1.	The membership of the German Democratic Republic in the United Nations, acquired only a few days ago, provides an opportunity for its Minister for Foreign Affairs to outline for the first time before this world forum the policy of the socialist German State and its position on important current tasks and problems of the United Nations.
2.	In the view of the German Democratic Republic its admission to the United Nations is an historic event, for it implies that the post-war period in Europe has come to an end. I ask representatives to remember that the first documents in which the Powers of the anti-Hitler coalition called for the establishment of an Organization of the United Nations were, at the same time, documents of the fight against Fascist German imperialism. Exactly three decades ago, in October 1943, the Allied Powers adopted the Moscow Declaration on General Security, in which they pledged their determination to enforce the unconditional surrender of Hitler fascism. At the same time, they recognized:

"... the necessity of establishing... a general international organization based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving States and open to membership by all such States, large or small, for the maintenance of international peace and security."
3.	In the three decades from October 1943 to October 1974, profound changes have taken place on the international scene. To bring them about the necessary conditions had to be created in Europe, and chiefly in the territory of the former German Reich. To this end the Potsdam Agreement, concluded after the end of the Hitler war, made provision for the extirpation of German militarism and nazism, the democratization of social life, the punishment of war and Nazi criminals, and the curbing of the power of monopolies. These measures were designed to guarantee that no war could ever again start from German soil.
4.	The German Democratic Republic was established in October 1949 on these sound foundations. Enterprises of war and Nazi criminals had been converted into people's property through a referendum; a democratic agrarian reform had given land to the peasants; Nazi and militarist elements were removed from all public posts; war and Nazi criminals were strictly punished; and the school and education system was remodelled along democratic lines. The evil spirit of racial hatred and chauvinism was thoroughly uprooted.
5.	In the face of massive war destruction of production facilities and all sorts of buildings, most essential human rights such as the fundamental social rights of the working people, the right to work and to employment, the right to education and to recreation, the rights of women and of youth, were implemented in the most adverse material circumstances.
6.	It was on that anti-Fascist, democratic basis that the German Democratic Republic subsequently developed into a socialist State. Its people have chosen for ever the socialist system of society and have thus exercised their right of self-determination guaranteed in the Charter of the United Nations. The German Democratic Republic owes its rise to their efforts and to its firm and indestructible alliance with the Soviet Union and the other socialist States.
7.	Upon his election as our country's first President, the late Wilhelm Pieck, a proven fighter against fascism and war, formally declared before the supreme representative body of the German Democratic Republic on 11 October 1949:
"We are well aware of the great responsibility which the German people have to accept because they aided and abetted Hitler's barbarous war, and we are also aware of our obligation for reparation towards the countries afflicted by the Hitler war. We will fulfil in good faith the obligations placed upon us under the Potsdam Agreement, whereby we seek to regain the world's confidence and join the comity of peace-loving democratic nations."
8.	As the State Secretary to the first President of the German Democratic Republic, I am particularly pleased and highly privileged to declare to the General Assembly of the United Nations that the German Democratic Republic has fulfilled that pledge with honour. In compliance with the Potsdam Agreement, it has fulfilled conscientiously its obligation for reparation towards the Soviet Union and the

Polish People's Republic. With regard to the Polish, Czech and Slovak peoples, who were so often the first victims of aggression by greater Germany, the German Democratic Republic took decisive steps for a genuine reconciliation. As early as 1950, in the Treaty of Goerlitz, it recognized without reservation the frontier with the Polish People's Republic on the Oder and Neisse rivers. At the same time, in the first Treaty it concluded with the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, it condemned the diktat of Munich with all its consequences, and it pledged to refrain from making any territorial claims or pressing for frontier revision with regard to those two States.
9.	Acting in that way more than two decades ago, the German Democratic Republic made contributors to European security which remain effective examples in the light of recent European developments.
10.	Since its inception, the German Democratic Republic has practised active solidarity with the Asian, African and Latin American peoples defending themselves against imperialist aggression or resisting colonialist repression. Never has it paid only verbal tribute to the struggle against colonialism and racism, but has always considered it its sacred duty to support that struggle by action.
11.	In the German Democratic Republic there are no political or economic groups whose drive for profit and exports would bar a policy aimed at implementing the resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations. Nor are there any motivations for the German Democratic Republic to uphold the aims of those States which are still pursuing colonialist or neo-colonialist policies.
12.	Even when it was net a Member of the United Nations, the German Democratic Republic consistently implemented all resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations condemning colonialism and neocolonialism and on the boycotting of racism regimes.
13.	To ensure durable peace and security, to support the , peoples fighting for their freedom and independence, to be
willing to establish relations of peaceful coexistence with States of different political and social systems: those are the aims and principles of the foreign policy of the German Democratic Republic, which it has pursued and observed ever since its foundation.
14.	The admission of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations has occurred at a time of international detente, to which the German Democratic Republic, has made essential contributions. At present, European peoples and States are making efforts to ensure that their continent, which was twice in this century the source and scene of world wars, will become at long last a centre of detente and peace in the world.
15.	A representative of the socialist peace policy cannot ignore in this context that German imperialism and militarism, pursuing programmes of conquest as it did, was the main aggressor in both World Wars of this century. With their policies of non-recognition of frontiers, of armament
and of revanche, its protagonists were implicated in the failure and break-down of the League of Nations as a peace organization.
16.	Having drawn these lessons from history, the German Democratic Republic pursues a foreign policy of peace and international understanding which is in full harmony with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Its membership in the United Nations now offers the German Democratic Republic new opportunities for effectively developing this policy of peaceful coexistence and international peace in the interests of its own people.
17.	The current international situation offers good opportunities to settle international issues, however complicated, by negotiation based on the principles of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social and political systems. The Charter of the United Nations and its strict observance are a solid basis for that.
18.	Very convincing evidence to this effect is, in the view of the German Democratic Republic, the significant Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War concluded between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America.  The Agreement does not endanger, but increases, the security of every country. It does not impair, but promotes, the process of detente and peaceful coexistence between States, and therefore fully meets the interest of all peoples in peace.
19.	The admission of the German Democratic Republic and of the Federal Republic of Germany to the United Nations was preceded by the signing of international treaties in which the inviolability of frontiers and of the territorial status quo in Europe is recognized. The treaties were concluded by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Polish People's Republic and the German Democratic Republic with the Federal Republic of Germany. They fix in binding terms of international law the frontiers and territories of the States as they have emerged as a result of the Second World War and of post-war developments.
20.	The international relations of States can only serve detente and peaceful co-operation if they rest on the generally binding principles of the United Nations Charter. This applies without restriction also to relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. Therefore the Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany  commits both States to be guided by the purposes and principles laid down in the Charter of the United Nations, in particular by the principle of the sovereign equality of all States. It is equally important that the inviolability, now and in the future, of the frontier between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany and the obligation of both States to respect fully each other's territorial integrity have been affirmed by international law. The Treaty has no time limit. It contains nothing that could call in question the finality of the provisions agreed upon or could give them a provisional character, such as the character of a so-called modus vivendi

21.	Consequently, the Treaty between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany corresponds to the irreversible historical realities that have emerged on German soil from the Second World War and from post-war development. The German Reich, founded in 1871 in blood and iron, launched two world wars which claimed over 70 million human lives. That imperialist German Reich perished in ashes, blood and ruins in 1945 and its generals signed the unconditional surrender demanded in the Moscow Declaration of the Allied Powers.
