126. From this international rostrum I have the honour of transmitting the message of fraternity and solidarity which His Excellency Colonel Michel Micombero, President of the Republic and Head of the Government of Burundi, addresses on behalf of his people — struggling to safeguard its independence and the results of its popular revolution of 28 November 1966 — to the other peoples of the world involved in the same struggle for the triumph of the ideals of peace, security, social justice and for the elimination of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and imperialism in all its forms.
127.	It is also my pleasant duty to extend, on behalf of the Government of Burundi, the warmest and most sincere congratulations to President Leopoldo Benites and to the other officers of the Assembly who have just been elected to bring the work of the twenty-eighth session to a successful conclusion.
128.	The choice of a distinguished diplomat like Mr. Benites, whose personality, confidence and objectivity are so highly esteemed, both in his own country and in the rest of the world, constitutes a sure pledge and an earnest of the success of this session.
129.	On behalf of the active solidarity of our peoples, we know that the struggle for political and economic liberation in Latin America, Asia and Africa is something which Ambassador Benites not only cherishes, but which also constitutes for him j sacred duty.
130.	My delegation will firmly support the initiatives and decisions which he will be called upon to take as President with a view to the attainment of the objectives of our Organization and in order to bring about respect for the principles of our Charter.
131.	Permit me to pay a well-deserved tribute to our President's predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczyriski, who conducted our deliberations with brilliant intelligence, unshakeable faith in the Organization and high diplomatic talents. The progressive countries of the world highly esteem the stand of the Polish People's Republic for peace, decolonization and economic and social development, objectives which our outgoing President himself championed during the session and in other circumstances.
132.	I have, furthermore, the honour of conveying to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General of the United Nations, my sincere congratulations for the record of his activities this year. Once again we should like to express to our distinguished Secretary-General our great admiration for the tact, patience and devotion which he has displayed in the difficult and delicate task of international affairs. We were particularly moved by Mr. Waldheim's efforts this year to bring about the triumph of the ideals of peace and security, and the development of friendly relations among peoples.
133.	On 18 September 1973 [2117th meeting] the United Nations was strengthened by the entry of three new Member States: the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. My delegation is gratified at this decision, which is so appropriate for the international community. The principle of universality of our Organization does require, in fact, the representation of the greatest possible number of States so that all peoples can feel involved in the problems of universal peace and the economic and social development of nations, whatever their location or size. That is why we greet with enthusiasm the admission of the three new Members, which, for us, constitutes a new stage on the road towards the emancipation of colonized peoples. We expect from the two German States a major contribution to the solution of problems which are paralysing international society, such as decolonization, underdevelopment, the exploitation of man by man, and the scourge of racism.
134.	Every year most of us travel thousands and thousands of miles to come to this rostrum in order to take stock of the activities and results of our Organization, from both the political and the economic point of view. Our presence will also enable us to gain some insight into the future prospects for the whole of mankind.
135.	The people of Burundi, peace-loving and liberty- loving, warmly greeted the victories won and the successes recorded in recent years by the other peoples of the world that have inflicted resounding defeats on the imperialist and colonialist forces. In Africa independent States have had to face divisive manoeuvres and plots of all kinds hatched by imperialists with a view to the collapse of institutions and even the dislocation of nations. But the progressive forces, supported by the revolutionary forces of the world, have- repulsed victoriously the criminal assaults of these enemies of the human race. Other sovereign States have been the victims of aggression on the part of the Portuguese colonial regimes and the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia. Here again these acts of aggression and intimidation have met with the revolutionary determination of worthy and valiant peoples who are always ready to repulse triumphantly the enemy, whatever the aid granted these regimes by the imperialist and neo-colonialist Powers. Neo-colonialist Powers have done everything in their power to oppose sovereign and independent States with the purpose of weakening the anti-imperialist front, but the vigilance and wisdom of Africa have confounded them.
136.	The hour of victory against economic domination and cultural alienation has arrived in other African States which have taken energetic and revolutionary measures to win their independence and safeguard their authentic cultural heritage in spite of threats and blackmail of all kinds.
137.	The trends towards national emancipation have forced the colonialist regimes to decamp from vast territories seized by the national liberation movements at the cost of the blood of the worthy sons and daughters of Africa. The war waged by Israel against the Arab countries and its permanent usurpation of the land of the Palestinian people have aroused the anger and condemnation of all peace-loving and justice-loving peoples. The Arab Republic of Egypt and other Arab countries which have been the victims of imperialist and Zionist aggression have been supported by all revolutionary peoples in their just cause.
138.	In Asia, the peoples of Indo-China are marching inexorably towards final victory. Imperialism at bay shrinks at nothing to shed the blood of innocent people. In spite of the dimensions of the means of destruction used in that part of the world, every day the laurel of victory is held aloft by millions of fighters for freedom and honour.
139.	In Latin America, liberation movements are gaining ground in spite of the heinous and criminal acts of despair, like the event which has just occurred and afflicted the Chilean people. But the blood of President Allende constitutes the revolutionary ferment which is out of the reach of the bullets of the imperialists and their lackeys.
140.	The peace-loving States and peoples of the world are determined today more than ever to wage a decisive struggle, a struggle against hegemony and political, economic and cultural expansionism. However, we consider that this evolution of the international situation should not permit us to cherish any illusions. Real dangers continue to constitute a serious threat to international peace and security, to the independence and sovereignty of States.
141.	The primary objective of the United Nations is the maintenance of peace in the world and the harmonious development of all peoples, and we are forced to note that we are still far from having attained these noble principles and objectives.
142.	Of course, for some years now there has existed a climate of entente among the great Powers because of the strengthening and development of their mutual relations. This situation has succeeded in reducing the tensions and dangers of a generalized war. However, in spite of the provisions of the Charter, which prohibit the use of force in international relations, the threat or use of force for aggressive purposes against third-world countries is now assuming alarming proportions. The antagonisms of the super-Powers encourage wars and localized crises in certain parts of the world, thus leading to intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
143.	It seems to me essential for this twenty-eighth session to lay down new bases for international relations founded on justice, security and development.
144.	Colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism .gravely jeopardize peace and the economic development of the African continent. In Africa, colonialism, neo-colonialism and apartheid constitute a grave threat to peace and the development of the continent. For several years, resolutions have been adopted in favour of the liberation of the whole of Africa. Today, with the complicity of those very people who take those decisions, the situation has not developed in favour of liberty. On the contrary, it has deteriorated every day.
145.	In South Africa, an oppressive regime is being inflicted upon the population with the full knowledge of the Members of this Organization, upon millions of human beings who are kept in the chains of slavery on the pretext that they are what are called men of colour. These barbarous crimes are encouraged by Powers which themselves only recently suffered from the scourge of mankind,
,, namely, racism and apartheid. Have certain founding Members of our Organization already forgotten that it was to fight effectively against such scourges that the United Nations Charter was signed in San Francisco? Far from applying the resolutions adopted against the Pretoria regime, certain Powers encourage that regime by all available means in its horrible policy of escalation designed to achieve the moral and physical exhaustion of a helpless people. The regime of racial discrimination and apartheid has just increased its toll of victims by the massacre of African workers, which include a large number of African nationals from independent neighbouring countries. Provocations against what are called coloured men by the Pretoria regime are not even limited to the freedom fighters; the weapons of this reactionary police State cut down anyone and everyone at the whim of the South African leaders of the moment. This enslavement is supported by the NATO Powers and Israel.
146.	In Namibia, while the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] had authorized the establishment of contacts in order to ascertain South African intentions, Pretoria showed by its most categorical refusal that it had no intention of withdrawing from
Namibia. On the contrary, the racist Government has just undertaken a programme which it calls "Bantustanization", which constitutes a programme for the Balkanization of the Territory and for pitting Namibian against Namibian.
