 It is with great pleasure that I speak from the rostrum of the United Nations
today representing Madagascar, for which it is a particular honour to be able to
contribute to the reflections and deliberations in this highly significant setting.
 As we all know, the United Nations is the ideal forum for exchanging our
respective experiences and to maintain our solidarity.
 In such circumstances, allow me first of all to express my heartfelt thanks to
Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for the excellent way in which he led the sixty-third
session of our General Assembly, which allowed us to make progress on various
current issues that are necessary and useful for the fulfilment of humanity as a
whole.
 Allow me, furthermore, to present my warm congratulations on the election of
Ali Treki as President of the sixty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am
certain that this august Assembly will adopt pertinent resolutions and decisions
under his clear-sighted leadership.
 I also wish to salute you, Mr. Secretary-General, for your exceptional and
visible ability to react in response to all the crises troubling the world. I can only
wish you the greatest success in accomplishing your missions.
 This year’s theme, “global response to global crises and development through
strengthening multilateralism and dialogue of civilizations” perfectly reflects the
desire of us all to find a common solution to our common problems.
 Our cultural, religious or other differences should in no way constitute a factor
in lack of understanding among us, the peoples of this world.
 On the contrary, they should provide even greater impetus to guide us towards
durable peace and security.
 Indeed, our differences lie in the way in which each of us approaches realities,
being and events. The resulting points of view are partial, and thus necessarily
complement each other.
 I join with African leaders in affirming that Africa deserves its place in the
community of nations. I also share the view that the common value of democracy
we all proclaim would be meaningless if geographical representation were not
applied within this Organization. It is a matter of the very legitimacy of the United
Nations.
 As the world’s second most populous continent, Africa should not be excluded
from initiatives that concern it.
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09-53756 4

 We support the demand of the President of the African Union and several
member States to grant it the right to a permanent seat on the United Nations
Security Council with all the associated prerogatives.
 We are here to mark the way for future generations and to make concrete our
desire to promote dialogue among cultures and civilizations. Let us hold fast to the
principles we unanimously adopted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are
endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit
of brotherhood.”
 Allow me to salute all the efforts undertaken to date, at all levels of our
international community, for this cause that is dear to us. Nevertheless, much
remains to be done, for we are still far from achieving our objectives.
 Understanding, rejection of discrimination, and tolerance, religious or
otherwise, without which a durable peace will remain a utopian ideal, must be the
watchwords in guiding our actions.
 They must be our reference points in each decision we take, whether in the
political, economic, social or cultural fields.
 In that regard, allow me briefly to examine the case of my country,
Madagascar, whose situation, it appears to me, embodies a model of society where
“we”, the youth, must take on an increasingly important role in all decision-making
processes.
 Sixty-five per cent of the population of Madagascar is under 25 years of age,
which is roughly the proportion of youth throughout the world, especially in
developing countries.
 The world is in the process of searching for a reference point to survive the
major challenges it is facing, in particular the economic and financial crisis, climate
change, food insecurity and growing poverty.
 In Madagascar, these problems, combined with failed governance over the past
two decades, inevitably resulted in an acute political and social crisis.
 The Malagasy experience speaks to us all, for the youth of Madagascar have
taken responsibility.
 Being among the youngest Heads of State present at this General Assembly, if
not the youngest, I formally call on all the youth of the world to take action against
the new challenges facing humanity.
 “Let us act in order not to suffer, and change for a better, sustainable world!”
 I also appeal to our elders to have confidence in the youth of today and of
tomorrow. And I thank the Secretary-General for the relevance of his initiative at his
climate change conference, when he involved youth in this struggle for the survival
of humanity.
 We are speaking out to the whole world because:
 We have waited too long for our opportunity to choose;
 We have waited too long to attack injustice, the poverty of our countrymen,
abuse and drift;
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5 09-53756

 We have waited too long to find real solutions to poor governance which has
mired much of humanity in poverty.
 To suffering, anguish and despair, we must have one response:
 We want to change,
 We must change,
 We will change.
 This is not the first time in 49 years of independence that the Malagasy people
have manifested their will for change.
 The peaceful movement of the Malagasy people led to the establishment of a
Transitional Authority validated by the High Constitutional Court of the Republic of
Madagascar.
 Unfortunately, some technical and financial partners are threatening sanctions
of various types.
 We can only regret such threats, which will serve only to increase the suffering
of the Malagasy people, for Madagascar still depends on international assistance,
and in the end its beneficiaries are the people and not Governments.
 Therefore, from this rostrum, we solemnly appeal to the international
community, to all donors, to review their reading of the situation and to continue
their assistance to the Malagasy people in order to prevent further deterioration in
their standard of living.
 The principal mission of the transition regime, which is consensual and
inclusive, is to draft a new Constitution for the advent of the Fourth Republic in line
with the expectations of the Malagasy people. The major principles of this new
Constitution will be laid down during a national conference to be organized and
conducted by civil society.
 We would like to state our commitment to the holding of free, fair, transparent
and regular elections as early as possible, on the basis of a new electoral code under
the supervision of the Independent Electoral Commission and monitored by
international observers.
 We greatly hope that the United Nations will accompany us through this
electoral process. We request your assistance and support.
 Looking towards the International Year for the Rapprochement of Cultures in
2010, the Malagasy people call for international cooperation in favour of all
initiatives aimed at promoting a culture of peace and dialogue among all cultures,
civilizations and religions. This choice is eminently meaningful as the current crises
remind us that all countries of the world are called on to cooperate, especially
because of interdependence related to globalization, and that a spirit of dialogue
must prevail.
 Dialogue assumes equality and mutual respect. Thus, all points of view and
proposed solutions deserve to be considered for their worth in order to address the
complex crises which are currently raging across our planet. In other words,
effective multilateralism through international organizations is at stake, and
ideological eclecticism as well as methodological realism must be brought to bear.
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09-53756 6

 Dialogue also requires a spirit of burden-sharing. From this viewpoint, since
crises have universal impact, recovery should benefit all and associated strategies
must be impartial.
 As long as some peoples and actors of the world are underestimated and even
excluded, effectiveness will miss the mark.
 The promises made at the international conferences on the economic, financial,
food and climate crises must be kept. Among them, I would like to cite the promise
to allocate 0.7 per cent of the economic recovery plans adopted in rich countries to
respond to the immediate needs of peoples suffering from hunger and malnutrition
and to guarantee food security for all.
 Madagascar is grateful for the support of the international community in its
efforts for peace and development, and reaffirms its determination to contribute to
our collective reflections in order to solve shared problems.
 May the dialogue of civilizations prosper all the nations through a gentler,
more humane globalization!


Allow
me first to express the pleasure of the Algerian
delegation in seeing an illustrious son of a
neighbouring and brother country presiding over our
work. I would like to assure you of Algeria’s sincere
and active support in the fulfilment of your mandate. I
would also like to pay heartfelt homage to your
predecessor, Father d’Escoto, for the skill he has
demonstrated, his moral probity and his full
commitment to multilateralism, based on the principles
and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
 I would also like to express our gratitude to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his wise and
enlightened conduct of the work of the Organization
and the initiatives he consistently deploys to reinforce
the role of the United Nations and affirm its moral
authority.
 This year, once again, the global economic crisis
is at the heart of the general debate of the session. The
world has had time to measure the scope and gravity of
this crisis. It is not yet time to take stock, since we
know now that this is neither a short-term economic
crisis nor the bursting of a bubble such as the capitalist
system has seen in the past. The world has realized that
the crisis is that of a system governed by the rules of
globalization, just as it has had to face the fact that any
serious and lasting solution to this crisis will come
about through courageous and concerted decisions.
Such decisions must be aimed at promoting global
economic governance based on standards of
responsibility, equity, solidarity and progress:
governance that will be aimed at putting an end to
financial and commercial practices that are opaque,
iniquitous and unfair, and imposed on the rest of the
world in the name of free trade and its dubious
efficiency.
 The lack of coherence and harmony in the
approach to the crisis is apparent from, inter alia, the
unfair treatment meted out to developing countries.
Why should the nations of the southern hemisphere be
forced to bear the burden of a crisis they are not
responsible for? Multilateral institutions, also
undermined by contradictions and a lack of coherence,
are unable to overcome impasses in negotiations on
vital questions that have a direct impact on our
populations.
 This is the case, for instance, with the
negotiations on a treaty to replace the Kyoto Protocol
on climate change. Here is an area where displaying a
spirit of compromise and solidarity is clearly in the
interest of every country. And yet the positions of
developed countries continue to be motivated by
narrow national interests while the very survival of
mankind is at stake.
 It is also the case with the fundamental aims of
non-proliferation and disarmament, which remain
hostage to political double standards, discriminatory
practices and non-compliance with commitments made,
particularly on the part of certain nuclear Powers.

