First of all, I would like to extend my sincere
congratulations and best wishes for success to Mr. Freitas
do Amaral upon his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its fiftieth session. We are
convinced that, with his profound knowledge of current
global problems and his open attitude to the realities of
international life, he will make a very important
contribution towards the achievement of the objectives of
this session.
At the same time, I should like to address my
sincere thanks to Mr. Amara Essy for his productive work
during his presidency of the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session.
I should also like to convey to Mr. Boutros Boutros-
Ghali, the Secretary-General of our appreciation for his
efforts to improve the functioning of the United Nations
and to assure him of the full support of the Republic of
Moldova.
In this anniversary year, Moldova celebrates the
passage of four years since the proclamation of its
independence and three years since its admission to the
United Nations.
Over these years of complex structural changes, we
have preserved our aspiration of becoming a democratic
State with a market economy, despite the difficulties of
transition. Our country has already taken the first steps in
this direction by embarking irreversibly upon the path of
democracy.
It is worth mentioning that the process of democratic
transformation in Moldova has been supported and is
being supported by the international community and,
primarily, by the United Nations and its specialized
agencies. Therefore, I wish to express our gratitude to the
United Nations and its Member States for their substantial
support in the promotion of the ongoing reforms in our
country.
In this context, I should like to describe the main
developments which have taken place in our society this
year, as well as our most important present concerns.
15

In its foreign policy, the Republic of Moldova, a
neutral State not involved in political-military alliances, is
developing mutually beneficial relations of friendship and
cooperation with all States. It also intends to extend its
bilateral links with neighbouring States, as well as with its
traditional partners.
In our domestic policy we have had two main
priorities: to develop and consolidate the legal and
institutional framework of a State of law and the smooth
functioning of institutions appropriate to a modern
democratic society on the one hand, and, on the other, to
ensure economic restructuring and the transition to a market
economy.
So far, our country has succeeded in setting up a
number of basic institutions for the rule of law. A modern
constitution that guarantees political pluralism, private
ownership and respect for fundamental human rights,
including rights for persons belonging to ethnic minorities,
has recently been adopted. Likewise, it assures the exercise
of political liberty, a fact that is proved by the existence of
numerous political parties and by the possibility of the free
expression of political opinions. The Parliament has drafted
and adopted a number of laws of major importance.
The progress achieved by our country in the process
of transition has been facilitated, to a certain extent, by
bilateral cooperation with other States and in the framework
of various international bodies. Among the positive effects
of this cooperation have been a quickening in the pace of
internal reforms and the process of integration into
European political and economic structures. In this respect,
a major event in the external relationships of the Republic
of Moldova has been its admission to the European
Council. This is both a recognition of the progress achieved
by our country on the way towards democratization and an
encouragement to further build up the rule of law and a
democratic society.
As for economic restructuring and the transition to a
market economy, I can state that a number of difficulties
are in the process of being overcome. This year new
measures have taken aim at halting the decline in industrial
output, which constitutes an important prerequisite for the
relaunching of economic growth. Through a new monetary
and fiscal policy, we have managed to reduce inflation and
stabilize the national currency. Moreover, it is worth
restating our willingness to continue our fruitful cooperation
in this field with the international financial institutions,
primarily the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
World Bank.
At present we are engaged in a crucial stage of the
reform, particularly that dealing with wide-scale
privatization. My government is mostly concerned to
speed up privatization in the hope that this will spur
economic reform and encourage not only internal
investment, but also foreign capital and credits. In this
context, I should emphasize that the difficulties
encountered in carrying out economic reforms are linked,
to a great extent, to the shortage of financial, energy and
raw materials resources. The assistance we have received
so far from the international financial institutions and
from some developed countries has had a visible positive
impact. Nevertheless, substantial and sustained external
financial support is still needed for the creation of a
modern restructured economy.
That is why we are counting, in particular, on the
support of the European Union for securing the success of
our transition. Our efforts aiming at building a market
economy and integrating our country into the European
political and economic structures would be strongly
helped by its supportive signals and actions. The signing
of the agreement of partnership and cooperation with the
European Union towards the end of last year and the
recent signing of the Interim Commercial Agreement have
been major steps in this direction.
The difficult process of transition is being adversely
affected by the anti-constitutional actions undertaken by
a separatist regime which exerts temporary control over
eastern districts of the Republic of Moldova.
The Assembly may remember the armed conflict
which was unleashed in 1992 by the separatist movement,
with external support, in the east of Moldova. Although
this conflict ended, its consequences still persist. We
cannot but note the gross violations of the fundamental
human rights of the Moldovan population in this area.
Mention should also be made of the group of political
detainees, known as the “Ilascu group”, which was
illegally convicted and jailed by the anti-constitutional
authorities of the Transdniester three years ago, and is
still in prison.
Nor can we omit mention of the obstinate refusal of
the separatist leaders to allow the Moldovan parents and
children to use the Latin alphabet in the study of their
mother tongue. That is why the representatives of the
competent international organizations in the field of
human rights have noted a series of abuses and violations
of the rights of the Moldovan population living in the
eastern districts of the Republic.
16

Although the situation of the Transdniester is no
longer in the forefront of international public opinion, it
should be noted that no acceptable solution has been
identified so far. Despite the reasonable compromises
proposed by the constitutional authorities, separatist
tendencies still persist. I should like to stress that the
political leaders of my country have repeatedly
demonstrated their willingness to solve this conflict
exclusively by peaceful means by negotiation, in conformity
with international law and in cooperation with international
organizations, primarily with the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), as well as with Russia
and Ukraine in their capacity of mediators. In a spirit of
compromise, my Government also firmly believes in the
principle that any proposal or initiative to settle the conflict
must provide for the maintenance of the territorial integrity
of the Republic of Moldova and for its sovereignty over the
whole country. It was this spirit that led this year to the
solution of the conflict situation in the southern region of
Moldova, which is populated by over 100,000 Gagauz who
obtained, under the Constitution, the status of administrative
territorial autonomy.
As for the latest developments in the negotiations with
Tiraspol, I should mention that a certain amount of progress
has already been made, particularly in the matter of the re-
establishment of economic links between Transdniester and
the rest of the country.
At the same time, we believe that a political settlement
of the conflict in this area could be achieved through the
orderly and unconditional withdrawal of military troops of
the Russian Federation from the territory of our country, in
conformity with the Moldovan-Russian agreement and the
resolutions of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
In this regard, we are still concerned that, although the
Moldovan-Russian agreement was signed last year by the
Heads of Government of the Republic of Moldova and the
Russian Federation, in the presence of Presidents Mircea
Snegur and Boris Yeltsin, it has not yet been brought into
force by the Russian side. I take this opportunity to voice
our sincere hope that the competent authorities of the
Russian Federation will speed up the procedure for the
ratification of this document, in accordance with their
obligations. I must emphasize that any possible failure to
implement this important agreement might incur the risk of
destabilizing the situation in the eastern districts of
Moldova, as well as the real danger that a part of the
armaments of the Fourteenth Army will be seized by the
separatist forces of the Transdniester.
We hope that the competent authorities of the
Russian Federation will as soon as possible set up
effective machinery for the withdrawal of Russian troops
and armaments from Moldova, in accordance with the
bilateral agreement I have mentioned and the decisions
adopted by the OSCE Budapest Summit.
The jubilee year of the United Nations is not only an
anniversary but also an occasion for a lucid assessment of
the achievements and failures of the first 50 years of the
Organization’s existence. In this respect, I want to
emphasize that the United Nations has made an important
contribution in the search for and identification of
solutions to the numerous urgent problems at the global,
regional and national levels. Even if it has not managed
to prevent or eliminate regional or local conflicts, the
Organization has played an essential role in preventing
the outbreak of a world conflagration.
The evolution of international relations over the past
years has provided favourable conditions for redefining
the role of the United Nations and for adapting it better
to the new realities of international life in the context of
the next millennium. If this is to be achieved, there will
have to be a new vision, as well as a redefinition of
concrete machinery for achieving the fundamental
objectives of the Organization, as inscribed in the Charter.
Along the same lines, I should say that recent years
have been marked by the appearance of new concepts,
which could serve as a basis for the diversification of
machinery for action in various fields of United Nations
activity.
With regard to the maintenance of international
peace and security, there have been unprecedented
qualitative and quantitative changes. As is well known,
the peace-keeping operations currently being undertaken
on four continents, and their mandates, continue to
diversify — electoral and humanitarian activities, support
for institutional reconstruction, monitoring of the
observance of human rights, and so on. At the same time,
new methods of dealing with crises have been
proposed — for example, stand-by arrangements and
rapid-reaction forces. In this context, we expect that there
will be a considerable increase in the operational capacity
of the United Nations in the field of the maintenance of
peace, provided that Member States support the adoption
of these new proposals.
17

