This session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is being
held at a time of acute international tensions and a world economic
crisis of singular gravity. The entire international community is
facing numerous problems which require from us as government
officials a critical analysis conducive to appropriate solutions
being sought in the higher interest of international peace and
security as well as for the prosperity of our peoples and nations. In
order to achieve those noble objectives, it is more than ever
essential that the Members of the Organization scrupulously honor the
obligations that they have assumed under the Charter. The whole world
unanimously deplores the inability of the United Nations to resolve
the major problems of our day, but what we do not denounce enough is
the fact that such weakness on the part of the United Nations is the
immediate consequence of the lack of political will of each of its
Members to behave in accordance with the principles and purposes of
the Charter. This is why our delegation unreservedly supports the
highly intelligent recommendations made by the Secretary-General in
his report on the work of the Organization as regards strengthening
its role and especially the action of the Security Council for
maintaining international peace and security.
$49
By electing Mr. Hollai President of its thirty- seventh session, the
General Assembly affirmed its trust in his outstanding qualities as a
diplomat and experienced statesman. In so doing it crowned his long
career, which has been basically directed towards international
relations. My delegation, confident in his ability to conduct the
work of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly
successfully, extends its warm congratulations to him and assures him
of its full co-operation in his difficult but exalting
responsibilities. I should like also to express the esteem and
appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Kittani, his predecessor, who
accomplished his noble work with courage and dignity in spite of the
complexity of the tragic events that have shaken the world throughout
the past year. Lastly, it is an agreeable duty for me to pay a
well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless and
most commendable efforts during the first year of his term of office
in attempting to find peaceful solutions to the disputes that divide
certain Member States. He may be assured of the readiness of the
Government of Chad to help him in his future work for world peace and
development.
Before briefly expressing my delegation's position on certain
important items of the agenda of the present session, I should like,
as the representative of a country which has been the subject of
conversation internationally in recent years because of the long and
tragic situation of war that it has experienced, to outline the
situation now prevailing in Chad.
While it is true that peace in Chad was restored only at the cost of
great sacrifices, it is equally true that the tragedy endured for
almost 20 years by our people was not without cause. War is never a
matter of fate. In order better to grasp the true dimensions of the
peace and security restored by the people of Chad last 7 June, it
would be useful for me to outline briefly the internal and external
causes of the tragedy experienced by my country.
The first major people's revolt in Chad after independence dates back
to 1965. It was a genuinely national revolt, directed against an
oppressive system imposed from outside. Through that war for national
liberation, directed by the National Liberation Front, which
courageously faced the neo-colonial troops and other expeditionary
bodies, there were many people of Chad who saw their loved ones fall,
their villages bumed and their homes plundered. Many were also forced
into exile. The regime of the day, which had become anachronistic and
dictatorial, supported as it was by troops from the former
metropolitan country, in 1975 fell victim to its own mistake of
attempting to impose itself on our people against their will. Thus
its own army seized power from it. Unfortunately, the hopes raised
were soon disappointed.
Instead of offering the people of Chad dialogue and reconciliation,
the military junta in tarn committed the same mistakes and
bloodthirsty acts as the former regime. Defying the six-month
cease-fire that had been unilaterally declared by the National
Liberation Front, whose Armed Forces of the North are the patriotic
branch, the junta maintained a policy of repression and neo-colonial
war. It was only in 1978 that the military regime, undermined by its
notorious inability to meet internal and external challenges,
accepted, for tactical reasons, the historic compromise of the
Khartoum agreement. That was the first time since the popular
uprisings of 1965 that an agreement frankly set forth the different
problems of Chad and proposed comprehensive and lasting solutions.
A/37/PV.30
The implementation of the basic charter that emerged from the
Khartoum agreement would have spared our people a great deal of
suffering. Unfortunately, however, that charter was interpreted in
different ways, which quickly led to a governmental crisis. Despite
the twofold proposal of the Armed Forces of the North, to consult
lawyers of internationally recognized competence if problems of a
legal nature arose, or to amend the charter if the problem was of a
political nature; despite our people's desire for peace as expressed
in many demonstrations-yes, despite all that, part of the
neo-colonial army, mobilized along personal, tribal, religious and
regional lines, took the dangerous step, on 12 February of opening
fire on students whose only fault was that to call for the peaceful
and immediate implementation of the basic charter. The results of
that war are known to all of us: massacre of the civilian population
and a breakdown of trust among the regional components of our people;
above all, that war opened the door for additional interference by
foreign forces.
Supported by our people, and without external support, the Armed
Forces of the North emerged victorious from that trial. The balance
of power was in our favor. None the less, Comrade Hissein Habre
stated that there were neither victors nor vanquished and that it
would be possible for the people of Chad to reach an understanding
among themselves-but without foreign interference. We therefore
proposed to the other components the Kano-1 meeting in order to widen
the power base by including all people of Chad who would participate
in genuine reconciliation.
In spite of the Kano agreements, which called on all neighboring
States not to interfere in the internal affairs of Chad, certain
Powers, sensing that they were losing ground on the Chad political
chessboard, hastily formed armed factions along ethnic lines and that
would serve their own interests. Unfortunately, at the Kano-11
meeting we failed in our patriotic attempt to remove some of our
brothers from external domination; thus we were composed of H
political-military factions when we met in Lagos in August 1979.
In spite of our conviction about the anti-national character of
certain political-military factions, we nevertheless agreed to sign
the Lagos agreement. That agreement reiterated the call to all
neighboring States not to interfere in Chad's internal affairs. An
important point in that agreement was the establishment of a
consensus Government, whose term of office was set as 18 months, with
the task of preparing free elections and completing the work of
national reconciliation. The President of that Government would
therefore have no personal powers.
In flagrant violation of the provisions of the Lagos agreement, a
neighboring country and other foreign Powers openly intervened in our
affairs. Despite our determination to avoid war and in spite of the
mediation offered by eminent national and foreign personalities,
certain factions, feeling strong because of their external support,
unleashed the war of 21 March. By attacking elements of the Armed
Forces of the North, the nucleus of the integrated national army
envisaged in the Lagos agreement, that coalition brought about the
start of another war-one which was certainly the deadliest and the
longest that our people has had to endure. After nine months of
national resistance, in the face of what became a plot to recolonize
Chad, which met with a staunch resistance with the exclusive support
of our people, on 15 December 1980 we undertook tactical withdrawal
in order to spare our people from genocide and to deal in an
appropriate manner with the occupier's overwhelming superiority in
weaponry.
As the occupying forces established themselves on our territory, the
national and international public realized their real intentions and
those of the coalition. At the same time, the patriotic struggle
continued with a resolve matched only by our love for our homeland
and our dedication to the universal values of freedom and dignity. It
was in that context that the enemy was to begin the withdrawal of its
troops. We then unilaterally and immediately decreed a cease-fire,
with no prior conditions. Our desire for peace led us to give
unreserved support to the resolutions of the Organization of African
Unity of 11 February 1982. It was that same desire for dialogue and
peace which governed the rate at which we advanced on the capital.
For more than four months we intentionally delayed taking the
capital, in the sole hope of softening the belligerent attitude of
our brothers. It was that same desire for peace and dialogue among
the Chad people that underlay the successive visits of Comrade
Hissein Habre to Gabon and Zaire, after the N'Djamena meeting.
Today once again, before the Assembly, we affirm our attachment to
the spirit of dialogue, without bitterness or ulterior motives. We
solemnly invite all our brothers, including the former officials, to
reflect on the wise words of Comrade Hissein Habre:
"Let us bury the recriminations of unwarranted, unjustifiable and
sterile hatred; let us exercise restraint and still our emotions; let
us arm ourselves with common sense and reason; let us work for the
benefit of the homeland and the people, and let us respond to its
hopes of peace and unity, rather than attempt to bind the people to
our whims."
And we invite them to return to Chad, as many have already done, for
the sake of peace and reconstruction.
Although this outline has been lengthy, we believe it was necessary
in order to provide an accurate picture of the dynamics of war in
whose grip Chad so recently found itself.
For the first time since 1978, a single administration effectively
controls the 14 sub-divisions of our country. This is also the first
time since 1965 that security has prevailed throughout our national
territory. We are gratified to affirm before the Assembly that peace
and security have been achieved following a long patriotic struggle
and that they remain our constant objective.
The people of Chad remain touched by the sympathy expressed towards
our cause by fraternal African peoples and all people of good will.
Hence, we should like to express our deep gratitude to the African
heads of State for their selfless contribution and especially to the
founding President of the Togolese People's Assembly, General
Gnassigbe Eyadema who, at the risk of his life, went in the midst of
war to N'Djamena to attempt to obtain a cease-fire. We also extend
our thanks to our great pan-African organization, the Organization of
African Unity.
These achievements are and will remain fragile and could at any time
be lost if Chad's neighboring and other countries do not stop from
interfering in our internal affairs by encouraging the people of Chad
to rekindle the flames of war. We would therefore recall that States
are duty bound to respect the principles inscribed in the Charter of
the United Nations and that of the OAU, in particular, the principles
of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, respect for
territorial integrity, national independence and the non-acquisition
of territories by Aarce.
After the restoration of peace and the beginning of national
reconciliation, a Council of State was established in order to
guarantee the continuity of the State and the management of the
affairs of the country. A Government will be formed on the basis of
consultations which are now under way. It will have as its task the
completion of reconciliation among all the people of Chad, a start on
the work of national reconstruction and the creation of favorable
conditions for the establishment of democratic institutions.
Peace and security do not suffice to guarantee genuine stability in a
country if they are not supported by action for socio-economic
development. Chad, already disadvantaged by its situation as a
land-locked country, has suffered from a dislocated economy since
independence. The combined effects of drought and war have worsened
its already alarming economic situation. In fact, at this very moment
the country is devastated, most public and social buildings have been
destroyed, our economic and highways infrastructure is in a state of
complete disrepair, communications with other countries are almost
non-existent, hospitals and schools lack staff and equipment, people
in certain regions are dying of hunger and the massive return of
refugees is posing a problem as regards their resettlement and
rehabilitation; and the list goes on.
Chad intends to maintain friendly relations with other countries
which are mutually beneficial, but without infringing upon its
freedom of judgment and action. By the same token, we reaffirm our
firm attachment to the principles of the immutability of frontiers
bequeathed by colonization and of the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means. It is in this spirit that Comrade Hissein Habre
