1. It is for me a great privilege to represent Laos at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, a country which is undergoing a profound historic evolution towards genuine peace, independence, democracy, neutrality and prosperity, and to speak from this rostrum for the entire Laotian people.
2.	I should like to convey my most cordial greetings to Mr. Gaston Thorn on his election as President of this thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I should like warmly to congratulate Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the representative of the glorious People's Democratic Republic of Algeria and President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, who has tirelessly and effectively worked for world peace, social progress, the democratization of international relations and the cause of the third world, which includes three fourths of the States and two thirds of the population of the globe.
3.	I am also pleased to congratulate warmly Mr. Kurt Waldheim for his efforts to implement the ideals of the United Nations.
4.	The United Nations this year has admitted to membership the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the People's Republic of Mozambique, which we should like to congratulate cordially. However, the delegation of Laos profoundly regrets not to be able to convey the same cordial congratulations to those delegations which, according to international law, are entitled to be in our midst: the delegations of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and Republic of South Viet Nam. These delegations are unfairly kept outside by the United States which, once more abusing its veto power, has prevented their admission to the United Nations.
5.	We are convinced that the vast majority of representatives here present will express their view on this action by the United States, which once more has shown its contempt for the right of peoples to self-determination and the goals of the United Nations, particularly the principle of universality.
6.	The world is a "planetary village". Each great world event has unavoidable international repercussions in various countries. Thus, the delegation of Laos would like to sketch a few characteristics of the present world situation.
7.	The inexorable decline of American imperialism is the turning-point of the present situation in a world already fraught with decisive events. It is indeed a decline, an irreversible decline, whatever may be said by American officials, a decline which cause the whole imperialist system to be mired more deeply in a new general crisis.
8.	This decline, however, is not without its dangerous convulsions or its perfidious attempts to adapt to new world realities.
9.	As we witness imperialism sink into decadence, we see the socialist countries flourishing through vast and stable economic development, a constant improvement in the standard of living of their populations and an increasing support for the national liberation movements and peoples struggling for their independence, peace, democracy and social progress in the world. Despite the difficulties which socialist States have to resolve by the suffering they have undergone and have overcome, they are sharing the force and the vitality of socialism.
10.	The third world continues to be the relentless battlefield of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, who are politically aware and united throughout the world, resolutely joining in a common front against imperialism and neo-colonialism for their liberation, for their national independence, for sovereignty over their economy, for the realization of democracy and for social progress.
11.	National liberation movements have increased in number and have obtained or are obtaining many great victories. In this connexion we welcome the internationally significant historic victories of the Vietnamese and Khmer peoples. These victories are also the victories of the Lao people. This triple victory points to a striking truth: today a small, sparsely populated country, determined in its struggle to win, united on a just political path and firmly supported by all peace- and justice-loving peoples, is in a position to vanquish aggression by any kind of imperialism, however powerful, including the leader of imperialism  American imperialism. This solidarity makes the victories of the three peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos also the victory of the forces of the world struggling for independence, peace and social progress.
12.	The victories of the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, and the success of their national liberation movements, opens up a new era, an era of destruction of colonialism, neo-colonialism and an era where peoples are the masters of their own destinies.
13.	This era, when peoples are becoming masters of their own destinies, is also noticeable in Western capitalist countries. Equally obvious is the struggle of the workers and democratic forces against capitalism particularly in Portugal a struggle which is expanding and finding deeper roots in a manner hitherto unheard of. This struggle is so powerful that it can strike successful blows against imperialism.
14.	In the present international situation, when socialist States have obtained striking successes, the world of the courageous and victorious struggle for national independence and freedom, the relentless movement of workers in the capitalist countries have forced imperialism to give way. Extremely important changes are taking place. These are favorable to peoples all over the world who are fighting for peace, national independence and social progress. Imperialism and neo-colonialism, obstinate by their very nature, have not renounced their goal of aggression, domination and exploitation. The peoples of the world are watchful in order to unmask the evil plots of imperialism.
15.	The Lao people are proud to have contributed to this new world, through 30 years of long and hard struggle. To recover their fundamental national rights and to establish a veritable peace, they had, within a single generation, to defeat the old French colonialism and conquer American neo-colonialism. That great and heroic victory of the Lao people led to the Vientiane Agreement of 1973, which stipulates respect for the national fundamental rights of Laos, the withdrawal of American military personnel and the cessation of foreign interference in the internal affairs of Laos.
16.	To establish their national independence and democracy, to implement the Vientiane Agreement, the peoples continue their mass political struggle which will end in victory, signifying a radical change in the situation of the country. The instruments of war and exploitation of neo-colonialism have been dismantled. The rightist reactionaries, the lackeys of imperialism, have fled abroad; a popular revolutionary administration prevails throughout the country. At last the patriotic peace-loving forces and supporters of national concord, along with the Lao people, have become masters of their country's destiny. The unification of Laos is coming true, which is the first and necessary stage in the construction of an independent, peaceful, democratic, neutral, unified and prosperous Laos.
17.	This victory over American interference in Laos opens a new era of independence, democracy and prosperity for the Lao people, and is a victory heretofore unknown in the annals of the struggle of the Lao people against foreign aggression. This victory is an active contribution to the struggle for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress in South-East Asia and in the entire world.
18.	However, this victory of the Lao people is inseparable from the militant efforts, in all areas, made by all peoples of the world working for peace,
independence, democracy and social progress. May we then, from this rostrum, on behalf of the Lao people, voice our deep gratitude to those peoples who, we are certain, after having given their invaluable support and generous aid to the Lao people in their patriotic war, will continue to accord them the same assistance and support in their efforts for the strengthening of peace and for national reconstruction.
19.	The foreign policy of Laos, within the present world situation and the internal situation in Laos, is based on a watchful awareness and safeguarding of its hard-won independence; it represents a tireless effort in the cause of peace and a constant search for neutrality and for the building of a prosperous economy.
20.	The scrupulous protection of the fundamental rights of each people seems to us an appropriate means to establish peace among nations. This is implemented, on the one hand, by a struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism and, on the other hand, by active support for the national liberation struggle; for peace; for the social progress of all peoples of the world through the establishment and development of friendly relations with all countries, regardless of their political system, on the basis of mutual respect; and for independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, excluding any foreign interference in internal affairs, and based on equality and mutual advantage in trade relations and economic cooperator.
21.	This is also particularly true of our relations with our sister countries of Viet Nam and Cambodia, with which we are always united in the struggle against the common enemy. Laos will continue to increase its solidarity and constantly develop co-operation with Viet Nam and Cambodia, and assist them in the protection of their national independence and in the building of each of those countries according to their specific capacities and needs. Thus we warmly support the candidacies of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam, and we will work for their admission to the United Nations until our efforts are successful.
22.	We are pleased to lend our active support to the legitimate efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to secure the withdrawal of all foreign troops  American troops in particular from South Korea. The Lao people whole-heartedly approve of the struggle of the Korean people to secure the peaceful reunification of their country and to become masters of their own destiny.
