74.	 Mr. President, I offer you my warmest congratulations on your election as President of this Assembly. It is at once a notable mark of confidence in you personally and a timely acknowledgement of your country's standing in the world community.
75.	We welcome as new Members the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. New Zealand was privileged to be a sponsor of Viet Nam's application for membership. We did so not merely because of our belief in the value of universal membership of the United Nations, but because we regard the participation of Viet Nam as indispensable in the task of solving the pressing problems of South-East Asia. We look forward to developing a positive relationship with this dynamic State both within the United Nations system and in our direct bilateral dealings.
76.	This year's General Assembly, like its predecessors, confronts awesome problems which we human beings have created and which—we must believe—human beings have the intelligence to solve, if only we can summon the will and forge the consensus. Our Secretary-General has pinpointed the issues in his valuable report. Many of them have been with us for a long time. Others, as he notes, are new. All directly affect the peace, security and welfare of our fragile world community. Indeed, they are basic to its continued functioning and even to its continued existence.
77.	Whether the issue be the softening of the expensive and potentially deadly rivalry between the super-Power?;, whether it be the establishment of human justice for all the people of southern Africa and the Middle East, whether it be the imperative of a more just and workable international economic order, whether it be the conservation and orderly use of the resources of the sea and the sea-bed, whether it be the sensible management and sharing of the finite resources of this planet, whether it be the halting and reversal of the arms race-whatever the issue, all of us have a direct stake in the outcome. No one of us can opt out. All of us face the challenge; all of us will share the responsibility if we fail to find solutions and then uphold them in good faith.
78.	It would, of course, be naive to pretend that this body is an objective research institution or a philanthropic agency, or that national or regional interests are likely to be set aside, or that advances will be made except step by step through deals and compromises. That is the nature of national or international political institutions, of which this is one. We represent our constituents, and they have their interests and their aspirations, to which we must be responsive. But all of us, I think, can feel in our bones that in its economic, no less than its political, condition the world is not many steps away from chaos; and that for all of us the consequences of failure are so grave that, however intractable the problems, however elusive the solutions, we are called upon to make the effort to face them with seriousness and compassion. We are then in the area of attitudes. Attitudes determine political will, and without a shift of attitudes the indispensable consensus will continue to elude us.
79.	No issue calls more urgently for agreement among us than that of the more just and effective use of the world's economic resources. It is at our peril that we should ignore the fact that one third of our fellow beings are subsisting in conditions of destitution and mounting despair, that, after two decades of international consideration and some, but all too little, action, development problems have increased in magnitude, that, despite dozens of conferences, the relative position of the people of the developing countries has each year steadily deteriorated.
80.	in recently reviewing the decline in the terms of trade of countless which produce agricultural exports, and considering measures such as the supplementary financing facility established by the IMF, my Prime Minister made this observation:
"We cannot say to a poor country, 'We will pay you much less in relative terms for your goods than we used to pay, but you need not worry as we will lend you the balance at market rates of interest providing you take the steps to lower the standard of living of your people.' It is difficult," he said, "to cut what you haven't got."
81.	As an exporter of agricultural products, New Zealand has suffered greatly from declining terms of trade and, I might add, from the social burdens involved in adjusting to a greatly reduced income. We are therefore well placed to understand the far greater difficulties of the oil-deficient developing countries. We claim no special sympathy for New Zealand because we are well placed by comparison with most of the world's population. But our difficulties stem from causes similar to some of those which frustrate the developing world: declining terms of trade for countries which export agricultural goods and Increasing protectionism on the part of the affluent industrial countries. In many countries belts have already been tightened up to, and beyond, what is socially and politically acceptable. We must all think in terms not of palliatives but of fundamental shifts of attitudes and policies.
82.	In such a situation more attention must be given, not just to financing deficits and tightening the belt, but to enabling the primary producing and newly industrializing countries to increase their earnings. And this must involve facing squarely two fundamental questions, namely, the relationship between the prices of primary products and industrial goods, and the question of access to the markets of the affluent industrial countries of the world. These are political questions of the greatest importance, questions that must be tackled by those in whose power it lies to diminish both surpluses and deficits. And surely it must be obvious that for the rich, industrialized world to do so would be no more than enlightened self-interest. Could it not help to revitalize their faltering economies and to provide their societies with a renewed purpose and sense of direction?
83.	The problem is, of course, at the very essence of politics. It is the far from easy task of convincing electorates and, more specifically, of ensuring that special interest groups in those electorates are harnessed to wider national and international imperatives. We are convinced that most of the leaders of countries whose policies will determine the course of the world's economy, and the social and political ramifications of those policies, are aware of what must be done if the looming economic and political chaos is to be avoided. Their problem, and the problem of all in government, is to mobilize sufficient determination and creative leadership to change entrenched attitudes and to confront those interests which, however obsolete they may be, are nevertheless deeply entrenched in their national history and their political processes. But time is short, and it is running out.
84.	I have concentrated some attention on She responsibilities of the affluent market-economy nations, but it is not only their problem. It is the problem of all, regardless of ideology, regardless of economic system.
85.	There appears to be a general recognition that it is within the United Nations framework that the efforts of the international community to promote such action should be carried forward. The present session of the General Assembly has a special responsibility to put in hand preparations for a new international development strategy. The conclusions and agreements of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation held earlier this year need to be followed up.
86.	New Zealand was not a participant at the Paris Conference. We have, however, welcomed the progress made, and my Government has now completed its study of the measures agreed at that Conference. We endorse the agreements reached, limited though these were, and will take up the debate in the various forums concerned on the topics left uncompleted.
87.	An important element in our efforts to promote development and greater equity in the distribution of the world's resources is, of course, international energy cooperation, with particular reference to the interests and needs of energy-deficient developing countries. We are encouraged that the Secretary-General has recently made proposals for such co-operation within the United Nations system, and we shall play our part in working out this concept in the course of this session and thereafter.
88.	It is now almost three years since the World Food Conference decided to establish an International Fund for Agricultural Development. The Fund represents a new approach to the age-old problem of world hunger-the pooling, on a hitherto unprecedented scale, of resources to be devoted exclusively to improving agriculture in developing countries. The Fund's initial pledging target of SI billion was achieved at the beginning of the year, and the Agreement establishing the Fund was thrown open for signature in February. New Zealand will formally ratify the agreement today. We look forward to its early entry into force and the fulfilment of initial pledges by donor countries so that operations may begin.
89.	New Zealand will also participate actively and constructively in the resumed session of the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. We earn our living by the export of primary produce, and therefore share the concern of developing countries that greater stability should be introduced into the commodity markets of the world.
90.	New Zealand is experiencing the most prolonged and deep-seated recession in its post-war economic history. This fact has sharpened our appreciation of the lot of developing countries. It has, however, circumscribed our ability to help those beyond our shores, but we remain pledged to the target of 0.7 per cent for official development assistance, and we shall move again towards that target as soon as our economic circumstances permit.
91.	In our interdependent world there are no issues that can be considered in isolation. The refashioning of the global economic system is closely linked to negotiating settlements in southern Africa and the Middle East, to halting the arms race, and to controlling and ultimately eliminating weapons of mass destruction. The more we can establish conditions of security and stability the more chance there is of securing the massive diversion of resources and the rearrangement of economic activity needed to reduce the unacceptable disparities that new exist among nations. How, then, do we address these problems?
92.	All of us agree that the situation in southern Africa is a tragedy, c tragedy compounded by intransigence and repression, a tragedy of expanding and enveloping dimensions. Change must come, and it will come. The question is not if, but how. Here, of course, there is less agreement.
93.	Some claim that armed struggle is the only way; and if intransigence persists they will, of course, be right. But it is a way that would extract a terrible price in human lives and suffering and would create bitter problems for the future.
94.	When the Anglo-American proposals on Rhodesia were announced, I said publicly that they offered the last chance for a peaceful settlement. If the Smith regime tosses this chance away it might buy itself a little time, but it can only be a time of tension and a time of knowing that the end will almost certainly be bloodshed in Salisbury and Bulawayo. I would urge the Smith regime to realize it, not only for their own sake,- but also for the sake of Zimbabwe as a whole.
