114.	 Mr. President, it gives me much pleasure to add my delegation's congratulations to the many you have already received on your election as President. We are confident that, with your well- known diplomatic skills and experience, the work of this session will be successfully concluded.
115.	I should also like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, who presided over the thirty-seventh session with distinction.
116.	The efforts of the Secretary General to make the United Nations a more effective instrument of peace are to be commended. His report on the work of the Organization	merits serious consideration by us all.
117.	This session of the General Assembly is convening against the backdrop of severe crises in international relations. The conflict in the Middle East, the continued armed interventions in the Asian region, the crisis in Central America and conflicts in various parts of Africa pose grave threats to international peace. The heightening of tensions between East and West, the stagnation of the North-South dialogue and the disarmament process and the prevalence of human rights violations and acts of terror provide further causes for alarm and insecurity. A11 these issues urgently need solutions, and my delegation hopes that at this session sincere and renewed efforts with be made to strengthen international co-operation and the Organization's various organs so that it can respond effectively to settle disputes and defuse the various crises which threaten world peace and security.
118.	My country is far removed from the centers of conflict and is in a region that has thankfully enjoyed peace. However, despite the distance and the peace that we enjoy, we are not insensitive to the plight and sufferings of the victims of conflicts elsewhere in the world. Nor are we unmindful of our international responsibility for positive and tangible action in the quest for peace. Indeed, it was Fiji's commitment to peace that led us to our direct involvement in the United Nations efforts to bring peace and stability in Lebanon. It is regrettable that this past year has witnessed no progress at all towards a durable solution in Lebanon.
119.	But the question of Lebanon is part of the overall problem of the Middle East. My Government acknowledges the sovereignty and territorial integrity of every State in this war-torn region, including Israel. At the same time, we support the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and a homeland. To this end, my Government believes that the essential elements for a peaceful solution are already embraced in the various United Nations resolutions and peace plans. These elements provide sufficient basis for dialogue and can pave the way for a negotiated and durable solution which has defied us for decades. But for that to succeed, courage, imagination, understanding and flexibility are required for all sides.
120.	Regrettably, peace has been absent for many years from parts of Asia. We fully share the international concern over foreign interventions in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. Such interventions continue to violate the sovereignty of their victims. In both cases, the international community has taken an unequivocal stand and laid the basis for a peaceful political solution of these problems. Only through the unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces and the elimination of all forms of outside intervention can peace by attained.
121.	The unresolved Korean question still constitutes a potentially dangerous situation in the region. We believe that peaceful reunification of Korea should be pursued by means of dialogue and negotiation between North and South Korea, without interference from any outside Power.
122.	May I, at this juncture, express my delegation's strong condemnation of the brutal act of terrorism that resulted in the tragic death of several eminent South Korean leaders over the weekend. I extend my Government's deep sympathy to the people and Government of Korea on this tragic loss.
123.	Fiji shares the concern expressed from this rostrum at the world economic situation. Whilst it is true that there have been signs of recovery in some of the developed countries, the desperate situation in many developing countries finds no immediate hope of relief. It is clear that more needs to be done to ensure that the recovery will be vigorous and durable. More is yet required if the benefits of the recovery are to be transmitted to developing countries. But for this to happen requires some major changes in the international monetary system to make it more responsive to the needs of developing countries. To this end, we support the call for a conference of the Bretton Woods type to re-examine the world monetary system.
124.	It is to be regretted that past efforts to solve the economic crisis through global negotiations have not made any significant headway. Amid this gloom, there is at least a glimmer of hope. Negotiations involving nearly half of the States Members of the Organization began last Thursday in Luxembourg on a successor to the second Lom6 Convention between the European Economic Community and African, Caribbean and Pacific States. The Convention is a model for economic relationships between developed and developing countries, and my delegation believes that an extension of the spirit of that Convention to the global economic scene can make a positive contribution to the North-South relationship.
125.	The world economic crisis has affected the economies of small island States in my part of the region particularly harshly. At the same time, it has brought into sharp focus the very peculiar problems facing small island States that need to be addressed urgently.
126.	Island States have many unique developmental problems that appear paradoxical at first sight. The social indicators point to solid, positive achievements: higher life expectancy, higher school enrolment, declining fertility rates and better health services. These positive achievements tend to obscure the natural disadvantages that place a real burden on island States in developing their economies.
127.	The disadvantages faced by small islands are many and include an open economy with a strong dependence on imported goods and services, small population, limited land size, a low level of economic opportunity, isolation from the major markets and proneness to natural disasters.
128.	In addition to these problems, many island States are fragmented and scattered over vast expanses of ocean. Their fragmentation, combined with smallness and remoteness, effectively hampers development. These factors are a strong disincentive to overseas investment.

They limit the involvement of lending agencies, whose operations are not geared to economies the size of the island State in the first place. They increase the problem of transportation and the problem of aggregating exports to achieve economies in marketing. The Government is forced to provide services, often at extremely high cost, in such situations.
129.	A factor contributing to the high cost of providing services has external causes in the high interest rates imposed by lending agencies. The insistence on gross domestic product as a factor in lending by international banking institutions means that Fiji and any other countries which are registering modest achievements in their development efforts must pay the same interest rates as the developed industrialized economies. Such a policy is absurd. The application of those rules to countries with narrow-based economies in the predicament I have referred to needs to be re-examined.
130.	For island States to participate meaningfully and effectively in North-South or South-South co-operation, it is critical that problems peculiar to them be taken into account appropriately and urgently by the world community.
131.	When we reflect upon some of the significant achievements of the United Nations, the success in the field of decolonization springs to mind. The admission of Saint Christopher and Nevis to the United Nations at the opening of this session affirms yet again the solid achievement in that field.
132.	I take this opportunity to congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on attaining its independence and to welcome it as a full Member of the United Nations.
133.	There are, however, some territories still under colonial domination, and the United Nations decolonization efforts must continue. The biggest challenge in the field of decolonization before the United Nations today is in southern Africa, where the repugnant policy of apartheid continues unabated and where colonialism still persists.
134.	My delegation continues to believe that the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, endorsed in Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), constitutes the universally accepted basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. It is a matter of deep concern that extraneous issues, in particular the policy of linkage espoused by South Africa, continue to impede the implementation of the United Nations plan.
135.	In the South Pacific, the leaders of the South Pacific Forum have kept the process of decolonization in New Caledonia under close review. The determination of the Administering Authority to introduce important reforms in that Territory is an important step forward. A further significant development is the willingness on the part of the Administering Authority to move to an act of self-determination in which the option of independence is included. These encouraging developments augur well for the political evolution of New Caledonia and are to be welcomed.
136.	The international situation concerning disarmament efforts has not improved. Political tensions punctuated by military conflicts in almost all of the five continents continuously fuel an arms race and increase the risk of nuclear war.
137.	Time has witnessed dramatic increases in the world resources devoted to military arms and research, justified, we are told, by the argument that such spending has the attainment of peace and security as its overall objective. This argument is fallacious. Instead of producing a safer and more secure world, increased military spending has only created increased insecurity.
138.	The question of international security is as much our concern as it is that of the super-Powers. In this age of nuclear weapons and nuclear-weapon capabilities, security is the sum total of co-operation among all nations. Nuclear-weapon States therefore cannot ignore the concern of others whose future and that of their peoples are closely intertwined with that of the nuclear- weapon States.
139.	In stressing the need for co-operation, especially among nuclear-weapon States, my Government looks to the ongoing strategic arms reduction talks  in Geneva between the United States and the Soviet Union as the most important forum in which the two superpowers can show the political will to achieve disarmament by halting new developments and making substantial reductions in their nuclear weaponry.
140.	Yet for many of us the road to a comprehensive programme of nuclear disarmament properly begins with a nuclear-weapon freeze. In our view, a freeze on nuclear arms would not only constitute an important first step in a disarmament process but would at the same time provide a favourable environment for negotiations such as START to be conducted in good faith and mutual trust. The structure and scope of such a nuclear arms freeze, we believe, should embrace a comprehensive  nuclear-weapons-test ban, the complete cessation of the manufacture of nuclear weapons, a ban on all further deployment of nuclear weapons, and the complete cessation of the production of fissionable material for weapons purposes.
