I congratulate Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral on his assumption of the presidency of the
fiftieth regular session of the United Nations General
Assembly. We note his laudable accomplishments in the
diplomatic service of his country, and feel assured that
through his stewardship of this historic session a new
paradigm will emerge to direct intercourse among nations
of the world.
I also wish to convey the appreciation of the Liberian
delegation to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara
Essy, a distinguished son of Africa, for the skilful manner
in which he conducted the work of the forty-ninth session.
We commend our able and renowned Secretary-
General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
unrelenting devotion to charting a new course for the
United Nations, in spite of formidable odds. Moreover, we
are particularly pleased with the fervent attention that he
continues to give to a peaceful resolution of the Liberian
civil conflict, as well as to the post-war reconstruction of
Liberia.
I stand before this body in celebration of the larger
freedom that is personified in the survival and success of
the United Nations and my country, Liberia. Both were
born out of the visions of individuals who dared to stand
on higher ground, while others wallowed in fear, hatred,
racism, doubts and dismay. Half a century ago my
country was proud to be one of three African nations
among the 51 States that assembled in San Francisco,
California, to participate in the creation of the United
Nations, culminating in the signing of its Charter.
The United Nations was born because “We the
peoples” from diverse cultural backgrounds, represented
by our Governments,
“determined ...
to reaffirm [our] faith in fundamental human rights,
in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the
equal rights of men and women and of nations large
and small”.
To demonstrate our commitment to these fundamental
rights, the principle of sovereign equality was enshrined
in the Charter of the Organization and later buttressed, in
1948, by the adoption of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
One and a quarter centuries before the birth of the
United Nations, we the people, from diverse cultural
backgrounds represented by individuals and organizations
which believed in the larger freedom as a measure of
man’s dignity and greatness, gave birth to the Liberian
nation in times perhaps more vexing and troubling than
the birth period of our United Nations. But we the people,
determined to escape the degradation to which we were
exposed by the denial of the universality of human rights
and the commonality of human nature, fled to freedom in
pursuit of the very principles for which this Organization
stands.
We ought to celebrate the survival and success of
the United Nations and my country, Liberia.
Symbolically, they represent the higher nature of man,
which compels him to acknowledge that no human being
is inferior or superior to another. Just as a man’s life
“consisteth not in the abundance of the things which
he possesseth”, (The Holy Bible, Luke 12:15)
the greatness of any people or nation is not measured in
the abundance of things which they possess.
8

The survival and success of the United Nations for
half a century have destroyed the myth that it is Utopian to
organize sovereign nations on a global level in the pursuit
of international peace and security. Liberia’s survival as an
independent State since 1847 also destroyed the myth that
Africans were incapable of self-governance. As one of the
three African founding Members of the United Nations,
Liberia’s independence and involvement in international
affairs served as a beacon of hope for peoples of African
descent engaged in their legitimate struggle against colonial
domination. It lent diplomatic and moral support to the
decolonization of Africa and other regions of the world and
forcefully voiced its opposition to apartheid in South
Africa.
As more nations of Africa became independent,
Liberia offered them a hand of friendship, brotherhood and
solidarity. In particular, Liberia adopted and pursued a
policy of peaceful coexistence with its neighbours and was
a principal advocate of a functional approach to African
unity. This led to the formation of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) and other entities fostering
economic cooperation between the African peoples.
In this connection, my delegation is immensely
pleased to celebrate the practical actualization of the vision
of three distinguished sons of Africa — Kwame Nkrumah
of Ghana, Ahmed Sékou Touré of Guinea and William V.
S. Tubman of Liberia — as we note that an independent
Africa is observing and actively participating in the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations.
The fiftieth regular session of the General Assembly
is convening against the backdrop of tremendous changes
in the international system. The peace euphoria which was
inspired by the end of the super-Power confrontation has
long dissipated and the world is far from being a peaceful
and just place. Simmering inter-State disputes, violent civil
conflicts and resurgent nationalism, carried to the extreme,
have led to the disintegration of several States and
threatened international peace and security. The
unfavourable consequences of this situation are the loss of
many innocent lives and massive refugee flows, particularly
in Africa. Unfortunately, my country, Liberia, has not been
spared from this onslaught.
The Liberian peace process must be viewed in the
totality of Liberia’s history. From the Declaration of
Independence in 1847 to the present, the Republic of
Liberia has been besieged and buffeted by internal and
external forces which hold diametrically opposing views
relating to the universality of human rights and the
commonality of human nature, as well as to the
appropriateness of political and economic utilitarianism,
where powerful external forces — Governments,
multinational corporations, international organizations and
so on — manipulate and exploit human and material
resources in Liberia to the detriment of the country. This
is a reality that cannot be wished away.
Although these views may be based solely on
ignorance, it is this same ignorance which fuels the fire
of war and destruction around the world, manifesting
itself as racism, “ethnic cleansing”, tribalism, religious
persecution and so on. Thus, for those who believe that
the African is less than human or is incapable of
governing himself, the existence for almost a century and
a half of a politically stable and peaceful Liberia with
strong economic potential is undesirable.
Liberia, which was founded — about half a century
before the Berlin Congress of 1884, which carved out
Africa and institutionalized colonialism — as “an asylum
for free people of colour” fleeing the hot crucibles and
bitter pangs of slavery, was threatened with partition and
trusteeship by the League of Nations, predecessor to our
beloved United Nations, half a century after that colonial
Congress. Ironically, the charge was slave trading.
Although the Liberian Government was grievously at
fault, and while we roundly condemn slavery of any kind,
that attempt by the League of Nations to undermine
Liberia’s sovereignty was a sinister, hypocritical
subterfuge whose only purpose was to perpetuate a racist
myth rooted in a very destructive ignorance. This was not
in the best interests of Liberia or Africa, for no nation,
international organization or earthly Power can will
Liberia out of existence.
Roughly half a century after this unsuccessful
attempt by the League of Nations, Liberia experienced the
bloody overthrow of its constitutional Government. The
political-legal structure had become too rigid and
insensitive to the cries of the overwhelming majority of
the people, who wanted to be included in the social,
political and economic structures of the country. The
erstwhile experienced leaders failed to provide the
required navigational changes. The execution of these
political leaders, who had navigated the ship of State in
turbulent times, and the first imposition of military rule
affected more than 13 decades of political stability. The
attendant dislocations in our national fabric culminated in
the civil war that brings us here today.
9

Over the past six years, our country has been at war
with itself, trying to right injustices among the people of
Liberia while maintaining the sovereignty of the nation,
including the right to determine our own destiny. To some
on the outside, this war has appeared very senseless — and
it may be so in the sense that most wars are senseless. On
the other hand, we believe that we will emerge out of this
as a stronger and more united people in a nation where we
will regard ourselves as human beings first and foremost
and where the national identity will take precedence over
tribal or ethnic identity.
Thus, our efforts to seek peace when agreements are
broken should be lauded instead of ridiculed. This reflects
our history as a peace-loving nation. We cannot apologize
for desiring peace more than war. The Abuja Agreement
will hold and usher in a new dawn for Liberia; but even if
it did not hold, we would still pursue peace, ignore those
who prefer war to peace and strike another deal for peace
and democracy. We are optimistic and will not give up on
ourselves. We ask the Assembly not to give up on us.
We have consistently maintained over the course of
this war that a military solution was neither desirable nor
achievable; we have consistently advocated a balance of
forces and a Government of inclusion.
In this connection, we commend ECOWAS for its
humanitarian intervention in the Liberian crisis. Although
mandated to promote the economic integration of the
subregion, its action was a necessary concrete manifestation
of unique African solidarity and has afforded Liberians the
opportunity to resolve their differences through civil
discourse.
The primary objective of the Liberian people has been
the attainment of a just, comprehensive and durable peace
through a political settlement of the conflict. The basic
components of the agreements reached by the parties and
subsequent resolutions adopted by the Security Council
centred around the following objectives: combatants would
be disarmed and rehabilitated; sufficient security guarantees
would be established to facilitate the resettlement of
displaced persons and the repatriation of hundreds of
thousands of Liberian refugees; internationally supervised
elections would be held in accordance with an agreed
timetable; a democratically elected administration would be
installed; and the international community would lend the
requisite assistance for the economic and social
rehabilitation of Liberia.
Through the sustained diplomacy of the Economic
Community of West African States, complemented by the
Organization of African Unity and the United Nations,
and the willingness of the parties to continue negotiations,
a final agreement was reached in Abuja, the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, on 19 August 1995.
In celebration of Abuja, we hereby announce our
profoundest gratitude to former President Jimmy Carter
and current President William Clinton of the United
States of America, ECOWAS Chairman President Jerry
John Rawlings and his Special Facilitator, Captain Kojo
Tsikata, both of Ghana, President Sani Abacha of Nigeria,
President Nicéphore Soglo of Benin, the late President
Houphouët-Boigny and current President Konan-Bédié of
Côte d’Ivoire, President Blaise Campaoré of Burkina
Faso, President Lansana Conté of Guinea, President
Abdou Diouf of Senegal, President Ali Mwinyi of
Tanzania, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda,
President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, former
President Sir Dawda Jawara, and current Head of State
Captain Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh of Gambia, former
President Moussa Traoré, and current President Alpha
Oumar Konaré of Mali, and former President Joseph
Saidu Momoh and current President Valentine Strasser of
Sierra Leone.
Special thanks also go to all the Presidents and
Foreign Ministers of the ECOWAS Committee of Nine,
the former Executive Secretary of ECOWAS, Mr. Abass
Bundu, and current Executive Secretary Mr. Edouard
Benjamin, OAU Secretary General Salim A. Salim, and
OAU Eminent Person, former President Canaan Banana,
members of the United Nations Security Council,
Secretary-General Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali and his
Special Representatives, Trevor Gordon-Somers and
Ambassador Anthony Nyakyi, all non-governmental and
humanitarian organizations in Liberia, the commanders
and troops of the Cease-fire Monitoring Group of
ECOWAS (ECOMOG), the United Nations Observer
Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL), the member States of
ECOWAS, the OAU, the European Union, the United
Nations and all the friends of Liberia for helping us help
ourselves. We also congratulate the Liberian people for
their patience, sacrifice, understanding and maturity as we
navigate through turbulent waters to peaceful waters.
Unlike previous agreements, the Abuja Agreement
to supplement and amend the Cotonou and Akosombo
Agreements, as subsequently clarified by the Accra
Agreement, provides for a six-man collective presidency
comprising the leaders of the principal warring parties and
10