reaffirmed in his statement to the nation of 18 June that:
"Our international relations are guided by the relevant principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU:
non-interference and mutually advantageous and reciprocally friendly
cooperation; positive and dynamic non-alignment which in no way
excludes our taking a position on various subjects of international
interest; the implacable struggle against hegemony, whatever its
source and active solidarity with all neighboring countries. We
firmly state that Chad will never be a base for subversion or
aggression against fraternal neighboring countries'
For several years now constant conflicts have marked the relations
among States Members of the Organization; recourse to the threat or
use of force, political, diplomatic, economic and military pressures
are common currency. This has led the Secretary- General in his
report on the work of the Organization to state: "We are perilously
near to a new international anarchy".
These acts of insecurity are leading to the proliferation of hotbeds
of crisis the world over. This applies especially to the question of
Western Sahara, the situation in southern Africa, the problem of the
Middle East and conflicts in Asia.
The problem of Western Sahara has become an alarming one for the
international community and especially for Africa. My country has
continually called for a peaceful solution to this problem in
accordance with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and of the United
Nations, and in particular in accordance with the decisions adopted
at the eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and
Government at Nairobi in June 1981.
In southern Africa, our major concern remains the establishment of
genuine freedom. We must restore dignity to our African brothers who
are suffering in Namibia and Azania, the last bastions of the most
blatant form of colonialism. As regards the Namibian problem, the
international community is aware today that the South African regime
does not understand the language of dialogue, but rather that of
force. The racist regime in Pretoria and its allies do not wish to
let go of Namibia, but to continue to exploit the wealth of that
Territory. That racist regime could not have adopted such an arrogant
attitude or have rejected the determination of the international
community had it not relied on the assistance and support of its
allies.
We reaffirm our steadfast support for the South West Africa People's
Organization, the authentic representative of the Namibian people,
and call for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435
(1978) in order to establish a cease-fire and proceed to free
elections. We urge the countries which continue their economic,
cultural, military and nuclear co-operation with the racist regime of
South Africa to put an end to these relations and to cooperate
sincerely with the United Nations so as to achieve a rapid solution
to the Namibian problem.
In South Africa itself, the racists stick to their policy of
segregation in its most demeaning form, thereby perpetuating the
greatest scourge of mankind. My delegation cannot fail to reiterate
its condemnation of that hateful system. It also condemns the
aggression against and invasion of the People's Republic of Angola,
as well as the constant violation of the territories of other
front-line States by racist troops.
The crisis which is unsettling the Horn of Africa is not likely to
foster unity and cohesion in our continent but, rather, to perpetuate
permanent tension. We venture to hope that the two fraternal
countries will finally come to the negotiating table to find a
peaceful solution to their dispute.
As regards the situation in the Middle East, many initiatives have
been undertaken by the international community, but unfortunately
they have not been followed up in a promising way because of the
warlike attitude of the State of Israel. Everyone is convinced that
the outcome of this conflict, which has been of concern to peoples
who cherish peace and freedom for more than a quarter of a century,
rests on the implementation of the resolutions of the Organization.
This involves the evacuation by the Jewish State of ail Arab and
Palestinian territories which it occupies; the exercise by the
Palestinian people of its inalienable rights to self-determination
and the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in its
own homeland; the recognition of the Palestine Liberation
Organization as the sole representative of the Palestinian people;
recognition of and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity
and political independence of each State in the region and the right
of each State to live in peace within internationally recognized
borders.
My delegation condemns the invasion of Lebanon by Israel and the
abominable massacre of Palestinian civilians in Sabra and Shatila.
The international community is duty bound to apply sanctions against
Israel under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.
The conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, two
neighboring Islamic countries, has already caused considerable losses
in human life and material damage. In principle we reject any
recourse to violence in solving a dispute which might arise between
States and this is why my delegation reiterates here its appeal to
the two parties for a cease-fire and for a peaceful solution to the
problem. Consequently, we support the ongoing initiative within the
Organization of the Islamic Conference and other initiatives which
might help to bring about peace in that region.
In Asia, the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to be a
source of concern to us. The continuation of the situations in those
two countries and their regional and international effects emphasize
the urgent need for peaceful solutions that could restore internal
and regional peace. Such solutions necessarily involve the withdrawal
of foreign troops, and strict respect for the independence and
territorial integrity of those countries, and a settlement allowing
the two peoples to determine their own fate in full sovereignty.
Similarly, regarding Korea, we support the principle of the peaceful
reunification of the two parts of the country, without external
interference, and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean
peninsula.
Another political question merits comment-disarmament. The second
special session of the General Assembly on that question, which
opened in a spirit of euphoria, has somewhat dashed the hopes placed
in it, inasmuch as its work has not led to any tangible results;
however, it Las en Ale J not only Member States, international
organizations, governmental and non-governmental organizations, but
also the public to become fully aware of 4he danger inherent in the
possession of nuclear and chemical weapons and, consequently, of the
absolute necessity to freeze them immediately and gradually destroy
them. Enormous resources, both human and financial, would thereby be
freed and could be devoted to development.
Fortunately, since dialogue between the major Powers has not ceased,
my delegation remains convinced that wisdom will prevail over any
negative considerations that could lead the world into a nuclear
holocaust, which would spare no one.
The world is living in a state of expectation, but the margin for
optimism is a thin one, especially because other phenomena of
domination and destabilization of small countries, such as the use of
mercenaries, continue to develop. Indeed, in recent years there has
been a renewal of acts of aggression by mercenaries and other
irregular elements against countries attempting to enjoy political
sovereignty and independence. Their activities are threatening
international peace and security in the same way as armed conflicts
between countries. The people of Chad has suffered firsthand the
effects of those activities. That is why we urge the Committee on the
Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use,
Financing and Training of Mercenaries to conclude its work and
produce a convention very soon.
Development questions are also of concern to the Organization and
have been since its creation, and the struggle against the inequity
of the international economic system is part and parcel of the
struggle the international community must wage. Indeed, here we are
in the middle of the Third United Nations Development Decade and
still uncertain about our future. The problems which the developing
countries have to face are increasing even though it is true that no
efforts have been spared to find a solution-for example, the fifth
session of UNCTAD, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the
General Assembly, the creation of UNIDO to promote the industrial
development of States, and many other initiatives.
In spite of efforts to ensure our development and in spite of the
levels of international negotiation, the gap continues to widen
between the economies of the developed countries and those of the
developing countries.
The ills of international economic relations are more structural than
cyclical. They include the increased deficit in the balance of
payments of the poor countries, the continual deterioration in the
terms of trade, ever growing inflation, rigid and unfavorable
conditions for the transfer of technology, which are compounded by
obstacles and limitations imposed on access by developing countries
to international financial markets.
We must add to those the vicissitudes of nature for some of these
countries, such as Chad-landlocked, insular, prone to drought, and so
on. To be sure, not everything is so negative, as shown by the
adoption in April of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea.' But there is a serious degeneration of the very spirit which
should guide the new concept of international economic co-operation.
That widens even further the gap between North and South-a source of
political instability the world over. For that reason my delegation
recalls that the gradual establishment of a new economic order
requires, first, the democratization of international relations,
which necessitates the overhauling and strengthening of international
institutions. It would be desirable for the developed countries to
practice policies compatible with the interests of the developing
countries. That means the abandonment, to whatever degree, of the
current tendency based only on solution of internal problems.
The delegation of Chad draws the attention of the Assembly to
decisions and resolutions the Organization has adopted in favor of
geographically disadvantaged countries. These countries have great
needs and would like both national and international financial
institutions to pay particular attention to them. We believe that the
International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade should stimulate development in the third world.
To do that, it is high time that we reformed the structures of the
current economic system flowing from a global and integral approach
to problems of the world economy with the participation of the whole
international community.
Certainly, the international community has not been unaware of these
difficulties. It has shown its concern for our people since 1979.
Thus, the General Assembly has adopted many resolutions on emergency
aid and reconstruction assistance; the most recent -resolution 36/210
adopted in 1981-requests the Secretary-General to organize a pledging
conference on assistance to Chad. In that connection, during my stay
in New York I have had talks with the representative of the current
Chairman of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kenya, with the Secretary-General of
the United Nations and with the Administrator of UNDP, to whom I have
expressed the earnest desire of my country to see that conference
take place before the end of this year. We are confident that the
Secretary-General will organize this conference in which we hope to
see the largest possible participation by lenders and international
organizations. To that end, we repeat our appeal to the international
community for emergency assistance to Chad and for effective
participation by lenders in the conference.
Chad seeks only to live in peace and understanding with all countries
that love peace and justice, in particular with its neighbors. It is
in this spirit that we wish to refer here to a situation that has
been of concern to the people of Chad since 1973, namely, the
occupation of a part of our territory by a neighboring country, which
occupation we have constantly condemned. This problem has already
been raised in the OAU and the General Assembly and the Security
Council of the United Nations, and we still hope to see it solved
peacefully. As soon as they entered N'Djamena, the Armed Forces of
the North and the Council of State got in direct and indirect contact
with that neighboring country, so as to create at the very outset
detente between the two countries so that our two peoples might live
in a climate of peace. In spite of our readiness for dialogue we are
bound to note the silence on the other side; more serious still,
there has been glaring interference.
That was the message that I wished to impart to the Assembly, on
behalf of my delegation. As representatives must have noted, owing to
the special situation prevailing in our country, we have spoken at
some length to state the concerns of our people. Our people has
suffered too much from war and should now be entitled to lasting
peace and its development with the assistance of friendly countries
and the international community, to which we affirm that peace and
security have been restored in Chad.
Before concluding, we should like to repeat our appeal to the
international community to help us effectively in the true battle
that we intend henceforth to wage, that is, the reconstruction and
development of Chad.