95.	There has been some progress on Namibia. The southern African authorities have apparently recognized the futility of pressing ahead with the Turnhalle proposals and have accepted the need for elections on the basis of one man, one vote. The Maputo Conference showed them, if they needed any showing, that the international community is united in its demand that Namibia should be free and independent. But if there has been some progress, there remain formidable problems. One of the most taxing is that of Walvis Bay. There can be no question that any exclusion of Walvis Bay from Namibia would undermine that country's integrity and impede significantly its chances of building a viable economy.
96.	The gravest problems are those of South Africa. They are complex and deep-rooted. And they are on a huge scale. White South Africa remains to be convinced that it has no alternative but to accept fundamental changes of attitude. Even a society that is as inward-looking and as determined to go its own way as South Africa cannot survive alone. It is part of the world whether it likes it or not. If the rest of the world makes it clear that it will have nothing to do with
South Africa so long as it persists with its discriminatory policies, the pressure for change will sooner or later become irresistible.
97.	We in New Zealand have played our part in this process. We took part in the Lagos World Conference for Action against Apartheid and subscribed, without reservation, to the terms of the Lagos Declaration. We have minimal trade with South Africa and virtually no investment. We have supported the Swedish initiative calling for the ending of all new investment in South Africa. We have refused to contemplate any exchange of diplomatic representatives. My Government is actively discouraging sporting contacts. We support the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the appeal for South African refugee students. We are opposed to the creation of the so-called "Bantustans"' which would seek to make black South Africans aliens in their own country. We have scrupulously observed the voluntary arms embargo and will give our full support to any proposal to establish a mandatory arms embargo in terms of the appropriate provisions of the Charter. We have taken a forthright stand in pressing for the release of political prisoners and in condemning the brutal treatment which has led to the unexplained deaths in confinement of more than one black leader-most recently Steven Biko. In short, we shall do all we can to bring about the atmosphere in which a just solution of the problems of racism and minority rule in South Africa might be achieved before a long, drawn-out and bloody armed struggle becomes inevitable.
98.	The Arab-Israeli dispute is another problem that threatens world peace. It is a dispute about which we have little direct knowledge and we are certainly not well placed to presume to offer any new ideas on how it can be resolved. Even so, it seems to us that certain things stand out. One is that Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) must continue to form the basis-for any settlement. We are obliged, therefore, to reject any attempt by one party to the dispute to pursue policies that are contrary to the principles laid down in resolution 242(1967). We believe that territory occupied by Israel must be returned.
99.	The second thing is that the Palestinian people have a right to a homeland, either as a separate State or as a part of a larger, Arab State. The precise boundaries of that homeland are a matter for negotiations by the parties directly concerned. But if there is to be a peace in the Middle East, the principle must be recognized. It does not derogate in any way from the fundamental right of Israel to exist as a sovereign, independent State within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threat by any acts of force, and indeed we believe that a final territorial settlement will confirm and help to protect that right.
100.	And, finally, it is imperative that negotiations begin soon. The longer a start is delayed, the greater the build-up of tension and the greater the chances of the outbreak of another war. Obviously, to be constructive, negotiations must include all the parties to the dispute, including the Palestinians, through their chosen representatives.
101.	In another long-standing dispute, that between North and South Korea, the resumption of early negotiations between the parties directly concerned is, in our view, an urgent requirement. My Government remains deeply concerned lest the tensions on the peninsula should lead, once again, to confrontation. It is our earnest hope that, during the pause in international deliberations on the problem, a peaceful solution can be found through negotiations between the two Korean parties. New Zealand hopes that all Governments which are in a position to encourage this peaceful means to a solution will use their influence accordingly.
102.	We have a deep concern also for the security and prosperity of South-East Asia. We therefore welcome the co-operative, constructive efforts of the countries of the region through the Association of South-East Asian Nations. ASEAN is a non-military association dedicated to the establishment of peace and stability in South-East Asia. Its leaders have made clear on many occasions their desire to promote friendship and understanding with their neighbours. We hope they will soon get a response. For our part we are glad to be associated with ASEAN in its efforts to improve the well-being of the people of this area.
103.	This same developing regional co-operation is to be found so in our own part of the world, the South Pacific. There, the South Pacific Forum, a group of ten States, five of which are represented in this Assembly, is the principal vehicle for co-operation and consultation. Two of the Forum's recent initiative deserve particular mention. In June it was agreed to establish a regional shipping line, the Pacific Forum Line. Ships are to be chartered to the Line by participating Governments and it will operate services within the region, commencing early next year. Sea transport, of course, is the key to economic development in the region and the Forum Line will open new possibilities.
104.	The second major initiative was the agreement of the Forum, at its most recent meeting in Papua New Guinea, to establish a fisheries agency to co-ordinate and develop protection and surveillance of fisheries within the economic zones of member countries. The proper control of this huge area, which in total is one of the largest in the world, is clearly beyond the capability of any one member country. By sharing their skills and knowledge, the members will be able to exploit their resources to the best advantage of all countries in the region. At the same time the establishment of exclusive economic zones in the South Pacific and of a regional fishing agency in no way diminishes the importance for the area of the early completion of the treaty on the law of the sea. It is our earnest hope that negotiations will result in an agreed text during 1978.
105.	Before I leave the subject of regional co-operation I should like to refer, very briefly, to the signing on 7 September in Washington of the Panama Canal Treaties. This is a significant advance which my Government welcomes. We see the agreements as a milestone for the principal parties, the United States and the Republic of Panama, for the Americas as a whole, and for countries as far flung as my own. The large volume of our trade which passes through the Canal causes us to take a positive interest in its security and efficiency. I warmly congratulate the Governments concerned.
106.	The protection and promotion of human rights is one of the basic purposes of the United Nations and next year will be the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. New Zealand attaches great importance to the Universal Declaration and to the values enunciated in the International Covenants on Human Rights, the one covering political and civil rights, the other economic, social and cultural rights.
107.	Before formally committing ourselves to the Covenants we have sought to ensure that in every respect our laws and juridical system were capable of enforcing the obligations of those Covenants. This has been a lengthy task involving the drafting of new legislation. That task is now substantially completed. Enactment of this legislation will mean that our laws will sustain any scrutiny under the Covenants. I expect, therefore, that we will ratify both those Covenants, as well as the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide not later than 1978. Respect for human rights, for human dignity and the individual's fundamental freedoms have long had a central place in our traditions and values. Through this codification the law in fact will have caught up with our practice.
108.	In preparing for the ratification of the Covenants the New Zealand Government has drafted, and Parliament is expected to adopt during the current parliamentary session, a measure which will outlaw every kind of discrimination based on sex or religion. Racial discrimination is already contrary to New Zealand tradition, law and practice and New Zealand reports regularly to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Under the new legislation a national commission of human rights will be established to deal with complaints of racial, religious or sexual discrimination. This legislation should facilitate New Zealand's signature and ratification of the draft Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women when it is adopted—in the preparation of which New Zealand has taken an active part. We hope it will be completed and opened for signature at the present session of the Assembly.
109.	I have touched on a number of problems and I want now to turn to the most menacing of all-the arms race. No other issue before this Assembly creates greater hopes and engenders greater despair. The gap between our aspirations and our achievements frustrates and dispirits us, and that gap must be closed.
110.	There has been some progress. It is encouraging that at last serious negotiations have begun among three of the nuclear-weapon States on the content of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. This will provide the most effective restriction on vertical nuclear proliferation so far and is clearly the first priority. We hope that a generally accepted comprehensive test-ban treaty will have been drafted by the time the special session is held. No other development, in our judgement, would provide a happier augury for the success of that session. We do not consider acceptable to wait for technology to solve all the political problems confronting a test ban. This would be to wait indefinitely and perhaps for ever. The time for action is now.
111.	None of the great issues before this Assembly are capable of quick or simple solution. But we can make a start, and if the will is present we can move progressively and consistently to the settlement of our disputes, to the changing of attitudes and to the reconciliation of our differences. The New Zealand delegation approaches this session of the Assembly determined to work conscientiously towards that objective.


80.	 Mr. President, it gives me pleasure to begin by offering you sincerest and heartfelt congratulations on your election to preside over this session of the General Assembly, which is of great importance in the history of the United Nations. There is no doubt that your election is an expression of unanimous appreciation of your outstanding efficiency and experience. It is at the same time a tribute to your friendly country and its great leader, President Tito, whose struggle and achievements represent a brilliant chapter in the history of human endeavour.
