Allow me, first of all, on behalf
of the Angolan Government and on my own behalf, to congratulate you. Sir, on
your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh
session and to wish you success in carrying out your mandate. I am sure that
your experience and competence will guarantee the success of our work. The
Angolan delegation wishes from the outset to assure you of our complete
cooperation.
To the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi, I should
like to express my appreciation for the valuable work done during his mandate.
To Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, I express my Government's
profound appreciation of his goodwill and selfless efforts, demonstrated in
the constant search for just and lasting solutions aimed at preserving peace
and international security.
My Government supports and will contribute in a positive way to the
realization of the valuable concepts formulated in his report "An Agenda for
Peace", whose sub-heading includes the words "Preventive diplomacy" (A/47/277).
On behalf of the Government and people of Angola, I wish to welcome the
new States that have been admitted to the United Nations; we are certain that
their participation will contribute to the Organization's betterment.
The world has witnessed important political transformations occurring in
Angola in the past. The armed conflict that had ravaged the country since
1975 was ended with the signing of the Bicesse Accords on 31 May 1992. There

83
is no occasion more appropriate than the present one to sum up the situation
which has followed the peace accords. The Angolan people is preparing for and
awaiting with great expectations the holding of the first multiparty general
elections on 29 and 30 September, which demonstrate my Government's
determination to comply with the obligations it has assumed under the Bicesse
Accords.
While the incidents taking place in my country represent transitional
occurrences in a process as complex as ours, their recurrence in almost all
parts of the country is a source of grave concern to my Government and to the
Angolan people. In this regard my Government believes that the United Nations
and the rest of the international community have an important role to play
during this decisive phase of the Angolan peace process.
The environment of peace and relative tranquillity that prevails in my
country is the result of persistent and arduous work and of the tenacious will
of the Angolan people, which counted upon the international community. The
Angolan people has provided proof of civilian rule and political maturity by
spontaneously and massively participating in electoral registration and in all
the activities which will bring about the elections in spite of the difficulty
in communications.
Of the estimated number of slightly more than 5 million voters,
4.8 million have registered. The national electoral council has demonstrated
foresight and has performed its work with praiseworthy efficiency. And from
this podium, I wish to express once more Angola's appreciation to all those
countries and organizations which lent us their support in so many forms.
My Government sincerely hopes that before the election definitive accords
can be reached on certain aspects which continue to be a source of concern
with regard to the conduct of free and fair elections at the end of this

84-85
month. I am speaking, in particular, of the disbanding of the present
governmental armed forces and the military wing of UNITA, of the cessation of
the wave of violence and intimidation provoked by the Government's
co-signatory to the Bicesse Accords and of the formation of a national army.
The process of peace and democratization under way in my country, to
which I have previously referred as a historic event in the life of Angola,
cannot but have positive repercussions and effects in the international
sphere. Associated with this is another factor of profound significance for
the southern region of our continent. I am referring to the negotiations
being conducted in South Africa within the framework of the Convention for a
Democratic South Africa (CODESA), which Angola considers the most appropriate
means to find a fair, lasting and satisfactory solution for all the parties
involved.
As a result, Angola supports and shares the African position that CODESA
should achieve concrete objectives, such as the establishment of a
transitional government and the creation of mechanisms for elaborating a
constitution for a democratic South Africa and for holding free elections
based on the principle of "one person, one vote".

86
I should like also to make reference to the situation in Mozambique and
in other parts of the African continent. The Angolan people stand in
solidarity with our brethren in Mozambique. For that reason, my Government
encourages the Government of Mozambique to persevere in its peace effort for
the country and urges the international community to give its assistance to
the parties involved with a view to achieving peace and national
reconciliation.
Another question that still worries us is the unjust situation that
persists in East Timor. The position of the Angolan Government is well known
by all; we continue to defend the principle of direct negotiations between
Portugal, as the administering Power, and Indonesia, without excluding the
presence of the legitimate representatives of the Maubere people, so that a
comprehensive solution can be found, taking into consideration the aspirations
of the Maubere people. In this context, we express our wish that the next
meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia and Portugal, under
the auspices of the Secretary-General, will produce positive results.
In relation to Western Sahara, my Government supports the holding of a
referendum in that Territory and sincerely hopes that the obstacles that still
exist will be removed as soon as possible.
Angola looks with concern to the situation which prevails in the former
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, where the short-term outlook for
reaching a lasting peace is poor, and where the lives of innocent people are
being taken.
In relation to the Middle East, the Angolan Government has always
favoured holding an international conference to reach a comprehensive solution
on the Middle East, in particular the Palestinian question. Therefore, we
support the rounds of negotiations that are taking place; we hope that
although there are many obstacles to overcome, the concerted efforts and the
good will of the parties will bring positive results and that the tragedy of
the Palestinian people will finally end.
A fact which cannot but bring us satisfaction and which has our total
support and encouragement is the holding of direct negotiations between Israel
and the other parties concerned on the occupied Arab territories. We hope
that those negotiations will yield fully satisfactory results for the parties
participating in the negotiations, and that peace will finally be restored in
the region.
In our view, whatever measure is taken, or whatever solution is advised,
will never be satisfactory or lasting unless it takes into account and is
based upon the true interests and concerns of the peoples involved.
The great changes that have recently taken place in the international
arena have in a certain way dictated the necessity of providing our
Organization with greater dynamism in taking decisions and greater efficiency
in implementing and monitoring them.
The increase in the membership of the Organization, while strengthening
it numerically, has also created the need for greater participation, on an
equitable basis, in the various agencies of the United Nations system which
bear mandates of fundamental importance in resolving the affairs of mankind
with respect to problems of peace, international security, development and
environmental protection.

88
We hope that the work under way for the restructuring and revitalization
of the United Nations will take our needs into consideration. Angola
considers such restructuring to be opportune provided it is directed towards
eliminating mechanisms for taking action that are outdated or are no longer
attuned to the present reality, and provided that the restructuring has as its
fundamental objective the strengthening of the role of the Organization to the
benefit of all mankind.
In recent decades the world economic situation has swung widely in
various corners of the planet. But the general trend has been towards
polarization. As a result, while we observe an increase in economic growth
for the developed countries, we note a substantial decrease in growth for
developing countries. The situation in some cases is critical.
The second Conference of the Least Developed Countries, held at Paris in
September 1990, concluded that the economic and social situation of those
countries as a whole has deteriorated over the past decade, since, with very
rare cases of better performance, the average annual growth rate was
2.2 per cent. In many cases the rates were negative.
Faced with this sad reality, the Conference set forth a new programme of
action for the present decade which provides for national and international
measures in favour of these countries and indicates the basic principles which
must orient relations between those countries and other countries and
organizations which cooperate with them for development. In each case,
effective implementation of that programme will require serious and profound
reflection, and commensurate action.