We support unreservedly the importance the Secretary-
General, in his report “An Agenda for Peace”, attaches to
conflict-prevention machinery.
All these initiatives confirm the preoccupation of the
United Nations with regard to the adoption of a coherent
approach to problems of peace and security. At the same
time, noticeable attention is being paid to the study of
development topics. The particular interest of Member
States in the Agenda for Development confirms the
topicality of these problems and the need to revitalize the
world Organization in this area.
In this context, I should like to make the point that, in
view of the interdependence between peace and security, on
the one hand, and social and economic development, on the
other, it would be worthwhile for the United Nations to
create an integrated system for implementation of the
strategies and polices agreed upon by States. All United
Nations activities, including peace-keeping and social and
economic development programmes, should be
complementary. At the same time, the decisions of high-
level international conferences should find concrete
expression in the actions of States and of United Nations
agencies.
In our opinion, in the attainment of these aims it is
necessary to avoid excessive politization of certain specific
aspects of each field and, at the same time, find the areas
that are of interest to all Member States. The United
Nations system must, through its expertise and global
vision, ensure a climate of cooperation and mutual
confidence, without which there will be no solutions to the
problems of peace and development.
The Republic of Moldova, which is deeply committed
to the purposes and principles of the United Nations
Charter, is prepared to make its contribution and to support
the Organization’s efforts to adapt better to the fast and
profound changes in the modern world. We are fully aware
of the major role of the United Nations in consolidating the
positive trends of recent years in the international arena and
of the need to increase the effectiveness of its activities. We
therefore welcome the proposals aimed at enhancing that effectiveness.
Naturally, we ourselves are well aware that the
Organization cannot attain these objectives unless the
Member States put the necessary resources at its disposal.
That is why we pay special attention to this question and
try to do our utmost to fulfil our obligations. We consider
it necessary that the responsible United Nations structures
adopt adequate measures to avoid waste, to ensure better
use of the resources entrusted to it.
In this context, I want to refer to the problem of
contributions. I am obliged to point out that for four years
our country has carried the burden of a quota inequitably
calculated and set at too high a level in relation to its real
capacity to pay. The artificiality of this calculation is also
proved by the paradox that certain countries at a similar
level of development and with populations and territories
twice or three times larger than ours make contributions
smaller than or equal to that of the Republic of Moldova.
I imagine that some other recently independent States are
experiencing the same situation. This, together with the
costs of transition, could explain our current arrears. We
believe that this matter needs to be taken into account at
meetings of working groups of the General Assembly
when they examine the possibility of introducing penalties
against the countries that are in arrears.
In our view, the process of diversifying the relations
and the collaboration between States has enhanced the
development of regional and subregional cooperation. As
a matter of fact, the Charter itself puts particular emphasis
on the regional organizations. Documents laying the bases
for collaboration between the United Nations and regional
organizations in various fields have been drawn up and
adopted in recent years.
Several General Assembly resolutions relating to
cooperation between the United Nations, on the one hand,
and the OSCE, the League of Arab States and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, on the other, are
relevant in this regard. At present such cooperation is
becoming increasingly diversified, covering new areas.
Some regional organizations have acquired new
competencies, including in the field of peace and security,
and have thereby become partners of the United Nations
in the settlement of some local conflicts. We hope that in
the near future recently created regional organizations and
groupings will be able to set up a cooperation framework
with the United Nations, similar to the one already
existing with other regional organizations. The Republic
of Moldova thinks this trend should be encouraged.
At the same time, we consider that any decision of
the United Nations to transfer various activities within its
sphere of competence to other international organizations,
especially in the maintenance of international peace and
security, implies major consequences for the security,
integrity and independence of States in the respective
regions. That is why the United Nations should continue
18

to exercise its competence under Articles 34 and 35 of the
Charter, according to which the Security Council and the
General Assembly are the main organs for dealing with and
settling conflicts having regional implications.
In conclusion, I should like to express the hope that
the proceedings of the fiftieth anniversary session of the
General Assembly of the United Nations will be carried
out in an atmosphere of solidarity, of a realistic and
constructive approach to the complex issues confronting
the world at the end of this century. The delegation of the
Republic of Moldova is prepared to contribute, alongside
other Member States, to the fulfilment of the lofty goals
of the United Nations.
The meeting rose at 12.25 p.m.
19


Like previous speakers, I should like to convey to the
President of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly
our warmest congratulations on his election to the
presidency of the Assembly. As a representative of a
country close to us, Portugal, he will, I am certain,
discharge skilfully and effectively his difficult
responsibilities in leading our deliberations.
The President of our Council, Mr. Javier Solana, has
recently explained the position of the European Union on
the work of the United Nations and on the major challenges
it is called upon to face. Those are also the views of my
delegation. I welcome the promising prospects opening up
in the Balkans and the Middle East. As for Chechnya, I
must, on the other hand, regret that the parties have been
lagging behind in restoring peace to that sorely tried region
in the past year.
In the former Yugoslavia, dramatic developments in
recent months have changed substantially the nature of the
conflict there. After years of civil war, atrocities and
“ethnic cleansing”, we now see a glimmer of hope
emerging. I welcome the recent agreements in Geneva
between the warring parties, as well as that on the opening
up of Sarajevo, which was arrived at thanks to the
mediation efforts and the commitment of the American
special envoy, Mr. Richard Holbrooke. I am, however, not
unaware of the fact that negotiations on a comprehensive
settlement will be lengthy and that its implementation will
be a difficult task.
The Government of Luxembourg is prepared to take
part in the reconstruction effort as long as certain
conditions are met: the effective implementation of a
comprehensive settlement, the implementation of a
disarmament plan and respect for human rights and for
minorities, including the right of return.
In the Middle East, negotiations for the conclusion
of a second agreement on the autonomy of the occupied
territories have just been concluded. Mr. Rabin and Mr.
Peres, as well as Mr. Arafat, have shown exemplary
tenacity and political will, and they deserve our warmest
congratulations.
We are all called upon to help in the success of this
vast endeavour for peace now under way. My
Government has launched an important action for
cooperation in development in the occupied territories. It
will also send observers to the forthcoming elections,
which will be the decisive test for the creation of a civil
and democratic society.
My country notes with satisfaction the indefinite
extension last May of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It appeals urgently to the
nuclear-weapon Powers to renounce any new testing and
to comply with the current moratorium. Such a decision
would help to create a climate favourable to the
conclusion in 1996 of a global treaty on the banning of
nuclear testing, one which is suitably verifiable.
The Fourth World Conference on Women has just
concluded in Beijing. My Government commends the
progress achieved at that Conference. It hails the fact that,
for the first time, the rights of women are recognized as
an integral and indivisible part of all human rights and
fundamental freedoms. In particular, we have in mind the
recognition of the right of all women to control their
sexual health and their access, on an equal footing, to
economic resources. The “right to be different” claimed
by religious fundamentalists should not hamper the
implementation of these new principles.
The events of some time ago led us to believe that
the old bipolar world was a thing of the past and that a
new world order was automatically about to succeed it.
Unfortunately, reality has not confirmed that hope. The
multipolar world in which we live has not at all become
more unified, nor more supportive, nor safer. Ethnic
conflicts have broken out in many parts of the world.
Narrow-minded nationalism has gained adherents, and
political and religious intolerance is spreading.
We thought that with increased international
cooperation, the role of multinational organizations would
increase. This has not always been the case. Often, the
role of our Organization has been ill perceived or badly
presented to the public.
15

