Mr. President, before beginning my statement on behalf of the delegation of the Dominican Republic I should like to express in this General Assembly the great sorrow which overwhelms the Government and people of the Dominican Republic at the tragedy which our sister Republic of Honduras is living through. Honduras which; in this period of its history, is making extraordinary efforts to achieve progress on the road towards development, at this time suddenly has to face the violent forces of destiny. There has been practically total destruction as though an apocalyptic hand wanted to plunge it into despair. But that is why we are all here, the sister republics of Honduras, meeting in this international forum so that we may here raise our voices and help in an effective manner the families which are at this time living through terrible anxiety. We express our solidarity with and condolences to Honduras.
15.	The Dominican Republic, which takes pride in being one of the founding Members of the United Nations, has always paid its tribute of faith to the principles of the Organization, which have opened tip new horizons for an international legal order, the structure of whirs > as since its establishment resisted the onslaughts on the circumstances of life of peoples, is pleased to extend to the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, our most cordial good wishes on his election, through the unanimous will of the countries represented here, to allow him to preside over this session and to guide us with his well-known experience and wisdom in the tasks which await us.
16.	We know very well that, as well as having eminent qualifications, he is a patriot determined to bring about the progress of Algeria so as to maintain in the forefront the prestige which it enjoys as a country which loves peace and independence, which has outstanding virtues and is concerned to see that the ideals and principles of the Charter will also contribute to the rule of peace and brotherhood among all peoples. Thus, our delegation is aware that your enlightened mind will assist us to find during this session the most correct solutions to the problems that we shall be dealing with under our agenda, and thus to fulfill the objectives laid down in San Francisco when the United Nations came into being.
17.	Mr. President, we are certain that you too represent the continuity of that humanistic and universalist philosophy which has been represented here so brilliantly by Mr. Leopoldo Benites, an illustrious son of Ecuador, a man whose impact is already continental and universal.
18.	In the course of the year that has elapsed between the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth sessions of the General Assembly, there have been negative international events which we have had to deplore and which have had repercussions on our Organization, the guiding genius in which the peoples that created it entrusted their major objectives for peace and universal solidarity.
19.	Yet it is those very events which put to the test the principles of the Charter and the complicated mechanisms available for the attainment of the fundamental objectives. For that reason we must recognize that we must also be convinced that there have been positive events on which the task of the United Nations is nourished.
20.	We must have the hope that the sanctity of nature which is approaching is the foundation of a new beginning, of a new history. Our motto from now on should be: we shall all work. Nothing could give us more encouragement than these wise words of the immortal North American poet Walt Whitman: "If you don't find me at once, don't be discouraged; if I am not there, look for me elsewhere. I am waiting for you. Somewhere I am waiting for you."
21.	All our peoples are convinced that since the State came into being as a legal concept propelled by the history of civilization up to the present time and since the beginnings of the concept of law, which in America goes back to the "Sunday before Christmas in 1511 when in Santo Domingo the Dominican Antonio de Montesinos delivered a sermon in a church with a cane roof', a revolutionary sermon which he himself called "a voice crying out in the wilderness" and which the immortal Dominican humanist Pedro Henriquez Urena later called "one of the great events of our spiritual history", these concepts have constituted the most astonishing invention which the mind of man could have created to ensure the survival of the human species despite all the destructive forces which very often have threatened to eradicate the little world we live in.
22.	The certainty that we gain from these facts which history and philosophy teach us should be for us and for all the peoples represented in this Organization the supreme factor which encourages us even more to become stronger, to recognize that, while it is true that very often some events have aroused inevitable and convenient criticism and others have been viewed as signs of a weakening in the attainment of our fundamental objectives, it is no less true that in every case the principles have become stronger.
23.	No one can deny that in this century of the atom the horror of war could lead to the destruction of the planet. Our Organization, far from remaining static -although some of its principles have been violated in circumstances which have led some to believe in a crisis of the law- has proved, as has been said, that: "Development of relations among States in the world of today could not be conceived of without a universal organization of the scope of the United Nations. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it."
24.	Because of changes in political thinking in a period in history in which our civilization is going through a transition which was already forecast by perhaps unexpected developments and which will change the face of the world, in past years we have expressed similar concepts in response to the quest for constructive solutions; among these we might mention the system of international security and defense.
25.	The fact that we are witnessing quick changes in ideas which require profound revisions in the systems of law among States, and accordingly in the Charter, has been recognized lately, with great vigor and decisiveness, in the Latin American region.
26.	Hence, the Organization of American States [OAS] in carrying out in-depth studies which have led to drafts for fundamental reforms of the constituent instrument, which will be submitted to the fifth General Assembly to be held in April 1975 and to be preceded by the Consultative Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, to be held in Quito next November. That must be the point of departure for the revitalization and reorganization of the OAS, so that it may continue to serve as an effective instrument for the aspirations to peace, development and integration of the peoples of our continent. This means that in this forum too we have felt the vigorous onslaught of changes in structure which, although they have been correct and effective for a long time, have now been powerfully affected by the new facts of the international procedures, thus confirming the postulate that principles are nothing more than an emanation of necessity .
27.	The Latin American region can be proud at this time that it is testing with useful results -at least so far- an effective instrument which inevitably will be called upon to be more general in international relations. I am referring to the new dialog.
28.	We would like to refer logically to the dialog that started in Bogota within the broadest framework of brotherhood and equality where, with great clarity and sincere frankness , the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Latin America decided to hold talks with the Secretary of State of the United States of America, Mr. Henry Kissinger, so as to seek by joint agreement all Latin America united, together with the United States the solution of the most immediate problems of the countries south of the River Bravo. This new dialog was continued in Tlatelolco, in the beautiful capital of Mexico, and later in Washington.
