1.	  Mr. President, it is my pleasant duty, on behalf of my Government and delegation, as well as on my own behalf, to extend to you our most sincere felicitations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. This is a fitting tribute both to your distinguished diplomatic career and to the country which you represent. We of the Chinese delegation wish you every success in the discharge of the great responsibilities of your high office.
2.	Notwithstanding the atmosphere of euphoria which seems to have pervaded the current scene, the world is still confronted by war or threats of war. The war in Viet-Nam has now been escalated to embrace the whole of Indo-China. The situation in the Middle East continues to be explosive. Conflicts of one kind or another prevail in various parts of the world. Although some of these may be said to be disputes of a domestic nature, their continuance could endanger the maintenance of international peace and security.
3.	In Viet-Nam the Communists continue to seek a military solution. They count on the pressures of world
public opinion to force the withdrawal of United States forces. The Paris peace talks have served, as far as the Communists are concerned, more as an instrument for political warfare than for serious discussions. Always with an eye on the anti-war sentiments in the United States, the Communist negotiators have been skillful in stirring up popular opposition to United States involvement in Viet- Nam. Division within the United States has made the eventual American pull-out inevitable. But the withdrawal of the United States military establishment from Viet-Nam, however, should not mean the disappearance of United States interest and influence from South-East Asia. We are confident that the United States will continue to fulfill its commitments in that part of the world, even though a nation directly threatened by aggression must now, in the light of the Nixon Doctrine, assume the primary responsibility for providing the manpower for its own national defense.
4.	In terms of Viet-Nam this means that the brunt of the war must henceforth be borne by the people of the Republic of Viet-Nam themselves. Indeed, the South Viet-Namese people have been doing just that for over two years. All evidence points to the fact that they have given a pretty good account of themselves. There is every reason to believe that they will be able to safeguard their independence and freedom against subversion from within and aggression from without after the withdrawal of United States armed forces.
5.	It is gratifying that, in the midst of war and crisis, the Republic of Viet-Nam has continued to make progress in the social, economic and political fields. A general election has just taken place. Bitter fighting on the battlefields and terrorism in the rear failed to keep the voters from the polls. Given the divisive social and intellectual climate, and the disruptions of the war, no one should expect the Republic of Viet-Nam to master the mechanisms of the democratic process overnight. Of the fact that Saigon has done its best to make democracy the dominant element in its future there can be no question. One is doing no favor to the people and Government of South Viet-Nam if one allows oneself to expect too much to happen too soon. In any case, the Republic of Viet-Nam does not merit the kind of abuse and vilification which some critics have been in the habit of meting out. It is ironical that the same critics, while condemning South Viet-Nam for its undemocratic ways, do not hesitate to pay craven homage to the North Viet-Namese Communists, who have nothing but contempt for bourgeois democracy. Obviously, they are less interested in the development of democratic institutions in South Viet-Nam than in sowing the seeds of dissension among the Viet-Namese people. The last thing they want to see is the creation of conditions in which healthy political institutions can flourish and the Viet-Namese may be enabled to work out their own destiny in their own way.
6.	In the Middle East, guns have for the most part been silent since the acceptance by Israel, Egypt and Jordan in August last year of the United States peace initiative. The cease-fire, while no longer formally in effect after its lapse in March 1971, has by and large been observed. It is to be regretted, however, that the maintenance of the precarious cease-fire has not been accompanied by any progress towards the resolution of the basic issues which have so long embittered the relations between Israel and the Arab States. It is all too obvious that, unless the parties concerned are prepared to accept reasonable and practical compromises or the major interested Powers are willing to bring their influence to bear on the parties, peace in the Middle East will remain unattainable.
7.	There are conflicts which are technically matters of a domestic nature but whose significance for international peace is beyond question. A case in point is the recent civil strife in East Pakistan. As the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report on the work of the Organization, the problems generated by the conflict "are necessarily of concern to the international community" [A/8401[Add.l, para. 177].
8.	In purely human terms the magnitude of the tragedy is staggering. In the six months since March several million refugees have poured into India. The terrible plight in which millions of destitute and helpless people find themselves cannot but arouse the sympathy and compassion of us all. We of the Republic of China know how serious the problem can be in terms of human misery and suffering. Ever since the Communist take-over of the Chinese mainland, millions of our brethren have suffered the same fate as that whicn has now befallen the East Pakistanis. We therefore urge the international community to do everything possible to give relief to the innocent people who, through no fault of their own, have been deprived of their homes and possessions and have been thrown upon the mercies of an alien world.
9.	Lasting peace cannot be built on the foundation of a world community in which the greater part of mankind sinks ever deeper into the miseries of under-development and over-population. It is, of course, no easy matter to close the gap between rich and poor nations. There is no question, however, that there are available material resources for this task. The question is whether there is the will to use the available resources to meet the pressing needs of development. In the view of my delegation, the United Nations is in a special position to create that will. The International Development Strategy for the new Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] is an important step in the right direction.
10.	The third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [ UNCTAD], scheduled to convene in a few months, should provide an excellent opportunity for co-operation between developed and developing countries. It is hoped that the developed countries will find it in their own interest to remove the barriers which they have set up and which have operated to the great disadvantage of the developing countries.
11.	The Republic of China is a developing country. It faces many of the problems which plague other developing

countries. In so far as lies within the limits of its capabilities, it has always been ready to contribute to the solution of problems which confront countries in various stages of development and to share experiences with them.
12.	It must be admitted that the United Nations has in recent years lost much of its prestige and influence. In Viet-Nam it has contented itself with playing the role of a helpless bystander. In the Middle East its attempts to bring about a settlement have achieved no outstanding success. The advance towards disarmament is being decided not so much in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament meeting at Geneva as in the direct Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] between the Soviet Union and the United States. The recent agreement on the status of Berlin  was concluded outside the walls of the United Nations. The inescapable conclusion is that on the main currents of world events the United Nations has exerted only a marginal influence.
13.	As a free association of sovereign States the United Nations can be only as strong and effective as its Members make it. All too often short-range national interests are allowed to prevail over the common interests of the world community. All too often the United Nations has not hesitated to resort to expediency at the expense of vital Charter principles. Its readiness to yield to force, to disregard justice, or to neglect human rights, has been to a large extent responsible for what has often been called "a crisis of confidence".
14.	It is sad to reflect that, at a time when the effectiveness of the United Nations is being called into question, there are those in our midst who press for the replacement of the Republic of China, a Member of impeccable standing, by a regime whose declared policy has been the destruction of the Organization as an instrument for peace.
15.	I shall have occasion to speak on the so-called question of Chinese representation when the item comes up for debate in the Assembly. I wish to make here a few observations which may help to clarify certain issues in respect of the Chinese Communist regime.
16.	The first observation I wish to make is that it is erroneous to assume that the Communist regime and the Chinese people are an indissoluble whole. The fact of the matter is that the regime and the oppressed millions are two distinct and mutually hostile entities. The overwhelming majority of the people are anti-Mao and anti-Communist. Twenty-two years of unremitting regimentation and brainwashing, torture and terror have failed to make them accept tho Communist regime as anything more than a transient tyranny which, like other tyrannies in Chinese history, will in time pass away. The Chinese people have never ceased to thirst for freedom, and they will struggle on until freedom is won.
17.	In recent months Western journalists who have visited the Chinese mainland have painted a glowing picture of progress and achievement. It is difficult to believe, however that a brief conducted tour to a few cities and villages in a vast land could provide any genuine insight into the real conditions of the country. The Chinese people arc too well experienced in the ways of the world to reveal their true feelings to an outsider. Yet it is possible to get glimpses of the real situation from some of the dispatches. Not a few correspondents, for example, have written admiringly about the wonderful discipline of the common people. Some have reported the existence of a new species of human being on the Chinese mainland the “Maoist men”-austere, self- controlled, all dressed in the same drab clothing, all relating their every activity to the thought of Mao Tse-tung, all shouting the same slogans, all vowing undying fealty to Chairman Mao. What all this amounts to is that, by means of terror and ruthless regimentation, the masses of the people have been reduced to the level of robots, apparently with no will or mind of their own.
18.	Yet it would be a grave mistake to view them as nothing but robots. They conform because conformity is the only way to survive in a world in which life is regulated by harsh decrees, intimidating exhortations, punishment without crime. But below the surface of seeming docility, there is a boiling and ultimately irrepressible mass of resentments and suicidal despairs. No one should give them up as irretrievably lost to the Mao regime. Despite Communist news black-out, bloody anti-Communist and anti-Mao uprisings are still going on in many parts of the mainland.
