My country is most happy to
welcome South Sudan as a member of the United
Nations family. I now seek the permission of the
Members to speak on the subject of happiness.
 Since joining the United Nations 41 years ago,
Bhutan has always maintained a long-term and broad
perspective on the purpose of this great Organization,
which is to create a secure and harmonious society. But
in the many times that I have participated in the United
Nations General Assembly over the last 25 years, I
cannot recall a session that gave me reason for hope for
the future of humanity, except once. That was when the
cold war came to a thundering halt, and a euphoric
world saw it as the dawn of a new era. I was then a
young ambassador excited by the prospects of peace
dividends. Instead, what followed was a sense of
betrayal and disillusionment, as the world became ever
more divided and insecure.
 We gather before this high podium, year after
year, and make of this annual gathering a mournful
event. We speak of what ought to be, of promises
broken and opportunities lost. We speak of endless
conflicts within and among nations, of the failures of
Governments, of frequent and devastating disasters, of
diminishing resources and fierce competition for their
control, of dying ecosystems and new threatening
diseases and epidemics, and of financial calamities and
economic ruin. We speak of rising unemployment,
hopeless poverty, hunger and destitution. And of
course, we talk of solutions.
 Lacking the political will and, indeed, clarity of
vision, we deny with clever arguments what we know
to be the cause of our predicaments. So we go on doing

35 11-51185

what is irrational. We continue to acquire arms to
prevent war; answer climate change with more harmful
emissions; race to extract, produce and consume more
in the face of depleting resources; fuel faltering
economies with debt and greed; and enable the wealthy
to widen the deep crevasses that separate the rich from
the poor. We idealize individualism as family and
community crumble amid rising social dislocation,
crime, mental illness, loneliness and suicide.
 For too long, we have ignored the truth that the
causes of all those problems are interrelated and that
durable remedies must be found through a rational and
holistic approach. For too long, we have refused to
accept that economic models focused on gross
domestic product have served their useful purpose and
that we need to switch tracks. Guided by the misbelief
that life satisfaction is about material pursuit and
accumulation and that good economics is about
limitless growth, our economic development processes
have created the monster of a consumerist market
economy.
 However, the market gives no satisfaction. It
enslaves humanity and thrives on the insatiable nature
of our greed. As slaves, our value as individuals and
nations is measured by the extent of our economic
productivity and consumption capacity. That sad
transformation, from humans into voracious beasts,
comes at the cost of our physical, psychological and
spiritual well-being. It is destroying our natural life-
support systems and threatening our long-term
survival. But that need not be so.
 Humankind is in need of a clear vision that
transcends the diversity of our cultures, thoughts and
circumstances and binds us to a common pursuit. We
need a different development paradigm that is guided
by a vision that is holistic, sustainable, inclusive and
humane. Such a vision can take civilization forward
and enable it to sustain the progress that it has created
and must continue to make.
 It is therefore with a great sense of joy that my
country welcomed resolution 65/309, entitled
“Happiness: towards a holistic approach to
development”. Introduced by Bhutan and sponsored by
68 Member States, it was adopted unanimously without
a vote in July. Through that resolution, Member States
adopted a universal goal, while acknowledging the
limitations of our conventional development processes.
It commits our nations to creating the necessary
political, social and economic conditions to enable the
pursuit of happiness by citizens within a stable
environment.
 My delegation is of the firm conviction that
happiness or well-being, as it is promoted in my
country, would be against a well-developed set of
indices, a natural progression from the Millennium
Development Goals, which aim to establish the
minimum conditions for human survival and the basis
for development. It is, indeed, a universal value that
binds the rich and the poor, and the developed and the
developing, and articulates the ultimate purpose of life.
It is about making true societal progress in ways that
are meaningful, joyful and lasting.
 In that regard, I am happy to report that my
Government, in collaboration with the United Nations
Development Programme, the Earth Institute of
Columbia University and leading scientists and
thinkers on the science and economics of happiness,
are working in concert to prepare the panel discussion
stipulated by the resolution. Proposed to be held in
New York in the spring of 2012 before the United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, the
meeting will endeavour to present to Member States a
set of policy recommendations in their pursuit of
happiness as they work in harmonious collaboration
with each other with a shared and clear sense of
purpose. We look forward to Members’ participation in
that meeting.
 My delegation remains fully committed to the
promotion of a sustainable and progressive human
civilization within a peaceful and secure environment.
To that happy end, Bhutan is prepared to share its
experience and the modest development achievements
made with the support of our generous partners. Our
attempts to promote equitable and sustainable social
economic growth are bearing fruit within a rich
biodiversity that includes a forest cover that has
expanded from 64 per cent to 81 per cent in four
decades. Today, Bhutan is the only country that has
pledged to remain carbon neutral forever. Our social
and cultural values remain vital, even as we embrace
globalization and its many offerings. We have
successfully and smoothly transited from an absolute
monarchy to a fully fledged and vibrant democracy.
 For those reasons and out of a sense of duty and
obligation, my country aspires to serve as a non-permanent
member on the Security Council for the biennium

11-51185 36

2013-2014. Having been a member of the United
Nations for 41 years and never having served on the
Council, while having fully enjoyed the benefits of
membership, we wish to contribute as a small State for
small States. We believe that we can bring to the
Security Council a fresh and holistic perspective on
peace and security beyond its narrow confines and
open it to new and innovative approaches to fulfilling
its important mandate. My country is of the firm belief
that maintaining peace and security is not only about
preventing war. It is about recognizing and forging the
will to deal with all forms of threat to the survival,
progress and happiness of human society.
 Yes, I speak of a dream, but it is possible. As
leaders and representatives of our peoples, we must
dare to dream and find the courage and determination
to pursue the highest of ideals. That is how happiness
is to be fashioned. Blessings and good luck!
 My country prays for Members’ support to give
Bhutan an opportunity to contribute to the realization
of shared dreams. I wish participants happiness.


After
three years of political crisis and a three-year absence,
Madagascar is proud today to resume its place here in
the community of nations. On behalf of my fellow
countrymen, I am particularly honoured to participate
in this general debate under the theme “The role of
mediation in the settlements of disputes by peaceful
means”.
 The successive crises around the world, most
recently in North Africa, demonstrate the importance
and relevance of that theme. Madagascar has been
through one itself, and it has just taken a major step
forward thanks to the help of international mediation,
which has allowed the Malagasy to reach a promising
consensus.
 I also wish to pay a sincere tribute to the late Dag
Hammarskjöld, the former Secretary-General of this
great Organization, a pioneer of preventive diplomacy
and an architect of the concept of peacekeeping, as we
mark the fiftieth anniversary of his tragic passing.
During his tenure, he worked tirelessly to solidify the
legitimacy of the United Nations in the peaceful
resolution of international disputes. Now again, we
owe him a great debt for the universal recognition of
the virtues of mediation in resolving tensions and even
conflicts.
 We have just commemorated the tragic events of
11 September 2001, which shook the city of New York
and indeed the whole world. It is also 10 years since
the United Nations Year of Dialogue among
Civilizations, during which the dialogue of cultures
and the culture of dialogue were promoted on the
international stage in order to combat the clash of
civilizations.
 When we speak of conflicts, we have in mind two
different ideologies that do not uphold the same values.
That can mean two countries, two regions or even a
Government and its people. In the last case, when one
no longer respects the other it triggers a popular
uprising that ends in a conflict, leading to a crisis;
hence, the importance of the role of mediation in
settling disputes through peaceful means.

