It gives me great pleasure to
congratulate Mr. Razali Ismail on his election as President
of this session of the General Assembly. His assumption
of that high post is a tribute to him personally and to his
country, Malaysia, with which my country has good
relations and close ties enhanced by bonds of friendship
and cooperation. My delegation is confident that his
political experience and diplomatic skill will help us in
achieving a successful session. He has taken over the
presidency from his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Diego Freitas do Amaral of Portugal. I should like to
take this opportunity to express our gratitude to him for
the way he conducted the affairs of the fiftieth session of
the General Assembly.
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali has shown great skill in
conducting the affairs of the Organization by virtue of his
long experience, his wide knowledge of world affairs and
his grasp of the substance of regional conflicts. That is
why he enjoys our full support in continuing at the helm
of the Organization. Since he enjoys worldwide support,
as expressed by several regional organizations, we are
confident that the Assembly will support his reelection to
the post of Secretary-General of the Organization so that
19

he may continue the process he started in the field of
restructuring and strengthening the United Nations and
enhancing its role to enable it fully to shoulder its
responsibilities in realizing the purposes of the Charter,
namely, the establishment of peace, justice and equality and
the promotion of development.
This session is convened in the aftermath of important
events and in the midst of vast developments. The Fourth
World Conference on Women achieved good results.
Attempts are being made to overcome economic difficulties,
promote development, and eliminate phenomena that
threaten the environment.
It is a good omen that this session is starting at a time
when optimism is rising as a result of the progress achieved
in settling the dispute in the Balkans. But if satisfaction at
such happy developments has been widespread, concern has
deepened over the persistence of chronic disturbances and
the eruption of destructive civil wars. To confront these
events, which threaten international peace and security, the
international community must exert greater effort to contain
such disturbances and wars.
In this context, it is essential to remove the obstacles
hampering the implementation of peace agreements in
Angola and Liberia. A definitive solution must be
implemented for the ethnic disputes in Rwanda and
Burundi. The brotherly people of Somalia continue to suffer
from long-standing problems. They expect our support for
a reconciliation that would meet the needs of all Somalis
and respond to their hopes and aspirations. An end should
be put to the suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq by
lifting the sanctions, maintaining the unity and territorial
integrity of Iraq and desisting from premeditated attempts
to impinge on its sovereignty and its freedom in decision-
making.
My country is extremely concerned at the latest
developments in Iraq. The United States aggression against
Iraq is a violation of its sovereignty and an interference in
its internal affairs. We have confirmed and confirm again
today that Iraq has the right to territorial integrity and to
exercise sovereignty over its entire territory. For the United
States of America to consider that Iraq’s exercise of its
sovereign rights constitutes aggression, at a time when Iraq
is being subjected to United States aggression, is reverse
logic that must be denounced and condemned by the
international community.
The conflict in the Middle East, with the question of
Palestine at its core, has been among the priority issues at
the United Nations for more than half a century. Now,
despite all the talk about the peace process, the fact
remains that the Palestinian people continue to be
displaced from their homeland. Those who remain are
oppressed by the Israelis by collective siege and random
deportation, in total disregard of international
denunciation of such practices and in complete defiance
of the international will, which supports the legitimate
struggle of the Palestinian people and calls for respect for
international decisions calling for the full realization of all
the rights of the Palestinian people, in particular their
right to return to their homeland and their right to self-
determination.
As we have seen ever since the usurpation of the
land of Palestine by the Israelis, the fact is that
occupation and expansion have always been a constant
policy to realize israeli ambitions. Their settlement
activities increase daily. Their jails are filled with
thousands of prisoners. Houses are demolished for no
reason. Rash Israeli statements that the Palestinians have
no right to a State of their own are often repeated, along
with acts of aggression against southern Lebanon. The
Israelis are also perpetuating their occupation of the
Syrian Golan. They persevere in the judaization of
Jerusalem, including their designs to demolish the most
important Islamic shrine, namely, the Holy Al-Aqsa
Mosque.
These Israeli actions prove that the Israelis do not
want peace. Their joining the so-called peace process is
nothing more than a smoke screen to hide their attempts
to impose their will on the Arab nation and make it bow
in submission, thus setting a seal on their occupation and
their sense of superiority.
My country has publicly declared that the current
so-called peace arrangements will not lead to a genuine
and lasting solution. Events have proved the validity of
our analysis and the depth of our vision. Just, true and
comprehensive peace will not be achieved so long as the
Israelis are shedding the blood of the Palestinian people.
Peace will not be sustainable under the shadow of Israel’s
nuclear terrorism and its obstinate denial of the legitimate
rights of the Palestinian people. Peace can come only
through the return of the Palestinians to their homeland
and the establishment of an independent, democratic State
in Palestine, with Holy Jerusalem as its capital and where
Palestinian Arabs and Jews would live on an equal
footing — similar to what has happened in South Africa.
Anything other than that solution would ignore historical
facts and lack realism, and would only lead to more
20

bloodshed and keep the area as a pocket of tension where
nobody enjoys peace or security.
Five years ago, three western countries — the United
States of America, Britain and France — accused Libyan
citizens of involvement in the Pan American flight 103
accident and the incident involving the French union de
tranports aérens (UTA) flight 772. Despite the fact that
those who unleashed those accusations never submitted any
proof or evidence to support their claims, my country has
declared its readiness to uncover all the facts related to the
two incidents. We started an investigation of those whom
the American and the British authorities claim are involved
in the Pan American flight 103 incident.
My country has also called on the authorities in these
countries to assist with the investigation. Instead of
responding to this request, which falls within the legal
framework of the dispute, the three countries have fully
politicized the problem, resorted to the Security Council
and imposed Council resolution 731 (1992). Despite all this,
and out of our keen desire to settle all aspects of the
dispute, the Jamahiriya announced its acceptance of that
resolution and took practical measures in response to it.
The Jamahiriya has condemned international terrorism
in all its forms and has declared its commitment to any
measures to be decided by the international community to
combat terrorism. Libya’s vehement determination to secure
the total eradication of terrorism is reflected in the civilized
proposal contained in document A/46/840, which calls for
the convening of a special session of the General Assembly
to study the causes and dimensions of this phenomenon and
devise the means that would eliminate it.
The Jamahiriya has also cooperated with the
Government of the United Kingdom in uncovering the
elements accused by Britain of involvement in terrorist acts.
In the statement, circulated in document S/1995/973 of 20
November 1995, the British informed the Security Council
that Libya’s answers to their queries about the relationship
with the provisional Irish Republic Army were satisfactory
and conformed with their expectations.
Furthermore, Libya has cooperated with the French
investigating magistrate who visited Libya during the period
5 to 16 July 1996. During that visit, the Libyan authorities
provided him with all the facilities he needed to conclude
his mission. Later, French statements paid tribute to the
positive cooperation of the Libyan authorities with the
French magistrate.
The Jamahiriya has proposed several solutions for
the trial of the two Libyans suspected of involvement in
the United States plane’s accident. It has proposed that
the two stand trial before a court whose venue should be
agreed upon. Libya has also proposed recourse to the
International Court of Justice after the United States and
Britain refused to apply the Montreal Convention for the
Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil
Aviation of 1971, despite the fact that both countries are
parties to the Convention. Libya has also accepted the
proposal submitted by the League of Arab States, which
calls for trying the two suspects at the headquarters of the
International Court of Justice in The Hague, before
Scottish judges and under Scottish law.
These proposed solutions which were either
submitted or accepted by the Jamahiriya have been
confirmed on more than one occasion and before several
forums, including this Assembly. This is a sufficient
response to those who claim that Libya refuses to permit
the trial of the two suspects, and especially to President
Clinton, who said in his statement on 23 September that
Libya refuses to surrender the persons responsible for the
explosion of Pan American flight 103. Libya has no
objection to the two suspects standing trial. The only
thing that Libya wants is to guarantee them a neutral and
fair trial, free from any media or political influences. We
ask this especially because officials in both Britain and
the United States, in their statements, have claimed that
the two Libyan citizens are guilty and should be punished,
indicating that a conviction is pre-ordained before any
investigation and before any court appearance.
The Jamahiriya’s handling of the dispute has been
widely supported internationally and by Arab and African
countries. The Organization of the Islamic Conference has
declared its solidarity with our position. The Movement
of Non-Aligned Countries supported it at Jakarta and
reaffirmed that support at Cartagena. It was also strongly
supported by the Arab Summit at Cairo. The Organization
of African Unity has repeatedly supported it, from the
1993 Cairo Summit through the latest Summit at
Yaoundé.
When the three countries were confronted by these
positions, which confirmed the firm conviction that Libya
has indeed responded to the requirements of Security
Council resolutions, they started to drag other issues far
removed from the dispute and its context. Both Britain
and the United States are trying to evade responsibility
for fabricating the problem. They have been attempting to
depict the dispute as one between Libya and the
21