19.	Nothing is more indicative of the people's profound opposition to the Communist regime than the floods of refugees who have fled, and continue to flee, the mainland. They number in the millions. Today, the border between mainland China and the outside world is closely guarded by army and militia patrols. Yet thousands have daily risked death to escape Communist tyranny. It is estimated that in the first eight months of this year, 12,500 to 15,000 made good their escape. Most of them have done so by swimming, spending up to 10 hours in the water, usually at night, and covering four to six miles. This was reported in The New York Times on 12 September 1971. Clearly, only hatred and revulsion of the first order can account for their decision to leave behind their loved ones, friends and possessions for the uncertainties of life in an inhospitable world.
20.	If the Communist regime and the Chinese people are mutually hostile entities, it follows that the Communist regime cannot possibly represent the Chinese people in the international community. It is thus ridiculous to assert that to bar the Communist regime from the United Nations is to deny 700 million people, a quarter of the world's population, of their representation.
21.	This brings me to the second point I wish to make, namely, that the Chinese Communist Party, whose total membership represents only about 2 per cent of the population, is torn by dissension and factional strife, and that it faces an uncertain future, As is well known, during the Cultural Revolution, the Party apparatus was completely demolished and hundreds of thousands of Party members were subjected to all kinds of indignity and inhuman treatment. Many of them have since been purged. Chou En-lai, in an interview with Arab newsmen in May of

this year, said that the number of Communists who had been purged in the Cultural Revolution amounted to about 1 per cent of a total of 17 million, that is, 170,000. In the same breath, however, he added:
“There are still Communists whose problems have not been solved. We are conducting direct investigations with them. They amount to about 50 per cent of the Party membership.""
In other words, the loyalty of no less than 8.5 million Party members is still in doubt. Obviously, something must be basically wrong with the Chinese Communist Party. It seems that the cancer cf fear is gnawing at its vitals. Leaders are suspicious of one another, suspicious of the rank and file. The rank and file live precariously under the whip-lash of their superiors and at the mercy of lick-spittles and informers among their own comrades. It is not surprising that in recent weeks so much speculation should have centered on the cancellation of the customary 1 October military parade and on other developments on the mainland. There is every reason to believe that a new and serious power struggle is braiding up within the Maoist ranks. The schism within the Communist Party militates against the regime's ability to stabilize itself and consolidate control.
22.	The third point I wish to make is that the world should never mistake Peiping's tactical zigzag for a basic change of policy. The cold fact is that both in words and in deeds the regime remains what it has always been oppressive at home and aggressive abroad.
23.	It is easy to understand why Peiping's change of style has been received with so much fanfare and enthusiasm. Weariness with recurrent crises and fear of nuclear holocaust have engendered in the minds of men a yearning for normality and a craving for world-wide detente. They are conditioned to accept Peiping's gestures of goodwill at face value.
24.	It seems to my delegation, however, that this is a dangerous delusion. There is nothing to suggest that the Chinese Communist regime is ready to give up its policy of world domination. It continues to promote the violence of war; it continues to make a fetish of force. It continues to foment armed insurrection in neighboring countries. It continues to supply arms and ammunition to rebel bands in Thailand, Burma, Malaysia and Indonesia. It continues to train, equip and finance guerillas on a global scale. Rhetoric and friendly gestures notwithstanding, there is no evidence that the regime now intends to pursue a course of action consistent with the United Nations Charter. Indeed, all signs point the other way.
25.	The quest for international peace and security is, and will continue to be, the dominating purpose of our age. It is to the Governments represented here that the peoples of the world look for the peace and security that they so desperately long for. So, let us whole-heartedly pledge ourselves to the noble and challenging task of translating the ideals and goals of the Charter into reality. Let us hope that this great international body will remain steadfast and true to the purposes and principles for which it was founded. Let us hope that the Assembly will refuse to subject itself to the humiliation of bowing before force. As
the Organization enters the second quarter-century of its existence, let us remind ourselves that the road to peace is indeed tortuous and long, and that lasting peace will come only when it is built, not on the quicksand of expediency and appeasement, but on the rock of moral strength.


56.	 Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on behalf of my delegation upon your election to your high post of President of the twenty-sixth session. No one here is unaware of your great experience in the international field, and we are convinced that under your presidency this Assembly will face up successfully to the delicate tasks before it.
57.	I should also like to pay homage to your predecessor, Mr. Hambro, whose qualities need not be praised here. At the historic twenty-fifth session his presidency was a very positive element in  our Organization. He made a very important contribution to the celebration of the anniversary when we drew up a balance of our efforts for peace, justice and progress as well as an examination of our conscience for future action.
58.	I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to SecretaryGeneral U Thant the gratitude of my Government for his immense work in favor of peace end the progress of peoples.
59.	We are convinced that the major problems facing our leaders today are those of peace and security, of decolonization and apartheid, of disarmament and international cooperation. The future of coming generations is closely corner ;d with the solutions which our generation will find for these problems which face us today. It is for our respective States, independent and sovereign as they are, to shape the future, the basis of which can only be the legitimate aspirations of our people.
60.	But we cannot deny today primary responsibility of the United Nations for the action of a future world where peace, the recognition of fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person and the constant search for economic, social and cultural progress must necessarily be the conditions for harmonious relations among men.
61.	For this difficult task, I can assure you that the Upper Volta and its people are constantly mobilized and will make every possible contribution.
62.	We celebrated last year the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and at the same time the twenty- fifth anniversary of the United Nations. This year, while celebrating the international year against racism and racial discrimination, we inaugurate at the same time the Second United Nations Development Decade.
63.	Each of these opportunities allows the United Nations to draw up a balance of its efforts in the field of decolonization, its action in favor of equality among men without, distinction as to race and, finally, its contribution to the economic, and social development of peoples. These various occasions have made it possible for us to halt for a moment so as to examine the process leading to peace.
64.	Taking the floor for the first time in this Assembly, I have an opportunity to point out to the Assembly the present state of the process on which my country has been embarked for more than five years. Upper Volta at the beginning of this year entered a new phase of its political life, according to the freely expressed wishes of its people. I will say that there is nothing strange in this. We are at a time of great change. The life and welfare of peoples require continuous adaptation to the realities of our time, and the responsibility of governments towards the future of their peoples is considerable. Furthermore, the coming of a new regime in my country was foreseen for a long time. We only had to establish the type of regime and the practical modalities of it.
65.	The population decided, by adopting a constitution on 14 June 1970, to choose a democratic and parliamentary regime based upon the principle of devotion to the nation.
66.	The new Government, formed as a function of the object ;e realities which are the electoral results, undertook the task of national reconstruction entrusted to it by the people and drew up a plan for economic, social and cultural development, a plan drawn up with a general orientation and general objectives, and this will be effective at the beginning of 1972 and will be immediately put into action, since every provision has been made.
67.	Concerning the financing of this plan, we count upon exploiting public and national resources to the maximum and we favor the participation of the private sector by practical measures of encouragement and promotion. Our code of investment is very liberal and shows that we are issuing an appeal to businessmen.
68.	It goes without saying that we shall also make an appeal for external financing (United Nations Development program, the European Development Fund, the Fonds d'aide et de cooperation, and other sources of financing). We shall seek loans from the specialized agencies, especially from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Development Association. In 3 word, we have decided to follow the road of development, which will make Upper Volta a society where justice and liberty will prevail.
69.	The Declaration we adopted here last year on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the TTnited Nations [resolution 2627 (XXV)] said, inter alia:
"Despite the achievements of the United Nations, a grave situation of insecurity still confronts the Organization and armed conflicts occur in various parts of the world, while at the same time the arms race and arms expenditure continue and a large part of humanity is suffering from economic underdevelopment,"
70.	In another document [resolution 2621 (XXV)] we declared that:
"... the further continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations [is] a crime which constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the principles of international law."
71.	To those two fundamental statements I would add that a Member State of this Organization, namely, South Africa, practices in its territory apartheid, a system universally condemned which constitutes a shame in our time.
72.	Today I can unfortunately make the same remarks, and no doubt next year at the same time we shall still be right where we are now. How strange our times are, when truth is denied and the spirit of solidarity, tolerance, peace, justice and concord is almost absent!
73.	Yet; in view of the historical circumstances in which we live and in view of the current problems of our time all of which are equally grave we have no possibility other than to cooperate so as to build peace, to bridge the gap which separates the rich and the poor countries and to see to it that the color of the skin, religion and other considerations should no longer be barriers between men.