89
With the end of the cold war, a new era has begun in which decisions on
matters of world interest are dealt with more and more on the basis of
consultation and understanding, instead of confrontation and competition.
This has rapidly transformed isolated cases of integration into a general
trend, with countries in various regions organizing themselves into more
closely aligned economic and political entities.
This trend towards the formation of larger economic blocs will inevitably
transform the world economically and politically. This poses a challenge for
which we must be duly prepared in order to avoid deepening still further the
gap that separates rich countries from poor countries. It is a challenge with
respect to which all of us, rich countries and poor, large countries and
small, must make a commensurate collective effort to maintain effective,
multifarious international cooperation directed always towards the development
of the parties involved, based always upon the true needs of the development
process.
However, certain political situations are now viewed as faits accomplis.
or as conditions to be perpetuated. These must be the object of immediate and
radical revision, with a view to harmonizing positions and interests, and
weakening wide barriers that impede true cooperation between countries and
nations separated by vast differences in their levels of economic, social,
scientific, technical, cultural and educational development.
In our view, this revision should consist, inter alia, of the following
elements: abolition of protectionist measures by developed countries that
block or impede access to their markets for products from underdeveloped

90
countries, or their limitation to those that are strictly necessary; total or
partial cancellation by the developed countries of the underdeveloped
countries' external debt; in the granting of loans or credits, the imposition
of no further conditions with respect to concomitant, mandatory adoption of
political measures that are not always in keeping with the level of
development of the beneficiary country; concessions or an increase in grace
periods, and rescheduling of payment; a reduction of interest rates and the
non-capitalization of interest; favouring of investments in nationally defined
areas, with particular emphasis on industrial development; and transformation
of technology and its application to development.
Those are some of the basic aspects around which the strategy of
international economic cooperation must revolve if we intend, as is our duty,
to eliminate the poverty in which the majority of the inhabitants of our
planet languish. Poverty grows daily, especially in our African continent.
It is worsened by natural calamities that exacerbate the present grave
economic and social situation in Africa.

91
Angola is a country with many natural resources. It exports petroleum,
diamonds, coffee and other products, and with the advent of peace we intend to
diversify fully our export products, in this manner participating more
effectively in the division of international labour.
However, we are concerned by the exaggerated protectionist measures
practised by developed countries in international trade, which are manifest in
the unprecedented drop in the prices of raw materials and in the deterioration
of the terms of trade, as well as the lack of success in the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiation rounds.
As a third world country, and with the objective of correcting the
distortion in its economy, Angola reformulated its socio-political situation
with measures which will necessarily have positive effects on the economic
life of the country and which are consonant with this new situation. We
recently adopted a Government programme of action designed to decentralize the
economy, liberalize trade, revitalize business, democratize the banking sector
and encourage foreign investment.
In this manner, we believe that adequately carrying out this programme in
response to these new conditions will permit us, as is our desire, to
participate actively in international economic cooperative efforts, making our
contribution, to the extent possible, to the socio-economic development of
Africa and the world.
Allow me to express here my country's profound interest in the need to
protect the environment. The Rio Conference, held in June this year, not only
constituted a means for an interesting exchange of experiences and viewpoints
concerning a most important programme but also provided a moment for
reflection on the continuing need for coordinated efforts for the benefit of

92
all mankind. Most certainly, the Conference allowed us to see clearly that,
given current trends in scientific and technical development, any brash
misstep detrimental to the environment could lead to the destruction of our
planet.
I wish for this reason to reaffirm here my country's commitment to
observe and fully apply the decisions of the Conference and to express our
readiness to engage in unrestricted cooperation with the international
community in undertaking all necessary steps so that we, together, can save
the Earth.


First of all, I have great pleasure in congratulating you. Sir,
and your country, Bulgaria, on your election as President of the General
Assembly. I should also like to express Italy's satisfaction, and my own, at
seeing here present the delegations of the new States admitted to our
Organization during the past year: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Slovenia,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. May I be permitted to extend a
particularly warm welcome to the delegation of San Marino, a State with which
Italy has close ties of very long standing.
I should particularly like to express my Government's most sincere
appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is
giving the United Nations the benefit of his wealth of experience in political
affairs and diplomacy. Even in his first year he has already worked
tirelessly and constructively to apply the principles which we all support and
which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
The points I am about to make follow on the comments, which Italy fully
endorses, made by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, the current
President of the European Community.

Since the historic events of 1989, no General Assembly session has been
held, or will be held in the near future, against the same international
background as the session of the previous year. Since the demise of
bipolarism, international society has become subject to processes of
reaggregation which are made more laborious and arduous by an array of
historical, cultural, ethnic, religious and nationalistic factors. There are
certain groups that, wishing to assert their own specificity, are not content
to be recognized and safeguarded within the State framework to which they
belong, but seek to express their own identity in the form of statehood.
In the East, what was once a monolithic structure has been falling apart,
and, in some cases, is being fragmented into a multiplicity of separate
entities, each demanding to translate its own history, culture and national
identity into an international personality. In the process, they are
resorting to all available means, including conflict and violence.
The obstacles preventing the restoration of equilibrium are not really
new: they derive from factors that have long been chafing under the heavy yoke
of dictatorship. Constrained in ideological straitjackets, they have been
unable to engage in an open dialectic. Denied all opportunities for natural
development, they have maintained the potential for confrontation and conflict.

With the fall of ideologies and the break-up of the Soviet empire,
the nightmare of a nuclear holocaust has receded. But while the spectre
of a world war has been banished, we are still seeing a proliferation of
local wars. These and the manifold antagonisms underlying them now pose a
new threat, particularly in geographical areas that have regained their
freedom but find it marred by violence and conflict and are unable to
build a new structure based on tolerance and peace.
There are therefore hotbeds of war, signs of revolt and unresolved
conflicts in areas formerly belonging to the Soviet empire, which is now
divided into a number of republics united only by tenuous economic
relations and very fragile political ties.
In Central Europe, ancient nations which have graduated from limited
to full sovereignty are endeavouring to become pluralistic democracies
with a market economy.. They, too, are having their share of problems.
And how can we forget the war raging in the very heart of Europe
the most complex, dangerous and tragic of all these conflicts and the one
thus far untouched by all international appeals? In the territory of the
former Yugoslavia, and particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, bloodshed
and strife are accompanied by violations of the dignity of the human
person. After the horrors of the Second World War, we had all hoped never
again to witness acts of discrimination and violence against those
belonging to a different ethnic group.
What gives.us cause for pessimism is the fact that after the London
Conference a new and original experiment, which brought together round

the conference table the United Nations, represented by its
Secretary-General, the 12 members of the European Community, the members
of the United Nations Security Council, and representatives of Serbia and
Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia, and
after clear commitments were entered into and undertakings were even
signed on such matters as cessation of the violence, control over heavy
weapons, the cessation of "ethnic cleansing" and the closure of
concentration camps, nothing I say nothing - has been done apart from
some occasional checks on heavy weapons.
In spite of the assurances and undertakings given by Prime Minister
Panic, which we consider sincere and deserving of support, shooting
continues in the towns and in the mountains, and planes are being shot
down, as in the case of an Italian aircraft carrying relief supplies.
Four airmen died in that incident, and three French soldiers belonging to
the United Nations Protection Force have been killed. Many other lives
have been lost. A miserable winter lies ahead and people will suffer from
hunger, cold and disease. It is now too dangerous to provide humanitarian
assistance, and the threatened sanctions are not entirely watertight.
Can the international community and its institutions permit this
ongoing tragedy to persist in spite of the solemn promises and pledges
made at high-level peace conferences? Can the perpetrators of heinous and
odious crimes be allowed to escape international judgement, also at the
legal level? This question must be answered by those whose duty it is to
do so, including myself, in the appropriate forums.

