153.	 Mr. President, it is my happy task to congratulate you, on behalf of the Somali Government, on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly an office which you are. eminently qualified to fill. We know that you will bring to the conduct of this session of the General Assembly the high qualities of learning and statesmanship which have been evident in your service to your country. The General Assembly will benefit also from the valuable experience which you have acquired in the field of international affairs.
154.	My delegation also wishes to express to your predecessor, Mr. Hambro, its appreciation of his efficient and skillful handling of the arduous twenty-fifth anniversary session of the General Assembly.
155.	It is appropriate at this point that I should extend to the delegations of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar the felicitations of my delegation on their admission to this Organization. They represent freedom-loving peoples with a rich cultural heritage and a determination to utilize to the maximum their generous talents and energies. We can be sure that they will make their just contributions to the furtherance of the objectives of the United Nations.
156.	Perhaps I am more fortunate than many representatives here in that I have had the privilege, in the past few months, of visiting many of the States of the Persian Gulf, including Qatar and Bahrain. I was deeply impressed by the skill with which all those States are tackling the problems of national development. It will not be long, I trust, before we shall also be able to welcome in our midst the representatives of the six remaining Gulf States which have recently formed a federal political unit. My Government has also been following with interest the political developments in Oman, and it is our hope that it will not be long before its people, too, are represented in the United Nations.
157.	One of the factors that brought about the creation of this Organization was the threat which Hitler and his allies posed to the peace and security of the major Powers during the Second World War. With his defeat, threats to international peace and security are supposed to have dwindled, particularly since the situations that are potential sources of conflict do not threaten directly the interests of the major Powers. If those Powers do occasionally feel threatened, they are able to exercise their influence in the Security Council so that their interests can be defended.
158.	Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the less powerful or developing countries. Many of them continue to face serious threats to their peace and security. Yet, despite repeated protests to the Security Council, despite the strongest evidence, backed by international law, there exists within the Council a group of powerful States which are indifferent to the predicament of the developing nations. The dangerous situation created in South Africa oy the application of apartheid policies, the ruthless colonial wars of Portugal, the dangerous and ambitious designs of the Smith regime in Rhodesia, the expansionist policies of Israel in the Middle East all those situations affect the welfare and the security of many developing countries and the millions of people who inhabit them.
159.	Are we to understand that a threat to international peace exists only when it involves directly the security and the interests of the major Powers? Are we to understand that resolutions on international peace and security which are supported only by the developing countries carry no weight despite the fact that collectively those countries represent over three quarters of the people of the world and of the membership of the United Nations? Is there a correlation between credibility and wealth?
160.	If a majority of the Member States cannot find in the Security Council or in the General Assembly effective solutions to problems of international peace and security; if the United Nations cannot provide adequate protection for developing countries against lawless acts of aggression and against the consuming greed of racist, colonial and pseudo colonial regimes, then I fear that international law and order will be compromised and Member States will turn away from the world Organization. The United Nations, with all its faults, is still mankind's best hope for the realization of a new world order. It would be a great blow to that hope if the Organization were to be undermined by the self-interest of the few and by the denial to the many of the protection and justice which they seek.
161.	The establishment of international peace and security through international cooperation is, of course, a fundamental objective of the United Nations. The development of regional organizations such as the Organization of African Unity has, been an important contribution to this goal. The OAU, for example, has been a stabilizing force in Africa. Its influence has worked for the settlement of disputes by peaceful means in accordance with the Charter, and for negotiation rather than confrontation. There have been no major wars between African States and the process of forging links between them continues steadily, if un-spectacularly, in political, social, economic, legal and cultural spheres in spite of the inevitable differences that arise.
162.	It is my belief that Africa will remain a force for peace so long as its neutrality is not threatened by bigPower rivalries or by the economic or military pressures of neocolonialism or by the racism of southern Africa. The members of the OAU are all nonaligned nations and in that capacity have served to provide a balancing force in international affairs, My Government reaffirms its determination to work through the OAU for the maintenance of peace in Africa, and for the application to the world beyond of the principles of the Charter, which the OAU has repeatedly endorsed.
163.	Internally, the Government of the Somali Democratic Republic will continue to work for the wellbeing of all the Somali people through the application of the principles of socialism. Socialism has its unique political, social and economic philosophy but in applying it to our own conditions we have adapted it to suit our environment and traditions. It recognizes, above all, that our socialist revolution was not an end in itself but that the revolution is for the people.
164.	It has recently been my pleasant and instructive task to visit a number of countries where I saw the great advances and achievements that had been made through the application of socialist principles principles which in every case were adapted to the particular needs and circumstances of the country. An additional aim of my visits was to improve and reinforce relations with those countries. In that context I should like to say that my Government places a high value on the maintenance of friendly contacts, not only with States which share our political philosophy but also with all States which are prepared to conduct friendly relations with us on the basis of respect for each other's integrity and sovereign independence.
165.	One of Somalia's main concerns as a Member of the United Nations, and more particularly as an African State, is the continuation of racism and colonialism in southern Africa. The failure of the United Nations to come to grips with these twin evils remains a source of grave concern and disappointment to the Government and people of the Somali Democratic Republic. These evils have long been denounced by the world community. And yet, within the United Nations, there is a tendency in some quarters to belittle the efforts of those States which continue to insist that the struggle against racism and colonialism must continue without diminution. We hear, for example, that it is unrealistic to adopt resolutions which are unlikely to be carried out, or that the concern of African nations over southern Africa might be directed equally to other problems or to problems nearer home. It is significant that such criticisms usually emanate from those States whose economic and other ties with the southern African minority regimes are a contributory cause of the ineffectiveness of United Nations resolutions on southern African problems.
166.	The other main cause, of course, is the continued intransigence of the minority regimes.
167.	What, then, can be done about southern Africa? In this situation I think we must always .ask these questions: what is the alternative to a constant laying down of the principles which must gain acceptance if justice for all is to obtain in southern Africa? What is the alternative to the firm and constant denunciation of the clearly perceived evils of southern Africa so that they are kept before the conscience of the world? What is the alternative to calling for the coercive powers of the world Organization short of the use of force to be directed against the intransigent regimes?
168.	The United Nations could perhaps remain silent and inactive and thereby nullify whatever moral or practical initiatives it has so far undertaken, but one supposes that not even those States which would profit most from such a course would openly advocate a policy of indifference and cynicism. An alternative that has been advocated of late is that of dialog with South Africa. Somalia joined the majority of States which rejected this approach at the recent Organization of African Unity conference of Heads of State in Addis Ababa. It h easy to see how the idea of dialog, which has a certain surface charm, has come to be considered by a few States as a legitimate means of dealing with South Africa. But those who advocate this policy, however well-meaning they may be, are deluding themselves and are doing great harm to the cause of the liberation of the indigenous African peoples in South Africa, and in those neighboring States which South Africa supports and inspires.
169.	South Africa wants dialog for two reasons only. One reason is the hope that the dialog question will cause disunity in Africa and will deflect or undermine the international campaign against racism and colonialism which has begun to gain momentum, particularly among ordinary people and nongovernmental organizations in various parts of the world. African disunity would obviously weaken effective opposition to apartheid; and the grassroots movement within the international campaign presents a danger that is appreciated by the southern African regimes. The other reason for the dialog policy is that it would provide the basis for the establishment or expansion of African markets for South Africa's manufactured goods. Since apartheid keeps the majority of the people of South Africa poor, the Pretoria regime needs to find new outlets for the country's increasing industrial output. dialog would, therefore, be another means of entrenching apartheid, and in addition it would be a step towards bringing independent Africa under the economic sway of South Africa. The type of trade agreements likely to be set up externally under the dialog umbrella would be typically colonial arrangements. They would encourage the production and export of low-priced raw materials in exchange for higher-priced manufactured goods. The betrayal of the millions of Africans under colonial and racist domination should not be undertaken for any price. It would be tragic if it were to be undertaken in exchange for benefits which would at best be short-range and which in the long run would foster the cause of racism and colonialism in South Africa.
170.	It is not only about the possible economic outcome of dialog that some States are deluding themselves. It is contended in some quarters that dialog, particularly with independent black African States, will somehow serve to undermine and crack the apartheid structure. But can it seriously be believed that dialog will serve to end the Terrorism Act and the policeState trials and persecution of those who oppose injustice and oppression? Will it end the mass deportation of Africans from their established homes to areas where they cannot make a living? Most important, will it restore their political rights to the African masses of South Africa? Let us not be taken in by the overoptimistic reports of the communications media whose aim is instant sensation rather than sober assessment. The wall of apartheid has not been breached and will not be breached by a show of friendship between Mr. Vorster, the Prime Minister of South Africa, and a few African leaders. The United Nations, then, is still faced with the problem of what it can do, effectively, to bring about justice in southern Africa.