147.	The policy of the fragmentation of Namibian territory pursued by Pretoria is tangible proof that South Africa is not ready to withdraw from international territory, but rather that Pretoria in fact wishes to extend apartheid there in its most criminal form.
148.	The good faith of OAU and the United Nations did not win a favourable response from the Pretoria Government, and that is why the summit meeting of African countries held to celebrate the tenth anniversary of OAU considered that the mandate entrusted to the Secretary- General of the United Nations should be suspended because it was fruitless.
149.	The delegation of the Republic of Burundi condemns once again the savage colonialism which South Africa inflicts on Namibia and the black people of South Africa. It is high time, indeed, for the Namibian people to be consulted about their own fate. The integrity and independence of the Namibian territory should be safeguarded.
150.	In Zimbabwe, after almost eight years, the rebel regime of Salisbury is defying the United Nations. Indeed, in spite of the many resolutions condemning Rhodesia, in spite of Security Council resolution 253(1968) imposing economic sanctions, the racist regime of Salisbury is still in power. This situation might have changed if the United Kingdom had had good faith and if certain countries had not violated the economic embargo decided upon by the United Nations. In these circumstances, my Government requests once again that the United Kingdom should use all the means available to it, including armed force, to grant independence to the Zimbabwe people and to put an end to the rebel regime of Salisbury.
151.	My Government would venture also to remind the Member States in this Assembly that countries which deliberately violate resolutions of the Security Council and the recommendations of the General Assembly are in contravention of their commitments under the United Nations Charter.
152.	What is worse, the encouraged arrogance of the . Rhodesian rebels has prompted the regime to use economic
warfare against Zambia, which has done nothing wrong except to be governed by Africans whose attachment to democracy and the fraternization of races is offensive to the Fascists in Salisbury.
153.	All peace-loving countries, confident in the United Nations and in OAU, are behind the Government of Zambia in its valiant and noble struggle for the triumph of the objectives of peace based on the liberation of Zimbabwe.
154.	In Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau the revolutionary liberation is irreversible. The blind obstinacy of Portugal has led it to perpetuate its outrageous exploitation of African territories. The arrogant and reactionary ideas of the Lisbon authorities are a disgrace to that country, which boasts of having stifled-unsuccessfully, fortunately — the
upsurge of emancipation of the colonized peoples. It is running against the current of history still to dream of a colonial empire when independence and sovereignty have now become the inalienable rights of peoples.
155.	Portugal cherishes illusions by persisting in defying the recommendations of the United Nations and failing to heed the appeals of faith and goodwill which call upon it to put an end to its horrible colonial practices. The Lisbon Government is aware of the important defeats that have been meted out to it at the hand of the liberation movements. Thanks to the support of certain Powers, it believes it will stand fast for a long time to come. It should be disabused, because a people determined to win its liberty shrinks before no might or force.
156.	Thus the fighting people of Guinea-Bissau have just proclaimed their independence. My delegation is happy to announce to this Assembly that the Government of Burundi recognized the Government of the democratic Republic of Guinea-Bissau from the very first days of its existence and will do everything in its power to support it. We would convey to the young State of Guinea-Bissau our most fraternal congratulations upon the memorable event of its liberation from the forces of colonial oppression. We now consider that the presence in Guinea-Bissau of a single Portuguese soldier constitutes an act of aggression against an independent and sovereign State. I take the opportunity offered by that well-deserved independence to pay a tribute to the promoter of the Guinean revolution, Amilcar Cabral, Secretary-General of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde, the eternal hero of the struggle for the freedom and dignity of man.
157.	In the light of the recent crimes committed in the regions under Portuguese domination, the Republic of Burundi once again calls upon the General Assembly to expel Portugal from the United Nations, because the grave crimes committed by Portugal against the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau are a serious threat to peace and human dignity. Portuguese colonialism is a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter.
158.	The situation in the Middle East remains tense and explosive because Israel continues to oppress and humiliate the Arabs under its control and is persisting in its blind and pointless policy of provocation and aggression towards the Arab countries of the region.
159.	Until very recently my country still cherished the hope that it would see Israel come to reason by committing itself — as international opinion has ceaselessly called upon it to do, and as its own interests require-to a just, equitable and lasting solution of the problem that is almost as old as our Organization.
160.	But we are forced to note that Israel remains a factor for instability in the region, which it is impossible to eliminate, and Israel is doing everything in its power to oppose any attempt, whatever the source, to re-establish peace and security in the region. It has opposed with blind obstinacy the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), the unanimous adoption of which was welcomed by the overwhelming majority of the States Members of our Organization as a decisive step towards a normalization of the situation in that troubled part of our planet. On the strength of unconditional support from a super-Power, it has ceaselessly derided and disregarded the wise and pressing appeals of the international community to reconsider its attitude towards the martyred people of Palestine and neighbouring Arab countries by guaranteeing the right of the Palestinians to a worthy and decent existence and by respecting the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of its Arab neighbours.	' .
161.	But, what is worse, the world is witnessing for the first time the implementation and systematic use at the State level of piracy and terrorism as a method of government and as a norm of behaviour in international relations.
162.	The innocent victims of the shooting down of a Libyan civil aircraft over occupied Sinai are there to remind us that Israeli terrorism now no longer spares anyone, even innocent passengers ignorant of all the facts of the Middle East.
163.	Everything is happening as if Israel were assuming that the patience of the international community is unlimited and that it has been given a blank cheque to persist in its policy of escalation of terror, violence, hate and murder.
164.	The tragedy of the Middle East in general and the Palestinian people in particular deserves particular attention.
165.	Do we really need to remind the Assembly that the restoration to the people of Palestine of international rights constitutes the fundamental condition for the establishment of a lasting peace in the region? The struggle of the people of Palestine for its usurped territory represents the effort of a people determined to recover its self-determination and sovereignty.
166.	The Member States of our international Organization should offer material and political assistance to the Palestinian people in accordance with the spirit of solidarity which should characterize Member States whenever imperialism, colonialism or neo-colonialism seeks to wound the dignity of a State and to call its existence into question.
167.	That is why my delegation considers the time has come for the members of this Assembly individually or collectively to take the measures necessary to make Israel respect the international commitments it undertook in freely adhering to our Charter. For its part, the Republic of Burundi will interpret its responsibilities in that sense until Israel ceases its acts of aggression and expansionism and until the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine are restored.
168.	Thanks to its unshakeable courage, its high sense of dignity and its fierce determination to fight for the safeguarding and strengthening of liberty, progress and independence, the valiant people of Viet-Nam has driven its enemies to capitulation.
169.	The signing of the Paris agreements on Viet-Nam without any doubt constitutes a brilliant victory for the
Viet-Namese people over the forces of occupation and aggression which for 12 years have unleashed their forces in successive waves over that part of Indo-China. We are particularly gratified at that happy event because my country has ceaselessly condemned the unjust, cruel, absurd and cowardly war inflicted upon the Viet-Namese people. The struggle of the Viet-Namese people proves eloquently and poignantly that the threat of violence, recourse to brutal and massive force, blackmail and intimidation avail nothing against a people which is proud and determined.
170.	We call upon the imperialist and reactionary forces of this world to reflect on that example of heroism and sacrifice.
171.	My delegation calls upon all parties to the Paris agreements to abide scrupulously by the spirit and letter of those agreements, as does the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam. Viet-Nam, which for 28 years has known nothing but the horrors of war, will now be able to devote its time, its energies and its enthusiasm to the tasks of national reconstruction for the welfare and prosperity of its people.
c
172.	The news of the opening of dialogue between the two Koreas has filled us with joy and hope.
173.	The free determination of peoples is a sacred principle of our Charter. Therefore, the United Nations should refrain from any act or initiative which might constitute an obstacle to the reunification of the Korean people.
