226.	  Before I begin my statement in the general debate and with the consent of the President, I should like to state from this rostrum the deep and sincere feeling of solidarity with which the people and the Government of the Republic of Paraguay as well as members of my delegation associate themselves with the sorrow of the Government and people of the United Arab Republic on the premature death of their President, Gamal Abdel Nasser, an eminent leader of worldwide stature, to whose memory we seriously and respectfully bow.
227.	On coming to this rostrum I shall first discharge an express mission, which is as honored as it is pleasant, entrusted to me by my Government. On its behalf I extend to Ambassador Hambro its warmest congratulations on his election to preside over this session of the General Assembly, during which the United Nations Organization will commemorate its twenty- fifth anniversary. My Government sees in Mr. Hambro's election both a tribute to Norway because of its eminent and constant contribution to the cause of peace, and a tribute to Ambassador Hambro's lofty personal qualities, which have justly won for him our respect, admiration and confidence. As the representative of my Government I present to his predecessor, Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, a tribute of sincere appreciation for the outstanding work she did during the previous General Assembly.
228.	It has been a rule of my delegation to participate in the general debate at each session of the General Assembly so as to state from this rostrum its views regarding the principal problems submitted to it for consideration and on the most important items in the agendas.
229.	But, in this anniversary year, which marks a quarter of a century of existence for the United Nations, we wish to depart from this rule and present in a tightly-knit synthesis a recapitulation of some of the ideas connected with the past, the present and the future of our Organization, which have already been expressed by my delegation at previous meetings.
230.	Being fully aware that no cooperation in the application of the principles and the attainment of the purposes of the United Nations is more complete or more noble than that which can be offered by Member States through their compliance and respect both in their domestic and international conduct, we wish to present the credentials which authorize me to speak from this rostrum with objectivity and independence of views.
231.	My country is one which belongs to the numerous group of the "developing countries", as they are called, whose economy is essentially agricultural and of livestock and whose industrialization is still in its beginning. Furthermore, it is one of the only two countries which in Latin America see that, over and above the problems inherent in development without sufficient financing, we furthermore face problems which result from being landlocked. As such, we have fought and will continue to fight with steadfast determination to win acceptance for ever more advanced principles of international law which will compensate for the disadvantages derived from our being situated at a considerable distance from the sea. In this connexion, an eminent jurist from Afghanistan said that the problems of international trade of landlocked countries are enormous and that this condition does not disappear, even though the problems may change from time to time and from region to region.
232.	I mention this circumstance simply to give you a clearer idea of the magnitude of the problems which Paraguay must overcome and vanquish in its tenacious and uninterrupted effort under a dynamic and patriotic Government, to consolidate our economic infrastructure and to raise to ever higher levels.
233.	On the international level our conduct is such that we can proclaim, without either boasting or false modesty, that our country has not created situations nor been involved in conflicts that required the attention of the General Assembly at any time. That does not mean that we have no problems of this kind, or that we have not had them, but that, in conformity with our own tradition and with the mandates of the Charter, we have sought and still seek adequate solutions by way of direct negotiations.
234.	Internally, we have carried out a vast task of consolidating the economic infrastructure, of constantly raising the standard of living of our population; of improvement of our democratic institutions; of maintaining the value of our currency, despite the tremendous sacrifices this implies; and, above all and foremost, we have managed to strengthen an order of peace based on justice, in which democratic political parties are free to play an active part, and are now preparing to participate in general municipal elections called for 25 October. The index of attendance at schools, as well as that of nutrition, are among the highest in Latin America. Progress, in a few words, is continuous and integral, and the results obtained are the best rewards won by the statesman who presides over our national destiny. This is the country which I represent in this Assembly and whose voice I bring to you.
235.	Perhaps as never before, this general debate has given us an opportunity to know with greater accuracy the points of view of Member States regarding the undoubted successes of the United Nations during its twenty-five years of existence; regarding the failures which, even though with pain and in spite of sincere efforts, we must recognize, and the frustrations which more than once have tended to weaken our will. But, above all, this debate is in a way unique, because the criticisms of the shortcomings of the Organization, brought to light during its life span, have been set forth with loftiness of purpose and, we believe, with a constructive intent.
236.	But it would be tantamount to self-deceit and to deceiving the peoples whom we represent if these criticisms, addressed to the United Nations as a whole, were not accompanied by a capacity for as objective an examination as possible, which each Member must undertake, of the value and scope of his own national effort to give the provisions contained in the Charter universal content and validity.
237.	As long as this capacity for criticism and self criticism exists we can have faith in the future of our Organization, in its role, and expect that its actions will move forward a time of wellbeing, of dignity, a time of value and happiness for the human being, whatever his nationality, race, sex, creed, language, the place where he was born, or the land he inhabits.
238.	Some of the criticisms have perhaps been very severe. It is conceivable that with the creation of the United Nations, the world, which had just emerged from an extremely cruel, bloody, and devastating war, placed in the Organization an overdose of optimism about the possibilities open to it, giving it a prematurely illusory content.
239.	The frustrations resulting from the contrast between illusions and reality and from observing the growing political and economic power held by a few States, which are too powerful in comparison with the vast majority of those which make up this Assembly, have probably been some of the determining causes of a situation which, particularly in recent years, has become accentuated and is certainly a cause for deep concern. This situation consists in the tendency to remove from United Nations jurisdiction some of the gravest international problems which should, because of their very nature, have a natural forum in this Assembly. Instead of bringing those problems to a frank and open debate in this universal forum, they have been taken to the restricted forums of the conference tables of a few States which are, of course, the strongest within the community of nations. We cannot accuse the most powerful countries which hold the political, military and economic power I have referred to, of being solely responsible. We must also recognize our share of responsibility. We have increasingly attributed to them greater responsibilities, thus adding to the power which they already have, the power of representation, which is nothing but a disguised form of a renunciation of what should be our unavoidable duties.
240.	Hence, the time has come to reaffirm the need to make maximum use of the possibilities of this lofty forum. It is time to bring or bring back to it the problems which are its responsibility and not remove them. And when these problems refer to the breach or the possibility of a breach of peace and international security, the obligation is even more absolute. If any attitude can be dangerously negative, if any conduct can contribute to a greater degree to the ineffectiveness of the United Nations and eventually to its decline, it would be to remove from the Organization the examination of the problems I am referring to.
241.	Of course, we must expect that debates of such problems will bring to light deep differences of views in the application of the principles and the attainment of the purposes of the Organization criteria which not only will be different but will even be opposite. None of this should discourage us. Perhaps we should be less concerned with the quest for constant unanimity, since uniformity of thinking is not a usual condition among men who come from and represent different continents, States, races, cultures and civilizations, and accordingly respond to different historical, political and economic interests. In the contrast of criteria is the indispensable element to give strength and vigor to our Organization.
242.	In making those comments I do not intend to attempt to pronounce judgment on the results achieved by the United Nations during twenty-five years of existence. But I would be failing in an unavoidable duty were I not to formulate the categorical and unequivocal affirmation that in our view the postulates, the principles and the purposes of the United Nations, incorporated in the Charter which was signed at San Francisco, are at present as valid as they were then, that in themselves they point to the goal we shall some day reach and that today, like yesterday, they define the standards for domestic and international conduct, whose universal scrupulous and loyal observance is, and will continue to be, the best guarantee for the maintenance of peace and security in justice, for the establishment at the world level of the rule of that justice, to regulate relations among States in an order in which each one enjoys full sovereign equality, and to promote social progress and the economic wellbeing of man within an atmosphere of greater freedom.
