86.	Mr. President, my delegation joins others in expressing our sincere congratulations to you on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The election of a man of your experience and skill befits the onerous demands of your new office and is a source of confidence and inspiration to my delegation. I hope that through your guidance this session will further the cause of freedom, justice, peace and progress. I therefore pledge my delegation's unqualified support in the successful execution
of your noble task. I
87.	I would also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, who steered the proceedings of the twenty-seventh session of this Assembly with admirable competence and impartiality.
88.	I wish to reiterate my Government's sorrow at the recent death of His Majesty King Gustaf VI Adolph of Sweden, whose contribution to the well-being of his own people and to the promotion of the ideals of the United Nations is a living testimony to his achievements.
89.	Permit me also to express the shock felt by the party, Government and people of Zambia at the loss sustained by progressive humanity as a result of the tragic death of President Salvador Allende, whose name will go down in history as that of a man who strove to rid his country of the shackles of imperialism and neo-colonialism and to promote the economic independence of the developing countries.
90.	My delegation wishes to extend a warm welcome to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, which have joined the United Nations. The admission of these States is a manifestation of the significant trend towards the realization of the principle of universality in the United Nations. My delegation hopes that these new Members will add a new and a positive dimension to the proceedings of this session and future sessions of the General Assembly. -
91.	The search for a world order based on freedom, justice, peace and the security of all peoples and countries remains a major preoccupation of Zambia together with other non-aligned and peace-loving countries. This session is taking place hardly a month after that historic Fourth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Algiers in September. I wish, from this rostrum, to pay a tribute to the Government and people of Algeria not only for the warm hospitality they extended to the participants but also for all their untiring efforts, which contributed so much to the success of the Conference. The Algiers Conference was yet another milestone in the determined collective effort of the non-aligned countries to eradicate the many evils that still afflict this world. It is the hope of my delegation that, as in the past, the important .decisions of that recent non-aligned Conference will greatly facilitate the work of this session.
91. We in Zambia have been consistently opposed to activities and situations which are contrary to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. We have always objected strongly to foreign interference 'in the internal affairs of countries in Indo-China. We believe this to be the major reason for the senseless loss of many lives and destruction of property. We have welcomed with relief the Paris peace agreements on Viet-Nam. We are nevertheless distressed at the persistent violations of these agreements. We have repeatedly condemned the brutal bombings to which the people of Cambodia have been subjected. We have always urged, and urge now, that all forms of foreign interference in Indo-China-and in this particular case in Cambodia and Laos-should cease forthwith so that the people of that region, who have suffered far too long, may be left alone freely to determine their own destiny. This is their right. Indeed, I wish to register our deep admiration for the courage the people of Indo-China have shown in their just struggle to rid themselves of foreign aggression.
93.	We continue to be encouraged by the bilateral negotiations which are aimed as creating favourable conditions for the reunification of Korea without interference from outside. We remain convinced that the immediate withdrawal of United States troops stationed in South Korea under the United Nations flag and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Reunification and Rehabilitation of Korea would be conducive to the early conclusion of the bilateral negotiations and to the goal of reunification. In view of the desire of the people of Korea to reunite, we are opposed to any manoeuvre to have North and South Korea admitted into the United Nations as separate entities.
94.	The situation in the Middle East continues to be a serious threat to international peace and security. In complete defiance and contempt of the decisions of the United Nations, Israel, a State Member of our Organization, continues its illegal occupation of Arab territories. Displaced Palestinians continue to be denied their fundamental rights. In the meantime, they languish in misery, many of them without shelter. The recent report of the Secretary- General  and the subsequent Security Council debate on the situation in the Middle East make it clear that Israel and its supporters are obstructing a peaceful settlement of this crisis. The readiness of the Arab side to make peace has been demonstrated beyond any doubt.
95.	In my address last year,  I referred to the initiative by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and paid a tribute to the 10 members of the Committee of African Heads of State, who, in the OAU efforts to supplement those of the United Nations, visited both Cairo and Tel Aviv. They made every effort to help find a just and durable solution to the problem. The lack of positive response from Israel has caused considerable disappointment to us. As I said earlier, Israel has not complied with numerous United Nations resolutions. It is the duty of the United Nations to ensure that Israel honours its obligation as a Member. We appeal to all States to make earnest efforts towards finding a peaceful and just settlement of the crisis in accordance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967). We sincerely hope that the current initiative of the Secretary-General will bear fruit.
96.	Zambia has already welcomed detente in Europe and the process of negotiations that now characterize relations among the major Powers. The relaxation of tension among the super-Powers and their growing willingness to negotiate for the improvement of their mutual relations have reduced the immediate danger of a major world conflict.
97.	While detente and the process of negotiations among the major Powers and in Europe are gaining momentum, aggression, pressures and interference in the internal affairs of many small and medium-sized countries and the threat of force against them are on the increase. We disapprove of this trend. It is our firm conviction that genuine peace and security, particularly that of developing countries, can come about only if efforts are similarly directed, with the participation of all States on an equal basis, to the solution of the many problems that bedevil the vast majority of the countries of the world. In other words, our goal must be to strengthen international peace and security as a whole. In this connexion I cannot over-emphasize the importance Zambia attaches to the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)J adopted by this august body.
98.	Zambia is opposed to all forms of nuclear testing. This stand is consistent with our commitment to general and complete disarmament under effective international control. We believe that there is an urgent need for the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The partial test-ban Treaty is a half-hearted measure. For that reason, its effectiveness becomes questionable. Quite understandably, there are some among us who consider it both unfair and discriminatory to prohibit others from acquiring nuclear weapons after certain States have accumulated theirs by the same means and continue to improve upon them both qualitatively and quantitatively. It seems to us that only a comprehensive test-ban treaty which will apply to all has greater chances of effectiveness.
99.	We in Zambia deeply regret the unhappy events which made it impossible for a Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference to be formed as envisaged under General Assembly resolution 2930 (XXVII). It is indeed a pity that such developments should have occurred to prevent the implementation of that resolution, which was adopted after protracted and painstaking negotiations. We remain strongly convinced that a world disarmament conference would be a most significant endeavour and perhaps a real beginning in the search for genuine disarmament.
100.	We regret the ineffectiveness of the Conference of -the Committee on Disarmament. We remain convinced that all nations must participate fully as equals, in all discussions that touch on their peace and security. Any bilateral decisions among big Powers which affect other nations, big or small, without full consideration for their legitimate interests, are unacceptable to us. Furthermore, we consider world peace and security based on balance of power, which seems to be the framework of accords bilaterally negotiated between the super-Powers, as nothing but an illusion.
101.	Since the last session, Africa has witnessed two sad events. Mr. Amilcar Cabral, President of the Partido Africano de Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde, was brutally assassinated on 20 January 1973 by the agents of
Portuguese colonialism. The world cannot but deeply mourn the tragic death of that great son of Africa.
102.	In Mozambique, where Portugal still maintains its colonialist policies, the Portuguese Fascist forces brutally murdered 400 innocent men, women and children late last year at the village of Wiriyamu. The Wiriyamu massacre will indeed go down in history with Sharpeville and My Lai as epitomizing the bestiality and savagery of fascism, colonialism and imperialism. These barbarities are in the vile tradition of generations of colonialists who have terrorized and subjugated the people of Africa. It would be outrageous for this Assembly to let those heinous acts by Portugal pass uncondemned.
103.	I am glad to say that neither Cabral's tragic death nor the Wiriyamu massacre has deterred the determination of the people of Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique from their resolve to free their countries from Portuguese colonialism. Similarly, the struggle in Angola continues.
104.	It is common knowledge that Portugal is a small and poor country. On its own it cannot withstand the onslaught of the freedom fighters in its colonies. Portuguese colonialism in Africa is sustained principally by some of its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. The concern of OAU about any form of assistance given to Portugal which enables it to carry out its atrocious policies in Africa was demonstrated by the appointment of a Special Mission to NATO countries led originally by my own President and concluded last year by Moktar Ould Daddah, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. We appreciate the positive response of certain NATO countries to appeals to them to terminate all such assistance to Portugal. We call upon those NATO countries still rendering this assistance to Portugal to take example from the others. We would like to state further that the countries which supply arms to Portugal, either bilaterally or within any other framework, bear a special responsibility for the atrocities committed by Portugal against the people of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and the rest of Africa.