81.	I should also like to commend the tremendous efforts exerted by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his concern for advancing the credibility of the Organization, seeking to ensure an active and effective role for it in the service of the cause of peace, progress and the positive co-operation of peoples. As the Secretary-General stated in his report on the work of the Organization:  It is dangerous if the Organization becomes complacent, set in its ways, unresponsive to new ideas or irrelevant to contemporary issues.
82.	It is with happiness and pride that I welcome the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as Members of the United Nations family, a membership which crowns the struggle of those two friendly peoples for their national independence and self-determination. No one doubts that these two countries will contribute actively and positively to the enhancement of the Organization's role and to the fulfilment of its mission.
83.	The independence of those two peoples is a clear indication and a reminder to us all here of the inevitability of the triumph of the will of peoples still struggling for the right to self-determination and to eliminate subjugation and domination. I should like to mention specifically here the Arab people of Palestine and the brotherly African peoples in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa.
84.	Our meeting here at this time gives each of us an opportunity to present the broad lines of his country's foreign policy and the role of his country on the international scene as it sees it, as well as its views on the vital
questions affecting world security, peace and prosperity, whether those questions be political, relating to the balance between countries; or economic, relating to the life and future of peoples; or social, relating to the dignity of the individual and group, and to ways of preserving this dignity in a sound and healthy environment and an atmosphere favourable for development in the interests of this generation and for ensuring a happier future for the coming generations.
85.	The General Assembly is probably aware that Egypt voluntarily shoulders a great responsibility. It is a responsibility which stems from its unique strategic position as a link between the continents, a bastion of peace in a region which has been and still is exposed to plots and conspiracies, and a torch of civilization in the heart of the Arab world and in the northern part of the great African continent. This prompts Egypt to defend Arab and African interests against any aggression against the Arab, African or non-aligned peoples, to whom we are bound by unity of principles, policy and interests as well as by u common view of the role of the peoples of the third world at present.
86.	All this requires considerable sacrifices on the part of the Egyptian people, who make them willingly. With their historical awareness from time immemorial, the Egyptian people have come to realize the unity of the human struggle against oppression, domination and exploitation They have come to realize that repelling any aggression against a brotherly people means defending their own existence, values and civilization.
87.	This pioneering role naturally means that it is necessary for Egypt to be zealous in maintaining and safeguarding its independence and making certain that it is not marred by anything; that its will is free and is /inspired only by right, justice and peace, Such free will can emanate only from the collective conscience of the nation to which it belongs and can rely only on its own ability to give, on the solidarity of its sister countries in all situations, and on their willingness to stand by it, whatever the sacrifices may be.
88.	It is no mere coincidence that Egypt was among the pioneers of non-alignment or that it suffered a great deal for its resistance to alliances, spheres of influence and attempts to dominate. It became the prop and pillar of independence movements in the Arab world and on the African continent, movements which led those peoples to the path of victory and liberty. Egypt sought to lead freedom-loving peoples everywhere.
89.	Hence, President Mohamed Anwar El-Sadat was concerned to ensure that the policy of Egypt should emanate from its heritage, its soil and its values, should be guided by its interests and the interests of those that stand by it, and should pursue a policy based on peace, freedom and brotherhood among all nations and peoples. The first prerequisite for an independent will is that the people should have the upper hand and that no Power should have a special privilege that contravenes the principle of equality and mutual co-operation among countries, or makes the will of one party subject to the will and influence of the other.
90.	That is not an easy matter, because the preservation of independence and free will entails tremendous responsibilities and consequences. The exercise of independence also requires great vigilance and a delicate balance, since we live in an era of complexity and interdependence, and no one can live in a vacuum or aloof from events in the world, even if he so desires. The big challenge facing us all today is not one of inwardness or isolationism, but of openness and the ability to deal with all without complexes or undue sensitivity and without contravening the national will or the supreme national interest.
91.	It is on the basis of this concept that Egypt follows a policy of openness everywhere in the world, in the east and west, and in the north and south, and is willing to deal with and react to all without fanaticism or discrimination, as long as they adhere to the principle of international legitimacy and as long as they are ready to respond truly to Egypt on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference in domestic affairs or in matters relating to sovereignty and the free will of our people. Egypt's policy in this respect is clear, stable and unwavering. Egypt adheres to principles, respects pledges and establishes its international relations on objective bases that are easily recognizable, comprehensible and feasible. In short, any country ready to respect its international obligations and to adhere to the rules of legitimacy can establish healthy and good relations with Egypt to the mutual benefit of both countries and for the ultimate benefit of the international community.
92.	Bearing all this in mind, Egypt participated with great interest in the North-South dialogue held in Paris between December 1975 and June 1977 with the object of considering and reviewing the foundations of a new international economic order.
93.	Egypt, along with other developing countries, considers that the problem of development cannot be solved in isolation from other international economic problems. These problems must therefore be looked into as a whole and their solution tackled in an integrated manner. There exists an obvious and inevitable interrelationship between the problems of development and those of trade and finance. Furthermore, international trade and development assistance should serve the objectives of industrialization and of the transfer of advanced technology to developing countries, it is also imperative that we continue the dialogue to reach agreement on the measures necessary to combat international inflation, which is a phenomenon indicative of a serious disease that has spread to the economies of developing countries at a crucial stage, when those economies can hardly sustain fluctuations, or the feverish and uncontrolled rise in development costs.
94.	We believe that developing countries can, among themselves, create a momentum towards greater international economic co-operation. I wish, in this connection, to refer particularly to the positive results of the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977, which was in effect the first serious and practical application of the principle of economic co-operation among developing countries.
95.	The African continent, which for so long was the victim of imperialistic conspiracies and foreign exploitation, at present is witness to dangerous developments. It is therefore incumbent upon us to confront these developments with vigour and firmness if we are to succeed in sparing the African continent further suffering and conflict. I wish to refer briefly to those developments.
96.	First, foreign intervention, instead of disappearing with the ebb of colonialism, is reappearing under various pretexts again in Africa, though disguised in other forms. The fact still remains that all foreign intervention in Africa is unacceptable, for it goes against the interest of the peoples and can only lead to an escalation of conflict and factionalism as well as to the creation of new areas of tension. Intervention always aims at the creation of a climate that guarantees its perpetuation and growth. Hence it becomes like an infiltrating malignancy that cannot be uprooted without difficulty, nor can its grave consequences be easily eliminated.
97.	Secondly, the racist regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa, notwithstanding world public opinion and its unanimous condemnation of their policies and practices in violation of human rights and in breach of the principles recognized by civilized nations, are persisting in their policies of aggression, intimidation and terroristic atrocities.
98.	These two regimes are adamant in their irresponsible behaviour and refuse to recognize the right of peoples to self-determination. I believe that we all agree that the international community cannot stand idly by faced with this untenable situation, a situation where a man lives as an alien in his own homeland, subjugated by those who have usurped his rights. We must be honest with ourselves and hence we must t be committed to securing the total isolation of the illegal Smith racist regime, in conformity with Security Council resolution 409(1977), adopted in May 1977. We also have to ensure the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) on Namibia and the termination of the illegal presence of South Africa in that Territory. We are in duty bound to stand firm in the face of the aggressive governing regime of South Africa and to put an end to its crimes, the latest of which was the assignation of an honest freedom fighter, who was cruelly and savagely tortured.
99.	It is an axiom of history that the peoples of the Middle East, the cradle of civilizations and the place of origin of divine religions, have for ages lived in peace, harmony and brotherhood. There was no place for rancour or bigotry. Coexistence and interaction were the fertile soil from which civilizations burgeoned and where all differences between peoples vanished. The Middle East was in fact a melting-pot of historical perspective. Two fundamental phenomena prevailed: plurality as a basic manifestation of the civilization of man and his evolution, and tolerance as a prerequisite for the continuance of humanity.
100.	Yet, all of a sudden, this ideal situation was disturbed when, from outside the area, an adverse wind blew, sustained by the ambitions and conspiracies of those who had colonized and exploited the countries and the peoples of the area. The methods and objectives of the colonizers coincided with those of a racist movement originating outside the area. Both parties were bent on aggression against a whole people in order to usurp their rights, to threaten their very existence and to impose upon them a forced exile. That aggression was further extended to include other countries in the area, to the point where their people felt menaced in their lands, their values, their heritage and their civilization.
