Allow me
at the outset warmly to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session and to assure you and the other
members of the Bureau, whom I also congratulate, of
the full support of the delegation of Mali as you carry
out your mission.
I also wish to pay tribute to the dedication of
Secretary-General Kofi Annan and to thank him for his
tireless efforts in the service of the United Nations.
Six days ago, Mali commemorated in its own way
the forty-fourth anniversary of its independence. From
this high rostrum, the most symbolic of all, I wish to
recall the efforts of my country to build, under the
leadership of Mr. Amadou Toumani Touré, President of
the Republic and Head of State, a democratic, stable
and prosperous Mali asserting its place in the concert
of nations.
For several weeks now, our country and others of
the North and West African regions, have been stricken
by an unprecedented locust infestation. As President
Amadou Toumani Touré stressed in his message to the
nation on 22 September, the magnitude and speed of
the infestation have surpassed the most pessimistic
projections. The catastrophic effects of that insect
plague on the upcoming harvest and on our vegetation
are a true threat to the livelihood of the millions of men
and women thus exposed to famine.
The Government of the Republic of Mali is
actively working to suppress the scourge, above all
through a national mobilization that has brought teams,
brigades and village communities to work in the field,
and with the support of the international community,
and in particular to brotherly African countries. I
reiterate here my country’s gratitude to them all. I also
wish firmly to say, however, that, faced with the insect
plague and in order to ensure the food security of
infested countries, including Mali, we have a shared
responsibility to launch and strengthen short-, medium-
16

and long-term international mobilization. We must act,
act quickly and act effectively.
Questions related to international peace and
security continue to be a source of concern to us. In the
past year we have seen crises and conflicts multiply
throughout the world. I would like, in particular, to
recall the situation in West Africa and Mali’s initiatives
to contribute to the settlement of the crisis in Côte
d’Ivoire, whose subregional repercussions are
considerable and fraught with consequences for peace
and stability in West Africa.
In this regard, the so-called Bamako II meeting
made it possible to establish the conditions for the
success of the Accra III high-level meeting. I
forcefully echo the assertion of President Amadou
Toumani Touré that Mali will continue to support
peace and reconciliation in Côte d’Ivoire: peace for the
people of Côte d’Ivoire, and peace for all of the
foreigners who live in that brotherly neighbouring
country.
Here I would mention Mali’s participation in the
peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, the
African Union and the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) in Liberia, Sierra Leone, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi and Haiti.
Furthermore, Mali’s commitment to international
peace and security is at the root of our country’s action
to make the Sahelo-Saharan area a focal point of
development and stability. This was especially evident
during the Malian presidency of the Community of
Sahelo-Saharan States.
Mali is also deeply concerned by the situation in
the Middle East: measures to close off Palestinian
territories, arbitrary arrests, extrajudiciary executions,
the destruction of property, land seizures, lack of
respect for resolutions adopted by the international
community and the siege imposed upon President
Arafat. Those actions do not help to establish true
peace in that part of the world. Mali, which has always
supported the just cause of the Palestinian people,
urgently appeals to the members of the Quartet to
restore dialogue between Israel and the Palestinian
Authority, with a view to a just, equitable and lasting
settlement of a conflict which has gone on too long.
International terrorism is today another challenge
to international peace and security. We have seen this
phenomenon on all continents, making it abundantly
clear that terrorism has neither homeland nor religion.
That is why the international community must display
steadfast political will in combating terrorism by, inter
alia, strengthening the available legal arsenal,
including mechanisms for cooperation and technical
assistance. Beyond this, we must tackle the root causes
of the phenomenon, which include poverty, massive
human rights violations, intolerance, injustice and
impunity from prosecution.
The question of small arms and light weapons is
also a primary concern for us. Mali has made a
significant contribution in this area by developing
initiatives at the subregional, regional and international
levels. In this regard, Mali is striving to transform the
ECOWAS Moratorium on the Importation, Exportation
and Manufacture of Small Arms and Light Weapons in
West Africa into a convention. We further believe that
the international community must now resolutely
engage in the establishment of a binding legal
instrument on marking, registering and tracing small
arms and light weapons.
The situation of children in armed conflicts is
also a source of concern for my country. We fully
support the recommendations contained in the report of
the Special Representative to the Secretary-General for
Children and Armed Conflict (E/CN.4/2004/70), and
call for the effective implementation of Security
Council resolution 1539 (2004). Along the same lines,
Mali is working within the Human Security Network to
keep this question among the priorities of our
Organization.
In order to effectively prevent and manage these
situations of crisis and conflict — that is, to preserve
and guarantee international peace and security — the
international community must work for an international
order that is based on the rule of law, and for a United
Nations whose legitimacy is strengthened. Thus, we
welcome the establishment of the High-Level Panel on
Threats, Challenges and Change, and we anxiously
await its conclusions.
The question of development is, and must remain,
a priority issue on the international agenda, and thus
we welcome the decision to hold a plenary meeting in
2005 devoted to follow-up of the outcome of the
Millennium Summit, and to a comprehensive and
coordinated follow-up and implementation of
documents from the major conferences and summit
meetings organized by the United Nations on economic
17

and social topics. We hope that that meeting will
enable us to conduct an objective and candid review of
the way in which commitments have been met,
including the progress achieved and obstacles
remaining in the implementation of the Millennium
Development Goals.
Defeating poverty is a major objective for the
Government of the Republic of Mali. As part of that
endeavour, the adoption in 2002, and the
implementation, of a strategic framework, has made it
possible to achieve important results in the areas of
education, health, rural development and basic
infrastructure. I take this opportunity to express Mali’s
support for the initiative launched by Presidents
Jacques Chirac and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, which
led to the New York Declaration on Action Against
Hunger and Poverty adopted on 20 September 2004.
On trade negotiations, Mali attaches great
importance to the round of trade negotiations under
way within the World Trade Organization (WTO): the
Doha development round. We hope that those
negotiations will lead to an economic system which
will enable all countries, especially developing
countries, to fully maximize their potential. We hope to
see a true breakthrough in agricultural negotiations,
which should lead to the elimination of subsidies and
other production and export support mechanisms,
particularly with respect to cotton. Indeed, cotton is
one of the commodities where we, African producer
countries, offer true comparative advantages, since
production costs are one fifth those in developed
countries. At present, however, our countries are
seriously harmed by production and export subsidies
for cotton.
For that reason, we reaffirm our opposition to
subsidy policies which undermine free market
competition, lead to overproduction and lower prices
on the international market and prevent our agriculture
from getting off the ground.
That is why Mali is also calling for the gradual
elimination of all tariff and non-tariff barriers, as well
as the implementation of measures on the free
movement of people, goods and services. We are
pleased with the European Union’s commitment to
facilitate the integration of least developed countries
within the multilateral trading system, including
through the adoption in April 2004 of an action plan
for agriculture that includes a proposal for an Africa-
Europe partnership on cotton.
The AIDS pandemic is progressing at such an
alarming rate that, in addition to its health
repercussions, it has today become a problem for
economic and social development, especially in Africa.
That is why we must implement, urgently and in full,
the commitments that we undertook in 2001 so that we
can mobilize the necessary energy and resources to
effectively fight the scourge. Mali has set up a
multisectoral programme to fight HIV/AIDS at a cost
of $150 million, or 73 billion CFA francs. The
implementation of that programme will make it
possible to distribute antiretroviral drugs to patients
free of charge, as well as to provide necessary impetus
to the information and awareness campaign with a
view to prevention. Pilot laboratories for screening and
counselling will be established throughout the country,
and small and medium-sized businesses for social
outreach will be set up, thus providing jobs for young
people.
With regard to the situation of people with
disabilities, Mali is pleased with the negotiations that
are under way with a view to elaborating a convention
to protect their rights and dignity. We are convinced
that the adoption of such an instrument would establish
a framework for improved social and economic
integration for people with disabilities, allowing them
to fully participate in the development efforts of their
respective societies.
I would like to conclude in the same vein as I
began — by emphatically reaffirming the faith that
Mali has in the United Nations, whose purposes and
principles, set out almost 60 years ago, remain deeply
meaningful and highly relevant. It is true that recently
the Organization’s capacity and credibility have been
seriously undermined. It is therefore all the more
important that we carry out a thorough reform of the
Organization and revitalize its main bodies. Mali
welcomes the important progress that has been
achieved in the context of the revitalization of the work
of the General Assembly. The reorganization of the
work of the Main Committees, the strengthening of the
role of the Bureau and the improvement in working
methods will certainly result in the greater
effectiveness of this important body. I would like to
pay tribute, Sir, to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte,
for the remarkable work that he accomplished in that
respect.
18

Mali shares the common African position that
Security Council reform is a necessary — indeed, a
priority — task if we are to strengthen the capacities
and the credibility of that important body. The Council
must be more representative and legitimate. Its
composition should reflect the realities of today’s
world and be expanded in both categories of
membership, with particular account being taken of the
representation of Africa.
The people of the world have placed their hope in
the United Nations, and they expect, in return, greater
peace, security, democracy, development and solidarity.
As the community of nations, we have the means to
achieve those goals, thanks to our collective awareness
and the safeguarding of the values we all share:
democracy, respect for the rule of law, the primacy of
human rights, the preservation of the environment and
the protection of future generations from the scourge of
war.


