I would like first to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on his election to lead our work in the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. I would also like to thank his Excellency Mr. Peter Thomson for his exceptional service during his recently completed term as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session.
At the outset, the people of Palau extend our deepest condolences to those who have had their lives devastated by the recent spate of hurricanes, typhoons, earthquakes and other natural disasters across Asia and the Americas. We must not forget that many do not have the resources necessary to rebuild. The international community must work harder to ensure that they are not abandoned. Such record-breaking storms are a harbinger of worse to come on a hotter planet.
Palau, in the Pacific, has experienced at first hand the impact of climate extremes. For us, those super- storms are akin to ticking time bombs: no one knows when or where the next one will detonate, but we are keenly aware that they can wipe out years of progress in the span of hours.
The President’s clear determination to focus future efforts on conflict prevention, peace, migration and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet is certainly timely and well attuned to the realities of our generation. In fact, his attention to those very different yet related issues demonstrates a clear understanding of the complex times in which we live and the need to connect the dots between the causes and the effects of the interrelated challenges that we face.
In this modern world, we must continue to expand our cooperation at every level — private, public, not- for-profit and political — within the context of a global network that establishes fair and transparent guidelines that prescribe how to act and react to those dynamic topics. The only body that can fill that essential void is the United Nations.
With respect to sustainable development, we recognized, in 2015, through the adoption of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals, that a global rights- based regime was necessary in the context of a global partnership, if we are to successfully eradicate poverty, address universal inequalities and provide economic and social opportunities to all for the peoples of the world.
Through the creation of Sustainable Development Goal 14, we finally recognized that the oceans are a resource that belong to and serve all the peoples of the world and must be protected as such. By coming together and finally agreeing on the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, we established a global commitment to begin the process of reducing greenhouse gases to acceptable levels.
Yet even as we worked hard to respond to that global environmental crisis through joint actions, we have found other issues of security and peace taking the forefront in our international conversation. As the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham (ISIS) is pushed back from its strongholds in Syria and Iraq, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has been firing missiles and detonating atomic and possibly hydrogen bombs, thereby threatening worldwide peace and harmony. At the same time, migrants throughout the world are forced to flee their countries to escape the ever-increasing levels of violence.
Those are issues that must be dealt with globally through strong multinational institutions and partnerships. If those efforts are to be successful within the framework of the United Nations, the United Nations must be strengthened so that all of its members can believe in the fairness and effectiveness of the overall international negotiation and dispute-resolution process. These are the issues that our global focus is centred upon: a decent life for all and a sustainable planet.
I believe that we can all agree that, in terms of peace and security, inclusive sustainable development frequently prevents conflicts and sustains peace. However, peace is not always achievable, and when that is the case, the United Nations must facilitate efforts to respond to aggression and violence. Palau therefore supports all efforts and United Nations resolutions aimed at bringing North Korea to the negotiating table. The threat posed to the innocent people of Guam is a threat to us in Palau and the entire region. Palau also reaffirms its support for international efforts to eradicate terrorist organizations, such as ISIS and Al-Qaida. We must also support the Secretary-General’s efforts to revamp the United Nations architectures and procedures for peace and security development and management as a significant component of the overall reform of the Organization.
The Pacific small island developing States (SIDS) face a unique set of security and development challenges. However, the United Nations presence in the region is quite limited. In shepherding that process, I urge the Secretary-General to recall the guiding principle that was so successful in delivering the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: leave no country behind.
Taking into account the recent actions by North Korea, we must take seriously the long-term need to ban nuclear weapons. A good place to start would be by acceding to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. I must give credit to the leaders of my country, who, more than 30 years ago, recognized the threat of nuclear weapons and banned the use, testing and storage of nuclear weapons in Palau’s Constitution. In their honour, I signed that Treaty yesterday.
If we are to find success in achieving our 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda, we are going to have to face the hard reality that the costs are very significant. Success will require all available partnerships and the development of the necessary means of implementation in line with the 2030 Agenda, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action, known as the Samoa Pathway.
In the area of climate change, we must continue to work to achieve the full implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. I would like to congratulate my colleague from the Pacific His Excellency Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama of Fiji on his imminent ascension to the presidency of the upcoming twenty-third session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In order to strengthen his efforts, Palau is seeking the appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General for climate and security. The appointment of a Special Representative would significantly aid us in our preparations to confront that multifaceted challenge and would enhance United Nations reform proposals.
My country, although small, is very proud of its commitment to achieving our Global 2030 Agenda. To help protect our oceans, we have established one of the largest protected areas in the world. Within that context, we emphasize our support for a new implementing agreement on the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. We have also supported resolution WCC-2016-Res-050, entitled “Increasing marine protected area coverage for effective marine biodiversity conservation”, adopted by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources in 2016, which promises to work towards designating and effectively setting aside at least 30 per cent of coastal States’ national waters as marine protected areas by 2030. In addition, we have committed to addressing and taking action with regard to marine pollution in all its forms.
At the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting, Palau also called on other countries to join it in becoming parties to the Agreement on Port State Measures to Prevent, Deter and Eliminate Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing, an international treaty that will help stop the transfer of illegally caught fish and marine life through our ports. I would like to make the same appeal here today.
In our work to save our oceans, we welcome the appointment of His Excellency Mr. Peter Thomson of Fiji as the first Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Oceans, which promises to bring greater attention to one of our most urgent priorities. Palau extends its congratulations to its close friend from Fiji.
Those types of commitment require the strong support of a broad alliance of partners. Fortunately, my country has a long history of strong partnerships. The United States continues to support Palau in its development and movement towards economic independence. We have a shared history and over the decades have become close friends. We recognize the unique relationship that we share. In these difficult times, we support and participate in the efforts of the United States, on behalf of the world community, to combat terrorism, bring closure to the hostilities in Syria and reduce the nuclear threat emanating from North Korea. We also thank the United States for its ongoing support for our efforts to establish our national marine sanctuary. We look forward this year to completing our compact of free association agreement with the United States, which will reflect that close and special relationship. Palau also would like to acknowledge the great friendship that it has with Japan and the very significant economic support that we have received from that country over the years. We continue to express our support for the expansion and reform of the Security Council and Japan’s permanent membership on the Security Council. We wish to express our sincere thanks for the Nippon Foundation’s generous support to enhance partnership and collaboration in our marine surveillance and enforcement efforts. We would also like to recognize the very broad list of partners across the world who make our efforts to achieve a sustainable future possible, including the Republic of China on Taiwan, Australia, New Zealand, Monaco, Italy, the Netherlands, the European Union, private organizations, non-governmental organizations and civil society, among many others.
At the end of the day, our success will depend upon the development and maintenance of genuine and durable partnerships at every level of society. The issues that we face are becoming increasingly severe, dangerous and global in scope. They cannot be dealt with at the national or regional level alone. At no time in the history of my country or, indeed, the history of the world has the need for a strong global partnership of countries, organizations and people, through a single binding assembly of nations been more important. The United Nations has the potential to reconcile our global issues if — and only if — its Members are willing to recognize those issues and take the necessary action to develop and implement appropriate solutions.
My small country — despite its size — is willing to act in concert with the other nations of this great Organization to achieve a better life for our children, grandchildren and all future generations.


At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to lead the General Assembly at its seventy- second session, and to wish you every success in your work. I commend your predecessor, Mr. Peter Thomson, for all his efforts and wish him every success in his future endeavours. I would also like to note the ongoing wise efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to implement the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations in the areas of peace, security and human rights.
The members of the General Assembly are aware of the challenges that my people are facing in these very trying times, starting with the revolution of February 2011 and its consequences, which have been a war and the negative involvement of a number of States. We have striven to mitigate and reduce our people’s suffering and to achieve real success. However, a great many problems remain and will not be resolved without the joint efforts of my country and of friendly States and the United Nations to enable us to establish the rule of law and democracy in Libya.
I would like to commend the efforts of all those who have worked to find a political settlement to the crisis and to thank a number of States and regional and international organizations — including the League of Arab States, the African Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the United Nations — for helping us to restore stability in my country. I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome the new Special Envoy, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, and to wish him every possible success in proposing rapid solutions to the current crisis.