In many cases, the image given of the United Nations
seems unfair. It does not take into account the many
constraints under which the United Nations functions. Very
often, the critics are aiming at the wrong target, forgetting
that it is Member States that prevent the United Nations
either from taking decisions or by acting, by denying it the
necessary resources.
The political commitment of Member States is often
not commensurate with the ever-growing responsibilities of
the United Nations.
Our Organization must then today come to grips with
a new situation arising from the fact that most current
conflicts take place within the borders of a single State, and
no longer pit States against each other. Intervention
constitutes an interference that only the United Nations can
legitimize.
These ethnic or religious conflicts, whose origins
derive from economic and social issues, are the result not
only of regular armies, but of militias and clans. The
civilian population is often the first victim, if not the main
target.
The missions demanded of the United Nations are also
becoming more and more complex, difficult and dangerous.
The United Nations is called upon to maintain peace, but
often there is no peace to keep.
The United Nations has none the less had a number of
successes which have been important but which the media
have tended to minimize, be they in Namibia, Cambodia,
El Salvador, Mozambique or Haiti. In those countries, the
United Nations has helped peoples to overcome years of
civil war and to channel their energies into building
democratic nations.
These positive and courageous actions contrast with
other, rather timid reactions to conflicts that threaten the
lives of thousands of civilians and expose them to terrible
violations of their basic rights. This was the case in
Rwanda and was long also the case in the former
Yugoslavia, even if the international community has
provided substantial humanitarian assistance and helped to
ease the suffering of the victims. But as long as the United
Nations does not adopt a more defined and resolute
approach that would allow it to prevent such catastrophes,
the effectiveness and credibility of our Organization run the
risk of being called into question.
As I have just emphasized with regard to the
conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, we must learn from
our failures and near-successes. My country encourages
efforts to provide the United Nations with its own rapid-
reaction capacity. But the Organization should also
determine whether increased cooperation with specialized
regional organizations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization or the European Union, might not in certain
cases be both more effective and more economical. At
any rate, any new United Nations operation should be
established only on the basis of a military appraisal as
well. Furthermore, the United Nations should see to it that
the commanders of an operation are given sufficient
military resources and clear, consistent political
guidelines.
Our era has witnessed spectacular developments at
the national level. The concept of the State has been
called into question as both a mechanism for solving
national problems and a basic element of the international
system. States find themselves increasingly threatened
with disintegration, their citizens seeking to escape the
oppression of rigid structures and demanding to become
part of ever more narrowly defined ethnic groups.
In such a context, democracy would seem to be the
best means of ensuring the viability of the State as
manager of public affairs and guarantor of progress. At
the national level, democracy provides the stability
necessary for peace by ensuring respect for human rights
and allowing the population to express its will. At the
regional level, as in Europe, it involves States, large and
small, in joint decision-making and contributes to
development by encouraging cooperation and fostering
peace. Democratic States do not war with each other.
It is thus an important duty of the international
community to promote democracy among and within
States by helping them to build a democratic system; by
providing them with logistical and technical support for
the organization of free elections; by promoting the
creation of a public sector to guarantee the proper
management of State affairs; and by providing the various
sectors of civil society with the resources to consolidate
the bases of democracy. The Government of Luxembourg
provides tangible support to the activities of our
Organization in this sphere.
In our view, the promotion of human rights is
another priority area. In particular, the adoption of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child represents a large
step forward. This Convention is a valuable instrument
16

that helps to protect children from physical and mental
abuse. It is therefore essential for Governments that have
ratified the Convention to adopt and implement the
necessary national legislation. The General Assembly has
initiated international activity on behalf of millions of street
children. My Government proposes that a similar effort be
undertaken to assist millions of children who work by
necessity or even compulsion.
It is unacceptable, indeed intolerable, that at the end
of the twentieth century more than a billion people live in
abject poverty and almost 1.5 billion men, women and
children lack sufficient food and drinking water and have
no access to education or the most elementary health care.
To be sure, certain parts of the South today are enjoying
remarkable development. But others, on the African
continent in particular, seem to have been left behind by the
progress from which the world economy as a whole has
benefited.
It is also alarming that inequalities both within
countries and between the countries of the South and the
North are growing rather than shrinking, and that the richest
fifth of mankind owns more than four-fifths of the world’s
social product while the poorest fifth must content itself
with 1.4 per cent.
As concerns the developing countries, we have a duty
to be supportive. This support should supplement and
strengthen the efforts which these countries must undertake
at the national level. Luxembourg has doubled its
development assistance in just a few years. It has
committed itself to the goal of achieving 0.7 per cent in
official development assistance before the end of the
century. It would also like to see new progress achieved in
reducing the debt that continues to paralyse the
development of many developing countries.
Our Organization must play a central role as the major
institution for international cooperation at the global level.
This was in fact envisaged by our Charter. The Preamble
stresses the need to promote “the economic and social
advancement of all peoples” and thereby makes
development one of the principal goals of our Organization.
Fifty years after the creation of the United Nations, we
believe that the time has come to begin an in-depth review
of the activities and structures of the Organization in the
economic and social spheres, taking into account the far-
reaching changes that have occurred and the growing
globalization of problems. This review should take
cognizance of the fact that countries are being faced with
new phenomena that are often diverse but are alike in
reaching beyond national borders.
I am thinking, inter alia, of such health problems as
AIDS or of such environmental problems as the depletion
of the ozone layer and global warming. There are also
such social phenomena as population growth, the pressure
of migration, the problem of refugees, and violations of
human rights. Other trans-border issues that are of
increasing concern are drug trafficking, and new forms of
violence and crime and even international terrorism.
We need an effective system built on these realities
and better able to take into account the interests of all
mankind, the poorest in particular. Such a system should
be able to define integrated policies and lay down clear,
coherent guidelines. Cooperation between international
financial institutions and the United Nations system
should be organized with this in view.
Only the United Nations has the necessary
legitimacy and authority for such reform. The work of
renewal and clarification that has begun with the Agenda
for Development is a natural component of this global
perspective. My country, together with its partners in the
European Union, intends to make an active contribution
to the discussion to be held on this subject.
On the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations,
several focus groups have considered the challenges
facing humanity and the ability of the United Nations to
meet them. In particular, I would refer to the Carlsson-
Ramphal Commission, which submitted the report entitled
“On Global Governance”, and an independent working
group on the future of the United Nations which the
Secretary-General himself established and which delivered
the results of its study last June. These two reports set
forth a number of potential reforms and make concrete
proposals, including one to create an economic security
council.
I believe that these proposals are a valuable source
of inspiration and make an important contribution to the
reform work that should be pursued and intensified. I
attach great importance to the consideration of these
reports, which our Assembly has entrusted to the high-
level Working Group recently set up in the framework of
the strengthening of the United Nations system.
Before concluding I should like to deal with two
issues concerning the reform process begun by the
Organization — expanding the Security Council, and
17

