 Let me first extend to you, Sir, my delegation's most sincere and heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. It is a source of pleasure and pride to have as President an eminent personality from a country with which Malaysia has always enjoyed warm and brotherly relations. Your unanimous election as President of this Assembly is a recognition of your skill and experience as an outstanding diplomat.
It is in the same spirit that I express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Ambassador Jaime de Pinies, for his invaluable contributions and the impartial and skillful way in which he conducted the fortieth session of the General Assembly. Ambassador de Pinies's presidency was also of special significance in that it coincided with the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
For the past several years we have witnessed with increasing concern the steady decline of the United Nations. Are we to stand by and watch this Organization sink into an irrelevance from which it may never recover from, or should we not act with the common objective of restoring life and meaning to the United Nations? If we are to judge by what was said by the many important and illustrious world leaders during the commemorative fortieth session held last year, we appear to be unanimous in our concern that this Organization should not be allowed to suffer a fate similar perhaps to that of its predecessor, the League of Nations. With the benefit of hindsight, we all know why the League failed and the consequences that followed. It is perhaps sobering for us to reflect upon the consequences of a United Nations that is so eroded that it becomes progressively more of a meaningless ritual for us to meet here once a year, say our piece, go back and forget about it all until the next session. Unless really constructive steps are taken to remedy the situation, this downward spiral will continue until the very existence of the United Nations is put in question. For, in the final analysis, if this Organization serves no one, why subscribe to it at all?
For the majority of us the small developing nations, a world without the United Nations is almost unthinkable. In fact, many nations here owe their independence to the work of the decolonization Committee of the United Nations. To us, the United Nations transcends mere symbolism. In the United Nations lies our hope for a better tomorrow, for justice, peace and stability and for prosperity for all mankind. Therefore it is imperative that the United Nations remain relevant, its role enhanced and not made subject to the interests of individual States or blocs. Despite misgivings that some may have about the United Nations, let us not forget that the United Nations can be only what we all want it to be. The reality is that a few wealthy and powerful nations have always, in spite of charges of "automatic majorities" and "extreme" and "useless" resolutions, had the edge in shaping the United Nations. If the Organization falls short of expectations, the responsibility rests heavily on the shoulders of those same powerful nations, which perhaps expect the United Nations to be a creature in their own image, serving oily certain perceived ends, for certain perceived interests. To be sure, the responsibility also lies with the smaller developing nations. Considerations based purely on ideological or political lines cannot contribute to meaningful solutions. As small developing countries, we must remain sensitive to our responsibilities, just as we would wish the developed and powerful countries to base their decisions on the merits of a particular issue, governed by principles which are central to the ideals of the United Nations. There is a need for us to temper the majority we enjoy by what is relevant, practical and realistic. Most important, we should not allow ourselves to be proxies, basing our decisions on ideological attachments or bloc interests, without regard for the principles involved.
There are also some among us who pay lip-service to these principles but who, when it suits them, remain strangely mute when they are trampled upon. A few among us also disregard principles, violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of weaker, smaller States, seeking recourse through arms and military power. Let us -the small nations - as Members of this Organization exercise our responsibilities with maturity, sobriety and a sense of justice and fair play.
It is not coincidental that some of the nations that founded and pioneered the United Nations grew more disenchanted with this Organization in the wake of the increasing membership resulting from decolonization. It was then that talk about the "tyranny of the majority" and about "automatic" third-world majorities against the interests of certain nations began to emerge. At the same time it also became fashionable, as it were, in some quarters to malign and denigrate the United Nations with charges of "bloated budgets" and "extreme" and "useless" resolutions.
Indeed, it is simplistic and even damaging to the Organization to pretend that the United Nations needs no improvement and could not be made more effective. Certainly, over the years some "fat" has accumulated which needs to be trimmed. Its efficacy must be reviewed periodically in order to enhance its role, but the motive for improving the United Nations must always be premised on the precepts enshrined in the Charter. While the United Nations appears not to have escaped the effects of a world in recession, actually to attribute the current financial crisis to late payments by Member countries would be a gross distortion of facts.
The present cash-flow crisis has been the result of the withholding of regular contributions to the Organization on the one hand and an over-staffed Secretariat on the other. While we commend the efforts of the Group of 18 to reduce the staff levels in the Secretariat and to rationalize the Organization's administrative and
budgetary procedures, we cannot agree with any rationale that obligatory contributions by any Member country can be withheld in order to force the acceptance of conditions unilaterally decided by a country's own national legislature. However unpalatable existing rules and procedures may appear to be to each Member country, any effort to amend such rules must be undertaken within agreed procedures and in accordance with the system in place. Any hint or suggestion that a Member country, however big or small, could unilaterally impose conditions would only bring about difficult precedents inconsistent with the spirit and the Charter upon which the United Nations was founded. Rules and procedures built around such a basic concept of the equality of States must not be tempered with, for that is one of the fundamental pillars upon which the United Nations was established.
Whatever our dissatisfaction may be with the United Nations, membership of the Organization requires us to accept certain basic principles and to operate in accordance with agreed grotsid rules. The issue is not control through majority voting rights? it is rather the time-consuming and painstaking process of seeking understanding and consensus to resolve problems that face the general membership.
While we hear so ranch criticism of the ineffectiveness of the United Nations from certain quarters, those quarters remain strangely mute on some issues where the United Nations has indeed failed - failed not due to lack of trying but simply because of obstacles which render many United Nations resolutions on those issues unimplementable. Simply put, it failed because of the attitude of the big Powers.
We are outraged that in spite of our efforts for so many years to bring an end to the system of apartheid in South Africa it still exists, flouting every concept and principle of human decency. None of us denies that morally what is happening in South Africa is totally indefensible; yet it exists because a few rich and powerful nations that could do most to dismantle it will not participate in any meaningful way to end this diabolical system. Those nations, while cm the one hand condemning apartheid, on the other continue to give it sustenance by refusing to abandon policies based on "constructive engagement" and "gentle persuasion", which have clearly failed; yet those same nations have been known to apply naval blockades when solving their own problems.
Apartheid is a system which has institutionalized racism for the purpose of establishing and maintaining the domination of a white minority over a black majority. Recent developments in South Africa prove beyond any doubt that Pretoria will not be persuaded to abandon its policy of apartheid. Indeed, the regime is categorically and adamantly committed to maintaining and enforcing apartheid, therefore to pursue further a policy such as "constructive engagement" will only mean sending the wrong signals to Pretoria.
The way forward now is to embark seriously on sanctions. There have been arguments from certain countries that sanctions are ineffective and will only impose economic hardships on the front-line States and worsen the situation for the blacks in South Africa. It is admitted that sanctions would not be painless for neighboring African States and for the blacks in South Africa, but surely the indignities that they have suffered for so long under apartheid are incomparably more painful? Besides, if we are really determined there is much that we can do to alleviate this suffering and bring about quicker results.
The blades in South Africa and the front-line States realize what they are facing. The colonial Powers had so structured the economy of those States as to raider them completely dependent on South Africa. Retaliation by the Pretoria regime is thus easy and effective. It is made even more effective by the willingness of South Africa to sabotage lines of communication, particularly of the land-locked States. In this South Africa is being helped by rebels nurtured by certain countries.
The non-aligned summit conference in Harare decided upon the setting up of a solidarity fund for southern Africa, but the support of the Western world and Japan is necessary if the aid is to have any substance or effect. During the Berlin blockade a vast airlift was organized to break the blockade, South Africa's counter-blockade must be broken in the same way and with the same determination by the rest of the freedom-loving world.
Sooner or later this travesty of a Government that sits in Pretoria and its hateful apartheid policy must go. Let us all help to make it go sooner rather than lacer. Let us be determined to give all possible help by blockading South Africa and helping to ensure that supplies and aid reach the front-line States.
It is time for countries which profess lofty principles and which are always ready to condemn and even subvert third-world countries for alleged suppression of freedom to practice what they preach. South Africa must be freed. Namibia must be returned to its people on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any "linkage". It is unacceptable that Namibians should be held hostage because of the so-called misdeeds of a totally different nation.
The question of Palestine is another issue on which the United Nations has failed to make any impact, despite the fact that this subject has appeared regularly on the agenda almost since the founding of the Organization. Because of the failure to resolve this central issue, the whole of the Middle East region remains in a constant state of turmoil.
The problem of Palestine began with the creation of Israel, at the expense of dispossession of the people of Palestine. Since Israel owes its existence to a decision taken by the United Nations in 1948, and since that decision was honored and upheld by the major Powers, it is incumbent upon those same Powers, if not upon Israel, to honor and uphold subsequent United Nations resolutions on the same issue.