It is my privilege to extend to Mr. Hollai the
warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma
on his unanimous election to his high office and
to assure him of our support and co-operation in
the discharge of his responsibilities. We are
most fortunate in having the advantage of his
wisdom and expended, and we are confident that he
will guide the deliberations of the Assembly with
the tenacity and resourcefulness which the
numerous tasks before us require. Next we wish to
express our deep appreciation to the former
President, Mr.  Kittani, for the distinguished
manner in which he conducted the proceedings of
the last session of the Assembly and his vigorous
efforts to bring it to a successful conclusion.

165.	The international climate in which the
Assembly is meeting is rife with tensions and
acute world problems. From whatever angle the
present world situation is viewed, there is no
denying that we are facing a time of serious
upheavals in almost all spheres of international
relations. The disconcerting features are evident
in the political overtones of the declining trend
and the rising tensions in great-Power relations;
in the economic overtones of a deepening world
recession, with conflicting interests ensuing
among nations in racial cleavage and the revival
of old historical quarrels in regional
relationships; and the increasing acts of
terrorism afflicting human life and international
order. Taken together, these adverse
manifestations potentially endanger international
peace, stability and security.

166.	The bewildering complexity of issues
burdening the world of today are mirrored in the
variety of agenda items to which the Assembly
will direct itself. Some of the most important
issues have been with us for many years and have
become aggravated with the passage of time. The
United Nations today faces far more intractable
challenges than could ever have been foreseen at
the time of its founding. The concomitant
increase in the number of conferences•, bodies
and institutions is also straining the human and
financial capacity of the Organization. The
dilemma besetting the Assembly is how to
reconcile the ever widening scope of activities
and responses demanded of the Organization with
an annual budget that must be kept within the
financial limits of what the membership as a
whole can reasonably be expected to accept and to
bear.

167. The delegation of Burma does not propose to
dwell at length on the host of issues before the
General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session.
We shall focus our attention on the principal
political and economic questions which we
consider to be the current realities of the
highly difficult and dangerous world situation in
which we live.

168. The international quest for disarmament is
still an unfulfilled aspiration of the world
community. Paradoxically, while there is now a
swelling international drive for disarmament, the
arms race has surged ahead on a scale unknown
before, increasing the already enormous outlays
for destructive purposes. Whatever the
circumstances, the crucial problem of how to
bring about disarmament remains. To our
understanding, there are only two ways of
achieving disarmament-by mutual agreement or by
unilateral action. But the present policy of
positions of strength and its reliance on
superior destructive power as the ultimate
deciding factor constitutes a psychological
road-block to both processes. We say this because
if one adversary decides to arm heavily the other
will invariably do likewise. Thus weapons
themselves add to fear and mistrust and become
the greatest obstacle to any headway on
disarmament and arms control.

169.	All  this leads one  to conclude  that
there  are dim prospects of success for agreement
unless a suit-able atmosphere of confidence and
trust can be nurtured to bring about enough
mutual understanding to enable both sides to make
the requisite concessions and compromises.

170. The central arms-control doctrine being
exercised today is that of stabilized nuclear
deterrence, where each side refrains from attack
for fear of mutual annihilation. Deterrence has
its use thus far prevented the outbreak of
another world war. However, stabilized deterrence
will not stop the arms race. Mutual effort to
maintain deterrence leads to a steady spread of
nuclear weapons. International tension and fear
remain high without the prospect of disarmament.

171. Clearly, this is not compatible with the
universal view that there is an urgent need to
find a solution to the dilemma of nuclear
weapons. Unless things take a more sensible turn,
it seems that man is doomed to live in harrowing
uncertainty as to what the future will bring.
Thus, the status quo is not only not good enough.
it cannot in fact endure, for the human system
cannot for long put up with the persistent,
constant pressure which the status quo imposes
upon it.

172. It is self-evident to all that no one can
expect to win the arms race. As we see it, the
only sensible recourse for those engaged in that
perilous venture is to call for a halt and decide
to agree on a sequence of processes leading to
reduction of their nuclear arsenals. In order to
mitigate the danger of a nuclear war erupting,
either by miscalculation or by accident. we hope
that the two leading nuclear Powers will sustain
the recent resumption of their bilateral con(acts
on strategic nuclear arms and assert sufficient
political wi1l to ensure the success of their
discussions. Divergences may be very sharp at
present, but there can be no progress anywhere on
the arms control front until the two leading
nuclear Powers agree on what to do about their
strategic arms.

173. As rapidly as the situation permits, those
bearing the main responsibility for the arms race
must begin the critical transition from
deterrence to disarmament, for it soon may be
beyond the reach of efforts to initiate the
process. The main ground for advocating this is
that, ultimately, it offers the only hope of the
continuance of human survival.

174.	Developments in the Middle East this year
took a dramatic turn for the worse. Tension
sharpened and escalated fighting led to direct
military intervention in Lebanon. The policy and
practice of sending a punitive expedition of such
formidable strength can only be deplored. The
action constitutes a flagrant violation of the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon
and is yet another example of the use and abuse
of force. It is abundantly clear that such
actions are completely at variance with the norms
of conduct in international relations and cannot
augur well for the future. The position of the
delegation of Burma remains one of serious
concern.