74.	In order to do that, each State Member of this Organization must make every effort possible and accept a certain part of responsibility; together we must feel collective responsibility and act accordingly. However, I must note with bitterness that the state of mind of certain political leaders is still quite different.
75.	Thus, more than 10 years after the adoption by this Organization of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)}  a decision which was an act of faith and a solemn commitment to the colonized peoples some States, such as Portugal, continue their domination over Territories and peoples whose only wish !s quite rightly to run their own affairs.
76.	This Organization has requested the Portuguese Government on several occasions to revise its policy by applying without delay to the peoples in the Territories under its domination the principle of self-determination and independence in conformity with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and other pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Last year our Assembly, in its resolution 2707 (XXV), once again asked the Government of Portugal to cease forthwith all acts of repression against the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) and to withdraw all military and other forces employed for this purpose. Since those appeals have hardly been heeded, we must note the inability of the United Nations to meet the challenge of the Government of Portugal for many years. It is true that Portugal is encouraged in its negative attitude by the substantial assistance of its allies of NATO and by all those who contribute to the shameful exploitation of the Territories under its domination. It is therefore not surprising that the holding of the Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council held in Lisbon last June should be considered as a provocation by all Africans.
77.	In those conditions, Upper Volta cannot but encourage the liberation movements to pursue their struggle to the end, that is, to independence. We shall continue to give them the material and moral assistance which they need; at the same time we issue an appeal to all States to abstain from giving any assistance to Portugal and in particular to discourage their nationals and the financial groups of their countries from participating in the construction of the Cabora Bassa dam, as well as other similar colonialist projects.
78.	Following the invasion of the territory of the Republic of Guinea on 22 and 23 November 1970, an invasion whose motivations and origins were duly noted by a special mission, the Security Council adopted resolution 290 (1970) of 8 December 1970, which
"Solemnly warns the Government of Portugal that in the event of any repetition of armed attacks against independent African States, the Security Council shall immediately consider appropriate effective steps or measures in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations".
Such attacks have occurred again against the Republic of Senegal, and no serious measure has been taken to persuade Portugal to desist. We must do everything possible to prevent Portugal from harming Africa by obliging that country to grant immediate independence to the African Territories under its domination. Those Territories are first and foremost African Territories; they are not Portuguese Territories.
79.	In regard to Southern Rhodesia, we must note again that the sanctions adopted by the Security Council have not put an end to the illegal and racist regime of Ian Smith; moreover, we know that that failure is essentially caused by the support which that regime continues to receive from South Africa, Portugal and other countries, in violation of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council; it is also caused by the strange passivity of the United Kingdom.
80.	For us, the solution of the Rhodesian problem lies in the overthrow of the illegal regime at present there, followed* by the transfer of power to the majority, which has never advocated throwing out the whites, because they also are African.
81.	To bring about that transfer, it is necessary for the Government of the United Kingdom as the administering Power to put an end to the rebellion of the white settlers of Rhodesia. In any case, the struggle that the people of Zimbabwe are conducting for their freedom is a legitimate
3 Security Council Special Mission to the Republic of Guinea established under resolution 289 (1970).
7
struggle and it should have the material and moral support of all peace-loving States.
82.	With regard to Namibia, the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971  places the problem and the responsibilities in the proper perspective: the continued presence of South Africa in that African land is illegal; South Africa is duty bound immediately to withdraw its administration from Namibia; States Members of the United Nations are also duty bound to recognize the illegality of the presence of South Africa in Namibia, whereas nonMember States must assist in the action undertaken by the United Nations.
83.	As far as we are concerned, we feel that it now falls to the Security Council to take the appropriate measures in this matter in the light of the opinion of the International Court of Justice, measures which would put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa. That is the object of the suggestion made by the President of Mauritania, Mr. Ould Daddah, when he spoke yesterday at the 1583rd meeting of the Security Council in his capacity as Chairman of the eighth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity.
84.	South Africa continues to practice its policy of apartheid, a system universally condemned. Need I repeat that that region of Africa has become an immense prison for its true inhabitants? Voices have been raised to say that mankind would be able to put an end to the scourge that is apartheid if a dialog were to begin between the African countries and the racist authorities of Pretoria,
85.	We sincerely believe that we must face certain truths so as not to cheat the international community.
86.	Upper Volta, both in the United Nations and in the OAU, has always spoken out against any form of government based on color; we have always affirmed our unfailing attachment to the principle of equality among men, without distinctions of color or religion.
87.	My country has often condemned recourse to violence as a means of resolving conflicts, and oppression as a form of government. However, we think that if there is to be a dialog it must be begun between the authorities of Pretoria and the blacks of South Africa, who are after all those most concerned. The duty of Africans today is certainly not to negotiate to the detriment of those who suffer under the regime of apartheid.
88.	We sincerely desire and seek the restoration of the dignity of man in that part of Africa. To achieve that end, all Members of this Organization should conform to the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council concerning apartheid. The international community must pursue and intensify its policy of harassment against the champions of apartheid. We think that States which strengthen South Africa by selling it arms in violation of Security Council resolutions 181 (1963) and 191 (1964)are not contributing to the solution of the problem of apartheid. Foreign investments, which need cheap manpower provided by the system of apartheid, contribute to perpetuating that system.
89. Apartheid is a challenge not only to our times but also to our conscience, and we must meet it before it is too late.
90* As can be seen, Africa is facing the evils of our times, namely, aggression, colonial domination, apartheid and racial discrimination. Thus we. seize this opportunity to recall that the Heads of State of the OAU have called upon this Assembly to recommend a special session of the Security Council in an African country during 1972a session which would be devoted to measures to be taken so as to implement the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly on decolonization, the struggle against apartheid and racial discrimination in Africa.
91.	I should like to make a few observations concerning other burning questions of the moment, but first, I must emphasize the positive fact that the journey to Peking by the President of the United States, Mr. Richard Nixon, has been announced. The psychological effect which this historic journey will have on the great political problems of the day cannot be denied, and we must go beyond certain ideas and admit that the bipolar world today has been changed. This could not be other than a good thing because the experience of a quarter of a century has shown us how bad the policy of political blocs is.
92.	Mistrust of others is slackening. It may be possible to find a solution to the disarmament problem, for the armaments race is still a sad reality; the feeling which the developing countries have when they see billions swallowed up every year in the armaments race can only be one of sadness, and Raoul Follereau, that apostle of charity, was right when he said: "One day of war for peace."
93.	Obviously, we shall be told that negotiations are under way between the principal protagonists which may lead to measures of disarmament. It is obvious that if these measures are to disarm others, then we shall not have made any progress; the trade in armaments has always flourished and flourishes even more today.
94* What we want is general and complete disarmament. We know it is a very complex problem, but it is necessary for the great Powers, who hold the most perfected armaments, to find a solution to this problem.
95.	On the other hand, it is generally recognized that the question of disarmament is of vital importance for the future of humanity; that is why we must ask ourselves, as the SecretaryGeneral mentioned in paragraph 48 of the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/8401/Add.l], whether the United NaUons should not be officially informed of the progress of the negotiations on the limitation of armaments.
96.	In spite of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the situation remains very tense in the Near East, On several occasions blood has been shod In that region, and worse may happen at any moment. We condemn this escalation of violence which will lead to no solution. It is not realistic to challenge the existence of a State, whatever it may be, because the appropriation of territories by force constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. Of course, it is necessary that parties should show moderation and cooperate sincerely with the Special Representative of the SecretaryGeneral, Mr. Gunnar Jarring, because resolution 242 (1967) of the Security Council, constitutes in my eyes the basis for a just and lasting settlement,
97.	The Near East, unfortunately, does not constitute alone the only hot spot of war. The situation in SouthEast Asia has been present in pU our minds through the whole of this year. A quarter of a century of war is too much. We dare to hope with the peoples of VietNam, Cambodia and Laos that the coming trip to Peking of the President of the United States of America will allow peace to be achieved once more in that long suffering area.
98.	The People's Republic of China has for a long time been kept out of our Organization, and efforts have been made to find a solution to this great world problem. In our opinion, this diplomatic isolation of a State of more than 700 million people is more harmful than beneficial to the international community.
99.	My Government has on several occasions found itself obliged to vote against the admission of the People's Republic of China to this Organization because the concepts of that country in the matter of international relations according to the declarations of its leaders have been contrary to the aims and principles of the Charter.
100.	My Government has declared on several occasions that it was ready to cooperate with all countries, without distinction, on the condition that those countries thoroughly understand that we are sovereign, independent, and intend to remain so.