105.	Portugal will not win its colonial wars in Africa. The continuation of colonial wars by Portugal will only cause untold loss of life in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, including loss of life by Portuguese nationals in those areas. The Portuguese regime should now start negotiations with the leaders of liberation movements to bring about independence to these countries. We know the leaders of liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau.
. They are fine men and women. They are not racists. We are convinced that when they take over the management of the affairs in their respective countries, people of all races and all religious beliefs will live together in peace and in harmony.
106.	In Southern Rhodesia, the rebel regime has intensified its oppressive and segregationist policies against the 5 million indigenous Africans. During the year, the regime introduced a system of mass arrests and collective, punishments against innocent villagers in the north-eastern area on the mere suspicion that they offered cover to freedom fighters. I must state that in spite of these desperate acts by a clique of frightened men, the freedom fighters will not be discouraged from intensifying the struggle for the liberation of their country.
107.	I should like to reiterate what my Government has continued to uphold regarding the obligation, f the British Government as the administering Power in Southern Rhodesia. The British Government must ensure that there should be, no independence in Southern Rhodesia except on the basis of majority rule. In this regard it is incumbent upon the British Government immediately to convene a constitutional conference, representative of all sections of the people of Southern Rhodesia. In order for this objective to be realized, it is imperative for Britain to ensure the release of all political prisoners and detainees so that they can participate in determining the destiny of their country. In this connexion, we condemn the continued detention of African leaders by the illegal regime of Ian Smith.
108.	The problem of Southern Rhodesia has been compounded by external factors. We all know that the illegal regime is very weak internally. However, the breaking of United Nations sanctions continues to be one of the major factors that have sustained the illegal and racist regimes. We regret that certain countries which are in a better position to implement sanctions against the Smith regime are in fact the main culprits. However, we note with appreciation the positive trend in the foreign policies of the new Governments of Australia and New Zealand vis-à-vis southern Africa.
109.	Since the unilateral declaration of independence by the settler minority in Southern Rhodesia, we in Zambia have made sacrifices in our efforts to abide by the decisions of the United Nations which are aimed at bringing about justice to the oppressed people of that country. In pursuance of this policy we have decided to cut off completely dealings with the rebel regime. As a result and at a very high cost to Zambia, we are engaged in rerouting our trade to the north instead of to the south, a route to which we had been tied by the colonial pattern of trade in southern Africa.
110.	Permit me to express the sincere thanks of the party, the Government and people of Zambia to all those countries which have responded positively to the appeal by the Security Council in its resolution 329(1973). My delegation would equally like to thank the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his initiatives designed to ensure the implementation of the Security Council resolution.
111.	In examining the problem of southern Africa it is imperative to pay particular attention to South Africa's political, economic and military role in Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and Namibia. Apart from intensifying within South Africa its evil policies of apartheid, the effects of which we recently witnessed in the Carletonville massacre, the Pretoria regime's basic foreign policy objective is to sustain the minority regimes of southern Africa. In this regard it should not surprise the international community that South African military forces have joined ranks with those of the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia and with the Portuguese colonial forces in Mozambique and Angola.
In recent months we have witnessed the savage killing of innocent men, women and children by the racist minority regimes, particularly in Mozambique, Southern Rhodesia and Namibia, in a desperate attempt to stifle the efforts of the gallant freedom fighters.
112.	South African aggression is not confined to the people of countries still under the yoke of minority rule in southern Africa. Together with the Portuguese Fascists and the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia, it has intensified its acts of aggression against neighbouring independent African States. My own country, for instance, has at the hands of the Pretoria-Salisbury-Lisbon axis lost many innocent lives.
113.	In the international Territory of Namibia the racist regime of South Africa is rigorously implementing its apartheid policy through the creation of the so-called "homelands", in complete disregard of the opposition of the Namibian people to any Balkanization of their country. This opposition was unequivocally demonstrated in their boycott of the recent bogus elections organized by the South African occupation forces.
114.	We in Zambia had serious misgivings about the usefulness of the contacts which the Secretary-General of the United Nations has been conducting with the racist regime of South Africa over the question of Namibia, in accordance with the mandate given him by the Security Council in its resolution 302 (1972). His reports have confirmed our anxieties that these contacts are detrimental to the interests of the Namibian people and should therefore be discontinued forthwith. Given the refusal of the South African regime peacefully to terminate its occupation of Namibia, it has become imperative for the Namibian people to intensify their armed struggle.
115.	In the light of these developments in southern Africa, Zambia will continue to render all possible assistance to liberation movements. We - are happy to note that the liberation movements are receiving increased assistance from many parts of the world. They deserve this assistance. They are putting it to good use, for the frontiers of oppression are receding; but their needs are still very considerable. To this end, we wish to appeal to all progressive forces in the world to offer substantial material assistance to the liberation movements.
116.	In my address to this Assembly last year I stated my belief and conviction in the capacity of the United Nations — particularly of its specialized agencies — to provide health, transportation, educational and other facilities in the liberated areas of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea- Bissau. The subsequent adoption by the General Assembly of resolutions calling on the specialized agencies of the United Nations to render the assistance indicated in the resolutions on the Territories concerned was a clear endorsement by the international community of the necessity and urgency of such assistance.

117.	We are aware of and appreciate the fact that the limited resources at the disposal of the United Nations have
to be disbursed world-wide. However, we believe most sincerely that the provision of such multilateral assistance would be consistent with the genuine priorities and long-term objectives of the United Nations. Apart from achieving maximum economic effect in the field of development, a token contribution would reflect concrete solidarity between the liberation movements and the United Nations.
118.	As we await the full and effective implementation of the relevant resolutions in this regard, I wish to reiterate another related appeal concerning the full participation of the representatives ,of the liberated areas in dependent countries and of Namibia in the activities of the specialized agencies, on the basis of established criteria applicable to non-Members of the United Nations.
119.	It cannot be overemphasized that the direction and scope of the activities of specialized agencies should, perhaps more than ever before, reflect the priorities of the United Nations. Such priorities are cleat. Given the relaxation of tension between East and West, the potentially explosive problems facing the international community continue to be imperialism, colonialism, apartheid-.and the slow rate of economic and social development of developing countries. In other words, the basic task confronting the world is the attainment of those living standards which are consistent with human dignity — a task which inevitably demands maximum co-operation and commitment by all parties concerned.
120.	My delegation commends the speedy action of the United Nations in coping with natural disasters and providing and co-ordinating the necessary relief and rehabilitation, as recently demonstrated in Bangladesh, Pakistan and the Sudano-Sahelian zone of Africa. In these situations the specialized agencies have been admirably responsive.
121.	The gap between promise and performance in international economic co-operation continues to widen at a dangerous pace. Problems have been highlighted and
- diagnosed. Various prescriptions have been advanced, but the will to translate them into practical action consistently continues to be inadequate. We are all aware of these failures. We know that the share of developing countries in international trade has diminished over the past year, despite the spectacular rise in global trade. We equally know of the general unsatisfactory trends in the important economic sectors of these countries. In the absence of political will, particularly on the part of the developed countries, to dispose of their resources in favour of their poor counterparts, the logical result is that outstanding problems become more complex, new ones emerge, and the gap between the poor and the rich continues to widen.
122.	Golden opportunities for solving some of the latent and actual problems have been lost out of callous indifference on the part of developed countries, and failures to fulfil their various obligations have been rationalized away. This situation is clearly a despicable disregard of the purposes and the spirit of international economic co-operation.
123.	Developing countries have experienced, and continue to suffer, disproportionately, the ominous influences of
inflation and international monetary instability originating from the leading participants in the development process. Such trends and developments have adversely affected the ability of developing countries to contribute meaningfully to the effective implementation of global and other strategies.
