countries, which today amounts to close to $250 billion, not including debt servicing, which represents 25 per cent of that amount. In this respect, we must pay a tribute to the "have" countries which decided to cancel the debts of certain developing countries. We can never sufficiently encourage the other wealthy countries to envisage similar measures or others for the partial reduction of the external debt of all the poor countries—this within the framework of the agreement between debtors and creditors as decided in Geneva in the month of March last [see A/33115, part two, annex I].
137.	As regards the fourth session of UNCTAD and particularly resolution 93 (IV), which I have already mentioned, unfortunately, two years later, we are bound to express regret that, in respect both of indebtedness and of the common fund, and also in respect of economic co-operation among developing countries and the transfer of technology, no substantial progress has been registered in the implementation of that resolution, which has nevertheless been recognized as the corner-stone of the new international economic order—this being due to the absence of political will on the part of most of the industrialized countries.
138.	So my country once again makes an appeal to the international conscience that the self-centredness of some may yield to the solidarity of the peoples of the entire world. In this connexion, we are pleased that the question of the insufficiency of trade relations among developing countries and the outward direction of the economies of those countries was at the core of the discussions at the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries at Buenos Aires.
139.	To those who tend to look upon the conclusions of that important Conference as a failure we would simply reply that it would have been Utopian to try to settle in two weeks of negotiations a situation born of several decades, indeed several centuries, of economic alienation.
140.	Nevertheless, we remain fully convinced that the countries engaged in nation building, aware that they owe it to themselves to be first and foremost the promoters and moving force of their own development, will, within a comparatively short time, find the means to overcome the many obstacles slowing their development and thus avoid their progressive pauperization.
141.	It is on this note of optimism that I shall end my statement. But first of all I should like to recall to members the significance of our presence here. It proves "that we retain our confidence in mankind, which can only flourish in peace and harmony among all men of all races."  That was what the President of the Gabonese Republic, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, stated in his message to the special session of the General Assembly devoted to Namibia.


183.	Mr. President, in speaking for the first time before this Assembly I am happy first of all to extend, through you, Sir, the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Senegal to Mr. Lievano on his brilliant election to the post of President of this thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This election is an eloquent tribute and testimony of the confidence he has always inspired in his peers. It is evidence of the high esteem in which they all hold him, and at the same time it is a deserved tribute to his country. I assure him that, as always, my delegation will make its full contribution to his exercise of his high functions.
184.	May I be permitted on behalf of my country to extend congratulations also to all the Vice-Presidents of this Assembly.
185.	My delegation likewise addresses its sincere thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, whose talents as a diplomat and statesman made possible the successful conduct of the work of the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and the special sessions devoted to Lebanon, Namibia and disarmament.
186.	On behalf of my country and its President, I also congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose experience, wisdom and excellent knowledge of international relations have on more than one occasion and for many years made it possible for the United Nations to avoid so many of the reefs and shoals that dot the course of international life at the present time.

187.	Mankind—and this has been emphasized on a number of occasions in this hall—is going through a crucial stage in its existence and is agonizingly questioning itself about its own destiny. Scientific, technical and technological progress, which may have, and should have, contributed to its liberation, are, on the contrary, unfortunately threatening to put a final end to the human adventure itself. As a result of the progress made in means of communication of all kinds, this world has become truly one, while the mastery of the atom and the unprecedented accumulation of weapons of mass destruction may at any moment bring about the apocalypse.
188.	The bitter truth is that the scientific, technical and technological progress, to which I referred a moment ago, is, unfortunately, not accompanied by any equivalent progress in the ethical field. Of course, today man is the master and owner of nature, but his intimate being—that is, his psychology and mentality as well as his reflexes and appetites—has remained fundamentally the same, and in this respect homo sapiens of today is little different from his most ancient forebears.
189.	Even so, there is no reason to plunge into pessimism and despair, for the responsibilities of statesmen, diplomats and scholars are rendered all the more real today because they make them more conscious of the efforts expected of them to provide mankind with salvation, to which all the peoples of the world today aspire. Indeed, the fate of mankind depends very largely upon them and also and especially upon the capacity of the United Nations to intervene successfully in the constant search for equitable
solutions to the grave economic and cultural problems our world is facing. This capacity to intervene in turn depends upon the will of States, and especially of the great Powers, which are, and let us never forget this, the very founders of our Organization, but whose positive action in favour of international peace and security is frequently hampered, slowed and compromised by great-Power selfishness and a narrow view of what their economic and military security should be, or, unfortunately and more seriously, by hegemonistic struggles for the conquest of new spheres of influence or the maintenance of earlier principles-in other words, in the final analysis, by a policy that is not especially oriented towards the continuing search for solutions to the numerous extremely painful economic and political problems of our time.