11-51191 32

 In that regard, any mediation should collate first-
hand information. It should see for itself the realities
prevailing on the ground in a conflict before proposing
a solution that would be lasting and acceptable to all.
 History has shown that the excessive acts of a
leader who resorts to force have serious repercussions
for his country that can lead it into chaos and cost the
lives of dozens, hundreds, or even thousands of
innocent people. It is an entire people who,
unfortunately, suffer the grave consequences. This
occurs because true solutions are often too slow in
coming, plunging a large segment of humankind into
poverty, since we must respond to suffering, anguish
and despair. We want to change and we will change.
 To better illustrate my words, allow me to speak
of the case of my country, Madagascar. Everyone here
knows as well as I do that the island of Madagascar has
been in political crisis since late 2008. The Malagasy
people rose up with determination to break with a past
marked by poor governance and non-respect for
democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law
that gave rise to widespread impoverishment,
unbearable and inescapable social poverty, and the
growing frustration of the majority of my countrymen.
The Malagasy people therefore demanded a better life
and genuine change, with strengthened respect for
universal principles.
 When the search for a solution to the crisis turned
to the principle of consensual and inclusive
management of transition, and when that consensus
proved difficult to reach, commendable mediation
efforts among the Malagasy protagonists were made by
local civil society organizations, the bilateral and
regional partners of the big island, and the international
community.
 I permit myself to mention here and to strongly
commend the untiring and patient efforts of the
mediation team of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC), a regional body mandated by the
African Union, as well as the determined initiatives of
other entities, such as the United Nations, the
International Organization of la Francophonie and the
Indian Ocean Commission. The involvement of these
and all actors concerned in the mediation was critical
in responding with effectiveness and pragmatism
commensurate with the emergency and in meeting the
vital needs of the Malagasy people and economy,
which could and would have been weakened if the
crisis and the negotiations had lasted any longer.
 The Malagasy people were patient and showed
unprecedented and exemplary courage in the peaceful
settlement of the political crisis, despite all the
economic and social restrictions, as well as the absence
of international aid that it has suffered for the past
three years. The post-crisis road map for Madagascar,
proposed by SADC mediation, was initialled on
9 March and signed by the political factions
representing the vast majority of Malagasy
stakeholders on 17 September. The great political
Malagasy family is now determined to move forward
and to work together in the overall interest of the
nation for the well-being, peace and serenity of the
entire people.
 An extremely important threshold has just been
crossed, but there is still much work to be done. Now,
we must focus primarily on the implementation of the
provisions of the road map, with full respect for the
people’s primary aspirations, leading towards the
holding of free, credible, fair and transparent elections.
That, in my opinion, is the only definitive solution to
the crisis ensuring a return to constitutional normality.
 We have finally managed to reach a consensus
agreement, reflected in the sense of compromise of
which we are particularly proud, based as it is in the
inherent culture of Fihavanana — a notion of social
life that has guided the Malagasy people since the
dawn of time and that can be boiled down to the
principles of fraternity, solidarity, mutual respect,
tolerance and wisdom. We have thereby expressed our
resolve to move forward towards the reconstruction
and development of our society.
 For my part, I will spare no effort and will do my
utmost to ensure that these actions achieve the
anticipated results and are rapidly crowned with
success. I therefore launch a solemn appeal to the
international community to make the needed individual
and collective contribution to their implementation. In
particular, I draw the attention of the United Nations to
the work that it must undertake in assessing
Madagascar’s electoral needs so that an electoral
timeframe, drawn up in a credible, neutral, transparent
and independent way and based on respect for
fundamental rights and international standards, can be
established as soon as possible.
 History teaches us that, even following the use of
force, all wars and conflicts always end around a table.
That clearly shows that mediation can be chosen as an
alternative to weapons. We are opposed to the use of
any form of repression whatsoever. It is entirely

33 11-51191

possible to resolve differences by peaceful means, as in
the case for Madagascar, by resorting to a more
effective method, such as dialogue.
 The world is evolving. The world is changing,
and all of us leaders here want a better world for our
respective peoples. Yes, it is possible, and we can do it.


First of all, I would like to
congratulate Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-sixth session. I am confident that his able
leadership will lead this session to a successful result.
My congratulations also go to the Republic of South
Sudan on its admission to the United Nations.
 This year marks the twentieth year of
membership of the Democratic People’s Republic of

11 11-51681

Korea in the United Nations. Our country joined the
United Nations as a result of its desire to defend world
peace and achieve mankind’s common prosperity,
working together with all United Nations Members.
Since that time, the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea has remained faithful to the purposes and
principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as it
had pledged.
 However, given the present status of international
relations, the logic of power and highhanded politics
has become all the more obvious, thus negating the
principle of sovereign equality, despite the efforts and
desires of the United Nations Member States. A few
countries are involved in interference in internal affairs
and the use of force against sovereign States in an
attempt to dominate regions where they feel they have
strategic interests under the pretext of protecting
civilians and defending peace.
 Regrettably, the United Nations has been misused
in this process. International law and order have been
violated and undermined by the arbitrary and high-
handed acts of some major Powers. Given that current
reality Member States should reaffirm the principle of
defending peace and sovereign equality as enshrined in
the Charter of the United Nations, and speed up the
process of reform of the United Nations, including
enhancing the power of the General Assembly.
 A long time ago, the General Assembly adopted
resolutions on dismantling the United Nations
Command in Korea and putting an end to the United
States blockade against Cuba, which have not been
implemented so far. This is just a random example that
highlights the urgent need to enhance the authority of
the General Assembly. To enhance the authority of the
General Assembly it is urgently necessary to put in
place a mechanism whereby Security Council
resolutions related to peace and security, such as those
on sanctions and the use of force, are subject to the
approval of the General Assembly before they take
effect.
 Two other areas where the prevailing logic of
power in international relations can clearly be seen are
the Third Committee of the General Assembly and the
Human Rights Council. Though it is said that reform is
intended to put an end to politicization, selectivity and
double standards in dealing with human rights issues,
there still remains the prevailing reality whereby
specific countries are selected for discussion of their
human rights situations, while other major human
rights violators are simply passed over in silence, all in
accordance with the political objectives and interests of
the West and the criteria of Western values. It is our
view that the reform process of the human rights
bodies should be intensified, so as to enhance the
system that seeks to ensure genuine freedoms and
rights for the people of all countries, and respect for
their diverse histories, cultures, ideas and systems.
 Meanwhile, some progress has been made in the
field of sustainable development, one of the three goals
set by the United Nations for the last two decades
following the Rio Declaration on Environment and
Development. However, we are still faced with
tremendous challenges.
 We consider that the United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development to be held in 2012 should
take practical steps towards the creation of a peaceful
environment for development, the establishment of fair
international economic and trade relations, the removal
of sanctions, the implementation of official
development assistance commitments, the transfer of
environmentally friendly technology and increased
financial assistance to developing countries.
 It is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people
to live free of the Israeli occupation and to create an
independent State of their own. It is also an obligation
of the international community to admit Palestine as a
full-fledged United Nations Member State. The
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea recognized
Palestine as a State in 1988 and we support its
admission to the United Nations. We believe that the
aspirations of the Palestine people will be translated
into a reality.
 Today in the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea, a general campaign is on in full swing to build a
powerful State, under the wise leadership of the great
General Kim Jong Il. The Government of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is
concentrating all its resources on economic
development, with a main emphasis on significantly
improving the people’s livelihood. We are achieving
unprecedented and remarkable success. Our economic
development in the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea will make a meaningful contribution to the
efforts of the international community to foster
regional development and to attain the Millennium
Development Goals.