124.	On present indications the prospects for forestalling a repetition of the failure of the First United Nations Development Decade will largely depend on the unlikely achievement of total commitment to the set goals by all parties concerned, and particularly the need for developed countries to pay more heed to their responsibilities under the Charter and as prescribed by other relevant international instruments.
125.	Members of this Organization should do their utmost to forestall the erosion of all hopes that the international community has placed in the Second United Nations Development Decade, the failure of whose International Development Strategy would entrench the disappointments which climaxed the end of the first Decade.
126.	Our attitudes and commitment as partners in the process of development should consistently reflect the increasingly recognized principle of mutual interdependence in international relations. This demands the adherence to those principles and objectives which recognize the fact that all national, bilateral or regional policies and practices which influence international relations should be regarded as matters of mutual concern. For example, the achievement of detente between the East and West should not be permitted to affect adversely the genuine economic interests of developing countries. Additionally, the forging of closer links by way of preferential trading arrangements among the developed countries should not equally j permitted to erode the benefits of other international arrangements in favour of developing countries. The participation of developing countries in such arrangements whose consequences affect them should be on the basis of equality and mutual advantage.
127.	My delegation recognizes that the significance of the proposal for the drafting of a charter of economic rights and duties of States in terms of the urgent need to safeguard the national sovereignty and independence of all States is that this would improve international economic relations.
128.	While reaffirming each country's inalienable right to the full exercise of sovereignty over its natural resources, my delegation would at the same time urge greater awareness of the limited character of natural resources and Itherefore the institution of effective measures to ensure their efficient exploitation and utilization. Furthermore, we would hope that current deliberations on various commodity shortage problems will usher in a new era of realism, rationale and economy in the management and exploitation of the world environmental resources for the betterment of mankind.
129.	The important issue pertaining to the role of multinational corporations and the influence of developing countries as well as on international relations in general, has now seriously engaged the attention of the international community.
130.	Two important initiatives in this regard have been undertaken by the United Nations Secretariat under the guidance of 20 eminent persons appointed by the Secretary-General pursuant to Economic and Social Council resolution 1721 (LIII) of 28 July 1972 and by the group of non-aligned countries as part of their continuing efforts aimed at achieving peace and progress.
131.	The United Nations study on the subject,  the meeting of the economic experts of the group of non- aligned countries recently held in Santiago, Chile, and the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers in September, have on this important subject recognized the urgent need for countervailing action against the negative activities of multinational corporations or the adoption of appropriate measures to place private foreign investment at the service of national development objectives.
132.	In order to give concrete effect to the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, as well as to realize vital national goals, my delegation reaffirms the cardinal right of every nation to undertake all appropriate measures designed to recover its natural resources and aimed at facilitating the full exercise of its control over the exploitation of such resources particularly by private foreign investment.
133.	My delegation equally supports the immediate cessation of any form of interference by countries in which multinational corporations originate in disputes between the latter and their host countries, particularly developing countries.
134.	I should now like to turn to another important area in which the United Nations is making efforts. This important area in which the United Nations is making efforts is regarding the progressive development of the international law of the sea.
135.	It will be recalled that during the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [resolution 2750(XXV)J, the United Nations reaffirmed that the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction was the common heritage of mankind. Subsequently, it was decided [resolution 3029 (XXVII)] to convene the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which would deal, inter alia, with the establishment of an equitable international regime — including an international machinery for the international area and its resources and a broad range of related issues.
136.	My delegation is pleased to learn that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, whose task it has been to prepare for the Conference has made significant progress in the discharge of its responsibility. For instance, the Committee has succeeded in identifying the issues necessitating the holding of the Conference. In some cases, single texts have been agreed upon, and in others alternative texts have been presented. It is our view that adequate preparations have been made on the basis of which we can look forward to the convening of the Conference as originally scheduled.
137.	While recognizing that the stage has been reached for convening the Conference, we note that previous Conferences on the Law of the Sea gave inadequate attention to the problems of land-locked States.
138.	Particular attention needs to be given by the Conference to the following three vital issues. The first relates to the right of land-locked States to free access to the sea. We note that attempts to solve the problem began quite early in the present century. Yet it is recognized that insufficient safeguards have been provided for land-locked countries. Previous conferences have largely left the question for settlement through bilateral or regional negotiations. Past and contemporary experience has vividly shown that this is highly unsatisfactory, especially in southern Africa. To avoid this continuation of such ill effects on international relations it has become necessary that such a right and other related issues should be provided for by the forthcoming Conference.
139.	Another important issue to be decided. by the Conference appears to be whether or not the international area already declared to be the common heritage of mankind, will be the subject of exploration and exploitation by an enterprise or by individual States on licences to be issued by an international authority. We believe that, in order to safeguard the interests of developing countries, some of which rely for their economic survival on land resources which are also to be found in the international area, it would be vital to assign the functions of exploration and exploitation of the area to an enterprise subject to the control of a truly representative international authority. In that way, we would be assured of a strong regime which would safeguard the interests of all States, especially the developing countries.
140.	Thirdly, concerning the limits of national jurisdiction, we are gratified to note that the Secretary-General, in response to the decisions of this Assembly during its twenty-seventh session, has prepared a study on the economic significance, in terms of sea-bed mineral resources, of the various limits proposed for national jurisdiction.  In establishing uniform limits of the territorial sea, the Conference will need to give due attention to such data.
141.	Needless to say, we have addressed ourselves to only a few of the issues before the forthcoming Conference, which, when assuming its momentous task, should no doubt also have regard to its contribution to international peace and security.
142.	Zambia attaches great importance to the United Nations. We have consistently held the view that the United Nations is vital to human development. Its importance in the maintenance of peace and security in the world is invaluable, for through it all States are able to give expression to their equality among the rest of the members of the human family. The United Nations, in our view, is one of the greatest expressions of interdependence in an ever-growing and ever-more-complex international community. Consequently, one of the cardinal principles of Zambia's foreign policy is to support the United Nations.
143.	This is not to say that all is well with our Organization. As I stated earlier, in my address to this august body at its twenty-seventh session, there is a growing crisis of confidence in the ability and authority of the United Nations to deal effectively with pressing international problems such as the achievement of human freedom and independence.
144.	We must act now to restore confidence in this vital instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. As we move closer to a fuller realization of the principle of universality of membership in the United Nations, an essential and important element for its effectiveness, we must at the same time weed out all impediments in order to ensure that the Organization assumes its proper role for the benefit of mankind. The growing tendency, particularly among the super-Powers, to bypass the United Nations in dealing with problems of vital importance and interest to the whole of the international community should be discouraged, as it has, inter alia, the effect of eroding the prestige and authority of this Organization. The principle of equitable and more-broadly- based geographical representation in all major organs of the United Nations and its specialized agencies must be fully realized. The Security Council, the organ charged with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, must cease to be a preserve of the big Powers, where they can use their power to veto at will in order to protect their interests and those of their allies. We wish to reiterate our belief that the time has come for a review of the whole question of permanent membership in the Security Council. We strongly believe that a new criterion for eligibility should be devised. In our view, this should be based not on military or economic power, but rather on the principle of equitable geographical representation. Mere military or economic strength should not be the criterion for permanent membership in the Security Council. Certain countries falling within this category are guilty of protecting and sustaining the racist minority regimes of southern Africa. Such behaviour does not befit the responsibilities that they have assumed, as it is in itself a contravention of the Charter, let alone the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly.
145.	We would also urge the elimination of the privilege of veto enjoyed by the permanent members of the Security Council, or at least the institution of measures that will guarantee against its abuse. It is intolerable that the wishes of the vast majority of countries should be frustrated by one permanent member.
146.	Although much remains to be done, the international community has taken significant steps towards realizing the objectives of the United Nations. The areas of crisis are being reduced, if somewhat slowly; some of the goals are in sight. The phenomenal growth of the non-aligned movement is gradually transforming a divided international community into one. I wish to reaffirm Zambia's commitment to the objectives of the United Nations. Zambia, along with other peace-loving nations, will continue to work tirelessly for the attainment of these objectives.


