163.	I should like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly for its thirty-third session. My delegation looks forward to working under the presidency of the Foreign Minister of Colombia, a fellow charter Member of the United Nations from the Western hemisphere with which Canada has the friendliest of relations. The Canadian delegation pledges to you, Sir, its fullest support in fulfilling your heavy responsibilities during the next three months.
164.	I should also like to congratulate Deputy Foreign Minister Mojsov of Yugoslavia on the efficient and decisive way in which he presided over not only the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly but also three special -sessions, including the very important special session co disarmament.
165.	This year we welcome our new Member, Solomon Islands, whose application Canada was pleased to recommend in the Security Council and to join in sponsoring as a member of the Commonwealth. With the admission of the Solomon Islands the United Nations has attained the bench-mark figure of ISO Member nations and has approached even closer to the goal of universality of membership.
166.	In my statement a year ago13 I was critical of some of the procedures of our Assembly, and 1 still believe that we need to act and to speak so that our people can understand what it is we are doing here and have confidence in our decisions. I do not mean to imply that we ought to agree on everything or even try to settle everything; on the contrary, I think that we should be careful to arrange our agenda so that we concentrate on the major purposes of the United Nations, not on the headlines of the moment.
167.	1 am glad to note that the Secretary-General has echoed some of these sentiments in his annual report on the work of the Organization. But he also emphasizes that the pursuit of global objectives ought to take precedence over "nationalistic aims". Let there be no doubt that Canada, too, regards the United Nations as a vital and essential world forum which serves important global purposes.
168.	There are two international issues that have defied solution for more than three decades but which now have reached a crucial turning-point. Peace in the Middle East is closer. An internationally acceptable settlement in Namibia could still be within our grasp. But to make the most cherished hopes of millions come true will require wisdom, patience, fortitude and restraint in the weeks and months ahead.14
169.	Eighteen months ago I joined my colleagues of the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Federal Republic of Germany in a concerted effort to bring about an internationally acceptable settlement in Namibia. Since that day a great deal of progress has been made. Painstaking negotiations and the personal participation of Foreign Ministers at key junctures in the negotiating process have demonstrated what- can be achieved when political will and the determination to succeed are brought together and brought to bear upon seemingly intractable problems. After a year of detailed talks, and in an intensive exploration of all the issues, the five Western members of die Security Council were able to draw up a compromise proposal [Sf12636] which I was privileged to introduce on 25 April to the Assembly's special session. At that same time I was able to announce South Africa's acceptance of the plan.
170.	In July, SWAPO also accepted the Western plan and we were thus able, with the full co-operation of the parties and the active support of the African front-line States, to take, in the Security Council, the first step towards the full implementation of our proposals. It was, therefore, with considerable optimism and satisfaction that we followed the progress of the special survey mission which the Secretary-General dispatched to Namibia, under the leadership of his Special Representative, Mr. Martti Antisaari.
171.	When, on the basis of the findings of that mission, the Secretary-General published his report and his recommendations as to how best he could discharge the mandate given to him by the Security Council, we had every reason to believe that the United Nations finally had in its hands the instrument capable of putting an end to 30 years of controversy and of bringing Namibia to independence in an internationally acceptable manner. It was therefore with shock and dismay that we heard last week of the South African Government's decision to proceed unilaterally with elections in that Territory.
172.	Neither of the reasons invoked by the South African Government is valid. First, I wish to declare most categorically that the Secretary-General's report is fully in line with the original Western proposal. That report is a professional assessment of the human and financial means required to perform the tasks which our proposals call for.
173.	Secondly, apart from a few extreme elements, all of those who have a claim to represent sectors of the Namibian population have clearly expressed their preference for and acceptance of United Nations involvement in the independence process. The churches have done so, the Namibia National Front has done so and, as recently as 15 September, the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance has done so. We simply cannot accept that there is now a need for some form of further consultation.
174.	We are once more facing a grave situation. Our Organization is now in a position to undertake the task of bringing to independence, through peaceful means, a new nation.
175.	We must urge those who wish to stand in the way of such a noble enterprise to reconsider their decision. The South African Government must realize that its defiance of the will of the international community, particularly when that Government has been so closely involved in a long negotiating process, cannot be tolerated. The new Government of South Africa, which we understand will be formed by the end of this month, would be very seriously mistaken if it assumed that its actions in respect of Namibia would have no serious consequences. To those leaders inside Namibia who are being led to believe that they can solve their problems through some sham electoral procedure, I can only say:
"Think of the future of your country. The road you are taking can only lead to a dead end. Make no mistake: a so-called government chosen through the so-called elections currently envisaged by the Administrator-General will never be recognized internationally. Instead of enjoying the benefits of free and close association with the rest of the world, you will only beget more bloodshed and bring about in the long run the destruction of what you hold dear."
It is not too late and I sincerely hope that all concerned will reconsider their course of action.
176.	The danger signals are clear. On 4 November 1977, in its resolution 418(1977), the Security Council imposed a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa, the first time the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter
had been invoked against a Member State. This step confirmed a policy voluntarily observed by Canada since 1963. The invocation of Chapter VII of the Charter has rightly been regarded as a grave decision, taken only after the most serious consideration and a careful weighing of the implications. This decision, therefore, reflects our belief that the perpetuation of the apartheid system will result in a continuing deterioration of peace and stability in southern Africa.
177.	Canada has also expressed its support for a call to Governments to review their economic relations with South Africa. Although this element was not incorporated in the Security Council resolution, the Canadian Government nevertheless decided to take certain steps. On 19 December 1977, for example, I announced that Canada was phasing out Government involvement in commercial relations with South Africa and would issue a code of conduct to govern the behaviour of Canadian companies with operations in South Africa. The Canadian Government will continue to keep its present genera] relations with South Africa under review.
178.	My Government is much concerned, too, by the situation in Zimbabwe. We had hoped that the Anglo-American proposals and subsequent action by the Security Council would lead to general agreement. The attempt to follow a different path has had no success, and the country now faces increasing bloodshed and uncertainty. A continuation of the war would also haw the -gravest consequences for the stability of the region as a whole.
179.	Clearly, an early meeting of all parties to the conflict is essential if there is to be any hope of securing peaceful settlement on the basis of the generally accepted Anglo-American plan. Canada continues to hope that the plan may still be successful, and would be willing, in such circumstances, to offer appropriate assistance.
180.	All of us must be heartened by the remarkable progress achieved over the past year towards a just solution of the Middle East conflict. President El-Sadat's historic visit to Jerusalem less than a year ago and the warm reception given to him by Prime Minister Begin and the Israeli people have had a dramatic sequel in the agreements at Camp David. The Government of Canada has sent its congratulations to President Carter, President El-Sadat and Prime Minister Begin on this act of statesmanship. The prospect of a real and durable peace is now much closer, although serious issues remain to be resolved.
181.	Canada supported and encouraged the negotiating process begun in Jerusalem. We welcomed the bold initiative of President Carter in again bringing the Heads of Government of Israel and Egypt together at Camp David and we endorse the agreements reached there. They are a milestone on the long road to peace, a road which Canadian soldiers have watched over for more than 20 years. We hope that after due consideration the nations concerned will find that the framework established at Camp David constitutes a sound basis for moving towards a general peace settlement.
182.	The process of direct negotiation on the difficult and sensitive issues at the heart of the problem must continue. All parties face agonizing and hard decisions. But my
Government is confident that the will exists to take the next steps. Meanwhile, the deliberations of this Assembly should serve to bolster confidence between the parties and to facilitate their negotiations. Surely we must try to avoid recriminations and polemics now that serious negotiations are under way. I am well aware that deep differences of view exist, nor do I question the sincerity of such views. My plea is that we make an effort to moderate passions, to encourage constructive action in the area and to strengthen the prestige and competence of the United Nations in the search for solutions.
183.	For all concerned these are days of both accomplishment and opportunity which require patience and fortitude. We do not know what the ultimate shape of a peace settlement might be. It might make provision for international involvement to assist in the implementation of its terms. Canada would consider very seriously a request to make an appropriate contribution to such an enterprise Canada also hopes that other aspects of the problem will be addressed in the context of resolutions adopted by the Security Council. It may very well be that generous financial contributions from the international community will be required; here, too, Canada will certainly be prepared to assist within the limits of its capacity.
