We are extremely pleased, Sir, to see you, an experienced and well-known African diplomat, a representative of a front-line State, presiding over the affairs of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We have known you for more than 10 years and we have shared a working relationship with you while you have exercised your high governmental functions and the presidency of the United Nations Council for Namibia. Mozambique and Zambia maintain strong ties of fraternity and friendship which are deeply rooted in our people's common past of struggle for freedom, justice, independence and human dignity. We are confident that under your leadership our work will bring successful results at the end of this session. Let me assure you, Mr. President, of the full co-operation of my delegation in the fulfilment of your duties.
2.	We salute the President of the thirty-eighth session, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, for his endeavours and for having successfully carried out his task.
3.	Once again, we extend to the Secretary-General the appreciation of the Mozambican people for his commitment and devotion to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in its search for peaceful solutions of the critical problems confronting the international community today.
4.	It is always a matter of great joy to see the membership of the Organization grow. The admission of Brunei Darussalam to this great family of nations bears testimony to the commitment of the international community to the lofty principles of the United Nations and the attainment of its objectives. We join previous speakers in warmly welcoming Brunei Darussalam.
3. Twenty years ago, on 25 September 1964, faced with the violent intransigence of the colonial Power and its refusal of dialogue, our people embarked on a general armed insurrection against colonialism and for national independence, peace, justice, freedom and progress. The justness of our aspirations won us the respect, support and solidarity of all freedom- and peace-loving peoples. The resort to the armed struggle was in no way a warmongering option. We were forced to wage war as the only means of achieving peace on the basis of the recognition of our rights.
6.	However, we always remained open to a negotiated settlement of the conflict, which was characterized by the opposition of the Mozambican people to the foreign occupants of our country. The armed struggle for national liberation ended as soon as, in September 1974 at Lusaka, the colonial State recognized the right of the Mozambican people to self- determination and national independence and agreed to transfer power to FRELIMO,' the sole and legitimate representative of the Mozambican people.
7.	At the negotiating table, FRELIMO managed to secure an agreement which gave substance to the completely legitimate aspirations of the Mozambican people—the aspirations to freedom and independence. With independence, the Mozambican people regained their own personality. Independence placed the history of our people back on its correct path.
8.	Our independence created a great impact in the region and served as a strong impetus to the struggle for liberation of other peoples in southern Africa.
9.	Mozambique, like Angola, became a direct target of aggression and destabilization carried out by the racist minority regimes of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. This action was aimed at destroying our independent sovereign State and preventing the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa from attaining their own freedom.
10.	The People's Republic of Mozambique was and still is a target of aggression because our struggle was able to translate into reality the profound aspirations of people all over the world to peace, democracy, progress and equality, without discrimination based on the colour of one's skin or on religion or ethnic origin.
11.	The Mozambican people were once again compelled to take up arms to safeguard their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
12.	We contributed to the Zimbabwean people's struggle for freedom. We made the cause of the Zimbabwean people's struggle our own, while at the same time we encouraged and participated in all the peace initiatives in the search for a negotiated settlement of the question of Zimbabwe's independence, taking fully into account the legitimate rights of its people.
13.	We went to Geneva and Malta. We took part in the discussions on the Anglo-American proposals. In compliance with the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and of the United Nations, we applied fully the total and comprehensive sanctions against the rebel colony of Southern Rhodesia.
14.	Guided by our adherence to the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, we, together with the legitimate representatives of the people of Zimbabwe, attended the Lancaster House negotiations aimed at putting an end to the illegal, minority and aggressive regime of Southern Rhodesia. For all of us, the Lancaster House agreements meant the triumph of the ideals of justice, freedom and peace.
15.	Following the proclamation of Zimbabwe's in-dependence, the Pretoria regime assumed direct command of the destabilization acts—until then under Ian Smith's regime—against the independent countries of southern Africa, particularly Mozambique and Angola. With these actions the South African regime violated the most elementary rules of international law governing relations among States.
16.	The aims of South Africa were to prevent the consolidation of our national independence and to destroy the example which we represent in the region of a democratic, anti-racist and socialist society.
17.	Unable to solve its internal contradictions and confronted with the intensity of the popular struggle, Pretoria opted for the generalization of conflict in our region. Pretoria resorted to economic sabotage, to direct aggression and to the use of armed bandits recruited, trained, equipped, financed and dispatched by it from sanctuaries in its territory into neighbouring States. Pretoria tried to present those armed bandits as members of national resistance movements.
18.	Armed banditry, a new type of mercenarism in our region, is imposed from outside upon Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. In Mozambique, armed banditry does not represent an internal political opposition. It does not represent any national political or social force. Its leadership is essentially composed of well-known foreign citizens, agents of colonialism, who early in 1974 tried in vain to block the signing of the Lusaka agreement and to prevent the accession of the Mozambican people to independence.
19.	Armed banditry, a covert imperialist means of aggression against our country, encompasses within its ranks outlaws, drug addicts, thieves, murderers and mercenaries. These bandits plunder, kidnap, rape, destroy, massacre and assassinate. They are responsible for the paralysis and destruction of important sectors of our economy. The dimension of the tragedy caused by the war of destabilization imposed by the South African regime is difficult to describe in words and to quantify in figures. The devastating consequences of their acts and the irreparable losses in human lives caused by the ferocious rage of the armed bandits are incalculable.
20.	Many Mozambican victims of these criminals will for ever bear on their bodies and in their souls the scars of mutilation. Others will carry in their memory scenes of the massacre and incineration of their families. There are still others whose malnutrition worsened, who saw their little ones prevented from going to school and their loved ones deprived of medical care. This generation will for ever be marked by the brutalities of this banditry.
21.	In order to face this war situation, our people, from the Rovuma to the Maputo and united to a man, organized themselves against the armed banditry, as they did in the past against colonialism and against the acts of aggression by the rebel regime of Ian Smith. As a result of this organization and the determination of the Mozambican people, heavy military blows were inflicted on the enemy.
22.	At the same time, we set into motion a diplomatic campaign directed at certain countries with the intention of demonstrating that the only destabilizing agent, the only focus of tension, the only source of conflicts in the region is the South African regime.
23.	We have neutralized South Africa's attempts to relegate to second place the struggle of the international community against apartheid? In this campaign we have shown that the cause of the tension and war prevailing in our region does not spring from the East-West conflict but exclusively from the antagonistic contradiction between	—declared a crime against humanity—and the forces struggling for freedom, democracy, equality, peace and progress.
24.	Our victories over armed banditry and our diplomatic offensive frustrated the South African strategy of isolating and destroying our socialist State. In other words, they frustrated the South African strategy aimed at creating an alternative political force to rule Mozambique. We have shown that the Mozambican State is a solid and indestructible socialist State, because it is deeply rooted in its people and it embodies their most legitimate aspirations.
25.	The Pretoria regime then came to understand that neither direct aggression nor armed banditry would enable it to attain its objectives. At last, the South African regime realized that any destabilizing acts unleashed from without would be met with a prompt and effective response. It was against this background that South Africa was led to the negotiating table with the People's Republic of Mozambique in order to search for an alternative to the path of violence it had pursued until then.
26.	Mozambique has always stood for peace and peaceful coexistence among States of various social and economic systems and for good relations among neighbours. Hence it is always open to the possibility of negotiations to resolve conflicts among States. Mozambique has always refrained from undertaking any act that would jeopardize peace and security, not only in our region but also in the world as a whole. Mozambique has never carried out any acts of aggression against South Africa.
27.	In the light of these principles, we initiated negotiations with the South African Government which led to the conclusion of the Agreement on Non-Aggression and Good Neighbourliness, signed at Nkomati on 16 March 1984. The Nkomati Agreement consolidates the victories of our independence. It is an instrument for the defence of our sovereignty. It creates conditions for economic development and the construction of socialism in Mozambique. It reaffirms the fundamental principles of international law governing relations between sovereign States.
28.	In the Agreement, South Africa recognizes these principles and pledges to abide by them in its relations with our State. This is a new attitude on the part of South Africa if we consider its long history of hostility and aggression against our country.
