182.	Mr. President, permit me first of all to express to the General Assembly our profound appreciation for the confidence it has placed in our country, Iraq, by electing you to the presidency of the current session. Iraq, as one of the founding Members of the United Nations, will take this honor as an added impetus, despite the persistent efforts by some Powers in the opposite direction, for the intensification of our efforts towards the achievement of the purposes of the United Nations and the implementation of its principles in such a way as to serve the rights and interests of peoples in freedom, sovereignty, independence and wellbeing.
183 . I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for the distinguished efforts he made in presiding over the General Assembly throughout a busy year.
184.	I am also pleased to welcome to our midst the States of Vanuatu and Belize, to which I extend, on behalf of the Government and people of Iraq, sincere congratulations on their independence and admission to membership in the United Nations. We wish to convey to the two States our best wishes for their progress and well being.
185.	On 7 June this year American-made military aircraft of the Zionist entity, after violating the airspace of two neighboring Arab States and hence violating their sovereignty and political independence, raided the nuclear installations situated near Baghdad. The raid caused many civilian casualties and much material damage. The authorities of the Zionist entity accepted full responsibility for the raid, which was carried out on the pretext of defending the security of that entity.
186.	The raid constitutes the gravest act of Israeli aggression to date, as it represents a dangerous qualitative turn in the violation of the international norms observed by the international community. If we desire to comprehend the real motives for this Zionist aggression, we must put it in its correct perspective.
187.	It is obvious today that the founders of the Zionist entity had contemplated from the very beginning of their occupation of Palestine the possession of nuclear weapons as a means of intimidating the Arab nation in order to fulfill their plans for Zionist expansion in Arab territories, to create a "Greater Israel" from the Nile to the Euphrates, to impose Zionist hegemony over the whole region and to prevent the rise and progress of the Arab nation along with other nations towards economic development and wellbeing.
188.	In fact, the Israeli nuclear Program goes back to 1949. The most important experiments conducted by the Weizmann Institute in the early 1950s concerned the development of techniques for extracting uranium from phosphates in the Negev as well as others relating to the production of heavy water.
189.	In 1952 the BenGurion Government established the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission within the framework of the Ministry of defense, with a separate budget and special laboratories, which confirms the military objectives of the Israeli nuclear Program from its inception. The existence of that Commission was kept secret until 1954. In 1966 the Commission was reorganized and placed under the direct control of the Prime Minister, who became its chairman.
190.	In 1953 a nuclear cooperation agreement concluded with France marked a turning point in the Israeli nuclear Program. The fact remains, however, that the United States was the first country to provide Israel with a nuclear reactor, under an agreement concluded in 1955, namely, the reactor at Nahal Sorek, south of Tel Aviv, with a capacity of 5 megawatts. This was in addition to providing Israel with a vast library of studies and reports on nuclear science, as well as 6 kilograms of enriched uranium 235, not to mention training 56 Israelis at United States nuclear establishments. Subsequently Israel obtained another United States reactor, with a capacity of 8 megawatts, which was installed at the Technion Institute.
191.	On page 68 of his book entitled Nuclear Arms in the Third World—U.S. Policy Dilemma, published in 1979 by the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C., Ernest W. Lefever has pointed out that both France and the United States have contributed to Israel's nuclear development.
192.	In 1957 Israel took the decision to build the highly secret reactor at Dimona, in cooperation with France, and in 1958 a reactor with a capacity of 5 megawatts was built at Rishon LeZion in cooperation with the United States. Israeli cooperation in the nuclear field with the Federal Republic of Germany began at the end of the 1950s, through which Israel was provided with an accelerator enabling it to strengthen the department of experimental nuclear physics at the Weizmann Institute. However, Israeli cooperation with the Federal Republic of Germany assumed its official nature only in 1963.
19?. The Dimona facility remains without any supervision or control and is operated by the Israeli defense Ministry. The most striking fact about the Dimona reactor is that the truth about it was not disclosed until the United States Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] revealed in 1960 that the installation at Dimona, which the Americans were told by Israel was a textile factory, was in fact a nuclear reactor. Subsequently, Israel and France acknowledged this fact. The New York Times stated on 20 December 1960 that the Dimona reactor was particularly well suited for producing fissionable plutonium used in nuclear bombs. In 1969 a United States team reported that it could not guarantee that there was no weapons-related work at Dimona because it was not permitted to move about freely in the installation. Likewise, a United States Congressional inquiry into Israeli nuclear efforts complained of the lack of any detailed knowledge on the part of the United States of the purposes of research and experiments conducted at the Dimona research facility. In November 1976, 13 United States Senators on a nuclear fact finding tour of the Middle East were barred from the facility.
194.	Furthermore, in addition to the reactor, there are large-scale facilities for separating weapons grade plutonium from spent fuel at the Soreq research establishment at Dimona. In an article entitled "Israel's Nuclear Policy" by Lawrence Freedman, contained in the May/June 1975 edition of a periodical called Survival, published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, it was stated that the natural uranium used in the Dimona reactor was obtained from France, Argentina and South Africa. It was also stated that Israel had become capable of producing increasing amounts of uranium from its expanding Utilizer industry and that it would soon pass the limits of self-sufficiency.
195.	It has been well known for some time that the Zionist entity has had a nuclear capability since the 1960s. The Arab Governments have been issuing warnings since 1965 that Israel had obtained the basic technology for manufacturing nuclear weapons and that it might have developed its capabilities for manufacturing such weapons. In 1969, the Buffalo Evening News published on 9 May a Reuters report which had appeared in the West German magazine Der Spiegel, stating that Israel had become the world's sixth nuclear power and possessed six Hiroshima type bombs of 20 kilotons. Lawrence Freedman, whose article I have already referred to, also stated that the President of the Zionist entity, Ephraim Katzir, told a group of scientists on 1 December 1974, "It has always been our intention to develop a nuclear capacity. We now have that capacity." In another article written by Anthony M. Coidesman entitled "How Much Is Too Much?", published in The Armed Forces Journal International in November 1977, it was stated that Moshe Dayan had said in March 1977, before becoming Foreign Minister, "we have to develop an option for ourselves, that is, an ability to produce nuclear weapons ... we should develop this in addition to and not instead of the conventional weapons we have". Cordesman, who served as Civilian Assistant to Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert Ellsworth and as Secretary of the Defense Intelligence Board, continues in his article:
"These remarks take on an added meaning given press reports of Israeli and South African cooperation in developing nuclear weapons, and that the weapon the South Africans were going to test was Israeli."
196.	It is worth mentioning that Israel pursued various illegitimate means of developing its nuclear capacity, including piracy and theft. At a conference on a "non nuclear future" held at Salzburg in May 1977, Paul Leventhal, a former staff nuclear weapons expert for a committee of the United States Senate, revealed that 200 tons of natural uranium, enough to build 24 nuclear weapons, which had been placed on a ship that had disappeared nine years before, had ended up in Israel. The uranium had been loaded on to a cargo ship named the Scheersburg A, which had sailed out of Antwerp bound for Genoa, where it never arrived. The cargo of the Scheersburg A was reported to be capable of keeping a Dimon atype reactor operating and producing plutonium for 20 years.