184.	A third question demanding immediate attention and action is the lack of progress we have made in the United Nations in the protection of human rights throughout the world. A tragic example of this is the situation in Democratic Kampuchea. On 8 September my Government brought to the attention of the Commission on Human Rights a detailed public report which was based on a series of voluntary statements made to Canadian representatives by individual Kampuchean refugees,15 a great many of whom had left Democratic Kampuchea recently. The testimony of the refugees clearly supports allegations from a variety of other sources that the Government of Democratic Kampuchea has systematically violated the fundamental human rights of its citizens and that the repression and the killing are continuing. This situation cries out for the kind of effective action that this Organization should be able to provide.
185.	The Canadian Government considers that an immediate investigation of the human rights situation in Democratic Kampuchea should take place. I urge members of this Assembly to support our recommendation to the Commission on Human Rights to take such action. 1 also ask members of the Assembly to consider their obligations to the increasing numbers of refugees from Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea that are now under the care of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
186.	To date, Canada has accepted 7,000 refugees from that area, including those from former Cambodia. In doing so we have accepted the full costs of their resettlement in our country. These costs are in excess of $3.7 million, which Canada regards as an important if indirect contribution to the valuable work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In the light of the tragic situation in Democratic Kampuchea I wish to take this occasion to announce that Canada will increase from 50 to 70 the number of refugee families from Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea we will accept each month. I expect that over the next 12 months more than 1,000 additional refugees will find a new home in Canada. Furthermore, Canada will contribute an additional $500,000 to the High Commissioner for his valuable relief and assistance work in South-East Asia.
187.	The case of Kampuchea is not unique in demonstrating that in the field of human rights the official record of the United Nations creates an illusion of much greater progress than we have managed to make. There is no dearth of promising language on the international statute book. Unfortunately, the gap between promise and performance has not narrowed much. Reports of gross and persistent inhumanity continue to claim the attention of the world community. Governments continue to renege on commitments they have freely assumed in international instruments.
188.	In short, we are still a long way from an international consensus on human rights. Historians will wonder why it should have been so. They will be hard put to explain how we could be very near a consensus on how to preserve the quality of our seas and yet unable to conduct so much as a civil dialogue on how to preserve the dignity of the human person. They will be hard put to explain how we have begun to redistribute resources internationally to sustain human beings in their material needs but could not ensure that men and women would be free to exercise their most elementary human rights.
189.	Human rights are a problem of international dimensions. Their recognition and promotion, as the Secretary-General reminds us, is a legitimate concern of the world community. The new prominence that human rights has acquired is part of the natural evolution of an international system. Like so many other concerns, the concern about human rights can no longer be contained behind national boundaries. It is not a matter of laying down to Governments how they should fashion their political or economic systems. It is simply a matter of making certain that Governments observe the fundamental decencies of civilized life to which they have all pledged allegiance.
190.	The issue of human rights will not go away. We have a clear choice. We can decide that the United Nations must face the issue squarely, or we will be forced to go elsewhere to seek a tolerable international consensus. In the view of the Canadian Government the choice is clear. We believe that the United Nations is ideally equipped to evaluate objectively, dispassionately and impartially allegations of human rights violations. The better it is seen to function the more confidence this Organization will command and the less individual Governments will feel bound to call for actions against others for gross and persistent violations of human rights.
191.	We believe that the United Nations can improve its investigation of allegations of human rights violations. We welcome, therefore, as a significant precedent the decision of the Government of Chile to receive an investigative group. My Government also considers that the capacity of the Office of the Secretary-General to investigate and to intercede when necessary, as well as its authority to do so,
should be augmented. Canada further proposes that the officers of the Commission on Human Rights be empowered to meet between sessions to consider apparent serious violations of human rights and when necessary to make its views known to Governments.
192.	Human rights can be violated in many ways, but surely one of the most despicable is international terrorism. Innocent lives are placed in jeopardy while the culprits often go unpunished or even undetected. Terrorism holds our security and our society to ransom and threatens Governments in all parts of the world. There must be no confusion between ends and means. Terrorism is beyond the bounds of legitimate dissent. It degrades every cause it claims to serve. The international community, which is pledged to eliminate war as an instrument of policy, can hardly accept terrorism as a tolerable aspect of international life.
193.	Resolution 32/8, adopted by consensus at the last session of the General Assembly, deals with a specific aspect of terrorism—hijacking. That resolution calls on Governments to take joint and separate action to ensure the safety of civil aviation, and it .vas strongly endorsed by the Canadian delegation. We have continued to stress the need for further international action to combat terrorism in all its manifestations. Prime Minister Trudeau's initiative in developing and presenting a declaration on hijacking at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference in July clearly underlined Canada's commitment to take action to deal with this problem. The declaration commits the seven Governments to suspending air links with countries which do not extradite or prosecute hijackers who come within their jurisdictions. Participants at the Bonn meeting urged other Governments to associate themselves with that commitment. Many Governments have indicated that they are prepared to do so. Today we urge all other members of the international community to follow this course as well.
194.	As Canada nears the end of its latest term on the Security Council I inevitably have mixed feelings. We have welcomed the opportunity to play a direct part in contributing towards the resolution of the issues of peace and war brought to the Council. We have participated, I believe effectively, in some very important decisions. But we have also felt some frustrations, which I suppose are shared by most non-permanent members. Periods of service on the Council are too infrequent to build an extensive background of experience or to have much impact on the way the Council meets the responsibilities set out for it in the Charter. We have been impressed by the progress the Council has made since our last term 10 years ago. There has been the adoption of quietly effective negotiating techniques which have encouraged a sense of co-operation and collegial spirit in its work. We think that for the most part the Council has done a good job in dealing with the matters before it.
195.	But we have not changed our view that the Council is too passive. All too frequently it turns a blind eye to situations which clearly constitute a threat to international peace and security. It continues to ignore its responsibility under the Charter to try to head off such threats before they arrive. In my statement before this Assembly a year ago I expressed the belief that informal and private
exchanges between political leaders represented on the Council would help it to fulfil its responsibilities. In all candour I must report that we found that some of our colleagues were opposed to this approach. However, I continue to be convinced of the value of the concept of periodic meetings of the Council at the ministerial level. Such meetings could give the Council the high-level political direction that is essential if it is to take the initiative in preserving peace when conflict is anticipated, as well as restoring it when conflict has occurred. I know that I am not alone in expressing these views, and I urge those members of the Council, present and future, who share them not to give up their efforts to have the Council fulfil its role as envisioned in the Charter.
196.	I also think it is time to consider again the size of the Council. In 1965, when the membership was increased from 11 to 15, there were 118 Members of the United Nations. Now there are 150. Many States which would contribute well to the work of the Council must wait a generation before they can hope to serve.
197.	Although no longer a member of the Council after the end of this year, Canada will follow with deep interest the Council's deliberations. We will be prepared to contribute in any feasible way to strengthen the Organization's peace-keeping capacity, and to help galvanize its will-power in the spirit of friendly relations, co-operation and harmony called for by the United Nations Charter.
198.	Looking back over the past year I take satisfaction from the tenth special session on disarmament. The disarmament session adopted by consensus; a programme of action that clearly identified the most urgent negotiating tasks, including vigorous pursuit of measures to curb the nuclear-arms race, the conclusion of a nuclear test-ban treaty, and the negotiation of an effective agreement on chemical weapons. Proposals made by my Prime Minister, and by other leaders, are under active discussion in many capitals. The session's Final Document is the most authoritative statement of views, aspirations and objectives ever produced on the subject of arms limitation and reduction. It is our compass and our incentive for the work ahead. We must respond with determination to meet the challenge posed by the programme of action.
199.	The special session on disarmament was a useful reminder, too, of the value of reaching oar conclusions by consensus when important issues are at stake. Improvements in our procedures need to be made if we are to find time for these issues and to discuss them seriously. A number of useful proposals to this end have been made which Canada endorses.
200.	While disarmament may be the ultimate answer to international security, peace-keeping and peace-making are also essential to contain threats to peace. Over the years, Canada has joined many other countries in supporting United Nations peace-keeping missions. We have supplied military or other personnel for every United Nations peace-keeping force which has taken the field, including UNIFIL established last March.
201.	The Council acted promptly and wisely in deciding to insert a United Nations force into the troubled situation
which has prevailed in Southern Lebanon. The organization and subsequent conduct of UNIFIL is a tribute not only to the skilful diplomacy of the Secretary-General and his staff but also to the readiness of Member States from most regions of the world to help with United Nations peacekeeping. We cannot overlook, however, that UNIFIL has encountered problems in fulfilling all the terms of its mandate, and that the Lebanese Government has not yet been able fully to restore its sovereignty.
202.	The future success of UNIFIL will depend on the forbearance and goodwill of all the parties involved, and also, indeed, on the extent to which current and potential contributors to UNIFIL can plan their participation.
