1.	  Mr. President, may I start my statement by congratulating your Excellency on your election to preside over this Assembly. This is a just tribute paid your great country, Norway, which has contributed so greatly to the undertakings of peace of our Organization and of understanding among peoples, and also, at the same time, an acknowledgment of your own merits as a jurist and diplomat very well versed in the problems of the United Nations and highly qualified successfully to direct the work and the discussions of the present session of the General Assembly.
2.	It is a great honor for me, for the second time, to stand at this great rostrum as a representative of the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru and to participate in the present general debate of the Assembly, which coincides with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. This has been a period during which the Organization has been able to make obvious its position as a primary instrument for international peace and co-operation and for the encouragement of economic and social progress of all peoples. It is thus, following the lines drawn in the Charter of the United Nations and meet the fundamental interests of its component Members.
3.	As the Minister for External Affairs of a country which has just suffered the greatest earthquake of its history, on behalf of my people and my Government, I express from this rostrum our deep and sincere gratitude to all those peoples and governments which, in an admirable demonstration of solidarity, rushed to our support and are still helping us to overcome the results of that ghastly catastrophe. Such generous and effective co-operation must stand as an encouraging example of human solidarity.
4.	My expressions of appreciation must especially be addressed to Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, President of the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly, U Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations, his personal representative, Mr. Raul Prebisch, and also Mr. Paul Hoffman, the administrator of the United Nations Development Program, for their wide and comprehensive co-operation, which led to the very valuable international contributions and technical and financial assistance we are still receiving.
5.	At this moment, too, Peru wishes to reiterate its thanks for the generous initiatives taken by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Governing Council of the United Nations Development Program, which the Economic and Social Council at its forty-ninth session has taken up and recommended to this General Assembly in its resolutions 1533 (XLIX) and 1546 (XLIX),
6.	The cruel tribulations suffered by Peru prove once again the need to create within the United Nations standing machinery which will be dynamic and effective and, provided with the necessary resources, can be immediately mobilized to assist those countries afflicted by grave natural disasters, thus avoiding the slowing-down of the process of development of the afflicted country.
7.	The catastrophe of last May hampered the immense efforts being made by Peru to find the road to welfare and progress. My Government feels that reconstruction and development must be considered inseparable parts of an over-all revolutionary process of transformation which cannot be limited merely to restoring previous conditions to the affected population. That would be to restore their backwardness and need. Rather, we should offer them a standard of living higher than they had before.
8.	Our people are determined to continue along the road of development that has been drawn for us and to make every sacrifice to achieve the goals we have set ourselves, for we understand fully that in the struggle against under-development and dependency there can be no truces and that from this struggle must emerge a new, just and united society.
9.	I believe that the present session of the Assembly is u propitious time for us at this center of world concerns to mention the progress that has been achieved in Peru through the revolutionary process.
10.	The Government's conduct in this period has been dictated by the urgent need to deepen the revolutionary process. In the clear-cut language of facts, based upon firm conviction and a careful and responsible analysis of our own realities, we have, in the course of the last twelve months, taken decisive steps which irreversibly show the radical transformation of the Peruvian society. In so doing we have only responded to the just aspirations of the great national majorities and the true interests of the country, because our obligation and commitment is and must be exclusively and whole-heartedly to the entire people of Peru. We want to put a radical end to the suffering and concern of our people by adopting effective solutions in keeping with the historic vocation that has been thwarted so many times.
11.	Taking up the doctrine of the Peruvian revolution expressed in the messages of the President of the Republic of Peru, General Juan Velasco Alvarado, I must say here that our insistence on independence has a very wide conceptual, cultural and ideological basis. We do not want to be, nor can we be, of those who repeat principles and outlines; we must be creators of our own way of considering our own reality, and our revolution must be a truly indigenous and independent movement with Peruvian solutions to Peruvian problems. And as we defend the inalienable right of Peru to decide upon its own future without ever allowing interference by foreign forces in our decisions as a sovereign State, so too we know, and will always know, how to respect the right of other peoples to assume the governments and systems they feel most appropriate or desirable for themselves.
12.	We have decided to find a road to development which will make the future Peruvian society a just and free environment in which the exploited and the forgotten of yesterday will at the same time enjoy a better standard of living and the benefits of culture, and in which economic welfare will allow men to achieve the highest moral values through spiritual development.
13.	This road is not blazed by the traditional formulas of capitalist or communist systems, for our ideal is a nationalistic and humanistic society that without alienating man will make him the conscious and free master-builder of his future.
14.	The construction of this just and free environment can only be achieved if the Peruvian revolution makes determined headway in the process it has drawn for itself of transforming the economic and social structures.
15.	It is for this reason that to the agrarian reform which is being carried out in an accelerated and orderly fashion we have now added the General Law of Industries, one of the most important measures adopted in the last twelve months. This law seeks and ensures a self-sustained and permanent development of a true Peruvian industry in order to guarantee the economic independence of the country through powerful tax, credit and technological incentives. At the same time it legislates for the participation of foreign capital and investments, assuring them adequate and just returns on the basis of the contribution made to the development of the country. This law, and another promulgated later, establishes the industrial community which is an original creation of the way of thinking of the Peruvian Revolution and will allow the progressive participation of workers not only in the utilities of industry itself, but also in their administration and ownership, thus fulfilling an effective means of social justice.
16.	Specific aspects of our own country call for State participation in certain activities and sectors that are basic and keys to the economy and development of Peru, and it is for this reason that the Revolutionary Government has reserved the foreign trade in fish-flour and oil and minerals, and also the refining of mineral products, in which, of course, private enterprise can also participate.
17.	However, social and economic transformations, which are sought through the reforms already undertaken and those to be undertaken, would be meaningless if their beneficiary, man, were not in turn the subject of a change that would meet our own needs also, that would meet the true situation of our society and the physical environment in which he moves, in order to make him fully aware of our specific situation as a developing country that will train him to defend and ensure continuation of the conquests achieved and that will prepare him morally and technically to confront the challenge that the construction of a new and different social order must also offer.
18.	This is the profound motivation which imbues the reform of our education. The achievement of its immediate objectives elimination of illiteracy, democratization at all levels, effective access for all to the scholastic, technical or university centers will gradually allow us to train our citizens into effectively responsible free men imbued with the conviction of their common destiny with that of other men.
19.	Thus the reform of education in Peru fully coincides with the objectives recommended by UNESCO for the International Education Year and also promotes ethical principles and the understanding of international peace.
20.	Concerning the battle that my country is waging in order to achieve development, I must refer once again to the question of the defense of the resources of the sea.
21.	Due utilization of the resources of the sea is a matter which touches us all, but most vitally the developing countries. This matter has been dealt with in a number of regional and world forums, where it has been reaffirmed without any doubt that States have a perfect right freely to dispose of their natural resources. This year, at the Montevideo and Lima Conferences on the Law of the Sea, the responsibilities and obligations which must govern relations among States were clearly defined; thus the signatories to their conclusions have laid a sound basis for the creation of just international co-operation, which must rest upon scientific, economic and social principles, and meet the imperative needs of peoples for subsistence.
22.	By the Declaration of Santiago of 1952,  Ecuador, Chile and Peru were the first countries to give a legal framework to their policy of defense of the resources of the sea by setting their maritime sovereignty or their exclusive jurisdictional rights up to a distance of 200 miles. After these three countries, the nine signatories of the Declaration of Montevideo of May of this year adopted a similar position.
23.	On the basis of the same reasons and for the same ends, a number of countries of the continent, meeting in Lima last August, declared the existence of common principles governing the law of the sea. At that historic meeting the Latin American States reaffirmed as common principles of the law of the sea, inter alia, the inherent right of the coastal States to explore, preserve and exploit the natural resources of the sea adjacent to their coasts and of the sea-bed and subsoil thereof, as well as those of their continental shelf and the subsoil thereof, and to establish the limits of their sovereignty or maritime jurisdiction in accordance with their geographical, geological and biological characteristics and the need for the sound utilization of the resources of the region.
