I should like first of all to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly and to assure him of the co-operation of the Hungarian delegation in his responsible activity for the success of our deliberations.
I believe that this session has good chances of success. The atmosphere and work of the forty-second session were favourably influenced by the positive change in East-West relations and the increasing momentum of the Soviet-American dialogue. The past year has seen this favourable process strengthened and enriched with new elements. Another Soviet-United States summit was held, and the dialogue has been extended to lower levels as well, with concrete results embodied in the accords reached. Those accords were concrete reflections of the efforts undertaken to curb the arms race and to eliminate hotbeds of tension, and they may give stimulus to further steps in this direction, both in the relationship between the two great Powers and on a wider scale. The dynamic development of Soviet-American and East-West relations has become a determinant factor of strengthening international security.
Other favourable events of international politics, among them a large number of high-level meetings and initiatives by different groups of countries to strengthen international co-operation and to achieve a peaceful settlement of international problems, have also made their effects felt during the past year.
There has been an intensification of efforts to resolve regional problems, including the elimination of hotbeds of crisis that have destabilizing effects and thus impede international œ-operation. Tangible and pioneering accords have been reached and encouraging negotiations are under way. No doubt world politics are still characterized by a great number of grave and pressing problems, but on the whole we have witnessed and acted to achieve a psychological breakthrough during the past year. Practice has proved that even the most complicated issues of world politics can be solved and that  given the political will of States, concrete results can be achieved which have a favourable influence on the international atmosphere and on the development of the international situation while giving impetus to the quest for solution of other problems. In this context, too, we attach decisive importance to the Soviet-United States agreement on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range nuclear missiles and to the Geneva accords on the settlement of the situation relating to Afghanistan.
The intensification of diplomatic activities to eliminate various hotbeds of crisis and the initial encouraging results allow us to hope that these favourable developments will be a prelude to the longer-term process rather than a momentary phenomenon. The United Nations has given practical proof that its involvement in similar efforts can be successful, while contributing to an improvement of its international image, and that its continuing active participation can promote the renewal of the world Organization.
In this activity a leading role has been played by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to whom I wish to express my deep appreciation for his untiring efforts.
My Government is convinced that these favourable changes have resulted from the widening and the practical prevalence of the awareness that the mutual dependence or interdependence of States and peoples is a fact, a reality of our age. Consequently, it considers the strengthening of mutually advantageous international co-operation and of confidence among States and the peaceful settlement of emerging conflicts to be the only possible path of international coexistence. The Hungarian Government shapes the course of its foreign policy and participates in international relations in accordance with this spirit. It rejects the use of force or the threat of force; it regards security as a complex notion with closely interrelated military, political, economic, human rights and humanitarian aspects; and it maintains that no single State can establish its own security solely by military-technical means or to the detriment of other States and that security can only be built by political means, taking account of the interests of all States and by joint action resulting from dialogue.
A pioneering role in advocating, disseminating and asserting this approach is played by the Soviet Union which has found partners in the leadership of the United States and other countries as well. At the same time, it is an equally noteworthy fact that the entire community of nations has also played a role in preparing and enhancing these changes: great Powers, medium-size and small countries, members of alliance systems, neutral and non-aligned nations alike, Hungary, as one of the small European countries, long ago recognized those opportunities which are at hand for a small country, and has been continuously and actively using them.
The favourable processes of world politics, the gaining ground of the ideas of international understanding and co-operation and the emergence of an atmosphere of confidence among States are fully in line with Hungary's national interests and foreign policy. Government is therefore making great efforts towards the development of international co-operation. It is trying to make use of all possibilities, bilateral as well as multilateral, to expound its sincere endeavours and to strengthen confidence among States. It identifies itself fully with the new concept of international security and co-operation, and is convinced that this new approach is bound to prevail in world politics before long.
This approach is represented by the foreign policy statements and practical steps of Hungary at the Vienna follow-up meeting on European security and co-operation, among others. We deem it highly important for the Vienna follow-up meeting to conclude its work as early as possible by the adoption of a substantive and balanced concluding document and, while giving a new impulse to European co-operation, making a favourable contribution to the creation of a common European home and improving the international situation as a whole. Present-day Europe is bound to the other continents by many ties. Given the specific conditions of Europe, a special model of co-operation is now evolving. An indispensable and useful framework and instrument for the realization of a common European home is the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) with a past of 13 years, which embraces the major components of an all-European home, that is, a programme for the reduction of the risk of military confrontation and the building of political, economic and humanitarian co-operation.
For this reason, the successful conclusion of the Vienna follow-up meeting by the adoption of a substantive concluding document would mean a genuine step forward in comparison with the obligations undertaken in the Final Act of Helsinki and the Concluding Document of Madrid. Its most important result would be the integration of conventional disarmament into the process of European security and co-operation. After the conclusion of the follow-up meeting it would then be . possible to start negotiations between the member States of the Warsaw Treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization on questions of conventional disarmament. These negotiations would be far-reaching in terms of scope, goals and potential effect alike. Parallel to them, the talks on confidence-building, started in Stockholm, could be continued with the participation of all the 35 States.
The concluding document: of the follow-up meeting should place greater emphasis on questions of economic co-operation in Europe. It is gratifying to note that progress can be expected on questions of industrial, environmental and scientific-technical co-operation, but it is no less important to make headway in the human rights and humanitarian fields.
In our view, a real demand of our time is to set up a mechanism for consultations on human rights and humanitarian issues, one that would keep under review the status of implementation of the recommendations as formulated concerning the human dimension, envisaging compliance with agreements, respect for international expectations, a clearer definition of obligations already undertaken and creating guarantees for their fulfilment. The expert meetings, forums and other conferences, the convening of which can be expected to be mandated by the Vienna follow-up meeting, will serve a useful purpose in promoting substantive and balanced progress in the CSCE process and contributing to international security.
In promoting the favourable international political developments of the past period, a significant part has been played by the recognition that the establishment of international security is a task of enormous complexity affecting all spheres of life. Each concrete aspect of security is closely related to and bears upon all the others. The initiative concerning comprehensive international security, which is included in the agenda of the General Assembly, is based on this recognition. We earnestly hope that the appeal to Member States for the continuation of the dialogue, the joint elaboration of the elements of comprehensive security, and the determination of concrete practical measures deriving therefrom will meet the understanding and support of Member States. We all share the goal of ensuring that the gap often in evidence between the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the realities of the present-day international situation will be bridged as soon as possible.
A basic aspect of security, directly affecting the security of life itself, is that of disarmament or arms build-up. The first genuine disarmament accord between the Soviet Union and the United States on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles is of historic significance, even though it affects a small part of the total stockpiles of weapons. The Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - has opened a new chapter of disarmament history by introducing a system of verification with a formerly inconceivable set of strict and widely regulated conditions for control of compliance. So far the experience of compliance has given proof in practice as well that the quest for security through disarmament is indeed possible.
The representatives of the Soviet Union and the United States are working on an agreement on a 50-per-cent cut in strategic offensive weapons. We remain convinced that, if the parties continue to summon the necessary political will and remain ready for compromise, the political and technical obstacles to a treaty can be removed and another disarmament accord will be signed in the not-too-distant future, paving the way for building a world free from nuclear weapons.