11-51681 12

 In that context, a stable and peaceful environment
is a vital prerequisite for the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea and its people today in their struggle
for economic development. To our regret, however, the
Korean peninsula does not yet have with a lasting and
stable peace mechanism. The national division imposed
by outside forces and the fragile armistice that leaves
us in a state of neither war nor peace have now been in
place for more than half a century. That is the stark
reality of the Korean peninsula.
 Despite the unanimous aspirations and desires of
all the people at home and abroad who want peace and
stability, the arms build-up and nuclear war exercises
continue to be staged one after another against the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in and around
the Korean peninsula. Because of that, there is a
constant recurrence of a dangerous situation on the
Korean peninsula, which is often driven to a brink of
war.
 The prevailing situation not only poses a grave
threat to the sovereignty and security of our Republic
but also obstructs the efforts of our people to achieve
peaceful development. Had it not been for the Songun
ideology implemented by the great leader of our
people, General Kim Jong Il, and had it not been for
our powerful war deterrent, the Korean peninsula
would have been turned into a theatre of war scores of
times and our peaceful economic development would
have been unimaginable.
 The Government of the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea remains consistent in its stand to
secure peace and stability and move towards the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula through
dialogue and negotiation. The present circumstances of
the Korean peninsula require all parties concerned to
seize the opportunity for dialogue and take courageous
decisions to act boldly on solving the fundamental
issues.
 The continued existence of the tense situation on
the Korean peninsula is attributable to the hostile
relations between the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the United States, which give rise to
mistrust and confrontation. As long as hostility exists
between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
and the United States, with the parties to the Military
Armistice Agreement levelling guns at each other,
mistrust and confrontation will not dissipate and the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula will not be
possible.
 It was with that in mind that the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea proposed again last year to
hold talks for replacing the Armistice Agreement with
a peace agreement. The signing of a peace agreement
as part of implementing resolution 3390 (XXX),
adopted at the thirtieth session of the General
Assembly in 1975, would be the most effective
confidence-building measure towards alleviating the
mistrust between the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the United States, and would further serve
as a driving force for ensuring the denuclearization of
the Korean peninsula.
 Denuclearization of the whole Korean peninsula
was the last instruction given by the great leader of the
Korean people, President Kim Il Sung. The
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula specified in
the Joint Statement of 19 September 2005 is a process
of turning the whole Korean peninsula into a nuclear-
free zone based on complete removal in a verifiable
manner of the actual nuclear threat to the Korean
peninsula from the outside.
 The issue of denuclearizing the Korean peninsula
originated, for all intents and purposes, from the
hostile policy and nuclear war threats of the United
States against the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea. Such being the case, the United States is the
main party that is responsible for and capable of
removing the root cause of the problem. The nuclear
issue would never have been raised at all, if the United
States had refrained from deploying nuclear weapons
in the Korean peninsula and threatening the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea with nuclear
arms.
 Under the present circumstances, in which the
Korean peninsula stands at the crossroad of either a
relaxation of tension or a continuation of the vicious
cycle of aggravation of tension, the United States
should boldly abandon its hostile policy against the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and move
towards full-fledged dialogue, proceeding from its
long-term strategic vision. The Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea will make strenuous efforts in the
future as well to establish a durable and lasting peace
mechanism on the Korean peninsula and will continue
to cooperate with all parties concerned for
unconditional resumption of the Six-Party Talks.

13 11-51681

 Inter-Korean relations have been developing
favourably on the Korean peninsula since the
publication of the June 15 North-South Joint
Declaration. However, it is extremely unfortunate that
North-South relations have now been aggravated to
their worst state ever, with a widespread atmosphere of
warmongering and confrontation with fellow
countrymen, after the current South Korean authorities
took office. There is a serious problem behind all that,
the issue of fundamental contradictions and antagonism
in the approach towards the reunification of the Korean
peninsula.
 Different ideas and systems exist now in the
North and the South of Korea. Given that reality, the
choice of method of reunification is itself a vital issue
that will lead either to national reunification or to
national disaster. The North and the South of Korea,
through the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration of
2000, recognized that there is common ground in the
federal formula proposed by the North and the
confederal one proposed by the South for reunification,
and agreed to orient the reunification along this
direction in the future.
 That agreement between the North and the South
enjoyed warm support and was welcomed by our
fellow countrymen and the international community,
including the United Nations. But the present South
Korean authorities reneged on the June 15 North-South
Joint Declaration on the agreed reunification method
and came up with what they called the theory of
unification through absorption, which presupposes the
collapse of the other party, and thus put inter-Korean
relations into a phase of touch-and-go confrontation
and increased the danger of war with each passing day.
 In view of the prevailing reality of the Korean
peninsula, the so called unification through absorption
is a road to war, whereas the federal formula is a road
to peace. The federal formula is a realistic proposal for
reunification premised on coexistence and the best
possible method of reunification able to prevent war. It
is also a reasonable proposal for reunification that
accords with the interests of the region and the
neighbouring countries, as it presupposes the neutrality
of the reunified State.
 If the present South Korean authorities truly want
to see the relaxation of tensions in the Korean
peninsula and an improvement in inter-Korean
relations, they should abandon their confrontational
attitude against peace and reunification and switch over
to a policy of respecting and fully implementing the
15 June Joint Declaration and 4 October Declaration,
agreed at the summit level between the North and the
South.
 The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will,
in the future, further strengthen and develop friendly
and cooperative relations with all United Nations
Member States, in accordance with its foreign policy
principles of independence, peace and friendship, and
will do its level best to defend peace and security in the
Korean peninsula and in the rest of the world and to
promote joint development and the common prosperity
of all humankind.


It is with great pleasure
that I congratulate His Excellency Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of the
presidency. I must also congratulate His Excellency
Mr. Ban Ki-moon warmly on his reappointment as
Secretary-General and we look forward to working
with him constructively.
 As we gather here today, it is appropriate to
reflect on the values and ideals that inspire the United
Nations system. One of the principal attributes is the
spirit of flexibility, which has always been a feature of
the United Nations. We must acknowledge the need for
that spirit of openness and adaptability today more than
at any other time. That is because the foundations of
the world order are being transformed dramatically and
fundamentally. At the heart of those changes is the
need to protect the smaller countries in the developing
world and to advance their interests vigorously.
 In the midst of uncertainty there are some things
that must remain constant. They reflect our most
cherished beliefs and convictions. Despite repeated
references in this Assembly by many member countries
to the right of the Palestinian people to a State of their
own within secure borders, we still have not been able
to make it a reality. It is a cause of profound
disappointment that this has not yet happened. There is
a window of opportunity now and we must make use of
it before it is too late. It is time for decisive action
rather than more discussion. That will be in the interest
of the security and well-being of the entire region,
including Israel.
 The need for sustained support for the countries
of the African continent at this critical time is also
worthy of mention. It is important to remind ourselves
that every country cherishes the values, traditions and
deeply held religious convictions it has nurtured over
the centuries. They cannot be diluted or distorted under
the guise of human rights by the imposition of attitudes
or approaches that are characteristics of alien cultures.
If that were to be done, it would amount to a violation
of human rights in a fundamental sense. It must also be
pointed out that, even where sanctions are imposed,
extreme care has to be taken to ensure that the people
at large, men, women and children yet to be born, are
not harmed by such action. I would also express once
again my solidarity with the people of Cuba and wish
them all success.
 While the clash of ideas, opinions and values
continues, we have clearly to recognize that dialogue,
deliberation and consensus offer the only viable means
for resolving differences. The might of powerful
nations cannot prevail against justice and fair play. In
the troubled times in which we live we can derive
guidance from the wise words of Gautama the Buddha,
who advised the Lichchhavi Princes, whose energies
were being consumed by bitter disputes among them,

