Saint Lucia supported
your unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session, Sir, as it shares the
view of Member States that you will provide important
leadership to this General Assembly. I extend sincere
congratulations to you and to the Government and
people of your country, Gabon, on behalf of the
delegation of Saint Lucia, and on my own behalf, and
pledge to work cooperatively with you in our common
endeavour.
There is a personal note to my pledge of support
and cooperation. Just one year ago, this Assembly
honoured my country and me by entrusting the
leadership of the fifty-eighth session of this body to
me. I am fully aware, therefore, of the tremendous
responsibility that falls to you as President, and OF the
demands and pressures of leadership of this, the United
Nations sole universal organ. In a relay of leadership
that began some 59 years ago, I have passed the baton
to you, assured that this will be a productive and
successful fifty-ninth session.
My year as President of the General Assembly
gave me a keener appreciation of the myriad tasks
which the Secretary-General performs in the service of,
and to inspire confidence in, the United Nations. The
Government and people of Saint Lucia support him in
26

his continuing contribution to our efforts to address the
critical issues facing our Organization and our world.
The picture of our twenty-first century world is
far different from that envisaged in the United Nations
Charter. Instead of a world of peace, security and
economic and social progress, in which human rights,
fundamental freedoms and international law are fully
respected, today our world is buffeted by poverty;
hunger; the spread of endemic disease, including HIV/
AIDS; conflicts; war; terrorism, and other grave
problems.
This is so despite the combined effort of the
United Nations system and the enormous potential of
the Organization to live up to the ideals, principles and
purposes of the Charter.
The United Nations is passing through a period of
intense questioning and doubts as to its capacity and
relevance. It is the view of my Government that many
of the doubts and questions stem from the continuing
challenge posed to the Organization to transform the
ideals of the Charter into action. Those questions and
doubts have been intensified by the concern that some
of the Organization’s most influential and powerful
Member States might turn away from
multilateralism — the very foundation of the United
Nations — and follow the path of unilateral action.
We can and we must, stop our unique and
indispensable Organization from being battered by the
tides of these turbulent times. We must better enable it
to address the myriad problems with which peoples and
nations are grappling. And we must reaffirm its status
as the world’s foremost multilateral organization. But
we can only do so through our full commitment and
resolve to ensure that the Organization and its Member
States live up to the ideals of the Charter.
We know that the Charter charges the United
Nations to achieve the solution of economic problems
cooperatively. That puts the Organization on the front
line of what, for many States, particularly those in the
developing world, appears to be a very long road to
sustainable development. Nowadays, it is a road
constructed primarily around globalization and trade
liberalization, which have mostly delivered on their
promises of economic advancement to developed
countries, but have yet to deliver on those promises to
many others, mostly developing countries.
It cannot be disputed that current inconsistencies
and inequities in the global trading system are
widening the gap between rich and poor, haves and
have-nots. It is not surprising, therefore, that
developing countries, particularly in the framework of
the World Trade Organization (WTO), are asserting
that globalization and trade liberalization should not
undercut their sustainable development prospects, and
that there ought to be a fair and equitable global
trading system.
Agricultural subsidies, market access, non-tariff
barriers to trade, low or falling commodity prices and
special and differential treatment — all those issues
beg for constructive dialogue and decisive action,
particularly in the interest of the developing world.
Specific mandates for trade and development issues
may reside in other organizations, including the WTO,
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
But the United Nations has a leading role to play in
bringing coherence — here I underscore the word
coherence — to debate and policy-setting on those
issues, in line with its Charter mandates. Its efforts in
that area have the full support of my Government.
The spate of deadly hurricanes that continue to
traverse the Caribbean region, have brought sharply
into focus the issues on which small island developing
States (SIDS), including Saint Lucia, have urged the
United Nations and the international community to act.
We have reiterated, for example, that SIDS are
vulnerable and that special and differential treatment,
fair prices for commodities and development financing
are essential to their sustainable development.
In just a few short weeks, hurricanes have
brought death and destruction throughout the
Caribbean region, and, indeed, also to the Bahamas and
the United States. There was tragic loss of life in our
sister Caribbean countries and territories — 37 in
Grenada, 20 in Jamaica; and even now, Haiti is still
counting the cost in lives lost. Property and
infrastructural damage was immense, particularly in
Grenada. Hurricane “Ivan the terrible” destroyed 90
per cent of that country’s physical infrastructure. I say
to this Assembly that when a small island developing
State loses 90 per cent of its physical infrastructure in
the space of a few hours, the challenge to that country
is formidable.
For Grenada, it is like starting over. Grenada
must rebuild its infrastructure, economy,
27

communications systems, hospitals and schools,
everything from the ground up to restore the quality of
life for its people. But how, and with what resources
will it rebuild? The member States of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) have made a commitment to
Grenada, but can only assist to the extent that their
means allow. Given their own resource constraints,
how far can that assistance be expected to go? The
Government and people of Grenada and of CARICOM
are highly appreciative of the condolences expressed in
this Hall, and for offers of assistance. But Grenada
needs much more. The Government of Saint Lucia
calls upon the international community to make a
commitment, as a matter of urgency, to the
reconstruction of Grenada. We urge the convening, at
an early date, of an international donor conference for
the purpose of mobilizing the resources required for
the reconstruction effort.
In keeping with the international commitment to
promote the sustainable development of SIDS, Saint
Lucia calls upon the development partners and the
international donor community to work together with
SIDS to address their vulnerability and other critical
issues frontally. The International Meeting for the 10-
Year Review of the Barbados Programme of Action for
the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States, to be convened in Mauritius in
January 2005, gives everyone yet another opportunity
to do so. Saint Lucia urges all States, developed and
developing, and particularly partners and donors, to be
represented at the International Meeting at the highest
level. In particular, we urge that commitments to
provide resources for the implementation of the
Barbados Programme of Action, are kept.
Indeed, this fifty-ninth session of the General
Assembly will be a pivotal one in respect of
commitments made internationally, including those
made in the critical area of HIV/AIDS. The session is
also crucial to positioning us for the 2005
comprehensive review of commitments made in
furthering the United Nations development agenda,
including the Millennium Development Goals. Even as
we prepare for the High-level Plenary that will
examine the successes and failures in implementing the
outcomes of more than a decade of United Nations
conferences and summits in the economic and social
fields, the disjuncture between what we have agreed
and what we have done in the interest of the peoples of
the world becomes self-evident.
We must ask ourselves why it is that we continue
to fail the poor, the hungry, the sick and the
disenfranchised among us, despite the numerous
specialized, high-level meetings we have convened to
address their condition? And why is it that we appear
incapable of meaningful action beyond the boundaries
of those meetings? If we cannot bring relief to the vast
numbers of marginalized and disadvantaged among us,
if we cannot advance growth and development,
particularly for developing countries, we can rest
assured that we will lose, or continue to lose, the
confidence of the people of the world. There is
therefore one message we must take into the 2005
high-level event: agreement on outcomes is
meaningless if it is not followed by practical and
effective implementation. We must act to implement
and we must act now.
It is asserted that peace and security are not
possible without development and that development is
not possible without peace and security. Saint Lucia
agrees with this point; both are central to the purposes
and principles of the Charter. We must, however,
remain vigilant that our development agenda is not
eclipsed by a single-minded focus on conflict and war,
which continue to cast a giant and deadly shadow over
our world.
The function given to the United Nations — and
particularly to the Security Council — for the
maintenance of international peace and security is an
exceptional one. How effectively the Organization
carries out that function is an important determinant of
its standing in the eyes of the people who need it most
and of world public opinion. Therefore, we must be
consistent in our global strategy for world peace and
security. Importantly, the United Nations must not be
seen as an Organization so mesmerized by crises that it
is slow to act decisively to address critical issues of life
and death. The action we take, after all, should present
our best hope for a more peaceful and more secure
world.
We know that conflict and war have costs that are
incalculable, particularly in human lives, and can have
no happy ending. Today, Iraq remains an unsettled,
fractured country. The United Nations has a
responsibility to the people of Iraq to work with them
to restore peace, security and prosperity to their
country. In this, the Organization must ultimately take
its lead from the people of Iraq; it is only they who can
devise uniquely Iraqi solutions to Iraqi problems and
28