putting the finances of the United Nations on a sound
footing.
The Security Council today is invested with enormous
responsibilities. Its decisions commit all Member States and
have a decisive impact on the fate of millions of human
beings. The Security Council must therefore reflect as
faithfully as possible the determination of the international
community as a whole. A Security Council more
representative of today’s world would strengthen the
legitimacy of its actions and facilitate the implementation
of its decisions.
My Government is in favour of a balanced increase
that would involve the admission to the Council of new
permanent and non-permanent members from both the
North and the South. In particular we would like
permanent-member status to be acknowledged for economic
Powers whose positive role in international affairs has long
been recognized.
The improved representativeness of the Security
Council cannot be achieved only by remaking its
membership: it also requires greater transparency in its
decision-making processes. Dialogue with other Members
of the Organization, especially those countries that
contribute troops for peace-keeping operations, must be
enhanced.
Finally, the time has come to delete from the Charter
references to “enemy States” which have not existed for a
long time now.
Each and every one of us is aware of the seriousness
of the financial crisis that the Organization faces. It results
not only from sums disbursed, which are relatively speaking
very modest if we compare them to sums invested
elsewhere. It results essentially from the failure of Member
States which fulfil inadequately, if at all, their obligation to
pay their contributions to the budget of the Organization.
Each and every State is bound under the Charter to pay its
contributions on time and in full.
The Luxembourg Government is in favour of a
monitoring mechanism that would ensure the proper
management of the United Nations system.
On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations, Member States should endeavour to define
an approach that could confer on the Organization new
legitimacy and credibility for the next century. This will
succeed only if they involve in this effort representatives of
civil society and, in particular, those of non-governmental
organizations.
But in the final analysis the proper functioning and
efficiency of the United Nations depend first and foremost
on the political support that Member States, especially the
most powerful, give to multilateralism, as well as the
political, military and financial resources they are
prepared to make available to international organizations.


Please allow me to offer sincere
congratulations to Mr. Freitas do Amaral of Portugal on his
election to the presidency of the General Assembly.
I would like to emphasize that this session of the
General Assembly, in the year of the fiftieth anniversary of
the United Nations, will occupy a special place in the
history of the Organization. In that context, on behalf of
Turkmenistan and President Niyazov, I wish to express our
sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless efforts to build a new kind of
international relations for the Organization.
The opportunity for our State to participate in the
affairs of the world community as an independent entity
flowed, of course, from those events that the Secretary-
General, in his report on the work of the Organization,
describes as
“the momentum in world affairs that appeared so
dramatically at the outset of this decade.” (A/50/1,
para. 4)
Serenely, and immensely grateful for its good fortune,
Turkmenistan embarked on its independent course and,
without any political romanticism, began to carry out its
programme of building a nation-State and a system of
foreign ties and seeking optimal ways for participating in
international relations. This was a quest for Turkmenistan’s
place in the United Nations system and a model of
statehood reflecting its national mentality and the traditions
of the Turkmen people.
Since that time, in our four years of independent
existence, we have travelled a great distance, and each step
we have taken along the way has been both in the national
interest of Turkmenistan and in the interest of stabilizing
the region and strengthening international security, in the
constant conviction that these two are inseparable.
After engaging in broad contacts within the system of
Asian States, we have once again become convinced of the
correctness of the conclusion drawn at the beginning of
this century that Asia, with its enormous human, natural
and intellectual resources, had every possibility of
becoming the most prosperous region in the world.
However, throughout the entire history of the Asian
continent, instability and protracted regional conflicts have
often, unfortunately, constituted the political background,
and this has significantly complicated the solution of
problems of internal development.
Turkmenistan has set as its main priority the
preservation of internal stability and social peace in
carrying out radical reforms in building its State and its
economy. This is vitally necessary in order for us to take
advantage of our enormous resource potential. But that
important condition is not the only one: the other is
stability around us so that we can freely and naturally
develop our trade and economic relations with other
States. This question is of special interest, in view of the
world’s share of hydrocarbon deposits and other mineral
and biological resources that Turkmenistan possesses.
Turkmenistan is at one of the world’s important
crossroads of political and economic interests, in a
regional dimension and beyond. Aware of this geopolitical
reality, Turkmenistan is prepared to participate in the
most constructive way in establishing new relations in the
region and to promote efforts to establish there overall
stability, security and effective and mutually advantageous
cooperation on the basis of the principles of the United
Nations.
We believe that with the breakup of the Soviet
Union and the Iron Curtain’s disappearance from its
borders with its southern neighbours, a new region has
emerged, a new community of States of Central Asia, the
Middle East, South-West Asia, the Caucasus and part of
the Near East. This region is united by common
development interests, the restoration of historical trade
and economic relations and cultural and humanitarian
traditions.
This was the logic that led to the idea of active
participation in the Economic Cooperation Organization
(ECO). I would like to emphasize that the ECO’s
configuration fully corresponds to our concept of a new
region’s emergence following the disintegration of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics: the restoration of a
natural gravitational attraction between these States that
for decades were artificially divided by an ideological
barrier, which conditions for them the priority of
transportation, telecommunications and energy
34

programmes. Underlying these processes lies the principle
of absolute economic feasibility, based on the mutual
interests of the member States of the ECO and the absence
of any political, territorial or other disputes between them.
As for the internal tensions that persist in some
countries, we should stress that economic cooperation,
participation and joint projects will create fertile soil for
constructive solutions to these problems. Turkmenistan
believes that this 10-country organization, emerging at such
an important time, will open up additional possibilities for
the newly independent States to the south of the former
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
Furthermore, the basis of our political and economic
strategy is the principle of reasonable pragmatism and the
preservation of positive experiences and ties from the past.
We have a politically new type of State. Its independent
status cannot be achieved by denying the realities of the
past and old ties that can still serve our higher interests
today. In this respect, our relations with Russia and other
partners in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
have remained a key component of Turkmenistan’s foreign
policy.
I would like to lay special emphasis on the fact that
the obligations that neutral Turkmenistan has assumed have
been set out in our Constitution and have been supported by
the people. These obligations not only take account of
national interests but also objectively promote the
development of cooperation in the region, and they have
enormous potential for stimulating the peacemaking
processes in the area and for promoting the efforts of the
world community, primarily here at the United Nations, to
rid it of obsolete measures and adopt preventive measures
to defuse disputes and conflicts.
I would like to set out some parameters of
Turkmenistan’s neutrality initiative in order to make sure
that it is correctly understood by our partners in the United
Nations and supported by them as well.
The rapid pace of recent events determined the
changes in Asia’s geopolitical and geo-economic situation.
The nature and direction of inter-State and regional
processes, an important component of some of these
changes, has resulted in the formation of new, independent
States, each having chosen its own independent path of
development and having its own interests. One of the ways
in which the uniqueness of each country has been
manifested is in its political path, as is natural. For each
country that path is based on the people’s historical roots,
mentality and psychological make-up. Turkmenistan is no
exception to this. Merging the prospects for its own
development with the direction and nature of regional and
continental processes and linking national interests with
the objective requirements of the day — from this
theoretical and practical basis we have arrived at the need
to proclaim neutrality as a principle and instrument of
Turkmenistan’s foreign policy. We are pleased that our
neutrality initiative is finding more and more support,
attracting civil and political interest and receiving broad
international recognition. We are grateful to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for providing
Turkmenistan with assistance in this regard.
In the context of asserting itself as a neutral State,
Turkmenistan requested admission to the Non-Aligned
Movement as a full-fledged member. We hope that during
the non-aligned summit in Cartagena, Colombia,
Turkmenistan’s membership will be confirmed. In this
context, I would like to state Turkmenistan’s conviction
that the idea of non-alignment is both a vital and a viable
one. We do not share the view that it is archaic. We
believe that we must not participate in the two conflicting
global systems and that we need to turn to an idea of
non-participation in the various rigid regional blocs,
multi-State formations capable of generating considerable
destructive force. Turkmenistan advocates non-alignment,
as well as non-participation in improper acts of
intervention in the internal affairs of States, non-
participation in efforts for global or regional dominance
and non-participation in schemes to limit the role of the
United Nations or weaken the universal and proven
machinery for implementing global policy. Such practices
serve selfish purposes.
We are convinced that the use of military force to
solve existing conflicts has no future, but that negotiations
are effective. Although seeking peaceful means is
complex, alternatives do not exist. At the same time, we
understand that without active efforts, without good will,
it will hardly be possible to attain the desired result.
Therefore, inter alia, while not intervening in the Tajik
conflict, we are prepared to play a role in holding the
next round of inter-Tajik negotiations. We welcome and
commend the peacemaking efforts of the United Nations
and Russia, Iran, Pakistan and other countries in this
process.
Naturally, we must be concerned at the situation
unfolding in neighbouring Afghanistan. Supporting
contacts with the central Government in Kabul, as well as
with regional leaders, we believe that the Afghans must
35