15 11-51185

that the way forward consisted of meeting, discussing
and departing in an atmosphere of amity and goodwill.
That represents the essential spirit of the United
Nations and is particularly relevant today.
 The most significant challenge to stability and
progress in the modern world is posed by the menace
of terrorism. Recent experience the world over amply
demonstrates that inconsistent standards and
discriminatory approaches can unintentionally give a
fresh lease of life to the forces of terror. An explicit
and uniform response that refuses to recognize political
shades of terrorism is required.
 Terrorism presents a threat from which not even
the wealthiest and most powerful nations are immune.
It must be remembered also that terrorist groups
frequently operate under the guise of front
organizations. Conferring legitimacy on such
organizations has had the inevitable effect of providing
comfort and encouragement to the merchants of terror.
As the leader of a nation that has paid a heavy price
because of terrorism over a quarter of a century, I
underline that we must firmly resolve to rid the world
of terrorism. We need to have solid, practical action on
the ground and send out our collective message on this
issue loud and clear and universally.
 The interests of the developing world need to be
protected in another significant respect. It is vitally
important to insist that the structures and procedures of
multilateral organizations should be uniform and
consistent and devoid of discrimination. My country
has reason for concern at approaches tainted by an
unacceptable degree of selectivity, which we brought to
the notice of such organizations in recent weeks. The
developing world must keep a vigil against such
irregular modalities, which should be resisted through
our collective strength. Today, after three decades of
pain and anguish, Sri Lankans of all ethnicities, living
in all parts of Sri Lanka, are free from the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam terror and no longer live in a
state of fear. However, I am deeply mindful that the
battle for peace is every bit as important and difficult
as the struggle against terror. After the eradication of
terrorism, my Government turned its undivided
attention to building anew the foundations of a unified
and vibrant nation, drawing upon the inherent strengths
of our country and in particular the unique calibre of
our human potential.
 It is justifiable for us to be proud of our nation’s
achievements during the brief span of the 30 months
since the beginning of the post-conflict phase. The
resettlement of more than 95 per cent of the internally
displaced persons, who constituted the largest number
of civilians forcibly held by a terrorist group at any
time, while continuing even today to clear the mines
laid by terrorists in extensive areas, is an achievement
of which we can be proud. Today in the Northern
Province our armed forces are engaged in the
development of the infrastructure that was destroyed
by the terrorists during a period of three decades.
Contrary to malicious propaganda the numbers of
armed forces personnel present in the Northern
Province has been kept at a minimal level. Revival of
the economy has enhanced incomes and improved
livelihoods. Ex-combatants and other cadres, after
exposure to programmes of vocational training and
counselling, have been reintegrated into society. The
electoral process has been restored after decades,
making possible the emergence of a democratic
leadership.
 These are among our valued accomplishments.
The remarkable growth of 22 per cent of the economy
of the Northern Province is a clear indication of the
success achieved by the Government’s initiatives with
regard to development in that part of the country. The
gross domestic product growth of the country has been
consistent at 8 per cent, and unemployment is at a
record low of 4.5 per cent. It is also worthy of mention
that, in the assessment by the World Economic Forum
in its Global Competitiveness Report for 2011-2012,
Sri Lanka shows dramatic improvement, moving up to
fifty-second from their rank of seventy-ninth over a
span of two years. It is worthy of note that all these
developments have taken place within the brief space
of 30 months — an achievement all the more
significant because of our strong emphasis on
reconciliation. Important as economic development is,
we have attached the highest priority to fostering the
spirit of inclusivity and removing any remnants of
bitterness from the hearts and minds of all our people.
Over the past 30 months we have recruited 669 Tamil
police officers, bringing the total number of Tamil
officers to 1,143, while plans are afoot to recruit more
this year and in the future. After more than two decades
a census is being conducted in the Northern Province
as part of the national census, to provide a firm basis
for our initiatives.

11-51185 16

 As a result of these achievements, what we see in
Sri Lanka today is a self-reliant nation with robust
hopes for the future and a strong economy,
strengthened by inward investment flows,
unprecedented expansion of tourism, and significant
growth in volume of international trade. With a view to
consolidating these trends and leaving behind us the
trauma of the past, we ask of the international
community the hand of friendship and goodwill, based
on an understanding of our nation’s determination to
confront with courage the challenge of a new era in our
history. We ask our friends in distant lands to drop
preconceived notions. We strongly believe in home-
grown solutions for them to be sustainable. It is clearly
impractical to conceive of universal remedies for
problems that afflict our societies. My country, as it
comes out of the darkness of the past three decades
into the light and promise of the future, must be
afforded the time and space to seek its destiny in
accordance with the wishes of its people. That is in
keeping with the values enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations and the whole body of international law
that governs us.
 A further consideration that the international
community should take into account is the
vulnerability of developing nations, and it should make
provision by means of appropriate institutional
arrangements for their protection. As I observed when
inaugurating the fiftieth anniversary meeting of the
Asian-African Legal Consultative Organization in
Colombo three months ago, the dumping of
commercial and industrial goods manufactured in
developed countries imperils the economies of many
Asian and African countries represented here.
 In conclusion, let me say that the use of
substantial subsidies by treasuries and reserve banks to
support agricultural production in the developed world,
and other forms of protectionism, cause a serious
distortion in the interplay of market forces and greatly
reduce the ability of farmers in many developing
countries to access international markets for their
export products on an equitable basis. The
disproportionate pollution of the environment by
industrialized countries and the resultant impact on
global warming and climate change cannot be
remedied with any semblance of justice by imposing
harsh restraints on developing countries, which have
contributed very little to aggravate the problem. These
circumstances heighten the importance of social equity
at the international level.
 May the Noble Triple Gem bless you all.


At the
outset, I would like to cordially congratulate Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of the State of Qatar on his
election to the post of President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. I assure him of our
full support for his endeavours in that capacity.
 I am honoured to speak on behalf of my country
at this session of the General Assembly and to be able
to address in this historic place representatives of all
the countries of the world. Our participation at this
session is also an opportunity for dialogue, a chance to
get acquainted with the problems of nations from
different regions of the world and to learn about their
achievements and aspirations — and also their
concerns and fears. It is an opportunity for reflection
on how to deal with the challenges faced by
humankind — by all of us.
 I speak here on behalf of a country that over the
past two decades has become a symbol of positive
change — change that required courage and hard work.
At the time of the collapse of the communist system,
Poland was a country with a devastated State economy
and an impoverished society. It was a country uncertain
of its borders and its place in Europe. Thanks to deep
economic and political transformations, Poland has
become a country that enjoys stable democracy and a
dynamic economy. It has become a country that makes
an important contribution to international relations in
Europe and to security and stability in its immediate
environment and beyond.
 Since 2008, in the course of the financial crisis,
the Polish economy has maintained a positive growth
rate. It is the only country in the European Union to do
so. That was possible thanks to the work and the
entrepreneurial spirit of the Polish people and thanks to
successive Governments’ courage in making difficult
decisions.
 In its foreign policy, Poland is building good-
neighbourly relations with the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe, strengthening the security and unity of
Europe. A hallmark of Polish foreign policy remains its
solidarity with nations that aspire to live in freedom
based on democracy and respect for human rights. That

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is an obligation derived from our national experience,
the experience of the non-violent struggle of the
Solidarity trade union, which paved the way for
democratic and economic transitions in the countries of
the former communist bloc.
 We now stand ready to share our experience. That
is our active and consistent approach in relation to the
societies of Eastern Europe and, recently, in relation to
the societies of Arab States, some of which have taken
up a challenge similar to ours 20 years ago. We wish
them luck, perseverance and courage, not only to fight
for change but also to conduct dialogue and
communicate with all those who can take part in this
process. From our Polish experience we know that
sometimes the inability to communicate and reach
compromises and to overcome internal divisions — the
inability to open oneself to dialogue with those who
just recently were seen as enemies — hinders progress
and can cause the failure of movements initiating
major, necessary changes.
 Today I speak on behalf of the country that holds
the presidency of the Council of the European Union
(EU). The Union has become in recent decades a
laboratory of huge positive developments in
international life. The beginning of the integration
process, with the creation of the European Coal and
Steel Community 60 years ago, was a Copernican
revolution in international relations. A mechanism to
effectively eliminate war between countries that
seemed to be permanently in conflict with each other
was successfully introduced. Archenemies have
become irreplaceable friends. The number of countries
that have opted for cooperation rather than conflict has
been steadily growing.
 That has given Europe an unprecedented long
period of peace and enabled economic and social
development not only in the sphere of the market but
also in the field of human rights and in equalizing the
levels of development. The European Union provides
its members with security, stimulates their
development and provides assistance to less developed
regions and social groups. That is possible thanks to a
principle of solidarity that goes beyond State borders.
 The European Union has introduced a new
quality to international life globally. It stabilizes its
neighbourhood and is an inspiration and a role model
in various regions of the world, where integration
initiatives derive from the European experience. The
European Union is also an active participant in the
process of shaping a better world order for everyone.
The progress that the world has experienced after the
Cold War in the fields of human rights, international
security and arms reductions, environmental
protection, sustainable development and many other
areas is for the most part due to the initiatives and
involvement of the European Union — as Mr. Herman
Van Rompuy, the President of the European Council,
said here earlier (see ).
 I am convinced that not only will Europe’s
current difficulties — at the moment related to the
financial standing of some of its member States — be
overcome but that the EU will actually emerge stronger
from the crisis. I am also convinced that the European
social model and the model of EU relations with the
outside world will remain an important point of
reference for other regions of the world. Poland, which
currently holds the presidency of the Council of the
European Union, will spare no effort in ensuring that
Europe remains committed to global affairs and can be
counted on, as always. Europe’s solidarity with the
world and its openness will remain our priority.
 The challenges facing the international
community are considerable. The past decade in
international life has been turbulent and difficult. Its
beginning was marked by the tragic terrorist attacks
here in New York, on 11 September 2001. The spectre
of global terrorism has hung over the world, in the fear
that terrorist organizations one day may make use of a
weapon of mass destruction. Fortunately, our worst
fears have not materialized and it has been possible to
significantly reduce the terrorist threat.
 At the same time, the atmosphere of the war on
terror has been a hindrance to fostering trust,
strengthening international stability and solving other
important problems. In the past decade we have had to
deal with increasing tensions between rich and poor,
and between more and less developed countries and
regions of the world. There have been signs of cross-
cultural mistrust. Climate change negotiations, the new
World Trade Organization (WTO) trade round and
non-proliferation discussions are stalled. The Middle
East peace process is not advancing. In addition to
those negative trends, the international community was
hit by the financial crisis in September 2008.
 We cannot ignore these disturbing phenomena
and signals. Nonetheless, there is good reason to be