243.	Our differences in many cases are due to our diverse criteria regarding the procedures which are adequate to win universal acceptance of such principles, and for the likewise universal attainment of these purposes. These differences are due also to varying assessments of the effectiveness of the organ to which the Charter attributes the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, namely the Security Council. The political conception of what the postwar world would be, seen from the perspective of 1945, determined the structure of that Council and the role of fundamental importance assigned to its permanent members. These had emerged victorious after a long and hard bloody war, waged in solidarity, against the forces of aggression and barbarism. That conception of the postwar world, nevertheless, is not fitting for a different era. Since then we have seen the decline of great colonial empires. On the world stage we have seen the emergence of superPowers endowed with a military, economic and technological might as yet unknown on earth, On the other hand, a result of the growing application of the principle of right of peoples to self-determination in the process of decolonization which, nevertheless and regrettably, has still not been completed, most representatives who attend this Assembly represent States which barely twenty-five years ago were subject to the colonial yoke and are today masters of their own sovereign destinies. No, the world of 1945 is not that of 1970.
244.	In San Francisco it was expected that, in cases of a breach or threat of a breach of international peace, the permanent members could take joint and harmonious action to preserve peace. The expectation faded, time has seen to it, and the result has been, in many cases, the inability or powerlessness of the Security Council to take effective action; inability or powerlessness which is all the more to be deplored since the action which we expected from that organ was both indispensable and urgent.
245.	Faced with that situation and its possible consequences for the effectiveness of the fundamental mission which devolves on the United Nations which led to its creation we can expect a growing role for the other Members of the Organization, particularly for those which represent the less endowed areas of the world Africa, Asia and Latin America. But let us not forge for ourselves the vain illusion that because of our number we constitute an influential force, yet nor would we wish to underrate the value of our numerical majority, a numerical majority and a value which would subsist to the extent that we found a formula for joint action, based on our own common interests. This quest is something far greater than a right. It is an obligation to exert our best efforts to that end and with that purpose.
246.	Referring to the area from which I come, Latin America, I must specifically mention the important and far-reaching role in the preservation of peace and international security which our regional Organization plays, an organization which combines the achievements which honor its existence with the vast capital of its contributions in the field of international law.
247.	Now, I believe it is my duty to reiterate once more the concepts stated in past sessions of the Assembly by the head of my delegation and Minister for Foreign Affairs. If States are to act within the international community as individuals do within national communities, logic indicates that the peaceful coexistence of countries of such varied origins and disciplines, with such different ideological, political and economic criteria and at such unequal stages of development, can only be secured with the three traditional basic elements: international law or the set of internationally accepted principles loyally observed; international tribunals or organizations for the administration of justice; and international forces able, when needed, to forestall situations which violate accepted "laws and to apply international sanctions.
248.	The United Nations has done considerable work in the field of establishing international laws, because of the many conventions adopted under its auspices, but we must recognize that the road ahead is a long one. As regards organizations able to administer justice at the international level, we note with concern and sorrow the declining role of the International Court of Justice. We believe that acceptance of international justice and compliance with the decisions of competent organs is no offense to the sovereignty of States. On the contrary, it is typical of eras of regression and barbarism that, in the event of conflict between States, the strong try to prevail over the weak by their own means, for their own benefit, disregarding all concepts of right and justice.
249.	As for the existence of international forces provided for in the Charter, the possibility is still remote. Years ago, in his introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, presented to the General Assembly at its nineteenth session,  the SecretaryGeneral referred to offers of military units as reserve forces made to the United Nations by several Member States, that is, forces available to the Organization whenever a justified need for them arose. The SecretaryGeneral then added that he had not been able to do much because no competent United Nations organ had adopted any measure authorizing him to accept the offer, even though no expenditure for the
Organization was involved until a contingent actually began to serve the Organization. Six years later, the situation is still the same. Furthermore, it is known that there has been no solution to a problem indissolubly linked to the possibility of having those forces, or others, intended for peacekeeping. I am referring to the adoption of equitable systems to finance peacekeeping operations. We know the magnitude of the efforts made in the relevant committee, under the leadership of an eminent Latin American, to find mutually acceptable formulas. In recording the fact that they have not yet been found, we trust that the months to come will prove to be more fruitful.
250.	The above comments and, particularly, some made during this general debate, would seem to indicate a desire to revise the Charter. We frankly admit that we do not believe that the time is propitious to undertake such a task. At the same time we believe that for a real and effective evaluation of the predominant trend of thought among Members of the United Nations, the General Assembly already has the appropriate instrument in item 88, entitled "Need to consider suggestions regarding the review of the Charter of the United Nations". Let us avail ourselves of that instrument.
251.	I have devoted most of my statement to questions related to international peace and security. Implicit in these comments is the hope for general and complete disarmament, under adequate international control. If I have not made special reference to matters pertaining to disarmament, it is because the item is on the agenda of the First Committee, where there will be ample opportunity for an exhaustive examination. For the time being, I should like to voice the deep concern with which we observe the monstrous amount of resources invested in armaments, an amount which is all the more overwhelming when it is compared with the figures to which the solidarity of the developed world is reduced, as its contribution to the economic and social development of most of the human race.
252.	Peace is the cornerstone on which order among nations and collective security rest, because they are indissolubly linked with other problems, and it is the latter that affect us from day to day. This is so for those of us who constitute the countries called developing, in our unceasing efforts to overcome the obstacles to our economic and social development, to correct a system of international trade which is not only unjust but immoral, to obtain the equitable distribution of our riches and the fruits of our work and to raise the standard of living of our peoples, many of whom, in this second half of the twentieth century, are still struggling in the infamy of backwardness and the degradation of poverty.
253.	Every day that goes by without demolishing the artificial barriers which separate those who have too much from those who have too little, barriers dividing those who enjoy highly satisfactory remuneration as compensation for their efforts from those who must be satisfied with the wages of a pauper, means new and increasing suffering for those large masses of man
kind. In that difference, the magnitude of which can only be measured in unspeakable anguish is rooted the greatest of the potential conflicts which it is possible to imagine, and, should it ever break out, would spare no continent, no country, no human community.
254.	The time for finding adequate solutions to this contemporary drama is running short, particularly in this Second Development Decade. The hour is late, but not irrevocably so. Therefore let us renew our efforts and our hope, in the expectation of better days. I conclude my statement with a quotation from the statement of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Brazil: "We must not forget that the United Nations represents the only specialized agency we have for peace, development and collective security" [1841st meeting, para. 15].
255.	On our capacity for collective action, on our sincerity of purpose and on the intensity of our efforts, will depend whether we convert into fruitful reality the theme of this twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations: peace, justice and progress for all the peoples of the world.


: A year ago I came here as the Acting President of the Organization of African Unity to put before the Assembly [1780th meeting], on behalf of that regional organization, the Manifesto on Southern Africa,  and the Assembly was good enough to give the moral support of the highest international body to that document. Today it is on behalf of the Federal Republic of Cameroon that I have accepted the invitation of the SecretaryGeneral and I have already expressed my esteem for him to address this august Assembly again and to participate in its work. I regret that I shall not be able to be present at the solemn ceremonies planned for this session and nor for the collective stocktaking which the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Organization of the United Nations calls for.
