I am pleased to welcome the Government of
South Sudan as a State Member of the United Nations.
I also join the appeal by all African leaders for an
urgent, effective and international response to the
famine in the Horn of Africa.
 While we are engaged in debate here, in Libya
another preventive war is taking place under the
pretext of protecting civilians. The United States and
NATO, supposedly to avoid a massacre, launched a
military attack against a sovereign State without there
being any threat whatsoever to international peace and
security. They unleashed a regime change operation.
NATO imposed on the Security Council a dubious
resolution authorizing
 “Member States … acting nationally or through
regional organizations or arrangements … to take
all necessary measures … to protect civilians and
civilian populated areas under threat of attack”
(resolution 1973 (2011), para. 4).
 Afterwards, NATO violated this same resolution
in order to supply weapons, provide financing to one
party and deploy operatives and diplomatic personnel
on the ground. Now everybody has a better
understanding of what the concept of responsibility to
protect means and how it can be used. In this war, in
addition to the most advanced and lethal military
technologies, the means of communication have been
used as weapons of war by financial and media
businesses, which are profiteering from the war and the
reconstruction operations, as if they were agents of
crisis containment.
 As early as 21 February, Commander-in-Chief
Fidel Castro Ruz warned that NATO was irrevocably
preparing a war against Libya. Since then, Cuba has
engaged indefatigably in the defence not of a
Government but of a principle. It is unacceptable to
assassinate thousands of innocent people under the
dubious purpose of protecting other civilians. History
has eloquently demonstrated that peace cannot be
imposed either by war or by force. It is up to the
Libyan people alone to choose their destiny, without
foreign intervention, in the exercise of their right to
self-determination, independence and sovereignty over
their natural resources and their country’s territorial
integrity.
 The military intervention in Libya and the
growing threat against Syria have been the
opportunistic, defensive responses of the United States
and Europe to the collapse of their system of
domination and plunder in North Africa and the Middle
East and to the emergence of genuinely popular
movements in Tunisia, Egypt and other countries, in
order to secure huge reserves of oil and water and to
confiscate financial assets in times of global economic
and social crisis. It is the responsibility of the General
Assembly to exercise its full powers to prevent a
military aggression against Syria. The public should be
have objective information and speak up against war.
 President Barack Obama, in his threatening,
deceitful, rhetorical speeches of 20 and 21 September,
described what happened in Libya as a new model. He
said,
 “This is how the international community should
work in the twenty-first century. More nations are
assuming the responsibility and the costs of
meeting global challenges. In fact, this is the very
purpose of the United Nations. So every nation
represented here today can take pride in the
innocent lives we saved and in helping Libyans
reclaim their country. It was the right thing to
do.”
 A top White House official wrote in Foreign
Affairs magazine that the new United States strategy is
more efficient and less costly. The Bush Administration
strategy considered occupation; the Obama Administration
strategy is that of national liberation. The military
intervention strategy in Libya could also be applied in
other cases.
 With absolute cynicism, what is proposed is a
military aggression without casualties or the use of
infantry troops, the costs of which would be mainly
borne by Europe. The destabilization of a country

11-51390 14

through subversion, covert operations and economic
sanctions is described, according to this doctrine, as
the development of a national movement. That new
regime-change operations model shows that current
United States and NATO military doctrines are even
more aggressive than their previous ones, and that the
so called Euro-Atlantic periphery comprises the entire
planet.
 No one should doubt that Latin America and the
Caribbean are included in that concept. The
redeployment of the Fourth Fleet, the installation of
American bases, troops and military means to intervene
anywhere in the region, the coup d’état against
Venezuela in 2002, followed by an oil coup, the
sedition in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, the military coup in
Honduras and the attempted coup in Ecuador all fit
perfectly in the new strategy.
 Can the United States and NATO guarantee today
that the use of force and this concept of regime change
do not apply in the case of Latin American and
Caribbean countries that do not submit to their
interests? Can the European Union say something
about it? What would the United Nations do in such a
situation?
 The weakness of the global economy, particularly
the economies of the United States and Europe,
continues to show that the economic crisis that began
in the year 2008 has not yet been overcome. In
developed countries, the terrible burden of its
consequences is borne by workers, the unemployed,
immigrants and the poor, who are brutally repressed
whenever they peacefully defend their rights.
 We, the countries of the South, repeatedly
plundered, suffer the distortions of a world economic
order that excludes our legitimate interests. We suffer
under the onerous impact of protectionism and the
steady increase in the prices of foodstuffs and
hydrocarbons. The peoples of many developing
countries are victims of the bankrupt neoliberal
economic model and its sequel of plunder and
exclusion. The social and political consequences are
being felt on all continents.
 In the face of a global economic crisis and the
depletion of the planet’s natural resources, what will be
the response of the extremist right-wing forces that are
already in power or may come to power as a result of
the afflictions and hopelessness of voters? In the face
of a growing and universal danger of war, of a new
division of the world and of climate change, could we,
the countries of the South, act together as an essential
condition of our salvation?
 In the face of so many serious threats, Latin
America and the Caribbean — the region of Bolívar
and Martí — is coming together, determined to finish
what they left unfinished. It is impossible to divide us
or to turn us against each other. The Bolivarian
Alliance for the Peoples of Our America is a small but
morally powerful group of peoples, and the new
Community of Latin American and Caribbean States is
a fact. The full strength of the Andes will very soon be
expressed in a summit, which will be an epoch-making
event in Caracas — the epicentre of independence in
the Americas, where a Bolivarian people has conquered
power and a continental leader, President Hugo Chávez
Frías, is ever growing.
 More than ever, we have to defend the United
Nations, but the biggest challenge will be to turn it into
an organization that serves the legitimate interests of
all States, instead of catering to the arbitrary wishes
and abuses of a few rich and powerful countries. We
must see to it that international law and the purposes
and principles of the United Nations Charter prevail in
the face of the brute force that aims to block them. It is
necessary to re-establish the leading role of the General
Assembly and to recast the Security Council.
 The General Assembly has the inescapable moral,
political and legal obligation to ensure the recognition
of an independent Palestinian State, with the
boundaries established before 1967 and with East
Jerusalem as its capital, as a full Member of the United
Nations. This should be accomplished with or without
the Security Council, with or without the veto of the
United States and with or without new peace
negotiations.
 If the inalienable right of the Palestinian people
to independence, sovereignty and self-determination is
recognized; if the need to re-establish the exercise of
the human rights of Palestinians is recognized; if the
blockade of Gaza, the economic coercion and
segregation symbolized by the infamous wall are
recognized as crimes; if the subjugation of a nation to
conditions jeopardizing its very existence is described
as genocide; if all Member States are supposed to
adopt all legal measures within their reach to protect
Palestinian civilians, then the General Assembly should
take action now.