190.	These unresolved problems in turn exacerbate the tensions between the great Powers and so, through the interplay of alliances, run the risk of delivering the whole of mankind to the demons of nuclear war in a holocaust.
191.	Among these unresolved problems I should like on behalf of my country to refer to the situation in southern Africa and that prevailing in the Middle East and Cyprus, and I shall also, of course, be speaking of disarmament as well as the new international economic order.
192.	In southern Africa, the situation in Namibia, in South Africa itself and in Zimbabwe continues to engage the full attention of the Government of Senegal.
193.	As regards more specifically Namibia, the Government of Senegal has already had occasion at the last series of meetings of the Security Council devoted to that country to express its views19 concerning the way in which that problem was developing, without concealing in any way its concerns for the future.
194.	Senegal, as everyone is aware, welcomed at the time the Luanda Agreement, which was the result of long efforts aimed at putting an end to a situation that had been condemned on so many occasions by the whole of the international community at this very rostrum.
195.	We understand and admit the imperfect nature of the Luanda Agreement - what man-made agreement is perfect? -- which was the result of a compromise; but that compromise, in our view, was meant to be a dynamic one leading to the total independence, without any territorial amputation, of Namibia. Today—thanks to the five Western members of the United Nations contact group, whose spirit of initiative in getting the Namibian problem out of a rut I wish to salute-the initiative is With the United Nations, and that is a legitimate reason for hope. The United Nations must be aware of the fact that the credibility of the Organization is once again totally committed in the Namibian affair and that world opinion is carefully observing the outcome of the various decisions adopted by the Security Council on this important question.
196.	The demands of SWAPO, which as far as we are concerned - and we wish to state this most solemnly - is the
only authentic representative of the Namibian people, are in conformity with common sense and the principle of territorial integrity, because, of course, Namibia deprived of Walvis Bay would not be viable—and South Africa knows that full well—and would, in spite of all the efforts of the international community, be a country that had gained its independence but was condemned to die of asphyxiation.
197.	But, for the Namibian people to be able to express its point of view freely, it is essential that the necessary conditions of security exist. In this respect, as was recalled by our Special Representative at the last meeting of the Security Council devoted to the Namibian problem:
"The United Nations must demonstrate that it can discharge important and complex functions in helping Namibia to organize elections and accede to independence. However, free elections cannot take place where there is repression or under conditions of insecurity and intimidation. The international community must insist that all necessary steps be taken to ensure respect for law and order and guarantee general security throughout the Territory."
In this precise context we support the measures contemplated by our Organization to ensure that elections may be held democratically. It is for this reason that we solemnly condemn South Africa's decision to precipitate events by trying to organize so-called electoral consultations.
198.	As regards South Africa itself, the United Nations has frequently confirmed the legitimacy of the struggle carried on by the overwhelming majority of the population of that country in order to found a society which will no longer be governed by the system of apartheid but will develop on the basis of the strict equality of all the citizens, in justice, peace, freedom and solidarity.
199.	The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos, Nigeria, in August 1977, showed that the international community was unanimous in its unrelenting opposition to apartheid. In that context, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex] took full effect shortly after the tragic events of Soweto and has been ratified by more than 40 States. In November 1977 the Security Council, by its unprecedented resolution 418 (1977), decreed an embargo on the supply of weapons to South Africa under the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. This is an opportunity for me to pay a lively tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid for the paramount role that it has played in the international campaign against that scourge. Unfortunately, the South African Government, ignoring, or seeming to ignore, the repeated appeals of the international community, intends to continue its policy of establishing bantustans and generally intensifying repressive measures. The numerous arrests, detentions, acts of torture and trials of all kinds in these past few months are yet more evidence of the fact that the tensions and the conflicts would only continue to increase in that country unless the necessary measures were adopted by the international community— and this from solidarity with the overwhelming majority of
the people of South Africa. It is therefore urgent for all countries fully to implement fully all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations adopted here within the framework of the struggle against apartheid.
200„ The United Nations Security Council, pursuant to its resolutions, must, as we see it, ensure that all forms of military co-operation with the racist Pretoria regime are ended. Pursuant to the decision adopted by the non-aligned movement at Belgrade [see A/33/206, annex I, para. 95], my country is hereby appealing to the Security Council for the effective application of concrete economic sanctions against South Africa. It will be recalled that at its thirty-second session the General Assembly adopted a resolution along those lines [resolution 32/105 F], which was strongly supported by my country, Senegal.
201.	The World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination developed a Programme of Action [see A/33/262, sect. Ill] to promote justice, equity and human dignity in South Africa. We welcome the tangible results of that Conference. It is reasonable to expect that the Programme of Action which was adopted will lead to tangible progress in the struggle of the peoples which love justice and peace for the triumph of world peace and the freedom of the peoples.