23.	Similarly, Laos will also broaden friendly relations and step up co-operation with the socialist countries, which provide a solid and firm support to the national liberation movements and to peoples struggling for their national independence. Our relations with the peoples of South-East Asia, and particularly with our neighbors, will also be intensified. Laos fully supports the present struggle of the peoples of that region against United States imperialism in an effort to put an end to its policy of intervention and aggression, to dismantle its military bases and to bring about the withdrawal of all its military personnel.
24.	As for the Governments of the South-East Asian countries, Laos is ready to establish with them normal relations based on the strict respect for the
five principles of peaceful coexistence. It is through the strict application of those principles that we have defined relations between Laos and Thailand. Now, inasmuch as former Thai Governments were notorious accomplices of the United States in its aggression against Laos, they should bear the heavy burden of responsibility emerging therefrom. At present, in view of the new situation, and in the interest of the peoples of both countries and of peace in the region, Laos is ready to improve its good-neighborly relations with Thailand, But it is essential that the Thai Government put an end to its interference in the internal affairs of Laos, that it stop entertaining on Thai territory reactionaries from the Lao extreme right, and that it reject the use of Thai territory by United States imperialism for aggression against Laos and other countries in the region.
25.	Laos fully espouses the cause of the non-aligned countries and will bend every effort to step up its militant solidarity with them in the courageous battle against colonialism and neo-colonialism and in the bitter struggle to conquer and defend their national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and their natural resources. Laos reaffirms its full and firm support for the resolutions contained in the Lima program for Mutual Assistance and Solidarity [see A/10217 and Corr.l, annex], and we are pleased to note that the vast family of non-aligned countries has again shown its great solidarity in the work of the seventh special session of the General Assembly on development and international economic cooperation.
26.	Those countries, we are convinced, will manifest the same solidarity on the Middle East question. The Palestinian people, a people that has been forced out of its national homeland, are struggling tirelessly to recover their fundamental national rights. Laos would request the General Assembly to make every effort to ensure the implementation of United Nations resolutions by the State of Israel, which is an aggressor against the Arab peoples. Laos will continue to lend unstinting support to the Palestinian and other Arab peoples in their struggle against the Israeli invaders supported by the American imperialists.
27.	Similarly, it will maintain its vigorous support of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and other countries of southern Africa struggling for their self-determination. Laos severely and categorically condemns, in all its forms and manifestations, the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination pursued by the Pretoria regime. We also reject with equal vigor the illegal regime of Ian Smith, which, defying international public opinion, makes a mockery of the rights and aspirations of the majority of the Rhodesian people.
28.	Laos is ready to establish and develop friendly relations with all Western countries without exception, as long as they respect our fundamental national rights and sincerely wish to help us develop our economy, preserve our independence, and allow us to determine our own destiny. As for the United States, it must bear responsibility for the war of aggression that it conducted for long years in Laos. However since we wish to live in peace and harmony with all nations, the Lao Government envisages establishing friendly relations with the United States on a new basis.
29.	The Government of the United States should act on its statement that it wants to participate in the healing of the wounds of war. It should renounce its policy of interference in the internal affairs of Laos. Laos would like to avail itself of this opportunity to send its sincere greetings to the progressive people of the United States, who supported the people of Laos in their long and heroic struggle.
30.	Laos is on the road towards a new chapter in its history, towards the consolidation of its independence, towards realizing the deep-seated aspirations of national liberation of its people and the building up of its national economy.
31.	Thanks to the historic victory of the Lao people and strengthened by the impartial assistance and the devoted support of the socialist countries, the non-aligned countries and other peoples of the world, Laos is convinced of its ability fully to achieve the goals it has set. It will not fail to make its contribution to the cause of peace and independence of all the peoples of the world.
32.	We express our best wishes for the success of the work of this session of the General Assembly.


1.	 Your presence, Sir, as President for this year, which marks the thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations, constitutes a symbol of contemporary international political realities. As the representative of a State which, from the point of view of its geographical dimensions, is among the small countries, you bring to this forum of all the nations the tenacity and dignity of a people which, although not very numerous, throughout the centuries has successfully exercised its will to live freely and independently.
2.	Your well-known qualities as politician and diplomat, of which you have given proof in many circumstances and which my Government and myself have appreciated on more than one occasion in the course of the events that have marked the development of relations between Romania and Luxembourg, are a guarantee that our work will, as all peoples hope, be successful.
3.	This year again I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. In the year that has elapsed since the last regular session he has continued his complex activities to ensure that our Organization was really able to play the role assigned to it by the States in solving international problems. His initiatives and the action he has undertaken fully justify the esteem and confidence which we have placed in him in electing him to this high position.
4.	This session of the General Assembly is being held three decades after the flames of the Second World War, in which the United Nations was forged, were extinguished. During that time the world has witnessed many alterations and profound revolutionary changes both socially and nationally. Instead of stagnating after 1945, international life underwent a tumultuous development because of the will of the peoples of the entire world, freed from the dark shadows of fascism, to forge for themselves a dignified, free 'ind prosperous life.
5.	The triumph of revolutionary struggle in the post-war period and the beginning of the building of socialism in a series of countries in Europe, Asia, and America have transformed socialism into a major world economic and political force. In our times the socialist countries exercise increasing influence on contemporary social development and on the course of international life as a whole. New States choose to take the course of socialist development.
6.	Dozens of States have acceded to independence and, after being liberated from foreign domination, are now resolutely committed to the struggle to ensure their economic, social and national development, free from dependence of any kind. Only a few days ago our Organization welcomed to its ranks three new States, namely, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. I take this opportunity, on behalf of the Romanian Government and people, of extending to the Governments and peoples of those countries a warm welcome to the United Nations, and expressing our desire to develop the best possible relations of friendship and co-operation with them.
7.	Parallel to those revolutionary processes which I mentioned earlier, the world is at present witnessing one of the most profound scientific and technological revolutions in its history. Science, technology and culture are developing at high speed. Man is penetrating ever more deeply into the secrets of nature and is mastering them.
8.	All these phenomena have not failed to exercise a powerful influence on international life. A qualitatively new element is that the relations of subordination have become obsolete. Peoples are determined to become the masters of their destiny and their national wealth and to put an end to the old policy of inequality, domination and diktat and to develop in an atmosphere of peace, security and co-operation. The events of the last year have clearly shown that this is so.
9.	The historic victories won by the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos against foreign intervention once again confirm a historic truth. They bear witness to the fact that, when a people is determined to defend its independence and its sovereignty, its dignity and its national entity at the cost of the greatest sacrifices, there is no force in the world which can bar the road to total victory for their just cause.
10.	Political reassessments, the process of disintegration of military pacts and groups in South-East Asia are affirmations of the tendency of peoples to act independently on the international scene, drawing their inspiration from their fundamental interests and freeing themselves from foreign trusteeships.