24.	To those declarations of law and the proclamations of Latin American principles must now be added the resolutions adopted at the third summit conference of non-aligned nations which recently met in Lusaka. At that time sixty countries pledged themselves fully to exercise their right and fulfill their duties in order to achieve the welfare and development of their countries in ensuring the widest utilization of the existing natural resources in their territory and adjacent seas, and decided to co-ordinate their policies and measures for the utilization of their mineral and marine resources in the national interest and for the protection of the marine environment. This is patent proof of the progressive and reasoned stocktaking by the developing countries, which were kept by colonialism with their backs to the sea and deprived of the wealth which it holds, and which now understand that it is one of the main regions to which they must again turn their attention in order to extract the resources necessary to satisfy the pressing needs of their peoples. There is no doubt that the right to utilize those immense resources is strengthened by these adherences to the principles we defend whose general postulates are adaptable to the conditions and peculiarities of other latitudes and to ensure the legitimate protection and utilization of the economic heritage of other developing countries. It is for this reason that we understand and respect the positions of those countries whose jurisdictional limits over the sea are still different from our own. We consider that in questions of limits the sole satisfactory solution is the recognition of the multiplicity of regimes, if possible at the regional level, taking into account the characteristics of the respective nations or zones whose situations are similar.
25.	On this occasion I must state that my Government deplores and rejects the attitude designed to confound and divide States that are determined to defend these resources. I refer specifically to certain initiatives that have emerged to convene a new international conference on the law of the sea with an agenda that is one-sidedly partial and limited, intended to impinge on the inalienable rights of peoples that require the wealth of their adjacent seas in order to satisfy their vital needs.
26.	This session of the General Assembly has on its agenda a number of subjects dealing with the sea, and of these we should stress that concerning the possibility of holding a conference on the law of the sea, and that which refers to the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction, without thereby overlooking the question of the pollution of the marine environment and related matters that have been examined by the Economic and Social Council. Those subjects could be considered either as fields fruitful for solidarity and co-operation, as we see it, or, as the opposite view would have it, as spheres of influence over which the great Powers might exercise policies of persuasion and dissuasion. This latter possibility is an evident danger that has become obvious in the last few months through the initiatives taken, which are being used in order to anticipate procedures set forth by the General Assembly and which seriously disturb and might even hinder the achievement of just solutions that would adequately meet the fundamental concern for welfare as the basis for peace, which is doubtless what is at stake.
27.	It is well known that the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction is also a fountain-head of resources whose utilization is of interest to mankind in general.
28.	The international machinery to be created on the basis of a declaration of principles which is the primary task of the Sea-bed Committee if it is effectively to satisfy the general interest of mankind and not limit itself to a mere system of concessions to feed public or private enterprises of the highly industrialized countries must rest upon the basic concept that the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction constitutes the common heritage of mankind.
29.	Naturally, when such machinery is established for the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction, the juridical status of the superjacent waters must be respected, leaving no room whatsoever for the application of norms that are alien to either part of the law of the sea. As far as the precise limitation of the area is concerned, we must point out that this is a matter that can be defined only by taking into full account the geographical realities of the different countries once the scope of the international machinery has been agreed to.
30.	The United Nations, which was born after the last war, has for the last twenty-five years been contemplating the great Powers opposing one another, particularly on ideological questions. On the one hand, the development of nuclear weapons has dragged the world into a peace of terror which threatens the two super-Powers with annihilation; on the other hand, the age-old cultural preponderance in the west of the European continent, is moving the latter towards an effort to acquire the deterrent potential and advance the process of its own integration. It is no longer an illusion to believe that Europe, ideologically divided and, until a few years ago, almost unable to conciliate its views because of the deep differences between the systems established there, might today overcome obstacles and difficulties to the point where a conference on European security is today feasible. However, there is no State which considers that such a possibility could become real without the agreement of the two superPowers. Both have allowed this new orientation to take root because of the mutual concession of substantial interests on the international level. It would thus appear that the shaping of world power might change from a bipolar system to a multi-polar system.
31.	Such a development in international affairs might appear equitable to those States that believe they are entitled to create the new international structure; how-ever, one must analyze the ramifications of this policy which affects developing nations, not involved in its devising, and which, as far as the great Powers are concerned, are only important in their effect upon their own spheres of interest. The multi-polar world balance, which is gradually being created, basically rests upon armed peace and the respect for spheres of influence which are nothing but those regions in which the developing countries are located. It is thus that world power is distributed among the great Powers and that there is applied to the developing countries a policy of economic domination which is the most reprehensible form of pressure on countries that are economically weak. And yet this entire picture is defined as so-called "political realism" which is unceasingly proclaimed by the great Powers in their endeavors to persuade us all that that is the world political reality.
32.	At the same time, the United Nations is watching the growing emergence of the developing world. This new force has a different view of what international society should be, and quite justifiably condemns the entire contents of "political realism", since the latter illegitimately tries to create a world power in which decision-making in the great international problems would still be left solely in the hands of the great Powers.
33.	It is not difficult to conclude that world international policy today is the subject of and rests upon the rivalry between the great Powers and the developing world. While the great Powers try to impose peace based upon power politics, the developing world is endeavoring to create peace based upon the political, social, economic and juridical aspects of that solidarity dictated by international relations that exclude the dictates of power. Only in the latter case will we be able to speak of true equality among States, because the elements constituting this concept of united peace reject practices of dissuasion and persuasion which are inherent in power politics. Yet, despite the radical and profound differences between these conceptions, and in the interests of both, it is imperative to keep this dialog permanently open. But this can only be done by the adoption of positions that will create a new international network based on understanding, co-operation and mutual respect among States that will, in turn, contribute to the achievement of a true peace. Only within this framework advocated by the developing world can international security have a permanent meaning.
34.	This conception of what international security should be implies the participation of all States in the creation of an international order of a truly universal character. Therefore, the action of the United Nations must be to set its sights on that goal, which is the very reason for the existence of this Organization.
35.	On the other hand, the increasingly clear-cut analysis made by the Latin American countries of their own particular problems and of the general problems of the world gives us the conviction that we are called upon to play an ever increasingly significant role in the international community and to maintain the dialog to which I have referred, but along different lines from those of the past.
36.	The Latin-American consensus of Viña del Mar, which adjusted to its true dimension the dialog between Latin America and the United States, the Declaration of Buenos Aires, which formulated our relations with the European Economic Community, and the very intense analysis of our relations with groups of countries, without ideological distinctions, are a proof of the Latin American conviction and determination to strengthen on internal cohesive elements and of our capacity to assume united positions and our interest in creating or strengthening ties with other political entities in the world.
37.	At the recent summit conference of non-aligned nations held in Lusaka, in which I had the honor to participate as an observer, there was brought home to me the spirit of co-operation that animates the leaders of the countries which share that position and which, apart from giving dynamic assistance in the concert of nations, and which might well constitute the element of balance between the two great Powers that are at present confronting each other, is also potentially a force that must effectively contribute to transforming the "balance of terror", which is basically unstable, into a fruitful, humanistic balance where the necessary participation of the developing countries will prevent decisions that might jeopardize the common destiny of mankind from depending exclusively and as a privilege on the great Powers. In that case, these decisions will rest, as far as possible, upon universal formulation and acceptance.
38.	These observations on inter-state ties lead us to consider the case of Cuba, that sister republic whose presence in inter-American relations must be a matter of urgent consideration within the American regional framework,
39.	On the other hand, Peru shares the justifiable concern created on a universal level by the problem of the absence from this Organization of the People's Republic of China, a world Power consisting of hundreds of millions of inhabitants.
40.	My country notes sadly what little progress has been made by certain people along the road from colonialism to freedom, and the very insignificant achievements made in the struggle against different forms of discrimination.
