At the
outset, I would like to extend my congratulations to His
Excellency on his election as President of the current
session of the General Assembly, wishing him all
success in conducting its deliberations and in arriving
at conclusions beneficial to the international
community. I would like also to express our deep
thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, on
his successful efforts in conducting the business of the
fifty-fourth session. Furthermore, I would like to
express my appreciation to Mr. Kofi Annan, the
Secretary-General of our Organization, for his report
and his incessant efforts in the service of the purposes
and principles of the Organization, with a view to
enhancing its role and increasing its effectiveness in
the international arena.
The General Assembly holds its fifty-fifth session
in the wake of the Millennium Summit, which
witnessed a historic meeting of world leaders held
under the auspices of the United Nations. The
significance and meaning of the Summit affirm the
commitment of the international community to the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations. This
should lead to the enhancement of its role as the best
framework for providing Member States with suitable
mechanisms to organize and regulate international
relations on the basis of cooperative partnership,
particularly after the end of the cold war era and its
concepts of polarization and balance of power, which
had in the past instituted division and confrontation,
depleted huge resources and caused widespread
suffering in vast areas of the world.
Since the establishment of the United Nations the
world has witnessed developments that require a
review of the methods and policies adopted so far.
First, calls for democracy and efforts to establish it and
make it a way of life within States should be consistent
with the establishment of democracy in international
relations and within the United Nations itself. It is not
logical to continue urging and calling for the
establishment of democracy on one level while
rejecting it on the international arena, where in fact
there is a dire need for democracy in order to achieve
equality among the Members of this organization —
rich and poor, strong and weak.
During the past few years the United Nations has
witnessed some changes in its methods of work. First
and foremost we must emphasize the need to preserve
the role of the General Assembly. The power of the
Security Council, the executive arm of the Assembly
for peace and security issues, should not be increased
at the expense of the role of the General Assembly and
its various other organs, which are supposed to provide
balance and collective representation of the
international will.
Clearly, there is international consensus that the
present composition of the Security Council does not
provide equitable representation of the international
community and that there is a need to correct this
29

situation. Since all States have expressed their
positions through extended debates, the actions
required have become clearer and more specific.
All Member States, both developed and
developing, agree that globalization and the abolition
of borders and obstacles to economic exchanges
present opportunities and pose risks. Although
globalization facilitates the flow of goods and services
as well as of ideas, it has presented the developing
world with challenges related to deepening the gap
between it and the developed world, particularly in
view of differences in their respective levels of
scientific and technological development.
Globalization has also put the identity and
sovereignty of developing States and peoples to a
painful test. Additionally, it has shown how difficult it
is for developing countries to meet the requirements of
integration into the world economy. While a majority
of developing countries were struggling to enter the
industrial era, they witnessed the entry of the
developed world into an era of information technology.
While they were striving to provide basic services, like
infrastructure, health care, social welfare and
education, they witnessed the frightening acceleration
of technological and economic changes — a
phenomenon that thwarted their hopes of catching up
with developed countries.
While globalization, openness and economic
integration make the world a unified economic
environment, widening differences and deepening
inequalities will inescapably cause damage to all in the
long run. This situation makes it imperative to
reformulate economic relations on the basis of
cooperation and partnership. It also requires action to
reduce differences, rectify economic imbalances and
help developing countries adjust their economies to
meet the requirements of globalization and integration.
Furthermore, the experience of mankind has proved
that poverty and huge economic and social disparities
have always been the root causes of instability and
confrontation.
The Middle East peace process is going through
an extremely sensitive phase. During the past few
weeks and months, major, commendable efforts have
been made to make Palestinian-Israeli negotiations
bear fruit — arriving at a lasting settlement between
the two parties.
Jordan has made an essential contribution in all
phases of the peace process. This contribution was
motivated by Jordan's conviction that peace is the only
real option for all States and peoples of the region.
Indeed, geographic and demographic realities make it
impossible for any party to settle the conflict by
imposing its will or consecrating the status quo in its
favour. Therefore, there is no alternative to establishing
peace on the basis of law, international legitimacy,
justice and equality.
Despite the failure of the recent Camp David
summit to produce an agreement between the
Palestinians and the Israelis, it has enabled the parties
to narrow the gap dividing their positions and made the
requirements for reaching a settlement clearer. This
confirms the need to continue the efforts by the United
States in particular and the international community in
general to build on what has been achieved so far.
The achievement of lasting peace in the region
requires the realization of the national rights of the
Palestinian people, primarily the right to independence
and the establishment of their State on their national
territory, with the Holy City of Jerusalem as its capital.
This means reaching implementable and
sustainable solutions to the main issues, which are the
subject of the permanent-status negotiations. Regarding
the issue of territory, Israeli forces must withdraw from
the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, in
accordance with Security Council resolution 242
(1967), so that a Palestinian state may be established
on those territories, with internationally recognized
borders. Any security arrangements that may be agreed
upon must not be based on any claim of sovereignty as
a result of occupation.
The solution of the refugee problem must also be
based on rules of international law and the various
international conventions and on the basis of General
Assembly resolution 194 (III), which emphasizes the
right of return and compensation to the refugees.
Persons who were displaced as a result of the June
1967 war must be able to return to their homes in
implementation of Security Council resolution 237
(1967).
The issue of Jerusalem is the key to peace in the
region, and it must be solved on the premise that East
Jerusalem is Palestinian territory occupied since 1967
to which resolution 242 (1967) applies. East Jerusalem
should be under Palestinian sovereignty so that it may
30

become the capital of the independent State of
Palestine. Arab and Muslim rights to the Islamic and
Christian holy places in Jerusalem must be preserved.
In no way can Israeli sovereignty over these holy
places be accepted.
The status of Jerusalem and its spiritual and
religious importance make it imperative that the city be
an open city where freedom of worship and access to
the holy places is guaranteed for all believers in God.
Jordan has suffered immensely during the past
five decades as a result of the situation arising from the
Palestine question, particularly the refugee problem.
There are more than 1.5 million refugees living in
Jordan. This amounts to 41 per cent of all refugees
registered with the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East
(UNRWA). This is in addition to the people displaced
as a result of the June 1967 war. As a result of the
refugee situation, Jordan has shouldered heavy
financial, economic and social burdens.
Jordan will be subject to pressures that will
threaten its stability and that of the region if the
settlement does not satisfy its legitimate vital interests.
Refugees and displaced persons in Jordan will only
accept a settlement that recognizes their fundamental
rights to return and to compensation.
It is well known that the vast majority of these
refugees have Jordanian citizenship as a result of the
unity that was established between the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan and the West Bank in 1950. The
declaration of unity at the time provided for the
preservation of all Arab rights in Palestine and for the
inalienability of the rights of the refugees.
Upholding the right of return will, therefore,
enable every refugee to exercise freely his or her
personal choice. Jordan must safeguard and preserve
the rights of its citizens, which is its responsibility
under national and international laws. Any solution that
does not satisfy the rights of Jordan and its citizens will
not lead to the establishment of a just and lasting
peace.
Since the question of the refugees and their
continued suffering has caused grave damage to Jordan
and placed heavy burdens on it, Jordan demands
rectification of the damage and losses that it has
incurred. This rectification needs to include suitable
and adequate compensation. Jordan will endeavour, by
all possible means, to ensure that its legitimate claims
with regard to this issue are considered.
It is worth mentioning that the Jordanian-Israeli
peace treaty stipulates that the solution of the refugee
problem must be based on international law and that it
should be dealt with bilaterally and in parallel with the
permanent status negotiations. It also established a
mechanism to deal with all financial claims between
the two parties.
The rights of refugees and displaced persons to
return and to compensation, and the rights of Jordan
under international law and the resolutions of
international legitimacy, take precedence over other
considerations. Jordan, therefore, will only accept a
settlement that will preserve its legitimate rights and
ensure a lasting and comprehensive peace in the region.
Otherwise, the conflict will remain open and volatile,
perpetuating the seeds of instability in the region. The
position of the refugees in Jordan is vital to the success
of any settlement to be reached.
Also on the question of refugees, Jordan once
again emphasizes the importance of supporting
UNRWA to enable it to carry out its mandate, which
must continue until a solution to this question is fully
implemented. Jordan, as host to the largest number of
refugees and the largest donor to UNWRA, expresses
its appreciation of the Agency's role and calls upon the
international community to provide it with the needed
financial resources to carry out its humanitarian tasks,
particularly at this sensitive phase of the peace process.
It also expresses appreciation to the donor States for
their contributions.
Peace in the Middle East cannot last unless it is
comprehensive. This makes the establishment of peace
on the Syrian track essential and a sine qua non for
peace in the region as a whole. Negotiations on this
track must, therefore, resume in order to reach an
agreement ensuring the return to Syria of the occupied
Golan Heights to the line of 4 June 1967 in
implementation of Security Council resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973).
Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon on the
basis of Security Council resolution 425 (1978) is a
positive development that will hopefully serve as a
foundation for the implementation of other Security
Council resolutions, leading to the achievement of a
comprehensive peace in the region, which has suffered
for many decades from the depletion of its resources
31