15 11-51390

 Cuba, a country with a small Jewish community,
condemns the historical injustice of anti-Semitism, the
crime against humanity that was the Holocaust, and
recognizes the right of the State of Israel to exist. Our
people harbour only fraternal feelings towards the
Israeli people, who are also victims of this conflict.
 Cuba likewise proclaims that the United States
has the moral, political and legal obligation to stop its
continual veto of Security Council resolutions intended
to protect the Palestinian civilians.
 The European Union should oppose this veto and
abstain from supporting the empire’s brutal pressure on
members of this Assembly and the Council itself.
Europe should denounce it also because it is certain
that those crimes would not be occurring without the
military supplies, financial support and impunity that
the United States provides to the Government of Israel.
 On 11 September 2001, we Cubans shared the
pain of the American people at those atrocious terrorist
acts. We offered selfless solidarity, encouragement and
cooperation. As always, Cuba made crystal-clear
statements against terrorism and against war.
 Ten years later, the world is even more insecure,
because instead of turning international consensus
against terrorism into a system of international
cooperation to confront it, the United States invaded
and occupied Iraq and Afghanistan, causing the loss of
life of hundreds of thousands of persons and pain to
tens of millions. It was not possible to hide the use of
deception, torture, extrajudicial executions or
assassinations, disappearances of individuals, arbitrary
detentions and the secret renditions and prisons of the
Central Intelligence Agency in Europe and other
regions.
 The Government of the United States desecrates
the memory of the victims of 11 September when it
continues the prolonged inhumane imprisonment of the
five Cuban anti-terrorist fighters who were unjustly
condemned, in spurious trials, to sentences of
maximum severity for seeking information about the
terrorist activities of groups that have operated with
absolute impunity from United States territory against
Cuba, leading to the death of or physical harm to 5,577
of our citizens. Once again, with all due respect, I urge
President Obama to make use of his powers to release
them as an act of justice or as a humanitarian gesture,
which would be highly appreciated by their children,
wives, mothers, fathers and all of our people.
 The Cuban Government reiterates its interest and
willingness to move towards the normalization of
relations with the United States. Today I reiterate the
proposal to begin a dialogue aimed at solving bilateral
problems, including humanitarian issues, as well as our
offer to negotiate several cooperation agreements
concerning drug-trafficking, terrorism, human
smuggling, natural disasters and protection of the
environment, including in the event of oil spills such as
the one that occurred at the British Petroleum platform
in the Gulf of Mexico.
 However, we know that the electoral race has
already begun in this country, while the economic
situation is growing worse.
 The economic, commercial and financial
blockade of Cuba has been tightened. The damages it
has caused have totalled $975 billion, based on the
current price of gold. The attempt to subvert the
constitutional order that Cubans have freely elected is
intensifying. There is increasing pressure from the
extreme right and the Cuban-American mafia to
reverse the minimal steps adopted by the American
Government to promote, to some degree, links between
Cuban émigrés and their home country and exchanges
between both peoples.
 In Cuba, President Raúl Castro Ruz has reiterated
that we will continue, in our own sovereign way, to
change everything that needs to be changed in order to
make our economy more efficient and our socialism
better, to achieve full justice and to be able to fully
preserve our independence.
 As Martí said, “The southern sea will join the sea
of the north and a serpent will hatch from the egg of an
eagle before we cease our struggle to make the
homeland free and prosperous.”


Allow me begin by
congratulating the President of the General Assembly
and his country, Qatar, on his election to preside over
the Assembly at this session, and by thanking
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his leadership and
achievements.
 We gather at the sixty-sixth session of the
General Assembly at an important juncture in the
history of the world. We meet at a time of exciting
possibilities and opportunities for the betterment of
hundreds of millions of people. Yet, these favourable
prospects must be weighed against the profound
dangers and sense of anxiety that currently grip our
world. The persistent economic and financial crisis,
massive unemployment, growing inequality between
and within nations, spiralling levels of debt, recurrent
famines and starvation, high levels of mortality from
easily preventable diseases and an increasingly fragile
environment are wreaking havoc on the lives of people
and the future of nations. Despite the end of the Cold
War and the premature declaration of the emergence of
a new world order, wars and military interventions
continue — almost invariably failing to resolve, and
further complicating, the problems they set out to
solve.
 It is true that none of these problems are new, yet
there is no denying that the malaise seems much more
intractable today. Three years ago, the world was
infused by a renewed spirit of hope and possibility with
the historic election of President Barack Obama and
the freshness of his message of positive change.
However, in spite his best efforts, the strength of his
personality and his many talents, that hope has not
been realized. The reality is that the problems we face
are systemic, were accumulated over many years and
decades, and require systemic and structural change.
Effecting this real, positive and durable transformation
requires not only the effort of one leader and one
nation and its allies, but the concerted effort of all
nations. We look towards the emerging and
re-emerging Powers — China, India, Russia, Brazil
and others — to show more leadership and to shoulder
bigger responsibilities. We also believe that all nations,
whatever their size, can and should play an
increasingly bigger and effective role in the endeavour
to build a fair, just, equitable and sustainable world.
 This year has seen stirring and courageous
initiatives taken by the people of many nations to effect
fundamental changes that would lead to a new and
dignified beginning for them and their countries. While
the epicentre of the movement has been in North Africa
and the Middle East, it is not limited to the Arab world
or to developing nations. In much of the developed
world, there is now the same sense of anger and
frustration, the same discontent with Governments that
have become beholden to a small minority with special
interests and the same yearning for decent jobs,
meaningful political participation and dignified lives.
These realities cannot, and should not, be denied.
Clearly, this is not the time for complacency or
arrogance. What is required today is a frank
acknowledgement of the stark global reality we face,
and the readiness to empower our peoples and our
youth and to work cooperatively for a secure and
brighter future for all.
 As we ponder the future and take stock of the
sweeping changes that are under way, we cannot fail to

13 11-51191

underscore that the United Nations has already become
hopelessly outdated and risks becoming totally
irrelevant. We all profess agreement on the need to
transform the institutions and procedures of the United
Nations, but we remain paralysed, with no prospects
for early progress.
 Eritrea firmly associates itself with those who
stress the urgency of real reform and believes that what
is required is not a mere tweaking of the system but a
comprehensive transformation of the institution. The
critical element of this transformation has to be the
strengthening of the authority and role of the General
Assembly. As long as this paramount body is deprived
of real decision-making powers, the United Nations
will remain unrepresentative of the nations of the
world, even if the size and composition of the Security
Council changes significantly. Similarly, there can be
no meaningful revitalization without overhauling the
methods of work and procedures of the United Nations,
respecting the rights of Member States and ensuring
transparency and accountability in all bodies of the
Organization.
 Half a century has elapsed since the heyday of the
era of decolonization that led to the emergence of
independent African nations. In spite the hope and
enthusiasm of the early years and the achievements
registered since, the past five decades have been
largely disappointing. The trying times and the internal
and external challenges that caused them are certainly
not over, as Africa continues to struggle in a difficult
and complex international environment. Yet, without
exaggerating the possibilities or underestimating the
difficulties, it is clear that a number of African
countries are entering a period of political, economic
and social renewal. They are convinced that Africa has
the human and natural resources to succeed. It will not
shun international partnerships but will give primacy to
its own capabilities and to cooperation at the
continental and subregional levels. It is this perspective
that is spurring African countries to focus on the key
requirements of developing the continent’s
infrastructure and promoting trade and economic links
among themselves. Another key component is the
revitalization of the African Union and subregional
organizations.
 At the subregional level, Eritrea is committed to
economic development and integration in the wider
Horn of Africa and Red Sea regions. We are convinced
that no country can succeed in a turbulent environment.
We will work for the revitalization of the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development and
strive to make it effective in promoting economic
development and integration.
 We welcome an independent South Sudan and
will work with both the Sudan and South Sudan, with
whom we have long-standing ties, as they grapple with
their domestic situations and endeavour to build
cooperative relations.
 On Somalia, it has now become abundantly clear
that there is a need for a new approach, as the current
one has exhausted itself and can only lead to further
complications. Given that the central objective remains
the reconstitution of Somalia and the rebuilding of
effective institutions, it is imperative to seriously
engage and bring into a Somali-owned political process
all stakeholders, including the Governments of
Somaliland and Puntland.
 With regard to the Middle East, which is a key
item on the agenda of the current session of the
General Assembly, Eritrea reaffirms its long-standing
support for the right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and an independent, sovereign State. It
also upholds the right of Israel to live in peace and
security within internationally recognized boundaries.
At the same time, Eritrea is genuinely concerned that
the current drive for United Nations membership for
Palestine does not become a symbolic battle bereft of
real substance. It is only prudent and relevant to recall
that with the exception of a few realistic voices, the
Oslo Accords were greeted with much acclaim and
that, almost two decades later, they have not led to
either Palestinian Statehood or peace between the
Palestinian and Israeli peoples.
 Finally, I would be remiss in my duty if I did not
remind the United Nations of its responsibility to
uphold its Charter, international law and numerous
Security Council resolutions and take urgent action to
end Ethiopia’s occupation of sovereign Eritrean
territory. Coupled with the lifting of the illegal
sanctions on Eritrea, that would not only serve the
cause of justice, but it would enable the people of the
region to work together to further their collective
interests and consolidate Africa’s place in the world.


