I am pleased to take this
opportunity to address the General Assembly. In the
past year both Kenya and the United Nations have been
struck by terrorism. On behalf of my delegation, I wish
to convey to the Secretary-General, through you,
Mr. President, our profound condolences following the
heartless and senseless attack on United Nations
premises in Baghdad last August. Several United
Nations personnel, including Mr. Sergio Vieira de
Mello, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative
in Iraq, lost their lives during this attack. Mr. Vieira de
Mello — an elegant, highly intelligent man — was a
calm voice of reason in a sea of troubles. As an
assembly of nations, we may have lost his voice, but
we should not lose sight of his vision and hopes.
Terrorism has become a disturbing trend. We who
live in Kenya know this all too well, as we do not have
the option of ignoring the threat of terror. The people
of Kenya have been targeted by terrorists on two
recent, separate occasions — in 1998 and in 2002.
After the 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya’s economy
was almost brought to its knees because of the various
unhelpful measures from without that discouraged
travel to our country. As a result, we have been doubly
victimized. Against this backdrop, Kenya is totally
committed to the fight against terrorism, as we have
been subjected to the loss of innocent lives, untold
human suffering, loss of property and social and
economic hardship. We empathize with others,
including the residents of this city and, indeed, the
American people, who bore the brunt of unprecedented
terror in the September 2001 attack.
We are convinced that this fight can be won only
by collective action by the community of nations. We
should all address terrorism under the rubric of the
United Nations and develop measured, long-term
strategies to eliminate terrorism once and for all. Self-
interest and unilateral action do not provide a firm
basis for a global alliance against terrorism. Only
principled international solidarity will defeat terrorism.
My delegation wishes to commend the Secretary-
General for the efforts made in enhancing the
utilization of the United Nations Office at Nairobi. I
note with satisfaction that construction of additional
administration and social facilities at the United
10

Nations Complex at Gigiri has commenced. Further,
following the elevation of the United Nations Centre
for Human Settlements (UN-Habitat) to a fully fledged
United Nations programme, in accordance with
General Assembly resolution 56/206, it is the desire of
the Government of Kenya to see maximum utilization
of those facilities through the hosting of additional
meetings and conferences in Nairobi. This will be a
clear demonstration of our support for the relevant
General Assembly resolutions on this issue.
The proliferation of small arms and light weapons
has contributed to the conflicts raging in many parts of
Africa. Kenya has been actively involved in efforts to
address this issue and hosts the Nairobi Secretariat on
Small Arms and Light Weapons, a regional initiative
involving 10 countries of the Great Lakes region and
the Horn of Africa. In addition, at the Biennial Meeting
of States on small arms and light weapons, held in New
York in July 2003, Kenya presented a report on the
activities of the Nairobi Secretariat as well as on the
measures undertaken by the Government of Kenya at
the national level to curb that menace. In this regard,
we call upon the international community to provide
the requisite resources in our joint effort to fight the
proliferation of such arms.
Wars and conflicts continue, and peace, stability
and socio-economic development remain elusive,
particularly in Africa. Kenya therefore continues to
give priority to the prevention, management and
peaceful resolution of conflicts. We have spearheaded
the Inter-Government Authority on Development
(IGAD) peace processes on the conflicts in southern
Sudan and in Somalia. Negotiations on a peaceful
solution are ongoing in both Naivasha and Nairobi,
respectively.
It is with profound satisfaction that we recall the
historic event that occurred on 22 September of this
year, when the warring parties in the Sudan signed a
truly landmark agreement in Naivasha, Kenya. That
agreement, which addresses transitional security
arrangements, will no doubt provide the basis for a
bright and prosperous future for the people of the
Sudan. The parties will reconvene in the next two
weeks to discuss power sharing, wealth sharing and the
status of the three disputed regions of the Sudan.
Indeed, the peace process in the Sudan has become
irreversible.
I therefore wish to pay tribute to the Government
of the Sudan, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
(SPLM), the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army
(SPLA), IGAD and the international Partners Forum
for their concerted efforts and dedication to the peace
process. This historic event is a concrete example of
multilateralism at work. It is indeed a beacon of hope
and a manifestation of the fact that, with goodwill and
political will, peace is achievable. I am happy to say
that not all news emanating from Africa is all about
doom and gloom.
However, in order to consolidate and guarantee a
long-lasting peace, it is vital for the international
community to play a greater role in the process. In this
connection, I would like to urge the United Nations to
play a leadership role in the post-conflict
reconstruction of the Sudan and to request Member
States to support that reconstruction.
On the Somali peace process, I am happy to note
that there is encouraging progress in the negotiations,
and we are hopeful that there will be a fruitful
outcome. Just two weeks ago, representatives adopted
the charter, and elections will soon be held. Kenya
therefore encourages the parties concerned to
consolidate and take advantage of the gains made so
far. We emphasize that the peace process should be all-
inclusive, and we call upon the President of the
Transitional National Government, Mr. Abdikassim, to
return to the negotiating table in Nairobi and on the
other faction leaders to accept his participation. By the
same token, we call upon our partners and the
international community to continue supporting both
peace processes.
We commend the efforts made by the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to
restore normalcy in Liberia. While appreciating the
important role the United Nations plays in
consolidating peace and stability in the world, Kenya
advocates greater United Nations participation in
African initiatives, such as the peace processes led by
IGAD and ECOWAS.
We are concerned at the continuing deterioration
of the situation in the Middle East. Kenya notes with
regret that a lasting solution to the question of
Palestine remains elusive despite the various initiatives
undertaken and efforts made to address the problem.
We should not lose sight of the objective of
establishing a viable Palestinian State, as envisaged in

United Nations resolutions. Similarly, it should be
recalled that, in order to ensure a durable solution to
the conflict, it is important to take full account of the
right of Israel to exist within safe and secure borders.
We therefore reiterate our call to the parties to the
conflict, as well as to the other players involved, to
exercise restraint and to give priority to dialogue.
Another area of concern in the Middle East is
Iraq. The people of that country have yet to find peace
and stability, without which any hope of national
reconstruction will be in vain. It is, however,
encouraging to observe that the international
community now shares the common view that the
United Nations should play a greater role in rebuilding
that country. It is our hope that that consensus will be
translated into action soon.
For peace and stability to flourish, good
governance is a necessity. This challenge is one that
Kenya has been able to meet. In December 2002,
Kenya saw a historic moment, when we held general
elections which were universally recognized as free,
fair and, indeed, democratic. Every citizen of Kenya
was provided an opportunity to have a voice in
determining his or her Government, successful and
strong evidence that Africans can and will embrace
democracy and that we, the proud descendants of the
oldest civilizations in history, are ready to determine
our destiny. I would like to recall the words of a great
son of Africa, the late Patrice Lumumba:
“History will one day have its say ... Africa will
write its own history, and it will be to the north
and to the south of the Sahara, a history of glory
and dignity”.
We are prepared as a country, under the
leadership of President Mwai Kibaki, to play our part
in promoting development and democracy.
The New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD) commands the support of all of us and, if
implemented in a holistic manner, it will guarantee
sustainable development for the African continent.
NEPAD is a symbol of renewed commitment by the
region’s States, and should thus be accorded the
necessary support by the international community. We
appreciate the warm reception accorded to NEPAD by
both the United Nations and our development partners.
We are committed to the successful implementation of
this arrangement. For its part, Kenya, which is a
member of the Steering Committee, has established a
National NEPAD Secretariat and will host a regional
summit on NEPAD for East Africa, the Great Lakes
and the Horn of Africa next month to take stock of its
implementation.
The United Nations conferences and summits of
the 1990s, particularly the Rio Summit, the Millennium
Summit, the special session of the General Assembly
on HIV/AIDS, the Monterrey Conference and, finally,
the Johannesburg Summit, have equipped us with
numerous ideas and commitments to tackle the
problems facing the world today. Despite this wealth of
ideas and commitments, we have continued to slip
backwards in the fight against poverty, disease,
illiteracy, environmental degradation and hunger.
My message to all of us today is that we must
recommit ourselves; let us implement what we have
agreed on to make the world a better place for all. We
welcome the adoption by the Assembly of resolution
57/270 B on the integrated and coordinated follow-up
to the implementation of United Nations conferences
and summits in the economic and social fields. We urge
all stakeholders identified in this resolution to play
their part to ensure its full and speedy implementation.
The majority of African countries are among the
poorest in the world. The situation has been
compounded by the HIV/AIDS pandemic, which has
ravaged the continent and reversed the socio-economic
gains made since independence. To counter the ravages
of the pandemic, the Kenya Government has put in
place various measures to curb further spread of HIV/
AIDS. As a result of these efforts, prevalence rates
have been significantly reduced in the last four years.
However, much still needs to be done in this area.
Last month, Kenya hosted the thirteenth
International Conference on AIDS and Sexually-
Transmitted Diseases. This forum brought together
over 6,000 delegates from all over the world to discuss
urgent measures that we all must take to combat the
pandemic. We call upon the international community to
intensify its efforts in fighting the scourge by, among
others things, the provision of adequate financial
resources, as well as enhanced access to antiretroviral
drugs, for those infected.
We welcome the recent agreement arrived at in
the World Trade Organization (WTO) enabling
developing countries to import HIV/AIDS generic
drugs. We urge developed countries and drug
manufacturers to respect the decision of the WTO and
12

to cooperate with developing countries to facilitate
accessibility of antiretroviral drugs to all HIV/AIDS
sufferers.
Kenya regrets the collapse of the WTO
Ministerial Conference in Cancún last month.
However, we in the developing world are ready to
continue with negotiations as long as our partners are
prepared to work with us as equal players.
In conclusion, I wish to extend to Assembly
President Mr. Julian Hunte, on behalf of my delegation,
congratulations on his unanimous election as President
of the fifty-eighth regular session of the General
Assembly.
The challenges that I have addressed today have
no respect for boundaries or sovereignty or, indeed,
historical realities. They represent a collective problem
for this Assembly and one that we must face together
as an international organization. It is my hope that the
fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly will
address with courage the issues before the international
community. I wish to assure the Assembly President of
the full support of the Kenyan delegation.