and the energies of its peoples. Only peace will provide
security for all. It should lead to ending the arms race
and to using the resources for the development of the
region and making it free from weapons of mass
destruction.
Ten years have passed since the beginning of the
Gulf crisis caused by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. As a
result, the region as a whole continues to suffer. Iraq
continues to pay a heavy price as a result of continued
comprehensive sanctions imposed on it, which caused
and continue to cause unprecedented mass suffering for
the Iraqi people.
Jordan calls for launching a new thinking and a
new look at the situation in Iraq in order to put an end
to the suffering of the Iraqi people, especially since the
collective sanctions, which are the severest of their
kind in United Nations history, have not achieved their
goal of consolidating peace and security. They have
instead led to results that, in the long run, will give rise
to dangers threatening the region as a whole. The need
to implement and comply with Security Council
resolutions does not conflict with the maintenance of
Iraq's sovereignty and territorial integrity, nor with
refraining from action that violates those resolutions.
Iraq is an integral part of the region and its continued
subjugation affects security and stability in the region
as a whole. Jordan calls for the settlement of all matters
related to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on the basis of full
implementation of relevant Security Council
resolutions, including those dealing with Kuwaiti and
other prisoners of war, and missing persons.
Jordan continues to suffer severe economic
hardships as a result of compliance with relevant
Security Council resolutions. Large segments of
Jordan's economy have, as a result, sustained huge
losses. It is, therefore, imperative to put an end to the
negative effects of the sanctions on Jordan by showing
better understanding of its situation, reviewing the
policies and methods used in dealing with the sanctions
regime and giving a more just interpretation to the
relevant resolutions.
Because of our strong belief in the role of the
United Nations, Jordanian armed forces participate
effectively in its peacekeeping operations in several
areas around the world. As a result, Jordan today is the
second largest troop contributor to peacekeeping
operations. While commending the report (A/55/305)
of Mr. Brahimi's Panel on United Nations peace
operations, Jordan wishes to reiterate the need for the
provision of adequate means and resources to enable
peacekeepers to achieve their noble objectives. We call
for a constructive and thorough discussion of the report
in order to produce the best possible means to attain
that goal. In this spirit, we underscore the importance
of conducting consultations with States that contribute
to peacekeeping operations, before the adoption of
major decisions concerning and affecting the status of
their forces.
On another note, we feel that the startling
developments witnessed by our world today, at various
levels, make it increasingly necessary to rely on the
United Nations to develop and establish norms in all
matters pertaining to human security. The ongoing
dialogue on the need to establish complementarity and
balance between State sovereignty and human rights
only reflects the importance of this issue. Sovereignty
should not provide a cover for violating human rights.
Hence, greater emphasis should be placed on the
importance of objectivity, non-selectivity and
impartiality when dealing with human rights issues.
It is illogical to continue to keep silent about the
suffering of whole nations whose dignity is being
undermined and whose human rights are being
violated, while prominence is almost always given to
other partial issues for purely political considerations.
With the onset of the third millennium the world
is entering a new epoch that necessitates the formation
of a new pattern of relations in the international arena
based on our collective responsibility to develop and
safeguard what has been achieved so far. Our world
needs to establish a new paradigm of international
relations based not on confrontation and exclusion, but
on new foundations of openness and real partnership.
Integration, which encompasses the overlapping
and interdependence of interests, presupposes
partnership and solidarity among nations to help them
manage change and ease the lack of confidence and
hesitation associated with the fear of failure. The
international community's willingness to encourage
and support the will to change will certainly reinforce
the capacity to deal with such change with minimum
losses and convince those taking such a risk that
today's world is not based on a zero-sum option and
that the challenge that we all face is: How can man,
regardless of ethnic background, economic situation or
religious belief be the primary beneficiary of the
32

development achieved by humanity in modern times?
This is the acid test we all face today. Will we succeed?


India congratulates Mr. Harri
Holkeri on his election as President of the first General
Assembly of this millennium. We are encouraged that
he intends to take the Millennium Declaration as the
mandate for the work of the Organization during his
presidency.
I take this opportunity to sincerely compliment
and to place on record our high appreciation of Foreign
Minister Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia for his
guidance of the General Assembly in the past year,
which included three special sessions and, of course,
meticulous preparations for and a successful
conclusion to the Millennium Summit.
I join India's voice to those of other delegations
in noting with appreciation the dedication with which
Secretary-General Kofi Annan has served the United
Nations at a critical point.
I am delighted on this occasion to warmly
welcome Tuvalu as the newest Member of the United
Nations.
Just 10 days ago, almost 150 heads of State and
Government assembled here for the Millennium
Summit. Their assembly in such large numbers was as
unique as was the occasion itself. The Millennium
Declaration that was then adopted encapsulates a
shared vision that the international community work
together in constructive cooperation to meet collective
challenges, within the framework of the United
Nations. It was in this spirit that my Prime Minister
spoke, as did many others, of the need for the United
Nations to truly reflect the world of the twenty-first
century, to make it an effective instrument to translate
17

our vision into reality. The United Nations is the house
that we all share. We must strengthen it and ensure that
it is equal to our collective expectations and our joint
aspirations.
Peace, collective security and development
inspire the spirit of the United Nations. We enter the
twenty-first century with extraordinary collective
intellectual and technical capabilities. These are our
global tools for overcoming the challenges before us.
Peace and security for all is not just possible but is well
within our grasp. Stability and development are the
essential building blocks for the maintenance of peace
and security. Threats to peace can and do arise from
different sources. It is not just weapons of mass
destruction or an arms race that endanger peace, but
also dehumanizing poverty and lack of development.
We must act as confident nation States committed
to collective action and international cooperation, for
these are our means to provide wider effects of peace
and progress. We must reaffirm the principle of respect
for State sovereignty and non-interference in internal
affairs of countries. Thus, self-evidently, we must
abjure unilateral action. Whenever circumstances
warrant action by the Security Council, that action
must be firmly rooted in Charter provisions.
The Brahimi Panel's report contains a number of
proposals. We recommend that the General Assembly
examine this important report carefully and take
appropriate decisions to strengthen this vital United
Nations function of peacekeeping.
We support the Middle East peace process and
find the trend encouraging.
The historic summit between the Republic of
Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea,
too, augurs well for peace in the Korean peninsula.
Disarmament — global nuclear disarmament in
particular — is essential to engender a greater sense of
security among Member States. India has been and will
continue to be in the forefront of efforts towards global
nuclear disarmament and genuine non-proliferation.
We welcome the recommendation of the Secretary-
General in his report to the Millennium Summit to
convene an international conference on eliminating
nuclear danger. We urge commencement of
negotiations on a nuclear-weapons convention to bring
about a nuclear-weapon-free world. India remains
ready to participate in agreed and irreversible steps,
such as de-alerting of nuclear forces, thus lowering
nuclear danger, through accidental use or otherwise, as
well as a global agreement on no-first-use and on non-
use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon
States.
The situation with regard to the entry into force
of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
(CTBT) and the lack of progress on a programme of
work at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva
show the importance of building a consensus, both
within and amongst nations, on issues that affect
national and international security. We are conscious
that 155 countries are at present signatories of the
CTBT. We reiterate to them our continuing
commitment that India does not wish to stand in the
way of entry into force of the CTBT. India volunteered
to observe, and continues to observe, a moratorium on
further explosive nuclear testing. This meets the basic
obligations of the CTBT. India also remains ready to
engage in meaningful negotiations in the Conference
on Disarmament, including on a global treaty to ban
the future production of fissile material for weapons
purposes.
The illicit transfer, manufacture and circulation of
small arms, particularly by States to non-State actors
and to terrorist groups, and their intrinsic linkage with
terrorism and narco-trafficking are matters of very deep
concern to the world community. When they are
combined with religious fanaticism and military
adventurism, a threat is posed to the global civilized
norms to which we strive to adhere. The international
community can no longer afford to permit these
purveyors of death, outrage and destruction to continue
to inflict untold suffering upon innocents. We look
forward to a successful outcome of the United Nations
Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and
Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, to be held next year.
Terrorism is the global menace of our age. For
some, it tends to replace ideology and policy. India has
been the object of State-sponsored, cross-border
terrorism in its most inhuman manifestations for more
than a decade. Even as the international community
works together to curb, control and stamp out the illicit
trade in small arms and light weapons, we need to
continually focus our attention on the users of such
weapons — the terrorists. Terrorism is an assault on
human decency, a violation of the basic precepts of
democracy and the very antithesis of what the United
Nations represents and stands for. Because its principal
18