22.	For a quarter of a century two sovereign German States, independent of each other and having diametrically opposed social systems, have been in existence. The German Democratic Republic is a State of peace, democracy and socialism which has absolutely nothing in common with the imperialist nature of the German Reich. It has broken for ever with the fateful German militarist past. In the German Democratic Republic there is developing a socialist German nation, closely associated with the peoples of the socialist community. From the antagonistic character of the social and political orders, it follows conclusively that between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany a unification will never be possible. But what is possible, and necessary, are good-neighbourly relations of peaceful coexistence between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. Such durable relations of peaceful coexistence between the two German States will have a beneficial effect not only in Europe but also in world-wide international relations and organizations.
23.	There is no doubt that the relaxation of tension in Europe has especially been promoted by the Quadripartite Agreement on West Berlin concluded between the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and France. To this Agreement the German Democratic Republic has made its constructive contribution. Any assessment of this contribution will have to take into account that West Berlin is situated about 200 kilometres from the frontier with the Federal Republic of Germany and amid the territory of the German Democratic Republic. All questions of civilian transit traffic to and from West Berlin could therefore be settled only in consultation and agreement with the German Democratic Republic. In each phase of the often complicated negotiation of the West Berlin Agreement the German Democratic Republic displayed an attitude that was first and foremost determined by its interest in a progressing European detente. By submitting proposals and draft treaties and negotiating in a spirit of goodwill, the German Democratic Republic later very much facilitated the conclusion of the Transit Agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany and of arrangements with the Senate of West Berlin.
24.	The German Democratic Republic is equally broad- minded in implementing the treaties and agreements. To give members just one example, permit me to bring to your notice that over 14 million citizens of Western countries, including the Federal Republic of Germany and of the Western sectors of Berlin, have visited the German Democratic Republic between 1 January 1972 and 25 September 1973. Nineteen and one half million persons passed in transit to and from West Berlin through the German Democratic Republic's territory in that period. Three and a quarter million citizens of the German Democratic Republic visited Western countries, including the Federal Republic and West Berlin in the same period. And iii the same period again, 21.5 million citizens of the German Democratic Republic travelled to socialist countries, while 18.5 million nationals of these socialist countries visited the German Democratic Republic. All in all, the total of journeys across the frontiers of the German Democratic Republic in those 21 months is 76.7 million. I ask members to consider when judging these figures in the millions that the German Democratic Republic itself has only 17 million inhabitants. All these figures in my view are impressive and tell their own tale; they spare my commenting on all sorts of unserious assertions.
25.	On the same day on which the twenty-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly was opened, the second phase of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe started. It is not too much to say that Europe stands on the threshold of a new era — an era of peaceful coexistence and peaceful co-operation, which is important for the improvement of the international climate, too. In addition to two world wars, many colonial wars originated in Europe. It is therefore in the interest of all States of our globe that, in the wake of constructive policies, peace and co-operation should at last emanate from the European continent. The peoples and States of all continents will undoubtedly benefit when the Conference decides that the indispensable basic principles for security and co-operation should be binding on all participating countries.
26.	Detente in Europe will improve chances to contain hotbeds of tension in other parts of the world. It will prove once more that political settlements of long-standing disputes are possible and useful. It will check or hinder those forces that are seeking to fuel tensions for aggressive and annexationist aims. Ensured security and co-operation in Europe will — not least among the results — be of use to the Asian, African and Latin American countries in the solution of the economic, scientific and technological problems they are facing.
27.	Precisely for this reason the achievements of the last few years in the direction of detente, security and co-operation must not be relinquished, but firmly consolidated as a basis and model for new gains of peace and understanding among the peoples.
28.	The German Democratic Republic views the United Nations as the most important international organ for guaranteeing security and maintaining world peace. The people and Government of the German Democratic Republic whole-heartedly subscribe to the aim set out in the preamble of the Charter of the United Nations, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", and they will employ all the powers and abilities at their command so that this aim will be achieved. To work for this noble
and lofty purpose, what is required is the strict observance, rather than the revision, of the Charter.
29.	The evolution of the international situation since the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security was adopted by the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2734 (XXV]  has confirmed the programmatic substance and topicality of that basic document. Significant progress has been achieved in the implementation of the principles of the United Nations in international life. Yet much remains to be done.
30.	The German Democratic Republic supports the resolution on the non-use of force in international relations and on the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty- seventh session [resolution 2936 (XXVII)} at the initiative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It considers that the Security Council should, pursuant to that resolution, take a decision binding on all States Members of the United Nations. That would be a highly effective step towards ensuring international security, particularly since an obligation to renounce the use of force would be accompanied by a ban on the most threatening form of force, the use of nuclear weapons. In a large number of international instruments and agreements of the recent past, the importance of the renunciation of force has been reaffirmed and underlined. Hence, a decision of the Security Council on the prohibition of the use of force and nuclear weapons for all time would positively meet the requirements of international development.
31.	To be durable, political detente needs to be complemented by corresponding agreements on disarmament measures. The arms race is not only a persisting threat to peace, but an immense material burden on the peoples. While huge sums are spent on manufacturing weapons to kill people, many countries have a shortage of social institutions and educational facilities, and millions of human beings suffer want. That is why we welcome the proposal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics that the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations should deal with the reduction by 10 per cent of the military budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council [A/9191]. All States which have major economic and military potentials should follow such an exemplary approach with corresponding cuts in their military budgets. In our view, the proposal of the Soviet Union constitutes a genuine chance to translate the declarations on disarmament into practical disarmament measures directly benefiting the peoples and developing countries. To contain the arms race is therefore an urgent, humanitarian task and an imperative of humanity.
32.	We fully share the position of the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations that the time is ripe for a world disarmament conference. Such a conference could thoroughly discuss international problems and negotiate agreements which promote the basic and primary goal — general and complete disarmament-and provide for effective partial measures of arms limitation. A world disarmament conference would be commensurate with the paramount importance of the problem and make possible a universal and equal participation of all States. Questions of disarmament concern the interests and obligations of all States irrespective of their size or level of economic or other development.
33.	The United Nations has successfully carried out a number of important conferences in the fields of international law and environmental protection. So we think that there is no reason to be pessimistic about the eventual course of the world disarmament conference. The conference will surely have difficult and complex problems to consider; but important agreements such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction [see resolution 2826 (XXVI)] have been reached although their subject matters were complicated. These examples allow us to expect a successful course for the disarmament conference if all participating Governments heed the wish of their peoples for peace and security.
34.	The elimination of sources of conflict is an indispensable condition for the recovery of the international situation. Paragraph 5 of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security stipulates that the territory of a State must not be occupied illegally by use of force. Contrary to this stipulation and in violation of resolution 242 (1967) adopted by the Security Council, Israel still holds Arab territory under occupation and is thus responsible for the fact that this dangerous source of war still exists.
35.	The withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories and respect for the independence and legitimate rights of the States and peoples of the area, including the Arab people of Palestine — only a political arrangement including these conditions will lead to the settlement of the Middle East conflict in conformity with the Security Council resolution.
36.	The German Democratic Republic, together with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and other States of the socialist community, is convinced that it is necessary and possible to extend the zone of detente to cover the whole world. For this reason we sincerely support the aspirations of the peoples of Asia for a system of collective security in the region, and we note with satisfaction that circumstances for achieving this aim have essentially improved of late.