197.	Shortly after the Salzburg revelation, Norway's former chief prosecutor stated that the Israeli agent Dan Aerbel had admitted taking part in the operation to divert the uranium laden ship. Aerbel was seized in 1974 by the Norwegian authorities with four other members of Mossad, the Israeli secret service, for the killing of a Moroccan national who was mistaken for a Palestinian by the Israeli agents at the Norwegian town of Lillehammer. In the mid-1960s, the American Government discovered the disappearance of 200 pounds of highly enriched uranium, enough to make four atomic bombs, from the factory of the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation at Apollo, Pennsylvania. The New York Times recalled on 27 January 1978 that the United States Department of Energy had made public two previously secret documents indicating that American intelligence agencies believed in 1976 that Israel might have obtained uranium in the mid-1960s from a Government-sponsored nuclear facility at the town of Apollo, Pennsylvania.
198.	On page 65 of his book Nuclear Arms in the Third World—U.S. Policy Dilemma, Lefever says that on 26 January 1978 the CIA released a memorandum dated 4 September 1974 entitled "Prospects for Further Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons", which disclosed in its conclusion that Israel had produced atomic weapons. The conclusion was based on the "... Israeli acquisition of large quantities of uranium, partly by clandestine means; the ambiguous nature of Israeli efforts in the field of uranium enrichment; and Israel's large investment in a costly missile system designed to accommodate nuclear warheads."
199.	Moreover, The New York Times of 16 March 1976 reported that the CIA estimated that Israel had 10 to 20 nuclear weapons available for use. A report in Time magazine of 12 April 1976, entitled "How Israel Got, the Bomb", stated that Israel possessed a nuclear arsenal of 13 atomic bombs, assembled, stored and ready to be dropped on enemy forces from especially equipped Kfir and Phantom fighters or Jericho missiles.
200.	On page 301 of the SIPRI Yearbook 1981 of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, it is stated that "Israel, which has been reported to possess several untested nuclear bombs, acquired its nuclear weapon capability due to a reactor supplied by France many years before the NonProliferation Treaty and not covered by international controls, as well as heavy water supplied by Norway."
201.	As regards a nuclear weapons delivery system, it is certain that the Zionist entity has not ignored this. In addition to what I have already mentioned, the International Institute for Strategic Studies indicates in its Strategic Survey 1974, in Table 6 on page 38, that Israel's nuclear weapons delivery system is represented by the French Mirage III and the American Skyhawk A4 and the Phantom F4. The same report refers to an Israeli Program for missile production relating to nuclear weapons. On page 39 it states that "in the 1960s the Marcel Dassault Aircraft Corporation in France developed the MD660 missile, reportedly both nuclear and conventional capable, of which some 24 were believed to be produced and some of these delivered to Israel. It is on this basis that Israel has reportedly developed the Jericho, a surface to surface missile capable of carrying a warhead of 1,000 1,500 lb over a 280 mile range: this missile is believed to be in production." That information has also been reaffirmed in the article on "Israel's Nuclear Policy", to which I have already referred. Lefever also states, on page 70 of his book, that: "The Jericho, which was developed in Israel with French cooperation, could reach Cairo, Alexandria, the Suez Canal, Damascus, and Amman from launching sites within the pre-1967 borders of the country . . . Several Israeli planes could deliver nuclear bombs to Baghdad."
202.	Although the Zionist aggression against the nuclear installations in Iraq falls within the framework of the Zionist acts of premeditated aggression against the Arab nations and the people of Palestine, it is qualitatively distinct from the inhuman practices employed by the Zionists since the beginning of their illegal colonization of Palestine and of occupied Arab territories. The Zionists usurped Palestine in response to the strategic interests of the Zionist movement and world colonialism, which are based on exploitation and dictating the destinies of other people and plundering their riches.
203.	Since the Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917,7 Zionism has usurped Arab territories and possessions by force and terrorism. Since its establishment in Palestine in 1948, the Zionist entity has been embraced by those in colonial quarters who see it as their advance base of aggression for the purpose of wielding hegemony and influence in the Arab world. They have provided the Zionist entity with extensive political, economic, and military support. They have installed in it an arsenal of sophisticated weapons and encouraged it to launch repeated acts of aggression against the Arab nation, beginning in 1948 and followed by the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, the war of 5 June 1967 and the present war against Lebanon and the Palestinian resistance movements. In all those acts of aggression the Zionist entity occupied more Arab territories and sought to impose surrender on the Arabs. World imperialism, especially American imperialism, has always been anxious to preserve its strategic alliance with that racial entity, a major alliance throughout the course of Israel's terroristic, aggressive and expansionist evolution.
204.	Although the Arab nation does not bear any responsibility for the persecution of the Jews, the great Powers made it pay the penalty for that persecution. They detached by force a part of Palestine, expandable according to the wishes of the Zionist entity, in order to establish there the "State of Israel". If the Zionist entity pretended to the world that it was peaceful and desired nothing but recognition by the Arabs and permission to live in peace and security within the borders of the land usurped from Palestine, that pretension was proved false after the 1967 aggression. It has become clear that the Zionist entity is, in its very nature and objectives, an aggressive and expansionist one, since it has occupied the whole of Palestine, Sinai in Egypt and the Golan Heights in Syria. Since that aggression that entity has imposed by force and blackmail a special theory of security that is most odd and contrary to all norms and traditions of international life. The Zionist entity continues to commit aggression against the Arab States on the pretext of assuring its security. It has expanded in Arab territories, building colonial settlements, and has committed the ugliest crimes against peaceful towns and villages, including the killing of women and children. The Zionist aggression against Iraq, which is not a neighbor of the Zionist entity, has been based on the theory that it has the right to strike and commit aggression everywhere in Arab territories on the pretext of protecting its own security. The Zionist entity has not been satisfied with that; it has gone to the length of committing the crime of murder against the Iraqi and other Arab scientists who have been assassinated in some European capitals during past years and this year.
205.	The Arab nation has no illusions about the nature and intentions of the Zionist entity. The slogan adopted by the Zionists* "From the Nile to the Euphrates", for the frontier of the State of Israel represents the real Zionist strategy. Israel's firm objective is aggression, expansion, and the imposition of its control by blackmail on the whole region to prevent its peoples from achieving liberation and progress. If there were ever any doubt as to that, Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies from the 1967 aggression to its aggression against Iraq and Lebanon have removed all doubts and exposed all these facts clearly.
206.	Zionism from the beginning envisaged the seizure of the whole territory of Palestine. In his writings in the yearbooks of the Zionist entity for 1952 and 1953, Ben Gurion emphasized that the Jewish State was established in a part of the land of Israel and that that part did not correspond with the historical borders which had been determined and fixed at the beginning of time.
207.	As for Menachem Begin, he said at the time of partition:
"The Jewish homeland, the area which covers both sides of the Jordan, is a complete historic and geographic entity. Dissection of the homeland is an unlawful act; agreement to dissection is also unlawful, and is not binding on the Jewish people. It is the duty of this generation to return to Jewish sovereignty these parts of the homeland which were torn off from it and given to foreign rule."8
It appears from this that Begin will not be satisfied by holding the West Bank and annexing it to the Zionist entity, but also intends to annex Jordan in the next step in the Zionist expansion plan. It is worthy of mention that Begin stated in the Knesset on 12 October 1955: "I deeply believe in launching a preventive war against the Arab States without further hesitation. "By doing so, we will achieve two targets: first, the annihilation of Arab power; and secondly, the expansion of our territory." Now that Begin has returned to power and has appointed Ariel Sharon as his Minister for defense, he will no doubt carry out more of this policy.
208.	There is no difference between the Likud and any other Zionist party regarding the Zionist ambitions in Arab territories. Moshe Dayan, for instance, said after the 1967 aggression:
"Our fathers had reached the frontiers which were recognized in the Partition Plan. Our generation reached the frontiers of 1949. Now the SixDay generation have managed to reach Suez, Jordan and the Golan Heights. This is not the end. After the present ceasefire lines there will be new ones. They will extend beyond Jordan perhaps to Lebanon and perhaps to central Syria as well."