174.	For that reason, to permit the Korean people to decide freely on its fate and future, free from interference and outside pressure, my delegation considers that the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea should be dissolved without further delay and that all foreign occupation troops should evacuate Korean territory. The United Nations flag cannot cover acts of aggression in any part of the world.
175.	At a time when the two Koreas are embarking on the road to reunification and renewal of ties, it seems to us that the idea of the admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations constitutes a plot against the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people.
176.	The situation in the Kingdom of Cambodia is very familiar to us. There, a legitimate and popular Government was overthrown by an imperialist Power, which everyone knows acted through Cambodian puppets. In order to give a respite to the clique of corrupt and suborned elements who usurped power at Phnom Penh, foreign troops of occupation have been landed in Cambodia and have imposed an atrocious, cruel and ruthless war on the peaceful people of that country. Cambodian patriots, in response to the appeal of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of 23 March 1970, did not hesitate a moment before launching the decisive offensive against the Cambodian traitors and foreign forces of aggression. Today, the United National Front of Cambodia and the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia control more than nine-tenths of the population of the country and more than nine-tenths of Cambodian territory.
177.	It is the duty of the international community to do everything in its power to see to it that Cambodia becomes once again the oasis of peace that it has always been, thanks to the wise, skilful and far-sighted policy of its illustrious Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
178.	In Cambodia the restoration of peace requires, as one of its pre-conditions, the immediate withdrawal of all aggressive and occupying troops, the end of foreign intervention and strict respect for the right of the Cambodian people to self-determination.
179.	The United Nations, for its part, should draw the logical inferences from the situation in Cambodia and also from the resolutions adopted by the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers from 5 to 9 September last [see A/9330 and Corr.l].
180.	Since the Government of Prince Norodom Sihanouk controls nine-tenths of Cambodian territory and the vast majority of the people of that country, and since the non-aligned countries represent two-thirds of the Members of our Organization and recognize Prince Sihanouk's Government as the legal and legitimate Government of Cambodia, the present session of the General Assembly should restore to the Government headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk its legitimate rights in the United Nations.
181.	If the objectives and purposes of the Organization are still valid and relevant, the revision of the Charter becomes an urgent matter if we are to take account of new realities and developments in the international situation.
182.	The right of veto, which has been accorded to five Members of the United Nations, has been used by some of them to block progress, peace and the emancipation of peoples. Without going too far back into the history of our Organization, I would simply remind the Assembly of the veto cast by the United Kingdom in February 1972 at the meetings of the Security Council in Addis Ababa in opposition to the solution of the Rhodesian problem by constitutional and peaceful means. I would also recall the different vetoes used by the other Powers in order to oppose any attempt to break the present deadlock in the Middle East crisis.
183.	The veto, besides being a flagrant violation of the principle of the equality of States, constitutes a means of keeping whole peoples and regions in a state of humiliation, injustice, oppression and agony. It should therefore be abolished because its abuse is contrary to the spirit and objectives of the Charter.
184.	But, apart from the veto, the actual membership of the Council, in my delegation's view, constitutes a shocking anachronism. It is absolutely unjustifiable to entrust the tasks of peace-keeping only to the great Powers most of which, modern history shows, have been and still are involved in the conflicts and crises which have shaken our planet. We must act in accordance with the evidence: you cannot be judge and party at the same time.
185.	Until the General Assembly really becomes a world parliament and has effective and increased power in the maintenance of international peace and security, we think the Security Council should be composed in such a way as to be a faithful reflection of the international community, taking strict account of geographical distribution and trends of opinion and political tendencies in the General Assembly.
186.	It is only then and then alone that all the peoples of the world, duly and democratically associated in the conduct of world affairs, will be able to enjoy the benefits of peace and international security.
187.	My country has no claim to possess nuclear weapons, but it has no less interest therefore in the problems of disarmament. To avoid the temptations of a large-scale war which would profit no one, the General Assembly should demand the elimination of all existing nuclear stockpiles in the world and the banning of all tests of nuclear and chemical weapons. A world conference should replace the present Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, so that the fundamental problems of disarmament should no longer be discussed outside the framework of the United Nations.
188.	Within the same context, the military alliances born of the last war, which fall within the framework of the cold war, should be dissolved. Similarly, the dismantling of all military bases is a necessity, as is the withdrawal of foreign troops from all parts of the world, because we do not recognize the right of any State to appoint itself an international policeman.
189.	The threat of nuclear war should be removed by the destruction of accumulated stockpiles and by a permanent ban on such stockpiles.
190.	The arms race, the stockpiling and the accumulation of war material is liable to provoke such panic among those Powers which do not possess nuclear weapons that, in order to break the monopoly, additional nuclear Powers are going to emerge, a phenomenon which will lead to a permanent state of escalation and the multiplication of hotbeds of terror. The money which will be swallowed up in such rivalry will serve only to satisfy the vanity of the great Powers.
191.	We firmly believe that the enormous sums of money spent on armaments could serve the highly humanitarian cause, namely, the improvement of the standard of living of all peoples and particularly the economic and social development of the third world. The Republic of Burundi is convinced that the contribution to development which could be mad? by nuclear technology used for peaceful purposes will be most useful, while the resources released by disarmament could be used to improve standards of living, to intensify the struggle against under-development, and to narrow the economic gap for the benefit of all peoples rich and poor. Without claiming to possess the monopoly of truth, we can declare, without risk of error, that there does exist a real cause-and-effect relationship between disarmament and development. The disarmament equation, the equation that disarmament equals development, has become a truth which requires no proof.
192.	Despite certain hotbeds of tension which threaten world peace, there exists for the time being a new political climate of detente among the great Powers. This new climate will perhaps make it possible for us to deal with greater lucidity with the problems posed by poverty, hunger and ignorance. We must, if we wish to safeguard universal peace, narrow the gap separating the rich and poor countries, a gap which for the time being is constantly on the increase- The developed countries should do more to avoid the crises which dangerously disturb international trade relations.
193.	If, for two years, the United Nations has had to stress forcefully that the economic development of the world has to be planned by an appropriate strategy, it intended by this to remedy the errors of the First United Nations Development Decade and accelerate the upsurge of the poor countries over the years and in this way. to harmonize the equilibrium of our planet. This Strategy requires that the rich make certain sacrifices by using a part of their wealth to assist the developing countries to emerge from their uncomfortable economic position.
194.	We are obliged to note that over the last two years the Second United Nations Development Decade has brought with it more disappointment than progress. Indeed, the donor countries for the most part continue to get poorer, while the rich countries become more and more prosperous. Furthermore, the rich countries continue to disregard the lot of the poor countries and their survival, since world trade is developing more and more to the advantage of the industries of the consumer society.
195.	The present economic evolution of the world must change its course if we are in the future to ensure world economic equilibrium, the harmony of our relationships and, consequently, universal peace.
196.	The failures of the first two years of the Decade have been accentuated by the world monetary crisis which has beset the Western currencies, has disorganized their exchange relations and is weakening the impact of our own reserves. Frequent periods of inflation and the unilateral measures taken by the rich countries to deal with them have affected and continue to disorganize the economies of the weak countries, although they bear no part of the responsibility for these crises. Hence, a feeling of frustration, mixed with indignation, has obliged us to ask the rich countries to control their economies and to institute machinery capable of preventing these monetary crises which have today become only too frequent. While urgent and concrete measures should be taken to reorganize the Western currency system, we think it essential that a new world monetary system should replace the existing one, because it is no longer in keeping with the interests of our planet.
197.	The Burundi delegation is convinced that to have a monetary system which would safeguard the interests of the partners we can no longer confine ourselves to observing passively the changes worked out by the Club of Ten. All interested countries, small or great, rich or poor, should be not only consulted but associated intimately with the creation of a new world monetary order.