The Libyan Political Agreement reached following two years of negotiations remains the cornerstone for our efforts to address various problems and build the institutions of State. We are undergoing a transition that will ensure that we can coexist, leave the past behind us and stabilize our country, and the Presidency Council of the Government of National Accord is the fruit of all this work. It is essential to implementing and carrying out national reconciliation with the participation of all, without exception.
Since the outset we have been determined to confront our crises, despite the difficulties they pose, with wisdom, patience and foresight, and we have been able to resolve a number of problems. We have put an end to the violence in Tripoli and other Libyan cities, where law enforcement and security agencies have started to discharge their mission. A number of embassies have returned, as will the United Nations Support Mission in Libya in the near future. Certain displaced individuals have returned to their home cities, although that has not been possible for others, owing to the lack of services, undermined by the military clashes. We continue to work to restore peace and security and rid ourselves of those trying to spoil things.
In the economic field, we are now producing 1 million barrels of oil a day, up from 150,000 in March 2016. We must also mitigate the suffering that many have been experiencing during this development period, and we hope that with the restoration of security, the provision of the necessary financial resources and the resumption of activity by foreign firms we will be able to rebuild our State. We have demanded that the embargo on frozen assets be lifted, because it is costing the Libyan State close to $1 billion a year, and we sincerely hope that this will happen, especially since current circumstances are improving.
In the area of national reconciliation, we have held a number of meetings aimed at achieving unity and resolving our differences and divisions. The decision-making monopoly of the Presidency of the Council of Deputies has resulted in political stagnation, preventing the majority from implementing the Political Agreement. In July, we came up with a road map for extricating ourselves from this crisis, providing for a referendum and presidential and parliamentary elections next year and the establishment of a supreme national council for reconciliation, mandated to address such issues as compensation, amnesty and others during the transition period. This positive vision was reaffirmed at the Paris meeting, where a consensus was reached on our progress towards democracy and the peaceful settlement of our problems through elections rather than armed confrontation — needless to say with the exception of the war against terrorism, which must continue — and through the restoration of ourmilitary and executive institutions.
With regard to the fight against terrorism, we were successful in our attempt to liberate the cities of Sirte and Benghazi, among others, from Da’esh. However, we continue to have problems in dealing with the consequences of their seizure by terrorist organizations. We pay tribute to the memory of the martyrs who have laid down their lives to liberate the cities of Libya, and reiterate the need for a strategic partnership with all friendly States, especially the United States of America, which we thank for its support in halting the acts of these terrorist organizations.
We must all understand that the fight against terrorism is not over. There are new hotbeds of tension and terrorism. Terrorists who have fled Iraq and Syria have now come to our country. We ask to be allowed to rebuild our army so that it can confront them and protect our country.
My country is experiencing other difficulties, including illegal migration. A number of migrants have entered Libyan territory and used it as a transit country on their way to Europe across the Mediterranean. Libya suffers from this problem just as other States do. It is a burden on our already very limited resources and has a number of adverse security and economic consequences. We also lack the necessary resources to tackle the armed smuggling networks plaguing our country. We thank all who have helped us to address with this problem, especially Italy, which has recently provided training assistance in a number of cities. We welcome the support provided by France, Italy and Germany, especially in monitoring our southern borders, where most illegal migrants cross. We do not possess the capacity to tackle this problem alone.
Another issue related to the migrants and refugees in Libya is how to pay for the aid they need. The Government of National Accord is working to assist them as much as possible, and we welcome the help we have had from humanitarian organizations, especially in the form of shelters. We would like to return these refugees to their homes rather than grant them citizenship in our country. Libya participated with European States in the Paris summit at which an agreement emerged aimed at finding political solutions to restoring stability throughout Libya. It was also agreed that we need to be provided with the assistance necessary to fund development programmes in the migrants’ countries of origin.
My country views human rights as extremely important. Since the 2011 revolution we have adopted a number of laws promoting human rights, but as this is a transitional period we are still working to restore State authority throughout the country, and that has naturally had an impact on the security situation. The Presidency Council is applying the no-impunity principle in order to gradually enable the law-enforcement agencies to take up their necessary functions. We would like to benefit from United Nations technical expertise in the field of human rights, and we have therefore been inviting human rights special programmes to visit Libya since 2012, as was reiterated during the thirty- fourth session of the Human Rights Council in March.
One of the crucial current issues for the United Nations is Security Council reform. In that regard, we welcomed the Council’s adoption of resolution 2378 (2017) a couple of days ago. We hope that reform will help us in developing the role of our Organization by, for instance, granting a permanent seat on the Security Council to the African continent, in keeping with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration on the reform of the United Nations.
The situation in the Middle East remains an absolute priority. Despite the crises that we are experiencing, we have spared no effort to support the Palestinian people in their attempts to establish an independent State with East Jerusalem as its capital. We reiterate our support for the Arab Peace Initiative to settle the Palestinian issue, and we urge the world’s major Powers to assume their responsibilities in that regard. We wish to see a peaceful solution to the crises in Syria and Yemen in order to protect them from division and collapse as a result of the destructive conflicts raging through their countries and to fulfil the aspirations of their peoples in a dignified way that respects human rights and the rule of law.
I would like to thank the Secretary-General for holding a special meeting on Libya this morning that attracted a great deal of international interest and at which everyone present reaffirmed that the backdrop to any solution must be a political one. Assistance will be needed for the presidential and parliamentary elections next year. We ask the Secretary-General and the Special Representative for Libya, Mr. Ghassan Salamé, to present us with a timeline and send a clear message to all who attempt to hinder the process that there can be no military solution and that negotiations with authorities parallel to the Government of National Accord must stop, as they are in violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions. I would like to reiterate our desire for all sectors of the Libyan population to be able to exercise their rights to national self-determination and live in a State that enjoys the rule of law.


I would like to join other delegations in congratulating the President on his election to preside over the work of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session, and I wish to assure him of the support and cooperation of my delegation in the discharge of his responsibilities through the course of the session. Let me also take this opportunity to express appreciation to his predecessor, who effectively guided the work of the General Assembly at its previous session.
We welcome the appointment of Mr. António Guterres as the new Secretary-General and support his call for a surge in diplomacy for peace in addressing the many crisis situations that the world is facing today. Let me stress here we are behind the Secretary-General in his efforts to reform the Organization in the three interrelated areas of development, peace and security, and management.
It has been indeed a great pleasure and honour for Ethiopia to preside over the work of the Security Council during this important month, when world leaders gather in New York for the new session of the General Assembly to discuss issues of global peace, security and development. We would like to express our gratitude to all the delegations that participated in the high-level open debate of the Security Council on Wednesday, 20 September, on the reform of United Nations peacekeeping operations (see S/PV.8051). As a leading troop-contributing country, Ethiopia attaches great importance to strengthening the role of United Nations peacekeeping in addressing challenges to international peace and security.
In that regard, we welcome the unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 2378 (2017), which we introduced on Wednesday, and we thank all delegations that sponsored the resolution, which reaffirms the central role of United Nations peacekeeping as one of the most effective tools available to the world in the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security.
That the world is facing unprecedented challenges to its peace and prosperity has been all too apparent for quite some time now. Geopolitical tensions reminiscent of the Cold War are increasing. The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is posing a real threat to global peace and security. Terrorism and violent extremism continue to wreak havoc across various parts of the world. Global income inequality is no longer just a development challenge; it is also a security threat. Climate change is not a fiction but real, and we are witnessing its devastating consequences for humankind and the planet. Countries such as my own continue to face that horrendous challenge to their development.
Three major peace and security reviews were conducted only two years ago, providing valuable recommendations, which, if implemented, could help the United Nations keep pace with the changing global security dynamics and respond effectively to new and emerging peace and security challenges in a comprehensive, systematic and coordinated manner. The clear conclusion of the three major reviews was that the primary United Nations approach to resolving conflicts should be a political one. Indeed, the many conflict and crisis situations around the world cannot be resolved other than through political means. That holds true not only for the crisis in South Sudan, close to my country, but also for the conflicts that are raging in the Middle East, including in Syria and Yemen, as well as the dangerous situation on the Korean peninsula. It is therefore only by reaffirming our commitments to the letter and spirit of Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations, on the pacific settlement of disputes, that we can effectively respond to the global peace and security challenges we are facing today.