3.	Perhaps I may be allowed, first of all, to address my warmest congratulations to the President of the General Assembly for the trust that he has earned from the Assembly. That trust is doubtless at one and the same time a tribute to his eminent qualifications and a tribute to the valuable contribution of his country to the life of our Organization and international community in general.
4.	The United Nations was founded twenty-five years ago, at the end of the Second World War, that is to say, at the end of the most ghastly cataclysm in the history of man. This anniversary is particularly moving since behind it we see the shadows of tens of millions of men who sacrificed their lives for the victory of
the forces of freedom and progress over the barbarous forces of Nazism, militarism and racism which threatened to annihilate everything that was democratic and human in the world.
5.	The United Nations was founded to carry out the ideal that evoked that generous and courageous sacrifice in order to promote a better world, freed from violence, injustice and misery.
6.	That ideal was set forth in the United Nations Charter, signed in San Francisco on 26 June 1945, which defined the purposes of the Organization as follows: to maintain international peace and security; to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self determination of peoples; to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion; and to be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.
7.	To celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations means, in fact, to ask ourselves whether the sacrifice of those millions of men was worth while; if their hopes, which are still our own, have been achieved or shattered.
8.	When, after a quarter of a century of existence, we draw up the balance sheet of the road traveled and the results achieved by the Organization, we come to the conclusion that during that period during which international relations have changed often, profoundly, and at times so tumultuously, this Organization has achieved a series of significant results but also shown a number of weaknesses.
9.	The United Nations has many and varied achievements to its credit. However, before we define them let us say that the most important success achieved by our Organization, as an Organization of independent States with equal rights, is that it is still alive and struggling actively to solve the many problems which confront the world.
10.	In a world that has undergone so many changes, that has confronted so many new phenomena from decolonization to the appearance of nuclear weapons and the conquest of outer space a world that has been a prey to ideological confrontations, the cold war and armed conflicts, the United Nations has been a body which, above and beyond the inevitable divisions, has endeavored to be a factor of conciliation and stability in international relations, to express the hopes and aspirations of all mankind regarding the establishment of a lasting peace based on equal rights and the development of all Members of the community of nations, regardless of their size, their military power or their economic potential.
11.	To define the point more clearly, let us add that, in the light of what I have said, the United Nations has become a necessary element in international relations to the point where it would be difficult for contemporary man, hereafter, to imagine international life without the existence of such a universal Organization.
12.	The Organization by its presence and its activities has succeeded in imposing the idea of an institutionalized international community. We must say that it has been aided in this by the very evolution of the international society. The world community, in fact, has achieved a degree of advanced development which is reflected in the scope and diversity of relations among peoples, in the interdependence and the mutuality of interests, in the requirements and the objective needs of cooperation dictated by technological progress and, finally, in the very evolution and growth of international awareness, so that the organization of this world now has become an unchallengeable need.
13.	To return to the credit side of the Organization, it is almost a duty for the Head of State of an African country, formerly under trusteeship, on the eve of the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, to stress the particularly positive role that the United Nations has played and continues to play by giving constant and effective support to the struggle of peoples for liberation.
14.	Entire continents have been freed from colonial domination. The entry into the United Nations of a large number of newly independent countries has profoundly modified the structure and significance of the Organization and has led it to take the initiative of establishing a vast program of assistance to the developing countries in order to strengthen their political sovereignty, their economic emancipation and to establish a veritable universal strategy for development.
15.	That fact highlights another positive aspect of United Nations activities: it has kept alive the feeling of human solidarity and implemented international cooperation through its specialized agencies, particularly those that deal with technical assistance, health, agriculture, food, education, science, culture and communications. The effectiveness of these agencies cannot be gainsaid and their importance lies not only in the practical usefulness of their activities, but also in the fact that, thanks to them, the United Nations is a living reality in the daily life of all the Member States.
16.	Finally, we should note the role of the Organization as a world parliament. Basing itself on the Charter, the Organization has thus established worldwide legislation of great scope and thereby created a new international law: the Law of the United Nations. In this regard we might recall the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [resolution 217 A (III)], which has set up as an international standard the elementary and democratic rights of the individual; decisions on international economic assistance, which lay down the principle that hunger and poverty in the world must be the concern of the entire international community; the Declarations on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] and on the elimination of racism all over the world [resolution 1904 (XVII1)]\ the resolution on the permanent sovereignty of States over their natural resources [1803 (XVII)], which opens the door to a new branch of international law, that of the economic aspects of the sovereignty of peoples; and the resolution on nuclear weapons, under which the use of such weapons is regarded as a crime against humanity [1653 (XVI)]. And there are others.
17.	This new law has already laid the groundwork for the new international society, to which we aspire today. This is indeed the main role of the law: it does not only reflect existing situations; it also foreshadows the ideal towards which the mind of man must aspire and human relations be bent.
18.	Together with that positive side, if I may say so, there is a.negative side to the activities of the United Nations which is of equal importance.
19.	In this field the most disturbing factor is that the United Nations which in many respects is an effective international legislator, a body where the principles of international conduct are laid down has not always been able, to put it no more strongly, to exercise a sufficient influence on the conduct of Member States when such conduct has been contradictory to the principles and the spirit of the Charter; in other words, contradictory to the obvious interests of the international community.
20.	Nor does the Organization seem to be adequately equipped effectively to face those phenomena which are unanimously considered to be the most disastrous of the modern world. This applies to the ever widening gap which, despite the material and scientific resources available, separates the different regions of the world in economic development, and which the efforts within the framework of the First United Nations Development Decade were unable to bridge. We trust that the Second Development Decade will contribute effectively to avoiding a widening of the gap, if not to bridging it.
21.	The same applies to the arms race among the most developed countries at the risk of annihilating mankind, and which absorbs far greater resources than those needed to speed up the development of the developing countries.
22.	The same applies, finally, to the resort to force in international relations, to armed conflicts, aggressions, interferences, and interventions of a brutal nature in the internal affairs of other countries, which we note in the world and which make obvious the inability of the Organization to maintain international peace and security, which, according to the terms of the Charter, is its primary responsibility.
23.	The weaknesses that the United Nations has shown in the face of these events must profoundly affect the faith of peoples in the world Organization and its future. This explains why for a number of years, the question of reviewing the system of the United Nations has been raised.
24.	Doubtless a more reasonable utilization of the immense machinery of the United Nations would contribute to improving the effectiveness of the Organization. In fact the United Nations has, at times successfully, extended its activities to many fields. This has increased the complexity of its administrative machinery, which in turn yields greater results.
25.	Naturally, a certain selectivity, a more realistic orientation and a better coordination of the entire system would increase the effectiveness of the United Nations in the carrying out of the daily tasks and functions which are now part and parcel of its role and its place in international relations.
26.	There can be no doubt, furthermore, that certain United Nations bodies would gain by being adapted in order for the Organization better to reflect the transformations that have occurred in the composition and aims of the international society.