be helped to demonstrate their ability to achieve peace and
consensus in their country, and that attempts to intervene in
Afghanistan’s internal affairs not only are counter-
productive, but may lead to highly undesirable
consequences. In that context, I would like to emphasize
that Turkmenistan gives priority to the United Nations, to
the Secretary-General’s efforts to find an acceptable
machinery for an Afghan settlement. Turkmenistan agrees
with the concern expressed from this rostrum at the
continuing internal Afghan conflict. Turkmenistan has a
long border with this long-suffering State and is truly
interested in finding a prompt settlement to the Afghan
problem. We are also interested in the success of the
special representative of the United Nations, who in our
view requires serious support from the United Nations. We
cannot allow a situation whereby efforts to focus on solving
one conflict cause less attention to be paid to another,
resulting in negative consequences.
Just as mankind has become aware that the nuclear
threat has a global dimension, we are also aware that today
we need an adequate response to all regional and local
disputes and conflicts. I would like to emphasize that
Ashkhabad is prepared to engage in constructive
cooperation with the United Nations on these issues, and to
demonstrate its commitment to the principles of
constructive neutrality.
All countries and peoples are now adapting in their
own ways to new conditions in the world, which dictate the
need to adopt a common philosophy of security, based on
the principle of security for one and security for all. I
would like to emphasize that at this stage we are talking
about a philosophy, of perceptions of the world, reflecting
realities in Asian countries, in particular. This philosophy
excludes the use of force, diktat, as a means of solving
political disputes, and its main principles should include
equality, humanism, social and economic progress, and
healthy pragmatism.
Here I should like to support what was said by my
colleague from Germany, Mr. Klaus Kinkel, who
emphasized that we must not allow hostile stereotypes to
become instilled in people’s minds and that we cannot
associate in one sweep Islam with terrorism and
fundamentalism. We welcome this assertion and express our
conviction that this attitude will become universal.
As for Turkmenistan, we are fundamental advocates of
a secular State model, in which religion would play its
proper role. We believe that, as has been emphasized by
President Niyasov, a poly-ethnic, multi-faith State model
and structure is more effective, more fruitful, than a
mono-ethnic and mono-religious State.
I take this opportunity to emphasize the support that
Turkmenistan has received, through its participation in the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), in European matters, as one of the legal
successors of the former federated State. This has created
for us, in a difficult transitional time of colossal
transformations, the possibility of benefiting from Asian-
European development. In that context, the words of the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, Mr. Hervé de
Charette, were very important for us, when he spoke
about the States of Asia and Africa and about focusing on
the first meeting of Heads of State of Asia and Africa, set
for March 1996. We hope, within the context of
activating work on the Euro-Asian bridge, that there will
be other major projects, with the participation of
Turkmenistan, on a direct window to Europe. Primarily,
we are talking about a north-south transit corridor to link
Europe and Asia, through the territory of Russia and
Turkmenistan, facilitating the supply of Turkmen energy
to European markets and so on.
I should like to emphasize that we have witnessed a
significant, if not radical, increase in international interest
in Caspian Sea matters, and the utilization of its abundant
natural resources. Our conceptual approach to this is
based on the idea that the Caspian Sea is a unique water
basin and the common property of the five coastal States.
In the making of plans for the development of its
resources account should be taken of those States’
interests; their consent should be required and no
unilateral decisions should be taken. Turkmenistan firmly
advocates the prevention of any naval activities in the
Caspian Sea, and favours freedom of navigation, on the
basis of a legal status to be developed by the littoral
States. We must create legal and economic conditions that
will guarantee a normal regime for foreign investment and
exclude any risks for investors, such as the emergence of
a situation of distrust between the States of the basin.
At the coming anniversary session of the General
Assembly next month, President Niyasov will set forth
the principles of the domestic and foreign policies of
Turkmenistan, focusing on problems being taken up by
the United Nations, an Organization reflecting the face of
mankind, which today faces a new millennium with its
unique challenges and times and circumstances. We
sincerely congratulate each other, and first and foremost
congratulate the Secretary-General, as we are absolutely
convinced that the United Nations, in this year of its
36

fiftieth anniversary, will prove that it is essential to the
world as the highest international assembly, developing an
agenda for global partnership in the twenty-first century.


I wish,
on behalf of my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
to congratulate Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on his election
as President of the General Assembly. He assumes the
presidency on the historic occasion of the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations.
Commendation is in order too for His Excellency
Mr. Amara Essy of Côte d’Ivoire, for the competence and
sensitivity he displayed as he presided over the last
session.
Let us also take this opportunity to express to the
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-
Ghali, our profound gratitude for the efforts which he has
made so far to achieve greater flexibility, and for the
enhancement of the capability of this world body to meet
the new challenges posed by the seismic upheavals taking
place in the international arena.
My delegation is supportive of United Nations
reform initiatives. We must redouble our efforts to ensure
a more efficient United Nations system that will respond
effectively to security and humanitarian needs, promote
human rights, and build the capacity for sustainable
development. Central to our concerns is the importance of
ensuring democracy in the United Nations. If this
Organization’s moral authority is to be preserved in an
increasingly democratized world, it is inescapable that its
own processes must be made more democratic. It is
therefore imperative, as we consider the enlargement of
the Security Council, that the existing geographic
imbalance be noted, and that the five regions of the world
be adequately represented.
My delegation calls for a more effective and
efficient United Nations. We are cognizant of the urgent
need to address the deteriorating finances of this great
Organization. Since the end of the cold war, funds for
development in poorer countries have been drastically
reduced, and peace-keeping demands now compete for the
limited funds available. In his recent report on the work
of the Organization, the Secretary-General revealed that
Member States owed the Organization approximately
$3.6 billion. Let us all work together to address this issue
of arrears, which seriously impairs the effectiveness of the
United Nations.
The role of peace-keeping forces will have to be
redefined. My delegation is concerned when lightly armed
peace-keepers or unarmed aid workers on a humanitarian
mission are threatened, taken hostage, harmed, or even
killed. To preserve the credibility of all United Nations
peace operations, personnel must be protected as they
13