That was quoted in The Times of London of 25 June 1969. Could there be a more blatant pronouncement of Zionist expansionist plans? Could any politician in any other country in the world issue such a statement, which represents the peak of insolence, and the world remain silent? What is worse is that Dayan is now considered a moderate Zionist compared with Begin and Sharon.
209.	The racism of the Zionist entity is evident in the Zionists' view of the Palestinians and their treatment of them in order to evict them from their homeland and establish a purely Jewish State. The Zionist historian, Michael BarZohar, wrote:
"BenGurion remained skeptical about any possibility of coexistence with the Arabs. The fewer there were living within the frontiers of the new Jewish State the better he would like it ... a major offensive against the Arabs would not only break up their attacks but would also greatly reduce the percentage of Arabs in the population of the new state. (While this might be called racialism, the whole Zionist movement actually was based on the principle of a purely Jewish community in Palestine . . . )".9
210.	The most revealing evidence regarding the Zionist racist outlook towards the the Palestinian people can be seen from the refusal of Zionist officials to use the word "Palestine". In 1969 Golda Meir contended that there was no such thing as the Palestinian people. It was further contended by her information media and her academic experts that this people belonged, in fact, to southern Syria. While Yitzhak Rabin referred to the Palestinians as the "so-called Palestinians", other Israeli leaders claimed that the Palestinians were, in fact, Jordanians, whose country ought to be Jordan. As for Menachem Begin, he describes Palestinians in occupied Arab territories and within the Zionist entity as the Arabs of "Eretz Israel", considering them the blacks of Israel, to be compared with the blacks in the United States of America. This is in addition the policy aimed at the complete annihilation of the Palestinian people, wherever they may be.
211.	This approach means, in fact, that the Arab nation has to submit to and be at the mercy of the aggressive and, expansionist aims by which the Zionist entity imposes its hegemony upon that nation and thwarts its goal to live in peace and enjoy freedom and progress.
212.	The Israeli theory of security is the most dangerous and aggressive in modern times. It is even more dangerous than fascism and nazism. Those who support the Zionist entity are openly standing for aggression and expansion and encouraging the worst and most dangerous theories, against the interests of mankind and its legitimate rights. If the Europeans thought they had the right to struggle against fascism and nazism by all the means at their command and at whatever cost and sacrifice, so do the Arab people have the right to struggle against zionism by all legitimate mea. and whatever the sacrifices might be. The Arab nation is struggling for freedom, sovereignty and progress and wishes to live in peace on its land and to establish sound and equal relations with other peoples of the world. The Arab nation is fully entitled to struggle for the attainment of these objectives and to define friend and foe on the basis of these sound principles, for the principles of freedom and justice are indivisible.
213.	World zionism and the Zionist entity, with the support of imperialism, are not the only forces which have sought to expand through aggression at the expense of the Arab nation. Iran and its successive Governments have sought the same objective throughout the centuries. The successive regimes of the Persian State have pursued a policy of expansion at the expense of the rights of Iraq and the Arab nation, particularly in the Arab Gulf region, for those regimes have always considered that region as a sphere of influence and domination. This policy has been expressed in various forms at different times according to the particular circumstances of the period.
214.	On several occasions and in various international forums Iraq has fully described to the international community how it welcomed the new regime in Iran in genuine good faith and the sincere efforts it exerted to establish fruitful relations with that regime. However, the course of events revealed deliberate action by the new Iranian regime aimed at breaking the existing relations between the two countries, thereby creating a dangerously critical situation which led to the start of an aggressive war on Iraq on 4 September 1980. It was later established that the new regime in Iran had been harboring such intentions since the first day of its accession to power. This has been revealed by a number of political leaders who until very recently carried weight in the Iranian political arena.
215.	In his statement to the French newspaper Le Matin on 3 August 1981, Mr. Massoud Radjawi, leader of the Mujahideen Khalq organization, pointed out that the senior religious leaders were responsible for the war against Iraq and stated that his organization possesses tape recorded evidence of the provocations carried out against Iraq. The former president of Iran, Mr. BaniSadr, also acknowledged this in an interview on 4 September 1981, published in the London based magazine AdDastour. In that interview he declared:
"I remember that during the first months of the revolution and the accession of Khomeini to power, President Saddam Hussein sent a special envoy to Iran to inform us of his readiness to cooperate with the new regime and to establish good-neighborly relations ... I conveyed to Khomeini what the Iraqi envoy had said to me, but Khomeini said that Saddam's initiative meant that he was weak and afraid of Iran and that he was looking for peace with Iran so that he could stay in power, and consequently we had to work for the downfall of Saddam Hussein's regime."
216.	The aggressive, expansionist course of the Iranian rulers has made them reject all peace initiatives to put an end to the war, whether they come from Iraq or from international organizations. The Iranian rulers persist in waging the war that they launched in the belief that it will enable them to achieve their expansionist goal at the expense of others.
217.	The Iranian regime has made a number of claims in which it purports to be an ally of the Arab revolution and to be in favor of the liberation of Palestine. Those claims are mere slogans, for how can the Iranian regime be an ally of the Arab revolution while it is waging a war of aggression, creating problems and interfering in the internal affairs of an Arab country which plays a prominent role in the process of Arab revolution? How can the Iranian regime be contributing to the liberation of Palestine while it has itself occupied Arab lands and islands for several years? How can this be the case when certain press reports confirm that despite the closing of the Israeli embassy in Tehran, the Israeli consulate in Isfahan is still open and is functioning normally? In fact, there is no evidence at all to show that the Iranian regime seriously intends to enter into an alliance or a serious relationship with the Arabs for the sake of Palestine.
218.	As a matter of fact, the similarities between the Zionist views and those of the Iranian regime are conspicuous. Both are based on religious and sectarian fanaticism; both pursue a policy of expansion at the expense of others and with extremely narrow horizons; and both are deeply entrenched in their racist philosophies and reactionary tendencies. It is no wonder, therefore, that the relations between Iran and. the Zionist entity remain unbroken.
219.	It has been considered that since the fifth day of air raids against Baghdad 27 September 1980 the Iranian air force was trying to cover the Israeli air force's strikes at Iraqi nuclear installations.
220.	The news media have recently revealed although we have known about it for some time the cooperation between Iran and Israel the field of armaments. The British newspaper The Sunday Times stated on 26 July 1981 that the affair of the Argentinian cargo plane that crashed near Yerevan, the capital of Soviet Armenia, on 18 July 1981 was kept secret because it was carrying military equipment from Israel to Iran as the result of a secret deal by which Israel undertook to supply Iran with 360 tons of arms, ammunition and spare parts at a cost of $28 million. The newspaper further mentioned that the Argentinian plane, a turboprop CL44, was hired from a commercial firm in Buenos Aires, that it was flying between Tel Aviv and Tehran via Larnaca, Cyprus, and that it crashed after having completed 3 out of the 10 flights agreed upon. Military supplies were delivered to Tehran on 12, 14 and 17 July. The newspaper also stated that this information was revealed to it by a certain Andreas Jenny, the Swiss partner of the British pilot, Stewart Allen McCafferty, who died when the plane crashed.