targets are the innocent, it is indeed the most flagrant
violation of basic human rights. It constitutes a crime
against humanity. It is also a threat to international
peace and security, especially when terrorists are
armed, financed and backed by Governments or their
agencies.
I urge all Members to work to strengthen the
international consensus and legal regimes against
terrorism. We have proposed the draft of a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism. I
urge all Members of the United Nations to give their
total support to this initiative.
Let me now dwell briefly on the instrument of our
choice to accomplish our global agenda: the United
Nations. There is but one United Nations; none
replicate it, nor can any replace it.
The membership of the United Nations has
increased manifold in the last half century, and today
stands at 189. Yet the Security Council continues to
have the same basic structure as in the colonized world
of 1945. The need for expansion of the membership of
the Security Council in both permanent and non-
permanent categories is self-evident. The impact of
actions of the Security Council is felt, with near total
exclusivity, by the developing countries. Yet they have
little influence in its decision-making. We have a
global consensus that the form taken by the Security
Council in the aftermath of the Second World War is
outmoded and that it must reflect the logic of an
enlarged membership. At the Millennium Summit more
than 150 States, at the highest level, endorsed the need
for a Council reformed in its representation. An
unrepresentative Security Council will lack the range
and depth of sensitivity, perceptiveness and
understanding of the realities that it will have to deal
with or the moral authority to take decisions. I reaffirm
India's willingness to take on the responsibilities of
permanent membership.
The General Assembly is the most important
organ of the United Nations. It is here that all States,
irrespective of considerations of strength, economy or
size, sit together as equals, embodying the democratic
principle of sovereign equality. There is a growing
feeling among Member States that the functioning and
role of the General Assembly has to be made more
effective. As the revolutions of the digital age reduce
distance to the click of a mouse, bringing us together
into a new global neighbourhood as never before in
history, and as forces of globalization inexorably lead
us to increasing interdependence, our canvas of
international cooperation and collective action has
rapidly expanded. It has also become vastly more
complex. The General Assembly has therefore to be
central in accepting this new responsibility, this new
challenge.
Even as we week to strengthen democratic
principles and practices in the United Nations, and
even as the spreading sweep of democracy casts aside
dictatorships and authoritarian regimes, we have
unfortunately witnessed some instances of regression
as well. Such acts move against the currents of our
times. The international community should oppose
these assaults on the spirit of our times and
uncompromisingly support and strengthen democratic
impulses, practices and norms. It should show its
solidarity with the people of such countries. The
Organization of African Unity and the Commonwealth
deserve our commendation for the steps they have
taken in this regard.
Developments in Fiji since 19 May this year have
caused us deep concern. We appreciate the action taken
by the Commonwealth after the overthrow of the
constitutionally elected democratic Government there.
We hope that Fiji will return immediately to the
constitutional base of 1997 and restore the rule by law
at the earliest opportunity by putting an end to racial
discrimination. This is in Fiji's own long-term interest.
We hope that the international community will exercise
its collective authority and influence to bring Fiji back
to the road of democracy and the rule of law.
It appears, sadly, that the world has forgotten
Afghanistan. The fratricidal conflict in that country
continues on account of the Taliban's pursuit of the
mirage of military success. It also continues because of
outside support, military and financial, to the Taliban.
This conflict and the Taliban's mediaeval obscurantist
ideologies continue to cause untold suffering to the
Afghan people. This adversely affects the peace and
security of the entire neighbourhood, from West to
Central Asia to South Asia. The negatives that emanate
from the Taliban-controlled areas of Afghanistan, in
the shape of terrorism, drug trafficking and the flow of
arms, cause justifiable concern all over the world. The
Taliban and their mentor must heed the world's
demands and abandon the path of conflict. We stand for
a comprehensive settlement in Afghanistan that
19

restores peace at the earliest and ensures the interests
and aspirations of all sections of that society.
We have consistently called upon the United
Nations to increase its development orientation and
engagement, which is a core responsibility. We
welcome and support the declaration of the Secretary-
General last week to the United Nations Development
Programme's ministerial meeting that deficit in
development will put in jeopardy all other goals of the
United Nations. To address the root causes of poverty
meaningfully, we need firm international commitments
to re-order and reshape international relations, in
consequence providing for equitable opportunities to
developing countries for resource earnings. Our call is
even more relevant in today's fast integrating world.
Developing countries and their people cannot
thrive on a diet of advice and goodwill alone. We
therefore hope that the forthcoming conference on
financing for development would endorse concrete
initiatives for mobilization of the required external
resources for development, whether from trade or
concessional flows, and treat this as a shared global
goal. In this context, it would be useful to establish the
difference that would be made if there was universal
adherence to the agreed official development
assistance(ODA) target of 0.7 per cent of Gross
National Product(GNP), within a specified time frame.
Nowhere is this more important than in the
continent of Africa. Africa's efforts need to be
adequately supported by the international community.
We believe that issues relating to the development of
African countries must remain at the forefront of the
work of the General Assembly.
The process of globalization, with revolutionary
leaps in communications and the great advance in
information technology and increased mobility of
capital, trade and technology, has produced new
potential for sustained economic growth. The benefits
of globalization have, however, not percolated to the
vast sections who live mired in poverty, without
shelter, in hunger and in deprivation. Globalization has
often been accompanied by enhanced poverty,
unemployment and consequent social disintegration.
This poses a major challenge. We have to determine an
inclusive concept of growth and development. We have
to strive for the uplifting of people in the largest sense,
and not simply in terms of sectoral advances. While
GDP growth rates and selective indicators may point to
growth in an economy, the elimination of poverty and
enhancement of the quality of life and creation of real
choices must be integral to the process of assessing the
success of development efforts.
In India, we have formulated development
strategies on the premise that economic and social
policies must subserve the primacy of the human being,
and in particular the poorest. Market forces and growth
alone are not the answer. Intervention to guarantee
social justice is crucial. Development based on uneven
rewards will not be supported by those who are not its
beneficiaries. It places great stress on the social fabric.
The fullest possible participation of the people in the
development process is the best guarantee for the
success of any growth strategy.
Many challenges lie ahead of us. Impediments to
sustained economic growth for developing countries
abound. Protectionist tendencies in developed
countries, a lack of political will to implement
commitments undertaken regarding development
finance and tardy alleviation of the debt burden of
developing countries aggravate the situation. Special
and differential treatment for developing countries
guaranteed under World Trade Organization (WTO)
provisions must be translated into operational reality.
Developed countries should not seek to restrict market
access to goods and services and free movement of
natural persons, especially at a time when developing
countries are being asked to open up their economies
and compete in the international economic domain.
Another challenge relates to reconciling the needs
of economic and industrial growth with the need for
preservation and protection of the environment. A safe
and healthy environment for our peoples is an
imperative. At the same time, all development cannot
be sacrificed at the absolutist altar of environmental
preservation. Sustainability of growth strategy and
environmental conservation cannot and should not
imply maintenance of poverty.
Developing countries have done commendable
work in the implementation of Agenda 21, in the
context of an exceptionally difficult global
environment. The promised resources from developed
countries have failed to materialize. The transfer of
technologies on preferential and concessional terms has
not been forthcoming. Indeed, impediments are placed
on technology transfer even on commercial terms. The
special session of the United Nations General
20

Assembly on the review and appraisal of the
implementation of Agenda 21 in 2002 should
concentrate on finding solutions in addressing such
unfulfilled commitments and providing reality and
operational content to the declaration that “eradication
of poverty is the over-riding priority of developing
countries”.
Children and issues relating to them are a priority.
We hope that the special session of the General
Assembly next year will concentrate on the
implementation of the Declaration of the World
Summit on Children.
Advancement of the democratic spirit and
overcoming challenges to it, growth with equity,
economic development with social justice and, as the
prize that we seek, the creation of a world where
injustice and deprivation give way to fulfilment and
welfare for all are among the goals that we should set
for ourselves at the dawn of this new century. The
challenge is nothing less than collective enlightened
global ownership.
The General Assembly once again faces a heavy
and challenging agenda on this long road before us. Let
us wish ourselves success in our endeavours.