27.	However, it would be wrong to seek the cause of the weaknesses of the United Nations in the useless ness or obsolescence of the principles of the Charter which we feel still to be fully valid today or in flaws in its structure. Certain campaigns for the revision of the Charter have often scant connexion with the desire to increase the importance and effectiveness of the United Nations. They show their true political colours when for example, they even suggest a weighted vote, thus challenging the principle of the sovereign equality of States without which no international society worthy of the name could exist. We believe that those campaigns have only one aim, and that is to show, a contrario, that international society, in spite of its imperfections, is only what it is today thanks to the existence of the United Nations.
28.	In fact, without denying the weaknesses of our Organization, which are evident, we must recognize that we often deal with it unfairly. At the present stage of international law and relations, even though institutions can be improved, it is hard to believe that a men* technical and legal revision could eliminate all the causes of its impotence or increase its strength.
29.	We must recognize that the impotence of the United Nations is basically due to the strength of national egotisms, that is to say, the lack of political will which the Members of the United Nations often show when, contrary to their own specific interests, they are called upon to implement the resolutions of the Organization and to take appropriate measures against those that commit aggression or violate elementary human rights or the rights of peoples.
30.	How else are we to understand the fact that, despite the pertinent decisions of the United Nations, the racist minorities of Pretoria and Salisbury continue to practice the policy of apartheid and defy international opinion with impunity? Or that South Africa obstinately refuses to apply the decisions of the United Nations on Namibia? Or that African Territories, on this tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, still suffer under the colonial domination of Portugal? Or that peace is still jeopardized or threatened in one way or another in the world?
31.	It is clear that nothing significant can be done in the United Nations, and that the Disarmament Decade, the Development Decade and our resolutions on decolonization, regardless of their importance, cannot save the United Nations from the stagnation which threatens it, without the political will. The salvation of the United Nations without doubt resides in respect for the Charter of the Organization and in the scrupulous observance by all Member States of its fundamental principles, which continue to inspire the world and the youth of the world, as the World Youth Assembly made clear. Obviously this implies that the great Powers must loyally and truly assume the obligations incumbent upon them as permanent members of the Security Council. But perhaps this salvation resides even more in the awareness and determination of the small countries of the Third World, which now more than ever need an organized international community to guarantee their security and their development.
32.	The positive evolution which the United Nations has undergone in many fields in the course of the past twenty-five years has to a large extent been the result of their persevering action. There can be no doubt that the future of the Organization will also depend on its ability to formulate and ensure the aspirations and needs of mankind it represents. Therefore it is not surprising that the Conference of NonAligned Countries was held in Lusaka on the eve of this important session,  and pledged its total support to the United Nations and the strengthening of its role in decolonization, the defense of human rights, peace, cooperation and the progress of peoples. But by the same token, certain general conditions must, nevertheless, be fulfilled in order to ensure full effectiveness. I have in mind the complete universality of the United Nations, which the evolution of events makes more and more necessary.
33.	I have in mind also the general democratization of the work of the United Nations and of international relations in general. The road that leads to that end passes through concerted action in which all must actively participate. The result to be obtained is the creation of relations that will allow each people to work for its own future without hindrance and without interference and to contribute according to its means to the promotion of peace and the achievement of a world civilization whose material and technical bases have already been laid. There can be no doubt that it is this key that will open wide the door to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the world, because it is this democratization that is the order of the day. It is this democratization that must be our main concern as we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.
34.	This world of ours is more and more a unified world, a world that more and more stresses our community of destiny. It is for us to become aware of this objective solidarity and this community of destiny. In other words, we must be profoundly and sincerely convinced of the fraternity of all men and of the fact that their common future in this universe cannot validly be created except in the free and equitable cooperation of all men, all nations and all peoples.
35.	Thus we go back to the fundamental theme of peace, justice and progress which we have chosen for this commemorative session of the Organization and which is our profound hope for the future of the world. It is in our loyalty to these principles, which simply sum up those of the Charter, that the strengthening of the United Nations lies, together with their ultimate establishment as the main and irreplaceable instrument for a better future for all mankind.


1.	   Mr. President, your election to the august position of President of the General Assembly during the present session is tantamount to consecrating the principles which should prevail in our agitated world. My Government would like to offer its felicitations on this happy election as it believes that it will immensely facilitate the work of the present session, owing to your long experience in United Nations affairs, your outstanding reputation in international relations and your exceptional ability and talent.
2.	We celebrate during the present session the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, which was founded to save coming generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and to establish conditions under which justice can be maintained at a time when the world is convulsed by turmoil, division and violation of the rights of people to live and survive, and while weapons of mass destruction are being stockpiled.
3.	This unhappy situation is basically due to a disrespect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations and a disregard for United Nations resolutions. It has deprived the United Nations of efficacy and turned it into an impotent organ, passively watching the sad events in the world without being able to play the role assigned to it in the maintenance of international peace and security.
4.	Kuwait has consistently expressed its deep faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter. While reaffirming its faith in these principles during the present session, it calls upon the international community to discuss the most effective means of strengthening and developing the United Nations machinery.
5.	Having made these general observations about the United Nations, I now proceed to consider briefly the role which the Organization has played, as well as the role it is called upon to play, with respect to the intricate crises in our region, which have been gaining in complexity every day.
6.	An objective look at the development of history in the Middle East over the last quarter of a century leads to the inescapable conclusion that the United Nations bears the principal responsibility for the rise of those conditions which formed the root cause of the successive explosions in the region, and that it was responsible also for the aggravation of those conditions as well as for the failure to arrive at just solutions.
7.	This responsibility springs from the actions as well as the inaction of the United Nations.
8.	At the outset, it was the actions taken by the United Nations, in disregard of both the principles of the Charter and the constitutional limitations of its own powers, that gave rise to conditions which soon became, in turn, the cause of continuous tensions and escalating conflicts. For it cannot be gainsaid that the recommendation made by the General Assembly twenty-three years ago to partition Palestine [resolution 181 (II)], in spite of the opposition of its indigenous and rightful inhabitants, and to establish in Palestine a political entity reserved for aliens and based on racial segregation and exclusionism, was the initial cause of persistent trouble in our region.
9.	This initial action was followed by United Nations inaction. The United Nations failed to adopt necessary corrective measures, even when such measures were called for by its Charter and would have fallen within its competence. Such inaction gave rise to continuing tension and escalating conflicts. Thus, the United Nations refrained from taking decisive action when the alien, racist body planted in Palestine proceeded to displace the indigenous population and take possession of their private and public property. The United Nations refrained from intervening to implement its successive resolutions calling for the return of the displaced Palestinians to their homeland. It also refrained from intervening when the alien body abrogated the armistice agreements it had signed with neighboring Arab States. And it refrained from intervening when that alien body expanded by war, doubling and redoubling the area of the territories it had originally seized.
10.	Had the United Nations taken the opposite course, had it refrained from taking those initial measures which it was not within its rights to take
and had it actually taken decisive action of a preventive or corrective nature when such action was both right and mandatory, the Middle East would not have been burdened by the turmoil and anguish from which it suffers today. Indeed, the whole world would have been spared the anguish of those periodic convulsions which have brought it several times in the past quarter century and bring it again today to the very brink of danger. And, above all, an entire generation of an innocent Arab people would have been spared its tragedy: of coming into being, growing and reaching maturity in the shadow of injustice and deprivation; of the resultant embitterment, desperation and rebelliousness; and of the compulsion to travel the path of ascending violence towards regaining lost rights.
