I should like to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the high office of President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. I wish him great success. I am convinced that under his experienced leadership the work of the present session will lead to a growth of confidence in our Organization. I assure him of the readiness of Czechoslovakia to continue to develop its friendly ties with his country which, through its active policy, is playing such an important role in today 's world.
I should also like to express our deep gratitude for the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, to diminish tensions throughout the world and to resolve regional conflicts through negotiation. We especially appreciate the fact that thanks to his initiatives and efforts our Organization has achieved new and significant successes and is thus living up to the noble role it has been given, for, as the Latin adage states: Pacia donum est omnibus bonum - the gift of peace is a blessing for all.
In international relations we are witnessing events of truly unique significance. They demonstrate new political thinking. Militancy is being rejected; there is greater openness; we observe a growing readiness to engage in negotiations in a civilized and businesslike manner. These very promising events are leading to the building of relations among States on the basis of a balance of interests, a strengthening of the role of international law, and a humanizing of international relations - thus leading to a more comprehensive solution to problems of the survival of civilization as a universal human challenge.
However, this cannot be done though destructive confrontation. The way to a solution lies in active co-operation. This is the philosophy of the end of the present and the beginning of the next century. It must open the way to the emergence of qualitatively new relations both on the global and regional scale. Of course, this requires that new phenomena must be analysed from new points of view. Problems that seemed irresolvable must now be resolved. The unthinkable must become the thinkable. What was impossible yesterday must be made possible.
The viability of this approach has been demonstrated by the four Soviet-United States summit meetings which have made the world safety prospects for peace stronger and the future more hopeful. A landmark of fundamental importance was the ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, the first step of an era of real disarmament. We were one of the eight States involved in the process of its realization, we have done everything that was required of us. We agreed with the conducting of verification measures on our territory. Soviet operational-tactical missiles with increased radius, which had been stationed in my country since the end of 1983, were removed even before the Treaty's entry into force.
"Today we must all jointly ask ourselves a questions how do we proceed further? How can we develop now what sober-minded politicians have agreed upon? The answer is unequivocal s let us compete in humanism. Let us make the cornerstone that unites us the survival and continuation of mankind. Let us hold a competition which  despite all of our differences in policy, ideology, world view, and other spheres, assures both nations and individuals of their future existence, let us demilitarize international relations and prevent both social and ecological disasters, thus arriving at new horizons of mutually beneficial co-operation.
It is precisely in this spirit that our Organization today must have a decisive say in the fundamental strengthening of multilateralism, which has proved to be better able to create confidence and achieve results than any other options. As pointed out by the Secretary-General in his annual report, when global problems requite global solutions the value of the United Nations for its Members is obvious to all. If its influence is not strengthened, we shall be constantly confronted with ever-growing instability throughout the world.
This is also the basis of the concept for comprehensive security which encompasses all aspects of international relations. It meets the need to make universal human interests a major element of international policy. It serves as an impulse for broad constructive dialogue on  hat can be done to enhance substantially the role of the United Nations in the present world.
Positive developments in the world are creating favourable conditions for implementing the goals of restructuring all spheres of life in our country. By following that path we are endeavouring to build on the significant results achieved in our social and economic development and to strengthen the progressive and democratic traditions of our people.
This year we are commemorating some important anniversaries both glorious and tragic: the seventieth anniversary of an independent Czechoslovakia, but also the fiftieth anniversary of the "Munich Agreement" which was concluded behind our backs. This remains an abiding lesson. Security was and continues to be shared and indivisible. We recall the historical experience of two world wars and four decades of socialist development. This obliges us to pursue an active and constructive policy of peaceful co-operation.
We see as a manifestation of this policy the proposal for the creation of a zone of confidence co-operation and good-neighbourly relations along the line of contact between the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization put forward by the General Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Milos Jakes. We believe that it is precisely the States adjacent to that line which bear a special responsibility. In fact this is where the concentration of military power is greatest and therefore misunderstandings are fraught with the most dangerous consequences and confrontation is most hazardous.
Hence, we are proposing a plan for the peaceful strengthening of security guarantees in this zone without confrontation, through both military and non-military measures. We intend to act in this area on the basis of the all-European process, and in so doing to create in that zone stimulus for its further intensification. To do this, of course, we must jointly throw off the burden of the past. We must abandon outdated models of bloc-derived thinking, reject the concept of enemies, measure the boldness of human deeds not by their degree of militancy but by their ability to overcome one-sided and deceptive military ambitions.
Our proposal subordinates military relations to the principle of reasonable sufficiency. We want to enhance confidence-building measures and fulfil and further develop the conclusions of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe with respect to military exercises, including notification of such exercises limiting the number of participating troops, inviting observers and the tight of inspection. We favour a joint comparison of military doctrines with a view to giving them a purely defensive character. Together with our allies, in the context of an all-European reduction of armed forces and conventional weapons on the basis of joint elimination of imbalances and asymmetries in the various types of weaponry, we propose the removal of the most dangerous offensive weapons from the zone along the line of contact between the Warsaw Treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). We listened with special interest to the valuable proposals along those same lines made by President François Mitterrand. These strengthen our conviction that intense dialogue will continue.
At the same time we must seek the development of the non-military factors of security. Therefore our proposal also encompasses the political, economic, ecological and humanitarian spheres. In the zone of confidence, measures in those spheres could even go beyond the parameters agreed upon in the all-European framework.
The possible opportunities for peaceful co-operation are practically inexhaustible. We ate thinking of joint ventures, the creation of free-trade zones, an improvement of the transport and energy infrastructure, a simplification of customs and visa practices, environmental protection, relief assistance in cases of natural disaster, a broadening of relations between twin cities and provinces, the establishment of direct contacts between schools, scientific institutions cultural establishments and youth organizations, reciprocal medical assistance in border areas, and so forth.
In that way we aim at the establishment of a machinery for regular political dialogue among the States of both parts of Europe, a dialogue built on a broad, solid basis. This follows upon other proposals made by socialist countries and on the constructive approaches and views of our Western partners. We are open to any constructive comments and considerations.
We are in favour of the speediest possible radical mutual reductions in armed forces and conventional weapons on our continent. Without this the danger of military confrontation will continue. The July session of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, held at Warsaw, put forward new and far-reaching proposals; to eliminate asymmetry in weapons and armed forces and subsequently to reduce them by approximately 25 per cent, or by 500,000 servicemen on either side, then to continue this process until the military potential of both sides takes on an exclusively defensive character  This would take place in three carefully balanced stages. In that way our countries have taken a constructive step in an effort to  meet the position of the NATO countries, proposing a realistic scheme for reductions.
We are working towards a speedy and successful conclusion of the Vienna meeting, which should adopt a substantive and well-balanced document and agree on the mandate for negotiations on conventional disarmament. We agree with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany,
Mr. Hans-Dietrich Genscher, that this should take place as soon as during this month. It is true that a great deal of responsible work has already been done at that meeting. Foundations have been laid for the adoption o£ good documents making possible broad development of all-European co-operation, constructive approach now requires political determination to complete the agreements now being prepared and political will with respect to all questions under discussion.
We propose that one of the subsequent events be the holding of an economic forum. It could discuss the entire question of co-operation in that sphere. We are ready to act as host to that forum.
In short, we wish jointly to raise the all-European propose to a qualitatively higher level commensurate with the realities of our times in order to reaffirm the viability of the concept of a common European home based on the various social choices made by the peoples. We must base it on solid ground, build it boldly and ensure that Europe speaks to the world in a single language of peace.