However, that is obviously easier said than done. That is because without the political will and commitment of the conflicting parties to finding a political solution through dialogue and negotiation, peace is bound to elude us. A common purpose and resolve on the part of all external actors involved in the search for a political solution to conflict and crisis situations are also absolutely vital. What current global security requires is a stronger and more effective global and regional partnership in the service of conflict prevention and peace. What we have repeatedly seen is that in the absence of that partnership, which must be underpinned by the principles of complementarity and coherence, no meaningful progress can be achieved. The United Nations should be able to play a leading role in forging those kinds of partnerships and in sharing the burden in accordance with the Charter.
The links connecting peace, security and development have long been recognized, and that was also the other clear key message emanating from the three major peace and security reviews. More peaceful and inclusive societies generate an environment conducive to sustainable development, and sustainable peace is both an enabler and an outcome of sustainable development. The year 2015 was indeed seminal in that regard. The commitment that we made in this Hall to the transformative 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and to inclusiveness, leaving no one behind, was the result of our shared conviction that our fates and futures are linked and that poverty is a shared challenge. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were further reinforced by the adoption of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which entered into force last November, thereby strengthening the global response to the threats posed by that phenomenon.
Today, however, it is no longer the time to celebrate those achievements; we need rather to reflect where we are in terms of their implementation. Though the SDGs were endorsed by all with much optimism, the current state of affairs is far from reassuring. The global situation since their adoption has not been conducive to ensuring their reasonably effective implementation. That is a major disappointment for all those who have been hoping to see renewed global partnership in the spirit of the 2030 Agenda.
For our part, we have fully embraced and begun to record encouraging initial results in implementing the 2030 Agenda. We have continued to invest in our people so as to improve their well-being. In order to achieve structural transformation and diversify our economy, the Government is expanding our manufacturing sector and infrastructure facilities, which have continued to attract an increasing amount of domestic and foreign investments. In order to finance our ambitious national projects, we are mobilizing domestic resources while maximizing the positive impacts of foreign assistance. By implementing integrated, pro-poor policies, we have been reducing poverty and enhancing the quality of life, and we have sustained our rapid and inclusive economic growth.
Ethiopia is therefore projected to be the fastest growing economy in the world by the end of 2017. That should, of course, not be a source of complacency; it should rather drive us further to redouble our determination and endeavours to accelerate the full implementation of our current national development policy, which integrates the SDGs, and we will remain fully committed to realizing the Sustainable Development Goals, to responding to the legitimate development demands of our people and to addressing our multifaceted development challenges. That is not easy, nor are our challenges uncomplicated, most particularly those related to natural phenomena.
We in Ethiopia, like many other countries, are dealing almost every day with the adverse effects of climate change. Now is not the time, therefore, to doubt their devastating impact, while millions of our fellow humans are losing their lives and their hard- won development achievements. That is happening all over the world. It is high time to act urgently and decisively to combat the adverse impacts of climate change, particularly its disproportionately bad effect on the most vulnerable countries, which, as has been repeatedly pointed out, bear almost no responsibility for causing climate change.
Climate change, not just poverty, is our major challenge. The current climate-induced drought is affecting millions of people. For the third consecutive year, after successfully dealing with the El Niño-induced drought in 2015, Ethiopia is confronting the adverse effects of climate change. That is why I said earlier that climate change is real and poses a clear danger for humankind, because it undermines development gains. We are doing everything that we can to mitigate its negative effects, with the continuing and much appreciated support of our bilateral and multilateral partners. While we are committed to addressing our current humanitarian emergency, we will also continue to implement our national strategy to build a green and resilient economy.
Countries such as Ethiopia that are fully committed to implementing the Sustainable Development Agenda require an international environment that can help them succeed in their fight against poverty. Ending poverty, achieving prosperity for all and preserving our planet are attainable goals. We know that we have the resources and the capabilities to achieve a world free from poverty. We have begun implementing the SDGs, albeit unevenly, but time is of the essence. We must accelerate the process if we are to leave no one behind. That has enormous meaning for peace, security and prosperity as well. Poverty and economies that fail to produce employment opportunities are not fertile ground for peace to grow in and be nurtured.


I am honoured to address the General Assembly on behalf of the people and the Government of the Dominican Republic. At the outset, I would like to apologize on behalf of Mr. Danilo Madina Sánchez, President of the Dominican Republic, for his absence from the debate, as he has had to return to our country to deal with Hurricane Maria.
Our meeting this week coincides with the devastating season of natural disasters that our region has been enduring for nearly a month with terrible consequences. The disasters have also spread to Mexico, which has been hit by two destructive earthquakes, and the southern United States, viciously punished by Hurricane Harvey. In the catalogue of human suffering caused by Hurricane Irma, that of Antigua and Barbuda stands out, particularly Barbuda, 90 per cent of whose infrastructure has collapsed, according to its Prime Minister, Gaston Browne. Hardly had Irma’s devastating winds dropped than Maria arrived, leaving a new trail of destruction and death, inflicting a direct hit first on Dominica and today on its neighbour Puerto Rico, causing great destruction and damage.
We take this opportunity to express our solidarity with Puerto Rico, which is also our neighbour, as well as with all the countries affected. The people of the Dominican Republic offer their deepest sympathy for the destruction and the large numbers of victims. Accurate figures for the damage done on Saint Barthélemy, Saint Maarten, Anguilla, the Virgin Islands, Tortola, Turks and Caicos, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic and especially Florida and Cuba, have yet to be determined. However, we can say that they have suffered substantial damage, that recovery will take years and that, tragically, valuable lives have been lost.
To give Member States an idea of how severely we have been affected, despite the lack of definitive figures, I can say that the material losses caused by this hurricane season alone far exceed the gross domestic product of the Dominican Republic. We often focus on material damage and ignore the human suffering caused by such disasters, whose lethal power has been aggravated by climate change. The statistics are striking, but they cannot reflect the pain of the victims, their desolation at seeing so much work ruined and so many efforts, visions and dreams lost. It is not just houses that have been lost, it is homes. Material damage has been done, but above all, lives have been shattered.
We must recognize the inherent dangers of climate change, which are far more significant in the context of the geography of the Caribbean. Our economies, our way of life and our potential for development are in jeopardy. The vulnerability of the Caribbean and of the Dominican Republic poses a risk that we cannot face alone. While our country was fortunate enough not to suffer human losses during the recent passage of Hurricane Irma, we are aware that, like every Caribbean island, we will always be vulnerable to this type of phenomenon.
That reality impels us to once again draw the Assembly’s attention to the crucial importance of joining forces to confront such threats. It compels us to act in a responsible and united way to defend the lives of our people. And I would like to be extremely clear on this point. The messages of solidarity and the humanitarian aid that always follow such disasters are not enough. Nor is it enough to sign agreements on climate change. There is an urgent and critical need to act coherently on those agreements in order to advance a united agenda and set concrete plans in motion.
We are facing a growing problem that knows no borders and requires the cooperation and solidarity of all of us, but especially the most developed and most powerful countries. We are facing a reality that will oblige us to act as responsibly as we can if we do not want to go on lamenting the consequences. That is why my country is once again proposing to the Assembly that we create a special fund for dealing with this type of disaster and for prevention and early warning, which will help us save lives. If we want to see an example of how economic resources can help to mitigate the damage done by natural phenomena, we need only look at the United States. After the most recent hurricanes, its Government, which has the necessary resources, immediately made $15 billion available for rebuilding its affected states, thereby providing its citizens with the help they needed. Conversely, there is no way that vulnerable areas such as the island region of the Caribbean can cope with the devastation that such phenomena inflict on our peoples and countries.
As an example, take my own country, the Dominican Republic. This year, natural phenomena in the form of rains and floods have damaged thousands of kilometres of highways and roads, resulting in substantial losses. Dozens of bridges have collapsed and miles of retaining walls and irrigation canals have been destroyed. Thousands of acres of mixed farmland that are vital to keeping our people fed every day have been lost. In addition, among much other damage, hundreds of homes have been destroyed, not counting those hit by Hurricane Irma. We have spent more than $500 million on rescue and relief operations just in the past few months.
We are therefore concerned about the fact that similar, or even more powerful, events resulting from climate change have the potential to set the development of ours and other Caribbean countries back 10 years. I am talking about snatching away a whole people’s happiness and prospects for the future. That is not something we can continue to take lightly. It is in that context that the work of the United Nations and the solidarity between our countries make most sense.