175.	Nobody who has followed the situation in
Lebanon could fail to be shaken by the
remorseless violence, the heavy toll in human
lives and the suffering that resulted from the
recent conflict in that country. The general
contours of the Middle East situation may have
changed somewhat, but that does not alter the
fact that there is an urgent need for an overall
settlement in the region. It is equally clear
that the prospects for peace in the Middle East
are not likely to become brighter until the
Palestinian question is resolved to the
satisfaction of all concerned. It accounts for
virtually all the problems of the Middle East and
will remain a weight on the world's con-science.

176.	At this point, I should like to reiterate
the support of the delegation of Burma for the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political
independence of Lebanon within its
internationally recognized boundaries and for the
full implementation of all Security Council
resolutions in that regard.

177.	As we see it, the two problems-that of
the Middle East and that of Palestine-are
inextricably intertwined. Consequently, any
search for a political settlement must
necessarily encompass both questions, rather than
dealing with one to the neglect of the other.
This means that only the method of seeking a
comprehensive solution with the full association
of all interested parties can lead to the
possibility of achieving a durable peace in the
Middle East.

178.	The Assembly has been struggling with the
Middle East and Palestinian questions for many,
many years. The main obstacle to the resolution
of the many issues involved is the extreme
antagonism of the parties concerned and the
refusal of either party-Israel or the
Palestinians-to recognize each other's existence
and to acknowledge the mutual right to statehood.
This is making very difficult any constructive
and fruitful negotiations towards a solution that
would be in the interest of all parties
concerned, for lasting peace in the Middle East.
The positions of the parties to the conflict
being what they are at present-implacable
hostility on the one side and impetuous
belligerence on the other there are few signs of
any willingness by either side to be the first to
break the impasse. We take the view that there is
no option but for the parties to coexist. That
cannot happen without a change of heart on the
part of all those at present involved.

179.	The delegation of Burma does not
under-estimate the highly emotional and complex
political questions of the Middle East. None the
less, we are of the view that this long-standing
conflict cannot be settled by force, but only by
negotiations. Realism demands that the parties to
the conflict learn to put up with each other, for
there is no other way to make relations more
humane, more peaceful and more secure. The road
of negotiations may be a long and tedious one.
Given the will, however, there is no problem in
the world, no matter how intractable, which
cannot be solved by negotiations and without loss
of honour by either side.

180.	The world community became seized of the
issues of Kampuchea and Afghanistan at the
beginning of the 1980s. The unresolved situations
in both countries continue to undermine the
development of good-neighbourly and co-operative
relations in their respective re2ions.

181.	The delegation of Burma has had occasion
at previous sessions of the General Assembly to
voice its regret and deep concern over the
occurrence of armed intervention, which obviously
cannot be justified or condoned, in both
situations. Our approach to both situations and
to their solution is based on our firm and
consistent support for the principles of

the Charter of the United Nations, which upholds
in unequivocal terms respect for the sovereignty,
territorial integrity and political independence
of States as cardinal principles to be
scrupulously observed in international relations
among States. The Charter outlaws the threat or
use of force in inter-national relations in any
manner inconsistent with the purposes of the
United Nations. It strictly enjoins all States to
settle their international disputes by peaceful
means and to refrain from intervening in any
manner whatsoever in matters within the
juris-diction of any State.

182.	Burma believes that only scrupulous
respect for those principles by all States, both
in word and deed, would make it possible to
promote the progressive establishment of and
universal respect for the rule of law.

183.	Any violation of those principles,
directly or indirectly, in whatever guise or
under whatever pretext, deals a grievous blow to
mankind's hope for a peaceful and just world
order. By the same token, whenever and wherever a
Power-big or small-resorts to armed force in
contravention of those principles, the inevitable
result is their serious weakening and erosion,
creating conditions with far-reaching
implications which are of concern to all
countries everywhere.

184. It was in this spirit that the delegation of
Burma gave its support to the resolutions of the
General Assembly which called for the withdrawal
'or' 'all foreign troops from Kampuchea and
Afghanistan and for" strict observance by outside
Powers of the principles of non-interference and
non-intervention. All those conditions are
necessary to enable the peoples of Kampuchea and
Afghanistan freely to exercise their will and
determine their own destiny.

185.	As the internal and external
circumstances in Kampuchea and Afghanistan
develop, we hope that the leaders of those
countries will be able to master their conflicts
and to find a peaceful way to a political
solution and national reconciliation.

186.	The  independence  of  Namibia,
envisaged  in Security Council resolution .435
.(1978), is long over-due. Since the United
Nations plan embodied in the resolution had the
acceptance, in principle, of all parties to the
dispute, we believed that Namibia's struggle for
freedom had entered its final stage. But over the
following years the pathway to Namibia's
independence meandered between hope and
frustration, the principal obstacle being South
Africa's attitude of intransigence. Meanwhile,
South Africa's escalation of military activities
against the front-line States has only added to
the political impasse and the worsening situation
in southern Africa. The latest reports on
continuing efforts at negotiations indicate that
there are somewhat improved prospects for a
Namibian settlement. We hope that that
improvement will continue and not break down as
in the past. Until a definite date is fixed for
the implementation

of resolution 435 (1978) the outlook for
Namibia's independence will continue to remain
highly uncertain.

181. The delegation of Burma reaffirms its
support for the Namibian people's inalienable
right to freedom, independence and territorial
integrity, including Walvls Bay, under the
leadership of SWAPO. We look for-ward to the
implementation at the earliest opportunity of the
United Nations plan granting Namibian
independence.

188. We welcome the adoption by the Third United
Nations Conference on the Law• of the Sea of the
United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea6
which establishes an international regime on an
aspects of the uses of the sea. The major portion
of the rules have long been applied in practice
as norms of customary law and have acquired full
validity with the new Convention. It is a package
arrived at by carefully balanced and painful
compromises, over nine years of hard work and
highly complex negotiations, in order to achieve
wide acceptance. To allow it to go overboard
would mean that no order would prevail on the
seas and that a universally acceptable
modification would never again be attainable.

189. International relations as a whole are
exacerbated as a result of the prolonged crisis
in the world economy. The forecasts made by the
primary financial and trade organizations of the
world are not at all encouraging. They foretell
an ever widening gap between rich and poor
nations resulting from the slackening of economic
growth, lessening cash aid flows for development,
declining world trade resulting from
protectionism, and prolonged monetary
instability. Both inflation and unemployment have
become priority issues to be grappled with before
the world can be pulled out of the present
crisis. In facing up the situation the best
intentions and the most dedicated efforts of us
can be frustrated if we do not succeed in
overcoming these economic setbacks afflicting the
world economy.

190. The consequences of the disarray" in the
World economy are being felt in all sectors of
international economic life. No country is immune
from their disruptive effects. The impact upon
the developed countries has taken the form of
slower growth, widening payments deficits and
rising inflation and unemployment rates. These
countries are tending increasingly to solve their
problems by way of protectionism, reducing their
payments deficits and tightening money policies
to arrest inflation. We would hope that, in
putting their economies in order, the developed
countries would d\l so with as little harm to the
developing countries as possible. .

191.	Apart from encountering the same
problems, the developing countries are  faced
with worsening terms of trade, declining demand
for primary commodities and mounting debt burdens
caused by rising interest rates.

192.	All of this indicates that there is a
complex interplay of economic forces influencing
both developed and developing countries. The
conclusion would be that the problems of the
world economy and of the international economic
relations are common problems which require joint
action by developed and developing countries.
Clearly, the situation calls for an untiring
effort to work out a basis of co-operation.
Reconciling the conflicting needs and desires of
the minority, developed countries, and the
majority, developing countries, will also call
for much tolerance and good will. As we see it,
there is no other way. In the con-temporary world
economic development has become a matter for
international co-operation and this requires a
meeting of minds between countries in all stages
of development.

193. Another requirement is that of solvil1g
certain structural discrepancies in the world
economy. so that it can result in a more rational
and equitable economic system than the present
one. It is a path we had hoped could be begun
with the launching of global negotiations, to put
relations between developed and developing
countries on anew, constructive foundation that
would be realistic, equitable and lasting. That
this has not yet taken place is a matter of
consider-able disappointment for the developing
world. Such a process could only begin if all
sides could be influenced to adopt a less rigid
attitude and to come together in a spirit of
mutual need and mutual responsibility.