We face no greater challenge today than that of making the disarmament process irreversible. That was our basic approach to the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Unfortunately, that session ended without a final document. Yet it was a useful experience and a lesson for the future. The proposals made at the session remain a rich source of inspiration. For our part, we set out our proposals in a joint memorandum from the Warsaw Treaty States on security through disarmament, and in a number of other documents. I would mention,
first of all, the joint proposal of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to establish international machinery for verification of compliance with agreements aimed at reducing tension and limiting weapons, and to monitor the military situation in regions of conflict. This machinery would function under United Nations auspices. We are pleased that this has attracted numerous interesting proposals from other countries. Let us do all in our power to prevent our ever having to say that the settlement of a given issue is no longer verifiable. Let the humanistic triad of confidence, security and co-operation light the way towards qualitatively new international relations. Freeing the world from the nuclear-arms race remains the pivotal global task. To continue that race amounts to running consciously towards an abyss. A basic step in the right direction would be the early conclusion of work on a Soviet-United States treaty on a 50 per cent reduction in strategic offensive weapons, to be accompanied by strict compliance with the anti-ballistic missile Treaty, since the link between these matters is a deep and organic one. We favour the immediate cessation of nuclear-weapon testing. That would give us time for political solutions and for formulating a treaty on the complete, universal prohibition of such testing. We also support the development of international co-operation in the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes exclusively. We desire the strengthening of the authority of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, with consistent application of the safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
An important addition to the efforts to avert the nuclear threat has been the concrete proposal put forward by the Governments of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the German Democratic Republic to establish a nuclear-weapon-free corridor in Central Europe. We support the setting up of similar zone in other parts of the world as well particularly in the Balkans and in Scandinavia.
It is high time that all obstacles to the completion of the convention on the complete prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons be set aside. We are prepared to be among its first signatories. We neither produce nor possess such weapons. Further delays in the preparation of the convention serve only to prone to the spread of such weapons and increase the risk of their use. In that connection we have noted a change in the attitude of France that we hope, will facilitate agreement. Like other countries, we are concerned about the start of production of binary warfare agents and about their possible deployment in Europe. Together with the German Democratic Republic, we propose the establishment of a chemical-weapon-free zone in Central Europe. As a Contracting Party to the 1921 Geneva Protocol, we favour the proposal to convene a conference of the signatory States.
We share the view that it is necessary to enhance the Organization's role in limiting conventional armaments. We believe that the proposal to create within the United Nations a register of trade in weapons will contribute to that end.
We are in favour of an expansion of international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space, which the United Nations has proclaimed to be the common heritage of mankind. It would be unforgivable were we to display indifference to the threat of the misuse of space for military purposes.
We are in favour of an enhanced effectiveness of the disarmament median ism, primarily of the Conference on Disarmament at Geneva. In this spirit, it should gradually become a permanent universal body for disarmament negotiations, as we proposed last February. That is in keeping with the logic of current global changes and integration processes.
An essential condition for the attainment of over-all security is the peaceful settlement of international disputed regional conflicts. Here, the fruitful dialogue between the Soviet Union and the United States has had a beneficial effect. An improvement in East-West relations provides that calm that is necessary to the process of seeking and finding equitable solutions to long-standing and dangerous hotbeds of tension. We must take full advantage of it, thus an active role for the United Nations is now indispensable. What body other than the United Nations can make such a significant contribution to the protection of legitimate rights and co-ordinate the interests of the parties involved? What other body can better implement the machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes, stimulate the adoption of international guarantees to prevent the recurrence of a conflict? Only the United Nations can do so.
We therefore welcome the growing importance of the role of the "blue berets" in various world trouble-spots. They are a symbol of one of the most important area of United Nations activities, namely, peace-keeping. They can be even more effective in helping to stabilize the situation in troubled areas, ensure conditions for negotiated settlements and prevent the outbreak of new conflicts.
Together with world public opinion, we have reacted with hope to the signing of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan worked out with the participation of the United Nations Secretary-General and jointly guaranteed by the two greatest Powers. The well-known steps taken by the Soviet Union and Afghanistan represent a responsible and scrupulous honouring of the obligations undertaken. In this connection we would emphasize the fundamental significance of unswerving compliance on the part of all signatories. Only in that way will it be possible to ensure peace for the Afghan people and for the region as a whole. "We have also welcomed the positive turn of events in the Persian Gulf as a result of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). We note with satisfaction that with the assistance of the United Nations the senseless bloodshed has been halted. The presence of the United Nations Military Observer Group has been a stabilizing influence. We fully support the continuation of talks under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General.
Realistic prerequisites have emerged for a peaceful settlement of the problems in southern Africa. We hope that the ongoing trilateral negotiations between Angola, Cuba and South Africa; with the participation of the United States, will bring independence to Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), That would also defuse the situation in the region as a whole. The efforts of the United Nations and of the entire world community must be even more consistently directed towards achieving a full and immediate end to the shameless practice of the policy of apartheid by the Government of South Africa.
We welcome the evolution of the situation in Central America as a result of the Esquipulas II Agreement. However, we deplore the complication of the situation in the region and of the development of the peace process that is now, as in the past, being caused by foreign support for the counterrevolutionary forces in Nicaragua. We view the convening of an international conference on the Middle East conflict under the auspices of the United Nations as a way of exerting joint efforts to find a definitive solution. The uprising in the occupied territories has once again demonstrated that the question of Palestine is at the core of any solution. This cause could only gain from the start of work by a preparatory committee for such a conference.
We are in favour of a peaceful settlement of the problem of Cyprus, one that would ensure the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus while preserving its non-aligned status. We fully support the constructive efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at easing the international tension in the Korean peninsula and at a peaceful reunification of the country. Thanks to those efforts, the prerequisites for entering into an orderly dialogue have improved.
We are also pleased by the positive developments in the Horn of Africa, in particular with the significant peace agreement signed by Ethiopia and Somalia. We also support the joint efforts of Ethiopia and the Sudan to strengthen relations of peace and mutual co-operation. A contribution to improving the international climate has also been made by developments with regard to a settlement of the situation in Western Sahara. We note with satisfaction, and we support, the efforts to find a political solution to the question of Kampuchea and to bring peace and stability to South-East Asia. We favour further development of the results of the informal meeting in Djakarta. The basis for positive developments in this field is created by the 50 per cent reduction in the number of Vietnamese volunteers in Kampuchea, now under way.	'
In our view the seven-point programme of the USSR designed to strengthen peace in the Asian-Pacific region will give momentum to the process.
We welcome the positive trend to enhance the role of the Security Council in the resolution of international disputes and conflicts. In this regard it would be desirable periodically to convene meetings of the Council at the level of ministers of foreign affairs and, where the need exists, to do so in regions of tension, as proposed here by Minister Eduard Shevardnadze. Improved co-operation among the permanent members of the Security Council would doubtless yield fruitful results. We appreciate the deepening c ordination between the Security Council and the Secretary-General. We favour the adoption of the draft declaration on the prevention and removal of threats to peace and situations that might threaten international peace and security. Today the United Nations can truly do more for the cause of peace than ever before.
Czechoslovakia currently favours the democratic restructuring of international economic relations. We cannot allow encouraging developments in other areas to lag behind. We cannot ignore the growth of forces and that have already created uncertainty and mistrust in the world economy and are likely to bring about an unprecedented international economic crisis. The future of us all will rest on quicksand if we fail to bridge the gap between the developed and the developing countries.  Therefore it is indispensable to create a new international economic order and justly to resolve the problems of underdevelopment and foreign debt and eliminate their appalling consequences: hunger, the inequality of millions, disease, illiteracy and poverty. We wish actively to promote resolution of these crucial problems.
We believe it necessary to continue the international dialogue on the implementation of the principle "permanent for development" and step by step to translate the conclusions of last year's United Nations conference into concrete measures. As we made clear in the document of the Political Consultative Committee issued at its July session in Warsaw, special attention must also be paid to the dangerous environmental consequences of the arms race.
We can no longer stand by idly in the face of the ecological threat, a problem which we have jointly and short-sightedly created. The conclusions of the World Commission on Environment and development and the document titled "Environment Perspective to the Year 2000 and Beyond" must be implemented without further delay.
This year in our country we have adopted a new long-term concept of environmental protection till the end of the century. To prevent ecological factors from undermining stability and peaceful relations, we have put forward a proposal on the creation of international ecological security, which should be based on mutually acceptable principles of co-operation and conduct of States in this regard. We support the idea of co-ordinating efforts on these issues and the holding of a series of international meetings on the way to the convening of a United Nations conference on the environment in 1992.