11.	That then is the first lesson to be derived from a fair-minded review of the interplay of the actions and inaction of the United Nations with the rise and exacerbation of problems in the Middle East. The first lesson pertains to the past; the second, to the future.
12.	The United Nations and all its Members have a special responsibility to put an end to the suffering of which the Organization was the original cause, to achieve a just settlement of the resultant conflicts and to pave the way for a secure and happy future in the region.
13.	If the determination to discharge this responsibility faithfully and adequately obtains, the following four fundamentals will jointly constitute the appropriate starting-point.
14.	First, violations of international law and the principles of the Charter must no longer be permitted, and past perpetrators of such violations must not be permitted to continue to reap the benefits derived therefrom.
15.	Secondly, no acceptable, secure and durable system can be erected on the basis of those very wrongs which have so far produced nothing save injustice, hate and turmoil.
16.	Thirdly, no solution can be found for the present crises through continued disregard of the primary victim, which has had thus far to pay the highest price for the wrongs committed by others. I refer to the Palestinian people its majority displaced, its homeland occupied, its national wealth despoiled and its dignity desecrated.
17.	Fourthly, this people may not be expected to acquiesce in the fait accompli forcibly achieved on its own land at the expense of its own rights and aspirations. Nor may it be asked to accept and give its blessing to that fait accompli nor to any solution of the current problems which is predicated on the continued displacement of that people and its continued deprivation of its natural rights. The General Assembly, which rightly decided at its past session to reaffirm "the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine" [resolution 2535 B (XXIV)] must not permit that declaration to remain as countless other resolutions relating to the Palestinian people have remained purely verbal and therefore hollow.
18.	From those four fundamentals there emerges a procedural principle which should guide the United Nations in its efforts to resolve the crises of the Middle East.
19.	Progress towards that end cannot be achieved through the attempt to formulate one comprehensive and integrated solution to all facets of the problem at once, or a "package deal", which would be put into effect at one and the same time. Progress can only be achieved through identifying the root cause and the most important ramifications of the whole problem, applying the principles of the Charter regarding them, and thereby creating a climate conducive to further progress in resolving the remaining issues.
20.	Two elements of the problem stand out as having absolute priority, namely, continued Israeli occupation of territories of Arab States Members of the United Nations and continued dispersion of displaced Palestinians who have been barred from return to their homeland and homes.
21.	The United Nations does not possess the right to adopt towards either of these issues any position other than that which is prescribed by the Charter and repeatedly enunciated by competent organs of the United Nations informal resolutions. The only solution to military occupation is withdrawal. The only solution to displacement is repatriation, that is to say, the return of the displaced to their homes, their resumption of normal life in dignity in their homeland and the exercise of their natural right to self-determination on their soil.
22.	When the determination to apply faithfully the principles of the Charter with regard to these two issues comes to obtain at the United Nations, and when this has been accomplished, it will be possible to look forward to steady progress towards removing the remaining obstacles impeding the achievement of a just peace.
23.	I have spoken thus far of the responsibilities of the United Nations as a whole and all its Members. I must add a word about the big Powers in particular. The big Powers, which initially stood behind the "original sin" in the Middle East and therefore bear special responsibility for the consequences thereof, have aimed in fact at more than just that in pursuit of their interests and ambitions in the region. They may have imagined, and still imagine, that the liquidation of the Palestine problem in a manner which would entrench the fait accompli without redressing wrongs and restoring rights would usher in chaos and turmoil throughout the Arab world, which would in turn serve as a golden opportunity for safeguarding existing big Power interests or achieving outstanding ambitions in the region.
24.	The big Powers hope to exploit the crisis of the Arab world in Palestine through fomenting other crises for the Arab nation as a result of which those Powers would be able to subdue the Arab will and exploit the resources of the Arab world without fear of effective resistance.
25.	Such planning will founder on the rock of reality. There is sufficient alertness in the Arab world to such designs, coupled with commensurate determination to safeguard Arab sovereignty and dignity, to frustrate and defeat these designs whatever may be the current manifestations of the possibility of chaos and turmoil emerging as a reaction to the attempts to bring about an unjust settlement to the problem of Palestine.
26.	The big Powers will discover that this road to the Arab world is in fact a blind alley. They should know that legitimate, mutual interests may be better and more fully and securely safeguarded through stability resting on satisfaction and consent and that they cannot be served by the ushering in of chaos and turmoil. As for illegitimate ambitions, which elicit no Arab responsiveness or consent, they can be neither attained nor safeguarded whether by the exploitation or fomentation of crises or by resort to force in the aftermath thereof.
27.	The area of the seabed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction is full of promise, as its vast virgin resources should be used to bridge the gap between the developing and developed countries. This, however, can only be done under an international legal regime based on the concept that the area and its resources are the common heritage of mankind, and should be established by a basic international treaty of a universal character.
28.	Such a regime will remain a mere abstract idea unless international machinery is established as an integral part of it and its executive arm. The Kuwait Government has consistently advocated that the international machinery should have jurisdiction over the area and its resources, and be endowed with comprehensive powers which will enable it to exercise both regulatory and operational functions. The machinery should play an effective role in preventing severe fluctuation of prices of mineral resources in world markets. This is a vital issue for those developing countries that depend entirely on the production of nonrenewable raw materials.
29.	It is a matter of urgent importance that a declaration of principles for the regime governing the area beyond the limits of national jurisdiction should be proclaimed as early as possible.
30.	In upholding the provisions of resolution 2574 D (XXIV), my Government is opposed to the establishment of any interim regime which will allow technologically advanced countries to have a free hand in the area beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.
31.	I should also like to affirm that my Government objects to the concept of an international trusteeship to be exercised by coastal States on any part of the area lying beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. This is a trusteeship in name only as its real purpose is to make the highly developed countries the major beneficiaries of the exploitation of the area which belongs to mankind as a whole.
32.	My country, which takes pride in the role which has enabled it to assist effectively in promoting the economic and social development of sister and friendly developing countries, attaches special importance to the Second United Nations Development Decade. Though there are encouraging signs that the strategy will soon be launched, yet we have serious apprehensions about the reluctance of most of the developed countries to accept firm commitments. It is not sufficient to lay down broad objectives. We must also define policy measures and programs of action. Commitments, therefore, must be very precise and of a binding character. A timetable should be set for the implementation of the targets. The strategy should emphasize the interdependence of the world economy and the necessity of making opportunities equally available to all nations, especially the developing countries.
33.	The ultimate aim of the strategy should be to enable the developing countries to become self sufficient through the increase in their export earnings and the diversification of their domestic economies. I would like to express the fervent hope that the new strategy will prove to be a landmark in heralding a new era of cooperation among all nations regardless of their economic and social systems.
34.	The main problem which confronts us during the present session is to strive to find some means for rescuing the United Nations from its present apathy and stagnation as we cannot imagine a world without such an international body. The other alternative can only be anarchy and abuse of power which would threaten the future of mankind.