Allow me at the outset,
Sir, to convey to you, on behalf of my delegation, our
sincere congratulations on your election as the
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session. It is indeed an added pleasure for my
delegation to see such a distinguished personality from
a sisterly small island State preside over the Assembly.
Allow me also to extend my delegation's
profound gratitude and appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, former Deputy Prime
Minister and former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Czech Republic, for the exemplary manner in which he
steered the work of the fifty-seventh session.
I would also like to take this opportunity, on
behalf of my delegation, to express our deep
appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
for his dedication and his untiring work in promoting
the noble principles of this Organization. I also
congratulate him in particular for the courage and
foresight with which he proposed last week much-
needed reforms to this Organization. I sincerely wish
him every success in carrying them forward.
I would also like to take this opportunity to
express my delegation's sentiments of sadness and
deep sorrow at the tremendous loss suffered by the
international community in the recent terrorist
bombings of the United Nations premises in Baghdad. I
pay a special tribute to the Special Representative of
the Secretary-General, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, and
to the other staff members of the Organization who
made the ultimate sacrifice in the cause of humanity.
Terrorism has always menaced the human race in
one form or another. Yet never before have we
witnessed acts of terrorism so organized, so frequent
and so lethal, threatening international peace and
security in its entirety. The Baghdad bombing and other
violent eruptions elsewhere in the world grimly remind
us that serious threats to world peace and security
remain, undermining the noble principles that had so
far contributed to the survival of the world order and to
the sustenance of the values that we upheld. Much has
been done, yet the persistence of such deplorable acts
signals our failure to address the fundamental causes of
those threats. Bold decisions need to be taken swiftly
to address them.
Since my country fell victim to a brutal terrorist
attack in 1988, we had tried, on many occasions, to
impress upon the Assembly the threats to small States
posed by increased international terrorism. A decade
and a half later, the threat of terrorism is affecting us
all, irrespective of our physical size, economic
25

strength, political power or military might. For some
small States, the danger is graver, as a terrorist
onslaught could severely threaten even their
sovereignty and independence. Therefore, let me
emphasize the importance of providing support and
assistance to small States in the implementation of
Security Council resolution 1373 (2001), and of
strengthening their institutional capabilities in this
important field.
We all should recognize that the strength and
stability of the international security system or of any
political order is determined by the strength not of its
strongest, but of its weakest members.
Maldives will nevertheless continue to support
the war against international terrorism in the spirit of
contributing to enhanced international peace and
security.
The structural impediments facing small island
developing States such as Maldives are numerous. The
geophysical characteristics of our island States,
combined with their remoteness from major markets,
have accentuated our vulnerabilities. Nearly a decade
ago, we met in Barbados to address the environmental
vulnerabilities and developmental challenges faced by
small island developing States. However, addressing
those vulnerabilities and challenges requires a
meaningful global partnership, with shared
responsibility and commitments at the highest level.
My country hopes that Barbados+10, to be held in
Mauritius next year, will provide an impetus for the
international community to renew the commitments to
concrete action it made at Barbados 10 years ago.
The globalization of the world economy and the
liberalization of the multilateral trading system are
continuing to marginalize the developing countries,
especially the least developed countries. As tariff
barriers fall, so does the potential for developing
countries to compete effectively in the open market.
Hopes were dashed at Cancun recently, as the
Conference proved disappointing, leaving the
developing countries still afflicted with problems.
Abject poverty and disease in the developing
world exist at a level that defies comprehension, while
deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis remain rampant. Development
opportunities for the least developed countries appear
bleak. I therefore call for a level playing field for all
countries, with preferential treatment for the weak, and,
in particular, for narrowly based economies such as
that of my own country, who find it hard, if not
impossible, to sustain their share of the global market.
My delegation believes that a greater commitment
to the implementation of the Brussels Programme of
Action for the Least Developed Countries is a
prerequisite if we are to halt and reverse the
deteriorating situation of the least developed countries.
While I express my appreciation of the donor
community's willingness to help those countries
accelerate their growth and sustain their development,
and to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, it
must be said that the Monterrey pledges remain far
from being realized.
The overriding objectives of the Brussels
Programme of Action to arrest and reverse the
continued socio-economic marginalization of the least
developed countries and to improve their participation
in international trade and their share of foreign
investment and other financial flows will also remain
but a dream if official development assistance is not
increased and international development assistance is
not augmented.
As I have stated on many occasions, Maldives is
not simply an island nation; it is a nation of many far-
flung islands covering 90,000 square kilometres of
ocean. Our islands are resource-poor, and the saline
soil conditions prohibit most agricultural production.
Transport and communication costs are exorbitant. The
scope for economic diversification is very limited. That
is why we have appealed to the international
community to take a closer look at our true situation
before the issue of our graduation from least-
developed-country status is considered by the
Economic and Social Council.
As I emphasized in my statement to the Assembly
last year, the structural weaknesses of our economy
could have grave implications for my country's
development, should it be deprived of the preferential
access to markets and the concessional capital that it
has critically relied upon.
The Committee for Development Policy (CDP)
has fully recognized the special circumstances of small
States like Maldives that are environmentally fragile
and economically vulnerable. The CDP has also, over
the years, highlighted those vulnerabilities and the
severe costs that small island developing countries will
have to endure in the event of their graduation. We
26

believe that, unless these vulnerabilities and costs are
addressed in a concrete and meaningful manner, the
conditions for graduation set forth in Assembly
resolution 46/206, particularly that of smooth
transition, will not be met. We are concerned that, if
such issues are not adequately addressed, graduation
will reverse the progress that we have made so far.
Although the criteria for inclusion in the list of
least developed countries and graduation therefrom
have been regularly reviewed and refined, they still fail
to cover the entire range of structural and other
handicaps. We are glad that the CDP is continuing its
work on refining the criteria. We also believe that, of
the three criteria for graduation, that relating to the
Economic Vulnerability Index must be a requirement,
if we are to ensure that a country will not lapse back
into a lower category of development after the fatal day
of graduation.
The United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development profile of Maldives also highlights a
number of circumstances not covered by the criteria.
The profile very clearly states that graduation would
result in an unsustainable debt burden, even if there is
sustained growth. The rate of our economic growth has
declined significantly since 1997 and graduation at the
present time would therefore amount to a serious
exogenous shock. This is precisely the situation that we
are so desperately trying to avoid.
In accordance with the decision taken at its 2003
substantive session held at Geneva, the Economic and
Social Council will soon consider the issue of the
graduation of Maldives from least-developed-country
status. We sincerely hope that we will receive the
necessary support and cooperation of all countries with
a view to adopting a comprehensive resolution that
would address the issue of graduation in a holistic
manner and require an appropriate mechanism to
ensure a smooth transition.
In this connection, we would like to express our
full support for the call by the CDP to convene an
expert group meeting to address the issue of smooth
transition. We also expect the International Meeting on
Small Island Developing States, scheduled to take
place in Mauritius next year, to formulate
recommendations to guide policies on the graduation of
small island developing States.
Following the glimmer of hope for the revival of
the Middle East peace process, we are again witnessing
an unprecedented deterioration of the situation in
Palestine and the Middle East. We strongly condemn
the Israeli move to deport President Yasser Arafat from
the Palestinian territories, as well as the continued
Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people. We
have consistently supported the just struggle of the
Palestinian people to regain their inalienable rights and
to establish an independent Palestinian State with Al-
Quds as its capital. We call upon the members of the
Quartet, particularly the United States, to ensure the
implementation of the road map for peace. While we
sincerely believe that the United Nations has an
important role to play in the peace process, we are also
convinced that the United States needs to remain
actively engaged, as it currently is, in a spirit of
sincerity, in the search for a just, permanent and lasting
peace in the region.
The international community should maintain the
high priority that it has accorded to disarmament and
arms control efforts, without any discrimination among
nations or regions, with a view to making the world a
more peaceful place. The international community
must strengthen and improve the enforcement of the
non-proliferation regime. In this context, we believe
that the United Nations not only must be at the centre
of the multilateral process, but must remain the
principal player in grappling with important global
issues. We believe that, with unity of purpose and in a
spirit of complementarity, bilateral, regional and
multilateral approaches can lead to the resolution of
these issues.
As the Secretary-General emphasized, the need to
reform the United Nations to enable it to face the
challenges of a changing world remains paramount. We
are convinced that the United Nations, with its
universal membership, is not only the sole legitimate
body responsible for the preservation and maintenance
of international peace and security but also a unique
body, capable of achieving the goal of a better and
secure world for humankind. We should never,
therefore, allow the United Nations to be marginalized
or diverted from its role or the principles of the
Charter. Maldives remains committed, and will do its
utmost to contribute to strengthening the role of the
United Nations and to making it more efficient and
effective.