11.	In Europe, the friendly Portuguese people have done away with Fascist dictatorship and have embarked upon the path of democratic development of their country. This has at the same time created better conditions for the peoples in African territories under Portuguese domination to accede to independence.
12.	On the Latin American continent changes have occurred, the expression of which on the external level consists in the increasingly more obvious option of many countries to promote new relationships based on the right of each people freely to establish its domestic and foreign policy, to be the only master of its national wealth and to use it for the benefit of its own development. That option has also been expressed in the rejection of the old policy of discrimination against socialist Cuba. That is a new recognition of the fact that ultimately nothing and no one can prevent a people from choosing the system most suitable to it and following the course of social and political development which it considers best designed to serve its aspirations and interests.
13.	Wherever we cast our glance on the map of the world, we see that by their struggle peoples are bringing about the collapse of the imperialist policy of force and diktat. On every continent, social forces of unprecedented power rise to establish new democratic and equitable relations in international life.
14.	The small and medium-sized States, the developing countries and the non-aligned countries at present play an increasingly important role in the revolutionary transformation of the world and in the struggle for progress. Those countries are determined to contribute to building a better and more just world because they themselves have been compelled to wage long and hard struggles to become masters of their own destiny. Historic realities have led those countries to be attached to the new policy of independence and equality and to oppose the policy and practices of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, so as to establish new relations among States and a new political and economic order which will ensure the free development of each nation.
15.	The Romanian people entertain feelings of under-standing and affinity for, and shows active solidarity with, the endeavors of the States that have embarked upon the path of independent development. This attitude is also based on the fact that socialist Romania, itself a developing country, must solve many of the problems with which above-mentioned countries are also faced.
16.	That explains Romania's presence at the Lima Conference of Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries. In our opinion, the participation of a country in the meetings of the non-aligned countries must not be considered from the point of view of its belonging to military and political groups, but in the light of its foreign policy, its contribution to * rapprochement among nations and to the strengthening of a positive process of international understanding and detente.
17.	That also explains why Romania is actively involved in the activities of the group of developing countries, the Group of 77, including the recent seventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to problems of development and international economic co-operation. For our part, we consider that the results of the session were positive and have in a certain sense marked a new milestone, because we have gone from the stage of confrontation and opposi-tion between industrially developed and developing States to the stage of starting a dialog. It is important that the progress made should yield results and be continued through implementation of the measures provided for in the resolution adopted by consensus. New measures should be added to secure the liquidation of the present situation in which a great part of mankind does not enjoy even the most elementary living standards.
18.	Romania stands resolutely in favor of establishing a new international economic order that will lead to the eradication of under-development and to a relative balance in the level of development of all nations, opening the way for the well-being and happiness of all peoples of the world. As we see it, detente cannot coexist with under-development. One cannot speak of genuine detente and peace as long as the world remains divided into the rich and the poor. We feel that detente, international peace and security are indissolubly linked to the establishment of a new economic order and to the development of all nations.
19.	As the President of the Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu emphasized:
"Romania, which is engaged in a vast social work in developing the forces of production and the national wealth, of promoting science, art and culture and on this basis of raising the material and spiritual living standards of the whole people, is at the same time pursuing a sustained and energetic international activity for the furtherance of new democratic principles in relations among States, for the broad development of multilateral co-operation among nations and for the establishment of a new international economic and political order in the world. Our country is determined in the future further to expand co-operation with all States of the world irrespective of their social order, and to participate most actively in international life, making its contribution to the settlement, in the spirit of peace and progress, of all contemporary economic and political issues and to the consolidation and continuation of the process of detente which is taking shape today in the world".
20.	The great changes which have occurred in con-temporary international life, the determination of peoples to be the masters of their own destinies, made it possible for the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to achieve positive results from its work. The successful conclusion of the work of the Conference of historic importance in the political life of the European continent marks a new spirit in international relations, laying the foundations for a broad and profound process of establishing security in Europe, with favorable consequences for the whole world.
21.	The Socialist Republic of Romania and President Nicolae Ceaugescu himself participated actively in the convening, preparation and holding of the Conference and contributed consistently to the preparation of documents in order to ensure that they would be as clear as possible and would entail genuine commitments, to the assertion of new concepts and principles in international life, and to the promotion of democratic procedures to ensure equality among States. We are pleased that those endeavors, combined with those of other States, have proved fruitful. Thanks to careful work, conducted on new and democratic bases in a spirit of equality, receptivity and mutual esteem, it was possible to achieve generally acceptable results which were crystallized in the Final Act signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975 by the Heads of State and Government participating in the Conference.
22.	That great inter-European meeting was an expression of the ardent desire of the European peoples to start a new era in the political life of the continent, establish a climate of understanding and fruitful co-operation among all nations based on equal rights, respect for national independence and sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, the sharing of benefits and the renunciation of force and the threat of force in relations among States.
23.	For Romania, these principles are not abstract concepts, but the legal framework of certain practical realities. They are the only ones that can today provide the opportunity for peaceful co-operation among States. Unless they are respected it is impossible to attain a better and more just world in which every people will be able to enjoy the benefits of contemporary civilization and no one will have to live in subjection and insecurity.
24.	It is now essential to implement resolutely the principles and standards contained in the Final Act. Taking into account the interests of all European peoples and the cause of peace, it is necessary that the slightest infringement of the jointly adopted principles and standards be considered as a lack of goodwill and as action which may endanger security, co-operation and peace in Europe.
25.	We appreciate the agreements reached in connexion with the development of economic, scientific and technological relations, the expansion of cultural interchanges, the improvement of the dissemination of information through the press and other means, the development of human contacts and the settlement of humanitarian issues. The practical implementation of all these agreements will doubtless serve the cause of rapprochement and friendship among peoples.
26.	We must not harbor the illusion that at the conclusion of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe we had completely met the wishes of the peoples and their concern for peace and security. The Helsinki stage does not represent the end of the process of establishing security in Europe. Rather, it is a premise, a starting-point for further great and sustained efforts aimed at the effective settlement of the complex problems which remain unsolved and at the creation of a united Europe, based on independent nations, animated by a spirit of peaceful cooperation and equal rights, irrespective of their social order or territorial extent.
27.	In speaking of the necessity to pursue and intensify efforts aimed at building European security, we are thinking above all of the extraordinary concentration of military forces and armaments, including nuclear weapons, in Europe at the present time. There can be no real and lasting peace and security in Europe without resolute disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. We cannot conceive of a Europe of confidence and peaceful co-operation built in the shadow of nuclear weapons. This is tantamount to saying that the political and military aspects of security are inseparable.
