94.	 Mr. President, I would like to begin my speech by congratulating you, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, on your election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. I would also like to take this opportunity to extend warm congratulations to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has made a major contribution to the anti-imperialist cause of the people of the world, and to the Republic of Djibouti, which has won independence after waging a protracted struggle, on their admission to membership in the United Nations, and sincerely to wish them new successes along their road of advance.
95.	The delegation of the People's Republic of China has come to attend this session of the General Assembly shortly after the successful Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Our country is now at an important juncture in history, when we are carrying forward the revolutionary cause pioneered by our predecessors and forging ahead into the future. Here I would like first of all to speak on developments in China.
96.	The year 1976 was no ordinary one for China. We lost our great leader and teacher Chairman Mao Tsedung and his long-tested, close comrades-in-arms, our respected and beloved Premier Chou En-lai and Chairman Chu Teh of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. Their passing away was a loss beyond measure to our Party and country, and our entire people was plunged in immense grief. In the same year, our country was hit by earthquakes and other severe natural calamities. Just when our people were faced with these grave difficulties, the counterrevolutionary  gang of four  of Wang Hungwen, Chang Chun-chiao, Chiang Ching and Yao Wen-yuan frenziedly stepped up their conspiratorial activities in a vain attempt to usurp supreme leadership in our Party and State. For a time dark clouds hung heavily over China. The Chinese people were worried about the fate of our Party and country, about whether we could continue to advance along the course charted by Chairman Mao. Our friends abroad also felt anxiety for us. A handful of enemies at home and abroad, however, gloated over our difficulties and hoped that our country would henceforth be thrown into a state of chaos and division and that Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies would no longer be followed. When Chairman Mao was still with us, he had been aware of die gang of four  problem. He waged repeated struggles against those persons and personally chose Chairman Hua Kuo-feng to be his successor so as to forestall their usurpation of Party and state power. After he passed away and at the critical moment when the  gang of four  attempted to seize the chance to take action, the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Hua followed Chairman Mao's behest, acted on his directives and decisions and smashed this cabal at one blow, thus saving our country from a blood-bath and a major retrogression. The long-steeled Communist Party and people of China stood the rigorous test and won a great victory. The Chinese people rejoiced, and our foreign friends were happy for our
S3K6.
97.	At present, the situation in China is excellent We again have a wise leader in Chairman Hua Kuo-feng Our Party is more united, more unified and stronger than ever. People s democracy in China is being given full play. Our people s enthusiasm for socialism has never been so high the dictatorship of the proletariat is more firmly consolidated The mass movement to expose and criticize the
gang of four has speeded up the rehabilitation and expansion of industrial and agricultural production. A new leap forward is taking shape in the national economy
98.	The Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China was a great milestone in the history of our Party, and it was a congress of great, historic significance and far-reaching influence. The Congress stressed that the banner of Chairman Mao is the banner of victory of the Chinese people's revolution. The Chinese people are determined to rally closely around the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Hua, forever hold aloft the great banner of Chairman Mao, adhere to his theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and steadfastly implement his revolutionary line in domestic and external work. We are determined to work hard for the realization of the strategic decision of grasping the key link of class struggle and bringing about great order across the land, turn China into a powerful modern socialist country by the end of the century and make a greater contribution to humanity. We are confident of surmounting all difficulties and obstacles on our road of advance. Our cause is just. Our line is correct. Our goal must be attained. Our goal can unquestionably be attained.
99.	We are happy to see that the international situation is also excellent. All the basic contradictions in the world are sharpening, and the factors for revolution continue to grow. Countries want independence, nations want liberation, and the people want revolution-this has become the irresistible historical trend. The international united front against hegemonism, against the super-Power policies of aggression and war, is broadening.
100.	Over the past year, the revolutionary struggle of the international proletariat, the liberation struggles of the oppressed people and nations and the revolutionary mass movements in many countries have continued to surge forward. The Korean people's struggle for the independent and peaceful reunification of their country has won more popular support. The people of Democratic Kampuchea, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic, after winning great victories in their war against United States aggression and for national salvation, are actively consolidating their victorious gains and working hard for their countries' reconstruction. The people of the South-East Asian and South Asian countries, upholding independence and sovereignty, have repeatedly frustrated super-Power schemes of interference, control and expansion. The  Asian collective security system  so energetically hawked by a super-Power has been rejected or opposed by virtually all Asian countries. The Arab and Palestinian people's struggle against Israeli Zionism and super-Power hegemonism is deepening. The people in southern Africa have risen in a new upsurge of the struggle against colonialism and racism. The people of Panama, with the support of the people in other Latin American countries, have achieved important results in their struggle for the recovery of the Panama canal. The people of the countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and Oceania have won a number of new victories in their struggle to win or safeguard national independence and defend state sovereignty. The numerous developing countries have carried on an unremitting struggle against the super-Powers in order to establish a new international economic order and defend their national economic rights and interests and their maritime rights. The third-world countries and people, who support and encourage one another and fight in unity and co-operation, have played an increasingly remarkable role as the main force in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism. Faced with the growing superpower menace, the countries of the second world in Western Europe and other regions have shown a stronger tendency towards unity against hegemonism. The mass movement of the Japanese people for the recovery of the four northern islands is sweeping across the land. The two super-Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, which stand opposed to the people of the world, are beset with difficulties and crises at home and abroad. They find the going tougher and tougher. Social-imperialism, in particular, has suffered heavy blows one after another as its aggressive and expansionist features are further revealed. The international situation as a whole continues to develop in a direction favourable to the people of all countries and unfavourable to the super-Powers.
101.	The situation in the Middle East is a question of concern to the entire world. During the past year, the Arab and Palestinian' people have more closely combined their struggle against Zionism with the struggle against superpower hegemonism. Social-imperialism's despicable practice of betrayal and control, under the camouflage of support and aid has been opposed by a growing number of Arab countries and peoples.
102.	The Egyptian Government and people have resolutely resisted social-imperialism's political blackmail and economic pressure and safeguarded their state sovereignty and national dignity. The eighth meeting of the Kings and Presidents of the Arab League, held at Cairo on 25 and 26 October 1976, reached agreement on ending the civil war in Lebanon and strengthening Arab unity, thus frustrating another attempt of the super-Powers to sow discord and split the Arab ranks. While each super-Power tries to out-clamour the other for an over-all settlement of the Middle East question, both of them are in fact still attempting to maintain the unsettled state of  no war, no peace  in the Middle East. They are afraid of the emergence of a strong and united Arab world, of a stable and prosperous Middle East. Driven by the needs of their respective global strategies, they both seek to control the Middle East. Using different ways and tactics, both of them are supporting and abetting the Israeli Zionists and bringing all kinds of pressure to bear on the Arab countries and the Palestinian people. That is why the Israeli Zionists are so obdurate and so insolent. The situation in the Middle East will remain tense and complicated, pregnant with the danger of new military conflicts. But no one can shake the resolve of the Arab and Palestinian people to recover their sacred territories and regain their national rights. Supported by the people of the whole world, the just struggle of the Arab and Palestinian people will be crowned with final victory.