221.	The scandal of the military cooperation between Iran and Israel clearly reveals the difference between the claims of the Iranian regime and the reality of its unprincipled actions. It further shows that the United States of America strove to keep that cooperation secret, claiming no prior knowledge of it. But the American position became clear when Jody Powell, the press secretary far the former American President, acknowledged on the ABC television network on 20 August 1981 that Washington had had prior knowledge of the export of American arms and spare parts to Iran via Israel. The United States undoubtedly took an active part in that cooperation. It is worth mentioning in this connection that the former Iranian President, Mr. Bani-Sadr, in an interview given to the Paris-based magazine AlMustaqbal on 5 September 1981, declared that the son of Beheshti, former leader of the Islamic Republican Party in Iran who was close to Khomeini, took part in the arms deals between Iran and Israel. Hie Iraqi delegation has already had distributed a document containing details of this information [A/36/518]. The weapons, spare parts and ammunition which reached Iran from Israel were American-made. This collaboration, which is now beyond doubt, is in violation of American laws. Now, where are the United States claims that it desires a speedy end to the war and that it maintains neutrality? We very much suspect those claims at present.
222.	Despite all those facts, Iraq, which is fighting in self-defense to repel the Iranian aggression and to achieve its legitimate rights, remains ready to reach a just and honorable settlement of the conflict, one that would guarantee the pities their legitimate rights and create the conditions conducive to the establishment of just and balanced relations far removed from expansionist ambitions and acts of aggression.
223.	While the political and military considerations of the First World War played a basic and direct role in the issuance by the United Kingdom of the Balfour Declaration, it was the United States which played a decisive part in the creation of the Zionist entity, lending it material and moral support and encouraging it to pursue its aggression and expansionist policies, to continue k:. occupation of Arab lands, and to deny the rights of the Palestinian people by scattering them. The United States is the principal supplier of modern sophisticated arms to Tel Aviv, besides granting it financial assistance reaching astronomical figures. The total American financial assistance to Israel from 1948 to 1977 exceeded $25.6 billion. On that basis, and given that the United States population throughout that period was about 200 million, United States financial assistance to Israel comes to $6 millions daily for the period that is, over $10 a year for every man, woman and child in the United States. That represents a sum far exceeding any Federal Government assistance granted to any American State.
224.	It is equally noteworthy that in 1976 the United States Government proposed to offer Israel assistance totaling $2.3 billion, or one fourth of all financial assistance extended to the rest of the world. Furthermore, Mr. George Ball, former United States UnderSecretary of State, declared that the total assistance extended to Israel during the previous four years exceeded $11 billion. American financial assistance has exceeded $2 billion annually ever since the October war of 1973 he equivalent of $3,500 annually for every Israeli family of five members. Besides, the Uniter States Government has often canceled huge amounts or the credits extended to Israel.
225.	One of the basic facts that emerge from the record of American financial assistance to Israel is that the major part of that assistance is devoted to military purposes and that a large proportion of it is in the form of tax-free grants, quite apart from the opening up of the American market for the sale of Israeli bonds. Thus the American citizen has lost huge sums of money which could have been allocated for education, social services, health and welfare in the United States. Hence, the United States has become the principal contributor to the continuing existence of the usurping Zionist entity and its permanent aggression against the rights of the Arab nation.
226.	Indeed, successive United States Governments have not hesitated to declare their absolute commitment to supporting and protecting the Zionist entity, despite all violations and serious acts of aggression which that entity has committed. What is more serious is that the present American Administration and its President have declared, for the first time, that Zionist settlements in occupied Arab territories are not illegal, in addition to statements that Israel is an ally of the United States. Lately, the President of the United States agreed with the Prime Minister of the Zionist entity to establish a "strategic collaboration" between their respective countries. This means augmenting Israel's armaments and, consequently, definitely encouraging it to commit further acts of aggression against the Arab countries. Indeed, any increase in Israel's military strength means direct participation in what Israel has done and will do in the future and is, therefore, directed against the Arab countries from beginning to end.
227.	During the debate in the Security Council in June following the Israeli aggression against the Iraqi nuclear installations, this unholy alliance became evident. Although the Governments and the peoples of the international community as a whole, represented by IAEA, the nonaligned movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the OAU, condemned this aggression and found it to be a dangerous act threatening international peace and security and violating all the norms which the international community had been able to agree upon concerning the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes as provided for in the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons despite all that, the United States in a clear case of aggression, by threatening to use its veto power, prevented the Security Council from taking measures to impose sanctions on Israel in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. That took place in spite of the fact that the Security Council had warned Israel on previous occasions that the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter would be applied should it again resort to committing acts of aggression.
228.	In this connection it is fitting to note that successive American Administrations have often turned a blind eye to illegal Israeli actions to obtain uranium and even tried to conceal them, as, for example, in 1979. It is no secret that the means by which Israeli nuclear bombs could be delivered to their targets have been supplied by the United States, including the F15 and F16 aircraft used by the Zionist entity in its aggression against Iraq.
229.	Finally, I should like to refer to an article by Jack Anderson in the Washington Post of 30 September 1980, in which he stated that the American Defense Intelligence Agency had warned President Carter that the Israelis were undoubtedly planning to attack Iraqi nuclear installations. Another article by the same author in the Washington Post of 16 June 1981 recalled that an abortive raid against the Iraqi nuclear reactor had taken place at the time when the previous article had appeared. The author further said that in the light of Washington's claims that the Israeli raid had come as a complete surprise, it was relevant to mention the report which the Defense Intelligence Agency had submitted to the White House eight months earlier, which stated that it was wise to assume that Israel was considering action to prevent Iraq from acquiring nuclear capability and that the consequences of any such action should be taken into consideration. The report warned the White House that the problem before the United States was not the possibility of a nuclear confrontation between Iraq and Israel, but that of Israel using conventional weapons to attack the Iraqi reactor. Moreover, the Washington Post also said that it possessed a report indicating that at the time the Israelis were planning to attack the Iraqi installations they sought information from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, with the help of the United States Government, concerning the damage which could be inflicted upon nuclear reactors by 2,000 pound bombs supplied by the United States. This took place in October 1980, when the Israeli cabinet had decided to attack the Iraqi nuclear reactor. The bombs used in the attack on the Iraqi nuclear installations were indeed of that type. From what has been mentioned here, the question now arises as to the truthfulness of Washington's claim that it was completely taken by surprise by the dastardly Israeli attack against Iraq.
230.	Israel is the only Member of the United Nations which enjoys absolute freedom to avoid its commitments under the Charter, thanks to the United States. The General Assembly should realize before it is too late that Israel's persistence in aggression against the rights of the Arab nation is the main cause of the weakening of the Organization and that the achievement of its objectives of safeguarding international peace and security and ensuring the rights of peoples to self-determination will be impeded as long as Israel is allowed to set the dangerous precedent of violating the Charter without being brought to account. Consequently, if the United Nations wishes to maintain its objectives, its principles and its future, to ensure international peace and security and to discourage other Member States from following in the footsteps of Israel, it has no choice but to take a more firm attitude towards the Zionist entity.
231.	In this respect, the United Nations need go no further than applying the principles and provisions of its Charter. It must oblige Israel to withdraw completely from all occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, to enable the Palestinian people to enjoy their inalienable rights, including the right to return to their homes, to self-determination and to the establishment of their independent State. As long as Israel rejects the United Nations resolutions in this respect, and as long as Begin declares Israel's determination to remain in the occupied Arab territories, the General Assembly ought to look into Israel's fulfillment of the conditions of its admission, which were set out at the time of the creation of the Zionist entity.
232.	Regarding the new and dangerous dimension of the Israeli aggression against the Iraqi nuclear installations, which is a warning that the Zionist entity will not hesitate to use the nuclear arms in its possession, it is necessary to expose Israeli nuclear armaments and to implement Security Council resolution 487 (1981), adopted on 18 June 1981 on the placing of Israeli nuclear activities under international safeguards, as required by the General Assembly in the past. The General Assembly should also oblige other Member States to desist from extending any economic, political, technical and military assistance to Israel, so that it cannot persist in its policy of aggression against the Arab nation and the Palestinian people and threaten international peace and security.