I would
like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your
election. We are pleased that a man of your ability, a
Francophone representative of a friendly country, is
directing our proceedings.
I also wish to warmly applaud our Secretary-
General. We have heard his message on respect for the
rule of law. And through the Secretary-General, I wish to
commend the entire staff of this institution, here and
everywhere in the world: their courage and commitment
are a credit to our ideals and to the organizations they
serve — sadly, sometimes at the cost of their own
lives.
How are we to meet the challenges facing the
world? That is the question we all keep asking
ourselves, one after another, from this rostrum. And
how are we to meet the world’s expectations unless we
all mobilize? More than ever, the United Nations
remains the one irreplaceable, legitimate framework
for harnessing that mobilization and translating it into
collective action.
We have much to do: conflicts remain unresolved,
while others are breaking out; poverty is declining all too
slowly; people are destroyed by wars; refugees are torn
from their land; and the threat of terrorism is not
fading. Yes, we have much to do. Yes, we have a duty
to act, and an obligation never to give up.
The United Nations is acting — on all fronts, on
the front line. To resolve conflicts and prevent them
from flaring up again, it is present everywhere, on all
continents, in Haiti, Kosovo, the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, in Côte d’Ivoire, Afghanistan and many
other fronts, deploying over 50,000 Blue Helmets. It
provides assistance to 17 million people protected by
the High Commissioner for Refugees. Through the
World Food Programme, it feeds more than 100 million
individuals. And it helps, especially through the United
Nations Development Programme, 170 States or
territories to develop.
United Nations activities — our activities —
continue to expand. Thus, the Organization is called
upon to be at the centre of the counter-terrorism
measures that the international community is putting in
place. The threat of terrorism, now a global one,
calling for a global response. That is why France
committed itself here to the fight, and did so again
recently by supporting the strengthening of the
Counter-Terrorism Committee.
The tragedy of 11 September, which I refer to
with feeling here in New York City, was an attack on
us all. Since then, terrorism has continued to strike: in
Europe, in Madrid, six months ago; and in Asia, in Bali
and Jakarta. Cowardly attacks are mounted against the
weakest. How can we not be appalled at the tragedy of
the school in Beslan where children — the symbol of
innocence — were violently massacred?
We are waging a merciless fight against
terrorism. Let us at the same time address its roots.
That means putting an end to situations that terrorists
exploit; giving the world’s excluded hope again;
restoring dignity to those peoples deprived of it; and
ensuring that dialogue and cooperation among
civilizations, cultures and religions prevail, rather than
conflict and intolerance.
Global threats require a strong, and always
collective, response. The threat of proliferation, which
29

could merge with that of terrorism, calls for resolute
and sustained action. The non-proliferation regime has
been seriously undermined by the combined action of
certain States and non-State actors. That is why
strengthening existing instruments is today essential.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) Review Conference in 2005 will be an
opportunity to do so.
A safer and freer world is, first, a more just
world. That is why we must act relentlessly to resolve
conflicts. I am, of course, thinking, first and foremost,
of the Middle East, where — in the wake of the hopes
raised by Madrid, Oslo, Camp David and Taba — the
absence of any prospect is today breeding despair,
extremism and violence of every kind. This central
crisis can be resolved only through a negotiated
settlement based on international law, enabling all the
peoples — I repeat, all the peoples — of the region to
live in dignity and security.
The road map, which the parties have accepted
and which the Security Council has endorsed, must be
implemented in full and in good faith. France hopes
that the withdrawal from Gaza is a first step in that
direction. It will make every effort to get the peace
process under way again. It will continue to act vis-à-
vis all the leaders — the elected and legitimate
leaders — of that region.
Let us make no mistake: building peace in the
Middle East is a historic responsibility for our
generation. Europe — the European Union — in
partnership with the United States, Russia and the
United Nations, is determined to play a political role in
order to stimulate this process.
In Iraq, violence is exploding. It seems to us that
only when the Iraqis themselves take control of their
future, and when the political process provided for by
the Security Council is pursued, will the country be
able to escape the chaos that is destabilizing the entire
region. France, as everyone knows, did not approve of
the conditions in which the conflict was unleashed.
Neither today nor tomorrow will it commit itself
militarily in Iraq. However, it reaffirms its willingness,
with its European partners, to assist the Iraqi people in
rebuilding their country and in restoring their
institutions.
Who can fail to see that, in the Middle East,
everything is fragile and everything is interconnected?
Who can fail to understand that the only path —
everywhere — is sovereignty and justice for peoples?
Only then will they make progress towards peace and
the economic and political modernization to which
they are entitled.
Africa, too, is where we will win or lose the battle
for justice. Without justice, there will be no peace.
Without peace, there will be no lasting development. The
future of the African continent, and its stability and
development, are a vital objective for us all.
Today, with the impetus of the United Nations,
longstanding crises have been, or will be, settled —
Mozambique, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Others,
however, have broken out, and together we must
prevent them from worsening or spreading: in Côte
d’Ivoire, the Central African Republic, and Darfur. The
Great Lakes region is slow to find the path to peace,
just as the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea is
slow to die, and the Somali question remains to be
resolved.
On that great continent, which is undergoing
profound change, facing real threats but also
considerable potential, political leaders are today
demonstrating a genuine determination to commit to
working to resolve conflicts and crises. That can be
seen from the implementation of the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD); the resolute
commitment of the African Union on the political front
and in the field; and the growing role of regional
organizations. We resolutely support that commitment.
For development, but also for peace-building, we wish
to bring about the conditions for an effective and
coherent partnership between North and South.
Given the magnitude of the goals and needs of
the continent, I firmly believe in the importance of
pooling the efforts of the Europeans with those of our
African partners, under United Nations auspices,
whenever necessary. I am convinced that our
experience of European integration — without
attempting to teach any lessons — can simply be useful
to that continent, and that is the sense of the statement
made on our behalf by the representative of the
presidency of the European Union, Bernard Bot, before
the Assembly the day before yesterday.
France has long been involved in strengthening
African peacekeeping capacities. Today, the European
Union intends to make a commitment immediately and
with determination. Operation Artemis, in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, is proof of that
30

commitment. The creation of the European Peace
Facility now provides major support to African
organizations. We are willing, if the African Union so
wishes, to assist it in its action for peace, as in the
Sudan.
Mr. Olhaye (Djibouti), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
Justice and conflict prevention cannot be
dissociated from collective action to promote
development. The Millennium Goals — to which the
developing countries, donor States and multilateral
institutions are committed — are an overriding obligation
for us all, especially the wealthiest countries.
More than $50 billion a year is still needed to
achieve those objectives — a fact of which we all are
aware. On Monday, 100-odd countries endorsed the
New York Declaration on Action Against Hunger and
Poverty. Together they ask that additional resources be
provided for development, including through
innovative mechanisms. This is a powerful movement,
launched in this very forum of the United Nations,
aimed at generating the necessary resources for justice
and for development. It is an important milestone. My
country is proud to have contributed to it, through the
voice of the President of the Republic, and it will
continue to do so.
But France is also fighting for a more controlled,
and therefore most just, globalization that would give
everyone a chance. We advocate the establishment of a
political body, in which the United Nations must have
its due place — to improve coordination of multilateral
action in the economic, social and environmental fields
and to provide the necessary impetus. This is one of the
major issues that we must consider in coming months,
especially on the basis of the proposals that the Panel
on reform is expected to make.
Again, a more just world is a world that respects
human dignity and freedom. Fundamental human rights
are universal. Each man, woman and child has these
inherent rights, and it is up to us to see that they thrive
and are respected.
It is also up to us to fight firmly and
uncompromisingly against all manifestations of violence
and discrimination based on race, origin, gender or
religion. Our resolve in the area of human rights, as
elsewhere, must remain absolute and constant. I mean
that we need a genuine dialogue with the civil society
and with all non-governmental organizations. The time
has come, it seems to us, to conclude the negotiation of
a conventional instrument on forced disappearances, to
recognize the rights of indigenous peoples and to
mobilize against all forms of modern slavery.
Let us not rule out the use of force, in certain
cases and on the appeal of victims, to prevent massive
human rights violations and acts of violence against
civilians. The Security Council has the honour of
assuming this responsibility, in accordance with the
United Nations Charter.
Let us also continue putting in place mechanisms
to combat impunity, often the prerequisite for durable
peace and lasting reconciliation. The establishment of
the International Criminal Court specifically meets this
objective. We welcome the major milestone reached
with the entry into force of the Rome Statute.
The dignity of humankind and peoples also
requires due respect for cultures in their diversity. The
sense of loss of identity contributes to the frustrations
that breed a good many conflicts. The unity of the
international community, it goes without saying, cannot
be synonymous with uniformity.
The negotiation of a convention on cultural
diversity, which has just started at the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization is,
therefore, in our view, a key objective. It must produce
a concrete result, as planned, before the 2005 general
conference.
Our planet is dangerous; it is also in danger. The
earth is showing signs of strain; we are not maintaining
it; in fact, we are plundering it; the climate is
deteriorating. And yet, we should remember, scarcity
of resources has at all times been a factor in conflict.
For the future of our children, we must act while there
is still time.
Is there among us, for that matter, one single issue
that more obviously ignores borders than ecology and
ecological security and requires coordinated action —
that is, multilateral action? International governance in
environmental matters is, it seems to us, inadequate
today. We must simplify and strengthen the existing
international regime on environmental issues, develop
monitoring, and early warning expertise, and increase
financing, especially for developing countries.
Let us be clear-sighted. For the environment, as
for so many other issues, prevention costs less than
31

