On behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, I should like first to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am sure that with the active participation of all delegations and under the wise guidance of the President, an experienced diplomat from Zambia, the work of this session will lead to concrete results in many areas.
206.	I should also like to offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Assembly's thirty-eighth session, on the excellent manner in which he fulfilled his mandate.
207.	The Lao delegation would like in particular to praise the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General to promote the equitable and effective achievement of the noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security.
208.	The Lao delegation welcomes the admission of Brunei Darussalam, a country from the same region as ours, as the 159th Member of the United Nations.
209.	This session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time when the international situation is tense and when there is an acceleration of the arms race carried out by the major imperialist country, on land, in the oceans and in outer space.
210.	In many parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America, the war of aggression, direct or indirect, undertaken by the imperialists, the war of destruction and of territorial annexation which is being waged by the expansionists, and the policy of brutal oppression of the racial discrimination regime, the instrument of the imperialists, have been gaining ground, thus infringing the independence and territorial integrity of several countries and threatening the right of those peoples to exist.
211.	At the same time, in the economic field there is a further widening of the gap between the developed capitalist countries and the developing countries. The North-South negotiations are simply marking time now. The economic crisis, the exploitation and plundering of resources and the restrictive trade practices and protectionist measures applied by the capitalist countries have all placed the developing countries in an increasingly difficult situation. However, the overall picture is far from being a completely dark one, for the time when imperialism, expansionism and international reaction had absolute power is gone for ever.
212.	Today, more than ever before, the movements in support of disarmament and against nuclear war are developing rapidly, as they were last year. They are involving millions of people from all social strata and in all continents in a great effort of solidarity to crush the warlike manoeuvres of the imperialists and to achieve a lasting peace on our planet.
213.	The Lao delegation considers it essential to improve international relations, in particular the relations between the major countries which have a determining role in reducing the danger of confrontation.
214.	Against this background, the Lao delegation firmly supports the consistent policy of peace, a policy of principle, of the Soviet Union, which has undertaken not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. We believe that the proposal of the Soviet Union to include in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Use of outer space exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of mankind" demonstrates that country's sense of responsibility with respect to the future of mankind. Accordingly, we fully approve and support the reasonable and realistic proposals made by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries with a view to achieving disarmament and the limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons, as well as the various strong measures designed to prevent acts of war provoked by imperialism and international reaction and to ensure the peace and security of peoples.
215.	The Lao delegation fully supports the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic to conclude a treaty of non-aggression and non-use of force in relations among the countries of Asia and the Pacific and its proposal relating to the right of peoples to peace, submitted at this session of the General Assembly. By its activities in support of international peace and co-operation, the Mongolian People's Republic is indeed a good candidate for election as a non-permanent member of the Security Council.
216.	The Lao delegation supports the countries of the region of the Indian Ocean which call for the dismantling of the United States military bases on Diego Garcia and making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.
217.	The Lao delegation supports the Joint Declaration of the Heads of State of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania, addressed to the five nuclear-weapon States. We welcome the favourable response made to that proposal by the Soviet Union.
218.	From its own historical experiences, the Lao people clearly recognizes that real peace can be achieved only in true independence and freedom. Thus, the bold struggle of the peoples of the world against the policy of interference, aggression and exploitation by imperialism and international reaction and in support of social progress is an integral part of their struggle for peace and security.
219.	The Lao delegation fully supports the just struggle of the Palestinian Arab people, under the leadership of the PLO, its authentic representative, to regain their basic national right to self-determination, including the right to establish their own State in Palestine. We support the Lebanese people and other peoples of the Arab countries in their struggle against the aggression of the Israeli Zionists and interference by the United States. In this connection, we support the proposals made by the Soviet Union on 29 July 1984 with regard to an overall just and lasting solution to the question of the Middle East.
220.	In Central America and the Caribbean, despite enormous difficulties and deprivations, the heroic peoples of Cuba and Nicaragua are able victoriously to defend their independence, sovereignty and illustrious social regimes. And the people of El Salvador, Guatemala, Puerto Rico, Grenada, Honduras, Costa Rica, Chile and other Latin American countries will without any doubt be able to defeat the policy of interference pursued by the United States imperialists, to overthrow military dictatorship and to defend their right to a free and independent existence.
221.	We fully support the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, under the leadership of the African National Congress of South Africa and SWAPO, respectively. We support the struggle of the peoples of Angola and Mozambique against the aggression and Machiavellian manoeuvres, the di- vide-and-rule tactics, of the racist administration of South Africa.
222.	The Lao people fully supports the struggle of the Afghan people against the undeclared war unleashed by imperialism and international reaction and in defence of what they had achieved through their April revolution.
223.	We also lend our support to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its struggle to achieve the withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea and to ensure the peaceful unification of Korea.
224.	In the world today, the problems of international economic relations are the focus of the concern of many developing countries, particularly the Lao People's Democratic Republic, a small, land-locked country, one of the least developed.
225.	We believe that it is imperative to bring about a radical reform of current international economic relations and to establish a new international economic order that is more just and more democratic. In this connection, the Lao People's Democratic Republic supports the just positions taken by the non-aligned countries and the Group of 77 relating to the launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development.
226.	At the present time, the situation in Southeast Asia is becoming increasingly tense. The escalation of the war undertaken by the Chinese expansionists along the Chinese-Vietnamese borders in April 1984 was an extremely dangerous occurrence, the most dangerous since the war of aggression waged by Chinese troops against Viet Nam in February 1979. The overt armed intervention by the extreme right- wing Thai reactionaries along the border between Thailand and Kampuchea to save the genocidal Pol Pot clique and the other Khmer reactionaries from their total defeat was also the most serious event to have occurred over the past five years; and the fact that they have sent in regular troops to commit acts of aggression and occupy three areas of Laos is the most serious occurrence since the creation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
227.	It is clear that all this benefits the Chinese expansionists and the extreme-right reactionaries in leading Thai circles in carrying out their policy, one that is directly hostile to the three peoples of IndoChina, in instigating confrontation between the countries members of ASEAN and the three countries of Indo-China, and in interfering with the movement towards dialogue between those two groups of countries, thereby creating tension and undermining peace and stability in the region. Their accusations against Viet Nam and the Soviet Union will in no way succeed in misleading world public opinion.
228.	As is well known, the question of South-East Asia has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for nearly five years. It is indeed deplorable that the United Nations should have adopted so erroneous a decision as to have seated here the genocidal political corpse of the Pol Pot clique, alongside masked members of that clique, for that is in fact a denial of the Kampuchean people's right to rebirth and to existence and self-determination, as well as a denial of the aspirations of the peoples of the region to peace.
229.	The Lao people, like the peoples of Viet Nam and Kampuchea, aspires only to live in peace in order to build up its country, to build a new life and to live in peace with its neighbours, including China. Over the past five years, the three countries of IndoChina have put forward various proposals with a view to normalizing relations with the People's Republic of China and have done everything possible to promote dialogue between the two groups of countries, those of Indo-China and those of ASEAN, in order to make South-East Asia a zone of peace, stability, friendship and co-operation. Those principles, which we regard as inviolable, have been confirmed on many occasions; they are as follows: to enter into dialogue on the basis of proposals made by the Foreign Ministers of the Indo-Chinese countries, meeting at Vientiane on 28 and 29 January 1984, and the proposals advanced by the ASEAN member countries on 21 September 1983. The Indo-Chinese countries mandated Viet Nam to be their representative, and the ASEAN countries asked Indonesia to act on their behalf. We trust that this session of the General Assembly will give additional impetus to the efforts to achieve dialogue between the two groups of countries.
230.	In this connection, we welcome the initiative of Australia, which has offered its capital, Canberra, as the site for a meeting between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries.