On behalf of all the men, women, children and elderly people who are utterly desperate right now, I urge all of us to seek ways for the United Nations to support Governments that cannot cope on their own in rebuilding their countries in the wake of natural disasters. Let us take the necessary steps to make that aid available and ensure that it reaches those in desperate need. It is part of our responsibility as brother nations. I would also like to call on the countries of the United Nations to reflect anew, and urgently, on what we must do in order to counteract extreme climate events. The scientific evidence for the relationship between natural disasters, man-made change and global warming is quite sufficient. It is time for us to play our part and act to slow down events, or the future will judge us for our total lack of responsibility.
Since the Organization was founded, 72 years ago, our country has been a member of the unique experience in the history of humankind that is its creation. Since then, the United Nations has been a beacon pointing the way to a future of hope. We must never fall into complacency on that road. We know that essential aspects of our civilization, such as peace, security and development, are not gifts that drop from the sky. They are not something that we can take for granted. They are the result of a commitment between our peoples that must be constantly renewed and that we must keep working for. The Dominican Republic is fully committed to that vision and to the search for comprehensive solutions to the challenges facing the international community. We are determined to contribute energetically to building an ever-more democratic, participatory and effective United Nations to help solve our peoples’ real problems.


As we greet all delegations, we also welcome the holding of the seventy-second session of the General Assembly. Uruguay is convinced that today more than ever we need to strengthen these bodies of international coordination and leadership. Failure to do so would be to abandon humankind to transnational powers that escape regulation and arbitrarily impose their rule, notwithstanding the full validity of national sovereignties, which, throughout the course of history, have shown great longevity and bravely responded to challenges.
By instituting the reforms necessary to adapt its structures and methodologies to a time that is very different from the one in which it was born, the United Nations should become stronger, and the General Assembly, its main body, should be given higher priority. This would be a worthwhile endeavour, given that the Assembly is and will continue to be the expression of a universal demos, which humankind must safeguard as the ideal for organizing peaceful coexistence on a global scale, where all States, large and small, are equally worthy and respected.
Uruguay’s foreign policy has focused on certain traditional pillars that have governed its actions throughout history, such as democracy, the rule of law, respect for and promotion of human rights, the defence of multilateralism, and the commitment to dialogue and peace. These are the principles that our country has historically defended and actively promoted. Uruguay has made these pillars its State policy, supported by all its political parties regardless of the different ideological or programmatic orientations that alternate based on the rotation of power that is inherent to our idea of democracy. They represent a common heritage and a key chapter of the agreements entered into throughout our history that define our national identity.
Today, with the world facing a broad range of threats and challenges, Uruguay is resolved to make its voice heard and base its actions on the international stage on those cornerstones that have held up its architecture in a peaceful and democratic manner. The increase in armed conflicts, characterized by unprecedented violence, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the expansion in the trade of all types of weapons, the spread of terrorism, cyberattacks, hunger and the devastating effects of climate change make it more than ever necessary for the international community to make a strong commitment to addressing them.
At a time when many of these expressions of violence and devastation are the result of global causes, it would be injudicious to strive to impose painful or insufficiently local responses to such challenges. The international community must rise to the occasion, consolidate its frameworks for joint action andstrengthen global governance in order to resolve these serious problems.
Today, millions of people are directly affected by violence and armed conflict. Hundreds of thousands have been killed and thousands of others injured, and millions of displaced persons have been forced to flee their homes and risk their lives in search of peace. We should never consent to idly stand by when faced with such tragedy and devastation, in the midst of an indifference out of which we are shaken only exceptionally, when a memorable image moves or strikes us. Such an image — and this is the greatest tragedy — may be sadly representative of the fate of tens or hundreds of thousands of human beings whose lives and sad destinies we will never know. “Wasted lives” was how Polish philosopher Zygmunt Bauman, the father of “liquid modernity”, described them in his outstanding essay. It is only right to recall here that the world bade Bauman farewell earlier this year.
Unfortunately, human trafficking networks, which take advantage of human despair and vulnerability, emerge in those contexts, promising people a non-existent future. In the face of this scourge, all countries gathered here must redouble their efforts to combat all forms of trafficking, including human trafficking. All States must cooperate in order to put an end to all such heinous practices, which denigrate their victims and strip them of their basic humanity in service of the interests of global criminal and terrorist networks, and in order to promote the growth and social development of nations.
Let us call a spade a spade: inequality remains the main cause of most of the difficulties and threats that we face. We all know that, with the current advances in science and technology, poverty and hunger are unacceptable, and issues stemming from poor organization and the inequitable distribution of power and national and international resources are the cause of their unjustifiable persistence. For that reason, we reiterate that the rule of law and development are inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing. Both are therefore essential to sustainable development at the national and international levels.
Uruguay fully endorse the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the commitment to leave no one behind. It pledges its unqualified support for that commitment, without any preconditions. It is a commitment that can be undertaken in a straightforward manner by a country such as ours, which throughout its history has made the fight against abandonment one of the marks of its identity and succeeded in building, from a relatively early stage, a reasonably integrated society with a significant degree of social cohesion, although not without having to confront challenges and difficulties.
In July, at the High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, my country, for the second year in a row, submitted its voluntary national report on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which involved carrying out a regular process of consultations and interinstitutional coordination with the participation of the Government, academia, civil society, the private sector and international organizations, with respect to its implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
However, there is an issue on the United Nations agenda that is even more vital for Uruguay — disarmament as a prelude to peace. The international community must be committed to actively seeking effective solutions to this global problem. The growing threat of terrorism and the challenge it poses to the international community as a whole, the risk of the potential use of weapons of mass destruction by terrorist groups, and the acquisition and use of conventional weapons and the links of such weapons with transnational crime have made the failure to disarm one of the greatest threats facing humankind . It is therefore a matter of deep concern. Controlling the international arms trade is an urgent necessity, given that trafficking and arms deals with warring parties in conflicts contribute directly to the suffering and murder of civilians.
For that reason, the accession to and ratification of international instruments intended to protect civilians, such as the historic Arms Trade Treaty, are a great contribution to that end. And let me repeat here in the General Assembly something that has already been mentioned in the Security Council. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 74 per cent of the total volume of arms exports in the period 2011-2015 was carried out specifically by the five permanent members of the Security Council. Similarly, military spending in 2016 was $1.69 trillion, which was higher than in 2015.
We should ask ourselves how many needs could have been met had those funds been redirected to the economic and social development of countries. The possession of nuclear weapons and the delay in disarmament by the States that possess them also endanger and threaten the world’s stability and human security. If the proliferation of nuclear weapons overtakes diplomacy, the consequences will be devastating. Diplomacy, diplomacy and more diplomacy: that is the path that we must take.
The use and threat of use of nuclear weapons constitute a crime against humankind and a serious violation of international law, including international humanitarian law, as well as of the Charter of the United Nations. The only guarantee against the use and threat of use of those weapons is their explicit prohibition and total elimination. Nevertheless, far from abandoning their weapons programmes, the nuclear Powers continue to improve and actively modernize their nuclear arsenals. Data from specialized organizations indicate that nine countries have more than 17,000 nuclear weapons, of which approximately 2,000 are on high alert, ready to be launched at a moment’s notice.
Uruguay welcomes the success of the United Nations conference that negotiated a binding instrument to ban nuclear weapons and bring about their total elimination. It concluded with the adoption of the historic Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, recently opened to all States for signature, and to which Uruguay has just acceded. In that regard, we call on all countries to sign the instrument, which aims to ensure a dignified life for future generations and avoid a humanitarian catastrophe.
As part of its concern about the development of nuclear weapons, Uruguay expresses its strong condemnation of North Korea’s nuclear tests and ballistic-missile launches and urges that country to abandon its existing nuclear programmes in a complete, verifiable and irreversible way, putting an immediate end to all related activities, including launches using ballistic-missile technology, and other acts of provocation.
In the same vein, we urge that country to respect the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and return to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which it abandoned in 2003, and the International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards regime. However, we also urge all countries, in particular the great United States, to avoid the verbal escalations that have always preceded major tragedies throughout history and weigh every word in a responsible manner, eschewing all violent rhetoric. A dynamic of antagonism often makes it impossible to stick to the facts.