35.	The use of force, invasion, occupation, territorial aggrandizement and apartheid have become dangerous practices in the world today. Those who perpetrate these vile deeds now believe that they have acquired a right to invade and occupy the territories of other States and face the world with a fait accompli, and that they are free to dictate terms for relinquishing part of the territories under their occupation which they had seized by force. Unless we all collaborate to strengthen the machinery of the United Nations by giving it the power to take action for the discharge of its responsibilities, humanity will be faced with a dismal future indeed.
36.	It is essential that all States should be allowed to join the United Nations according to the principle of universality and as a means of strengthening the world Organization so that it may become an effective instrument in maintaining international peace and security and meting out justice in the world. It will be incumbent upon the new Members to accept the obligations embodied in the Charter and contribute to solving world problems in accordance with the letter and spirit of the Charter. Hence we call for seating the People's Republic of China in the United Nations so that it may play an effective role in our Organization.
37.	We call for the withdrawal of all American and other foreign troops from IndoChina so that the countries of that region may exercise freely their right to self-determination without foreign interference. We also call on all United Nations Members to comply with United Nations resolutions imposing an embargo on Portugal and South Africa, in order to put an end to apartheid in Africa. Kuwait thus acts in accordance with the resolutions of the nonaligned summit conference recently held in Zambia  which delegated to President Kaunda the task of communicating its resolutions to the United Nations.
38.	The world is fervently yearning for peace peace based on justice, peace based on right, peace based on the right of peoples to live in freedom and dignity. As one month exactly from today we shall celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, it may be pertinent to proclaim as a theme "peace based on justice" and to adhere strictly to this theme, which is the best tribute we can pay to this great anniversary.


107.	 It is with great pleasure that my delegation adds its voice to those of previous speakers in extending to Ambassador Hambro our sincere congratulations on his election to the high office of President of this particularly significant session of the General Assembly. His election is sufficient proof of those high qualifications which will enable him to guide our proceedings with wisdom and competence. We are confident that, under his guidance, the work of this session of the General Assembly will be brought to a successful conclusion.
108.	I also wish to extend my delegation's appreciation to his distinguished predecessor, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, for the praiseworthy way in which she discharged her duties during her tenure of office. She has brought honor to her country, Liberia, and to Africa; indeed, Mrs. BrooksRandolph's performance as President of the General Assembly was also an honor to women all over the world.
109.	The opening of a new session of the General Assembly is always a time for taking stock of the achievements and failures of the United Nations. This traditional assessment is of course particularly appropriate as we begin the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly and approach the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. The failures of this Organization in its attempts to fulfill mankind's hope for peace are obvious enough, and the people of the Somali Democratic Republic share the disappointment felt by so many at the apparent inability of the United Nations to come to grips with the vital international problems of our time.
110.	The achievements of the Organization, while not as spectacular as its failures, are none the less important; they are the kind of day-to-day achievements that are not featured in headlines, but they lay the groundwork for economic progress and for international goodwill. I am thinking particularly of the work of the specialized agencies in developing countries like my own where problems that affect the daily lives of our people are being tackled successfully with the help of the United Nations specialized agencies.
111.	However, progress in economic and social matters has little meaning unless there is peace in which to enjoy it. If the United Nations should become simply a development organization its failure in the political sphere would surely destroy its other achievements.
112.	Where does the cause for the failures of the United Nations lie? My delegation believes that it lies not in the Charter, but in the unwillingness of some Members to abide by the Articles of the Charter, by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and by United Nations resolutions when these seem to run counter to their interests. In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the Charter we have a code of international morality and a system of international law which must be accepted as the basis of world civilization as it exists today, if we are to survive.
113.	Unfortunately, it has to be said that while we wait for general acceptance of the new international' morality based on the recognition of human rights, on the recognition of national aspirations towards independence and sovereignty, and on the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes while we wait for a change of heart, transgressions against human rights continue on a large scale; people who desire self-determination and independence are denied them and nations resort to violence and war, even when the machinery for the peaceful settlement of their disputes exists. The frustration of the wish for self determination and the denial of human rights lie at the heart of the dangerous situations which exist in VietNam, Cambodia, the Middle East, Korea and southern Africa. There must be a new attempt by Members of the United Nations to respond with sensitivity and honesty to the needs of the times.
114.	In our country we have also been faced with the need for a change of attitude. We also were in a situation where the insensitivity of the past Government to the needs of all the people was creating grave injustices, characterized by corruption, maladministration and lack of concern for the welfare of our people. The bloodless revolution which took place in Somalia last October represents a renewed effort at nation building and a revival of our national ideals which, despite the colonialists' vain attempts to destroy them, have been sustained with vigor and determination throughout our history.
115.	In keeping with our traditions and culture and in fulfillment of the aspirations of our people, we have chosen a system of democracy based primarily on African socialism. African socialism for us is not apolitical theory of relatively recent coinage; it is the traditional way of life of the Somali people. It is our hope and belief that the principle of justice for all, on which our popular democracy is based, is reflected in the positions taken by my Government on international problems confronting the world and the United Nations.
116.	In this regard I should like to say first of all that in its international relations the Somali Democratic Republic pursues a policy of positive nonalignment. This means that we have taken an independent stand on international issues according to their merits. It certainly does not mean a policy of non-involvement.
117.	Fulfillment of the obligations imposed upon all Member States by the Charter and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights demands collective action by the Members of the United Nations in certain situations to bring about international Jaw and order and respect for human rights. The Somali people will cooperate to the fullest in such actions.
118.	President Kaunda of Zambia will be coming soon to the United Nations to present a series of proposals on the fundamental issues of our times. He will do that on behalf of those countries which participated in the Lusaka Conference of NonAligned States and on behalf of the Organization of African Unity. For that reason my delegation will not describe here the salient features of those proposals, which the Somali Democratic Republic wholeheartedly endorses. When the proposals are taken up individually in the various Committees of the General Assembly my delegation will take advantage of the opportunity to expound on and to speak in support of them. As the Conference of NonAligned States made clear, the nonaligned nations will exert moral pressure to the fullest extent in their attempt to bring about just solutions to the international situations that endanger peace.
119.	I intimated earlier the belief of my delegation that the frustration of the wish for self-determination and denial of human rights are factors common to all the dangerous situations that threaten international peace.
120.	There is a basic similarity between the problems of the Middle East, VietNam, Korea and the problems of southern Africa where the denial of human rights of the indigenous people is a philosophy of government and where, in the last strongholds of colonialism and imperialism, armed forces suppress the desire of the people for self-determination and independence. As the Government of an independent African nation and one which tries to pay more than lip service to the principles of the Charter, we are deeply concerned over the oppression of the people of southern Africa and the indifference of many members of the international community to that oppression.
121.	In South Africa we have the phenomenon of apartheid which Is the system of slavery in modern dress. The question of apartheid has been before this Assembly almost since its inception, and the development of the problem shows the typical syndrome of a United Nations failure, namely, a deterioration in the situation in direct proportion to the unwillingness of some Member States to act according to the consensus of the General Assembly or even according to the dictates of the Security Council. In the ten years since Sharpeville, and since the outburst of international indignation which followed that incident, the South African Government has increased the severity and the inhumanity of the application of its apartheid policy. It has been able to do so with impunity because of the material and moral support of South Africa's main trading partners.
