99.	My delegation wishes to express its great satisfaction at Mr. Kittani's election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. As he is a fellow representative of an Asian State with which my country has very close relations, it is also a source of great pleasure to us to see him preside over our deliberations. It is most fitting that one renowned for his commitment to the cause of cooperation among nations as well as for his deep dedication to the work of the Organization should lead us during the current session. We are sure that he will distinguish himself and the Assembly through his leadership.
100.	My delegation also wishes to convey its deep appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, for the efficient manner in which he guided the deliberations of. the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session. The record of his dedicated and determined leadership, especially in furthering international cooperation, gained the admiration of the Assembly.
101.	I should also like to express our respect and appreciation to the SecretaryGeneral for the able and dedicated w< j in which he has consistently promoted the objectives of the Organization and for the many initiatives that he took in the course of the year for the promotion of global peace.
102.	My Government and people salute the Governments and peoples of the Republic of Vanuatu, a neighboring Pacific Ocean State, and Belize on the attainment of their independence. We welcome them warmly to the Organization and look forward to fruitful cooperation with their delegations.
103.	While the decade of the 1970s was characterized by perplexing and complex problems, this was until recently also a world in which the danger of war between the great Powers had considerably lessened, thanks to an increased willingness to undertake negotiation rather than confrontation. We had in fact hailed detente as a process of great importance in easing the atmosphere of suspicion and enmity, thereby greatly enhancing the prospect for more constructive relations between all countries. Thus, the trend of events in the 1970s offered us hope that less emphasis would be put on armaments or ideological rivalry in the conduct of international relations and that the world would be moving finally from strife and confrontation to peace and prosperity.
104.	Unfortunately, our optimism has proved ill founded. Instead of a progressive relaxation of tension, once again confrontation and strife plague various regions of the world. Political and economic pressures, the use and threat of the use of force and subversion have again become dominant features of present day international relations. Indeed, tensions have reached such frightening proportions that a minor conflict can now ignite a conflagration or have repercussions of worldwide dimensions.
105.	The crisis in detente has affected the security of the world, especially that of the smaller and weaker nations. The continued stalemate in the NorthSouth dialog has further widened the inequalities between the industrialized nations and the third world. The intensified rivalry among great Powers, their frantic efforts to expand their spheres of influence and domination and the escalation of the frenzied arms race to unprecedented levels have led to the worsening of the global situation and have dissipated the hopes for a stable world order. In brief, the world is relapsing into the old order of spheres of political and economic influence based on hegemony and dependence. This tendency must be avoided, and our collective determination should be directed towards correcting this dangerous drift.
106.	History has shown that such determination was evident in and demonstrated by the nonaligned movement two decades ago when the world was on the brink of war. As we observe the twentieth anniversary of its founding with a special item in the agenda of the plenary, meeting, it is fitting to recall that the movement made very, significant contributions to defusing the danger of confrontation threatening mankind with extinction at that time. Since then, the nonaligned movement has consistently worked to further the cause of disarmament, peace and security, as well as national liberation. It has opposed foreign domination, imperialism, racism and hegemonism, rejected military alliances, power blocs, spheres of influence and the more dangerous manifestations of greatPower confrontation. The movement has correctly assessed the negative trends in the current economic situation as being rooted in the disequilibrium and asymmetries of the international economic system and has called for its restructuring.
107.	Now when the world is faced with the return of the old order of international power politics, the movement is again called upon to reassert its responsibility as an independent non-bloc factor and play a more decisive role in the preservation and strengthening of peace and security.
108.	Indeed, as the movement is commemorating the twentieth anniversary of its founding, we must all recognize that its continued strengthening is indispensable to arrest and reverse the frightening escalation of tension. The nonaligned States can respond to these challenges by stoutly upholding the true principles which they enunciated at Belgrade, by adhering to their political and economic systems, free from external pressures, and by refusing to be drawn into the antagonism of greatPower politics.
109.	The nonaligned movement also recognizes its historic responsibility by playing a dynamic role in resolving international conflicts, especially in halting the ever-spiraling arms race and in the establishment of a new system of international relations based on freedom, equality and justice. I am confident that in this very difficult phase of international relations the contribution of the nonaligned countries to strengthening world peace, and their role, deriving from their traditional strength, insights and dedication, will become even more crucial and evident. This role will be played constructively, especially in the United Nations, for the peaceful resolution of disputes and for strengthening the Organization and its efficacy.
110.	My delegation would now like to address itself to some of the major problems affecting various parts of the world, problems that have continued to occupy our attention.
111.	There has been no change in the situation in Kampuchea. There has beer, no withdrawal of foreign troops, and no elected government has been installed to give expression to the people's right of self-determination. Against this bleak background, it is indeed heartening to note that the International Conference on Kampuchea was held in July with the participation of an overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations, thus underscoring the international dimensions of the conflict.
112.	The Conference adopted a set of proposals that could lead to a comprehensive political solution by bringing together the warring factions in the peace process. Noteworthy among those proposals are measures for the withdrawal of foreign forces, a ceasefire and the disarming of all factions so that elections supervised by the United Nations can be held, thus enabling the people of Kampuchea to regain their sovereignty and nonaligned status. We believe that those proposals can form the basis for negotiations leading to the emergence of a new Kampuchea, free from foreign interference and dedicated to the welfare of its people and the peace of the region.
113.	The Conference also set up an ad hoc committee to establish contact with all the conflicting parties and to be a vehicle for facilitating the search for a comprehensive solution. My delegation is confident that that committee dan play an active role in the formulation of constructive proposals acceptable.to all. We look forward to the day when Kampuchea will regain its rightful place in the comity of nations and will no longer be used by others for actions inconsistent with the provisions of the Charter.
114.	We are happy to note that after two years of integrated emergency aid operations, the people of Kampuchea, although still in dire straits, are no longer in danger of mass Starvation. However, the fate of the Kampuchean refugees who fled their homeland remains bleak, and further international assistance to rescue them should be provided.
115.	There is no doubt that the establishment of peace in Kampuchea would promote stability SouthEast Asia and speed up the creation of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in the region. The establishment of such a zone, which has been endorsed by the countries of the region and by the United Nations, is the express will of the peoples of SouthEast Asia for ensuring conditions of peace and tranquility. The countries of the region have dedicated themselves to secure the recognition of, and respect for, SouthEast Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, free from any form or manner of interference by outside Powers. Thus they are committed to rid the region and their countries of foreign political and economic hegemony, and they refuse to be used as an instrument of policy of any outside Power. They are convinced that only within that framework can the region be removed from bigPower rivalry or even bigPower confrontation. It is their firm belief that only through such an approach can they build their societies and live with each other in conditions of peace and fraternity.
116.	On the question of Afghanistan, my delegation is also convinced of the need for a comprehensive political solution as a way out of that dangerous situation. Elements for a solution, including the withdrawal of foreign forces, have already been included in the declaration adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries, held at New Delhi in February [see A/361116 and Corr.l, annex]. Within the framework of that declaration, further consultations should be held to prepare the ground for the reemergence of an independent and nonaligned Afghanistan. In this regard, we laud the efforts of the SecretaryGeneral, his Special Representative and other parties, as well as the constructive attitude shown by Pakistan, to facilitate negotiations to achieve a political solution and ensure that the Afghan people will be able to determine their own destiny free from foreign intervention and interference.
117.	Despite the growing consensus in the international community on the modalities and principles for a Middle East settlement, the situation there has of late dramatically worsened. Israeli indiscriminate bombing of Beirut, resulting in massive casualties and destruction, coupled with its military raid on the nuclear installation in Iraq, has rightly earned the condemnation of the world community and has threatened the viability of the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The ceasefire achieved in Lebanon with the cooperation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] has demonstrated beyond doubt that that organization is a responsible body and can be a reliable partner in the search for peace based on justice.
118.	It is sad to note that for too long the Middle East conflict has been enmeshed in greatPower politics and that, in the onward rush of the major Powers to confrontation, the crux of the problem has become secondary, and their strategic and other interests have gained preeminence. The central issues in the Middle East continue to be unconditional* Israeli withdrawal from all occupied territories, including Jerusalem, and the upholding of the right to self-determination and independence of the Palestinian people. Until those issues are resolved, the Middle East will remain the most critical danger point in the world.
119.	In the context of the Middle East situation, my delegation joins others in urging Iran and Iraq to redouble their .efforts to seek a peaceful solution to their conflict.