three civilian representatives. They are: His Excellency
Professor Wilton S. Sankawulo, Chairman, His Excellency
Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor of the National Patriotic Front
of Liberia (NPFL), His Excellency Lt. General Alhaji G. V.
Kromah of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for
Democracy (ULIMO), His Excellency Mr. George E.
Saigbe Boley of the Liberian Peace Council (LPC), His
Excellency Mr. Oscar J. Quiah of the Liberia National
Council (LNC), and His Excellency Chief Tamba Tailor,
joint nominee of the NPFL and ULIMO, as Vice Chairmen.
The very fact that the present collective presidency is
functioning and deliberating with unanimity of purpose is
reason to celebrate. Each of the six is uniquely and pre-
eminently qualified to lead Liberia, but they have relegated
their personal ambitions to work collectively as leaders of
reconstruction.
The Agreement also retained two cardinal principles
of the ECOWAS peace plan. The first requires the
Government of Liberia to enter a Status of Forces
Agreement with ECOWAS regarding the status of
ECOMOG in Liberia. This is being worked on at present.
The second forbids the Chairman of the Council of
State from contesting any position in the ensuing elections.
Other members of the Council, the Vice Chairmen of equal
status, and officials of the Transitional Government may
seek elective office, but are required to resign from the
Government prior to the elections.
The first signs of adherence to the Abuja Agreement
came when, on August 26 1995, a general cease-fire was
re-established. On 1 September 1995, the new Council of
State was installed in office. Shortly thereafter, a new
cabinet of the Liberian National Transitional Government
(LNTG) was named and inducted into office. The National
Legislative Assembly, the Supreme Court of Liberia and the
Elections Commission are functioning in accordance with
law.
As disarmament is crucial to a complete and timely
implementation of the Abuja Accord, I am pleased to report
that ECOMOG has begun the deployment of its troops in
many parts of the country, and has taken over command of
most of the checkpoints hitherto controlled by the parties.
Also, most of the major highways and roads in the country
are gradually and steadily reopening for the unimpeded
movement of individuals and goods.
The installation of the Council of State marks a new
beginning in the peace process. It points towards a final
peaceful resolution of the Liberian crisis and has raised
the hopes of Liberians, who believe that the process is
now irreversible.
Now we must confront the all-engaging task of
fostering national reconciliation, unity and the economic
rehabilitation of the country. There are clear signs that
Liberians earnestly desire to turn the swords of
destruction and death into ploughshares of cultivation and
rebuilding. They have placed much faith in the democratic
option, which will empower them for full participation in
the affairs of their country through civil discourse, as
opposed to armed confrontation.
Like all countries which have had to make the
transition from conditions of war and utter deprivation to
conditions of peace and development, Liberia now stands
in urgent need of substantial assistance from the
international community. Help is also required for the
rehabilitation of children traumatized by the war and for
the reintegration of former combatants into civil society,
where their energies can be redirected to productive
activities.
Beyond these pressing needs the private sector,
which is very vital to the long-term economic recovery
and development of Liberia, must be revived. Therefore
we appeal to our investment partners to return with their
expertise and financial resources.
We welcome the Secretary-General’s decision to
hold a pledging conference for Liberia at the United
Nations on 27 October 1995 for the demobilization and
reconstruction of Liberia, as well as assistance for
ECOWAS in the implementation of its mandate.
As we Liberians forge ahead in a determined effort
to restore peace in our country and embark on the
reconstruction programme, it is imperative that the
international community should provide the requisite
support and encouragement to the new Liberian
leadership.
In this connection, we recall that earlier this year the
Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity
adopted resolution 1585 on Liberia which, inter alia,
called on the international community to “recognize and
give full faith and credence to the current Liberian
National Transitional Government and its successors”.
It is my Government’s firm belief that the full
implementation of this recommendation by Member States
11

will serve to revive and strengthen the bilateral relations
between Liberia and friendly Governments by accelerating
the reconstruction efforts of the country.
To my compatriots let me say that ours is a country
that went to war with itself. In the process, all Liberians
have suffered or experienced some loss. We empathize with
their grief, pain, anguish and frustration. We must now
assuage our hurt by rising above our differences and
coalesce into a strong, unified nation, determined to move
forward to a better and prosperous future. No matter how
well disposed to help us our friends and sympathizers of
the international community may be, the challenge is ours
to rebuild Liberia. I can only appeal to and plead with those
friends and sympathizers to be messengers of forgiveness
and love. We have a unique opportunity to participate in
the redemption of our common patrimony — Liberia, a
reality greater than our individual selves. Let us seize this
historic moment.
Our representation before this body would certainly be
incomplete without a reflection of my Government’s
position on the many difficulties and the prevailing sense of
frustration persisting on the international political scene.
However, the recent efforts to reach a permanent solution
to the seemingly intractable crisis in the Middle East
represent a positive step in the right direction. In this
connection, we view the recent signing — on 28 September
1995 — of the agreement reached between Israel and the
Palestinian National Authority as a significant milestone.
We also salute Israel and Jordan for the Treaty signed on
26 October 1994 regarding mutual reconciliation, and we
urge other Arab States in the region to emulate this bold
initiative.
On the question of limiting nuclear and conventional
armaments, my Government believes that nuclear non-
proliferation is only the first step to the ultimate goal of
complete prohibition. In this connection, we view the recent
indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty as an
act that strengthens the international non-proliferation
regime and enhances the maintenance of world peace and
security.
The conflict in the former Yugoslavia — especially in
Bosnia and Herzegovina — and the crises in Rwanda,
Sierra Leone, Somalia and Burundi continue to be a source
of much concern to the international community. My
Government welcomes the important role played by the
international community — particularly the United Nations,
the Organization of African Unity and the Economic
Community of West African States, the European Union,
the United States and the Russian Federation. We also
call on the parties to the conflict to refrain from further
military action and to opt for a negotiated settlement, to
the mutual satisfaction of all the parties concerned.
With respect to reform of the Security Council,
Liberia calls for either expansion of the membership of
the Council or modification of paragraph 3 of Article
27 — Chapter V — of the Charter to conform with
paragraph 2 of the same Article, to enable the larger
membership of the United Nations to participate in the
process of decision-making. We believe that either or
both of these steps would make the Council not only
more representative, but also more democratic and
transparent. The proposed reform is also intended to
ensure balance between the requirements of efficiency and
expansion, transparency in the Council’s methods of work
and optimum utilization of the resources of those States
that can contribute significantly to peace-keeping
operations and development activities.
The rationale for our call lies in logic, democracy,
equality and the Charter of the United Nations. When we
signed the Charter half a century ago there were three
African countries among 51 nations. Today the African
membership has increased to approximately 52 nations
among a total of 185. The five permanent members of the
Security Council are from three of the five continents of
our world — Asia, Europe and North America. The
continent of Africa ought to have at least one permanent
member, to be determined by the African countries
themselves.
In his inaugural address at this historic session the
President of the Assembly averred that if the United
Nations is to maintain its unique character as an
international Organization that is truly universal, efforts
should be made to ensure that all States which are not yet
Members can be admitted in the near future. My
delegation fully supports this position and recalls that
when we signed the Charter of the United Nations the
five permanent members of the Security Council were the
Republic of China, France, the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland and the United States of America.
Contrary to the principle of universality, the People’s
Republic of China was not included. We are happy that
24 years ago the General Assembly restored the lawful
right of the People’s Republic of China to membership of
this Organization, in keeping with the Charter’s principle
of universality and the reality that that country is the
world’s most populous nation.
12