102. The developments in Africa are particularly encouraging. New victories have been won steadily by the great African people in their struggle against imperialism, colonialism, racism and hegemonism. The Government and people of the Sudan foiled the subversive plots engineered by social-imperialism and expelled its military experts, dealing a heavy blow to its ambition of aggression and expansion. The people of Zaire, who are united as one against the common enemy and are supported by fraternal African peoples, crushed the invasion of mercenary troops instigated by social-imperialism and safeguarded the independence and territorial integrity of their country. This victory, which greatly raised the morale of the African people and deflated the arrogance of the aggressors, sets an example of mutual support and joint resistance of African peoples against super-Power aggression. In southern Africa, the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia have persisted in armed struggle against racism and for national liberation under arduous and complex conditions. The people of Azania have fought resolutely against apartheid despite brutal repression, and the mass movement there keeps surging forward. People across the African continent voice strong solidarity for their brothers in southern Africa, whose heroic struggle also enjoys support from the people the world over. The reactionary Vorster and Smith regimes are besieged on all sides and completely isolated.
103.	In their protracted struggle, the African countries and people have come to appreciate more and more the importance of unity against the enemy. Although there exist differences of one kind or another between African countries, yet confronted with the enemy they have sought common ground on major issues, while putting aside their minor differences, and have directed the main thrust of their attack against imperialism, colonialism and racism, and super-Power hegemonism in particular. This has been and will continue to be an important guarantee for the victories of the African people. The first Afro-Arab summit conference and the fourteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity stressed mutual aid and co-operation and the need to oppose foreign interference. These Conferences were a significant testimony to the strength and unity of the 61 African and Arab countries with their more than 400 million people in lighting the common enemy. They were a positive contribution to the struggle of the African and Arab people and of the entire third world against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism.
104.	The struggle of the African people will yet be protracted and arduous. Colonialism and racism are still putting up a last-ditch struggle. What is more serious is that both super-Powers have intensified their interference in African affairs. Owing to the importance of Africa's strategic location and its rich natural resources, each of them regards the control of this continent as an important part of its global strategy of gaining sway in Europe and dominating the world. Super-Power rivalry in Africa is becoming fiercer. One super-Power seeks to preserve and expand its vested interests and influence in Africa. It obdurately supports the forces of colonialism and racism in southern Africa and tries to undermine the liberation struggles of the people there. The other super-Power, flaunting the banner of opposing imperialism and colonialism and supporting the national liberation movement to fool people, has stepped up its infiltration and expansion in Africa. It is exploiting some differences between African countries and between liberation organizations and utilizing some problems left over from the days of colonial rule to sow discord, incite trouble and fish in troubled waters. Against those African countries which dare to resist and oppose its hegemonic behaviour, this super-Power has resorted to brazen and unscrupulous subversion and interference and gone so far as to organize and send mercenary troops for outright military invasion, which poses a grave threat to the security and independence of these countries. Many African countries are worried lest what happened in Angola and Zaire yesterday may befall themselves tomorrow. Facts eloquently show that the rivalry between the super-Powers is the main source of unrest and turbulence in Africa, and that the super-Power which styles itself a  natural ally  of the African people has become their most sinister and ferocious enemy. The African countries and people are indeed faced with the trying task of rebuffing the tiger at the back door while repelling the wolf at the front gate . However, a great change has taken place in Africa. The great African people have stood up; they will never tolerate any foreign force of aggression lording it over them again. It is our conviction that the African people, persisting in unity and struggle against the common enemy, will frustrate all super-Power schemes and demolish the last bastions of colonialism and racism in Africa, thereby winning complete independence and liberation for the whole of Africa.
105.	A question the people of the world are interested in and think about today is whether the world situation is more tense or more relaxed, whether the danger of war is greater or less. A super-Power claims that the danger of war has been  considerably reduced . This is sheer deceptive talk. The stark reality is that the situation in the world has not relaxed, and that the factors for war are visibly growing. In their scramble for hegemony, both superpowers are intensifying their arms expansion and war preparations. Their rivalry extends to every corner of the world. They are carrying out aggression and expansion far and wide, each cutting the ground from under the other's feet and striving to weaken and gain advantage over the other. Because of its political, economic and strategic importance, Europe is strategically the focus of rivalry between the two hegemonic Powers and the arena where they are locked in acute military confrontation. The two antagonistic military blocs keep increasing their troops and armaments and redeploying their forces and frequently conducting large-scale military exercises. The war machine of each super-Power has expanded to unprecedented proportions. The super-Powers are the source of a new world war. This is an ironclad fact which no one can cover up.
106.	It must be pointed out in particular that social- imperialism presents the greater danger. Judging from the current over-all picture of the rivalry between the two hegemonic Powers, the United States is on the defensive, while the Soviet Union is on the offensive. Social- imperialism is exerting its utmost to carry out all-round arms expansion. It surpassed the United States in conventional armed forces long ago and is striving for over-all supremacy in nuclear weapons as well. It has expanded its navy on a massive scale, and its fleets are active on all seas. It wants to grab the whole of Europe, Asia and Africa. It not only maintains a posture of readiness to break through at the centre in Europe, but strives to create a situation in which it can outflank Europe from the north and the south. It is accelerating its plunder of strategic resources and control of strategic areas in Africa and the Middle East and seeks to seize the Persian Gulf in the east, block the strategic routes of the Atlantic Ocean in the west and thrust round the Cape of Good Hope in the south. The ambitions of the new tsars far exceed those of the old tsars.
107.	There are profound political and economic reasons why social-imperialism has become the most dangerous source of war. Being a latecomer among the imperialist Powers, it is more aggressive and adventurous. Owing to its relatively inadequate economic strength, it cannot but rely to a greater extent on military strength and threats of war in pursuing expansion. Its highly concentrated State- monopoly capitalist economy and its political regime of Fascist dictatorship make it easier to militarize its national economy and state apparatus. Besides, it flaunts the banner of  socialism , which can deceive people to a certain extent, and this also makes it more dangerous.
108.	Lenin said:  An essential feature of imperialism is the rivalry between several great Powers in the striving for hegemony.
109.	Chairman Mao said:
 The United States wants to protect its interests in the world and the Soviet Union wants to expand; this can in no way be changed. In the era in which classes exist, war is an interval between one peace and another. War is a continuation of politics, that is to say, a continuation of peace. Peace itself is politics.