88.	 Mr. President, first of all may I thank you for allowing me to
address the Assembly from this rostrum. Furthermore, on behalf of the nationals of the countries commonly called the countries of the third world, I wish to congratulate you on your brilliant election to preside over the General Assembly of the United Nations. I have no doubt that, owing to your well-known reputation as a statesman, you will carry the heavy burdens it imposes with competence and to the immense satisfaction of the General Assembly and to the pride of the so-called third world. Glancing at your biography, Sir, I find both pleasure and pride in discovering that you, like myself, were at one time a journalist.
89.	The people of Zaire, at one with the Popular Movement of the Revolution, our national party, has entrusted me with presenting the thanks of the citizens of Zaire to the United Nations through this august Assembly.
90.	If a small minority of States Members of this Organization refused to participate in the Congo operation at that time, the great majority nevertheless spontaneously placed troops at the disposal of the Organization, or assisted financially in the carrying out of the operation that allowed us to maintain peace and the unity and integrity of national territory. Through the United Nations, Zaire wishes to give heart-felt thanks to all parties.
91.	I will take advantage of this opportunity to pay a tribute also to the Secretaries-General of the world Organization who have worked so hard and have been able to assure us of our existence.
92.	My thoughts go out particularly to the late Dag Hammarskjold, who died in the service of this important Organization and of the Republic of Zaire.
93.	My tribute must also be addressed to his successor, U Thant, who gave himself body and soul to the maintenance of peace in the world and who paid special attention to the cause of Zaire.
94.	I am very grateful, finally, for the appointment of Mr. Kurt Waldheim as Secretary-General of the United Nations. I wish for him a brilliant and fruitful career.
95.	All the world knows the circumstances that surrounded the accession of my country to independence. In 1960, Zaire, which was still called the Congo, collapsed one night like a house of cards. A number of experts in colonialism had decided hastily that our people were congenitally incapable, attempting to prove thereby that the independence of new nations was an unsuccessful operation. We were presumed and judged incapable of governing ourselves without the colonizers.
96.	But we believe that the accident that occurred in Zaire was foreseeable. Despite the fact that by the Act of Berlin of 1885 the Zaire river basin was opened to the entire world, Zaire itself was isolated from the world. It was outside the pale of progressive ideas.
97.	Furthermore, at the time it attained independence my country, 80 times larger than its one-time
metropolitan area, had only 10 national cadres that had completed their university studies; and in the administration, in the army and in the private sector, there was not a single Zairean cadre.
98.	It was for that reason that 1960 to 1965 were dreadful years for us and we are forced to recognize that anarchy, chaos, disorder, blindness and incapacity prevailed in Zaire.
99.	Some of you may have to consult your dictionary to find out precisely what the word "anarchy" means, but we in Zaire were so well acquainted with it that many people felt that the word "anarchy" was an invention of Zaire. That is why disorder in any part of the world was baptized "congolization".
100.	Our country suffered because of its lack of political preparation; but it suffered above all because of the greed of the West and the East. Both of them tried to gain a decisive influence over us so that they could control our important natural resources. Some wanted to recolonize us economically, whereas others wished to dominate us ideologically.
101.	Zaire, which went through indescribable chaos to become an organized and well-governed country, after its unfortunate experience finally recognized its true friends. The Zairean experience is based on a political philosophy that we call authenticity. This is an awareness on the part of the people of Zaire that they should return to their beginnings and search for the values of their ancestors in order to appreciate the values which contribute to the country's harmonious and natural development. It is the refusal of the people of Zaire blindly to espouse imported ideologies. It is the affirmation of the worth of the Zairean, or of any man, as he is and where he is, with the mental and social structures that are his own. A return to authenticity is not narrow nationalism, a blind return to the past. On the contrary, it is a useful instrument for peace among nations, a condition for existence among peoples, a platform on which co-operation among States can be built. For authenticity not only implies a profound knowledge of one's own culture, but also a respect for the cultural heritage of others.
102.	Thus, strengthened by this experience, we in all modesty believe that Zaire can now give to the world its own interpretation of problems that confront us.
103.	We shall start by dealing with our own continent, Africa. For Africa today remains the only continent where colonization, racial segregation, apartheid and contempt of man because of the pigmentation of his skin persist. Africa is a continent that has suffered some of the greatest humiliations of recorded history.
104.	For centuries the situation of the black man in Africa has deteriorated. Under the pretext that they had come to Africa to civilize us, the first whites, the pioneers of that civilization, began by emptying our respective countries of their fundamental substance through the shameful practice of slave-trading — and even at that period the chief offenders were the Portuguese. Our ancestors were not considered as men, or even as beings with intelligence and feeling. They were considered as a set of muscles fit for mechanical labour such as we expect from an animal — a horse, a buffalo, a donkey or an ox.
105.	Slavery continued and in the nineteenth century became a veritable catastrophe for the African continent. To justify themselves, these colonialists and slave-traders pitted us against our Arab brothers, affirming their role in slavery. They pretend to forget that the Arabs were only brokers and commissioners, because slave-trading of the blacks was carried on for the sole profit of the whites.
106.	The colonial countries of Europe very rapidly learned the meaning of the adage that you can never be better served than by yourself. Thus, in 1885 the great slave-traders of the period met in Berlin and, like vultures, carved up the African continent among themselves. No more would slave-trading raids cost them dear. Unorganised occupation would not occur again; it would now be premeditated and organized. The exploitation of the blacks would not be sporadic; it would now become systematic, permanent and definitive by the pure and simple appropriation of the African territories by the slave-traders. The black had no longer to escape the raids he lost his rights, his country and his freedom. The process of dehumanization had begun. The black had to give up his personality, his mental and social structures — in a word, his authenticity.
107.	Pseudo-scientific arguments in which the black was alleged to be an inferior being were not lacking to justify this business of dehumanization. They maintained that the white colonizers were different from the blacks whom they colonized and, therefore, superior to them. In order to perpetuate the exploitation of the black by the white, the colonizers systematically set about destroying African traditions, African languages, African culture —  in a word, making a brute of the black man so that he could only speak, think, eat, dress, laugh or breathe as the white man did.
108.	Despite the huge organization created to perpetuate the slavery of the black man, the whites of Europe could not extinguish the flame of freedom and dignity in black Africa. Thus, about 1960 an irresistible and irreversible feeling for freedom seized all the peoples of Africa and led to disarray among the colonialists who were not prepared for it. The black man broke his shackles and said "No" to exploitation and' to his alienation by the West.
109.	A fruit falls only when it is ripe; but in the storms' and the tempests of history the fruit falls, whether ripe or not.
110.	From that time on, we believed that the colonialists finally understood that history cannot be turned back. But today's experience shows that Africa has not yet reached the end of its suffering, for the colonialists are still waging a rear-guard action. In fact, white mercenaries paid by certain countries have tried to re-conquer some countries that have already gained independence. This was the case in the Democratic
Republic of the Sudan, the Federal Republic of Nigeria and in my own country, Zaire.
111.	In the town of Bukavu, in eastern Zaire, a white mercenary from Europe, seriously proclaimed himself President of the Republic of Zaire. Had a black man done so in Europe, he would immediately have been taken for a hoaxer or a mental case; but, since he was a white man doing so in Africa, the colonialists mobilized the press, radio and television and placed them all at his disposal, not only to offer him publicity, but also to ridicule the Chief of State of Zaire, myself. My position has not been challenged in my own territory, or in any of the countries represented here. But such provocation was an intolerable insult to me which I cannot pardon.
112.	At this very moment that I am speaking to you, the anachronistic situation at present prevailing in Angola, Rhodesia, Mozambique, Namibia and South Africa would be unthinkable without the hidden support of certain Powers.
113.	How can one explain the fact that a country like Portugal has the strength to control enormous territories such as Angola and Mozambique unless it is upheld by more powerful nations than itself? In fact Portugal is an economically, socially and culturally under-developed nation. It has no democracy. It has no military force. Its sole record is that of having the highest level of illiteracy in Europe. Its strength and its arrogance are directly linked with its membership in NATO. Portugal, with its colonies, is strategically necessary for that military organization.