In taking
the floor for the first time before this Assembly, I offer
my heartfelt thanks to the international community and
all the friendly countries that had faith in our struggle
for democracy, and whose support never failed us
during the painful and trying post-electoral crisis in
Côte d’Ivoire.
 Please also allow me, Mr. President, to
congratulate you warmly, as other speakers before me
have done, on your outstanding election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth
session, which attests to the recognition of your
remarkable contribution to expanding the influence of
the Organization and promoting its ideals. We assure
you of my delegation’s full support in carrying out
your mandate. I would also like to convey to your
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss, my full
appreciation and that of my delegation for his
remarkable work and encouraging results during his
presidency.
 I would further like to make a special mention
here of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his
determined commitment and tireless efforts on behalf
of world peace, earning him deserved reappointment to
a second term at the head of the United Nations. In
reiterating my warm congratulations upon your
re-election, I would also like to reaffirm, on behalf of
the Ivorian people and Government, as well as
personally, our profound gratitude and thanks for the
crucial role the United Nations and you personally
played in resolving the Ivorian crisis.
 I note with satisfaction that, for the first time in
history, a woman — Ms. Dilma Rousseff,
democratically elected in 2010 to lead Brazil —
opened our general debate. I celebrate this fact.
 The theme chosen for this session — “The role of
mediation in the settlement of disputes by peaceful
means” — demonstrates our will to place our
Organization at the heart of international crisis
resolution. It also focuses the attention of our
Assembly on one of the main missions entrusted to the
United Nations — the use and promotion of
negotiations in the resolutions of conflicts, whose
proliferation and gravity have posed an unrelenting
threat to the balance and progress of humankind in
recent years. The implementation of such an approach
in international relations calls for resolute involvement
and solidarity on the part of Member States in seeking
negotiated solutions to current and potential disputes at
the international, regional and subregional levels. In
this regard, I welcome the independence of South
Sudan and its admission as the 193rd State Member of
the United Nations.
 The recent history of peoples underscores the
virtues of dialogue and negotiation for resolving even
the most complex conflicts, as proven by the
dismantling of apartheid and the progress, albeit
modest, in the settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian
crisis.
 This is a theme close to our hearts, as the father
of the Ivorian nation, President Félix Houphouët-
Boigny, left his mark on the history of Côte d’Ivoire
and the entire African continent as a result of his
pragmatic approach to resolving conflicts through
dialogue. The UNESCO Félix Houphouët-Boigny
Peace Prize attests to and represents the international
community’s recognition of his efforts to promote
peace. I am therefore honoured and proud to make a

11-50865 10

commitment to follow in the footsteps of the approach
promoted by that apostle disciple of dialogue and
peace. In this context, my country is fully ready, as in
the past, to tirelessly promote the option of negotiation
to resolve and prevent conflicts and safeguard peace —
a prerequisite for all social and economic development
in the world.
 The much sought prize of peace, even through the
appropriate routes of consultation and dialogue, cannot
be achieved without more balanced and fairer
economic development in our world. In this regard, the
economic and financial crisis that has shaken the world
for three years and whose consequences are still being
felt, especially in developing countries, demands
action, even as growth becomes more apparent in some
regions. This trend has been growing since 2010, due
in part to the economic performance of emerging and
developing countries, must absolutely be consolidated
if we want to sustainably prevent the relapse of such a
crisis.
 Nevertheless, strong economic growth is not
enough to guarantee security and stability in our world.
It must necessarily be accompanied by transparent and
equitable access to employment, especially for young
people, security and justice if we truly want to break
the cycles of political and criminal violence. We must
therefore urgently adopt a new model for development
based on environmental constraints that ensures that
the needs of the population for employment, security
and justice are met. Such a challenge can be overcome
only through solidarity.
 The food, energy and environmental crises and
natural disasters, which have become ever more
frequent and serious due to the effects of climate
change, demonstrate that the balance of human life,
despite the immense progress achieved in a great
number of areas, remains fragile. They also underscore
how closely the fates of the peoples of the world are
linked, as no geographic, racial or religious division
can withstand either the occurrence or the negative
effects of these phenomena. Aware of our
responsibilities to our people and, above all, to
humankind as a whole, we must therefore join forces
through the multilateral framework to seek innovative
and effective solutions to these crises and other
catastrophes, which pose a real threat to international
peace and security.
 In this regard, I would like to reiterate the
compassion of the people and Government of Côte
d’Ivoire to the victims of natural disasters, especially
in Japan, the Caribbean and the United States. I extend
special and brotherly sympathy to the peoples of the
Horn of Africa, who are suffering the grave effects of
famine as a result of an extended drought.
 Faced with these humanitarian tragedies, the
political commitment of all States Members of the
United Nations is indispensable. My delegation
therefore welcomes the initiatives undertaken by the
international community — especially the French
presidency of the Group of 20, and the specialized
institutions of the United Nations and the African
Union — to meet the immediate needs of the affected
populations.
 International peace and security remain a cause of
major concern for our Organization, given the
proliferation of armed conflicts, nuclear threats,
terrorist activity, transnational crime, human
trafficking, drug trafficking and pandemics. All of
these hamper the world’s harmonious development,
especially in Africa, which, riven by many areas of
tension, struggles to ensure its economic and social
development despite its enormous potential.
 The United Nations has a role to play in
strengthening the international solidarity that is
indispensable as we seek effective and appropriate
solutions to these crises. This requires the mobilization
of adequate resources to fund research and
development in the areas of food crop production,
renewable energy and sustainable development. To that
end, a substantial reduction in military spending is
required, allowing such resources to be found. Such a
sacrifice would be very useful towards the survival of
mankind.
 Aware of these crises, since taking office I have
sought to enhance the security of my country.
Discussions are nearing completion on tripartite
agreements with our neighbours, particularly
Liberia — with which one has already been signed —
Ghana and Guinea, with the support of the High
Commissioner for Refugees and United Nations
peacekeepers present in the region. These agreements
seek to ensure the voluntary and rapid return of Ivorian
refugees from those brotherly countries and to protect
our eastern and western borders from the movement of

11 11-50865

armed groups, drug trafficking and traffic in precious
metals.
 Negotiations are also under way with our Western
partners to ensure that Côte d’Ivoire becomes a
bulwark of regional defence and security in the fight
against terrorism. The recent ratification of the
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child on the involvement of children in armed
conflict reinforces our firm resolve to use all legal
means to combat violence and to protect the security of
our most vulnerable people, particularly women and
children.
 The outcome of the social and political conflict
that began in Côte d’Ivoire in 2002 marks the return of
democracy to our country, based on the promise of the
rule of law and a society that shares the common ideals
of peace and respect for human rights. For that reason,
coexistence is the cornerstone of my Government’s
programme. As soon as I took office, I established
national reconciliation as one of our priorities by
creating a Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation
Commission designed to create conditions conducive
to dialogue among all levels of society in order to heal
the wounds of the crisis, re-knit the social fabric,
restore national cohesion and promote peace and
justice.
 Furthermore, the Government, which is
responsible for making those principles the basis for its
activities, is working tirelessly to ensure social and
economic recovery towards the reconstruction Côte
d’Ivoire. Thus, the President’s emergency programme
launched in March, while I was at the Golf Hotel, has
already had favourable results for the people of Côte
d’Ivoire, particularly those of Abidjan, who suffered
pillage and property destruction. The programme is
focused in particular on improving basic social
services, especially the provision of drinking water,
health care, education, electricity and public sanitation,
which are major challenges that must be met as we
attempt to achieve our Millennium Development
Goals.
 The organization of parliamentary elections
before the end of this year will allow us to enhance
democracy and social justice in Côte d’Ivoire, with the
support and assistance of the United Nations through
Security Council resolution 2000 (2011) of 27 July
2011, which demonstrates again the Organization’s
determination to support Côte d’Ivoire until the end of
the crisis as provided by the Ouagadougou Political
Agreement.
 The socio-political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire over
the past 10 years has undermined the economic and
social development of my country. It is my ambition,
as we approach 2020, to make Côte d’Ivoire an
emerging nation, reconciled with itself and with other
nations and united by republican values; a modern
State that respects the independence of the judiciary
and will combat impunity and ensure the promotion of
merit and competence.
 In closing on this note of hope for my country, I
call for the determined and ongoing involvement of all
States Members of the United Nations in the pursuit,
through dialogue and cooperation, of collective,
effective and lasting solutions that will create a better
world based on more harmonious and secure forms of
development.
 Côte d’Ivoire, which in the past was often called
on to help in the quest for peaceful solutions to
conflicts, intends to take up this vocation once again.
This is a natural mission for us in many respects,
because Côte d’Ivoire, as Félix Houphouët-Boigny
said, is the friend of all and the enemy of none.