29.	We can point with satisfaction to the spirit of Tlatelolco, as we have called this new dawn of a meeting of minds among Latin American countries, without claiming to lay down standards for other regions of the world, since other problems, such as those which affect other areas in Europe and Asia, may find in a similar policy legal, practical and honorable solutions such as permanent peace in the Middle East and a solution of the Cyprus case, to mention only two striking examples.
30.	With regard to the Third World, it is no bold statement to affirm that one of the causes which regrettably affect respect for human rights, without involving in it the blind crudity of political passions, is forceful measures and the great dissatisfactions aroused by the underdevelopment of peoples, and this is cruder and rougher when it reflects unemployment and poverty which bring about a confrontation between the scant resources available to satisfy these needs and the impossibility of making those resources sufficient.
31.	Thus we cannot fail to support, as we have supported in the past, in this General Assembly the need which cannot be postponed to give priority to the claims of the countries of the Third World. Even though it cannot be denied that progress has been made in that direction, we must frankly admit that in fact there exists no effective dynamic action for a frontal approach to the problem created by underdevelopment in more than 100 areas of the world in so far as the jurisdiction of the United Nations extends. We therefore advocate the application in this field of the postulate whereby the developed countries of the world have contracted a natural obligation to contribute so that the countries of the Third World may more speedily attain development.
32.	That is the policy drawn by the Charter of Algiers, where the matter was considered in its full, tragic consequences with the recognition, therefore, that it is an undeniable truth that the world of today gyrates around the economy, which is the axis which centralizes all constructive forces, on Which depend the inevitable and changing social developments of peoples, which are so personally linked to the economic developments* that there is not a single activity of social gathering or of man himself, individually, which does not depend on the economic tides which show the alternatives to our present civilization.
33.	With regard to international progress, on the other hand, there are perspectives within the present international situation which lead to the recognition that there is a substantial advance towards progressively normalizing situations which have been of concern to States and peoples and which have prevented agreements which would facilitate and reduce to a minimum the causes that bring about a departure from the line of conduct drawn for permanent peace by the United Nations, within its legal order for all peoples.
34.	It is encouraging to contemplate that some obstacles that had seemed to be insuperable have been removed from the road so as to bring about the essential reconciliation required by the concept of universality, which should govern an organization such as ours which already has welcomed more than 138 sovereign and independent States and will receive into the world family more States in compliance with the principles of the self-determination of peoples and the total decolonization of the world, an event in relation to which all peoples can legitimately consider themselves to be brothers.
35.	Because of the effectiveness which we attach to dialog, in an atmosphere of friendship and equality and constructive frankness, as a method which should be attempted more frequently in the new diplomacy, we have removed certain clouds which shadowed the prospect of a better understanding between the United States of America and the Soviet Union, as well as with the People's Republic of China.
36.	We do not believe that it is going too far to affirm that this has been the result of the fact that confrontation has been followed by a new and sound criterion of negotiation following the best course for men and nations, so that sooner or later all the rough edges which bar the way to international harmony may be made smooth.
37.	Concerning the Law of the Sea, two years ago our country had the privilege to be the host for the 1972 Specialized Conference of the Caribbean Countries on Problems of the Sea. As the result of the deliberations of that important gathering, which was attended by all the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of all the countries of Central America and the Caribbean, a new instrument was drafted, called the Declaration of Santo Domingo.7
38.	The agenda covered many important aspects on that subject, among which we considered the territorial sea and the exploitation and conservation of marine species, as well as the regime for the sea-bed, within our joint geographical circumscription, and we also dealt with concrete aspects of pollution as the merciless enemy of marine fertility.
39.	On that memorable occasion, the idea of the patrimonial sea was stated, the idea of exclusive exploitation not to extend more than 200 miles starting from the base lines.
40.	The results obtained were undeniably positive in effect, and they have had fruitful repercussions at the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas in 1974, on the fascinating subject of the wealth of the sea and its subsoil as a promising way out for the problem raised by shortages of food and of overpopulation, the projections of which are alarming everywhere in the world.
41.	It was a fortunate coincidence that the Specialized Conference, held in Santo Domingo in 1954, on the territorial sea, the continental shelf and exploitation of the wealth of the sea and related matters, suggested as a conflictive contribution the concept of exploitation, which was an advance over the doctrinaire formulations regarding horizontally and vertically as modules within which the rights of the
coastal countries adopted in 1954 in the Geneva Conventions should be regulated.
42.	The Dominican Republic therefore has for decades been co-operating for the development and adoption of a new legal regime for the sea. It was with these convictions that we were present at Caracas, and while the Conference there did not arrive at a draft convention on this important subject, which involves the interests of all countries equally, it is no less true that it will make it possible to arrive at final formulations on the points on which no agreement was reached at Caracas, particularly in respect of the criterion of the Dominican Republic that major industrial installations on narrow straits must be the subject of negotiations so as to contribute to the prevention of any kind of pollution.
43.	Concerning new States, when we consider the perspective offered by the continuous growth of the United Nations, we must rejoice at the fact that the prophecy that we would arrive at the universality desired by its founders, made when it took its first steps in an uncertain world, has been fulfilled.
44.	We also recognize that this decision on the part of the new States to become Members of the Organization shortly after achieving independence is an unequivocal sign that the Organization is moving forward and that its instruments are effective for the attainment of its objectives, despite changes which occur internally in States and internationally.
45.	With these convictions, our delegation is pleased and honored to welcome Bangladesh, Guinea- Bissau and Grenada. We are certain that, as they were able to win independence, so they will be able to share the common responsibilities of all States Members of the United Nations.