However, going beyond politics, I should like to reiterate an appeal
voiced by one of the greatest writers of this century:
"What we need today is a 'militant' humanism imbued with the
conviction that the principles of liberty, tolerance and doubt must
not be exploited or defeated by a fanaticism that knows no doubts.
If European humanism has lost its robust capacity to review its
ideas it will end in ruin, and we will have a Europe whose name is
no more than a geographical term."
In the third world, too, the end of bipolarism has eliminated for
many States the need to "belong" and to heed the dictates of a particular
bloc, even in a non-aligned context. Crises exist also in this area, as
in the case of Somalia, Iraq and Mozambique, although we hope to see this
latter crisis resolved, also as a result of Italy's mediation efforts.
At this point we should ask ourselves a question: Now that the gulf
between East and West has been bridged, are we not about to face a rift
between North and South? We must counter this danger and reactivate the
dialogue in all possible forums and translate the concept of assistance
into a living reality. We should also oppose methods and procedures that
use development cooperation to help the economic agents of donor
countries; work on the basis of established programmes; ensure that
assistance is not wrongfully diverted both in the countries of origin and
in those of destination; and reorganize and coordinate the various sources
of financing. Italy realizes that it has not yet reached, owing to its
financial imbalances, the generous development assistance targets it had

set for itself. A reorganization of the country's financial structures
will also facilitate a renewed effort to fulfil this pledge.

Now that the Rio Conference has been held, international cooperation will
have to reconcile the needs of development with the equally pressing need to
protect the environment. Italy, which supports the establishment of the
United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development, undertakes to implement
the Rio recommendations in an effort involving governments as well as
non-governmental organizations.
Chile's proposal for a world social conference, which Italy warmly
supports, opens up yet another important field of endeavour for the United
Nations.
In surveying this new international scene, we have no reason to lament or
regret the passing of the bipolar structure of the world. We cannot forget
that we paid for the containment of a global threat with a peace guaranteed by
the menace of nuclear war, by the denial of freedom to millions of human
beings, by violations of the fundamental rights of man and by the inaction of
a society that destroyed resources, stunted the growth of its own leadership
and is now posing the same old problems in a more acute form.
The ideological confrontation has ended with the downfall of the largest
ideological system in our history, the communist system, but now that this
ideology has collapsed, problems have remained in individual nations and in
the world as a whole. The names of these problems are hunger, disease,
environmental degradation and political instability. It would indeed be an
irreversible defeat for mankind were the world of affluence, production and
consumption of our generation to confuse the downfall of ideologies with the
collapse of all values and if it were to forget that in every national
society, and particularly in relations between the industrialized world and

the developing countries, the two concepts of solidarity and interdependence
need to be translated into political action.
An example of this need is provided by the problem of Somalia. This
country tragically illustrates the total detachment and lack of concern shown
by the affluent societies towards countries plagued by poverty and disease,
but the fate of this country also exemplifies the harm caused to people by
prolonged power struggles that are never resolved. The country is divided in
half. The capital, Mogadishu, is also divided, and like other population
centres lacks essential services. The people are suffering from malnutrition
and their health is in jeopardy. Armed youths, some no older than 14, are
defending the territory by violent means. They do not attend school because
they are unable to do so. We must gratefully acknowledge the initiative taken
by the United Nations and its Secretary-General in sending a Special
Representative, Ambassador Sahnoun, who is doing outstanding work in the field
of humanitarian assistance and in the service of peace.
I myself paid a two-day visit to the capital and parts of the interior.
I found assistance facilities deplorable, and I spoke individually with the
persons who have the power to make war or peace in an effort to promote peace
initiatives. Anyone, regardless of region or religious affiliation, who is
able to assist in the peace process must do so, because Somalia needs
guidance, partners and, in short, a government. We must therefore give urgent
attention to the need for an international initiative involving organizations
and countries able to contribute to the pacification and reconstruction of
Somalia, with the active participation of the United Nations.
At this point, I should like to emphasize one of the most delicate and
problematical, but also most promising points of contact between North and

South, namely, the Mediterranean. Italy is currently following, in a spirit
of optimism and active support, the promising developments in the peace
process designed to end the Arab-Israeli conflict and provide a solution to
the Palestinian question. Italy is aware that this hoped-for solution should
also lead to the removal of a burden that has jeopardized the prospects for
promoting a climate of peace and collaboration in the Mediterranean. Our
expectations, which, we believe, are shared by the entire international
community, thus extend beyond the vital objective of achieving mutual
acceptance between all the peoples of the Middle East and look forward to a
future characterized by sincere commitment to the process of dialogue and
cooperation in the economic as well as in other fields in order to build peace.
In trying today to identify possible means of reconstituting the
international order, we find that regional groupings can play a unifying role,
whether they follow the path of integration or confine themselves to close
cooperation in the economic field, in foreign policy or in security matters.*
In Western Europe, we have built and tested structures that have brought
about a phenomenon quite different from the situation now prevailing in the
troubled Eastern part of the continent.

The need to defend democracy, the vast scope of economic development,
spurred by technological progress, and the necessity of preserving the values
of European culture and history, so that Europe can again play a major role in
international society have led us to attach less importance to the theory and
practice that nations must necessarily take the form of States. They
phenomena have shown us that large areas of State sovereignty can be
administered jointly in a supranational context and that such a link can also
make war impossible. The process is certainly not an easy one, because it
must be achieved through consensus and because obstacles, as we have seen in
the last few days, crop up at every turn.
European integration has repeatedly proved capable of overcoming the
difficulties it has encountered. It is a mistake to speak, as some have done
recently, of delays or setbacks in the process of further integration
established at Maastricht. At their meeting held here in New York, the
Foreign Ministers of the Community took note of the positive outcome of the
French referendum and reaffirmed their determination to ratify the Treaty
within the time stipulated without renegotiating it.
The phenomenon of European integration can be seen as an attractive
example and also as a factor for re-aggregation and stability in Central and
Eastern Europe. In this context, the Commonwealth of Independent States could
be a stabilizing element in so far as it can offer its former components valid
prospects for association.
A significant link between various components of the European continent
is provided by the Central European Initiative, which Italy continues to
support.
In the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), nations both large and
small have gained the conviction that war can never again be a means of

solving problems between them. That alliance has now formed an association in
the framework of the North Atlantic Council with countries that were formerly
its adversaries.
Since Helsinki II, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(CSCE) has been setting up institutional machinery to assist it in better
performing its tasks.
Examples of integration are to be found not only in Europe but on every
continent, and they encompass a variety of forms, ranging from the more tried
and tested institutions, such as the Andean Pact and the Association of
South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), to more recent initiatives, such as the
common market of four South American countries (MERCOSUR), or completely new
developments, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Also
very important are the new forms of cooperation in certain specific and highly
sensitive areas, such as the nuclear sector. The recent agreement between
Argentina and Brazil would appear to be very promising.
The formation of regional associations is a course worth pursuing and an
effective means of strengthening international society. The United Nations
might find this a useful means of consolidating the peace.
The problems in whose solution the United Nations will increasingly be
involved deal not only with relations between States but also with their
internal structure and their components in terms of minorities and ethnic
groups. Italy does not have an answer, but it does have concrete experience
to contribute to the international community: the solution to the Alto Adige
problem. That dispute between Italy and Austria, which was brought before the
United Nations in the period 1960-1961, was officially brought to a conclusion
last June. That conclusion came as a result of a lengthy process involving
the elaboration and application at the national level of a package of measures

