Mr. President, may I in the first place express to you my warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. We feel confident that under your wise guidance the deliberations of this Assembly will bring a constructive contribution to the solution of the various international problems. In your person we also greet your country, with which Cyprus maintains close links of friendship based on common ideals and purposes within non-alignment. I would likewise wish to express our deep appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, for the excellent way in which he guided the deliberations of the previous session.
3.	I have had the privilege of addressing the General Assembly on previous occasions, but never before in circumstances such as now prevail, never before in an international situation so ominously removed from the fundamental principles upon which this Organization is based. And what is particularly odd is that we are now supposed to be in a period of detente.
4.	The world has over the years been eagerly looking forward to a period of detente. The expectation has been that reducing antagonism and tension would lead to a more effective implementation of Security Council resolutions in the vital interest of international peace and security rather than in the opposite direction, as the world has silently but sadly witnessed in recent days. By saying this I do not in the least purport to make any criticism whatsoever. I am merely placing on record a melancholy reality that should not, and cannot, be glossed over in the United Nations or ignored by the international community without dire consequences for the further course of world developments at times so critical as the present. For we are in a period of delicate balance between the prevalence of the concept of the use of force and domination an outdated relic of the past and that of reason and peace so necessary for survival in our interdependent world of a nuclear age.
5.	This is a trying period of transition. International events of major significance in their implications and message to the world should be carefully scrutinized by this Assembly. The United Nations is essentially a political institution, but there are times in history when human institutions, in confronting critical problems, have to give prominence to decisions of ethical quality. That ethical quality is but the gist of the principles of the Charter. Ignoring them through the pursuit of short-term parochial interests, in a return to outdated policies of obscurantism, would be an unrealistic pursuit of interest. It can ultimately only lead humanity through a downward course of moral degradation to its physical doom.
6.	Upon Cyprus has fallen the sad lot to be a signal and a symbol in the course of mankind. Its treatment by the international community at the present cross-roads in history would be a decisive landmark in that course, whether upwards or downwards. Beyond the tragic fate of Cyprus, what is of wider significance and import is its intrinsic meaning to the world and the inevitable repercussions resulting from it. Thus the problem of Cyprus far transcends the limits and confines of Cyprus. It poses a major international problem and a challenge to the world.
7.	An effort to cover up the international crime involving outworn political tactics of pressure to achieve unjust and ignominious compromises is far below the level of the present challenge, and will not serve any good purpose for Cyprus and its people as a whole; least of all will it serve the interest of peace.
8.	It is customary, in addressing the General Assembly, to deal with the various international problems and issues. I hope I shall be excused if I deviate from this practice and confine myself to the problem of Cyprus, which has suddenly reached dimensions so ominous as to make it a grave and threatening problem in the area and beyond.
9.	My country, a small non-aligned State Member of the United Nations, is at this moment mutilated and practically destroyed by an armed attack and invasion by Turkey, unprecedented in its ferocity and inhumanity.
10.	It was about two months ago that I came to the Security Council to denounce the coup, engineered
and staged against the legitimate Government of Cyprus by the military junta then ruling Greece. Officers from Greece serving with the Cyprus National Guard, acting on instructions from the military junta in Athens, on 15 July attacked and destroyed the Presidential Palace with heavy weapons, seeking my death. There is no doubt that I was the target of that criminal action. The coup d'etat by the Greek junta failed, inasmuch as it did not reach its target. I am gratified because that military regime, which for seven years oppressed the people of Greece and brought that State to international isolation and disrespect, is no longer in power. Thus Greece is again finding its way to democracy and national dignity.
11.	The coup d'etat of the Greek junta was the prelude to the present tragedy in Cyprus. That evil was followed by another evil, and a much worse one. Turkey, using the coup as a pretext, and purportedly acting under the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, intervened militarily in Cyprus in contravention of the Treaty itself by invading the island on 20 July. The Treaty did not and could not give such rights of military intervention as alleged by Turkey. Furthermore, the very nature and conduct of this military operation in Cyprus has been in direct violation of the declared purposes of the Treaty. For, instead of protecting the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, as a guarantor Power, Turkey has been destroying both. It has embarked upon destroying what it itself guaranteed. Turkey alleged that the action it was taking was for the purpose of restoring the constitutional order that had been disturbed by the coup. I am under the impression that some countries did not raise their voice against the Turkish invasion at first because they were deceived by Turkey as to its real intentions. Turkey falsely stated that the action it was taking was of a limited nature. It spoke of a policing and even of a peace operation aiming solely at the restoration of the constitutional order. But what Turkey was in fact doing and continues to do in Cyprus has nothing to do with the restoration of constitutional order.
12.	As a result of the Turkish invasion, Cyprus, a flourishing and happy island, has been turned into a place of ruins, tears and death. The Turkish invasion forces have occupied almost 40 per cent of the territory of Cyprus and have uprooted from their homes over 200,000 people, constituting one third of the population of the country, who, having been forced to abandon their lands, have become refugees living in appalling conditions. The world has witnessed the ruthless showering of napalm bombs on undefended towns and villages, which has indiscriminately killed the civilian population in a fury of destruction. Even hospitals, churches and priceless ancient monuments were attacked and turned into ashes. Murder in cold blood, raping, looting and plunder were the daily practice during the advance of the Turkish troops. To find parallel examples of invasion with similar acts of brutality and destruction one has to go back to the fifth century A.D., to the time of Attila, whose name has been aptly given to this invading operation by the aggressor itself. Festivities and demonstrations were organized in Turkey to mark and celebrate the victory of the Turkish forces against Cyprus and decorations and medals have been distributed to the chiefs of the air force and the navy for their victory against a small and defenseless island. Victory it is indeed but a victory against the international legal order, against the United Nations and its Charter and against every norm of decency in a civilized society.
13.	Turkey has violated every accepted norm of international law and every accepted standard of international conduct. Its contemptuous behavior and complete disregard of the basic principles and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations is perhaps unprecedented.
14.	The Security Council, by its resolution 353 (1974) of 20 July provided the framework for a peaceful solution to the problem and called upon the parties concerned to enter into negotiations. This resolution was also accepted by Turkey, which has, however, shown no respect for it. At the Geneva Conference attended by the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey, as the guarantor Powers, and by the representatives of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Security Council resolution was completely ignored by Turkey. In Geneva, Turkey was not in fact negotiating but clearly trying to impose its terms at gun-point. With its troops in occupation of a great part of Cypriot territory, and relying on its overwhelming military superiority, Turkey was exercising blackmail to dictate its terms; and when a recess of 36 hours was proposed for consultations, it was refused by Turkey, which hastened within a few hours to embark upon the already prepared second and intensified phase of aggression against Cyprus, vastly increasing the occupied area. Turkey was thus violating even the cease-fire agreement it had signed on 30 July at Geneva.
15.	It is very difficult to describe even in general terms the tragedy and the destruction caused by the Turkish aggression against Cyprus. The number of victims of that aggression was in proportionate terms greater than that of the victims of the many years of war in Viet Nam.
16.	I cannot foresee where the drama of Cyprus may lead, if the international community finally fails to put an end to this aggression and if the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus are not effectively ensured. In no circumstances should the acquisition of territories by force be tolerated, nor can it confer upon the invader any vantage point, in negotiations or otherwise. Neither can fails accomplish resulting from military operations be accepted or condoned. If they were to be accepted or tolerated in the case of Cyprus, a most dangerous precedent would be set for other small countries, whose independence would be at the mercy of their more powerful neighbors.
17.	I have come here to seek the support of the international community in our struggle to save the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus. I am here for the cause of justice and the freedom of a small country, a Member of the United Nations. I bring to this Assembly the agony of the people of Cyprus for the survival of their country in freedom and dignity. We fully recognize the importance of greater understanding between the big Powers as improving the prospects of solution of world problems in accordance with the Charter, yet we feel we have to be skeptical regarding the fate of small countries within the sphere of power politics. We need to be convinced that detente does not imply compromising the interests and even the existence of smaller countries.