46.	I turn now to Panama. It is of great benefit to America that, after the meetings of the Security Council held in the city of Panama, where all the Latin American countries supported the position of Panama in its claims for a revision of the Canal Treaty, and after the visit and the dialog with Mr. Henry Kissinger, negotiations have been started in a spirit of friendship, mutual equality and respect. This is a step forward towards the changes proclaimed in the last international meetings in the Latin American region.
47. America has started what we have called the new dialog, which we are taking advantage of only to implement, through a practical, coherent and harmonious system and in accordance with the most deeply felt needs, of Latin America, the plans and projects which we need to face the reality of our own situations.
48. To speak now of a policy for accelerated economic development: at this very hour the countries I of the world are meeting in the highest of the inter' national forums and come here loaded with beautiful illusions and with a series of beautiful formulas backed by arguments which are profoundly convincing but often difficult to translate into reality, and require that at this time we frankly and honestly put a stop to the uncontrolled outpouring of projects, plans and programs, many of which have failed to provide the expected results.
49.	We are going to make a sincere suggestion to the countries that are gathered here, particularly to the countries of Latin America. Basically we suggest that we should seek a mechanism or the mechanisms necessary for the true, ultimate development of our peoples.
50.	In these times much is said about the population explosion, which has given rise to great discussions and important meetings, such as the World Population Conference held at Bucharest from 19 to 30 August 1974. FAO met in Panama not long ago to speak about the need to increase agricultural production. In Yugoslavia, from 16 to 22 of this month, the second round-table was held on agro-industry. Much is said of the need to obtain investments for the principal industries and, above all, much is said about the energy crisis and about inflation as one of the problems which have absorbed all mankind in recent times.
51.	We cannot deny that the apparently disproportionate rise in prices brought about by the petroleum-producing countries lies at the root of the dis-concerting runaway inflation which shakes to its very foundations the culture of super-consumption and the relative prosperity maintained up to now. The drama of the situation is clear when we compare the prices of some commodities: a metric ton of corn in 1972 cost $51; in January 1974 it rose to $122. The price of wheat which, In large measure, is a world food staple, rose from $60 per metric ton in 1972 to $214 in January 1974. Rice, which is one of the products of highest consumption in the underdeveloped countries, rose alarmingly from $131 per metric ton in January 1972 to $538 in January of this year.
52.	The ominous consequences of this dramatic economic process have had the most catastrophic and desperate impact on the poorest countries, where hunger and malnutrition have killed millions and millions of human beings and will do vast harm to future generations, since the infant mortality rate of the poor countries attained its highest point during the year 1973, which surely history will baptize the year of malnutrition and human wretchedness.
53.	Despite these tacts, we realize that the process seems to be irreversible. That is why we are convinced, and we wish to make this known to this Assembly, that the means of solving our problems is the rational and intensive exploitation of our soil and at the same time the industrialization of its products, our goal being to attain maximum productivity.
54.	This policy will of necessity lead us to use the most modern agricultural tools and equipment and the most advanced technical methods in the administration of production, industrialization and marketing programs for agrarian products and, together with agrarian reform, would complement the integral development of Latin America.
55.	It is necessary to incorporate into our development plans the concept of agro-industry, which calls for industries to be established where; agriculture is being practiced, so as to bring to our agricultural peoples not only the possibility of taking part in enterprises which would ensure them a fixed income, social security, bonuses, old-age pensions, and so on, but also an opportunity to educate their children, to change their habits and to raise their standard of living, which bears no comparison with the standard of living of the urban workers, who enjoy high salaries and relative equality of opportunity.
56.	This policy is different from the policy of import substitution, which leads to an industry without a capacity for innovation and is always underdeveloped. It obliges economic integration to start with micro-economic units forming part of a harmonious scheme, until they can be molded into a single body able to generate the necessary energy to satisfy every need with the greatest possible social justice. It would furthermore be a rational method of halting the great migration of people from the rural areas to the urban centers, attracted by the illusion of a nonexistent industrial development.
57.	It has been said that an integrated agro-industry is a modern enterprise aiming to industrialize one of the most ancient and most important activities of mankind. Hence it is not new; it is the clear and objective definition of its goals that is new, as is also the certainty that it constitutes an effective and fundamental mechanism for a genuine solution to our problems.
58.	The world is today facing one of the gravest crises ever recorded in the history of mankind, and that is the disproportion between food production and world population growth. There are even large areas of the world where agricultural production has decreased substantially in the past years.
59.	The essential reason for this almost general deficit in agricultural production is. fundamentally based on the lack of a clear policy which would motivate man and lead him to work his soil in the social conditions required by the world today, such as the technology, the training and administration, the financing and marketing, so that the optimum yield
may be obtained from the soil.
60.	It is no accident that cane sugar was, has been and will continue to be one of the main substances of the economic process of the Dominican Republic, and that the manner in which it is sown, harvested and processed is industrial, with a high degree of technology -this is one of the spheres where man has been able to produce raw materials at the lowest prices. Cane sugar and its industrial processing constitute a powerful agro-industry in many of our countries, which allow for effective agricultural and industrial yields for the economies of our people.
61.	The man in the field must have in his hands the necessary means to extract the highest yields from nature. Nature, which is wise, has always had its own mechanisms, and since the very beginning of mankind there have always been, although not in the dramatic proportions of today, population growth and production deficit. And today all that we men have achieved has been to create some of the necessary elements for a precarious subsistence for the vast majority of our peoples.