41 09-52179

These practices have not spared the multilateral
negotiation frameworks, which nonetheless enjoy
legitimacy and the expertise necessary to realize
progress on the path to reinforcing the goals of
disarmament and non-proliferation. It is also the case
in the fight against impunity and violations of human
rights and international humanitarian law, which raises
the issue of exploitation of these noble causes for
political ends.
 The question of human rights is addressed with a
selective approach, which casts suspicion even on
initiatives based on a sincere desire to ensure respect
for human dignity. This, too, is the case with
international cooperation in the struggle against
terrorism. The Algerian delegation believes that the
importance of the juridical weapon would be enhanced
by the adoption of the long-awaited global convention.
It is also convinced that constant adaptation of
approach is necessary in responding to this major
threat.
 The African Union has undertaken not to pay
ransom to those who take hostages, and we support its
appeal to the United Nations to make this a universal
policy as rapidly as possible, given the threat that this
phenomenon poses to the security of our peoples and
the stability of our countries.
 We hope that this Organization will be able to
realize substantial achievements in the area of reform,
whether in revitalizing the General Assembly,
reshaping the Security Council or strengthening the
role of the Economic and Social Council. Obviously, a
revitalized General Assembly, with a strengthened
mandate, will be better able to reach consensus on the
reform of the Security Council — a Security Council
that would reflect the legitimate aspirations of
developing countries, and those of Africa in particular,
with equitable representation, along with the quest for
new working methods more in line with the demands
of our times.
 Algeria’s commitment to a policy of good
neighbourliness is demonstrated in particular through
the numerous initiatives and sincere efforts we have
deployed in partnership with our neighbours. We are
firmly convinced that preservation of peace, promotion
of development and respect for people’s rights are a
prerequisite for building a peaceful, united and
prosperous Arab Maghreb that is stable and fully
integrated.
 Everyone knows the importance we attach to the
right of peoples to self-determination and the effort
that we have put into arriving at a just and lasting
solution to the conflict in Western Sahara. The United
Nations can always count on Algeria’s complete and
sincere support in every initiative aimed at settling this
dispute in accordance with the responsibilities that the
Organization has taken upon itself and in line with the
Charter of the United Nations.
 We are fully committed to the cause of the
Palestinian people, and believe that current
developments pose a grave threat to peace and security
throughout the Middle East. The region will never
regain peace and stability without a just and lasting
settlement of the Palestinian problem, which lies at the
core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is now obvious to
all that a satisfactory solution is impossible unless
credible and substantial pressure is applied to the
Israeli occupying forces with a view to compelling
them to put an end to their policies of provocation and
aggression against the Palestinian people, to keep their
promises and to respond favourably to all Arab peace
initiatives.
 Algeria participates actively in the efforts of the
African countries to put an end to any conflict that
hampers their development and to achieve the political
and economic integration of the entire continent.
 Establishment of the African Union has created a
respected and credible partner whose collaboration
with the United Nations has made possible visible
progress, especially through the significant reduction
of hotspots of tension on our continent.
 I will end by reiterating our wish that the conduct
of our international affairs will be enhanced by the
effective and sincere commitment of the international
community to the task of renewing and reinforcing the
multilateral system.


On behalf of the delegation of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, I would like
to congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-fourth session. At the same time, I wish to
express my hope that his skilful stewardship will lead
the current session to success.
 The sixty-fourth session of the General Assembly
will mark an end to the first decade of a new century,
which humankind has ushered in with a great deal of
anticipation and aspiration. One of the major tasks
facing the Assembly this year is to conduct an impartial
review of this first decade and set the correct path
ahead.
 Humankind has yet to realize its long-cherished
desire to thrive in a peaceful and equitable world free
from war, while its hopes are confronted with a host of
serious challenges one after the other. The Afghan war
is in escalation and the Iraq war is still undecided. The
cold wind of a nuclear arms race is blowing, even
before negotiations on nuclear disarmament have been
opened. Avian influenza is not completely subdued, yet
a new strain of H1N1 flu is sweeping the world. The
world is undergoing a much greater degree of global
warming this year than last, and we are witnessing
more stagnant economies and many more people out of
work everywhere.
 The United Nations Security Council has become
more arrogant, resulting in further inequality and
double standards in international relations. We need to
direct serious attention to this prevailing reality when
we review the first decade of the new century.
 The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea,
under the leadership of the great General Kim Jong Il,
has now entered a phase of State-building. A great,
prosperous and powerful nation is a country in which
national power is strong and everything thrives and
whose people live happily, with nothing to envy in the
world. To build such a country was the lifelong wish of
the great leader of our people President Kim Il Sung,
and it is the firm intention and wish of the Government
and people of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea that such a thriving nation will be a reality by
2012, the centenary of Kim Il Sung’s birth.
 The main task facing us over the next three years
is to concentrate all our efforts on building an
economic power, which is the last height we need to
scale in building a great, prosperous and powerful
nation. The Korean peninsula remains as ever in a state
of armistice. But now that we possess a dependable

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nuclear deterrent, we may be able to prevent war and
defend peace. For more than half a century our country
was compelled to produce guns rather than butter, as
we suffered under nuclear threats and the danger of
war posed by hostile forces. But today we have settled
down to channel our efforts into building a great,
prosperous and powerful nation. To all intents and
purposes, this is completely the result of the Songun-
based politics instituted by the great General Kim Jong
Il. And, when our country becomes an economic
power, that will create new impetus to the economic
development of the region. Our efforts to build up the
economy will constitute a significant part of the
international community’s efforts to attain the United
Nations Millennium Development Goals.
 We have never opposed the denuclearization of
the Korean peninsula and the rest of the world.
Denuclearization was the wish of President Kim Il
Sung, and a nuclear-free world is a long-cherished
desire of mankind.
 The Korean people are more devoted to the
sovereignty and peace of their country than any other
people or nation in the world, as a result of the
characteristics of their country’s historical
development. The Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea has done its utmost to bring about the peaceful
reunification of the country, to eliminate nuclear
threats and grounds for war and to secure peace and
stability on the Korean peninsula. We initiated the
denuclearization of North-East Asia and of the Korean
peninsula and put forward the proposals for the
Armistice Agreement to be replaced by a peace
agreement and for the adoption of a non-aggression
pact between the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea and the United States.
 However, our efforts have not received an
appropriate response from the United States. The
United States considers the Korean issue only in the
light of its Asia strategy and does not want to see the
entire Korean peninsula denuclearized. That has
resulted in a greater nuclear threat facing the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The
arbitrariness of the United States can be seen in the
claim that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
is not allowed to launch even a peaceful satellite. The
Security Council is being manipulated by that
arbitrariness.
 We have concluded that, as long as the United
States does not change its existing nuclear policy, we
have no option but to rely on our nuclear capability in
order to ensure the nuclear balance in the region and
preserve peace and stability in North-East Asia. The
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula depends on
whether or not the United States changes its nuclear
policy towards Korea. In order to realize the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, the United
States Administration must discard its long-standing
policy of confrontation and put into practice the change
that it has recently talked about on several occasions.
 We are not engaged in a nuclear arms race. The
purpose of our nuclear weapon is to deter war. We will
only possess a nuclear deterrent so as to avert a
military attack or the threat of such an attack against
our country. Deterrence will be directly proportional to
the threat on the Korean peninsula, as in Europe and
elsewhere. As long as it possesses nuclear weapons, the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will act
responsibly with regard to their management, use and
non-proliferation, and to nuclear disarmament. We
share the position of all peaceful countries, including
the non-aligned countries, in opposing nuclear war, the
nuclear arms race and the proliferation of nuclear
weapons.
 United Nations sanctions have now been imposed
on us on the grounds that we had a nuclear deterrent. It
may be recalled that the United Nations was set up in
the country that produced the first nuclear weapon and
that all five permanent members of the Security
Council are nuclear Powers. If those countries had
demonstrated their commitment to nuclear
disarmament a long time ago and had refrained from
arbitrarily and selectively opposing the peaceful
satellite launch of another country, the nuclear situation
in the world might have developed differently.
 The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
attaches importance to the principle of sovereign
equality enshrined in the United Nations Charter. The
principle of sovereign equality is also the reason why
we became a Member of the United Nations. Unjust
and selective sanctions will never be recognized or
accepted. The position of the Government of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is to respond
to dialogue with dialogue and to sanctions by
strengthening nuclear deterrence. If the United States
brings sanctions to the talks, we will, for our part,

