164.	 Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure to congratulate the new President of this Assembly. You come to us, Sir, as one of the most distinguished statesmen of South-East Asia, from a great country of that region, and with qualities that will serve us admirably during one of the most important assemblies in the history of this Organization. It is also a pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the previous President of the Assembly, Mr. Hambro of Norway, who presided so well over a session marking another significant juncture in the lifetime of the United Nations.
165.	This session of the General Assembly, meeting under the guidance of an Asian President, is one which will be marked by a degree of preoccupation with matters relating to that most populous of regions which has not always been characteristic of this Organization. For New Zealand, a country of the South Pacific on the fringes of Asia but a full partner, for all that, in many aspects of the increasingly intensive co-operation among the great majority of countries in this region, this will be welcome.
166.	It means that in the first instance the Assembly will, as we hope, at last come to grips in a realistic manner with the position which the People's Republic of China should occupy in the Organization. My Government, along with most of those Governments represented here today, has welcomed the hopeful developments which have taken place in relationships with Peking since the Assembly last met, and particularly during the last few months. The announcement of President Nixon's intention to visit China at some time before May of next year and the preliminary talks which preceded that announcement, no less than the actual visit when it eventuates, have the quality of events which leave their mark on the history of human affairs. They portend the end of an era. Whether it is the beginning of a new order depends on the efforts which will be made by all concerned. For the present we are in a period of transition and of adjustment of relationships which calls for
difficult decisions on the part of Governments, but particularly on the part of those whose future is intimately bound up with the destinies of Asia.
167.	For many years my Government, which in 1961 proposed the inclusion in the Assembly's agenda of an item on the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, has been concerned with the achievement of a solution to the problem of Chinese representation that would be both just and reasonable. We have spoken in favor of the seating in the United Nations of the People's Republic of China. We have also wished to see fair recognition of the reality of the situation, which is the existence of two Governments in full control of their respective territories. Here there is a separation of authority as distinct as there is in the case of what are known as the "divided States", but with the essential difference that the entity, China, is already a Member of the United Nations. The Secretary-General has argued strongly in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization that the admission of the divided countries should not be linked to the problems resulting from their division [Aj8401IAdd.l, para. 104]. My delegation may not be entirely convinced that that is so, but since the argument has been advanced, a fortiori it must apply in the case of two Governments, in control for two full decades of different parts of the territory of what was a founding Member of the United Nations. The legitimacy of either Government is not a matter for the Assembly to determine in the circumstances of the case, where both Governments enjoy wide recognition among United Nations Members. It is for the Assembly rather to make clear that a resolution of the basic conflict lies with the parties concerned, while providing for the seating of both in the Organization.
168.	This is fair; this is reasonable; this is, above all, common sense. That is why my Government, which shares with many others the desire to see the representatives of Peking seated in the Assembly and exercising the powers which should fall to them in the Security Council, has joined in sponsoring a proposal to this effect[A/L.633].
169.	Great Powers have great capacity to achieve good, or equally to inflict damage. Rapprochements involving great Powers must always be welcomed for the relaxation of tension which should accompany them. Yet it is important, and it is the responsibility of this Organization to ensure, that the rights of the less powerful should not be ignored or swept away in the interests of an accommodation among super-States, or between a super-State and the rest of the world community. My delegation believes that this consideration is one to which due weight should be given when the Assembly embarks upon the substantive discussion of this problem.
170.	It is, indeed, the peculiar quality of the General Assembly that, as the Secretary-General stated in paragraph 95 of his introduction, it "offers the smaller and the medium Powers not only a voice, but also a way of influencing the course of events far in excess of what was previously available to them". This is a significant statement, like a number of others made in this year's
introduction, particularly in part one, to which I wish to pay a warm tribute.
171.	My Government believes that the smaller Powers, into whose ranks we have the pleasure of welcoming Bahrains Bhutan, Qatar and soon Oman, have a special role to play both within the United Nations and outside. They bring a different perspective to world affairs which can serve as a useful balance to the interests of larger Powers,, while in many cases they enjoy relationships with such Powers which enable them both to understand the objectives of the latter and to exercise some influence upon them.
172.	The necessity for this three-way relationship between the great Powers, small countries and international institutions has been dramatically evident in recent weeks in the international monetary situation. It is a fact of life we recognize, that the economic weight of the great industrial Powers has a major impact on molding the character of the international monetary system. In the present unstable situation it is the major Powers that must undergo the restructuring needed to restore equilibrium. Naturally it is those Powers that will have a major role in the negotiations that are necessary to lead to long-term international monetary stability.
173.	At the same time, it is essential that the great Powers recognize that -their economic decisions can profoundly affect the economic stability of the smaller nations, many of which do not have sophisticated monetary systems and the resilience to ride out major upheavals. I repeat what I said at the meetings in Washington last week that it is an unfortunate fact that recent measures taken by major countries which to them seemed reasonable and legitimate-may have damaging repercussions on the economies of small nations whose problems were neither perceived nor discussed.
174.	New Zealand welcomes the improvement in the climate for constructive discussion. While we understand the reasons for the actions of the United States Administration, we firmly believe that all nations, large and small, that are intimately concerned with these events should consider each other's difficulties. We are confident that they will recognize the duty each has to the international community to reach a reasonable compromise before further serious damage is done not only to international trade but also to the institutions that have served us well since Bretton Woods. We are encouraged, therefore, that the International Monetary Fund unanimously recognized that, whereas the present international monetary situation contains the dangers of instability and disorder in currency and trade relationships, it also offers the opportunity for constructive changes in the international monetary system, and in particular it called upon its members to collaborate with the Fund and with each other in order, as promptly as possible, to establish a satisfactory structure of exchange rates, together with the reduction of restrictive trade and exchange practices.
175.	Among other problems confronting small countries is their position in world trade and in relation to large economic groupings, which may so easily develop marked protectionist characteristics. In this debate last year, the leader of the New Zealand delegation spoke of the threat which hung over New Zealand's economic future as negotiations were engaged on the entry of the United Kingdom, its largest export market, into the European Economic Community [1853rd meeting, para. 197]. He said that in a very real sense the role of regional groupings ia world trade was on trial in this test case. He also said that ft would be tragic if, as a result of enlarging the European Economic Community, one of the world's most efficient agricultural producers were to be driven to the wall.
176.	I owe it to this Assembly , and to the countries of the Community, as well as to the Government of the United Kingdom, to record on this occasion the satisfactory outcome of these negotiations from New Zealand's point of view. Having disposed of this area of uncertainty in its immediate trading future, New Zealand is now in a better position to plan ahead, to move forward on the basis of sound economic growth and to play its full part in world trade and development and, with it, in the Second Development Decade.
177.	Regional economic groupings are a fact of international life. They have much to offer to smaller countries by providing the advantages of a market-place of new dimensions. The development of wider opportunities for trade and development throughout many of the countries and territories of the South Pacific is one of the important goals sought by the Heads of State or Government of Western Samoa, Nauru, Fiji, Tonga and the Cook Islands, who joined with the representatives of Australia and New Zealand in the South Pacific Forum held in Wellington in August this year. A second such meeting will be held in Canberra in the first half of 1972, and preparatory work is under way among officials. Co-operation is envisaged over a wide range of fields of practical interest. Combined with the continuing work of the South Pacific Commission and the welcome and increasing commitment of United Nations agencies to the area, we believe these activities should have a significant impact at the development level.
178.	There was another aspect of the growing sense of South Pacific awareness at the recent meeting. This was the unanimous feeling of concern expressed by this group of small countries that, despite the opposition voiced over the years, they should still be faced with the intrusion, as they saw it, of a great Power into the area for the purpose of conducting atmospheric tests of nuclear weapons. Why, they asked, if the hazards are as slight as France claims, should it not test nearer home?