The clock cannot be turned back and we have to accept the reality. So, too, are the Palestinian people a reality with their own history, their own traditions, culture and national identity. It is also a reality that the Palestinians have been reduced to a nation of refugees, who, for two generations, have been born in refugee camps, hounded, persecuted, bombed and vilified.
We are actually witnessing a holocaust inflicted on the Palestinian people. Israel, on the one hand, is given what amounts to carte blanche to do whatever it
likes, because of the support and protection of the super-Powers, which are in a position to frustrate any attempt by the international community to find a solution based on justice. It is obvious that in the absence of an even-handed policy on the part of the super-Powers the United Nations will be unable to act. Israel's borders will continue to expand its borders, annexing Arab lands as it wishes, and any action that Israel takes, however horrendous, will be justified in terms of safeguarding its national security.
The Palestinian people, on the other hand, have no legitimate recourse, as does Israel, given the limited resources at their disposal. At the same time, they have to confront hostile news media, dominated by Zionists. The= Palestinians, therefore, unlike the Israelis, have to fight against all odds in their struggle for their rights and identity. In the process, the Palestinians have always been condemned by the world while the fact is ignored that Israel itself is a product of terrorism, that its unceasing intimidation, harassment and victimization of Arabs in the occupied territories and elsewhere is purely and simply a policy based on terrorism.
While we are on the subject of terrorism, let me state categorically that my country joins the international community in condemning terrorism. It is indeed significant that the United Nations was able to adopt a resolution by consensus against terrorism. Our concern must also cover acts of terrorism by Governments. While we should not be selective in our condemnation of terrorism, let us not ignore the fact that policies such as those practiced by Israel are based on terror and invite retaliation based on the same psychology of terror. If we are to condemn and act against terrorism, let us not be selective, nor must we resort to it as a counter measure.
In many of the major crises that confront the world, the majority of States are reduced to the position of bystanders, powerless to act or influence, save perhaps by our moral outrage and our pleas and appeals. Even in some cases of seemingly limited and local conflicts the hand of a greater actor is thinly veiled, adding fuel to the fire. Our inability to act is even more circumscribed when a major Power is involved and openly ignores all the basic tenets of the Charter of the United Nations. But as small developing countries we must, nevertheless, continue to raise our voices against any instances in which important principles such as the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of States are violated and ignored. He, the small nations, are all potential victims.
The case of Afghanistan serves as an example. An independent, sovereign nation is invaded and occupied by one of the most powerful countries in the world. For the Soviet Union, a permanent member of the Security Council, one of the countries to which we are expected to entrust questions of world peace and security, to perpetrate such an act cannot but leave us all in a state of permanent fear. We can never accept what may happened in Afghanistan as a fait accompli. We must continue to condemn the Soviet action and that of its puppets just as the majority of the people of Afghanistan, despite the terrible odds, continue to fight and resist the aggression.
Similarly, the international community should never acquiesce to Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea. Indeed, the international community has repeatedly affirmed its condemnation of Viet Nam, but nevertheless that country persists in its intransigence in rejecting all efforts for a peaceful solution. This is indeed an arrogant attitude, made no less so because of the firm backing that Viet Nam has been getting from a super-Power. It is ironic that Viet Nam, which was itself subjected to a long struggle against foreign domination, should now seek to impose its domination on a small, weak neighbor. Just as we stand behind the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, so too must we stand by' the people of Kampuchea in their valiant struggle. While Malaysia and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries hail the efforts of the Kampuchean resistance under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, we have always encouraged a negotiated solution. It is in this context that we urge Viet Nam to reconsider iti rejection of the eight-point proposal put forward by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea.
Malaysia believes the eight-point proposal contains the elements of a constructive framework for negotiations that could lead to a comprehensive and peaceful solution inasmuch as it is based on a policy of national reconcile.nation that includes all parties. The proposal also provides for free elections in which all parties can take part. Surely this is a just and workable proposal in consonance with the principles of self-determination and of the United Nations. However, Viet Nam seems intent on rejecting everything other than its own military solution.
In Central America, the super-Powers and their proxies are just as active, trying to shape governments and countries in their own images through subversion and through provoking and directing rebellions. Is the majority in this Organization wrong when it condemns such acts? If there is an "automatic majority", is there not also a tendency on the part of the big Powers to automatically use their brute strength when they dislike the stand of the majority.
One of the many intractable issues confronting us is that of disarmament, an issue which this Organization has been grappling with for many years. It is obvious that the problem of disarmament cannot be addressed effectively unless major Powers are resolved to negotiate a halt to the proliferation and the eventual elimination of nuclear arsenals. Already we have accumulated enough nuclear devices to destroy the world. Even if we decide to dispose of them, we cannot. We have already condemned ourselves to permanent fear of radiation and destruction. Doomsday may be nearer than we think.
It is indeed a horrifying prospect that the survival of mankind should be dependent on a "balance of terror". Malaysians ate called "barbarians" because we hang convicted white criminals for drug offenses, as we hang others for the same crime. What do we call people who threaten to wipe out the whole human race in fulfillment of their war strategy?
The cause of peace cannot be served by wasting scarce resources on nuclear arms. If the super-Powers stop their nuclear build-up we will not ask them to spend their savings on eradicating poverty, hunger and disease. They can spend it
on themselves, by all means, for even that is better than the useless manufacture of these terrible indestructible weapons.
Since our last United Nations General Assembly session in 1985, the world economic situation has deteriorated tremendously. We are meeting in New York today at a time of severe adversity in the economic field for almost all developing countries. The undermining of the economies of developing countries, in recent months, is unprecedented in scope. The debt burdens of developing countries is now at is highest level while the terms of trade for us are getting worse and worse.
We do not want to blame the rich countries for all our woes, but the fact remains that it is their action that is at the bottom of our unprecedented economic crisis.
Let us take the national debts as an example. When the seven rich countries had trade unbalances, their solution was to force the revaluation of the yen and the deutschmark. Many countries of South-East Asia borrow yen extensively. The appreciation of the yen alone has increased Malaysia's Japanese debts by 60 per cent. Other countries are even worse off.
If the problem is massive Japanese imports into North America and Europe, it would have caused less damage to the poor countries if very high import duties are imposed. But yen revaluation which has caused havoc to our economy has done nothing to limit imports of Japanese goods into North America or Europe.
The developing countries all depend on commodity exports to earn foreign exchange. Now all commodities are experiencing very lew prices, some falling by more than 60 per cent. A combination of factors has brought about this across-the-board price depression.
First, new technology has rendered the traditional raw materials irrelevant. Either new and cheaper materials are substituted, as when glass fibre replaces copper wire in telecommunications, or the quantities used are so much reduced that the raw material as an input is irrelevant. At the same time, new technology has also immensely increased production of raw materials.
A glut situation then arises and becomes aggravated when the rich countries subsidize the production and sale of their commodities. The poor countries can never subsidize to the level of the rich and they lose all their traditional markets.
If, in the past, the terms of trade were such that we had to sell more and more commodities in order to pay for less and less manufactured goods, now we cannot even sell more commodities to pay for even more expensive manufactured goods. And governments find it increasingly difficult to earn sufficient foreign currency to pay their debts.
The collapse of commodity prices results in a chain reaction whereby all economic activities are slowed or forced to a standstill. As usual, it is at such times that creditors become predators.
Hew then can we honestly say that the rich developed countries are not to be blamed for our economic miseries? How can we look at future meetings of the seven richest industrialized nations with equanimity?
There is also at the moment an inadequate international monetary and financial system. Sovereign nations are no longer masters of their own currency. Speculators, including banks, can push currencies up or down at will. Indeed, trading in goods has been displaced by trading in currencies. The situation is anarchic, and serious-minded people must find a new monetary system that is more orderly if the problems of the debtor and creditor nations are to be resolved.
In the first place, creditor countries should assist in increasing the rate of growth in the indebted countries. There should be a reduction of interest rates, stabilization of the exchange rates, reduction of budget deficits, planned recovery in the major developed countries and increasing market access for exports of developing countries.
In addition, international financial institutions should provide the funds to meet the requirements of long-term development projects in developing countries besides short-term financing. It is here that the United Nations and its agencies have a major role to play.
Malaysia has very recently taken the initiative in promoting economic co-operation among developing countries by hosting the Second International South-South Conference or South-South II, in Kuala Lumpur. Many third world economists, scholars and statesmen met and discussed the world economic situation and the approach towards improving the economic situation of developing countries. >3e cannot accept that the rich seven should have the exclusive right to impose their own solutions to the world's economic problems. Already their exchange rate approach has impoverished us further. An Independent Commission of the South has therefore been set up under the chairmanship of former President Julius Nyerere to examine and propose practical measures for us to take. We hope the United Nations and Member countries will help this Commission in every way possible.