171.	The economic interests of the Western Powers have so far ensured that the Security Council would not call for economic sanctions. And what are the results now of the limited actions taken by the Security Council, or of the General Assembly resolutions aimed at bringing about change in southern Africa? Some of the major Powers continue to supply a long list of arms to South Africa under the pretext that there is a distinction between arms for external defense and arms for internal repression. The NATO powers decline to bring moral or material pressure to bear on Portugal to end its colonial domination in Africa and its aggressions against the neighboring independent African States of Guinea and Senegal.
172.	The pattern of capitulation to the racist regimes is being repeated in tho case of Rhodesia. With the promulgation of the 1970 constitution, the rebel regime confirmed its determination to ensure white domination and the denial of political and other rights to the native people. The steady adoption of apartheid policies further illustrates that determination. The response of the United Kingdom, the Administering Authority, has been to hold talks with the Smith Government in an effort towards rapprochement with the rebel regime. In the meanwhile the economic sanctions imposed on Rhodesia by the Security Council are being effectively bypassed for want of a determined and effective naval blockade; for want of the kind of leadership that should be provided by the Administering Authority.
173.	All these capitulations and evasions of responsibility by Governments are in contrast to the actions of a growing number of people who are finding ways to oppose racism and colonialism in southern Africa, One of the most hopeful aspects of the international campaign is the part being played by nongovernmental organizations in various countries. Whatever stirrings of consciousness exist in South Africa about the South African image abroad have been brought about not by friendly overtures, but by the pressure of ostracism in sport and in other fields. How much more effective would the ostracism of South Africa be if it had the full force of the international community behind it, and if it operated in all the fields and in all the way_ that have been recommended in various General Assembly resolutions.
174.	The label of "irresponsible majority" has often been attached to those States which continue to call on South Africa's main trading partners to give substance to their verbal condemnations of racism and colonialism in southern Africa. If it is irresponsible to have a deep and abiding concern that a crime against humanity is being perpetrated in southern Africa, if it is irresponsible to refuse to meet that criminal situation with inaction and indifference, then we must take pride in the label of "irresponsible majority". As for South Africa's main trading partners, those countries can make United Nations resolutions on southern Africa effective. The onus of bringing about change in that area of the world is on them alone.
175.	A continuing threat to the peace and security of Africa has been the unfortunate indeed the tragic consequences of the colonial legacy of unnaturally divided peoples and territories. This factor is of particular relevance for the Somali people, for never in African history has a people of such homogeneity been divided between so many foreign rulers. Since those fateful years when the colonial Powers entered our region and divided up the land as if the people on it had no rights and no claim to justice, the Somali people have never ceased their quest for unity. This is a part of those realities which must be faced in Africa. Recently my President, Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, emphasized the necessity of coming to grips with these realities when he said:
"We should not be slaves to the colonial barriers created to suit the imperialist designs at a time when the wishes of the African people were not taken into consideration. We should have the courage to tear ourselves away from this bondage and resolve problems with sincerity and seriousness."
176.	The position of my Government towards the question of French Somaliland is shaped not only by the fact that we are neighboring countries with strong historical and ethnic links, but also by Somalia's membership in the United Nations and in the Organization of African Unity. As a Member of those two Organizations my country is totally committed to supporting nonindependent peoples in the exercise of their right to self-determination and independence. These obligations arise from the Charters of the two Organizations and from the relevant resolutions adopted by those two bodies.
177.	Notwithstanding its obligations, the Somali Government is also cognizant of tile fact that, in the case of French Somaliland, the Government of France, the administering Power, naturally has a special and important role to play in promoting the political evolution of the inhabitants of the Territory, The French people regained their freedom and dignity following the French Revolution by establishing their government on three principles that are now universally acknowledged: liberty, equality and fraternity. These must be applied with equal force to the situation in French Somaliland. There must be equality of rights for all the people of French Somaliland; and a spirit of cooperation and understanding must be fostered and promoted among the people of French Somaliland, without any emphasis on ethnical, ideological or other differences that are actually of little relevance to the aspirations of the people as a whole. Finally, measures should be taken to ascertain the true wishes of the people of the Territory so that progress can be made towards the state of independence and liberty which they obviously desire.
178.	I am glad to report that, since the birth of our national revolution, relations between France and my country have been most cordial, and the bases for cooperation and better understanding on this problem and others have been firmly established.
179.	The Charter necessarily remains the reference point of all our deliberations. Both the wisdom and the utility of its provisions have been established by the experience of the past 25 years. There has been little need for change, but there certainly has been a great deal of development of the principles implicit in the Charter. One of the most important of the achievements of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly was the adoption of resolution 2734 (XXV) containing the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. That resolution, adopted almost unanimously, summarizes the development of the thought of the international community on the most essential aims and functions of the United Nations. In doing so, it reaffirms and strengthens the validity of the provisions of the Charter. Every issue on the agenda of the General Assembly can profitably be debated in the light of the relevant provision of resolution 2734 (XXV). My delegation believes that one of the most valuable tasks this session could perform would be to consider the question of the implementation of that most important resolution, as has been proposed by the Soviet Union [AjL,631J.
180.	In our interrelated world the easing of international tensions in any one area is of great significance to all States. The Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September was a welcome sign of realism in world affairs, and it points to the fact that in an atmosphere of goodwill, patient negotiations can result in progress toward the solution of seemingly intractable problems. The way has perhaps now been cleared for direct agreements between East and West Germany and, it is hoped, for the political reality of the two Germanys to be expressed in the representation of both those States in the United Nations.
181.	Assuring permanent peace in Europe is an essential step towards the strengthening of international security and towards the goal of universal peace. A start has now been made in this direction. My Government believes that all these interests will be further served by a general acceptance of the Soviet Union's proposal for a European security conference which would include representatives of the United States and Canada. The heart of such a meeting would no doubt be negotiations on mutual and balanced induction of forces in Central Europe by the countries members of NATO and the countries signatories of the Warsaw Pact, but valuable cooperative efforts in other fields, such as the economic, scientific and cultural, would also be given attention. The outcome of a European security conference on the lines proposed by the Soviet Union could be only to increase the prospect of bringing about n new world order.
182.	The conflicts and tensions raised by the existence of countries divided since the Second World War continue to i drag on, but the detente on Berlin gives rise to the hope that similar approaches based on political realities will be made in the cases of the two Koreas and the two VietNams. Both in Korea and in VietNam the question of reunification is a domestic matter which can be decided satisfactorily only by the peoples concerned. Their problems must be solved eventually by negotiations between the Governments of the divided countries.
183.	It is a matter of grave concern to my delegation that the General Assembly has decided, on the recommendation of the General Committee, to postpone examination of the question of Korea until the twenty-seventh, session of the General Assembly. twenty- years ago this Organization lent its name to a highly questionable operation in Korea. What is clear today is that there is no justification whatsoever for that operation to continue. It should have ended immediately after the Korean Armistice Agreement was signed. Unfortunately, the United Nations flag is still flown over the headquarters of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. I will not discuss the work of the Commission, since it stands condemned by its own reports. I wish to speak, however, about the fact that the United Nations flag provides a cover for the presence in South Korea of over 50,000 foreign troops. I cannot help thinking that if the flag was composed of a mosaic of United Nations flags, my Government would have no hesitation in removing the Somali flag from its midst. It is indeed a regrettable state of affairs that our Organization has so far failed to take action to withdraw the flag and dissolve the Commission,
184.	My Government believes that it is time for this Organization to break the rigid mold in which its thinking on the Korean question has been set for the past 18 years. A bold initiative is required to improve the Korean situation, an initiative based on the realities of the present and free from the fears and policies of the past.
185.	Within that context my Government was deeply impressed by the constructive and positive nature of the recent set of proposals which the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has advanced as a basis for securing a solution to the Korean problem. This is a problem that must be settled by the Korean people themselves, and it is our hope that the proposals will pave the way for a final and happy settlement.
186.	Most certainly on the debit side of the international balance-sheet is the continuation of the war in VietNam. This whole world welcomes the United States troop withdrawals and other developments that seem to herald the beginning of the end of the ordeal of the VietNamese people. But the very accessibility of peace makes each day the war continues seem more unacceptable and each life lost on either side more tragically futile.