An outstanding event of multilateral disarmament diplomacy last summer was the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Unfortunately the psychological breakthrough I mentioned did not take place in the field of multilateral disarmament. It remains a pressing task to ensure that multilateral disarmament strengthen its viability and produce results in the form of concrete accords similar to those in bilateral disarmament. Although the participants in the special session on disarmament could not draw up a final document based on consensus, the Government of the Hungarian People's Republic, along with many other countries, does not consider the session to have been a failure.
In the view of my Government, the significance of the special session lies mainly in the fact that the need for a multilateral approach to disarmament issues has been reconfirmed by the international community. Furthermore, the participating States agreed that in future the United Nations should be assigned a greater role in dealing with questions of disarmament. It is of particular importance that the outstanding role to be played by the United Nations in controlling the fulfilment of disarmament accords received wide attention during the special session. We believe that such a substantive role could, in the long run, be fulfilled by an international verification agency to be set up under the auspices of the United Nations In this connection we attach great importance also to the efforts of the Delhi Six in this direction.
During the special session a great number of concrete and important proposals were made which may serve as topics of future debate and negotiation at disarmament bodies or provide a basis for measures to be adopted by consensus. If we want to move forward in the field of multilateral disarmament those proposals should be considered on their merits at our present session as well.
The increased interest in the Geneva Conference on Disarmament was likewise felt during the special session. The renewed emphasis on that irreplaceable forum of disarmament was reflected in the high-level visits this year and in the major policy statements made on those occasions.
Among the agenda items of the Conference on Disarmament, special mention may be made of the intensification of work in the Ad Hoc Committee on the elaboration of a convention prohibiting chemical weapons. At the same time we deplore the fact that the Conference was unable to come any closer to finalizing a convention on the complete prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons.
Starting substantive work on the complete prohibition of nuclear-test explosions remains a priority task for the Conference on Disarmament to accomplish in furtherance of nuclear disarmament. The setting up of an appropriate machinery brooks no further delay. We think that, in order to overcome the present stalemate, it would require States members of the Conference on Disarmament to accept the need for multilateral talks on this issue and to adhere to the principles of progressivity.
In recent years the Conference on Disarmament has discussed the situation with regard to the prevention of the arms race in outer space and has identified the related problems. The present task is to elaborate concrete measures aimed at preventing, even if by stages, the extension of the arms race to outer space. In order to secure progress it would also be advisable to agree on partial aspects of practical relevance which by their importance affect the obtaining of the ultimate goal. One such aspect is the establishment of a mechanism for international verification.
It is similarly desirable to speed up work on the prohibition of radiological weapons. Closely related to it is the complete prohibition of attacks against nuclear facilities which should continue to be treated as a matter of urgency.
Also, in our days there is a growing international recognition that limitation and reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments at both global and regional levels ate major factors in affecting nuclear disarmament as well. The emphasis on conventional disarmament is logically consequential on the fact that the accumulation of conventional armaments is assuming increasingly threatening dimensions and that a significant part of the destructive capacity of such armaments is growing closer and closer to that of weapons of mass destruction and that conventional disarmament is marking time in comparison to the growing momentum of nuclear disarmament. The first promising efforts exerted in Europe to promote conventional disarmament will, we hope, be followed in other regions of the world as well.
After the consultations of the 23, held parallel to the Vienna follow-up meeting, work is practically on the verge of being concluded on the mandate for the disarmament talks covering the area from the Urals to the Atlantic. My Government deems it important that the negotiations on the reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments get under way as soon as possible after the conclusion of the Vienna follow-up meeting. The measures likely to be adopted will affect the forward-based forces of the two great Powers as well as the forces of the small and medium-sized countries in the region and will call for the ¡Increased activity and involvement of the latter States too. Hungary is interested in an arrangement under which the forces in its territory will also be affected by the first stage of reductions. We expect the talks to result in a notable improvement in Europe's feeling of security in the foreseeable future and to create, by eliminating elements of threat causing concern to the patties, a stable situation characterized by a balance of mutual offensive incapability of the opposing forces.
Elimination of the regional hotbeds of crisis which pose a threat to international peace and security is an important element in establishing international security.
Collective efforts and, in particular, the emerging understanding of the parties directly concerned have, in several regional issues included in the agenda of the General Assembly, placed increased emphasis on the effective involvement of the united Nations in the practical solution of such problems as well as in the creation of frameworks and technical conditions for settlement. The extent to which the world Organization will be able to perform its mission in maintaining peace and in securing cease-fires and their supervision will perhaps be a touchstone of the United Nations capacity for renewal.
The Geneva Accords relating to Afghanistan can be regarded as a highly significant precedent. The progress in the withdrawal of Soviet troops is clear evidence of the good will of the Soviet Union. We hope that the agreement will be fully observed by all the parties and that the advance of the process of national reconciliation will bring peace to Afghanistan. We deem it necessary that the present session of the General Assembly consider this problem in this spirit, under this approach.
The efforts of the United Nations or, more specifically, the Security Council and of the Secretary-General personally, have played an important part in achieving, after so many abortive attempts, a cease-fire in the Iraqi-Iranian war of nearly 10 years, which has claimed an enormous toll in human lives and material losses. Encouraging work is being done with the involvement of the United Nations to bring about peace.
In the prevailing situation, particular importance is attached to the self-restraint of the parties concerned and their willingness to co-operate in the implementation of the relevant resolution of the Security Council. Our modest contribution to achieving lasting peace is the participation of 15 Hungarians in the contingent of the United Nations Observer Group to monitor the cease-fire. My Government is hopeful that the cease-fire will soon be followed by the conclusion of peace, putting an end to the hostilities and devastation.
Of course, United Nations efforts alone will be insufficient to secure success, because the political will and determination of the Governments of the countries involved are equally indispensable for the liquidation of a hotbed of crisis. The recent past has seen a promising sign of this in the search for a settlement of the question of Cyprus.
After many years the possibility seems to be opening up of progress in the settlement of the situation in the southern part of Africa. We support the efforts to bring about a negotiated solution, and hope that the ongoing talks will soon lead to the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the granting of independence to Namibia, and international guarantees of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola.
The positive turn in the quest for the peaceful solution of regional conflicts strengthens our conviction that intensification of United Nations activities would increase the chances of a just settlement of the Middle East crisis too. It is increasingly recognized that the road to a solution of the conflict satisfactory to all the parties concerned leads through an international conference, to be held under the auspices of the United Nations. The events taking place in the occupied territories similarly underline the pressing need for an early settlement of the crisis.
The entire international atmosphere would be favourably influenced by the early settlement of the conflict in Central America, which is a serious factor of destabilization, with the participation of all the countries concerned and on the basis of respect for the generally accepted norms of international law.
My Government is in agreement with and follows with confidence the efforts being made to solve the question of Kampuchea by peaceful means within national frameworks. It is highly appreciative of the moderation and sense of reality displayed by the countries and the political forces working for a settlement of this problem.
Hungary welcomes the proposals aimed at reducing and eliminating tensions in the Korean peninsula in an effort to find ways and means of creating the necessary conditions for solving the problem of Korea, keeping in view the strengthening of peace and security in the Asian region and having regard to the interests of the Korean people.