198.	The international economic balance cannot be restored simply by a monetary diagnosis. It requires that other parameters be used. We are prompted, therefore, to express the wish that a healthier commercial co-operation be established in our trade.
199.	The developing countries have so far been constantly suffering from a deterioration in the terms of trade. Primary products are often subject to quotas and are seldom fairly priced. The present system must change in favour of the poor countries. We hope that the major negotiations which are soon to begin will remove all the obstacles to the intensification of trade between rich and poor countries. We must establish a new system, which will open up new markets to the products of the under- industrialized countries, provide just and fair remuneration for primary products and allow healthy trade co-operation. It is in the field of trade that the developed countries can underpin the efforts of developing countries in dignity and reciprocity by a system permitting all parties to participate equally in the harmonious development of the world economy, and, in particular, the economy of the third world, so that everyone will be able to enjoy fully the fruits of his fairly remunerated efforts.
200.	My delegation considers that, in order to accelerate the economic development of the poor countries, the United Nations should direct the policy of international financing organs towards respect for the strategy which it has outlined. The World Bank and its group of institutions should adopt a more flexible approach to the plans presented by the poor countries, particularly the least advanced.
201.	But unfortunately we have had to witness political criteria affecting the financing of third-world plans. My delegation, therefore, unreservedly condemns that conduct on the part of international financial organs. Such an attitude constitutes intervention in the internal affairs of a nation.
202.	We feel, similarly, that the criterion of profitability should be interpreted with generosity and that account should be taken particularly of the level of economic development of the recipient countries. Otherwise', the objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade could be seriously jeopardized.
203.	Certain Governments have raised their voices in this Assembly to denounce the sinister activities of multinational companies and their bad effect on the development of their economies. We share the same concern with regard to these companies which, with the complicity of certain major Powers, have been preventing the developing countries from the exercise of their sovereignty over their own resources.
204.	Solutions should be adopted to permit the third- world countries to dispose fully of their own resources and freely to decide the lines of their own economic and social development.
205.	Among the developing countries there is a group of 25 which have been classified as the least advanced countries on our planet. Urgent appeals have been made at meetings of international organizations to accord them privileged treatment in the provision of capital and in trade relations. But those appeals have gone unheeded. Today they are still the most underprivileged. That is a situation which, if solutions are not found, is liable to create even more serious cleavages in levels of development.
206.	To help these countries emerge from their present situation, some measures should be contemplated and put into practice. The more advanced countries, in the name of universal solidarity, should help the least advanced by lifting non-tariff barriers, eliminating quota restrictions and reducing freight costs. Those measures should be taken for the land-locked countries also, particularly because most of them are also among the least advanced countries.
207.	At a time when the General Assembly is meeting, a distressing situation still prevails in part of our globe. The Sahelian region has been afflicted by drought, as members are all aware. The peoples of that region continue to suffer from the effects of this natural disaster. In order to normalize the situation and to erase the painful traces of this drought, years of tireless effort will be required. Let us hope that universal solidarity will contribute even more by assisting the Governments of these regions to hasten their return to normality.
208.	The search for peace, the elimination of injustice and shameless exploitation among States are without any doubt among the most important and most powerful factors in the promotion of the prosperity and progress of mankind. To succeed in this noble task which the United Nations has assumed, all the nations of the world will have to agree resolutely to march hand in hand to achieve great victories against these scourges of mankind.
209.	It is in that spirit of solidarity that I express hopes for the success of this session and for the well-being and prosperity of mankind.


37.	I should like first to express our warmest congratulations to Ambassador Leopoldo Benites on the occasion of his election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. I am certain that the outstanding personal qualities of Ambassador Benites as scholar, journalist and diplomat, which we have known and appreciated very closely, his long experience in the service of our Organization and his dedication to the ideals of the United Nations will ensure the success of our deliberations and decisions. This is the seventh time that this high office has been assumed by the Latin American countries, with which Turkey has excellent and most cordial relations.
38.	I wish also to express my appreciation to our outgoing President, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republic, for the excellent work he did throughout his tenure of office.
39.	Equally, it is with distinct pleasure that I wish to pay here a warm tribute to my good friend Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim for his unceasing efforts for the promotion of peace, concord, co-operation and security in these challenging and fast-changing times.
40.	Another source of satisfaction for us is to see the growing membership of our Organization. Therefore, I join my colleagues who preceded me at this rostrum in welcoming the representatives of the three new Member States-the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas — with all our good wishes. There is no doubt that with each addition to its membership our world Organization approaches a step further towards its goal of universality. We hope that this process will continue in the future.
41.	In my rather long years of association with the United Nations I have had the privilege a great number of times of taking this rostrum to expound our views on the state of affairs prevailing in our ever-shrinking planet, and I expressed our fervent hope that forthcoming developments would fall in line with the aspirations and expectations of mankind as a whole. In my addresses I have always tried to be as objective as ii was possible for a responsible representative of a country, both in the choice of subjects I touched upon and in my evaluations and analyses in so doing. Among the problems which I took up there were a few of such long duration that I have had to come back to them time and again, year after year; there were also those which were serious enough to warrant urgent and close examination, but which proved to be more manageable with the passage of time; and lastly, and most happily, events about which elation had to be voiced were not non-existent.
42.	In so far as the present situation in the world as a whole is concerned, it would be over-optimistic, if not too naive, to say that the over-all pattern has undergone a very fundamental change compared to previous years. We still have a checkered one, complete with problems of all kinds
43.	I arrive at this conclusion proceeding from the logical rule which demands that a bottle be called half-empty or half-full according to the gradual decrease or increase of its contents. In other words, nothing being static, everything being subject to constant change in one direction or another, the main yardstick with which to appreciate a given situation ought to be the development which has led to it and the trend which it represents.
44.	Looking at our world of today from that angle, I would submit that we can detect, through conflicting elements, an unmistakable and continuous trend of progress for the better. It is this indeed too slow and too erratic but nevertheless new trend that makes me feel rather optimistic despite all the caution which the vicissitudes in international relations of the post-war decades teach us.
45.	In point of fact, let us cast a cursory look at the developments that have taken place since the last session of our Assembly. Since their history is too recent for a clear judgement of their respective importance, let us consider these developments on a geographical basis, heading from the East towards the West.
46.	In the Far East, the happiest event is no doubt the agreement reached in the Viet-Nam conflict. That long- drawn-out armed confrontation harmed all the participants and caused great human suffering. Now that it is over, we hope that the atmosphere of reconciliation which has been created by the Viet-Namese cease-fire will spread to the other neighbouring countries and that the whole region will soon have peace, calm and stability.
47.	Some more good news has come to us from the Asian subcontinent: the repatriation of thousands of prisoners of war held in captivity since 1971 is at last on the way to realization. The subcontinent is one of the birthplaces of civilization. With its population reaching the hundreds of millions, with its great natural resources and with its time-tested wisdom, the nations of the subcontinent are destined to have a promising future. Our wish is that this event may mark the beginning of a new era in which all remaining points of dissension can be eliminated and the foundations of a lasting co-operation with full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and equality of all can be laid down.
48.	Agreements in Viet-Nam and in the subcontinent show, us that, given goodwill and perseverance, no conflict is too hard ,or too complicated to defy peaceful and honourable solution.
49.	Coming to Europe, we again have cause for hope. As might be guessed, I am alluding mainly to the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. This Conference, which was held with the' participation of 32 European countries plus the United States and Canada, has already completed its first stage successfully, and its second one is on the way. Moreover, preparatory work for the conference on mutual force reductions in Central Europe is now completed, and the conference itself is expected to start at its appointed time and place. Although it is too soon to express a firm opinion, we can already say that it will constitute a landmark in the examination of security problems.