179.	In this and in other ways in recent months a growing impatience has been revealed among countries in and bordering the Pacific. An even wider range of concern has been shown in recent discussions in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the limits of National Jurisdiction. While we welcome the fact that this year's test series has been cut short after five explosions, this is apparently only a temporary relief. What we wait to hear is that this will have been the last series to be conducted in our Pacific area. In saying this, my
delegation is not unmindful of the arguments that France is not a party to the partial test-ban treaty; that it is, after all, only following the path of other nuclear Powers which continue to develop their potential through underground testing; that there is no agreement on measures of nuclear disarmament; and that the People's Republic of China also continues to test in the atmosphere. My delegation will advocate at this session, as it has done in the past, the ending of all nuclear testing, including underground testing. But meanwhile no atmospheric test can escape the condemnation of those who have signed the partial test-ban treaty and who constitute a great majority of this Assembly.
180.	The meeting of the South Pacific Forum to which I have referred brought together all the independent or self-governing countries of the South Pacific. Apart from Australia and New Zealand, none has a population of much more than half a million or a land area greater than 7,000 square miles, and the majority are decidedly smaller. Yet in every case, whether the country concerned had been a Non-Self-Governing or Trust Territory, the right to self-determination had been recognized and freely exercised, and the transition had been a peaceful one in what we like to think is the Pacific way. Nor, so far as New Zealand's remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories of Niue and the Tokelau Islands are concerned, will that right of free choice be denied when the peoples concerned wish to exercise it. The problems which remain, unlike those in some other parts of the world and notably southern Africa, do not relate to this principle: they are simply, in these tiny islands, the problems of size, resources and general viability. It has been a matter of disappointment to my delegation that the bodies concerned with questions of decolonization have not as yet fully studied the special problems inherent in such small Territories. Rather, they have been understandably anxious to assert the basic principles to which my delegation, having voted in favor of resolution 1514 (XV), also subscribes. My delegation has nevertheless been encouraged by the trend of the constructive discussion which took place this year in Sub-Committee II of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
181.	The Assembly will be interested to know that the New Zealand Government, which has long expressed its willingness in principle to receive a visiting mission, has during this year's consideration of Niue and the Tokelaus, invited the Special Committee to send a small mission to both Territories in 1972. It thus continues a pattern of co-operation with the United Nations in the field of decolonization which at different times has involved United Nations presence both in the former Trust Territory of Western Samoa and in the Cook Islands. It is confident that, when a mission of the Special Committee visits Niue and the Tokelau Islands next year, this will be an important element not only in ascertaining the attitudes of the local populations but also in deepening understanding in the United Nations of the conditions in these small Pacific islands. The Secretary-General has provided an excellent summary of the question in paragraph 304 of his introduction where, speaking of small Territories, he says:
".,. the problems involved in their decolonization are nevertheless complex and call for individual solutions which must stem from the full and freely expressed wishes of their peoples and, at the same time, take account of realities."
182.	Once the right to self-determination has been recognized, the search for a realistic solution to the problems of Non-Self-Governing Territories can begin and the United Nations can assist in the process. But there remain those Territories, in particular Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, in respect of which that right continues to be denied; and in Southern Rhodesia the problem is overlaid with racial discrimination and apartheid-type policies which deprive large segments of the population of their most elementary human rights. Here, as on the even more arduous question of South. Africa itself, the approach in the United Nations must of necessity be a consistent one: no doubt must be left as to where the international community stands on the principles involved, and its condemnation must be firmly stated where these principles are denied.
183.	In determining its position on the various draft resolutions on questions relating to southern Africa which will be before the present session, the New Zealand delegation will wish to give full weight to this moral imperative. It was for this reason that New Zealand recorded an affirmative vote earlier this year in the Economic and Social Council on its resolution 1591 (L) on apartheid, on which it had previously found it necessary to abstain in the voting on draft resolution V in the Commission on Human Rights. It is at the same time impressed by the view expressed by the Secretary-General in the section of his introduction entitled "Concluding Remarks" where, in the light of his long experience, he states in paragraph 143:
"It is however a weakness when resolutions are adopted which have no prospect of implementation, and the authority and prestige of the world's greatest deliberative body is thereby eroded."
It will be our endeavor in our discussions with the sponsors of resolutions on this topic and during the formal deliberations on them, to ensure that these wise words are given full weight.
184.	New Zealand's view on the questions of apartheid and raciL? discrimination will be set out more fully under the appropriate items on the agenda. I should wish to place on record during this debate, however, my Government's stated intention to proceed to the ratification of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)J as its major contribution to the International Year. For this purpose, the Government has introduced into the legislature a Race Relations Bill which is currently at the committee stage. We hope it will be enacted in time to allow ratification to take place before the end of this year. Our examination of the situation in New Zealand showed that, in practice as in law, substantial conformity with the provisions of the Convention already exists. A Race Relations Act, which establishes complete legislative compliance with this key international instrument, will nevertheless constitute an important landmark in the evolution of New Zealand's multiracial society, as well as an unequivocal rejection of all doctrines or political systems based on concepts of racial superiority.
185.	Racial discrimination is but one aspect, although a highly important one, of the broader problem of the defense and promotion of human rights. As New Zealand completes two successive terms of membership in the Commission on Human Rights, we can reflect on the gradual but definite progress which has been made. Looking back over the range of human rights instruments which the United Nations has developed over a longer period, we see legitimate grounds for satisfaction with the development of a substantial legal framework in this field. My delegation has considered for some years that what is now required is an institution which can assist in the promotion of human rights in order to enable the Organization and its Members to give effect to the commitments entered into under Articles 55 and 56 of the Charter. The proposed office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights is, in the view of my Government, well conceived to meet this need. This office would provide, moreover, the means of exerting a positive influence on human rights questions, free from political considerations. Let us at this session finally come to grips with this issue. Let us discuss amendments to the terms of reference set out in resolution 1237 (XLII) of the Economic and Social Council so as to enable broad agreement to be reached. Let us strive to remove the doubts which a number of delegations have felt about this proposal. Agreement on this issue would represent an important achievement for this session and for the furtherance of respect for human rights everywhere.
186.	A major item involving human rights in the highest degree has not been separately included on the agenda of the present session, although the Secretary-General has dealt with it in cogent and eloquent terms in paragraphs 177 to 191 of the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization. I refer to the situation in East Pakistan.
187.	The upheaval that has taken place there, causing perhaps the largest refugee problem in modern times, cannot simply be ignored by the Assembly. The consequences that continue to flow from that tragedy have been beyond the resources of both India and Pakistan to cope with and still demand urgent international attention. The United Nations has therefore been called upon to assume an important role in focusing attention on the human desperation involved and in co-ordinating and channeling aid to alleviate the distress.
188.	New Zealanders have been concerned most at the human aspects of the problem the bloodshed and suffering and the far-reaching dislocation which the crisis has caused to the livelihood of both India and Pakistan. But we are also increasingly worried about its implications for the peace of the sub-continent. We have some understanding of the intensity of feelings that have led to this situation and that threaten to increase the human misery if a solution is not found soon, and we have some appreciation of the difficulties that have so far prevented a political solution from being achieved.
the problem. The humanitarian aspects were considered on two occasions this year in the Economic and Social Council. New Zealand took a part in having the question raised, because of the responsibility which we felt that body owed to the refugees themselves and to a shocked public opinion throughout the world. Those discussions served to emphasize, however, that in the absence of a durable political settlement very little can be achieved beyond meeting the immediate day-to-day needs of the refugees,
190.	Shortly after the discussion in the Economic and Social Council the Secretary-General drew the attention of members of the Security Council to the situation in East Pakistan and its implications for international peace and security. That action, in our view, was both timely and a proper exercise of the powers of initiative of the Secretary-General. My delegation wishes to pay a tribute to him for having taken this step and for having set forth at length in paragraphs 124 to 137 of his introduction a concept of the role and powers of the Secretary-General which my delegation takes this opportunity to endorse.