231.	At this session, the Lao delegation would like to draw attention to the most serious event that has occurred in Lao-Thai relations since the founding of the Lao People's Democratic Republic. I am referring to the attack by Thai troops on three areas of Laos— namely, Bane May, Bane Kang and Bane Savang in the Paklay District, Sayaboury Province, in the northern part of Laos—and the occupation of those areas.
232.	Our Government has already informed the Secretary-General and has issued several documents, namely, the statement of 13 June 1984, the memorandum of 17 August 1984 and the declaration of 26 August 1984, the statement of 6 September 1984, and the White Book issued on 18 September 1984. Those documents set forth all the facts relating to the three localities, the truth about Thai-Lao relations past and present, and our proposals for a settlement.
233.	Here I should like to refer to some aspects of the problem. First of all, the occupation of these three areas of Laos is an act of premeditated aggression. Laos and Thailand are two neighbouring countries that share a common border 1,650 kilometres long. From time immemorial, these two peoples have been united by good-neighbourly relations and linked by ties of blood and by similarities in culture, language, customs and religion.
234.	The boundary between the two countries was settled by the Franco-Siamese treaties of 2 February 1904 and 23 March 1907. There has never been any boundary dispute between the two countries in these past few decades. History, law and effective administration have proved, indisputably, that these three villages, occupied by the Thai Army since 6 June 1984, come under Lao sovereignty.
235.	In 1979, the two countries signed two joint declarations containing principles intended to govern relations between the two countries. Those principles were as follows: mutually to respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each country; to respect each country's right to choose its own way of life free from outside interference or threat; not to interfere in the internal affairs of the other country, and to refrain from carrying out, directly or indirectly, hostile acts against the other; to settle differences by peaceful means in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and on the basis of equality; and not to use force or the threat of force against the other and not to allow others to use their territory as a base to intervene, threaten or commit aggression against other countries in any manner whatsoever. Such were the terms of the joint Lao-Thai declaration of 4 April 1979.
236.	The declaration reiterated that:
"The two Prime Ministers agreed to make the Lao- Thai border on the river and on the land a border of peace and friendship, based on respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and legitimate interests of each and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes between the two countries."
237.	To justify their acts of aggression, the extreme- right Thai reactionaries presented a farce whereby they claimed that Laos had sent troops to occupy three Thai villages in May and then used other subterfuges, saying that this was a "frontier incident", a "border dispute", thus covering up the cynical nature of their aggression.
238.	In the attacks against the three Lao villages, the extreme-right Thai reactionaries used several infantry units, together with tanks, artillery and reconnaissance aircraft, all of which were directly commanded by General Arthit Kamlang Ek, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Army of Thailand. In order to perpetuate their occupation of the three villages and justify their claims, they removed the frontier markers in the region and used Thai administration to replace the Lao administrative authorities. They decreed obligatory education in the Thai language, forced the Lao population to use Thai currency, increased their troops to 3,000 men—that is, double the number of people in the villages—strengthened the fortifications and unilaterally and tendentiously drew up their own map of the region.
239.	At the same time, in order to prepare for a further escalation of the war, they sent their troops and Lao reactionaries in exile along the frontier across from the province of Sayaboury and other provinces in Laos.
240.	This was not simply a border incident and it was certainly not simply a border dispute, which is something that can happen quite often between two neighbouring countries. Rather, it was an act of premeditated aggression, violating Lao sovereignty and territorial integrity; it was a serious violation of the two joint Lao-Thai declarations; it was a provocation to confrontation in the region; and it was a violation of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. One might therefore wonder if, with such conduct, this country, a Member of the United Nations, would be a suitable nominee for non-permanent membership of the Security Council.
241.	Secondly, the underlying cause of the aggression by Thai troops against the three villages in Lao is the expansionist ambition of the extreme-right Thai reactionaries, an ambition which arose out of pan-Thaiism and which enjoys the support of the Chinese expansionists, who instigated the escalation of this destructive war against the three countries of Indo-China.
242.	The White Book published on 18 September 1984 by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic exposed the reality of Lao-Thai relations and the hegemonist and expansionist policy of the reactionary military circles of Thailand—formerly known as Siam—vis-a-vis Laos from the sixteenth century until the present time.
243.	History clearly shows that the expansionist and hegemonist policy of the reactionary Thai leading circles vis-a-vis Laos has remained unchanged. From the sixteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century, the reactionary Siamese leading circles committed acts of aggression against, occupied, administered and annexed a large part of Lao territory. For 115 years—from 1778 to 189J—they made Laos a vassal State. During the Second World War, from 1941 to 1946, Thailand used the Japanese Fascists to force the French, who were in a difficult situation, to yield the two Lao provinces west of the Mekong, the provinces of Sayaboury and Champasak. During the United States war of aggression in Indo-China, the reactionaries in power in Thailand transformed their territory into a United States base and made their troops participate directly in this war against Laos and the other countries of Indo-China. From 1975 to the present time, Thailand has been a decisive bastion, a docile instrument, used by Chinese expansionism in South-East Asia as a sanctuary for the genocidal Pol Pot clique and its consorts and for other reactionary exiles from Indo-Chinese countries who came to struggle against their own people.
244.	The Thai reactionaries used military pressure against the Lao People's Democratic Republic to create tension and sow the seeds of trouble. They cooperated with the Chinese in feeding, training, organizing and commanding the Lao reactionaries in exile and then in invading the three Lao villages on 6 June 1984. This act of aggression is the product of pan-Thaiism, which is coming to life again among the extreme-right Thai ruling circles.
245.	Thirdly, the aggression against the three Lao villages was part of the overall struggle of the extreme-right Thai reactionaries, in collusion with the Chinese expansionists and hegemonists against Laos and the other countries of Indo-China.
246.	The incident involving the three villages occurred shortly after the visit to China of General Arthit Kamlang Ek, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Army of Thailand. He even went to the Chinese-Vietnamese border to learn from the Chinese experience of its war of aggression against Vietnamese territory. During the visit, the Chinese side declared that it would support Thailand in its aggression against the three Lao villages, an aggression which was commanded by General Arthit Kamlang Ek in person and which took place at a time when the Thais, in collusion with the Chinese, were doing everything possible to help the Pol Potists and their consorts to oppose the Kampuchean people, and at a time when the Chinese themselves also were escalating the war of aggression against the Vietnamese border.
247.	It is perfectly clear that the aggression against the three Lao villages enjoyed the support of the Chinese expansionists and that it resulted from their total collusion with the extreme-right Thai reactionaries against Laos.
248.	Although these three villages are still occupied by the Thai forces of aggression, the Lao People's Democratic Republic has been very restrained and has been prepared to settle the problem of the three villages jointly with the Thai side through negotiations, so as not to let the fraternal relations between the peoples of these two countries deteriorate still further. That is why the Lao side took the initiative of twice—in July and August 1984—sending a governmental negotiation to Bangkok to negotiate with the Thai side. But the results showed that the Thai side does not sincerely wish to resolve the problem with the Lao side. It submitted many proposals and demands which were unreasonable and unjustified; these all had the purpose of denying the sovereignty of the Lao People's Democratic Republic over the three villages. After vainly expending great effort in an attempt to force the Lao side to accept its unfounded demands, the Thai side decided unilaterally to break off the negotiations.
249.	Moreover, the Thai side has been saying, for public opinion and in all its international contacts, that "the three villages are a minor problem"; that "the problem can be resolved through direct negotiations between the two sides": and that "owing to Viet Nam's manipulation from behind the scenes, Laos is not its own master". In the end, they established a so- called technical committee—which we rejected—to carry out an investigation in the field. But, as I have already made clear, the border in this sector—and, indeed, throughout its length—was very clearly delimited by the Franco-Siamese treaties of 2 February 1904 and 23 March 1907 and requires no verification. This investigation is intended only to prolong and legalize the occupation and to mislead international public opinion.