The subjects of the world economy and international economic relations occupy an increasingly important place in the activities of the United Nations. We find this only natural since international co-operation and the external environment of economic development have become of vital importance to all Member States. However, the economic, financial, trade, scientific-technical and environmental activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies still fail to reflect fully the actual conditions and priorities determined by the realities of the present-day world, although the 1970s and the 1980s have seen radical changes in the world economy.
On the threshold of the last decade of this century, Governments should seek to ensure that the United Nations and its specialized agencies are not simply passive followers of world economic developments, but act to meet economic challenges, thereby contributing, on the basis of the common will worked out by consensus and by reconciling national and regional interests, to the creation of conditions that will ensure to the fullest c :tent possible the sustainable growth of national economies and the steady expansion of international economic relations.
We have no doubt that this process will not be free from conflict. Efforts should therefore be concentrated on enhancing the role of the United Nations and its organs in forecasting developments and balances in the world economy, as well as their ability to manage economic, trade, financial, environmental and other conflicts and to promote their solution., We are convinced that harmonization of interests and development of conflict management abilities can create the conditions for international organizations to exert the roost fruitful influence both on the development of national economies and on different areas of regional and global co-operation.
My Government proceeds from the assumption that national, regional and global objectives can be harmonized on the basis of openness and mutual respect for interests. However, the common will, or a common policy arrived at in international organizations, cannot be truly effective unless account of it is taken of international realities and economic laws. The efforts to bring about regional integration constitute one such law at the present stage of development of the world economy. The regional integration organizations play an increasing role in the world economy and will act for a long time to come as a stimulus to economic growth. At the same time, certain trends of isolationism may also prevail at the stage of growing economic co-operation within integrated regions. We think that such trends, even though serving the interests of participants in such integration in the short run, work to impede the sustainable development of the entire world economy in the long run. Therefore we welcome the elevation of relations between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CHEA) and the European Economic Community (EEC) to an official level, together with the bilateral agreement already concluded between Hungary and the ЕEC and other future bilateral agreements between BBC and CMEA member States. This development fits well into the European process of co-operation and confidence-building and serves to promote its fuller development.
Work is to start soon on the elaboration of the programme for development and co-operation for the last decade of this century. We believe that in formulating this programme for the fourth development decade Governments should start from present-day realities in order to set the base for the future. I can assure members that my Government will take an active and constructive part in this highly important work.
International efforts to protect and ensure respect for human rights should serve the same purposes as the solution of world economic and financial problems through mutual compromise and joint action · namely, to promote the welfare of the society and the individual, to create conditions of life worthy even of the next century, and to bring about the full enjoyment of human freedoms. A corner-stone of the Hungarian Government's foreign policy is the encouragement and strengthening of international co-operation in the human rights and humanitarian fields, with the fullest possible use of the channels provided by the United Nations for that purpose.
Respect for and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms and the development of international co-operation with this end in view are important factors in increasing confidence among States. There is growing recognition that the enjoyment of human rights and the maintenance of international security are directly and closely interrelated. On the one hand, this linkage is manifest in that grave and systemic violations of human rights and disregard of internationally recognised norms have, as international experience shows, an adverse effect on inter-State relations and the international political atmosphere, and may jeopardize international security. On the other hand, the decades since the adoption of the universal Declaration of Human Rights have provided a not insignificant lesson that promotion of the exercise of human rights is possible only under conditions of detente and peaceful coexistence. I recall that one of the first victims of the cold-war era was precisely the cause of human rights.
From this it follows that the proposition that the question of human rights is exclusively the interned affair of States has become a thing of the past, once and for all. By drawing up an international catalogue of human rights and establishing international organs and mechanisms to monitor and supervise compliance by States with their obligations in the human rights and humanitarian fields, the United Nations has given a new dimension to multilateral co-operation and focused the attention of the international community and international public opinion on the question of human rights. In this regard, as yet another sign of the Hungarian Government's readiness to co-operate, coupled with the openness of our policy, the Hungarian People's Republic earlier last month declared its recognition of the competence of the Human Rights Committee under Article 41 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and at the same time acceded to the Optional Protocol to the Covenant.
By that action we wished to confirm that we were ready and willing to participate - as an equal partner - in the domain of human rights, too, while supporting joint international efforts to implement related norms and control compliance with them in a common, international activity.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic and public opinion in Hungary follow with particular attention the enjoyment by nationalities of their rights, and are sensitive to violations of the individual and collective rights of minorities. This is natural for the added reason that Hungarians living in the neighbouring countries constitute the largest national minorities in Europe. We advocate at every forum, as elementary demands, the preservation of diverse cultural traditions and the folklore of national minorities', protection of historic relics·, and full enjoyment of the right to cultivate and use the mother tongue, including education in the mother tongue in schools at all levels. We are convinced that forced assimilation of national minorities, their cultural oppression and destruction of conditions for their independent intellectual and physical existence are unacceptable to the international community of our times.
Therefore, we deem it important that in the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights we should embark upon the road of codifying those rights which were not covered by the Declaration. In our view these are: the right of peoples to self-determination and the preservation of national culture and the effective protection of the individual and collective rights of national minorities. It is a basic requirement of our age to eliminate discrimination of any kind, including discrimination against nations and national minorities. In our belief such an international, legally binding regulation of norms would contribute to the deepening of human contacts, thereby making those contacts more substantial.
We highly appreciate the efforts, which we think cannot be replaced by anything else, made under the auspices of the United Nations to put an end to mass, grave violations of human rights. Humiliating practices and policies of discrimination on grounds of race, nationality, religion or any other basis, violation of the tight to life, liberty and security of the person, torture and other cruel and inhuman punishment and treatment, physical coercion, forced resettlement, limitations on, or denial of, the fundamental economic, social and cultural rights of people are all phenomena whose elimination calls for effective and resolute action by the international community and the United Nations as its institution. Solving the problems of our age and extending international co-operation in keying with the interests of all States and peoples presuppose intensification of multilateral diplomacy. Forums for the multilateral accommodation of interests and the search for and adoption of arrangements acceptable to all parties concerned are achieved by Regional and multilateral organizations and conferences.
The improvement of the international situation during the past year and the more favourable conditions prevailing at present will certainly increase the role o£ the United Nations in, and its concrete possibilities of, performing the tasks laid down in the Charter.
It is of importance to international co-operation and the settlement of outstanding pressing problems that the world Organization - and primarily we, representatives of Member States - make the most of the favourable conditions to renew the work of the United Nations, enhance its prestige and effectiveness, increase its capacity for practical action and ensure the smooth operation of the world Organization in accordance with the requirements of our time.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic wishes to contribute to those efforts by pursuing a foreign policy fully in line with the purposes and principles of the United Nations and by the active and constructive participation of its delegation in the work of the forty-third session.


Mr. President, I should like to begin by congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. The Government of Iceland wishes you every success in carrying out the duties of your important and prestigious office.
The signing of the United Nations Charter was viewed by many as the first great victory of peace in the modern world. A system of international security was foreseen whereby peace would be ensured through collective action, and regional enforcement would be rendered largely superfluous. Sadly, the dream has never been realized. Instead, the onset of the cold war stimulated the growth of military alliances and a system of security through the mutual terror of nuclear armaments.