41.	The end of the International Year for Human Rights has not, unfortunately, brought an end to racial, political, economic or religious discrimination. Nor do we see human communities subject to a colonial regime rising as free and independent peoples.
42.	Our ideological position, which is made manifest in our free and independent foreign policy, gives us the moral authority openly to reject that which our conscience reproves. This, once again, leads Peru to condemn the outrages against human rights and once more to reiterate the fact that the condemnations uttered against these aberrant practices will be meaningless unless accompanied by a' manifest political will to concert forms of co-operation in order, once and for all, to liquidate the forces of colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination.
43.	Peru feels that among steps towards the establishment of universal peace, our Organization owes praise for the acceptance by an increasing number of States of treaties on the prohibition of nuclear tests, on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and on the de-nuclearization of Latin America. However, despite the fact that the United Nations has repeatedly condemned the carrying out of nuclear explosions and that Peru and other countries have repeatedly protested against them, French nuclear tests in the Pacific Ocean continue, and might create grave hazards for the populations and the marine resources of the coastal States. Peru wishes once again to protest and to insist that an end be put to these practices, which constitute an undeniable danger to mankind.
44.	Peru is following with grave concern the evolution of the crisis in the Middle East. It is for this reason that we welcomed with satisfaction the opening of the talks started in this building pursuant to Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of November 1967. My country shares the hopes of the international community that the day will quickly arrive when the peoples of that region will live together in harmony.
45.	Mine, which is a peace-loving country, is also deeply concerned at the continuation of hostilities in Viet-Nam, and trusts that the negotiations under way can, in the near future, put an end to that bloody conflict.
46.	Among the protests against the political, social or economic realities, we must include as one of particular gravity the terrorism and the hijacking of airplanes that threaten innocent persons with physical danger. In condemning those reprehensible acts, we must insist upon a search for specific means to avoid their repetition.
47.	All these grave problems which confront mankind today carry with them suspense and permanent risks in the critical situation through which the developing world of today is passing. The developing countries link their hopes to a true global strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade. But in the present stage of negotiations, while specific commitments on the part of the developing countries are clearly and definitively included in the document submitted to this Assembly by the Economic and Social Council, which places all possible emphasis upon the responsibility incumbent upon them, the same is not the case for the developed countries, whose commitments are drafted in an ambiguous or elusive way when dealing with precise targets and dates.
48.	And thus, in the light of the magnitude of the task to be undertaken and the negative results of the First Development Decade, the absolute need emerges for the strategy of the Second Development Decade to pass beyond the stage of watered down and half-way commitments and to concentrate on a firm and clear political commitment which will result from an effective and proven general will to co-operate and which will make it possible for the decade of the seventies to be, finally, the decade of achievements.
49.	The last session of the General Assembly decided that the commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of our international Organization should concentrate on three fundamental concepts of deep significance: peace, justice and progress. These three ideas, which in themselves constitute the traditional theme of the United Nations, are by their very essence an. imperative trilogy for the world to achieve the balance necessary to survive. These elements cannot be considered nor gauged separately, since they sum up human aspirations to inhabit a free world where peace will reign among nations and justice and progress among men.
50.	It is imperative that at this new stage that is now opening up in the life of the United Nations, our Organization reach its full maturity after twenty-five years of vicissitudes.
51.	With the experience gained, we trust that the United Nations will finally be able to find itself and turn into glorious reality the postulates and tenets of the Charter which are summed up in those great themes of peace, justice and progress.
52.	This is the solemn moment to strengthen the action of the United Nations and renew our pledge to strive so that our people will achieve freedom and well-being, if we truly want these concepts to be more than mere meaningless words.


72.	  Mr. President, I trust I may be allowed, first of all, to express the gratification of my Government and of the Italian delegation at seeing the representative of a friendly country, whose constant efforts have been dedicated to preserving peace, elected to the Presidency of the General Assembly. Your election is the best testimony of the unanimous esteem and prestige which you, an eminent representative of the democracy of your country, enjoy among us because of your legal erudition, your profound knowledge of international problems and your participation in the activity of the Organization since its very beginning.
73.	I should like also to address myself to your illustrious predecessor and to express to Mrs. Angie Brooks- Randolph our deep gratitude to her for having steered last session's proceedings with charm, wisdom and competence, thus gaining the confidence of us all.
74.	I also wish to associate myself with the tribute which has here been renewed to our Secretary-General. In U Thant we salute not only the symbol of the continuity of our Organization but also the faithful and devoted interpreter of the principles of the Charter. We express the most sincere wish that he may continue to serve the cause of the United Nations for a long time to come.
75.	Mr. President, I should like to express to you personally and to the Assembly the sincere regret of the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs at not having been able to take part in person, as he had wished, in this debate, since he is representing Italy at President Nasser's funeral in Cairo.
76.	Following the inspiring initiative taken yesterday [1855th meeting] by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Philippines, Mr. Carlos Romulo, I shall briefly summarize my statement, which is being distributed in its entire text with the understanding that it will be recorded verbatim as an annex to the minutes of this meeting.
77.	The significant coincidence of this session with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations prompts me to begin my statement with a frankly realistic assessment: the results achieved by the United Nations in this quarter of a century have not so far fulfilled all our hopes, although the Organization represents a first important step in the evolution of the international community. We must, therefore, continue to concentrate our efforts with the aim of correcting the imperfections of The United Nations system in the existing institutional framework and of transforming the United Nations into an efficient and swift instrument for the preservation of peace.
78.	The problems of peace and security throughout the world must be considered in a global context: any partial solution would prove sterile and ephemeral, unless it were a part of that wider design that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy, Mr. Aldo Moro, speaking from this same rostrum last year, defined as "the strategy of peace" [1783rd meeting],
79.	Such a conclusion is particularly evident in relation to the problems on which I shall first concentrate my attention, as they are of preeminent interest for my country: the problems of Europe on the one hand, and those of the Middle East and the Mediterranean on the other.
80.	In Europe, we have witnessed several developments bound to exert a positive influence on the consolidation of peace and detente. The Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union is a good omen for the dialog which is being established between the two parts of Europe. In order to ensure a lasting contribution to the equilibrium in Europe, this dialog must proceed in step with new progress on the road to setting up a politically and economically integrated community in Western European countries, a community which we consider as open to co-operation on all its frontiers and towards all continents.
81.	To stress the constructive spirit which must lead our search for the solution of the problems of our continent, I shall recall the friendly climate which has been established in the relations between Italy and two of our neighbors: Yugoslavia and Austria.
82.	Concerning Austria, the Secretary-General was kind enough to mention, as a fruitful example of recourse to the procedures for solving controversies provided for in Article 33 of the Charter, the contacts that Italy has had with the Austrian Government on the Alto Adige question. The permanent missions of the Member countries have already been informed of the substantial progress accomplished by Italy and Austria towards settling the dispute regarding the interpretation and implementation of the 1946 Paris agreement. This dispute was the subject of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in its sessions of 1960 [1497 (XV)] and 1961 [1661 (XVI)].
83.	I should like to recall that the envisaged settlement is based on three elements. The first of these is the announcement made by the Italian Government in Parliament on 3 December 1969 regarding a series of measures which it intends to adopt in favor of the populations of Alto Adige. These measures aim at widening the legislative and administrative jurisdictions of the province of Bolzano. The second element is the statement made by the Austrian Government in the Nationalrat on 15 December 1969 according to which, once the measures outlined above have been carried out, it will consider as settled the controversy with Italy concerning the application of the Paris agreement. The third element is the conclusion and implementation of an agreement between Italy and Austria regarding the application of the European convention for the peaceful settlement of disputes.  The agreement aims at widening the application of this convention to cover controversies about facts or situations prior to the date when the said convention came into force.