cure. In this regard, we hope the establishment of a
United Nations organization for the environment will
be considered, based on the achievements of the United
Nations Environment Programme. We propose that this
great undertaking, which is one of the Millennium Goals,
be on the agenda of the September 2005 summit.
In a world — our world — where 800 million
people do not have enough to eat, where more financial
resources are devoted to weapons than to development,
where millions of men, women and children are forced
to leave their land to escape destitution or massacres, the
international community has a duty to act and to show
imagination. It is here at the United Nations where we
can meet to take initiatives, to fight misfortune and to
apportion the tasks, all of them urgent.
The United Nations system, which is unique and
more indispensable than ever, also has an obligation to
reform itself to meet new needs and new threats, and to
make the most of new technologies merely in order to
live in our times. The Secretary-General got down to
this problem at the start of his first mandate.
Considerable work has already been done. The
proposals of the high-level panel will be the basis for
the next, still more ambitious, stages. France has made
proposals on many issues, such as peacekeeping
operations, human rights and development financing.
We have also indicated, with Germany, how the
representativity and legitimacy of Security Council
action might be improved. We advocate enlargement in
both categories of members, permanent and non-
permanent; and we have expressed support for the
aspirations of Germany, Japan, Brazil and India, which
should be accompanied by a country from Africa.
In a complex and unpredictable world, it is our
joint responsibility to maintain and strengthen the one
institution where all nations can work together, where
they can unite to shape and control their common
destiny. Through its legitimacy and ever-increasing
effectiveness, the United Nations must be the
instrument of universal conscience for which it remains
the crucible.


I first addressed the
General Assembly in the year 2000. The millennium
year was a time of great hope, reflected in the outcome
of the Millennium Summit. World leaders committed
the peoples of the planet to a new beginning in which
the dawn of the twenty-first century would mark a
break from the past, with a new sharing of burdens,
and a new common dedication to peace and human
progress.
Today the light of that new dawn is obscured by
the dark clouds of war, terror, ethnic violence and
continuing abuse of human rights. Twelve months ago
and again this week, the Secretary-General pointed out
that the Organization is at a fork in the road and that
we have to decide on the way forward. Much work has
been undertaken since the Secretary-General laid down
that challenge. The High-level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change is working on its report. I am
pleased to recall that the European Union (EU) made a
detailed submission to the Panel, drawn up during
Ireland's recent presidency of the Union. We also took
a decision to mainstream the issue of effective
multilateralism in the Unionís discussions with other
regional groups.
We await the Panel's report and the Secretary-
Generalís recommendations that will follow. In his
address on Tuesday, the Secretary-General expressed
the hope that when the heads of State and Government
meet next year to review progress on the Millennium
Declaration they will be ready to take bold decisions.
They must, because the longer we linger at the fork in
the road, the more difficult will be the road ahead.
We cannot afford to postpone action. More and
more citizens of the world are questioning whether the
United Nations has the capacity, or even the will, to
prevent conflict and protect the vulnerable from
injustice. They are becoming increasingly disillusioned
with an Organization which either cannot take
decisions or whose decisions are ignored with
impunity. They see the politics of the lowest common
denominator in operation, with strong and sensible
draft resolutions watered down to mere platitudes.
They hear the United Nations being denigrated by
those who make a virtue of their determination to put
national interests above all other considerations. They
fear that the Organization is no longer driven by the
determination and idealism of the founding fathers.
My Prime Minister, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern,
made clear last year, when he addressed the General
Assembly, where the fault lies. It lies with us, the
Governments of the Member States. We have a strong
and much respected Secretary-General in Kofi Annan.
We have brave and dedicated officials. Many have put
their lives on the line for the Organization and what it
stands for. Some have made the ultimate sacrifice. United
Nations staff deserve better protection in the future.
It is time for the Governments of Member States
to act. We need, as the Secretary-General put it, to seek
common solutions to common problems. That will
require political will and effective structures. Neither
one on its own will suffice. The essential requirement
is a more effective system of collective security. Such a
system requires the unique legitimacy offered by an
effective United Nations and its Charter.
It is clear that the composition of the Security
Council no longer accurately reflects global
geopolitical realities. In Irelandís view, a modest and
regionally balanced increase in its membership, both in
the permanent and non-permanent categories, is
justified. Increased representation from the developing
world would enhance its legitimacy, and thereby its
effectiveness.
But a more effective Security Council will need
more than a change in structures. There has to be a
change in attitudes. Those States that sit on the Security
Council have a responsibility to rise above national or
regional interests and act in the wider interests of
mankind. That is an obligation that rests on each and
every member of the Council. But those who either
assert or aspire to positions of world leadership - and
there is no shortage of candidates - bear a particular
responsibility to act in the global interest.
Putting national interests first is not an effective
answer to the challenges that confront us. It may be a
clichÈ to say that our planet is shrinking, but that does
not make it any less true. While most of us continue to
wish to organize and govern ourselves primarily within
the framework of the nation-State, we must recognize
that technological development and economic
37

integration are impairing the effectiveness of the
nation-State as a defensive bastion.
Power and influence must be used in the interests
of the international community as a whole, rather than
for the pursuit of narrow, short-term interests. States
and regions have broad and varied interests, both
individual and collective. Our system must
accommodate and reconcile those interests. Otherwise
we are doomed to division between those who would
impose hegemony and those who would resist it.
In his report on the implementation of the
Millennium Declaration, the Secretary-General has
warned that the world is falling short in its
performance towards the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals. In sub-Saharan Africa
especially, many countries are caught in a poverty trap
and face the crippling challenges of unsustainable debt
and HIV/AIDS, often compounded by instability.
Ireland fully recognizes the seriousness of the
shortfall in development funding that faces us, which is
presently estimated at Ä50 billion per year. The best
means of bridging that gap is for donor nations to
recommit themselves to reaching the United Nations
target for official development assistance of 0.7 per
cent of gross national product. The Irish Government
remains committed to that goal. Ireland, which has
increased its official development assistance very
substantially in recent years, will continue working
actively with its developing country partners to build a
strong global partnership for development.
Economic and social development is the means
by which the worldís poorer countries can be lifted out
of poverty. An open international trading regime aimed
at facilitating investment is an integral part of our
multilateral system, and fair market access is an
essential part of that. Some developing countries
estimate that, in a best-case scenario, a successful
outcome to the Doha Round could help raise up to 500
million people out of extreme poverty. Fairer
international trading arrangements are imperative if we
are to address the problems of underdevelopment.
Ireland and its European Union partners are determined
not to be found wanting in the task of bringing the
Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, finally,
to a conclusion, with an agreement that meets the
essential concerns of all sides.
Over the past year we have once again seen that
the failure of State institutions is a major source of
conflict and human misery. The responsibility for
protecting people from conflict and the effects of
conflict, and from humanitarian catastrophe, lies
primarily with the Governments concerned. However,
it has been well demonstrated that events within a
particular country can threaten international peace and
security and spread misery far beyond its borders.
Where Governments are unable or unwilling to take the
necessary steps to prevent catastrophe in their own
country, I believe that the international community has
responsibilities to protect in those circumstances.
It is increasingly evident that instability very
frequently arises from situations where human rights
are abused or denied. The abuse of human rights is also
at the root of poverty and underdevelopment. Respect
for human rights, on the other hand, is an essential
element of good governance, and must be at the centre
of efforts to prevent conflict, and of post-conflict
reconstruction. Presently, 40 per cent of conflicts that
appear to have been resolved break out again within
five years. We simply must do better in identifying
emerging problems sooner. We also need to put in
place policies and structures that are effective within a
new, enforceable legal framework.
I hope, therefore, that the High-level Panel will
address the serious questions involved in international
intervention, and put forward recommendations that
will act as a basis for consensus. We trust that they will
also give full and careful consideration to the policies
and structures that we need in order to carry out our
responsibilities towards States and societies at risk of
instability. Any such structures must facilitate a
sustained engagement with those States, to ensure that
they receive whatever assistance is needed - political,
humanitarian and economic - to avert instability or a
return to conflict. In addressing those problems on the
basis of the report of the High-level Panel, let us not
sacrifice substance on the altar of process.
Ireland welcomes the increasing role of regional
and subregional organizations in crisis management,
under the overall authority of the Security Council. The
European Union is engaged in developing its role in
conflict prevention and crisis management, while fully
recognizing the central role and authority of the United
Nations. I am pleased to state that during Irelandís
recent presidency of the European Union, important
progress was achieved in implementing the Joint
Declaration on United Nations-European Union
Cooperation in Crisis Management. It was agreed in
38