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optimistic and to believe that we can overcome
difficulties and effectively face challenges. Hopes have
been engendered by the economic growth that has been
seen in many countries and regions that were once
referred to as underdeveloped countries or the third
world. Many countries have been able to seize the
opportunities made available by globalization and give
their societies prospects for development and
prosperity. The responsible attitude of many
Governments, within the Group of 20 and beyond,
prevented the financial turbulence of 2008 from
escalating into an economic crisis similar to the Great
Depression of 1929. Openness and interdependence
prevailed over protectionism and economic
nationalism. President Barack Obama’s initiatives to
reduce nuclear arms and ensure their non-proliferation
should be viewed in a similar manner.
 The Arab Spring, notwithstanding the dramatic
events surrounding it, is yet another step in the
transition of countries in various regions of the world
towards democracy and the empowerment of
individuals and societies on the basis of respect for
their aspirations to live in freedom and prosperity.
These are aspirations to a life that is in harmony with
values and standards that are not — as they were
considered to be until recently — exclusively Western.
Everyone, everywhere, is entitled to embrace those
values; however, it is necessary to respect the local
aspects and dimensions of these aspirations and rights,
which cannot be separated from their cultural context.
 The path to solving key global problems
inevitably leads us to the United Nations or its
specialized agencies. Not so long ago we faced the risk
of a marginalizing of the United Nations, or even the
building of parallel structures. The United Nations,
however, remains indispensable in its role, as defined
in the Charter and the main United Nations documents,
especially those from the years 2000 and 2005. We in
Poland combine optimism with realism, so we like the
description of the United Nations that says that our
Organization was not created to take mankind to
heaven, but to save humanity from hell.
 The Organization faces many tasks, whose aim is
to protect the international community against crises
and a decline at the international level. The United
Nations must defend the already achieved level of
civilized relations among nations, a key factor of which
is the move away from violence towards the self-
determination of nations, democracy and material
prosperity.
 I see the main tasks of the Organization as falling
within the framework adopted in the 2005 World
Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1), which focused on
the triad of development, security and human rights. I
am aware of the complexity and extent of the problems
related to development, which encompass the issues of
trade, finance, economic growth, environmental
protection and development aid. I am aware of the
limitations of the United Nations in this area, where the
main instruments are in the hands of private entities —
corporations, banks, stock exchanges and investment
funds. The United Nations and its specialized agencies,
the Bretton Woods institutions and others have proved
in the past how useful they are in this area.
 Today our Organization must ensure the effective
provision of aid to the poorest and to those in real
need. They are the ones that are hardest hit by the
crisis. Our responsibility is to limit the scourge of
hunger in the world and help in combating pandemics
and in providing access to drinking water. Without
ensuring a minimal subsistence level for people, as
well as health care and basic education, it is difficult to
expect the poorest and those in real need to begin to
fend for themselves.
 We must agree on a new paradigm for global
economic trade. Global equilibrium requires that States
with a high surplus of exports over imports begin to
switch to growth, stimulated by internal consumption.
Incidentally, it was domestic demand that saved Poland
from the economic crisis following 2008. If we fail to
balance the relationship between these two groups of
economies — export- and import-oriented — there will
be more turbulence in the global system. Developing
countries must increasingly take responsibility for the
global economy. This includes responsibility for the
least developed countries, which cannot be limited to
imports, as this prevents the development of their own
manufacturing and export potential. United Nations
agencies and entities not related to the Organization,
such as the WTO, must assist in the evolution of this
paradigm.
 The issue of international security, in both its
broader and narrower senses, requires a new approach.
Here I shall confine myself to the latter. Poland has a
strong interest in progress in the reduction of nuclear
and conventional arms. We are concerned about the

11-50871 4

prospect of returning to the arms race, as well as by the
increase in spending on armaments on a global scale.
More attention should be paid to the categories of
weapons that today account for the most deaths. They
cause conflicts, mainly internal, and they are the main
factors of instability in various regions of the world. It
is from that perspective that we should reform the
United Nations Conference on Disarmament. We fully
support the efforts of the Secretary-General to that end.
 Security in a broad sense and respect for human
rights and the various forms of a transition towards
democracy, that is, ultimately building a lasting peace,
depends on the ability to communicate, to negotiate
and to compromise. In that respect, the role of the
United Nations is irreplaceable. The United Nations
has been, is and must remain the main forum and
instrument for international mediation. We in Poland
and Europe know from our own experience the value
of this way of resolving difficult social and political
problems. The Polish round table of 1989 paved the
way for transformation in our part of Europe. I am
convinced of its usefulness in the process of the Arab
Spring, particularly with respect to the difficult
situation that arose in Syria, a country of great Islamic
culture and tradition. We are ready to share this
experience with the societies that would like to do so.
Mediation is an irreplaceable way to achieve lasting
and just peace.
 This also applies to solving very difficult
problems in the relations between Israel and its
neighbours, especially with the Palestinian Authority. I
urge the United Nations and the Secretary-General to
actively use this means of building trust and peace
between peoples, cultures and different social groups
who frequently, and for legitimate reasons, find
themselves in a situation of conflict or even war.
 The spirit of solidarity must permeate the activity
of our Organization, which aims for peace, security,
development and respect for human rights. Si vis
pacem para solidaritatem (A/55/PV.17, p. 32) are
words expressed here in 2001 by former Auschwitz
prisoner and Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs
Wladyslaw Bartoszewski. The spirit of solidarity has
been the source of Polish success since 1989, and
continues to be a value and source of strength for the
entire European Union. Nevertheless, it also continues
to be needed on a global scale at this time of openness
and interdependence between countries, economies and
societies. This requires an awareness of the unity of
humankind and a consciousness of the deep
commonality of interests among the members of the
international community. The failure to respect this
will mean failure to effectively take on the challenges
the international community faces. In that regard, I
have only highlighted a few examples.
 Finally, being here, I cannot resist recalling the
important words of my great compatriot, Pope John
Paul II. Speaking in the Hall in October 1995, he said:
 “The answer to the fear which darkens human
existence at the end of the century is the common
effort to build a civilization of love, founded on
the universal values of peace, solidarity, justice
and liberty. And the soul of the civilization of
love is the culture of freedom: the freedom of
individuals and the freedom of nations, lived in
self-giving solidarity and responsibility.”