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participate in such talks by bolstering our nuclear
deterrence.
 Thanks to the far-sighted bold decision of the
great General Kim Jong Il, North-South relations on
the Korean peninsula have entered a new phase. Just
over a year ago, the North and the South had to adapt
to changes owing to the differences in the positions of
the two parties towards the historic joint declaration of
15 June and the declaration of 4 October, which were
recognized and supported by the General Assembly.
 However, our sincere and noble efforts paved the
way for a turning point so as to reach a common
understanding of those grand programmes for
reunification. Inter-Korean economic cooperation,
including the operation of the Kaesong industrial
complex, is back on track and separated families can be
reunited. In the future, the Government of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will also
continue to make all possible efforts to achieve
national reconciliation and unity and to bring forward
the independent and peaceful reunification of the
country under the banner of “by our nation itself”.
 All Member States have accepted the need for
United Nations reform, as the new century requires.
Currently, the Security Council is the most
anachronistic organ of the United Nations. An
imbalance in relations, by which the strong nations
have ruled the weaker ones for the past half century,
remains part of the structure of the Security Council,
and it is precisely in the rules of procedure of that
Council that democracy is least developed. Today, the
General Assembly is the only place in the United
Nations where the views of the international
community can be properly reflected and democracy
ensured.
 In order to strengthen the role of the United
Nations in line with the requirement of the times and
the new situation, it is important to thoroughly
democratize the Security Council and to substantially
increase the authority of the General Assembly. In
restructuring the Security Council, we should first
consider the issues that can be resolved, such as the
expansion of non-permanent members of the Security
Council on the principle of ensuring the full
representation of non-aligned and other developing
countries, which make up the majority of the United
Nations Member States.
 In enhancing the authority of the General
Assembly, we need to discuss the issue of submitting
decisions of the Security Council to the General
Assembly for approval, in particular all decisions
relating to the principle of sovereign equality laid
down in the United Nations Charter. The United
Nations is required to have the proper criteria and
principles in order to examine human rights issues. The
United Nations Charter recognizes the rights of
national self-determination and choice and the
principle of non-interference in internal affairs, and all
international human rights instruments contain the
basic principle of the non-politicization of human
rights.
 However, these days some debates in the United
Nations contradict that. Any attempt to bring into
question the systems of specific countries and to
interfere in their internal affairs under the guise of the
protection of human rights is, in itself, a violation of
human rights, denying the right of the people of those
countries to choose their own system. The United
Nations should pay attention to the fact that its human
rights agenda covers only the situations found in small
countries, with no mention of large ones, the West and
European countries. Due attention should also be given
to how to boost the role of the non-aligned and other
developing countries in the international arena.
 International efforts to attain the Millennium
Development Goals and to address the central issues of
the United Nations, such as the global economic crisis
and climate change, urgently call for the active
participation of a wide range of developing countries,
including the Non-Aligned Movement.
 The foreign policy of the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea has been, is and will be based on the
principles of independence, peace and friendship. The
Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea will actively strive to further strengthen and
develop friendly and cooperative relations with all
United Nations Member States under those principles,
and to fully discharge its commitment towards
defending the peace and security of the Korean
peninsula and the rest of the world.


I
take great pleasure in congratulating Mr. Ali
Abdussalam Treki on his assumption of the presidency
of the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session.
Sri Lanka extends its fullest cooperation to him so that
we can effectively conclude the work before us.
 Significant developments have taken place in
Sri Lanka since my President, Mahinda Rajapaksa,
addressed the sixty-third session of the General
Assembly last year (see A/63/PV.7). This year I take
the floor with renewed hope and optimism for my
country.
 In May 2009, Sri Lanka was successful in
defeating the scourge of brutal terrorism after almost
three decades of conflict inflicted on us by the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), one of the
most ruthless terrorist organizations known to the
international community. Our recent anti-terrorist
operations cost us only $2.8 billion in all, compared
with other anti-terrorist operations elsewhere which are
costing much more than that.
 In an age when the international community has
collectively acknowledged that terrorism threatens the
very foundations of global and national security, our
success in defeating terrorism will benefit, not only the
people of Sri Lanka, but all our peace-loving partners
in the international community.
 Today, we have entered a forward-looking, post-
conflict phase, recognizing at the same time the urgent
need to deal with the scars and unresolved challenges
of the past. In our unique victory in defeating
terrorism, we are grateful for the assistance,
encouragement and cooperation extended to us by
friendly countries and we seek similar understanding in
making a steady and stable transition from ending
conflict to ensuring lasting peace and security.
 We have shared our hopes and concerns with the
United Nations. At the end of the conflict and at the
invitation of my President, Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa,
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon was the first high-
level dignitary to visit Sri Lanka.
 With the defeat of the terrorists in May this year,
approximately 290,000 civilians in the Vanni region
were liberated from their decades-long subjugation.
One of our highest priorities thereafter has been to
meet the immediate humanitarian needs of these
displaced civilians and to ensure their long-term, safe,
voluntary and dignified return to their homes.
 At present, the welfare of our people in
temporary transit sites must keep up with standards
that meet our own high expectations as well as
accepted international norms. This task has been
facilitated by the assistance we receive from United
Nations agencies, international and local civil society
partners and donors. More than 54 agencies are
actively engaged with us in these welfare villages. In
addition to providing food and transitional shelter, the
welfare villages are equipped with facilities, such as
schools, banks, post offices, and health-care centres, to
meet the needs of the displaced civilians. In fact,
children whose education had been denied them by the
terrorists are now for the first time learning to read and
write at these sites.
 The Government reiterates its firm resolve to
resettle the internally displaced persons expeditiously,
in cooperation with our international partners. In that
regard, we have learned valuable lessons from our own
past experiences. In both the post-tsunami context and
the successful resettlement programmes in the east of
the country completed in the past two years, we
realized that the pace of resettlement must not be
forced, if it is to be truly safe and sustainable in the
long term. For example, against all established
humanitarian norms, the terrorist insurgents had
indiscriminately scattered landmines and other
explosives in every area of civilian habitation in the
North. The time-consuming and meticulous process of

09-52592 12

demining is now under way. From another perspective,
the stability and security that we have restored at great
human cost cannot, and must not, be compromised,
particularly when a large number of self-confessed
ex-terrorist cadres continue to mix with internally
displaced persons.
 In the aftermath of conflict, peace cannot last
without reconciliation. We have put in place a broad
and comprehensive foundation for long-term peace and
security encompassing reconstruction, development,
political empowerment and reconciliation. Sri Lanka is
committed to complying with its international
obligations in the field of human rights and
humanitarian standards, and will undertake further
domestic measures aimed at reconciliation in the light
of lessons learned. In less than three months since the
conflict in August, we have made significant progress.
For the first time in more than a decade, local-
government elections were held in the north
completely free of any violence and intimidation. In
every area where the terrorists had suppressed all
dissent in the past, democracy will be restored and
electoral processes will be re-established, encouraging
a local leadership to emerge.
 We must enable those scarred by the conflict to
lead productive lives and resume their roles as
neighbours and productive citizens. Children were
forced into combat by the terrorists’ abhorrent practice
of using them as fighting cadres. President Mahinda
Rajapaksa has personally launched a national campaign
entitled “Bring Back the Child”, and an extensive
rehabilitation programme is under way to provide new
beginnings for former child combatants. In cooperation
with United Nations agencies and donors, we have put
in place a national framework for the reintegration of
ex-combatants.
 With the end of conflict, and for the first time in
many decades, Sri Lanka is poised to harness the full
human, political and economic potential of the country
for the betterment of our people. Donors, international
organizations and financial institutions have expressed
their confidence in our reconstruction and development
plans by making important contributions. After a lapse
of many years, the Eastern province has already begun
to contribute to the national economy under the Eastern
Re-awakening Programme. The Waddakin Wasantham
Programme was initiated by President Rajapaksa this
year to establish a strong and modern economy in the
Northern province. Civilian lives are being normalized
with the restoration of former livelihoods, such as
farming and fisheries. Already people and produce
from the north and east of the country are being
transported via previously inaccessible road and rail
networks, facilitating people-to-people contact and
integrating the economy of the north with that of the
rest of the country. Police stations, courts, schools and
infrastructure are being re-established.
 The end of conflict provides us with a historic
opportunity to address the grievances and aspirations
of all communities in expediting a long-term political
solution. Under the All-Party Representative
Committee process, the Government looks forward
with a high degree of confidence to obtaining a
consensus among all sections of the political spectrum
on the proposals envisaged in this regard. The solution
that evolves through this process, which we will offer
to all communities, must be a home-grown product.
Complementary to the long-term political solution
envisaged through the All-Party Representative
Committee process, an All-Party Committee of
Development and Reconciliation has been initiated by
President Rajapaksa. That forum reflects the
Government’s commitment to a pluralistic and
inclusive approach to addressing post-conflict
challenges.
 The theme of this year’s debate is “Effective
responses to global crises — strengthening
multilateralism and dialogue among civilizations for
international peace, security and development”. The
multilateral architecture of the United Nations was
created 64 years ago to provide a collective response to
global issues in order to achieve peace, security and
development. As a result of a multitude of factors,
including the accelerated globalization of recent
decades, the challenges we are confronted with today
are complex and intertwined, and require a holistic,
concerted and collective approach.
 An individual State alone cannot meet these
challenges. Thus multilateralism must be strengthened
to meet contemporary global crises such as terrorism,
the global financial crisis, the adverse consequences of
climate change, food and energy security as well as the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals.
We need to take necessary measures to ensure that the
impact of globalization is fair, inclusive and
sustainable. Multilateralism is not about the United
Nations agenda responding only to the demands of a
minority of powerful States, but also about defending