191.	In welcoming the Secretary-General's initiative in a public statement, the New Zealand Prime Minister, Sir Keith Holyoake, observed:
"The essential problem of reaching a political settlement in East Pakistan is one that only Pakistan's own leaders can solve.... But if one is to be reached a climate of confidence must be established., and this requires the co-operation of the Government of India. The Governments of India and Pakistan have so far acted with caution and restraint towards each other. Statements are, however, being made by political figures on both sides that cannot but undermine the positions of the two Governments and add to the tensions between them,"
192.	This deteriorating situation was described graphically by the Secretary-General in his message to the President of the Security Council when he said:
"... I have reluctantly come to the conclusion that the time is past when the international community can continue to stand by, watching the situation deteriorate and hoping that relief programs, humanitarian efforts and good intentions will be enough to turn the side of human misery and potential disaster".
193.	A durable solution can be arrived at only by negotiation and compromise between all the parties directly concerned, and not by further assertions of force. Substantial progress towards a settlement has so far not been achieved largely because of the tension that has developed in the area. That tension, in turn, has arisen in part from desperation at the apparent absence of any hopeful sign of a political settlement being reached in consultation with the elected representatives of East Pakistan. This is the crucial problem the Secretary-General was referring to when he spoke of "a series of vicious circles which largely frustrate the efforts of the authorities concerned and of the international community to deal with the vast humanitarian problems involved"[A/8401/Add.l, para. 184].
189. We have therefore been anxious to see that the United Nations should bring its influence to bear fully on
194. The United Nations has a heavy responsibility for maintaining international peace and security in the area
will not have fulfilled that responsibility simply by attending to the daily physical needs of the refugees, immense though these problems alone have become. As the New Zealand delegation said in the Economic and Social Council on 16 July, "the dictates of humanitarianism do not cease with the provision of food and shelter. They extend to the long-term future of the unfortunate refugees and particularly their right to return of their own free will to their homes in conditions which promise them a normal life as citizens participating fully in their society."9 It is in this area of the problem that the United Nations can exercise a beneficial restraining influence, encouraging the leaders on either side to seek an acceptable accommodation and to act out of a sense of broad humanitarian concern for the interests of the refugees themselves, on whom the greatest burden of all has fallen.
195.	I do not wish to labor, in connexion with the question of East Pakistan any more than in relation to the war in Viet-Nam and the widened Indo-China conflict, the failure of the United Nations to play any real part at the political level. The shortcomings of the Organization in the area of peace and security were widely discussed during the twenty-fifth anniversary session. There are a variety of reasons for this state of affairs, residing mainly in the will of Member States to use the Organization and their concept of their interests outside it.
196.	One element, however, which it should lie within cur power in this Assembly to rectify, is the state of the Organization's finances. This problem, arising from its involvement in peace-keeping activities, is intimately related to its future capacity in that area.
197.	We are grateful to the Secretary-General for his frankness in stating that "there exists no real basis for optimism or for the expectation that an over-all and comprehensive solution is imminent or likely to be found in the foreseeable future" [ibid., para. 119]. I submit, however, that we should nevertheless, during this session, face up to this complex of problems with all the seriousness that we can muster. My delegation, for one, is willing to see negotiations engaged on the basis put forward by the President of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [A/8497], More specifically, New Zealand, as a bond-holder, is prepared to see its bonds included in a negotiated package on the basis of a reduced face value, as well as to see waived such credits as might stand to it in the peace-keeping accounts of the Organization. It is New Zealand's expectation and hope that all other Members will join, in their various ways, in a united effort to save the Organization from the bankruptcy which is so clear and present a danger to it. This is surely a year when the United Nations is at the cross roads of history. Let us equip it for a vigorous future.
198.	I would like to join previous speakers in expressing our very high regard for the Secretary-General, U Thant, as he completes his final term of office. It was indeed a difficult inheritance to which he succeeded many years ago and he has performed with unexampled steadfastness,
9 This statement was made at the 1783rd meeting of the Economic and Social Council, the official records of which are published in summary form.
honor and devotion the essential task of holding this Organization together over the ensuing period. We have all expected much of, as well as imposed much on, our Secretary-GeneraL May I say for New Zealand that our debt of gratitude to him is very high indeed.


1.	 Mr. President, I wish, on behalf of the Uganda delegation, to add my voice to those who have congratulated you on your having been elect' ; to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I have no doubt that under your wise guidance the present session will be a great success, and I can assure you, Mr. President, of my delegation's full cooperation and support.
2.	I wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Edvard Hambro, the distinguished Norwegian diplomat and jurist, who so ably presided over the last historic session during which the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations was commemorated.
3.	Allow me now to pay a special tribute to the distinguished outgoing SecretaryGeneral, U Thant. In 1953, Mr. Trygve Lie, the first SecretaryGeneral, when handing over his post to his successor, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, described the job as "the most impossible job in the world". This, then, has been U Thant's task, which he has so ably shouldered for the last 10 years. Through the strength of his personality and selfless statesmanship, and by means of what has been described as his "quiet diplomacy", he has guided the world body through numerous critical crises, some of which were threatening the very basic principles on which our Organization is founded. I can only say that U Thant has served the world community with complete devotion and dedication and has proved to be a man of unquestionable integrity.
4.	My delegation would like to seize this opportunity to welcome to membership of this Organization the States of Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar.
5.	This is the first time since the change of government in Uganda, in January of this year, that I have had the honor
 of addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations. The main purpose of this visit, therefore, is to reaffirm the undying faith of the new Government of the Second Republic of Uganda in the purposes and principles of the United Nations as contained in its Charter.
6.	On 15 March 1971 the Uganda Government issued a formal statement on the foreign policy of the Government of the Second Republic of Uganda, and with your permission, I should like to quote a passage which touches upon this Organization:
"The Government of the Second Republic of Uganda attaches great importance to Uganda's membership of the United Nations and its affiliated international organizations and will continue to work in collaboration with Uganda's brethren in the rest of Africa to ensure that the United Nations and other world bodies are employed for the promotion of international peace, justice and the prosperity of ail nations.
"Uganda further believes in the universality of the United Nations and will fight for human rights the world over."
7.	It is unfortunate that, 26 years after its foundation, our Organization has paid only lip-service to the principle of universality. The exclusion of the People's Republic of China has been a great setback in the realization of the aims and aspirations of this great Organization. The Uganda Government has, since the attainment of statehood, found no difficulty whatsoever in establishing full diplomatic relations with the Government of the People's Republic of China, and it is in that spirit that we should all welcome the change of heart on the part of a number of Member States, including superPowers like the United States, and the consequent improvement in their relations with the People's Republic of China. It is in the same spirit of optimism that on 20 July of this year the President of Uganda wrote to the President of the United States of America and to the Prime Minister of the People's Republic of China, expressing his sincere hope that the proposed visit to Peking by the United States President will go a long way to promoting good relations, not only between the United States and the People's Republic of China, but also throughout the world.
8.	Mr. President, I dare to suggest that the world is at the threshold of great things and that, like your predecessor, you will be accorded the great opportunity of presiding over yet another historic session which will mark the reunion of nations when the People's Republic of China takes its rightful seat in the United Nations.
A/PV.1943 and Corr.l
9.	My delegation is therefore opposed to those highly sophisticated and complex procedures which have been
devised to secure dual representation a situation to which both Chinas stoutly object. It is our fervent hope and prayer as a peace-loving nation that everything will be done to resist the efforts of those who would prolong the deliberate exclusion from the international community of the great nation bf the People's Republic of China, comprising one fifth of the world's population.