203.	States which contribute contingents to peace-keeping forces are bound to be influenced by their perceptions of the kind of co-operation these troops receive from the parties. They will be influenced, too, by the kind of support which these operations receive from the rest of the membership, especially the permanent members of the Security Council. I note with regret that two permanent members have said they will not help pay for UNIFIL.
204.	My country is unusually sensitive to the need for the United Nations to improve its advance planning arrangements for peace-keeping. It was only with considerable dislocation of our own requirements that we were able to supply specialized personnel for UNIFIL, and then only for six months. 1 urge all Member States to consider again the earmarking of personnel, services and equipment for this land of contingency. If the Secretary-General is to carry out the-instructions given to him by the Security Council, which are usually based on the principle of equitable geographical distribution, he must have the widest possible freedom to select the resources required. The lack of readily available communications and logistics personnel is particularly regrettable. It is more than time that the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations made firm recommendations on these questions.
205.	Earlier this year I had occasion to assess the situation in Cyprus at first hand. My visit confirmed my view that the parties to the conflict ought to be able to settle their differences by negotiation.
206.	Canada once again has a direct interest in a solution of the Cyprus problem. Canadian contingents have been in Cyprus, as part of the United Nations force, for 14 years. Some of our soldiers are now doing their fourth tour of duty on the island. Many Canadians are beginning to feel that the continued presence of the force, instead of paving the way for a solution, may be a factor in impeding it.
207.	The island of Cyprus, an independent and sovereign State and a sovereign member of the international community, has known a troubled history- I believe that it would serve no useful purpose to attempt to identify those responsible for the events of the past. The international community expects, however, that the Cypriot people will use the resources and dynamism which it shares with its Mediterranean neighbours as well as- the goodwill which exists to prepare a new national programme which will contain guarantees acceptable to all the parties concerned. The legacy of the past will not facilitate matters and, in my
opinion, the- enterprise will even be an impossible one if sustained negotiations are not instituted between the two communities. Without a permanent dialogue, the accommodations which are hinted at from time' to time will remain without any effect. The Secretary-General has offered has good offices to the parties and I would urge them to take full and prompt advantage of them.
208.	I have been discussing important issues of peace and security. We also expect this Assembly to address and influence those economic and social questions which are so vital to the welfare of our peoples. Peace and security will remain distant goals unless the basic economic and social needs of mankind receive adequate attention.
209.	As each of our Governments tried to deal with economic and social issues in the context of our national interests, we become increasingly aware of the wide-ranging effects of our actions, improvements in our economic and social conditions can be found only in policies which fully recognize this interdependence among States and among issues. None can be dealt with effectively in isolation. That is why it is so important for us to discuss these issues effectively in this body.
210.	The industrialized countries account for a major share of international economic activity and their policies therefore have a particular impact upon the health of the world economy. We know that the recent performance of our industrial economies have not been good enough. The leaders of seven major industrialized countries met just over two months ago and agree d on measures which they would take, individually and collectively, to improve this performance. My own Government has since announced a aeries of measures designed to strengthen the growth of the Canadian economy. These efforts to improve our national economic performance are not inward-looking. On the contrary, my Government remains convinced that a truly open world trading system provides the best framework for sustained economic growth for all of us. It also remains convinced that the problems of the industrialized world can best be solved by means which benefit all countries, developed and developing alike.
211.	There is no quick or. easy solution to current domestic or international economic difficulties, particularly those of the world's poorest countries, but some of the imperatives are clear. We must improve economic growth to enhance the international economy's ability to meet the aspirations of developing countries for a more just economic order. We must resist pressures for self-defeating protectionism. We must bend every effort to achieve the successful conclusion of the multilateral trade negotiations, including satisfactory benefits for developing countries as well as for the world's principal traders.
212.	Frank and open exchanges on vital problems affecting the world economy must take place here. But if the General Assembly is to play its proper role in the process of working out equitable solutions to these problems, we need to clarify the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 and to make that Committee work. We must give the Committee a mandate
which clearly defines its role as an instrument of the General Assembly. If we ask it to perform tasks which are the proper responsibility of other international bodies, we will do harm to a potentially valuable instrument.
213.	As I said earlier, the dialogue on economic issues continues on many fronts. Some progress is apparent. Prospects for a new food aid convention have improved. Canada will participate actively and constructively in the resumed negotiations on 3 common fund for commodities and we are confident progress can be made there as well. The calendar for 1979 is very challenging: the fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila, the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development in Vienna, the development of a new international development strategy for the 1980s and beyond. Canada has a deep interest in each of these events. This General Assembly session should contribute to their preparation as well as to the preparation of such events as the proposed world conference on renewable sources of energy. I invite delegations to help keep us on the path of consensus in this process. Progress on all of these issues is at times frustratingly slow, but we must persist in our efforts until we succeed.
214.	Over the past year the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has made important progress towards the adoption of a comprehensive treaty for the oceans. I am particularly encouraged by the improvements in the informal composite negotiating text on the prevention and control of vessel source pollution. The new text does not yet fully meet my Government's objectives in this field. Nevertheless, it reflects an increasing awareness by the international community of the need for a more balanced sharing of coastal and flag-State rights and duties. The tragic and devastating oil spill off the French coast earlier this year graphically demonstrated the obsolescence of the traditional rule of flag-State sovereignty.
215.	Most of the major elements of a global oceans treaty are now virtually agreed. What remain are the most difficult hard-core issues relating primarily to an international system for the mining of the deep sea-bed and the translation of the common heritage concept into an equitable system for extracting the minerals of the deep ocean bed. Our goal is unprecedented in international institutions—the establishment of an international organization with both regulatory responsibilities and a role in the actual exploitation of natural resources. The implications of the new economic order are profound and far-reaching. Thus, no matter how exacting or frustrating the negotiations may still be, we cannot afford to let the Conference fail, particularly now that it has accomplished so much and home port is within sight.
216.	Canada agrees, however, that the Conference must be brought to a conclusion as soon as possible. While an arbitrary deadline could impede rather than expedite the work of the Conference, we believe that the negotiations should end during the course of 1979. This would lead, we hope, to the adoption of a draft treaty in the early part of 1980. Canada will give its full support to the attainment of this objective.

111. In conclusion, I think it vital that we remember during the course of this session why we come here every year. Despite its flaws and failures, the United Nations binds us to certain basic principles which are as valid now as they were in 1945. This Organization has stood for a third of a century as witness to the ideal of the common accountability of every nation for enlarging the security, prosperity and dignity of all mankind.
218.	The challenge is to ensure that the United Nations system responds to the complex and changing environment in which we live. Our basic principles must not be encrusted with bureaucratic procedure. The momentum of this institution must be towards the issues of the day, not away from them.
I am confident we will meet this challenge.


74.	It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to express to you on behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom o. Morocco and on my own behalf sincere congratulations on the great trust placed in you by our great international family represented in this hall in unanimously electing you to the presidency of this thirty-third session of the General Assembly in appreciation of your unique political acumen. The Assembly conferred on your country, our friend, Colombia, the honour of the presidency, as an acknowledgement of its abilities and as a tribute to the leading role it plays within the Latin American group of States and at the world level as an active member of the vanguard of the third world.
75.	The weight of the responsibility vested in you, Mr. President, is exemplified by the gravity of the situation in the world today, which is fraught with momentous consequences-more than at any time in the past-concerning peace or war in various parts of the civilized world, coexistence or destructive confrontation between blocs, and the achievement of economic justice or the continuation of unjust encroachments at the international level on the rights of the poor peoples of the world.
76.	In spite of the clouds on the international political horizon, the international community puts its hopes in your wisdom and experience, your profound knowledge of international problems and your skilful guidance of our work, so that we may overcome the intricate problems and conclude the work of our current session with results that will dispel the dark clouds on the horizon and open up new prospects of hope, peace, justice and well-being for all mankind.
77.	I must not omit to express also on this occasion to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, our recognition and appreciation of his wise guidance of the work of our last regular session and the three special sessions held this year.
78.	Allow me also to pay a tribute and to bid a warm welcome to Solomon Islands, which has just joined the United Nations. We hope that that country will contribute, with us, to the creation of a better world of peace, security and prosperity.
79.	I should like also to express our thanks to the Secretary-General for his valuable efforts at the head of our Organization. I am thinking in particular of the many initiatives which he has taken in the past year in the service of peace, justice and the promotion of the principles of the Charter.
80'. Since our last session the world has remained in the throes of political, social and economic interactions with various negative and positive effects. Unfortunately, those interactions have failed to satisfy the aspirations of mankind or even its minimum expectations that the international community would come closer to the security and peace which generations have sought unceasingly since the dawn of history.
