1.	  Mr. President, may I first extend to you the sincere congratulations of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic on your election to the presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are certain that your guidance will lend immeasurably to the success of this session.
2.	May I also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Hambro of Norway, on the manner in which he conducted our deliberations during his term of office.
3.	I should like to take this opportunity to express to our Secretary-General our admiration and high esteem for his selfless devotion to the cause of peace and justice. His record of great integrity and his exceptional capabilities will always remain an honor to this high office.
4.	My delegation welcomes to membership in this Organization the States of Bhutan, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman. We are convinced that they will contribute immensely to our common efforts.
5.	We believe that increasing and more effective participation of countries in the membership and work of the Organization is the best guarantee for its evolution in the direction of reflecting and embodying the aspirations of mankind.
6.	We associate ourselves with the sincere attempts being made to solve the grave problems that face humanity, whether they be the immediate questions involved in solving monetary crises or the long-term problems of disarmament, preserving the environment and stimulating economic and social development in different regions of the world. It is our belief that the deprivation of several peoples of their right to self-determination, the imposition of racism and other forms of social discrimination upon countries under colonial rule and the persisting dominance

of certain developed countries over the. resources of the developing countries constitute the most pervasive cause of insecurity and conflict in the world today. We urge accelerating efforts to bring to a final end the colonial age as well as to eliminate the dark consequences it has left in the developing regions. Support for the liberation struggles being waged against colonialism and neo-colonialism in all forms must be intensified. Condemnation of and opposition to those Governments suppressing these struggles must advance into the realm of practical and effective measures.
7.	The Libyan Arab Republic, having succeeded in eliminating a foreign military presence from our country, is now proceeding to consolidate its co-operation with all sister States seeking to advance the cause of co-operation, peace and justice. This is especially true of the larger Arab homeland, with which we share not only a common language and culture, but also the other innumerable bonds which history has forged between us. The yearning of the Arab nation towards unity has long been the central focus of its attention. It is in this spirit that we came together with the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Syrian Arab Republic to form the Federation of Arab Republics. This Federation constitutes a positive force capable of strengthening our co-operation and friendship with peaceful nations and of sustaining our defense capacities against aggression and its proponents.
8.	Our region today has been forced to endure tragic events whose ramifications extend far beyond its boundaries. These events have become a major focus of world attention. The United Nations has been involved in this matter since the very beginning when, in 1947, it recommended the partition of Palestine [resolution 181 (II)] arbitrarily and against the avowed will of the majority of its population and in violation of the principle of self- determination embodied in its Charter. Since then, the gravity of the problem has escalated to dimensions whose monstrous ramifications threaten the very existence of the Arab inhabitants of our region and, consequently, the security of the whole world. The Middle East problem, or more specifically the Zionist problem which sustains it, remains, as it has always been, the single most crucial test of the ability of the international community to respond to, and cope with, the responsibilities resting on its shoulders by virtue of its allegiance to the Charter and the, principles of the United Nations.
9.	The task of eliminating the consequences of the 1967 Israeli aggression against the Arab States is inextricably bound to the task of restoring the rights of the Palestinian people. Both are a direct outcome of the implantation of the Zionist expansionist settler entity in the Arab land of Palestine. Zionism had demonstrated its expansionism and racist exclusivism in the words and statements of its leaders long before it achieved statehood in 1948.
10.	Invoking illusory and mythological interpretations of the history of ancient times, Zionism, as an alien European colonial movement, has sought to impose its domination on Palestine and the countries neighboring it. It has called for, and continues to call for, the in-gathering of all Jews into the land of Palestine and other parts of the Arab homeland. With every wave of immigration it has effected, it has sown the seeds for another aggression and another expansion. The violation of the rights of the indigenous population, their exclusion and expulsion have been the outcome of the racist ideology of this movement. The State of Israel today, in all its practices, is the embodiment of this movement. Since lb-48, it has achieved through military conquest a scheme of expansion by stages, of which the 1967 aggression was only the most recent. And still there is by no means any assurance that this was the last along the dangerous road of aggression and expansion.
11.	Numerous resolutions have been adopted by both the General Assembly and the Security Council during the four years since the 1967 aggression. Yet Israel persists in its occupation of Arab lands in complete disregard of the United Nations, its resolutions and its principles. Moreover, in complete defiance of all declarations calling for its withdrawal, Israel has proceeded to enforce, through measures brutally disrespectful of human rights, its policy of imposing its designs for the actual annexation of occupied territories, notably in the city of Jerusalem.
12.	Security Council resolution 242(1967), which calls for the withdrawal of Israel's occupying forces from the occupied Arab territories, remains for Israel a matter of eloquent but evasive academic declarations. All efforts expended to reach a peaceful settlement on the basis of implementing this resolution have been in vain, since Israel persists in its arrogance, which United States sponsorship enables it to maintain. Indeed, since 1967, and throughout the years during which Israel has been in occupation of the territories of three States Members of the United Nations, the United States Government has actually stepped up its military and financial aid to Israel. The extensive offensive weaponry, including Phantom and Sky Hawk jets, coming to Israel from the United States leads us to the inevitable conclusion that the United States Government is collaborating in the occupation and sharing the guilt of the oppression it entails.
13.	Israel has been defiant of the collective will of the international community. It holds this Organization in utter contempt. The most recent illustration of this attitude took place on 25 September, when the Security Council, at its 1582nd meeting, adopted its resolution 298 (1971), which urgently called on Israel to rescind all me asm and actions designed to change the status of Jerusalem. The Israeli representative immediately rejected the resolution; he alleged, in effect, that the views expressed in it were deserving of no esteem, and he proclaimed that his Government's view would prevail. At the same time, the Israeli Government issued a statement which rejected the resolution and made clear its opposition to any United Nations representative or mission on the matter, and reiterated its intention to annex the occupied city of Jerusalem. Disregard for the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by military conquest is paramount in the thinking of Israel’s rulers; for every single

inch of Palestine was forcibly occupied. This is evident also from the statement of Mr. Abba Eban addressed on 30 September to this august body [1946th meeting]. In it he completely disregarded this principle to justify Israel's expansionist designs.
14.	In his statement, moreover, he completely negated whatever role the United Nations might have when he mocked what he described as its "parliamentary role" [ibid., para. 65], claiming that the triumph of the majority has no moral value. Indeed, when he called on the United Nations organs to disregard its resolutions in favor of seeking a "consensus which would include the interested parties" [ibid.], he was essentially limiting the capacities of the United Nations to those policies and decisions that Israel would consent to. If the United Nations is to restrict itself to decisions reached on the basis of consensus, then a State facing aggression would have little guarantee that its rights would be upheld against the will of the aggressor. If the United Nations is to restrict itself to decisions reached on the basis of a consensus, then there would be no role left for the United Nations in such matters as the Portuguese domination imposed on African Territories as long as Portugal did not consent to this role. In a sense, Mr. Eban was demanding veto power for Israel, not only in the Security Council, whose role and functions during the past years he rejected, but also in the General Assembly and all other United Nations organs. When he called for abandonment of the old documents, formulas and texts, it was only those documents and resolutions, like the recent resolution on Jerusalem, which are incompatible with Israel's aims that he wished to see abandoned. Likewise, when he spoke of the need for building new arrangements and conditions after wars, it was the conditions imposed by ihe victor that he wished to see enforced. Fortunately, very few Member States share Mr. Eban’s conception of this role of the United Nations.
15.	Amidst all this, we are still confronted with deceptive assertions from Israel and its sponsors as to its peace-loving nature and its willingness to carry out the obligations stipulated by the Charter. But whatever credibility this double-talk might have gained in the past is all but vanishing. The reality of Israel's practices can no longer be obscured by rhetoric.
16.	The conditions imposed by Israel on the occupied territories should be apparent from the report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories [A/8389 and Corr.l and 2 and Add.l and Add.l/Corr.l and 2], The refusal of Israel to facilitate the task of that Committee is testimony to its abrogation of its obligations under the Geneva Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is also betrays the double-faced policy that Israel pursues here as a cover-up for its brutal practices over there. Accounts of Israel's practices of mass punishment, repression of civilians, torture of prisoners, deportation and expulsion of the inhabitants, destruction and demolition of residential homes, confiscation of property, violation of religious monuments and beliefs are too well documented to need elaboration.
