This forty-fifth session of the General Assembly is being held in a new international setting. The cold war is coming to an end and the arms race is clearly slowing down. Numerous conflicts are approaching a solution. And, despite continued imbalances and profound economic injustice, the initiation of dialogue is once again possible because of the growing interdependence of peoples and nations. All of us must respond to certain major challenges.
These facts impart special significance to this session of the Assembly and compel us to derive the fullest possible benefit from it in order to contribute to the advent of a world of justice, peace and liberty.
In this connection, I should like to congratulate Mr. Guido de Marco on his outstanding election as President of the Assembly. His great experience and qualities, together with the dynamism and far-sighted policies of his country, the Republic of Malta, within the great family of non-aligned countries and of the United Nations in general, prompt us all to believe that he will discharge most successfully the lofty functions which have been conferred upon him. I can assure him of the constant support of the Cameroonian delegation.
Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria, his predecessor, deserves our renewed thanks for the diligence and dynamism with which he conducted not only the work of the forty-fourth session but also the work of subsequent special sessions.
We wish to reiterate our support for the Secretary-General Mr. Javier Pores de Cuellar. Cameroon encourages him to continue unrelentingly the efforts he has deployed so admirably throughout the world for the cause of peace and international co-operation, efforts the success of which is emphatically demonstrated by the recent independence of Namibia.
Lastly, we wish to congratulate the Principality of Liechtenstein on its admission as the 160th Member of the Organisation, whose universality thus continues to grow.
Less than 10 years before the third millennium, the fundamental changes which have occurred in the world since the last session of the Assembly have reshaped the international political chequer-board.
Generally speaking the highly symbolic image of the collapse of the Berlin Wall has in a very positive sense reduced the East-West tensions which, since the last war, had so greatly influenced world relations. In such a favourable international climate, dialogue has been restored to favour and is consequently a source of hope in response to the major challenges posed by freedoms, development and science in the closing years of the century.
Peace is at our door that is the message sent to us by detente, the opening up of East Europe and the significant improvement in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. That message is strengthened by the progress made in the field of disarmament.
In this connection the results of the various Soviet-American summit meetings and agreements have been moat encouraging, as are the various conclusions and recommendations of the work of the Conference on Disarmament and the Fourth Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
We particularly welcome the consensus in the Conference on Disarmament on questions pertaining to South Africa's nuclear capacity, conventional disarmament and the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. We very much trust that the peace dividends resulting from the slackening of the arms race will be devoted to the financing of development, particularly that of the poor countries. The now-acknowledged link between disarmament and development would thus be translated into reality.
It is essential that the remarkable improvement in the international political climate bolster our attempts to find solutions to the numerous conflicts which still afflict various parts of the world. Namibia's accession to independence is still fresh in our memories. We wish to take this opportunity yet again to welcome most cordially among us the presence of that young State as a fully fledged Member of the Organisation. The international community, which worked so hard to bring this about, must now provide that country with all the necessary assistance to enable it to consolidate its sovereignty, recover its territorial integrity and promote its economic and social development. Cameroon will certainly spare no effort to develop and strengthen comprehensive co-operation with that brother country.
With reference to the situation in South Africa, notwithstanding the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, the announcement of a number of reforms and the commencement of a dialogue between the racist regime and the opposition movements, it remains a source of grave concern because the pillars of the odious system of apartheid are still solidly in place, sustaining a disguised form of racist terror which we condemn.
In this contest, the international community must keep in place economic sanctions against that regime until it has been shown proof of fundamental, irreversible change in the situation. The objective is not to reform but to eradicate apartheid completely and to set up a free, democratic and non-racial society in South Africa.
In Angola and in Mozambique, Cameroon has noted and wishes to encourage the moves made by the leaders of those countries to establish lasting domestic peace. We also support the efforts of the Secretary-General to implement the solutions advocated by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in respect of the conflict in Western Sahara.
In the Horn of Africa, as well as between Chad and Libya, or again between Senegal and Mauritania, the needs of peace today require a response from all concerned. Dialogue is the way to salvation.
It is with this in mind that the African Heads of State and Government at the last summit meeting of the OAU in Addis Ababa reaffirmed their determination to work together towards a rapid solution of all these conflicts by African efforts and Initiatives.
In the Middle East the situation Is still tense. We remain convinced in respect of the Arab-Israeli conflict that any equitable solution must necessarily Involve recognition of the fundamental right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to have their own homeland, as well as the equally fundamental right of the State of Israel to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized frontiers.
Given the complexity of this situation and Its ability to jeopardize world peace, we wish to reiterate our support for the idea of convening, under United Nations auspices, an International conference devoted to this important issue.
The cause of peace must also prevail in respect of the critical conflict in the Persian Gulf. The military invasion and occupation of Kuwait and the build-up of troops and various types of armaments to push that region, already quite turbulent, into a particularly explosive situation fraught with incalculable consequences.
The international community must pay full attention to this situation. We must act with the greatest restraint and avoid any action capable of exacerbating the situation. The United Nations must act collectively in accordance with the principles of the Charter, focusing particularly on dialogue and broad-based agreement as a way to provide a peaceful settlement of this grave crisis. In any case, the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the State of Kuwait must be restored.
In other parts of the world where focal points of tension continue to exist, we must spare no effort to secure the triumph of the principles of international law enshrined in the Charter, particularly non-resort to force in international relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
In this regard Cameroon welcomes the initiatives now under way in the Korean peninsula to foster a peaceful rapprochement of the two Korean States. Moreover, we hope that the encouraging results achieved in recent negotiations on Cambodia, just endorsed by the Security Council, will be translated into practical achievements.
In the same spirit we encourage everything that has been undertaken to restore peace in Central America, the Caribbean and other parts of the world. Lastly, we welcome the praiseworthy efforts which led to the agreements on the reunification of the two Germanys, with which Cameroon has enjoyed excellent relations of friendship and co-operation. My country is fully prepared to continue and intensify its relations with a reunited Germany.
Unfortunately, the positive developments on the present international political scene contrast starkly with the world economic situation. This situation, which is markedly unfavourable to the countries of the third world, is characterized by profound structural imbalances: on the one hand, the economies of the countries of the North, which are flourishing, and, on the other, the economies of most of the South, which are in a state of crisis. The shift in world monetary, economic and financial flows and the consequent redistribution of the poles of development are each day gradually marginalising the poor nations.
The constant decline in commodity prices, the excessive indebtedness of the developing countries, the diminution of aid, the reversal of net financial flows towards the developed countries, and the inexorable degradation of the environment all remain the essential features of the world economic situation.
Africa, more than any other continent, finds itself in very great difficulty. In addition to the ills to which I have just alluded, it has to face natural disasters also, such as drought, desertification, floods, epidemics, famine, invasion by locusts - all of which increase the constraints associated with the adoption of various structural adjustment programmes.
The present unprecedented situation of our continent has been exacerbated particularly by the external debt crisis, which absorbs the bulk of our countries' export earnings. That is why we continue to support all initiatives aimed at finding a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the debt problem. We remain convinced that the United Nations, which has already adopted a programme for the economic recovery and development of Africa, can provide a decisive impetus to this undertaking.
Cameroon welcomes the debt-relief and debt-cancellation measures adopted in recent years by the Summit of the Seven as well as by certain developing countries, such as France, Canada, the United States and Belgium.
In another sphere, we hope that the interventions of the Common Fund for commodities and the various corrective and compensatory machinery provided for in the new Lomé Convention for the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries will provide the desired effects.
The results of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation and, in particular, to the revitalisation of the economic growth and development of the developing countries and the results of the Paris Conference on the Least-Developed Countries are without any doubt an important milestone in our collective quest for solutions to the international economic crisis.