29.	We consider this a victory for wisdom and realism, a victory for peace, one decisive stage in the prevention of a major conflict in southern Africa. The Nkomati Agreement constitutes an important legal instrument for promoting detente in southern Africa. We are confident that the international community will be able to create favourable conditions conducive to the full implementation of the Agreement.
10. The peace efforts we are pursuing allow us to create the necessary conditions for devoting our energies and resources towards the economic and social development of our country. For less than 10 years, we have been masters of our own economic and social development and of our own well-being and progress. The illiteracy rate has been reduced and the health care network has been expanded.
31.	Many projects of vital importance to our economy are under way, with the aim of transforming our natural resources. Several times these projects have been the targets of armed bandits. They try to prevent the building of communication networks, which are necessary for the transport of goods, and the construction of dams, which ensure the irrigation of vast agricultural lands in order to produce more food and avoid the harmful effects of droughts. They want our country to remain in a permanent state of underdevelopment, by preventing us from carrying out any activities that would satisfy the basic needs of our people.
32.	Despite these acts, however, we have attained remarkable successes in expanding our infrastructures. Our programme for economic recovery comprises measures whose implementation will reduce the deficit in the balance of payments and contribute to the relief of the causes and effects of hunger, lack of clothing, disease and poverty. The main aspects of the programme for the coming years are essentially the rehabilitation of infrastructures and of existing industrial and agro-industrial equipment.
33.	Priority is given to the realization of rural development projects in order to increase food production and export crops, as well as the improvement of ports and railway services and an increase in migrant labour and tourism. We are also giving top priority to educational and training programmes. In the implementation of this programme, our efforts will have to be complemented by external resources, both bilateral and multilateral.
34.	In the context of expanding our international economic relations, we have enacted the Law of Foreign Investments. We have joined the IMF and the World Bank and we were participants in the negotiations of the Lome Convention.
35.	Despite the efforts deployed, the economic and financial situation confronting Mozambique today is rather difficult and complex owing to the following factors: first, the difficult economic situation we inherited at the time of independence; secondly, the economic losses, estimated at $500 million, resulting from the application of United Nations-mandated sanctions against Southern Rhodesia; thirdly, the direct aggressions, the economic boycott by South Africa against Mozambique and the acts of armed bandits, which altogether caused a loss of about $3.5 billion to our economy; fourthly, natural disasters, especially droughts, which for several years have been affecting large areas of our territory and have brought about a total loss of $154 million in 1982 and 1983 alone; and, fifthly, the deepening of the international economic crisis, namely, the debt problem, deteriorating terms of trade, protectionism and high interest rates.
36.	Despite these difficulties, we are confident that the economic programmes we are undertaking will bring about favourable conditions for overcoming some of these problems in order to promote the economic and social development of our country. We take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the international community for the invaluable support it has rendered to the People's Republic of Mozambique. That assistance encourages us to pursue our endeavours in national reconstruction and the struggle against underdevelopment.
37.	The continuing existence of colonialism in Namibia and of apartheid and racism in South Africa remains the main cause of tension and war in southern Africa.
38.	The situation in Angola remains critical. The occupation of parts of the territory of that sister country, as well as the massacre of its people and the destruction of its economic and social infrastructures by South Africa, still persist. As respectable Members of the United Nations, we should not remain indifferent to this situation. We must vigorously condemn these criminal acts, for they constitute a violation of international law and a manifest disregard of the Charter of the United Nations. The People's Republic of Mozambique vehemently appeals to the international community to render all material, political and diplomatic support to the People's Republic of Angola to enable it to repel the South African aggression and defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We must demand the total and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from Angola, as well as the cessation of South African support to the armed bandits acting under its command against the legitimate Government of Angola.
39.	The condition of the majority of South African people is worsening. Every day more and more people are being thrown into gaol or receiving banning orders. There is a reluctance to recognize black trade unions. All legitimate strikes and peaceful political demonstrations by workers, students and other democratic forces are immediately repressed. The fundamental rights of the majority of South African people continue to be denied, as evidenced by the so-called new dispensation, which was roundly and soundly rejected by them. As a result, we have witnessed the escalation of brutalities and detentions just before and after the so-called new constitution came into force. This is the nature of apartheid. A regime that institutionalizes racial discrimination, represses and massacres its own people, continues to colonize Namibia and carries out acts of aggression against Angola and occupies parts of its territory cannot claim to be pacifist.
40.	In light of the foregoing facts, it is the duty of the international community to denounce and condemn the bellicose policy of South Africa; condemn and denounce the policy of bantustanization, as well as the blatant violation of human rights by the Pretoria regime; condemn, pursuant to Security Council resolution 554 (1984), the so-called constitutional reforms inasmuch as they are aimed at perpetuating apartheid demand that South Africa put an end to its support for this new type of mercenarism, armed banditry; and prevent the strengthening of South Africa's military capability, particularly its capacity to produce nuclear weapons.
41.	In this context, we firmly believe that relations between Mozambique or other countries of the region, on the one hand, and South Africa, on the other, should not be used as a pretext by some members of the international community to shy away from their duty to isolate the apartheid regime. Our relationship with South Africa stems from the geo-graphical contiguity of our countries and from the historical past colonialism imposed on us. What prompted the isolation of Pretoria was not only its policy of destabilization; it was not just its aggressive acts against neighbouring countries; it was mainly its inhuman and cruel policy of	which is still in force in South Africa.
42.	The Western countries must clearly dissociate themselves from the apartheid system and join the forces fighting for freedom, justice and peace in South Africa under the leadership of the African National Congress of South Africa. It is the sacred duty of all peoples and Governments the world over to recognize as legitimate and to render wide-ranging support to the struggle of the South African people led by the ANC.
43.	The ANC is fighting so that each South African, regardless of the colour of his or her skin, may benefit from the wealth of the country and attain the social development to which he or she is entitled. It is fighting for democracy so that all South Africans, regardless of the colour of their skins, may take part in all decision-making processes affecting their lives and destinies. It is fighting so that power in South Africa may be exercised by representatives of all South Africans without discrimination. It is fighting for an undivided South Africa and against bantustanization.
44.	The People's Republic of Mozambique reiterates its condemnation of the apartheid system and the policy of bantustanization. It reaffirms its political, diplomatic and moral support for the ANC. The international community should see to it that the Government of South Africa adopts a policy of dialogue and negotiations with the ANC in order to bring about the establishment of a democratic society in the country.
45.	The continued state of hostilities in Namibia is the result of South Africa's intransigent refusal to comply with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The demands that the South West Africa People's Organization	unilaterally cease hostilities without any assurance that resolution 435 (1978) will be applied are attempts to link extraneous and alien issues to the question of Namibia's independent. It is our duty to see to it that the South African Government engages in constructive negotiations with SWAPO to bring Namibia immediately to independence. Linking Namibia's independence to alien issues is intolerable.
46.	We reaffirm the unconditional support of the People's Republic of Mozambique for SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. We encourage the Secretary-General to carry on with his efforts to bring about the speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
47.	The international community of nations must vigorously condemn the repression being practised against the majority of the citizens of South Africa, as well as those of Namibia. The South African regime must immediately put an end to the practice of executing freedom fighters and take all the necessary steps for the speedy release of political prisoners in South Africa and in Namibia.
48.	In the overall struggle of the peoples of southern Africa, the economic front is of special importance. It is within this context that the Southern African
Development Co-ordination Conference plays a valuable role in supporting the right of the peoples to development, progress and peace. The SADCC is our main instrument in the struggle for the lessening of economic dependence on South Africa and for economic and social development in the region of southern Africa. We therefore welcome the growing participation of some States in this undertaking for the promotion of the welfare of our peoples.
49.	The global international situation is complex and tense. It is characterized by the ever-increasing aggressiveness of imperialism, which causes an increase in the number of hotbeds of tension and war and accelerates the arms race, particularly the nuclear-arms race. The era of dialogue, understanding and peaceful coexistence which at one time prevailed in relations among nations is becoming more and more remote.