62.	That is why we make an appeal from this inter-national forum so that all countries, and in particular the Latin American countries, may consider the adoption of this policy, since Latin America is the area of the greatest hope of the world. It is the area of the world which is least exploited, where the land has not yet been worked technically, where the man in the field constitutes 70 per cent of our population of 300 million inhabitants today, and it is the region that could become one of the most productive areas of the world.
63.	Regrettably, so far most economic policies in our area have been circumscribed to the mere subsistence of the individual. Few times and in few countries has any thought been given to or action taken of heroic proportions to face our ills.
64.	We are totally convinced of the effectiveness of the system of agrarian reform, because in our country, which has a territory of barely 48,070 square kilometers, in the last eight years, under the administration of the constitutional government of Mr. Joaquin Balaguer, thousands and thousands of families have achieved a substantial increase in their agricultural production. But if we were to create the concept of the manager of the field and make of it a reality, "a manager and man from the city in the field", possibly the social mutation that would occur in our countries would have highly positive repercussions for future generations, because if the man of the city were to go to the field and set himself up with a large enterprise, in a constitutionally legal manner, as was done in the Dominican Republic, the land would become the property of the one who cultivated it, with laws for minimum salary, social security benefits and other kinds of benefits for workers in the field, like the treatment accorded workers in the city; then migrations towards urban centers would be reduced and small countries, such as mine, for example, could relatively easily become societies where all the men who work in the field, would have electricity, television sets, refrigerators and all the advances of modern times, together with fresh air and the beauty of nature.
65.	Obviously the State must provide these managers with the necessary resources, such as the required infrastructure, so that the execution of these projects follows standards of productivity, with a minimum of expenditures, as incentives for the development of managerial skills of this kind.
66.	It is also vital for international institutions such as the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank to intensify their actions so that this type of undertaking may serve the purposes sought.
67.	Two decades ago the world had an eminently political criterion. Today the criterion is eminently economic. The most obvious proof is how world policy has changed because of the surprising rise in oil prices and the under development of such countries as Brazil and Venezuela, which have now attained some of the highest production levels and some of the highest standards of living ever recorded in their history by those great and powerful South American nations.
68.	Most of the countries of Latin America have suffered a great ill, and there is no more important forum than the General Assembly of the United Nations for us to carry out our own self-criticism. And this great ill is the legendary tendency to live by asking for help from the powerful, at a risk of undermining the self-determination of our people, to find ways for the powerful to help us, while we maintain an attitude almost of indifference, and not just of collective irresponsibility, expecting others to do things for us, instead of facing our problems with our own intelligence, our own resources and our own means.
69.	The world of today -and absolutely no one disputes this-is made up of a series of independent States with interdependent economies. It is now clear that all the key economic factors must be assessed, both in relation to their national repercussions as well as their international repercussions. It is only in our times that the world leaders seem to have become fully aware of the importance of what has been called economic interdependence. As an expert on economics at Harvard University, Professor Raymond Bermond, said: "Suddenly sovereign States feel naked. Concepts of national sovereignty and a national economic potential seem to be curiously lacking in meaning."
70.	We wish to emphasize that perhaps the most curious aspect of this new development of interdependence is that the reactions that have been aroused have followed no foreseeable standard. Few developed or developing countries seem to know how to deal with this. Some consider this as coercion and others consider it as an opportunity. But there is complete agreement only in assuring that interdependence is a fact and that it would seem that in certain circumstances it may represent an unprecedented opportunity for development and prosperity.
71.	However, we cannot ignore the fact that, unless we achieve genuine and integral development in our peoples, interdependence will come to an end, and we shall go back to the humiliating and anachronistic dependence which violates the most elementary 'principles of the integrity of our State.
72.	To strengthen this thesis and so that we may be conscious of the fact that all that we have stated here is absolutely feasible, we need do no more than read articles 29, 30 and part of 31 of the Charter of the Organization of American States, as amended by the Protocol of Buenos Aires, of 27 February 1967,3 which state the following:
"Article 29. The Member States, inspired by the principles of inter-American solidarity and co-operation, pledge themselves to a united effort to ensure social justice in the Hemisphere and dynamic and balanced economic development for their peoples, as conditions essential -to peace and security.
"Article 30. The Member States pledge them-selves to mobilize their own national human and material resources through suitable programs, and recognize the importance of operating within an efficient domestic structure, as fundamental conditions for their economic and social progress and for assuring effective inter-American co-operation.
"Article 31. To accelerate their economic and social development, in accordance with their own methods and procedures and within the framework of the democratic principles and the institutions of the inter-American system, the Member
States agree to dedicate every effort to achieve the following basic goals:
"(a) Substantial and self-sustained increase in the per capita national product;
"(b) Equitable distribution of national income;
"(c) Adequate and equitable systems of taxation;
"(d) Modernization of rural life and reforms leading to equitable and efficient land- tenure systems, increased agricultural productivity, expanded use of undeveloped land, diversification of production; and improved processing and marketing systems for agricultural products; and the strengthening and expansion of facilities to attain these ends;
"(e) Accelerated and diversified industrialization, especially of capital and intermediate goods;
"(f) Stability in the domestic price levels, compatible with sustained economic development and the attainment of social justice;
"(g) Fair wages, employment opportunities, and acceptable working conditions for all;
73.	We are aware that the analysis that we have thought agro-industry deserves does not require so much attention by the countries which, benefiting from the wealth of the subsoil, have been able to make up for some of the poverty with other structures where an extraction industry mobilizes large amounts of capital and thereby have obtained an accelerated course towards development and self-sufficiency.
