 Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation may I, like the representatives who have preceded me at this podium during this session, express congratulations to you on your well-deserved elevation to the presidency of the General Assembly and pledge to you our whole-hearted support and co-operation.
73. My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to extend a warm welcome to the two German States and to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas on joining the United Nations. It is only three years since Fiji, immediately on attaining independence, joined this august body, but from our brief experience we are convinced that the United Nations will be able to discharge its responsibility under the Charter more effectively the more fully representative it is of all mankind.
74.	As a small country, we are fully appreciative that the greatest virtue of this world forum is that, despite differences in size, wealth and political systems, all countries can come together freely to discuss and consult on a wide range of problems of common concern and to take appropriate measures to resolve them. We have also learned in the short time of our membership that the collective will and wisdom of this world forum can sometimes be frustrated by self-interest, national pride and other weaknesses among its members. With those weaknesses eliminated, the potential for success of this Organization is incalculable.
75.	The demonstration by the United Nations of the advantages of diversity and co-operation is particularly important to Fiji because we have a multiracial society. We believe that differences in race, religion, language and custom can add richness and variety of texture to our composite society. All sections of our multiracial community are accordingly agreed that our future must lie in developing a relationship based on equality, mutual respect, tolerance and understanding. These values are enshrined in our Constitution.
76.	Situated in the South Pacific, Fiji seems remote from the international scene. Indeed, we in the South Pacific have sometimes felt that ours is a neglected region of the world. As world leaders travel to and fro on important missions, one does not hear of them visiting the South Pacific, although our problems are just as varied and as complex as those one may find anywhere. External events can and do have disturbing effects on race relations in Fiji. The expulsion of Asians across frontiers, armed conflicts involving Moslem and Hindu religious communities, and racial tensions in predominantly white communities-these threaten and undermine the success of our policy of multiracial harmony. You, Mr. President, and the representatives present this afternoon need not be reminded of the disruptive effects of the economy of a country such as mine of currency devaluation and revaluation decided on by others without consultation with and apparently without concern about other countries which are likely to be adversely affected. So interwoven are our interests and welfare in an ever-shrinking world that the need for devising and observing agreed international standards in all fields of human endeavour is absolutely vital.
77.	It is, therefore, a matter of great importance to Fiji to look to this world body not only for sympathy and understanding of its problems but also for its determination to set, and to promote the universal observance of, certain practical standards for the benefit of the international community. Surely these standards must include freedom to decide one's destiny, racial equality and harmony, respect for international law and order and a greater realization of the fact that we are all, large and small, interdependent.
78.	Yet it is a sad reflection on the state of world affairs today that, 25 years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the dignity of man and basic human rights are still being denied in southern Africa. Political domination based on the perpetration of racial injustice and economic exploitation can only heighten tensions and instability in the area.
79.	The problems of race relations in southern Africa are complex and not easy to solve. It is my delegation's view that a solution based on dialogue and peaceful change can and should be found. In regard to United Nations work relating to southern Africa, my delegation urges that we do not lose patience in the pursuit of solutions by dialogue and other peaceful means. If the South Africans, the Portuguese and the illegal Smith regime appear to have hearts of stone, we would counsel patience, persistence and perseverance as against threats and the use of force. We would counsel that we watch for and exploit to the full any signs of readiness to talk, of softening of hearts and of the slightest change in known positions. In our view, it would be unproductive, and indeed highly dangerous, if we were to consider the use of force as the only means of achieving self-determination and independence in southern Africa. We believe that the United Nations has made and can continue to make a real contribution towards bringing about this beneficial change. It is, therefore, a matter of serious concern that some responsible Members-while declaring in this forum their support for the principles of the United Nations Charter and for the rights of self-determination and independence of dependent peoples, and their opposition to the policy of apartheid-have not in practice adhered to international measures designed to help the oppressed peoples in the area. They have in fact directly and indirectly encouraged the very Governments the United Nations is trying to persuade to abide by internationally accepted principles which we are all pledged and charged by the Charter to pursue.
80.	Another form of injustice which calls for urgent effective and concerted international action is the increasing incidence of acts of politically inspired terrorism against innocent individuals. We refer to the hijacking of commercial aircraft, kidnapping, the use of letter bombs- and other such devices. Fiji will continue to support any internationally agreed preventive measures, and regards this as a matter of the highest priority for the United Nations. However, here again, measures to combat illegal terrorist activities and, indeed, to promote universal respect for international law and order will work only if all nations co-operate in observing them. The sense of urgency and the strong desire to rid the world of terrorist acts should not be permitted to be blunted by the supporters of their perpetrators.
81.	Fiji has on numerous occasions voiced in this Assembly and in other international forums its strong opposition to the continuation of all nuclear-weapon tests in any environment, and in particular nuclear testing in I the atmosphere in the South Pacific. With 300 scattered islands and with limited land resources, Fiji regards the sea and its resources as matters of vital importance in its efforts to improve the quality and standard of life of its people. It is for that reason that Fiji is seeking, at the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the recognition by the international community of the special needs and interests of mid-ocean archipelagic States. But it is for the same reason that the Government and people of Fiji have taken very seriously the resumption by France of atmospheric nuclear testing in the South Pacific.
82.	We appreciate that the primary concern of a country must be to safeguard its national security against external aggression, but it must be equally recognized that we are all members of a world community and action taken by one member can impinge on the rights of others. It is, therefore, to be regretted that, as a responsible member of the international community, France has continued to conduct nuclear testing in the atmosphere at a point far removed from its own metropolitan territory, thus endangering the marine resources, health and lives of peoples of the South Pacific region.
83.	The international community has shown its strong opposition to nuclear weapons and nuclear testing in numerous resolutions and various international treaties and in the recurring appearance on the agenda of the General Assembly of items dealing with disarmament and the creation of nuclear-free or peace zones. This year marks the tenth anniversary of the partial test-ban Treaty,  whose basic aim is to end the nuclear arms race and thus eliminate the need for nuclear weapons and their testing. Yet France has ignored the call of the international community for the halting of all atmospheric nuclear-weapon testing in the Pacific or elsewhere, and its call for all States that have not done so to adhere to the partial test-ban Treaty. It has chosen to disregard the terms of an interim injunction granted by the world Court.  At a time when the world community is actively concerned with the law of the sea, France has cordoned off a large area of the high seas far beyond the boundary of the territorial sea of its testing site. This is a dangerous encroachment of the long-standing principle of freedom of the high seas, and when States continue to show a total disregard for accepted international legal norms, it is the world community as a whole that suffers. Only last week, the South Pacific Conference, meeting in Guam, passed a strongly worded resolution in condemnation of these tests and all other nuclear tests. The Secretary-General of the South Pacific Commission was asked by the Conference to transmit the resolution to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the information of its Members.
84.	It follows that Fiji will welcome the opportunity to discuss with our Pacific neighbours the proposal for a nuclear-free zone in the region as mentioned yesterday by the Prime Minister of New Zealand.
85.	I have already referred to the forthcoming Conference on the Law of the Sea. The issues to be discussed at that Conference are of immediate concern to my country, as indeed to other States, for the seas not only surround us but also join the component islands of Fiji into one nation. My country, as a member of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, which is preparing the Conference, is very much aware of the complexity of the issues and the diversity of interests which have dogged the Committee's work. My delegation believes that the Conference can accomplish its complex and difficult task only if all interests groups decide to demonstrate a genuine willingness to resolve the intractable issues facing them. What is necessary on the part of all States is the political will to negotiate and a spirit of co-operation and mutual accommodation. What we look for is not only a sense of realism in the claims to national jurisdiction, but also a willingness on the part of the major maritime Powers to recognize the fact that a new law of the sea is evolving. In our view, the international community must choose to establish a new order of the oceans for the benefit of all, or else risk allowing the present situation to degenerate into a new area of tension, lawlessness and uncontrolled exploitation, from which only the more developed few will benefit.
86.	What the Secretary-General has called the "new balance of prudence", accompanying the detente between the United States and the Soviet Union and between the United States and China, has raised hopes for a more peaceful world. The successful completion of the first phase of the strategic arms limitation talks, the launching of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and talks on force reductions in Europe, and the presence in our midst of the two German States-these have all borne witness to this new mood. The reduction of fears of survival is an objective which must continue to be pursued.
87.	But what has the detente meant to the international community and to this world Organization in particular?
Military arms expenditures are still rising. Nuclear-weapon tests are still being conducted. The risk of miscalculation and misconception of motives and intentions remains a constant threat to a detente based on a precarious nuclear balance. Because of continuing disagreements among the nuclear Powers, general and complete disarmament has remained an unattainable objective. Real peace has not come to Viet-Nam despite the official cease-fire. American bombing in Cambodia has now ceased, but war continues in that country. The Middle East remains an area of acute tension, and for decades the inhabitants of the region have not known the normal living which it is their birthright to expect and to enjoy. Dialogue has been established between the two Koreas, but no real progress has been achieved in normalizing relations in order to achieve their peaceful reunification.