50.	In this context, I wish to underline the fact that security in the world in general, and in Europe in particular, is based on a very delicate balance. Therefore, in this process all our efforts should converge towards strengthening and stabilizing security, and not diminishing it for one or another country or group of countries.
51.	Of all the remnants of the Second World War, the German question proved to be perhaps the hardest one to solve. We are happy that a formula has been reached and that we can greet in our midst both the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. In the attainment of this result, the efforts deployed by all parties are of course worthy of praise; but we can, in all equity, single out the courageous and realistic policies pursued by the present distinguished leadership of the Federal Republic of Germany.
52.	I shall repeat what I said a few minutes ago, namely, that even the most arduous difficulties can be overcome when goodwill and mutual understanding prevail. It is precisely because we have this observation in mind that we do not fall into undue pessimism as regards the Cyprus question-a question which is of paramount importance for both the Turkish nation as a whole and the Turkish community on the island. Although we view with deep concern some developments that are taking place on the Greek Cypriot side, we still hope that the enlarged intercommunal talks which are being held between the representatives of the two communities with the participation of experts on constitutional law from Greece and Turkey and the Special Representative of the Secretary- General will yield results acceptable to all interested parties and defuse once and for all a potentially explosive situation.
53.	We have always favoured a peaceful and lasting solution for the Cyprus question-one which would safeguard the partnership status of the two communities in the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of that bicommunal State and which would be based on local autonomy, in accordance with the justified aspiration of the Turkish population of the island. Here I would like again to express our appreciation to all those Governments which are contributing to the peace-keeping activities in Cyprus, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and the members of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus.
54.	The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers, which more than 70 countries attended, has once more demonstrated the importance of the role the third world can play in international relations. We believe that the conclusions of that Conference will give impetus and add a new dimension to the prospects for peace and development.
55.	So much for the relatively bright side of the present- day world scene. As for the darker sides, they are numerous.
56.	First of all, the phenomenon which has come to be known as the arms race and which is not only the reflection of the uneasiness and insecurity felt by all nations but also, in its turn, one of the reasons for that same uneasiness and insecurity, goes on unchecked and unabated. In spite of the favourable atmosphere created by the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks for new endeavours in the field of disarmament, no relaxation is observed in the upward swing of arms production. It is really sad that on this tenth anniversary of the partial test-ban Treaty2 both the quality and the quantity of nuclear as well as conventional weapons should be constantly progressing, swallowing up huge amounts of riches and energy most needed for the betterment of- the human condition, and forcing mankind to live under the threat of unprecedented disaster.
57.	If this most serious problem is not tackled courageously and realistically, and if, as a beginning at least, a partial solution cannot be arrived at, arrangements to be achieved in the political field alone are bound to be rootless, and the climate of detente to be created will accordingly be fragile.
58.	A no less dark image seen in the international kaleidoscope is indeed the survival of that most heinous practice called colonialism. Colonialism, as implemented nowadays, is rooted in slavery and bases itself on man's exploitation by man. Therefore, it cannot be justified by any measure of historical distortion. In this year of 1973, when we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and when the United Nations counts among its Members scores of former colonial countries, ' the most lenient judgement to be passed on the fact that some 28 million people continue to live under the colonial yoke and still others suffer from racial discrimination is that this clearly denotes a mentality cruelly behind the times. The Republic of Turkey, which emerged from a struggle for liberation, will always be on the side of those who fight for their independence and freedom.
59.	It is a good omen for the future that efforts in the international field against colonialism never cease to be deployed, as witness the International Conference of Experts for the Support of Victims of Colonialism and Apartheid in southern Africa, held at Oslo in April 1973, sponsored jointly by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity.
60.	However, another source of deep anxiety in the present world panorama is the continuation of the Middle East question, with no solution in sight as yet. This unhappy and stagnant situation of "no war, no peace" should not be viewed only in the light of its negative effects on the search for a solution, but should also be considered carefully, as it carries in itself the seeds of violence and thus maintains its highly explosive character. It must be recalled that peace means a lot more than a negative definition, such as the lack of war suggests.
61.	It must equally be recalled that no amount of rhetoric should be able to supply with a cloak of legitimacy any attempt at gaining territory or political prestige by the use of force or by means of forcible faits accomplis, on the one hand, and the delaying of the evacuation of territories thus gained, on the other. We believe that the world community is in duty bound to do whatever it can in order to break this deadlock.
62.	Turkey, being in the region involved and having traditionally close and friendly ties with the Arab countries, wishes to see this problem solved as soon as possible in conformity with the principles of justice and equity. We continue to believe that Security Council resolution 242(1967) contains the necessary elements for the attainment of a lasting and honourable settlement. The establishment of a just peace should safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of all concerned, including, naturally, those of the Palestinians. We hold the view that the status of Jerusalem, a Holy City for three major religions of mankind, should not be changed by unilateral actions.
63.	I now wish to dwell briefly on a different subject which should retain the attention of our Assembly. I refer to acts of violence and terrorism. It must be more than a truism to underline the fact that recourse to violence with its underhanded methods such as terrorism, sabotage, the hijack. of aircraft and so on, far from solving problems complicates them still more and engenders new ones.
64.	Here I want to make one point absolutely clear. Terrorism can in no way be condoned. I should even add that of all acts of violence terroristic acts must be condemned with particular emphasis because of the cowardliness inherent in them. The justness of the cause they are supposed to serve must never be considered an excuse. But we should never lose sight of the very important fact that the reverse is valid too. That is, we should never be unduly influenced in our judgement on a given cause by our abhorrence of the means used for its furtherance.
65.	We must earnestly hope that the present Assembly will through its concurrent efforts be able to prepare a draft convention for the prevention and suppression of international terrorism. We think that it falls equally to us to consider seriously and adopt at this session the draft convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against diplomatic agents and other internationally protected persons [item 90]. It is also important that a large number of countries should be parties to the Tokyo, The Hague and the Montreal Conventions.
66.	Here I note with regret that the extraordinary session of the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization  and the International Conference on Air Law closed recently without any positive results.
67.	We are looking forward to the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea with great expectations. The outcome of the Conference is of extreme importance for the international community. We shall either open a new era of international co-operation or move towards possible chaos in that field. The main
question in our efforts in the preparation of new international norms for the law of the sea is the determination of the limits of national jurisdiction of sovereign States. In our opinion, a solution of this problem does not infringe the sovereign rights of States or relate to the division of those rights. The creation of a new order must be based on justice and equity and must take into account the peculiarities and realities of different regions of the world which have particular problems that can be solved only through mutual agreement.
68.	If I have so far dwelt mostly on political questions and prospects for the future, it should not be construed that we attribute less importance to economic problems. On the contrary, we believe that the roots of many of the political problems encountered are of an economic nature. International co-operation is an absolute must when we look forward to the improvement of the well-being of the masses.
69.	A preliminary assessment of the progress achieved so far during the Second United Nations Development Decade does not give rise to much optimism, especially for countries in the process of development. Yet the forthcoming multilateral trade negotiations lead us away from falling into complete pessimism. The prolongation of the uncertainties in the world monetary system seriously endanger world trade as a whole and particularly the trade of the developing countries. Therefore we urge the completion of the work being carried out for the improvement of the international monetary system without delay. International economic relations need to be salvaged from their present insecure atmosphere. Much remains to be done in the sharing of the benefits accrued through technological progress.
70.	Recent drought and natural disasters in many parts of the world have led us to think more seriously about the alarming situation of the world food problem. In this age of Igreat technological advancement, it is paradoxical still to witness men dying of hunger and men being overwhelmed by the forces of nature. The need for assistance from the international community is urgent, especially for the Central African Republic, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Upper Volta in the Sudano-Sahelian region. Furthermore, the heavy floods which devastated life and property in Pakistan, with which we have fraternal ties of friendship, have left that great country in need of immediate assistance.