The continuation of fierce contention between the two super-Powers is bound to lead to a world war some day. This is independent of man's will.
110.	More and more people have recognized that the factors for war are visibly growing and that social- imperialism is the most dangerous source of war. They advocate the strengthening of unity, of defence capabilities and of preparedness against war. But it must not be overlooked that there is still a strong trend towards appeasement in the West. Some people hope that .temporary ease can be gained by making compromises and concessions. They imagine that they can restrain social- imperialism by signing agreements and expanding economic exchanges with it and by giving it loans. Some even seek to divert this peril towards the east in order to preserve themselves at the expense of others. Historical experience tells us that all aggressors bully the soft and fear the tough and always reach out for a yard after taking an inch. Like rearing a tiger to one's ultimate detriment, a policy of appeasement will simply encourage aggression and hasten the outbreak of war. To follow in Neville Chamberlain's footsteps means courting self-destruction. We must not forget the tragic lesson of Munich.
111.	It is understandable that people are interested in the question of disarmament when the super-Powers are stepping up their rivalry and their arms expansion and war preparations and when the danger of a world war is growing. But the super-Powers are playing up disarmament as something miraculous. In particular, the super-Power that most vociferously preaches  peace  dishes up some sort of disarmament proposal every year and describes disarmament virtually as a panacea which will dispel the danger of war, ensure a lasting peace and rid the world of poverty. This is sheer deception. Since the super-Powers are bent on aggression and expansion and are scrambling for world hegemony, they are bound to expand their armaments and go to war. They will never lay down their knives, nor beat their swords into ploughshares. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva has been going on for 16 years, yet neither super-Power has reduced its armaments by a single gun. The Strategic Arms Limitation Talks have been going on for 8 years, yet strategic arms have kept growing in number. The negotiations on mutual and balanced reduction of forces in Central Europe has entered its fourth year, yet the armaments deployed by the super-Powers in central Europe have continued to increase, and there are endless wrangling and differences even over the exact number of troops maintained by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty in this region. It is very clear that the super-Powers are prating about disarmament and peace only to cover up their arms expansion and war preparations. They are just using people's desire for peace to lull the people with false hopes so that it may be easier for them to launch a war some day and realize their wild ambition of conquering the world.
112. Our attitude with regard to a world war is,  First, we are against it; second, we are not afraid of it . The people of the world want peace, and the Chinese people also want a peaceful international environment in which they may better build up their country. It is the super-Powers and not the Chinese people and the people of the world who want war. Some people say that in repeatedly stressing the danger of a world war, China is raising a false alarm and that it is warlike and wants to provoke a world war. This is vile slander. All we have done is to call a spade a spade so that the people will be on the alert and oppose the unleashing of a new world war by the super-Powers. And when we say we are not afraid of war, it means still less that we like it, but because to be afraid gets us nowhere. The super-Powers are bent on fighting a war. What is the use of being afraid? Actually, the super-Powers are not so terrifying. They look strong like real tigers. But, as Chairman Mao pointed out:
 ... imperialism and all reactionaries, looked at in essence, from a long-term point of view, from a strategic point of view, must be seen for what they are—paper tigers.   s
Social-imperialism has wild ambitions. But it finds little political support, and its economy is lop-sided. There is a sharpening contradiction between its ruling clique and the broad masses as well as mounting discontent among the oppressed minority nationalities at home. Its  community , which is a colonial set-up, is very unstable and shows a growing centrifugal tendency. Pursuing aggression and expansion everywhere, social-imperialism has set itself against the people of all countries, and this in itself dooms it to defeat. So long as the people of all countries unite and form themselves into a mighty army against hegemonism, heighten their vigilance, get prepared and persevere in struggle, they may be able to put off the war; and in case it does break out, they will find themselves in a favourable
position to abolish unjust war by means of a just war against aggression and win genuine peace. We are revolutionary optimists. We are convinced that the human race will abolish war and not be destroyed by it.
113. Developments on the international scene have proved that Chairman Mao's thesis differentiating the three worlds, which he set forth in 1974, conforms to the political realities of the contemporary world and is in the fundamental interests of the people the world over. Back in 1926 he stressed,
 Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution.
Chairman Mao advanced his thesis differentiating the three worlds after he had observed and studied for years the development and changes of the basic contradictions and the division and realignment of the political forces in the world since the 1960s, as well as the political and economic position of each country internationally. The great significance of this thesis lies in the fact that it provides the people of the world with a powerful ideological instrument with which to identify the main revolutionary forces, the chief enemies, and the middle forces that can be won over and united within the international struggle of today. It thus enables the people of all countries to mobilize better all positive factors, unite with all the forces that can be united and isolate the main common enemy to the maximum and deal it the heaviest blows. At present, the steady reinforcement of the unity and co-operation of the third world, the growing tendency in the second world to unity against hegemonism and the broadening of the international united front against super-Power hegemonism, in which the third world is the main force-all this testifies to the validity of Chairman Mao's thesis. Obviously, the broader the international united front against hegemonism and the more isolated the super-Powers, the more that situation will favour the struggle of the oppressed people and nations for liberation and of the people of all countries, particularly the third-world countries, to win or safeguard national independence, defend State sovereignty and develop their national economy. On the other hand, every victory in the revolutionary struggle of the people of all countries helps to weaken the super-Powers, thwart their aggressive and expansionist ambitions, upset their war plans and deployments, and put off the outbreak of a new world war.
114. Chairman Mao's theory of the three worlds is diametrically opposed to the super-Powers' views on international relations. One super-Power spreads the view that there is only one world, a so-called  interdependent  world. But in fact the different parts of the world are mutually contradictory as well as interrelated. The  interdependence  this super-Power emphasizes has nothing in common with the international co-operation on an equal footing demanded by the many small and medium-sized countries. This super-Power wants to obliterate the actual contradiction between exploiter and exploited, between oppressor and oppressed and between aggressor and victim of aggression. It attempts thereby to preserve the outdated world order and wants all countries to be  dependent  on it. The other super-Power ignores the fact that the socialist camp ceased to exist and the imperialist camp disintegrated long ago, and asserts that the two camps still exist. Evidently, it wants even more to obliterate its acute contradiction with the people of the world, and with the people of the third-world countries, in particular. By continuing to use the signboard  the socialist camp , it attempts to disguise its true nature of social-imperialism, enforce the doctrines of  limited sovereignty  and  international dictatorship  in its  community  so as to preserve its neo-colonial set-up, and at the same time to hoodwink the people and to push its policies of aggression and expansion in the whole world. There is an essential similarity between the two views advanced by the two super-Powers. Both want to prevent us the people of the world from distinguishing between our enemies, our friends and ourselves, so as to strengthen their positions in the rivalry for world hegemony and to undermine the struggle of the world people against hegemonism.