187.	The farce of the supposedly democratic elections held recently in Saigon should be the final evidence, if more evidence were needed, that a long and vicious war has been fought for purposes as unreal as they were unworthy. It is obvious that the war has become a burden on the conscience of the people of the United States and that this great tragedy is compounded by the failure of the United States leaders to set a specific date for a complete withdrawal of foreign troops from VietNam. My Government joins the consensus of world opinion in calling for an immediate end to the war so that the people of that ravaged land can return to the task of peace and can decide their future on their own terms.
188.	The recent thaw in relations between the United States and China is a development to be welcomed. My Government hopes that this easing of tension between these two great Powers heralds a new wind of change in international affairs, a new realization that national rivalries and conflicts of interest must be seen for what they are secondary considerations compared with the challenges inherent in the new conditions that have been created by advancements in science and technology.
189.	It is our earnest hope, however, that the friendly overtures made towards the People's Republic of China by the United States will not be negated by a policy on the representation question that would in effect be yet another device for keeping the representatives of the People's Republic of China out of the United Nations.
190.	My Government will support without reservations the restoration to the Government of the People's Republic of China its rights as sole representative of China in the Security Council, in the General Assembly and in the specialized agencies of the United Nations. We have always rejected the legal fictions, the procedural devices and the semantics that have been used to keep the true representatives of China from their rightful places in the United Nations. The current fictions about China's representation are no better than past ones. The "two Chinas" policy is completely unrealistic since both the Government of the People's Republic and the ruling authorities of Taiwan maintain there is only one China. The dual representation proposal is illegal because the Charter does not provide for such an arrangement.
191.	The Government of the People's Republic of China was prevented from representing China as its de facto and de jure Government because of the intense cold-war rivalries of the 1950s. It is unrealistic for this situation to continue in the age of peaceful coexistence. The United Nations must not continue to accept a situation in which the provisions of the Charter are twisted or ignored in the interest of expediency.
192.	The Somali delegation will join with those who seek a truly realistic and equitable outcome to the question of the representation of China.
193.	The dangerous and tragic conflict in the Middle East continues to plague that area and to threaten world peace. And yet ever since the Security Council formulated and approved resolution 242 (1967) a reasoned and practical formula for peace in the Middle East has existed. That formula takes into account the basic positions of the parties to the conflict and makes clear the steps which have to be taken by each party so that a peace settlement can be achieved. In addition, it has the support of the majority of
, the United Nations membership. There was widespread hope earlier this year that the Jarring mission would succeed in its aim of enabling the provisions of resolution 242(1967) to be translated into political reality. The positive response of Egypt and Jordan to that mission created the most favorable opportunity for a just and honorable settlement that has existed in the history of the Middle East conflict. Israel's failure to match the response of the Arab States disappointed even that country's staunchest supporters and has ensured that the shadow of violent conflict will remain over the Middle East and continue to threaten world peace.
194.	In > February 1971 the difficult, long drawn out and complex Middle East problem resolved itself into one question only: does Israel want peace or not? The answer to that question has since been made clear through Israel's stated policy and through its actions in occupied Arab territory. Israel has shown a complete disregard of United Nations resolutions on the Middle East and in all areas of occupied territory there have been operations deliberately aimed at changing the status of those areas at turning occupation into permanent control. This is not a matter of conjecture, and the details are not in question. They have been widely reported by the international press and proudly described by the Israelis themselves.
195.	The central issue of the Middle East conflict is, of course, the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. Israeli leaders have claimed that it is wrong to expect Israel to accept that principle on the grounds that it has never been accepted before in human history. That is a debatable point. But more pertinent is the consideration that there has never before been a United Nations Charter; there has never before been a basis for the development of an international legal system aimed at outlawing aggression and the enjoyment of the fruits of aggression. Obviously, armed aggression as a means of settling disputes has not been eliminated from the international scene. Differences between States continue to result in armed conflict. But where else in the past 20 years has there been such a blatant and large-scale example of an aggressor holding on to the fruits of aggression as in the Middle East since the Israeli armed forces launched a surprise attack against Egypt in June 196^? The political situation in the Middle East today is the same as that which existed immediately after the Israeli aggression and conquest of 1956. Then, as now, Israel demanded firm guarantees as a condition for withdrawing its forces of invasion. And what was the consensus of international opinion at that time? It can be summed up in these words of the late General Eisenhower: "If we agree that armed attack can properly achieve the purposes of the assailant then I fear we will have turned back the clock of international order".
196.	In proclaiming that they have acquired rights through conquest, Israel's leaders are indeed turning back the clock of international order. More immediately, Israel's attitude closes the door to peace in the Middle East. That door can be opened again at any time, since resolution 242 (1967) remains the consensus of the United Nations on the Middle East question and since its provisions remain acceptable to Egypt and Jordan. My Government will support any initiative aimed at bringing about a just and lasting pear e in the Middle East on the basis of resolution 242 (1967).
197.	The question of disarmament is, of course, the most pressing of those problems of a universal scale which call for courageous and revolutionary thinking. Because we have grown used to the awesome knowledge that the push of a button can release nuclear energies capable of wiping out life on earth does not mean that the danger has lessened. And now it seems to have become equally commonplace that the social and economic problems of individual societies, and the problem of reducing the gap between the rich and the poor nations, have lesser priority than the arms race in both nuclear and conventional weapons.
198.	It has been estimated that $215,000 million are spent each year by the nations of the world on armaments, while it has to be conceded that the first United Nations Development Decade was a failure and the prospects for the Second Development Decade are not particularly hopeful. However, some progress towards disarmament goals has been made and must be welcomed, even though it sometimes seems that the less immediately pressing questions are given priority over the more immediately dangerous ones.
199.	The agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union on a draft convention that would outlaw biological weapons is a meaningful achievement. At the same time, it was regrettable that it was not possible to gain the support needed for the inclusion in the treaty of a ban on chemical weapons. Bacteriological warfare is a horrible possibility, but it is not in current use. Chemical weapons, on the other hand, are being used against people in Africa and Asia.
200.	The need for a complete ban on nuclear tests in all environments is one that seems particularly urgent to nonnuclear States. We should like to see our initiative on the renunciation of nuclear' weapons matched by some truly significant advance towards nuclear disarmament  such as an agreement on a complete test ban would be. There seems to be no obstacle now in the way of the achievement of such an agreement. As the Canadians have pointed out, the stumbling block of the question of on site inspections has been removed by the development of instruments which can detect underground blasts of any significance in distant countries.
201.	One of the hopeful signs of a movement towards nuclear disarmament is the agreement by the United States and the Soviet Union to concentrate this year on curbing anti-ballistic missiles and to agree on certain measures to limit offensive weapons. Strategic weapons systems are inherently dangerous to world peace, since the development of missiles, antimissiles and counter antimissiles seems to be a frighteningly irreversible process. The curbing of strategic weapons systems is an issue which should have the highest priority. One hopes that the escalation of these systems will not continue while the big Powers jockey for the most advantageous position from which to agree on their limitation.
202.	In the view of my Government, a great opportunity for truly significant progress towards disarmament is afforded by the initiative of the Soviet Union in calling for a world disarmament conference on both nuclear and conventional weapons. My Government will give its full support to the proposal that such a conference should be convened by the General Assembly. Disarmament, like other major questions of survival, must be approached with a global view, and can be resolved only by the agreement of the world community.
203.	Hie United Nations has lived through several crises and dire predictions of failure but has survived to celebrate its twenty-fifth anniversary. We might ask ourselves at this time: what important influence is likely to dominate the international scene now and in the near future? I believe that present day realities demand that the predominant feature of international affairs should be thinking and planning on a global scale.
204.	The proliferation of weapons, the proliferation of people, and the proliferation of machines are probably the three basic considerations which are well on the way to determining the character of all other aspects of human society. Because these problems concern all peoples and are of a scale and complexity unprecedented in the history of civilization, it is essential that nations do, not allow themselves to drift into the future with the naive hope that everything will turn out right in the end.
205.	The United Nations already views a large number of fields with a global perspective. The work of the specialized agencies boars reassuring witness to this fact, and in the sphere of development we speak of a global strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade. If performance has not always matched the plan in some areas of United Nations global activity, at least the vision is there; the goals have been set and the work has begun.