determine the kind of future to which they are
committed.
Regarding another crisis, my Government is
disappointed that the road map to peace in the Middle
East appears to have been put aside, and hopes that
new initiatives will be undertaken urgently towards
settling that long-standing situation, which continues to
cause so much grief.
Every day, news stories and commentaries in the
media remind us of the level of violence and perils in
our world. The complex and uncertain threat of
terrorists and terrorism constitutes a critical factor
contributing to the rising tide of violence, death and
destruction. Recently, terrorism became a reality for
hundreds of victims in the Russian Federation. My
Government extends its sympathy to the Government
of Russia and to all victims of terrorism and their
families worldwide. Even with our best efforts, it is not
always possible to know where or when terrorists will
strike again, nor can we say with any certainty that
current efforts against terrorism have made the world a
less dangerous place.
We can say, however, that the root causes of
terrorism are symptomatic of problems, some
seemingly intractable, around the globe; that terrorism
is global in its impact; and that its solution must be
global. In addressing the problem of terrorism, we
must also look to dealing with the hunger, poverty and
inequities spoken of by President Lula da Silva of
Brazil and many other concerned leaders, which are
giving rise to the hopelessness and despair being
experienced by millions and millions of people all over
the world. Greater efforts must be made to resolve
those critical problems.
As we survey the enormity of the challenges the
United Nations and the global community face today,
we must ask ourselves: Is our 59-year old Organization
equipped to confront those challenges? There is a
current of reform within the Organization. A series of
progressive steps were taken during the fifty-eighth
session, in particular, to advance revitalization of this
Assembly. However, the Assembly still has to
demonstrate its ability to reconcile the interests of its
member States and to take action to implement the hard
choices which revitalization of this important universal
forum requires. We must ensure that the gains made are
not reversed.
During the fifty-eighth session, the debate was
also opened on Security Council reform, and some
progress was made to lift this matter out of its
moribund state. The Security Council must indeed be
reformed, so that its actions can carry more weight and
acceptance internationally. The Council must be
expanded to make it more representative of the
generality of the membership, and a way must be found
to address the serious concerns surrounding the veto
privilege. Recent reform initiatives should impact
processes under way and practical recommendations
aimed at ensuring that the Security Council is adequate
to its mandates, including those that might be taken up
at the 2005 high-level plenary meeting.
Since the establishment of the United Nations,
non-governmental organizations and civil society have
worked constructively with this Organization to
address pressing global problems. We now have a
report on how the relationship might be made more
beneficial. It is our hope that the Assembly will
carefully consider this matter, as the support of non-
governmental organizations and civil society is too
important to be taken for granted.
The Government and people of Saint Lucia
believe that confidence in the United Nations is being
restored. We believe that the world’s people expect the
Organization to take a leading role in resolving their
most pressing problems. We believe that the United
Nations can be many things to many people. The
Organization has been sorely challenged in recent
years, but has shown resolve in rising to the challenge.
With an abundance of political will, the principles and
purposes of the United Nations Charter can triumph.
The Government and people of Saint Lucia are inspired
by that prospect.


Allow me
first of all to address my warmest congratulations to
Mr. Jean Ping on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. Allow me
also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Ping’s
eminent predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, whose great
vitality enabled him to relaunch the discussion on the
revitalization of the General Assembly and to give a
new impetus towards coordination among the
Organization’s main bodies. Finally, I would like to
express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, the
great appreciation of the people and Government of
Benin for his work as head of our Organization; we
commend him for his courage, his skill and his vision
of world affairs.
People from every corner of the planet are
placing great hope in our work over the course of this
session to give hope and life to their legitimate
aspirations. That can only be achieved if we all work
9

together, with conviction and determination, to
consolidate our commitment to multilateralism.
Yes, in order to survive, our world, more than
ever before, needs multilateral cooperation based on
the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. Yes, more than ever before the principles of
the Charter must be implemented with an acute sense
of responsibility and a clear understanding of their
purpose, which is to promote international peace and
security and economic and social development as
essential prerequisites for the promotion and protection
of human dignity.
Yes, it is now on the basis of human dignity that
we are to measure the validity and accuracy of any
national or international policy. We therefore urge
every Member of the United Nations to examine their
consciences and to make changes accordingly, so that
we can give that approach its fullest meaning. It is on
this issue that the challenges are the greatest, as can be
seen by the blind abuse and violence that is carried out
on a massive scale by terrorists and armed groups
against innocent civilians.
With respect to armed conflicts and their
consequences, we must redouble our past efforts to
enhance our ability to act preventively, doing all we
can to quickly and effectively defuse potential sources
of conflicts and neutralize the seeds of conflict
situations before they germinate. As we have no other
choice but to cure — since we have been unable to
prevent — we have to considerably increase United
Nations capabilities in the areas of peacekeeping and
management of post-conflict situations.
We would like to reiterate our deep gratitude to
the Secretary-General for his personal commitment in
seeking a rapid solution to the Ivorian crisis within the
framework of the Accra III accords. The international
community — despite the erratic evolution of the
situation — must stay the course with Côte d’Ivoire in
its efforts to respect its commitments and to ensure a
smooth transition towards the restoration of peace, by
stabilizing the situation so that that country can find its
place within the development dynamic in the West
African subregion.
We also encourage the international community
to focus particular attention on the Great Lakes region,
which remains a source of concern. The situation there
also requires a regional approach — one that can be
best effected by holding the proposed international
conference on the Great Lakes region.
We reiterate our firm support for the Secretary-
General’s recommendations to substantially reinforce
the troops of the United Nations Organization Mission
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in order to
help consolidate the peace process in that country.
The situation in Darfur has highlighted the urgent
need to realize programmes to establish an independent
operations management unit for peacekeeping within
the African Union in order to facilitate the rapid
deployment of African forces to stem conflicts as soon
as they break out.
Conflict prevention can only be effective if we
take into consideration the disturbing question of the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which is
a dangerous destabilizing factor. The illicit circulation
of small arms and light weapons considerably reduces
the ability of national communities to peacefully
resolve their disputes.
The same applies to disarmament, which Benin
considers crucial to the establishment of peace and the
promotion of development. We call for the total and
verifiable elimination from our planet of the threat of
nuclear arms, as well as other types of weapons of
mass destruction.
Since 11 September 2001 international terrorism
has become one of the great challenges of our time.
The international community must condemn terrorism
and combat it in all its forms with determination —
attacking the problem with a renewed political will to
seek a lasting solution to the serious international
problems that terrorism feeds on. We must, however,
remember that in prosecuting that struggle it is
imperative that we preserve the democratic freedoms
that have been so dearly won by our citizens, and the
open society, which is the essence of democracy.
Indeed, terrorism is not the monopoly of a single
religion or nationality, much less that of a given
civilization. It is not the concern of one particular
category of countries. It is a global threat and, as a
result, requires a global response. My country is
sparing no effort to join the efforts of the international
community in that area. It is in that spirit that we
signed and carried out the ratification of 12
international conventions regarding the fight against
terrorism and organized crime.
10

We have all acknowledged the need for reform,
and for more than a decade have been involved in a
multidimensional discussion in order to bring the
institutional architecture of the United Nations system
and its operating methods up to date in accordance
with the changing realities the elements of the system
were devised to confront.
The ultimate goal of reform is to better serve the
ideals of the Organization and better meet the
legitimate expectations of the people of the world in
the face of the dangers confronting them today.
With respect to Security Council reform, most
Member States have expressed the hope that the
Security Council will become more representative of
the international community as a whole, in the light of
the considerable increase in the number of Member
States — which have grown from 51 to 192 since the
creation of the United Nations — and in the light of the
fact that the new States have a certain weight
demographically, economically and militarily.
I take this opportunity to extend my thanks to all
Member States of the United Nations that, on 23
October 2003, voted for my country, Benin, to become
a non-permanent member of the Security Council for
the period 2004-2005.
In the context of current discussions on Security
Council reform, Benin believes that any reform of the
Council must take into consideration the legitimate
aspirations of the developing countries, in particular
African countries, while maintaining the Council’s
effectiveness and good functioning.
Benin has no objection to the friendly countries
of Japan, Germany and Brazil becoming permanent
members of the Security Council. However, the extent,
the nature and the modalities of the increase in Council
membership should be based on the principles of
equitable geographic distribution and the sovereign
equality of States. Clearly, there cannot be a partial or
selective increase in the number of permanent and non-
permanent members of the Council that works to the
detriment of the developing countries. In that context,
Africa, like all regional groups, must have two
permanent seats on the Security Council. Any other
solution would cause a de facto disequilibrium and an
overrepresentation of one regional group to the
detriment of others. In other words, Africa justly
demands two permanent seats and two non-permanent
seats, in addition to the three it currently holds.
The right of veto should be extended to the new
permanent members of the Security Council. In
addition, the non-permanent members of the Council,
in rotation, could be accorded the veto power during
the month they hold the presidency, given the
importance of that position.
The link between development and peace can be
seen more clearly now than in the past. We are used to
hearing those two concepts linked in the time-honoured
saying that “development is the other name for peace”.
As national revenue grows, Governments have greater
manoeuvring room to adopt social and economic
policies that promote national integration and regional
equilibrium.
Today, two years after the World Summit on
Sustainable Development, held at Johannesburg, we all
agree on the importance of the progressive and
harmonious attainment of the goals of sustainable
development, in accordance with the outcome of our
work at Johannesburg. If the environment is important,
in no way can it be treated separately from other
aspects of sustainable development. Rather, it is by
reinforcing national development capacity, while
supporting the activities of communities through high-
impact programmes such as microfinancing, as
proposed by the United Nations Development
Programme and the Global Environment Facility, that
we can wage a radical campaign against extreme
poverty and reduce the number of people living in
poverty by 2015, as established in the Millennium
Development Goals.
Those programmes provide opportunities to help
us better protect natural resources. However, we will
not allow the protection of the environment to become
a limit to our country’s economic growth. Sustainable
development, properly understood, consists of
integrating all dimensions into a coherent national
policy.
In developing countries, in particular the least
developed countries and especially Benin, where many
efforts have been made to reinforce democracy,
strengthen the decentralization process and fight
poverty, communities and non-governmental
organizations must be strengthened to decentralize
management of the environment and thus promote
development at the local level.
Also to fight poverty and better manage natural
resources, we must remember that the Johannesburg
11

