It is a great  honour to make my first speech to the General
Assembly.
 The United Nations has a duty to lead the world
in addressing the shared threats and opportunities that
dominate our age, and it must do so in deed as well as
in word. That is why I want to use this platform to
express my admiration and support for United Nations
missions around the world, from Lebanon to Liberia,
from Congo and Haiti to East Timor, which, even as we
meet in New York this week, are saving lives and
spreading hope.
 Since 1946, when the first meeting of the General
Assembly took place in London, the United Kingdom
has been determined to fulfil its international
responsibilities through the United Nations. The new
Government in the United Kingdom, under the
leadership of Gordon Brown, is proud to continue that
tradition, and I reaffirm our commitment today.
 The focus at this session has been on immediate
and pressing issues. In the Middle East, we need urgent
action towards a two-State solution that addresses the
security of Israelis and the rights of Palestinians at the
same time.
 In Iraq, recent security gains can only be
sustained through continued support for the
development of the Iraqi security forces, through
national reconciliation and through political support
from the whole region.
 Our international community depends on
responsibilities as well as rights. If Iran wants to be a
leading and respected country, it must cease its support
for terrorist groups in Iraq and Afghanistan and end its
defiance of three Security Council resolutions in
respect of its nuclear programme.
 In Zimbabwe, we need United Nations action to
support African leadership to reverse the vicious cycle
of economic and social devastation that now afflicts
the country.
 We have all seen the extraordinary scenes in
Burma. I call on the regime to allow peaceful protest,
encourage national dialogue and promote genuine
reconciliation. Let us today send a message to the
monks on the streets of Burma: we support your
demand for a democratic Burma. And let us take a
message from the monks on the streets of Burma: the
human desire for freedom knows no bounds of race or
religion or region. It is good that the Burmese
Government has allowed Ambassador Gambari into the
country, but it is now vital that they use his presence
there to start the process of reconciliation.
 But as well as addressing the traumas of our
fellow citizens around the world, the United Nations
must be the place where we address the longer-term
threats. Today, I devote my speech to one of the great
threats to stability and prosperity in the world: the
threat of global inequality. I do so because inequalities
are not just morally offensive; they are also dangerous.
Inequality fuels extremism. It undermines support for
an open, global economy. It corrodes trust and respect
and reciprocity between nations.
 The United Nations Charter talks of the
“sovereign equality of States”, and it also talks of the
“equal rights and dignity of men and women and of
nations large and small”. The principle of equality is
nowhere more evident than in the General Assembly
where all States have an equal voice. But in the world
outside this Hall, economic, social and political
inequalities within and between States persist and
worsen. We cannot stand united against the shared
threats and opportunities in our world when we are so
divided by economic and political disparities. So the
need for Governments and international institutions to
reduce inequalities and promote our common humanity
is stark.
 Traditionally, we have focused on the divide
between developed and developing nations. However,
the growth rates in many developing countries are
faster than in developed economies. That is the good
news. But there remain around a billion people in the
world   one sixth of its population   living in 58
countries, who have been left out of the story of human
progress. This “bottom billion” have an average life
expectancy of 50 years. Fourteen per cent of the
children in the bottom billion die before their fifth
birthday, and more than a third suffer malnutrition. The
countries that are home to the bottom billion saw their
national incomes fall each year during the 1980s and
1990s.
 Even where inequalities are narrowing between
nations, they are widening within them. According to
the United Nations Development Programme, in 73
countries   containing 80 per cent of the world’s
population   economic inequality has risen in recent
years.
 Every nation represented here has responsibilities
to its own people. The drive to tackle poverty needs
open markets. It needs the empowerment of citizens
through democratic and transparent institutions, free
from corruption. It needs strong and effective
education and health services open to all.
 But national action is not enough. Because the
causes of inequality cross national boundaries, we need
cooperation between nations, bilateral and multilateral,
led by the United Nations.
 First, three quarters of the countries where the
bottom billion citizens reside have recent or current
experience of civil war. Conflict is the trapdoor to
extreme poverty. Look at Darfur: more than 200,000
people are dead, 2 million are displaced and 4 million
are on food aid. As the international community, we
decided on a course of action in Security Council
resolution 1769 (2007). Now we need to get on with it:
an agreement on force composition, swift deployment,
effective protection of civilians on the ground and a
political process in which the legitimate grievance of
the Darfur people is addressed through negotiation. In
Afghanistan, one of the five poorest countries in the
world, we need to back up military efforts to secure
safe space with economic, social and political
reconstruction.
 Beyond those crises, we also need to improve our
capacity to prevent the emergence of conflict. That is
our vision of the responsibility to protect. A critical
dimension is controlling the spread of weapons whose
easy availability makes it so simple to set up militias
and provoke violence and mayhem. Last year, the
Assembly voted overwhelmingly to take forward
United Nations work towards an arms trade treaty (see
resolution 61/89). The Government of the United
Kingdom will continue to press for the achievement of
that goal.
 Secondly, freedom from conflict is the platform
for progress, but the battle against disease and
illiteracy is the second stage. Despite progress in some
countries, the world is off track to meet the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). That is why, in July here
at the United Nations, the Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom launched a call for action: to honour our own
commitments and go further, to build a truly global
partnership   with the private sector, trade unions,
faith groups, civil society and cities   that can meet
the 2015 MDG targets. That requires the developed
world to meets its commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of
its national incomes on development. The United
Kingdom will meet that commitment by 2013. But that
requires shared responsibility. Poor governance and
corruption are the enemies of development.
 Thirdly, progress on aid needs to be combined
with a new global trade deal that opens up economies
on a fair basis. Western producers continue to benefit
from subsidies and tariffs, particularly for agriculture.
Higher tariffs for processed goods prevent poor
countries from diversifying their economies. That is a
bad deal for Western consumers, and it squeezes out
the livelihoods of producers in poor countries. Neither
is it in rich countries’ financial self-interest, nor is it
fair. The Government of the United Kingdom believes
that concluding the Doha trade round this year is not
just necessary, but also possible, and we will work to
achieve that goal.
 Finally, we must address the greatest long-term
threat to our aspirations to tackle inequality: climate
change. Climate change affects all countries, but the
poorest countries   and the poorest people within
those countries   will suffer the most disruption and
devastation. I congratulate the President of the General
Assembly on choosing climate change as a central
theme of this general debate. And I congratulate the
Secretary-General on his leadership on this issue. But
we need more than debate.
 The United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change is the only body that can conclude a
global agreement on climate change. Therefore, in the
next two months we need an urgent agreement on the
steps towards progress to be taken at the December
meeting in Bali. Beyond that, we need a road map to
the 15th conference of parties to the Convention, to be
held at Copenhagen in two years’ time, and agreement
on a global deal that succeeds the end of the first
commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol.
 At the heart of such an agreement must be the
principle of common but differentiated responsibilities:
all countries taking on responsibilities, but making sure
that they are equitably distributed, with the greatest
action taken by the richest countries. The United
Kingdom stands ready to play its part. This year, our
climate change bill will be enacted into law in the next
session of Parliament to place on a statutory footing
our commitment to cut carbon emissions by at least 60
per cent from 1990 levels by the year 2050. But we
need similar binding commitments from all rich
countries.
 The challenges are therefore immense. Crisis
resolution and conflict prevention, the Millennium
Development Goals, a new trade deal, climate
change   they call for all our resources. Military
intervention is never the whole solution, but sometimes
a solution cannot be found without armed force.
Development budgets are necessary, but the developing
world needs a growth plan, not just an aid plan.
Diplomacy needs to bridge differences between
nations, but also to reach out to civil society and
business.
 The United Kingdom is proud not just of its
bilateral relations with the countries represented in the
Assembly, but also of its commitment to multilateral
institutions, which can be a force for good in the world.