74.	If we, the peoples of America, are to achieve and bring to a happy conclusion and concrete reality the programs for agricultural development and industrialization, we shall all of us see our efforts crowned with glory and the efforts of those illustrious statesmen who, with their brave deeds and their glories and the courage of their peoples and the firmness with which they have brandished their swords, gave us our freedom and thereby the right to go on promising and attaining the establishment of a just society where slavery will never exist, nor servility nor dependence.
75.	On behalf of my delegation, permit me to pay a tribute to peace, which is the supreme objective of the United Nations, on the MQittient of whose principles the destiny of mankind depends more than ever today. Peace is all the more hidden when we most seek it. It most hides when it is best loved. It is most confused when it is nearest. It is most sacred When it is distant. It is most radiant when it is denied.
76.	The great geniuses of political thinking of antiquity and of modern times have tried to define peace within its philosophical vastness. Let me here, however, simply state the theological thinking of St. Augustine, who said:
"The peace of men is orderly concord; peace at
home is agreed uniformity among those in authority and those who obey and live in it; peace in the city is the orderly concord of citizens and neighbors in ruling and obeying; peace in all things is tranquility in order, and order is nothing more than a disposition of equal and unequal things, which gives to each its proper place."


Mr. President, first I should like to extend my warmest congratulations to you upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your long experience as Foreign Minister of your country, your outstanding personality, recognized by everyone who knows you, your dynamism and indeed, there is no need to conceal it your youth, combined as it is with knowledge and ability, all these things are a guarantee to us of your success in the arduous task which you have just assumed and will give a new impetus to our deliberations. It is also a particular pleasure for me to recall here that the Turkish and Algerian peoples cherish mutual feelings of fraternity and esteem which go back very far into history. We would also like to greet you as the representative of a country which has become one of the symbols of the awakening of the African continent. I would add that the excellent relations between Turkey and the group of countries you represent here only serve to add to our satisfaction.
103.	I would also like to express my warm gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the United Nations, who so diligently discharged his functions.
104.	We would also like to thank the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has spared no effort to maintain peace in such a turbulent period in international life.
105.	We are also glad to join in welcoming the new Members of the Organization, the Republics of Bangladesh, GuineaBissau and Grenada. Each of these countries belongs, to a great continent namely, Asia, Africa and Latin America, respectively. We are convinced that the entry of these new Members into the United Nations constitutes a further step towards the realization of universality in the Organization.
106.	The presence here of GuineaBissau, as it emerges from a remarkable struggle of independence, is, in our view, the manifestation of a new order, whereas that of Bangladesh is a sign of the peaceful conditions that now obtain on the Asian subcontinent owing to the agreement reached with Pakistan after a fratricidal confrontation. Grenada has joined our family as the result of a process which for some time now has enriched the United Nations every year with a new contribution from the Caribbean region.
107.	We have learned with great distress of the catastrophe that occurred in Honduras, and that has caused countless loss of human life and considerable material damage. On behalf of my Government, I would like here to state that we fully share their feelings of sorrow and we have the greatest and deepest sympathy with the people of Honduras.
108.	It is almost a custom in this Assembly at each session to undertake a general survey of developments that have occurred in the world political arena since the previous session. I have no intention of breaking with this custom, but I shall try to be as brief as I can in this area so that I can subsequently go into further detail on some subjects which, in our view, are of a rather more special character.
109.	Nevertheless, I do feel it useful at the outset to say a few words to define the particular position of my country, in order better to highlight its foreign policy and its attitude towards the major international problems. Situated on the. borders of both Asia and Europe, having more than half a century ago set the first example of a war of independence, enjoying cultural and historical relations with the countries of the Middle East, seeking to resolve our own problems within the framework of a democratic system, having been obliged, as a result of the circumstances of our time, to take its place within systems of collective defense, having no territorial claims, but requiring that this same attitude be adopted by others Turkey is pursuing a foreign policy that is the result of all these factors. In the pursuit of this policy, outlined already by Atatiirk on the basis of the fundamental rules of international law and confirmed once again when Turkey endorsed the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, our country has shown remarkable continuity and constancy, even through periods of tremendous international upheaval.
110.	Having made this point, I would like now to turn to some current international problems. The international scene today encourages us neither to excessive optimism nor to despairing pessimism. This is the reason why I will opt for realism, a realism full of hope, goodwill and benevolence, as is prompted and indeed required by the policy pursued by my country for half a century.
111.	The most marked development of the last decade has been, in our view, the detente between East and West. Much has been said by previous speakers from this rostrum about the origins and development, the advantages and risks of detente. The ideas that have been put forward, while not identical, have at least been similar. That is why I shall confine myself to stressing a few points which seem to me essential.
112.	First, there is no denying the fact that in the East, as in the West, there seems now to be a full understanding that no discord, no situation, no matter how disastrous, can possibly be more so than a general conflagration.
113.	Secondly, detente, which constitutes a stage on the way to the establishment, between East and West and particularly in Europe, of a more stable order that will be more humanitarian and freer from anxiety about war, should not be considered as anything but a means, and not as an end in itself. Its final objective should be true peace based upon understanding and conciliation. Detente should be merely a stage on the way to this goal.
114.	Thirdly, it should be pointed out that for the first time in contemporary history, if I am not mistaken, three international negotiations have taken place simultaneously to strengthen detente in its broadest sense. This, in my view, is an event worth stressing.
115.	On the subject of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, in which my country is playing a full part, we feel that this Conference constitutes an important stage in the process of detente, that it will contribute to the efforts of understanding and cooperation and that it will establish a climate of mutual security. On this occasion I would like to add that, in our view, European security cannot be considered in isolation from that of the Mediterranean and the surrounding countries.