I will not say whether the Charter itself was basically at fault in being overly optimistic. That may be so, but I am certain, nevertheless, that the quest for "one world", enshrined in the Charter, has never been wholly abandoned. Moreover, one should not underestimate the significant strides mankind has recently made towards removing some of the hurdles that have stood in the way of strict observance of the United Nations Charter.
History, of course, will be the final judge. Host of us believe that we now stand at a crossroads in East-West relations. I certainly do not wish to underestimate the role of Western unity and steadfastness in bringing us to the present juncture. There is no denying, however, that credit is due to the East as well, where refreshing winds of change have resulted in a more dynamic and forthcoming approach to foreign policy. Improvements have been particularly notable in arras control and on regional issues. In arms control, we have for the first time started moving beyond mere limitations on nuclear armaments to meaningful reductions. The Treaty for the elimination of intermediate-range nuclear weapons, welcomed by my country as a milestone achievement, has inspired confidence across the whole range of arms control issues and given fresh impetus to talks aimed at cutting strategic nuclear arsenals as well as chemical and conventional weapons. No less significant is the movement we have witnessed towards the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts, many of which have been a thorn in the side of the international body politic for a good many years.
Taken as a whole, these developments have created hopes that the United Nations - no longer hobbled by cold war rivalry - might begin to achieve the results hoped for at the time of its founding.
There can be no denying that the progress we have made is due in large measure to the improved atmosphere in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. It would be a mistake, however, to view the United Nations simply as an accessory to super-Power diplomacy. For one thing, to do so is to overlook the tremendous work done by the United Nations specialized agencies towards alleviating the causes of human conflict. By seeking to eliminate such causes, be they poverty, disease, ignorance or discrimination, the United Nations has not only rendered valuable service to peace in different areas of the world, but has also prevented regional conflicts from spilling over into cold war battlegrounds.
Moreover, one is entitled to ask where we would stand had it not been for the crucial mediating role of the United Nations in many regional conflicts. This in many ways, has been the United Nations finest hour, as has been duly recorded by the well-deserved award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the Organisation's peace-keeping forces this year. In a relatively short time the Organization has negotiated the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war. Thanks to the United Nations, an end to the war in Western Sahara may now be in sight and progress has been made towards a settlement in Cyprus. If all goes well. United Nations efforts in Angola and Namibia - whose rightful claim to independence can no longer be ignored - may bear fruit in the not-too-distant future.
For a nation like Iceland, which has no armed forces of its own, glad tidings like these are particularly welcome. But let us not forget that safeguarding the progress made will require continued dedication and good will on the part of all. Much will certainly depend on the work taking place at the Vienna follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, not least in the humanitarian dimension. By honouring their commitment to fundamental human rights, including the right of men and women to participate fully in all spheres of social and economic life, Governments not only raise the level of well-being among their subjects, but also render service to people. In the current end-game in Vienna, Iceland will work for a substantive outcome, based on a balanced approach to the whole range of Issues covered in the Helsinki Final Act.
I find it a curious paradox that at a time of heightened expectations the United Nations should find itself in the throes of a major financial crisis. Iceland applauds plans by the Soviet Union and lately by the United States to pay up arrears, and appeals to other members which have not already done so, to do the same. This is particularly urgent, as it appears that increased United Nations peace-keeping activities will make greater demands on its resources. Emphasis must also continue to be placed on the process of reform and renewal within the Organization itself.
As we look ahead there are numerous major challenges that confront us.
Recent progress in bilateral arms control notwithstanding, the cost of the arms race is increasing and so are the precision and destructive power of nuclear weapons. Clearly, therefore, nuclear arms control must remain a top priority. As we pursue major reductions in strategic nuclear weaponry, care must be taken that any possible shift of military confrontation to new categories of weapons or regions be firmly resisted. In the view of the Icelandic Government, it is of the utmost importance that a treaty to cut land-based long-range missiles should lead to less military activity at sea. For this reason, Icelanders have welcomed the super-Powers' agreement in principle at the Washington summit meeting to search for ways of limiting long-range, nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missiles.
As is well known, my country does not allow nuclear weapons on its territory and presumes that visiting naval vessels will respect its sovereignty in this regard. One need hardly belabour the point that accidents involving nuclear arms at sea could have disastrous consequences for a nation like Iceland which bases its livelihood on the living resources of the sea.
As we move towards significant reductions in nuclear arsenals, the need to correct the current imbalance in the field of conventional forces and equipment in Europe has acquired new urgency. Having participated, along with its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in negotiations with the Warsaw Pact on a mandate for new conventional stability talks, Iceland hopes for the early adoption of a mandate to ensure that these important talks can get under way this year as envisaged.
This year's third special session on disarmament may have been disappointment in that it failed to reach a consensus on a final document. My country was nevertheless encouraged that a number of positive steps were taken. I draw attention in particular to the concrete discussions on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Nordic memorandum on that question, as well as to the discussions on verification issues and chemical weapons. The early conclusion of a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons must remain among our foremost objectives. Iceland is encouraged that negotiations on this issue within the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva have readied a final stage. I also welcome the opportunity here to declare ray country's full support for the proposal of President Reagan in this forum two weeks ago to convene an international conference to bolster the Geneva Protocol of 1925 outlawing the use of chemical weapons.
As we chart the course of the multilateral disarmament agenda for the decade ahead, we must build on the paper which nearly became the final document of the third special session and on the commitments we all undertook in the Final Document of the first special session in 1978.
I spoke earlier of the progress we have made on regional issues. Regrettably, there have also been exceptions. The thaw in relations between East and West he I failed to advance noticeably the peace process in the Middle East. Any peaceful solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict will depend on mutual restraint and a spirit of compromise. At a minimum, while Israel must recognize the right of the Palestinian people to determine their own future, the Arab world must cease to question the undisputed right of the State of Israel too exist. The tragic events in the occupied Israeli territories over the last year have rightly caused concern among the world community and reawakened interest in an international conference, under United Nations auspices, to discuss a comprehensive peace settlement.
Turning to Central America, recent peace efforts have also fallen short of expectations. Iceland, like the rest of the Nordic countries, is firmly of the view that the countries in a given region should themselves be in charge of the building of peace and democracy there.
As to the situation in South-East Asia, I should like only to reiterate the continuing relevance of last year's General Assembly resolution on Kampuchea, of which ray country was a co-sponsor, and which will be resubmitted in a slightly amended form this year.
If I have dwelt too long on the political and military issues, it is only because I fear that armed conflicts may yet turn our budding optimism into pessimism and despair. At the same time, any listing of the tasks that lie ahead would remain quite incomplete if it failed to mention the challenges facing us in the related areas of environment and development.
As was rightly observed in last year's report of the Brundtland Commission, we face a vast and expanding dimension of responsibility in the sphere of ecology. Problems that are transnational in character, be they pollution, the "greenhouse" effect or the deterioration of the ozone layer, must be tackled with a global strategy, if they are not seriously to impair the quality of life on this planet.