81. Since the beginning of this century, and particularly in recent years, man has reached the zenith of brilliant scientific triumphs, which have extended his reach and his vision beyond his planet to the far corners of the universe, given him insight into many mysteries and carried him further along the path of progress and civilization.
82.	However, unfortunately, twentieth-century man has been unable to achieve any victory or progress in the field of international relations and has been unable to change the nature of relations between the States and nations or to enhance those relations at the level of international justice. The characteristics which marked relations between primitive nations and peoples based on the logic of might and the exploitation of man by man still prevail. Wars are still regarded as an acceptable means of resolving international conflicts, and aggression and the logic of coercion and oppression are still political instruments which are brought to bear on nations to make them follow a specific political or ideological line. Proclivities to hegemony and political blackmail still remain as disgraceful blemishes on the face of human civilization and diminish the value of what progress it has made.
83.	What is perhaps worst is the fact that man is employing his scientific achievements to bring all mankind to the brink of the abyss of collective annihilation and to place within the reach of some the means of destroying the world through the invention of the most lethal, the most crushing and the most destructive instruments of war, unchecked by his civilized conscience and undeterred by any ideals of progress for science.
84.	It is indeed regrettable that our hope for the attainment of a genuine era of international harmony and detente is being dashed by misgivings about the return of certain manifestations of the cold war in East-West relations.
85.	Similarly, it is regrettable that the achievement of genuine world disarmament is still not practicable and that we are still as far from it as we were at the beginning of the negotiations on disarmament 16 years ago, despite all the efforts expended to that end and despite the tenth special session convened some months ago at the highest international level.
86.	The African continent, to which Morocco has the honour to belong, is, by reason of the very nature of its recent political history and its subjection until recent decades to the forces of colonial exploitation, a living example of the tumultuous political interactions taking place in our present-day world, for the forces of hegemony, domination and exploitation are still assailing it, and this young continent has not yet been able to enjoy the benefits of its independence and liberation from the bonds of colonialism.
87.	While the great Powers have reached agreement among themselves-or made a show of such mutual agreement—to follow what is called the policy of detente, the ideological and political struggle of which the African continent is the theatre are no more than a species of cold war between the two major camps, with all the bitter political conflicts, the collapse of the security of interests, the heated flare-ups and the wars by proxy that that war entails.
88.	During the past year Africa has witnessed what no other continent has witnessed with regard to foreign intervention, because a certain element, in an endeavour to establish a foothold for itself on African territory and seeking to expand its sphere of influence and broaden its authority, has set about inundating some regions of the continent with massive supplies of the latest instrument of ruin, destruction and annihilation and to this end has brought in tens of thousands of foreign troops from overseas and endeavoured to use them and exploit them to destabilize the legitimate regimes which do not act in accordance with its wishes in certain parts of the continent.
89.	This foreign intervention is being perpetrated in the name of certain ideologies or slogans; but the first task in Africa is to liberate Pretoria and Salisbury from the despotic racist cliques, which do not acknowledge the humanity of Africans, refuse to recognize their status as human beings and trample their dignity under foot.
90.	The true liberation of Africa must inevitably come in Pretoria, Salisbury and Namibia before anywhere else in Africa.
91.	What Africa needs most today, after the succession of the long, oppressive eras of exploitation, colonial pillage and alien subjugation it has suffered, is to be left to tend its wounds, to build its homelands and to develop its independence, not to become a seat of war, cold or hot, and not to have its territory transformed into a set of strategic points fought over by the great Powers.
92.	The time has come for the international community to proclaim that Africa belongs to the Africans and to demand that all parties, of whatever colour or creed, desist from imposing their tutelage on it on >the pretext of any slogan or in any guise. All must recognize that Africa itself, with its rich human resources, is capable of confronting and resolving the problems of Africa within a genuine African framework.
93.	Morocco, placing its faith in its character as an African country and loyal to the historical role it has played in the African arena, especially since the dawning of its independence, and seeking the higher interest of the continent and the people of Africa, calls upon the peoples of the United Nations to strive for the achievement of the following goals: first, the exclusion of the African continent from the scope of the escalations of the cold war between the East and West, to spare it the evil effects of the struggle between the great Powers and their world rivalry for the gaining of strategic, political and economic advantages; .secondly, the prohibition of outside intervention, from whatever source and from whatever motives, in African affairs and African disputes, as called for by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU at its fifteenth ordinary session held in Khartoum last July; thirdly, the immediate withdrawal of all non-African forces from the African continent; fourthly, encouragement of the solution of-all African problems by purely African means; fifthly, the promotion and development of means of economic and technical co-operation between African States; and sixthly, assistance to Africa in eliminating and liquidating the racist regimes in Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia through positive aid consisting of the provision of all types of assistance to the joint African effort to liberate those countries, including support for the front-line States in strengthening their capacity to resist, oppose and confront the acts of military aggression inflicted upon them, and through indirect aid consisting of the strict observance of the application of economic sanctions against the Pretoria and Salisbury regimes and the tightening of the military blockade decided upon by the United Nations.
94.	There is no doubt that the world has now become aware of the despotic, inhumane and racist character of the regimes in Zimbabwe and South Africa through the negotiations which took place between the leaders of those two regimes and the parties concerned with solving the problems of Namibia and Zimbabwe, inasmuch as futile dialogue and blind bigotry gave the rulers of Pretoria and Salisbury another opportunity to convince those Western States that needed convincing of the disdain of those rulers for fundamental human values and of their persistence in violating the rights of Africans.
95.	In Namibia itself, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) demonstrated after a bitter struggle its political maturity and its appreciation of the historic national responsibility which it bears when it decided to accept, on behalf of the people of Namibia, the democratic process proposed by the five Western States in the Security Council as a basis for the settlement of the Namibian question,  thereby enabling the international community, as represented by the Security Council, to arrive at the desired solution.
96.	However, the racist regime in South Africa disavowed, as is its wont, the promises which it had made regarding its agreement to that process and exploited this interval to strengthen its military position in the region and to take measures to ensure that it would be able to misrepresent the will of the Namibian people.
97r The Kingdom of Morocco believes that no progress can be made towards the solution of the Namibian problem except on the basis of respect for the territorial integrity of Namibia, which is incomplete unless Walvis Bay is regarded as an inseparable part of Namibian territory, in accordance with Security Council resolution 431 (1978) on this subject, and except on the basis of agreement with the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people, namely, the leaders of SWAPO, all that to take place under actual United Nations supervision.
98.	In addition, Morocco declares its support for Security Council resolution 432 (1978), which indicated a starting- point for the democratic process which could, given goodwill on the part of the leaders in Pretoria, put an end to the state of tension in the region by according the people of Namibia their inalienable right to freedom, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of a united Namibian State.
99.	The Kingdom of Morocco will, as it has in the past, stand by the struggle of the Namibian people until they achieve their final victory. Morocco has always demonstrated its readiness to participate in the efforts expended at the African and the international levels to -create appropriate circumstances to increase opportunities for peace and for ending states of tension, and today it declares once again its full readiness for effective practical participation in such efforts as the United Nations may undertake within the framework of the liberation process in Namibia, prompted in that by the spirit of African solidarity and its awareness of its international responsibility.
100.	Morocco assured the Secretary-General of our Organization a few days ago that His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco is prepared to provide such troops as the United Nations may request to rally to the flag of the international Organization in order to perform their African and international duty to put an end to the racist-colonial presence in Namibia and to enable the sister people of that country to have self-determination and exercise its right to independence and sovereignty.
101.	In Zimbabwe the obduracy and efforts at deception of Ian Smith's regime have gone to the extreme in an attempt to avoid that country's entry into the era of majority rule. We believe that the Zimbabwe crisis cannot be resolved without the active participation of the Patriotic Front, which we hope will keep its ranks united in order to extirpate the seat of racism from its country, eradicate discrimination on grounds of colour, raise the voice of the African majority and affirm its established right to independence and sovereignty under a just and democratic regime.
102.	Morocco calls upon the States of the world to come to the assistance of militant Zimbabwe and to support the front-line States in southern Africa and help them to resist the aggression directed against them by Ian Smith's regime, and to stand fast against the campaigns of terrorization and intimidation.
103.	The past year has been marked also by the convening of a meeting unique in the history of the United Nations, the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. That gathering took place in response to the request of the group of non-aligned States, which had expressed their collective international desire for a halt to the terrible arms race and for an endeavour to achieve general and complete disarmament throughout the world.