206.	The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held in 1972; the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Seabed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction; the work of the Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction; and the findings of the Committee on Natural Resources and of the Population Commission: all these deal with or will deal with problems of universal application and pressing urgency. The United Nations alone can provide the global perspective and the global organization to tackle these problems. Only the wisdom of governments can ensure that global action will be taken.
207.	The most ardent supporter of a global concept of the problems we all face is, of course, the SecretaryGeneral. U Thant is about to leave the United Nations after having served as the world's chief steward for the past 10 years. He will leave behind an outstanding record of achievement in the field of international cooperation and understanding. His great humanism, his devotion to peace and justice, his deep concern for human dignity have endeared him to the hearts of the Somali people. Many of his words of wisdom and inspiration will be echoed in current and future debates of this Organization. I can think of no better way of paying tribute to him, and of ending this statement, than by quoting some of those words. In his address to the fifty-first session of the Economic and Social Council held in Geneva this year he wrote:
"I look forward to the day when students will read about the trying period of the 1960s and 1970s, when human existence and civilization stood in the balance, and when the vision and energy of men and women, acting as the bearers of great responsibilities, or just as the world's first servants, succeeded in making these two decades a period of peaceful transition."
UThant's words hold a challenge to which every Member of the United Nations must respond if a new world order is to come into being.


195.	 May I offer you, Sir, the warm congratulations of the Nigerian delegation on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
196.	Your personal qualities as a diplomat and statesman and your wisdom and long experience in the affairs of the United Nations will, I am sure, make your tenure of this high office as memorable as that of your predecessor, Edvard Flambro of Norway.
197.	At the commemorative twenty-fifth session of the United Nations, last year, the General Assembly adopted four documents: a program of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 2621 (XXV)]; the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]; the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)]; and a reaffirmation of the dedication of States Members of the United Nations to the objectives and purposes of the Charter and to the anniversary Objectives of peace, justice and progress [resolution 2627 (XXV)].
19S. The Government and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria believe that the effectiveness or otherwise of the United Nations will be judged by the determination of the United Nations to meet the challenges and achieve the objectives so movingly set out in the Organization's own declarations.
199.	Unfortunately, even a cursory review of the world situation will show that the rate of progress, if any, in achieving the objectives set out in the General Assembly'; declarations at the 1970 commemorative session has been disappointing. You will permit me to refer to the situation in the southern parts of my own continent, Africa, to illustrate the continuing frustration of the ideals and goals to which we all are committed in this Organization and which must be implemented in the interest of the United Nations and the whole of mankind.
200.	We have all witnessed the steady and deplorable deterioration in the situation in southern Africa during the last few years. In many parts of southern Africa repressive minority Governments continue to hold large populations of Africans in bondage and to inflict the most humiliating and brutal assault on them in defiance of world opinion and in contravention of the very fundamentals of the Charter of this Organization. It is a matter for serious regret that in spite of repeated exhortations, and in spite of the universal expressions of distress and disgust over the situation in southern Africa, the intransigence of the colonial or white minority Governments still continue unchecked and unabated.
201.	We have before us the recent historic pronouncement, in the form of an advisory opinion, of the International Court of Justice regarding the situation in Namibia.  The world Court has categorically stated that South African presence in that Territory is illegal. That memorable pronouncement can only be given effect if this Organization rises to its duty and its obligations in order to implement, especially in such a clear and indisputable situation, some of the ideals and objectives which the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations have repeatedly asserted in the past. The unambiguous and unequivocal declaration of the world Court is a challenge to this Organization. South Africa still remains in illegal and defiant occupation of a Territory to which it has no legitimate or legal claim. The major task of this twenty- sixth session of the General Assembly would, therefore, be to devise ways and means of re-establishing without further delay United Nations authority in the Territory.
202.	The Zimbabwe people still languish under the oppression of a misguided group of adventurers who usurped the rights of the people and established a totally unrepresentative and illegal administration over the United Kingdom colony of Southern Rhodesia. Clearly, all f^'-minded and objective observers have come to the conclusion that the pious hopes that were assiduously pressed upon us some time ago that this illegal Government would be removed by the application of economic sanctions have not been realized. Meanwhile, brutality against the rightful owners of the land and the usurpation of their freedom continue unabated. Leading nationalists and leaders of the people of Zimbabwe are still being held without just cause in cruel imprisonment and under the most inhuman and degrading circumstances. Many have been killed in the defense of their elementary human right to exist; others have died in prison.
203.	We have before us a strange spectacle. For the first time in British colonial history, an unmitigated act of open rebellion and high treason against the Crown has not been crushed or dislodged. There are now widespread fears in some quarters that the legitimate and responsible Government for that Territory-I refer to the United Kingdom Government-may have lost its will to assert its sovereign authority in Rhodesia and to undertake its sacred duty to prepare the people of Zimbabwe for orderly, rapid and urgent progress towards genuine independence. The whole world is watching that situation with anxiety, bearing in mind the repeated assurances that had been given to the world that any political solution in Rhodesia would be based on the principles of equal rights, responsibilities and duties for all its citizens, without discrimination as to color or creed.
204.	Elsewhere in the continent of Africa, especially in the southern parts thereof colonial exploitation and undisguised oppression still continue. No progress has been made, since the declarations of the last session of the General Assembly, in the situation of the African Territories controlled by Portugal. On the contrary, the Security Council has had evidence, on the basis of a report by an impartial fact-finding committee, of a direct and outrageous armed incursion and invasion into the Territory and capital of an independent, sovereign African country. This flagrant act of open aggression against the United Nations Charter and the elementary principles of international law is compounded by reports of further designs on the part of Portugal to continue this policy of naked aggression and intimidation of African countries situated near its colonial Territories. The spirit of the oppressed peoples is not crushed, however, and the struggle for freedom goes on in the Territories under the colonial domination of Portugal. But there is, alas, no sign of the colonial authorities' initiating the legitimate and rational steps that would end confrontation and conflict and begin the preparation of those Territories for independence and fruitful cooperation.
205.	In South Africa, the Government persists in pursuing, in the name of its national interest, the horrors and inhuman policies of apartheid which seriously offend the spirit and the Charter of this great Organization, and the conscience of the world. It is, of course, universally acknowledged that the South African Government is much assisted in its repressive policies by the support it receives from some prominent Member States of this Organization, and is thereby emboldened to continue in its inventions of additional methods of terror and oppression against the poor, defenseless black population. Not only the legitimate nationalist leaders, but even universally respected prelates of the Church, now fall victim to the capricious reign of terror unleashed upon the population of that unhappy country. The threats of the South African Government to the security and independence of sovereign African States continue with impunity. This Organization and the whole world look on in horror while those great Powers which have the influence and the means to check this steady deterioration in that part of the world stand idly by, wringing their hands in pretended agony.
206.	In the light of the well-documented record of cruel oppression and blatant racial discrimination against the black population in South Africa, many people have rightly viewed with skepticism the recently reported desire of the authorities in South Africa to engage in a dialog with other countries and Governments on the African continent. This skepticism arises from the basic fact that it is illogical, even ludicrous, for the South African Government to refuse to meet and accept the black citizens of its own country on terms of equality, while pretending to want contacts with leaders of independent African States. Unless the whole effort is a ruse to deflect African and world attention from the cruel inhumanities which characterize the rule of the present Government in South Africa, it is difficult to understand why such dialogs should not begin at home, within South Africa itself.
207.	I make no apologies for speaking so long on the situation in Africa, because it is one part of the world where the glaring examples of historical inequities and racial injustice remain unresolved and are pursued with impunity by those who perpetrate them. It is our conviction that the solution of those problems, and indeed the urgency and dispatch with which they are resolved, will seriously affect the faith of mankind, especially in the developing world, in the validity of the claim" and assumptions on which the ideals of the United Nations are based,
208.	My delegation deeply regrets the lack of substantial improvement in the Middle East situation over the last year, The fragile peace, or rather the fragile state of near-conflict, which subsists in that area of the world is a source of continued concern to all peace-loving people. The Organization of African Unity has, as you may be aware, felt so strongly on this subject that the Heads of State and Government of Africa set up a committee of 10 heads of African States for the purpose of doing what we in Africa can do to assist in the process of finding a solution to the situation in the Middle East. Nigeria, as a member of that committee, will co-operate fully in every effort to reach an equitable and honorable solution that will take into account all the main elements of that confused and tangled situation. For us in Nigeria, Security Council resolution 242 (1967) still remains the best hope, and still contains the most acceptable principles, for a genuine solution to the Middle East situation.