37.	The war in Indo-China for many years darkened the international situation and permanently threatened to engulf mankind in a world-wide conflict. Despite much resistance, the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet-Nam, signed at Paris on 27 January 1973, has now been achieved. Those who were putting up resistance to the Agreement on Viet-Nam until the last minute are also those who continue to violate it and to launch military actions. In our view, it is now of the utmost importance to ensure strict observance of the Agreement on restoring peace in Viet-Nam.
38.	As it did in the hard days of fighting, the German Democratic Republic continues to side in firm solidarity with the Viet-Namese people now that the tasks of reconstruction of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam have to be tackled.
39.	The German Democratic Republic stands consistently for the recognition of the right of the peoples of Indochina to determine their destinies themselves and to restore a just peace to Indo-China as a whole.
40.	The German Democratic Republic supports the just demand of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea that the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Reconstruction of Korea be dissolved immediately. The United Nations flag should no longer be used by foreign troops stationed in South Korea. The so-called United Nations Command should be abolished. All foreign troops-should be withdrawn from South Korea.
41.	An event important for the normalization of the situation on the Indian subcontinent and for the establishment of relations of peaceful coexistence between the States in Asia is, in the opinion of the German Democratic Republic, the recent agreement between India and Pakistan. In this context I wish to record the hope that the overdue admission of the People's Republic of Bangladesh to the United Nations can now take place.
42.	The Government of the German Democratic Republic is highly interested in international co-operation in the fields of economics, science and technology and in other areas. It believes, however, that a secure peace is the most vital prerequisite to solving the problems the peoples are facing in building their social and cultural life. Here we think, in particular, of the economic and social problems of the developing countries.
43.	Different circumstances prevailing in the various regions must, of course, not be left out of account in endeavours to assist in the extension of the process of detente to all continents. In Africa, detente cannot mean tolerating Portuguese colonial rule or accepting the policy of apartheid in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia — quite the contrary. To eliminate colonialism and racism is an indispensable element of detente on the African continent. Detente will be furthered as it becomes possible to enforce the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems in international life. Observance of the generally accepted rules of international law in relations between socialist and capitalist States will make it m6re difficult for forces pursuing colonialist, racist or social oppression to keep foreign peoples under their yoke.
44.	In keeping with decisions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, the German Democratic Republic has for many years practised active solidarity with the African peoples fighting for their liberation. News about massacres by Portuguese mercenaries in Mozambique underlines more than ever the urgent need to overcome all forms of colonial suppression. Both in the United Nations and through other solidarity activities in support of international solidarity, the German Democratic Republic will advocate the right to self-determination of all African peoples.
45.	The fact that the boycott measures decided on by the United Nations are not being complied with by some States cannot be passed over in silence. Not only is their trade with South Africa not decreasing, it is even growing. Their investments, and thus their participation, in the exploitation of the racially suppressed indigenous populations have grown enormously. Multinational monopolies are expanding their influence in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. For the sake of their profits they assist the racist regimes in repressing the indigenous populations. This practice of monopoly capitalism grossly conflicts with the demand of the African peoples to have their own natural resources and mineral riches under their own control. This demand is fully justified and should be supported in every respect by decisions and measures of the United Nations.
46.	It is consistent with our views with regard to the implementation of the right of peoples to self- determination and the world-wide enforcement of human rights as proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations of December 1948 that the German Democratic Republic firmly sides with the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and supports their struggle for political and economic independence.
47.	In Chile, a constitutional government, elected by the people, was ousted by a military coup d'etat. President Salvador Allende, held in high esteem all over the world, was assassinated. Bloody violence and terror have been unleashed to destroy the social progress achieved. We are convinced, however, that the Chilean people will repulse these attacks on their vital rights and finally succeed in their struggle for the right to choose their own way of development. We feel that humaneness and self- determination call for all-round support and assistance for the people of Chile in their courageous resistance. In breach of international law, acts of reprisal and violence were committed against citizens and premises of the German Democratic Republic; therefore, the Government of the German Democratic Republic was compelled to suspend diplomatic relations with Chile.
48.	The German Democratic Republic has followed with the greatest attention and sympathy the Fourth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries held in Algiers. It supports the decisions taken at that Conference with regard to the settlement of conflicts caused by imperialist aggression. It takes the same stand on the decisions of the Conference concerning the consolidation of national independence, the unrestricted control of peoples over their natural resources, the economic interests of developing countries, and respect for the sovereign equality of all States. The German Democratic Republic associates itself with the struggle of non-aligned countries against all forms of colonialist or neo-colonialist exploitation and suppression.
49.	Upon being admitted to the United Nations, the German Democratic Republic formally undertook at all times to respect and observe the Charter of the United Nations, whose unchanged validity it accepts without reservation.
50.	Assuming this obligation, we feel called upon to make a contribution, in keeping with our possibilities and capabilities, to the fulfilment of those great tasks which the United Nations is facing. The German Democratic Republic has always thought that the exercise of State sovereignty in our times must include readiness to engage in peaceful international co-operation. Along these lines it will assist in the implementation of the lofty humanist concepts and principles of international law enshrined in the Charter. The representatives of the German Democratic Republic are ready and determined constructively to co-operate with all representatives for the noble cause of peace, international understanding and co-operation.


34.	Let me begin by offering to Mr. Leopoldo Benites the Malaysian delegation's heartiest congratulations on his unanimous election as President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. His election to that high office is an eloquent tribute not only to his own person but also to his great country, Ecuador. I am confident that with his diplomatic skill and the vast experience he has acquired during his long and distinguished association with the United Nations he is indeed most eminently qualified for his high office and that he will lead us to a fruitful conclusion of our deliberations. For my part, I pledge my delegation's utmost co-operation and fullest support in the execution of his task.
35.	I take this opportunity also to say how grateful we are to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Poland, who as President of the twenty- seventh session of the General Assembly so skilfully and in such a statesmanlike manner guided the Assembly to a successful conclusion. It is most auspicious that we should have begun our work at this Assembly by making yet further progress towards the universality of the United Nations by admitting three more States to membership. In that connexion I should like, in the name of my delegation and on behalf of the Malaysian Government, to extend our sincere congratulations and warmest welcome to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany on the occasion of their admission to membership in this Organization.
36.	The admission of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas is highly significant, for it marks another important development in the process of decolonization. But, while it is an occasion for rejoicing, it also reminds us of the unfinished task before us — that of helping other colonial territories still under foreign domination to attain their freedom and independence.
37.	We congratulate the Governments of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany on their successful efforts to reach an historic accord between themselves which, among other things, has led to the admission of the two countries to membership in the United Nations. This understanding between the two German States, and the agreement reached on Berlin, which was for many years one of the most intractable problems in East-West relations, are further important milestones in the gradual progress towards international harmony and concord.	c
38.	A recurrent theme in this session's general debate is the subject of detente. Malaysia welcomes the initiatives of the past year towards the relaxation of tension among the major Powers, among them the dialogue at the highest level between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the establishment of regular contacts between the United States and China and the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Those are major initiatives which must be regarded as important developments towards an era of peaceful coexistence and positive cooperation among nations, which is more rational in concept and more beneficial to mankind than the discredited old order of mistrust, suspicion and confrontation of the cold war.