Summit identified the United Nations Convention to
Combat Desertification as one way to fight poverty and
as a tool available to the international community to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals. When, at
its sixtieth session, the General Assembly examines the
progress made towards achieving those Goals, my
delegation hopes that the Convention to Combat
Desertification will take its rightful place in the
discussions on the Millennium Project, led by
Professor Jeffrey Sachs.
With respect to financial resources, we call on the
international community to make the fourth
replenishment of the Global Environment Fund even
greater than the third and call for the issue of soil
degradation and desertification to receive all the
attention it deserves.
By adopting the 2001 Programme of Action for
the Least Developed Countries for the decade 2001-
2010 at the conclusion of the Third United Nations
Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in
Brussels, the international community established the
key goal of doing everything possible to halve by 2015
the number of people living in extreme poverty and
suffering hunger and to promote sustainable
development in the developing countries.
In spite of the efforts made, the least developed
countries continue to suffer from the burden of debt,
leading to weakened measures for social protection, the
impoverishment of vulnerable segments of society,
rural migration and the depreciation of agricultural
products, among other things.
In his mandate as Global Chair of the Bureau of
the Least Developed Countries, President Mathieu
Kérékou of the Republic of Benin took part from 28 to
30 June 2004 in the 2004 high-level segment of the
Economic and Social Council’s substantive session,
devoted to mobilizing resources and promoting an
environment favourable to eliminating poverty, in the
context of the implementation of the Programme of
Action for the Least Developed Countries for the
decade 2001-2010. The high-level segment identified
real ways to mobilize external and internal resources to
eliminate poverty through microfinancing, the
promotion of small and medium-sized business and
land tenure security.
The least developed countries, in particular those
of Africa, must strive to strengthen partnerships with
the international community, given that the prospects
of their national economies raise the most doubts.
This year, Benin has again made its modest
contribution to international efforts by convening an
African Union regional conference on the family, in the
framework of the tenth anniversary of the United
Nations International Year of the Family.
At that conference, Africa established an action
plan on the African family, as well as strategies for its
implementation. The action plan is based on the
observation that Africa is undergoing three great
transformations and is faced with enormous challenges
that place increased pressure on families. In order to
meet those challenges, we must adopt an integrated
approach that places families at the centre of a
comprehensive development programme to preserve
the integrity of families.
African countries share the conviction that
implementation of the nine priority areas of that action
plan will make it possible to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals in the shortest possible time. The
action plan has been issued as a United Nations
document. We urge our development partners to give it
all the necessary attention in order to pool resources to
implement the plan, which can be considered a
supplementary effort to better focus on human beings
within their basic social milieu and according to their
principal needs, with a view to attaining the
Millennium Development Goals.
Encouraging efforts have been made in the areas
of official development assistance, managing the
foreign debt of heavily indebted countries and
multinational trade negotiations — in particular those
undertaken in the context of the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development. They must be coherently
pursued in order to achieve an overall improvement in
the foreign environment for developing countries, in
general, and for African countries, in particular.
I would like to take this opportunity to express
my appreciation for the extension of the expiration date
of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative,
as well as for the adoption of the general Framework
for Establishing Modalities in Agriculture for
multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Work
Programme, which is known as the July package. The
general framework of negotiations on that document
was based on the agreement of developed countries to
bring domestic subsidies for their farmers to a level
12

that permits farmers in the least developed countries to
live off the fruits of their labours.
In that regard, I would like to emphasize that, as
far as the sectoral Cotton Initiative is concerned —
which should be the subject of separate and special
treatment within a subcommittee — the development
strategy for the cotton sector could encompass
identifying market opportunities, the possibility of
developing high-added-value activities and the
establishment of bodies or mechanisms that make it
possible to regulate and strengthen the market.
I would like to conclude my statement by
reminding the Assembly that Benin will assume the
presidency of the Security Council in February 2005.
As part of its presidency, we plan to organize a
ministerial conference in New York on the theme
“Thinking about the future situation of child soldiers in
Africa”. One of the objectives envisaged for that
debate will be to help find lasting solutions to the
problem of child soldiers in Africa and to begin the
process of developing an international legal instrument
to prevent the recruitment of children into armies.
Through that theme, we will hope to engage the
international community in a genuine alliance to
promote peace, security, political stability and
development in Africa. We count on the support and
participation of members of the Assembly in that
conference, which will make it possible for us to
defuse the time bomb represented by the issue of child
soldiers. I therefore invite all members to make a
contribution in order to bequeath a brighter tomorrow
to future generations.


I am delighted to be
participating, for the first time, in the deliberations of
the General Assembly as head of State and
Government of the Republic of Malawi.
I should like to begin by joining others who have
spoken before me in congratulating Mr. Jean Ping on
his assumption of the high office of President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I have no
doubt that his election will provide an opportunity to
increase global awareness of the enormous challenges
that Africa and other less developed regions of the
world are facing. I hope that, through him, the
opportunity for the poor countries to fully participate
in world economic prosperity will be enhanced.
I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to
pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Julian Robert Hunte,
for guiding the work of the fifty-eighth session with
admirable skill and pragmatism.
We also salute Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-
General of the United Nations, for the dynamic
leadership skills that he continues to display in steering
the affairs of the Organization.
I have entitled my statement 'Sharing global
prosperity'. I have done so in order to underscore the
fact that one of the most daunting challenges facing the
international community today is to achieve a balance
in economic transformation and growth between the
rich and the poor countries so as to eradicate poverty
among the latter.
In looking at the future of the United Nations, we
need to take stock of the response to world poverty. I
am aware that several attempts have been made by the
international community to alleviate poverty - and the
goal is still being pursued - but the results so far have
been dismal. During the past 30 years, for example, the
number of least developed countries has risen from 25
to 49. This means that globally, economic growth is in
reverse gear. Among the questions we are asking with
regard to the sharing of global prosperity is this: why
28