At the outset, I wish to convey to the
President my congratulations on his election to lead
this session of the General Assembly. He represents a
country that shares with mine the ideals and principles
that favour peace, culture, human rights, solidarity and
understanding.
I hail the entrance of Tuvalu into our
Organization, and I congratulate the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, on
the skilful and intelligent manner in which the
important work of the last session of the General
Assembly.
The political events that occurred in the world in
the last decade speeded up changes on the international
scene, ushering in new global structures and processes.
The disappearance of the ideological underpinnings of
the cold war produced profound transformations that
changed the geopolitical foundations that had prevailed
in the twentieth century.
The consolidation of large economic blocs and
the technological revolution have had a palpable
impact on the pace of economic and social change
throughout the world. The free market and the new
technologies have favoured competition and have
generated the transnational expansion of banking and
finance, which has fundamentally changed the way the
world economy works.
In this global context, countries are joining the
trends of globalization from very different levels of
development, and consequently, the opportunities and
the effects of these new processes turn out to be
extremely unequal. Technological, financial and
productive disparities have deepened between the
developing countries and the industrialized nations,
where most of this potential is concentrated.
Notwithstanding the efforts of countries to adapt to and
become integrated into a new international
environment, inequities have grown and social
problems have mushroomed in an environment of
deteriorating international cooperation.
The Millennium Summit, which opened this
session of the General Assembly, proved to be a
historic opportunity to consider in depth the challenges
inherent in the new global trends, which are generating
a new international order, with its risks and its
potential for peace and security, economic growth,
sustainable development and human security. It has
become clear in the light of these realities that no
country can remain on the sidelines or be insulated
from the major global changes, and that all States must
face the great challenge of working together to regulate
the new processes within a universal endeavour to
channel the process of development to secure the
benefits of globalization, while meeting the needs of
the peoples.
Within this context of international responsibility
as a priority, the United Nations has a dominant role to
play, as a universal forum for States to work together
for ideals and objectives common to all peoples and to
stimulate international cooperation for sustainable
development and poverty eradication.
In the new century, the Organization's potential in
world affairs must be fully used. Ecuador trusts in an
effective multilateral system whereby global norms for
the era of globalization are created in a democratic,
participatory and systematic manner. With that
objective, the Summit acknowledged the representative
nature of the United Nations in the fulfilment of its
essential goals, within the framework of the new global
processes and the challenges of the twenty-first
century.
The interdependence of international political and
economic problems becomes significant in this great
task, creating a complex mix of matters to be
considered on the international agenda of this global
institution, the United Nations, which, because of its
legitimacy, has the responsibility for adopting
coordinated policies and implementing guidelines that
ensure the efficiency and timeliness of this
Organization's response to events and phenomena
occurring in the world that directly affect international
security and stability.
I wish to reiterate my congratulations to the
Secretary-General on his valuable contribution to the
work of this Millennium Assembly through the
presentation of his analytical report on the role of the
United Nations in the twenty-first century. His thoughts
are extremely useful in considering the role and the
challenges of the United Nations in the years ahead.
I must also highlight the contribution of the Latin
American countries to the work of the Millennium
18

Assembly through the adoption of the Cartagena
Declaration by the heads of State or Government of the
Rio Group, and the contribution of the South Summit
and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, groups
of which Ecuador is a member.
Ecuador shares the view regarding the advantages
and opportunities relating to the United Nations
influencing the management of international public
affairs and cultivating the commitment of all actors to
approach the new global processes and structures from
the perspective of human development.
Globalization and poverty must be tackled with
the priority that their profound consequences for
human development require. The trends of
globalization today appear merely as an economic
process, dehumanized and lacking in social
dimensions. This process concerns itself with free
trade, competition and new information technologies,
without an approach that guarantees that it works for
people and that opportunities for progress and the
benefits of the process will be distributed worldwide,
to all countries.
Ecuador is experiencing one of the most acute
crises of its history. Its effects have had a grave impact
on State institutions and have led to instability in the
process of consolidating democracy. Domestic and
foreign factors combined in recent years have
contributed to aggravating the crisis through
macroeconomic imbalances that have severely battered
the economy and people of Ecuador. In this context of
enormous difficulties, the conditions Ecuador had
negotiated for its foreign debt became extremely
difficult to meet. Those factors, together with the
adjustment measures taken to confront the crisis, have
had a considerable impact on poverty.
This global forum must be aware of the enormous
difficulties imposed on highly indebted poor countries
both by disproportionate external debt servicing and by
the continuing obstacles to their export products, as
well as by the fluctuations in the international financial
system that work against national efforts to create
conditions of economic stability and sustainable
development. In meeting its goal of bringing about a
just and equitable international order, the General
Assembly should find means to reduce the external
debt of developing countries, including heavily
indebted medium-income countries affected by natural
disasters.
Ecuador has made great efforts to find a just and
lasting solution to the problem of the excessive burden
of foreign debt. Last August it took a first step in
renegotiating the Brady debt segment, and it concluded
its negotiations with the Paris Club last week. We trust
that understanding and above all fairness will mark the
continuation of this process so that a definitive solution
may be found for the problem of external debt, which
is crushing developing countries and hindering the
implementation of priority social programmes in the
areas of health, education and employment. The
restraining effect of debt is undoubtedly one of the
main obstacles in the fight to reduce poverty and attain
the goals set in this area by 2015.
It is necessary to have an economic and
institutional order that provides outlets to countries
with small economies, which are the most vulnerable
and likely to be affected by extreme crises.
Ecuador, committed to overall national
development, resolutely supports United Nations
activities implementing financial and technical
cooperation in support of countries' national efforts to
promote sustainable development in order to bring
about a better future for all peoples. The United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) plays a role
in that task as the main operational tool for the efforts
of the Organization in support of national plans and
priorities to alleviate poverty, contribute to democratic
governance and strengthen national capacities for the
benefit of human development. I appeal to the
international community to ensure that the Millennium
Assembly gives resolute political backing to UNDP as
the central instrument for the overall management of
development in the twenty-first century, and to ensure
that the Programme has the financial strength necessary
to fully enable it to carry out its operational activities.
The situation of international trade also deserves
our priority attention, as it has a direct influence on the
economic and social activities of nations. We call for
the elimination of trade barriers and obstacles, and
demand the application of norms that will make it
possible to carry out trade in an open, predictable and
equitable way. In accordance with our long-standing
tradition of integration, we support the strengthening of
the Andean Community and its increased international
outreach, in particular with regard to its relations with
the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR),
the European Union, Russia and the Pacific Basin and
19

in the context of negotiations to create a free trade area
of the Americas.
Ecuador shares the international community's
concern over the continued degradation of natural
resources, the threats to the environment and the
inadequate compliance with the commitments made at
the 1992 Earth Summit on sustainable development.
Given its economic, social and environmental
implications, we should insist on the need to give
priority to sustainable development as a cross-cutting
factor in international relations, with regard both to
policies and cooperation. There is an imperative need
to incorporate appropriate environmental technologies
and to develop sustainable production patterns in order
to strengthen national scientific and technological
capabilities. The Government of Ecuador has
incorporated the concept of sustainable development
into its national legislation, promoted the adoption of
policies and action plans in that context and
strengthened its own environmental authority.
The phenomenon of drug trafficking, with its
global effects, is another matter for the international
community, as it respects neither borders nor nations
and poses widespread dangers to society. Drug
trafficking has developed a supranational system in
which no particular nation can be viewed as the root
cause of the problem. It is essential that we recognize
the principle of shared responsibility in coping with the
reality of this phenomenon, and that we take the
necessary international steps to resolve it. Abiding by
this universal commitment, which has already been
recognized in the 1988 Convention against Illegal
Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances,
is fundamental in our fight against this global problem,
one of the challenges confronting humankind.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, peace,
security and disarmament constitute other priority
challenges that the United Nations will continue to
face. Ecuador advocates the peaceful resolution of
international disputes and condemns the threat and use
of force in relations between States, as we are
convinced that a system of peace and trust among
nations must be based on the peaceful resolution of
disputes and on specific disarmament measures in the
context of the purposes and principles of the Charter of
the United Nations and the norms of international law.
In its pursuit of the goals of peace and security,
the Security Council bears primary responsibility for
the maintenance and restoration of international peace.
Ecuador deems it a priority, in terms of the renewal of
the United Nations, to reform the Council's
composition and methods of work. The Council's
mission makes it vital that we correct the current
imbalances in the Council's composition, improve its
decision-making machinery and lend greater
transparency to its methods of work.
Another challenge for the United Nations
concerns the role and the strengthening of
peacekeeping operations. In recent years humankind
has witnessed the exacerbation of regional conflicts
and the negative consequences of war in various parts
of the globe. It is vital that joint action in the
framework of this world Organization be strengthened,
so that the use of force, when absolutely necessary, can
be applied in strict conformity with Chapter VII of the
Charter. In this way the United Nations will be able to
retain the international credibility it requires as the
legitimate forum for, and agent of, collective action to
promote international peace and security.
One of the pillars of democracy in any society is
strict respect for human rights, the defence and
protection of which are the responsibility not only of
each and every State but also of the international
community. The international community, therefore,
can no longer remain silent or indifferent; it must react,
in a legitimate manner, to the massive violations of the
rights of entire peoples that were perpetrated in the
final years of the past century, which are a source of
shame for humankind. Furthermore, it is totally
unacceptable for one or more States to seek to
represent the international community and to apply,
unilaterally and by force, a non-existent “right to
interference” on the basis of humanitarian
considerations.
In 1998 Ecuador promulgated a national human
rights plan with a broad and democratic perspective.
The plan, which takes an integrated approach to the
human being, was devised and prepared through a
nationwide consultative process, with the full
involvement of civil society and the public authorities.
In this context, the right to development constitutes a
legitimate aspiration that must be appropriately and
decisively spurred forward by the United Nations.
Ecuador, as a country that is acutely vulnerable to
a variety of natural disasters, accords particular
importance to the role of the United Nations system in
20