Twenty-four years later, we note that 20 Member
States from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America,
in a letter to the Secretary-General, requested that the
exceptional situation of the Republic of China on Taiwan
be examined by the General Assembly at its fiftieth session.
My Government firmly believes that the unification of
China should be peacefully pursued and that it is a matter
for the Chinese people themselves to determine at some
time in the future. However, we note that there were two
Germanys in the United Nations until their reunification a
little over five years ago and that there are still two Koreas,
both of which are now Members of the Organization. We
have confidence in the ability of the United Nations to deal
properly with this long-standing matter so that the
unification of China may be peacefully pursued by the
Chinese themselves.
We wholeheartedly welcome the recent progressive
trends in the world economic spectrum. However, we also
remain mindful of the persistent inhibitive factors that
continue to account for the slow and unbalanced growth of
the global economy. In spite of the increase in the number
of developing countries now participating as key players in
the world economy, the magnitude of increasing poverty for
more than 1 billion people of the world leaves much to be
desired. The gap between developed and developing
countries continues to widen, not only reflecting the
marginalization of the developing countries but also
undermining efforts aimed at securing access to
international trade, communications and the flow of vital
information.
Meanwhile, there is also a crisis of official
development assistance, caused by stagnation and a
reduction in assistance sources. It is worth noting that there
is a need for increased cooperation if anything is to be
achieved in addressing these distracting issues. One
approach would be to reconsider the agreement regarding
the developed countries contributing 0.7 per cent of gross
national product to the assistance programmes for the
developing countries. The economic situation in most
African countries is critical and precarious. It is true that
the global economic situation affects all developing
countries, but its impact on sub-Saharan Africa is
tremendous.
While we recognize that the development of Africa is
primarily our responsibility, concerted efforts by the
international community and donor countries will
complement the national efforts of African Governments in
reversing the negative trend of their economies.
As regards the role of women in development, we
believe that the full and equal integration of women into
the development process at all levels is a central goal. We
fully support the Conferences that were held in Cairo and
Accra and in Taiwan earlier this year, and we are also
committed to the successful implementation of the
decisions reached at the 1995 World Conference on
Women, held recently in Beijing, with the theme “Action
for Equality, Development and Peace”.
Liberia — a Founding Member of the United
Nations — although encumbered by a fratricidal war, is
proud of its modest contribution since the formation of
the Organization, particularly in respect of the
decolonization of Africa and its aspirations for economic
growth and development. As the country emerges from
war, it pledges anew its commitment to the Organization.
It is our firm belief that the United Nations offers the best
hope for a just and more equitable world. Member States
are therefore challenged to pool their resources and work
together, not as competitors but as equal partners aligned
in a common pursuit.
Liberia is determined to regain its rightful place, by
virtue of its long history and involvement in the struggle
for peace, cooperation and the prosperity of all peoples,
in the comity of nations.
During the past half-century of its existence, the
United Nations has endeavoured to maintain international
peace and security and remain responsive to the needs of
the public that it serves. Today, its responsibilities have
increased to cover urgent humanitarian emergencies which
require the deployment of tremendous resources. It is
hoped that the corresponding support will be forthcoming
from Member States.
When the United Nations succeeds, the great
majority, who depend on the services it provides, are
lifted from misery, suffering and deprivation. That is the
basic principle we should bear in mind as the
Organization enters its fifty-first year of existence. The
United Nations, in spite of its perceived shortcomings,
which we must collectively seek to overcome, represents
mankind’s legitimate aspiration to be truly our brother’s
keeper. Let us rededicate ourselves to this important
objective to ensure our survival and that of succeeding
generations.


The unanimous election of
Mr. Freitas do Amaral to preside over this historic session,
the fiftieth, of the General Assembly is a well-deserved
tribute to his country, Portugal. Aware of his talent and his
many political activities at the national and international
levels, I venture to believe that under his guidance this
session of the General Assembly will be successful.
On this occasion, I also wish to pay tribute to, and to
congratulate, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-
General of our Organization, for his vigorous efforts in
carrying out his very responsible functions for the
maintenance of peace and for the promotion of
development throughout the world.
The international situation is still complex and in a
state of flux. Ethnic, religious and border conflicts still
raging in various parts of our planet continue to haunt the
international community. Despite numerous efforts to
resolve those conflicts, there is no indication that we are
anywhere near the goals we have set for ourselves. Bearing
in mind past lessons and experiences, we should engage in
informed reflection, undertake appropriate actions and act
together to find reasonable and peaceful ways to meet these
challenges. The realities of the world today show that it is
not easy to create an atmosphere where peace and justice
prevail, because this involves a noble, difficult and long-
term duty, a duty that requires, at one and the same time,
patience and resolution, which the international community
as a whole is called upon to provide, is in the interest of
the nations and the peoples of the world.
In Europe, the conflict in the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, which has caused great suffering to its people,
remains without a final solution. The 60-day cease-fire
agreement just concluded by the parties involved in this
painful conflict is undoubtedly a new stage in the search for
a global peace. This agreement also requires that other
efforts be made, with a maximum of wisdom and restraint
and a readiness to restore peace and stability in this
region of the world.
In Africa, after long years of struggle, the apartheid
system finally has been abolished. Like all other peoples
that love peace and freedom in the world, the Lao people
are very happy about this event. We wish ever-greater
success to the new South African authorities, under the
wise leadership of President Nelson Mandela, in their
tireless efforts to build a new South Africa, united, non-
racial, democratic and prosperous.
Still on the subject of Africa, the Lao people hope
that the ethnic conflicts and violence still raging in some
countries of the continent will be peacefully resolved in
order to preserve unity and to promote national harmony
and development in their respective countries.
In the Caribbean, the overall situation is favourable
to the promotion of mutual understanding as well as to
the development cooperation between the countries of this
region. In this context, the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic believes that it is high time that the economic
blockade decreed unilaterally against Cuba be lifted in
order to contribute to the promotion of peace and stability
and cooperation between the peoples of this region,
without any discrimination whatsoever.
In the Middle East, the conclusion this past
September of the agreement between the Palestine
Liberation Organization and Israel, which deals with the
extension of autonomy to the West Bank region, marks a
new, positive step in the implementation of the
Declaration of Principles signed in Washington in 1993.
The Lao People’s Democratic Republic hopes that the
Middle East peace process will continue to move ahead,
in the interest of lasting peace and of cooperation for
development between the peoples of this region.
In the Asia-Pacific region, countries of that region
have exerted many laudable efforts to ensure the
maintenance of peace and security and promotion of
cooperation for development. These efforts enjoy
increasing support from the various peoples of the world.
The initiative to create a Regional Forum for the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is
another important gauge of the depth and strength of the
confidence and cooperation in this part of the world.
The Lao People’s Democratic Republic welcomes
the positive results of the implementation of the
15

agreements which have been reached between the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United
States of America and which have contributed to improving
the situation in that region. At the same time, the Lao
people fully support the ardent aspirations of the Korean
people to the peaceful and independent reunification of
Korea.
As an integral part of the community of South-East
Asia, one of the regions recognized for its activities in
favour of maintaining peace and cooperation in the region
and in the world, my country, the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic, has made a worthy contribution to that effort
designed to make that region one of peace, friendship and
cooperation as well as a nuclear-weapons-free zone. In its
effort at national construction, my country has also had new
success. Last year, the economic-growth rate reached the
level of 8 per cent. The volume of foreign investment has
increased, thus contributing to the improvement of the Lao
people’s living conditions. More important still, political
stability and social order in the country are now solidly
guaranteed. At the present time, the Lao government is
working actively to carry out, under market mechanisms,
the development strategy to the year 2000, which would
promote economic growth along with social development,
the development of human resources and sustainable rural
development, while giving great importance to
environmental protection and the protection of the rights
and the interests of women and children.
In the international arena, the Lao Government will
continue to apply its consistent policy of peace, friendship
and cooperation with all countries. For the time being, it is
concentrating its efforts on establishing the necessary
conditions for it to become, in the near future, a full-
fledged member of ASEAN. We hope that the countries of
that organization, other friendly countries, and international
organizations will provide assistance and support for our
efforts.
In recent years, the world economic situation as a
whole has shown a somewhat positive trend. None the less,
the majority of the developing countries still face economic
difficulties stemming from many causes. The Lao People’s
Democratic Republic believes, therefore, that in order for
interdependence to be of equal benefit to all, we should
resume as quickly as possible North-South dialogue in
order to promote cooperation for development. At the same
time, every effort should be made to find the means to
settle as quickly as possible the debt problem of the least
developed countries, in order to create conditions
favourable to their development.
The Government of the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic attaches great importance to the implementation
of the Programme of Action adopted by the Social
Summit — the first of its kind — which was held last
March in Copenhagen. My Government hopes that the
international community will work together to implement
that Programme and to promote socioeconomic
development, which would allow mankind to live in
conditions of peace, security and justice.
The Government of the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic believes that the success of the Fourth World
Conference on Women, held in Beijing this past
September, created a favourable political, economic and
sociocultural atmosphere for the full participation of
women in development. We will thus continue to promote
and ensure rights to equality between men and women —
rights that are clearly specified in our Constitution. We
will also continue to mobilize and to help the women of
ethnic minorities to participate fully in the development
process, as both players and beneficiaries of the fruits of
growth.
In the current international situation, even though
East-West confrontation has ended, mankind none the less
continues to be concerned by the danger posed by the
existence of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction. It is imperative that joint, effective measures
be taken to reduce this danger and eliminate it forever. In
this context, the Government of the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic supports the initiative of the
countries of South-East Asia to make this region a
nuclear-weapon-free zone.
The question of the promotion of human rights and
of fundamental freedoms continues to have a high priority
on the international agenda. In considering this question,
a large number of countries are concerned at the trend to
deal only with the civil and political aspects of human
rights and to use them to interfere in the internal affairs
of other countries, which would violate the rights of
peoples to self-determination. Bearing in mind the
intrinsic characteristics of each nation, the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic believes that only a global and
balanced approach to this sensitive question would serve
the cause of human rights and would meet the legitimate
interests of all peoples.
We are meeting today at a time when the United
Nations is actively preparing to celebrate its fiftieth
anniversary. This commemoration should be for us all an
unprecedented opportunity to review the Organization’s
16