Hone the less, we remain convinced that if they are to have any effect these bilateral initiatives and measures must be integrated in the broader framework of strengthening the North-South dialogue through negotiations in which the focus would be on the interrelationship of the issues of growth, security and development. Hence the importance of the new international development strategy for the fourth development decade, which we trust will be adopted at this session of the Assembly. That strategy will provide an opportunity to gauge the magnitude of the new political will that has resulted from the work of the eighteenth special session, to which I have referred.
This applies also to the Uruguay Round of negotiations, which will enter their final phase this December and which will, we hope, lead to the adoption of equitable measures for the strengthening of our countries’ commercial competitiveness.
Given the global nature of the threat to the environment and its close relationship to development, it is urgently necessary to define common objectives and adopt appropriate measures.
These concerns were echoed in the Pan-African Co-ordination Conference on the environment and lasting development in Africa, to be held in Bamako, Mali, in December 199C, and the proclamation by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) of 1991 as the African Year for the Environment. This is true also of the international Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in 1992.
All these gatherings should provide us with an opportunity to seek together ways and means of solving problems such as the shrinking of the ozone layer, drought, pollution, desertification, acid rain and floods, in order better to protect the environment and guarantee the equilibrium of our whole ecosystem.
With regard to the negotiations now under way within the framework of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, so far these have made appreciable progress, in particular with regard to the registration of the first pioneer investors and the agreement on the implementation of obligations entered into by those investors and respective certifying States.
It is essential, however, to overcome the pending difficulties speedily, in a spirit of compromise, in order to facilitate the entry into force of the Convention, while promoting universal participation in the new legal regime for the seas and oceans.
One of the major challenges we must face at the end of this century is that of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The upheavals now taking place throughout the world are evidence of the keen interest in this important question. We welcome the active role played by the United Nation, in this field.
The holding within a few days at the Headquarters of our Organization of a World Summit for Children is a further illustration of this kind of activity, which has my government’s full support.
In Africa, significant progress has been made in the sphere of human rights. The African Charter of the Rights of Man and Peoples has entered into force, and the Commission charged with monitoring its implementation has been set up.
At their recent submit meeting at Addis Ababa the Heads of State and Government of the OAU made an important declaration reaffirming their commitment to the strengthening of democracy and the protection of human rights in Africa.
With respect more precisely to democracy, the President of the Republic of Cameroon, Paul Biya, has reminded us that
"Democracy is built day by day, and no one is safe from a false move. We are moving through the necessary phases, and doing this at our own pace, taking into account our capabilities and the needs peculiar to our country". In Cameroon the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, which has always been at the heart of the philosophy and activities the Government of Renewal, has been given significant impetus by the adoption of major measures covering, in particular, the strengthening of freedom of the press, revision of the law on freedom of association to make it more liberal, abolition of emergency legislation, and creation of a human rights commission.
Thus, Africa, in general, and Cameroon, in particular, are firmly convinced that the quest for human rights and fundamental freedoms is a universal and legitimate aspiration. But the rights and freedoms, which are certainly powerful factors for development, require in turn for their full blossoming viable economic and social conditions. Therefore there is an undeniable built-in dynamic relationship between human rights, democracy and development.
We are now in the midst of a period of fertile historical change reflected in the number of events generated between States and even within nations. While we cannot predict the future with certainty, we can safely believe that mankind now has available to it, thanks to the enormous progress of science and technology, a whole set of means which, when put at the service of our common good, can move us towards a happier future. Each day that passes strengthens the ties between the various parts of our planet. In the light of the numerous challenges facing our age, this calls for collective action and the strengthening of the institutions of interdependence, broad-based agreement and co-operation. In this perspective, the United Nations remains the most appropriate framework in which to harmonise the views of all nations for common purposes. The grave crisis it experienced in the 19308 enabled it to carry out worthwhile reforms to increase its efficiency of operation. It is to be hoped that with renewed political will the Member States will give it the means to work as it should.
The fathers of our Organisation conceived - through the purposes, principles and objectives of the Charter - an ideal world based upon peace, international co-operation and the well-being of all. The dawn of the third millennium, by, virtue of the great hopes it has aroused, offers the opportunity so far to enter a decisive phase in the progress of mankind towards that better world.


On behalf of the Liberian delegation I should like at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. We extend our best wishes for success in the execution of the responsibilities that this high calling entails. In this undertaking I assure you of the fullest co-operation of the Liberian delegation. Indeed, your consummate diplomatic skills and wealth of experience in international affairs assure us that the current session will be marked by laudable accomplishments, thus contributing to the noble goals of the United Nations,
I also have the keenest pleasure in conveying the sincere appreciation of the Liberian delegation to your illustrious predecessor. Ambassador Joseph N. Garba, a distinguished son of Nigeria and Africa, for the most efficient manner in which he conducted the business of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
My delegation commends the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his untiring efforts in the cause of international peace and security. His selfless devotion to the United Nations has brought a renewed sense of appreciation for the role multilateral diplomacy can play in the realisation of mankind's cherished dream of a stable international environment.
We welcome the Republic of Namibia as it takes its seat for the first time at a regular session of the General Assembly as a sovereign and independent State. My delegation also welcomes the Principality of Liechtenstein as the newest member of this body.
I have come to this rostrum with great sadness because, even as I speak, a tragedy continues to unfold in my country, Liberia - a country which attained its independence 143 years ago out of man's inherent aspiration to be free and to determine his own destiny.
Liberia, Africa’s oldest republic, and a founding member of the United Nations, is today experiencing a brutal and devastating civil war. Liberia, a country which has enjoyed peace and stability for most of its nationhood, is today being torn asunder. Liberia, a country of almost 3 million people, has been virtually destroyed, its population decimated and hundreds of thousands forced to become refugees abroad and displaced within their own homeland.
I take this podium on behalf of these innocent victims of the civil war to call on the international community to bring an end to that war, a war which continues to inflict incalculable loss of human life and property. On behalf of all Liberians I am duty-bound to represent here today, I call upon the Organisation to end this tragedy.
As Members, are aware, this crisis erupted on 24 December 1989 and has continued unabated until today, with no end in sight.
Early attempts to settle the conflict peacefully proved futile. Appeals were made to the United Nations and to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to prevail upon all parties to enter into negotiations aimed at peacefully resolving the crisis. Later the Liberian Council of Churches sought to mediate in the dispute, and when that failed, the Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of Hast African States (ECONAS) undertook mediatory efforts.
Following a further deterioration of the crisis, we appealed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 31 July 1990 to have the Security Council seized of this matter. Indeed, we argued that the Liberian conflict could not be viewed as a purely internal matter, since over 500,000 Liberians were refugees in neighbouring African countries, and the continuation of the conflict would adversely affect not only the stability of the subregion but International peace and security as well.
After consultations with the members of the Security Council, it was decided that the United Nations would defer to ECOWAS, which had earlier been a mediator in the conflict.
It is against that background that the Heads of State and Government of the Mediation Committee of ECOWAS, meeting in Banjul, the Gambia, on 6 August 1990 proposed a peace plan which, inter alia, called for: (1) an immediate cease-fire; (2) the dispatch of a peace-keeping force or cease-fire Monitoring group (BCCMOG) to ensure the Maintenance of the cease-fire; (3) the convening of a national conference of all Liberian political parties and other interest groups for consultations on the formation of a broadly based interim administration; and (4) the holding of free and fair elections within 12 Months.
As we are aware, ECOWAS was deployed in Liberia. At a conference held at Banjul, a group of Liberians, representing all recognised political parties and interest groups, elected an interim Government. Subsequently, on 9 September 1990, the Liberian lender, President Samuel Doe, was killed.
In spite of those developments, the civil war continues. The majority of the Liberian people are now the unfortunate victims of the crisis. They should not continue to be denied their inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness in a peaceful and stable political environment of their own choosing.
Indeed, recent events in Liberia should teach us that political change through violence only perpetuates a circle of violence and that the best hope for the country lies in the development and protection of its democratic institutions.