39.	As a country pursuing the policy of non-alignment, Malaysia has all the more reason to welcome that development, since in a sense it represents significant progress in one of the major efforts of the non-aligned movement itself. The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers last month, was most timely and had a particular significance in this context of detente. On the one hand it dramatized the relevance of the efforts of the non-aligned movement in the past in preventing big-Power confrontation and in breaking down the barriers of the cold war. On the other hand it focused attention on the future role of the non-aligned movement in ensuring that the end of big-Power confrontation does not become the beginning of big-Power hegemony, and that the third world will retain the right and the capability of playing its part in shaping the destiny of mankind.
40.	In welcoming this positive development we must be mindful that detente does not automatically guarantee the peace that we all seek. The renewed armed hostilities and Israeli aggression in the Middle East must serve as a stern reminder of the slender thread by which world peace hangs in the balance. At a time when the world is beginning to feel comforted by the thaw in the cold war it must serve as a warning that, unless the forces of detente are harnessed for the just solution of such urgent problems as the Middle East situation, the world will just slip into the abyss of international anarchy. That is indeed the challenge of detente. Whether it will prove to be beneficial to mankind or whether it will be detrimental to the cause of peace, or for that matter whether the advantages of this new beginning will be wastefully frittered away, must depend largely on how the international community responds to it.
41.	In the final analysis, the real success of detente will be measured in terms of its contribution to achieving the purposes and principles of the United Nations. In that context detente cannot be meaningful if it does not lead to a greater willingness and effort on the part of the major Powers in particular and of all nations in general to strengthen the efficacy of the United Nations so as to enable this Organization to play a more effective role in grappling with some of the more intractable problems of our time, the solution of which requires the full support of the entire community of nations. Detente will have no relevance if it fails to accelerate the process of decolonization, whose slow progress at the moment is caused by the stubborn refusal of the remaining colonial Powers to recognize the right of peoples to self-determination. Detente will fall short of our expectations if it fails to generate a greater will among all parties concerned to attain the goal of general and complete disarmament to which the United Nations is committed and which the peoples of the world demand as a legitimate right for survival. And, finally, detente will turn out to be an utter disappointment, an illusion, if it does not bring about a greater dedication among the developed countries to the task of discharging their obligations and redressing the economic imbalance and disparity between the developed and developing world and a political will to do so. For detente to have any meaning at all it must be more than a process of accommodation among the major Powers; it must truly serve as the vehicle for the attainment of permanent and universal peace in the world, for the just exploitation of the world's resources and for the equitable distribution of wealth and prosperity for all mankind.
42.	It is in that perspective that Malaysia views with great concern the outbreak of hostilities in the Middle East resulting from a renewed act of aggression by Israel. This latest act of Israeli aggression is manifestly a continuation of Israel's policy of annexation and consolidation of its occupation of Arab lands illegally occupied by force. We are concerned at the latest reports that, in its policy of aggression, Israel has resorted to bombing populated centres, such as Port Said and Damascus, causing many civilian casualties. Israel's continued persistence in carrying out that policy is not only a grave threat to international peace and security but also a serious impediment to the progress of detente and, because of that, it is all the more to be condemned.
43.	Since its aggression of 1967, Israel has pursued a policy of systematic defiance of the United Nations Charter, of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and of world public opinion. Consistent with this policy, Israel has persistently aborted several peace initiatives aimed at securing the implementation of Security Council resolutions for the just and durable settlement of the Middle East problems. As a result Israel today is still in occupation of Arab lands acquired by force, and coupled with this continuing act of aggression. Israel is systematically carrying out its plans for the perpetuation of its occupation of Arab lands. Malaysia's sympathies are with the Arab peoples in their efforts to regain their lost territories.
44.	Israel stands condemned not only for its aggression against Arab countries but equally for its refusal to honour and implement General Assembly resolutions on the question of Palestine. After more than 25 years the Palestinians are today still denied their inalienable right to self-determination, and continue to live in enforced exile with increasing misery and mounting desperation.
45.	The renewed armed hostilities in the Middle East further emphasize the urgent need for the solution of the problem. It is more urgent than ever, more urgent than perhaps we care to admit, for this Organization to secure justice and peace for the Middle East on the basis of complete Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab territories and of respect for the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine. This is a renewed challenge for the United Nations, and more particularly for the major Powers with special responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security, for which, in view of their new commitment and vita! stake in the further relaxation of international tension, this is also a challenge of detente.
46.	I turn now to other developments in the international scene, some of which are positive in character. Of particular interest to us in Asia is the agreement reached recently between Pakistan and India and Bangladesh. We welcome this whole-heartedly. We hope it will bring to a quick end the misery and sufferings of thousands of those separated from their loved ones. The agreement is an important step towards final reconciliation among the countries on the South Asian subcontinent, with all of which my country enjoys the best of relations. My delegation earnestly hopes that the initiatives already begun will continue and lead towards the final attainment of a just and lasting peace. It is also our sincere hope that Bangladesh will be admitted to membership in the United Nations at the earliest possible opportunity.
47.	We welcome also the constructive efforts by both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to work towards a peaceful solution of their problem and thereby contribute to the relaxation of tension in that area. The dialogue between the two countries is an important break-through in the impasse which has for so long kept the two Koreas in confrontation with each other. We recognize the enormity of the problem between them, but at least the efforts towards reconciliation have begun. As a country enjoying friendly diplomatic relations with both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea, Malaysia hopes that these efforts will eventually bring about not only peace but national reunification of the two divided countries.
48.	In our constant striving for international peace and security, the most historic and significant achievement since this General Assembly last met took place in the region of South-East Asia. That was the signing of the
peace agreements on Viet-Nam. These agreements have been welcomed and endorsed by the international community since they provide a realistic and fair basis for the peaceful settlement of the Viet-Nam problem. It is clearly the duty of the international community to help in the implementation of these agreements and to ensure that nothing is done to jeopardize the chances of an early settlement of the problem and therefore delay the restoration of peace and stability in South-East Asia. The people of Viet-Nam should be allowed to decide their own future without further interference by outside Powers. It is indeed tragic in human terms for the people of Viet-Nam that even when the country is formally at peace they should continue to endure the agony and ravages of war. This should serve to emphasize the urgency of the strict implementation of the Paris agreements and scrupulous adherence to all their provisions by all parties concerned. After more than two decades of war and devastation, nothing should now be done to undermine and destroy the solid foundation on which peace should be built in South-East Asia.
49.	We welcome also the signing of the Vientiane Agreement  as another positive contribution towards peace-building in Indo-China in particular, and in a broader sense in the region of South-East Asia. The strict application of the Agreement is therefore important and essential if peace and stability are to be restored and national harmony established in accordance with the aspirations and wishes of the people of Laos.
50.	With regard to Cambodia, it is deeply regretted that no agreement has as yet been attained to stop the armed conflict. We hope that the parties in the conflict will achieve a peaceful settlement of their problem. And in this connexion we believe that the people of that country should be allowed to determine their own future without interference from outside, and that the parties concerned should be allowed to take their own initiatives and work for the reconciliation and settlement of the problem in accordance with their own wishes. Nothing, therefore, should be done that would prejudge the wishes of the Khmer people as this would constitute interference in their affairs. The best contribution we can make towards peace in Cambodia is to show complete and scrupulous respect for the right of the Khmer people to unfettered freedom, without outside interference of any form, to reconcile their differences and achieve a peaceful settlement and national reconciliation.