Allow me at the
outset to congratulate Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser on his election and to offer the Philippines’
full support for his leadership in this sixty-sixth session
of the General Assembly.
 Our collective experience as one United Nations
has brought into focus the reality that only when
nations work together in firm and determined resolve
can we begin to address the many difficulties that
confront us. Two global wars exposed our vulnerability
to leaders and nations that do not hesitate to use
violence to resolve disputes and underscored the need
for an international system to govern the behaviour of
States.
 That is the rules-based framework that underpins
everything we want to build, raise and do as one
United Nations. That framework — built on our shared
values and common aspirations — provides the way by
which we can effectively move together as one global
community towards our common objectives. For the
Philippines, therefore, this session’s theme — “The
role of mediation in the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means” — is most relevant and opportune.
 A rules-based system will work in a sustained
manner only if the rules themselves are based on
principles of justice and equity. Recent events across
the globe, particularly in the Middle East, have shown
us that individuals rise together for what they believe is
just and equitable. Individuals clamour for the rule of
law based on equity and fairness. When they realize the
injustice of repressive and iniquitous rule, they do not
hesitate to bring effective and positive change.
 We must continue to work to eliminate nuclear
weapons and curtail the illicit trade in conventional
weapons and in small and light arms in order to
preserve peace and our very existence. The successful
2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons showed the
collective resolve of States parties to move further
forward in ridding the world of those weapons. We
have already agreed to convene a conference by 2012
on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of
nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction. The holding of that conference will take us
closer to our goal.
 To build peace, we need to provide and
strengthen conditions that encourage the full progress
and prosperity of all nations and peoples. We must
ensure that international trade and development
support that end. The Philippines therefore calls for a
fair, open and rules-based multilateral trading system

11-51687 2

and the conclusion of the Doha Round. We must
likewise redouble our efforts to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals. The target date of
2015 is upon us and much work remains to be done.
The Philippines is one of world’s 17 mega-
diverse countries and has a great stake in ensuring that
global biodiversity is protected and maintained. We
have been described as the epicentre of global marine
biodiversity, and we host the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) Center for Biodiversity. As
we look forward to the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development next year, we join the call for
a more powerful expression of the entire world’s
political commitment to sustainable development.
 With the human person at the core of all our
efforts, we must always strive to uphold human dignity
and human rights. That holds true for migrant workers.
The Philippines has close to 10 million Filipinos
overseas, contributing to global socio-economic
development. In line with the rules-based approach, the
Philippines supports the establishment of guidelines
that would ensure the welfare of all migrant workers.
 Additionally, we must renew our resolve to
address the evils of human trafficking. The Philippines
is a founding member of the Group of Friends United
against Human Trafficking, an informal association of
United Nations Member States that seeks to help
reinvigorate and consolidate the global fight against
trafficking in persons. At the core of the initiative is the
implementation of the United Nations Global Plan of
Action to Combat Trafficking in Persons.
 Aside from establishing rules to protect migrant
workers and to prevent human trafficking, the global
community needs to explore measures to more
effectively assist developing countries in evacuating
their nationals in instances of disaster or internal
conflict. The Philippines also supports efforts at the
United Nations to enhance partnerships, including with
private sector actors, in strengthening the international
humanitarian and emergency response system.
 The Philippines recognizes that the promotion
and protection of human rights are of vital importance
to securing peace and socio-economic development,
promoting the rule of law and strengthening
democracies. The Philippines Government likewise
recognizes women as agents of socio-economic growth
and change, and thus strongly advocates their full
participation in nation-building.
 The Philippines is pleased to announce that, on
30 August, we deposited our instrument of ratification
of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court. This was an historic moment for my country and
my people. We have stood up against the impunity of
colonial rule and of a dictatorship. Now, we stand
together with the rest of the world in saying “never
again” to impunity in any corner of our world.
 Firm in the desire to contribute to global efforts
to safeguard the world against impunity, the
Philippines has fielded a candidate for election to the
Court, Ms. Miriam Defensor-Santiago, an experienced
trial judge and international legal scholar with a
distinguished and long career in public service. We ask
all our partners and friends to support her candidature.
 As we look to strengthen the ramparts of peace,
we recognize the important role and contributions of
United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding. The
Philippines stands ready to do its part to ensure that the
lines of peace are fortified and continuously expanded.
The Philippines lauds the heightened interaction and
dialogue among the Secretariat, the General Assembly,
the Security Council, troop- and police-contributing
countries and other key stakeholders in the global
peacekeeping agenda.
 As we strive to reinforce peacekeeping operations
on land, so too should we continue to exert efforts in
maintaining stability and security at sea. Maritime
piracy, after all, imperils the lives of seafarers and
disrupts global trade. Today, around 70 Filipino
seafarers are still being held hostage by pirates
operating in the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian
Ocean. We must continue to work diligently to counter
these sea pirates, who have no place in our modern,
civilized world.
 To strengthen the international rules-based
regime, the Philippines advocates reforming the United
Nations, particularly the Security Council, to make it
more resilient, relevant and responsive. The record
shows that it is only the Philippines that has presented
specific drafts resolutions concretely setting forth
proposals on the five key issues: categories of
membership, question of the veto, size of the enlarged
Security Council and working methods, relationship

3 11-51687

between the General Assembly and the Security
Council, and the question of regional representation.
 Terrorism continues to cast its dark shadow on all
of us. The decapitation of terrorist organizations has
not put an end to terrorism. We need to address the root
causes and conditions that turn individuals with so
much passion into beasts that know nothing but
violence to achieve their ends. Among many things, we
need to further examine how economic
disenfranchisement, intolerance and radicalization
contribute to the growth of terrorist groups.
 The rule of law, including the 1982 United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),
is the key to finding solutions to disputes over
conflicting claims in the West Philippine Sea. As we
prepare to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of
UNCLOS next year, let all States parties remember not
just our rights, but also our obligations, for the rule of
law is the bedrock on which the growth and
development of our community of nations is built.
Adherence to the rule of law provides stability and
certainty in the conduct of relations among States. In a
world defined by unequal distribution of economic,
military and political resources and might, the rule of
law is the great equalizer, ensuring that rights are
protected and responsibilities complied with.
Adherence to the rule of law prevents conflicts. In
instances of dispute, particularly of a territorial nature,
the rule of law ensures a peaceful settlement and
resolution.
 The rule of law has guided the Philippines in all
its actions as a responsible member of the international
community. The Philippines realizes that only when the
rule of law prevails can all stakeholders and the world
benefit from a region of such importance strategically
and in terms of resources. We adhere to ASEAN’s 1992
Manila declaration on the West Philippine Sea and the
2002 declaration on the conduct of parties in the West
Philippine Sea. We call on other parties to do so as
well. We also welcome the efforts and support of other
stakeholders in working towards a lasting, just and
peaceful solution to the conflicting claims in our
region.
 Allow me to conclude by saying that
underpinning the success of all our efforts in the
United Nations is adherence to the rule of law and a
rules-based international system. Out of the horrors of
war, we have resolved as one global community to
build and strengthen the ramparts of peace and
development. Those ramparts, strong as they may be,
can easily disintegrate when even just one nation
behaves contrary to the rules and norms we have all
agreed to abide by. It is our obligation as individual
sovereigns States and as a collective global community
that all nations, large or small, behave responsibly
through the adherence to the rule of law and a rules-
based regime. Only then can we hope to enjoy the
benefits of our world and live together in greater peace,
progress and prosperity.


I would first like to congratulate Ambassador Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, and
to express our most sincere wishes for his success in
fulfilling his mandate. Similarly, I would like to
convey to Mr. Joseph Deiss Guinea-Bissau’s
appreciation for the spirit of engagement and
dedication he brought to his successful conduct of the
work of the sixty-fifth session.
 Let me also reiterate my congratulations to the
Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-Moon,
on his recent reappointment, the fruit of the excellent