13 09-52592

the interests of the powerless majority. And it is
imperative that the principle reflected in Article 2,
paragraph 7, of the Charter — that the Organization
should not interfere in the internal affairs of States —
be respected. The Charter must be our guiding norm,
for it is the Charter that keeps us together.
Non-interference in the internal affairs of States must
be respected at all times.
 In our own region, the South Asian Association
for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which Sri Lanka
chairs at present, has lent its voice to several issues of
global importance affecting our region. Among these,
terrorism, the impact of the global economic crisis and
climate change, as well as food security, are of prime
concern to the one fifth of humanity who live in
SAARC nations. We in the SAARC region will
continue to work in every international forum,
including the United Nations, to find regional as well
as global solutions that can deal with these issues in an
equitable manner.
 A global problem such as terrorism, with its
transnational linkages, requires an effective and
compelling global response. As our experience in Sri
Lanka has shown, the transnational character of
criminal activities of terrorist groups such as the LTTE
required that counter-terrorism operations meticulously
carried out on the battlefield be supported by concerted
and well-coordinated measures of international
cooperation directed against the multifaceted criminal
networks of the terrorist organizations.
Mrs. Aitimova (Kazakhstan), Vice-President, took
the Chair.
 We are aware that much of the financial
sustenance for the destruction caused in Sri Lanka by
the LTTE came from sources overseas, particularly
deep-rooted networks in developed countries. The
so-called overseas representatives of the LTTE and
their front organizations procured funds and arms
through a complex range of criminal activities: terrorist
financing, money-laundering, arms procurement, illicit
trade and other organized criminal activities, such as
drug trafficking and human trafficking, all of which are
interrelated.
 The remnants of the fast-diminishing LTTE
networks overseas continue those efforts to date.
Although we have been successful in defeating
terrorism in Sri Lanka, we continue to urge our friends
and partners in the international community to be
vigilant and to continue taking action against illegal
acts of the LTTE on their soil.
 We are well aware that some of the front
organizations exploit noble humanitarian sentiments,
and masquerade in the guise of humanitarian
non-governmental organizations or even infiltrate
them. We thank our partners in the international
community that have taken action to expose those
organizations.
 The threat posed to maritime security through the
transportation of large consignments of sophisticated
equipment and lethal cargo to provide logistical
support to terrorist groups requires our urgent
attention. In recent years, Sri Lanka has experienced
the most unprecedented and dangerous forms of
maritime terrorism. Our navy has successfully
confronted and interdicted the movement of virtual
floating warehouses of arms and ammunition, which
posed a grave threat to the security and stability of our
nation and our region.
 At the global level, this phenomenon calls for a
revision of existing laws pertaining to boarding and
searching vessels on the high seas. We need a
comprehensive legal framework to address all aspects
of the safety and security of maritime navigation, going
beyond the current concerns about weapons of mass
destruction. That would make a distinct contribution to
securing global peace and security.
 The comprehensive range of terrorist activities
and their disastrous impact on the security and stability
of States should awaken all States to consider, very
seriously and as a matter of urgency, the importance of
forging a global consensus on a comprehensive
normative framework for international cooperation and
solidarity in combating terrorism, within the
parameters of international law.
 In this context, I wish to emphasize the urgent
need to finalize the ongoing negotiations on the draft
comprehensive convention on terrorism. The time has
come to reach finality on the outstanding issues and,
through the exertion of the necessary political will, to
adopt the Convention without further delay.
 Sri Lanka, as Chairman of the United Nations Ad
Hoc Committee on International Terrorism, remains
committed to doing its utmost to reach consensus on
the draft comprehensive convention, and looks forward

09-52592 14

to the fullest support of all Member States in this
important task.
 Today we face the greatest challenge to the world
economy in modern times. The global financial and
economic crisis, which had its roots in the developed
countries, will have a long-term impact on human lives
in developing countries. Through the pursuit of prudent
policies, Sri Lanka has been able to minimize the
impact of the crisis on the domestic financial system
and maintain an overall positive rate of growth in the
midst of the crisis.
 Recovery from the crisis should go well beyond
restoring the stability of the economies of the
developed countries, and must address the deeper
development crisis which ensued in developing
countries. The plan of action adopted at the United
Nations Conference on the World Financial and
Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development
urgently needs to be implemented with the support of
the international financial institutions and advanced
economies. The global financial and economic crisis
also highlights the need for transparent multilateral
regulatory structures at the helm of the world economy.
 The Millennium Declaration set 2015 as the
target date for achieving the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), and we are already nearing the target
date. Long before the MDGs were articulated globally,
Sri Lanka was well on track to reach the related targets
in several areas.
 Development as it is understood today, and as
embodied in the internationally agreed development
goals and MDGs, encompasses objectives related to
human well-being, including freedom, empowerment,
distribution patterns and environmental sustainability.
This broad dimension is aligned with Sri Lanka’s
pluralistic democratic traditions. Sri Lanka was early
among developing countries to understand the
importance of investing in human resources, of gender
equality and of social development. We are determined
to make further progress. We welcome the high-level
meeting to be convened by the Secretary-General next
year.
 As a developing island State, Sri Lanka is highly
vulnerable to the adverse impact of climate change
caused by unsustainable production and consumption
patterns of industrialized countries. The carbon debt
owed to us by the developed countries must be used to
finance the financial and technological assistance that
we need in order to adapt our industries to a
sustainable path. As the people of a developing
country, our population naturally aspires to achieve
progress and higher living standards. We hope that we
can reach an agreed outcome at the Copenhagen
Conference, in accordance with the principle of
common, but differentiated, responsibilities.
 Reform of the United Nations and the Security
Council must be a high priority. My delegation
believes that the objectives of the reform process
should be to strengthen multilateralism and to promote
greater democracy, transparency, effectiveness and
accountability within a more democratic United
Nations system. And, in tandem, we need to take
measures to pursue the four pillars that are
fundamental to our future, as enunciated by President
Obama.
 My delegation believes that the United Nations —
particularly the Assembly — has primary responsibility,
as set out in the Charter, for the maintenance of
international peace and security. In this context, the
numerous unresolved conflicts around the world
continue to be a matter of concern.
 We are disappointed that little progress has been
made in the implementation of General Assembly
resolutions regarding the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people to statehood and the realization of
the two-State solution, whereby Israel and Palestine
could live side-by-side in peace and harmony. A just
and lasting peace in the Middle East, including through
practical recognition of the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people, has been strongly advocated by
President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In this regard, we are
encouraged by the words spoken by President Obama
in his address to the Assembly.
 Mr. Treki is presiding over the work of the
Assembly at a critical time. As Member States, we
must mobilize the political will to shed our differences
and work in a spirit of cooperation to respond
effectively and swiftly to the challenges that confront
us. I reiterate my delegation’s confidence in President
Treki’s leadership in this endeavour.


Sixty-four
years since the foundation of the United Nations we
recall the self-evident fact that the United Nations was
created to prevent atrocities such as those that occurred
during the Second World War, from 1939 to 1945. It
was called into being in order to avoid a repetition of
the failure of the League of Nations, the first
worldwide organization, which tried to carry out its
duties between the two world wars.
 The United Nations over 64 years has undergone
various twists and turns. There have been better and
worse years, years when here in this Hall there were
clashes between the forces of two camps, the so-called
socialist camp and the free world. There were times
when here in this Hall scores of new countries of
Africa, Oceania and Asia emerged. There was also the
time, 20 years ago, when, after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, there appeared many other new
countries, and when others such as mine, Poland,
gained real, not only formal, independence.
 At that time the whole world believed that we had
found a way to solve all problems, especially economic
problems, using market economy rules, which meant a
free economy and free movement of capital in all areas.
We have to state clearly that, as we have heard here
many times, in recent years this faith has been

43 09-52228

undermined, and therefore I have to devote my address
to the problem of the crisis to some extent.
 This crisis is a new problem. Participating in a
General Assembly session for the first time, I can state
that all the earlier problems, such as conflicts, of which
there are many, the more recent problem of climate
change, and the problem of poverty, are not new. To
them we should add the problem of health: AIDS,
epidemics and so on.
 However, the problem of the current crisis
appeared in the last year. Before coming to it, I should
like to refer to what the President of Ukraine said.
There are many causes of conflict in the world, one
being the violation of faith in territorial integrity.
Because many new countries have emerged over the
past dozens of years, it is clear that there will be
differences of opinion over this or that territory. If
force is used to resolve such differences, as it was last
year against Georgia, this may give rise to fundamental
problems. It could be the source of local wars, but it
could also be the source of great conflicts, even
conflicts on a world scale. On behalf of my country, I
warn against this.
 I return to the problem of the current crisis. I
represent a country that continues to develop. We are
the only country in the European Union that will this
year record — albeit small — economic growth. This
is due to some factors that are specific to my country,
so I do not wish to dwell at length on the subject.
However, it is clear that one reason for the crisis is that
we place too much faith in markets and banking
systems that become more and more complicated.
Sooner or later that must lead to the outcomes that we
all see.
 What preventive measures can be taken? They are
known, but it is difficult to implement them. I believe
that the United Nations has a great opportunity here. It
is not that there will be management of the global
economy. Such attempts are doomed to failure and will
lead to another crisis. But it is not true that we do not
need new rules, new regulations, to deal with issues
that have also been discussed today, including
supervision and oversight over the banking sector.
Perhaps that oversight should not be global in nature,
but it must include countries where banks are under no
control, because that is the source of an economic
pathology, which often facilitates large-scale criminal
activity, such as drug-trafficking.
 Another problem that has been mentioned here is
that of so-called tax havens. Mention can also be made
of cheap flags of convenience for shipping. We
understand that all those who use them do so to
improve the situation in their countries; we realize that
from the point of view of various countries, especially
those that are not rich, there is a reason. I am not here
to criticize them. But it is in our common interest to
put an end to such practices. There is no other
organization in the world that can do this but the
United Nations, through the creation of international
norms.
 President Lula of Brazil spoke about certain very
important problems, including those relating to
financial agencies affiliated to the United Nations. In
that regard, I refer to the problem of greater flexibility
in programmes launched by the International Monetary
Fund or the World Bank.
 There is another issue: better use of certain
organizations affiliated to the United Nations. Here I
draw attention first to the International Labour
Organization (ILO), which has been in existence for 80
years. It embraces almost all countries of the world and
has about 2,500 employees. Should it not to a greater
extent be a place for the formulation of programmes
providing an alternative to liberal development? It
seems that a reformed ILO could successfully perform
that function. It requires a common effort, but it is
feasible.
 I am not talking about additional funds and
financial means. I am talking about formulating
alternative programmes that take the interests of
workers into account to a greater extent than so far, and
also a balance between different social groups, not only
in the rich countries, but also in the poorer countries.
 Today’s address by the President of the United
States pointed to the fact that a country that, whatever
one thinks about it, is the most powerful in the world
today, is now approaching the problems of the United
Nations differently. This creates a certain possibility
for the Organization, our Organization. This is an
opportunity that can be taken if the United Nations
peacekeeping operations become more effective. We
should appreciate the operations that have been carried
out so far, but we need certain organizational changes
to make the activity more effective. What I am saying
does not exclude the tasks taken up by, for instance,