141.	My Government attaches great importance and urgency to the conclusion of a test-ban treaty. A comprehensive nuclear test ban within the overall objective of nuclear disarmament would contribute effectively towards controlling both horizontal and vertical proliferation. We therefore urge Member States, especially nuclear-weapon States, to respond positively to the proposal of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.
142.	Further, in respect of a comprehensive test ban on nuclear weapons, Fiji associates itself fully with the other countries of the South Pacific in their opposition to, and condemnation of, the continued nuclear-weapon testing in our region by one of the major Powers.
143.	Apart from the primary concern over the danger nuclear weapons and their use pose for the future of mankind, my Government is equally concerned with the effects of other aspects of nuclear weapons and energy on the environment generally. Proposals by some Pacific- rim countries for the dumping and storage of nuclear waste on coral atolls and the sea-bed of the Pacific Ocean is viewed with grave concern and a great deal of dismay and trepidation by my Government and its people. The inherent danger such schemes pose for the peoples of the Pacific who derive their livelihood from the sea is reflected in the adoption by all the Governments of the South Pacific Forum of a reaffirmation of their longstanding opposition to the dumping and storage of nuclear waste in the Pacific area.
144.	The impasse in launching global negotiations and the consequent formulation of interim strategies for international economic negotiations is a matter of great concern for us all. But there has been considerable success in at least one area in the global negotiations, that of regulating international behaviour in the use of the oceans. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, opened for signature on 10 December 1982, represents a significant achievement in global negotiations
and provides an example of what can be achieved if there is a political will to do so.
145.	Now that the Convention has been adopted, its understanding and appreciation and, more importantly, its implementation should be underscored. It is as vital to the third world countries in the expansion of their national jurisdiction as it is to the industrialized nations in the exploration and exploitation of sea resources. We urge all Member States who have not ratified the Convention to do so and to work together towards its success.
146.	In this respect, my Government requests that the Secretary-General be authorized to provide all the essential information concerning the Convention and, at the same time, to provide such assistance as is necessary to small developing countries in the development of their resources.
147.	In small oceanic nations like Fiji, we place the greatest emphasis on the importance of the sea. It is for this reason that we were the first to ratify the Convention. We live with and by the sea. The sea constitutes one of our most vital resources. For many of us in the Pacific Islands, the development of the resources of our seas offers the only real hope for our economic well-being.


97.	 I wish to congratulate Mr. Jorge Illueca on his election to the office of President of the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly. I wish him and the Secretary-General every success in the?' responsible work.
98.	I wish also to express appreciation for the work of your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, of the Hungarian People's Republic.
99.	I welcome to our midst the new Member of the United Nations, Saint Christopher and Nevis, and sincerely congratulate it on achieving independence.
100.	The period that has elapsed since last year's session of the Assembly has unfortunately been marked by a further escalation of the struggle between the two main diametrically opposed forces of the present day. On the one hand there are those that are nudging the world towards increased tension, escalation of the arms race and the possibility of nuclear war, and on the other there are those that are striving to strengthen peace, international security and co-operation.
101.	The efforts of militarists to upset the existing military balance and to pile up more mountains of weapons have met with the growing resistance of the masses, whatever their political views or religious convictions. This was clearly borne out at the World Assembly for Peace and Life, Against Nuclear War, held at Prague last June. The capital of Czechoslovakia—a country where the Second World War, the most horrifying war of history, both began and ended—thus became a forum for the exchange of the most humanitarian ideas.
102.	From the rostrum of that forum, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Gustav Husak, stated:
"Despite the gravity of the situation that we jointly face today, we are convinced that there is still time to take the necessary steps to prevent world developments from continuing along the dangerous spiral of increased tensions, and to set them on the path of building confidence, developing mutually advantageous co-operation and lessening both political and military tensions. Everything possible must be done to avert the danger of war, whether it be a global war or a limited one, a major war or a small one."
103.	In the light of this requirement, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and our Government were fully in accord with the recent statement made by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Yuri Andropov, concerning the fundamental issue before the world today, namely the safeguarding of life in peace, that most vital interest of mankind. They were also highly appreciative of the firm position of principle taken by the Soviet Union, which once again demonstrated to the whole world that the pursuit of peace, security and co-operation among nations is the basic principle of its peaceful Leninist policy.
104.	Indeed, the current international situation shows convincingly how urgent it is to translate this position into concrete deeds. Over the past year, we have noted a further evident deterioration in that situation. It is an alarming state of affairs, which calls for immediate and radical therapy.
105.	Why is this so?
106.	What are the real causes of this unfavourable diagnosis? Where, figuratively speaking, should we look for the seat of this dangerously spreading infection that is undermining the stability of the entire international community?
107.	After a thorough analysis and careful consideration of all the facts, we noted a few days ago in a joint communiqué issued in Moscow following our talks with Andrei Gromyko, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, First Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and Foreign Minister of the USSR, that:
". . .the complicated nature of the present turn of events in Europe and in the world arena in general is a direct result of the actions of aggressive imperialist circles, especially those of the United States of America, which are trying to achieve military superiority so as to impose their will on others and to dominate the world. They are implementing unprecedented military programmes, fanning hotbeds of tension and conflict, and are ever more grossly interfering in the internal affairs of many countries and peoples. They are systematically undermining normal relations between States with different social systems by whipping up militaristic hysteria, by ideological sabotage, by shameless falsifications and slanders against the socialist countries designed to deceive the peoples and by staging major acts of provocation that flout the basic norms of international law."
108.	In this complex situation it is necessary above all, as we see it, to break out of the impasse that exists with regard to the question of eliminating the danger of an outbreak of nuclear war.
109.	This sword of Damocles hanging over civilization constantly threatens it with catastrophe and devastation. Losses would not be counted in terms of cities, but in terms of whole continents. We reject the prospect of a Euroshima or a Eurosaki. We vigorously protest against the dangerous plans for the deployment of new United States medium-range nuclear missiles in Western Europe. Such deployment would upset the existing military balance in Europe in favour of the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.  We in Czechoslovakia cannot remain indifferent to such a deployment. After all, the Pershing II missiles are to be deployed a mere 180 kilometres from our borders. That represents a flight lasting only a few tens of seconds.
110.	Along with broad sections of world public opinion, therefore, we wait for the United States to abandon its fruitless rhetoric at the Geneva talks and finally to show willingness to reach an agreement that respects the principles of equality and equal security. It is precisely this crucial principle that is the foundation of the recent significant Soviet proposals, which are further proof of its constructive, honest attitude. The proposed path
towards an agreement justly takes into account the legitimate interests of both sides. The United States would refrain from deploying missiles in Western Europe and the Soviet Union would reduce the number of medium- range missiles in the European part of its territory to a level equalling the number of British and French missiles and would dismantle all missiles involved in such reduction.
111.	The stakes are high. The success of the Geneva talks could steer world developments into calmer waters. On the other hand, their failure could be the harbinger of risks and uncertainty. Everything now depends on what position will be taken by the United States. Will it heed the voice of reason, or will it continue to temporize and place its stake on the deployment of the Pershing and cruise missiles in Western Europe, thus placing its European allies in the unenviable role of hostages, on whose territories the deadly weapons would be stationed, who would not be involved in a decision on whether they should be used, but who would bear the full brunt of the dreadful consequences entailed in the deployment of these weapons, including retaliatory strikes?
112.	I therefore wish to emphasize that Czechoslovakia does not reject any realistic proposals for the solution of the current complicated situation. Nor, indeed, does it reject the zero option. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia is fully in favour of a zero option—but a zero option in which zero really means zero: zero for the medium- range nuclear missiles, zero for tactical nuclear weapons, zero for land-based missiles, zero for nuclear weapons launched from the air, zero for missiles launched from the sea, zero for aircraft carrying nuclear bombs and zero for aircraft carrying nuclear missiles; in other words, zero for all systems capable of delivering nuclear charges.