18.	I shall not attempt to give interpretations of the underlying causes which led to the recent events in Cyprus. But what I have to emphasize is that, what-ever the cause and whatever the reason, there can be no justification for the Turkish aggression. The question before us is simple: Should the fate and the very existence of small countries be decided by gunboat diplomacy, by the use of force, by destruction, by uprooting people from their ancestral homes, without the United Nations being in a position to act? That is the problem of Cyprus today, and it is only natural for the people who suffer to wonder why we have placed our hopes in the United Nations and in the rules of international law and the precepts of international morality which the United Nations represents.
19.	My position as to the solution of the problem of Cyprus is that such a solution must be based on the application of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. In that connexion, I wish to stress that any negotiations on the problem will have to take place in a wider international conference than that of Geneva. We consider the proposal for an international conference within the framework of the United Nations as constructive and therefore acceptable to us. Certain prerequisites are, however, essential and will have to be fulfilled before negotiations are started. It is not possible to have free negotiations for a reasonable solution of the problem while Cypriot territory continues to be under foreign military occupation and while a third of the population are still refugees who have been forcibly expelled from their homes and lands. The return of the refugees is, from a humanitarian no less than a political point of view, a basic prerequisite.
20.	Turkey has repeatedly declared that it is not its intention to abolish the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus; but while expressing that in words, it is by its acts doing just that, unless Turkey's interpretation of terms and concepts is different from that generally accepted. Turkey invaded Cyprus allegedly to restore constitutional order, that is, for the implementation of the Constitution of 1960. It is that Constitution which Turkey has guaranteed, together with Greece and the United Kingdom. Although the Constitution gives many privileges to the Turkish Cypriot community in such a way that some of its provisions impede the smooth functioning of the State yet it is still accepted by us as it stands. Any changes must be made with the consent of all concerned. What is peculiar is that Turkey is violating the very Constitution which, as it claims, has given it the right to intervene. It is obvious that the Turkish invasion was not intended to restore the constitutional order, as established by the Constitution of 3960, but to enforce Turkey's partitionist plans in violation of that Constitution.
21.	At the Geneva Conference, Turkey made it clear that its aim was a federation based on geographical separation. It has tried for that purpose to create, through its devastating military operation, the geographical prerequisites for such a federation, which never existed in Cyprus. To that end, it has uprooted from the occupied area the Greek Cypriot population so that it may transfer and establish there Turkish populations, removing them from their homes in various parts of the island. Such a federation is not only artificial but also inhuman. It entails the transfer of about half of the population of Cyprus. About 200,000 Greek Cypriots and nearly 70,000 Turkish Cypriots will be removed from their homes and land. I am sure that not only the Greek Cypriots but also the great majority of the Turkish Cypriots would not be happy to abandon their homes and be transferred to other areas. What purpose is to be served by such an inhuman exercise to achieve the autonomy and security of the Turkish Cypriot community, as claimed by Turkey? These protestations and claims are nothing but pretexts for the expansionist designs of Turkey, closely reminiscent of the protestations and claims made by Hitler in order to invade Czechoslovakia. They also remind us of the methods employed by Turkey to annex Alexandretta. The autonomy and security of the small Turkish Cypriot minority of 18 per cent can in no way justify a geographical federation which ;n practice will mean the partition of Cyprus.
22.	Turkey has declared that its purpose is not partition and that its military intervention was not to that end. Yet that partitionist aim of long standing has been repeatedly revealed over the years. On a previous occasion when Turkey was about to invade Cyprus, President Johnson, in a letter to Prime Minister Inonu of 5 June 1964, stated:
"... I must call your attention, however, to our understanding that the proposed intervention by Turkey would be for the purpose of effecting a form of partition of the island, a solution which is specifically excluded by the Treaty of Guarantee."
23.	The attitude of Turkey on this subject can also be seen from the statement made to the Turkish National Assembly on 8 September of the same year by Prime Minister Inonu, who said, "Officially, we promoted the federation concept, rather than the partition thesis, so as to remain within the provisions of the Treaty."
24.	Those quotations further confirm the tactical nature of the use of the word federation as an official camouflage of the intended partition.
25.	There can hardly be any doubt that the geographical federation is intended and will inevitably lead to the partition of the island and consequently to double annexation that is, ore part to Turkey and the other to Greece. That will be the end of Cyprus as an independent State. Such a development may perhaps be favored by certain Powers in their own interests. Cyprus, because of the importance of its strategic position, has unfortunately frequently been the victim of foreign interests.
26.	No argument can justify the demand of Turkey for geographical federation, which would not only be inhuman but would also mean changing the identity of Cyprus. But what should be the answer if Turkey were to insist on geographical federation and by its military superiority were to impose it by force? Some who appear to be realists may advise that we should negotiate on the basis of geographical federation, indicating that in such a case, Turkey may show some flexibility as to the size of the area to be under Turkish control. There is some talk that the occupied area of 40 per cent might be reduced to something below 30 per cent. I do not think 1 should express any gratitude for such generosity by Turkey. Under no circumstances shall we negotiate so as to legalize the violation of the most basic principles of international law and human rights. Under no circumstances shall we agree to legalize any faits accomplis. Some may argue that if we do not accept geographical federation there is a danger that Turkey might attempt to occupy the rest of the island. It is, indeed, very easy for Turkey to conquer Cyprus. That danger will not, however, make us agree to legalize faits accomplis. What is unjust and immoral, such as the uprooting of populations, cannot be legalized. What is unjust and immoral cannot become just and moral by signing an agreement.
27.	The problem of Cyprus may perhaps appear complicated but is in fact very simple. It is the case of a small country, a Member of the United Nations, whose very survival and existence are at stake. This in turn makes it a test case for the United Nations. It is not only we who are anxious to see what the Organization can do and how it can become effective in protecting one of its small Members. I am certain that many other countries will also be anxiously awaiting the answer. It is inconceivable that the United Nations, which represents the conscience of humanity, should tolerate an aggressor applying the rule of the jungle and by brute force creating faits accomplis. If the faits accomplis resulting from the Turkish aggression are to be accepted or condoned, the consequences will not be limited to Cyprus. The future of Cyprus is closely linked with future developments in the sensitive area of the Middle East and the whole of the Mediterranean. If Cyprus were not a non-aligned country, we perhaps might have allies to come to our defense. But the fact that we do not should not render us a victim of a Power, a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], which has illegally used the arms supplied to it for its defense to attack Cyprus.
28.	The case of Cyprus is a test case for non-alignment, and beyond that a test case for the United Nations. If the United Nations fails to make Turkey respect the Charter and its resolutions, the faith of the small countries in the United Nations will seriously be shaken. It is imperative that the Turkish troops and, indeed, all foreign troops, be withdrawn from Cyprus. This is the time for the United Nations to act. It is absolutely necessary not only for Cyprus but also for the United Nations and for mankind as a whole for the Organization to step in decisively and effectively, so that the territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus as a sovereign and independent State, Member of the United Nations, may be ensured and safeguarded.
29.	Before concluding, I wish to avail myself of this occasion to express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our gratitude for his abiding concern over the problem of Cyprus, his untiring efforts to bring about conditions of peace in the island, and his contribution towards a just solution within the principles of the Charter. I would also like to express our deep appreciation to his Special Representative in Cyprus, Mr. Weckmann-Munoz, as well his predecessor, Mr. Osorio-Tafall, for their constructive and patient work in the island. Our thanks are also extended to the collaborators and assistants of the Secretary-General, Mr. Guyer and Mr. Urquhart.