09-52228 44

NATO. But the United Nations should play the leading
role.
 There is also the problem of United Nations
reform, especially reform of the Security Council. I do
not wish to dwell on the subject now, but we are all
aware that it is a very important issue, in that there is a
basic difference between what was established 64 years
ago and what we have now.
  In the past the United Nations has placed a great
deal of emphasis on climate change and climate issues.
Much has been said about the subject, and I do not
want to repeat it. However, I strongly emphasize that
this is a very important issue, requiring great
sensitivity. If richer countries want to become strongly
involved in climate protection, they must realize that
the weaker States should be assisted, because this very
just cause cannot be dealt with in such a way as to
make development easier for some and harder for
others. We should always bear that in mind in thinking
about the solidarity of all nations and about the
objectives given to the United Nations 64 years ago.
 Last, but not least, I turn to an issue that has not
been discussed at great length, except in regard to
piracy: international terrorism. Today it is an important
problem. The situation in some countries, such as
Afghanistan and Pakistan, is very significant proof of
that. Terrorism has its sources, not all of which are
related to external ideologies. There are also some
objective premises, and we understand this. We also
understand that the United Nations can play a greater
role than it has played so far.
 Poland is a member of NATO, and is very much
involved in operations. But we understand that under
international law the only 100 per cent legitimacy for
such operations derives from the United Nations. This
is very important now and also for the future, because
we must realize that the problems of conflict, crisis and
terrorism cannot be solved within a few years.
 Many times today we heard that the United
Nations is entering a new stage. We believe that this
will be a phase of its greatness, because we have
learned from the past that this great world experiment,
which has many times passed the test on a global scale,
will continue to do so in the near future.


Allow me to warmly congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam
Treki on his well-deserved election to preside over the
General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. I assure
him of the full cooperation of the Philippines as he
discharges the duties of his high office.
 We are gathered here today, in this parliament of
nations, to find meaningful solutions to the conflicts
and crises facing our world today. Although there are
signs of global recovery, now is neither the time for
complacency nor for a return to business as usual. Our
drive to enhance global development has clearly
slowed, while the challenges to peace remain starkly
before us.
 Through globalization, we have witnessed
unprecedented material progress and record poverty
alleviation. Yet the poorest 40 per cent of the world’s
population still live on less than $2 per day. Nor have
we resolved the climate change and food crises that
oppress hundreds of millions of human beings.
 A large part of global development has been the
result of labour, including that of migrant workers.
However, despite their contributions to the global
economy, many migrants remain exposed to
exploitation and abuse. Moreover, the peace dividend
expected from the end of the cold war never

09-52470 58

materialized, while we continue to confront nuclear
proliferation and violent conflict. The shortage of aid
resources and instability in trade and investment are
generating a global development emergency. Many
nations will not attain the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). Development gains are being tragically
lost.
 Our march of progress must not stall — not on
our watch and not while we have the will, the vision
and the means to build a better world inspired by a
shared commitment to justice, fairness,
non-discrimination, progress and peace. We should do
so by focusing on the five great challenges of our time.
 The first challenge pertains to promoting nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. The second
involves managing the global crisis to encourage
equitable recovery, fairer globalization and faster
poverty alleviation. The third entails protecting and
promoting the rights of migrants, who continue to
contribute to global development and the well-being of
our societies. The fourth has to do with the taking of
urgent measures to effectively address the adverse
effects of climate change without further delay. And
the fifth has to do with reducing the number of
conflicts and expanding mutual understanding and
respect through greater interfaith and
inter-civilizational dialogue.
(spoke in English)
 Nuclear weapons and their technology are a
threat to international peace and security, and the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is our central
mechanism to contain, and eventually eliminate, that
threat. The May 2010 NPT Review Conference, over
which the Philippines will preside, will be the next
opportunity for all of us to act on that matter in a
concerted manner. We can be encouraged by certain
recent developments on that front.
 A constructive atmosphere prevailed during the
meetings of the Preparatory Committee for the Review
Conference. President Obama has announced that he
will lead the United States to ratify the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which is another key
pillar of the global disarmament and NPT system. In
addition, the United States and Russia are making
headway, under the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty,
to reduce their deployed nuclear warheads and delivery
systems beyond the Treaty’s upcoming expiry in
December. In addition, the South-East Asia Nuclear-
Weapon-Free-Zone and other regional nuclear-weapon-
free zones are continuing to reinforce the NPT system.
Those positive developments inspire the Philippines in
steering the Review Conference to conduct
negotiations and consultations in an open and
transparent manner. In that spirit, we reiterate our call
for the few remaining countries that have not yet done
so to accede both to the CTBT and the NPT, in order to
give greater hope for lasting peace and security for our
world.
 The global financial and economic crisis is
placing intolerable strain on the poorest of the poor and
undermining years of efforts to attain internationally
agreed development goals, including the MDGs, and to
combat ill-health and hunger. The crisis has been
accompanied by increases in unemployment, with
concomitant declining incomes and demand. The
International Labour Organization estimates that
unemployment could rise by 50 million by the end of
2009, thereby bringing the global unemployment rate
to more than 7 per cent.
 The Philippines and many other nations are
implementing stimulus packages, accelerated
employment-generation programmes and enhanced
social safety nets. In the Philippines we have
strengthened our banking sector and fiscal position
through tough reforms that have blunted the full force
of the global crisis. The Philippines is one of the few
economies that continues to have positive growth in its
gross domestic product. However, we cannot ignore the
impact of the global crisis elsewhere in our
interdependent world. The Philippines therefore joins
other nations in the General Assembly in calling for a
united effort in the United Nations to act for the
common good of all our peoples.
 The United Nations Conference on the World
Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on
Development, which was held in this very Hall last
June, presented Member States with lines of action that
we must take now to stimulate the global economy,
improve regulation and monitoring and reform
processes and institutions to prevent any recurrence of
the crisis.
 We view the Global Jobs Pact put forward by the
International Labour Organization, which was endorsed
by the Economic and Social Council this past July, as
another important step towards recovering from the
crisis. We reiterate our call on all countries to resist

59 09-52470

protectionism in order to expand trade and investment
flows. We also call on developed nations to maintain
their commitments with regard to official development
assistance. Furthermore, the voice of the developing
world must now be fully heard in reforming
international financial and development institutions so
that we can forge a more equitable and stable global
economic system to avoid future crises.
 Global migrants are among the groups most
adversely affected by the crisis. The international
community therefore has a shared responsibility to
ensure their protection, taking into full account the
special vulnerabilities of the gender and family
dimensions of the issue. The second Global Forum on
Migration and Development, which the Philippines was
privileged to chair in Manila, reinforced that important
message by focusing on the human face of migration
and on the human rights and empowerment of
migrants. We urge all nations to accede to the
International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their
Families, and to avoid unfair restrictions on, and unfair
treatment of, migrants.
 We must carry the momentum of the Summit on
Climate Change, held here in New York, forward into
the negotiations under the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change on the road to
Copenhagen this December. The world expects nothing
less from us. The Philippines therefore calls on the
developed countries concerned to present their firm
post-Kyoto greenhouse gas emission targets, taking
into account the ideal levels suggested by the scientific
community. They must also assist developing countries
to mitigate and adapt to worsening climate change by
fulfilling their Framework Convention obligations to
provide technological and financial support. As a
coordinator of the G-77 in the talks, the Philippines
will continue to work with all parties to help to ensure
a positive outcome in Copenhagen.
 The Philippines is doing its part to advance that
vital global agenda. We recently enacted a landmark
law to promote the development and use of renewable
energy resources, especially biofuels. Earlier this
month, the Philippines also hosted the International
Conference on Green Industry in Asia. The Manila
Declaration on Green Industry in Asia and the
Framework of Action adopted at the Conference
promote the integration of sustainable development
into industrial development processes for the transition
to resource-efficient and low-carbon industries. We
hope that elements of the Manila Declaration will
provide input for Copenhagen as well.
 The international community must also focus on
the urgent need to reduce tension and conflict fuelled
by perceived differences between religions, faiths and
civilizations. If left unattended, such conflict can
fester, causing greater tension and untold human
suffering and violence, which extremists can exploit.
The urgency of the matter has prompted the Philippines
and many partner nations and organizations to promote
greater interfaith dialogue, both within the United
Nations system as well as at regional and national
levels. By building bridges of understanding, that
global advocacy enhances peace and development.
 Every year, the Philippines has submitted to the
United Nations a draft resolution calling for
interreligious and intercultural dialogue, understanding
and cooperation for peace. The General Assembly has
always adopted it unanimously. Also at the United
Nations, we initiated the holding of the Ministerial
Meeting on Interfaith Dialogue and Cooperation for
Peace, which includes countries from every region of
the world. In 2006, we also launched the global
Tripartite Forum on Interfaith Cooperation for Peace,
which is headquartered in New York and made up of 54
Governments, 15 United Nations agencies and 110
religious non-governmental organizations represented
at the United Nations. To reinforce that effort, the
Philippines will host the first special Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) ministerial meeting on interfaith
dialogue and cooperation for peace and development in
Manila this December. We are pleased to invite all
United Nations Members and other interested nations
to that important seminal meeting.
(spoke in Spanish)
 The spirit of multilateralism and prudent realism
also requires that we support United Nations
peacekeeping efforts. In crises and emergencies around
the world, we must do more collectively to alleviate
suffering and to help nations and communities to
achieve self-sustaining peace. The Philippines will
continue to be active in United Nations peacekeeping.
Indeed, the Philippines has become one of the largest
contributors of individual police officers to United
Nations peacekeeping operations. More than 600 of our
peacekeepers are serving with distinction around the
world. Next month, we will send a battalion in support