carry out the duties that the international community has
sent them to accomplish.
The recently concluded Fourth World Conference on
Women, held in Beijing, has certainly served to raise the
level of consciousness worldwide on the many problems
that women still encounter in many countries of the United
Nations. It is now evident that, even in those countries
where legislation has opened the road to equality and
equity, traditional attitudes continue to impede this process.
I am happy to report that in Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, women have been given the opportunity to
lead. Over 40 per cent of the top administrative posts in our
civil service are held by women. Women also have equal
access to the political process and enjoy equal pay for equal
work. Moreover, my Government amended the constitution
to give women citizenship rights equal to those previously
accorded only to men.
Adherence to the principles of the United Nations
Charter and the right to self-determination of the world’s
peoples remain among the fundamental principles of the
Charter. This is reflected in the growing membership of the
Organization.
The Republic of China on Taiwan, which was once a
Member of this body, still finds itself on the outside,
knocking persistently at the doors of our chambers. It is the
view of the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
which we also expressed at the last session, that the time
has come for serious consideration to be given to the
eligibility of the Republic of China on Taiwan to become
a Member of the United Nations. Our position is based on
the principle of universality and in accordance with the
established model of parallel representation of divided
countries. We have recognized the several parts of the
former Yugoslavia, and this model should continue to guide
our policy.
My delegation believes that the Republic of China on
Taiwan is fully equipped to play an expanded role in the
world economic arena. Its successful development
experience can indeed serve as a reference for developing
countries. Not only has the Republic of China on Taiwan
achieved economic success but, in a few years, its political
system has evolved from one characterized by authoritarian
rule into one based on democratic principles. We cannot
preach about the universality of the United Nations while
at the same time ignoring the aspirations of over 21 million
people. It is more than time for the Republic of China on
Taiwan to be given the opportunity to make a tangible
contribution to the work of the United Nations.
My delegation reiterates its strong commitment to
the peaceful settlement of disputes among States. The
Gulf War is now behind us, but the international
community must continue to recognize the potential for
conflict that still exists in that part of the world.
In January 1995, the Secretary-General issued a
Supplement to his “Agenda for Peace” of 1992, which
highlighted new kinds of United Nations operations to
deal with the outbreak of ethnic and religious wars within
newly independent States. It is the fervent hope of my
delegation that a lasting peace will come to the troubled
regions of the world, particularly to Bosnia and
Herzegovina. One can recall when the despicable system
of apartheid was demolished in South Africa, just over a
year ago. It therefore behoves us to eradicate such evil
thoughts as “ethnic cleansing” from the minds of men in
other parts of the world.
Let me take this opportunity to applaud the efforts
of the Israeli Government and the leadership of the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to pursue peace
talks despite the efforts of terrorists to derail the process.
My delegation fully supports a peaceful resolution of the
conflict that has plagued that region of the world for so
many years.
The Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States was of
great importance to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
The vulnerability of small island States such as ours is of
grave concern and we eagerly look forward to the
implementation of the Programme of Action agreed to in
Barbados in 1994.
Less than one month ago, the Caribbean region felt
the impact of several storms and hurricanes which
severely ravaged our sister islands of Antigua and
Barbuda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Dominica, Saint Maarten,
Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. In the spirit of
Caribbean brotherhood, the entire rest of the region came
to the support of those affected. The Prime Minister, Sir
James Mitchell, in his capacity as current Chairman of the
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), along
with Prime Minister Compton of Saint Lucia and Prime
Minister Arthur of Barbados, immediately embarked on
a tour of the islands which were severely hit.
14

A national effort was mobilized in my own country for
relief supplies. My delegation takes this opportunity to call
for further external assistance, which remains crucial. On
behalf of the Government and people of Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines, I wish to convey our profound sympathy to
the Governments and the peoples of the islands affected,
particularly to the families of those who lost their lives as
a result of Hurricanes Luis and Marilyn.
We also wish to express our sympathy to the
Government and the people of the United States of
America, and more specifically the families of those who
lost their lives in the senseless bombing of the Federal
Building in Oklahoma earlier this year.
Our small and fragile States are now being threatened
by another type of disaster — an economic disaster, with
mounting pressures being exerted by very powerful forces
which appear not to understand the importance of the
banana industry to our very survival. Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines and the other banana producing countries of the
Windward Islands are limited to a mere three per cent of
the world market trade in the commodity. The powerful
multinational companies which are seeking to reverse the
special arrangements under the Lomé Convention already
control over 80 per cent of the world market.
More profits for multinational companies must not be
to the detriment of the small islands striving to maintain
democracy. The destruction of the Caribbean banana
industry will create economic and social havoc nationally
and regionally, and will undoubtedly have severe
repercussions at the international level. We recognize the
momentum for free trade, but see no reason why, as obtains
with issues related to other agricultural regions, of various
countries, we cannot be given the time to adjust and
restructure our economies.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has already seen its
active involvement and participation at the regional level in
the Caribbean as an indispensable dimension of its role as
a member of the international community. We have
consistently defined our objective to become members of
our various institutional bodies as a logical and natural
culmination of our international vocation. This definition is
rooted in our country’s political, social and economic
realities, as they have been shaped by our historical and
cultural heritage.
As a member of the recently established Association
of Caribbean States (ACS), we are indeed delighted to be
given a greater opportunity to strengthen relations with our
Latin American neighbours. Comprising some 200 million
ethnically and culturally diverse peoples, the ACS will
serve as a vehicle to promote the implementation of
policies and programmes designed to harness, utilize and
develop the potential of the Caribbean Sea, promote and
enhance economic space for trade and investment
opportunities, and establish and augment, as appropriate,
institutional structures and cooperative arrangements
responsive to the various cultural identities within the
region.
My Government totally condemns the illicit
production, trafficking and consumption of drugs. These
harbingers of violent crimes and corruption create a
serious menace to the health and well-being of our
economies and our people, threaten our democratic
institutions, and endanger national and regional security.
We are firmly convinced that only integrated
regional and international efforts can effectively address
the drug problem, and accordingly stress the need for
increased local, regional and international cooperation.
Greater emphasis should be placed on programmes that
generate employment and income for persons attracted to
drug production and trafficking as a means of livelihood.
With the end of the cold war, the international
community, freed of the ideological and other constraints
of the East-West struggle, saw new opportunities to
respond more effectively to longstanding problems that
had defied resolution because of super-Power rivalries.
There was optimistic talk of the “peace-dividend”, and the
Security Council acted with unprecedented consensus and
momentum on many issues.
At the same time, the thawing of the cold war
triggered long-suppressed tensions and conflicts in many
parts of the world. Serious global economic and social
problems, ranging from poverty, over-population, refugees
and migration, to unemployment, drug-trafficking and
environmental decline, have affected many societies on an
unprecedented scale.
Despite the dramatically diminished threat of a
nuclear war, the world of the 1990s turns out to be a far
more unstable place than many had hoped. The reality of
global interdependence, while promising new
opportunities for cooperation and exchange, reminds us all
too often of our shared and persistent problems. We face
more tensions in more places: increasing degradation of
the quality of human life and even more complex issues
15

of international laws and ethics, management and practical
cooperation.
It is therefore clear that the United Nations system is
in greater demand than ever before. As we commemorate
the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of this great
Organization, let us work in harmony and ensure that the
United Nations is adequately prepared to face the
challenges of an even more complex world. We must never
forget that the United Nations is a reflection of the real
world. If an ugly image appears, one should not blame the
mirror.


On behalf of the delegation of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, I should like first
to congratulate you, Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, on
your election to the presidency of the current session of
the General Assembly, demonstrating the deep trust and
expectation of Member States of the United Nations. It is
our hope that through your efforts this session will be
crowned with good results.
I should also like to express appreciation to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
activities and efforts in strengthening the United Nations
and enhancing its responsibility and role.
Fifty years have passed since the end of the Second
World War and the foundation of the United Nations. All
the people on our planet recall those historic days with
unusual feelings.
Over the last five decades, the world’s people have
followed the path of independence and sovereignty, peace
and development, and this process has helped them
further confirm their determination and commitment to
create a new, free and peaceful world.
For the Korean people, the last five decades have
been a period of hard struggle against all forms of
challenge and difficulty, and also a period of proud
successes and victories in realizing independence under
the banner of Juche.
The entire population of the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of
the founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea as a grand
and victorious festival, with great national pride and
confidence, in the wake of the fiftieth anniversary of
Korea’s liberation.
The strengthening and development of our Party and
the progress and prosperity of our Republic are the
brilliant fruit of the outstanding idea and wise leadership
5