performance over the past five decades, with the goal of
enhancing the effectiveness of its role in the economic and
social development of peoples and in the maintenance of
world peace. In a new international context, the United
Nations, and in particular its Security Council, should be
restructured and democratized in order to become a reliable
and upright body enjoying the confidence of all nations and
capable of solving global problems. In this spirit, the
delegation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic will
continue, together with other delegations, to make its active
contribution to the strengthening of our universal
Organization.


Allow me at the outset to express to the President my
warmest congratulations on his election to guide the
fiftieth session of the General Assembly. We are
confident that his wealth of experience will make it
possible for this session to achieve its noble goals. I
9

should like to pledge the full support and cooperation of
Sudan to that end.
Allow me also to express my great appreciation to his
predecessor, the President of the forty-ninth session of the
General Assembly His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, for his
immensely valuable contribution to the work of the United
Nations. I would also like to commend the Secretary-
General for his continuous endeavours in fulfilling his
functions.
This session of the General Assembly acquires a
special importance because half a century in the lifetime of
the Organization calls upon us to pause for contemplation
and self-criticism. We should do that because we look
forward to the United Nations becoming the body that
guarantees peaceful coexistence amongst States, the light
that guides States in important issues and the effective
instrument for consolidating international cooperation.
The philosophy upon which the United Nations was
established was one that aimed at reflecting the progress
humanity had achieved towards the state of civilization.
However, actual experience has fallen short of that
aspiration. In our view, this falling short has been due to
certain practices by means of which some have tried to use
the Organization as a tool to impose their hegemony and
influence, so that their own outlook and values may become
the sole, compulsory statute of the international community,
regardless of any diversity of cultures, beliefs, or heritage.
It behoves us to agree, however, that our world is made up
of a fabric of diversity, and that such diversity, at no time
in history, has been a source of conflict but, rather, a source
of rich and valuable contributions to the gains made by
mankind. Instead of undermining that diversity or using it
as a pretext for strife and conflict, it would have been wiser
to make it a basis for constructive dialogue and the
consolidation of tolerance and justice in the world.
The United Nations has led humanity towards new
horizons in the half century that has elapsed since its
establishment. This necessitates a reconsideration of its
system and mechanisms, given the vast expansion in its
membership, its new responsibilities and the emergence of
new international economic and political blocs and systems
that were not in existence when the United Nations was
founded. Top priority in such an endeavour should be
accorded to the need to reform the Security Council, in
view of the role expected from it in maintaining
international peace and security.
The considerations we have mentioned are
compelling reasons for expanding Security Council
membership in order to ensure equitable representation of
the developing countries. It is also necessary to reform
the procedures of the Council, to ensure transparency and
clarity in its work, to reform its decision-making
mechanism and to develop equitable criteria that would
guide its policies and safeguard it against the pitfall of
double-standard and the effects of the ambitions of
hegemony and domination of any of its members.
The reform of the United Nations should also
include reform of the Bretton Woods institutions, which
have come to be used as tools for the implementation of
strategies that are designed to entrench hegemony over
the developing countries. Therefore, the Bretton Woods
institutions are required to return to their mandate, which
stipulate their role in the promotion of a balanced
development and support for the monetary and financial
policies of all countries without exception or
discrimination. We also concur in the call for a review of
those institutions in the light of the economic and
financial factors which have come to prevail in today’s
world as a result of the emergence of new groups and
countries whose economic weight enables them to exert
considerable influence on international trade and on the
flow of financial resources and capital.
Today’s world also faces a number of economic and
social crises as a result of the fractious economic relations
between North and South, the inequitable terms of trade
and the ever-expanding gap between rich and poor
countries. Those crises are exacerbated by the dominance
of consumerism and the undermining of the moral values
that uphold the dignity of man and preserve the social
fabric. Those are moral values which inspired all cultures
and civilizations. Accordingly, the objectives of balanced
development should be formulated on a basis of respect
for those values and principles in order for these
objectives to be conducive to resolving the crises and
maintaining balance in social, political, cultural, and
economic relations in the world community.
In this regard, we should mention the debt problem
that has become a major concern for developing
countries, especially the African. The indebtedness of the
African countries had doubled in the past 10 years to a
record $270 billion, with a debt-servicing tag that
consumes about 35 per cent of the gross national product
of those countries. As expected, the heavy debt burden
and debt-servicing tag have had serious consequences
10

which impede development efforts and obstruct economic
structural reforms.
On the other hand, the industrial countries have taken
no responsible initiative to address this problem. Instead,
they called for a case-by-case approach on a bilateral basis.
This reinforces the impression that the purpose is the
imposition of a political agenda. The result has been
paralysis of the economies of African States, collapse of
their infrastructures, and, consequently the eruption of
internal and regional conflicts all over the continent, which
have impeded Africa’s efforts to achieve growth and
internal stability. Therefore, the linking of peace-keeping,
humanitarian assistance and long-term sustainable
development is a principle that we welcome and support.
Sudan has been following with deep concern the
situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the Bosnian
people have continued to be victims of “ethnic cleansing”
and extermination. While we reiterate our support for the
people and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, we
call upon the international community to continue its efforts
to put an end to the genocide that targets this people and
we commend the efforts deployed by all those countries
that support or are engaged in the search for a just, lasting
and comprehensive settlement to this problem.
The situation in the Gulf is of special importance to us
not only because it affects our peace and stability, but also
because of the deeply rooted historical and cultural ties and
relationships which strongly bind my country to that region.
We look forward to the return of peace amongst our
brothers in the Gulf. In this respect, we have welcomed
Iraq’s official recognition of the sovereignty and territorial
boundaries of the State of Kuwait in accordance with the
relevant Security Council resolutions and Iraq’s undertaking
to cooperate in resolving the outstanding problems between
the two States, on the one hand, and between Iraq and the
Security Council, on the other. We call on all parties to
abide by these measures in order to guarantee Kuwait’s
legitimate right to existence and sovereignty and the right
to security and stability to its people and leadership. By the
same token, we call for the lifting of the embargo imposed
on Iraq, which no longer has any legal justification as the
grounds it was built on no longer obtain. The embargo has
now become a political ploy aimed at starving the Iraqi
people, humiliating it and fragmenting its territory.
In the same context, Sudan has been following, with
great dismay and disapprobation, the continuation of the
unjust sanctions imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
while the Jamahiriya has spared no effort in trying to deal
with the dispute over the Lockerbie crisis by every
acceptable legal means. It is our opinion that the initiative
by the League of Arab States, to which the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya subscribes, is a practical basis for addressing
the situation in a manner that would lead to the lifting of
the sanctions.
As for the Palestinian question, it is our belief that
peace should be based on the criteria of justice and full
respect for all the rights of the Palestinian and Arab
peoples of the region. Consequently, the return of all the
Syrian Golan Heights to Syria, and Israel’s full and
unconditional withdrawal from southern Lebanon,
Al-Quds and all the other occupied Arab territories, are
essential requirements for the achievement of any stable
lasting settlement.
We are advocates of peace, stability and good-
neighbourliness. Our abiding conviction has been that the
Horn of Africa is a region that has suffered most, without
any objective justification from internal civil strife and
instability. We concur with the view that the peoples of
the subregion should focus on the need to achieve
security and stability. Indeed, this is an objective that we
have worked for through many a practical initiative that
we put forward as members of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) and of the International Authority
on Drought and Development (IGADD). Notwithstanding
the high hopes we had in that direction, the results have
fallen short of the very minimum of our aspirations,
because some have been seduced by grand strategies
whose aim has been the destabilization of the region. It is
regrettable that some seem to find it difficult indeed to
abide by the behests of international legality or even to
respect the norms of international law. It is equally
regrettable that such quarters find it difficult to abide by
the principles of good-neighbourliness and peaceful
coexistence and turn, instead, to subversion and terrorism
against my country publicly embrace and give haven to
elements of armed opposition.
My country supports the initiatives aimed at
promoting and strengthening regional organizations and
mechanisms for conflict prevention and settlement, and
urges that such mechanisms should adhere to the
objectives they were introduced to achieve and abide by
the rules that govern their activities. It is our opinion that
the functions of such mechanisms should be, above all
else, preventive and that they should discharge such
functions impartially. They should intervene in conflicts
only when it is necessary to do so, with the consent of
the parties concerned, and their activities should be
11