We intend to continue to promote the strengthening of international co-operation in the humanitarian sphere as well as in the field of human rights. The continuing, flagrant and massive violation of human rights in many parts of the world is indeed one of the most condensable phenomena of our time. There is no way to be complacent with it. We recall this with even greater urgency now, on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We welcome the profound ideas voiced here regarding a new category of human rights for the protection of mankind.
In particular the role of international law must be strengthened so that it governs relations among States. Its effectiveness must be continually increased through codification, progressive development and consequent implementation. We welcome the stimulating idea of the Soviet Union regarding working out a long-term programme of development of international law dealing with issues of security, confidence and co-operation. We agree as to the primary importance of legal guarantees of comprehensive security. We are considering ways to make our contribution towards the strengthening of the role of the International Court of Justice.
Given the urgency of the tasks facing the international community at this session, it is essential to strengthen our joint action and co-ordination. The United Nations has a truly indispensable role to play in this regard. Let us therefore concentrate our efforts on comprehensively stepping up the Organization's beneficial work. Let us strengthen the authority of its main bodies and make broad use of the established mechanism for co-operation and the strengthening of peace. Let us bear in mind the decisive importance of the factor of time - that inexorable arbiter of history. Through constructive efforts let us find new avenues leading to the solutions of the problems of our times. Let us cultivate morality and ethics worthy of the international relations of the future.
The Czechoslovak delegation has received a mandate from its Government to act precisely in this way, and it shall honour that mandate.


I deem it a privilege and an honour to extend to the President the warm felicitations of the delegation of Burma on his election as the President of the forty-third regular session of the General Assembly, we are confident that his long and brilliant career at the national level in his own country as well as on the international scene will stand him in good stead in guiding our deliberations to a fruitful conclusion.
I should also like to refer to the outstanding leadership provided by His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, the outgoing President, to the international community during the preceding session of the General Assembly.
It is with a sense of satisfaction that we wish to join other delegations in paying tribute to the Secretary-General,  Mr. Perez de Cuellar for his dedication to the Organization and for his tireless efforts in the cause of peace.
The agenda of the General Assembly portrays the diverse and complex nature of the issues that the United Nations faces in dealing with international problems in their global perspective. In the search for solutions, the universal nature of the Organization makes it possible to see and reflect the interest of the world at large although finding consensus to meet the interest of all has not always been easy. While many problems remain to be resolved, the Organization represents the hopes and aspirations of the world community and must therefore continue to serve as the essential instrument for harmonizing the relations between States and upholding the rule of law in international relations. We are encouraged to believe that the present international situation provides favourable opportunities for the United Nations to further its endeavours to preserve peace, increase international security and develop international co-operation.
Maintaining international peace and security is at the forefront of the agenda of the United Nations. However, the interdependent nature of the world is such that issues of peace and security cannot be separated from endeavours for the common well-being of the world's population. This in turn would depend much upon finding solutions to the problems of global development and the reduction of the disparities in the conditions of life of peoples.
Regional conflicts have been a particular feature of our international life and have constituted major obstacles to the implementation of the provisions of the Charter. They are a feature that is prevalent particularly in the developing areas of the world and have created obstacles to the security and well-being of peoples, exacerbated international tensions and brought about much suffering. There is the force and political will as well as a humanitarian dimension to finding solutions which will enhance the prospects for peace at the regional level.
The major Powers can do much in finding solutions to international problems. However the objective of ensuring international security requires the endeavours of all Members through the collective security system of the United Nations. In the final analysis, it is through the willingness of Member States to conduct their relations on the basis of the principles of the Charter that international security can be effectively enhanced.
The bilateral agreement between the two militarily most significant States constitutes the first essential step in the process of nuclear disarmament and its significance can be seen from the prospects for achieving further substantial measures.
Successful disarmament negotiations are of vital interest to all nations, and agreements between States that have the primary responsibilities should have a significant bearing on the efforts of the international community. The United Nations constitutes the centre stage for all such activities.
In Afghanistan, the United Nations, through the good offices of the Secretary-General, has played an important role in the achievement of the Accords, which are highly commendable. We believe that if the Geneva accords are implemented in good faith by all parties, the tragedy in which Afghanistan has been caught for nearly a decade will now come to an end and the Afghans themselves will once again be able to map out their future and reconstruct their land with the help of the international community.
The favourable international environment that is conducive to the resolution of  international conflicts is also noticeable in the quest for solutions to the problem of  Kampuchea. Year after year the Assembly has reaffirmed the basic principles of International relations with regard to Kampuchea. It is time that reason and fairness prevailed ever force. We hope that the people of Kampuchea, who have suffered for so long, will have the opportunity to work out a solution that will put them on the path of national reconciliation and reconstruction. It is a source of satisfaction for my delegation to observe the recent emergence of new, positive impulses which may be conducive to what the Assembly has been endeavouring to achieve for so many years - the peaceful and negotiated settlement of the question of Kampuchea.
With regard to the situation in Central America, the peace plan signed last year in Guatemala by the five Central American States reflects the desire of the peoples of Central America to live in peace, through a process of conciliation and co-operation, in accordance with the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. The prospects for peace in Central America should not be allowed to falter, and it is incumbent upon the international community to support such regional co-operation.
The question of Palestine, which has been recognized as the core of the Middle East problem, has been the focus of international attention as a result of the situation that prevails in the occupied territories. The tragedy of these events is a grim reminder of the urgent need to reach a just, comprehensive and peaceful solution of the Palestinian problem.
We feel that an international conference on the Middle East, under United Nations sponsorship, could serve as a useful vehicle in the search for a just and durable solution to the problem, provided all parties to the conflict are allowed to participate on an equal footing. The necessary foundations have already been laid in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
After much perseverance, the collective effort? of the Security Council have now resulted in a cease-fire between Iran and Iraq. The cease-fire constitutes the first essential step towards a negotiated settlement, through implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), that would bring about a durable peace and an end to the suffering and devastation experienced by the peoples of both countries. We continue to place much hope in the efforts of the Security Council and in the important role of the Secretary-General in the peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations and in finding a solution to the conflict.
In southern Africa, the Assembly continues to face a situation in which the regime shows no sign of relenting in its efforts in maintaining the policies of apartheid. However, there are now significant developments with regard to the situation in the south-western region of Africa. The agreement on a set of principles for the establishment of peace in the region and recognition of the rights of the people of South West Africa to self-determination and freedom brings nearer the day of independence for Namibia. South Africa's intransigence and refusal to comply with the United Nations plan for Namibia constitute the obstacle to its implementation. It is hoped that the agreement reached will bring about without delay implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which constitutes the framework for the exercise by the Namibian people of their right to freedom and independence.
Needless to say, the root cause of South Africa's acts of destabilization  aggression and violation of the territorial integrity of neighbouring States Lies in the regime's racial policy of apartheid. Universal condemnation and the international call for the complete abrogation of the apartheid system have not been heeded by the South African regime.
The international community, through efforts in the United Nations and elsewhere, must continue to give steadfast support to the people of South Africa in their struggle against the institutionalised system of racial discrimination practised by the Pretoria regime.
United Nations endeavours to foster and promote the economic and social well-being of all peoples are also a priority issue. Such efforts need to be focused on more balanced and equitable international relations and on narrowing the gap between the developed and the developing regions of the world.
The developing countries continue to face an increasingly difficult economic environment. The institutions which govern international economic relations and which were created for the purpose of facilitating the smooth functioning of the global economy have not been effective in meeting the needs of the vast transformation that has taken place in the pattern of the global economy. Fundamental to these changes is the growing interdependence of nations, the recognition of which would require a more favourable international economic environment that would help to overcome the imbalances in the world economy. The revival of multilateralism is keenly needed so that the process of meaningful dialogue in areas relating to international economic co-operation may begin.