But international institutions need to reflect the world
as it is, not the world as it was. The United Kingdom
therefore welcomes the prospect of intergovernmental
negotiations at this session to achieve agreement on
reform of the Security Council. We support permanent
membership for Germany, Japan, India and Brazil and
permanent representation for Africa. We are not
wedded to a single model of reform. Achieving
effective change is what matters.
 In a world where more than a billion people are
online, where companies have bigger turnovers than
countries and where global non-governmental
organizations have memberships that are bigger than
national populations, our international institutions must
look inwards to internal reform, but also outwards to
broader popular movements for change.
 In the last phase of globalization, in the
nineteenth century, the emergence of new Powers and
the breakdown of the international order resulted in
conflict that scarred the whole of the twentieth century.
Unless we can build trust and reciprocity between
nations and embody them in durable and robust
international institutions that reconcile differences and
nurture common values, the latest phase of
globalization could be another false dawn.
 Globalization is not just something to which we
must adapt; it is something that we can and must shape
for the achievement of our own goals. It must be put to
use spreading power, wealth and opportunity. For my
Government, this mission is driven by both moral
purpose and national interest. We must address the
insecurity and inequality that exist beyond our borders
if we are to enhance security and prosperity within our
borders.
 We live in a more prosperous, more peaceful and
more democratic world than ever before. Let us
commit ourselves to living in a more equal world.


I wish to begin by
conveying my respect and gratitude to Ms. Haya
Rashed Al-Khalifa, who presided over the sixty-first
session of the General Assembly. I also sincerely
congratulate her successor, Mr. Srgjan Kerim, the
newly elected President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-second session.
 The current session is the best proof that we live
in a world of numerous contradictions and multiple
approaches to the basic issues facing humankind today.
We can say that what some people took to be obvious
following the fall of communism in 1989, which came
to be called the end of history in the academic world,
was not borne out by reality. History is rife with such
contradictions, which are linked above all to
inequalities in economic development between various
countries and regions. Echoes of those inequalities are
heard every year in this Assembly Hall, and we have
heard them today as well.
 The problem is closely tied to an issue that has
been discussed in the past few days in the course of the
high-level event on climate change. I thank the
Secretary-General for his initiative of convening that
event. The topic of global warming is one of the key
themes of this session. The problem can be considered
from various perspectives.
 First, as President Vaclav Klaus of the Czech
Republic noted, the causes of global warming are not
obvious. A debate is under way concerning those
causes. In my country, some support the theory that
climate change is not caused by human activities, but
those people are in the minority. Most experts in the
field claim that human economic activities, especially
the generation of carbon dioxide, are the factors behind
climate change, which has been dramatically described
by many speakers over the past two days.
 The problems and the efforts to resolve them are
intrinsically linked to the contradictions of our world.
When the first climate convention was adopted some
12 years ago, the developed countries were believed to
be the main perpetrators of excessive carbon dioxide
emissions, but much has changed since then. In many
respects, we have observed changes for the better. Two
of the largest countries on the planet, China and India,
have begun to grow dynamically. That growth has
clearly led to increased emissions to carbon dioxide,
which contribute to climate warming.
 How can we solve the problem? The 1997 Kyoto
Protocol set out three methods, two of which would
contribute most to limiting the carbon dioxide
emissions of the highly developed countries, while the
third alone promotes, to a certain degree, the mitigation
of such emissions by the less developed. The results of
the Kyoto Protocol have been significant, but they do
not resolve every issue and the Protocol has not been
ratified by every country. Many powerful States have
failed to adopt it, but in any case it will no longer be in
effect after 2012.
 Thus, the world is facing a new challenge. On the
one hand, as the representative of a developed
country - though it is not among the most
developed - I would stress that we cannot limit the
less wealthy countries' right to development. On the
other, we must make progress towards resolving the
problems under discussion. We must therefore consider
the best way to achieve progress.
 I agree with those who claim, regardless of the
countries they represent, that the problem cannot be
resolved exclusively by methods linked to the pursuit
of profit and the treatment of all goods as
commodities - in other words, by the application of
purely economic instruments. The market economy is
the most efficient means of achieving economic growth
and generating welfare, as attested by the failure of the
communist system. However, market rules cannot be
the sole principle governing not only the economy, but
also social life and international relations. In that
regard, as I did last year, I call for a much higher
degree of solidarity. Without far-reaching assistance
from the highly developed countries to countries that
are rapidly developing or hoping to grow faster, there
is no possibility of success.
 What should such assistance consist of? Well,
first of all, the transmission of technologies that
contribute to mitigating emissions. Does the world now
have regional organizations that would provide for the
transfer of resources from country to country on a
major scale? Yes, indeed. We have such countries and
organizations, for instance, the European Union (EU),
which serves as evidence of the existence of such
frameworks. Of course, the EU deals with general
development and the protection against climate change,
but, in this regard, it can serve as an example. It is an
example that needs to be globally followed, where
applicable. The question is who can be the agent
organizing such international solidarity? The
experience of the past sixty years shows that there is
only one such organization, the one in which we are
debating today, the United Nations.
 But in order to achieve that objective, the United
Nations must be significantly reformed. Poland has
consistently advocated such reform. The main idea of
the reform consists of the simple adaptation of the
structure of the United Nations system to the
fundamental changes in the political geography of the
globe over the past sixty-two years. This is intrinsically
linked to the reform of the Security Council.
 In conclusion, I would like to mention some
experiences of my country, similar to those of the
Czech Republic, represented here today by Mr. Klaus.
We recently did away with Communism. Since then,
we have achieved economic success and, on the way,
we have reduced greenhouse gas emissions by 30 per
cent. Therefore, we see that it is, indeed, feasible to do
so. Despite apparent obstacles, the problem is not
insurmountable.
 So, what methods can be applied? On the one
hand, certain types of production should be stopped.
On the other hand, we can develop forestation of the
land. In Poland and in other countries, this approach
can generate fantastic results. But, to achieve this,
forests must be under general public control. I
represent a country that operates on the basis of a
market economy, but forests are a public resource.
 Some years ago, the problem area we are
discussing today was one of the essential but not
predominant issues. Today, it is a key subject in debate
in the European Union. Today it is also a theme raised
by the United Nations. I believe there are reasons
behind this. Therefore, this subject matter needs to be
pursued further.


Mr. President,  congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly. Congratulations also to our
Secretary-General, His Excellency Ban Ki-moon, who
was such a good friend of the Philippines when he was
Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea. We
embrace his vow to focus on strengthening the three
pillars of the United Nations: development, security
and human rights.
 The United Nations is a pillar of development. It
plays a major large role for the Philippines. Poverty
alleviation is the most important part of our agenda and
our vision of transforming the Philippines into a
modernized nation in 20 years. We want to be actively
engaged in local, regional and global affairs, because
that is the future.
 We believe in the power of the global trading
system to alleviate poverty and modernize nations
through market forces. That does not mean we believe
that countries like the Philippines are ready to compete
head-to-head today in every sector, but it does mean
that we cannot afford to be afraid of globalization.
 By being increasingly connected to the world, the
Philippine economy has reached a new level of
maturity and stability, with some of the strongest
macroeconomic fundamentals in 20 years. Six years
ago, noone thought we could get more revenue, cut
down on tax cheats, strengthen the peso and move the
stock market. Noone thought we could bring our
budget into balance, which we did last month, or
prepay our debts and raise employment, but we have.
 We must both grow our economy and sustain our
natural environment at the same time. We are
developing and promoting our “Green Philippines”
agenda. It emphasizes a sustainable economic model
that brings together economic opportunity and concern
for our environment.