First of all, I
wish to extend my warmest congratulations to you,
Mr. President, on your election as President of the
fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I am
confident that, under your wise leadership, the work of
this great Assembly will further strengthen
international cooperation and will thus contribute to the
maintenance of peace, stability and security in this
globalized world. The international environment today
remains, no doubt, uncertain, as the world continues to
confront constant change and turbulence.
On the global stage, at least three key challenges
continue to occupy the attention and remain a priority
of the international community.
The first challenge is the global situation. First,
the current situation in Iraq is a serious predicament.
While the war is over, the situation in the country
remains critical. Peace, security and stability have not
returned to Iraq. Although the number of international
contingents deployed in Iraq has been increased, the
overall environment in the country is very fragile and
highly unstable. I think that United Nations should
assume a greater and more responsible role in returning
normalcy to the country during the transitional period.
The road to normalcy means that Iraq should be
allowed to govern itself as early as possible, which can
be done in several ways, including the holding of free
and fair elections.
Cambodia strongly condemns the criminal attack
against the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad on
19 August, and it wishes to pay a tribute to all the
victims, especially to Sergio Vieira de Mello, Special
Representative of the Secretary-General. Let us pay our
respect to the memory of that great servant of peace.
We in Cambodia always remembers his noble actions
in Cambodia in the early 1990s in the framework of the
United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia.
Secondly, regarding the Middle East quagmire, it
is important that all parties to the conflict, particularly
14

Palestine and Israel, as well as the international
community, continue to pursue a peaceful solution to
the Middle East conflict on the basis of the agreed road
map of the Quartet. At the same time, I believe that it
is vital for the leaders of both sides of this conflict to
renounce the cycle of violence and overcome feelings
of animosity and myopic interest. Instead, they should
consider the broader collective interests of peaceful
coexistence, a peaceful life for their peoples and
stability in the region. There is a need for all sides to
have a sense of political realism and shared
determination to make peace possible.
I believe that today peace in the Middle East will
come only when both Palestine and Israel reasonably
recognize in every way that they must coexist side by
side, living in peace and harmony with each other and
looking after the interests of one another. Peace,
tolerance and harmony are the only way forward for
the people of Palestine and Israel. In that regard, the
international community must remain fully committed
to continuing to support the Middle East process to its
end.
Thirdly, terrorism is still a very serious threat to
humanity as a whole. Since the attacks of 11 September
and the international reaction to fight terrorism,
terrorists have been strengthening their worldwide
networks. They also continue to kill innocent people
everywhere in the world. In Asia and in South-East
Asia, Jemaah Islamiah, which is linked to al Qaeda, has
been responsible for a number of terrorist attacks in the
region. The Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) has been actively responding to terrorism by
strengthening cooperation at all levels, issuing various
statements and taking concrete measures. Nevertheless,
Jemaah Islamiah remains a significant threat to the
region today, despite the progress in anti-terrorism
action thus far.
Fourthly, regarding global poverty, we recall the
Millennium Summit held in New York and the World
Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg,
the International Conference on Financing for
Development in Monterrey and the recent G-8 Summit
in Evian, France, where the overriding theme was the
fight against poverty, which calls for concerted efforts
for poverty alleviation and sustainable development.
However, poverty remains a severe problem for the
world, particularly the developing countries, with 1.2
billion people still surviving on less than one dollar a
day. Despite clear messages from all those summits,
especially from the developing countries, on the need
to reduce poverty, the actions so far have not been
decisive enough.
I believe that, without concrete measures and the
provision of adequate resources, it will be impossible
for the least developed countries to overcome the
current challenges of poverty, aggravated by the speed
of globalization, which has contributed to the widening
gap between the haves and the have-nots.
Fighting poverty is not the responsibility of the
least developed countries alone. It is the shared
responsibility of the international community, in which
the developed world has an important role to play.
Poverty prevails today in many forms and dimensions.
For the developed countries to share resources with the
developing countries is not only an act of generosity, it
is also a requirement for living together in a world of
peace, security and harmony. In that regard, I am
convinced that the international community must act
collectively and in a spirit of responsibility and
solidarity to end this alarming situation of poverty by
taking concrete steps to reduce it gradually.
The second major challenge involves regional
developments. Regarding the regional situation, there
have been many developments. Some have been
positive; others negative. I wish to note several
important developments since last year. First, the
eighth ASEAN Summit and other related summits in
Phnom Penh, Cambodia, have successfully advanced
ASEAN integration by moving the region ahead in
terms of establishing the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC), deepening cooperation between
ASEAN and China, Japan and the Republic of Korea,
and strengthening cooperation with India. With those
four countries, ASEAN has enhanced close and
proactive cooperation among a combined population of
more than three billion people that has enormous
economic potential and opportunities for development
and growth. In addition, during that ASEAN Summit,
its leaders also held, for the first time, a summit
dialogue with Africa through President Thabo Mbeki
of South Africa, the current Chairman of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development, NEPAD.
Secondly, the situation in the Korean peninsula
continues to evolve and give rise to concerns for
countries that are directly involved. Cambodia fully
supports the peace talks in Beijing and believes that
only dialogue and compromise can provide the way out
15

of the present quandary. Although a number of
outstanding issues need to be mutually resolved, I think
it is important for all the parties concerned to reduce
tension by avoiding hostile actions that would escalate
the situation. I believe that one way of enabling the
situation on the Korean Peninsula to move ahead
positively is to negotiate a road map for a nuclear-free
and secure Korean Peninsula. I believe that, if such a
plan could go ahead, steps towards the normalization of
the situation on the Korean Peninsula could be taken.
Thirdly, I would like to refer to recent
developments in Cambodia. The situation in Cambodia
is continuing to improve significantly. The recent
elections were held in a free, fair and democratic
environment, as many international election observers
noted in their statements. This year’s election marks
another important milestone in Cambodia’s
democratization, which has been strengthened at the
grass-roots level through the successful local elections
to communal councils last year. At the same time,
Cambodia’s gross domestic product growth continues
to show positive signs, with an approximate growth
rate of 6.7 per cent per annum over the past five years,
despite natural calamities and the impact of other
regional and global developments, such as terrorism
and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome.
In addition, the Government’s strategy gives top
priority to poverty reduction. In March this year, the
Cambodian Prime Minister, Samdech Hun Sen,
officially launched the campaign for poverty
alleviation aimed at reducing the poverty rate by 1.2
per cent every year. By 2015, the poverty level would
be reduced to 19 per cent. In order to achieve that end,
a budget of $1.5 billion has been projected.
The third challenge is the reform of the United
Nations. Every year, representatives of every
delegation advocate to the Assembly the necessity of
reforming the Organization, in particular the Security
Council. I, too, believe that without sufficient reform in
this world body, the United Nations cannot be an
effective and efficient global Organization that is able
to respond collectively to the complex global
challenges affecting humanity in the twenty-first
century. The world has witnessed a wave of democracy
since the end of the cold war more than a decade ago. I
believe, however, that democratization needs to start
right here at the United Nations, which should respect
the will of the community of nations. Any further
inaction on the part of the United Nations with regard
to the call for reform will mean a continuing decline in
its credibility, as well as increasing loss of confidence
in this universal institution.
I believe that one of the key issues of United
Nations reform is the need for the expansion of the
Security Council. Cambodia calls once again for the
expansion of the membership of the Security Council
to include Japan, the Federal Republic of Germany and
India as new permanent members, given the crucial
role of these three countries in international political
and economic affairs today.
Moreover, the General Assembly, as the highest
body of the United Nations, should play a more
important role, in accordance with the Charter, for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Furthermore, in the context of United Nations reform, I
think that we should look beyond the conventional
agenda of international peace and security, given that
the glaring poverty in the world today is, without
doubt, a peace and security issue. I believe that the
United Nations should play a more meaningful role,
within the broad framework of human security, in the
world’s collective efforts to fight poverty.
As the world marches on, I believe that we must
perhaps devise new ways to deal with a myriad of
challenges that menace the whole of humanity. We will
have to close the gap between the poor and the rich and
between the developed and developing countries. We
must fight poverty and HIV/AIDS, which are affecting
millions of people in the developing countries. We
need to tackle together the growing impact of
transnational crime. At the same time, we must pay
greater attention to hotbeds of tension around the world
in order to ensure a peaceful and secure world for all.
Finally, we must continue to ensure that the
United Nations is truly a democratic global institution
that reflects the reality of the world today. We need to
advance together in peace, security, stability,
development and prosperity in building a better place
for all peoples on the Earth.
In conclusion, I believe the way forward for the
world will depend largely on international cooperation
and the need to share global resources more equitably.
Growing interdependence and increasing globalization
mean that every nation must work collectively in
addressing the current challenges in the most effective
way.
16