113.	How many of these were stationed by the NATO countries in the continent of Europe alone, and where they were targeted during the last three post-war decades was generally known—whether these were the land-based Matadors, Thors, Pershing I, Honest Johns, Little Johns, Lance missiles and atomic howitzers of various calibres, or the submarine-based Polaris and Poseidon missiles, or the Starfighter and Phantom aircraft. To understand the threat that these weapons posed to our old continent, it was not really necessary to be a West Point graduate. On the other hand, the Soviet Union, ever since the United States held the atomic-bomb monopoly, has always been merely attempting to catch up with the United States superiority in nuclear weapons and, in the second half of the 1970s, merely responded essentially to the megatons of nuclear death already installed on the European continent through the modernization of its nuclear potential and the deployment of what in English terminology is known as "surface-to-surface 20" missiles— that is, the SS-20s—by which the Soviet Union merely maintained approximate parity, something which at that time, by the way, nobody questioned.
114.	It must therefore be stated quite frankly that if new United States missiles are deployed in Western Europe this approximate parity will be upset and an entirely new military-strategic and political situation will be created. This must be stated quite openly, particularly to those who seek to obscure reality with tricky computer games with numbers, with haggling about the number of missiles, with puzzles about "dual decisions", alleged "zero options", "interim solutions" or "global ceilings"—all of which serve but one purpose: to confuse the public so that people can no longer make their way through this confusion of numbers, the maze of proposals and the tangle of declarations and thus can be intimidated by an alleged Soviet superiority or threat, and so that the situation can be used for the actual deployment of missiles.
115.	It must be stated very unambiguously that if United States missiles are deployed in Western Europe, they will pose a strategic threat to the Soviet Union and to all the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. Our countries will be forced to take necessary measures to respond to this threat, in order to ensure their own security and to create a necessary counterbalance—including measure that will affect the territory of the United States itself. This must be realized in complete seriousness and in the full sense of these words. The statements of the socialist countries on this issue are already a matter of record. Furthermore, the Czechoslovak statement made on 3 June 1983 remains fully in force; in that statement we give complete support to the position of the Soviet Government and the steps it feels are indispensable to ensure the Soviet Union's own security and that of its allies.
116.	However, so long as the deployment of United States missiles in Europe has not yet begun, we are of the view that an agreement is possible. There is still time. Let us not forget that in politics chances that are wasted are not usually repeated. It is therefore in the interest of both Europe and the whole world that an agreement be reached at Geneva.
117.	The socialist countries have through tangible deeds consistently promoted and continue to promote a constructive policy of peace. The continuity of that policy is reaffirmed in the Political Declaration adopted at the Prague session of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty. The backbone of that document is the proposal for the conclusion of a treaty on the mutual non- use of military force and the preservation of peaceful relations between States parties to the Warsaw Treaty and those in NATO—the two strongest political-military alliances in the world. Having been entrusted with the dissemination of that important document, Czechoslovakia duly brought it to the attention of the majority of the States Members of the United Nations.
118.	The response that we encountered almost everywhere confirmed that the cause of peace is uppermost in the minds of the people of all the countries of the world. The Committee of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, in their meetings at Prague last April, elaborated further procedures for the implementation of the peace proposals in the Declaration. Our readiness for a serious exchange of views between the two alliances was once again confirmed.
119.	We emphasized in particular that the proposed draft treaty pursues the objective of elaborating in international law and making firm in different treaty documents the principle of the non-use of force formulated generally in the Charter of the United Nations. It proposes the adoption of the principle of not being the first to use either nuclear or conventional weapons against each other. Further, it contains the commitment to maintain viable peaceful relations and to develop them purposefully and actively on the basis of reciprocity. It provides for the right of all non-aligned and neutral countries of all continents to accede to this proposed treaty. In a word, it strengthens peace and averts the danger of war.
120.	We are of the opinion that it is essential to start constructive negotiations on the draft of this treaty without delay.
121.	The positive results of the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe offer
proof that even in an aggravated international political climate it is possible to achieve concrete measures for its improvement. The conclusion of the meeting by the adoption of a substantive and balanced Concluding Document, which embodies the continuation of the policy of peace, detente, East-West dialogue and the development of comprehensive co-operation on the basis of the Helsinki Final Act,' represents a victory of political realism and confirms the incontestable truth that political will and action are the motive power in the solution of problems which at first glance seem insoluble. The results of this meeting may well pave the way to a new phase in the process initiated by the Helsinki Conference, whether at Vienna in 1986 or at any other working-level consultations and meetings. Particularly significant, in our view, is the decision to convene next January at Stockholm the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. The relevant Czechoslovak bodies were charged with the implementation of the provisions of the Concluding Document of the Madrid meeting in accordance with the laws of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
122.	The urgent need nowadays to search for and to find a common language and to strive through negotiations for mutual understanding and the solution of existing problems is in sharp contrast with certain negative phenomena of recent weeks. What I have in mind is, first of all, the ferocious anti-Soviet campaign surrounding the incident with the South Korean aircraft. This testifies to the fact that the whole purpose of the deliberate instigation of hatred and slander is to obscure the far-reaching and well-prepared military-political provocation against the USSR in the Far East. Equally unheard-of was the refusal to provide guarantees for the safe participation in this session of the Foreign Minister of the USSR, Mr. Gromyko, one of the drafters of the Charter of the United Nations, a participant in the founding conference of the Organization and the representative of a country which is a permanent member of the Security Council. This is a flagrant violation of the 1947 agreement between the United Nations and the host country, which explicitly states that the Federal, state or local authorities shall not impose any impediments to transit to or from the United Nations Headquarters of the representatives of Member States, irrespective of the relations between the Governments involved.
123.	These and similar actions illustrate the psychological war unleashed by imperialism and extended, as a matter of policy, from the field of ideology to international relations. They represent attempts to draw public attention away from the fact that it is imperialism which tramples basic human rights under foot every day, in particular, the most fundamental rights, the right to equality of all people and the right to live in peace.
124.	In vain, however, do the highest representatives of imperialism cast themselves daily in the role of arbiters of all things occurring in the world, arbitrarily falsifying history and describing the post-war map of Europe as the result not of agreements but of acts of force. In vain do they depict the socialist order as the source of all evil or the garbage heap of history. In vain do they, even from the soil of neutral countries, refer to socialist countries as savage and primitive, countries which long before Columbus produced schools of thought and jewels of world culture. In vain do they accuse the representatives of these countries of "brutal acts", manufacturing vicious and careless lies, and insulting them with expressions taken from the language of the gutter. In vain do they incite the peoples of socialist countries against their own Governments with frenetic rhetoric from the studios of their radio stations, which in itself is a political rarity that in every respect equals the most extreme verbal assaults from the time when the cold war was at its peak.
125.	As far as we are concerned, "we shall never stoop to such an undignified way of conducting a "discussion". Ideological non-coexistence, yes. Psychological warfare, no. We shall never answer lack of breeding with the same behaviour. Such an approach is not in keeping with our principles or cur policy. Our truth does not require blustering words. Its strength lies in the historic mission of our social order, which is scientifically predetermined to replace the departing order.
126.	This is a fact nobody can change, not even those who exploit their fellow man—who is also created in God's image—and appropriate for themselves the surplus value created by his labour, the principal source of his capital and his wealth; not even those who leave millions of people unemployed; nor those who deny their fellow citizens the right to free education; nor those who do not provide free medical care. In other words, not even those representatives of monopolies and military-industrial complexes who, in defence of their class interests and profits, turn their "humanism", as Yuri Andropov noted recently, into "new heaps of weapons of mass destruction—from MX missiles to nerve gas containers"
127.	The proposals of the Soviet Union on such questions as the "condemnation of nuclear war" and the "freezing of nuclear armaments" made from this rostrum yesterday are, in our view, a constructive and, at this time, extremely significant contribution to the implementation of the ideals of the Charter concerning international security and the maintenance of worldwide peace. We fully associate ourselves with their purpose and content, as well as with the request that they be included in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly.