209.	Let me mention that the Committee established by the Organization of African Unity is not an alternative to the valiant and highly commendable efforts of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring in his mission as the Secretary-General's Special Representative to the Middle East. On the contrary, the functions of the new Committee of the Organization of African Unity will be complementary to the efforts of the United Nations. The African Committee is an impartial, yet deeply concerned, body which hopes that it can convey to the principal parties in the dispute a sense of the agony and concern of Africa as a whole over the increasingly dangerous situation in the Middle East.
210.	One of the crucial issues before this Assembly is the question of the representation of the Chinese people in the United Nations. My delegation is gratified to note that, this year, even those who, for nearly 25 years past, have sought to Prevent the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China in this Organization have now found the movement of world opinion inevitable, and have themselves moved somewhat from their previous opposition to the People's Republic taking its rightful place in the councils of the world. It was evident from the record of voting on this issue last year [1913th meeting], that a substantial majority of Member States represented in this Organization had publicly acknowledged that it is an untenable proposition for a Government representing nearly a quarter of mankind to continue to be prevented from participating in the deliberations and activities of the United Nations. The Nigerian position on this issue has always been clear and simple, We have always indicated that the representatives of such a large, populous and important nation should legitimately take their place in the United Nations Organization. We have always said that there is a popular error in describing this issue as the question of the "admission of China". China has always been a Member of this Organization and is, in fact, a permanent member of the Security Council. The issue before the General Assembly is, therefore, a question of which of the administrations claiming rightful representation of China should legitimately occupy that seat. There is no doubt in our mind that, in the circumstances, the People's Republic of China should take its rightful place in this Organization, My delegation will express itself more fully on this subject when this particular issue comes to be discussed in this Assembly.
211.	Owing to the deep points of difference between the great Powers, without whose agreement no progress would be possible in this particular case, the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has witnessed an impasse since 1969. Differences over the establishment of observer missions, their direction and control and the relevant, legal and financial arrangements have not been resolved. Over the past two years it has not been possible to reach agreement on the respective roles of the Security Council and the General Assembly on the important question of authorization of missions and, therefore, no work could be done on the definition and task of peace-keeping operations involving military contingents. The present state of affairs is clearly frustrating. We believe in the usefulness of the United Nations peace-keeping role in appropriate circumstances and we hope that renewed efforts will be made during the current session to break the impasse.
212.	My delegation places a high priority on the urgent need for progress in the area of disarmament, especially in the face of the constantly growing and multiplying stocks of armaments, including nuclear weapons of unspeakable horror, developed and stockpiled by some advanced countries. The situation, already urgent and pressing, is Complicated by the fact that a number of other countries may well be on the way to developing their own nuclear capabilities. It is true that a few useful but highly limited achievements have been recorded in the general question of disarmament; but my delegation must register its disappointment at the lack of more substantial progress in this matter.
213.	While Nigeria takes solace from the reported measure of progress in the Strategic Arms limitation Talks between the Governments of the United States and of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, we cannot but express our disappointment at the minimal results of the negotiations on disarmament being conducted in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. It is tragic that, after all these years, no agreement has yet been reached on a comprehensive test ban. In fact, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has hardly torched the issue this year. Also, although the agreement on a draft convention on the prohibition of the development) production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on their destruction [AI8457-DC/234, annex A] is a definite step towards the fulfillment of mankind's yearning to be rid of the danger and the burden of frightening armaments, my delegation feels, nevertheless, that a greater willingness, and a clear demonstration of it, by the great Powers to co-operate in the urgent search for wider and more effective disarmament arrangements, is very much needed. Nigeria, as a member of the conference, has always held the view that both chemical and biological weapons form a whole, and prohibition of both types of destructive weapons should equally engage the serious attention of all. The General Assembly endorsed this view last year [resolution 2662 (XXV)]. It is, therefore, disappointing that the agreement so far concluded was limited to biological weapons. We are, of course, aware that negotiations for an agreement to ban chemical weapons will, it is promised, be continued in the days ahead. However, we recall that a similar commitment was made in respect of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] with regard to a ban on underground tests; but we all know that that commitment which was said to be made "in good faith" has not yet been implemented by those concerned. My delegation will have more to say on this in the appropriate Committee.
214.	The present decade has been designated as the Second United Nations Development Decade. It is a simple statement of fact that the First United Nations Development Decade did not satisfy the expectations of many Member States. As we now enter the second year of the Second Development Decade, my delegation hopes that a change of attitude and concept will be manifested, especially on the part of the advanced countries, if the objectives of the Development Decade are to be fulfilled. The reluctance of some advanced countries to contribute to the development of the less advanced areas of the world should be overcome. Although we in Nigeria do not believe that true economic independence can be built on charity, we nevertheless recognize the continued need for a flow of technical expertise and equipment, and in some cases of capital, from the industrialized countries to the less advantageously placed areas of the world, to enable the latter to prepare their economies towards a desirable level of development.
215.	In this connexion I wish to draw attention to the co-operative efforts of African countries to establish a road link between Mombasa on the east coast of Africa and Lagos on the west, a project which we believe deserves the support of the international community.
216.	My delegation looks forward to the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. We also welcome the proposed meeting in Lima of the Group of 77. We hope that these conferences will evolve a global trade strategy which can revitalize international commerce and promote mutual benefit for the advanced and the developing countries alike.
217.	One cannot conclude even this brief review of the world situation without reference to the recent events in the economic and monetary arrangements of the world which have seriously affected the orderly development of legitimate transactions between the Member States of this Organization. These events have also affected the economic basis of the development of many less advanced countries.
218.	Recent economic and financial measures adopted by some powerful countries have inevitably disorganized we
hope only for a brief period international trade and payments arrangements that have been in force for nearly three decades. We acknowledge that the Bretton Woods agreements of 1944 and the policies and practices set out in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade have not always been perfect. On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that world trade and international commerce have experienced a 'considerable degree of satisfactorily progressive expansion during the past 25 years, Today the financial measures taken by a few advanced and powerful countries with highly developed economics have caused uncertainties which will have a serious effect on the development processes of the countries whose economies are not so advanced. No one can deny a Member State of this Organization its right to take such action as it considers necessary in its own national interest. We mast, however, express the anxiety that such measures taken in the national interest should always embrace and take into account the need for promoting a continued, orderly, international economic arrangement, without which the whole process of international development would be jeopardized.
219.	Evidently, it is now essential for those whose policies have had the effect of disorganizing the existing arrangements to take the initiative of instituting and ensuring the necessary wide-ranging consultations, either in the existing international monetary and financial bodies or by other means, with a view to establishing new and more generally agreed, even if not universally acclaimed, arrangements for the regularizing of international monetary affairs and the free exchange of goods and services between nations. It is our sincere hope that any such measures or any such consultations would fully involve the developing countries, which constitute an important element in world trade and whose fortunes and future development depend on a stable international order. Indeed, any solution of world economic and political problems must involve the developing countries, especially in the preparation or examination of the means designed to achieve such solutions.
220.	Nigeria shares the concern of the international community about the misuse of the environment in both developed and developing countries. We acknowledge the importance of United Nations responsibility in this field and we pledge our full support for, and active participation in, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment which is scheduled to take place at Stockholm in 1972. Similarly, my Government and my delegation have followed with close interest the work of the sea-bed Committee  because we believe that the uses of the high seas and the exploitation of the sea-bed through the development of modern technology are vital issues for the future of the world's resources. My delegation will express its opinion more fully on this issue in the relevant Committee.
221.	The tasks that face our Organization have not always been easy nor have the procedures, which have been followed been as economical as might be desired. My delegation therefore welcomes the efforts which are being made rationalize the procedures and organization of the General Assembly. The aim, in our view, should be to save time and to reduce the volume of documentation without impairing the efficiency of the functioning of the General Assembly and other United Nations organs. To this end, my delegation expects that the recommendations of the Special Committee on the Rationalization of the Procedures and Organization of the General Assembly will be sympathetically considered and adopted by the General Assembly [see A/8426}.
222.	Lastly, on behalf of the Government and people of Nigeria, I wish to pay tribute to our beloved Secretary-General, U Thant, for his sterling- qualities and outstanding statesmanship and for his invaluable services to this Organization and to the whole of mankind. I salute him for his devotion and dedication to the ideals of the United Nations. Reports of .'lie decision of this dedicated servant of peace and distinguished statesman not to offer himself for continued service in his present post have been received with deep regret in my country. We firmly believe that not only this era, but also the future history of this Organization and of mankind will fully acknowledge the great services which he has performed and the imprint of calm and wisdom he left upon this Organization and the community of mankind.