101.	That is what happened in the past; it is what is happening today and what some quarters think will continue to happen in the future, in defiance of the lessons of history. It has imposed on the Middle East a unique situation: nothing less than a continuous state of war that has lasted for more than 30 years/ It is like a volcano which erupts at regular intervals, with all that that entails in human suffering and danger and misery for the people. In this respect it is worse even than those global wars that have erupted in certain parts of the world in certain periods and later petered out. A state of war such as that prevailing in the Middle East creates a material and psychological climate that is detrimental to stability and an obstacle to progress and prosperity: everything depends upon the unknown. The Middle East has accordingly been destined to a continuous sapping of its human and material resources and to a regrettable waste of energy and potential. Consequently, and as a result of a situation created by the unholy alliance of Zionism and imperialism, an unhealthy atmosphere prevails in the area, where hopes are shattered and fear and rancour are intensified. The situation in the area is further aggravated by the increasingly aggressive intentions of the alien, racist Zionist entity, whose appetite for aggression increases with every right it usurps and every territory it occupies.
102.	That is the truth of the situation in the Middle East and the root of all past, present and future trouble in the area. It is therefore inevitable that if the situation remains stagnant an explosion will occur, and that explosion will dwarf all previous ones and no one in the world will be safe from its devastating material, spiritual and moral consequences.
103.	Let it be clear that the Arab nation has potential that can be mobilized and deployed in any conflict that may be forced on it, notwithstanding the recognized Arab endeavour to replace conflict and the state of  no war, no peace  in the Middle East with a peace based on justice.
104.	No one can have any doubt that the Arab countries will stand hand in hand and respond as one at the right time and will in the most opportune manner repel any aggression against it, regardless of its source. It is only a question of time.
105.	We are entitled to ask whether such a situation can continue, and until when, and whether it is admissible to say we are incapable of dealing with it. We may also ask about the party responsible for all the tension, violence and suffering. Does responsibility lie with the party that has since the dawn of history lived in peace with others, or does it lie with the party that has made of aggression a philosophy and of occupation a national claim linked to historic rights-the party that relates racism to divine belief? A glance at the events in the Middle East since 1947 and even earlier makes it evident that one party has taken it upon itself to launch aggressive war at regular intervals and to prepare for such war under a heavy smoke-screen of duplicity and hollow propaganda, deluding itself that it has succeeded in fooling the world. In this false belief it claims that its aggression is actually self-defence, that its expansionism is motivated by the need to ensure its continued existence and that occupation and the uprooting of a whole people is essential to the coexistence of peoples and nations.
106.	We are entitled to ask whether the aggressor has learned anything from the lessons of history and from the experience of other countries which have been exposed to similar storms. How can the aggressor make coherent its contradictory claims—for instance, the claim that it desires to live in peace, and its insistence upon occupation and expansion? Is it admissible that it claims we should acquiesce in its  right to live in peace  while it is still occupying our territory and refusing in a manner unprecedented in history to acknowledge the rights of a whole people? What kind of coexistence is based upon occupation and domination? Are we expected to recognize those who do not even recognize the basic principles of law and human rights?
107.	Israel's leaders never cease to speak of peace, but they are not sincere in their intentions. They claim they seek coexistence and that the transition from a state of war to normal relations can be completed overnight. Even in this empty propagandists exercise they offer no peace; in effect they propose the establishment of abnormal relations under conditions of occupation and expansion and the violation of rights. The worst thing .about this behaviour is that it insults our intelligence as well as our ability to distinguish between right and wrong. If the Israeli leaders were genuine in their call, those among them who pay lip-service to peace would not have permitted themselves to declare daily that they insist on annexing territories and ignoring the existence of the people who have been, and still are, the owners of the land and have established rights there.
108.	If Israel truly advocates peace, I challenge its Foreign Minister to stand here before the representatives of the peoples and nations of the world and declare from this very rostrum Israel's willingness to withdraw completely from occupied Arab territories and to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State on the land it cultivated and on which it built its civilization for thousands of years.
109.	It may be recalled that General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947 on the partition of Palestine, provided for the establishment of two independent States in Palestine, an Arab State and a Jewish State, two months after the evacuation of the armed forces of the Mandatory Power had been completed but in any case not later than 1 October 1948.
110.	Thirty years have passed since adoption of that resolution, upon which Israel's leaders and philosophers based the  legitimacy  of their State and its continuation. How can one part of the resolution be implemented while the other is completely ignored?
111.	Given the existence of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, how can Israel deny the right of a people to establish its own independent State just as other nations and peoples do? Year after year since 1947 the General Assembly has recognized the right of this people of its territory, to national identity and independence. Is it not entitled to demand the exercise of its right to self-determination, independence and repatriation? Who is Israel to deny the right of the Palestinian people to have their own State on Palestinian territory?
112.	No matter how long Israel procrastinates and persists in oppression it will be unable to prevent the establishment in Palestine of an independent Palestinian State in which the Palestinian people can exercise their sovereignty without restriction and continue to make their great contribution to civilization, working for rapprochement between nations and serving as a link between civilizations, thus spreading tolerance and brotherhood among all.
113.	Even more flagrant than this Israeli rejection of the right of the Palestinian people to establish their independent State is the insistence of the rulers of Israel on imposing their guardianship and their will on the Palestinians. Those rulers rejected a decision taken by the people to select their own representatives to speak on their behalf, protect their interests and express their aspirations. Such a situation is unprecedented in history because it means that Israel, following its occupation of the territory of the people of Palestine, now claims the right to control the minds and the collective conscience of the Palestinian people. Israel imagines that it can select those who should represent the Palestinians and defend their interests, and reject the freely chosen representatives to whom has been entrusted the task of leading the national struggle.
114.	By this strange behaviour Israel is claiming for itself a right never claimed by any other country, however strong or dominant, now or in the past. If we were to use the same logic in dealing with Israel we could say that we did not recognize the Israeli Government as the representative of that people and we could insist on selecting other representatives. In fact, we would have more right to do that because the rulers of Israel who speak in its name today have a history dark enough to cast upon the entire society the stigma of having abandoned all human values and embraced theories which violate the most evident human rights. Thus we have more reason to object to their representation on the basis of their record of aggression and terrorism and their racist practices.
115.	To whom is Israel objecting? Is it objecting to the Palestine Liberation Organization, whose National Council announced on 20 March 1977 that it would continue the political struggle to achieve the objectives of the Palestinian people and expressed its desire to participate in all conferences, forums and international efforts concerned with the Palestinian cause and the Arab-Zionist struggle for the national rights approved by this august Assembly since 1974? Is not the Palestine Liberation Organization the same Organization that stressed the importance of establishing relations with Jewish democratic and progressive forces within and outside the occupied territories?
116.	With whom does Israel want to deal, assuming that we grant it permission to select its own opponents? Does it wish to deal with marginal elements which have no authority?
117.	I should like to say this to Israel and its rulers. All this is going to serve no purpose, and will prove futile. You have failed in your attempt to ignore the fact that the Palestinian people exist, just as you have failed to conceal this fact from the world. Similarly, you will find yourselves completely unable to ignore the fact that there are legitimate and freely accepted representatives of the Palestinian people, who have reiterated this confidence in them every time they have had to select representatives and vote. The Arab nation has endorsed that choice and that vote at the highest level of leadership, and it was given unanimous support at the Arab summit conference held in Rabat from 26 to 29 October 1974. That Arab decision is final and it was reaffirmed by this Assembly when it adopted, at its twenty-ninth session, those historic resolutions inviting the Palestine Liberation Organization to participate in the deliberations of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine , supporting the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people and giving the Palestine Liberation Organization observer status.
118.	Israel's aggression has not been confined to the territory of the Palestinian people. Israel is now trying to exacerbate the situation in southern Lebanon and to use that situation as a pretext for interfering in the affairs of that sister country, which has been suffering for so long as a result of foreign ambitions and interference. I should like to warn Israel from this rostrum that any exploitation of the situation in that area will have the gravest consequences for Israel, in addition to the great damage it may do to the search for peace.