 At the Secretary-General’s High-level Event on
Climate Change earlier this week, United Nations
member nations focused on what the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change and Kyoto
Protocol meetings in Bali to be held in December 2007
should do. The Clean Development Mechanism under
the Kyoto Protocol has allowed developing countries
such as the Philippines to voluntarily reduce their
greenhouse gas emissions through private sector
initiatives. But there is a need to expand the carbon
market and to expand international cooperation and
financial support to promote strategies to adapt to
climate change.
 Too many nations, both developed and
developing, believe the environment must be sacrificed
at the altar of growth. We believe otherwise. We
believe that we have a unique opportunity to get it right
from day one: to introduce new industries that are
clean and profitable.
 That includes a biofuels industry that helps our
energy independence, creates jobs and keeps our nation
clean for future generations. We are further developing
our geothermal power, which is one of the two largest
in the world.
 We reiterate our commitment to the global trading
system and, when that fails us, to strengthening the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and
regional relations in order to bolster our economy.
 The multilateral trading system, through the Doha
Round, remains the best option to address poverty and
improve standards of living around the world through
an agreed set of international trade rules. The Doha
Development Agenda was launched with an emphasis
on creating a developmental dimension and integrating
it into all elements of the negotiations. To make the
Doha Round truly a development round, there must be
a greater coherence of policies among international
development institutions, such as the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund, the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) and the World Trade
Organization, so that trade is mainstreamed in the
development agenda and capacity-building can be
focused on trade competitiveness.
 As part of capacity-building, we call on the
United Nations and our partners among developed
nations to strengthen South-South cooperation, wherein
developing nations with specific strengths can share
with other developing nations in need of their
strengths, funded by developed nations or multilaterals
such as UNDP.
 The developed nations were the prime movers of
global trade when it suited them; now some countries
are slowing things down. That is not right, nor is it
good for our respective economies. But there has been
a ray of hope, with the developed countries declaring
that they are willing to maximize flexibilities in
exchange for greater market access.
 On the sidelines of the current session of the
Assembly, we hope the contending countries can
continue consulting to find the right formula of subsidy
cuts and market access to break the Doha impasse.
 But let us be clear: even as the Philippines works
tirelessly to move the talks forward, we are not going
to stand by and do nothing. For us, it is full speed
ahead; preferably with Doha, but full speed
nevertheless. We recognize that if the multilateral
trading system is fragmented into trading blocs, it will
result in a more complex set of trade rules. That could
incompatible with and detrimental to the interests of
developing nations. In the meantime, while we are
hoping for a successful conclusion to the Doha Round,
we have to maximize the economic opportunities
provided under bilateral and regional free trade
agreements. That will complement efforts under the
multilateral trading system.
 At a time of uncertainty, when the Doha Round is
faltering, ASEAN has taken a bold step forward by
drafting its Charter. That is our first step to creating a
permanent sense of community. We are working
towards a single market with free movement of goods,
ideas and skilled talent.
 In APEC, the world’s largest economy, the United
States, and the world’s fastest-growing economy,
China, are active participants. We have a strong
alliance with the United States, which remains our
largest trading partner and our strongest strategic ally.
We have stood shoulder to shoulder for many
generations. We expect to continue building on our
mature relationship with the United States.
 We have also forged a strong relationship with
China. China’s rise is a significant opportunity for the
Philippines. Our overall relations are now more
confident and comprehensive.
 Relations are not just about trade. They are also
about people, and this includes migration, a worldwide
reality. We thank the Secretary-General for supporting
the Philippine hosting of the Global Forum on
Migration and Development next year, and we invite
all Member States to participate.
 Overseas Filipino workers are honoured by the
Government and the people for their sacrifice and
dedication to work, family and nation. We welcome
their contribution, but we are working towards the day
when Filipinos no longer need to go abroad for a job,
the day that overseas work is just another career
option. We believe that our ambitious economic
reforms will increasingly keep our best and brightest
right in the Philippines, closer to friends and families,
helping to build our communities and provide the next
generation of leadership.
 The United Nations is a pillar of security and
human rights. It remains the central pillar underpinning
conflict resolution. Our country is among the largest, if
not the largest, contributor of police officers to United
Nations peacekeeping missions. The Philippines has
peacekeepers, both military and police, in Afghanistan,
Côte d’Ivoire, Georgia, Haiti, Kosovo, Liberia, the
Sudan and Timor-Leste. We will continue our
participation to safeguard communities so that they
may overcome conflict and regain the peace needed to
pursue development.
 Closer to home, I have personally advanced the
process of peace in Muslim and Christian Mindanao to
a new level of engagement, focusing on interfaith
dialogue, economic development and mutual security.
We have done so with the largest possible international
involvement, including that of the United Nations.
Peace in Mindanao is very much an issue of human
rights, as is poverty alleviation, our number-one issue.
 The Philippines is the most democratic country in
our region. We have no tolerance for human rights
violations at home or abroad. We support the effort to
revitalize and refocus the work of the United Nations
in human rights. For that reason, the Philippines sought
and won a seat on the Human Rights Council.
 The attention of the international community has
been drawn, with great reason and justification, to the
current situation in Myanmar. This is the time for
Myanmar to return to the path of democracy, to release
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi   now   and to involve all
the parties, including the National League for
Democracy, in the democratization and constitutional
processes.
 In conclusion, the number of globe-sized issues
we will face in the twenty-first century will require
globe-sized cooperation. We must build bridges of
peace and prosperity, and the place to start is in
building a stronger United Nations.


I have  the particular pleasure of conveying to you, Sir, my
sincere congratulations on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second
session. This attests to the esteem and trust enjoyed by
your country. Your unanimous election to your high
office is also recognition of your ability and your
wealth of experience as a talented academic and
diplomat, which we believe will ensure success in the
work of this session. I assure you of my delegation’s
support and its full readiness to assist you in carrying
out your lofty mission.
 I should also like to thank Her Excellency
Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa for her commendable
efforts throughout the entirety of the previous session
of the General Assembly. The measures she took are a
further step towards modernizing the United Nations
and improving its effectiveness.
 I would also like to express our sincere gratitude
to Mr. Ban Ki-moon and to tell him how pleased we
are to see him participating in the work of the General
Assembly as Secretary-General. By unanimously
electing him to lead the Organization, we have
demonstrated our confidence in his ability to continue
the work of reforming the United Nations begun by his
predecessor with a view to making the Organization an
effective tool in achieving the noble objectives of
promoting peace and development throughout the
world. We should continue to support him in realizing
that enormous and ambitious undertaking.
 Gathered here at the General Assembly two years
ago for the World Summit, our heads of State or
Government took historic decisions for the future of
the United Nations. Although we are pleased with the
progress made to date, there is still a long way to go in
achieving all the goals set at the Summit. Efforts must
still be made to find the most appropriate response to
the serious threat posed by climate change, which was
the subject of discussion last week; achieving the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism,
which has still not been agreed; strengthening United
Nations system-wide coherence; and reforming the
Security Council, without which the overall reform
process will remain incomplete. Algeria, which has
always called for thorough and comprehensives reform
of the Organization, continues to believe that decisive
commitment and the widest possible endorsement by
Member States are crucial to achieving the fruitful
consensus to bring about a positive outcome of this
ambitious reform effort.
 The world today faces new types of destabilizing
factors and numerous threats that jeopardize
international peace and security. That is especially the
case with regard to terrorism, which is by definition a
threat to the basic right to life. It spares no region of
the world and makes no distinction as to race, gender
or religion. It therefore requires resolute international
mobilization and a collective and decisive response
based on solidarity from the international community.
Only in that way can we ensure the effectiveness and
sustainability of the effort.