71.	While we are sure that all possible aid will continue to flow expeditiously to those fellow member countries, timely realization of that vital assistance should not relieve our minds of the long-term problems of poor agricultural production. We therefore find the convening of a world food conference, as proposed by the Secretary of State of the United States [2124th meeting], timely and appropriate.
72.	Moreover, serious consideration should be given to the problems of the environment and to the immediate and long-term problems of energy, which are inseparable from the future of mankind.
73.	A month from now, almost to the day, on 29 October, Turkey will be celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Republic. That means, above all, the beginning of a new era for our nation.
74.	The political philosophy of this era has been characterized more than anything by the justly renowned principle of the founder of the new Turkey, the great Kemal Ataturk, which demands, "Peace at home, peace in the world". The latter part of this principle which Ataturk bequeathed to his nation is clear enough to need no comment. Throughout history, many great thinkers have perceived and expressed the necessity of peace for human happiness. Whereas the first part, which takes up peace as an element of progress in the internal life of a nation', contains truly original and far-sighted thought, when Ataturk insisted that peace at home should flourish together with peace in the world Turkey was emerging from a long series of wars. On the other hand, it was preparing itself for the complete eradication of the remnants of exploitation in economic and other fields which had for such a long time distorted both its relations with the outside world and its day-to-day life.
75.	Ataturk, who was the first to take up the sword when the nation had to fight a life-and-death struggle, taught his people that, although any undue foreign influence was not to be tolerated, the orderly social and economic development of the national life depended nevertheless on the achievement of a climate of peace in both internal and external relations. Foreign interference should be supplanted by co-operation, hostility should give way to friendship, and peace should prevail both at home and in the world. Those principles are enshrined in the Charter of our Organization.
76.	Those same principles led Turkey to establish and maintain throughout this half-century a policy of good- neighbourliness and friendship with all the countries of the region and the world. That policy is also the basis of the fraternal ties existing between Turkey, Iran and Pakistan.
77.	Having espoused as sincerely as we have the principle of our great leader, it should be no accident that Turkey has during the course of the five last decades, which were full of turbulent events in international life, withstood the vicissitudes of the era and remained a loyal member of the world community in the promotion of peace, security and co-operation in its region as well as in the world at large. My country is determined to remain faithful to its traditional policy of peace and co-operation.
78.	Inspired by this experience of ours. I shall now try to think aloud on what can be done about the positive and negative elements which combine to form the present international political fabric, with a view to fostering the former and weeding out the latter. What do we have at our disposal for our guidance?
79.	First of all, we have the fundamental purposes and principles of our Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)].
80.	Then there are international agreements which are valid under the generally recognized principles and rules of international law, and which stipulate obligations to be fulfilled in good faith by every nation.
81.	All those documents are inspired by the fact that peace and security represent the fundamental aspirations of mankind, and for that reason their maintenance and strengthening acquire paramount importance.
82.	We can be guided also by the solemn declarations of intent made during the July 1973 Helsinki session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to strive for the establishment of conditions of detente and co-operation in that region of the world. We can bear in mind that genuine detente can be achieved only by eliminating the causes of international conflicts, armed confrontations and open hostility.
83.	Again, we can bear in mind mankind's impressive achievements in science and technology, on the one hand, and the consequent problems of a political, economic, environmental and social nature, on the other. And, last but not least, we can bear in mind the laudable efforts made by the United Nations in dedicating decades to particular causes in the fields of disarmament and development, as well as prospectively in the field of action to combat racism and racial discrimination.
84.	With all that in mind I ventured to suggest last year the possibility of declaring a "decade of political conciliation". The basis this year for such a declaration, which I still regard as useful, could be a text in which the relevant principles of the Charter should be emphasized, giving due consideration to the inalienable rights of colonial peoples to self-determination and independence and strongly condemning colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination. In this text, after having unequivocally underlined the inadmissibility of acquisition of territorial or political advantages through the use or threat of force in international relations, we might, for the promotion of the purposes of this "decade of political conciliation", ask the Secretary- General to co-operate with interested specialized agencies, intergovernmental organizations and institutions renowned for their impartial expertise on the subject, and to take into consideration the valuable work already accomplished in this field in order to prepare a study on the implications of such a decade and to propose appropriate machinery within the United Nations system for the implementation of its exigencies.
85.	I think that, if these ideas meet the support of my colleagues, our Secretary-General and his able staff may be trusted to produce a document on the subject and present it for the consideration of the next session of the General Assembly.


106.	 I find it a source of great pleasure to preface my statement this afternoon by expressing to the President my very warm felicitations upon his election to the high office of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We regard his unanimous and well-deserved election not only as a personal tribute to his eminent qualities as an accomplished diplomat of great skill and experience and as a man of great devotion to the ideals of universal peace and human dignity, but also as a recognition of Ecuador's belief in the unreserved support for the principles that inspire the United Nations. I wish to seize this opportunity to assure him that my delegation stands prepared to place its complete co-operation at his disposal as he endeavours to fulfil the high duties with which this Assembly has entrusted him.
107.	His predecessor in the post of President, Mr. Stanislaw Trepzcynski, deserves our gratitude for the competent manner in which he presided over the work of the General Assembly at its last session. Through you, Sir, I am happy to extend to him the appreciation of the Ethiopian delegation.
108.	The current session of the General Assembly has, through the: happy enlargement of the United Nations roster, witnessed a further positive development towards the achievement of the principle of universality of membership in our Organization. It is from that perspective, therefore, that my delegation views the admission of the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas to the United Nations. To all three, I extend the warm welcome of my delegation and wish to assure them of our co-operation and friendship as they join us here in the United Nations to work together towards the attainment of our common objectives of international peace and co-operation.
109.	The admission to membership in the United Nations of the two Germanys, in particular, is not without its historic significance. As we all know, both East and West Germany are not States which acceded to sovereign and independent political existence immediately preceding their admission to membership, as has been the case with the preponderant majority of States which joined the United Nations as Members since the signing of the Charter in San Francisco 28 years ago. Rather, the prolonged exclusion of those States from membership in the United Nations has been a consequence of the rigidities of the polarized cold-war diplomacy that had hitherto characterized the conduct of international political intercourse. The approval without dissent of the application for membership of the two Germanys by the Security Council is therefore an event which we must all applaud and welcome as it not only appreciably contributed towards the strengthening of the United Nations itself but also established a pattern for the future resolution of the yet unsettled questions of membership in the United Nations of the remaining divided States. The significance of the admission of the two Germanys could be viewed as an added evidence of the changing nature of the. international political climate, which is witnessing the steady replacement of the era of confrontation by an era of accommodation based on the perception of mutual self-interest. In this regard, it remains our firm conviction that if the United Nations is to be capable of playing the role of a constructive and effective international Organization, it must be representative and open, and not discriminatory or exclusive in its membership.
110.	As in the past, the current session of the Genera! Assembly has afforded Members yet another opportunity not only to review and examine the questions with which the United Nations is currently seized but also to address themselves to some others which, in their respective views, relate, in some manner, to the achievement the overall aims of our Organization. Quite naturally, I feel that such an exercise could commence with some general references to some of the more important developments in the international scene during the past year.