of the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung and the respected
supreme leader Comrade Kim Jong Il.
The respected and beloved leader Comrade Kim Il
Sung devoted his whole life to the prosperity of the
fatherland and the happiness of his people, to world peace
and the common cause of humankind, and performed
immortal exploits which will be recorded in the annals of
history. Our great leader is the saviour of our Korean
nation, the Tangun nation, and the founding father of
socialist Korea. His great revolutionary exploits will remain
immortal, along with his august name. The great leader
Comrade Kim Il Sung is always with us.
More than one year has passed since the death of our
respected and beloved leader Comrade Kim Il Sung, during
which there has been neither a political vacuum nor
instability in our society, and everything has gone well in
all fields — political, economic, military and cultural.
Socialism of our own style, based on the Juche idea,
has made steady progress, since respected General Kim
Jong Il has energetically guided all the affairs of our Party
and State, including military and foreign affairs, for more
than three decades, always working together with the great
leader Comrade Kim Il Sung for the well-being of the
people.
The respected General Kim Jong Il is the supreme
leader of our Party and State and the Supreme Commander
of our revolutionary armed forces. He practices the
benevolent politics of love for and trust in the people,
basing himself on boundless loyalty and filial piety as well
as noble moral obligations towards the fatherly leader.
It is the greatest fortune and a unique blessing of
leadership for our people to have Comrade Kim Jong Il, the
great leader of our Party and people, as the supreme leader.
Today our people absolutely respect and trust the respected
General Kim Jong Il, who successfully carries forward the
revolutionary cause of Juche pioneered by the fatherly
leader, and they entrust their destiny to him and march
forward vigorously under his leadership.
Rallying closely around the respected supreme leader
Comrade Kim Jong Il in single-hearted unity, our people
will make our country, our fatherland, more prosperous and
defend and glorify our own style of socialism, centred on
the popular masses, which is independent and unique, in
line with the life-long teachings of the fatherly leader.
It is with feelings of great pride mixed with
heartbreaking bitterness that we recall the last 50 years.
As the Assembly is aware, the division of the
country and nation imposed the catastrophe of war on the
north and south of Korea. Consequently, both sides still
suffer from the tragedy of mistrust and confrontation
today, when the world is moving towards détente and
peace. It is indeed aberrant that the legacy of the cold
war, dating from the 1940s, continues into the 1990s, and
there is therefore no justification whatsoever for its
continuation. The failure of Korea’s reunification will
leave the situation on the Korean peninsula indefinitely
unstable, and this will not be helpful to peace in either
North-East Asia or the rest of the world.
Since the early days of the national division, the
respected and beloved leader Comrade Kim Il Sung put
forward a number of reasonable proposals for the peace
and peaceful reunification of the country and devoted all
his efforts to their realization until the last moment of his
life. In particular, 15 years ago the fatherly leader
advanced a proposal for national reunification through
confederation, based on the concept of one nation and one
State, two systems and two Governments. This proposal
fully reflects the reality in the north and south of Korea,
characterized by the differences in political ideas and
systems, as well as the Korean people’s desire for
national reconciliation and reunification on the principle
of neither side conquering or being conquered by the
other.
Upholding the Ten-Point Programme for the Great
Unity of the Whole Nation for the Reunification of the
Country, proposed by the respected and beloved leader
Comrade Kim Il Sung, and in accordance with the three
principles of independence, peaceful reunification and
great national unity and the proposal for a confederal
reunification, we will make our best efforts towards the
unity of the whole nation, on the basis of patriotism and
the spirit of national independence, and towards the
establishment of an independent, peaceful and neutral
reunified State of Korea.
There is no change in our position with respect to
the North-South dialogue. We are prepared to resume it
when the atmosphere is created in favour of such
dialogue. However, the North-South dialogue, which
began after painstaking efforts, has been wrecked by the
South Korean authorities, and the atmosphere is not yet
ready for the resumption of the dialogue.
6

When our fatherly leader passed away, Heads of State
and Governments of the world, even those whose countries
have no diplomatic relations with ours, expressed
condolences for his death. However, the South Korean
authorities, far from expressing condolences for the
misfortune of their fellow countrymen, ordered the whole
territory of South Korea put on an emergency alert,
pointing their guns at our Republic. Worse still, they
cracked down on the South Korean people who were
mourning the death of the father of the nation.
Nevertheless, the South Korean authority still refuses to
apologize for this grave, unethical crime, because of which
he is denied a seat at any dialogue by the Korean people in
both the north and the south, as well as abroad. If the South
Korean authorities are sincere in their desire to have
dialogue with us, all they have to do first is apologize for
the crime they have committed against their fellow
countrymen.
Another main stumbling-block to the resumption of
inter-Korean dialogue and reunification is South Korea’s
National Security Law, which defines the fellow
countrymen in the north as the enemy and criminalizes any
South Korean contacts or dialogue with the people in the
North. The National Security Law allows no room at all for
elementary rights of democracy and freedom in South
Korea today. This medieval law is invoked to suppress and
persecute a large number of people, including youths and
students calling for the democratization of South Korean
society and pro-reunification patriots who have visited the
north. This has resulted in a total freeze on and blockade of
multi-channel dialogues, contacts and exchanges between
the north and south. All these facts demonstrate that as long
as the National Security Law remains in place, violating
human rights ruthlessly and antagonizing the dialogue
partners, freedom and democracy are inconceivable in
South Korea, and the North-South dialogue and peaceful
national reunification will be simply unfeasible.
Voices calling for the abolition of the National
Security Law can be heard not only in South Korea but
also in various other parts of the world. Last year the
United States Department of State urged on two occasions
that South Korean authorities abolish their National Security
Law, and many delegates called for its abolition at meetings
of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. There
is no justification whatsoever for the maintenance of the
National Security Law, which is anachronistic and evil. For
dialogue and contacts, free travel and exchanges between
the north and the south of Korea, all legal and physical
barriers, such as the National Security Law and the concrete
wall dividing the Korean peninsula, should be removed at
an early date.
The top priority on any agenda for ensuring peace
and security and hastening national reunification on the
Korean peninsula is the establishment of a new peace
arrangement. In this regard, as we have made clear more
than once, the outdated system of the Korean armistice
should be replaced with a new peace arrangement
between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and
the United States, which is primarily responsible for
peace on the Korean peninsula. The north and south of
Korea adopted the Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-
Aggression, Cooperation and Exchanges between the
South and the North in December 1991, which is a de
facto, written, inter-Korean peace arrangement. All that
the north and south have to do is put into operation such
a peace arrangement that commits both sides to non-
aggression.
What remains to be done now is for the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea to establish a new peace
arrangement with the United States, which holds the real
military commanding power in South Korea. This process
cannot be delayed any longer, both in view of the
contemporary trend shifting towards peace and détente
and away from confrontation and in the current context of
the implementation of the Agreed Framework between the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United
States.
The United States must fulfil its responsibility and
role in working out a new peace arrangement that will
replace the system of armistice, a typical cold-war-era
legacy still existing on the Korean peninsula. Once legal
and institutional mechanisms for such a peace
arrangement are in place between the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea and the United States, the
tension on the Korean peninsula will be defused
drastically. This in turn will facilitate the smooth
implementation of the inter-Korean agreement and prove
helpful in stabilizing the situation in North-East Asia and
the Pacific as well.
When both the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the United States work together with mutual
trust, they can resolve those issues that still remain
outstanding on the Korean peninsula. This has been
proved by the process of resolving the so-called nuclear
issue on the Korean peninsula, about which the world
community had once been deeply concerned.
7