84.	The first two stages of the envisaged solution have therefore already been acted upon. Italy, for its part, has taken other steps in performing the operations set forth for settling the disputes. All the administrative measures envisaged in the "calendar of operations" have already been adopted. In particular, I shall mention the creation of the Preparatory Committee responsible for drawing up the draft constitutional law and the drafts of ordinary law. After 19 January 1970, in full observance of the limit indicated in the announcement of the Italian Government, we submitted to the Chamber of Deputies the draft constitutional law directed at modifying the statute of the Trentino-Alto Adige region. The competent parliamentary commission has already started its examination as an urgent matter. The drafts of ordinary laws concerning the further measures envisaged are under preparation. They will be submitted to Parliament in December, as announced.
85.	The Italian Government is following with constant attention the progress of the Alto Adige populations and will continue in its endeavors to carry out the measures envisaged. It expects that, on the Austrian side as well, all the necessary steps will be taken to fulfill the commitments undertaken. The Italian Government hopes that in the light of the initiatives already taken and those which it aims to undertake in the future, the relations between Italy and Austria will develop in a renewed climate of trust and concord, opening the way to an ever more intensive and rewarding collaboration.
86.	The hopeful note that has inspired my considerations on Europe must yield to the most serious anxiety when I proceed to reviewing the situation in the Middle East and.the Mediterranean, at a time when we must mourn the untimely demise of President Nasser.
87.	In joining in the unanimous tribute which has been paid to his memory from this rostrum we express the firm belief that the new leaders of the United Arab Republic will pursue the action undertaken with such determination by President Nasser in order to find a political solution to the conflict.
88.	All the recent events must spur us to renew our efforts towards the re-establishment of peace in the Middle East with the observance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and the fulfillment of the need for security of all the parties involved in a balanced context, in which the future of the Palestinian people will no longer be considered solely in the light of its humanitarian aspects but also in that of its political elements. The security and integrity of the State of Israel, a Member of the United Nations, is a permanent aim of Italian policy as much as the security, integrity and development of the Arab countries. Equally essential is the need to set the desired solution of the conflict in the framework of a system of guarantees to be completed by a system for monitoring the supplying of armaments. Along those lines Italy has directed its action, which is aimed at overcoming tension and radicalism in an area of the world so near to it. Italy is always prepared to make a sensible contribution to ensure that stability, security and peace prevail in the Mediterranean. That was stated by the President of the Italian Republic, Giuseppe Saragat, in his address welcoming President Nixon to Rome.
89.	I should like to conclude my considerations on the Mediterranean by mentioning, not without regret, the relations between Italy and Libya. The measures of confiscation of property and of expulsion imposed upon the Italian community in Libya do not appear to us to have served the cause of Libya and its people. If a problem existed between the two countries, which are neighbors because of history as well as geography, it could have been solved in mutual agreement and through negotiation, so as to avoid the violation of international obligations and decisions taken by the United Nations, and in the light of the spirit of understanding and co-operation which has always inspired Italy's relations with all Arab countries.
90.	We are still convinced that a solution through bilateral negotiations to problems pending between Italy and Libya might constitute the basis for the resumption of fruitful co-operation between the two countries. We hope that such a solution may be reached in conformity with the principles of international law and of the United Nations Charter.
91.	Although the problems I have tackled most directly affect the interests of my country, they represent a detailed aspect of a broader problem, that of directing a global strategy of peace, as we conceive it, towards the settlement of regional conflicts jeopardizing peace and security, and of gradually eliminating the political, military, economic and social imbalances that cause tensions and conflicts.
92.	As far as the first aspect is concerned we must note with deep regret the enduring crisis in South-East Asia and the lack of substantive progress towards that political and negotiated settlement which, by respecting the will of the populations concerned, is the condition for restoring a lasting peace in that tormented area.
93.	On the other hand, we recall with deep satisfaction that peace has returned in Africa following the solution of the conflict which has shed the blood of the people of a great country, Nigeria. May that country, in a climate of reconciliation and concord, resume its place in the work for progress and peace upon which all the countries of that continent must embark.
94.	As far as the second aspect is concerned, I should now like to remark that the problem of eliminating the instruments of destruction remains before us in all its complex essence. In Geneva, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has achieved some progress in the field of so-called collateral measures for instance, in the case of the agreement on the draft treaty on the de-nuclearization of the seabed.  On the other hand, difficulties persist in relation to the banning of biological and chemical weapons, while there has been no initiative at all to extend the prohibition of nuclear tests. That is but a new argument to stress the need consistently voiced by the Italian Government to consider the problem of disarmament as a unified whole, without limiting the discussion to collateral measures, and, instead, facing the task of outlining an organic program for the actual reduction of armaments. In this context we are following with interest the development of the talks between the Soviet Union and the United States on the limitation of strategic armaments. We express the wish that those talks will lead to results that will take into account the security requirements of non-nuclear-weapon countries and represent a first real step towards halting the arms race.
95.	No less important than disarmament for the renewal of international order is the elimination of any form of human discrimination and oppression. Colonial regimes and systems of apartheid are, from this viewpoint, intolerable and inconsistent with the international community as we conceive it. We therefore advocate that the action of the United Nations in that field be directed through peaceful means at reestablishing a more humane and democratic order in southern Africa.
96.	The celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is a reminder of the Organization's responsibility in this field. The same ideals of solidarity and understanding extolled in that Declaration must also inspire our stand on the problems of development, as we firmly believe that the establishment of a greater social justice throughout the international community is also an essential condition for building peace.
97.	The global strategy of development for the next decade provides the basis for organically programming development and rationalizing the use of available resources, including the aspects concerning the necessary co-ordination and simplification of the intervention carried out under the aegis of the United Nations.
98.	The structural and functional strengthening of the United Nations also implies the need to face the problem of giving a truly universal dimension to the Organization as is required by its functions and responsibilities. In this context we hope that the People's Republic of China, with which Italy is negotiating for recognition and establishment of diplomatic relations, will take on the international responsibilities facing it and contribute to the strengthening of peace in the world.
99.	If we really want to strengthen the United Nations it is necessary that all Member States be willing to sacrifice "la raison d'Etat" to the reason of peace, which requires respect for a universal order founded on law and aimed at progress and co-operation among peoples.
100.	Although the results achieved by the United Nations towards this end may appear modest, nevertheless the Organization offers us the potential of its structures, means and systems that we shall usefully use, provided we realize the logic of the present evolution consisting in a gradual process for overcoming national interests in order to arrive at increasingly organized forms of collective solidarity. The twenty- fifth anniversary of the United Nations provides a favorable occasion to embark upon this gigantic political and moral effort, directed at achieving the three aims which inspire this United Nations General Assembly: peace, justice and progress.


180.	 At the outset, I should like to refer to the dark shadow which the tragic and untimely death of President Gamal Abdel Nasser has cast over this Assembly and the world. In a statement made in Wellington yesterday, my Prime Minister referred to the late President as one of the most significant political figures of the post Second World War era. He was a constant source of inspiration to his people and he helped to mold and fortify a new sense of national identity and dignity.
181.	The profound sympathy of the people of New Zealand has already been conveyed to the Government and people of the United Arab Republic. To the delegation of the United Arab Republic, I should like to add my own expression of deep sympathy at the tragic loss suffered by the Egyptian and, indeed, by all the Arab peoples.
182.	President Nasser's statesmanlike acceptance of the American proposals had raised hopes that the long awaited negotiations might at last have begun. We must all hope that his generous spirit will prevail and that peace will soon come to this troubled area of the world.
183.	Mr. President, it is always a pleasure to congratulate the incoming President of this Assembly. It is a singular pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, a representative of a country which sat with New Zealand at San Francisco, on the honor of presiding over the session which takes place in this twenty-fifth anniversary year. Your career has been marked by your close association with the advancement of international law and of this Organization. It is a fitting symbol that the direction of this session should have been placed in your hands at a time when the world needs from the United Nations a strong and renewed assertion of the rule of law. I also take this opportunity to pay a well-merited compliment to your distinguished predecessor in office, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph of Liberia.