In addressing the 3rd meeting of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session, our Secretary- General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, made reference to “sleepwalking our way to war”, inspired by the eloquent title recently used by the historian Christopher Clark to describe how human beings and nations marched into the tragedy of the First World War, dazed and confused by mutual misunderstandings and unheeded warnings. When they became aware of the outcome, it was too late.
Just three months before ending its term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, Uruguay wishes to emphasize once again that it is firmly convinced of the importance of focusing its efforts on protecting civilian populations in all conflict zones by using different modalities, through peacekeeping operations and the delivery of humanitarian assistance, by, inter alia, protecting hospitals and medical personnel and denouncing flagrant violations of human rights.
In the current context of crisis, we wish to acknowledge the bravery and altruism of humanitarian personnel as they continue to assist, at the risk of their own lives, those in need in conflict situations. We understand that the best way to honour humanitarian workers, who have saved thousands of lives in numerous settings, is to devise successful policies and reach agreement within the framework of the United Nations to bring about the immediate cessation of attacks on civilians, while making possible the delivery of humanitarian assistance to those in conflict situations. We are concerned at the increasing number of attacks on and deliberate bombings of civilians, humanitarian workers and civil infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and markets, all of which are serious human rights violations.
The ultimate atrocity is when defenceless human beings are attacked while they are assisting other defenceless human beings at the worst times and in the worst places. Not only should we emphatically condemn this, but we should also adopt resolutions to protect victims and bring perpetrators to justice. Uruguay once again calls for full compliance with Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2286 (2016), and the establishment of effective mechanisms for itsimplementation. I wish to reiterate that this kind of attack against civilian targets, disguised as collateral attacks, should never be tolerated.
It is undeniable that we are experiencing deep- seated changes in the kinds of conflicts we are seeing. The increasing presence of terrorist organizations and non-State actors spreads fear among populations and disproportionately undermines the rights of women and children. History has shown us that there is a constant pattern in terms of conflicts in the world, regardless of region or religion. Women and girls are those who suffer the consequences most. War invades their lives, threatening their sense of security.
In this context, as an elected member of the Security Council, a country with a long-standing participation in various peacekeeping operations and an active troop contributor, Uruguay is intent on fighting sexual exploitation and abuse in armed conflicts. We are deeply committed to the zero-tolerance policy. We reiterate our support for this policy and are working very hard to prevent new cases of abuse and sexual exploitation in peacekeeping operations, with the understanding that a single case is one too many.
For more than 50 years, Uruguay knew what it was like to be outside the most important decision-making body in the world. That is why we believe it is vital that the issues taken up by the Security Council be public knowledge for all Members of the United Nations. What is discussed there is of such importance that all States present here today should be aware of what goes on behind closed doors. That is why Uruguay will continue working towards more transparent and inclusive working methods in the United Nations within the framework of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group, as well as in other multilateral contexts. As a signatory to the Charter of the United Nations, Uruguay emphasizes its commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations while committing itself to working tirelessly to sustain those principles, which we believe are vital for building a safer and more prosperous future.
We cannot even think of peace in the world if the international community does not make a serious commitment to disarmament and non-proliferation. Any progress in disarmament and non-proliferation — be it serious commitments; gradual, effective, specific steps forward; or results — must be welcomed and celebrated as a tremendous achievement of the United Nations.
We wish to conclude our statement by highlighting the overarching historical significance of the peace process that has been gaining ground in Colombia and putting an end to the armed conflicts that divided it, drowning it in pain and blood for many long decades. As Uruguayans, as Latin Americans and, in this case, as the then President of the Security Council, we are pleased and proud to have made a modest contribution to the building of peace in Colombia. This is the best example we have when we talk about specific results.
It is our Latin America that we have made a region of peace today. The great note of hope that has sounded when this ceasefire and the peace agreement were reached gives us the enthusiasm we need to take on the new and difficult missions in other parts of the world in which the way out often seems difficult to see. Latin America has single-mindedly rejected all attempts to resolve internal conflicts in Latin America, no matter how intense they are, through military intervention.
In the historical experience of our continent, such interventions have only left a trail of lasting violence, poverty and instability. Latin America is united as a block against interventionist war-mongering endeavours that are neither rational nor prudent.
I would like to reiterate once again our emphatic rejection of the unfair blockade which, after 55 years, is still looming over our sister Republic of Cuba, and we express our sympathy and condolences in connection with the victims of the hurricanes and earthquakes that recently affected the region.
In conclusion, achieving a sustainable planet and a decent life requires the effective use of existing resources so that we can live in peace and security and our legacy can be a habitable world for future generations.


On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Desiré Delano Bouterse, President of the Republic of Suriname, I wish to extend our congratulations to Mr. Lajčák on his election to preside over the General Assembly. Suriname is grateful to the former President, Mr. Peter Thomson, for his efforts in addressing the issues of small and vulnerable States within the small island developing States construct, and we wish him success in his new role as Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Oceans.
Allow me to address critical issues related to the theme of this year’s session that are directly related to Suriname and the region we belong to.
Suriname cannot but give special attention to the extraordinary fashion in which the annual hurricane season has presented itself in the Caribbean. Our thoughts go out to the many families, mothers and children, the elderly and the sick who are living the worst possible nightmare. We are convinced that those affected will be comforted by the hope that all is not lost, since the world community stands with them and prays for the betterment and speedy recovery of our region. We also acknowledge the suffering in Mexico as a result of the recent heavy earthquakes and express our deep sympathy for its victims.
Those events confront us with the relativity of human power and State power, whether unilateral or multilateral. A quick review of the damage caused by the recent natural disasters shows the destruction of the means of production and physical infrastructure. That has created social disruption that goes far beyond the immediate needs of the victimized societies. We also observe that the world at large demonstrates a strong sense of solidarity when calamity strikes and humanitarian assistance is urgently needed. However, to alleviate the desperate condition of the peoples, we must, in our international efforts, address the calamities from a deeper and wider perspective.
We must assist the respective Governments in restructuring socioeconomic and physical infrastructure in such a way that those States can become more resilient and reduce their vulnerability in future. That will require the development of innovative concepts and intensive sharing of global experiences. Combining forces on the global scale has become crucial. Furthermore, it will imply aggressive mobilization of adequate resources.
Such necessary resource mobilization will face obstacles. We will have to confront the fact that a number of the more affluent nations entertain inward- looking policies that do not augur well regarding the pressing need to join hands in solving such truly global problems. Recent weeks have made it very clear to all of us that the forces of nature do not discriminate. Suriname strongly supports the view that nations should proportionately contribute at a global level if we want to survive as humankind.
When scientists indicate precise and foreseeable natural disasters, it is obvious that we should take precautionary measures, mitigate possible dangers and adapt existing structures to minimize the effect. Becoming more resilient remains the only way. In that connection, it is unacceptable that Caribbean countries, including Suriname, are being graduated to middle-income countries, with zero option to obtain concessional loans.
Today, I, too lament the fact that the vulnerability of those countries should be taken into account when classifications are applied. Thus, it is ironic that Suriname is facing such threats of climate change, while at the same time we are making tremendous contributions to mitigate climate change. As a high- forested, low-deforestation country with 90 per cent forest cover — the highest in the world — Suriname provides regulation services to the global climate, including as a carbon sink.
In addition to providing livelihoods to indigenous and tribal communities, our forests are biodiversity hotspots with an impressive number of endemic and internationally significant species. Our forests also support freshwater regulation as part of the unique Amazon ecosystem and provide employment and income generation through an active forest industry. Above all, we have set aside for conservation purposes 1.6 million hectares of pristine rainforest, referred to as the Central Suriname Nature Reserve, as a gift to humankind.
While Suriname’s greenhouse-gas emissions have historically been negative, it is a challenge to enhance the country’s economic development while maintaining that unique position in the world. To achieve that goal, Suriname is ready to partner with Governments, the global community and other stakeholders to transform our economy into one in which environmental protection — including through the REDD+ programme for reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation in developing countries — social advancement and economic prosperity take central stage. Our multi-annual development plan, recently adopted by Parliament, is testimony to that vision for our nation’s sustainable development.
On the issues of non-interference and non-intervention, I draw the Assembly‘s attention to the following. The natural disasters I just referred to coincide with growing political conflicts, and that may well lead to a serious loss of human lives and the destruction of human achievements. A number of those conflicts are related to a stark disrespect for the basic principles that have been enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations since 1945.