50.	In the 1970s, when we were paving the way for understanding and detente, there was hope for the rapid eradication of colonialism and confidence in the commitment of nations to the struggle for the elimination of apartheid and racial discrimination and for social progress and development.
51.	Today, the questions of peace, peaceful coexistence, independence, disarmament and development remain the main concerns of peoples the world over. The time of the cold war, when the interests of the peoples were ignored and the so-called vital interests of some Powers were advanced, has returned. Imperialism is forcefully renewing its old view that all international and regional political problems remain solely within the scope of the East-West conflict.
52.	As a consequence, Africa, a continent tom apart by centuries of colonial domination, is still witnessing conflict situations and war, which bring untold suffering to children, women and men.
53.	The situation in Chad and Western Sahara is of the utmost concern to us. We are hopeful that recent developments in Chad will bring peace at long last to that war-torn country, so that its people may be able to devote their resources and energies to economic and social development.
54.	The Saharan people have the right to self-determination and independence. We strongly urge the conflicting parties—the Frente POLISARIO and the Kingdom of Morocco, to enter into negotiations in accordance with the relevant OAU resolutions, in order to bring about an immediate end to the conflict.
55.	In the Middle East, the People's Republic of Mozambique supports the just struggle of the Palestinian peoples, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], for their inalienable rights, including the right to create their own State in Palestine, and the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories.
56.	We are encouraged by the efforts being made by the Lebanese people with a view to farming a national Government representing their legitimate interests. We call upon Israel to withdraw its troops immediately and unconditionally from Lebanon and fully to respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
57.	The war between Iran and Iraq is also of major concern to us. We strongly appeal to both countries, members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, to put an immediate end to the fratricidal war, which is adversely affecting the world community.
58.	The question of Cyprus is another challenge facing the United Nations. In spite of all the efforts of the Secretary-General, the country remains divided and confronted with the presence of foreign troops. We urge the parties concerned to give their utmost co-operation to the Secretary-General so that a just and lasting solution can be found to the Cyprus question.
59.	The dramatic situation afflicting the Maubere people in East Timor shows no sign of abating. The territory of East Timor is under occupation and its people are under domination. To the yearning of the Maubere people for justice, freedom and human dignity, Jakarta responds with systematic detentions, torture and massacres.
60.	We hail the stand by many personalities of the United States, including many Senators and Congressional representatives, in denouncing the acts of oppression being committed against the people of East Timor. The recent declarations by the United States Administration regarding the situation of the East Timor people is encouraging. However, we consider that this issue should not in any way be viewed from a humanitarian perspective alone. All countries, large or small, have the right to self- determination and independence and the freedom to decide their own fate. Therefore, colonized peoples will always fight tenaciously to attain these ideals and goals regardless of the sacrifices they may have to make. The struggle of the people of East Timor is ours as much as theirs, for they are fighting for freedom, justice and equality.
61.	The people of East Timor, under the leadership of FRETILIN, deserve the total support of the international community. We demand that Indonesia cease its acts of genocide against the Maubere people and that its troops be immediately and unconditionally withdrawn from the territory of East Timor. We encourage the Secretary-General to continue to undertake with the parties concerned, including Portugal, the administering Power, all efforts likely to lead to recognition of the legitimate right of the people of that territory to self-determination and independence.
62.	The people of Korea continue to see their country artificially divided. The solution to this problem lies in dialogue and negotiations. We therefore support the proposal of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for peaceful reunification of the Korean nation through tripartite dialogue.
63.	We are deeply concerned about the situation in Kampuchea. Efforts should be pursued by us all so that a just and lasting solution may be found.
64.	In Latin America, there is a constant escalation of confrontation and acts of destabilization and aggression, particularly against the peoples of Central America. The People's Republic of Mozambique is in favour of a peaceful settlement of the problems in the region. Direct talks between Nicaragua and the United States are encouraging. While vehemently condemning the aggression perpetrated against the Nicaraguan people, we reiterate our support for the efforts being undertaken by the Contadora Group. Nicaragua's acceptance of the revised text of that Group's proposals is a positive step.
65.	The political problems in the world contribute to the exacerbation of the grave international economic problems, especially in developing countries. Hunger, disease and poverty are the everyday reality of the lives of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Determined efforts by the international community to overcome the present international economic crisis should be made urgently in a spirit of solidarity, understanding and co-operation, for the benefit of mankind.
66.	The present international economic crisis requires global solutions. We stress as a matter of priority the undertaking of joint, co-ordinated action to restructure international monetary and financial systems to ensure the equitable and democratic participation of the developing countries. Global negotiations continue to be an issue of paramount importance and we should pursue this process.
67.	In the meantime, measures must be undertaken immediately in favour of the developing countries, particularly those in the African continent, where the ongoing world economic crisis, the persistent drought and other external adverse factors have contributed to the worsening food situation, thus aggravating hunger and malnutrition among the population.
68.	We take this opportunity to salute the Secretary-General for his timely undertaking in favour of the most seriously affected countries in Africa. The operational activities for development undertaken by the United Nations system are deemed by the People's Republic of Mozambique to be of the utmost importance.
69.	We regret to note that the interest of some developed countries in multilateral assistance for development is slackening, to say the least. As a result, many programmes in favour of developing countries are threatened, while at the same time we are witnessing growing emphasis on bilateral cooperation, as well as the galloping pace of armaments, particularly nuclear armaments.
70.	The situation created by the deployment of medium-range missiles in Europe is a manifestation of a new escalation in the arms race and poses a threat of the outbreak of war, menacing the very existence of mankind.
71.	The ever-growing tension in the Indian Ocean, with the consolidation, expansion and nuclearization of military naval bases, endangers the security, peace and tranquillity of the countries of the region and of mankind as a whole. The transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, free from nuclear weapons, in keeping with the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace must come about. The People's Republic of Mozambique expresses its regret that some countries, in complete disregard of that Declaration, have not lent their support to the holding of a United Nations conference on the Indian Ocean.
72.	Peace, international security and co-operation among peoples and countries were the main motivations which inspired the nations that met at San Francisco, in 1945, when they adopted the Charter of the United Nations, enshrining the purposes and principles governing the Organization. The United Nations was set up as the principal—and an adequate—forum for the solution of international conflicts through dialogue and negotiation.
73.	In 1985 we shall celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. This will be an occasion on which we shall take stock of the role played by the Organization and shall chart the course for future action. We make a pressing appeal from this rostrum to all members of the international community to commit themselves strongly to strengthening the role of the United Nations, making it more dynamic and active in discharging the duty we have entrusted to it in the maintenance of international peace.
74.	The People's Republic of Mozambique, an African, non-aligned and socialist country, strongly believes in the role the United Nations can play in harmonizing the actions of States in the promotion of a propitious political atmosphere of understanding, concord and co-operation among peoples and nations.


At such a critical crossroads in history, when international peace and security are threatened by illusions created by advancements in science and technology, when preoccupation with conflict among the powerful nations of the world creates a leadership vacuum in the international community, the- well-deserved election of a son of Africa to the presidency of the General Assembly is singularly important. There are signs that from Africa, the cradle of creation, a peace- sustaining wisdom may light the darkness of misunderstanding, of belligerency and of underdevelopment.
65.	Mr. President, you have been a source of pride for Africa as a result of your activities in the United Nations. Your election is also a tribute to your great nation, Zambia, and its noble leader, President Kenneth Kaunda, whose dedication to productive humanism brings distinction to our continent and to contemporary thinking. In sharing this great moment of opportunity, the Cameroon delegation extends fraternal wishes for your success in providing inspired leadership in the months ahead.
66.	We also share the sentiments of gratitude and the felicitations expressed to your illustrious predecessor in office, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama. By bearing with such distinction the dual burden of President of the General Assembly and President of his nation, he demonstrated the traditional Latin capacity for dedication at its qualitative best.