The general debate in the Assembly sets the tone for co-operation between nations on affairs of international importance, for which this Organization was created, and the statements we have heard this year inspire us with confidence. At the same time, we note some remarks that do not contribute to the attainment of the purpose of our discussions, and which encroach upon what can be considered natters of an internal nature in the affairs of States. With these thoughts in mind, the delegation of Burma considers it relevant to mention developments that pertain to our country.  My country chartered the course of their history through crises and experienced situations which gravely affect their national life and result in turmoil and unrest and the occurrence of unavoidable incidents. Burma has recently passed through such a phase, which has deeply touted the hearts and minds of the nation, the Government and the people. In such a time, when there is a need to establish law and order, when there are moments of great danger and the nation is threatened, it is the duty and obligation of the authorities of the State to assume their responsibilities to overcome such difficulties.
The situation prevailing today is that our nation is overcoming a period of disruption and has achieved a reasonable measure of stability. No outside Power can prescribe for Burma what its future political destiny should be, for it is the right of peoples to determine their own future. In order that the Burmese people may be able to exercise their rights, the State authorities have announced and are making arrangements for the holding of general elections, which will be free and fair and in which all political parties will be able to participate so that the multi-party system of democracy to which the people have been aspiring may be successfully established.
With regard to the conduct of its foreign relations, Burma will continue to pursue its traditional independent and active foreign policy and maintain its relations with other countries on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference.
As the twentieth century draws to a close, profound changes that will shape life in the century ahead are taking place on the international scene. The problems that beset the world are many and complex and the destinies of nations have become more intertwined than ever before.
An atmosphere of optimism now prevails as nations express renewed faith in the United Nations. Such positive developments should bestow upon the Organization greater vitality and strength, as the universal forum for seeking solutions to the problems arising out of the complexities of our time, problems that affect all


Sir, it gives me particular pleasure to see you in the Chair as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We know that under your guidance this gathering is in good hands. My delegation looks forward to cc-operating with you in the months ahead. At the beginning of this week ray friend and colleague, Mr. Papoulias, the Foreign Minister of Greece, set out before the Assembly the views of the 12 member States of the European Community - including the Netherlands - on a wide range of international issues. This enables roe to concentrate on two major issues that deserve our common attention: the role of the United Nations in the promotion of peace, justice and international law and its significance in the field of human rights. On both subjects I should like to make a few suggestions.
Earlier this month, in the presence of the Secretary-General, a ceremony in commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Peace Palace, the seat of the International Court of Justice, was held in The Hague. I was intrigued by a Latin phrase on the wall of the large courtroom: "Arma togae cédant, this is, "May weapons yield to law". One could hardly think of a more appropriate motto for the present Assembly session than Cicero's dictum. The Assembly convenes at a crucial juncture. In different parts of the world, conflict is giving way to negotiations, and more and more voices are calling for the supremacy of the rule of law. The United Nations may well be about to assume the role its founders envisaged. The United Nations Charter embodies the bold vision of a world-wide system of collective security, with the Security Council as its pivot. As Dag Hamnar once pointed out, the United Nations reflects at the same time an aspiration and a falling short of that aspiration. But, he added, the persistent struggle to close the gap between aspiration and actual accomplishment makes the difference between civilization and chaos.
During these weeks representatives of nations from East and West, North and South, are paying tribute to the Secretary-General and his staff who, quietly but with perseverance, are serving the cause of peace. Like others, we applaud recent achievements in Afghanistan and the Gulf and the new impetuses being given elsewhere. Those developments have added much to the prestige of the Organization and of the Secretary-General. In those developments we recognize vital elements of the recommendations for improving the effectiveness of the Security Council that the Secretary-General advanced in his reports to the General Assembly in 1983 and 1986. At the time, those ideas did not receive the hearing they deserved. Now, the mood of frustration and impotence is giving way to renewed optimism. There seems to be a new confidence in the effectiveness of the multilateral approach in international relations.
We must seize the opportunities to promote peace. United Nations peace-keeping is one of them. It is therefore most befitting that the United Nations peace-keeping forces were collectively awarded the Nobel Peace Prize yesterday. On behalf of the Netherlands Government I most warmly congratulate them on that well-deserved award. The Prize honours all those soldiers who over the years have served in United Nations forces all over the world.
The Netherlands has always supported the efforts of the United Nations in the field of peace-keeping. We are now actively considering with our partners in the Twelve how we can contribute more effectively. In this context the valuable comments on the growing role of peace-keeping operations in the Secretary-General's annual report to the Assembly certainly deserve careful attention. Of course, one should not overlook the fact that here, as elsewhere, there is an obvious need to make the best possible use of scarce resources. This is the more true in the light of the magnitude of some of the peace-keeping operations that are envisaged, for instance in Namibia and in Western Sahara.
For many years the world community has been demanding independence for Namibia. We are encouraged by the progress recently made. I trust that the momentum can be maintained.
The process of dialogue and negotiations we see in many parts of the world is also needed in South Africa itself. Apartheid is totally and fundamentally wrong. It has no future. Although change is long overdue, it is not too late to bring it about peacefully. But every new delay will make the task of national reconciliation even more difficult. The artificial separations apartheid has created between the various segments of the South African population ha/e bred deep resentment and fear of the unknown. In our opinion it is high time to replace this by a broad dialogue across all lines of colour. The Kingdom of the Netherlands urges the South African Government to release Nelson Mandela and all those others detained for their political beliefs. That could open the way to negotiations with the genuine representatives of the population.
We look not only to the early abolition of apartheid·, we look also to its replacement by a just political order in which all South Africans can live in peace and harmony. It is, of course, up to the South African peoples themselves to join hands in order to shape a new constitutional framework. But let me say this on the subject: the ideals of human rights, democracy and the rule of law to which ray country, like so many others, is deeply attached, would seem all the more essential in a society as diverse as South Africa's. May I submit that a bill of rights, to be negotiated and agreed upon between the authentic representatives of the entire population and safeguarded by an independent judiciary, would do much to guarantee equal rights and allay the fears that some have. Would not a pluralistic democracy providing adequate participation by both majority and minority offer the best prospects for lasting reconciliation? And, nay I add, would not a South Africa at peace with itself be a tremendous asset for the region as a whole?
The cease-fire in the 8-year-old war between Iraq and Iran was greeted with great relief. Untold suffering is coming to an end. But there was more to this war. In flagrant violation of international law we saw chemical weapons being used on a scale not witnessed since the First World War. The war endangered yet another principle of international law, namely freedom of navigation, on one of the busiest sea-lanes of the world. It was to uphold that principle that my country, together with a number of other Western European countries, contributed to mine-clearing in the Gulf. We have noted with interest that the Secretary-General has suggested looking into the possibilities of extending peace-keeping to the maritime environment. We are prepared to study the implications of such a new dimension in United Nations peace-keeping tasks.
Negotiations between the two belligerents have now started under the auspices of the Secretary-General. The intransigence that has prolonged the war for so many years should not be transferred to the negotiating table. Together with others, we call upon both parties to co-operate intensively with the Secretary-General in order to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement in compliance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
Turning to Cambodia, we welcome the intensified diplomatic efforts to read a settlement and the constructive role played by the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Cambodia has had more than its share of suffering. Our goal must be an independent Cambodia, free from foreign occupation and invested with democratic institutions strong enough to withstand internal and external threats. Clearly, neither a continuation of the current foreign the universally condemned policies and practices of the regional conflicts also, we see how the improved activities of States in the region and the support given to each other in working towards peaceful is that was found for direct talks between the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus is another example of progress to that end.
And in another hotbed of tension an unjust and painful stalemate continues to exist. We are looking forward to the day when the United Nations can also play an enhanced role in the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The status quo there is not sustainable. The tensions in the occupied territories demonstrate the need for a renewed impetus to the peace process. My country fully understands the Israeli concerns about security. Israel, indeed, is entitled to existence in security. But the Palestinian people too have their legitimate rights. Their right to self-determination will have to be accommodated in the context of a comprehensive and lasting settlement. In recent meetings with the Israeli Government and with Palestinian representatives in East Jerusalem, the Netherlands Government joined those who urged moderation and a constructive approach by all concerned.