June, during our presidency, that the European Union
will make a rapid response capability available, and at
the service of the United Nations. That will take effect
on an initial basis in 2005, with the full complement of
1,500 troops being ready and available by 2007.
The efforts of the African Union and the
Economic Community of West African States in crisis
management have been particularly valuable and
deserve support. The African Unionís involvement in
Darfur, where it currently has 120 monitors with a
protection force of 300, is an extremely positive
development. It is fully supported by the European
Union, including through the African Peace Facility,
established during Irelandís recent presidency of the
Union. The African Union is planning to augment its
contingent in Sudan, where it is estimated that a force
of at least 5,000 may be necessary to assure a secure
environment for the people of Darfur. The European
Union is ready to increase its backing for the African
Unionís effort accordingly.
Whatever political difficulties may have arisen in
Darfur, the people there did not deserve to suffer
massacre, rape and famine, or to see their villages and
crops destroyed and their livestock driven off. When
the depredations of the ruthless militias were unleashed
upon them, they looked in vain for the even-handed
protection of their Government.
I want to recognize the efforts of United Nations
agencies and non-governmental organizations ó
including Irish organizations such as GOAL, Concern
and TrÛcaire ó that responded so quickly and
generously to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The
dedication of humanitarian aid workers must also be
applauded.
The humanitarian needs in Darfur still remain
immense. I appeal for continued support from the
international community to meet the funding shortfall.
Ireland has contributed almost $6 million in
Government-funded aid so far this year to assist the
humanitarian effort there through United Nations
agencies as well as through Irish and international non-
governmental organizations. The Irish people have
been greatly moved by the suffering in Darfur and have
been generous in providing additional, non-government
financial support for the relief effort.
I also wish to pay tribute to the leadership of the
Secretary-General in insisting on an appropriate
response from the Security Council. I welcome the
recent adoption by the Security Council of resolution
1564 (2004), although it is a matter of regret and
bewilderment to many that the resolution did not
receive the unanimous backing of Council members. I
hope that the Council will now unite in seeking to
assert its will and bring an end to a situation that is an
affront to humanity.
I urge the authorities in the Sudan to fulfil, with
the utmost urgency, the obligations that have been
imposed on them by the Security Council. They must
cooperate closely with the monitors deployed by the
African Union. They must ensure that the Janjaweed
militia are brought under control and disarmed and that
persons responsible for crimes and serious violations of
human rights are brought to justice. And they must
ensure that secure conditions are restored so that
people can return voluntarily to their homes. I also
urge all parties in the Abuja talks, including the rebel
groups, to show flexibility and goodwill so that the
underlying problems of Darfur can be resolved in a
peaceful manner.
Once again, we meet in the General Assembly
Hall under the shadow of terrorism. The recent
appalling images from Beslan provide a further
emphatic demonstration of the moral bankruptcy of
terrorism. The fact that those attacks targeted innocent
children, along with the consequent trauma caused to
children worldwide who saw the torn bodies of the
children and mothers of Beslan on their television
screens, make them all the more heinous. They
reinforce, if reinforcement were needed, the absolute
duty of Member States of the United Nations to
cooperate effectively in identifying and bringing to
justice those who plan, direct, finance, facilitate and
carry out terrorist acts.
Terrorist acts are always reprehensible, and those
who carry them out bear full responsibility for them.
That is true irrespective of any underlying factors that
might exist, such as national or civil conflict or
oppressive economic or social conditions. We must
show determination to confront and face down
terrorists when they test our resolve through their
involvement in heinous acts of violence designed to
terrorize the public into conceding to their distorted
view of the world. But we also have to be smart to win.
Terrorism can rarely be defeated by exclusively
military or security means, although those means are
obviously a very necessary component in the fight
39

against terrorism. It is necessary, at the same time, to
address the root causes of terrorism. I made that point
when I addressed the General Assembly in the
aftermath of the atrocities of 11 September, and I make
no apologies for repeating it today. Let there be no
misunderstanding. I offer no excuses for terrorism.
Terrorism is evil. But it is my strong belief that people
are not born evil. At a certain point in their lives,
something - perhaps a particular event or the
experience of indoctrination - causes them to embrace
evil. To seek to address that root cause is not to be soft
on terrorism, it is the intelligent way to attack
terrorism.
Terrorism tests the effectiveness of our national
and collective security systems, but it also tests the
quality of our institutions, including our systems of
justice, and the strength of our values. As we seek to
protect ourselves, we must ensure that those
institutions remain strong, that democratic values are
not undermined, that our systems of justice are not
compromised and that our struggle is conducted in full
respect for international law and human rights norms.
If we fail to do that, any success we achieve over
terrorists will be at the expense of the way of life we
seek to protect.
The people of Israel and Palestine continue to
suffer from violence that is as futile as it is tragic. The
root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a struggle
over land. The land must be shared by agreement
arrived at through negotiation between the parties to
the conflict. The continuing unilateral expansion of
settlements and the construction and maintenance of
the separation barrier on the West Bank will make the
conflict more difficult to resolve. The entire international
community - particularly Israelís friends ó need to
send that clear and unambiguous message to the Israeli
Government and the people of Israel.
Ireland acknowledges the right, indeed the
responsibility, of the Israeli Government to protect its
people, including, if it so wishes, by a security fence
along its recognized borders. However, the building of
the fence in the West Bank serves to divide Palestinian
communities and creates severe hardship for them. It
will also serve to perpetuate the so-called facts on the
ground, and make it more difficult to reach a final
settlement. The advisory opinion of the International
Court of Justice has given clear guidance on the fence
that should be given careful consideration by those
whose policies and actions it addresses.
The Palestinian Authority must also assume its
responsibilities under the road map, notwithstanding
the difficulties it faces. Effective and responsible
leadership is required. The Palestinian people can best
achieve their sovereignty by restoring national
discipline and rejecting the path of violence.
Ireland, in common with its EU partners,
continues to believe that the only way to reach a
comprehensive settlement of the conflict is through the
Quartet road map. In the Tullamore Declaration, issued
during Irelandís recent presidency of the European
Union, EU ministers welcomed the expressed intention
of Prime Minister Sharon to withdraw from Gaza and
acknowledged the impetus that such a withdrawal
could give to the peace process, as long as it met
certain conditions, including that it take place in the
context of the implementation of the road map.
I therefore urge Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to cooperate closely with the Quartet to
ensure that the withdrawal from Gaza is accompanied
by the full and effective assumption by the Palestinian
Authority of its responsibilities in the territory, and that
a momentum towards the full implementation of the
road map is developed.
The passage of Security Council resolution 1546
(2004) and the subsequent establishment of the Interim
Government of Iraq, represented a crucial coming
together by the international community on the
importance of reconstruction in Iraq. It is vital that that
Government should be able to move ahead and
establish a full democratic mandate. However, the
security situation in Iraq remains a matter of grave
concern to us all, and the challenges facing the new
Government are great. An end to the lethal violence
that is disrupting the normal development of that
country is essential.
Ireland has always seen the role of the United
Nations as central to the issue of reconstructing Iraq.
We therefore welcome the forthcoming return of the
United Nations mission. Ireland and its EU partners
will seek to ensure that that mission is provided with
the necessary security to allow it to carry out its
functions.
The Irish and British Governments continue to
work in close partnership to consolidate peace and
political stability in Northern Ireland. Since the Good
Friday Agreement of 1998, considerable progress has
been made in improving and normalizing life in
40