114.	The volume of investment and capital coming from the West to the Portuguese colonies increases daily. The building of the Cabora Bassa dam, which will serve mainly the Republic of South Africa, shows unequivocally that the interested Powers will always oppose the liberation and independence of the countries I have mentioned. Furthermore, the Minister of the Interior and of Information, Mr. Cornelius Mulder, recently stated that the Republic of South Africa was ready to supply military support to all the countries of southern Africa, including Mozambique and the other Portuguese territories, in order to combat what he called terrorism —  in 'other words, the heroic struggle of the African nationalists. Mr. Mulder made that statement when he was on a visit to Rhodesia to inspect the units of the South African army that are fighting, together with the Rhodesian forces, against the Zimbabwe patriots.
115. Between the two Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique there is a country where some years ago a similar situation developed. Call it what you will, it is a scandalous situation. I am referring now to Rhodesia. One morning we learned from the press that after a number of secret meetings between the Government of Her Very Gracious Majesty the Queen of England and the British settlers in Rhodesia, the latter had rebelled against their Government, their country and their sovereign and that the authorities of Great Britain were unable to induce their compatriots in Africa to change their minds.
116.	The motto of Great Britain is Dieu et mon Droit —  God and my right. I presume that means that the role of the Government of that country is to ensure that justice prevails where it has authority; but glancing at the history of that great people we note that it has largely justified the existence of that motto and even gone beyond mere justice at times to what it might term the sole right of the great island. To be convinced, all we need do is recall the innumerable movements of rebellion and independence that have been so violently squashed by Great Britain in the course of its history. As regards Africa, the example of Kenya suffices — strikingly so. In fact, the injustice of the British Government, which reserved the best lands for its own settlers in that country, led to the legitimate revolution of the Mau Mau. That revolt was savagely squash  by the butchery of approximately 15,000 persons.
117.	The case of the United States of America, which valiantly struggled to attain its independence, is far too well known to be dwelt on here. Everywhere, in Kenya, India, Guyana, Cyprus, Aden, Palestine, Gibraltar, Anguilla, Great Britain has resorted to force to ensure that its authority would prevail — everywhere except, strangely enough, in Rhodesia.
118.	And yet the Africans of Rhodesia, counting on the justice of that great country, had earlier trusted the British Government; unfortunately they had to change their tune. One day 2,000 black rioters who had climbed the trees around Salisbury airport to welcome the then Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, chanted the following: "We are black. We are the orphans of Rhodesia. No one helps us. No one loves us." The white police answered, "Leave those damned monkeys. Let them go back to the trees they came from."
119.	That is why we denounce racism. It is premeditated; it is ignoble; it is inhuman.
120.	Much has been said about economic sanctions to put down the secession in Rhodesia but in point of fact Great Britain carefully protects its friend in NATO, Portugal, and the latter in turn protects its friends the British settlers of Rhodesia. Paradoxically, they do not manage to discourage the secessionists, but they are managing to stifle an independent country — Zambia. Great Britain, which considers itself the most traditionally democratic country in the world, the defender of fundamental freedoms and the legitimate rights of man, accepts, tolerates and implicitly upholds its 200,000 rebellious subjects who, contrary to the elementary rules of democracy, keep 4 million blacks in slavery.
121.	The situation of the Portuguese and British territories reaches as far as South Africa. That is the only country in the world where the whites have raised segregation to the level of an institution. The term apartheid would not exist in human language had the whites not been in South Africa.
122.	Instead of being logical with themselves and consistent in allowing blacks and whites to be separated, each group developing according to its own fashion, the whites push their barbarism by exploiting the black man, as they did in the old days of slavery. Thus, thanks to an almost free labour force, 420,000 blacks extract by hand two thirds of the world's production of gold, for the profit of the whites. And the blacks of South Africa have no right to strike, no trade union rights, no rights at all. They have asked for an absurdly small increase in their wages, taking account of the present world price of gold, but they have simply been beaten down by the South African authorities.
123.	The Republic of South Africa has plagued the United Nations for over 20 years with the problem of Namibia. Now the South African racists are Balkanizing that great African territory.
124.	Faced by this conspiracy against independent Africa, three countries, those most directly concerned, have tried to co-ordinate their efforts in order to ensure, on the one hand, their own security and, on the other hand, the freedom of the countries at present occupied. I take advantage of this opportunity to pay a warm tribute to my brothers, Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, for their wisdom and their determination to secure African liberation. The pooling of our resources within the framework of a permanent tripartite conference, will, I am sure, allow the creation of an axis of dissuasion, Kinshasa-Lusaka-Dar-es-Salaarn. All those who love Africa should assist Tanzania, Zambia and Zaire in shouldering their responsibilities.
125.	On a number of occasions, particularly in the Lusaka Manifesto,  Zaire has joined other African States to convince and persuade the racists of southern Africa to give up their wrong ways, but that attitude of good will has been received with complete contempt.
126.	Now that we have achieved political, economic and social stability, we cannot be happy while our brothers of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia are still languishing under the yoke of the Portuguese colonialists, the British settlers of Rhodesia and the racists of South Africa. Furthermore, Zaire is the link between a number of African countries.' We are surrounded by French-speaking, English- speaking, Portuguese-speaking and Arab-speaking countries.
127.	Frantz Fanon used to say that Africa looked like a revolver whose trigger was in Zaire. It is therefore an imperative political duty for Zaire to make its material and military contribution to all its neighbours that are still subjected to colonialism of any sort. The daughters and sons of Zaire have entrusted me with informing this Assembly that as of this moment Zaire as a whole is mobilized to fight against all the racists and colonialists of southern Africa. If we must place our finger on the trigger of the African revolver of Frantz Fanon, Zaire is ready to shoulder all its responsibilities. All countries that call themselves our friends will, I trust, be on our side, and in practical fashion. For as far as we are concerned, passivity in this field is equivalent to complicity.
128.	My country is ready to undertake this sacred struggle, whatever may be the sacrifices involved. And we shall never retreat, regardless of what may happen, regardless of what it may cost. The struggle for African liberation also has its moments of satisfaction, and it was with enthusiasm that we welcomed the birth of a new independent State, Guinea-Bissau. Zaire hastens to support the candidacy of that new State for membership in our Organization.
129.	It is obvious that Portugal feels that it has been undermined by this new victory for Africa. For, despite its belonging to NATO, despite the quantities of weapons and troops used to keep Guinea-Bissau under its thumb, the daughters and sons of that country have just thrown Portuguese colonialism out of their national territory. Thus any new intervention on the part of Portugal in Guinea-Bissau will have to be considered as aggression, pure and simple, against an independent State.
130.	Every continent has its problems, and Africa has its own. It is the situation I have just described to you.
131.	But there is another problem also of the greatest interest to our continent, namely the situation in the Middle East. In plain words, it is the Israeli-Arab question that concerns us.
132.	The situation prevailing in that part of the world is without doubt the most complex and the most delicate confronting mankind today. To listen to the protagonists, one is tempted to conclude that the point of departure agreed to by all is Security Council resolution 242 (1967). But each of the parties has its own interpretation of that resolution, and in any case no one is implementing it.
133.	You may perhaps be wondering where Zaire stands in this matter. In Zaire, before taking any decision, we try to analyse the facts objectively. It seems to us both childish and unrealistic to believe in the myth about throwing the Israeli people into the sea. That people does exist and it has a right to live. But it is also true that the Palestinian people has the same right as the Israeli people, that is, the right to have a homeland and to live in peace. It is therefore inadmissible that the refugees of 1947 should have been displaced to become refugees a second time in 1956 and a third time in 1967. The Jewish people, which suffered under nazism and from all sorts of racism, should understand better than any other people the sufferings of the Palestinian refugees, who for a quarter of a century have been without a homeland.
134.	Time and again Israel has called for secure and recognized frontiers. But Israel has never said what they should be. For 1956. replaced 1947, and 1967 replaced 1956. Perhaps tomorrow other frontiers will be demanded, and for that reason the Arab people believe, in their turn, that they run the risk of being thrown into the sea, only this time it would be the Indian Ocean. In the Middle East there exist three kinds of reflexes: the reflex of fear, for the Israeli people; the reflex of 'despair, for the Palestinian people; and the reflex of humiliation, for the Arab people. That, we believe, is how the problem stands.