We therefore renew the call for all factions in the civil war to agree to an immediate cease-fire and urgently to enter into dialogue, so as to resolve the conflict peacefully, as envisaged by the BCONAS peace plan. It should be remembered that so long as the conflict remains unresolved, it is the Liberian people who will continue to suffer.
Let us at this time, however, acknowledge with grateful appreciation all countries and relief organisations which have unhesitatingly offered food, clothing, shelter and other assistance to my countrymen who were forced to flee Liberia, as well as to those who were displaced within the country. WE also thank all of those countries and individuals who continue to mediate in the Liberian crisis, and we pray for God’s blessing on each of you.
Similarly, we call upon those nations, institutions and individuals that, in any way, have contributed or continue to contribute to the human suffering in Liberia to bring an end to the civil war.
The wave of democratisation which has a swept across Eastern Europe must be allowed to flourish in countries like Liberia. And the United Nations has a Moral responsibility to support the advancement of the frontiers of freedom, and the development of democratic institutions throughout the world.
It is because of the rapprochement between the United States and the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war that opportunities have been unleashed for nations. As a result, we see the world today standing united against Iraq’s aggression against, and occupation of, Kuwait. A once divided Germany has been reunited. In Eastern Europe, countries which heretofore operated under rigidly controlled system, are breathing the refreshing air of freedom and democracy. Within this context, the Liberian delegation entertains the hope that the forging partnership of co-operation will lend itself to the identification of durable solutions to conflicts in Cambodia, Cyprus, the Middle East, Western Sahara, the Korean peninsula and Central America. We welcome and support expressions for the reunification of the Koreas and membership within the United Nations.
Indeed, the support of the BCOHAS peace plan is a direct result of the renewed willingness of the States Members of the United Nations to adhere to Article 52 of the Charter, which encourages the resolution of conflicts through regional arrangements.
But more needs to be done. There appears to be an urgent need to take a fresh look at the Charter of the United Nations, especially the provision calling for non-interference in the internal affairs of Member States. Perhaps the Secretary-General's insight into the problem provided a sobering reflection when, in his 1990 report on the work of the Organisation, he said:
"Today, in a growing number of cases, threats to national and international security are no longer as neatly separable as they were before. In not a few countries, civil strife takes a heavy toll on human life and has repercussion beyond national borders. The disintegration of the institutions of government and society in one country and senseless slaughter in another are two appalling instances. Separatism, by no means a rare phenomenon, causes strains on both the country directly affected and its immediate neighbours. Anarchy in one state means mass migration which unsettles the other.
The situation in Liberia undoubtedly fits this description. And in this case, the law of necessity superseded every legal norm. In the cause of humanity the United Nations is obligated and challenged to act to restore peace to Liberia.
Should the human rights of the people be violated? Should suffering and death be visited upon a people while the United Nations remain silent because the problems are perceived to be internal? Let the United Nations decide! Indeed, the rights of all peoples are indivisible and if the United Nations is to be true to its moral obligations under the Charter then it must be seen to act quickly in addressing human tragedy wherever they occur - in the Persian Gulf, the West Coast of Africa or elsewhere.
The urgent need of Liberia at this time is to end the fighting, install the interim government and demilitarize and disarm the many who bear guns and other weapons of destruction. That government would have the primary task of organising and holding, within 12 months, free and fair elections under international supervision. There are also the formidable tasks of healing the national wounds, resettling the over two million displaced Liberians and reconstructing the country and its economy which have been devastated by war. There is also the task of restoring faith to the Liberian people who are undergoing mental and physical torture.
In order to address these challenged confronting Liberia, we request the Members of the Organisation and the Secretary-General urgently to assist Liberia to achieve three major objectives: first, the United Nations is requested to use its moral authority and influence to end the civil war and support the ongoing peace initiative; secondly, the world body is called upon to provide urgent humanitarian assistance to displaced Liberians as well as material and financial assistance for their resettlement and for the reconstruction of war-torn Liberia and, thirdly, the Liberian people desires the development of democratic institutions and calls upon the United Nations to provide technical assistance in supervising the holding of democratic elections in Liberia.
As we approach the twenty-first century there is an urgent need for the energies and resources of the international community to be focused on the remaining issues on the agenda of the twentieth century. If our accomplishments in the resolution of conflicts are to be lasting, we must also demonstrate the requisite will to achieve co-operation designed to redress inequities in international economic relations. There are appalling disparities between the rich Worth and the impoverished South. We must therefore resolve that the East-West confrontation will not be supplanted by an imminent North-South divide.
Pertinent among the remaining issues is the looming problem of underdevelopment, particularly in the third world. Abject poverty, manifesting itself through ignorance, disease and various social ills, defies amelioration by individual States. In this respect, concrete solutions can be found if concerted international action is launched to bridge the widening gap in economic prosperity between the North and the South. The Liberian delegation associated itself with the recommendations of the South Commission that under United Nations auspices, periodic summits of loaders from a representative group of developed and developing countries be convened to review the world economic situation, particularly the examination of the interrelationship among the various components of the world economy. Liberia remains ever hopeful that the United Nations, with its current enhanced status, is poised and ready to meet these challenges.
Liberia, a founding Member of the Organisation, is experiencing a national catastrophe. Today, history has ordained that we serve as the conscience of our people and call upon the United Nations with utmost urgency to address the situation in Liberia and help bring an immediate end to the tragic civil war.
A few days ago, in this very Hall, 71 Heads of State and Government committed themselves to giving children α better future. Our children, Liberian children, like all other children of the world, are bleeding, sick, starving, without shelter and, more important, without hope. Can this body allow the destruction of not only Liberia's future but of the world's future to go unnoticed? I ask you in the name of God and humanity to come to Liberia's aid in recognition of the fact that we are indeed our brother's keeper.


My Government views this forty-fifth session of the General Assembly as one which is of particular importance to the international community, especially as it has been convened at a time when the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations need to be reaffirmed, upheld and defended by Member States. This session is also taking place amidst increasing concerns on the part of small States over specific events and policies which are not conducive to the progressive development of our countries. During the latter part of 1989 and early 1990 the international community had great expectations of a peaceful decade ahead. We were optimistic that we should be able to begin seriously to address the difficult issues of underdevelopment and economic inequities, thus creating the basis for a durable peace, respect for the rights of the individual, justice and democracy. Recent events, however, constitute a set-back to peace and progress as we await the fuller articulation of the Middle East crisis.
It is in this uncertain and challenging environment that ray delegation wishes to extend congratulations to you, SIR, on your election as President of the General Assembly at this forty-fifth session and to express our confidence that you will guide the work of this session to positive results. My delegation wishes to express its profound thanks and highest commendations to Mr. Garba for his exemplary conduct of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is also pleased to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for his tireless efforts for peace throughout the world.
I bring to the forty-fifth session warm greetings from the newly elected Government of Grenada. The elections were the second since the sad events which befell our country during October 1983. Today the people of Grenada are able to exorcise their democratic rights in a free society.
My Government has instituted mechanisms for affective consultation with our people on key issues of national concern. At present, we are actively preparing for the , re—introduction of local government to enable our citizens to participate in the management of their own affairs. These political institutions, rooted in respect for the rights of the individual and the rule of law, are seriously guarded by our Government and people. On the economic front, my Government has carefully prioritised its major macro-economic goals so as to create the conditions for sustained growth and balanced development? Sadly, however, public finances continue to be hard-pressed and, in April of this year, suffered a serious blow with the unfortunate occurrence of a massive fire which destroyed our nation's financial complex. The damage amounted to several million dollars and has further set back our recovery. It has also weakened our ability to properly service our debts and our membership contributions to certain international organisations.
However, I wish to give the assurance that my Government is committed to observing the principles enshrined in the Charter and is prepared to conduct its international relations on the basis of this commitment and in accordance with the stated norms and standards of international law.