116.	With regard to the negotiations on the mutual reduction of forces and armaments in Central Europe, in which Turkey is participating with a special status, my country, on the basis of the idea that security, like detente, is one and indivisible, was particularly in favor of the view that the measures to be taken with regard to forces and armaments in Central Europe should in no way compromise the security of other countries.
117.	With regard to the negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms which are taking place in Geneva between the United States and the Soviet Union, we can say that they are only bilateral and commit only those two countries. The fact none the less remains that the scope of these negotiations is not just of interest to the future of those two countries but is of concern also to the destiny of the entire international community. It is with this comment in mind and in this context that we view the new phase of these negotiations which have just begun a few days ago.
118.	Disarmament is, without any doubt, one of the most important questions of the day. Turkey is convinced that it is one of the fundamental elements in the establishment of an equitable international peace and a system of common security. My country feels that, to ensure the establishment of this order, a disarmament program can be applied only under effective international control, embracing both nuclear weapons and conventional weapons. Within this framework Turkey also gives a favorable welcome to the various collateral measures designed to hasten general and complete disarmament, and it is within this framework that we are studying and will continue to study favorably and attentively all proposals put forward or which may be put forward in this field by various countries.
119.	A conference on a world scale recently took place on the law of the sea. As my country is a peninsula three quarters of which is surrounded by sea and has more than 7,000 kilometers of coastline, it was quite natural for Turkey to take an active part in the deliberations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held at Caracas throughout the past summer. Some progress was marked at that Conference, particularly with regard to the simplification and clarification of the most important problems before it.
120.	In this area we should not lose sight of the fact that the geographical configuration of each part of the Earth is different from that of the others. Consequently, instead of tackling the problem from a uniform or, rather, abstract standpoint, it is indispensable to deal with this subject from a standpoint which, first, will take into account the needs of mankind and also will take full account of the special circumstances and the particular geographical, geological and other features of each region. Thus we sincerely hope that humanity will avoid repeating in the case of the seas and oceans the mistakes which were committed when attempts were being made to resolve the problems of the land.
121.	The task awaiting the next meeting of the Conference is certainly a very difficult one, and it is to be hoped that the data submitted to it will be dealt with in such a way that new questions will not arise for certain regions as long as the old ones remain unresolved.
122.	We have come a long way since the time when the man in the street, or even the man seated comfortably in his armchair, had no interest in what was happening at the other end of the world or even in a neighboring country. Happily things are quite different today. High speeds and considerably increased networks and diversified means of telecommunication, with the expanded possibilities of the mass media, certainly have played a large part in this. But what have been even more important, surely, are the feelings of responsibility and international solidarity which have entrenched themselves more and more deeply within the hearts of the most advanced and the most prosperous nations. This, however, leads me to the rather bitter observation that in spite of this development, there are still millions of human beings living under foreign domination who cannot find enough to eat. This "foreign domination" is not just a political and juridical notion, because at times it also has economic connotations, In a word, colonialism and poverty continue to exist in this world which is technically so advanced and which does have a few sufficiently rich nations in it.
123.	On the subject of colonialism, the attitude of my country could not be clearer: the Republic of Turkey, itself being born of a war of independence and having thus set so successfully the first example of an anti-imperialist war, has defended and will always continue to defend the cause of peoples fighting for their independence. That is why the Turkish Government so warmly welcomed the change of policy which has occurred in Portugal with regard to its "former Territories" in Africa. We would like to congratulate the Portuguese Government on its decision concerning the independence of the Republic of GuineaBissau and also the Lusaka Agreement, which opens the way to the total independence of Mozambique. We have every reason to hope that the same process will be swiftly applied to Angola.
124.	However, there has been hardly any change in the situation prevailing in Zimbabwe and in Namibia. Turkey is one of the active members of the United Nations Council for Namibia, and has been ever since its inception, and considers that the Council is surely going to become more effective as a result of the unanimous cooperation of the international community and the increase in the number of its members.
125.	As for the minority regime still prevailing in Southern Rhodesia, its adoption of the choral movement of the Ninth Symphony by Beethoven, who was one of humanity's 'great geniuses, as the national anthem, shows that that country is still hoping to lull others to sleep with this music by taking it as a kind of cradle song which will send no one to sleep except itself and will succeed in concealing nothing from mankind.
126.	My country continues to condemn apartheid in all its forms, and particularly its inhumane application in South Africa. I would like to add, Mr. President, that your presence in the* presidential seat this year, a year when we have seen the last vestiges of colonialism crumble, is something which will surely add much weight and liveliness to debates on this question, since you belong to a country which has waged an exemplary struggle for independence.
127.	On the subject of the so called underdeveloped countries and the aid which should be given to them, I shall be more laconic. My colleagues pointed out to me a few days ago the following sentence in a daily paper known for its objectivity and seriousness: "One thousand billion French francs are spent each year on the arms race and 35 billion for public assistance to the underdeveloped countries".
128.	Yes, a thousand billion for armaments and 35 billion for poor people. These two figures say a great deal about what is being done without wisdom and about what could be done if people were a little wiser. In our view, no weapon is more dangerous than hunger and poverty, which threaten a large part of the peoples of the world; we feel that it is in this spirit that attention should be focused on a better utilization of resources.
129.	Here I cannot but recall some words of the great founder of our Republic, Kemal Atatiirk, who said a long time ago: "If we want a durable peace, we must take international steps to improve the situation of the masses. "The prosperity of the whole of mankind must replace starvation and oppression."
130.	International economic questions, however, still loom large, casting a shadow on the work of this session of the General Assembly in spite of the special session on the subject held last April.