115.	Chairman Mao's strategic concept differentiating the three worlds explodes the fallacies spread by the superpowers and gives a correct orientation to the contemporary international struggle. This brilliant concept will demonstrate greater vitality with the passage of time.
116.	The revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs which were formulated by the Chinese people's great leader and teacher Chairman Mao Tsetung and creatively implemented by our esteemed and beloved Premier Chou En-lai have been and will continue to be the guideline for China's external work. At the Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Chairman Hua Kuo-feng solemnly declared that we will hold high the great banner of Chairman Mao, adhere to proletarian internationalism and continue to carry out Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in foreign affairs. We will strengthen our unity with the other socialist countries and with the proletariat and the oppressed people and nations throughout the world, strengthen our unity with the other third-world countries and ally with all countries subjected to the aggression, interference or threats of super-Power hegemonism so as to form the broadest possible united front against the hegemonism of the two super-Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States. We will establish and develop relations with other countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. We will strengthen our unity with all other genuine Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations and carry through to the end the struggle against modern revisionism with the Soviet revisionist renegade clique as its centre.
117.	We have always held that all countries, big and small, should be equal. We are resolutely against big nations bullying small ones and strong nations oppressing weak ones. The affairs of a country should be managed by its own people; the affairs of a region should be managed by the countries in that region; the affairs of the whole world should be managed jointly by all countries.
118.	China is a socialist country. China and the other third-world countries share a common experience and face common fighting tasks. China belongs to the third world. We stand firmly together with the other developing countries and people in Asia, Africa, Latin America and other regions. We firmly support these countries in their struggle to combat imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism and to win or safeguard national independence, defend State sovereignty and develop their national economy. The non-aligned movement, an important force, has developed steadily and become stronger, and together with the other third-world countries, it is playing a role of growing importance in international affairs. We firmly support the non-aligned countries in pursuing their non- aligned policy of independence, peace and neutrality and support them in opposing all foreign aggression and interference.
119.	We firmly support the Korean people in their just struggle for the independent and peaceful reunification of their country. The United Nations Command must be dissolved. The armed forces of the United States and their equipment must be withdrawn immediately and totally from South Korea. The Chung Hee Park clique in South Korea must stop all its provocations which create tensions. The Korean question should be resolved by the Korean people themselves free from any outside interference. Any act to delay and obstruct the reunification of Korea in the hope of perpetuating the division of Korea and creating  two Koreas  runs counter to the aspirations of the entire Korean people and will not be tolerated. The resolution for promoting the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at its thirtieth session should be implemented in earnest.
120.	We firmly support the Arab and Palestinian people in their just struggle to recover their lost territories and regain their national rights. We are firmly opposed to the rivalry for hegemony between the two super-Powers in the Middle East and to Israel's policy of aggression. The provocative action of the present administration of Israel in establishing settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan River with a view to permanently occupying Arab territories must be strongly condemned. We reaffirm that we will have no dealings whatsoever with the Israeli Zionists.
121.	We firmly support the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their just struggle against white racism and for national independence and liberation. We reaffirm that we will have no dealings whatsoever with the South African and Rhodesian racist regimes.
122.	We firmly support the Latin American countries in their struggle to strengthen unity and co-operation and combat super-Power hegemonism. We firmly support the Panamanian people in their valiant and protracted struggle for the recovery of the Panama Canal.
123.	We firmly support the third-world countries and people in their struggle against imperialist or social- imperialist exploitation and plunder, for the establishment of a new international economic order and in defence of their national economic rights and interests. The correct principles in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Programme of Action adopted at the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly must be carried out. We support the series of reasonable proposals advanced by the developing countries, such as the establishment of an integrated programme for commodities and its common fund, the demand for a moratorium on and the reduction or cancellation of debt burdens, etc.
124.	We support the second-world countries and people in their struggle to oppose super-Power control, intimidation and bullying and to defend their security and national independence. We support their efforts to improve relations with third-world countries on the basis of equality. We appreciate the efforts of the Western European countries for unity against hegemonism. We firmly support the Japanese people in their struggle for the recovery of the four northern islands.
125.	We are for genuine disarmament and against sham disarmament. We have consistently stood for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. As the first step, all nuclear countries, and particularly the two nuclear super-Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, must first of all undertake the unequivocal obligation that they will not be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time or in any circumstances, and in particular will not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear countries and nuclear-free zones, and that they must dismantle all their nuclear bases on the territories of other countries and withdraw from abroad all their nuclear armed forces and nuclear weapons. We support the demands of the countries and people in the regions of the Indian Ocean, the  Mediterranean and the Red Sea and in South-East Asia, South Asia and Latin America for the establishment of peace zones, security zones and nuclear-free zones. We are strongly opposed to the super-Powers' policies of nuclear blackmail and nuclear monopoly and to their disarmament fraud.
126.	The Shanghai communiqué of 27 February 1972 is the basis for the relations between China and the United States at present. According to the spirit of the communiqué, if relations between the two countries are to be normalized, the United States must sever its so-called diplomatic relations with the Chiang clique, withdraw all its armed forces and military installations from Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait area and abrogate its so-called  mutual defence treaty  with the Chiang clique. Taiwan is China's sacred territory. The Chinese people are determined to liberate Taiwan and accomplish the great undertaking of unifying our motherland. When and how to liberate Taiwan is entirely China's internal affair, which brooks no foreign interference whatsoever. The above is the unalterable stand of the Chinese Government.
127.	Our controversy with the Soviet leading clique on matters of principle will go on for a long time. We will persevere in our tit-for-tat struggle against its hegemonism. At the same time, we have always held that China and the Soviet Union should maintain normal State relations on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. It is none other than the Soviet leading clique that has worsened the State relations between China and the Soviet Union. If the Soviet leaders really want to improve the State relations between the two countries, they should prove this by deeds.
128.	We will always bear in mind Chairman Mao's teaching,  Dig tunnels deep, store grain everywhere, and never seek hegemony , and be ready at all times to wipe out any enemy that dares to invade China. Our policy is:  We will not attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counterattack.
129.	We will always bear in mind Chairman Mao's teaching that in our external work we should  get rid of great-power chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely  We will never seek hegemony or be superpower. We will always stand by the oppressed people and nations throughout the world. On behalf of the Chinese Government, Vice-Premier Teng Hsiao-ping solemnly declared from this rostrum in April 1974:
 If one day China should change its [political] colour and turn into a super-Power, if it too, should play the tyrant in the world, and everywhere subject others to its bullying, aggression and exploitation, then the people of the world should identify it as social imperialism, expose it, oppose it and work together with the Chinese people to overthrow it.