the prevention, mitigation and reduction of the effects
of such disasters, among them the impact of the El
Niño phenomenon. In the quest to move forward with
research on this phenomenon — which in 1997 and
1998 affected not only the South Pacific region but
other areas of the world as well — the General
Assembly and the Economic and Social Council lent
their support to the establishment of an International
Centre for the Research of the El Niño Phenomenon, in
the city of Guayaqu'l, in Ecuador. I am pleased to
inform the Assembly that my Government, as host
country, has taken the steps necessary to proceed with
the establishment of that Centre in the next few
months, as it is convinced of the scientific contribution
that such a United Nations-sponsored instrument can
make to humankind.
Ecuador reaffirms its commitment to
multilateralism and to the ideals that inspired the
founding of the United Nations. The challenges of the
twenty-first century must be confronted by all
countries jointly and in a spirit of solidarity. The
Member States must see to it that this session of the
Assembly makes a historic contribution to a universal
endeavour to resolve global problems and to strengthen
collective security. The achievements of the United
Nations in this new century will hinge on a
constructive spirit of solidarity on the part of all peace-
loving nations.


It is with the
greatest pleasure that I congratulate you, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency of this Millennium
Assembly. I pay tribute also to the outgoing President,
Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, and reiterate to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, my praise for his vision and
10

for the remarkable and courageous manner in which he
is carrying out his duties.
My French colleague has already addressed the
Assembly on behalf of the 15 member States of the
European Union, a statement with which my country
fully associates itself.
I will now touch upon questions of particular
importance to my country, Portugal.
As the Prime Minister stated here during the
Millennium Summit, the United Nations finds itself at
a turning point which necessarily calls for the exercise
of reflection on the future of the Organization. In this
era of increasing globalization, we should give the
United Nations the means to accomplish the missions
that we have entrusted it with, turning the Organization
into the foundation of a more stable, united and
cohesive international community.
The international community faces three great
challenges at the turn of the millennium: to strengthen
our action on behalf of peace, to contribute to the
eradication of extreme poverty, and to guarantee
environmental conditions conducive to perpetuating
life on earth.
The increasing use of peacekeeping operations
over the last decade, which we have encouraged,
conclusively demonstrates their importance. The
results that we have obtained on the five continents tell
us with certainty that we have chosen the right path. To
continue this effort effectively, the United Nations
must have at its disposal the necessary resources, be
they financial, technical, civilian, political or military.
A credible peacekeeping capacity is in itself a
deterrent to conflicts and therefore an integral part of
the global system of conflict prevention, of which the
United Nations should be an essential component. In
this regard, Portugal welcomed with satisfaction the
Brahimi report on peace operations. We believe that its
list of recommendations point the way to a process of
reform that will strengthen the capacity of the United
Nations in conflict prevention, peacekeeping and
peace-building. We should take advantage of the
momentum that has been created and concentrate on
obtaining concrete results within the next year or two.
I would stress, however, that crucial questions
will always be of a political nature. We must muster the
necessary courage to broaden the scope of the
responsibilities of the United Nations. Let us not
deceive ourselves. As the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi
Annan, stated, it is our function to intervene. Allow me
to go ever further and to say that it is our duty to do
so — to intervene in time, effectively and on the basis
of international law.
Portugal is ready to do so, as it has shown in the
past. We have participated in peacekeeping operations
in Mozambique, Angola, the Central African Republic
and Guatemala, and today we are participating in
United Nations missions in East Timor, Bosnia,
Kosovo and the Western Sahara, with more than 1,000
peacekeepers. Portugal is currently the 11th-largest
contributor to the United Nations peacekeeping
operations, and first among its European Union
partners.
During the Portuguese presidency of the
European Union, we gave decisive impetus to the
creation of the European Union's capacities to
intervene, which we see as being offered in the service
of international peace and cooperation. In the year
2003, the Union will have at its disposal a force of
50,000 to 60,000 military personnel, to which 5,000
police will be added, as well as a civilian structure for
crisis management.
This aspect of Portugal's external activities will
continue to be favoured, and the importance we attach
to them is equally reflected in our candidacy for the
presidency of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe for the year 2002.
In a globalized world, the existence of
tremendous  economic asymmetries is a factor of
permanent tension and conflict. Indeed, about half of
the world's population lives on less than $2 a day.
The turn of the millennium is an opportunity for
us to reaffirm our will to combat and eradicate poverty
on a global scale. It may be a utopian vision at this
point, but with our combined efforts it is a goal that
may be within our reach.
In the time that it takes to deliver each of these
statements in the General Assembly, around 300
children under the age of 1 will die. Is this acceptable?
Obviously not. Could it be, then, that the human and
financial resources necessary to fight this tragedy are
so great that they force us into accepting it? The
answer again is no. Many of those deaths could be
avoided through better management and without an

increase in resources. Health, like education, should be
a priority sector for development assistance.
It is vital to combine efforts, policies and
instruments. Direct development assistance must be
complemented by mechanisms to resolve the
longstanding problems of the poorest countries through
reform of the regulatory institutions of the global
financial and economic system and through agreements
that allow poor countries to access the markets of
developed countries without trade barriers.
I should like to stress in particular the importance
of developing cooperative mechanisms between the
United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions,
namely a revitalized Economic and Social Council. Our
priority should be to redefine the role of each
institution and to avoid any duplication of effort in a
field where the United Nations should play a leading
role.
It is equally important to give responsibility to
the countries receiving aid by demanding that funds be
used efficiently or requiring good governance. In this
regard I should like to emphasize that the fight against
corruption should be a priority of all our Governments.
The Millennium Declaration states clearly that
the principal challenge today is to ensure that
globalization becomes a positive reality for the entire
population of the world, and not a new factor of
exclusion.
Only the United Nations is in a position to
promote the partnership for change that Kofi Annan
referred to in his report entitled “We the peoples”.
Poverty, sadly, is also closely linked to infection
and to contagious diseases such as AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis, which cause millions of deaths every year
and which, in Africa, are laying waste to an entire
generation and posing a tragic threat to future
development. More than ever before, it is vital to
mobilize the energies of civil society, institutions and
the international community at large to fight infection
and contagious diseases. The European Union and the
United States recently agreed, at Lisbon, to strengthen
their cooperation in the fight against those scourges.
Turning to the environment, we must always be
mindful of the fact that economic growth and progress
must not be achieved at any cost, least of all at the cost
of the future. The United Nations must continue to
guide the way on environmental matters, as it has since
the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992. But the
response from States has fallen short — often very
short — of what we committed ourselves to do in
political statements and even in international treaties.
Let us not delude ourselves: the United Nations plays
an instrumental role in this crucial, strategic area, as
was reaffirmed in the Millennium Declaration, but it is
only States that can produce results. This is not a job
that can be subcontracted to the United Nations.
Here, civil society should use all its influence, by
bringing pressure to bear on, and calling to account,
Governments that think they can deal with
environmental issues by opting out, as though they
were simply matters of sovereignty. We can no longer
think in that way. Global warming affects us all. To
face this common problem, we need common action on
a global scale.
For geographical, historical and political reasons,
Portugal is a country that is linked to the oceans. For
that reason, we recognize their importance both to the
land ecosystem and to the renewal of energy resources
vital to the sustenance of millions of people. We
welcome the launching of an informal consultative
process on the oceans and the law of the sea, and we
attach particular importance to the debate on scientific
research on marine matters.
Let me speak briefly about an initiative to which
my country attaches great importance. In June, at
Warsaw, a group of more than 100 countries, united by
shared beliefs, endorsed a declaration entitled
“Towards a Community of Democracies”. The
participants recognized that there was no single model
to determine how the will of a people should be
respected. The Community of Democracies will play a
role in uniting the efforts of all countries that believe a
representative democratic system to be the system that
best meets that objective.
I wish now to speak of some regional matters that
are of particular importance to my country. Africa is
one of the great priorities of Portuguese foreign policy.
The first Africa-Europe Summit was held during the
Portuguese presidency of the European Union, and on
the basis of a Portuguese proposal. The Summit opened
new vistas in the relationship between Europe and
Africa which will surely make possible a joint process
of reflection on the challenges and problems that the
12