adopted by Italy in consultation with the representatives of the
German-speaking population of Alto Adige. Those measures cover all aspects of
civilian life and provide one of the most progressive examples of minority
protection in Europe.
We feel that the settlement of that issue proves that autonomy, when
adequately guaranteed by domestic legal provisions, serves to strengthen
rather than weaken harmony in a national setting, while also promoting
good-neighbourly relations and international cooperation across borders.
There is no doubt that in the changed conditions in which we are living
the United Nations will have greater responsibility and will therefore need
greater authority and more effective means of performing its mission; hence
the discussions concerning a "new United Nations", that is, an Organization
capable of moving in new directions to satisfy the widely felt need for some
kind of world order or government.
It is the members of the Assembly that, in conformity with the Charter
and in fulfilment of the obligations deriving from it, must assume the status
and responsibility not only of peace-loving countries, but also of States that
renounce the use of force as a means of settling international disputes and
consider the protection of human rights to be an inescapable duty.

We welcome the appearance of a new and compelling document which should
serve as a basis for discussion in the Organization. I am referring once
again to "An Agenda for Peace", the Secretary-General's report on preventive
diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping. Preventive diplomacy should be a
means of defusing potential conflicts before they reach the critical threshold
of a confrontation.
This preventive approach calls also for prompt steps to guarantee
through mechanisms contemplated in General Assembly resolution 46/36 L the
transparency of international arms transfers and of their production. The
same applies to the convention banning chemical weapons, which has finally
been submitted to the Assembly for approval and which will institute a global
monitoring system with unprecedented powers of on-site verification.
Peace-keeping must now be approached and applied today in innovative ways
so as to make more effective the linkage between action to prevent a
sharpening of armed conflict and the search for negotiated solutions.
It is also worth giving in-depth consideration to the possibility of
using "peace-enforcement" units, not just to perform the tasks of traditional
peace-keeping forces, in other words to intervene where a cease-fire exists,
but in order to restore and maintain it.
Lastly, a new need arises from the existing conflicts, the need to
supplement peace-keeping and peacemaking instruments by providing adequate
military protection for humanitarian assistance efforts.
In order to cope with all these requirements we will need adequate
structures and resources. Also, Italy along the lines here illustrated by
the French Foreign Minister is prepared to give its own concrete
contribution, as it has proved with its recent offer of men and equipment
formulated in the framework of the Yugoslav crisis.

The situation of former Yugoslavia also highlights the importance of the
regional dimension in pursuing "An Agenda for Peace". It now seems that the
option of a regional solution for regional conflicts as provided in the
Charter could be effectively applied in a variety of ways in a kind of
variable geometry of peace. An important example is the format of the London
Conference, which I have already mentioned. Here the regional dimension is
not an alternative to United Nations involvement; it also operates on the
basis of a creative formula for the sharing of responsibilities.
The United Nations system in any case seems destined increasingly to rely
in practice on regional organizations - ranging from the Organization of
American States (OAS) to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and communities,
alliances or unions of States, as is the case for the European Community, the
Western European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in
the Yugoslav situation.
Important new developments compel us also to rethink the limitations on
the application of certain traditional concepts and principles underlying
international relations. To rethink certainly does not mean to reject. It
means avoiding all rigid and absolute definitions and interpreting principles
in such a way as to preclude unbalanced applications that are bound to be in
conflict.
We may note, for example, that at the urging of a collective conscience
that now knows no boundaries the principle of non-interference in the domestic
affairs of States is being increasingly reviewed in the light of the grave
dangers threatening the survival of entire population groups. It is also
clear that if every ethnic, religious or language group were to claim its own
State there would be endless fragmentation and, consequently, instability.

From the discussions held during the first few days of the session it is
becoming increasingly clear that all Members of the Organization agree in
their evaluation of the central role regained by the United Nations. We all
seem to realize that this strengthening of the United Nations will require not
only the assignment of new roles but also the provision of adequate powers and
resources. The alternative would be the anti-historical reconstitution of an
oligarchy made up of those countries having the greatest capacity for
unilaterally assuming the role of guarantors of international legality.
We must protect the United Nations new capacity for action with greater
vigilance and a keen sense of responsibility without becoming entrenched in
positions that would preclude future institutional development.
Italy, along other countries, has already stated that the question of
revising certain parts of the Charter relating to matters such as the
composition of the Security Council must be adequately debated. We still
believe that the Council could be made more authoritative and representative
by increasing the number of temporary and permanent members, choosing the
latter on the basis of objective criteria.
Italy will also assert its aspiration for a more adequate representation
in the Security Council at that moment, unless institutional developments in
the European Union will not allow at a certain stage the institution of a
European seat in the Security Council.
I should like to conclude by observing that the United Nations has the
main responsibility for handling the difficult yet exciting international
developments we are now witnessing. It will do so with tools of crisis
management that are suitable to the world of today, a world in which it is

becoming increasingly necessary to accept limitations in the area of national
sovereignty, guaranteed by the objectivity of a supranational collective
system, by using political instruments and procedures wherever possible, or by
applying coercive measures if they are needed.

What needs to be preserved are the aims of the Charter, which continue to
be not only valid but indeed essential. But in a world that is now quite
different from the world of 1945, the transformation of which began to
accelerate in 1989, it would be unthinkable to suggest that we should avoid
taking speedy and courageous action to devise new instruments, change our
thinking and review the powers and composition of United Nations organs. Only
by maintaining a fruitful polarity between permanent goals and new
instruments, to which we must all contribute, will we be able to meet the
challenges of our times.