Here, we the Chinese delegation, would like to reaffirm this stand.
130.	The world is advancing amidst turmoil; the people are awakening in the course of struggle. We are now in a new historical period-a period of struggle against superpower hegemonism. The struggle will be hard and the road tortuous, but the future is bright.  The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history. The people of the world have been tempered in great storms of struggle. They have gained experience, strengthened their unity and grown stronger. It is not the one or two super-Powers but the people of the world that decide the destiny of mankind. Victory unquestionably belongs to the people of the world.


234.	Throughout the regular meetings, our continued concerns and the exigencies of a future which we wish to build despite unforeseeable contingencies, we have had regular opportunities to measure the road yet to be travelled. From year to year, looking ahead on the path to be followed, we witness the closer concern and more attentive responsibility shown by our Organization for the aspirations of our nations, which have long been kept outside the decision-making centres of the world.
235.	This sense of dynamism which has been instilled into international life increases our determination to tackle the problems which stand in the way of the necessary changes. We are in the midst of a transitional period when contradictory developments which affect inter-State relations should be regarded as signs of this difficult but long-awaited transition.
236.	In particular, the persistence of hotbeds of tension, the arms race, interference in the domestic affairs of States, the economic system based on inequitable trade and exploitation, and the denial to peoples of their most elementary rights are deep-seated roots of an evil which distorts the image created by the ideals of the Charter. Nevertheless, our capacity to break away from anachronistic systems can only be strengthened by the detente entered into between the great Powers, the recourse to democratic dialogue in dealing with key issues, the affirmation of the ties of economic interdependence and the ever-deeper conviction of the world-wide nature of peace, security and prosperity.
237.	The nations of the third world, who are the victims of the present order and are facing the problem of their survival, were the first to advocate dialogue with a view to setting up structures to ensure the benefits of harmonious development to all alike on the bases of respect for mutual interests and of sovereignty.
238.	In this process, the non-aligned countries have played an active role and have put forward proposals for the establishment of a new international order, the necessity and urgency for which are constantly evident to all of us. It is therefore significant that the debates at this session have been organized in terms of that necessity and urgency, and that they should be presided over by the representative of Yugoslavia, a founding member of the non-aligned movement. Your great country, Mr. President, made a decisive contribution to the awakening of conscience, which, with the advent of decolonization, helped to crystallize the aspirations of the third world. In history the role of harbinger of the emergence and spread of the non-aligned movement, played with such far-sightedness and commitment by President Josip Broz Tito, will be noted.
239.	Last year, the General Assembly elected as its President a convinced partisan of non-alignment, our friend Amerasinghe, to whom I take pleasure in reaffirming here our gratitude for the effectiveness and the dedication which he displayed in the course of the thirty-first session.
240.	Knowing your experience, Mr. President, your tenacity and your faith in the ideals of the Organization, I am sure that your election, while confirming the universal nature of our movement in this Organization, will give the proceedings of this session a dimension commensurate with the expectations of our peoples and a significance equal to the demands of the time.
241.	I cannot of course pay a tribute to the President of the Assembly without emphasizing the outstanding qualities and talents of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose perseverance, self-sacrifice and high- mindedness are a continuous encouragement to the activities of the United Nations.
242.	This year the Organization has been enshrined by the admission of two new Members, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. In welcoming these fraternal countries to our ranks, Algeria pays a- tribute to two nations which have won their independence through hard struggle and which are today embarked on the even more arduous task of national reconstruction.
243.	The Vietnamese people, whose struggle has brought them into a brotherhood of arms with my own people, have written, through their sacrifice and their long martyrdom, an incomparable chapter in the history of resistance to colonialism and imperialism. That nation has the right to expect of the international community today testimony of the tangible solidarity commensurate with the price it had to pay for its liberation and reunification
244.	On that continent of Asia which bears the dreadful seal of the division of nations and the partition of their national territories, may peace be restored to the Indo-China peninsula and may the reunification of Viet Nam which has now been achieved favour the peaceful settlement, free of foreign interference, of the problems of divided countries, and particularly of Korea, which is so close to our hearts and so much a part of our concerns.
245.	The people of Djibouti, for its part, steeped in an Afro-Arab civilization which has always rejected alienation, today is rising up in the nobility and dignity it has never lost. It too has afforded the proof, if any proof were necessary, that the greatness of peoples which by definition are dedicated to freedom is measured neither by the size of their territory nor by the numbers of their population.
246.	In these last few years international life has undergone qualitative changes in the establishment of new relationships both in terms of the development of political and economic relations and in the codification of standards of law that reflect the changes that have taken place. The resumption of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the super-Powers, their joint statement on the Middle East of 1 October and the climate which has marked the resumption in Belgrade of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe appear to be giving fresh impetus to the trend in favour of detente, although the limits of that movement continue to be seen precisely at the confines of the third world.
247.	The ever more frequent use of a policy of fait accompli, the use of force and the destabilization of the three continents of the Southern Hemisphere reflects a retrograde situation which is all the more dangerous to peace and security because, in the final analysis, it will prevent the third world from exercising its natural function in the international balance of power and consequently from making detente as universal as it must of needs be.
248.	Before the progress of the African liberation movement, imperialism has attempted, first of all, to call a halt  to decolonization, but that policy is brought to bear wherever its interests are most threatened.
249.	While the revolutionary conscience of the peoples of Angola and Mozambique has thwarted these imperialist whims and has foiled the threats and the manoeuvres mounted against their independence, the reality of the system of oppression remains in all its force in the rest of southern Africa. That is the focal-point of the stability of the entire continent.

250.	Peace in this area is necessarily contingent upon the elimination of the minority and racist regimes. We must not seek to attenuate the fundamental aspirations of the peoples of the region by drawing up arrangements which reflect rather the concern to safeguard established interests than to satisfy the will to independence of those peoples. In this context, any initiative with a view to negotiating the transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe can have no real meaning unless it culminates in effective independence. The satisfaction of its national rights, embodied in the Patriotic Front, supported by the whole of Africa and principally by the front-line countries, constitutes the central element in any just and lasting settlement.
251.	The developments in Namibia are an additional source of concern to the world community. Pretoria, which persists in rejecting the decisions of international bodies, has left the people of Namibia no alternative to intensifying their armed struggle under the leadership of SWAPO in order to win their independence and to preserve their national unity and territorial integrity.