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the
United States signed the Agreed Framework in Geneva in
October of 1994, and since then they have both been taking
practical steps to implement it. We have honored our
commitment by freezing our graphite-moderated reactors
and their related facilities, and in return the United States
has been working towards progress with respect to the
light-water reactor project to be provided to the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea and a number of other agreed
areas.
The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has, in
fact, fully implemented its obligations under the Agreed
Framework between the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the United States, and this, indeed, goes far
beyond the obligations to be fulfilled by a State signatory
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
under the Safeguards Agreement with the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
There will be no complicated problems that cannot be
resolved smoothly if international commitments are
implemented as sincerely as the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea has done. The point at issue is how the
United States will go about proceeding down the road, and
we are closely following the course of its actions.
If the United States remains as sincere in its approach
as it was during its discussions with the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea on the nuclear issue, the issues
relating to the establishment of a new peace arrangement on
the Korean peninsula will certainly be resolved smoothly.
The continuation of the armistice status in Korea still
ties down the relationship between the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea and the United Nations to continuing
belligerency. The establishment of a new peace arrangement
on the Korean peninsula is a matter that deserves the due
attention of the United Nations, which has to work hard to
do its part in promoting the arrangement’s realization.
This is the only logical course both in terms of wiping
clean the slate of the past unsavory relationship of the
United Nations with the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea, a dignified United Nations Member State, and in the
light of implementing resolution 3390 B (XXX), calling for
the dissolution of the United Nations Command and
replacement of the Armistice Agreement with a peace
agreement.
The United Nations should do all it can to boldly
eliminate the old legacy of the cold-war era and to help
establish a new peace arrangement on the Korean
peninsula.
I would like to take this opportunity to express our
profound thanks to the Heads of State and Government
and the peoples of various countries for their support,
encouragement and firm solidarity with the Korean people
in their just cause of peace on the Korean peninsula and
Korea’s peaceful reunification.
Today, on its fiftieth anniversary, the United Nations
is faced with heavy tasks if it is to work more actively
and effectively for the consolidation of world peace and
security, the advancement of social and economic
development, and the common prosperity of humankind.
In conformity with the purposes and principles enshrined
in its Charter, the United Nations should make a
substantial contribution to the efforts of all countries and
nations to safeguard national independence and
sovereignty and to build a new, free and peaceful world
without any forms of domination or subjugation.
An important priority in the fulfilment by the United
Nations of its own mission and role is to make sure that
the application of the principle of international justice and
fairness is in place. International justice and fairness are
vital to the United Nations activities. However, a minority
of big Powers are exercising their privileged rights and
behaving themselves in a high-handed manner, in
opposition to the United Nations Charter, while a majority
of small and weak nations are denied their well-deserved
positions. Still worse, intolerable events have occurred
which ignore the desire of the developing countries and
violate their interests.
The United Nations should refrain from any acts
running counter to the principle of international justice
and fairness in its activities and, moreover, should not
unjustly apply double standards that enable certain
countries to abuse the United Nations in pursuing their
own political purposes.
The United Nations should respect the sovereignty
and interests of the small countries and treat all countries
on an equal footing, and should prove itself worthy of its
prestige as a world body that substantially contributes to
world peace and security, to the economic development
of each country and to the greater welfare of peoples.
Many countries in the world today are fully justified in
their call for the restructuring and democratization of the
United Nations. The United Nations will not be able to
fulfil its own mission and role unless it adapts to the
8

changes of the times, lives up to the aspirations of
humankind and overhauls some impractical structures and
authority.
The restructuring of the Security Council is most
essential for the democratization of the United Nations.
One of the key points in the expansion of Security
Council membership is to accord priority to the developing
countries that form an absolute majority of the United
Nations membership, and apply the principle of equal
regional distribution with due consideration given to the
number of countries in each region. A country like Japan
which has not apologized enough for, and wiped the slate
clean of, its past wrongdoings is not entitled to become a
permanent member of the Security Council. Another point
is that the veto rights of the permanent members of the
Security Council should be abrogated. The removal of the
veto system will mean removing the major stumbling-block
to the democratization of the United Nations and the
elimination of the legacies of the cold-war era that have
encouraged hegemonistic and high-handed actions by a
minority of big Powers. At the same time, the power and
authority of the Security Council should be curtailed, while
the General Assembly should be given more power, and
open access to all the work of the Security Council should
be available, including to its informal consultations. For a
resolution of the Security Council adopted on behalf of the
United Nations and calling for sanctions or the use of force
against its Member States to come into force, the resolution
will have to be approved by more than two thirds of the
Member States at the General Assembly.
Disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, is still
one of the most important problems placed before the
United Nations.
A number of signs of progress in the field of
disarmament have emerged since the end of the cold war.
However, the process of nuclear-weapons reduction is still
moving at a snail’s pace, and the concept of what approach
should be taken to the existence of nuclear weaponry
remains elusive. The continuing pursuit by the nuclear-
weapon States of their respective monopolies of nuclear-
weapons capability only keeps alive the danger to us of
nuclear wars and nuclear proliferation.
The nuclear-weapon States must turn around and
measure up to the desire and aspiration of humankind to
live in peace on this planet by carrying through the
universal and complete abolition of nuclear weapons in line
with the present-day trends in favour of the establishment
of nuclear-weapon-free and peace zones.
Today, the question of development has assumed a
very serious dimension for the absolute majority of the
developing countries. It is, indeed, encouraging to note
that the preparation of the Agenda for Development that
began at the initiative of the developing countries, with a
view to the enhancement of the functions and role of the
United Nations in the field of development, is now in the
home stretch. If the Agenda for Development is to
contribute substantially to the development efforts of the
developing countries, it should be directed primarily
towards the establishment of equitable international
economic relations and the removal of gaps between the
rich and the poor — between the North and the South. At
the same time, we should not allow any attempts to use
this development issue as a means to interfere in the
internal affairs of other countries by relating it to the so-
called protection of human rights.
Today, the non-aligned and other developing
countries are working hard to achieve South-South
cooperation and establish the South-South economic
order. The United Nations should accord priority to the
resolution of development issues and take concrete steps
to help establish fair and equitable international economic
relations that will assist the developing countries in their
development efforts and encourage South-South
cooperation.
At present, the national independence and
sovereignty of several countries are ruthlessly trampled
underfoot in different parts of the globe, and disputes and
conflicts, both religious and ethnic as well as region-wide,
which in some cases escalate into catastrophic wars,
continue unabated. It is, indeed, painful to see that peace
and security are tattered and people are falling victim to
disasters.
We consider that disputes among countries and
nations should be resolved peacefully through dialogue
and negotiations in conformity with the interests of the
peoples of the countries concerned.
Today, all the justice- and peace-loving countries
and nations in the world are dynamically struggling to
create a new independent world, overcoming all
challenges and difficulties, looking ahead to the twenty-
first century from the heights of the present vibrant era.
9

We actively support the just cause of the peoples of
the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) in favour of peace, stability and common
prosperity in their region, and the just cause of all other
Asian peoples in favour of building a new, independent and
prosperous Asia.
We support the Arab peoples in their struggle for a
fair and comprehensive resolution of the Middle East
question, including the Palestinian issue, and the African
peoples in their efforts for independent development of
their countries, overcoming all social and economic
difficulties.
We extend our active support and encouragement to
the Cuban people in their just cause in favour of firmly
safeguarding the country’s sovereignty and the gains of
socialism, and express our solidarity with the peoples of
Latin America in their endeavours towards peace and
prosperity in their region.
We support the people of the non-aligned and other
developing countries in their efforts to achieve social and
economic development and establish an equitable
international political and economic order.
The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea and the Korean people extends, and will continue
to extend in the future, active support and solidarity to the
peoples of all the countries in the world in their efforts to
build a new society and independent world against all forms
of domination and subjugation.
I would like to take this opportunity to express our
deep thanks to the United Nations organs, specialized
agencies and non-governmental organizations, including the
United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs, and to
various Governments for the humanitarian steps they have
all taken in connection with the recent flood damage in our
country.
The foreign policy of the Government of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea remains unchanged.
The independence, peace and friendship advanced by the
great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung in his lifetime and now
being implemented by the respected supreme leader
Comrade Kim Jong Il are the cornerstone and principle of
the Government’s foreign policy, and its correctness and
vitality have already been powerfully demonstrated in actual
practice.
Independence is vital to the life of our Republic and
the key factor in its domestic and foreign policies. The
independent policy of the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea not only guarantees the unique character and
stability of our own-style Socialist system, but also makes
a substantial contribution to peace and security in north-
east Asia and the rest of the world.
True to the lifetime teachings of the fatherly leader
Comrade Kim Il Sung, and under the wise leadership of
the respected supreme leader Comrade Kim Jong Il, the
Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea will continue as before its steadfast commitment to
independence, to uniting with the peoples of all the
countries of the world advocating independence, to
strengthening further ties of friendship and cooperation
with them, and to carrying through faithfully its duties in
the accomplishment of the common cause of humankind
for world peace and security.
The delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea wishes to assure the Assembly that, together
with various other delegations, it will exert its sincere
efforts towards successful debates on the agenda items
placed before this session of the General Assembly.