101.	Has anything really changed in the People's Republic of China? If it has, Upper Volta might envisage joining those States which believe that from now on the People's Republic of China should be brought into the sphere of cooperation among nations for the benefit of the peace of the world and of the United Nations.
102.	However, it must be understood that our country, which cherishes friendship, is not among those countries which believe that it would be possible to solve the problems of the United Nations and of the world, whatever their importance, by expelling the Republic of China from this Organization.
103.	In our eyes, all the principles and purposes proclaimed in the Charter are intimately linked; thus, international peace and security, the solution of the problems of colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination condition the economic and social development of our respective States. All these factors have certainly played a considerable part in the failure of the first United Nations Development Decade. Our discouragement is the greater in that we believe that not everything was done by the international community, especially the rich countries, to make it succeed. The failure cannot be attributed only to the developing countries; the lack of determination on the part of the developed countries, which normally should contribute to the success of this vast enterprise, was the main cause. For, what do we see? A national mobilization on the part of the developing countries in order to implement a policy of economic and social progress has been made to fail by obscure external forces, entirely escaping the control of the developing countries. It becomes clear that our policies of development cannot succeed if we cannot overcome these external forces. We have inherited economic structures which are not adaptable, based as they are on dependence upon the foreigner. It is not useless to recall the relations of a colonial type, with all the consequences which ensue, which we have suffered for so long.
104.	The effects of this situation, which existed before our political independence, are still felt in all sections of our economy. The logical consequence of our independence must make it possible to achieve a progressive break with this type of relation. Of course, the structures that we have in view have built up sentimental links; nevertheless, we must see that there shall be no exploiters or exploited.
105.	We believe, first of all, in the efforts undertaken on the regional level for integrated regional development. It has been said that a great number of those less advanced among the developing countries are to be found in Africa. This situation is no doubt due to the fact that, out of a total of 18 landlocked countries, 13 are in Africa. The geographical position of these countries constitutes a major obstacle to the development of their economy for basic reasons of which we are all aware: high cost of transportation, insufficient infrastructure, mediocre storage facilities, and so on. Of course, we feel that joint efforts in a regional sphere can rationalize development policies, particularly in Africa, and allow them to open up the landlocked countries to commercial trade. It is in this process that my country has been engaged in the regional framework of West Africa, where so many links bind us to our neighbors yet where so many possibilities have not been exploited. On the other hand, we believe that the international community must make a special effort on behalf of these less advanced developing countries so as to assist them to accelerate the rhythm of their development. Such a program could find its place in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade. Roads, air and water are the irreducible trilogy of the development of Upper Volta in particular.
106.	At another level, we think that the industrialized countries can contribute, with a little more goodwill and less egoist to the acceleration of the economic and social development of the developing countries. The first thing which comes to mind when we think of the contribution of the industrialized countries to the development of the poor countries is the comparison which is often made between the standard of living of the rich countries and that of the developing countries. After making that comparison, a matter of desperation for poor countries, we must ask why, in a world of abundance and of scientific and technical progress, the international community is powerless to deal with the problems of underdevelopment.
107.	We have often enough said that the gap has not ceased to widen between the rich and the poor countries;
we must now ask ourselves objectively why that gap cannot be filled, why adequate measures cannot be found.
108.	The rich countries should not be deceived: they will never be able to go back and find the historic situations that favored their development. The colonial system which favored the economic expansion of certain among them is today a concept that is out of date, and its vestiges, in Africa and elsewhere, cannot solve the problems of States, such as Portugal, which still practice it, for it cannot resist the test of time, just as today, no country can profit economically from a generalized war the way certain States did during the Second World War.
109.	Thus, these industrialized countries must discard the idea that they can live and prosper indefinitely while deliberately disregarding the wretchedness of the poor countries. The recent disturbance of the world monetary balance and the feeling of insecurity that followed thereon show to what extent disparity in progress among States, together with national selfishness, can represent a source of tension and discord.
110.	That is what we must fear between the poor and the rich countries in the very near future, if the present trend continues.
111.	We must recognize, however, and we must appreciate the efforts made by certain States and international institutions to assist the developing countries. And here I wish to pay tribute to all the States and institutions such as the European Economic Community and the United Nations Development program that contributing to the economic, social and cultural development of my country, complementing most effectively our own national effort. We must express our great appreciation and satisfaction for the assistance rendered by the French Republic to Upper Volta and the developing countries in general, in as much as that country devotes 1 per cent of its national income to assistance in general. There is one aspect of the assistance policy that I would like to bring up here. Generally, States are asked to participate, to the extent of about 25 per cent of the cost of the projects, in the financing of projects. Now obviously, we have no intention of challenging the principle of that participation, which symbolizes the desire for cooperation among States. We think, however, that, in view of the scope and the cost of certain vital projects, such participation becomes extremely burdensome for underdeveloped countries which cannot afford the cost because of the low level of their income.
112.	If this system favors certain developing countries which can thus draw full benefit from international assistance, it inevitably penalizes the less favored among them by holding back their investments. It thus would be desirable if a more flexible formula could be found, for both bilateral and multilateral actions, so that assistance might attain its true significance.
113.	This then is the modest contribution my delegation wished to make in the general debate at this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
114.	I have drawn the attention of this Assembly to the grave questions of the hour which concern us all and which endanger peace. Their solution depends upon the devotion of each of us to rigorous respect for the principles enunciated in the Charter, in a spirit of understanding and mutual respect. Although I cannot cherish any hope of seeing these problems resolved during the course of this session, I at least can hope that a new spirit will emerge from our Assembly, a ray of hope for a better world.


The Government of Ecuador wishes to extend congratulations to the man who has been chosen to preside over this important session of the General Assembly. His great gifts, his personality and all the human qualities he possesses are a true guarantee that the General Assembly will be under efficient leadership.
119.	I also wish to pay a respectful tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Edward Hambro.
120.	We have been concerned about the irrevocable decision of the Secretary-General to retire from his office at the end of his present term. Until a few days ago we still nurtured the hope that perhaps he might reconsider his position and continue to lend his valuable services to the international community. From this rostrum the Government of Ecuador wishes to state publicly its gratitude to U Thant for the dedication, sincerity, efficiency and ability with which he has worked during the 10 years in which he has occupied the difficult and complex post of Secretary- General of the United Nations. The conduct of U Thant will be a permanent inspiration to all of us and an example to his successor.
121.	The Government of Ecuador is very happy to welcome the three States which have entered our Organization this year. The contribution of Bhutan will be as wholesome, pure and invigorating as the air in its territory, and together with the age-old culture of Bahrain and Qatar, they will doubtless enrich the United Nations. We look with satisfaction upon each step we take on the way to universality, but we also hope that, together with the horizontal growth of the United Nations, this Organization will also become more thorough and effective in its role of maintaining international peace and security and of defending justice.
122.	The Government of Ecuador, representing its people, comes to this new meeting of the world Organization with renewed optimism with faith in the action of the United Nations and with a firm desire to co-operate in the success of this session of the Assembly. But this optimism of the Ecuadorian delegation, which I have the honor to lead, in no way lessens the sincerity or frankness of our deep conviction -since nothing done by man is perfect-that we must endeavor to strengthen the Organization still more than we have done so far.
123.	The United Nations is not and cannot be merely a place where statesmen and politicians debate the great problems relating to peace and the progress of peoples. Besides this precise and necessary clarification of ideas, judgments and attitudes, we must seek to give life to the objectives and work of the Organization, so that the member nations constituting it will find the true and real road to peace, and that each of us according to his true capacities will contribute to the imperative task of achieving for mankind the fulfillment of its destiny and of all its possibilities. The same struggles which are today unleashed on the earth, opposing groups and individuals politically, ideologically and materially, are, in my view, nothing but the sometimes hopeful, sometimes hopeless search for a better future for mankind and for all national communities.
124.	The United Nations is responsible for seeking the way to increasingly great and tangible peace, social justice and progress for all peoples. There is violent upheaval in the world today and our duty is to find the main causes of this violence. If we endeavor with dedication to find true peace and to put an end to the injustices of today, we shall then have found new pillars with which to replace those that are already obsolete.
125.	There is no possible peace, and there can be no possible peace, without economic welfare. New problems beset us today and still the old ones persist. By the same token, we still hear of political and economic crises, and to solve them properly we must face them, meet their challenge, study them in the light of the social and economic position of the various human conglomerates, make the rich nations aware of their duty to help the developing ones and endeavor to ensure co-operation in those fields where it can be most effective.