194. The delegation of Burma believes that the
path of confrontation) or negotiations rooted in
any adversary psychosis, cannot lead us out of
the present uncertainty and impasse.
Statesmanship of the highest order, good will,
reasonableness;" and, above •an., realism on all
sides are required for the building of bridges
towards global negotiations. The world's economic
problems are of a structural nature and can,
therefore, only be resolved within the entirety
of international economic relations.

195. We make these comments simply by way of
emphasizing what seem to us to be the salient
features of the current world situation and its
problems. There is no doubt that international
relations in their-entirety are in deep crisis."
We express the hope that this session will prove
fruitful and will signify an important step
towards forward movement on many of the issues
which have been at a standstill. The bounden duty
of us all is to meet this challenge.


Mr. President, I should like to convey to you, on
behalf of the delegation of the Netherlands and
on my own behalf, my congratulations on your
election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session of the Assembly. I am convinced that your
long experience in United Nations affairs will
enable you to shoulder the heavy
responsi¬bilities of your high office and to
guide us in our deliberations.
42.	Much will depend upon your wisdom, for
the Assembly convenes at a juncture marked by an
atmosphere of crisis in international affairs, as
well as a crisis in the multilateral approach to
international affairs. Respect for and the use of
multilateral forums both within and outside the
United Nation seem to be on the decline, while a
tendency towards bilateralism and a preoccupation
with national prob¬lems are growing. We consider
this to be a disquieting development. In times of
crises such as those through which the world is
now passing, we, the Govern-ments and the States
Members of the United Nations, share a particular
and common responsibility to see to it that this
trend is reversed and that co-operation among
States resumes its rightful place in
international relations.
43.	This session of the General Assembly owes
much to the Secretary-General for the way in
which he has put before us the central problem of
the Organiza¬tion's capacity to keep the peace
and to serve as a forum for negotiations. I fully
share his anxiety and his disappointment about
the inability of the United Nations to live up to
the hopes the peoples of this world placed in it
at its inception. I welcome his report on the
work of the Organization as an important signal
to the international community and as a challenge
to us all. We, for our part, will do our utmost
to help him in his efforts to improve the
credibility and the effectiveness of the
Organization.
44.	Two objectives which are fundamental to
our mutual relations would, if properly pursued,
make the world a better place to live in for
everyone. They are complementary and are
intertwined in such a manner that the one cannot
be neglected without harming the other. Those
objectives are peace and security on the one hand
and justice on the other.
45.	It is sometimes argued that peace is the
most important of all. Indeed, would a major war
in our nuclear age not be synonymous with the
annihilation of our civilization or even of
mankind itself? Peace is certainly a prerequisite
for the fulfillment of our aspirations, but we
should not forget that security is essential to
the process of peace. The principal organ of the
United Nations concerned with peace is called the
Security Council, not the Peace Council. Indeed,
one of the major challenges before us is to make
our system of collective security work.
46.	Still, it is impossible to think of peace
without at the same time thinking of justice, for
there will be neither lasting peace nor genuine
security without justice. Not only should
relations between States, peoples and individuals
be governed by it, but justice is also foremost
in our minds when we come to think of such
matters as the eradication of poverty and the
promotion of human rights.
47.	There are a number of areas in the world
where peace is at best precarious or where a
breach of the peace has already occurred. The
most conspicuous of those areas is the Middle
East, where—notwith¬standing the presence of a
United Nations peace¬keeping force—a military
invasion took place only three months ago. I
shall not repeat here what Mr. Ellemann-Jensen,
of Denmark, speaking on behalf of the members of
the European Community, said so eloquently
yesterday at the 8th meeting. Suffice it to say
that the Netherlands fully associates itself with
his condemnation of the invasion and with the
indigna¬tion at the complete disregard for all
the relevant resolutions of the Security Council
and the sorrow for the suffering caused to the
many—too many—victims.
48.	In this connection I would pay a tribute
to the memory of those who fell victim to the
senseless murder in the refugee camps of Beirut.
Atrocities of this magnitude call for an
authoritative inquiry.
49.	We cannot hope to find a durable solution
to the problems of the Middle East unless such a
solution is based upon security and justice.
There is a clear need for all peoples in the
region to live within secure borders. We shall
have to keep in mind, however, that a line drawn
on the map cannot provide genuine security.
Borders can be secure only if they are
recog¬nized by all concerned as part of a
comprehensive, just and lasting settlement. There
will have to be justice for all peoples: for
those who lack a national home, for those whose
territory is under foreign occupation and for
those whose State has yet to receive full
recognition.
50.	The countries of the European Community
have repeatedly stressed the need to ensure both
security and justice for all peoples in the
Middle East. We therefore welcome President
Reagan's recent initiative as an important
opportunity for peaceful progress to this end. I
am equally happy to note that at Fez the Arab
leaders expressed their readiness to work for the
achievement of peace for all States in the
region. I sincerely hope that these statements
will pave the way for the negotiated settlement
which has eluded us so far and for which there is
no alternative but endless war.
51.	Let me turn for a moment to another area
where peace has been regrettably absent for many
years now: Afghanistan. As a direct result of the
Soviet invasion 3 [pillion people have left their
country. We cannot but voice our indignation at
the repression which followed the occupation of
that unhappy, once non-aligned country. In order
to control a population heroically fighting for
its independence, 100,000 foreign troops are now
stationed in Afghanistan. The intervention, which
has caused the Soviet Union serious loss of
prestige, has had a profound impact on
international relations. I note in this respect,
for instance, its very negative effect on efforts
to convene a conference on the Indian Ocean.
52.	We sincerely hope that it will be
possible to arrive at a political solution to
this question, and we therefore fully support the
efforts undertaken to that effect by the
Secretary-General.
53.	Another victim of aggression, Kampuchea,
seems to be in a slightly better position than it
was in last year. Here various factions have been
able to form a coalition under the chairmanship
of His Royal High¬ness Prince Sihanouk. It is our
sincere hope that this development will make it
possible for the resolutions of the General
Assembly on Kampuchea to be carried out and that
there may be a better future around the comer for
that country, which has suffered so much during
the last five years. In this connection I should
like to express my country's appreciation for the
efforts of a number of States in the region, in
par¬ticular the members of ASEAN which are
playing such a positive and effective role in
furthering the cause of peace.
54.	Unfortunately there are many other areas
in the world where peace is precarious or where
efforts to reach a permanent settlement have
failed so far. One such area is Korea, where, to
my mind, better use could be made of the
possibilities for dialogue and negotiation.
55.	There is another area, however, where
peace has been in danger for quite some time now
but where there is hope for a settlement in the
not too distant future. I am thinking of Namibia.
If it were indeed possible to remove the
remaining obstacles on the way to a just and
lasting solution—and, need¬less to say, that is
what we are all looking forward to—then the world
will have witnessed an encouraging example of
what can be achieved by patient and careful
mediation. In that case the United Nations and
the group of five Western States can be proud of
having contributed to the accomplishment of
independence for the people of Namibia and for
having brought peace and, one hopes, lasting
stability to a region which has gone through such
a trying period. Let me only add at this stage,
while negotiations are still continuing that the
Netherlands will gladly be of assistance during
the transition.
56.	Finally, whilst I am on the subject of
peace, I should like to say a few words about the
South Atlantic. I do not intend to go deeply into
the matter for I can associate myself with what
was said yesterday on behalf of the European
Community by my colleague from Denmark. Let me
only add that we are happy to note that the
recent grave events, in which force was used,
contrary to the principles of the Charter,
especially the principle of the peaceful
settlement of disputes, are now a thing of the
past. The Netherlands continues to attach the
greatest importance to its rela¬tions with the
countries of South America with which it has many
ties. Needless to say, we are looking forward to
a further strengthening of our relations with
those countries.
57.	There will be no peace without security
and there will be no security if the various arms
races taking place in the world are allowed to
continue. It is sad to note, therefore, in
particular at a time when the need for concrete
progress is so great, that the results of the
Assembly's second special session on disarmament
were so meager. We shall have to redouble our
efforts in Geneva, so as to make up for lost
time. One way of doing this is to devise ways and
means which would enable the Committee on
Disarma¬ment to carry out its mandate more
effectively.
58.	Only a few blocks away from the United
Nations Office at Geneva other negotiations are
taking place which are of crucial importance to
us all. A success¬ful outcome of the talks on the
reduction of strategic arms, and, one hopes, the
scrapping of an entire category of semi-strategic
weapons, could have a decisive effect on arms
control at large, and on the security of a great
number of nations present here in New York.
59.	While addressing the subject of security,
I should like to make a few remarks on United
Nations peace-keeping operations. As members
know, the Nether¬lands has been, and still is,
engaged in one of the major activities taking
place in this Held. UNIFIL, which includes a
Dutch battalion, fulfilled an important task in
keeping the peace in southern Lebanon—for a
number of years anyway. Also, some progress was
made toward the restoration of the authority of
the Lebanese Government in that part of the
country. Apart from the humanitarian assistance
given to the numerous refugees in recent months,
that has remained UNIFIL's main objective.
60.	However, the difference between
peace-keeping and peace-enforcing and the
limitations under which peace-keeping forces
operate and can be expected to operate have
become painfully clear. Whenever one of the
parties to a conflict shows a total disregard for
a force of this nature and applies massive
military pressure the United Nations presence is
bound to lose much of its meaning.