120.	In Africa, no progress has been made towards the independence of Namibia, despite the overwhelming wishes of the international community. South Africa's defiance was clearly exhibited at the Geneva pre-implementation meeting. For this same reason many other diplomatic efforts also failed to bear fruit. However, we believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provides a solid framework for achieving self-determination and independence for Namibia and that any changes or modifications of that resolution will not bring Namibia's freedom nearer. The Security Council itself has failed to play its assigned role in the maintenance of international peace and security by enforcing its resolution 435 (1978) through the imposition of sanctions against the Pretoria regime for its defiance of that resolution. The need for Security Council action was highlighted when that regime used Namibian territory as a base to launch its recent aggression against Angola.
121.	Faced by such continuous failures, the international community convened the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, which has now called for comprehensive mandatory sanctions on, and for the total isolation of, South Africa [resolution ES8/2]. My delegation fully supports the resolution and is committed to its implementation. Hie question of Namibia is a question of illegal occupation, pure and simple. It is therefore disquieting to note that extraneous issues are being injected to stifle the progress towards freedom in Namibia.
122.	Despite United Nations condemnation of apartheid as a crime against humanity and the dignity of man, the Pretoria regime has not displayed any willingness to adhere to the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Now, when the struggle against apartheid is reaching a crucial stage, international unity should be maintained; any breaking of ranks amongst those of us who abhor apartheid will only encourage South Africa to sustain that abominable and odious system. Meanwhile, before the Security Council adopts decisions to force South African compliance, Member States should scrupulously implement the unilateral sanctions agreed on by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa held in Paris in May [see A/36/319, annex /].
123.	It is self-evident that the present tendency towards global brinkmanship is not conducive to disarmament. The world is very concerned and disappointed that disarmament negotiations have not produced any tangible progress, as it had high hopes that concrete results would follow the decisions of the first special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. The only achievement giving us some hope was the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects.5
124.	It is essential, therefore, that serious negotiations begin in order to arrest the momentum of the arms race. Although the Committee on Disarmament has been in existence for over three years, it has not been able to initiate serious negotiations on questions that have been accorded the highest priority, namely, the comprehensive nuclear test ban, the cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament. For those reasons the second special session on disarmament has assumed greater importance, and we should proceed with renewed determination to ensure its success.
125.	Efforts to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace have, regrettably, reached an impasse. The arms buildup, both on land and at sea, has intensified in the general area, leading to a deterioration in the climate of peace and security in the Indian Ocean region. If we are unable to reverse this trend, we may in fact be entering a more dangerous period in which confrontation with all its disastrous consequences will finally be inevitable. For those reasons Indonesia believes that it is imperative that serious efforts be exerted to convene the proposed conference to implement the Declaration. The deterioration in the military and political situation in the area cannot and should not serve as a pretext to postpone the conference; on the contrary, it should set the stage for such a conference.
126.	My delegation had placed considerable hope last year in the forthcoming Second United Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. However, crucial issues relating to its preparation have remained unresolved. In view of time constraints, we urge more determined efforts by the States involved to overcome the remaining obstacles in order to enhance international cooperation in space exploration, science and technology for the benefit of mankind, especially for the developing countries, which space technology could greatly benefit.
127.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, during its recent session at Geneva, succeeded in overcoming a number of major difficulties, despite the reluctance of the United States to commit itself to the agreements already reached. The painstaking endeavors over the course of the past seven years of negotiations have resulted in the formalization of the informal draft convention. My delegation is confident that all States will extend their wholehearted cooperation to ensure the successful conclusion of the Conference. Indonesia, together with the overwhelming majority of participants in the Conference, looks forward to a definitive, final session in New York next spring and the signing of the convention later in 1982 at Caracas.
128.	For a number of years the picture of the world economy has become increasingly bleaker, offering us no optimistic outlook for the near future. Ominous warnings indicative of a world economy experiencing greater instability than at any time since the Second World War have sent shock waves throughout most of the developing countries and many of the developed countries as well.
129.	More than ever before, mutual economic survival is now at stake. In the developing countries, severe external pressures have led to increased poverty and degradation of the quality of life and, in many cases, have shattered prospects for achieving social and economic goals. In consequence, the gap between the rich and the poor nations has widened further.
130.	In my opinion, there persists an inconsistency between our recognition of the state of the world economy and the vacillations on the part of some Members about committing themselves to a commensurate remedy. For some time now the reality of interdependence has been increasingly evident, not only between countries but also between sectors of the economy. Therefore, we could not meaningfully address problems through ad hoc and piecemeal measures. Yet, shortsighted considerations and narrow self-interest unfortunately still persist, thereby inhibiting some from joining the consensus for a global solution.
131.	My delegation is deeply disappointed with the failure of the international community to launch the global negotiations in accordance with the schedule already agreed upon. We note with great concern that the momentum already generated is now being dissipated. Yet these disappointing setbacks do. not weaken our belief that the comprehensive approach, as embodied in the proposed round of global and sustained negotiations within the framework of the United Nations system, is the only one capable of genuinely solving the real problems confronting the world economy.
132.	Indonesia is firmly committed to a process of dialog and cooperation and deeply believes that, no matter how intractable the current international economic problems remain, they are still solvable through such a process and in such a spirit. My delegation therefore appeals once again to those who are still opposed to joining the consensus for launching a global round of negotiations to reconsider their position. In this regard we share the hope that the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun next month will assist in effecting a breakthrough in the present stalemated situation and thereby stimulate the launching of the global round.
133.	The operational activities of the United Nations development system have also felt the full impact of the grim economic situation. The disappointing result of the recent pledging conference is now further aggravated by the prospect of new deficiencies in resource mobilization for the coming years.
134.	My delegation has already stated on an earlier occasion that we are deeply concerned with these adverse trends in the availability of resources for operational activities of the United Nations development system. Such prospects not only create problems among the recipient countries but also do not augur well for the future of multilateral cooperation for development. It is therefore essential for all of us, in particular all developed donor countries, to spare no effort in providing the United Nations development system with the necessary resources on an increasingly predictable, continuous and assured basis.
135.	The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi recently, was certainly a major step forward towards cooperation in this field. However, while we welcome the adoption of the Program of Action at the Conference, we very much regret the continuing opposition by some major developed countries to certain specific proposals of the Program. Therefore we earnestly hope that the General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session will be decisive in solving the still pending problems of institutional mechanism and financial arrangements.
136.	By the same token, we welcome the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris. Although it must be admitted that the Substantial New Program of Action adopted by the Conference has fallen short of our expectation, it nevertheless has given us renewed hope for a revitalization of the development of the least developed countries. This positive step is essential not only for addressing the worrisome problems besetting the least developed countries, but, it is hoped, also for furthering the overall prospects for revamping international cooperation for development.
137.	On the more positive side of this rather grim picture of the world economic scene is the steady progress achieved in the pursuit of collective self-reliance among the developing countries. SouthSouth cooperation, while not designed to be a substitute for the restructuring of NorthSouth economic relations, is a crucial imperative of our times for altering the legacy of endemic colonial economic patterns and structures that have stymied the efforts to accelerate the development of the developing countries. In this connection we salute the progress registered at the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries held at Caracas and the meeting on technical cooperation among developing countries held in New York.
138.	While we recognize that the primary responsibility for the development of the developing countries resides with those countries themselves, it is also, obvious that the international community has a useful role to play. It is our firm conviction that the international community should create a fully supportive environment for these efforts because they too, in fact, have a vested interest in the success of SouthSouth collaboration. Indeed, a stronger and more prosperous South would have great dynamic potential for revitalizing the ailing international economic situation and the stalled NorthSouth negotiations. _
139.	It is widely recognized, even by the developed countries, that the successful adaptation to growing world economic interdependence and the stronger resilience of the developing countries are important factors in world stability. The dawning of this global consciousness gives us renewed hope. In this spirit we must lose no time and spare no effort in marshaling our collective resolve and political will to build a new economic order of accelerated development and structural change.
140.	In this context, the organs and organizations within the United Nations system could and should play a crucial role, and to this end it is imperative to equip them with the necessary means. My delegation is among the first to urge efficiency and economy. But we are of the view that efficiency and measures of economy should not be misused by setting arbitrary limitations that would impair the system's ability to implement legitimate Programs and activities, because the United Nations system with all its weaknesses still remains our best vehicle for channeling our concerted efforts to achieve our goal of social and economic development.