30.	I would be remiss if I did not say how greatly we value and appreciate the exemplary manner in which the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus [UNFICYP] is discharging its responsibilities in the face of the great obstacles placed in its way and we pay tribute to its most able commander, General Chand, and to the officers and men under his command. At this moment, our thoughts go in deep sympathy and grief to those men of UNFICYP who, in the service of peace, lost their lives in Cyprus. And of course our appreciatijbn and warm thanks go to those countries whose Valuable contribution in military contingents and voluntary funds have made it possible for UNFICYP to operate in Cyprus.


Mr. President, at the outset I should like to associate myself with the speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum and tell you how pleased the delegation of the Congo is to see you guiding the work of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. In so doing, I am certainly following a tradition, but I am above all carrying out a very pleasant duty in expressing the deep joy felt by the people of the Congo on hearing the news of your unanimous election. The trust placed in you thus marks a new milestone in the career of a talented statesman and an experienced and wise diplomat, whom Africa is privileged to count among its sons a militant, a fighter for freedom with unshakable faith and determination forged in the Algerian resistance.
30.	Your election is also above all a tribute to the heroic Algerian people who, under the wise and enlightened leadership of President Houari Boumediene, are striving for the liberation of the third world and the assertion of its character. The resounding success of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, held at Algiers 13 months ago, and the historic sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly on raw materials and development, convened on the initiative of President Boumediene, are further proof of the ever-stronger attachment of your beautiful country to the cause of the third world.
31.	But for the Congo your country has done much more, Mr. President: here I must try your modesty, known to all of us, and say that for more than a decade the Algerian people and the people of the Congo have extended their hands to one another in the grip of brothers and fellow fighters that has grown firmer as the years went by.
32.	The heroic struggle of the Algerian people to regain their sovereignty serves as a symbol and an example to all oppressed peoples. The firm support which your country affords to all just causes, particularly the struggle for liberation of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, has made Algiers the universal capital of freedom and human dignity.
33.	The current session is being held at a particularly important moment in our history, a moment when areas of light and shade are strangely intermingled, and nascent hopes die, and then reemerge, so that mankind can never have a full sense of reassurance. I cite as an example the case of Viet Nam. It had been hoped that the lesson which the valiant Vietnamese people taught the army of aggression of the United States of America would have stripped away the last shred of illusion from all those who had not yet understood that all the peoples of the world, whoever they may be, have the right to choose their own path, that which best reflects their own ethos, and that they believe most likely to ensure the achievement of their deepest hopes and their happiness. We must note, unfortunately, that United States imperialism continues, and constantly violates the Paris agreements, agreements that gave rise to so many hopes which have now vanished, one after another, plunging both Viet Nam and the world back into increasing insecurity.
34.	The Organization must act, and act promptly, to ensure that the Paris agreement is applied scrupulously and in full, because that is the only way in which lasting peace can be established in that part of the world, which has suffered so much from atrocities and wars of aggression.
35.	Not far from Viet Nam, in neighboring Cambodia, the Khmer people also are being subjected to an unjust war, which they are repulsing with courage and determination, daily winning important victories over the aggressor which are recognized by the entire world. Today the National United Front of Kampuchea controls virtually nine tenths of the country. What is the Organization waiting for, before assuming the historic responsibility incumbent upon it by expelling from the international community the traitors to the Khmer nation, and restoring the rights of the only legitimate Government of Cambodia, that of Prince Norodom Sihanouk?
36.	It is also urgent to put an end to the imperialist aggression in Korea. While we welcome the decision reached during the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly to dissolve the famous United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea, the consensus reached in the General Assembly on 28 November 19732 serves the Seoul regime as yet another pretext to nullify the praiseworthy efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful and independent reunification of their torn country. But that vigilant people, overwhelmed by a series of acts of treason by the Government of Seoul, and despite an extremely ferocious machinery of repression, is increasingly insistent that all foreign troops be ejected, as an obstacle to peaceful reunification, free of all foreign interference, of the two parts of that beautiful country. The Organization can no longer be shackled by a consensus which serves as a pretext to prevent the realization of the deep hopes of the Korean people.
37.	Nearer to here, in the Middle East, the same aggressors are attempting to subjugate peoples whose fighting tradition goes back for thousands of years. Everything has already been said about the Middle East, and the vain pretensions of the Zionist State have been revealed in this forum by outstanding speakers from all corners of the world. I, for my part, would merely invite the international community to be increasingly wary of allowing Israel and those who support it from distorting the nature of this problem by presenting it as a conflict between the Arabs and the Jews, whereas the substance of the question was, and still is, the right of the uprooted and despoiled people of Palestine to return to their country. We are pleased that an item permitting us to consider the tragedy of the martyred Palestinian people has been included in. our agenda.
38.	In the eastern Mediterranean the same international firebrands have sown war, mourning and misery in the island of Cyprus. We cannot remain indifferent to the crisis which has afflicted that country, a member of the movement of non-aligned countries. The Government of the People's Republic of the Congo believes that the United Nations has the duty of guaranteeing the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
39.	In Africa the struggle for liberation is spreading and has achieved decisive victories. The heroic struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea- Bissau, which is a part of the war being waged by all oppressed peoples of the world, has made a decisive contribution as Comrade Marien N'Gouabi, President of the People's Republic of the Congo said, a little more than a month ago at the Summit Conference of the Central and Eastern African States at Brazzaville to liberating the Portuguese people from the Fascist yoke under which they had lived for more than half a century. This solidarity means that the new leaders in Lisbon will better understand the aspirations of the peoples of Africa who demand the unconditional and immediate independence of Angola and other territories under Portuguese domination.
40.	Amilcar Cabral, one of the most valiant and incorruptible sons of Africa, wrote with his own blood one of the most beautiful pages of its history . A point of no return has been reached in the process of liberating Territories which remain under the colonial yoke. We must pay our respects to the memory of
Amilcar Cabral and give thanks for the lessons he has taught us all. And particularly, we must pay our respects to his country which we are pleased and proud to welcome to the Organization. May the representatives of Guinea-Bissau accept the congratulations of the people of the Congo which, on behalf of President Marien N'Gouabi, I have the pleasant duty of extending to them from this rostrum.
41.	I should also like, on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate the representatives of Grenada and Bangladesh upon their admission as Members of the United Nations.
42.	To return to Africa, Mozambique, which has just banished from memory an irrevocably condemned past, is merely a few months away from attaining inter-national sovereignty. The United Nations must ensure that the Lusaka agreements are properly implemented. Africa itself must do everything to thwart the maneuvers of the outdated colonists who are attempting to place in jeopardy the victories achieved in the struggle for liberation in Mozambique and Angola, where they are creating and encouraging divisions within liberation movements. This is a well-known method designed to delay independence in Angola, and to plunge the country into a civil war which would serve as a pretext for the neo-colonialists who do not wish to renounce their dream of conquest in Africa. All of this neo-colonialist agitation occurs against the background of the well-known wealth found in Angola. This is wealth which imperialism contemptuously wishes to continue to exploit to the detriment of the interests of the Angolan people.
43.	The march of the Portuguese colonies towards independence must not make us lose sight of Namibia, Azania, the Comoro Islands, Djibouti, and all other territories under colonial domination aspiring to independence and sovereignty.
44.	We think that the United Kingdom should accept its role and assume its responsibilities in Zimbabwe. Also, the NATO Powers, which are supporting the racist regime of South Africa now extending its policy of apartheid in Namibia, must make the white colonists understand that it is in their own interests to return forthwith to the path of reason. The Africans can take pride in the fact that they have thwarted the most recent maneuvers of the Government of Pretoria which attempted to include puppets in a delegation which itself only represents a condemned policy. The General Assembly, by rejecting the credentials of this delegation [resolution 3206 (XXIX)), once again demonstrated its indignation at the criminal policy of apartheid. My delegation is pleased that a decision has been taken to stop the talks between the Secretary-General and the Government of Pretoria on Namibia, talks which the racists in South Africa were exploiting for propaganda purposes.