Happily, this session is not required to address the question of the independence of Namibia. The people of Namibia have at last chosen their leaders. Grenada notes with satisfaction the crucial role played by the United Nations in helping to bring about independence for Namibia. My delegation wishes to especially welcome Namibia as a full Member of the United Nations and to extend warmest greetings to its delegation.
I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome Liechtenstein to the family of nations and to convey our best wishes to its delegation.
It cannot be denied that the peculiar circumstances of small States tend, unfortunately, to produce opportunities for the execution of unlawful schemes by radical groups, and for acts of aggression by States, in total disregard of the inalienable rights of peoples to determine their own destinies in freedom and by peaceful means. Quite recently, the Caribbean region was again assaulted by an attempt to overthrow the constitutionally elected Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago - an act which was strongly condemned by my Government.
The failure of this attempt strengthens and reinforces the democratic process of choosing leadership by constitutional means. But this development does not only serve to underscore the patent vulnerability of small States and to demonstrate that threats to peace and security can emerge from any quarter, but also provides opportunities for developed States to show greater sensitivity to the conditions affecting small States. Furthermore, such incidents highlight the relevance of mechanisms of collective action as envisaged by the Charter of the United Nations, especially as it relates to the legitimate security concerns and political survival of these States.
The Government of Grenada is anxious to receive concrete assurances that less-developed disadvantaged States, in general, and small island developing countries, in particular, will not be the net losers in current attempts aimed at buttressing political change in Eastern Europe by directing massive financial and economic assistance to those countries.
While we welcome political changes in Eastern Europe, my Government will continue to appeal for higher and more diversified levels of assistance for countries such as ours and for a significant relaxation of disabling conditionalities regularly imposed by international financial institutions. Such developments, we contend, will help to avoid economic, social and political instability with their attendant consequences.
The amelioration of conditions of poverty and the gradual development of our societies will not be realised if, in the process, we experience environmental dis-benefits, a real threat to human life exists today, expressed in terms of the phenomenon of global warming, pollution, the destruction of vital ecosystems and the dumping of toxic waste and other hazardous substances. These negative side effects of technological advancement and industrial development can deal significant blows particularly to smaller countries whose fragile economies can hardly provide resources for the effective management, control and combating of those conditions. My Government fully supports the development of mechanisms designed to address the problems associated with environmental hazards and calls for the commitment of adequate financial and other resources for this purpose. Accordingly, Grenada looks forward to the United Nations-sponsored Conference on the Environment and Development scheduled for 1992 in Brazil.
Hardly a country among us has been spared the scourge of illegal drugs. The destruction of the social fabric of modern societies has been accompanied by the gradual erosion of the political authority of many States, as the narco-traffickers intensify their death-bearing actions.
Success in the fight against drugs in a small island State will depend on the co-ordination of policies, on the regional and international levels, aimed at reducing the production of, the demand for, and traffic in illegal drugs and substances. The resources required for effective action on this front are clearly not available to small States, which are particularly vulnerable as transit-points for the drug trade. Accordingly, within the context of the international anti-drug campaign, my Government anticipates greater levels of international collaboration and co-operation in addressing problems of drug production, trafficking, addiction, interdiction and rehabilitation.
The beginning of the decade has brought with it enormous change. In the world political landscape, notably in Eastern Europe and Latin America where Millions of people have been able to freely elect governments of their choice. We have witnessed relaxation of tension and a retreat from cold-war conditions between the super-Powers. Important steps towards nuclear disarmament have also been taken. My Government welcomes these positive developments. However, we are cognisant of the existence of other sources of tension which require urgent attention and settlement.
The ink had hardly dried on the Iraq-Iran truce; we had not completed paying a tribute to the valiant work of the illustrious Secretary-General and his special envoys who had mediated that settlement, when a new threat to peace and stability in the Middle East, and the world at large, emerged.
Grenada condemns the aggressive actions of the Iraqi regime in invading and annexing the territory of Kuwait, and urges the immediate and peaceful withdrawal of its troops. My government fully supports Security Council resolution· 660 (1990) and 661 (1990), and calls upon Iraq to adhere to the principles of international relationship· as inscribed in the United Nations Charter. It is my country's fervent hope that this crisis will be settled peacefully.
In July 1988, my Party, which now forms the Governing of Grenada, was instrumental in forwarding the signatures of 12,000 Grenadians petitioning for the release of freedom, fighter Nelson Mandela. This petition, of which we are justly proud, added the Grenadian voices to the millions of others around the world calling for justice on his behalf.
My Government applauds the release of Nelson Mandela, and notes with interest the minor adjustment to the infrastructure of apartheid. However, to the extent that the goal of majority rule remains unattained in South Africa, Grenada urges the intensification of economic sanctions against the Pretoria regime so as to cause the rapid demise of the apartheid system and to secure respect for human equality, dignity and freedom.
My delegation is hopeful that significant progress will be achieved in ongoing talks, concerning Cambodia so that peace can return to the people of that suffering country.
We are also extremely anxious for a negotiated settlement of the Korean question in accordance with the preferences of the Korean people and through mechanisms which they believe can facilitate the goal of Korean reunification. The historical circumstances and political considerations which inspired the exclusion of these sovereign States from the United Nations have abated sufficiently to allow the Korean people a voice in this august body, a right which they are fully competent to exercise. Notwithstanding the fact that reunification has thus far proven to be illusive, my government conceives of no justifiable basis for the continued denial of full membership in the United Nations of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, if the latter so wishes.
In the Caribbean region, my government fully supports efforts to assist Haiti in developing political and institutional arrangements that would allow the people of that country to choose a Government, un-coerced by the threat or use of force, and lay the basis for sustained democratic practices. My Government takes this opportunity also to reaffirm its commitment to the regional integration process, which is so essential to the survival and development of the Caribbean region, especially in the light of the emergency of new trading and economic blocs in this region of the world.
My Government wishes to congratulate the people of Nicaragua on their hold step in favour of peace and democracy. Of course, there are tremendous challenges to be met in the process of reconstruction and consolidation, and our best wishes are extended to the Government and the people of Nicaragua. At the same time, my Government notes with concern the unsettled situation in El Salvador. Granada supports efforts by the United Nations to mediate in peace talks between the Government of El Salvador and the FMLN. Generally, we look forward to the complete success of the peace process in Central America, and applaud those regional leaders, in particular the former President of Costa Rica and Nobel Peace Prise winner, Oscar Arias Sanchez, who have played such a critical role in the movement towards peace, stability and democracy.
My Government wishes to commend the initiative of those world leaders whose vision and determination led to the convening of the recently concluded World Summit for Children. May I take this opportunity to inform the General Assembly that Grenada has taken all steps necessary for the immediate ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is our hope that Member States will find it possible to become parties to the Convention at the earliest opportunity. My government is currently engaging the nation in public discussion on draft legislation to protect the rights of children in accordance with the United Nations Convention.
Throughout the world, the co-operative movement plays a vital role in the economic and social life of many people, millions of whom participate in credit unions and producer co-operatives, thereby providing valuable resources and opportunities for mutual co-operation and self-help. My Government recognizes the importance of co-operatives and is pleased to give support to the call that 1995 should be declared International Year of Co-operatives.
In conclusion, my delegation cannot allow this occasion to go by without commenting on the favourable trends manifested in the rapprochement between Scot and Hest, especially in the developments in Europe, with the historic turning-point that has taken place in the unification of Germany. My delegation extends sincere congratulations to the people of united Germany and to the unity Government that represents them.
These developments will provide new opportunities for the creation of a free, democratic and pluralistic Europe based on peaceful co-operation. Furthermore, the increasingly close co-operation between the United States of America and the Soviet Union is seen as a positive development which will significantly strengthen the role of the United States in fulfilling its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, and has heightened the possibility of resolving the formidable global challenges facing the world community.