limited to peaceful handling. They should also preserve
their regional nature, so that they do not become extensions
of other parallel mechanisms or tentacles of strategies that
aim at international hegemony.
As regards our immediate neighbours, allow me to
reciprocate, and to extend similar greetings to the brotherly
people of Egypt, and to express our conviction that only the
truth will prevail and that the situation in Egypt will return
to its normal course, away from all policies of repression,
domination and terrorism. There is no doubt that relations
between Sudan and Egypt, inevitably, will return to normal
away from the policy of imposition of fait accompli, away
from the policies of occupation of territory by force and
overt support for organized armed terrorism and away from
the legitimization of rebellion and sedition.
It is our conviction that the ties of brotherhood and
solidarity that, historically, have linked our two peoples,
will remain as strong and as enduring as the Nile that flows
from Sudan to Egypt. Sudan has very clearly supported the
integrity of Egypt within its borders. This has been the
position of principle adopted by Sudan towards Egypt, not
in words but in deeds that are recorded in the eternal annals
of history as when the sons of Sudan gave their lives in
defence of Egypt.
As we are renewing the commitment to and desire for
peace and coexistence, we call for the resolving by
negotiation of all boundary disputes and all problems
relating to sovereignty over territories that arise between
States. Failing this, there would be no alternative but to
seek arbitration by neutral parties.
The word “Islam” is derived from the Arabic word
“salam” which means “peace”. Islam is a religion based on
the principles of peace, equality and justice. I do not
believe that Islam needs anyone to defend its record: it is
history that bears witness to the greatness of the
civilizations it gave rise to while the present attests to its
contribution to the moral and social progress of men.
God honoured man by making him with His own hand
and by ordaining that this fact should for ever be a
fundamental reason for honouring man and for upholding
his rights. Thus the concept of human rights, which was
recently blazoned by some as if it were something that they
have just recently discovered, has been part of Islam’s
teachings for centuries upon centuries. Islam made it part
of its charter which guides the believers long before that
concept found its way into modern charters.
It is indeed regrettable that such a religion should
become the target of a malicious onslaught that aims not
only at distorting its image, but also at trying to question
its origins and roots. It is all the more disturbing that
certain major Powers and societies have found it fitting to
participate in this onslaught, without paying heed, it
would seem, to the devastating confrontation between the
West and Islam the onslaught is trying to provoke. We
particularly urge the United Nations not to allow itself to
be dragged into such a campaign.
We were pleased by the constructive approach
adopted by His Holiness Pope John Paul II in his address
to this Assembly and by his call for coexistence amongst
different cultures so that they might complement each
other in building a healthy human society.
In that connection, we also applaud the statement by
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany before this
Assembly and by his rejection of any linking of Islam
with terrorism. We hope that other Western leaders will
follow suit and ensure that policies on the ground should
reflect such a posture. Moreover, the need to avoid
attempts at misrepresenting Islam and provoking
confrontation with it requires that such positive positions
should not be confined to leaders and Governments but
should extend also and become reflected in their societies,
their mass media and their legal, security and
administrative systems.
In conformity with our values and beliefs, which
respect women, the State has promoted the position of
women in Sudan, has granted them their full rights and
has enabled them to reach the highest levels in the
constitutional, legislative, and executive branches of
Government. In today’s Sudan, women constitute
50 per cent of the Government’s working force. The
percentage of females in the universities and institutions
of higher education is more than 60 per cent. Sudan was
a pioneer among the countries of the region in the area of
empowering woman. Women have been appointed not
only to govern provinces, but also to hold leading posts
in a number of the ministries of central Government and
in the provinces.
Our option in Sudan has been that economic and
social development should be founded on our spiritual
values, our historical background and our social traditions.
Self-reliance has been the major underpinning of this
endeavour to achieve development. Although our opting
for this path has been under conditions of an inauspicious
12

world climate, yet we have managed to provide food,
clothing and various basic services for our citizens.
The participation of the Sudanese citizen in the
country’s public affairs underscores the approach we have
opted for, namely the prevalence of the spirit of
consultation — shura — so that our citizens may be able
to participate actively in the decision-making organs within
the federal system. In this context, Sudan has witnessed
public elections for various legislative bodies in more than
20 of its 26 provinces. Upon completion of elections in all
provinces, elections for the members of the National
Assembly will be held, and eventually, the election of a
President of the Republic will take place.
At the moment, Sudan hosts about one million
refugees, and despite its meagre resources, its Government
provides them with material assistance. It is unfortunate that
the international community has discontinued its assistance
to those refugees, thus leaving the country to bear the brunt
of this essentially international responsibility. We call upon
the international community to increase its financial
assistance to the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to meet the essential
needs of refugee projects and programmes in Sudan. Failure
by the international community to do so will be quite unfair
to Sudan, as it would mean that the country is expected to
continue to host such a number of refugees while the
international community fails to discharge its responsibility
towards them.
We come to this session of the General Assembly
motivated by good faith, and determination to play fully our
role in cooperation with the international family of the
United Nations. In so doing, we are inspired by our
commitment to the purposes and principles of the United
Nations Charter and by our desire to put our capabilities at
the service of the common good of mankind and to work
for the realization of our aspirations after a new world
order that would be characterized by liberty, equality and
justice. We hope that the principles set forth in this
statement would point the way towards the attainment of
the noble goals which the United Nations was created to
achieve.


On behalf of my
Government and on my own behalf I wish to congratulate
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral upon his unanimous
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fiftieth session. I am particularly gratified that, for the
first time since the creation of the United Nations, a son
of Portugal — a country with which Mozambique
entertains special ties of friendship and cooperation — is
17

presiding over our deliberations. Mr. Freitas do Amaral’s
election to this important office bears testimony to his
personal qualifications as an enlightened scholar and
statesman, a man who has served his country with
distinction and has contributed in the dissemination and
codification of international law. My delegation, therefore,
has no doubt that he will lead our work to a successful
outcome. I pledge him our full support and cooperation.
I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to put
on record my delegation’s appreciation of the manner in
which Mr. Freitas do Amaral’s predecessor, Mr. Amara
Essy, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, presided
over the deliberations of the General Assembly at its forty-
ninth session. His performance during the last session of
this very important gathering brought additional pride not
only to his country but also to the African continent.
I wish to commend the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
continued commitment to the ideals of international peace
and security. The people and Government of Mozambique
are indebted to him for his dedication to the cause of peace
in my country. He was, indeed, a key contributor to the
successful outcome of the United Nations Operation in
Mozambique (ONUMOZ).
Fifty years have elapsed since the establishment of the
United Nations. There could not be a better opportunity for
a collective assessment of its achievements and of the
difficulties and challenges faced in its daily operations, as
well as of its future prospects on the threshold of the
twenty-first century.
The creation of the United Nations following the end
of the Second World War represents, in our view, the most
significant step forward in modern history, symbolizing a
collective effort aimed at preventing the eruption of another
global conflict and at making our world a much safer place.
The shape of today’s world is therefore a clear
demonstration of the contribution of the United Nations in
its 50 years of existence.
While it is true that we are still faced with numerous
imperfections, uncertainties and challenges, one cannot deny
the fact that significant achievements have been made by
the Organization. Owing to the United Nations, it has been
possible, to a great extent, to prevent global conflicts.
Thanks to the efforts of the United Nations, virtually
all peoples of the world are today free from colonial
domination. From this body, guided by the principle of self-
determination, liberation movements, through the Special
Committee on decolonization, aroused awareness of their
individual fate. Today, the majority of those countries are
here assembled as independent nations, fully exercising
their inalienable right to self-determination. This is why
the quest for peace and sovereign equality among nations
has turned peace-keeping and economic development into
two fundamental challenges before the Organization. All
this progress has been possible owing to respect for and
commitment to the purposes and principles enshrined in
the United Nations Charter.
Ever since its independence, my country has attached
great importance to respect for and adherence to
international law. Mozambique was only nine months old
as an independent nation when, in early 1976, its new
Government decided to abide by Security Council
resolution 253 (1968) of 29 May 1968 regarding the
imposition of sanctions against the minority regime in the
then Southern Rhodesia.
Despite the very high price our people have paid for
their commitment to the purposes and principles of the
Charter, we feel honoured today to have contributed, to
the best of our ability, to the implementation of
international obligations. These facts were duly
recognized in Security Council resolution 386 (1976) of
17 March 1976, which, inter alia, emphasized that the
application of sanctions by my Government, in full
compliance with the decision of the Security Council,
constituted an important contribution to the realization of
United Nations objectives in Southern Rhodesia, in
accordance with the purposes and principles of the
Charter. Indeed, four years later Zimbabwe attained its
independence.
The same applies to the common struggle for the
eradication of apartheid. Mozambique was one of the
countries most adversely affected by apartheid and its
destructive policies in southern Africa. As will be
recalled, within a few years following its independence
Mozambique gained international admiration for its
significant achievements in raising statistical indicators in
key areas of national development — in particular, health
care and education. Our economy was among the most
promising and vibrant in the southern African region.
The situation of impoverishment we are facing today
is a direct consequence of the war which ravaged our
country for so many years. Our present difficult situation
is a direct consequence of the price we paid for our
continued commitment to the struggle against apartheid.
18