88.	The recent agreement between India and Pakistan on the future of war prisoners has demonstrated to the world community that a lasting settlement can be brought about only by frank and peaceful dialogue between the parties directly involved. No one can benefit from armed conflicts or confrontations, whatever their outcome; we can all benefit from peace.
89.	The United Nations was set up, according to its Charter, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It has, on many occasions, helped to reduce tension and risk in a conflict situation and to facilitate the re-establishment of dialogue. But because of continuing disagreements among the major Powers, the United Nations peace-keeping operations have been at best a voluntary exercise, and in fact there may perhaps have been situations where the parties concerned have considered a United Nations presence an excuse to avoid serious dialogue.
90.	For countries like my own, the real detente must also embrace increased international co-operation in promoting economic and social development. The existence of widespread conditions of mass poverty, unemployment and underemployment, and of glaring inequalities of income both between and within countries is a potential source of tension in the world today. Permanent peace and stability can, therefore, be achieved only through a new sense of international commitment towards mutual assistance and co-operation.
91.	In this connexion, my delegation would like to express the sincere gratitude of the Government and the people of Fiji for the prompt response of the international community, through this Organization and bilaterally, in providing assistance for hurricane and flood victims in Fiji late last year. This was a clear demonstration to us of a joint and deliberate commitment to assist the less fortunate sections of the international community.
92.	The present session will be the occasion for the first biennial review of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which is geared specifically towards assisting the acceleration of social and economic development in the third world. In this regard, the Strategy lays particular emphasis on the need for increased transfer of resources through both development assistance and trade. But we would prefer to regard the creation of favourable trade conditions and trade itself as the best form of aid; for it is only in increased trade that we can hope to realize our aims through our own efforts, without a sense of external obligation or a continuing heavy dependence on special assistance from outside.
93.	Like many other developing countries, Fiji has a limited home market and its principal exports are two primary commodities, sugar and copra, which are subject to price fluctuations on the open market. Fiji is therefore heavily reliant on foreign trade as the source of essential foreign exchange. It is thus a matter of vital necessity to us that we find assured outlets and secure stable and remunerative prices for our primary exports. Additionally, because of the continuing deterioration in the terms of trade of commodity exports, it is of utmost importance that there should be some direct relative between primary export prices and the price of goods for which they are traded. The study of some mechanism to provide this relativity should be a priority call upon the research agencies of this great Organization.
94.	The current negotiations for the renewal of the international agreement and multilateral trade talks through GATT, and the forthcoming negotiation between the enlarged European Economic Community and the developing associate and associable countries, have a direct bearing on our efforts to improve the quality of life and the economic standards of our people. However, the success of these negotiations will depend ultimately on the attitude taken by the developed countries.
95.	The International Development Strategy, to which we all subscribe, comes out clearly in favour of commodity agreements for assuring equitable and remunerative commodity prices. This is the type of aid we most need. We appreciate that where such agreements involve restricting domestic production-as with beet sugar in Europe-the fear of hardship and unemployment can give rise to powerful sectional opposition in the developed countries. This can be true also when other measures to improve the terms of trade of developing countries involve reducing protection on locally produced goods. But the developed countries have the necessary capital, technology and skill to diversify into alternative lines of production and thereby minimize any loss of employment opportunity. The developing countries have not, and must continue to rely heavily on the export of primary commodities and semi-processed agricultural goods.
96.	The last decade has been a period of very rapid development in the South Pacific. Many Territories in the area have gained independence: first, Western Samoa and Nauru; then, Tonga and Fiji; and now Papua New Guinea will shortly achieve its independence. The Cook Islands are self-governing and Niue Island will achieve this status next year.
97.	Concurrent with this development is the steady growth of a sense of Pacific consciousness among the countries and Territories in the region. It is not so much a birth as a rebirth or rediscovery of old links and ties temporarily broken by the division of the area into metropolitan spheres of influence. This growing spirit .of co-operation has manifested itself both in the establishment of new regional institutions, like the University of the
South Pacific, and in changes within existing regional bodies, like the South Pacific Commission, whereby the Pacific island members now have a far greater say in controlling the organization, including its budget and work programme.
98.	The most exciting recent development is the emergence of the South Pacific Forum, a grouping which grew spontaneously from within the region, bringing together Australia and New Zealand with the independent island countries of the South Pacific in a common endeavour to establish a new free and independent association based on better understanding and more effective co-operation. With this underlying notion the Forum has set up the South Pacific Bureau for Economic Co-operation to try to modify the existing pattern of economic relationships between countries in the region and those outside it.
99.	These are trends which reveal an increasing awareness of common regional interests. They also show that countries in a region, despite wide disparities in their stages of economic development and differences in their ethnic composition, can come together in a partnership to promote the well-being of their peoples. But the essence of this regional relationship is that it is outward-looking.
100.	We believe that peace, security and orderly economic and social progress can be brought about only by all States coming together and pooling their resources for the benefit of mankind. What this requires is not that States should surrender their sovereignty but that they should be outward-looking and that they should regard others on the basis of equality, mutual respect, tolerance and understanding.
101.	What is required is that all the Member States should constantly bear in mind that this great Organization can achieve a great deal more in its international peace and security efforts, in economic and social development and in its other aims only if it has the full and continuous support of all its Members. Where we have failed or have not been effective is where this support has been lacking or inadequate. Thus the call to all Members which want a strong United Nations, more especially to the major Powers and the developed countries, is not only to criticize it for its shortcomings from outside but also to advise and empower their representatives within the Organization to remedy its weaknesses and to give the United Nations their wholehearted support which it so fully deserves.


20.	 Mr. President, allow me first of all to take this opportunity to join my colleagues who have preceded me in expressing the deep gratification we all share in seeing you assume this highly respected and immensely responsible office of the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly. Your unanimous election to this office bespeaks the confidence you personally enjoy in this august assembly. Above all, it is an expression of the great respect and admiration we have towards your great country and your great people.
21.	For my country and Africa, you represent not only your country, Ecuador, with which we enjoy warm relations, but also the sister continent of Latin America, with which Africa is linked in solidarity by common social, political and economic backgrounds and the growing co-operation in our common struggle to free our peoples from the vestiges of political and economic imperialism. There is, therefore, no need for me to state that you represent that solidarity and common cause. We remain convinced that under your able and enlightened guidance this session will be crowned with unqualified success.
22.	May I also pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Trepczynski, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Poland, who during the last session of the General Assembly conducted his office with the highest degree of responsibility, dedication and wisdom.
23.	Before continuing with my statement, allow me to address myself to a very important and perhaps one of the most historic events of our time in the continent of Africa. I refer to the declaration of independence by the gallant people of the State of Guinea-Bissau.
24.	The State of Guinea-Bissau, after holding a democratic election last year, has now completed the process of exercising its right to self-determination and independence by declaring its State to be an independent State. This has been achieved after many years of hard struggle and much bloodshed by the people of that country under the correct and the dynamic leadership of the PAIGC.
25.	I am pleased to inform this Assembly that the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania yesterday accorded full recognition, diplomatic and otherwise to the new State of Guinea-Bissau.
26.	On behalf of the Government and people of Tanzania I wish to congratulate the new State and the people of Guinea-Bissau on the bold step they have taken. Tanzania is fully aware-I repeat, Tanzania is fully aware-of the consequences of such a step.
27.	As the proclamation rightly pointed out, the struggle of the people of the new State will continue to be waged with greater vigour and determination, until those small parts of Guinea and Cape Verde which remain under the occupation of the Portuguese aggressors have been completely liberated. In that struggle for the consolidation of national independence and eradication of foreign occupation, Tanzania will provide its maximum support. It will also be our duty to do all we can to help this new State join the family of nations in this our United Nations, should they so desire. This is going to be one of the historic test cases to indicate whether the United Nations can stand firm on the side of self-determination, independence and freedom.
28.	We strongly appeal to the whole membership of the group of non-aligned nations and to all States to extend recognition to this new State.
29.	It also gives me special pleasure, on behalf of the Government and the people of Tanzania, to welcome the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The Commonwealth of the Bahamas is a country with which we share a common background and aspirations. Its attainment of independence and subsequent admission to membership in the Organization is yet another victory of the ideals for which the United Nations stands, namely, the right of all peoples to self-determination and independence. We look forward to close collaboration and co-operation with its delegation.