My delegation believes that this is the moment when the United Nations can once again play the central role for which it was envisaged at the very beginning. We believe that with the political will and the determination to pursue the noble objectives of the Charter of the Organisation, we might deliberate during this session for the benefit of all countries, and for Mankind.


I should like to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are all well acquainted with your superlative qualities and accomplishments. I therefore have no doubt that you will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion in the coming months. You my expect nothing but co-operation from the delegation of Saint Lucia.
I should also like to thank your predecessor, Major-General Joseph Garba, for the excellent manner in which he conducted our affairs during the forty-fourth session.
This year we have seen both expansions and reductions in the membership of the most important world Organisation. I am pleased to be able to note our loss of numerical membership with the unification of Yemen and the reunification of Germany. The unity of the peoples in these two countries speaks well for the brave new time in which we live, a time of hope and opportunity. We must not squander it.
The admission of a free, independent Namibia to membership of the United Rations earlier this year was the fulfilment of a dream; it took many years of struggle, both on the ground in South West Africa and on the diplomatic front here in New York. I am pleased, as everyone should be, that this struggle has reached a successful conclusion. I am therefore most honoured to welcome Namibia to the ranks of the Organisation.
Liechtenstein, too, after two centuries of international relations has joined the Organisation this year. I extend Saint Lucia's congratulations to the Government and people of Liechtenstein. We look forward to working closely with them far into the future.
These promising times give new urgency to the principle of the universality of the United Nations. Saint Lucia therefore strongly supports the aspiration of the Republic of Korea to membership in the United Nations, for, as has already been shown twice this year, membership in the United Nations need not be made an obstacle to national reunification.
The final decade of this millennium finds the world poised on the threshold of new opportunity, at a crossroad from which there is a choice of direction. We may go down new roads of political peace and economic opportunity, or we may choose the status quo ante business as usual.
But we, today's generation of leaders, must choose carefully, lest future generations condemn us for having squandered precious opportunities. We cannot allow behaviour, in the Persian Gulf or elsewhere, not in consonance with our purposes to shatter the march of progress.
The twilight of totalitarianism seems to be returning some parts of the world to the brink of a frightening resurgence of nascent nationalism, threatening to unleash a latent ethnic parochialism that can lead not to national unity but to international balkanisation. If ethnic nationalism, whether in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe or South Africa, spies out of control, we shall be plunged into a dangerous new world of balance-of-power politics, with constantly shifting coalitions that can only reach a denouement of forceful consolidation.
The new political order must be buttressed by an enhanced international security system, within the purview of the Charter of the United Nations, that promotes the peaceful settlement of disputes and can react quickly to extinguish fires before they rage out of control. In this, the Decade of International Law, the rule of law must predominate in the conduct of international relations. International law must never again be silent in the face of naked power.
In this vein, the world has justly condemned the invasion and occupation of Kuwait by Iraq. It is a blatant act of raw aggressions which will long live in infamy, not only because it is a wicked act of aggression of a large, militarily strong, State against a small, weaker neighbour - but also because it comes at a time when the arrow is pointed in the direction of peace, destroying the opportunity for a new Peace of Westphalia, and again bringing the world to the brink of another major war. As a small, peace-loving State, Saint Lucia finds the Iraqi political position to be totally indefensible, and we hope that Iraq will come to recognize that its military position is untenable as well. Saint Lucia hails the members of the Security Council for their unprecedented co-operation on this matter, and we have already taken the necessary domestic actions to ascertain that we are in full compliance with the Council's mandates. Our hearts go out to the thousands of people/ both Kuwaitis and foreigners, whose lives were disrupted by this invasion.
In fine, it was wrong for powerful Iraq to have invaded a powerless neighbour, thus violating its sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is right that the United Nations should unite its strength to force the aggressor to remove itself from Kuwait. For what is right can never be wrong, and what is wrong can never be right.
As the cold war has ended, the United Nations too has come in from the cold. Friends of the Organisation have long said that if it did not exist it would have to be invented. Saint Lucia is pleased that it does exist, and now in its forty-fifth year is stronger and more vigorous than ever before in solving the problems we continually create.
Indeed, the past few years have been the years of the United Nations. Again and again the Organisation has been a good broker of peace, both in domestic and in international ware, and has entered bold new electoral areas, such as in Namibia and Nicaragua, to ensure that the voice of the people calling for the enthronement of democracy is not denied a just hearing.
The people of Haiti too, who have suffered for far too long, look to the Organisation to assist them in going with the tide of democracy that is sweeping the world. Legalistic notions of strict constructionism vis-à-vis the Charter should not be used to throw obstacles in the way of the people of Haiti as they seek to shed their authoritarian legacy and rebuild an economy that can only be described as war torn. We in the Caribbean Community see our own fate as linked to that of the people of Haiti, not only until the December elections but forever more. Haiti, therefore, cannot be allowed to miss this last train. Within the purview of the Organisation of American States (OAS), Saint Lucia has already dispatched an electoral team to Haiti. We look forward to doing the same within the ambit of the United Nations as well.
The seeds of destruction of the vile system of apartheid have been sown with the release of Nelson Mandela and the unbanning of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), setting South Africa on an ineluctable course to genuine democracy. There can be no turning back. Saint Lucia is therefore most distressed by the fratricidal violence among ANC and Inkatha supporters that has claimed so many lives in the past few weeks. We hope that this internecine conflict will quickly come to an end, paving the way for a united front in the negotiations to end apartheid. The global community demonstrated its unanimity on the question of official racism only last month by its consensus adoption of the resolution at the resumed session of the General Assembly on apartheid. We can expect no leas a demonstration of solidarity from the victims of apartheid.
Saint Lucia praises the stops taken so far to bring apartheid to a long-overdue end but wishes to make it for over clear that the removal of economic sanctions will be supported only when real democracy has come to South Africa through the adoption of a system of "one man, one vote".
Unfortunately, we continue to have a number of problems that have proved intractable and thus resistant to the tide of change and conciliation that has been sweeping the world. The Palestinian intifadah has passed its one-thousandth day and continues unabated with no end in sight. The Palestinian dream of a homeland, therefore, seems as far away as it ever was, having been dealt a regressive blow by the current terrible events in the Persian Gulf region.
The long-term conflicts in Angola, Mozambique and the Horn of Africa have yet to reach final solutions, and new problems in Liberia cause us great concern. The same is true in Cyprus, where no progress has been made in the talks between the leaders of the two Cypriot communities.
However, in other areas, such as Cambodia and Western Sahara, we are on the road to comprehensive settlements, and Saint Lucia continues to support the efforts and involvement of the United Nations.
Despite scattered pockets of bellicosity, the world, for the first time in many decades, stands at the periphery of the possibility of international peace. With a sweep of the political wand, we are well on the way to revising the historical definition of East and Host. The traditional definition of North-South, too, must be revised, and that will take a political decision of an economic nature, a decision which will turn the Plan of Action for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade into an economic and fiscal blueprint for the development of the South.
Having failed to attain the majority of the goals and objectives of the Third Development Decade, it is critical, especially in today's volatile international economic atmosphere, that the goals of the Fourth Development Decade, which I expect we shall adopt unanimously in the coming weeks, should be addressed with a purposeful seriousness by both North and South in order to promote their realisation with all deliberate dispatch.
Last May we adopted the Declaration on International Economic Co-operation and Development, setting out an agreed understanding for the revitalisation of economic growth and development of the developing countries, so as to realise the basic rights of all human beings to a life free .from hunger, poverty, ignorance, disease and fear.	-
That Declaration, in our view, reflects an international consensus on the critical economic situation of the developing countries when viewed in the aggregate. Close to 1 billion people in the developing world still live in a state of chronic hunger and malnutrition, and each year 13 to 18 million of them die because of hunger.