Northern Ireland. In our view, the complete
implementation of the Good Friday Agreement remains
definitively the best way forward.
The elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly
last November gave leadership mandates to the Sinn
Fein party and the Democratic Unionist Party in their
respective nationalist and unionist communities. Since
then, both Governments have engaged in intensive
discussions with all the parties to finally resolve the
key issues of confidence that have thus far frustrated
the full achievement of peace and political stability in
Northern Ireland. Those key issues include ending
paramilitary activity in all its forms; completing the
process of decommissioning Irish Republican Army
weapons; the implementation by the British
Government of the agreed programme of normalization
and demilitarization; ensuring that the new policing
service is supported by all sections of the community
and resolving the related issue of the devolution of
justice and policing powers; and obtaining
commitments from all parties to fully participate in the
institutions of the Agreement.
Those were the issues that were addressed in
three days of intensive talks that were convened by
both Governments in Leeds Castle in England last
week. Substantial progress was made in the talks
regarding the issues of paramilitarism and arms
decommissioning. As Prime Minister Blair said after
the talks, the contours of the paramilitary question are
now in sight of being resolved, to be accompanied by
subsequent demilitarization, as agreed in the joint
declaration issued by the British and Irish
Governments last October. In addition, significant
progress was made with regard to the policing issue
and the devolution of those powers to devolved
institutions in Northern Ireland.
Regrettably, it was not possible to achieve
agreement among the parties themselves on the
question of the operation of the political institutions of
the Agreement. Talks are continuing in Belfast this
week to see if the gaps between the parties on that
issue can be resolved. The gaps are narrow and can,
and must, be overcome at the earliest possible date. It
was noteworthy in that regard that the leader of the
Democratic Unionist Party, Mr. Ian Paisley, made the
point immediately after the talks that a golden
opportunity has been available to realize a stable and
entirely peaceful future. For our part, the Irish
Government is open to considering changes that would
improve the workings of the institutions while
maintaining compliance with the fundamentals of the
Agreement, and we have brought forward proposals in
that regard. But, I reiterate, as the Taoiseach emphasized
last weekend, such changes must not disturb the
fundamental balance of the Good Friday Agreement, in
particular its key power-sharing provisions.
The resolution of those institutional questions
would allow both Governments to bring forward a
comprehensive package providing a template for
political stability in Northern Ireland. It would be a
tragedy if the failure to bridge the remaining gaps on
that institutional matter frustrated the goal of
definitively removing the issue of arms from politics in
Northern Ireland. The people, rightly, would not
understand why that long-awaited prize was denied
because of a reluctance to fully embrace the structures
of partnership and power-sharing.
If, on the other hand, those institutional issues
can be resolved and a comprehensive agreement then
brought forward, we can finally liberate partnership
politics in Northern Ireland and allow its committed
and talented politicians ó from all sides of the
community ó to collectively get on with the job of
providing better governance, a prospering economy
and a fair society for all of the people.
I will conclude where I began, on the need to
rededicate ourselves to the reinvigoration of this great
Organization.
Next year will be a year in which important
decisions on the future of the United Nations must be
taken. We need to rededicate ourselves to the principles
and purposes for which this Organization was founded.
We need to restore the sense of ambition and idealism
that illuminated the United Nations at its inception. We
need, above all, to build an Organization that is results-
oriented and that can demonstrate that politics is the
most effective means of resolving conflict. Let us make
2005 the year in which the United Nations is reborn
strong, effective and respected, as the founding fathers
intended it to be.


Allow me at the outset, Mr. President, to join those
who have spoken before me in extending warm
congratulations on behalf of my country, my delegation
and myself for your brilliant election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. The
Chairman of the African Union, His Excellency
Mr. Olusegun Obasanjo, already expressed here a few
days ago our continent’s gratitude to the international
community, which, by choosing you, has made one of
Africa’s most illustrious sons President of the General
Assembly. We naturally associate ourselves with that
expression of gratitude. We wish you every success in
carrying out your lofty mission, and you know you
have always had Niger’s support. To your predecessor,
21

His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte, I should like to
express our congratulations on the skill, enthusiasm
and authority with which he conducted the work of the
fifty-eighth session of the Assembly in a difficult
international context.
Today, the international community finds itself at
a crossroads. International peace and security —
already sorely tested by recurrent armed conflicts —
are subjected to threats or bloody attacks of terrorist
acts, which further darken the global atmosphere of
uncertainty and insecurity. In your opening statement,
Mr. President, you mentioned one of those persistent
and bloody conflicts — that of the Middle East, a
conflict that costs so much to humanity in terms of
human lives, financial resources and lost hope. That
region’s macabre statistics remind us — as if that were
still necessary — of the urgent need to bring the parties
to the negotiating table on the basis of the road map,
which the Security Council itself endorsed through its
resolution 1515 (2003).
Today, in addition to the Palestinian problem and
in light of Iraq, the situation in the Middle East is
central to world peace and security as never before.
With respect to Iraq — a country with which Niger
shares the same faith, Islam, the basis of our common
membership in the Organization of the Islamic
Conference — we cannot fail to deplore so much loss
of human life and so much blind violence, which are
the daily lot of the Iraqi people. We earnestly hope that
greater, revitalized international cooperation will
enable us to swiftly establish free and democratic
institutions in Iraq, put an end to the chaos that seems
to have taken root there and bring to the country the
peace and stability necessary for its socio-economic
development.
Niger, as a member of the Organization of the
Islamic Conference Contact Group on Jammu and
Kashmir, believes that a sustained dialogue between
India and Pakistan will make it possible to lay the
foundation for a peaceful solution to that conflict by
enabling the people of Kashmir to exercise their right
to self-determination, in accordance with the relevant
United Nations resolutions.
Concerning Western Sahara, Niger reaffirms its
support for United Nations efforts with a view to
reaching a just and comprehensive settlement of the
conflict. The commendable actions of the Secretary-
General should be continued and supported until we
see a successful conclusion, in conformity with the
relevant United Nations resolutions, particularly
Security Council resolutions 1495 (2003) and
1541 (2004).
In Niger, at the end of a long and sometimes
painful process, we have established a political system
in which a multitude of parties, private media and civil
society organizations flourish, all of them under the
protective umbrella of a constitution that guarantees
the separation of powers and an independent judiciary.
His Excellency Mr. Tandja Mamadou, President of the
Republic since the democratic elections of
22 November 1999, invited the people of Niger on
14 September 2004 to vote in new presidential and
legislative elections that will be held starting on
13 November 2004. That will be the first time since
1991 — when the multiparty system was established in
Niger — that a fully democratic mandate has been
completed. And it will be successfully, because in our
country, social peace has returned, State authority has
been restored, the economy is back on track and the
people of Niger have new hope. On 24 July, the
building of democratic structures was completed
through municipal and local elections, to the great
satisfaction of everyone.
The restored status of the State has made it
possible — thanks to the personal intervention of
President Tandja Mamadou — to quickly overcome the
resistance of the remaining few who were still opposed
to the expanded polio vaccination programme. Here, I
must sincerely thank the international community —
particularly the World Health Organization, UNICEF,
the Centres for Disease Control of the United States
and Rotary International — for having effectively
assisted us in our efforts in that fight.
At the external level, our public and private
bilateral partners who left Niger before 1999 have
since returned. Niger’s presidency of the West African
Economic and Monetary Union and, last year, of the
Community of Sahelo-Saharan States has given greater
visibility to our external action aimed at peace and
security in Africa. In particular, that action has taken
the form of sending a Niger contingent to Côte
d’Ivoire, military observers to the Democratic Republic
of the Congo and civilian police components to
Burundi, the Central African Republic and Timor-
Leste. All that has convinced us that the international
community’s support is more essential today than ever
before to help Africa strengthen the capacities of its
22

subregional institutions and those of its continental
organization, the African Union.
Under the leadership of President Olusegun
Obasanjo, the African Union is working ceaselessly to
prevent conflicts in African countries where peace
reigns, to consolidate peace and security where — as in
Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone or Liberia — the
populations have barely emerged from a situation of
political instability or bloody armed conflicts, and,
lastly, to extinguish the hotbeds of tension persisting in
Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Burundi and the Sudan.
Our experience with conflict prevention and
resolution in Africa teaches us that the golden rule in
that respect is to have confidence in subregional
institutions and the African Union and to support them
with consistent logistical and financial means. In that
regard, Niger welcomes the decision taken by the
Security Council to support the African Union’s
decision to strengthen and expand the observation
mission in Darfur and to encourage member States to
provide all the equipment and logistical, financial and
material resources required for the mission’s swift
expansion. We earnestly hope that the various parties
to the conflict will respond positively to the appeals
coming from Africa and elsewhere to swiftly put an
end to that tragedy and to bring about a comprehensive
peace agreement, on which the advent of a peaceful
Sudan will depend.
Within the framework of Africa’s new
development initiatives, the heads of State of the
African Union agreed, during a special summit held
recently in Ouagadougou, to place employment at the
centre of their political, economic and social policies.
As rightly pointed out by His Excellency Blaise
Compaoré, President of Burkina Faso and host of the
summit, Africa needs the effective support of the
international community to implement the decisions of
Ouagadougou.
From the Millennium Declaration to the world
conferences and summits that followed it, many
international decisions made the fight against poverty a
world priority and a major challenge for humanity.
How, then, can it be that hundreds of millions of
people continue to languish in abject poverty and total
destitution? How can it be that, in this era of
technological and scientific advances, HIV/AIDS and
other pandemics continue to wreak havoc throughout
the world, particularly in Africa? How can it be that, at
a time of globalization, many parts of the planet —
particularly the least developed countries — are still
totally excluded from international trade? And how can
it be that, despite the commitments undertaken through
the relevant international conventions, the global
environment continues insidiously to deteriorate,
dangerously jeopardizing the future of generations to
come?
In light of that situation, and in view of the dearth
of financial resources to address the crucial problems
assailing humanity, we must wonder about the
existence of real political will on the part of rich
countries to help the most impoverished countries
overcome abject poverty. The Global Fund to Fight
AIDS and the World Solidarity Fund for the
Elimination of Poverty — whose creation we
welcome — suffer from a cruel lack of resources.
Furthermore, we believe the modalities for
granting those resources to eligible countries should be
modelled after those in force for the funds obtained in
the framework of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries
Initiative, in order to ensure management that is both
transparent and responsible.
We have to face the reality. Given the economic
stagnation, poverty and the lack of prospects that are
serious threats for social stability and the young
democracies of developing countries, international
cooperation is the key to achieving the Millennium
Development Goals — as long as developed and
developing countries agree to assume their respective
responsibilities. In this respect, the commitments made
in Doha to promote a just trade, the Monterrey
Consensus on Financing for Development and the
Johannesburg Plan of Implementation on Sustainable
Development remain the cornerstones for
implementation of the Goals.
However, the meagre results achieved in the
implementation of conclusions from major forums
prompt the international community as a whole to re-
examine its conscience. The upcoming high-level
dialogue on financing for development should be an
opportunity to once again place at the core of the
debate the important issue of the mobilization of
resources for development. In this respect, taxation at a
level to be agreed upon — as was recalled at the last
summit on poverty — on all international financial
transactions could provide the substantial funding so
23