141.	I have painted a gloomy and pessimistic picture of the world situation, but, despite the many obstacles which lie in our way, we must be steadfast. Our ability to find solutions to the major issues of which I have spoken may well determine man's capacity to survive in the decades to come. Unless we accord these problems the necessary priority, we run the risk of soon reaching a point where they will be beyond peaceful and rational solution.
142.	My delegation is confident that faced with tasks of such enormous proportions, our common search for peace and security is not mere daydreaming about accomplishing the impossible. Man's intellectual capacity and his technological prowess and sheer determination in the past have succeeded in taming mighty rivers, making the desert bloom and sending man to the moon. Let us, therefore, not abandon our hopes and ideals for a peaceful, better and more equitable world, but rather muster the will and determination to make these hopes and ideals come true.


101.It gives me pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly and to wish you every success in carrying out your task.
102.	I also congratulate Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, the outgoing President, whose efforts were instrumental in ensuring the significant results achieved by the General Assembly.
103.	I take this opportunity of welcoming the admission of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu as Members of the United Nations. We look forward to the independence of peoples still suffering under racist and colonialist regimes and to their admission to this international Organization.
104.	Despite all the efforts exerted by the various United Nations organs and conferences to consolidate the pillars of peace and security in the world, to ease world tension, to contain and defuse difficult crises and hotbeds of tension, the world is still witnessing an escalation of tension and a persistent endeavor to create problems and crises. That is mainly due to the wish of world imperialism to return to the cold war in a new form, to extend its domination as far as possible, to create spheres of influence, to acquire military bases and facilities, to amass armed forces in specific preas and to deploy destructive nuclear missile networks. All those acts have pushed the world again into an atmosphere of cold war, besides creating hotbeds of conflict that may explode at any moment and the effects and extent of which would go far beyond their regional limits.
105.	In that context, for example, the United States has set up a rapid deployment force designed for action in the Arabian Gulf region. We have also noticed the expansion of United States military bases in third-world countries and an increase in military fleets in the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean. The United States, after having tried to deploy nuclear missiles in Western Europe, has started to manufacture and store the neutron bomb, thus increasing the factors of horror and terrorism and the risks of destroying the world and annihilating mankind.
106.	The world is facing difficult crises which with the passage of time are increasing in number and in complexity, especially since the renewal of neo-colonialist activities, plans for domination, expansion and hegemony, and the qualitative and quantitative expansion of armaments.
107.	In the face of that situation it is imperative to struggle persistently to restore detente and expand its framework. This could be achieved by the participation of all States, on an equal footing, in shaping the policy of detente so that it would acquire the necessary international dimensions. The process of detente must be based on justice and the right of peoples to self-determination so that it may become a positive factor in guaranteeing international peace and security and in the establishment of a new order of international relations in various fields.
108.	Disarmament remains a complex issue. General Assembly resolutions and United Nations efforts have so far failed to achieve results which would benefit the whole of mankind and safeguard future generations and human civilization. On the contrary, today we notice an escalation of the arms race, particularly in the field of weapons of mass destruction. The most significant example of this is the United States decision to manufacture the neutron bomb. We are also witnessing a grave expansion by the United States in the establishment of military bases and the concentration of troops and fleets in certain areas. Therefore it is high time for the Assembly to take decisive measures to curb the arms race and the establishment of foreign military bases, as well as to reduce forces and limit their deployment. Thus the world could feel that its international Organization was firmly and sincerely striving to spare it the misery of a destructive world war.
109.	It is an established fact that if disarmament is to be carried out and to attain its objectives it must be accompanied, in practical terms, by the elimination of colonialism, racism and Zionism and of all aspects of aggression and occupation, hegemony and domination, spheres of influence and foreign exploitation. Peoples must be guaranteed respect for their independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and right to self-determination.
A
110.	It should be pointed out in that connection that racism and racist regimes, especially in occupied Palestine and South Africa, represent an acute and dangerous problem. Those regimes are engrossed in their racist practices and aggressive expansionist policies. They are consolidating collaboration among themselves in various fields, particularly in the manufacture of nuclear weapons. Consequently, the regions dominated by those regimes have become, because of the weakness of the international deterrent, explosive hotbeds which endanger international peace and security and directly threaten the security and independence of the African continent and of the Arab world.
111.	In the face of this grave problem, the Assembly must take a firm stand based on the will of the international community. We have persistently confirmed our absolute support and backing for the national liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia in their struggle to secure the rights of their peoples to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. We also stand firmly on the side of the African front-line States in facing the brutal racist aggression and the maneuvers aimed at liquidating the liberation causes of the peoples of southern Africa. We declare our firm support for Angola against the military aggression carried out by the racist regime in South Africa and call on the international Organization to impose the maximum sanctions against the racist aggressors.
112.	With regard to Afghanistan, we are of the view that the Afghan Government has the right to defend the independence of Afghanistan against all forms of outside interference in its internal affairs. Afghanistan is of concern to us because of the historic and cultural ties between us and its membership in the nonaligned group, and we are anxious that it should remain nonaligned. Therefore we consider it important and necessary for negotiations to take place between the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and its neighbors in order to reach a political settlement that will ensure the security and stability of that region and safeguard Afghanistan's unity, independence and nonaligned status.
113.	The problem of Cyprus remains unsolved. The talks between the two Cypriot communities are still stagnating. We earnestly hope that a solution will be found, based on United Nations resolutions, within the framework of respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, unity and nonaligned status of Cyprus.
114.	The Korean issue also remains unsolved. The Korean people is still divided into two parts. The solution lies in implementing the joint communique signed in 1972.5
115.	Endeavors by the various United Nations specialized agencies and bodies are still continuing with a view to setting up a new international economic order. They have achieved no tangible result so far, despite the suffering and difficulties facing most countries of the world, particularly the developing nations. In our view, the main cause of the failure is the obstacles that are continually being placed in the way of establishing that new order by the advanced industrial capitalist States and their clinging to the privileges they enjoy under the present unjust economic and monetary system, which is based on exploitation. As a consequence, the will of the international community has been paralyzed and all efforts in this regard have so far failed.
116.	In the face of that situation it is incumbent upon the Assembly and the various United Nations bodies to multiply their efforts to set up a new international economic order, since it would be a vital factor in ensuring prosperity and stability for the peoples of the world and in safeguarding international peace and security.
117.	One of the most dangerous sources of tension in the world today is the Israeli aggression against the Arab nation in Palestine and in the occupied Arab territories. Despite the dangers which this issue poses for international peace and security, in view of the unique location of the Middle East region at the junction of three continents and because of the huge energy reserves it contains, the prospects of peace in that region seem to be almost nil.
118.	The international Organization has adopted many resolutions since the inception of the Palestine problem and the creation of the Zionist entity in Palestine and its occupation of other Arab territories. Those resolutions, however, have so far remained mere ink on paper as a result of Israel's rejection of them, because of the Zionist expansionist doctrine, and because of the unlimited support given to Israel by the United States.
119.	The United Nations has defined the following principles for a just peace in the Middle East: first, a just solution to the Palestine problem based on granting the Palestinian people their right to self-determination, repatriation and the establishment of their own independent state on their national soil; and secondly, Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
120.	The United Nations linked its decision to admit Israel to the Organization to Israel's agreement to implement United Nations resolutions on the Palestine question. Nevertheless, all those resolutions and all international efforts to pave the way for peace have collided with the Israeli barrier, because Israel rejects any peace that is not based on Zionist doctrine and that does not recognize as legitimate the occupation practiced by the Zionist entity.
121.	Several years ago, following the October War of 1973, there appeared to be a possibility of seeking a just peace through the United Nations. Numerous efforts were made to make use of that possibility. However, those efforts soon came to nothing because of the involvement of the Egyptian Government with Israel and the United States in the Camp David agreement, followed by conclusion of the "peace treaty" between the Egyptian and Israeli Governments.
122.	The Camp David process led to the following results.
123.	First, it resulted in a political and military imbalance in the region in Israel's favor as a result of the defection of the Egyptian Government and its abandonment of its national obligations towards the Arab world in general and towards Syria and the Palestinian people in particular. Obviously a peace process undertaken when there is an imbalance of power means full capitulation by one party to the other, because any conflict that arises as a result of the clash' of powers can be resolved only through the restoration of the balance of power or the liquidation of one party by the other.
124.	Talk of peace and its possibilities while an imbalance of power exists would mean the imposition of terms of surrender. That is completely unacceptable. The history of conflicts in the world proves that agreements involving injustice to one of the parties constitute a smoldering cause of the eruption of a new conflict when the conditions are ripe.