233.	The Arab nation will never condone what Israel has done and what it intends to do regarding the annexation of occupied Arab territories. The world ought to deal with the dangerous situation in the Arab region before it is too late. There is no doubt that the Arabs consider that the United States is primarily responsible for this dangerous situation.


1.On behalf of the Somali delegation I should like to extend to Mr. Kittani sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to the office of President of the General Assembly. His long and distinguished career as a diplomat eminently qualifies him to guide the affairs of this session.
2.	May I also take this opportunity to express to his predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, our appreciation of the competence, dedication and statesmanship he displayed in directing the work of the
thirty-fifth session.
3.	The admission of the newly independent States of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu to the family of nations is indeed an auspicious occasion, and my delegation extends its congratulations to the peoples and Governments of both States and offers them all good wishes for a prosperous future.
4.	Before touching on some of the substantive issues on the Assembly's agenda, I should like to pay a special tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for his tireless efforts to promote peace and international understanding. He has distinguished himself by the energy and vitality he has brought to his task and by his active interest in the concerns of nations large and small.
5.	As we review current world events, our attention is drawn to the deteriorating international climate, characterized as it is by persistent armed intervention, interState conflicts, political and economic upheavals and a worsening international refugee situation. Such developments directly threaten the maintenance of international peace and security and pose a serious challenge to this world body. Today we live in a perturbing world in which differences among States are allowed to escalate very rapidly and dangerously, a world in which opposing power blocs are engaged in rivalry, competing for world domination. Their aim is to subordinate others to their strategic interests and to impose their wills and hegemonistic designs upon them. We also live in a world in which the gap between the rich and the poor is ever widening, thus preventing the latter from realizing their aspirations to peace and security, which would enable them to exploit then natural resources and promote the industrial and economic progress and development of their countries. We Jive in a world whose situation, philosophy and morals are thus characterized.
6.	In the Horn of Africa, a tragic and perilous situation currently prevails. The most basic and fundamental human rights of people are trampled upon through the use of brutal military force. Through massive armament well beyond the requirements of normal defense of the beneficiary State, in terms of both quantity and level of sophistication, coupled with the deployment of foreign troops there, a superPower has succeeded in imposing its will on the States and peoples of the region and usurping their right to control their own destinies. Local conflicts that could have been resolved amicably between the States and peoples concerned have been deliberately escalated in order to preempt that possibility and instead allow for direct foreign military intervention, heightened tension and dangerous confrontation. The implications of such a state of affairs in terms of regional, continental and international peace and security are quite ominous.
7.	Through indiscriminate and unparalleled brutality, entire populations are being massacred, their properties ravaged and their means of livelihood destroyed in a desperate bid at total extermination. The millions of forcibly ejected refugees men, women and children cared for in camps in the region is a sad consequence of that barbaric policy and adds yet another more serious dimension to the tragic human situation in the Horn.
8.	In most problem areas around the globe where there exists a systematic denial of fundamental human rights, we also find, without exception, gross violations and abuses of those very rights. In reality that is what the crisis in the Horn is all about. In the face of those legally and morally insufferable excesses it is the responsibility of the Organization to exercise its international duty in conformity with its humanitarian, legal and moral obligations by calling for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign interventionist forces in the region and reaffirming the right of all peoples and nationalities to free and unfettered exercise of their self-determination.
9.	My Government is desirous of peace, stability and tranquility in the region and has already made genuine and meaningful efforts in the pursuit of this objective. This emanates from my Government's firm conviction
that the interests and wellbeing of the people in the region do not lie in the perpetuation of conflicts and confrontation, but rather in their joint commitment to the more rewarding task of national development and interregional cooperation. It is in this spirit that my delegation feels that the complex and intricate problems of the Horn of Africa require an overall and comprehensive political solution which can bring about the restoration of peace, and stability in the area and allow for the safe and voluntary repatriation of refugees.
10.	As has been stated by my President, Jaalle Mohamed Siad Barre,
"We are convinced that given ample courage, goodwill and understanding between the States and Governments in the region, this goal of peace is not unattainable. The cessation of interState hostility and conflict, the withdrawal of foreign troops from the area, genuine demonstration of preparedness to reach a negotiated settlement, and recognition of and respect for the fundamental human rights of peoples, are some of the more basic issues at stake with which Somalia, Ethiopia and the liberation movements concerned can engage themselves in fruitful negotiation in the quest for a just, durable and amicable solution to their conflict.'''
11.	Unfortunately, the other principal party to the conflict, Ethiopia, instead of responding favorably to the positive and sincere gesture of goodwill and cooperation shown by my Government, has so far opted to persist arrogantly in its aggressive policy of conflict and confrontation, thereby threatening regional and international peace and security.
12.	One of the most serious and challenging problems of the African continent is that of the refugees over 5 million in number who have sought asylum across the borders of African States, often imperiling their lives and seriously affecting the economic and social stability of the host countries. Driven, in most cases through no fault of their own, by man-made or natural disasters, or by both, they have become a responsibility which can only be shouldered with the help of external assistance.
13.	My Government is gratified that there is a growing international awareness of the magnitude of the refugee problem in Africa. The International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, convened at Geneva last April by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity [OAJJ], was a most welcome and valuable means of securing pledges, of assistance and gaining publicity for this humanitarian cause.
14.	It must be stressed, however, that the problem continues unabated and has even become more serious in some areas. Generous assistance has been given by individual governments, particularly the traditional donor countries, by the United Nations system, and by governmental and nongovernmental organizations. However, the international response still falls short of the need.
15.	It is, of course, well known that Somalia, one of the least developed countries, has the most serious refugee problem in Africa. It still remains true that our resources, which could barely support our own population, have been critically depleted, and that severe pressures are damaging the economic, social and ecological fabric of our society and our land. International emergency assistance for the refugees only scratches the surface of the complex and gigantic problems we have been dealing with since 1978.
16.	Of course, fundamental solutions for the refugee problem in Somalia, as in many other countries, depend on political even more than on economic factors. In this context, my Government welcomed the decision of the General Assembly at its
thirty-fifth session to examine the question of international cooperation to avert new flows of refugees, and its strong condemnation of policies and practices which are primarily responsible for the massive exodus of these displaced people [resolution 35/124].
17.	Looking towards the future, it must be noted that refugees are unlikely to seek voluntary repatriation unless they can return to conditions of security and of respect for inalienable fundamental human rights. It is the profound hope of my Government that such conditions will be established and that the refugees will be able to return home under regional and international guarantees for their safety and wellbeing.
18.	While I have dwelt on Somalia's need for additional assistance, I must also emphasize the fact that it is difficult to imagine what the situation in my country would have been over the past three years, in the face of the refugee situation and the disastrous drought, had we not been able to depend on the concern and active assistance of a number of States Members of the Organization, governmental and nongovernmental agencies, the United Nations system and voluntary humanitarian organizations, to all of whom we express our gratitude and appreciation.
19.	Uppermost in the minds and hearts of Africans is our profound disappointment that Namibia remains under South Africa's illegal and oppressive occupation. We are dismayed that the treacherous Pretoria regime has been allowed to repudiate three years of painstaking negotiations and to negate the constructive approaches of the representatives of the Namibian people. The Western veto of Security Council sanctions against South Africa has undoubtedly confirmed the Pretoria regime in its belief that it can continue to defy the United Nations with impunity.