 My country has long suffered from heinous
terrorism, which we have fought on our own and for
which we paid a great price due to the indifference of
the international community in the 1990s. We therefore
appreciate the daily growing awareness of the dangers
posed by that phenomenon and of the need to prevent
and eradicate it. In that regard, Algeria supported the
United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy,
which was adopted by the General Assembly in
September 2006 as resolution 60/288. We call for a
commitment by Member States to implement it
immediately. We would like to point out, however, that
the fight against terrorism should not be waged solely
through the use of force but should also entail
addressing the underlying causes of the phenomenon,
in particular by finding just and equitable solutions to
conflicts, especially the conflict in the Middle East.
 In addition to expeditious measures to thwart this
devastating phenomenon, it is also urgent to conclude a
comprehensive convention against international
terrorism that includes a clear definition of the concept
of terrorism. Such a convention should also clearly
de-link terrorism from the legitimate struggle of
peoples against occupation. It should also not equate
terrorism with any religion, civilization or geographic
region.
 In a world torn by conflict and tormented by
extremism and intolerance of all sorts, it is essential
today that we work to calm hearts and minds in order
to promote a productive dialogue among cultures and
civilizations, so as to dispel misunderstanding,
eliminate prejudices and stereotypes and strengthen
mutual understanding. With patience, determination
and solidarity, we should dispel all theories and
associations that promote the dangerous discourse of a
clash of civilizations.
 We have great hopes for the General Assembly’s
forthcoming High-Level Dialogue on Interreligious and
Intercultural Understanding and Cooperation for Peace.
We hope that the dialogue will serve to bring
rationality to debates surrounding this issue, in line
with the ambitious efforts of the Alliance of
Civilization. Algeria is pleased at the particular
attention given to this issue, including the appointment
of Mr. Jorge Sampaio as High Representative for the
Alliance of Civilizations. We will spare no effort to
promote this approach, which is more crucial than ever,
to achieve a productive dialogue among civilizations
that makes it possible for us to address such common
challenges as underdevelopment, ignorance, poverty,
racism and extremism.
 Despite the Organization’s laudable efforts, the
task of decolonization remains unfinished. I would like
to refer in particular to Western Sahara, which is the
last case of decolonization in Africa. Its people are still
deprived the right to self-determination enshrined in
the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and
the Security Council. The international community had
harboured genuine hope for a just and lasting
resolution of the conflict, especially in the wake of the
Security Council's unanimous support for the peace
plan proposed by Mr. James Baker, former Personal
Envoy of the Secretary-General  a plan that
resolution 1495 (2003) rightly referred to as an
“optimum political solution” (para. 1).
 We are resolutely committed to the search for a
peaceful solution under international law. Algeria
welcomed the adoption on 30 April 2007 of Security
Council resolution 1754 (2007), which clearly
emphasized the need to find a just and lasting political
solution which will provide for the right of self-
determination of the Saharawi people. We hope that the
negotiations that began in June and resumed in August
at New York will continue, in order to allow the two
parties   Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO   to
reach an agreement in line with international law that
makes it possible for the people of Western Sahara to
decide their own fate freely and without constraints in
a referendum on self-determination.
 Other tragedies are taking place in Africa:
fratricidal wars, pandemics and natural disasters. This
tragic situation only serves to push countries with
limited resources into a precarious situation that
diminishes the possibility of socio-economic
development of any kind.
 Although, from its inception in 2004 the Peace
and Security Council of the African Union (AU) has
been providing appropriate African solutions to
conflicts on the continent, and as commendable as
those have been, its efforts will not be effective
without the firm commitment and considerable
sustained assistance of the entire international
community   such as the tremendous efforts made
recently to resolve the crisis in Darfur. Effectively
addressing the multidimensional problems involving
peace, security and development faced by the continent
today also requires that the international community
support the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD), which is a viable vehicle to address Africa’s
socio-economic concerns.
 In the Middle East, which is another especially
unstable part of the world, the situation is
deteriorating. This is reflected in daily violence and
recurring crises. If we are not vigilant, that situation
threatens to undermine any hope of establishing lasting
peace in the region. The international community must
once again become more involved in order to establish
a just and lasting peace in the Middle East that is based
on the implementation of the Road Map and the Arab
Peace Initiative. In that regard, Algeria welcomes the
renewed attention being given to the Arab Peace
Initiative, as reflected in President Bush’s proposal to
hold an international peace conference this fall. The
international community should support that effort,
which has rekindled hope for a comprehensive
resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, in order to avert
failure, which would have enormous consequences for
international peace and security.
 The situation in Iraq also continues to be of
concern. That fraternal country is experiencing scenes
of deadly violence on a daily basis. Sectarian and
communal violence also prevails throughout the
country, which undermine the values of citizenship and
coexistence among the children of a single people.
Those events appeal to our collective conscience and
call on us to mobilize assistance to that country by
making our contribution to finding a solution that
preserves Iraq’s national unity, sovereignty and
territorial integrity.
 I should also like to express my country’s
concern about the current impasse in the multilateral
disarmament and non-proliferation process: the failure
of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty
on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
held in May 2005 and the impasse at the 2005 World
Summit on this issue. This is a matter that calls on us
to act, for it is of crucial importance to the future of
humankind. My country continues to believe that
complying with the NPT entails the comprehensive and
equitable implementation of all its provisions, ensuring
a balance between the rights and obligations of States
parties. The three fundamental pillars of the Treaty
must be inseparable and complementary. Moreover, the
goal of preventing nuclear proliferation should not be a
pretext for preventing developing countries from
having access to nuclear technology for peaceful
purposes.
 On the basis of that deeply held belief, on
9 January 2007 Algeria was host to the first African
high-level regional conference on the theme of nuclear
energy’s contribution to peace and sustainable
development. The goal was to translate into action the
common African concern to ensure that nuclear energy
serves to promote peace and sustainable development
on the continent.
The issue of development has always been at the
core of the international community’s concerns. In that
regard, it is extremely important that it continue to be a
very high priority for the Organization. In the light of
the September 2000 Millennium Summit and the
follow-up meetings held both under the auspices of the
United Nations and outside the system, it is clear that
the issue of development has become one of the major
challenges   such as peace, with which it is
inextricably linked   that the international community
must address. In that connection, African heads of
State, who launched NEPAD, and the leaders of the
Group of Eight (G8) met last June at Heiligendamm,
Germany, and took up the issue of peace and
development in Africa as part of the agenda of that
meeting. My country welcomes the decision taken by
the G8 to provide $60 billion in assistance to combat
AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other pandemics in
Africa.
 Implementing that decision   and the progress
made in other areas, such as in effectively liberalizing
international trade   should be important steps
towards achieving the development goals set by the
international community. To that end, we believe that it
is essential that the entire international community
and developed countries in particular   becomes more
involved and honour the commitments undertaken at
the 2000 Millennium Summit, the 2002 Monterrey
International Conference on Financing for
Development, the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit
on Sustainable Development and the 2005 World
Summit.
 In that regard, we are pleased to note that there
were a number of encouraging signs during the high-
level dialogue on climate change held at the United
Nations last week. That illustrates that there is now a
collective awareness of the reality of the threat to
humankind posed by climate change and of its
correlation with the issue of development. In that
connection, I would like to emphasize the central role
that should be played by the United Nations in carrying
out negotiations in advance of the Conference of States
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, which is to be held in Bali, so as to
ensure that the meeting produces a global regime to
replace the Kyoto Protocol upon its expiry, in 2012.
That regime should include an emissions reduction
strategy that is fair, effective and equitable and based
on the principle of common but differentiated
responsibilities. In essence, it is a matter of
safeguarding the interests of developing countries,
especially African countries, which pollute the least but
are the most exposed to the effects of climate change.
 We are determined to continue our active
participation in the international effort to protect the
environment. Algeria has made its energy strategy part
of its sustainable development policy by deciding to
promote renewable sources of energy.
 I am also pleased to note that, on 5 June 2006,
Algeria had the distinct honour of hosting the
festivities for World Environment Day. In addition,
from 17 to 19 December 2006, we hosted the Joint
International Conference on Desertification, which was
held to mark the end of the International Year of
Deserts and Desertification, an issue which is linked to
that of climate change.