104.	The mere fact of the convening of that special session and then the determination of die role and responsibility of the United Nations in the field of disarmament constituted definite progress towards the achievement of disarmament, although we were, and still—alas-are, very far from attaining that lofty goal which we must reach if we wish to save mankind from the evils of nuclear suicide and collective annihilation.
105.	The session was at all events able to establish the basis and the machinery which will enable the international community, provided that it makes good use of them, to make a fresh start in the search for a solution to the problems of disarmament.
106.	We welcomed the adoption of that wise resolution which states the necessity of establishing a deliberative body open to all Member States, giving them an opportunity to make their voice heard on the problems of disarmament [see resolution S-10/2, chap. IV, para. 118]. Without question, the establishment of close ties between the deliberative body and the negotiating body will strengthen the position and enhance the effectiveness of the latter.
107.	Morocco, which the international community honoured in 1969 by appointing it a member of the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, is pleased to see that the special session agreed on certain reforms in the procedures of the negotiating body which Morocco, together with certain other States, had already proposed at that Conference. We hope that those reforms will lead to the participation of all the nuclear States in the work of the negotiating body, for all are aware of the grave responsibility of the nuclear States, particularly the United States of America and the Soviet Union, in this regard.
108.	We also were pleased that the special session reaffirmed the priority which must be accorded to the subject of nuclear disarmament, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the right of those States which by their accession to the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, have of their own free will renounced the acquisition of nuclear weapons to obtain firm guarantees of security and to avail themselves fully of the peaceful use of nuclear power. Nor did the special session neglect the subject of the problems relating to conventional disarmament and its repercussions on the peace and security of States. The special session emphasized, further, the close link between disarmament and the problems of development.
109.	Morocco, as a member of the Committee on Disarmament concerned with negotiation, will spare no effort in the endeavour to implement the recommendations of the special session. It appeals to the States of the world, and in particular those possessing nuclear weapons, to co-operate in this laudable endeavour in order that those recommendations may be translated into genuine action which will prepare the way for the world conference on disarmament and the forthcoming special session devoted to disarmament, with a view to achieving positive results that will turn into reality mankind's aspirations to life in a world in which peace and security prevail.
110.	With regard to Morocco's position on the subject of control over the proliferation of nuclear weapons, I wish to recall that, when the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco decided to undertake the necessary studies for the construction of a nuclear centre designed to meet the country's increasing needs for electric power, and since the considerable phosphate reserves in Morocco make it possible to produce uranium, His Majesty the King proposed to the United Nations that a special committee be established to ascertain that uranium was not enriched and processed for use for military purposes, thereby proclaiming Morocco's voluntary resolve to respect the right of annual or biannual control.
111.	With regard to the question of disarmament and the halting of the arms race in the Maghreb region, Morocco was among the first to be concerned with this goal and to endeavour to place it within a binding contractual framework in order that this region may devoid itself to constructive work in the field of economic development and social well-being.
112.	This position of Morocco is of long standing. It was not conceived on the spur of the moment or dictated by currant circumstances. As early as 28 February 1967 His Majesty King Hassan II sent a letter to the Secretary- General of the United Nations proposing the establishment of a committee, under United Nations supervision, to deal with two important matters:
"Firstly, to ensure that both Morocco and Algeria renounce any increase in their armed forces, in order to avert the hazards of an arms race in North Africa;
"Secondly, to undertake, on the spot and by appropriate means, supervision of the quantity and quality of weapons acquired by Morocco and Algeria and to specify the amount necessary for the preservation of security in both countries."
113.	Nevertheless, tension in the region of north-west Africa has again become exacerbated recently, since both Morocco and Mauritania regained, more than two years ago, their Saharan provinces. On 14 November 1975, an agreement was signed at Madrid between Morocco and Mauritania on the one hand and Spain on the other, whereby full sovereignty in the region which was known as Western Sahara was restored to Morocco and Mauritania. That agreement put an end to all Spain's responsibility in the area and Morocco achieved its full territorial integrity with regard to its Saharan region with the completion of the implementation of the provisions of this agreement. Thus the colonial presence was removed from that usurped portion of Moroccan territory.
114.	It should be recalled here that this agreement was signed on the basis of urgent "recommendations by the Security Council and endorsed by the General Assembly less than a month after its signing, which demonstrates its close links with the views on law and legality held by our Organization.
115.	Thereafter, the political situation in the Maghreb region witnessed a new development,, marked by tension arising from aggression plotted against Morocco and Mauritania and armed, financed and directed by a neighbouring State for the purpose of encroaching on Morocco's territorial integrity.
116.	Morocco, in rejecting the logic of hegemony and the tendency of expansion at the expense of its territorial integrity, wonders, with others, what right a country has to guarantee what it calls respect for principles -while at the same time interfering in the internal affairs of other States and organizing flagrant aggression in violation of all international principles and conventions, which condemn aggression and violation of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States.
117.	Affirming forcefully that the recovery of its territorial integrity is an irreversible process which cannot be negotiated or made the subject of dialogue, Morocco declares that now as in the past it keeps an open mind on the subject of any fruitful co-operation on the question of the Maghreb.
118.	Recently, in an address on 20 August, His Majesty King Hassan II stated:
"Morocco is a peaceful nation which wants only peace, and it strives, in complete co-ordination and consultation with its sister State Mauritania, to keep the peace with those who act peaceably towards it and to fight against those who fight against it. Let none venture to raise a hand against it. Any solution to the problem of tension in the region must take into account two fundamental points:
"Firstly, this solution must not encroach on a single inch of Moroccan territory;
"Secondly, this solution must not create alien boundaries between Morocco and Mauritania."
119.	Morocco has more than once shown its goodwill and positive readiness to alleviate the causes of tension in the area. Within the framework of respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity, Morocco sincerely co-operated with the African endeavour being made by our regional organization to that end. It will be recalled that the United Nations Charter gives priority to regional organizations, such as the OAU, in the search for solutions and the reduction of tensions in the area under consideration.
120.	The recent Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Khartoum last July decided to establish a "committee of wise men" composed of certain African Heads of State to study the subject of tension in the Maghreb region, inasmuch as the primary responsibility for putting an end to that state of tension lies with Africa.
121.	Morocco was the first State to declare officially its acceptance of the first steps initiated to that end by President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri, Acting Chairman of the OAU Assembly.
122.	The joint communiqué published on 18 September by Morocco and Mauritania at the conclusion of the visit of the Head of State of Mauritania to Morocco specified the position of our two countries. That communiqué says, inter alia:
"The two parties welcome their excellent co-operation and the effectiveness of the agreements concluded between the two countries.
"Aware of the permanence of the relations between the two countries, the two Heads of State affirm their resolve to strive to remove tension and to restore peace and tranquillity to the Maghreb region on the basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both countries.
"The two Heads of State have expressed their hope that within a short period of time the 'Committee of Wise Men' will be established, as was decided at the recent summit of the Organization of African Unity, and we wish success to their mission."
123.	This clearly demonstrates the urgent desire of Morocco and Mauritania to see the cause of tension removed from the Maghreb region and to see peace prevail there, with the preservation of their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
124.	In order to achieve that, Morocco now places full confidence in our OAU, which is directing its attention to a careful study of ways and means of finding a solution that will put an end to the causes of tension in the region.
125.	The recent session of the Assembly held at Khartoum made a solemn appeal to all States in the area to refrain from any action likely to hamper the search for a fair and peaceful solution to that problem.
126.	In this connexion, we cannot but condemn the blatant violation of the letter and spirit of that appeal by Algeria which, in the course of one month, launched two attacks on Moroccan territory carried out by units of the Algerian regular army.  The first took place on 27 August 1978 and was directed against a point in the heart of Moroccan territory in the Tata region. Morocco sent a note to the Algerian authorities protesting that act, which constitutes a breach of the principle of the inviolability of its national sovereignty and its territorial integrity. The second took place only four days ago, on 30 September 1978, and was directed against the village of Hassi Tilemsi in Tantan province. His Majesty King Hassan II subsequently sent a letter of protest to the President of Algeria condemning that blatant act of aggression, which is likely to increase the causes of tension in the region and hamper the search for a peaceful solution to this problem.
127.	Morocco's membership in the Arab family automatically makes it a deeply involved party in an issue which has been with the United Nations since its early days. By this I mean the question of Palestine. That issue still constitutes a model of international bigotry and injustice, and has involved the uprooting and expulsion of an entire people from their territory, followed by attempts to liquidate their political and physical existence.
128.	The Israeli policy of expansion thereafter increased the dimensions of that problem and multiplied its dangers when in 1967 Israel occupied the rest of the territory of Palestine and the territories of two other Arab States, thus exacerbating the explosive situation in the Middle East.