128.	With regard to the course and the results of this year's session of the Committee on Disarmament, we cannot say that we are fully satisfied. Nevertheless, we continue to regard the Committee's activity as being of extraordinary importance. Experience so far has shown that, given sufficient political will on the part of its members, the Committee has in the past been able to work out and adopt important international legal documents which, to a certain degree, have curbed the arms race.
129.	The development of the situation shows that it is also necessary to take further urgent measures to prevent the militarization of outer space. For that reason we welcome and fully support the significant new proposal made by the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a treaty on the prohibition of the use of force in outer space and from space against the Earth. We highly appreciate the unilateral commitment of the USSR not to be the first to launch any type of anti-satellite weapons into outer space, as long as other States, including the United States, refrain from so doing. We regard this proposal as a sound basis for the solution of the question of the demilitarization of outer space.
130.	We are of the view that the whole range of disarmament issues can be resolved only through realistic, consistent and purposeful international co-operation on the basis of equality and equal security. The principles for such co-operation have been laid down in the Declaration on International Co-operation for Disarmament which was adopted, on the basis of our initiative, at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly on The timeliness and the lasting significance of that document were confirmed by the adoption of relevant resolutions at the two most recent sessions of the Assembly. We believe it would also be useful for the current session to deliberate seriously on this matter and to adopt appropriate recommendations. My delegation is prepared to take an active part in that work and to contribute to it by submitting a specific draft resolution.
131.	The growing threat to peace is also reflected in the flaring up of old hotbeds of tension and in the creation of new ones. The imperialist circles are further escalating their policies of blackmail and diktat. They are interfering in the internal affairs of other States, and they are using force on all continents.
132.	Developments in the Middle East are indeed alarming. The deterioration of the situation caused by the Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the Palestinian people is proceeding with generous support from world reaction. The reckless actions of the Israeli expansionists aimed at speedily changing the demographic character of the occupied Arab territories further increase the urgent need air a speedy, just and comprehensive peace settlement.
133.	It is, moreover, deplorable that Washington is resorting here to direct armed intervention in an effort to expand a military-strategic bridgehead to allow it to interfere in the entire region. The cease-fire agreement reached by the parties to the internal Lebanese conflict must be welcomed. However, lasting peace can be achieved only through the complete and immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon and from ether Arab territories. The interventionist troops of the United States and other NATO countries should also leave Lebanon.
134.	Of even more pressing urgency appears to be the need to halt the senseless war between Iran and Iraq and to reach a settlement of the disputed issues between them on the basis of mutual respect for their independence and territorial integrity.
135.	We commend the efforts which have been made by the Government of Afghanistan to achieve a peaceful settlement of the situation prevailing around Afghanistan and to improve relations with neighbouring countries Pakistan and Iran. The Afghan-Pakistani talks held through the mediation of the personal representative of the Secretary-General made a significant contribution to that end.
136.	We are in full solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, which continues in difficult conditions for the defence of freedom, independence and unity against the interference of external forces and against open subversion. We support the peaceful policies of the countries of Lido-China, which are striving to resolve disputes in South-East Asia through dialogue. It is also high time that the General Assembly finally recognized the authority of the true representatives of the Kampuchean people, who have done so much to heal the wounds caused by the Pol Pot regime.
137.	We support the efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful reunification of Korea and the withdrawal of United States troops from the southern part of the country.
138.	We welcome the recommendation for the settlement of the question of Cyprus contained in General Assembly resolution 37/253. Respect for the independence and the sovereignty of Cyprus is a prerequisite for its implementation. The talks between the representatives of the two communities, which were positively influenced by the personal initiative of the Secretary-General, may play a significant role in this respect.
139.	We formally protest the racist policies of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. It must terminate its unlawful occupation of Namibia, as well as its barbaric sorties against neighbouring independent States, particularly the People's Republic of Angola. The people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, must be given an opportunity to exercise its right to self-determination, freedom and national independence, as laid down in the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. This should be done immediately without any pre-conditions and obstructions created by South Africa or the so-called contact group.
140.	There is no peace or stability in that important region of the world, Central America. The pronounced deterioration of the situation that has occurred there since the last session of the General Assembly must be ascribed to the escalation of acts of aggression directed against Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada, and against the national liberation movement in El Salvador. We denounce this hegemonistic policy of imperialism towards Central American countries. We appreciate the efforts of the State of the Contadora Group to resolve the crisis in Central America by means of political negotiation.
141.	This applies equally to the southern part of the continent and some of its unresolved problems, among them the problem of the Malvinas Islands, which poses a threat to the peace and security of the entire region.
142.	We appreciate the activity and the positive part played by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, its contributions to the struggle to restore the international situation to health, to halt the arms race, to establish lasting peace and to achieve the peaceful settlement of conflicts in various parts of the world. We attach considerable value to its seventh summit conference, held at New Delhi, which addressed an appeal to the nations and peoples of the world asking them to develop broad mutual co-operation in the solution of international problems as well as in democratizing relations among States through the establishment of a new and just international economic order.
143.	Therefore, we watch with concern everything which stands in the way of these objectives. One such development in particular is the sharp increase of protectionism and discriminatory tendencies on the part of the West. In an effort to blunt the impact of the economic difficulties in their own ranks, the respective capitalist countries have turned their Ore against many of the countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. They have also tried to export these difficulties to the socialist States. These are policies which we denounce.
144.	In conclusion, I should like to express my belief that the United Nations will be even further involved in normalizing and improving international relations. May I in this context recall the position formulated in the Political Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty at their Prague meeting last January, which says that it is essential to enhance the effectiveness of and to strengthen the role of the United Nations in international affairs as an important forum for uniting the efforts of States in order to strengthen peace and international security and to promote the resolution of pressing world problems. I can assure you that Czechoslovakia, which is one of the founding Members of the United Nations, will do its utmost to ensure that the Organization, the integrated expression of the aspirations of peoples to peace, may achieve the noble goals which it set for itself 38 years ago.


1.	 I am addressing this illustrious and sovereign General Assembly for the first time on behalf of the heads of State of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel. I do so keenly aware of the importance of the praiseworthy work taken on by all of you, the representatives of States of all continents.
2.	If man now has everything that mankind has always dreamed of possessing in order to live in harmony with nature and to merge into a coherent and single whole, he nevertheless also possesses other means of unequalled power, which can reduce everything to ashes and annihilate thousands of years of civilization.
3.	That is why so many hopes are placed each year in the General Assembly, which people expect to be a gathering of clear-minded people anxious to preserve the future of nations, united by the same determination to overcome all obstacles to the progress of mankind.
4.	Millions of men and women expect of your resolutions and recommendations concrete acts which will help to transform the tears of the victims of colonialism, racism and apartheid into smiles of hope, to provide the comforts so long awaited in the refugee camps, to provide the encouragement indispensable for the freedom- fighters, or, to put it in the simplest terms, to provide bread for those who are hungry, and the will to live for those who see death as the best option.
5.	I do not think one can live a carefree life when one knows that although world-wide agricultural production today could satisfy the food needs of the people of the Earth, hunger and malnutrition condemn the majority of the inhabitants of the planet to live in sub-human conditions.
6.	The truth is that in the era of computers and space exploration, human society has still not proved able to satisfy the most elementary needs of a large majority of its members. Those people who live today in abundance and comfort are forgetting how precarious their situation can be, that sooner or later the consequences of poverty, which is rife in vast regions of the world, will affect them too.
7.	World leaders live with their eyes focused on the year 2000, trying to fathom the enigmas of the next era. But at the same time there is a growing awareness of the risks involved in the fact that humanity has carried with it so many vestiges of the servitude of the past.