 Algeria has embraced the Millennium Declaration
and has spared no effort to take concrete steps through
its national development policies. We are also working
within the context of NEPAD to promote all efforts that
will contribute to development on the African
continent.
 Consolidating domestic reforms by strengthening
democracy and the rule of law as important elements of
good governance stems from our desire to modernize
our country, economy and society. In that vein, Algeria
has voluntarily agreed to peer review under the African
evaluation Mechanism established for that purpose.
That undertaking is part of Africa’s efforts to
contribute concretely to strengthening good
governance in every country of Africa, and in the
continent as a whole.
 A report was presented to heads of States
members of the African Peer Review Mechanism
meeting at Accra in June 2007. Among other things,
the report underscored Algeria’s great socio-economic
progress. It also welcomed the steps that have been
taken to achieve national reconciliation, which were
the result of a courageous and visionary political
decision taken by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika that
has now been realized through a popular referendum
that reaffirmed a very broad-based desire for
reconciliation.
 In conclusion, allow me to point out that in 2005,
when we commemorated the sixtieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations, we charted a course to
undertake genuine reorganization in the architecture of
international relations by adapting the Organization to
the world we live in today. Only an Organization that is
effective, just and credible will be able to meet the
demands brought about by change and to rise to the
challenges produced by the turbulence of today’s world
in order to ensure peace, security and development for
future generations. That is Algeria's firm conviction, as
well as that of the entire international community.


Permit  me to express to you, Sir, my delegation’s warm
congratulations on your election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. We
are convinced that you will be able to skilfully guide
our efforts to attain the common objectives that we
have set for the session. I should also like to express
Mexico’s gratitude for the excellent work of your
predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa.
 Likewise, I wish to express my gratitude to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the work
accomplished on major items on our agenda during the
first months of his mandate. I also wish to congratulate
him on the high-level event on climate change, held
last week, which undoubtedly helped to raise
awareness about an issue that deserves priority
attention.
 At a time when the international community is
facing many challenges that test our capacity to fulfil
the purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations, it is essential to strengthen and make effective
use of multilateral institutions. In that connection, the
Organization must daily reaffirm itself as the
indisputable centre for coexistence among States and
the guarantor of compliance with international law.
Mexico, as a founding Member of this pre-eminent
universal forum, takes this opportunity to reaffirm its
firm and decisive commitment to multilateralism.
 We are living in a complex world situation
characterized by armed conflicts of various sorts,
including inter-ethnic conflicts that are not confined by
borders; the commission of terrorist acts; the
destabilizing activities of transnational organized
crime; the proliferation of the arms race in all its
aspects; and environmental degradation, situations of
abject poverty, social exclusion and discrimination and
pandemics affecting broad sectors of the world
population. That is why, more than ever before, we
need an Organization capable of meeting the needs of
women and men throughout the world. In that context,
we must think about the role of the United Nations.
 Mexico sees three fundamental approaches for
harmonizing relations among States and addressing the
great challenges of our time: shared responsibility in
the face of globalization, the promotion of human
security for development and the responsibility to
cooperate in the multilateral arena.
 Every State is responsible, to its own society and
to the international community, for guaranteeing the
rule of law and the full enjoyment of human rights,
promoting development, protecting the environment
and countering new threats to security in order to
provide the best possible living conditions for its
people. The actions of the Government of Mexico at
the internal level are based on those pillars so as to
guarantee the rule of law throughout the national
territory, given the onslaught of organized crime, and
to reaffirm the authority of the State in the full exercise
of its responsibilities.
 The security of the population is not limited to
the physical protection of individuals. That is why
human security must be understood as a broad and
integral concept that can meet the needs of society as a
whole. It is a concept that includes elements ranging
from strict respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms to adequate preparation of the population to
deal with natural disasters or pandemics.
 Mindful of the value of the individual, the
Government of Mexico bases its activities on the quest
for sustainable human development, which means
seeking to promote the comprehensive development of
individuals in all aspects   social, economic, political,
cultural, human and environmental   and to do it in
such a way as to ensure that future generations have
opportunities to achieve well-being.
 Within the framework of multilateral institutions,
States have freely shouldered the obligation to
cooperate with others in addressing all problems in
areas such as, inter alia, combating drug trafficking and
terrorism and preserving the environment, in which
internal efforts alone are insufficient and concerted
action is required.
 Shared responsibility in the face of globalization,
promoting human security for development and the
responsibility to cooperate in the multilateral arena are
among the main concerns of our Organization. A good
example of this is climate change. As the
Secretary-General himself has indicated, climate
change is among the most serious, complex and
multifaceted threats confronting the world. Mexico
favours the multilateral climate change regime
developed within the United Nations as an ideal
framework for shaping commitments to be adopted in
the near future. The United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol
are the appropriate areas for negotiation.
 Emerging and developing countries must consider
the fact that the costs of inaction of passivity in the
face of climate change will be to the detriment of their
own development efforts. We in Mexico have
understood this. The national development plan 2007-
2012 includes actions related to environmental
sustainability, with two specific objectives: reducing
emissions of greenhouse gases and promoting measures
to adapt to the effects of climate change. The inaction
of others must not be a pretext for failing to do our
part. We are convinced that shared but differentiated
responsibilities must motivate all countries to take
action to the best of their abilities and that developed
countries, without exception, must contribute
substantially to the collective effort in the
technological and financial sphere.
 Mexico believes that we must break away from
the limitations of the Clean Development Mechanism
of the Kyoto Protocol, whereby the achievement of
developed countries’ goals depends on their
geographical location. What we need are positive
incentives to supplement, not replace, the national
efforts of developing countries. It is urgent that such
incentives reward the efforts of beneficiary countries
that make such efforts in their own interests.
Accordingly, those that do more should receive greater
support.
 In recent years, the international community has
had to face a series of challenges in the fight against
terrorism. One of those challenges has been to
guarantee the maintenance of international peace and
security in the face of terrorism’s evil effects without
renouncing the universal and absolute values of human
rights. That is an essential condition for civilized
coexistence within and beyond our borders.
 The United Nations has determined, in a number
of commitments, that measures adopted by States to
combat terrorism and to protect their citizens and
provide adequate security for them must respect
obligations undertaken in accordance with international
law, in particular human rights norms, the rights of
refugees and international humanitarian law.
 Promoting and protecting human rights is one of
the highest priorities for the Government of Mexico.
We, the international community, have the
responsibility to ensure universal and indivisible
respect for human rights for all, regardless of the
circumstances. Today, the situation in Myanmar
demands our attention.
 The creation of the Human Rights Council and
the adoption of the institutional reform package, which
includes the establishment of a universal periodic
review mechanism, have marked a watershed in
building a more just and equitable international system
for human rights. Double standards in this area can no
longer exist. With objectivity and in a spirit of
cooperation, we must promote the evaluation of human
rights in all Member States without any distinction.
That effort strengthens the essential role of the
Organization in developing international norms to
protect human rights and represents the most solid
foundation for achieving the well-being of our peoples.
 In that regard, we welcome the recent adoption of
the Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities and the United Nations Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Mexico remains open to
scrutiny by treaty bodies and to special procedures on
human rights, which have played an essential role in
identifying the challenges our country still faces.
 Given the multidimensional nature of
international migration, Mexico believes that our
Organization is the most fitting forum for dealing with
these problems, on the basis of the principle of shared
responsibility and of strengthening cooperation among
States directly affected by that phenomenon. The issue
of migration can in no way be limited solely to its State
security aspects. We must have a comprehensive
understanding based on respect for the human rights of
all migrants, regardless of their legal status, taking into
account the economic, social and cultural implications
of the phenomenon.