129.	The Kingdom of Morocco, which condemns the logic of aggression, injustice and coercion, has maintained a clear and unequivocal position on the question of Palestine and the Middle East. This is a fundamental position based on the unanimous Arab resolutions of the historic seventh Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government, held at Rabat in 1974. Morocco regards itself as a guardian and custodian of those resolutions, which affirm that the bases for a solution of the Middle East question rest on essential conditions without which the achievement of peace there is not possible, the first of these being Israel's complete withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem.
130.	Morocco believes that the Palestinian problem lies at the very heart of the Middle East crisis, and that no acceptable solution can be reached there until that problem is resolved by according the Palestinian people-represented 384
by the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is its sole legitimate representative—its established right to self- determination and its inalienable right to establish its Palestinian State on Palestinian soil.
131.	In addition, Morocco stresses that the solution to these problems-as stipulated in the resolutions of the Rabat Conference-must be a general and comprehensive solution in order to guarantee that it will lead to the establishment of a general and comprehensive peace in all parts of the region and will remove all hotbeds of tension from the Middle East.
132.	As for the sister State of Lebanon, which was the flower of the Arab countries and a centre for fraternization and coexistence between sects and creeds, and which has been linked with Morocco by human and cultural ties since the dawn of history, it is now-following the blatant Israeli aggression to which it has been exposed and the occupation of parts of its territory-become, more than at any time in the past, a target for intervention in its internal affairs and the violation of its sovereignty. Morocco calls upon the peoples of the world, which have expressed more than once their solidarity with the Lebanese people, to continue their endeavours to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon so that it might treat its injuries, dress its wounds and regain the human and cultural role which has distinguished its history.
133.	Morocco's strategic geographical position at the cross-roads of continents, civilizations and the waters of the ocean and the sea has made it a distinctive centre in the international arena. Because of this, throughout its long history Morocco, as a Mediterranean State, has been instrumental in affecting political circumstances around the Mediterranean, the cradle of most of the world's civilizations, and has, in its turn, been influenced by the events taking place in the Mediterranean.
134.	This situation remains in the give-and-take stage, in a state of influencing and of being influenced, as it has been in die past. Thus Morocco has become a party directly or indirectly involved and has been forced to remain on the alert for any occurrences.
135.	In addition to the chronic crisis that has prevailed on our eastern coast for more than 30 years, namely the Middle East crisis which I have mentioned earlier, the Cypriot problem is still a major source of tension in the Mediterranean. The Kingdom of Morocco hopes in this connexion that the Turkish and Greek communities in Cyprus will be able to devise a just and lasting solution to this problem through negotiations which will take into account the higher interests and legitimate rights of those two communities within an independent non-aligned State.
136.	We wish to express once again the hope that the agreements reached at-the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will succeed in removing from the Mediterranean the rivalry between the two super-Powers, so that that sea will become an area of peace and co-operation among coastal States.
137.	In the economic field, the setting of the sun on the age of colonialism denotes the world's entry into anew era of international relations. It is thus incumbent on the international community to establish a new international economic order based on new principles and inspired by new concepts.
138.	The actual economic relations between the countries of the South and those of the North has never been viewed as a whole. On the contrary, bilateral relations come about as a result of the pressure of economic situations which have grown up throughout the world. That means that relations as a whole are determined by the historical weight of colonialism. Throughout the world there are relationships based on or revolving around the capitals of former colonial States, or around certain new centres noted for their economic strength.
139.	I do not think that there is any need to demonstrate the futility of this unjust system. It is an obstacle to the development of the poorest countries. All the difficulties of the developing countries, such as chronic deficits in the balance of payments, inflation and debt problems and technological backwardness are but the direct result of a system rendered obsolete by time.
140.	The replacement of this system and the transition from it to another stage requires of us not only a new way of looking at those relations, but also, first and foremost, a new and honest awareness on the part of the industrialized countries.
141.	The sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly made it quite clear what tasks must be undertaken and what goals must be achieved for the establishment of a new international . economic order. Unfortunately, achievements to date in this area give us no grounds for gratification. The terms of trade have continued to deteriorate. Developing countries have not escaped the detrimental consequences of the inflation which has beset the industrialized countries and, with one or two exceptions, those industrialized countries have not responded to the decision of the General Assembly that they should devote 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to development assistance. This proves that the industrialized countries have not yet realized the true meaning of the concept of international interdependence.
142.	It is henceforth no longer possible for us to continue in a situation where relations between industrialized countries and developing countries are governed by the law of the exploitation of the weak by the strong, a law based on egotistical and short-sighted considerations.
143.	When the General Assembly, at the thirty-second session, decided to set up the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole; and assigned to it's specific task in anticipation of the convening of the 1980 special session, we hoped that a frank and fruitful dialogue between the States of North and South would immediately be initiated. But the dilatoriness and the reluctance of the industrialized countries has disappointed our hopes and brought us back to the bitter reality. This reality is that the political will which must exist on the part of the industrialized countries and which is an essential prerequisite for the establishment of a new international economic order has not yet emerged. That is why all the appeals which we have made for the initiation of a dialogue designed to serve the interests of all have fallen on deaf ears.
144.	We are beset by apprehensions lest the appointed time for the 1980 special session should come without our having made any progress towards the establishment of the new international economic order. This makes it imperative for us to realize here and now the grave dangers which bode ill for mankind if we fail to implement the measures called for at the sixth and seventh special sessions. Economic issues must be accorded pre-eminence if we wish to advance towards the attainment of an era of justice, equity and peace for mankind.
145.	In view of the special geographical location of our country, lying as it does on the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic Ocean, it is natural for us to accord special attention to the development and to the future of the law of the sea.
146.	The codification of the new law of the sea is one of the most important tasks and responsibilities with which the United Nations has been entrusted. Negotiations on the new law for the seas and oceans began eight years ago when at its twenty-fifth session the General Assembly stressed the necessity of establishing that body of law and laid down the fundamental principles on which it should be based [resolution 2749 (XXV)]. Within the framework of those fundamental principles, which have long since attained the force of universal customary norms, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has held seven successive sessions. Needless to say, the hopes and expectations which the international community has placed in this diplomatic endeavour do not admit of any hesitancy or procrastination, nor do they admit of any precipitate individual action that might frustrate the efforts expended to arrive at the comprehensive agreement sought.
147.	There is no longer any cause for precipitate action, for diplomatic negotiations gained fresh momentum at the last session of the Conference, held in Geneva in the spring of 1978, and, moreover, world requirements of the sea-bed minerals intended for exploitation can currently be met by the output of minerals available on land, especially since the recent discovery of a considerable reserve of them in North America.
148.	At all events, at this critical juncture, we can only reiterate our conviction that the application of the concept of the common heritage of mankind to the international zones of the sea-bed may be regarded as one of the most outstanding and noble steps taken by the General Assembly since the founding of the United Nations in its fulfilment of the purposes of the Charter.
149.	It would be unwise for any State to underestimate the role of full adherence to this lofty principle in safeguarding the stability of the new .law of the sea. Naturally, this stability can be established only on sound bases of complementarity, co-operation and justice, in the interest of the international community as a whole.
150.	Human happiness, respect for man's humanity and the safeguarding of human rights has been the clear goal of all civilizations and legislative systems since time immemorial. This goal is still the focus of the aspirations of mankind, however much systems and beliefs may vary. It is axiomatic, in order to achieve this goal, that man's essential basic needs must be met, that he must be freed from the shackles of poverty, want, ignorance and disease and that he must be liberated from the bondage of fear, oppression and coercion.
151.	It is perhaps a good augury that in a few weeks we shall be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights-these rights for the respect and reverence of which Morocco is distinguished in the world community and without which human dignity, happiness and freedom of expression and association cannot be fully attained.
152.	The first prerequisite for human happiness is the guaranteeing of all man's economic and financial needs within a broad framework of political freedom, whereby he lives far from want and fear and vistas open up before him for creativity and originality and for the advancement of human civilization.
153.	This requires us to set to work seriously—and immediately—to effect the national and international economic and political changes in our world that will ensure the achievement of this goal. So let us make the initial work easier. Let us all choose—of our own free will—the path of co-operation and fruitful dialogue. Let us cast aside ephemeral egotistical interests and regard our participation in this valuable human endeavour with comprehensive and far-sighted vision, so that mankind can live on this small planet in peace, security, justice, happiness and prosperity.