127.	 I am happy, Mr. President, to address to you the congratulations of the delegation of Senegal on the occasion of your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In entrusting to you the heavy task of leading its work, our Assembly I am deeply convinced-wanted to pay a tribute first to your country, Indonesia, to the lucidity of its people and its realism, your country which, as you said, Mr. President, keeps the privilege of being faithful to dignity in diversity. But your election is also a tribute to your personal activities, to your qualities ^n open-minded man and a wise negotiator, to your role as head of the Indonesia delegation which you have been leading at the United Nations since 1967.
128.	May I, Mr. President, on this occasion address the congratulations of the delegation of Senegal to Mr. Edvard Hambro, whose experience, knowledge of the law and of men greatly contributed to the success of the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations.
129.	The Government and people of Senegal, at the same time, welcome the admission to the United Nations of the States of Bhutan, Qatar and Bahrain, whose presence among us is well in keeping with the universalist character which must remain one of the essential characteristics of our Organization.
130.	The activities of the twenty-sixth session, which is now beginning, will possibly mark a turning-point in the life of the United Nations. We shall have been the attentive witnesses of an evolution in Asia, which can remain one of the most important events of the last 10 years. The United States of America and the People's Republic of China have given an example of that evolution: they have started moving towards a rapprochement of peoples in conformity with the ideal of our Charter.
131.	It appears more clearly today to the international community that the admission of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations could not be delayed much longer. We must admit that in the final analysis it would strengthen the character of universality of this Organization, whose purpose, is to gather together all the nations of the world, large and small, and who knows if we may not after all be led to seek in this universality, if not their immediate reunification, at least an answer to the question raised by all the divided countries?
132.	Are we not entitled to believe that the thaw in relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China brings with it renewed hope for the restoration of peace in the Far East for the sufficient reason that neither peace : ^ solidarity can be divided?
133.	How can we imagine that the peoples of Asia, who have remained true to themselves through upheavals and isolation, do not feel the need to remain united after the storm has blown over? We must recognize that it is more propitious for the cause of peace, as for that of peace of mind, for each people to be master of its destiny inside its borders. That is the ardent wish of the delegation of Senegal for the peoples of Asia, so unjustly immersed in fratricidal war, especially for the people of Viet-Nam whose martyrdom for over 25 years is well known. It is certainly also the will of all the young States, impatient at the same time to discover the secret which would enable them to be realistic towards events while remaining true to principles. These young nations know that their salvation that is to say, their survival, their progress, their development and their prosperity is predicated upon international peace and security. For these young nations, our Organization is in duty bound to redouble its efforts to ban from relations among States any resort to violence or war in whatever form.
134.	That is why they have been happy to welcome the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971, which they interpret as a new contribution to the easing of tension and as the prelude to an understanding which is more than ever necessary for the strengthening of peace.
135.	But our Organization must also, we believe, carry out the mission which it undertook to discharge with the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples /resolution 1514 (XV)]. Our Organization must achieve in fact the implementation of the right to self-determination of all the peoples which are still enslaved. It must obtain respect for the obligation of the administering Powers to restore sovereignty to the peoples placed by history under their domination in the past,
136.	The triumph of such principles in Africa and elsewhere is the same as that of the principles upon which the international community must build its cohesion. It is in the name of that policy that great countries have led to national independence, in accordance with their own procedures, peoples which their flags had covered for a long time. And yet it is precisely that which Portugal and South Africa refUse to the populations of Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau).
137.	H,E. President Moktar Ould Daddah, current President of the Organization of African Unity, hardly a week ago opened the debate on the case of Namibia in the Security Council at its 1583rd meeting. But did not the
General Assembly itself as long ago as 1966 put an end to the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia in resolution 2145 (XXI)? It did so because South Africa had "failed to fulfill its obligations in respect of' its Mandate and "to ensure the moral and material well-being and security of the inhabitants of' the Territory. That is why the Security Council, as long ago as 1969, invited the Government of South Africa to withdraw from Namibia in its resolution 264 (1969).
138.	Today it is the International Court of Justice that has taken a decision. It formally states
"that, the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia being illegal., South Africa is under obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia immediately and thus put an end to its occupation of the Territory".
139.	It is up to the United Nations to use the excellent formula of the Head of State of Mauritania-to study the ways and means to take up the challenge which South Africa is hurling at the international community.
140.	I shall abstain from raising the case of Rhodesia because it is in everybody's mind and because it is well known that it involves very clear responsibilities and causes great concern to those who place their trust in the United Nations.
141.	The international community continues to be con-fronted with the practice of racial discrimination and of apartheid by the Salisbury authorities and even more by the Pretoria regime.
142.	The Organization of African Unity, for which freedom and justice, equality and fraternity are objectives in keeping with the aspirations of all peoples, proposed a solution in a document, which one should never tire of recalling. I am speaking of the Manifesto on Southern Africa,  to which, I am deeply convinced, we will have to come back one day in order to found on harmony the coexistence of human communities living in the Union of South Africa. The Manifesto declares that when the objective and the foundation of the foreign policy of States are misunderstood there is a certain lack of harmony among ;; i nations.
143.	The Manifesto states that the necessary harmony between peoples and men implies respect for the human person and human dignity, and respect for the equality of their rights. It considers that all men are entitled and are in duty bound to take part in the organization of their own society and, therefore, in the government of their country. But what has to be particularly stressed is that the manifesto recognizes that provisional measures may be necessary in order to carry out without any disruption the mutations which would make it possible to pass from the inequality of groups to the equality of persons.
144.	What the Manifesto and all other States basically expect of the Union of South Africa is the acceptance of the principle of the equality of men and of respect for human beings and not an absolute and immediate perfection of institutions.
145.	The Manifesto considers that all those who have established their homes in the- countries of southern Africa are Africans without any distinction as to race. The Manifesto is not hostile to the South African administration because it is controlled by white men; it is hostile to that administration because it is in the hands of a minority and because its system is founded on the alleged inequality of men based exclusively on racial origin.
146.	Those are the ideas on the basis of which the African States think that it is possible to build up in South Africa a coherent multiracial community which would be reconciled with itself. I hope that the representatives of South Africa soon will come to be as astonished as we are that the Manifesto on Southern Africa has not been better understood.
147.	'	I also hope, without the slightest passion, that the Government of Lisbon will become convinced that there can be no lasting peace if injustice prevails and that there can be no true fraternity with domination. Let the Government of Lisbon become convinced of that and thus rethink its relations with the peoples forced to fight, with weapons in their hands, against its presence on their lands.
148.	But the United Nations must not only oppose the Portuguese presence in Africa, condemned by everything  history, events and developments-because the Organization is the every-day witness of attacks launched by Portugal against African States every time the territories bordering on those countries prefer armed struggle to Portuguese occupation.
149.	Thus the Democratic Republic of the Congo was to complain to the Security Council about two violations of its Territory by Portuguese troops, in 1966 and 1967. Zambia, for the same reasons, had to seize the Security Council of its complaint, in 1969. And there is no need, I think, to recall the recent aggression against the Republic of Guinea by the Portuguese forces.
150.	The Government of Senegal, because its villages had been victims of Portuguese attacks, had to call on the Security Council as early as 1963. The Security Council was to reconvene three times more in 1965, 1969 and in July of this year-because of the gravity of the acts of violence committed by Portuguese forces on Senegalese territory.
151.	There has been no year, since 1963, that the Government of Senegal was not compelled to seize the Security Council and world public opinion of Portuguese violations of the borders and air space of Senegal; of bombings and arson in its villages; and of premeditated murders and kidnappings carried out on its territory by Portuguese troops.
152.	However, despite all those infringements of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Senegal, President Leopold Sedar Senghor did not hesitate to propose publicly a peace plan to Portugal in order to put an end to a situation which is destroying Guinea (Bissau) and whose appalling burden Senegal has had to bear for over 10 years.
153.	Those proposals are as follows: a cease-fire; then negotiations on internal autonomy, the modalities, limits and duration of which would be discussed between representatives of the Portuguese Government, on the one hand, and representatives of political movements in Guinea (Bissau), on the other hand, granting them independence as the last stage.