Neglect of the environment is in turn directly related to the gloomy economic situation of many of the developing countries. In Africa, deforestation and desertification are worsening the plight of a number of States in which per capita income levels are even lower today than they were at the beginning of the decade. An enhanced development effort is urgently called for to alleviate poverty and hunger in this hemisphere. But the problem of development, as everyone knows, is not confined to the decaying environment. I want to mention in particular the crushing debt burden of the developing world, which not only stifles necessary economic growth but also places a dangerous strain on the feeble democratic foundations of a number of States. While no one should minimize the manifold and complex aspects of this problem, it is economically unsound and morally indefensible that the industrialized nations should siphon off from the developing world billions of dollars in debt repayments and interests. According to estimates of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), such net transfers from poor countries to rich currently amount to between $US 30 billion and SUS 40 billion per year.
To remedy this state of affairs in the long term, increased assistance and debt relief will only be sufficient provided they are linked to a comprehensive plan for structural change in North-South relations. Let us also be mindful that no economic system can be expected to be fully satisfactory or truly effective if it lades the genuine and full participation of all people, men and women alike. In this connection, let me subscribe to the view expressed by Iceland's Minister of Social Affairs at the Nordic Council's Equal Bights Conference in Oslo last August, calling for the establishment of a special United Nations equal rights organization.
The link between human rights and development is often close. Iceland feels strongly that the world community must keep up its pressure on the racist regime in Pretoria, whose policies of apartheid and destabilization are among the root causes of the human tragedy taking place in southern Africa.
In a year when we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we should reaffirm our obligation to doing away with human rights abuses, wherever they take place and regardless of colour or political creed.
I referred at the outset to the Charter's sanguine vision of universal peace Sid security. The realization of that vision may still be far off in the future. Yet, with peace and freedom on the march around the globe as they have rarely been before over the last 40 years, confidence is reviving in the efficiency of this world Organization.
But while some of the critics of the United Nations may have been disarmed, there is need to warn against unrealistic expectations. For one thing, merely to safeguard what has been accomplished will require redoubled effort. In this sense, it would be true to say that we must run simply to stay in place.
In conclusion, may I express the hope that this year's Assembly will result in the strengthening of our commitments to the purposes of the Charter. In this endeavour, I can pledge the full and loyal support of my country.


First of all I should like to congratulate you, Sir, a good friend of ours and an outstanding diplomat and politician of Argentina, on your election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly
My appreciation goes also to Mr. Peter Florin, the Deputy Foreign Minister of the German Democratic Republic, for his successful guidance of the forty-second session.
The deep changes on the world scene in the past year provide in themselves a different, much better atmosphere for the work of this session of the General Assembly. Yet they impose on it an additional obligation as well: to assess the real scope of these changes and outline the further mission - the peace mission - of the Organization. The Nobel Peace Prize that has just been awarded to the United Nations peace-keeping operations represents a significant recognition of the achievements of the Organization.
The Secretary-General's report was couched in guarded optimism. That is understandable and realistic in the present-day world. I wish to express to Mr. Perez de Cuellar my gratitude for and recognition of the successes that the world Organization has achieved in the past year.
The fact is that the forty-third session is beginning its work in auspicious circumstances. The process of negotiations between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America continues. It has a positive impact on almost all aspects of international relations. Improvement in their relations could bring about progress in the quest for solutions to almost all the crises in the world, since there is evident interdependence between the accommodation of the super-Powers and overall developments in international relations.
For the first time it may appear that the dangerous spiral of the arms race has ceased.
These processes are a consequence not only of direct relations between the super-Powers, but also of the awareness of the international community that dialogue is inevitable. What is the role and contribution of the policy of non-alignment and of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in fostering such awareness? Since its inception the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has striven to overcome bloc divisions and all other divisions in the world. For almost 30 years it has called upon the great Powers to stop confrontation, proceed to negotiations and establish co-operation.
I think that we can say that the ongoing positive processes affirm the principles of the policy of non-alignment. The Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Countries, held at the beginning of this month in Nicosia, demonstrated the Movement's determination to continue to exert an active influence on the development of international relations. What of importance in the perception of the present-day world, in Yugoslavia's view, came out of Nicosia?
First, in welcoming the rapprochement between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the non-aligned countries continue at the same time to draw attention to the serious problems standing in the way of this process, and will, for these reasons, and in a desire further to promote and deepen the climate of detente, do their best to ensure that the present atmosphere may be maintained. The efforts that ate being made, and the results achieved, should be translated into a lasting and comprehensive process benefiting all countries and peoples.
Secondly, super-Power bilateralism is a reality of our time. However, it does not, of itself, ensure the settlement of world problems. Co-operation between the super-Powers is an absolute prerequisite; yet genuine and lasting solutions can be achieved only with the participation of all interested parties.
The non-aligned countries are prepared to contribute actively and constructively to the efforts aimed at resolving regional and global problems. That was stated very eloquently the day before yesterday by our Chairman, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe; Mr. Robert Mugabe.
The successful initiatives taken recently by the United Nations have confirmed its irreplaceable role. The past year has testified to the fact that progress in dealing with world crises is achievable through direct, or at least indirect, United Nations involvement. It is of course a two-way process. The easing of tension makes the great Powers more willing to rely on United Nations mechanisms. This leaves room for the world Organization to take freer and more creative action and for its Member States to put forward initiatives. We should like to believe that the time is behind us when it was necessary to fight attempts to marginalize the United Nations, and that the task ahead is to focus our efforts on its even greater and more decisive participation in the solution of world problems.
Although they constitute the majority in the United Nations, the non-aligned countries have neither an interest in advocating majority rule, nor the need to do so. They realize that this is not a viable way to resolve problems.
The process of the adjustment of the United Nations to present needs and the rationalization of its activities should be accelerated. At this point, solving the current financial problems of the United Nations and financing its future important undertakings for peace is the matter of the greatest urgency.
The world Organization is facing a number of challenges; to continue and speed up the resolution of existing hotbeds of crisis and, perhaps even more important, to initiate steps in that direction in the areas where they are still lacking.
It is also necessary to follow up and strengthen the process of disarmament as well as to start to deal with international economic problems.
After eight years of bloodshed the peoples of Iran and Iraq can look to the future with more confidence. Negotiations have replaced war.
We hope that a just solution to the conflict will be reached through the consistent and integral implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). That is in the interest of those two countries, as well as of peace and security in the region and beyond.
After so many years of illegal occupation by South Africa, Namibia is today closer to becoming an independent and sovereign State, as envisaged by the United Nations plan.
We welcome the process of negotiations between Angola, Cuba and South Africa. Ending the conflict in southern Africa and Namibia's accession to independence will greatly contribute to security and co-operation in that region. We believe that the end of the abhorrent system of apartheid - against which resolute international action, including comprehensive sanctions, continues to be required - will then not be far off. Compliance with the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan, and their integral implementation, are of the utmost importance if peace, independence, non-aligned status and free development ate to be assured to that country and its people. The constructive engagement of the various elements in the region raises the hope that the people of Kampuchea, one of the founding members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, will at long last enjoy their right to peace, independence and sovereignty of decision on their own destiny.
We also believe that continuance of the mission of good offices of the Secretary-General and the resumption of the talks between the two Cypriot communities will bring about progress in resolving the problem of Cyprus.