My delegation
wishes to congratulate you very warmly, Mr. President,
on your assumption of the presidency of the world
body, and to assure you of its unflinching and
continued support for a successful tenure. We would
also like to extend our appreciation to your predecessor
for successfully directing the affairs of the General
Assembly during one of the most trying periods in the
recent history of the United Nations.
On 19 August 2003, the United Nations was
shocked to its foundations by a fatal bomb attack on its
headquarters in Baghdad. On behalf of my President
and the Government and people of Sierra Leone, I extend
our deepest condolences to the United Nations Secretary-
General, the United Nations family and the families of all
those who perished in that attack. They died for the cause
of peace and humanity and for the values and
aspirations that the United Nations symbolizes.
We call on all members of the United Nations and
on other nations to spare no measures to respect the
sanctity of the United Nations, because it is only when
that sanctity is respected that the United Nations can
fulfil its responsibilities to mankind.
The majority of the world's poor and deprived
people live in Africa, bedevilled by hunger, disease,
mass illiteracy, ignorance, civil conflict, extreme
poverty, bad governance, abuses of human rights,
inadequate educational opportunities, gender
inequality, environmental hazards, poor transport and
communications facilities and debt. The New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)
embodies the vision of Africans themselves to rid their
continent of those perils and to enjoy a standard of
living befitting the twenty-first century. Those goals
are also in consonance with the Millennium
Development Goals of the Millennium Declaration. My
delegation believes that the world will be a better,
happier, more tolerant and peaceful place if the goals
of those two impressive declarations are attained.
We also believe that to achieve those goals, we
have to come down from the lofty platform of rhetoric
to the practical reality of sincere, honest and sacrificial
partnership and collaboration between the haves and
the have-nots. Tangible result is the acid-test of the
20

sincerity and honesty of that partnership and
collaboration. My delegation wishes to reaffirm Sierra
Leone's commitment to the pursuance of the goals of
those two development blueprints as the most credible
and realistic channels of, and guidelines for,
accelerated development.
But we, the poor countries, execute those
laudable blueprints with great trepidation, because of
the devastating effect of the dreadful HIV/AIDS
epidemic, which, without universal effort, is bound to
cancel out, and even reverse, all development gains. In
the light of that, my delegation proposes that
antiretroviral drugs be made available as a matter of
human right to everyone everywhere who may need it.
Sierra Leone has in recent years repeatedly
reiterated its faith in the United Nations as the only
Organization that can hold the crisis-ridden world
together. My delegation wishes to reaffirm that faith,
which is built on the conviction that collective action is
the strength of the Organization. As we are all aware,
deviating from the principle of collective action can
subject the United Nations to tremendous strain; it can
even hamstring the Organization, leaving us a weak
and divided family. My delegation calls upon all
nations   big and small, rich and poor   to uphold
that principle as the Organization's driving force.
The unity of purpose and collective action of the
United Nations are even more imperative in the context
of the ever-increasing demands placed upon it by the
numerous conflicts and humanitarian crises to which it
has to respond. The expansion and complexity of those
challenges reinforce the need for collaboration and
partnership with continental and regional organizations
such as the African Union and the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve crises. It is
the considered view of my delegation that such
collaboration and partnership, designed and financially
and materially facilitated, can respond to conflicts and
other crises much more speedily and productively than
can a distant and overstretched United Nations alone.
We are of the firm conviction that the hundreds of
thousands of lives that have been lost in the West
African subregion, especially in Sierra Leone and Liberia,
would have been saved if such a functional relationship,
predicated on proactive conflict prevention, had existed
between the United Nations and ECOWAS.
Two of the most worrying challenges to peace are
terrorism and the proliferation of arms, including
weapons of mass destruction. We unreservedly deplore
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, and we
reaffirm our commitment to resolving differences and
conflicts through non-violent means. The proliferation
of small arms in the West African subregion is of
special concern to Sierra Leone. While a multi-pronged
strategy to rid the country of small weapons, including
an arms-for-development project spearheaded by the
United Nations Development Programme, has yielded
encouraging and hopeful results, we believe that only a
concerted regional approach that includes genuine and
selfless political will can eliminate that scourge from
the region.
The Government and people of Sierra Leone have
accepted the challenge to recover from the scourge of
the war and to rejoin the path of development.
Accordingly, a comprehensive national recovery
programme has been designed to respond to post-
conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction needs and to
lay the foundations to address the issues that generated
the conflict.
A priority component of the recovery process is
the consolidation of democratic governance.
Preparations for nation-wide local government
elections are in the ultimate stages. We attach
considerable significance to those elections, because
they will constitute a major step in the process of
decentralization, around which the scheme of our
participatory governance is going to revolve.
In order to tackle some of the root causes that
created the wedge between the people and successive
Governments, which partly caused the conflict, we
have embarked on a fundamental governance reform
programme that involves the judiciary, public service,
human rights, accountability and transparency, local
government and tackling corruption and abuse of power.
We have made remarkable progress in the area of
security, which is the prerequisite for our national
revival and development. An international military
advisory and training team led by the United Kingdom
has provided training that has considerably enhanced
the professional competence of our armed forces. With
that training has come renewed confidence in the
armed forces, as indicated by the nationwide
deployment of personnel. With support from the
Government of the United Kingdom, our police force
has also been trained, restructured and equipped to
carry out its responsibilities. But with war anywhere in
21

the subregion, Sierra Leone never feels safe and secure.
That is why we welcome, with profound appreciation
to ECOWAS and the United Nations, the initiative to
put the region on a path to peace.
While welcoming the relief provided by positive
developments in the Liberian peace process, my
delegation feels that we are duty bound to urge the
international community to never again fall into
complacency about conflicts, as it did in the case of
Liberia.
My delegation is very conscious of the heavy
investment of the United Nations and the international
community, which has yielded the peace Sierra Leone
now enjoys. The momentum to consolidate the hard-
won peace and embark on a meaningful course of
development is our highest priority. That is why we
whole-heartedly welcome the Security Council's
programme for the phased withdrawal of the United
Nations Mission in Sierra Leone, which is based on the
capacity of our security forces to discharge their
functions and on the overall security environment in
Sierra Leone and the subregion.
I am happy to report that the re-establishment of
civil authority throughout the country has been one of
our major post-conflict accomplishments. Legal and
judicial law-enforcement administrations have been
reactivated in parts of the country that were previously
under rebel occupation, and schools and health
facilities, along with better social facilities, are being
rehabilitated and reopened.
On the economic front, the certificate of origin
regime for the export of diamonds is producing
positive results, as proceeds from the sale of diamonds
continue to rise steadily. New areas of alluvial diamond
deposits have been discovered, and prospecting for
kimberlite deposits continues. Various regulatory
procedures, including legislation and expert advice, are
in the pipeline to curtail illegal exploitation and to
ensure that Sierra Leoneans derive the benefit they
deserve from that resource.
Two transitional bodies   the Special Court to
try those who bear the greatest responsibility for the
human rights excesses in the war, and the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission that was set up for victims
and perpetrators of abuses to tell their stories, thereby
laying the foundation for healing, reconciliation and
forgiveness   are on course to achieve their
objectives.
The future of 57,000 ex-combatants is a major
factor in the management of the costly peace that is so
relished today in Sierra Leone. The process of re-
absorbing those people into society as law-abiding,
peaceful, productive and patriotic citizens has been
slow, tedious and expensive. But we have had to
attempt that character transformation exercise as a
conflict-relapse prevention mechanism. With that
reorientation, our governance reform programme and
our sound youth policy, which makes ex-combatants
and other young people stakeholders in society, the
possibility of resorting to violence and destruction as
the only way to vent grievances and resolve conflict
has been reduced.
Our other area of grave concern is the welfare of
the hundreds of thousands of children who missed
opportunities for education because of the war. The
magnitude of the problem is such that we have had to
form a special commission for war-affected children.
Let me conclude by reassuring the United Nations
that the heavy investment in peace in Sierra Leone has
not gone, and will never go, in vain. We are determined
to do whatever we can to protect and consolidate the
peace for which we have all sacrificed so much. We
fully recognize our responsibility as the model of
success for United Nations peacekeeping. We wish to
give the same reassurances to our many friends for
their wonderful contributions in various forms over the
years. Those include the British, Chinese, American,
Nigerian and Guinean Governments and the European
Union.