 We say this from our own experience. Mexico is
a country of origin, transit and destination for
migrants. For that reason, in addition to recognizing
our own responsibility domestically, we must adopt
effective measures to strengthen the international
framework for the protection of migrants. The
International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their
Families is, without a doubt, a valuable reference
point. While we recognize the need to cooperate in that
area, Mexico is shouldering its own responsibility to
create conditions so that our compatriots are able to
find more and better opportunities within our country.
That is why the Government of President Felipe
Calderón is taking action on a number of fronts to
promote public and private investment in order to
develop programmes to create more jobs; to increase
access to secondary and post-secondary education; to
guarantee access to medical services, including in the
most isolated and marginalized areas of the country; to
ensure social security coverage; and to reduce
inequality among our citizens.
 It is clear that the success of our development
policies requires a favourable international economic
environment and cooperation among States. The United
Nations is playing an essential role in providing
technical assistance and monitoring the implementation
of commitments undertaken by the international
community at the major conferences, summits and
forums sponsored by the Organization.
 Seven years from the date set for the achievement
of the Millennium Development Goals, we note with
concern that while significant progress has been
achieved in some areas of the world, in other areas
there are still delays and even steps backward. We
recognize that each country is responsible for its own
development. However, national efforts must be
accompanied by international action based on the
global alliance forged at the International Conference
on Financing for Development, held in Monterrey,
Mexico. That will ensure complementarity between
national strategies and the development of the world
economy. Mexico hopes that the Economic and Social
Council’s new Development Cooperation Forum and
the international review conference on the Monterrey
Consensus to be held in Doha in 2008 will be steps in
that direction.
 International security requires renewed
commitments. Although there has been a numerical
reduction in nuclear arsenals since the end of the cold
war, it is disturbing to see the growing sophistication
of related technology. Unfortunately, that points to a
new phase in the arms race. Mexico is convinced that
the only guarantee against the use of nuclear weapons
is a progressive reduction aimed at their complete
elimination and the certainty that they will never be
produced again. As one of the initial steps for
achieving nuclear disarmament, the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty must enter into force as soon
as possible. Mexico also believes that the vital
strengthening of the non-proliferation regime requires
the fulfilment of obligations undertaken by all States,
nuclear and non-nuclear, under the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), with a
view to its universalization. If no progress is achieved
on non-proliferation or disarmament, fear, mistrust and
greater insecurity will prevail. In this regard, the NPT
review conference to be held in 2010 is a new
opportunity for safeguarding and strengthening these
objectives.
 We welcome the agreements recently reached
with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. We
are convinced that the ongoing controversy over
nuclear matters in the case of the Islamic Republic of
Iran must be resolved through diplomacy and strict
compliance with commitments undertaken within the
framework of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
 Mexico supports the resolution of conflicts in
various regions through dialogue, negotiations and full
respect for international law. That is particularly true in
dealing with the most critical items on the United
Nations agenda.
 We are following with particular attention recent
developments on various aspects of the situation in the
Middle East and their impact on international stability.
We support efforts aimed at a new peace process
between Israel and Palestine, convinced that a final
solution can be achieved only through negotiation
between the parties with the active support of the
international community. We hope that in the very near
future the State of Israel and a politically and
economically viable Palestinian State can coexist
within secure and internationally recognized borders,
in accordance with the relevant Security Council
resolutions.
 If multilateralism has returned, it is now up to
States to show the political will necessary to promote
concrete reform, ranging from adjusting the Security
Council to meet the needs of our time to ensuring
greater coherence in action to promote sustainable
development. The response to the institutional crisis of
recent years does not lie in alternative mechanisms or
unilateral or partial approaches, but rather, we must
give the Organization the necessary tools to carry out
its responsibilities effectively.
 Mexico believes that expanding the Security
Council is an unavoidable necessity in order to make
that body more representative. In this regard, my
Government favours increasing the number of
non-permanent members, with the possibility of being
re-elected in order to promote accountability. We
believe that any other formula will highlight existing
inequalities.
 Mexico is the tenth largest contributor to this
Organization and a country loyal to the cause of the
United Nations. We are committed to its reform and
ready to shoulder greater responsibilities on the
international scene. In line with this vision, Mexico has
submitted its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on
the Security Council for the 2009-2010 period.
 The Government of Mexico has expressed its
political will to constructively participate in the work
of the Council in the areas of maintaining international
peace and security and dealing with questions on the
world agenda that are within the purview of the
Council.
 On this basis, Mexico reaffirms its determination
to actively contribute to building a more secure,
democratic and equitable international society.


Before I begin, I wish
to indicate that my statement is complementary to that
delivered yesterday (see ) by the Prime
Minister of Portugal on behalf of the European Union,
to which Cyprus fully subscribes.
 As this is the first general debate since the
election of the new Secretary-General, I would like to
take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Ban Ki-moon
on his appointment to that crucial post and wish him
every success. His report on the work of the
Organization (A/62/1) demonstrates not only the broad
spectrum of issues dealt with by the United Nations but
also the comprehensive character and vast potential of
multilateral diplomacy. Among the aspects of the
Organization's work that are of particular interest, we
note the disconcerting developments in the Middle
East, the modest progress made with respect to the
development agenda, the effects of the Organization's
involvement in different crises, particularly in Africa,
and the increasing impact of its humanitarian
contribution.
 To date, we have ample scientific data and other
overwhelmingly convincing evidence suggesting that
world climate is changing to the detriment of human
and ecological systems as a result of human activity.
Thus, our response to this alarming phenomenon
should be the focus of our debate rather than the extent
to which it exists.
 We believe that it is important for us to define,
from the outset, the scope of the response we are
seeking to formulate. In the face of the quasi-
irreversibility of the damage done thus far, we should
at least put the necessary focus, resources and energy
into curbing the galloping deterioration of the situation
and urgently decide the first steps to protect our
societies from large-scale future climate change.
 The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
has suggested a number of technological and policy
instruments that are available to Governments for
mitigation action. We stand ready to support the
adoption of a number of sectoral policies and measures
that the Panel has deemed effective, such as the use of
renewable energy, the use of technology to produce
energy cleanly, improved waste and waste-water
management and the use of alternative technologies in
exploiting human systems like forestry, fisheries and
agriculture.
 In deciding and enforcing our response, we see
no plausible framework other than the United Nations.
Aside from its unique position to address the issue
because of its global character, its success in
confronting a threat with such massive potential as
climate change will be a litmus test for the relevance of
our Organization. One could say that climate change is
the modern-day equivalent of the security threat that
necessitated the establishment of the Organization in
1945. It remains to be seen whether our system can be
as effective in dealing with contemporary threats to
humanity as it has been in dealing with more
traditional security deficits.
 Let me now turn to an issue with which the
United Nations has had a long involvement, an issue
which we aim to keep as one of the Organizationâ€™s
priorities until it has been definitively resolved within
the framework set out in the numerous relevant
resolutions of this Organization.
 For many years, the United Nations has engaged
in strenuous efforts aimed at brokering a solution. It
may be that the task has proved so very arduous,
because the Cyprus issue, when stripped of the niceties
of diplomatic terminology, is a question of foreign
aggression and continuing occupation of a significant
part of a sovereign State, entailing enclaved and
missing persons, refugees and massive and enduring
violations of human rights.
 Cyprus has survived the most difficult
circumstances created by the many facets of the
problem and has primarily insisted on one thing vis-Ã -
vis the involvement of the United Nations in its
resolution: the full application of the values on which
this Organization was founded and which it has worked
so hard to promote.
 So, why does this problem persist after so many
years during which the national, regional and
international political landscape has undergone
dramatic changes? Certainly, it is neither for lack of
political will nor for lack of effort on our part. Rather,
the occupying Power has not displayed any motivation
to solve the problem, and this has only been reinforced
by the Annan plan, which satisfied all Turkish
desiderata, thus being readily accepted by the Turkish
side. Instead, Turkey has used its dominant position to
command trade-offs of all sorts.