135.	Lately, when an African country takes a sovereign decision in the Israeli-Arab conflict, the Israeli authorities declare that that decision was dictated purely and simply by the Arab countries; and what is more, that the African leaders were paid for taking such a decision. Such allegations are serious and insulting.
136.	Furthermore, we can only be astonished at the visit to Israel just recently made by the Minister of the Interior and for Information of the racist State of South Africa, Mr. Cornelius Mulder. That visit gives us a lot to think about with regard to the orientation of Israel's African policy, and hence, the future of Israel's relations with independent Africa. Zaire, which has now reached the moment when it must choose, must dispel all misunderstanding and remove a certain ambiguity resulting from its African vocation. Zaire has therefore to choose between a friendly country, Israel, and a brother nation, Egypt. But between a friend and a brother the choice is clear, and our decisions are made in full independence and freedom from all pressures.
137.	Therefore, by virtue of the prerogatives conferred upon me by article 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of Zaire, I announce to all the world the breaking-off of diplomatic relations with Israel, such severing of relations to continue until Egypt and the other Arab countries involved have recovered their territories at present under occupation.
138.	Like the Middle East, concerning which I have just spoken, Asia has for some decades been torn by savage wars. Nevertheless, we are gratified at the development of the situation in Viet-Nam and Laos. And here we must straightforwardly recognize the political courage of the President of the United States of America and his Government in having realized that a military victory was impossible despite the resources being employed.
139.	Concerning Cambodia, we believe that what goes for Viet-Nam and Laos also goes for that country. I fervently wish for the people of Cambodia a rapid return to conditions of domestic peace.
140.	Regarding the problem of Korea, the Republic of Zaire enjoys excellent relations with both parts of that land, North and South, that share the votes of the Korean people. For this reason, we suggest to all Members of our Organization that they refrain from taking any action that might widen the gulf between the two parties, and that, rather, they help them to pursue the course that they have freely chosen for themselves, namely that leading to reunification. In the meantime, they can be admitted as observers. And if they succeed, as we earnestly hope they will, in reaching unity, we will, needless to say, have a single Korean nation represented here by a single delegation. But if, unfortunately, the goal at present being sought is not reached, then we shall have to bow to the inevitable and admit two delegations, just as we have done in the case of the two Germanys.
141.	Zaire believes that the admission of the two Germanys to membership in the United Nations is a contribution to the maintenance of peace in the world.
Zaire, therefore, through me, welcomes the presence in this hall of the representatives of those two countries.
142.	Turning now to the Conference on Security and Co -operation in Europe, according to information in our possession, that security also concerns the Mediterranean basin. But when we speak of the Mediterranean basin we are also talking about the coastal countries, and this inevitably brings into the work of that Conference our brother countries in Africa, namely, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco.
143.	I would like to say something now concerning some problems very close to us, those involving international economic relations between the rich countries, commonly called the "developed countries", and our countries, arbitrarily called the "countries of the third world". I am speaking here, of course, as a representative of my country, but also as an African leader and a citizen of what is known as the "third world".
144.	In Zaire we challenge that term, "third world", which to us makes no logical sense. For if what is sought is an economic definition, that is to say, if we talk about a country with a capitalist system, which belongs to one category, and a country with a collectivist system, which belongs to another, that would mean that all the others are neither capitalist nor collectivist. And this is not quite true from the economic point of view, for certain so- called "third world" countries have in fact either a capitalist system or a collectivist system. Nor can one justify the term "third world" from either a geographical standpoint or a population standpoint, because the "third world" does not constitute one third of mankind, but rather two thirds; and that is why we find that the term "third world" is accompanied by a feeling of condescension. Consequently, this term is outmoded. For those who invented it, there exists a category of countries known as "Western" countries, and others which form the club of what is known as "the East". Apart from these, all other countries are pigeonholed under the same label: "third world".
145.	The element of scorn, of contempt felt by certain colonial countries does not stop there. They began by calling the so-called third world countries "backward" countries. The people who coined this word found it too strong themselves and tried to mitigate it by replacing it with the word "under-developed". And now, in order to avoid wounding diplomatic sensibilities, we are called "developing" countries.
146.	In Zaire we wonder exactly what development means. Is it possible to term "developed countries" those which possess an impressive number of cars, which build thousands of miles of roads, which pollute the waters, the seas and^ the air? Shall we call "under-developed countries" those whose inhabitants are poor — as certainly they are — but which have fewer cases of suicide, fewer murders and fewer disturbed and sadistic people?
147.	I must confess that I have never considered Zaire, my country, as under-developed, because my people are disciplined, hard-working, full of dignity and pride, while
the countries which call themselves "developed" are the scene of social disturbances, of strikes. That is why we prefer the term "equipment" to that of "development". We are quite willing to recognize that we are under- equipped by comparison with other countries, and that is precisely the understanding of the specialists in the Western economy when they are in a mood to face the facts.
148.	The United States of America is the leading member of the club of the 10 richest countries of the world and it has proved this by landing the first man on the moon. But it is never said that the other nine members are under-developed by comparison; all that is said — as we say — is that they are under-equipped by comparison with the United States.
149.	What I have said proves that the concept of "developing countries" is wrong and specious because for each of us there is always someone who is better equipped or worse equipped than himself, and we are all in a perpetual stage of development; that is to say, we are developing. Also, those who call themselves developed should realize that the under-equipped countries have themselves realized their own condition. Indeed, the latter have finally understood that the division of the world is not a function of ideology or a degree of industrialization of the various countries.
150.	The world is divided into two camps: the dominators and the dominated, the exploiters and the exploited. The poor countries are not what they are because of . congenital incompetence; they are so because of history which has resulted in certain countries dominating, exploiting and robbing others in order to get rich themselves. It is a matter of mathematical logic: when the rich exploit the poor, the rich become even richer and ^he poor become even poorer.
151.	Today it is good publicity to talk of the assistance given by the rich countries to the poor countries. When a rich country gives only one kilo of medicine to a poor country, the press, radio and television are called in, diplomatic speeches are exchanged; some boast of the aid and others give thanks for it. This propaganda has even aroused, among certain theoreticians of rich countries, opposition to assistance to poor countries because they say it is the poor of the rich countries who enrich the rich of the poor countries. Nothing could be less true because, if you take a good look at the situation, you will note that, paradoxically enough, assistance benefits the donor country above all.
152.	In fact, what are the forms of assistance? One can distinguish three forms in particular: fellowships for students, assistance in personnel, and financial assistance.
153.	When a fellowship is granted to a young student from a poor country, it is spent entirely by the student in the rich country. It may even happen that the scholarship is not sufficient, that the poor country has to provide a supplement; that is to say, in fact, what amounts to a transfer of capital from the poor country to the rich country.
154.	The same goes for those who are called technical assistants; their salaries are spent in the country of which they are nationals. In Zaire, for example, we house them, we provide them with transport, we pay their salaries, and we pay for their annual vacations and their return tickets. As for their salaries, half is transferred monthly to their accounts in their home countries. A large proportion of our external payments is made up of transfers of salaries from expatriate workers. Again in the case of Zaire, every year we have to grant a sum of $40 million for salary transfers for technical assistants.
155.	Reference is often made to financial assistance, but if one takes a close look at that too, it will be seen that the credits of the donor countries are accompanied by conditions with regard to the provision of equipment and by exorbitant interest rates and very short repayment periods. Furthermore, they remain in the vaults of the banks of the rich countries, and the beneficiary countries do not receive a single cent to spend at home. So it is actually as if the poor country were financed without actually benefiting from this financial assistance. It might be said — to use the language of financiers — that what we have here is a kind of self-financing of the rich countries.

156.	Furthermore, my country transfers annually to the former metropolitan country, as payment for services and in dividends of the private companies established in our country, a sum which ranges from $300 million to $350 million. And that is why I am wondering who is helping whom. I am convinced that in this particular field we are not really speaking the same language.