8.	We live in insecurity and anguish, knowing that a critical limit to tensions has been reached and that every day sees a dramatic reduction in man's ability to control and restrain his own actions, which in. most cases are born of attitudes condemned by the conscience of mankind.
9.	That is why the 30 million people in the Sahel— whom I have the honour, but above all the responsibility, of representing in this forum—base their hopes on overcoming the scourges that threaten their very existence, that is to say, drought and desertification, in the conviction that :t is possible to change the present system of relations between peoples and States and devote the vast energies and resources that man has at his disposal to action that would correct the present dangerous imbalance and increase material and social well-being.
10.	We are convinced that there is now an urgent need, in order to preserve the hopes of peace among men and harmony among nations, which constitute the very essence of the Charter of the United Nations, to mobilize without delay all available resources and technologies to face with courage and a sense of responsibility the serious problems affecting mankind, which are a challenge to our consciences. This has been the motivation in discussions at previous sessions and testifies to a profound awareness of these problems within the Assembly. It seems to us, therefore, that we should pursue a thorough analysis of the various aspects of the situation and implement policies which will make it possible to carry out decisions already taken or to be taken.
11.	I should like at this time to greet all representatives as the messengers of hope. The world in which we live needs your efforts to spare it further tragedies or even annihilation. We know today from the consensus within the Assembly that the future for which the United Nations is working cannot be based on hatred or injustice or the abdication of our individual and collective responsibilities.
12.	It was undoubtedly this understanding that led to the choice of Mr. Jorge Illueca to direct this session. He is a man of dialogue and an expert in the problems of our day, and we have no doubt that he will succeed in conducting the session to a successful conclusion, following in the footsteps of Mr. Imre Hollai, whose human qualities, combined with those of a distinguished diplomat, made it possible for him to carry out so brilliantly the formidable task entrusted to him last year.
13.	However, even though it is not in the character of the Sahelian to give way to pessimism, I must say that the present unfavourable factors and the known facts of the world situation give no grounds for much optimism for years to come.
14.	We are therefore very pleased to have at the head of the Organization, as Secretary-General, a man who in a short space of time has given proof of his sense of responsibility and calm determination in the face of the innumerable challenges which have confronted him day by day since he took office. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar's efforts to reduce international tension, enhance the credibility of the United Nations system and create conditions which will bring us closer to the fundamental objectives of the Charter encourage our belief that his actions will have positive results and strengthen our hope that, despite the present difficulties and the complexity of the problems besetting the international community, mankind will succeed in overcoming these problems and the world will recover from its sufferings.
15.	We are also pleased by the admission of Saint Christopher and Nevis, which has expanded the United Nations family and strengthened our conviction that the struggle of peoples for self-determination and independence is part of the historical evolution of mankind and a legitimate and irrefutable right.
16.	Drought and desertification are today among the principal causes of the evils afflicting large areas of our planet. More than one third of the arable land throughout the world is situated in regions of the globe affected by drought. As far as the African continent is concerned, the extent of arid and semi-arid zones is alarming, at present 44 per cent of the land area. Furthermore, low- fertility land in Africa covers 18 per cent of the total surface area. It has been calculated that every year 50,000 to 70,000 square kilometers of arable land are lost to the advancing desert, thus posing a direct threat to the survival of 14 per cent of the world's population, about 628 million people.
17.	The United Nations Conference on Desertification, which was held at Nairobi from 29 August to 9 September 1977, produced a plan of action and concluded that, if man is one of the principal agents of desertification, today he possesses the technological means to combat it. In the course of that Conference, the Secretary-General declared that priority should be given to the most vulnerable countries and that internal efforts should be focused more on the population than on the land.
18.	If we focus attention on the region which encompasses the members of CILSS—leaving aside for the moment the overall picture—we can see that without the shadow of a doubt this is the most affected zone. The geographical and human area known as the Sahel is at present experiencing difficult and worrying times, brought about by the terrible drought ravaging our countries and the desertification which is inexorably gaining ground despite all the efforts of the Governments and peoples of the region to check the degradation of the Sahel.
19.	In the face of this situation, we believe it appropriate to set forth in the Assembly the concern of our countries and to give an account of the efforts we have made to eliminate or at least reduce the causes of this problem. Toughened by the bitterness of the struggle for survival, the Sahelian peoples have learnt to accept only the language of facts when what is at stake is food and the creation of the necessary conditions for a decent life.
20.	Situated in the wide belt of the arid and semi-arid zones of the continent, the Sahel covers an area of approximately 146 million hectares. In countries concerned—Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Gambia, Upper Volta and Cape Verde—45 per cent to 66 per cent of their territories is made up of arid and desert zones.
21.	A certain number of known factors have combined to bring about accelerated deforestation, an increase in the process of desertification, and hence an imbalance in the whole ecosystem of the region. For example, if the present rate of exploitation continues, it is calculated that Mauritania's forests will disappear in five to 10 years.
22.	In Niger forestry resources will satisfy barely 45 per cent of the energy needs over the next 20 years, if consumption is not reduced. In Mali the situation is similar to that in Niger. In Cape Verde the problem is the same, or worse.
23.	If nothing is done to modify the present trends, such as the reduction of the fertility of the soil, increasing desertification and other similar problems—the Sahel will move inexorably towards ecological catastrophe.
24.	Since the sixteenth century the Sahelian region has suffered the consequences of more than 20 major droughts, but it was the droughts of the 1960s and 1970s which called mankind's attention to the suffering of the peoples living there. Really tragic circumstances were experienced throughout that period.
25.	The great drought which devastated the Sahelian countries in 1972-1973 had tragic features. During those two years harvests shrank by one third on average, and between one third and two thirds of the cattle were lost. The population that survived shows the effects of the chronic malnutrition to which it is subjected.
26.	Although the drought has abated somewhat, it has become endemic. Thus, in addition to desertification, the Sahel is confronted with other very serious problems, such„ as the food and energy crisis, which is becoming more acute with each passing day. Water supply for the population is also a problem, as is water for agricultural purposes, which is indispensable.
27.	According to estimates made by the Economic Commission for Africa, the degree of food self-sufficiency, which was of the order of 80 per cent in 1975, will be about 60 per cent in 1990 and only 50 per cent in the year 2000 if the present trends are maintained. From the same source we learn that the cereal deficit will double by 1990, and so will the number of people suffering from malnutrition.
28.	To be specific, while between 1973 and 1980 the cereal imports of the eight Sahelian countries were of the order of 800,000 tons a year, they exceeded a million tons in 1982. According to estimates of FAO, consumption may amount to 7 million tons in 1985 and 9 million tons in 1995, with import needs estimated at two or three million tons over the last decade of the century. Indeed, cereal production has shown an increase of 1 per cent a year while the population has increased at a rate of over 2.5 per cent a year. It is estimated that the population of the Sahel, which today numbers about 31 million, will reach about 50 million by the end of the century.
29.	We are aware that to meet the growing food shortage, an increase in production is absolutely indispensable, and that is why Sahelians have been devoting substantial efforts to the difficult struggle thus imposed upon them. For this, it is necessary not only to lay down a coherent policy for development but also to find ways of bringing about more active participation on the part of the people, to adapt structures to the needs of development and undertake large-scale action in the fields of training and research.
30.	Similarly, the development of rain-watered and irrigated crops must be accompanied by action to protect growing and stored crops.
31.	The struggle against pests that damage and destroy crops must also be intensified, side by side with the development of cultivation, and be the subject of joint programmes both nationally and regionally.
32.	As water is a rare commodity in the Sahel and the existing supplies are seriously threatened by drought and even by pollution, special attention must be given to the problem of water supply for the people. Of the 70,000 water-supply points which it is estimated will be needed by the year 2000 to ensure the minimum supply of drinking water in accordance with the recommendations of WHO, there existed about 18,000 at the beginning of 1982; that is, only 25 per cent of the needs were covered.