20.	My Government is further concerned by the apparent hesitation of the Western Powers about their commitment to Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Adopted by the Security Council without a dissenting voice, that resolution remains as the legally valid framework for a settlement of the Namibian problem. We hope that the Western Powers have overcome their initial hesitation and now recognize the need to prepare a new and more determined approach to implementing Namibia's independence within the guidelines already approved.
21.	My Government remains firmly committed to its support of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] as it seeks to achieve those same political and social rights long ago acquired in the Western world through revolution and armed struggle.
22.	The successes achieved so far in the liberation of southern Africa have been brought about, first of aJl, by the determination and sacrifices of the oppressed people themselves to achieve freedom by all means available. However, the United Nations has given important support to that struggle by bringing moral, political and economic pressures to bear on South Africa. That pressure must not be withdrawn now. South Africa must not seem to be rewarded for its intransigence over Namibia, for its savage acts of military aggression against neighboring States and for the continued application of its abhorrently racist policies.
23.	The Middle East question remains a cause for grave international concern. My Government strongly deplores the steady deterioration of the situation in the area, where Israeli belligerence has escalated to new heights of military aggression.
24.	We ask where Israel's arrogance will end. We wonder also for how long the world community will accept that country's position that it is not accountable for any action, however contemptuous it may be of international law, the sovereignty of States and human rights, and however dangerous it may be to world peace and security.
25.	The wanton destruction of Iraq's nuclear facility, which operated under international safeguards, was an act of overweening arrogance on the part of a State which has refused to be a party to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [General Assembly resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and which, as everyone now knows, used the most questionable methods to develop its own nuclear capability. Israel, however, remains defiantly committed to its irresponsible course, a course which can lead only to continued conflict and bloodshed. The futility of mere condemnations by the Security Council has been illustrated time after time in the past, and graphically in recent times. It should be obvious that Israel will continue its illegal occupation and annexation of Arab territory and its denial of Palestinian rights as long as it feels protected from the punitive measures available under the Charter. My Government hopes that those most closely concerned will address themselves honestly and objectively to the real causes of turmoil in the Middle East, in the interest of regional and international peace and security, through unequivocal commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to independent existence in their own homeland, the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territory and the restoration of Al Quds Al Sharif to Arab sovereignty.
26.	The crises and conflicts in various areas of the world continue to be engendered by foreign intervention, military occupation and denial of the right to self-determination and independence, all of which conflict with fundamental principles of the Charter.
27.	My Government deeply regrets the existing situation in Afghanistan brought about by superPower military intervention in the affairs of a third-world nonaligned country, in contravention of international law and morality. The SecretaryGeneral and the Organization of the Islamic Conference are to be highly commended for their efforts to bring about a political settlement of this tragic conflict.
28.	However, the mounting bloodshed and the enormous refugee problem engendered by foreign occupation are an intolerable addition to the sum total of human misery in the world. We join the vast majority of Member States in calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the restoration of sovereignty and neutrality to the people of Afghanistan.
29.	The situation in Kampuchea is yet another example of the ominous trend towards foreign interference in the affairs of sovereign States and denial of the right to national independence. The recent International Conference on Kampuchea contributed constructive proposals for negotiations on a number of issues. We hope that, in spite of the absence of one of the parties directly concerned, communications will remain open between all the States of SouthEast Asia and that negotiations will continue to be actively pursued to bring about the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the restoration of peace and tranquility to the area.
30.	Recent developments in the world economy reflect the little progress made so far in the achievement of the goals and objectives of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. The economies of the developing countries, and in particular those of the 31 least developed countries, have reached an alarming situation. It is distressing to note that many of the adverse trends of the past few years have brought about unbearable economic difficulties. The continuous inflationary trends in the world economy have given rise to worsening terms of trade, an adverse balance of payments situation and crippling debt burdens, which are far beyond the capability of the least developed countries to meet their debt-service obligations.
31.	The international community has realized the magnitude and urgency of this problem. The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris from 1 to 14 September, highlighted the need for the cooperative effort of the international community in leveling and reversing the downward trend of the world economy. The compromise reached in' Paris with the adoption of the Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries' will no doubt constitute a new era of international economic cooperation which will lead to better understanding and further economic progress.
32.	My delegation fully supports the outcome of this Conference and will spare no effort to implement its program at the national level. We pay a special tribute to the United Nations system and other organizations for their tireless efforts in organizing this Conference.
33.	It is the hope of my Government that the international community will take concrete steps to follow up and implement the Substantial New program of Action for the benefit and economic progress of the developing and the developed world. In addition, the implementation of the Substantial New program of Action will lay the foundation for the future establishment of the new international economic order.
34.	On the African continent we are seeking to gain ground in the struggle for economic stability through increased interAfrican cooperation and continental self-reliance. My Government fully supports the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa and the Find Act of Lagos, which emphasize these goals and place African development within the framework of a more just world economic order.
35. The broad and valuable cooperation that exists between the OAU and the United Nations system will undoubtedly be a vital factor in the implementation of plans for Africa's social and economic development. We believe that one of the areas in which this cooperation will need to be intensified is that of food production and supply. African States have a primary responsibility for channeling available resources into agriculture, but without substantial assistance in this endeavor and in the absence of medium-term and longterm planning for food aid their best efforts could fail to avert widespread food shortages and famine.
36 The very real specter of famine in underdeveloped areas of the world provides an ironic counterpoint to the astronomical sum now routinely spent on the arms race in nuclear and other weapons. My Government renews its call for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and for substantial reductions >n the quality and quantity of the nuclear arsenals of the superPowers. Without significant leadership of this kind, other disarmament goals such as horizontal nonproliferation are unlikely to be reached.
37.	My Government regrets that it has not been possible for a date to be set for the convening of the conference on the Indian Ocean and reaffirms its belief that the conference is an essential stage In the formulation and adoption of guidelines for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. In addressing itself to the central issue of the growing superPower presence in the Indian Ocean in the context of their global rivalry, the Conference will have to take note of the presence of foreign interventionist troops and surrogate forces which continue to subvert legitimate liberation struggles and to undermine the stability of the area.
38.	Each session of the General Assembly reminds us of the wide sweep of the global activities of the world Organization. Projects such as the combating of desertification, the securing of drinking water and sanitation over the next decade and the exploration of new and renewable sources of energy are indispensable for the survival of underdeveloped countries and will also benefit mankind as a whole.
39.	The drawing up of a treaty on the law of the sea has been a monumental task, and the recent achievement of the world body pointed to its ability to establish a world order governed by both humanitarian and legal concerns. My Government sincerely hopes that the outstanding objections to the treaty can be overcome and that there will soon be general recognition that the proposed treaty represents a fair balance of the interests of various groups and that it has been negotiated for the ultimate benefit of all.
40.	In conclusion, it is a matter of great satisfaction to us that the United Nations continues to respond in an active and creative way to the problems and the needs of our interdependent world. The world Organization clearly has the ability to surmount and survive any attempts to weaken or discredit it, and it deserves the firm allegiance and support of all States.


185.	First I should like on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation to express our deep satisfaction at the election by the General Assembly of Mr. Kittani to the high office of President of this session, which is being held in a very complex international situation with a great many areas of tension. His election as President of this session indicates that our brother country, Iraq, indeed occupies an important position in international relations. His knowledge of international affairs and his ability tc deal with political matters will certainly result in the success of our work. At the periodic sessions of the General Assembly, States Members have common aims, aspirations and objectives. The meetings which take place, particularly during the regular sessions of the General Assembly, demonstrate that the United Nations is the most appropriate place to discuss complex international issues. We can thus reaffirm the willingness of the international community to work for peace and the wellbeing of all.