are the industrialized countries more prosperous, while
in Africa and the rest of the developing countries
poverty is increasing? In other words, why has
globalization failed to achieve a more equitable
distribution of global prosperity?
In Malawi we have discovered that we need to
seriously transform our economic structures in order to
begin to provide and produce new wealth. This can be
achieved by transforming the abundant agricultural
commodities, raw materials and minerals into goods
that can be traded globally. It is only by creating new
wealth in rural areas that we can effectively eradicate
poverty.
Our major strategy is to gain a share in global
prosperity by transforming Malawi from being an
importing and consuming country to being a
predominantly producing and exporting country. In
other words, we must begin to position our economy to
take full advantage of global trade. This will be
achieved through intensive industrial research and the
application of science and technology to the specific
conditions in my country.
Malawi - as in the case of most African
countries - is richly endowed with a wide range of
agricultural primary commodities, good soil and water
resources that can enable us to develop viable agro-
processing and manufacturing industries. The critical
issue for us in Malawi, therefore, is the creation of new
wealth as the basis for poverty reduction. In order to do
that, we must encourage significant domestic savings,
as well as inflows of resources, especially foreign
direct investment.
We in Malawi estimate that in order to alleviate
poverty, we need to achieve an annual growth rate of at
least 6 per cent over the next decade. In order to
achieve that, we are determined to create conditions for
sustainable macroeconomic growth through
fundamental policy reforms to improve economic and
political governance. We have put in place measures
for the reform of the public sector, the agricultural
sector and the private sector.
We are also determined to improve good
governance by stamping out corruption. To that end,
we have adopted a zero-tolerance stance with regard to
corruption. I am therefore happy to have signed,
yesterday, the United Nations Convention against
Corruption.
Malawi is cognizant of the fact that our national
vision must be fully supported by the international
community. That is why Malawi joins the call for
better market access and lower tariff and non-tariff
barriers to trade in industrialized countries.
Malawi would therefore like to stress the need to
advance the dialogue in the Doha development agenda.
For their part, the industrialized nations need to
seriously address the major concerns of the poor
economies. The challenge for industrialized countries
is therefore to share with the poor countries the
prosperity that comes about through globalization, by
assisting us to stand on our own and to develop
appropriate technologies for transforming our
agricultural raw materials, minerals and other natural
resources into wealth. In Malawi, we believe that a
partner who walks with you side-by-side down the road
is better than one whom you have to carry on your
shoulders. We want to walk with the industrialized
nations; we do not want to be carried on their
shoulders.
Some positive efforts that Malawi welcomes
towards global equity include the various initiatives
taken by the Group of Eight countries aimed at
addressing some of the concerns to which I have just
referred. Among those are the United Kingdomís
decision to significantly increase its aid and technical
assistance to Africa; the reaffirmation of strong support
for the New Partnership for Africa's Development; the
decision by the United States Government to extend
the African Growth and Opportunity Act from 2008 to
2015; and the European Union's 'Everything But
Arms' initiative, which seeks to enhance opportunities
for increased access for African exports into the
European market.
Those initiatives are, indeed, encouraging, and
my Government fully appreciates them. I wish,
however, to appeal for those noble promises and
commitments to be matched by action. We need proof
that actions speak louder than words.
The management of foreign debt is another
positive way in which global prosperity can be shared.
Our concern is that, in spite of numerous initiatives
aimed at finding a durable solution to the debt
problem, the world is nowhere near that solution. My
Government is still allocating a significant amount of
our resources to debt-servicing at the expense of
investment in infrastructure, production and income
29

generation. Such diversion of resources has led, among
other things, to the deepening of poverty and a lack of
significant macroeconomic growth.
However, Malawi, like other eligible African
countries, had welcomed arrangements for debt relief
under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)
Debt Initiative. But the conditions for reaching the
decision and completion points are so arduous that
only a few countries in sub-Saharan Africa have
managed to reach the completion stage. We believe that
the preconditions for the HIPC Initiative are
unrealistic. Surely, less stringent conditionalities would
have enabled more countries to succeed.
That notwithstanding, Malawi welcomes the
measures by some bilateral donors to respond to the
external debt crisis. In particular, I must mention the
Government of Japan, which, a few weeks ago,
cancelled a debt Malawi owed it, amounting to $256
million. I take this opportunity to thank Japan most
sincerely for that gesture. We hope that other
industrialized countries will follow this example.
I referred earlier to the need for adequate donor
support to sustain national initiatives. In that regard, I
believe that the New Partnership for Africaís
Development (NEPAD) provides a framework for
sharing the responsibility for economic development
between Africa and the rich countries. It is for that
reason that Malawi has acceded to NEPADís African
Peer Review Mechanism in a bid to put in place
internationally accepted political and economic good
governance. Our accession to the African Peer Review
Mechanism is also a demonstration of our confidence
in the NEPAD programme as a tool to enhance Africaís
effective participation in global prosperity.
Let me now turn to a global challenge that
threatens all development efforts. This is the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. The HIV/AIDS pandemic
continues to pound incessantly upon the African
economies, destroying the capacity of many countries
to achieve sustainable economic development. Because
it affects the most productive segment of our labour
force, we are losing more qualified and experienced
personnel much faster than we can train new ones.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic is a human tragedy of
unimaginable proportions. Experience in dealing with
this disaster in my country has taught us that
HIV/AIDS is a medical crisis, an economic crisis, a
social crisis and a political crisis. It is a medical crisis
because no cure has yet been found for HIV/AIDS. It is
an economic crisis because it is depleting financial and
human resources for development while also
devastating our national capacities for good
governance. HIV/AIDS is a social crisis because of the
stigma that makes the affected unable to be integrated
into normal day-to-day relations as well as in the work
places. HIV/AIDS has also created a large number of
orphans that need to be cared for. HIV/AIDS is a
political crisis because it threatens democratic
institutions by killing politicians and others who are
the voice of the people.
Therefore, in order to deal with this pandemic,
we have learned the imperative of adopting a holistic
approach. It is for that reason that we appeal to the
United Nations to collectively raise new awareness,
new assumptions and new solutions. To that end, the
United Nations ought to redesign its policy in
providing support, care, treatment and prevention of
HIV/AIDS, alongside the provision of adequate,
nutritious food and a proper diet.
Before concluding my statement, I wish to raise
another concern I have concerning the efforts towards
sustainable growth and the development of the world.
This relates to the need for world peace. One can
hardly emphasize enough that, without global peace,
there cannot be global prosperity. In that regard, I
would like to welcome the efforts made by the
Secretary-General, jointly with the Security Council, in
taking a number of decisive steps towards conflict
prevention, resolution and management around the
globe.
Turning to the specific issues of peace in Africa, I
am concerned that sub-Saharan Africa has been and
continues to be one of the most unstable and conflict-
prone regions of the globe. The region also happens to
be home to most of the worldís poorest people, who are
living below the international poverty line.
The conflict in Sudan's Darfur region, in
particular, is yet another sad chapter in the history of
sub-Saharan Africa and one that the African people can
ill afford. Africa and the international community must
find quick and lasting solutions to the crisis in the
Darfur region.
I would like to conclude my statement by
assuring the General Assembly that my Government
fully endorses the proposals to reform the United
Nations. We share the belief that a more representative
30

and democratic United Nations will enhance the
efficiency and credibility of this global Organization. It
will also enhance the efforts towards a just and more
equitable sharing of global prosperity.
May God bless the United Nations.


It is my honour to convey to
the Assembly the warm greeting of “Yokwe” from the
Government and people of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands.

Every September, world leaders take to the stage
of the General Assembly to broadcast our common
concerns. But I am concerned that this poetic ritual too
often hides the problem of political will. In January, the
Secretary-General outlined two key political priorities
for leaders: addressing climate change risks and the

growing insecurity within Syria. As autumn sets in, it
is evident that efforts are falling short.

This year, leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum
expressed strong concern about the use of chemical
weapons by the Syrian Government and called for
leadership on the part of the members of the Security
Council to resolve that threat. While I am optimistic
about recent diplomatic developments, the common
international voice may come too little and too late for
what could have already been prevented. That is only
one example of a growing list of the tragic human costs
of inaction. How many more mistakes will the world
make in distant conference rooms? For how long can we
turn a blind eye to realities and headlines?

Pacific nations are now dedicated to changing
the pace. This month, Pacific Islands Forum leaders
adopted the Majuro Declaration for Climate Leadership.
Although many of our States are small, the common
responsibility to act falls on all Governments and
persons, no matter how different we are.

The Marshall Islands is well on track to achieve
the complete solarization of our outer islands — a goal
we are meeting with assistance from Japan’s Pacific
Environment Community funds and from the European
Union, Taiwan, Italy, France and other donor partners.
The entire region is also aggressively cutting its
emissions through the Pacific New Energy Drive. The
message to our partners, the world’s largest emitters, is
clear. If we can do it, they can too. Climate change is
a risk that demands direct political ownership, and it is
high time that other leaders stand alongside the Pacific
in showing the statesmanship so urgently needed.
Simply repeating well-worn negotiation slogans has not
got the world anywhere. It is time for new solutions. I
strongly urge my fellow leaders to engage eye to eye
at the Secretary-General’s climate summit next year.
Never has the need for true statesmanship been as dire.