252.	In Rhodesia, as in Namibia, the major obstacle to the liberation of southern Africa resides in the behaviour of South Africa. There is no need in regard to action to multiply manoeuvres in order to make people forget that not only Rhodesia and Namibia must accede to independence, but that the apartheid system itself must be eliminated once and for all. A group of Western States, it is true, is now endeavouring to negotiate the transfer of power to the African peoples. It is not our intention to discuss the merits of these initiatives which, in the final analysis, will be judged by their results. But irrespective of the value of these initiatives and the role that our Organization will be called upon to play in its decisive phase, we are concerned about the duplicity of denouncing apartheid while at the same time giving it the economic, material and military means for consolidating the policy of the enslavement of African peoples. We are dismayed by the transfer to the apartheid regime of the most sophisticated military technologies. That is why we are giving close attention to all the twists and turns of that policy, which consists of introducing and exacerbating the factors of dispersal of forces by trying to get artificial credit for the notion of ideological cleavage, for the sole purpose of securing authorized sanction for plans and retribution for manifestly anti-African enterprises. The independence of the African continent having become an international reality of weight and of quality, nothing is spared to separate Africa from its policy of non-alignment
253.	To undermine its unity and keep it in a neo-colonial status, imperialism today is attacking the substance and the raison d'etre of the OAU by sowing discord among the African countries, by having recourse to destabilization, and by seeking to pit Africans against Africans, in order to distract them from their fundamental concerns. The principles which constitute the corner-stone of the structure of Africa and which have made it possible to neutralize the stratagems employed by the colonialists, and particularly the principles of self-determination, national unity and the inviolability of frontiers, have become, thanks to complicity in certain quarters, the prime target of the forces of domination and exploitation.
254.	In this critical stage through which our continent is passing, the Horn of Africa is another subject of grave concern. Two brotherly peoples and neighbours are engaged in heavy fighting. The Charter of the OAU offers a series of methods for putting an end to the dispute. Algeria, together with other African countries, has not failed to appeal for a peaceful settlement of the problem conducive to the restoration of mutual trust, good neighbourliness and harmony in the region, free from all outside interference.
255.	This, however, did not prevent the mutilation of the Comoro archipelago and the violation of the principle of self-determination, the unity of the people and the inviolability of the frontiers inherited from the colonial period. In this ordeal which affects the sovereignty of a people and the dignity of a continent, the Comoros have always been assured of the unanimous and unfailing support of all Africa and of the international community.
256.	Who could have imagined that in Western Sahara countries which have themselves undergone colonial rule should have sought to emulate the Powers which in the last century divided up our continent? This is a precedent so grave that any complacency on the part of the international community would lead inevitably to the rule of might over right.
257.	If the United Nations wishes to carry out its true mission and to safeguard the immense capital which it has accumulated in defending the ideals of peoples, it cannot do nothing when the very principles on which it is based are in jeopardy. Its responsibility for decolonization is written into the Charter: that is why it has in all relevant resolutions reaffirmed the inalienable right of the Saharan people to self-determination.
258.	Recolonized in the age of decolonization, that people is facing the threat of extermination and is struggling to restore universally to the process of decolonization initially laid down by the international community, which is now gravely threatened by two Member States, aided and abetted by the delaying tactics of the administering Power. A veritable war of liberation is going on in Western Sahara, and all the elements of that kind of war are present. The negation of the right of the Saharan people freely to choose its destiny has unfortunately culminated in an enterprise of genocide; in the exodus of thousands of Saharans and in the situation now prevailing in our region.
259.	Everyone here is familiar with the colonialist dialectic consisting in denying the existence of peoples, in distorting the meaning of their struggle and in concealing the excesses of the colonialists by ascribing responsibility for them to others.
260.	Faced with this tragedy, Algeria has consistently appealed for a restoration of the process of decolonization and for a peaceful solution to the problem based on respect for the principle of self-determination. The United Nations itself has indicated the ways and means of putting an end to a situation which is dangerous for all the peoples of the Maghreb and prejudicial to their highest interests.. It is therefore incumbent upon our Organization to continue its consideration of the question in the context of respect for the principles of the Charter.
261.	For its part, Africa, which through the OAU has forged an instrument of unity, solidarity and action to complete decolonization, has not failed to stress the gravity of this problem when it decided to devote an extraordinary summit meeting to it
262.	That must unquestionably be seen as a sign which augurs well in the search for a peaceful solution and will help the Secretary-General of the United Nations to undertake, with the assistance of the other parties concerned and interested, in particular the Saharan people, all necessary initiatives for restoring the rule of law and promoting co-operation among all the peoples of the region.
263.	In any event, Algeria declares its readiness to do its share and will spare no effort to bring about a healthy narrowing of differences and a restoration of trust, concord and fraternity.
264.	Without any doubt, it is in such a perspective that the various Arab and African mediation attempts have been made, all of which testify to the solidarity of our peoples as they look to a common destiny. We wish to give credit where credit is due and pay a tribute to all concerned, since, despite the manoeuvres of our neighbours and their lack of political wall, they have none the less pursued what they regard as a duty and what we perceive as a noble mission.
265.	While Africa, like the United Nations itself, cannot abdicate its responsibilities to the Saharan people in their search for justice, the fact remains that the peoples of the Maghreb have a particular responsibility and bear a particular burden in this regard.
266.	In the name of history, of the spiritual and blood ties that bind us, of culture and language, and of solidarity which was forged in the same struggle against colonialism, the peoples of Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania and Western Sahara have a common destiny, and any action aimed at preventing their progress towards that destiny is a challenge to their unity.
267.	That is why the tragedy of the Saharan people is a matter of justifiable concern to all the peoples of the Maghreb, towards all of whom we are committed to practising a policy of brotherhood, co-operation and good-neighbourliness. We must therefore transcend certain narrow chauvinistic concepts in order to envisage our action in terms of a future which is necessarily a communal one and in the building of a Maghreb whole within which the Saharan people can find its rightful place and, together with the other peoples of the region, offer the benefit of its contribution, its national genius and its own individuality.
268.	The principle of self-determination of peoples is a key principle of the Charter. To abide by it is not dogmatic; it does not stem from a desire to provoke others or to strike a blow at brotherhood. International law has its own requirements, and one cannot denounce those who violate it when they are our enemies and absolve others in the name of good-neighbourliness and specific bonds. It is thus in being true to itself, to its past and to its recent history that Algeria proclaims for today and for tomorrow its solidarity with the Saharan people on the same footing as with the peoples of Timor, Palestine and southern Africa. That is to say that, in this generous expression of feeling, it is in no way prompted by any animosity towards any country, least of all towards fraternal and neighbouring countries. That also means that the defence of a principle in no way justifies empty accusations. And I should like most solemnly to reaffirm here that, in this matter of Western Sahara, my country has no territorial designs and does not covet anything. To seek to make this problem a bilateral dispute is deliberately to choose, the policy of the ostrich and thus to close one's eyes to a reality which we all know to be painful and distressing.