On behalf of the Nigerian delegation, I
congratulate you. Sir, on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. Your election is testimony to your sterling qualities as a statesman and a diplomat.
I wish also to pay tribute to your distinguished predecessor.
His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, for the outstanding manner in which he steered the affairs of the General Assembly during its forty-sixth session.
I wish to express on behalf of President Babangida, the Government and the people of Nigeria our appreciation to the many delegations which sent us messages of condolence following the loss of lives resulting from the tragic plane crash near Lagos.
I should also like to take this opportunity to commend Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali for the admirable manner in which he has been performing his duties as Secretary-General of the United Nations. I am confident that Mr. Boutros-Ghali, an accomplished diplomat, a distinguished statesman and a scholar of repute, will remain true to the worthy ideals of our Organization and bring his versatile experience to bear on the crucial issues confronting the international community.
Nigeria welcomes the new Members of our Organization. Their participation will enrich our discussions and strengthen international legitimacy and the rule of law.
I should also like to take this opportunity to inform the Assembly that in January 1993 Nigeria will complete its transition to democracy with the handing over of power to an elected Government. As you are aware, elected governments at the local and state levels are already in place. Elections to  the Senate and the House of Representatives have also been concluded. Our untiring efforts to evolving a democratic arrangement suited to our environment reflect our commitment to pluralism and dialog.
In no other period in this century has there been greater hope for global peace and security than now. The end of the cold war, the noteworthy efforts in the field of nuclear disarmament and the ever-widening circle of democracy all promise to create an international environment that is more conducive to the attainment of international peace and security.
However, many problems still threaten our quest for global peace, cooperation and development. In some parts of the world, political conflicts have degenerated into violence. We are also witnessing the resurgence of long-dormant ethnic and boundary disputes in Europe. Indeed, no region of the world today is spared the scourge of war. These wars have drained states and the international community of resources that could have been used for development.
Africa, in particular, has experienced severe and persistent strife, especially in Sudan, Western Sahara, Somalia, Liberia and Rwanda. These conflicts have caused untold hardship, economic dislocation and a massive refugee burden. In addition, the conflicts have worsened Africa's weak economic condition and made more distant our hope for growth and development.
In accordance with its obligations under the Charters of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, Africa has continued to make efforts to settle these conflicts. Nigeria, for instance, hosted a peace conference on Sudan in May 1992 and also undertook a mission to Somalia to urge the various factions to resolve their differences peacefully. In Liberia/ we continue to work through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in search of peace. We remain, as ever, committed to the restoration of lasting peace in that country. The ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) is an admirable example of regional arrangements recommended under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. It should not be allowed to fail. We appeal to all the parties in Liberia to cooperate with ECOWAS in implementing the agreements reached so far. The international community, particularly the United Nations, should complement our regional peace-keeping and peacemaking efforts through greater involvement and increased humanitarian assistance.
The situation in Western Sahara continues to be a source of great concern. We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General to revive the stalled peace process. Nigeria believes strongly that the joint peace plan of the United Nations and the Organization for African Unity provides the best framework for ensuring peace while safeguarding the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara.
In response to pressures from the international community, change is indeed taking place in South Africa, and we welcome it. However, the difficulties in maintaining the momentum of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) talks give serious cause for concern. We urge the South African Government to intensify efforts to ensure an environment conducive to completing the transition to a non-racial democratic South Africa. The threat
to CODESA by anti-democratic forces must not be allowed to succeed.
But more importantly, and as a measure of its commitment to democratic rule, the South African Government should agree to the immediate establishment of an interim government of national unity that will supervise the transition to a democratic order. The role of the United Nations remains crucial in this process. That is why we welcome the dispatch of United Nations observers to South Africa. He call on the Organization to increase the number of observers to enable them to oversee the transition more effectively.
The Nigerian Government applauds the recent efforts to advance the peace process in the Middle East. The present international climate is conducive to negotiation and compromise. He urge all parties to the Middle East conflict to take advantage of this momentous period in history to find a just and lasting solution to all aspects of the conflict. Such a lasting peace can be built only on a foundation that assures justice for all and the peaceful coexistence of all States in the Middle East, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
For the past few months the people of what was formerly Yugoslavia have not known peace. The parties to the conflict should heed the appeal of the international community by respecting cease-fire agreements and by resolving their differences through negotiations. They owe their people and us all the sacred duty of achieving peace.
There cannot be security in our world so long as nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction exist. As the United Nations begins discussion on extending the non-proliferation Treaty, all nations should place at the fore of that debate the objective of achieving a comprehensive nuclear-test ban.
The chemical weapons Convention, which was recently concluded, represents a
significant milestone in the history of disarmament. Nigeria will sign the Convention and urges all States to do the same.
As the Assembly is aware. Member States spend over $1 trillion annually on armaments. This huge expenditure is no longer necessary as States move to an era of cooperation and peace. Expenditure on armaments should be sharply reduced in order to divert resources from this sector to development programs world wide.
The economies of African States continue to be depressed by the debt burden, unfavorable commodity prices, net outflow of resources and protectionist trade policies. There is need for new funds to be injected into Africa to reverse the continent's economic decline. He acknowledge that our economic recovery and development depends primarily on the policies pursued by African Governments. However, the success of such policies rests in part on the fairness of the international economic system and the transfer to African States of adequate resources to enhance our growth-oriented policies.
The Rio Summit in our view was a success. The effective implementation of Agenda 21 programs depends on the provision of financial resources to match the commitments. While we appreciate the support of the international community on the questions of desertification and drought, which are causing extensive environmental degradation in Africa, we appeal to all Member States fully to support the setting up of an intergovernmental negotiating committee to prepare an international convention on desertification. We also expect that the composition of a commission on sustainable development will be finalized at this session of the General Assembly.
At its summit meeting in January this year, the Security Council reoriented itself to pursue the objective of preventive diplomacy, of peacemaking and peace-keeping within the ambit of its responsibility. The Secretary-General has now produced a report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" with far-reaching implications for our Organization. My delegation notes with appreciation the recommendations contained in that report, especially with respect to the role of regional and subregional arrangements in promoting international peace.
Almost half a century ago the United Nations had 51 Members. The Membership has now grown to 179. The Security Council, which is vested with the primary responsibility of dealing with issues of international peace and security, has maintained its permanent membership of five. In his address to the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session, the President of Nigeria, then in his capacity as Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, said: "The limitation of the permanent membership to the present five has become both anachronistic and unrepresentative.
The composition of the permanent membership of the Security Council represents three out of five regions. Seen in the North-South context, four of its members come from the North. In addition, new demands on the issue have emerged with the recent changes in the international system. The parameters of democracy as well as size and role within the global system have become relevant criteria for adjudging the issue of representation.
The need to increase the number of permanent seats in the Security Council is in our view an idea whose time has come. Therefore, it should be a matter of principle for the international community that Africa must not continue to be a region without representation in the permanent membership of the Security Council. Nigeria, the most populous African nation, with the largest economic potential and its proven commitment to the cause of world
peace and security, possesses the qualifications to fulfill Africa's aspirations in this regard.
Let me seize this opportunity to place on record our appreciation for the courage of the Secretary-General in drawing the attention of the international community to the situation in Somalia. Since then events have shown that that courage was not misplaced. In the same vein, we expect that the Secretary-General will ensure that Africans are adequately represented in the upper echelons of the United Nations Secretariat.
As we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Organization, let us rededicate ourselves to the ideals enshrined in the Charter. The gains manifested in the political and security fields in recent times must be matched by corresponding gains in the economic and social fields. For this to materialize, we must strengthen international cooperation in tackling the economic and social challenges facing our world. My delegation looks forward to the crystallization of such cooperation. He must therefore resolve to eradicate poverty, ignorance and disease; promote and protect human rights in all their facets; prevent the degradation of the environment; eliminate war as an instrument of State policy; and, above all, promote a virile, efficient and democratic United Nations.


The United Nations would appear today to be the ideal forum for seeking and identifying solutions
to the problems of all kinds that are assailing the world. It is here that modern history is being woven and it is here that ideas are expressed that plant the seeds of the future. That is both because the United Nations brings
together almost every country and because the ideas on which it is based and
the principles which guide it arise from our most generous feelings the
sense that we belong to the same humanity and are duty bound to preserve it.
Thus, it is always with hope that I speak before the Assembly. Today,
moreover, I am speaking on behalf of Africa and the Islamic Ummah. Speaking
on behalf of so many peoples is a heavy responsibility indeed, but one that is
also full of exaltation because of the hopes that underlie it.
I am even happier to bear that responsibility because the choice of you,
Mr. President, to guide the work of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is a certain guarantee that it will take place smoothly and
successfully, for, in addition to your distinguished qualities as a diplomat,
you come from a country whose commitment to the triumph of the common ideals
of the nations gathered together here has never been in doubt.