28.	From this point of view, the measures inscribed in the Final Act, though undoubtedly significant, are limited and insufficient. They must be accompanied by energetic disarmament measures, by determined actions by all States aimed at the liquidation of military bases, the withdrawal behind their national borders of nuclear weapons and foreign troops on the territories of other States, and the reduction of national armies, armaments and military expenditures. Increase of confidence and co-operation should lead to the liquidation of opposing military blocs, the simultaneous abolition of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty alliance, which are not and cannot be permanent but which are the product of certain historical circumstance which we wish to leave behind us.
29.	We, as representatives of our Governments, have an opportunity, as regards our own peoples and the peoples of the entire world, to do our utmost to ensure conditions of real peace and progress for mankind. Neither in Europe nor in the world as a whole can we attain that objective unless we embark on a policy of effective disarmament.
30.	We cannot help noticing, with great concern, that in recent years the arms race has reached unprecedented proportions. While, year by year, in the United Nations, in the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and in other international forums, disarmament is discussed, the arms race continues to increase, to swallow up vast material and human resources and to monopolize a vast potential of scientific research and production. The technological arms race is intensifying. Military expenditure has continuously increased, amounting to the exorbitant figure of some $300,000 million in 1974. Undoubtedly, the increase in armament production, the stockpiling of ever new weapons of mass destruction, the rise in military expenditures, have particularly serious consequences for the economic and social life of nations and for the peace and security of all peoples.
31.	In spite of the efforts made by numerous States, Romania being one of them, the situation of the disarm-ament negotiations is still critical and their practical results are insignificant. The agreements achieved so far are of small importance, and they do not represent effective disarmament measures; they deal with peripheral problems, and not with the real priority problems on which depend the effective halting of armaments, above all nuclear weapons.
32.	A radical change in the approach to disarmament problems is both necessary and urgent. It is high time for us to move on from words and sterile talks to deeds, to the adoption of practical measures. To this end we consider it necessary to agree on a program of measures designed to mobilize the political will of all States in order to achieve real disarmament and to provide a forward plan and a coherent approach for negotiations and efforts in this field.
33.	Romania, like other countries, believes that, nuclear disarmament must be given the highest priority. On the agenda of the present session there are several proposals on adopting nuclear disarmament measures. Romania will state its views on these proposals in the course of the debate. We must say, however, that we are concerned about the weakening of interest in the outlawing of nuclear weapons. More than five years have elapsed since the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] was adopted, but one can see that, in fact, a proliferation of nuclear armaments has occurred. If we really wish to remove the danger of a thermonuclear war, we must press on resolutely and without delay to the banning of the use of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, to the cessation of nuclear weapons production, to the withdrawal of nuclear armaments from the territories of other States, and, of course, to the destruction of all nuclear arsenals. As long as such steps are not taken and there are not sufficient guarantees of security, no State can be prevented from taking the measures it considers necessary for its own defense, including the production of nuclear weapons.
34.	A first step in the direction of disarmament would be a pledge by the nuclear countries never, in any circumstances, to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against the States which have renounced the option of acquiring or producing such armaments.
35.	Closely connected with the non-utilization of nuclear weapons is the making of certain zones in different parts of the world nuclear-weapon free zones, in conjunction with the granting of appropriate safeguards by the nuclear Powers. Romania has supported all efforts for the creation of such zones or regions, including the Balkans, being convinced that such measures contribute to the lessening of the nuclear danger.
36.	Certainly, nuclear disarmament measures should not iimit in any way the utilization of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. On the contrary, it is necessary to ensure for all States unrestricted right and opportunities to benefit fully from nuclear science gains with a view to their peaceful development within a system which has to be set up on the basis of equality and non-discrimination.
37.	As a forum of a universal character, the United Nations has special tasks and responsibilities in channelling all energies and efforts of States towards the adoption of real and effective measures of disarmament, in guiding and controlling negotiations in all disarmament forums. We believe it would be really useful to convene a special session of the General Assembly for the purpose of having a full debate on the situation of armaments and the principles governing disarmament, and to make recommendations aimed at the conclusion of specific agreements.
38.	These problems are vital and burning issues. They are of equal concern to all nations, great or small. Hence international public opinion must be informed about the activities taking place in the sphere of disarmament. Disarmament directly concerns the peoples themselves, and they have the right to know what is being done in that field in order to be able to express their opinions on what measures should be taken.
39.	These are the cogent reasons which have led the Government of Romania to attach increased importance to the disarmament debates of this session, and it will make its position known in due course.
40.	The consolidation of a new path towards detente in international life, as a result of the people's struggle, is indissolubly linked with the extinction of the hotbeds of conflict and tension which still exist in different areas of the world, with refraining from military confrontation, and with the settlement of controversial issues by political means.
41.	We are particularly worried by the continued tension in the Middle East, which is a permanent danger not only for peace in that area but also for the peace of the whole world. The Government of Romania has always been in favor of a political settlement of the situation in the Middle East, and has made consistent efforts to contribute to such a settlement.
42.	We have welcomed the agreements reached in 1974 on disengagement in the Sinai on the Golan Heights. We also regard as useful the recent Egyptian- Israeli agreement on the disengagement of military forces in Sinai. We regard it as a continuation of the previous agreement which may pave the way for other steps towards the full settlement of the conflict. We feel that new and steady efforts are necessary in order to reach such a solution both in Sinai and Golan, as well as on the West Bank. We reaffirm our conviction that there will be no peace in the Middle East until Israel withdraws its troops from the Arab territories occupied during the 1967 war; until the problem of the Palestinian people is solved by the restoration of their legitimate rights, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian State; and until the right of all States of the region to existence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence is recognized.
43.	In a region close by—Cyprus—a situation of tension persists, which is a matter of grave concern. We are vitally interested in seeing peace established there as soon as possible by means of a negotiated solution of the dispute on the basis of respect for the integrity, sovereignty and independence of the State of Cyprus, and by ensuring peaceful co-operation between the two communities on the island.
44.	In present conditions it is imperative for all States directly involved in disputes, as well as for other States and international public opinion, to redouble their efforts so that progress can be made towards negotiated settlement for the elimination of all hotbeds of tension which endanger the peace and security of peoples.
45.	A high degree of responsibility in this respect devolves also on the United Nations, which has to act with greater effectiveness for the promotion of co-operation and understanding among nations against any act in disregard of international law, or interference in. the affairs of other peoples, and for the liquidation of sources of dispute in international life.
46.	As is known, the Romanian Government has consistently paid special attention to the activities of the United Nations and to its ability to contribute to building a just and better world. The evolution of the United Nations towards universality in the sense of the inclusion of all States an evolution we have welcomed and wish to be complete coincides with the ever-clearer awareness that the problems of the present-day world, in order to be solved in the interest of peace and co-operation, require the active participation of all States, which is yet another aspect of universality. And it is precisely the United Nations which offers the most suitable framework for this.
47.	At this time I wish to reiterate the firm support of the Romanian Government for the applications for membership in the United Nations of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam. We express the hope that, in accordance with the recent resolution adopted by the General Assembly [resolution 3366 (XXX)] on the initiative of a great number of countries, including Romania, the Security Council will proceed to the immediate reconsideration in a favorable light of the requests of those two countries.