international community. Is this not a reversal of the facts?
How can the dispute be one between Libya and the
international community, when international support is
increasing daily for the Libyan position? This support is
embodied in the support of regional and international
organizations, the population of whose members exceeds
two thirds of the world’s population.
Those two Governments have now come up with a
new lie. They say that Libya is defying international
legality. The facts totally refute this. Libya is one of the
countries most committed to international law. Proof of this
is its implementation of the verdict of the International
Court of Justice in its territorial dispute with Chad, even
though this was not in our favour. Furthermore, officials in
those two countries claim that Libya is not a peace-loving
State. This is another lie. The Jamahiriya is a peace-loving
country. It believes in peace and practices it. Its role in the
peaceful settlement of disputes between States has been
embodied in its active role in trying to achieve
reconciliation between Sudan and Uganda. It has also been
reflected in its successful efforts at reconciling the
Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front.
Raising what has become known as the Lockerbie
crisis falls within the context of these false allegations and
fabricated accusations. It confirms a fact that we have
stated right from the beginning: that this is a premeditated,
fabricated problem aimed at punishing the Libyan people
for certain principles in which they believe and certain
positions they defend. It is as if those who created this
crisis were not content with the difficulties and pains which
the Libyan people have already suffered at the hands of the
colonialists and the fascists who, on our territory, fought a
war that killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of
Libyans, and planted in their farms and under their homes
millions of land mines which still kill innocent people and
impede Libya’s efforts to protect the environment, combat
desertification, and expand in the fields of economic and
social development.
If the aim behind the fabrication of the crisis was not
to punish us for certain principles we uphold and certain
positions we defend, why did the two countries refuse from
the start to apply the relevant international convention —
the Montreal Convention? Why did they drag the Security
Council into this legal problem, which has nothing
whatsoever to do with its functions? Why did they hasten
to impose sanctions on us only two months after the start
of this crisis? How did these countries accord themselves
the right to participate in the voting on Security Council
resolution 731 (1992), in contravention of Article 27 (3) of
the Charter? Why do the British and American
Governments reject any initiative to settle the dispute by
dialogue and negotiation? What is the justification for
their intransigence in rejecting the proposal of the League
of Arab States that was accepted by Libya? Why do these
States insist on accusing our citizens when new facts have
been uncovered and published in several books and
newspapers refuting their claims and confirming that the
incident was planned by professional intelligence services
to coverup certain suspicious activities? Also, why did
these States push the Security Council to adopt a double
standard, imposing sanctions on Libya under Chapter VII
of the Charter when it did not threaten anybody or in any
way compromise international peace and security. At the
same time, these countries prevented the Security Council
from applying the same Chapter to a major power that
sent hundreds of its war planes to attack our country and
bomb our cities while their residents lay sleeping in their
beds? This same big Power still practises State terrorism
against us, freezing our financial assets and imposing
unilateral sanctions on us, refusing to respond to General
Assembly resolution 41/38, which calls on it to
compensate our people for the losses they suffered as a
result of its brutal aggression against us in April 1986.
The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has sought to settle the
dispute. All it has asked for is that it be settled in
accordance with the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations and the rules of international law. My
country is satisfied because its handling of this crisis was
supported by most countries of the world. And here I
would like to pay tribute to the members of the Non-
Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, the Organization of African Unity and the
League of Arab States for their appreciation of our
position and their understanding of our earnestness in
seeking a quick and just solution. In particular, we would
like to thank members of the Security Council who
appreciated our response, tried to do us justice and sought
to lift the unjust sanctions imposed on us.
The magnitude of the suffering of the Libyan people
under the sanctions has been detailed in document
S/1996/717. Suffice it to say that the sanctions have so
far resulted in the deaths of 3,340 persons in road
accidents. More than 12,000 persons have suffered serious
permanent injuries because of these accidents. Moreover,
the sanctions have cost more than $18 billion in material
losses.
There is no excuse for condoning such injustice, and
the continuation of this injustice is wrong. Most countries
22

of the world have repeated their calls for an accelerated
solution of the Lockerbie crisis, in accordance with
international laws and conventions. The Jamahiriya has
accepted that. The obstacle lies in the blind intransigence
and illogical demands of the American and British
Governments. Should the two Governments persist in their
uncompromising positions, refuse to settle the dispute in a
spirit of justice and fairness, and relieve the suffering our
people have endured for more than four years, the only
thing left to the Libyan people would be to appeal to those
in this forum with clean consciences to intensify their
efforts in order to expose the unjust practices exercised by
the United States and Britain to extend the duration of the
blockade imposed on a small people. Members of this
Assembly should implement the decisions taken by the
Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned
Movement in Cartagena, by the Arab Heads of State at the
Cairo summit and by the African Heads of State in the
Yaoundé summit not to continue compliance with the
sanctions resolutions. They should also consider possible
ways of sparing the Libyan people more losses if the
western countries persist in rejecting initiatives for a
peaceful solution.
The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya attaches the utmost
importance to the establishment of security and the
enhancement of cooperation in the Mediterranean region. It
reaffirms its conviction that stability in this area will be
realized only through an end to military exercises in the
Mediterranean, the closure of foreign military bases, the
withdrawal of foreign fleets and the development of a
sound formula, refuting the policy of exclusion, that would
enable the Mediterranean countries to contribute to the
enhancement of their security and the promotion of
cooperation. By virtue of its distinct location in that region
and the stability it enjoys, the Jamahiriya can play an
important role in strengthening security in the
Mediterranean by reducing migration from the southern
coastal States to the North and the elimination of
destructive movements that exploit and have been
repudiated by Islam for undermining the stability of a
number of littoral countries of the Mediterranean. The
Jamahiriya would be able to play a bigger role in these
fields if the sanctions imposed on it were lifted and external
attempts to undermine its security and stability were to
stop.
My country supports the non-proliferation of nuclear
weapons as a prelude to prohibiting and destroying all
weapons of mass destruction. We welcome the international
treaties and conventions concluded with a view to
controlling these destructive weapons and their ultimate
elimination. In particular, my country welcomes the
conclusion of the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone
Treaty. However, we believe that other measures should
be taken to guarantee the total eradication of weapons of
mass destruction, including a timetable for the destruction
of these weapons. It is necessary to take drastic and
punitive measures with regard to a major nuclear power
that transported nuclear material to its own territory and
still procrastinates in disposing of it under international
supervision. It is also highly important to formulate an
international instrument guaranteeing the security and
safety of non-nuclear States. The Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty recently approved by the General
Assembly falls short of the aspirations of the peoples of
the world to a total ban on all nuclear tests. As
formulated, the Treaty merely perpetuates the status quo.
It could even pre-empt efforts aimed at achieving a world
totally free from nuclear terror. In the context of other
steps that should be taken to eliminate nuclear weapons,
it is essential to take serious international measures to
guarantee the universality of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
The Jamahiriya has a special interest in this question
because the region in which we live is greatly threatened
by the fact that the Israelis possess terrifying nuclear
weapons with over 200 nuclear warheads. They also have
nuclear facilities that they refuse to place under
international control. What adds to our concern is the fact
that, in addition to the Israeli nuclear terror which
threatens the lives of the residents of Arab cities and
villages every day, a major nuclear Power not only turns
a blind eye to this terror, but even works to develop and
enhance it. This same major Power threatens any Arab
country, even if it was merely building a pharmaceutical
product factory under the pretext of saving the world
from chemical weapons.
The existence of the Israeli nuclear arsenal cannot be
taken lightly or condoned. If the international community
is truly keen to ensure the security and stability of our
region, it should take measures to guarantee Israel’s
accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and the placing of their nuclear
facilities under the International Atomic Energy Agency’s
safeguards system. There must also be a timetable for
dismantling their nuclear stockpiles. Should the failure to
force Israel to do that continue, it would be legitimate for
the countries in the area to acquire, in self-defence, means
to guarantee their safety and enable them to face the
Israeli nuclear threat to their very existence.
23