30.	The admission of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany to membership in this Organization is an important and historic event. The presence here of those two States is a manifestation of that spirit of detente which we welcome. It brings nearer the realization of the lofty goals of universality which is so fundamental for the effectiveness of our Organization.
31.	In welcoming the German Democratic Republic we take cognisance of the significant role which the Government and the people of that country play in the liberation struggle of the colonial peoples and their support for justice and freedom in all its forms and manifestations.
32.	In equally welcoming the Federal Republic of Germany, we would wish to express our earnest hope that that Government will assume its obligations and responsibilities in a concrete manner with regard to the problem of southern Africa. We have noted with interest the vigorous efforts which that Government, under the leadership of Chancellor Brandt, has deployed on the question of detente in Europe, and we sincerely hope that equal concern will be manifested in the problems which are so vital to the African people. After all, it is only through understanding clearly the problems of southern Africa that the Federal Republic of Germany can hope to have meaningful friendly relations with Africa.
33.	Our warm welcome also goes to the Office of the Permanent Observer of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which has just opened its offices at the United Nations. While this is a modest step towards the final goal, our primary hope remains that the Korean people will be allowed to reunite peacefully and without external interference so that that great country may one day also join our Organization as one country.
34.	The Government and people of the United Republic of Tanzania learned with great shock and profound sorrow of the tragic and untimely death of President Salvador Allende of Chile. As we know, the constitutionally and democratically elected President Allende fell in the violent military take-over which recently befell the Chilean people. He died in combat, fighting to defend the ideals he had pursued throughout his life, the ideals of freedom, justice and human dignity.
35.	President Allende was a staunch patriot, one who pursued the economic liberation to which the people of Chile look for the fulfilment of their aspirations. He devoted his entire efforts to the liberation of the Chilean people from the evils of ignorance, poverty and disease. He sought hard to transform Chilean society into a socialist society where prosperity would go hand in hand with equality and justice. Under his leadership the Chilean people had made great strides towards the fulfilment of those goals, but the forces of imperialism, reaction and injustice have relentlessly accelerated their pressures to undermine the efforts of the Chilean people. The tragic events in Chile are the culmination of the long and well-known machinations of reactionary forces. They demonstrate the ruthlessness of neo-colonialism and economic imperialism.
36.	The death of President Allende is a great loss to all those who strive to build a prosperous world where justice and human dignity will prevail. It is, indeed, a singular blow to the third world. President Allende has died a martyr to those ideals, not only for his own people but for the entire masses of the world. His life has been terminated, but we in Tanzania believe that his spirit will continue to spur us on, in pursuit of the lofty ideals for which he sacrificed his life. The Government and people of the United Republic of Tanzania extend their profound and heartfelt condolences to the family of President Allende and to the people of Chile.
37.	The developing world must learn from the events in Chile that international monopolies will go to any lengths, including murder, to ensure their continued exploitation of our countries. We raise our hats to all those victims of the murders which are now going on in Chile in an attempt to silence those who stand for the complete liberation of their country.
38.	As we gather here it is pertinent to note that the trend of events in the world has been towards the reduction of tension. The adoption of the policy of negotiation instead of confrontation among the major Powers of the world, as exemplified by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and other contacts elsewhere, have all been moves designed to increase the possibility of peace. Tanzania welcomes that trend. However, while we welcome such trends, notice must be taken of the fact that these improved chances of peace have not necessarily brought justice. There are still very many places in the world where justice is flagrantly flouted and injustice venerated. In Indo-China, despite recent developments towards peace there, the aggressors still support the puppet regimes in Cambodia and Viet-Nam against the forces of liberation. In the Middle East, forces of occupation continue to consolidate and enjoy the fruits of conquest, contrary to the principles of our Charter. State terrorism is being adopted as an instrument of policy and the rights of Palestinians are being flouted. And in southern Africa, despite all manifestations of the people's will against oppression, relentless efforts are being made, sometimes with the connivance of some of those Members of our Organization primarily responsible for peace-keeping, to continue that oppression.
39.	These situations, which are fraught with injustice, could still reverse the very significant steps which have been made towards peace. Peace can only last if it is based on a firm foundation of justice, for without justice the world can have only the facade of peace. In this context, note must be taken of the fact that so long as there still remains one spot in the world where injustice exists, that spot could jeopardize all efforts which are being made for the attainment of world peace. Lack of security in one continent affects the security of the other continents. That is why peace must be based on justice everywhere. It is an illusion, for example, to build the foundations of peace in Europe and neglect the explosive situation in southern Africa. Inevitably, the events in that region will affect the security of the European continent. Let me repeat — justice must be universal and indivisible or peace will not last.
40.	The Middle East remains an area of high tension. Injustice and aggression continue to be perpetrated and consolidated. Israel not only has continued to cling to the territories that it illegally occupies but has also adopted measures geared towards the permanent occupation of some of those lands. That has remained so despite all the efforts which have been exerted in search of a solution. The Government of Israel has become so arrogant, so contemptuous, that it not only has refused to respond favourably to numerous warnings and calls by this Organization but has also embarked on deliberate and calculated acts of aggression. It has adopted terrorism as State policy. It was in pursuance of that policy that that Government, in contempt of all norms of international practice and in breach of international law, violated the air space of ILebanon to intercept a civilian aircraft on a scheduled flight and thereby endangered civilian life. That Government has sent its troops into Lebanon, sometimes even in the presence of television cameras, to commit murder. And how can we forget the despicable and senseless act of shooting down a civilian Libyan aircraft, with the tragic loss of so many lives?
41.	By any standards, this is an incredible record of violation of the principles of the United Nations. There" is no doubt that these acts have made the situation more explosive and peace all the more elusive.
42.	In the face of this serious threat to international peace and security, the United Nations must fully assume its responsibility if we are to avert another military confrontation in that area. The United Nations must act, and act decisively, to eliminate the consequences of aggression and in favour of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Considering the obduracy and intransigence of Israel in this connexion, the United Nations can no longer be content with the passage of mere moralistic resolutions. Enforcement of the decisions of the Organization is indeed long overdue.
43.	Let me now turn to the question of the Palestinian people. It is absurd for our Organization and indeed cruel, to say the least, that thousands of Palestinians should be made to live in tents for ever. Yet every time this Assembly meets we seem to sweep under the carpet the Palestinian problem which actually is the root-cause of the Middle East question.
44.	It would be illusory to imagine that the Middle East question could be solved without finding a solution to the Palestinian people's plight. To ignore this is, to say the least, to postpone the inevitable. It is, therefore, the hope of my delegation that this Assembly will sincerely look into this matter and start to find a just solution which the Palestinians have for so long awaited from this Organization.
45.	At the beginning of this year an agreement was signed in Paris with a view to bringing peace to Viet-Nam.  It was an agreement that sent a welcome wave of deep relief throughout the world. For the immediate effect of that agreement was to bring an end to the traumatic savagery that had so vividly characterized United States imperialism in that unhappy land for more than a decade. The world could not but feel relieved at that important development, which signified a great victory for the Viet-Namese people and the forces of peace throughout the world. Like the rest of mankind, therefore, the Government and people of Tanzania welcomed the Paris Agreement.
46.	The Paris Agreement testified to the resilience of the Viet-Namese people and demonstrated the invincibility of a people struggling for its rights against formidable odds. It was clearly shown that brutality and the might of even the most powerful of nations could not and cannot subdue the will of a people determined to be free. That is the lesson of Viet-Nam and that is the inspiration which all those who are struggling for freedom and justice draw from the indomitable spirit and heroic struggle of the Viet-Namese people.
47.	It is regrettable that the lessons of Viet-Nam have not been fully comprehended in relation to Cambodia. There the United States continues to interfere in the domestic affairs of the Cambodian people by propping up the puppet regime of Lon Nol. While bowing to the legitimate demands of the American people and the international community to put an end to the barbarous bombing, the United States
. continues to bolster the economic and military capacity of that besieged regime, desperately trying to give reality to its pretences. It is our hope that, instead of proceeding on this misguided course, the objective realities of Cambodia will be realized and the international community as a whole will accord recognition to the only legitimate and rightful Government of Cambodia, under the leadership of the Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
48.	The people of Indo-China have known war and suffering for too long. They are as much entitled to enjoy peace as those who are responsible for their misery. But the only way to achieve this noble objective is to leave the people of that region to determine their own destiny.
49.	The people of Korea have for many years been divided, largely because of foreign interference — again by the United States. The situation in Korea is both ironical and anachronistic. Ironical, because the name of the United Nations and its flag continue to be used as a cover for foreign troops which serve the interests of imperialism through war-mongering and other forms of instigation and promotion of conflict. Anachronistic, because we are made to understand that the era of the cold war is ended. Yet the victims of the cold war continue to be divided from kith and kin. The longer we allow this situation to continue the more cynicism we invite from those who look to the United Nations for salvation.