125.	Secondly, the conflict in the Middle East is of a comprehensive nature, between the Israeli aggressor and the Arabs. An agreement between the Israeli aggressor and one Arab Government does not mean a solution has been reached or the conflict ended. Rather, it means a complication of the situation and an increase of tension, as proved by subsequent developments in the region.
126.	Prior to the Camp David agreement, the region was the scene of an ArabIsraeli conflict. Nowadays, there is a heightening of tension between the Arabs and the Israeli aggressors/ as well as the development of a new hotbed of tension between the Egyptian Government and all other Arab Governments, and also a further series of explosions threatening the security and stability of the region. All developments since the Camp David agreement have indicated that unilateral or partial solutions are an additional cause of tension and further complicate the existing problems.
127.	Thirdly, there is the problem of American involvement in the region. In the initial stages of that involvement, the United States played the role of a partner in the negotiations; later) it assumed the role of a partner in the relations between the Egyptian and Israeli Governments, and Anally it took on the role of a military and political partner, through the recent strategic alliance with Israel.
128.	There is no doubt that one of the gravest consequences of the Camp David agreement is United States military involvement in the area and the establishment of military bases in a number of countries of the region, as well as the increased presence of naval fleets and the formation of the rapid deployment force. All those actions are being carried out to impose United States hegemony on the region and hence increase the tension between the peoples of the region and the United States Government. There is also a resulting increase in tension between the two superPowers, which is an additional cause of international tension and a clear threat to world peace and security.
129.	Fourthly, the discussion by the Egyptian Government, in negotiations related to the rights of the Palestinian Arab people, of so-called Palestinian autonomy completely contravenes all United Nations resolutions, which recognize the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and consider the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian Arab people.
130.	That action has undoubtedly further complicated the problem. It has become evident that, the objective is not to realize an Israeli withdrawal from Sinai, but rather to liquidate the cause of the people of Palestine and to form a military alliance in the area built upon the debris of the Palestinian cause and at the expense of the national rights of the Arab nations and of the other occupied Arab territories.
131.	The Camp David agreement and the Egyptian Israeli peace treaty have created a state of tension in the region. The magnitude of American military aid to Israel has exacerbated the situation because it has provided Israel with a huge military arsenal, which tempts Israel constantly to embark on new acts of aggression, of which the following are examples.
132.	First, there is the continuous aggression against Lebanon and the bombing and shelling of Lebanese towns and villages and Palestinian camps with a brutality unprecedented in human history. Israel has provided the climax to its brutal acts by bombing the peaceful city of Beirut, killing hundreds of civilians, destroying scores of houses and rendering thousands of citizens homeless.
133.	Secondly, the aggressive arrogance of the Israeli Government has even led it as far as to direct continuous threats against Syria, particularly against the Arab deterrent forces in Lebanon, and to fabricate the so-called Syrian missile crisis in Lebanon. Israeli planes have bombarded the positions of the Arab deterrent forces. When those forces resorted to the use of air defense weapons against those planes, Israel began issuing ultimatums to Syria to withdraw the air defense weapons from Lebanon. Israel believes it has the right to enjoy full freedom to commit acts of aggression wherever and whenever it so wishes. At the same ^me, Israel believes that we are not entitled to exercise our right of legitimate self-defense. We have naturally rejected this aggressive Israeli logic. Israel must bear the consequences of its aggressions.
134., Thirdly, Israel's threats to the other Arab countries and their economic establishments have been carried out with the bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor,
135. Fourthly, Israel persists in its policy of annexing the Arab territories, establishing settlements, evicting Arab citizens and altering the features of the occupied Arab territories, thus flouting world public opinion and totally disregarding the dangerous consequences of such a policy for peace and security in the region.
136.	While the Arab nations are confronting this situation which threatens their very existence and vital interests and imperils peace and stability in the region, the United States of America despite the considerable military and economic assistance it extends to Israel, and despite the military bases it has implanted in the region  has resorted to a new move which represents the climax of danger to the Arabs and their vital interests, as well as to the peace and security of the region. This move is the strategic alliance between the United States of America  the superPower and the Israeli State.
137.	A series of dangerous agreements has emerged from this alliance, namely: first, the establishment of military bases in Palestine; secondly, the storing of weapons, which naturally means stockpiling neutron weapons, after European Governments opposed this American decision; thirdly, setting up military industries in Israel; fourthly, achieving cooperation between the United States and Israeli security bodies, which means that all data collected by United States bodies and services, including those collected through satellites, will be placed at the disposal of the Israeli Government; fifthly, extending huge American military aid to Israel; and finally, linking United States strategic interests with the strategic interests of an aggressor State in the region.
138.	These agreements were concluded with the aim of "realizing strategic unanimity in the region against the Soviet Union and its supporters". What does all this mean?
139.	In the first place, these agreements have irrevocably frustrated the possibilities of peace in the region and the possibility of stability, security and tranquility throughout the whole Middle East. The United States is obliged to confront the Arabs because it agreed to link its strategic interests with those of Israel, completely disregarding the basic vital interests of the Arab people. In this policy, the United States administration has utilized its power in Israel's favor and placed itself in a position of enmity and hostility towards the Arabs.
140.	Furthermore, in reaction to this American involvement aimed at harming the Arab countries, the Arab world will be compelled to adopt measures and stands, the responsibility and repercussions of which on the regional and international situation will lie squarely on the United States itself.
141.	There still exists for the United States the possibility to reconsider its policy and depart from this dangerous path which is harmful both to the Arabs and to the interests of the American people.
142.	Having discussed the general situation in the region and its grave dangers, we call upon all peace, justice and freedom-loving nations to stand against the new alliance between the United States and Israel. At the same time the United Nations, by virtue of its responsibilities, is called upon to take measures against the Israeli aggressor. From this rostrum we also appeal to all Governments of the world to apply the maximum sanctions and measures against Israel because of its continued aggression, its refusal to recognize the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian Arab people and its refusal to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories.
143.	I can assure the Assembly that our people in Syria and the Arab nation will continue their struggle, irrespective of the sacrifices, for the recovery of their national and historical rights in Palestine and for the liberation of the occupied Arab territories.


134.	 The delegation of Bolivia congratulates Mr, Kittani on his election to the high post of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session. His personal qualities and his broad professional experience guarantee objective leadership and . success for our debates.
135.	We also wish to thank Mr. von Wechmar for his outstanding work and in particular for his contribution to the preparatory work for global negotiations, a central issue for the new expectations of the world.
136.	We wish to express particular gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General for his efforts to bring about international peace and security.
137.	Bolivia, a signatory of the. Charter at San Francisco, offers a fraternal welcome to the two youngest Member States of the Organization, Vanuatu and Belize.
138.	In the past year the world situation has visibly deteriorated. The number of victims of war, exodus, hunger, terrorism and fanatic violence is increasing day by day in the vast areas of the world in which there are conflicts. The tensions between the major blocs are becoming more acute and are making international security more precarious. Consequently in all its aspects the arms race is accelerating and is consuming resources that are needed for the economic, social and.cultural development of peoples.
139.	As is the case with endeavors to bring about peace, many efforts to bring about justice have been thwarted, and neither the will of the General Assembly nor the agreement of the Security Council, so often obstructed by vetoes, have managed to enforce the fundamental principles of the Charter. Contrary to the firm majority decision of the international community, there continue to exist certain unacceptable attitudes of racial discrimination, warlike aggression, domination and colonialist plunder, occupation of territories by force, and new and sinister forms of fanaticism.
140.	Throughout its history Bolivia has learned the painful lessons of aggression and injustice, and we would once again repeat our adherence to the inviolable principles of sovereignty, independence, self-determination, non-intervention and the territorial integrity of States.
141.	As part of this clear foreign policy of Bolivia we would express our support for the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and in particular for the liberation of the occupied Arab territories. The inadmissibility of the acquisition of territories through force of arms is a substantive part of Bolivia's foreign policy.
142.	We accept that Israel has the unquestionable right to live within secure and recognized boundaries.
143.	We deplore the tragedy in Lebanon, and who feel that it is the duty of the States of the area to respect the neutrality and sovereignty of that nation.
144.	We condemn the occupation, of Afghanistan, ,the presence, of invading troops in Kampuchea and the illegal colonial domination in Namibia..
145.	We consider it indispensable for South Korea and North Korea to resolve their differences by means of direct dialog, with the cooperation of the Secretary-General
146.	Finally, we reiterate Bolivia's unswerving position of support for Argentina's just demand regarding the Malvinas Islands.