The world has witnessed colossal changes. If we are
to adapt to these changes, we must restructure the United
Nations to make it better able to respond to international
needs and to meet the interests and wishes of Member
States.
My country has followed the negotiations aimed at
strengthening the United Nations system and at reforming
the Security Council. We believe that this process, pursued
by Member States for some time now, should be
accelerated and concluded, resulting in measures that could
enhance the powers of the General Assembly, including on
matters of international peace and security.
We urge that the negotiations lead to steps that would
enable the Security Council better to carry out its mandate,
in conformity with the principles and purposes of the
Charter. Any increase in the membership of the Security
Council should be based not on a selective approach, but on
the principles of the sovereign equality of States and
equitable geographic distribution, taking into consideration
the interests of the developing countries that constitute the
majority of United Nations Member States. The veto
privilege, which has become the focus of interest of most
countries, should be at the core of the reform process.
There is no longer any justification for maintaining this
privilege. The new international arena needs a democratic
Security Council, not one in which the few enjoy
discriminatory rights. My country, which has been in the
forefront of those calling for the abrogation of the veto
power, once again urges that the measures aimed at
reforming the Security Council include arrangements
ultimately leading to the elimination of this privilege, which
contradicts the principle of sovereign equality of States and
also runs counter to democracy. Preserving it would impede
the Organizations’s efforts to maintain and preserve
international peace and security.
The world cannot be secure until its economic
problems and development are addressed. Looking at the
international scene, we find that the economies and level of
growth of most developing countries continue to languish.
It is no exaggeration to state that these conditions may
deteriorate further if effective measures are not taken to
reverse them. The Charter of the United Nations is
anchored on two basic pillars: the maintenance of
international peace and security and international
cooperation for economic and social development. The
close connection between the two pillars requires the United
Nations to strive to achieve both equally.
We believe that no sound international economic
environment can be possible without a true world
partnership for development. This requires that North-
South dialogue be resumed and that the developing
countries be enabled to participate effectively in making
decisions affecting international economic conditions. In
this context, commitments for promoting development in
developing countries should be undertaken in a realistic
manner that would end trade protectionism against the
exports of developing countries, lift restrictions on the
transfer of technology to them and ensure the payment of
remunerative prices for their commodities.
It is essential that special priority be given to the
economic situation in Africa and to the implementation of
the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s. The western countries have a moral
duty to help end underdevelopment in Africa, given the
continent’s suffering under colonialism, when its wealth
was plundered by these countries, which stole its natural
resources and denied it opportunities for development and
progress.
As part of the efforts of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
in the areas of economic development, environmental
protection, expansion of agrarian reform and the provision
of drinking water, the Libyan people, in the midst of their
joy at the start of the twenty-eighth year of the 1
September revolution, have celebrated the conclusion of
the second phase of the Great Man-Made River Project,
whose waters have reached the city of Tripoli, where
there is a dense population and arable land. The Libyan
people have realized this achievement despite the ongoing
embargo and the coercive economic practices imposed on
it for over a decade. These measures were recently
tightened by a law whose provisions are applicable to the
companies of States that deal with us. This constitutes a
flagrant violation of the purposes of the Charter of the
United Nations and an intentional disregard for the rules
of international law. It is also a clear contradiction of the
Agreement establishing the World Trade Organization.
My country has followed with keen interest the
reactions of anger and denunciation following the
enactment of that law. We would like to express our
satisfaction at the inclusion of an item on this matter on
the General Assembly’s agenda for this session. We hope
that member States will discuss this question, study it
carefully and ultimately adopt a measure to thwart this
law, through which the United States of America is
attempting to impose its laws on the international
community. This Assembly should take the necessary
24

effective measures to end all coercive economic
arrangements being imposed on a number of developing
countries, in implementation of the General Assembly
resolutions prohibiting any country from enacting extra-
territorial laws or resorting to coercive measures to force
another country to relinquish the exercise of its sovereign
rights.
The next century is but a few years away. Before it
begins, all the members of the international community
should use the remaining time to eliminate all remnants of
recent decades, which were characterized by tension and
confrontation. As we enter the third millennium, we should
live in a world governed by a system based on justice,
equality and respect for the political and economic choices
of peoples. Such a system should embody full commitment
to international law and the principles and purposes of the
United Nations. It must protect and enhance human rights
and strengthen efforts aimed at eradicating poverty,
suffering, discord, conflicts, disputes and wars. It should be
a system in which no country can aspire to hegemony or
abuse its influence, a system that supports the peaceful
settlement of disputes. It should give all peoples the
opportunity to look to the future with optimism.
The United Nations remains the most valid forum and
the best tool for building a world consensus in this respect.
Let us reform and strengthen this Organization so that it
will be able to meet these requirements, all of which
emanate from its aims and purposes — the establishment of
peace and security, and the promotion of economic and
social development in the interests of progress, welfare and
prosperity for future generations.


The Dominican Republic was
among the countries that founded the United Nations. But
this is only the third time, in 51 years, that its Head of
State has come to address the General Assembly. Perhaps
the reason for this noticeable absence of our country during
the many years that this great annual event has been held
is that following the Second World War, the international
system revolved around super-Power rivalry, giving rise to
the cold war. In context, it is probable that our leaders felt
that their presence here would have been merely symbolic,
with no real importance.
That this may have been the case in the past, but the
world has changed. From the dramatic transformations in
the geopolitical environment, a multi-polar international
system has emerged, in which the economy matters more
than ideologies and military conflicts. This reorganization
of the international system on the basis of strategic
economic objectives has been accompanied by a scientific
and technological revolution, a revolution of knowledge that
spread across the planet and brought about the most
profound change ever experienced in the history of
humankind, turning the world into one large neighbourhood.
In the new international order that arose following the
cold war, the Dominican Republic could not remain
isolated. That is why we are here today: to proclaim to the
world that the Dominican Republic is now actively joining
the group of nations represented in this multilateral
Organization, so that, through international contacts and
exchange, it can contribute to forging a better future for
humanity and, accordingly, a more promising future for
Dominicans.
To ensure our participation in the various forums of
the United Nations forums, exercising all the rights that
have been bestowed upon us, we proceeded, first, to pay
our financial debts in full. To the Dominican Republic,
the payment of our arrears is evidence of our confidence
and faith in the capability of the United Nations to play
a role in the international arena to guarantee international
peace and security as well as respect for human dignity
and fundamental human rights.
Nevertheless, just as we understand that the world
has changed, that there is a new international agenda
governed by the common concerns of all peoples over
environment preservation, population growth, respect for
human rights, strengthening of democratic systems,
recognition of women’s rights, and the social and
economic development of nations, we also understand that
this Organization must be renewed and readapted to the
new world circumstances.
Latin America and Africa do not have permanent
representatives on the Security Council, and Asia has only
one. This means that there is uneven representation in that
important body, which is incomprehensible in an
Organization whose Members enjoy equal footing, on the
principle that they are all sovereign States. It is our
humble suggestion that the Security Council should be
extended to enable Asia, Africa and Latin America to
have two permanent seats on that body and that the
number of non-permanent representatives be increased to
democratize the decision-making machinery in that forum
for peace.
In one of his most frequently-cited works on the
Caribbean, entitled El Caribe, Frontera Imperial, the
former Dominican President and author, Juan Bosch,
wrote as follows:
“The history of the Caribbean is the history of
the struggle of empires against the peoples of the
region in order to rob them of their rich lands. It is
also the history of the struggle of empires against
one another to rob the possessions each one had
conquered. Lastly, it is the history of the peoples of
the Caribbean to free themselves from their imperial
masters.”
This direct contact with the major Powers over the
course of five centuries, a product of these confrontations,
5