202.	Apartheid and racial discrimination are and will always be an insult to the human conscience and the dignity of all peoples; their elimination is indispensable to the establishment of international peace and security.
203.	In the case of Zimbabwe, Senegal's position is identical to that expressed by free Africa at the last summit meeting in Khartoum, and was reaffirmed by the non-aligned movement at the Belgrade Conference. Thus, my country rejects and condemns vigorously and unequivocally the so-called Zimbabwe "internal settlement". The Salisbury agreement of 3 March is without doubt a desperate manoeuvre by the wayward racist regime of Ian Smith for the purpose of strengthening the military, economic and political power of a minority which wants thus to confer some credibility on the political status of the more or less representative elements which are parties to that agreement.
204.	My country supports the inalienable and unquestionable right of the people of Zimbabwe to genuine independence and self-determination; and the legitimate struggle of the freedom fighters. We support that noble struggle because it is waged on behalf of man and the dignity of man. In this connexion I should like to recall that at the previous regular session my Government expressed the hope that in 1978 majority rule might be established in Zimbabwe.
205.	Unfortunately, it must be said today that that has not yet happened and we are still concerned by the growing and frequent violations of the sanctions decreed by the
Security Council against the racist, minority and illegal Ian Smith regime. In this respect, a valuable report has just been published and undoubtedly constitutes a terrible indictment.
206.	We appeal once again for the total application of rigorous sanctions by all States against the illegal regime of Salisbury.
207.	As regards Western Sahara, Senegal reaffirms its adherence to the decision taken by the fifteenth session of the Assembly of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] providing for the establishment of an ad hoc committee consisting of five heads of State to examine all the data on this question in order to arrive at solutions which would be satisfactory to all the parties involved [see A[33/235 and Corr. l, annex II, AHG/Res. 92 (XV)]. My delegation considers that it would be both wise and timely to give the OAU the time necessary for the implementation of that decision.
208.	In the Middle East, a dangerous situation continues to preoccupy us, and because it is dangerous we must encourage all initiatives of countries that love peace and justice and peoples who are trying to find a final and just solution to this problem.
209.	It is indeed obvious that the intransigence and the. policy of settlement of occupied Arab lands by Israel continues to constitute today the principal obstacle to the resolving of the crisis. Moreover, we believe that as long as the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are not recognized, and as long as Israel persists in that policy, there will be no peace in that region of the world.
210.	I should like to pay a warm tribute here to the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. In spite of the difficulties of all kinds placed in its way, that Committee has been able to fulfil its mission with courage and selflessness.
211.	Senegal, like other members of the non-aligned movement, calls expressly for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly to be devoted to the Palestinian question, with a view to the adoption of the necessary measures to promote the implementation of United Nations resolutions relating to the evacuation of the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories and respect for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particularly the right to a national homeland.
212.	For its part, Senegal will always support every initiative capable of bringing peace and security to the Middle East, be the solutions found within the United Nations itself or at some other level, in a multilateral or bilateral framework, in order to ensure peace and security for all peoples and countries of the region. Nevertheless, we think that these can be no just and lasting peace without the effective participation of the Palestinian people, whose authentic representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization.
213.	Regarding Cyprus, my delegation is in favour of respect by all States for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned policy of Cyprus. For that reason, Senegal is against any interference in the internal affairs of that country and hopes for the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the Republic of Cyprus and the adoption of emergency measures aimed at ensuring the return of all refugees to their homes in all security. We wish to emphasize the need for the resumption of intercommunal negotiations, based upon General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), between the representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. Those negotiations should be conducted freely, on a footing of equality and without any foreign interference, so that they might lead to the conclusion of an agreement that would be acceptable to the two communities.
214.	As a non-aligned country, Senegal considers that the implementation of the proposal relating to the demilitarization and complete disarmament of the Republic of Cyprus could contribute positively to a lasting solution of the problem of Cyprus, the strengthening of international security and disarmament under the aegis of the United Nations.
215.	In this period, marked by numerous armed conflicts, the holding of the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament was most timely. That session, in which my country took an active part, had the merit of making the world more aware of the risks run by mankind and especially of the need to divert part of the resources wasted on armaments to the economic and social development of our countries.
216.	That is why President Leopold Sedar Senghor, our head of State, made before this Assembly certain concrete proposals, which I shall briefly recapitulate:
.. after an in-depth but rapid study, the United Nations should declare certain countries and parts of the world non-nuclear zones. These would be developing countries which are relevant in terms of assistance to the third world. The whole of Africa would therefore be non-nuclear, including the South African Republic, which would be denuclearised because it possesses the secret of the atomic bomb and because, with its apartheid regime, it constitutes precisely a nuclear threat in itself."