I would like
to begin by extending my sincere congratulations to
Ambassador Al-Nasser on his assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth
session. I have every confidence that under his able
leadership this session will be guided to a fruitful
conclusion.
 May I also take this opportunity to extend my
warmest congratulations to Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon on his re-election as Secretary-General of the
United Nations, with unanimous support from Member
States, and to thank him for the great commitment and
devotion he has shown over the past five years to
achieving the vision of a responsible United Nations. I
have no doubt that in his second term he will make an
even greater contribution to creating a stronger United
Nations for a better world.
 This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the
Republic of Korea’s membership in the United
Nations. It would be no exaggeration to say that the
Republic of Korea came into the world with the United
Nations and grew up along with the Organization. It
was under United Nations auspices that the democratic
Government of the Republic of Korea was established
in 1948. Through a General Assembly resolution (195
(III)), the Government of the Republic of Korea gained
international recognition as the only lawful
Government on the Korean peninsula. When the
Korean War broke out two years later, United Nations
forces played a decisive role in defending the country.
In the aftermath of the war and during the years of
national reconstruction, the United Nations provided us
with generous economic assistance and the concept of

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universal human rights, thus promoting progress on
both the economic and democratic fronts.
 In spite of such special historic ties between the
United Nations and the Republic of Korea, it was only
with the end of the Cold War, in 1991, more than
40 years later, that the Republic of Korea was admitted
to the United Nations. For the past 20 years, the
Republic of Korea has made every effort to realize the
causes and values of the United Nations. We have
played an active role in various areas of international
cooperation, including the global fight against poverty,
sustainable development, the promotion of human
rights and democracy, and the maintenance of
international peace and security.
 The Republic of Korea began its journey as one
of the poorest countries in the world, engulfed in war
and poverty, and has managed to achieve remarkable
success on both the economic and democratic fronts. It
may therefore be rightly said that the Republic of
Korea is an exemplary international success story, fully
embracing and reflecting the values espoused by the
United Nations, be they those relating to democracy,
human rights or development.
 Now the Republic of Korea wishes to give back
to the international community even more than it has
received. We stand ready to extend a helping hand to
those in need, providing them with appropriate support
and care. We are keen to cooperate closely with the
United Nations and to play a constructive role in
combating the various challenges facing the
international community.
 Maintaining international peace and security is
the fundamental responsibility of the United Nations.
For the past 60 years, the United Nations has made
every effort to prevent war and armed conflict in the
international arena. Furthermore, it has provided varied
and creative means for maintaining sustainable peace
in dangerous parts of the world, from preventive
diplomacy and peacekeeping to post-conflict
peacebuilding. The most striking example may be in
the advancement of United Nations peacekeeping
operations. There has been an increase in demand for
United Nations peacekeeping operations since the end
of the Cold War. As a result, not only has there been an
increase in the number of personnel, but the work of
the operations has also become more diverse and
multifaceted, extending beyond the monitoring of
ceasefires to assisting in nation-building.
 Peacekeeping operations offer great hope for
millions of those who suffer in the midst of war and
natural disasters. The Republic of Korea is proud to
participate in 10 United Nations peacekeeping
missions, including those in Haiti and Lebanon.
 Today, while still struggling with conventional
security threats, the international community faces new
types of security threats, such as the spread of weapons
of mass destruction (WMDs) and the threat of
terrorism. The international community must
strengthen its non-proliferation regime in order to
prevent the proliferation of nuclear, biological and
chemical weapons and long-range missiles.
 Furthermore, the threat of transnational terrorism
has emerged as a serious security issue that requires
concerted effort from the international community, in
particular since the attacks of 9/11. The Republic of
Korea stands firmly against, and condemns all forms
and manifestations of, terrorism. Terrorism, a vicious
means to achieve political objectives by taking
innocent civilian lives, cannot be justified under any
circumstances. The international community must
reaffirm its determination to eradicate terrorism and
step up its collective counter-terrorism efforts.
 The greatest threat of all, perhaps, emanates from
nuclear terrorism. International cooperation is now
needed more than ever to prevent it. Following the first
Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C., last
year, the second such summit will be held in Seoul in
March 2012. The Republic of Korea is making every
effort to ensure that the Summit will constitute a
valuable opportunity for the international community
to build a more solid system of international
cooperation, which is necessary to prevent nuclear
terrorism.
 This year, the international community has
witnessed a wave of dramatic changes sweeping across
North Africa and the Middle East. The democratic
movement that began in Tunisia, which then swiftly
spread to Egypt and Libya, has proved that democracy
is a universal value of humankind that transcends
region and culture. At this very moment, the people of
Syria and Yemen are taking great risks to hold aloft the
torch of freedom and democracy.
 Democracy is a vehicle that unites the basic
values of humankind, such as freedom and equality,
human rights and the rule of law. The people’s demand
for democracy is their legitimate right. The

33 11-50692

international community and the United Nations must
do all they can to protect these people from persecution
and human rights abuses.
 United Nations efforts have played a great role in
the recent democratic progress in Africa. The United
Nations facilitated the birth of the Republic of South
Sudan through peaceful referendum, and played a
crucial role in the progress of democracy in Côte
d’Ivoire by realizing the transfer of power.
 Nevertheless, as history has only too clearly
shown, building democracy is no easy task. It is
important that fledgling economies in many parts of
the world become sustainable and robust. Above all, it
is essential that these nations form stable Governments
through elections and achieve economic development.
The United Nations must be there for them.
 Democracy constitutes a foundation for
sustainable national development. For the Republic of
Korea, economic growth and democratization have
been achieved in a mutually reinforcing manner.
 In the twenty-first century, in this age of
globalization and communication revolution, the tide
of democratization is unstoppable regardless of a
nation’s economic standing.
 I believe that a vibrant economy will push
forward economic growth in all corners of the world.
To assist developing nations pursue both democracy
and economic growth is indeed the role of the United
Nations.
 The market economy and democracy have
enabled humankind to fulfil the desire for a better life,
along with the values of freedom and individual
happiness. However, the growing gap between rich and
poor, which unfortunately accompanies today’s highly
developed market economy, calls for self-reflection
vis-à-vis the capitalist system and greater public
responsibility.
 The growing gap between developed and
developing countries should not only be addressed as a
poverty issue, but should also be understood as a
potential destabilizing element to international peace.
Furthermore, this inequality stands against the global
vision of achieving common prosperity for all
humankind.
 It is only when members of the international
community share each other’s burden and work
together in a mutually complementary manner towards
a common goal that the eco-systemic development of
the world can be achieved. Developed nations must
help developing countries to maximize their capacity
so that they can achieve economic growth and
development on their own. To that end, it is important
to foster a global atmosphere that is conducive to
supporting the development of trade, investment,
finance and human resources in developing countries.
 International aid must focus on, and provide
support to, areas that form the basis of economic
development in developing countries, such as
infrastructure and trade-related capacity building. At
the same time, efforts must be made to strengthen the
role of multilateral organizations, including the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, in
development assistance. Such efforts should be
grounded in the sincere belief that the growth of
developing countries will provide a valuable growth
engine for all, including developed countries, by
expanding global demand as a whole.
 Through the global financial crisis in 2008, we
have come to realize once again that we live in a highly
interconnected world. A financial crisis that started in
one place became global in an instant. No country was
spared from the bitter sting of economic crisis. In the
face of the crisis, the Group of Twenty (G-20), a
mechanism that brings together both developed and
developing nations, was created.
 The Seoul Development Consensus for Shared
Growth, which was adopted last year at the G-20 Seoul
Summit, and the G-20 multi-year action plan outline
specific measures to realize growth that embraces
developing countries as partners. As a member of the
G-20, the Republic of Korea will faithfully and
actively implement those measures.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),
championed by the United Nations, constitute another
important agenda that pursues shared growth between
developed and developing nations. The Government of
the Republic of Korea will be an active participant in
international development cooperation as pursued by
the MDGs. We will faithfully implement our plan to
double our current level of official development
assistance by 2015 and, drawing wisdom from our past
experience, will assist developing countries in ways to
build capacity to achieve genuine growth on their own.