has marked the Caribbean, perhaps forever, with a
particular stamp of fragmented histories, and different
cultures and languages. Yet we are always seeking unity
within diversity.
Recent years have brought greater understanding and
closer bonds between us, based on the understanding that
we have a common destiny. As proof of this, our country
is a founding member of the Association of Caribbean
States (ACS), an organization bringing together nations that
are very different both in ethnic terms and in development
levels, and thus reflecting the richness and variety of our
region.
We would be pleased to see formal contact with and
backing from the United Nations for that recently created
body, in support of the efforts we have made to strengthen
our relations and to work for our peoples’ development.
Similarly, we have been participating in the Caribbean
Forum of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States,
which is made up of Caribbean countries that benefit from
the Fourth Lomé Convention. This forum has carried out a
series of regional projects financed with European Union
resources.
As an observer, and aspiring full-fledged member, of
the Caribbean Community and Common Market
(CARICOM), we view with great interest the widening and
deepening relationship between the United Nations and
CARICOM. We urge that the necessary steps are be taken
to intensify the cooperation and coordination between the
two institutions, which would enable us to achieve our
common goals.
The countries of the Caribbean are facing the
challenges of current circumstances, as the advantages of
access to markets are being eroded because of the
implementation of World Trade Organization agreements,
the effects of a single European market, the consolidation
of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
and the movement towards reciprocity and similar trends.
Our participation in preferential access schemes
depends on the observance of established standards with
regard to workers’ rights, human rights, intellectual
property rights, the environment and civil liberty — matters
that go beyond economic considerations.
We have gained certain advantages from preferential
trading with the United States and the European Union, as
a result of greater prosperity that led to an increase in
import demand from those countries and an increase in
tourism in the Caribbean. By contrast, we must endure the
complications of the new rules and harmonization
standards that have come into force. We have not yet
taken full advantage of the benefits deriving from such
concessional agreements as the Fourth Lomé Convention,
the Generalized System of Preferences, and the Caribbean
Basin initiative.
Our high dependence on foreign trade, the shortage
in the supply of goods and services and unsuitable
marketing methods constitute elements of vulnerability
that affect, to a greater or lesser extent, all the countries
of the region. We must overcome these limitations and
define areas in which we can be competitive.
Strengthening cooperation is one way to support the
Caribbean integration process and rectify such
weaknesses.
When referring to the Caribbean, let us not forget
the situation in Haiti, the country with which we share the
island of Hispaniola. We view with sympathy the process
of democratization that is unfolding in that country, and
we appeal to the international community to do its utmost
to assist in the huge task faced by the children of the
country of Toussaint L’Ouverture in constructing a better
future for their countrymen.
One of the first foreign-policy actions of our
Government was to encourage a cooperative and friendly
relationship between the Dominican Republic and Haiti,
and we put in place the Joint Bilateral Commission. After
a fruitful meeting, which took place a few day ago in
Port-au-Prince, that Commission agreed to a series of
technical exchange agreements in the fields of tourism,
agriculture, trade and investment, sports and border and
immigration matters. Furthermore, we defined the
conditions for joint strategies to take advantage of funds
provided by multinational sources, such as those granted
by the European Union under the terms of the Fourth
Lomé Convention.
I would now like to direct the attention of the
General Assembly to a subject that just a few years ago
was on the front pages of all the newspapers of the world
and that, even though it still has a considerable impact on
the effectiveness of development policies, has vanished
from the world’s attention: the problem of foreign debt.
The countries of the region have carried out a series of
adjustment programmes in an attempt to regain external
financial solvency. Nonetheless, there are still
considerable imbalances as a result of the burden of debt
6

servicing, without a corresponding recovery in the terms of
exchange that would allow us to create greater resources
through our exports.
In the case of the Dominican Republic, foreign debt
increased 13-fold between 1964 and 1994. Today, thanks to
our extraordinary efforts, our country is now current with
its international creditors, which means that we are eligible
for further external financing. However, being current with
our payments to international credit organizations has meant
that our Government has incurred greater social debts to the
Dominican people. There are fewer resources to invest in
education, health, housing and social security and,
ultimately, to deal with the critical situation of poverty that
affects most of our people.
In its 51 years of existence, the United Nations has
made extraordinary efforts to eradicate bellicose conflicts in
different parts of the world and to contribute to the
maintenance of peace and international security. But great
human sacrifice is inherent in the theatre of war, and our
impoverished neighbourhoods have adopted the names of
war-torn places, symbolizing the extent of their fight
against misery. In the Dominican Republic the poor and
marginalized neighbourhoods have adopted such names as
Viet Nam, Katanga and Cambodia; none of them, of course,
is called Sweden, Japan or Germany. This means that this
international Organization’s new role is to guarantee
international peace and security through mechanisms to
promote the economic and social development of the less
fortunate nations.
For this reason, with respect to debt, our country
believes that multilateral organizations that provide
development assistance and the donor Governments,
together with the debtors, must find more lasting solutions
to the burden of foreign debt servicing, so that we can
release resources that can immediately be used to fight
poverty and to stop the deterioration of the environment.
We have made progress in that regard, and it is fair to
recognize that the G-7, the International Monetary Fund, the
World Bank and the regional banks for development
assistance, such as the Inter-American Development Bank,
have consistently designed and implemented important
mechanisms to alleviate the foreign-debt burden, among
which the so-called Brady plan and the G-7 programmes
for the reduction of bilateral debt stand out.
However, in the near future we will need to review
some of the sacred principles prevalent in the international
financial community now for many years, such as those
related to the Paris Club cut-off date and the impossibility
of debt restructuring with multilateral organizations. This
affects especially the so-called least developed countries,
which could receive preferential treatment in this regard.
The Dominican Republic therefore urges all interested
parties to move forward to enable the underdeveloped
countries to implement viable programmes against poverty
and marginalization, within a financially sustainable
context.
In addition to the fight against poverty, at this stage
of reforming the international system it is important to
take all appropriate measures to fight terrorism and illegal
drug trafficking, scourges that deeply affect the normal
development of mankind. Recently, international drug
cartels have tried to use Caribbean routes to carry out
their illegal operations. The Dominican Republic has been
taking all possible measures to prevent the use of its
territory as a medium for drug trafficking and drug use.
For Dominicans, drug use and trafficking are a national
security problem, which we will fight with the necessary
force to eliminate an evil that has become the great
plague of mankind at the end of the twentieth century.
In expressing its willingness to play a more active
role in the international system, the Dominican Republic
also expresses its concern at the many unresolved
conflicts in different parts of the world. We advocate a
definitive and peaceful resolution of the conflict in Bosnia
and Herzegovina; of the search for peace in Middle East
between the Government of Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization; of cooperation and assistance
with regard to situations such as those of Somalia,
Burundi and Liberia. As to the Republic of China on
Taiwan, we believe that due to its location in the centre
of East Asia, its security and stability bear a close relation
with the peace and prosperity of that region, and we
therefore encourage both the sides along the Taiwan Strait
to resume constructive dialogue with a view to achieving
mutual cooperation and understanding. We believe that
the parallel participation of both sides in the United
Nations would be conducive to maintaining peace.
We stand at the threshold of a new century and a
new millennium, which will bring new challenges as well
as new opportunities for human progress, and an
Organization such as the United Nations has always
served to stimulate the noblest of human aspirations. The
Dominican Republic, trusting in God and in the creative
capacity of its people, aspires to be a spokesman and an
instrument for channelling the ideals of justice, peace,
7

democracy and prosperity, which inspire the civilized
nations of the world.