217.	The second proposal made from this rostrum by the President of Senegal concerned the control of nuclear activities. It related to the creation of a specialized agency of the United Nations responsible for controlling the manufacture and stockpiling of weapons of all kinds, not only everywhere on our planet but also in outer space. That control would be carried out by. satellites and by all other technically feasible means.
218.	The third and last proposal made here by President Senghor was for the adoption of a tax on armaments which would be applicable to all States without exception. Specifically, it would be a tax on war budgets and budgets
for equipment and operations, regardless of the name given to those budgets, so long as they related to the manufacture, purchase, utilization and dissemination of weapons. The tax would be 5 per cent of those budgets and would be paid to the United Nations solely for aid to developing countries. According to our calculations, this would amount to a sum of at least $US 20 billion per year.
219.	Although the proposal on control encountered practical difficulties, the other two did in principle meet with a favourable response. Therefore my country is happy at the decision to convene another special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations devoted to disarmament, and earnestly hopes that a still more favourable response may be given to all those proposals. Indeed, the holding of a special session devoted to disarmament constitutes an appreciable step forward in the pursuit of international peace and security.
220.	With that in view, Article 2 of the United Nations Charter calls on Member States to "refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state", and also to settle their international disputes by peaceful means.
221.	In spite of that provision, and in spite of its capital importance for the maintenance of international peace and security, that principle has never been respected by all States, which is regrettable. It has been reaffirmed on a number of occasions by the General Assembly, particularly in its Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)], its Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], and its Definition of Aggression [resolution 3314 (XXIX)].
222.	Prompted by a constant desire to fulfil its obligations in this field, and willing to contribute more and more each day to the maintenance of peace and security in the world, Senegal firmly believes that the international community needs machinery capable of preventing and thereby capable of deterring any act of aggression that might bring about tension and war.
223.	My country considers that a treaty on the non-use of force in international relations is an absolute necessity because not only would it strengthen the provisions of the Charter but also, and more importantly, would favour the progressive codification and development of international law in the field of the maintenance of peace.
224.	In that spirit Senegal will welcome any international initiative designed to prohibit the use of force in international relations. It is our conviction, however, that an international treaty on the non-use of force would have to mention explicitly the right of peoples fighting for their independence to use, naturally, all means at their disposal, including armed force, as emerges from Article 51 of the Charter and article 6 of the Definition of Aggression.
225.	Such a treaty would also have to prohibit, in no uncertain terms, interference in the internal affairs of States.
226.	The quest for peace and justice implies also, and in the first instance, respect for human dignity. In the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international community has, of course, the responsibility to proclaim and defend human rights and to consider this task as a permanent obligation.
227.	Thus it is that since becoming a Member of the United Nations Senegal has proclaimed the importance it attaches to respect for human rights. As far as we are concerned, this respect is inseparable from peace and from peaceful and fruitful international co-operation. For that reason the Republic of Senegal has made the protection of human rights an essential element of its Constitution and has set up for that purpose a democratic system whereby several political parties and unions coexist and rival each other in mutual respect for the political and ideological options of the citizens of Senegal.
228.	Our people have ratified the two Covenants concerning human rights which have just come into force. The policy of the Republic of Senegal serves the humble person. It is the exercise of human rights and the recognition of human dignity which, in the last analysis, as we see it, give their true meaning to the efforts for political and economic co-operation which peoples and States must undertake. It is precisely in this spirit that the Government of the Republic of Senegal has always supported the establishment of a post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. It is, indeed, of the highest importance to have an international authority independent of all countries to supervise, on behalf of the world community, the protection of human rights in all parts of the world, with no other purpose than the defence of the rights of the individual and the fulfilment of the human person. It would therefore be desirable for all Member States to contribute to the implementation of this project, because today more than ever they should recognize the limits of the powers of the Commission on Human Rights and the dire need for more effective measures in this field. Indeed, every day the world witnesses serious violations of human rights, which are occurring only here and there in specific places in the world. The point is that human rights must be defended, regardless of this political ideology or the power of those who violate them. Among those rights, the legitimate demands of the population of the third world for economic equality and security must be considered with respect. The peoples of the third world are, indeed, the prime victims-the forgotten ones-in the development of the world economy and in the trade relations between North and South.
229.	That is why, in the field of international cooperation, ray country wishes to reaffirm vigorously the need to promote a new international economic order, as defined at the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)], and in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], and also as completed, developed and clarified subsequently at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in 1977.
230.	My country, Senegal, like other third-world countries, had placed great hopes in the work of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, known as the Committee of the Whole. But we have to note with justifiable disappointment that the first session of that Committee yielded no concrete results concerning substantive questions, essentially because of the absence on the part of the industrialized countries of a genuine political will to enter into serious, just and useful negotiations. The Committee is required, in our view, to identify the particular issues on which it must concentrate its efforts, in keeping with the strategic importance that they have for the necessary establishment of a new international economic order.