154.	Those proposals were confirmed to the Secretary- General; they received the agreement of the liberation movements. I offer them today for meditation to the Members of our Organization, because the true problem is to recognize to the people of Guinea (Bissau) its own identity.
155.	The problem will always be to treat the nationals of Guinea (Bissau) like all other men, as our Charter prescribes: in other words, the problem consists in turning away from colonial dependence, and in establishing relations to create links of sounder co-operation among free partners partners free to choose their own destinies.
156.	The Security Council recently decided to dispatch a commission of inquiry to Senegal. That Special Mission of the Security Council has just presented its report.  My Government thinks, like the members of the Commission, that there is no other solution, to restore peace in Guinea (Bissau), than to make its people master of its present and its future.
157.	The celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations was the occasion for our Organization to reaffirm, in solemn Declarations, certain principles of the Charter. This goes for the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] and, especially, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. President Hambro said of the latter that it was one of the most important and constructive documents ever adopted by an international organization or a diplomatic conference.
158.	At its twenty-fifth session, the General Assembly, among other positive merits, stressed the interest of safeguarding the sovereignty of developing countries over their natural resources, which, for some, are their fishing resources. It becomes obvious that such countries are directly concerned with questions involving the conservation of its marine resources, the definition of the limits of the continental shelf, the territorial sea and adjacent zones. One cannot forget this if one wishes to promote a legislation on the law of the sea which is adapted to present-day realities.
159.	The Assembly, at the same time, thought it necessary to advocate liberalization in international trade; but the elimination of some tariff barriers proposed to developing countries, through the setting up of a system of generalized preferences, was rendered null and void in advance by the on-coming monetary crisis and the present restrictions on trade.
160.	That confirmed the risks entailed for developing countries in a generalized preference system before the establishment of mechanisms offering guarantees for the marketing of their produce, for the prices of their commodities, and other compensations.
161.	The International Strategy for Development cannot attain its objectives merely by defining relations between industrialized and developing countries. If we wish to attain those objectives, there must be a full awareness of the solidarity among all and of the determined will to create in their economies conditions favorable to their respective growth.
162.	The developing countries, by the force of things, are more vulnerable than others to protectionist measures around a large market such as that of the United States of America. That makes it easier to understand why many African countries have always expressed preference for a regional marketing organization along the lines of their association with the European Economic Community. Experience shows that it will be difficult to avoid these aspects of the problem at the next United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
163.	It is up to the Assembly at its twenty-sixth session to take both new and constructive decisions in the economic and social fields. Machinery must be defined that will make it possible to assess the progress achieved in attaining the objectives of the International Development Strategy.
164.	But actually we must redefine, together with the Director-General of the ILO, Mr. Wilfred Jenks, an economic policy in which investments and rural development, industrialization, infrastructures and trade will be dealt with as inseparable components of a strategy for economic growth and social progress, as well as for the mutual development States.
165.	We must consider the matter of trade between the rich countries and the developing countries as an equal exchange of services among the members of one single community to grant more advantageous and more stable prices to the primary commodities of the countries of the third world.
166.	We can never insist on that enough:
"The setting up of prices on the world market is based not only on intrinsic realities, but also on the free will of men. What the nations of the third world expect from the rich countries is that they consider the foundations of international trade not in terms of relations of strength, but as relations of co-operation and solidarity necessary between the rich countries and those of the third world. They must be considered by them as relations founded on the peace of the heart and on the solidarity among men."
167.	You have seen that I have spoken an at length about President Senghor and his statement to the International Labor Conference at its fifty-sixth session held in Geneva in June last.
168.	You will also have noticed, maybe with wonderment, my silence on the problem of the Middle East. This only shows the deep desire of my country, Senegal, and of States entrusted with a well-known mission better to contribute to the advent in this part of the world of "relations based on the peace of the heart".


98.	  Mr. President, allow me to offer you our warmest congratulations on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election is a tribute to you personally, and is a reflection of the esteem in which your country is held. We especially welcome it not only because of the close and friendly ties which bind our two countries, but also because of the high regard we have for you, which was clearly demonstrated during your recent visit to Iran.
99.	May I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, who presided over the last session with great ability and wisdom. His untiring efforts to promote the objectives of the United Nations were manifested not only within this Organization, but also through his extensive travels to Member countries, including my own.
100.	Allow me, furthermore, to express once again to the Secretary-General our admiration and high esteem for his outstanding performance throughout his term of office, and for his devotion to the cause of world peace. I should also like to pay a tribute to him for the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/8401/Add.l], which we have read with great interest and attention. In this report the Secretary-General has treated with candor and forthrightness the many basic problems besetting the world Organization. It is our earnest hope that his thoughtful and most valuable remarks will be heeded by the membership. The Secretary-General's decision not to make himself available for another term was, therefore, received by my delegation with deep regret.
101.	This year we are celebrating the 2,500th anniversary of the founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great. We are commemorating a great humanitarian figure who, 25 centuries ago, was the first to introduce the values of humanity and justice into the social and political order of an Empire. Throughout succeeding ages, when genocide, religious persecution and cultural eradication have, shamefully, remained recognized traits of empire building, Cyrus' enlightened legacy of religious tolerance and cultural coexistence has remained one of history's brightest achievements. While ere are other important milestones in mankind's long search for a charter of human rights, the first step on this road was taken and formalized in the Edict of Cyrus in the fifth century B.C. The respect he showed for cultural and ethnic diversity, and the moral and humanitarian values he espoused, have remained, throughout the millennial, a vital part of Iran's cultural life and have influenced our thought from generation to generation,
102.	We, in Iran, have rededicated ourselves to the ideals for which our founding father lived and fought: human
rights, tolerance and justice, peace, freedom and progress for all peoples and all nations, regardless of size, wealth, race and creed. Our "white revolution" under His Imperial Majesty the Shahansha Aryamehr, has embraced these values and breathed new life and meaning into them. Similarly, our independent national policy underlines the importance we attach to coexistence, non-discrimination and friendly co-operation in a world of diverse and independent units.
103.	In contrast to the rather bleak picture of the world scene during recent years, we are meeting here this year in an atmosphere of rising hopes. Important developments since our last session point to the attainment of a real detente. In Europe, the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin is of particular significance. I am sure it will have far-reaching effects in strengthening European security. Also, preparations for a meeting between the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and of the Warsaw Pact, for the purpose of troop reduction in Europe, are already under way.
104.	In Asia, while Viet-Nam continues to suffer the scourge of war, for the first time the end seems to be in sight. And for the first time the prospects are bright for the participation of the People's Republic of China in world affairs; The importance which such participation will have for world peace, especially for peace and security in Asia, can hardly be over-emphasized. We welcome the decision made by the President of the United States to visit China. We are confident that contacts and talks between the leaders of these two countries will have a salutary effect on international peace and security.
105.	In the field of arms control, the most important advance is the signing, early this year, by more than 60 States, of the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor [resolution 2660 (XXV), annex]. The Strategic Arms Limitation Talks also provide a ground for optimism.
106.	Despite the easing of tensions and the improvements in the world situations which I have just outlined, armed conflicts as well as explosive situations continue to threaten world peace and security. In the face of these conflicts and crises, the United Nations is still unable to carry out its fundamental duties. With the participation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, we are confident that one of the main obstacles to the United Nations playing a more effective role will be removed. A world Organization that seeks to resolve man's basic problems cannot exclude the world's most populous State.
107.	The growing concern on the part of a number of States, including my own, in establishing diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China is a hopeful sign of the world community's determination to achieve universality.
*
108.	Our views on the question of China are based on the following three conclusions: first, we recognize the People's Republic of China as the sole Government of China; secondly, the People's Republic of China should take its rightful place at the United Nations; thirdly, the People's
Republic of China should take its rightful place among the five permanent members of the Security Council.
109.	The situation in the Middle East continues to cause us profound concern and sorrow. Israel continues to occupy Arab territories seized in the 1967 war, and many Arabs continue to be exiled from their homeland.