50.	The Korean people have rejected foreign interference in Korea's internal affairs and pledged to unite through peaceful means. Failure by the United Nations to respond to these favourable indications of the possibility of a peaceful reunification of Korea cannot but display hypocrisy on our part, and heavy would be our responsibility for any worsening of the Korean situation. I find it very strange that, while we all talk about the role of the United Nations as being primarily to promote peace in the world, the flag of this Organization is being used by one — I repeat, one — super-Power for aggressive purposes in Korea. Yet when the matter is raised we all seem either not to care or to imagine that to say no to such a super-Power would break up our Organization. We ought to tell this superpower that we can no longer tolerate the use of the United Nations flag to further the international aggrandizement of a super-Power.
51.	It is therefore, the hope of my delegation that, in connexion with the new item on the creation of favourable conditions for an independent, peaceful reunification of Korea [item 41 (b)], the draft resolution sponsored by more than 20 Powers and calling for the withdrawal of all foreign troops, the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea and the termination of the so-called United Nations Command in Korea,, will this year be adopted and implemented immediately.
52.	In Africa, the injustice of colonialism and racism sustained by the continued intransigence of the colonial, racist minority regimes remains.
53.	In the Portuguese colonies, the situation has taken an even more sad turn. As the tide for liberation grows, and as the people, led by their national liberation movements, gain more victories, the Portuguese authorities become more desperate. They have resorted to barbarous acts of violence and genocide. The callous murder of the gallant fighter and leader of the people of Guinea-Bissau, Amilcar Cabral, is an eloquent testimony of this desperation and their bankruptcy in policy. In Mozambique, Angola and Guinea- Bissau that regime has committed atrocities and mass murders of extraordinary proportion. The recent murders at Wiriyamu in Mozambique is only one of the many similar massacres — I repeat, it is one of the similar massacres — that that regime has been committing in Africa. Mass murder is being used as an instrument of policy to perpetuate a colonial situation. It was indeed naive and ridiculous for the Portuguese to attempt to vindicate their innocence by sending a hastily hand-picked group of journalists to investigate murders, when all we know is that they went on a guided tour arranged by the very Portuguese who selected them. If the Portuguese were really interested injustice, in finding out whether the murders in Wiriyamu took place or not, then they would institute an impartial inquiry.
54.	The rejection by the Portuguese authorities of a call by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for an- impartial investigation of those who were involved in the massacre clearly confirms the perpetration of these brutalities. The international community must remain convinced of the authenticity of these murders. After all, the disclosure was made by honest. God-fearing Catholic priests who in our view had nothing to gain from fabricating such cold-blooded murders of defenceless women and children.
55.	These massacres are sufficient reason for taking all the measures against Portugal which were taken against the Nazis, who continue to be hunted for their crimes up to the present day. In this context, therefore, those who collaborate with Portugal in trade, in the supplying of arms and a training programme for soldiers, or in giving any form of support and assistance must reflect on the result of their actions. Any form of collaboration with Portugal not only gives it the desperately needed political support and a sense of respectability, but indeed enables it to perpetuate the colonial situation, and to commit more mass murders for which those who provide such support cannot remain blameless.
56.	The illegal minority regime of Rhodesia not only has increased oppression in that country, but has shown the boldness of desperation by sending troops to fight in Mozambique, and threatening neighbouring Zambia. Internally, it has adopted measures of repression to suppress the people of Zimbabwe. It has recently committed several cold-blooded murders of freedom fighters. Collective punishment has been introduced and carried out. The leaders of the nationalist and liberation movements have either been detained or restricted in their activities. Measures to introduce apartheid have been accelerated. Yet, the people have consistently and with determination continued to reject domination. They have conclusively rejected the sell-out proposals as reflected in the Pearce report. The forces for freedom in Zimbabwe continue to agitate for meaningful change, and the liberation movements have consolidated their activities in Zimbabwe. The requirements of the situation dictate that this Organization and its Members give support to these efforts and intensify our action against that regime.
57.	Sanctions not only should be comprehensive and total, but must, in particular, be extended to all mail and air transport. They should also be extended to the Portuguese colonies in southern Africa as well as to South Africa, which have been the greatest "sanction-busters". It is pertinent, in this connexion, to emphasize the importance of implementing the United Nations resolutions and the denial of all co-operation with the illegal regime in Rhodesia. It was in recognition of this cardinal principle that my Government was dismayed by the violation of sanctions by the United States in its importation of chrome 6
from Rhodesia. We hope, therefore, that the United States Government will now take the necessary measures to ensure the scrupulous observance of the Security Council decisions on sanctions, especially when the United States is one of the permanent members of the Security Council. In this connexion my Government expresses its appreciation to all those well-meaning American legislators who are exerting their efforts to secure the repeal of the Byrd amendment to the Military Procurement Act of 1972, which would lead to the reinforcement of the Security Council sanctions. We call equally upon all those States which, in one form or another, violate these mandatory sanctions to take appropriate measures to put an end to such violations.
58.	The problem of Namibia remains unresolved. When the idea of initiating contacts between the South African racists and the Secretary-General was first put up, my Government viewed it with scepticism. We very much hoped that our scepticism would have been proved wrong. However, the results of these talks have confirmed our original fears. Not only have the South African racist authorities refused to answer positively the questions put to them, but they have also shown a great lack of good faith by going ahead with the implementation of apartheid measures in Namibia.
59.	This bad faith has been demonstrated through the creation of the so-called homelands in Kavangoland and elsewhere, and the establishment of the so-called advisory council against the expressed wishes of the people of Namibia. They have, further, arrested people who have been opposed to the continued illegal presence of that regime in Namibia. The racists have used these talks to entrench themselves in Namibia, while attempting to confuse the international community and world opinion as to their true intentions. Yet, the people of Namibia have continued to express their opposition to such entrenchment with firmness and determination.
60.	The failure of the recent so-called elections for the establishment of homelands in Namibia is eloquent evidence of this. We find no encouragement, therefore, in the continuation of the contacts which were initiated in 1972 between the Secretary-General and the South African racist authorities pursuant to Security Council resolution 309 (1972) and the other subsequent resolutions.
61.	We would all the same wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his untiring effort in this regard, which is a reflection of his genuine concern over the problem of Namibia. What is now urgently needed is the intensification of support and the provision of material assistance to the people of Namibia, through their liberation movement, in their just struggle. Of no less importance is the need for all States to abide by all the appropriate measures of the United Nations and all its organs geared towards the liquidation of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African racist regime.
62.	We meet in the wake of another Sharpeville-like massacre of innocent people by the South African racist authorities at Carletonville, South Africa. Those callous murders not only illustrate the decay of the South African system; they also portray the utter disregard for human life by the South African apartheid regime. The rationalization of these murders and the commendation of the conduct of the murderers by the South African authorities is further evidence of their degeneration. South Africa's consistent role as a bastion of colonialism and racism in southern Africa and its willingness to accept the role of bolstering the already outlawed illegal regime in Rhodesia serve further to expose the brutal and lawless nature of the Pretoria regime. Yet to many of us in this Assembly South Africa's unrepentant and persistent aggression against our very humanity is a matter of common knowledge, its recalcitrancy is already legendary. But the question that arises is how long we of this Organization can remain impotent in the face of this inhumanity. How much longer can we tolerate the myth that the regime of the racists in Pretoria can speak on behalf of the people of South Africa? I submit that each day that apartheid is allowed to reign supreme in South Africa constitutes 24 hours of scandal and disgrace for civilized humanity and our Organization.
63.	We must all resolve to take definite and effective measures to end this anachronistic system before its effects engulf us all in a racial holocaust. In this connexion, I should like to inform this Assembly that Tanzania, in its fight against racism in southern Africa, devotes a lot of time on the radio to combating racism. I should like to take this opportunity to invite the Office of Public Information of the United Nations to take advantage of and to utilize our facilities. This will indeed be our humble contribution to the fight against racism. My Government would be prepared to take up this matter with the people concerned in the Secretariat.
64.	This year the United Nations is to convene the preliminary session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which this Assembly decided should take place next year [resolution 3029 A (XXVII)/. At its last session in Geneva this summer the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction was to finalize its work to enable the Conference to proceed as scheduled. Although the Committee has failed to produce the agreed draft articles on some of the subjects and issues, it is worth while noting that, in trying to formulate the draft articles, a thorough, substantive and political debate was conducted. We believe that the Committee has done what was possible under the. circumstances prevailing. No prolongation of the mandate of that Committee is likely to produce any better results. It is therefore the view of my delegation that the Conference can and should proceed as scheduled. I should like to state from this rostrum that if the Conference is held in Chile now, under the present junta, my Government will not attend.