 Secondly, Turkeyâ€™s long-standing objective of
gaining political and military control over Cyprus
remains unchanged. Despite declaratory remarks of
willingness to solve the Cyprus problem, its actions
confirm its dedication to its ab initio pursuit of
controlling Cyprus by partitioning it geographically
into two ethnically clean parts, with Turkey securing
rights of suzerainty and the â€œrightâ€ of intervention in
Cyprus.
 Thirdly, efforts to solve the Cyprus problem have
not been filtered through a system of values and norms
of international law. They have not been tailored to
tackling the roots of the problem or even to the
problem itself; rather, their centre of gravity seems to
have been the kind of solution the occupying Power
would want or could, at least, tolerate. In fact, it is
clear through the conduct and negotiating positions of
Turkey that it has not contemplated a solution outside
the boundaries of the status quo.
 Fourthly, shifting the problem from the context of
its origin â€” that of invasion and occupation â€” has led
to a problem-solving methodology that divides the
distance that separates the parties, caving in to the
demands of the more powerful party and making
success conditional upon the otherâ€™s magnanimity.
 Fifthly, the occupying Power has insisted on
discussing elements that form neither part of the
genesis of the problem nor part of its solution. The
Cyprus problem is caused by not bad community
relations but by outside intervention. Persisting,
therefore, with a constitutional arrangement, set up
primarily on the basis of ethnic origin â€” without due
respect for the overriding democratic principles of
liberty and equality of all citizens â€” insults the dignity
of those citizens and dooms the viability of any
settlement.
 We currently find ourselves engaged in an effort
to implement a process consisting of an Agreement
concluded and signed by the two communities in
Cyprus on 8 July 2006 and complemented by letters
exchanged between the leaders of the two communities
and the then Under-Secretary-General for Political
Affairs of the United Nations, Mr. Gambari, on
15 November 2006. The surprising laboriousness in the
implementation of this carefully crafted Agreement â€”
the purpose of which is to prepare the ground for
subsequent negotiation and to lead to a comprehensive
settlement of the Cyprus issue â€” is not inherent to this
particular process. We should therefore concentrate on
implementing what has been agreed. The pace can only
be determined by progress, with full-fledged
negotiations as needed. Sidelining or circumventing
stages of the process will lead, not to expediting the
solution, but to confirming the deadlock.
 So, what does the future hold for the mission of
good offices entrusted to the Secretary-General by the
Security Council? For our part, we remain fully
committed, as it is clear to us that we cannot sustain
the status quo and must insist on a meaningful and
forward-looking process that can elicit concrete results,
leading to the establishment of a bizonal, bicommunal
federation, within the true meaning of each of these
terms. The only process that can take us forward is the
one established by the 8 July agreed process I have just
outlined. This process is expected to test suggestions,
ideas and alternatives at the expert level, adequately
prepare the ground and submit to the leaders, any
points that warrant political compromise or agreement.
Although the last meeting with the Turkish Cypriot
leader did not signal the beginning of the
implementation of the Agreement as we had hoped, we
will not rescind our efforts to put the 8 July process
back on track. The element of time is very important;
however, only progress through preparing the ground
can bring us sooner to an agreed settlement. With a
view to achieving progress, I submitted to the
Secretary-General certain ideas and proposals that I
hope will contribute to this end.
 Turkey's intentions are not only manifest in the
non-resolution of the Cyprus problem after all these
years. They transpire from all its actions: the
non-normalization of its relations with Cyprus as a first
step to becoming a European partner, the non-removal
of any of its troops from Cypriot soil as a confidence-
building measure, the intensification of efforts to
project a secessionist entity in Cyprus and its
systematic violations of our sovereign air and maritime
space and of the military status quo. This was recently
confirmed by explicit statements of its leadership at the
highest political level referring to a settlement based
on two peoples, two democracies, two States and two
religions. That is an arrangement we shall never
accept.
 Over the past year, we have also witnessed
repeated attempts by the occupying Power to illegally
explore my country's natural resources and to sabotage
our sovereign right to explore and manage these
resources. It has carried out unauthorized demolitions
of Greek Cypriot houses in the areas it occupies and it
continues to destroy cultural and religious heritage. It
has intensified the large-scale illegal exploitation of
Greek Cypriot properties in the occupied part of
Cyprus, not least because this will skew the terms of a
future settlement.
 At the same time, Turkey pursues its own
strategic objectives in Cyprus at the expense of
reunification and is only guided by its own interests
and not those of Turkish Cypriots. It has ascertained
over the years that the occupied part of Cyprus would
come completely under its political, economic and
military control. We regret to note that Turkey has been
trying to involve our friends and neighbours in this ill-
conceived effort. Underpinning this strategy is the
intent to legitimize the fait accompli of the invasion
and attribute political status to its results. Such a
strategy could not have been achieved without
presenting the Turkish Cypriot community as victims,
not of Turkish aggression as really is the case, but of
Greek Cypriots for resisting this fait accompli. A prime
example of those tactics has been the ongoing
campaign to deceivingly suggest that the Turkish
Cypriot community is economically disadvantaged
because it is isolated. Considering that the per capita
income of Turkish Cypriots has doubled over the past
three years and that they now enjoy the 59th highest
per capita income in the world, one can easily detect
the political agenda behind the attempt to link their
economic development with the fate of the illegal
regime.
 For years now, we have been advocating that the
road to solving the Cyprus problem is not via the
exclusion of the inconvenient truths that underlie it or
the bypassing of principles that are, for us, the
guarantee that the settlement of the Cyprus problem
will continue to be valid and relevant in a constantly
changing world.
 Equally important, we regard the preservation of
our interests and those of Turkey in our region not as
mutually exclusive but as complementary and
interdependent. Our vision must be to bequeath to
future generations the legacy of friendship, cooperation
and good neighbourliness. We are afforded the
opportunity to avoid eternalizing this feud and we
should seize it.


As he  had to leave New York earlier than scheduled owing to
pressing engagements, President Denis Sassou
Nguesso has asked me to address the Assembly on his
behalf in order to share with other Member States the
perspectives of the Congolese Government on items on
the General Assembly’s agenda at this session.
 On behalf of my delegation, I wish first to thank
Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of Bahrain for her
excellent work. I also thank the President on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-second session. The five priorities that he has
articulated and the road map for climate change, the
drafting of which he announced at his election,
represent an agenda that is in line with the objectives
that have been pursued by the United Nations since the
Millennium Summit of September 2000. He can rely
on my delegation’s cooperation when we consider
those issues.
 To Mr. Ban Ki-moon, in his first experience of
the General Assembly’s general debate as Secretary-
General, I reaffirm my Government’s commitment to
assisting him in the direction he seeks to set for our
Organization. My country is sensitive to the many
displays of interest in us that he has demonstrated time
and time again since his election last year. Proof of
that, inter alia, are the visit he made to Brazzaville in
January 2007 and his choice of a son of our country,
Mr. Rodolphe Adada, former Foreign Minister of the
Congo, to direct the African Union-United Nations
Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). We are very
grateful to him for that.
 Following the violent crises that shook our nation
in the late 1990s, the Congo has gradually found peace
and stability through political dialogue and national
reconciliation, which remain our ongoing objectives.
The return of a number of Congolese who left the
country during the civil wars is part of that positive
trend. The legislative elections that have just been held
peacefully are indeed the sign of a democracy at peace.
That favourable dynamic needs, of course, to be
encouraged, assisted and supported by the international
community.
 Despite enormous losses in human life and
considerable material damage, at the end of the civil
war the Congo was not considered to be a country in a
post-conflict situation. We had to undertake at our own
expense the vast task of restoration and reconstruction.