126.	To strengthen the legal system of the United Nations, to discharge its function of maintaining international peace and security has always been the decision of the Ecuadorian Government. Once again my country wishes to state its unswerving support for the purposes and principles that gave birth to our Organization.
127.	Because of its love for the law and its vocation for justice, Ecuador has always advocated peaceful settlements to all international disputes. Indeed, we cannot speak of the effective and practical existence of international law while problems still pending between certain of our peoples are not solved in a spirit of equity and justice. The programs of integration to which a number of countries of the American continent have turned their efforts, by making them jointly confront the dangerous threats of underdevelopment, also make it more imperative than ever, that any differences that may separate them should be peacefully settled.
128.	Now that the United Nations has reached adulthood and entered its second 25 years, the Government of Ecuador must warn Member States of the danger of living on illusions. Neither individuals nor States, nor international organizations can act or be useful if the bases for their action and their actions themselves are not born of true and real facts. Relative reality and truth make all Members of the Organization equally sovereign before international law, but within the Organization there is no real equality nor real equality of rights among its Members. Therefore, ironically, it has been asserted that "some States are more equal than others".
129.	The United Nations Charter incorporated a very old customary rule and gave a predominant role to the great Powers in the maintenance of international peace and security.
130.	It is true that it is not humanly possible to make all men equal, in order to establish a single identity and with it absolute equality. There will always be the bigger, the stronger, the healthier and-thus far-the wealthier. Among States it appears that there will also always be the greater, the more powerful, the more developed, and thus the true inequalities will still exist between men of some States, i.e. the developed and the super-developed States, and those of other States, the under-developed States. But these qualities of predominance, of privilege-the great Powers are organs privileged to exercise international law-then impose upon those same great Powers, if they truly wish to justify their privileges to the world, to themselves and to history, fundamental duties towards other States and the international community as a whole. And it is here that the Government of Ecuador wishes to advise that, just as titles of nobility became obsolete and anachronistic when the nobles no longer justified the privileges they enjoyed by their services to the community, so, too, the great Powers will not be able to justify the privileged position they enjoy in a community organized for peace-and I do not refer only to the veto and to the monopoly of atomic power- unless they give up, in some way at least, their hegemonic ambitions, the desire to ensure that their interests are paramount, the obsession-an expression of intolerance-of imposing their ideologies, and unless they assume the preeminent role which due to their legitimate role which we have allowed them and by virtue of which we are gathered in this Assembly they have in the maintenance of international peace and security, the encouragement of friendship among nations and in the solution of the economic-social problems on the basis of international co-operation. Therefore, it is not the States that appear to be acting but the great Powers themselves, and let us admit this clearly, that are responsible for wars and the different and varied "short of war" measures which, like the colors of the rainbow, now extend between the state of peace and the state of war: determining states that did not exist when people and their relations were less sophisticated. We must therefore tell the great Powers of their duties and remind them that war only exists because of them, because they do not carry out the measures to save men from the scourge of war entrusted to them in 1945 by the peoples that wished to live in peace as good neighbors in a world with united nations.
131.	Within this line of reasoning and to whatever extent the great Powers of all ideological colors may listen to the voice and heed the vote of the small nations, so the Government of Ecuador considers it an imperative duty of international ethics to say that the continuation of the non-recognition of the right of the People's Republic of China to represent China in the United Nations, that is to say, in the Security Council and in all the other principal and subsidiary organs of the Organization, is creating an international situation that may lead to breaches of international peace and security, that must be settled at the present session of the General Assembly, which is the body that must bear in mind the realities of the parties to this question.
132.	Another matter that seriously disturbs my delegation is the conflict in the Middle East. This is a delicate and complex matter which calls for the most careful attention of the world Organization. My country considers that a solution should be found taking into account all the facets of the problem, dealing with it with equity, with justice, without allowing hatred and prejudice to distort reality or upset the law. Therefore anything, like what I have just indicated, that would be conducive to the establishment in the Middle East of a realistic basis for a lasting peace will be supported by us. An effective method would be the holding of talks, on an equal footing, among the parties concerned, for we believe that that would be an effective way of guaranteeing peace.
133.	In any case, we believe that Israel has the right to its existence, and that the United Nations Charter itself according to the principles that inspired it, and its very spirit must surely contain a solution. This is the desire of the people and Governments of Ecuador, a people and a country which, as I have said before, has always given its unswerving support to the principle of the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
134.	The exclusive use for peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction was an initiative first taken by the delegation of Malta during the twenty-second regular session of the General Assembly. The illusion was then widespread that the ocean might yield the greatest mineral resources whose future exploitation might counteract the danger of the reduction, and even the exhaustion, of existing reserves in the earth's subsoil, reserves that are constantly being drained by the geometrical progression in the world's population. But what we must point out is that what was originally intended to meet the dire needs of mankind was first taken advantage of by the great Powers to challenge the sovereign rights of the small nations.
135.	Here I wish to ratify and reaffirm the views that my country shares with many countries of America and of the world: the right of all coastal States to establish the limits of their sovereignty or maritime jurisdiction in accordance with reasonable criteria, bearing in mind the geographic, geological and ecological characteristics and the need to ensure a rational utilization of its resources.
136.	The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, now enlarged to 86 members, is at present examining all problems of the ocean area in order to submit them in due course to a world conference on the law of the sea. The fundamental, and therefore priority problem that is to be tackled by that Conference is that of establishing the international regime for the peaceful uses of the marine and oceanic resources and of the subsoil thereof beyond national jurisdiction and, also obviously, the machinery to govern it. From among the principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), on which the regime to be established must be based, great importance must be attached to the principle that the resources of that international zone shall be the common heritage of mankind. The working paper submitted on this subject to the Committee by a group of Latin American States [AI8421, annex I, sect. 8J views the application of .that principle from the standpoint of the developing nations, rejecting the traditional concept of licenses and royalties-which have produced such evil results in the exploitation of the natural resources of the economically weak countries and endowing the international authority to be created* with full powers to carry out scientific investigations as well as in relation to the preservation, exploration and exploitation of the zone, either directly or in association with natural or juridical persons, with which joint enterprises can be created or whose services can be engaged. This will also make it possible to ensure a wide dissemination and constant preparation by all countries without exception so as to organize a rational exploitation of the resources which will permit an equitable distribution of the financial benefits as well as all other advantages that may be derived from their exploitation,
137.	I must repeat the unshakable position of my Government that the planned conference on the law of the sea can only be convened to tackle all the problems of the ocean area that are "closely interrelated and need to be considered as a whole" [resolution 2750 C (XXV)], Ecuador will never agree to an international meeting to consider partial aspects in which the well-known political and economic interests of the great Powers will play the major role.
138.	My delegation considers that any form of racial discrimination is a violation of the most elementary sense of justice. It is absurd and scandalous that, so late into the twentieth century, when science and technology offer mankind the prodigies of their achievements, when the contemporary world seeks ways and means of raising the standard of living of all men because all individuals have the right to the elementary goods of the earth, we still differentiate between human beings either became of the color their skin or their religion or the philosophical criteria they obey. Furthermore, peace will always be threatened if we allow discrimination, this source of discord which is repulsive to conscience, to continue.
139.	In the light of what I have said, my Government supports the application of the measures on the question of Namibia agreed to by the General Assembly and the Security Council. Similarly, Ecuador considers that the legal situation of the Territories under Portuguese administration falls within the scope of the principles of Article 73 of the Charter.
140.	My country enjoys cordial relations with all countries, but when we tackle problems of the kind I have just defined we cannot subordinate to our friendship towards them, the imperative postulates which must guide our international life.
141.	A subject very often discussed because the whole future of mankind hinges upon it is that of disarmament.
142.	Unfortunately there has been and there is no genuine international justice of the different levels at which relations among nations exist. While this continues the old aspirations of society and mankind to achieve a state of peace and security-to survive or to see ourselves wiped out in the conflagration of an atomic war will not be fulfilled. The Government of Ecuador feels therefore that firstly States must be made to realize the imperative need to establish international justice which is ensured and made possible by disarmament. Obviously this is so complex a subject that thus far no final definition has been found and it is for this reason that we believe it indispensable that the long and difficult road be followed in stages, beginning with the limitation and ending with the complete suppression of arms at some, as yet, unforeseen time. Therefore the signing of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America  could well be considered an auspicious historic precedent .
143.	Disarmament can only be the result of serious and well-pondered acts of security and mutual confidence, which will allow the objectives to be attained. It must be preceded by the establishment of positive procedures for the peaceful settlement of disputes and effective and practical provisions for the preservation of peace. A type of common denominator would be the readiness of human minds and thought, to appreciate v.^at is meant by the establishment of international security that precious peace which will assist us to create a single society living without conflicts.