157.	That is why, if the rich countries really want to help the poor countries, they must protect them from credit facilities, research departments and international experts. Let me explain. At the drop of a hat, unscrupulous merchants in the West offer us all kinds of credit facilities. They may sell us paper, cigarettes, water, even air, on what they call easy terms, without taking account of the way in which this causes our external indebtedness to deteriorate.
158.	The rich countries should not be concerned only with assisting their industries to export on any terms whatsoever, but should also take account of the financial situation of the importing countries.
159.	I have just said that we in Zaire prefer the term "equipment" to that of "development", and there is ho disgrace in recognizing that we are behind in .terms of equipment in comparison with many countries in the world. This is the result primarily of a lack of sufficient skilled manpower. This lack has given rise to a category of individuals known as experts. These experts should come to do a precise kind of work and for a limited time, until their counterparts have been trained. But what we very often see, unfortunately, is that, instead of considering themselves transient elements, they cling to their jobs, working in ivory towers and hiding their files so that they will always be needed.
160.	As to the research departments, they are rather like the tongue of Aesop: the best and the worst of things. While it is true that a good research department can carry out a useful survey for the country, it is also true, unfortunately, that often a research department does not work towards the solution of a problem, but rather to identify many problems which give rise to new surveys. Many research departments are therefore not really doing their proper work — that is, solving a problem —  but, rather, are working to create new markets.
161.	If I criticize the organization of technical assistance, it is not just for the sake of doing so, and it does not mean that I am not sincerely grateful to all those who have helped my country to overcome its difficulties, but because I consider there are other ways which are more disinterested and more effective.
162.	Take, for example, co-operation between China and Zaire. Since the month of January this year, Zaire has been the scene of a unique experiment in the field of co-operation: that is, the assistance given by China to my country. The Chinese technical assistants in our country receive no air tickets from us and they transfer no salaries to their home country. The Chinese experts adopt the same way of life as their Zaire counterparts. The Chinese moves about, lives and eats exactly as does his Zaire counterpart. In the field of financial assistance, China has made us a large loan on a very long term and without interest. This, in my view, is a fine example to follow if you want to help an under-equipped country.
163.	We should always have present in our minds the fact that the world is at a cross-roads. It is no longer divided by ideology, nor even all that much by race or by political geography, but by economics, and this is the real essence of the question of relations among the peoples of the world today.
164.	More than once the poor countries have uttered cries of alarm, asking the rich countries to understand their precarious situation in the economic world today. The last summit meeting of non-aligned countries in Algiers,  whose report will be given from this rostrum by the current President, Mr. Boumediene of Algeria, stressed unequivocally the danger of allowing such a situation of flagrant injustice to persist.
165.	More than once we have denounced the scandalous deterioration of the terms of trade, and certain theoreticians of the West, in order to ease their consciences, have attempted to demonstrate that the quality of manufactured products has improved while primary commodities have remained the same, and that hence it is logical for manufactured products to cost more than primary commodities. Such theoreticians have demonstrated obvious bad faith. For example, when you are making up a menu, you may have meat, vegetables, fruit, coffee and tea. Now you may think that those products have not changed much over the years, but the prices of the products of the rich countries — meat, for example — have soared upwards, while coffee and tea remain subject to permanent fluctuations. Rubber, which we produce, costs less than it cost 2*0 years ago, while the
tires that we buy have constantly gone up in price. The petroleum produced by the under-equipped countries is cheaper than the mineral water produced by the equipped countries.
166.	The consequence of all this is the appreciable improvement in the standard of living of the equipped countries, to the detriment of the under-equipped countries. As an example, the peasants of the Kivu mountains, who grow tea, are always barefoot, while the management of Lipton, which markets the Zaire tea, lounge about in the finest mansions of the world.
167.	I think that this injustice stems from the fact that the rich countries are at the same time judges and litigants, because it is they and they alone who set the prices for our primary commodities and the prices of their manufactured products.
168.	This situation is often aggravated by the policy of the large multinational companies which, when they invest in a country, take no interest in that country but simply in their profits; and when those companies come to us they do not create a new company, but a tenth or a hundredth or even a thousandth branch. The host country therefore becomes a simple pawn at the mercy of the might and power of a given multinational company.
169.	The problem of the poor countries is merely a reflection on a world scale of the problems which exist on the national level. Thus, the workers and peasants are often in revolt in the rich countries, and the leaders of those countries find this quite normal; whereas our revolt, just as legitimate, is passed off as obliviousness, demagogy and political instability.
170.	It is quite wrong, therefore, to believe that the assistance of the rich countries has the result that the poor of the rich countries enrich the rich of the poor countries. I believe that you will come to the same conclusion as I, after what I have just explained: that it is the poor of the poor countries who enrich the rich of the rich countries.
171.	It is time, in my humble judgement, to think of true solidarity and of assistance on the world level. Assistance must be genuine and not a matter of publicity. In Africa, primarily in Zaire, when you help someone you should do it with discretion. You must be sensitive to the dignity of the recipient, because any assistance which humiliates the recipient is never appreciated. Assistance must be deep- seated and not simply a passing matter.
172.	The drought which has afflicted the Sahelian countries in Africa has certainly led to some bursts of generosity. Food parcels have been sent — but I have not heard of a single rich country which has decided to make a gift of those countries' debts to it. That would be true aid.
173.	I would request this great Assembly to adopt a resolution requesting the rich countries to remit the debts of the drought-stricken African countries because the scourge of the drought has only served to aggravate their already precarious situation. Let us not forget that several of those countries have the sad privilege of being among the poorest countries of the world, a fact recognized by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
174.	B»'t assistance should not only be the business of certain rich countries vis-à-vis all poor countries. In my view, we must all help each other. A poor country always can find another country poorer than itself that it can help, and it is not impossible that in the rich countries there are poor people who are even poorer than the poor people of the poor countries. They also need everyone's help.
175.	That is why it is time to talk of world solidarity. All countries must participate in aid, everyone giving to those more unfortunate than himself some assistance which comes from his heart. That is what we intend to do in Zaire, because everything we do is without publicity, without conditions, without calculation and without ulterior motives.
176.	Among the claims of the under-equipped countries, particularly the former colonial countries, there is a matter of vital importance. This relates to the cultural heritage of our countries. During the colonial period we suffered not only from colonialism,' slavery, economic exploitation, but also and above all from the barbarous, systematic pillaging of all our works of art. In this way the rich countries appropriated our best, our unique works of art, and we are therefore poor not only economically but also culturally.
177.	Those works of art, which are to be found in the museums of the rich countries, are not our primary commodities but the finished products of our ancestors. Those works, which were acquired for nothing, have increased in value so much that none of our countries has the material means to recover them.
178.	What I am telling you is fundamental, because every rich country, even if it does not possess all the masterpieces of its best artists, has at least the bulk of them. Thus, Italy has those of Michelangelo; France, of Renoir; Belgium, of Rubens; and Holland, of Rembrandt and Vermeer. Another circumstance which demonstrates that what I am saying is right is that Hitler pillaged the Louvre during the Second World War and took away the magnificent works of art which were there. When liberation came, even before thinking of signing the armistice France did everything in its power to recover its art objects, and that is quite right. That is why I would also ask this General Assembly to adopt a resolution requesting the rich Powers which possess works of art of the poor countries to restore some of them so that we can teach our children and our grandchildren the history of their countries.
179.	I believe also that it is my duty to draw the attention of this august Assembly to the collective responsibility of the human race. All leaders are responsible not only to their own nationals but also to all their fellow-men. Indeed, it is no longer enough to sweep the street outside your own house to have done your proper duty; you also have to see if your neighbour has done the same as you and particularly if he is not passing over to you the dirt in his own household.
180.	Now the whole world is talking of the disappearance of the human race because of the pollution in all environments. The misfortune in such cases is that we are witnessing a true inflation of texts and books which, in their desire to draw attention, in fact do the opposite.
181.	Without any doubt, it is a matter of prestige to possess the atomic bomb or even better the thermonuclear bomb; but to make it operational, and particularly to miniaturize it, you obviously have to carry out tests, and that is not always convenient. We condemn all nuclear tests wherever they take place and we do not condemn any one country more than another. In this particular area, we do not agree with the atomic countries which are asking all others to ratify Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. For our part, we have ratified it with enthusiasm; yet, we do not manufacture bombs or even bullets. But the countries concerned are telling us every day about the invention of evermore sophisticated weapons. Now what is responsible about that?