10.	In the same policy statement the Government of the Second Republic of Uganda declared that, in accordance with article III, paragraph 7, of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, Uganda would pursue a policy of nonalignment with regard to all power blocs. Our Government further affirmed that it would continue to respect all the international obligations and commitments undertaken by the previous Government.
11.	One of the cardinal principles of the Charter of the United Nations is: "All Members shall refrain in their international' relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State...". In strict conformity with that principle, Uganda believes that all nations should determine their own destinies as free peoples, including the projection and protection of their interests. We also believe that each country has a right to choose and remove its leaders or to follow its own system of government without external interference of any sort. In spite of that important principle, certain Member States of this Organization have taken it upon themselves to assume the role of arbiters and judges in the internal affairs of other Member States, That is a most unfortunate development which we hope will stop forthwith. Uganda strongly believes in, and will adhere to, the principles I have enunciated,
12.	Having briefly touched upon the foreign policy of the Government of Uganda, I should now like to deal with a few of the issues before the General Assembly.
13.	The issue of decolonization and the evil policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa are of very serious concern to us in Uganda as well as to the rest of Africa. The obligation to promote the advancement of colonial peoples towards self-government, as acknowledged by the Charter, was given added impetus in 1960 by the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. Furthermore, I wish to reaffirm my country's strong support of the Declaration adopted, by the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session on the program of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Uganda fully agrees that "the further continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations [is] a crime which constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations ... and the principles of international law" [resolution 2621 (XXV)]. Uganda also supports the inherent right of colonial peoples to struggle by all necessary means at their disposal against those Powers which suppress their aspirations to freedom and independence.
14.	Notwithstanding the fact that a large proportion of the time and energy of the General Assembly has for the last five years or so been taken up with the problems of Zimbabwe, Namibia and the Territories under Portuguese
administration, no effective solution has yet been found and the future points to no brighter prospects.
15.	Perhaps nothing illustrates more vividly the helplessness of this Organization and the lawlessness of certain Member States than the case of Namibia. It is tragic to conceive that economic considerations on the part of South Africa's major trading partners should have stood in the way of justice and fair play and should for so long have been the main determinant of their political policies.
16.	We welcome the recent advisory opinion on Namibia by the International Court of Justice  and hope that it will be followed by concrete action on the part of this Organization. The intransigent attitude the South African regime continues to take should leave this Organization in no doubt of that regime's intentions. Uganda views with great concern the failure of the United Kingdom Government to solve the problem of Zimbabwe. That is a responsibility that Government must shoulder. The Unite J Kingdom cannot, therefore, desert the people of Zimbabwe but must do all in its power including the use of force to bring about majority rule in that country without further delay.
17.	My delegation condemns the continued defiance of international opinion by Portugal. Africa can no longer tolerate the manner in which our brothers in the so-called Portuguese Territories are being oppressed under the colonial yoke of Portugal. It is a well-known fact that Portugal is a poor country which cannot afford the expensive war now going on in its colonies in Africa. It is also a fact that Portugal gets military assistance from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], of which it is a member. What is most disheartening is that the NATO countries held their recent meeting in Portugal, thus publicly demonstrating their support for the Portuguese colonialists in their oppression of the African peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). My delegation demands that the members of NATO put a stop to giving assistance to Portugal and instead use their good offices to bring about self-determination in the Territories under Portuguese administration.
18.	A matter that calls for outright condemnation by all peace-loving nations is the sale of arms to South Africa. My delegation condemns the United Kingdom's decision to consider resuming the sale of arms to the minority racist regime of South Africa contrary to the embargo imposed by the United Nations. My delegation equally condemns those countries that are secretly and quietly selling arms to, and encouraging the manufacture of arms by, South Africa. The Government of the Second Republic of Uganda would at this juncture like to appeal to the big Powers to do all possible to bring about a change in southern Africa.
19.	Uganda is very much concerned about what is happening in the Middle East and in SouthEast Asia. We support the efforts made by the big Powers and all concerned to bring about the establishment of peace in those areas. We support Security Council resolution
242 (1967) on the Middle East as a basis for the establishment of peace in that area. It is our hope that the good work started by Ambassador Jarring, Special Representative of the SecretaryGeneral, will be continued and that he will receive the necessary cooperation from all parties concerned.
20.	Uganda supports decision of the last summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity  to set up a special commission of African States to mediate in the Middle East conflict and also welcomes the mission of the Committee of the four African Heads of State to visit both Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt to gather firsthand information before reaching a decision on the best means of achieving peace in the area. The fact that both Israel and Egypt have welcomed the visit of the Organization of African Unity Committee to their respective countries shows a genuine desire to end this continuing conflict. This is a most welcome development that my country wholeheartedly supports.
21.	On South-East Asia, it is our hope that the Paris peace talks will soon come to a meaningful conclusion. We also welcome the decision by the United States to withdraw its forces from the area, as that will greatly ease the present situation.
22.	As the country with the second largest refugee population in Africa, Uganda felt sufficiently moved by the serious refugee situation fast developing in India to contribute a sum of $14,000 out of its meager resources. It is the hope of the Uganda delegation that a solution will soon be found to this serious situation, which is threatening peace and security in that part of the world.
23.	Like any other peace-loving State, Uganda supports the efforts of the United Nations and the big Powers to bring about disarmament. Uganda supports the positive moves already made in that direction, and prays that the present Strategic Arms Limitation Talks will come to a successful conclusion. Uganda welcomes the efforts of the four Powers to reach a draft agreement on Berlin and notes with satisfaction the breakthrough already made in the negotiations aimed at relaxing tension in Europe.
24.	I should now like to make a few comments on social and economic matters. Uganda, as a developing nation, is striving hard to raise the social and economic conditions of its inhabitants. Unfortunately, the law of the jungle still prevails in international economics and trade, and every nation continues to fend for itself without anybody caring for the underprivileged. The terms of trade are so heavily weighted against the developing countries that, like Alice in Wonderland, they have economically got to run ever so fast just to keep where they are. On the other hand, there are numerous capital intensive countries which increasingly enjoy favorable balances of trade and untold wealth for their people. All efforts on the part of this Organization to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor countries have proved ineffective and futile. Besides, the world is experiencing a serious crisis in its monetary system, and the third world has been the innocent and helpless victim of the system. Economically speaking, the world is on a collision course.
25.	It is the hope of my delegation that the developed countries will, in the interest of world peace and their own security, do all that is possible to liberalize their trade with the developing countries and increase their aid instead of reducing it. It is the bounden duty of this Organization to devise an economic formula that will reflect the brotherhood of mankind and the vital interdependence of nations.
26.	Mr. President, as I conclude my address, I should like to wish you and the honorable representatives a productive and successful session.


Allow me first of all to congratulate Mr. Malik on his election to the high and responsible post of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
57.	It is quite natural that differences should exist between the various plenary meetings of our Organization. There have been sessions which have been dominated by questions relating to the struggle against colonialism, sessions which have taken place in an atmosphere of acute international conflict, and other sessions which have been held at times when there has been a definite relaxation in international relations.
58.	The present session could be the start of a new phase in the life of this Organization, a new page in its annals. Not only the documents of last year's twenty-fifth anniversary session, but above all the existing conditions of contemporary development make it possible for our Organization to concentrate more this year than ever before on the solution of the questions for which it was established, namely the questions of peace and security.