17.	Most atrocious and inhumane is Israel's behavior in the Gaza Strip, where its brutalities are singularly symptomatic of its contempt for human rights, Under the pretext of taking security measures, Israel has currently been implementing its military policy of breaking up and dispersing the population of the Gaza Strip even when that deprives that population of the minimum relief and welfare facilities afforded them by the United Nations. The special report by Sir John Rennie, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, has attested to the recent demolition operation which has resulted in the forcible displacement of about 15,000 Palestinian refugees and the demolition of their homes by the Israeli military authorities [A/8413]. The Secretary-General has expressed concern over the effect of this operation on the Palestinian refugees, and on 18 August he urgently requested Israel to "ensure the immediate cessation of the destruction of refugee homes in the Gaza Strip and halt the removal of the refugee occupants" [A/L'401/Add.l, para. 226]. Once more, Israel has ignored this request. According to a report which appeared on 31 August in the Israeli newspaper Maariv, the displacement of these 15,000 refugees is only the first phase of an over-all scheme, the second phase of which aims at the removal of 60,000 to 70,000 refugees from their homes in the Gaza Strip. This calculated policy of mass displacement, coupled with the practice of imposing mass terror on the inhabitants is designed as a prelude to annexation.
18.	The Israeli Government has handed over the life and destiny of the inhabitants of the Strip to the Border Police, a special force also referred to as the "Green Berets", whose brutalities against the Arabs under occupation are not incomparable to the atrocities committed by the United States Green Berets in Viet-Nam. The reputation of this special force has been well known since the massacre of Kafr Kassem in 1956, when 49 Arab subjects of Israel were murdered in cold blood in one day. This special force was ordered to shoot on sight, to shoot into crowds, to commit deliberate killings and to beat and brutalize the inhabitants. Its actions during the past year have elicited indignant cries from people all over the world. The refusal of the inhabitants to submit to Israel, despite these brutalities, has commanded world-wide support, sympathy and admiration.
19.	In the occupied Syrian Golan Heights, Israel has virtually evacuated the area of its Arab inhabitants, replacing them with immigrant settlers to serve Israel in its future aggressions. This behavior of Israel throughout the occupied territories during these past years is only an extension of the old Zionist scheme of excluding the native Arab population and expelling it to make way for the immigrant settler-population. This scheme remains, to this day, the ideology on the basis of which all of Israel's existence, its laws-like the so-called "law of return"  and its essence feed and perpetuate themselves. Expansionism is an organic part of Zionism, contingent on its self-glorification as the instrument for the in-gathering of all the Jews of the world in Palestine and in the other Arab countries on which it has designs.
20.	The Arab people of Palestine, who were leading a normal life tilling their land and seeking their livelihood in peace, were looking to a better future when their country fell under British colonialism which was committed to the establishment of a Jewish settler State in their ancestral
homeland. In 30 years of British rule in Palestine, Zionist colonial machinations had transformed a myth into reality through force and violence. As a result of this, more than a million and a half Palestinian Arabs have been uprooted from their homeland, dispossessed and displaced. Another million and a half are suffering under the worst military occupation known in modem history. For two decades the international community failed to undo the injustice that had been inflicted upon the people of Palestine, It is in defense of their usurped rights and for the restoration of their usurped homeland that they consequently opted for the only alternative left open to them, namely, that of armed struggle. The recent emergence of the Palestinian revolution has demonstrated to the world the determination of the Palestinian people to regain their rights. Their struggle has gained support from all the freedom-loving peoples.
21.	The United Nations, during recent years, has responded in part to its responsibilities in this connexion. Though modest, the resolutions passed during the last two sessions can constitute a springboard for the efforts of the United Nations to deal with a matter that it has long failed to meet. Resolution 2535 B (XXIV) of 10 December 1969 reaffirmed "the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine". This was followed at the twenty-fifth session by other resolutions which went further in putting the problem in its proper context.
22.	Resolution 2672 C (XXV) of the past session, which was adopted on 8 December 1970, "Recognizes that the people of Palestine are entitled to equal rights and self-determination, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". In principle, a resolution recognizing a people's right to self-determination may not be a novelty.
All peoples are entitled to the right of self-determination.
But in view of the past disregard for the rights of the people of Palestine in the United Nations itself, this resolution constitutes a step forward. This is all the more true since it reiterated that "full respect for the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine is an indispensable element in the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East".
23.	Resolution 2649 (XXV), adopted during the last session on 30 November 1970, which "Condemns those Governments that deny the right to self-determination of peoples recognized as being entitled to it, especially of the peoples of southern Africa and Palestine", is equally important. In viewing the Palestinians simply as refugees, the United Nations had been evading the central fact of the problem. The Palestinians have become refugees by virtue
of the denial of their right to self-determination. Like the peoples of southern Africa, they are victims of the colonial age, which deprived them of their country under British imperialism and which reduced them to an inferior status under the racist Zionism of the State of Israel.
24.	Israeli Zionism, like South Africa's apartheid, perpetuates itself through the imposition of a system of racial discrimination against the indigenous population. The outcome of the Zionist scheme during the past half-century has been the creation in the land of Palestine of a social system which, like apartheid in South Africa, is based on racial discrimination and hatred and which is designed to reduce the Arab inhabitants to third-rate status and the Oriental Jews to second-rate status, with the European settler minority occupying the dominant positions. The atrocities which the Zionists have committed during the last half-century in order to impose this shameful system have always borne close resemblance to the methods employed by the Nazis.
25.	Since 1960, when the United Nations adopted the policy of combating racism and apartheid by sanctions against the South African Government, the commercial exchanges and the military links between Israel and South Africa have increased incredibly. Judging by available figures, Israel's exports to South Africa have multiplied tenfold since that time. South Africa is Israel's chief trading partner in Africa. The extensive contributions which the South African regime has allowed Zionist groups to channel to Israel, like the sum of $18 million reported soon after the Israeli aggression in June 1967, are testimony to the close links existing between these two racist States.
26.	If the United Nations has committed itself to the task of combating racism, it is imperative that it deal with racism wherever it exists. The system of religious-racial intolerance imposed by Zionism and the State of Israel on the people of Palestine must be exposed and opposed. The role that Israel plays in Africa, in collaboration with the South African regime and its other racist' and colonialist allies, must be condemned.
27.	The African continent is witnessing today the combined aggressions of the South African Government, the Portuguese colonialists and the Rhodesian minority regime. These vicious entities are unifying their forces to enslave the African populations under their combined control. In this endeavor, they would achieve little if it were not for the covert co-operation they receive from several other States.
28.	The South African racist rulers seem to have lost all their humanity when they proceeded to impose their systematic violence on millions of people in South Africa. The repression, the mass murders, the imprisonments and torture carried out by the Government of South Africa constitute a crime against all of humanity. The behavior of that State makes clear its unwillingness to accommodate the rights of the majority of the country's inhabitants. Accordingly, it must be expelled from all international functions and its legitimacy must be denied. The South African Government has refused to comply with the Assembly's decision to terminate the mandate over Namibia [resolution 2145 (XXI)]. Furthermore, it has defied all pleas from the international community and proceeded to introduce into that country the evil racist system of apartheid that it had imposed on the populations under its own rule. The ruling of the International Court of Justice on the illegality of South Africa's occupation of the Namibian territory  offers no alternative but to enforce sanctions against South Africa. Having already called upon Member States to terminate all relations with this racist

Government, the United Nations must now take those measures necessary to ensure the strict implementation of this call on the part of all States. We cannot entertain any illusions as to South Africa's willingness to comply with the least requirements of human decency.
29.	We condemn the oppression and inhumanity practiced against the peoples of the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). The Portuguese colonialists have also extended their aggression to the sovereign States of Guinea, Senegal and Zambia. Portugal's wars of repression and extermination in the colonies, as well as its aggression against neighboring States, could not have been sustained by a poor country such as Portugal if it were not for the support of its NATO allies. My Government declares its complete support for the struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) to recover their inalienable rights to freedom and independence.