61.	It is impossible to speak of security
without touching upon the Security Council. It is
the nucleus of the system of collective security
which is at the very heart of this great
Organization of ours. A number of its resolutions
have acquired the status of generally recognized
international instruments. I very much agree with
the Secretary-General that it is our common task
to protect and enhance the effectiveness of the
Security Council. I assure him that he may count
on our full support when he takes it upon himself
to bring potentially dangerous situations to the
attention of the Council, as indeed Article 99 of
the Charter invites him to do. Furthermore, the
.Netherlands welcomes his intention to develop a
wider and more systematic capacity for
fact-finding in areas of potential conflict. The
strengthening of the fact-finding capa¬bility of
the Organization could be an important element in
our efforts to maintain peace and security.
62.	Occasionally special circumstances have
led nations to resort to peace-keeping operations
outside the United Nations framework. This may
give cause for some concern. However, the
maintenance of peace and stability must sometimes
take precedence over considerations of an
institutional nature. My country, for its part,has
a strong preference for participation in
peace-keeping activities decided upon by the
Security Council. The Netherlands will shortly
provide the Secretary-General with an updated
offer for units to be made available for United
Nations service.
63.	Peace and security are not complete
without justice. Therefore it is to justice that
I shall devote the latter part of my speech.
Justice has to do with the notion of the fair and
equitable distribution of wealth and
decision-making power. It implies that relations
between nations are based on respect for the
principle of the equal rights and
self-determination of peoples, and that citizens
are treated in accordance with the dignity
inherent in the human person. These basic rights
lie at the root of the international community's
commitment to support processes aimed at self-
reliance and to overcome poverty, in particular
in the third world. Conceived in this way,
justice assures the consent of individuals to the
way in which they are governed and the consent of
nations to the interna¬tional order. Where
justice is deficient that consent can at best be
partial and there will be a constant danger to
peace and security.
64.	Let me give an example, that of Poland, a
country that was also referred to by Mr.
Elleman-Jensen when he spoke on behalf of the
European Community. Nine months ago the Polish
authorities, yielding to pressure from a powerful
neighbor, decided to impose martial law, with
ensuing large-scale viola¬tions of human rights.
We all know the result: con¬tinuing turmoil,
followed by increasing repression.
65.	An important element in the search for
justice is the promotion and protection of human
rights, civil and political as well as economic,
social and cultural. The fact that human rights
have become a generally recognized subject of
international concern is one of the major
achievements of the United Nations. My coun¬try's
approach to human rights and to violation of
those rights, wherever and whenever they occur,
is im¬partial. We feel strongly that we should
fight any abuse of those rights regardless of
ideological context or geographical area. In this
connection, let me just mention our anxiety about
developments in Iran and Viet Nam. In some
Central American countries, more¬over, we see a
vicious circle of repression and rebellion,
resulting in massive human suffering and a
rapidly growing number of refugees.
66.	In South Africa the constitutional and
political system continues to be based on the
hideous policy of The Netherlands remains
committed, as it has always been, to doing
everything in its power to help put an end to
that system, which is intolerable to the majority
of the population and has been rejected by the
entire international community.
67.	More often than not when we discuss human
rights we do soon a country-by-country basis.
How¬ever, it is also possible to look at these
issues in a thematic way. This method has proved
to be of some value in the Commission on Human
Rights. One of its principal advantages is that
it allows for a sys¬tematic, world-wide approach
to such disturbing phenomena as enforced
disappearances, mass exoduses, summary
executions, torture, and the fate of people
advocating the implementation of interna¬tionally
agreed human rights instruments in their own
countries. This approach, which is certainly not
designed to enable individual Governments to
evade their responsibilities, has proved to be a
workable method in a number of cases, and one
which could be further developed in the future.
In this connection, I should like to draw the
attention of the Assembly to the practice of
extra-legal executions as a means of political
persecution. Some months ago Amnesty
International organized in my country an
interna¬tional conference on this intolerable
practice, which seems to be on the increase.
68.	I think it cannot be denied that; on the
whole, the principles in the field of human
rights are clear and that what is needed, first
and foremost, %s implementa¬tion. Yet there
remains a need for further refinement, if only to
define the responsibilities of those who
contravene human rights and to assure for all
others, whether directly affected or not, the
right to speak up and to act whenever such
contraventions take place. States and individuals
have both the right and the duty to play an
active role in furthering the cause of justice.
This explains our satisfaction at the adop¬tion
of the Declaration on the Elimination of All
Forms of Intolerance #id of Discrimination Based
on Religion or belief by the Assembly last year
after 20 years of drafting. It also explains why
we look forward to the adoption of similar
docu¬ments on medical ethics and on the
protection of all persons under any form of
detention or imprisonment, both of which are on
the agenda of this current session.
69.	The Organisation has taken a variety of
initiatives directed towards the improvement of
the position of women and young people. As the
end of the United Nations Decade for Women draws
nearer, we should make even greater efforts to
ensure the realization of its principles and
objectives, namely, full and equal participation
of women in development, in political life and in
all social activities. We shall be successful
only to the extent that we can bring about a
funda¬mental change in prevailing attitudes and
mentalities, which too often lead to
discrimination against and, thus, to the
subordination of women in our societies. The
Netherlands will participate fully in the
imple-mentation of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women.
70.	The year in which the Decade for Women
will end, 1985, will be International Youth Year.
We attach great importance to the creation of
effective channels of communication to involve
the youth of our countries in various United
Nations activities, such as those concerned with
disarmament, arms control, develop¬ment
co-operation and human rights.
71.	I need not stress the importance we
attach to United Nations activities for refugees.
During the past few years, the refugee problem
has reached staggering dimensions, particularly
in the third world. Assiduous efforts are
required to cope with this problem, and I can
only express the hope that Member States will
provide the United Nations High Com¬missioner for
Refugees with the assistance he so badly needs.
72.	Finally, there are people whose situation
in some respects resembles that of refugees. They
are the migrant workers, who are dependent upon
the state of the economy in their host countries.
As a result of the current stagnation, many of
them will end up as victims of double
unemployment, both in the host country and at
home. This problem may well require our special
attention in the years to come.
73.	Today, hunger is still a very real
problem for all too many people in a great number
of countries. These people do not get a fair
opportunity to earn their own living and to
provide themselves with the necessary food.
Millions cannot fulfill their basic needs. There
remains an intolerable discrepancy in living
standards, and in the opportunities to improve
them, between the industrialized and the
developing coun¬tries. Underdevelopment and
poverty are an integral part of the North-South
problem.
74.	Justice requires that a wide spectrum of
measures be taken to promote the development of
the coun¬tries of the South. I am thinking of
measures in the field of sizeable and
well-defined development assis¬tance programmes,
measures of a structural nature to eliminate
bottlenecks in the areas cf trade and invest¬ment
and in the financial and monetary sphere, and
also measures to promote the exploration,
exploitation and 3ocal processing of commodities
and the search for sources of energy.
75.	All these activities are destined to
contribute to the growth of the developing
countries and to a better world- vide
distribution of income and resources. We believe
that we should make a common effort to explore
ways and means to improve the international
economic order.
76.	There have been numerous efforts, in
particular within the United Nations, to bring
this about. Instru¬ments for North-South
co-operation, such as the strategies for the
United Nations Development Decades, have been
devised. The implementation of such measures as
the 0.7 per cent aid target and the fight against
protectionism in trade are matters that must be
taken very seriously if justice is not to become
a hollow word. Non-implementation could, in its
effects, be almost as bad as disregard for
Security Council decisions. It is jeopardizing
co-operation between North and South, and
threatening the United Nations as an organization
whose decisions are to be taken seriously.
77.	Those considerations have always guided
'my country's approach to these questions. I am
happy to add that the Netherlands' development
assistance has surpassed the 1 per cent mark.
78.	The Netherlands had hoped that overall
economic co-operation based on interdependence
and solidarity between North and South could by
now have been discussed at a new round of global
negotiations. Unfortunately, we have been too
optimistic. We therefore urge all concerned to
make a serious effort to find an early solution
to the few difficulties that are still
outstanding. The world community is in urgent
need of a framework for dealing, in an
inter-related way and at a high political level,
with the key issues that bedevil international
economic relations and hamper development in the
third world.
79.	In the meantime, it is important that
other nego¬tiations dealing with specific problem
areas be con¬ducted in a constructive spirit.
Solutions agreed in such negotiations should also
benefit those whose needs are greatest but who
are not in a position to offer concessions. The
notion of the survival of the fittest is not
applicable to relations between human beings or
States.
80.	In a stormy and uncertain world, the
United Nations is an essential institution for
the pursuit of the two overriding and closely
interconnected objectives for international
co-operation: peace and justice. As the
Secretary-General so rightly observed, it is all
too easy to indulge in extreme and inflexible
positions. But what can one hope to accomplish by
generating rhetoric and intolerance? Instead let
us try to respect each other's views and
positions, thus paving the way for a more
meaningful dialogue.
81.	With that in mind, I wish you, Mr.
President, and all those assembled here today
wisdom and good luck in the coming months. We
shall need a lot of both if we are to make
progress towards the realization of the
principles and purposes to which we are committed
as Members of the United Nations.