Non-interference in the affairs of sovereign States and non-intervention are not empty principles. They are based on a firm belief that all peoples are equal and that the prevailing structures of government and democracy cannot be prescribed externally. Recent interventions in the Middle East have not created better societies. On the contrary, we have witnessed divided, warring factions that can hardly be qualified as an improvement to the Governments that were ousted.
Suriname also has experienced the ill effects of interference in internal affairs. The destruction of infrastructure and means of production amounted to approximately $300 million, and much worse than that is the fact that hundreds of children were deprived of access to education and proper health care. Today as a nation we are still suffering from the results of the so- called foreign-supported internal strife that disrupted societies in the interior that were characterized by a socioeconomic order that had lasted for more than 300 years.
Suriname knows what interference means, and the only way we have dealt with it is by insisting on dialogue, which resulted in the signing of the peace treaty in May 1992. So when we tell the world that non-interference and non-intervention are principles to adhere to at all costs, we are speaking from our own experience. For almost three decades, Suriname’s commitment to peace and development through the promotion of dialogue and the implementation of broad-based social programmes remained in full accordance with the principles and guidelines of the United Nations. Dialogue in the spirit of mutual respect has led to peace and prosperity.
In that same vein, in 2012 the legislature passed an amendment to the amnesty law of 1992 that applied amnesty for the full period of political violence in Suriname, from 1980 to 1992. In doing so, the legislature complied with article 8 of the Constitution, which bans discrimination and guarantees equal rights to all citizens. That amendment further provided for the truth and reconciliation commission, allowing for a clear distinction between politically motivated violence and criminal acts.
Allow me to inform this gathering that Suriname’s path to peace and sustainable development enjoyed full acceptance in 2015, when a greater majority elected the incumbent Government. Moreover, civil society has taken up the responsibility to advance the peace process through the implementation of initiatives that contribute to the cause of truth-finding and reconciliation.
Against the backdrop of those developments, Suriname took note with concern of the unverified and biased comments published by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers. Therefore, Suriname categorically rejects the assertions of that special procedures mandate-holder, who did not provide the Government an opportunity to respond in a timely manner.
The seventy-first session of the General Assembly marked a milestone in the way the world views the five-decades-old unilateral economic, commercial and financial boycott against Cuba. Last year, not one State voted against resolution 71/5, on definitively ending that unilateral decision, which has proved to be unproductive from all angles. However, the current reality obliges us to continue expressing our deepest concern, since we learned about the continuation of that detrimental and unilateral policy. Suriname therefore, with absolute respect for the sovereignty of each nation to determine its own policies, urges that constructive dialogue and cooperation must prevail and that bridges must be built on the basis of equality and respect for independence and sovereignty.
Suriname rejects any measure that might strengthen the blockade, which is in violation of international law, the sovereignty of States, the principles of non-intervention in internal affairs and self-determination. My Government reiterates the critical importance of those principles and underscores the relevance of the processes of dialogue, diplomacy, peaceful resolution of conflicts, and political and economic cooperation as building blocks for stability, peace and democracy in the Americas.
In that line of thought, we encourage the Member States in general, and especially the South American and Caribbean States, to deal in a constructive manner with the problems of our sister nation, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Let us continue to stress the need for dialogue between all parties. History proves that interference and intervention are never successful.
Suriname is deeply concerned about the current developments on the Korean peninsula. In whatever configuration for a sustainable solution, we believe that the interests of the Korean people must remain paramount. First and foremost, the Korean people must be given guarantees that violence, whether it originates in North Korea or elsewhere, can never be a solution to the problem. Dialogue and negotiations will be the only remaining road to a sustainable solution for the dignity and well-being of the Korean people in their struggle for peace and development. The example of South America and the Caribbean in remaining a nuclear-weapon-free zone could well serve as a model to be followed. The absence of nuclear weapons creates an environment conducive to dialogue and meaningful negotiations.
The global village is becoming ever more interdependent. Different cultures and ethnic orientations are rapidly becoming the basis for racial and global conflicts. Therefore, we have to find new paradigms to effectively limit dogmatic adherence to religious and social concepts. Tolerance and mutual respect have become a must if we want to guarantee peace and sustainability for future generations.
The Government of Suriname is following, not only with keen interest but also a certain degree of concern, the recent re-emergence in many parts of the world of right-wing extremism framed as populism. That development has the potential to put severe pressure on social cohesion within countries and bilateral relations between nations, thereby affecting opportunities and the potential for cooperation.
Suriname has worked tirelessly to achieve national unity, which has resulted in a very diverse and well- integrated society where tolerance forms one of the basic principles that underpins its very existence. Thanks to the type of nation we have built, very disturbing and destabilizing factors such as right-wing extremism and ethnic and religious intolerance can neither have nor find a place in our nation, nor will they ever be able to take root and grow. Today, Suriname enjoys an exceptional era of tolerance and mutual respect, with Christians, Hindus, Jews, Muslims and other religious denominations living in an atmosphere of peace and mutual respect. With roots from all continents of the world and through intensive dialogue and mutual respect, Suriname has become a shining example of the importance of not entertaining supremacist concepts.
Therefore, the Government of Suriname is considered best positioned to understand and analyse the current global trend, which needs to be reversed with immediate effect. Suriname stands ready to share its experience and best practices with other sister nations on the issue of nation-building based on diversity, pluralism, integration and peace. I am convinced that others will then be able to better understand one of the important mottos of Suriname — diversity is power.
My Government strongly believes that focusing on people is the quintessence of the application of power. Suriname is an example in kind. As a nation, we have recently faced the ill effects of a largely commodity- based export economy. The sharp downturn in oil and gold prices in recent years, combined with the unfortunate closure of the century-old bauxite and alumina complex, has challenged Suriname’s macroeconomic management since mid-2015.
By any international standards, Suriname faced a severe shock that was compounded on the balance-of- payments side by the sharp increase in imports related to two major investment projects in oil and gold mining, which together accounted for about 35 per cent of annual gross domestic product. We estimate that the economy contracted severely, by more than 10 per cent, in 2016, requiring unprecedented fiscal and monetary policy adjustments, and some temporary balance-of- payments support.
In order to stabilize the exchange rate, reduce domestic demand and re-establish a viable balance of payments position, the monetary authorities sharply curtailed credit creation in the country, with credit to the private sector contracting in nominal terms. Since October 2016, the exchange rate has stabilized, monthly inflation rates have fallen to less than 1 per cent and the country has returned to a current account surplus position. Our macroeconomic response to the external and fiscal pressures started in earnest in August 2015 with a massive contraction in Government expenditure and increases in taxation.
The Government acknowledges that the extractive sector producing gold, fossil fuels and other marketable minerals will remain critical for our economic development in the foreseeable future. We accept that reality, being fully aware that the wealth created must be deployed in financing a well-planned initiative to expand our economy in a sustainable manner. With that objective in mind, the Government has recently adopted very important legislative measures. One deals with the establishment of a sovereign wealth and stabilization fund, and the other introduces the institutional framework which will facilitate foreign direct investments. As outlined in our multi-annual development plan, Suriname intends to strike a balance between the export of commodities and the export of final products in sync with the services industry.
Suriname acknowledges its citizens as the most important resource for its development. In spite of the challenging budgetary constraints, the socioeconomic policies of the Government remained people-oriented. The continued application of the basic health-care law provides for proper health care for our entire population. In addition, as announced by President Bouterse and as part of the social contract, adequate housing, access to education, youth participation, engagement and sports development, job creation and care for persons with disabilities and the elderly have remained priorities for sustainable development and growth.
The message delivered by Secretary-General António Guterres assured us all of his commitment to the theme of the Assembly’s seventy-second session. Suriname pledges its full support and cooperation.
The implementation of the ambitious 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, in sync with the necessary reform of the United Nations, will carry a lot of weight. That will be a formidable challenge, and therefore my Government believes that in addition to the mobilization domestic resources, consideration must be given to accessible financing, from a wide array of financial mechanisms, for development, capacity- building, innovation and the transfer of technology for developing countries.
Having addressed those matters of vital importance for the survival of humankind, on the basis of the principles of the United Nations, we bring to mind the Amerindian saying that we have not inherited the Earth, but that we have the Earth on loan from future generations. It is up to us to give that wise saying its substance.