184.	May I first of all, on behalf of the Haitian delegation, most warmly congratulate Mr. Lievano of Colombia on his election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. His presence here to guide these important deliberations is both a guarantee of their success and an eloquent testimony to the esteem which he enjoys at world level. His colleagues in Latin America are proud of the tribute thus paid to the entire region. The Government and people of Haiti, who were privileged to welcome Mr. Lievano to Port-au-Prince on the occasion of the signing of an agreement delimiting the maritime borders between our two countries, are fully confident of the auspicious guidance which he will give- to our debate.
185.. I should like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Lievano's eminent predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for the remarkable way in which he guided the work of the thirty-second session.
186.	To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we should like to extend our compliments and our feelings of gratitude and deep appreciation for his enlightening report on the work of the Organization [AI33/1], in which he stressed the problems which had been of concern to the Organization during the past year. Those problems are both numerous and highly complex. Some of them are extremely serious and call for prompt solution if world peace, already harshly put to the test, is not to be irreversibly jeopardized; hence the need to redouble efforts in order to eliminate the hotbeds of tension which endanger the very survival of mankind. In order to achieve that aim, all the members of the community of nations, aware of their common destiny, should resolutely commit themselves to seeking, in the light of the goals and objectives of the Charter, the means to achieve the establishment of a world governed not by relations of power but rather by the ideals of justice, brotherhood and universal solidarity. That task would be relatively easy to achieve provided there is willingness to use the United Nations machinery and agree to live on the basis of its laws.
187.	Unfortunately, the international situation at the present time reveals a reality which does not give rise to optimism. In fact, some regions of the world are still subjected to colonial domination and other forms of oppression while others experience only a precarious peace, often interrupted by outbreaks of violence. While considerable sums are devoted to the arms race, which threatens the very existence of our planet, millions of human beings, forming that great army of those "forgotten by God", languishing in the most abject poverty. Meanwhile, the gap between rich and poor countries becomes wider, despite various international attempts to improve the situation.
188.	It is therefore not surprising that bitterness is widespread and bears the seeds of conflict. The incompatibility of the different interests at stake is in evidence whenever antagonists meet. On many occasions the intervention, in extremis, of international organizations, including the United Nations, has been necessary to avert what was often an almost fatal development, while certain sectors, which have already forgotten the lessons of history, compel mankind to survive by its wits, despite the fact that the danger of a world conflagration of catastrophic dimensions remains undiminished. It is in that hardly reassuring context that my delegation wishes to make its contribution to the work of this session.
189.	First of all, the Republic of Haiti wishes to reiterate its attachment to the ideals which prevailed at the establishment of the United Nations, of which we are one of the founding Members. Haiti reaffirms its total commitment to the principles of equality of all individuals and peoples and their right to self-determination.
190.	In that spirit our delegation warmly welcomes Solomon Islands to our Organization. We are convinced that this new State will make its contribution to the search for solutions which are of concern to it.
191.	However, while the accession of Solomon Islands to the ranks of independent and sovereign nations has filled us with joy, we strongly deplore the fact that the backward forces of colonialism have not yet made it possible for the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe, Azania, Belize, the Western Sahara and East Timor to take their place among us.
192.	In the case of Namibia, which South Africa has occupied illegally since 1966 in defiance of world public opinion and of the many United Nations resolutions, this Organization has reached an impasse, faced with the refusal of the Pretoria regime to co-operate in implementing the most recent decisions of the Security Council concerning the process which is to lead to independence.
193.	By deciding to implement its own independence plan, South Africa has revealed its sinister design to deny the Namibian people the fruit of many years of sacrifice and heroic struggle. In this connexion we should like to recall the reservations expressed by our delegation during the ninth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on the- question of Namibia, that the proposal of the five Western countries might not lead to genuine independence, since it allowed for the participation in the electoral process of the South African Administration and army instead of requiring their unconditional withdrawal.
194.	Today, the facts tend to vindicate us. It is difficult for us to understand how the Security Council has seen fit to recognize any role for South Africa in Namibia when an earlier decision had relieved it of its responsibilities towards that Territory.
195.	Is it not up to SWAPO, recognized by the United Nations itself as "the sole and authentic representative of
the Namibian people," to organize the elections? We would reply to that question in the affirmative, because we feel that if SWAPO has been able to lead the Namibian people in its struggle, it should also be in a position to do so at the time of reconstruction. It is now up to the five Western Powers to take the initiative required to compel South Africa to respect their proposal. We are convinced that, taking into account the close ties between them and the South African regime, they are in a better position than any other party to induce it to submit to the wishes of the international community.
196.	Would not a solution have been found to the Namibian problem if the five Powers had followed the course indicated by the majority of Member States when they called for the adoption of the sanctions that the circumstances require? Now that they seem to be short of expedients, it is to be hoped they will be able to shoulder their responsibility.
197.	With respect to Walvis Bay, my Government has often indicated that the independence of Namibia would be but illusory if it were to remain a South African colonial enclave. We thus reaffirm that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and most forcefully condemn any attempt to annex that territory.
198.	The same applies to Zimbabwe, where the white minority, unable to realize that it has been outdated by a revolutionary context, attempts at all costs to preserve the colonial status quo. In a desperate effort it resorts to all types of strategies to maintain and preserve its social, political and economic privileges. The most recent case is the so-called internal settlement, the most harmful consequence of which has been to break the unity so needed by the people of Zimbabwe to undertake the task of building their common homeland.
199.	Aware of its own colonial experience, the Republic of Haiti categorically rejects and condemns this so-called internal settlement between Ian Smith and a few disloyal sons of Zimbabwe. Haiti strongly opposes this shameful political compromise aimed at destroying the deepest aspirations of an entire people. In order that a genuine majority Government may be established in that Territory, we recognize and support the Patriotic Front, the legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe and the only party qualified to take power on its behalf. We call for the strengthening of economic sanctions, the violations of which we strongly condemn, violations which have been committed by those who support racism, colonialism and apartheid.
200.	There is no doubt that one of the most urgent tasks of our Organization is the elimination of the odious system of apartheid, which is an affront to all mankind.
201.	Aggressive by its very nature, that system endangers peace and security in the entire southern part of the African continent. It is a continuing threat to all neighbouring African countries, whose territorial integrity is violated at will. That system, because of its imperialist and expansionist designs, has always been and remains the main obstacle to a peaceful solution of the problems both of Namibia and of Zimbabwe.
202. Because of this situation, the international community must endeavour to achieve the total and immediate elimination of racism, colonialism and apartheid from the African continent, sparing no effort to isolate South Africa and to give its strongest support to the liberation movements.
203. We hope that humanitarian concerns will triumph over petty national interests and make it possible for the Western States which have been strong defenders of the apartheid regime to make common cause with tire international community in combating the brutal oppression and genocide perpetrated against the black population.
204. Equally critical is the situation of the peoples of Belize, Western Sahara and East Timor. In those three cases the colonial Power has decided to withdraw, thus opening the way for independence.
205. However, contrary to general expectations, difficulties arising from colonization itself have led to certain claims which have obstructed the exercise by the peoples of those Territories of their right to self-determination. We unquestionably deplore such a situation, but at the same time express our hope that in their wisdom the countries concerned, with which we maintain friendly relations, will realize that it would be immoral to redress one injustice by creating another. We are all familiar with the ills of colonialism and with how much harm it has caused to the majority of the peoples represented here. Yet, must we not recognise that we cannot in every case revive doubts about all the injustices and all the abuses to which this party and that have fallen Victim during colonial domination? If we were not to realize that, we might run the risk of ourselves becoming like the colonial Power. It is always possible to speak of territorial claims. Yet it should never be lost from sight that in those claimed territories there are people which, like all other people, also have a right to self-determination. Since that right is one and indivisible, it is the responsibility of the United Nations to safeguard its implementation in keeping with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
206. A focal point of our concern is the Middle East conflict, which for 30 years has defied all solution. My delegation feels that the solution should be based on Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338 (1973) and on the following principles: the non-acquisition of territories by force; the withdrawal by Israel from Arab territories occupied since 1967; respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all States in the region, including Israel.
207. It goes without saying that any solution of this conflict, in order to be just and viable, must take into account the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to a homeland and their right to live as a sovereign and independent people in the well-being and tranquillity of the refound homeland.

208. But, as simple and valid these principles may seem, they have not been implemented because passions continue to be heightened and because dialogue has not replaced confrontation.

209.	However, last month the world was given new hope upon hearing that the difficult negotiations at Camp David had led to an improvement in Israeli-Egyptian relations with a promise of the forthcoming signature of a peace treaty between the two antagonists. We should like at this time to congratulate all those who contributed in any capacity towards making possible these results, which certainly will prove to be a decisive turning-point in the search for peace in that part of the world. We hope that, like Egypt and Israel, the other countries concerned will soon make their contributions to a definitive settlement of the conflict.