Malaysia wishes to join other developing countries in calling upon the developed countries to address in a just and equitable manner the various issues facing the international economy so as to ensure stable and sustained international economic growth, as well as to foster an inter nation . trading and financial system responsive to the needs of - and be of benefit to - all nations. It is in this spirit that Malaysia welcomed the recent launching of the new round of multilateral trade negotiations in Punta del Este this September.
A major issue that confronts us and requires urgent attention is the
i ^national drug problem. The modern-day manifestations of that threat, including the subjugation of whole nations, amplifies the need for concrete and decisive international action to overcome it. Malaysia therefore welcomes the convening of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Drug Trafficking in June of next year. That opportunity should not be wasted, we should pool all our resources and combine all our efforts to remove this scourge that is sapping the vitality of our nations.
In Malaysia, we are fully committed to combating the drug menace in all its manifestations and with every resource available to us. we have hanged and will continue to hang pushers and traffickers in accordance with our laws, irrespective of colour or creed. We would rather be unpopular in certain quarters than be hypocritical. It is only when such criminals know that they will not live to enjoy their ill-gotten gains that they will stop. The death penalty is an eminently just
punishment for such criminals, for only death will stop those purveyors of misery and death.
For us, the battle has barely begun. The international community must declare an all-out war against drug abuses and trafficking in deadly substances. The International Conference on drugs should come out not only with a definite plan of action but also with a firm political commitment by all participating nations, at the highest political level, to do their utmost. No stone should be left unturned and no avenues left unexplored in our war against this menace. We would like to see such political commitment expressed in a joint statement or declaration. That would be above and in addition to the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline of Actions, we view such an expression of political willingness as essential for a successful implementation of the actions we have mapped out.
Once there is political commitment, then the source of drugs must be attacked with every available weapon, wherever that source may be. A full-scale war must be waged, and that war must be internationalized. The fight to destroy production is too big and too costly for any of the producer countries to wage alone.
I am pleased by the interest shown by you, Mr. President, and the support given by the Assembly on the issue of Antarctica. That positive commitment by the United Nations strengthens the will of Malaysia and other like-minded countries to continue to pursue the objective of an Antarctica that is for all mankind and not for an exclusive few.
The importance of Antarctica to mankind is beyond dispute. It is for that reason that we can never yield to the pressure mounted by certain quarters to bring us to relent and renege on our commitment. Antarctica should be under an internationally accepted regime and managed for the benefit of all mankind. We remain committed to working towards those objectives with all interested parties, including the Consultative Parties to the Antarctic Treaty. Last year, there was no consensus, in spite of our efforts. The Consultative Parties chose to remain adamant and indifferent to the sincere wishes of the majority.
What we sought was merely more information and an updated and expanded study of Antarctica, more information on the mineral-regime negotiations and a follow-up response from the Consultative Parties concerning the call by the General Assembly for the exclusion of South Africa from participation in the group of Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties. Yet that reasonableness and moderation proved unacceptable.
We do not seek confrontation. We do not desire to threaten the security and interests of the Consultative Parties, nor do we wish to destroy the framework that the Consultative Parties have built. What we want is an internationally accepted system of management over Antarctica that caters to the interest of mankind as a whole. What we are after is improvement over the present situation, which is deficient and inclined towards exclusivity and therefore not in harmony with international aspirations.
We are very clear about our commitment and very conscious of it. we should not falter in seeking out the objectives with which we began in 1982. Non-co-operation and non-participation by the Consultative Parties will not deter us from pursuing those objectives. It is the prerogative of the Consultative Parties either to opt in or opt out, but, for us, the decision is made. We therefore call upon the Consultative Parties to work with us towards attaining those universal objectives.
In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm Malaysia's support of and commitment to the United Nations. If the Organization is to continue to contribute to world peace and the progress of all nations, big and small, we must live up to our obligations and responsibilities to the United Nations. Just as the major Powers must not expect the United Nations merely to serve them, so must the developing countries be guided by the same principle. The Organization must be revitalized and allowed to serve all mankind. The major Powers have a particular responsibility for preserving the role of the United Nations, for they will always have the edge in making or breaking the United Nations. Even for them, what alternative is there? Perhaps only a return to unilateralism and an alliance system, with its attendant dangers.


Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Brunei Darussalam, I offer you my sincere congratulations en your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election to this high office reflects the respect and the esteem that the international community has for you personally and for your country, Bangladesh, with which Brunei Darussalam has always enjoyed warm and brotherly relations. I am confident that with the wealth of your experience and the wisdom of your views to guide it, this session of the General Assembly will be able to achieve its objectives.
I also wish to offer ray profound appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, who successfully presided over the proceedings and affairs of the historic fortieth session last year. I would also like to take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has put so much effort into ensuring the effective and smooth running of this Organization.
Almost a year has gone by since we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the birth of the United Nations. At that momentous gathering here last year, many world leaders spoke, expressing varying appreciations and perceptions of performance and effectiveness of the United Nations. Whilst some expressed satisfaction at the achievements and successes, others spoke of the failures and of the inability of the United Nations to act decisively. They also spoke of the weaknesses of the United Nations. But on the whole they came to the same conclusion, which we share, that the United Nations is necessary for achieving the ultimate goal of world peace and stability, and the United Nations can do much more than it has done to date towards achieving this cherished goal. However, the United Nations at this moment is facing a serious challenge to its very existence. Brunei Darussalam earnestly hopes that the problem can be quickly resolved.
We are meeting again at this annual session of the General Assembly in order to consider together the problems of our time. We are meeting because we all feel that we have a responsibility and an obligation to our countries and to the human race to exert our influence to make the world a safer and better place for ourselves and for successive generations to live in. We have an equal responsibility to make our contribution to the achievement of the lofty purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We cannot hope to achieve world peace and stability unless and until we are able to accept and translate into action this responsibility that we share, why is it so difficult to achieve this objective? It may be, as one leader said last year, that we have ceased to listen to one another.
Every year we make our statements in this splendid Hall, each of us saying and declaring that we want a better world, a just world in which people can live in peace and harmony. Brunei Darussalam urges Member States to renew their belief in the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and their commitment to them.
At this forty-first session we are faced once again with the same unresolved issues. There are regional problems still waiting to be resolved. Cases of colonial and foreign domination still exist and need to be rectified. The arms race and the growth of nuclear arsenals continue to cast u dark shadow over the very future of mankind. There is an ever-widening gap between the poor and the rich. There is hunger and poverty. There is misery and deprivations
World peace will remain elusive as long as the nations of the world continue to ignore the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. As long as the powerful nations continue to use force with impunity and to impose their will on smaller nations, the future of small nations cannot be made secure and their territorial sovereignty and integrity cannot be guaranteed.
Brunei Darussalam believes that it is crucial to world peace that the security and sovereignty of small nations should be guaranteed. Their right to exist as independent and sovereign nations must be respected and ensured in an international environment of peace, stability and progress.
Of late* much of our attention has been focused on the events in South Africa. This problem has been with us for a very long time. It is regrettable that it is still on the agenda of the United Nations. We have all condemned the system of apartheid, it is an evil system. It is degrading to the dignity of mankind. We have supported past efforts to bring about fundamental changes in South Africa and the dismantling of the apartheid system. Brunei Darussalam joins other like-minded nations in expressing its conviction that there is an urgent need to bring world-wide pressure to bear on South Africa through the application of comprehensive mandatory sanctions in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, since there is no other way.
The situation in neighboring Namibia is by no means less disturbing. The racist Pretoria regime continues to impose its will on Namibia. Brunei Darussalam deeply regrets the continued refusal of the Pretoria regime to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978) as it has promised to do. Brunei Darussalam believes that the only way to solve the problem is for the international community to continue to increase pressure against the Pretoria regime.
In the Middle East, the situation remains serious. The resolution of the Palestinian issue is still not in sight. The Palestinian people continue to be deprived of a homeland of their own. We have said many times before that the situation will continue to deteriorate unless Israel withdraws its forces from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967. Peace continues to elude Lebanon. The war between Iran and Iraq also continues unabated.
In Afghanistan, although there is a glimmer of hope, the situation is not very much improved from what it was a year ago. Brunei Darussalam, however, welcomes the recent development, although it is a slight one, and hopes that early settlement of the problems can be achieved. We applaud the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Cordovez, for their untiring efforts in the search for a peaceful settlement of the problem consistent with the principles upheld by the United Nations. We also commend the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for its patience and its contributions. As a neighbor of Afghanistan's, Pakistan has to shoulder the very heavy burden of looking after several hundred thousand Afghan refugees.