65.	Events in the arena of the oceans point to the urgent need for the international community to take appropriate action if a scramble, with all its consequential evils, is to be avoided in that area of the globe which not only constitutes the greater portion of our environment but also bears immense living and non-living resources. To allow such a scramble to happen will spell not only the revival of aggravation of political tensions and further deterioration of the ocean environment but also the passing into the hands of a few technologically advanced States of the inestimable wealth which lies in the ocean space.
66.	The situation facing us indicates the urgency of holding the Conference on the Law of the Sea without any further delay. Let us not allow this opportunity to slip from us, lest it be too late and the impending situation, as it threatens to occur, becomes impossible to reverse. Let me repeat that we hope the organizers of the Conference will find it possible to select a venue other than Chile, the venue that has been envisaged.
67.	We see today in the world economic situation much that could be improved. When the Second United Nations Development Decade was launched, we placed much hope in its success.' Yet the results have been disappointing, judging by the performance of the year 1972. Only one third of the developing countries exceeded the over-all target of a 6 per cent annual growth rate. Half of these territories failed to achieve even a 5 per cent annual growth rate and in one fifth of these countries there was an actual decline in the per capita income. The low-growth group accounted for about 40 per cent of the population of the developing countries.
68.	This situation has arisen largely because of the mood of uncertainty in trade patterns and monetary systems. The failure of the developed countries to meet their commitment to transfer resources to developing countries has not helped matters. While the price of manufactured goods has gone up, that of primary agricultural products has gone down. The measures taken by the developing countries, therefore, have been subjected to conditions beyond their control and hence they have not been able to reap the benefits of their increased efforts. Debt servicing by the poorer nations is becoming increasingly unbearable, if not intolerable. Thus, this unwelcome economic situation has resulted in several adverse effects on the economies of developing countries. Should things be left to follow this present trend, it will not be just a matter of the gap between the haves and have-nots widening, but, more importantly, we shall be doing further violence to the principles of this Organization to improve the economic and the social situation of the peoples of our world.
69.	We in Tanzania have learned one hard fact, that there is no substitute for the theory of self-reliance; that in spite of the many conferences we may go to on the question of economic development, we must nevertheless understand that it is only through self-reliance that we can find meaningful progress for our country.
70.	In my address I have attempted to discuss some of the burning problems of our era. Throughout, I have emphasized the need to extend the spirit of rapprochement and to gear the purposes of just solutions to the outstanding problems which continue to bedevil us. Throughout, I have emphasized that the prerequisite of durable peace is the eradication of all injustice. For, as the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned States, held in Algiers, pointed out:
"As long as colonial wars, apartheid, imperialist aggression, alien domination, foreign occupation and power politics, economic exploitation and plunder prevail, peace will prove limited in principle and scope. In a world where, besides a minority of rich countries there exists a majority of poor countries, it would be dangerous to increase such division by restricting peace to the prosperous areas of the world while the rest of mankind remained condemned to insecurity and domination by the most powerful. Peace is indivisible: it could not be reduced to a mere shifting of confrontation from one area to another, nor should it condone the continued existence of tension in some areas while endeavouring to eliminate it elsewhere. Detente would remain precarious if it did not take into consideration the interests of the other countries."
71.	The millions of Africans who still live under the humiliation and the degradation of slavery under colonialism in their own countries are waiting to hear from this Organization whether they, too, can one day expect freedom and justice from us.
72.	Thousands of children who have been made orphans by the bombs and massacres of the enemy whose conduct debases our very humanity are asking us, asking the United Nations, whether they too will one day raise their children in conditions of peace which we in the United Nations have so much talked about.
73.	Millions of women and children in Indo-China .who have never known — I repeat, have never known — a home are looking to us to create a world where they, too, can one day sleep under a roof without the fear of war.
74.	In the Middle East I can hear the voices of a million Palestinians asking the United Nations how long they can continue to live a life that has neither hope nor expectation.
75.	In Africa, in Asia, in Latin America, even in some poorer areas of Europe, in the slums of the big cities of the world where millions have never known the luxury of two meals or the pleasure of bread and butter, I hear the same question, How long until our Organization and the multitude of our economic conferences will be meaningful to them to ensure their ability to have two meals a day?
76.	How long? How long shall this Organization continue to feed such hopes with slogans and unimplemented resolutions. This Organization has a herculean task towards the fulfilment of these hopes.
77.	Let us therefore rededicate ourselves to the cause of building peace on the firm foundation of justice. It is only by doing so, that we shall be able to achieve the objectives of the Charter — peace for everyone, everywhere, based on justice and respect for human dignity.


77.	 After greeting you, Sir, most respectfully, I am happy to begin my intervention, as head of the Nicaraguan delegation, with an expression of congratulations to Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who was elected President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. To his outstanding personal achievements and his long experience in the work of this Organization must be added the fact that he represents Ecuador, a country that enjoys a preferred place in the affections of us all. Latin America has been honoured by this choice.
78.	May I also congratulate Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski for the wise and efficient manner in which he presided over the session of the General Assembly last year.
79.	I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General, whose untiring efforts in favour of the purposes of the Organization deserve our full recognition and appreciation.
80.	I come before this world forum as representative of a country that only nine months ago was the victim of a devastating earthquake, which almost entirely destroyed our capital city.
81.	This painful tragedy was an occasion for an expression of human solidarity in the form of assistance rendered to us in such a noble, generous and timely manner by international organizations, Governments and private individuals alike. May I express to them all the profound gratitude of the people and Government of Nicaragua who will never forget those who lent them a helping hand in their hour of need?
82.	I wish most especially to tell Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, that the Nicaraguan people will never forget his interest, his efforts and his constant preoccupation with the tragedy that beset our country. We are also most grateful to him for his vision in choosing his able assistant, the Under-Secretary-General, Mr. Bradford Morse, to direct the assistance rendered to our country.
83.	I could not come before this General Assembly without being the bearer of the expressions of gratitude of our people for all the co-operation extended to it without any discrimination in such tragic? moments.
84.	Thanks to the assistance it received, the Nicaraguan people has been able to overcome its grief, and the work of reconstruction is well under way. It is, however, a hard struggle, and our people look to this Assembly for a resolution that will lay down the necessary norms in order that we may find in the United Nations greater facilities to help us out of our despair and assist us in the reconstruction of our destroyed capital city, without disrupting our economy, while at the same time assisting our people in its spiritual and material resurgence, and helping it to overcome the trauma that still has our children and adults in its grip. A sister country, a peaceful and friendly people, must not be abandoned, for now, more than ever, they need your co-operation, the co-operation I am requesting with the dignity and patriotism of which we Nicaraguans have always been so justly proud.
85.	I believe that in our hearts we all harbour mixed feelings regarding the attitude of the international community and the behaviour of political groups and States.
86.	On the one hand, the situations of conflict in the Middle East have not been solved, and there is not even a glimmer of hope for their solution, while the danger exists that violence may again erupt at any moment.
87.	Moreover, we have been witnessing an increase in terrorist acts which are repugnant to human conscience and the only effect of which is the repudiation of those who commit such atrocities and of those who favour or allow such acts to be perpetrated.
88.	On the other hand, we are extremely pleased with the turn of events in the relations between the larger and more powerful countries on earth. They have abandoned the cold war policies and, setting aside ideological differences, have reached agreements that augur greater co-operation among them for the benefit of world peace. It is not that we intend to leave to the great Powers the exclusive responsibility for peace, for all of us, large an; small, must co-operate towards that end. But we must be realistic and recognize that, while all co-operation efforts have the same intrinsic value, they do not carry the same weight.
89.	It is only fair to recognize that such concrete achievements in the search for peace as the end of the fighting in Viet-Nam and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin have been the result of diplomatic negotiations between the great Powers, rather than of the efforts of smaller countries or deliberations in the world forum of the United Nations.
90.	And yet, rather than discourage us, such achievements should encourage us to support this Organization, to correct its deficiencies and strengthen its authority and prestige.
91.	In addition, we must never forget that true peace is not based on the absence of violence alone; it must be founded on justice — not only justice for individuals within States, but justice for States within the international community. And just as internal peace cannot be achieved while social injustice continues, so, too, there can be no international peace while there are irritating differences, such as the existence of highly developed countries, on the one hand, and, on the other, under-developed countries, whose populations not only struggle against poverty, disease and ignorance, but are deprived of the right to an equitable share in the natural wealth and resources of their countries. I sincerely believe that the United Nations can, and must, play an important role. We must all pledge our efforts to this end.