144.	Like a light in the mists that so often cover the horizon of international life, we have heard with great satisfaction of the talks held in Berlin by the four occupying Powers, which arrived at successful conclusions which will not only contribute in all aspects to the life of that city and determine its future, but will, to a certain extent, also facilitate negotiations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic and be of promise to general peace. My Government considers the negotiations carried out on this very complex question a most excellent omen. We believe that it is a clear and obvious example of how satisfactory and honorable concisions can be arrived at if, in the minds and conscience of those who analyze, discuss and solve these problems, there lies a deep desire for equity, for justice and goodwill. The negotiations in Berlin may well be a magnificent precedent in a world that swings between peace and war and in which twentieth-century man is still beset by political and social contradictions. Peace is one and indivisible; a question that is tackled with the true desire to study and solve it in the best possible way facilitates the consideration of other questions which may give rise to world problems and difficulties. Perhaps they might also catch this spirit and desire, hereby helping us to achieve a solution to all conflicts. Then, perhaps, man will be able to enjoy all the benefits of a stable and truly lasting peace.
145.	My Government is gratified at the progress achieved in the problem of Berlin. I pray that this agreement will aid in the negotiation and solution of other problems. Mankind daily calls for justice and peace. No problem is insoluble if it is dealt with properly.
146.	If, before, we lamented and were moved by the tragedy of Biafra, without going into the aspects of that issue, today, too, we would want the events that have occurred of late on the India-Pakistan frontier and which might carry the world to a dangerous and grave state of conflagration, to be solved in a way that will evince a desire for justice within the framework of respect for law and equity. But, we regret and must protest against the massacres in East Pakistan which are a violation of the sacred nature of human life for political reasons and show contempt for the condition and the very dignity of the human species.
147.	My Government has been especially concerned about the measures recently applied throughout the world concerning monetary, financial and commercial questions. They are in open opposition to the concrete agreements reached by a number of international bodies dealing with trade and development. In this regard my country insists upon the ineluctable need to ensure full respect for the status quo in business and insists that tariffs barriers that oppose the trade of the developing countries be eliminated or progressively reduced. We must insist that, not later than the present year, the generalized system of preferences be applied by all the developed countries.
148.	The Ecuadorian Government views with alarm the recent adoption of economic measures by the United States of America. Apart from having a bearing on important branches of our foreign trade, these measures may unleash a series of restrictions on the part of other developed countries also affected by them, thus creating a situation which would only prejudice the developing countries. Therefore we call on the international community to re-establish previous conditions to avoid unforeseeable maladjustments in international trade and in the economies of our countries.
149.	The Government of Ecuador considers the General Assembly to be the forum that is most appropriate for launching an appeal to the international community to participate with technology and capital in the opportunities of investment and work created by the discovery in Ecuador of one of the richest reserves of oil, together with the functioning of the zone of Andean integration, which grants Ecuador comparatively favorable treatment and in which we enjoy a privileged geographical position.
150.	In fact, Ecuador, as a country that is relatively the least economically developed of the subregional group of the Andes, benefits from a special regime which will allow it to achieve a speedier rate of development through effective and immediate participation in the benefits derived from the sectoral plans for industrial development, as well as in the program for the liberalization of trade.
151.	Furthermore, investments for the exploitation of the oil resources of our country have already produced a considerable impact on the national economy, whose rate of growth in a few months, when we have started our regular exports of oil and instituted our next five-year development plan, will arrive at annual rates under which the per capita income might rise by 10 per cent.
152.	We must prepare ourselves for this, by ensuring that we are able to meet the great demand that our economic development will require. It is national policy to see that the exploitation of a non-renewable resource, such as oil, will not, as a sole result, show an increase in the demand for consumer goods due to the new purchasing power of the population, but rather that the wealth be channeled by the creation of favorable conditions for the establishment of new and permanent sources of production and work in the agricultural and industrial sectors as well as the services needed to satisfy the changes in structure and volume of the demand.
153.	We are convinced that this transformation, by its very magnitude and the speed with which it must be carried out, will bring with it a need to complement the available national resources with those that can be given us in the flow of capital and technology from the developed countries, and by mer of other nations, ready to transfer their industrial and agricultural experience to a country that opens its frontiers and the hearts of its inhabitants to those who wish to join us in our efforts to develop.
154.	We emphatically state that foreign investment is welcome in our country, as long as it fits into the framework of absolute respect for the laws, the dignity and the national sovereignty of our country, and we shall guarantee such capital investment in the best way possible. We want this investment to be democratized, in other words, broadly based. We believe that our country, because of its economic situation, offers unique opportunities to many small and medium-sized foreign businesses and investors who may wish to become associated, with Ecuadorian men and capital in national enterprises. We are sure that this association will not only improve the means of production but will also speed up the modernization of the country and eliminate the inherent problems of traditional foreign investment.
155.	On this premise of respect for the expert and the foreign investor, we offer to expend much effort in our search for formulas that will allow for foreign co-participation in our economy within the existing institutional and legal systems and the framework established by the regional and subregional agreements to which Ecuador has committed itself.
156.	The task confronting us all at the present session of the General Assembly is both arduous and complex. We confidently trust that the resolutions which the Committees may submit and which will be analyzed by the General Assembly will lead to positive achievements.
157.	The world seeks confidence and peace; it is tired of the misleading and repetitious siren's song, of speeches which promise but prove to be nothing but voiced theory. As the twentieth century draws to its close, the social and economic problems become more acute and, in strange contrast with the progress of technology, two thirds of the population of the world is still hungry and homeless. What do we, the men of today, do to redress this? Have we done our duty? Are we doing our duty? The generation gap, of which so much is made by sociologists, this uncontainable rebellion of youth, the crisis in the churches which, until a few years ago, were immutable because of the very immutability of their foundations, the terror of the people of the world for today, and even more so for tomorrow, all this tells us that we have wasted much of our time, that We have squandered to little purpose mountains of paper and rivers of ink in planning and promising, but have done little to make social justice more than an unfulfilled promise or words of pious consolation when we could take the redeeming action that will bridge the gaps that separate class from class and citizen from citizen. Today in this world there is still much pain, much political and social injustice, much discrimination, many subjected peoples, much ignorance and much poverty. This is not a favorable balance. But, gentlemen, if we all statesmen, Governments and citizens of all nations understand our duty, there is still time.
158.	Let us then, gentlemen, not forget that although we are representatives of our respective Governments, we must also bring to these meetings, the sorrow and suffering of our peoples, which still trust and hope while living in the shadows of a difficult and sombre world. Let us interpret their cries; let us seek the way effectively to serve the cause of peace, without which there can be no progress for society or individuals. Let us work indefatigably to improve human conditions. Surely, these are duties we cannot shirk. Surely, these are the abiding obligations of the universal Organization. Let the energy and constancy of so many illustrious citizens of the world who have battled against prejudice and triumphed over the power of gold and sought to create a more just society, serve us as inspiration. If it be true th, I here in this general debate the various statements made have shown us the different ways of assessing the world situation and different solutions to the main problems, according to the country that spoke, it seems to me that there is an almost unanimous agreement in the determination of the most urgent and important questions, those that are important to intentional life, those that call for the common efforts of all nations to be channeled through the United Nations if they are to be solved. This will, to a large extent, facilitate the work of the world Organization, which is responsive to the cries of all peoples, because the suicidal attitude of indifference is the one that truly generates later difficulties and flaming conflicts.
159.	May I conclude my statement by expressing my personal belief that despite the formidable economic problems confronting us as a society and as individuals, our most important need today is spiritual. If we neglect this aspect of life, the political and social situations may well explode, making all our efforts to change them or control them vain.
160.	Life is constituted not only of material values, even though these may to a large extent regulate our lives. Life Is a period of constant self-growth, of love of beauty, good and justice, and the good, in countless cases for communities and societies, and in one word, for man, lies simply in being just and fair just towards ourselves, just towards others, just towards all nations.
161.	To breathe into the minds of all peoples the mystique of the spirit is the revolutionary, but glorious, work of the man of today.


37.	.-Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria I should like to congratulate you most warmly on the occasion of your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
38.	I should like to take this opportunity to pay a warm tribute to the Secretary-General, U Thant, who for 10 years has been serving in the highest post in the world Organization. During this whole period U Thant has devoted his efforts and his talents to strengthening the prestige of the United Nations, displaying an unshakable faith in the role which the United Nations can play in the attainment of the highest aspirations of mankind towards a future of peace and co-operation among people.