11-50692 34

 I hope that the fourth High-Level Forum on Aid
Effectiveness to be held in Busan in November this
year will provide a valuable opportunity to set a new
global cooperation paradigm and partnership to
effectively address new changes and challenges in
international development cooperation.
 The cost of reckless economic growth that
ignores environmental warnings will be beyond
imagination. The rise in the Earth’s temperature due to
greenhouse gas emissions has caused abnormal
climatic phenomena. Ecosystem damage due to the
greenhouse effect is causing enormous economic
damage in various parts of the world.
 To protect our environment and promote growth
at the same time, we must use less fossil fuel and more
renewable energy, while promoting the safer use of
nuclear energy. Green technology devoted to meeting
these goals will create more jobs for people and will
enable us to attain sustainable economic growth in
decades to come.
 Having designated “green growth” as a national
growth paradigm in 2008, the Republic of Korea has
been actively pursuing this goal. The Republic of
Korea was the first country in the world to introduce
the Framework Act on Low Carbon, Green Growth. We
are also investing 2 per cent of our national gross
development product in green sectors every year.
 Another important development was the launch
of the Global Green Growth Institute, which was
founded by the Republic of Korea along with like-
minded countries. The aim of the Institute is to share
cutting-edge green technology and experience with
developing countries. In so doing, developing countries
will be able to join in the global green growth
movement and attain economic growth and
environmental protection together as one global
community.
 The United Nations shall have a more important
role than ever to play in restoring the equilibrium in
the global ecosystem and promoting shared growth in
the international community. In this regard, I welcome
the inclusion of “Green economy in the context of
sustainable development and poverty eradication” as a
main theme of the 2012 United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development. I look forward to the
Conference producing a solid vision and action plan
towards economically, socially and environmentally
sustainable development.
 The North Korean nuclear threat poses significant
challenges to peace on the Korean peninsula, North-
East Asia and beyond. Over the past 20 years, the
Republic of Korea has made consistent diplomatic
efforts, in cooperation with the international
community, to achieve the denuclearization of the
Korean peninsula and will continue to do so.
 In the twenty-first century, we must first work
together if we wish to attain peace and prosperity. This
is a historical trend in which the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea must take part. It is my hope to see
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea enjoy
peace and prosperity by becoming a responsible
member of the international community. When the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea chooses the
path to mutual benefit and common prosperity, we will
be ready to assist in that endeavour along with the
international community. I sincerely hope that this will
transform the Korean peninsula from a place of conflict
and strife into a bedrock of peace in North-East Asia
and the world.
 Today, humankind faces a range of unprecedented
transnational challenges that require closer
international cooperation than ever before. At this
historic moment, the United Nations will have a greater
responsibility and role to play.
 Over the 60 years since the establishment of the
United Nations, the dynamics of international relations
have been fundamentally and structurally transformed.
To meet the new demands of the times and address the
diverse challenges of the future, the United Nations
should constantly strive to renew and reinvent itself. In
particular, the Security Council should be reformed to
become more democratic and accountable in order to
fulfil its mandate of maintaining international peace
and security. The Republic of Korea has been actively
participating in discussions on Security Council
reform. We will continue to contribute constructively
to those discussions in the future.
 With the spirit of the Charter of the United
Nations always in our hearts, the Republic of Korea
will continue to actively cooperate with the
Organization to create a greater United Nations in
times of change.


Allow me to
congratulate Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser
on his election as President of the General Assembly at
its sixty-sixth session. I would also like to congratulate
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his unanimous
reappointment to a second term.
 I extend my warmest congratulations to South
Sudan on becoming the newest Member of the United
Nations family. We wish President Al-Nasser and
Secretary-General Ban success in the year ahead.
 The world has seen difficult times since the
global economic crisis of 2008. This has been
compounded by natural and man-made disasters, which
have grown in scale and severity. The repercussions of
those events produce unpredictable outcomes.
Governments have to grapple with the challenge of
reviving growth and creating jobs for our citizens, even
as the uncertain global economic recovery comes under
threat from the severe fiscal and debt crisis in the
United States and eurozone. Fears about the risk of a
double-dip recession remain.
 Other important global challenges need serious
attention and resources as well. Those include long-
term issues such as sustainable development, climate
change and water security. There are also immediate
concerns such as food security, job creation and
making our cities more livable. These are issues that
require urgent joint action by the global community.
 By next month, we will have 7 billion people to
feed, clothe and find meaningful employment for. That
is a stark reminder of the magnitude of our task. The
United Nations must play an important role in dealing
with these challenges. First, the United Nations, the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the
World Trade Organization can help ensure that the
global economic framework remains conducive to
growth amidst the maelstrom of economic instability.
 We are in for a bumpy ride, with growth in all the
major markets slowing, and there is no guarantee of
quick recovery. At the same time, we face a worrisome
rise in protectionist sentiments. A recent report by the
World Trade Organization showed that the Group of 20
(G-20) countries introduced 122 new trade-restrictive
measures from 2010 to April 2011. Too many countries
are focused more on domestic political concerns than
on implementing their multilateral commitments and
taking concerted action at the global level. That is why
the prospects for a breakthrough in the Doha
Development Round continue to be slim.
 As the pre-eminent multilateral institution in the
world, the United Nations should take a strong stand,
make a united pledge against trade-restrictive measures
and continue to push for free trade. Fighting
protectionist pressures collectively is important for the
long-term sustainability of our economies. The
philosophy of common enrichment that imbues the
United Nations Charter must replace short-sighted
strategies of survival if we are to truly take the path
towards sustainability. Due to its sheer membership
size and functions, the United Nations will need time
to achieve consensus and make decisions. That leaves
the door open for ad hoc coordination by smaller,
informal groups, especially during critical periods like
the fall of 2008. There is a role for smaller, regional
groupings like the G-20 and the Group of Eight, which
may be more efficient and dynamic in decision-
making.
 A certain amount of fluidity is a given in global
governance for some time to come, and even necessary
in order to tackle increasingly complex and varied
global problems. But ultimately, a balance needs to be
struck between efficiency and genuine legitimacy. The
G-20 accounts for over 80 per cent of world trade and
gross domestic product, but that still leaves the
majority of countries and a significant number of
people outside of that group. There is scope for the
United Nations to play a meaningful role by ensuring
that all groupings take into account and promote the
greater interest. The United Nations must also act
together with such groupings as complementary parts