We have bee.2 saddened, however, to learn that the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan have been violated many times, with resulting damage to property and loss of human lives. These violations are contrary to the rules of international law and a gross violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Brunei Darussalam joins other nations in condemning these acts of unprovoked aggression.
In South-East Asia, the situation in Kampuchea has not changed. Kampuchea continues to be intransigent. Hundreds of thousands of Kampucheans are still encamped along the Thai-Kampuchean border. Not only does this impose hardships and difficulties on Thailand but it has become a burden to this Organization and to the international community.
As a member of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, Brunei Darussalam wishes to see a peaceful political settlement of this problem, we wish to see the withdrawal of all foreign forces so that sovereignty and territorial integrity can be restored to the Kampuchean people. We wish to see a process of national reconciliation and the restoration of unity and freedom to the people of
Kampuchea. He wish to see the return of peace so that the people of Kampuchea may be allowed to determine their common future and destiny free from all external interference or pressure.
Brunei Darussalam supports the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea under the wise and able leader ship of His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea has wide international support. Recently that Government put forward an eight-point proposal for a solution to the Kampuchean problem. We see this as a reasonable and constructive proposal inasmuch as it addresses the core issues of the problem*, phased withdrawal of all foreign troops, national reconciliation and self-determination. It offers a constructive framework for negotiation. The Kampuchean problem can be resolved only by peaceful negotiations in which all the Kampuchean people are represented. A peaceful Kampuchea would lead to a peaceful South-East Asia, and this could benefit all the countries of the region, including Viet Nam.
With regard to the Korean Peninsula, we wish to state that Brunei Darussalam continues to welcome any development that would lead to the lessening of tension in the region. We urge the two countries concerned to resume the suspended dialog. We feel that the Korean question should be resolved peacefully through dialog and negotiations between the South and the North. We also wish to reiterate our support for the admission of the Republic of Korea to membership of the United Nations and indeed urge the admission of both Koreas, consistent with the principle of universality.
The world today is faced not only with political problems but also with a severe economic crisis. The economies of many developing countries suffer from massive unemployment, depressed commodity prices and a heavy burden of debt repayment. The protectionist policies adopted by many developed countries have prevented goods from third-world countries from gaining access to their markets.

The resulting dislocation of the economies of the third world can only bring about political instability. This in turn will inevitably bring economic chaos to an already fragile world economy. Brunei Darussalam joins other third-world nations in urging the developed countries to be more open-minded. We urge them to be more receptive to proposals put forward by the third world. They must be more sensitive to this issue. They must be made to understand that their protectionist policy is seriously undermining our political stability.
While conscious of the worldwide tensions caused by armed disputes, we are also aware of the increasing threat and danger of drug abuse. Drug abuse and illicit trafficking in drugs have reached an alarming stage. The implications for socio-economic security and for the cultural aspects of human life are evident. Brunei Darussalam recognizes that this social epidemic can be eradicated only through concerted national, regional and international efforts. We have taken appropriate steps in Brunei Darussalam by establishing an anti-drugs unit to co-ordinal such drug-related programs and activities as the enforcement of narcotic laws, the treatment and rehabilitation of drug addicts and the implementation of drug-prevention programs. At the regional level, Brunei Darussalam has worked closely with its ASEAN partners. We welcome the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, which will be convened in June next year and hope that that Conference can suggest positive steps to combat this social disease.
In conclusion, I wish once again to assure you, Mr. President, of Brunei Darussalam's full and unstinting support to you and to the United Nations.


I should like, at the outset. Sir, to offer you my delegation's warmest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. Although our two countries are geographically far apart they nevertheless maintain close ties and sincere friendship. Your wide experience is the best guarantee that you will successfully deal with difficulties which might arise and that you will guide the work of this Assembly in the most effective way.
The Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, speaking on behalf of the 12 member States of the European Community, has presented the Community's position on various important international issues. Greece, obviously, fully shares these views. I shall therefore confine my statement to my Government's position on major world issues as well as on those which are of particular interest to Greece. A more detailed presentation of the Greek views is included in the text of my statement.
Last year we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. Much was heard cm that occasion of the ability of the United Nations to contribute effectively in dealing with the multiple problems facing our world today. At the same time all speakers stated their intention to contribute effectively to that purpose. Unfortunately, the festive atmosphere was marred by the fact that the Member States were not able to agree on the text of a common declaration. It is a matter of regret that national considerations proved to be stronger than the effort to reaffirm the purposes and principles of this Organization.
This year we are observing another significant occasion, namely, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the Nan-Aligned Movement, which since its foundation has played a significant role on the international scene. The Prime Minister of Greece, in his congratulatory message to the new Chairman of the Movement, Prime Minister Mugabe of Zimbabwe, stated: "Greece particularly appreciates the role of the Non-Aligned Movement in international affairs and acknowledges its important contribution to the strengthening of world peace, stability and development and to the promotion of international detente." It was a pleasure and an honor for my Government to be asked to participate as a guest, for the first time, in such an important world event as the Harare Summit Conference. That invitation reflects the excellent relations we enjoy with the members of the Non-Aligned Movement, relations we wish to promote even further.
During the year that has elapsed no significant development was marked on the major issues our Organization is dealing with. We have observed with pleasure, however, that the two super-Powers have broadened the areas of their dialog with the prospect that these contacts may culminate in a high-level meeting whose realization and success we all wish for. We are fully aware that peace on earth depends to a large extent cm the quality of the relations between the two super-Powers.
International security and disarmament constitute two major goals of our foreign policy. In a spirit of collective responsibility for world peace, the Greek Prime Minister, Mr. Papandreou, together with the leaders of the States which participate in the initiative of the Six, has continued the efforts for nuclear disarmament. The Declaration of Mexico recently adopted in Ixtapa, calling again upon the two super-Powers to cease nuclear tests as well as the production and development of all nuclear weapons and to avoid their deployment in space, reflects the agonizing concern of our peoples cm the eventuality of a nuclear holocaust.
As far as nuclear weapons are concerned Greece supports their gradual and mutual reduction by both alliances, to the lowest possible level. The complete abolition of nuclear weapons remains for us the immutable ultimate goal.  the question of a balanced reduction of conventional arms should be dealt with. In the search for principles which could strengthen international security we should not lose sight of the close relationship between nuclear and conventional weapons. We believe that on these issues viable agreements could be readied, the implementation of which could be monitored through an effective verification system. May I at this point welcome the positive outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, which we hope will contribute to diminishing the danger of war between the two blocs.
I should like also to stress that the Greek Government attaches great importance to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The improvement of the political atmosphere, both regionally and internationally, the renunciation of violence as a means to resolve differences and the development of a wide sense of security are, of course, prerequisites for the abolition of arms systems, particularly those of nuclear weapons.
It would be remiss of me if I did not refer, at this point, to the consequences of disarmament on economic development, particularly in a world with limited natural resources.
My Government is equally interested in promoting the idea of the creation of nuclear-free zones. We have consistently supported the proposal to make the Balkans a zone free of nuclear and chemical weapons.
At this point I should like to refer to the concern of the Greek Government arising from the growing proliferation and use of chemical weapons, in contravention of existing international rules. We believe that the international community should set amongst its priorities a complete ban on the production and use of chemical weapons as well as the destruction of existing stockpiles.
It is only natural that ray Government attaches particular importance to the sensitive area o£ the Mediterranean. Greece, a Mediterranean country with an ancient tradition, considers developments in the Mediterranean as critical, not only for international relations but more specifically for reasons pertaining to its own security. We have therefore sincerely and consistently supported all genuine efforts to promote peace in the area, not only for the benefit of the Mediterranean peoples but also for the sake of world stability. We look fx ward to seeing the Mediterranean become an area of peace, friendship and co-operation among its peoples.
Within the context of problems of wider significance which transcend the limits of regional relationships, the case of human rights and fundamental freedoms should be stressed, as well as the need to promote social, economic and cultural rights. We are unswervingly convinced that strict compliance with the international rules adopted in this respect is an obligation of States, not merely an option.
The Greek Government has also repeatedly declared its commitment to the improvement of the status of women, aiming at the total eradication of discrimination based on sex, at the national, regional and international levels. We therefore attach particular importance to the implementation of the strategies adopted at the Nairobi Conference.