45.	Finally, while on the subject of colonization, I should like to indicate another absurd subtlety in this criminal enterprise which would wish to have us accept the principle of the referendum. I don't know, and I should like to know, whether within this Hall there is a representative of a former colony who could tell me that the inhabitants of his country have been consulted by a referendum and, by so doing, had accepted foreign occupation. History teaches us that treaties prepared by colonizers were imposed upon our peoples through traditional chiefs to whom the terms of the treaties were not even explained.
46.	Simple logic and rules which have always governed societies would have required that permission be asked to come to a country, and not to leave it. Moreover, this is the method which has been imposed upon us by investors in our economic relations with them when they demand adequate guarantees that they will be allowed to repatriate their capital. Here we are touching upon one of the problems which will predominate during this session.
47.	In the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General said that he had witnessed some signs "of a new determination to face up to the enormous challenges of a global society" [A/96011Add.I, sect. XIII].
48.	Need I stress the fact that my delegation heard with great interest this report. Its conviction, objectivity and thoughtfulness are a very important factor in our work. Unfortunately, as regards economic problems which the Organization must confront, some statements made from this rostrum dispel this optimistic vision. As we are going through irreversible changes it is rather disappointing to see that some great Powers still hope to practice the policy of the big stick and of invective. The development of proletarian nations is the greatest problem confronting our generation.
49.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly, convened, as I said earlier, upon the initiative of the great leader of Algeria, President Boumediene, made it possible as regards raw materials and development to discern a new policy and to commit the international community to changing the asymmetrical features of international economic relations today. It is true that we cannot expect everything to change immediately, but these rearguard actions cannot make any less valid the lessons learned by the international community from the sixth special session, during which the third world, seeing its very survival threatened, was able to become fully aware of the fact that the fundamental reasons for its backwardness were not something it was predestined to put up with, but, rather, that its underdevelopment was organized and maintained by international imperialism which uses the poverty of the third world as a method of increasing its progress and wealth. This special session was an opportunity for the third world countries to reject the logic of the system of the division of labor which forced poor nations to supply raw materials at low prices, while the prices for capital goods were maintained at high levels.
50.	Many international forums have heard and condemned the disproportionate profits achieved by exploiting the peripheral regions. It is no longer possible merely to take note of the fact that one third of the population of the world holds seven eighths of the world's income, whereas third world countries, re-presenting two thirds of mankind, must be satisfied with one eighth of that income. Despite the tragedy of this situation, the third world did not wish to choose confrontation as a means of dealing with the dramatic consequences of this system. We ourselves are convinced that dialog on a strictly equal footing is the most appropriate democratic means by which to uproot the ancient system and replace it by a new order that could give a vigorous impetus to fruitful cooperation among all peoples.
51.	One of the primary tasks during the Second United Nations Development Decade it to open the eyes of the wasteful consumer societies of the West to the meaning of the phenomenon of underdevelopment. For, in fact, the basic causes of this scourge are to be found in the industrialized societies that are contributing to the economic backwardness of the developing countries. Today, through the joint efforts of all Members of our Organization, the international community possesses two documents of historic importance: the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and3202 (S-VI)], which indicate specific guidelines for new international economic relations and invite the Organization, in a spirit of much-needed solidarity, to contribute to the Special Fund established by the Program of Action, for the least favored Members. Thus we are at a crossroads. Are our efforts to bog down in sterile confrontation, or shall we rather, all of us, by demonstrating courage and daring, cross the bridge and take the path that leads to progress for all with fraternal cooperation among all peoples?
52.	Today, there are certain principles that no one can uproot and that are the normal corollary of the independence and sovereignty of States: first, the permanent sovereignty of States over their natural resources, with, as a consequence, control by them of the mechanisms that enable the countries producing raw materials to establish the prices of their produce, and also the right of each country, if necessary,, to resort to nationalization and, secondly, the legitimacy of the struggle that the developing countries are compelled to wage against multinational companies, whose often disastrously harmful activities are well known to all.
53.	My country has already had an opportunity to indicate its solidarity with raw-material producing countries. Their struggle is the struggle of all of us. The seizure by the oil-exporting countries of the controls of the pricing mechanisms for their raw materials opens great vistas of hope for other third-world producers of raw materials. Our working masses are always ready to produce, but we cannot produce at any price. We must sell our raw materials at prices which make it possible to raise the standard of living of our workers and to meet the needs of our countries. That is why we can no longer let ourselves be abused by the campaign of hatred that has led the wealthy countries to establish "holy alliances" dedicated to exorcising the Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries [OPEC] and to dividing the ranks of the third world.
54.	Leaving aside such activities as doomed to failure, let us set our sights towards the quest for effective remedies to the grave crisis gripping the world, first by abandoning our selfish, wasteful ways and then by inaugurating an era of justice and peace in international relations for, as several speakers have emphasized, the inflation that is eating away at the world like a cancer is a phenomenon generated by the industrialized countries, the brunt of which has been borne by the third world, countries in their capacity both of seller* of raw under-priced materials and of buyers of the manufactured products of the wealthy countries. The energy crisis is an easy alibi all too frequently used by some developed countries as an excuse for raising the export prices of their merchandise. The spiraling inflation that is putting the world in a panic must therefore be more seriously and more objectively studied.
55.	In view of its constant concern with the search for justice and peace in international relations, my country viewed with pleasure the convening of the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the Second Session of which took place recently at Caracas. The international community has thereby shown its recognition of the absolute necessity of making a fundamental change in international maritime law. Despite the attitudes of bygone times, we wish to express our hope of seeing these negotiations lead to a convention that will promote international cooperation on a basis of equal rights for States, of justice and of peace in this important field. For the time being, what is important is that discussions have begun on new terms that are full of promise for all the peoples of the earth.
56.	The People's Republic of the Congo has participated and will continue to participate in the work of that important Conference, on the basis of proposals made jointly by the member States of the Organization of African Unity [OAU]. Here, once again, it is up to the wealthy countries to renounce those privileges that help to accentuate the structural dependence of under-developed countries on the industrialized countries. That is the only way our work can be successful. For the attainment of that aim we need more than the material and financial means which are, of course, necessary for the Organization to function well we need to infuse greater authority into that Organization. That can be done only if we are courageous and impartial enough to make a resolute attempt to modify its structure one which certainly responded to the needs of one era but does not correspond with those of today.
57.	An undertaking of this nature is indispensable if we wish to speak seriously of disarmament, if we wish such destructive calamities as drought no longer to be used by some countries for propaganda purposes, and if we wish to put an end to the interference of great Powers in the political lives of small States, so that countries such as Cyprus can reach their own national concord according to the wishes of their inhabitants, so that peoples such as the heroic people of Chile, with whom we stand in full solidarity, may no longer be massacred for merely wishing to live for and by themselves.
58.	I am thus reaching the conclusion of my statement. I know I have only repeated topics that so many outstanding speakers have enlarged on here, some with rarely equaled eloquence. But in so doing it has been my wish, with deep humility, and on behalf of President Marien N'Gouabi, to make this modest contribution of the People's Republic of the Congo to the work of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.


Sir, it is more than a mere custom, and for me it is more than an agreeable task it is a real pleasure to request you to transmit to the President of the General Assembly, on behalf of the delegation of Austria, our most sincere congratulations on his election as President Of the twenty-ninth session 6f the General Assembly. In him we welcome the representative of a country with which Austria maintains cordial relations.
71.	Just as the new Algeria understands the permanent neutrality of Austria, which is the foundation of its foreign policy, so Austria understands the policy of non-alignment which is characteristic of the foreign policy of modern Algeria.
72.	Allow me, too, to join to the congratulations I extend to the President of the Assembly our expression of gratitude towards his predecessor, Mr. Leo- poldo Benites of Ecuador, who, guided by the wealth of his experience in the work of international organizations, was able to direct the work of the twenty- eighth session with so much perspicacity, skill and, indeed, devotion.