9 11-51670

of the international system, not as mutually exclusive
competitors.
 The United Nations also has an important role in
tackling two other challenges — food and water
security, which are two sides of the same coin. The
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations has reported an escalation of international food
prices to levels not seen in decades. And according to
the World Bank, rising food costs have pushed
44 million people into extreme poverty and hunger
since June 2010. The hunger crisis in the Horn of
Africa is but one face of this devastation.
 Equally critical is the challenge of water security.
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)
has pointed out that about one-third of the world’s
population lives in countries with moderate to high
water stress, with a disproportionate impact on the
poor. With current projected global population growth,
the task of providing water for human sustenance will
become increasingly difficult, and increasing
competition over this scarce but vital resource may fuel
instability and conflict within and between States.
 The United Nations is doing a great deal in both
areas to proactively foster collaboration among
Member States. UNEP has long actively addressed the
water issue, together with partner United Nations
agencies and other organizations. Looking ahead, the
United Nations can do more to build synergies of
technology, policy and capacity in this field. In this
regard, events like the annual World Water Week in
Stockholm come to the forefront of the public’s minds
when talking about championing water issues.
 Likewise, since 2008, Singapore has organized
the Singapore International Water Week, a global
platform that brings together policymakers, industry
leaders, experts and practitioners to address challenges,
showcase technologies, discover opportunities and
celebrate achievements in the water world. In
Singapore, we have always regarded water as a
strategic resource. We have invested considerable
resources in researching and testing new technologies.
We would be happy to share our experiences.
 I am certain that there are also many other
success stories of countries that have adopted modern
technology and sound policies to overcome their water
insecurity. That is why Singapore is happy to be a
member of the Green Group, an informal grouping
initiated by Slovenia, whose members discuss ways to
augment our collective experiences in water
management. That model can be replicated by the
United Nations to include more Member States.
 We also need to look at the processes, procedures
and leadership within the United Nations. The
efficiency of our responses can and should be reviewed
and improved upon. At present, there is a disconnect
between the proliferation of resolutions, which we
debate year after year, and actual present realities.
There is a great need to coordinate better between New
York and the ground. The immense good work in the
field that various United Nations personnel, such as our
humanitarian and aid workers, are doing has to be
better related to what Member States do at
Headquarters.
 While established processes are important, that
should not hamper innovative thinking and solutions.
For example, we should set definitive timelines and
specific objectives for resolutions, and retire others.
Let us focus on what needs to be done, who should do
it, and by when it should be done. This will ensure that
there are targeted outcomes and real implementation.
This may seem like a small, procedural change, but to
borrow a phrase, sometimes little things can make a
big difference.
 The alternative is to leave the shaping of the new
global governance to other groupings, which will by
definition be less inclusive. That will lead to a further
marginalization of the small and the weak. The United
Nations needs to find ways to work with limited
groupings as complementary parts of the international
system. This is what the Global Governance Group, or
3G, has sought to achieve.
 To act as a bridge between the United Nations
and the Group of 20, the 3G has provided ideas to
strengthen the latter’s engagement with the United
Nations. The 3G has focused on areas of ongoing and
potential cooperation such as development, tackling the
problem of food security and fostering the growth of
livable cities. It has also called for a comprehensive
approach to addressing the different factors affecting
food security and the volatility of food prices. That
includes a call for a renewed political commitment to a
universal, rules-based, open, non-discriminatory and
equitable multilateral trading system under the World
Trade Organization, which we believe is critical to
achieving food security.

11-51670 10

 The United Nations remains the only truly
universal and international organization. There is no
alternative to the United Nations. The steady expansion
of its membership from 51 at its founding in 1945 to
193 today is a testament to the value that countries
accord to membership in this Organization.
 The United Nations is uniquely placed to
influence our collective future. However, we should
not take this position for granted, for the
Organization’s ability to influence global issues is
ultimately dependent on the decisions that we as
Member States take at the United Nations.
 Sixty-five years ago, following the devastation of
World War II, we managed to forge a consensus that
was underpinned by the notion of inclusive global
citizenship and manifested by the establishment of a
set of international institutions, practices and norms. At
the forefront was the United Nations Charter.
 Globalization and economic integration have
since redefined global governance and decision-
making. The United Nations needs to adjust its
processes to this new environment. But at the core, its
values remain the same: to maintain international peace
and security and to promote development, human
rights and respect for the rule of law.
 It is up to us, the Member States, to rally the
necessary political will to put aside narrow self-
interests and act for our collective good and secure the
well-being of our future generations.


It is indeed
an honour and a source of pride to see our sister State
of Qatar represented in the good person of the

11-51390 18

President leading this year’s session of the General
Assembly. His election was certainly the right choice
given his commendable initiatives and contributions to
maintaining peace and security, both regionally and
internationally, which bear out his qualifications and
capabilities. Indeed, we congratulate him on assuming
his post. Through you, Sir, may I also convey my
congratulations and gratitude to Mr. Joseph Deiss,
President of the Assembly at its sixty-fifth session.
 We would also like to congratulate His Excellency
the Secretary-General on his reappointment. We commend
him and his colleagues on their admirable efforts in the
various areas in which the Organization is active. We
hope that our deliberations this year will benefit
humankind and serve to promote peace, harmony and
cooperation among peoples and nations.
 I address the Assembly today as the Sudan
approaches the international community with new
momentum, having recently provided an exemplary
model in choosing peace and stability, even though
their price entailed sacrificing a dear part of our
country’s territory. During the past six years, the
international community has followed the Government
of the Sudan’s degree of commitment to the choice of
peace through the implementation of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which we concluded
and signed on 9 January 2005.
 Despite the obstacles and challenges facing the
implementation of the Agreement from the start, we
have continued to implement it with perseverance and
patience. That culminated in the holding of the
referendum on the self-determination of South Sudan
and, eventually, the acceptance of its result. We were
the first country to recognize the nascent Republic of
South Sudan, extending a hand of cooperation and
brotherhood to it.
 The international community has also followed
the historic visit that our country’s President, Mr. Omer
Hassan Al-Bashir, paid to the city of Juba prior to the
holding of the referendum, as well as his participation
in the celebrations declaring the establishment of the
State of South Sudan on 9 July. His address on that
occasion outlined the guiding principles that
established the basis of our warm and friendly
relations, discarding the negative atmosphere and
bitterness of the past and looking towards the broader
horizons of cooperation and communication that serve
the interests of that country’s brotherly people. From
this rostrum, we reiterate our commitment to that spirit.
We also reiterate our congratulations to the State of
South Sudan as it takes its place among the Members
of the United Nations.
 Allow me to take this opportunity to welcome the
National Transitional Council as the legitimate
representative of the brotherly people of Libya at the
United Nations, following the revolution that Libya
experienced and the changes it has brought about.
 The separation leading to the establishment of the
independent State of South Sudan does not mean a
definitive divorce, in particular as we live in an era of
globalization and State alliances and groupings that
transcend political boundaries and traditional
frameworks. Moreover, until recently our two peoples
were one, connected by common denominators and
various historical, cultural and social ties.
 Given those facts, we are resolute in our full
commitment to settling all outstanding issues with
regard to the implementation of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement, including the situation in the Abyei
region, in order to complete the border demarcation
and the necessary joint measures and mechanisms
required to monitor the border and address economic
issues, including access to oil and oil revenues.
 We also affirm that we are committed to reaching
security and political arrangements that address all the
recent tensions in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile
states. As I have said before, we accepted the choice of
separation not because we were bored with unity, for
we had paid dearly for that unity, but because we
wanted sustainable peace and stability. It is therefore
unacceptable and irrational to accept any proxy war
that destabilizes those two states, or any other border
area between them. That will require understanding of
the joint vision that takes into account the special
characteristics of the demographic character of the
region and the interaction among the tribes in those
areas.
 With regard to the situation in Darfur, the most
recent peace negotiations in the sisterly State of Qatar
concluded with the signing of the Doha Document for
Peace in Darfur, which was accepted and supported by
the various groups in Darfur. That support was
evidenced by the broad participation in the all-Darfur
stakeholders conference, which was held in May and
attended by representatives of internally displaced
persons, civil society and leaders from the legislative,