250.	At the same time, it has pleased the Thai side to inform the Secretary-General about this problem, in order to make it widely known. The head of the Thai delegation abandoned the first round of negotiations with the Lao side in order to pay a visit to China to consult the Chinese side.
251.	As everyone knows, the three countries of Indo-China have been the principal South-East Asian victims of the policies of aggression and occupation of the Chinese, the colonialists, the militarists and the imperialists. Laos and Kampuchea in particular have also been victims of the expansionist, hegemonist policy of the reactionaries in power in Thailand. Bearing in mind these historical facts, the three peoples of Indo-China have been forced to join together at the cost of great sacrifices in the long common struggle to regain and defend their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity against the forces of foreign aggression.
252.	Fourthly, after the grave effects of 30 years of war, the Lao people want only to live in peace, to bring its country out of backwardness and poverty and to build a new system and a new life of prosperity.
253.	The consistent foreign policy of the Lao People's Democratic Republic is to establish relations with all countries, irrespective of their political and social systems, on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence.
254.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic has spared no effort to develop fraternal relations between its people and that of Thailand, its neighbour. The Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic notes with satisfaction that, thanks to the united efforts of the two parties, the Lao Government and the Thai Government have been able to sign two joint declarations, in January and April 1979, which turned a new page in the history of relations between the peoples of the two countries. However, the extreme-right reactionaries in the Thai ruling circles took advantage of this to attain their expansionist and hegemonist designs on Laos; this runs counter to the interests of the peoples of the two countries. Accordingly, the Thai reactionaries alone must shoulder the responsibility for the present serious deterioration.
255.	The just solution to the problem of the three villages is for Thailand to withdraw all its troops from those villages, to allow the inhabitants forced into Thailand to return to their homeland, to provide fair compensation to the local inhabitants for the loss of life and property caused by the troops and to return the situation in the three villages to normal, as it was before 6 June 1984.
256.	The Lao people has a long tradition of heroic struggle against foreign aggression and is resolved to exercise its right of legitimate self-defence, as set out in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, to repel the troops of aggression and to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its sacred homeland. At the same time, the Lao Government will always demonstrate goodwill and will continue to be ready to resume negotiations with the Royal Thai Government in order to resolve the problem on the basis of the principles set forth in the two joint declarations of 1979.
257.	We should like to take this opportunity to express our since thanks to the Governments and peoples of the various countries, and to international public opinion which cherishes peace and justice in the world, for their sympathy and for the invaluable support they have lent to the just position of the people of Laos.
258.	We appeal here to all delegations participating in this session of the General Assembly to urge theThai side to respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Laos by withdrawing its troops from the three villages, by returning the Lao inhabitants, removed by force, to their homeland, by providing compensation to the Lao victims of this aggression and by restoring the situation in the three villages to normal, as it was before 6 June 1984. That would contribute to normalizing relations between Laos and Thailand and to safeguarding peace and stability in South-East Asia.
259.	My delegation sincerely hopes that this session of the General Assembly will be an extremely successful one.


I have the greatest pleasure in conveying to you, Sir, our warmest congratulations and best wishes for success on the occasion of your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
79.	The work of the Assembly is taking place in a very complex international situation and in an environment marked by particularly grave tension. The policy of maintaining and re-dividing zones of influence and spheres of domination and the policy of force and the threat of force are intensifying. Old conflicts among States have been aggravated while new ones have emerged. Manifestations of the current economic crisis—which affect practically all States and particularly the developing ones—have been amplified, thus further heightening world economic and political instability.
80.	A particularly aggravating factor in the international situation is the acceleration of the arms race and, first and foremost, the nuclear-arms race, which has increased the danger of a new world war which, under present circumstances, would inevitably become a destructive thermonuclear war. The switchover to deployment by the United States of medium- range nuclear missiles in the countries of Western Europe and the consequent use of nuclear counter- measures announced by the Soviet Union have further aggravated the entire world situation, and especially the situation in Europe.
81.	The interests of peace, the policy of detente, co-operation and security demand that everything be done to halt this dangerous course of events leading towards tension and war, to avoid a nuclear catastrophe, which, for all practical purposes, would mean the very destruction of human civilization and of those conditions necessary for the existence of life on our planet.
82.	Romania, and its President, Nicolae Ceaugescu, believe that the fundamental issue of our time is the halting of the arms race and the implementation of substantial measures of disarmament, first and foremost nuclear disarmament, thereby defending the supreme right of man and of peoples to existence, to life, to freedom, independence and peace.
83.	In the current international circumstances, Romania and its President stand for and resolutely militate for the halting of the deployment of United States medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe and the establishment of a programme with a time-limit for the withdrawal of those already in place, as well as for the cessation of Soviet nuclear countermeasures and the establishment of a programme with a time-limit for the cancellation and elimination of measures which have already been implemented. Likewise, we consider that everything must be done for the urgent resumption of Soviet-United States negotiations aimed at achieving adequate agreements, which must ensure the elimination of medium-range and tactical missiles and of nuclear weapons from Europe.
84.	Romania believes that European countries on whose territory medium-range nuclear missiles have already been deployed—or where such deployment is envisaged—bear a special responsibility for the fate of their own peoples and for the fate of peace in Europe and throughout the world. Those countries must be the first to act resolutely to stop the deployment of United States weapons, to cancel the
counter measures and to bring about resumed negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States.
85.	Since the deployment of nuclear missiles concerns the life and existence of all European peoples, it is necessary for all States of the continent to participate actively in the conclusion of agreements and understandings providing for the elimination of missiles from Europe, thus barring the way towards a nuclear catastrophe. In this spirit, we hold that, simultaneously with the resumption of the Geneva negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States, it would be necessary to set up a consultative commission of the countries belonging to the two military alliances in which other European States, including neutral and non-aligned countries, would also take part. Such a commission would consider the proposals put forward and make its contribution towards achieving an agreement between the two sides.
86.	Given the special importance of these problems for the peace and security of the entire world, we believe that it is the duty of all States Members of the United Nations to do everything possible to contribute to finding adequate solutions responding to the interests of the peoples and the need for détente and stability throughout the world.
87.	The Romanian delegation intends to hold wide consultations, in an open spirit of co-operation, with all interested delegations in order to find the best ways by which the General Assembly can contribute to the attainment of these objectives.
88.	In defence of peace, a huge movement of peoples is developing in Europe and in other regions of the world. This powerful movement has already achieved some important results. Many cities have declared themselves nuclear-free zones. The Romanian people, using all its strength on the great front of peace, nourishes the conviction that by acting in a firm and united manner the peace movement, progressive forces and peoples throughout the world can put a halt to the dangerous course of events leading towards tension and war and can promote disarmament and peace.
89.	Giving expression to the will and fundamental aspirations of the entire Romanian people for peace, President Nicolae Ceausescu stated in a speech delivered on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the National Day of Romania:
"From this solemn meeting we appeal to all heads of State and Government, to all peoples of Europe and to the entire world to unite our efforts in order to bar the way towards a world war and a nuclear catastrophe. We have succeeded for close to 40 years now in preventing a new world war, but now we are facing a very grave situation. We must do everything possible before it is too late, we must go beyond all considerations and put an end to the arms race, and above all the nuclear-arms race, to ensure the supreme right of all peoples to existence, to life, to independence, to freedom and to peace."
90.	Faced with the grave danger posed by the unceasing escalation of the arms race, and first and foremost the nuclear-arms race, it is imperative to draw all the necessary conclusions and to take action to eliminate nuclear weapons, fully taking into account the severe warning of those scientists who have demonstrated that the use of only a part of existing nuclear arsenals would result in the destruction of all of civilization and would obliterate even those conditions necessary for life on our planet. In a future world war, in a nuclear war, there would be neither vanquished nor victors; nuclear weapons would not take into account differences between social systems; they would destroy nearly all of mankind.