Let me now turn to the problem of terrorism, which has become a present-day drama. My country is situated in a geographical region where international problems have remained unresolved for decades, creating a psychology of desperation. Greece has been particularly afflicted by acts of terrorism, despite its efforts, within its means, to prevent then. We have repeatedly and unequivocally condemned terrorism and adhere to international treaties aimed at combating it. The peace-loving Greek people abhor actions which can harm innocent people. The consensus achieved in the United Nations with the adoption of General Assembly resolution 40/61 should be used to this effect. I would also like at this point to stress that one should not combat terrorism with illegal acts. Otherwise we alter into a vicious circle leading to a dangerous escalation.
There are, unfortunately, a number of subjects with which our Organization has repeatedly dealt, without any progress towards their resolution.
The situation in southern Africa remains explosive, with unforeseen consequences for peace, security and the stability in the area. Its prolongation entails broader repercussions on international relations.
Greece watches with particular interest developments in the area, not wily because of the overall impact of the problem, but also because a sizable Greek community lives in South Africa.
The recent grave deterioration of the situation in South Africa, together with the failure of the well-known mediation efforts of the missions of the Commonwealth and the European Community render prospects highly unfavorable. There is obviously no intention on the part of the South African Government to abolish the abhorrent apartheid system, which Greece has repeatedly, consistently and firmly condemned.
I would also like to strongly condemn once again the military interventions of South Africa against its neighboring countries. Greece expresses its unequivocal solidarity with the front-line States, which should receive full international support in order successfully to cope with the threat against them.
Unfortunately, the problem of Namibia is also in a complete deadlock. South Africa continues the illegal occupation of the Territory and refuses to proceed to the immediate and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia, which we consider as the sole internationally accepted basis for a peaceful solution of the problem.
My Government follows with great attention the developments in the region of the Middle East. Last year, from this very rostrum, I stressed the principles guiding our policy with respect to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Allow me to reiterate them, since it has not been possible, during this past year, to promote the peace process effectively despite a degree of movement.
The withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the Arab territories occupied in 1967 is the basic prerequisite for the peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. This occupation has been repeatedly deplored by the international community through numerous resolutions of the United Nations, which, unfortunately, have not been implemented. We support the fundamental and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination,, including their right to create their own State. At the same time we fully support the right of Israel to exist within secure, internationally recognized borders. We believe that it is only through negotiations that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the dispute can be reached. These negotiations should therefore start without further delay, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) which, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has a significant role to play in the peace process.
an international conference could offer much to this effect. It is, however, difficult to imagine how such a process could start in a climate marked by tension and efforts to impose faits accomplis. As in the case of Cyprus, we reject the policy of faits accomplis and of unilateral measures, as well as any attempts at altering the demographic and geographical conditions in the occupied territories. Such actions are contrary to international law and undermine the prospects for peace. For reasons related to the religious tradition, we attach particular importance to the status of Jerusalem.
In Lebanon, the recurrence of the crisis and the repeated acts of violence take us farther away from the goal to which all interested parties, as well as those who exercise influence, naturally aspire0, that is to say, to the re-establishment of the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. We also call upon all parties to assist the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), so that it can fulfill the highly important task for which it has been established.
The war between Iran and Iraq has now been going on for six years, bringing destruction to both sides. My country, because of its friendly relations with both parties, calls upon them to demonstrate a conciliatory spirit so that hostilities might cease and negotiations start within the mediation efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
The situation in Central America continues, unfortunately, to remain tense. Greece is not the only country which has stressed that the problems of the area, problems deep-rooted in the past, cannot be dealt with, let alone be solved, except through peaceful procedures. My Government sincerely regrets that despite the help offered by the Group of Support, the Contadora process has not yet produced the expected results. We still hope that it might do so and continue to fully support it.
The courageous efforts of many Latin American governments to find a solution to the long-lasting problems of their countries should be particularly praised. We wish that the democratization process in those South American countries which still lack democratic institutions will be expedited. We are therefore irritated by the recent deterioration in Chile of an already intolerable situation of suppression of political freedoms and human rights. We condemn the barbarous methods of the military dictatorship and express our solidarity with the people of Chile.
Greece, as I have already mentioned, has consistently condemned all cases of invasion and occupation of countries by third Powers, as well as the policy of fa its accomplis. we adopt the same position regarding the situation which persists in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, bringing great hardship to the peoples of those countries. We firmly consider that the foreign troops which are in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea should withdraw fully, as soon as possible, according to the resolutions of the United Nations.
The area of the Balkans is, for obvious reasons, one of vital interest for
Greece. A long tradition determines the constants in the relations between the
Balkan countries. Therefore, my Government has undertaken all efforts in order to improve relations with our neighboring countries as well as the overall political climate in the Balkans. We have noted with satisfaction that our endeavors have yielded positive results in all cases save one. Though self-evident, it is worthwhile stressing once again that where mutual respect exist:, where the claims are raised, where established sovereign rights are not questioned, then all peoples, even those which in the past were split by long-standing and deep differences, can easily find the road to co-operation and friendship.
In my speech I touched upon certain major international issues. Allow me now to expand on the question of Cyprus. It is of the utmost concern to my Government, not only because it is a major international problem, but also for historical, national and cultural reasons, since 80 per cent of the island's population are Cypriot citizens of Greek origin who share the Hellenic heritage.
Furthermore, apart from its special relationship with the Republic of Cyprus, my country is also one of its guarantor Powers. Therefore, our interest in developments in Cyprus, and more particularly in the illegal presence of the Turkish army there, is particularly strong.
The question of Cyprus is one of those rare international problems on which the world community has expressed itself practically unanimously, not only on how it should be resolved but also on what specific arrangements should be included in any solution, I would refer, indicatively, to General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), Security Council resolution 365 (1974) and paragraph 7 of General Assembly resolution 37/253, according to which:
"The General Assembly ... considers the withdrawal of all occupation forces from the Republic of Cyprus as an essential basis for a speedy and mutually acceptable solution of the problem of Cyprus". That statement is crystal clear and unambiguous. The question of Cyprus is a problem arising from invasion and continuing military occupation. Therefore, the withdrawal of the Turkish troops constitutes a necessary prerequisite for any solution. I would point out that very recently the summit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement in Harare reiterated that all foreign troops and Turkish settlers, who already number more than 60,000, should leave Cyprus as an unconditional pre-condition of a solution.
We are firmly convinced that a just and viable solution of the Cyprus question presupposes the withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the territory of the Republic of Cyprus before any new constitution enters into force. Such a solution should also provide for a system of international guarantees, non-military in character, which should preclude the possibility of unilateral intervention, so that the security of the people of Cyprus in its entirety is effectively assured.
I shall not elaborate on the details of the latest initiative of the Secretary-General, both because that falls within the competence of the President of Cyprus and because the facts are more or less well known to all. I should simply like to stress that the draft framework agreement presented by the Secretary-General covers exhaustively all the constitutional aspects of the problem, practically to the sole benefit of the Turkish side. At the same time, the questions of the withdrawal of foreign troops, guarantees and the so-called three freedoms, that is to say, the main elements of the Cyprus problem, subjects of vital interest to the Greek Cypriots, are relegated to vague and uncertain future procedures. Let me point out in this respect that the Turkish side has cynically declared that under any solution part of the Turkish Army would remain in Cyprus and that Ankara would insist upon a system of guarantees which would give it the right to unilateral military intervention. It is therefore obvious that the framework agreement is one-sided and incomplete. It is inconceivable that one could evaluate, let alone make comments on, that draft without first hearing, officially, the position of the Turkish side on the questions of the withdrawal of the Turkish troops, the guarantees, the three freedoms and the Turkish settlers. In view of that situation. President Kyprianou submitted his well-known proposals of 10 June, whose substance is that these pending points should be discussed as a matter of priority before he would be able to take any position whatsoever regarding the draft framework agreement.
My Government fully and strongly supports this position taken by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which is entirely rational, constructive and fair. We believe that these proposals of the President of the Republic of Cyprus include all the elements which would guarantee progress without prejudice to the vital interests of any side.

Any overview of international affairs would be incomplete without a reference to economic problems.
In 1986 a number of important developments took place on the international economic scene. They ranged from the fall in the price of oil and lower interest rates to changes in perceptions with regard to the formulation of the economic policy at a global level.
Within the framework of international efforts to resolve the external debt problem of developing countries we have consistently supported the significant initiative undertaken in 1985 at the annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. We follow with keen interest the evolution of the issue. None the less we are concerned by the slow pace of progress.
I should also like to refer to the question of world trade: Its development, the reduction of protectionism and joint entrepreneurial activity constitute one of the most secure means of rapprochement and understanding between States with different points of view and political systems. I hope that the recent Ministerial Conference at Punta del Este, where the spirit of compromise prevailed, will mark the starting point of a difficult process for the progressive resolution of the complex and multidimensional problem of the liberation of international trade.