186.	We should like to assure the President of our frill cooperation in the fulfillment of the great responsibilities which he bears during this session.
187.	We should like to express our admiration for his predecessor; Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for the efforts that he made and for the productive methods that he used during the thirty-fifth session, which enabled the Assembly to achieve fruitful results.
188.	We should also like to extend our congratulation! to the Secretary-General for his important role. He has undertaken sincere and wise initiatives in an effort to reduce international tension. He has been sensitive to and aware of what is needed to achieve peace in the Middle East and in other hotbeds of tension in the world.
189.	The Yemen Arab Republic wishes also to welcome Vanuatu and Belize, which have become new Members of the United Nations family.
190.	My delegation sincerely wants to see this session lead to better results than previous sessions. We can achieve this only by thorough and responsible discussion and constructive criticism. We must go beyond traditional procedures of adopting positions. We must be totally committed to the recommendations and resolutions of the General Assembly of the Security Council. This will reaffirm the effective role of the Organization and then we shall be closer to the noble purposes and principles of the Charter once security and peace have been attained.
191.	We must implement to the letter the recommendations and resolutions of the Organization and of the specialized agencies. This is more pressing than ever if we wish to avoid warfare and destruction.
192.	Like all peace-loving peoples of the world, we had hoped that there would be an end to international crises so that the world could live in peace and there would be peaceful coexistence and equality among all States regardless of political or economic differences between the various regimes. None the less, 36 years after the Organization's inception, there is still a great deal of tension and the arms race is accelerating beyond control. The territorial integrity of numerous countries is violated daily and we see increasing interference in the internal affairs of other countries. The racist regimes of Israel and South Africa shamelessly infringe human rights and attack neighboring countries.
193.	As a result of this policy, many third world countries have had to make many human and economic sacrifices in order to> achieve freedom and make progress. They continue to make such sacrifices with resolution, to achieve better international relations in accordance with the Charter and with the principles of law, justice and equality.
194.	We see peace and security as being universal and complementary; they cannot be divided as some would wish. Thus, the instability of the present ir .national situation can be reflected in the growth rates of several countries. Our Arab peoples waged a struggle for their freedom and won it from traditional colonialism, but there is a new kind of colonialism which would grab their lands and their future. We are facing a Zionist occupationists colonialism which resorts to repression, murder and destruction and to seizure of ou lands by force so as to maintain its presence there.
195.	The Zionist entity has been carrying out this savage policy since it came into being. It is not only the Palestinian Arab people, expelled from their own lands ;. from their homeland and dispersed, who have suffered, but the Arab peoples as a whole; they are all threatened and any progress made in their long struggle for freedom will be incomplete as long as the Zionist entity continues to usurp Arab territory and as long as it puts obstacles in the way of all attempts at progress in the Arab nation. We have suffered greatly from this strange entity which is occupying our lands because, after seizing Palestinian Arab territories, it is carrying out a policy of expansionism into neighboring Arab lands.
196.	Since its aggression in 1967, and despite the adoption of numerous international resolutions condemning the policy of annexation and occupation which this racist entity is following in Arab lands and demanding its withdrawal from the land seized in 1967, Israel has arrogantly defied the international community by flouting those resolutions. Israel's aggressive behaviour and expansionist intentions have continued only because of the military and economic support it receives from the imperialist world. It is high time to put an end to this Israeli arrogance and aggression, to defend the just rights of the Palestinian people and to support the struggle of the Palestinian nation, which seeks to regain its land and establish its own State.
197.	Equally, it is the responsibility of States and, in the first instance, of the United States, which offers arms to the Zionist entity as well as financial, political and diplomatic support to review their unjust and biased position. It is shameful and sad to see that this Zionist expansionist policy by which Palestinian rights are usurped, the lands of Arab States Members of the Organization are occupied, and all the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and by the Security Council are rejected is encouraged to pursue this aggressive and savage attitude, an attitude which is today considered to be the root cause of a threat to the stability and security of this vulnerable region of the world.
198.	Such conduct, which runs counter to all the norms of international order, and continued defiance of the Organization by Israel bring the Middle East closer not to peace but to war. The whole world, will, of course, pay the price. We remember the political clamor surrounding the Camp David agreements, but they were simply a mask for the expansionist Zionist policies. They cannot ensure peace. Camp David was a total failure: there is more tension in the political situation in the Middle East now, three years after the Camp David agreements were signed. Because of those agreements, Israel continues to carry out acts of aggression against the Arab nations, particularly Lebanon, which is exposed daily to Israeli military action. Young and old are killed, villages and cities are devastated, all with the knowledge of the international communities. Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories are spreading in concentration and breadth, at the expense of their legitimate owners. The administration of all this is to be found in Arab Jerusalem.
199.	All these acts of aggression are based on the Camp David agreements. We rejected those agreements, and the Arab people as a whole rejected them. We said at several international meetings and conferences that we were convinced that those agreements were not in the service of peace and would not enable the Palestinian people to return to their homeland to build an independent State on Palestinian soil, since there was no recognition of their legitimate rights under the leadership of PLO, their sole legitimate representative. Those agreements merely suited the Zionist entity's policy of expansionism and occupation.
200.	The Organization should face up to Israeli occupation, expansionism and colonialism in Palestine and in the occupied Arab territories, to oppose Israeli < aggression against Lebanon, to prevent Israel from continuing military action against the sovereignty of Lebanon and interfering on various pretexts in its internal affairs. Israel is responsible for the successive explosions in Lebanon, of which there are dozens of innocent civilian victims.
201.	We in the Yemen Arab Republic are convinced that the Camp David agreements and everything deriving from them, such as the question of Palestinian self-determination which is mentioned therein, do not meet the aspirations of the Palestinian people or correspond to the requirements of peace in the region. Those accords in fact change nothing. We believe that any political solution to the problem must take the following elements into account: first, the right of the Palestinian people to self determination in Palestine and to establish their own independent State, under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, PLO; secondly, the withdrawal of Israel from all lands occupied in 1967; thirdly, the cessation of all attempts to install an Israeli Government in Arab Jerusalem, the dismantling of all settlements established by Israel in the Arab territories and the cessation of all measures of Judaization in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip intended to modify the Arab character of the occupied
Arab territories; and, fourthly, participation by the PLO in all international meetings for the purpose of adopting measures to solve the problem of the Middle East by peaceful means, on an equal footing with the parties concerned. Peace is possible if we take these principles into account. If we do not, peace will never be achieved and the fighting will continue as it has for more than 35 years already.
202.	My country is particularly disturbed to see Israel threatening peace and security in the Middle East and terrorizing the population by the introduction of nuclear weapons. Our Organization must take the necessary steps to put an end to such action, to counteract Israel's nuclear program and to ensure inspection of its nuclear facilities and programs by the United Nations and its appropriate specialized agencies. There must also be international condemnation of the collaboration between the two racist entities of South Africa and Israel and strict sanctions must be imposed against these two entities in order to preserve peace both in Africa and in the Middle East.
203.	Not content with terrorizing the Middle East region through the introduction of the nuclear weapon and endangering international security, Israel has also attacked the Iraqi nuclear facilities, although their purpose is peaceful and Iraq is a signatory to the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Francs, which installed the nuclear reactor in Iraq, as well as IAEA, ensured that it was to be used for peaceful purposes and for development. We call upon the entire international community to condemn the Israeli acts of aggression against the Iraqi nuclear facilities. Those aggressive acts are particularly serious at the international level because they constitute the preliminaries to a war the consequences of which cannot be measured.