119.	When we call attention to the fact that any toleration of aggression and extremism can only produce an escalation of aggression, we do not speak idly or in a vacuum; we are not putting forward unproved theoretical assumptions but are talking about a contemporary situation with which we are living and from which we derive our concept of the events and developments which take place. Suffice it to mention here the Israeli measures to change the demographic composition and the legal status of the occupied territories despite the  depressed will and unanimous decision of the General assembly. I need not go into the details and the extent of those measures because the members of the Assembly are only too familiar with them and have stated their position on them individually and collectively. However, I should like to point out briefly the significance of those measures and the serious results which may ensue if they are allowed to produce the effect for which they have been designed.
120.	As the Assembly knows, those Israeli measures are three-pronged.
121.	First, there is an attempt to give legality to the Israeli settlements established on the West Bank. The Israeli cabinet issued a decision on 26 July 1977 giving legality to three new settlements created on the West Bank-namely, Hal Odmim near Jericho, Ofra near Ramallah and Elon Souria on the road to Nablus.
122.	Secondly, there are the measures to impose Israeli regulations on the Arab population in the territories occupied since 5 June 1967 under the guise of ensuring equality between the Arab population and citizens of Israel. This is, of course, only a flimsy pretext, because everybody is aware that Israel treats an Arab as a person who has no right to life, work or choice. This measure made clear Israel's true policy, which is based on annexation and territorial expansion. There could be no stronger proof of this than the statement of the official spokesman of the Israeli Government who responded to the criticism of the decision by saying:
 You cannot annex to Israel territory that belongs to the Israeli people, because this territory was originally theirs. You do not annex your own territory.
What further proof of Israel expansionist intentions is needed?
123.	Thirdly, there is the establishment of new Jewish settlements on the West Bank. On 17 August 1977 an official Israeli source declared that it had been decided to create three new settlements on the West Bank. This decision means that settlements established by Israel in the occupied territory since June 1967 now total 85, distributed as follows: 37 settlements on the West Bank; 25 settlements in the Golan Heights; 18 settlements in the Sinai peninsula; 5 settlements in the Gaza sector. Israel has not been deterred from persisting in this strange policy by the fact that this Assembly has condemned these Israeli measures on more than one occasion. This Assembly, which is the true representative of international unanimity, has declared those measures to be void and without legal validity either now or in the future. I should like to refer in particular to the resolution concerning the City of Jerusalem adopted in July 1967 and resolution 31/106 A adopted in 1976, in which the Assembly strongly deplored various Israeli policies and practices of this kind, especially the establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and the transfer thereto of an alien population. The resolutions reaffirmed that all measures taken by Israel to change the physical character, demographic composition and institutional structure of the occupied territories were ill and void.
124.	It is evident from those two resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and from the statement by th3 President of the Security Council on 11 November 1976s that the international community condemns considers that they have no legal validity and reaffirms that the fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 is applicable to the occupied Arab territories.
125.	The latest Israeli measures provide an opportunity for all countries without exception to declare their rejection of those measures and of the arguments adduced to defend them. I should like to refer in particular here to the firm statement made by President Omar Bongo, the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, and the official statements issued by the Governments of the Asian and European countries and the countries of North and South America, as well as to the statements of all my colleagues, the Foreign Ministers, who participated in the general debate.
126.	The timing of the announcement of those new measures by the Prime Minister of Israel was indeed strange and calls for examination. Mr. Begin chose to announce them on his return from his visit to the United States, well aware of the publicity that they would receive, in order to portray himself, falsely, as a saint and a messenger of peace.
127.	For all these considerations, Egypt has requested that this serious situation be examined, for the purpose of taking new collective action to deter Israel from these practices, which have been condemned by the world community. Therefore, on behalf of Egypt, I should like to submit to the General Assembly a draft resolution, the text of which will be distributed later today.
128.	We, the Arabs, are seeking peace. We are seeking peace in the perspective of our historic role. We seek no aggression and we make no unfounded claims. We seek to ensure rapprochement between peoples and we realize that the real challenge facing us is the challenge of progress and prosperity, which basically is the challenge of overcoming the most basic economic problems. We are attempting to do this while preserving our national independence and our free will, bearing in mind the need to maintain the delicate balance between interdependence, on the one hand, and the preservation of the culture, heritage and values of the people, on the other.
129.	We firmly believe that the Middle East area should remain an area of peace and coexistence in which everyone can enjoy his freedom, liberty, right to life and progress, free from fear and oppression.
130.	We are also ready to assume our responsibility under the Charter to maintain world peace and to contribute to the welfare of the world, for we believe that the international community is one family where co-operation, understanding and coexistence should reign. God the Almighty has said in the Koran:  I have created you as one nation and made of you tribes clans so that you may get to know each other better.
131.	It is against this spiritual and civilized background that President Mohamed Anwar El-Sadat presented his peace initiative on 16 October 1973-when Egypt and the Arab world had reached the height of their victory-for a just and durable peace in the area. It is against this background that the Arab nation has maintained its pledge to peace despite the adverse and negative reactions of the other party. This only serves to prove that that party cither is not ready or is unwilling to meet the challenge of peace.
132.	The Assembly may also recall that Egypt opened the Suez Canal for international navigation on 5 June 1975, in order to facilitate and pave the road towards peace, despite the fact that Israel has attempted to impede the achievement of peace and to place obstacles in the path of all peace-seeking efforts.
133.	Egypt is convinced that the achievement of peace is not only a duty, but a necessity. Peace is possible and attainable provided that Israel decides in the final analysis to accept the challenge of peace and all that it entails in terms of responsibility and the requirements of a constructive approach. The elements of peace are the following: first, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the Arab territories occupied since 5 June 1967; secondly, the establishment of an independent Palestinian State on the territory of Palestine, the right to .return of the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination; thirdly, the right of every State in the area to live in peace; fourthly, the provision of the necessary guarantees for all peoples of the area to live in security on their own land and to enjoy their own property. We do not object to any collective or bilateral guarantees, including any guarantees provided by the United States for Israel, on condition that they do not constitute a threat to Arab national security.
134.	On the other hand, we are willing to examine all forms of guarantees, whether in the form of buffer zones, demilitarized zones, the establishment of United Nations forces, the reduction of forces or arms in areas adjacent to the borders, or even the use of modern early-warning systems for the detection of any developments that would endanger peace and security. The guarantees could also include political commitments provided by States Members of the United Nations.
135.	Fifthly, in connection with the whole aspect of guarantees, I should like to stress that real peace cannot be ensured unless there is agreement on the following points.
136.	The first point relates to the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. We believe that a nuclear threat from any source will jeopardize the prospects of peace in the Middle East and would make peace only an empty word. How are we to feel safe with the knowledge that Israel, in co-operation and collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa, is determined to become a nuclear Power? This indeed is not a manifestation of the desire for peace but only indicates the continued aggressive intentions of Israel, based on the fallacy of military superiority.
137.	I should like to declare solemnly from this rostrum that if Israel ever obtains nuclear weapons, no one could expect us to stand idly by in the face of that development, which would create a grave situation militarily, politically and morally. Thus, we insist in the context of a peace agreement that Israel should adhere to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, for it is inconceivable that Israel should be the only State in the Middle East not acceding to that Treaty. Egypt, for its part, having already signed that Treaty, is willing to abide by it.
138.	The second point is the necessity to regulate conventional armaments-in the event of a just and lasting peace—since a race in this field is likely to increase tension and thus increase the possibilities that the situation will explode in the future.
139.	The third point is that under no circumstances can the present Israeli immigration policy be continued. We believe that the continuation of such a policy of open-door, unlimited immigration from all parts of the world could only trigger further aggression and expansion at the expense of the Arab countries.
140.	Israel realizes the difficulties it is now encountering in attracting new immigrants and providing them with accommodations. Israel should draw the proper lessons from that. We maintain that, if Israel wishes to enjoy a normal status and to be accepted, it must refrain from instigating the citizens of other nations to leave their own countries of origin on the pretext that they are living in the Diaspora and outside the Promised Land. At the same time, Israel is denying the Palestinian people the right to return to their country of origin.
141.	Sixthly, there is no alternative to the return of Arab Jerusalem to those who have a right to it territorially, historically and culturally.