33.	Thus it is understandable that our organization, CILSS, should give priority to water supply projects in the Sahel, and we are sure that the international community will once again understand our concerns and thus make it possible to alleviate the burden that the search for this precious liquid represents for Sahelians at present, particularly for the women. The gravity of the situation confronting the Sahelian countries does not admit of partial or improvised solutions. That is why the application of a rural development strategy which would lead to self-sufficiency and food security and the restoration of the ecological balance is a fundamental priority of our regional organization, CILSS, which has since its foundation in 1973 undertaken a series of actions to remedy agricultural deficits, to curb desertification and to create the necessary conditions for integrated development throughout the region.
34.	CILSS reflects a profound awareness not only of the dangerous degradation of the environment in the region but also of the need to meet the challenge of nature in a coherent and coordinated manner. If the work of CILSS has had repercussions beyond the frontiers of the Sahel, it is because all those who in one way or another are sensitive to the problems of the region have found in it an appropriate framework for demonstrating the human solidarity which today is more necessary than ever.
35.	At the time of its foundation 10 years ago at Ouagadougou, our organization was given the task of coordinating all activities in the fight against drought and its effects at the subregional level. It was also given the task of making the international community aware of the problems of drought and mobilizing the resources needed to carry out the emergency programme laid down by the States and to finance operations. There was also the task of seeking financing for common programmes.
36.	In 1976 CILSS, in co-operation with the Club du Sahel, laid down a development strategy for its member States up to the year 2000, and for the period 1977 to 1982 it worked out a series of integrated projects known as first generation projects I shall try to retrace the most significant stages covered by CILSS in the course of its existence.
37.	The result of the historic decision to establish the organization in 1973, CILSS reflected the combined efforts of member countries to confront the grave situation which threatened to exterminate our peoples. In 1976 the secretariats of CILSS and of the Club du Sahel produced short-term, medium-term and long-term strategies for development based on preliminary FAO studies. From 1977 to 1982 our organization moved towards the initial programming of its work, which could be described as short-term programming. As a result, a number of projects were identified. The third Conference of Heads of State and Government or CILSS, held at Banjul in 1977, made its First-Generation Programme the sole sphere of action for CILSS for the period 1977 to 1982, and thus it became the first joint enterprise by the member countries in their struggle for survival. At its fifth Conference of Heads of State and Government, at Praia in
January 1982, a progress report for the First-Generation Programme was presented. An analysis of the situation demonstrated that the financing obtained was about 60 per cent of the project costs.
38.	In the medium-term, for the period 1982 to 1990, we had to reformulate all the policies of CILSS by working out sectoral assessment programmes, which will make it possible to go into further detail on the work of each sector. We might characterize this medium-term period as the second-generation programme, the purpose of which is not only the establishment of a diagnosis of action carried out in the framework of the First-Generation projects but also a reformulation of programmes, with new guidelines which would make possible a transition to a new generation of projects that would no longer be confined to limiting the consequences of the drought but would become a true development project for the Sahel, giving pride of place to water supply.
39.	Over the long term CILSS proposes to bring about the full restoration of the Sahelian ecosystem and food self-sufficiency, which are the ultimate objective for which we are mobilizing our joint efforts.
40.	Although the international community is continuing to assist our organization, I had to appeal for an increase of their assistance on the occasion of my visit to FAO last November, in the light of the progressive decline of the Sahel and the size of the problems facing Sahelians. Indeed we know that, in spite of joint action on the part of the States in question and considerable external aid, the situation in the Sahel has hardly improved in its fundamental aspects. Climatic vicissitudes and the international situation have something to do with this. The Sahel has made no progress towards food self-sufficiency. Food aid is perpetuating itself. Certain countries are in an alarming economic and financial situation.
41.	In my capacity as current Chairman of the Conference of Heads of State of CILSS, I am once again appealing to the international community to increase its help to member States of the CILSS in their development programmes and their campaign against desertification. This help is needed for carrying out development projects already designed and approved by the respective Governments; for executing already designed and approved regional projects to fight desertification; for basic studies needed for learning the potential for development at the national and regional levels; for establishing and/or strengthening research and training institutes at the national and regional levels to find solutions to the limitations of the programmes already mentioned; and for strengthening national and subregional capacity in the planning, management and evaluations of integrated development action.
42.	We are aware that food aid is not the solution sought by the people of the Sahel for the problems confronting them, but we should like to reiterate the fact that it is essential to maintain this type of aid, particularly in view of the disappointing rainy season during the present harvest season, which has made it necessary for us to plan for considerable food shortages.
43.	Various agencies of the United Nations family have participated in the development efforts of the Sahel. In recent years they have increased their activities, and we are sure that with the support of all, this improvement will become even more tangible.
44.	In particular, we must mention the important role played by FAO and UNDP, either directly or through the United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office, in the struggle to achieve the priority targets of CILSS.
45.	Permit me, on behalf of the heads of State of the member countries of CILSS, to extend our thanks to all the countries and organizations which have joined us in this titanic struggle against desertification and its consequences.
46.	However, we must not lose sight of the fact that the work of CILSS began and is being carried on in a period of international recession, with a strong tendency towards a decline in development assistance.
47.	The difficulties of financing the action advocated by CILSS and which various United Nations agencies have undertaken for our benefit are obvious. However, financing such action is urgent, since only the implementation of these programmes will enable us to prevent further catastrophes. Without this action, the Sahelian peasant will have to continue waging a bitter struggle for survival—a struggle in which so many of his predecessors have lost their lives and which is based on empirical methods which, more often than not, only make the situation worse.
48.	Desertification knows no frontiers and is a process which feeds on itself. If the international community is not capable of making available to our countries means to enable us to halt its progress, problems will persist without any lasting solution and the granting of aid to ease hunger caused by drought will have to go on, while desertification will continue to extend until all life becomes impossible in the affected regions. If this should happen—we hope that it will not—the very survival of mankind will be at stake. History has examples of civilizations which have disappeared because of such lack of foresight.
49.	In making known to the international community our profound desire that it give more attention to the threats hanging over the Sahel and grant assistance to overcome them, we hope that it will adopt, as a basic principle that such assistance be extended to us on acceptable and tolerable conditions.
50.	A Sahelian contribution is necessary, even in a precarious and fragile ecosystem. Sahelians have imposed such a contribution on themselves. Proof of this is the affirmation of our joint political determination and perseverance in efforts even when any investment seems, at first sight, to be useless and doomed to failure. We are fighting tenaciously to create more decent living conditions, investing the bulk of our efforts in the elimination of the scourges which threaten our future.
51.	We also think that CILSS stands at a decisive point and that a reorientation of its strategy has become necessary. Its activities must be adapted to new and urgent needs in the region so that it can focus its efforts on well- defined priority areas, thus making a greater contribution to the development of the Sahel.
52.	When we speak of the Sahel, we cannot lose sight of the overall context in which we live and in which we are trying to resolve the problems of this region.
53.	The current crisis is a structural crisis of a system which has already demonstrated its inadequacy in today's world and its inability to meet the just demands of the peoples. It is not by indefinitely postponing the establishment of a new international economic order that means will be found to overcome that crisis.
54.	However, we cannot allow the present difficult situation to discourage us. We believe that the developing peoples and countries must persist in dialogue and consultation, because, in the absence of any alternative other than total failure and collapse, this approach is an historical imperative.
55.	The touchstone of our struggle is the full blossoming of our potential for independence, which will make it possible to revive our development efforts on the basis of full use of the productive capacities of our countries. In this context international co-operation is an external complement to the creation of bases for development aimed at satisfying the elementary needs of each community.
56.	In Cape Verde we know that, in order to meet the challenges we have consciously set for ourselves, we must rely above all on our own efforts. But as we have developed as a people, we have also learned the value of solidarity among men.
57.	We are proud of the fact that although our country is small and has been devastated by drought, the international community has judged us worthy of benefiting from significant assistance. It is thanks to this assistance that drought, which has persisted since the mid-1960s, no longer necessarily means death by starvation in Cape Verde. It is thanks to this assistance that our country has since its independence recorded economic growth indicators which have been encouraging even to the most sceptical among our development partners.