I should like to congratulate
warmly Mr. Razali on his election to the high office of
President of the General Assembly. I am confident that
under his wise and able guidance our deliberations will be
most successful. I should also like to thank His Excellency
Mr. Do Amaral for his most valuable contribution to the
work of the previous session of the General Assembly.
We have just left behind 50 years in the life of this
universal Organization, which was founded with the ideal
of serving and guiding humankind in its common quest to
make the world a better place to live. The commemoration
last year of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations
marked an important milestone in our journey. Yet we find
that our common pursuit of a new and more promising
order of international relations is far from its goal. The new
expectations and hopes that the end of the cold-war era
instilled in us all have, unfortunately, been short-lived.
Indeed, such dark forces as extreme ethnic nationalism,
aggression, hegemonistic tendencies, intolerance, racism,
xenophobia and terrorism have been unleashed to wreak
havoc on a global scale. At the same time, economic, social
and environmental problems, as well as risks in the military
security realm, have assumed global proportions.
No country can claim to be immune from any of the
problems we are facing today, which need common
solutions. In fact, there is an emerging consensus that more
than ever, our common problems require global solutions,
which must be formulated in a spirit of solidarity and
cooperation. This spirit can find concrete expression only
within this Organization, which continues to be the only
global forum for collective cooperation and effective
international action. Therefore, it is our duty to generations
to come to refashion this institution so as to further
strengthen it and equip it with the means to meet the
challenge of the new era that begins with the twenty-first
century.
As we embark on the second half-century of our
Organization, it is high time that the international
community reassess the ways and means by which it can
give a new impetus to the efforts aimed at building a better
and more secure future for all humankind. Substantial work
to this end has already been carried out within the United
Nations system. In particular, the series of major
conferences on basic issues of common concern laid the
groundwork for future action. The chain of these
conferences, which began with the 1990 World Summit
for Children and ended with the Conference on Human
Settlements in Istanbul this past June, has covered
virtually every aspect of human interest. The declarations
and programmes of action they adopted will serve as our
road map in our efforts to achieve their final objectives.
It was a distinct privilege for Turkey to host, in
Istanbul this year, the last major international conference
of the century, Habitat II. That conference played an
instrumental role in creating a greater awareness that
adequate shelter for all and sustainable human settlements
in a rapidly urbanizing and globalizing world are the
common challenges before us. The Istanbul Declaration
and the Habitat Agenda will be our guiding instruments
to meet these challenges. We attach great importance to
the follow-up of that successful conference.
Although criticized at times for its limitations, the
United Nations has nevertheless played a crucial role in
the search for global solutions to the problems
encountered in every field of human endeavour. Yet the
challenges that it will face in the twenty-first century will
probably be far greater and more formidable than ever
before, and the United Nations, therefore, has to promptly
adapt to changing times. For this reason, we support the
ongoing reform process within the United Nations. In this
respect, streamlining, rationalizing, revitalizing and
restructuring the United Nations system and its work are
the widely accepted components needed to bring about a
more effective, responsive, representative, democratic and
accountable world Organization. These modifications,
which are currently under intense consideration at various
levels, will, to a large extent, determine the effectiveness
of the United Nations in the years to come.
Since January 1994, the Open-ended Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and
other matters has been formulating a set of guidelines for
the ongoing reform process. The general issue before us
here is the enhancement of the representative character of
the Security Council and the democratization of its
method of work. Strongly in favour of a comprehensive
reform, Turkey last year formally introduced a proposal
for the enlargement of the Security Council. As the
representative character of the Council has, despite minor
adjustments, eroded steadily, we believe that a Council
4
General Assembly 15th plenary meeting
Fifty-first session 30 September 1996
with at least 25 members would be more representative and
thus more effective. We hold the view that the Council
should be enlarged by 10 additional non-permanent
members and that the proposed new additional seats should
rotate among a predetermined list of about 30 to 40
countries. These countries should be selected within the
geographical groups according to a set of objective criteria
that can be modified, of course, in time. The list would
consequently be flexible and updated after a certain period
of time to conform to arising new conditions.
As regards to its working methods and procedures, the
Council has already taken some important steps. There is,
however, a widespread belief that these steps fall short of
the legitimate expectations of the great majority of the
Member States. Hence, more work needs to be done in this
sphere, especially on questions on which important
differences still exist.
On the other hand, the Open-ended High-level
Working Group on the Strengthening of the United Nations
System is in the process of formulating recommendations
for reform, with the General Assembly and the Secretariat
as its main areas of interest. Turkey favours the
continuation of the mandate of the Working Group to
enable it to complete its work.
The challenges and risks we face in the military
security field call for measures that are broad in scope and
application. This feature alone underscores the unique
mandate and authority of the United Nations to address
these challenges in their global dimensions. Arms control
and disarmament — focusing distinctly and with a sense of
urgency on measures and regimes destined to curb the
alarming trends in the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and in the technologies for their means of
delivery — must remain high on our agenda.
Turkey, as a Member State of the Conference on
Disarmament, is pleased to have joined the overwhelming
majority of nations in the efforts to conclude and adopt the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The Treaty,
which I signed on 24 September, constitutes an
indispensable step towards the eventual goal of a world free
of nuclear weapons.
Accumulation of conventional weapons beyond
legitimate defense needs is inherently destabilizing.
Devising responsible policies to be globally adhered to in
arms transfers, with due regard to the impact of such
transfers on regional and international stability, is not a
lesser priority. We must ensure that the United Nations
Register of Conventional Arms becomes a more effective
tool for monitoring and for transparency in transfers. On
a parallel track, the international community must
vigorously pursue a more concerted effort to eradicate
illicit arms trafficking, not solely as an arms and export-
control measure, but more importantly as a key
component in the international fight against terrorism.
One of the most daunting tasks before the United
Nations is to foster greater international solidarity and
concerted action against terrorism. We should not shy
away from the responsibility to meet this challenge head-
on, because terrorism not only poses a threat to
international peace and stability, but also violates the most
fundamental human right of all: the very right to live.
International cooperation is imperative if we choose to
live free of fear. The United Nations has to play a central
role in this respect. General Assembly resolutions on
human rights and terrorism and a Declaration on
Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism are
significant milestones, paving the way for effective
international cooperation to eradicate this common enemy.
In combating terrorism, we should not lose sight of the
fact that what is equally important is to fight against, and
not to condone, the countries that are behind it.
Transnational organized crime, with its connections to
drug trafficking and terrorist organizations, also poses a
serious threat to the stability of our societies. We will
continue to vigorously support international cooperation
to combat this evil.
In 1995, we also celebrated the United Nations Year
for Tolerance. A culture of tolerance — which is vital for
consolidating democracy and preventing ethnic conflicts,
racist tendencies and xenophobia — has been promoted
through various international and regional activities under
the umbrella of the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Current
developments unmistakably demonstrate how crucial it is
to keep this precious concept alive within society and in
bilateral, regional and international relations. We attach
great importance to the follow-up of the Year and will
present a draft resolution under the relevant agenda item
of the General Assembly.
Located on the fault line of several regions fraught
with conflicts and instability, Turkey naturally is seriously
concerned by developments on its periphery that threaten
regional and international peace and security. We have
been playing a crucial role in the efforts to find lasting
and just solutions to the current problems. We are also
actively taking part in various United Nations initiatives,
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General Assembly 15th plenary meeting
Fifty-first session 30 September 1996
including peacekeeping operations and preventive
diplomacy activities.
Turning to one of the questions that is high on our
agenda, our fundamental policy towards Iraq continues to
be our commitment to the territorial integrity, sovereignty
and independence of that country. The full compliance by
Iraq with all of its obligations under international law and
relevant Security Council resolutions remains vital for the
return to normalcy in the region. Our main objective here
is the restoration of peace, stability and security on our
borders, as well as in the region as a whole. We are closely
following the recent developments in northern Iraq, which
may further aggravate the already delicate situation in the
region. To bring durable calm to the area, all segments of
the local population — Kurds, Turkomans in particular,
since they have not been mentioned up to this point to the
extent that they deserve; Arabs; Assyrians; and others —
should fully participate in any local administrative
arrangement, and their rights should be guaranteed.
Northern Iraq should not be permitted to serve as an area
that poses a threat to the security of the neighbouring
countries. Turkey will not tolerate terrorist elements using
northern Iraq to stage terrorist acts against its territory. We
are determined to take all necessary measures to protect our
legitimate security interests and to deny terrorist elements
the possibility of launching terrorist operations against our
population from northern Iraq.
We have fulfilled our responsibilities emanating from
the sanctions regime against Iraq, despite the extreme
economic burden this has entailed for our country. More
than six years after the sanctions’ inception, Turkey is now
at the forefront of the countries that have been directly and
most adversely affected by the sanctions regime. In fact, the
heavy toll we have been required to pay has long exceeded
our ability to sustain the financial strain on our economy,
nor can we pay it any longer. Security Council resolution
986 (1995), when implemented, will alleviate the suffering
of the Iraqi people while also bringing limited relief for
Turkey. However, this relief can in no way be
commensurate with our losses. Consequently, we have
applied to the United Nations Sanctions Committee with a
view to obtaining further appropriate compensation within
the framework of the sanctions regime. In this context, I
wish to reiterate that we attach great importance to the
implementation of Security Council resolution 986 (1995)
as soon as possible.
In the wider context of the Middle East, we are
concerned about what we hope will be only a temporary
impasse in the Middle East peace process. As a devoted
supporter of the peace process, which we regard as the
only viable alternative for the region, we desire to see it
pick up its momentum. This indisputably requires the
parties to live up to their commitments.
As we underlined in our statement before the
Security Council on 27 September, any action that may
adversely affect the peace process should be avoided. The
Israeli decision to open an entrance to a tunnel in the
vicinity of the Mosque and the chain of reactions it
provoked are of that nature. We are deeply saddened by
the high number of casualties. We call on both sides to
exercise utmost restraint and to prevent further violence.
We urge the Israeli Government to review its decision
and to refrain from any action that can be construed as
provocation and from resorting to the use of force. We
welcome Security Council resolution 1073 (1996). We
expect President Arafat and Prime Minister Netanyahu to
meet immediately to find a way out of this crisis.
One of the main obstacles blocking the path to a
comprehensive peace in the Middle East continues to be
terrorism. It must be eliminated if the quest for a lasting
peace and stability is to prevail. We advocate and stand
ready to take part in enhanced cooperation on the
bilateral, regional and international levels. Similarly, we
expect all countries to do their share to this very end. It
is with this understanding that we participated in the
summit of Sharm el-Sheikh, convened to demonstrate the
resolve of the international community to fight against
terrorism on a united front. The eventual success of the
peace process will also hinge on our collective ability to
promote mutually beneficial economic cooperation and
interdependence among the countries of the Middle East.
As a Balkan country, we firmly believe that peace,
justice and legitimacy in the Balkans remain vital for
international peace and stability. We hold the view that
any cooperative scheme in the Balkans should include all
and exclude none. We were profoundly distressed for a
long time that, during the disintegration of the former
Yugoslavia, lack of resolute international intervention at
the very outset of the aggression and war led to
bloodshed and atrocities unparalleled in recent history.
The developments that took place prior to the Dayton
peace Agreement proved once again that turning a blind
eye to aggression only further aggravates crisis situations,
causing untold human suffering and making it all the
more difficult to find solutions.
We are actively participating in the implementation
of both the military and civilian aspects of the Dayton
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General Assembly 15th plenary meeting
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peace Agreement, and in the international efforts to
reconstruct and rehabilitate Bosnia and Herzegovina. We
are also conducting, together with the United States, a joint
programme to train and equip the army of the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to provide the Federation
with the means to preserve its territorial integrity and to
ensure military parity.
We welcome the recently held elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. We consider the realization of these elections,
despite existing hardships, an important development for
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s future. We hope that this
development will lead to the creation of a positive political
climate conducive to the attainment of lasting peace and
stability and to the establishment of the constitutional,
legislative, administrative and security structures of Bosnia
and Herzegovina. We urge the international community to
remain committed to the cause of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
to remain vigilant as regards any ill intention against the
independence and territorial integrity of that country; to
ensure the return of refugees and displaced persons to their
homes; to seek the arrest and extradition to The Hague of
indicted war criminals; to prevent any negative outside
interference that could potentially impede the process of
peaceful and democratic reintegration; and to make
available the assistance pledged for the reconstruction and
rehabilitation of Bosnia.
Turkey enjoys good-neighbourly relations with the
Balkan countries. However, a number of issues between
Turkey and Greece, mostly related to the Aegean, remain
unresolved. We have always advocated that disputes should
be settled by peaceful means and through dialogue and
constructive negotiations. Consequently, we have made
several appeals to Greece to seek an overall solution to all
the existing issues that stand between us. However, this
does not mean that we would accept any fait accompli. We
still expect Greece to give these appeals the full
consideration and positive response they deserve. We would
like to hope that the new Greek Government, emerging
from the recent elections, will adopt a more forthcoming
stance in this regard. Unfortunately, the recent statement of
the Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs, from this very
rostrum on 27 September, does not bode well. Distortion
and misrepresentation of the established facts, as well as
unfounded and unjustified allegations, will not serve the
creation of the climate of confidence and friendship we
wish to see in our bilateral relations.
In Cyprus, in the period that has elapsed since the last
session of the General Assembly, regrettably no noticeable
developments have taken place towards a comprehensive
settlement. It has not been possible to resume the direct
talks between the two sides under the mission of good
offices of the United Nations Secretary-General, due to
the negative stance of the Greek Cypriots. The Greek
Cypriot side continues not to acknowledge that, in the
past, the United Nations negotiating process and direct
dialogue between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot
leaders not only served to establish the key parameters of
a final settlement — which are already on the table —
but also played an important role in defusing tensions
between the two communities. It is all too evident that
attempts to derail the United Nations negotiating process
can only further complicate the already difficult road to
a just solution.
The recent regrettable events in and around the
buffer zone and, especially the slaying of a Turkish
Cypriot soldier, have proven once again what the lack of
dialogue as well as inflammatory rhetoric and provocation
can lead to. I hope that the Greek Cypriot side will not
fail this time to draw the necessary conclusions. It is
evident that the need to reduce tensions and build up
confidence on the island makes the resumption of the
direct talks, without any precondition, all the more urgent.
The Turkish Cypriot side has already made public its
readiness to this end. Turkey is committed to supporting
the renewed efforts of the United Nations and expects the
same constructive approach from Greece and the Greek
Cypriot side.
Peace and legitimacy are yet to be restored in
another area of conflagration: the Caucasus. Indeed, this
region continues to be wracked by various conflicts, that
cause immense human anguish and threaten peace,
security and stability. Turkey has close bonds with the
countries of the region and attaches utmost importance to
the preservation of regional peace and stability. The
ongoing occupation of more than one fifth of the territory
of Azerbaijan by Armenian forces continues to be a
source of grave concern for Turkey. More than one
million Azeris are still displaced in their own country and
living in unacceptable conditions.
They should not be permitted to endure another
bitter winter in such conditions. Turkey has been striving
to help bring about a peaceful and just settlement of the
dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We will
continue to contribute to the efforts of the Minsk Group
of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe with a view to establishing peace, security and
stability in the region. We earnestly believe that all
countries in the region have much to gain from the
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General Assembly 15th plenary meeting
Fifty-first session 30 September 1996
restoration of peace and legitimacy in the Caucasus. The
attainment of a just peace will pave the way for a climate
of cooperation to serve the common prosperity of all the
countries of the region.
The conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, also continues to
be a source of distress. We attach the utmost importance to
the preservation of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and
unity of Georgia and firmly believe that the international
community should deploy all efforts to bring about a just
solution to the conflict on that basis. To this end, we fully
support the United Nations-sponsored peace talks between
the parties and stand ready to contribute to those efforts.
One of the important aspects of the economic
development of the Caucasus and Central Asia is the
exportation of their natural resources, for which Turkey is
in a position to provide easy access to world markets. I can
mention here Turkey’s proposed Baku-Ceyhan oil-pipeline
project and natural-gas pipeline projects, which will serve
the common interests and welfare of the entire region.
Afghanistan is yet another conflict area where the
international community has been unable to help bring
about a just and lasting solution. Our close ties with that
country are deeply rooted in history and we are troubled by
the tragic consequences of the ongoing conflict. We are all
too aware of the possibility of a spillover effect of the
conflict in the region. We believe that this terrible conflict
may be brought to an end and peace restored through direct
negotiations between the fighting groups and the formation
of a broad-based Government with the participation of all
parties. Turkey is anxious to see, as soon as possible, the
signing of a ceasefire agreement and the beginning of peace
negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations. We
will be pleased to host a meeting for such negotiations and
will continue to support fully the efforts of the United
Nations Special Mission to mediate a settlement respecting
the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of
Afghanistan.
As an extension of its geography and against the
backdrop of its history, Turkey finds itself at the
multidirectional crossroads of several continents and
different cultures. It acts as an important bridge between
East and West, combining the values of the East with the
ideals and institutions of the West in a unique synthesis.
Strong historical, cultural and fraternal ties exist between
Turkey and the countries of the Balkans, the Caucasus,
Central Asia and the Middle East. We spare no effort in
contributing to the resolution of conflicts and preventing
new ones from erupting, strengthening regional and
international cooperation and promoting tolerance and
dialogue. This is the very core and essence of the basic
principles that define our foreign policy. We shall
continue to place our assets at the disposal and service of
regional and global peace, stability and prosperity.
In this context, I wish to underline the eminent role
played by Turkey in such regional cooperation schemes
as the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and the
Economic Cooperation Organization, as well as its active
participation in cooperation in the Mediterranean basin.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our sincere desire
to see the fifty-first session of the General Assembly
become an important milestone on the road to the third
millennium. We have to gather our strength, pool our
resources and ignite our imagination to build, collectively,
a better world. National interests and objectives will
surely remain at the core of our policies. However, on the
eve of a new millennium, the time has certainly come to
take a broader view and to replace rivalry with
cooperation, intolerance with tolerance and confrontation
with dialogue and conciliation. We should at all costs
avoid faits accomplis and double standards in
international relations. A revitalized and reinvigorated
United Nations entering its second half-century can make
a significant contribution to assisting us all to attain our
highest goals and aspirations. Let us not forget, however,
that the task of shaping a better future is entirely in our
hands, for we are the United Nations.