In the final analysis, I wish to underscore and reiterate the utmost importance of youth involvement and participation at the highest levels. My Government has made it a priority to create the conditions for youth to be part of decision-making processes. I refer to young people, among others, as innovators, members of parliament and cabinet and as chief executive officers within what we refer to as the youth-adult partnership. In 2010, our Government established a special ministry responsible for youth and sport development. It gives me pleasure to announce that this year youth representatives are part of my official delegation to this seventy-second session. Furthermore, it is through political will that more women in our society can accede to the highest echelons of political decision-making.
The 2030 Agenda envisages a world that guarantees all inhabitants of our planet a climate conducive to self- development, a climate of respect for human dignity and of tolerance towards other cultures, with the ultimate goal of giving our planet the gift of diversity based on mutual respect.
It is up to each one of us, regardless of our status in society; it is up to each nation, whether big or small; it is up to this multilateral Organization to focus on people and strive for peace and a decent live for all on a sustainable planet. We owe it to ourselves; yes, we owe it to this and coming generations.


As I stand here before the General Assembly today, I am reminded that the wise men and women of 1945 displayed a unique capacity to learn from and act on the lessons of history. Shaped by the Great Depression and tempered by the carnage of the Second World War, they established global order through institutions that would provide security and stability for generations to come. The United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other organizations were founded to coordinate responses to international challenges and to make crimes against humanity a thing of the past.
There can be little doubt that today the scale, scope and speed of their imagination and efforts have not yet been matched. But future historians will judge those institutions on how they respond to the challenges of today and the challenges we must confront in the future. As global leaders, we seek certainty and familiarity in the rules of the game that dominated the twentieth century. But in today’s ever-changing world, the dominant contextual characteristic defining our times is extreme uncertainty. It is easy to illustrate this uncertainty by looking at threats we are facing — to our economies, our security and our values. There is an emerging consensus that advanced economies have yet to arrive at proper growth models to overcome high unemployment, decreasing income and wealth inequality. The threat of economic crisis, therefore, still hangs over us.
Sixteen years after the tragedy of 11 September 2001, the threat of violence by non-State actors has taken the form of a fifth wave of political violence and terrorism. Driven by transnational terrorist networks, criminal organizations, cybercrime and State sponsorship of terror, this fifth wave promises to be a decades-long threat to international security rather than a passing phenomenon. In the twentieth century, the world came together to push back the spread of fascism so that democratic freedoms could be secured. Those very freedoms are under attack today from global terrorism. Terrorism is not only an attack on human life and basic freedoms, but an attack on the compact of citizenship, an attack on the nation-State’s relationship with its people, which makes democratic societies unique, fair and free. We must confront the threat of terrorism as a united force and meet it with a long-term solution that matches the long-term agenda of the terrorists themselves.
Lastly, despite the incorporation of tenets of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights into the Constitutions of most countries of the world, crimes against humanity still occur with painful regularity. The ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya is especially shocking. Aung San Suu Kyi’s lengthy silence was tragic, as our hopes that an icon of human rights would choose principle over power were frustrated. I welcome the chance for Afghanistan to have a seat on the Human Rights Council in order to have a more central role in discussions on these important issues. As a people who are still experiencing crimes against humanity — the latest being killing of civilians in the Mirza Ulang village and attacks on mosques in Kabul and Herat and elsewhere — we are eager to add our voice in support of human rights.
Overcoming the destructive and disruptive patterns of change in the twenty-first century requires collective and coordinated action at the global, local and individual levels. An effective, efficient and respected United Nations is the need of the hour; we must let our twentieth-century institutions be put to the test. I therefore congratulate His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. I also want to recognize and appreciate the efforts of His Excellency Mr. Peter Thomson during the previous session, and I commend His Excellency Secretary-General Guterres for launching his reform of the United Nations.
If the United Nations did not exist today, we would have to invent it to address the demands of our time. Delivering on the promises of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the context of uncertainty requires re-examination of core functions, re-engineering of business processes, reinvigoration of organizational culture and values, and the reform of systems of accountability. If the United Nations is to be more relevant to countries like mine, it must deliver as one United Nations. But this objective has not yet been fulfilled. The inherited model of the United Nations agencies as instruments of technical assistance and capacity-building should be subjected to the market test, namely, value-for-money and sustainability of results in comparison to Government, private sector and non-governmental modes of delivery. Mutual accountability is a proven mechanism of consolidation and expansion of partnerships and trust-building.
I am honoured to stand before the General Assembly to represent and speak for the people of Afghanistan. We have borne adversity, deprivation and drought with dignity, met invasion with valour and defended our homeland with patriotic fervour. As the front-line State in the global struggle against terrorism and in the front-line of defence of democratic freedoms, our people and security forces are accomplishing heroic deeds on a daily basis. We too — as a nation, a State and a people — are reinventing ourselves to address the challenges and potential offered to us in the twenty- first century.
With President Trump’s recent announcement of his strategy to counter terror and stabilize South Asia, Afghanistan’s enduring partnership with the United States and the international community has been renewed and redirected. We welcome that strategy, which has now set us on a pathway to certainty. The Afghan people have looked to the United States for this type of resolve for years. We pay tribute to all the men and women of allied nations who have served with us, particularly those who paid the ultimate sacrifice.
The strategy consolidates all instruments of American power, conveying a message that the Taliban and their backers cannot win militarily. Only through political settlement can we achieve enduring peace, and I call upon all ranks of Taliban to engage in intra-Afghan dialogue.
We now also have an opportunity for a dialogue with our neighbours on how we can work together earnestly to eliminate terrorism and contain extremism. I call upon Pakistan to engage with us in a comprehensive State-to-State dialogue on peace, security and regional cooperation leading to prosperity.
The Afghan Government has proven that we are committed to peace through our own internal processes, as demonstrated by the peace agreement with Hizb-international Islami. We now call on all of our neighbours, near and far, to join us through the Kabul process in our comprehensive quest for peace and regional stability. However, moving forward, we ask for a change of perspective from our international partners. For too long, the conflict in Afghanistan has been viewed through the prism of civil war; but the war is not within our soil, it is over our soil.
Today there are over 20 international terrorist groups with an imposed presence on Afghan soil. The future of Afghanistan matters because we are on the front lines of the global effort to eradicate the threat of terrorism. Our brave soldiers are fighting and dying for the cause and the sovereignty of the Afghan nation every day. Although we may be on the front lines, the threat knows no boundaries.
For terrorist groups that are harboured in the region, attacks in Kabul, Brussels, Paris, Barcelona, London or anywhere else are equal victories. President Trump’’ new strategy includes the disruption and denial of sanctuary to terrorists, whose motives know no boundaries. However, a strong and enduring commitment from our international partners alone will not ensure our collective success in Afghanistan. The roots of success are indeed within us, as Afghans.
Today, nearly three years into our decade of transformation, we are turning Afghanistan into a platform for stability. The foundation has been laid. We have articulated and are rigorously implementing road maps for reform: we are prosecuting the corrupt, ending corruption in the security sector, replacing systems of patronage with merit-based systems and making financial processes transparent.
We are also reaching out to those who had previously been excluded from society — young people, the poor and women. Yet those people are our nation’s source of resilience. The generation that grew up in the 1990s, which makes up the majority of our population, is now being entrusted with wholesale leadership of the country. A generational change is taking place as youth are empowered at every level. This generation will be the one that reforms the Government into one that is citizen- and service-oriented.
Through unimaginable hardship, women kept the fabric of our communities and societies together, even as they fell to shreds. Yet women were relegated to the very bottom of society. That was unacceptable, and our nation suffered for it. Today there are more Afghan women in Government, the workforce and active in civil society than ever before in Afghan history, yet we still have far to go. At the helm, we have six women Ambassadors and four women Cabinet members. Simply put, women’s empowerment is crucial to our future.
The poor, along with women and young people, are the numerical majorities in Afghanistan that cross ethnic, linguistic, gender and religious lines. About 40 per cent of Afghans still live below the poverty line. Research shows that poverty perpetuates itself because it affects the physiological make-up of a child’s brain. We must empower the poor. For too long, they have been the silent majority in our country.
We are recreating the bonds of society in order to change the culture of our State. And we are strengthening our bonds not only internally, but regionally. As we look to our neighbours in South and Central Asia, we are simultaneously strengthening national, global and regional connectivity. Afghanistan will again become a multifaceted hub in the twenty-first century for transport, energy, water and mining and for the benefit of the entire region’s economic prosperity and security.