58.	However, we must manifest our concern at the increase in disquieting trends in official development assistance, which belie the relative optimism with which two years ago we ended the United Nations Conference, on the Least Developed Countries.
59.	For us, development assistance will be attaining its true objectives only if it ceases to be a mere palliative for emergency situations and becomes an actual stimulus and support for the mobilization of internal productive forces. The task is not to maintain artificially a moribund corpse, but to give it the proper treatment so that at the end of a reasonable period of time it can walk on its own feet.
60.	Furthermore, there can be no doubt that increasing development assistance is the only path leading to true integration and the expansion of the world market and thus to a reversal of the trends towards recession affecting it at present.
61.	The right to peace, security and development is a corollary of the sovereign equality of States. Theoretically, all States are equal. However, even though this principle may be valid juridically speaking, there is no analogy on the sociological level, where differences between States are enormous. There are rich countries and poor countries, countries possessing weapons capable of massive destruction and others that are defenceless, countries highly developed economically, scientifically and technologically and others that have not even reached a stage of economic viability and are struggling for the most elementary survival. The listing of differences could go on indefinitely to lead us to the conclusion that, internationally, the prevailing reality is that of unequal development.
62.	The non-aligned countries and the developing countries have demonstrated by their actions that countries can enjoy equal sovereignty only if their development is equal.
63.	Since peace is an indispensable condition for social progress and economic development, only a climate of detente, disarmament and renunciation of the arms race can be conducive to the rational utilization of their potential on the basis of co-operation from the more favoured countries.
65., The right to a peaceful life is not only an individual right but also a right of peoples which can be achieved only through the institution of a new international economic and legal order. However, respect for such a right is far from being the rule in the practice of international relations.
66.	Over the last 30 years the world has seen more than ISO armed conflicts, most of which have been fought in third world countries. It is not surprising that the violent and systematic denial of the right of peoples to development and to peace and security has been reflected in a series of violations of individual rights, beginning with the most elementary such as the right to life, to the free development of the personality, to food, to education and to work. The individual will never be protected as long as the right of his people to exist is called into question, as well as its right to become free from domination by all means at its disposal—whether it be the case of a colonised people or an occupied country—the right to choose freely the political system to assure its economic and social development, according to the role its has selected for itself, the right to dispose freely of its wealth and natural resources, and the right to eliminate any form of foreign economic exploitation.
67.	Traditionally, international law proclaims equality without taking into consideration the profound differences existing among States. From this standpoint, the non-aligned countries have made a decisive contribution to the strengthening of international law and to the defence of sovereign equality, taking into account the facts of international life today.
68.	Always, and especially at this time, peace has represented the profound aspirations of all peoples of the world. It is here that the instinct for survival as a human community has prevailed over the forces which are provoking an unbridled arms race, so-called limited wars, the devastation of countries, the annihilation of peoples, destabilization and permanent crisis.
69.	The struggle for peace is being waged on several fronts and must always guide the work and actions of governments, both internally and externally. This is why in Cape Verde, a strategically located archipelago at the crossroads of the Atlantic, we proclaim and repeat our firm wish to provide a haven of peace and dialogue and to prevent by all means our country ever becoming a source of tension among nations and peoples.
70.	That is why the Government of Cape Verde has based its conduct on the relentless defence of the principles of non-alignment and on the charters of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity, on non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries, on the search for relations of mutually advantageous cooperation and on the protection of the prerogatives of sovereignty, independence and freedom of thought and action. It is upon the vital necessity of struggling for peace that Cape Verde bases its action as a country which can be useful in the search for means of extinguishing hotbeds of confrontation which still exist on the African continent.
71.	The United Nations is more than ever necessary for the international community. It is evident that we are living at a decisive turning point for mankind. On the other hand, we know how delicate are the transition periods, particularly when the world has witnessed an accumulation of an unimaginable potential for destruction which has been building up over the last few decades.
72.	Coming generations will judge us on our capacity to manage this transitional phase. The United Nations is therefore increasingly called upon to play the role of guarantor of mankind's ability to cross the frontiers of the new era opened to it by the technological revolution, on the basis of peaceful relations and lasting co-operation among States.
73.	In this context, I cannot conclude my statement without expressing my confidence in the determination of all Member States to continue to support effectively the institutions of the United Nations, and in particular the Secretary-General, in the efforts to promote peace, development and international security.


111.	I extend to you, Sir, warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We know that with your wide diplomatic experience and your intimate knowledge of the United Nations you will guide our deliberations with wisdom and success.
112.	I take this opportunity also to pay a special tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, the Deputy Foreign Minister of the Hungarian People's Republic, who displayed remarkable statesmanship and skill in his leadership of the thirty-seventh session. It was a pleasure for my delegation to serve as one of his Vice-Presidents.
113.	May I express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in the service of the Organization and in trying to ensure that it fulfils its ideals and objectives. I assure him that in these efforts, he can count on the full support and encouragement of Uganda. We recall with pleasure the Secretary-General's visit to Uganda in February of this year.
114.	I congratulate most warmly the Government and people of Saint Christopher and Nevis on their attainment of independence. We welcome this new nation to the United Nations and look forward to a relationship of friendship and co-operation.
115.	Since I addressed the Assembly at the last session, the general international situation has
continued to deteriorate. Of particular concern to my country is the situation in southern Africa, which has become ever more grave and dangerous.
116.	Although there exists a global consensus on the urgent need for independence for Namibia, the attainment of this goal has continued to elude us. Last August, in accordance with the mandate given to him by Security Council resolution 532 (1983), the Secretary-General held consultations with the front-line States and South Africa. His report shows that almost all outstanding issues envisaged in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and in the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia have been resolved, yet the prospects for the early implementation of resolution 435 (1978) remain as bleak as ever.
117.	South Africa, with the encouragement of the United States, insists on the extraneous and irrelevant issue of linkage between the independence of Namibia and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. As we
have had occasion to state before, the question of independence for Namibia is a clear-cut colonial issue, whereas the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is a bilateral arrangement between two sovereign States.
118.	Uganda rejects all attempts to cast the struggle for liberation and the decolonization process in the mould of East-West rivalry. We are disturbed that the United States, which is a member of the Western contact group and which should be using its full weight to press for South African withdrawal from Namibia, has instead invested its efforts in forging a linkage never contemplated by the United Nations plan.
119.	Meanwhile, South Africa has taken advantage of the lull in the process of negotiations to intensify repression in Namibia and stifle the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people. It has continued to hatch fraudulent schemes and impose puppet leaders for the sole purpose of preventing the inevitable victory of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO.
120.	We reiterate our view that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only basis for a peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia. We call on the Security Council to resume its responsibility fully in connection with the implementation of that resolution. We reject all concepts of linkage, by whatever name they may be called.
121.	In South Africa itself the apartheid regime continues the ruthless oppression and exploitation of the vast majority of people of that country. State-sanctioned violence, arbitrary arrests, intimidation and assassination of opponents of apartheid and the policy of creating bantustans are all aspects of the machinery of oppression that thrives in South Africa. Last June we were horrified that in spite of the appeals of the Security Council, the General Assembly and many Governments around the world, the South African authorities proceeded with the execution of three freedom fighters, members of the African National Congress.
122.	We have always warned that the South African racist regime was sitting on an active volcano. That volcano is now showing signs everywhere of erupting. Mere cosmetic changes such as the so-called constitutional reforms will not prevent that eruption. The only preventive measure against total eruption and a consequent blood bath is the complete eradication of the evil system of Those who continue to collaborate with the racist regime must share responsibility for the violence that is escalating in South Africa.
123.	Recently my delegation learned with great concern about reports that the United States Department of State had approved a request from seven United States companies to provide technical and maintenance services for a South African nuclear-power installation near Cape Town. We can neither understand nor accept this development. We call on the United States Government to respond positively to the appeals already issued by the Group of African States and the Chairman of the Special Committee Against  apartheid calling for the revocation of this approval.