Global efforts on climate change are falling short,
and low-lying island nations, such as mine, are already
paying the earliest costs of what is fast becoming a
global crisis. In every sense, the world must build for
future risks, and we are still setting course based on
current conditions, as is often the case. It is the seas
that are rising — not the islands that are sinking. I will
not concede my own land or my nation; nor will I rest
until my fellow world leaders have signed on to act, not
just out of economic convenience, but out of a common
responsibility of all to strive for upward momentum.

Our Pacific legacy is not as small island States,
but as large ocean nations. We are stewards of what
is a truly global resource — our oceans and fisheries.
Even a casual glance at a map reveals a world of deep
and vast blue, and not only scientists but our own local
communities see change in our waters. Local and global
ocean impacts affect not only every region, but also
global food security. I join with other Pacific leaders in
urging dedicated treatment of the oceans as a post-2015
United Nations sustainable development goal.

Pacific nations, including the States parties to the
Nauru Agreement, are leading the world in changing
fishing practice. We are not only leading the world in
advancing sustainable fisheries, but at the same time
boosting our own economic growth. Perhaps no other
effort or region is such a strong textbook example of
sustainable development in action. But for all of the
expressed plenary sympathies and common international
responsibility, existing legal commitments to safeguard
fisheries all too often fall victim to the short-term
trade interests of our partners. We Pacific leaders
will sacrifice neither our resources nor our growth or
livelihood for quick returns; our future generations are
not for sale. The threat of harmful fisheries sanctions
from distant fishing nations — perhaps as punishment
for our conservation efforts — is hardly a helping hand
either to our regional development or to international
food security.

Next year’s international meeting on small island
States and development partnerships, to be held in
Samoa, will offer our political partners a moment for
careful reflection. Is the global thirst for rare earth
minerals beneath our waves and is the hunger for
our vast fisheries so great as to outstrip our rightful
economic development and our conservation efforts?
Perhaps it is high time that island leaders set forward
our island vision of partnership and collaborate
accordingly. We cannot forge progress through political
will alone. Here, Pacific Islands Forum leaders have
forged a ground-breaking mutual dialogue to enhance
and improve effective United Nations partnerships in
our region. Those are not isolated words; already, the
United Nations, together with our bilateral partners, is
playing a valuable role in working with the Marshall
Islands to recover from a climate-driven drought and
other coastal flooding emergencies.

But we need not wait for disasters. In every sector
of basic development and environmental efforts, our
door is open for increased collaboration among the

United Nations, our regional resources and bilateral
partners. The statements of sympathy in the plenary are
all too often not translated into effective, island-tailored
results. Our in-country United Nations presence still
has a long way to go in truly delivering as one and
better addressing pressing threats. I encourage a direct
discussion between the United Nations and our region
on practical efforts to enhance in-country effectiveness
and collaboration. No one people or nation should be
passed over.

Even as the United Nations enters into a new
discussion in setting the stage for the post-2015
development agenda, improved progress towards the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) remains
no less a priority. I would also like to recognize the
contributions that Taiwan has made in helping my
country in efforts to achieve the MDGs.

Pacific Islands Forum leaders have, for the first
time, recognized the role of the United Nations in
authorizing nuclear-weapon testing during the Cold
War and welcomed the recommendations of the
United Nations Special Rapporteur’s recent report
(A/HRC/21/48/Add.1). Nuclear testing in the Marshall
Islands is no mere historical event, but an international
legacy that will stay with us for generations. While the
bulk of the unmet responsibilities still rest with our
historical Administering Power, the United States, the
United Nations can, for its part, no longer ignore its
own role during the Trusteeship era.

I am strongly encouraged by the Secretary-
General’s commitment to addressing the ongoing
impacts of nuclear testing in the Pacific and look
forward to practical steps in that regard.

My Government is gratified to note
that — with solid international support and cross-
strait cooperation — the Republic of China on Taiwan
has increased its meaningful participation in United
Nations specialized agencies and mechanisms. We will
continue to encourage positive interaction between the
two sides of the Taiwan Strait in the international arena.

Too often, despite our own aspirations, we struggle
to move inches when urgency demands miles. We wish
to inform the Secretary-General that our political will
stands ready and that our hands are extended for a
durable partnership.


As we gather near Ground
Zero, site of the World Trade Center mass murder, I
wish first to honour the victims of terrorism. I honour
all victims everywhere, including those killed and
wounded at the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi.

Tragically, we lost two Canadians in Nairobi, including
one of our diplomats. There is no more fitting venue to
honour the life of Annemarie Desloges and her service
than right here at the United Nations. The crime of
terror is an assault on all people. In its wake, the human
family is one — united in pain, mourning and our
resolve that we will never allow evil to triumph.

At this moment of grief, the oneness of humankind is
the theme of my remarks today.
Allow me to begin with an observation drawn from
the Canadian experience. The province of Newfoundland
and Labrador was the last province to join Canada, but
it is the site of the earliest known European settlement
in the New World. L’Anse aux Meadows is more than
1,000 years old. We consider the province’s capital city,
St. John’s, to be the oldest English settlement in North
America, dating back to 1497.

The early Newfoundland settlements are the
subject of significant archeological activity. Among the
artifacts commonly found is a three-handled drinking
mug known as a tyg. The three handles are designed
for sharing. During the seventeenth century, it was
common to share eating and drinking utensils. Further
research reveals that the tyg is not unique to Canadian
and English history. On the contrary, cups with three
or more handles are common to many of the world’s
cultures. Indeed, nearly three millennia ago, Homer
wrote in the Iliad of a multi-handled mug. The tyg and
its many counterparts around the world are tangible
reminders not just of the fact that eating and drinking are
social activities, but that, as long as human beings have
inhabited this planet, sustenance and the necessaries of
life have been community endeavours. Human beings
share out of necessity. We cooperate to survive. We
form communities because that is our natural state. As
Cicero observed, we were born to unite with our fellow
men and to join in community with the human race.

Animated by the same spirit of community, the
Charter of the United Nations declares that our goals
include to live together, to be neighbours and to unite.
The very first words of the Charter of the United
Nations make clear that the Organization is a body of,
by and for human beings. It begins, “We the peoples
of the United Nations” — not “We the countries” or

“We the Governments” or “We the political leaders”,
but “We the peoples”. That is an important reminder of
why and on whose behalf we are all here today.

At the United Nations, Canada targets its efforts
on securing tangible results for the human family. It
is much more important to consider what the United
Nations is achieving than how the United Nations
arranges its affairs. Canada’s Government does not
seek to have our values or our principled foreign policy
validated by elites who would rather go along to get
along. The billions who are hungry, or lack access to
clean water, or are displaced, or cannot read and write
do not care how many members sit on the Security
Council. But they do need to know that their brothers
and sisters in humankind will walk with them through
the darkness.

Peace, prosperity and freedom are the conditions
that have been sought by human communities from the
beginning of recorded time: to live in peace, to live in
prosperity, to live in freedom.

Of those priorities peace is the foremost objective of
the United Nations. It is no surprise that the Charter
of the United Nations mentions the word peace four
dozen times. Sadly, peace the word is easier to locate
than peace the condition. Since the moment the
Organization was created, not a day has passed without
the human family being pained by war somewhere on
the planet. Almost always, the suffering is felt by the
most vulnerable among us. Far too often, that involves
women and violence.
In the context of war, rape and serious sexual
violence are war crimes. I have met girls who were
victims of that very war crime, and their stories are
absolutely horrific. The war criminals involved must be
identified, pursued, prosecuted and punished. Earlier
this year, Canada and other Group of Eight nations
agreed to treat sexual violence in conflict as a violation
of the Geneva Conventions. I applaud the United
Kingdom and Foreign Secretary William Hague for
their work in this very important area. But he would be
the first to acknowledge that the fight to eradicate this
crime has been led by women, including the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual
Violence in Conflict, Ms. Zainab Hawa Bangura.

Tragically every year, millions of girls, some
as young as nine years old, are forced into marriage.
Since I began my remarks today, 100 children have
been forced into marriage at a rate of 1,100 per hour, or
more than 26,000 per day. The effects of early forced
marriage are documented and beyond dispute. Early
forced marriage harms health, halts education, destroys
opportunity and enslaves women in a life of poverty. A
young woman once recounted her wedding date. She
remembered, “It was the day I left school”. No country
is immune from this scourge.