59.	The paramount and fundamental mission of our Organization is to prevent the outbreak of war. Czechoslovakia has always helped to guide the United Nations in that direction and wishes to continue to do so in the future. We value the United Nations and are confident that it will be able to play the role entrusted to it by the Charter. At the same time we must recognize that, unless acute international political problems are solved and unless decisive steps are taken to eliminate hotbeds of tension and strengthen international security, it will be impossible to solve the problems of mutual co-operation successfully.
60.	The active defense of peace is one of the main objectives of Czechoslovak foreign policy. We have stated this in the past and it was clearly reiterated from the rostrum of the Fourteenth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Peace is necessary to us, as it is to the other socialist States and to all peace-loving peoples. This is not an expression of weakness but an understandable desire to ensure tranquility in the lives and creative work of men. This, Mr. President, why we attach such great importance to our Organization's activities in the maintenance of international peace and the suppression of aggression. It is this which was the primary concern of the peoples of the world when they established the United Nations. And it is this which concerns them today, as has been shown by the spontaneous response to the peaceful initiative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics which was proclaimed at the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
61.	Allow me now to explain here the views of the Czechoslovak Government with regard to several of the main problems of the contemporary international situation and ways of resolving them.
62.	The Government and people of Czechoslovakia are particularly interested in securing lasting peace and security in Europe because of our bitter experiences in the past and our desire to create favorable conditions for the socialist development of our society. We hold that an improvement in the situation in Europe, especially the signing of an agreement on the establishment of a common European system of collective security, would be an important contribution to the cause of maintaining and strengthening peace throughout the world. This would give the peoples of Europe a feeling of relief and confidence. It would also open the way to a significant broadening and intensification of trade, economic, scientific, technical and cultural links. Czechoslovakia is deeply interested in the mutually advantageous development of such co-operation and also wishes to participate in the solution of such common European problems as the "development of transport, the preservation of the natural environment, the exploitation of energy resources, and the broadening of co-operation in such fields as public health.
63.	It is a question of taking advantage of practical possibilities. Improvements in relations between European States have already helped to create the conditions for the construction of a high-capacity gas pipeline from the Soviet Union which cuts across my country and will be useful to many States. European rivers, particularly the Danube and the Oder, are far from being fully utilized as sources of electric power and above all as transport water-ways connecting the Atlantic Ocean with the Black Sea and the north with the south.
64.	Specialists from the European countries could even sit down together tomorrow and begin work if the necessary political conditions for this were created and if artificial obstacles were not constantly placed in the way of mutual understanding.
65.	In its desire to strengthen peace in Europe, my Government is participating actively in efforts to convene a conference on questions relating to European security and co-operation. The conclusion of an agreement on West Berlin  has removed one obstacle which has been used by NATO States virtually to block any possibility of progress in negotiations regarding -the preparations for such a conference. We hope -that the way will now be open for the convening j>f the conference and that it will be held in the near future.
66.	Since the conclusion of the agreement on West Berlin and the agreements concluded with the Federal Republic of Germany by the Soviet Union  and the Polish People's Republic,  which have had such a favorable influence on the atmosphere in Europe, the pressing need for full recognition of the German Democratic Republic by all States and the need to eliminate discrimination against it in the United Nations and other international organizations have become even more apparent, particularly since the German Democratic Republic is co-operating actively with the forces struggling for the implementation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
67.	We should like to express the hope that present developments in Europe will also have a favorable influence on our negotiations with the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the normalization of relations. We are sincerely interested in seeing these negotiations with our western neighbor come to a successful conclusion. This will, however, make it necessary for the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany to take the same stand with regard to the shameful Munich Diktat and to recognize it as invalid from the very outset.
68.	In future, too, we feel that the disarmament negotiations, which offer distinct possibilities of achieving further positive results, will be an important area of United Nations activities. We set particular store by the broad new program of the Soviet Government on disarmament questions. We see that program as a basis for further realistic negotiations both in the Committee on Disarmament and in this General Assembly.
69.	We have before us a specific draft resolution on the convening of a world disarmament conference. The convening of such a conference, in which all States of the world would participate, would be appropriate and timely. In our opinion, the conference would assess the present status of the disarmament talks, single out the key problems standing in the way of real progress towards the achievement of general and complete disarmament, and do as much as possible to facilitate the settlement of those problems,
70.	If we assess the development of the disarmament talks in recent years, we cannot say that the negotiations which have taken place so far in various forums have failed to produce any tangible results. Ci the contrary, we can observe a number of positive steps. The Committee in Geneva has already prepared several draft Treaties on partial disarmament measures which have subsequently been adopted by the General Assembly and which have already been signed and ratified by a considerable number of States,
71.	Thus year we expect that the General Assembly will be able to consider and approve another significant document the draft Convention on the complete prohibition and destruction of bacteriological weapons. We believe that the conclusion of such a Convention would be a positive step which would carry us forward in the disarmament negotiations. At the same time, however, we shall have to continue to work persistently on the prohibition of chemical weapons, too.
72.	We are prepared to participate actively in the implementation of other partial disarmament measures as well, but at the same time we should like to stress that several Treaties concluded in previous years have not yet been fully implemented. I am referring mainly to the fact that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons on the Sea-Bed have so far not been signed and ratified in such a way as to have truly universal force and effect, as their meaning and purpose require.
73.	It is clear, therefore, that some positive steps are being taken in the field of disarmament but by no means enough to satisfy us. We have so far made no progress mainly on the key questions relating to effective disarmament, above all in the field of nuclear weapons. The Soviet Union was therefore quite right in giving top priority to the need for efforts by the five nuclear Powers to achieve positive results towards banning and eliminating nuclear weapons. The responsibility of the nuclear Powers is beyond question and that is why their active participation in the solution of these problems is also necessary.
74.	In view of these considerations and in view of the present-day reality, we support the convening of a world disarmament conference, We should like it to become a forum in which all States, particularly all the nuclear Powers, could make a contribution to the realization of effective disarmament commensurate with their responsibilities,
75.	One of the most dangerous hotbeds of international tension is still the United States aggression in the IndoChinese peninsula. Despite the fact that they have suffered a whole series of military, political and diplomatic defeats in that area, the aggressive forces of the United States are attempting by means of their so-called policy of Vietnamization to breathe life into the Saigon regime, which they support for the purpose of suppressing the national liberation struggle in IndoChina.
76.	The proposals submitted by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam provide a reasonable basis for the solution of the IndoChina question in the interests of the right of States and peoples to decide their own fate; we support those proposals.
77.	The past year has also failed to bring a solution in the long-suffering region of the Middle East. The Arab countries, victims of brutal armed aggression, have shown amazing patience and responsibility, The goodwill to achieve progress in the peaceful settlement of problems in that region has repeatedly been shown in the constructive approach and many of the statements of the representatives of the Arab Republic of Egypt. Israel, as we all know, has always reacted negatively. Even the initiative Egypt has taken in attempting to open the Suez Canal to international navigation has failed to elicit the appropriate response.
78.	Israel, whose responsibility for the present situation is beyond the slightest doubt, has so far done nothing to give even a hint of willingness to meet the efforts of the Arab countries half way. In addition, the world is entitled to expect Israel's supporters to recognize their exclusive responsibility and use their authority and influence to convince the Israeli representatives that their position is untenable and inadmissible. Instead, they are even further strengthening Israel's aggressive potential, thereby encouraging it to remain obdurate. Thus, events are again leading to a situation which threatens to end in a new military conflagration.
79.	Our delegation believes that at this very session the time has come for the General Assembly fully to recognize our Organization's responsibility for the implementation of the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 [242(1967)]. We must ensure that the necessary conditions are created in the Middle East for a lasting peace which would respect the legitimate rights of all the peoples living in that area.