09-52470 60

of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force,
in the Golan Heights.
 We stand on the cusp of history. It is in our hands,
here at the United Nations, to shape the changes and
trends necessary to bequeath to succeeding generations
a lasting legacy of a world of greater justice,
compassion and well-being. The Philippines is deeply
honoured to assist and cooperate with all nations in the
task of building a future where peace and prosperity
reign unceasingly for the benefit of all humankind.


I stand here to
reaffirm the Charter of the United Nations, not to tear
it up. I call on every nation to support its universal
principles.
 A year ago, we met on the brink of a global crisis
and, as national leaders spoke in turn at this rostrum,
the full scale of the danger was becoming clear — a
threat not just to jobs, businesses and life savings but,
with the imminent risk of failure of the world’s
banking system, the prospect of entire countries failing
as nations across Eastern Europe, Asia and Latin
America struggled to access credit.
 That crisis demanded global action. As never
before, the fate of every country rested on the actions
of all. And as the fear of the unthinkable took hold, we
reached a clear choice: to fail separately or to succeed
together.
 At the G-20 meetings in Washington and again in
London, we made our choice. Governments came
together to begin the fight back against the global
recession. We acted in concert, recognizing that
national interests could be protected only by serving
the common interest, and that in this new global
economy, the economy is indivisible and recession
anywhere can threaten prosperity everywhere. We
reckoned also that, if growth is to be sustained, it has
to be shared. Global problems can be mastered only
through global solutions.
 So I think that today we can draw strength from
the unprecedented unity that has defined the past year.
But we cannot be complacent. For while it may seem
strange to say so after a time of such intense global
cooperation, our world is now entering a six-month
period which may prove even more testing for
international cooperation together.
 I believe that we face five urgent challenges that
demand momentous decisions — decisions that I
would argue are epoch-making — on climate change,
terrorism, nuclear proliferation, shared prosperity and
eradicating poverty.
 Once again, we are at a point of no return. And
just as the collapse of the banks focused our minds a
year ago, so we must grasp this next set of challenges
immediately.
 If we do not reach a climate change deal at
Copenhagen, if we miss this great opportunity to agree
together to protect our planet, we cannot hope for an
easy second chance some time in the future. There will
be no retrospective global agreement to undo the

09-52179 52

damage that we have caused. This is the moment now
to limit and reverse the climate change we are
inflicting on future generations — not later, not at
another conference, not in a later decade, after we have
already lost 10 years to inaction and delay.
 And if, in Afghanistan, we give way to the
insurgency and Al-Qaida , other terrorist groups and
Al-Qaida will return and, from that sanctuary once
again plot, train for and launch attacks on the rest of
the world.
 There can be no chance, either, of a nuclear-free
world if we allow Iran to develop nuclear weapons and,
in doing so, set off a new arms race.
 There can be no global compact for jobs and
growth if we choke off recovery by failing to act
together to follow through on the coordinated global
fiscal expansion we agreed and have now put in place.
 And if we do not act together to prevent
avoidable illness, there can be no plan to save
tomorrow the 12,000 children who are dying in Africa
today and every day.
 So I say we do need world agreement on urgent
challenges.
 Now let me elaborate first on climate change.
Despite the promises we have made, the road to a
successful outcome in Copenhagen is not assured. Why
is that? It is so because, above all, a robust and long-
term deal on climate change requires money. If the
poorest and most vulnerable are going to be able to
adapt; if the emerging economies are going to embark
on low-carbon development paths; and if the forest
nations are going to slow and stop deforestation, then I
know that the richer countries must contribute
financially.
 That is why I have proposed a new approach to
financing our action against climate change. It will
provide substantially increased additional and
predictable flows. They will be flows of capital from
both public and private sectors. They would be worth
around $100  billion a year by 2020. In the coming
days, we must make progress.
 A post-2012 agreement on climate change at
Copenhagen is the next great test of our global
cooperation. Each of us has a duty of leadership to
make sure that it happens. We must build on the
discussions at Secretary-General Ban’s meeting this
week. I have said that I will go to Copenhagen to
conclude the deal because I believe that it is too
important an agreement — for the global economy, and
for the future of every nation represented here —
simply to leave it to chance. So I urge my fellow
leaders to commit themselves to backing up our official
negotiators by going to Copenhagen too.
 I believe that a safer Afghanistan means a safer
world. But none of us can be safe if we walk away
from that country or from our common mission and
resolve. NATO and its partners, from Australia to Japan
to other countries, must agree new ways to implement
our strategy. I believe that we must ensure that
“Afghanization” takes place — that the army, people
and the people of Afghanistan assume greater
responsibility for the security of their own country.
 So, too, must we unite against terror and injustice
wherever they are to be found in our world. I believe
that it shames us all that the people of Somalia and the
Sudan are still subject to the most terrible of violence;
that Israel and Palestine have still not found a way to
live side by side in security and peace; and that, for the
people of Burma, their elected leader is subjected to a
show trial and decades of imprisonment. There is more
that we can do and more that we must do. And we must
carry forward our efforts to make a coherent, strategic
and more effective approach to peacekeeping and
peacebuilding around the world.
 Once there were five nuclear-armed Powers. Now
there are nine. The real and present danger is that more
will soon follow. And the risk is not just State
aggression, but the acquisition of nuclear weapons by
terrorists. So we must accept that we are at a moment
of danger when decades of preventing proliferation
could be overturned by a damaging rise in
proliferation. If we are serious about the ambition of a
nuclear-free world, we will need statesmanship, not
brinksmanship.
 Tomorrow’s Security Council resolution will be
vital, in my view, as we move forward towards next
year’s global nuclear security summit in April and the
Review Conference in May. Our proposal is a grand
global bargain between nuclear-weapon and
non-nuclear-weapon States. There are three elements to
it, where careful and sober international leadership is
essential and in which Britain will play its part: the
responsibilities of non-nuclear States, the rights of

53 09-52179

non-nuclear States and, of course, the responsibilities
of nuclear weapon States.
 First, let there be no ambiguity: Iran and North
Korea must now know that the world will be even
tougher on proliferation. We are ready to consider
further sanctions. Britain will insist in future that the
onus on non-nuclear States is that in the years ahead it
is for them to prove that they are not developing
nuclear weapons.
 Secondly, Britain will offer civil nuclear power to
non-nuclear States who are ready to renounce any
plans for nuclear weapons, helping non-nuclear States
acquire what President Eisenhower so memorably
called “atoms for peace”. With others, we will be
prepared to sponsor a uranium bank outside those
countries to help them access civil nuclear power. And
Britain is ready to launch a new nuclear centre of
excellence to help develop an economic low-carbon
proliferation-resistant nuclear fuel cycle.
 My third point is that all nuclear-weapon States
must reciprocally play their part in reducing nuclear
weapons as part of an agreement by non-nuclear States
to renounce them. This is exactly what the
Non-Proliferation Treaty intended, and in line with
maintaining our nuclear deterrent I have asked our
National Security Committee to report to me on the
potential future reduction of our nuclear weapon
submarines from four to three.
 While economic cooperation has stabilized the
international banking system and forged the foundation
for the resumption of economic growth, recovery is
neither entrenched nor irreversible. The great lesson of
the past year is that only the bold and global action that
we took prevented a recession becoming a depression.
We have delivered a coordinated monetary and fiscal
response that the International Labour Organization
estimates has saved 7 million to 11 million jobs across
the world.
 So at Pittsburgh, when the Group of 20 (G-20)
meets tomorrow, we must cement a global compact for
jobs and growth — a compact to bring unemployment
down and bring rising prosperity across the globe. We
must maximize the impact of the stimulus measures we
have agreed. There must be proper planning of exit
strategies together to make sure the recovery does not
falter. We do not and must not turn off the life support
for our economy prematurely. We must also facilitate
agreement setting clear objectives on how each of us
can contribute to worldwide growth in the future, and
we must ensure that such future growth is balanced and
sustainable.
 I believe we need stronger economic cooperation
now as we navigate the uncertainties of recovery. I
therefore propose we launch the compact by agreeing
that we are committed to high levels of growth on a
sustainable and balanced basis. This must be backed up
by comprehensive reform of the financial sector. It
must include international principles on bonuses. We
must strengthen our targeting of tax havens. From next
month, real sanctions must be meted out against those
jurisdictions that fail to meet global standards.
 The voice of Africa will have to be heard and
heeded to bring recovery in areas devastated by the
events of the past year and to assure that for all
developing countries, inside and outside Africa, we do
not put the Millennium Development Goals beyond
reach as a result of a wider failure of global
responsibility.
 In London, the G-20 agreed on measures worth
$50 billion for poor countries to help them weather the
crisis. Because of London, the International Monetary
Fund can lend $8 billion instead of $2 billion over this
year and next. This is already helping Kenya and
Tanzania to increase Government spending in response
to the crisis.
 Amid all these challenges, we must remember a
fundamental promise we made 10 years ago. And this
is my fifth and final imperative: to achieve a vision for
2015 that we are in danger of betraying, because on
present trends it will not take five years — as we
pledged — and not even 50 years; it will take more
than 100 years to deliver on some of our Millennium
Development Goals. And 100 years is too long for the
peoples of our countries to wait for the justice that has
been promised.
 As President Obama has said, we need a global
plan to make the Millennium Development Goals a
reality. The unyielding, grinding, soul-destroying, so
often lethal poverty I saw in Africa and other
developing countries has convinced me that unless
empowerment through trade justice is matched by
empowerment through free education and free health
care, then this generation in sub-Saharan Africa will
not have the opportunity they deserve to rise out of
poverty and will never be fully free.