122.	Without the cooperation of these nations, the economic and political isolation of South Africa called for by the General Assembly, and the total arms embargo called for and recently reaffirmed by the Security Council, have no chance of succeeding. In the past decade, as we all know, South Africa's main trading partners have increased their trade with and investments in South Africa. Some of them have either openly supplied it with armaments or used a completely unreal distinction between arms for internal oppression and arms for external defense in order to carry on this iniquitous trade.
123.	By their dealings with South Africa, its main trading partners have not only failed to give moral leadership but are helping to undermine the authority of the United Nations at a time when it is sorely needed to deal with the interrelated problems of southern Africa. South Africa continues to occupy Namibia and to extend apartheid to that Territory in defiance of the United Nations termination of its Mandate [resolution 2145 (XXI)] and in spite of the fact that the. United Nations has assumed responsibility for leading that Territory to independence. Its economic and military alliance with the rebel regime in Zimbabwe is in defiance of the economic sanctions imposed on that Territory by the Security Council [resolution 253 (1968)] and helps in the suppression of the liberation struggle of its oppressed people.
124.	Finally, South Africa's military and economic alliance with the Portuguese authorities helps in the suppression of the nationalist aspirations and the legitimate armed struggle of the people of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea (Bissau). These are all acts of defiance against the authority of the United Nations and they are clearly condoned and supported by those nations which have extensive economic and diplomatic relations with South Africa.
125.	As an African nation deeply concerned over the sufferings of our brothers in southern Africa, deeply concerned over the moral implications of the continued imposition of the racist philosophy of apartheid on millions of Africans, and deeply concerned over the threat to peace in Africa and beyond presented by the whole question of southern Africa. Somalia would like to see the Security Council resume its consideration of this question as a matter of urgency, for it has not been discussed by that body since 1964. No one pretends that sacrifices of varying degrees would not have to be made. But I suggest that such sacrifices would prove beneficial in the long run in terms of the goodwill and cooperation of the peoples of Africa and in terms of the possible prevention of a racial conflict with widespread implications.
126.	The role so far played in South Africa by countries such as France and the United Kingdom is inexcusable We would have thought that their centuries-old association with the peoples of Africa would have produced a greater sensitivity to African aspirations and prevented them from taking positions on the southern African questions which are contrary to the rights and interests of African peoples.
127.	But in the dark picture of the southern African scene there are some rays of hope. My Government, along with other African Governments, was particularly encouraged by the stand taken by Canada in opposition to the United Kingdom's decision to reopen the arms flow to South Africa. We received with satisfaction, too, the decision of Italy and Sweden to withdraw from participation in the construction of the Cabora-Bassa dam.
128.	We are grateful to the peoples and Governments of Scandinavia for the enlightened and forceful stand they have taken against the racist policies of South Africa and of their generous contributions in support of the common struggle against the evil policies of that Government.
129.	That great progress has been made since the founding of the United Nations towards ending colonialism and fostering the aspirations of peoples for self-determination and independence is evidenced by the number of new nations which have taken their places as Members of the United Nations. This is certainly one of the major achievements of the Organization. However, this progress must not make us complacent about the millions who are still denied the right to self-determination.
130.	I have already mentioned the oppressed people of the Portuguese held Territories whose liberation struggle, together with that of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia, has ,been declared legitimate by the United Nations. These liberation movements are quite rightly in the forefront of international concern, forming as they do a part of the complex problem of southern Africa. My Government hopes, however, that the United Nations will continue to show concern for other Territories which are still to attain independence, such as French Somaliland, the Comoro Islands and Spanish Sahara.
131.	In this connexion we are pleased to note that an atmosphere of understanding exists between the French authorities and the people of French Somali land. The welfare and future of French Somaliland is of special concern to the Somali Democratic Republic.
132.	Apart from our desire as a Member of this Organization to support the principle of self determination, our concern for their welfare is a particular one arising from the strong ties of kinship and the common culture that bind the Somali people irrevocably to the people of French Somaliland. It is not the wish of my delegation to recount those unhappy circumstances which the people of French Somaliland experienced in the years 1966 and 1967, when they attempted to express their political aspirations. The lessons learn from those experiences have demonstrated that when the hopes and aspirations of a people are frustrated, violence is inevitably the consequence.
133.	The Government and people of the Somali Democratic Republic are anxious that peace be maintained in the Horn of Africa and they believe that with goodwill and a scrupulous regard for the principles enshrined in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, French Somaliland will be able to determine its destiny in a peaceful manner free from duress. Now that a better understanding prevails between the people of French Somaliland and the French authorities, we trust that France will demonstrate the same regard for political emancipation that it has shown to those other African nations which it formerly administered, and which today play such an important role in this Organization and in Africa.
134.	It is the duty not only of France but also of the United Nations to ensure that the people of French Somaliland are given the opportunity to take their rightful place among the community of nations. My delegation is convinced that by enabling the people of French Somaliland to become free and independent France would lay the basis and create conditions for an improved form of relationship which would make for better and stronger ties of friendship and which would be no less rewarding than that which France so happily enjoys with the former African members of the French community.
135.	The Middle East situation, which is like a festering sore that has been allowed to go for too long without treatment, endangers the peace and security of the whole world. It is a tragic example of the result of the lack of a commitment on the part of Member States to take effective action to enforce United Nations decisions arrived at by majority vote. The imposition of an exclusive Zionist State on Arab lands was an historic wrong which laid the basis for the troubles of the Middle East. That injustice was compounded by the failure of the United Nations to set right, at least in part, the injustice done to the dispossessed people of Palestine.
136.	Since 1948 the United Nations has had on its books General Assembly resolution 194 (III), calling for the repatriation or compensation of the Palestinian refugees. Although it has been clear for over 20 years that this issue, more than any other, has led to continuing conflict, one opportunity after another for resolving it has been allowed to go by. When the United Nations, by a narrow majority, gave its approval to the creation of Israel, even those States that supported an exclusive Zionist State in Palestine approved resolution 194 (III) as an attempt to redress wrongs that were clearly recognized. But in seizing the opportunity to give Arab lands to the Jewish people who were being called in from all over the world the Zionist leadership deliberately sabotaged other opportunities to move towards a peaceful settlement. It then became clear that only strong pressure from the major Powers, and in particular from the United States of America, would persuade Israel to conform to the United Nations resolution. Each time a new crisis threatened the peace of the Middle East, and indeed of the world, it was recognized anew by the major Powers that they had been remiss in not acting strongly to bring about a just solution to the Palestine refugee problem. But as the crisis waned and other interests intervened old attitudes of indifference or open hostility towards the implementation of resolution 194 (III) would be resumed. This ambivalent attitude, and the consequent loss of opportunities, was vividly illustrated in the Suez crisis, in 1956, the war of June 1967 and in the intervening periods. The people of Palestine have now taken matters into their own hands and an already difficult situation has grown more complex.
137.	The tragedy that is now taking place in Jordan is a dangerous consequence of our failure to solve the problem. The recent hijackings are another consequence. But the world must at least understand the longstanding frustrations that have led to such desperate actions. The world must understand, too, that the Palestinian people will no longer rely on unenforced resolutions in order to regain their birthright. If that is not recognized, then there is no hope for peace in the Middle East. The Security Council resolution of November 1967 [242 (1967)] contains all the elements for a peaceful settlement, and every effort should be made towards its implementation.