30.	The same is true of the peoples of Zimbabwe, who are being subjected to the inhumane repression of the illegal white settler minority regime of Ian Smith. This oligarchy of hatred has been imposing a system of racial discrimination designed to deny the majority of the inhabitants their human rights and their rights, to self-determination and independence. The international community has to bear its responsibilities and to ensure that the rights of the majority in that country are supported and upheld.
31.	My Government is deeply concerned at the continued United States military intervention in Indo-China. The war is still raging at a great cost of destruction and suffering to the people of that region. We support the heroic struggle of the Viet-Namese people and demand the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops so that those people can freely exercise their right of self-determination. We feel that the seven-point Program submitted by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam constitutes a sound basis for peace and for the achievement of the national aspirations of the Viet-Namese people.
32.	The painful events which overtook Pakistan last spring are a cause of humanitarian concern to all of us. The Libyan Government has, along with other Governments, contributed to the cause of alleviating the suffering of the millions of refugees. The Government of India has born a large share of the effort of the international community. It is our hope that the vital needs of the refugees are being met and that all efforts will be combined to facilitate their return to their homes.
33.	The question of the representation of China should have been solved in 1949, when the Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of China informed the United Nations of the establishment of the new regime and repudiated the legal status of the delegation representing the overthrown Government.
34.	For more than two decades, various measures have deliberately and consistently been taken to deny nearly one fourth of the world's population its lawful rights in this Organization, which aspires to be universal. This has been unwise and contrary to the principles of the United Nations Charter. These measures have from the very outset had an adverse effect upon the role and the work of the Organization. The United Nations has suffered in effectiveness, authority and reputation. My delegation will not support any measure which has the effect of depriving the People's Republic of China of its lawful rights in the United Nations. The presence of the People's Republic of China in this Organization will greatly contribute to the effectiveness of the United Nations, enhance its role and prestige and have a salutary effect on international peace and co-operation.
35.	Finally, I wish to assert that the attitude of the Libyan Arab Republic is based on its commitment to the high principles of the Charter of the United Nations. These principles must of necessity lead us to condemn foreign domination, discrimination and aggression, whether they are practiced in southern Africa, Indo-China or the Middle East. They also require us to support the right of all peoples struggling for self-determination and freedom.
36.	In the Middle East, the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories is a prerequisite for reducing the explosive situation in the region. The return of the people of Palestine to their homeland and the restoration of their legitimate right to self-determination constitute an inevitable necessity if a just and lasting peace is to be achieved.


3.	 Mr. President, let my first words be of congratulation to you on behalf of the Brazilian Government and in my own name, on your unanimous election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your personal and professional
qualification, fully recognized by all of us who are acquainted with you, assure us that the guidance of our debates will be in the hands of a skillful and internationally respected diplomat. May I also express the appreciation of the Brazilian Government for the efficiency, tact and assurance with which your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, carried out these functions.
4.	We are saddened by U Thant’s irrevocable decision to leave his post as Secretary-General at the end of his second term. The Brazilian Government had previously expressed its hope that U Thant would still be in a position to reconsider his decision and would agree to place his valuable services at the disposal of the international community for another period. Now that he has reaffirmed that his wish is irreversible, I should like to reiterate the gratitude of my Government to the Secretary-General for the dedication with which he has worked to serve the United Nations. The need to replace him leads us more than ever to ponder the delicate nature and the importance of that position as well as the political responsibility the Secretary-General holds within the system of our Organization, U Thant has given us ample evidence of this kind of understanding in the course of the 10 years during which we have become accustomed to seeing him work for the cause of international peace and harmony.
5.	In the course of the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, we unanimously asserted the belief that the United Nations continued to provide the most valid alternative for the theories of power and balance of power which nourish hegemonic ambitions. Despite the unanimity with which this belief was expressed, we concurrently pointed out the limitations which were reducing our Organization's capacity for action because of the resurgence of political concepts and diplomatic practices that run counter to the purposes and principles of the Charter.

6. The purposes and principles which the 51 founding Members of the United Nations incorporated into the institutional Charter of the Organization have made it possible for 79 nations, in the course of the quarter century of the existence of the United Nations, to accede to membership with the same sovereign status. When in July of 1945 we faced the misery, suffering and destruction brought about by the Second World War, we also assumed collective responsibility for eliminating the unjustifiable poverty plaguing two thirds of mankind. We were not aware then that a few weeks later the destructive force of the atom would appear on the scene as the major threat to peace and international security. It is indisputable that that event has conditioned the evolution of international relations since San Francisco, and its negative impact will persist as long as the knowledge that breeds power is not
placed definitely and unconditionally at the service of the international community.
7.	The contemporary crisis and the danger that the United Nations will be left to play but a marginal role in it will grow more and more acute so long as wealth and power continue to be concentrated in a few States, so long as scientific and technological knowledge remain "oligopolized" so long as, in the last analysis, the practice of power politics downgrades the United Nations and progressively lessens the importance of its position as an organizing, valid and active forum for international relations. Therefore, the alternative to the United Nations, both for the poor States and for the rich ones, for the powerless and the powerful, is chaos, which is the inevitable consequence of theories that set up force, the naked force of economic, scientific and military power as a pattern for international behavior.
8.	The Brazilian Government thus maintains, and will continue to stress, that peace and collective security, as well as the social and economic progress of developing countries, are the crucial problems of our time and that on their solution depend harmonious relationships among States.
9.	For the same reasons, during the General Assembly's twenty-fifth anniversary session Brazil strove for the adoption of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], through which we reiterated the purposes and principles of our Organization and its competence to examine, debate and settle major world issues.
10.	That reiteration doubtless implies a rebuttal of the so-called political realism used as a means of imposing and justifying new modes of the freezing of power, as well as the implicit or explicit establishment of spheres of influence.
11.	At the present session of the General Assembly we are invited to consider, in the light of this pseudo-realism, the accession of another great Power to our Organization. This realistic spirit seems to be a modem version of Realpolitik, a term which brings to mind less than happy memories. As a matter of fact, I would prefer to have that so-called realistic spirit applied to the recognition by the United Nations of a process that can no longer be delayed: the translation into concrete deeds of the moral duty and political obligation of wealthy nations to make an effective contribution to the progress of the less-developed countries, or, at the very least, not to raise obstacles to their development. There is no lack of studies on the subject. Quite reasonable proposals have been put forth and even adopted. Yet when we take stock of the outcome of their implementation we are made aware that all we have succeeded in achieving is the splitting up of our deliberations into comfortable time-packages. That is how we came to the Second Development Decade.
12.	Now, unfortunately this is not Realpolitik we are dealing with-not the Realpolitik that would lead us to lasting and fruitful peace. Quite the contrary, the Realpolitik we are invited to apply on this occasion is the admission of the fact that a nation counting its population in the hundreds of millions and possessing its own nuclear

weapons-even though, incidentally, the proliferation of these weapons is supposed to be proscribed-could not fail to be given a position among us compatible with its strength. What we are facing here is another instance of power politics, which can hardly set proper criteria for organizing an international society based on peace, justice and the equality of States.
13.	In relation to this issue, which is being given top- priority attention in all the chancelleries of the world, I should also like to remark that the new fact before us is not the discovery of a new star in the constellation of the great Powers. This star has long been shining. It has been there ever since it mastered the technology and means to jeopardize the survival of mankind -- in other words, ever since it proved it possessed atomic weapons. The very novelty of the situation now in the offing that fundamentally changes the prospects of the membership of the United Nations is that a super-Power has decided the time has come to acknowledge the existence of another great Power. This fact seems to be irrefutable. Consequently the candidate for membership comes into existence from the moment the directorate of the club of power so decides.
14.	The participation of this new partner is taken for granted, whether it be today or tomorrow. Timing appears to be irrelevant. The important point, the relevant innovation, would be for this display of Realpolitik to result in the United Nations henceforth discussing and deciding upon major issues of international peace and security which, strangely enough, have not been discussed in the General Assembly.