147.	In addition to these disruptions in the area of justice and peace, there exists a serious delay hi efforts to bring about a new international economic order and, in particular, in initiating the global negotiations which might make it possible for us to co-ordinate international efforts in the areas of the economy and development, introducing the criterion of change. For change is essential and cannot be postponed, since hunger, ignorance and the frustration of the people only encourage subversion and violence. There is no need to stress the moral legitimacy of these goals, because underlying all conflicts in our time there may be found a growing dislocation: the prosperity and power of, the wealthy communities and in contrast the stagnation, poverty, and impotence of the third word.
148.	We believe that the global negotiations, which have been held up by procedural details, must begin as soon as - possible. South-South co-operation, which has been admirably planned and carried out by the Group of 77, must move towards the goal of self-sufficiency, which is complementary to North-South understanding. In this area we must also accept the need to conclude regional agreements to develop and market our natural resources in a just and rational manner, in order to bring us the legitimate profits that will make it possible for us to meet the needs of social development ourselves..	'
149.	Let us say this once again: the existing International economic order is based on colonial and neo-colonial exploitation which has been condemned by history. There are still those who wish to perpetuate this, but it is clear that if peace is to be achieved in the world there must first be justice, and we consider that a new international economic order must preside over the relations among all States of the world. In this context protectionism must be eliminated, as Well as the practices of "dumping", by which some developed countries use noncommercial reserves to bring about an artificial collapse in the prices of certain commodities. That happens periodically to Bolivia with regard to tin.
150.	In this year when we arc commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the non-aligned movement, Bolivia reaffirms its faith in the concept of non-alignment. We have a position of principle that requires independence of the great blocs of the world. We respect ideological pluralism and the requirements of economic interdependence. We stand with all developing countries and we find in non-alignment a powerful, valid resource to pursue the third world's struggle for world peace and improved living conditions.
151.	We regret that the long, prolific debates that were supposed to lead to an International agreement on the new law of the sea were paralyzed precisely when they were about to be concluded. We hope that those who justify this l>y referring to passing difficulties will see that it is in theft best interests to work in this direction, for this agreement Is of universal value. The sea, like the other great bounties of nature and like freedom and well-being, is the common heritage of all people, and of all mankind.
152.	The Government of Bolivia is profoundly concerned over and protests against all forms of terrorism. No goal, no matter how noble it may be, justifies this crime in which repressed sectarian passions find almost daily expression. The Holy Ruler in Rome, even the President of the United States in the capital of that great country, and many other distinguished or anonymous human beings have been victims of reprehensible attempts on their lives. And now we must lament the passing of the illustrious President of Egypt, Anwar El Sadat, a real man of peace in the Middle East, the distinguished leader of his people, who has fallen under murderous bullets.
153.	Bolivia feels that the struggle against terrorism must be confirmed and co-ordinated at a level as high as that for disarmament, for this is a kind of spiritual disarmament required by public order and by civilized society.
154.	"For us, America is the homeland", as Bolivar the Liberator said. This has always been in the minds of the people who bear his name and has determined our complete support for the process of Latin American integration. Considering the common nature of our problems and our hopes, the vastness of our territory, the broad range and abundance ,of natural resources, the rapid growth of the population, and our need to overcome cultural, economic and social deficiencies which still beset us, integration will indubitably be a difficult undertaking. None of our nations, not even any of the greater ones, can carry out its complete; development plan without inter-American co-operation.
155.	Bolivia is situated geographically in the heart of South America and at the crossroads of the history of the continent. It has an important role to play in Latin American integration, and we have been playing this role In good faith because it is our calling.
156.	Our country is in the watershed of the Amazon and the Plate and near to the South Pacific. Bolivia has therefore been a land of contacts and has bad a decisive influence on the geopolitical balance of our continent.
157.	In keeping with its integrationist tradition, Bolivia has actively participated in the Latin American Integration Association, the Andean Pact, the TVeaty for Amazonian Co-operation, the Heaty of the River Plate Basin, the Convention signed by Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia and other agreements of the same kind. Obviously, agreements governing regional and sub-regional integration, negotiated in the light of the development needs of our peoples, must not be subject to Ideological deviations which contradict the principles of pluralism and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, so necessary to proper
International coexistence. Just as the conscience of the world Is concerned about the protection of human rights, so is it necessary for the international community to pay attention to the rights of nations which have been violated by historic Injustices,
158.	In this lofty forum we would once again refer to Bolivia's land-locked status which has existed for more than a century. We appeal for international solidarity to encourage the peaceful solution of our problems, in keeping with the inalienable and imprescriptible right of the Republic of Bolivia to regain its coastline. This unjust situation continues with all the grave spiritual and material consequences for our people; it has perpetuated a state of tension in the area which one day could undermine peace and security in America.
159.	Bolivia's demand to recover its outlet to the Pacific, with sovereignty and geographic continuity and without territorial compensation, has won considerable support, including the support of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States at its ninth regular session. I take this opportunity to express the appreciation of the Government and people of Bolivia of these permanent expressions of solidarity by Governments and international organizations with the maritime cause of our country.
160.'	We now wish to report to this Assembly on certain aspects of the problems which relate to Bolivia's internal situation. In the first place, Bolivians believe in the inherent values of freedom, dignity, solidarity and justice. We desire to organize a new society, with participation by all, a pluralist society where democracy is accepted not only In its formal political sense of elections, but also with its fundamental economic and social content and as a way of life.
161.	The land-locked status of our country has hampered its process of development. For this main reason, and for other more incidental reasons, we have economic and financial problems which have caused social discontent, and this in turn has led to political unrest. More recently, we have witnessed certain institutional problems which, thanks to the calmness and patriotism of the aimed forces and the proved maturity of our people, have been dealt with without bloodshed.
162.	A firm and respected Government rules national life. Public order reigns In Bolivia, and work is guaranteed as a right. Wc consider the people, the Bolivian citizen, as a protagonist of history and of our national life. We believe that nothing is more precious than the human capital of a nation. Therefore, all the business of the State and its growth policy for the economy is directed to promoting the well-being of its people and to the full development of the human personality.
163.	In the program for this great political plan with its predominantly social content the Bolivian workers in the fields, the mines and the cities occupy the preferred place. Both public freedom and fundamental human rights are respected in Bolivia, where there are now no political prisoners. Soon a special envoy from the United Nations will visit our country at the spontaneous request of our Government to confirm that we have a climate of freedom, peace and security in which Bolivians can carry out their activities. I wish to announce on behalf of my Government that within three years institutional democracy will be re-established in our country.
164.	In defense of the morality of our people and In support of the universal desire to eliminate illicit drug traffic, our Government is now undertaking the difficult. but Irrevocable task of combating and eliminating the clandestine production of narcotics and the illicit traffic, In addition to adopting strict police and customs controls, the Government of Bolivia has adopted a number of other important provisions, including the creation of the National Council to Combat the Traffic in Narcotic Drugs, the establishment of a government monopoly to control the legal trade in coca leaves, the carrying out of a census of coca-leaf production with a view to crop replacement and a study of new legislation to suppress the production of, traffic in and consumption of the drug.
165.	As we progress with this task the serious nature of the problem becomes clearer, and so does the impossibility of dealing with it without international co-operation. We have accordingly suggested to the United Nations the desirability of joint action and have succeeded in having an item included in the agenda of this session entitled "International campaign against traffic in drugs". We can give no clearer evidence of our intention to contribute to the elimination of this world problem and at the same time of the need to receive from the Organization and from Member States, through bilateral agreements, adequate and speedy financial and technical co-operation.
166.	The Bolivian proposal is in the hands of the United Nations and its specialized agencies. We pledge our constant efforts, and we also suggest to the industrialized countries, where the major cities provide the demand for drugs and where society is most seriously affects J by this vice, that there is an urgent need for a substantial contribution from them in support of the aims of this great effort of redemption.
167.	It is in a spirit of truthfulness that we have enumerated some of the frustrations of the Organization, but we wish to draw from these negative comments the affirmative conclusion that, however complex the problems may be, it is our duty to persist in our search for solutions within the United Nations in keeping with the norms of the Charter
168.	Bolivia, a land-locked nation, reiterates its confidence in justice, its faith in the world Organization and its certainty that the evils of war, poverty and discrimination will one day be eradicated through the spiritual force that aids us: universal solidarity, the foundation of our hopes for progress and peace.