48.	As emphasized by the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu,
"The United Nations and other international bodies must play a greater role in the settlement of the complex problems raised by contemporary international life. Starting from the realities of the present-day world and from the shifts in the world balance of power, these bodies have to ensure broad participation by all peoples in the settlement of international problems and in the struggle for security and peace to uphold the principles of international law in relations among States."
49.	In the course of its existence the United Nations has had numerous achievements and made positive contributions to the development of understanding and co-operation among States. It is through the United Nations that a strong impetus has been given to the process of codification of the rules and principles of contemporary international law, to the promotion of legality, justice and equity in relations among States. Particularly in the past few years, more frequent recourse has been had to its machinery and authority, which has had a favorable effect upon the course of some situations of tension and conflict. Under the aegis of the United Nations too, the international community has dealt with the cardinal problem of development in its various aspects and has crystallized a generally acceptable concept regarding the establishment of a new international economic order. It is through the United Nations that real support has been given to the process of liquidating colonialism, that the legitimacy of the national liberation struggle has been sanctioned, and that international recognition has been granted to the liberation movements. Yet the efforts of our Organization must not flag until colonialism and racism, which still persist in Africa, particularly in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, have been completely eradicated.
50.	While mentioning these achievements, it must also be stated that, with respect to some of the important problems and conflicts that have occurred in post-war relations, the United Nations has adopted wrong decisions which have tarnished its prestige and have had negative consequences for international life. The outcome of one such decision is included today as an item on the agenda of the General As-sembly. I am referring to the involvement of the United Nations in Korea, an anachronism of which our Organization should rid itself as soon as possible. The Romanian Government considers it the duty of the United Nations to contribute to the encouragement of the positive processes stemming from the political initiatives and steady efforts of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea. Consequently, we believe it necessary to abolish the United Nations Command without delay and to put an end to the presence, under the flag of the United Nations, of all foreign troops in South Korea, thus creating favorable conditions for turning the armistice into a lasting peace in Korea and for accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea.
51.	It is also fitting to mention that some provisions of the Charter and many resolutions adopted by the United Nations have remained a dead letter. In spite of the authority conferred upon it by the Charter, the United Nations has been unable to prevent conflict, bloodshed and war, and, in many cases, owing both to objective and subjective circumstances has taken no action whatsoever. With the passing of the years the working system of the United Nations has become cumbersome; the Organization has created a complicated apparatus with overlapping and parallel structures which prevent it from giving its prompt and effective consideration to the most urgent problems of the international community. All too often, the United Nations has been justly criticized for an overabundance of talk to the detriment of concentrated efforts at concrete and effective solutions.
52.	It must be recognized that the United Nations has not kept pace with the profound changes in the world, does not live up to the hopes of all peoples and why not say its needs imposed by the dynamic changes in international life. The fact is that the United Nations does not yet exercise a decisive influence on international relations.
53.	Taking account of those facts, the changes that have taken place in the world and the complexity and interdependence of contemporary phenomena which make multilateral co-operation among States a primary prerequisite for the progress of mankind, the Romanian Government in 1972 took the initiative of proposing for inclusion in the agenda an item especially devoted to strengthening the role of the United Nations in international life. The debates on this item, as well as the resolutions adopted by consensus the result of the co-operation of a large number of States demonstrated the necessity and the possibility of transforming the United Nations into a vigorous Organization capable of supporting with all its authority the independence and sovereignty of States and the right of each people to decide its own destiny and to make a greater contribution to the consolidation of peace and security.
54.	We believe that to achieve that end the Organization must act with determination to establish relations among States on new bases and, strengthened by its achievements in the process of building a new system of rules and principles to govern international relations, raise this process to a higher level. That can be done by working out a universal code of conduct covering all the fundamental rights and duties of States. Such a code of conduct, accompanied by the solemn commitment of each State fully and strictly to abide by the rules and principles embodied in it, would suitably complement the United Nations Charter and would be of inestimable importance for the cause of peace, security and international co-operation.
55.	It is in the same spirit that we consider that political and organizational measures should be taken within the United Nations so that it may play an active rote and take the initiative in preventing and settling situations of conflict, resolving by peaceful means differences among States and, in general, effectively tackling, with the participation of all States, the urgent problems of under-development, the establishment of a new international economic order, disarmament and the immediate liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism and racism.
56.	The strengthening of the United Nations also requires measures designed to increase the authority and competence of the General Assembly, which is its principal and most representative body, especially with respect to the problems of peace and international security, t would also be desirable to establish democratic working procedures and mechanisms to supervise more closely the implementation of the resolutions adopted, to create conditions for the broad participation on an equal footing of all Member States in all the activities of the Organization, to abolish obsolete and anachronistic provisions and to adjust the work of the Organization to the requirements of the present-day world.
57.	The Romanian Government considers that the process that has been started for the improvement of the working system of the Organization and its adjustment to the requirements of the new realities of international life must be resolutely pursued by uniting all efforts to that end within the United Nations. The Romanian Government intends at this session to present its position and contribute actively to its efforts. I am empowered to state that Romania will work energetically, in close co-operation with other Member States, for the development and strengthening of the role of the United Nations in international affairs so that the activity of the Organization may become more effective and contribute more substantially to the settlement of the problems confronting all mankind.
58.	Thirty years ago mankind, which had barely emerged from the most, deadly and both materially and spiritually destructive war in its history, fixed its hopes that there would never be another war and that peace and co-operation would be established on the United Nations.
59.	So far, there has not been another world war, but the prerequisites for it have not yet been wholly eliminated. So far, the peoples have proved they can co-operate, but real and lasting co-operation has not yet been established. Mankind can and must get through this critical stage. Let us do everything to ensure that in the coming years, in the quarter-century which remains before we reach the end of the twentieth century, we may fulfil the sacred trust left us by previous generations and meet the consistent demand of present generations by bringing about the absolute necessity of the future: peace and co-operation among nations.


1.	 Mr. President, permit me to extend to you first of all the warm congratulations of the delegation of Dahomey on your election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I should like to express to you the satisfaction felt by Dahomey at seeing you conducting our proceedings this year. Your election is a tribute to your eminence, your statesmanlike qualities and your personal merits. Your election is also a tribute to your country, Luxembourg, a small State certainly but privileged by its geographical position, and a country with which 46 African, Caribbean and Pacific States enjoy cordial relations of co-operation within the framework of the European Economic Community. My delegation is convinced that under your wise and far-sighted leadership our work is assured of success.