First of
all, I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly and
to wish great success to the work of the fifty-eighth
session under your wise guidance. I also take this
opportunity to extend deep appreciation to Mr. Jan
Kavan for his insightful leadership of the fifty-seventh
session of the General Assembly.
This is my second successive participation in the
work of the General Assembly. In my statement last
year, I supported the resolute actions of the anti-
terrorist coalition in eliminating the Central Asian
centre of international terrorism in Afghanistan, as well
as the other measures taken by the world community to
address global challenges to international peace and
security.
As life has demonstrated, the United Nations
plays a highly positive role in organizing the common
struggle against international terrorism. In this regard,
the idea of giving the United Nations the lead role in
guiding the global anti-terrorist coalition deserves
genuine support. One of the primary objectives of my
statement last year was to appeal to the United Nations
to recognize, as a great event in the history of my
country, the two thousand, two hundredth anniversary
of Kyrgyz Statehood, as an event of international
status.
The resolution of the General Assembly on
Kyrgyz Statehood was a powerful force in raising the
national spirit of our people. For that, we are sincerely
grateful to our Organization. Indeed, whenever any
problems emerge at a global level, we turn to the
United Nations and unfailingly get support.
Recently, there have been heated discussions
concerning the role of the United Nations. Some
hotheads even allege that the United Nations has
exhausted its potential. I believe that such ideas
contradict the interests of the world community,
although on the whole, I see nothing wrong with
debates on this theme. Such discussions are
demonstrations of democracy, to the development of
which the United Nations has significantly contributed
worldwide.
The development of democracy at a national level
involves differences of opinion and criticism of the
authorities. Something similar takes place in the
framework of the world community. Here, too, a
2

polarization of opinions is occurring, but in this case it
is our common offspring — the United Nations — that
is coming under attack. Attempts to jeopardize its role
are perceived, especially by small countries, as
undermining that international body which embodies
the interests of all mankind. There is a wise saying:
“Small countries must have big friends”. The United
Nations is just such a big reliable friend.
However, it is difficult to deny that the work of
the United Nations is not yet ideal. Certainly its
efficiency needs to be enhanced. We understand the
Secretary-General’s concern for the situation of the
United Nations, and we fully share his assessment of
the current world situation.
In this regard, the attention paid to the work of
this current session of the General Assembly by many
heads of State is impressive. The statements made by
Mr. George Bush, the President of the United States;
Mr. Vladimir Putin, the President of the Russian
Federation; Mr. Jacques Chirac, the President of
France; Mr. Gerhard Schroeder, Chancellor of
Germany, as well as other heads of State, despite
certain differences in approach, clearly have shown the
desire to have a definite role for the United Nations in
building the new world order, one that is better in
keeping with the aspirations of all people on Earth.
The most efficient way of overcoming
disagreements in political practice is to search for
compromise. We are pleased to note that the technique
of compromise is playing a positive role in resolving
disagreements on such a key issue for the world as the
settlement of the problem of Iraq. This is an
encouraging sign.
We would like to stress, again, that any measures
to improve the United Nations should be based solely
on the idea of improving the work of the Organization.
The Kyrgyz Republic is ready to support reasonable
proposals on this subject, including measures to
increase the efficiency of the work of the Security
Council.
I believe that alongside the search for ways to
improve the United Nations, we should concentrate on
those specific problems which will need to be resolved
again in the foreseeable future. In this regard, we may
look at the results of the Millennium Summit, to those
vital problems that were highlighted at that time in the
discerning report of the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan entitled, “We the
Peoples” (A/54/2000), and also contained in the
Millennium Declaration. These last three years have
highlighted even more the importance of the issues
raised at that time.
Since then, the fight against international
terrorism was added as one of the major challenges to
international peace and security. The report of
Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Annan to the present
session of the General Assembly focuses the attention
of Member States on the need to increase their efforts
towards implementing the Millennium Declaration.
This approach deserves very broad support.
I believe that only such a universal, global
organization as the United Nations is able to cope with
the challenges faced by the world community. But the
United Nations needs help, and we, through our joint
efforts, particularly with the support of the big Powers,
can accomplish this. If we do not, then we would be
acting at cross-purposes and could expect a grim result.
Besides common problems shared by the world
community, each country has its own specific
problems. Kyrgyzstan is determined to resolve its own
problems through reliance on its own efforts.
Addressing this Assembly, I cannot fail to stress the
concentration of our efforts on advancing the
democratic process. In particular, last year I put
forward a national idea entitled, “Kyrgyzstan — a
country of human rights”. For the development of this
idea, a Democratic Code was elaborated and a Public
Council of Democratic Security was established.
Following the outcome of a national referendum, a new
Constitution was adopted which more fully reflects the
level of democracy attained as well as new challenges
to its development. These measures have given a
powerful stimulus to the progressive movement of our
country towards a democratic system.
We also attach great importance to the
establishment of fair, open and responsible governance
and to enhancing the effectiveness of the anti-
corruption policy being pursued. This year I
established the National Council on Conscientious
Governance to strengthen the work being conducted in
Kyrgyzstan to create an anti-corruption atmosphere in
our society.
We are focusing our main efforts on the fight
against poverty, but the Republic cannot resolve this
problem without external assistance. We highly
commend the role played by the United Nations in the
3

fight against poverty, and the measures undertaken by
our Organization. Again, we appeal to the world
community and to the developed countries not to
reduce their efforts in providing assistance to the
developing countries for the purpose of overcoming
poverty.
In the autumn of 2002, under the aegis of the
United Nations, the Global Mountain Summit was held
in our capital, Bishkek. The Bishkek Global Mountain
Platform adopted at the Summit has, in essence,
become the outcome document of the International
Year of Mountains, observed by the United Nations.
The document has defined key tasks for sustainable
development of the mountain regions of our planet. To
address them, Switzerland has initiated creation of the
International Partnership for Sustainable Development
in Mountain Regions. This is only the beginning; we
have just set in place the first building blocks for the
foundation of an institutionalized home for the
mountain regions.
Kyrgyzstan hopes to receive assistance from the
United Nations and its family of organizations towards
the establishment of an international information and
educational centre for mountain States, as well as for a
network for developing mountain States, with its
secretariat established in Bishkek. I believe that the
Kyrgyz Republic is the best possible location for this
centre since most of our country is mountainous.
The United Nations faces an abundance of
problems. One of the most important challenges is the
fight against international terrorism. Other global
challenges include political and religious extremism,
territorial separatism, drug trafficking and the fight
against fatal illnesses such as HIV/AIDS and others.
It is becoming increasingly urgent to prevent the
spread of weapons of mass destruction. The Kyrgyz
Republic supports taking decisive measures in this
respect. We believe, however, that force should be used
only on the basis of Security Council decisions and in
accordance with international law so as to prevent
conflict and discord within the international
community.
Not only must global measures be taken in this
respect, but efforts must be made at the regional and
national levels. One good example of such efforts is the
work done by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,
with the lead role being played by Russia and China,
actively relying on the Central Asian participants.
In conclusion, I should like once again to stress
not only my full confidence in the United Nations, but
also the determination of the Kyrgyz Republic
resolutely to strive, together with our partners in the
international community, for the preservation and
strengthening of this Organization, which we believe
most fully reflects our interests. May the Almighty
help us in this work, and let all good peoples of the
world join in our prayers for the success and prosperity
of the United Nations.