The road to a settlement will no doubt be long. It might have to be covered in stages, but then with a clear final perspective. Success will only be achieved if parties are willing to compromise, if parties do not confront each other with conditions they know beforehand to be unacceptable to the other side. Peace involves mutual concessions. Delaying the inevitable will diminish the opportunities of reaching a solution and will only increase the tensions. The role of the international community is, as we see it, not merely to mete out reprimands, it is to help the peace process along and eventually, once the negotiations have led to results, to guarantee their outcome.
We are concerned about developments in Lebanon and saddened by the continuing suffering of its people. We urge all parties concerned to abstain from any action that would deepen the rifts that have kept Lebanon divided for so long already. It is imperative that the constitutional framework of Lebanon be allowed to function so that a new President, elected freely and without interference from outside, can take up the pressing task of restoring the unity of the Lebanese people.
Much is changing in Eastern Europe. We follow the processes of reform with great interest and commend the spirit of greater openness. My country has, together with its allies, consistently pursued a policy aimed at better East-West relations and arms control. We will not be remiss in seizing opportunities to further these aims. Important progress in arms control has already been achieved, and this to an extent that seemed inconceivable only a few years ago.
The Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty was indeed a major breakthrough. And the 50-per-cent cut in strategic weapons, which is now being negotiated, would be an even more significant disarmament measure. But however much we hope for further results in the field of nuclear disarmament, it is essential that progress should also encompass conventional arms control. The serious conventional imbalance we face in Europe is at the core of our security problem, and our aim is to bring about a stable conventional balances at lower levels and with more transparency.
It is also essential to press ahead with a total ban on chemical weapons. The imminent danger of proliferation of chemical weapons underlines once again the need for such a ban, and that on a world-wide basis. Indeed, the verification problems are daunting, but I refuse to believe that they cannot be solved. In the meantime, while a total ban has not yet been concluded, it is tragic to see that the 1925 Geneva Protocol has not prevented the use of these abhorrent weapons. We support President Reagan's proposal, made last Monday, to convene a conference to see how together we can remedy the erosion of the Protocol.
When addressing the third special session on disarmament I emphasized how important it was that the Secretary-General be able to conduct investigations, whenever there were allegations of the use of chemical weapons. The Security Council confirmed this necessity and encouraged him to carry out promptly investigations in response to allegations concerning the possible use of chemical weapons. It is therefore disappointing and disturbing to note that recently the Secretary-General was not permitted to ascertain the facts when there were strong reasons to do so.
It is indeed a worrisome development that "proliferation", which used to refer exclusively to the danger of nuclear proliferation nowadays is acquiring new connotations, as we see proliferation, not only in the chemical field but also in that of missiles and missile technology. It would be a bitter irony if at a time when arms control negotiations are at last beginning to yield long-sought results, we failed to stem the danger of proliferation.
A key element of any arms control agreement is verification, and I am happy to note the growing international consensus on this point. In my statement at the third special session on disarmament last June I suggested strengthening the general role of the United Nations with regard to verification in a practical manner. Our proposal is that a group of qualified governmental experts would study ways to improve the assistance United Nations bodies could render in the verification of arms control agreements. This would apply in the first place to multilateral agreements and, furthermore, to regional, or even bilateral agreements, if parties so desired. Together with Canada and Prance, we intend to submit our ideas to the Assembly in greater detail.
Maintaining peace and security is a primary task of the United Nations, but by no means the only one. All of us should seriously consider how we can increase the relevance of the role of the Organization in the light of constantly changing conditions, how we can enhance its efficiency and flexibility, and how we can counteract bureaucratic tendencies and duplication.
The Netherlands has participated actively in the special committee on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations. I must admit that we are rather disappointed with the outcome of these deliberations so far. None the less, we must continue this reform process in order to enable the United Nations to increase its relevance also in the economic and social fields.
One does not have to be a prophet to foresee a major transformation of the international system in the decades ahead. The spectacular emergence of new economic centres in various parts of the third world is only one indication that we are witnessing a development towards greater multipolarity. This in itself could enrich the interaction amongst us, and, it is to be hoped, will increase the effectiveness of the United Nations when new actors assume larger responsibilities for the common good.
The recent economic recovery in the industrialized countries has not yet led to an improvement of the economic situation in many parts of the developing world. I believe that it is high time to remind ourselves of the target for official development assistance of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product that has been adopted. In order to assist the economic and social advancement of developing countries, the Netherlands will continue to disburse 1 per cent of its gross domestic product for development purposes.
The review of the Programme of Action for Africa has made clear that it is Africa in particular that is facing economic problems of staggering magnitude. I am convinced, however, that the review has provided important impetus to both the African countries and the international community to redouble our common efforts to reach the goals of the action plan in time. The debate on the strategy for the fourth development decade offers a good opportunity to discuss the interrelationships and mutual dependence of specific development topics such as debts, investments, the environment, natural resources, commodities and trade and their implications for sustainable development. As a contribution to solving some of the most pressing environmental problems, my Government will host high-level consultations on the ozone layer next month and a conference on the protection of the atmosphere next year in the Netherlands.
Regional co-operation has much to offer to people on all continents, both as a way to promote peace and as an instrument for increasing prosperity. Integration amongst European nations has allowed us not only to overcome a bitter legacy of division but also to achieve a considerable degree of prosperity for our peoples. Our endeavours have not led to Euro centrism but stimulated even an outward orientation of Western Europe. One large single market instead of 12 separate smaller markets should offer new opportunities, not only for the Community, but for third-world countries as well.
We do not see regional co-operation as a substitute for global co-operation. The two complement each other. Interdependence and co-operation are at the heart of the new global reality and the United Nations should be an energetic reflection of that reality.
The Olympic games provide us, right at this moment, with a powerful symbol of brotherhood and friendly competition. Against this background I may say that we hope that the Republic of Korea, now hosting the games, can soon take up its rightful place in this universal Organization.
In order to strengthen the basis for global co-operation we must reflect upon the values that bind us together. Article I of the United Nations Charter lists the promotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms among the three main purposes of the United Nations. Forty years ago, the General Assembly, building on this foundation, proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Since then, the universal applicability of the Declaration has been firmly established.
Human rights transcend national borders. Violations of these rights - and they are only too frequent - are a common concern of the family of nations. They are not simply an internal matter within the exclusive domain of national sovereignty. The past 40 years have clearly refuted this argument.
The 1948 Declaration was the starting-point of an impressive effort at international law-making. The two United Nations Covenants on human rights, of 1966, were milestones in this effort and it is to be hoped that in this year, in which we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, those Member States that have not yet acceded to some of the United Nations instruments on human rights will be able to decide to do so in the near future. Let us be clear - the concept of human rights was not an invention to be used to attack those with whom we find ourselves in disagreement. No, we refer to fundamental standards on which we should all be prepared to be judged. Moreover, we feel that respect for human rights is essential for confidence-building between States.
Formal accession by countries to the various conventions is important, but it is only a first step. Implementation must follow - and as we all know, that is where the real problems begin. This underlines the importance of the various monitoring procedures and mechanisms designed to hold States to their obligations. Signs of erosion of the supervisory system are a cause of concern. We would hope that the meeting of chairpersons of the various United Nations supervisory bodies scheduled for this autumn will be able to propose practical remedies to remove the strain on the reporting system. At the same time it is essential that adequate levels of funding for human rights monitoring mechanisms be secured. The Netherlands has circulated some ideas on monitoring procedures and mechanisms amongst these chairpersons. These suggestions will also be circulated in a document in the course of this session of the General Assembly.
As I have said, efforts at the regional level can supplement and reinforce those at the global level. In the Helsinki Final Act 35 countries pledged themselves to a broad programme designed to improve mutual relations. This programme includes respect for a comprehensive range of clearly defined human rights. Here, too, we have been faced too long with a gap between the standards we set and the degree to which they are being complied with. That is why the Netherlands insisted so strongly on the incorporation, within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), of a mechanism to review compliance in the field of human rights and human contacts. I hope that this concept will be reflected in the final document of the CSCE which, as we all hope, the current meeting in Vienna will be able to agree upon soon.