92.	I must make special reference to the satisfaction with which we have welcomed the arrangement between the two German States which has made possible their admission as Members of this Organization. We believe that such an arrangement might serve as an inspiration to other countries that are in a similar situation and help them to settle their differences.
93.	It is the foreign policy of my country to support any initiative aiming at the establishment of peace and security. But we believe that true peace cannot and should not be imposed. Rather, we must try to create a favourable climate for co-operation among States, and especially we must help to facilitate means of communications between States in conflict, so that it will be primarily those States that will seek mutually acceptable solutions to their differences. Resolutions which tend to exacerbate tensions, to intensify differences and harden positions will never benefit the cause of peace. Quite the contrary; by such means we would only be contributing to a prolongation of the conflict.
94.	There is not a single State that does not pay lip-service to the cause of peace, but in many cases that dedication is not translated into deeds. When the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice is not accepted, or when it is accepted with reservations that make it inoperative, we are not working for peace. When manifestations of colonialism over peoples sufficiently prepared to choose their own destiny continue, we are not working for peace. When obstacles are raised to disarmament, and particularly to the elimination of chemical, bacteriological and atomic weapons, we are not working for peace. When human rights are not respected, and when due support is not given to international co-operation for development, we are not working for peace.
95.	I believe that the consideration of the question of the economic and social consequences of the arms race and its highly detrimental effects on world peace and security [item 29] is of particular importance. Two years ago we welcomed with satisfaction a report on this subject prepared by the Secretary-General.  We must now keep this report before us, ponder its contents and use it as a source of inspiration in our deliberations on questions dealing with disarmament.
96.	I stated earlier that, in my country's view, there can be no true peace without development, and that the achievement of that development calls for active international co-operation.
97.	In accordance with the Charter of our Organization, the Economic and Social Council, under the authority of the General Assembly, should determine the international policies for co-operation in the economic, social, educational and health fields, as well as the co-ordination of such activities. My country is gratified at the large number of ratifications of the amendment to the Charter which was approved in 1971, and which has raised to 54 the membership of the Council.
98.	My country believes that this increase in the membership, which will allow for a more equitable geographic representation for the distribution of seats, will strengthen the Council and help it better to discharge its functions. We may even hope that within the Council we may reach that much-desired agreement between developed and developing countries concerning their respective responsibilities in the field of international co-operation.
99.	During my country's recent emergency, to which I have already referred, we received ample co-operation from the various United Nations development funds and programmes for development. May I again express my gratitude to the countries that contributed such assistance and the officials who administered it? Nicaragua believes that special priority should be given to the strengthening of such funds and programmes and to the creation of sufficient fund allocations to assist Governments in cases of natural disasters and similar contingencies.
100.	We should also contemplate assistance for the forecasting and prevention of disasters, as well as measures aimed at preventing or reducing damage.
101.	Particular importance should be attached to the United Nations Environment Programme adopted last year. The proposed United Nations Conference-Exposition on Human Settlements should also prove beneficial to mankind.
102.	In the course of our deliberations we shall have before us the report of the Trade and Development Board [A/9015/Rev.l] of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD].
103.	We fully understand that the debates in UNCTAD on the liberalization of trade were difficult, and we express the hope that this year's round of negotiations held under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade will succeed in eliminating the barriers that prevent or hamper trade among nations, and in many cases unfavourably affect the developing countries.
104.	The Trade and Development Board is seized of the proposed charter on rights and duties of States drawn up by a working group following on a proposal of the President of
Mexico, Mr. Luis Echeverria Alvarez. Nicaragua believes that in the present circumstances of inflation, high cost of living and monetary instability there is an urgent need to accelerate the process which would make it possible to crystallize basic principles on this most important subject.
105.	With reference to human rights as enshrined in the' Universal Declaration, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of which is to be celebrated on 10 December this year, my delegation will support proposals aiming at the strengthening of international protection, particularly in the case of armed conflict, religious intolerance and racial discrimination.

106.	As regards the legal questions before us for consideration, my Government believes that the items dealing with international co-operation in the peaceful uses, of outer space [item 30] and 'the preparation of an international convention on principles governing the use by States of artificial earth satellites for direct television broadcasting [item 31] are of particular significance. We believe that much progress has been made but that there is still much to be done and, in particular, that ye must lay emphasis on devising ways and means that will enable developing countries to share in the utilization of outer space, thus benefiting from the progress achieved in space technology.
107.	But we consider the question of the law of the sea to be of even more immediate interest. Last year we agreed to hold the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, with preparatory meetings to be held in November and December of this year and a second stage to discuss matters of substance next year. In our view, this time-table should be maintained. Should the preparatory work require longer, I believe that the work could still be completed in the time available to us.
108.	We are firmly convinced that the law of the sea must be updated, and the sooner the better, thus eliminating an
' important source of actual and potential conflict. Should the present situation continue, those conflicts would be aggravated and would endanger world peace.
109.	Nicaragua advocates the creation of a zone beyond the territorial sea of each State wherein that State would enjoy exclusive rights over the natural resources of the sea without impinging on the legitimate interests of the international community, especially as regards navigation. Only thus would it be possible for each State to meet its responsibilities for preserving its natural resources for the benefit of its people without infringing the rights of others.
110.	As regards the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, where the possibilities of commercial exploitation increase daily, every effort should be made to secure a consensus on a system of management leading to the utilization of this common heritage of mankind.
111.	The agenda includes as items for deliberation a draft convention drawn up by the International Law Commission on the prevention and punishment of crimes against diplomatic agents and other internationally protected persons [item 90], and "Measures to prevent international terrorism which endangers or takes innocent human lives or jeopardizes fundamental freedoms, and study of the underlying causes of those forms of terrorism and acts of violence which lie in misery, frustration, grievance and despair and which cause some people to sacrifice human lives, including their own, in an attempt to effect radical changes" [item 94].
112.	Although these two items are not necessarily connected, they are closely related in practice. On this subject,
I	should like to quote General Anastasio Somoza Debayle, who addressed this Assembly in 1970 when he was President of Nicaragua, and said:
"Our America also lives these upheavals. With the unwise granting of refuge to airplane hijackers, mankind is threatened; with the kidnapping and murder of diplomats and other persons, the most fundamental rights of man are violated; with the abuse of the right of asylum, the substance of a humanitarian American institution is distorted; and with mass exiling, political imprisonment and firing squads, the despair of peoples is increased. Until these activities are no longer indulged in, there can be no real peace in the world."
113.	My country has ratified the Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Acts of Terrorism Taking the Form of Crimes against Persons and Related Extortion that are of International Significance. It has also ratified the Conventions of Tokyo, The Hague and Montreal on air piracy and is ready to support any measure aiming at the prevention and repression of these crimes which are repugnant to the international conscience.
114.	We believe that, rather than embarking on theoretical debates on the causes and definition of terrorism, which can be prolonged indefinitely, we should focus on concrete and practical measures.
115.	We also believe that at the current session of the General Assembly we must consider the functions of the International Court of Justice and the reform of its Statute as far as its headquarters is concerned, subjects that have been before us for consideration on repeated occasions. It is very important to give that body of our Organization the greatest possible support so that it may better discharge its functions for the solution of international conflicts.
116.	As I come to the end of my statement, I should like to reiterate the determination of my country to co-operate in the strengthening of peace and justice among nations.
117 If we proceed thus, we shall have implemented the fundamental principle of our Organization and helped to bring happiness to the whole of mankind.


60.	Mr. President, it is no mere duty but a real pleasure for me, in coming to the rostrum, to pay a tribute to you, the distinguished representative of Ecuador, and through you to the great Latin American community. I greet your country also as a good Pacific neighbour in the southern hemisphere, and we express the hope that every success will attend your efforts.
61.	This is a session of the Assembly at which we will be assessing the growing relaxation of tensions and the breaking down of the old barriers between East and West.
62.	The debates and the welcome action taken here on new Members are, of course, both a symbol and a practical result of these developments. But other results of the new relationship among the great Powers have still to be translated into practical benefits for the smaller countries and for this Organization. That new great Power relationship, that relaxation, has been brought about by a concert of convenience among the few. But we, the smaller nations, who need stable peace, co-operation and international order cannot rest satisfied with such a temporary and fragile situation. We have to find a way to build upon the relaxation, to bring it within a larger, more constructive and more permanent framework of international order.