231.	Stress is frequently laid upon the present-day reality that, so far as official assistance is concerned, not only the developed capitalist countries, but also developed countries with socialist tendencies, have yet to attain the goal of allocating 0.7 per cent of their gross national product for that purpose. Indeed, they continue to ignore that objective, despite their profuse generous and philanthropic declarations at international gatherings.
232.	We believe it only fair to recognize, however, the contribution to the development of the countries of the third world of the rare few industrialized countries which have achieved the 0.7 per cent goal.
233.	Mankind is truly at a cross-roads: it may move it along the road of rearmament and the exploitation of the third world—a fatal course which would lead it one day into a catastrophe from which it would never recover. But mankind can, on the contrary, choose the way of peace. This is a more difficult course; it requires sacrifice more than generosity in a world dominated more and more by selfishness. It implies a new definition of the norms and usages of a certain kind of political science which is more interested in efficacy and method than in ethics. However, it can never be sufficiently emphasized that this way is the way of peace, the way of security and progress for all people. As between life and death, the overwhelming majority of humans have chosen life. May all men of goodwill today unite their efforts so that this choice may finally become a living reality.
234.	Senegal, my country, like other nations, works resolutely to promote this course for mankind. It has not lost the hope, and will never lose the hope, of seeing one day, probably in the near future, the majority of the nations of the world, among them those often considered the most powerful, support that choice, the choice of world peace and security, because it is in the interest of and will lead to the happiness of man and of mankind.


1.	Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the presidency of this Assembly. I trust that your judgement, skill and, even more, your renowned integrity in your country's political life and in international relations will facilitate the achievement of our objective of reaching the right decisions on most issues on our long agenda. My country enjoys excellent relations with your great country, Colombia. The bonds of friendship between our two nations and our common commitment to peace in the world and to the promotion of the universal well-being of mankind should assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation.
2.	May I also take this opportunity to extend our congratulations to Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, for the excellent manner in which he handled the responsibilities of his high office. During his tenure of office the Assembly held a number of sessions at which important decisions were taken. We are all indebted to him for his inspiring leadership.
3.	Our Secretary-General continues to enjoy our admiration for his relentless search for a just, equal and hate-free world in which all States and peoples will live in peace and harmony on the basis of interdependence. Nigeria is encouraged by his dedication to the fulfilment of these hopes and aspirations in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations. We are convinced that he will continue to enrich the Organization in his leadership role.
4.	We seize this opportunity to welcome among us the new of Solomon Islands. We congratulate the leaders of new State. We hope that the United Nations, and in particular its specialized agencies, will assist the new State and thus enable it to consolidate its independence.
5.	At the same time, we regret that, almost 18 years after the overwhelming adoption by the General Assembly in its resolution 1514 (XV) of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, some States remain under colonial domination. All peoples of the world, regardless of race, colour or religion, should by now have been able to exorcise their inalienable right to self-determination, freedom and independence.
6.	The General Assembly cannot justifiably claim that it has fulfilled the hopes and yearnings of the founding fathers of the Organization. We recall that they did "reaffirm faith in... the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small".
7.	We are at a crossroads. The question is, Where do we go from here? The signposts are clear: to disaster and chaos; or to peace, security and co-operation.
8.	Fortunately, the lessons of history are abundant and dynamic. The options have always been there. The choice should now have become clear. Mere hope is transient, while existing fears by a few appear precisely articulated. The divisive consequences of the extant concept of three worlds are real but they are redeemable. We can march together, like soldiers on parade, even though sometimes we are out of step one with another.
9.	Equality and equity should therefore be the dynamic instruments for change and direction. Our goals should be peace and prosperity for all based on universal and mutual confidence; their attainment demands an enlightened modification of self-perpetuating national goals and policies. These modifications will, no doubt, pose severe challenges to the dedication of all nations, large and small, weak and strong, to the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations.

10.	During the past year important strides have been taken. The General Assembly concluded three special sessions on major issues ranging from peace-keeping and decolonization to the attempt to achieve a new world without war. In addition, two global conferences were convened within the framework of the United Nations further to arouse the conscience of mankind against racism and racial discrimination. A third set out to mobilize the capacities of developing countries for collective self- reliance. Those gatherings were designed to steer humanity
towards a better world. The United Nations today continues to provide the flywheel for a forward movement in that direction. Our faith in the United Nations' ability to light the way so that we can see our path clearly is total and complete.
11.	My delegation observes with concern the vicissitudes experienced in our efforts to establish a New International Economic Order. We in Nigeria fully appreciate the enormity of the real development problems facing developing countries. There is clear evidence that these problems are, in fact, getting worse and are threatening stability, order and good government in some countries.