necessary for attaining the Millennium Development
Goals.
Endemic poverty, which affects the African
continent in particular, is not a question of fate. It is
possible to reduce poverty as long as the international
community is resolute in tackling it. It is possible to
reduce poverty if industrialized countries implement
without delay the enhanced programme to alleviate the
debt of highly indebted countries and agree to cancel
all bilateral public debts. It is possible to reduce
poverty if industrialized countries agree to increase
official development assistance to the level necessary
to reach the objectives of the Millennium Development
Goals. It is possible to reduce poverty if industrialized
countries resolve to open their markets to commodities
from developing countries, and if raw materials from
those countries are purchased at their proper values. It
is possible to reduce poverty if industrialized countries
eliminate their farming subsidies for cotton and support
the countries concerned in their policy for providing
rural areas with a suitable farming infrastructure and,
especially, with small rural facilities.
Lastly, it is possible to reduce poverty if
globalization is better managed and if interdependence
leads to the establishment of an international financial
and commercial structure that is democratic and able to
meet the needs of all parties.
Not so long ago the international community,
with the Group of 8 in the lead, solemnly declared its
commitment to support the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD). Today we must
acknowledge that that great enthusiasm still has not
materialized in concrete actions on a scale that would
meet the legitimate aspirations of African continent.
Despite constant efforts by the African countries, there
is still much left to be done to meet the objectives
contained in that vast and ambitious partnership.
I am pleased to say here that Niger is very
pleased to work with the Office of the Representative
of the Secretary-General for NEPAD, as well as with
the Office of the High Representative of the United
Nations for Least Developed Countries, Landlocked
Countries and Small Island Developing States.
To conclude, it is important that the
Desertification Convention be effectively implemented,
a convention that is seen as the best illustration of the
link between environmental degradation and poverty.
Speaking of environmental degradation, how can
we overlook the ecological ravages caused by the
current locust invasion in part of Africa? Because it did
not act in good time, the international community —
which had been warned of this danger far in
advance — must now mobilize, as soon as possible,
sufficient financial and material means to stop the
spread of the plague in order to halt the spectre of
famine that looms over the populations of northern
Africa, the Sahel and West Africa as a whole.


Mr. President, I bring
you the greetings and the best wishes of the
Government and people of Mauritius. It is also a matter
of pride and honour to see you preside over this
premier world institution. That honour is not only
recognition of the contribution of your country, Gabon,
in world affairs but also a great moment for our
continent, Africa. We are confident that, with your
wide experience and vast diplomatic skills, you will
successfully steer the work of the Assembly. My
delegation pledges its full support to you during your
tenure.
My delegation would also like to place on record
our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for
his able and excellent leadership of the General
18

Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. As fellow
islanders, we derived great satisfaction and pride from
his unequalled stewardship. He assumed and
discharged the high responsibilities of President of the
Assembly with commitment, dedication and great
diplomacy. We thank him for his service to the world
community.
Allow me also to commend the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his relentless efforts and
determination to ensure that our Organization
continues to play its role effectively in the international
arena.
This session of the General Assembly is taking
place as we prepare ourselves to tackle and face major
challenges and developments over the next 12 months.
Of particular importance to small island developing
States such as my own, 2005 will begin with two major
events: the International Meeting for the full and
comprehensive review of the implementation of the
Barbados Programme of Action, which will be hosted
by Mauritius; and the World Conference on Disaster
Reduction, to be held in Japan.
Ten years after Barbados, small island developing
States continue to face practically the same challenges
in their drive to achieve sustainable development.
Their small size, fragile ecosystems, geographic
isolation and limited resources, compounded by the
threats of climate change, rising sea levels and natural
disasters, make them particularly vulnerable. While it
is a fact that many developing countries face the
increasing pressures posed by the combined forces of
globalization and trade liberalization, such pressures
are even more exacerbating for small island developing
States. Their small markets and the limited market
access for their products constrain them greatly in their
efforts to integrate smoothly into the global economy.
They also suffer from natural vulnerabilities to
phenomena such as hurricanes, earthquakes and
tsunamis. The devastation caused by the recent series
of hurricanes in the Caribbean islands demonstrates the
extent of our vulnerability. It is true that those
vulnerabilities have been recognized in a variety of
international forums, but such recognition has yet to
crystallize in concrete actions in favour of small island
developing States. The precarious situation of our
States is of direct concern to the international
community as a whole.
May we then resolve to take bold initiatives to
implement meaningfully the Barbados Programme and
to respond to related emerging issues so that small
island developing States can build resilience and
capacity and be integrated fully into the global
economy? Similarly, in the multilateral trading system,
we expect the emergence of an environment conducive
to enabling our States to improve their
competitiveness, their market access and the
diversification of their economies. We therefore expect
the World Trade Organization to soon establish a work
programme for small economies.
As a small island developing State, Mauritius is
indeed honoured to host the International Meeting. The
International Meeting should be not only a collective
gathering to reflect on the specificities of our concerns.
It should also be a landmark in the history of the major
United Nations conferences, with deliverable outcomes
and the means necessary for their implementation.
We in Mauritius are leaving no stone unturned to
make that event truly historic and memorable. It is
important that the entire international community
participate in that meeting, which, allow me to point
out, is a United Nations meeting on small island
development States and not a meeting for those States
alone.
(spoke in French)
The work to be undertaken by the small island
developing States is based upon sustainable
development and the restricted resources available to
those countries. How can one not welcome, therefore,
the decision taken by the Government of Burkina Faso,
host of the next summit of la Francophonie, which has
chosen solidarity and sustainable development as the
theme of the summit.
Our preoccupation with sustainable
development — the basis of the Johannesburg
Summit — is even stronger in the context of
globalization today. Although only a handful of
developing island States are French-speaking, we trust
that the Summit will highlight the need for us to find,
within the international community, ways and means to
help small island developing States, which may then
become models for sustainable development.
(spoke in English)
Global warming, and its related effects on climate
change, is now an undisputed reality, and islands suffer
the brunt of it, even though — let me emphasize this —
we are the least responsible for the cause. We believe
that the Kyoto Protocol is the most appropriate
mechanism for global action now and in the future, to
address the issue of global warming. We call, therefore,
19