91.	This is why it cannot be argued in any way that the production and deployment of new nuclear weapons would constitute a means of enhancing security and peace. Quite the contrary: any new nuclear weapon increases the insecurity of peoples and the danger of the destruction of civilization and mankind. Attempts to play down the seriousness of the danger of the use of nuclear weapons are aimed solely at deceiving peoples and at influencing and hampering the struggle of the masses for peace and disarmament and for the cessation of the policy of confrontation and the use or threat of the use of force. The peoples must be openly told that their survival and the survival of future generations are in danger, that there could be no justification for the continuation of the arms race or for testing and producing new nuclear weapons.
92.	Taking into account the huge quantities of nuclear arms that have been stockpiled, when each side—the United States and the Soviet Union—can destroy all mankind at least 10 times over with the weapons they already possess, there is really no point in maintaining that several hundred missiles more or less could affect the balance of forces between the two sides. There is therefore no justification whatever for continuing to test and produce new nuclear weapons. That is why it is necessary to act with all due responsibility for the interests of the peoples and of mankind, and to cease the production of new nuclear weapons and eliminate the existing ones; that is fully in accordance with the interests of civilization and of all the nations of the world.
93.	Consequently, Romania has resolutely stood, and will continue to stand, in favour of the cessation of the arms race, and first of all the nuclear-arms race. We believe that a wide range of firm measures are required in this field, including the achievement of a turning-point in the disarmament negotiations, which for several years now have been practically at a total stalemate.
94.	We also believe that the Soviet Union and the United States must resume their negotiations in all fields of nuclear disarmament and that a conference should be convened, with the participation of all nuclear-weapon States, with a view to achieving the cessation of the production of new nuclear weapons and of proceeding to the gradual reduction of existing ones and eventually to their complete elimination.
95.	We believe also that, within the framework of the Conference on Disarmament, at Geneva, the time has come to intensify negotiations designed to reach, without delay, a generally accepted agreement on the banning and destruction of chemical weapons, on the basis of the proposals submitted to the Conference. The actions envisaged for the attainment of that objective must be an integral part of the efforts to achieve the prohibition and elimination of all weapons of mass destruction.
96.	We attach great importance to the work of the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, meeting at

Stockholm. Romania will continue to do everything in its power, in co-operation with all the other delegations, to ensure that that Conference makes a contribution, through its proceedings and its practical results, to the strengthening of confidence and security in Europe and that it fully meets the expectations of peoples for disarmament—and, in the first place, nuclear disarmament—and for the building of a united Europe, free of nuclear weapons, a Europe of peace and co-operation between all its States, whatever their social systems.
97.	In our view, it is also necessary that everything be done to reach agreement urgently on concrete measures at the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces and Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe, those negotiations have been deadlocked for many years now. If both sides acted responsibly, demonstrating the necessary political will, an understanding could be reached. Even if it did not ensure substantial reductions, it would have a positive impact upon the peoples. It would thus be proved that it is possible to reverse the trend of escalation of the arms race and to make progress on the road to the achievement of a balance of forces based not on an increase but on a decrease in armed forces and armaments.
98.	Romania has consistently stood and acted for developing co-operation with all the Balkan States, enhancing trust and co-operation among those countries and turning that region into a zone free of nuclear weapons and foreign military bases. We likewise support the creation of such zones in northern and central Europe as well as in other parts of the world.
99.	In our view, it is absolutely necessary to agree on concrete measures for the cessation of the arms race in outer space and for strict observance by all States of the obligations they have undertaken, pursuant to the international agreements in force, to begin serious negotiations with a view to preventing the extension of military competition to this area and ensuring the effective use of outer space for exclusively peaceful purposes, in the interest of all mankind. We therefore support the proposal by the Soviet Union that negotiations for the prevention of the militarization of outer space should start.
100.	In Romania's view, a realistic way to achieve tangible progress towards disarmament is the freezing of military expenditures by all States—and in particular by the great Powers, which are heavily armed—to be followed by the reduction of military budgets. The funds thus saved could be channelled to the development of the countries making such reductions, as well as to support the efforts of the developing countries. We appreciate the activities to this end carried out within the United Nations, and Romania will act in favour of continuing the process of drafting principles to guide States in their negotiations of international agreements for freezing and reducing military expenditures.
101.	An essential cause of the extremely grave tension in the international situation and the increasing danger of war is the fact that now, almost 40 years after the end of the Second World War, military confrontations and conflicts are taking place in various regions of the world, resulting in huge human and material losses and in the widening and perpetuation of tension and suspicion, which prevent solutions by means of negotiations and threaten peace throughout the world ever more seriously. That is why Romania constantly acts in favour of the political settlement of all disputes between States. We consider it imperative that the highest responsibility should be shown, in the overriding interests of peoples and of international peace and security, to ensure the cessation of military conflicts and the elimination of hotbeds of tension and to solve all issues in dispute among States by the only possible means: negotiations and peaceful methods. No matter how difficult and long the negotiations may be, they are preferable to any military confrontation, for such confrontation does nothing but complicate relations among States and worsen the international situation.
102.	It is in this context that Romania, as always, stands and firmly acts for a comprehensive solution in the Middle East and for a just and lasting peace, based on Israel's withdrawal from the territories occupied following the 1967 war, on the guarantee to the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination and to the establishment of its own independent State, and on the safeguarding of the right to a free and independent existence of all the States of the region. I would recall that, to that end, President Nicolae Ceausescu, as long ago as 1978, took the initiative of proposing the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, in the framework and with the active participation of the United Nations, a conference in which all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO]—the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people—the Soviet Union and the United States would participate, as well as other States that could contribute to the solution of the complex problems of that part of the world. Romania considers that this initiative, which has recently been endorsed by an ever-increasing number of States, is completely valid today and that increased efforts by the international community are required so that such a conference may be convened as soon as possible.
103.	With regard to the situation in Lebanon, Romania has been calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from that country, for w-de reconciliation among the internal political forces, and for guaranteeing the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon.
104.	Deeply concerned about the continuation of the war between Iraq and Iran, which is causing great human and material damage and creating new threats to the stability and peace of the region, Romania stands firmly for the immediate cessation of hostilities, for the withdrawal of troops by both sides within the internationally recognized borders that existed before the beginning of the conflict, and for the solution of all the issues between the two countries exclusively by the peaceful means of negotiations. We are concerned also about the trend towards escalation of the conflict in the Gulf area, and we stand for the immediate cessation of all military action in that region, as a first step towards the peaceful solution of the war between Iraq and Iran.
105.	The fundamental interests of strengthening world peace and security require that everything possible be done and increased efforts made to ensure an urgent political settlement of the problems in other parts of the world, that a definitive end be put to interference in the internal affairs of other States and that the inalienable right of each people to its free and independent development be strictly respected.
106.	In accordance with those guidelines, Romania reaffirms its solidarity and active support for the stand and the initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its efforts and actions aimed at the peaceful, democratic and independent unification of the country. Romania once again stresses its full solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of Africa for the total elimination of colonialism, for the protection and strengthening of their national independence and for their free advance towards economic and social progress. In that connection, we extend our full support to the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, to achieve independence and for the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) concerning Namibia's accession to independence. We firmly oppose the policy of apartheid and we call for full equality for all the citizens of South Africa and their full participation in that country's political life.
107.	In general, we consider it necessary that the United Nations act to fulfil its responsibility to bring a halt to military conflicts and to find peaceful solutions to all disputes between States solely through negotiations and other methods of peaceful settlement based on the fundamental principles of international law.
108.	In the spirit of the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes, adopted in 1982, we believe that the implementation of the proposal submitted at the last session by Nigeria, the Philippines and Romania on the establishment of a permanent commission on good offices, mediation and conciliation for the settlement of disputes and the prevention of conflicts among States^ is of the greatest importance. That body should act promptly and efficiently to prevent the emergence of new military confrontations and to promote the peaceful settlement of conflicts and any other controversial issues between States.