The people of Uganda have placed their hopes for world peace and
security in this Organization which was founded 37 years ago after
the most disastrous war this planet has ever known. The collective
determination which the peoples of the United Nations expressed in
1945 to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war must
remain the fundamental objective of the Organization. I should like,
on behalf of the delegation of Uganda, to extend to the President our
warm congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of
the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. His wide
diplomatic experience and his extensive knowledge of the United
Nations uniquely qualify him to discharge the onerous
responsibilities we have entrusted to him. Our satisfaction at his
election is all the greater because he hails from Hungary, a count y
with which Uganda enjoys very cordial relations. I take this
opportunity to pay a most well  deserved tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Ismat Kittani, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq. Mr.
Kittani presided over the various sessions held by the General
Assembly during his term of office with exceptional skill, devotion
and competence. We wish him well in all his future endeavors. I also
wish, on this occasion, to pay a very warm tribute to our
distinguished Secretary General, who has worked hard, since his
election to that high office, with much courage and rare commitment,
to restore and enhance the effectiveness of the Organization. We are
meeting here at a time when the question of Namibia is uppermost in
our minds. We are asking more urgently than ever: when is Namibia
going to be free? For how long will the present maneuvers to postpone
the day of independence for the people of Namibia? There is no need
any more to recount the number of occasions on the long journey
towards Namibian independence when our hopes have been elevated only
to have been crushed at every critical turn on the road. In the
course of the last three months we have been treated to well
publicized reports about substantial progress towards a negotiated
settlement. Today, however hard we focus our gaze on the distant
prospects, we cannot see any real or concrete manifestations of a
settlement. Instead we are witnessing the injection of extraneous and
irrelevant elements into the negotiations. We see no justification
for any linkage between Namibian independence and the presence of
Cuban military personnel in Angola. The former is a clear cut
colonial issue and has been treated as such by the United Nations and
by the entire international community. The latter, on the other hand,
is a bilateral arrangement, which is by no means unique, between two
independent, sovereign States. In any case, how can anyone forget
that the presence of Cuban military personnel in Angola was
occasioned in the first instance by South African aggression against
Angola. Moreover, these acts of aggression have continued unabated to
this very day. Even as we deliberate here today, South African troops
continue to occupy the southern region of Angola. We challenge anyone
to cite even a single instance of Angolan incursion into South
Africa, with or without Cuban military personnel. Those who are
touting the so called linkage are attempting to rewrite history. In
spite of the obvious facts to the contrary they are seeking to create
a make believe world, a world in which the aggressor appears as the
victim and the real victim is projected as a threat to the aggressor.
This so called linkage is a very suspicious scheme indeed, one which
we find inadmissible and unacceptable. We want to state once again
that Security Council resolution 435 continues to be the only basis
for a negotiated settlement for Namibian independence. I wish to
stress, moreover, the special political and moral responsibility
which the five Western States bear in this matter. We urge them to
admit that responsibility and to bring to an immediate end South
Africa's intransigence and procrastination. We salute the people of
Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's
Organization, their sole and authentic representative, for the heroic
struggle they continue to wage against the occupying Power, as well
as for the exemplary statesmanship they have demonstrated throughout
the process of negotiations. In South Africa itself the situation has
continued to deteriorate dramatically. The racist minority regime
continues its oppression of the majority of the people with impunity.
Freedom fighters have been given death sentences by the apartheid
courts. Trade union movements are being subjected to the most
repressive laws. Opponents of apartheid have been assassinated in
detention centers and in neighboring countries. Helpless women and
children have been forcibly evacuated from their urban settlements
and dumped like waste into remote and unproductive reserves. In a
vain attempt to consolidate further the apartheid system and divide
the ranks of the oppressed, the Pretoria regime has tried to coopt
some sectors of the oppressed communities into the segregated power
structure, while that power structure continues to exclude the vast
majority of the people from any exercise of political or economic
power. This transparent ploy of divide and rule, like the other ploys
before it, is bound to fail. In addition to supporting the internal
resistance which is gaining momentum every day, the international
community must spare no effort to isolate the racist minority regime.
We condemn those countries that continue to strengthen the system of
apartheid through their collaboration in the economic, military and
nuclear fields. In this regard, we want to see the full and effective
implementation of Security Council resolution 418 on the arms embargo
against the minority racist regime. We urge the Security Council to
act with speed to block the existing loopholes in the arms embargo
regime. We take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the front line
States for their relentless commitment to the cause of freedom and
justice in southern Africa. We also reaffirm our solidarity with the
liberation movements of South Africa in their just struggle to free
their homeland from the grip of oppression. In particular, we salute
the African National Congress for its significant contribution in
this regard. We also take this opportunity to reaffirm our support
for the just struggle of the Sahraoui people under the leadership of
POLISARIO. In the Middle East the peoples of the region are today
living through a terrible nightmare, a nightmare which started with
the massive and unprovoked Israeli invasion of Lebanon in June this
year. Employing some of the most inhuman methods of mass destruction,
such as cluster and phosphorous bombs, Israeli troops massacred
thousands of Lebanese and Palestinians, the vast majority of whom
were innocent and defenseless civilians. Most recently we were deeply
shocked by the massacre of Palestinian refugees in the Sabra and
Shatila camps in west Beirut. Israel's aggressive conduct can be
explained only in the context of its long standing designs on
Lebanon, namely the dismemberment of Lebanon and the control of the
Litani River. We demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of
Israeli forces from Lebanon in accordance with the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly.
Uganda continues to maintain that the core of the Middle East
conflict is the question of Palestine. The Middle East cannot know
any peace until the Palestinian people fully realize their right to
self  determination and nationhood. The sooner Israel accepts this
reality, the better for it and for all the communities of the region.
An American writer, I. F. Stone, expressed very well a universal
concern in an article which appeared in New York Journal of 19 July
1982 under the title When Tel Aviv Was West Beirut when he stated:
Can we Jews not recognize the image in our own mirrors? Can we not
respond to a kindred people being made homeless once again, first in
Palestine, now in Lebanon? If a Jewish State in Palestine, why not a
Palestinian State, too? Who betterthan we should understand
Palestinian desperation and homelessness? It is in recognition of
this fact that Uganda reiterates its unflinching support for the
Palestinian people and the Palestine Liberation Organization, their
sole and legitimate representative. It is for the same reason that we
welcome and support the proposals adopted at the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference at Fez last month. In our view, those proposals are in
full conformity with the various resolutions of the General Assembly
and the Security Council on the situation in the Middle East. On the
question of Korea, Uganda has always supported the desire of the
Korean people for the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula.
We have always maintained that the division of Korea is an injustice
committed against the Korean people through the mechanism of foreign
intervention. That injustice must be remedied through an early and
peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula, free from external
interference. While we applaud the positive beginning ushered in by
the joint communique of 4 July 1972 we especially welcome the efforts
of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea wards
the peaceful reunification of Korea. The tragic war between the
Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq continues to be a matter of grave
concern to us. In our view, the continuation of that conflict is
clearly not in the interests of either the Iranian or the Iraqi
people. We appeal once again to the parties in conflict to abandon
the path of war and settle their differences by peaceful means.
Uganda remains concerned about the unhappy situations in Cyprus,
Afghanistan and Kampuchea, all of which call for negotiated political
solutions. The peoples of those countries must be allowed to
determine their own destinies, free from any outside interference. We
live in an era in which advances in science and technology have
placed in our hands arsenals capable of destroying the world 30 times
over. Even more ominous is the fact that we live in an era in which