15.	Certainly, while I am attempting to picture the freezing of power as a trend that has become a major obstacle to the achievement of the objectives of peace, security and development, I do not postulate, either directly or indirectly, a symmetrical evaluation of the super-Powers, their world interests or political behavior.
16.	Even if, hypothetically, the international community were willing to accept a "nuclear peace" and therefore the resulting principle that absolute power engenders absolute rights, historical experience disavows any permanent differentiation of States into a small, group endowed with, on the one hand, unparalleled power and, on the other, a second category of countries condemned to the role of spectators or protégés of power.
17.	On the contrary, the political philosophy of our Organization rests on quite a different basis: the equality of rights, duties and opportunities of all Member States, respect for the sovereignty and independence of States, the non-use of force in the settlement of international disputes, and the fulfillment in good faith of the obligations contracted under the Charter, It therefore becomes obvious that the doctrines of power threaten the existence of the United Nations as the normative organ of international society, downgrading it politically as the international forum competent to impose discipline on the fact of power itself--discipline that should benefit the international community as a whole rather than the oligopoly of force that acts to the community's detriment.
18.	The most evident, and in the long run most dangerous, attempt to sanction immobility is the systematic refusal
even to entertain the possibility of reviewing the Charter. The Brazilian Government does not think the political philosophy of the United Nations, as expressed in its purposes and principles, is in need of revision. That was the sense of the appeal I made during the twenty-fifth anniversary session: "let us use our Organization and let us apply the Chatter" [1841st meeting, para. 35].
19.	But since times change, the machinery established for the implementation of these purposes and principles must now be submitted to review and revision. The scenarios that have evolved and disappeared in the changeable international reality, the experiences we have accumulated during our 25 years of work to put a stop to or contain crises and causes of conflict, and, even more basically, the entrance into these scenarios of so many new, sovereign States, have rendered many of the mechanisms created a quarter of a century ago archaic, inadequate and insufficient. Revision is a prerequisite for making available to the United Nations instruments which will make them more active, more normative and more agile.
20.	As an illustration of the need for revision, I could point to the limited representativeness of such organs as the Economic and Social Council, the current membership of which renders it incapable of reflecting and interpreting the whole and complex gamut of the economic and social interests of Member States of the United Nations.
21.	Along this line of thought I wish to reiterate that the Brazilian Government cannot agree that the principle of sovereign equality of Member States should be questioned in any way or restricted in its consequences. This principle is not subject to any qualification other than those prerogatives explicitly set forth in Article 27 of the Charter. An exceptional rule is involved here. Its effects cannot be extended to any other forum or activity of the Organization, thus endowing the permanent members of the Security Council with special prerogatives. Nor should this privilege, which is restricted to the forum of that same Council, serve to assure its permanent members any advantage or priority of membership in the subsidiary organs of the Assembly, to the detriment of the principle of equitable geographic representation.
22.	It seems necessary here to stress the obvious since the obvious frequently becomes distorted under the impact of powerful conflicting interests. The establishment of peace is the fundamental task of the United Nations: a peace which is not to be confused with the balance of power or its nuclear counterpart, the balance of terror; a peace which should not be the mere perpetuation of an unjust international situation, or the mere absence of conflict with a whole range of sinister nuclear overtones; a peace, in short, which should not be reduced to sheer hope for the survival of mankind on the morrow and a hope, consistently renewed on a short-term basis, that the nuclear arsenals will not be used. On the contrary it should be a peace resting on the stable structure of collective security and providing conditions for progress, a peace which is identified with the eradication of under-development and which guarantees to all Member States territorial integrity, national identity, the right to develop their human potentialities, their political and social capabilities and the unimpeded possession and disposition of their factors of progress.
23.	The basic requirement for the permanent establishment of peace and political and economic security lies essentially in general and complete disarmament, which cannot be reduced to the inadequate dimension of partial measures of arms control or non-armament. Although necessary and praiseworthy, these measures have not gone beyond the maintenance of the present distribution of nuclear power under the deceptive cloak of the co- chairmanship. The existence of nuclear arsenals and the sums expended annually to strengthen them quantitatively and improve them qualitatively are the result of antagonisms which the practice of the balance of power does not allow to be resolved. No one disputes any longer the irrationality of "over-kill", or that unrestrained spending on nuclear arms constitutes the greatest impediment to any integrated plan for global economic development.
24.	We meet here once again entrusted with the responsibility of seeking a solution which, viewed rationally, seems about to materialize. Yet this solution stubbornly eludes us, prodded beyond our grasp by a diabolical illusion that power, which only apparently renders a few immune, will through its own dynamics guarantee the survival of all.
25.	Hence our eyes and ears are fixed on the doors behind which, in Helsinki and in Vienna, the secret talks on the limitation of strategic arms are proceeding with the slowness to which we have, unhappily, become accustomed. Around those tables, where we have no seats, the negotiators of the super-Powers play with the destiny of us all.
26.	 In a few months the third session of the United Nations	Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] will be convened, the third opportunity afforded the developed world in less than 10 years to co-operate concretely with the developing countries to improve their living standards, and to close within the shortest possible time the economic, scientific and technological gap separating the nations of the world.
27.	Disappointed at the poor results of the first and second sessions of UNCTAD, and aware of the reluctance of developed countries, of the intransigence of some and the even less excusable indifference of others, Brazil believes that the fate of the third session of UNCTAD will depend on the growing acceptance by the international community of the concept of collective economic security through the adoption of decisions of broad range and significance at the institutional level, and through the creation of new and more ambitious mechanisms.
28.	The concept of collective economic security will complement the system of collective political security. In practice, this concept, which Brazil has consistently defended since 1953, upholds in the first place the right of all nations to economic and social development. It also postulates the ditty of the more developed countries to contribute to the elimination of the external barriers which they have created and which hinder the acceleration of the growth of developing countries. This should be achieved in accordance with the negotiated time-tables and, in any event, before the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade.
29.	To the extent of its capabilities, Brazil is prepared to take up its responsibilities towards the least developed
among developing countries, bilaterally as well as multilaterally. And we are naturally moved to do so by reason of the solidarity that links us to these countries, and also because we consider it to be an ethical imperative. We want to see this issue frontally tackled in Lima, at the Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, so that the third session of UNCTAD may bring about concrete and global solutions to this problem. We are convinced that other countries in stages of development similar to Brazil's will join us in seeking such solutions; concurrently, it is essential, in accordance with the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, that developed countries be prepared to contribute additional resources to eliminate more rapidly the disparities in growth among those in process of development. In the Latin American context, we are already acting increasingly in accordance with this political decision.
30.	Collective economic security further presupposes the protection of all Member States against economic aggression, threats or pressures, especially in relation to international trade and financing; it also presupposes respect for the sovereignty of all States over their natural resources and the political and economic consequences thereof, namely, the right freely to protect those resources and exploit them for the benefit of their own peoples and in accordance with their own priorities.
31.	Brazil reiterates the right and duty of riparian States to avail themselves of the resources of tire seas, the sea-bed and the subsoil thereof adjacent to their coastlines in order to ensure the economic and social well-being of their peoples. To this effect we maintain that such States are entitled to exercise the right to determine the extent of their sovereignty or jurisdiction over those areas, in accordance with their geographical, geological and biological peculiarities, and their requirements in the fields of security, scientific investigation and with respect to the preservation of the marine environment. The Brazilian Government wishes to express its gratification at the wide-spread understanding and support these principles are increasingly receiving from States of all continents and levels of economic development in the context of the preparatory work on a comprehensive conference on the law of the sea.
32.	I have no intention of bringing into this debate matters that are already being discussed in other international forums in a more adequate technical manner. But I cannot refrain from pointing out that Brazil is following with deep concern the new trends and developments that now characterize the international monetary and trade scene as a consequence of the decisions taken by the Government of the United States of America to offset the deficit in its balance of payments. It is undeniable that the fundamental interests of developing countries have in this case once again been neglected. It should be stressed that developing countries have in no way contributed to bringing about this abnormal situation on the international financial and trade scene. Therefore, it is imperative that their interests be duly safeguarded in the search for corrective solutions in order to avoid any further set-backs to their economic and social development process, However, I very much fear that if Governments and specialized organs adopt measures to reshape the international monetary

 system without previously consulting the developing countries in the appropriate international organs-I very much fear, I repeat-that the action program for development embodied in the International Development Strategy adopted last year by this Assembly [resolution 2626 (XXV)] will be gravely impaired in the very first year of its existence.