Sir, your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is, for Tunisia, a source of satisfaction as well as proof of esteem and confidence: esteem for your qualities as a statesman and an experienced diplomat, and confidence in your ability to conduct successfully the work of this session, the importance of which, owing to the particularly delicate world situation, calls for all the wisdom and courage of which we know you to.be capable.
88.	In extending to you our warm and fraternal congratulations, the Tunisian delegation wishes to assure you that it will spare no effort to give you its full support and wholehearted cooperation as you discharge your important and arduous responsibilities. We shall do this all the more enthusiastically because you represent a fraternal Arab country, Iraq, with which Tunisia maintains the closest and most fruitful of relations both bilaterally and in the framework of the United Nations and the various regional organizations in which our two fraternal countries work side by side.
89.	The Tunisian delegation would also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar. We shall long remember here the skillful, objective and efficient way in which he conducted both the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session. Our wishes for success go with him in his new functions.
90.	My delegation also wishes to pay the same warm and sincere tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for the remarkable work, praiseworthy from all standpoints, that he has carried out in his 10 years of service to the United Nations in defenseF of the principles of our Charter.
91.	At the Security Council meetings of 8 July and 23 September 1981, the Tunisian delegation expressed its great pleasure at welcoming Vanuatu and Belize to the Organization. We are pleased today to see them occupying their rightful seats in the Assembly. We wish to take this opportunity out again to bid our two new Member States a very warm welcome and to renew our warm congratulations to their respective delegations and assure them of our full cooperation.
92.	I should also like to address Tunisia's greetings to all the peoples of the world represented here, and to reaffirm my country's determination to continue to spare no effort in the fulfillment of the principles underlying the Organization.
93.	Suffice it for me to mention here the vigorous and resolute action of the Government of President Bourguiba to promote the betterment of the individual, to establish true democracy in my country with due expression of political freedom, social justice and economic progress, and, externally, to promote with friendly and fraternal countries, in the framework of the broadest cooperation, action based on understanding and dialog.
94.	Those principles, to the implementation of which the Tunisia of President Bourguiba is resolutely committed, do not appear, unfortunately, to have been strictly applied everywhere in international relations.
95.	In the year that has passed since the last session of the Assembly, we have seen no notable progress in the development of the international situation. In fact, the tensions that confronted us are now more disturbing and more dangerous, and the problems we have tried to tackle remain unresolved and have become even more complex.
96.	The Security Council, the supreme organ of the Organization, has certainly deliberated, practically throughout the year, on all the grave questions which represented a threat to international peace and security. We cannot but note, however, that the results of those deliberations have often led to disappointment and have increased the frustration of those who have addressed themselves to this supreme body, confident of their rights and motivated only by their faith in the principles of the Charter.
97.	Whether it be for decolonization in Africa or the Middle East, racism and apartheid, the tight of peoples freely to choose their own system of government, nonintervention in the internal affairs of States, or regional conflicts throughout the world, the record unfortunately still remains a very poor one.
98.	Hence the particular importance we attach to the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly, of which it is the imperative duty to change the dangerous course taken hitherto by events, to reconcile men with principles and the ideals of peace and progress, and to arouse new hope for the good of the whole of mankind.
99.	More than 21 years after the adoption by the Organization of resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, at a time when we are already within sight of the end of the century, we must put an end firmly and with determination to the anachronistic, intolerable situation which still prevails in Palestine and in Namibia. We cannot disregard the valiant struggle being waged by the peoples of Palestine and Namibia under the leadership of their legitimate representatives, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], and fail to recognize their inalienable rights to freedom, justice, self-determination and independence.
100.	It is high time to put an end to the inadmissible attitude of provocation and defiance in which, in total equanimity, I would stress, the regimes of Tel Aviv and Pretoria are engaging. These two regimes of oppression, racism and Zionism, no doubt exchanging the best tried recipes, are oppressing ever more ferociously with each passing day the peoples of Namibia, South Africa and Palestine and vying with each other in acts of aggression against the peoples of southern Africa and the Middle East flagrant acts of aggression, repeated acts of aggression, but always with impunity, unfortunately. The field of these acts of aggression is becoming ever broader and is extending to Angola, Mozambique, Lebanon or Iraq, sovereign Member States of the community of nations.
101.	And here we have the two of them, priding themselves on acting as spearheads of some kind of defense strategy for an order or civilization to which they have no claim to belong.
102.	But apart from that aspect, the situation in the Middle East and in southern Africa today contains more than ever before risks of explosion and conflict which threatens the balance in the world.
103.	In the Middle East military operations conducted by the Israeli army against the Palestinians and against the people of Lebanon have created one of the most dangerous situations that have existed since 1973. Those who thought that the Camp David agreements would have the effect of providing momentum for the peace process in the area today have had to face the facts. We cannot but note that those agreements have been exploited by Tel Aviv in order freely to conduct its strategy aimed at eliminating the Palestinians. Since that time, the war waged against the Palestinians has assumed impressive dimensions, involving both the air force and the navy, as well as the army.
104.	It is the implementation of that strategy which today continues the major obstacle to the establishment of lasting peace in the area. So the obstinate refusal of Israel to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, its total scorn for the many resolutions of the United Nations and for international public opinion, have brought the problem of the Middle East to an impasse. Arrogance, aggressiveness, expansionism: these are three outstanding features of the attitude of Israel in the face of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians to a State.
105.	Tunisia, which supports unreservedly the just cause of the Palestinian people, reaffirms its conviction that there can be no lasting peace in the Middle East without a comprehensive settlement which would take account first of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment under the aegis of its sole legitimate representative, the PLO of an independent state, and of the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories, including AlQuds.
106.	Israel, using the pretext of security, wishes both to ensure its own military supremacy in the area and to annex Arab territories. It is precisely this expansionist policy that is today the main cause of insecurity and that almost led to a new war in the Middle East following the affair of the Syrian missiles which were, incidentally, purely defensive devices.
107.	Security is an urgent need for all the peoples of the area. It is imperative for their stability and their development. Thus, it cannot be seen in terms of the military supremacy of one State over all the others, which would push the latter into intense rearmament and into various alliances in order to oppose the hegemony of that State, its adventurist policy and its irresponsibility the dangers of which we see in Lebanon, and of which the raid on the nuclear plant at Tamuz is the most illuminating example.
108.	This premeditated act of war, unanimously condemned by the international community, constitutes a dangerous precedent which jeopardizes not only the IAEA system of guarantees, but also the rules of international conduct which govern the civilized world.
109.	Peace in the Middle East is a vital necessity for all the peoples of the region. Several Arab countries have made concrete and positive proposals for the establishment of a just and lasting peace, based on consensus but rejecting expansionism, exclusivity and domination. It is urgent to begin without delay the exploration of new avenues to break the deadlock in the situation and embark on a process of true peace in that very sensitive part of the world.
110.	That process should first, if it is not to fail, involve the PLO in all stages of negotiations. The PLO, which has constantly given proof of its realism, its sense of responsibility and its capacity to honor its commitments, has today come to be the only negotiating partner capable of speaking on behalf of the Palestinian people. It is therefore time to admit that fact unreservedly.
111.	It is also in the respect for international legality and the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Organization that we find the solution to the painful and explosive problem of Namibia. The present impasse jeopardizes the peace, security and development of the whole of southern Africa.
112.	After the failure of the Geneva Conference owing to the recalcitrance and provocative attitude of South Africa, the debate in the Security Council in April 1981 and that at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly last September have revealed the limits that we could reasonably impose on the legendary patience of Africa, and of the Namibian people and its authentic representative, SWAPO.
113.	The keen sense of realism and responsibility displayed by SWAPO in its struggle for the recognition of its right to self-determination and independence is matched only by its determination to bring about the independence of its people by means of negotiation and dialog, or by any other means.
114.	In accordance with the resolution adopted by the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly [resolution ES8/2], Tunisia is firmly in favor of the immediate, unconditional and unreserved application, without reservation or modification, of the plan advocated in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and reaffirmed by the United Nations as a whole, to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia and to bring that Territory to independence.
115.	In so doing, we shall have made our deeds match our words and our principles match the facts.
116.	Tunisia cannot conceal its surprise at the tolerant attitude which, in the name of a solidarity of principle, has been taken by the Western world towards South Africa and Israel about their violations of the principles of the Charter and their defiance of the United Nations. It is by its contribution to the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed peoples in Namibia and Palestine that the Western world will give convincing proof of the sincerity of its support for just causes and will demonstrate its genuine interest in Africa and the Arab world.