Both the war situation and the situation of impoverishment
in my country were created and promoted by the old racist
regimes of former Southern Rhodesia and apartheid South
Africa.
The peace that has prevailed in Mozambique since the
signing of the Rome Agreement three years ago and the
visible improvements in our economic situation underline
clearly that with positive support and encouragement by the
international community Mozambicans can find appropriate
solutions to their differences and problems.
As I speak on this subject, I am reminded of a
statement made by President Chissano in response to the
Speaker of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa,
Mr. Freme Ginwala, during a State visit made to that sister
country in February this year. On that occasion, the Speaker
had apologized in moving terms for the horrible crimes
committed against the people of Mozambique by successive
apartheid Governments in Pretoria in an attempt to
discourage the Government of Mozambique from
supporting the cause of freedom and peace in the southern
African region. In his reply President Chissano stressed that
in so far as he was concerned the people of South Africa
had nothing to apologize for because Mozambicans were
aware of the consequences of their determination to support
the struggle for justice and peace, not only in South Africa
but also in the whole region. The President emphasized that
in reality all the peoples of the region were victims of the
same disease, apartheid, the elimination of which called for
sacrifices.
Today, we all rejoice at seeing a free, united and
non-racial South Africa, poised to fulfil its domestic and
international responsibilities in efforts for regional peace,
stability and cooperation among southern African nations.
With the eradication of apartheid and with our country
surrounded by friendly and peace-loving neighbours, peace
and stability are now a reality in Mozambique. Southern
Africa is now a region of flourishing democracy. Together,
we are fulfilling our collective responsibilities for regional
economic development.
Last January, at the end of the peace-keeping
operation in Mozambique, I came to New York and spoke
to the Security Council about the progress made since the
holding of the first multiparty general elections in my
country. I indicated then that peace was indeed a tangible
reality in Mozambique. Today, I am once again honoured
to reiterate, before this body, my Government’s high
commitment to national reconciliation, so as to ensure that
the peace we have all worked for is there to stay, forever.
Indeed, the advent of peace in my country has paved
the way for Mozambicans to pull together for the
economic development of the country. Accordingly, the
Government that emerged from last year’s general
elections has drawn up a Five-Year Programme, from
1995 to 1999, in which the maintenance and further
strengthening of peace, stability and national unity and
reduction of absolute poverty, with emphasis on
education, health, rural development and job creation, are
our main objectives. Our Programme also aims at
ensuring the resettlement of returnees and displaced
persons and promoting the social integration of
demobilized soldiers.
In addition, we are addressing other pressing issues
before us. To this end I should like to emphasize my
Government’s resolve to continue working towards a
lasting pluralistic democracy in our country. Accordingly,
we deem it essential to ensure the normal functioning of
our Parliament, the Assembly of the Republic. We believe
its normal functioning constitutes one of the key factors
for the consolidation of democracy in our society.
Within this perspective, my Government has recently
established an institution which will be dealing with
electoral issues on a permanent basis. The creation and
consolidation of a new institution which will supervise
our future elections will serve, in our view, as an
important confidence-building measure for society and all
political parties, for it will ensure confidence in future
elections. As a matter of fact, we are preparing to begin
next year the holding of municipal elections, which will
complement the process that was initiated by the general
elections in 1994.
The upgrading of the technical capacity of the
national police is another Government key priority. As
will be recalled, ONUMOZ was unable meaningfully to
address the issue relating to the collection of weapons and
their subsequent destruction. Needless to emphasize, those
weapons represent a great danger not only to our own
stability but also to that of our neighbours.
In this context, and on the basis of existing
agreements between Mozambique and South Africa, joint
operations are currently taking place between police
forces of the two countries. As a result, thousands of
weapons and explosives have already been collected and
destroyed. Moreover, my Government is working harder
19

in order to ensure that our police force is better prepared
and equipped to deal more efficiently with transboundary
crimes, particularly drug-trafficking and money-laundering.
On the other hand, my Government considers it to be
of the utmost importance that the upgrading of police
technical capacity should go hand in hand with similar
progress in the strengthening of the judicial system, in order
to support the work of the police effectively by prosecuting
violators of our domestic laws and regulations. All possible
support for our national efforts in this regard will be greatly
appreciated.
Another area of paramount importance in efforts being
undertaken by my Government is that of de-mining. In this
regard I am happy to tell the Assembly that the National
De-mining Commission has been established. We are
currently engaged in final steps which will lead to the
approval of our national de-mining policy and programme.
Even before the formal approval of such a policy and
programme, national de-mining efforts are already visible
in the field throughout the country. With sufficient
resources I believe we can make greater progress in getting
rid of land-mines nationwide.
I wish at this juncture to thank all countries and
institutions which have contributed to the de-mining
programme in Mozambique, and I look forward to their
continued support in the years ahead.
In this connection I should like to take this opportunity
to voice my Government’s full support for the initiatives
under way to eliminate and ban these horrible weapons
world wide.
In spite of all the difficulties, we see ourselves as a
nation determined to build a better future for our people.
Our economy has grown by over 6 per cent during the first
six months of this year. On the other hand, negotiations
have been concluded recently between the Government and
trade unions in order to find a common platform for the
hardships deriving from the implementation of the
Economic Rehabilitation Programme that has been under
way since 1987. In an attempt to address the increasing cost
of living our people are enduring in this process we have
agreed to raise the minimum wage.
This is why we launch a sincere appeal to our partners
to abide by their commitments to a timely and
unconditional disbursement of pledged funds within the
framework of the Paris Consultative Group. Without
fulfilment of those obligations, plans for a better future in
our country may be in jeopardy, with all the concomitant
negative consequences for the consolidation of the
ongoing democratic process, particularly given the
concerns over the growing drought threat to our region.
We, for our side, are committed to deepening further
our economic and political reforms and to improving the
system of tax collection, transparency and accountability
in the management of public affairs.
A lot has been said about the prospects of the United
Nations. I agree that our future will depend on the
manner in which we address the needed reforms of our
Organization. As my predecessor, the now-Prime Minister
Dr. Pascoal Manuel Mocumbi, emphasized last year in his
address to the Assembly, Mozambique shares a genuine
interest in seeing a more representative Security Council.
As previous speakers have stressed, the legitimacy and
efficiency of that body will greatly depend on its
representativeness. Efforts must therefore be made to
ensure that the needed expansion of the Security Council
not take place merely to accommodate the interests of
those who are already privileged by the Council’s current
composition at the expense of the majority of nations. A
realistic and innovative approach is essential to ensure
that, in keeping with current new realities, the interests of
developing countries are fully respected, both qualitatively
and quantitatively.
The reform exercise must also take into account the
need for every nation to abide by its financial obligations.
In that connection my Government, despite the well-
known economic difficulties, has fully honoured its
commitments regarding assessed contributions to the
United Nations regular budget. We are now taking
measures to ensure that all outstanding contributions to
peace-keeping activities are settled as soon as possible.
We cannot expect a well-functioning and dynamic United
Nations unless we provide it with the needed funds. It is
only through determined, concrete action that we can all
demonstrate our individual seriousness and commitment
to the purposes and principles of the Charter.
The end of the cold war has given rise to mixed
feelings about our efforts to address regional conflicts.
In Angola, the signing of the Lusaka Protocol
between the Government and UNITA, coupled with the
subsequent progress made by the parties to the peace
process, has paved the way for a renewed hope in that
sister country. I believe that Angola is closer to reaching
a political settlement that will ensure the attainment of a
20