Therefore, from the bottom of my heart I address my warmest
congratulations to you. I wish you to know also, and in particular, that in
carrying out your important and sensitive mission you can always count on the
cooperation of the Senegalese delegation and of all those on whose behalf I
speak at this session.
To your predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, we pay a well-deserved tribute for his outstanding guidance of the
deliberations of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. For anyone
who knows the great qualities of his people, there is nothing surprising in
that.
As to the Secretary-General, I am pleased to say once again how satisfied
we are at seeing him occupy this prestigious post. Our fraternal and friendly
support will always be with him in his efforts to ensure that the United
Nations plays the full role given it by the Charter and shoulders all the
responsibilities that derive from that Charter. Speaking of the role and
responsibilities of the United Nations, I cannot fail to emphasize the very
great hopes that his election has aroused in us Africans. Like our Arab
brothers and all the peoples of the countries members of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference, we viewed his election as concrete proof of the
universality of the United Nations. In fact, it constitutes a confirmation,
following upon the mandates assumed by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, another
national of a developing country. All our best wishes are with the
Secretary-General.

Thanks to the atmosphere of detente prevailing today in international
relations, with the end of the cold war and of ideological tensions, the
credibility and image of our Organization have been greatly strengthened. For
some time now the United Nations has been demonstrating its effectiveness, in
particular through the tangible results in the area of peace-keeping. It has
also made significant progress in the slowing down of the arms race. In a
word, what was unimaginable yesterday is now a part of everyday life, and in
referring to it we now speak of a "new world order". The expression is rather
explicit, because for all of us it bears upon the strengthening of
international security and the guarantee of stability of international
relations. But the reality contained within it must also mean, for the
developing countries, a greater awareness of the aspirations of their peoples
to well-being.

In view of what is going on around us, we are still far from that
situation. Indeed, suffering and injustice are still the daily lot of
millions of men and women in several regions. What is even worse at this time
of over-abundance, when one thinks about the milk and grain surpluses, people
continue to die of hunger because they do not have the very strict minimum
they need. Similarly, people are still dying of diseases which medical
progress has now made it possible to cure.
Moreover, from recovery plans to adjustment programmes, the economies of
many countries have lost their structure and become anaemic, and their
Governments find themselves virtually powerless. The case of Africa, in this
regard, is tragically instructive. Its economic growth rates have remained at
their lowest in proportion to population growth; investments are rarely seen
and infrastructure needs are the most significant.
Here is a continent which is rich in minerals and mining resources but in
which paradoxically most of the poorest countries are to be found.
These sorry records are explained in part, by the youth of the countries
that make up Africa. But they are the result, above all, of its raw materials
and other products being sold at prices fixed outside the continent and most
of the time in total disregard of its interests. This situation is all the
more worrying because it has persisted I would even say worsened despite
the efforts of African leaders to improve it, especially since the beginning
of the 1980s.
Thus, in 1986, when I was Acting President of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), I was mandated to appeal to the United Nations to deal with our
specific problems in a special way. Reacting positively, the United Nations
convened a special session of the General Assembly, which adopted the

United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and
Development 1986-1990 (UNPAAERD).
This document gave rise to the greatest hope because it was the fruit of
unprecedented joint effort. It was, theoretically, a true solidarity pact. I
say "pact" because Africa had committed itself to set up the necessary
structures for launching autonomous long-term socio- economic growth and
development programmes. The international community for its part agreed to
help Africa achieve that goal.
This dual commitment was expressly entered into in UNPAAERD, which made
it clear in particular that the international community would spare no effort
to provide sufficient resources to support and complement the development
efforts of Africa. That was clear.
Unfortunately, we must recognize that, while the African countries took
the measures agreed upon, the same cannot be said of the international
community as a whole, even if some countries of the North had a friendly and
understanding attitude in our regard. Will the United Nations New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s (UN-NADA) be treated differently, more
generously? Undoubtedly it will be, if it is applied, because its commitments
are firm and precise, and follow-up, monitoring and assessment mechanisms have
been provided, thanks to which the two parties will be able to work together
on a permanent basis. Thus, they will be able together and at regular and
short intervals to ensure respect for the commitments agreed upon. It is
perhaps these frequent meetings which were missing in the implementation
process of UNPAAERD.
I hope that that is the only explanation for the modest results of that
document. But for the time being, I note that Africa is prey to the same
difficulties, some of which have even worsened.

That is the case with its external debt, the repayment of which consumes
the bulk of the meagre financial resources left to Africa owing to worsening
terms of trade.
Since lending countries are slow in agreeing to hold an international
conference devoted to this problem, we are making an urgent appeal to all
States and all international financial institutions so that together we can
explore other ways to solve the problem. Otherwise, it will be illusory to
expect the African countries to give all due attention to problems of common
interest. Quite naturally, they will devote their energies, on a priority
basis, to the struggle for the survival of their peoples. The persistence of
the African debt problem could even have other negative and more immediate
consequences; population movement from the South to the countries of the North
have already shown that this risk exists.
To this already grim picture we must add the increasingly evident
precariousness of the African environment, which is illustrated by the
devastating drought which has hit the southern part of the continent, after
having wreaked on the Sahel the damage of which we are all aware. We must
also add to this the lightning spread of the acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS), along with other diseases which have disappeared elsewhere,
and the number of hotbeds of tension which already exist, not to mention those
which may yet arise.
In this respect, it is South Africa which first comes to mind. None the
less, one would have thought a few months ago that the present session would
be the opportunity for the international community to rejoice over the
irreversible changes since the advent of President Frederick De Klerk. But
what do we see today, over and above the formal abrogation - I was going to
say theoretical abrogation of the apartheid laws?

Blacks still do not have the same rights as the rest of South African
society, and violence has been omnipresent in recent months, sometimes
achieving proportions which cast doubt upon the willingness of the South
African Government to change. The continuation of such an atmosphere would be
a serious threat to the progress we have all welcomed.
That is why at the twenty-eighth regular summit meeting of the OAU, held
at Dakar, it was felt necessary to take the matter to the Security Council.
In my capacity as Acting President of that pan-African organization, I should
like, on behalf of the continent, to express my sincerest thanks to the
members of this organ of our universal Organization for the diligence and
sense of solidarity with which they responded to our appeal by adopting
Security Council resolution 765 (1992), which invites the South African
authorities to take the appropriate measures to end the violence.
I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to repeat our commitment
to a negotiated solution in South Africa and the hope generated by the recent
Mandela-De Klerk summit meeting. We hope that the talks to be resumed within
the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) after that meeting will
make it possible speedily to harmonize the positions of the parties and make
irreversible the resolute march of South Africa towards a non-racial,
democratic and united society.
The civil war in Liberia is another source of concern for Africa. It is
all the more worrying since it has continued even after a framework for a
peaceful settlement had been drawn up by the countries in the subregion.
As the Head of State of a country member of the Committee of Five of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that was set up to resolve
the crisis, I can testify to the fact that this framework was conceived with

the sole concern of helping our Liberian brothers regain peace. After several
meetings, we adopted it with the agreement of all of the parties. But the
bitter fact remains that the horizon is dark because the Economic Community of
West African States Monitoring Group (EC0M0G), the centre-piece of the
agreed-upon arrangement, does not have the means for its peace mission.
That is why, while thanking those who have already given us their
support, I should like to ask the United Nations to provide increased
assistance. In the absence of such a gesture, we risk seeing the Liberian
crises continue. It is already a serious threat to the stability of the West
African subregion, and in human terms it is a catastrophe with lasting
consequences.
I now come to the most absurd and perhaps most devastating tragedy
Africa has known in recent years. I refer to the civil war in Somalia. This
country, once so welcoming, today is a hell on earth. It is the picture of
anarchy, of intolerance in all its forms, of violence, and of the failure of
man before his destiny.
Senegal, for its part, is doing everything in its power to help end this
tragedy which, should it persist, would run the risk of sounding the death
knell of the very existence of Somalia. It is doing so for humanitarian
reasons, for reasons of African solidarity and, in brief, for reasons of
common sense. It is also doing so in its capacity as a member of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the OAU and the United Nations.