51.	I would now like to address myself to another area which is of serious concern to the international community. I refer in particular to apartheid in South Africa and colonial oppression in Namibia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and other remaining colonial Territories. The peoples of these countries are experiencing the most serious forms of exploitation and oppression, and the failure of the world community to redress their situation has led them to resort to the only legitimate action left that promises some hope of recovering their fundamental human rights and dignity — that of armed struggle. The recent declaration of independence by Guinea-Bissau is an important development m the struggle of the African peoples against Portuguese colonialism in that continent. The fact remains, however, that the colonialist and racist regimes in Africa arc now even more entrenched in their position, convinced that some of their powerful friends and trading partners, some of which are permanent members of the Security Council, will obstruct any effective action by the United Nations. The persistent repression carried out by these regimes constitute a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and a grave threat to international peace and security.
52.	One of the most serious and urgent problems confronting mankind is that of general and complete disarmament. No true and lasting peace is possible while the question of disarmament hangs in the balance. In view of the awesome consequences to mankind of a nuclear holocaust. it is imperative that all nations subscribe to constructive efforts towards the goal of general and complete disarmament. Merely to give verbal acquiescence to disarmament is not enough. It is the hope of my delegation that the spirit of detente will generate a political will among the major Powers seriously to apply themselves to the question of disarmament, for it is they, the major Powers, which, with the awesome arsenals Of destruction in their possession, have the final responsibility for saving mankind from self-annihilation.
53.	We recognize that there has been significant progress in this important field of disarmament where a number of agreements have been signed since 1963 for partial disarmament measures.
54.	But while these significant gains are being made it is with grave concern that my delegation views the recent nuclear tests in complete disregard of world opinion. Both from the point of view of the dangers they pose to the environment and of their effects on the spiralling arms race all forms of nuclear testing must be halted. This is one of the crucial problems which the General Assembly must tackle with the utmost urgency and seriousness. Mankind has a right to demand the cessation of all nuclear testing in all environments. A treaty on such a comprehensive test ban is long overdue.
55.	Having recognized that the question of disarmament is crucial to the attainment of true and durable peace, my delegation would like once again reiterate its support for the convening of a world disarmament conference under the auspices of the United Nations and pledge its readiness to play a role in that conference.
56.	Another way by which we, the smaller nations, may contribute to disarmament is by creating conditions favourable to the relaxation of tension. In this belief, we welcome and support efforts for the creation of zones of peace. Malaysia, as a signatory to the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 27 November 197L3 which seeks to establish South-East Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, welcomed and is working for the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. It is of great interest to us that an area bordering upon our region should be meeting the challenge of detente by seeking to make itself free of big-Power hegemony and interference. In the same spirit, we salute the Treaty of Tlatclolco,  which establishes Latin America as a nuclear-free zone. Malaysia equally welcomes all moves for the creation of other zones of peace and would pledge its support, sympathy and encouragement to those who seek to establish such zones.
57.	As regards the proposal for making South-East Asia a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, Malaysia lakes a realistic approach. The proposal seeks to withdraw the region of South-East Asia from being an arena for major-Power contest for spheres of influence. But we do not see the zone as a tight-knit inward-looking entity that would seek to deprive outside Powers of all their interests in the region. Rather, we envisage a situation where there will be no inhibition upon the pursuit of legitimate interests by all foreign Powers, restricting only the pursuit of illegitimate interests. The proposal additionally seeks to enhance co-operation among States in the region and to develop a sense of regionalism so that all who belong to the region need not feel themselves in a hostile environment. Towards that end Malaysia has established diplomatic relations with the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and, together with our partners in the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEANJ, we are committed to the expansion of this Association to include all States in the region.
58.	A committee of senior officials of the signatory nations of the Kuala Lumpur Declaration has been at work to draw up the blueprint for the establishment of the zone. It is the view of Malaysia that satisfactory progress is being made, and upon completion of the blueprint a significant step will have been taken towards the point in time when States in the region begin the process of phasing in the South-East Asian zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, It is our hope that the sense of brotherhood and kinship that we expect to evolve from our partnership in the proposed zone will result in a solidarity that will prevent our differences from assuming proportions which in the past have resulted in their exploitation by those outside the region, to our terrible cost.
59.	Malaysia is encouraged by the understanding and support already given to this proposal, particularly by the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in August in Ottawa and the fourth non-aligned summit Conference in September in Algiers. The declared will of the major Powers to work towards true and permanent peace, and their profession of the spirit of detente are grounds for further encouragement for the realization of this regional initiative.
60.	Before I move to the problems confronting us on the international economic scene, I would like to address myself briefly to the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Malaysia has profound interest in the Conference and hopes that it will achieve positive results in establishing an equitable basis upon which the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction could be shared among the nations of the world. It is also our hope that the Conference will achieve agreements on a wide range of issues, such as the question of sovereignty over territorial seas, to which Malaysia as a littoral State attaches the utmost importance. Malaysia takes an active interest in the subjects and issues that have been seriously considered by the sea-bed Committee  and will work positively towards the establishment of a law of the sea that would be more fair and realistic, and one that would take into account the legitimate interests and rights of all States, particularly those in the developing world.
61.	In the economic and social fields, the problems confronting the developing countries continue to cry out for attention. Most of the developing countries are beset with problems of mass poverty, unemployment, malnutrition, hunger, disease, maldistribution of income, low levels of productivity, an inadequate net flow of external resources and an increasing debt burden. These are not new problems. Yet, despite our best intentions and despite the efforts of the international community, the problems continue to confront us with growing complexity and increasing urgency. The fact is that time is not on our side. The third world cannot afford the luxury of waiting at the pleasure of the developed countries before we can hope to receive a sympathetic hearing or a helping hand from the richer and more industrialized countries, most of which laid the foundations of their present-day prosperity through the exploitation of the human and natural resources of the developing countries. If detente in practical terms means the finding of a modus vivendi among the richer and more powerful countries on the issues of peace and security without at the same time making a perceptible and measurable movement towards finding a solution to the problems of economic and social development facing the developing countries, then detente for the developing countries will fall short of our expectations.
62.	In 1970, in an atmosphere filled with promise and hope, we adopted the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. Yet, with only two years gone by, the signs are very ominous, and the preliminary assessment is not at all encouraging. The Committee on Development Planning, a committee of experts, has concluded in its report  that the Strategy remains very much more a wish than a policy, and it goes on to say that the cause of development has lost momentum. No doubt we will be discussing the question of review and appraisal of the Second United Nations Development Decade in greater detail later. Suffice it for me to say here that the objective of the discussions should not be to make recriminations or to apportion blame but to infuse the Strategy with new life and lift it from the doldrums by identifying the shortfalls and reasons for them and by bringing it up to date with the inclusion of fresh ideas and innovations that have come to the forefront since the Strategy was adopted. A concerted effort has to be made to ensure that the provisions of the Strategy are implemented. Developed countries should not seize upon the reservations and objections they entered when the Strategy was adopted as an excuse to evade their responsibilities. What is needed is the political will among all of us, more particularly by the developed countries, to make a true success of the Strategy.
63.	One area where there is a need for the political will to manifest itself is on the question of official development assistance under the Strategy. Not only has such development assistance from the developed countries fallen short of the prescribed target, but the rate has in fact shown some decline. This is indeed a matter of grave concern, and one which undoubtedly will be given great attention in our later deliberations.