109.	An important contribution to the strengthening of world peace and security and to the development of broad international co-operation can be made by the creation of good-neighbourly relations between States. The debates held up until now on this subject within the United Nations and the proposals and suggestions that have been advanced form the bases for proceeding to the elaboration of an international document that would contribute to developing and encouraging good-neighbourliness between States.
110.	An essential requirement for the peace and security of all peoples and for the very future of mankind itself is the elimination of underdevelopment, the reduction of the gap between rich and poor countries and the establishment of a new international economic order.
111.	H is well known that in recent years, as a consequence of the world economic crisis and of a policy of excessively high interest rates, the overall economic situation has deteriorated considerably. Against that background, the gap between developed and developing countries has continued to widen. AH the negotiations conducted between North and South have up until now yielded virtually no results.
112.	Under these circumstances, Romania suggests that, during the course of the discussion of international economic problems at the current session, efforts should be concentrated on seeking ways to get real negotiations under way, within the United Nations, between developed and developing countries so as to overcome the world economic crisis, to solve in an equitable manner the problems of underdevelopment and to establish a new international economic order.
113.	In that spirit we favour the urgent launching of global negotiations within a special committee, either by making use of the experience gained by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea or within the framework of a United Nations conference open to the participation of all Member States. Within such a context, a programme of measures designed to assist the developing countries could be worked out, along with a comprehensive treaty on new principles to govern international economic relations. Romania is convinced that it is in the interest of both developed and developing countries to reach, without delay, a new understanding and to tum to a new policy with regard to world economic problems. It is high time that we do everything possible to find ways effectively to support the developing countries, to eradicate underdevelopment and to establish a new international economic order, which is an objective necessity for the stability and economic development of the entire world.
114.	Particularly compelling is the need to find a radical, comprehensive solution to the problem of the foreign indebtedness of the developing countries. The policy of high interest rates, together with the effects of the economic crisis, can be blamed to a great extent for the current situation. In light of the serious situation that exists in this area, Romania believes that a comprehensive, rather than a selective, solution is required, one that can enunciate general principles for settlement of the foreign indebtedness of the developing countries.
115.	In our view, such a solution must include complete cancellation of indebtedness for the least developed countries and a reduction by a significant percentage of the indebtedness of other developing countries, as well as a general, longer-term rescheduling of all debts at a reduced rate of interest or even without interest. At the same time, it would be necessary to set a maximum ceiling for the interest rate for older loans, not to exceed 7 to 8 per cent, and to deduct from the total debt any interest paid above that level. For new loans to developing countries, the interest rate should not exceed 5 per cent. A comprehensive solution would also have to make provision for a debt-service ratio of no more than 10 to 15 per cent of the annual export earnings of the countries concerned
116.	The solution we are proposing would also have to allow the developing countries access to international credits under favourable conditions and provide for the creation of a replenishment fund for credits that would be created by contributions from the developed countries.
117.	At the same time, in the interest of fostering the entire process of world economic development, the existing international monetary system must be reorganized on new and equitable bases, with strict observance of new principles governing relations between States, so that the system can contribute to the stimulation of economic development in all countries, and, primarily, in the developing countries.
118.	We believe it is necessary to redouble our efforts in order to secure broad and unhindered access for the developing countries to the discoveries of modem science and technology and a substantial transfer of technology to those countries on favourable terms appropriate to their specific development needs. It is also essential to expedite the process of negotiation in the framework of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in order to complete the drafting and adoption of a code of conduct on the transfer of technology and to finance, through existing United Nations mechanisms, the implementation of technical assistance projects in developing countries in order to assist in creating and improving the scientific and technological capabilities of those countries.
119.	Romania attaches the greatest importance to the problem of countering the extremely harmful practice of the outflow from developing countries of trained manpower, which is depriving those countries of an essential element of their potential for economic and social development. While we express our appreciation for the efforts of the intergovernmental group of experts set up within UNCTAD, we believe it is necessary to increase efforts to work out, in the shortest possible time, an appropriate framework for international co-operation to forestall the adverse consequences of the outflow of trained personnel from the developing to the developed countries. We consider that an international convention or agreement to regulate this problem should contain provisions making incumbent on persons with a higher education or on the companies hiring them the obligation to reimburse the countries of origin for the expenses of their training and education and to compensate for losses incurred.
120.	In the endeavours to restructure international economic relations and establish a new international economic order, and to overcome underdevelopment, particular importance must be given to expanding and deepening economic co-operation among developing countries and to strengthening their solidarity and unity of action. To this end, Romania favours the convening of a summit meeting of those countries, with a view to developing their economic co-operation and defining a common strategy for negotiations with the developed countries.
121.	In a world dominated by contradictions and insecurity and by grave threats to peace, the problems of the younger generation should occupy a place of primary importance in the preoccupations of States. The future of each nation and of all of mankind is directly linked to the education of youth in the spirit of the most noble ideals of work, freedom and peace.
122.	The observance in 1985 of International Youth Year with the theme "Participation, Development, Peace" is an expression of the great responsibility which devolves on the United Nations in this field. International Youth Year, through preparations and activities carried out for many years, will become a significant event in the life of the young generation, designed to make a contribution of great importance to the unification of the forces of the younger generation and to increasing its participation in the economic and social development of all countries and the struggle for social progress, cooperation and peace all over the world. We should like to express our conviction that the decisions that will be adopted by the General Assembly at its current session, on the basis of the recommendations formulated by the Advisory Committee for the International Youth Year, will give new impetus to intensifying the participation of the young generation in the overall efforts for a settlement of major problems of our time and for building a more just and better world.
123.	In view of the complexity of the problems of international life, Romania believes that it is necessary for all States, irrespective of their social systems, to participate in the settlement of those problems, and consequently it favours the enhancing of the role of small and medium countries, of developing and non-aligned countries, which are the ones most interested in promoting a policy of co-operation, independence and peace.
124.	We believe that the United Nations and other international bodies have an important role to play and that they should contribute more and more actively to efforts to ensure the participation of all States m international life on an equal footing, in the interests of detente, independence and peace, and to the democratization of all of international life.
125.	For its part, Romania is firmly determined, now and in the future, to expand its relations with all States, irrespective of their social systems. We are actively developing co-operation with all socialist countries, first of all with our neighbours, and with the developing as well as with the developed countries and, indeed, with all States of the world.
126.	Our international relations have always been based on equal rights, strict observance of the principles of national independence and sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, renunciation of force and the threat of the use of force, and the right of each people to choose its own means of economic and social development, without any outside interference.
127.	In the spirit of Romania's foreign policy of broad international overtures, of peace and co-operation, on the basis of the mandate entrusted by the President of my country, the Romanian delegation is firmly determined, together with other delegations, to make its full contribution to the success of the proceedings of the current session of the General Assembly, which has on its agenda items of particular importance. We are deeply convinced that through responsible commitment and through efforts on the part of all States and Governments and of all peoples, it is possible to avert a world war and a nuclear catastrophe; it is possible to preserve peace, the most precious possession of mankind, to ensure the triumph of a new policy of equality and respect for national independence, and to build a better, more just world.
128. As was recently stressed by the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu:
"Despite the differences in the social systems of our countries or different political and philosophical concepts, even despite the existing divergences and disputes among some States, we must overcome them all and bring to the forefront the interest of each and every people, of all of mankind. We must act with great determination and must respond to the expectations of the peoples and of all of mankind."


The established practice in the United Nations of setting aside three weeks of the General Assembly session for the general debate is not in itself an objectionable method. The way in which it is used makes the practice less and less praiseworthy, not to say less and less credible.