There is much to celebrate during the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration. But celebrations or commemorations should not divert our attention from the more sobering task of stock-taking. We should ask ourselves to what degree the rights proclaimed are actually promoted and enjoyed. Torture, summary executions and unlawful detention are an everyday reality for all too many of our fellow human beings. And yet, there is probably no government that does not profess respect for human rights. Let us not forget that the scourge of the abuse of human rights is man-made; it can therefore be remedied by man. The international Bill of Human Rights exists; the mechanisms are in place. Our task in the years ahead should be to promote the political will to bring about the effective enjoyment of human rights by all mankind.
There is a growing realization that these concepts, while values in themselves, are also basic conditions for shaping a more prosperous and a more just society. Freedom and democracy, we feel, are not luxuries. On the contrary, they go hand in hand with development and prosperity. The age of technology gives an advantage to those societies that allow information to circulate freely and give room to the innovative capabilities of the individual.
But if we cherish human rights so much, it is not only for their intrinsic value or for their contribution to the prosperity of man. Human rights are, as the Universal Declaration states, "the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world". Indeed, internal oppression and external aggression have often gone together. It could not have been phrased more aptly than it was by the Secretary-General during his recent stay in the Netherlands when he said that "respect for human rights and peace are inseparable. Just as the violation of human rights leads to conflict, so conflict and war lead, all too often, to the suppression of human rights."


It gives me pleasure, on behalf of the delegation of Lebanon, to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. The relations between his country, Argentina, and mine, Lebanon, are firmly established, deeply rooted and characterized by friendship, co-operation and mutual respect. Since his appointment as Foreign Minister of Argentina, Mr. Caputo has contributed to the consolidation of these relations. We are fully confident, therefore, that his qualifications, experience and wisdom will make him an exemplary President and will ensure the success of the work of this session.
The delegation of Lebanon wishes also to extend its thanks and appreciation to Mr. Caputo's predecessor, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, Mr. Peter Florin, whose wise leadership and great efforts enabled the General Assembly to achieve such good results at its forty-second session.
In expressing the thanks of the delegation of Lebanon I must not forget to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his good offices and efforts in the settlement of a number of regional crises and in making the Secretariat more efficient, in difficult financial circumstances. Indeed, the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organisation is clear proof of the success of his sustained efforts.
The agenda of the current session of the General Assembly is replete with important items - political, economic, social and legal. Some of these have been on the agenda for years, some for dozens of years, awaiting solution. However, we are still hopeful that just solutions will be found. The recent developments on the questions of Afghanistan, Namibia, Western Sahara, the Iran-Iraq conflict, Kampuchea and Cyprus are encouraging and make us very hopeful that efforts will be intensified to reach genuine solutions to the question of southern Lebanon, the Israeli occupation of a part of Lebanon, the Middle East question, and, in particular, the question of the Palestinian people.
Large numbers of Palestinians have been expelled from their homeland and dispersed in various parts of the world. Others live in camps in Arab countries that have taken them in, while the remainder continue to live under Israeli occupation in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Holy Al Quds. The Palestinian people has a legitimate and inalienable right to self-determination, to return to its homeland and to establish an independent State on its own soil. This people, which has expressed its free national will through its blessed uprising inside its homeland, has indicated at every opportunity its complete rejection of all settlement projects, which have also been categorically rejected by Lebanon and other sister Arab countries.
Despite the ordeal by which it has been afflicted for approximately 14 years, Lebanon has not failed to meet its membership obligations to the United Nations. Lebanon has adhered to the Charter, which it signed as a founding member, and is committed to its provisions and to implementation of the resolutions of the Organization. Lebanon believes that the United Nations plays an important role in various fields, with the aim of improving man's condition and protecting peoples against the forces of oppression and tyranny.
In return for those duties and obligations, however, Lebanon has rights. It requires of the Organization that it secure its sovereignty and territorial integrity and ensure the safety of its people. It expects the world community to lend it full support in its efforts to liberate its land and revitalize its institutions, in order to enable it to resume its role at all levels - regional and international.
If I confine my statement to the question of southern Lebanon, it is because I believe that the question is extremely critical, since it threatens security and peace not only in the Middle East region, but in the whole world. One of the main causes of the continued ordeal afflicting the Lebanese people for about 14 years has been the continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the continued occupation by Israel of parts of our land. This ordeal is today increasing in gravity and complexity, and is reaching alarming dimensions, to the extent that it is now threatening the very unity and existence of Lebanon.
Paced with this situation, Lebanon is right to concentrate on a question relating to its very future and existence. But in no way does this mean that Lebanon pays no attention to the other questions on the agenda. Lebanon's ordeal has not prevented it from participating in and contributing to the discussion of those questions over the years and striving to find the necessary solutions to them. Lebanon will not hesitate to continue to do so. It declares that it is ready and willing to do its utmost and to co-operate, within its possibilities, with other members of the international community to achieve the desired objectives of the Charter, for the benefit of all mankind.
Since the creation of Israel in the Middle East region, Lebanon has suffered from invasions of its territory and from practices against its people. During one five-year period alone Lebanon was invaded twice by Israel - in 1978 and in 1982. Previous heads of the Lebanese delegation have spoken at great length about those two invasions and their consequences. Suffice it to mention now that since 1978 Israel has preserved for itself inside Lebanese territory a so-called security zone. Moreover, it has gone much further by continuing to launch repeated acts of aggression and raids against peaceful villages deep inside Lebanese territory - from the sea, by land and by air.
I need not go into the details of this question, because the abundant complaints lodged by Lebanon, which have been distributed as official documents of the General Assembly and the Security Council to the members of the Organization, are quite sufficient. They prove that Israel is continuing to violate the rules of the United Nations Charter and the provisions of international law and agreements, and that it is still challenging General Assembly and the Security Council resolutions, particularly Security Council resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978) and other subsequent resolutions. Those resolutions call for the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces from Lebanese territory, the deployment of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to the internationally recognized borders, and support for Lebanon in order to restore its sovereignty and authority over all its territory.
Consequently, Israel's responsibility is clearly established. Lebanon therefore calls an the United Nations and its Security Council to take a courageous and decisive stand to check Israel's behaviour and to compel it to respect the Charter and to abide by United Nations resolutions. Only full implementation of those resolutions can save Lebanon and the Middle East region from risks that might in turn jeopardize international peace and security. That is the only way to help Lebanon overcome this crisis, achieve territorial integrity, contribute to unifying its population and regain its constructive role within the international community.
Lebanon is yearning for the return of peace and stability, which will enable it to carry out the reconstruction and rehabilitation programmes that would put it back on the track to a normal life. The Lebanese crisis after so many years has created a deteriorating economic and financial situation. Lebanon's needs are estimated to be billions of dollars, and Lebanon expects to receive the necessary support and help from the international community.
This year's initiative by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to collect 85 million for immediate urgent aid to Lebanon was crowned with success. Although the amount collected, $76 million, is, compared with the help needed, symbolic, we are all grateful to the Secretary-General for that important initiative. The delegation of Lebanon would like to place on record its gratitude to the Secretary-General, to all officials of the United Nations organs, and to all specialized agencies, as well as to the States that contributed to meeting this urgent need. It expresses the hope that the Secretary-General will continue his endeavours to provide the necessary aid for Lebanon's reconstruction and rehabilitation.
The delegation of Lebanon would like to add its voice to that of the Secretary-General in calling for the provision of the necessary funds for the international peace-keeping forces, particularly the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, which is today considered the most important international peace-keeping force. Lebanon is grateful to UNIFIL for the services it has rendered and is still rendering in southern Lebanon. We should like to express our thanks and appreciation to the leadership, the soldiers and the countries contributing to UNIFIL. We therefore call upon the Security Council to adopt the necessary measures to enable UNIFIL to carry out the basic task entrusted to it and to help Lebanon transform its southern region into a region of security and peace. While talking about peace, we cannot omit to mention how gratified we felt upon hearing the news that the Nobel Peace Prize had been awarded this year to the United Nations peace-keeping forces.