33.	The Latin American countries have already taken a common political stand on those problems. We firmly trust that the United States of America, as well as the developed countries currently engaged in mutual consultations for the purpose of maintaining their stability, will not abandon their prior commitments towards the developing world.
34.	Brazil, with an already accelerated rate of economic growth and social progress which heralds the breaking of the barriers of under-development; will continue to the best of its ability to strive for the strengthening of an international order based on the concepts I have just outlined.
35.	Since historical events are rendering obsolete the bi-polarization which dominated international relations, its alternative cannot be a new power system also to be based on a small number of nations claiming a de facto hegemony over the rest of the world; rather it must be an international community organized in conformity with the broader and more equitable provisions of the purposes and principles of the Charter.
36.	The consistent tenor of our foreign policy is summed up in. the following words of President Emilio Garrastazii Mddici
“Brazil is opposed to the division of the world into spheres of influence; it believes that peace is essential to the achievement of progress, and it adheres faithfully to the principle of the peaceful settlement of international disputes as its guide-line in the conduct of its diplomacy.
37.	That is the understanding of the contemporary reality that Brazil wishes to share with other Member States at the opening of this general debate. Nothing can undermine our determination to go on working toward our common ideals and aspirations, which will draw us ever closer in progress and in peace. Nothing shall alter our certainty that, despite so many set-backs, we still retain in our hands, in the hands of the peoples of the United Nations, the power to repudiate, once and for all, the tragic legacy of violence and folly which drenched in Mood and tears the road we had to travel in order finally to create this Organization. Nothing shall weaken our efforts to improve the United Nations by expanding its responsibilities and increasing its effectiveness in disciplining international relations among States for the benefit of world peace and security,


1.	 Mr. President, it is my very pleasant duty to express to you the particular satisfaction of the Ethiopian Government on your election to preside over this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Because we are fully confident in your high competence for your present task and are mindful of the constructive role which Indonesia continues to play in the international community, you may rest assured that my delegation will spare no effort to place at your disposal its modest contribution towards the efficient discharge of the heavy duties of your high office.
2.	The twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly was no less blessed than the present session in that it had your learned predecessor, Ambassador Hambro of Norway, to guide it competently through that particularly busy anniversary session. To Ambassador Hambro, I should like to extend the heartfelt gratitude of the Ethiopian delegation in the simplest terms and in all humility: thank you for a job well done.
3.	P* we all know, this year marks U Thant's tenth year of selfless and devoted service as Secretary-General of the United Nations. The manifold achievements of UThant in strengthening the United Nations, especially in strengthening the role of the Secretary-General as the roving ambassador of peace during the last decade, must obviously be left to the historians of the period to record in detail. But I am none the less impelled to express the profound gratitude of my Government for the dedicated service he
 has rendered to the United Nations and, through it, to the larger family of mankind.
4.	My Government welcomes the admission of Bahrain, Bhutan, Oman and Qatar to membership in the United Nations. In congratulating the representatives of these nations on the achievements of their respective countries in reaching their present status of full membership in this ever-growing family of nations, we wish to express the confident hope that their contribution of nev ideas and different approaches to solving common problems will further strengthen this Organization.
5.	Speaking of membership in the United Nations, 1 must state that my Government continues to be concerned about the exclusion of the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China from our counsels. We firmly believe that none' of the outstanding and most fundamental world problems such as disarmament and international security can be resolved without the* active participation of the representatives of the People's Republic of China. On the basis of this belief, representatives of my Government have, for a d>'jade, persistently appealed from this rostrum for a sense of realism and true statesmanship to rectify what we still think of as a wrong perpetuated for far too long. As a consequence of this conviction, we have heretofore voted in favor of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Yet, the same item appears on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly [item 93J --we hope for the last time.
6.	I express this optimistic hope on the basis of the fact that, at long last, realism and statesmanship have emerged from some quarters during the last few months. Such being the case, I must limit myself to reiterating our consistent appeal in modified terms.
7.	Thus, in the first place there should be no further procrastination in redressing the past injustice.
8.	Secondly, no further obstacle should be put in the way of the restoration of the lawful rights of the Government of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations as the sole representative of the entire people of China.
9.	With some tragic exceptions, the interval between the past and present sessions of the General Assembly has been a reasonably calm and fruitful period for the world community.
10.	On the credit side, the continuing detente between power groupings; the preliminary agreement on Berlin;  the pragmatic reorientation of national policies vis-a-vis existing realities; and the agreement on the text of a treaty for the prohibition of biological weapons, are but a few of the positive developments which my Government heartily welcomes. We are encouraged also by the further commitments towards the amelioration of the general world situation which have been voiced by representatives of both super-Powers and small nations alike throughout the present general debate.
11.	On the other hand,' the unaltered situation in SouthEast Asia; the seemingly inactive volcano jn the Middle East; the spreading malignancy of racist oppression in southern Africa; the last-ditch entrenchment of colonialism in Africa; the lack of appreciable progress in disarmament negotiations in Geneva; and the recent human tragedy in the Indian subcontinent are, surely, some aspects of our common and urgent problems which must remain matters of anxious concern to the international community and, as such, must command a redoubled effort on the part of all of us towards facilitating their containment and final solution.
12.	It is a fact that none of the problems I have just mentioned, or the rest of the world's manifold problems, can be said to have any magic formula for their ready and prompt solution. Yet, we are not starting from a void in all instances.
13.	To be more specific, let me, for example, single out the urgent problem of the Middle East.
14.	First, we have Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which laid down the broad basis for achieving genuine and durable peace in that long-troubled area of the world.
15.	Secondly, an attempt to implement that resolution was promptly initiated by the Secretary-General and the arduous effort towards its actual implementation continues to be pursued by his personal representative, Ambassador Jerring.
16.	Thirdly, a temporary cease-fire was achieved, which, mercifully, is still observed de facto by the parties concerned.
17.	Fourthly, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity which convened in Addis Ababa last June, has formed a committee composed of 10 Heads of State-including His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, my august Sovereign-to seek ways and means of bringing about lasting peace to that cross-road of civilizations. That committee has, since its formation, held intensive consultations, as a result of which a sub-committee was formed and will soon visit the capitals of the countries concerned.
18.	Meanwhile, since the initial cease-fire, there has been considerable restraint by the parties concerned in not aggravating the already tense situation. From what we gather, the guns are more often silent. As a result, incalculable life and property have been spared the ravages of war. We appreciate the advantages of these positive developments and we ardently hope that they will eventually lead to the establishment of lasting peace in the region.
19.	In spite of the achievement of some progress towards solving some of the problems confronting the international community in general, the problems that prevail in southern Africa continue to deteriorate. The colonial-racist minority regimes in that part of the world continue their impudent defiance of world opinion by escalating the repressions and oppressions that they mete out to the millions of people they hold in bondage.
20.	In the furtherance of their pernicious objectives of preserving the hegemony of the social and political anachronisms to which they cling, the colonial, racial minority regimes in southern Africa are fostering ever closer collaboration among themselves in the vain hope of obstructing the inevitable march to freedom of peoples long subjugated and long denied the right to self-determination and independence, I need hardly deal with the numerous decisions of the United Nations that continue to be flouted by the Lisbon-Salisbury-Pretoria axis, for these are too well known and painstakingly documented elsewhere. I would only wish to underline at this point my Government's deep and serious concern at the explosive danger inherent in the failure by the United Nations, and particularly by those Member States that have close political and economic ties with the recalcitrant regimes that dominate southern Africa, to act against an injustice that is being perpetrated in the name of apartheid and colonialism.
21.	It has been generally accepted that, among the areas of notable achievements credited to the efforts of the United Nations, decolonization ranks as the most significant. Nevertheless, the import of this phenomenon continues to elude the subjugated peoples of southern Africa. That is the case because the international community has abandoned them in their plight and misery, or, perhaps, has not yet shown sufficient willingness and resolve to act with speed and determination to enable them to realize their legitimate aspirations to live and die as free men and women. For the colonial peoples of southern Africa the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and other declarations remain unfulfilled promises as a result of the illogical and intransigent policies being ruthlessly pursued by the colonial-racial regimes dominating that region!