67.	Permit me to pay a tribute also to the Secretary- General, whose person and office symbolize the lofty ideals that launched the Charter of the United Nations. In spite of the grave odds he must face in trying to promote the harmonization of the actions of States for peace, we would encourage him never to be frustrated in that noble cause. We feel sure that it will inspire him to know that there are many nations, including Cameroon, which seek to provide sustenance for the quest for lasting peace as a matter of national policy.
68.	The Cameroon delegation also wishes to take this opportunity to welcome Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations.
69.	It is a matter of grave concern that we have today arrived at the point where the very raison d'etre of the United Nations is continually being called into question by the incessant arms race in all its various aspects, which constitutes the most pernicious factor of instability and global insecurity but to which, unfortunately, the international community seems to have become accustomed. As a result, our generation is living through the most highly militarized period in time of peace in the history of mankind. Paradoxically, this growing militarization in no way helps strengthen world security and stability; on the contrary, it constitutes a major factor of destabilization in contemporary international relations.
70.	It is encouraging additional military expenditures, increasing suspicion and mistrust between States, stimulating war preparations, exacerbating political tensions and endangering social and economic structures that are already highly precarious, in particular those of the developing countries.
71.	As we hold this session the international situation continues to be marked by violence or the threat of violence, and the storm-clouds of a nuclear holocaust constantly hover over us because of the qualitative and quantitative proliferation of nuclear weapons. This alarming situation, added to the absence of progress in disarmament efforts and the limitation of arms, is casting considerable doubt on the deliberations of the Assembly.
72.	The United Nations was, I have no need to remind the Assembly, created following the massive destruction caused by the Second World War, with the primary objective to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Those who drafted the Charter of the United Nations, witnesses of the agony of the world as a result of that tragic conflict, clearly understood that, without peace and security, no constructive activity was possible in any field.
73.	In other words, disarmament is the essential path we must take in order to attain the primary objective of the United Nations, the maintenance of international peace and security; it is therefore easy to understand why, ever since its founding, the Organization has devoted particular attention to this goal. In so doing, it has always provided a forum for deliberations and negotiations, as well as a focal point for proposals, recommendations and other initiatives by the international community, aimed at contributing to disarmament and awakening public opinion in a greater number of Member States and in the world in general to the dangers of the arms race and the benefits of disarmament.
74.	In the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was adopted at the first special session devoted to disarmament, in 1978, and confirmed in 1982, at the second special session devoted to disarmament, the General Assembly stressed the central role and primary responsibility of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. Such initiatives served to enhance the authority of the Organization even further and to expand the range of multilateral activities related to disarmament.
75.	Notwithstanding their scope, such actions—and this includes the series of partial agreements on disarmament that have already been concluded— represent no more than a few very limited first steps. In fact, they have neither done away with the arms race nor reduced the military capabilities and potential of States. On the contrary, that race has been stepped up to a dangerous degree and is now being extended to space itself. States have continued to stockpile weapons of increasing deadliness and to carry out military research to produce even more sophisticated weapons, to the point that nuclear weapons now represent the most serious peril facing mankind. All this means that genuine efforts must be made to reverse and halt the present trend in the arms race.
76.	Unfortunately, neither in the Conference on Disarmament at Geneva, which embraces 40 nations, or in bilateral negotiations in the East-West context has any noteworthy result emerged to give promise of a better future. The arms race is worsening, threatening the security of States and hindering social and economic development, particularly that of small and medium-sized States. Never has the need for disarmament been so acutely felt; never has effective disarmament been so remote. In spite of the sustained efforts of the international community, progress in the disarmament field has for years been extremely limited, and we now seem actually to be sliding towards the abyss without any glimmer of hope that the situation can be resolved.
77.	It is impossible to overemphasize that disarmament is an essential element of any arrangement for true world security.
78.	We therefore think that the celebration next year of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, four decades after the end of the Second World War, should provide a good opportunity to undertake an exhaustive examination of the Organization's role in disarmament. Such an analysis would make it possible to identify new ways and means of strengthening the central role and responsibility of the United Nations in disarmament and of promoting substantial progress in this field. We propose, therefore, that at this session the General Assembly call upon one of its competent subsidiary organs to examine the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament and to submit a report on this subject at the fortieth session, next year.
79.	This proposal reflects our profound conviction that, in a world that is today threatened with a nuclear holocaust, the United Nations alone constitutes the ideal framework for global negotiations in the interest of our collective security. For the small countries in particular, the Organization represents a genuine ray of hope.
80.	Throughout the world, agriculture, animal husbandry, education, health and so on are in tremendous need, while at the same time countries are spending vast sums on armaments. I am thinking not only of the economically and militarily powerful countries, but also of small countries that are forced to purchase armaments for their own security, to protect the integrity of their territory and to stand firm against all kinds of destabilizing factors. In so doing, they are forced to divert their attention from productive goals.
81.	In Africa, urgent measures are needed to eliminate the growing threat posed by the South African apartheid regime not only to the region but to international peace and security as well. We note with concern the facts set forth in the report on South Africa's nuclear capability, which again confirm South Africa's ability to manufacture nuclear weapons and its determination to increase that capability despite the solemn Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa, adopted in 1964 by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], and the repeated demands of the General Assembly that South Africa refrain from developing or acquiring nuclear weapons. We would like here to express our appreciation to the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Department of Political and Security Council Affairs, the Department for Disarmament Affairs and the OAU for the quality of that report. We would also like to express our appreciation to the IAEA for the recent intensification of its efforts to determine the implications of the development of South Africa's nuclear capability. That is a very urgent problem that could, if not solved, dangerously undermine the steps now under way in favour of nuclear non-proliferation and could fuel the arms race in Africa.
82.	We appeal, therefore, to all countries, and in particular to the nuclear Powers, as well as to the United Nations and the IAEA, to co-operate with the OAU in combating nuclear proliferation in South Africa.
83.	At this moment of grave international concern, there is no need to stress the importance of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. That Declaration testifies to Africa's firm determination to protect world peace through disarmament—first and foremost, nuclear disarmament. We therefore support the recommendations of the National Seminar on Peace and Disarmament, held at Lome from 6 to 9 August 1984, which include the establishment of a regional institute for research on peace and disarmament and the convening in 1985 of a regional seminar on peace and disarmament, with the participation of the States of Central and West Africa.
84.	We believe that all these initiatives can help to arouse and focus public interest in our region on the dangers of the arms race and, at the same time, serve to promote efforts to strengthen security and development at the sub regional level.
85.	We are convinced that disarmament should be at the epicentre of any collective effort aimed at promoting security and development. In order to achieve that goal, we must have a comprehensive strategy bringing together at one and the same time a commitment on the part of the international community to attack the problem of the arms race at its roots by combating fear, suspicion, distrust, oppression, racism, colonialism, inequality, injustice, hunger, ignorance and disease; by strict respect for the non- use of force in international relations; by the establishment of a system of collective security based on the Charter of the United Nations; and by the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction and the reduction of all military arsenals to the strict minimum necessary for the maintenance of internal order and the protection of territorial integrity. In this connection, the nuclear Powers should formally and unconditionally undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against countries that do not possess them. We therefore support the conclusion of a formal international legal instrument on this subject, as advocated by the non-aligned countries.
86.	At the same time, the great Powers that bear particular responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security must renounce escalation, the race for supremacy, hegemonist ambitions and the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. It is also imperative that they resume dialogue, both bilaterally and within the framework of the United Nations, with a view to bringing about the quantitative and qualitative limitation of their nuclear weapons with the final goal of general and complete disarmament. All States must abide by the purposes, principles and provisions of the Charter.
87.	The characteristic of our age is clearly the increase of tension in international relations. Without risk of error, I think we can say that everyone is aware that the present world crisis is due to the policies of expansion and force practised by blocs and that this crisis calls for determined, global and, above all, urgent action to eliminate the risks of violence and to bring about a negotiated settlement of major international issues.