Once
again, it is my honour as Secretary for External Affairs of
the Government of the Federated States of Micronesia to
address the General Assembly.
First, I wish to thank the former President, His
Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for his
enlightened and skilful leadership during the historic fiftieth
session of the General Assembly.
As always, we acclaim the tireless dedication of
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali who, throughout
the time of our membership, has worked unceasingly to
make the United Nations a more effective instrument for
the betterment of our lives.
The people of my country are particularly pleased that
you, Mr. President, have been elected to lead this body
during its crucial fifty-first Session. Last year we celebrated
the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations and took stock
of its accomplishments during the first half-century. Now
we begin in earnest to apply the commitments we made
towards the future of this Organization and the world.
There may be no other single individual who has been as
instrumental or as effective in leading the world community
in recent years in the difficult search for common ground,
particularly on issues relating to environmentally sustainable
development. We are heartened by your past achievements
and are thankful for your willingness to undertake an even
greater commitment as our President during this session.
This is a year of strong reflection for the people of the
Federated States of Micronesia. Ten years have passed
since we emerged from the United Nations trusteeship
system, and five years since we took our place as a
member of the United Nations. During these years we have
worked hard to build our capacity to contribute, even as a
remote small island State, to the advancement of our
common goals. Despite severely limited resources, both in
terms of personnel and finances, we have accorded high
priority to our participation in United Nations activities and
to meeting our financial commitments to this Organization.
It remains our strong belief that this priority has not been
misplaced.
At the time we joined the United Nations the
world’s attention was focusing on the global aspects of
protection of the environment and on the necessary
interrelationship between the environment and
development. These were the subjects of the historic work
at the Earth Summit in Rio in June 1992. Thanks in large
part to you, Mr. President, that landmark United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED)
gave us Agenda 21 and its associated mechanisms. Since
then, much has been accomplished through the work of
many institutions and individuals, such as the Commission
for Sustainable Development and the Under-Secretary-
General for Policy Coordination and Sustainable
Development, Mr. Nitin Desai. We look forward to the
special session of this body next year which will be held
to review progress during the first five years following
UNCED and to appraise the effectiveness of the
institutions that have grown up around it.
In the case of the Federated States of Micronesia,
this movement was very well timed. Just as our internal
process of development began in earnest, we received
guidance from Agenda 21 as to sustainability and the
integration of environmental protection and development.
A short time later, at the Barbados Conference, which had
been mandated by UNCED, we participated in analysing
the barriers to development faced by all small island
developing States.
While we took encouragement from the international
and regional aspects of Agenda 21 and the Barbados
Programme of Action, we were also motivated to
integrate the Rio and Barbados outcomes into our own
national policies regarding development. Today our
National Council on Sustainable Development, chaired by
our Vice-President, plays a central role in the formation
of my country’s development policies. Since last year my
country has been assisted by the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Asian
Development Bank in undertaking broad economic policy
and governmental structural reforms with a view to
strengthening the private sector and optimizing efficiency
in the public sector. We are taking serious steps to
downsize the public service workforce. At the same time,
measures are being taken to raise Government revenues
through tax-rate increases and support for the public
sector. All of our public utility services, including
telecommunications, are being commercialized, while a