111.	At the outset, I am satisfied to note that the trend towards the over-all relaxation of tension in inter-State relations, and, in particular, in relations affecting the major Powers of the world, began only recently and has continued to show steady improvement. My Government attaches great importance to this welcome development as we believe that, in the present era of astounding technological refinements which, inter alia, have given man the unprecedented capability for instant self-destruction, every minute step taken in the direction of mutual understanding and accommodation amongst friends and adversaries alike is a positive evolution worth acclaiming. The risk to world peace — a peace whose fortunes are solely based on uncertain hopes and mere assumptions that the worst might somehow be avoided-is, to say the least, enormous. It is therefore such an appreciation, coupled with an awareness of the stark reality of the physical and political interdependence of international life today that prompts my Government to evaluate as positive, and to support, any development on the international scene that contributes towards the establishment of an enduring peace in the world. In this context, I wish to refer to some events that have occurred since we last met here which, in the view of my delegation, can be considered as developments of positive significance to international stability.
112.	The effort not long ago initiated to establish a more stable international system increasingly free of the risks of nuclear confrontation was given further impetus by the official visit to Washington last June of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. Leonid Brezhnev. Although it may be premature to evaluate with precision the over-all impact of the various agreements signed by President Nixon and General Secretary Brezhnev subsequent to their summit talks, we can nevertheless venture to assert that the spirit which underlay those accords was a further positive development in strengthening international peace and security. We believe that the code of conduct signed by the two leaders to reduce the risk of nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union and between either party and other countries is, in particular, a major contribution to the preservation of peace in the world.
113.	The convening in Helsinki, Finland, of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at the beginning of July this year was another event which we consider to be of significance. Viewed against the background of the seemingly unbridgeable political and economic schism that had characterized Europe after the Second World War, indeed the recent attempt at Helsinki to establish a better foundation for improved and mutually advantageous relations was one that must be commended. Unless for emphasis, the obvious fact that Europe had for over two decades, remained a potential flash-point for war need not be restated here. We hope the desire to reduce tension in this part of the world will find further concrete expressions in the years to come.
114.	As we ushered in the new year, an important agreement was signed in Paris which sought to terminate the active hostilities which had raged mercilessly in Indochina for over a decade, causing untold sufferings to the inhabitants of that peninsula. The Paris agreement of last January, which called for a general cease-fire in Viet-Nam, also provided for the withdrawal of foreign troops, thus paving the way for the people of Viet-Nam to exercise their inalienable right to determine for themselves, without any outside interference, the future of their political destiny. My Government I is satisfied that it has at last become possible for the parties in the Viet-Nam conflict to resolve their differences by negotiation and mutual agreement rather than through recourse to destructive violence., the continuation and escalation of which had posed a serious and dangerous threat to international peace and harmony. We are all the more pleased at the outcome, as we had, in this and other international forums, repeatedly advocated, as the sine qua non for ending the war in Viet-Nam, the same cardinal elements eventually incorporated in the Paris Agreement. It is the earnest hope of my Government that, with the end of the hostilities, the people of Viet-Nam will begin to enjoy the peace and tranquillity in their land denied them for over a quarter of a century and will now have the unhampered opportunity to channel their energies into the pursuit of their social and economic goals.
115.	Similarly, we have taken note of the pact of Vientiane-the agreement signed last February on restoring peace and achieving national concord in Laos. Indeed, it has been gratifying for us to observe that the contagion of peace in Viet-Nam has spilled over into neighbouring Laos. We hope that agreement will continue to be respected so that peace will prevail in the country.
116.	The situation in Cambodia, unfortunately, continues to be the anomaly of the trend in the rest of Indo-China. The military conflict, continues unabated and with it the anguish and suffering of the people of Cambodia, It is our hope that the people of Cambodia will be left to themselves to find appropriate solutions to their own-political problems.
117.	While it is true that we take satisfaction from witnessing the accelerated tempo in the normalization of relations among the great Powers, as well as from the observation that some of the pressing international problems in some regions of the world, notably those in Europe and in South-East Asia, are being resolved, we cannot nevertheless, hide our dismay and serious concern at the lack of concomitant progress in the search for solutions to such vital issues as decolonization, the Middle East, disarmament, and economic development.
118.	That the United Nations efforts to bring freedom and dignity to the millions of Africans still suffering from colonial and racial oppression have not registered any single perceptible success within the past year needs no emphasis. Nor does the sad and well-known fact of the escalation of the brutal repression of the African masses by the colonial- racist regimes of southern Africa require any detailed recitation on the part of my delegation.
119.	My Government notes with profound regret that the continued stifling of the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa to freedom and dignity by those who hold their own selfish and misguided interests of surpassing importance has not caused sufficient moral indignation in the international community to compel it to act in concert not only in the defence of the rights of the peoples of southern Africa, but, more importantly, in the supreme interest of the overriding principles that are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It is the considered view of my delegation that it is this apparent neglect of the anguish and sufferings of the peoples of southern Africa by the international community that has encouraged the colonialists to engage in unconscionable excesses in order to guarantee their position of controlling the lives and destinies of the peoples they remorselessly subjugate and exploit. The incalculable death and destruction that are now being perpetrated by the colonialists in southern Africa as well as in Guinea (Bissau) are the direct consequence of the failure of the international community to which I have just referred.
120.	In the face of the regrettable complacency on the part of the allies and trading partners of Portugal regarding the plight of the peoples under Portuguese subjugation, it is indeed no surprise that Portugal has continued to prosecute its colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau with ever more ferocity. The recent revelation of the massacre of 400 innocent men, women and children at Wiriyamu in Mozambique is but one more example of the depth to which Portugal is prepared to sink in its vain attempt to force the surrender of the liberation struggle, How many horrifying massacres of the type that took place at Wiriyamu are needed before the friends and allies of Portugal realize their responsibilities and begin to deny their support to a country that insists on enslaving millions of Africans and exploiting the resources of their territories?
121.	The situation in Zimbabwe continues to deteriorate as the rebel regime, in co-operation with Portuguese and South African forces, increases its military offensive against the liberation struggle, thereby escalating tension in the colony. In an apparent attempt to emulate the policy of apartheid as practised in South Africa, the rebel regime announced, in Salisbury last March, plans for the establishment of "Bantustans", which it euphemistically called "regional authorities", thus confirming our suspicions that the rebels are determined to impose apartheid on the African masses of Zimbabwe, In spite of such a turn for the worse in the situation in the colony, what we now hear is not of any new resolve on the part of the administering Power to rectify its mishandling of the insurrection in the colony, but rather of further disquieting reports of contacts between Britain and the rebels, the purpose of which could only be to legitimize the rebellion of the racist minority in power and to relegate the overwhelming African majority to perpetual subjugation.
122.	As for the sanctions imposed against the Territory by the Security Council, their ineffectiveness continues to be starkly demonstrated by the defiant survival of the Salisbury regime itself as well as by the increase in the number of breaches that are taking place. The recent sale of three Boeing jet aircraft to the regime clearly underscores the urgent need for a critical reappraisal of the sanctions policy if the effort to restore legality in the Territory is to be successful.
123.	The question of Namibia has remained deadlocked as the South African Government continues to manipulate the opportunity provided by the decision of the Security Council in its resolution 309 (1972) that requested the Secretary-General to initiate contacts with it. After repeated and patient attempts to probe the South African intention with respect to the political future of Namibia, the Secretary-General has, in his latest report,  confirmed the failure of the South African Government to provide an unambiguous response in regard to the question of granting to the people of Namibia the right of self-determination and independence envisaged under resolution 323 (1972). This South African equivocation comes to us as no surprise since we had nurtured no illusions to begin with about South Africa's true designs and intentions with respect to Namibia. It is our belief that the United Nations must abandon forthwith any false hopes and consider the adoption of other means to extricate the Namibian people from the illegal colonial occupation of South Africa.