2.	Mr. President, you succeed in office a worthy son of Africa, brother Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, to whom I should like to express the satisfaction and admiration of my delegation at the masterful way in which he conducted the proceedings of the twenty-ninth session, the coolness and perspicacity with which he tackled and solved some extremely delicate problems with which he was confronted and the important decisions he took, which will certainly find a place in the history of our Organization. The results of the seventh special session of our Assembly, which are a matter of continuing gratification to many people, would not have been achieved without the courage and the tireless efforts of our brother Bouteflika to prevail upon the Members of our Organization to transcend recrimination, antagonisms and sterile confrontation in order to work together within the context of the interdependence of nations to establish the new international economic order based on justice and equity so ardently desired by our whole community.
3.	I would also (ike to add to the compliments paid to you, Sir, and your predecessor the sincere appreciation of the delegation of Dahomey of the effective, positive and sustained work of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in the service of the noble objectives of international peace and security, which are the very foundation of our Charter. The degree of progress achieved in the negotiations, through him, between the two Cypriot communities constitutes, in the view of my delegation, compelling proof that our Secretary-General can do even better and find for the urgent problems of the day reasonable and just solutions which are acceptable to all parties, if only he is given the confidence and disinterested cooperation of all, and particularly the great Powers.
4.	Dahomey warmly welcomes the delegations of the fraternal countries of Sao Tome and Principe, Cape. Verde and Mozambique, which were admitted to membership by the General Assembly just a few days ago, and would like to assure the representatives of these three new States of its active solidarity and fraternal co-operation.
5.	At a time when the work of the thirtieth session is beginning, it is striking that weapons are almost completely silent in most of the areas of tension which have always been the subject of the serious and constant concern of our Organization. We can take pride in this favorable augury, although the situation results not from the actions of the world community but from the political will and determination of the countries directly concerned and also, of course, the goodwill of the super-Powers.
6.	Thus, in South-East Asia calm has been restored to the region without the United Nations having been able to contribute in any way at all. My delegation, in any case, cannot refrain from expressing its keen satisfaction at seeing today the place of Cambodia occupied by the worthy and authentic representatives of the Cambodian people. It is distressing to recall that one year ago the General Assembly, as the result of maneuvering within its ranks, refused to heed the voice of reason used by a certain number of States, including Dahomey, when they called for the expulsion from this Hall of the envoys of the Lon Nol clique and the restoration to the representatives of the Government of National Union of Cambodia of their lawful rights in the United Nations, In so doing, our Assembly missed one of the rare opportunities to solve this delicate problem by peaceful means on the basis of the principles of respect for sovereignty and nonintervention in the internal affairs of a State. Our Assembly was once again misled by delaying tactics and slanderous and false information, as has so often happened in the history of our Organization. The well- known majority, which I have no need to describe, caused us to lose by far the best diplomatic battle, but in the field the people of Cambodia, united and exasperated by the obstinacy of a super-Power which wished to keep in place and maintain at any price the
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traitor Lon Nol and his clique, succeeded in liberating its country from foreign domination by force of arms. The severe defeat inflicted by a people of the third world on the most important military power will go down in the annals of colonial and imperialist history. This is a lesson to which thought should be given by those who have eyes but cannot see, ears but cannot hear, intelligence but cannot understand the situation of other people. The victory of Cambodia eloquently demonstrates that no military power, no matter how great and mighty it may be, can succeed in stifling for ever the legitimate aspirations of a people to freedom, dignity and independence.
7.	The people of Dahomey express their deepest respect before the tomb of all the valiant Cambodian fighters who gave their lives for the liberation of Cambodia from foreign domination, increasing the prestige of the colonial peoples and the peoples of the third world in general by the glory they bestowed on the people of Cambodia. To our valiant colleagues, the authentic representatives of the people of Cambodia, Dahomey pays a warm tribute and extends its good wishes in welcoming them back to our Assembly.
8.	In South Viet Nam, too, we have had a striking demonstration of what a people determined to free itself from the colonial yoke and foreign domination can do. The people of Viet Nam, in revolt, added another chapter to the book started by their brothers in Cambodia when, under the leadership of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet Nam, it inflicted a severe and painful defeat on the Thieu clique and their imperialist masters by dismantling in a few days the whole system installed artificially to maintain in power a group of men in the pay of foreigners and thrown out by the people of Viet Nam. Here again, freedom was bought at the price of the blood of brave fighters, this time of South Viet Nam. To them, the Revolutionary Government of Dahomey wishes eternal glory.
9.	Thus in Cambodia and South Viet Nam, as indeed in North Viet Nam, the peoples' will triumphed over military power. Those countries now enjoy domestic peace and are slowly but surely staunching the wounds of war by adopting the course of development they have set for themselves and not the one dictated from outside.
10.	If Dahomey and friendly countries have grounds for gratification at seeing among us here in our Assembly the worthy and authentic sons of Cambodia, for whom it was a question of the restoration of their lawful rights, on the other hand we have reasons for disgust in the light of the fate of the valiant people of the two Viet Nams and their respective Governments when we see that it required nothing more than the will of a single great Power to prevent the admission of the two Vietnamese Governments as full Members of our Organization. It is unjust that the veto of one super-Power sufficed to cancel out the positive vote of the overwhelming majority of the members of the Security Council. This is an inadmissible and intolerable practice in 1975, at a time when our Organization is moving gradually towards the target of universality which it has set itself. My delegation, which supported the inclusion on the agenda of the Assembly of the item on the admission of the two Viet Nams [item 22], hopes that the almost unanimous will of our General Assembly will be given due weight by the Security Council when it comes to reconsider the matter. The Security Council must take more account of the realities of 1975, rather than the situation which, although understandable in 1945, does not make much sense today. My delegation continues to insist that it is not right that the peoples of North and South Viet Nam be kept much longer outside our Organization. This is not the time to prefer dreams to reality,
11.	Therefore my delegation reaffirms what it said last year, that the Charter must be revised and, above all, the right of veto in the Security Council must be reviewed and corrected. If the present structure of the Council remains the same, then a majority of the permanent members must oppose a resolution for it to be rejected. We, the countries of the third world, see in this an important question which underlies the credibility and efficiency of our Organization, and is therefore something to which serious thought should be given.
12.	Before leaving the question of South-East Asia, my delegation cannot refrain from raising the issue of Korea, which unfortunately is on the agenda of our Assembly and which we shall be considering later on. However, at the present stage we have to stress that, since the joint communique of 1972' whereby the two parties directly concerned undertook to begin a dialog with a view to the peaceful settlement of the problem of peaceful and democratic reunification of the country, no progress has been made in spite of the text of the consensus adopted by the twenty-eighth session and the resolution adopted by our Assembly last year on this item [resolution 3333 (XXIX)]. One of the major reasons for this stagnation lies in the presence of foreign military forces based on Korean territory.
13.	It is fortunate that the United States Government, which maintains at considerable expense the so-called United Nations Force, has taken the decision to dissolve the United Nations Military Command. It is, however, regrettable that that dissolution has not been accompanied by evacuation. That solution can in no way facilitate contacts between the two parts of the country and open the way to serious negotiations with a view to the reunification desired by both sides.