lasting peace and tranquillity. My delegation encourages the
Secretary-General to continue his efforts towards the full
deployment of a peace-keeping contingent within the
framework of the United Nations Angola Verification
Mission (UNAVEM III).
The attainment of a lasting peace and tranquillity in
Angola will be the best contribution to the regional stability
and economic development we have long sought in
southern Africa within the framework of the Southern
Africa Development Community (SADC). In this
connection, I am happy to recall that our Heads of State
and Government, meeting last August at Johannesburg,
welcomed the admission of Mauritius as a new member of
our organization. With peace, democracy and growing
partnership among its members, SADC is gradually
becoming a vibrant and viable market ready to cooperate
with other regions in a variety of fields of mutual interest.
Our efforts within SADC go beyond mere economic
integration. In addition to discussions on peace-keeping and
post-conflict peace-building mechanisms, we are also
addressing concrete issues aimed at preventing possible
conflicts between our nations. It is within this perspective
that we view the ongoing discussion on such matters as the
common utilization of international water courses,
transboundary movements of people and goods, and crime
prevention and control.
My delegation looks forward to a political settlement
to the threatening situation in Burundi. It is our hope that
the momentum created by the Secretary-General’s recent
visit to that country, as well as other important initiatives,
will encourage the parties to work for reconciliation in the
interest, not only of Burundi, but also of the Great Lakes
region as a whole.
The need to stabilize the political situation in that
country is strictly linked to the future prospects of the
ongoing political stabilization in neighbouring Rwanda,
where mankind has recently witnessed horrible crimes and
the untold suffering of innocent civilians. No one would
wish to see it repeated ever again.
Given what the Secretary-General in his annual report
describes as the
“combination of ethnic polarization in Burundi and
Rwanda, massive circulation of arms, porous borders
and transborder movements of refugees” (A/50/1,
para. 888),
political settlement in either country, coupled with the
early return of refugees and displaced persons, is vital to
avert a greater tragedy in the Great Lakes region. My
Government therefore urges all the parties concerned to
work towards this noble goal.
With regard to Liberia, my delegation welcomes the
entry into force of the cease-fire on 26 August as a result
of an earlier agreement by the Liberian factional leaders.
Similarly, we view the swearing in of the State Council
on 1 September 1995 as an important contribution to
peace in that country. We believe that with tolerance and
cooperation among the parties, elections in Liberia can
take place within a year as the first step towards a lasting
peace and tranquillity in that country.
The prospects for peace in Liberia open new hopes
for the settlement of the conflict in neighbouring Sierra
Leone. My delegation encourages the parties concerned to
work together in the search for a negotiated settlement
with a view to bringing about a lasting peace and
tranquillity in that country.
In the Middle East, we welcomed last year, the
implementation of the Peace Accords between Israel and
the PLO, which resulted in autonomy for Gaza and
Jericho. Today, we note with satisfaction that further
progress has been made in this peace process, culminating
in the recent signing in Washington of new and promising
agreements between the parties. This is, indeed, a step
forward which we must encourage and support. My
Government looks forward to similar progress in future
negotiations on outstanding issues, including the Golan
Heights, the status of Jerusalem, and other equally
important issues for the final settlement of the deep-
rooted conflict in the Middle East.
The situation in East Timor continues to be a matter
of concern to my Government. In this context, my
delegation takes note of the Secretary-General’s
assessment of the progress made so far in the negotiations
between Portugal and Indonesia with a view to finding a
political settlement to the conflict in that country. It is our
hope that the forthcoming ministerial meeting scheduled
to take place in London in January 1996 will lead to
meaningful results.
Dialogue, not war or use of force, is the best choice
for solving conflicts. It is through dialogue that nations
and peoples of the world can effectively promote the
international peace and security for which we are all
longing in the years ahead. Therefore, dialogue must be
21

further encouraged and supported wherever it is sought, be
it in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, Somalia or
elsewhere around the globe.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century, the quest
for peace and economic development must be viewed
within the context of the principles enunciated by the
Secretary-General in his report entitled “An Agenda for
Development: recommendations”, where he rightly
underlines that development, in its numerous dimensions,
“should be recognized as the foremost and most far-
reaching task of our time.” (A/49/665, para. 4)
During the last few years the developing countries in
general, and the least developed countries in particular, in
spite of the existing hurdles, have made significant
progress in their continued struggle to reverse economic
and social stagnation. Within this framework, they have
undertaken far-reaching political and socio-economic
changes through the implementation of tough structural-
adjustment programmes, the promotion of human rights
and fundamental freedoms and good governance. In
addition to renewed commitments to conflict resolution,
peace-keeping and post-conflict peace-building
mechanisms, the efforts undertaken by developing
countries should be supported and encouraged by the
international community if we are to succeed in our
common endeavours for peace and development in our
respective countries.
As indicated by the President of the General
Assembly in his inaugural address, quoting Pope Paul VI,
“Development is the new name for peace.” (Official
Records of the General Assembly, Fiftieth Session,
Plenary Meetings, 1st meeting, p. 9)
All peoples and nations of the world must be committed
to peace and development and pursue them with
determination in the new international setting if we are to
build a better and safer world for all. This is our
challenge for the next century.


At the outset, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate
His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on his
election to the presidency of this historic fiftieth session of
the General Assembly. His election reflects the esteem in
which Member States hold his country, the friendly country
of Portugal, and the confidence that his diplomatic talents
will make possible the successful culmination of the work
of this important session.
I should also like to express my delegation’s esteem
for his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, for
the competent way in which he conducted the work of the
forty-ninth session.
It is also my pleasure to express Qatar’s full
confidence in and esteem for the Secretary-General, Mr.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali. In fact, he is doing a great deal to
serve this international Organization, and has been
extremely assiduous in implementing its noble principles
and strengthening its role in the maintenance of
international peace and security.
I should like to congratulate the Member States that
have recently joined the Organization. We hope that those
States will be active participants in and will contribute
constructively to the activities of the United Nations and to
the defence of its principles.
This fiftieth session is being held at a historic and
complex turning point in history, where extreme complexity
characterizes the concepts relating to international relations.
These concepts, because of their diversity and the erratic
course they follow, create a number of serious difficulties
and obstacles that face the emergence of the desired
international order. All this has taken concrete form in the
resurgence of inter-ethnic and inter-racial extremist conflicts
that threaten the very foundations of international society,
which should continue to be based on tolerance and the
principles and values of the United Nations. Hence the need
to redouble our efforts to put an end to such conflicts and
to contain their consequences and the threats they pose to
the international community. While expressing our
appreciation for the efforts that have been made by this
Organization to cope with the deplorable events that have
taken place in Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi and Bosnia and
Herzegovina, we are mindful of the difficulties that
obstruct such efforts and make it difficult for the
Organization to find the desired solutions to those
problems.

On top of all this, it is patently clear that the
Security Council, which has adopted pertinent resolutions
to solve these problems, has come face to face with
obstacles that hampered the achievement of the desired
solutions. The continued presence of such obstacles has
affected the credibility and standing of the United
Nations. In the post-cold-war period, the United Nations
has been put to the test in the areas of peace-keeping and
the maintenance of international peace and security.
Hence the urgent need during this fiftieth anniversary to
make every effort to fundamentally reform the United
Nations to enhance its effectiveness and its standing. I
think we all aspire to the goal of reforming the United
Nations, and my country attaches particular importance to
it; it would strengthen the effectiveness of the
international Organization and enhance its image.
We know that the obstacles facing the Security
Council have been the reason behind the demand for
reforming that principal organ with the Charter
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace
and security. A high priority is given to this reform of the
Security Council which tops the list of the desired
reforms of the United Nations. As for the State of Qatar,
it attaches particular importance to efforts to reform the
Council and to increase its membership proportionately
with the increased membership of the United Nations
itself. We must also bear in mind the need to increase the
number of permanent seats to ensure balanced
representation. The great challenge the international
community faces as it strives to reform the Security
Council is to achieve a balanced membership and to
ensure that the changes will make for increased
effectiveness. We should also speed up reform of the
working methods and procedures of the Security Council.
We must review the right of veto and rein in its use as
that right has frequently been used against the interests of
the international community and in favour of individual
States.
Proceeding from its conviction that international
peace can be achieved only through disarmament and
restraining the arms race, particularly with respect to
18