Lebanon looks forward to the establishment of a new era following the election of the new President of the Republic, which we hope will take place soon.
Lebanon's national crisis, entrenched for over 14 years now, undoubtedly has its own deep-seated internal causes. Consequently, it can be solved only through a formula of national entente among the Lebanese people themselves. However, this crisis has most certainly had clear regional and International dimensions. The situation in Lebanon has therefore directly and strongly affected, and has in turn been affected by, developments in the situation both inside and outside the Middle East region. For that reason Lebanon will always need positive initiatives on the part of its Arab brethren and of all friendly nations in order to help it overcome the crisis.
In conclusion I should like to convey to the members of the General Assembly the hope of my people that they will do their utmost to help Lebanon liberate its territory and also to convey their determination to begin reconstruction and rehabilitation within the framework of a solid national unity, which has been and always will be the best guarantee for a Lebanon of harmony, love and tolerance, an oasis of coexistence and a bridge between East and West.


There is an awesome power that pervades this Hall and the universe. It is a power that instils courage in the weak and humility in the strong. It is the timeless compassion and mercy of that ultimate and unseen authority chat inspired universal existence. It is to that eternal authority that I now raise my voice in silent thanksgiving and gratitude, for the glorious opportunity to address this dignified audience for the first time of my presidency.
Let roe register my personal and my country's sincere congratulations to you, Sir, as President of this forty-third session. Your election is a testimony of your acknowledged ability and extensive diplomatic experience as representative of your friendly country, Argentina. We are assured that as you succeed the distinguished and dedicated Foreign Minister of the German Democratic Republic, Mr. Peter Florin, the work of this Assembly will be further enhanced.
Permit me also to pay warm tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has shown tremendous courage in defending the Charter of the United Nations and unwavering tenacity in pursuing the Charter goals of peace and human dignity in all parts of the world. He will surely be remembered as the man who rescued the United Nations from imminent collapse in the face of impossible odds, and quickly transformed it into the most effective universal instrument for neutralizing international tensions and promoting social, political and human rights.
There was a time in human history when war was pursued as an affirmation of the strength, courage and honour of men and nations. For others, it was a mechanism for the gratification of personal or territorial ambitions. It produced with traumatic regularity an array of fearsome leaders throughout the centuries. This tale of devastation, carnage and ferocity is catalogued in the pages of history. Today, in our world of the late twentieth century, minor traumas still exist, blemishing the intellectual, artistic and technological achievements of our age. From Kampuchea to southern Africa, from Western Sahara to Central America, the history is painfully familiar, and while the justification may be refined or righteous, the prosecution of war still bears many of the hallmarks of conflicts of distant ages.
Yet, somehow, amid the chaos and devastation, man's ingenuity, underlying his constant struggle for survival, has established a mechanism for the resolution of the enduring problem of war - the United Nations. It has for over 40 years endeavoured to transform much of the energy of nations from actual and potential violence into discussion, debate, negotiation and peace.
For 27 years of my country's history. Sierra Leone has had the opportunity to participate in the intercourse among nations in this dignified arena. It has been out pride to do so in the expectation that our young Republic has a contribution to make within the scope of its capabilities. Today, I wish to restate and reaffirm my country's faith and commitment to our Organization and to those noble ideals that inspire its existence.
I am a simple man, inbred with those traditional values of family, community, religion, liberty and freedom of conscience that nurtured me. My country, sierra Leone, so named after the lion-like configuration of its coastal mountains, has had a long relationship with the world. Situated almost inconspicuously in the bulge o£ Africa's west coast, it is a land of diversity moulded into a State and a nation in peace and harmony.
For 40 years, the United States and the Soviet Union, backed by massive nuclear and conventional arsenals, have faced each other across an ideological divide that has constantly threatened peace. The language that has fostered their interaction has occasionally been uncompromising. But somehow the balance of terror and mutually assured destruction has maintained a nervous peace and stability for four decades. Now, more than ever before, we have the opportunity for establishing appropriate and acceptable criteria, for a comprehensive and durable peace. The citizens of the world cannot forever depend on the threat of mutually assured destruction as a guarantee of peace, stability and an orderly world.
The recent series of remarkable successes achieved by the United Nations, especially in the mediation of major regional conflicts, and the generally improved climate of relations among Members of this Organization, particularly between the United States of America and the Soviet Union, provide a much needed departure from the gloom and tension that pervaded the international political climate over the last few years. We appreciate that this significant development has not occurred accidentally, but through the sincere and sustained collective efforts of all the members of the international community. While the significant achievements made recently are a fitting cause for celebration, they should be seen first and foremost as a catalyst for greater efforts at consolidating those gains and for the mobilization of resources to confront new problems.
We therefore urge that greater encouragement be given to the Secretary-General in his efforts to advance the progress already achieved in the resolution of the Iran-Iraq conflict. We appeal directly to Iran and Iraq to continue to show maximum good will and co-operation. It is hoped that nothing will be done by outside forces to disturb the delicate negotiations that are currently under way. The chaos and economic devastation this war has produced must be an object lesson, not only for the two combatants, but for all those who contemplate military force as a primary option.
The Jakarta informal meeting was one of the most significant diplomatic steps taken so far in the search for a resolution of the Kampuchean problem. For the first time ever it brought together most of the parties to the conflict, including Vietnam. It is important that the momentum created by those diplomatic initiatives should not be allowed to dissipate, and that even as this diplomatic momentum is maintained, the international community should continue to exert other pressures for the withdrawal of occupation troops from Kampuchea and allow the Kampuchean people to establish a government of their choice. As we renew out support for the coalition government of Democratic Kampuchea we commend China and the States members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for their unwavering dedication to the cause of lasting peace in the region.
The steady progress made so far in the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan is to be acknowledged and commended. The restoration of normality in that country should be facilitated by a deep and sincere commitment on the part of all parties in the region, to promote genuine national political reconciliation and rapid economic rehabilitation. Efforts should be made to remove any obstruction to the process of complete troop withdrawal.
In Western Sahara, the useful collaboration between the Secretary-General and the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) constitutes a welcome and effective diplomatic effort, one which has sustained the momentum in the search for a durable settlement of that dispute. In the face of those developments, we express satisfaction at the improvement in relations among countries of the region, in the hope that this will be a significant contribution towards a resolution of the conflict. The fact must however be restated and reaffirmed that only a recognition of the endeavours and decisions of the United Nations will produce a durable foundation for peace.
We are gratified that in spite of the occasional difficulties with the implementation of specific aspects of the Arias Plan for the political stabilization of Central America, adherence to its general principles has brought noticeable order into political and diplomatic conduct in the region. I pay a tribute to all the leaders of the Contadora Group of countries, whose collective determination to bring peace and prosperity to that region enjoys my country's admiration and support.
Recent developments in southern Africa, leading to apartheid South Africa's uncharacteristic eagerness to facilitate Namibian independence, have been truly remarkable. While there are sufficient grounds for cynicism over South Africa's sudden apparent conversion to reason, our awareness of the delicate nature of the negotiations and the need for restrained commitment will limit us to merely extending deep gratitude to all parties who are currently working to bring about the early implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1971)
In marked contrast to the apparent signs of its flexibility over Namibian independence, the racist South African regime continues to resist pressures for the orderly transformation of South Africa into a genuine democracy. In its desperate attempt to maintain itself against overwhelming international rejection, this regime has intensified its aggression against neighbouring African States. In those circumstances, it is important that material assistance to the front-line States be intensified to strengthen their capacity to withstand and resist South Africa's aggression.