184.	May I also at this point say how much New Zealand looks forward to welcoming Fiji a South Pacific country with which New Zealand has many close associations to membership in the early part of this twenty-fifth session.
186.	Who could have foreseen that, as a backdrop to the opening of the twenty-fifth anniversary session, we should have the spectacle of international piracy, the spectacle of nations held to ransom and subjected to blackmail by those whom we treat too respectfully by using the term "hijackers". We must place this in conjunction with another remarkable phenomenon: the lightning rapidity with which the shock waves of events, and particularly of violent events, are felt around the world in this age of instant communication. We cannot allow the epidemic of hijacking to be condoned. It is, I suggest, time to combat the ingenuity and ruthlessness of those who use such methods to serve their own political or personal ends. Hundreds of years ago, international law was equal to the challenge posed by piracy on the high seas.
187.	Today all the nations of a technologically advanced world will need to use all their skill and determination to stamp out the scourge of piracy in the air.
188.	In a recent address the SecretaryGeneral proposed that all nations should pledge to extradite hijackers, irrespective of their nationality or political affiliation, for trial before an agreed international tribunal. My Government welcomes the boldness of the SecretaryGeneral's approach. It believes that strong measures are required. It urges all Governments to give the most serious consideration to international action which would effectively put a stop to hijacking. Important work to this end is being undertaken in the International Civil Aviation Organization, but there may well be room for this Assembly to encourage and accelerate this urgent task.
189.	The communications revolution to which I have referred is one of the reasons why in recent years vast problems of global dimensions have been perceived so much more rapidly and universally than in the past.
190.	The United Nations today is applying itself to these problems. The solutions which are found will determine for us and future generations the quality of life. They will also be a mark of the vigor and adaptability of our Organization.
191.	The relationship between population and development is one of these problems. Its solution is essentially dependent on decisions taken at the national level within the framework of the circumstances of each country, including its economic structure and its social and spiritual aspirations. But there exists also a global responsibility. The United Nations, through its Population Commission and its Population Fund, has an important role to play in focusing attention on the world problem and in providing assistance to countries which seek it.
192.	The scope for international action to conserve the human environment is even more obvious. New Zealand, as a country in an early stage of industrial development and in an isolated geographical position, does not have the acute problems experienced by more heavily industrialized and populated countries. We have had, none the less, to develop active policies in such fields as land conservation, and are conscious of the growing risks of pollution of various kinds. A national organization in the form of an Environmental Council has been set up, and New Zealand is anxious to contribute to work in this field through participation in the Stockholm conference,  in the specialized agencies and, as we hope, in the Economic and Social Council.
193.	Of equal importance and of special interest to New Zealand is the question of establishing a just and effective regime for the deep seabed. There are fewer than ten countries with a longer coastline than New Zealand. We are isolated and surrounded by a vast area of ocean. By any definition we have an exceptionally large continental shelf. In short, we have as great a stake as any other Member of the United Nations in the work of the seabed Committee.
194.	All these questions of global scope relate to the work of the United Nations on development generally, and all Members stand to benefit from this work.
195.	We recognize and respect the fact that for the great majority of delegations the overriding preoccupation is with the mainstream of economic development. The preparations for the Second United Nations
Development Decade, to which priority has been accorded at this session, have come to be regarded as a touchstone, and attitudes to it as a test of good faith. As my Prime Minister said in this debate last year, the first Development Decade taught that sound economic development is a continuous, complex and longterm process in which the willing cooperation of all developed and developing countries is essential. We continue to believe that it is correspondingly important that the goals or targets set should be realistic. The New Zealand Government has stated its readiness to work towards the target of one per cent of gross national product for external aid. Its ability to do so, however, is in strict relation to its ability to maintain and expand the level of its exports, consisting almost exclusively of primary commodities. This is a factor which my Government hopes will be borne in mind during consideration of international commodity arrangements for the forthcoming decade. There is nothing unique in the problems which particular countries face. It is only by approaching them together in a spirit of common aspiration that the highest factor of benefit to all can be achieved.
196.	The opportunity to pursue a common approach to international trade problems arises most obviously through regional economic groupings. The potential for development which these can present has been amply demonstrated. Caution is needed, however, to ensure that benefits accrue both within the grouping and in trade with the outside world. The net result must not be to inhibit external trade through the growth of restrictive trade practices and protectionism.
197.	For New Zealand the problem is far from theoretical. For a decade it has faced the prospect of seeing its largest market, the United Kingdom, become part of the world's most powerful regional economic grouping, the European Economic Community. In spite of our continuing efforts to find new export markets, the British market still represents the only outlet for nearly half New Zealand's total exports and almost all our exports of certain key agricultural products. Now that negotiations for British entry to the European Economic Community have begun, my Government is confident that New Zealand's position has the full sympathy and understanding of all parties concerned and that adequate safeguards to enable this trade to continue will be adopted. In a very real sense the role of regional groupings in world trade is on trial in this test case. New Zealand appreciates and fully supports the motivations behind the drive for a united Europe which could be so powerful a force for good in the world. However, it would be tragic if, as a result of enlarging the European Economic Community, one of the world's most efficient agricultural producers were driven to the wall. This would be a sad irony in a world facing grave potential shortages of food.
198.	I have devoted my remarks thus far to economic and social questions and to some of the new areas in which the United Nations is active. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that in pursuing these important questions the United Nations is achieving the primary objectives of the Charter. As my Prime
Minister suggested last year [1757th meetingJ, we are all to some extent guilty of self-delusion for as long as we fail to achieve the essential goal of international peace and stability.
199. The occasion of the commemorative session will, I hope, provide an opportunity for an analysis of some of the reasons for the Organization's inability to control international conflicts and of steps which might lead towards the diplomatic reactivation of the United Nations. This was a theme stressed by the Foreign Minister of Brazil in the traditionally eloquent intervention with which he opened our general debate [1841st meeting].
200.	In one critical area the Middle East we have followed the patient efforts of Ambassador Jarring on behalf of the United Nations. We fervently hope that the cautious expectations engendered by the United States peace initiative, and by the stated willingness of the parties to enter into negotiations, have suffered only a temporary setback. It seems to us that the minimum conditions for further progress towards a settlement are an agreed extension of the ceasefire and the resumption within that time of endeavors to bring the parties to negotiations. In these endeavors the four permanent members of the Security Council will doubtless have to play a continuing, honest and persuasive role in accordance with the principles of the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)].
201.	In relation to the VietNam war, however, the failure of the United Nations to play any real part is notorious and a matter of regret. The last four months have seen the involvement in that war, from no volition of its own, of a small country which has consistently sought to avoid such involvement. My delegation asks this Assembly today whether it will choose to remain indifferent to the situation in Cambodia, which has deeply concerned my Government.
202.	From the outset Cambodia refused to take sides in the VietNam conflict and tried to prevent the war from spilling across its borders, but in vain. Over a period of years the armed forces of North VietNam and the VietCong took advantage of Cambodia's neutrality to establish bases and supply lines within its territory. The then Head of State of Cambodia, Prince Sihanouk, became increasingly alarmed at that situation but was unable to persuade the North VietNamese to withdraw their forces. In March 1970 he was dismissed as Head of State by a unanimous vote of the Cambodian Parliament. The Government of General Lon Nol, which Prince Sihanouk himself had appointed, demanded the withdrawal of the communist forces, while making clear that it was prepared to negotiate on the question. Instead of taking up that offer, the communist forces immediately began to attack the forces and installations of the Government of Cambodia to make war on the country whose territory they were already making free of.