22.	A significant development this year regarding the southern African tragedy has been the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on Namibia.  The role that my country, in co-operation with others, has played in the legal battle concerning the Namibian case is a matter of record and I do not wish to labor it. 1 merely wish to state the satisfaction of my Government with the opinion rendered by the Court in response to the request made by the Security Council in its resolution 284 (1970).
23.	The advisory opinion of the Court on the illegality of the presence of South Africa in Namibia being so clear and categoric, how much longer must implementation of the decisions of the competent organs of the United Nations be withheld or procrastinated?
24.	Now is the moment of truth. Will the Security Council take the proper measures under the Charter to implement its own decisions, or is the cause of the oppressed Namibians to go by default?
25.	How much longer also will the international community and, in particular, the permanent members of the Security Council, regard, with a somewhat resigned acquiescence, the conspiracy of colonialists and racialists to try to keep the subjugated peoples of Africa in their death grip?
26.	The choice between peace or an interracial bloodbath in southern Africa, with all its serious implications, may well depend on the answers given to the simple questions I have posed.
27.	In yet another sphere, one of the most disquieting problems facing humanity today is the ever-widening gap between the developing and the developed countries. As the eminent President of Mexico succinctly put it in his address to this Assembly on 5 October:
"There will be no peace in the world until there has been a basic reorganization of the economic relations among nations. Today, the threat of atomic wars is as serious as that of the growing inequality between the rich countries and the poor." [1952nd meeting, para. 27.]
28.	The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session [resolution 2626 (XXV)] is, perhaps, the best instrument at our disposal to cope with this problem. What remains now is its implementation. In this respect the developed countries have a unique and important role to play. And unless these affluent and industrialized countries encourage and assist the poor nations to accelerate their economic development, the latter will no doubt continue to be confronted with serious difficulties in meeting the developmental needs of their peoples.
29.	It might be said that the First Development Decade was not, after all, a complete failure, if only because its shortcomings have, to a certain extent, enabled us to be more pragmatic in our approach to the Second Development Decade. It is, therefore, our earnest hope that, with this realization, the forthcoming meetings of the Group of 77 and of the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ will come up with concrete and viable proposals aimed at facilitating the implementation of the International Development Strategy.
30.	May I now turn to a subject which gives rise to a legitimate hope on the part of the international community as a result of the adoption, a year ago, by the General Assembly of a declaration of principles governing the exploitation and the exploration of the resources of the sea-bed.
31.	For certain basic needs, man is becoming increasingly dependent on the biological resources of the sea. Following the tremendous advance of science and technology during this century, the exploitation and exploration of the rich resources of the seas and the oceans has become a means of combating the serious shortage of the products that the surface of the earth used to offer.
32.	Moreover, the explosive growth of the world's population has emerged as an important factor requiring the maximum utilization of all the resources nature offers in order to give humanity a better standard of living. In this respect, the General Assembly laid down, during its last session, a fundamental principle by which the sea-bed is declared the common heritage of mankind and, hence, no State may exercise sovereign rights over any part of that area.
33.	Thus, my country looks forward, with justified hope, to Hie attainment of the following results by the conference on the law of the sea scheduled to take place in 1973.
34.	First, we expect the conference to do away with the sad practice of operating on a "first-come-first-served" basis, by establishing a strong international machinery which would assure equitable and fair distribution of the benefits to be derived from the exploitation of the sea and by taking into account the interests and the needs of the developing countries as well as the special situation of land-locked and shelf-locked countries. Second, the conference should find a solution to the urgent problem of the pollution of the sea environment. And lastly, the conference should put an end to the questions related to the law of the sea, which several diplomatic conferences have heretofore failed to resolve.
35.	I have stated in my remarks therefore some of the principal preoccupations of my Government and its delegation to the present session of the General Assembly.
36.	We also appreciate the enormity of some of the problems facing humanity at large today. But given the political will and the determination of the entire membership of the United Nations, we are convinced that none of these problems is insoluble. In the name of justice, international harmony and the abundant life for all mankind, our plea is, therefore, to rise courageously to meet the lesser challenges to the authority of this Organization even as we endeavor to overcome the more complex ones. To begin is already to take action, and to begin again to take the arduous path leading to a resolution of our chronic problems is what we must do.


189.	  Mr. President, in the name of brother-hood, for which the Dominican Republic is striving, and on behalf of the Government of my country, which is honored to be one of the founding Members of the United Nations, allow me to express to you our congratulations on your being elected to the presidency of the General Assembly, which we trust you will direct with your well-known wisdom, which has earned you a reputation as a statesman and as one who is respectful of the principles of our Organization, which provides protection for all men and peoples under the provisions of our Charter. We are confident that, guided by your knowledge and by the prestige which you will impart to our debates and deliberations, the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly will have special historic significance, because here we will achieve the progress which has long been anxiously awaited and we feel sure that we will take one more step towards the rule of law for which we are all, as Member States, equally responsible.
190.	On this happy occasion, allow me also to express our best wishes for the success of this important session, and at the same time I should like to extend a hearty welcome to the new States of Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar, which have come to swell the membership of this universal Organization.
191.	Finally, my country wishes to pay a well-earned tribute to Secretary-General U Thant for his outstanding work in the lofty post which he now holds.
192.	We, the representatives who have gathered together here at the twenty-sixth session, are filled with concern over those matters which were not resolved at the past sessions. Now we are equipped with the means and instruments provided by the United Nations system, which should make it possible for us to meet the needs of the international community.
193.	Understandably enough, many of the issues which have been held over without any progress having been made are such as to require that we overcome considerable difficulties, though these matters deserve priority and they are problems which require judicious compromise and the reconciliation of divergent ideas and the passing of time, although we must not act at variance with principles or in violation of the rules of law to which we owe our respect.
194.	It is impossible really to disregard present-day realities, because no rule of law can on its own first lay the groundwork and then achieve the victory which we so ardently desire; for human justice is imperfect, like all the works of man, but it is capable of bringing about confidence and assurance among men and nations.
195.	Towards the middle of our century, scarcely five years after the Organization was founded in San Francisco, an invisible divisive factor emerged which was sufficiently powerful to impede progress towards the objectives of the Charter. I am referring to the international tension which at that time began to increase to such an extent that we can now say that we are all men and peoples caught in its web. So it was that we entered what has come to be called the cold war, of which the Members of this world Organization have not been able to rid themselves. It is neither difficult to recognize this phenomenon nor easy to control it, for it has so frequently come to hold sway and has even at times caused us to question the utility of our Organization, which is in fact a forum where all the nations of the world may come together to resolve their difficulties. At least, that is what our Organization should be, but the truth is that we wish to achieve perfection, when the human mind cannot fully comprehend what perfection is. We wish to create a perfect society, whereas human perfection does not exist; and, because it does not exist, we rebel and inevitably we yield to the tensions which now beset us. The end result is really only those negative factors which we wished to avoid by creating our Organization and by fulfilling the commitments which we entered into when we became Members of our Organization. This is the agony of our time.
196.	It is for this reason that on the limited horizons of men and nations has arisen the specter of war and of revolutions which seem capable of creating a new world; but we seem to have forgotten that we are living in the "best of all possible worlds" and that the real crisis is that we must reshape our world and bring it into hue with the needs of communities and other changes which have affected most of the things in which we placed our trust when we were as yet uninfluenced by the new forces and pressures which have been the inevitable result of progress and the advancement of civilization.
197.	With the unbridled development of technology, whose visage may yet appear hideous, man has conquered space, and he has also simply been able to survive, to progress and change things but he has at the same time created voids which, it seems, he may not be able to fill.