88.	We have here a crisis of detente. This is accompanied by the intensification of confrontation in the old hotbeds of crisis and the expansion of tension to all parts of the world, which entails the emergence of new hotbeds of conflict. Moreover, the deepening of the world economic crisis and the persistence of injustices which are prejudicial to economic relations among nations are exacerbating the already grave difficulties affecting the developing countries. The security and independence of many States have been threatened by interference in their internal affairs, military intervention and attempts to impose different social systems.
89.	In the face of these dangers besetting the world, there is a need to bring about global solutions, while taking action, as a matter of urgency, to halt the arms race, to put a brake on the use of force, to prevent intervention and interference in the internal and external affairs of sovereign States, and to co-ordinate efforts to free peoples from colonial oppression and foreign domination.
90.	Thus, in Namibia it has become quite clear that one more year has elapsed while the prospects for the independence of that international Territory are just as remote as ever. South Africa continues to resort to new stratagems to prevent the application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In the view of my Government, any policy tending to create a link between the independence of Namibia and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola is unacceptable. Cameroon, a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, wishes to reassert its unswerving support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia. The Security Council must take the urgent and decisive measures called for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in order to enforce respect for resolution 435 (1978), which remains the only acceptable framework for the accession of Namibia to independence.
91.	In South Africa itself, we are witnessing with culpable indifference the worst extremes of brutality, massacre and imprisonment of those brave enough to oppose an odious system. That inhumane system has strained its efforts to combine so-called constitutional reforms—which, incidentally, were flatly rejected by their alleged beneficiaries—-with a policy of satellization of neighbouring countries through military pressure and economic intimidation.
92.	The application of oppressive laws is being pursued tirelessly. We condemn this illusionary reformism, and we are gratified to note that the Security Council did the same in its resolution on the subject adopted on 17 August. We call for the immediate liberation of ail those imprisoned by the South African racist authorities during the most recent electoral masquerade. There can be no compromise as regards the principle of equality of all human beings or the need to enforce respect for this principle in practice. That is why the Security Council must continue its consideration of measures to increase international pressure on South Africa to make it change its attitude. Cameroon, which is a member of the OAU Liberation Committee, will continue to help the liberation movements in their struggle against apartheid and to promote in South Africa a democratic society respectful of the dignity and equality of all its citizens.
93.	In our view, the racial problem in that country seems more and more to transcend the simple concept of respect for human rights and to have become a genuine aspect of the whole problem of liberating an oppressed people. Our resolute support for the liberation movements of South Africa—the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania—finds here its political and ethical foundation.
94.	With regard to Western Sahara, where the situation remains a matter of concern, we think that this problem should be dealt with on the basis of the principle of the self-determination of peoples. A solution can be found by the application of resolution AHG/Res. 104 (XIX), adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983.
95.	With regard to the situation in Chad, the position of Cameroon was recently reaffirmed by Mr. Paul Biya, President of the Republic of Cameroon: our Government is encouraging the efforts of the regime in N'djamena to promote national reconciliation and unity in Chad, with a view to the reconstruction and development of the country. As in the past, Cameroon is ready to contribute to all efforts, bilaterally, sub regionally or on the African level, with a view to safeguarding the independence, territorial integrity, stability and peace in Chad.
96.	The recent evolution of the situation in that country marked by the withdrawal of foreign troops, while removing a political-ideological impediment to the opening of dialogue among the Chadians, at the same time also highlights the fact that the solution to the Chadian problem cannot be a military one but is essentially political.
97.	It is up to the Chadians themselves to make an effort to rise above individual, ethnic or racial differences, personal ambitions and ideological in-transigence, in order that the supreme interests of the Chadian nation may prevail. Having said this, we fear that the disengagement of foreign troops—the presence of which, like it or not, did, in fact, preserve a "no war, no peace" situation—is leaving a dangerous void, which may very well exacerbate the state of belligerence in a climate of ambition, conquest or territorial reconquest. We would venture to hope that all possible precautions have been or will be taken to prevent any possible violations of this disengagement agreement.
98.	In the final analysis, it seems to us that the withdrawal of foreign troops from Chad should have been preceded or followed by the setting up of a neutral force which could have intervened. Why not a United Nations peace force capable of facilitating the process of dialogue with a view to national reconciliation?
99.	We are following with the same concern other regions of the world where conflicts and tensions which may threaten international peace and security are developing in a dangerous way.
100.	In the Middle East, the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland, the sovereignty of Lebanon and the Iraq-Iran conflict are key issues upon the solution of which depends the advent of a just and lasting peace throughout the region.
101.	With regard more particularly to the Palestinian problem, we would hope that the Arab countries would help their friends—who consider the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people—and not pose problems as regards their cohesiveness or the mobilization of their peoples to the banner of Palestinian resistance.
102.	In Cyprus, Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Central America, no solutions can be found without strict respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of States and non-interference hi the internal affairs of States, as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.
103.	The deterioration of the international climate has had very grave repercussions on the already highly alarming economic crisis. Indeed, in spite of the projections of the developed countries during the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly with regard to the end of the present economic recession, the advantages resulting from the so-called recovery have not extended to the whole of the community of nations, particularly the vast majority of the developing countries, which continue to languish in poverty.
104.	The economic asphyxiation confronting most young countries and the dangers and disorders to which the international monetary and commercial system is prey constitute disturbing factors which add to an already stormy international climate the prospect of generalized instability.
105.	This inadmissible situation is not simply the result of cyclical fluctuations in the international economic system. It reflects the inadequacy of the structural balances inherent in me current economic system.
106.	The experience of recent years proves that the world economy cannot be healthy if the development efforts of the developing countries continue to come up against ever-increasing protectionism, high rates of exchange, lower prices for their products, high interest rates, a deterioration of the terms of trade, severe balance-of-payments problems, a decline in financial capital and a swallowing up of vast resources in arms programmes.
107.	The accumulation of these problems has drastically reduced the capacity of the developing countries to undertake important investment projects or to continue to support projects and programmes that are necessary for economic growth. Furthermore, it has obliged those countries to reduce the volume of their imports from the industrialized countries. That in turn has adverse consequences for the recovery process. In addition, it gives the clearest proof that there can be no lasting economic recovery in the developed countries without the simultaneous economic development of the developing countries. The stability of any sustained global economic growth is inextricably linked to the interdependence of developed and developing countries. Although this interdependence has often been reaffirmed, as in the Declaration of the London Economic Summit of the industrialized countries, held last June, the fiscal and monetary policies followed by those countries continue to impede the effective participation of the developing countries in the process of recovery and economic growth. This policy of obstruction is also continuing to block most of the negotiations under way in various international bodies.
108.	This is the right place to deplore the feeble results of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983. That session unfortunately did not make possible the establishment of a new consensus which would have put the world economy on a new path. I must also express our disappointment at the failure of the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna last August; its conclusions clearly failed to live up to the hopes of the international community. We hope that, during this session, the General Assembly will do everything possible to reach a consensus on two matters of vital importance to the third-world countries—industrial restructuring and the financing of development projects in those countries.
109.	The solutions to these numerous problems lies in dialogue and co-operation within a broad framework which takes account of the links between the various factors in economic development. It is in this spirit that the General Assembly, in so many resolutions adopted since 1979, in particular resolution 34/138, has called for the launching of global negotiations on the establishment of a new, more just and equitable system of international relations. Despite the praiseworthy efforts of Mr. Illueca, President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, to secure a consensus on the procedure and agenda for such negotiations, the deadlock on this issue continues. We are convinced that the present economic crisis makes it more necessary than ever that these negotiations be launched immediately. We continue to believe that the two-phase approach advocated by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983, and reaffirmed by the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held at Buenos Aires from 28 March to 9 April 1983, can give a new impulse to the search for ways and means to break the current deadlock.
110.	In Africa, a continent rich in natural resources and development potential, the persistence of the economic and social crisis continues to cause the international community grave concern. For some years, our continent has suffered an unprecedented and prolonged drought and the most adverse effects of the world economic recession. This critical situation is aggravated in particular by the acute food crisis in most of the African countries. In this context, the recent initiatives taken by the Secretary- General and other heads of organizations in the United Nations family deserve our appreciation and support. These initiatives in support of the efforts of the African countries themselves should be based on permanent resources available in the long term if they are to bear fruit. It is therefore desirable that the various institutions concerned take the necessary measures to give the various African programmes in the system the appropriate scope, priority and resources.