11-51360 12

work he has done to help consolidate peace and
development around the world.
 And I would like to take this happy occasion to
salute the Republic of South Sudan on having joined
the United Nations, becoming the Organization’s most
recent full Member.
 Today, 24 September, Guinea-Bissau celebrates
the thirty-eighth anniversary of its independence. That
historic achievement was the Guinean people’s first
major victory, and from this rostrum I pay the homage
that is owed to our country’s freedom fighters, whose
courage and determination enabled us to attain the
status of a free and independent State.
 As our national authorities have stated and has
been unanimously recognized by the international
community, defence and security sector reforms are
urgent priorities for us, since their implementation can
strengthen peace and stability in our country and thus
create the conditions needed for sustainable
development. With the signing of the Tripartite
Agreement Protocol or Memorandum of Understanding
between the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), the Community of Portuguese-
speaking Countries and the Government of Guinea-
Bissau, which will take place at the margins of this
session of the Assembly, we will be able to make a
major qualitative leap in the implementation of defence
and security forces reform, as well as in effectively
implementing the programmes contained in the
ECOWAS road map.
 In that regard, Guinea-Bissau’s commitment to
mobilizing resources to sustain the reforms has led to a
decision to create a special pension fund, into which
we will have deposited $200,000 of the $500,000 we
pledged to the fund by December 2011, as proof of our
firm commitment to contributing 10 per cent of the
total resources required. We therefore expect to hold a
high-level meeting with our development partners this
year, in order to obtain the financial and technical
resources required to implement the reforms, and we
appeal to all our partners to participate in and commit
to the meeting.
 Drug trafficking and organized crime are a
current subject of discussion in the Organization, and,
as is well known, the West African region to which we
belong cited as a hub and Guinea-Bissau is also often
singled out as a transit point for illicit drugs. In full
awareness of this reality and recognizing our known
problems, we are proud to say that we were one of the
first countries to request the good offices of the United
Nations, through the United Nations Office on Drugs
and Crime (UNODC), to help us deal with the issue
with determination and effectiveness.
 In order to combat drug trafficking and organized
crime, the Government, through its Council of
Ministers, has adopted two important instruments, a
political declaration and a plan of action, which
include large-scale actions in the following three areas:
strengthening the legal system, strengthening the
criminal justice system, and combating drug use and
HIV/AIDS. Alongside such measures at the national
level, the Government is seeking to sign bilateral
agreements to strengthen the fight against drug
trafficking, keeping in mind that, without strategic
cooperation between the countries of origin, transit and
consumption of drugs, there can be no effective fight
against drug trafficking.
 Therefore, from this rostrum, we reiterate our
appeal, as we have many times before, for help in
controlling our maritime borders. We address this
appeal to countries that are better prepared than we are
to do so. We are making a formal request for the
support of the United States and the European Union
and its member States, since we cannot single-
handedly fight drug trafficking, which, as we all know,
is increasingly powerful and sophisticated.
 We are approaching the deadline for achieving
the Millennium Development Goals, but despite
ongoing efforts, Guinea-Bissau continues to face
challenges with regard to basic sanitation, supplies of
drinking water and energy, and the provision of
primary health services, to cite only the most pressing
issues. The high rate of poverty that still prevails in our
country has forced the Government to adopt an
ambitious agenda for the future, embodied in our
national poverty reduction strategy document and
based on the pillars of stability, peace, economic
growth and poverty reduction. That document defines
the main challenges and recommends priorities for the
next five years. As a result of serious and rigorous
implementation of this strategy, the Government that I
have the honour to lead has already successfully
reversed this negative trend.
 The current economic situation is clearly
improving, the result of progress made in the last two
and a half years in strengthening public policy and

13 11-51360

improving macroeconomic performance, as our
partners, especially the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank, will testify. As a result of our
excellent macroeconomic performance, the country
reached the completion point of the Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries Initiative, thus achieving forgiveness of
about 90 per cent of its external debt and the recent
re-evaluation of the growth rate of its gross domestic
product, which is now fixed at 5.3 per cent, which is
higher than originally predicted. We have all the
conditions needed to maintain and accelerate this trend
during the next year.
 To that end, in addition to relying on our own
resources, which can now be devoted to poverty
reduction programmes, the Government will organize a
round table of donors in the first quarter of 2012 to
mobilize the necessary financial resources for the
implementation of those programmes. In that context,
we appeal once more for the participation of and
contributions by all traditional donors that are
interested in our country and that wish to support
national efforts aimed at overcoming our current
weaknesses.
 Let me once again welcome the establishment of
UN-Women, an entity that reflects the firm
commitment of our Organization to the struggle for
gender equality and to ensuring that women have the
conditions necessary for a more representative and
active participation in the process of transformation
that is under way in our societies.
 In the same context, my country is taking
measures to uphold the dignity of women, including
measures to promote their empowerment and the
affirmation of their autonomy. I welcome the steps
taken recently by the Guinean Parliament, which
approved the criminalization of female genital
mutilation and increased penalties for trafficking in
minors.
 Guinea-Bissau’s status and credibility in the
international arena depends largely on its ability to
define and implement a foreign policy that takes into
account the great universal values of democracy,
freedom and human rights, which are our values as
well.
 In our diplomatic efforts, we have to be
consistent with our historical commitments and, above
all, faithful to all who selflessly helped us in the
struggle for the affirmation of our dignity.
 From that perspective, we welcome the decision
of the Palestinian Authority to submit a request for the
recognition of the State of Palestine as a full Member
of the United Nations. We encourage a constructive
dialogue on the basis of the possibility of peaceful
coexistence and mutually advantageous cooperation
between countries and peoples.
 This session of the Assembly is taking place at a
time when major changes are occurring in the Arab
world. These changes call for greater political and
social rights, as well as values such as freedom and
democracy, and, for that very reason, the Arabs have
our sympathy and solidarity. We regret, however, the
cases where transition incurs high costs in terms of
human lives.
 With regard to Libya, Guinea-Bissau fully
supports the position of the African Union and
expresses its full readiness to cooperate and to
strengthen the increasingly friendly relations and
cooperation with the legitimate representatives of the
Libyan people.
 We urge the United States Government to draw
on the values that define that great nation and to
resume its relationship with Cuba, ending the embargo
that has lasted for more than five decades and freeing
the Cubans still being held in its prisons.
 The responsibilities of the United Nations are
increasing, and the globalization of the decisions that it
is called upon to take is becoming increasingly urgent.
 The historical reasons that led to the
establishment of the Security Council are no longer
current. The demographic representation of the
different regions of the world, the emergence of new
countries and new geopolitical configurations oblige us
to accept as natural the reform of the Security Council.
We deem it legitimate to want the decisions of the
Security Council to be made more inclusive and
participatory through giving our continent both
permanent and non-permanent seats, as is the wish of
the African Union, because of the large representation
of the African continent.
 Under the auspices of the President of the
Republic, Mr. Malam Bacai Sanhá, the National
Assembly launched a process of national reconciliation
involving all the forces of the nation. That important
initiative has contributed to the establishment of the

11-51360 14

climate of peace and understanding that now prevails
in the country.
 To conclude, I take this opportunity to thank all
friends and partners of Guinea-Bissau for their support
and solidarity and to assure them that we will spare no
effort in consolidating peace and building a more just
society to create better living conditions for the
Guinean people.


It is an honour
to address the General Assembly for the first time, and
it is a particular honour to do so as such momentous
events unfold in the Arab world. Last week I was in
Tripoli and Benghazi. I saw the hunger of a people
eager to get on with reclaiming their country, writing
themselves a new chapter of freedom and democracy.
This has been the most dramatic episode of what has
been called the Arab Spring.
 My argument today is that Libya and the Arab
Spring show that the United Nations needs a new way
of working, because the Arab Spring is a massive
opportunity to spread peace, prosperity, democracy
and, vitally, security, but only if we really seize the
opportunity.
 So the events of this year present a challenge to
all of us — a challenge to Europe to show it can reform
its aid and trade strategy to be truly progressive; a
challenge to the African Union, to meet the
opportunities of this century with the same courage
that won liberation in the last; a challenge to the
Israelis and Palestinians, to take the bold steps to come
to the table and make lasting peace; a challenge to Iran
and to Syria, to give their peoples the freedoms they
deserve; and a challenge to the United Nations.
 One can sign every human rights declaration in
the world, but if one stands by and watches people
being slaughtered in their own country when one could