19 11-51390

political and executive branches, as well as tribal and
political party leaders, elders and local administration.
The conference adopted the Doha Document for Peace
in Darfur because it responded to all of the aspirations
of the people of Darfur in terms of peace, development,
stability, justice and political participation. As the
Assembly is aware, the Document has received
considerable support from the international community.
 I wish to take this opportunity to reiterate our
appreciation to our sister State of Qatar, the African
Union and the League of Arab States, which
spearheaded this initiative. We also wish to thank the
Joint Mediation Support Team and all regional and
international partners who contributed to the
agreement. From this rostrum, I again emphasize that
we will continue to implement our national strategy on
Darfur on the basis of its five pillars: security,
development, the resettlement of refugees and
internally displaced persons, internal reconciliation and
a comprehensive political settlement. We will give top
priority to completing the return of internally displaced
persons and refugees and to creating stable conditions
for them through development, rehabilitation and
reconstruction projects.
 We expected the Secretary-General to include a
special paragraph in his statement to illustrate my
Government’s commitment to peace, which was
evident from the signing of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement and the declaration of the Republic of
South Sudan, which my Government was first to
recognize as a State. We call on our international
Organization not to be hoodwinked by the policies of
some countries, which refuse to give credit where it is
due. The Sudanese leadership, headed by President
Omer Hassan Ahmad Al-Bashir, enabled the people of
the South to exercise their right to self-determination.
It made a commitment to do so because of its desire for
peace and stability. Consequently, it is a leadership that
deserves respect and appreciation, not to be the target
of attempts at incrimination or of the arbitrary levelling
of accusations, for example, by the International
Criminal Court.
 I need not recall the fact that the President is the
leader of the Republic of the Sudan and was
legitimately elected in fair and transparent elections
conducted under the supervision of international and
regional bodies. Moreover, the unilateral and
unjustified economic sanctions adopted by the United
States of America against the Sudan in order to weaken
it and erode its development revival are but unjust and
coercive measures against the people of the Sudan.
This is happening at a time when we aspire to have the
support of the international community as we move
towards that goal more openly and with greater
determination to fulfil our natural role as an active and
pioneering member of the international family.
 As a State emerging from conflict, we look
forward to the contribution of the international
community and its financial institutions in terms of
debt forgiveness and support for development projects.
That would be consistent with the measures being
applied to all least developed countries, as well as to
those emerging from conflict and moving into
peacebuilding, which has now become a reality. The
World Bank has put forward these and other
requirements, and has stated that my country has
indeed demonstrated compliance in that regard.
 Similarly, from this rostrum, we call on all
investors, without exception, to try to benefit from the
Sudan and its promising resources, especially those
other than oil, such as mineral resources and metals.
We urge them to invest in the Sudan’s agricultural
resources, taking into consideration the extent of the
country’s arable land and its significant water
resources. This is particularly important in the light of
the food crises, famines resulting from drought and
desertification, and the urgent global need for cereals
and grains. The Sudan’s investment law has provided
all necessary facilities to all foreign investors.
 The international financial and economic crisis
has adversely affected most countries of the world. In
the countries of Africa, the crisis has notably
intensified and exacerbated the difficulties plaguing the
economies of developing nations, resulting in increased
poverty and food shortages and the decline of social
services.
 At a time when climate change is leading to
natural disasters in many countries, I call on the
General Assembly, all donors and the relevant United
Nations agencies, funds and programmes to respond
urgently to the devastating famine and the attendant
tragic humanitarian situation, which is affecting some
of our sister republics in the Horn of Africa, in
particular Somalia.
 We also wish to highlight the importance of
giving issues affecting the African continent a high
priority on the development agenda of the United

11-51390 20

Nations, with a view to supporting and building the
capacities of African economic institutions. This could
be accomplished by reactivating the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development initiative. Priority, support
and financing should be given to projects aimed at
combating poverty and endemic diseases on the
continent, as well as to the relevant programmes linked
to the achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals.
 Since development and peace go hand in hand,
we wish to emphasize the importance of supporting the
institutions of the African Union, especially its Peace
and Security Council and its other various mechanisms,
to build early-warning conflict prevention capacities. I
need not mention that Chapter VIII of the United
Nations Charter clearly emphasizes the importance of
regional arrangements in strengthening and
maintaining international peace and security.
 We also wish to emphasize the importance of
activating preventive diplomacy mechanisms and
African peacemaking efforts. I refer in particular to the
experience of the Panel of the Wise of the African
Union, headed by former South African President
Thabo Mbeki, which is playing a commendable role in
the Sudan. This attests to the effectiveness of the role
of regional bodies in settling disputes and achieving
peace and security in African countries.
 The Sudan had hoped for international consensus
on climate and environment issues, in particular
because we have been directly affected by them, as has
clearly been the case in Darfur. United Nations reports
have emphasized the relationship between the negative
impact of climate change and the intensification of
conflict, especially on the African continent. We had
also hoped that the efforts made in Copenhagen would
have been successful and led to an agreement on how
to address this phenomenon and avoid its negative
consequences.
 We had hoped, too, that developed nations would
assume their historic responsibilities in that regard by
adopting specific strategies and action plans to tackle
the root causes of climate change in a manner
consistent with the Rio Declaration on Environment
and Development, adopted at the Earth Summit in
1992. The Sudan attaches the highest priority to the
implementation of a series of national programmes
designed to alleviate the consequences of climate
change and to raise awareness as to its dire effects.
 The Sudan looks forward to participating actively
and effectively in the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development to be held next year, in order
to help strengthen international efforts to face the
challenges of sustainable development with a
collective will that reflects the aspirations of the whole
world, developing nations in particular, for
development and a decent life for their peoples.
 Various entities of the United Nations, including
the Security Council, have adopted dozens of
resolutions regarding the question of Palestine, none of
which have been implemented. This is because of
Israel’s blatant defiance of the international community
and because of the support and protection it enjoys
from some powerful countries. This demonstrates that
the Organization is incapable of standing up for the
rights of peoples and to support their legitimate claims,
as enshrined in the Charter. That has given the green
light to the occupying authorities to continue with their
settlement policies that seek to entrench the occupation
and banish the Palestinian people, the owners of the
land.
 The Sudan therefore fully supports the
Palestinian National Authority’s decision to request full
membership of the United Nations, which is their legal
right, based on the right to self-determination, one of
the principles of international law. Moreover, the
Palestinians’ request for recognition as a State is a
legitimate right that seeks to confirm that, first, the
United Nations is committed to its Charter and,
secondly, to international law. This would also help to
alleviate tensions in the region. The international
community should consider the fact that there may be
no one to negotiate with if it allows Israel to impose
conditions on the world and to deprive the Palestinians
of their legitimate rights.
 In conclusion, the reform of the United Nations,
and in particular of the Security Council, is an urgent
and compelling priority requiring speedy action.
Without efforts to reform the Organization and its
various entities, we will weaken the role of developing
nations and have a negative effect on their national
interests. This will also allow bodies such as the
Security Council to become a channel through which
particular countries impose their own political agendas,
especially with regard to international peace and
security. Genuine reform of the Security Council and
its working methods is therefore the only way to
prevent it from being exploited by some countries in a

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manner that could cast doubt on the credibility and
neutrality of the Organization, whose founders
carefully drafted its Charter so as to make it the widest
possible forum for consultation and debate — debate
that requires cooperation and interaction among
peoples, nations, cultures and civilizations in order to
create a world in which values such as freedom, peace,
security and justice can prevail.


I begin by saluting Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser,
who presides over the current session. His long
experience at the United Nations augurs well for our
work.
 I also acknowledge the outstanding work of
Mr. Joseph Deiss of Switzerland, the outgoing
President. Our delegation worked very closely with
Mr. Deiss, and we can testify to his exceptional
commitment to the United Nations and his immense
capacity for work.
 I also salute Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. I
reiterate our appreciation of his management, and
congratulate him on his re-election for a second five-
year term. I thank him for the support he has given to
my country and Central America, shown especially by
his recent visit to Guatemala.
 My presence at every General Assembly session
during the four years of my presidency testifies to our
backing for the United Nations and our gratitude for its
support.
 This occasion is unique, for two reasons.
 First, I can tell the Assembly about the
achievements of my Administration over the past four
years and also about some pending issues. Secondly, I
can report that just 10 days ago the first round of
general elections was held in my country, in a calm,
normal climate with broad citizen participation, thus
consolidating our progress towards a democratic and
participatory society.
 Let me then start with a few words about the
progress made in Guatemala, despite the exceptional
obstacles created by the international financial crisis of
2008-2009, a severe political crisis in Guatemala in
2009 that was overcome in compliance with the rule of
law and truth revealed by investigations, and the
impact of three major natural disasters, which led to a
109-day state of emergency, as well as historical
challenges that we face now and shall face in the
future.