198.	In the midst o' the agony and confusion which surrounds us we are tempted at times to blame the world for the ills of mankind. But we should not forget that mankind is man; and man goes on, for without man, with all his virtues and all his shortcomings, there can exist no communities or peoples,
199.	The States Members of this Organization which came into existence as a result of the complex event of victory were confident that it would be able to resolve all the problems of the family of nations, all the crises, all the demands, all the quarrels. However, this shift in responsibility has given rise to disillusionment, whereas in reality only an insignificant period of time has elapsed. We have entered a period of crisis in law, which is constantly being forged so as to keep pace with events which occur at the same speed that classical ideas which we clung to for many centuries have evolved.
200.	New ways out of this crisis must be found and new changes in law and international politics must be made, so that the United Nations may be given the necessary instruments, after 26 years of existence, to discharge more effectively its mandate to maintain peace and preserve mankind from the scourge of war.
201.	But nothing can be achieved in this direction if we in this Organization stand in the way of change, which is so urgently needed. At times it would even appear that the requirements of change are at variance with efforts being made in this world forum, and this has given rise to the terrible paradox that whereas on the one hand we wish to maintain confidence in our resolutions and recommendations, on the other hand we are reluctant to bow to our Organization's dictates or to follow the guidelines laid down for emerging from the period of stagnation which, it seems, we have been in for many years.
202.	I would venture to hope that, as a result of this session of the General Assembly, our Organization will emerge strengthened. It is to be hoped that it will find, and perhaps also take, the necessary steps to eliminate those obstacles which stand in the way of the smooth functioning of our Organization and its dependent bodies, and we must take a more pragmatic and universal approach to events which give rise to disputes, lack of confidence, suspicion and, to put it quite bluntly, conflicts.
203.	It is for this reason that we wished, first of all, to refer to the idea of a system of international security, for which the Government of the Dominican Republic, at the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly, expressed support. It is also for this reason that we gave favorable consideration to the report of the Secretary-General on the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [A/8431 and Add, 1-5].
204.	If we could add new achievements to our record, it is likely that faith in the United Nations might increase, that distrust among nations would disappear as well as inter-national tension, which is what has disrupted so far the kind of co-operation which must exist among nations if there is to be solidarity and interdependence. And these are the ideals which have not yet found practical expression in spite of efforts to preserve peace in all quarters of the world and to ensure that all peoples will have a right to the common heritage of security, without which we might all return to a period which existed before our present civilization, perhaps even to a time of barbarity. If we could only make progress on these lines, that would surely go a long way towards the settlement of many items on our agenda.
205.	Unquestionably, putting an end to the armaments race and using those astronomical sums for social and economic improvements in nations would be one of the most effective ways of ensuring security.
206.	The arms race and military expenditures are also dealt with in the report of the Secretary-General, and these matters deserve the consideration of Member States of this Organization. We realize, however, that this is one of the thorniest and most controversial problems. It concerns most the major Powers, although the considerable sums being expended everywhere in the world to maintain military forces and modern weapons constitute one of the greatest obstacles to economic and social progress, which is so sorely needed because of the changes to which I have referred. But these needs have been ignored so frequently whenever we have reached a standstill on the question of disarmament or considered an end to the arms race, or even a truce in atomic tests and many other related matters which we can scarcely overlook.
207.	The Latin American countries, through their respective heads of State, set forth their positions in Punta del Este in April 1967 with regard to the need to reduce these military budgets, for the same reasons. And the same kind of recommendations were put forward with firm conviction and determination at the General Assembly of the Organization of American States in San Jose, Costa Rica, from 14 to 24 April of this year.
208.	On this subject we cannot fail to endorse the words of a Latin American statesman in San Francisco during the tenth anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Charter, when he said:
"We have faith and confidence in the United Nations because we hope that its labors will give the world a better future and will create an atmosphere of security and tranquility for the fruitful work and the utilization of scientific achievements, which will permit spiritual and physical well-being, progress and general welfare, That faith is unshakable and my country will therefore do its utmost v as it has done in the past, to co-operate in completing the vast task still before us.
"We realize that not everything depends upon the United Nations alone.
"The world is now divided into such divergent camps that the United Nations has very often not been in a position to apply its full strength to the completion of Hie task it had begun, a task which would redound to the benefit of mankind.
"That being th? situation, we must face the problem squarely and speak frankly."
209.	All this has special relevance to the problems on our agenda, to which I now wish to refer.
210.	On more than one occasion we have felt it appropriate to refer to the views of our Government on the policy of apartheid, especially during tills International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.
211.	Ever since the debate in San Francisco that gave rise to our Organization my country has advocated the elimination of discrimination, and we voted in favor of the principles on this subject contained in the Charter.
212.	That occurred more than a quarter-century ago, and what was stated then, in our view, is not restrictive, but we should now spell out what we meant at the time if we are to create the same kind of awareness today as impelled nations at the time to subscribe to these human principles. We shall thus be able to deal with new forms of discrimination which have ccn>e about in the course of the changing lives of men and peoples, and which we trust we have reflected in this statement.
213.	Governments are the concrete manifestation of the State, and peoples are an essential element of nations, and very frequently they must suffer from the consequences of discrimination, which violate one's natural sense of justice and are at odds with the principle of solidarity , for without a desire for justice and solidarity it is difficult to understand why nations would have been willing to become Members of this Organization and work together for progress and peace. That is why we are bound here to speak about a general pattern of discrimination among countries great and small that are Members of the United Nations  between small countries that are Members of the Organization and others that are not yet members and between small Member States and others that have only recently taken on an independent juridical existence after having been dependent Territories and that have become independent in accordance with the processes and procedures laid down by the Charter. A few from this latter category of mmII States, which became independent in accordance with generally accepted principles, have now come to be known disrespectfully as mini-States.
214.	This is not only a discriminatory attitude; it offends the very peoples we wish to support, but what is even more unacceptable is that It seems to suggest that some States can be both independent and not independent at one and the same time.
215.	We are opposed to that kind of discrimination. We do not support it and it should not exist at a time when, thanks to certain ideas which have emerged after many centuries of preparation, the advocates of many religions who were previously at loggerheads can now sit down together at the same table.
216.	Oecumenical congresses have shown that divergent views can live together, that "isms" can be reconciled, and that ultimately everyone's will favors the commonweal and recognizes our historic destiny.
217.	We see no reason, then, to allow any infringement of the principle of universality in the United Nations, which is the community of communities, more earthly than divine.
218.	My delegation believes that it is quite realistic, then, to maintain our policy on apartheid.
219.	We think that firm policy applies to other matters also-for example, economic, social and technological discrimination; and any monopoly on science, which is also a way of holding up human progress. We would go still further, though we may be accused of going too far and advocating ideals that are impracticable, like many of the structures of Plato's Republic.
220.	But today's world teaches us that ideals are made a reality as a result of momentum provided by progress, which cannot be stopped. And we must realize that ideals are the greatest good man is heir to. So it is that today we may proudly say that man has set foot on the moon, and he may indeed go still further if he pursues his intention to conquer outer space-as one may readily anticipate from recent events.
221.	We trust we are not in error inasmuch as one of the items on our agenda concerns precisely international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space, which produced General Assembly resolution 2733 (XXV).
222.	This matter has a relation, direct or indirect, to the formal note we submitted to the Secretary-General when celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization. In that document we recommended a study of ways and means for depoliticizing outer space, which is another way of setting aside special areas or reserves for peaceful purposes.
223.	We therefore cannot fail to welcome the inclusion of item 33 on our agenda which corresponds to that resolution.
224.	In line with our request to the Secretary-General, which followed the highest. channels, we are pleased that in this Assembly there has emerged the idea of international co-operation in the peaceful use of outer space.
225.	My delegation supports item 31 of the agenda. The Dominican Republic is a party to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (the Treaty of Tlatelolco). We sincerely believe that it is possible to denuclearize the area constituted by the countries of Latin America. We have no reason to assume that an instrument calling for the creation of a nuclear-free zone to ensure that mankind will not disappear from the face of the earth can produce any undesirable effects, for such a zone would come to be a kind of enormous sanctuary against what is mankind's most frightening invention, frightening unless used for peaceful purposes, unless used to safeguard and not to destroy th-* human race.