172.	The compilation of all the addresses given before the Assembly gives us an idea of the depth of the abyss which exists between the fundamental principles, the generous ideas and the constructive recommendations which are formally proclaimed and the increasingly powerful brakes used \q prevent their full implementation.
173.	Where do we stand today in our repeated commitment to work for the building of a just, equitable and harmonious world in which every people may live in freedom, dignity and security?
174.	The rights of peoples to self-determination and independence, recognized in the Charter of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity and by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, are flagrantly violated by certain Member States.
175.	The unswerving support given by the international community to the determination of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, to turn Namibia into an independent nation does not prevent South Africa from continuing illegally to occupy that Territory.
176.	The regime of apartheid—considered a crime against humanity, the shame of the twentieth century—strengthened by its alliances, defies the international community through the brutality of its repressive methods, its disdain for the black population, its travesty of democracy steeped in the most primitive racism and its plan to destabilize the countries of the region.
177.	Despite the relevant resolutions, the heroic peoples of Western Sahara, Palestine and East Timor continue to wage a war of liberation against Moroccan, Israeli and Indonesian forces.
178.	The principles and rules governing relations among States—in particular, those of equal rights, the non-use of force in the settlement of disputes, the right to choose one's own path to development, non-interference in internal affairs—are sometimes disregarded by those who wish to become the masters of the universe or who harbour dreams of expansion and domination. The vast majority of the conflicts that rage in the various parts of the world have their origin in the non-observance of those cardinal principles.
179.	Moreover, we are far from achieving a new international economic order. It is as though the wealthy countries extract from the poverty and misery of the peoples of the underdeveloped countries the life-blood they need to feed their affluence and strengthen their selfishness.
180.	Although it is true that we all belong to the great family of the United Nations, we behave in our relations like members of a broken family, where might is right. The arms race is proof of this.
181.	What credibility, then, can we attach to these three weeks of general debate and what is its real contribution to the solution of world problems? The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe thinks that it would be more constructive to use this period in the scheduled meetings to analyse the most important items on the agenda. That would have the advantage of making our meetings more lively and of giving Foreign Ministers the time they need to express their views in an atmosphere of dynamic and constructive dialogue.
182.	One of the major tasks facing all Member States is that of strengthening the role of the Organization. We welcome the delegation of Brunei Darussalam and are convinced that its participation in that collective effort will be appreciated.
183.	The observance in 1985 of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations will provide a suitable opportunity for thorough consideration of the role of the Organization and ways and means of strengthening its effectiveness and credibility in the quest for solutions to the disquieting issues of today's world.
184.	In this connection, the excellent report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization constitutes an important contribution.
185.	I know how difficult it is to change the rituals of the Organization, but, bearing in mind the purposes of the United Nations and the enormous hope it holds out for the safeguarding of peace and for the freedom and progress of nations and peoples, there is still time to try


It is a signal honour for me to speak for the first time as head of the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin to the representatives of the international community gathered here to explore, together, ways and means to ensure the peaceful coexistence and security of all the peoples of the world, for which we all yearn and for which we strive with all our strength, and to bring about the best conditions for mutually beneficial international cooperation.
300.	I should like, Sir, to add the warm congratulations of my delegation to the unanimous chorus of those addressed to you by preceding speakers on the occasion of your election as President of the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly. The People's Republic of Benin is especially pleased that the difficult and important task of leading our discussions has this year been entrusted to an outstanding, experienced man such as yourself, whose thorough knowledge of all the inner workings of the organs that make up the United Nations system is incontestable. Above all, however, you represent a country that has achieved an undeniable reputation on the international scene, and especially in Africa, through the tireless efforts it has constantly made in the search for a lasting solution to the problem facing our brothers in southern Africa who are the victims of all types of racial oppression.
301.	You are taking up your important lofty task in the footsteps of Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, who led the work of the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly with great wisdom and remarkable clear-sightedness and firmness. We pay him a heartfelt tribute.
302.	The delegation of Benin would also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General in keeping with the outstanding qualities he displays in putting into practice courageously and with perseverance the noble ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. The brilliant report on the work of the Organization that he has submitted to us is further evidence of his courage and clarity of mind. My delegation would like to extend to him the sincere thanks of the People's Republic of Benin for the friendship he showed our country by paying an official visit to Cotonou in January 1984, following the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The National Executive Council of the People's Republic of Benin wishes, through me, to reiterate to the Secretary-General its total support for him in the heavy responsibilities he has assumed.
303.	I should also like warmly to welcome Brunei Darussalam, the new Member of the United Nations.
304.	Each year, impelled by the inevitable surge of solidarity that must unite us, we meet here to take up the major problems of our time, those that affect the life of our States and our peoples and constitute a threat to the fragile balance of today's world and that of the future. The floodlights that we direct today upon the status of mankind force us to face many painful facts that do not make for a great deal of optimism. Indeed, on the horizon the clouds of disaster and collapse arc building up.
305.	In the throes of selfishness, of the will to power and of greed, our world has turned into an overheated planet subject to increased tensions of all kinds that are seemingly impervious to joint action, dialogue, understanding, and recognition of the inevitability of our common fate and the universality of our problems the better to solve them. Awareness of the common dangers awaiting us, instead of inspiring us to unite to avert them, makes us lose our heads and pushes us into taking defensive measures each as irrational as the other.
306.	How is it that, everywhere, we see, rising up in ever greater numbers, sorcerer's apprentices desperate to destabilize and compromise everything? We cannot resign ourselves to accepting these signs as heralding disruption and cataclysm, because our problems and difficulties are not insurmountable.
307.	On the world economic scene, where the most serious disorders prevail, a common political will to link all the major regions of our planet in brotherly action to avert hunger and guarantee progress is the only answer. It is the sole solution to our world in disarray, where the human rights recognized and inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations are everywhere trampled underfoot and no longer effectively applied, because of the burdens which weigh so heavily on freedom, the right to decide one's own destiny, the right to food, the right to a roof over one's head and the right to take care of oneself and to be educated.
308.	To mention these fundamental rights today is to take note of the tragic situation at the end of this twentieth century of the billions of people who make up the third world and who are totally disregarded in a system which does not pay them enough for their efforts and their production, thus giving rise to a cycle of impoverishment. The painful efforts of the developing countries to restructure their economies are cancelled out by the constant worsening of the terms of trade. It seems that nothing can alleviate the poverty of the developing countries. The return to arbitrary and unjustified protectionism has a constant effect on the production and export prospects of the developing countries, blocking their access to foreign markets. These countries seem to have been struck by a blind fate, but a closer examination shows that there are reasons for the situation from which they are suffering. Those reasons are to be found in the logic of a system based on profit dictated by the multinationals for their own selfish interests. The poor relations of the international economic system, the third-world countries, receive only small favours, given them because of their marginal participation in a hard and pitiless system that does not belong to them. The worst effects of the crisis are destined for them.
309.	In this way, the aid planned by the institutions devoted to co-operation is considerably reduced. To monetary depreciation has now been added what some people call "galloping demography". In real terms, per capita transfers have declined by 20 per cent, for example, in the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific, reducing the total aid in real terms to $4 per capita per year.
310.	It is all the more important to recall these facts because certain of the richest States use the crisis as a pretext to make massive reductions in resources for development. A reduction of 30 per cent in total aid had even been envisaged without the slightest hesitation in certain decision-making circles. If that measure had been applied, it could only have seriously worsened the precarious position of the developing countries, some of which, lacking resources, no longer have access to lending markets.
311.	One of the biggest problems facing the third world is the unprecedented growth in external debt, which means that our countries now produce only to pay to service debts which are increasing at a diabolical and unfair rate. Efforts at stabilization, growth and economic adjustment are thrown off course by rising interest rates and the soaring dollar, which are creating tension throughout the world. The external debt of the third world is now nearly $850 billion. The pernicious machinery which has created this stagnation must be changed. No one stands to gain by allowing the situation to develop to the breaking-point, which has already nearly been reached in some regions, where a suspension of payments to creditor banks has been ordered. Such scenarios, which mark a new stage in the economic decay of the third world, now bordering on total collapse and bankruptcy, involve the risk, if we are not careful, of bringing about deterioration in North- South relations, tension and confrontation on a frightening scale.