111.	Solving the economic problems cannot of itself lead to development. We must harmoniously integrate the multi-dimensional aspects that are characteristic of man, for the benefit of whom all true development efforts must be organized. Human rights—civil, political, social, economic and cultural—are among these aspects.
112.	This year the United Nations has been very active in all the fields that I have just mentioned. I could give as examples the meetings of the Commission on Human Rights, at Geneva, and of the preparatory body for the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, at Vienna; the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, at Geneva; and the International Conference on Population, at Mexico City. Cameroon actively participated in all those meetings.
113.	My country, which has put man at the centre of its concerns, has laid down a body of legislative measures, supported by judicial machinery, making truly effective the protection of human rights guaranteed by the Constitution. For seven years, Cameroon has been working to promote understanding of, research into, education in and popularization of human rights, through seminars organized in collaboration with the Henri Dunant Institute, at Geneva, and with UNESCO and UNITAR. Moreover, in recent years we have acceded to many international instruments on human rights.
114.	The status of women is of prime importance to my country. This means that women must be closely linked with all stages of the economic and social development process, particularly in preparing plans and formulating policies and in decision-making. The establishment of a ministry dealing with the status of women and of a consultative committee to improve the status of women in Cameroon stems from this humane concept of development, which centres its efforts on all sections of our society.
115.	I must mention the fate of a category of people who have been pushed out of their own countries by hazards and uncertainties of all kinds. I refer to refugees. They benefit from the great concern shown by our Government, which recently submitted to the UNHCR three projects whose implementation would contribute greatly to improving the position of refugees in Cameroonian territory.
116.	In December 1982, a document of historic scope created a new milestone in the achievements of the United Nations. The new United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, certainly the most important and most complete juridical instrument to be adopted since the Charter of the United Nations, represents the first universal recognition of the rule of law with regard to the oceans.
117.	We are happy that a growing number of States are signing or ratifying the Convention. The results of the meeting of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva from 13 August to 5 September 1984, are very encouraging. They will surely open the way to the signing of the Convention by a number of industrialized countries. We believe that all countries with the means or potential should have the opportunity to join the group of pioneer investors in the exploration of the sea-bed.
118.	The purpose of part XI of the Convention, whose text was patiently negotiated, is to allow for a wise exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed under a well-ordered juridical regime. This legal framework remains crucial for international peace and security.
119.	We shall continue to make our modest contribution to ensuring that the Convention and its related resolutions are properly implemented. As the delegation of Cameroon emphasized at the end of the second session of the Preparatory Commission, held at Kingston from 19 March to 13 April 1984, we must resolutely and unequivocally implement the relevant provisions of those instruments. It is against this background that Cameroon shares in the concern recently expressed at Geneva by the Group of 77 about the provisional agreement on the exploration of the sea-bed to which certain industrialized countries have subscribed.
120.	Moreover, holding the sessions of the Preparatory Commission must no longer give rise to the same problems as in the past. Resolution I, adopted by consensus at the same time as the Convention, requires that those sessions be held at the headquarters of the future International Sea-Bed Authority. Therefore, the Secretary-General should take all the necessary measures to establish a viable secretariat at Kingston, in accordance with the relevant decisions of the General Assembly. I take this opportunity to express to the Government of Jamaica our appreciation of the excellent facilities and hospitality offered for the meetings of the Preparatory Commission there.
121.	Nearly 40 years after its creation, the United Nations today is the target of serious doubts on the part of the international community; many, apart from the public at large, are increasingly wondering about the raison d'etre and the future of the Organization. Its authority is becoming weakened; its resolutions and decisions are not being implemented, particularly those of the Security Council, the collective body which was supposed to represent our common desire to act decisively whenever international peace and security are threatened. If almost four decades of existence have paralysed the structures of the Organization, it is particularly the lack of political will of Member States that has considerably eroded its credibility. As a corollary, multilateralism is dangerously declining; there are clear signs of this, mainly the current decrease in the resources made available to institutions such as UNDP, the fact that many States, particularly the more powerful ones, do not hasten to resort to the machinery offered by the United Nations to resolve issues of world-wide interest and, to some extent, the difficulties experienced now by UNESCO. We support the appeal launched by the Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, for a strengthening of multilateralism, renewing the position of his colleagues on the Administrative Committee on Co-ordination in its overview report for 1983/84.
122.	We are living in an era in which problems tend to take on global proportions because of the interdependence of nations, which is being consolidated by daily advances in science and technology. Thus we must use reliable international mechanisms in order to derive the greatest profit for our common destiny.
123.	We must therefore strengthen our faith in the purposes and principles of the United Nations and constantly see to it that the structures and functioning of its organs are kept up to date and made more democratic. Along these lines, there is an urgent need to pursue the present revitalization of the Economic and Social Council. We also hope that consultations on improving the functioning of the Security Council, begun in this body, will find an early solution in terms of concrete proposals, taking into account the various views expressed by the political groups in the Assembly.
124.	With regard to innovations or reforms under-taken in the structure and management of the Secretariat, these must be carried out in accordance with guidelines given by Member States in various deliberative bodies. Cameroon, which attaches great importance to the equitable geographical composition of the Secretariat and to its efficient functioning, supports the Secretary-General in that regard.
125.	We should like once again to express our dedication to the United Nations and to multilateral institutions. We hope that they will continue to have the strong support of Member States, particularly the wealthier countries, in order to become the defenders of the higher common interests of mankind, of which peace, collective security and access to well-being for all are the main elements.
126.	We are taking part in this session, as in so many other sessions, in a spirit of dialogue, tolerance and concord. As was recently stated by our President, Mr. Paul Biya:
"Cameroon, land of peace and openness, continues to practice a policy of friendship, co-operation without boundaries, and non-alignment, with full respect for its independence, sovereignty and fundamental options.
"This policy applies to all sister countries of Africa, neighbours as well as distant countries, with which we seek active solidarity for the total liberation of Africa, the consolidation of the Organization of African Unity and the solution of the problems of the continent. It also guides our relations with many other States in the world, as well as with many international organizations.
"Cameroon will continue its development through an active and realistic presence on the international scene and will continue to offer the world the reassuring and edifying picture of a young, united, peaceful, stable and prosperous nation, which is making a modest contribution to the maintenance of peace, the strengthening of understanding, friendship and co-operation among nations and the promotion of civilization throughout the world."


The delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic would like to congratulate you warmly, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session and would like to wish you every success in carrying out your responsible duties.
59.	We highly appreciate the skilful guidance of the General Assembly during its thirty-eighth session by Mr. Illueca, the present President of the Republic of Panama.
60.	My delegation would like also to congratulate Brunei Darussalam on its admission to membership of the United Nations.
61.	In the present international situation, which has been greatly aggravated by imperialist circles, the peoples of the world expect the United Nations to concentrate its efforts on solving the central problem of the present day: the prevention of nuclear war. We are deeply convinced that this problem is the one on which attention should be focused at this session of the General Assembly. The solution of other urgent problems facing mankind will depend directly on the world's ability to avoid a nuclear holocaust.
62.	The Soviet Union and other socialist countries have submitted to the General Assembly at this session a series of specific initiatives and proposals. They represent a realistic and well-founded programme of action aimed at curbing the arms race, removing the threat of nuclear war, eliminating conflicts and hotbeds of tension, introducing the fundamental principle of the non-use of force into international relations, returning to detente and maintaining normal relations among States with different social systems.
63.	The implementation of this programme would not only make it possible to eliminate the threat of war, but also help to channel immense material resources into resolving the problems of social and economic development, including the provision of assistance to developing countries.
64.	A number of initiatives by other peace-loving, non-aligned countries have the same thrust.
65.	Unfortunately, we must state that the path towards reaching these vital goals is blocked by grave obstacles, the main one of which is the militaristic foreign policy openly proclaimed and persistently pursued by the United States.