for its ratification and entry into force, as soon as
possible.
Africa, home to 34 of the world’s 48 poorest
countries, remains an enormous challenge for the
United Nations. The deadly spread of HIV and AIDS
continues to claim a devastating toll on the continent,
particularly in southern Africa. We in Africa are
committed to further democratize our societies and
give our people a rightful voice in the decision-making
process. That is why at the continental level, we are
doing all we can, despite our scarce resources, to
consolidate the African Union and make it central in
our collective bid to grapple with the development
concerns of our region. Using that perspective, we have
come up with our own home-grown programme, the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
in order to attain the ultimate goal that we have fixed
for ourselves — the total integration of Africa.
Since we launched the African Union Peace and
Security Council last May, we have received
encouraging support from some of our development
partners. I should like to use this platform to urge the
international community to support the African Union
in that field to enable it to come to grips with the
conflicts that continue to divert our attention and
meagre resources from our development efforts.
In addressing the issue of conflicts on the
continent, the African Union has amply demonstrated
that it means business, and any assistance it gets from
the international community can only help it to achieve
its goals. But let me hasten to say that the African
Union’s involvement in peace processes should not
distract the United Nations Security Council from its
primary responsibility to maintain peace and security
in Africa. Indeed, the Security Council should not
allow itself to be perceived as being selective in its
approach with regard to conflicts in various parts of the
world. Experiences in the Great Lakes region and in
West Africa have shown that the combined efforts of
the Security Council and the African Union can bring
tangible results.
Before I leave this part of my statement, let me
refer to the unjust treatment that continues to be meted
out to the Saharawi people who are still struggling for
their right to self-determination. It is the duty of this
world body to ensure a speedy conclusion of that
matter. In this regard, my delegation reiterates its
support for the Settlement Plan and any other political
initiative acceptable to the parties concerned that will
help to take the process forward for a durable and
sustainable solution. The Saharawi people deserve that
commitment from us.
As this Assembly is aware, Mauritius has always
favoured a bilateral approach in our resolve to restore
our exercise of sovereignty over the Chagos
Archipelago which, prior to independence from the
United Kingdom, was unlawfully detached from our
territory, in violation of the Declaration on the
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and
Peoples contained in General Assembly resolution
1514 (XV), and Assembly resolutions 2066 (XX), 2232
(XXI) and 2357 (XXII). Such bilateral approaches
have unfortunately not yielded any result so far and
certain recent regrettable unilateral actions by the
United Kingdom have not been helpful.
While we shall continue to favour a settlement of
the matter through dialogue, we shall use all avenues
open to us in order to exercise our full sovereign rights
over the Chagos Archipelago. The Assembly should
also note that this issue has a tragic human dimension.
Before Mauritius acceded to its independence, all the
inhabitants of the Chagos were forced to leave the land
of their birth, where they had lived for several
generations. The plight of those inhabitants must now
be comprehensively addressed.
In the same context, my delegation looks forward
to the resumption of dialogue with the French
Government over Tromelin island.
Mauritius is a firm believer and, indeed, a keen
player in regional cooperation and integration, not as
an end in itself but as a sure means to enable us to
integrate the global economy. We consider regional
cooperation as a necessary step to enable Africa to
benefit from globalization. We have therefore spared
no effort to promote regional cooperation. Since the
early 1980s we in Mauritius, have been playing a pro-
active role in advancing the objectives of the Abuja
Treaty. Mauritius is a very active member of the
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa
(COMESA) and of the South African Development
Community (SADC).
As the new Chair of SADC, we look forward to
working very closely with all our fellow member States
in advancing the objectives of the organization,
promoting community building through regional
integration and aligning national policies for regional
cooperation so that they stay on course in the
globalization process. We will also endeavour to forge
a strong relationship between SADC and its
20

development partners as well as with other
subregional, continental and multilateral organizations.
After the failure of the WTO Ministerial
Conference at Cancún, the successful outcome of the
July 2004 General Council meeting has come as a ray
of hope to put the trade talks back on track. The July
package of frameworks and other agreements that the
WTO members approved will greatly enhance the
chances for a successful completion of the Doha
Development Agenda negotiations.
We therefore welcome the decision adopted by
the WTO General Council to fulfil the development
dimensions of the Doha Development Agenda, which
places the needs and interests of developing and least
developed countries at the heart of the Doha Agenda
work programme.
In that context, let me make an appeal for a
meaningful synergy to be established among the
development agencies and other United Nations
institutions, including the Bretton Woods institutions,
in order to ensure that developing countries develop
their capacity to increase their share of world trade as a
necessary pathway to prosperity.
The situation in the Middle East remains
extremely preoccupying for all freedom-loving nations
and peoples. We go on speaking of the need for a
comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East,
without realizing that each year the peace and security
situation in the region is growing worse.
Over the past year, we witnessed more targeted
assassinations, increased terrorist acts, daily
recriminations from both sides and an expansion of
settlement activities. The illegal construction of a wall
by Israel in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the
occupied Palestinian territories has worsened an
already complex situation.
Almost two years ago the road map called for a
final and comprehensive settlement of the Israel-
Palestinian conflict by 2005. The year 2005 is at our
doorstep and we are still grappling with how to put the
derailed peace process back on track. We believe that
the road map remains the only viable option for peace
in the region. We call on both Israel and Palestine to
exercise maximum restraint, undertake confidence-
building measures and create the appropriate
environment, with the help of the Quartet, to
implement the road map.
My delegation believes that what is needed today
is not a wall, but a political solution and a renewed
commitment from the international community that
would resolve the conflict altogether. Only the creation
of the much-awaited Palestinian State, existing side by
side with Israel with secured and recognized borders,
can bring peace and stability to the Middle East.
The political process in Iraq reached an important
milestone last June with the handing over of authority
to the Iraqi Interim Government. My delegation
believes that the holding of national elections early
next year, as required by Security Council resolution
1546 (2004), will give the people of Iraq a unique
opportunity to take the destiny of their country into
their own hands. However, the current security
situation in Iraq is very disturbing. My delegation
condemns all acts of violence that can disrupt Iraq’s
political and economic transition. The international
community must be fully engaged in its efforts to
rebuild a safe, democratic and peaceful Iraq.
Given the potential threat posed by nuclear
weapons and weapons of mass destruction, it is a
matter of serious concern that we still have not been
able to find common ground to initiate a process
leading to complete disarmament. Significant
differences still persist among parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We once
again appeal to all Member States to translate their
stated commitments to the cause of disarmament into
action.
Mauritius supports and implements fully the
international disarmament treaties such as the
Chemical Weapons Convention and the Biological and
Toxin Weapons Convention and has always supported
the various United Nations resolutions related to the
consolidation of those regimes, including resolution
1540 (2004), which focuses on non-proliferation
issues.
Along with our fight against weapons of mass
destruction, we should also stay the course against the
illicit trade in small arms and light weapons, which
have been the weapons of choice in recent conflicts,
particularly in Africa.
Terrorist acts continue to create fear and havoc
among peaceful nations and lead to the loss of lives,
particularly among innocent civilians, including
women and children. We should therefore reflect on the
effectiveness of the international response to terrorism.
It is becoming increasingly evident that the war against
international terrorism cannot be won by military
might alone. Several reports submitted to this
Assembly have already amply demonstrated that
21

problems such as poverty, social inequality,
unemployment and illiteracy constitute breeding
grounds for terrorism. Genuine international
cooperation is therefore needed to comprehensively
address the root causes of terrorism.
Allow me to share some thoughts with respect to
the future of our Organization. The world emerged
from the Second World War resolved to ensure peace
among nations, and the United Nations was born with
that vision firmly in mind. Now, more than half a
century later, in full recognition of the drastic and far-
reaching changes that have transformed our world,
there is full consensus for a reform of our
Organization.
There is indeed general agreement that the
current structure of the Security Council needs to be
reviewed to reflect the new realities of the world. We
firmly believe that a greater commitment has to be
demonstrated by every member of the Organization in
order to reach an agreement on a reformed Security
Council based on wider representation, transparency
and equitable geographical distribution with the
inclusion of developing countries from Africa, Asia
and Latin America as permanent members. Here, let
me reiterate our conviction that India fully deserves to
have that status. In that respect, I need to underscore
the need for small island States, which are scattered
over all the oceans of the world, to have an adequate
voice in the Council.
It is therefore our sincere hope that the High-level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change appointed by
the Secretary-General will make concrete and practical
recommendations to make the United Nations more
credible and responsive to the expectations of people in
every corner of the globe. The high-level plenary
meeting, which is to be held next year, would also be
an opportunity for us to take stock of progress made in
respect to the goals set in the major United Nations
conferences and summits.
Mauritius continues to be an active supporter of
the United Nations in its efforts to save succeeding
generations from war and suffering and to promote
social progress and better standards of life. Mauritius
believes that a strengthened United Nations, evolving
within the framework of a credible multilateral system,
is the only effective instrument at the disposal of the
international community to bring order and ensure the
coherence of international economic, social and
environmental policies.