64.	In a period which stands out singularly for its lack of initiatives in the field of trade, the multinational trade negotiations now taking place represent a welcome initiative on the part of the developed countries. However, following the experience gained from the previous rounds of negotiations, developing countries cannot but express guarded optimism at the outcome of the current negotiations. What is of paramount importance to the developing countries is that their interests are not lost sight of and that they would indeed gain tangible and lasting benefits from trade liberalization measures which will be discussed at the negotiations. This is not asking for much, for such measures would have mutually beneficial results, both for the developed and for the developing countries. More trade would mean that the developing countries would be able to increase not only the tempo of their development efforts through the expansion of their export earnings, but also their purchases from developed countries, thus eventually contributing to a viable system of world trade and payments.
65.	The progress made towards that end will be consolidated if we can, at the same time, bring about reforms in the present unstable monetary system as soon as possible, resulting in a stable and durable monetary order that will take into account the special interests of the developing countries and the need for them to participate fully in the decision-making process.
66.	Since I have said much about developed countries and what is expected of them, it may justifiably be asked what sort of role developing countries themselves should play. The answer to this is clearly stated in the Strategy: the developing countries themselves bear the primary responsibility for their own economic and social development. The Strategy also establishes the well-being of the individual as the ultimate objective of development.
67.	Malaysia is mindful of that, and all our national efforts are geared towards that objective. As our Prime Minister has said, "No plan is good enough until it has reached the people and has received their acquiescence." Hence there is active participation of the people at all levels in the development process. We in Malaysia have learned through painful experience that pursuit of the growth of the gross national product alone is not enough and that socio-cultural factors have also to be taken into account. That is especially so in Malaysia's case, where inequalities in the distribution of income coincide with racial divisions.
68.	Hence the main objectives of the second Malaysia plan 1971-1975 are to eradicate poverty among all, to bring about a more equitable distribution of income, to ensure balanced development between the urban and rural areas, to create more employment opportunities for the growing labour force, to eradicate racial distinction in economic functions and to restructure society as a whole. In addition to that, the Malaysian Government has also oriented its educational programmes towards meeting the increasing demands for technical and managerial skills and is pursuing an active policy on family planning. Thus our development plan aims not only at the economic betterment of the country but at achieving it in a way that will improve the quality of life of all our people and promote the unity of the nation.
69.	In order to meet the challenge of economic development it is imperative that the developing countries improve their bargaining position vis-à-vis the developed countries. The developing countries are individually prone to the vagaries of international economic and financial relations, and find themselves at the mercy of market forces dominated by the developed countries. Developing countries are becoming increasingly aware of the importance of mutual assistance, cooperation and self-reliance among themselves. It is only by standing together, by trading more with one another, by establishing institutional frameworks within which such trade can be conducted and by exchanging experiences which are relevant to the aspirations of their peoples that they can reduce the impact of adverse developments on their economies and development efforts.
70.	That point was underscored by the recent summit meeting of non-aligned countries. The meeting called for the convening of a conference of developing countries on commodities which would give them the opportunity to work for a fair deal in world trade. That will go a long way in improving the bargaining position of the third world. The success achieved by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] in that respect is a very good example of what can be achieved through action based on solidarity and co-operation. If developing countries take those steps we shall then have achieved something we can be truly proud of.
71.	In conclusion I wish to say that my delegation looks to the future not only with great expectations but also with the realization that those expectations can reach fruition only if we respond with dynamism to changing situations. Rarely has mankind faced such a challenge and opportunity as we now; see before us. It is vital that the nations of the world have the strength and the wisdom to rise to the occasion and meet this challenge and opportunity with a positive and dynamic response. For only then can we bring ourselves nearer to the attainment
of universal peace and a better quality of life for all.


1.	Mr. President, greeting you on behalf of the country that I have the honour to represent is not only the fulfilment of a routine, but it is a resumption of a personal dialogue and an official exchange that we started in Mexico, when you were Secretary-General of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America [OPANAL], a post in which you, as usual, performed brilliantly. I therefore am fully aware of your ability and your capacity, which have justifiably placed you in the post of President of the twenty-eighth regular session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that you will fulfil your duties as President with the good judgement and calmness that you have always shown in your long career in different international bodies. I congratulate you most sincerely.
2.	The breath of death sweeps America and the world as a whole. A cold spectre lowers over our continent. A champion of democracy who tried to achieve the redemption of the needy of his country has died.
3.	A few days ago you yourself, Mr. President, in your inaugural statement mentioned your deeply felt conviction that the constitutional President of Chile was "... a man who loved his people and defended his ideals with his blood and his life." [2117th meeting, para. 40.]
4.	We fully share that assessment. It is for that reason that we wish to pay a tribute to the memory of Salvador Allende, who died in the defence of freedom and social justice. This enlightened Head of State waged war without quarter to achieve the desires of his country. Perhaps for the first time, a real effort was made to achieve profound structural changes in the life of a nation heading towards socialism, while remaining within the democratic, legal and peaceful way of life. The entire world followed that new experiment with great interest, and a number of nations, with deeply-rooted hope. Today that hope has perished — even though the fervour and the love for the hero that fell will continue —  exactly as five years ago that noble effort of giving socialism a human visage died also.
5.	My country believes that violence is not the answer, nor is the destruction of freedom. The President of Mexico himself put it: "Any action adopted against a free people diminishes the total freedom of all, and thus inevitably affects us all."
6.	It would appear that at this tragic moment Chile has lost its best sons: Pablo Neruda is dead. When my country learned of the horrors in the La Moneda presidential palace in Santiago we invited the great poet of Isla Negra to reside in Mexico and restore his precarious health. The invitation was accepted, but, unfortunately, it could not be complied with.
7.	We have always scrupulously respected that noble institution of Latin America, the right of asylum, quite irrespective of the ideology or political leanings of the one , persecuted. Thus the Mexican Embassy in Santiago opened its doors to all who felt themselves seriously threatened, and
a good number of them are today on Mexican soil. We hope that the requirements of the existing inter-American agreements on this question will be strictly complied with, for we are convinced that the eyes of all the peoples of the world are now focused on Chile and are carefully watching the evolution of the situation, .
8.	As far as the foreigners there are concerned, many of them refugees from other Latin American countries —  , whose number has been assessed at approximately 14,000 —  we are encouraged by the information made public by the Secretary-General of the United Nations regarding his own efforts and those of other high international officials and regarding official safeguards offered by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chile.
9.	However, the situation prevailing is still extremely grave. We are particularly concerned about the fate of the political prisoners for whose lives and freedom — within the framework of human rights — the General Assembly should continue to be alert and vigilant.
10.	The situation prevailing in southern Africa continues to be intolerable. There the most elementary human rights are ignored because of the colour of a person's skin, and the practice of racial discrimination has been raised to the level of State policy. But, like peace, freedom is indivisible. While there are peoples subjected to colonialism or racial discrimination, men of good will cannot remain calm or satisfied. Our Organization must continue to struggle in order completely and definitely to eliminate colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, whether direct or indirect, whether political or economic. The Mexican delegation is ready to contribute to the study of measures that should be adopted to achieve that end,
11.	I should like to congratulate the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany on their admission to membership in our Organization. Thus our Organization is coming even closer to the effective fulfilment of the principle of universality. We trust that soon we shall be able to welcome equally those States that are not yet Members of the United Nations.
12.	The International Law Commission has just celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its existence. Its work has contributed greatly to the codification and progressive development of international law. A not unimportant portion of contemporary international law has now been incorporated in a number of treaties, thanks to its constant activity. I am very happy to extend our congratulations to that body on its praiseworthy efforts.