Let me take this opportunity to note that, together with the Organization
of the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the
League of Arab States, our organization is already engaged in significant
efforts for Somalia. But the situation there is so grave that we must give it
high priority in the days and weeks ahead if we are not to witness the
genocide of a people through the death of its children. I appeal also to
non-governmental organizations; I encourage them to continue their generous
activities in Somalia.
The parties to the conflict must understand that the interest of the
Somali people lies in the restoration of peace, and that rivalries that
sacrifice human lives by the thousand can only result in their claims becoming
pointless.
What I would truly like to see is an international conference on
Somalia. I therefore solemnly propose that such a meeting take place as soon
as possible in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations, the OAU, the
League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the
European Community. The goal would be to put a rapid end to the armed
confrontation and define a framework for a peaceful settlement of the crisis
acceptable to all parties. The United Nations would take the initiative here,
but the modalities of the meeting would be defined among all the organizers,
who would also jointly agree on the list of participants. For my part, I
should be represented there both as current Chairman of the OAU and as
President of the sixth Islamic summit.
But I cannot stress too forcefully that while awaiting that conference,
for which we earnestly wish, the international community must continue to help
the victims of the confrontations imposed upon the Somali people by armed
factions. In particular, it should do everything it can to ensure that the

arms embargo imposed in Security Council resolution 733 (1992) of
23 January 1992 is strictly observed, and should take every other possible
initiative to put an end to the violence and the suffering. That wish of the
OAU is shared by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, of which Somalia
is a member.
My rehearsal of tensions in Africa would be incomplete without a
reference to Western Sahara. I wholeheartedly wish for a settlement to that
matter; this could be reached quickly within the framework defined by the
OAU. Nor can I omit to mention the fragile peace in Angola and elsewhere on
the continent.
Speaking of peace, I cannot fail to reiterate how much the peoples I
represent here cherish peace. In our societies, everything boils down to the
human being; peace is naturally one of the reference values. That was one of
the observations of the sixth summit of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference.
In Africa, the Heads of State or Government of the States members of the
OAU proved their commitment to peace by deciding at the most recent summit,
held at Dakar, to establish a mechanism for preventing, managing and settling
conflicts. That mechanism is intended to respond to Africa's desire for the
means to prevent conflicts, through an ongoing analysis of situations, putting
an end to those that persist in spite of our efforts. Africa is thus in step
with United Nations concerns on the maintenance of peace, as set out by the
Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
That is because the Secretary-General's vision of peace is reflected
today in the determination resolutely to address the continent's political and
economic problems. Without a doubt, this is a manifestation of Africa's
self-confidence, and proves that our continent's de facto marginalization has

not paralysed it. On the contrary, its self-confidence has never been
disconnected from the spread of multiparty democracy; indeed, without it, the
current trends would certainly not be so clear.
Democracy has made great progress in Africa in recent months.
Authoritarian regimes have yielded to democratically elected Governments;
everywhere, confrontation is yielding to joint efforts and bullets to ballots.
Our efforts at integration derive also from our determination to take our
destiny in our own hands and is an expression of our self-confidence. The
same holds true for the way in which we are addressing environmental problems
and for our determination not to miss the energy revolution that is appearing
on the horizon. It is significant that, with respect to our commitment in
that sphere, we have placed our bets on solar energy. It is abundant in our
countries and can reconcile the need for healthy environment with that for
development.
If these efforts can be pursued and if their orientation can be
maintained - and we are determined that they should be Africa will soon be
in a position to overcome its present situation. But again: to achieve the
expected effects we must have consistent support from the international
community. We have seen this with the United Nations Programme of Action for
African Economic Recovery and Development.
We know too that the solution or prevention of conflicts in Africa will
be possible only if arms supplies to belligerents and other forms of outside
intervention are halted. Everyone knows that democracy in Africa can be
consolidated only if it is followed by progress towards, inter alia, economic
growth based on a rationalization of development efforts. This requires
improved relations within Africa, adequate infrastructure, and the possibility

for African countries to ensure that their products can reach northern markets
at profitable prices.
Although Africa is certainly the continent most severely affected by
economic crisis, war and other conflicts, we have no monopoly on these evils:
other peoples are suffering too, and we stand in solidarity with them. That
is why, although I have spoken at some length about Africa, I must not neglect
the tragedies being played out elsewhere.
I am far from indifferent to the economic difficulties of Latin America
like ours, caused in large part by unfair international economic relations
to the need to consolidate peace in Cambodia through scrupulous respect for
the Paris agreements, and to the need for Afghanistan to take the path of
national reconciliation. We in Africa are also concerned about the situation
in some of the former Soviet republics and in the former Yugoslavia, as well
as about the unacceptable state of affairs that continues to be imposed on the
Palestinian people.
On Bosnia and Herzegovina, we approve of the initiatives to ease the
suffering of the population, to halt the violence, and to put an end to what
appears to be an attempt at "ethnic cleansing". As President of the sixth
Islamic summit, I sent a representative to the recent London Conference on the
former Yugoslavia. I shall continue to associate myself with all steps in
that direction, and I call on the United Nations to continue, even increase,
its efforts.
With respect to the question of Palestine, while we welcome the positive
developments in the way it is being handled in the context of the ongoing
peace process under the sponsorship of the United States of America and
Russia, we must observe that the process is far from meeting our
expectations. But there is reason to hope that with the new Israeli

Government significant progress will be achieved and that the heroic
Palestinian people will soon be free, under the leadership of the Palestine
Liberation Organization, to exercise its inalienable rights. We call on the
Israeli Government to show realism and political courage, and we urge all
parties to have a sense of history. It is only in that way that peace can be
restored and that the Arab world and Israel can draw upon their rich common
heritage and their vast economic potential.
To face these challenges and realize the potential that is present
despite all the problems, we need greater solidarity, both among people and
among nations. I am thinking of a "general agreement on solidarity". As
distinct from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, this moral contract
would make possible the effective implementation of all the provisions of the
United Nations Charter. This presupposes awareness that we all share the same
future and that we agree to bear an equal interest in the maintenance of
peace, the promotion of human rights and democracy both nationally and
worldwide, the struggle against poverty and the protection of the
environment. There is no lack of opportunity: let us begin at this session
of the General Assembly. Clearly, this would be the best way to move towards
the new world order to which we all aspire.
To be sure, with respect to the maintenance of peace, the United
Nations to which we pay an enthusiastic tribute - under the dynamic
leadership of the Secretary-General is making notable efforts to respond to
the many demands upon it.