09-52179 54

 I believe the greatest of injustice demands the
boldest of actions. Today at this United Nations
General Assembly, we will see history being made with
the beginnings of universal free health care in Africa
and Asia as Burundi, Sierra Leone, Malawi, Nepal,
Liberia and Ghana all make major announcements,
which I applaud, that extend free health care and
abolish user fees. As a result of those actions, more
than 10 million additional people in Africa and Asia
will now have access to free health services —
10 million people who will now for the first time get
the treatment they need without being turned away or
fearing how they will pay. I urge you all to match the
leadership of these countries with your own support,
and I commit the United Kingdom to giving that
support.
 Let us remember how in 1945, as the United
Nations was being created, countries faced a
multiplicity of challenges but summoned up the energy
and vision not just to rebuild from the ruin and rubble
of a war, but to establish a new international order for
shared security and progress. I believe that these same
principles must now inspire new and better, more
representative and more effective ways of cooperating
globally together.
 And as we learn from the experience of turning
common purpose into common action in this our
shared global society, so we must forge a progressive
multilateralism for this era, one that depends upon us
finding within ourselves and together the qualities of
moral courage and leadership that for our time and for
our generation can make this world anew. I believe that
if we take the right decisions and work together, we are
in the business of creating for the first time in human
history a truly global society. It is a name to be wished
for and an aim to be fought for by all of us.


The
sixty-fourth session of the General Assembly is being
held at a time when the international community, faced
with numerous crises, is seeking ways to build a world
of shared peace and development. However, although
the political and economic consequences of the current
financial crisis affect the whole world, they are and
will continue to be more severe for African countries,
given their fragility and the limited diversity of their
economies.
 Is it fair that those who have not caused this
tremendous international upheaval should pay the
highest price? It certainly is not. That is why, in the
face of the deep recession besetting the entire planet, it
is important to bolster partnerships for development in
order to correct the dysfunctions of the currently
failing global economic system. I welcome the incisive
conclusions of the high-level Conference on the
financial and economic crisis, which could lead to the
establishment of a more virtuous world government
assuring sustainable development for all States.
 In order to relaunch growth, achieve full
employment and restore confidence, it is essential that

09-52463 14

we adopt strict rules to regulate and manage the
international financial system. At the same time, it will
be necessary to increase aid to developing countries in
order to help achieve the Millennium Development
Goals.
 On 1 September 2009, Burkina Faso experienced
floods that caused extensive loss of life and material
damage. I reiterate my deepest thanks to the friends
and partners who have supported us in dealing with the
consequences of this natural disaster. The growing
frequency of such events all over the world is due to
the effects of climate change. We must therefore take
action to address the pressing need to come up with
appropriate solutions. In this regard, I welcome the
marked convergence of views and the mobilization of
the international community in connection with the
issue of climate change.
 The fifteenth United Nations Conference on
Climate Change, to be held from 7 to 18 December in
Copenhagen, will offer countries a prime opportunity
to take bold decisions to protect our generation and our
planet from the effects of global warming. It is to that
end that Burkina Faso will host, from 9 to 11 October
in Ouagadougou, the Seventh World Forum of
Sustainable Development in the context of climate
change. This event will allow Africa, a continent ill-
equipped to resist and adapt to the consequences of
climate change, to amplify its contribution to the
global debate on this issue.
 The recurring conflicts affecting the world are a
genuine threat to peace and international security, as
well as a serious obstacle to the economic and social
progress of nations. Burkina Faso wishes to express its
deep concern over the current situation in Darfur and
southern Sudan, and reiterates its commitment to
working with the Sudanese people in their quest for
peace. In that connection, Burkina Faso will dispatch a
military battalion to join the African Union-United
Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur, as well as a
formed police unit to assist in peacekeeping operations.
The support of the international community for the
efforts of the Joint African Union-United Nations
Mediator to create conditions for productive dialogue
and forge a lasting peace agreement between the
principal parties is essential.
 The equally tragic situation in Somalia calls for
genuine support for the Transitional Federal
Government so that it can definitively restore security
throughout the country and in Somali territorial waters.
Burkina Faso is also following political developments
in Guinea and Madagascar with particular interest. I
urge the various political actors in those two countries
to engage in constructive dialogue with all stakeholders
to ensure a rapid return to the constitutional order.
 I congratulate the African Union and the
subregional organizations for the efforts they have
made to find satisfactory solutions to numerous
hotspots of tension on the continent. The holding of
presidential elections in Guinea-Bissau is an example
of success on the part of the international community.
In particular, I encourage the Peacebuilding
Commission to support the Government of Guinea-
Bissau in the reconstruction of the country.
 In Côte d’Ivoire and Togo, the political actors’
commitment to ensuring the effective implementation
of the accords to end the crises in those countries
affords real reason to hope for the organization of
regular and transparent presidential elections in future.
I welcome the Security Council’s unflagging readiness
to work with Côte d’Ivoire on implementing the
Ouagadougou Political Agreement, and I encourage it
to continue to pursue its efforts to achieve peaceful
solutions to conflicts.
 In regard to the matter of Western Sahara,
Burkina Faso reaffirms its endorsement of Security
Council resolution 1813 (2008), supports the
Secretary-General’s efforts to find a political solution,
and considers the Moroccan initiative to negotiate
autonomy for the Western Sahara to be an appropriate
way to settle the disagreement.
 In the Middle East, we welcome the successful
conduct of elections in Lebanon and encourage that
country to improve its relations with Syria and Israel.
The restoration of stability and prospects for
normalized relations with Lebanon’s neighbours
represent an opportunity for calm consideration of a
global settlement of the Palestinian question.
 The contribution of the Republic of China on
Taiwan to assisting the least developed countries
should be commended, and its participation in the
previous session of the World Health Assembly augurs
well for the positive evolution of this country’s
contribution to the life of the international community.
 For some years, the question of the proliferation
of nuclear weapons, which pose an enormous threat,

15 09-52463

has divided the international community. I thank and
encourage President Obama for his successful
organization and leadership of the Security Council
summit on disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation.
The commitments made could lead to a denuclearized
world that is more ambitious in its exploitation of
nuclear power for civil purposes and more vigilant in
policing illicit trafficking in nuclear materials.
 The reform of the United Nations, which has
been on our agenda for more than a decade, calls for a
cautious but determined approach, particular as regards
the Security Council. I express the hope that
negotiations will soon be undertaken regarding the fair
and equitable representation of all regions of the world,
the strengthening of the effectiveness of the Council’s
role and the revitalization of the General Assembly.
True to the ideals of the United Nations, Burkina Faso
will make its contribution to the various issues and
actions under way to endow our global Organization
with the vitality and authority essential to taking on the
new challenges on the horizon.