I would like to start by
congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President
of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I
pledge the full support of my delegation for your
endeavours. I would also like to pay tribute to your
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte for his
able presidency.
We are world leaders at a time when our globe is
undergoing an important phase of adaptation to new
realities, opportunities and challenges.
As the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi
Annan, frequently states, we now possess the know-
how to address our common concerns. The Millennium
Summit, which was the largest gathering of world
leaders, produced a historical document - the
Millennium Declaration - which charts the right
course for humanity in the new millennium.
The goals that the Millennium Declaration
defined for humanity are ambitious, yet achievable.
Reducing hunger and extreme poverty, spreading
universal primary education, halting infectious diseases
and reducing child mortality within 15 years continue
to be urgent tasks.
Universal humanitarian challenges and chronic
political-military conflicts are compounded with new
and asymmetrical threats such as terrorism, narcotic
drugs, organized crime, the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction and environmental problems.
On the other hand, racism, anti-Semitism,
prejudicial attitudes against the tenets of certain creeds
and cultures, among them those of Islam, and xenophobia
add fuel to those menaces. In addition, the special and
urgent needs of the African continent continue to
require a collective response.
The United Nations system should be encouraged to
intensify its role in addressing those issues. Confidence in
the international order and in international institutions
should not be undermined. A more effective and credible
United Nations would be better able to face the
common challenges of today. The Security Council
should have a more representative and balanced
character; indeed, representation in the Council must
be inclusive and fair. That will increase its legitimacy
25

and efficiency. In that respect, I would like to
commend the efforts of the Secretary-General.
The correlation between good governance and
peace and prosperity is valid both domestically and
internationally. Therefore, a global agenda for reform
should cover all aspects of domestic and international
life. Each member of the international community has
a stake in, and responsibility for, the implementation of
such an agenda.
On our part, my Government, fully conscious of
that correlation, has carried out sweeping political and
economic reforms in the past two years. We have thus
upgraded and deepened our democracy and
consolidated an accountable, transparent and efficient
administration and a dynamic civil society upholding
the rule of law and human rights. The expectations of
our people, as well as the relevant United Nations and
European Union standards, inspired us in our reform
drive. I take pride in the fact that many observers, both
in the west and in the east, have seen in our experience
the perfect embodiment of modernity, progress,
identity and tradition.
I should like to take this opportunity to confirm
Turkey's candidacy for a non-permanent seat in the
Security Council for the term 2009-2010. In spite of its
substantial contributions to peace and security, Turkey
has not been a member of the Council for almost half a
century. Therefore we rightfully expect the support of
the General Assembly for our candidacy.
Our bid for a non-permanent seat is in tune with
Turkey's larger efforts to secure peace, stability and
security in its region and beyond. Turkey figures
prominently in humanitarian activities, from Palestine to
Darfur. We have been contributing increasing numbers to
international peacekeeping missions whose geographical
distribution ranges from Bosnia to Afghanistan.
Turkey has a unique position as the only member
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference that is
also a candidate for membership in the European
Union. That position enables us to facilitate interaction
and dialogue between the Islamic world and the West.
Turkey has numerous achievements to its credit
in the process of helping to create an environment
conducive to development, stability and progress in our
region and beyond. The Black Sea Economic
Cooperation, the Economic Cooperation Organization
and the Stability Pact are good examples to that effect.
My Government has been taking a peaceful and
problem-solving approach to world affairs. On the
chronic issue of Cyprus, my Government fully
supported Secretary-General Kofi Annanís good-
offices mission, and we cooperated closely with him.
The Secretary-Generalís settlement plan was the result
of four years of serious negotiations between the two
sides. They were conducted on the basis of a new
bi-zonal partnership with a federal Government and
two constituent States. The plan was put to separate
referendums, with the prior agreement of all parties
concerned. The Annan plan was overwhelmingly
accepted by the Turkish Cypriots, but the Greek
Cypriot leadership chose to reject it.
I profoundly regret the fact that an opportunity to
resolve the longstanding problem of Cyprus was thus
missed. As a result, a chance to grant fresh credibility
to the United Nations was lost. A possible source of
inspiration for peacemakers elsewhere, in the Middle
East or the Caucasus, also disappeared.
The Secretary-General, in his report to the
Security Council, clearly stated that the referendums
drastically changed the situation on the island. It
confirmed, once again, the existence of two equal peoples
and their separate rights to decide their own fate.
The Secretary-General also called on the
members of the Security Council to
'give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both
bilaterally and in international bodies, to
eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers
that have the effect of isolating the Turkish
Cypriots and impeding their development'
(S/2004/437, p. 2).
Turkey remains committed to a lasting settlement
in Cyprus. Five months have passed since the Turkish
Cypriots, responding to the call of the international
community, voted courageously in favour of the United
Nations plan. However, they have yet to be rewarded
for expressing their will to reunify the island. We urge
the Security Council positively to respond to the
Secretary-Generalís call. We also appeal to United
Nations Member States to take concrete steps, at the
bilateral level, to put an end to the isolation and
punishment of the people of the Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus.
26

Turkey has been strongly supporting, and will
continue to support, the preservation of peace and
stability in south-east Europe.
We are glad to note that considerable progress has
been achieved in this region thanks to the sustained
efforts of the international community and of the
Balkan countries themselves.
Turkey is determined to sustain the promising and
constructive atmosphere in our relations with Greece.
We hope that the improvement in bilateral relations
will continue in the coming period. Our wide-ranging
cooperation is expanding in every field. That will
facilitate the settlement of all pending issues. It will
also result in a climate of cooperation beneficial to the
two countries, as well as peace, stability and security in
the region as a whole.
Turkey believes that it is high time to start taking
concrete steps towards eliminating the existing
ìfrozenî conflicts in the southern Caucasus, such as
those in Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South
Ossetia. As a neighbouring country, we are actively
contributing to efforts aimed at achieving stability and
prosperity in that region. To that end, we have been
encouraging all the parties concerned while facilitating
the ongoing process of dialogue. We hope that the
Abkhazian conflict and the problems in South Ossetia
will be overcome by peaceful means, within the
framework of the territorial integrity and sovereignty
of Georgia.
My Government supports a just and lasting
solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the basis
of the fundamental principles of international law, the
territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and good-neighbourly
relations. We expect the Armenian Government to fully
comply with the relevant United Nations resolutions to
reach such a solution.
The Middle East problem and the situation in Iraq
and Afghanistan are the major conflicts responsible for
compounding instability in the world and are leading to
increasingly serious consequences.
The road map is the only available framework for
a comprehensive settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian
problem. Benefiting from its traditional ties with the
parties, Turkey has already offered its active
contribution to the implementation of the road map. We
also support every effort that is initiated and
coordinated in that context.
We join the call made by the Quartet yesterday.
The resumption of the negotiating process between the
two parties should remain the central objective of
current efforts. It is important, likewise, that both sides
fulfil their performance criteria as laid out in the road
map. Terrorist attacks against the Israeli people must
stop. So must the deliberate destruction of Palestinian
lives and properties. The process of the reform of
Palestinian institutions must be advanced. Israeli
settlement activities must be immediately halted. The
ruling of the International Court of Justice must be
respected. And the living conditions of the Palestinians
need to be urgently improved.
Any settlement would be incomplete without
progress on all tracks, including those involving Syria
and Lebanon.
My Government is focused on contributing to the
improvement of the situation in Iraq. We appreciate the
massive resources and political efforts mobilized by
the United States Administration and the international
community for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of
Iraq. We sincerely hope those efforts yield the desired
results soon. However, the humanitarian, political and
security difficulties faced by the people of Iraq
continue to adversely affect one another. It goes
without saying that developments in Iraq are also
affecting my country and causing suffering for my
people, while, as we are a neighbouring country, most
of Iraqís humanitarian needs are being supplied
through Turkey.
The Iraqi transition is not only about the fate of
the Iraqi nation. It is about the future of peace and
prosperity in the whole region and beyond. That is the
motive for Turkey's strong support of a united,
territorially intact and democratic Iraq - an Iraq that is at
peace with itself and with its neighbours. That should
and can only be achieved with the full participation and
support of the Iraqi people as a whole. More United
Nations involvement would facilitate that task. The
series of neighbouring countries meetings, initiated by
Turkey, is also a valuable instrument to be taken into
account. After all, as Iraqís success will be our
collective success, so its failure will also be a
collective failure. For its part, Turkey will continue to
support the Iraqi interim Governmentís efforts in
paving the way to normalcy and democracy.
Turkey's traditional support for the Afghan
people will continue. The establishment of security,
27

stability and a democratic system in Afghanistan is
another urgent task. Freeing that country from
terrorism, extremism and narcotics is of crucial
importance for the international community. We should
all work to make the upcoming elections a significant
step towards those ends.
We all agree that terrorism has no justification. It
can never claim to respect any religion, nation or
cause. Indiscriminate killing of innocent people, be it
in New York, Istanbul, Baghdad, Beslan or elsewhere,
is a crime against humanity. We condemn those
terrorist atrocities in the strongest terms.
As a country that has long suffered from
terrorism, Turkey calls for more intensified multilateral
cooperation. The United Nations system is an
important platform in that respect and we extend our
full support to efforts under its aegis.
We also strongly believe in the urgent need to
strengthen the control regimes for weapons of mass
destruction and their delivery systems. We will
continue to support ongoing work to ensure full
adherence to the legal instruments in that field. The
creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones is an important
way of strengthening peace and security in the world
and in all regions, including the Middle East.
Turkey is determined to use every effort and
deploy all the means at its disposal in order to
strengthen peace and stability in its immediate region
and beyond. We will try to use the influence of our
multidimensional ties and deep-rooted relations to
achieve that goal. We remain strongly committed to
translating into reality the universal validity of the
noble values and principles enshrined in the United
Nations Charter.