The deaths
of Sergio Vieira de Mello and his colleagues leave a
terrible void. The loss of so many dedicated servants of
the United Nations at its headquarters in Baghdad fills
us with shock, grief and concern. This atrocity and the
other murderous attacks we have seen in the past two
years are chilling evidence that terrorists are ruthlessly
targeting the civilized world. Terrorism is a direct
threat to us all, to humanity as a whole.
Weapons of mass destruction are the other direct
threat, an even worse threat if such weapons were to
fall into the hands of terrorists.
In addition to these direct threats to peace and
security, we are faced with, in the words of Secretary-
General Kofi Annan, “soft threats”: poverty and hunger,
environmental degradation and diseases of mass
destruction like HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.
What all these threats have in common is that
they do not stop at national borders. Their often lethal
consequences affect groups of countries, whole
continents or even the entire planet. The only way to
tackle them is by collective action. Enforcement and
implementation are the key.
But do we have the capacity to take such action?
Is the existing multilateral system with its institutions
and rules capable of responding to the hard threats and
soft threats we are facing? I doubt it. Take the growing
danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Can we
allow a few countries to reject the rules agreed to by
187 other countries? Can we run the risk of countries
turning into suppliers of nuclear arms to terrorist
organizations? No, we cannot. And if today’s rules
cannot avert States putting humanity at risk, we must
tighten those rules and we must be ready to collectively
enforce them.
I therefore welcome President Bush’s proposal
for a binding Security Council resolution, tightening up
the non-proliferation rules. I suggest that we build on
existing export control regimes and make them
universal and legally binding. This approach would be
in line with the successful example of Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001), containing binding obligations
for States to take action against terrorism. Other
elements in a more forceful multilateral system are
15

greater attention to conflict prevention, better use of
sanctions or “smart sanctions”, an upgrading of the
International Atomic Energy Agency’s inspections
regime and, as suggested by President Chirac, a
permanent instrument for inspections at the disposal of
the Security Council.
More robust multilateral action is also needed in
our dealings with failed States. I am encouraged by the
increased willingness of the international community to
take more determined action. Liberia is a test case. The
Brahimi report has shown us the right direction.
Peacekeeping operations can only be effective if they
are based on a strong mandate, fully implemented on
the ground and fully backed by the key players in the
Security Council. The five permanent members bear a
special responsibility for global peace and security
Noblesse oblige.
The United Nations is now also at the centre of
the debate about Iraq. Let us put our past differences
on Iraq behind us. It is crucial now that the
international community support the Iraqi people in
their reconstruction efforts. I trust that the Security
Council will reach agreement, as soon as possible, on
what we all want, in other words, stabilization, security
and transfer of sovereignty to a legitimate Iraqi
government. This will also allow the United Nations
and the other multilateral institutions to make their
indispensable contributions to a better future for the
Iraqi people.
A stronger United Nations is also needed for the
effective promotion and protection of human rights. I
regret that we do not live up to the expectations of the
oppressed. The great dependence of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights on voluntary
contributions is a major concern. His office should
instead receive a larger allocation from the regular
United Nations budget. The promotion and protection
of human rights is United Nations core business.
Speaking of human rights, there is no doubt that
terrorism itself ranks as one of the most serious threats
to democracy and the enjoyment of human rights.
Terrorists seek to destroy democracy, freedom and
tolerance. If we sacrifice those universal values in the
struggle against terrorists, we play into their hands.
If I may speak for a moment as Chairman-in-
Office of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), I can assure you that
our experience shows that policies aimed at promoting
human rights, the rule of law and good governance can
reinforce each other as parts of a more comprehensive
security strategy. The International Criminal Court is
another example of how to ensure that international
norms are upheld in cases where national Governments
fail to do so.
On the trafficking of human beings, women and
children in particular, I share the concerns expressed by
President Bush. He was right to draw a comparison
with slavery. For the OSCE, the threat posed by the
international trafficking of drugs, of small arms and of
women and children is a top priority. We have already
taken concrete action, adopting the OSCE Action Plan
to combat trafficking in human beings as an instrument
for protecting our people. This Action Plan could serve
as a model for worldwide action.
Yet another reason why we need a robust
multilateral system is that we must break the cycles of
poverty and violence we witness in many parts of
Africa. This implies restoring stability and order as a
precondition for reconstruction and development. It
also requires an integrated approach. To this end my
Government will set up a stability fund to tackle the
twin challenges of development and security. Because
development and security are closely linked, the
Millennium Development Goals should remain at the
centre of our policies. The Netherlands remains
committed to allocating 0.8 per cent of our gross domestic
product to development cooperation and I call on all
countries to implement their Monterrey commitments.
But development is not just a matter of aid, it will also
depend on liberalizing trade. I am disappointed that the
World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference in
Cancún failed to produce results.
The legitimacy of the decisions of the Security
Council is questioned because the composition of the
Council no longer reflects today’s geopolitical realities.
However, expansion is not a solution in itself.
Effectiveness can easily fall victim to the quest for
legitimacy. Crucial to restored legitimacy is better
interaction between the members of the Council and
the United Nations membership at large. Members of
the Council should represent relevant and broad
sections of world opinion.
I agree with the Secretary-General that we need
to take a hard look at the existing architecture of
international institutions. Many other organizations I
know well, such as the OSCE, the European Union
16

(EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) (and I hope to get to know the last
organization even better in the near future), are in the
process of redefining their roles in drastically changed
circumstances. The United Nations cannot be left
behind. Interaction between the United Nations on the
one hand, and regional organizations such as the
OSCE, the EU and NATO on the other, is growing.
There is considerable scope for intensifying that
interaction, as is indeed foreseen in the Charter.
As the Italian Presidency of the European Union
illustrated in its intervention here some days ago, the
United Nations can count on the EU in the quest for
robust multilateralism. As a member State of the EU, the
Netherlands fully endorses the Presidency’s statement.
The EU’s new emphasis on countering the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction in its common foreign and
security policy is an example of how we want our
common efforts to be in the vanguard.
Let me now focus on the General Assembly. Take
the example of how we deal with the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. Let us connect the General Assembly to
reality. Instead of dealing with 23 resolutions, should
we not try to find our strength in a more focused
central message, supported by all, a message that calls
upon both Israel and the Palestinians to put an end to
the bloodshed and violence and to immediately
implement the road map as the only viable way to long-
lasting peace? The EU will continue to do all it can,
together with its partners in the Quartet, to help
Palestinians and Israelis reach that destination. I hope
that this Assembly can contribute.
The Assembly should be made more effective. I
need not repeat what you all know about overlapping
or hardly relevant agenda items, repetitive debates and
resolutions and the prevalence of the lowest common
denominator. As a contribution to improvement, my
country tabled the Greentree report, the result of a
seminar involving representatives from a wide circle of
countries. The Greentree report aims at restoring the
General Assembly to its rightful place as the centre
stage for worldwide deliberations on our common
problems. We are certain that in that endeavour, we
will be able to count on the leadership and wisdom of
the President of the General Assembly.
My Government wholeheartedly supports the
decision of the Secretary-General to establish a panel
of eminent persons. We look forward to his
recommendations for next year’s session of the
Assembly. Meanwhile, we should not sit back and wait.
It is upon us Member States to engage now in the
debate on the pertinent reform questions the Secretary-
General has put to us.
In order to defuse the threats we face and to leave
a better world for future generations, we need to do
more than talk. We must act and we must act together.
We need clear rules and strong institutions —
institutions that ensure that the rules of the multilateral
game are respected, strengthened and enforced. We
need a multilateral system with teeth; we need a
multilateral system that works.


To stand again at this
podium today, representing Australia as its Foreign
Minister, entering into the great conversation of
nations, is an unsettling experience. Seldom has this
31

forum been confronted with so many dimensions of
uncertainty, so many challenges to global peace,
security and orderly economic reform. Seldom has its
own capacity for regeneration to deal with them been
so insistently put to the test.
Conor Cruise O’Brien, one of Ireland’s finest
writers, an official and later ambassador here, famously
remarked:
“The cynicism necessary in the approach to
the United Nations must at some point be made to
yield to reverence: the reverence which is
appropriate to ... an institution which is
humanity’s prayer to itself to be saved from
itself.”
Recently one of Australia’s foremost novelists,
Frank Moorhouse, wrote a meditative essay on this
theme. In it he discerned a new pair of parallel world
orders:
“For the first time in our lives, there are two
very powerful agents in world affairs … the
United Nations Security Council … and the
United States.”
He noted that “for all the cynicism about the
futility of international intervention, pragmatically,
people are being helped daily by the United Nations”
and that “visionary and innovative international
missions” continue to be conceived and achieved
within it.
Moorhouse’s estimation of the significance of the
United Nations is debatable. But a combination of
pragmatism, vision and reforming innovation is
necessary if, as I have already warned, this
Organization is to avoid frittering away its credibility
and influence by failing to exercise its power
effectively.
In the words of Secretary-General Annan, we
should not shy away from the need to improve and,
where necessary, change the structure and function of
the United Nations and other international institutions
to make sure they remain effective in promoting
security and peace.
I alluded to the global challenges which confront
us. First among them is the emergence of the “age of
terror”. Where once it was possible to view terrorism
as the lamentable legacy of a few unsafe regions, today
almost no country has been left untouched. Despite the
war on terror — a war we are winning — terrorism
continues to be a scourge to which neither age,
nationality, religion or political affiliation provides
immunity. It takes a considerable act of imaginative
engagement to see these new forms of nihilism for
what they really are. They are a negation of civilization
and of the discourse that sustains it.
I referred earlier to the visionary and innovative
work which sometimes only the United Nations can do.
In that context, I want to pause to pay tribute to the
Secretary-General’s senior representative in Baghdad,
Sergio Vieira de Mello, well known to many of you
here. That such a man, engaged in such vital tasks —
along with so many of his colleagues — should have
been swept by a terrorist bomb into the silent
democracy of death epitomizes the struggle between
civilization and the unthinkable alternative.
We cannot allow terrorists to succeed in
determining the course of world events. We must
overwhelm their efforts to disrupt global security and
prosperity, to undermine democratic countries or
destabilize nation-building.
Terrorism has also created a new urgency in
solving a more familiar problem — the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. Efforts by rogue States to
develop and traffic in weapons of mass destruction
materials underpin the priority we give to non-
proliferation. The possibility that weapons of mass
destruction might fall into the hands of terrorists makes
it an absolute imperative. Terrorism and proliferation
do not occur in a vacuum — except, of course, a moral
vacuum. It is no longer open to us to ignore the failed
States which have become their incubators or the
transnational crime on which they depend. The
promotion of good governance and democratization are
imperatives both morally and pragmatically. They have
become preconditions for international security.
Good governance serves both global and national
interests, as improved governance will fortify the
United Nations itself. Without it, developing States will
never be able fully to realize the opportunities that
globalization presents: chiefly, the potential to erase
divisions between themselves and the developed world.
That can occur only if we are all prepared to accept the
disciplines that global trade liberalization imposes.
While the prospects, post-Cancún, do not seem
particularly favourable, pursuing the Doha objectives
32