13.	There are many items on the agenda of the present session of the Assembly that call for our particular attention. However, it would be impossible for us at the moment to examine them all. We shall have an opportunity to present our views on the majority of them when they come up for consideration in the relevant main Committees or in the plenary meetings of the Assembly. Therefore, I shall limit myself at this time to making known the views of Mexico on four of those items which, because of their ramifications and important implications, are of greater significance and, we believe, cannot be over-stressed: the law of the sea, disarmament, the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the charter of economic rights and duties of States.
14.	The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, which has been preparing the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has just concluded its work in Geneva without having achieved significant agreement on substantive questions, such as the demarcation of the territorial sea, the nature and characteristics of the zone of national jurisdiction — which we have baptized the "patrimonial sea" — certain aspects of the delimitation of the
continental shelf, and the regime to be applied to what has been called "the common heritage of mankind".
15.	Doubtless that situation arose owing to the fact that all the efforts made were not sufficient to achieve agreements that are indispensable. We wonder, in these circumstances, whether we are in a position to start a conference on the date set by the General Assembly, or whether we might not be better advised to make a last effort that would allow us to go to that meeting with an adequate basis to work on.
16.	In order to do so, we believe that the best procedure might well be the following: to inaugurate the Conference here, as provided, in the month of November; to hold an organizational and procedural session for a period of two weeks; to convene a preliminary meeting in which all States invited to the Conference would take part. The preliminary meeting could be held in March or April, either in New York or in Geneva; negotiations would concentrate on those problems that constitute the nub of the future law of the sea, leaving for July and August the task of elaborating the corresponding instruments.
17.	We are convinced that, during the three years of preparatory work, although agreements have not been arrived at, nevertheless the essential basis of what might become the common concepts of a great number of countries has been laid. I refer to the new concept of the "patrimonial sea", as we, the countries which signed the Declaration of Santo Domingo,1 have called it, or the "exclusive economic zone1', as the Heads of State of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] have preferred to call it.
18.	This concept includes two inseparable elements: a territorial sea with a maximum width of 12 nautical miles, over which the coastal State exercises full sovereignty, and a zone adjacent to the territorial sea and extending for a distance of 200 nautical miles.
19.	In that oceanic zone the coastal State does not exercise sovereignty as it does over the territorial sea, since it must scrupulously respect the rights of all States, either coastal or land-locked, to the freedom of navigation and over flight and to the laying of submarine cables or pipelines. However, in that zone the sovereign rights of the coastal States would be recognized with respect to renewable and non-renewable resources that may be found in the water column, on the sea-bed and in the subsoil thereof, together with rights relating to the regulation of scientific research and the prevention of the contamination of the marine environment.
20.	As was evident during the negotiations that have taken place, we believe sincerely that this new definition can satisfy the great majority of States.
21.	Fortunately, this time we are not facing a position whereby the developing world is placed in confrontation with the highly industrialized countries. We have noted with satisfaction that the concept of an exclusive economic zone, or patrimonial sea, has been accepted and defended by members of both groups.
22.	We are now approaching the middle of the decade which the General Assembly agreed in 1969 to proclaim as the Disarmament Decade [resolution 2602E(XXIV)]. At the same time, and with good reason, the Assembly emphasized the beneficial influence that this Decade could have on the strengthening of international security and on the encouragement of economic development.
23.	We therefore find it inexplicable that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament should once again come to this high body of the United Nations, just as it did last year, with empty hands.
24.	We share the view expressed by many of its members, among them Mexico, and reflected in the 1973 report [A/9141-DC/236], namely, that the primary responsibility falls on the two States that have been jointly serving as Chairmen of the Committee, and that there is no reason whatsoever that can justify the stagnation in the Committee's work or the present lack of effective negotiations.
25.	It is now up to the Assembly to pass judgement and adopt decisions in order to remedy this disturbing situation concerning disarmament. As an illustration, it is sufficient to recall that nuclear arsenals exist that represent such a capacity of "over-kill" that they are more than sufficient to blot out, not once but many times over, every sign of life on this planet; that the amount annually squandered in military spending amounts to more than $220,000 million, in other words, a sum 30 times greater than the amount the developed countries are induced, with a great effort, to earmark annually in the form of official assistance for development; and that we are confronted with an unbridled arms race aimed at increasing the already terrifying destructive potential of nuclear weapons and designed to produce, among non-nuclear weapons, refinements of cruelty and indiscriminate extermination that must be inconceivable to any sound mind.
26.	Among the decisions that the General Assembly should adopt, there should be one, we believe, unequivocally reaffirming that general and complete disarmament under effective international control — that same question which, first in 1959 [resolution 1378 (XIV)}, and for a second time 10 years later [resolution 2602 E (XXIV)], the General Assembly itself described as the most important question facing the world today — continues to be, and must continue to be, the final goal of all the efforts of the international community in this sphere of action. Thus, too, it should be made perfectly clear that one of the primary stages to be achieved in order to reach that goal must be the destruction of the enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons already accumulated, and a strict prohibition on any future resumption of their production.
27.	Among those same decisions, we believe that there should be one involving also the approval of a number of resolutions calling for a total cessation of nuclear weapons tests and the elimination of all chemical weapons. These are two matters which, as the United Nations has so often repeated, warrant the highest priority.
28.	The frustrating sterility of the negotiations in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament led Mexico, last February, at the beginning of the 1973 session of that body, to suggest an immediate examination of other subjects, first and foremost among them the reduction of military budgets. It is therefore natural that we should have been gratified at the formal request submitted by the Minister for Foreign Relations of the Soviet Union, Andrei Gromyko, that there be included in the agenda of the present Assembly session an item, the consideration of which might lead to an agreement among the permanent members of the Security Council making possible equitable reductions in their respective military budgets, together with the employment of the resources thus saved for assistance to developing countries [A/9191].
29.	With regard to the machinery available to the United Nations for disarmament, the experience of the last two years has made apparent the urgent and unavoidable need to strengthen the only deliberative body — the General Assembly — which in practice has been functioning, and to reorganize thoroughly or to replace the negotiating body, namely the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament.
30.	We are convinced that it is indispensable for us, at this session, to establish a body whose task will be to bring about the timely convening of a world disarmament conference at which all States will be able to set forth adequately their views on the problem of disarmament that so vitally affects the interests of all peoples. We venture to hope also that such a body, regardless of the name it may be given, should have a membership and terms of reference that will guarantee the co-operation of all the nuclear Powers, so that a repetition of the sad experience of the so-called Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference maybe avoided.
31.	With regard to the negotiating body, we believe it would be advisable for the General Assembly, using whatever procedures it may deem appropriate, to explore without delay the question of what reforms in composition and in procedure should be recommended, so that the negotiating body on disarmament may be rendered more effective and, in particular, be able to count on the participation of all the nuclear Powers.
32.	Quite contrary to what has been occurring in the rest of the world, in Latin America the regime of total absence of nuclear weapons set forth in the Treaty of Tlatelolco2 — for which the Government of Mexico has the honour of serving as depositary Government — has continued to progress and gain strength.
33.	As a result of the discussions held by the President of Mexico with the Heads of State of the French Republic and the People's Republic of China in the course of the visit he made to both those countries in the spring of this year, the French Government decided to sign Additional Protocol II of the Treaty on 18 July last, and the Chinese Government did so on 21 August.