This is a global problem — a problem for humankind.
Forced marriage is rape — an act of violence against
women. Early forced marriage is child rape — an act of
violence against young girls. The practice is abhorrent
and indefensible. We condemn it, even though some
might prefer that we kept quiet. The discomfort of the
public is of small concern, particularly in the context of
a crime that calls to heaven for justice.
(spoke in English)
If the United Nations does not act to protect young
girls, who will?
Another way to protect the vulnerable is to improve
the health of mothers, newborns and children so that
we can reduce the number of deaths. I would like to say
how proud I am of Canadian Prime Minister Stephen
Harper for having led a global effort — the Muskoka
Initiative — to reduce maternal and infant mortality
and to improve the health of mothers and children in
the world’s poorest countries. That is about half of the
world’s population, and all of its potential.

While those efforts, to eradicate sexual violence
in conflict, to eliminate early forced marriage and to
improve maternal and newborn health are essential,
we must do more than react to crises. We must invest
in opportunities for women and young girls. We must
ensure that women participate fully in all parts of our
society and in all the countries of the United Nations.
That will help us build a stronger, more secure, more
prosperous and more peaceful world. It is in every
nation’s self-interest to ensure every young girl realizes
her full potential. And it is from the perspective of the
human family, one family, that we must address other
threats to peace and security.

Among the most urgent crises remains the violence
in Syria. Canada’s position is clear: we support the

Syrian people, the innocent people caught up in this
senseless violence and those who show great courage in
working on their behalf. We will never support a brutal
and illegitimate regime that has unleashed weapons of
mass destruction on its own people. Nor will we tolerate
extremism and terrorism as alternatives to Al-Assad’s
tyranny.

The people of Canada have been generous in
helping those most in need. When success is achieved,
I believe that it is important to recognize it. The near-
impossible work of the World Food Programme must
be applauded, and Canada has responded by being the
second-largest single-country donor in the world. Its
work in Syria is paramount and has not gone unnoticed.
I also commend the work of the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in providing
assistance to the refugees fleeing that terrible conflict,
as well as the generosity of Syria’s neighbours in
providing safe haven.

Canada joins the entire world in seeking a political
resolution to the conflict. Canada supports a peaceful,
democratic and pluralistic Syria that protects the rights
of all communities. But let us not confuse a peaceful,
negotiated outcome with equivocation or moral
uncertainty. There can be no moral ambiguity about the
use of chemical weapons, particularly against civilians.

Today, 30 September, is a dark reminder of the
price of accommodation with evil. It is the seventy-
fifth anniversary of the Munich Agreement, by which
Czechoslovakia’s freedom was sacrificed to appease
the Nazi regime. The appeasers claimed they had won
peace in our time. In fact, their abandoning of principle
was a calamity for the world. Nobel Peace Prize winner
Elie Wiesel, a Holocaust survivor who was imprisoned
at Auschwitz, has been even blunter:

“Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim.
Silence encourages the tormentor, never the
tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When
human lives are endangered, when human dignity
is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities
become irrelevant.”
Just as we are not neutral or silent on the crimes
being committed against the Syrian people, neither is
Canada neutral on Israel’s right to exist and to defend
itself. There can be no bargaining over Israel’s existence.
While dialogue is a virtue, there can be no virtuous
discussion with anyone wedded to Israel’s destruction.
Today, the Jewish people are masters of their own fate,
like most other nations, in their sovereign Jewish State.
And like all other nations, Israel has the right to defend
itself, by itself.

Canada fundamentally believes peace is achievable
and that Palestinians and Israelis and their neighbours
can live side by side in peace and security. We, like
many nations, wish to see a prosperous Palestinian State
living in peace with its Jewish neighbour. That is why,
although at times we have fundamental differences
on how statehood is achieved, Canada is providing
significant assistance to build the institutions that are
vital to the establishment of a viable future State. In the
West Bank, Canada is contributing greatly to economic,
security and justice initiatives.

Recent developments in negotiations between Israel
and the Palestinian Authority are indeed encouraging.
I want to salute the leadership and courage of the
Israeli Prime Minister and the Palestinian Authority’s
President. I commend United States Secretary of State
John Kerry for his personal leadership in this area. We
must all commit ourselves to this cause, united by the
prospect of peace.

I look forward to the day when Israeli and
Palestinian children can live side by side in peace and
security in a Jewish and in a Palestinian State.

Dialogue is important, yes. But our dialogue must
be a prelude to action, and action must mean achieving
results. Action must mean making a difference. If we
take the recent statements coming from the regime in
Iran, some observers see encouraging signs, but sound
bites do not remove threats to global security. Kind
words, a smile and a charm offensive are not a substitute
for real action. We will welcome and acknowledge
reform, if and when it comes. By the following test
we will know when genuine reform has occurred: has
there been real, measurable, material improvement in
the lives of the Iranian people and in the security of the
world? Not yet. We will judge the regime on the basis
of its actions and results.

The five permanent members of the Security
Council plus Germany have had five rounds of formal
negotiations with Iran in the past two years. While
everyone says the meetings have been productive, the
fact remains we have not seen any change in Iran’s
actions. Next year, nothing would make Canada more
pleased than to see a change in Iran’s nuclear ambitions,
a change to its terrible human rights record and an end

to its material support for terrorism, including for
Hizbullah.

Now is the time for the global community to
maintain tough sanctions against Iran so that the country
takes a different path on its nuclear programme. The
Iranian people want peace, and they are suffering great
hardship because of their Government. Canada wants
the Iranian people to be able to access a life of freedom
and prosperity for themselves.

How do we as a human family achieve and maintain
prosperity? We do so through free trade among open
societies operating under transparent, consistent and
fair rules. Canada continues to diversify its markets
because it is a trading nation. We are aggressively
pursuing free-trade agreements with other nations.
Bounded by three oceans, with the second-largest land
mass in the world, Canada is literally open to the world.
We are both deepening existing economic relationships
and building new ones. Whether with China, which
is now Canada’s second-largest trading partner, or
the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, where Canadian trade and investment ties are
dramatically increasing, or the Pacific Alliance, which
provides new and exciting opportunities, or the European
Union, where we are negotiating a comprehensive free
trade agreement, Canada and Canadians are supporting
market liberalization. In the process, ordinary lives are
becoming enriched and entire societies stronger.

But the quest for prosperity must never come at the
expense of our commitment to freedom. Prosperity is
inextricably linked to peace. After all, those who lack
security usually lack the means to provide for themselves
and their families. With economic opportunity, a fruit
vendor in Tunisia may not have felt compelled to end his
life seeking the dignity to provide for his own family. A
young man in Afghanistan may never feel compelled to
join terrorist elements simply to raise his children and
ensure that their lives are better than the one he lived.

I will always remember the 7-year old girl that I
met at Zaatari refugee camp, in Jordan. Her parents
had made the difficult decision to leave their home and
to seek refuge in another country, braving hardship
because they were motivated, like all parents, by the
desire to keep their family safe. I asked the young girl
how she was doing. With tears in her eyes, she said
simply, “I do not like it here. I want to go home.” It was
absolutely heartwrenching. And millions of people are
in the same tragic position around the world — millions
of members of the human family who cannot even begin
to contemplate prosperity until a more basic need, their
need for security, is addressed.

The global family will never achieve the prosperity
that is our full potential unless we address the peace and
security concerns that constrain human opportunity.
Everyone has an interest in contributing to the solution,
because peace and prosperity ultimately ensure the
freedom of the individual. That is why we need the
people of these United Nations gathered here to promote
that freedom: freedom from oppression, freedom from
discrimination, freedom to worship, to think, to speak,
to love, to believe — freedom to be.

Human freedom can be exercised and, sadly,
limited in far too many ways. Religious persecution
continues in too many places. Since we gathered
here last year, the world has witnessed bombings of
mosques in Iraq and Pakistan and Catholic churches in
Tanzania; attacks against Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim
places of worship in Burma and Bangladesh; the bloody
persecution of Christians in Syria; attacks on Coptic
Christian churches in Egypt; attacks on a mosque
and on a Catholic church in Sri Lanka; the detention
of Sri Lankan Muslim leader Azad Sally; the murders
of Catholic worshippers in Nigeria; and the Iranian
regime’s ongoing persecution of the Baha’i.

Canada this year opened an Office of Religious
Freedom. Its mandate is to promote freedom of religion
and belief as a foreign policy priority, and to combat the
enslavement into fear by those who seek to intimidate
and undermine the right to worship freely in peace
and in harmony. We reject the pernicious notion that
human dignity can be sliced up, compartmentalized or
compromised. In a pluralistic society, it is impossible
to protect some human rights and freedoms while
infringing others. All freedoms are rooted in the
inherent dignity of human beings.