210.	But should not this settlement include also the situation in Lebanon, which despite the praiseworthy efforts of the Secretary-General of our Organization, has not been resolved? Lebanon remains ravaged by war, and every day persons are killed in that war. Lebanon, a peaceful country pa- excellence, has been caught in a whirlwind of violence. We must at least acknowledge that Lebanon has been the victim of a state of affairs which it did not create and which neither United Nations resolutions nor the Arab peace force have managed to eliminate, My delegation expresses its solidarity with the people of Lebanon and hopes that in the near future they will find peace again and that their brothers will be reunited. That will not be possible until all foreign forces have withdrawn from the country and until the forces of the United Nations alone are responsible for the maintenance of peace until the situation is normalized.
211.	In the case of Cyprus, we deeply regret that no notable progress has been achieved so far. The Republic of Haiti, always faithful to respect for the principles of independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States, and non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, deplores the continued presence of foreign troops on the territory of the Republic of Cyprus. An end must be put to all foreign interference in the internal affairs of that country so that the two communities may without restrictions begin dialogue that will 5ead to reconciliation and the reconstruction of their homeland.
212.	One of the most important items on this session's agenda is that of disarmament. It is of paramount importance for ah nations, large or small, and for the very survival of our world. That is why almost the entire international community, aware of the danger to mankind of the arms race, has stated that it is in favour of general and complete disarmament, which alone can guarantee the security of all.
213.	When I spoke from this very rostrum during the tenth special session, on disarmament had the opportunity to demonstrate how the quantitative increase or perfecting of armaments by a State, far from contributing to that State's security, produces the opposite effect. The reason for that is that the State against which one arms to guarantee security reacts accordingly, and this sets off a chain reaction. We thus become prisoners of a dead-end competition to the detriment of meeting the vital needs of mankind, because the arms race absorbs sizeable human as well as material resources that are diverted from the process
of producing goods and services. What is even more disturbing is that an ever larger number of developing countries have succumbed to this contagion and are participating substantially in it, relegating to second place their plans for economic and social development, plans which could reduce, if not eliminate, the illiteracy, poverty, diseases of all kinds and ignorance from which their populations are suffering,
214.	There is no doubt that the progress of science and technology in the field of the production of new weapons, weapons that are more deadly and more destructive, increases the danger of armed confrontation, which in the nuclear age would prove disastrous,
215.	Thus it is urgent for us to take all necessary measures at the international level to create conditions conducive to the achievement of the objective to which we a53 aspire, general and complete disarmament. These measures underlie the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)/, which my delegation fully supports.-We remain firmly convinced that without the strengthening of international security the achievement of general and complete disarmament would be illusory
216.	We are celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is an opportunity for all to renew our respect for and defence of the basic rights laid down in that Declaration and to co-operate at the regional and international levels to guarantee their promotion.
217.	My delegation has noted with satisfaction from the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization that during the past year there was a marked improvement in the efforts at co-operation between Member States to settle certain problems arising from allegations of violation of human rights. It hopes to see that co-operation increase to the benefit of peace and of the progress of peoples.
218.	Haiti, which was born of struggles for human rights, wishes to participate in this co-operation. We wish to make our contribution at the international, regional and national levels, and in fact we do so.
219.	At the international level we endorse the initiative of the non-aligned and other countries "to elaborate and adopt an integral and comprehensive approach to human rights as a matter of great significance for ensuring the dignity of the individual and for peace, security and international co-operation on the basis of equality" [see A133/206, annex I, para. 155].
220.	We also wish to work closely with the bodies of the United Nations whose responsibility it is to promote and to safeguard these rights. It is in that context that we intend to adhere to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol.
221.	At the regional level, we have ratified the American Convention on Human Rights, and last month we received a visit from the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, which was to report on progress achieved in this field. The Republic of Haiti also supports the establishment
of an inter-American court of human rights, and in the very near future we shall appoint our candidates for elections to be held for the establishment of that court.
222.	At the national level, a vast and carefully prepared programme of promotion of human rights has been established. This programme includes measures of legal reform aimed at a better distribution of justice within the framework of the normalization of all aspects of our national life.
223.	This is an irreversible process to which His Excellency Mr. Jean-Claude Duvalier has committed his prestige through his statement to the nation of 2 January 1978, in which he said:
"I shall unceasingly proclaim my unshakeable attachment to the principles of democratization and liberalization, which must be allowed to reach the most distant areas of our country in order to engender a true renaissance."
224.	However, my Government, to which the development of the human person is the end-all objective of its political activity, considers that this rebirth will be possible only if economic and social rights receive equal attention. That is why the Haitian Government has sought to work out a genuine economic development programme and economic growth expressed not only in terms of per capita income but also in terms of an improvement in the standard and quality of life of the people. The development we seek involves over-all growth of the human being, intended to affect every Haitian as part of his national heritage. This is a noble task requiring the mobilization of all the material and human resources in our country Unfortunately, its success does not depend on our national contribution alone, and our efforts may well fail unless deep -rooted changes in the international economic order are effected.
225.	These changes should take the form of a clear improvement in the terms of trade, with trade being made less vulnerable to market conditions. In the first place, we are unduly dependent upon the flow of exports, because any reduction in the rate of demand, either in volume or in value, threatens the entire economic balance of the country. When prices tend to decline or to go up for the commodities we export or to decline to a lesser extent for the commodities we import, the percentage of our imports necessarily drops even if we are able to increase our rate of exports. This is because inflation and the deterioration of export income and a constant deficit in our balance of payments lead to a devaluation of our currency and a limitation of the intake of the products we urgently need.
226.	This situation of price instability affects not only our foreign-exchange income but also our customs receipts. Haiti, as a country that produces raw materials, directly feels the harmful effects of economic crises in the economically advanced countries and because of this is unable to finance its development programme at a constant pace and at. the same time to meet all its international obligations.
227.	That is why we are prepared to support any formula likely to resolve the problem of the external indebtedness of countries such as ours. The foreign exchange now
allocated for the payment of these debts would considerably help towards increasing our rate of imports, towards a better functioning of our public administration and towards the implementation of our development programme,
228.	To all these problems we must add the fact that a considerable part of our meagre foreign exchange must be devoted to meeting our energy needs, a situation which also handicaps our development capacity. Because of this, despite the conscientious efforts of my Government and the will of our people to use our basic resources to improve our situation, we are constantly faced with difficulties engendered by the international order.
229.	We must now see to what extent the industrialized countries will co-operate with the United Nations to tackle these basic problems, the solution of which is in their hands. It is clear that international action should be directed towards the areas which tend to engulf the economies of the developing countries. Otherwise the attempts of these countries to develop their economies to satisfactory levels will continue to churn in the vicious circle of the present order.
230.	Thus, my delegation considers it indispensable that a more just international economic order be established, an order more in keeping with the relations of interdependence which exist between the developed and the developing countries. The industrialized countries should endeavour to make this a reality, despite the difficult international economic situation. An important step in this process would be the concluding of an, agreement on commodities and on the indebtedness of the developing countries. Moreover, a programme for the transfer of technology would establish a rational basis for true cooperation.
231. Another area where the industrialized countries should demonstrate a spirit of understanding and cooperation is that of the law of the sea. My Government feels that the time has come for a serious and constructive dialogue which will make it possible for all parties concerned to make the necessary compromises, without which it is impossible for the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to achieve its objectives.
232.	We have just outlined the most urgent problems we shall have to face during this session. These problems are not new. Most of them even inspired the establishment of our Organization.
233.	The fact that we have not yet achieved the desired success and that mankind continues to be frustrated in its valid aspirations for lack of solutions is simply because our approach to these problems has not been the best. My delegation feels that we have not applied all our imagination and all our skill to building a world in keeping with the dreams of the authors of our Charter.
234.	We are convinced that mankind cannot afford a third world war, nor can it afford the confrontations of the 1960s or the uncertainties of the 1970s. The challenge facing us is the eternal question: how can we manage to live in peace? How can we manage to transform this world into
a place of coexistence and genuine co-operation? Is it not time for a new period of reconciliation, a new era, not of psychological or verbal warfare, but one in which mankind as a whole will resolutely tackle the scourges which threaten its very existence? It is self-evident that the United Nations should be the centre for efforts to achieve the realization of that dream and that all nations, large or small, should bring their wisdom, their energy and their devotion to bear in order to bring this about.
235.	Our destiny is in our own hands. Let us do all in our power to forge it in the best interests of us all, under the dual sign of peace and universal progress. Let us make this thirty-third session the starting-point for this collective task.