66.	The United States bid for military superiority, the deployment of new United States first-strike nuclear missiles in Western Europe, the stockpiling of enormous nuclear arsenals, and attempts to turn outer space into an arena of the arms race have highly charged the international situation.
67.	Flouting the will of countries and peoples, the United States has made terrorism a State policy and is trying to turn practically the entire planet into a "sphere of its vital interests", as evidenced by events in Lebanon and in Grenada, by what amounts to intervention in El Salvador and the undeclared war against Nicaragua, by the support given to the racist regime of South Africa, by threats against Cuba and Syria, by the escalation of tension in the Persian Gulf, by gross interference in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, and by a growing military presence and the establishment of military bases in many regions of the world.
68.	Having deployed its new nuclear missiles in Western Europe, the United States has disrupted the process of negotiations on the limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons. It has sharply exacerbated nuclear confrontation on the continent and has created a serious new threat to world peace.
69.	United States medium-range nuclear weapons not only pose a threat to East European countries, but also have in their sights dozens of countries in the Middle and Near East and in northern Africa.
70.	Indeed, no verbal subterfuge can conceal the fact that, as new United States missiles are deployed in Europe, the possibility of negotiations has increasingly been blocked and additional barriers are being erected in the way of lowering the level of nuclear armament.
71.	The situation is compounded also by the fact that revanchist sentiments in some Western countries have been on the rise of late. It is true that attempts have been made to convince us that we are supposedly exaggerating this danger. But the Ukrainian people, having experienced all the horrors of the Second World War and having suffered an enormous toll in human lives, cannot remain indifferent to the fact that in some quarters demands are openly voiced to change the borders which now exist in Europe and to revise the treaties concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany. Delirious ideas of "reviving the Reich" within its 1937 borders are being hatched. It should also be noted that cabinet members and other Government officials are participating in revanchist gatherings. Revanchism, combined with United States nuclear missiles, poses a very serious threat to international peace and security.
72.	Recently we have heard in certain Western capitals professions of peaceful intentions and of the need to renew political dialogue. Why, then, the delay? The countries of the socialist community have always strongly favoured, and continue to favour, agreements and an improvement in the political climate. What is needed today is not talk about the usefulness of negotiations, but rather a willingness to conduct negotiations on substantive issues and to reach agreements on the basis of the principle of equality and equal security. What is needed are concrete deeds, not words.
73.	Konstantin U. Chernenko, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, has said in this connection:
"We make an unequivocal appeal to the United States and its allies: it is time for them to reaffirm by concrete deeds their share of responsibility for the fate of the world, to realize the futility of a policy based on a position of strength and on reliance on the arms race, and to demonstrate real, rather than a mere ostensible, readiness to engage in dialogue and negotiations in order to find mutually acceptable solutions to problems on which the future of mankind depends."
74.	The assumption by all nuclear Powers-—following the example of the Soviet Union and in accordance with the will of the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations—of the obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons would constitute a decisive contribution to saving mankind from the nuclear threat. As suggested by some countries, such an obligation could be embodied in an international legal instrument. There is no doubt that the implementation in practice of the Soviet Union's well-known initiative for observing certain rules of conduct in relations between nuclear- weapon States would be of great significance.
75.	The international situation would also be greatly improved by the adoption of such measures as a nuclear-weapon freeze by all nuclear Powers—or, initially, by the United States and the Soviet Union on a bilateral basis by way of setting an example for other nuclear Powers and as a major step towards a subsequent reduction and complete prohibition of nuclear weapons.
76.	The Ukrainian SSR supports the Joint Declaration issued on 22 May 1984 by the Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania, which, in essence, constitutes an appeal to freeze nuclear arsenals.
77.	The Soviet Union has proposed an immediate agreement to cease the quantitative build-up of all components of nuclear weapons, to renounce deployment of all new kinds and types of nuclear weapons and to establish a moratorium on all nuclear-weapon tests. The conclusion of a treaty on the general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests would be the logical corollary of that moratorium. Basic provisions of that treaty were proposed by the Soviet Union as long ago as the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly, which, as is known, supported the elaboration of such a treaty and recommended that the Conference on Disarmament take appropriate action. We believe that it is the direct responsibility of the Conference on Disarmament to make maximum effort to resolve this question, the solution of which is long overdue.
78.	The Ukrainian SSR supports the initiative for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various regions of the world, including the European continent.
79.	The question of excluding outer space from the sphere of the arms race is organically linked to the problem of preventing nuclear war. In accordance with a resolution of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, which was adopted by an overwhelming majority of Member States, the Conference on Disarmament should work out a relevant agreement. However, owing to the position of the United States, which is seeking to use outer space as a springboard from which to deliver with impunity a first nuclear strike, negotiations on this important and urgent question have not yet started.
80.	The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR believes that the General Assembly should vigorously oppose any plans to militarize outer space and should demand that negotiations be started immediately on that urgent problem, on both a bilateral and a multilateral basis.
81.	The inexhaustible possibilities of the uses of outer space should be utilized in the interests of all mankind and not to its detriment. It is precisely this desire that motivated the new Soviet proposal to include on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Use of outer space exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of mankind".
82.	The peaceful exploration of outer space, which has become a symbol of the spectacular achievements of science and technology, is destined to be an effective means of solving many global problems, including that of economic development. The Ukrainian SSR is making a substantial contribution to the peaceful exploration of outer space, and we therefore whole-heartedly endorse the Soviet proposal concerning a radical solution to the problem of how to prevent the militarization of outer space and ensure that it can be used for creative, rather than destructive, purposes.
83.	If there were reliable guarantees that outer space would be free of any weapons, the way would be opened to fruitful co-operation among States in this domain and eventually to the establishment of a world organization for the use of outer space exclusively for peaceful purposes.
84.	The question of prohibiting the development, production, and stockpiling of chemical weapons calls for an immediate solution. The Soviet draft basic provisions of a convention on the subject, which have recently been supplemented, taking into consideration the wishes of a number of countries, with provisions regarding verification of the entire process of destroying chemical weapons, are on the negotiating table at the Conference on Disarmament.
85.	We believe that the draft represents a constructive basis for the prohibition of this particularly barbaric type of weapon of mass destruction. The recent proposal of the Warsaw Treaty States to rid Europe of chemical weapons is also prompted by a desire to achieve that goal. Its implementation would make it possible to diminish considerably the risk of chemical warfare on the continent and, consequently, in the world at large and to begin the reduction of chemical weapons arsenals.
86.	The adoption of such partial regional measures would promote global efforts to expedite the conclusion of a convention banning chemical weapons, which remains the ultimate goal of the Warsaw Treaty States. This would stimulate the adoption of similar measures on other continents as well.
87.	At the same time, it must be noted with regret that the much-touted United States draft treaty on the prohibition of chemical weapons8 is distinctly negative in its approach to this extremely important problem and contains provisions which are unacceptable to many States even at this stage. We have the impression that the United States draft treaty has been submitted with a single purpose in mind and that is to cover up the ongoing accelerated preparations in the United States for the implementation of a $10 billion chemical rearmament programme.
88.	I should also like to recall other proposals put forward by socialist countries. They include a programme of nuclear disarmament in stages aiming at a gradual reduction of nuclear weapons until they are completely eliminated. This programme retains its urgency to this day.
89.	The implementation of a proposal recently submitted by the Warsaw Treaty States to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] countries to begin talks on the question of mutual agreement not to increase military expenditures and subsequently to reduce them could be an important step in containing all areas of the arms race. This proposal is taking on particular urgency owing to the unchecked growth of military' appropriations in the budgets of the United States and its NATO partners.
90.	Of great significance in the current situation is the proposal of the socialist countries to conclude a treaty on the mutual non-use of military force and the maintenance of relations of peace between the States of the Warsaw Treaty and those of NATO.