the nations that possess those deadly weapons of destruction are
showing an increasing willingness to use them to wage limited and
winnable nuclear wars. Such talk, needless to say, is cause for grave
concern to all peace loving countries and peoples. Our concern has
been heightened by the failure of the Assembly at the second special
session on disarmament to adopt concrete measures to eliminate the
dangers of war, halt and reverse the arms race and adopt a
comprehensive programme for disarmament. The peoples of the world had
placed high hopes on the outcome of the session. The mammoth rally
held here in New York at the time of the session, as well as peace
demonstrations all over the world in favor of disarmament, were a
clear message of international public indignation at the unbridled
arms race and in favor of peace. The failure to adopt concrete
measures tor effective disarmament negotiations was therefore a deep
disappointment to all peace loving peoples the world over. Those who
contributed to that dismal outcome to the session must take full
responsibility for the consequences that may follow. We believe that
the deadlock in disarmament negotiations has and will continue to
have negative effects on other areas of international cooperation. It
is therefore of the utmost importance this session of the General
Assembly find ways and means of breaking the deadlock. In this
regard, we urge the big Powers to exercise restraint and flexibility
and to show the necessary political will so as to further the cause
of peace. We are meeting in the aftermath of the Second United
Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer
Space, held at Vienna, 9 to 21 August, the report of which is before
the Assembly. The potential of outer space represents a valuable
common heritage for mankind. Outer space offers yet another unique
opportunity for mankind to explore new frontiers with a common
purpose and for mutual benefit. In the view of my delegation, the
exploration and exploitation of outer space should proceedon the
basis of a cooperative effort determined by an international set of
binding principles and rules. The pursuit of cooperative objectives
and common benefits precludes the promotion of contradictory
interests. It is for this reason that my delegation is strongly
opposed to the militarization of outer space. We urge strict
adherence to the 1966 Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities
of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the
Moon and other Celestial Bodies. On the economic f. the situation is
equally grave. The global economic crisis, which is characterized by
recession and rampant inflation, high interest rates and
protectionism in the developed countries on the one hand and a
serious deterioration in the terms of trade and increasing external
indebtedness of the developing countries, on the other hand, has
reached alarming dimensions. The situation has been compounded by the
deadlock in international economic negotiations, the arms race and a
drastic decline in the transfer of real resources to the developing
countries. All those factors have combined to affect adversely the
world economy in general and the development of the developing
countries in particular. There has, in addition, been a sharp decline
in the spirit of interdependence and in international cooperation
aimed at finding constructive solutions to present problems. The
emphasis which is increasingly being given to bilateral arrangements
by some developed countries at the expense of multilateral
cooperation has gravely affected the operation of multilateral
agencies and programmes such as UNDP, and the economies of the
developing countries. Under these circumstances, the launching of
global negotiations remains one of the most important items on the
agenda of the General Assembly. The hopes the international community
has placed in the General Assembly to ensure that the process of
correcting the structural imbalances in the present world economy is
embarked upon without any further delay must be realized. As we have
previously stated, our frustration has been increased by the glaring
lack of progress in implementing the decisions unanimously adopted at
the sixth special session of the General Assembly, at which a solemn
commitment to work for the establishment of the new international
economic order was made by all of us. It was therefore with a deep
sense of disappointment that we witnessed the failure at the thirty
sixth session to break the impasse in the launching of global
negotiations. In this regard Uganda is of the view that General
Assembly resolution 34/138 of 14 December 1979, which was accepted by
the international community as a whole, is the appropriate basis for
launching the global negotiations. We appeal to those countries that
are stalling to join the consensus on the need for an early launching
of those negotiations. The present economic problems must not prevent
us from charting a more stable and reliable path to meaningful
international economic cooperation for development. If the global
round of negotiations is not launched soon, we fear that there will
continue to be increasing difficulties in other forthcoming
negotiations such as those at the sixth session of UNCTAD and the
fourth session of UNIDO. Indeed, the success or failure of the thirty
seventh session will be judged by whether or not we can generate
adequate political will to bring about a breakthrough for the
launching of global negotiations. As one of the least developed
countries, Uganda attaches great importance to the Substantial New
Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries
adopted in Paris last year? for the purpose of arresting the economic
deterioration of the least developed countries. We believe that its
speedy and successful implementation requires a deeper sense of
commitment to substantial resource focus on the least developed
countries, especially on the part of the developed countries,
international financial institutions and United Nations agencies. We
are very concerned that no agreement has sofar been reached on the
twin critical issues of specific additional and adequate financial
targets for new and renewable sources of energy and the establishment
of an energy affiliate of the World Bank. We hope, however, that the
consultative mechanism contained in the Rome compromise for the
mobilization of finance and the transfer of technology to the
developing countries will receive the necessary international
support. We have for a long time accepted that international measures
of assistance are only supportive and cannot indeed, should not be a
substitute for efforts by the developing counties themselves. In this
regard we commend the efforts of the developing countries to
implement the Caracas Programme of Action. The seriousness with which
a number of Group of 77 sectorial meetings with regard to the
implementation of the Caracas Programme of Action have been
undertaken is evidence that the spirit of Caracas continues to grow.
39. Uganda remains committed to the strengthening of economic
cooperation among developing countries as an essential component of
the new international economic order and as an effective means of
enhancing the collective self reliance of the developing countries.
In Africa we are trying to foster economic cooperation under the
Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy
for Mie Economic Development of Africa. The international community
should assist Africa in its efforts to implement the Lagos Plan of
Action, which we hope will in time secure the economic integration of
the continent. The year 1982 has been characterized by an increase in
armed conflicts, escalation if the arms race, the persistence of
potentially explosive territorial disputes; lingering colonialism and
foreign interference and intervention. Unbridled big Power rivalry
and the quest for spheres of dominance have continued to fuel the
hotbeds of world tension. This increasing world tension has had a
very negative impact on the work of the United Nations. It is against
this background that we salute and commend the Secretary General for
his bold and refreshing report on the work of the Organization. As a
member of the Security Council, Uganda is familiar with the trend
that has led to the steady erosion of the Security Council's
authority and effectiveness. My delegation is of the view that the
Secretary General's report deserves formal consideration by both the
Security Council and the General Assembly, in order to work out
concrete measures to improve the effectiveness of the United Nations.
Uganda celebrated the twentieth anniversary of its independence last
Saturday, 9 October 1982. In two weeks' time it will be 20 years
since Uganda was admitted as the one hundred and tenth Member of the
United Nations. On this memorable occasion I should like to recall
what the President of the Republic of Uganda A. Milton Obote, said
from this rostrum at the seventeenth session 20 years ago with regard
to the international situation: I am very conscious that Uganda joins
the Organization at a time when humanity is at the crossroads of
destiny, when great nations are re arming With the most devastating
weapons ever known, when the world Organization and the world at
large are ridden with ideological conflicts and the continuing
effects of the cold war, and when vast resources that should be used
for the alleviation of human misery are being channeled into nuclear
armaments. Today the world seems dark, but these darkening scenes,
we, as a new Member, pray, should not discourage us in the ability of
the Member nations present here to realize the shortcomings of this
Organization and to pledge their faith in its ability as the only
positive hope for the restoration of sanity and peace among the
nations of the world. Those remarks remain very pertinent today,
indeed more so than in 1962. As we enter the third decade of our
independence. I wish to reaffirm, on behalf of the Government and
people of Uganda, our full commitment to the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations and our faith in the ability of
the Organization to develop the capacity to save present and future
generations from the scourge of war.