73.	One of the first acts of this General Assembly was to admit to membership in our Organization three States from three great continents, Asia, Africa and Latin America, namely: Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau. The entry to the United Nations of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau as an independent State symbolizes "in a particularly striking manner the new progress being made in the decolonization process in Africa, which Austria has always supported. I cannot fail to rejoice at the opportunity given me to welcome these three new Member States and to assure them that we are looking forward to close and friendly co-operation.
74.	I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity to express the most heartfelt condolences of Austria to the people of Honduras who have been struck so hard by a severe catastrophe.
75.	In this month of September it is more difficult than it was on the eve of the last General Assembly to have a clear-cut view of international developments because of the events of the last year.
76.	We have in fact lived through two crises that had global repercussions, and on two occasions our Organization has had to make every endeavor to stop these crises from expanding, to control their potential consequences and, above all, to prevent them from evolving into even greater catastrophes.
77.	In October 1973 there was a new outbreak of war in the Middle East, which was more violent than any of the previous military confrontations in that region. On both sides the number of victims was larger, human suffering more harsh.
78.	The peace efforts made at that time finally enabled Egypt and Israel, on the one hand, and Syria and Israel, on the other, to reach agreements on the disengagement of their forces and on the reduction of their military potential in the strategically significant zones. Because of the goodwill and the tireless efforts of all, and also because of the diplomatic skill patience and tenacity of the negotiators, these agreements came into being. These are facts which history will take into account.
79.	Allow me to say that my country, as a non- permanent member of the Security Council, feels a very special satisfaction at having been able to contribute to the first successes achieved in this struggle for peace in the Middle East, in particular, by sending contingents within the framework of the United Nations peace-keeping operations. Nevertheless, a long stretch of road lies ahead on the way to peace and understanding in the Middle East.
80.	In the spirit of friendship that links us here with all the peoples and States in that region, my country profoundly hopes that this struggle for peace in the Middle East will no longer be hampered, in the future, by insurmountable obstacles. However, no satisfactory solution to this difficult problem can be found without taking into account the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, and without the existence of all States in the region receiving a firm guarantee.
81.	Quite recently another crisis has upset the inter-national order, and this in a particularly sensitive area.
82.	The Cyprus crisis has aroused grave concern in my country, first, because the Republic of Cyprus is, like Austria, a European country, and secondly, again like Austria, it is a small country that is not a member of any military alliance. Our concern, our uneasiness which are shared by so many other countries are also due to the fact that, by both the coup d'etat of 15 July and the military invasion that followed it, a small State, a Member of the United Nations, has been the victim of a recourse to force from abroad for the purpose of bringing about changes in its internal situation.
83.	Given these events, which seem to reflect a dangerous erosion oi international morality, Austria has never ceased to affirm the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity for the Republic of Cyprus, and the non-use of force in international relations.
84.	Faithful to these principles, Austria has likewise held to the point of view that the problem of Cyprus must be settled, first and foremost, by the Cypriots themselves, and that only a dialog between the two communities on the island assisted, of course, by all those who bear special responsibilities in this regard, and by the United Nations can lead to the restoration of peace in Cyprus.
85.	In this connexion, we hope that the dialog that has been started between representatives of the two communities thanks to the good offices of the Secretary-General will progress and will succeed in laying the basis for a settlement of the crisis. We wish to insist on the importance of such a settlement's being reached as soon as possible, for what is at stake is the credibility of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
86.	The United Nations, when faced with these two great crises that have erupted in the last year the scope and intensity of which constituted a threat to the process of detente was able, through its competent organs, to discharge the role assigned to it under the Charter.
87.	In this context, the peace-keeping operations decided upon by the Security Council are of particular importance. Scrupulous respect for such peacekeeping operations, in particular the obligation of not hindering the members in the execution of their mandate, constitutes an essential condition for their success. Such respect is likewise indispensable for safeguarding the authority of the United Nations.
88.	In the economic and social fields, too, the inter-national community has been gravely put to the test. Recent manifestations of economic crisis, particularly the persistence of inflationary pressures and the gravity of the situation as regards energy and food, have made us even more aware of the need for concerted action among all countries.
89.	The sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development, drew attention to the vastness of these problems and, accordingly, advocated the establishment of a new international economic order. Now, the main characteristic of such a new economic order must be its capacity to place sound economic growth at the service of universally accepted objectives, that is to say, the elimination of the hunger and destitution and poverty that exist in many regions of the world; the struggle against pollution and the preservation of the environment rightly regarded as preconditions for the existence in human dignity of any people; a general rise in standards of living; and acceleration of the process of industrialization in the developing countries Such a new economic order must, however; also seek to avoid all forms of waste: in the field of energy, in that of raw materials and, above all, in that of armaments.
90.	It is therefore to be hoped that all efforts directed at slowing down the arms race will soon produce positive and tangible results. On the basis of the latest estimates, more than $207,000 million were spent last year for armaments purposes. This sum represents more than 6 per cent of the world total of gross national products. A reduction in this enormous expenditure could assist in rendering more effective the aid given to the developing countries.
91.	Assistance to the developing countries that are most afflicted by economic difficulties is a paramount obligation. Austria has not failed to support the efforts of the United Nations for the benefit of those countries. We earnestly hope that the measures provided for within the framework of that program will enjoy the support of all those States which, because of their economic situation, are in a position to manifest their solidarity with the countries hardest hit.
92.	Nevertheless, however great the speed and energy with which assistance is brought to the countries most affected, it cannot in the long run prove effective unless the causes of their destitution are likewise eliminated. In this connexion, the delegation of Austria considers that the initiatives taken within the United Nations system to convene a series of major international conferences have made it possible to analyze the problems faced by all States and to find solutions with a view to creating a better balance in the world economy. Yet ascertaining all the facts and adopting all kinds of resolutions, if not followed by effective action on the part of all members of the international community, will not be enough to improve a situation which runs the risk of becoming chaotic.
93. The draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States prepared by UNCTAD on the initiative of the President of Mexico, Mr. Echeverria, could serve as a guideline and point the way towards a renewal in international economic co-operation. It is our earnest hope that the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly may be able to reach a consensus on that Charter. Thus we shall have placed an essential corner-stone in building a system of collective economic security. However, this system can be achieved only in so ,far as we are prepared to assume collective economic, responsibility. In this context, the delegation of Austria is very pleased with the suggestion made by the Foreign Minister of Norway the day before yesterday in this Assembly [2241st meeting] to transform the Economic and Social Council into a body in permanent session, and we consider that this idea deserves to be adopted.
94.	Economic and social justice cannot be attained without respect for the dignity and freedom of man. It follows that all forms of racial or religious oppression must be abolished in the world of today. Colonial domination has no future. The evolution in Portugal and the efforts of -the Portuguese Government towards a solution of the complex problems of its African colonies deserve special attention in this regard. We hope that the arduous struggle waged at the cost of great sacrifices by the liberation movements in southern Africa will, in the near future, and by peaceful means, lead to the attainment of the objectives of freedom and independence.
95.	The Austrian delegation notes, furthermore, not without grave anxiety, that the policy of apartheid persists in South Africa. No sign of change is to be seen in the South African policy towards Namibia either, despite the unequivocal opinion of the International Court of Justice and the clear stand repeatedly taken by competent United Nations organs.
96.	My country has. consistently affirmed its respect for human rights and firmly supported any action intended to promote them, particularly within the United Nations framework. Austria has once again demonstrated its convictions on this matter, by signing the International Covenants on Human Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annexJ on the twenty- fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
97.	It is deeply disquieting to have to note that even today there are numerous flagrant cases of violations of human rights. Torture and every kind of penalty employed with the aim of degrading a human being are the most abject treatments one can inflict on man, very particularly when these methods are used against political prisoners. Austria lends its firmest support to all efforts undertaken within the United Nations for the purpose of eliminating torture.