91.	The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR believes that agreement to the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic for the adoption of a declaration on the right of peoples to peace would be an important moral and political act that would impede the actions of those that entertain the demented idea that it is possible to win a nuclear war. It is a basic duty of each State to exercise this right. The fulfilment of this duty requires that the policies of States, above all nuclear-weapon States, be directed towards eliminating any threat to human survival. The adoption of this proposal by the General Assembly would contribute to the mobilization of the world public's efforts to prevent a nuclear catastrophe and to preserve life on earth.
92.	The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR believes that, in the present dangerous international situation, the United Nations has an important task to accomplish, namely, the adoption of other specific measures also aimed at strengthening international security and, above all, eliminating pockets of tension and military conflicts and stopping acts of aggression in different parts of the world.
93.	In this context, the Soviet initiative concerning the inclusion in the agenda of the present session of an important and urgent item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of State terrorism and any actions by States aimed at undermining the socio-political system in other sovereign States" is particularly relevant and timely. We think that, by strongly condemning the policy and practice of State terrorism as a method of dealing with other States and peoples, the General Assembly would make a tangible contribution to establishing political guarantees of peace, strengthening the security of individual States and consolidating international security as a whole.
94.	For almost 40 years now, acute tensions have persisted in the Middle East, where the Israeli aggressor, enjoying the direct support and protection of the United States, continues its policy of occupation and annexation of the Arab lands is engaged in punitive operations against the Palestinian and Lebanese patriots and is threatening Syria. This international terrorism and banditry elevated to the level of a State policy has transformed the Middle East region into a focal point of constant military conflicts which pose a serious threat to world peace.
95.	The vital interests of the peoples of the Middle East, as well as the interests of international security as a whole, demand the earliest achievement of a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in this region.
96.	The basic principles for and concrete ways and means of solving this problem are embodied in the "Proposals by the Soviet Union on a Middle East settlement". Most important of all, they involve recognition of the inadmissibility of acquiring other peoples' land by means of aggression. Consequently, the territories occupied by Israel since 1967 must be returned to the Arabs. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people—whose sole legitimate representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]—to self-determination and to establish their own State must be ensured in practice. Finally, the state of war between the Arab States and Israel must be terminated and all States of the region must be guaranteed the right to a safe and independent existence and development.
97.	A comprehensive, truly just and genuinely lasting Middle East settlement can be reached only through collective efforts in which all the parties concerned participate. An international conference on the Middle East could accomplish this major task. However, the United States and Israel are known to be staunchly opposed to the convening of such a conference.
98.	The continuing exacerbation of the situation in Central America and the escalating armed interference by the United States in the affairs of the sovereign States of that region is a matter of grave concern. The piratical invasion of independent Grenada by the United States and its continuing occupation can only be qualified as terrorism.
99.	The undeclared war being waged by the United States against Nicaragua through forming, arming and infiltrating that country with gangs of mercenaries is an act of State terrorism.
100.	The same is true of United States policy in El Salvador, where reactionary factions, assisted and supported by Washington, are committing genocide against their own people in the hope of quenching the flames of their liberation struggle.
101.	The Ukrainian SSR is strongly opposed to United States interference in the internal affairs of the sovereign States in Central America. We advocate a just political solution to the problems of this region through negotiation. We support the constructive proposals by Nicaragua and commend the efforts of the Contadora Group to prevent a large-scale conflict in that region. The Security Council and the General Assembly at its current session can and should play an important role in easing tensions and bringing about a political settlement in that area.
102.	A dangerous hotbed of tension persists in southern Africa. Bolstered by the United States and some other Western countries, the racist regime in Pretoria is pursuing a policy of aggression and destabilization vis-a-vis the neighbouring African States. It is intensifying its reign of terror and repression against the indigenous populations of South Africa and illegally occupied Namibia and continues to block a settlement in Namibia.
103.	The Ukrainian SSR supports the demand that the Security Council invoke comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa, in conformity with Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, in order to make the racists immediately withdraw their forces from Namibia, cease their aggressive actions against neighbouring States— above all, Angola—and abolish the shameful system of apartheid.
104.	We are resolutely opposed to the policy of the United States and other NATO countries and Israel aimed at expanding military, political and economic co-operation with the racist regime of Pretoria.
105.	The Ukrainian SSR condemns illegal actions by the United States to dismember the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands—Micronesia—and virtually to annex it and turn it into yet another strategic military springboard. Preventing the colonial enslavement of Micronesia and finalizing the process of decolonization in all other colonial and dependent Territories is an imperative need of our time, and the United Nations undoubtedly has an important role to play in attaining that goal.
106.	The threat to the existence of the Republic of Cyprus as an independent, territorially integral and non-aligned State has grown considerably as a result of the actions of imperialist forces to foment hotbeds of tension in various regions of the world, including the eastern Mediterranean. In this context, we attach great importance to the mission of the Secretary- General, entrusted to him by the Security Council, to reach a political settlement of the Cyprus problem.
107.	The tasks of improving the situation on the Asian continent are well served by the Soviet proposal dealing with confidence-building measures in the Far East, including measures in the military field, and by the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic" on concluding a convention on mutual non-aggression and the non-use of force in relations between the States of Asia and the Pacific.
108.	The Ukrainian SSR has always supported the struggle of the Korean people for the peaceful and democratic reunification of their homeland after United States troops have been withdrawn from South Korea. We support the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at substantially improving the situation in Korea and creating favourable conditions for a fruitful dialogue between the North and the South.
109.	We are whole-heartedly in favour of a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan and oppose attempts to use the United Nations in order to interfere in the internal affairs of that country. We fully support the realistic and constructive programme of political settlement put forward by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like to stress the importance of creating a favourable atmosphere for the continuation of talks between Afghanistan and Pakistan, conducted through the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General.
110.	We fully support the well-known initiatives of Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea regarding the normalization of the situation in South-East Asia. The countries of Indo-China have reaffirmed their constant readiness to promote dialogue with their neighbours in the interests of easing tensions and developing co-operation.
111.	I should like also to express some thoughts of my delegation regarding the problem of current international economic relations. Imperialist States, and above all the United States, are openly pursuing a policy of undermining the peaceful foundations of trade and economic relations between States and blocking the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. In defiance of the generally accepted norms of relations between States, the ruling circles of those countries are tearing up agreements reached, setting up a trade, credit and technology blockade, and employing methods of strong-arm pressure, embargo and sanctions against those States which reject their dictates.
112.	By making use of their predominant position in the world capitalist economy, they are seeking to shift onto the developing countries the deleterious consequences of economic crises, inflation and other upheavals that have become constant and characteristic features of the capitalist system today.
113.	Last June, the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance adopted a declaration entitled "Maintenance of peace and international economic co-operation", which constitutes an elaborate programme of action to improve international relations. This programme envisages the implementation of recommendations and agreements, including those adopted within the United Nations which have been worked out through the collective efforts of States and are aimed at developing mutually beneficial, fruitful economic co-operation and establishing a new international economic order.
114.	The adoption of effective decisions and actions to implement the proposals contained in the declaration would undoubtedly promote the successful development of international economic co-operation and constitute major contribution to consolidating international, peace and security.
115.	Recently, the Ukrainian people have been celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the liberation of the Ukraine from the Fascist aggressor. Next year—1985—we will solemnly, together with all peace-loving nations, mark the fortieth anniversary of the great victory in the Second World War. All the peoples who fought against fascism and militarism contributed to that victory. The Soviet Union's decisive role in it is indisputable.
116.	The enormous sacrifices offered on the altar of that victory demand that we do everything that we can to avert and eliminate the threat of a new world war. This is the thrust of all efforts by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet State. Vladimir V. Shcherbitsky, Member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukrainian SSR, has noted in this connection:
"The Soviet people realize that the objective of the clear and consistent peace-loving policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is to build confidence among nations and to return to detente and co-operation. Our party and Government and our friends are taking all possible measures to preserve peace for the present and succeeding generations."
117.	The Ukrainian SSR will continue actively to support the efforts of the United Nations aimed at averting the threat of nuclear war, curbing the arms race, eliminating pockets of tension and expanding and deepening mutually beneficial co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.