182.	In Zaire we are flattered when we are considered the champions of the conservation of nature. But what is the use of this national effort if our efforts are cancelled out by people thousands of kilometres away from us. That is why we had no hesitation in paying our contribution — sizable when compared to our means — to the United Nations Environment Programme.
183.	I propose to you that the United Nations sponsor a world study to identify all forms of pollution and ways of fighting them. This study should logically be financed by the rich countries, not just because they can afford to do so but particularly because they are the principal polluters.
184.	If I have primarily addressed myself to the so- called developed countries, it is because we, who must endure the backlash of what they do, have to cry out loudly in order to be heard. But it is my duty to level some criticism also at the so-called third world countries, which is in fact tantamount to a kind of self-criticism.
185.	It is not enough just to condemn colonialism, imperialism and racism; it is important too to "measure our strengths and weaknesses and to unite in fighting the battle of development. If Africa were really united, there would no longer be any racists in Africa, there would no longer be any British colonialists to massacre our brothers in Zimbabwe, there would no longer be any Portuguese colonialists to enslave our brothers in Angola, Mozambique and the Cape Verde Islands.
186.	If the Arabs were also united, they would force the great Powers to impose a just solution in the Middle East.
187. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the lack of unity among the under-equipped countries.
188.	As long as telephone communications and air links between our different States still pass through the former metropolitan, making them even richer, we cannot talk of harmonious development. As long as trade among our States remains haphazard because we produce the same products and compete with each other in the markets of rich countries, we shall always be playing into their hands and enslaving ourselves. As long as those of the so-called third world countries which are rich, particularly those which are petroleum producers, while complaining of the exploitation of the industrialized countries, let their savings rot in Western banks, our development will always be in jeopardy.
189.	That is why I utter a warning that we should all forget our small rivalries and our petty sordid interests in order to constitute among ourselves, in harmony, a great force, not a force against the East and the West but a force which would enable us to sit down and talk as equal partners with both sides. Furthermore, we have a real advantage by comparison with the rich countries because they have made mistakes which we can avoid, and that is particularly the case with the conservation of the environment, water pollution, urban concentrations, noise pollution and all the unpleasant aspects of modern life. And if the economists of the equipped countries were sincere, they would confess that our populations in the countryside incontestably possess the greatest riches, and ones they themselves do not possess — calm and quiet.
190.	Moreover, there is a difference, in our view, between poverty and wretchedness. We are called "poor countries" because some of our compatriots go barefoot, do not wear many clothes and sleep in rudimentary dwellings. But the modern life of the sophisticated countries shows that millionaires leave their Cadillacs in garages and make long journeys to our countries precisely to walk barefoot, sleep under the stars and sunbathe. No doubt, what they are looking for is natural happiness and a genuine joie de vivre. Does that mean that one has to be rich to be able to afford to live like a poor African?
191.	Our world, which thanks to evolution has become small, is ceaselessly undergoing rapid transformations, which make imperative an adaptation of mental attitudes. At the national level, each State is adapting itself to modern developments by all kinds of decrees taken as the days pass. What is true for each of our States should be all the more so for the United Nations itself. Our Organization, which has now survived for 28 years, has not evolved much, although the circumstances obtaining at its creation have changed entirely.
192.	The Powers which at Yalta imposed their hegemony on the world — just as the Powers did in 1885 and were able at their whim to carve up Africa into a thousand pieces — proceeded from hot war to cold war, one side fearing the capitalist danger and the other the Communist danger.
193. Today peaceful coexistence has become a reality and the circumstances prevailing at the time of the drafting of the United Nations Charter in San Francisco have changed, and there is no longer any reason for the great Powers of 1945 to be the only permanent members of the Security Council, alone possessing the right of veto. We cannot understand how, 28 years after the war, Europe should be represented by three countries with the right of veto, Asia by a single country with the right of veto and the American continent by a single country also with the right of veto. The maintenance of peace is no longer the monopoly of a few privileged States but rather the business of everyone.
194.	The defeated countries of yesterday — Japan, Italy and the two Germanys — have since then acquired economic, political, demographic and cultural power which it would be ridiculous to ignore. The United Nations has gone from 45 Members at its founding to 135 today. The African continent, which in 1945 was nothing but a mass of colonies with no say in matters, now numbers 41 independent countries, or nearly one-third of the entire membership of our Organization.
195.	And that is why logic, justice and equity dictate, among other things, the permanent presence of the African continent in the Security Council. A thorough review -f the Charter of the United Nations is long overdue, otherwise we ourselves would be guilty of institutionalizing imperialism.
196.	In conclusion, I should like to sum up. I have spoken at length of Africa to denounce two scourges which no longer exist anywhere except in that continent: colonialism and racism. The situation in the Portuguese colonies amounts to racism of white against black. The injustices of the British settlers in Rhodesia against the Zimbabwe patriots is the domination of the black by the white. Apartheid in South Africa and the problem of Namibia also represent contempt for the black by the white.
197.	We can no longer accept a situation where throughout the world all races are free except the black race of Africa. And that is why we are determined to do everything in our power to change this state of affairs. The domination and exploitation of the black on the soil of its ancestors by the white foreigner must cease.
198.	I have tried to analyse the situation in the Middle East and I have concluded that true friendship consists in telling the truth. Zaire supports the right of the Israeli people "to existence and peace, but we can find no justification for the occupation of Arab territories by Israel.
199.	I have noted a favourable development towards peace in Indo-China, and all the Members of this Organization should support the strengthening of that peace. It is urgent that the Member States concerned by the civil war in Cambodia should help to restore peace in that country.
200.	With regard to the Korean problem, I have proposed a solution which would promote the unification sought at present by the two parties. In the initial phase, it would be a matter of admitting the two entities as observers until a favourable solution is reached which they deem appropriate for the future and the happiness of the Korean people itself.
201.	I have denounced the injustices committed by the rich countries against the poor countries, because the former have everything to say and the latter nothing to say. I have stated that we cannot be at the beck and call of the great Powers that flatter racists for the sake of their, alliances.
202.	I have suggested a revision of the Charter of the United Nations to adapt it to the present situation in the world, taking into account particularly the representation of the African continent and also the fact that those that were defeated yesterday have, in their turn, become today great Powers, and the decisions of our Organization should be applied by all its Members without differentiation and should not remain a dead letter in this forum. I have also suggested, for humanitarian reasons, that the great Powers should remit the debts of the drought-stricken African countries. I have supported the candidacy of a new African State for membership of the United Nations, namely Guinea Bissau. I have proposed that this august Assembly adopt a resolution requesting the rich countries to return works of art to the countries that have been the victims of expropriation. I have suggested that a study be undertaken, at the expense of the rich countries,  determine the causes of the different kinds of pollution in order better to fight this scourge throughout the world.
203.	I have pointed out that security in Europe also implies the security of the Mediterranean basin and that it is imperative for the African countries that border on the Mediterranean to be associated in any work affecting that security. They are the fraternal countries of Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco.
204.	It will have been noted, I hope, that in Zaire we express ourselves freely and clearly. And I would ask all the friendly countries represented in this hall that may have taken offence at anything I have said to realize that in Zaire our judgement is based on justice alone.
205.	Like any other human endeavour, the United Nations is not perfect because of, among other things, all the reasons that I have mentioned. Severe criticism is often levelled at it from many quarters — by some because it does not fully meet their aspirations, and by others because it is not at their beck and call.
206.	For our part, without passing any value judgement
on the United Nations  —  and we are certainly far from wishing to make an assessment of it here — we do note in Zaire that the achievements of the United Nations are more positive than are its shortcomings. We hope that, thanks to it and through it, we shall be able to do more to promote co-operation among the inhabitants of our planet in the economic, cultural, scientific and technical fields, for the building of a better, fairer and more just world, in absolute respect for the authenticity of everyone.

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