98.	Allow me also to speak of another major humanitarian problem which, unhappily, has been on our agenda for years and has never ceased to preoccupy international opinion: the problem of refugees.
99.	Every new crisis, every upheaval in the international order, has resulted in an increase in the number of those who find themselves homeless and are plunged into the greatest misery. The events in Cyprus provide us with a painfully eloquent example, since we know that at present one-third of the population of the island have the status of refugees. It is, therefore, urgent to intensify international action for. the benefit of refugees throughout the world and to strive to do away with the underlying, mostly political, causes of their deplorable state.
100.	Austria has consistently supported and contributed to the process of detente. The Federal Government has concentrated its efforts in particular in the framework of Europe, by participating actively in the consultations of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Geneva. We hope that the second stage of the Conference will soon arrive at satisfactory solutions which will enable it to set up the final stage at the highest level.
101.	It is with very special satisfaction that I can report to this General Assembly on the positive developments regarding the question of South Tyrol, which was the subject of General Assembly resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI).
102.	Four years ago at the twenty-fifth session, my predecessor was able to inform the General Assembly [1855th meeting] that Austria and Italy had agreed on a proposal which made provision for an extension of the autonomy of South Tyrol according to a timetable agreed to by both States.
103.	I am happy to be able to inform you today that further progress has been achieved in that matter since the last General Assembly session and that most of the measures for broadening the autonomy of South Tyrol have been expressed in corresponding laws and administrative arrangements. However, a certain number of measures remain to be taken. I wish to express the hope that the settlement of this question will proceed satisfactorily and that it will be completed in the near future.
104.	The desire of my country to contribute to the work of the United Nations, not only politically but also materially, is evidenced by the building of new headquarters for IAEA and UNIDO in Vienna. The "United Nations City", construction of which is well under way and will be completed in 1978, according to estimates, is financed entirely by Austria. We hope that this tangible contribution will be. recognized internationally by integrating the city of Vienna in the "pattern of conferences" of the United Nations. We hope also that our offer to welcome to Vienna other units of the United Nations Secretariat and other organizations will be favorably received.
105.	The attainment of the purposes and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations requires an extraordinary effort from all Members. Naturally, the contribution expected from each Member State must be in accordance with the reality of its specific situation and its material means. Yet we cannot expect to move forward on the course we have set ourselves unless each Member of the Organization is prepared to shoulder the responsibilities incumbent on it, and unless the distribution of such responsibilities and burdens is equitable and consonant with the possibilities of each Member.
106.	Austria, for its part, is prepared to assume its share of responsibility and, as in the past, to contribute to fulfilling the tasks defined in the Charter.


Mr. President, for reasons beyond his control, the Secretary of State for External Relations of my country who would have been very happy to be here publicly to thank you for your hospitable welcome during the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries has been compelled this time to postpone his annual visit to United Nations Headquarters. On that account the honor falls to me to bring the voice of Mexico to the general debate of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In so doing, I should like to start my statement by repeating to you the sincere congratulations of the Government and people of Mexico on the distinction which, with unusual unanimity, you have been honored by all Member States. We interpret this as a well-deserved tribute both to your eminent personal qualities and to the outstanding role which your country, Algeria, has played in the development and strengthening of non-alignment among the countries of the third world.
4.	I should likewise pay a tribute of admiration and appreciation to Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who so skilfully and impartially presided over the debates of the twenty-eighth regular session and the sixth special session of the Assembly in a manner which was to the great honor of all the countries of Latin America.
5.	Immediately after having discharged such pleasant duties, I am compelled to deal with something that is far from pleasant. I refer to the disaster which recently cast the Republic of Honduras into mourning, a Republic linked to Mexico by so many ties of affection and history. We have grieved at this unexpected catastrophe as though it had been our own, and the highest Mexican authorities, headed by the President of the Republic, have helped by every means within their power to mitigate its tragic effects. However, the scope of the disaster is such as to render imperative the solidarity and co-operative action of the entire international community.
6.	We welcome the advent of a new Portugal, whose dedication to the principles of the United Nations and total commitment to the task of decolonization were described from this very rostrum some days ago [2239th meeting] in persuasive and eloquent terms by its Minister for Foreign Affairs.
7.	In expressing our boundless welcome to Guinea- Bissau as a Member of the United Nations, the first territory to benefit from the praiseworthy Portuguese policy of liberation and independence, we also wish to voice our confidence that Mozambique, Angola, and Cape Verde will also soon enlarge the ranks of the membership of the Organization of sovereign States, taking it yet another step towards universality.
8.	For similar reasons we are pleased to express our most cordial welcome to Bangladesh and to Grenada.
9.	It would be impossible to try to review here even an adequate selection of the 110 items or, rather, since a few minutes ago, 111 items, on the agenda of this twenty-ninth session, the highest number of items ever submitted to the General Assembly in the annals of the United Nations. Accordingly, I shall limit myself to a synopsis of the essential aspects of my country's position on those items to which we attribute special importance. This general survey will serve as an introduction to the rather more thorough analysis I intend to make of three questions which at this point in history seem to us of fundamental importance: detente, disarmament and the economic rights and duties of States.
10.	We deplore the tragic events that provoked the recent crisis in Cyprus, and we wish publicly to express our gratitude and high esteem to the Secretary-General for his valuable and tireless efforts to prevent an aggravation of the conflict and to contribute to its lasting solution. We share his opinion that such a solution is possible only on the basis of formulas that are in keeping with the Charter, that are freely agreed to by the two Cypriot communities, and that take due account of their vital interests and aspirations. Likewise, we agree with the Secretary-General that it is an essential factor in this matter, as in any other matter of this sort, that "Governments become accustomed to respecting the decisions of the Security Council and to co-operating with the instruments which it may set up" [A/96011Add. I, sect. VII]which in this case means, above all, strict respect for the "sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus". It is equally essential that what are called the peacekeeping operations, which by their very nature must be temporary, should not serve as a pretext "for slackening the momentum of the search for a settlement of underlying problems" [ibid., sect VI].
11.	As regards the items on our agenda entitled "The question of Palestine" [item 108] and "The situation in the Middle East" [item 109], Mexico's position has been clear and consistent: in keeping with the traditional principles of our foreign policy, we repudiate the use of force in international relations and, accordingly, refuse to concede any validity to the occupation of territories and, a fortiori, any attempt at territorial conquest which implies the necessity of withdrawal from all territories occupied as a result of the 1967 war.
12.	We also consider that the parties to the conflict should put an end to the state of warfare and strive to establish a form of coexistence based on respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States of the Area. Moreover, we are convinced that there can be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East unless those States take the appropriate measures to guarantee the Palestinian people a future of freedom and dignity.
13.	Among the resolutions adopted by the United Nations-on these items I would single out Security Council resolution 242 (1967), adopted on 22 November 1967 nearly seven years ago which, in our opinion, contains the essential elements for a just solution. Mexico also viewed with satisfaction the adoption by the Security Council, on 22 October last, of resolution 338 (1973), in which it decided that concurrently with the cease-fire in the last armed conflict, negotiations should start between the parties concerned aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
14.	We would express the hope that the debates that will be taking place now in the plenary Assembly, to which both items have be.en allocated, will be held in an atmosphere and in a spirit that will facilitate the attainment of substantial progress towards a peaceful solution in accordance with justice and the purposes and principles of the Charter.
15.	My country was honored by the recent visit of a mission from the United Nations Council for Namibia. We regard it as a token of appreciation for our active participation in the struggle against colonialism in general, and for our modest but determined contribution to the praiseworthy efforts of that Council, of which Mexico has been a member for two years. We hope that it will go from strength to strength and finally put an end to South Africa's intolerable occupation of Namibia, which is in violation of so many General Assembly and Security Council decisions and has been expressly declared illegal by the highest tribunal, the International Court of Justice.1 Given South Africa's attitude of open defiance of the principal organs of the United Nations, and its repeated failure to comply with basic obligations contracted by Member States under the Charter, it seems to us the duty of the Security Council, a duty that can neither be shirked nor postponed as we stated last week from this very rostrum [2248th meeting] in recalling a suggestion Mexico had made more than five years ago to recommend to the General Assembly, in conformity with Article 5 of the Charter, the immediate suspension of South Africa from the exercise of the rights and privileges inherent in United Nations membership.