weapons of mass destruction and that halting the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is one of the
most important foundations of international peace and
security, the State of Qatar welcomed the Convention on
the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling
and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction,
and supported the extension of the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), even if it
considers that the indefinite extension of the Treaty will
never achieve the desired result unless all States accede to
it. We therefore hope that all the States which have not yet
acceded to the Treaty will do so.
Qatar continues to believe that Israel should accede to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
and should place its nuclear installations under the
safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) as a prelude to the implementation of the
General Assembly’s resolution establishing a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in the Middle East. This would contribute
to equitable, balanced peace and stability in that vital region
of the world.
Since His Highness Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Al-
Thani became Emir, he has stressed Qatar’s adherence to
its regional and international obligations, and has
emphasized that Qatar will act through international and
regional organizations in strengthening international peace
and security. By joining our brethren in the Gulf
Cooperation Council, we have set a course towards the
achievement of the noble goals that reflect the aspirations
of the peoples of the Gulf after peace, stability, cooperation
and prosperity.
The security of the Gulf is one of the major concerns
of its peoples. Our region has witnessed two major wars,
during which our peoples have made great sacrifices that
have taken the shape of financial burdens which we
continue to shoulder at a time when we move towards
development and modernization. We are determined to
overcome the negative effects of those two wars and to
spare the region any further conflict. Moreover, Qatar is
making efforts to establish good relations with all States of
the region on the basis of good-neighbourliness, mutual
respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others,
respect for international legality, and the settlement of
problems by peaceful means through dialogue, mediation or
recourse to the International Court of Justice.
Proceeding from this, we support resolution of the
dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic
Republic of Iran with respect to the three islands by
peaceful means.
With regard to Iraq, our position remains unchanged:
Iraq’s unity and territorial integrity must be preserved.
Iraq must implement all Security Council resolutions.
Iraq’s recognition of the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the State of Kuwait, and of its international
boundaries, in accordance with Security Council
resolution 833 (1993) is a very important step in the right
direction towards full implementation of all Security
Council resolutions, a fact that should speed up the
mitigation of the suffering of the brotherly Iraqi people
who continue to face an acute shortage of essential goods,
especially foods and medicine.
Inspired by the guidelines established by His
Highness Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Al Thani, Qatar has
been participating, to the best of its financial and human
abilities, in addressing the major issues of the Gulf region
and of our Arab and Islamic nation. Qatar, therefore, fully
supports the activities of the Gulf Cooperation Council,
which are in the interest of the well-being of all our
peoples. It is our hope that security and stability will soon
reign in our region, for this is an integral part of the
security and stability of the Middle East at large. To that
end, Qatar is continuing its good offices and its efforts to
improve the situation in the Arab world and to
consolidate Arab solidarity, which will make it possible
for the nation to pursue its special role in the history of
civilization.
It is on the basis of these principles that we have
welcomed the Middle East peace process. We hope that
it will prove successful and that it will at long last bring
a just and lasting peace to the region and lead to Israel’s
complete withdrawal from all the occupied Arab and
Palestinian territories, including the Golan Heights,
southern Lebanon and, particularly, Al-Quds Al-Sharif.
This will make it possible for the Palestinian people to
regain its right to establish a State of its own, on its own
soil, with Al-Quds as its capital.
Qatar welcomes the expanded autonomy of the
Palestinians under the agreement signed last Thursday at
Washington between the Palestinians and the Israelis. We
hope this agreement will open the doors that lead to peace
and stability in the region and will prove to be an
important step towards full implementation of the
Declaration of Principles signed by the two parties in
September 1993.
19

By the same token, Qatar wishes to voice its deep
concern at the fact that talks between Syria and Israel are
lagging behind. We hope for substantial progress on that
track so that the Israeli occupation of the Syrian Arab
Golan may come to an end. We hope also that there will be
progress on the Lebanese-Israeli track, so that southern
Lebanon may be freed from the Israeli presence under
which it has been the victim of much aggression and
oppression.
It is our hope that a just and lasting peace will be
established on the basis of the Madrid formula and the
relevant Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338
(1973) and 425 (1978) and on the basis of the land-for-
peace formula. We therefore call on the General Assembly
to reaffirm all prior resolutions on the question of Palestine
and the situation in the Middle East, so that the goal of a
just, comprehensive peace can be achieved.
My Government follows with great concern
developments in Afghanistan, Somalia and Chechnya. We
appeal for the intensification of international efforts to bring
peace, justice and stability to those areas.
We also reaffirm — as we have frequently done, both
officially and in public statements — our solidarity with the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are concerned over
the continuing bloodshed, four years after the outbreak of
the war. Together with many other States, we have
deplored the savage practices of ethnic cleansing pursued
by the Serbian forces under the eyes of the entire world.
Those practices are totally against the most elementary
rules and norms of humanitarian law and the Charter of the
United Nations.
We welcome the military action undertaken by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in cooperation
with the forces of the United Nations, to put an end to
Serbian aggression. We hope that those measures of
deterrence will make it possible for peace to be achieved at
long last and that the international community will take a
very firm and resolute stand, both through the United
Nations and through the major Powers that are actively
involved, to guarantee the safety of the people of Bosnia
and Herzegovina. By the same token, we hope that the
weapons embargo will be lifted, in order for these people
to defend themselves, to preserve the independence of their
country and to ensure the triumph of the principles of the
Charter. The Serbian barbarity they have endured has
engulfed even the safe areas.
Qatar also supports the stance of the Contact Group
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which
deems the embargo on weapons to be illegal and supports
the fraternal Muslim people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We are now at a critical stage in the conflict in the
former Yugoslavia. The international community must, of
necessity, act to restore a just peace in the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and to ensure that that country
may enjoy stability, sovereignty, independence and
territorial integrity and get down to the business of
economic and social development. We hope that the
Serbian war criminals will be duly tried and that this will
be a lesson to all such criminals.
Qatar is profoundly convinced that peace and
development follow the same path, that development is as
necessary for the international community as is peace. It
is possible to ensure continuous development only if there
is peace, and vice-versa. Since sustainable and long-term
development is one of the cornerstones of genuine peace,
it is a high priority for the United Nations and the
international community to focus on development,
particularly in the developing countries.
A commitment to development in all its aspects is,
indeed, the very bedrock of the international economic
order — the new order that we all look forward to and
hope that it will be based essentially on interdependence.
The international community has already started to move
in that direction, through the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade and the establishment of the World
Trade Organization. This will help to strengthen the
multilateral trade system, which is based on the
liberalization and expansion of international trade.
As confirmation of this, His Highness the Emir of
the State of Qatar has extolled the merit, from Qatar’s
point of view, of particular political groups, saying that,
despite the fact that ours is a small country, we are trying
to react favourably to the new international situation in
order to find our proper place in it. We are also taking
action to strengthen the ways and means available to us,
for the achievement of that goal.
Our economic objectives are the following: to
exploit our own natural wealth; to export our products on
the best possible terms; to strengthen our industrial base
by consolidating and developing our current industries
and by creating new ones on the basis of our natural
resources, particularly petroleum and gas; to strengthen
and encourage investment in all areas, making it possible
for private capital to be involved in economic
20

development; and to emphasize infrastructure projects, as
these are the main requirements for socio-economic
development.
All this highlights the reason why we attach such
importance to economic and social development as a
mainstay of international peace and security. That is why
development has become a common goal for the
international community. Having taken shape in a number
of international conferences, it should be adopted by all the
nations of the world. We attach particular importance to the
results of the conferences that have been held in recent
years in the context of the importance accorded by the
international community to this common goal, namely, the
United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, in Rio de Janeiro; the International
Conference on Population and Development, in Cairo; the
World Summit for Social Development, in Copenhagen;
and the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in
Beijing, to emphasize the role of women in development
with due consideration of the cultural differences between
peoples and the various noble ideals of the Islamic faith.
It is our hope that the matters that were debated will
not be used as a pretext for interference in the internal
affairs of other States or as justification for discriminatory
treatment and the imposition of conditions on the provision
of economic assistance or development aid.
I should like to refer in this context to the tendency to
impose, unilaterally or collectively, a carbon tax, for the
purpose, it is alleged, of protecting the environment. The
truth of the matter is that the tax is a purely economic
measure, which will impact negatively on the economies of
the petroleum-exporting countries, particularly the Gulf
States.
The threats that face mankind at present and will
continue to do so in the future are not all political or
military. Such threats as the deterioration of the
environment on a global scale, poverty, underdevelopment,
drugs, epidemics of fatal diseases, terrorism and violations
of human rights which are becoming more and more
serious day by day, are not of a military or political nature.
Regardless, they need to be addressed urgently and global
solutions have to be found for them if they are not to
become untreatable and threaten all humanity.
In just a few days we shall be celebrating the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations. This is an extremely
important occasion, reflecting as it does a genuine desire on
the part of the peoples of the world to preserve the United
Nations as a strong and active Organization whose
purpose is to achieve noble goals and safeguard the future
of mankind. As we celebrate the anniversary, at the
threshold of the twenty-first century, it is our hope that
we shall build a new United Nations that will lead us in
the direction of a new world of genuine peace, security,
under an effective international order that would
guarantee the well-being of all people and preserve the
dignity of man, a world where the strong will not
dominate the weak or the rich exploit the poor; a world
where tolerance and well-being would not be far-fetched
dreams.
If we mobilize the full potential of mankind we shall
be able, under the guidance of the United Nations and its
agencies, to usher in such a brave new world.