Similarly, we hope that, through the involvement of our Organization and the countries of the region, the problem of Western Sahara will be solved in the near future in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
However, the improved atmosphere in the world has as yet had no effect on some of the existing crises. Implementation of the peace plan of the five Central American countries has encountered serious difficulties and obstacles. We must continue to support the efforts to bring about a just solution of the situation in Central America, as well as Nicaragua's right to safeguard its sovereignty and integrity.
It is high time for the international community to make it possible for the Palestinian people to enjoy their right to self-determination and statehood. Together with a large number of other countries, Yugoslavia supports the early convening of an international conference, under United Nations auspices and with the participation of all parties directly concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (РLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. This is the realistic way to bring about a comprehensive solution to the Middle East crisis and to ensure that all countries of the region may live in peace and security on their own territory.
The broadest section of the international community demands that a new momentum be added to the process of disarmament that has begun. This was particularly highlighted at the third special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament, at which, with stronger political will and greater efforts, we could have achieved more. We hope, however, that the numerous proposals put forward at that session, including those presented by Yugoslavia, will be taken into account at the current session. Peace and security cannot be anybody's monopoly, much less an exclusive right. The destiny of mankind is the concern and responsibility of all of us alike.
If our aim is the complete elimination of nuclear arms, the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test ban is one of the most urgent tasks. Nuclear disarmament is, of course, of priority importance. Yet other weapons should not be overlooked. We consider that work on chemical-weapons convention should be completed with the utmost urgency.
The continuous sophistication, stockpiling and use of conventional weapons explain tellingly why we demand the launching also of conventional arms negotiations at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels.
I believe that the time is ripe for broad-based and well considered action by all countries to promote improved international economic relations and co-operation. The international community must not miss the historic opportunity offered by the trend of relaxation and negotiation. Top priority should be accorded to the interrelated problems of debt, trade, finance, technology and development. It is important to note that the debt problem of the developing countries is increasingly perceived as a most serious global problem. There is agreement in principle that solutions should be sought through an agreed, development-oriented strategy. Effective reduction of the level of indebtedness of the developing countries would remove one of the major obstacles not only to their development but also to expansion of the world economy as a whole. We assess positively the decisions of the Toronto summit concerning the debt of the least developed countries. We hope that those decisions will prompt further action encompassing broader aspects of debt problems.
The vicious circle in which the developing countries are locked with regard to international trade has to be broken. The demand that debts should be duly repaid cannot be met if restrictions are imposed on exports, which provide the sole source of funds for debt servicing. We remain committed to the open multilateral trading system, but we are increasingly convinced of the urgent need to eliminate the dangerous anomalies that have accumulated with respect to it. A prerequisite for the successful continuance and completion of the ongoing Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations is the cessation and rollback of protectionism and consideration of new areas, such as services and trade-related investment measures and other measures in the context of development requirements.
The increasing attention being devoted to environmental problems is entirely legitimate. There can be no progress without industrial and technological development, but it can be ensured only if the necessary timely protective measures are taken. The very survival of the human race on a planet worthy of human beings is in question. The continuing active involvement of the international community in the promotion and protection of human rights is a prerequisite for any real democratization of international relations and for safeguarding world peace  These noble goals are no less threatened by the phenomenon of terrorism.
Whatever is undertaken in the world Organization should serve man in building peacefully, and in freedom, the present and a better future. To that end the Nicosia declaration states that the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries should pursue a policy of respect for, and promotion the attainment of, the rights of individuals and peoples.
In addition to the work of this Organization, multilateralism is being promoted through a number of in our opinion very useful forms of regional co-operation. Through such co-operation the participating countries authentically and directly express their preoccupations and aspirations. The very first meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Balkan countries was held in Belgrade last February. It strengthened our belief that the Balkan countries will make a significant contribution to the processes of improving international relations.
At the Vienna follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, Yugoslavia, along with other non-aligned and neutral countries of Europe, has been endeavouring to bring about a successful outcome of that meeting.
The historical and political experience of this generation shows that neither the noble and enduring principles upon which this Organization is built nor the legitimate aspirations of the international community can be realized without the wide-ranging democratization of international relations.
Unlike the times when freedom, independence and peace were high ideals but an almost unattainable goal, genuine conditions are gradually being created now for the establishment of a new international order that previous generations, particularly those who lived through the horrors of the two world wars, could only have dreamed of.
The increasing interdependence is an objective basis for the reintegration of the world, which is transforming itself from bipolar into multipolar so that it may one day become genuinely pluralistic. A single and secure world is conceivable only with the full participation of all. For that reason we are rededicating ourselves with even greater enthusiasm to the fulfilment of the tasks facing the United Nations, tasks which are paving the way for a better and more just world order, in which all the participants will be able fully to pursue their national as well as the common interests.
The dangerous injection of ideology into international relations and the imposition of “eternal truths" seem to be gradually fading away. This facilitates the endeavours to lay, step by step, the foundations of a more secure and stable future. Such a world could not be based on the balance and domination of power and on the exclusion of the ¡majority of countries from the process of economic and technological development. In our opinion, it should be based on the full affirmation and implementation of some principles and processes which are being strengthened at the present time. They are: independence within increasing interdependence; multipolarity instead of bipolarity of the world; pluralism of socio-political systems, their co-existence and co-operation based on a footing of equality; human rights as universal values; peaceful settlement of all conflicts and disputes; universal participation in economic-technological development in the interest of mankind.
All this means in actual fact the democratization of international relations, that is, the participation of all countries in dealing with and in resolving international issues.
The necessary and, in our view, inevitable process of the world's future integration can be based on those foundations. This implies the gradual elimination of all the barriers that still divide the world today. Only in a world integrated in that way can a solid two-track relationship exist between the development of the world as a whole and the development of its component parts and individuals - countries and people.
With full respect for the principles of freedom, independence and equality, we should aspire towards a world in which not a single pact will be left out of the prosperous development. We still need the belief out of which our Organization was born, so that, through the joint efforts of all, our visions may become a reality. Viewed from today's perspective, this may appear to be an ideal the realization of which seems uncertain and, in any case, to belong to the distant future. Nevertheless, we believe that we must strive for that future.


I wish first to offer you, Sir, the most sincere congratulations of Belgium on your election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I view your election as an international tribute to you personally and, through you, to your country, Argentina, which has resolutely chosen democracy and is in the process of consolidating it. I have the utmost confidence in your ability and your experience, which will enable you, with the constructive collaboration of all delegations, to direct our work to a successful conclusion. My delegation will contribute fully to that end.
I take this opportunity to thank your predecessor, Mr. Florin, for guiding with exemplary efficiency the work of the forty-second session of the General Assembly, which was particularly intensive.
This year more than ever I wish to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, to his tireless dedication and to his personal commitment to the common ideal of the constant search for world peace based on human dignity. On numerous occasions, and most recently during our last meeting in Brussels, I have been able to see for myself how deserving of our respect and, above all, our total support in his action.
I associate myself fully with the conclusions of his annual report, a document as complete as it is remarkable, in which he invites Governments to adapt themselves better to a changing international situation, thus allowing us to use our Organization with more determination and to better effect. I endorse this concept all the more heartily in that his ideas have served as the guiding principles for the views I have expressed from this rostrum in recent years. I am convinced that better defined international solidarity would make possible the broadening of the sphere of multilateral activities of the United Nations at a time when the universal and interdependent nature of many of the problems and challenges facing the international community is becoming increasingly evident.