226.	My delegation supports the idea of using, with discrimination against no one, the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor without infringing on the jurisdictional limits of States, for the benefit of mankind in the future, although we do believe that, until certain matter* that might be termed preliminary questions are resolved, and until genuinely exhaustive studies are carried out on the proposed planning, and until a positive awareness has been created among all States Members of the United Nations as regards the importance of bringing all parties into the agreement, whether Members of the United Nations or not, it will not be possible to reach agreement; and without goodwill, the instruments necessary for those objectives would remain without the necessary ratifications, as has occurred in the case of so many other conventions the ratification of which has for so many years been urged by the Secretary-General.
227.	It is our hope that all difficulties and obstacles standing in the way of such grand and laudable objectives will gradually give way and disappear, and that we shall succeed in getting off to a fresh start in a task which cannot be achieved in a single effort but may require several further attempts, as we know from experience.
228.	Those nations that have achieved incredible levels of technology, the Powers that have been able to say that they have the earth's satellite within their reach, thought only of reaching the nearest stage, but none was so pointlessly bold as to try to go beyond that. This is precisely what we should do in so exciting a task as the reservation for exclusively peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.
229.	But this should not be taken to imply that at the present time we occupy a negative position and that we do not recognize that possibilities exist for us," as we have always done, to co-operate in anything that may redound to the benefit of the progress and welfare of mankind.
230.	We do not wish to take a hard and fast position when considering practices that affect human development and the protection of all rights that are or should be juridically protected.
231.	Whenever we have had occasion to consider the matter of human rights, we have been overtaken by the thought that someone may take upon himself the privilege of casting the first stone. Our hesitancy in the matter, which seems to us reasonable when dealing with questions iii the Assembly that affect States Members of our Organization or other States, stems from our conviction that certain kinds of violations are a common sin committed by a great number of nations in various geographical areas of the world, and not in one area only.
232.	For this reason, we would be more pleased to see the item concerning the violation of human rights considered as a matter that concerns us all, indivisibly. Accordingly, we should like to see the studies carried out on subject of massive violations considered in tern.
233.	We do not believe that these important questions should concern only certain presumed violators, while not even remotely concerning others. The facts of this matter have she ^'n that frequently the very ones who are at fault are eager to point an accusing finger at their neighbor, and even beyond their neighbor.
234.	Quite frequently, in both small and large States, there have been violations of th* right of free transit from the homeland to another land where the people involved believe that they will have greater opportunities or a better life for themselves and for their children.
235.	We have willingly, or almost willingly, remained inactive in the face of actions that could be termed improper in connexion with prisoners of war; and even more inexplicably, in the face of the lack or near lack of provision for the exchange of prisoners or for the praiseworthy activities of the International Red Cross.
236.	In some of these situations events have shown that there has been disregard for conventions and international rules which are based unquestionably on the rule of la w and human rights.
237.	These then are multilateral obligations which are contained in instruments, or regional or international declarations.
2V. On this occasion we cannot fail to put forward a few views on the existence of the Republic of China in the world Organization. For more than two decades we have given our support on this matter, which has become especially controversial in the General Assembly in the past three years. We are aware of the changes which have occurred in international politics recently,
239.	When we signed the Charter we were aware that in spite of the fact that the United Nations had been created by the victorious States, even well before the end of the last world war, the major Powers were thinking in terms of the need to concert their efforts before agreeing on a peace treaty or a system which would ban or at least remove the causes and chances of a new all-out war, which might pose a threat to present civilization.
240.	The victorious Powers* as long ago as that, glimpsed the possibility of establishing, with peoples opposing war and cherishing peace peoples who either witnessed or were involved in the greatest catastrophe which, the world had ever seen, and by man's own doing a systematic organization where as a result of the rule of law a remedy might be found to the ills which led to the scourge of war.
241.	In view of these undeniable realities there was an awareness of collective needs which led to the creation of our Organization, open to all and within a spirit of justice.
242.	There was discrimination, to be sure, against the conquered at that time. But with the passage of time the dark clouds which then existed have since disappeared.
243.	There has emerged in our Organization the concept of universality; the right of participation in our Organization by all peoples attached to peace-a just peace-and not to war banned by law, has come to be recognized. Our Organization has a tremendous responsibility to ensure the smooth functioning of the international community at all times. That is why we have always questioned the admission of any Member or the rehabilitation of a Member when it has not met the essential requirements of membership of this Organization. That is the basic provision of Article 4, paragraph 1, of the Charter.
244.	In the circumstances we have always come out in favor of certain principles and accordingly we have never failed Co repudiate all forms of aggression, as required also by the Charter, which it is our duty to support.
245.	We are saying this on behalf of a Member State whose pages of political history reflect the wounds and scars that were caused by failure to respect in  principles proclaimed in San Francisco and generally held to this day.
246.	We know from our own experience just how great the price of peace can be, We are also aware of our great duty to support international solidarity and other values which are equally deserving of respect by all States, It is the duty of all of us to review our positions and to open the door to conciliation and the uncertainties of the future so that we may, with or without skepticism but at least courageously, abandon old traditional patterns to which we have become committed.
247.	With these comments by way of an introduction, we are now prepared to turn to fr subject we have mentioned. We hold the view that the Republic of China should continue as a Member of this Organization. But in order for that to be so, the Dominican Republic at this cross-roads is prepared to compromise when necessary.
248.	We should also like to comment now on the subject of action to be taken against nazism and other totalitarian ideologies and practices.
249.	Our country is one which had a dictatorship for more than 30 years. Our people back in the nineteenth century were considered to be one of the most bellicose in the world. We were a courageous and vigorous people who achieved independence with frequent displays of heroism thanks to the sole efforts of its sons. We have been able to survive as a free and sovereign State in spite of the many trials which we have been subjected to.
250. Only six years have passed since one of the most terrible revolutions ended, which disrupted the entire social and legal structure of the Dominican Republic.
251.	We are quite confident that at all times we have discharged the mandate which was conferred on us when we solemnly declared here that not only the Government which is represented here but also all the people of our nation reject not only nazism and other totalitarian ideologies and practices, but all forms of totalitarianism, open or covert. Our country will vote in all circumstances in keeping with these convictions. We also believe that we are in this way acting strictly in accordance with one of the most important principles of the Constitution of our Republic.
252.	Another matter which we cannot fail to refer to is the situation in the Middle East.
253.	We have briefly considered the question of the necessary reconciliation of all peoples and the need to give momentum to the means at the disposal of our Organization to remove anomalous situations which stand in the way of harmony in the world.
254.	We have always believed that direct negotiations can point the way to goals which at times have seemed unattainable. This method is probably as old as man himself, and it can be effective whenever there has been a willingness to use instruments which reflect the mandates which have been given to the General Assembly and the Security Council.
255.	As Members of the Organization, we have given our moral support to Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and to the Jarring mission. We believe that the door to a settlement satisfactory to all parties is still open. But we believe that in all conflicts or disputes peaceful action is always possible if the unassailable truth that negotiating means persuading, dissuading and compromising is recognized. Similarly, mutual sacrifices are necessary.
256.	The United Nations Conference for Trade and Development is also a matter of keen interest to our country and this is only natural for this is required if we are to do away with under-development, a matter which we have so frequently discussed.
257.	We can say confidently that in recent years we have done a good deal to get out of this impasse, for at the present time a great number of productive forces have been brought together at home and abroad for the common good. This is a contribution made by one and all and not by just a few, and all parties involved have been active. We must all pursue our efforts nationally in trade and development as advocated to some extent by the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development.
258.	Despite our hopes, we have been disappointed to see that a number of international agreements essential for the settlement of the serious problem of under-development have been obstructed because of the reluctance of some and because of other negative factors which have emerged in recent international meetings over the past few years.
259. We optimistically hope that this standstill will be done away with as a result of the momentum provided by the United Nations.

260, May I be allowed to conclude my statement by saying that I hope that this General Assembly session will live up to our expectations. At the same time I would invoke the words of the chairman of the delegation of China at the conclusion of the San Francisco Conference;
"The United Nations Conference on International Organization has concluded its vitally important mission of writing a Charter. This instrument will, I believe, prove itself to be an epoch-making document and will rank in its contribution to international justice and peace with the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States in their contribution to political liberty and representative government.