39.	These words through which we wish to reaffirm our deep esteem for the Secretary-General are in no way words of farewell. We wish to believe that his authority and experience will continue to be placed at the service of the community of nations.
40.	Debates in the United Nations are a reflection of changes, positive or negative, in the world of international politics waged by States in respect of the great problems the solution of which is expected by all the peoples of the world.
41.	Therefore we think that we can say that the general debate is held under the sign of a positive evolution in some areas, which this year brings us the wind of detente and improvement of the international political climate. Was not the important news that we heard this moaning of the visit of President Nixon to the Soviet Union another of those signs?
42.	At the same time, the debates translate the great concern for the fact that the dynamism of this process and its repercussions in the world remain slow and uncertain.
43.	Therefore, it is only natural that the problems of international security and the ways and means to settle them in conformity with the political realities of the present world have dominated the debate. The desire to pass from statements of general principles and political philosophy to concrete measures aiming at improving the international situation has been expressed in the most urgent manner. The will of the international community to reach an urgent solution of the important problems and conflicts which maintain mankind in a state of tension and alarm is more categorical than ever, because these conflicts are only too numerous. Military activities in Indo-China continue. The dangerous situation in the Middle East can at any time provoke a new explosion. In other parts of the world, more especially in the eastern Mediterranean, in Africa and in Latin America, acts of overt interference or preparations for interference in the internal affairs of States are ever more numerous.
44.	The war of aggression in Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos continues with the same violence. The inauguration of the present session on 21 September was accompanied by explosions caused by the most powerful bombings by United States aircraft on the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam in the past three years.It is these aggressive acts, and not the official declarations which translate the genuine intentions of the United States Government which are to continue the war in Indo-China through direct aggression and Viet-Namization. The objective of this redoubling of military efforts remains, of course, the same as the one defined in 1954 by the National Security Council of the United States: "The American policy consists of the search for a military victory." This objective today is much more inaccessible than it was at the time. The United States is not in a position to break the will and ability to fight of the heroic peoples of Viet-Nam and the other countries of Indo-China, who oppose foreign aggression. The latest aggressive acts of the United States can only lead to a new failure for its political and military strategy in south-east Asia, a new crisis of confidence in regard to the Washington Government, especially on the
part of the American people and its youth, who pay a very painful price for the policy of their leaders.
45.	The strategists of American policy look for a way out but they do not look for it where it is to be found in reality: the total withdrawal of American troops from Indo-China. Therefore the American leaders are looking for new possibilities in Asia, and especially in the Far East, to support their military efforts in Indo-China and their political goals within the country and in the United Nations. Washington does not conceal its satisfaction at seeing that the second visit of the adviser to President Nixon is taking place at the very moment when the United States is trying in the General Assembly to save the seat of Taiwan, immediately after the alleged elections in Saigon and the strengthening of the military activities in Viet-Nam. The United States Government is particularly appreciative of the fact that this new mission to the People's Republic of China will help to divert the attention of the public
' opinion of the country from new manifestations and demonstrations against the Viet-Nam war.
46.	As long as the United States intervention goes on in south-east Asia the Viet-Namese people, enjoying the support of socialist countries, will continue to deal heavy blows to the invaders. At the same time it continues to bend every effort for a just and realistic political solution of the conflict. The recent proposals of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam constitute a new and constructive program for the establishment of peace in Indo-China. These proposals, supported by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and welcomed with satisfaction and hope in the world, open up new prospects for the Paris negotiations and for a political solution which would take into account the interests and feelings of all the countries concerned. It is regrettable that the United States Government should continue, through its obstructionism in Paris and through its acts in Indo-China, to deepen the conflict and doom to failure all the efforts towards a political solution of the crisis.
47.	The situation in the Middle East has gone beyond tolerable limits and is incompatible with the normal and effective development of peaceful efforts aimed at liquidating the consequences of Israeli aggression. The military aggression of 1967 continues at present under the guise of occupation and political aggression, which for four years has made impossible the implementation of decisions of the Security Council. The responsibility for this situation lies exclusively with the Government of Israel.
48.	In the Middle East also we are confronted with two opposing trends. On the one hand, the Arab Governments are ready to accept a political solution of the crisis, no matter who takes the initiative for it, and, on the other hand, Israel only seeks to keep the fruits of its aggression and opposes any just solution of the conflict.
49.	This policy of Israel meets with increasing disapproval on the part of world public opinion, which sees in it an intolerable defiance of the most elementary principles of international law and justice.
50.	Israel is perfectly aware of this state of affairs and tries to conceal its opposition to measures aimed at the
restoration of peace and security in the Middle East. The statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel in the General Assembly (1946th meeting] was a new proof of this. Mr. Eban generously stated that there were several roads leading to peace; but where do the roads suggested by the Israeli Minister lead? To the illegal consecration of the consequences of aggression and, therefore, new conflicts and war. Only the road leading truly to peace and stability escaped his attention: I have in mind the total implementation of resolution 242 (1967) of the Security Council and its main provision, the withdrawal of Israeli troops from occupied Arab territories.
51. On the other hand, the constructive position of the Arab countries, and especially of Egypt, has created propitious conditions for the political solution of the crisis in the Middle East on the basis of total implementation of the Security Council resolution. The Egyptian Government has declared its readiness to conclude a peace treaty with Israel on this basis, and this would put an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict while safeguarding the interests of all peoples, including the Israeli and Palestinian peoples.
52.	This position was confirmed by the statement of Mr, Riad [1954th meeting], who repeated the readiness of Egypt to accept a just solution based upon the reciprocal security of all the countries concerned. However, Israel does not renounce its dangerous expansionist objectives. In the circumstances, decisive international action is called for. Only the concerted initiatives of the four Powers of the Security Council could pave the way for a peaceful settlement of the crisis in the Arab East. Isolated actions by one single country can only encourage Israeli intransigence.
53.	The situation in the Korean peninsula also remains a cause for concern. The presence of American troops in South Korea for over 20 years has prevented a divided country from achieving peaceful reunification. This is all the more serious because foreign intervention is being carried out under the flag of the United Nations. The normalization of the situation in this part of the world requires the withdrawal of all foreign troops and the end of any interference in the internal affairs of the Korean people. The majority of countries present here are aware of this and that is why the stand taken by some States, which made it possible to impose the decision of adjourning consideration of this question, is a matter of surprise to us. The arguments advanced by the States against the inscription on the agenda of this session of questions such as the withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea and the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea would be more weighty were there no foreign troops to prevent the Koreans from agreeing among themselves and achieving the peaceful democratic unification of their country.
54.	That is precisely the objective of the latest proposals of the Korean Democratic People's Republic of Korea. If those proposals are carried out it would lead to the creation of favorable conditions in order to put an end to an artificially created and fostered state of affairs in this part of the world.
55. Despite resolutions and solemn documents adopted at the commemorative session of the General Assembly, which called colonialism a crime and asked for the immediate an i final liquidation of the colonial system, the solution of colonial problems has not moved forward. On the contrary, we are confronted with redoubled activities of the colonial and racist regimes in southern Africa. Those regimes have strengthened their opposition and their actions against the African national liberation movements. They have perpetrated acts of aggression against Guinea, Zambia and Senegal. The racist Government of the Republic of South Africa has launched a large-scale diplomatic offensive aimed at breaking the unity of independent African countries and at subverting their struggle for the liberation of the whole of Africa. Responsibility for this state of affairs lies with those NATO countries which have not only always brought to bear their moral and material support for the colonial regimes in Africa but have even strengthened their assistance, They openly help and encourage colonialism and neo-colonialism in Africa. The most obvious proof can be seen in the talks held between the United Kingdom and the racist regime of Salisbury, the sale of British weapons to the Republic of South Africa and the NATO meeting in Lisbon.
56.	This situation in Africa also requires the strengthening of international action to help the African peoples in their just struggle for the total liquidation of colonialism.
57.	The problems of disarmament take pride of place among the most important problems of our time. Numerous resolutions, adopted almost always unanimously by the General Assembly, testify to the hopes placed by the peoples of the world in efforts likely to lead to disarmament. During lengthy debates on the various aspects of disarmament some results were reached, whose positive influence is generally recognized. We also welcome the latest progress achieved by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva: the draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on their destruction [AI8457-DCI234, annex A]. It is certain that the General Assembly will not fail to approve this first real disarmament measure and that the new convention will very soon become international law, designed to eliminate one of the most terrible weapons of mass destruction.