remains the best way to alleviate poverty and its
attendant ills in the developing world.
In confronting these challenges — such as
security, governance, poverty, terrorism and
pandemics — collective action is likely to yield the
best results, since not even the most powerful among
us can bear the burden alone. Effective regional action
also remains important. Australia has built, with its
neighbours, a network of bilateral counter-terrorism
arrangements. These enhance practical, operational-
level liaison among regional security, intelligence and
law enforcement agencies that have seen terror attacks
prevented, networks disrupted and terrorists arrested.
Similarly, we are developing regional approaches
to confront the dangers of State failure. Together with
our Pacific Island Forum partners, we are restoring
hope for a better future to the people of Solomon
Islands. This Regional Assistance Mission has already
made excellent progress in its efforts to restore law and
order and to rebuild the institutions of governance.
Requested by the Government of Solomon Islands and
supported and implemented by Pacific island nations,
the Mission is consistent with the United Nations
Charter’s original vision of strong regional efforts to
maintain international peace and security. Indeed, we
will continue to concentrate on improved standards of
governance, which are central to our assistance in our
own region. The Pacific Island Forum leaders recently
endorsed efforts to promote more effective regional
institutions and, where appropriate, the pooling of
resources to ensure that services are both deliverable
and sustainable.
The virtues of collective action are self-evident.
But collectivity ought not serve as a mantra which is an
obstacle to effective action. Sometimes the most
effective means of preserving security — and indeed
international law — occur alongside the traditional
mechanisms of multilateral diplomacy. Australia is a
strong supporter of multilateral institutions and
processes, but only insofar as they are a means to an
effective end.
The major global disarmament and non-
proliferation treaties remain critical to setting norms of
international order. But ultimately, those instruments
must be enforced. States are not merely entitled, but
obliged, to take action to uphold those norms,
especially when the transfer of weapons of mass
destruction outside internationally agreed frameworks
is involved. The conviction that States must uphold
international norms — particularly in relation to
weapons of mass destruction — led Australia to join
the coalition to disarm Iraq, and, in the same way, we
recently joined with others in what is known as the
Proliferation Security Initiative.
Australia believes the United Nations has a
critical role in promoting international peace and
security. First-hand experience in East Timor reminds
us of that fact, and we look to the United Nations for
continuing contributions to ensuring its stability.
Australia also appreciates the work of the United
Nations in rebuilding civil society in Iraq. Of the $100
million Australia has committed to humanitarian and
reconstruction assistance in Iraq, much has been
directed through United Nations agencies. Those are
two examples in which the United Nations is playing a
positive role.
Nevertheless, the role of the United Nations in
international affairs is under critical scrutiny, and with
good reason. The United Nations, through its Member
States, needs to do much more to adapt to the evolving
global environment. Australia has long been an
advocate of a more focused, efficient United Nations
system. The Secretary-General’s reforms to date — in
particular the Brahimi peacekeeping changes — have
been a valuable start.
Radical and fundamental change is now needed.
The Secretary-General rightly states that the General
Assembly is bogged down with an unwieldy agenda
and repetitive and sterile debates. We need to ask
ourselves, if much of the activity of the General
Assembly — or indeed of the Economic and Social
Council — did not occur, what practical difference
would it make, and would anyone notice?
Again, as Australia has long argued, the
composition of the Security Council is out of step with
geopolitical realities. The permanent membership of
the Security Council should be expanded to reflect the
current realities — with the addition of countries such
as Japan, India, Brazil, Indonesia and an African
nation.
We support an overhaul of the United Nations
architecture, particularly in the light of new security
threats. The functioning of all the major United
Nations organs needs to be re-examined, as does the
inter-relationship among them. Old shibboleths — such
as the excessive homage to sovereignty, even at the
33

expense of the preservation of humanity and human
values — should not constrain us. We must end absurd
duplication of effort. We should refocus the United
Nations on areas where it can and should make a very
real difference. But we must be imaginative and bold.
The group system, for example, needs
modernization. Australia could become part of an East
Asia and Pacific grouping, and the old divide of
Eastern and Western Europe should be dispensed with
to reflect the new, converging European reality. That
would form the basis for greater regional cooperation
within the United Nations system, for greater
engagement and problem-solving on a regional scale.
In short, we must work urgently on a bold
blueprint for revitalization, which we should consider
by the summer of next year. That is why we welcome
the Secretary-General’s proposal for a high-level
review panel. Real commitment to change — which
can be endorsed at a second San Francisco
Conference — will be necessary if the United Nations
is to rediscover its credibility and its promise.


Again this
year, we are meeting to assess our actions and to define
approaches that can breathe new life into the
Organization. Far from becoming a routine, our annual
meeting is the high point in the life of the
Organization, in that it offers to each Member State,
through a frank and constructive debate, an opportunity
6

to make its contribution to the building of peace and
security, which are indispensable to the just and lasting
development of our countries. It is also an opportunity
for us to reaffirm the paramount role of the United
Nations in the world and to find appropriate ways to
strengthen the Organization further.
Before I proceed, let me express — on behalf of
the President of the Togolese Republic, His Excellency
Mr. Gnassingbé Eyadema, and of the Government and
the people of Togo, whom I have the honour to
represent at this rostrum — my warm congratulations
on the election of Mr. Julian Hunte as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. Our
congratulations go also to the other members of the
Bureau. They can be assured of the full availability and
cooperation of the Togolese delegation. I should also
like to express our appreciation and profound gratitude
to Mr. Hunte’s predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, who led the
work of the fifty-seventh session of the Assembly with
dexterity and skill. To the Secretary-General, we
reaffirm how much we admire him for the work that he
continues to lead at the head of the Organization.
This General Assembly session is taking place at
a particular time of evolution for the United Nations.
Indeed, in the light of the grave events being
experienced by today’s world, the United Nations
needs more than ever before to be strengthened so that
it can fully accomplish the primary tasks entrusted to it
by the Charter: inter alia, maintaining international
peace and security and serving as a forum where the
efforts of nations can be harmonized towards the
achievement of collective development and shared
well-being. It is obvious that the Organization’s
purposes and principles retain all their relevance and
remain guideposts for action on the part of the
international community.
In my delegation’s view, this session must
intensify its reflection with a view to defining new
approaches that will enable the United Nations to
search for more viable and lasting solutions to the
problems of peace, security and development, which
daily challenge the entire international community. We
must therefore support United Nations actions,
especially at a time when peoples are aspiring to more
freedom and democracy and to greater involvement in
the management of civic affairs.
The democratic wind that is blowing through our
country is far more than an irresistible movement for
renewal; it holds immense hopes for our people. For
Togo, that is what has justified the people’s support for
the political reform that the Government has been
undertaking for more than a decade and a half. Here, I
should like to recall the faith and determination with
which the Togolese Government — spurred on by of its
head of State — is striving to build a democratic
society that will take everyone’s legitimate aspirations
into account and that is rooted in the country’s
sociological realities. In essence, we are engaged in
this democratization process in the conviction that the
task — which will be long-term — requires much
resolve, patience and self-sacrifice.
From this rostrum, I should like to stress that,
through the recent presidential election — which was
free, honest and fair in the general view of
observers — a broad majority of the Togolese people
demonstrated their political maturity and their keen
sense of the general interest, which must take
precedence over partisan and personal interests. In any
event, I can assure the Assembly that the Togolese
people — who know how to go the extra mile — are
determined to move forward. The Government, for its
part, is resolved to continue the process of
democratization and establishing the rule of law,
strengthening its foundations through the local and
senatorial elections whose preparations are now under
way.
One can never emphasize enough that the
difficulties related to the whole democratization
process are not limited to one country or to a specific
group of countries; they are inherent in any endeavour
whose objective is to involve people in the
management of public affairs. The path towards
democracy is long and fraught with pitfalls, but we are
working tirelessly to provide the country with
democratic institutions which are indispensable to the
proper functioning under a rule of law. The quest for
democracy — a contemporary development that Togo
fully endorses — is a complex undertaking that
requires time. Indeed, democracy can take shape only
in an environment of peace and security, which alone
can guarantee gradual assimilation of democratic
values that are well understood and that emanate from
the wisdom of the culture and traditions of the peoples
concerned. In that spirit, Togo is striving to establish
the rule of law in the hope that we will be understood
by our partners.
7