11-50847 2

 I shall sum up in a few words the significance of
my period in office, as follows.
 First, my Administration gave priority to the
individual by dealing with social issues that had not
been addressed for 50 years. We have tried to reduce
poverty and extreme poverty, with tangible results,
especially through our social cohesion programmes,
particularly conditional transfers of cash to mothers of
extremely poor families — more than 940,000 families.
 Second, space was recovered for the State in
areas previously dominated corporately by private
interests.
 Third, we began to contain and reverse a
shocking escalation of the criminal violence that had
started in earlier periods, by reorganizing the security
forces and promoting policies that confronted, instead
of coexisting with, organized crime.
 Fourth, in accordance with those measures, we
recovered whole territories previously dominated by
drug traffickers, particularly the Mayan biosphere in
the northern Department of Petén, consisting of more
than 138,000 hectares; 48,000 head of cattle were
expelled from the area, and the Government has
retaken control of it. Unprecedented seizures of drugs
have taken place. In three and a half years we have
seized $12 billion, the equivalent of almost two
national budgets. By comparison, over the eight-year
period before my Government came to power scarcely
$1 billion was seized.
 However much we do in the Central American
region, Mexico and Colombia, it is essential that drug
consumption be controlled. Drug-consuming countries
must accept co-responsibility for the daily killings in
our countries, and for the uncontrolled sales of arms
entering it. They must take co-responsibility for the
control of money-laundering and of arms, which bring
death to our region, and for the control of factories
producing chemical precursors for drug production.
Responsibility must be taken for the destination of the
products and arms.
 We cannot control organized crime in Central
America without the support of Mexico and Colombia.
We can win the battle only if the consumer markets do
their share. We cannot go on shedding blood and being
wounded by bullets. That is unfair. The consumer
markets must assume true co-responsibility.
 Fifth, a series of wide-ranging policies was
adopted to gain greater transparency. They included the
creation of the Secretariat for Transparency and the
adoption of a law on public information.
 Sixth, the energy matrix was renewed and
upgraded to make it more environmentally sound and
to counter the effects of the rising cost of
hydrocarbons.
 Seventh, we promoted two major economic
corridors in poverty-stricken regions. In addition, the
construction of the Northern Transversal Strip will
unite the Mexican State of Chiapas with our neighbour,
Honduras, and Polochic.
 Eighth, we pursued a dynamic foreign policy,
putting the Central American region on a new footing
and making possible a closer understanding with our
neighbours of Latin America and the Caribbean. I shall
return to this matter a little later.
 Ninth, municipal power was given full respect
and strengthened, being recognized as a fourth power
in the democratic system.
 Tenth, the independence of the different branches
of the State was faithfully respected.
 Finally, while everything that I have described
was achieved we preserved and improved a solid,
stable macroeconomic system. Guatemala is one of the
three countries that had no shrinkage of their economy
during the financial crisis.
 Some important topics require the participation of
every State institution; we need legislation by the
Congress of the Republic and rulings by the
institutions that constitute the country’s judicial
system. Among other matters, I wish to refer to the
struggle we have waged against impunity, experienced
in Guatemala for many years. Seven of the most
wanted drug traffickers, who are known to all
Guatemalans, are now in jail, awaiting trial. The
Government has initiated trials for crimes against
humanity committed during our 36-year civil war,
which ended in 1996. Sentence has already been passed
in some cases, and other trials are continuing.
 Here I wish to highlight the crucial role played by
the United Nations through the International
Commission against Impunity in Guatemala, a unique
United Nations exercise which enjoys the strong
support of not only my Government, but also

3 11-50847

Guatemalan civil society. We are pleased that the
Commission’s mandate has been extended for two
more years, until September 2013. We recognize the
significant achievements it has recorded since its
establishment.
 Among the main challenges facing us, I wish to
mention the following.
 First, despite the progress in social matters, we
must acknowledge how much remains to be done to
eliminate poverty and raise the level of wellbeing of
the Guatemalan population. There were many years of
neglect, especially of the most vulnerable, such as
children, single mothers, and a disproportionate part of
the indigenous population.
 I am convinced that the actions taken should be
institutionalized through social cohesion programmes
and presidential programmes. That will require a
substantial fiscal transformation to provide the State
with the necessary funds. It should be recognized that
that is not possible without the support and
participation of Congress, even where the Central
Government promotes it, as in my case.
 In economic matters we need a revival of
productive activities in a framework of financial
stability and fiscal reform compatible with financing
for development.
 Secondly, due to our geographical location,
Guatemala has become an important transit point for
illicit activities, including drug trafficking and human
trafficking, both of which are increasingly in the hands
of transnational organized crime. We have made
strenuous efforts to deal with them and to address the
public demand for improved security for every citizen.
 It is essential to have regional and international
cooperation. Member countries of the Central
American Integration System have adopted a historic
Central American Security Strategy, which was jointly
presented, with the support of the Governments of
Colombia and Mexico, to the international community
at an international conference held in Guatemala on
22 and 23 June. The main point is that we have acted
forcefully, but that it is imperative to implement the
22 projects that need funding.
 Here I recall the words of President Calderón of
Mexico at the June conference, when he asked what
peace there would be in Central America, and Mexico
and Colombia, if we were north of Canada; if we
simply changed our geographic position we would
eliminate the problem of drug trafficking. Once again I
stress the co-responsibility of the drug-consuming
markets.
 Thirdly, it is difficult to promote development
when we repeatedly face severe natural disasters,
which recently have been occurring at a rate of at least
one a year. This can be attributed, at least in part, to
climate change, given the high vulnerability of Central
America to the effects of this phenomenon. Therefore,
it is imperative that humanity close ranks in defence of
our common habitat: our planet. So far, progress has
been minimal. We urge the international community to
redouble efforts to take tangible steps at the next
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held
in Durban, South Africa, in December.
 In my previous statements to the Assembly, I
have concluded with references to our foreign policy,
especially as it affects, or is impacted by, the United
Nations agenda.
 My Government has developed an active foreign
policy, which includes strengthening the integration
process in the framework of the Central American
Integration System. We are confident that, as part of
that active policy, in some three weeks we shall attain
one of our main objectives at the multilateral level —
Guatemala’s election by the General Assembly to a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the
next biennium. This will renew our commitment to the
United Nations, and also strengthen our foreign policy,
exposing us to a broad and complex diplomatic agenda.
We shall carry out our work with responsibility and
independence, and with respect for the principles and
values enshrined in the Charter.
 I thank our regional group, the Latin American
and Caribbean Group, for endorsing our candidature,
and I thank all Member States in advance for the
support that I trust we shall receive when new
members are elected to the Security Council.
 The central theme of the session is mediation. I
reiterate our full commitment to strengthening
preventive diplomacy and the instruments that the
United Nations possesses to prevent conflicts. In this
context, we can even accept sanctions regimes,
provided that they come about as a result of collective
decisions taken by the Security Council.

11-50847 4

 The other side of the coin is that we reject
sanctions and coercive measures taken unilaterally. In
this regard, we urge the Government of the United
States of America to abandon the economic embargo of
the Republic of Cuba. We believe that such a step
would have many favourable consequences in both
countries.
 We are following closely, and with hope, the
events affecting several countries of North Africa,
which will give a greater voice to their peoples.
Clearly, it is up to them to decide their own destiny.
 But in the midst of the current turbulent situation,
it is not possible to delay a solution to the secular
conflict resulting from the confrontation between the
State of Israel and its neighbours. We support the
creation of a viable and prosperous Palestinian State
living in peace and harmony, behind secure and
defensible borders, side by side with the State of Israel.
We understand that the international community can
take part in the process of fulfilling that vision, as
indeed is happening through the so-called Quartet
comprising the United States, the Russian Federation,
the European Union and the United Nations, but its
realization is up to the two parties — Israel and
Palestine — and should be achieved through direct
negotiations to resolve all outstanding issues.
 We reiterate our commitment to the relaunching
of the regional integration process of the Central
American Integration System to bring about even
closer relations with our neighbours of the Caribbean
and Latin America, and we enthusiastically support the
creation of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States.
 In another crucial area, we regard as an important
step towards resolving our age-old territorial dispute
with Belize the signing of the Special Agreement,
which, when the domestic juridical processes are
concluded, will enable both countries to seek a legal
solution through the International Court of Justice. I
am pleased to report that the Congress of Guatemala
has approved the Agreement unanimously. The next
step will be to submit it to a national referendum.
 In the ancestral Mayan calendar today is the day
of balance, the day of dawn, the day that the
Guacamaya sings, announcing the coming of a new
dawn. Today we have come together to witness a new
dawn. It should be the dawn of peace, the dawn of less
poverty, the dawn of harmony and above all the dawn
of respect for fundamental human rights.