Let
me begin by sending a warm greeting to Mr. Ali
Abdussalam Treki, President of the Assembly, on
behalf of a country 35 times smaller than his native
Libya and infinitely different in scenery and
geography. Instead of desert sandstorms we have
torrential rains. We know not the waves of the
Mediterranean, but the capricious tides of the
Caribbean. Its dunes are our forests, its mosques our
cathedrals. But I believe that such differences are at the
very heart of the United Nations. Aristotle posited that
things are distinguished by what they look like. Here,
within this haven, nations are similar precisely in that
they are distinct, because each is irreplaceable in the
vast catalogue of the planet. From the far reaches of
this variety that makes us brothers, I wish him the
greatest success in this Assembly.
 Twenty-three years ago, I spoke for the first time
at this rostrum — a rock of reason amidst seas of
insanity. At that time, I came here bearing the cries of
millions of Central Americans who sought a peaceful
solution to the civil wars that were lacerating our
region. I came to ask powerful nations to stop the flow
of arms fuelling the procession of coffins in our
territories, and I came to defend the right of the
peoples of Latin America to build their own destiny
freely and democratically.
 The second time I visited this Hall, I came
seeking support for the peace plan that the Presidents
of Central America had signed. In those days, no one
thought that little Central America would defy the
world and choose life in the face of all threats. No one
thought that we would have the strength to confront the
Powers of the cold war and find our own solution to all
our problems. No one thought that we would be able to
sow the seeds of democracy in our lands and go on to
work for the human development of our peoples. We
gave the pessimists and the sceptics a lesson. We
refuted with dreams the nightmares that many
prophesied for us. Today, I come here to recognize the
distance we have travelled and to warn of the risk of
backsliding.
 Since the last time I spoke before this Assembly,
a Central American nation has seen the demon of the
coup d’état awaken once again. Our region’s armies
have received nearly $60 billion to combat imaginary
enemies, while our peoples have struggled empty-
handed against the economic crisis. Some leaders have
defied democratic rules in the most imaginative ways,
while everything that was wrong with our continent has
carried on the same, or worse. Poverty has continued to
afflict more than a third of our inhabitants. One in
three young Latin Americans still has never seen a
high-school classroom. Hundreds of thousands of
people have died of preventable diseases. The toll of
violent death in some of our countries has exceeded
those of countries at war, despite the fact that, with the
exception of Colombia, there are no armed conflicts in
our region. And millions of trees have been felled in
territories responsible among them for two thirds of the
worldwide forest cover loss in the twenty-first century.
 This scenario is not a hopeful one. For those of us
from Latin America, it is difficult not to feel that we
are always rescuing our future from the clutches of our
past, and that we are always trying to take off on a
runway where some foolish person spilled oil, long
ago. We have not achieved greater development. We
have not made our democracy stronger. We have not
driven from our reality the shadow of militarism and
oppression. These problems recur endemically, to
varying degrees, in the majority of developing
nations — the very nations that will to a large extent
bear the weight of the course of humanity over the next
50 years.
 It is the developing nations that will shoulder the
worst of the struggle against global warming, that will
carry the heaviest burden of population growth on the
planet, and that will be responsible for accelerating the
growth of a global economy to which the rich cannot
contribute much more than they already generate. We
do not yet know how the leading role we have been
given will play out. Our success or failure will depend
on whether we have the courage to take on at least

15 09-52425

three fundamental challenges: the strengthening of our
democracies, the encouragement of human development
for our peoples through the reduction of military
spending and cross-border arms trafficking, and the
creation of a new international order for the transfer of
aid, information and technology to combat climate
change.
 Developing nations, and middle-income nations
in particular, live simultaneously in the medieval and
postmodern eras. In our race to emulate the
experiences of developed countries, we have skipped
past fundamental steps. There is no doubt that one of
these steps is the patient construction of democratic
institutions, on which developed countries have spent
centuries, while we, if we have been lucky, have spent
decades.
 As a result, beyond superficial appearances, we
lack a true civic culture. We have democratic structures
that in many cases are no more than empty shells. We
have free elections, but lack the open social forum to
allow all citizens freely to make political or ideological
contribution. We have formal separation of powers, but
in many places power remains a single monopoly
disguised in multiple public entities. We have rule of
law, but the reach of the law is tested every day by
Governments incapable of applying it, when not
determined actually to weaken it. We have political
constitutions and international treaties that reaffirm our
belief in democratic values, but populations still prone
to toss those values aside for material gain.
 Paraphrasing the great Argentinean writer Jorge
Luis Borges, we can say that most inhabitants of
developing countries do not identify with the State,
which seems to them an abstract concept, removed
from their immediate concerns. That is why they allow
a Government to end before its constitutional period
has elapsed or to continue in power beyond that period.
That is why they expect the Government to offer social
welfare and public services, but do not recognize the
reciprocal obligations of citizens.
 That is why they prefer caudillos to political
parties, messianic leaders to democratic institutions.
That is why they boycott the approval of new taxes in
countries whose tax burden is half or even a third of
that of developed countries. That is why they so easily
fall for a discourse that blames national problems on
others instead of assuming responsibility for designing
mechanisms that confront them. And this is the best-
case scenario, because in the worst there is no
democracy at all.
 As long as we continue on this path, placing our
hopes in developing nations will be like pouring water
into a sack. As long as we fail to dedicate more
international attention, and more international aid, to
strengthening and perfecting democracies in this world,
we will watch again and again as our countries try to
take off on a slippery runway.
 This challenge is even more urgent in the face of
an arms race that, year by year, moves $1.3 trillion
globally. The combination of strong armies and weak
democracies has proved harmful in every corner of the
planet, and above all in Latin America, which, during
the second half of the twentieth century was a
showcase of dictatorial horrors, fuelled by the
existence of an omnipresent military apparatus. I will
never tire of repeating it: in Latin America, and in a
substantial portion of the developing world, armies
have served no purpose other than to carry out coups
d’état. They have not protected the people; they have
oppressed them. They have not safeguarded liberties;
they have trampled on them. They have not guaranteed
respect for the will of the people; they have mocked it.
 What is the threat to our nations? What, for
example, is the great enemy of Latin America that
compels it to waste $165 million a day on weapons and
soldiers? I assure the Assembly that such threats are far
less significant than that posed by the mosquito that
carries malaria, for instance. They are less significant
than the threat posed by the lack of opportunity that
pushes our young people into crime. They are less
significant than the threat posed by the drug cartels and
street gangs that survive thanks to an unrestricted
market for small arms and light weapons.
 And so what we have to do is order our priorities.
Costa Rica was the first country to abolish its army and
declare peace on the world. Thanks to that visionary
decision, thanks to the liberating army of Commander
José Figueres, who renounced arms forever, we have
the opportunity today to invest our resources in things
that matter. And while we know that not every nation is
ready to take such a radical step, we believe that a
gradual and progressive reduction in military spending
is not only a good strategy for allocating resources, but
also a moral imperative for developing nations.
 For this reason I ask the Assembly once more to
make the Costa Rica Consensus a reality. This

09-52425 16

initiative would create mechanisms for forgiving
foreign debt and using international financial resources
to support those poor and middle-income developing
countries that are investing more in environmental
protection, education, health, housing and sustainable
development for their people and less in arms and
soldiers. And I also ask the Assembly to approve an
arms trade treaty, which is known to this Organization,
and which seeks to prohibit the transfer of arms to
States, groups or individuals when sufficient reason
exists to believe that those arms will be used to
undermine human rights or international law. I assure
members that these two initiatives will make us safer,
and certainly more developed, than the costly
machinery of death that currently consumes our
budgets.
 What is more, spending on arms deprives us not
only of economic resources. Above all, it deprives us
of human resources. At this moment, the greatest
arsenal of genius in the world is working on refining
the weaponry and defence systems of a few nations.
That is not where this genius should be. Its place is in
the laboratories where medicines are being created that
will be accessible to all humankind. Its place is in the
classrooms where the leaders of tomorrow are being
formed. Its place is in the Governments that need help
in protecting their harvests, their cities and their
populations from the effects of global warming.
 We have included sustainable development in the
Costa Rica Consensus because we believe there is a
connection between arms and the protection of the
environment. This is, first, because arms and wars
generate more environmental devastation and pollution
than any productive activity; and secondly, because the
very existence of military spending constitutes, in and
of itself, a negation of resources available to combat
global warming. Every armoured helicopter, every
tank, every nuclear submarine represents, in practice,
forests that are not protected, technologies that are not
becoming less costly and adaptations that are not being
made.
 Only a few weeks remain before the Climate
Change Conference in Copenhagen, where every
country will have to undertake commitments much
greater than today’s. My small nation, Costa Rica, will
attend the conference with its head held high, because
unilaterally, and at great sacrifice, we have set
ourselves goals that are ever more challenging. We
have launched an initiative called Peace with Nature,
through which we propose, among other things, to
become a carbon-neutral country by the year 2021.
This is possible, in large part, thanks to the nearly four
decades we have spent protecting our land, replanting
our forests and safeguarding our natural species — and
also because, at the same time that we abolished our
army, we created pioneering institutions devoted to the
search for renewable energy sources. Today, more than
95 per cent of our electricity comes from water or
wind, from the depths of the Earth or the rays of the
sun.
 Infinite challenges remain, for Costa Rica as for
any other middle-income country. The world’s rich
nations, which developed in the most unsustainable
way possible, cannot now place limits that choke the
development expectations of every other country.
Efforts must be directed instead at forming a global
platform that allows us to transfer international aid,
information and technology efficiently from one nation
to another; a platform that will only make sense if the
member States of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development increase their official
development aid, which today stands at $120 billion
per year. When it comes to mitigating and adapting
ourselves to global warming the world must share, not
compete.
 These three challenges — strengthening
democracies, reducing military spending and
cooperating to confront climate change — perhaps
constitute the most ambitious agenda humanity has
ever had to take on. Neither I, nor my Government, nor
Costa Rica, will ignore this historic call; for we simply
cannot fail. We cannot falter. We cannot turn back
when we are standing at the vanguard of 6.8 billion
human beings.
 Like Adam and Eve, we are still living in a
heavenly Paradise minutes before being expelled due
to our own arrogance. Our sense of responsibility, our
humility and our courage will determine whether we
waste our opportunity on Earth and squander the
miracle of life that has brought us heartbreak and pain
yet has also allowed us to know happiness. The
greatest of the Costa Rican poets, Jorge Debravo, said
that hope is as strong as bone and more powerful than
imagination or memory. May that still-present hope
give us the strength to embark on the last journey of an
unsustainable civilization and the first of a civilization
that will survive and outlast us all.