16.	The results of the World Population Conference held at Bucharest in July and August of this year under United Nations auspices, represent considerable progress on this vital subject. In the World Population Plan of Action that the Conference approved by consensus, the various theses presented were harmonized. This was done in a way essentially in keeping with the basic aspirations of the countries of the third world. It was made quite clear that the framework of international co-operation that was recommended should be one of strict respect for the sovereignty of each country, and it was emphasized that population problems are closely linked to a balanced development, and therefore that their solution will largely depend on what can be done to raise the standard of living of two thirds of mankind.
17.	The Government of Mexico, which seeks at all times to align its conduct with international decisions, has already sent to my country's Congress an initiative intended to reform the Mexican Constitution with a view to incorporating in it some of the specific recommendations contained in the Bucharest Plan. One of the provisions to be included in the Constitution in accordance with this initiative states the following:
"Man and woman are equal before the law. The law will protect the organization and development of the family. Every person has the right freely to decide, being responsible and informed, on the number and spacing of his or her children."
18.	Another international gathering, which we also consider deserves a positive assessment by this Assembly, is the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was held at Caracas in July and August of this year. Even though the Conference did not succeed in completing the difficult and complex task entrusted to it this was obvious from the beginning to States called upon to participate in it and thus it will continue its efforts at a second session to be held next year, there is no doubt that important progress was made on some far-reaching aspects.
19.	The proposal for a 12-nautical-mile-wide territorial sea to be supplemented by an additional economic zone, for which Mexico has suggested the name of "Patrimonial Sea", where in the matter of the exploration and exploitation of all the resources of the sea and of its soil and subsoil thereof, the coastal State would have the same rights that it has in its territorial sea although this would in no way, of course, affect freedom of navigation and overflight has already met with the approval of the vast majority of States.
20.	Likewise, the principle that the zone and the re-sources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction are the common heritage of mankind, and the con-sequent need to establish an international authority that would guarantee an equitable distribution of the resources derived from exploitation of a zone, continued to gain ground in the work done in Venezuela's capital.
21.	We venture to hope that the continuation of this task, which will be carried out in Geneva, will make it possible in 1975 to sign an instrument that will find general acceptance and lead to the codification of the many facets of the law of the sea, efforts which in so far as the United Nations is concerned were started in 1958. We believe that this would be to the benefit of properly understood self-interest, as much to the coastal and land-locked countries as to the maritime Powers.
22.	Now I shall go on, as I had announced at the beginning, to make some comments on detente, as it is called, between the two principal nuclear Powers commonly known as the "super-Powers".
23.	Mexico enthusiastically supports the idea of that detente. But, of course, we consider that it should not be viewed as an end to itself but only as a means to consolidate a peace that will guarantee justice and equity for all, a peace that is faithfully and strictly in keeping with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as these have been defined in the Declaration on Principles of International Law, Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)), a declaration that was solemnly adopted in the course of the commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Organization.
24.	Detente must therefore mean a complete break with certain practices of the cold-war era that tended to divide the world into bipolar spheres of influence. It must imply a radical change in attitude such as the one that inspired the title of the well-known work that analyzed the arrogance of power. It must never serve to try to justify violations whether open or concealed, clandestine or shouted to the four winds as a means of intimidation or coercion of the basic principles of self-determination, non-intervention and sovereign equality, which are the cornerstone of organized international existence. Fundamental rules of international law which, like those I have just mentioned, have been expressly recognized and reaffirmed with the active participation of all Members of the United Nations, are not to be capriciously invoked or ignored depending on how they suit the selfish interests of a given State, however powerful it may be. We must say "thus far and no further" to all procedures which violate these principles, recalling in this respect what Hugo Grotius said three centuries ago:
"Just as the citizen who violates civil law in order to serve the interest of the moment destroys that which is the foundation of the permanent interests of himself and his posterity, so too a people that violates natural law and international law destroys the defenses of its future tranquility."
25.	We are furthermore convinced that for detente to acquire the scope and significance which I venture to believe we would all desire so that it can serve as an effective instrument to strengthen and consolidate international peace and security, it must impress itself on the world by clear and palpable results in two main fields: in disarmament, and in the economic rights and duties of States.
26.	With respect to the first of these, detente must not become an instrument to institutionalize the so- called balance of terror by legalizing the maintenance in perpetuity however balanced it may be of a deadly supersaturation in nuclear weapons which entails a potential threat to the very survival of mankind.
27.	The modest collateral measures which have been adopted in the course of the last decade apply, in the main only to zones in outer space or the ocean depths, or are intended to eliminate weapons such as the biological weapons which, for reasons of self-preservation, nobody would have dared to use. Such measures should not lead us to forget the nightmarish situation now existing. No attempt should be made to use them as a smokescreen concealing the constant increase in the destructive power of nuclear arsenals, which for more than Ave years has been estimated as representing between 15 and 30 tons of dynamite for every person on the face of the earth. Nor should such measures make us lose sight of the fact that world military expenditures for the present year are estimated at the astronomical sum of $220,000 million, of which approximately $160,000 million is accounted for by the two super-Powers alone. Finally, we should not lose sight of the terrible discoveries which we learn about every day regarding new possible apocalyptic effects of a nuclear conflagration, such as those which were made public last month in statements made by one of the most authoritative sources in the United States, according to which a nuclear war could destroy the layer of ozone in the stratosphere which makes life on our planet possible by protecting it from the ultraviolet rays of the sun.
28.	The many items on disarmament included in the agenda of this session of the Assembly offer the nuclear Powers, and in particular the super-Powers, broad scope in proving that detente can really bring about fruitful results. It would be fitting, for example, to restore general and complete disarmament under effective international control to its proper place as the final goal towards which all negotiations on this subject should be directed. The United States and the Soviet Union would render a valuable contribution to that end by bringing up to date the drafts they submitted to the Disarmament Committee more than 12 years ago, or by presenting new proposals.
29.	The nuclear test held on 18 May this year by a State not listed among those that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] defines as nuclear-weapon States has emphasized the urgent need, for the nuclear States Parties to the Treaty, if they wish to prevent horizontal proliferation, to comply without delay with the commitments they entered into concerning vertical proliferation.
30.	Compliance with these commitments would principally mean that the two nuclear super-Powers would put an end without further delay to underground nuclear tests, by means of a permanent agreement, or through unilateral or negotiated moratoria, as the General Assembly has requested in so many of its resolutions.
31.	Such compliance would also require that the armaments race should cease and that nuclear dis-armament should be carried out in accordance with the specific requirements of article VI of the Treaty. Appropriate methods of starting to implement those provisions have been repeatedly put forward by the General Assembly when it emphasized the urgent need for the super-Powers to reach an agreement on "important qualitative limitations and substantial reductions of their strategic nuclear-weapons systems as a positive step towards nuclear disarmament".
32.	The fact that the agenda for this session includes items relating to the establishment of three separate nuclear-free zones [items 30, 31 and 101] one in Latin America, which covers a territory of more than eight million square kilometers with a population of approximately 150 million inhabitants, and the other two proposed zones respectively for the Middle East and southern Asia is in itself most significant. It is a clear indication of the position of those States which do not possess these terrible instruments of mass destruction.
33.	Because of the reluctance of the nuclear Powers to adopt effective disarmament measures, non-aligned States seem to be prepared to resort to procedures similar to those which apply in the case of an epidemic: to seek gradually to broaden the zones of the world in which nuclear weapons are prohibited for all time so that the territories of the nuclear Powers will constitute something like contaminated islands, subject to quarantine.