63.	A "balance of power" among the great Powers has doubtless contributed to the new spirit of relaxation in international affairs; and to that extent we of course welcome it. But we are not naive. "Balance of power" in the past has been merely another term for the continuation, in a different guise, of competition and rivalry. The great Powers have continued their efforts to shift the balance in their direction; and in due course they have miscalculated, the balance has collapsed and major wars have occurred. In so far as similar elements are inherent in the present situation the world will continue unstable and the detente will be fragile. For, let us not forget, the great Powers still remain free to undertake their unilateral actions. And some of those unilateral, often sadly misguided, actions have brought great suffering in recent years and set back the progress of wide sections of the whole human family. In this nuclear age unfettered freedom on the part of the more powerful members of the family of nations is too dangerous. The great Powers are beginning at last to show signs of recognizing this. We, and they, in their interests as well as ours, must move to repair the damaged structure of international order. They are establishing some sort of balance among themselves; our task is to build a framework for a healthier relationship between the so-called great and the small.
64.	As the head of a newly elected Labour Government, I come to the international scene new; but the needs of the day seem startlingly obvious. Leaving aside the question of international security and international order, the chief need among nations is the same as the chief need within individual nations  —  that is, to achieve economic and social justice. That is the principal concern of my own Government at home; and I am convinced that it must also be the focal concern of the United Nations.
65.	We view with profound concern and dismay a situation in which, more than a quarter of a century after the United Nations was founded, the most critical of issues show no sign of improvement. I refer to the immense and growing gap between standards of living in the industrialized countries and the developing countries. I refer to the world food situation, which is more difficult than at any time since the aftermath of the Second World War. I refer to the rapidly multiplying world population and the other pressures on available resources. These are the obvious ills of international society, complicated still further by an international monetary instability that jeopardizes the development plans of all countries, by the rapid price inflation in much of the world and, this year, by crop failures and famines.
66.	We are in no doubt about the need to tackle more seriously the deepening division between the rich and the poor. It is depressing and deplorable  —  indeed it is intolerable  —  that most of the international conferences of the last decade or more have ultimately evolved along lines dividing the developed from the developing and in ways and with results in some cases which have reflected no credit on countries which were better off than others. Somehow-and sooner, not later  —  resources must be more equitably shared.
67.	A few countries, a minority of the human family, are using the bulk of the world's resources-resources which we now increasingly realize are exhaustible. Yet, ironically, the ever-increasing consumption of these resources is steadily bringing less and less real enjoyment to the favoured few. An increasing number among them are realizing the dead end  —  the literal dead end  —  of a philosophy and a way of life favouring the accumulation of material things to the point of greed and senselessness. It is a philosophy that in its time brought immense material benefits; but the cost to society of its pursuit to excess is now being plainly revealed. Rich countries, at some time, must appreciate that enough is enough. The richer countries must turn consciously towards improving the more intangible qualities of life for themselves while making their energies and skills available to improve, to a far greater extent than ever before, the material level of life for the majority of poorer countries.
68.	I mean, in other words, that a change in attitudes is required. If not, we run the risk that solutions will impose themselves by means of famine, pestilence, the exhaustion of resources and every form of social unrest and war. There is no need to manage so foolishly the resources of this beautiful planet. If this smacks of Idealism I make no apology for it. If there are no ideals there is no hope. We could do with more of the idealism with which we entered the post-war era  —  an idealism which has been pressed out by the weight of paper and speeches and resolutions and, yes, by the many sobering practical experiences of the last 28 years. One could, I can see it. be disillusioned and cynical. But it is imperative that we should act as if we believe the human race has a future. This may be idealistic, but I am not talking idealism, I am talking practicalities. The world has to move on to new courses if we are to survive. It is a matter of practical common sense.
69.	My Government, since taking office, has been trying to put its convictions into effect  —  though I speak in no boastful way, for I am conscious of how small our efforts are when measured against the needs of others. But we are trying to translate into international terms the vision of a decent and humane society which motivates our domestic policies. We have reviewed our mutual assistance programmes against the internationally accepted targets which now form part of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. We did so because it seemed to us that there was no greater or more urgent priority confronting us in international affairs  —  at least among those priorities which we, as a non-great Power, were in a position to do anything about. We were especially concerned about the possibility of failure of the Strategy for the Second Development Decade implicit in the decision of many countries to maintain reservations about the targets of the Strategy. In a world where millions continue to go hungry New Zealand has not felt able to rest on its achievements despite a steady growth in the size of our aid programme in absolute terms.
70.	My Government has therefore withdrawn previous reservations  on the Strategy targets. We shall seek to meet them. Notably, we have drawn up a programme of government aid which aims to increase more than threefold the existing flow of aid over the next three-year period. We hope to play our part through membership in the Governing Council of the United Nations Development Programme next year in ensuring expanded and equitable policies of United Nations aid for countries in need of it.
71.	The process of working to improve conditions of life can never be one-sided; it is a mutual one. In the South Pacific in particular and in South-East Asia, which are areas of close interest to us, we look forward to continued co-operation with the countries of the region. Their resources and skills and the efforts of their peoples are an all-important factor and will deserve the major credit for success if the Second Decade's targets are gained. We have seen the way self-government and independence have drawn forth those skills in small South Pacific territories for which New Zealand was once responsible  —  Western Samoa and the Cook Islands. We look forward to the same constructive development and co-operation in the case of the island of Niue, whose representatives will be discussing their plans with you at this session.
72.	What I have been saying grows out of my Government's strong feeling of the necessity-and, one can say increasingly, the inevitability-of social cohesion in the world today. This is not a unique notion of Labour Governments everywhere, but is rather the root idea of the United Nations Charter itself. We are all part of the one human family. Some of us welcome this, but the plain fact is that all of us have no choice but to adjust ourselves to this central fact of human existence.
73.	Obviously a great deal more than aid is needed. Action has to be undertaken on many fronts. For instance, we heard with interest the proposal of the Secretary of State of the United States of America for a world conference on food [2124th meeting]. Such a proposal naturally interests a country like New Zealand, which is deeply involved in the production of food, and we welcome it. But immediately we consider such a proposal we realize afresh how interconnected all the problems of the world are. People are hungry, but in some countries farmers are paid not to produce, and land is taken out of production. Other food-producing countries, like ours, have difficulty in getting access to northern hemisphere markets, because agricultural arrangements have been established which have nothing to do with efficiency but a lot to do with politics and protectionism. Unless fanners can sell their products at fair prices more food is not likely to be produced. Without freer trade in agricultural products it will be difficult lo get Imore food to the people who need it. Thus we hardly start to talk of food before we are face to face with the fundamental issues raised by the new round of negotiations among the States parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). And the GATT round takes us to a series of other interconnected issues. Yet the basic problems are not really mysterious at all or incapable of resolution if the will is there. Somehow the resources of this planet and the needs of the human family have to be matched. It can be done and it can be done in a way that would benefit all and harm very few.
74.	Both the proliferation of nuclear weapons generally, and the testing of nuclear weapons and devices in the atmosphere, notably in the. South Pacific, have caused New Zealand deepest concern. We view with disquiet the whole attitude of mind by which nuclear weaponry is preserved and indeed fortified as the years go by. In every way possible  —  by protests to the Governments concerned, by action in the General Assembly, by application to the International Court of Justice  —  we have made every effort to bring about the cessation of nuclear testing. But ,the testing in the Pacific zone has still persisted.
75.	In the more general context we have heard with dismay recently of the reported acquisition by the Soviet Union of a more advanced weapons delivery system which will increase the danger of a new round of nuclear weapons escalation. This news underlines the urgency of achieving further progress in disarmament.
76.	This Organization has recently marked the tenth anniversary of the partial test-ban treaty. But there have been more explosions on the average each year since the Treaty was signed than in the years of the nuclear age that preceded the Treaty. Testing continues unabated. Two nuclear Powers have deliberately ignored the Treaty and have continued with intensive programmes of nuclear testing in the atmosphere, with scant regard for the environment in which we all live or for the growing outcry from world opinion. The remaining nuclear Powers which are parties to the Treaty have continued with underground tests, thereby affording the two Powers that are not party to the Treaty with a pretext for pressing ahead with their own programmes. There has been a lamentable lack of progress in the preparation of a Treaty which would impose a comprehensive ban on all testing, in spite of the undertaking contained in the preamble to the 1963 Treaty to work for such an agreement.
77.	In the absence of a comprehensive agreement, accepted by all the nuclear Powers and backed by the overwhelming weight of world opinion, there must remain an acute and continuing danger that still more countries will seek to acquire nuclear weapons. The proliferation of nuclear weapons - measurably advances the certainty of nuclear war, and only a universal ban on weapons testing can eliminate this grave threat. I am convinced that the people of every country are sick of war and the threat of war. They do not want nuclear weapons and their attendant threats. They want peace and they want more progress towards it. Is it impossible for Governments to be moved by the desires of ordinary people?