12.	It has been claimed that the countries of the world are making their best efforts within the bounds of existing national socio-economic constraints. But it is also true that there are now at hand the economic and technological means in the world to end the progressive and definitely controllable drift to chaos in international economic relations.
13.	That suggests that abject poverty and its effects on the quality of life of the peoples in developing countries can and should be effectively attacked globally. It should become the priority issue requiring international action that is sufficiently responsive to the needs of the developing countries as determined by them on the basis of mutuality of interests.
14.	The tragic paradox of unmitigated want in the midst of increasing affluence in developed countries has been recognized. It has even provided the motive force for the spontaneous expression of generalized goodwill concerning the establishment of the New International Economic Order. In the view of my delegation, that is not enough. Developing countries need more than mere commitments. They want a' fundamental change in the structure of international economic relations. They want effective participation in the decision-making processes, particularly as regards international economic negotiations on all issues bearing on the New International Economic Order. They reiterate that these negotiations should be conducted within the framework of the United Nations system. In short, they want a clear voice in the decisions that affect the management of the world economy.
15.	I have dwelt advisedly on the need for discussions and negotiations on the fundamental issues of the New International Economic Order because the alternative is confrontation, which is divisive and may not be results- oriented. Mere palliatives, along the traditional lines of donor and recipient, not only are peripheral to the structural economic problems of developing countries, but also inhibit their self-reliance and sustained growth. These negotiations, therefore, should not degenerate into seminar-type sessions inconclusive in nature and replete with frustrations.
16.	It is in this context that my delegation feels gravely concerned at the apparent difficulties which have not allowed the Committee on the" establishment of the New International Economic Order, the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, which was adopted unanimously, to settle down to its business of negotiating, through discussions, concrete action-oriented decisions on global issues to bring about an orderly improvement in the structure of the world economy.
17.	My delegation feels that all the outstanding obstacles to the effective mobilization of the full potential of that Committee should be removed at this current session. Accordingly we urge all countries to co-operate in ensuring that agreement is reached when the matter is considered after the conclusion of the general debate. We fear that unless that is done the authority of the General Assembly could be severely eroded.
18.	It seems that there were some silver linings mentioned in the statements of some delegations more directly involved in the development of international co-operation bearing on the New International Economic Order. I also hope that those expressions of intent will be translated into concrete proposals to promote negotiations on the establishment of the New International Economic Order. In relation to this question, we feel that the ongoing dialogue between the centrally planned and market economy countries in Europe will generate the necessary commitments of all parties to it in order to ensure the active participation of every industrialized country in Europe in major global negotiations bearing on developments and international economic co-operation in accordance with the Declaration and Programme of Action cm the New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)].
19.	We note with regret that certain developed countries are contemplating unilateral legislation affecting the exploration and exploitation of the deep sea-bed beyond the national jurisdiction of Member States. That would certainly be a violation of United Nations General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV) in which this Assembly solemnly declared, inter alia: "The sea-bed and ocean floor, and the subsoil... as well as the resources of the area, are the common heritage of mankind." We join the Group of 77 in appealing to those concerned to respect the wishes of the majority of mankind on that particular issue.
20.	The first special session of the General Assembly on disarmament that was ever held marked a new stage in the efforts of the United Nations to save mankind from self-destruction. That session was convened because of the arms race and the development and deployment of new weapons of mass destruction.
21.	Military research and development in the nuclear- weapon States continue to consume vast human and financial resources. We' note the competing reaction among nuclear-weapon States in order to achieve nuclear parity. This locks up funds which otherwise would have been used for development. As stated in the Final Document of the special session [resolution S-10/2], disarmament has clearly become an imperative and most urgent task facing the international community. The United Nations, therefore, must be in vanguard of efforts towards general and complete disarmament.
22.	In this regard we welcome the decision of the special session to establish the United Nations Disarmament Commission. We are happy that this new Commission will be a deliberative body and a subsidiary organ of the General Assembly, and will consider and make recommendations on various problems in the field of disarmament. We hope that it will provide viable follow-up machinery for the decisions and recommendations of the special session devoted to disarmament.
23.	My delegation is also encouraged that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has now, in effect, been streamlined and democratized. We are glad that the institution of co-chairmanship that has in the past caused irritation has now, by unanimous decision, been discarded. I am happy that, like France, all other countries will now find the stage more propitious for participating in the new Committee on Disarmament. It is also our hope that the ambiguities in the language of the Final Document of the special session concerning the Committee on Disarmament will not create any problems and that the procedure of decision by consensus will not hamper the decision-making process and inhibit progress.