Whether the issue is religious freedom, sexual
freedom, political freedom or any other freedom,
some people ask: What business is it of ours? What
interest do we have in events outside our borders?
Our business is a shared humanity. Our interest is the
dignity of humankind. Many assaults on human dignity
have common roots. I refer to neo-fascist ideology
masquerading in different forms, and the threat that it
poses to individual freedom.

I spoke earlier of the anniversary of the Munich
Agreement. What the signatories claimed as a triumph

of practical politics was in fact a craven capitulation
that betrayed human dignity and bankrupted the
peace it purported to secure. It was wrong then to
underestimate and to appease fascism, just as it is now
to underestimate its modern incarnation. Extremism
that subjugates human dignity and crushes individual
freedom beneath rigid ideology must be opposed for
what it is.

One year ago, the world lost the great Somali poet
known as Gaarriye. Although his pen has been silenced,
the inspiring words remain. He wrote: “And tell them
this: our purpose is peace; our password ‘freedom’;
our aim, equality; our way, the way of light.”. In
other words, peace, prosperity and freedom — three
universal human priorities. Like the three handles of a
mug from which we all drink, they are three values that
all humankind shares.

As I close, I cannot help but reflect on the three
young girls, and my heart breaks for them: the child
bride who said, “It was the day I left schoo.”; the young
girl who was a victim of rape and sexual violence; the
refugee who said, “I just want to go home”. We are not
here to achieve results for Governments or political
leaders. We are here to protect and defend those three
girls and 7 billion other members of the human family.
Let us remember that as we embark on discussions to
shape a new global agenda, focusing on those most in
need.

I am confident that everyone here feels the
overwhelming honour and privilege it is to serve
our people. It is not without great challenge and
responsibility, but we all must stand up and deliver on
that unique mandate for the people, for it is the people
who expect nothing less.


I
would first like to congratulate you warmly, Sir, on
your election to the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-eighth session, and to renew our support
for and highlight the efforts that Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon has made at every level to enable our
Organization to fulfil its role and responsibilities in
dealing with the challenges of today’s world.

We commend your choice of theme for our debate,
Sir, “The post-2015 development agenda: setting
the stage”, which is very relevant and enables us to
exchange views. From this rostrum, we pay tribute to
the Secretary-General’s tireless efforts to integrate the
Millennium Development Goals into the Organization’s
strategic objectives. We hope that are our deliberations
will help to strengthen international consensus on
pursuing the complete and integrated fulfilment of our
commitments and on formulating a road map with clear
directions and specific goals for the post-2015 period.

Morocco, while itself a stable country, is part of the
Sahel-Sahara region, which is highly unstable — hence
the importance for the Kingdom of Morocco of the
situation in the brotherly country of Mali and the
dangerous challenges it has been dealing with recently.
We congratulate our Malian and African brothers and
the international community on the success of the
recent elections there and the progress Mali has made
in achieving stability. The international community
should continue to support it at every level. The visit of
His Majesty King Mohammed VI to Mali to participate
in the investiture ceremony for the new President of
Mali afforded an excellent opportunity for Morocco
to renew its wholehearted commitment to supporting
Mali’s security, unity, stability and development. In
his speech, King Mohammed said that the solutions to
other security crises demonstrated that the crisis in Mali
required an approach that went beyond mere security.
That is why we support a three-pronged approach. The
first dimension would be educational and ideological
and would aim at spreading a culture of moderation
and centrism and instituting a dialogue between the
two peoples and their States, leading to the launching
of cooperation in Islamic affairs and the training of
500 mosque imams to be sent to Mali.

The second dimension would consist of
development, with emphasis on bringing developing
countries together, particularly countries stricken by
drought and poverty, among other problems and crises,
and empowering their people, as well as strengthening
their capacity to achieve progress and development.
That is why we have launched development programmes
in coordination with Mali and other countries in the
region.

The third key thrust would be the humanitarian
dimension. Security crises provoke unspeakable
suffering for individuals and countries. Mali has seen
tens of thousands of refugees leave the country and go
to neighbouring countries, which is why it is important
that there be a coordinated regional approach. In
Bamako, the capital of Mali, we established a country
hospital to relieve the suffering of the people in that
area.

With respect to the Great Lakes region, the Kingdom
of Morocco welcomes the signing of the Peace, Security

and Cooperation Framework Agreement, which will
greatly facilitate the real settlement of the crisis in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, which has gone on
for too long. We hope that all parties will respect the
Framework Agreement and that they will honour their
commitments and pledges and support the international
community’s efforts to establish a peace process, while
respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Those challenges are part of various crises that we
see occurring in the Sahel and Saharan regions. The
Secretary-General has deployed many efforts along
those lines. We are pleased with the high-level dialogue
on the Sahel that he organized on the margins of the
General Assembly for the second consecutive year,
as well as the visit he hopes to make to the region,
accompanied by a representative of the World Bank.
We hope that the United Nations integrated strategy
for the Sahel will be finalized. Once again, Morocco
reiterates that it will participate in all efforts to protect
the countries of the Sahel and the Sahara in order to
strengthen stability, security and development in the
region.

Morocco reaffirms once more the need to set up
initiatives for the Atlantic coast States, given their
security, political, economic and social interrelationship
and the challenges that obtain. We believe that
stability and security in the region go beyond regional
frameworks. We are therefore talking about a Sahel-
Moroccan space for the purpose of maintaining stability
in the region.

We condemn the recent terrorist attacks in Kenya.
We would ask the international community for greater
efforts to bolster security and stability in that region.

The second issue that concerns us and the rest of
the international community is Syria. In that respect,
we commend the international community and the
Security Council for adopting resolution 2118 (2013),
on the Syrian chemical weapons programme, and
the announcement of the date of 15 November for
the holding of the “Geneva II” Middle East peace
conference in order to stop the violence in Syria and
reach a political solution through dialogue that would
maintain the territorial integrity of Syria and the
stability of its neighbours. In that regard, I would like
to thank the Secretary-General for his efforts. I would
also like to thank the Secretary-General of the League
of Arab States, the League itself, its member States
and Joint Special Envoy Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi for the
joint efforts they have made during this period with
regard to the shedding of Syrian blood, the agreeing
on a resolution and the reaching of a solution prior to
Geneva II, with a view to putting an end to the crisis
in Syria.

We would like to reaffirm once again the
importance of the humanitarian aspect of the crisis.
There are 2 million refugees and tens of thousands
of displaced persons, and thousands have been killed
or wounded. This is the degree of suffering that the
international community is called upon to reduce. The
Kingdom of Morocco and its King have paid particular
attention to the humanitarian dimension, which is
why we established a rural hospital in Jordan a year
and a half ago to provide health services to our Syrian
brothers.

It is well known that Morocco has been involved in
the establishment of a Maghreb Union. Now is the time
for coming together regionally, not for isolation. It is the
time for cooperation and openness, not for unilateralism.
Therefore, we are reactivating the Maghreb Union
project in order to fulfil the hopes of the peoples of
the five Maghreb countries and to help them to achieve
stability, prosperity and sustainable development.
His Majesty the King has called for a promising and
ambitious Maghreb Union, and the Secretary-General
has made a similar appeal. The Maghreb Union would
implement peace and stability by taking a number
of initiatives, including a joint mediation initiative
undertaken with neighbourly Spain, pursuant to the
appeal by the General Assembly in favour of mediation.
The Kingdom of Morocco answered the call by launching
the initiative and establishing partnership agreements
between Moroccan and Spanish mediation centres to
provide training and invite the participation of other
countries in the region. The initiative was launched in a
spirit of rapprochement, dialogue and cooperation and
to promote mediation, which is important not only to
stop conflicts when they have broken out but also to
prevent them from occurring in the first place.

The Kingdom of Morocco’s decision to protect
human rights is irreversible. It is part of a comprehensive
strategy and relies on an approach that favours the
participation and advancement of people and the
protection of their dignity within the framework of a
development-focused democratic model. Morocco has
therefore launched a number of projects and workshops,
as well as major reforms, and made tremendous

progress in broadening the sphere of individual and
collective rights and freedoms, of preserving human
dignity and of strengthening the protection of the rights
of its citizens, especially the rights of women, children
and persons with special needs.