25 11-50865

act, then what are those signatures really worth? The
United Nations has to show that we can be not just
united in condemnation, but united in action, acting in
a way that lives up to the United Nations founding
principles and meets the needs of peoples everywhere.
 The peoples of the Arab world have made their
aspirations clear. They want transparency and
accountability of Government, an end to corruption,
the fair and consistent rule of law, the chance to get a
job and to have a stake in how their country is run, the
freedom to communicate and the chance to participate
in shaping society as citizens with rights and
responsibilities.
 No one says that achieving those ambitions will
be easy. There will be false starts and wrong turns
along the way, not least where countries have inherited
sectarian and regional divisions, weak political parties,
State institutions enfeebled by misuse and a politics
distorted by the false choice between repression on the
one hand and Islamist extremism on the other.
 The long process of developing a new and
accountable Government is just beginning. And across
the region, we cannot guarantee that the process of
reform is irreversible. But let us be clear. These
developments present a great opportunity for many
who have long been sold short by their Governments,
and there is an opportunity and responsibility for all of
us, too.
 Just as after 1989 we helped those who tore down
the Berlin Wall to build robust democracies and market
economies, just as in 1994 we welcomed South Africa
back into the commonwealth of nations when it chose
the path of reconciliation and democracy instead of
racial conflict, so now in 2011, as people in North
Africa and the Middle East stand up and give voice to
their hopes for more open and democratic societies, we
have an opportunity, and, I would say, a responsibility
to help them.
 Now the mistake we often make in the West is to
think that because the people in this region want
democracy, they will want it in the same way and with
the same outcomes that we do. We should not be trying
to impose Western values or a single template on the
region. Democracy is a process, not an event.
Participatory Government involves so much more than
just the simple act of voting. The Assembly heard not
long ago from President Ahmadinejad. He did not
remind us that he runs a country where they may have
elections, of a sort, but they also repress freedom of
speech. They do everything they can to avoid the
accountability of a free media. They violently prevent
demonstrations. And yes, they detain and torture those
who argue for a better future. So we should never
pretend that having elections is enough. The building
blocks of democracy have to be patiently developed
from the grass roots up. The process will be different in
every country. And it is not for us to dictate how Arab
nations should respond to those challenges, or to
lecture them about how to do it. But there is an
important opportunity for us to help, and we must seize
it.
 There are important lessons from what has
happened in Libya. The Libyans liberated themselves.
Ordinary Libyans from all walks of life came together
and showed incredible resilience and bravery as they
rose up and drove out Al-Qadhafi. The people of
Benghazi, the brave fighters of Misurata, the people of
Zawiyah, the warriors from the Nafusa Mountains, all
of them showed incredible courage in liberating their
country. The National Transitional Council, which
demonstrated great leadership, not least as Tripoli fell,
urged people to avoid reprisals and to look to the
future — a message that still holds true today.
 That revolution truly belongs to the Libyan
people. The United Nations played a vital role
authorizing international action. But let us be clear; the
United Nations is no more effective than the nation
States that come together to enforce its will. And on
this occasion a coalition of nations across the Western
and Arab world had the will to act. In doing so, they
stopped Benghazi from joining Srebrenica and Rwanda
in history’s painful roll call of massacres that the world
failed to prevent. Today, Tripoli and Benghazi are
cities transformed. Where there was fear, now there is
hope and an optimism and belief that are truly
inspiring.
 But there are challenges ahead, not just in Libya
but all across the region. Economies in the region have
underperformed when compared with their peers. In
1960, Egypt’s gross domestic product per capita was
comparable with Korea’s. Today it has fallen to around
just one fifth of the size. Across the region, some
countries dependent on oil revenues, and others held
back by heavy State control have failed to diversify
and create jobs in productive new sectors and failed to
connect themselves to the economies of the region and
the wider world.

11-50865 26

 Indeed, less than four per cent of North African
trade is within the region, making it the least integrated
neighbourhood in our world. And the promise of
economic reform has not been fulfilled. Too often
people were told economic reform would bring them
market economies with greater freedom to start up
businesses, to trade, to grow and to create wealth. But
it did not. It brought them corrupt and crony
capitalism. Now the future is for the people of this
region to determine, but I would urge them not to reject
something they have never had — a genuine, open, fair
and transparent market economy, which has proved the
world over to be the best way to create jobs and
wealth. And the need for economic success is vital,
because this is a region where 60 per cent of the
population is under 25, and youth unemployment is
nearly double the world average.
 It is a region that must create 50 million new jobs
by 2020 just to keep pace with its population; that
means 700,000 new jobs every year in Egypt alone.
And these jobs should not be just for men. Let us be
honest. It is not just the men of the region who want a
job and a voice. The unemployment rate for Egyptian
women is more than three times that of men. And it is
not only the economy where they are denied the chance
to play a fuller role. It is society and politics and
culture too. But look at the crowds in Freedom Square
and we see it is the women too, finding their voices,
showing clearly that they want to play a part in
building their future.
 So, in this historic period, when the voice of this
region is finally being heard, there is now a unique
opportunity for women to fulfil their ambitions too.
This is not just in the interests of women. It is in the
interests of those countries as a whole. Let us be clear.
You cannot build strong economies, open societies and
inclusive political systems if you lock out women. So
the Arab Spring will not succeed if the opportunities
that are opening up are denied to half of the
population.
 Now, of course, the actions we take to support the
people in each country must be tailored to that country,
with respect for its particular culture, history and
tradition. What is right for Libya will not necessarily
be right for everywhere else. But the international
community has found its voice in Libya, and we must
not now lose our nerve. We must have the confidence
to speak out and act as necessary to support those who
seek new freedoms.
 In the European Union, it is time to ensure that
the billions of euros we spend in this region each year
are used to support reform that will meet the
aspirations of the people. And there should be no more
excuses for denying the people of the region fair access
to our markets, including in agriculture. Here at the
United Nations, we have a responsibility to stand up
against regimes that persecute their people. We need to
see reform in Yemen. And above all, on Syria, it is time
for the members of the Security Council to act. We
must now adopt a credible resolution, threatening
tough sanctions.
 Of course we should always act with care when it
comes to the internal affairs of a sovereign State. But
we cannot allow this to be an excuse for indifference in
the face of a regime that, week after week, arrests,
intimidates, tortures and kills people who are
peacefully trying to make their voices heard.
 The voice of the African Union is vital too. Africa
has rightly challenged the world to meet its aid
commitments. I am proud that Britain will meet its
commitment to spending 0.7 per cent of gross national
income from 2013. And all the countries that made
promises at Gleneagles and elsewhere must meet those
promises too. In the case of Britain, it means we have
been able to provide £124 million of emergency aid to
3 million people facing starvation in the Horn of
Africa. But at the same time, Africa must meet its
responsibilities too.
 Many will find it hard to understand why
countries in southern Africa which fought so hard to
throw off oppression themselves, have been so slow to
respond to the Arab Spring. Of course, I recognize that
many have long been committed to non-intervention.
But my argument is that where action is necessary,
legal and right, to fail to act is to fail those who need
our help. So it is welcome that the African Union is
taking steps to recognize the National Transitional
Council in Libya, as many African countries have
already done. Africa’s responsibility now is to embrace
and support Libya’s new, inclusive and democratic
future. And this must include ensuring that those
wanted for serious crimes are brought to justice, and
that the wealth stolen from the Libyan people is
returned to them.
 We all have a responsibility to the Palestinians
too. A key part of the Arab Spring is the right of
Palestinians to have a viable State of their own, living

27 11-50865

in peace, alongside a safe and secure State of Israel.
And I strongly support this. There has been much
speculation about what will happen here this week. Let
us be clear about one fact. No resolution can, on its
own, substitute for the political will necessary to bring
peace. Peace will only come when Palestinians and
Israelis sit down and talk to each other, make
compromises, build trust and agree. So our role must
be to support this, to defeat those who embrace
violence, to stop the growth of settlements and to
support Palestinians and Israelis alike to make peace.
 But the opportunity in Libya and elsewhere in the
region is not just about achieving a more open society,
prosperity and the building blocks of democracy for
their own sake — it is about security too. Some have
argued that stability in the Arab world can only be
achieved by the tight control of strong authoritarian
regimes and that reform is a threat to stability. In fact,
the opposite is true. Reform is the basis of long-term
stability. Authoritarianism threatens it.
 While there is never a justification for resorting
to terror, if people’s hunger for a job and a voice are
denied, there is a real risk that the frustration and the
alienation they feel will cause them to be drawn to
more violent and extremist responses. That is not just a
problem for one region. It is a problem for all of us.
Here, in this great city, where 10 years ago, people of
90 different nationalities were killed in the most
horrific terrorist attack in history, we must recognize
that political and economic reform in the Middle East
is not just good in its own right, but that it is also a key
part of how, in the end, we will defeat Al-Qaida.
 Of course, we must meet terrorist activity with a
strong and resolute security response. Al-Qaida and its
offshoots must know that they will have no safe hiding
place to plot or recruit young men to train as terrorists.
But in the long term, we must defeat not only the
terrorists, but the extremist ideology that feeds them.
Al-Qaida’s poisonous ideology has thrived on
repression. Democracy is what it fears most. People are
not in Tahrir Square in Cairo and Freedom Square in
Libya for an Islamist caliphate, but for a job, a voice
and a future. And we must heed their call, for their
freedom and for the security of us all.