We are already seeing the fruits of our labour. Transmission lines for Central and South Asia, power projects are under construction; the Turkmen railway has reached our border; and the Turkmenistan- Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline for natural gas is under construction. As a central part of our plan for economic advancement, we continue to work with our regional partners to seek avenues of collaboration. We can see now, amid the uncertainties and unique challenges and threats of the twenty-first century, how Afghanistan has become a conundrum for the twentieth-century approaches within which the global order tends to still operate.
While the threat of international terrorism playing out on our soil has dominated the narrative of our country and driven the fate of our people for far too long, we also have enormous potential to be the regional brokers of peace, a hub for economic prosperity and a beacon of democratic values. The birthplace of Rumi still resounds with messages of love, peace and hope. Afghanistan will yet again be the Asian crossroads for dialogue among civilizations and a model of harmony and culture of tolerance and engagement. I am confident that our plans and programmes for self- reliance and reform, bolstered by the commitment of our international partners, will chart out a path for us towards realizing our full potential.


At the outset, I would like to warmly congratulate Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session and to wish him success in fulfilling his important mandate.
My thanks also go to his predecessor Mr. Peter Thomson, for his dedication and professionalism in conducting the work of the previous session.
I take this opportunity to express words of encouragement and support to the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres. I am confident that with his competent leadership and the joint efforts of the Member States, we will succeed in redefining the role of the United Nations and adjusting it to the requirements of the modern world.
Clearly, all of us gathered in this great Hall are deeply concerned about the challenges confronting the international community. The armed conflicts in the Middle East, protracted disputes, terrorism and violent extremism, and the affliction caused by poverty are only some of the problems undermining peace and sustainable development. We are equally concerned about the excessive accumulation of conventional weapons and the development of nuclear programmes. An international environment marked by threats to use force, including nuclear arms, greatly exacerbates people’s sense of insecurity and lack of trust.
The devastating natural disasters occurring with increasing frequency in a warming world affect hundreds of millions of people, especially those living in extreme poverty. In that context, I would like to express our compassion and deep condolences to the countries and the families affected by the recent devastating hurricanes, as well as by the earthquake in Mexico.
The statements by previous speakers show that we all have similar perceptions of global problems. Today more than ever, we need the joint commitment of all States Members of the United Nations to face those challenges. In that context, I would like to reiterate my country’s full support for Secretary-General Guterres’s reform agenda, which puts renewed emphasis on conflict prevention, the repositioning of the development system and reform of the internal management of the United Nations in order to effectively address the world’s major challenges.
Since signing the European Union Association Agreement in June 2014, my country has engaged in a complex process of structural reforms aimed at building a modern society based on the European development model. Our efforts have concentrated on steadily consolidating the rule of law and developing a functioning market economy, as well emphasizing a prominent social dimension and respect for human rights.
The strategic priorities for sectoral development include, first of all, modernizing infrastructure, managing resources efficiently, promoting a green economy and renewable energy and applying modern technologies in agriculture. We have also undertaken to reform the public administration and the public services, while ensuring gender equality and the promotion of youth. We have the political will needed to fully implement those reforms, and in that endeavour we will continue to rely on the support of our development partners, particularly the European Union and the United Nations.
The Republic of Moldova fully shares the view that the prevention and peaceful settlement of conflicts, in particular protracted ones, are indispensable conditions for implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Considering the current lack of progress in settling protracted conflicts, there should be more direct involvement on the part of the appropriate United Nations bodies. We believe that no conflict in the world should be ignored by the United Nations, irrespective of whether it is on the Security Council’s agenda or not.
We appreciate the fact that the General Assembly has agreed to include and maintain on its agenda the item entitled “Protracted conflicts in the GUAM area and their implications for international peace, security and development”. Contrary to the fears of some, the General Assembly’s deliberations on that item do not undermine the existing mechanisms for negotiating the settlement of conflicts in the area of the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, made up of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and the Republic of Moldova (GUAM). On the contrary, it is the continued monitoring of the situation in the area, together with a proactive approach by the United Nations when its involvement is needed, that can prevent or counter attempts aimed at changing the political borders of some GUAM States through methods that have nothing to do with democracy and international law.
I take this opportunity to express the Republic of Moldova’s deep concern about the ongoing armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, which endangers peace and security in our region, and to once again reiterate our full support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integritye.
Since 1992, we have repeatedly referred from this rostrum to the unresolved conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova, which is also complicated by the illegal stationing of foreign military forces on our national territory. We have underlined that, unlike other, similar conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the Transnistrian conflict, while less intricate, could be resolved more easily if all the parties concerned displayed the necessary political will. In our case, there is no ethnic or religious enmity, and the populations on both banks of the Nistru River could live in peace and mutual understanding within a reintegrated Moldovan State.
Despite our efforts over the past 25 years, including the involvement of international actors, we have not succeeded in settling this political conflict. We will continue to work to come up with a solution in the existing 5+2 settlement format. For us, it is extremely important that the solution be based on respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova, while providing a special status for the Transnistrian region, as stipulated in the relevant documents of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
We firmly believe that the settlement process could be based on the transformation of the current trilateral peacekeeping force, which also includes a Russian contingent, into a multinational civilian mission with an international mandate. In that regard, I would like to emphasize that the trilateral disengagement force established in accordance with the Moldovan-Russian ceasefire agreement of 21 July 1992 fulfilled its remit long ago. That obsolete mechanism has become a factor in preserving the conflict and has failed to ensure the full demilitarization of the security zone and eliminate obstacles to the free movement of people, goods and services.
Contrary to our expectations, the Russian Federation has not yet withdrawn its military forces from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, in accordance with its international commitments as stipulated in the Moldovan-Russian ceasefire agreement of July 1992, the Moldovan-Russian agreement of October 1994 and in the relevant OSCE documents, in particular the political declaration adopted at the OSCE Istanbul Summit in 1999.
I would like to make it clear that those military forces are distinct and should not be confused with the Russian contingent that participates in the trilateral peacekeeping force, which is operating on the basis of an ad hoc arrangement. The military exercises conducted regularly in the Transnistrian region by Russian troops, with the increased participation of paramilitary forces belonging to the separatist regime in Tiraspol, pose a continuing security threat to the Republic of Moldova. The joint military drills are in flagrant violation of express obligations stipulated in the Moldovan-Russian ceasefire agreement of 1992.
According to OSCE reports, the Operative Group of Russian Troops has stockpiled more than 21,000 metric tons of weapons and ammunition. The Government of the Republic of Moldova neither controls nor supervises those weapons and munitions. Due to the complete lack of access to those foreign-controlled stockpiles — some of which may pose substantial environmental danger — the munitions’ technical condition cannot be assessed and transfers of them within that territory or outside it cannot be monitored.
For the same reasons, the Republic of Moldova is unable to fulfil its international obligations as a State party under various international disarmament conventions. Although they are located on the territory of the Republic of Moldova, those weapons and munitions are not under its jurisdiction or control. Taking into account the commitments of the Russian Federation, the fundamental principles of international law and the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova regarding its permanently neutral status and its non-admission of the deployment of other States’ military troops on its national territory, we firmly reiterate our request for the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the so-called Operative Group of Russian Troops, a successor to the former fourteenth Soviet army, which is illegally stationed on the territory of the Republic of Moldova. In that context, I should also invoke the declaration on 21 July by the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova that calls on the Russian Federation to resume and finalize the process of withdrawing its troops and munitions from the territory of the Republic of Moldova.
Mindful that the United Nations has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security, the Republic of Moldova, in accordance with Article 11 of the Charter of the United Nations, requests the inclusion on the agenda of the seventy- second session of the General Assembly of a new item entitled “Withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territory of the Republic of Moldova.” In that regard, I respectfully call on all States Members of the United Nations to support that legitimate request, which is fully compliant with the principles of the Charter and represents the fundamental interests of the Republic of Moldova. We hope that the inclusion of that item on the General Assembly’s agenda and its further consideration by Member States in a constructive and non-politicized manner, will constitute an important and necessary exercise in preventive diplomacy, in a country and a region where the maintenance of peace and security is persistently undermined by a lack of dialogue based on mutual respect and respect for the fundamental principles of international law.