78.	Just as we shall not solve the problems of pollution, or the exhaustion of the planet's resources, or the growing gulf between the rich and the poor, unless we change our attitudes towards the accumulation of things, so we shall not solve the problems of war and of international order unless we change our attitudes towards power and the accumulation of power. Arms are the potential for war, for mass slaughter, for the human family to destroy itself. Let us keep in the forefront of our thinking a conviction that war is now unacceptable as an instrument for achieving national aims.
79.	Might we not then deduce the consequences of this truth? Shall we continue to recognize nations as "great Powers" merely because they have the capacity to inflict greater damage than any other nation? Of course if they acted, under the Charter, as protectors of the human family, they might be so recognized; but in the last 28 years they have demonstrated convincingly their incapacity to rise to such a role; they have failed to match power with responsibility. Sometimes the shepherds have preyed upon the sheep. Might we not therefore respond by questioning the scale of values that puts power at the top? Might we not insist on a different scale of values, a human scale, a civilized scale, a scale based on the belief that the truly great country is the country which shows concern for the quality of life both of its own people and of its neighbours? We have to eliminate the very institution of war from international dealings. Let us therefore start adjusting our attitudes and bring that changed approach to this very Organization. In that way we might prepare the ground for the changes which are required if the United Nations is to meet the needs of human beings here and now and in the challenging years immediately ahead of it.
80.	For-and do we doubt it? -so long as the old attitudes persist, so long will those nations that aspire to so-called greatness strain and swell themselves to reach the critical bulk and dignity. To attain the honour of sitting at the "top table" they will waste natural resources and cause damage and concern to their neighbours. But let us see for what it is the absurdity of a lonely few sitting at their top table with their obscene weapons which they can use only by committing suicide. That "honour" is surely now an empty one-if it ever was otherwise. Let us develop values that are relevant to the real world and get to grips with the real business of mankind.
81.	In the case of at least one of the great Powers many citizens are realizing the basic truth about power in the nuclear age and are moving to work out its implications. But in the meantime, what do we, the smaller Members of the United Nations, do  —  we whose requests and pleas are arrogantly brushed aside, perhaps not even listened to?
82.	The small Powers should demand a more effective voice in disarmament negotiations. Let us begin at this session of the Assembly with a concerted call for the earliest possible conclusion of a treaty to ban all forms of nuclear-weapons testing. If no significant progress is made through the existing machinery within one year, the Assembly should, I suggest, consider calling a general conference to draft such a treaty.
83.	We have also to confront the simple fact that in the last 10 years or so international law and international organizations have been the casualties of the cold war. We face a desolate landscape within the United Nations. Some Powers have either ignored the United Nations or brought threats to it only when diplomacy had failed and it was too late for the United Nations to act effectively. How often have they then blamed the United Nations and justified their own unilateral actions by its alleged ineffectiveness? It is now for the smaller countries to take up the task of making this Organization work. If the great Powers will also show a change of approach, the United Nations, and mankind with it, will get back into business.
84.	I have already mentioned the possibility of a concerted call for a treaty to ban all nuclear-weapons testing. The small Powers may also wish to consider carefully the possibilities of partial disarmament or demilitarization on a regional basis where circumstances and geography make it appropriate. One of my Government's first acts after election last year was to change New Zealand's vote at the Assembly in order to express its sympathy with the concept of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. At the Conference of the Commonwealth Heads of Government in Ottawa in August, New Zealand joined in a unanimous endorsement of the action of the Foreign Ministers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations in adopting a declaration to make South-East Asia a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality. In the words of the Commonwealth communique of 10 August 1973, we regard that initiative as a positive contribution towards peace and stability in that region. New Zealand looks with favour also on the establishment by treaty of nuclear-free zones such as that accorded by the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), and we intend to consult with our Pacific neighbours about the feasibility of establishing a similar kind of nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific region.
85.	In the field of the settlement of disputes the small nations could achieve gains by showing a readiness to submit disputes to the International Court or to arbitration. There is a disturbing tendency for some influential countries to pay lip-service to the importance of international law and the role of the Court, but in practice to take all possible steps to avoid its jurisdiction. The more countries that accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court the more internationally unacceptable such evasive practices will become and the greater will be the pressure for the unreserved acceptance of the Court's jurisdiction.
86.	Small nations can help to prevent wars and to assist the peaceful resolution of tense situations by strengthening the peace-keeping role of the United Nations. They can do this by earmarking units on which the United Nations may call for peace-keeping purposes. My own Government has decided to train units of its defence services in readiness for participation in future United Nations peace-keeping operations. Small nations may, I believe, express justified disappointment at the lack of progress hitherto recorded by the Assembly's Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations. Recognizing the valuable contributions made by Canada and one or two other members, they should press for the completion of the Committee's mandate set out in resolutions dating from 1967. There is no doubt that the Secretary-General must be given moral and practical support in the initiatives he may have to take in the exercise of his responsibilities in regard to peace and security.
87.	If we think of ourselves as a single family, and if we are going to work together for economic advancement, for the prevention of pollution and other ills, and to escape the threat of war, it follows that we must work together on racial discrimination, which is, justly, one of the major preoccupations of our Organization. This has been a year in which a number of situations affecting human rights have constituted gross affronts to the ideals of the United Nations. In some countries with serious racial problems great efforts have been made and substantial progress achieved in the direction of racial equality, as has happened, for example, in our host country during the lifespan of the United Nations. In other countries racial segregation continues, notoriously, to be enshrined in government policy. In still other countries members of a racial minority who wish to emigrate are subject to onerous conditions and delays, and in yet* another country, members of a racial group have been expelled at short notice and stripped of their possessions without compensation. To these and other situations the response of the United Nations membership has varied widely; some have virtually ignored them.
88.	My own Government is opposed to racial discrimination and oppression no matter where it is practised, by whom, or in whatever form. We have been combing through United Nations resolutions and taking whatever action is appropriate to ensure that our own house is in order. Above and beyond those obligations we have voluntarily accepted a visit from a United Nations representative investigating the problems of indigenous populations. New Zealand is, as far as I know, the first country to show a United Nations mission all aspects of its internal racial situation. We hope that the report of this mission shortly to be presented  will be of value not only to New Zealand but to the United Nations as a whole.
89.	In concert with others, New Zealand will work towards re-establishing the Organization as a protector of the interests of the majority of States, and in particular of the small States. The calls for justice and equity made by the huge new membership must be listened to and heeded. The aspirations of the smaller Powers, their fears, their determination to build a world without war, a world where the rule of law prevails, a world where the weaker will not be subservient to the political and economic interests of the stronger-these demands cannot be ignored. We agree with the Secretary-General that we need action, innovation and determination if mankind is not to be overtaken once again by the dark destructive or selfish side of human nature. We are eager to play our part in creating a true family of man.


78.	Because we are determined not to neglect our international duties and responsibilities even while we are engaged in the most sacred of national duties — the fight for our territorial integrity and our liberty — we have decided to appear as scheduled in the general debate of this session of the General Assembly.
79.	However, it should be understood that I am going to leave it to the Egyptian delegation to express in the various Committees the points of view of Egypt on all the items on our agenda.
80.	First, Mr. President, I take it as a good omen indeed that this Assembly is presided over by you, a man whose record as representative of Ecuador is one of fighting valiantly for all the values for which the United Nations was established and for which Egypt is now fighting.
81.	If the United Nations was established so that law might rule supreme over policies of violence and so that the Charter of the United Nations and the findings and resolutions of the United Nations rather than the dictation of power and violence would be the key to settlement, then the fight now being waged by Egypt and Syria is for the United Nations.
82.	We still stand respectful of, and bound by, the Charter, by United Nations resolutions and by all its findings. We refuse, however, to be dictated to; we refuse, however, to be subjugated by long occupation; we refuse, however, to remain occupied. We are struggling, not because we guarantee success, but because we have no option but to struggle. That is our national duty. That is the only Diktat we are obeying and going to obey.
83.	If this United Nations was established also to uphold human rights, then I think this is a good opportunity to inform the nations here united of the latest vile actions against human rights. This morning I received from my Government the information that as a result of attacks by the Israeli Air Force on Port Said and on other towns in the Nile delta, one of the most densely populated areas of the world, and on the suburbs of Cairo, 307 victims were killed or wounded. A few hours later — at 1415 hours precisely —  the toll had risen to 500 persons murdered.
84.	As a result, our morale is rising; our anger is rising; our determination to put an end to this policy of brigandry and lawlessness is increased.
85.	That is Egypt's contribution to this year's general debate.