24.	It is in this light that my delegation looks forward to the early implementation of the Programme of Action [resolution S-10/2, sect. Ill], so that the options presented and the enthusiasm generated by the special session will not be whittled away. It is our hope that an early conclusion of an agreement at the second series of the Strategic Arms limitation Talks would give impetus to the new disarmament programme.
25.	The issue of the universal protection and enjoyment of human rights has become so emotive and embroiled in East-West confrontations as to becloud the real essence of the role of the United Nations in this regard.
26.	Viewing the issue from this standpoint, the Nigerian delegation will neither seek nor participate in purely political interpretations of the concept of human rights. Rather, we shall actively join hands with other countries in arriving at a workable arrangement, whereby General Assembly resolution 32/130 would be accorded the central position it should occupy in all the deliberations on this issue in the Third Committee. We shall also continue to support new efforts to strengthen the United Nations' capacity for the promotion and protection of human rights at national and regional levels.
27.	In the Middle East, despite all efforts and some new elements, real peace still eludes the region. The situation in the region, for a mixture of compelling reasons, vitally affects not only international peace and security, but the interests of the world community as a whole. There appears to be no respite from the mounting wave of the violence that has plagued the entire region for more than three decades.
28.	Turning to the Camp David accords,  my delegation welcomes all initiatives in the direction of peace. All the same, we must remember that what we have is a framework, and that the road to final peace is still both long and arduous. However, I wish to emphasize the fact that the
United Nations over the years has established broad principles for a resolution of the Middle East problem. These include Israel's unconditional and total withdrawal from Arab lands occupied in the June 1967 war, in accordance with relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and, more particularly, resolutions 242(1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council. Any solution must also take into consideration the inalienable rights of all Palestinians—I repeat, all Palestinians—to self-determination and independence within recognized borders of their own.
29.	In short, our goal will be to find a comprehensive solution that will obtain broad support from all peoples directly concerned so that, in the end, we do not merely exchange another Middle East war for a dangerous escalation in tension or, indeed, an increasingly violent situation of "no war, no peace" brought about by the failure of the international community to solve the Palestinian problem.
30.	The major area of serious concern to my delegation is southern Africa. The situation in Zimbabwe is still very explosive. Since the thirty-second session, we have witnessed fresh steps taken by the rebel leader, Ian Smith, further to consolidate his illegal regime.
31.	Early this year the rebels established a so-called multiracial transitional administration in preparation for majority rule. Yet the hardships and sufferings of the majority African population continue. Indeed, the brutal killing of defenceless Zimbabweans has not abated. Smith explains away these killings and other related atrocities by his notorious Selous Scouts as casualties resulting from "cross-fire" or breaches of curfew. At the same time, the acts of aggression against independent African States have been stepped up.
32.	We state once again that no solution of the Rhodesian problem will bring lasting peace unless it has the support of all the principal parties to the conflict. They must include, in particular, the Patriotic Front, which has borne the brunt of the struggle for majority rule.
33.	An arrangement that seeks to hand over power to black surrogates of white minority rule is doomed to fail. Only simpletons or people without any interest in genuine independence for Zimbabwe can give support to this fraud.
34.	We support those who believe that an all-party conference holds out the last, best hope for securing a peaceful settlement. However, there is clear evidence of deliberate sabotage of such a conference by the illegal regime of Ian Smith. In the past few weeks, there has been an intensification of mass arrests and the disappearance of hundreds of the supporters of the Patriotic Front. The nationalist forces, however, continue to break the backbone of rebel resistance. Together with the front-line States, we have been working on borrowed time to ensure that the end-result will not be to divide the country into camps of victors and vanquished. We envisage a settlement acceptable to all the elements central to the issue. We remain convinced that an all-party conference could provide the best forum for resolving outstanding differences so as to pave the way to genuine democratic rule.
35.	In this regard, it is a matter of grave concern to the Nigerian delegation that some members of the United
States Congress have thought it fit to invite the leader of the rebel regime to appear before the Congress on the issue of majority rule in Zimbabwe. It is well known that past Anglo-American attempts to convene an all-party conference have been frustrated by the recalcitrant attitude of Ian Smith and his clique. Unfortunately, this invitation will be used by Ian Smith and his supporters in Congress to promote the internal settlement and also to whip up sentiments both in Congress and among the American public for the possible lifting of the sanctions imposed by the United Nations on the rebel regime. It would be tragic if this invitation to Ian Smith should be the first in a chain of events that can lead only to the escalation of the conflict with the consequent tragic loss of lives.
36.	I now turn to Namibia. The international community is once again faced with the intransigence of the Pretoria regime, which continues to maintain its illegal presence in that Territory.
37.	After 18 months of intensive negotiations, we have taken decisive action, as is evident from the adoption by the Security Council of resolution 435 (1978). We congratulate the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPQJ for exercising restraint and for its co-operation. We hope the five Western Powers who initiated the plan for a settlement  will continue to give full support to the Secretary-General for the implementation of the settlement proposals in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and within the context of the norms of resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council.