We renew our support and admiration for the courage of Nelson Mandela, the fight for whose release from illegal imprisonment should continue to be a priority for all those with a conscience and a sense of justice. We also acknowledge the sacrifice and dedication of the freedom fighters, and the remarkable courage and dedication of Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
It is with a tremendous sense of hope that I express satisfaction and optimism that someday the very foundations of apartheid will be dashed to pieces. The signs ate potent. David Bruce is a young, white South African, a conscientious objector, gaoled for refusing to be drafted into the South African army, which is a racist military machine devoted to the defence of apartheid. Many like David Bruce, have registered their repugnance and resistance.
Recent attempts at resolving the Korean question, though significant, need to be further intensified. While we congratulate the two Koreas on their fortieth anniversary, we have great faith in the ability of their people to strive and overcome existing obstacles to the achievement of durable peace in the peninsula. The international community and, indeed, the United Nations have a responsibility to contribute to this effort and help release the enormous potential of the Korean people to contribute to the well-being of the world. The situation in the Arab territories occupied by Israel represents a disturbing contrast to the general climate of relaxation of tension in all parts of the world. The great and sustained impact of the intifada, or protests by the Palestinian people  in the face of continued repression, clearly underlines the high cost and futility of attempts to perpetuate an unjust situation.
It will be tragic if we fail to learn an important lesson that has emerged from the intifada - that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is indeed the authentic and sole representative of the Palestinian people and that to continue to pretend otherwise can only further complicate the suffering and the instability in the occupied lands.
We therefore see great merit in the convening, under the auspices of the United Nations, of an international conference on the Middle East, at which all parties involved, including the PLC, will participate on an equal footing. In the meantime, my country renews its support of the Palestinian people and to the leadership  f the PLO.
The diminishing of regional conflicts is only one of the many steps necessary to ensure a stable and peaceful world. Another important step is to ensure predictability in the relationship between the super-Powers. In this regard, we should acknowledge the leading role played by President Ronald Reagan of the United States of America and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union in fostering a climate of cordiality in the relations between their countries, particularly the recent signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty. We express the hope that the climate will be improved with further wide-ranging disarmament actions, particularly in the area of multilateral disarmament negotiations.
The economic difficulties of the developing countries, particularly those in sub-Saharan Africa, continue to pose the most immediate challenge to the Organization and to the entire international community. Since the beginning of this decade, the economies of those countries have stumbled from one economic crisis to another, leaving behind them widespread human misery and damage to the foundations of those societies.
While it is noted that the international community has responded generously to emergency requirements, support for long-term development programmes has generally not been quite so impressive. Our efforts to mobilize our internal resources to address the economic difficulties facing us have been undermined by a host of intractable obstacles, among which are the steep and continuous decline in our export earnings, the shortage of appropriate human resources and a heavy debt burden. We are therefore encouraged that the Secretary-General has emphasized in his report that debt, trade and commodities and human resource development are three main areas in the economic field where the international community needs to act urgently. It is in that context that we acknowledge the important initiative taken by some creditor countries to cancel the debts of low-income developing countries, including Sierra Leone. It is also highly significant that leaders of the major industrial countries are now considering the possibility of debt cancellation as a serious idea. We hope that this climate of unprecedented consensus on the approaches to solving the debt problem will quickly lead to concrete action by the international community to lighten the debt burden of developing countries.
We would also welcome a review of World Bank and International Monetary Fund conditionalities to enable low-income countries to gain access to funds specially reserved for assistance to those countries by those institutions.
We also believe that there is an urgent need to create a climate of absolute understanding and trust among donor countries, the financial institutions and recipient countries in the area of implementation of economic reform programmes. This area has been a source of great and painful friction between the donor community on the one hand and the recipient countries on the other.
While the necessity for economic reform is widely accepted by developing countries, it has been observed that the reform process is a delicate activity that could cause great suffering in society and harm to the economy, particularly if it is pursued too vigorously without sufficient supporting measures. Indeed, some time ago, when my country adopted a wide-ranging reform programme agreed with the International Monetary Fund, we were forced to suspend its implementation when the mounting toll of human misery could no longer be justified. Many basic commodities became unaffordable to the ordinary members of society, as prices rocketed with the sudden removal of subsidies, exacerbated by a general wage freeze and a series of massive currency devaluations which left our currency greatly weakened.
Reform of our economy continues to be a major national priority. The loss of financial support from the international financial institutions which followed our suspension of aspects of the original programme has however weakened our strength to pursue this priority. We therefore appeal particularly to the international institutions for understanding and support to enable us to carry out reforms in an orderly and effective manner.
It is appropriate at this juncture to express deep appreciation to friendly Governments whose bilateral assistance has helped to sustain us during our period of difficulty. In the same vein we acknowledge the important contribution of the various United Nations agencies including the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). In particular our commitment to ensure the survival and healthy development of our children has drawn great strength from the efforts of UNICEF.
The purposes and principles of the United Nations, proclaimed in its Charter 43 years ago, set a high moral tone and the values and concepts enshrined in that Charter ate certainly enabling. As we understand it, the insistence of the Charter on encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms also implied a commitment by Governments to accept culpability, or at least moral responsibility, for violations of the human rights of their citizens, when the United Nations proclaimed its principles in the wake of the radioactive contamination of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the torment, torture and guilt of that best forgotten era were still fresh in the minds of the founding fathers. Culpability may be moral, legal or religious, depending on one's cultural background and perception. It is an embarrassing fact, however, that some States which ate parties to the Charter and which have stringent laws to protect their own environment allow their citizens to effect toxic pollution on defenceless developing countries. If it is an offence for someone in one country to dispose of toxic wastes without adhering to stipulated legal guidelines or fulfilling mandatory requirements, it should be equally essential for the laws of that country to make it reprehensible for any adventurer to deposit such wastes in any other country of the world.
The magnitude and complexity of this problem demand effective supportive action by the countries of origin of toxic waste as well as by the international community collectively. The initiative by the United Nations Development Programme to draft a convention on trans-frontier movements of waste is a welcome response. We believe countries of origin of hazardous waste have an obligation to extend their domestic legislation on hazardous waste disposal to regulate the disposal of such wastes abroad.
It has been with profound joy and satisfaction that I have been able to take part in this session, and as I go back home to Sierra Leone I take with me a message of hope and optimism for the future of the human family, within the scope of the United Nations. Those who preceded us in the formative years of this Organization have spoken eloquently about two issues - peace and development. Those terms carry grave implications for ail men, for peace does not refer only to an absence of war neither does development refer only to the presence of material progress. They are central today in the interactions among States, as they have always been, and they hold the key to the solutions of many of the world's critical issues. Peace is the abiding desire of mankind the world over. It is a condition deeper in conception, interpretation and realization. The search for it has moved statesmen throughout history and produced agreements, pacts and treaties; equally so has the breach of it spawned a multitude of aggressions and violence that span generations.
For the small and weak nations of the third world the United Nations is the ultimate platform for the search for peace. It is the arena that enables the instincts and precludes the realization of the dreams of evil men. In a world of competing national interests and jealously guarded sovereignties only the platform of the United Nations can assure humanity of a credible and durable peace. Support for the Organization, therefore, must be total and devoid of the secret manipulations and routine subversions that have characterized its relationship with some of its Members.
The Organization's role in development - human and national - is equally critical. The calamities of hunger, drought, flood and social misery produce much the same threats to the human condition as war. The programmes of development initiated by the United Nations have been laudable ventures. They proclaim the common purpose and destiny of humanity in its constant search for peace, progress and concord. The achievement of those aims requires a collective sensitivity and the will and energies of nations to mobilize an agreed consensus on development. The United Nations still constitutes the universal platform for its achievement.
While we deliberate the great issues of our day, let our hearts reach out to those members of our human community whose concerns we seek to articulate and realize. They need and deserve our attention in our collective search for an organized and beautiful world. Nowhere is that more vividly expressed at this moment than in the peaceful artistic and physical quest for excellence in Seoul, Republic of Korea. Those athletes individually and collectively have a common message - one human family linked in the search for peace and development. That is in sharp contrast to the terrorist, the drug addict, the hijacker, whose constant ambition is to frustrate the designs of noble men.