203.	That action of the North VietNamese was a clear case of aggression, of an attack on one State by the armed forces of another. It has continued right up to the present time. Indeed the communist forces have expanded their activities throughout Cambodia and have virtually annexed a large part of it. They have, it is true, used the name of the deposed Prince Sihanouk as a cover, but the forces involved in the fighting have been almost entirely VietNamese, either North VietNamese or VietCong.
204.	Some time after the communist forces had begun to attack the Cambodian Government forces, the forces of South VietNam and the United States launched a series of operations across the South VietNamese border into Cambodia. These were designed to destroy the bases from which the communist forces had so long operated with impunity against Saigon and the surrounding areas. They were welcomed by General Lon Nol and undoubtedly helped him to survive the military pressure that the North VietNamese and their supporters were putting on him. But it should be noted that the Cambodian Government had previously appealed in vain for help to the Geneva Conference coChairmen, to the members of the International Control Commission, and to this Organization. The Security Council took no effective action to deal with this clearcut case of North VietNamese aggression in Cambodia and there is no sign that it will do so.
205.	Cambodia's neighbors were more forthcoming. The Foreign Ministers of eleven Asian and Pacific countries, including New Zealand, met in Djakarta on 16 and 17 May and expressed grave concern over the situation in Cambodia. They called for an end to all hostilities there and for the withdrawal of all foreign forces. They also recommended the reactivation of the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Cambodia and supported the idea of an international conference to consider the Cambodian problem. The moderation of the Djakarta Conference was widely recognized and its outcome met with the approval of many countries which were not represented at it. Yet it was condemned out of hand by North VietNam and by Communist China, and it evoked no positive response from the Soviet Union.
206.	The Djakarta Conference was a remarkable demonstration of regional solidarity. My Government attaches great importance to the development of regional cooperation in Asia and we welcome the determination of the countries in the area to find an Asian solution for an Asian problem. We are confident that the spirit of the Conference will persist in spite of the hostile reaction from some quarters.
207.	But regional cooperation is no substitute for action on a wider basis, and the fact that action is being taken regionally is not a reason for the international community to do nothing. The great Powers  and in particular the Soviet Union and Communist China bear a heavy responsibility for the continuation and extension of the conflict in IndoChina, and no settlement can be reached without their collaboration. But what is even more relevant in this Assembly is that the fate of Cambodia is a matter of concern to small nations everywhere. All of us have an interest in ensuring that a small country cannot be invaded and attacked by stronger neighbors under whatever pretext. This Assembly may not be able to do much on its own to end the conflict and restore the integrity and neutrality of Cambodia. But that is no excuse for indifference. At the very least, the Members of this Assembly should take heed of the true nature and the implications of the situation with which the people of Cambodia are confronted.
208.	There is one other related matter I would briefly add, on which this Assembly has a humanitarian duty to fulfill. I refer to the fate of those prisoners of war held by the North VietNamese. The appeals of the International Red Cross, meeting at Istanbul in September 1969, and the reiterated efforts made by the International Committee of the Red Cross have elicited no response. Yet all that is sought is that these men be treated in accordance with international humanitarian law and, more specifically, that North VietNam honor the minimum undertakings which it gave in acceding to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. There is an inhumanity in the attitude displayed which must awaken this Assembly's deepest concern. How can it deal sincerely with an item such as that on human rights in armed conflicts without renewing at the solemn level of the General Assembly the appeals already made?
209.	Consideration of the ability of the Organization to discharge its responsibilities in the field of peace and security leads on to wider questions. How adequate is the structure of the United Nations to permit it to perform its functions in this twenty-fifth year of its existence? That is a matter which requires examination on two different levels. We are all conscious of the problems involved in proposals for the Charter review. The best must not, however, be the enemy of the good. If that wider reform should not prove possible, there is still scope for more modest and practical innovations. For that reason my delegation has joined in co sponsoring the item on the rationalization of the procedures and organization of the General Assembly.
210.	We do not approach this subject with preconceived ideas. We believe the Assembly could benefit from the recommendations which might come from a small group, rich in direct personal experience. We have in mind, for example, that the functioning of Assembly committees has become more formalized than was originally contemplated. Do they now serve their purpose in meeting as frequently as they do? There are a number of questions on which attitudes have become rigid. This, in turn, suggests that there may be a case for reviewing the agenda with a view to avoiding automatic inscription, or annual discussion, at least of those items where the outcome does not vary from one year to the next. How, on the one hand, can the Assembly's procedures be shaped to recognize the increasing practice of negotiation between, and within, groups which is now an abiding feature of the General Assembly and some other bodies? And how, on the other, can it be ensured that, in the larger forum of the General Assembly committees, countries which are not members of such specialized bodies as those dealing with outer space, disarmament, the seabed and the like, may still participate meaningfully in discussion of matters on which real negotiation tends to be restricted to an initiate circle? These are but some of the issues perhaps some of the more difficult issues which we should like to see debated.
211.	Finally, as part of a program to enable the Organization better to meet its responsibilities it is all too clear that its financial situation the precarious state of affairs with which the Organization has lived too long must be remedied. This is a matter to which our SecretaryGeneral has made pointed reference in the introduction to his annual report [A/8001/Add. 1 and Corr.1]. There is something incongruous about a world body which can stem insolvency only by borrowing. It is well to remind ourselves that the Organization is faced with a shortfall of some 190 million dollars in assessed contributions. It is surely not unreasonable to hope that those who perpetuate this situation could make a gesture in this anniversary year to help put the Organization back on a sound financial footing.
212.	The growth of the budget is a financial problem of a different order. The question must be asked whether the present rate of growth is not excessive. Growth must be accepted, but it must be carefully managed and apportioned to make the most effective use of our limited resources. In many countries, including my own, serious thought is being given to new forms of budget planning and presentation. We welcome the international studies carried out on this topic. There is much to be said for budgeting by program rather than by object of expenditure as at the present time.
213.	But technical measures of rationalization and consolidation are only part of the answer. What is needed above all is a willingness on the part of the membership as a whole to eliminate the conflict between what it wants and what it is prepared to pay. This is a basic conflict as much political as budgetary. The blame does not lie entirely with the Fifth Committee, which is largely ineffective in the face of the financial implications of substantive decisions. These decisions, often of a political nature, emanate from the legislative organs of the Assembly and the subsidiary bodies. Nor can the Secretariat, as the author of the budget document, be held solely responsible, nor indeed is inflation the sole culprit. It is we, the Member States, who hold apparently irreconcilable views about the desirable rate of growth, the level of overall expenditures and the use to which funds are put. As a consequence, no really effective budgetary control exists. This is a problem which the Secretary General himself has singled out in a plea for urgent action in his foreword to the budget estimates for 1971.
214.	While we must bear in mind the objectives of the Second Development Decade, a serious effort is needed in this year of stocktaking to reach common ground on these questions. The failure of the Committee on Conferences has illustrated an apparent absence of willingness effectively to empower an organ to exercise determined control. Surely we must deduce from this that there remains only the spirit of compromise if there is to be a healthy development of the budget, the administration of the Organization, and the programs which it services.
215.	I have dealt with some themes of current concern and with some pervasive questions of United Nations reform. All of us have, I am sure, been struck by the new strains to which international life is now subject, and with the correspondingly urgent need for our Organization both to strengthen its role in world order and to adjust itself to the times. In an address given in London some months ago our Secretary General said that:
"The news is so full of stories of conflict and violence that not enough attention is paid to the steady undercurrent of decency and commonsense in the affairs of nations, and people increasingly have the impression that in international affairs nothing ever goes right."
216.	For New Zealand's part I urge that we all show in this anniversary year our determination to give effect to the spirit which at San Francisco gave rise to the Charter of the United Nations. Our Prime Minister then spoke of that historic conference as "a moment of time which will not recur in our lives and which may not recur again". Now, 25 years later, we have the opportunity and the necessity in this anniversary to take stock, and to add to the stature of the Organization. Let us use this chance.