124.	There is need to ensure full and effective implementation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) on an arms embargo against the racist	regime.
125.	South Africa has continued unabated its campaign of destabilization against the front-line States. Last May South Africa launched a major air raid into Mozambique. South Africa continues to occupy the southern territory of Angola and recently a massive air and ground attack was carried out further inside Angola. Lesotho is being subjected to great pressures from South Africa. The other front-line States all continue to feel the impact of South Africa's campaign of destabilization. We appeal to the international community to give all assistance to the front-line States, which are paying a high price for their commitment to the liberation of southern Africa.
126.	It is clear to Uganda that the illegal occupation of Namibia, the policy of apartheid and South Africa's acts of aggression against the front-line States all constitute a serious threat to international peace and security, for which the Security Council should impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa.
127.	The Government and people of Uganda remain unequivocally committed to the total liberation of southern Africa. We salute the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative, and the liberation movements of South Africa, for their courage and determination in the struggle against the racist apartheid regime.
128.	Uganda remains deeply concerned about the dangerous situation in the Middle East. Recent developments in Lebanon underline the need to address urgently all aspects of the Middle East problem. Since its inception, the United Nations has sought a negotiated and peaceful settlement to the Middle East conflict, yet the conflict continues to escalate in all its manifold dimensions. The failure to achieve a settlement has not arisen because the international community has been oblivious to the primary causes of the conflict. In numerous resolutions the Assembly has reaffirmed that the full realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people is a prerequisite for the attainment of a comprehensive, just and lasting solution and, consequently, a durable peace in the region.
129.	Failure to reach a settlement stems from the fact that Israel has repeatedly spurned and rejected the resolutions of the United Nations. Israel has chosen instead the dangerous option of aggression, conquest, annexation and the denial of the political, economic and social rights of the Palestinian people. The time has come for the United Nations to take affirmative action aimed at restoring the rights of the Palestinian people. In this connection Uganda fully endorses the Geneva Declaration on Palestine, which was adopted recently at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine? The Declaration provides a good basis for beginning the process of a negotiated settlement in the Middle East.
130.	Developments in Central America give us cause for great concern. We cannot remain indifferent to the suffering of the peoples of that region. We maintain the view that the peoples of Central America should be left to determine their own destinies freely without any outside interference. In this connection we commend and support fully the efforts of the Contadora Group.
131.	On the question of Cyprus, we note with deep regret that, in spite of the commendable efforts of the Secretary-General, a solution seems far away. We believe that any settlement of the question of Cyprus must ensure the unity, sovereignty, independence and non-aligned status of that country.
132.	Uganda continues to support the aspiration of the Korean people to the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula. The division of the Korean peninsula is an injustice that must be rectified through early reunification, freely achieved and without any external interference. We welcome the special efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea towards the achievement of this goal.

133.	We are saddened by the continuing conflict between Iran and Iraq. We once again appeal to the two countries to bring this tragedy to an end.
134.	My delegation reaffirms its support for the struggle of the Saharan people for genuine self-determination in accordance with the framework formulated by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth session, held at Addis Ababa last June. We appeal to the parties to the conflict to abide by the OAU consensus.
135.	The arms race continues at a very dangerous pace. The level of resources devoted to it has now reached the astronomical figure of $800 billion. This figure contrasts sharply with the steep decline in the resources being allocated for economic and social development. The production, stockpiling and deployment of weapons of all types have increased dramatically.
136.	It is clear that the escalating tension between the two super-Powers is most dangerous to international peace and security. We appeal to the super-Powers to exercise maximum restraint for the sake of peace in the world, the peace on which everything else depends.
137.	We recognize the peculiar and vital position of the major Powers in any negotiations concerning disarmament. We call upon them to respond to the calls for the rapid conclusion of arms reduction agreements. We also call upon them not to extend the arms race from the earth to outer space.
138.	At the last session of the General Assembly we expressed our deep concern at the alarming dimensions of the global economic crisis. One year later, I very much regret to say that the world economic situation has continued to deteriorate. The spirit of international cooperation in the economic and social sectors has waned. Today the crisis in international economic relations is a major source of instability in many countries and a real threat to world peace and security. Although the crisis has to varying degrees affected all countries, it has hit the developing countries hardest, particularly the least developed among them. The recession which continues to grip the world economy has worsened the living conditions of millions of people in the developing countries.
139.	The efforts which the developing countries have made to find meaningful solutions to the structural crisis facing the world economy have been met with lukewarm or negative responses by the major industrialized countries. The initiative of the developing countries concerning the launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development has not yet, after four years, yielded the desired results, precisely because some developed countries have been reluctant, for short- term gains, to generate the necessary political will.
140.	My delegation shares the firm conviction expressed by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, with regard to these negotiations, namely, that they remain the most important and comprehensive endeavour of the international community to restructure international economic relations, accelerate development of the economies of the developing countries and strengthen multilateral economic co-operation on the basis of mutual benefit.
141.	It is, therefore, regrettable that the flexibility shown by the developing countries in the negotiations ha? not been matched by a positive and concrete response from the major industrialized countries, which have remained silent on the latest proposals of the developing countries. We hope that this session will witness the launching of the global negotiations, in accordance with the two-phase approach proposed at New Delhi by the Conference of non-aligned countries.
142.	The dismal outcome of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has been a source of deep disappointment to my delegation. The failure of the Conference to reach agreement on all the major issues on its agenda, in spite of the far- reaching concessions made by the Group of 77, is a bad omen for the future of international economic co-operation. The sixth session provided a golden opportunity to find meaningful solutions to current global economic problems, but the opportunity has, tragically, been lost because of intransigence on the part of a few delegations. The results of the session have certainly placed in jeopardy the future of UNCTAD and the negotiations on trade, development and related issues. This session must salvage what is clearly a desperate and untenable situation and take the necessary corrective measures to redress the situation. My delegation is ready and willing to play a positive role in such efforts, and urges all countries to adopt a constructive spirit in this regard.
143.	The specific problems of the least developed countries, the land-locked and island developing countries, have continued to worsen and escape solution. Whereas the economic outlook of the developing countries in general is bleak, that of the least developed countries is calamitous. Many of the least developed countries are today on the verge of collapse owing to the disastrous effects of the global crisis on their small and weak economies. While Uganda welcomes the commitment which all countries reaffirmed at Belgrade to the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries  we make an urgent appeal for the speedy implementation of the Programme, so that the economic deterioration of the least developed countries is arrested before the situation becomes completely hopeless.
144.	As a net energy importer, Uganda attaches great importance to new and renewable sources of energy. We find it regrettable that not only has the enthusiasm which greeted the 1981 United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy dissipated, but practically no progress has been made in implementing the major decisions of the Conference and in: 3aching agreement on the outstanding issues. We therefore hope for an early decision on these matters.
145.	Uganda remains committed to economic co-operation among developing countries as a vital means of achieving collective self-reliance. We consider it to be a key component of the new international economic order as well as a means of enhancing economic and political stability in the developing world. Against the background of current economic problems and the deadlock in North- South negotiations, economic co-operation among developing countries provides a most important avenue for the development of developing countries. We shall continue to exert every effort to promote the achievement of the objectives and goals of economic co-operation among developing countries.
146.	The economic development and progress of the developing countries is part and parcel of the search for lasting world peace and security. The role which the United Nations has played in the past in this regard is commendable. We hope that Member States, individually and collectively, will enable the Organization to continue to play this role as we pass through this most difficult period the world economy has experienced in the last 50 years.
147.	In this connection, the call made by the heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at their
seventh summit conference for the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development is a timely one and deserves the full support of the General Assembly. The need for a thorough restructuring of the international monetary and financial system in order to correct existing imbalances and inequalities in that system has long been recognized. The time has now come for concrete action to be taken.
148.	I wish on behalf of the Government and people of Uganda to reaffirm our full support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations and for the efforts which the Organization is making to maintain world peace and security and to promote international cooperation in the economic and social fields.