two continents face. The second Africa-Europe Summit
will be held at Lisbon in 2003.
West Africa is at present one of our main
concerns on the continent. In that connection I would
mention the situation in Casamance in Senegal; the
recent conflict in Guinea-Bissau, from which the
country is only now beginning to recover; the serious
conflicts in Sierra Leone and Liberia; the problem of
refugees from those countries and their consequences
for Guinea; and the instability along the borders of all
those countries.
The persistence and potential spread of those
tensions and conflicts seriously threaten the security of
the entire subregion of West Africa, which could have
grave political, economic and humanitarian
consequences. It is therefore necessary for the
international community to give greater attention to
this sensitive region of Africa while there is still time.
With respect to Angola, we deeply regret the fact
that the war is continuing, which we believe is due to
the lack of implementation of the Bicesse and Lusaka
peace agreements, and to UNITA's violation of the
relevant Security Council resolutions. In our view,
those instruments continue to be the reference point for
a political solution to the Angolan conflict. We
welcome the strengthening of the sanctions regime
against UNITA and reiterate our pledge to cooperate
with the Security Council's sanctions Committee. We
consider that the presence of the United Nations on
Angolan territory continues to be of fundamental
importance, from both a humanitarian and a political
perspective. Only thus can the United Nations quickly
step in to support any political solution that may
emerge. I welcome the intention of the Angolan
Government to organize elections and to hold them in
2001. Promotion of the values of tolerance and
dialogue and of democratic principles is essential to
guarantee a lasting peace.
One year after the referendum that allowed the
people of East Timor finally to exercise their right to
self-determination, the United Nations faces a new
challenge: administering East Timor in its transitional
period and creating the necessary foundations for a
new independent and democratic State that will be a
future member of the Association of South-East Asian
Nations and of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking
Countries — and that we hope can be admitted to
membership of the United Nations by 2001. Portugal
has always supported East Timor and will continue to
do so. Our total financial assistance, not counting our
participation in the military component of the United
Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor, will
reach an estimated $50 million this year, and will
remain at that level in 2001 and 2002. Much remains to
be done, but the able leadership of Sergio Vieira de
Mello and the exceptional qualities of Xanana Gusmão
allow us to look to the future with optimism.
The tragic events that took place in Atambua on 6
September, in which three members of the staff of the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees lost their lives, deserve unanimous
condemnation by the international community. They
testify to the impunity with which the militias act in
West Timor. Two days after those events, further
militia activity took place along the border, which led
to the death of 11 people, this time of Indonesian
nationality, who were assisting various non-
governmental organizations and international
organizations. We welcome the swift response of the
Security Council in adopting its resolution 1319 (2000)
and in deciding to dispatch an evaluation mission to
West Timor.
The new democratic Government of Indonesia
has, in general, shown a spirit of cooperation. It is now
time for it to honour its commitment to re-establish law
and order in West Timor, disarming and dismantling its
militias. Their continued existence destabilizes the
transition process in East Timor and is an affront to the
civilian and military authorities of Indonesia,
disturbing the consolidation of the democratic regime
in that country. For our part, we stand ready to work
with the Indonesian Government, helping it to resolve
this problem. It was in that spirit that the Portuguese
Prime Minister proposed here last week a stability pact
for East Timor. It is in that spirit that we will
participate in the quadripartite summit to be held soon
at Jakarta, which will bring together high-level
representatives of Indonesia, East Timor, Australia and
Portugal.
Guaranteeing peace, fighting poverty, protecting
the environment and leaving a better world for future
generations: that is our duty at the turn of the
millennium. Only through democracy can Governments
respond to those aspirations of our societies. Only a
reformed and ever more democratic United Nations
will be able to help us face this common challenge.


Exactly one week ago, the Millennium
Summit was held in this very Hall, in which more than
150 leaders, heads of State and Government took an
active and interactive part.
This Summit, which my delegation wishes to
salute once again, has played a great service in
bringing together so many eminent personalities to
truly take stock of the state of the world through a stark
re-reading of the mission of and the basic strategic
objectives assigned to the United Nations.
What more can be said? How can it be better
said?
The conclusions arrived at by our leaders, which
go to the very substance of the diverse and changing
problems that undermine humanity, frame the items
inscribed on the agenda of the fifty-fifth session. They
also give us the opportunity to strike while the iron is
hot and to embark immediately on their
implementation where it is possible.
In that context, the general debate in progress is a
real challenge; a challenge to stay the course, but also a
challenge to our ability to get down to basics.
34

But before I go on, I wish to convey to the
President, on behalf of my delegation, heartfelt warm
congratulations on his election to the presidency of our
Assembly. This election is a well-deserved tribute to
him and his country, Finland, with which Burkina Faso
enjoys an excellent relationship of friendship and
cooperation.
My country is a Bureau member and we wish to
assure the Bureau of our full willingness to cooperate
with it.
Our congratulations also go to His Excellency
Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Namibia, on the effectiveness of his guidance of the
previous session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to renew Burkina Faso's appreciation
and support for the work of the Secretary-General, Mr.
Kofi Annan, who guides the work of our world
Organization with courage, lucidity and determination.
The waning millennium will no doubt forever be
etched in the memory of humankind. Unfortunately, it
will be etched in blood, as during it we witnessed, as
virtually powerless bystanders, the rise of slavery,
colonization and racial discrimination; the escalation of
the most atrocious kinds of war; the ongoing
degradation of the environment; and the deterioration
of the terms of trade. But it will also be etched in gold,
for we witnessed prodigious scientific and
technological progress and economic and industrial
growth, even though the structure for sharing their
fruits was slow moving and unfair.
No continent more than Africa, no people more
than Africans, bear more heavily today the stigma of
the scourges they have suffered, which will for ever
mark them, or of their sharing but little  if
anything  of the benefits of progress. My delegation
therefore believes that we should embrace that history
together and in a spirit of solidarity, agree to be the
living and collective memory of it and learn its lessons
so that we may strengthen our capacity to solve with
greater efficiency and equity the problems of security,
peace, development and a better quality of life that
make up the core of our priorities. Whether that
involves resolving the smouldering or open conflicts
that continue to decimate our populations and to force
them to flee by the thousands into exile, or whether it
entails looking for lasting solutions to the problems of
underdevelopment, the unbearable debt burden, the
AIDS pandemic, malaria or natural and environmental
disasters, we must, whatever the cost continually go
back to our sources and history.
I therefore make a solemn appeal to the
conscience of the peoples of the United Nations to
prevent hegemony and domination from being the
hallmark of our Organization during the third
millennium. That would be a betrayal of this history,
and make our collective memory a selective memory.
As the Assembly is aware, despite the progress
made during the second millennium, there still remain
questions and concerns among developing countries,
particularly those in Africa. Their questions and
concerns are not caused solely by the acceleration and
unprecedented worsening of their continued
impoverishment. Unfortunately, they also stem from
the fact that today, at the dawn of the twenty-first
century, international relations continue to be based
essentially on force. That sad fact is made worse
because, with the end of the cold war, we are passively
and almost with a resigned attitude witnessing a single
mind-set developing.
As most heads of State and Government have said
from this rostrum, the time has come to undertake the
necessary reforms at the national, regional and
international levels to build a more just, equitable,
unified and fraternal world. Let us hope that the basic
challenge, I would even call it heroism, of the new
millennium will be to move forward together in
solidarity, calmly and democratically towards
globalization while we remain ourselves  that is,
retain our intrinsic values and our dignity as free
individuals.
With regard to the United Nations, we are
convinced that making it more democratic is absolutely
necessary. That democratization must include a
thorough reform of the decision-making processes of
the system, and of the Security Council in particular,
and should go hand in hand with giving greater
attention to development issues, particularly through a
more thorough examination of the idea of a
development council, as proposed by the Millennium
Summit. It also means making the Organization truly
universal. In this regard, Burkina Faso welcomes the
admission of Tuvalu as the 189th Member State. We
also think it is unfair to continue to marginalize the
Republic of China, a country that meets all the
requirements of a sovereign State to take its place in
the United Nations.
35