58.	We should like at the same time to express the hope that the adoption of this convention will bring us closer to an agreement on the prohibition of the production of chemical weapons.
59.	Every time the question of disarmament is debated, one is duty-bound to note that results in this field are not in keeping with the extreme dangers resulting from armaments. In point of fact, the very grave problems of nuclear disarmament remain in a state of suspension; general and complete disarmament is still marking time; the arms race continues to accelerate and stocks of murderous weapons are still being accumulated.
60.	Thanks above all to the efforts of the socialist countries, far from negligible results have been reached in the field of nuclear disarmament, especially the prohibition of nuclear tests in the three environments, the agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and on the demilitarization of the sea-bed, and the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on the limitation of strategic arms. This progress is far from sufficient. At this time there are propitious conditions for the conclusion of an agreement on the prohibition of underground nuclear tests, One should not let such an opportunity escape. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation, of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] is already in force. It is therefore necessary that States not having signed or ratified it, especially States possessing the industrial and financial potential for the production of nuclear weapons should adhere to it and ratify it.
61.	Nuclear disarmament could not be effective without the prohibition and destruction of nuclear weapons. The common agreement of all States possessing nuclear weapons is indispensable for this. That is precisely the objective of the Soviet proposal for the convening of a conference of the five nuclear Powers [A/8328]. The initiative was greeted favorably in all countries, since progress in the field of nuclear disarmament will greatly contribute to the strengthening of confidence and the creation of favorable conditions for the solution of the fundamental problem: that of general and complete disarmament.
62.	The proposal of the Soviet Government on the convening of a world disarmament conference [A/8491] is also of paramount importance. This is a new initiative likely to ensure progress in the problem of general disarmament, thanks to the participation of all the States of the world. That proposal is widely supported and represents the most democratic way to solve a problem which is a matter of concern to all peoples. It is regrettable that the Government of the United States should have hastened to express reservations about this proposal and we should like to believe that that is not its last word on this problem.
63.	The Government of Bulgaria unreservedly supports the new Soviet initiatives since they represent an effective way of reaching one of the essential objectives of the program for the strengthening of world peace.
64.	A policy aimed at strengthening collective security in Europe has of late progressed in a most encouraging manner. The beginning of this positive process was marked by the initiative of the socialist States for the convening of a European conference on security and co-operation. The constructive nature of this proposal, which is in keeping with the aspirations of peoples and the needs of the European continent, has exerted great influence on the political situation in Europe. It made it possible first to embark upon a dialog between East and West and then-and this is by far the most important-among all the European States. Never have there been so many contacts, conversations and consultations among the countries of Europe as in recent years. Despite the complexity of the problems and some dramatic episodes, all this has created a propitious political climate for the consideration and solution of the important European questions, the settlement of which had not advanced at all during whole decades.
65.	It is in this new climate, created thanks to the positive actions of the socialist countries, that the policy of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the East has been able to take a concrete and more realistic form. This was the necessary element enabling the Soviet Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland to sit down at the negotiating table for talks that have resulted in the signing of certain well-known and historic treaties.
66.	Further, it was in the same circumstances that it was possible to undertake and carry through successfully the four-Power talks on West Berlin, thus eliminating one of the most sensitive sources of tension in Europe.
67.	This important progress had salutary effects on the situation in Europe. The Bulgarian Government hopes that the talks among the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany and West Berlin will lead to positive results, and that the simultaneous ratification of the Treaty of 12 August 1970 between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Treaty of 7 December 1970 between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany, and the approval of the agreement on West Berlin, will not be further delayed.
68.	We are convinced that the negotiations between Czechoslovakia and West Germany will likewise be crowned with success.
69.	It is therefore evident that the time has come to pass from bilateral consultations to concrete multilateral preparations for the European security conference, with no prior conditions or reservations of any kind. During consultations carried on in a spirit of mutual understanding, agreement has become apparent on a considerable number of questions. The European conference on security and cooperation has already become an essential element for promoting relations among the European States, a genuine hope for a more stable and tranquil Europe facing a peaceful future. The conference will be an important step towards eliminating the division of Europe into blocs, towards building in its place a system of collective security, and towards liquidating artificial obstacles preventing the achievement of the real possibilities for wider political, economic, technical and cultural co-operation among the European peoples.
70.	Yet, certain measures taken by the United Kingdom Government and likely to create new tensions in East-West relations and to delay the improvement of the political climate in Europe have given rise to profound amazement. One begins to wonder whether the United Kingdom is ready to assume responsibility for this.
71.	Together with the other socialist countries, Bulgaria has played an active part in the efforts towards ensuring progress in the problem of European security , which is the key question in international relations.
72.	Profoundly convinced that the promotion of regional and bilateral co-operation contributes to a sound international situation as a whole, our country exerts untiring
5 Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed nt Berlin on 3 September 1971.
efforts to improve its relations with all countries, paying special attention to the situation in Europe, more particularly in the Balkans, In this connexion, Bulgaria has undertaken a great many bilateral and multilateral initiatives for strengthening political, economic and cultural co-operation in the Balkans. Meetings and talks have been held this year with responsible representatives of most of the Balkan countries, among them Yugoslavia, Romania, Greece, Turkey and Cyprus. At these meetings, matters of common concern and practical measures were discussed with a view to ensuring better conditions for the encouragement of good-neighborly relations among the Balkan countries.
73.	These positive developments have had a favorable reception throughout the Balkan Peninsula. It is our hope that with the participation of all the Balkan States these trends will be further strengthened. The Bulgarian Government, on its part, will spare no effort to maintain and strengthen confidence and mutual understanding, the indispensable conditions for co-operation among the Balkan peoples, and for transforming the Balkans into a region of stability and lasting peace, free from nuclear weapons.
74.	Efforts aimed at establishing new international relations cannot be limited solely to bilateral and multilateral arrangements. Such efforts are unquestionably necessary, useful and effective. However, it is obvious that today, within the framework of the United Nations, the international community has at its disposal wider means and possibilities.
75.	One of the conditions that would make it possible to utilize those possibilities is the total application of the principle of universality of this Organization. And it is here that we see the capital importance of restoring the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China, and of the simultaneous admission to membership in the United Nations of the two German States: the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany.
76.	I would like, in this connexion, to remind you of the role being played by the German Democratic Republic in international life. All its political activities and its international relations testify to the fact that it bends every effort to serve the cause of peace and understanding among peoples, in its desire to make its special contribution to the strengthening of security in Europe. The admission of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations will therefore be an important contribution to the strengthening of the principles of the Charter.
77.	The question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China has been before the United Nations for 20 years. The negative position of the United States alone has prevented its solution. The United States to this very day continues to act in the same vein, although in a different guise and obviously with less chance of success. Bulgaria, like the other socialist countries, has always favored, and continues to favor, restoring the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in all United Nations bodies, regarding that Government as the only legitimate representative of China. Our country categorically rejects any proposal involving "two Chinas".
78.	The Bulgarian delegation shares the interest felt by the majority of Member States in the problems of economic development. The interdependence of the problems of peace and international security, on the one hand, and the problems of the elimination of under-development, on the other, have been brought out in previous discussions, especially during the last session.
79.	At present, international economic relations are characterized by phenomena which give rise to serious concern. Financial and monetary troubles, inflation and unemployment are causing increasing instability in the Western economy. A large number of speakers before me have stressed the danger these phenomena represent for international economic relations, especially the success of the Second United Nations Development Decade. Any worsening in this situation will inevitably result in a greater exploitation of the third world countries, as was pointed' out with particular emphasis by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France [1942nd meeting]. One thing is unfortunately quite certain, and that is that the success of United Nations initiatives in the field of economic development is confronted with new and very grave obstacles.
80.	International economic relations during recent years have confirmed the fact that economic and social progress for the developing countries is possible only in certain conditions: complete economic independence, total mobilization of national resources and implementation of programs for accomplishing profound social and economic transformations.
81.	In the struggle of the developing countries tr ensure favorable international economic conditions i ,t their economic progress, the United Nations must resolutely stand by the side of these peoples and defend their interests.
82.	On the agenda of this session we find other important questions which the Bulgarian delegation views with all due attention. Before concluding, I should like, however, to emphasize that it is the problems of international security and the safeguarding of peace that must have absolute priority. In this connexion, I wish to stress the importance of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, unanimously adopted by the General Assembly at its anniversary session [resolution 2734 (XXV)]. The solution of the problems underlined by that Declaration in fact can create the conditions necessary for the solution of other problems of the present-day world, and international peace and security always remain the most important task of the United Nations.