Last year the developed market economies grew by 3.5 per cent, continuing their longest period of economic expansion in post-war history. However, at the same time, 1989 growth in the developing countries was at its lowest, in six years, down by almost 1.5 per cent from the year before, even though the collective value of their exports did increase by some $80 billion.
In my own region, Latin America and the Caribbean, the 1980s have aptly been given the designation of the "Lost Decade". At the end of 1989 real per capita product in the region stood at the level of 13 years earlier. The rate of growth declined from 5.5 per cent in the 19708 to just over 1 per cent in the 1980s. As a result, per capita gross domestic product this year is almost 10 per cent lower than it was in 1980.
Between 1980 and 1988 Latin America’s terms of trade fall by about 25 per cent. However, it was even worse for Africa and East Asia, as their terns of trade fell by almost 40 par cant. A major economic crisis was averted by an almost equal decline in fuel prices, amounting to about 50 per cent, during the same period. But, even as I speak, the terms of trade continue to decline for many non-oil-exporting developing countries as the cost of fuel, ignited by the crisis in the Persian Gulf region, is again going up, affecting the man-in-the-street in the South and the collective meagre foreign exchange reserves of many poor countries. This could create a critical economic situation, given the fact that most of the affected countries entered the 19908 under the burdens of the recessionary inertia of the 1980s and their heavy external commitments.
As we enter the final decade of the country, the Latin American and Caribbean region continues to be beset by major shortcomings, including the increasing obsolescence of its stock of capital goods and physical infrastructure, a growing gap between the intensive technological changes taking place in the world and their lack of application in the region, and the frustration of an ever-increasing number of people trying to enter the work-force. In fact, this year may well b, the third consecutive year of negative per capita growth in Latin America.
In the decade of the 1980s, political interaction in Latin America, was strengthened, but public institutions were weakened. While popular political participation became the modus vivendi, structural adjustment had an extremely high social cost for the middle-level and popular strata. Thus, vast numbers of people made political gains while they progressively lost economic support.
Fledgling democracies are often endangered by lack of economic foundations which allows for an equal rate of growth of political and economic development. President George Bush's Enterprise of the Americas, with its tripartite pillars of trade, investment and debt reduction, is therefore timely.
In meeting these challenges, we in the region have taken many bold initiatives, aimed at consolidating and buttressing the economic potentialities of the region. High on this agenda of initiatives is the economic integration of the 34 million people of the Caribbean into the larger continental Latin subregion. Those activities have been given a great fillip by recent actions of the Government of Mexico, taken both at the level of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari himself.
In the Commonwealth Caribbean subregion, we are extremely delighted that the historic, linguistic, demographic and other criteria that have long separated us from Latin America are falling by the wayside as we have come to recognise that the things that bind us are far greater than those that separate us. We look forward to this deepening of the integration process, always mindful to remain in compliance with the most-favoured-nation provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Though Saint Lucia is not among the least developed countries, those countries are high on our list of concerns. As the 300 to 400 million people of Western Europe look forward to a bright and prosperous future beyond the watershed expectations of "fortress Europe" in 1992, the 300 to 400 million people of the least developed countries look forward only to a bleak economic future.
In the 1990s growth in the least developed countries did not roach expectations, achieving only about one third of the 7.2 per cent target of the Substantial New Programme of Action which was adopted in 1981. This was aggravated by the decline in investments in the least developed countries by about 2 per cent per year through the 19808; and during the same period, agricultural output in the last developed countries failed to keep pace with population growth. Both the share of world exports and the terms of trade of the least developed countries have been on a seemingly inevitable downward slide as the modest Official Development Assistance target of 0.15 per cent which they expected was not realised.
The failure of last Month's Paris meeting to reach a new, agreed official development assistance target for the least developed countries is therefore most discouraging.
Nine of the 42 least developed countries face the additional, monumental difficulty of also being small island-developing countries.
In a rapidly changing economic world, small island-developing countries struggle to keep pace, weighed down by a host of peculiar developmental problems, among which are poor resource endowments; reliance on a few primary export products; extremely small domestic markets; limited possibilities for industrialisation and, therefore, little opportunity for import substitution; almost total dependence on foreign capital and social and physical infrastructure; and, certainly not least among these particular problems, the proneness to natural disasters.
In 1980, nearly 90 per cent of my country's gross domestic product was destroyed by a hurricane. Fiji suffered a similar fate more recently, losing more than 40 per cent of its sugar output. The same is true of Tonga, where in 1962 a hurricane destroyed 50 per cent of the housing and 90 per cent of the banana crop. Saint Lucia is therefore gratified that the Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme will have more resources available for disaster mitigation in the fifth programming cycle. We also see as positive the successful outcome of the first Meeting of the Governmental Experts of Island Developing Countries and Donor Countries and Organisations, which we held in June this year. It was the first small step by the global community in recognising that small island-developing countries have particular problems and special needs that are different from those of developing countries in general.
The stagnation in international trade in the last decade has left a residual legacy of protectionism in the developed market countries that cannot be justified by their current unemployment trends. Non-tariff measures continue to reduce world trade by over $300 billion annually. The successful conclusion of the Uruguay Sound in the coming months should usher in a more liberal trading regime to the benefit of both North and South.
We the members of the Caribbean Group for Co-operation in Economic Development (OECD), though members of a number of preferential trading arrangements, experienced average unit-price declines for our total exports. This meant that over the past decade we have had to export more and more goods to earn the same level of income. And had we in aggregate not had modest increases in our exports of manufactured goods, declining primary commodity prices would have negatively affected all of our balance sheets.
On the positive side, prospects for multilateral development assistance improved last year as commitments rose to $35 billion, of which $2 billion were commitments for the operational activities of the United Nations. And net resource transfers to developing countries, through multilateral development loans, rose by some $3.5 billion.
The economic integration process of the developing world also improved last year as we in the Caribbean community gave new impetus to our trading relations under the Treaty of Chagaramus, and we saw the signing of the Asian-Pacific Economic Co-operation Forum Agreement, the Arab Maghreb Union Treaty and the Arab Co-operation Council Agreement.
In conclusion, then, we are poised on the periphery of a new political dawn. But we must seize the day in the economic realm also, especially in the developing countries, for political tranquillity cannot thrive in the midst of economic and social deprivation.


On behalf of the Malawi delegation. I have much pleasure in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to preside over this forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your qualifications and wide experience in international affairs have already been well stated by others who have preceded us. We are confident. therefore, that under your leadership and guidance the Assembly will achieve positive results in its work. In wishing you success, I also assure you of the Malawi delegation's utmost co-operation as you carry out the enormous tasks and responsibilities entrusted to you.
My delegation equally congratulates your predecessor, Mr. Joseph V. Garba of Nigeria. The past 12 months presented the General Assembly with a very busy schedule, which, apart from the many resumed sittings of the forty-fourth regular session itself, also included three very important special sessions. Mr. Garba presided over the work of all those sessions with efficiency and effectiveness. As we congratulate him on a job well done, we also wish him all the very best for the future.
On behalf of the Malawi delegation, I am happy to applaud our esteemed Secretary-General. Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his steady stewardship of our Organisation as it has continued its work of promoting international peace and security, understanding and co-operation. We also pay tribute to all his staff for their outstanding dedication to duty, at times even in the face of extremely difficult personal and professional circumstances. We hope that they can find satisfaction, pride and renewal in seeing their assignments, particularly the difficult ones, come to a successful and beneficial conclusion. We note that one such was the year-long assignment undertaken between April 1989 and March 1990 by the men and women who comprised the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG), which helped Namibia through this final and most difficult process of transformation from an illegally controlled colony to a proud new sovereign State.
Before going any further, I should like, on behalf of the people and Government of Malawi, warmly to welcome Liechtenstein, the newest Member of our Organisation. As already noted by others, Liechtenstein's admission moves us a step closer to full realisation of the universality of the United Nations.