My Greek colleague, Mr. Papoulias, speaking as President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, yesterday presented the views of the 12 member States on the whole range of international Questions. His speech testified to the will of the European countries to speak with a single voice on the international scene.
As far as Belgium is concerned, it is convinced that increased recourse to the multilateral settlement of problems will contribute to strengthening the authority, prestige and irreplaceable role of the United Nations.
As a founding Member of the Organization and a signatory of the San Francisco Charter, my country cannot fail to welcome the recent tangible signs that the Organization is again prepared to live up to its vocation. Indeed, conflicts that threaten the security of entire continents are now on the way to being resolved by peaceful means, whether through direct intervention by the United Nations or through efforts being made under its auspices.
This renewed vitality can only be sustained with the active individual and collective co-operation of all Members and, primarily, that of the countries with the greatest influence in international affairs. It is not enough to proclaim loudly and clearly the value of the principles of the Charter. The important thing is that it be faithfully and fully implemented by all, without exception. As certain recent breakthroughs have shown, only the political will of Members - and, in particular, that of the super-Powers - will make it possible for the United Nations to act effectively where such action is needed. The converse is also true. Any strengthening of the United Nations is beneficial to each member of the international community. Such interaction is therefore beneficial to all, but it can be set in motion only through the demonstration of goodwill by all.
Strengthening the Organization's capacity for action means enabling it to achieve such essential objectives as the consolidation of international peace and security, economic and social development and the promotion of human rights, and meeting the real challenges of time - helping to resolve the crisis created by the indebtedness of the developing countries, assisting the most disadvantaged peoples and fighting all forms of poverty, illiteracy, hunger, oppression and intolerance, as well as all violations of fundamental human rights.
In his 1983 report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General stated that the tendency towards the erosion of multilateralism and internationalism had to be halted and reversed, and he took that opportunity to examine various approaches that might make the Organization more effective as a political institution. He concluded that the first step towards strengthening the United Nations should consist in the sincere renewal of the commitments of all Governments to the principles of the Charter.
The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations provided an opportunity for all of us to renew our pledge of faith in the Organization. It also provided an occasion to engage in a sincere examination of conscience and to embark upon a process of United Nations reform to make it more effective and more responsive to the hopes all the peoples of the world have placed in it. Those efforts are now beginning to bear fruit.
Positive developments have also been brought about through the willingness of the Security Council to act unanimously through consensus in a certain number of conflicts. The personal efforts of the Secretary-General thus took on broader scope. To that we should add the valuable contribution the peace-keeping operations have made and will make in the future. All of this increases the real impact of the United Nations, in particular on public opinion, whose support is indispensable, and especially on young people, in whom our hopes for a better future are placed.
I would also note that at the very moment when the effective intervention of the United Nations is becoming so evident our Organization is, paradoxically, suffering from a financial crisis that could well prevent it from meeting its most essential responsibilities. I therefore welcome the intention of the United States to find a solution to its contribution problem, and I trust that all Member States will fully live up to their financial commitments. It is essential that the reforms adopted two years ago by the General Assembly he promptly implemented so that the Organization can act under the best possible conditions and be in a position to justify the trust vested in it.
The international atmosphere to which I have referred has been profoundly affected by the improvement in East-West relations. Belgium welcomes this trend, to which it has actively contributed. For their part, the European Twelve are playing a growing role in the positive evolution of East-West relations. In this connection I would mention the start that has been made on achieving closer relations between the European members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON), on the one hand, and the European Community, on the other. Belgium hopes that that progress will continue, with beneficial consequences for the economic and social well-being of mankind.
The signing of the Soviet-American Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles has been hailed, and rightly so, as an event of prime importance. It is a disarmament agreement in the true sense of the term, one that eliminates - and this is the first time it has been done - an entire category of nuclear weapons, accompanied by on-site verification measures that provide adequate guarantees of compliance to both parties.
We do not want it to end there. In a context in which no aspect of East-West relations is being neglected and in which improvements are being sought in all spheres, disarmament efforts are being intensively pursued in various fields.
Belgium keenly hopes that the agreement on the 50 per cent reduction in the nuclear arsenals of the Soviet Union and the United States will soon be implemented.
Belgium values the continuation of bilateral negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on nuclear testing. The progressive and pragmatic approach that has been adopted, as propounded by Belgium, opens up real opportunities for achieving the desired results. We support actions that bring us closer to the objective of a comprehensive and verifiable ban on all nuclear testing, on the bilateral level and also on the international level at the Conference on Disarmament.
For several years chemical disarmament has been the object of intensive multilateral effort at the Conference on Disarmament. We remain confident of the possibility of reaching an agreement in the foreseeable future, notwithstanding the difficulties - which we do not underestimate - that lie ahead. Fortunately, the participants in those negotiations continue to manifest a desire to complete those negotiations successfully. To be successful, the agreement will have to have universal application. In this connection I should like to share my country's deep concern over the repeated violations of the 1925 Geneva Protocol that have occurred in recent years, and in the last few weeks. Those are dangerous precedents and we would very much hope that the indignation and keen emotion such odious acts have aroused will prevent their repetition. Belgium is also deeply concerned at the erosion of respect for a ban to which it attaches great value. We cannot forget that, historically, Belgium was the first victim of chemical weapons.	.
Refusal to consider that barbaric weapon a legitimate means for gaining military advantage is clearly the sine qua non of any success in attaining complete chemical disarmament, which is now being pursued at the Conference on Disarmament.
Like many other States, Belgium unequivocally condemned the use of chemical weapons when such use was confirmed by the fact-finding missions of the Secretary-General. Prompted by humanitarian considerations, my country has expressed its concern about the most recent allegations of the use of such weapons. We regret that the experts designated by the United Nations Secretary-General were unable to investigate that matter thoroughly.
In that connection, I think it essential that the international community have a clear idea of potential risks inherent in recent events and that each State consider ways to prepare for them and to forestall dangerous developments before it is too late. To be sure, this involves respect for the law, but it also involves political will. We must redouble our efforts to achieve a consistent and effectively verifiable treaty totally banning chemical weapons and the production, stockpiling and use of those weapons, yet at the same time we must not relax our vigilance concerning respect for existing laws. I think President Reagan's initiative may be viewed in that perspective.
Belgium hopes that negotiations on conventional forces in Europe will begin soon. Their goal must be to reach the greatest possible stability at the lowest possible level of forces.
Especially in Europe, the disarmament effort is part of a wider process covering all aspects of the diplomatic and human relations among the various parties on a continent that has experienced and continues to experience profound divisions which we are striving gradually to reduce. That approach began with the Helsinki Final Act and is continuing in the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe now under way at Vienna.
Belgium expects that Conference to yield significant progress in human rights, where important commitments have been made in the past. We have seen encouraging signs of greater attention being given to these problems and of a greater willingness to make progress in this area. We hope that all participants will contribute more fully to this process. Belgium also expects that the Conference will set a timetable for the future in order to sustain the vitality of the process of improving East-West relations.