14.	The delegation of Dahomey very much hopes that the United Nations will discharge its responsibilities before it is too late. Our Organization must create the conditions necessary for transforming the armistice into lasting peace and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of the two parts of Korea. To bring that about, our Assembly must call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korean soil, so that the Koreans, and they alone, can settle their problems among themselves.
15.	The Middle East is enjoying relative peace, in the sense that the sound of gunfire is heard less clearly, at least on a large scale. Here, again, apart from the contribution of our Organization in sending peacekeeping forces, the United Nations has really had nothing to do with the silencing of the guns, and only the good will of the super-Powers has made it possible to create a situation which gives to the international community grounds for gratification. We see here an illustration of what we said last year, when my delegation stated that if the super-Powers could cease their rivalry, zones of conflict could disappear for ever, Of course, the different disengagement agreements, negotiated at such cost and then signed, constitute positive approaches to a final solution of the Middle East problem.
16.	It is particularly fortunate that Israel has finally conceded that its peace and security lie above all in its withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories; but these provisional solutions should not make us forget the real nub of the problem the Palestinian question. The injustice of turning the Palestinians into eternal wanderers must be finally and definitely redressed. The Palestinian people, like the Jews, must have a homeland. That aspiration was clearly expressed by our Assembly last year [resolution 3236 (XXIX)]. So, until the Palestinian problem has been thoroughly tackled, with all the necessary seriousness, with a view to a final settlement of what has come to be known as the Middle East crisis, all solutions of the papering- over type will remain futile and there will be no peace in that area, The super-Powers should be told that instead of engaging in blind antagonism their actions would be more beneficial to the international community if they were to bear in mind the Palestinian situation and attempt to work for the major interests of the peoples of the area.
17.	The situation in Cyprus still gives cause for concern. It must be recognized that, under the aegis of the Secretary-General, talks between the two communities have made it possible to achieve some results, however meager they may be. My delegation wishes vigorously to reaffirm the position it defended last year. For Dahomey, there is an independent Cypriot State and a Cypriot people and we must leave it to that people to solve its own problems as a Cypriot people and not as members of a Greek-Cypriot community or a Turkish-Cypriot community.
18.	Once we concede the terms "Greek Cypriot" and "Turkish Cypriot" our Organization is thereby sanctioning division and preparing the ground for external aggression, for the intervention of neighboring countries in the affairs of the Cypriot State. An excellent illustration of what we are saying was the occupation by the Turkish army of the richest part of the island, on the pretext of protecting a people, without our community being able to react because the super-Powers so willed it. In the view of my delegation, no acceptable and realistic solution can be found, unless our Organization calls for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island, whether they are there on the basis of an agreement or for purposes of aggression and occupation. We must allow the people of Cyprus, under the enlightened leadership of Archbishop Makarios, to become the master of its destiny, in unity and with territorial integrity. My delegation vigorously condemns all secessionist and separatist designs aimed at the partition of Cyprus.
19.	Since the assumption of power by young officers of the Portuguese army and the elimination of the reactionary and retrogressive clique of Caetano, we have to recognize that Portugal has been able, in spite of its domestic difficulties, to keep the promises it made in our Assembly and before the whole world.
Thanks to its scrupulous respect For the time-table which was drawn up, we have been able to welcome here the delegations of Sao Tome and Principe, Cape Verde and Mozambique.
20.	Unfortunately, in Angola the process of decolonization does not seem to be taking a normal course, not only because of the lack of agreement between the representatives of the liberation movements whose task it is to prepare for independence but also, and above all, because of the interference of some foreign Powers which are primarily attracted by the vast wealth and economic potential of the country. My delegation appeals urgently to our brothers in the Angolan liberation movements not to lose sight of their primary objective of independence and the need to unite in order to achieve it, instead of playing the game of those who are trying to weaken them by urging them to mutual annihilation. Our brothers in Angola should not forget that if Africa has been reduced to a state of chronic under-development, it is because at a certain point in its history its sons were taken away and forced to develop the industrialized countries of today. Our brothers in Angola must understand that it is not in the interest of the future nation of Angola, and still less in the interests of Africa as a whole, that its sons should engage in mutual slaughter. The Angola of tomorrow, rich and prosperous, will need all its population to promote its development.
21.	Apart from what I must call the extremely regrettable situation in Angola, Africa can take pride in the success of the process of decolonization in the Territories formerly under Portuguese administration. But what about the other colonies? The case of the Comoros puzzles my delegation. We wonder how it is that France, our friend, and the champion of decolonization, did not respond in time to the frequently reiterated aspirations of the people of the Comoros to become independent. My delegation wonders how it is that, faced with legislative maneuvers, the Government of the Comoros was obliged to proclaim the independence of the Territory unilaterally, and why we were not spared this masquerade of a coup d'etat against the Government of President Abdalha. These are questions to which the delegation of Dahomey would like to hear answers. Dahomey sincerely hopes that the enlightened interests of the people of the Comoros will triumph over the concern to preserve vested interests whether or not they relate to a strategic military base.
22.	Dahomey welcomes the independence of the Comoros, in whatever form, and urgently appeals both to the former administering Power and to the people of the Comoros themselves to safeguard their national unity and territorial integrity.
23.	In southern Africa my Government has followed with concern the maneuvers of the Vorster-Smith gang, aimed apparently at finding a common platform for the convening of the constitutional conference which is to negotiate the transfer of power to the overwhelming black majority of Rhodesia. Subsequent events have shown my Government that it was fully justified in having serious reservations about the feverish activity and the so-called good offices of Vorster. How, in fact, can we trust or give any credence to this racist chieftain who has no intention of giving an inch in his heinous and abject policy of apartheid?
How can we trust this Nazi who, despite the numerous resolutions of our own Organization and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice,-1 continues illegally to occupy Namibia and to establish bantustans there in order to block for ever the independence and territorial integrity of that country? What credence can we really give to this man when he claims to be urging Smith, his flunky and associate, to go cap in hand to the representatives of the Rhodesian liberation movement to discuss with them conditions for organizing a constitutional conference? It is time for Vorster and Smith and others to understand that Africans are not fools and that the liberation movements are not to be deluded. They know that force alone can triumph over the obstinacy of the inveterate racists and the unregenerate colonialists, and that they can only free their territories by force of arms, as was the case in other parts of Africa and elsewhere. In order to spare so many human lives, Smith must prove his good faith by agreeing to the prerequisite of the representatives of the Rhodesian liberation movements who call for the freeing of all political prisoners, the holding of discussions in neutral territory and the reduction to a bare minimum of the transitional period to precede the transfer of power from the white minority to the overwhelming black majority. There can be no question, therefore, of the liberation movements undertaking discussions in unfavorable conditions, with a knife at their throats. Nor do we need to add that the administering authority can no longer continue to play the role of Pontius Pilate, and must discharge its proper responsibilities by creating the necessary conditions for sincere, useful and constructive negotiations.