110.	Mr, President, on behalf of the Government and people of Sierra Leone, I take this opportunity to express to you our warm and hearty congratulations on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election is as much a tribute to you as to your great country. It is a recognition of your long association with this world Organization and the active and constructive role you have played in it over the years since the days of San Francisco. It is equally indicative of our high regard for the liberal traditions of your motherland and the objectivity it has brought to bear on the burning international problems of our time. In this historic year of its twenty-fifth anniversary, the Organization is fortunate to have such wise and able leadership and we are confident that, with your background of experience and distinguished service, you will guide our deliberation with singular success and bring even greater honor to the country you have served and represented with such eminence.
111.	We should like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph of Liberia, who during her tenure of office conducted the affairs of the General Assembly with skill, patience and determination and brought our work to a fruitful conclusion. It shows the significance of the status of women in the third world that the AfroAsian group has produced the only two women Presidents of the General Assembly during the lifetime of the United Nations.
112.	We congratulate our SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, for his report on the achievements of the Organization during the past year [A18001]. We have observed with interest the cautious optimism he has expressed with regard to the world situation as a whole.
In his diagnosis he has attempted to portray the truth with vividness and eloquence.
113.	The strategic arms limitation talks have been described as the most important disarmament discussions since the Second World War. This and the breakthrough in the peace talks on the Middle East, the gradual reduction of the war in SouthEast Asia and the signing of the nonaggression treaty between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Federal Republic of Germany  have lessened international tensions considerably but have not completely eliminated them. The superPowers, regardless of their already acquired capacity to achieve total physical destruction of each other at least ten to fifteen times over, continue to develop new and more sophisticated weapons of total annihilation. The balance of nuclear potentialities has brought about not an end to wars but rather a nuclear stalemate. The conventional arms race, with even more dangerous possibilities, continues to produce and disseminate more sophisticated and deadly weapons. It affects all nations, both nuclear and non nuclear, developed and developing, and provides the means for limited wars which contain the seeds of the threat of nuclear war. Finance, which is badly needed to alleviate the misery and sufferings of man, is being spent on massive military budgets. Approximately $200,000 million are spent annually on armaments while less than $15,000 million are budgeted by industrialized countries for aid to developing nations. Virtually no progress has been made towards the achievement of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty, which would ensure the safety of posterity from a possible global holocaust. Seven full years have passed since the signing of the partial test ban Treaty; yet some States whose participation is essential, if the nuclear arms race is to be curbed and if mankind is to be saved from the hazards of further radioactive contamination, have not subscribed to the Treaty.
114.	My delegation wholeheartedly welcomes the entry into force on 5 March this year of the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)]an occasion of historic importance which heralded what has been described as the United Nations Disarmament Decade. The considerable amount of interest manifested by Member States in this treaty increases the hope of its success. It can only succeed in its objectives, however, if it is accorded universal adherence and complete implementation. Member States must fully implement the Treaty in order to halt the horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons. They must also impose a limitation on the production of offensive and defensive strategic nuclear armaments so as to check vertical proliferation of these weapons. In this connexion, complete agreement on disarmament is impossible so long as there is any major military Power and, in particular, any nuclear Power which does not subscribe to the Treaty.
115.	The Middle East continues to present a grave threat to international peace. Great efforts have been made by the Security Council, the SecretaryGeneral and his Special Representative, Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, as well as the four permanent members of the Council, but little has been achieved towards the goal of a peaceful settlement. With the worsening of the situation, a challenge has been presented to the effectiveness of the United Nations, and this has posed a serious threat to the Organization. The proposal of the United States of America for a ninety day ceasefire, which was accepted by Israel, Jordan and the United Arab Republic, brought a glimmer of hope. This cessation of hostilities in the area, though temporary, offered an opportunity for the reactivation of the Jarring mission and the possibility of a breakthrough towards a peaceful settlement. My delegation warmly welcomes these and other measures aimed at providing a just solution to the Middle East crisis and deplores all actions calculated to undermine the genuine efforts made towards a peaceful solution. Peace cannot, however, be attained in that region as long as the question of the status of the Palestinian refugees remains undecided and their condition of living continues to be unameliorated.
116.	My delegation condemns the hijacking of civilian aircraft and believes that, unless firm measures are taken by the community of nations, life and property will be continually endangered by extremists who choose this irresponsible and dangerous method to bring their personal or group grievances before the world. In this connexion, we reaffirm our support for Security Council resolution 286 (1970) and urge its speedy implementation.
117.	On a brighter note, my delegation is relieved to see an end to the internecine struggle which engaged the attention of the Nigerian Government for nearly three years. It adds to the prestige of the Organization of African Unity that early this month, at its meeting of Heads of State and Government,  reconciliation was effected between Nigeria and some other African countries which had differences of opinion with the Federal Government over the issue.
118.	In the view of my delegation, the quest for peace is matched in importance only by the problem of underdevelopment. The First United Nations Development Decade may be remembered more for its failures than for its successes, and this gives a greater urgency to the need for a more positive approach and realistic planning for the Second Development Decade. We need an acceptable global strategy involving the active cooperation of rich and poor nations alike. We need to be freed from the strangulating effects of aid with political strings. We need to redress the injustice of existing trade patterns and commodity prices to the advantage of developing countries; but these needs can only be effectively met if they are recognized not only as the needs of the developing and deprived nations but as human needs which should be the concern of the entire international community. That would require cooperation not only between rich and poor nations but among the developing countries themselves. The need for this latter type of cooperation, that is, among the developing countries, has already been recognized by our leaders at the Third Summit Conference of Non-Aligned States.  Indeed, as our Prime Minister, Dr. Siaka Stevens, said in his statement to the Assembly in Lusaka:
"We may not be able to lift ourselves by our own boot-strings but we may find that by joining all our boot-strings together we have woven a rope ladder for economic emancipation."
119.	The point to be emphasized now is that we require, as an indispensable catalyst, the willing and active cooperation of the industrialized world in order that the development drive may finally be launched on an irreversible upward thrust.
120.	There is for instance a marked absence or shortage of capital in developing countries while the developed nations are sometimes choking with surplus capital, which eventually finds its way into the so-called defense budgets of countries whose greatest need may not be military hardware but agricultural improvement. It is a tragedy of our times that this should be so or that millions of valuable dollars, francs or rubles should be dissipated in prestigious space adventures when a minute fraction of this expenditure could relieve the miseries of millions by providing them with the barest necessities for survival.
121.	Again, although in the First United Nations Development Decade the exports from developing countries rose by more than six per cent, the effect of this growth is neutralized by the great expansion in the trade of the developed countries and the increased price of their manufactured products. These factors, coupled with the controlled decline in the prices of the products of developing countries, have resulted in a disappointing decrease in the earning capacity of the poorer nations. There has thus been a decline in their overall growth rate.
122.	Furthermore, by building tariff barriers and knitting themselves into protective trading groups, the developed countries often prevent the products of developing countries from gaining access to their markets.
123.	If these negative tactics continue to be employed by the economically advanced nations to thwart the legitimate aspirations and strenuous efforts of the third world, the Second Development Decade will soon share with the First Development Decade the inglorious title "The Decades of Disappointment".
124.	In the area of development aid, much emphasis has rightly been placed on its being channeled through international institutions to make it fully effective. In this exercise, institutions like the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Monetary Fund and even regional institutions like the African Development Bank have an invaluable part to play. It is our view, however, that for development planning to be truly international, objective and productive, the United Nations system itself, including its specialized agencies, should play a central and vital role. It should therefore be our duty, in proclaiming the Second Development Decade, to ensure that the United Nations continues to be the major organ for international development, with its role not only expanded but strengthened.
125.	My delegation further hopes that all nations will take appropriate action both at the national and international levels, as part of a global strategy, to help husband the world's human and physical resources. Population growth and its variety of concomitant problems such as living standards of poor countries and the aggravating problem of pollution of the environment, particularly in more advanced countries, should be given careful attention. The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment to be held in Stockholm in 1972 could provide very useful first steps towards finding ways and means of putting an end to the despoliation of our natural resources and the consequent danger to life.