124.	The armed struggle now under way in southern Africa as well as in Guinea-Bissau between those who are in legitimate pursuit of their freedom and dignity and those who insist on continuing their colonial and racial domination has reached a new and dangerous level. As the liberation forces intensify their armed struggle to dislodge the oppressors, the colonialists in unholy alliance among themselves have stepped up their vicious and indiscriminate wars of oppression. We believe that the United Nations has a responsibility to assist those who, by fighting for their rights to self-determination and independence, are also fighting for the respect of the principles that are embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. The recognition by the United Nations of the legitimacy of the struggle of colonial peoples must be coupled with the resolve to render not only moral but also material assistance to the liberation struggle, We consider the decision adopted at the last session of the General Assembly to grant observer status to African liberation movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] to be of great political importance to the anti-colonial struggle. In this regard we also consider the convening of a conference in Oslo, Norway, last April in support of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa to be of significance particularly from the point of view of its advantage in creating international public awareness regarding the gravity of the problem prevailing in southern Africa.
125.	That colonialism and racialism have denied Africa peace and tranquillity has now become too obvious a fact. In this connexion I cannot emphasize too much the urgent necessity of effective pressures being exercised on the culprits of southern Africa, particularly by those States Members of this Organization which, by virtue of their close friendship, have the leverage to persuade and prevail upon them to put an end to the wanton killings and mass destruction they are perpetrating in that part of the world.
126.	Since the founding of OAU 10 years ago last May, African States have co-ordinated their efforts in the unremitting struggle against the colonialist-racialist alliance. As a concrete harmonization of African policies to combat effectively the oppressions and injustices which are being perpetrated on African soil, the positive role which is being played by OAU has indeed been significant. The consolidation of the freedom struggle in Africa owes as much to OAU as it does to the sacrifices which the various African national liberation movements themselves are making to liberate their land from ruthless subjugators. To this extent it will be no exaggeration to say that OAU has been complementing United Nations efforts in the sphere of decolonization.
127.	All men of good conscience must realize that the liberation struggle in Africa is essentially a struggle for human rights. As States Members of the United Nations prepare to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, I wonder how much thought will be given to the plight of the peoples of southern Africa who have for long been denied the most rudimentary individual liberties which many of us take for granted.
128.	We note that no progress has been achieved in the past year in the effort to bring peace to another area of potential danger to international stability. I am, of course, referring to the situation in the Middle East, where the task of finding a just and lasting solution to the problem continues to be stalemated. A hazardous state of suspended hostilities has characterized the area ever since the cease-fire agreement went into effect in August 1970. In the meantime, violence and retribution continue to be perpetrated, as what has come to be described as "the Arab- Israeli secret war" assumes new scope and dimensions with its inevitable hazards to those innocent bystanders who are unrelated in any way to the conflict in the Middle East.
129.	On the diplomatic front, the recent broad review conducted by the Security Council of the situation in the Middle East has failed to yield any new direction which might have been pursued in the important search for an acceptable and durable peace in the Middle East.
130.	Because of our close proximity to the area of hostilities, I cannot help but declare our most profound distress at the fact that the quest for peace has become as elusive as ever. Our support for Security Council resolution 242(1967) was prompted by our strong desire to ensure that an acceptable formula was established as a framework for resolving the central issues that have remained at the root of the Arab-Israeli problem. In this context, I wish to refer to the statement made by my august Sovereign, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, at the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries:
"The peoples of that region require a just and lasting peace to realize their human potential and develop the natural resources of the area for the betterment of their lives. As a condition to a lasting solution, we "must call upon Israel to withdraw from the Arab territories she occupied six years ago."
131. Let me now turn briefly to another important issue which, because of its increasingly enormous bearing on world peace, has been of great concern to our Organization ever since its inception. It is universally agreed that among the means of ensuring international peace, one of exceptional importance is that of disarmament. Yet, in spite of this recognition, progress over the years towards the goal of both conventional and nuclear disarmament has become painfully slow. Nevertheless, we note with satisfaction the agreements signed last June between the United States and the USSR on the prevention of nuclear war and the limitation of strategic armaments. The expressed intention of achieving agreement from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks within 18 months is also encouraging.
132.	The hope we expressed last year for an early conclusion of an agreement to ban chemical weapons has not, regrettably, been realized. My Government would like to urge once again that no effort should be spared to reach agreement not only on a comprehensive prohibition of all chemical weapons, but also on a provision to ensure the destruction of the existing arsenal of chemical weapons.

133.	Last August marked the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Moscow11 — a treaty which banned the testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere, on the surface of the ground and under water. It would have been most appropriate if during this anniversary year, it had been possible to eliminate the two defects of the Treaty-firstly, its implicit legitimization of underground nuclear tests and, secondly, the absence of the other nuclear Powers from the roster of the signatories of the Treaty. In this regard, we wish to emphasize the extreme importance of making every effort to prevent any further radioactive defilement of the atmosphere.
134.	The armaments race has proved to be not only a drain on vital resources which could have been employed to improve the quality of life for mankind, but also a paramount reason for the erosion of mutual trust and confidence among States. It has often been stated that it is the balance of terror that has somehow reduced the possibility of a nuclear confrontation among the great Powers. For our part, we should like to see peace assured, not by virtue of a hazardous balance of terror, but by positive and effective measures of disarmament. And, in this regard, no doubt a carefully prepared and properly convened world disarmament conference could be a useful exercise. But, as the experience of the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference has so far shown, the understanding and co-operation of all nuclear weapon States becomes indispensable if any progress is to be registered in the effort to halt and reverse the armaments race.
135.	Among the problems which continue to tax the energy and imagination of our Organization is the area of international economic and social development. The recent review and appraisal of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade has shown that even the modest and agreed targets we had set out to achieve are proving to be extremely difficult if not altogether impossible to attain. The statistics in this regard are, at the very least, discouraging. While of all the developing countries of the world only one third exceeded the over-all target of a 6 per cent annual growth rate in 1972, one half of them could not even register a growth rate of 5 per cent. Indeed, to make matters worse, in about one fifth of the developing countries a decline in per capita income was evident.
136.	The gap between the developed and the developing nations is thus increasing rather than decreasing as had hopefully been anticipated with the launching of the Second Development Decade. That there is a direct correlation between both economic and social development, on the one hand, and international stability, on the other, is a fact which has now become accepted. In view of this, it therefore becomes incumbent upon all members of the international community to renew their solemn commitments to the struggle against the basic economic and social ills impeding the achievement of an improved quality of life for all mankind. In the interdependent world of today we simply cannot afford to falter in our courage to rise up to meet such rudimentary challenges affecting the daily lives and over-all welfare of the human family.
137.	The United Nations, as an international institution dedicated to the service of all mankind, has, over the years, evolved in response to the demand of changing times. We thus see it today grappling increasingly not only with issues of international peace and security — to which it accords high priority-but also with problems of trade, development, outer space, the sea-bed, population, environment and human rights. Many of these are staggering problems whose effects transcend the confines of geography and political ideology. They are problems with wider and, in some instances, global implications. And, as such, they can only be tackled effectively within an integrated international response. I believe that the United Nations has the basic institutional set-up needed to facilitate such an international co-operative endeavour. Obviously the United Nations can be improved institutionally to better meet the challenges of contemporary times.
138.	But it is no use to decry ,the United Nations for failing in this or that sphere of endeavour while we ourselves fail to live up to the commitments voluntarily assumed by the fact of our membership in this Organization. If the United Nations has failed to meet many of the expectations of international public opinion it is because its components-the States that comprise its membership- have been unwilling to give it all the support and co-operation it needs in the discharge if the tasks entrusted to it. And if it is at all possible to affix blame to any single factor for the ills of the United Nations, it can perhaps be ascribed to the general paralysis of the political will of the membership.
139.	That the world needs an effective and strengthened United Nations is a fact that no one can controvert. Let us therefore make this recognition our point of departure and resolve to rededicate ourselves not only to the letter but also to the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations so that the world will be a secure and better place to live in for present as well as future generations of mankind.