My delegation notes from the Secretary-General's report to the Assembly that until the advent of the grave developments in the Persian Gulf on 2 August, the international situation had been characterized by general peace and tranquillity. Significantly, in certain regions where strife and conflict had hitherto come to be almost regarded as the norm peace and calm had returned at last.
We note with interest also some of the other momentous and historic developments that have occurred during this period. In Africa, for instance, the last chapter of European colonialism finally closed. Meanwhile, in Eastern Europe we witnessed the once formidable Iron Curtain brought crashing down as the order which had been established behind it after the Second World War was swept away in a political earthquake whose aftershock continues to be felt in far-away places.
However, my delegation has further observed that, although there has been considerable positive development in the political sphere, natters have not been quite the same in other areas. Thus, for instance, despite the apparently wide focus given to economic problems, especially those affecting developing countries, very limited concrete achievements can be identified. Ironically, some of the very developments in the political sphere that have rightly been welcomed have themselves appeared further to compound some of the existing economic problems.
In view of the many issues and problems, some new and some perennial, set out by the Secretary-General in his report, and reflected in the Assembly's agenda, it is the sincere hope of the Malawi delegation that this session will strive for practical results.
We in Malawi are most encouraged by the further positive progress that has been achieved in eliminating or reducing the areas of tension around the world and has thus increased the prospects of wider international peace and stability.
In this connection, we note with pleasure, for instance, that, following the successful start in the implementation of the Arias Plan, adopted in 1987 as a means for bringing about an end to the regional conflicts in Central America, peace has been returned to that area. We have no doubt that the Plan will be successfully implemented in all the affected parts of the region.
The ending of years of war will not result overnight in the elimination of all the problems that confront the countries concerned. However, peace will make it possible for them to harness more of their national energies and resources, both human and material, towards social and economic development.
We have followed with keen interest developments in the Far East, and have been encouraged by the continuing dialogue between North and South Korea on ways to reunite their divided motherland. We have been particularly encouraged that for the first time there has been direct contact at the high level of Prime Ministers. We in Malawi support and encourage these endeavours, which can only contribute towards a positive outcome.
As regards the Cambodian question, we are greatly encouraged by the considerable progress that has been achieved under the aegis of the five permanent members of the Security Council in the search for a viable solution. We welcome the establishment of the Supreme National Council. Needless to say, developments have now reached a critical and delicate stage. We would therefore urge all those with central roles to play to avoid precipitate decisions and actions that might jeopardise further progress. My Government has taken note of the Secretary-General's continued efforts in the quest for a solution to the question of Cyprus. We have similarly followed his efforts to implement agreements already reached on the problems of Afghanistan and Western Sahara. Permit me to reiterate Malawi's support for all these dialogues and endeavours.
Since last October a major political revolution has swept through Eastern Europe. As a result, the Socialist order established in the region after the Second World War has for the most part been replaced by a new one based on the respective peoples' democratic aspirations. Malawi hopes that the peoples of Eastern Europe will be able finally to achieve the political, social and economic objectives to which they aspire.
Among the major results of the Eastern European revolution has been to facilitate the reunification of the two Germanys, which takes effect in a few hours. I take this opportunity, on behalf of the people of Malawi, to congratulate the German people as they become a single nation again. We wish them well for the future. My delegation expresses Malawi's belief that a reunified Germany will be a positive force in promoting international unity, understanding and co-operation.
It is particularly comforting to be able for once to talk about our own region, southern Africa, with some justified optimism. In this connection perhaps the most important development in the region has been the accession of Namibia to independence on 21 March of this year. I would therefore, on behalf of the Malawi delegation and the Malawi Government, extend once again to the Government and the people of Namibia our warm congratulations.
However, not all the political problems that have hitherto confronted southern Africa have now been evolved. For, with the exception of the question of Namibia, moat of the issues on the southern Africa agenda remain unresolved. The insurgencies in Angola and Mozambique continue unabated, while apartheid with all its adverse implications remains in place in the Republic of South Africa.
With regard to Angola, we regret the apparent failure of the much-heralded agreement reached at Gbadolite, Zaire, in Jun· 1989, to bring about a settlement of the 2.4-year-old Insurgency carried out against the Government of that country by the bandits of the Union for the Total independence of Angola (UNITA). Indeed, we are concerned at the apparent escalation and widening of hostilities between the forces of the two sides in recent times. In the circumstance, therefore, we are encouraged by the recent reaffirmation by the Government of Angola of its commitment to seeking a peaceful solution. We in Malawi support the Angolan Government's efforts and we appeal to those external forces that would seek to fish in the perceived muddy waters in Angola to weigh carefully the grave consequences of their actions, not only for Angola and the Angolan people but for the whole southern African region.
When he addressed the Assembly in October last year the leader of the Malawi delegation applauded what he described as the courageous step taken by the leader of Mozambique, His Excellency President Joaquim Chissano, in inviting the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) to enter unconditionally into negotiations with his Government so as to bring about an end to the conflict that has ravaged that country during the past 16 years.
We note that since then the Mozambique Government has pursued every avenue towards establishing a dialogue with SEMAMO. We in Malawi were therefore pleased to learn recently that following the direct contacts by representatives of the two sides they had agreed to hold further meetings. And we have been even more pleased and encouraged to hear that the Central Committee of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) decided last July to open up the political process in the country to all, so that even SERANO would be free to participate in national life. My government believes that this FBSLZMO decision and the other policies introduced by the Mozambique government during the past two years have already net most, if not all, of the conditions previously demanded by RENAMO before it could end its insurgency. We therefore hope very sincerely that RENAMO will seize this opportunity to demonstrate its patriotism and that, together with the Government, it will help to Leal the national wounds and create in Mozambique the necessary conditions whereby all Mozambicans can work together for the social and economic development of their beautiful country.
Following the changes in Namibia, we have welcomed developments in the Republic of South Africa. We have been encouraged by the practical signs of the South African Government's apparent determination to fulfil its undertaking to end the present universally condemned system of apartheid. as manifested by, among other things, the unbanning of political groups and the release of political prisoners, especially Mr. Nelson Mandela, Deputy President of the African National Congress (AHC). We very much welcome the release of Mr. Mandela.
None of these measures taken thus far by the South African Government can in any way be construed of themselves as constituting the dismantling of apartheid. Indeed, it could well be said that they do not meet the conditions set by the international community, including the General Assembly, for the relaxation of pressure on South Africa and for its readmission as a bona fide member of the community of nations. Nevertheless, it is our view that the steps taken thus far, limited though some of them maybe, constitute significant progress. We believe that the initiation, at last, of the dialogue now taking place between the South African Government and the leaders of the ANC was in large part facilitated by these very measures Meanwhile, the dialogue itself has already contributed towards creating the conditions in which the process of realising all the political, social and economic goals set by the majority in that country and supported by the international community could begin.
In our view the issue ought not to be whether there should be returns to one side or to the other for actions and measures taken towards bringing about this positive change in South Africa. Rather, we believe that it is more important - and it would certainly be ,ore helpful - for the international community to acknowledge these positive developments sad encourage further steps so as to help accelerate the solution of that country's political problems. In that way, we believe, will real progress be achieved. For, as the saying goes, even a journey of a thousand miles begins with the first step.
My Government supports the dialogue now going on in South Africa and we are encouraged by the progress achieved so far. We are therefore greatly concerned about the likely adverse effect that certain recant developments, especially the escalation in factional violence, could have on the future of the process now set in train towards the holding of constitutional negotiations.
Meanwhile, my delegation wishes to express Malawi's pleasure at the dramatic change in the atmosphere that has taken place in southern Africa since South Africa embarked on the path to peaceful change. For the first time in decades the subregion has enjoyed relative peace and tranquillity. We welcome this and look forward to the restoration of permanent peace and security in the subregion. This would enable all States in southern Africa to direct all their energies and national resources towards the social and economic development of their respective peoples.