The international community is called upon to eliminate the persistent imbalances in the world economy through effective multilateral co-operation. The recent special session of the General Assembly on Africa, at a moment when the role of the United Nations is being reviewed, proved once more the importance of international co-operation.
Another recent pertinent example of the value of international co-operation within the framework of the United Nations is the Treaty on the Law of the Sea, which was signed in 1982. Greece, as a maritime nation, expresses the hope that it will soon enter into force.
During the past year our Organization has been tried by a serious, ongoing economic crisis. This cannot be attributed to a single cause. It is the result of many factors and must be dealt with effectively and substantively to avoid more serious difficulties in the future.
Greece actively follows efforts for greater rationalization and streamlining of the finances of the Organization. He have studied with great interest the conclusions and recommendations of the Group of 18 governmental experts. I think we all agree that the Group carried out its task effectively and that its recommendations should be studied with particular attention.
Our thanks should also be directed to the Secretary-General, who, with his usual zeal and devotion bo his mission, has worked untiringly in order to deal with the crisis. I should like to express my Government's pleasure at Mr. Perez de Cuellar's complete recovery.
It is only natural that we feel frustrated, since for many years the major international problems have continued to appear on the Organization's agenda without any substantial progress being made towards their solution. This disappointment, however, is counterbalanced to a certain extent by the realization that those issues are being discussed by the international community, which we hope will, as time goes by, become all the more conscious of the importance of those issues for humanity's peace, progress and prosperity, all of which are mankind's everlasting wish and eternal aim.


I should like first to join preceding speakers in congratulating Ambassador Choudhury of Bangladesh upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. He can rest assured of the constructive co-operation and support of the Hungarian delegation in his responsible work.
May I recall that a year ago, on the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, we carried out a comprehensive analysis of the activities of the Organization over the past decades and its role in the system of international politics. In ray view, the fact that on that occasion the representatives of Member States, including the Hungarian People's Republic, unanimously reaffirmed their countries' commitment to the principles and purposes enshrined in the United Nations Charter is of great significance for both the current session and the future of the Organization. At that time, we all expressed our interest and
 willingness to co-operate in the work of this unique and irreplaceable forum of world politics, guided as we were by this spirit in calling for efforts to increase its effectiveness and to enhance its prestige.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is convinced that today the world Organization is faced with tasks that are even greater and more complex than the founders of the United Nations could foresee. To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war today means to prevent nuclear war, to save mankind as a whole, to ensure its survival and to preserve human civilization. It is our firm conviction that nuclear war can be avoided, anS the United Nations has a significant part to play in this regard. But the world Organization can fulfil its mission only if its Member States follow the path determined by the principles and purposes proclaimed at the time of its inception. In the current tense international situation this path cannot be the dangerous policy of confrontation, the continuation of the arms race, the expansion of unequal and discriminatory economic relations and, in general, the creation of conditions more unworthy of twentieth-century man than at any time during the past 40 years. We must advance along the path of equal and fruitful co-operation if we are to see the principles enshrined in the Charter prevail.
My Government was guided precisely by the intention of implementing these very principles, by the need to create up-to-date conditions for the attainment of the lofty purposes embodied in them, and by the interdependence of the States of the world when, together with the Governments of nine other Member States, it addressed a letter to the Secretary-General proposing the inclusion on the agenda of the issue of establishing a comprehensive system of international peace and security. When we proposed the drawing up of a document summarizing the basic principles that are to govern the creation of a security system embracing all domains of international relations, we initiated joint efforts to lay the foundations of wide-ranging international co-operation, instead of confrontation and distrust, which still manifest themselves with recurrent frequency in inter-State relations. For we are convinced that in our age the security of no single State can be guaranteed to the detriment of others. Accordingly, we maintain that international security should also be conceived in its complexity, in its relationship to political, military, economic and humanitarian factors. This approach often requires the reappraisal of our earlier positions and, by adopting views in accord with the precepts of the time, a joint search for solutions to problems acceptable to all.
An excellent framework for this pursuit is, in our view, provided by the activities of the United Nations which embrace nearly all fields of international co-operation, in which we have the opportunity to co-ordinate the interests of all States concerned.
Trends towards confrontation and detente are simultaneously at work in international politics. The controversial international situation is fraught with grave tensions, while mankind is at the crossroads. We hope that the trend of detente and international co-operation will again prevail in the not too distant future. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is working towards that end. In these endeavors, it is encouraging for us to note that the world is becoming increasingly aware of the fact that contradictions and problems cannot be solved by the policy of force. We are therefore convinced that the forty-first session of the General Assembly will contribute considerably to strengthening the
positive trends in international politics.
The prevailing world situation requires every Member State to redouble its efforts, for all countries have a duty to do everything they can to halt and reverse the unfavorable tendencies threatening the future of all mankind.
In this regard the activities of the great Powers which bear special
responsibility for the fate of the world are of outstanding significance.
Therefore the international community welcomed the Geneva meeting last year of the
top leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States, which, in a sense, was the
starting point of some positive phenomena experienced since in Soviet-American
relations and in world politics in general. We continue to follow with great
attention and expectation the developments in those two countries' relations and
hope that their contacts will finally lead in the not-too-distant future to another
summit which will have a favorable impact on the future of mankind. We are convinced that tensions and distrust can be removed from the relations between the two great Powers only by constructive and substantive talks conducive to the redaction of the stockpiles of weapons, disarmament and broad co-operation based on mutual benefit.
The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is sincerely convinced that the initiatives of the Warsaw Treaty member States regarding the elimination of weapons of mass destruction by the end of this century and the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Europe provide a good basis for maintaining the military balance between the opposing systems of alliance at the lowest possible level. In order to start the process of reduction, all disarmament forums should be utilized and no single chance for mutually acceptable compromise must be missed.
We consider the moratorium on nuclear tests unilaterally announced by the Soviet Union more than a year ago and extended several times since to be of outstanding importance in this context. It is encouraging to note that broad segments of the world public take a common stand in favor of the complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests on the one hand and against the stockpiling of different types of nuclear weapons and the extension of the arms race to outer space on the other. In our view this proves convincingly that the need for secure coexistence and co-operation among countries with different interests and social systems has become an imperative of our time. We believe that every Member State should recognize the urgent necessity of curbing the arms race and should act accordingly, in the interest of all mankind as well as of its own people. Therefore we earnestly hope that all States will respond in a constructive spirit to the challenges of the nuclear age and to our proposals aimed at meeting those challenges effectively.
We are aware that the situation of various regions and groups of countries is considerably affected by the international political atmosphere and the general state of international relations, while naturally the international situation is also influenced by the development and problems of those regions. Hungary, like all other countries, cannot remain indifferent to the course of events in geographically distant countries and continents, since we feel the effects of those events indirectly in the overall international situation and directly in our bilateral relations. We are particularly concerned about the acute crisis situations in certain regions. The historical experience of the past four decades is proof that any conflict, local or regional, is bound to pose a grave threat to peace and security, not only in a particular region but also in the world at large. Hence the vital interests of all Member States of the United Nations require the settlement of such conflicts by peaceful means, by way of negotiations.Today it is more evident than ever before that there is no possibility of the just and lasting settlement of crisis situations other than through constructive negotiations with the participation of all the parties concerned.
The Hungarian People's Republic stands ready to support any initiative towards the elimination of crisis situations. It is convinced that debates on those problems, in the United Nations also, should be characterized by a sincere collective search for solutions; by co-operation rather than confrontation. We believe that the arsenal of political means available for the solution of regional conflicts is far from being exhausted. It is in our common interest to seek new
ways and means in harmony with the generally accepted principles of international relations.
This applies to all regional problems, including the Middle East crisis, the lasting and just solution of which could result from an international conference, held under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, and preparations for such a conference should be started as soon as possible. It is also true of the Iraqi-Iranian conflict, the genuine solution of which is possible only if the senseless seven—year—long war is stopped by peaceful means without any delay, and of the situation around Afghanistan, where in our judgment, the chances of ending the hostilities have improved recently.
The initiatives and efforts of the countries of South-East Asia hold out the hope that the region may become one of peace, co-operation and stability once its problems are solved through joint efforts. Acceptance of the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea would likewise contribute to the creation of peace and security in the Korean peninsula and to the peaceful, democratic reunification of Korea. My Government lends full support to these proposals, as well as to declaring the region a nuclear—weapon—free zone.