131.	Developments in the economic area in recent years have become so complex that the classic, conventional economy cannot find any solutions for them. The indecision which continues to prevail concerning monetary problems and the rapid expansion of accelerated inflation pose enormous difficulties for all developing countries, whose resources and economic possibilities are limited. Even countries which are relatively little affected by these developments, or those which do not yet seem to be feeling their effects, cannot escape the consequences of a general economic collapse.
132.	The famine which has afflicted the countries of the SudanoSahelian region and Ethiopia, and also the surrounding countries, as a result of the drought, is a serious warning that solutions to the problem of the general lack of food must be sought. In this context the shortage of chemical fertilizer and the price increases affecting production which have occurred this year show the need for a far reaching solution. Consequently, we await with hope the results of the World Food Conference to be held in Rome next November. We also note with satisfaction the results of the World Population Conference, held in Bucharest last August, given the very close link between the question of food and that of population.
133.	The present situation is no longer a problem affecting only certain countries. It is manifesting itself in a form which requires global solutions. The slowing down in the rate of development of industrialized countries signals a dangerous trend for the world economy. The reduction in the rate of rehabilitation of the developing countries can only render even more difficult the efforts aimed at eliminating hunger and poverty. The problem is to ensure a redistribution of wealth and resources.
134.	It is necessary to increase the share of the developing countries a group which includes Turkey in world economic activity and to contribute towards the establishment of an economic order which would give the people of these countries the opportunity to live as they should. We therefore welcome and support the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, since it establishes the principles of a future economic order. In this spirit, we should also like to welcome the positive developments which have occurred with regard to the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. We also hope that the special session of the General Assembly to study the problems of development, envisaged for next year, will succeed in adopting concrete measures to establish this order.
135.	The results of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which met on the initiative of President Boumediene of Algeria, give us ground for hoping that under your aegis, Mr. President, the next special session will be successful.
136.	I shall now turn to certain problems liable to have a much wider impact, indeed a global impact problems which at first sight , seem to be of direct interest to a small number of countries or to be regional in character but which, in fact, are still unresolved.
137.	I should like to talk about the Middle East first. The conflict in the Middle East has long constituted one of the standing items on the agenda of the General Assembly. Turkey, a country of that region having abundant traditional, historic and spiritual ties with the nations of the area, has had a constantly growing interest in the development of this question. This conflict from time to time reaches culminating points which are liable to lead to a military confrontation between the great Powers and thus endanger world peace, as was the case with the 1973 October war.
138.	At the present time we do feel relative satisfaction at the signing of the disengagement agreements on the two fronts. We should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the leaders of the countries directly involved on their wisdom and their spirit of conciliation. We should also like to congratulate the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, who by his tireless efforts has contributed to such a large extent to the conclusion of these agreements. We also wish to welcome the spirit of conciliation shown in this respect by the two great Powers.
139.	Nevertheless, in spite of these military disengagement agreements, major problems remain to be solved. Egyptian, Jordanian and Syrian territories are still under occupation.The Palestinian people, which has been suffering for a quarter of a century, still remains deprived of its legitimate rights and interests. My country has from the very beginning supported the Palestinian cause. We are gratified that this year the question is a special 'item of the agenda, and we have high hopes for the outcome of the debate to be held on this subject, and shall follow it with great attention.
140.	The military disengagement agreements on the two fronts, Which have resulted in the partial withdrawal of Israeli troops, in our view do not constitute anything but a first step towards the evacuation of the occupied Arab territories and the recognition of the legitimate rights are interests of the Palestinian people. Furthermore, with regard to Jerusalem I should like to reaffirm here that Turkey, whose policy has always been opposed to faits accomplis, can accept no fait accompli with regard to the status of that city.
141.	On the subject of the Middle East, I have just stressed that the foreign policy of Turkey is based above all on pacifism and is against faits accomplis. I should like to add that by its very nature, the Turkish nation not only does not support oppression but indeed is always on the side of the oppressed, as we have so often demonstrated in this very Organization. That inevitably leads me to talk about the grave problem of Cyprus.
142.	I shall explain briefly to the Assembly Turkey's attitude towards this question by summarizing what I have already had occasion to say in various places and at various times. Turkey has spared no effort to And a peaceful solution to this problem by negotiations, interrupted from time to time, between the two national communities. These negotiations have lasted for more than 10 years without leading to any concrete results, indeed, to any results at all. In the meantime, Turkey has constantly had to face faits accomplis of increasingly serious scope, particularly since 1963. The most recent and the most serious of these faits accomplis was, as we all know, that of 15 July last: a foreign Power undertook a coup d'etat which it had long been fomenting and the purpose of which was to annex the island.
143.	Now, Cyprus constitutes an essential element not only in the balance already established by the Treaty of Peace signed at Lausanne on 24 July 1923 by Turkey and Greece, but also, by the nature of its international status, of stability and peace in the Eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East region. Any action or intervention jeopardizing the independence and territorial integrity of the island consequently is inevitably a breach of this balance and a danger to peace in the region . We are surrounded in this area by friendly and fraternal countries, for whose security we are as attentive as for our own, and we certainly do not want to change the balance there a balance which has been so difficult to preserve because we do not want to do any damage to that security. That is why my country has always attached vital importance to the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and international status of Cyprus. Respect for the international status of the island constitutes for us a fundamental element of our foreign policy and is an integral part of our own security. I therefore formally and solemnly deny all the lies that our detractors have spread in the corridors of diplomacy with regard to Turkish policy vis-a-vis theCypriot State.
144.	One of the principal guarantees if hot the only guarantee of this status consists in the recognition of, and respect for, rights based upon the equality of the two national communities that constitute the State of Cyprus. Neither of those two national communities may impose its will on the internal structure of the State or claim to represent that State in international organizations.