Today, we can affirm that, despite the difficulties
besetting our march towards the establishment of
democracy, encouraging and concrete results have been
achieved. Above and beyond institutional development,
ensuring full human rights in all their aspects is a
paramount necessity. Here, we wish to emphasize the
Togolese Government’s primary concern to guarantee
and promote the economic, social and cultural rights of
all Togolese citizens. The realization of those rights is
of particular importance, for in them lie the interests of
democracy and the stability of the Republic’s
institutions.
Indeed, if one takes a careful look at Africa’s
contemporary history, one will note that the many
sudden changes and various attempts challenging
democratic institutions in some countries result less
from a misunderstanding of the democratic process
than from the economic and financial difficulties felt
by various social strata. The success of the democratic
undertaking is therefore a function of the economic
possibilities of the States that are engaged in it, and
establishing institutions requires considerable
resources that our countries cannot muster at the
current stage of their development without foreign aid.
If that observation is universally shared, why impose
sanctions against — and suspend cooperation with — a
country that, like many other States, has encountered
difficulties in implementing its democratization policy
and is undertaking notable efforts to establish the rule
of law? Does my country, Togo, deserve the treatment
that it has received for the past 10 years?
I would like, once again, to appeal for the
resumption of cooperation with Togo. That is the
appeal of an entire people. Peace and security, which
reign in Togo, and the outstanding efforts to ensure
economic and social development, despite the
suspension of aid, clearly support the expectations of
the Togolese people.
While the elimination of poverty is considered an
essential task to be tackled to help a people or a
country rebuild, it is also the same thing as giving it the
means to consolidate democracy, which is essential to
build a more just and peaceful world.
The need for solidarity, justice and equity must
lead the international community, particularly the
European Union and other development partners, to
reconsider their position and to commit to supporting
the reconstruction effort in Togo, a country that has
made peace and security the very foundation of its
internal and external policies.
That said, Togo believes firmly that the use of
sanctions, if not properly measured and without time
limits, will only increase people’s poverty, particularly
that of women, the elderly and children. Such sanctions
provide, therefore, fertile ground for disorder and
anarchy. The Assembly must, therefore, think about
this question more deeply.
Our faith in peace and security is reflected in the
concrete results of a bold and visionary economic
policy, which is carried out untiringly, despite adverse
times. This conviction is also justified by the fact that
peace and social cohesion remain, undoubtedly, the
basic factors, without which any socio-economic
development would be carried out ineffectively and
with only illusory results. Peace and security are,
therefore, priorities for all countries, whether they are
in Africa or elsewhere in the world.
At the African level, the head of State of Togo is
very engaged in the process of conflict settlement. By
way of example, let me recall prior outstanding and
effective mediation efforts in which he played a role in
settling crises that have afflicted Chad, Sierra Leone,
the Great Lakes region, Guinea-Bissau and, most
recently, Côte d’Ivoire.
Regarding its contribution to peacekeeping
operations, I wish to recall that Togo is contributing in
a meaningful and active way to the deployment of
military or police contingents at the subregional level
or in United Nations peacekeeping operations; in
Namibia in 1989, in Rwanda in 1993, in Haiti in 1993,
in the Central African Republic in 1997, in Guinea-
Bissau in 1999, and recently in Côte d’Ivoire and
Liberia.
With regard to Liberia, we welcome the
establishment by the Security Council, on 19
September 2003, of the United Nations Mission in
Liberia, which will be deployed on 1 October — in just
a few hours. It will contribute to supporting in a
meaningful way the peacekeeping force of the
Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS).
My country, which contributed to restoring that
peace by sending a contingent, urges the wealthy
countries to contribute to financing the United Nations
8

force in order to provide it with the necessary means to
accomplish its mission.
In the Great Lakes region, particularly the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Togolese
Government hopes ardently that the new stage,
characterized by the establishment of a new
Government and other transitional institutions, will
lead to stability, unity and national reconciliation.
In Burundi, my country welcomed the significant
progress made on the basis of the Arusha Agreement,
and it urges the parties to the conflict to work
resolutely toward restoring peace to the country. Togo
is very involved in the settlement of disputes in Africa,
demonstrating clearly its firm determination to
contribute to maintaining and to consolidating peace in
the African continent. It was in that context that the
President of the Togolese Republic advocated the
establishment of an African peacekeeping force at the
1994 summit of the Organization of African Unity.
It is worth noting that that idea made headway in
the Organization of African Unity, as is attested by the
adoption at Durban, South Africa, of a protocol on the
establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the
African Union, which demonstrates the determination
of Africans to be the builders themselves of peace in
Africa. It is also comforting to note that, within the
context of that protocol, the establishment of a pre-
positioned African peace force and a continental early
warning system are taking shape.
My country is committed to making its
contribution to the implementation of this collective
approach to questions of defence, peace and security in
Africa, and calls on the international community to
firmly support the African continent with a view to
guaranteeing the success of this effort.
Outside of Africa, we are constantly watching
Iraq and the Middle East, always in the grip of
violence. Regarding the Middle East in particular, my
country considers that the definitive settlement of the
Palestinian question, which is at the heart of the
conflict in the region, necessarily requires the cessation
of violence and counter-violence and consideration of
the legitimate rights of both people — the right of
Israel to live in full security within internationally
recognized borders and that of the Palestinian people to
fully enjoy their national rights, including the
establishment of a State.
In that context, we encourage Israelis and
Palestinians to pursue dialogue, with a view to
achieving a negotiated and comprehensive settlement
of the Middle East question.
Despite a new environment conducive to
economic expansion, poverty continues to increase and
remains a striking and paradoxical feature of our era.
Peace and security will constantly be threatened if
measures of justice are not adopted to push back the
borders of poverty that weaken the foundations of our
society.
The economic situation of developing countries,
particularly in Africa, is a matter of great concern. The
external debt burden, instability in export income and
the devastating effects stemming from deterioration in
terms of trade have largely contributed to aggravating
the deterioration of socio-economic conditions in many
African countries.
Speaking of international trade, it is unfortunate
to note that, despite liberalization of the economy,
industrialized countries continue to practice
protectionist measures in the industrial and agricultural
sectors. These measures, particularly harmful to
developing countries, particularly African countries,
impede the efforts made to restore increased export
income.
Like many other delegations, Togo demands,
therefore, that protectionist practices and subsidies be
ended. That would contribute significantly to the
development of poor countries. We believe that
globalization must be accompanied by a greater spirit
of solidarity and by a policy aimed at the purchase of
products from the South at fairer and more lucrative
prices.
In that regard, the Togolese Government wishes
to emphasize that, if they are to benefit all, the rules of
the World Trade Organization (WTO) must take into
account the deep aspirations of developing countries,
which demand that they be able to participate in
international trade in conditions of equality and justice,
as recently emphasized at Cancún.
At a time when our continent is doing its utmost
to make the African Union the priority instrument to
ensure peace and security and economic and social
prosperity, the international community must become
more involved to assist economic recovery efforts of
9

our States, in order to meet the challenges they face,
such as poverty, the AIDS pandemic and malaria.
It is important that our common Organization
mobilize its efforts even more in order to fight the evils
that afflict the world and make it vulnerable. Terrorism
would definitely be included among those evils. The
terrible events of 11 September 2001 and the recent
deadly attacks against the United Nations headquarters
in Iraq and elsewhere, still alive within us, compel us
to act promptly to eradicate this evil. My country,
which has frequently been the victim of terrorist
aggression, in 1977, 1985, 1986, 1993, 1994 and 1998,
recognizes the importance of that challenge. This task
should be one of our highest priorities if we wish to
give future generations a sound world, in which respect
for human dignity, love and fraternity are the
foundation.
In order to achieve those aims, the United
Nations must assume greater responsibility and provide
more resources. It certainly needs to be substantially
reformed. We would like to welcome the relevant
proposals of the Secretary-General to establish a panel
of eminent personalities from civil society to address
this issue. We remain convinced that our actions, taken
together, will lead to the reign of a society free from
selfishness, violence, terrorism, disease and the threat
of nuclear confrontation. May the work of this session
lead each of our States to resolutely follow the path
towards peace and ensure that all peoples, without
discrimination, can enjoy the fruits of progress made
by humanity in a climate of tolerance, justice,
fraternity and solidarity.