142.	The challenge facing us is obvious, with no uncertainty or ambiguity, and the choice for Israel is clear. The challenge is very clear and obvious and the choice for Israel is evident, with no room for deception. Israel must either lean towards peace and choose to be a normal State in the region, in which case it must terminate its aggression against Arab rights and end its occupation of Arab territories, or it must confront a united Arab nation, which has the backing of a world that has discovered the false nature of Israel's claims and the danger which its intentions involve.
143.	For our part, we shall continue to pursue the course of peace, but without the slightest neglect of our defensive capabilities, which provide the foundation for our pursuit of peace. It is with objectivity and impartiality that we express the belief that there is a golden opportunity for the establishment of a just and durable peace in the area and for putting an end to violence, war and destruction. If we miss this golden opportunity it may not present itself again at any time in the future.
144.	We shall work persistently and continuously for the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, which shoulders the task and responsibility of representing the Palestinian people. We cannot imagine a solution to the problem in the absence of the Palestinian people, for their cause is the origin and core of the conflict. We would be deceiving ourselves if we thought for one moment that we could impose on that people the persons who should represent them. We would also be deceiving ourselves if we thought for a moment that we could deny them participation in the political efforts after having been accepted- for the first time in the history of the conflict-as part of this process and to be bound by its principles and rules.
145.	We support any formula that would help the participation of representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization in the Geneva Conference on an equal footing with the rest of the parties. We disapprove of any formula that would lead to anything contrary to that, including the proposal for a unified Arab delegation which, in our view, is of no benefit unless the Palestine Liberation Organization participates with the other parties on the same level. In other words, that idea is rejected, if the purpose behind it is to get around that organization's established right to represent the Palestinian people.
144- Egypt and the whole Arab nation are truly grateful to this Assembly and deeply appreciate the constructive support that we have received from its firm stand and concrete actions, which go beyond mere words and verbal support. Egypt undertakes and pledges to seek United Nations participation in every step and to refer to it whenever there is any development in the situation, since that is where the responsibility and the decision lie.
145.	If Israel's rulers had any historical awareness, they would have realized that the first objective they should seek is free acceptance, based on choice and conviction on the part of the Arab nation amidst which they live.
146.	The Arab nation is prepared to accept those who are prepared to be bound by the legitimacy and supremacy of law. At the same time it rejects those who place themselves above the law or who take the law into their hands, toy with it as they please and convert it into a law of the jungle whenever they find it convenient.
147.	We accept coexistence, plurality and interaction between opinions, beliefs and cultures. That is the challenge.
148.	We reject occupation, expansion, the acquisition of territory by force and the violation of rights.
149.	We accept, for the first time, the call to create normal conditions under which the Palestinian people can give expression to their capabilities and talents. Therein lies the key to the situation, and to the drive towards peace.
150.	We reject the claim that the Palestinian people are doomed to live in a new Diaspora in the twentieth century or in the darkness of the Middle Ages.
151.	You have stood by us in our just struggle for peace and liberty, and we cherish that fact with all appreciation and gratitude.
152.	Tomorrow the sun of freedom will shine, dissipating the darkness of colonialism and racism.


I am
grateful for the opportunity to address the General
Assembly at its fifty-seventh session. Allow me at the
23

outset to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Jan
Kavan on his well-deserved election to the presidency.
The tragic events of 11 September have made us
reconsider our achievements, real values, and the links
between poverty, development, sustainability, respect
for human rights and real progress. Yet, the goals
envisioned by the perpetrators of those crimes have
certainly not been fulfilled. The world has become
more united and more determined to fight terrorism as
a global threat to the values of civilization. The result
is increased cooperation among specialized services
and bodies of different States, as well as international
organizations. However, we must be prepared for a
long and exhausting confrontation with this evil of our
times.
Last year we were all rightly focused on
Afghanistan. Today we are concerned also about future
steps regarding Iraq as a great threat to world stability
and a shelter for terrorism. Fortunately, after a decade
of being in focus as a crisis area, that South-Eastern
Europe, the Balkans, along with Bosnia and
Herzegovina, as the heart of the region, are no longer
“CNN-able”, given the present growing stability.
The time has come to salute the new image of my
country and to start re-branding the perception of the
region as a whole, which no longer fits anymore the
“Balkan ghosts” stereotype. Great concerns such as
Iraq, the Middle East and Kashmir should not let us
forget that the Balkan region is bearing good news. We
are all striving to finish the job of fully integrating the
region into European democratic structures and values.
Enormous efforts and achievements are behind
us, but we have to be careful and patient until stability
becomes self-sustainable through the building of jobs,
justice and functioning institutions, which will hold
together new democracy.
In the light of last year's terrorist attacks on New
York and Washington, our fragile State — the only
European State where Muslims represent the majority
religious group — was confronted with the heavy
pressure of prejudice regarding a “clash between
civilizations”. But, as members may know, I come from
a State that represented a crossroads of different
cultures and religions, where different civilizations
lived for centuries in tolerance and mutual respect.
Today we are even more convinced that all
problems can be solved only through dialogue based on
good political will. From that position we have joined
the fight against terrorism and organized crime of all
kinds. We have heightened our struggle against
corruption by upgrading and strengthening our State
institutions. We have placed the rule of law at the top
of the agenda. Good work has been done, results have
been achieved and we have thus proved that Bosnia
and Herzegovina is not a no-man's land.
Building democratic institutions, economic
development and the protection and promotion of
human rights are more than ever at the top of our
priorities. Following the recent tragic events and all the
turbulent changes that Bosnia and Herzegovina has
experienced, we strongly believe in the paradigm of
democracy, development and peace as the pillars of
progress and stability for my country, but also for the
immediate neighbourhood and region as well. Only
responsible and accountable governance can bring
about necessary changes and progress for all.
Unfortunately, we are still confronted with the
heavy legacy of the past, and especially with the fact
that the main culprits for the crimes committed in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko
Mladic, are at large. The moment they are brought to
justice, it will be easier to reach our goals. That is why
I would like at this juncture to emphasize the
importance of cooperation by all sides concerned with
the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia in The Hague.
At the same time we are aware that
democratization is sometimes a long process. Post-
conflict peace-building is even more complex. But, we
have set the vision for developing a safe, peaceful,
stable and self-sustainable country, and we shall not
stop half way. Today, we are a full member of the
Council of Europe. More refugees and displaced
persons have returned in recent times as compared to
any other post-war period. In other words, in the last 18
months almost three times more properties, homes and
apartments were given back to refugees and displaced
persons all over Bosnia and Herzegovina than in the
previous five years. Many roads, many villages, many
roofs were built or repaired; many mosques and
churches have also been built or repaired.
The contribution of the United Nations Mission in
Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), the Stabilization
Force, the High Representative, the Peace
Implementation Council, the Office of the United
24

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),
the Organization for Security and Co-operation in
Europe (OSCE) and others in the family of the
international community present in Bosnia and
Herzegovina has been substantial in achieving the
present level of stability and reconstruction.
We particularly recognize the value and the role
of UNMIBH which is completing its mandate at the
end of this year. The police reform and restructuring,
with a view to meeting international standards of
organizational capacity and institutional integrity,
represents a clear success. The United Nations Mission
in Bosnia and Herzegovina was certainly one of the
key players also in establishing the foundation for
effective, democratic and sustainable law enforcement
agencies, a fundamental element for the further
development of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multi-
ethnic, tolerant and democratic State. We welcome the
transfer of the remaining tasks in this area to the
European Union Police Mission, and especially the
extension of the European Union responsibility in the
area of juridical reform as one of the basic pillars of
self-sustainability, future democratization and the
reform process.
There should be no doubt that the United Nations
has the potential to fulfil its new tasks and thus respond
to the ever increasing challenges of the fast-changing
world. It should provide leadership in building a
prosperous world, founded no longer on force and
threats, but on the rules of international law and respect
for all rights, and rights for all.
In that context I would like to underline that we
support the further democratization and modernization
of the United Nations. New tasks and challenges call
increasing efficiency, cost rationalization and the equal
geographic participation of States and peoples in the
United Nations system. Bosnia and Herzegovina also
supports the continuation of work on reforming the
Security Council, adjusting its membership in
accordance with carefully designed criteria, taking into
account equal geographic representation but not
jeopardizing the efficiency of that United Nations
body.