110.	It may be recalled that, in response to Ambassador Jarring's proposals for a peace settlement between Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt, President Anwar El-Sadat declared his country's willingness to sign a peace agreement with Israel provided that Israeli armed forces are withdrawn from occupied Arab territories. The President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, in a subsequent move, went even a step further and offered to reopen the Suez Canal as the first step towards a settlement. These overtures, that were received with general international acclaim, met with Israel's negative response. As can be seen, the President of the, Arab Republic of Egypt took a more prudent and realistic approach based on legitimate Arab rights as well as on Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
111.	Accordingly, Iran declared its full support for the proposals of the Arab Republic of Egypt in an official statement which was subsequently circulated as a Security Council document, as well as in a number of communications to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of other countries. In reaffirming Iran's belief that Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories was an essential condition for peace, we stated:
“Now that as a result of the positive attitude of the Government of the United Arab Republic, favorable conditions for restoration of peace in the Middle East have been realized, the Government of Iran hopes that Israel will reciprocate by taking positive steps in the direction of peace and regional tranquility so that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General may succeed in his efforts to enable the parties concerned to reach a just and honorable agreement.
112.	' Support for the position of the Arab Republic of Egypt has grown in almost every quarter. One of the most notable expressions of support has come from the six member countries of the European Economic Community.
113.	Despite the general expectation for a reciprocal move towards peace and stability, Israel has remained adamant. In our view Israel's negative attitude is not an enlightened policy, and the Government of Iran believes that Ambassador Jarring's recent proposals conform with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and provide a good basis for the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace.
114.	I must also express our deep concern about the recent developments designed to change the status of Jerusalem. Such efforts will meet with strong opposition from the overwhelming, majority of members of the General Assembly and members of the Security Council. It is our view that the General Assembly and Security Council decisions on the status of Jerusalem must be implemented.
115.	South-East Asia is another area of the world tom by death and destruction, and the early promise of the peace talks in Paris has failed to materialize. Our position on this issue needs no repetition. We share the sorrow and the anguish, of those who have suffered in this conflict and we look forward to a day when these unhappy people, freed from destructive and divisive forces, can devote their extraordinary strength and energies to the more formidable but appealing task of reconstruction.
116.	General and complete disarmament, agreed upon in principle by the super-Powers a decade ago, remains an unrealized goal. Marginal agreements in regional or functional areas cannot supplant this ultimate goal.
117.	With the easing of tensions and the development of the capacity for mass destruction, the two super-Powers appear increasingly willing to find and develop areas of agreement. Significant progress seems to have been made on reaching agreement on the banning of biological weapons. We hope that efforts to reach an agreement on prohibition of production, development and use of chemical weapons will also soon bear fruit.
118.	Progress in techniques of detecting and identifying underground nuclear explosions may have opened the way for serious negotiations on a comprehensive test ban. In the light of the close tie between the nuclear test ban and the subject-matter of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks-that is, the freeze and eventual cut-back of strategic nuclear weapons systems-a new accord on the latter will undoubtedly remove the basic impediment to a comprehensive ban on further testing.
119.	One prerequisite for attaining the goal of nuclear disarmament is the participation of all important nuclear Powers, including the People's Republic of China and France, Thus we welcome the suggestion made on 5 May 1971 by the Secretary-General in an address to the Council on Foreign Relations in Chicago concerning discussions among nuclear-weapon States, as well as the proposal made recently by the Soviet Union regarding a world conference on disarmament [A/8491].
120.	I should like to conclude my remarks on disarmament by proposing once again that the Middle East should be declared a nuclear-free zone. This suggestion was first made by my august Sovereign. Iran would welcome any initiative by any of the- countries in the region to reach an agreement to this end.
121.	Recent developments in the relations between India and Pakistan are a source of grave concern to us. The separatist movement in East Pakistan and the subsequent flight of refugees to India have strained to a critical point the already tense relations between the two countries.
122.	We support every effort made by the international community under the banner of the United Nations to deal with the humanitarian aspects of the problem on both sides of the border. We ourselves have already made our contributions for the refugees in India as well as for relief work in East Pakistan.
123.	As to the political aspects of the situation, without wishing in any way to interfere in the internal affairs of
Pakistan, we are confident that the Pakistani Government, as has been announced by the President of Pakistan himself, will do its utmost to eliminate through pacific means the causes of friction and strife which have brought about pain and unhappiness among brothers in East Pakistan. In this highly sensitive area, where the danger of a broader confrontation exists, every effort should be made to normalize the relations between those two great countries, India and Pakistan.
124.	With the impending departure of the United Kingdom from the Persian Gulf by the end of this year, that region is about to enter a new era. Colonial rule will be replaced by a community of free nations striving for the welfare and prosperity of the peoples involved. Bahrain and Qatar, closely linked to us by bonds of friendship and fraternity, have already taken their places among the Members of the United Nations. We have already had the occasion to welcome them into the community of nations and we wish to offer them once again our full co-operation within this Organization. Soon Oman will also join the Organization. We believe that the remnants of colonialism in that region, as in all other parts of the world, must be completely wiped out and that the destiny of the peoples of the area should be placed in their own hands. We attach great importance to the security of the Persian Gulf area, which we consider to be exclusively a matter for the littoral States. Therefore, we shall not shirk our responsibility in the defense of peace and stability in the Persian Gulf. We have already taken important steps in collaboration with our neighbors to the south to promote peace and prosperity in the area.
125.	The United Nations has made valuable contributions in the field of decolonization. The fundamental right of self-determination has become a reality for most of the peoples formerly under colonial rule. Yet, more than a decade after the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, there are still millions of people living under colonialism.
126.	 The advisory opinion delivered recently by the International Court of Justice on the question of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia has determined the issue of legality and provides an element for further consideration by the Security Council.
127.	Last year /1857th meeting] we pointed out that the first United Nations Development Decade, taken as a whole, had been a failure. Today we are particularly concerned with an emerging protectionist trend in certain developed countries, a trend which threatens to undo even the little progress achieved in the past few years. Such protectionist attitudes will undermine the very goals for which so many countries have labored. We, in developing countries, have worked hard to increase production and output by training manpower and providing capital. Just as our new products begin to find new markets, we are confronted by protectionist tariffs; This trend must be stopped and reversed, for its implications are ominous. We

urge the developed countries to make a new commitment to development: to liberalize trade and to remove prohibitive tariffs, in particular, on goods from developing countries.
128.	An important forum in which this new commitment might be undertaken is the forthcoming third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] scheduled to meet in the spring of next year in Santiago, Chile.
129.	If we fail, however, to ensure the collaboration of the developed countries for the realization of our objectives within the framework of 'UNCTAD, we must then turn to other methods of persuasion. The results obtained from the recent Tehran negotiations on oil within the framework of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries has an important bearing in this context. It demonstrates, once again, the importance of collective bargaining.
130.	Speaking on that occasion, my Sovereign pointed out that while the prices of export products of five leading industrial countries of the world increased by 3 per cent during the past three years-according to the United Nations statistics-the royalties obtained from every barrel of oil, in real terms, decreased. Thus the first Development Decade proved to be an empty gesture as far as the developing countries and the oil-producing countries were concerned.
131.	Motivated by common objectives and interests, the oil-producing countries of the Middle East proved the effectiveness of a united stand in collective bargaining. I have no doubt that what was done with regard to oil could be done also in the case of other raw materials. I hope, however, that the developed countries would rather show greater flexibility, understanding and co-operation within UNCTAD, rather than confront a united stand on the part of the developing countries.
132.	For the first time in history, the question of human survival has been broadened to encompass not only the threats of war and weapons but also the total human environment. The challenge and task confronting mankind today has grown in scope to include every aspect of man's life and his environment. We must learn to manage the earth's resources in a way that will permit economic and social progress.
133.	In Iran, the Ministry of Natural Resources, the Society for the Preservation of Natural Resources and the Human Environment and other related organizations have been charged with the task of developing, within the framework of our next five-year plan, a comprehensive program to meet the problem in all its aspects.
134.	We are all conscious of the increasing significance attached to the sea and to ocean space exploitation and control. The declaration of principles adopted by the last session of the General Assembly,  in fact, set forth a new legal foundation for future dealings with the issue of the
sea-bed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof. It is highly important for all of us to make determined efforts to define the regime of the seas and to create an effective international machinery that would protect this "common heritage of mankind".
135.	The picture I have just outlined is not altogether bright; but is still promising and hopeful.
The United Nations has not always been successful in dealing with some of our problems-especially armed conflicts-but the value of the United Nations as a center for all nations to join forces to cope with man's global problems is beginning to grow. I fully agree with our Secretary-General that the time has come when, in the Wake of the present detente, a new great alliance of all concerned peoples should be reinstated against these common enemies: human poverty, injustice, moral and physical misery and the rapid deterioration of our planet's beauty and life-sustaining elements. These dangers and challenges have greater priority than the questions which divide nations at present.