80.	The time has also come to take decisive steps to normalize the situation in the Korean peninsula. There can be no peace m that area as long as the southern part of Korea is occupied by troops under the United Nations flag. The withdrawal of foreign troops from Korea and the dissolution of the United Nations Commission is an urgent task which our Organization must carry out in the interests of settling the Korean problem. In this connexion, the latest proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea concerning the peaceful reunification of the country deserve our attention and full support.
81.	Czechoslovakia has always actively supported the inalienable rights of peoples to self-determination and independence. We shall therefore continue consistently to be on the side of the national liberation struggle in colonial and dependent Territories.
82.	The economic instability in the capitalist world at the present time is marked by a slowing down of the rate of industrial -growth and an increase in the number of crises and in inflation; this not only aggravates social conflicts but also heightens the unevenness in the development of individual countries. We are witnessing attempts to cure the disorders of the Western monetary system at the cost of restricting international trade, including trade with developing countries.
83.	There is no doubt that the restrictive measures introduced by the main Western countries in connexion with the present crises in the world monetary system are causing a substantial deterioration in the conditions for effective participation by developing States in international trade and the international division of labor. Such actions sharply contradict the document on the Second United Nations development Decade and are thereby seriously threatening its implementation.
84.	In these circumstances, the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will soon begin at Santiago. This Conference is to review the development of world trade and adopt recommendations for the further development of international economic relations. We believe that the main purpose of the Conference should be to promote the creation of normal conditions for international trade. We hope that the Conference will also assess at its true value the significance of trade between countries with different social systems and that it will condemn the antiquated practice of the Western Powers of using trade as an instrument of their global policy, a practice which creates artificial obstacles to the development of world trade in general.
85.	Czechoslovakia welcomes the fact that the United Nations has also recently begun to consider the problems of the human environment. As the initiator of the conference of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe on the problems of the environment, Czechoslovakia is prepared to participate fully in its work.
86.	The Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, adopted at last year's session of the General Assembly [resolution 2734 (XXV)], and the very course taken by that session have caused Member States to give some thought to ways of improving the work of the Organization and enhancing its prestige, which has been weakened by activities inconsistent with the spirit and letter of the United Nations Charter. Time is the best test of human endeavors and of the viability of ideas and time has also tested the viability and purposes of our Organization. This test has shown that the principles upon which the United Nations is based are still valid today. The main purpose-to save mankind from the scourge of war and promote mutual international co-operation in all fields of human endeavor remains unchanged.
87.	In this sense the Czechoslovak Government welcomes all ideas and all initiatives designed to improve the work of the United Nations and is prepared to co-operate in the noble effort of creating peaceful conditions for human happiness on this planet.


78.	  May I take this opportunity to convey to you, Sir, the congratulations of the Government and people of Tanzania on your unanimous election to the Presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is confident that, with your great experience and wisdom, you will steer the proceedings of the Assembly to a successful completion. Our profound admiration goes to your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who as President of the historic twenty-fifth session guided the Assembly's deliberations with so much wisdom, talent and efficiency. We also wish to pay a special tribute to U Thant, our distinguished Secretary-General, who for the last 10 years has served our Organization with utmost diligence and dedication and has won the admiration and respect of all of us.
79.	As the Organization enters its twenty-sixth year of existence, one of the many problems that confront it, and indeed all the Members, is that of ensuring that it is equipped with adequate financial and manpower resources to carry out the large number of programs and the responsibilities now being undertaken by the Organization. No organization can exist without being provided with enough financial resources, and the Secretary-General has reminded the States Members of the United Nations of the chronic financial difficulties that the Organization is facing [A/8401 Add.l, paras. 117-123]. These difficulties are not the result of a lack of sound management by those whose unenvied task it is to administer the finances of the United Nations; they have been created by the Member States themselves. Therefore a solution to this problem will have to come from Member States. The question is not whether
, the Organization has power to tax individual Governments against their own will; rather, it is, and indeed it has always been, whether we, as Member States, are prepared to make the necessary political decisions to equip the Organization with the financial resources it needs, not merely to survive, but also to perform its many functions and responsibilities.
80.	The great issues of equality and human dignity which have figured in the general debate in the past remain as pressing as ever. In spite of clear and outright condemnation by the United Nations, and by all the peoples of the world, the evils of colonialism and racial discrimination still afflict millions of people in the world. In Africa and elsewhere, racial and colonial problems are getting worse. In South Africa and Namibia, as well as in the Portuguese colonies, white regimes led by a handful of racists and fascists have intensified measures designed to perpetuate the enslavement of the African populations. And in Zimbabwe, the United Kingdom is engaged in secret negotiations with the rebel authorities, the objectives of which can only be the further betrayal of the interests of the African people, who, ironical as it may sound, the United Kingdom has sworn to defend and protect.
81.	The General Assembly at its commemorative twenty- fifth session once again reaffirmed its condemnation of colonialism in all its manifestations, and unequivocally condemned the evil policy of apartheid as a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind, The adoption of the program of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 2621 (XXV)fwas hailed by mankind as a further indication of the determination of the international community to engage in an all-out war against the evils of man's inhumanity to his fellow man.
82.	Yet, all those who have been guilty of these crimes continue to practice their tyranny and oppression of millions of innocent people. South Africa, in spite of its energetic protestations that it is willing to live in peace with other African countries, has actually refined its oppressive apparatus against its own black population. In that unhappy land, more people are hanged yearly than anywhere else in the world. The prison population is the highest in the world in proportion to the entire population of the country. Mass arrests, demolition of houses, evictions, torture of the worst kind, have become the South African way of life. Indeed, we can only say that members of the racist South African regime no longer are rational human beings.
83.	By their actions of organized violence against the human person they have in fact turned themselves into despicable monsters. For, let it be clearly understood, rational beings are endowed with certain characteristics, among them those of compassion, love and respect for the sacredness and dignity of all human beings. This is what binds us all, and it is a bond that cuts across all barriers of language, race and color. The South African white racists, by their actions and their warped belief, do not share in those characteristics. Their political creed is based on the philosophy of hate; their economic system is supported by a system of slavery; and their religious creed has been distorted so as to support and give credence to their philosophy of hatred and organized violence against the human person, his spirit and his mind. That, in brief, is the nature of the racist regime in South Africa.
84.	It should be realized, then, that when that regime's leaders talk about the black man in that land being unable to govern, it is in fact they who have lost their ability to lead other people. That is why the people in South Africa have been fighting and protesting all along; that is why countries like Tanzania have supported this struggle; and that is why the United Nations and all its Members should redouble their efforts to deal with South Africa. For in opposing and condemning the South African system we are doing justice to our sacred duty, and we are true human beings, recognizing that all of us are inseparably bound together on the small earth we rightly call ours. If we hesitate, we will bring upon ourselves the kind of destructive evil that the world not long ago so heroically fought against-Hitlerite fascism.
85.	It is in that context that we have viewed the recent pronouncements in South Africa and elsewhere about that country's willingness to live in peace with other African countries. To us in Tanzania the issue is clear. The white racists of South Africa have come to terms with the majority of the people in that country. It is the people of South Africa who must have righted the wrongs done to them. Yet South Africa has not shown any signs that it is prepared to treat its black people as human beings. Indeed, what South Africa is asking is that the outside world should leave it alone to pursue with impunity its diabolical program of violence and oppression of millions of defenseless African people. There is no other motive.
86.	The obligation of the rest of the world is therefore clear. We must not relax our vigilance nor fail to take measures which must end the human tragedy in South Africa. South Africa should be completely outlawed from the community of nations-for it must not be allowed to behave as an outlaw at the same time as it enjoys the rights and privileges of a law-abiding nation. That would make a sad mockery of the Charter of this Organization and would place in jeopardy the principles on which all humanity operates and co-operates. South Africa cares very little about those principles, or about the Charter of the United Nations and what it embodies.