In its amended 2011 Constitution, the Kingdom
of Morocco dedicated a chapter to respect for human
rights as they are recognized internationally. Morocco
has always desired to preserve a balance between
its international and national commitments and
priorities. As a founding member of the Human Rights
Council, Morocco has participated effectively and
constructively in the formulation and implementation
of the institutional texts of the Council, in particular
the universal periodic review. When it was decided
to take another look at the rules and mechanisms in
2011, Morocco was given the task of conducting the
negotiations on them. At the same time, the Kingdom
of Morocco enjoyed positive cooperation with the
various institutions and mechanisms and interacted
with their recommendations, in particular the universal
period review, treaties and special measures, whose
assessments Morocco continues to welcome, facilitate
and answer with its observations. Morocco hopes to
gain the Assembly’s support for its candidacy for the
Human Rights Council for the period 2014-2016, in
order to further contribute to strengthening the role of
the Council and to ensure the effectiveness necessary
for its operation.

In that connection, we have recently launched
an initiative relating to immigration, especially
illegal migration. Morocco wished to establish other
mechanisms for refugees in connection with how we
address the issue and rights of immigration, especially
illegal migration, and asylum. A few days ago, a new
statute on immigration was enacted and the right
to asylum, so as to give new rights and documents
to political refugees. All of this is a very important
development for our country.

I would like also to touch on the key issue of the
territorial integrity of Morocco and the issue of the
Moroccan Sahara. For several years now our authorities
have followed the diligent efforts of the Secretary-
General and the Security Council to resolve the Sahara
issue. Morocco complies with all Security Council
resolutions and has acted in good faith with respect to
those resolutions and to the efforts of the Secretary-
General. The most recent resolutions called for a
new round of negotiations among the parties so as to
achieve a sustainable political solution accepted by all.
Morocco therefore launched an initiative on autonomy,
a practical and moderate solution that enjoyed the
support of many countries friends of Morocco as well
as of several regional organizations. Unfortunately,
however, the other parties involved, committed to their
30-year stance and proposals, did not allow progress to
be made in the political process. I reiterate that Morocco
is committed to working effectively and in good faith
with the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy in
all their efforts and with the Security Council in order
to implement the successive resolutions adopted by the
Security Council.

Finally, on behalf of the Kingdom of Morocco, I
wish to say that with the approach of the seventieth
anniversary of the founding of the Organization, we
reaffirm our sincere commitment to its principles and
to the active mobilization of our efforts so as to update,
empower and strengthen it, given that it is the unique
and optimal framework for meeting current and future
challenges.


The Assembly is
meeting at a time marked by significant challenges. Let
me mention a few which I regard as the most pressing.

The state of the world economy remains fragile,
but slowly we seem to be entering a path towards
economic recovery and, hopefully, sustainable growth.
The security situation in many parts of the world is
improving, but we are witnessing many local conflicts
that endanger the overall regional balance. The conflict
in Syria must come to an end on the basis of a negotiated
political settlement. The danger of a nuclear conflict is
diminishing thanks to the decreasing number of nuclear
warheads and carriers in the possession of the nuclear
Powers. Yet the currently blocked negotiations with the
parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons should be a matter of concern. Fundamental
human rights and freedoms are still at risk in many
countries. The gap between the rich and the poor is
ever widening despite many efforts to alleviate world
hunger and poverty. At the same time, some countries
have managed to reduce the gap.

International cooperation is essential if we want to
address those and other challenges. The United Nations
remains the most suitable body to pool the global
efforts and resources needed for that task. The world
is changing, and its traditional platform must adapt
as well. From the start, we should formulate realistic

plans and procedures. However, their implementation
will not be possible without the necessary political will.

A country’s reputation depends not only on its
size or economic output, but also on its readiness
to actively engage in addressing and meeting the
challenges of the current globalized world. The Czech
Republic, a country with the historical experience of an
undemocratic regime, is ready to share its experience
from its democratic transition process, as well as to
offer its help, resources and know-how to countries
undergoing their own democratic transition.

The year 2013 will mark a turning point for European
economies. The Czech economy is highly dependent on
international trade, and I strongly believe that free and
fair trade is one of the best tools for improving the world
economic situation. The multilateral approach to trade
issues should be revitalized and cooperation within the
World Trade Organization (WTO) reinforced. I sincerely
wish much success to the new WTO leadership.

The United Nations has always played a key
role in defusing armed conflicts between and within
the Member States. Its role in helping to resolve the
conflict in Syria is crucial. The confirmed use of
chemical weapons in Syria is deeply worrying. Any use
of chemical weapons is unacceptable. Whoever gave
the order to initiate the chemical attack has gravely
violated the principle of responsibility to protect the
civilian population. The attack constitutes a war crime
and a crime against humanity, and its perpetrators
should be held accountable before the International
Criminal Court.

The Czech Republic welcomes the decision of
the Executive Council of the Organization for the
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons on the expeditious
destruction of Syrian chemical weapons, which is now
being adopted in The Hague, and looks forward to the
adoption of a Security Council resolution on the issue
in the coming hours.

The conflict does not have a military solution;
only a negotiated political settlement will re-establish
peace in Syria. The Czech Republic calls on all
parties, especially on the Syrian Government, to fully
implement the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/523,
annex). The Czech Republic supports and will continue
to support the efforts of the United Nations and the
International Committee of the Red Cross to meet
the growing humanitarian needs in Syria and the
neighbouring countries.

The Czech Republic acknowledges developments
in the transformation process of Myanmar. I strongly
encourage the country’s leaders, in accordance with
their public pronouncements, to actively pursue the
process of amending the national Constitution in order
to improve democratic standards in the country.

As I mentioned earlier, the role of the United Nations
in resolving armed conflicts is indispensable. United
Nations peacekeeping operations are an important
tool for sustainable and durable solutions to violent
conflict worldwide. Having participated in United
Nations operations in recent years in relatively small
numbers, my country, the Czech Republic, is ready
to substantially increase the presence of its military
personnel in peacekeeping operations.

The Czech Republic, a non-nuclear-weapon State,
has always strongly advocated for the unfettered
right to develop, research and use nuclear energy for
peaceful purposes. Nevertheless, that right should be
fully exercised only in conjunction with honouring
all non-proliferation obligations. The long-standing
objective of the complete elimination of nuclear
weapons may be achieved only if the non-proliferation
regime meets all demands for its strengthening. The
upcoming meeting of the group of governmental experts
on a fissile material cut-off treaty will be a step in the
right direction. The Czech Republic greatly appreciates
that fact that the international community was finally
able to complete the Arms Trade Treaty negotiations.

I should like to share my view of the role of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The Czech
Republic has been actively involved from the very
beginning in the discussions on the formulation of a
new development agenda. We are ready and committed
to take part in its implementation. As formulated by the
Secretary-General in his report (A/68/202), the MDGs
have been the most successful global anti-poverty
push in history and have made a great contribution to
raising public awareness, increasing political will and
mobilizing resources.

Some of the MDG targets have been met already;
some are within close reach. But the results are uneven
among and within countries and there is a lot of
unfinished business. I can assure the Assembly that
my Government remains committed to the MDGs, as
reflected in both our policies and our practical actions.

The future development agenda should build on
the success of the MDGs and bring together diverse

development actors. I would like to support the single
overarching post-2015 framework, which will link
poverty eradication in all its dimensions and the
promotion of sustainable development. I therefore call
for the full integration of all relevant international
processes, which have been separate until now, in
particular the review of the MDGs and the work of
the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development
Goals.

We have to make sure that the future goals will be
universal for all countries but at the same time remain
realistic, taking into account the actual possibilities of
each country. They must be achievable and measurable.
I appreciate the fact that the report of the High-level
Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda puts
emphasis on inclusive growth and considers the role of
innovation, technology and the private sector actors.
The proposed development goal to secure sustainable
energy is a very good example and should figure among
the future development priorities.

In December, the international community will
commemorate the sixty-fifth anniversary of the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The situation of human rights has improved in some
areas. New human rights challenges have emerged.
A great deal of work still lies ahead of us. The Czech
Republic, a member of the Human Rights Council and
the country of Václav Havel, will always defend human
rights wherever they are violated.

In conclusion, I should like to focus on issues
related to the process of reforming the United Nations.
The Czech Republic appreciates the dedicated work
of the Secretary-General, which is transforming the
United Nations into a more effective and accountable
system. Unfortunately, there are not enough means to
fund all initiatives. We all have to do more with less.
I am sure that we will find internal reserves that will
allow the United Nations to achieve the tasks entrusted
to it with greater success. By performing well and
by being responsive to its Member States, the United
Nations will strengthen the political will of its Members
to invest in multilateral forums and thus contribute to
a safer world.