We therefore plunged resolutely into difficult
negotiations with the Bretton Woods institutions to
elaborate a programme of debt relief, implementation
of the Millennium Development Goals   including the
fight against poverty   and economic recovery. In that
context, in order not to exacerbate further the daily
existence of the majority of our people already living
without the basic necessities, we are trying to prevent
the negotiations from being an intolerable burden on
them. We therefore hope to bring the negotiations to a
conclusion as soon as possible so as not to delay the
implementation of the necessary reforms.
 The return to peace and stability has allowed my
country to resume its place on the international stage.
In less than three months, the Congo will end its term
as a non-permanent member of the Security Council.
For the past 20 months, we have participated in the
Council’s deliberations in a constructive spirit. We
have always favoured the resolution of disputes
through peaceful means and dialogue, seeking
compromise and enhanced multilateralism. Our
participation has strengthened our belief in the need
and urgency of reform of that main organ of the United
Nations, entrusted with the maintenance of
international peace and security. Our position and that
of Africa is well known on that question. We have also
focused on improving the Council’s working methods
in order to ensure greater transparency and
inclusiveness in its decision-making process.
 During the presidency of the African Union
assumed by Congolese President Denis Sassou
Nguesso in 2006, the Congo had occasion to speak on
behalf of a continent whose issues occupy the lion’s
share of the Council’s agenda. We made the case for
strengthening the partnership between the United
Nations and the African Union in order to ensure that
the Council’s decisions take the concerns of African
countries into consideration and are thereby legitimate
and viable. We called for ongoing dialogue between the
Council, on the one hand, and the African Union,
through its Peace and Security Council, and African
States as a whole, on the other, as well as parties to
conflicts.
 We encouraged the international community to
remain involved in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo through the United Nations Organization
Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
including after the elections, which clearly represented
a great step forward but left unresolved the questions
of peace in the East, the disarmament of armed groups,
the repatriation of foreign combatants and economic
reconstruction. Such developments could be facilitated
in the context of the pact signed at the conclusion of
the second summit of the International Conference on
the Great Lakes Region, which is an appropriate
regional framework.
 In the Côte d’Ivoire, after much uncertainty, it is
comforting to note that the process engaged by the
Ouagadougou agreement has opened prospects for a
resolution of the crisis, which we need to encourage
and assist.
 The same prospects for encouraging
developments are now open to Darfur following the
adoption of Security Council resolution 1769 (2007).
In his statement to the Council summit of
25 September, the Congolese Head of State called on
the international community to seize this opportunity to
act with a sense of urgency.
 We must accelerate the pace of work in the
following three areas, as emerged from the high-level
meeting on Darfur held here in New York on
21 September. First, political dialogue is to resume on
27 October in Tripoli, where all parties must
participate, bearing in mind the exceptional open-
mindedness of the Sudanese Government, which has
decided to observe a ceasefire once the Tripoli talks
begin. Sanctions should be considered for all reticent
parties. To encourage the initiative of political
dialogue, which will determine any possible success
for the international community’s involvement in
Darfur, my Government has decided to contribute to
the special Trust Fund created by the Secretary-General
to that end.
 Secondly, peace must be maintained via the
deployment of UNAMID. The creation of the force was
a most significant decision that must be implemented
without delay in order to avoid any political setback
and any deterioration of the situation on the ground. In
that area, too, my Government has demonstrated its
solidarity by deciding to dispatch a contingent, along
with the military observers it sent earlier as part of the
African Union Mission in Sudan. In that regard, my
delegation vigorously condemns the recent attack on
the African Union peacekeepers in Haskanita in
southern Darfur. We ask that the perpetrators be
actively sought and punished.
 Thirdly, humanitarian assistance and economic
recovery are more than indispensable to stabilization
and a return to normalcy in Darfur. With respect to
African crises, we cannot ignore the tragedy of
Somalia. As we all know, Africa has committed to
deploying the Africa Union Military Observer Mission
in Somalia, which should be vigorously supported and
ultimately relieved by a United Nations force. Somalia
must not become a forgotten crisis. The Somalis
themselves, however, must assume their
responsibilities and make a serious commitment to an
inclusive political dialogue that will lead to genuine
national reconciliation.
 Until the end of this month, the Congo is the
President of the Economic Community of Central
African States. Our subregion has always been
involved in international initiatives concerning the
situations in its various constituent countries. A
contingent put together by some of those countries is
therefore contributing to the stability of the situation in
the Central African Republic. The twenty-sixth meeting
of the United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on
Security Questions in Central Africa, held in Yaoundé
on 7 September 2007, resulted in a series of
conclusions including, in particular, an appeal to the
international community and the donors to help the
Governments of Burundi, the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and Chad secure their borders and improve
general security conditions; support for the
multidisciplinary operation to be deployed to secure
the situation in the areas of Chad and the Central
African Republic bordering the
Sudan   the subject of Security Council resolution
1778 (2007), adopted on 25 September   and pursuing
subregional cooperation on questions of security,
including the announcement of the military exercise of
a simulated peacekeeping operation, scheduled for
Chad in November.
 And finally, still in Yaoundé, on the margins of
the meeting of the Advisory Committee, a ministerial
conference on cross-border security questions in
Central Africa resulted in the adoption of a statement,
which amounts to a political commitment, by the States
in the subregion to implement organizational,
administrative, legal and technical mechanisms of
cooperation in border areas. This will allow us to
tackle such phenomena as uncontrolled or forced
movement of populations, criminal activities of armed
groups, illicit flows of small arms and light weapons
and the illegal exploitation of natural resources.
 My country also remains vigilant to the threats
that weigh on other parts of the world and crises that
shake several regions around the globe. In this spirit,
we have always supported a peaceful settlement to the
Middle East conflict that takes into account the
Quartet’s Road Map and the Arab Peace Initiative. We
have also called for an international conference on the
Middle East, with the participation of all countries in
the region that can make a useful contribution. We
therefore welcome with interest and hope the
announcement of the November conference on the
Middle East.
 In terms of nuclear non-proliferation, we have
always called for compliance with the
Non-Proliferation Treaty in all its aspects, including
the right of all countries to develop nuclear technology
for civil purposes. We have always insisted on the
crucial role of the International Atomic Energy Agency
and on the need for a political dialogue with the
countries whose nuclear programs raise questions. In
this respect, we are pleased with the evolution of
negotiations with North Korea, and we encourage
pursuing dialogue with Iran to make sure that there is
no slippage in the programme that country is
developing.
 My delegation is also pleased with the
mobilization of the international community around a
question crucial for the future of mankind: the real
threat of climate change. Now, thanks to science, it has
been clearly established that it is human activity that is
at the origin of this scourge. We agree with the
Secretary-General and the President of the General
Assembly that the time has come to act. Therefore, we
welcomed the high-level meeting held here on
24 September on this theme. The President of the
Congo personally participated in that meeting to show
the commitment of the countries of the Congo Basin
the world’s second ecological lung, after the Amazon
Basin   in the struggle for survival of our species and
safeguarding the planet overall. On the basis of a
strategic plan called the convergence plan, a ten-year
plan, these countries have made a commitment to
national and subregional actions having to do with
sustainable management of forest ecosystems in the
Basin.
 The awareness that we have a responsibility in
this common fight has led us to cooperate with the two
other great forest areas   the Amazon and in
Borneo   to promote better forestry and commercial
practices. The talks that these three areas held on
24 September, on the margins of the high-level
meeting, have permitted our delegations to prepare for
a common approach to be presented at the conference
of the States parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change in Bali this December.
 Our constant commitment to peace and
international security today includes many aspects.
Climate change merits this special attention that this
Assembly, as the world’s conscience, must give to
these great challenges confronting humanity.