87.	South Africa's attitude t, the United Nations can be seen in the manner in which it has refused to comply with the Assembly's decision to terminate the Mandate over Namibia. In that country South Africa has moved systematically to introduce the same rule of tyranny and repression which already exists within its own borders, in spite of the clear and outright protest and condemnation by the entire world community. And now the International Court of Justice in its recent ruling has confirmed, in an advisory opinion,  the illegality of South Africa's continued presence in Namibia,
88.	But it is not South Africa alone which is guilty in this matter, for some of those who have publicly condemned South Africa's actions are the very ones who continue to honor, respect and recognize in principle South Africa's illegal rule in Namibia.
89.	A tremendous impetus to the development of the rule of law in the international community has been given by the Court's elaboration of the rules regarding the responsibility of international tribunals and those governing the conduct of States when faced with an illegal act or a series of illegal acts committed by a State of the international community. What should be the attitude of the international tribunal? Should it turn a blind eye to the illegal act? Should it wink at it, ignore it, or flinch from it? No, said the International Court of Justice. No court of justice worthy of the name can flinch from pronouncing upon a State which has committed an illegal act the doom or fate which its consequences legally entail.
90.	And what about other States, members of the inter-national community? May they ignore the illegal act of the delinquent State? May they feign indifference to the violation of law and justice, or even become parties to it-aiders and abettors, so to speak, of the illegal act? Not in the least, replies the International Court of Justice. It is the duty of all other States members of the international community to refuse to live with the illegality; to refuse to tolerate the continuing violation of legality; and to insist that the recognized culprit return to the course of action which peace, honor and justice in international relations demand.
91.	I shall not burden this discourse with further analysis of, and comment on, the significance of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in elaborating those basic rules of international conduct. I would, however, particularly refer the attention of representatives to those parts of the opinion in which the right of self- determination is placed clearly and incontestably among those which must be respected by all States members of the international community. It is the hope of my delegation that the international community will apply those rules in dealing with the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia.
92.	The same kind of senseless inhumanity continues to be practiced in the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), and the United Kingdom colony of Rhodesia. Indeed, the white minority regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonialists are determined to work and co-operate together so that the rule of terror and the enslavement of the African populations under their control will never cease. It is a tragic
situation the more so when one realizes that those minority regimes have managed to do what they are doing only because of the strong support given them by powerful allies.
93.	Even at the risk of repetition it should be noted that Portugal is a small impoverished European Power, and if it were not for the backing of its allies, Portugal would have granted freedom to its colonial peoples a long time ago-not willingly, but because of complete defeat by those who have been fighting against Portuguese oppression for more than ten years. That that has not happened is not because the freedom-fighters are less determined than they need to be; it is because, instead of fighting Portugal alone, they have now to contend with the formidable resources placed at the disposal of the Lisbon authorities by their NATO allies.
94.	Let me add, in particular, that France, contrary to its which national tradition of championing the cause of liberty, equality and fraternity, has continued to demonstrate its contempt for the rights of the black man. It has now decided that the arms it has been selling South Africa should be augmented by allowing that country to manufacture, under license, Mirage fighter planed. In that respect France has now distinguished itself as one of the freedom- fighters* most dangerous enemies,
95.	In Rhodesia too the racialist oppression of the African majority continues and, indeed, intensifies month by month. And now, once again, "talks about talks" are taking place in Salisbury between the representatives of the United Kingdom Government and the administration of the minority Smith regime. The United Nations cannot remain uninterested in those developments, and Africa at least cannot fail to be worried by them.
96.	For the Rhodesian issue is not just a matter of legal niceties; it is a question of fundamental importance to the daily lives of something like 5 million inhabitants of Rhodesia, The real issue at stake is whether, and if so when, the principles of human equality, human dignity and human freedom are to prevail in that Territory. Rhodesia is governed by a white minority. Its black population is denied political, economic and social rights, which are possessed by its white population. Further, it is a colony of the United Kingdom-even though one which is in rebellion against the British Crown. For many years that is, since before Ian Smith's unilateral declaration of Rhodesia's independence-Tanzania has been demanding that the United Kingdom should accept in the case of Rhodesia the principle which it applied in virtually all its other colonies which were advancing to independent nationhood, that is, the principle of independence based on majority rule.
97.	The logic of this demand is unassailable- It is no use saying that you are committed to the principle of majority ride if you concede independence before it is achieved. For once a country is independent its Government can do what it likes, quite regardless of any promises it has made beforehand. That is the meaning of sovereignty, The Government of an independent Country is constrained in its actions only by the power its people have over it and by its assessment of the response, in power terms, which other nations will make to any of its decisions. It is not restrained by anything else, not even by promises it made before independence. And in Rhodesia at this time it is not only political power which is concentrated in the hands of the white people; that minority also controls the economy of the nation and, for all practical purposes, its military force as well.
98.	To concede independence to the present regime in Rhodesia is therefore to accept a Government over which the majority of the population has no effective power, and in circumstances where that majority is not even equipped to defend itself by economic or other peaceful action. Nor would an independent Rhodesia under minority control have much reason to fear an effective adverse international response to the perpetuation of its racial tyranny. For not only does it have the impotence of the international community in relation to South Africa as an example to inspire it, but it may also reasonably assume that a Government which would not enforce its own legal authority is unlikely to do more than make sad noises about developments after that legal authority has been relinquished.
99.	But successive British Governments have refused to accept the principle of NIBMAR, that is, No Independence Before Majority Rule. Instead they have taken their stand on what they call the "five principles". On those principles they have stated that they would be willing to come to a "settlement" with Ian Smith and his supporters* They involve guaranteed, unimpeded progress to majority rule; guarantees against retrogressive amendments to the Constitution; an immediate improvement in the political status of the African population; progress towards ending racial discrimination; and the British Government's satisfaction that any proposed basis for independence was "acceptable to the people of Rhodesia as a whole".
100.	The "five principles" are not what Africa and this Assembly have been calling for. But Tanzania is now worried as to whether the United Kingdom Government is really going to insist even upon those principles. For it appears that the United Kingdom Government's "talks" with the Smith r^me are intended to work out some camouflage for an entirely new definition of the words "majority rule", or "the people of Rhodesia as a whole", or "guarantees". Certainly it is difficult to imagine what else this continual return of the representative of the United Kingdom to Salisbury could mean other than a search for impediments to majority rule which would satisfy Ian Smith while allowing the United Kingdom Government to pretend they did not exist.
101.	Let me make it quite clear, therefore, that to us "majority rule" can only mean the majority of all the people of that country, regardless of color, race, education, income, sex, tribe, or any other distinction between human beings which the ingenuity of man is able to devise. And the opinion of the "people of Rhodesia as a whole" must mean the opinion of all the people of the country after they have had a direct and free opportunity to judge the issue and speak for themselves.
102.	If the situation in southern Africa is painfully tragic and explosive, the state of affairs in the Middle East and Indo-China is no more consoling.
103.	This is the fifth year since the territories of three States Members of this Organization were forcibly occupied by foreign forces. And in spite of the urgings and the appeals of the international community, there has been no visible sign that the aggressor is prepared to abandon the fruits of its aggression. The continued occupation of Arab lands by Israeli military forces not only is a brutal injustice to the Airab States concerned but, above all, also constitutes a contemptuous disregard for the principles and the purposes for which our Organization stands,
104.	If peace and justice are to reign in that area, it is absolutely imperative that territorial expansionism should not be condoned and the legitimate rights of the Palestinians should be recognized and respected. In the interest of international peace and security, this Organization must attempt new initiatives in its efforts to see to it that justice is done in the Middle East.