Allow me to briefly mention some of the
priorities of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia
and Herzegovina has in the past two years proved its
determination to move from the position of passive aid
recipient from the international community to the
position of contributor to international efforts. The fact
that we are in a position to consider the need or even
the imperative of taking a more active and creative
role, and thus a bigger share of responsibility, testifies
to the trend of normalization of the situation in the
country.
Reconstruction is taking place and results are
visible in the economy, social reforms, education,
health care and so on. Economic reforms are directed
towards the establishment of a single economic space
and also with a view to setting up conditions for
upgraded education and thus to offering the choice for
our young generations to remain in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and become the frontrunners of its
development and future.
We have almost fully completed the conditions
set out in the European Union's road map, which we
hope will soon open the process of a feasibility study
for Bosnia and Herzegovina's signing of a stabilization
and association agreement with the European Union.
We have gone through the process of being the object
of international efforts and are now the partner in the
process of making an economically and institutionally
self-sustainable State of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This
is only one phase in a process of finally becoming the
owner of the changes in our country.
In partnership with the international community,
we are streamlining a common strategy for political
stability, institution-building and an economic recovery
programme as the precondition of overall sustainable
development. The entire region, including Bosnia and
Herzegovina, is entering a new stage of stability and
the European integration process, but we still have to
be on the alert. The ghosts of the past, segregation and
wars are losing ground.
In following the trials of war criminals before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia in The Hague, we are bearing witness to the
hope that justice and the future will finally bury
projects based on genocide. That is why we have to act
on a daily basis against those who are trying to open
the box of drawing new maps or calling for new wars
in the region.
So much energy and so many efforts of the local
and international communities have been invested so
far that we are not even allowed to consider anything
but a strategy for success. Any type of hypothetical exit
strategy of the international community can be based
25

only on a success strategy in building one multiethnic,
democratic and European State of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Once again, I would like to express the
gratitude of my Government to the international
community for its devoted support towards long-lasting
stability and development in the region.
If the four million people of my country —
Muslims, Orthodox Catholics, Jews and others who
historically lived in tolerance, even in a non-
democratic environment — cannot now live in a
democratic and open society in the middle of Europe,
then the logical question after 11 September is: How
we can be consolidated and organized among the six
billion people of our planet?
Coming from Bosnia and Herzegovina, I am
driven by the force of optimism and the strength of
vision shared by the overall majority of those who do
not want to repeat the past, but are ready to fight for
the future. Jobs, justice for all, solidarity and Europe,
through reforms and strong state institutions, are the
items on our agenda today. We are determined to turn
these words into deeds.


I
am pleased to open my statement by extending warm
congratulations to you, Sir, and to your friendly
country, the Czech Republic, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh
session. We wish you success at the helm of this
Assembly, which is convened against a backdrop of
complex circumstances and daunting global challenges.
Let me assure you of my delegation's full commitment
to cooperating with you in order to facilitate the
fulfilment of your mandate.
I wish to extend a word of thanks and tribute to
your predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo, for his prudent
and efficient stewardship of the previous session. In the
same vein, I wish to reiterate our appreciation for the
outstanding performance of Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and for his tireless and concrete efforts to
enhance the effectiveness of the world Organization in
serving global peace, security and development.
Kuwait welcomes the admission of the Swiss
Confederation to the membership of our Organization.
We are confident that Switzerland's membership will
enhance the benefits of its already active role in
supporting various United Nations programmes and
activities and will further consolidate the principles and
purposes of the Charter, particularly as that country is
host to many United Nations bodies and specialized
agencies.
The events of 11 September 2001 in the United
States, together with their consequences and
implications, have changed the global landscape and
have created a multitude of new challenges for the
entire world, as we are now collectively entrenched in
our fight against terrorism, violence and extremism.
Experience has shown that combating this pernicious
phenomenon is a universal responsibility and that no
individual country alone, irrespective of its resources
or determination, can eliminate it.
Moral and practical reasons make it unacceptable
to link that curse to any particular nation, religion or
culture. Such an attempt does not serve any of our
common goals. To the contrary, it will deepen political
and cultural divides, exacerbate the crisis and
transform it into a conflict among civilizations that
harms us all and from which we have nothing to gain.
Therefore, the United Nations remains the most
appropriate and effective mechanism for studying and
analysing that phenomenon, so as to identify its causes
and parameters and to coordinate efforts with a view to
developing guidelines for effective measures to
eradicate that plague.
The United Nations is also the appropriate body
to define our responsibilities and obligations in that
regard. The signing, ratification and scrupulous
enforcement by all Member States of the 12 United
Nations instruments aimed at combating terrorism are
perhaps the most viable means for establishing a solid
common ground to combat and conquer terrorism.
In that context, I wish to take this opportunity to
express once again our condolences and sympathy to
the friendly people and Government of the United
States and to the families of all the victims of that
heinous act of terrorism. We share with them their
anguish and the hope that their fortitude will help them
overcome their pain and loss.
In the meantime, Kuwait reaffirms its
longstanding core position condemning all acts of
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We also
categorically renounce all acts of violence and
extremism, as they contravene not only international
norms and treaties but also the tolerant teachings of
Islam and its compassionate value system, as well as
other religions, humanitarian concepts and civilized
values.
12

Kuwait welcomes Security Council resolution
1373 (2001) within the context of Kuwait's cooperation
with the ongoing international efforts to fight terrorism
and, pursuant to its provisions, has put a number of
important new steps and measures into effect. They
include the enactment of a bill to combat money
laundering and the adoption of practical measures to
regulate fund-raising activities in order to ensure that
those activities are not exploited or illegally used for
any objective other than their legitimate and declared
intent. Furthermore, for its part, Kuwait has answered
all the queries of the United Nations Counter-Terrorism
Committee. We have provided to the Committee all the
information and notations that clarify our national laws
and legislation enacted by the Government to combat
terrorist acts and to prosecute their perpetrators.
Within the same context and in order to
consolidate world efforts in combating terrorism, I
wish to reiterate Kuwait's support for the idea of
convening an international conference under the
auspices of the United Nations aimed at reaching an
agreement on a clear and specific definition of
terrorism. The primary purpose of that aim is to
distinguish between terrorism as a phenomenon that
endangers international peace and security and the
right of peoples to legitimate struggle in resisting
foreign occupation in order to attain their rights to self-
determination, as set forth in the Charter and in
international law.
In this regard, Kuwait condemns the insidious
campaign orchestrated against our sister State, the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by certain American and
Western media sectors. For our part, however, we pay
tribute to the Kingdom for its valuable role and
significant contributions to the fight against terrorism
and to efforts to achieve peace and security in the
region.
The success of our global efforts to eradicate
terrorism depends in large measure on the ability of the
international community to effectively address major
issues and challenges that have become a source of
despair, misery, frustration, isolation and perceived
injustice felt by a number of people in all parts of the
world.
An elusive challenge that continues to stand out is
the constant deterioration of the situation in the
occupied Palestinian territories. The escalating
confrontations have reached a level that threatens
peace and security in the Middle East region as a
whole. The brutal practices of the Israeli occupation
forces, including the unwarranted excessive use of
force against the Palestinian people, the deliberate
destruction of the institutions and infrastructure of the
Palestinian Authority, in clear violation of United
Nations resolutions and the Fourth Geneva Convention
of 1949, have resulted in exacerbating the economic
and social crises sustained by the Palestinians for more
than five decades. Large-scale round-ups, house
demolitions, curfews, bombardment of civilian
neighbourhoods, incursions into villages, town and
cities and helicopter gunship assaults on civilians have
become daily events for the individual Palestinian
citizen on the street. Indeed, those acts have become
routine stories in radio and television news.
We have silently resigned ourselves to that. It
seems that the international community has been
numbed into accepting that way of life for defenceless
Palestinians. But unfortunately all Israeli practices
seem to be emanating from an entrenched precept that
Israel is immune to all accountability, exempted from
all jurisdictions and shielded from all criticism and
condemnation by the United Nations or the world's
major Powers.