34.	The nuclear Powers could there make again a contribution to the strengthening of detente. The Soviet Union, the only one not to have done so of the five nuclear Powers to which the General Assembly has addressed so many appeals, can do so by signing and ratifying Additional Protocol II to the Treaty of Tlatelolco the United States and France can do so by signing and ratifying Additional Protocol I to that Treaty, to which the United Kingdom and the Nether-lands are already parties; and all of the nuclear Powers can do so by offering their unreserved co-operation so that the two proposals submitted to the General
Assembly will become a reality, like the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace adopted three years ago [resolution 2832 (XXVI)].
35.	This year the General Assembly will also have to deal with the report to be prepared by the Secretary- General, with the assistance of expert consultants, on the reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council and of other States with major economic and military potential. The report was requested by the General Assembly in resolution 3093 B (XXVIII), in connexion with which the delegation of Mexico had the privilege of taking the initiative. Consideration of that report, which we are sure will contain a well-documented and objective study of the subject, will provide yet another occasion for all States, in particular the nuclear Powers, to demonstrate by deeds their political will to assist in achieving disarmament. That is all the more desirable since the Assembly proposed in paragraph 1 of its resolution something which would constitute an invaluable contribution towards alleviating the economic crisis which afflicts the world, that is to say, "the utilization of a part of the funds thus saved to provide international assistance to developing countries".
36.	Lastly, the preparation and convening of a world disarmament conference which would be open to all States, a question which the Assembly has been studying since 1971 and in regard to which it has repeatedly expressed the conviction that it would promote and facilitate the adoption of effective disarmament measures, in particular measures of nuclear disarmament, is something which undoubtedly could give us conclusive proof of a real will for international detente. In that connexion, it is mainly China and the United States which will have to overcome the reluctance they have shown hitherto and offer their co-operation, as we have repeatedly asked them to do.
37.	The other field, also very broad in scope, in which, as I have already pointed out, detente should be felt tangibly so as to win credibility among all the peoples of the third world, is that of establishing a new international economic order which would become a reality within a system that includes an instrument defining the economic rights and duties of States.
38.	We are undoubtedly at a decisive moment in the destiny of man. It is urgent that the detente among the great Powers should' contribute to &n objective interpretation of the origins of the crisis which threatens the world.
39.	The energy problem, which has recently become particularly acute, is doubtless analogous to, though of infinitely smaller proportions, that which the developing countries who are producers of raw materials have been feeling in reverse. Those countries have for decades been the victims of systematic and growing impoverishment because of the imposition of unfair terms of trade amounting to thousands of millions of dollars. However, since in the present case the most highly developed countries are also affected by the so- called energy crisis, the latter, along with its harmful consequences, may have a beneficial result that of inflicting a shock similar to the shock treatment some-times used in the medical treatment of psychiatric ailments.
40.	In fact, the industrial Powers, which could view with equanimity and, why not say it, with the ill-con-cealed complacency of their gigantic importing companies, the collapse in the price of coffee, sugar, cocoa, iron, tin and oil itself, are today experiencing the same effects as those so often felt by the developing countries. We hope that this shock will open their eyes to the urgent need for just and equitable terms of trade between the raw materials which constitute the main source of income of the third world countries and the technology and industrial and agricultural machinery which, in effect, are the virtual monopoly of the developed countries.
41.	If we consider the question of energy in that perspective, and even within the broadest framework of trade relations of which it is a part, it must be concluded at least this is our fervent hope that, as in the case of various other developments of similar gravity, both are but inseparable symptoms of the profound maladjustments in the international economy. Inflation, food shortages, the tragic possibilities of unemployment, the absence of an orderly monetary system, problems of population, pollution of the human environment and the relative depletion of natural resources are reasons for grave concern for any observer of the contemporary scene.
42.	Mexico maintains that, taken in isolation, none of these phenomena is controllable. They make sense only within a global context that at one and the same time encompasses and conditions them. What we must transform is the system itself of international co-existence, not the individual contradictions to which it gives rise. It is an age-old stratification of relationships based on domination that maintains the world of abundance and enlarges the boundaries of the world of poverty. Consequently, it is a question of finding basic answers, new structures capable of subordinating the irrational forces of history to the demands of security, well-being and the survival of the human race. The necessity can no longer be postponed for discovering a real remedy for the alarming situation that confronts the world, instead of resorting to mere palliatives that produce illusory and transient effects.
43.	When at the end of the first United Nations Development Decade we realized that hundreds of millions of men, women and children not only were suffering poverty but were still fighting to live in the degrading anguish of poverty, it became obvious, indeed axiomatic, that the international system of exploitation unrestrained by any ethical controls and having as its only incentive the selfish gain of a consumer society, was powerless to solve the problems resulting from growth.
44.	At the same time, we learned that, during the first Development Decade, gross world production had risen to $1,100,000 million. But we also learned that only 6 per cent of that fantastic sum applied to countries having 60 per cent of the world's population, with a per capita income averaging $200 or less. On the other hand, 80 per cent of that incredible increase had gone to countries with populations barely amounting to one fourth of the world's population, countries that furthermore enjoyed a per capita income of more than $1,000.
45.	It was no doubt because of reasons and facts such as those I have just cited that the President of Mexico, Luis Echeverria Alvarez, was moved to pro-pose, at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the drafting and adoption of a Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, to serve as an instrument which, through mandatory rules of economic conduct, will encourage the development of a framework of co-operation for balanced development. On that occasion, 19 April 1972, the Mexican Head of State spoke words which, in the light of what has since occurred, have today acquired a prophetic sense. It therefore seems to me timely to recall them:
"The solidarity that we are calling for is a condition for survival . . .
"The task to be carried out is one for the present generation; there is no alternative of postponement. We are at the threshold of a structural change in human society that can be brought about only if all nations work together to achieve it.
"If the experience of the decade now ending is repeated in the coming decade, perhaps nothing further can be done to prevent an irreparable deterioration in the relations of the third world with the great industrial nations.
"No balance can be based upon a lack of common consent among the greater part of the world's in-habitants. Our peoples are aware that their poverty produces wealth for others. The hatred accumulated against political colonialism is now rising anew against economic colonialism.
"To construct an economy for peace is, at this hour, the primary duty of the international community. On the other hand, a refusal to co-operate in reducing the disparities among peoples means preventing the principles of the United Nations from acquiring any real content."
46.	To build an economy for peace, an economy from which all nations may benefit equally is the primary objective of the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States which, as is well known, the Working Group established by UNCTAD in 1972 and entrusted by the United Nations with the task of working out the text of the final draft, has been carefully preparing since February 1973. The General Assembly, in the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3202 (S-VI)] after emphasizing the necessity and urgency of establishing that new order, proclaimed a matter of vital importance that the Charter should be approved at the present session.
47.	It is our hope that it will be so and that the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, the first step in the work of codifying and developing the subject, will constitute, as the Assembly itself affirms in the Program of Action to which I have referred, "an effective instrument towards the establishment of a new system of international economic relations based on equity, sovereign equality and interdependence of the interests of developed and developing countries".
48.	The conflicting speeches we have heard in this Hall during the past two weeks and the terrifying facts reported in the course of the deliberations of the joint meeting of the World Bank and IMF which has just ended in Washington, in which the turbulence of the world economy and the sombre outlook for all countries were endlessly referred to, while at the same time it was affirmed with undeniable authority that hundreds of millions of inhabitants of the third world would die of hunger unless the industrialized nations immediately came to their aid all these facts make clear that we can no longer postpone using co-operation as the antidote to a possible confrontation, so that the concept of interdependence tempered to accord with equity and the sovereign equality of States mentioned in the Program of Action I have referred to may acquire its full force, and to contribute to this we should without delay adopt the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. We hope that the General Assembly will interpret the facts in this way and that it will prove equal to the responsibilities that the present historic moment brings.