126.	At this stage, I can do no more than pledge the support of my Government in the pursuit of the two major goals which preoccupy our minds and we hope that all nations will join in the effort to make the seventies the Decade of Disarmament and Development or, in more human terms, the Decade of Peace and Plenty.
127.	Among the many other problems which have engaged the attention of this Organization during the past two and a half decades, perhaps the most persistent has been and still is that of decolonization. It is a sad commentary on international relations that on the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, forty-five territories with some 28 million inhabitants still remain under colonial rule. Southern Africa presents the United Nations with the most pernicious example of this phenomenon. The illegal Racist minority regime of Ian Smith continues to defy both the administering Power and world public opinion. Earlier this year, it crystallized its defiance even further by proclaiming a so-called Republic on the basis of an illegal constitution, The Security Council, in response, has adopted further measures against Southern Rhodesia, including extension of economic sanctions, the interruption of any existing means of transportation to and from that territory and a ban on all representation there. At the same time, however, evasions of sanctions continue either as a result of insufficient vigilance by certain Powers, or lack of cooperation on the part of others. South Africa and Portugal continue to maintain relations with Southern Rhodesia and to allow transit of the latter's trade through the territories under their control. By failing to impose conditions which will ensure a speedy return to legality in that territory, the Government of the United Kingdom has betrayed the trust of the nonwhite masses who are now caught in Ian Smith's web of oppression and racist domination. These disillusioned masses have now resorted to an armed liberation struggle only because they were driven to extremes by desperate frustration. Our only honorable course of action in the circumstance is to give them every moral and material support. We therefore urge that the United Nations, as a body, should not only express sympathy with the cause of freedom fighters but should contribute financially to their legitimate struggle for emancipation.
128.	There can be no greater commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples than by the setting up of a colonial liberation fund by the United Nations. We expect the voice of Portugal in particular to be raised in vigorous protest against this suggestion, but surely it must see this as the inevitable consequence of its own blind intransigence in rejecting the principle of self-determination and in reaffirming its determination to dominate by force of arms a people struggling to be free. Repeated persuasion has gone unheeded. It has rejected the restrained proposal contained in the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa which called for a peaceful transfer of power to the peoples in the territories under its administration. It has instead continued with the escalation of military activities against the liberation movements. It has embarked on a policy of large-scale resettlement of the local population and in the process has violated the sovereignty of neighboring African States in order to "punish" the African nationalists who have sometimes crossed their borders in search of safety. Portugal and its allies are advised in their own interests that after nine years of continuous struggle in the territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), with no hope of victory in sight, the only sensible solution to this tragedy lies in a change of policy. My Government, dedicated to the cause of human dignity and freedom, is committed to supporting the freedom fighters in every practicable way, for we remain firm in the conviction that as long as one of our brothers remains enslaved, we are not completely free.
129.	In Namibia, notwithstanding the repeated actions of the United Nations in both the Security Council and the General Assembly, the Government of South Africa continues in its flagrant refusal to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations. It has not only refused to withdraw from the Territory, but has in fact also usurped the inalienable rights of the inhabitants and embarked on a policy of dismemberment of the territory carving it into separate "homelands" while at the same time extending across its borders the evil policy of apartheid.
130.	My delegation welcomes the creation of the Ad Hoc SubCommittee on Namibia :t as well as the prompt action taken by the International Court of Justice in response to the Council's request [resolution 284 (1970)] for an advisory opinion on the "legal consequences for States of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia". Without prejudging the issue, one can only hope that in this exercise the futility of 1966 will not be repeated.
131.	There is a tendency to concentrate on these obvious examples of colonial domination in southern Africa and to ignore those in other parts of the world. I am compelled to say here that the emancipation of all colonized Territories is of equal importance and must be pursued with equal vigor.
132.	Let me, at this point, extend an anticipatory hand of welcome and congratulations to the new State of Fiji, which will attain its independence on 10 October. We hope that in this regard history will continue to repeat itself.
133.	Closely interwoven with the issue of decolonization is the problem of human rights, for it is a self evident truth that freedom, either of the nation or of the individual, is indivisible. During the current year, the United Nations has made significant strides towards the realization of human rights. Regional seminars have been held, among which particular mention may be made of the human rights seminar on the realization of economic and social rights with particular reference to the developing countries.  That seminar, by combining two of the burning issues of our time development and human rights and by focusing the attention of developing countries on them, has been one of the landmarks of the year.
134.	In spite of this, however, overall progress in the field of human rights has been far from encouraging. Fewer that ten States have ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI)], while other existing covenants have received only halfhearted implementation. For example, no State has as yet subscribed to the optional clause which empowers individuals to submit petitions under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)]. It is our fervent hope that this commemorative session will be made more memorable by universal support for the proposal to establish a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
135.	It is of course, idle to expect that the efforts of such a High Commissioner would succeed in removing the greatest challenge to human rights In our time. I refer to the South African situation, which has defied all the efforts of the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Organization of African Unity and individual States. At the risk of painful repetition, I must reiterate my Government's deep concern over the racial policies of the South African Government.
136.	Ignoring the provisions of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, while at the same time enjoying full membership of the Organization, South Africa has continued to entrench its policy of racial segregation and suppression and no pains are spared to liquidate the opponents of apartheid. Again, as in the case of Rhodesia, the will of a determined people has now almost erupted into violent revolution, posing the threat of racial war over the entire African continent. It is in this context that we view with grave concern and uneasiness the reported intention of the British Government to resume the sale of arms to South Africa for any purpose whatsoever. For we are convinced that every item of armament made available to that regime drives another nail into the coffin of human dignity, individual freedom and the concept of human equality, and poses a real threat to international peace.
137.	As we celebrate this twenty-fifth anniversary it would not be amiss if on this occasion we should engage our minds in the serious exercise of self-examination. In our view, the United Nations continues to be mankind's main hope for consultation and consensus, for international peace and universal prosperity; but these ideals will continue to elude us unless we are prepared to undertake an honest reappraisal of its structure and functions so as to increase its effectiveness.
138.	In the years that have elapsed since its inception, the nature of its membership has changed beyond recognition and the problems with which it was designed to cope have increased both in volume and in complexity. Only a drastic restructuring can make the Organization sufficiently contemporary and universal to meet the vital needs of today. To make it truly contemporary, we believe that the younger generation should be prepared for leadership, since it is they who will ultimately assume responsibility for the affairs of the world. We therefore supported actively and fully the World Youth Assembly which took place at United Nations Headquarters in July. Youth should be exposed as early as possible to the complexity of international organizations and their problems, and should be encouraged to play a constructive role in formulating just solutions.
139.	Nor can it be described as truly universal whilst a substantial proportion of the world's population is kept outside its pale. The People's Republic of China with its 750 million people cannot be ignored indefinitely, especially when that country is a nuclear Power. The divided States of Korea, VietNam and Germany by their very absence also make our Organization so much less effective. We look forward, wherever possible, to a speedy and peaceful reunification of those countries.
140.	For two and a half decades, this Organization has grappled with a number of human problems  political, economic, social and colonial, to name a few that from time to time have tended to disrupt the ordered way of life which mankind would very much like to preserve. My delegation hopes that, in taking stock of the past, we can at the same time rededicate our countries and ourselves to the great tasks which lie ahead of this world Organization to fulfill the high ideals of the Charter.
141. Finally, we believe that it is necessary for all nations to uphold the ideals of the Charter as this is the only way we can ensure the continuance of the Organization and the survival of mankind. Only then can we pursue the goals of disarmament and development as truly universal ideals; only then can we hope
to become truly united, as one great family of man, motivated by a common humanity and inspired by the ultimate goal of pacem in terris.