138.	We must not allow this situation to drift unresolved. In the three years that have followed the adoption of that resolution, the Zionist regime has conducted a vicious and continued series of aggressions against neighboring Arab States and has treated the people of the occupied territories with a complete disregard for human rights. Thirty years ago the Nazi regime of Germany was condemned by world opinion for the brutal treatment of the Jewish population under its control and for its expansionist policy at the expense of neighboring States. The Zionists have not yet reached the stage of adopting towards the Arab peoples they have conquered Hitler's "final solution" to what hi considered to be the Jewish problem. But a pattern reminiscent of nazism is emerging, composed of mass arrests, the expulsion of the population, the brutal treatment of detainees and the expropriation of land and property for the enrichment of the ruling community. How ironic that today some of the victims of the Nazi era should themselves be architects of a campaign of terror and an expansionist policy against the Arab people.
139.	The two prerequisites for a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian problem are, first, the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories and, secondly, full compliance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 194 (III).
140.	The aggression of the United States against the VietNamese people, its invasion of Cambodia and its incursions into Laos are in flagrant violation of international law and constitute a major threat to peace in Asia and the world. The Somali Government is fully sympathetic to the struggle of the VietCong and believes that the presence of United States and other foreign forces in VietNam is the main cause of the terrible suffering the people of that country have had to endure for the last twenty- years. The callous indifference of United States soldiers to the humanity of the VietNamese people lends ugly racist overtones to an already ugly war.
141.	As long as foreign interference continues, the ordeal of the VietNamese people will be prolonged. The war in VietNam is a civil war, and only the people of that territory have the right to determine their future. Foreign interference is also the cause of the recent upheavals in Cambodia and Laos. The invasion of Cambodia by United States armed forces is characteristic of the malaise that has seized IndoChina in the form of the belief that it is possible to bolster up indefinitely Governments which do not have the support of the majority of the people. My Government appeals to the Government of the United States to listen to the voice of the people of the United States, and to the people of the world, who so obviously wish to see an immediate end to this terrible war.
142.	In Korea, as in VietNam, the realities of the situation demand that all forces be withdrawn from the country. My Government believes that the question of the reunification of Korea is a domestic matter that must be solved through direct negotiations between the temporarily divided people of North and South Korea. My delegation reiterates the view it expressed last year, that the true role of the United Nations in Korea is solely to create the conditions and afford the parties concerned the facilities that would enable them to solve their problems in an atmosphere free from outside interference and separate from the political and military consideration of foreign Governments. As a preliminary step, my Government supports the proposal that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea should be invited, without conditions, to give the General Assembly its views on the question of the reunification of Korea.
143.	I have concerned myself a great deal so far with the failures of the United Nations which relate directly to human problems, to people denied political and social justice. I should like for a moment to deal with the question of a nation denied justice. I refer to the exclusion of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations. My Government strongly opposes this exclusion on two grounds. First, we support the principle of the universality of the membership of the United Nations, and, secondly, it is perfectly obvious to us, as it is to all who have scrupulous regard for the Charter, that the representatives of the de jure and de facto Government of the People's Republic of China should be able, as by right, to take their place in the Security Council and in the General Assembly.
144.	It is incredibly unrealistic and illogical that a State and nuclear Power with nearly 800 million inhabitants is denied its legitimate seat in the United Nations when we allow in our midst the representatives of Fascist South Africa, who flout all that we stand for in our Charter in their daily atrocities against the indigenous African people. This fact is all the more painful for the Somali delegation because South Africa is our neighbor in the seating arrangements of the United Nations, and we cannot possibly apply the notion "love thy neighbor", revealed in the Koran and the Bible, and also mentioned by Buddha, as long as the present leaders of that country believe in the hateful and felonious policy of apartheid.
145.	As in previous years, the SecretaryGeneral has pointed out in his introduction to his annual report on the work of the United Nations that:
"	in order to achieve agreement on far reaching measures of disarmament, it is indispensable that all militarily significant Powers, and in particular all nuclear Powers, including France and the People's Republic of China, should participate in the negotiations" [A180011Add. 1 and Corr.1, para, 27).
It would be a fitting achievement of this anniversary session if agreement could be reached on inviting the People's Republic of China to take its rightful place in the United Nations.
146.	It has been said many times in the past that the United Nations was "at the crossroads", and this is no doubt being said at the present time when we celebrate the completion of a quarter of a century of existence and embark hopefully on a disarmament decade. It would certainly seem that the signpost which points towards the goal of "peace, justice and progress" should be labeled "disarmament". Progress towards disarmament has been steady, but we have a long way to go along this road. There is a great deal of irony in the fact that while we have been able to prohibit the use of nuclear weapons in outer space and are well on the way towards prohibiting their use on the sea-bed we have not been able to prohibit their use on terra firma where such a prohibition is essential for the survival of mankind.
147.	The arms race in conventional but increasingly deadly weapons affects, in the words of the Secretary General, "all nations, nuclear and , nonnuclear, developed and developing" [ibid.,para. 20]. While the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)], to which my Government is a party, prohibits the spread of nuclear weapons to nonnuclear Powers, the nuclear Powers continue to carry on underground nuclear tests and to develop new offensive and defensive strategic nuclear weapons systems. The recent dumping of nerve gas into the sea off the United States serves to illustrate the reason why many States have not signed the Geneva Protocol of 1925 and illustrates also the need for a ban on the production of the obscene weapons of bacteriological and chemical warfare.
148.	It is always a matter of satisfaction when we are told that relations between two previously unfriendly countries have been put on a harmonious keel. In this regard, my Government was particularly pleased to learn that the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany had concluded an agreement which marks an important milestone in their relations.
149.	My Government has also noted with interest the improved relations that have developed between the two German States. The existence of these two States, in our view, is part of the political realities of the world today that cannot be ignored.
150.	And now permit me to say a few words about a problem which is of direct concern to my country. It might be recalled that until recently Somalia's dispute with its neighbors was often the subject of heated exchanges between our respective delegations in this Assembly hall and at other international conferences. Although these disputes remain unsolved I am glad to say that the tension and acrimony that characterized the situation then has lessened and that there has been a marked improvement in relations as a result of direct talks.
151.	The significance in this shift of approach is to demonstrate our belief that resort to the United Nations should be had only after all other procedures for peaceful settlement have failed. Talks are continuing at a bilateral level and the good offices of the Organization of African Unity are available to us should they become necessary. Our desire for peace and harmony in our region was underlined by the President of the Supreme Revolutionary Council, General Mohamed Syed Barre, when he said recently:
"We do not intend to kindle the fire of destruction in the Horn of Africa. We have heard and some of us have seen the effects and repercussions of war which has twice struck this world and left behind untold sorrow and suffering to mankind. What we intend to do, however, is to press for a peaceful and amicable settlement of all disputes with our neighbors which, if left unresolved, will sow the seeds of suspicion and hatred between the peoples and Governments of our part of the world."
152.	The motto we have adopted to mark this twenty- fifth anniversary is "Peace, justice and progress". The United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights contain the formulas for achieving these ends. But they will never be achieved if Member States continue to regard the Organization as a debating club whose conclusions they are not obliged to support or to translate into effective action. The extent to which we are prepared to act according to the moral and legal codes which we ourselves have fashioned and accepted will determine whether the United Nations will survive and whether its goals will be attained.