good number of our public-works services are being
privatized.
For a small island developing country such as the
Federated States of Micronesia, the condition and
productivity of our limited land areas, and of the seas that
surround us, are key to our survival. Only in recent times
have we, and others like us, come to realize the
vulnerability and fragile nature of a world long taken for
granted. It is in the nature of islands to regard our
remoteness as our primary protection against all dangers.
But the twentieth century has taught us how the land on
which we live, and the resources of the sea on which we
depend, can be destroyed as a consequence of events that
take place far from our own shores. Thus, we are
compelled to raise our voice against long-standing actions
and practices throughout the world as well as within our
own region.
As long ago as 1972, Principle 21 of the Stockholm
Declaration established that national sovereignty can no
longer be asserted to justify actions that
“cause damage to the environment of other States or
of areas beyond (...) national jurisdiction.”
(A/CONF.48/14/Rev.1, p. 5)
The affirmative responsibility of States to ensure the
avoidance of such damage is specifically reiterated in
Principle 2 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and
Development. That responsibility is now recognized as a
doctrine of generally accepted international law.
Yet today we look back on a year during which, at
best, only mixed progress was made by the nations of the
world in discontinuing or regulating activities harmful to
the environment of others. Particularly in the region of the
Pacific Islands, our broad expanses and our helpless
populations continue to attract the interest of those who
have dirty, dangerous business to conduct. With regard to
climate change, our rising sea level and strengthening storm
activity sound an ominous warning of a global situation that
will engulf us if decisive action is not taken by the world
community now. Yet, over the past year, the political will
among nations to adopt concrete measures has appeared, if
anything, to be diminishing in the face of self-interested
and determined manipulation of the very processes that we
seek to apply.
It is not my purpose, however, to point with gloom
to a glass half-empty, for we do take encouragement from
the ongoing hard work of thousands worldwide to address
a wide range of global security and environmental threats.
We are greatly relieved at the abatement, for now, of
the threat of nuclear war and by the cessation, finally, of
nuclear-weapon testing. We hail the overwhelming
majority of United Nations Members that supported the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). The
Federated States of Micronesia took particular pride in
standing with other sponsors of the recent resolution
adopted by the General Assembly at its fiftieth session,
because Pacific Islanders were among the first, and may
yet prove to be the last actual, not potential, victims of
one of history’s darkest periods. We congratulate the five
nuclear Powers on their major role in achieving this
milestone, and we call on all Members to join us in
signing the Treaty, as I did here yesterday on behalf of
my country. The CTBT is a major step towards the total
elimination of all nuclear weapons. We hold that to be the
ultimate objective and obligation of the international
community and the global environment.
Another difficult problem associated with the
technology of mass destruction and with the nuclear age
is the disposition of dangerous waste, by-products and
castoffs, which themselves pose very real risks of mass
calamity to those unfortunate enough to be caught in the
path of accidents. We credit the honest intentions of those
who insist upon carrying out movements of plutonium
and other hazardous materials throughout our region to do
so as carefully as they can. We accept and rely upon the
word of those who have brought their hazardous materials
to our region for destruction that they will conduct this
activity only a little longer. We welcome the recent
announcement by the United States administration of its
opposition to plans to establish a nuclear-waste storage
facility on Palmyra Atoll in our region. But experience
has shown that good intentions are not always sufficient
protection. We must also rely on global mechanisms such
as the Basel and London Conventions, and on regional
actions to establish zones of protection, such as under the
Noumea Convention and the recently concluded Waigani
Treaty.
I emphasize that the progress made in all these areas
is not lost on us. However, if our children and their
children are to inherit a livable world, we must all
somehow find a way now to take seriously the message
of the Stockholm Declaration. We must face the hard fact
that each time the preventive and precautionary principles
5