117.	How much longer are we going to tolerate the people of South Africa being subjected to inhuman and barbarous laws, racist and segregationist laws which are enforced by the apartheid regime with impunity and with the toleration of others?
118.	How much longer must we tolerate interference in the internal affairs of States and the presence in independent territories of foreign troops, the deployment of which prevents those peoples from freely choosing the form and system of their government? How long are we going to tolerate the massive and flagrant foreign military presence in Afghanistan and Kampuchea?
119.	When are the parties concerned, whether it be in Afghanistan, Kampuchea or even in Korea, going to decide in favor of dialog and negotiation and to spare their peoples the horrors of war and the torments of division?
120.	Will the repeated appeals, made particularly by the Islamic countries, calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan ever be heeded?
121.	Will the appeals endorsed by the International Conference on Kampuchea, held last July, make it possible to restore dialog so that the people of Kampuchea will be allowed to know peace and prosperity?
122.	Will the appeals of South Korea for dialog and work towards understanding with North Korea be heeded and will they enable us to see the people of Korea making an effective contribution to the work of the Organization, whether that be through a single representation or, if not, separate representations, on the basis of existing precedents?
123.	When will we see the efforts of the SecretaryGeneral, those of the Organization of the Islamic Conference or the nonaligned movement which this year is celebrating its twentieth anniversary and of which'Tunisia is honored to be one of the founder members succeed in putting an end to the war that still continues in the Middle East between two fraternal and neighboring countries, Iraq and Iran, which are surely meant to live in peace and cooperation? We have pointed but that one of the parties, Iraq, has made peace offers and appeals for negotiation. Will it be possible to take this opportunity to embark on a process that will permit a settlement of this distressing conflict? Will the parties involved resolve to give up a sterile struggle which can only prolong unnecessarily the suffering and devastation of the region and make even more remote the prospects of restoring peace and stability in the area?
124.	Courage and heroism certainly have their merits. So have diplomacy and wisdom, and their merits are far superior in most cases. As evidence of this I shall give an example very close to my own country, that of Western Sahara, which after a long period of tension and conflict has, thanks to the clear sightedness and courage of the Maghreb leaders, under the auspices of the OAU and within the framework of African wisdom, just taken a decisive step towards the establishment of peace and stability.
125.	It is time for relations between States, whether they be large or small, to be based on mutual respect, and for differences in social or economic systems not to be allowed to be a source of conflict. It is time for every State to be able to organize its national structures in terms of its own realities and to define freely its policies, without having to fear encountering the interference of other States. This is what has come to be known as peaceful coexistence, which should have led to authentic detente; but, I am afraid, this is something which today we have come to see as belonging to the past. The hardening of situations to which we are now witness in international relations seems destined to bring about a reemergence in a new form of the cold war, which will once again give priority to problems of security, defense and armament, to the detriment of the objectives of peace and development. This atmosphere fraught with threats makes it difficult seriously to contemplate large-scale disarmament measures. On the contrary, we can see that the pace of the arms race particularly competition in the realm of nuclear weapons is becoming even fester; it constitutes not only a constant danger to mankind's survival but also a terrible waste of vital human and other resources. The need for maintaining dialog, for resuming constructive negotiations, for eliminating the causes of mistrust that underlie the arms race is today more necessary than ever. The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled for next spring, will give us an excellent opportunity, one which we must not fail to seize, because without any doubt peace is mankind's most precious asset.
126.	Major questions which have aroused the interest and hopes of the international community, which were on the point of being resolved and which have been the subject of long and arduous deliberations at regular sessions of the General Assembly, at special sessions and at ad hoc international conferences have come up against an obstructive attitude, which in its turn has given rise to questioning and concern.
127.	Such questioning and concern have arisen with regard to the fulfillment of the international desire to define the law, such as the law of the sea and the laws determining NorthSouth cooperation, upon which depends to such a large extent the future of the whole international community.
128.	The world economic situation continues to give the international community grounds for grave concern. Nothing, indeed, in the past year has happened to modify in any way the alarming trends which we have constantly deplored for many years. Some of those trends have even been aggravated. The developed countries continue to struggle with their own structural and economic problems. Inflationary tension in some of those countries, the economic slowdown in others, the ever more visible differences in the perception of the scope of these two phenomena and the solution which should be applied to them have brought those countries to an almost chaotic state, frequently as a result of contradictory economic policies. The problem of interest rates, the fluctuation in foreign exchange rates, the rise of protectionism, the persistence and, in certain cases the exacerbation of high rates of unemployment, are all negative results of these policies.
129.	Of course, the developing countries suffer the cumulative consequences of these policies, which are reflected particularly in their balances of trade, which for the most part are becoming increasingly unbalanced, and in the level of their indebtedness, often verging on the intolerable. Payment difficulties created in this way are accentuated even more by the reduction of public bilateral aid from certain developed countries, and by no means the least important countries, as well as by the many restrictions facing multilateral financing and technical assistance institutions, including the World Bank and UNDP, in adequately replenishing their resources. This situation proves once again that the developed countries have no hesitation in transferring the costs of their own adaptation to the economic situation to the developing countries, which, because of the weakness of their economic structures, are forced to curb their expansion, if not halt it altogether, thus doing damage to the economic and social development of their peoples.
130.	The third world countries in general recognize the increasingly tangible fact of the interdependence of countries and economic problems, but it is not at all realistic to ask them to wait patiently for a solution of the chronic problems of the industrialized countries before they can develop their own economies.
131.	With a view to the establishment of international economic relations on solid and equitable foundations in the interests of the parties concerned, the third world has for many years now been proposing the fundamental restructuring of these relations by the establishment of a new international economic order. This objective, in spite of the difficulties it has encountered, remains more valid than ever, because it is the only one which could promote a balanced and harmonious development of the world economy by reducing the ever-widening economic gap between rich and poor countries.
132.	The project of launching global negotiations obviously stems from the same line of thought. These negotiations should not, of course, reduce to nothing the achievements, however limited they may be, obtained through efforts undertaken for so many years now in various international forums, and most recently at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which has just been held at Nairobi and at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, just held at Paris. But we should also try to fill gaps and go forward, bearing in mind both the short-term and longterm interests of the international community as a whole and the developing countries in particular.
133.	Is there any need to stress that development depends to a large measure on science and technology? This aspect was dealt with at the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held at Vienna from 20 to 31 August 1979, at which a program of Action was drawn up.6 The results, however, remain very limited, hence the need for strengthening the scientific and technological capacity within the developing countries because without that the transfer of technology to those countries can constitute only a very uncertain contribution to the work of development. This approach calls for increasing internal effort on the part of the developing countries, greater horizontal cooperation among them and a more determined contribution from the rest of the international community.
134.	Aware of this need, a number of countries, including Tunisia, have embarked on consultations in order to educate all the parties concerned as to their role in this matter. We believe that this initiative is a useful supplement to the action undertaken in the United Nations. Success in this can only have a positive effect on efforts which will be undertaken at this session of the General
Assembly to produce an agreement on a system of financing for science and technology.
135.	The third world, for its part, has already shown its firm determination to come to the next stage of the North South dialog in a constructive spirit, convinced of its rights and duties and the action made possible by its unity, which has just been strengthened by the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries held at Caracas last May. The third world countries are, above all, convinced that the developed world can no longer ignore the role which they play in the maintenance of its own prosperity. It is therefore in the interest of all for the developing countries to remain solvent and for them to develop unhindered, so that they can become genuine partners of the industrialized countries.
136.	The deadlock in the process of launching global negotiations and the delay in concluding the work of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea are particularly worrying and disturbing.
137.	We venture to hope that those responsible for this situation will soon be able to conclude the period of reflection which they have allowed themselVes and share once again the general will to conclude work on the draft convention on the law of the sea and to embark on global negotiations.
138.	In this respect, we are glad to see this general consensus strengthened by the open and unreserved support which we have noted in the statement to the Assembly by the representative of France [9th meeting] and also by the particularly encouraging and positive change of attitude on the part of the Federal Republic of Germany.
139.	The International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, which is to be held at Cancun in the next few days, will give us an opportunity to see whether our hopes are well founded and whether the wish of those who want to make progress will prevail, so as to provide genuine momentum for global negotiations, the natural forum for which obviously remains the United Nations. The concerted action of all States Members of the Organization in order to provide further momentum for the NorthSouth dialog is necessary not only for economic reasons but also and above all for preeminently political reasons.