34.	Those significant acts, which will doubtless be complemented in the near future by the corresponding ratifications, have strengthened the efficiency of the Treaty. In fact, it will be recalled that the nuclear Powers Parties to the Protocol committed themselves both to the obligation of
fully respecting the statute of denuclearization in respect to warlike purposes as defined in the provisions of the Treaty and pledged themselves not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against the contracting parties to the Treaty.
35.	Since it is well known that the United Kingdom and the United States had already in the past acceded to the Protocol, the steps now taken by France and China mean that only one of the five nuclear Powers is still withholding its co-operation regarding the Latin American nuclear-weapon-free zone, the only densely populated zone thus far established as nuclear-free.
36.	I take advantage of this opportunity to appeal to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to reconsider its attitude and to accept the obligations deriving from Additional Protocol II of the Treaty of Tlatelolco.
37.	It might almost seem redundant  —  since they are so obvious  —  for us to stress the grave crises that afflict our world today, but we cannot complacently watch world inflation, the imbalance of the terms of trade, the food crisis, the absence of regulations governing the transfer of technology, the interventionist and unbridled attitude of a great number of transnational corporations, the lack of an adequate demographic programme, the lack of a balanced and generalized utilization of the resources of the sea and of a rational preservation of the environment. All those deplorable conditions are just so many serious problems which the United Nations must consider, and regulate —  and do so immediately.
38.	To refer merely to what I might term the "food crisis", damaging meteorological phenomena, plagues, diseases, human carelessness and the irrational utilization of natural resources all depict a panorama of despair. In 1972 wheat production was limited to 300 million tons, that is to say, 6 per cent less than the 1971 world harvest. For the present year the supply of rice has been termed by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations [FAO] as barely enough, in marked contrast to the abundant surpluses during the last three years. With regard to secondary cereals — corn, sorghum, millet, barley, oats and rye — it has been calculated that in 1972 their production amounted to 555 million tons, that is to say, 20 million tons less than in 1971. Generally speaking, the reduction of food supplies has increased the demand and, therefore, caused a general rise in the cost of the majority of food products, They have also suffered very adversely from speculation and financial crises which have also aggravated the situation.
39.	In the last few years the Mexican Government has stressed its foreign trade, seeking to promote and diversify our international economic relations. It was for this reason that we went to the Tokyo Ministerial Meeting to start new trade negotiations of a multilateral nature within the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GAIT].
40.	In the course of the GATT negotiations the fundamental concepts of non-reciprocity, non-discrimination and preferential treatment in trade relations of the developed countries with the developing countries were encouraged and advanced, so that the developing nations can enjoy fair and increased participation in world trade.
41.	Mexico was also present at the annual meeting of the International Monetary Fund [IMF], held from 24 to 28 September in Nairobi, Kenya. The Secretary of Finance and Public Credit, Mr. Jose L6pez Portillo, was selected as the spokesman for Latin America, and through him Mexico reiterated its traditional position concerning international monetary reform. He emphasized the fact that Latin Americans do not consider a reform complete unless it simultaneously and interrelatedly includes the transfer of real resources to the developing countries, at adequate rates and on adequate terms. One sentence by the Mexican Secretary of Finance summed up the philosophy that should underlie economic relations among nations. He said: "The powerful countries belong to humanity and not humanity to the powerful countries."
42.	Aware of the problems and the crises afflicting our generation and threatening to continue with greater recurrence in the times through which our descendants will live, the President of Mexico, Mr. Luis Echeverria, sensing the feelings of all and consonant with the active foreign policy that his Government is pursuing, proposed to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] at its third session, held in Santiago, Chile, in April 1972, that there be prepared and approved a charter of economic rights and duties of States.3 The proposal was approved and transmitted to the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, and the Assembly decided [resolution 3037 (XXVII)] that a group on 40 nations, to be designated by the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, Mr. Manuel Perez Guerrero, would devote itself to the noble task of drafting the charter. That group of 40 has earned our congratulations for its hard work. It has concluded its task and its report is now before the present session and is to be considered in the Second Committee.''
43.	One extremely important point in the course of elaborating that charter is the fact that it was the subject of a special section of the Economic Declaration approved at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers, at the beginning of September of this year. Section XIII reads:
"The non-aligned nations deem it necessary that the United Nations General Assembly should give priority at its twenty-eighth session, to the elaboration of the Charter of economic rights and duties of States.
"This document should give expression to the economic aspirations of countries struggling to achieve over-all development as well as those of the international community as a whole."
44.	The manifest support given by the Heads of State and Government of so many varied and important countries present at that Conference of non-aligned countries comforts us greatly. We are also grateful for the express reference which was most constructively and positively made by the recently designated Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Henry Kissinger, when he spoke of the charter
of economic rights and duties of States. We should like also to express our appreciation to all the other representatives who have offered or may in the future offer their support for this initiative.
45.	The hour to act has struck. Millions of people are concerned and worried or living in misery and want. The line of "the hungry encircles the world. Technological progress is still the monopoly of a few. Many transnational corporations are continuing to disturb the situation. World inflation cruelly oppresses the developing nations and foodstuffs are lacking while populations are growing dangerously. The resources of the sea are being utilized indiscriminately by the great naval Powers. The environment is deteriorating, endangering human life. Are we to be imperturbable, indifferent and insensitive as we watch this increasingly terrifying situation? Are we going to allow succeeding generations — if they succeed in existing — to call us irresponsible?
46.	The proposal of the Mexican President does not, and should not, belong exclusively to my country. It is a common cause. It is a generous and worthy undertaking of all mankind. Let us not allow routine or bureaucracy to delay, vitiate or damage that noble effort. Let us speed our procedures, come to agreements quickly — in a word, let us approve this indispensable document as soon as we can.
47.	This great international pledge must contain, among other fundamental concepts, that of the right of States freely to dispose of their natural resources, to regulate and govern foreign investment, to participate in the international decision-making process in the solution of world economic and monetary problems and to share in the benefits resulting there from, and to participate in fair and balanced world trade,
48.	We must also govern the obligation of States not to discriminate on the basis of political, economic or social systems, to introduce structural changes in the world economy in order to achieve an international division of labour that is just and rational, to facilitate the widest possible access to the benefits deriving from the progress and achievements in science and technology and to give technical and financial assistance in favourable conditions, and also the duty of all States to safeguard the common heritage of mankind and protect and improve the human environment.
49.	If the Charter of the United Nations is primarily a political alliance for maintaining international peace and security, let the charter of economic rights and duties of States be an economic alliance that will unite us in progress and welfare. Once and for all, let us put an end to economic discrimination. Let there no longer be apartheid in the distribution of benefits. Let not poverty be a constant stimulus for revolution and war, Let us do away with what divides us. Let us exalt what unites us.
50.	Greece left us an ethical heritage; Rome a legal one. The mediaeval era left us religion. The Renaissance left us aesthetics — and so on. Each generation has distinguished itself by leaving a fruitful heritage to its heirs. Our generation, that of the twentieth century, although it has been outstanding because of its prodigious technological progress, has also suffered two great world conflagrations and the threat of a third which, if it were to occur, would inevitably be the last. Are we incapable of leaving a more advantageous, more generous heritage to our succeeding generations?
51.	Let us here and now prove that we have gone through this world, not leaving marks of violence and aggression, but giving birth to and creating a more just and more prosperous society.