Throughout its history, and particularly since the
1990s, Burkina Faso, learning from its own
experience  experience grounded in a culture of
dialogue and negotiation  has based its contribution
on the quest for solutions to national and subregional
conflicts on the basis of dialogue and agreement. We
have done so because we are convinced that dialogue
and agreement  which are certainly not the weapons
of the weak  are the only way to reach lasting peace.
We are therefore very surprised and disappointed
that for some time now my country has been forced to
confront accusations and all sorts of completely
baseless recriminations. Is this the result of a deliberate
desire to harm, or simply of misunderstanding? It is
wrong and unfair that in efforts to find lasting solutions
to conflicts one should yield to the easy temptation of
accusation, recrimination, condemnation and exclusion.
Burkina Faso has never hesitated to demonstrate its
good faith, to show its willingness to cooperate with
the United Nations and the international community, or
to express its desire for transparency.
That is why we set up an inter-ministerial
committee on Angola and Sierra Leone to follow up
and monitor implementation of the sanctions decreed
by the Security Council. We also invited the Council to
undertake any investigations in Burkina Faso that it
deemed necessary to find the truth. Two United
Nations delegations therefore recently visited the
country. Their leaders stated that they had
accomplished their missions freely and peacefully.
Similarly, in the face of the recent surprising, to
put it mildly, allegations by Guinea, we would like to
reassure that beloved, fraternal country, as well as the
international community, that Burkina Faso had no
part, directly or indirectly, in those unfortunate events.
We repeat our readiness to welcome or support any
initiative that could shed light on this matter, which we
find profoundly distressing.
At the national level, Burkina Faso is resolutely
continuing to consolidate and anchor the democratic
process begun in 1990. That process is essentially
characterized by the regular and systematic holding of
elections at the municipal, legislative and presidential
levels, in objective, transparent and fair conditions
recognized by the international community; the
strengthening of public freedoms and the promotion of
human rights; public financing of political parties,
unions and an independent press; recognition of official
status for the opposition; reform of the judicial system
to allow it to play its full role in consolidating and
regulating the rule of law; and strengthening
decentralization and local governance.
Turning to the economy, our Government is
concentrating on a truly unified type of development.
Its priorities are poverty eradication, environmental
protection, food self-sufficiency, and education and
health for all.
We welcome the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
(HIPC) Debt Initiative, which seeks to reduce the debt
of poor, highly indebted countries, and the election of
our country to that body, which strengthens our anti-
poverty strategy.
At the African level, Burkina Faso has
consistently worked to strengthen good-neighbourly
relations and to promote subregional and regional
integration as well as peace and security.
That is why we are committed to the institutional
stability and the strengthening of the subregional
cooperation or integration organizations of which we
are a member, in particular the West African Economic
and Monetary Union, the Economic Community of
West African States and the Economic Community of
Sahel-Saharan States. We hope that the latter will be
accorded the status of observer at the United Nations.
For that reason we have spared no effort to help
create the African Union, which the African peoples so
fervently desired.
These are the main ideas that Burkina Faso
wanted to share with the international community and
which attest to our unswerving commitment to the
ideals of the United Nations and to our unshakable
faith in our common ability together to forge a better
future  a glorious future for the whole of humankind.


Allow me at the outset to congratulate
Mr. Harri Holkeri on his well-deserved election to
preside over the work of the General Assembly, which
attests both to his outstanding personal qualities and to
the admiration that the international community has for
his country, Finland. Allow me also to express our
gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben
Gurirab, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Namibia, for
his excellent work.
Just a week ago, in this same Hall, our heads of
State or Government held the Millennium Summit.
That historic event served as the framework for an in-
depth consideration of the role of the United Nations in
the next century and for the reiteration, at the highest
political level, of the universal support for this
Organization.
It is now up to us to elaborate on our leaders'
observations and determine what is necessary to build a
more prosperous future, a more just society and an
increasingly human civilization.
At the outset of the new millennium, scientific
and technological achievements in all fields are
allowing us to glimpse an ever-brighter future.
However, a double threat exists to progress towards
that goal. On one hand, it is endangered by uneven
growth, which threatens to deepen the divide between
the wealthiest and the poorest. More effective measures
must be adopted to create a more just and equitable
society and international community.
On the other hand, the future is also threatened by
the temptation of absolute materialism, which can be
understood as the danger of reducing development to
the mere satisfaction of material needs. The risk of
transforming the human being into a commodity and
the temptation to seek wealth instead of happiness
represent a continuing threat. We must establish a new
society whose goal should be the promotion of the
well-being of all, as reflected in their full physical,
intellectual and spiritual development. We must create
a society centred on ideas, creativity and abilities, and
not on power or wealth.
The United Nations can and should play a central
role in the construction of this new society. However,
we must note, honestly and courageously, that so far
the United Nations and the international community as
a whole have been held back by innumerable
constraints and restrictions and known many failures.
More than 50 years ago, at the founding of this
Organization, we committed ourselves to eradicating
the scourge of war, and we undertook to promote social
progress and better living conditions for all.
Unfortunately, though, to date, the United Nations
has been unable to respond fully to these pleas. We
react to political and military crises with hollow
statements to the press. We condemn gross violations
of human rights with procedural resolutions, which are
then forgotten on our shelves. We create organs,
committees and tribunals without any real capacity for
action and lacking the necessary resources to fulfil
their mandates. We convene summits, conferences and
meetings that limit themselves to repeating empty
declarations and passing commitments. We send
military observers who are unable to maintain peace
because we do not provide them with the necessary
resources or political support. Over and over again we
adopt inadequate measures to resolve crises, hoping
that they will perform miracles. We send international
experts with development programmes that respond
neither to the needs nor the desires of their recipients.
This Organization has imposed sanctions that affect
innocent civilians while at the same time inadvertently
strengthening criminal regimes.
We recognize, of course, that many of the United
Nations activities have been successful and
praiseworthy. We cannot overlook the work of the
22