I wish to express my delegation's extreme concern over the deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. In the past 12 months we have witnessed an apparent abandonment of the search for a peaceful solution to the Palestinian question. We have also seen hopes for a return to peace in the Persian Gulf dashed as that area has been plunged into a fresh conflict with serious implications for international peace and security, on the one hand, and for international economic stability and development, on the other.
With regard to the Palestinian question, Malawi deeply regrets the termination of the dialogue between the United States end the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). We also regret the abandonment by the Israeli Government of its own widely supported plan for initiating a political dialogue between itself and the Palestinians in the occupied territories as £ prelude to constitutional negotiations. In our view that return to the status quo ante of "no war, no peace" is not the way to make progress. It will only make the search for a peaceful solution even more difficult. Indeed, we have already noted with dismay the resurgence of wanton violence since the cessation of all dialogue.
We therefore wish to call upon all the parties to the Palestinian question to reconsider their positions and to give peace another chance. Peace can be achieved through the resumption of dialogue, either bilaterally or multilaterally, in the context of an international conference in which all the parties would participate equally and without preconditions.
As for the situation in the Persian Gulf, my Government deeply regrets the invasion of Kuwait and the forcible removal of its Government. Malawi opposes as a matter of principle the use or threat of use of force by one State against another. We oppose even more strongly the menacing of a smaller State by a bigger one, as in the present instance, for the purpose of compelling the smaller State to bow to the letter's will. Such actions threaten international peace and security and must not be condoned.
In our view, Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait, apart from threatening peace and security in the Persian Gulf and in the Middle East in general, also pose, through their adverse effects on fossil-oil prices, a threat to international economic stability and development, especially for developing countries.
Accordingly, Malawi supports the role played by the United Nations, through the Security Council, and also supports the regional efforts by Arab States in seeking to resolve this crisis through an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all Iraqi troops from Kuwait.
Despite the continued existence of areas of conflict and tension, we remain confident that, given the growing co-operation between the super-Powers, the prospects for wider international peace and security are better now than ever before. Thus, the co-ordinated response and subsequent joint initiatives taken by the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics over the Kuwait crisis are a hopeful portent for future global security.
In the mean time we have seen how, as a result of increased bilateral United States-USSR understanding and co-operation, East-West tension has virtually disappeared. Indeed, earlier this year the cold war, which had shaped international relations since the Second World War, was declared to be over. We note that since then the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the countries of the Warsaw Pact have embarked upon a search for ways in which the two former rival organisations can now forge co-operation between them.
In view of those circumstances, it is Malawi's hope that we shall at least see more positive progress in other areas of security, particularly in arms reduction and disarmament. We thus welcome the Secretary-General's report, which indicates that there has been some progress in SOME of the work of the Disarmament Commission. We further note that progress has also been achieved in bilateral negotiations on arms reduction between the United States and the Soviet Union. In this contest, I should like to express Malawi's satisfaction at the agreements reached earlier this year which make possible the start of mutual reductions in NATO and Warsaw Pact armed forces stationed in Europe. We consider that to be a major achievement.
Meanwhile we have paid attention to the outcome of the Fourth Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons held at Geneva last month, and we look forward to the Amending Conference on the partial test-ban Treaty. We believe that the time is now right for that Treaty to be expanded into a complete and comprehensive one. At a time when the world is said to have gone beyond the cold war and is instead embracing understanding and co-operation, we can see no further need for the testing, let alone production, of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. We therefore hope that the Amending Conference to be held in January 1991 will be able to take the correct decision on this question.
Malawi hopes that with both disarmament among the major Powers and arms reduction among the other countries now becoming a reality, it will be possible to examine again, with a view to possible implementation, the recommendations contained in the Final Document prepared for the special session on disarmament held at New York in 1988, which the Assembly failed to adopt. Notwithstanding the argument then adduced against assuming the existence of an automatic correlation between disarmament and development, we are inclined to believe that the now widely touted idea of a peace dividend does in fact confirm the validity of such an assumption.
Therefore we would also urge the weapon-possessing states, as they begin to look seriously at disarmament and examine alternative areas for the deployment of the resources previously spent on the armed forces and armaments industries, to consider that it could be equally to their economic advantage if the alternative industries could help promote economic development in the developing countries. We believe that that proposal is worth serious considerations.
My government has been encouraged by the apparent increased attention paid during the past 12 months to international economic co-operation and especially to bow to address the problem of the developing countries. We note that in addition to being part of the agenda of the yearly summit meetings of the industrialised countries, the problems of developing countries have also been the subject of at least two United Nations-sponsored meetings, namely, the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, held in April, and the second United Nations Conference on Least developed Countries, held last month.
With regard to the eighteenth special session, however, we, as a least developed country, were rather disappointed that the session chose not to consider the problems confronting such countries. Even though those were already scheduled to be considered later at a Conference especially devoted to the problem of least developed countries, we believe that it would have been most appropriate and beneficial to have had them examined in a more global context as well, so that their solutions could also be part of a comprehensive plea of action. For, although unique in some ways, the problem of the least developed countries are no different from those of other countries. They stem from the sane root and have the same consequences, only in a more concerted form.
My Government was, of course, pleased that the special session was able to accept some of the proposals long advanced by the developing countries as means to resolving their economic plight. Among these was the need to make loans from international financial institutions, for example, the World Bank, amenable to rescheduling; another was the need to recognise that the development of social infrastructures, such as hospitals and schools, is equally essential to national economic development and therefore eligible for financing with loans granted at concessionary rates.
However, we were disappointed that the developed countries once again resisted proposals aimed at addressing directly the debt crisis, the existing trade imbalances and barriers, low commodity prices and the need for substantial transfers of technology to developing countries. Instead, they insisted again on prescribing formulas that have already proved either inappropriate or ineffective, while at the same time introducing new conditions for granting aid. In our view, some of these conditions would seem to encourage and justify interference in a recipient country's internal affairs. Unfortunately, these conditions have since also received endorsement at other meetings of developed donor countries.
Malawi supports the growing international concern about seeking solutions to the various social problems confronting the international community. We especially applaud the leading role that the United Nations has taken on several of these, for example in the fight against the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) pandemic and the scourge of international drug trafficking, as well as in promoting the welfare of children. As regards the latter, we have just seen for ourselves the UNICCF-sponsored World Summit for Children, held here last weekend which is said to have been attended by the largest gathering of Heads of State in history.
Regrettably, the countries most affected by these problems are those whose need to survive economically often leads them to ignore or otherwise accommodate the unacceptable situations which these problems create. We, therefore, regard as cynical and most unfortunate the suggestions made by some developed countries that the affected developing countries should bear greater responsibility for solving such problems as that of illicit narcotic drug production and trafficking. We would suggest, instead, that if the developed countries did more to facilitate more rapid development in the developing countries, the present problems might not exist at all, or they would have been easier either to eliminate or to contain.
It is for these and other reasons that Malawi would appeal for a more objective and pragmatic consideration of how best to promote meaningful and mutually beneficial North-South co-operation. The North has to help bring about a more rapid developed South. We remain convinced that an economically stable and healthy South is in the economic interest of the north; the world cannot achieve real security and stability as long as a large section of it remains economically, socially and politically unstable and insecure.
My delegation wishes to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Government of Malawi, its appreciation for the assistance which it has continued to receive from the international donor community, especially from the United Nations and its various agencies. This has enabled it to deal with some of the consequences of the political insecurity and instability confronting our subregion. There are signs at last which would suggest that the causes of the existing situation could finally be eliminated. Until then, we shall continue to need external assistance in coping with those problems, such as the influx of refugees, whose number increases every day.
We are also grateful to the United Nations, as well as to other donors, for their continued support for our national development effort. We value this assistance very much.
In closing, allow me to wish the Assembly success in its deliberations. The delegation of Malawi looks forward to making its own modest contribution to this goal.