24.	The racist regime of apartheid believes that it is making an impression on international public opinion by stating that it is boycotting the thirtieth session. This was certainly a wise move. Whether or not the delegation of South Africa is represented at the session, it is true nevertheless that differences between it and the United Nations remain, and that the question of Namibia must be settled without delay. Since the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on this question, the illegality of the presence of South Africa in Namibia is not open to question. My delegation believes that the measures taken by this regime to consolidate the annexation of Namibia by South Africa, the creation of Ovambolands and other areas is a challenge to the whole international community.
25.	In the face of this situation, our Assembly must take the most energetic action to prevail upon this regime, rejected by our Organization, to divest itself of a Territory that does not belong to it, a Territory which our international community is determined to administer until such time as power can be transferred to the people of Namibia themselves, the sole and authentic representative of whom is the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO].
26.	There is an artificially created situation in western Africa that is indeed one of concern to the delegation of Dahomey. We wonder how Africans themselves can employ a double standard in the matter of decolonization; how they can proclaim the overwhelming necessity to decolonize under Ihe terms of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in resolution 1514 (XV), on the one hand, while on the other hand they recommend the suspension of any application of that Declaration until the International Court of Justice has given a decision on the situation before the colonization of the Sahara under Spanish administration.
27.	The attempt to have our Assembly adopt a resolution contrary to the principles of the United Nations has made it an accomplice in an injustice and a plot the consequences of which cannot be foreseen. In the view of my delegation, the most important thing in the case of the Sahara under Spanish administration is the interest of the people concerned, their true aspirations, not the claims of certain neighboring countries. It is for this reason that my delegation deems it necessary to repeal the ambiguous and treacherous resolution adopted by our General Assembly last year, and to return purely and simply to the strict application of resolution 1514 (XV). In this particular case the situation has been clear ever since the administering Power decided to decolonize the Territory. Nothing should now be allowed to halt this process. Once it is independent and sovereign, it will be for the people of the Sahara themselves to decide on their own future and whether or not they wish to be united with any neighboring State. But before the precondition of independence no neighboring State can say that it has a greater interest in the Sahara than the people of the Sahara themselves, or that it can make a decision for them.
28.	Another matter of serious concern to my Government is the question of disarmament. Everyone talks about disarmament, but in actual fact it would appear to be merely a dialog of the deaf, dominated, of course, by the obvious selfishness of the great Powers. Their boundless individualism makes possible the maintenance of the various areas of tension that we mentioned earlier. The great Powers proclaim from the rooftops their wish to disarm. Some of them call this wish by the misleading name of "detente". But what exactly is the disarmament they are talking about, and what is the area it involves? These questions become all the more urgent as these Powers go on manufacturing ever more sophisticated weapons which they sell at very high prices to others so that these latter can continue their mutual slaughter, so eager are they for the rapid recovery of the petrodollar, or because of the profits derived from gold, diamond and other mines. In these circumstances, the so-called Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe that was held recently is nothing but a crude farce; for it is immoral for Europe to wish to institutionalize the frontiers that emerged from the last war and to seek thereby to assure peace and security, while at the same time it is busy sowing horror and terror elsewhere by supplying the most highly developed arms to other continents. No. The Middle East, SouthEast Asia, even Africa, cannot be regarded as testing- grounds for new weapons designed in countries in which an effort is made to maintain peace and prosperity. The great Powers are deceiving themselves when they think it sufficient to utter the word "detente" in order to settle everything.
29.	According to certain people, detente is the ' magic key that opens all doors, consolidates peace, facilitates decolonization, guarantees development, and I know not what else. There can be no detente or peace if any part of this world is living in prosperity while the overwhelming majority lives in poverty. My delegation believes that peace must be enjoyed by all or it will not be enjoyed by anyone. That is why Dahomey believes that this is no longer the time for hypocrisy, and calls upon the super-Powers to ponder something that was said a few days ago at this very rostrum by our brother, the doyen of this Assembly, Mr. Baroody of Saudi Arabia: that instead of talking about detente, it would be better to talk about entente understanding. Indeed, through understanding it would be possible to stop the production of arms, whether logistic, conventional or other. If such arms were not exported, peace and security could be ensured, not only in the countries that produce them, but also for all generations, present and future, in the entire international community. Let us hope that the great Powers, together with the small ones, will resolve to set out on this course, the only one capable of leading us to a real and stable era of disarmament.
30.	Now my delegation would like to say something about the seventh special session which ended a few days ago. The results of that session are still fresh in our memories and there is no need to stress the problems of development and international co-operation which were then discussed. The Foreign Minister of my country, Comrade Michel Alladaye, indicated here the objectives which Dahomey would like to see our community achieve: among others, the regulation of the commodity and raw materials markets, the indexation of the prices of those commodities and raw materials in relation to the prices of imports from developed countries, and the reform and democratization of the international monetary system.
31.	After arduous and difficult negotiations, we can today take pride in the fact that we have been able to reach agreement on the essentials; this is an important step towards the establishment of the new economic order that is the desire of the whole international community. Now we have to embark on the phase of practical implementation. Dahomey ventures to hope that the General Assembly, at its thirtieth session, will undertake this task and that other United Nations specialized agencies will do so too.
32.	These are some of the items on the agenda of the thirtieth session on which my delegation felt it necessary to make some comments in the general debate. We have said that while it is true that our work has begun in an atmosphere of relative tranquility in the traditional areas of tension, it is nevertheless true that in most cases that situation is not due to direct action on the part of our Organization, and this is very much to be regretted. The obstinacy of the superPowers and their national pride make them prefer to settle certain matters themselves, outside the United Nations. We have said that the Great Powers, and above all the super-Powers, will have to agree to co-operate frankly and sincerely with the Secretary- General in order to strengthen the role of the United Nations.
33.	We have said that we must revise and correct the right of veto within the framework of the review of the Charter, because it is wrong that in 1975 the will of a super-Power should prevail over the will of the overwhelming majority of the Security Council.
34.	We have said that the solution of the Middle East crisis lies in the question of Palestine, which must be settled in a just and equitable manner.
35.	We have said that the Cypriot people must become masters of their own destiny in unity and territorial integrity.
36.	We have said, on the question of the Sahara under Spanish administration, that the United Nations cannot make the implementation of the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) subject to any pre-conditions.
37.	We have also said that true disarmament will result from an entente and not from detente among the great Powers, and that a necessary condition for this will be that they refrain from exporting arms and other means of destruction.
38.	Finally, we have said that the results achieved by the Assembly at its seventh special session augur well and give us hope that many controversies between rich and poor will see the beginning of a solution through dialog and free co-operation in the common interest.
39.	The delegation of Dahomey very much hopes that the observations we have just made here in all humility will be of inspiration to the work of the thirtieth session and will help us to make progress in and to consolidate the cause of peace, decolonization and development for all.