are placed on hold to allow some offending activity to
continue “just a little longer,” the global resolve expressed
at Rio and reflected in many actions since is seriously
undermined. Glacial progress is better than no progress, but
it is not enough where the stakes are literally apocalyptic.
As much as we support the process of the Framework
Convention on Climate Change, it appears that intensive
negotiations are leading in the direction of elaborate
compromises that might represent masterful diplomatic
achievement, but fall far short of effectively addressing the
Convention’s objective. Recently, at the second Conference
of the Parties in Geneva, we witnessed a sorry spectacle in
which a few delegations blocked the negotiators even from
taking note of a critical and unanimous scientific finding,
namely that
“there is a discernible human influence on the global
climate”.
It fell to the ministers in attendance to make their own
declaration recognizing the obvious importance of this and
other findings in the second Assessment Report of the
Interdepartmental Panel on Climate Change.
When there exists this degree of helplessness on the
part of a great majority to come to grips with a problem,
even after the denial factor has been laid to rest, one begins
to fear that we lack the capacity to save ourselves from
ourselves. There is too little time remaining before the next
Conference of the Parties in Kyoto, where it is anticipated
that a protocol or other legal instrument will be adopted
that sets specific targets and timetables for emissions
reductions beyond the year 2000. That action will determine
whether the Convention can indeed serve to address the
threat of global climate change. Yet, at this point, the only
specific suggested text, tabled by the Alliance of Small
Island States, is regarded by some larger industrialized
countries to be overreaching, even as a first step. The
outlook is not encouraging.
Thanks to the work of the IPCC in producing its
landmark second Assessment Report, we now know that
due to the inertia of the Earth’s climate system in adjusting
to changed inputs, it is already too late to prevent
significant loss of land areas and habitability due to sea-
level rise during the upcoming century. We must therefore
begin in earnest to contemplate measures to adapt to, and
defend against, these consequences. In order to implement
such measures, island countries will require the financial
and technological support of the industrialized world.
Without it, tens of millions of people on islands and in low-
lying coastal areas throughout the world are certain to
become homeless. No longer can the world afford to
leave the development of adaptation measures on the back
burner. We must begin to act now.
As a nation covering over 1 million square miles of
ocean, we place great importance on the sustainable use
and management of marine resources within and adjacent
to our territorial limits. We are pleased with the entry into
force of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea, which has provided us with a framework to deal
with many important issues in this field. The resulting
management mechanisms are of particular importance to
those of us surrounded entirely by oceans.
Other encouraging events have included the opening
for signature of the Agreement on straddling fish stocks
and highly migratory fish stocks in December 1995, and
the election last month of 21 judges for the International
Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. Furthermore, we note
with great satisfaction the election in Kingston, Jamaica,
of an esteemed Pacific Islander, Mr. Satya Nandan of Fiji,
as the first Secretary-General of the International Seabed
Authority. With his election and the subsequent actions of
the Assembly of the Authority last month, the Authority
is finally in place as called for in Part XI of the
Convention. With a substantial percentage of the global
mineral resources lying beneath the surface of the oceans,
the International Seabed Authority has a crucial role in
ensuring that the ocean environment is protected
throughout the process of exploitation. In this connection,
it is important for the General Assembly to provide
adequate financial resources to the International Seabed
Authority during this session, as it has done with other
bodies, until States Parties can assume the responsibility
next year.
One of the great learning experiences we have had
during our early years of United Nations membership has
been appreciating the need for us all, collectively, to act,
by example and with determination, to alleviate the
suffering of people, wherever they are, who are denied
their basic rights as human beings. The Constitution of
the Federated States of Micronesia reflects in its
Declaration of Rights the standards ingrained in our
culture over many centuries, and it has perhaps given us
a certain sense of complacency in this area. But we have
come to appreciate that the worldwide collective effort to
confront human rights issues both strengthens our own
society and affords us an opportunity to participate in
helping others.
6

Despite the inevitable impact of increased contacts
with modern Western society, the most important aspects
and values of our traditional cultures remain strong, because
they are appropriate to our circumstances. We continue to
adhere to the concept of the extended family, for example,
and many of the principles that are inherent in that system
have long ensured a respect in our society for basic human
rights.
Changing times, however, inevitably challenge old
traditions, and the maintenance of our traditional human
rights standards becomes a process of adaptation to our
increasingly mobile and homogeneous society, in which
legal and governmental institutions must now also play a
central role. Here we stand to benefit by involvement and
participation in the international human rights movement,
as was pointed out by our Vice-President in his address to
the World Conference in Vienna several years ago.
As we have studied the mechanisms and obligations of
the various United Nations Treaties on human rights, we
have entered into constructive internal debates. Children, for
example, are among our most important treasures, and so
we first acceded to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child. The preparation of our first report to that Convention
was a thought-provoking exercise. Traditionally, women in
island cultures have been treated with love and respect, but
have not participated fully in public affairs. This is
beginning to change. We recently sent a strong delegation
to the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, and
are actively considering accession to the Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.
Overall, we realize that our own application of human
rights standards must evolve progressively along with our
society.
The Federated States of Micronesia also accepts the
responsibility of continuing to speak out, along with
similarly committed States, on the need to challenge those
Governments that still refuse to accord their own citizens
the fundamental rights of human beings. It is a long and
often discouraging process, but only with a strong, constant,
collective voice can the international community maintain
the progress being made in exposing and deterring abuses
by the powerful against the unempowered.
Much attention has been drawn in the past several
years to the serious financial condition of the United
Nations and the need to reform and restructure it. Some
Members are so disheartened by the slow pace of this effort
that they have lost their resolve to maintain their own
financial commitments to the United Nations, making the
problems worse and threatening the continued ability of
this Organization to carry out its work.
It is the view of the Federated States of Micronesia
that while there may be inequities in the structure of
assessments, Member States should address them while
continuing to meet existing commitments that were
established pursuant to agreed procedures. There will
always be some level of disagreement over structures and
the requirements of funding. But it would be a tragedy of
historic proportions if the pursuit of the goals of the
Charter were substantially hindered by Member States
that feel that they can rightfully tailor their contributions
to their own satisfaction according to how their particular
demands are met. The fact is that, when we give due
regard to the importance of our overall work here, this
Organization, even without reform, is well worth its
cost — especially when one considers the sums spent by
nations on activities that do not contribute to international
peace and development.
There is no doubt that, as we begin the next half
century of work, the capacity of this Organization is
challenged by issues that seem to grow rapidly in number
and complexity. But this is not a sign of failure, nor of a
lack of capacity. Neither does it suggest that we need
another instrument. It is, rather, an indication of the
increasing interconnectedness of the global community
and of the growing inclination among nations to find and
recognize their common interests and to work together to
advance those interests.
In order to maintain and improve the responsiveness
of the United Nations in a world in which it faces
increasing demands, it is necessary that, on a continuing
basis, we apply effective upgrades to the way we do our
work here. Only in this way can we keep the
Organization on a positive course, and faithfully translate
the mandates of the Charter into terms of continuing
relevance. This is the real meaning of reform. It is not a
consequence of past inadequacy, but a positive
evolutionary development.
That is easily said, but as we all know, it is very
difficult to put into practice. Even so we must not allow
that high degree of difficulty to plunge us into frustration
and defeat. The great achievements of those who have
been here before us over the last 50 years must be
honoured by our unshakable determination to take the
United Nations into the next millennium as the single
most effective multilateral instrument for the betterment
of mankind.
7

I believe that this Assembly can and will accomplish
much to add to the list of tangible achievements both for
the direct benefit of the peoples of the world and for the
improvement of this Organization itself. We have the
history, the vision and the leadership. Moreover, the
urgency is clearly seen by us all. Let us resolve to apply
ourselves as never before, and to live up to the great
potential that resides in this Hall.