We view with increasing concern the latest crisis situation - perhaps one of the most acute of recent years - that in Central America and the Caribbean region, where tension has continued to grow and the acts threatening the sovereignty of the countries in that region have become more serious. We support the sincere pursuit of political solutions in the efforts of the Contadora Group. Encouragement of violence and armed intervention, whether direct or indirect, does not solve the problems but, on the contrary, aggravates the situation.
The political and economic problems of Africa go far beyond the boundaries of the continent and can be remedied only by broad aid concerted international action. The United Nations and its specialized agencies, as well as the regional organizations, are actively working towards that end. Nevertheless, the situation in the southern part of Africa is becoming more and more dangerous.
The world public unanimously and indignantly condemns the inhuman racist regime of South Africa, its extension to Namibia, which has been illegally occupied for 20 years, and Pretoria's acts of aggression against neighboring sovereign States aimed at destabilizing the region. My Government calls for the unconditional implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council on the independence of Namibia and for the speedy elimination of the apartheid regime, which practices serious, massive violation of human rights. We favor the introduction of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against racist South Africa and the implementation of the Program of action for the solution of the problems in the entire region.
The international conventions on human rights, particularly the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the twentieth anniversary of whose adoption is commemorated world-wide this year, are significant landmarks in co-operation within the framework of our world Organization.
The exercise and protection of human rights in Hungary is a basic principle of my country's social system. We, for our part, promote respect for human rights by the development of our political institutions and legislation, by the constant extension of socialist democracy and by the fulfillment of our international obligations. He attach great importance to the efforts of the United Nations to eliminate massive, grave violations of human rights and to ensure the exercise of those rights. I should like to emphasize in this context that my Government has established very useful and constructive co-operation with the international bodies which monitor the implementation of international conventions and it believes that adherence to those conventions by as many States as possible would contribute greatly to the universal implementation of human rights.
 Universal implementation of human rights naturally implies the exercise and protection of the rights of nationalities as well. Full and equal participation of all the nationalities living in our country, in the political, economic and cultural life of our society, is an important component of national unity in Hungary. By guaranteeing institutional, democratic frameworks for their existence and the exercise of their collective rights, our State promotes the development of their sense of identity.
Further development and strengthening of multilateral co-operation in human rights and in humanitarian and social issues can, in our view, contribute substantially to the creation of a comprehensive system of international security. It is a fact of life in our time that strengthening the security of States is inseparable from efforts aimed at the implementation of human rights, because the strengthening of international security is followed by the development of inter-State co-operation in the humanitarian field also, and in other spheres. In this endeavor the United Nations itself should continue to play a significant role.
It is an important historical lesson of the past decades that the stronger the economic co-operation among the countries of the world with different social systems, the firmer the basis on which political relations can be built.
Unfortunately, the current situation of the world economy gives no cause for optimism. Ways of averting the adverse effects of the world economic crisis are being sought by many and in many forms. We maintain that only solutions that are acceptable to all countries can be regarded as realistic, workable and constructive. This approach is dictated by our long-term common interest in an equitable and just restructuring of international economic relations, respecting the sovereignty and legitimate interests of all States. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are natural forums for such endeavors.
The highly important documents adopted by these organizations provide an appropriate basis for the establishment of a system of international economic security. It is high time to initiate efforts to implement the democratic principles that should govern international economic relations, which could serve as a basis for a system based on mutual benefit, non-discrimination, and the principles and practice of mutual trust and reliability. Continuous accommodation of often considerably different economic and political interests is necessary if the world economy and its component parts, the national economies and the economic groups are to be capable of pursuing growth-oriented economic policies in favorable conditions.
My country has a fundamental interest in the creation of a world economic environment that will ensure favorable conditions for the development of international economic co-operation. Such an environment would conduce to the attainment of our economic goals as well. This is yet another reason why we are ready, together with the other State Members of the United Nations, to accept any proposals and to adopt any measures likely to take us closer to the above-mentioned objectives.
In view of its geographical situation, historical traditions and national circumstances, Hungary devotes particular attention to Europe. We are directly and deeply affected by European events, which, in a broader context, naturally form an integral part of world politics.
The experience over a period of more than 10 years with the process of European security and co-operation fills us with hope. True, Europe has not yet seen a profound change in the relationship between the two opposing military-political groupings, and thus far it has been impossible to reduce the irrationally accumulated armed forces and stockpiles of armaments, including the most destructive nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction. But the intensity of crises of tension and their harmful consequences have somewhat lessened in relations among European States, and it was within the framework of this process that a significant agreement on reducing the risk of war in Europe was recently reached in Stockholm.
Europe has attained a valuable body of experience in numerous areas of peaceful coexistence, interdependence and co-operation, based on confidence among States with different social systems. States belonging to different military alliances or States that are neutral or non-aligned. Hungary, too, has an excellent record of fruitful experience in this field. The Final Act signed in Helsinki in 1975 by the representatives of the 35 participating States has grown into a special system of East-West relations during the past 10 years. This system has proved, even under conditions of grave tensions during the past decade, that the community of interests is capable of dampening all kinds of differences, serious strains and crises of confidence. The experience gained is therefore also instructive with regard to the development of the whole world political situation.
My country is interested in the continuation of the Helsinki process, and is doing its utmost to promote it. This was demonstrated by the successful organization of the Cultural Forum held in Budapest last fall and by the hundreds of proposals and recommendations submitted on that occasion by participating government delegates and cultural personalities. As regards the direction of the development of co-operation, we hold that all parties should seek to adopt a coherent interpretation of the Final Act, to maintain a balance of emphasis between the three baskets, and to implement the recommendations on a broad scale. The third follow-up meeting is soon to begin in Vienna, the capital city of neutral Austria. We earnestly hope that it will be a significant milestone in the further intensification of co-operation among the participating States. In this respect we believe it has become both necessary and possible for Europe to embark upon the road to actual disarmament. The proposals formulated in Budapest by the Warsaw Treaty member States concerning a can pr eh ens ive Program for the reduction of conventional armed forces and armaments in Europe are intended to further this end. We believe that these proposals are realistic, timely, and sufficiently flexible to provide a basis for the start of substantive negotiations. We dare to hope that the Budapest initiative will be instrumental in supplementing the political detente by a military one and will thereby acquire a significance similar to that of the Budapest Appeal of 1969, which led to the Helsinki Conference, a historic event in the life of our continent.
I trust the foregoing has made it clear that the Hungarian People's Republic is shaping its foreign policy and international relations in the spirit of the United Nations Charter. Our immediate goal is to ensure the most favorable international conditions possible for our national construction. Consequently, we are striving to take an active share in the efforts aimed at preserving world peace and strengthening international security.
We are seeking genuine co-operation in the political, economic, humanitarian and all other fields with all countries which are ready for such co-operation, which understand the importance of manifold international co-operation on the basis of respect both for each other's rights and interests and for good inter-State relations, and which realize that they have a vital interest in building broader and closer relations, in creating and strengthening confidence among States in all domains of international relations.
The year 1986 is the International Year of Peace. Its appeal for mutual understanding and co-operation has aroused great attention in all countries of the globe, including my own. It is in this spirit that I assure the Assembly that the Hungarian delegation will adopt a constructive approach to all the issues to be discussed in the weeks ahead. It is ready to contribute all it can to the success of the deliberations of the General Assembly and to the efforts to ensure the success of the deliberations of the General Assembly and to the efforts to ensure that the forty-first session will bring tangible results in preserving world peace, improving the general political atmosphere and promoting international co-operation.


I should like to extend to you. Sir, warmest congratulations on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly. It is indeed a great pleasure to greet in this high office the representative of Bangladesh, a country to which we are linked by bonds of friendship, joint commitment to the policy of non-alignment, and mutual and broader co-operation.
I should also like to express my appreciation to Mr. Jaime de Pini£s, a distinguished representative of friendly Spain, for his successful conduct of the deliberations of the fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly.
Our appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continued efforts to solve international problems and, in particular, his endeavors to preserve and strengthen the role of the United Nations at this critical juncture for our Organization and for multilateral co-operation in general.
The anniversary session of the General Assembly last year provided the right opportunity for us to ask ourselves what we had done in the past 40 years to implement the objectives we had set before ourselves in creating the United
Nations. Our joint assessment was that the world had undergone enormous changes in the past 40 years, that progress had been achieved in all areas of mankind's development, and that a vital contribution had been made by the United Nations.
Together we assessed that we still owed a great debt to those aspirations of the world enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations more than 40 years ago. They are aspirations for a world free for all; a peace lasting and secure for all; a world in which the differences in development would be diminished and the progress of all would be ensured; a world without divisions into blocs; a world in which we should all bear in mind that we share a common present and future, and that it is only by joint efforts that we can make them better.