145.	If, following the coup d'etat of 15 July last, Turkey, after having sought put all opportunities for contact and consultation and having exhausted all means of negotiation, undertook an operation on the island, it was precisely for the purpose of restoring order, putting an end to chaos and averting any intervention aimed at annexing the island. The operation undertaken by Turkey thus in no way signifies and I wish to stress this point an occupation or annexation of a part of the island. It was not an occupation; quite the contrary, it was an operation designed to prevent an occupation.
146.	I must emphasize once again that Turkey continues to believe, for its part, that the negotiations will be resumed within an appropriate framework, making it possible to achieve a speedy solution that will put an end to the sufferings of the two national communities in the island and relax the tensions that are hindering the maintenance of peace and security not only in the island but also in the entire area.
147.	I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute also to the countries that have contributed to the efforts of the United Nations on the island in the field for the maintenance of peace and security.
148.	The problem of Cyprus is too serious to be turned into a subject of polemics for domestic purposes. That is the reason why I did not want to go back, in my statement, to the past, or to speak about the piecemeal extermination to which for more than 10 years the Turkish community has been subjected. I intend to continue in this course and I shall refrain from replying to my colleague, Mr. Mavros, in the tone that he used yesterday evening [2239th meeting]. But I should be remiss in my duty to seek a peaceful and friendly outcome to the crisis that now disturbs us, were I to fail to correct certain allegations or to bring out into the open the intentions that some seek to conceal from world public opinion.
149.	My colleague, Mr. Mavros, said in his statement yesterday that the coup d'etat of 15 July was not carried out against the TurkishCypriot community. Does he mean by this that the coup d'etat was quite harmless and disturbed no one, and that therefore it should not have called for any reaction from anyone at all? I am merely making a note of that.
150.	The coup d'etat of 15 July was directed precisely against the Turkish community and was directly aimed at the annexation of the island to Greece. If Mr. Mavros wishes to see proof of this, I need only quote Archbishop Makarios. In an interview with the newspaper Le Monde on 18 September, he said, and I quote his exact words:
"General Ioannides has had a personal grudge against me ever since 19631964, at the time when he was a member of the Greek contingent in Cyprus. Through Mr. Nikos Sampson, he requested and obtained a secret meeting with me. At the Archbishop's residence where the conversation took place, he submitted to me a plan involving a general attack against the Turkish community of the island, an attack that would have made it possible to bring about enosis. I indignantly rejected his plan."
That is what Mr. Makarios said,
151.	My Greek colleague has not forgotten, surely, that his Government followed and this was to a certain extent due to the events then taking place  the Government that was in the hands of Ioannides, and that this coup d'etat in Greece brought ill famed Sampson to power.
152.	I am therefore still wondering how Makarios could have indignantly rejected that proposal. After all, it was very much in keeping with his profoundest desires. What is more, he has never made a secret of it. In fact, on 20 September 1964, Makarios stated, in the Washington Post: "For my part, I wish to be something more significant than the temporary President of Cyprus. My ambition is to have my name go down in history as that of the architect of enosis."
153.	More recently, in 1970, in interviews granted to Independent Television and the British Broadcasting Corporation, the * Archbishop repeated: "If enosis cannot be achieved at the present time, its objective remains unchanged."
154.	And finally, last May the Archbishop reminded us, through the Frankfurter Rundschau, that: "If he had a free choice between independence and enosis, he would support enosis."
155.	Was it the independence of the island that Makarios claimed he was safeguarding? Was it the policy of nonalignment of the State of Cyprus? Mr. Mavros said a great deal at the previous meeting about that policy of nonalignment. I should have liked to be able to congratulate him for the respect he shows for the policy of a large number of countries in this Assembly. But I very much fear that this was not his intention. The nonaligned countries are too numerous in this august Assembly, and my colleague intends rather to beg their support as he poses as the standard bearer of that policy, to conceal, for the time being, the policy of enosis.
156.	The Republic of Cyprus as an independent State would long ago have disappeared if the resolute opposition of Turkey and the resistance of the Turkish community of the island had not prevented enosis, that is to say the annexation, pure and simple, of the island to Greece.
157.	To safeguard the independence of the island and see that its policy is respected, there is only one thing to be done, and that is to condemn any attempt at enosis or at partition of the island any attempt that has been made in the past and any attempt that may be made in the future. On behalf of the Turkish Government, I condemn any idea of partition, whether in the past or in the future, and I look for the same condemnation of the idea of enosis from the Greek Government. Without that, we shall never be so simpleminded as to believe what we are told here. And I shall continue to wait for the answer to my proposal from the Greek leaders.
158.	I have not, however, finished correcting all the false allegations and baseless charges made by my colleague. I reserve the right to do so when we speak on this matter before the General Assembly. My Greek colleague's speech, unfortunately, shows the nature of the atmosphere in which the debate will take place on the future of the two communities, Turkish and Greek, in the island. It is not by letting ourselves be carried away by his style, or with any thought of outbidding each other in national or international public opinion that we shall succeed in finding a solution that is just, equitable and realistic or that we shall assist the two communities to live in peace and why not say so? in brotherhood, side by side, in the same State, forgetting the painful past and looking only towards the future.
159. Before concluding, I should like once again to say that Turkey, situated as it is by geography at the crossroads of civilizations and also of confrontations, is striving, for its part, to play its proper role in bringing peace among nations and groups of nations and happiness and wellbeing to mankind. It is a privilege and an honor to be able to reaffirm that in this Assembly, which is doing so much for the peace and prosperity of the world.