In that context of detente, the tragedy of Afghanistan, which has caused such human suffering and material damage, appears to be on the way to a solution, with the help of the United Nations. Having contributed to the negotiation of the Geneva Accords, the United Nations is participating in their implementation. For its part, Belgium will closely follow the development of the situation, in particular the continued withdrawal of occupation forces and the Afghan people's exercise of self-determination. On that basis it will determine its position in the General Assembly debate on this issue.
The persistent personal efforts of the Secretary-General have led to acceptance by Iran and by Iraq of full implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), which had been unanimously adopted by the Council with a view to ending a long and bloody war between those two countries. Belgium particularly welcomes the cease-fire that began on 20 August and the beginning of peace negotiations under United Nations auspices. I hope that an honourable, lasting settlement will soon restore peace in the Gulf region.
Other regional conflicts continue to plague Asia and the Middle East. They are a source of constant concern, and we express our hope that a peaceful settlement can be reached as quickly as possible.
In Asia, this would involve true independence for a democratic, neutral and non-aligned Cambodia. Belgium is especially aware of this issue since it is Vice-Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea.
Still with respect to Asia, Belgium reaffirms its support for simultaneous admission to the United Nations of the two Koreas and hopes that direct negotiations between the two parties will lead to their reunification.
In the Middle East, we hope that international détente will help end the Israeli-Arab conflict and settle the Palestinian question. I personally tried to reconcile the points of view of the various parties concerned when I served as President of the Council of the European Community during the first half of 1987. Since then, the uprising of the Palestinian population in the occupied territories has shown that the status quo is not viable and that only a negotiated solution to the conflict can bring about a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement. This situation is, sadly, a perfect illustration of what I said a moment ago: that only political will on the part of the parties directly concerned and on the part of the great Powers can enable the United Nations to play the role we all say it should play. Unfortunately, that is not yet the case in the Israeli-Arab conflict, although there are certain signs that the beginnings of wisdom could lead to the trail blazed in other regions.
With respect to the situation in Central America, it is important that the hopes raised by the Esquipulas II agreement will not fade, and that new impetus will be given to the peace process in the region. The area's problems show how democratization, peace and economic development go hand in hand and how they influence each other.
Cyprus and Western Sahara, where the Secretary-General's role has also been established, are two other issues of interest. With regard to Cyprus, we noted with satisfaction the Geneva meeting between representatives of the island's two communities, under United Nations auspices. In the case of Western Sahara, Belgium welcomes the parties' acceptance of the Secretary-General's proposals concerning a referendum.
Turning to sub-Saharan Africa, I wish first of all to recall what my colleague from Greece said when he stressed the Twelve's rejection of apartheid and when he spoke of the pressure being brought to bear upon the South African Government. We are following with keen interest the efforts to bring peace to Angola and grant independence to Namibia. The fact that the parties concerned have agreed to hold talks is another positive element that should be emphasised and encouraged. For the first time in years there is finally hope for a peaceful settlement and wisdom is prevailing among those who only recently seemed adamant.
Indeed, we are encouraged by the progress of negotiations among South Africa, Angola and Cuba, with the mediation of the United States and the accord of the Soviet Union. The various agreements the parties have reached thus far and the prospect of finalizing the agreement on the withdrawal of foreign troops enable us to hope that 1988 will be a decisive, if belated, turning-point in the process of Namibia's accession to independence. Clearly, Belgium, as a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, takes a prime interest in the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), by which 10 years ago the Security Council adopted a plan for the independence of Namibia on the basis of -general elections under United Nations supervision.
This progress, however, does not make me forget that the resolution of Angola's internal problems too is vital to ensuring stability and peaceful coexistence in the region.
Africa holds a special place in the heart of Belgians. Our affinity results from history and from the relations of co-operation maintained in the past and in the present by many of my countrymen throughout that vast continent.
Belgium believes that Africa cannot be an arena for rivalries and conflicting interests imported from outside. Its policy is to advocate and respect non-interference in the affairs of African States and to support the emergence of an African Africa, totally free and stable; an Africa able to find its own answers to its own problems and whose States will enjoy sufficient domestic and continental stability to be able to prevent, and peacefully settle, their conflicts and concentrate fully on reaching their economic and social development goals. I particularly hope that this will apply to Burundi, that friend of Belgium that recently has had to cope with such turmoil. The expectations resulting from the efforts of the Burundi Government should not be lost in vain antagonisms. Belgium, for its part, hopes to propose more thorough attempts at broad-based consultations among the principal countries co-operating with Burundi, in order to determine the conditions in which they can help it resolve the fundamental problems that give rise to such tensions and tragedies.
Today, we are all aware of the critical problems facing Africa with cumulative and dramatic effect; demographic growth outpaces the growth of food production, and the decline in commodity prices damages export earnings and brings a heavy burden of debt. These fundamental problems bring others, often tragic from the human point of view; widespread malnutrition, high infant mortality, rural exodus, deforestation, desertification. We cannot remain indifferent to the distress of millions of Africans suffering their plight with dignity and courage.
Speaking at the special session of the General Assembly on the economic situation in Africa in May 1986, I pointed out that it was not just emergency measures that were needed, but that we had to tackle the very roots of this problem. We have now defined a set of priority measures to promote the rehabilitation and development of Africa.
Now that the Ad Hoc Committee of the Whole of the General Assembly has completed its mid-term review and appraisal of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Recovery and Development, it is the proper time for decisive action.
Belgium is prepared to make its contribution to the recovery of the African countries in a coherent way and in co-operation with the other bilateral and multilateral donors. As time is pressing, such action must be taken without delay.
In this regard, Belgium expresses satisfaction over the new momentum created by the decisions of the Toronto Summit for the search for a solution to the problem of the excessive external debt experienced by the least developed countries, among which there are so many sub-Saharan African nations. Together with the industrialized countries, in the competent forums the Belgian Government is examining technical measures in this regard, for it is our conviction that a stable and permanent framework for security and prosperity cannot be guaranteed as long as this problem lacks an adequate solution.
At the same time, however, Belgium maintains the strong conviction that the indebted countries need to pursue the closest possible co-operation with the international financial institutions, whose essential role in the process of the elaboration of economic adjustment strategies cannot be questioned.
In а few months we will celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the solemn adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
That very influential instrument has more than symbolic value. Today it constitutes the basis of a complex and impressive set of rules designed to sustain the rights of the human person all over the world.
This celebration gives us the opportunity for reflection and evaluation. Six years ago, in this very Assembly, I appealed for the establishment of a system to ' monitor human rights based on both universal and regional mechanisms, associating the cultural diversities and differences between peoples.
I would note that in 1982, on the eve of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration, on the initiative of my country, the General Assembly adopted a resolution urging Member States to engage in closer regional co-operation. Simultaneously, an exchange of information was set up between existing regional systems and our Organization in order to evaluate their mutual experience.
I am pleased to note that since then regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights have been set up and are doing their job well, while others, with the same impetus, are fully expanding both with regard to the establishment of norms and the monitoring of compliance with those norms.
In view of those results, the Belgian delegation will continue to do its utmost to encourage this trend.
In one way or another, all the major problems of today derive from disregard for human dignity. That is why it is necessary to find ways to resolve them through a multilateral approach.
In conclusion, let me revert to my opening theme by calling for greater political will from each of us to enable the United Nations even better to fulfil the expectations we have always had of it.