312.	Obtaining liquid funds on the international financial market requires prodigious efforts, including blackmail and sordid deals. The biggest international borrowers cannot obtain what they need, and States with large budgetary deficits which try to siphon off world savings for themselves cannot do so either, despite various manoeuvres.
313.	The survival of our countries cannot be accommodated to a world reorganization plan designed for and characterized by the technological and industrial domination of the rich countries. This solution, which seeks at all costs to restore profit levels in a rigid way, giving the strongest a privileged place, would undoubtedly leave the weakest by the wayside. Close examination shows that the proposed rescheduling or refinancing of debts to ensure the maintenance of the rich countries' position in the existing economic system cannot bring about worthwhile improvements in the situation of our countries.
314.	What our sick world needs today is to make financial management truly democratic, which requires the drafting of a contract of solidarity and therefore the establishment of a new international economic order.
315.	The present system is blocked. Therefore, a restructuring which will help the development of such bodies as the IMF and the World Bank is more necessary than ever. If we are to succeed in this new task we must adopt other criteria than those of profitability. A genuine contract of solidarity between the wealthy and the poor countries has yet to be established. Here we may follow the path advocated by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, providing for the creation of a development fund financed by reducing and transferring expenditure on armaments.
316.	It is more important than ever today, as we face the unavoidable reality of poverty and hunger, which continue to be the cause of considerable political upheavals, to find solutions to the serious contradictions of our world in crisis. The prosperity of the wealthy countries cannot continue to be built on the destitution and poverty of the poor countries. It is impossible to think of any kind of development if the problems of survival facing some of the third- world countries are not overcome and equitably resolved. Helping the third world to create a more just international order means helping oneself and guaranteeing the progress of mankind.
317.	For four years—notably in its resolution 35/88 of 5 December 1980—the General Assembly has appealed to the international community to give financial, material and technical assistance to Benin in order to assist it in overcoming its economic difficulties. Meanwhile the Secretary-General has not ceased to take dynamic measures to mobilize and organize that special economic assistance to Benin. In particular, review missions have gone to Benin periodically to take stock, together with our authorities, of the progress of the programme. There was also a round-table conference of the socio-economic development partners of Benin, held at Cotonou in March 1983, which received crucial assistance from UNDP.
318.	I should like to take this opportunity to express once again the sincere gratitude of the people of Benin, its Party and Government to the States Members and specialized agencies of the United Nations for the Interest they have taken in, and the help they have given to, the programme of special economic assistance to Benin and Benin's development plan for 1983-1987.
319.	A new mission to review the programme went to Benin last June. The results and recommendations of that mission are to be found in the Secretary- General's report on that subject
320.	Here I should like to recall that the results of the four years of implementing the projects of the programme remain modest because of certain hazards, such as drought, which have upset the original programme schedule.
321.	My delegation would like to express its sincere thanks, on behalf of the Government of Benin, to all the States and the bodies of the United Nations system which provided emergency assistance to Benin during its serious problems following the drought of 1983-1984.
322.	I should like to appeal to all States Members, to international organizations and to the specialized agencies and other bodies of the United Nations to make new efforts to provide assistance to my country so that effect may be given without any further delay to the development projects under the United Nations programme of special economic assistance to Benin.
323.	My delegation, together with other brother countries, would like the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly to adopt a resolution alerting the international community to the need to increase the capacity of the specialized agencies of the United Nations to assist countries that are victims of desertification and drought.
324.	I would have liked very much not to have to speak at this session of certain political crises, or at least to speak of them solely in other terms and say how pleased I was that they had been eliminated or overcome. Unfortunately, despite the judicious and relevant proposals which some delegations have formulated at previous sessions in this Hall, I have to say with deep bitterness that the international political situation is more disquieting than ever.
325.	Indeed, whether it be in Africa, the Middle East, Latin America or elsewhere in the world, the clearly expressed will and good intentions of some have not been effective because of the duplicity, treachery and obstructive attitude of others with regard to tackling certain problems already considered at great length last year. What is worse, those problems have been exacerbated, while, at the same time, other particularly difficult situations have been created by those self-same States which have been openly and cynically profiting from the confusion, tensions and manoeuvres of all kinds.
326.	The delegation of Benin is deeply concerned by the anachronistic situation which persists in southern Africa because of the minority racist regime of Pretoria, which is denounced by all peoples that cherish peace, freedom and justice. Indeed, human dignity and the fundamental principles and the resolutions of the United Nations continue to be flouted in southern Africa by the racist regime of Pretoria, which enjoys the active support and barely concealed complicity of those who still seek colonialist and neo-colonialist adventures, as well as any loot or profit they can extract therefrom.
327.	The black people of South Africa are still innocent victims of the ignominious policy of apartheid, whose well-known corollaries include blind, bloody, barbarous repression, mass arrests and cowardly assassinations.
328.	The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa unfortunately continues. There can be no doubt here. The stubborn persistence in attempting to link the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, the extreme excesses of racism and the violations of human rights all prove, if proof were needed, that the South African military rabble has no intention of putting an end to its annexationist, racist policy and is increasing its well-known diabolical plans and manoeuvres.
329.	The sham constitutional reforms and the electoral charades organized last August for the Coloured and Indian peoples of South Africa are part of this reprehensible daily fare.
330.	Fortunately, the oppressed people of South Africa displayed a spirit of maturity and solidarity and very quickly understood the cynical purpose of the so-called new constitution, which is to destroy their unity and entrench the odious system of apartheid. Those oppressed people took a heroic, historical decision and successfully boycotted the fake elections.
331 The People's Republic of Benin, which unreservedly condemns this new farce organized by the Pretoria regime under the ingenious slogan of "constitutional reforms", welcomes the response of the people of South Africa to this latest apartheid trick.
332. My country also welcomed Security Council resolution 554 (1984) for its denunciation and firm rejection of the so-called new constitution in South Africa However, going beyond that resolution, Benin is convinced that it is urgently necessary to adopt comprehensive sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations against that pariah of the international community.
333.	I wish furthermore to assure all those in southern Africa who are struggling for independence, peace, freedom, equality and justice of the support of the people and Government of Benin. I reaffirm in particular my country's support for the ANC in its glorious struggle against apartheid and for SWAPO in its heroic fight to win independence for Namibia. Indeed, my country is deeply convinced that only the complete elimination of the scourge of apartheid and the unconditional and comprehensive application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) can bring peace to southern Africa.
334.	We whole-heartedly desire such peace also in Western Sahara, where the confusion and the impasse concerning the question of decolonization in that region is of concern to us for more than one reason. My country, which welcomes the resolution on Western Sahara adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983, is convinced that through its recommendations the pan-African organization has provided the ideal framework within which a political settlement of the burning Saharan problem can be negotiated by peaceful means. That just point of view was largely shared by the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session, when it did not hesitate to endorse those recommendations. Unfortunately, this did not take into account certain obstructionist, delaying tactics. Those behind such tactics are gratified by the confusion which they have brought about deliberately and knowingly, confusion harmful to the interest of the peoples of the region, who are the unfortunate victims of a conflict which with a little common sense, logic and frankness could have been avoided.
335.	My delegation, faithful to the principle of the right to self-determination of all peoples without exception and aware that such confusion cannot constitute an honourable outcome to the Saharan tragedy, draws the attention of the Assembly to the imperative need to do everything possible to break the deadlock in the situation in Western Sahara, in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations.