269.	For Algeria the problem of Western Sahara is an international problem, and we all view it as such. At most, our perception is all the more acute because it affects the whole region and weighs heavily on inter-Maghreb relations. To try to reduce a political problem to a humanitarian question or to try to reduce the case of the Saharan people to a mere problem of refugees would indicate a clear wish to distort the facts and to avoid the inescapable logic of our responsibilities to our peoples.
270.	The problem of Western- Sahara posed in its real terms and the responsibility of various quarters being clearly depicted, our action would remain incomplete if we failed to explore all the elements of a solution capable of satisfying the aspirations of all the peoples of the region, including, of course, the Saharan people. I should like here to reaffirm that we are entirely available to co-operate with the Secretary-General, in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. He can in any case testify to that willingness since, on his behalf, Mr. Rydbeck of Sweden, to whom I should like once again to pay a tribute, has already experienced it.
271.	On another level, the administering Power has proposed a regional formula for dialogue which, if carried out under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Administrative Secretary-General of the OAU, with the participation of all the parties concerned, and, of course, the Frente POLISARIO, the genuine representative of the Saharan people, could constitute an adequate framework for dialogue and, what is more, for the preparation of a just and lasting solution.
272.	Our faithfulness to the principle of self-determination is only equalled by our devotion to the policy of fraternity, good-neighbourliness and co-operation. In the age of large groupings, and in the hope that this step could make a substantial contribution to the achievement of African and Arab unity, we are prepared to explore all ways of institutionalizing relations among the countries of the Maghreb within a framework which would preserve the identity and interests of all and which would take account of the unique nature of all the partners, but would not mercilessly or fatally exclude the Saharan people. I say that, despite all misunderstandings, all missed opportunities, we are immediately prepared to undertake a joint search for appropriate formulas, and to reorganize our relations within a general framework that will be in accord with the spirit of our peoples and the characters of our countries.
273.	The conflict in the Western Sahara is becoming daily more murderous, and at the same time the burden which it imposes upon the region as a whole is increasingly heavy. It is precisely to prevent disturbances and dispel the clouds that we must consider here, in the OAU and within the Maghreb framework, with the participation of all the interested partners, and principally with the Saharan people, without whom no solution is either viable or conceivable, all possible alternatives to a policy which both the head and the heart refuse. From now on it is clear that a heavy responsibility will lie with any partner who is lacking in vision at a moment when it is becoming vital to rise above the present situation in order to make history.
274.	Africa and the Arab world, because they are complementary in all fields and each is an extension of the other, today share a common destiny and face similar trials. The Arab peoples, like the African peoples, are waging a united struggle to eliminate the colonial and neo-colonial systems and foreign occupation. Throughout history they have woven strong and powerful bonds between them and, despite the skill of imperial strategies, they are henceforth aware that the struggles which they are waging have the same meaning, the same objectives, the same allies and the same enemies.
275.	That is why Algeria itself feels deeply concerned with the strengthening of co-operation to which Africa and the Arab world have committed themselves. Just as the Arab world has made clear its adherence to that community of common destiny with our continent, so the African countries have understood that the persistence of the conflict in the Middle East is only another example of the constant concern of imperialism to maintain its positions and to protect the strategic and economic interest which it has arrogated to itself around the world through a policy based on the maintenance of tension, despoiling of territories, subjugation of peoples and the seizure of their wealth. As does South Africa elsewhere, Israel constitutes the main instrument of that policy.
276.	The latest measures taken by Tel Aviv for the installation of new Zionist settlements in Jordan, and its constant provocations against Lebanon, are aimed at consolidating its aggression against the Palestinian people and its homeland and the fait accompli it has carried out in the other occupied Arab territories. My country is convinced that such a policy cannot be condoned indefinitely by a passive or deliberately dispassionate attitude. Nevertheless, we note with interest the broad international consensus which has emerged for the Palestinian cause and for its justice and the legitimacy of the rights of the Palestinian people, incontestably represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization.
277.	As in the case of the Evian talks between the French and the Algerians, then represented by the National Liberation Front, only direct negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization can open the way for a just and lasting solution to the primary cause to which the Middle East problem must constantly be brought back: in other words, the restoration to the Palestinian people of their fundamental rights and the recovery of their historic homeland.
278.	That being so, Algeria will nevertheless continue to act in solidarity with the other Arab countries in order to achieve by all possible means the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people and the recovery of the other territories occupied by Israel.
279.	While the world community firmly supports recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, it is certainly revealing that the United States of America has finally understood that it cannot install itself in an exclusive position in the Middle East, and that other Powers, if only because of their very nature, also have obvious responsibilities to bear in the maintenance of peace and international security. We are far from sanctioning any idea of trusteeship exercised by any Power, but if the efforts of the United States of America can be influential in the process of restoring peace to the Middle East, then it is quite clear that, if they are joined with those of the Soviet Union, in the spirit of the recent joint statement, they could become decisive. At all events, the Arab peoples, having learned to test their friendships, are now more than ever convinced that their salvation, their freedom and their dignity are essentially based upon the policy of self- reliance. Once these temporary problems are overcome, I am convinced that the Arab world, with its formidable potential and privileged position at the cross-roads of continents and civilizations, with its historic vocation, will once again resume its historic role in bringing peoples together and fostering co-operation among them.
280.	In this same Mediterranean basin, where the situation is still explosive, the problem of Cyprus remains unchanged. The negotiations between the two Cypriot communities, conducted under the aegis of our Secretary-General, have unfortunately not yet achieved the hoped-for results. We continue to consider that in this regard the resolution adopted at the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly constitutes a continuing valid basis for the satisfactory solution of the question. Such a solution should guarantee to each community its rights, its identity and its security, while maintaining the political unity, territorial integrity, independence and the non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
281.	Nearly four years ago, when the industrialized countries were feeling the boomerang effect of their own policies, for so long based upon negligent waste of natural resources, the countries of the third world addressed a clear and urgent appeal to them, from this same rostrum, to bring about a peaceful revolution in international relations, in order to foster true co-operation between States based on equity, sovereign equality and mutual interest.
282.	Analysing the underlying causes of the crisis at the sixth special session and the twenty-ninth regular session, the General Assembly of the United Nations stressed the contradictions which are inherent in the present system of economic relations, and warned against the confrontations which this system inevitably engenders, because it is based upon relations which do not correspond to international political reality or the requirements of a balanced development of the world economy.
283.	Thus, invited to choose between dialogue and confrontation, the international community could in fact only choose the one way that would offer fresh prospects of bringing about development of the world economy in the light of the needs of each nation and each individual and their rights and legitimate interests.
284.	The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States in this respect offer specific elements for an alternative that would make it possible to establish more equitable relations and-why not? — relations of greater solidarity inspired precisely by the ideals and principles which constitute the philosophical foundation and political raison d'etre of the United Nations.