204.	We expect detente, peace and just solutions in the Middle East achieved with the aid of the two great Powers. Instead of that we see a new agreement between the United States and Israel which makes Israel the site of a new American base with a large number of weapons of destruction which not only threaten the stability of the region but also threaten world peace. We hope that the United States will review its position and make every possible effort to ensure the attainment of peace.
205.	We are particularly grieved by the continuation of the IranIraq conflict. We ask the two parties to cease hostilities and solve their problem on the basis of the rights of each and through direct negotiations. We support the initiatives taken by the fraternal country of Iraq with a view to accepting the good offices of the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the non aligned movement, in order to find a solution to this problem in the interest of the wellbeing of the peoples of Iran and Iraq. We call upon the Iranian authorities to respond favorably to these initiatives.
206.	The Yemen Arab Republic will continue to reject any military presence whatever its origin or form in the region of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. We appeal for the need to consider that region a zone of peace, without foreign military bases or international rivalries. We would also like to point out the danger that could be caused by 'the facilities which have recently been granted by the United Kingdom to the United States in Diego Garcia, in the Indian Ocean, particularly to all the peoples of the region, as a result of the decision by the United States to install strategic weapons on that island.
207.	It is essential that the Conference on the Indian Ocean meet at Colombo as soon as possible so that the major Powers and all the interested parties can discuss this problem, in accordance with the recommendation contained in General Assembly resolution 34/80 B, with a view to reducing tensions in that vulnerable area of the world and guaranteeing freedom of navigation. We are convinced that the security of the Arabic Gulf is closely linked to the security of the Arab countries as a whole, and that responsibility for maintaining it is the concern of the States of that region exclusively.
208.	As regards the problem of Afghanistan, we believe that the Afghan people must be allowed to choose their own future without interference from any other party. Diplomatic channels must be found through which the Afghan people can achieve this objective.
209.	We are particularly disturbed to note that the arms race continues unabated in both conventional and nuclear weapons. Despite the many resolutions adopted by the Organization in this field calling for the cessation of the arms race and of the production of weapons of destruction, that arms race is constantly accelerating and mankind is thus threatened with annihilation. It is therefore the duty of the Organization to put an end to that terrible race and move towards disarmament so that mankind may live in peace and have confidence in its future. The immense resources devoted to preparations for war must be used for the achievement of constructive economic goals which will help, in particular, the developing and least advanced countries.
210.	Every sincere effort to halt the arms race is welcome. We ask the great Powers, in particular the United States and the Soviet Union, to continue their negotiations with a view to ending the nuclear arms race. That is the only way to safeguard mankind and all the attributes of civilization.
211.	My country has always followed an international policy aimed at trying to end the causes of international conflicts which erupt from time to time in various parts of the world. Thus we believe that the crisis which exists in Korea between the two parties concerned must be resolved. A serious dialog must be started between the two Koreas so that political and economic relations can be established which will enable them to advance towards unity on a democratic basis acceptable to both parties. The Yemen Arab Republic calls for the withdrawal from the region of all foreign troops in order to create a climate favorable to Korean unity.
212.	As regards the problem of Cyprus, my country believes that a solution must be found which is acceptable to both the Greek community and the Turkish community and that the island must be reunified on a democratic basis, with freedom of religion and equality for all. The Organization must contribute to the safeguarding of peace and to ending the crisis in Cyprus. All the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council must be applied and made the basis of the solution of the problem of Cyprus.
213.	Coming to the question of Namibia, we believe that the fact that a racist regime is occupying that Territory is a challenge to the international community and to the United Nations, the resolutions of which are being flouted. Concerted efforts must be made to end that odious colonial occupation. Assistance must be given to the Namibian people in its just struggle under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole authentic representative.
214.	If the racist occupation of Namibia is a challenge to international will, the presence of the racist regime in Namibia is in itself a blot on this page of the history of mankind. Occupation by racist expansionists is particularly serious. The United Nations must be aware of that racist entity and its policies because it is assisted by certain imperialist Powers which plan to allow the racist entity in southern Africa to be as strong as possible. In that way it can strike anywhere in Africa with force and without hindrance.
215.	The Pretoria regime is getting ready to develop its nuclear and military potential in order to carry out acts of aggression against its neighbors and to sow terror throughout Africa and persecute those that are fighting for freedom there. My country has suffered oppression and subjugation, therefore we support the liberation movements fighting for independence and against all forms of racism. The international community must put an end to Israel's and Pretoria's racist actions.
216.	Day after day we see the gap widening between the developed and the developing countries, and it is the present world economic system which causes this. It has an adverse effect oh the developing countries and on their growth rates. We need a new international economic order that will guarantee justice to the developing countries, so that they may be masters of their own wealth and avoid becoming victims of unemployment and inflation originating from the advanced countries. It is essential now to work fQr real progress so as to ensure the establishment of a new international economic order on a democratic basis that will allow the developing countries to promote their own potential, to raise their standard of living and to put ail end to their balance of payments problems. These problems are caused by the fact that the cost of the industrialized products bears no relation to the prices of primary commodities.
217.	The international economic situation is deteriorating. The consequences are particularly serious in the sphere of international economic relations, particularly those between developed and the developing countries. We must therefore get back to the NorthSouth dialog in order to maintain stable economic relations and stability, prosperity and peace throughout the world.
218.	Our dialog must be maintained. If it has ceased it is because certain countries refuse to accept their responsibility for the difficulties suffered by the developing countries. The developed countries must no longer persist in that attitude. They must accept their responsibilities and face the deteriorating economic situation throughout the world.
219.	Our Republic places great hopes in the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held soon at Cancun, in the implementation of the Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the least developed countries, adopted in Paris in September this year,7 and in the Nairobi program of Action for the Development and Utilization of New and Renewable Sources of Energy, adopted at the Nairobi conference last August.3 Those conferences represented a step towards the solution of the economic problems of the developing countries.
220.	We must reform the international economy. That is a responsibility that falls on all countries, particularly the most advanced. Our Organization must begin to work to this end yet again, otherwise it will no longer be possible to avoid these dangers.
221.	We follow political events very closely, but that does not stop us concentrating on our internal development. Our people have achieved a great deal. We have made many gains. We are building a modern State and overcoming the obstacles and difficulties, thanks to the wisdom and determination of our people.
222.	Democratically speaking, we have made a great deal of progress. Trade unions have been set up. Municipal authorities have also been set up on a healthy democratic basis, because we are convinced that a free people forms the proper foundation for a free society. We shall soon be holding new free elections for the people's council, which will be the legislative assembly of the country. We are completing our democratic institutions, which will be responsible to the Government of Yemen.
223.	In the economic field, our various bodies and the national capital will put into practice our five-year plan. New economic and scientific projects are being undertaken which will be applied throughout the country.
224.	We look forward with great interest to the unification of the two Yemens under the wise guidance of President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Many economic, social and cultural agreements have been concluded and a number of joint projects have been established between the two Yemens. The union committees continue their work towards the attainment of the unification of the two Yemens, longed for by all. The Presidents of the two Yemens had a very important meeting last month at Taizz, which ensured the continuity of the efforts to achieve the reunification of the two Yemens within the shortest possible time and the establishment of a new, unified Yemeni State, the emergence of a new political entity, unity of the people, territorial integrity and permanent sovereignty. This will undoubtedly contribute to the stability and security of the region; it will help its peoples to establish conditions conducive to close regional cooperation for the benefit of all the States of the region and will also contribute to safeguarding international peace and security.