140.	The stakes are high and far transcend the immediate interests of any of the partners in this common enterprise. I .hope we can all realize this.
141.	There is nothing about the international situation to encourage optimism. However, we must not allow ourselves to fall prey to doubt, resignation or despair.
142.	It is indeed dangerous to allow the spiral of tension to go on increasing. The peoples of the third world are refusing ta remain pawns in the game of greatPower rivalry, in markets for raw materials and in outlets for manufactured products. They are determined to achieve their status as fully-fledged partners in the concert of nations.
143.	With regard to their security and their development that is to say, their very destiny they have every intention of assuming this role fully, freely and democratically.


226.	 On behalf of the delegation of Bhutan, I should like to offer our warmest congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty- sixth session of the General Assembly. With your long and intimate personal association with the United Nations, both as representative of your country and as an official of the Secretariat, you are eminently suited to guide the deliberations of this august body. We wish you, and the other members of the General Committee, all success in your endeavors during the busy and difficult period that lies ahead.
227.	My delegation has great pleasure in welcoming Vanuatu and Belize as the two newest Members of the United Nations. The admission of every new Member adds to the vitality and vigour of the Organization, and also takes us one step closer to attaining complete universality of membership, a goal we all earnestly desire.
228.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the SecretaryGeneral for the able and dedicated manner in which he has consistently endeavored to promote the manifold objectives of the Organization. We are indeed fortunate to have such a distinguished personality at the helm of our affairs at a critical juncture in international relations.
229.	The present global scene is not a happy one. The cardinal principles of noninterference and nonintervention in the affairs of sovereign States which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations continue to be violated in many cases. The use. of force has been glaringly resorted to in some cases as a justified means of attaining political objectives.
230.	As we have stated repeatedly in the past in this and other forums, we are opposed to interference and intervention in the affairs of sovereign States and the threat or use of force in international relations. We are therefore, purely as a matter of principle, fully committed to the view that foreign troops in South Asia and SouthEast Asia must be withdrawn, and the independent, nonaligned status of the countries concerned restored.
231.	My delegation had hoped to see seated amongst us at this session the representatives of a free and independent Namibia, occupying its rightful place in the comity of nations. However, in spite of resolute attempts made during the course of the year by the international community, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) could not be implemented. We hope that good sense will prevail with the South African Government and that, in their own longterm interests, as well as in the interests of the Namibian people and the international community, they will concede the inevitable with good grace. My delegation, which participated in the emergency special session of the General Assembly on Namibia, held early this month, reiterates its full support for the resolution that emerged from that session and calls for its immediate implementation.
232.	The situation in the Middle East continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The nations in the area continue to vie with each other to acquire sophisticated weapons, and, paradoxically, this has increased, rather than diminished, instability and insecurity in the region. It appears to us that the solution to the problem does not lie in sabre-rattling, but in acknowledging the fact that the question of the Palestinian people lies at the heart of the problem. In our view, there can be no durable peace in the Middle East unless the grave injustice done to the Palestinian people is rectified and they are permitted to return to their homeland and establish their own State. There should also be a complete restoration of all territories occupied through conquest. Simultaneously, there must be full recognition and appropriate international guarantees of the right of every State in the region to exist within secure and recognized boundaries. My delegation hopes that all the countries concerned, and especial!"' the great Powers, will work to bring all the contending parties to the negotiating table and effect a solution on the basis of pragmatism and mutual accommodation. Recent experience has amply demonstrated that piecemeal attempts to resolve the differences among the parties concerned are likely to yield meaningful or long-lasting results, and in fact are likely to make the problem more intractable.
233.	The recent deterioration in the relations between the power blocs have made efforts towards disarmament more difficult. With loss of faith in detente, the concept of negotiating from positions of strength has once again gained ascendancy. The inevitable result will be the production of ever more sophisticated weapons of mass destruction which, ironically, will not decrease but increase the chances of conflict, especially through proxies. At the same time, the diversion of tremendous resources to such unproductive purposes would diminish further the already inadequate resources available for combating widespread poverty in the developing countries, and poverty, in the ultimate analysis, represents the real threat to a stable world order.
234.	We are at the threshold of the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. At that session, we hope to see the emergence of concrete measures for implementing the Final Document of the tenth special session, contained in resolution S/102. Any meaningful progress towards disarmament can only be achieved if the bigger nations, and particularly the superPowers, demonstrate the necessary political will.
235.	After years of arduous negotiations, my delegation had expected consensus on the final draft text of the Convention on the Law of the Sea at the resumed tenth session held recently in Geneva. The enacting of such a law would minimize potential conflicts and prove equitable, at least to a degree, to all the members of the international community. We must realize that the law cannot take everyone's interests fully into account. There must be ah element of sacrifice, of give and take, for the sake of consensus and the larger interests of the international community. For instance, the landlocked countries which can least afford it have made major concessions during the course of the negotiations. We hope that all countries will now take expeditious steps to approve the final draft of the convention.
236.	The international economic situation presents a grim picture. Today, more than 800 million people in developing countries, about two-thirds of them in South Asia, live in conditions of abject poverty. This situation can be attributed largely to the structural maladjustments of the existing international economic system. Unless the present system is restructured, there can be no durable solution to the fundamental economic problems facing the third world. The establishment of a new international economic order is in the interests of the entire international community, for unless remedial measures are taken in time, the seeds of tension and conflict inherent in poverty will one day engulf the world in a conflagration from which no country, developed or developing, can escape.
237.	My delegation is concerned at the continuing deadlock in the talks for launching the global negotiations. Economic problems will continue to plague both the developed and developing countries unless these problems are tackled in a coordinated manner and on a global basis. Ad hoc and short-term palliatives provide no remedy for such problems. It is in the interest of all countries  make an urgent and serious attempt to tackle the causes of frequent disruptions in the world economy. A glaring example of what can occur was demonstrated by the sharp rise in petroleum prices during recent years, and the disastrous effect this had on the economies of many non-oil-producing developing countries. It is, therefore, imperative that global negotiations are launched without further delay. We hope that all the developed countries will demonstrate the necessary wisdom and political will in this regard.
238.	Along with 30 other least developed countries, Bhutan placed considerable hope in the outcome of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris recently. Although concrete and time bound commitments were not made by the majority of the developed countries during the Conference, we appreciated their positive approach to the question , of promoting rapid economic development of the least developed countries during the 1980s. The Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries was adopted by consensus at the Conference. My delegation hopes that the international community will provide necessary assistance for the effective implementation of this program. It is only through such concerted action that the least developed countries can hope to overcome the serious obstacle to development inherent in their economies.
239.	Turning to our part of the world, an undertaking of great promise was launched last April in Colombo when the Foreign Secretaries of seven South Asian countries met to consider the feasibility of regional cooperation. The venture was the brainchild of the late President of Bangladesh, Mr. Ziaur Rahman, whose untimely death deprived our region of an outstanding leader. Owing to historical circumstances, the: countries of South Asia had so far been unable to initiate any move for regional cooperation. As a result of the Colombo meeting, and further follow-up steps, the outlook for regional cooperation is distinctly brighter now and we hope that the next meeting of foreign secretaries of South Asian countries, scheduled to be held in Katmandu later this year, will make the goal of South Asian cooperation a concrete reality rather than a distant dream. In the present circumstances, regional cooperation in South Asia has become an imperative necessity. My country will continue to support this venture as we are of the view that regional cooperation would contribute to the peace and wellbeing of the peoples of our region.
240.	In Bhutan we have just launched our fifth FiveYear Plan for the social and economic development of our kingdom. The main elements of our new development policy are attainment of economic self-reliance, decentralization of administration, curbing of expenditure on establishment, increase of revenue, especially through mining and industry, and greater participation of the people in developmental projects. With the generous financial and technical assistance of our friendly neighbor, India, and of other bilateral sources, as well as from bodies of the United Nations system, such as UNDP, UNICEF, WFP, IFAD, UNFPA and UNCDF, we are confident that the main objectives of our fifth Plan will be achieved. UNDP not only has a highly effective program in Bhutan, but it has served as a useful channel for other United Nations agencies assisting Bhutan. Our fifth Plan differs from the preceding plans in that it is the personal handiwork of our wise and dynamic monarch, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuk, who has toured the length and breadth of our country consulting our people and finding out what they want, rather than letting the Government decide what the people should have. It is planning from the bottom upwards, and with the great enthusiasm that this plan has generated we are hopeful that it will be successfully implemented and will bring about a marked improvement in the living standards of our people.