To be sure, in the Middle East, in the rest of Asia, in Africa and in
Europe, United Nations peace-keeping forces, in most of which my country is
proud to participate, are carrying out their missions courageously, loyally
and effectively, and for the most part to the great satisfaction of the
peoples of those regions.
We must, however, recognize that this universal Organization is not
equally successful everywhere its intervention is desired and necessary.
Often this is because of the Charter requirement that regional organizations
play the primary role in the settlement of regional disputes, but we must
realize that their effectiveness is limited in the case of armed confrontation
because they do not have the means required for peace-keeping operations.
I believe that fidelity to the spirit of the Charter in this regard
requires the establishment and operation of a system of co-operation between
the United Nations and the regional organizations so that they may benefit
from appropriate technical and financial assistance and thus can become more
involved in the management and settlement of regional conflicts. I am happy
to note that this is the thrust of the report of the Secretary-General
entitled "Agenda for peace".
In any case, this is what should flow from our concern to preserve our
collective security. That is clear militarily, but it is also increasingly
true with regard to the other aspects of security. No one is unaware that
those aspects are equally important. Thus the strong solidarity I have been
advocating, through the "general agreement on solidarity", presupposes also
the resumption of the North-South dialogue. More exactly, it will be a
question of engagement in a new dialogue between the developed and the
developing countries. I say "new" because the dialogue would be imbued with

the spirit of partnership and agreement to joint responsibility in facing
common challenges: challenges involved in economic and trade problems as well
as environment and health. The General Assembly could ask the
Secretary-General to make concrete proposals along those lines at its next
session.
I am among those who believe dialogue would be easier if the solidarity
we are seeking to promote were indeed effective at the regional level, and it
will be necessary for that to be taken into account in the efforts under way
in the regional groups.
That is one of the reasons why Senegal has made the achievement of
African integration, as advocated in the Treaty setting up the African
Economic Community, one of its main priorities in matters of foreign policy.
That explains our commitment to the Organization of the Islamic Conference
(OIC). But a reminder is needed here. The OIC is not a religious
organization. Its objective is to organize solidarity among its member
States, whose peoples are united by the same faith and have the same
concerns. It already is a very good tool for political and cultural
co-operation, and it is our ambition to make it an effective instrument for
economic, commercial and technical co-operation. The Dakar Summit of last
December was a turning-point in this respect. Of the groups that must have
our attention in the framework of the rebalancing of international economic
relations, I must mention the Summit Group for Consultation and the
South-South Co-operation Group, the so-called Group of 15, whose goal is to
make South-South co-operation effective through the drawing up and

implementation of specific projects. But I hasten to make it clear that that
group is not a closed club; indeed, everything that is discussed there is at
the disposal of the other developing countries; nor does it claim to be a
spokesman for the entire South. However, I am convinced that it does
constitute a framework for the definition of the common concerns of the
countries of the South with regard to specific questions, and for the
expression of their views. Moreover, it has drawn up and circulated a
position paper on the new world order.
Returning to the North-South dialogue and to the "general agreement on
solidarity", which should promote the dialogue while belief in it may be
unrealistic, and the meetings that have taken place so far have been rather
disappointing for the most part, the Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro last
June has given us reason for greater optimism. Indeed, while far from
perfect, it worked for the taking into account, in the long term, of all the
concerns and perspectives of the world. It is not an exaggeration to say that
after Rio nothing is the same as before in approaching environmental problems
and their interrelationship with development. What is even better, the change
that has taken place thanks to a real awareness of the globalization of
mankind's problems could be the dawn of the new world order. The forthcoming
convening of certain international conferences gives us the opportunity to
confirm and amplify on that change.
I believe that the World Conference on Human Rights planned for 1993 and
the International Conference on Population and Development to take place in
1994 reflect our common willingness to deal with questions that no longer know
any borders. The same is true of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the
World Summit on Social Development, both planned for 1995.

Is it not significant that those meetings were programmed after the Rio
Summit on Environment and Development, as well as the World Summit for
Children? In any case, we must hope that, like their two predecessors, these
other conferences will not lose sight of the need to ensure the follow-up on
decisions and recommendations that would make their work fruitful.
In this regard it is a pleasure for me to announce on this day, which
coincides with the second anniversary of the World Summit for Children, that,
in the spirit of that historic meeting, an international conference on
assisting African children, organized by the Organization of African Unity
with the support of UNICEF, will take place in Dakar from
25 to 27 November 1992. Our goal is to bring the international community to a
point where it thinks about the special situation of African children and the
difficulties facing the African countries with regard to ensuring their
harmonious development, or indeed their mere survival. This situation and
these problems will also be focused on in meetings to be held soon devoted to
children in French-speaking countries and also within the framework of the OIC.
While reflecting a real awareness of the interdependence of the world, at
which we rejoice, the programme of international meetings I have just
mentioned shows that much remains to be done in this vast field through joint
efforts. In particular I have in mind disarmament for the benefit of
development, the easing of the foreign debt burden of the developing
countries, the removal of protectionist tariff barriers, the improvement of
commodity prices, and the transfer of the technology and human resources
necessary for development. No one denies that today our collective survival
largely depends upon adequate consideration of these questions and the
challenges of the environment, AIDS and drugs not to mention the problem of
peace-keeping operations.

Hence, it is urgent to achieve greater solidarity, to which I referred
earlier. Moreover, there is a central role that the United Nations must play
in dealing with these problems. There is no need to emphasize that such a
role requires that this universal Organization review its methods of work and
that Member States reassess the means made available to the United Nations.
In Africa and within the Islamic Ummah we recognize the importance of the
restructuring and other work to restore dynamism to our Organization being
carried out by the Secretary-General and by such organs as the Economic and
Social Council, which is intended to cope with the new burdens arising from
world developments. On their behalf, I welcome the results already achieved
in this regard, and I encourage a continuation of those efforts until they are
successful and the goals are reached. I particularly hope that this new trend
will duly take account of what are in our view two essential ideas on the
one hand, peace and security are precarious without the eradication of poverty
and misery and without a reduction of the gap separating the North and the
South; on the other hand, efforts towards effectiveness should not sacrifice
the democratic spirit by which the universality of the United Nations is
maintained.
Moreover, the Tenth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the
Non-Aligned Movement, which was just held successfully in Jakarta, bore the
stamp of renewal in continuity and achieved considerable progress in
reinforcing that trend.
Given the scores of challenges and the ever stronger commitment of the
non-governmental organizations working alongside Governments to meet those
challenges, I would add the need to take into account the recommendations of
those organizations. I am thinking even that we could study the possibility.

through the efforts of the Secretary-General, of requiring such
recommendations to be taken into account in specific fields.
I have had the signal honour to address you on behalf of various peoples
some of which are separated by thousands of kilometres. But these peoples
share with my country Senegal the same faith in human solidarity, the same
hope for a better tomorrow, even the same goals. United in their diversity,
these peoples are calling for justice where it is trampled and peace wherever
it is threatened. They are calling for the coming of a world in which hunger,
intolerance and unfairness have disappeared. These peoples call upon you to
act together, to innovate and to do so without delay.