105.	The misery and suffering of the people of IndoChina, and more particularly of Viet-Nam, continue unabated. It is very deplorable that, notwithstanding a number of public pronouncements that the war in that area was being de-escalated, the Viet-Namese people continue to be subjected to systematic killings by the United States and allied forces.
106.	It should now be clear to all that heroic Viet-Nam will not succumb to the dictates of foreign designs. The resistance and tenacity of the Viet-Namese are a matter of pride to the third world and indeed to all those who value freedom and human dignity. Is it not now time that those who thought they could subdue Viet-Nam by military might took serious and concrete measures to rectify their errors? How many more innocent lives are to be sacrificed before the Viet-Namese are allowed to decide their own destiny? The Tanzanian Government is convinced that the solution to the Viet-Nam war lies in the legitimate and serious proposals made by the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam-proposals which we fully support. For generations the Viet-Namese have never known peace. Is it too much to ask that these people be now allowed to enjoy that peace which we all cherish and which it is the basic purpose of the United Nations to uphold? Only the total withdrawal of foreign forces from the land will give the Viet-Namese that opportunity. Yet peace and freedom in Viet-Nam are, and must be, interlinked with the peace and freedom of the whole area of South-East Asia. If there is to be a durable peace in Indo-China, it is absolutely essential that the people of Cambodia and Laos also be left alone to decide their own destiny. It is an intolerable anachronism that in this day and c.ge there should be nations which still arrogate to themselves the role of international policemen.
107.	We find that anachronism also in Korea, where the United States and its allies continue to have military forces in the southern part of the country. However, the Korean situation is disturbing in another way also; for there the name of this Organization is being misuse^ to further imperialist interests. In demanding the total withdrawal of foreign military forces from South Korea, Tanzania is not only supporting the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people for national unification, which aspirations are definitely frustrated by the presence of those forces. Equally important, we are demanding that the name of this
Organization should not be abused or misused to serve the selfish interests of certain Powers. In this connexion, my delegation wishes to reiterate its disappointment at the unfortunate decision taken by this Assembly at, its 1939th meeting to postpone to the twenty-seventh session consideration of the items related to the withdrawal of foreign forces now occupying South Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea.
108.	The conscience of the world has been stirred by the tragic events affecting the people of the eastern part of Pakistan. To the miseries of flood have been added those of civil disruption, mass exodus and epidemics of dread diseases. Any of these misfortunes by itself would have been enough to try the spirit and tax the resources of the people and Government. Coming as they have done, one after the other, within a harrowingly short period of time, they have caused untold grief and suffering to millions. We sincerely hope that the international community will not relax its efforts to relieve the suffering of those people and that their return to their homeland will be speedily ensured.
109.	Progress towards the goal of general and complete disarmament continues to be disappointingly slow. The treaty concluded last year, concerning the non-emplacement of nuclear weapons on the sea-bed,  is the latest in a series of partial disarmament measures which began with the 1963 test-ban treaty.  A common characteristic of these measures is that they nibble at the edges of the problem rather than going straight to the center. Another characteristic is that the measures prohibit all States from pursuing courses of action which the major Powers no longer consider necessary in order to develop or maintain their military domination. Always these measures, when presented to the smaller nations for acceptance, are accompanied by promises from the major Powers to continue efforts to attain the more lasting and desired goal of general and complete disarmament.
110.	What progress has been achieved towards that goal since the last session of the General Assembly? There has been agreement among the major powers on a draft convention prohibiting only biological or bacteriological weapons in warfare,  despite the insistence of an overwhelming majority of smaller States during two successive years' discussion that such a prohibition should be extended also to chemical weapons. This leaves States free to continue to use the napalm and pesticides which cause mass destruction of the lives and crops of Viet-Namese peasants and of villagers in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau).
111.	Also there has been, we are told, a "breakthrough" in bilateral talks between the major Powers towards the limitation of intercontinental ballistic weapons, that is, in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. What this means to the major Powers is disputed: the parties themselves apparently attach different significance to the event, What it will mean to most of the smaller States is likely to be in the nature of symbol or gesture, since we have not the capacity even had we the will-to manufacture or deploy such weapons in the near future.
112.	I must confess that my Government felt some alarm when we had a recent proposal for a conference of select participation to discuss general and complete disarmament [A/8328]. The participants at such a conference would apparently be limited to five Powers. The rationale for such a proposal one could appreciate, namely, that the five Powers possess in themselves the capacity to destroy the world completely in a nuclear holocaust. However, general and complete disarmament involves more than the prohibition or reduction of nuclear weapons; and it involves all States, not only a handful of major Powers.
113.	My Government has therefore been relieved to hear the latest proposal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It indicates a moving away from the stage in which it was assumed that whatever was good for the major Powers was good for the rest of the world. If a conference to discuss general and complete disarmament is to be convened, it should have the participation of all States. Its chances for success would thereby be greatly enhanced but, what is more, the chances for implementation of any agreements resulting from such a conference on disarmament would be even greater.
114.	The economic situation m the developing countries is not getting better. The slow and declining rate of economic growth of the developing countries, on the one hand, and the rapid increase in the economic growth rate of the developed countries, on the other, continues to enlarge the disparity between these two groups of countries. Last year at its commemorative session, the General Assembly launched the Second United Nations Development Decade. Like the first Development Decade, the Second Development Decade seeks to redress the ever-widening disparity between nations.
115.	Yet, it is also true that what is facing the developing nations is not so much a problem of lack of planning, nor is it a lack of development decades. The problem, as we see it, is one of lack of meaningful political commitment to world development by the developed countries. For if the developed countries were serious, they would work to change the existing pattern of international trade and development, which favors developed countries very much more than the developing countries. Only if this is done will the developing nations be able to reap the benefits of their efforts and ensure a self-sustaining growth of their economies.
116.	It is a sad fact-but still a fact-that the problems Which led to the proclamation of the first United Nations Development Decade have not been effectively solved, nor have the various recommendations and resolutions adopted by the General Assembly been fully implemented. It is the hope of my delegation that, during the period of the Second Development Decade, the developed nations will exhibit a new spirit of co-operation. By means of such co-operation, appropriate solutions could be found to the problems of world trade and development in the interest of all peoples; but this depends on a recognition of the need to solve immediately the urgent trade and development problems of developing countries.
117.	It is also the hope of my delegation that these and other issues will be discussed adequately at the forthcoming third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to be held in Santiago, Chile, in 1972,
118.	Last year a majority decision to restore all the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations was again frustrated by procedural maneuvers on the part of those who kept on insisting that, before the representatives of that country could sit in all the organs of the United Nations, a two-thirds majority would have to be obtained. The events of the past few months vindicate the position taken by Tanzania as well as by the majority of the members of the Assembly. We believe, as we have believed all along, that the General Assembly has no alternative but to restore to the representatives of the People's Republic of China their seat in the Organization. It is gratifying to note that even some of the opponents of the People's Republic of China have now accepted the realities of the legality of the Government of the Chinese people. It is ridiculous that this should have taken 21 years.
119.	It is, therefore, the hope of my delegation that the issue of restoring to the People's Republic of China all its rights will be decided once and for all at this General Assembly. May I take this opportunity to make it clear that my Government rejects categorically the so-called two- China policy. The issue which is before the Assembly remains, as it has always been, the question of who should represent the 800 million Chinese people in the United Nations.
120.	It has never been an issue of admitting a Member to or expelling a Member from the United Nations. Taiwan is a province of China, and since the rightful representatives of the people of China take their seat in the organs of the United Nations, there can be no room for those who hitherto have pretended to represent China.
121.	In conclusion may I express the warmest congratulations of my Government to the three new Member States, Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar. We have no doubt that the presence of these three countries, with their rich traditions and ancient civilizations, will enrich the deliberations of our Organization and contribute to the continuing search for international peace and security.