38.	The fact that I have highlighted matters of concern to my delegation, mainly in the Middle East and southern Africa, should not be construed as showing a lack of sensitivity on our part in respect of other areas of tension in the world. In Cyprus, for example, we remain concerned that the presence of foreign troops, in violation of the territorial integrity of the country, still persists in spite of resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. We deplore all manoeuvres by outsiders to divide the country and we demand the unconditional withdrawal of all alien forces to permit genuine reconciliation between the two major communities on the island.
39.	Similarly, we call on all peace-loving countries in the world, and especially those that have the requisite political leverage on Guatemala, to use their influence and persuade Guatemala to comply with resolution 31/50 of 1 December 1976 by allowing Belize to proceed to independence in security, with its territorial integrity intact.
40.	To us in Nigeria, and I believe to all people of African descent and all freedom-loving nations of the world, the situation in the southern part of our continent, especially in South Africa, is a festering sore. It is a constant reminder of the indignity and inhumanity to which the black man has been subjected. It has its roots in colonialism. It is sustained by political and economic interests from outside the continent. It reflects the pervasive nature of racism in the world. The central theme of the problem of southern Africa is apartheid. The culprit is the racist regime in Pretoria.
41.	The World Conference for Action Against Apartheid, held at Lagos in 1977, was a watershed in international action against apartheid. Its success resounded the world over. It instilled new hopes in the hearts of the oppressed. Yet barely one year later, at the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination in Geneva, the international community failed to give the struggle greater dimensions. I must here express the dissatisfaction of my delegation at the outcome of the Geneva Conference. Indeed, its results seem a set-back to the accomplishment of the Lagos Conference. One would have thought that the Western countries  which pulled out of the Geneva Conference, would have appreciated the scope and importance of the broader issues of racism and racial discrimination and their grave consequences throughout the world, in particular in southern Africa. Their action cannot but give Pretoria solace. It allows an impression to be created that Pretoria has strong supporters.
42.	We in Nigeria are convinced that the longer the racist regime in Pretoria exists, the more grave and bloody the racial conflagration will be. We believe that increased and continuous pressure must always be brought to bear on Pretoria, whether on the battlefield or in international forums. It is our belief, first, that South Africa should be further isolated in all—and I stress "all"—areas of international endeavour; secondly, that South Africa should be treated as a culprit and not as a partner in any negotiation aimed at resolving the problems of southern Africa; thirdly, that as a matter of extreme urgency the Security Council should impose, as a minimum, sanctions on new loans to and investments in South Africa, and thereafter impose full and mandatory economic sanctions; and fourthly, that the international community should step up assistance to the national liberation movement in South Africa.
43.	For its part, Nigeria will be unrelenting in its support for the oppressed people of South Africa. We shall continue to give diplomatic, political, financial and material assistance to the national liberation movement. We shall continue to press for the isolation of South Africa and its allies and friends in all international forums. As for the people of Nigeria, their concern for the oppressed is reflected in their continued and generous donations to our national relief fund for southern Africa.
44.	It would be difficult for me to conclude this statement without recalling some of the tragic events that took place on our continent during the past year. There were, to say the least, crude attempts by neo-colonialist forces at the recolonization of Africa, in the guise of humanitarianism. Those blatant attempt's led to considerable loss of life and - property and have demonstrated to a great extent the weakness inherent in individual African countries, which is being exploited to the limit by those who wish us no good.'
45.	I cannot reflect this better than by referring to a portion of the statement which my Head of State, Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo, made at the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Khartoum in July of this year:
"Let me at the outset reiterate Nigeria's position on the question of external intervention in the affairs of any
sovereign nation. We condemn all such interventions without reservation.
"We are, however, of the view that we need to be quite clear about what we mean by external intervention in the context of contemporary political developments in Africa. Typical examples of the kind of foreign interference we have in mind and which I believe were foreseen by the OAU Charter were the criminal mercenary-led aggressions against the Republic of Guinea in 1970, the externally organized invasion of the Republic of Benin in January last year and the recent foreign mercenary take-over of the Government of the Comoro Islands. These were operations purposely mounted in order to protect foreign interests and to subvert the stability and sovereignty of specific African States. Unless we wish to indulge in self-deception by avoiding unpalatable truths, we should recognize the recent intervention by certain ex-colonial European Powers in Central Africa for what it really was. Simply put, it is a most naked and unashamed attempt to determine what Africa's true collective interests should be. We reject the notion that Africa's interests or collective security needs can be discussed or determined by the Western nations or anybody else for that matter without our consent or without consultation with delegations mandated by the OAU".
It is my hope that those events will not be repeated in future.