285.	Determined advocates of dialogue as the possible means of bringing about a concerted change in international relations, the countries of the third world have despite the urgency and gravity of their problems done their utmost to ensure success for the seventh special session. They were convinced that the spirit of openness and commitment which prevailed on that occasion would progressively win the day over reservations and hesitations.
286.	In accepting, when considering and tackling problems, a certain hierarchical system which took into account the economic situation resulting from the crisis of the industrialized economies and a reasonable arrangement for a smooth transition in the implementation of temporary solutions to bring about the new order, they clearly demonstrated their will to engage in dialogue.
287.	Conversely, it appears that with the passage of time the feeling of resignation which accompanied the industrialized countries' adherence to the consensus which emerged around the new order already presaged their concern to gain control over this concept in order to strip it of its true significance. The goal sought by those countries was doubtless to save time in order to patch up the breach that had been opened up by the petroleum exporting countries and in order to attempt to isolate those countries from other developing nations by describing the responsibility for the crisis to them. This attempt to bring about division was aimed at snuffing out the demands of the third world and neutralizing the formidable potential means of action conferred upon it by its natural resources and new political weight.
288.	Thus from the very beginning it was feared that the motivations of the parties in the negotiations only concealed divergent strategies despite the professions of faith of the industrialized countries, which had apparently become converted to the idea of a new order.
289.	In fact, this ambiguity has not ceased to characterize all the stages of negotiation in recent years. In particular, that explains the results of the Paris Conference on International and Economic Co-operation.
290.	In fact, everything leads one to believe that for our partners the objective remains the preservation of the essential foundations of the present order. Doubtless they accept that the world economy must be adjusted to the new circumstances, but such adjustments, if limited to empirical and fragmentary measures, would be contemplated only to the extent that they contributed to the strengthening of the established order.
291.	The profound crisis which has been shaking the economies of the capitalist countries, since the end of the 1960s, continues, contrary to all the facts, to be attributed to external and temporary factors, while the difficulties of the developing countries are attributed mainly to the increase in the price of oil and the nature of the internal policies of those countries. This analysis attempts to shirk the historical responsibility of the system in creating under-development and preventing all structural change Thus the measures aimed at correcting, through the appropriate machinery, unequal trade patterns are rejected as contrary to the rules of a market which they try to picture as an objective regulating force and the instrument for ensuring the equitable distribution of resources.
292.	If the rules of the market are thus often invoked to reject constructive and innovative proposals from developing countries, the same rules are ignored as soon as it is a question of easing dominant positions and privileges.
293.	That is why, even if the industrialized countries agree that a structural shortage of energy is emerging over the short-term, they still refuse to come to the right conclusions as regards price, the instrument which is nevertheless the appropriate one for rational management and distribution whenever there is a shortage. Liberal economic theory itself teaches that only a regular increase in price can prepare the way for an economic solution based on substitutes, since it promotes the development of alternative resources.
294.	Similarly, if they refer to the principle of comparative advantage to justify maintenance of the present international division of labour, the industrialized countries ignore those same principles in the name of transient or geopolitical considerations when it is a matter of justifying protectionist barriers and their abusive use of safeguard clauses presented as so many exceptions to the rule.
295. In this respect, the failure of the negotiations on the renewal of the Multi-fibre Arrangement illustrate the resumption of protectionist policies and shows how precarious was the progress achieved in the past
296.	If it was necessary to judge the North-South dialogue from the point of view of its contribution to the restructuring of the world economy, one would be tempted to say that it’s obvious merit was essentially that it enabled us better to identify the problems and to clarify positions.
297.	The specific agreements to which that dialogue led are, with a few exceptions, anything but a confirmation of results already achieved in other international bodies, particularly the Second General Conference of UNIDO in Lima in 1975, the World Food Conference in Rome in 1974 and the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi in 1976.
298.	On the other hand, these points of agreement or this convergence of positions sometimes concerning important questions such as assistance for development, agriculture, world food security and the common fund, would be improved if they were strengthened and completed in coming negotiations.
299.	As regards energy, the most significant progress was the abandonment of the action of recent years in favour of a growing awareness of the true problems posed by the conservation of energy and the preparation of a less threatening future.
300.	While international co-operation in the field of energy is desirable it is obviously not possible except on the basis of strict respect for the sovereignty of every State and the principle of mutual advantage. In particular it implies that the industrialized countries will undertake to open their markets to manufactured goods, to provide additional amounts of development financing, and to guarantee non-discriminatory access to their technology, including their nuclear technology.
301.	Lastly, is there any need to list the important fields in which there is still much to be done? Here, there are several themes which I think should constitute the main issues for future negotiations in the appropriate bodies of the United Nations system.
302.	Real reform of the international monetary system: consideration of the legitimate interests of the developing countries in multilateral trade negotiations: the creation of a joint commodity fund; the adoption of a code of conduct on the transfer of technology; the solution of the problems of indebtedness of the developing countries; the promotion of the industrialization of the third world -this list is not exhaustive—are so many objectives which the international community must set for itself within a reasonable period of time.
303.	The establishment of the new international economic order is undoubtedly a fundamentally political objective.
304.	Therefore, the technical framework, albeit excellent in all respect in Paris thanks particularly to the marked efforts and the constant attention of the French Government and to the remarkable competence and devotion of the two Co-Chairmen, Mr. Manuel Perez Guerrero and Mr. Allan MacHachen, cannot take the place of the political will of States, which itself can only be fully expressed in this body which brings together the international community as a whole.
305.	This year a feature of international life has been the proliferation of more or less dramatic proposals having varying chances of success. They have been put forward apparently to exorcise the deep unease underlying relations between States. Time-tables have been announced, international meetings have been planned, and projects have been advanced in a sudden, pressing desire to solve the most long-standing problems. This is the case in southern Africa: it is the case in the Middle East; and it is the case with the transformation of international economic relations.
306.	Clearly, it has become customary to say without emotion, in speaking of international problems, that they will be complex, not to say insoluble, so long as States exist, in an environment where opportunity and risk go hand in hand, where might jostles right, and where mistrust and fear are still natural reflexes in the face of intimidation and violence. In the delicate stage which we are now passing through, changes are obviously necessary. We must accept this and facilitate their occurrence because they themselves are a promise of the settlement of the problems linked with emergence in the national arena of a third world that was for too long exploited and exiled from the mainstream of history.
307.	Our Organization has been able in a difficult context to assume a role which no other body can assume in its place; that of setting objectives- at the level of general interest and offering the alternative of dialogue and negotiation to the dangerous temptation of solutions by force. It is called upon to evolve and to adapt in accordance with its determination to accomplish its vocation. It can only survive and be consolidated through the necessary combining of our efforts.