336.	My delegation reaffirms its support for the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, which Benin recognizes as a sovereign State. It is firmly convinced that only the logical and responsible implementation of the recommendations of the OAU and the United Nations can lead to a just solution of the Saharan problem and allow the peoples of the region, which have suffered for so long, to devote themselves to the complex tasks of development which await them.
337.	Similar tasks await the brother people of Chad, to whose tragedy no delegation, certainly not my own, can remain indifferent. In fact, the situation of "no war, no peace" which has prevailed for several months in Chad is as harmful to the national reconstruction effort as is war itself. Only genuine peace and effective reconciliation among all the sons of Chad will make it possible for the people of Chad to resume, with calmness and a renewed zealousness, the enormous task of reconstruction of their country, which has been so harshly affected by years of civil war.
338.	My country supports all efforts from whatever direction likely to bring peace and harmony to Chad through the essential unity of all its people. That is why my delegation welcomes all the attempts at reconciliation made by the current Chairman of the OAU and several African heads of State.
339.	My delegation welcomes with satisfaction the decision of the Governments of France and Libya to withdraw their forces and supporting elements from Chad as of 25 September 1984. We trust that the operation that has just begun will indeed be the prelude to a process of true reconciliation among all the sons of Chad and to lasting peace in that brother country.
340.	At the General Assembly's thirty-eighth session, the delegation of Benin sounded the alarm concerning the deterioration of the situation and the increasing tension in the Middle East. The delegation I lead is concerned over the developments in that area, which is one of the most explosive on earth because of the scope of the tragedy taking place there. Once again it appears that peace and security in that region undoubtedly depend on the respect shown by the Zionist State of Israel for all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, which it has obstinately refused to recognize and to implement. The Organization should duly assess the attitude of Israel and draw all the relevant conclusions from it. The international community cannot and should not remain passive in view of the policy of aggression, genocide, massacre and the establishment of settlements which the Zionist leaders continue to practise with impunity.
341.	All appropriate measures should be taken to bring reason to bear on the Zionist State and to prevail upon it not only to implement United Nations resolutions, for which it has shown reprehensible disdain, but also to abandon a policy which constitutes a source of instability and danger for all the peoples of the region and a permanent threat to international peace and security.
342.	In view of the current state of events, my country demands, on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions, the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from Lebanon and from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967. We also demand that the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent State in Palestine, be recognized without delay. To that end, my country lends and will always lend its political and diplomatic support to the PLO, the sole representative of the oppressed people of Palestine.
343.	Lebanon, the tragic theatre of fratricidal confrontations brought about and maintained by foreign intervention, is an object of concern to my delegation. We welcome the establishment in Lebanon of a Government of National Unity in which all political tendencies of the country co-operate in the democratic management of the affairs of the Lebanese State and for the restoration of peace and security in the country. My delegation hopes that that Government, the symbol of dialogue among Lebanese brothers, will honourably direct the destiny of Lebanon and consolidate, for the well-being of all, the peace which has progressively been established in the country.
344.	I could not refer to the situation in the Middle East without also dealing with the persistent conflict between Iran and Iraq, two brother countries which are engaged in a merciless war. The recent developments in that conflict are a source of great concern and deep apprehension to my delegation, because the risks of internationalization of the conflict are increasing and the massive destruction that has taken place in various parts only cancels out the development efforts of the Iraqi and Iranian peoples, which have already lost a large number of their worthy sons in that war.
345.	My delegation once again invites Iran and Iraq to sit down at the negotiating table so as to settle peacefully, on the basis of established principles, the dispute between them, which has lasted for more than four years and which is not in the interests of their respective peoples.
346.	As much as the situations in Africa and in the Middle East, where there is total instability and where, because of the tensions, the peoples are diverted from the development concerns that should be preoccupying them, the situations in Asia and Central America also deserve our attention.
347 My country is concerned over the presence of foreign troops in the Korean peninsula, which constitutes a major obstacle to bringing about a just and honourable settlement of the crisis persisting in that part of the world. My delegation fervently hopes that the foreign forces will leave the peninsula as soon as possible so that the tireless struggle of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the just, peaceful, independent and democratic reunification of all Korea may be quickly achieved.
348. In Central America, my country is shocked to note all the orchestrated actions taken against the progressive peoples and States of the region, whose legitimate rights are being disregarded and flouted. My delegation wishes to reaffirm the firm commitment of the people and Government of Benin to the universally recognized rights of any people to determine its own destiny and to have the political system of its choice.
349.	My delegation urges all States to conform in their actions to the fundamental principles which apply to all States, large or small, weak or powerful.
350.	My country stands in solidarity with all op-pressed peoples, with all States suffering from aggression in Central America, and we reiterate to them our staunch support in their just struggle to free themselves from oppression and foreign domination. Benin lends its support to the Latin American peoples and the Contadora Group, which are working for peace and stability in Latin America.
351.	It is easy for all of us together to make our world more liveable and more responsive to our needs, provided that we make the necessary effort to find factual expression of our will to eliminate resolutely the spectre of death and holocaust, to which we refer more and more frequently, considering disarmament an imperative need for the survival of the human race.
352.	Today, a sad and fearsome new reality is coming into being and it threatens to dash again the meagre hopes we were beginning to have about the impossibility of nuclear war. Indeed, up to this time some had been sure of the improbability of a nuclear conflict, because no one could be the victor in such a cataclysm. Previously, one could still maintain the purely deterrent nature of the emplacement of nuclear devices. Unfortunately, day after day new events lend a new dimension to the situation.
353.	Despite everything that has been said or done in that regard, the unbridled arms race still continues. However, the essential fact is that, far from a lasting restoration of a balance which had been disrupted because of a new type of weapon of mass destruction, the deployment of a weapon of the same type to counter that has represented in fact only another stage in the nuclear-arms race. That shows that, as we are speaking here, the development of nuclear weapons has finally become part of a logic of war—in other words, part of war plans and plans of military operations.
354.	In the circumstances, how can we not be overcome with deep anxiety, in the face of such a serious threat? Much has been written lately about the cruise missiles, whose deployment, it seems, makes control and compliance with arms limitation agreements very difficult and increases the possibility of working around and thus violating such agreements.
355.	The cost of a cruise missile, one single missile, would suffice to alleviate the sufferings and change the lives of a million people that are today the victims of adverse climatic conditions in the Sahel in Africa. Today these weapons may be counted by the hundreds.
356.	To what court should we resort to plead the cause of peace, which is nevertheless within the realm of possibility?
357.	More and more astronomical sums are devoted to the construction and maintenance of arsenals for conventional and nuclear war, whereas at the same time we deliberately or unwittingly turn away from international responsibilities which call upon us to mobilize these precious resources and devote them to development and to improving the living conditions of peoples, including those in developed countries.
358.	Once again we appeal to all the leaders of all the countries of the world, and particularly to those whose countries possess fearsome military capability, to undertake a responsible political dialogue which would make it possible to lead, without acrimony or complacence, to a diagnosis of the crisis and the implementation without delay of the measures advocated by the international community. We wish our appeal to be the expression of the urgent need for action and also an act of faith imbued with a very high sense of responsibility.
359.	The name of the United Nations is identified with an ideal of law, justice and peace, an ideal from which our world is steadily withdrawing. We must have the certainty that there are laws to be defended and values to be safeguarded. Unfortunately, the primary functions of the United Nations—maintaining international peace and security and guiding international co-operation for development—continue to be persistently disregarded.
360.	We cannot ignore this. The crisis of confidence, even of identity, can be overcome. This is a major task which it will not be easy to carry out. The definition of the United Nations and the very foundations of its existence constitute an act of hope. Why, then, not act? Let us undertake immediately a frank dialogue which could serve to underpin the edifice. Such an immense pooling of efforts would certainly result in a return to the true universal vocation of the United Nations.
361. Ready for the revolution—the struggle continues!