In the anniversary year we proclaimed 1986 the International Year of Peace. We are faced with the question: What have we done this year to bring about peace? What steps have been taken and what steps could or should we have taken to move with greater confidence along the road leading to lasting peace?
All the dangers, contradictions and conflicts that have plagued the world for years still prevail and threaten our very survival. The values and achievements that we have patiently built up through joint endeavors in the struggle for peace, security and equitable international cooperation are threatened today, perhaps more than ever before. Confrontations, the arms race, crises, the spread of poverty and the underdevelopment of a large part of humanity, the attempts made by some of the most powerful countries to resolve global political and economic problems, denials and efforts to push aside the achievements and emancipation of peoples and countries: all these things bring home the bitter truth of the world in which we live.
Is it possible to say that we have taken a step towards peace this year even though nothing has been done at least to start eliminating the causes of the crises in southern Africa, the Near and Middle Bast, South-west and South-East Asia, and Central America; while the problems of Cyprus and the reunification of Korea remain unresolved; and while new tensions, demonstrations of force and the use of force and dangers for peace emerge as is the case in the Mediterranean?
A just and lasting solution of these crises calls for renunciation of the policy of fait accompli and of the positions acquired by force, withdrawal of occupation forces, the cessation of all intervention and interference in internal affairs and, above all, the exercise by peoples of the right to self-determination, independence and free development.
However, there were certain developments in this International Year of Peace that raise hope and call for further efforts. The representatives of 100 non-aligned countries have come here from their summit conference in Harare, from a large meeting of peace and co-operation, resolved to make a contribution to the relaxation of tension-and the renewal of detente, disarmament, the overcoming of crises, and the quest for solutions to development problems.
The summit Conference worked out a Program for the involvement of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in the struggle for peace and development. It took clear positions, launched initiatives and called for co-operation in the resolution of international problems. The decisions of the eighth summit Conference are a reflection of the determination of non-aligned countries to continue and strengthen their involvement.
This year has also seen a continuation of the dialog between the two super-Powers. We still expect it to bring about concrete results. There is a widespread readiness in the world to support and make a contribution to the success of that dialog. However, there is an impression that mutual mistrust and rivalry are so deeply rooted that it is difficult to turn away from confrontation and towards negotiation and agreement. The "/orId is plagued by continuous uncertainty as to whether the orientation towards dialog and negotiations will survive, whether the progress that is being made will be maintained. It lives in fear that the fate of peace, co-operation and development will become lost in the maze of negative tactical moves. All experience shows that negotiations bear fruit only if they are directed towards solving problems. After all, that is what negotiations are all about.
It is encouraging that in the year between two Assembly sessions a number of proposals and initiatives have emerged, aimed at halting the arms race and reducing and eliminating nuclear or conventional arms, which constitute a realistic basis for fruitful negotiations. Further, it is encouraging that the first stage of the Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe was successfully completed. That is telling proof of the vital interest of all European countries in co-operation and in overcoming bloc barriers. Europe has no alternative but to strengthen understanding and co-operation. The craning follow-up meeting in Vienna to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will provide an opportunity and impose an obligation to continue along this road, in the interest not only of Europe, but of all.
From their meeting in Harare the non-aligned countries addressed an appeal to the super-Powers to undertake urgent measures to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war, to discontinue confrontation and conflicts and to move along the road of dialog with a view to bringing about the cessation of the arms race and reaching substantive agreements in the field of disarmament, including an immediate nuclear test ban and early agreement on preventing the arms race in space.
Last year, at their summit meeting in Geneva, the United States and the Soviet Onion committed themselves before the world to accelerating the negotiations, with the following aims
"to prevent an arms race in space and to terminate it on earth, to limit and reduce nuclear arms and enhance strategic stability". (A/40/1070, p. 3) The world is expecting decisive steps. It supports every effort of the two super-Powers leading in that direction. te hope that another summit meeting between the Soviet Union and the United States will take place and that it will make a concrete contribution to the process of relaxation of tension and disarmament.
The summit Conference of non-aligned countries in Harare and the recently concluded special session of the General Assembly on Namibia reminded us once again how much we owe it to the peoples of southern Africa to remove the vestiges of a dark past. Nowhere in the world today are human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity so ruthlessly suppressed as in South Africa and occupied Namibia by the apartheid regime.
The international community has only one choice: either to accept a situation in which mass bloodshed is unavoidable and of which the proportions and the final outcome are unforeseeable or to resort without delay to the last available peaceful means - the imposition of sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The appeal of the non-aligned countries from Harare was addressed primarily to those that still hesitate to join in the general request for the imposition of sanctions. The opposition to sanctions cannot be justified by alleged concern that their consequences would affect the black population of South Africa. After all, no curse is worse for them than apartheid. The people of South Africa and Namibia ask to be saved not from sanctions but from racial discrimination, lawlessness and slavery.
It is Illusion to think that by opposing sanctions the narrow interests of individual countries in southern Africa can be preserved. They will be consumed by the fire set by apartheid. Only a southern Africa rid of apartheid and colonialism can open vistas for co-operation, which is possible only between free countries and peoples and in which everybody can find, preserve and realize his interests.
The continuation of the crisis in international economic relations and its ever more difficult consequences for developing countries make it incumbent upon our General Assembly not only to devote greater attention to these problems but also to initiate the necessary action. International co-operation in solving the economic problems of the world is in crisis. In the absence of dialog between North and South, the differences in the level of development may grow into political divisions and confrontations. In disarray and mutually confronted, guided by narrow interests, we shall not curb negative trends in world economic relations and development.
The developing countries are exposed to the devastating consequences of factors over which they have almost no influence. One of the most difficult problems besetting them is that of debt. At the same time this is one of the most pressing political, economic and financial problems world wide. Debt has become a means of extracting enormous profits from developing countries. Objectively, it maintains and deepens the differences in development. In the 1981-1985 period alone, the developing countries paid the developed ones about $US 340 billion in interest payments; none the less their overall debt increased by a further $us 300 billion. The postponement of a genuine solution obviously only exacerbates the problem of debt. It was therefore high time to include this issue as a separate item in the agenda of the General Assembly.
He expect the General Assembly to take positions which will guide all the institutions within the United Nations system that are directly and concretely dealing with these problems. Me are deeply convinced that it is necessary to proceed, first and foremost, from the need to ensure a stable and accelerated development of debtor coin tries, alleviate the conditions for the service of debts to the maximum extent, and launch a process of a genuine solution of interrelated issues of money, finance, debt, trade and raw materials.
The recent Eighth Submit Conference of Non-aligned Countries in Harare has confirmed once again that the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries remains consistent in its independent orientation, authentic principles, and the goals it opted for at its First Summit Conference in Belgrade twenty-five years ago.
In the positions the Harare Summit has taken, the policy of non-alignment is yet again asserted as a factor in the relaxation of tension and in active and peaceful co-existence. It was and remains a force deeply committed to the overcoming of confrontation and the strengthening of co-operation. Naturally, it has resolutely opposed and continues to oppose each and every threat to peace, freedom, equality, independence and a free development of all countries, not because it seeks confrontation, but rather because it seeks to remove from international relations all causes of confrontation and threats to peace and the free development of all countries.
The Movement aspires to overcome the bloc and all other divisions in the world which lead to confrontation and impede the progress of the world and its overall relations. The Movement can evaluate the policy of any country only on the basis of its substance, on the strength of its contribution, at each particular moment, and on each specific question, to peace, cooperation, equality, relaxation of international tensions, disarmament, unhampered development of all countries, over cosing of differences in development and co-operation between North and South. After all, the value of a specific policy can only be measured against deeds.
The united Nations is the best expression of one of the greatest achievements in the development of international relations: equitable participation of all countries in the solution of questions that concern the destiny of the whole world. We must safeguard and promote this achievement. We, therefore, do not accept the attempts to determine the rights of the United Nations Mergers according to their might and wealth.
We do not close our eyes to the shortcomings of the world Organization. What we need is common concern and joint efforts to eliminate them. We have already taken the initial steps and we should continue along these lines.
The United Nations was created and can survive only as an organization of independent and sovereign States, acting on an equitable basis in the quest for a better world today and a better tomorrow.
The world has long been living between confrontation and co-operation, conflicts aid accommodation, mistrust and understanding. we live in a world beset by deep-rooted divisions; however, we all live in this one and only world. Without faith in our common survival and progress, without mutual understanding, we are all equally threatened, what has been said so far from this rostrum strengthens our hopes that we can and must confront resolutely the legacy of the past and the challenges of the present, and build a future with shared responsibility for our common destiny.