Against that background, Kuwait reaffirms its
commitment to the pan-Arab position adopted at the
recent Beirut Arab Summit, which endorsed the
initiative put forward by His Royal Highness Prince
Abdullah Bin Abdel Aziz, Crown Prince of Saudi
Arabia and Chief of the Saudi National Guard. Kuwait
remains committed to supporting the right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination and to the
establishment of their independent State on their
national territory with Jerusalem as their capital.
Kuwait will continue to demand full Israeli withdrawal
from all occupied Arab territories, including the Syrian
Golan and Lebanese territory.
World history and experience have amply
demonstrated that force alone, regardless of the degree
of brutality, will not bring about peace and security.
The only viable option is restoring legitimate rights to
their rightful owners and implementing peace. Perhaps
the best assurance for a secure future requires long-
term good-will investments in the present.
Kuwait welcomed with satisfaction the decision
adopted by the most recent Arab summit, held in
Lebanon in March 2002, on the situation between Iraq
13

and Kuwait. In that decision, the Arab leaders
welcomed Iraq's pledges to respect the independence,
sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the
State of Kuwait and to avert any action that might lead
to the recurrence of the events of 1990. Arab leaders
also demanded that Iraq cooperate in finding an
expeditious and final solution to the question of
Kuwaiti prisoners and hostages and the return of stolen
Kuwaiti property as set forth in relevant Security
Council resolutions. But, to our deep regret, that
decision has not been implemented. The Government
of Iraq has not as yet carried out its pledges, especially
in regard to Kuwaiti and third-country prisoners and
detainees.
That long-running humanitarian question can bear
no further delay in view of its traumatic implications
for the families of the victims, who do not know the
fate of their loved ones. The Iraqi Government
continues to refuse to cooperate with the United
Nations mechanisms established to deal with the
matter. Assessing the approach followed by the Iraqi
Government, the Secretary-General concluded in the
final paragraph of his most recent report to the Security
Council pursuant to paragraph 14 of Council resolution
1284 (1999), contained in document S/2002/931 of 15
August 2002, that
Despite the encouraging agreements at the
Arab Summit in Beirut, Iraq's words on the fate
of the missing persons are yet to be matched by
tangible deeds. There still is a window of
opportunity to address humanitarian issues, such
as that of missing persons, in good faith. Iraq
should use this opportunity to restore its
credibility on the outstanding humanitarian
issues.' (para. 40)
In that context, Kuwait welcomes the efforts and
steps undertaken by the United Nations in preparation
for the return of Kuwait's State archives from Iraq
pursuant to relevant Security Council resolutions.
Despite the fact that Iraq has denied over the past 11
years that it had seized the archives, we consider its
acknowledgement that it holds the archives and its
intention to return them to be an important step
towards carrying out Security Council resolutions,
particularly resolutions 686 (1991), 687 (1991) and
1284 (1999). Irrespective of Iraq's motives for
returning the archives and other Kuwaiti State
documents, it is our hope that this step will be followed
by other positive actions leading to the release of our
prisoners and those of third countries. Only then can
this dossier be closed. I wish to stress here that the
humanitarian issue of our prisoners has dominated the
national agenda of the Government and the people of
Kuwait since liberation.
Regarding other relevant issues, Kuwait has
welcomed the dialogue between the United Nations and
Iraq, and we hope that this exercise will lead to the
implementation of the rest of the key obligations,
including the elimination of weapons of mass
destruction and other outstanding matters.
Kuwait thinks that Iraq's strict and scrupulous
implementation of all relevant Security Council
resolutions and the admission of United Nations
weapons inspectors back into Iraq would spare our
region the horrors of a war which we do not want. Such
a war would only lead to the exacerbation of the
suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq and to the
escalation of tension and instability in the region.
Kuwait also welcomes the prudent approach
outlined by President George Bush of the United States
in his statement before the General Assembly
yesterday, in which he requested the Security Council
to fulfil its legal and political responsibilities within
the context of relevant Council resolutions regarding
Iraq. The Security Council undoubtedly has the power
to do so. We call upon the Security Council to perform
that legitimate role. Meanwhile, we demand that Iraq
fully and strictly implement all relevant Security
Council resolutions in the interest of security and
stability in the region and in order to avert the dangers
it faces.
Because of its keen interest in maintaining and
bolstering security and stability in our region, the State
of Kuwait emphasizes again its support for all efforts
to resolve by peaceful means the disagreement between
the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of
Iran over the disputed islands. In that context, we
welcome the mutual visits by ranking officials of both
countries. We hope that such visits and direct contacts
will help the parties to create a favourable climate for
confidence-building between the two countries.
The world economic landscape has been quite
turbulent over the past year. Reports issued by
numerous specialized international institutions show
that many countries, including some developed
countries, have begun to suffer from a global economic
slowdown. That in turn has led to mounting economic
14

and social burdens on many States due to growing
imbalances and disparities between the economies of
countries of the North and those of the South. While
the countries of the North continue to enjoy economic
prosperity and better standards of living for their
peoples, countries of the South continue to suffer from
poverty, famine, unemployment, environmental
degradation, severe shortages of drinking water and
widespread pandemics such as those of HIV/AIDS and
malaria, in addition to a whole range of other problems
that impede their efforts towards sustainable
development. It is our hope that the decisions and plans
of action recently adopted at the Johannesburg World
Summit on Sustainable Development, held at
Johannesburg in August and September, and at the
International Conference on Financing for
Development, held in Mexico in February, will help
bolster efforts and strengthen bonds of cooperation
between the North and the South with a view to laying
the underpinnings of a new partnership that contributes
to the stabilization and growth of economic relations
and to establishing the basis for an equitable world
trade system that sets out the responsibilities and
obligations of all sides.
Perhaps one of the most pressing demands at
present to shore up the economic structures of the
developing countries is that the developed nations fulfil
their obligation to provide meaningful financial and
technical aid to the developing world. That includes
bilateral arrangements and understandings with
international financial institutions and organizations to
alleviate the debt burden of developing countries and
the cancellation of the debts of the poorest nations.
Also, any tariffs or other obstacles to access for the
products of those countries to developed countries'
markets should be removed. Furthermore, developing
countries should have easier access to information and
technologies that would help them solve their problems
and became integrated into the world economy. Such
steps would prevent the marginalization of the
developing countries and least developed countries and
would help put them back on the road to development.
In this regard, Kuwait draws satisfaction from the
fact that it tops the list of Arab States on the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Arab
human development index for the current year. The
Arab Human Development Report was published by
the UNDP in cooperation with the Arab Fund for
Economic and Social Development. The report drew on
a whole range of indices including health, education,
acquisition of technical knowledge and per capita
income. The Government of Kuwait will be guided by
the report's indicators and, in cooperation with our
National Assembly, which is the legislative authority in
our country, will maintain its efforts to improve
economic and social conditions to the benefit of
Kuwaiti citizens and their well-being.
I wish to place on record our sense of pride in
carrying out all our international obligations. In
particular, Kuwait is a robust contributor to the
development programmes of many developing nations.
Furthermore, we are a vibrant player in ensuring a
stable and balanced global oil market with a view to
ensuring equitable and universal economic
development. Also, in line with its Arab and Islamic
heritage and given the imperatives of kinship, Kuwait
has never hesitated to reach out to meet its full official
and unofficial obligations towards the Palestinian
people in the Palestinian territories and towards the
people of Afghanistan. It is now our hope that the
Afghan people, following the recent developments in
their country, will be able to live in security and
stability after their long and deep suffering due to war
and internal conflict. Let us hope that the country will
now channel all its resources into national
reconstruction in order to make up for those long years
of conflict and hostilities.
Inasmuch as the peoples of the world differ in
their religion, culture and ethnicity, they are similar in
their aspirations, ambitions and hopes. We all seek to
live in freedom, dignity and safety. We all yearn for a
world in which peace, security and justice prevail.
Translating that vision and hope into reality requires
accelerating the pace of concerted global action to meet
the lofty purposes and principles defined in the Charter
of the United Nations.
In addition, the United Nations Millennium
Summit Declaration must be translated into a concrete
reality that satisfies the hopes and aspirations of the
peoples of the world. We as countries believe that
ultimately we all are accountable to Allah, His name be
praised and glorified, the Creator of the universe. We
are also accountable to our peoples in terms of
fulfilling their legitimate aspirations in a world of
prevailing security and peace.