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees or of the United Nations Children's Fund
(UNICEF) in favour of victims of war and of children,
nor can we forget the heroic sacrifice of many Blue
Helmets and humanitarian personnel. We must always
keep in mind the valuable mediation efforts and good
offices provided to defuse armed conflicts. We must
learn from those peacekeeping operations that have
been crowned with success in spite of all of the
difficulties. We must recall and respect the gradual
codification of human rights and of the need to provide
the highest possible standards of living.
But the world expects greater leadership from the
United Nations. The world's peoples are calling for
firm and decisive action on the part of the international
community. Humanity is looking to us to fulfil the lofty
goals that we set for ourselves when we founded this
Organization.
For these reasons, new bases must be established
for the actions of the United Nations. The Organization
must be provided with a renewed political and
philosophical paradigm that will enable it to garner the
political and material support it needs from all States in
order effectively to achieve its goals.
Today the United Nations requires all of our
support. Each one of us is obliged, individually and
collectively, to provide the best living conditions
possible to all our fellow citizens.
The primary objective of the United Nations in
the twenty-first century must be to promote full respect
for human rights. More than 50 years after the adoption
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
continuing violation of those rights, through
inexcusable killings for political, religious or ethnic
motives and through the displacement of millions of
refugees and internally displaced persons, is a matter
for profound concern. We are distressed also by the
fact that thousands perish daily of starvation or easily
curable diseases. We are concerned at the fact that
thousands of persons are still persecuted or
incarcerated because of their political opinions and that
for those reasons hundreds are subject to the most
degrading torture or are forced to live in extreme
poverty.
The persistence of war is the cause of inexcusable
atrocities and recurrent humanitarian crisis. The true
victims of war are not the fallen soldiers but the
displaced or refugee children and elderly, the women
who are raped, the young people who are murdered, the
mothers who lose their incomes, the innocent workers
whose workplaces are destroyed, the students whose
schools are bombed, the sick who cannot go to hospital
because there are no bridges and no medicines. In the
contemporary world, every armed conflict, every civil
war, every massive violation of human rights, every
humanitarian emergency, caused either by man or by
nature, calls for coordinated international action
through this Organization.
In that context, all States must politically and
financially support United Nations activities to
eradicate the scourge of war. The Organization must
regain leadership in maintaining international peace
and security. It is imperative that all States strictly
adhere to the prohibition of the use of force.
For those reasons, one of our tasks is to revitalize
the Security Council in order to increase its legitimacy
and its capacity for action. That organ should never
transfer, abandon or renounce its primary responsibility
for the maintenance of international peace and security.
To the contrary, it is essential to ensure that it can
perform its functions satisfactorily by providing it with
the necessary resources and political support.
The Security Council cannot renounce its role
simply because it is unable to find a quick or
inexpensive solution to a crisis. We cannot accept the
establishment of peacekeeping operations that lack
personnel and resources to the point of being
irrelevant. Nor can we accept the dispatch of personnel
who lack training or motivation and who become easy
victims of conflicts. By no means can we consent to the
imposition of sanctions regimes that affect innocent
populations. When establishing a peacekeeping
mission, the Security Council must define realistic
goals, so that mandates and resources will be
commensurate with the actual requirements of the
crisis it is to face.
Armed conflicts and political crises are
multifaceted phenomena. Every emergency situation
presents a series of political, military and economic
problems. True peace can be attained only when all
individuals enjoy proper living conditions, when they
possess a sufficiently high level of economic
development to meet their basic needs, when their
fundamental human rights are respected and when their
interests and individual rights are guaranteed by
democratic means.
23

True peace requires a culture and a climate that
foster mutual respect and that categorically reject
violence. In order to achieve peace, we must create a
culture of peace. With a view to creating such a culture
of peace, the United Nations must promote not only
peace but also social justice, democracy and
development. This should actively involve the Security
Council, the General Assembly, the Economic and
Social Council, the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and the United
Nations Development Programme. We advocate in
particular the strengthening of the role of the Economic
and Social Council so that it can effectively monitor
and coordinate the implementation of the economic,
social, cultural and environmental activities of the
United Nations and of all its organs.
In this regard, international cooperation plays a
central role in supporting local initiatives for
development, democratization and the promotion of
human rights. Unfortunately, we are witnessing a
decrease in international assistance in these fields
while the demand continues to grow. To address this
situation, each nation has to take into its own hands the
task of creating the conditions necessary to attain
peace, development and justice.
We believe that only if human rights are fully
respected will it be possible to create and sustain the
conditions necessary for the full development of all
men and women. The promotion of democracy and
social and economic development are also
indispensable instruments to generate the material,
social and spiritual conditions required for this
comprehensive development.
Our experience has taught us that only democracy
can provide the necessary framework for the full
respect of human rights. Only democracy which grants
all citizens equal rights and opportunities to participate
in the political process can secure true peace. Only a
democratic system which bestows on all people equal
opportunities to enjoy the benefits of economic
development and personal accomplishment will make
possible sustainable and just development. For that
reason, we celebrate the democratic consolidation that,
thanks to recent elections after a long period under the
same ruling party, is being enjoyed by Mexico and by
the Republic of China in Taiwan — which deserves an
appropriate place in international forums.
Additionally, our own national evolution has
taught us that the first step in such a policy is the
elimination or reduction of military budgets. Costa
Rica abolished its army more than 50 years ago and has
since been free from armed conflict with its neighbours
and from military oppression of its population.
Reduction of military expenditure is especially
valuable for developing States whose resources are
limited and cannot be mismanaged. In that context,
armies are a heavy burden on national budgets and a
constant source of tension and repression. Would it not
be better to devote to health the $191 billion that
developing countries waste on their armed forces?
Would it not be preferable to allocate to education the
$22 billion dollars that are spent in arms transfers to
the third world? Our historical experience has made us
a witness to and an example of the multifaceted and
positive relationship between disarmament and
development.
The second step on the path to peace and
development is to devote as many resources as possible
to education and health. Only an educated people can
live in freedom; only a healthy people can work for
development; only a cultured people can be a part of
the contemporary globalized world. For those reasons,
we must invest intensively and systematically in our
human resources while also striving for economic
development, social justice and the institutionalization
of democracy.
The third step towards the future is to secure
respect for human rights and democracy to enable
peoples to choose freely their own destinies and to
facilitate the coordination of all of society's actors. In
my country, we have deeply committed ourselves to
those principles, both in the national sphere through
constitutional provisions, and in the international arena
through various international conventions and treaties.
In this regard, the issue of migrations is of the
greatest importance to my country. Costa Rica has
given emphasis to the need to relocate the nationals of
each country peacefully and in an orderly fashion to
satisfy their specific immigration and emigration
needs; to the movements of qualified human resources
to promote economic, social and cultural progress in
the receiving countries; and to the orderly reintegration
and resettlement of persons who, for one reason or
another, have been obliged to abandon their country or
place of origin or who have been forced to leave a
nation that did not allow them to exercise their right
24

not to emigrate. Therefore, we appreciate the key role
played by the International Organization for Migration
(IOM), and we advocate in particular that States that
have not yet done so make the necessary amendments
to their domestic legislation in order to guarantee this
right to all human beings.
There are three main elements in the process of
development that we believe require greater attention.
First, we should reconstruct society and its values,
especially through a renewed effort to acknowledge
and protect the value of the family in its role as
society's basic cell. Unfortunately, the family is the
first victim of political and economic crisis, thus
forcing its dissolution by the scattering of its members.
For this reason, we must emphasize that families are
the schools where the basic values of coexistence and
respect for the dignity of all other persons are taught,
and that, without them, it is impossible to create a
stable society.
Secondly, it is necessary to make greater efforts
to pursue sustainable development in all areas of
human endeavour. In this sense, we are pleased to
report that Costa Rica has achieved significant
advances in the environmental field regarding the
preservation of its rich biodiversity and the promotion
of development in harmony with nature. We are one of
the first nations to have undertaken carbon fixation and
the sale of oxygen as an additional source of income
for development, on the basis of the sustainable use of
our forests and recognition of the economic value of
the environmental services that they provide to all
humanity. In the same vein, we have incorporated the
provisions of the Kyoto Protocol into our domestic
legal system. Nevertheless, there is still a long way to
go towards fully sustainable development.
Similarly, Costa Rica is honoured to be the
headquarters of the Earth Council and the University
for Peace, which are working jointly to promote a
concept of development in greater harmony with the
environment. We are confident that the University for
Peace, in particular, can play a constructive role both in
the promotion of sustainable development as in the
creation of a culture of peace. Thanks to the work of its
new Council and in particular Mr. Maurice Strong, who
presides over it, that institution can count on my
Government's unwavering support.
We take this opportunity to reiterate our pledge to
offer our country as the headquarters of the Secretariat
of the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests. We are
confident that this new organ will finally secure the
international community's coordinated and
comprehensive action with respect to forests.
Thirdly, it is necessary to ensure that economic
development is sustainable. To achieve this goal, it is
necessary to modify the international economic order,
with a view to making it more just and balanced, so
that it can grant to the smaller developing countries
greater access to the benefits of the globalization
process and the opportunities for development that it
creates. Open commercial mechanisms enabling
commerce and investment to be engines for economic
growth should be established. In a parallel, we should
target our developmental policies towards more
efficient use of the digital revolution, which provides
us with many opportunities to compete in the global
market and to increase our production. In short, we
must democratize globalization.
We believe that knowledge and opportunities to
access information and the new technologies are
essential today to generate well-being. In today's
world, marked by new technological frontiers, our
endeavours should also be directed towards narrowing
the digital divide. We should seek to provide more just
and equitable access to the opportunities open to us in
order to transform economic and social activities. In
accordance with this thesis, Costa Rica recently
initiated the programme “Communications without
frontiers”, becoming the first nation to provide free e-
mail to all its population.
Democracy, sustainable development and human
rights constitute the three fundamental elements upon
which the United Nations action must be based, as well
as that of each of our nations. None is an end in itself;
rather they are only a means to secure better living
conditions for all people. The true goal of our action
centres on the human being; it is to guarantee greater
happiness for all persons, the greatest respect for their
dignity and the necessary conditions for their full
physical, intellectual and spiritual development.